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CONCISE    DICTIONARY 
 
 BIBLE 
 
 5 
 
 ITS  ANTIQUITIES.  BIOGRAPHY,  GEOGRAPHY, 
 AND  NATURAL  HISTORY. 
 
 CONDENSED    FROM   THE   LAKOEK   WORK. 
 
 EDITED 
 
 By  WILLIAM    SMITH,    D.C.L.,    LL.D. 
 
 i  lie  tjolden  Caadlestick. 
 
 THIRD  EDITION. 
 
 WITH    MAPS    AND    300    ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 LONDON: 
 JOHN    MURRAY,    ALBEMARLE    STREET. 
 
 1872. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 This  Condensation  of  the  '  Dictionary  of  the  Bible '  has  been  made 
 by  ]VIr.  William  Aldis  Wright,  M.A.,  Librarian  of  Trinity  College, 
 Cambridge,  under  my  direction  and  superintendence.  It  is  intended  to 
 satisfy  a  generally  expressed  wish  for  an  account  of  the  most  recent 
 Biblical  studies  in  a  form  adapted  for  universal  circulation.  A  Dic- 
 tionary of  the  Bible,  in  some  form  or  another,  is  indispensable  for 
 every  family.  The  Divine,  the  Scholar,  and  all  who  seek  to  investi- 
 gate thoroughly  the  various  subjects  connected  with  the  Bible,  and  to 
 master  those  controversies  which  are  now  exciting  such  deep  and 
 general  interest,  must  stiU  have  recourse  to  the  Larger  Dictionary; 
 but  to  students  in  the  Universities,  and  in  the  Upper  Forms  at 
 Schools,  to  private  families,  and  to  that  numerous  class  of  persons 
 who  desire  to  arrive  at  results  simply,  this  Concise  Dictionary  will, 
 it  is  believed,  supply  all  that  is  necessary  for  the  elucidation  and 
 explanation  of  the  Bible.  It  is  the  main  object  of  the  Editor  to 
 place  within  the  reach  of  every  Christian  household  a  popular 
 abstract  of  a  Work  which  has  received  the  approval  of  those  most 
 competent  to  express  an  opinion  on  the  subject. 
 
 Wm.  SMITH. 
 
 London,  November,  18C5. 
 
LIST    OF    CONTRIBUTOIiS. 
 
 ALFORD,  HKNRY,  D.D., 
 
 IJean  of  Canterbury. 
 
 BAILEY,  HENRY,  B.D., 
 
 Warden  of  St.  Au'^nstine's,  Canterbury. 
 
 BARRY,  ALFRED,   D.D., 
 
 Principal  of  King's  Coll.,  Lomlun 
 BEVAN,  W.   L.,  M.A., 
 
 Vicar  of  Hay. 
 BLAKESLEY,  J.  AV.,  B.D., 
 
 Canon  of  Canterbury. 
 
 BROWN,  T.   E.,  M.A., 
 
 Vice-E'rincipal  of  King  William's  Coll  ,  Isle  of  Man. 
 
 BROWNE,  R.  W.,  M.A., 
 
 Archdeacon  of  Bath. 
 
 BROWNE,  E.  HAROLD,  D.D., 
 
 Bishop  of  Kly. 
 BULLOCK,  W.  T.,  M.A., 
 
 Secretary  of  the  S  I'.}. 
 
 CLARK,  SAMUEL,  M.A. 
 
 Vicar  of  Bredwardine  with  Brobury. 
 
 COOK,  F.  C,  MA., 
 
 Canon  of  Exeter. 
 COTTON,  G.  E.  L.,  D.D., 
 
 Late  Bishop  of  Calcutta. 
 DA  VIES,  J.  LLEWELYN,  M.A., 
 
 Rector  of  Christ  Church,  Marylebone. 
 
 DAY,  G.  E.,  D.D., 
 
 Cincinnati,  Ohio. 
 DEUTSCU,  E.MANUEL, 
 
 University  of  Berlin,  and  British  -Museum. 
 DRAKE,  WILLIAM,  M.A., 
 
 Hon.  Canon  of  Worcester. 
 
 EDDRUP,  E.  P.,  M.A., 
 
 I'linclpal  of  the  Theological  College,  Salisbury. 
 
 ELLICOTT,  C.  J.,  D.D., 
 
 Bishop  of  Gloucester  and  Bristol. 
 FARRAR,  F.  W.,  M.A., 
 
 Assistant  Master  at  Harrow. 
 FERGUSSO.N,  JAMES,  F.R.S., 
 
 Royal  Institution  of  British  Architects. 
 FFOULKES,  EDMUND  S.,  M.A., 
 
 Latt!  Fellow  of  Jesus  Coll.,  O.xford. 
 FITZGERALD,  WILLIAM,  D.D,, 
 
 Bishop  of  Killaloe. 
 GARDEN,  FRANCIS,  M.A., 
 
 Subdean  of  the  Chapel  Royal. 
 GOTCH,  F.  W.,  LL.D., 
 
 Hebrew  K.xarainer,  University  of  London. 
 
 GROVE,  GEORGE, 
 
 Sydenham. 
 HACKETT,  H.  B.,  D.D., 
 
 Newton,  Massachusetts. 
 HAWKINS,  ERNEST,  B.D., 
 
 Late  Canon  of  Westminster. 
 
 HAYMAN,  HENRY.  1)  D  , 
 Head  Master  of  Kujiby  School. 
 
 HERVEY,  LORD  ARTHUR,  D.D., 
 
 IJisliop  of  Hivth  andWells. 
 HESSEY,  JAMES  A.,  D.C.L., 
 
 Head  Master  of  Mercliaiit  Taylors'  School. 
 HOOKER,  JOSEPH  D,  M.D.,  F.It.S., 
 
 Royal  Hotanic  (Jardens,  Kew. 
 HORNBY,  J.  J.,  D.D., 
 
 Head  Master  of  Eton. 
 
 HOUGHTON,  W.,  M.A., 
 
 Rector  of  Preston,  Salop. 
 HOWSON,  J.  S.,  D.D., 
 
 Dean  of  Chester. 
 HUXTABLE,  EDGAR,  M.A., 
 
 Subdean  of  AV^ells. 
 JONES.  W.  BASIL,  M.A., 
 
 A  rchdeacon  and  Prebendary  of  York. 
 LAYARD,  A.   H.,  D.C.L., 
 
 Jlinister  at  Madrid. 
 LEATHES,  STANLEY,  M.A., 
 
 Professor  of  Hebrew,  King's  Coll.,  London. 
 LIGHTFOOT.  J.  B.,  D.D., 
 
 Hulsean  Professor  of  Divinity,  Cambridge. 
 MARKS,  D.  W., 
 
 Professor  of  Hebrew,  University  Coll.,  London. 
 MEYRICK,  FREDERICK,  M.A., 
 
 Prebendary  of  Lincoln. 
 OPPERT,  PROFESSOR, 
 
 Of  Paris. 
 ORGER,  E.  R.,  M.A., 
 
 Fellow  and  Tutor  of  St.  Augustine's,  Canterbury. 
 ORMEROD,  THOM.\S  J.,  M.A., 
 
 Archdeacon  of  Suffolk. 
 PEROWNE,  J.  J.  S.,  B.D., 
 
 Vice-I'rlncipal  of  St.  David's  Coll.,  Lampeter. 
 PEROWNE,  THOS.  T.,  B.D., 
 
 Fellow  of  C.C.  Coll.,  Cambridge. 
 PHILLOTT,  H.  W.,  M.A., 
 
 Rector  of  Staunton-on-Wye. 
 PLUMPTRE,  E.  H.,  M.A., 
 
 Professor  of  Divinity,  King's  Coll.,  London. 
 POOLE,  E.  STANLEY,  xM.R.A.S., 
 
 South  Kensington  Museum. 
 POOLE,  R.  STUART,  M.R.S.L., 
 
 British  Museum. 
 PORTER,  J.  L..  M.A., 
 
 Author  of  '  Handbook  of  Syria  and  Palestine.' 
 PRITCHARD,  CHARLES,  M.A., 
 
 Late  Fellow  of  St.  John's  Coll.,  Cambridge 
 RAWLINSON,  GEORGE,  M.A., 
 
 Camden  Professor  of  Ancient  History,  O.xford. 
 
 ROSE,  H.  J.,  B.D., 
 
 Archdeacon  of  Bedford,  Rector  of  Houghton  Conquest 
 
 SELWYN,  W.,  B.D., 
 
 Margaret  Professor  of  r)ivinity,  Cambridge. 
 SMITH,   WILLIAM,  D.C.L.,  LL.D., 
 
 Kditor. 
 STANLEY.  ARTHUR  P.,  D.D.. 
 
 Dean  of  Westminster. 
 STOWE,  CALVIN   E.,  D.D., 
 
 Andover,  MassachusetLs. 
 THOMSON,  J.  P.,  D.D., 
 
 New  York. 
 THO.MSON,  WILLIAM,  D.D., 
 
 Archbishop  of  York. 
 THRUPP,  J.  F.,  M.A., 
 
 I>ate  Vicar  of  Barringtoii. 
 TWISLETON,  HON.   EDW.,  M.A., 
 
 I.jite  Fellow  of  Baliol  Coll.,  O.\ford 
 VENABLES,  EDMUND,  M.A., 
 
 Prebendary  of  Lincoln. 
 WESTCOTT.  B.  F.,  M.A., 
 
 Canon  of  Pctprbi>ronKli. 
 WRIGHT,  W.    ALDIS,  M.A., 
 
 Librarian,  Trinity  Coll.,  Cambridce. 
 
LIST  OF  ILLUSTK4TI0NS. 
 
 1.  Jerusalem       Frontispiece. 
 
 2.  The  Golden  Candlestick Title  Page. 
 
 3.  Acre         To  face  page      11 
 
 4.  Antioch „  49 
 
 5.  Arimatr^a  (Ramlah)          „  65 
 
 6.  Athens  restored,  from  the  Pntx „  79 
 
 7.  Bethany         „  109 
 
 8.  Pool  of  Bethesda        „  111 
 
 9.  Bethlehem „  113 
 
 10.  Damascus        „  185 
 
 11.  Wilderness  of  Engedi  and  Dead  Sea „  245 
 
 12.  Plain  of  Esdbaelon „  253 
 
 13.  Gadara „  277 
 
 14.  Gaza        „  281 
 
 15.  Hebron „  317 
 
 16.  Jerusalem. — Mount  of  Olives  and  Jerusalem    ....  ,,  379 
 
 17.  Jezreel „  407 
 
 IS.  Laodicea          ..      „  453 
 
 19.  Ltdda       „  487 
 
 20.  Nain        ,,  593 
 
 21.  Nazareth        „  595 
 
 22.  Pergamos         „  711 
 
 23.  Philippi „  725 
 
 24.  Eome  restored      „  799 
 
 25.  Sardis  and  Mount  Tmolus        „  825 
 
 26.  The  Dead  Sea       „  835 
 
 27.  Mount  Seir .,,  841 
 
 28.  Mount  Tabor         „  917 
 
 29.  Tarsus      „  923 
 
 30.  Thtatiba         „  941 
 
 31.  Tiberias '.      .,  943 
 
 32.  Zabephath  (Sabepta) „  1025 
 
LIST  OF  ILLUSTKATIONS. 
 
 SEPARATE   MAPS. 
 
 33.  The  Holy  Land,  to  illustrate  the  Kew  Testament  To  face  page    395 
 
 34.  The  Holy  Land  divided  among  the  Twelve  Tribes  ..  „  673 
 
 35.  St.  Paul's  First  and  Second  Missionary  Journeys   ..  „  693 
 
 36.  St.  1'aul's  Third  Missionary  Journey „  697 
 
 37.  Solomon's   Dominions,   the    Kingdoms  of    Judah    and 
 
 Israel,  and  the  Lands  of  the  Captivities       ....  „  891 
 
 38.  Wanderings  of  the  Israelites        „  1007 
 
 MAPS  INSERTED  IN  THE  TEXT. 
 
 Page 
 
 39.  Plan  of  Jerusalem 389 
 
 40.  Map    of    Palestine,    to  illustrate    the   Physical   Features   of 
 
 the  Country 66^ 
 
A    CONCISE 
 DICTIONAEY    OF    THE    BIBLE. 
 
 A'alar.     [Add  an.] 
 
 Aaron  the  son  of  Amram  and  Jochebed,  and 
 the  elder  biotlier  of  Moses  and  Miiiam  (Num.  xxvi, 
 59,  x.xxiii.  39).  He  was  a  Levite,  and  is  first  men- 
 tioned in  Ex.  iv.  14,  as  one  who  could  "  speak  well." 
 He  was  appointed  by  Jehovah  to  be  the  Interpreter 
 and  "Mouth"  (Ex.  iv.  16)  of  his  brother  Moses, 
 who  w<\s  "  slow  of  speech ;"  and  accordingly  he 
 was  not  only  the  organ  of  communication  with  the 
 Israelites  and  with  Pharaoh  (Ex.  iv.  30,  vii.  2), 
 but  also  the  actual  instrument  of  working  most  of 
 the  miracles  of  the  Exodus.  (See  Ex.  vii.  19,  &c.) 
 Thus  on  tlie  way  to  Mount  .Sinai,  duniig  the 
 battle  with  Amalek,  Aaron  is  mentioned  with  Hur, 
 as  staying  up  the  weary  hands  of  Moses,  when  they 
 were  lifted  up  for  the  victory  of  Israel  (not  in 
 prayer,  as  is  sometimes  explained,  but)  to  bear  the 
 rod  of  God  (see  Ex.  xvii.  9).  Through  all  this 
 period  he  is  mentioned  as  dependent  upon  his  bro- 
 ther, and  deriving  all  his  authority  from  him.  The 
 contrast  between  tliem  is  even  more  strongly  marked 
 on  the  amval  at  Sinai.  Jloses  at  once  acts  as  the 
 mediator  (Gal.  iii.  19)  for  tlie  people,  to  come  near 
 to  God  for  them,  and  to  speak  His  words  to  them, 
 .■^aron  only  appioaches  with  Nadab,  and  Abihu,  and 
 the  seventy  elders  of  Israel,  by  special  command, 
 near  enough  to  see  God's  glory,  but  not  so  as  to 
 enter  His  immediate  presence.  Left  then,  on  Moses' 
 departure,  to  guide  the  people,  Aaron  is  tried  for  a 
 moment  on  his  own  responsibility,  and  he  falls,  not 
 from  any  direct  unbelief  on  his  own  part,  but  from 
 a  wealv  inability  to  withstand  the  demand  of  the 
 people  for  %-isible  "  gods  to  go  before  them."  Pos- 
 sibly it  seemed  to  him  prudent  to  make  an  image 
 of  Jehovah,  in  the  well-known  form  of  Egyptian 
 idolatry  (Apis  or  Mnevis),  rathei'  than  to  risk  the 
 total  alienation  of  the  people  to  false  gods;  and  his 
 weakness  was  rewarded  by  seeing  a  "  feast  to  the 
 Lord"  (Ex.  xxxii.  5)  degraded  to  the  lowest  form 
 of  heathenish  sensuality,  and  knowing,  from  Moses' 
 words  and  deeds,  that  the  covenant  with  the  Lord 
 was  utterly  broken.  There  can  hardly  be  a  stronger 
 contrast  with  this  weakness,  and  the  self-convicted 
 shame  of  his  excuse,  than  the  burning  indignation  of 
 Moses,  and  his  stem  decisive  measures  of  vengeance  ; 
 although  beneath  these  there  lay  an  ardent  affection, 
 which  went  almost  to  the  verge  of  presumption  in 
 prayer  for  the  people  (Ex.  xxxii.  19-34),  and  gained 
 forgiveness  for  Aaron  himself  (Deut.  ix.  20). — 
 Aaron  was  now  consecrated  by  Jloses  to  the  new 
 office  of  the  high-priesthood.  The  order  of  God  for 
 *jhe  consecration  is  found  in  Ex.  xxix.,  and  the  record 
 af  its  execution  in  Lev.  ^nii.  The  form  of  con- 
 secration resembled  other  sacrificial  ceremonies  in 
 containing,  first,  a  sin-offering,  the  form  of  cleansing 
 from  sin  and  reconciliation  [Sin-offering]  ;  a 
 bunit-offering,  the   symbol   of  entire  devotion  to 
 
 Con.  d.  B. 
 
 AARON 
 
 God  of  the  nature  so  purified  [Burnt-offering  |  ; 
 and  a  meat-offering,  the  thankful  acknowledgment 
 and  sanctifying  of  God's  natural  blessings  [Meat- 
 OFFERINg].  It  had,  however,  besides  these,  the 
 solemn  assumption  of  the  sacred  robes  (the  garb  of 
 righteousness),  the  anointing  (^the  symbol  of  God's 
 grace),  and  the  offering  of  the  ram  of  consecration, 
 the  blood  of  which  was  sprinkled  on  Aaron  and  his 
 sons,  as  upon  the  altar  and  vessels  of  the  ministry, 
 in  order  to  sanctify  them  for  the  service  of  God. 
 The  former  ceremonies  repiesented  the  blessings 
 and  duties  of  the  man  ;  the  latter  the  special  con- 
 secration of  the  priest. — The  solemnity  of  the  office, 
 and  its  entire  dependence  for  sanctity  on  the  ordinance 
 of  God,  were  vindicated  by  the  death  of  his  sons, 
 Nadab  and  Abihu,  for  "  offering  strange  fire"  on  the 
 altar  (Lev.  x.  1,  2).  From  this  time  the  history  of 
 Aaron  is  almost  entirely  that  of  the  priesthood, 
 and  its  chief  feature  is  the  great  rebellion  of  Korah 
 and  the  Levites  against  his  sacerdotal  dignity,  united 
 with  that  of  Dathan  and  Abiram  and  the  Reubenites 
 against  the  tempoi-al  authority  of  IMoses  [Korah]  . 
 The  true  vindication  of  the  reality  of  Aaron's 
 priesthood  was,  not  so  much  the  death  of  Korah 
 by  the  fire  of  the  Lord,  as  the  efficacy  of  his 
 offering  of  incense  to  stay  the  plague,  by  which  he 
 was  seen  to  be  accepted  as  an  Intercessor  for  the 
 people.  The  blooming  of  his  rod,  which  followed, 
 was  a  miraculous  sign,  visible  to  all,  and  capable 
 of  presei^vation,  of  God's  choice  of  him  and  his  house. 
 — -The  only  occasion  on  which  his  indi\idual  cha- 
 racter is  seen  is  one  of  presumption,  prompted  as 
 before  chiefly  by  another,  and,  as  before,  speedily 
 repented  of.  The  mumiuring  of  Aaron  and  Miriam 
 against  IMoses  clearly  proceeded  fiom  their  trust, 
 the  one  in  his  priesthood,  the  orher  in  her  prophetic 
 inspiration,  as  equal  commissions  from  God  (Num. 
 xii.  2).  It  seems  to  have  vanished  at  once  before 
 the  declaration  of  Moses'  exaltation  above  all  pro- 
 phecy and  priesthood,  except  that  of  One  who  was 
 to  come.  On  all  other  occasions  he  is  spoken  ot 
 as  acting  with  Jloses  in  the  guidance  of  the  people. 
 Leaning  as  he  seems  to  have  done  wholly  on  him, 
 it  is  not  strange  that  he  should  have  shared  his  sin 
 at  Meribah,  and  its  punishment  [MoSEs]  (Num. 
 XX.  10-12).  Aaron's  death  seems  to  have  followed 
 very  speedily.  It  took  place  on  Motmt  Hor,  after 
 the  transference  of  his  robes  and  office  to  Eleazar, 
 who  alone  with  IMoses  was  present  at  his  death, 
 and  perfoimed  his  burial  (Num.  xx.  28).  This 
 mount  is  still  called  the  "  jMountain  of  Aaron." 
 [HOR.] — The  wife  of  Aaron  was  Elisheba  (Ex.  vi. 
 23);  and  the  two  sous  who  survived  him,  Eleazar 
 and  Ithamar.  The  high-priesthood  descended  to  the 
 foiTner,  and  to  his  descendants  until  the  time  of  Eli, 
 who,  although  of  the  house  of  Itham.ar,  received  the 
 high-priesthood,  and  transmitted  it  to  his  children ; 
 with  them  it  continued  till  the  accession  of  Solo- 
 
 B 
 
2  AB 
 
 mon,  who  took  it  from  Abialhar,  and  restored  it  to 
 Zadok  {o(  the  house  of  Eleazar),  so  fulrilling  tlie 
 prophecy  of  1  Sam.  ii.  30. 
 
 Ab  (fiither),  an  element  in  tlie  composition  of 
 many  proper  names,  of  which  Abba  is  a  Chaldaic 
 form,  the  sylhible  allixed  givins;  the  emphatic  fojce 
 of  the  detinite  article.  Applied  to  God  by  Jesus 
 Christ  (Mark  xiv.  36),  and  by  St.  Paul  (Rom.  viii. 
 15  ;  Gal.  iv.  6). 
 
 Ah.     [Months.] 
 
 Ab  acuc,  2  Esdr.  i.  40.     [IIabakkuic] 
 
 Abaddon,  Rev.  ix.  U.     [Apollyon.] 
 
 Abadias  =  Obadiah,  son  of  Jehiel  (lEsd. 
 viii.  ■)•")  1. 
 
 Abagtba,  one  of  the  seven  eunuchs  in  the 
 I'ersiuu  court  of  Aha-;uerus  (Esth.  i.  10). 
 
 Ab'ana,  one  of  the  "  rivei-s  of  Damascus" 
 '■■J  K.  V.  12).  The  Bai-ada  and  the  A>raj  are  now 
 the  chief  streams  of  Damascus,  and  there  can  be 
 little  doubt  that  tlie  former  of  these  represents  the 
 Abana  ami  the  latter  the  I'harpar  of  the  te.\t.  The 
 Barada  rises  in  tlie  Antilibanus,  at  about  23  miles 
 from  the  city,  after  (lowing  through  which  it  runs 
 across  the  ]ilain,  till  it  loses  itself  in  the  lake  or 
 marsh  liahnt  d-Kihlhjch. 
 
 Ab'arim,  a  mountain  or  range  of  highlands 
 on  the  east  of  the  Jordan,  in  the  land  of  Moab 
 CDeut.  xxxii.  49),  focing  Jericho,  ami  ibrmiug  the 
 eastern  wall  of  the  Jordan  valley  at  that  part.  Its 
 most  elevated  sjiot  was  "  the  Jlount  Nebo,  '  head  ' 
 of  '  the '  Tis^rah,"  from  which  Moses  viewed  tiie 
 Tromised  Land  before  his  de.ath.  There  is  nothing 
 to  prove  that  the  Abarim  were  a  range  or  tract  of 
 any  length,  unless  the  Ije-Abaiim  ("  heaps  of  A.") 
 named  in  Num.  xxxiii.  44,  and  which  were  on  the 
 south  frontier  of  Moab,  are  to  be  taken  as  belonging 
 to  them.  These  mountains  are  mentioned  in  Num. 
 ixvii.  12,  x.x.xiii.  47,  48,  and  Deut.  xxxii.  49;  also 
 probably  in  .ler.  xxii.  20,  where  the  word  is  len- 
 der.'d  in  the  A.  V.  "  passages." 
 
 Ab'ba.     [An.] 
 
 Ab'da.  1.  Father  of  Adoniram  (1  K.  iv.  G). — 2. 
 .Son  of  Shammua  (N'eh.  xi.  17),  called  Obiidiah  in 
 1  Chr.  ix.  IG. 
 
 Abdeel,  father  of  Shelemiah  (Jer.  xxxvi.  26). 
 
 Ab'di.  1.  A  Meraiite,  and  ancestor  of  Ktlian  the 
 singer  (1  Chr.  vi.  44).— 2.  The  father  of  Kish,  a 
 Merarito,  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah  (2  Chr.  xxix.  12). 
 —3.  One  of  the  Bene-Elam  in  the  time  of  Kzi-a,  who 
 had  married  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  26). 
 
 Abdiaa,  2  Esdr.  i.  39.     [Obadiaif.] 
 
 Ab'diel,  son  of  Guni  and  father  of  Ahi,  one  of 
 the  Gadites  who  were  settletl  in  the  land  of  Bashan 
 (1  Chr.  V.  1.5)  in  the  daj's  of  Jotham  king  of  Judah. 
 
 Ab'don.  1.  A  judge  of  Israel  (Judg.  xii.  13, 
 l.'j),  perhaps  the  same  pei"son  as  Bedan  in  1  Sam. 
 xii.  11.— 2.  Son  of  Sh.ishak  (1  Chr.  viii.  23).— 
 3.  Fiist-born  son  of  Jehiel,  son  of  (Jibeon  (1  Chr. 
 viii.  30,  ix.  35,  3G).— 4.  Son  of  Micah,  a  contem- 
 porary of  Josiah  (2  Chr.  xxxiv.  20),  called  Ach- 
 bor  in  2  K.  x.xii.  12.— 6.  A  city  in  the  tribe  of 
 Asher,  given  to  the  Gei-shonites  (Josh.  xxi.  30 ; 
 1  Chr.  vi.  74). 
 
 Abed'nego  (i.  e.  servant  of  Netjo,  perhaps  the 
 s;ime  as  Xcho),  the  Chaldaean  name  given  to  .Azariah. 
 one  of  the  three  friends  of  Daniel,  miraculously  saved 
 from  the  tiery  furnan<  f  Dan.  iii).      [AzAUIAIl.] 
 
 AImI,  in  llebr.  He'bel  (i.e.  brenth,  vapour, 
 transitorincss,  pi()bal)ly  so  ciilh'd  from  the  shortness 
 nfhislilb),  the  second  son  of  Adam,  murdered  by 
 his  brother  Cain  (Gen.  iv.  l-IG).     Jehovah  showerl 
 
 ABEL 
 
 respect  for  Abel's  otfering,  but  not  for  that  of  Cam. 
 because,  according  to  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews 
 (xi.  4),  Abel  "  by  faith  offered  a  more  excellent  sa- 
 crifice than  Cain."  The  expression  "  sin,"  i.e.  sin- 
 offering,  "  lieth  at  the  door"  (Gen.  iv.  7),  seems  to 
 imply  that  the  need  of  sacrilices  of  blood  to  obtain 
 forgiveness  was  already  revealed.  Our  Lord  spoke 
 of  Abel  as  the  first  martyr  (Matt.  xxii.'.  35)  ;  so 
 did  the  early  church  subsequently.  The  place  of 
 his  murder  and  his  grave  are  pointed  out  near  Da- 
 mascus ;  and  the  neighbouring  peasants  tell  a  cu- 
 rious tradition  respecting  his  burial  (Staiilev,  .9.  ^• 
 P.  p.  4131. 
 
 A'bel,  the  name  of  sevei  al  places  in  Palestine, 
 probably  signiHos  a  meadow.  1.  A'REL-BiiTll- 
 Ma'achah,  a  town  of  some  importance  ("  a  city 
 and  a  mother  in  Israel,"  2  Sam.  xx.  19),  in  the 
 extreme  N.  of  Palestine;  named  with  Dan,Cinneroth, 
 Kedesh ;  and  as  such  falling  an  early  prey  to  the 
 invading  kings  of  Syria  (1  K.  xv.  20)  and  Assyria 
 (2  K.  XV.  29).  In  the  parallel  passage,  2  Chr.  xvi. 
 4,  the  name  is  changed  to  Abei  Maim,  "  Abel  on 
 the  waters."  Here  Sheba  was  overtalcen  and  be- 
 sieged by  Joab  (2  Sam.  xx.  14,  15);  and  the  city 
 was  saved  by  the  exercise,  on  the  part  of  one  of  its 
 inhabitants,  of  that  sagacit}'  for  which  it  was  pro- 
 verbial (18).  In  verses  14  and  18  it  is  simply  Alx'l, 
 and  in  14  is  apparently  distinguished  from  Beth- 
 m;uuhah. — 2.  A'uel-mizha'im,  i.  e.  the  mourn- 
 ing of  Egypt,  the  name  given  by  tJio  Canaanitos  to 
 the  door  of  Atad,  at  which  Joseph,  his  brothers, 
 and  the  Egyptians  made  their  mourning  for  Jacob 
 (Gen.  1. 1 1).  It  was  beyon<l  (on  the  e,nst  of)  .Jordan. 
 [Atad.]— 3.  A'bkl-siiit'tim,  "the  meadow  of  the 
 acacias,"  in  the  "plains"  of  Jloab ;  on  the  low 
 level  of  the  Jordan  valley,  as  contradistinguished 
 from  the  culti\ateil  "  fields"  on  the  upper  level  of 
 the  table-land.  Here — their  last  resting-place  before 
 crossing  the  Jordan — Israel  "  pitched  from  Beth- 
 jesimoth  unto  A.-Shittim  "  (Num.  xxxiii.  49).  The 
 place  is  most  frequently  mentioned  by  its  shorter 
 nameofShitfim.  [SiiiTTiM.]  Inthedaysof Josephus 
 it  was  still  known  as  Abila,  the  town  embosomed  in 
 palms,  GO  stadia  from  the  city.  The  town  and  the 
 palms  have  disappe.aied  ;  but  the  acacia-gi'oveis,  de- 
 noted by  the  name  Shittim,  still  remain,  "  marking 
 with  a  line  of  verdure  the  upper  terraces  of  the  Jor- 
 dan valley  "  (Stanley,  S.  4- P.  298\— 4.  A'liKL- 
 mk'holaii  ("meadow  of  the  dance"),  named  with 
 Beth-shean  and  Jokneam  (I  K.  iv.  12),  and  there- 
 fore in  the  N.  p;irt  of  the  Joi-dan  valley. 
 To  "the  border  (the  'lip'  or  'brink')  of 
 AI)el-meholah,"  and  to  Beth-shittah  (the  "  house  of 
 the  acacia"),  both  ])laces  being  evidently  down  in 
 the  Jordan  valley,  the  routed  Bedouin  host  floi 
 from  Gideon  (Judg.  vii.  22).  Here  Elisha  was 
 found  at  his  plough  by  Elijah  returning  up  the 
 valley  from  Hoieb  (1  K.  xix.  16-19).— 6.  A'UKI.- 
 Ck'kamim,  in  the  A.  V.  rendered  "the  plain  of  the 
 vineyards,"  a  place  castwanl  of  .Ionian,  beyond 
 Aroer  ;  named  ;us  the  point  to  which  Jephthah's  pui- 
 suit  of  the  Bene-.'\mmon  extended  (Judg.  xi.  33). 
 .An  -Mii'l  is  mentioned  by  Eusebius  at  G  miles  be- 
 yond Philadelphia  (llal)bah);  and  anofhor  more  to 
 the  N.  12  miles  E.  from  Gadara,  below  the  Hie- 
 romax.— 6.  "The  GRIAT  '.\KEL,'  in  tne  lieul  uf 
 .Joshua  the  Bethshomite"  (I  Sam.  vi.  18).  By 
 comparison  with  14  and  l.'i,  it  would  seem  that  for 
 Abel  should  be  read  A'iiTi  =  stone.  Our  translators, 
 by  the  insertion  of  "  stone  of,"  take  a  middle 
 coiir.se. 
 
ABEZ 
 
 A'bez,  a  town  in  the  possession  of  Issachar, 
 named  between  Kishion  and  Kemeth,  in  Josh.  xix. 
 20,  only. 
 
 A'bi,  mother  of  king  Hezekiah  (2  K.  xviii.  2). 
 The  name  is  written  Abijah  in  2  Chr.  xxix.  1.  Her 
 lather's  name  was  Zachariah.  He  was  peihaps  the 
 Zechariah  mentioned  by  Isaiah  (viii.  2). 
 
 Abi'a,  Abi'ah,  or  Abi'jah.  1.  Son  of  Becher, 
 the  son  of  Benjamin  (1  Chr.  vii.  8). — 2.  Wife  of 
 Hezron  (1  Chr.  ii.  24).— 3.  Second  son  of  Samuel, 
 whom  together  with  his  eldest  son  Joel  he  made 
 judge  in  Beereheba  (1  Sam.  viii.  2  ;  1  Chr.  vii.  2S). 
 The  corruptness  of  their  administration  was  the 
 reason  alleged  by  the  Israelites  for  their  demanding 
 a  king.— 4.  Abijah,  or  Abijam,  the  son  of  Keho- 
 boam"  (1  Chr.  iii.  10  ;  Matt.  i.  7).— 5.  Mother  of 
 king  Hezekiah.  [Abi.]— 6.  Descendant  of  Eleazar, 
 and  chief  of  the  eighth  of  the  24  courses  of  priests 
 (Luke  i.  5) ;  the  same  as  Abijah,  4. 
 
 Abi-Al'bon.    [Abiel.] 
 
 Abi'asapb  (Ex.  vi.  24),  otherwise  written 
 Ebi'asapb  (1  Chr.  vi.  23,  37,  ix.  19),  the  head 
 of  one  of  the  families  of  the  Korhites  (a  house  of 
 the  Kohathites),  but  his  precise  genealogy  is  some- 
 what uncertain.  In  Ex.  vi.  24,  he  appears  at  first 
 sight  to  be  represented  as  one  of  the  sons  of  Korah, 
 and  as  the  brother  of  Assir  and  Elkanah.  But  in 
 1  Chr.  vi.  he  appears  as  the  son  of  Elkanah,  the  son 
 of  Assir,  the  son  of  Korah.  The  natural  inference 
 from  this  would  be  that,  in  Ex.  vi.  24,  the  expression 
 "  the  sons  of  Korah "  merely  means  the  families 
 into  which  the  house  of  the  Korhites  was  subdi- 
 vided. Among  the  remarkable  descendants  of  Abi- 
 asaph,  according  to  the  text  of  1  Chr.  vi.  33-37, 
 were  Samuel  the  prophet  and  Elkanah  his  father 
 (1  Sam.  i.  1),  and  Heman  the  singer;  but  Ebiasaph 
 seems  to  be  improperly  inserted  in  ver.  37. 
 
 Abi'athar,  high -priest  and  fourth  in  descent 
 from  Eli,  who  was  of  the  line  of  Ithamar,  the 
 younger  son  of  Aaron.  Abiathar  was  the  only  one 
 of  all  the  sons  of  Ahimelech  the  high-priest  who 
 escaped  the  slaughter  inflicted  upon  his  father's 
 house  by  Saul,  at  the  instigation  of  Doeg  the 
 Edomite  (see  title  to  Ps.  Hi.  and  the  psalm  itself), 
 in  revenge  tor  his  having  inquired  of  the  Lord  for 
 David,  and  given  him  the  shew-bread  to  eat,  and 
 the  sword  of  Goliath  the  Philistine,  as  is  related  in 
 1  Sam.  ssii.  Abiathar  having  become  high-priest 
 tied  to  David,  and  was  thus  enabled  to  inquire  of 
 the  Lord  for  him  (1  Sam.  xxiii.  9,  xxx.  7  ;  2  Sam. 
 ii.  1,  V.  19,  &c.).  The  fact  of  David  having  been 
 the  unwilling  cause  of  the  death  of  all  Abiathar's 
 kindred,  coupled  with  his  gratitude  to  his  father 
 Ahimelech  for  his  kindness  (o  him,  made  him  a  firm 
 and  stedfast  friend  to  Abiathar  all  his  life.  Abiathar 
 on  his  part  was  firmly  attached  to  David.  He  ad 
 hered  to  him  in  his  wanderings  while  pursued  by 
 Saul ;  he  was  with  him  while  he  reigned  in  Hebron 
 (2  Sam.  ii.  1-3),  the  city  of  the  house  of  Aaron 
 (Josh.  xxi.  10-13)  ;  he  carried  the  ark  before  him 
 when  David  brought  it  up  to  Jerusalem  (1  Chr. 
 XV.  11  ;  1  K.  ii.  26) ;  he  continued  faithful  to  him 
 in  Absalom's  rebellion  (2  Sam.  xv.  24,  29,  35,  36, 
 xvii.  15-17,  xix.  11);  and  "was  afflicted  in  all 
 wherein  David  was  afflicted."  He  was  also  one  of 
 David's  chief  counsellors  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  34).  When, 
 however,  Adonijah  set  himself  up  for  David's  suc- 
 cessor on  the  throne,  in  opposition  to  Solomon,  Abia- 
 thar, perhaps  in  rivalry  to  Zadok,  sided  with  him, 
 Ri»i  was  one  of  his  chief  partisans,  while  Zadok  was 
 on  Solomon's  side.     For  this  Abiathar  was  banished 
 
 ABIDAN  3 
 
 to  his  native  village,  Anatliotli,  in  the  tribe  of 
 Benjamin  (Josh.  xxi.  18),  and  narrowly  escaped 
 with  his  life,  which  was  spared  by  Solomon  only  on 
 the  strength  of  his  long  and  faithful  service  to  David 
 his  father.  He  was  deprived  of  the  high-priesthood, 
 and  we  are  told  that  "  Zadok  the  priest  did  the 
 king  put  in  the  room  of  Abiathar"  (1  K.  ii.  27, 
 35).  There  are  one  or  two  difficulties  connected 
 with  Abiathar,  to  which  a  brief  reference  must  be 
 made.  (1.)  It  is  difficult  to  determine  the  position 
 of  Abiathar  relatively  to  Zadok,  and  to  account  for 
 the  double  high-priesthood.  Zadok,  who  was  de- 
 scended from  Eleazar,  the  elder  sou  of  Aaron,  is 
 first  mentioned  in  1  Chr.  xii.  28,  where  he  is  de- 
 scribed as  "  a  young  man  mighty  of  valour,"  and  is 
 said  to  have  joined  David  while  he  reigned  in  He- 
 bron. From  this  time  we  read,  both  in  the  books 
 of  Samuel  and  Chronicles,  of  "  Zadok  and  Abiathar 
 the  priests,"  Zadok  being  always  named  first.  And 
 yet  we  are  told  that  Solomon  on  his  accession  put 
 Zadok  in  the  room  of  Abiathar.  Perhaps  the  true 
 state  of  the  case  was,  that  Abiathar  was  the  first, 
 and  Zadok  the  second  priest ;  but  that  from  the 
 superior  strength  of  the  house  of  Eleazar,  which 
 enabled  it  to  funiish  16  out  of  the  24  courses  (1  Chr. 
 xsiv.),  Zadok  acquired  cousiderable  influence  with 
 Da^-id  ;  and  that  this,  added  to  his  being  the  heir  of 
 the  elder  line,  and  perhaps  also  to  some  of  the  pas- 
 sages being  written  after  the  line  of  Zadok  were 
 established  in  the  high-priesthood,  led  to  the  pre- 
 cedence given  him  over  Abiathar.  We  have  already 
 suggested  the  possibility  of  jealousy  of  Zadok  being 
 one  of  the  motives  which  inclined  Abiathar  to  join 
 Adonijah's  faction.  It  is  most  remarkable  how, 
 first,  vSaul's  cruel  slaughter  of  the  priests  at  Nob, 
 and  then  the  political  en-or  of  the  wise  Abiathar,  led 
 to  the  fulfilment  of  God's  denunciation  against  the 
 house  of  Eli,  as  the  writer  of  1  K.  ii.  27  leads  us  to 
 observe  when  he  says  that "  Solomon  thrust  out  Abia- 
 thar from  being  priest  unto  the  Lord,  that  he  might 
 fulfil  the  word  of  the  Lord  which  He  spake  concerning 
 the  house  of  Eli  in  .Shiloh."  (2.)  In  2  Sam.  viiL 
 17,  and  in  the  duplicate  passage  1  Chr.  xviii.  16,  and 
 in  1  Chr.  xxiv.  3,  6,  31,  we  have  Ahimelech  substi- 
 tuted for  Abiathar,  and  AJiimelech  the  son  of  Abia- 
 thar, instead  of  Abiathar  the  son  of  Ahimelech. 
 Whereas  in  2  Sam.  xx.  25,  and  in  every  other 
 passage  in  the  0.  T.,  we  are  unifoimly  told  that  it 
 was  Abiathar  who  was  priest  with  Zadok  in  David's 
 reign,  and  that  he  was  the  sou  of  Ahimelech,  and 
 that  Ahimelech  was  the  son  of  Ahitub.  The  diflr- 
 culty  is  increased  byfinding  Abiatharspokenof  as  the 
 high -priest  in  whose  time  David  ate  the  shew-bread, 
 in  Mark  ii.  26.  However,  the  evidence  in  favour 
 of  David's  friend  being  Abiathar  the  son  of  Ahi- 
 melech preponderates  so  strongly,  and  the  impossi- 
 bility of  any  rational  reconciliation  is  so  clear,  that 
 one  can  only  suppose  that  the  eiTor  was  a  clerical 
 one  originally,  and  was  propagated  from  one  passage 
 to  another.  The  mention  of  Abiathar  by  our  Lord, 
 in  Mark  ii.  26,  might  perhaps  be  accountoJ  for,  if 
 Abiathar  was  the  person  who  persuaded  his  father 
 to  allow  David  to  have  the  bread,  and  if,  as  is  pro- 
 bable, the  loaves  were  Abiathar's  (Lev.  xxiv.  9), 
 and  given  by  him  with  his  own  hand  to  David. 
 
 A'bib.     [Months.] 
 
 A'bidah  or  Abi'da,  a  son  of  Midiaii  (Gen.  xxv. 
 4;   1  Chr.  i.  33). 
 
 A'bidan,  chief  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  at  the 
 time  of  the  Exodus  ''Num.  i.  1 1,  ii.  22.  vii.  60,  6.5, 
 X.  24). 
 
 B  2 
 
4  ABIEL 
 
 A'biel.  1.  'I'lie  father  of  Kisli,  and  'oiise- 
 qiieiitly  eiraiidfatlier  of  Saiil  (1  Sam.  ix.  1),  as  well 
 as  of  Abner,  Saul's  commander-in-chief  (1  Sam. 
 xiv.  51).  In  the  genealogy  in  1  Chr.  viii.  33,  i.\. 
 39,  Ner  is  made  the  father  of  Kish,  and  the  name 
 of  Abiel  is  omitte-i,  but  the  correct  genealogy  ac- 
 cording to  Samuel  is : — 
 
 Abiel 
 
 Kish 
 Sanl 
 
 Ner 
 
 I 
 Abner. 
 
 —2.  One  of  Da\nd's  mighty  men  (1  Chr.  xi.  32). 
 lu  2  Sam.  xxiii.  31  he  is  called  Ahialuon,  which 
 Keiinicott  decides  is  tlie  true  reading,  though  it 
 seems  moie  probable  that  the  copyist  carried  his 
 eye  forward  to  the  next  verse,  and  that  "  the 
 Shaalbonitc  "  there  was  the  cause  of  his  error.  The 
 Syr.  of  2  Sam.  has  "  Abi,  the  son  of  Abialmon  of 
 Gilead."  Abiel  was  a  native  of  the  Arabah,  or 
 valley  of  the  Jordan,  as  his  name  "Arbathite" 
 indicates. 
 
 Abie'aer.  1.  Kldest  son  of  Hilead,  and  descend- 
 ant of  Mauiuseh,  and  apparently  at  one  time  the 
 leading  family  of  the  tribe  (Josh.  xvii.  2;  1  Chr. 
 vii.  18;  Num.  xxvi.  30,  where  the  name  is  given 
 in  the  contracted  form  of  Jeezer).  In  Chronicles, 
 Abiezer  is,  in  the  present  state  of  the  text,  said 
 to  have  sprung  from  the  sister  of  Gilead  (1  Chr. 
 vii.  18).  He  was  the  ancestor  of  the  great  Judge 
 Gideon.  [Gidicon.]  The  name  also  occurs  in  Judg. 
 vi.  34,  viii.  2  ;  and  in  an  adjectival  fonn  ("  the 
 Abiearite")  in  Judg.  vi.  II,  24,  viii.  32.-2.  One 
 of  David's  "  mightv  men "  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  27 ; 
 1  Chr.  xi.  28,  xxvii.'  12). 
 
 Abiga'il.  1.  The  beautiful  wife  of  Nabal,  a 
 wealthy  owner  of  gnats  and  sheep  in  Cannel.  When 
 David's  messengers  were  slighted  by  Nabal,  Abi- 
 gail took  the  blame  upon  lierself,  supplied  David 
 and  his  foUowere  with  provisions,  and  succeeded  in 
 appeasing  his  anger.  Ten  days  after  this  Nabal 
 died,  and  David  sent  for  Abigail  and  made  her  his 
 wife  (1  Sam.  xxv.  14,  &c.).  IJy  her  he  had  a  son, 
 c-alled  Chileab  in  2  Sam.  iii.  3 ;  but  Daniel,  in 
 1  Chr.  iii.  1.— 2.  A  sister  of  David,  married  to 
 Jether  the  Ishrnaolite,  and  mother,  by  him,  of 
 Amasa  (\  Chr.  ii.  17). — The  statement  in  2  Sam. 
 xvii.  2.5  tliat  the  mother  of  Amasa  was  an  [sracUte 
 is  doubtless  a  transcriber's  error.  There  could  be 
 no  reason  for  recording  this  fiict ;  but  the  circum- 
 stance of  David's  sister  marrying  a  heathen  Ish- 
 niaelite  deserved  mention. 
 
 Abiha'il.  1.  Father  of  Zuriel,  chief  of  the  I,e- 
 vitical  fainilv  of  Merari,  a  contemporary  of  Moses 
 (Num.  iii.  :'.r,).— 2.  Wife  of  Abishur  (1  Chr.  ii. 
 29).— 3.  SonofHuri,  of  the  tribe  of  Gad  (1  Chr. 
 V.  14).— 4.  VVife  of  Rehoboam.  She  is  rjilled  the 
 daughter,  i.  e.  descendant  of  Kliab,  the  elder  bro- 
 ther of  David  (2  Chr.  xi.  18).— 3.  Father  of  Esther 
 And  uncle  of  Moidecai  (Fsth.  ii.  15,  ix.  29). 
 
 Abi'ha,  the  second  son  (Num.  iii.  2)  of  Aaron 
 oy  Klishelxi  (Ex.  vi.  23),  who  with  his  father  and 
 nis  elder  brother,  Nadab  and  seventy  elders  of  Israel 
 accompanied  Moses  to  the  summit  of  Sinai  (Ex. 
 xxiv.  1).  Being  together  with  Nadab  guilty  of  nllcr- 
 ing  strange  i'w.  (Lev.  x.  1 J  to  the  Lord,  i.e.  not  the 
 holy  fire  wliich  burnt  continually  upon  the  altar  of 
 burnt-oirernig  (Lev.  vi.  9,  12),  they  were  Iwth 
 rnnsiimed  by  lire  from  heaven,  and  Aaron  and  his 
 enrvivitiff  sons  wen'  forbidden  to  monrn  for  them. 
 
 ABILENE 
 
 Abi'hud,  son  of  Bela  and  grandson  of  Benjamin 
 
 (1  Chr.  viii.  3). 
 
 Abi'jah  or  Abi'jam.  1.  The  son  and  successor 
 of  lldioboam  on  the  throne  of  Judah  (IK.  xiv. 
 31  ;  2  Chr.  xii.  16).  He  is  called  Abijah  in 
 Chronicles,  Abijam  in  Kings ;  the  latter  name  being 
 probably  an  error  in  the  JISS.  He  began  to  leign 
 li.C.  959,  and  reigned  three  years. — From  the  first 
 book  of  Kings  we  learn  that  Abijah  endeavoured  to 
 recover  the  kingdom  of  the  Ten  Tribes,  and  made 
 war  on  Jeroboam.  No  detiils  are  given,  but  we 
 are  also  informed  that  he  walked  in  all  the  sins  of 
 Itehoboam  (idolatry  and  its  attendant  immoralities, 
 
 1  K.  xiv.  23,  24),  and  that  his  heart  "  was  not 
 perfect  before  God,  as  the  heart  of  David  his  father." 
 In  the  second  book  of  Chronicles  his  war  against 
 .Jeroboam  is  more  minutely  described;  he  was  suc- 
 cessful in  battle,  and  took  the  cities  of  Bethel,  Jesh- 
 nnah,  and  Ephrain,  with  their  dependent  villages. 
 It  is  also  said  that  his  army  consisted  of  400,000 
 men,  and  Jeroboam's  of  800,000,  of  whom  500,000 
 fell  in  the  action;  but  our  JISS.  are  frequently  in- 
 correct as  to  numbers,  and  the;'e  are  reasons  for 
 reducing  these  to  40,000,  80,000,  and  50,000. 
 Nothing  is  said  by  the  writer  in  Chronicles  of  the 
 sins  of  Abijah,  but  we  are  told  that  after  his  vic- 
 tory he  "  waxed  mighty,  and  married  fourteen 
 wives,"  whence  we  may  well  infer  that  he  was 
 elated  with  prosperity,  and  like  his  grandfather  .So- 
 lomon fell,  during  the  last  two  years  of  his  life,  into 
 wickedness,  as  described  in  Kings.  He  w-as  suc- 
 ceeded by  Asa. — 2.  The  second  son  of  Samuel, 
 called  Ariaii  in  our  version.  [Aria,  Abiah, 
 No.  3.]^3.  The  son  of  Jeroboam  I.  king  of  Isi'ael, 
 in  whom  alone,  of  all  the  house  of  Jeroboam,  was 
 found  "  some  good  thing  toward  the  Lord  God  of 
 Israel,"  and  who  wiis  therefore  the  only  one  of  his 
 family  who  was  suH'ered  to  go  down  to  the  grave  in 
 ])eace.  He  died  in  his  childhood,  just  after  Jeio- 
 boam's  wife  had  been  sent  in  disguise  to  seek  help 
 for  him,  in  his  sickness,  from  the  pi'ophet  Abijah, 
 who  gave  her  the  above  answer.  (1  K.  xiv.)^4.  A 
 descendant  of  Eleazar,  who  gave  his  name  to  the 
 eighth  of  the  twenty-four  courses  into  which  the 
 priests  were  divided  by    David  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  10: 
 
 2  Chr.  viii.  14;  Neh.  xii.  4,  17).  To  the  course  of 
 Abijah  or  Abia  belonged  Zacharias  the  fi»tl:er  of 
 John  the  Baptist  (Luke  i.5\— 5.  One  of  the  priests 
 who  entered  into  a  covenant  with  Nehemiah  to  walk 
 in  God's  law  (Neh.  x.  7)  ;  unless  the  name  is 
 rather  that  of  a  family,  and  the  same  with  the  ])re- 
 cediiiix. 
 
 Abi'jam.     [Ahuaii,  No.  1.] 
 
 A'biia.     [AiuLKNi;.] 
 
 Abilene  (Luke  iii.  1),  a  tetnuchy  of  which 
 the  ca])ital  was  Abila,  a  city  situated  on  the  eastern 
 slope  of  Antilibanus,  in  a  district  fertilised  by  the 
 river  Barada.  Its  name  probably  arose  from  tlif 
 green  luxuriance  of  its  situation,  "Abel"  perha])s 
 denoting  "a  grassy  meadow.'  j^See  p.  1  b.j  The 
 name,  thus  derived,  is  quite  sutlicient  to  accoiuit 
 for  the  traditions  of  the  death  of  Abel,  which  are 
 associated  with  the  spot,  and  which  arc  locilisoil  by 
 the  tomb  called  Ncbi  Ilabil,  on  a  height  aliove  the 
 ruins  of  the  city.  The  jiosition  of  the  city  is  ve'.y 
 cleaily  designated  by  the  Itinci-aries  as  18  miles 
 from  Damiiscus,  and  38  (or  W'l^,  miles  fiom  Helio- 
 polis  or  Baalbec. — It  is  impassible  to  fw  the  limits 
 of  tlio  Abilene  which  is  mentioned  liy  St.  Luke  af 
 the  tetrarchy  of  Lysanias.  [Lvsanias].  Like  other 
 districts  of  the  East    it  don^tle^s  imdoiwent  jnany 
 
ABIMAEL 
 
 changes,  both  of  masters  and  of  extent,  before  it  was  I 
 finally  absorbed  in  the  province  of  Syria.    Joseph  us  | 
 associates  this  neighbomhooJ  with  tlie  name  of  Ly-  1 
 sanias  both  before  and  after  the  time  referreii  to  by  | 
 the  evangelist. — 'Die  site  of  the  chief  city  of  Abilene  | 
 has  been  undoubtedly  identified   where  the  Itine- 
 raries place  it ;  and  its  remains  have  been  described 
 of  late  years  by  n.any  travellers.     It  stood  in  a 
 remarkable  gorge  called  the  Su!i    Wadj   Bnrada, 
 where  the  river  breaks  down  through  the  mountain 
 towards  the  plain  of  Damascus. 
 
 Abim'ael,  a  descendant  of  Joktan  ((len.  .x.  28  ; 
 ]  Chr.  i.  22),  and  probably  the  progenitor  of  an 
 Arab  tiibe. 
 
 Atim'elech  {father  of  the  king),  the  name  of 
 several  Philistine  kings,  was  probably  a  common 
 title  of  these  kings,  like  that  of  Pharaoh  among  the 
 Egyptians,  and  that  of  Caesar  and  Augustus  among 
 the  Romans.  An  ai-gument  to  the  same  eliect  is 
 drawn  from  the  title  of  Ps.  xxxiv.,  in  which  the 
 name  of  Abimelech  is  given  to  the  king,  who  is 
 called  Achish  in  1  Sam.  xxi.  11.— 1.  A  Philistine, 
 king  of  Gerar  (Gen.  xx.,  xxi),  who,  exercishig  the 
 right  claimed  by  Eastern  piinces,  of  collecting  all 
 the  beautiful  women  of  their  dominions  into  their 
 harem  (Gen.  xii.  1.5;  Esth.  ii.  3),  sent  for  and  took 
 JSaiah.  A  similar  account  is  given  of  Abraham's 
 conduct  on  this  occasion,  to  that  of  his  behaviour 
 towards  Pharaoh  [Abraham]. — 2.  Another  king 
 of  Gerar  in  the  time  of  Isaac,  of  whom  a  similar 
 narrative  is  recorded  in  relation  to  liebekah  (Gen. 
 xxvi.  1,  &c.).— 3.  Sou  of  the  judge  Gideon  by  his 
 Shechemite  concubine  (.Jiidg.  viii.  31).  After  his 
 father's  death  he  murdeied  all  his  brethren,  seventy  in 
 number,  with  the  exception  of  Jotham  the  youngest, 
 v/ho  concealed  himself;  and  he  then  persuaded  the 
 vShechemites,  through  the  influence  of  his  mother's 
 brethren,  to  elect  him  king.  It  is  evident  liom  this 
 narrative  that  Shechem  now  became  an  independent 
 state,  and  threw  off  the  yoke  of  the  conquering 
 IsraeUtes.  When  Jotham  heard  that  Abimelech 
 was  made  king,  he  addressed  to  the  Shechemites  his 
 fable  of  the  trees  choosing  a  king  (Judg.  ix.  1). 
 After  Abimelech  had  reigned  three  years,  the  citizens 
 of  Shechem  rebelled.  He  w;is  absent  at  the  time,  but 
 he  returned  and  quelled  the  insurrection,  ."shortly 
 after  he  stormed  and  took  Thebez,  but  was  struck 
 ou  the  head  by  a  womau  with  the  fi-aginent  of  a 
 mill-stone  (comp.  2  Sam.  xi.  21j;  and  lost  he 
 should  be  said  to  have  died  by  a  woman,  he  bade  his 
 armour-bearer  slay  !iim.  'I'hus  God  avenged  the 
 murder  of  his  brethren,  and  fulfilled  the  curse  of 
 Jotham. — 4.  Son  of  Abiathai",  the  high-priest  in 
 the  time  of  David  (1  Chr.  xviii.  16),  called  Abi- 
 melech in  2  Sam.  viii.  16.    [AHlMELiiCH.] 
 
 Abin'adab.  1.  A  Levite,  a  native  of  Kiijath- 
 jearim,  in  whose  house  the  ark  remained  20  years 
 (1  Sam.  vii.  1,  2;  1  Chr.  xiii.  7).— 2.  Second 
 sou  of  Jesse,  who  followed  Saul  to  his  war  against 
 the  Philistines  (1  Sam.  xvi.  S,  -xvii.  13). — 3.  A  son 
 of  Saul,  who  was  slain  with  his  brothers  at  the 
 fatal  battle  on  Mount  Gilboa  (1  Sam.  xx.xi.  2).^ 
 4.  Father  of  one  of  the  twelve  chief  otlicers  of  Solo- 
 mon (1  K.  iv.  11). 
 
 Abin'oam,  the  farther  of  Barak  (Judg.  iv,  6,  12  ; 
 V.  1,  12,. 
 
 Abi'ram.  1.  A  Rcubenite,  son  of  Eliab,  who 
 with  Dathan  and  On,  men  of  the  same  tribe,  and 
 Korah  a  Levite,  orga/iised  a  conspiracy  against 
 Moses  and  Aaron  (Num.  xvi.).  [For  dctaUs,  see 
 KORAH.]— 2.   Eldest  son   of  Hiel,    the   bcihelite, 
 
 AEISHAI  5 
 
 who  died  when  his  father  laid  thi  foundations  of 
 tericho  (1  K.  xvi.  34),  and  thus  accomplished  the 
 llrst  part  of  the  curse  of  Joihua  (Juili.  vi.  26). 
 
 Abi ron  =  Abiram  (Ecclus.  xlv.  18). 
 
 Abise  i  =  Abishua,  son  of  Phinehas  (2  Esdr. 
 i.  2)  ;  called  also  AlilSUM  (1  Esdr.  viii.  2). 
 
 Abishag,  a  beautiful  Shunammite,  taken  icto 
 David's  harem  to  comfort  him  in  his  extreme  old 
 age  (1  K.  i.  1-4),  After-  David's  death  Adonijah 
 induced  Bathsheba,  the  queen-mother,  to  ask  Solo- 
 mon to  give  him  Abishag  in  maiTiage  ;  but  this  im- 
 piudent  petition  cost  Adonijah  his  life  (1  K.  ii 
 13,  (fcc  ).    [Adonijah.] 
 
 Abisba'i,  the  eldest  of  the  three  sons  of  Ze- 
 luiah,  David's  sister,  and  brother  to  Joab  and 
 Asahel  (1  Chr,  ii.  16).  It  may  be  owing  to  his 
 seniority  of  birth  that  Abisliai,  first  of  the  three 
 brothers,  appeal's  as  the  devoted  follower  of  David. 
 Long  before  Joab  appears  on  the  stage  Abishai  had 
 attiiched  himself  to  the  fortunes  of  David.  He  was 
 his  companion  in  the  desperate  night  expedition  tc 
 the  camp  of  Saul,  and  would  at  once  have  avenged 
 and  tenuinated  his  uncle's  quarrel  by  stabbing  the 
 sleeping  king  with  his  own  spear.  But  David  in- 
 dignantly restrained  him,  and  the  adventurous  war- 
 riors left  tlie  camp  as  stealthily  as  they  had  come, 
 carrying  with  them  Saul's  spear  and  the  cruse  of 
 water  which  stood  at  his  head  (1  Sam.  xxvi.  6-9). 
 During  David's  outlaw  life  among  the  Philistines, 
 Abishai  was  pu'obably  by  his  side,  though  nothing 
 more  is  heard  of  him  till  he  appeals  with  Joab  and 
 Asahel  in  hot  pursuit  of  Abner,  who  was  be.iten  in 
 the  bloody  fight  by  the  pool  of  Gibeon.  Asahel 
 fell  by  Abner's  hand :  at  sun-set  the  survivors  re- 
 turned, buried  their  brother  by  night  in  the  sepulchre 
 of  their  father  at  Bethlehem,  and  with  revenge  in 
 their  hearts  marched  on  to  Hebron  by  break  of  day 
 (2  Sam.  ii.  18,  24,  32).  In  the  prosecution  of 
 their  vengeance,  though  Joab's  hand  struck  the 
 deadly  blow,  Abishai  was  a.ssociatcd  with  him  in 
 the  treachery,  and  "  Joab  and  Abishai  killed  Abner  " 
 (2  Sam.  iii.  30).  [Ab.n'i;i;.]  In  the  war  against 
 Hanuu,  undertaken  by  David  as  a  punishment  for 
 the  insult  to  his  messengers,  Abishai,  as  second  in 
 command,  was  opposed  to  the  army  of  the  Am- 
 monites before  the  gates  of  Rabbab,  and  drove 
 them  headlong  before  him  into  the  city,  while  Joab 
 deliaated  the  Syrians  who  attempted  to  raise  the 
 siege  (2  Sam.  x.  10,  14;  1  Chr.  xix.  11,  15). 
 The  defeat  of  the  Edomites  in  the  valley  of  salt 
 (1  Chr.  xviii.  12),  which  brought  thorn  to  a  state 
 of  vassalage,  was  due  to  Abishai,  actmg  perhaps 
 under  the  immediate  orders  of  the  king  (see  2  Sam. 
 viii.  ¥A),  or  of  Joab  (Ps.  Ix.  title).  On  tlie 
 outbreak  of  Absalom's  I'ebellion  and  the  conse- 
 quent flight  of  David,  Abishai  remained  true  to  the 
 king, J.  and  the  old  warrior  showed  a  gleam  of  his 
 ancient  spirit,  as  fierce  and  relentless  as  in  the  camp 
 of  Saul,  when  he  offered  to  avenge  the  taunts  of 
 Shimei,and  urged  his  subsequent  execution  (2  Sam. 
 xvi.  9;  xix.  21).  In  the  b.-.ttle  in  the  wood  of 
 Ephraim  Abishai  commanded  a  third  part  of  the 
 army  (2  Sam.  xviii.  2,  5,  12),  and  in  the  absence 
 of  Amasa  was  summoned  to  assemble  the  troops  in 
 Jerusalem  and  pursue  after  the  rebel  Sheba,  Joab 
 being  aj^parently  in  disgrace  for  the  slaughter  of 
 Absalom  (2  Sam.  xx.  6,  10). — The  last  act  of  ser- 
 vice which  is  recorded  of  Abishai  is  his  timely 
 rescue  of  David  from  tlio  hands  of  a  gigantic  Phi- 
 listine, Ishbi-benob  (2  Sam.  xxi.  17;.  His  personal 
 prowess  on  this,  as  on  another  occasion,   when  he 
 
6  ABISHALOM 
 
 fouglit  siiigle-iiaiiijed  against  three  hundred,  won 
 for  him  a  place  as  captain  of  the  second  three  of 
 Da\nd's  mighty  men  ('2  Sam.  xxiii.  18,  1  Chr.  xi. 
 'JO).  But  in  ;dl  probability  this  act  of  daring  was 
 achieved  while  he  was  the  compmiion  of  Daviil's 
 wanderings  as  an  outlaw  among  the  Philistines.  Of 
 the  end  of  his  cheiiuered  life  we  have  no  record. 
 
 Abishalom,  father  or  grandfathiM-  of  Shuichah, 
 wiio  was  the  wife  of  Uehoboam,  and  mother  of 
 Abijah  (^1  K.  .\v.  2,  10).  He  is  called  Absalom  in 
 •J  Chr.  xi.  20,  21.  This  person  must  be  David's 
 son  (see  LXX.,  2  Sam.  xiv.  27).  JIaachah  was 
 tloubtless  named  after  her  grandmother  (2  Sam. 
 iii.  3).     [MA.^CHAU,  ;V] 
 
 Abishu'a.  1.  Son  of  Bela,  of  the  tribe  of 
 Benjamin  (1  Chr.  viii.  4).— 2.  Son  of  Phinehas 
 the  son  of  Eleazar,  and  father  of  Bukki,  in  the 
 genealogy  of  the  high-priests  (1  Chr.  vi.  4,  5,  oU, 
 51  ;  Kzr.  vii.  4,  5).  According  to  .losephus  (Ant. 
 viii.  1,  §:^)  he  executed  the  office  of  high-priest  after 
 his  father  Fhinehas,  and  was  succeeded  by  Eli ;  his 
 descendants,  till  Zadok,  falling  into  the  rank  of  pri- 
 vate pei'sons. 
 
 Ab'ishtir,  son  of  Shammai  (I  Chr.  ii.  28). 
 
 Abisnm  =  Ablshua,  son  of  Phinehas  (1  Ksd. 
 viii.  2),  elsewhere  called  AlslSEI. 
 
 Ab'ital,  one  of  David's  wives  (2  Sam.  iii.  4  ; 
 1  Oir.  iii.  3j. 
 
 Ab'itab,  son  of  Shaharaim  by  Hushim  (1  Chr. 
 viii.  11). 
 
 Abi'ud,  de.scendant  of  Zorobabel  in  tlie  gene- 
 alogy of  .Jesus  Christ  (:\Iatt.  i.  13).  Lord  A.  Her- 
 vey  identifies  him  with  HODAIAII  (1  Chr.  iii.  24) 
 anil  JuDA  (Luke  iii.  20),  and  supposes  him  to  have 
 been  the  grandson  of  Zorobabel  through  his  daugh- 
 ter Shelomith. 
 
 Ablution.    [Purification.] 
 
 Ab'ner.  1.  Son  of  Ner,  who  was  the  brother 
 of  lu-sh  (1  Chr.  ix.  36),  the  father  of  Saul.  Abner, 
 therefore,  was  Saul's  fii-st  cousin,  and  was  made  by 
 him  commander-in-chief  of  his  army  (1  .Sam.  xiv. 
 51).  He  was  the  person  who  conducted  David  into 
 Saul's  presence  after  the  death  of  Goliath  (xvii.  57) ; 
 and  afterwards  accompanied  his  ma.ster  when  he 
 sought  David's  life  at  Hachilah  (xxvi.  3-14).  From 
 this  time  we  he;ir  no  more  of  him  till  after  the 
 death  of  Saul,  when  he  rises  into  importance  as  the 
 main  stay  of  his  tamily.  It  wouM  seem  that,  imme- 
 diately after  the  disastrous  battle  of  Mount  Gilboa, 
 David  was  proclaimed  king  of  Judah  in  Hebron, 
 the  old  capital  of  that  tribe,  but  that  the  rest  of 
 the  country  was  altogether  in  the  hands  of  the 
 Philistines,  and  that  five  years  passed  before  any 
 native  prince  ventured  to  oppose  his  claims  to  their 
 ])owcr.  During  that  time  the  Isr.-iclitcs  were  gra- 
 dually recovering  their  territory,  and  at  length 
 Abner  proclaim(»il  the  weak  and  unfortunate  Ish- 
 bosheth,  Saul's  son,  as  king  of  Israel,  at  Mahanaim 
 beyond  Jordan.  War  soon  broke  out  between  the 
 two  rival  kings,  and  a  "  very  sore  battle"  was 
 fought  at  (iibeon  between  the  men  of  Israel  under 
 Abner  and  the  men  of  .ludah  under  .loal),  son  of 
 Zer-inh,  Divid's  sister  (1  Chr.  ii.  Iti).  When  the 
 .  army  of  Ishliosheth  was  defeated,  .loab's  youngest 
 brother  Asahel,  who  is  said  to  have  been  "as  light 
 of  foot  as  a  wild  roe,"  jiui-sued  Abner,  and  in  spite 
 of  warning  refused  to  leave  him,  so  that  .\bner  in 
 sell'-defence  was  forced  to  kill  him.  After  this  tlio 
 War  continued,  success  inclining  more  and  more  to 
 the  side  of  I)avid,  till  at  last  the  imprudcnre  of 
 Ishbosheth  d<'piivc<l  him  of  the  counsels  and  goneml- 
 
 ABRAHAM 
 
 ship  of  the  hero,  who  was  in  truth  the  only  support 
 of  his  tottering  throne.  Abner  had  married  Piziah, 
 Saul's  concubine,  and  this,  according  to  the  views 
 of  Orientiil  coui-t.s,  might  be  so  inteipreted  as  to 
 imply  a  design  upon  the  throne.  K  ghtly  or 
 wrongly,  Ishbosheth  so  understood  it,  anC  he  even 
 ventured  to  reproach  Abner  with  it.  Abner,  in- 
 censed at  his  ingratitude,  at'ter  an  iudignf.nt  reply, 
 opened  negotiations  with  David,  by  whom  he  was 
 most  favourably  leceived  at  Hebron.  He  then 
 undertook  to  procure  his  recognition  throughout 
 Israel ;  but  after  leaving  his  court  for  the  purpose 
 was  enticed  back  by  Joab,  and  tiea-jherously  mur- 
 dered by  him  and  his  brother  Abishai,  at  tlw  gate 
 of  the  city,  partly  no  doubt,  as  Joab  showed  after- 
 wards in  the  case  of  Amasa,  from  fear  lest  so  dis- 
 tinguisheil  a  convert  to  their  cause  .should  gain  too 
 high  a  place  in  David's  Ihvour,  but  ostensibly  in 
 retaliation  for  the  death  of  Asahel.  This  murder 
 caused  the  greatest  sorrow  and  indignation  to 
 David ;  but,  as  the  assassins  were  too  jiowerful  to 
 be  punished,  he  contented  himself  with  showing 
 every  public  token  of  lespect  to  Abner's  memory, 
 by  following  the  bier  and  pouring  forth  a  simple 
 dirge  over  the  slain  (2  Sam.  iii.  33,  34).^2.  The 
 father  of  Jaasiel,  chief  of  the  Benjamites  in  David's 
 reign  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  21):  probably  the  same  as  the 
 preceding. 
 
 Abomination  of  Desolation,  mentioned  by  our 
 Saviour  as  a  sign  of  tlie  jipproaching  destruction 
 of  Jerusalem,  with  reierence  to  Dan.  ix.  27,  xi. 
 31,  xii.  11.  The  Jews  considered  the  prophecy 
 of  Daniel  as  fulfilled  in  the  profanation  of  the 
 Temple  under  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  when  the 
 Israelites  themselves  erected  an  idolatrou?  alfcu- 
 u]>on  the  sacred  altar,  and  ofl'ereil  sacrifice  thereon: 
 this  altar  is  described  as  "  an  abomination  of  deso- 
 lation" (1  Mace.  i.  54,  vi.  7).  The  prophecy, 
 however,  referred  ultimately  to  the  destruction  of 
 Jerusalem  by  the  Homans,  and  consequently  the 
 "  abomination  "  must  describe  some  occurrence  con- 
 nected with  that  event.  But  it  is  not  easy  to  find 
 one  which  meets  all  the  requirements  of  the  case : 
 the  introduction  of  the  Roman  standards  into  the 
 Temple  would  not  be  an  "  abomination,"  ])roperiy 
 speaking,  unless  it  could  Imj  shown  that  the  Jews 
 themselves  participated  in  the  worship  of  them  ; 
 moreover,  this  event,  as  well  as  several  otheis 
 which  have  been  proposed,  such  as  the  erection  of 
 the  statue  of  Hadrian,  (ail  in  regard  to  the  time  of 
 their  occurrence,  being  subseqiiejit  to  the  destruction 
 of  the  city.  It  appears  most  probable  that  the  pro- 
 fanities of  the  Zealots  constituted  the  abomination, 
 which  was  the  sign  of  impending  ruin. 
 
 A'braham,  or  A'bram,  as  his  name  appears  in 
 till'  larlier  portion  ot'  the  history,  was  the  son  of 
 Terah,  and  founder  of  the  great  Hebrew  nation. 
 His  family,  a  branch  of  the  descendants  of  Shem, 
 were  settled  in  Ur  of  the  Chaldees,  beyond  the 
 Euphrates.  The  three  sons  of  Terah,  Nahor,  Abi-ani, 
 and  Ilaran,  appear  in  the  book  of  Genesis  as  the 
 ancestors  of  those  Shemitic  trii)es  which,  migrating 
 in  a  south-westerly  diiecticm  from  their  original 
 Kfcttlenients,  spre.ad  through  the  ivgion  between  the 
 Kuphn\tes  and  the  Mediterranean,  and  in  their  ulti- 
 mate development  occupic<l  the  countries  from 
 DamasciLs  to  the  extremity  of  the  Arabian  peninsula. 
 The  details  of  one  of  the  most  romai  kable  of  these 
 immigrations  are  traced  out  in  the  history  of  Ahram. 
 The  tiimily  of  Nahor  wandered  less  than  the  others, 
 and  veniained  princip.-.lly  in  their  ancestral  pasture's. 
 
ABRAHAM 
 
 the  fertile  plains  of  Syiia,as  the  aristocracy  of  their 
 race,  from  among  whom,  for  two  generations  at 
 least,  tlie  descendiints  of  the  migratory  branches 
 sought  their  wives,  to  preserve  the  purity  of  their 
 descent.  Terah  was  an  idolater.  He  and  his  sons 
 "  served  other  gods"  (Josh.  xxiv.  2),  though  there 
 .s  some  reason  for  supposing  that  the  worship 
 which  they  practised  was  less  gross  in  its  nature 
 than  that  of  the  surrounding  tribes,  and  that  the 
 idea  of  the  unity  of  God  had  not  been  so  completely 
 obscured  among  them.  Abram  appears  as  the 
 champion  of  monotheism,  and  to  him  are  referred 
 the  beginnings  of  the  Mosaic  polity. — On  the  death 
 of  his  father,  who  accompanied  the  emigrants  as  far 
 as  Haran  in  Mesopotamia,  Abram,  then  in  the  75th 
 year  of  his  age,  with  Sarai  his  wife,  and  Lot  his 
 nephew,  son  of  his  deceased  brother  Haran,  pursued 
 his  course  to  the  land  of  Canaan,  whither  he  was 
 directed  by  divine  command  (Gen.  xii.  5),  when 
 he  received  the  geneial  piomise  that  he  should 
 become  the  founder  of  a  great  nation,  and  that  all 
 the  families  of  the  earth  should  be  blessed  in  him. 
 He  passed  through  the  heart  of  the  country  by  the 
 great  highway  to  Shcchem,  and  pitched  his  tent 
 beneath  the  terebinth  of  Moreh  (Gen.  xii.  6).  Here 
 he  received  in  vision  from  Jehovah  the  further 
 revelation  that  this  was  the  land  which  his  de- 
 scendants should  inherit  (xii.  7).  An  altar  to 
 Jehovah  perpetuated  the  memory  of  this  divine 
 appearance.  The  next  halting-place  of  the  wanderer 
 was  in  a  stiong  position  on  a  mountain  east  of 
 Bethel,  between  Bethel  and  Ai,  where  another  altai' 
 was  reared  (Gen.  xii.  8).  But  the  country  was 
 sutlering  from  famine,  and  Abram,  like  his  de- 
 scendants two  centuries  later,  finding  neither  pas- 
 ture for  his  cattle  nor  food  tor  his  household, 
 journeyed  still  southwards  to  the  rich  corn-lands 
 of  Egypt.  As  the  caravan  approached  the  entrance 
 to  the  country,  Abram,  fearing  that  the  great  beauty 
 of  Sarai  might  tempt  the  powerful  monarch  of 
 Egypt  and  expose  his  own  life  to  peril,  adopted  a 
 policy  which,  as  on  a  subsequent  occasion,  produced 
 the  very  consequences  it  was  intended  to  avert. 
 Sarai  was  to  represent  lierself  as  his  sister,  which 
 her  actual  relationship  to  him,  as  probably  the 
 daughter  of  his  brother  Haran,  allowed  her  to  do 
 with  some  semblance  of  truth.  But  her  fi-esh 
 northern  beauty  excited  the  admiration  of  the 
 swarth-skinued  Egyptians:  the  princes  of  Pharaoh 
 saw  her  and  praised  her  to  the  king,  and  she  was 
 taken  into  the  royal  harem.  Abram  was  loaded 
 with  munificent  presents,  and  the  foundation  of  his 
 subsequent  prosperity  was  apparently  laid  in  Egypt. 
 But  the  deception  was  discovei'ed,  and  Pharaoh 
 with  some  indignation  dismissed  him  from  the 
 country  (xii.  10-20).  How  long  was  the  period  of 
 Abram's  stay  in  Egypt  is  micertain.  It  is  supposed 
 that  he  was  there  dm'ing  the  sway  of  the  Shepherd 
 kings  in  ilemphis,  and  that  from  participating  in 
 their  war  of  conquest  he  acquired  the  flxvour  of  the 
 reigning  prince.  But  this  is  mere  conjecture,  and 
 the  narrative  in  Genesis  would  seem  to  imply  that 
 his  residence  in  Egypt  was  not  piotracted. — Abram 
 left  Egypt  witli  great  possessions,  and,  accompanied 
 by  Lot,  returned  by  the  south  of  Palestine  to  his 
 foi-mer  encampment  between  Bethel  and  Ai.  The 
 increased  wealth  of  the  two  kinsmen  was  the  ulti- 
 mate cause  of  their  separation.  Tlie  soil  w:is  not 
 fertile  enough  to  support  them  both  ;  their  herds- 
 men quan'elled;  and,  to  avoid  dissensions  in  a  coun- 
 try where  they  were  suiTounded  by  enemies,  for 
 
 ABRAHAM  7 
 
 "the  Canaanite  and  Perizzite  were  then  in  the 
 laud,"  Abram  proposed  that  each  should  follow  his 
 own  fortune.  Lot,  eager  to  quit  the  nomadic  life, 
 chose  the  feitile  plain  of  the  Jordan,  rich  and  well- 
 watered  as  the  garden  of  Jehovah;  while  Abram 
 dwelt  in  tents,  a  pilgrim  in  the  land  of  promise. 
 It  was  on  this  occasion  that  the  two  promises  he 
 had  ah-eady  received  were  reiterated  in  one.  From 
 the  hill-top  where  he  stood  he  looked  northwards 
 and  southwards  and  eastwards  and  westwards  upon 
 the  country  hereafter  to  be  peopled  by  his  numerous 
 descendants.  After  paiting  from  Lot,  Abram,  strong 
 in  numbers  and  wealth,  quitted  the  hill-fastness 
 between  Bethel  and  Ai,  and  pitched  his  tent  among 
 the  oak-groves  of  Mamre,  close  to  Hebron,  where  he 
 built  a  third  commemorative  altar  to  Jehovah  (Gen. 
 xiii.). — The  narrative  is  now  inteiTupted  by  a  re- 
 markable episode  in  Abram's  life,  which  vividly  re- 
 presents him  in  the  light  in  which  he  was  regarJed 
 by  the  contemporary  chieftains  of  Canaan.  The 
 chiefs  of  the  tribes  who  peopled  the  oasis  of  the  Joi'- 
 dan  had  been  subdued  in  a  previous  irruption  of 
 northern  warriois,  and  for  twelve  years  had  been  the 
 tributaries  of  Chedorlaomer,  king  of  Elam.  Their 
 rebellion  brought  down  upon  Palestine  and  the 
 neighbouring  countries  a  tiesh  flood  of  invaders 
 from  the  north-east,  who  swept  through  the  regions 
 east  of  the  Jordan,  and,  returning,  joined  battle 
 with  the  revolted  chieftains  in  the  vale  of  Siddim. 
 The  king  of  Sodom  and  his  confederates  were  de- 
 feated, their  cities  plundered,  and  a  host  of  captives 
 accompanied  the  victorious  army  of  Chedorlaomer. 
 Among  them  were  Lot  and  his  family.  Abram, 
 then  confederate  with  Mamre  the  Amorite  and  his 
 brethren,  heard  the  tidings  from  a  fugitive,  and, 
 hastily  arming  his  trusty  slaves,  started  in  pursuit. 
 He  followed  the  track  of  the  conquerors  along  the 
 Jordan  valley,  came  up  with  them  by  Dan,  and  in 
 a  night-attack  completely  routed  their  host,  and 
 checked  for  a  time  the  stream  of  northern  immigra- 
 tion. The  captives  and  plunder  were  all  recovered, 
 and  Abram  was  greeted  on  his  return  by  the  king 
 of  Sodom,  and  by  Melchizedek  king  of  Salem,  priest 
 of  the  Most  High  God,  who  mysteriously  appeai-s 
 upon  the  scene  to  bless  the  patriarch,  and  receive 
 from  him  a  tenth  of  the  spoil.  In  this  episode, 
 Abram  "the  Hebrew"  (xiv.  13),  a  foreigTi  chief, 
 appears  as  a  powerful  emir  with  a  numerous  fol- 
 lowing of  retainers,  living  on  terms  of  equality  with 
 others  like  himself,  who  were  anxious  to  court  the 
 friendship  of  so  formidable  an  ally,  and  combining 
 with  the  peaceful  habits  of  a  pastoral  life  the  same 
 capability  for  warfare  which  is  characteristic  of  the 
 Arab  race.  With  great  dignity  he  refuses  to  enrich 
 himself  by  the  results  of  his  victory,  and  claims 
 only  a  share  of  the  booty  for  his  Amorite  confede- 
 rates, to  whom  he  apparently  extends  his  protection 
 in  return  for  pemiission  to  reside  in  their  temtorv 
 (Gen.  xiv.). — During  his  residence  at  Hebron,  and 
 while  apprehending  the  vengeance  of  the  powerful 
 king  of  Elam,  the  thrice-repeated  promise  that  his 
 descendants  should  become  a  mighty  nation  and 
 possess  the  land  in  which  he  was  a  stranger,  was 
 confirmed  with  all  the  solemnity  of  a  religious 
 ceremony  (Gen.  xv.).  A  deep  sleep  fell  upon 
 Abram,  and  in  the  horror  of  great  darkness  which 
 shrouded  him  as  he  watched  the  saciifices,  the 
 future  destinies  of  his  race  were  symbolized  and 
 reve;iled  with  greater  distinctness  than  heretofore. 
 Each  revelation  acquired  gre;iter  definiteness  than 
 the  preceding.     He  is  now  assured  that,  though 
 
8 
 
 ABRAHAM 
 
 cliildleai,  tilt;  heir  of  his  wealtli  and  tlie  inheritor  of 
 his  blessing  shall  be  no  adopted  stranger,  but  the 
 issue  of  his  own  loins.  Ten  years  had  passed  since, 
 in  obedience  to  the  divine  command,  he  had  left  his 
 father's  house,  and  tiie  fuitilnient  of  the  promise 
 Wivj  apparently  more  distrnt  than  at  first.  liut 
 his  faith  was  counted  to  him  for  righteousness,  and 
 when  the  lamp  of  liie  had  passeil  between  the 
 fragments  of  the  saciitice,  Abram  entered  into  a 
 covenant  with  Jehovah  (Gen.  iv.).  At  the  sugges- 
 tion of  .Sarai,  who  despaired  of  having  children  of 
 her  own,  he  took  as  his  concubine  Hagar,  her 
 Egyptian  maid,  who  bare  him  Ishmatl  in  the  8(ith 
 year  of  his  age  (Oen.  xvi.).  [Hagar;  Isiuiael.] 
 But  tliis  was  not  the  accomplishment  of  the  pro- 
 mise. Thirteen  years  elapsed,  during  which  Abram 
 still  dwelt  in  Hebron,  when  the  last  step  in  the 
 revelation  was  made,  that  the  son  of  Sarai,  and  not 
 ishmael,  should  inherit  both  the  temporal  and 
 spiritual  blessings.  The  covenant  was  renewed, 
 and  the  rite  of  circumcision  established  as  its  sign. 
 This  most  import;int  crisis  in  Abram's  life  is  marked 
 by  the  significant  change  of  his  name  to  Abraham, 
 "father  of  a  multitude;"  while  his  wife's  from 
 Sarai  became  ^^arah.  In  his  99th  year  Abraham 
 was  circumcised,  in  accordance  with  the  divine  com- 
 mand, together  with  Ishmael  and  ail  the  males  of 
 his  household,  as  well  the  slaves  born  in  his  house 
 as  those  purchased  from  tiie  foreigner  (Gen.  xvii.). 
 The  piomise  that  Sarah  should  have  a  son  was 
 repeated  in  the  remarkable  scene  described  in  ch. 
 xviii.  Three  men  stood  before  Abraham  as  he 
 sat  in  his  tent-door  in  the  heat  of  the  day.  The 
 patriarch,  with  true  Eiistern  hospitality,  welcomed 
 the  strangei-s,  and  bade  them  rest  and  refiesh 
 themselves.  The  meal  ended,  they  foretold  the 
 birth  of  Isaac  and  went  on  their  way  to  Sodom. 
 Abraham  accompanied  tliem,  and  is  represented  as 
 an  interlocutor  in  a  dialogue  with  Jehovah,  in  which 
 he  pleaded  in  vain  to  avert  the  vengeance  threatened 
 to  tlie  devoted  cities  of  the  i)lain  (xviii.  17-33), — 
 In  remarkable  contrast  with  Abraham's  firm  faith 
 with  regard  to  the  magnificent  fortunes  of  his  pos- 
 terity stands  the  incident  which  occimed  duiing  his 
 temporary  residence  among  the  Philistines  in  Gerar, 
 whither  he  had,  for  some  cause,  removed  alter  the 
 destruction  of  Sodom.'  Sarah's  beauty  won  the 
 admiration  of  Abimelech,  the  king  of  the  countiy  ; 
 the  temporizing  policy  of  Abraham  produced  the 
 same  results  ;is  before ;  and  the  nairative  of  ch.  xx. 
 is  nearly  a  repetition  of  that  in  ch.  xii.  11-20. 
 Abimelech's  dignified  rebuke  taught  him  that  he 
 was  not  alone  in  recognising  a  God  of  justice.  It 
 is  evident  from  Gen.  xxi.  '22-34,  that  Abraham's 
 prosperity  had  at  this  time  made  him  a  powerful 
 auxiliary,  whom  it  was  advisiible  lor  Abimelech  to 
 conciliate  and  court,  and  his  conduct  therefore  evi- 
 dences a  singular  weakness  of  character  in  one  who 
 was  otherwise  so  noble  and  chivalrous. — At  length 
 laaac,  the  long-looked-for  child,  was  bom.  His  birth 
 Wius  welcomed  by  all  the  rejoicings  which  could 
 greet  the  .advent  of  o.ic  whose  future  was  of  such 
 rich  promise.  Sarah's  jealousy,  arouspil  by  the 
 mockery  of  Ishm.-iel  at  the  "  gre.at  banquet"  which 
 Abialiara  made  to  celebrate  the  weaning  of  her  son 
 
 •  PerhapB  the  Hittitcs  had  driven  out  the  Amorites 
 from  Ilfbron  'cf.  xxiii.). 
 
 -■  The  jironiise,  that  "  in  hi»  seed  all  nations  should 
 be  blPHned,"  woultl  he  now  understood  very  differently, 
 «n(l  felt  tc  bo  fur  abo\c  the  tcmpo'al  promise,  in 
 
 ABRAHAM 
 
 (Gen.  xxi.  9),  demanded  that,  with  his  niothei 
 JIagar,  he  should  be  driven  out  (Gen.  xxi.  10). 
 'J'he  patriarch  relnctantly  consent«l,  consoled  by 
 the  fresh  promise  that  Ishmael  too  should  become 
 a  great  nation,  liut  the  severest  tnal  of  his  faith 
 was  yet  to  come.  For  a  long  peiioil  (25  years 
 according  to  Josephus)  the  history  is  almost  silent. 
 The  position  which  Abraham  held  among  the  Phi- 
 listines, during  his  long  residence  among  them,  is 
 indicated  in  the  narrative  of  Gen.  xxi.  22-34.  At 
 length  he  receives  the  strange  command  to  take 
 Isaac,  his  only  son,  iuid  olier  him  for  a  burnt- 
 offering  at  an  appjinted  place.  Such  a  bidding,  in 
 direct  opposition  to  the  jiromptings  of  nature  and 
 the  divine  mandate  against  the  shedding  of  human 
 blood,  Abi-aham  hesitated  not  to  obey.  His  faith, 
 hitherto  unshaken,  supported  him  in  this  final  trial, 
 "  accounting  that  (Jod  was  able  to  raise  up  his  son, 
 even  from  the  dead,  i'rom  whence  also  he  received 
 him  in  a  figure"  (Heb.  xi.  V.) )—  probably  the  same 
 faith  to  which  our  Lord  lefers,  that  God  promised 
 to  be  the  "God  of  Isiiac"  (Gen.  xvii.  19),  and  that 
 he  was  not  a  "  God  of  the  dead,  but  of  the  living." 
 The  sacrifice  was  st;\yc<^l  by  the  angel  of  Jeho\'ah, 
 the  promise  of  spiritual  blessing  for  the  fii-st  time 
 repeated,^  and  Abraham  with  his  son  returned  to 
 Beersheba,  and  for  a  time  dwelt  there  (Gen.  xxii.). 
 But  we  find  liim  atler  a  few  years  in  his  original 
 residence  at  Hebron,  for  there  Sai'ah  died  (Gen. 
 xxiii.  2),  and  was  buried  in  the  cave  of  Machpelah, 
 which  Abraham  purchased  of  Ephron  tlie  Hittite, 
 for  the  exorbitiuit  juice  of  400  shekels  of  silver. 
 The  grasping  character  of  Ephron  and  the  generosity 
 of  Abraham  are  finely  contrasted  in  the  narrative  of 
 Gen.  xxiii.  In  the  presence  of  the  eldei-s  of  Heth, 
 the  field  of  Jlachpelah,  with  the  cave  and  trees  that 
 were  in  it,  were  made  sure  to  Abraham :  the  first 
 instjince  on  record  of  a  legal  conveyance  of  pro- 
 perty. The  mosque  at  Hebron  is  believed  to  stand 
 uj)0u  the  site  of  the  sepulchral  cave. — The  remain- 
 ing years  of  Abraham's  life  are  marked  by  but  few 
 incidents.  In  his  advanced  age  he  commissioned 
 the  faithful  steward  of  his  house  to  seek  a  wife  for 
 Isaac  from  the  family  of  his  brother  Nahor,  binding 
 him  by  the  most  solemn  oath  not  to  contract  an 
 alliance  with  the  daughters  of  the  degraded  Ca- 
 naanites  among  whom  he  dwelt  (Gen.  xxiv.).  After 
 Isaac's  maiTiage  with  Rebecca,  and  his  removal  to 
 Lahai-roi,  Abraham  took  to  wife  Keturah,  by  whom 
 he  had  six  children,  Ziniran,  Jokshan,  Meilan, 
 Midian,  Ishbok,  and  Shiiah,  who  beaime  the  an- 
 cestors of  nomadic  tribes  inhabiting  the  countries 
 south  and  soutii-east  of  Pale-itine.  Keturah  occupied 
 a  position  inferior  to  that  of  a  legitimate  wife,  and 
 in  1  Chr.  i.  32  is  called  the  concubine  of  Abraham. 
 Her  children,  like  Lshmaid,  were  dismissed  with 
 presents,  and  sl'ttl(^l  in  the  East  country  during 
 Abraham's  lifetime,  and  ls;uic  was  left  sole  heir  of 
 his  flUher's  wealth. — Abraham  lived  to  see  the 
 gradual  accomplishment  of  the  promise  in  the  birth 
 of  his  gi-andchildren  .Jacob  and  Esau,  and  witnessed 
 their  growth  to  manhood  (tJen.  xxv.  2(5).  Of  his 
 last  voars  we  ]K)ssets  no  record.  Thny  apjiear  to 
 have  been  passed  in  tranquillity,  and  at  the  goodlj- 
 age  of  175  he  was  "gathered  to  his  people,"  and 
 
 which,  perhaiiR,  at  first  it  seemed  to  be  absorbed. 
 It  can  hardly  be  wronjf  to  refer  pie-ciuinontly  to  thif 
 epoch  the  declaration,  that  ".Mirahani  saw  the  day 
 of  Christ  and  was  glad  "  (John  viii.  56). 
 
ABRAM 
 
 laid  beside  Saiali  in  the  tomb  of  Maclipfilah  by  his 
 sons  Isaac  aud  Ishmael  (Gen.  xxv.  7-10). — From 
 the  intimate  communion  whiuh  Abraham  h.eld  with 
 the  Almighty,  he  is  distinguished  by  the  high  title 
 of  "  the  '  friend '  of  God  "  (2  Chi",  sx.  7  ;  Is.  xli.  8  ; 
 Jam.  ii.  23) ;  and  El-Khalil,  "  the  friend,"  is  the 
 appellation  by  which  he  is  familiarly  known  in  the 
 traditions  of  the  Aiabs,  who  have  given  the  same 
 name  to  Hebron,  the  place  of  his  residence. — The 
 legends  which  have  been  recorded  of  him  are  nu- 
 merous. According  to  Josephus  he  taught  the 
 woiship  of  one  God  to  the  Chaldaeans,  and  in- 
 structed the  Egyptians  and  Phoenicians  in  astronomy 
 and  philosophy.  The  Greek  tradition  related  by 
 Nicolaus  of  Damascus  assigns  to  him  the  conquest 
 of  that  city,  and  names  him  as  its  fouilh  king. 
 With  the  help  of  Ishmael  he  is  said  to  have  rebuilt, 
 for  the  fourth  time,  the  Kaaba  over  the  sacred 
 black  stone  of  Iklecca.  The  Rabbinical  legends  tell 
 how  Abraliam  destroyed  the  idols  which  his  father 
 made  and  worshipped,  and  how  he  was  delivered 
 from  the  tiery  lurnace  into  which  he  was  cast 
 by  Nimrod  (see  D'Herbelot,  Bibl.  Orient. ;  Weil, 
 Biblical  Legends;  Beer,  Lehen  Abraham's,  &c.). 
 
 A'bram.     [Auraham.] 
 
 Ab'salom  {father  of  peace).  1.  Third  son  of 
 David  by  Maachah,  daughter  of  Talmai  king  of 
 Gesliur,  a  Syrian  district  adjoining  the  N.E.  fron- 
 tier of  the  Holy  Land.  He  is  scarcely  mentioned 
 till  after  David  had  committed  the  gi-eat  crime 
 which  by  its  ccii.spqiiences  embittered  his  old  age, 
 and  then  appears  as  tlie  instrument  by  whom  w;is 
 fulfilled  God's  threat  against  the  siiifij  king,  that 
 "  evil  shoidd  be  raised  up  against  him  out  of  his 
 own  house,  and  that  his  neighbour  should  lie  with 
 his  wives  in  the  sight  of  the  sun."  In  the  latter 
 part  of  David's  reign,  polygamy  bore  its  ordinary 
 fruits.  Not  only  is  his  sin  in  the  case  of  Bathsheba 
 traceable  to  it,  since  it  naturally  suggests  the  un- 
 limited indulgence  of  the  passions,  but  it  also  brought 
 about  the  punishment  of  that  sin,  by  raising  up 
 jealousies  and  conflicting  claims  between  the  sons  of 
 dirierent  mothers,  each  apparently  living  with  a 
 sepai-ate  house  and  establishment  (2  Sam.  xiii.  8  ; 
 xiv.  24;  cf.  1  K.  vii.  8,  &c.).  Absalom  had  a 
 sister,  Tamai',  who  was  violated  by  her  half-brother 
 Amnon,  David's  eldest  son  by  Ahinoam  the  Jez- 
 reelitess.  The  natm-al  avenger  of  such  an  outrage 
 would  be  Tamai-'s  full  brother  Absalom.  He  brooded 
 over  the  wrong  for  two  years,  and  then  invited  all 
 the  princes  to  a  sheep-shearing  feast  at  his  estate  in 
 Baal-hazor,  on  the  borders  of  Ephraim  and  Ben- 
 jamin. Here  he  ordered  his  servants  to  murdei- 
 Aranon,  and  then  tied  for  safety  to  his  grandfather's 
 court  at  Geshur,  where  he  remained  for  three 
 years,  David  was  overwhelmed  by  this  accumula- 
 tion of  family  soitows,  thus  completed  by  separation 
 from  his  t'avourite  son,  whom  he  thought  it  impos- 
 sible to  pardon  or  recall.  But  he  was  brought 
 back  by  au  artifice  of  Joab,  who  sent  a  woman  of 
 Tekoah  to  entreat  the  king's  interteience  in  an 
 imaginiU'y  case  similar  to  Absalom's.  Having  per- 
 suaded David  to  pi  event  the  avenger  of  blood  from 
 pursuing  a  young  man  who,  she  said,  had  slain  his 
 orother,  she  adroitly  applied  liis  assent  to  the  recall 
 of  Absalom,  aud  urged  him,  as  he  had  thus  yielded 
 the  general  principle,  to  "  fetch  home  his  kuiished." 
 David  did  so,  but  would  not  see  Absalom  for  two 
 more  years,  though  he  allowed  him  to  live  in  Jeru- 
 salem. At  last  wearied  with  delay,  and  perceiving 
 tlut  his  exclusion  from  couit  interfered  with  the 
 
 ABSALOM  9 
 
 ambitious  schemes  which  he  was  forming,  the  impe- 
 tuous young  man  sent  his  servants  to  burn  a  field 
 of  corn  near  his  own,  belonging  to  Joab,  thus  doing 
 as  Samson  had  done  (Judg.  xv.  4).  Thereupon 
 .Foab,  probably  dreading  some  further  outrage  from 
 his  violence,  brought  him  to  his  father,  from  whom 
 he  received  the  kiss  of  reconciliation.  Absalom  now 
 began  at  once  to  prepare  for  rebellion,  urged  to  it 
 partly  by  his  own  restless  wickedness,  partly  pei- 
 haps  by  the  fear  lest  Bathsheba's  child  should  sup- 
 plant him  in  the  succession,  to  which  he  would  feel 
 himself  entitled  as  being  now  David's  eldest  sur- 
 viving son,  since  we  may  infer  that  the  sec-jnd  son 
 Chileab  was  dead,  from  no  mention  being  made  of 
 him  after  2  Sam.  iii.  o.  It  is  harder  to  account  for 
 his  temporary  success,  and  the  imminent  danger 
 which  befel  so  powerful  a  government  as  his  father's. 
 As  David  gi'ew  older  he  may  have  become  less  at- 
 tentive to  individual  complaints,  aud  to  that  pi^r- 
 sonal  administration  of  justice  which  was  one  of  an 
 eastern  king's  chief  duties.  For  Absalom  ti'ied  to 
 sup}ilant  his  iiither  by  courting  popularity,  standing 
 in  the  gate,  conversing  with  every  suitor,  lament- 
 ing the  difficulty  which  he  would  find  in  getting  a 
 hearing,  "  putting  forth  his  hand  and  kissing  any 
 man  who  came  nigh  to  do  him  obeisance."  He  also 
 maintained  a  splendid  retinue  (xv.  1),  and  was  ad- 
 mired for  his  personal  beauty  and  the  luxuriani 
 growth  of  his  hair,  on  grounds  similar  to  thosi 
 which  had  made  Saul  acceptable  (I  Sam.  x.  23). 
 It  is  probable  too  that  the  gre;it  tribe  of  Judah  had 
 taken  some  oft'ence  at  David's  government,  perhaps 
 fi'om  finding  themselves  completely  merged  in  one 
 miited  Israel  ;  and  that  they  hoped  secretly  for  pre- 
 eminence under  the  less  wise  and  liberal  rule  of  his 
 son.  Thus  Absalom  selects  Hebron,  the  old  capital 
 of  Judah  (now  supplanted  by  Jerusalem),  as  the 
 scene  of  the  outbreak  ;  Ainasa  his  chief  captain,  and 
 Ahithophel  of  Giloh  his  principal  counsellor,  are  botli 
 of  Judah,  and  after  the  rebellion  was  crushed  we 
 see  signs  of  ill-feeling  between  Judah  and  the  other 
 tribes  (xix.  41).  But,  whatever  the  causes  may 
 have  been,  Absalom  raised  the  standard  of  revolt  at 
 Hebron.  The  re\'olt  was  at  first  completely  suc- 
 cessful ;  David  fled  from  his  capitiil  over  the  Jordan 
 to  Mahanaim  in  Gilead.  Absalom  occupied  Jeru- 
 salem, and  by  the  advice  of  Ahithophel,  who  saw 
 that  for  such  an  unnatural  rebellion  war  to  the 
 knife  was  the  best  security,  took  possession  of 
 David's  harem,  in  which  he  had  left  ten  concubines. 
 This  was  considered  to  imply  a  formal  assumption 
 of  all  his  father's  royal  rights  (comp.  the  conduct  of 
 Adonijah,  1  K.  ii.  13  if.),  and  was  also  a  fulfilment 
 of  Nathan's  prophecy  (2  Sam.  xii.  11.)  But  David 
 had  left  friends  who  watched  over  his  interests. 
 The  vigorous  counsels  of  Ahithophel  were  afterwards 
 rejected  through  the  crafty  advice  of  Hushai,  who 
 insinuated  himself  into  Absalom's  confidence  to 
 work  his  ruin,  and  Ahithophel  himself,  seeing  his 
 ambitious  hopes  frustrated,  went  home  to  Giloh, 
 and  committed  suicide.  At  last,  after  being  solemnly 
 anointed  king  at  Jerusalem  (xix.  10),  and  lingering 
 there  far  longer  than  was  expedient,  Absalom 
 crossed  the  Jordan  to  attack  his  father,  who  by 
 this  time  had  rallied  round  him  a  considerable  force, 
 whereas,  had  Ahithophel's  advice  been  followed, 
 he  would  probably  have  been  crushed  at  once.  A 
 decisive  battle  was  fought  in  Gilead,  in  the  wood 
 of  Ephraim.  Here  Absalom's  forces  were  totally 
 defeated,  and  as  he  himself  was  escaping,  his  long 
 hair  was  entangled  in  the  braiichss  of  a  terebinth, 
 
10 
 
 ABSAIiON 
 
 wheie  he  was  left  hanging  while  the  intile  on  which 
 lie  was  riding  ran  away  f'lom  under  him.  lie  was 
 despatched  by  Joah  in  spite  of  the  ]irohibition  of 
 David,  who,  loving  him  to  the  last,  hadiiesired  that 
 his  life  might  he  spared,  anil  wlien  he  heard  of  his 
 death  lamented  over  him  in  the  pathetic  words, 
 0  mij  son  Absalom!  vould  God  f  had  died  for 
 thee!  0  Absaldiu,  uuj  son,  my  son!  He  was  huried 
 111  a  great  jiit  in  the  forest,  and  the  conquerors 
 threw  stones  over  his  grave,  an  old  proof  of  bitter 
 liostility  (Josh.  vii.  26).  The  sacred  historian  con- 
 trasts this  dishonoured  burial  with  the  tomb  which 
 Absalom  had  raised  in  the  Kiivj's  dale  (comp.  Geu. 
 xiv.  17)  for  the  three  sons  whom  he  had  lost 
 (comp.  2  Sam.  xviii.  18,  with  .\iv.  27),  and  where 
 he  proliably  had  intended  that  hiu  own  remains 
 should  be  laid.  Josephus  {Ant.  vii.  10,  §.'])  men- 
 tions the  pillar  of  Absalom  as  situate  two  stadia 
 from  Jerusalem.  An  existing  monument  in  the 
 valley  of  Jehoshaphat  just  outside  Jerusalem  bears 
 the  name  of  the  Tomb  of  Absalom  ;  but  the  Ionic 
 pillars  which  surround  its  base  show  that  it  belongs 
 to  a  much  later  perioil,  3veii  if  it  be  a  tomb  at 
 all.— 2.  The  father  of  JMatUithias  (1  Mace.  xi.  70) 
 and  Jonathan  (1  Mace.  xiii.  11). 
 
 >^'-l:^r-\ 
 
 Ab'salon,  an  ambassador  with  John  from  the 
 .lews  to  Lysias,  chief  governor  of  Coelo-.Syria  and 
 I'hoenice  (2  Mace.  xi.  17). 
 
 Abu'bus,  father  of  I'tolemeus,  captain  of  the 
 jilain  of  Jericho,  and  son-in-law  to  Simon  Macca- 
 baeus  (1  Mace.  xvi.  11,  15). 
 
 A'catan  =  Hakkataa  (1  Esdr.  viii.  .'iS). 
 
 Ac'cad,  one  (if  tiie  cities  in  the  land  of  Shinar — 
 the  otliPi-s  being  Babel,  Erech,  and  Calneh — which 
 were  the  beginning  of  Nimrod's  kingdom  ((Jen. 
 X.  10).  Its  jKisiiion  is  fjuite  unccjfain. — The  theory 
 (leducwl  by  l.'awlinson  from  tlie  latest  Assyrian 
 researches  is,  that  "  Akkad"  w.ns  the  name  of  the 
 "  gi'eat  primitive  Hamite  race  who  inhabited  Haby- 
 ionia  from  the  earliest  time."  The  name  of  the 
 city  is  lelii-vcd  to  have  been  discovered  in  tlie  in- 
 scriptions under  the  form  Kiiizi  Akkad. 
 
 Ac'caron.     [Kkkon.] 
 
 Ac'cho  (the  I'lOi.ic.MAiS  of  the  Maccabees  and 
 N.T.),  now    called    Acca,  or    more    usually  by 
 
 ACELDAMA 
 
 Europeans,  Saint  Jean  d'Acrc,  the  most  impoi-tiini 
 seaport  town  on  the  Syrian  coast,  about  30  miles 
 S.  of  Tyre.  It  was  situated  on  a  slightly  project- 
 ing headland,  at  the  northern  extremity  of  that 
 spacious  bay — the  only  inlet  of  any  importance 
 along  the  whole  sea-board  of  ralestine — which  is 
 formed  liy  the  bold  promontory  of  Carmel  on  the 
 opposite  side.  Inland  the  hills,  which  from  Tyre 
 southwards  press  close  upon  the  sea-shore,  gradually 
 recede,  leaving  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood  of 
 Accho  a  plain  of  remarkable  fertility  about  6  miles 
 broad,  and  watered  by  the  small  river  Belus  (Na/tr 
 Namdn),  which  discharges  itself  into  the  sea  close 
 under  the  walls  of  the  town:  to  the  S.E.  the  still 
 receding  heights  all'ord  access  to  the  interior  in  the 
 direction  of  Sepphoris.  Accho,  thus  favourably 
 placed  in  command  of  the  approaches  from  the 
 north,  both  by  sea  and  land,  ha*  been  justly  termed 
 the  "  key  of  Palestine." — In  the  division  of  Canaan 
 among  the  tribes,  Accho  fell  to  the  lot  of  Asher, 
 but  was  never  wrested  from  its  original  inhabitants 
 (Judg.  i.  31);  and  hence  it  is  reckoned  by  the 
 classical  writers  among  the  cities  of  Phoenicia.  No 
 further  mention  is  made  of  it  in  the  0.  T.  history, 
 nor  does  it  appear  to  have  risen  to  much  importance 
 until  after  the  dismemberment  of  the  Macedonian 
 empire,  when  its  proximity  to  the  frontier  of  Syria 
 made  it  an  object  of  frequent  contention.  Along 
 with  the  rest  of  Phoenicia  it  fell  to  the  lot  of  Egypt, 
 and  was  named  Ptolemais,  after  one  of  the  Ptole- 
 mies, piobably  Soter,  who  could  not  have  failed  to 
 see  its  importance  to  his  dominions  in  a  military 
 point  of  view.  In  the  wars  that  ensued  between 
 Syria  and  Egypt,  it  was  taken  by  Antiochus  the 
 Great,  and  attached  to  his  kingdom.  It  is  mentioned 
 in  the  wars  of  the  Maccabees  (1  JIacc.  v.  22,  x.  39). 
 On  tlie  decay  of  the  Syrian  power  it  was  one  of  the 
 few  cities  of  Judaea  which  established  its  inde- 
 pendence. Ultimately  it  passwl  into  the  hands  of 
 the  Romans,  who  constructed  a  military  road  along 
 the  coast,  from  Berytus  to  Sepphoris,  passing 
 thiough  it,  and  elevated  it  to  the  rank  of  a  colony. 
 I  he  only  notice  of  it  in  the  N.  T.  is  in  connexion 
 with  St.  Paul's  passage  from  Tyre  to  Caesarea 
 (Acts  xxi.  7).  Few  remains  of  antiquity  are  to 
 be  tbund  in  the  modern  town :  the  original  name 
 has  alone  survived  all  the  changes  to  which  the 
 pi  \(:e  has  been  exposed. 
 
 Ac'cos,  lather  of  John  and  grandfather  of  Eupo- 
 lenuis  the  ambassador  from  Judas  Jlaccabaeus  to 
 Rome  (1  iNIacc.  viii.  17). 
 
 Ac'coz  (1  Esd.  V.  38).     [Koz.] 
 
 Aceldama,  "  the  field  of  blood ;"  the  name 
 given  by  liie  Jews  of'  Jerusalem  to  a  "  field  "  near 
 Jerusalem  purchased  by  Judas  with  the  money 
 which  he  received  for  the  betrayal  of  (."hrist,  and  so 
 cfilled  from  his  violent  death  therein  (Acts  i.  19). 
 This  is  apparently  at  variance  with  the  account  of 
 St.  Matthew  (xxvii.  8),  according  to  which  the 
 "  field  of  blood"  was  purchased  by  the  priests  with 
 the  ."lO  pieces  of  silver,  alter  they  h.ad  been  cast 
 down  by  Judas,  as  a  burial-place  for  strangers,  tlie 
 locality  being  well  known  at  the  time  as  "  the  Held 
 of  the  Potter."'  And  accordingly  ecclesiastical  tra- 
 dition ajipears,  from  th«  earliest  times,  to  have 
 pointed  out  two  distinct  spots  as  referred  to  in  the 
 
 '  Tlic  prophecy  referred  to  by  St.  Muttlicw,  Zeclia- 
 1  iah  (not  Jeremiah)  xi.  12,  13,  docs  not  in  the  present 
 state  of  the  Ilcb.  text  agree  with  the  quotation  of  the 
 EvaiiKclist. 
 
ACHAIA 
 
 two  accciunts.  Arculfus  saw  the  "large  fiij-iree 
 wheie  Judas  hanged  himself,"  certainly  in  a  dif- 
 ferent place  fiom  that  of  the  "  small  lield  (Acel- 
 dama) wheie  the  bodies  of  pilgrims  were  buried." 
 Sir  John  Maundeville  found  the  "  ekler-tree"  of 
 Judas  "fast  by"  the  "image  of  Absalom;"  but 
 the  Aceldama  "  on  the  other  side  of  Mount  Sion 
 towards  the  south."  Waundrell's  account  agrees 
 with  this,  and  so  does  the  large  map  of  Schultz,  on 
 which  both  sites  are  marked.  The  Aceldama  still 
 retains  its  ancient  position,  but  the  tree  of  Judas 
 has  been  transferred  to  the  "  Hill  of  Evil  Coimsel " 
 (Stanley,  S.  ^  P.  105,  186).— The  "  field  of  blood  " 
 IS  now  shown  on  the  steep  southern  face  of  the 
 valley  or  ravine  of  Hinnom,  near-  its  eastern  end, 
 on  a  naiTow  plateau,  more  than  half  way  up  the 
 hillside.  Its  modern  name  is  Hak  ed-dainin.  It 
 IS  separated  by  no  enclosure ;  a  few  venerable  olive- 
 trees  occupy  part  of  it,  and  the  rest  is  covered  by  a 
 ruined  square  edifice — half  built,  half  excavated — 
 which,  perhaps  originally  a  church,  was  in  Maun- 
 drell's  time  in  use  as  a  charnel-house.  It  was 
 believed  in  the  middle  ages  that  the  soil  of  this 
 place  had  the  power  of  very  rapidly  consuming 
 bodies  bui'ied  in  it,  and,  in  consequence  either  of 
 this  or  of  the  sanctity  of  the  spot,  great  quantities 
 of  the  earth  were  taken  away ;  amongst  others 
 by  the  Pisan  Crusaders  in  1218  for  their  Campo 
 Santo  at  Pisa,  and  by  the  Empress  Helena 
 tor  that  at  Home.  Besides  the  charnel-house  above 
 mentioned,  there  are  several  large  lioUows  in  the 
 ground  in  this  immediate  neighbourhood  which  may 
 liave  been  caused  by  such  excavations.  The  forma- 
 tion of  the  hill  is  cretaceous,  and  it  is  well  known 
 that  chalk  is  always  favourable  to  the  rapid  decay 
 of  animal  matter. 
 
 Acba'ia  signifies,  in  the  N.  T.,  a  Roman  pro- 
 vince, which  included  the  whole  of  the  Pelopon- 
 nesus and  the  greater  part  of  Hellas  proper  with 
 the  adjacent  islands.  This  province,  with  that  of 
 Macedonia,  comprehended  the  whole  of  Greece : 
 hence  Achaia  and  Macedonia  are  frequently  men- 
 tioned together  in  the  N.  T.  to  indicate  all  Greece 
 (Acts  xviii.  12,  27,  xix.  21  ;  Kom.  xv.  26,  xvi.  5  ; 
 1  Cor.  xvi.  15 ;  2  Cor.  i.  1,  ix.  2,  xi.  10 ;  1  Thes-s. 
 i.  7,  8).  A  narrow  slip  of  country  upon  the 
 northern  coast  of  Peloponnesus  was  originally  called 
 Achaia,  the  cities  of  which  were  confederated  in  an 
 ancient  League,  which  was  renewed  in  B.C.  280 
 for  the  purpose  of  resisting  the  Macedonians.  This 
 League  subsequently  included  several  of  the  other 
 Grecian  states,  and  became  the  most  powerful  poli- 
 tical body  in  Greece  ;  and  hence  it  was  natural  for 
 the  Konuuis  to  apply  the  name  of  Achaia  to  the 
 Peloponnesus  and  the  south  of  Greece,  when  they 
 took  Corinth  and  destroyed  the  League  in  B.C.  146. 
 [n  the  division  of  the  provinces  by  Augustus  between 
 the  emperor  and  the  senate  in  B.C.  27,  Achaia  was 
 one  of  the  provinces  assigned  to  the  senate,  and  was 
 governed  by  a  proconsul.  Tiboiius  in  the  second 
 year  of  his  reign  (a.D.  16)  took  it  away  from  the 
 senate,  and  made  it  an  imperial  province  governed 
 by  a  procurator ;  but  Claudius  restored  it  to  the 
 senate.  This  was  its  condition  when  Paul  was 
 brought  before  Gallic,  who  is  therefore  (Acts  xviii. 
 12)  con-ectly  called  the  "proconsul"  of  Achaia, 
 which  is  translated  in  the  A.  V.  "deputy"  of 
 Achaia. 
 
 Acha'icos,  a  name  of  a  Christian  (1  Cor.  xvi.  17, 
 subscription  No.  25). 
 
 A'chaa  {trovtblei-),  an  Israelite  of  the  tribe  of 
 
 ACHSAH 
 
 11 
 
 JuiJah,  who,  when  Jericho  and  all  that  it  contained 
 weie  accursed  and  devoted  to  destruction,  secreted 
 a  portion  of  the  spoil  in  his  tent.  For  this  sin 
 Jehovah  punished  Israel  by  their  defeat  in  their 
 attack  upon  Ai.  When  ichan  confessed  his  guilt, 
 and  the  booty  was  discovered,  he  was  stoned  to 
 death  with  his  whole  family  by  the  people  in  a 
 valley  situated  between  Ai  and  Jericho,  and  their 
 remains,  together  with  his  property,  were  burnt. 
 Fiom  this  event  the  valley  received  the  name  of 
 Achor  (1.  e.  trouble').  [AciiOR.]  From  the  simi- 
 larity of  the  name  Achan  to  Achor,  Joshua  said  to 
 Achan,  "  Why  hast  thou  troubled  us  ?  the  Lord 
 shall  trouble  thee  this  day"  (Josh.  vii.  25). 
 
 A'char  =  Achan  (1  Chr.  ii.  7). 
 
 A'chaz  =  Ahaz,  kingof  Judah  (Matt.  i.  9). 
 
 Ach'bor.  1.  Father  of  Baal-hanan,  king  of 
 Edom  (Gen.  xxxvi.  38,  39  ;  1  Chr.  i.  49).— 2.  Son 
 of  Michaiah,  a  contemporary  of  Josiah  (2  K.  xxii. 
 12,  14  ;  Jer.  xxvi.  22,  xxxvi.  12),  called  Abdon  in 
 2  Chr.  xxxiv.  20. 
 
 Actiiach.'anis,  chief  minister  at  the  court  of 
 Sarchedouus,  or  Esarhaddon,  king  of  Nineveh,  in 
 the  apocryphal  history  of  Tobit  (Tob.  i.  21,  22,  ii. 
 1 0,  xiv.  10).  From  the  occurrence  of  the  name  of 
 Aman  in  the  last  passage,  it  has  been  conjectured 
 that  Achiacharus  is  but  the  Jewish  name  of  Mor- 
 decai,  whose  history  suggested  some  points  which 
 the  author  of  the  book  of  Tobit  worked  up  into  his 
 narrative;  but  there  is  no  need  to  have  recourse  to 
 such  a  supposition,  as  the  discrepancies  are  much 
 more  strongly  marked  than  the  resemblances. 
 
 Achi'as,  son  of  Phinees ;  high-priest  and  pro- 
 genitor of  Esdras  (2  Esdr.  i.  2),  but  omitted  both 
 in  the  genealogies  of  Ezr.  and  1  Esd.  He  is  pro- 
 bably confounded  with  Ahijah,  the  son  of  Ahitub 
 and  gi-andson  of  Eli. 
 
 A'chim,  son  of  Sadoc,  and  father  of  Eliud,  in 
 our  Lord's  genealogy  ;  the  fifth  in  succession  befoi-e 
 Joseph,  the  husband  of  Mary  (Matt.  i.  14),  The 
 Hebrew  form  of  the  name  would  be  Jachin,  which 
 is  a  short  form  of  Jehoiachin,  the  Lord  will  esta- 
 blish. 
 
 A'chior,  a  general  of  the  Ammonites  in  the 
 army  of  Holofernes,  who  is  afterwards  repiesented 
 as  becoming  a  proselyte  to  Judaism  (Jud.  v.  vi. 
 xiv.). 
 
 A'cMsh,  a  Philistine  king  of  Gath,  son  of  Maoch, 
 who  in  the  title  to  the  34th  Psalm  is  called  Abi- 
 inelech.  David  twice  found  a  refuge  with  him 
 when  he  fled  from  Saul.  On  the  first  occasion, 
 being  recognised  by  the  servants  of  Achish  as  one 
 celebrated  for  his  victories  over  the  Philistines,  he 
 was  alarmed  for  his  safety,  and  feigned  madness 
 (1  Sam.  xxi.  10-13).  [David.]  From  Achish  he 
 fled  to  the  cave  of  Adullam.  On  a  second  occasion 
 David  fled  to  Achish  with  600  men  (1  Sam.xxvii.  2), 
 and  remained  at  Gath  a  year  and  four  months. 
 — Whether  Achish,  to  whom  Shimei  went  in  dis- 
 obedience to  the  commands  of  Solomon  (1  K.  ii.  40) 
 be  the  same  person  is  uncertain. 
 
 AcM'tob  =  Ahitub,  the  high-priest  (1  Esdr.  viii. 
 2  ;  2  Esdr.  i.  1),  in  the  genealogy  of  Esdras. 
 
 Ach'metha.    [Ecbatana.] 
 
 A'chor,  Valley  of="  valley  of  trouble,"  accord- 
 ing to  the  etymology  of  the  text ;  the  spot  at 
 which  Achan,  the  "  troubler  of  Israel,"  was  stoned 
 (Josh.  vii.  24,  26).  On  the  N.  boundary  of  Judah 
 (xv.  7;  also  Is.  Ixv.  10,  Hos.  ii.  15). 
 
 Ach'sa  (1  Chr.  ii.  49).     [Achsah.] 
 
 Ach'sah,  daughter  of  Caleb,  the  sou  of  Jcphuu- 
 
12 
 
 A.CHSHAPH 
 
 iieh  the  K'euezite.  Her  futhei-  pi-oniised  lier  in 
 tnaniage  to  whoever  should  take  l>el)ij'.  (JtliuicI, 
 her  liither's  younger  brother,  took  that  city,  and 
 accordingly  received  the  luuid  of  Adisah  as  his 
 reward.  Caleb,  at  his  daughter's  roijuest,  added 
 to  her  dowry  the  upper  and  lower  spriiiijs,  wliich 
 she  had  ple;uled  for  as  peculiarly  suitable  to  her 
 inheriumce  in  a  south  country  (Josh,  xv.  1.5-10; 
 Stanley's  S.  tj-  P.  P-  I*'')-  '^''^  story  is  repeated 
 in  Jud^.  i.  11-15.  Achsah  is  mentioned  agai:i,  as 
 beincc  the  daughter  of  Caleb  the  son  of  Hezron,  in 
 1  Ciir.  ii.  49. 
 
 Ach'sliaph,,  a  city  within  the  territory  of  Aslier, 
 named  between  Beten  and  Alammelech  (Josh. 
 xi.x.  25)  ;  originally  the  seat  of  a  Canaanite  king 
 '^xi.  1,  xii.  20).  It  is  possibly  the  modern  Kcsaf, 
 ruins  liearing  which  name  were  found  by  Robinson 
 (iii.  55)  on  the  N.VV.  edge  of  the  llidch.  But  more 
 probably  the  name  has  survived  in  Chaifa,  a  town 
 which,  from  its  situation,  must  always  have  been 
 too  imporUmt  to  have  escaped  niention  in  the  his- 
 torv,  as  it  otherwise  would  have  done. 
 
 Ach'zib.  1.  A  city  of  Judah  in  the  Shefelah, 
 named  with  Keilnh  and  l^lareshah  (Josh.  xv.  44 ; 
 Mic.  i.  14).  It  is  i)robably  the  same  with  CilK- 
 Ziu  and  CHOZKUA,  which  sec— 3.  A  town  belong- 
 ing to  Asher  (Josh.  xix.  29),  from  whicli  the  Ca- 
 naanites  were  not  expelled  (Judg.  i.  31)  ;  afterwards 
 Ecdippa.  It  is  now  es-Zib,  on  the  sea-shore  at  the 
 mouth  of  the  Nalv  IIerduu.il,  2  h.  2(1  m.  N.  of 
 Acre  (liobinson,  iii.  028).  After  the  return  from 
 Pabylon  Achzib  was  considered  by  the  Jews  as  the 
 northernmost  limit  of  the  Holy  Land. 
 
 A'cipha  (1  Ksdr.  v.  31).    [Hakupha.] 
 
 Ac'itho  f  Jud.  viii.  1 ;  comp.  2  lilsdr.  i.  1). 
 
 Acrabat'tine.     r-^f-^^ArriNii.] 
 
 Acts  of  the  Apostles,  a  second  treatise  by 
 the  author  of  the  tiiinl  Gosptl,  traditionally  known 
 as  Luke  (which  see).  The  identity  of  the  writer 
 of  both  books  is  strongly  shown  by  their  great 
 similarity  in  style  and  idiom,  and  the  usjige  of  par- 
 ticular woids  and  compound  forms.  It  must  be 
 confessed  to  be,  at  first  sight,  somewhat  surprising 
 that  notices  ol'  the  author  are  so  entirely  wanting, 
 not  only  in  the  book  itself,  but  also,  generally,  in 
 the  ICpistles  of  St.  Paul,  whom  he  must  have 
 accomjianied  for  some  years  on  his  travels.  But 
 our  surprise  is  removed  when  we  notice  the  habit 
 of  the  A])ostle  with  regard  to  mentioning  his  com- 
 panions to  have  been  very  vaiious  and  uncertain, 
 and  remember  that  no  Epistles  were,  strictly  speak- 
 ing, written  by  him  while  our  writer  was  i-i  his 
 comp;uiy,  before  his  Moman  imprisonment;  for  he 
 does  not  seem  to  have  joined  him  at  Corinth  (.Vets 
 xviii.),  where  the  two  Kpistles  to  the  Thessalonians 
 were  written,  nor  to  have  been  with  him  at  Hphesus 
 (ch.  xix.),  whence,  perhaps,  the  Epistle  to  the  Ga- 
 latians  was  written  ;  nor  again  to  have  wintered 
 with  him  at  Coiinth  (ch.  xx.  3)  at  the  time  of  his 
 writing  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans,  and,  perhaps, 
 that  to  the  (iaiatians. — Tin."  book  commences  with 
 an  inscription  to  one  Theophihis,  who  was  probably 
 a  man  of  birth  and  station.  But  it.s  design  mast 
 not  be  supjKXseil  to  be  litDite<l  to  the  editiciition  of 
 Tiieophiius,  whose  name  is  prelixed  only,  as  was 
 cu.stoinaiy  then  !ls  now,  byway  of  dedication.  The 
 readei's  wwo  evidently  intended  to  be  the  membcis 
 of  llie  Christian  Church,  whether  Jews  or  (ientilcs  ; 
 foi  its  (ronteiits  are  such  as  are  of  the  utmost  conse- 
 quence to  the  wliole  Churcii.  They  are  The  fu/jil- 
 iiiaU  of  the  proinis>'-  of  the  Father  hi/  the  descent  of 
 
 ACTS  OF  THE  APOSTLES 
 
 the  Hohi  Spirit,  and  the  results  of  that  oidpouring, 
 1)1/  the  dispersion  of  the  Gospel  ainotuj  Jews  and 
 Gentiles.     Under  these  leading  heads  all  the  ]>ev- 
 sonal  and  suboidinate  details  may  bo  muged.     Im- 
 mediately after  the  Ascension,  .St.  I'etei-,  the  first  of 
 the  Twelve,  designated  by  our  Lord  as  the  Rock  on 
 whom  the  Church  was  to  be  built,  the  holder  of 
 the  keys  of  the  kingdom,  becomes  the  i)rime  actor 
 under  (iod  in  the  founding  of  the  Church.     He  is 
 the  centre  of  the  first  great  group  of  savings  and 
 doings.     The  opening  of  the  door  to  Jews  (ch.  ii.) 
 and  (ientiles  (ch.  x.)  is  his  olTice,  and  by  him,  in 
 good  time,  is  accomplished.  But  none  of  the  existing 
 twelve   Apostles  were,  humanly  sjieaking,  fitted  to 
 preach  the  Go-sjiel  to  the  cultivated  Gentile  world. 
 To  be  by  divine  grace  the  spiritual  conqueror  of 
 Asia  and   Europe,  God   raised   np  another  instru- 
 ment, from  among  the  highly-educated  and  zealous 
 Pharisees.     The  pieparation  of  Saul  of  Tarsus  for 
 the  work  to  be  done,  the  progress,  in  his  hand,  of 
 that  work,  his  journeyings,  preachings,  and  perils, 
 his   stripes  and    imprisonments,    his   testifying   in 
 Jerusalem  and  being  brought  to  testify  in  Rome, — 
 these  are  the  subjects  of  the  latter  half  of  the  book, 
 of  which  the  great  central   figure  is  the  Apostle 
 Paul. — As   to  the  time  when,  and  place  at  which 
 the  book  was  written,  we  are  left  to  gather  them 
 entirely  from  indirect  notices.     It  seems  most  pro- 
 bable that  the  place  of  writing  was  Rome,  and  the 
 time  about  two  years  fiom  the  date  of  St.  Paul's 
 ariival   there,  as   lelated  in  ch.  xxviii.   30.     Had 
 any  consideiable  alteration  in  the  .Apostle's  circum- 
 stances taken  jilace  before  the  publication,  there  can 
 be  no  reason  wiiy  it  should  not  have  been  noticed. 
 And  on  otiiei'  accounts  also  this  time  was  by  far 
 the  most   likely   for  the   publication  of  the  book. 
 The  arrival   in   Rome  was  an  important  period  in 
 the  Apostle's   life:    the  (juiet  which  succeeiled   it 
 seemed  to  promise  no  inmieiliate  determination  of 
 his  cjiiise.     A   large  amount  of  historic    material 
 had  been  collected  in  Judaea,  and  during  tiie  vaiious 
 missionary  joumeys.    Or,  taking  auotlier  .and  not 
 less  probable  view,  Xeio  was  beginning  to  undergo 
 that  change  for  the  woise  which  disgraced  the  latter 
 portion  of  his  reign  :  none  wuld  tell  how  soon  the 
 whole  outw.-ud  repose  of  Roman  society  might  be 
 shaken,  and  the  tacit  toleration  which  the  Chiis- 
 tians   enjoyed  be  exchanged  for  bitter  pereecution. 
 If  such  terroi's  were  iumiinent,  there  would  surely 
 be   in   the   Roman   t^hurch   prophets  and   ter\cheij 
 who  might  tell  them  of  the  storm  which  was  ga- 
 thering, and   warn   them,  that  the   recoids   lying 
 ready  lor  pulilication  must  be  given  to  the  fhithtnl 
 befoi'e  it-s  outbreak  or  event. — .Such  a  priori  consi- 
 derations would,  it  is  true,  weigh  but  little  .ngainst 
 presumptive  evidence  furnished  by  the  book  itself; 
 but  arrayed,   as  they  are,  in  aid  of  such  evidence, 
 they  Ciirry  simie  weight,  when  we  find  tiiat  the  time 
 naturally  and  fi\irly  indieited  in  the  book  itself  for 
 it-s  publication  is  that  one  of  all  othere  at  which  we 
 should  conceive  that  jniblication  most  likely. — Thi.s 
 woidd  give  us  tor  the  pulilication  the  year  G.'i  A.D., 
 according  to  the  most  probable  assignment  of  the  date 
 ot'  the  arrival  of  St.  Paid  at  Rome. — The  genuine- 
 ness  of  the  .Acts  of  the  Apostles  has  ever  been 
 recognised  in  the  Chureh.     It  is  first  directly  (juoted 
 in   the  epistle  of  the  churches  of  Lyons  anil  \'icunc 
 to  lliose  of  Asia  and  Phrygia  '  A.D.  177)  ;  then  re- 
 peatedly   and    expressly    by    Irenaeus,    ('lement  of 
 Alexandria,  Tertulllan,   and    so   onwards.      It    was 
 rejected  by  the   Marcionitcs  (cent,  iii.)  and  Maiii* 
 
ACUA 
 
 chaeans  (cent,  iv.)  as  contradicting  some  of  their 
 notions. — The  text  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  is 
 veiy  full  of  various  readings ;  more  so  than  any 
 other  book  of  the  N.  T.  To  this  seveial  causes 
 may  have  contributed.  In  the  many  backward  re- 
 ferences to  Gospel  history,  and  the  many  anticipa- 
 tions of  statements  and  expressions  occurring  in  the 
 Epistles,  temptations  abounded  for  a  coD'ector  to 
 try  his  hand  at  assimilating,  and,  as  he  thought, 
 reconciling,  the  various  accounts.  In  places  where 
 ecclesiastical  order  or  usage  was  in  question,  inser- 
 tions or  omissions  were  made  to  suit  the  habits  and 
 views  of  the  Church  in  after  times.  Where  the 
 narrative  simply  related  facts,  any  act  or  word 
 apparently  unworthy  of  the  apostolic  agent  was 
 modified  for  the  sake  of  decorum.  Where  St.  Paul 
 repeats  to  dilierent  audiences,  or  the  writer  himself 
 narrates,  the  details  of  his  miraculous  conversion, 
 the  one  passage  was  pieced  fiom  the  other,  so  as  to 
 produce  verbal  accoidauce.  There  are  in  this  book 
 an  unusual  number  of  those  remarkable  interpola- 
 tions of  considerable  length,  which  are  found  in  the 
 Codex  Bezae  (D)  and  its  cognates.  A  critic  of  some 
 eminence,  Bornemaini,  believes  that  the  text  of  the 
 Acts  originally  contained  them  all,  and  has  been 
 abbreviated  by  conectors ;  and  he  has  published  an 
 edition  in  which  they  are  inserted  in  full.  But, 
 wliile  some  of  them  bear  an  appearance  of  genuine- 
 ness, the  greater  part  are  unmeaning  and  absurd. 
 
 Ac'iia  =  Akkub  (1  Esdr.  v.  30  ;  cf.  Ezr.  ii.  45). 
 
 A'cub^Bakbuk  (1  Esdr.  v.  .31  ;  cf.  Ezr.  ii.  51). 
 
 Ad'adah,  one  of  the  cities  in  the  extreme 
 south  of  Judah  named  with  Dinaonah  and  Kedesh 
 (Josh.  XV.  22). 
 
 A'dah  (^ornament,  beauty).  1.  The  first  of  the 
 two  wives  of  Lamech,  fifth  in  descent  from  Cain, 
 by  whom  were  born  to  him  Jabaland  Jubal  (Gen. 
 iv.  19). ^2.  A  Hittitess,  daughter  of  Elon,  one  of 
 the  three  wives  of  Esau,  mother  of  his  first-bom 
 son  Eliphaz,  and  so  the  ancestress  of  six  (or  seven) 
 of  the  tribes  of  the  Edomites  (Gen.  xxxvi.  2,  10  ff. 
 15  ff.;.     In  Gen.   xxvi.  34  she  is  called  Bashk- 
 
 MATH. 
 
 Adai'all.  1.  Maternal  grandfather  of  king  Jo- 
 siah,  and  native  of  Boscath  in  the  lowlands  of 
 Judah  (2  K.  xxii.  1).— 2.  A  Levite,  of  the  Gersh- 
 onite  branch,  and  ancestor  of  Asaph  (1  Chr.  vi.  41). 
 In  V.  21  he  is  called  Iddo. — 3.  A  Benjamite,  son 
 of  Shimhi  (1  Chr.  \iii.  21),  who  is  apparently  the 
 same  as  Shema  in  v,  13.— 4.  A  priest,  son  of  Je- 
 horam  (I  Chr.  ix.  12  ;  Neh.  xi.  12).— 5.  Ancestor 
 of  Jlajiseiah,  one  of  the  captains  who  supported 
 .lehoiada  (2  Chr.  xxiii.  1).— 6.  One  of  the  descend- 
 ants of  Bani  who  had  manned  a  foreign  wife  after 
 the  return  from  Babylon  (Ezr.  x.  29).  He  is  called 
 Jedel'S  in  1  Esdr.  ix.  30.— 7.  The  descendant  of 
 another  Bani,  who  had  also  taken  a  foreign  wife 
 (Ezr.  X.  39).— 8.  A  man  of  Judah,  of  the  line  of 
 Pharez  (Neh.  xi.  5). 
 
 Adal'ia,  fifth  son  of  Haman  (Esth.  ix.  8). 
 
 Ad'am,  the  name  which  is  given  in  Scripture 
 to  the  first  man.  The  term  apparently  has  refei- 
 ence  to  the  ground  fiom  which  he  was  formed, 
 which  is  called  in  Hebrew  Adamah.  The  idea  of 
 redness  of  coloicr  seems  to  be  inherent  in  either 
 ^ovd.  The  creation  of  man  was  the  work  of  the 
 sixth  day.  His  formation  was  the  ultimate  object 
 of  the  Creator.  It  was  with  reference  to  him  that 
 all  things  were  designed.  H"  was  to  be  the  "  roof 
 and  crown  "  of  the  whole  fabric  of  the  world.  In 
 th»  first  nine  chapters  of  Genesis  there  appear  to  be 
 
 ADAM 
 
 13 
 
 three  distinct  histories  relating  more  or  less  to  the 
 life  of  Adam.     The  first  extends  from  Gen.  i.  1  tc 
 ii.  3,  the  second  from  ii.  4  to  iv.  26,  the  third  from 
 V.  1  to  the  end  of  ix.     The  word  at  the  commence- 
 ment of  the  two  latter  narratives,  which  is  rendered 
 there  and  elsewhere  tjenerations,  may  also  be  ren- 
 dered historij.     The  style  of  the   second  of  these 
 records  differs  veiy  considerably  from  that  of  the 
 first.     In  the  first  the  Deity  is  designated  by  the 
 word  Elohim;  in  the  second  He  is  generally  spoken 
 of  as  Jehovah  Elohim.     The  object  of  the  first  of 
 these  narratives  is  to  record  the  cieation  ;  that  of 
 the  second  to  give  an  account  of  paradise,  the  original 
 sin  of  man,  and  the  immediate  posterity  of  Adam  ; 
 the  third  contains  mainly  the  history  of  Noah,  re- 
 ferring, it  would  seem,  to  Adam  and  his  descendants 
 principally    in    relation    to    that    patriarch. — The 
 Mosaic  accounts  furnish  us  with  very  few  materials 
 from  which  to  fonn  any  adequate  conception  of  the 
 first  man.     He  is  said  to  have  been  created  in  the 
 image  and  likeness  of  God,  which  probably  points 
 to  the   Divine  pattern  and  archetype  after  which 
 man's    intelligent    nature    was    fashioned ;    reason, 
 understanding,  imagination,  volition,  &c.  being  at- 
 tributes of  God  ;  and  man  alone  of  the  animals  of 
 the  earth  being  possessed  of  a  spiritual  nature  which 
 resembles  God's  nature.     The  name  Adam  was  not 
 confined  to  the  father  of  the  human  race,  but  like 
 homo  w;is  applicable  to  icoman  as  well  as  man,  so 
 that  we  find  it  said  in  Gen.  v.  1,  2,  "  This  is  the 
 book  of  the  '  history '  of  Adam  in  the  day  that  God 
 created  'Adam,'  in  the  likeness  of  God  made   He 
 him,  male  and  female  created  he  them,  and  called 
 their   name   Adam    in  the  day   when    they  were 
 created."— The  man  Adam  was  placed  in  a  garden 
 which   the   Lord   God  had   planted   "  eastward    in 
 Eden,"  for  the  purpose  of  dressing  it  and  keeping 
 it.     [Eden.]     Adam  was  permitted  to  eat  of  the 
 fruit  of  every  tree  in  the  garden  but  one,  which 
 was  called  the  "  tree  of  the  knowledge  of  good  and 
 evil."    What  this  was,  it  is  impossible  to  say.     Its 
 name  would  seem  to  indicate  that  it  had  the  power 
 of  bestowing  the  consciousness  of  the  difference  be- 
 tween good  and   evil ;   in  the  ignorance  of  which 
 man's  innocence  and  happiness  consisted.     The  pro- 
 hibition to  taste  the  fruit  of  this  tree  was  enfoi-ced 
 by  the  menace  of  death.     There  was  also  another 
 tree  which  was  called  "  the  tree  of  life."     Some 
 suppose  it  to  have  acted  as  a  kind  of  medicine,  and 
 that  by  the  continual  use  of  it  our  fiist  parents, 
 not  created  immortal,  were  preserved  from  death. 
 (Abp.  Whately.)    While  Adam  was  in  the  gai'den  of 
 Eden  the  beasts  of  the  field  and  the  fowls  of  the  air 
 were  brought  to  him  to  be  named,  and  whatsoever 
 he  called  every  living  creature  that  was  the  name 
 thereof.    Thus  the  power  of  fitly  designating  objects 
 of  sense  was  possessed  by  the  first  man,  a  faculty 
 which  is  generally  considered  as  indicating  mature 
 and  extensive  intellectual  resources.  Upon  the  failure 
 of  a  companion  suitable  for  Adam  amons"  the  crea- 
 tures thus  brought  to  him  to  be  named,  the  Lord 
 God  caused  a  deep  sleep  to  fall  upon  him,  and  took 
 one  of  his  ribs  from  him,  which  He  fashioned  into  a 
 woman  and  brought  her  to  the  man.     At  this  time 
 they  are  both  described  as  being  naked  without  the 
 consciousness    of  shame. — Such    is   the    Scripture 
 accomit  of  Adam  prior  to  the  Fall.     The  first  man 
 is  a  true  man,  with  the  powers  of  a  man  and  the 
 innocence  of  a  child.     He  is  moreover  spoken  of  by 
 St.  Paul  as  being  "  the  figure  of  Him  that  was  to 
 come,"   the  second   Adam,  Christ  Jesus  (Horn.  v. 
 
11 
 
 ADAM 
 
 14).  By  the  subtlety  of  tlie  serpent,  the  woman 
 who  w.us  givei!  to  be  witli  Adam  was  beguile<l  into 
 a  violation  of  the  one  commaml  which  had  been 
 imposed  upon  them.  She  took  of  the  fruit  of  the 
 forbidden  tree  and  gave  it  to  her  husband.  The 
 pix)pricty  of  its  name  was  immediately  shown  in 
 the  results  which  followed:  self-consciousness  was 
 the  (irst-tVuits  of  sin  ;  their  eyes  were  opened  and 
 they  knew  that  they  were  naked.  Though  the 
 curso  of  Adam's  rebellion  of  necessity  fell  upon 
 him,  yet  the  very  prohibition  to  eat  of  the  tree  of 
 life  after  his  transgression  was  probably  a  mani- 
 festation of  Divine  mercy,  because  the  greatest 
 maleiliction  of  all  would  have  been  to  have  the  gitl 
 of  indestructible  life  supei-added  to  a  state  of  wretch- 
 edness and  sin. — .\dam  is  stated  to  have  lived  9:50 
 yeai-s:  so  it  would  seem  that  the  death  which  re- 
 sulted from  his  sin  was  the  spiritual  death  of  alien- 
 ation from  God.  "  In  tiie  rfciy  *''•■>'■  thou  eatest 
 thereof  thou  shalt  surely  die:"  and  accordinglv  we 
 (ind  that  this  spiritual  death  began  to  work  imme- 
 diately.— The  sons  of  .Vdam  mentioned  in  Scripture 
 are  Cain,  Abel,  and  Seth:  it  is  implied,  however, 
 that  he  had  otliers. 
 
 Ad  am,  a  city  on  the  Joitian  "  beside  Zarot.an." 
 in  the  time  of  Joshua  (Josh.  iii.  16).  It  is  not 
 elsewhere  mentioned. 
 
 Ad'amah,  one  of  the  "  fenced  cities  "  of  Naph- 
 tili,  named  between  Chinnereth  and  ha-Iiamah 
 (Josh.  xix.  30).  It  was  probably  situated  to  the 
 N.VV.  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee,  but  no  trace  of  it  has 
 yet  been  discovered. 
 
 Adamant,  the  translation  of  the  Hebrew  woixl 
 Fhainir  in  Kz.  iii.  9  and  Zech.  vii.  12.  In 
 Jer.  xvii.  1  it  is  ti-anslated  "diamond."  In  these 
 three  passages  the  word  is  the  representative  of 
 some  stone  of  excessive  hardness,  and  is  used  meta- 
 phorically. Our  English  Adamant  is  derived  from 
 the  Greek,  and  signifies  "  the  unconquerable,"  in 
 allusion  perhaps  to  the  hard  nature  of  the  substance 
 indicated,  because  it  was  supposed  to  be  inde- 
 structible by  fire.  The  Greek  writci-s  generally 
 apply  the  v/ord  to  some  very  hard  metal,  perhajis 
 steel,  though  they  do  also  use  it  for  a  mineral.  Nor 
 does  the  Knglish  language  attich  anv  one  definite 
 meaning  to  Adnmnnt ;  sometimes  indeed  we  under- 
 stand the  diimond '  by  it,  but  the  term  is  often 
 used  vaguely  to  express  any  substance  of  im- 
 penetrable hardness.  That  some  hard  cutting  stone 
 is  intendeil  in  the  Bible  is  evident  from  the  passage 
 in  Jeremiah  (xvii.  1): — "The  sin  of  Jndah  is  writ- 
 ten with  a  pen  of  iron  and  with  the  point  of  a 
 diamond."  Since  the  Hebiews  appear  to  have  been 
 unacquainted  with  the  true  diamond,  it  is  very 
 probable,  from  the  expression  in  Kz.  iii.  9,  of 
 "  adamant  harder  than  flint"  that  by  Shamir  is 
 intended  some  variety  of  Corundum,  a  mineral 
 inferior  only  to  the  diamond  in  hardness.  Of  this 
 mineral  there  are  two  principal  groups — one  is 
 crystalhne,  the  other  granular;  to  the  crystalline 
 varieties  belong  the  indigo-blue  sapphire,  the  red 
 orientAl  ruby,  the  yellow  oriental  t(i]>az,  the  gieen 
 oriental  emerald,  the  violet  oriental  amethyst,  the 
 brown  adamantine  spar.  But  it  is  to  the  granular 
 or  massive  variety  that  the  Shdmtr  may  with  most 
 probability  be  assigned.  This  is  known  by  the 
 name  of  Emenj,  which  i.s  extensively  used  in  the 
 
 '  Our  EngliHta  diamond  Ir  merely  a  corruption  of 
 tidnmant.  Ct.  the  Frenrh  dinmnnlr,  and  Corman 
 dfinnrt. 
 
 ADDER 
 
 ai"ts  for  polisliing  and  cutting  gems  and  other  hard 
 substiinces.  The  Greek  name  tor  the  emery-stone 
 or  the  emery-powder  is  Sm'/ria  or  Smiris,  and  the 
 Hebrew  lexicographei-s  derive  this  word  from  the 
 Hebrew  Shamir.  There  seems  to  l)e  no  doubt 
 whatever  that  the  Hebrew  and  Greek  words  are 
 identical,  and  tliat  by  Adamant  we  are  to  under- 
 stand the  emcrij-stonc,  or  the  un-crystalline  vai-iety 
 of  the  Corundum  of  mineralogists. 
 
 Ad'ami,  a  place  on  the  border  of  Naphtali, 
 mentioned  after  Allon  Bezaanannim  (Josh.  xix.  33). 
 In  the  post-biblical  times  Adami  bore  the  name  of 
 Damin. 
 
 Ad'ar,     a    place    on    the    south    boundary    of 
 I'ali'stine  and  of  Jndah  (.losh.  xv.  3),  which  in  th« 
 parallel  list  is  called  Hazau-ADDAR. 
 A'dar.     [Months.] 
 
 Ad'asa,  a  place  in  Judaea,  a  tlay's  journey 
 from  Gazera,  and  30  stadia  from  Bethhoron  (Jos. 
 Ant.  xii.  10,  §5).  Here  J(uias  Macciibaeus  encamped 
 before  the  battle  in  whii.h  Nicanor  was  killed, 
 Nicanor  having  pitched  at  Jiethhoron  (1  Mace.  vii. 
 40,  45). 
 
 Ad'beel,  a  son  of  Ishmael  (Gen.  xxv.  13; 
 1  Chr.  i.  29),  and  probably  the  progenitor  of  an 
 Arab  tribe. 
 
 Ad'dan,  one  of  the  jilaces  from  which  some  of 
 the  cnptivity  retumed  with  Zerubbabel  to  Judaea 
 who  could  not  show  their  pedigree  as  Israelites 
 (Ezr.  ii.  59).  In  the  parallel  lists  of  Nehemiah 
 (vii.  61)  and  Esdras  the  name  is  ADrK)N  and 
 Aalak. 
 
 Ad'dar,  son  ofBela  (1  Chr.  viii.3),  called  Ahd 
 in  Xuu).  .\xvi.  40. 
 
 Adder.  This  word  is  used  for  any  poisonous 
 snake,  and  is  applied  in  this  general  sense  by  the 
 translatoi-s  of  the  A.  V.  They  use  in  a  similar  w.iy 
 the  synonymous  term  asp.  The  woi-d  adder  occurs 
 five  times  in  the  text  of  the  A.  V.  (see  below),  and 
 three  times  in  the  margin  as  synonymous  with 
 cockatrice,  viz.  Is.  xi.  8,  xiv.  29,  lix.  5.  It  repre- 
 sents four  Hebrew  words :— 1.  Acshub  is  found  only 
 in  Ps.  cxl.  3:  "They  have  sharpened  their  tongues 
 like  a  serpent,  adder's  poison  is  under  their  lips." 
 
 1  o(  i:|;>  pi. 
 
 'i'he  latter  half  of  this  verse  is  quoted  by  St.  I'aul 
 from  the  LXX.  in  IJom.  iii.  13.  The  poison  of 
 venomous  serpents  is  often  employed  by  the  sacred 
 writers,  in  n  figurative  sense,  to  expi-e«  the  evil 
 
ADDI 
 
 tempers  of  ungodly  men. — Tlie  number  of  poisonous 
 serpents  witli  which  the  Jews  were  acquainted  was 
 ill  all  probabilitj-  limited  to  some  five  or  six  species 
 [Serpent]  ;  and  as  there  are  reasonable  grounds 
 for  identifying  Pethcn  and  Shephiphon  with  two 
 well-known  species,  viz.  the  Egyptian  Cobra  and 
 the  Horned  Viper,  it  is  not  improbable  that  the 
 Acshuh  may  be  represented  by  the  Toxicoa  of  Egypt 
 and  North  Afiica.  At  any  rate  it  is  unlikely  that 
 the  Jews  should  have  been  unacquainted  with  this 
 species,  which  is  common  in  Egypt  and  probably  in 
 Syria:  the  Echis  arenicola,  therefore,  for  such  is 
 this  adder's  scientific  name,  may  be  identical,  as  in 
 name  so  in  reality,  with  the  animal  signified  by  the 
 Hebrew  Acshub.—2,  PL-then.  [Asp.j— 3.  Tsephd, 
 or  Tsiphoni,  occurs  five  times  in  the  Hebrew  Bible. 
 In  Prov.  xxiii.  32  it  is  translated  adder,  and  in 
 Is.  xi.  8,  xiv.  29,  lix.  5,  Jer.  viii.  17,  it  is  rendered 
 cockatrice.  From  Jeremiah  we  learn  that  it  was 
 of  a  hostile  nature,  and  from  tlie  parallelism  of  Is. 
 xi.  8  it  appears  that  the  Tsiphoni  was  considered 
 even  more  dreadful  than  the  Pethen.  It  is  possible 
 that  the  Tsiphoni  may  be  represented  by  the  A\- 
 gerine  adder  {Clotho  mauritanica),  but  it  must  be 
 confessed  that  this  is  mere  conjecture.— 4.  Shephi- 
 phon occurs  only  in  Gen.  xlix.  17,  where  it  is  used 
 to  characterise  the  tiibe  of  Dan :  "  Dan  shall  be  a 
 serpent  by  the  way,  an  adder  in  the  path,  that 
 biteth  the  horse's  heels,  so  that  his  rider  shall  fall 
 backward."  The  habit  of  lurking  in  the  sjind  and 
 biting  at  the  horse's  heels,  here  alluded  to,  suits 
 the  character  of  a  well-known  species  of  venomous 
 snake,  and   helps  us  to  identify  it  with  the  cele- 
 
 ADONI-BEZEK 
 
 15 
 
 Horned  Cerastes. 
 
 brated  horned  viper,  the  asp  of  Cleopatra  {Cerastes 
 Hasselquistii),  which  is  found  abundantly  in  the 
 dry  sandy  deserts  of  Egypt,  Syria,  and  Arabia. — 
 The  Cerastes  is  extremely  venomous ;  Bruce  com- 
 pelled a  specimen  to  scratch  eighteen  pigeons  upon 
 the  thigh  as  quickly  as  possible,  and  they  all  died 
 nearly  in  the  same  intei-val  of  time.  This  species 
 averages  from  12  to  15  inches  in  length,  but  occa- 
 sionally larger  individuals  are  found. 
 
 Ad'di.  1.  (Luke  iii.  28)  Son  of  Cosam,  and 
 fother  of  Melchi,  in  our  Lord's  genealogy  ;  the  third 
 above  Salathiel.^2.  The  name  occurs  in  a  very 
 corrupt  verse  of  1  Esd.  ix.  31,  and  has  apparently 
 no  equivalent  in  Ezr.  x. 
 
 Ad'do=Iddo  (1  Esd.  vi.  \\ 
 
 Addon.     [Addax.] 
 
 Ad'dns.  1.  The  sons  of  Addus  are  enumerated 
 among  the  sons  of  the  servants  of  Solomon  in 
 1  Esd.  V.  34 ;  but  the  name  does  not  occur  in  Ezr. 
 ii.  or  Neh.  vii.— 2.  A  priest,  whose  desceuH.ints, 
 according  to  1  Esd.,  were  unable  to  estiiblish  their 
 genealogy  in  the  time  of  Ezra,  .and  were  removed 
 from  their  priesthootl  (l  Esd.  v.  38).     He  is  there 
 
 said  to  have  married  Augia,  the  daughter  of  Ber- 
 zelus,  or  Barzillai.  In  Ezra  and  Neliemiah  he  is 
 called  by  his  adopted  name  Barzi.lai,  and  it  is  not 
 clear  whether  Addus  represents  hij  original  name 
 or  is  a  mere  coiTuption. 
 
 A'der,  a  Benjamite,  son  of  Beriah,  chief  of  the 
 inhabitants  of  Aijalon  (1  Chr.  viii.  l.'i).  The  name 
 is  more  con-ectly  Eder. 
 
 Ad'ida,  a  town  on  an  eminence  overlooking 
 the  low  country  of  Judah,  fortified  by  Simon  Macca- 
 baeus  in  his  wars  with  Tryphon  (1  Mace.  xii.  38, 
 xiii.  13).  Probably  identiail  with  Hadid  and 
 Adithaim  (which  see). 
 
 A'diel.  1.  A  prince  of  the  tribe  of  Simeon, 
 descended  from  the  prosperous  family  of  Shimei 
 (1  Chr.  iv.  36).  He  took  part  in  the  murderous 
 raid  made  by  his  tribe  upon  the  peaceable  Hamite 
 shepherds  of  the  valley  of  Gedor  in  the  reign  of 
 Hezekiah. — 2.  A  priest,  ancestor  of  Maasiai  (1  Chr. 
 ix.  12). — 3.  Ancestor  of  Azmaveth,  David's  trea- 
 surer (1  Chr.  xxvii.  25). 
 
 A'din,  ancestor  of  a  family  who  returned  with 
 Zerubbabel,  to  the  number  of  454-  (Ezr.  ii,  15),  or 
 655  according  to  the  parallel  list  in  Neh.  vii.  20. 
 Fifty-one  more  accompanied  Ezra  in  the  second 
 caravan  from  Babylon  (Ezr.  viii.  6).  They  joined 
 with  Nehemiah  in  a  covenant  to  sepai-ate  them- 
 selves from  the  heathen  (Neh.  x.  16). 
 
 Ad'ina,  one  of  Daviil's  captains  beyond  the 
 Jordan,  and  a  chief  of  the  Reubenites  {  1  Chr.  xi. 
 42).  According  to  the  A.  V.  and  the  Syr.  he  had 
 the  command  of  thirty  men ;  but  the  passage 
 should  be  rendered  "  and  over  him  were  thirty," 
 i.  e.  the  thirty  before  enumerated  were  his  superiors, 
 just  as  Benaiah  (1  Chr.  xxvii.)  was  -above  the 
 thirty." 
 
 Adi'no,  the  Eznite,  2  Sam.  xxiii.  8.  See 
 Jashobeam. 
 
 Ad'inus  =  Jamin,  the  Levite  (1  Esd.  ix.  48; 
 cf  Neh.  viii.  7). 
 
 Aditlia'im,  a  town  belonging  to  Judah,  lying  in 
 the  low  country  {Shefelah),  and  named,  between 
 Sharaim  and  hag-Gederah,  in  Josh.  xv.  36  only. 
 At  a  later  time  the  name  appears  to  have  been 
 changed  to  Hadid  fChadid)  and  Adida. 
 
 Adjuration.     [Exorcism.] 
 
 Adla'i,  ancestor  of  Shaphat,  the  overseer  of 
 David's  herds  that  fed  in  the  broad  valleys  (1  Chr. 
 xxvii.  29). 
 
 Ad'mah,  one  of  the  "  cities  of  the  plain," 
 always  coupled  with  Zeboim  (Gen.  x.  19,  xiv.  2,  8  ; 
 Deut.  xxix.  23 ;  Hos.  xi.  8).  It  had  a  king  of  iis 
 own. 
 
 Ad'matlia,  one  of  the  seven  princes  of  Persia 
 (Esth.  i.  14). 
 
 Ad'na.  1.  One  of  the  family  of  Paliath-Moab 
 who  returned  with  Ezra  and  married  a  foreign  wife 
 (Ezr.  x.  30).— 2.  A  priest,  descendant  of  Harim 
 in  the  days  of  Joiakim,  the  son  of  Jeshua  (Neh. 
 xii.  15). 
 
 Ad'nah.  1.  A  Manassite  who  deserted  fiom 
 Saul  and  joined  the  fortunes  of  D<ivid  on  his  road  to 
 Ziklag  from  the  camp  of  the  Philistines.  He  was 
 captain  of  a  thousand  of  his  tribe,  and  fought  at 
 David's  side  in  the  pursuit  of  the  Anialekites 
 (1  Chr.  xii.  20).— 2.  The  captain  over  300,000 
 men  of  Judah  who  were  in  Jelioshaphat's  army 
 (2  Chr.  .wii.  14). 
 
 Ado'ni-Be'zek  {lord  of  Bezek),  kmg  ofBezek, 
 a  city  of  the  Canaanites.  [Bkzek.]  This 
 chieftain   wa.s  vanquished   by   the  tribe  of  Judali 
 
16 
 
 ADONIJAH 
 
 (Judg.  I.  3-7),  who  cut  off  liis  thumbs  a;id  great 
 toes,  ;\nd  brouglit  him  prisDui-i-  to  Jerusalem,  where 
 he  died.  He  confessed  thiit  lie  hnd  iutlicted  the 
 same  cruelty  upon  seventy  petty  kings  whom  he 
 had  ronquered. 
 
 Adonijah  {my  Lord  is  Jehovah).  1.  The 
 fourth  son  of  David  by  Ilaggith,  born  at  Hebron, 
 while  liis  father  was  king  of  Judah  (2  Sam.  iii.  4). 
 After  the  death  of  his  three  brothers,  Amnon, 
 Chileab,  and  Absjilom,  he  became  eldest  son  ;  and 
 when  his  father's  strength  was  visibly  declining, 
 put  tbiward  his  pi-etensious  to  the  crown.  David 
 promised  Bathsheba  that  her  son  Solomon  .should 
 inherit  the  succession  (1  K.  i.  30),  for  there  was  no 
 absolute  claim  of  primogeniture  in  these  E;tstern 
 monarchies.  Adonijali's  c-ause  was  espoused  by  Abi- 
 athar  and  Joab,  the  famous  commander  of  David's 
 army.  [JOAB.]  His  name  and  influence  secured  a 
 large  number  of  follower  among  the  captains  of  the 
 royal  army  belonging  to  the  tribe  of  Judali  (comp. 
 1  Iv.  i.  9  and  25);  and  these,  together  with  all  the 
 princes  except  Solomon,  were  entertained  by  Ado- 
 nijah at  a  gi-eat  sacrificial  feast  held  "  by  the  stone 
 Zoheleth,  which  is  by  En-rogel."  [Hnrogel.] 
 Nathan  and  Bathsheba,  now  thoroughly  alarmed, 
 apprised  David  of  these  proceedings,  who  immedi- 
 ately gave  ordei-s  that  Solomon  should  be  conducted 
 on  the  royal  mule  in  solemn  procession  to  Gihon,  a 
 spring  on  the  W.  of  Jerusalem  (2  Chr.  xxxii.  3()j. 
 [GiiiON.]  Here  he  was  anointed  and  proclaimed 
 king  by  Zadok,  and  joyfully  recognised  by  the 
 people.  This  decisive  measure  struck  terror  into 
 the  opposite  party,  and  Adonijah  fled  to  saii<;tuary, 
 but  was  pardoned  by  Solomon  on  condition  that  he 
 should  "  show  himself  a  worthy  man,"  with  the 
 threat  that  "  if  wickedness  were  i'niind  in  him  lie 
 should  die  "  (i.  52).  The  death  of  David  quickly 
 followed  on  these  events ;  and  Adonijah  i)egged 
 liathsheba,  who  as  "king's  mother"  would  now 
 liave  special  dignity  and  inlluence  [Asa],  to  procure 
 .Solomon's  consent  to  his  marriage  with  Abishag, 
 wlio  had  been  the  wife  of  David  in  his  olil  age 
 (I  Iv.  ).  3).  This  was  rcgiude<l  as  ei(uivalent  to  a 
 fresh  attempt  on  the  throne  [Ai'.sai.om;  Akxku]  ; 
 and  therefoie  Solomon  ordered  him  to  be  put  to 
 death  by  Benaiah,  in  accordance  with  the  terms  of 
 iiis  previous  pardon. ^2.  A  Levite  in  the  reign  of 
 .lehnshaphat  (2  Chr.   xvii.  8).— 3.  (Neh.  x.^16). 
 
 [AlMiNlKAM.J 
 
 Adoni'kam.  The  sons  of  Adonikam,  066  in 
 numlii'r,  were  among  those  who  returned  from  Baby- 
 lon with  Zerubbi\l)el  (Kzr,  ii.  13;  Neh.  vii.  18; 
 1  Ksd.  v.  ll).  Ill  the  last  two  pa.ssages  the  num- 
 ber is  Gf37.  The  I'emainder  of  the  family  retunwil 
 with  Ezra  (Kzr.  viii.  13;  1  Ivsd.  viii.  39).  Tlie 
 nnme  is  '^iv.-n  as  AdoNI.TAII  in  Neh.  x.  IG. 
 
 Adoni'ram  ''  I  K.  iv.  O  ;  by  an  unusual  con- 
 traction .\DOiiA.M,  2  .Sam.  \i.  24,  and  1  K.  xii.  18  ; 
 also  Hadoiiam.  2  Chr.  x.  18),  chief  receiver  of  the 
 tribute  during  the  reigns  of  David  (2  Sam.  xx.  24), 
 Solomon  (1  K.  iv.  (!),  and  Rehoboam  d  K.  xii.  ISi. 
 This  last  monarch  sent  him  to  collect  the  tribute 
 from  the  rebellious  Israelites,  by  whom  he  was 
 stonect  to  oeAtii. 
 
 Ado'ni-Ze'dek  (lord  of  jii'.tirc),  the  Amorite 
 king  of  Je:  iis.ili'm  wiio  organised  a  league  with  four 
 other  Amoiite  |iiince.s  against  Joshua.  The  rnn- 
 federate  kings  having  laid  siei;e  todibwin,  .loshiia 
 marched  to  the  relief  of  his  new  allies  and  put  tin' 
 besiegers  to  flight.  The  five  kings  took  refuge  in 
 »  cave  at  Makkednh,  whence  they  were  taken  and 
 
 ADORATION 
 
 slain,  their  bodies  hung  on  trees,  and  then  bai'i<'^ 
 in  till!  place  of  their  concealment  (Josh.  x.  1-27). 
 [JoisiiUA.] 
 
 Adoption,  an  e.>prftssioii  metaphorically  used 
 by  St.  Paul  ill  reference  to  the  present  and  pro- 
 sjiective  privileges  of  tHiristians  (Uom.  viii.  15,  23  . 
 (ial.  iv.  5;  Eph.  i.  5).  He  probably  alludes  txj  the 
 Kom.an  custom  of  adoption,  by  which  a  pei-son,  not 
 having  children  of  his  own,  might  :rdopt  as  his  son 
 one  born  of  other  parents.  The  effect  of  it  was 
 that  the  adopted  child  was  entitled  to  the  name  and 
 sacra  privata  of  his  new  father,  and  ranked  as  his 
 heir-at-law :  while  the  father  on  his  part  wa.s 
 entitled  to  the  property  of  the  son,  and  exercised 
 towards  him  all  the  rights  and  privileges  of  a 
 father.  In  short  the  relationship  was  to  all  intents 
 and  purposes  the  same  as  existed  between  a  natural 
 father  and  son.  The  selection  of  a  j)erson  to  be 
 adopted  implied  a  decidoil  preference  and  love  on 
 the  part  of  the  adopter:  and  St.  I'aul  aptly  trans- 
 fers the  well-known  feelings  and  customs  connected 
 with  the  act  to  illustrate  the  position  of  the  Chris- 
 tianised Jew  or  Gentile.  The  Jews  themselves 
 were  unacquainted  with  the  process  of  adoption : 
 indeed  it  would  have  been  inconsistent  with  the 
 regulations  of  the  Jlosaic  law  afi'ecting  the  inherit- 
 ance of  property :  the  instances  occasionally  adduced 
 as  referring  to  tlie  custom  (Gen.  xv.  3,  xvi.  2,  xxx. 
 5-9)  are  evident!  v  not  cases  of  adoption  proper. 
 
 Ado'ra  or  A'dor.     [  A  no r aim.] 
 
 Adora'im,  a  tbrlified  city  built  by  Rehoboam 
 (2  Chr.  xi.  9),  in  Judah,  apparently  in  or  near  the 
 Shefelah,  since,  although  omitted  from  the  lists  in 
 Josh.  XV.,  it  is  by  Josephus  almost  iinitonnly  coupled 
 with  JIareshah,  which  was  certainly  situated  there. 
 Adoiaim  is  probably  the  same  place  with  Adoi-a 
 (1  Mace.  xiii.  20),  unless  that  be  Dor,  on  the  sea- 
 coast  below  Carmel.  Robinson  identilies  it  with 
 Dura,  a  "  large  village"  on  a  rising  ground  west 
 of  Hebron  (ii.  215). 
 
 Ado'ram.     [.\doniram;  Hadoram,  3.] 
 
 Adoration.  The  acts  and  postures  by  which 
 the  Hebrews  expressed  adoration  bear  a  great 
 similarity  to  those  still  in  use  among  Oriental 
 nations.     To  rise  up  and    suddenly  prostrate  the 
 
 Ailunttiiin.     Ancimt  Kgyplliin.     (Wilkinson.) 
 
 body  was  the  most  simple  method  ;  but,  genendly 
 speaking,  the  prostration  was  conducted  in  a  ni.>r« 
 formal  manner,  the  ])erson  falling  ujion  the  knee 
 and  then  gradually  inclining  the  body  until  the 
 forelieail  touche<l  the  ground,  .'^urh  piostnition  was 
 usual  in  the  worsliij)  of  Jehovah  ((Jen.  xvii.  3  ;  I's. 
 xcv.  (i).  But  it  was  by  no  means  exclusively  used 
 ('or  that  pti Impose  ;  it  wiui  the  fornial  mo<le  of  re- 
 ceiving visitors  (Gen.  xviii.  2),  of  doing  obei.s.inc« 
 to  one  of  sujicrior  station  (2  Sam.  xiv.  4),  and  of 
 showing  respect  to  equals  (1  K.  ii.  19).  Oocasionally 
 it  was   repeated  three  times  (1  Sam.  xx.  41),  and 
 
ADRAMMELECH 
 
 evoii  sesTii  timos  (Gon.  xxxiii.  3).  It.  was  ac<'oin- 
 p-iiiioil  1)V  siuli  acts  as  a  kiss  (Ex.  xviii.  7),  layinii: 
 hold  of  tlio  Iciipes  or  feet  of  the  person  to  whom  the 
 adoration  was  paid  (Matt,  xxviii.  9),  and  kissing 
 the  ground  on  which  lie  stood  (Ps.  Ixxii.  9;  Mic. 
 vii.  17).  Similar  adoration  was  paid  to  idols 
 I'l  K.  six.  18):  sometimes  however  prostration  was 
 omitted,  ami  the  act  consisted  simply  in  kissing  the 
 nand  to  the  object  of  reverence  (Job  xxxi.  27),  and 
 in  kissing  the  statue  itself  (Hos.  xiii.  2).  The  same 
 customs  prevailed  at  the  time  of  our  Saviour's 
 ministiT,  as  appears  not  only  from  the  numerous 
 occn-sions  on  which  they  were  put  in  practice 
 towards  Himself,  but  also  from  tlie  parable  of  the 
 unmerciful  servant  (Matt,  xviii.  26),  and  from 
 Cornelius's  reverence  to  St.  Peter  (Acts  x.  25),  in 
 which  case  it  was  objected  to  by  the  Apostle,  as 
 implying  a  higher  degree  of  superiority  than  he 
 was  entitled  to,  especially  as  coming  from  a  lionian, 
 to  whom  prostration  was  not  usual. 
 
 ADULLAM 
 
 17 
 
 Adram  melech.  1.  The  name  of  an  idol  introduced 
 into  Samaria  by  the  colonists  from  Sepharvaim 
 (2  K.  xvii.  31).  He  was  worsliipped  with  i-ites 
 i-esembling  those  of  Molech,  children  being  burnt  in 
 his  honour.  The  first  part  of  the  word  probably 
 means  fire.  Sir  H.  Kawlinson  regards  Adram- 
 melech  as  the  male  power  of  the  sun,  and  Anam- 
 JIELKCH,  who  is  mentioned  with  Adrammelech  as 
 a  companion-god,  as  the  female  power  of  the  sun 
 (Pawlinson's  Herodotus,  i.  611). ^2.  Son  of  the 
 Assyrian  king  Sennacherib,  whom,  in  conjunction 
 with  his  brother  Sharezer,  he  murdered  in  the  temple 
 of  Nisroch  at  Nineveh,  after  the  failure  of  tlie  As- 
 syrian attack  on  Jerusalem.  The  panicides  escaped 
 into  Armenia  (2  K.  xix.  37;  2  Chr.  xxxii.  21  ;  Is. 
 xxxvii.  38).    The  date  of  this  event  was  J5.C.  680. 
 
 Adxamyt'titim,  a  seaport  in  the  province  of 
 Asia  [Asia],  situated  in  the  district  anciently 
 called  Aeolis,  and  also  ]\Iysia  (see  Acts  xvi.  7). 
 Adiamyttium  gave,  and  still  gives,  its  name  to  a 
 deep  gulf  on  this  coast,  opposite  to  the  opening 
 of  which  is  the  island  of  Lesbos.  [Mitvlexk.] 
 St.  I'aul  was  never  at  Adramyttium,  except  perhaps 
 during  his  second  missionary  journey,  on  his  way 
 from  Galatia  to  Troas  (Acts  xvi.),  and  it  has  no 
 Biblical  interest,  except  -as  illustrating  his  voyage 
 from  Caesarea  m  a  ship  belonging  to  this  place 
 (Acts  xxvii.  2).  Ships  of  Adramyttium  must  have 
 been  fieqnent  on  this  coast,  for  it  was  a  place  of 
 considerable  traffic.  It  lay  on  the  great  Roman 
 road  between  Assos,  Troas,  and  the  Hellespont  on 
 one  side,  and  Pergamus,  Ephesus,  and  Miletus  on 
 the  other,  and  was  connected  by  similar  roads  with 
 the  inteiior  of  the  country.  The  modoni  Adramyti 
 Co\.  D.  B. 
 
 is  a  poor  village,  but  it  is  still  a  place  of  some  trad 
 and  shijibuilding. 
 
 A'dria,  more  properly  A'drias.  It  is  nn- 
 jjortant  to  fix  the  meaning  of  this  word  as  used 
 in  Acts  xxvii.  27.  The  word  seems  to  have  been 
 derived  from  the  town  of  Adria,  near  the  Po  ;  and 
 at  first  it  denoted  the  part  of  the  gulf  of  Venice 
 which  is  in  that  neighbourhood.  Afterwards  the 
 signification  of  the  name  was  extended,  so  as  to 
 embrace  the  whole  of  that  gulf.  Subsequently  it 
 obtained  a  much  wider  extension,  and  in  the 
 apostolic  age  denoted  that  natural  division  of  the 
 jMediterranean  which  Humboldt  names  the  Syrtic 
 basin  (see  Acts  xxvii.  17),  and  which  had  the 
 coasts  of  Sicily,  Italy,  Greece,  and  Africa  for  its 
 boundaries.  This  definition  is  explicitly  given  by 
 almost  a  contemporary  of  St.  Paul,  the  geographer 
 Ptolemy,  who  also  says  that  Crete  is  bounded  on 
 the  west  by  Adrias.  Later  writers  state  that  Malta 
 divides  the  Adriatic  sea  from  the  Tyrrhenian  sea, 
 and  the  isthmus  of  Corinth  the  Aegean  from  the 
 Adriatic.  Thus  the  ship  in  which  Josephus  started 
 for  Italy  about  the  time  of  St.  Paul's  voyage 
 foundered  in  Adrias  (^Life,  3),  and  there  he  was 
 picked  up  b}'  a  ship  from  Cp'ene  and  taken  to 
 Puteoli  (see  Acts  xxviii.  13).  It  is  thi'ough  igno- 
 rance of  these  facts,  or  through  the  want  of  attend- 
 ing to  them,  that  writeis  have  drawn  an  argumant 
 from  this  geographical  term  in  favour  of  the  false 
 view  which  places  the  apostle's  shipwreck  in  the 
 Gulf  of  Venice.     [Mei.ita.] 
 
 A'driel,  a  son  of  Barzillai  tlie  Meholathite,  to 
 whom  Saul  gave  liis  daughter  Jlerab,  although 
 he  had  previously  promised  her  to  David  (1  Sam. 
 xviii.  19).  His  five  sons  were  amongst  the  seven 
 descendants  of  Saul  whom  David  surrendered  to  the 
 Gibeonites  (2  Sam.  xxi.  8)  in  satisfaction  for  the 
 endeavours  of  Saul  to  extiqwte  them,  although  the 
 Israelites  had  originally  made  a  league  with  them 
 (Josh.  ix.  15).  In  2  Sam.  xxi.  they  are  called  the 
 sons  of  Michal  ;  but  as  Michal  had  no  children 
 (2  Sam.  vi.  23),  the  A.  V.,  in  order  to  surmount 
 the  difficulty,  eri'oneously  translates  the  Hebrew 
 word  "  brought  up"  instead  of  "  bare."  The 
 margin  also  gives  "  the  sister  of  Slichal "  for 
 "  ]\Iichal."  Probably  the  eiTor  is  due  to  some  early 
 transcriber. 
 
 A'duel,  a  Naphtlialite,  ancestor  of  Tobit(Tob.i.  1). 
 
 Adul'lam,  Apocr.  Odollam,  a  city  of  Judah 
 in  the  lowland  of  the  Shefelah,  Josh.  sv.  35 
 (comp.  Gen.  xxxviii.  1,"  Judah  went  f?oun,"  and 
 Micah  i.  15,  where  it  is  named  with  Mareshah 
 and  Achzib)  ;  the  seat  of  a  Canaanite  king  (Josh, 
 xii.  15),  and  evidently  a  place  of  great  antiquity 
 (Gen.  xxxviii.  1,  12,  20):  fortified  by  Rehoboam 
 (2  Chron.  xi.  7),  one  of  the  towns  reoccupied  by 
 the  Jews  after  their  retuni  fiom  Babylon  (Neh. 
 xi.  30),  and  still  a  city  in  the  times  of  the  Macca- 
 bees (2  ]\Iacc.  xii.  38)'. — The  site  of  Adullam  has 
 not  yet  been  identified,  but  from  the  mention  of  it 
 in  the  passages  quoted  above  in  proximity  with 
 other  known  towns  of  the  Shefelah,  it  is  likely  that 
 it  was  near  Dcir  Dubbdn,  5  or  6  miles  N.  of 
 Eleutheropolis.  The  limestone  clifts  of  the  whole 
 of  that  locality  are  pierced  with  extensive  excava- 
 tions, some  one  of  which  is  doubtless  the  "  cave  of 
 Adullam,"  the  refuge  of  David  (1  Sam.  xxii.  1  ; 
 2  Sam.  xxiii.  13  ;  I'Chr.  xi.  15).  Monastic  tradi- 
 tion places  the  cave  at  Khurcitun,  at  the  south  end 
 of  the  Wady  Urtas,  between  Bethkhem  and  the 
 Dead  Sea. 
 
 C 
 
18 
 
 ADULLAMITE 
 
 Adul'lamite,  a  nati\-e  of  Atliillam  (^Geii.  xxxviii. 
 
 1,  1-,  -'to. 
 
 Adultery.  The  parties  to  this  crime  were  a 
 m.Miii'd  woman  and  a  man  who  was  not  her  hus- 
 banil.  The  toleration  of  polyi;aniy,  indeed,  rendei-s 
 it  nearly  impossible  to  make  criminal  a  similar 
 otl'ence  committed  by  a  manied  m:ui  with  a  woman 
 not  his  wife.  In  the  p;itriaichal  [jeriod  the  sanc- 
 tity of  marriage  is  notice;ible  from  the  liistory  of 
 Abraham,  who  fears,  not  that  his  wife  will  be 
 seduce*!  from  him,  but  that  he  may  be  killed  for 
 her  sake,  and  especially  from  the  scruples  ascribed 
 to  Pharaoh  and  Abimelech  (Gen.  .\ii.,  .\x.).  The 
 woman's  punishment.  <as  commonly  amongst  eastern 
 nations,  was  no  douot  capital,  and  probably,  as 
 in  the  case  of  Tamar's  uncha-stity,  death  by  fire 
 (xxxviii.  2+).  The  Mosaic  penalty  was  that  both 
 the  guilty  parties  should  be  stoned,  and  it  applied 
 a-s  well  to  the  betrothed  as  to  the  married  woman, 
 provided  she  were  free  (Deut.  xxii.  22-24).  A 
 bondwoman  so  offending  was  to  be  scourged,  and 
 the  man  was  to  make  a  trespass  ofl'ering  (Lev.  xix. 
 20-22). — The  system  of  inheritances,  on  which  the 
 polity  of  Moses  was  based,  was  threatened  with 
 confusion  by  the  doubtful  offspring  caused  by  this 
 crime,  and  this  secured  popular  sympathy  on  the 
 side  of  morality  until  a  tar  advanced  stage  of  cor- 
 ruption was  reached.  It  is  pi'obable  that,  when 
 that  territorial  basis  of  polity  passed  away — as  it 
 dill  after  the  captivity — and  when,  owing  to  Gentile 
 example,  the  marriage  tie  became  a  looser  bond  of 
 union,  public  feeling  in  regard  to  adultery  changed, 
 and  the  penalty  of  death  was  seldom  or  never 
 inflicted.  Thus,  in  the  case  of  the  woman  brought 
 under  our  Lord's  notice  (John  viii.),  it  is  likely 
 that  no  one  then  thought  of  stoning  her  in  fact, 
 though  there  remained  the  written  law  ready  for 
 the  purpose  of  the  caviller.  It  is  likely  also  that  a 
 divorce,  in  which  the  adulteress  lost  her  dower  and 
 rights  of  maintenance,  &c.,  was  the  usual  remedy, 
 suggested  by  a  wish  to  avoid  scandal  and  the 
 excitement  of  commiseration  for  crime.  The  expres- 
 sion in  St.  Matthew  (i.  19;  "  to  make  her  a  public 
 example,"  probably  means  to  bring  the  case  before 
 the  local  Sanhedrim,  which  w;is  the  usual  course, 
 but  which  .losL'iili  did  not  propose  to  take,  pre- 
 ferring repudiation,  because  that  could  be  managed 
 privately. — Concerning  the  famous  trial  by  the 
 watei's  of  jealousy  (Num.  v.  11-29),  it  has  been 
 questioned  whether  a  husband  was,  in  case  of  certain 
 facts,  boimd  to  adopt  it.  The  moi-e  likely  view  is, 
 that  it  was  meant  as  a  relief  to  the  vehemence  of 
 implacable  jealousy  to  which  Orientals  a])pear 
 prone,  but  wiiich  was  not  consistent  with  the  laxity 
 of  the  nuptial  tie  prevalent  in  the  period  of  the 
 New  Testament,  'i'he  ancient  strictness  of  that  tie 
 gave  room  for  a  more  intense  feeling;  and  in  that 
 intensity  ])robably  arose  this  strange  custom,  which 
 no  doul)t  Moses  found  prevailing  and  deeply  seated, 
 and  which  is  said  to  be  parallele<l  liy  a  foiin  of 
 ordeal  allied  the  "red  water"  in  Westem  Africa. 
 The  forms  of  Hebrew  justice  all  tented  to  limit  the 
 application  of  this  test.  1.  Hy  prescribing  certain 
 fa^ts  presumptive  of  guilt,  to  be  pstal)lished  on  oath 
 by  two  witnesses,  or  of  preponderating  hut  not 
 conclusive  testimony  to  the  tiict  of  the  woman's 
 .'uhiltcry.  2.  liy  technical  rules  of  evidence  which 
 iiiwie  proof  of  those  presumptive  I'act.s  dilhcult. 
 '3.  Bj*  exempting  certain  large  clns.ses  of  women 
 (nil  indeed,  exce|>t  a  pure  Israclitoss  married  to  a 
 pure  Israelite,  ard  some  even  of  them)   from    the 
 
 AGABUS 
 
 liability.  4.  liy  providing  that  the  trial  could 
 only  bo  before  the  great  SanhtKliim.  5.  By  invest- 
 ing it  with  a  ceiemonial  at  once  humiliating  and 
 intimidating,  yet  which  still  harmonised  with  the 
 spirit  of  the  whole  ordeal  as  recorded  in  N'um.  v. 
 But,  6.  Above  all,  by  the  conventional  and  even 
 mercenary  light  in  which  the  nuptial  contract  was 
 latterly  regarded. — When  adultery  ce;ised  to  be 
 capitid,  as  no  doubt  it  did,  and  divorce  became 
 a  matter  of  mere  convenience,  it  would  be  absui-d 
 to  suppose  that  this  trial  was  continued.  And 
 when  adultery  became  common,  as  the  .lews  them- 
 selves confess,  it  would  have  been  impious  to 
 expect  the  miracle  which  it  supposed.  If  ever  the 
 .Sanhedrim  were  driven  by  ibrce  of  circumst.inces 
 to  adopt  this  trial,  no  doubt  every  eribrt  was  used, 
 nay,  was  prescribed  to  overawe  the  culprit  and 
 induce  confession.  Besides,  however,  the  intimida- 
 tion of  the  woman,  the  man  was  likely  to  («el  the 
 public  exposuie  of  his  suspicions  odious  and  repul- 
 sive.    l)ivorce  was  a  re.idy  and  quiet  remedy. 
 
 Adtun'mim,  "the  going  vv  to"  or  "of" 
 =  the  "  pass  of  the  red ;  "  one  of  the  landmarks  of 
 the  bounilary  of  Benjamin,  a  rising  gi'ound  or  pass 
 "over  against  Gilgal,"  and  "on  the  soutli  side 
 of  the  'toiTent'"  (Josh.  xv.  7,  xviii.  17),  which 
 is  the  position  still  occupied  by  the  road  leading 
 up  from  Jericho  and  the  Jordan  valley  to  Jeru- 
 salem, on  the  south  face  of  the  gorge  of  the 
 Wady  Kelt.  Jerome  ascribes  the  name  to  the 
 blood  shed  there  by  the  robbei-s  who  infested  the 
 pass  in  his  day,  as  they  do  still,  and  as  they  did  in 
 the  days  of  our  Lord,  of  whose  parable  of  the 
 Good  Samaritan  this  is  the  scene.  But  the  name  is 
 doubtless  of  a  date  and  significance  far  more  remote, 
 and  is  probal)ly  derived  from  some  tjibe  of  "  red 
 men  "  of  the  eailiest  inhabitants  of  the  country. 
 
 Aedi'as,  I  Esdr.  ix.  27.     Probably  a  corruption 
 
 of  Kl.IAII. 
 
 Ae'gypt.     [Kgvi't.] 
 
 Aeneas,  a  iiaralytic  at  Lydda,  healed  by  St.  Peter 
 (Acts  ix.  '66,  \U).  ' 
 
 Ae'non,  a  place  "near  to  Salim,"  at  which 
 John  baptized  (John  iii.  23).  It  was  evidently 
 west  of  the  Jordan  (comp.  iii.  22,  with  26,  and 
 with  i.  28),  and  abounded  in  water.  This  is  indi- 
 cated by  the  name,  which  is  merely  a  Greek  version 
 of  a  Chaldee  word,  signifying  "  springs."  Aenon  i.s 
 given  in  the  Onoinasticon  as  8  miles  south  of 
 Scythopolis  "  near  Salem  and  the  Jordan."  Dj*. 
 iiobinson's  careful  search,  on  his  second  visit,  how- 
 ever, failed  to  discover  any  trace  cither  of  name  or 
 remains  in  that  loadity.  But  a  Saliin  hius  been 
 ibutid  by  him  to  the  east  of  and  close  to  Adbiilns, 
 where  there  are  two  very  copious  springs.  This 
 position  agrees  with  the  requirements  of  Gen.  xxxiii. 
 18.  [Salkm.]  In  favour  of  its  distance  from  the 
 Jordan  is  the  consideration  that,  if  close  by  the 
 river,  the  I^angelist  would  hardly  have  iliawn 
 attention  to  the  ''much  water"  there. — The  latest 
 writer  on  Jeriisiileni,  Dr.  Barclay,  reiwrts  the  dis- 
 covery of  .\onon  at  W'adi/  Fara/i,  a  secluded  valley 
 about  .^  miles  to  the  N.K.  of  Jerusalem,  running 
 into  the  great  W'ldi/  Fonar  immediately  above  Je- 
 richo. I'jiit  it  requires  more  examination  than  it 
 has  yet  received. 
 
 Aera.    fCiiEioNoi.ooY.] 
 
 Aethio'pia.     [Ktiiioi-ia.] 
 
 Affinity.     [MAiiKiA<ii;.] 
 
 Agaba,  I  lisdr.  v.  HO.     [Haoah.] 
 
 Ag'abus,  a  Christian  propliet  in   the  apostol. 
 
AGAG 
 
 age,  mentioned  iu  Acts  xi.  28  and  xxi.  10.  He 
 predicted  (Acts  xi.  28)  that  a  famine  would  t'lke 
 place  in  the  reign  of  Claudius  "  throughout  all  the 
 world."  This  expression  may  tiike  a  narrower  or  a 
 wider  sense,  either  of  which  confiims  the  prediction. 
 As  Greek  and  Roman  writers  used  "  the  world  "  of 
 the  Greek  and  the  Roman  world,  so  a  Jewish 
 writer  could  use  it  naturally  of  the  Jewish  world  or 
 Palestine.  Ancient  writeis  give  no  account  of  any 
 universal  famine  iu  the  reign  of  Claudius,  but  they 
 speak  of  several  local  famines  which  were  severe  in 
 particular  countries.  Josephus  mentions  one  which 
 prevailed  at  that  time  in  Judaea,  and  swept  away 
 many  of  the  inhabitants.  This,  in  all  probability,  is 
 the  famine  to  which  Agabus  refers  in  Acts  xi.  28. 
 'nie.chronology  admits  of  this  supposition.  Ac(;ord- 
 ing  to  Josephus,  the  famine  which  he  describes  took 
 place  when  Cuspius  Fadus  and  Tiberius  Alexander 
 were  procurators ;  i,  e.  it  may  have  begun  about 
 the  close  of  A.D.  44,  and  la,sted  three  or  four  years. 
 Fadus  was  sent  into  Judaea  on  the  death  of  Agrippa, 
 which  occurred  in  A.D.  44.  If  we  attach  the  wider 
 sense  to  "  world,"  the  prediction  may  import  that 
 a  famine  should  take  place  throughout  the  Roman 
 empire  during  the  reign  of  Claudius  (the  year  is 
 not  specified),  and  not  that  it  should  prevail  in  all 
 parts  at  the  same  time.  We  find  mention  of  three 
 other  famines  during  the  reign  of  Claudius :  one  in 
 Gieece,  and  two  in  Rome. 
 
 A'gag,  possibly  the  title  of  the  kings  of  Ama- 
 lek,  like  Pharaoh  of  Egypt.  One  king  of  this 
 name  is  mentioned  in  Num.  xxiv.  7,  and  another  in 
 1  Sam.  XV.  8,  9,  20,  32.  The  latter  was  the  king 
 of  the  Amalekites,  whom  Saul  spared,  together  with 
 the  best  of  the  spoil,  although  it  was  the  well- 
 known  will  of  Jehovah  that  the  Amalekites  should 
 be  extirpated  (Ex.  xvii.  14  ;  Deut.  .\xv.  17).  For 
 this  act  of  disobedience  Samuel  was  commissioned 
 to  declare  to  Saul  his  rejection,  and  he  himself  sent 
 for  Agag  and  cut  him  iu  pieces.  [Samuel.] — 
 Haman  is  called  the  Agagite  in  Esther  iii.  1,  10, 
 viii.  3,  o.  The  Jews  consider  Haman  a  descendimt 
 of  Agag,  the  Amalekite,  and  hence  account  for  the 
 hatred  with  which  he  pursued  their  race. 
 
 A'gagite.     [Agag.] 
 
 Agar.     [Hagar.] 
 
 Agare'nes,  Bar.  iii.  23.     [Hagar.] 
 
 Agate  is  mentioned  four  times  in  the  text  of 
 the  A.  v.;  viz.  in  Ex.  xxviii.  19,  xxxix.  12;  Is. 
 liv.  12  ;  Ez.  xxvii.  1(5.  In  the  two  former  pas- 
 sages, where  it  is  represented  by  the  Hebrew  word 
 shebo,  it  is  spoken  of  as  forming  the  second  stone  in 
 the  third  row  of  the  high  priest's  bre;istplate  ;  in 
 e<\ch  of  the  two  latter  places  the  original  word  is 
 cadcvd,  by  which,  no  doubt,  is  intended  a  difierent 
 stone.  [Ruby.]  In  Ez.  xxvii.  16,  where  the 
 text  h:is  agate,  the  margin  haschrtjsoprase,  whereas 
 in  the  very  next  chapter,  Ez.  xxviii.  13,  chryso- 
 prase  occurs  in  the  margin  instead  of  emerald, 
 which  is  in  the  text,  as  the  translation  of  an 
 entirely  diti'erent  Hebrew  word,  nophec ;  this  will 
 show  how  much  our  translatoi-s  were  perplexed  as 
 to  the  meanings  of  the  minerals  and  precious  stones 
 mentioned  in  the  sacred  volume.  It  is  probable, 
 however,  that  shebo  does  stand  for  some  variety  of 
 agate,  for  there  is  a  wonderful  agreement  amongst 
 interpreters,  who  all  underetand  an  agate  by  the 
 term. — Our  English  agate,  or  achat,  derives  its 
 name  from  the  Achates,  in  Sicily,  on  the  banks 
 of  which,  according  to  Theophrastus  and  Pliny, 
 it  was  first  found ;  but  as  agates  are  met  with 
 
 AGRICULTUKE 
 
 19 
 
 in  almost  every  country,  tliis  stone  was  doubtless 
 from  the  earliest  times  known  to  the  Orientals. 
 It  is  a  silicious  stone  of  the  quartz  family,  and 
 is  met  with  generally  iu  rounded  nodules,  or  in 
 veins  in  trap-rocks ;  specimens  are  often  found  on 
 the  sea-shore,  and  in  the  beds  of  streams,  the  rocks 
 in  which  they  had  been  imbedded  having  been 
 decomposed  by  the  elements,  when  the  agates  have 
 dropped  out. 
 
 Age,  Old.  In  early  stages  of  civilization, 
 when  experience  is  the  only  source  of  practical 
 knowledge,  old  age  has  its  special  value,  and  conse- 
 quently its  special  honours.  A  further  motive 
 was  superadded  in  the  c;ise  of  the  Jew,  who  was 
 taught  to  consider  old  age  as  a  reward  for  piety, 
 and  a  signal  token  of  God's  favour.  For  these 
 reasons  the  aged  occupied  a  prominent  place  m  mc 
 social  and  political  system  of  the  Jews.  In  private 
 life  they  were  looked  up  to  as  the  depositiuies  of 
 knowledge  (Job  xv.  10):  the  young  were  ordered 
 to  rise  up  in  their  presence  (Lev.  xix.  32) :  they 
 allowed  them  to  give  their  opinion  first  (Job 
 xxxii.  4):  they  were  taught  to  regard  grey  hairs  as 
 a  "  crown  of  glory  "  and  as  the  "  beauty  of  old  men  " 
 (Prov.  xvi.  31,  XX.  29).  The  attainment  of  old 
 age  was  regarded  as  a  special  blessing  (Job  v,  26), 
 not  only  on  account  of  the  prolonged  enjoyment  of 
 life  to  the  individual,  but  also  because  it  indicated 
 peaceful  and  prosperous  times  (Zech.  viii.  4  ;  1  Maoc. 
 xiv.  9  ;  Is.  Ixv.  20).  In  public  affairs  age  earned 
 weight  with  it,  especially  in  the  infancy  of  the 
 state  :  it  formed  under  Moses  the  main  qualification 
 of  those  who  acted  as  the  representatives  of  the 
 people  in  all  matters  of  difficulty  and  deliberation. 
 The  old  men  or  Elders  thus  became  a  class,  and 
 the  title  gradually  ceased  to  convey  the  notion  of 
 age,  and  was  used  in  an  official  sense,  like  Patres, 
 Senatores,  and  other  similar  terms.  [Elders.] 
 Still  it  would  be  but  natural  that  such  an  office 
 should  be  generally  held  by  men  of  advanced  age 
 (1  K.  .xii.  8). 
 
 A'gee,  a  Hararite,  father  of  Shammah,  one  of 
 David's  three  mightiest  heroes  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  11). 
 
 Agge'us,  1  Esd.  vi.  1,  vii.  3;  2  Esd.  i.  40. 
 [Haggai.] 
 
 Agriculture.  This,  though  prominent  in  tlie 
 Scriptural  narrative  concerning  Adam,  Cain,  and 
 Noah,  was  little  cared  for  by  the  patriarchs ; 
 more  so,  however,  by  Isaac  and  Jacob  than  by 
 Abraham  (Gen.  xxvi.  12,xxxvii.  7),  in  whose  time, 
 probably,  if  we  except  the  lower  Jordan  valley 
 (xiii.  10),  there  was  little  regular  culture  in  Ca- 
 naan. Thus  Gerar  and  Shechem  seem  to  have 
 been  cities  where  piistoral  wealth  predominated 
 (xxxiv.  28).  The  herdmen  strove  with  Isaac  about 
 his  wells ;  about  his  crops  there  was  no  contention. 
 In  Joshua's  time,  as  shown  by  the  story  of  the 
 'Eshcol'  (Num.  xiii.  23,  24),  Canaan  was  found 
 in  a  much  more  advanced  agricultural  state  than 
 Jacob  had  left  it  iu  (Deut.  viii.  8),  lesulting  pro- 
 bably from  the  seveie  experience  of  famines,  and 
 the  example  of  Egypt,  to  which  its  peoj)le  were 
 thus  led.  The  pastoral  life  was  the  means  of  keep- 
 ing the  sacred  race,  whils't  yet  a  family,  distinct 
 from  mixture  and  locally  unattached,  especially 
 whilst  in  Egypt.  When,  gi-own  into  a  nation, 
 they  conquered  their  future  seats,  agriculture  sup- 
 plied a  similar  check  on  the  foreign  intercourse  and 
 speedy  demoralisation,  especially  as  regards  idolatry, 
 which  commerce  would  have  caused.  Thus  agii- 
 culture  became  the  basis  of  the  Mosaic  connnon- 
 
 C  2 
 
20 
 
 AGRICULTURE 
 
 wpaUh.  It  tended  to  clieck  also  the  freebooting  I 
 and  nomad  lil'e,  and  made  a  numei-oiis  ortVpring 
 piolitiible,  as  it  was  already  honoui'nblo  bv  natural 
 sentiment  and  by  law.  Thus,  too,  it  indirectly 
 discouraored  slavery,  or,  where  it  existed,  made  the 
 slave  somewhat  like  a  son,  though  it  made  the  son 
 jilso  somewhat  of  a  slave.  Taken  in  connexion  with 
 the  inalienable  character  of  inheritances,  it  gave 
 each  man  and  each  family  a  stake  in  the  soil  and 
 nurtured  a  hardy  patriotism.  "The  land  is  Mine" 
 (Lev.  XXV.  23)  was  a  dictum  which  made  agricul- 
 ture likewise  the  basis  of  the  theocratic  relation. 
 Thus  every  family  felt  its  own  life  with  intense 
 keenness,  and  had  its  divine  tenure  which  it  was  to 
 guard  from  alienation.  The  prohibition  of  culture 
 in  the  sabbatical  year  fomicd,  under  this  aspect,  a 
 kind  of  rent  reserved  by  the  Divine  Owner.  Land- 
 marks were  deemed  sacred  (Deut.  xix.  14),  and  the 
 inalienability  of  the  heritage  was  ensured  by  its 
 revereion  to  the  owner  in  the  year  of  jubilee ;  so 
 that  only  so  many  years  of  occupancy  could  be 
 sold  (Lev.  xxv.  8-1 G,  '23-35).  The  prophet  Isaiah 
 (V.  8)  denounces  the  contempt  of  such  restrictions 
 by  wealthy  gi-andecs,  who  sought  to  "  add  field  to 
 field,"  erasing  families  and  depopulating  districts. 
 
 Agricultural  Calendar. — The  Jewish  calendar, 
 as  fixed  by  the  three  great  festivals,  tumod  on  the 
 seasons  of  green,  ripe,  and  fully-gathered  produce. 
 Hence,  if  the  season  was  backward,  or,  owing  to 
 the  imperfections  of  a  non-astronomiail  reckoning, 
 seemed  to  be  so,  a  month  was  intercalated.  This 
 ru<le  system  was  fondly  retained  long  after  mental 
 progress  and  foreign  intercourse  placed  a  correct 
 calendar  within  their  power ;  so  that  notice  of  a 
 Vendar,  i.  e.  second  or  intercalated  Adar,  on  account 
 of  the  lambs  being  not  yet  of  paschal  size,  and  the 
 barley  not  forward  enough  for  the  Ahih  (green 
 sheaf),  was  sent  to  the  .lews  of  Babylon  and  tgypt 
 early  in  the  season. — The  year  ordinarily  consisting 
 of  12  months  w;is  di^-ided  into  6  agricultuiiil 
 periods  as  follows : — 
 
 I.  Sowing  Time. 
 
 Tisri,  latter  half 
 
 [beginning  about ^ 
 autumnal        I 
 1     equinox  } 
 
 Marcbcsvan 
 
 Kasluii,  former  half      } 
 
 II.  Unripe  TiJiK. 
 Kasleu,  latter  half. 
 
 Tcb.th. 
 
 Sbebatb,  former  half. 
 
 III.  Cold  Season. 
 Shctatb,  latter  half 
 
 Adar 
 
 rVeadar]] 
 
 Nisan,  former  half 
 
 Karly  rain  due 
 
 LatU.T  rain  due. 
 
 IV.  IIakvf.st  Time. 
 
 UfRiniilng  alx.ut 
 ...         ,  .,      u  ir  J     venial  ('quinu.\. 
 
 Nisan.  latter  half {     R^riey  R^ccn. 
 
 I'assover. 
 
 IJur. 
 
 Sivan,  former  half. 
 
 (  Wheat  ripo. 
 ■  ■     ■  ■    (  IVnlecosu 
 
 V.   SUMMKU. 
 
 .Sivan,  latter  half, 
 i'ainnz. 
 Al),  former  half. 
 
 VI.  Sdltry  .Season. 
 Ab.  Utter  half. 
 Klul. 
 Tlsrl,  former  half Iiigatlioring  of  fruits. 
 
 Thus  the  (5  months  from  mid  Tisri  to  mid  Nisan 
 .were  mainly  wcnpietl  with  the  process  of  cultiva- 
 
 AGRICULTURE 
 
 tion,  and  the  rest  with  the  gathering  of  the  fruite. 
 The  ancient  Hebrews  had  little  notion  of  gi-een  oj 
 root-crops  grown  for  fmlder,  nor  was  the  long 
 summer  drought  suit.able  for  them.  Barley  sup 
 plied  food  both  to  man  aiid  beast,  and  the  plant, 
 called  in  Kz.  iv.  9,  "  Millet,"  was  gi'azed  while 
 green,  and  its  rijie  grain  m.ide  into  bread.  Mowing 
 (.\m.  vii.  1  ;  I's.  Ixxii.  G)  and  hay-makiug  wei-e 
 familiar  processes. 
 
 Climate  and  Soil. — .\  chan<;e  in  the  climate  of 
 Palestine,  caused  by  increase  of  population  and  the 
 clearance  of  trees,  must  have  taken  place  before  the 
 period  of  the  N.  T.  A  further  change  caused  by 
 the  decM-ease  of  skilled  agricultural  labour,  e.ff.  in 
 irrigation  and  terrace-making,  has  since  ensued. 
 Not  only  this,  but  the  great  variety  of  elev^^ion 
 and  local  chaiacter  in  so  small  a  compass  of  country 
 necessitates  a  partial  and  guarded  application  of 
 general  remarks.  Yet  wherever  industry  is  secure, 
 the  soil  still  asserts  its  ol<l  fertility.  The  Hauran 
 (I'eraea)  is  as  fertile  as  Dama-scus,  and  its  bread 
 enjoys  the  highest  reputation.  The  black  and  rich, 
 but  light,  soil  abi3ut  Gaza  is  said  to  hold  so  much 
 moisture  as  to  be  very  fertile  with  little  rain. 
 Here,  as  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Bci/rut,  is  a  vast 
 olive-ground,  and  the  very  sand  of  the  shore  is  said 
 to  be  productive  if  watered. 
 
 Timber. — The  Israelites  probably  found  in  Canaan 
 a  fair  proportion  of  woodland,  which  their  neces- 
 sities, owing  to  the  di.scouragoment  of  commerce, 
 must  have  led  them  to  reduce  (Josh.  xvii.  18). 
 But  even  in  early  times  timber  seems  to  have 
 been  far  less  used  for  building  material  than  among 
 western  nations ;  the  Israelites  were  not  skilful 
 hewers,  and  imported  both  the  timber  and  the 
 workmen  (1  K.  v.  6,  8).  No  -store  of  wood-fuel 
 seems  to  have  been  kept:  ovens  were  heated  with 
 such  things  as  dung  and  hay  {V^z.  iv.  12,  1.5; 
 Matt.  vi.  30) ;  and,  in  any  case  of  sacrifice  on  an 
 emergency,  some,  as  we  should  think,  unusual  source 
 of  supply  is  constantlv  mentioned  for  the  wood 
 (1  Sam.  vi.  14;  2  Sam.  xxiv.  22;  1  K.  xix.  21; 
 comp.  Gen.  xxii.  3,  G,  7j.  All  this  indicates  a 
 non-abundance  of  timber. 
 
 Pain  and  Irrigation. — The  abinidance  of  water 
 in  Palestine,  from  natural  sources,  made  Canaan 
 a  contrast  to  rainless  Kgypt  (Deut.  viii.  7,  xi. 
 8-12).  Kaiu  was  commonly  expected  soon  af^er 
 the  autumnal  equinox  or  mid  Tisri ;  and  if  by  the 
 fii-st  of  Kasleu  none  had  fallen,  a  fast  was  pro- 
 claimed. The  common  scriptural  expressions  of 
 the  "  early"  and  the  "  latter  rain  "  (Deut.  xi.  14  ; 
 Jer.  V.  24;  H^s.  vi.  3;  Zech.  x.  1  ;  Jam.  v.  7) 
 are  scarcely  confirmed  liy  modern  experience,  the 
 season  of  rains  being  unbroken,  though  perhaps  the 
 fall  is  more  strongly  marked  at  the  beginning  and 
 the  end  of  it.  The  consternation  aiused  by  the 
 failure  of  the  fbi-mer  rain  is  depicted  in  Joel  i.  ii.; 
 and  the  propliet  seems  to  promise  the  fonner  and 
 latter  rain  together  "  in  tlie  fii-st  month,"  i.  c. 
 Nisan  (ii.  2.3).  The  peculiar  Kpypti.an  methoil 
 of  irrigation  alluded  to  in  Deut.  xi.  10 — "where 
 thou  wateredst  it  with  with  thy  foot" — was  not 
 unknown,  though  less  prevalent  in  Palestine.  That 
 peculiarity  seems  to  have  consisted  in  making  in  the 
 fields  square  shallow  beils,  like  our  s.alf-pans,  sur- 
 rounded by  a  r.ai.-.ed  border  of  earth  to  keep  iu  tlu' 
 water,  which  was  then  turned  fiom  one  ."square  to 
 another  by  pushing  .Tsidc  the  mud,  to  open  one  mid 
 close  the  next  with  the  foot.  A  very  similai 
 method  is  apparently  described  by  Ivobinson  as  iiwd 
 
AGRICULTURE 
 
 fspeciall)'  for  sjarden  vetjetables,  in  Palestine. 
 There  inigation  was  as  essential  as  diainage  in  our 
 region ;  and  for  this  tiie  large  extent  of  rocky 
 surface,  easily  excavateJ  for  cisterns  and  ducts,  was 
 most  useful.  Even  the  plain  of  Jericho  is  watered 
 not  by  canals  from  the  Jordan,  since  the  river  lies 
 be.low  the  land,  but  by  rills  converging  from  the 
 niount.ains.  In  these  features  of  the  countiy  lay 
 its  expansive  resources  to  meet  the  wants  of  a 
 multiplying  population.  The  lightness  of  agri- 
 cultural labour  in  the  plains  set  free  an  abundance 
 of  hands  for  the  t<ask  of  terracing  and  watering ; 
 and  the  result  gave  the  highest  stimulus  to  in- 
 dustry. 
 
 Crops. — The  cereal  crops  of  constant  mention 
 are  wheat  and  bailey,  and  more  rarely  rye  and 
 millet  (?).  Of  the  two  former,  together  with  the 
 vine,  olive,  and  fig,  the  use  of  irrigation,  the 
 plough  and  the  harrow,  mention  is  made  in  the 
 book  of  Job  (xxxi.  40,  xv.  33,  xxiv.  6,  xxix. 
 19,  xxxix.  10).  Two  kinds  of  cummin  (the  black 
 variety  called  "  fitches,"  Is.  xxviii.  27),  and  such 
 podded  plants  as  beans  and  lentiles,  may  be  named 
 among  the  staple  produce.  To  these,  later  writers 
 add  a  great  variety  of  garden  plants,  e.  g.  kidney- 
 beans,  peas,  lettuce,  endive,  leek,  gai'lic,  onions, 
 melons,  cucumbers,  cabbage,  &c.  The  produce 
 which  formed  Jacob's  present  was  of  such  kinds  as 
 would  keep,  and  had  been  preserved  during  the 
 famine  (Gen.  xliii.  11). 
 
 Ploughing  and  Sowing. — The  plough  probably 
 was  like  the  Egyptian,  and  the  process  of  ploughing 
 mostly  veiy  light,  one  yoke  of  oxen  usually  sutHcing 
 to  di'aw  it.  Such  is  still  used  in  Asia  Minor,  and 
 its  parts  are  shown  in  the  accompanying  drawing: 
 
 AGRICULTURE 
 
 21 
 
 a  is  the  pole  to  which  the  cross  bearr  with  yokes, 
 h,  is  attached  ;  c,  the  share  ;  d,  the  handle  ;  e  repre- 
 sents three  modes  of  arming  the  share,  and  /"  is  a 
 goad  with  a  scraper  at  the  othei-  end,  probably  for 
 
 Fig.  I— Plough,  &.C. 
 
 I  still  used  m  Asia  Minor. —  (From  Fellu 
 Mia  Minor.) 
 
 cleaning  the  share.  Mountains  and  steep  places 
 were  hoed  (Is.  vii.  25).  New  giound  and  fallows, 
 the  use  of  which  latter  was  familiar  to  the  Jews 
 (Jer.  iv.  3  ;  Hos.  x.  12),  were  cleared  of  stones  and 
 of  thoms  (Is.  V.  2)  early  in  the  year,  sowing  or 
 gathering  from  "  among  thoms "  being  a  proverb 
 tor  slovenly  husbandry  (Job  y.  5  ;  Frov.  xxiv. 
 30,  31).  Virgin  land  was  ploughed  a  second  time. 
 Sowing  also  took  place  without  previous  ploughing, 
 the  .seed,  as  in  the  parable  of  the  sower,  being 
 scattered  broadcast,  and  ploughed  in  afterwards,  the 
 roots  of  the  late  crop  being  so  far  decayed  as  to 
 serve  for  manure  (Fellows,  Asia  Minor,  p.  72). 
 The  soil  was  then  brushed  over  with  a  light  harrow, 
 often  of  thorn  bushes.  In  highly  irrigated  spots 
 the  seed  was  trampled  in  by  cattle  (Is.  xxxii.  20), 
 as  in  Egypt  by  goats.     Sometimes,  however,  the 
 
 ■^<cUl 
 
 Pig.  t. — Goats  treading  in  the  gram,  when  sown  In  the  field,  after  the  water  has  subsided. — (Wilkinson,  Tomba,  near  the  Pyramids.) 
 
 sowing  was 
 a  process 
 
 as  by  patches  only  in  well  manured  spots, 
 represented  in  the  accompanying  drawing 
 
 Fig.  3. — Com  growmg  in  patcliew.— (.Suretlttusius.) 
 
 by  Surenhusius  to  illustrate  the  Mishna.  Where 
 the  soil  was  heavier,  the  ploughing  was  best  done 
 dry  ;  but  the  more  formal  routine  of  heavy  western 
 soils  must  not  be  made  the  standard  of  such  a 
 naturally  fine  tilth  as  that  of  Palestine  generally. 
 Durini'  the  rains,  if  not  too  heavy,   or    between 
 
 their  two  periods,  would  be  the  best  time  for  these 
 operations ;  thus  70  days  before  the  passover  was 
 the  time  prescribed  for  sowing  for  the  "  wave- 
 sheaf,"  and,  probably,  therefore,  for  that  of  barley 
 generaHy.  The  oxen  were  urged  on  by  a  goad  like 
 a  spear  (Judg.  iii.  31).  The  custom  of  watching 
 ripening  crops  and  threshing  floors  against  theft,  or 
 damage,  is  probably  ancient.  Thus  Boaz  slept  on 
 the  floor  (Ruth  iii.  4,  7).  Barley  ripened  a  week 
 or  two  before  wheat,  and  as  fine  harvo^t  weather 
 was  certain  (Prov.  xxvi.  1;  1  Sam.  xii.  17;  Am. 
 iv.  7),  the  crop  chiefly  varied  with  the  quantity  ot 
 timely  rain.  The  period  of  harvest  must  always 
 have  differed  according  to  elevation,  a.spect,  &c. 
 The  proportion  of  harvest  gathered  to  seed  sown 
 was  often  va.st,  a  hundredfold  is  mentioned,  but  in 
 such  a  way  as  to  signify  that  it  was  a  limit  rarelv 
 attained    (Gen.    xxvi.    12  ;    Matt.    xiii.    8).— The 
 
22 
 
 AGRICULTURE 
 
 rotation  of  crops,  familiar  to  the  Egyptians,  can 
 hardly  have  been  unknown  to  tlie  Hebrews.  Sow- 
 ing a  field  with  divere  seeds  was  fcbiddon  (Dent, 
 xxii.  9),  and  minute  directions  are  given  by  the 
 i~abbis  for  arranging  a  seeded  surface  with  great 
 Tariety,  yet  avoiding  juxtaposition  of  heierogenea. 
 Heaping  atid  threshing. — Tlie  wheat,  &c.,  was 
 reaped  by  the  sickle,  or  was  pulled  up  by  the  roots, 
 it  was  bound  in  sheaves — a  process  pi-ominent  in 
 Scriptuie.  The  sheaves  or  heaps  were  cartetl 
 (Am.  ii.  13)  to  the  floor — a  circular  spot  of  hard 
 giound,  probably,  as  now,  from  TiO  to  80  or  100 
 feet  in  diameter.  Such  floors  were  probably  per- 
 manent, and  became  well  known  spots  (Gen.  1.  10, 
 11  ;  2  Sam.  xxiv.  IC,  18).  On  these  the  oxen,  &c., 
 forbidden  to  be  muzzled  (Deut.  xxv.  4),  trampled 
 
 Pig.  4.— Reaping  wheat.— (Wilkinr,on,  Tomh<  u/  the  Ktnys.     TlidiM.) 
 
 out  the  grain,  as  we  find  represented  in  the  Egyp- 
 tian monuments.  At  a  later  time  the  .lews  usfd  a 
 thre.-ihing  sledge  called  Morag  (Is.  xli.  15;  2  Sam. 
 xxiv.  22  ;  1  Chr.  xxi.  23),  probably  re.sembling 
 the  iioreg,  still  employed  in  Egypt — a  stage  with 
 
 Pig,  t. — Hie  Sorogt  a 
 
 nnrliine  ujfti  bv  the  modem  Egyptii 
 Ibrwhing  Cora. 
 
 three  rollers  ridged  with  iron,  which,  aiaeJ  by  the 
 driver's  weight,  crushed  out,  olten   injuring,    the 
 
 ?ig.  «.— Th^c•bin|^floor.     Tin-  ox.  n  clrn.n 
 to  Uie  u»UJ|i  ctitUitn.— ( Wtlkii 
 
 ni\  lhi>  htAp;  ooDtnuy 
 
 AGUR 
 
 out  with  a  stick  (Is.  xxviii.  27).  Barley  was 
 sometimes  sOciked  and  then  jiarch^d  befoit?  treading 
 out.  which  got  rid  of  the  pellicle  of  the  grain. — 
 The  use  of  animal  manure  is  proved  fix-qiiont  by 
 such  recun-ing  expressions  as  "  dung  on  the  face  of 
 the  earth,  field,"  Sic.  (Ps.  Ixxxiii.  10  ;  2  K.  ix.  37  ; 
 Jer.  viii.  2,  &c.). 
 
 Winnoiring. — Thf  ".shovel"  and  "fan"  (I.s. 
 XXX.  24),  the  precise 'difference  of  which  is  doubtfiil, 
 indicate  tlie  process  of  winnowing — a  consjiicuous 
 part  of  ancient  husbandry  (I's.  xxxv.  .5  ;  Job  xxi. 
 18;  Is.  xvii.  13),  and  impoiliint,  owing  to  tlie 
 slovenly  threshing.  Evening  was  the  favourite 
 time  (Huth  iii.  2)  when  tliere  was  mostly  a  breeze. 
 The  "fl^n"  (Matt.  iii.  12;  was  perhaps  a  broad 
 
 grain,  a.s  well  as  cut  or  tore  the  straw,  wliirh  thus 
 became  lit  for  fodder.     Liglitar  grains  were  boaittn 
 
 Fig.  7.  Winnowing  with  woodco  sbovols.— (Wilkinjon,  Tlieba.) 
 
 shovel  which  threw  the  gi-ain  up  against  the  wind. 
 The  last  ]Mncess  was  the  shaking  in  a  sieve  to 
 separate  dirt  and  refuse  (Am.  ix.  9). — Fields  and 
 floors  were  not  commonly  enclosed ;  vineyaixls 
 mostly  were,  with  a  tower  .•wid  other  buildings 
 (Num.  xxii.  24;  I's.  Ixxx.  12;  Is.  v.  5;  Matt, 
 xxi.  33  ;  comp.  .lud.  vi.  11).  15anks  of  mud  from 
 ditches  were  ahso  used. — With  regard  to  occupancy, 
 a  tenant  might  pay  a  fixed  money  rent  (Cant, 
 viii.  11),  or  a  stipulated  share  of  the  frnit-i  (2  Sam. 
 ix.  10  ;  Matt.  xxi.  34),  often  a  half" or  a  thini ;  but 
 local  custom  was  the  only  rule.  A  pas.ser  by 
 might  eat  any  quantity  of  corn  or  grapes,  but  not 
 reap  or  carry  oil'  fruit  (Deut.  xxiii.  24-25;  Matt, 
 xii.  1). — The  rights  of  the  comer  to  be  left,  and  of 
 gleaning  [CoiiNicu;  (^li;aning],  foniicd  the  jwor 
 man's  claim  on  the  soil  fov  support.  For  his  bone- 
 fit,  too,  a  sheaf  forgotten  in  carrying  to  the  floor 
 was  to  be  left  ;  so  also  with  regard  to  the  vineyard 
 and  the  olive-grove  (Lev.  xix.  9,  10  ,  Deut.  xxiv.  19). 
 Besides  thcie  sootns  a  probability  that  every  thinl 
 year  a  second  tithe,  besides  the  priests',  was  paid 
 for  the  poor  (Deut.  xiv.  23,  xxvi.  12;  .\ni.  iv.  4  ; 
 Tob.  i.  7). 
 
 Agrip'pa.     [llr;i!on.] 
 
 A^ur,  the  son  of  .lakch,  an  unknown  Hebrew 
 s.ige,  who  uttered  or  collected  the  sayings  of 
 wi.sdom  recorded  in  I'rov.  xxx.  Ewald  attributes 
 to  him  the  authoi-ship  of  I'rov.  xxx.  1  -xxxi.  9,  in 
 consequence  of  the  similarity  of  style  cxhibiteii  in 
 the  three  sections  therein  contained,  and  assigns  as 
 his  date  a  period  not  earlier  than  the  end  of  the 
 7th  or  beginning  of  the  tjth  cent.  it.C.  The  Rab- 
 bins, according  to  .larchi,  and  .Icronie  after  them, 
 interpreted  the  name  synibolic:\lly  of  Solomon,  who 
 "  collcctol  undui-standing,"  and  is  elsewhere  ctUed 
 
AHAB 
 
 "  Kolieleth."  Bunsen  contends  that  Agur  was  an 
 inhabitant  of  Massa,  and  probably  a  descendant  of 
 ooe  of  the  500  Simeonites,  who  in  the  reign  of  Heze- 
 kiah  drove  out  the  Amalekites  from  Mount  Seir. 
 Hitzig  goes  further,  and  makes  him  the  son  of  the 
 Queen  of  Massa  and  brother  of  Lemuel.  [Jakeh.] 
 A'hab.  1.  Son  of  Omri,  seventh  king  of  the 
 separate  kingdom  of  Israel,  and  second  of  his 
 dynasty,  reigned  B.C.  919-896.  The  great  lesson 
 which  we  learn  from  his  life  is  the  depth  of 
 wickedness  into  which  a  weak  man  may  f;Ul, 
 even  though  not  devoid  of  good  feelings  and 
 amiable  impulses,  when  he  abandons  himself  to 
 tlie  guidance  of  another  pereon,  resolute,  unscru- 
 pulous, and  depraved.  The  cause  of  his  ruin 
 was  his  marriage  with  Jezebel,  daughter  of  Eth- 
 baal,  king  of  Tyie,  who  had  been  priest  of 
 Astarte.  [Jezebel.]  We  have  a  comparatively 
 full  account  of  Ahab's  reign,  because  it  was  distin- 
 guished by  the  ministry  of  the  great  prophet 
 Elijah,  who  was  brought  into  direct  collision  with 
 Jezebel  when  she  ventured  to  introduce  into  Israel 
 the  impure  worship  of  Baal  and  her  father's  god- 
 dess Astaite.  In  obedience  to  her  wishes,  Ahab 
 caused  a  temple  to  be  built  to  Baal  in  Samaria 
 itself,  and  an  oracular  grove  to  be  consecrated  to 
 Astarte.  With  a  fixed  deternsination  to  extirpate 
 the  true  religion,  Jezebel  hunted  down  and  put  to 
 death  God's  prophets,  some  of  whom  were  con- 
 cealed in  caves  by  Obadiah,  the  goveinor  of  Ahab's 
 house ;  while  the  Phoenician  rites  were  canied  on 
 with  such  splendour,  that  we  read  of  450  prophets 
 of  Baal,  and  400  of  Asherah.  (See  1  K.  .xviii.  19, 
 where  our  version  erroneously  substitutes  "  the 
 groves  "  for  the  proper  name  Asherah,  as  again  in 
 2  K.  xxi.  7,  xxiii.  6).  [Asherah.]  How  the 
 worship  of  God  was  restored,  and  the  idolatrous 
 priests  slain,  in  consequence  of  "  a  sore  famine  in 
 Samana."  is  related  under  Elijah.  But  hea- 
 thenism and  persecution  were  not  the  only  crimes 
 into  which  Jezebel  led  her  yielding  husband.  One 
 of  his  cliief  tastes  was  for  splendid  architcctuie, 
 which  he  showed  by  building  an  ivory  house  and 
 several  cities.  But  the  place  in  which  he  chiefly 
 indulged  this  passion  was  the  beautiful  city  of 
 Jezreel  (now  Zerin),  in  the  plain  of  Esdiaelon, 
 which  he  adorned  with  a  palace  and  park  for  his 
 own  residence,  though  Samaria  remained  the  capital 
 of  his  kingdom,  Jezreel  .standing  in  the  same  rela- 
 tion to  it  as  the  Veisailles  of  the  old  French  mo- 
 narchy to  Paris  (Stanley,  S.  ^  P.  244).  Desiring 
 to  add  to  his  pleasui'e-grouuds  there  the  vineyard  of 
 his  neighbour  Naboth,  he  proposed  to  buy  it  or 
 give  land  in  exchange  for  it :  and  when  this  was 
 refused  by  Naboth,  in  accordance  with  the  Mosaic 
 law,  on  the  ground  that  the  vineyai'd  was  "  the 
 inheritance  of  his  fathers  "  (Lev.  xxv.  23),  a  false 
 accusation  of  blasphemy  was  brought  against  him, 
 and  not  only  was  he  himself  stoned  to  death,  but 
 his  sons  also,  as  we  learn  from  2  K.  ix.  26.  Elijah, 
 already  the  great  vindicator  of  religion,  now  ap- 
 peared as  the  assertor  of  moralitj',  and  declared 
 that  the  entire  extirpation  of  Ahab's  house  was  the 
 penalty  appointed  for  his  long  course  of  wickedness, 
 now  Clowned  by  this  atrocious  crime.  The  execu- 
 tion, however,  of  the  sentence  was  delayed  in  con- 
 sequence of  Ahab's  deep  repentance. — Ahab  under- 
 took three  campaigns  against  Benhadad  II.  king  of 
 Damascus,  two  defensive  and  one  offensive.  In  the 
 fii-st,  Benhadad  laid  siege  to  Samaria  ;  and  Ahab, 
 encouraged  by  the  patriotic  counsels  of  God's  pro- 
 
 AHASUERUS  2o 
 
 phets,  made  a  sudden  attack  on  him  whilst  in  the 
 plenitude  of  arrogant  conti<lence  he  was  banqueting 
 in  his  tent  with  his  thiily-two  vassal  kings. 
 The  Syrians  were  totally  routed,  and  fled  to  Da- 
 mascus.— Next  year  Benhadad,  believing  that  his 
 failure  was  owing  to  some  peculiar  power  which 
 the  God  of  Israel  exercised  over  the  hills,  invaded 
 Israel  by  way  of  Aphek,  on  the  E.  of  Jordan, 
 Yet  Ahab's  victory  was  so  complete  that  Ben- 
 hadad himself  fell  into  his  hands  ;  but  was  re- 
 leased (contrary  to  the  will  of  God  as  announced 
 by  a  prophet)  on  condition  of  restoring  all  the 
 cities  of  Israel  which  he  held,  and  making  "  streets" 
 for  Ahab  in  Damascus;  that  is,  admitting  into 
 his  capital  pennanent  Hebrew  officers,  in  an  inde- 
 pendent position,  with  special  dwellings  for  them- 
 selves and  their  retinues,  to  watch  over  the  com- 
 mercial and  political  interests  of  Ahab  and  his 
 subjects.  This  was  apparently  in  retaliation  for  a 
 similar  privilege  exacted  by  Benhadad's  predecessor 
 from  Omri  in  respect  to  Samaria.  After  this  great 
 success  Ahab  enjoyed  peace  for  three  years,  when, 
 in  conjunction  with  Jehoshaphat  king  of  Judah, 
 he  attacked  Ramoth  in  Gilead  on  the  east  ot 
 Jordan,  which  town  he  claimed  as  belonging  to 
 Israel.  But  God's  blessing  did  not  rest  on  the 
 expedition,  and  Ahab  was  told  by  the  prophet 
 Jlicaiah  that  it  would  fail.  For  giving  this  warn- 
 ing Micaiah  was  imprisoned  ;  but  Ahab  was  so  far 
 roused  by  it  as  to  take  the  precaution  of  disguising 
 himself,  so  a.s  not  to  offer  a  consjticuousmark  to  tlie 
 archers  of  Benliadad.  But  he  was  slain  by  a 
 "  certain  man  who  drew  a  bow  at  a  venture  ;"  and, 
 though  staid  up  in  his  chariot  for  a  time,  yet  he 
 died  towards  evening,  and  his  army  dispersed. 
 When  he  was  brought  to  be  buried  in  Samaria,  the 
 dogs  licked  up  his  blood  <as  a  seiTant  was  washing 
 his  chariot ;  a  partial  fulfilment  of  Elijah's  predic- 
 tion (1  K.  xxi.  19),  which  was  more  literally 
 accomplished  in  the  case  of  his  son  (2  K.  ix.  26). 
 —2.  A  lying  prophet,  who  deceived  the  captive 
 Israelites  in  Babylon,  and  was  burnt  to  death  bv 
 Nebuchadnezzar  (Jer.  xxix.  21). 
 
 A'haxah,  third  son  of  Benjamin  (1  Chr.  viii.  1). 
 [Aheu  ;  Ahiram.] 
 
 Ahar'hel,  a  name  occurring  in  an  obscure  frag- 
 ment of  the  genealogies  of  Judah.  "  The  families 
 of  Aharhel  "  apparently  ti'aced  their  descent  through 
 Coz  to  Ashur,  the  posthumous  son  of  Hezron. 
 The  Targum  of  R.  Joseph  on  Chronicles  identifies 
 him  with  "  Hur  the  firstborn  of  Jliriam  "  (1  Ohr. 
 iv.  8). 
 
 Ahasa'i,  a  priest,  ancestor  of  Maasiai  (Neh.  xi. 
 13)  ;  called  Jahzerah  in  1  Chr.  ix.  12. 
 
 Ahasba'i,  father  of  Eliphelet,  one  of  David's 
 thirty-seven  captains  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  34).  In  the 
 corrupt  list  in  1  Chr.  xi.  35,  Eliphelet  appears  ai> 
 "  Eliphal  the  son  of  Ur." 
 
 Ahasue'rns,  the  name  of  one  Median  and  two 
 Persian  kings  mentioned  in  the  0.  T.  It  may 
 be  desirable  to  prefix  to  this  article  a  chronological 
 table  of  the  Medo-Persian  kings  from  Cyaxares  to 
 Artaxerxes  Longimanus,  according  to  their  ordinary 
 classical  names.  The  Scriptural  names  conjectured 
 to  coriespond  to  them  are  added  in  italics; — 1.  Cy- 
 axares, king  of  Media,  son  of  Phraortes,  grandson  of 
 Deioces  and  conqueror  of  Nineveh,  began  to  reign 
 B.C.  634:  Ahasuerus.  2.  Astyages  his  son,  last 
 king  of  Media,  B.C.  594:  Darius  the  Mede. 
 3.  Cyrus,  son  of  his  daughter  Mandaiie  and  Cam- 
 byses,  a  Persian  noble,  first  king  of  Persia.  559 : 
 
24 
 
 AHASUERUS 
 
 Cjnts.  4.  Cambyses  his  son,  b'29:  A/tasuerus, 
 5.  A  ilagian  usurper,  who  j)ersonated  Smerdis. 
 the  vouiiger  sou  ot"  Cyrus,  52 1 ;  Ai-taxeiwes. 
 (3.  Darius  Hystispis,  raised  to  the  throne'  on  the 
 overthrow  ot"  the  Magi,  521:  Darius.  7.  Xerxes 
 his  son,  485;  Ahasucrus.  8.  Artaxeixes  Longi- 
 iiianus  (Macrocheir),  his  son,  4G5-495 :  At-taxa-xes. 
 — The  name  Alicasuerus,  or  Achashverosh,  is  the 
 same  as  the  ^anstrit  kshatra,  a  king,  which  appears 
 as  ksliershe  in  he  aiTow-headed  inscriptions  of 
 I'ersepolis.^L  In  Dan.  ix.  1,  Ahasuerus  is  said  to 
 be  the  father  of  Darius  the  Mede.  Now  it  is 
 ahnost  certiin  that  Cyaxares  is  a  form  of  Ahasuerus, 
 grecised  into  Axares  with  the  prefix  Cy-  or  Kai-, 
 common  to  the  Kaianian  dynasty  of  kings  (Malcolm's 
 Persia,  eh.  ili.),  with  which  may  be  compared  Kai 
 Khosroo,  the  Persian  name  of  Cyrus.  The  son  of 
 tliis  Cyaxares  was  Astyages,  and  it  is  no  improbable 
 conjecture  that  Darius  the  Jlede  was  Astyages,  set 
 over  Babylon  as  viceroj'  by  his  grandson  Cyrus,  and 
 allowed  to  live  there  iu  royal  state.  [Daiiius.] 
 This  Hi-st  Ahasuerus,  then,  is  Cyaxares,  the  con- 
 queror of  Nineveh.  And,  in  accordance  with  this 
 view,  we  read  in  Tobit  xiv.  15  that  Nineveh  was 
 taken  by  Naliuchodonosor  and  Assucrus,  i.  e.  Cy- 
 axares.—2.  In  Ezr.  iv.  6  the  enemies  of  the  Jews, 
 after  the  death  of  Cj'rus,  desirous  to  frustrate  the 
 building  of  Jerusalem,  send  accusations  against 
 'Jiem  to  Ahasuerus  kiug  of  Persia.  This  must  be 
 Cambyses.  For  we  read  (v.  5)  that  their  oppo- 
 sition continued  from  the  time  of  Cyrus  to  that  of 
 Darius,  and  Ahasuerus  and  Artaxerxes,  i.  e.  Cam- 
 byses and  the  pseudo-Smerdis,  are  mentioned  as 
 reigning  between  them.  [AiirAXERXES.]  Xeno- 
 phon  cidls  the  brother  of  Cambyses  Tanyoxarcs, 
 i.  e.  the  younger  Oxaies,  whence  we  infer  that  the 
 elder  Oxares  or  Axares,  or  Ahasuerus,  was  Cam- 
 byses. His  constant  wars  probably  prevented  him 
 from  interfering  in  the  concerns  of  the  Jews.  He 
 was  jtlainly  aiUed  after  his  grandfather,  who  was 
 not  of  royal  race,  and  therefore  it  is  very  likely 
 that  he  also  assumed  the  kingly  name  or  title  of 
 Axares  or  Cyaxares,  which  had  been  borne  by  his 
 most  illustrious  ancestor.— 3.  The  third  is  the 
 Ahasuerus  of  the  book  of  Esther.  It  is  needless  to 
 give  nioie  than  the  heads  of  the  well-knov.'n  story. 
 Having  divorced  his  queen  Vashti  tor  refusing  to 
 appear  in  public  at  a  banquet,  he  nruried,  four 
 years  afterwards,  the  Je^vess  Esther,  cousin  and 
 ward  of  Mordecai.  Five  years  after  this,  Haman, 
 one  of  his  counsellors,  having  been  slighted  by  Mor- 
 deaii,  prevailed  upon  the  king  to  order  the  destruc- 
 tion of  all  the  Jews  in  the  empire.  But  before  the 
 day  appointed  for  the  massicre,  Esther  and  Mordecai 
 overthrew  the  influence  which  Haman  had  exercised, 
 and  so  completely  changed  his  feelings  in  the  matter, 
 that  they  induced  him  to  put  Haman  to  death,  and 
 to  give  the  Jews  the  right  of  seltnlefonce.  'i'his 
 they  used  so  vigorously  that  they  killeil  several 
 thousands  of  their  opponents.  Now,  from  the  extent 
 assigned  to  the  Persian  empire  (Esth.  i.  1),  "  from 
 India  even  unto  Ethiopia,"  it  is  proved  that  Daiius 
 Hystaspis  is  the  eailiest  possible  king  to  whom  this 
 history  can  ajiply,  and  it  is  hardly  worth  while 
 to  consider  the  claims  of  any  after  Artaxerxes 
 I.ongimanus.  But  Aliasuerus  cannot  be  identic;d 
 with  Darius,  whose  wives  were  the  danghtei-s  of 
 Cyrus  and  Otanes,  and  who  in  name  and  chamcter 
 equally  dilfeis  from  that  llmlish  tynuit.  Neither 
 can  he  be  .Artaxerxes  F.ongimanus,  altliough,  as 
 Avtaxi-rxcs  is  a  compound  of  Xerxes,  there  is  less 
 
 AHAZ 
 
 dilliculty  here  as  to  the  name.  But  in  the  fiiut 
 j)lace  the  character  of  Ailaxerxes  is  also  very  unlike 
 that  of  Ahasuerus.  Besides  this,  in  Ezr.  vii.  1-7, 
 1 1-26,  Artaxerxes,  in  the  seventh  year  of  his  reign, 
 issues  a  decree  very  favourable  to  the  Jews,  and 
 it  is  unlikely  therefore  that  in  the  tuelft/i  (Esth. 
 iii.  7)  Haman  could  speak  to  him  of  them  as  if  ae 
 knev/  nothing  about  them,  and  persuade  him  to 
 sentence  them  to  an  indiscriminate  massacre.  We 
 are  therefore  reduced  to  the  belief  that  Ahasuems  is 
 Xerxes  (the  names  being  identical):  and  this  con- 
 clusion is  fortified  by  the  resemblance  of  chaiacter, 
 and  by  certain  chronologiail  indications.  As  Xerxes 
 scourged  the  sea,  and  put  to  death  the  engineers 
 of  his  bridge  because  their  work  was  injureil  by  a 
 stonn,  so  -Ahasuerus  repudiated  his  queen  Vashti 
 because  she  would  not  violate  the  decorum  of  her 
 sex,  and  ordered  the  massacre  of  the  whole  Jewish 
 people  to  gratify  the  malice  of  Haman.  In  the  thiixi 
 year  of  the  leign  of  Xerxes  was  held  :m  assembly 
 to  arrange  the  (Jrecian  war  (Herod,  vii.  7  ff.).  In 
 the  third  year  of  Ahasuerus  was  held  a  great  feast 
 and  assembly  in  Shushan  the  palace  (Esth.  i.  3). 
 In  the  seventh  year  of  his  reign  Xerxes  retumed 
 defeated  from  Greece,  and  consoled  himself  by  the 
 pleasures  of  the  harem  (Herod,  ix.  Iu8).  In  the 
 seventh  year  of  his  reign  "  fair  young  virgins  were 
 sought"  for  Ahasuerus,  and  he  replaced  Vashti  by 
 marrying  Esther.  The  tribute  he  "  laid  upon  the 
 land  and  upon  the  isles  of  the  sea "  (Esth.  x.  1 ) 
 may  well  have  been  the  result  of  the  expenditure 
 and  ruin  of  the  Grecian  e.vpedition. 
 
 Ah'ava,  a  place  (Ezr.  viii.  15),  or  a  river  (viii. 
 21),  on  the  banks  of  which  Ezra  collected  the 
 second  expedition  which  returned  with  him  from 
 Babylon  to  Jerusalem.  Various  have  been  the 
 conjectures  as  to  its  localitj' :  but  the  latest  researches 
 are  in  favour  of  its  being  the  modern  Hit,  on  the 
 Euphrates,  due  east  of  Damascus. 
 
 A'haz,  1.  Eleventh  king  of  Judah,  son  of  Jo- 
 tham,  reigned  B.C.  741-720.  At  the  time  of 
 his  accession,  Kezin  king  of  Damascus  and  Pekah 
 king  of  Israel  had  recently  formed  a  league  against 
 Judah,  and  they  proceeded  to  lay  siege  to  Jeru- 
 salem. Upon  this  the  great  prophet  hastened 
 to  give  advice  and  encouiagemeut  to  Ahaz,  and, 
 it  was  probably  owing  to  the  spirit  of  energy 
 and  religious  devotion  which  he  pouretl  into  his 
 counsels,  that  the  allies  failed  in  their  attack  on 
 .(erusalem  (Is.  vii.  viii.  ix.).  But  the  allies  took 
 a  vast  number  of  captives,  who,  however,  woe 
 restored  in  viitue  of  the  remonstrances  of  the 
 proph'ct  Oded  ;  and  they  also  intlicted  a  most  severe 
 injury  on  Judah  by  the  capture  of  Elath,  a  flourish- 
 ing port  on  the  Ked  Sea;  while  the  Philistines  in- 
 vade! the  W.  and  .S.  (2  K.  xvi. ;  2  Chr.  xxviii.). 
 The  weakminded  and  helpless  Ahaz  sought  deliver- 
 ance iVom  these  numeious  troubles  by  appealing  to 
 Tigl.itli-pileser,  king  of  Assyria,  who  freed  him  from 
 his  most  formidable  enemies  by  invading  Syria, 
 taking  Damascus,  killing  Itezin,  and  depriving  Israel 
 of  its  Northern  and  trans-Jordanic  distiicts.  But 
 Ahaz  had  to  purcIi.Tse  this  help  at  a  costly  price: 
 he  became  trib\itary  to  Tiglath-])iU'ser,  sent  him  all 
 the  tre;isures  of  the  Temple  and  his  own  p;»lace,  and 
 even  appeare<l  before  him  in  Damascus  a.>  a  r.issjd. 
 Ui^  id.so  venturcil  to  seek  for  safety  in  heathen 
 ceiemoiiies ;  making  his  son  pass  through  the  (ire 
 to  Moloch,  consulting  wizjuds  and  necromancers 
 (Is.  viii.  19),  sjicriticing  to  the  Syi  ian  gods,  uitro- 
 duciiig  a  foreign  altar  from  l>amasci:s,  and  probably 
 
AHAZIAH 
 
 the  woi-ship  of  the  heavenly  bodies  fioin  Assyria 
 and  Babylon,  as  he  would  seem  to  have  set  up  tiie 
 horses  of  the  sun  mentioned  in  2  K.  xxiii.  11  ;  and 
 "  the  altais  on  the  top  (or  roof)  of  the  upprr 
 chamber  of  Ahaz  "  (2  K.  sxiii.  12)  were  connected 
 with  the  adoration  of  the  stars.  We  see  another 
 and  blameless  result  of  this  intercourse  with  an 
 astronomical  people  in  the  "  sundial  of  Ahaz"  (Is. 
 xxxviii.  8). — 2.  A  son  of  Micah  the  grandson  of 
 Jonathan  through  Meribbaal  or  Mephibosheth  (1 
 Chr.  viii.  35,  36,  ix.  42). 
 
 Ahazi'ali.  1.  Son  of  Ahab  and  Jezebel,  and 
 eighth  king  of  Israel,  reigned  B.C.  896-895. 
 After  the  battle  of  Ramotli  in  Gilead  [Ahab] 
 the  Syrians  had  the  command  of  the  country  along 
 the  east  of  Jordan,  and  they  cut  off  all  commu- 
 nication between  the  Israelites  and  Woabites,  so 
 that  the  vassal  Icing  of  Moab  lefused  his  yearly 
 tribute  of  100,000  lambs  and  100,000  rams  with 
 their  wool  (comp.  Is.  xvi.  1).  Before  Ahaziah 
 could  take  measures  for  enforcing  his  claim,  he 
 was  seriously  injured  by  a  tall  through  a  lattice 
 in  his  palace  at  Samaria.  In  his  health  he  had 
 worshipped  his  mother's  gods,  and  now  he  sent  to 
 inquire  of  the  oracle  of  Baalzebub  in  the  Philistine 
 city  of  Ekron  whether  he  should  lecover  his  health. 
 But  Elijah,  who  now  for  the  last  time  exercised  the 
 prophetic  office,  rebuked  him  for  this  impiety,  and 
 announced  to  him  his  approaching  death.  The  only 
 other  recorded  transaction  of  his  reign,  his  endeavour 
 to  join  the  king  of  Judah  in  trading  to  Ophir,  is 
 more  fitly  related  under  Jehoshaphat  (1  K.  xxii. 
 49-53 ;  2  K.  i. ;  2  Chr.  xx.  35-37).— 2.  Fifth 
 king  of  Judah,  son  of  Jehoram  and  Atlialiah, 
 daughter  of  Ahab,  and  therefore  nephew  of  the 
 preceding  Ahadah.  He  is  called  Azariah,  2  Chr. 
 xxii.  6,  probably  by  a  copyist's  error,  and  Jehoahaz, 
 2  Chr.  .xxi.  17.  So,  too,  while  in  2  K.  viii.  26  we 
 read  that  he  was  22  years  old  at  his  accession,  we 
 find  in  2  Chr.  xxii.  2  that  his  age  at  that  time 
 was  42.  The  former  number  is  certainly  right,  as 
 in  2  Chr.  xxi.  5,  20,  we  see  that  his  father  Jehoiam 
 was  40  when  he  died,  which  would  make  him 
 younger  than  his  own  sou,  so  that  a  transcriber 
 must  have  made  a  mistake  in  the  numbers.  Aha- 
 ziah was  an  idolater,  and  he  allied  himself  with  his 
 uncle  Jehoram  king  of  Israel,  brother  and  suc- 
 cessor of  the  preceding  Ahaziah,  against  Hazael,  the 
 new  king  of  Syria.  The  two  kings  were,  however, 
 defeated  at  Ramoth,  where  Jehoram  was  so  severely 
 wounded  that  he  retired  to  his  mother's  palace  at 
 Jezreel  to  be  healed.  The  revolution  carried  out  in 
 Isiael  by  Jehu  under  the  guidance  of  Elisha  broke 
 out  while  Ahaziali  was  visiting  his  uncle  at  Jezreel. 
 As  Jehu  approached  the  town,  Jehoram  and 
 Ahaziiih  went  out  to  meet  him ;  the  former  was 
 shot  through  the  heart  by  Jehu,  and  Ahaziah  was 
 pursued  as  far  as  the  pass  of  Gur,  near  the  city  of 
 Ibleara,  and  there  mortally  wounded.  He  died 
 when  he  reached  Megiddo.  In  2  Chr.  xxii.  9, 
 an  apparently  different  account  is  given  of  his 
 death.  Ahaziah  reigned  one  year,  B.C.  884  (2  K. 
 viii.  2f3 ;  2  K.  ix.  29). 
 
 Ah.'bail,  son  of  Abishur,  by  his  wife  Abihail 
 (1  Clir.  ii.  29).     He  was  of  the  tribe  of  Judah. 
 
 A'her,  ancestor  of  Hushim,  or  rather  "the 
 Hushim,"  as  the  plural  fonri  seems  to  indicate  a 
 family  rather  than  an  individual.  The  name 
 occurs  in  an  obscure  passage  in  the  genealogy  of 
 Benjamin  (1  Chr.  vii.  12).  Some  translators  con- 
 sider it  as  not  a  proper  name  at  all,  and  render  it 
 
 AHIHUD 
 
 25 
 
 literally  "  another ;  "  because,  as  Jarchi  says,  Ezi'a, 
 who  compiled  the  genealogy,  was  uncertain  whether 
 the  families  belonged  to  tlie  tribe  of  Benjamin  or 
 not.  It  is  not  improbable  that  Aher  and  Ahiram 
 (Num.  xxvi.  38)  are  the  same;  unless  the  formei 
 belonged  to  the  tribe  of  Dan,  whose  genealogy  is 
 omitted  in  1  Chr.  vii.  ;  Hushim  being  a  Danite 
 as  well  as  a  Benjamite  name. 
 
 A'hi.  1.  A  Gadite,  chief  of  a  family  who 
 lived  in  Gilead  in  Bashan  (I  Chr.  v.  15),  in  the 
 days  of  Jotham,  king  of  Judah.  By  the  LXX.  and 
 Vulg.  it  was  not  considered  a  proper  name.^2. 
 A  descendant  of  Shamer,  of  the  tribe  of  Asher 
 (1  Chr.  vii.  34).  The  name,  according  to  Gesenius, 
 is  a  contraction  of  Ahijah. 
 
 Ahi'ali  or  AM'jah.  1.  Son  of  Ahitub,  brother 
 of  Ichabod,  grandson  of  Phinehas,  and  great-gi'and- 
 son  of  Eli.  He  is  described  as  being  the  Lord's 
 priest  in  Shiloh,  wearing  an  ephod  (1  Sam.  xiv.  3, 
 1 8).  There  is,  however,  great  dithculty  in  reconcil- 
 ing the  statement  in  1  Sam.  xiv.  18,  concerning  the 
 ark  being  used  for  inquiring  by  Ahiah  at  Saul's 
 bidding,  and  the  statement  that  they  inquired  not 
 at  the  ark  in  the  days  of  Saul  (1  Chr.  xiii.  3), 
 if  we  understand  the  latter  expression  in  the  strictest 
 sense.  But  all  ditHculty  will  disappear  if  we  apply 
 the  expression  only  to  all  the  latter  years  of  the 
 reign  of  Saul,  when  we  know  that  the  priestly 
 establishment  was  at  Kob,  and  not  at  Kirjath- 
 jearim,  or  Baale  of  Judah,  where  the  ark  was. 
 The  narrative  in  1  Sam.  xiv.  is  entirely  favourable 
 to  the  mention  of  fhe  ark.  Ahiah  is  probably  the 
 same  person  as  Ahimelech  the  son  of  Ahitub. 
 Such  changes  of  nsime  as  Ahi-melech  and  Ahi-jah 
 are  not  uncommon.  However  it  is  not  impossible 
 that  Ahimelech  may  have  been  brother  to  Ahiah.— 
 2.  One  of  Solomon's  princes  (1  K.  iv.  3).— 3.  A 
 prophet  of  Shiloh  (1  K.  xiv.  2),  hence  called  the 
 Shilonite  (xi.  29)  in  the  days  of  Solomon  and  of 
 Jeroboam  king  of  Israel,  of  whom  we  have  two 
 remarkable  prophecies  extant :  the  one  in  1  K.  xi. 
 31-39,  addressed  to  Jeroboam,  announcing  the  rend- 
 ing of  the  ten  tribes  from  Solomon,  and  the  transfer 
 of  the  kingdom  to  Jeroboam :  the  other  in  1  K.  xiv. 
 6-16,  was  dehvered  in  the  prophet's  extreme  old  age 
 to  Jeroboam's  wife,  in  which  he  foretold  the  death 
 of  Abijah,  the  king's  son,  who  was  sick,  and  the 
 destr.Bction  of  Jeroboam's  house  on  account  of  the 
 images  which  he  had  set  up.  Jeroboam's  speech 
 concerning  Ahijah  (1  K.  xiv.  2,  3)  shows  the  esti- 
 mation in  which  he  held  his  truth  and  prophetic 
 powers  (comp.  2  Chr.  ix.  29). — 4.  Father  of 
 Baasha,  king  of  Israel  (1  K.  xv.  27,  33). — 5.  Son 
 of  Jerahmeel  (1  Clir.  ii.  25).— 6.  Son  of  Bela 
 (1  Chr.  viii.  7).— 7.  One  of  David's  mighty  men 
 (1  Chr.  X.  36).— 8.  A  Levite  in  David's  reign 
 (1  Chr.  sxvi.  20).— 9.  One  of  "  the  heads  of  the 
 people  "  who  joined  in  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah 
 (Xeh.  X.  26). 
 
 Ahi'am,  son  of  Sharar  the  Hararite  (or  of  Sa- 
 car,  1  Chr.  xi.  35),  one  of  David's  thirty  mighty 
 men  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  33). 
 
 AM'an,  a  M.uiassite,  of  the  family  of  Shemidah 
 (1  Chr.  vii.  19). 
 
 Aliie'zer.  1.  Son  of  Ammishaddai,  hereditary 
 chieitain  of  the  tribe  of  Dan  (Num.  i.  12,  ii.  25, 
 vii.  66).— 2.  The  Benjamite  chief  of  a  body  of 
 archers  in  the  time  of  David  ( 1  Chr.  xii.  3). 
 
 Ahi'liud.  1.  The  son  of  Shelomi,  and  prince  of 
 the  tribe  of  Asher  (Num.  xxxiv.  27).— 2.  Chief- 
 tain of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  (1  Chr.  viii.  7). 
 
20 
 
 AHIKAM 
 
 Ahi'kam,  son  of  Slia]ili;m  the  sciibf,  nii 
 iiilliMutial  otiicer  at  the  court  of  Josiah,  aiul  of 
 Jfhoi.ikim  his  son.  He  was  one  of  tlie  delegates 
 sent  by  Hilkiali  to  consult  Huldah  (2  K.  xxii. 
 r-'-14).  In  the  reign  of  Jehoiakim  lie  successfully 
 used  his  influence  to  protect  the  ])iophet  Jeremiah 
 (Jer.  x.xvi.  24).  His  son  Gedaliah  was  made 
 i;ovenior  of  Judah  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  the  Chal- 
 dean kins;,  and  to  his  charge  Jeremiah  \v,-\s  entrusted 
 when  released  fiom  prison  (Jer.  .\.\xix.  14,  xl.  5). 
 
 Ahi'lud.  1.  Father  of  Jehoshaphat,  the  re- 
 coi-der  01-  chronicler  of  the  kingdom  in  the  reigns 
 of  David  and  Solomon  (2  Sam.  viii.  IG,  xx.  24; 
 I  K.  iv.  3;  1  Chr.  xviii.  15).— 2.  The  father  of 
 li.uina,  one  of  Solomon's  twelve  commissaiiat  oilicers 
 (1  K.  iv.  12).  Jt  is  uncertain  whether  he  is  the 
 same  with  the  foregoing. 
 
 Ahim'aaz.  1.  Father  of  Saul's  wife,  Ahinoam 
 (1  Sam.  xiv.  .50). — 2.  Son  of  Zadok,  the  high-priest 
 in  David's  reign,  and  celebrated  for  his  swiftness  of 
 foot.  When  David  fled  fi'om  Jei-usalem,  on  account 
 of  Absalom's  rebellion,  the  high-priests,  accompanied 
 by  their  sous,  Ahimaaz  and  Jonathan,  and  the 
 Levites,  carried  the  ark  of  God  forth,  intending 
 to  accompany  the  king.  But  at  his  bidding  they 
 returned  to  the  city,  as  did  likewise  Hushai  the 
 Auhite.  It  was  then  arranged  that  Hushai  should 
 feign  himself  to  be  a  friend  of  Absalom,  and  .<;hould 
 tell  Zadok  and  Abiathar  whatever  intelligence  he 
 could  obtain  in  the  palace.  They,  on  their  parts, 
 were  to  forward  the  intelligence  through  Ahimaaz 
 and  Jonathan,  who  accordingly  stayed  outside  the 
 walls  of  the  city  at  Fn-Kogel,  on  the  road  towards 
 the  plain.  A  message  soon  came  to  them  from 
 Zadok  and  Abiathar  through  the  maid-servant, 
 to  s;iy  that  Ahithophel  had  counselled  an  imme- 
 diate attack  upon  David  and  his  followers,  and 
 that,  consequently,  the  king  must  cross  the  Jordan 
 without  the  least  delay.  They  started  at  once 
 on  their  emmd,  but  not  without  being  suspected, 
 for  a  lad  seeing  the  wench  speak  to  tliem,  and 
 seeing  them  immediately  run  ofT  quickly,  went 
 md  told  Absalom,  who  ordered  a  hot  pursuit.  In 
 the  mean  time,  however,  they  had  got  as  far  as 
 liahurira,  to  the  house  of  a  ste.adta.st  partizan  of 
 David's.  Here  the  woman  of  the  house  etlectually 
 hid  them  in  a  well  in  the  court-yard,  and  covered 
 the  well's  mouth  with  ground  or  bruised  com. 
 Absalom's  servants  coming  up  s(;arched  for  them  in 
 vain  ;  and  as  soon  as  they  were  gone,  and  returned 
 by  tlie  road  to  Jei-usalum,  Ahimaaz  and  Jonathan 
 hasted  on  to  David,  and  told  him  Ahithophel's 
 counsel.  David  with  his  whole  company  crossed 
 the  Jordan  that  very  night  (2  Sam.  xv.  24-:37, 
 xvii.  15-22).  Shortly  afterwards  the  naj-i-ative 
 gives  us  a  singular  instance  of  orient.-il  or  Jewish 
 craft  in  Ahimaaz.  When  Absalom  was  killed  by 
 Joab  and  his  aiTnour-bearers,  Ahimaaz  was  very 
 urgent  with  .loab  to  be  employed  as  the  messenger 
 to  run  and  carry  the  tidings  to  David.  The  politic 
 Joab,  well  knowing  the  king's  fond  partiality  for 
 Absalom,  would  not  allow  him  to  be  the  bearer  of 
 such  tidings,  but  employed  Cu.shi  instead.  But, 
 nft«r  Cushi  hail  st.nrte<l,  Ahiin,i.'iy.  was  so  impor- 
 tunate to  be  allowed  to  run  too  that  at  length  he 
 extorted  .loab's  consent.  Taking  a  shorter  or  an 
 Ktsier  way  by  the  plain  he  nianagfl  to  outrun 
 Cushi,  and,  arriving  (ii-st,  he  repoited  to  the  king 
 the  good  news  of  the  victoi-y,  sujyprcssing  his  know- 
 ledge of  Absalom's  dciith,  and  leaving  to  Cushi  the 
 ta.sk   of   announcing    it.    He  had   thus    the   merit 
 
 AHIRAM 
 
 of  bringing  good  tidings  without  the  alloy  of  the 
 disiister  of  the  death  of  the  king's  son  (2  Sam. 
 xviii.  19-33).  This  is  the  last  we  hear  of  Ahima;iz. 
 There  is  no  evidence,  beyond  the  assertion  ol 
 Josephus,  that  he  ever  tilled  the  office  of  high-priest , 
 and  Josephus  may  have  concluded  that  he  did, 
 merely  because,  in  the  genealogy  of  the  high-priests 
 (1  Chr.  vi.  8,  9),  he  intervenes  between  Zadok  and 
 Azariah.  Judging  only  from  1  K.  iv.  2,  compared 
 with  1  Chr.  vi.  10,  we  should  conclude  that  Ahi- 
 maaz died  before  his  father  Zadok,  and  that  Zadok 
 was  succeeded  by  his  giandson  Azariah.— 3.  Solo- 
 mon's olHcer  in  Naphtali,  the  king's  son-in-law,  hav- 
 ing married  his  daughter  Basmath  (IK.  iv.  15). 
 
 Ahi'man.  1.  One  of  the  three  giant  Anakim 
 who  inhabited  Mount  Hebron  (Num.  xiii.  22,  83), 
 seen  by  Caleb  and  the  s])ies.  The  whole  race  were 
 cut  of}'  by  Joshua  (Josh.  xi.  21),  and  the  three 
 brothers  were  slain  by  the  tribe  of  Judah  (Judg. 
 i.  10). i— 2.  One  of  the  ])orters  or  gatekeepei-s  who 
 had  charge  of  the  king's  gate  for  the  "  camps  "  of 
 the  sons  of  Levi  (1  Chr.  ix.  17). 
 
 Ahim'elecli.  1.  Son  of  Ahitub  (1  Sam.  xxii.  11, 
 12),  and  high-priest  at  Nob  in  the  days  of  Saul. 
 He  gave  David  the  shew-bread  to  eat,  and  the 
 sword  of  Goliath  ;  and  for  so  doing  was,  uj)on  the 
 accusation  of  Doeg  the  Kdomite,  put  to  death  with 
 his  whole  house  by  Saul's  order.  Kighty-five  priests 
 wearing  an  ephod  were  thus  cruelly  slaughtered  ; 
 Abiathar  alone  escaped.  [Abiathar.]  On  the 
 question  of  Ahimelech's  identity  with  Ahijah,  see 
 Ahijah.  For  the  singular  confusion  between 
 Ahimclech  and  Abiathar  in  the  1st  Iwok  of  Chro- 
 nicles, see  AlsiATiiAR.  —  2.  A  Ilittite,  one  o 
 David's  companions  while  he  was  persecuted  by 
 Saul;  called  in  the  LXX.  Abimclech;  which  is 
 peihai>s  the  right  reading,  after  the  analogy  of 
 Abimelech,  king  of  Gerar  (1  Sam.  xxvi.  6). 
 
 Ahi'moth,  a  I.evite,  apparently  in  the  time  of 
 D.ivid  (1  Chr.  vi.  2.ji.  In  ver.  35,  for  Ahimolh 
 we  find  Mitliath,  as  in  Luke  iii.  20. 
 
 Ahin'adab,  .son  of  Iddo,  one  of  .Solomon's  twelve 
 commissaries  who  supplied  provisions  foj-  the  royal 
 household  (1  K.  iv.  14). 
 
 AMn'oam.  1.  The  daughter  of  Ahimaaz  and 
 wife  of  Saul  (1  Sam.  .xiv.  50 1. — 2.  A  Jezit>elitebs 
 who  w;is  married  to  David  during  his  wandering 
 life  (1  .Sam.  xxv.  43).  She  lived  witli  him  and  his 
 other  wife  Abigail  at  the  court  of  Achish  (xxvii.  3), 
 was  taken  prisoner  with  her  by  the  Amalekites 
 when  they  plundered  Ziklag  (.\xx.  5),  but  was 
 rescued  by  D.iviil  (18).  She  is  again  mentioned 
 as  living  with  him  when  he  was  king  of  Judah  in 
 Hebron  (2  Sam.  ii.  2) ;  and  was  the  mother  of  his 
 eldest  son  Amnon  (iii.  2). 
 
 Ahi'o.  1.  Son  of  Abinadab,  who  accompanie<l 
 the  ark  when  it  was  brought  out  of  his  father's 
 house  (2  Sam.  vi.  3,  4;  1  Chr.  xiii.  7).— 2.  A 
 l'>enjamite,  one  of  the  sons  of  Beriah  who  drove  out 
 the  "inhabitants  of  Gath  (1  Chr.  viii.  14).— 8.  A 
 Benjamite,  .son  of  Jehiel,  father  or  foimder  of 
 Gib'eon  (1  Chr.  viii.  31,  ix.  37). 
 
 Ahi'ra,  chief  of  the  tribe  of  Naphtali  when 
 Moses  took  the  census  in  the  year  after  the  Kxodus 
 (Num.  i.  15,  ii.  29,  vii.  78,  83,  x.  27). 
 
 AM'ram,  one  of  the  sons  of  Benjamin,  and  an- 
 cestor of  the  AniKAMiTF.s  (Num.  xxvi.  38).  In 
 the  list  of  Benjamin's  children,  in  (Jen.  xlvi.  21, 
 the  name  of  Ahii-am  appeai-s  a.s  "  Fhi  and  Ko.sh," 
 the  fonuer  Iwing  probably  the  true  reading,  of 
 which  the  latter  was  an  easy  corruption.     It  is 
 
AHISAMACH 
 
 uncertain   whether  Ahivam   is    the   same   as  Aher 
 (1  Chr.  vii.  12),  or  Aharah  (1  Chr.  viii.  1). 
 
 Ahis'amach.,  a  Danite,  father  of  Aholiab,  one 
 of  the  architects  of  the  tabernacle  (Ex.  xx.xi.  6, 
 XXXV.  3-4-,  xxxviii.  23). 
 
 AMsli'ahar,  one  of  the  sons  of  Bilhan,  the  grand- 
 son of  llenjaniin  (1  Chr.  vii.  10). 
 
 Ahi'shar,  the  controller  of  Solomon's  house- 
 hofi  (1  K.  iv.  6). 
 
 AMth'ophel  {brother  of  foolishness),  a  native 
 of  Giloh,  in  the  hill-country  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv. 
 51),  and  piivy  couucillor  of  David,  whose  wisdom 
 was  so  highly  esteemed,  that  his  advice  had  the 
 authority  of  a  divine  Oracle,  though  his  name  had 
 an  exactly  opposite  signitication  (2  Sam.  xvi.  23). 
 He  was  the  grandfather  of  Bathsheba  (comp. 
 2  Sam.  xi.  3  with  xxiii.  34).  Absalom  imme- 
 diately he  had  revolted  sent  for  him,  and  when 
 David  heard  that  Ahithophel  had  joined  the  con- 
 spiracy, lie  pi-;i3-ed  Jehovah  to  turn  his  counsel  to 
 foolishness  (xv.  31),  alluding  possibh"'  to  the  signiti- 
 cation of  his  name.  David's  grief  at  the  treachery 
 of  his  confidential  friend  found  expression  in  the 
 Messianic  prophecies  (Fs.  xli.  9,  Iv.  12-14). — In 
 order  to  show  to  the  people  that  the  breach 
 between  Absalom  and  his  father  was  irrepaiable 
 Ahithophel  persuaded  him  to  take  possession  of  the 
 royal  harem  (2  Sam.  xvi.  21).  David,  in  order  to 
 counteract  his  counsel,  sent  Hushai  to  Absalom. 
 Ahithophel  had  recommended  an  immediate  pursuit 
 of  David ;  but  Hushai  advised  delay,  his  object 
 benig  to  send  intelligence  to  David,  and  to  give 
 him  time  to  collect  his  forces  for  a  decisive  en- 
 gagement. When  Ahithophel  saw  that  Hushai's 
 advice  ]irevailed,  he  despaired  of  success,  and  return- 
 ing to  his  own  home  "put  his  houshold  in  order 
 and  hanged  himself"  (xvii.  1-23). 
 
 AM 'tub.  1.  Father  of  Ahimelech,  or  Ahijah,  the 
 son  of  Phinehas,  and  the  elder  brother  of  Ichabod 
 (1  Sam.  xiv.  3,  xxii.  9,  11),  and  therefore  of  the 
 house  of  Eli  and  the  family  of  Ithamar.  There  is 
 no  record  of  his  high-priesthood,  which,  if  he  ever 
 was  high-priest,  must  have  coincided  with  the  early 
 days  of  Samuel's  judgeship.— 2.  Son  of  Amariah, 
 and  father  of  Zadok  the  high-priest  (1  Chr.  vi. 
 7,  8  ;  2  Sam.  viii.  17),  of  the  house  of  Eleazar. 
 From  1  Chr.  ix.  11,  where  the  genealogy  of  Aza- 
 liah,  the  head  of  one  of  the  priestly  families  that 
 returned  from  Babylon  with  Zerubbabel,  is  traced, 
 through  Zadok,  to  "  Ahitub,  the  ruler  of  the  house 
 of  God,"  it  appears  tolerably  certain  that  Ahitub 
 was  high-priest.  The  passage  is  repeated  in 
 Neh.  xi.  11.  If  the  line  is  coiTcctly  given  in 
 these  two  passages  Ahitub  was  not  the  father, 
 but  the  gi-andfather  of  Zadok,  his  father  being 
 Meraioth.  But  in  1  Chr.  vi.  8,  and  in  Ezr.  vii.  2, 
 Ahitub  is  represented  as  Zadok's  father.  This 
 uncertainty  makes  it  difficult  to  determine  the 
 exact  lime  of  Ahitub's  high-piiesthood.  If  he  was 
 fother  to  Zadok  he  must  have  been  high-priest  with 
 Ahimelech.  But  if  he  was  grandfather,  his  age 
 would  have  coincided  exactly  with  the  other  Ahitub, 
 the  son  of  Phinehas.  Certainly  a  singular  coin- 
 cidence.^3.  The  genealogy  of  the  high-priests  in 
 1  Chr.  vi.  11,  12,  introduces  another  Ahitub,  son 
 of  another  Amariah,  and  father  of  another  Zadok. 
 But  there  are  reasons  for  believing  that  the  second 
 Ahitub  and  Zadok  are  spurious. 
 
 Ah'lab,  a  city  of  Asher  fiom  which  the  Canaan- 
 ites  were  not  driven  out  (Judg.  i.  31).  It  is  more 
 probable  that  Achlab  reappears  in  later  history  as 
 
 AI 
 
 27 
 
 Gush  Chaleb  (Giscala),  a  place  identified  by  Robia- 
 son  under  the  abbreviated  name  of  el-Jish,  near 
 Safed,  m  the  hilly-country  to  the  N.W.  of  the  Sea 
 of  Galilee. 
 
 Ahla'i,  daughter  of  Sheshan,  whom,  having  no 
 issue,  he  gave  in  marriage  to  his  Egyptian  slave 
 Jarha  (1  Chr.  ii.  31,  35).  In  consequence  of  the 
 failure  of  male  issue,  she  became  the  foundress  ot 
 an  important  branch  of  the  family  of  the  Jerah- 
 meelites,  and  fi'om  her  were  descended  Zabad.  one 
 of  David's  mighty  men  (1  Chr.  xi.  41),  and  Azariah, 
 one  of  the  captains  of  hundreds  in  the  reign  of  Joash 
 (2  Chr.  xxiii.  1). 
 
 Alio'ah,  son  of  Bela,  the  son  of  Benjamin  (1  Chr. 
 viii.  4).     In  1  Chr.  viii.  7,  he  is  called  Ahiah. 
 The  patronymic,   Ahohite,  is  found  in   2   Sam. 
 x.xiii.  9,  28 ;    1  Chr.  .xi.  12,  29,  x.xvii.  4. 
 AhoTiite.     [Ahoah.] 
 
 Ah'olah,  a  harlot,  used  by  Ezekiel  as  the 
 symbol  of  Samaria  (Ez.  xxiii.  4,  5,  36,  44). 
 
 Aho'Iiab,   a  Danite  of  gi-eat  skill  as  a  weaver 
 and   embroiderer,    whom    Moses    appointed    with 
 Bezaleel  to  erect  the  tabernacle  (Ex.  .\xxv.  30-35). 
 Aho'libah,    a   harlot,    used    by    Ezekiel  as  the 
 symbol  of  Judah  (Ez.  xxiii.  4,  11,  22,  36,  44). 
 
 Aholiba'maii,  one  (probably  the  second)  of  the 
 three  wives  of  Esau.  She  was  the  daughter 
 of  Anah,  a  descendant  of  Seir  the  Horite  (Gen. 
 ixxvi.  2,  25).  In  the  earlier  narrative  (Gen. 
 sxvi.  34)  Aholibamah  is  called  Judith,  daughter  of 
 Beeri,  the  Hittite.  The  explanation  of  the  change 
 in  the  name  of  the  woman  seems  to  be  that  her 
 proper  peisonal  name  was  Judith,  and  that  Aholi- 
 bamah was  the  name  which  she  received  as  the 
 wife  of  Esau  and  foundress  of  three  tribes  of  his 
 descendants ;  she  is  therefore  in  the  narrative 
 called  by  the  first  name,  whilst  in  the  genealogical 
 table  of  the  Edomites  she  appeals  under  the  second. 
 This  explanation  is  confirmed  by  the  recurrence  ot 
 the  name  Aholibamah  in  the  concluding  list  of  the 
 genealogical  table  (Gen.  xxxvi.  40-43;,  which  we 
 must  regard  as  a  list  of  names  of  places  and  not  of 
 persons.  The  district  which  received  the  name  of 
 Esau's  wife,  or  peihaps  rather  from  which  she 
 received  her  man'ied  name,  was  no  doubt  (as  the 
 name  itself  indicates)  situated  in  the  heights  of  the 
 mountains  of  Edom,  probably  therefore  in  the 
 neighbourhood  of  Mount  Hor  and  Petra. 
 
 ATinma'i,  son  of  Jahath,  a  descendant  of  Judah, 
 and  head  of  one  of  the  families  of  the  Zorathites 
 (1  Chr.  iv.  2). 
 
 Ahu'zam,  properly  Ahuzzam,  son  of  Ashur,  the 
 father  or  founder  of  Tekoa,  by  his  wife  Naarah 
 (1  Chr.  iv.  6). 
 
 Ahuz'zath,  one  of  the  friends  of  the  Philis- 
 tine king  Ahimelech,  who  accompanied  him  at  his 
 intei"view  with  Isaac  (Gen.  xxvi.  26). 
 
 A'i  {heap  of  ruins).  1.  A  royal  city  (comp. 
 Josh.  viii.  23,  29,  x.  1,  xii.  9)  of  Canaan,  already 
 existing  in  the  time  of  Abraham  (Gen.  xii.  8) 
 [Hai],  and  lying  east  of  Bethel  (comp.  Josh, 
 xii.  9),  and  "beside  Bethaven "  (Josh.  vii.  2, 
 viii.  9).  It  was  the  second  city  taken  by  Israel 
 after  the  passage  of  the  Jordan,  and  was  "  utterly 
 destroved"  (Josh.  vii.  3,  4,  5,  viii.  1,  2,  3,  10,  11, 
 12,  14,  16,  17,  18,  20,  21,  23,  24,  25,  26,  28, 
 29,  ix.  3,  X.  1,  2,  xii.  9).  However,  if  Aiath  be 
 Ai — and  from  its  mention  with  Migi-on  and  Mich- 
 mash,  it  is  at  least  probable  that  it  was  so — the 
 name  was  still  attachal  to  the  locality  at  the 
 time   of  Sennacherib's  march   on    Jerusalem    ( is. 
 
•28 
 
 AIAH 
 
 X.  28).  At  any  rate,  the  "  men  of  Bethel  and  Ai," 
 to  the  number  of  two  hundred  and  twenty-three, 
 vetunied  from  the  captivity  with  Zenibbabel  (Ezr. 
 ii.  28;  Neh.  vii.  32,  "  o«e  hundred  and  twenty- 
 three  "  only) ;  and  when  the  Benjamites  a_£,'aiu  took 
 possession  of  their  towns,  "  Michmash,  Aija,  and 
 Bethel,  witli  their  "'daughters,'"  are  amonsf  the 
 pjaces  named  (Neh.  xi.  31).  [Aija.] — Noattempt 
 lias  yet  suceeciled  in  fixing  the  site  of  the  city 
 whicli  Joshua  doomed  to  be  a  "  heap  and  a  desola- 
 tion for  ever."  It  is  the  opinion  of  some  that  the 
 words  Avim  in  Josh,  xviii.  23,  and  Gaza  in  1  Chr. 
 vii.  28  aiecoiTuptionsof  Ai.  [.\vim  ;  Azzah.]^ 
 2.  .\  city  of  the  Ammonites,  apparently  attached 
 to  lloshbon  (Jer.  xlix.  3). 
 
 Ai'ah.  1.  Son  of  Zibeon,  a  descendant  of  Seir, 
 aiKJ  ancestor  of  one  of  the  wives  of  Es;ui  (1  Chr. 
 i.  40),  called  in  Gen.  xxxvi,  24  Ajah.  He 
 probably  died  before  his  father,  as  the  succession 
 fell  to  his  brother  Anah.— 2.  Father  of  Kizpah,  the 
 concubine  of  Saul  (2  Sam.  iii.  7,  xxi.  8,  10,  11). 
 
 Ai'atta.,  a  place  named  by  Isaiah  (x.  28),  in  con- 
 nexion with  Migron  and  Michmash,  probably  the 
 same  as  Ai.     [Al.] 
 
 Ai'ja,  like  Aiath,  probably  a  variation  of  the 
 name  .\i,  mentioned  with  Michmash  and  Bethel 
 (Neh.  xi.  31). 
 
 Ai'jalon,  "  a  place  of  deer  or  gazelles."  1.  A 
 city  of  the  Kohathites  (Josh.  xxi.  24;  1  Chr.  vi-. 
 09),  originally  allotted  to  the  tribe  of  Dan  (Josh. 
 xix.  42;  A.  V.  "Ajalon"),  which  tribe,  however, 
 was  unable  to  dispossess  the  Amorites  of  the  place 
 (Judg.  i.  35).  Aijalon  was  one  of  the  towns  forti- 
 fied by  Rehoboam  (2  Chr.  xi.  10)  during  his  con- 
 flicts with  the  new  kingdom  of  Ephraim  (1  K.  xiv. 
 30),  and  the  last  we  hear  of  it  is  as  bfing  in  the 
 hands  of  the  Philistines  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  18,  A.  V. 
 "  .\jalon  ").  Being  on  the  very  frontier  of  the 
 two  kingdoms,  we  can  underst<ind  how  Aijalon 
 should  be  spoken  of  sometimes  (1  Chr.  vi.  69, 
 coni]>.  with  60)  as  in  Ephraim,  and  sometimes 
 (2  Chr.  xi.  10;  1  Sam.  xiv.  31)  as  in  Judali 
 and  Benjamin.  The  name  is  most  familiar  to  us 
 from  its  mention  in  the  celebrated  speech  of  Joshua 
 during  his  pursuit  of  the  Canaanites  (Josh.  x.  12, 
 "  valley  of  Aijalon  ").  The  town  has  been  dis- 
 covered by  Dr.  Robinson  in  the  modern  Ydlo, 
 a  little  to  the  N.  of  the  Jaffa  road,  about  14  miles 
 out  of  Jeiusalem.— S.  A  |)lace  in  Zebulun,  men- 
 tioned as  the  burial-place  of  Elon,  one  of  the  judges 
 (.Uulz.  xii.  12). 
 
 Ai'jeleth  Sha'har  (i.  e.  t/ie  hind  of  the  morning 
 dutcn ),  found  once  only  in  the  Bible,  in  connexion 
 with  I's.  xxii.,  of  which  it  (iirms  ])art  nf  the  intro- 
 ductory vei-se  or  title.  This  term  has  been  vari- 
 ously interpreted.  Some  take  it  for  the  name  of  a 
 musical  instrument;  othci's  suppose  it  to  express 
 allcgorically  the  argument  of  the  22nd  Psalm  ;  but 
 the  weight  of  authority  ]ircdominatos  in  favour  ot' 
 the  intei [notation  which  assigns  to  the  phrase  the 
 sole  purpose  of  describing  to  the  musician  the  me- 
 lody to  which  the  ])salm  was  to  be  plavcd, — "  a 
 Psalm  of  iMvid,  .iddressed  to  the  music  niiister  who 
 j)resi(les  over  the  band  called  the  Morning  Hind." 
 
 Ain,  an  eye,  and  also,  in  the  sim|)le  but  vivid 
 iina..;cry  i>f  the  E.-u^t,  a  sjjring  or  natural  bui'st  of 
 living  water,  always  contradistinguisheil  from  the 
 well  or  tank  of  artilicial  fortnation,  .and  whicli  latter 
 is  di'signatcd  by  the  words  iJecr  and  lior.  Ain 
 ollenest  occurs  in  combination  with  other  words 
 foiming  the  names  of  definite  localities:  these  will 
 
 ALABASTER 
 
 be  found  under  En,  as  En-gedi,  En-gannim,  &c 
 It  occurs  alone  in  two  ca.ses: — 1.  One  of  the  land- 
 marks on  the  eastern  boundary  of  Palestine,  as 
 described  by  Moses  (Num.  xxxiv.  11).  It  is  pro- 
 bably 'Ainel-'Azy,  the  main  souice  of  the  Orontes 
 a  sj)ring  remarkable  for  its  force  and  magnitude. — 
 
 2.  One  of  the  southernmost  cities  of  Judah  (Josh 
 XV.  32),  afterwards  allotted  to  Simeon  (Josh,  xix 
 7  ;  1  Chr.  iv.  32)  and  given  to  the  priests  (Josh, 
 xxi.  16).  In  the  list  of  priests'  cities  in  1  Chr.  vi, 
 Ashan  takes  the  place  of  Ain. 
 
 Ai'ros,  one  of  the  "  servants  of  the  Temple," 
 or  Nethinim,  whose  sons  came  up  with  Zorobabel 
 (1  Esd.  V.  .31").     Perhaps  the  same  as  HEAi.iil. 
 
 A'jali  =  Aiah,  1  (Gen.  xxxvi.  24). 
 
 Ajalon  (.losh.  X.  12,  xix.  42;  2  Chr.  xxviii. 
 18).  The  same  place  as  Aijalon  (1),  which  see. 
 The  Hebrew  being  the  same  in  both,  there  is  no 
 reason  for  the  inconsistency  in  the  spelling  of  the 
 name  in  the  A.  V. 
 
 A'kan,  sou  of  Ezer,  one  of  the  "dukes"  or 
 chieftains  of  the  Horites,  and  descendant  of  Seir 
 (Gen.  xxxvi.  27).  He  is  called  J.\Kan  in  1  Chr. 
 i.  42  =  Jaakan,  which  last  is  probibly  the  true 
 re;iding  in  both  cases. 
 
 Ak'knb.  1.  A  descendant  of  Zei-ubbabel  and 
 son  of  Elioenai  (1  Chr.  iii.  24).— 2.  One  of  the 
 porters  or  doorkeepers  at  the  east  gate  of  the 
 Temple.  His  descendants  succeeded  to  his  office, 
 and  apjjear  among  those  who  returned  from  Baby- 
 lon (1  Chr.  ix.  17  ;  Ezr.  ii.  42;  Neh.  vii.  45,  xi. 
 19,  xii.  25).    Also  called  Dacoisi  (1  Esd.  v.  28).— 
 
 3.  One  of  the  Nethinim,  whose  family  returned 
 with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  45).  Called  ACUB  in 
 1  Esd.  V.  31.^4.  -V  I.evite  who  assisted  Ezra  in 
 exjwunding  the  law  to  the  people  (Neh.  viii.  7j. 
 Called  Jacuuus  in  1  Esd.  ix.  48. 
 
 Akrab'bim,  "the  ascent  of,"  and  "the 
 Goma  UP  TO ;"  also  "  Maaleh-ackabbim  " 
 ("the  scorpion-pass").  A  pass  between  the  south 
 end  of  the  Dead  Sea  and  Zin,  forming  one  of 
 the  landmarks  on  the  soath  boundary  at  once  of 
 Judah  (Josh.  xv.  3)  and  of  the  Holy  Land  (Num. 
 xxxiv.  4).  Also  the  north  (?)  boundary  of  the 
 Amorites  (Judg.  i.  36).  Judas  Macc.ibaeus  gained 
 here  a  gi-e.at  victory  over  the  Edoniites  (1  Jlacc.  v. 
 3,  "  Arabattine").  Peihaps  Akrabbim  is  the  steep 
 jiass  es-Siifirh,  by  which  the  final  step  is  made  from 
 the  desert  to  the  level  of  the  actual  land  of  Pales- 
 tine. As  to  the  name,  scorpions  abound  in  the 
 whole  of  this  district. 
 
 Alabaster  occurs  in  the  N.  T.  only  in  tne 
 notice  of  the  ahibastcr-ho.r  of  ointment  which  a 
 woman  brought  to  our  Lord  when  he  sat  at  meat 
 in  the  house  of  Simon  the  K|)er  at  Bethany,  the 
 contents  of  which  she  poured  on  the  head  of  the 
 .•saviour  (Matt.  xxvi.  7  ;  Mark  xiv.  3  ;  Luke  vii. 
 37).  By  the  English  word  aitbaster  is  to  be  un- 
 derstood both  that  kind  which  is  also  known  by  the 
 n.anio  of  i/i/pswn,  as  well  as  the  oricnl<it  alahasfcr 
 which  is  so  much  valued  on  account  of  its  ti-unslu- 
 ccncy,  and  lor  its  variety  of  coloured  streakings, 
 red,  yellow,  gray,  &c.,  which  it  owes  for  the  most 
 pnit  to  the  admixture  of  oxides  of  iron.  The  latter 
 is  a  fibrous  cjubonatc  of  lime,  of  which  there  are 
 m;\nv  varieties,  satin  sjutr  being  one  of  the  most 
 conunon.  The  former  is  a  hydrous  sulphate  of  lime, 
 and  tbmis  when  calcinol  and  ground  the  well- 
 known  .and  useful  substance  called  pliixtcr  of  Paris. 
 Both  these  kinds  of  alab-xsler,  but  especially  the 
 Latter,  arc  iuid   have  been   long  used   for  rariou^i 
 
ALAMETH 
 
 omamental  purposes,  such  as  in  tlie  fabrication  of 
 vases,  boxes,  &c.  The  ancients  considered  alabaster 
 (carbonate  of  lime)  .to  be  the  best  material  in 
 which  to  preserve  their  ointments.  "  Unguents," 
 says  Pliny,  "  keep  best  in  alabaster."  In  Mark  xiv. 
 3,  the  woman  who  brought  "  the  alabaster-box  of 
 ointment  of  spikenard"  is  said  to  break  the  box 
 before  pouring  out  the  ointment,  which  probably 
 only  means  breaking  the  seal  which  kept  the  essence 
 of  the  perfume  from  evaporating. 
 
 ALEXANDER 
 
 29 
 
 Alabaster  Vessels.— Vf dm  the  Bntisli  Museum.    The  inscription  on 
 the  centre  vessel  denotes  the  quantity  it  lioliJ«. 
 
 Ala'metil,  properly  Alemeth,  one  of  the  sons  of 
 Becher,  the  son  of  Benjamin  (1  Chr.  vii.  8). 
 
 Alarn'meleeh  ("king's  oak"),  a  place  within 
 the  limits  of  Asher,  named  between  Achshaph  and 
 Amad  (Josh.  xix.  2()  only). 
 
 Al'amoth  (Ps.  xlvi.  title;  1  Chr.  xv.  20), 
 a  word  of  exceedingly  doubtful  meaning,  some  in- 
 terpreting it  to  mean  a  musical  instrument,  and 
 others  a  melody. 
 
 Al'cinius  {valiant,  a  Greek  name,  assumed, 
 according  to  the  prevailing  fashion,  as  representing 
 Eliakim,  whom  God  will  establish),  a  .Jewish  priest 
 (1  Mace.  vii.  14),  who  was  attached  to  the  Hel- 
 lenizing  party  (2  Mace.  xiv.  3).  On  the  death  of 
 Menelaus,  though  not  of  the  pontifical  family,  he 
 was  appointed  to  the  high-priesthood  by  the  in- 
 fluence of  Lysias  (1  Mace.  vii.  14),  to  the  ex- 
 clusion of  Onias,  the  nephew  of  Menelaus.  When 
 Demetrius  Soter  obtained  the  kingdom  of  Syria  he 
 paid  court  to  that  monarch,  who  confirmed  him 
 in  his  olBce,  and  through  his  general  Bacchides 
 [Bacchides]  established  him  at  Jerusalem.  His 
 cruelty,  however,  was  so  great  that,  in  spite  of  the 
 force  left  in  his  command,  he  was  unable  to  with- 
 stand the  opposition  which  he  provoked,  and  he 
 aeain  fled  to  Demetrius,  who  immediately  took 
 measures  for  his  restoration.  The  first  expedition 
 under  Nicanor  proved  unsuccessful ;  but  upon  this 
 Bacchides  marched  a  second  time  against  Jerusalem 
 with  a  large  army,  routed  Judas,  who  fell  in  the 
 battle  (IGl  B.C.),  and  reinstated  Alcimus.  After 
 his  restoration,  Alcimus  seems  to  have  attempted 
 to  modify  the  ancient  worship,  and  as  he  was 
 engaged  in  pulling  down  "  the  wall  of  the  inner 
 court  of  the  sanctuary  "  («.  e.  which  separated  the 
 court  of  the  Gentiles  from  it)  he  was  "plagued" 
 (by  paralysis),  and  "  died  at  that  time,"  160  n.C. 
 CI  Mace.  vii.  ix. ;  cf.  2  Mace.  xiv.  xv.). 
 
 Al'ema,  a  large  and  strong  city  in  Gilead  in  the 
 time  of  the  Maccabees  (1  Mace.  v.  26). 
 
 Alem'eth,  a  Benjamite,  son  of  Jehoadah  or  Ja- 
 rah  (1  Chr.  viii.  36,  ix.  42),  and  descended  from 
 .lonathan  the  son  of  Saul. 
 
 Alem'etli,  the  fonn  under  which  Almon,  the 
 name  of  a  city  of  the  priests  in  Benjamin,  appears 
 in  1  Chr.  vi.  60  [45].  Under  the  very  similar 
 form  of  'Almit  or  Almuth,  it  has  been  apparently 
 identified  in  the  present  day  at  about  a  mile  N.K. 
 of  Anata,  the  site  of  Anathoth.  Among  the  gens- 
 alogies  of  Benjamin  the  name  occurs  in  the  A.  V.  in 
 connexion  with  Azraaveth,  also  the  name  of  a  town 
 of  that  tribe  (1  Chr.  viii.  36,  i.\.  42,  compared  with 
 Ezr.  ii.  24),  but  the  form  in  Hebrew  is  dillerent. 
 
 Alexander  III.,  king  of  Macedon,  surnamed 
 THE  Great,  "  the  son  of  Philip"  (1  Mace.  vi.  2) 
 and  Olympias,  was  born  at  Peila,  B.C.  356.  On 
 the  murder  of  Philip  (B.C.  336)  Alexander  put 
 down  with  resolute  energy  the  disaffection  and  hos- 
 tility by  which  his  throne  was  menaced  ;  and  in 
 two  years  crossed  the  Hellespont  (B.C.  334)  to 
 carry  out  the  plans  of  his  father,  and  execute  the 
 mission  of  Greece  to  the  civilised  world.  The  battle 
 of  the  Granicus  was  followed  by  the  subjugation  of 
 western  Asia ;  and  in  the  following  year  the  fate 
 of  the  East  was  decided  at  Issus  (B.C.  333).  Tyre 
 and  Gaza  were  the  only  cities  in  western  Syria 
 which  offered  Alexander  any  resistance,  and  these 
 were  reduced  and  treated  with  unusual  severity 
 (B.C.  332).  Egypt  next  submitted  to  him  ;  and  in 
 B.C.  331  he  founded  Alexandria,  which  remains  to 
 the  present  day  the  most  characteristic  monument 
 of  his  life  and  work.  In  the  same  year  he  finally 
 defeased  Darius  at  Gaugamela ;  and  in  B.C.  330 
 his  unhappy  rival  was  murdered  by  Bessus,  satrap 
 of  Bactria.  The  next  two  years  were  occupied  by 
 Alexander  in  the  consolidation  of  his  Persian  con- 
 quests and  the  reduction  of  Bactria.  In  B.C.  327 
 he  crossed  the  Indus,  penetrated  to  the  Hydaspes, 
 and  was  there  foi-ced  by  the  discontent  of  his  army 
 to  turn  westward.  He  reached  Susa,  B.C.  325,  and 
 proceeded  to  Babylon,  B.C.  324,  which  he  chose  as 
 the  capital  of  his  empire.  In  the  next  year  (B.C. 
 323)  he  died  there  in  the  midst  of  his  gigantic 
 plans  ;  and  those  who  inherited  his  conquests  left  his 
 designs  unachieved  and  unattempted  (cf.  Dan.  vii. 
 6,  viii.  5,  xi.  3). — The  fomous  tradition  of  the  visit 
 of  Alexander  to  Jerusalem  during  his  Phoenician 
 campaign  (Joseph.  Ant.  xi.  8,  §1  fi'.)  has  been  a 
 fruitful  source  of  controversy.  The  Jews,  it  is 
 said,  had  provoked  his  auger  by  refusing  to  transfer 
 their  allegiance  to  him  when  summoned  to  do  so 
 during  the  siege  of  Tyre,  and  after  the  reduction 
 of  Tyre  and  Gaza  he  turned  towards  Jerusalem. 
 Jaddua  (Jaddus)  the  high-priest  (Neh.  xii.  11,  22), 
 who  had  been  warned  in  a  dream  how  to  avert  the 
 king's  anger,  calmly  awaited  his  approach,  and 
 when  he  drew  near  went  out  to  meet  him,  clad  in 
 his  }'obes  of  hyacinth  and  gold,  and  accompanied  by 
 a  train  of  priests  and  citizens  arrayed  in  white. 
 Alexander  was  so  moved  by  the  solemn  spectacle 
 that  he  did  reverence  to  the  holy  name  inscribed 
 upon  the  tiaia  of  the  high-priest ;  and  when  Par- 
 menio  expressed  surprise,  he  replied  that  "  he  had 
 seen  the  god  whom  Jaddua  represented  in  a  dreaiii 
 at  Dium,  encouraging  him  to  cross  over  into  Asia, 
 and  promising  him  success."  After  this  it  is  sail) 
 that  he  visited  Jerusalem,  offered  sacrifice  there, 
 heard  the  prophecies  of  Daniel  which  foretold  his 
 victory,  and  conferred  important  privileges  upon 
 
:U) 
 
 ALEXANDER  BALAS 
 
 the  Jews,  not  only  in  Jiuiaea,  but  in  H;\byli)nia  ami 
 Jledia,  which  tliey  enjoyed  during  the  supremacy 
 of  his  successoi-s.  The  nan-ative  is  repeated  in  the 
 Talmud  and  in  hiter  Jewish  writeis.  On  the  othei- 
 hand,  no  mention  of  the  event  or.cms  in  Anian, 
 I'luUuch,  Diodorus,  oi-  Cuitius.  But  internal  evi- 
 dence is  decidedly  in  favour  of  the  story  even  in  its 
 pictuiesque  fulness.  Fiom  policy  or  conviction 
 AIe.\an<ler  delighted  to  represent  himself  as  chosen 
 by  de.-tiny  for  the  great  act  which  he  achieved. 
 The  siege  "of  Tyre  arose  professedly  irom  a  religious 
 motive."  The  battle  of  Issus  was  preceded  by  the 
 visit  to  Gordium  ;  the  invasion  of  Persia  by  the 
 pilgrimage  to  the  temple  of  Ammon.  And  the 
 silence  of  tlie  classical  historians,  who  notoriously 
 disregarded  and  misrepresented  the  fortunes  of  the 
 .lews,  cannot  be  held  to  be  conclusive  against  the 
 occurrence  of  an  event  which  must  have  appeareil 
 to  them  trivial  or  unintelligible. — In  the  prophetic 
 visions  of  Daniel  the  influence  of  Alexander  is  neces- 
 sarily combined  with  that  of  his  successors.  They 
 repiesented  with  partial  exaggeration  the  several 
 phases  of  his  chaiacter ;  and  to  the  Jews  nationally 
 the  policy  of  the  Syrian  kings  was  of  greater  im- 
 portance than  the  original  conquest  of  Asia.  But 
 some  traits  of"  tlie  fiist  mighty  king"  (Dan.  viii. 
 21,  xi.  o)  are  given  with  vigorous  distinctness.  The 
 emblem  by  which  he  is  typified  {a  he-goat)  suggests 
 the  notions  of  strength  and  speed  ;  and  the  universal 
 extent  (Dan.  viii.  5,  .  .  .  from  the  vest  on  the  face 
 of  the  whole  earth)  and  marvellous  rapidity  of  his 
 conquests  (Dan.  /.  c,  he  touched  nut  the  (/round) 
 are  brought  forward  as  the  characteristics  of  his 
 jiower,  which  was  directed  by  the  stiongest  per- 
 sonal impetuosity  (Dan.  viii.  (5,  in  the  fury  of  his 
 power).  He  ruled  with  great  dominion,  and  did 
 according  to  his  will  (xi.  3),  "and  there  was  none 
 that  could  deliver  .  .  .  out  of  his  hand"  (viii.  7). 
 
 Tetradrachm  (Attic  tnlcnt)  of  Lynimnchus,  Km(,'<)f  Tliriuo. 
 
 Obv.  Head  of  Alexander  the  Grciit  an  a  young  Jinjiti-r  Aminuii 
 
 lUv.  I'allaii  neuled  to  Ult,  holiling  a  Victory. 
 
 Alexander  Ba'las  was,  according  to  some,  a 
 natuial  son  of  Antiochus  IV.  Kpiphanes,  but  ho 
 was  more  generally  regarded  as  an  imjKistor  who 
 falsely  .i.ssimied  the  connexion.  He  claimed  the 
 throne  of  Syria,  in  152  B.C.,  in  opposition  to  De- 
 metrius Soter,  who  had  provoked  the  hostility  of 
 tlie  neiglil>ouring  kings  and  alienated  the  alfections 
 of  his  subjects.  After  landing  at  Ptolemais  (1  Mace. 
 X.  ^)  Alexander  gained  the  warm  support  of  Jona- 
 than, who  was  now  the  leader  of  the  Jews  (1  Mace. 
 ix.  73)  ;  and  in  150  U.C.  he  completely  routed  the 
 forces  of  Demetrius,  who  himself  fell  in  the  retreat 
 (1  Mace.  X.  48-50).  After  this  Alexander  marrieil 
 (Jleo|)ati-a,  the  djiughter  of  Ptolemy  VI.  I'hilometor  ; 
 anil  in  the  arrangement  of  his  kingdom  ajijOTinted 
 .Jonathan  governor  (1  Mace.  x.  G5)  of  a  pionnce 
 (Judiiea:  cf  1  Mace.  xi.  57).  But  his  triumj)h 
 was  of  sliort  duration.  After  obtaining  power  he 
 pive  himself  up  t)a  life  of  indulgence;   and  wIumi 
 
 ALEXANDRIA 
 
 nometruis  Nicator,  the  son  ol"  Demetiius  Sotei-, 
 landed  in  .Syria,  in  147  r..C.,  the  new  pieteuder 
 found  powerful  support  (1  Mace.  x.  07  tf.).  At 
 first  .Jonathan  defeated  and  slew  ApoUonius,  the 
 governor  of  Coele-Svria,  who  had  joined  the  pi\rty 
 of  Demetrius,  for  which  exploit  he  received  fresh 
 favours  from  Ale.xander  (1  Mace.  x.  09-89)  ;  but 
 shortly  afterwards  (B.C.  140)  Ptolemy  entered 
 Syria  with  a  large  force,  and  after  he  had  placed 
 garrisons  in  the  chief  cities  on  the  coast,  which 
 received  him  according  to  the  commands  of  Alex- 
 ander, suddenly  pronounced  himself  in  favour  of 
 Demetrius  (1  Mace.  xi.  1-11),  alleging,  probably 
 with  truth,  the  existence  of  a  conspiracy  against 
 his  life.  Alexander,  who  had  been  forced  to  leave 
 Antioch,  was  in  Cilicia  when  he  heard  of  F'tolemy's 
 defection  (1  Mace.  xi.  14).  He  hastened  to  meet 
 him,  but  was  defeated  (1  Mace.  xi.  15),  and  Hed  to 
 Abae  in  Arabia,  where  he  was  murdered,  B.C.  140 
 (1  Mace.  xi.  17).  The  narrative  in  1  Mace,  .shows 
 clearly  the  partiality,  which  the  .Jews  entertained 
 for  Alexander  "  ;is  tlie  fir.st  that  entreated  of  true 
 peace  with  them"  (1  IMacc.  x.  47);  and  the  same 
 tijoling  was  exhibited  afterwards  in  the  zeal  with 
 which  they  supported  his  son  Antiochus.  [An- 
 Tiocias  \'I.] 
 
 Alexan'der,  in  N.  T.  1.  Son  of  Simon  the 
 Cyrenian,  who  was  compelled  to  bear  the  cross 
 for  our  Lord  (Mark  xv.  21).^2.  One  of  the  kin- 
 dred of  Annas  the  high-priest  (Acts  iv.  0),  appa- 
 rently in  some  high  olUce,  as  he  is  among  three 
 who  are  mentioned  by  name.  Some  supjwse  liini 
 identicjd  with  Alexander  the  Alabarch  at  Alexandria, 
 the  brother  of  Philo  Judaeus,  mentioned  by  Jo- 
 sephus.— 3.  A  Jew  at  Ephesus,  whom  his  country- 
 men ])ut  forward  during  the  tumult  raised  by 
 l)emetrius  the  silversmith  (.Acts  xix.  33),  to  ]ileatl 
 their  cau.se  with  the  mob,  a.s  being  unconnected  with 
 the  attempt  to  overthrow  the  worship  of  Artemis. 
 Or  he  may  have  been,  as  imagined  by  Calvin  and 
 others,  a  Jewi.sh  convert  to  Christianity,  whom  the 
 .Jews  were  willing  to  expose  as  a  victim  to  tlif. 
 fienzy  of  the  mob. ^4.  .An  l]])hesian  Christian, 
 re])robated  by  St.  Paul  in  1  Tim.  i.  20,  as  having, 
 together  with  one  Ilymenaeus,  put  from  him  faith 
 and  a  gootl  conscience,  and  so  made  shipwreck  con- 
 cerning the  faith.  This  may  be  the  same  with^ 
 5.  Alexander  the  copiioismith,  mentioned  by  the 
 .same  apostle  (2  Tim.  iv.  14)  as  having  done  him 
 many  mischiefs.  It  is  quite  tinceilain  where  this 
 per.son  resided ;  but,  from  the  caution  to  Timotheus 
 to  beware  ot'  him,  prob.ibly  at  I'^phesus. 
 
 Alexan'dria  (3  Mace.  iii.  1 ;  Acts  xviii.  24,  vi. 
 9),  the  Hellenic,  Koman,  and  Chri.stiau  cajjital  ot 
 Egypt,  wa.s  founded  by  Alexander  the  (neat,  B.C. 
 332,  who  liimself  traced  the  ground-plan  of  the 
 city,  which  he  designed  to  make  the  metropolis 
 of  his  western  empire.  The  work  thus  begun 
 was  continued  aftei'  the  death  of  Alex.ander  by  the 
 Ptolemies.  Every  natural  advantage  contril)utcd  tn 
 its  prosperity.  The  climate  and  site  were  singularlv 
 healthy.  The  harbours,  t'ormed  by  the  island  of 
 Pharos  and  the  headland  Lochias,  wore  site  and 
 commodious,  alike  for  commerce  and  for  war ;  and 
 the  Lake  l^Iarcotis  w.as  an  inland  haven  for  the 
 merchandise  of  Egypt  and  India.  Under  the 
 despotism  of  the  later  Ptolemies  the  tmdc  of 
 Alexandria  declined,  but  its  j)o])uiation  and  wealth 
 were  enormous.  After  the  victory  of  Augustus  it 
 sulfered  for  its  attachment  to  the  eiuse  of -Antony  ; 
 but  its  imjwrtance  as  one  of  the  ciiief  corn-ports 
 
ALEXANDRIA 
 
 of  Rome '  secured  for  it  the  general  favour  of  tlie 
 first  emperors.  In  later  times  the  seditious  tumulto 
 for  which  the  Alexandrians  had  always  been  noto- 
 rious desolated  the  city,  and  religious  feuds  aggra- 
 vated the  popular  distress.  Yet  even  thus,  though 
 Alexandria  suffered  greatly  from  constant  dissen- 
 sions and  the  weakness  of  the  Byzantine  court,  the 
 splendour  of"  the  great  city  of  the  VVest"  amazed 
 Amrou,  its  Arab  conqueror;  and,  after  centuiies 
 of  Mohammedan  misrule,  it  promises  once  again  to 
 justify  the  wisdom  of  its  founder. — The  population 
 of  Alexandria  was  mixed  from  the  first ;  and  this 
 fact  formed  the  groundwork  of  the  Alexandiine  cha- 
 racter. The  three  regions  into  which  the  city  was 
 divided  (Regio  Judaeorum,  Bruclieium,  lihacotis) 
 corresponded  to  the  three  chief  classes  of  its  inha- 
 bitants, Jews,  Greeks,  Egyptians;  but,  in  addition 
 to  these  principal  races,  representatives  of  almost 
 every  nation  were  found  there.  According  to  Jo- 
 sephns,  Alexander  himself  assigned  to  the  Jews  a 
 place  in  his  new  city ;  "  and  they  obtained,"  he 
 adds,  "  equal  privileges  with  the  Macedonians,"  in 
 consideration  "  of  their  services  against  the  Egyp- 
 tians." Ptolemy  I.  imitated  the  policy  of  Alexander, 
 and,  after  the  capture  of  Jerusalem,  removed  a 
 considerable  number  of  its  citizens  to  Alexandria. 
 Many  others  followed  of  their  own  accord  ;  and  all 
 received  the  full  Macedonian  franchise,  as  men  of 
 known  and  tried  fidelity.  Already  on  a  former 
 occasion  the  Jews  had  sought  a  home  in  the  land  of 
 their  bondage.  More  than  two  centuries  and  a  half 
 before  the  foundation  of  Alexandria  a  large  body 
 of  them  had  taken  refuge  in  Egypt,  after  the 
 murder  of  Gedaliah ;  but  these,  after  a  general 
 apostasy,  were  carried  captive  to  Babylon  by  Nebu- 
 chadnezzar (2  K.  x.w.  26  ;  Jer.  xliv.). — The  fate  of 
 the  later  colony  was  far  different.  The  numbers 
 and  importance  of  the  Egyptian  Jews  were  rapidly 
 increased  under  the  Ptolemies  by  fresh  immigrations 
 and  untiring  industry.  Philo  estimates  them  in  his 
 time  at  little  less  than  1,000,000;  and  adds,  that 
 two  of  the  five  districts  of  Alexandria  were  called 
 "  Jewish  districts ;"  and  that  many  Jews  lived 
 scattered  in  the  remaining  three.  Julius  Caesar 
 and  Augustus  confii-med  to  them  the  privileges 
 whicli  they  had  enjoyed  before,  and  they  retained 
 them,  with  various  interruptions,  during  the  tumults 
 and  persecutions  of  later  reigns.  They  were  repre- 
 sented, at  least  for  soine  time  (from  the  time  of 
 Cleopatra  to  the  reign  of  Claudius),  by  their  own 
 officer,  and  Augustus  appointed  a  council  («.  e.  San- 
 hedrin)  "  to  superintend  the  affairs  of  the  Jews " 
 according  to  their  own  laws.  The  establishment 
 of  Christianity  altered  the  civil  position  of  the 
 Jews,  but  thev  maintained  their  relative  prosperity  ; 
 and  when  Alexandria  was  taken  by  Amrou  4o,OU0 
 tributary  Jews  were  reckoned  among  the  marvels 
 of  the  city. — For  some  time  the  Jewish  Church  in 
 Alexandria  was  in  close  dependence  on  that  of  Jeru- 
 salem. Both  were  subject  to  the  civil  power  of  the 
 first  Ptolemies,  and  both  acknowledged  the  high- 
 priest  as  their  religious  head.  The  persecution  of 
 Ptolemy  Philopator  (217  B.C.)  occasioned  the  first 
 political  separation  between  the  two  bodies.  From 
 that  time  the  Jews  of  Palestine  attached  themselves 
 
 ALLEGORY 
 
 31 
 
 '  The  Alexandrine  corn-vessels  (Acts  xxvii.  6, 
 xxviii.  11)  were  large  (Acts  xxvii.  37)  and  handsome. 
 They  generally  sailed  direct  to  Puteoli  (Acts  xxviii. 
 13)  ;  but,  from  stress  of  weather,  often  kept  close 
 under  the  Asiatic  coast  (Acts  xxvii). 
 
 to  the  fortunes  of  Syria  [Antiochus  the  GreatJ  , 
 and  the  same  policy  which  alienated  the  Palestinian 
 party  gave  unity  and  decision  to  the  Jews  of 
 Alexandria.  The  Septuagint  translation,  which 
 strengthened  the  ban'ier  of  language  between  Pales- 
 tine and  Egypt,  and  the  temple  at  Leontopolis 
 (161  B.C.),  which  subjected  tlie  Egyptian  Jews  to 
 the  charge  of  schism,  widened  the  breach  which 
 was  thus  opened.  But  the  division,  though  marked, 
 was  not  complete.  At  the  beginning  of  the  Christian 
 era  the  Egyptian  Jews  still  paid  the  contributions 
 to  the  temple-service.  Jerusalem,  though  its  name 
 was  fashioned  to  a  Greek  shape,  was  still  the  Holy 
 City,  the  metropolis  i)ot  of  a  country  but  of  a 
 people,  and  the  Alexandrians  had  a  synagogue  there 
 (Acts  vi.  9).  The  internal  administration  of  the 
 Alexandrine  Church  was  independent  of  the  Sanhe- 
 drim at  Jerusalem  ;  hot  respect  survived  submission. 
 — According  to  the  common  legend  St.  Mark  first 
 "  preached  tlie  Gospel  in  Egypt,  and  founded  the 
 first  Church  in  Alexandria."  At  the  beginning  of 
 the  2nd  century  the  number  of  Christians  at  Alex- 
 andria must  have  been  very  large,  and  the  great 
 leaders  of  Gnosticism  who  arose  there  (Basilides, 
 V'alentinus)  exhibit  an  exaggeration  of  the  tendency 
 of  the  Church. 
 
 Alexan'drians.  1.  The  Greek  inhabitants  of 
 Alexandria  (3  Mace.  ii.  30,  iii.  21).  2.  The 
 Jewish  colonists  of  that  city,  who  were  admitted 
 to  the  privileges  of  citizenship,  and  had  a  synagogue 
 at  Jerusalem  (Acts  vi.  9).     See  above. 
 
 Algxun  or  Almug  Trees ;  the  former  occurring 
 in  2  Chr.  ii.  8,  ix.  10,  11,  the  latter  in  1  K.  x.  11, 
 12.  There  can  be  no  question  that  these  words 
 are  identical.  From  1  K.  x.  11,  12,  2  Chr.  ix. 
 10,  11,  we  learn  that  the  almiig  was  brought  in 
 great  plenty  fiom  Ophir,  together  with  gold  and 
 precious  stones,  by  the  fleet  of  Hiram,  for  Solomon's 
 Temple  and  house,  and  for  the  construction  of  mu- 
 sical instruments.  In  2  Chr.  ii.  8,  Solomon  is  re- 
 presented as  desiring  Hiram  to  send  hira  "  cedar- 
 trees,  fir-trees,  and  almug-trees  out  of  Lebanon." 
 From  the  passage  in  Kings  it  seems  clear  that 
 Ophir  was  the  country  from  which  the  almug- 
 trees  came  ;  and  as  it  is  impiobable  that  Lebanon 
 should  also  have  been  a  locality  for  them,  the  pas- 
 sage which  appears  to  ascribe  the  growth  of  the 
 almug-tree  to  the  mountains  of  Lebanon  must  be 
 considered  to  be  either  an  interpolation  of  some 
 transcriber,  or  else  it  must  bear  a  dill'erent  inter- 
 pretation. Perhaps  the  wood  had  been  brought 
 from  Ophir  to  Lebanon,  and  Solomon's  instruc- 
 tions to  Hiram  were  to  send  on  to  Jerusalem 
 the  timber  imported  from  Ophir  that  was  lying 
 at  the  port  of  Tyre,  with  the  cedars  which  had 
 been  cut  in  Mount  Lebanon.  It  is  impossible  to 
 identify  the  algum  or  almug-tree  with  any  cer- 
 tainty, but  the  arguments  are  more  in  favour  of 
 the  red  sandal-wood  {Pterocarpus  santalirms)  than 
 of  any  other  species.  This  tree,  which  belongs  to 
 the  natural  order  Leguminosae,  and  sub-order  Pa- 
 pilionaccae,  is  a  native  of  India  and  Ceylon.  The 
 wood  is  very  heavy,  hard,  and  fine  grained,  and  of 
 a  beautiful  garnet  colour. 
 
 Allah.     [Alvah.] 
 
 Al'ian.     [Alvan.] 
 
 Allegory,  a  figure  of  speech,  which  has  been 
 detined  by  Bishop  Marsh,  in  accordance  with  it;- 
 etymology,  as  "  a  representation  of  one  thing  which 
 is  intended  to  excite  the  representation  of  another 
 thing;"    the  first  representation  being  consistent 
 
32 
 
 AliLELUIA 
 
 with  itself,  but  requiniig,  or  cMjiaLK'  of  admitting, 
 a  monil  or  spiritual  intt'rpretation  over  and  abovu 
 its  literal  sense.  An  allegory  has  been  considered  by 
 some  as  a  lengthened  or  sustained  metaphoj-,  or  a 
 continuation  of  niet<apliors,  as  by  Cicero,  thus  stand- 
 ing in  the  same  relation  to  metaphor  as  parable  to 
 simile;  but  the  interpretation  of  allegory  dilfers 
 from  that  of  metaphor,  in  having  to  do  not  with 
 words  but  things.  lu  every  allegory  there  is  a 
 twofold  sense;  the  immediate  or  historic,  which  is 
 understood  from  the  woids,  and  the  ultimate, 
 which  is  concerned  with  the  things  signified  by  the 
 words.  The  allcgoiical  inteijiretation  is  not  of  the 
 words,  but  of  the  things  sigjiilied  by  them  ;  and 
 not  only  may,  but  actually  does,  coexist  with  the 
 literal  interpretation  in  every  allegory,  wliether  the 
 narrative  in  which  it  is  conveyal  lie  of  things  pos- 
 sible or  real.  An  illustration  of  this  may  be  seen 
 in  Gal.  iv.  24,  where  the  apostle  gives  an  allegorical 
 intei-pretation  to  the  historiciil  narrative  of  ilagar 
 and  Sarah ;  not  treating  that  narrative  as  an  alle- 
 gory in  itself,  as  our  A.  V.  would  lead  us  to 
 supjiose,  but  drawing  from  it  a  deeper  sense  than 
 is  conveyed  by  the  immediate  i-epresentation.  Foi- 
 examples  of  pure  and  mi.wd  allegory,  see  Ps.  Ixxx.  ; 
 Luke  \v.  ll-oii;   .John  xv.  1-8. 
 
 Allelu'ia,  so  written  in  l!ev.  xix.  1,  foil. 
 or  more  properly  Halliolujaii,  "praise  ye  .Je- 
 hovah," as  it  is  found  in  the  margin  of  Vs.  cv.  cvi. 
 cxii.  1,  cxiii.  1,  c.\lvi.-cl.  (comp.  Ps.  cxiii.  9,  cxv. 
 18,  cxvi.  19,  cxvii.  2).  The  Psalms  from  cxiii.  to 
 cxviii.  were  called  by  the  Jews  the  Ilallel,  and  were 
 sung  on  the  first  of  the  montii,  at  the  feast  of  De- 
 dication, and  the  feast  of  Tabernacles,  the  feast  of 
 Weeks,  and  the  feast  of  the  Passover.  [Hosanna]. 
 On  the  last  occa.sion  Pss.  cxiii.  and  cxiv.,  according 
 to  the  school  of  Hillel  (the  foiTner  only  according  to 
 the  school  of  Shammai),  were  sung  before  the  feast, 
 and  the  lemainder  at  its  termination,  after  drinking 
 the  last  cup.  The  hymn  (Matt.  xxvi.  3D),  sung 
 by  Christ  and  his  disciples  atlei-  the  last  supper,  is 
 suppo.sed  to  have  been  the  great  Hallel,  which 
 seems  to  have  varied  according  to  the  feast.  The 
 literal  meaning  of  "  Hallelujah  "  sulliciently  indi- 
 cates the  chaiiK'ter  of  tlie  Psalms  in  which  it 
 occurs,  its  hymns  of  praise  and  thank.sgiving.  'J'hoy 
 are  all  found  in  the  last  book  of  the  collection,  and 
 bear  maiks  of  being  intended  for  use  in  the  temjile- 
 service ;  the  words  "  praise  ye  Jehovah "  being 
 taken  up  by  the  full  chorus  of  Levites.  In  the 
 great  hymn  of  triumph  in  heaven  over  the  destruc- 
 tion of  IJabyion,  the  apostle  m  vision  heard  the 
 multitude  in  chorus  like  the  voice  of  mighty  thun- 
 derings  btn-st  forth,  "  Alleluia,  for  the  Lord  (!od 
 omnipotent  reigneth,"  resi)onding  to  the  voice  which 
 cjime  out  of  the  tiirone  saying  "  Praise  our  (lod, 
 all  ye  his  servants,  and  ye  that  fear  lum,  both 
 small  and  great"  (iiev.  xix.  1-G).  In  this,  as  in 
 the  ollering  of  incense  (Rev.  viii.),  there  is  evident 
 allusion  to  the  sei-vne  of  the  temple,  as  the  apo.sfle 
 hail  often  witnessed  it  m  all  its  grandeur. 
 
 Alliances.  On  the  tiist  establi.shment  of  the 
 Hebrews  in  Palestine  no  connexions  were  formeil 
 between  them  and  the  surrounding  nations.  liut 
 with  the  extension  of  their  )M)wer  \inder  the  kings, 
 the  Jews  were  brought  more  into  contjict  with 
 foreigners,  and  alliances  became  essential  to  tlie 
 security  of  their  commerce.  Solomon  concludeil 
 two  important  treaties  exclusively  for  cnmniercial 
 purpwes ;  the  lirst  with  Iliram,  king  of  Tyre,  ori- 
 (rinally  with  the  view  of  obtaining  materials  and 
 
 ALLON 
 
 workmen  for  the  erection  of  the  Temjjle,  and  after- 
 wards for  the  sup]>ly  of  ship-builders  and  sailoi^s 
 (1  K.  v.  2-12,  ix.  27):  the -second  with  a  Pharaoh, 
 king  of  Kgy|)t ;  by  this  he  .secured  a  monopolj* 
 of  the  trade  in  hoi-ses  and  other  products  of  that 
 country  (1  K.  x.  28,  29).  After  the  division  of 
 the  kingdom  the  alliances  were  of  an  oflsnsive  and 
 defensive  nature.  When  war  bioke  out  between 
 Amaziah  and  Jeroboam  II.  a  coalition  was  formed 
 between  Kcv.in,  king  of  Syria,  and  Pekah  on  the  one 
 side,  and  Ahaz  an(l  Tiglath-pileser,  king  of  Assyria, 
 on  the  other  (2  K.  xvi.  ,5-9).  By  this  means  an 
 opening  was  aflbrded  to  the  advances  of  the  Assy- 
 rian power;  ami  the  king<loms  of  Isiael  and  Judah, 
 as  they  were  successively  attacked,  sought  the  alli- 
 ance of  the  Egyptians,  who  were  stiongly  inte- 
 rested in  maintaining  the  independence  of  the  Jews 
 as  a  barrier  against  the  encroachments  of  the  .A.ssy- 
 rian  ])ower.  Thus  Hoshea  made  a  treaty  with  So 
 (Sabaco,  or  Sevechus),  and  rebelled  against  Shal- 
 maneser  (2  K.  xvii.  4),  Hezekiah  adopted  the  same 
 policy  in  opposition  to  Sennacherib  (Is.  xxx.  2)  ;  but 
 in  neither  case  was  the  alliance  productive  of  much 
 good :  the  Israelites  were  abandoned  by  So,  and  it 
 was  only  when  the  indej)endence  of  Egypt  itself 
 M'as  thieatened  that  the  Assyrians  woie  defeated 
 by  the  joint  forces  of  Sethos  and  Tiihakah,  and  a 
 temporary  relief  afibi-ded  thereby  to  Judah  (2  K. 
 xix.  9,  HG).  On  the  lestoration  of  independence 
 .Judas  Maccabeus  sought  an  alliance  with  the  Ko- 
 mans  as  a  counterpoise  to  the  neighbouring  state  of 
 Syria  (1  Mace.  viii.).  This  alliance  was  renewed  by 
 Jonathan  (1  Mace.  sii.  1)  and  by  Simon  (1  Mace. 
 XV.  17).  On  the  last  occasion  the  independence  of 
 the  Jews  was  recognised  and  formally  notified  to 
 the  neighbouring  nations,  n.c.  140  (1  Mace.  xv.  22, 
 23).  Treaties  of  a  fiiendly  nature  were  at  the 
 same"  period  concluded  with  the  Lacedaemonians 
 under  an  impression  that  they  cime  of  a  common 
 stock  (1  Mace.  xii.  2,  xiv.  2U). — The  formation  of 
 an  alliance  was  attended  with  various  religious 
 rites:  a  victim  was  .slain  and  divided  into  two 
 parts,  between  which  the  contracting  parties  jwssed, 
 (Gen.  XV.  10).  That  this  custom  was  maintained 
 to  a  late  period  appears  from  Jer.  xxxiv.  18-20. 
 (ienerally  speaking  the  oath  alone  is  mentional  in 
 the  contracting  of  alliances,  either  between  nations 
 (Josh.  ix.  15)  or  individuals  (Gen.  xxvi.  28,  xxxi. 
 53;  1  Sam.  xx.  17;  2  K.  xi.  4).  The  event  was 
 celebrated  by  a  feast  (Gen.  /.  c. ;  Ex.  xxiv.  1 1  ; 
 2  Sam.  iii.  12,  2U).  Salt,  as  symboliojil  of  fidelity, 
 was  use<.l  on  these  occasions ;  it  was  ap)>lied  to  the 
 sacrifices  (Lev.  ii.  13),  and  probaldy  used,  as 
 among  the  Arabs,  at  hosintable  entertainments ; 
 hence  the  expression  "covenant  of  salt"  (Num. 
 xviii.  19  ;  2  Chr.  xiii.  5).  Occa.sionally  a  pillar  or 
 a  heap  of  stones  was  set  up  as  a  memorial  of  the 
 alliance  (Gen.  .\xxi.  52).  Presents  were  also  sent 
 by  the  party  soliciting  the  alliance  (1  K.  xv.  18; 
 Is.  XXX.  G  ;  1  JLacc.  xv.  18).  The  fidelity  of  the 
 Jews  to  their  engagements  was  consjiieuous  nt  all 
 periods  of  their  history  (Josh.  ix.  18),  and  any 
 breacli  of  covenant  was  visited  with  very  severe 
 punishment  (2  Sam.  xxi.  1  ;    Ez.  xvii.  10). 
 
 Al  lorn  =  Ami  =  Amon  (1  E.sd.  v.  34;  cf.  E«r. 
 ii.  57  ;   Neh.  vii.  59). 
 
 Al'lon,  a  Simeouite,  ancestor  of  Ziza,  a  prince  of 
 his  tribe  in  the  reign  of  Ilezekiaii  (1  Chr.  iv. 
 37). 
 
 Al'lon,  a  large  strong  ti-ee  of  some  de.scription, 
 probably  an  oak.     The  word  is  found  in  two  naniew 
 
ALMODAD 
 
 in  the  topography  of  Palestiue.— 1.  Allon,  more 
 accurately  Elon,  a  place  named  among  the  cities 
 of  Naphtali  (Josh.  xix.  33).  Probably  the  more 
 correct  construction  is  to  take  it  with  the  following 
 word,  i,  e.  "  the  oak  by  Znanannim,"  or  "  the  oak 
 of  the  loading  of  tents,"  as  if  deriving  its  name 
 fi'om  some  nomad  tribe  frequenting  the  spot.  Such 
 a  tribe  were  the  Kenites,  and  in  connexion  with 
 them  the  place  is  again  named  in  Judg.  iv.  11, 
 with  the  additional  deHnition  of  "  by  K'edesh  (Naph- 
 tali)." Here,  however,  the  A.  V.  following  the 
 \'ulgate,  renders  the  words  "  the  plain  of  Zaanaim." 
 [Elon.] — 2.  Al'lon-ba'ciiuth  ("oak  of  weep- 
 ing "),  the  tree  under  which  Itebekah's  nurse, 
 Deborah,  was  buried  (Gen.  xxxv.  8). 
 
 Al'modad,  the  first,  in  order,  of  the  descendants 
 of  Joktan  (Gen.  x.  26  ;  1  Chr.  i.  20),  and  the  pro- 
 genitor of  an  Arab  tribe.  His  settlements  must  be 
 looked  for,  in  common  with  those  of  the  other  de- 
 scendants of  Joktan,  in  the  Arabian  peninsula ; 
 and  his  name  appears  to  be  preserved  in  that  of 
 Mudad,  a  famous  personage  in  Arabian  history, 
 the  reputed  father  of  Ishmael's  Arab  wife,  and  the 
 chief  of  the  Joktanite  tribe  Jurhum. 
 
 Al'mon,  a  city  ^v^thin  the  tribe  of  Benjamin, 
 with  "suburbs"  given  to  the  priests  (Josh.  xxi. 
 18).  in  the  parallel  list  in  1  Chr.  vi.  it  is  found 
 as  Alemeth.     [Alemeth.] 
 
 Al'mon-Diblatha'im,  one  of  the  latest  stations 
 of  the  Israelites,  between  Dibon-gad  and  the  moun- 
 tains of  Abarim  (Num.  xx.xiii.  46,  47).  Dibon- 
 gad  is  the  present  Dhibdn,  just  to  the  north  of  the 
 Ai'non ;  and  it  is  thus  probable  that  Almon-dibia- 
 thaini  is  identical  with  Beth-diblathaim,  a  Moabite 
 city  mentioned  by  Jeremiah  (xlviii.  22)  in  company 
 with  both  [)ibon  and  Nebo. 
 
 Almond-tree ;  Almond.  This  word  is  found  in 
 Gen.  xliii.  II;  Ex.  xxv.  ^  33,  34,  xxxvii.  19,  20; 
 Xum.  xvii.  8:  Eccles.  xii.  5  ;  Jer.  i.  11,  in  the 
 text  of  the  A.  V.  It;  is  invariably  represented  by 
 the  same  Hebrew  word  (sJidked),  which  sometimes 
 stands  for  the  whole  tree,  sometimes  for  the  fruit 
 or  nut;  for  instance,  in  Gen.  xliii.  11,  Jacob 
 commands  his  sons  to  take  as  a  present  to  Joseph 
 "  a  little  honey,  spices  and  myrrh,  nuts  and 
 almonds  ;  "  here  the  fruit  is  clearly  meant.  In  the 
 passages  referred  to  above  out  of  the  book  of 
 Exodus  the  "  bowls  made  like  unto  almonds," 
 which  were  to  adorn  the  golden  candlestick,  seem  to 
 allude  to  the  nut  also.  Aaron's  rod,  that  so  mira- 
 culously budded,  yielded  almond-nuts.  In  the  two 
 latter  passages  from  Ecclesiastes  and  Jeremiah  the 
 Hebrew  shdked  is  translated  almond-tree,  which 
 fi'om  the  context  it  certainly  represents.  It  is 
 clearly  then  a  mistake  to  suppose,  as  some  writers 
 have  done,  that  shdked  stands  exclusively  for  "  al- 
 mond-nuts," and  that  Zmz  signifies  "  the  .tree."  It 
 is  probable  that  this  tiee,  conspicuous  as  it. was  for 
 its  early  flowering  and  useful  fruit,  was  known  by 
 these  tico  diHerent  names.  The  Hebrew  tuz  occurs 
 only  in  Gen.  xxx.  37,  where  it  is  translated  hazel  in 
 the  text  of  the  A.  V.,  yet  there  can  be  little  or  no 
 doubt  that  it  is  another  word  tor  the  almond,  for  in 
 the  Arabic  this  identical  word,  luz,  denotes  the 
 almond.  [Hazel.]— 5V(d/;et/  is  derived  fi-om  a 
 root  which  signifies  "  to  be  wakeful,"  "  to  hasten," 
 for  the  alnioiid-tiee  blossoms  very  early  in  the 
 season,  the  flowers  appearing  before  the  leaves. 
 Hence  it  was  regarded  by  the  Jews  as  a  welcome 
 harbinger  of  spring,  reminding  them  that  the 
 winter  was  passmg  away — that  the  flowers  would 
 
 Con.  D.  B. 
 
 ALMS 
 
 33 
 
 soon  appear  on  the  earth,  that  the  time  of  the  sing- 
 ing of  birds  was  come,  and  the  voice  of  the  turtle 
 would  soon  be  heard  in  the  laud  (Cant.  i.  11,  12). 
 The  word  shakeJ,  therefore,  or  the  ti^ee  which 
 hastened  to  put  forth  its  blossoms,  was  a  very 
 beautiful  and  fitting  synonym  for  the  luz,  or  al- 
 mond-tree, in  the  language  of  a  people  so  fond  of 
 imagery  and  poetry  as  were  the  Jews.  The  almond- 
 tree  has  been  noticed  in  flower  as  early  as  the  0th  of 
 January  ;  the  19th,  23rd,  and  25th  are  also  recorded 
 dates.  The  knowledge  of  this  interesting  fact  will 
 explain  that  otherwise  unintelligible  passage  in  Jere- 
 miah (i.  11 ,  12),  "  The  word  of  the  Lord  came  unto 
 me,  saying,  Jeremiah,  what  seest  thou  ?  And  I  said, 
 I  see  the  rod  of  an  almond-tree  (shdked').  Then  said 
 the  Lord  unto  me,  thou  hast  well  seen,  for  I  will 
 hasten  (shdked)  my  word  to  perform  it."^The 
 almond-tree  has  always  been  regarded  by  the  Jews 
 with  reverence,  and  even  to  this  day  the  modern 
 English  Jews  on  their  great  feast-days  carry  >t 
 bough  of  flowering  almond  to  the  synagogue,  just 
 as  the  Jews  of  old  time  used  to  present  palm- 
 branches  in  the  Temple. ^The  almond-tree,  whose 
 scientific  name  is  Aiiiijijdalus  communis,  is  a  native  of 
 
 Almond-tree  and  blossom. 
 
 Asia  and  North  Africa,  but  it  is  cultivated  in  the 
 milder  parts  of  Europe.  The  height  of  the  tree  is 
 about  12  or  14  feet ;  the  flowers  ai'e  pink,  and  ar- 
 ranged for  the  most  part  in  pairs;  the  leaves  are 
 long,  ovate,  with  a  serrated  margin,  and  an  acute 
 point.  The  covering  of  the  fi-uit  is  downy  and  suc- 
 culent, enclosing  the  hard  shell  which  contains  the 
 kernel.  It  is  curious  to  observe,  in  connexion  with 
 the  almond-bowls  of  the  golden  candle-stick,  that,  iu 
 the  language  of  lapidaries.  Almonds  aie  pieces  of 
 rock-crystal,  even  now  used  in  adorning  branch- 
 candlesticks. 
 
 Alms.  This  word  is  not  found  in  oui  version 
 of  the  canonical  books  of  0.  T.,  but  iv  occurs 
 repeatedly  in  N.  T.,  and  in  the  Apocryphal  books 
 of  Tobit  and  Ecclesiasticus.^The  duty  of  alms- 
 giving, especially  in  kind,  consisting  chiefly  in  por- 
 tions to  be  left  designedly  from  produce  of  the 
 field,  the  \nneyard,  and  the  oliveyurd  (Lev.  xix. 
 9,  10,'  xxiii.  22;  Deut.  xv.  II,  xxiv.  19,  xxvi. 
 2-13  ;  Ruth  ii.  2),  is  sti-ictiy  enjoined  by  the  Law 
 Every  third  year  also  (Deut.  xiv.  28]  each  pro- 
 prietor was  directed  to  share  the  tithe  of  his  pro- 
 duce with  "  the  Levite,  the  stranger,  the  fatherless, 
 and  the  widow."  The  theological  estimate  of 
 almsgiving  among  the  flews  is  indicated  in  the  fol- 
 
 I) 
 
34 
 
 ALMUG-TREES 
 
 lowing  passiiges: — Job  xxxi.   17;    I'rov.  x.   2,  xi. 
 4;  listh.  ix.  22;    Fs.  cxii.  9;    Acts  ix.  3G,  the 
 c^  of  Dorcas;  x.  2,  of  Cornelius;  to  which  ni:iy 
 be  added,  Tob.  iv.  10,  11,  xiv.  10,  11;  and  Kcclus. 
 iii.  3n,  xl.  24.     And  the  Talmudists  went  so  far  as 
 to  interpret  righteousness  by  almsgiving  in  suih 
 passages  as  Gen.  xviii.   19;    Is.  liv.  14;    I's.  xvii. 
 1.5.— in  the  women's  court  of  tlie  Temple  there 
 were  13  receptacles  for  voluntary  oflerings  (.Mark 
 xii.  41),  one  of  which   was  devoted    to    alms    for 
 education  of  poor  children  of  good  family.     Before 
 the  Captivity   there  is  no  trace  of  permission  of 
 mendi&mcy,  but  it  was  evidently  allowed  in  later 
 times  ''Matt.  xx.  30;  Mark  x.  46  ;  Acts  iii.  2).— 
 The  Pharisees  were  zealous  in  almsgiving,  but  too 
 ostentatious  in  their  mode  of  performance,  for  which 
 our  Lord  finds  fault  with  them  (Matt.  vi.2).     But 
 tliere  is  no  ground  for  supposing  that  the  exj)ression 
 "  do  not  sound  a  trumpet "  is  more  than  a  mode  of 
 denouncing  their  display,  by  a  figure  drawn  from 
 the  frequent  and   well-known  use  of  trumpets   in 
 religious  and  other  celebrations,  Jewish  as  well  as 
 heathen. — 'I'he  duty  of  relieving  the  poor  was  not 
 neglected  by  the  Christians  (Jlatt.  vi.  1  4;   Luke 
 xiv.  13  ;  Acts  xx.  3.5  ;  Gal.  ii.  10).    Every  Christian 
 was  exhorted  to  lay  by  on  the  first  day  of  eacli 
 week  some  portion  of  his  profits,  to  be  applied  to 
 the  wants  of  the  needy  (Acts  xi.  30  ;    Kom.  xv. 
 25-27  ;  1  Cor.  xvi.  1-4).     It  was  also  considered  a 
 duty    specially    incumbent   on    widows    to    devote 
 themselves  to  such  ministrations  (1  Tim.  v.  10).— 
 Almug-Trees.     [A  lcum-Trf.es.]  . 
 Alna'than  [Klnathan  2."|  (1  Ksd.  viii.  44). 
 
 A'luilAria  AgalloclMim. 
 
 Aloes,  Lign  Aloes  (in  Hob.  Ahdl'im,  AhAlolh), 
 the  name  of  a  costly  and  swoct-smelling  wood 
 which  is  mentioned  in  Num.  xxiv.  (>,  I's.  xiv.  8. 
 I'rov.  vii.  17.  Ill  Cant.  iv.  14,  Solomon  sjieaks 
 of  *'  myrrh  and  eUm's,  witli  all  the  chief  spices." 
 The  word  occurs  once  in  the  N.  T.  (John  xix.  Htl), 
 when  .Nicixlemus  bi-ings  "a  mixture  of  myrrh  and 
 
 ALTAR 
 
 aloes,  about  an  htmdred  pound  weight,"  for  the 
 purpose  ot  anointing  the  body  of  our  Lord.  It  is 
 usually  identified  with  the  Aqnilaria  Aijallochum, 
 a  tree  which  supplies  the  agallochiim,  or  aloes- 
 woo<l  of  commerce,  much  valued  in  India  on 
 accoimt  of  its  aromatic  qualities  for  purposes  o< 
 fumigation  and  for  incense.  This  tree  grows  to 
 the  height  of  120  feet,  being  12  feet  in  girth.  It 
 is,  however,  uncertain  whether  the  A/idlim  or 
 Ahdluth  is  in  reality  the  aloes-wood  of  commerce ; 
 it  is  quite  possible  that  some  kind  of  odoriferous 
 cedar  may  be  the  tree  denoted  by  these  tenns. 
 
 Aloth,  a  place  or  district,  forming  with  Asher 
 the  jurisdiction  of  the  ninth  of  Solomon's  com- 
 missariat officers  (1  K.  iv.  1(1). 
 
 Al'pha,  the  first  letter  of  the  Greek  alphabet,  as 
 Omega  is  the  last.  Its  signifiamce  is  plainly 
 indicated  in  the  context,  "  I  am  Alpha  and  Omega, 
 the  beginning  and  the  end,  the  fii-st  and  the  Inst " 
 (Kev.  xxii.  13,  i.  8,  II,  xxi.  6\  which  may  be 
 compared  with  Is.  xli.  4.  Both  Greeks  and  Hebrews 
 employed  the  letters  of  the  alphabet  as  numerals. 
 Alphabet.     [Writing.] 
 
 Alphae'us,  the  father  of  the  .Apostle  ."^t.  James 
 the  Less  (Matt.  x.  3  ;  Mark  iii.  18  ;  Luke  vi.  15; 
 .\cts  i.  13  ,  and  husband  of  that  Mary  (called  in 
 Mark  xv.  40,  mother  of  James  the  Less  and  of 
 J  OSes)  who,  with  the  mother  of  .le-sus  and  others, 
 was  .standing  by  the  cross  during  the  crucifixion 
 (John  xix.  25).  [Marv.]  In  this  latter  place 
 he  is  called  Clopas  (not,  aj?  in  the  A.  V.,  Cleophas) ; 
 a  variation  arising  from  the  double  pronunciation 
 of  the  Hebrew  letter  Cheth ;  and  found  also  in  the 
 rendering  of  Hebrew  names  by  the  LXX.  Whether 
 the  existence  of  this  variety  gives  us  a  further  right 
 to  identify  Alphaeus  with  the  Cleopas  of  Luke 
 xxiv.  18,  can  never  be  satisfactorily  detemiined. 
 If,  as  commonly,  the  ellipsis  in  'louSa:  'laKw^ov 
 in  Luke  vi.  15,  Acts  i.  13,  is  to  be  filled  up  by 
 inserting  "brother,"  then  tiie  apostle  St.  Jude  was 
 another  son  of  Alphaeus.  And  in  Mark  ii.  14, 
 Levi  (or  Matthew)  is  also  said  to  have  been  the 
 son  of  Alphaeus.  For  further  particulars,  see 
 Ja.mks. 
 
 Altane'us,  the  .same  as  Mattsnai  (Ezr.  x.  33), 
 oiii'  of  the  sons  of  Hashum  (1  Ksd.  ix.  3.5). 
 
 Altar.  (A.)  The  first  altar  of  which  we  have 
 any  account  is  that  built  by  Noah  when  he  left  the 
 ark  ((ien.  viii.  20).  In  the  early  times  altars  were 
 usually  built  in  certain  spots  hallowed  by  religious 
 associations,  e.g.  where  God  ap])enTed  (Gen.  xii.  7, 
 xiii.  18,  x.\A-i.  25,  xxxv.  1).  Generally  of  coui-se 
 they  were  erected  for  the  olfering  of  sacrifice ;  but 
 in  some  instances  they  appear  to  have  been  only 
 memorials.  Such  was  the  altar  built  by  Moses,  and 
 adled  Jehovah  Nissi,  as  a  sign  that  .Jehovah  would 
 have  war  with  .Aiualek  from  generation  to  genei-a- 
 tion  (Kx.  xvii.  15,  IG).  Such  too  was  the  altar 
 which  was  built  by  the  KVul)enitcs,  Gadites,  and 
 half-trilie  of  .Manas.seh,  "  in  the  bonlei-s  of  Jordan," 
 and  which  was  erected  "  not  for  burnt-olierings  nor 
 for  sacrifice,"  but  that  it  might  be  "a  witness" 
 Iwtween  them  and  the  rest  of  the  tril>rs  (Josh.  xxii. 
 10-29).  Altars  wei-e  most  probably  originally 
 made  of  earth.  The  Law  of  Moses  allowed  them 
 to  be  made  either  of  earth  or  unhewn  stones  (Kx. 
 XX.  24,  25) :  any  iron  tool  would  have  profaned  the 
 altar — but  this  could  only  ivfi-r  to  the  body  of  the 
 altar,  and  that  part  on  which  the  victim  was  laid, 
 as  directions  wci-e  given  to  make  a  casing  of  .shittim- 
 wood  overlaid   with  bni-ss  for  the  altar  of  burnt- 
 
ALTAR 
 
 ofTrring.  (See  below.)  In  later  times  they  were 
 frequently  built  on  high  places,  especially  in  idola- 
 trous worship  (Deut.  xii.  2).  The  altars  so  erected 
 wei'e  themselves  sometimes  called  "  high  places." 
 l>y  the  Law  of  Moses  all  altars  were  forbidden, 
 except  those  fii-st  in  tlie  Tabernacle,  and  afterwards 
 in  the  Temple  (Lev.  xvii.  8,  9  ;  Deut.  xii.  13,  &c.). 
 This  prohibition,  however,  was  not  strictly  obsei-ved, 
 at  least  till  after  the  building  of  the  Temple,  even 
 by  pious  Israelites.  Thus  Gideon  built  an  altar 
 (Judg.  vi.  24).  So  likewise  did  Samuel  (1  Sam. 
 vii.  9,  10),  David  (2  Sam.  xxiv.  25),  and  Solomon 
 (1  K.  iii.  4).  The  sanctity  attaching  to  the  altar 
 led  to  its  being  regarded  as  a  place  of  refuge  or 
 asylum  (Ex.  xxi.  14  ;  1  K.  i.  50).— (B.)  The  Law 
 of  Jloses  directed  that  two  altars  should  be  made, 
 the  one  the  Altar  of  Biu-nt-oflering  (called  also 
 simply  the  Altar),  and  the  other  the  Altar  of 
 [ncense.^I.  The  Altar  of  Burnt-oflering,  called  in 
 Mai.  i.  7,  12,  "the  table  of  the  Lord,"  perhaps 
 also  in  Ez.  xliv.  16.  It  differed  in  construction 
 at  different  times.  (1.)  In  the  Tabernacle  (Ex. 
 xxvii.  1  ff.  xxxviii.  1  ff.)  it  was  comparatively 
 small  and  portable.  In  shape  it  was  square.  It 
 was  five  cubits  in  length,  the  same  in  breadth, 
 and  three  cubits  high.  It  was  made  of  planlcs  of 
 shittim  (or  acacia)  wood  overlaid  with  brass.  The 
 interior  Vv-as  hollow  (Ex.  xx^'ii.  8).  At  the  four 
 corners  were  four  projections  called  horns,  made, 
 like  the  altar  itself,  of  shittim-wood  overlaid  with 
 bra.ss  (Ex.  xxvii.  2).  They  probably  projected 
 upwards ;  and  to  them  the  victim  was  bound  when 
 about  to  be  sacrificed  (Ps.  cxviii.  27).  On  the 
 occasion  of  the  consecration  of  the  priests  (Ex.  xxix. 
 12)  and  the  oflfering  of  the  sin-offering  (Lev.  iv. 
 7  ff'.)  the  blood  of  the  victim  was  spi-inkled  on  the 
 hoi'ns  of  the  altar.  Round  the  altar,  midway 
 between  the  top  and  bottom,  ran  a  projecting  ledge 
 (A.  V.  "  compass"),  on  which  perhaps  the  piiests 
 stood  when  they  officiated.  To  the  outer  edge  of 
 this,  again,  a  gi-atiug  or  net-work  of  brass  was 
 affixed,  and  reached  to  the  bottom  of  the  altar, 
 which  thus  presented  the  appeai-ance  of  being  larger 
 below  than  above.  At  the  four  corners  of  the  net- 
 work were  four  brasen  rings,  into  which  were 
 inserted  the  staves  by  which  the  altar  was  carried. 
 These  staves  were  of  the  same  materials  as  the  altar 
 itself.  As  the  priests  were  forbidden  to  ascend  the 
 altar  by  steps  (Ex.  xx.  26),  it  has  been  conjectured 
 that  a  slope  of  earth  led  gradually  up  to  the  ledge 
 fi'om  which  they  officiated.  The  place  of  the  alfcir 
 was  at  "  the  door  of  the  tabernacle  of  the  tent  of 
 the  congregation "  (Ex.  xl.  29).  The  various 
 utensils  for  the  service  of  the  altar  (Ex.  xxA'ii.  3) 
 were:  (1.)  Fans  to  clear  away  the  fat  and  ashes 
 with.  (2.)  Shovels.  (3.)  Basons,  in  which  the 
 blood  of  the  victims  was  received,  and  from  which 
 it  was  sprinkled.  (4.)  Flesh-hooks,  by  means  of 
 which  the  flesh  was  removed  from  the  caldron  or 
 pot.  (See  1  Sam  ii.  13,  14,  where  they  are 
 described  as  having  three  prongs.)  (5.)  Fire-pans, 
 or  perhaps  censers.  These  might  either  be  used 
 for  taking  coals  from  the  fire  on  the  altar  (Lev. 
 xvi.  12);  or  for  burning  incense  (Num.  x^^.  6,  7). 
 All  these  utensils  were  of  brass.— (2.)  In  Solomon's 
 Temple  the  altar  was  considerably  larger  in  its 
 dimensions,  as  might  have  been  expected  fiom  the 
 much  gi'eater  size  of  the  building  in  which  it  was 
 placed.  Like  the  former  it  was  square  ;  but  the 
 length  and  breadth  were  now  twenty  cubits,  and 
 the   height    ten  (2  Chr.  iv.   1).     It  differed,  too, 
 
 ALTAB 
 
 35 
 
 in  the  material  of  which  it  was  made,  lieingentirelj' 
 of  brass  (I  K.  viii.  64;  2  Chr.  vii.  7).  it  had  no 
 grating:  and  instead  of  a  single  gradual  slope,  the 
 ascent  to  it  was  probably  made  by  three  successive 
 platforms,  to  each  of  which  it  has  been  supposed 
 that  steps  led,  as  in  the  figure  annexed.      Against 
 
 Altar  of  Burnt  Offering,  from  Surenhnsius*  Mishna, 
 
 this  may  be  urged  the  fact  that  the  Law  of  Moses 
 positively  forbade  the  use  of  steps  (Ex.  xx.  26)  and 
 the  assertion  of  Josephus  that  in  Herod's  temple  the 
 ascent  was  by  an  inclined  plane.  On  the  other 
 hand  steps  are  introduced  in  tlie  ideal,  or  symbolical, 
 temple  of  Ezekiel  (xliii.  17),  and  the  prohibition  in 
 Ex.  XX.  has  been  intei-preted  as  applying  to  a  con- 
 tinuous flight  of  stiiirs,  and  not  to  a  broken  ascent. 
 But  the  Biblical  account  is  so  brief  that  we  are 
 necessarily  imable  to  determine  the  question.  Asa, 
 we  read,  renewed  this  altar  (2  Chr.  xv.  8).  This 
 may  either  mean  that  he  repaired  it,  or  more  pro- 
 bably perhaps  that  he  reconsecrated  it  after  it  had 
 been  polluted  by  idol-worship.  Subsequently  Ahaz 
 had  it  removed  fi-om  its  place  to  the  north  side  ot 
 tlie  new  altar  which  Urijah  the  priest  had  made  in 
 accordance  with  his  directions  (2  K.  rvi.  14).  It 
 was  "  cleansed  "  by  command  of  Hezekiah  (2  Chr. 
 xxix.  18),  and  Manasseh,  after  his  repentance,  either 
 repaired  or  rebuilt  it  (2  Chr.  xxxiii.  16).  It  may 
 finally  have  been  broken  up,  and  the  brass  carried 
 to  Babylon,  but  this  is  not  mentioned  (Jer.  Iii. 
 17  ft'.).— (3.)  The  altar  of  burnt-offering  in  the 
 second  (Zerubbabel's)  temple.  Of  this  no  descrip- 
 tion is  given  in  the  Bible.  We  are  only  told  (Ezr. 
 iii.  2)  that  it  was  built  before  the  foundations  of  the 
 Temple  were  laid.  According  to  Josephus  (Ant. 
 xi.  4,  §1)  it  was  placed  on  the  same  spot  on  which 
 that  of  Solomon  had  originally  stood.  It  was  con- 
 structed, as  we  may  infer  fiom  1  IMacc.  iv.  47,  of 
 unhevra  stones.  Antiochus  Epiphanos  desecrated  it 
 (1  Mace.  i.  54) :  and  according  to  Josephus  {Ant. 
 xii.  5,  §4)  removed  it  altogether.  In  the  restora- 
 tion by  Juda.s  Maccabaeus  a  new  altar  was  built  of 
 unhe^vn  stone  in  confoiTnity  with  the  Jlosaic  Law 
 (1  Mace.  iv.  47).— (4.)  The  alt.ar  erected  by 
 Herod,  which  is  thus  described  by  Josephus  (B.  J. 
 V.  5,  §6) ; — "  In  fi-ont  of  the  Temjile  stood  the 
 altar,  15  cubits  in  height,  and  in  breadth  and 
 length  of  equal  dimensions,  viz.  50  cubits ;  it  was 
 built  foursquare,  with  horn-like  corners  piojecting 
 from  it ;  and  on  the  south  side  a  gentle  acclivitv 
 led  up  to  it.  Moreover  it  was  made  without  any 
 iron  tool,  neither  did  ii-on  ever  touch  it  at  any 
 time."  The  dimensions  given  in  the  Mishna  are 
 difl'erent.     In  connexion  with  the  horn  on  the  south- 
 
 D  2 
 
3r> 
 
 ALTAR 
 
 west  was  a  pipe  intended  to  receive  tlie  blood  of  the 
 victims,  wliich  was  sprinkled  on  the  left  side  of  the 
 iiltar:  the  blood  was  afterwards  carried  by  means 
 of  a  subterranean  passsige  into  the  brook  Kidron. 
 Under  the  altiir  was  a  cavity  into  which  the  drink- 
 ollerings  passed.  It  was  covered  over  with  a  slab 
 of  marble,  and  emptied  from  time  to  time.  On  the 
 north  side  of  the  alfcir  were  a  number  of  brazen 
 rings,  to  secure  the  animals  whicli  were  brought 
 for  sacrifice.  Lastly,  round  the  middle  of  the 
 .iltar  ran  a  scarlet  thread  to  mark  where  the  blood 
 was  to  be  sprinkled,  whether  above  or  below  it.— 
 According  to  Lev.  vi.  12,  l;{,  a  pei-petual  (ire  was 
 to  l)e  kept  burning  on  the  altar.  This  was  the 
 symbol  and  token  of  the  perpetual  worship  of 
 .lehovah.  For  inasmuch  as  the  whole  religion  of 
 Israel  was  concentrated  in  the  sacritices  which  were 
 offered,  the  extinguishing  of  the  fire  would  have 
 looked  like  the  extinguishing  of  the  religion  itself. 
 'I'he  tire  which  consumed  the  sacrifices  was  kindled 
 from  this:  and  besides  these  there  was  the  tire 
 from  which  the  coals  were  taken  to  burn  incense 
 with.— II.  The  Altar  of  Incense,  called  also  the 
 ijolden  altar  to  distinguish  it  from  the  Altar  of 
 Burnt-offering,  which  was  called  the  hraxcn  altar 
 (Ex.  xxxviii.  oO).  I'robably  this  is  meant  by  the 
 "  altar  of  wood  "  spoken  of  Kzek.  xli.  2'-!,  which  is 
 further  described  as  the  "  table  that  is  before  the 
 Lord,"  precisely  the  expi'cssion  used  of  the  altar  of 
 incense.  The  name  "  altar "  was  not  strictly 
 appropriate,  as  no  sivcrifices  were  offered  upon  it; 
 but  once  in  the  year,  on  the  great  day  of  atonement, 
 the  high-priest  sprinkled  upon  the  horns  of  it  the 
 blood  of  the  sin-otlisring  f  Kx.  xxx.  10). — (ft.)  Tliat 
 in  the  'J'abernacle  was  made  of  acacia-wood,  over 
 laid  with  pure  gold.  In  shape  it  was  square,  being 
 a  cubit  in  length  and  breadth,  and  2  culiits  in 
 height.  Like  the  Altar  of  Burnt-otl'ering  it  had 
 horns  at  the  four  corners,  which  were  of  one  piece 
 with  the  rest  of  the  altar.  It  had  also  a  top  or  7-oof, 
 on  which  the  incense  was  laid  and  lighted.  Many, 
 following  the  interprefcition  of  tlie  Vulgate  cratica- 
 Utin  ejus,  have  supposed  a  kind  of  grating  to  be 
 meant;  but  for  this  there  is  no  authority.  Itound 
 the  altar  was  a  border  or  wreath.  Below  this  were 
 two  golden  rings  which  were  to  be  "  for  places  for 
 the  stiives  to  bear  it  withal."  Tiie  staves  were  of 
 acacia-wood  overlaid  with  gold.  Its  appearance 
 may  bo  illustrated  by  the  following  figure: — 
 
 AL-TASCHITH 
 
 This  altar  stood  in  tlie  Holy  Place,  "  before  the 
 vail  that  is  by  the  nrk  of  the  testimony"  (Kx.  xxx. 
 t),  xl.  .")).— (i.)  The  Altar  in  Solomon's  Temple 
 was  simihir  (1  K.  vii.  48;  1  C'hr.  xxviii.  18),  but 
 w;us  made  of  cedar  oveilaid  with  gold.  Tlie  altar 
 mentioned  in  Is.  vi.  t5  is  clearly  the  Altar  of  Incense, 
 not  the  Altar  of  Burnt-olVering.  From  this  pas- 
 s;igo  it  would  seem  that  heated  stones  were  laid 
 upon  the  altar,  by  mfaus  of  which  the  incense  was 
 kindled.     Although  it  is  the  heavenly  alfcir  which 
 
 Sappoml  fonn  of  the  Altiir  of  Inconw. 
 
 Various  Altars. 
 
 1,  2.  Egrvpiia:!,  froir.  bns-relicfs.    (Rossellinl.) 
 
 3.  Assyrian,  tcuiid  at  Kliorsabud      (Layai-d.) 
 
 4.  Uahyloiiiau,  l',ihHoU<i(}iie  Sutwnate.     (T.ayurd.) 
 
 5.  Assyiiau,  from  Kliorsabud.    (Layard.) 
 
 is  there  described,  we  may  presume  that  the  earthly 
 corresponded  to  it.— (c.)  The  Altar  of  Incense  is 
 mentioned  as  having  been  removeil  from  the  Temple 
 of  Zerubbabel  by  Antiochus  Kpiphanes  (1  Mace, 
 i.  21).  .Judas  Maccabaeus  restored  it,  together 
 with  the  holy  vessels,  &c.  (1  Mace.  iv.  49j.  On 
 the  arch  of  Titus  no  Altar  of  Incense  appeai-s.  But 
 that  it  existed  in  the  last  Temple,  and  was  richly 
 overlaid,  we  learn  from  the  Mishna.  From  the 
 circumstance  that  the  sweet  incense  was  lurnt  upon 
 it  every  day,  morning  and  evening  (Ex.  xxx.  7,  iS), 
 as  well  as  that  the  blood  of  atonement  was  sprinkled 
 upon  it  (v.  10),  this  altar  had  a  special  import- 
 ance attached  to  it.  It  is  the  only  altar  whicii 
 appears  in  the  Heavenly  Temple  (Is.  vi.  6  ;  Itev. 
 viii.  3,  4).— C.  Other  Altars.  (1.)  Altai-s  of 
 brick.  There  seems  to  be  an  allusion  to  such  in 
 Is.  1.^-.  3. 
 
 (2.)  An  Altar  to  an  Unknown  GotL  What 
 altar  this  was  has  been  the  subject  of  much  discus- 
 sion. St.  Paul  merely  mentions  in  his  speech  on 
 the  Areopagus  that  he  had  himself  seen  such 
 an  altar  in  Athens.  His  assertion  is  contirmeil  by 
 other  writers,  from  whom  we  learn  that  there  weif 
 several  altai-s  of  this  kind  at  Athens.  It  is  not  at 
 all  probable  that  such  inscrijition  referred  to  the 
 (iod  of  the  .lews,  as  One  whose  Name  it  was  un- 
 lawful to  utter,  as  some  have  snpposc\l.  As  to 
 the  origin  of  these  altars,  we  are  told  by  r)iogenes 
 Laei'tius  tiiat  in  the  time  of  a  plague,  when  tlie 
 .\thenians  knew  not  what  god  to  propitiate  in  order 
 to  avert  it,  Epimenidcs  cjiused  black  and  white 
 sheep  to  be  let  loose  from  the  Areopagus,  and 
 wherever  they  lay  down,  to  be  offered  to  the  re- 
 spective divinities.  It  was  probably  on  this  or 
 similar  occ.vsions  that  altai-s  were  detlicatod  to  an 
 Unknown  (!od,  .since  they  knew  not  what  god 
 was  o(fend(>d  and  I'equired  to  be  propitiate*!. 
 
 Al-Taschi'th,  found  in  the  introdnctoiy  verse  to 
 the  four  t'ollowiug  P.salms,  Ivii.,  Iviii.,  lis.,  Ixxv. 
 
ALUSH 
 
 Literally  rendered,  the  import  of  the  woi-ds  is 
 "  destroy  not,"  probably  the  beginning  of  some 
 song  or  poem  to  the  tune  of  which  those  psalms 
 were  to  be  chanted. 
 
 A'lush,  one  of  the  stations  of  the  Israelites  on 
 their  journey  to  Sinai,  the  last  before  Kephidim 
 (iS'um.  xxxiii.  13,  14). 
 
 Al'vah,  a  duke  of  Edom  (Gen.  xxxvi.  40),  writ- 
 ten Aliah  in  1  Chr.  i.  51. 
 
 Al  van,  a  Horite,  son  of  Shobal  (Gen.  xxxvi. 
 23),  written  Alian  in  1  Chr.  i.  40. 
 
 A'mad,  an  unkno'wn  place  in  Asher,  between 
 Alammelech  and  Misheal  (Josh.  six.  26  only"). 
 
 Amad'atha  (Esth.  xvi.  10,  17)  ;  and  Amad'- 
 athus  (Esth.  xii.  G).   [Hammedatha.] 
 
 A'mal,  an  Asherite,  son  of  Helem  (1  Chr. 
 vii.  3.)). 
 
 Am'alek,  son  of  Eliphaz  by  his  concubine 
 Tininah,  grandson  of  Esau,  and  chieftain  ("  duke  " 
 A.  V.)  of  I'Mom  (Gen.  xxxvi.  12,  16  ;  1  Chr.  i.  36). 
 
 Amal'ekites,  a  nomadic  tribe,  which  occupied 
 the  peninsula  of  Sinai  and  the  wilderness  intervening 
 between  the  southern  hill-ranges  of  Palestine  and 
 the  border  of  Egypt  (Num.  xiii.  29 ;  1  Sam.  xv.  7, 
 xxvii.  8).  Arabian  historians  represent  them  as 
 originally  dwelling  on  the  shores  of  the  Persian 
 Gulf,  whence  they  were  pressed  westwards  by 
 the  growth  of  the  Assyi-iau  empire,  and  spread 
 over  a  portion  of  Arabia  at  a  period  antecedent  to 
 its  occupation  by  the  descendants  of  Joktan.  This 
 account  of  their  origin  harmonizes  with  Gen.  xiv.  7, 
 where  the  "  country  "  of  the  Araalekites  is  men- 
 tioned several  generations  before  the  birth  of  the 
 Edomite  Amalek :  it  throws  light  on  the  ti'aces 
 of  a  permanent  occu])ation  of  central  Palestine 
 ia  their  passage  westward,  as  indicated  by  the 
 names  Amalek  and  Mount  of  the  Amalekites  (Judg. 
 V.  14,  xii.  15):  and  it  accounts  for  the  silence 
 of  Scripture  as  to  any  relationship  between  the 
 Amalekites  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  Edomites  or 
 the  Israelites  on  the  other.  That  a  mixture  of  the 
 two  former  races  occuncd  at  a  later  period,  would 
 in  this  case  be  the  only  inference  fi'om  Gen.  xxxvi. 
 1 6,  though  many  writers  have  considered  that 
 passage  to  refer  to  the  origin  of  the  whole  nation, 
 explaining  Gen.  xiv.  7,  as  a  case  of prulepsis.  The 
 physical  character  of  the  district,  which  the  Ama- 
 lekites occupied,  necessitated  a  nomadic  life,  which 
 they  adopted  to  its  fullest  extent,  taking  their 
 families  with  them  even  on  their  military  expedi- 
 tions (Judg.  vi.  5).  Their  wealth  consisted  in 
 flocks  and  herds.  Mention  is  made  of  a  "  town  " 
 (1  Sam.  XV.  5),  but  their  towns  could  have  been 
 little  more  than  stations,  or  nomadic  enclosures. 
 The  kings  or  chieftains  were  perhaps  distinguished 
 by  the  hercaitary  title  Agag  (Num.  xxiv.  7  ;  1  Sam. 
 XV.  y).  Two  important  routes  led  through  the 
 Amalekite  district,  viz.,  from  Palestine  to  Egypt 
 by  the  Isthmus  of  Suez,  and  to  soutliern  Asia  and 
 A^frica  by  the  Aelanitic  aiin  of  the  Red  Sea.  It 
 has  been  conjectured  that  the  expedition  of  the  four 
 kings  (Gen.  xiv.)  liad  for  its  object  the  opening  of 
 the  latter  route ;  and  it  is  in  connexion  witli  the 
 foiTiier  that  the  Amalekites  first  came  in  contact 
 with  the  Israelites,  whose  progress  they  attempted 
 to  stop,  adopting  a  guerilla  style  of  warfare 
 (Deut.  XXV.  18),  but  were  signally  defeated  at 
 Kephidim  (Ex.  xvii.).  In  union  with  the  Ca- 
 naanites  they  again  attacked  the  Israelites  on  the 
 borders  of  Palestine,  and  defeated  them  near  Hor- 
 mah  (Num.  xiv.  45).     Thenceforward  we  hear  of 
 
 AMASAI 
 
 37 
 
 them  only  as  a  secondaiy  power,  at  one  time  in 
 league  with  the  Jloabites  (Judg.  iii.  13),  when  they 
 weie  defeated  by  Ehud  neai-  Jericho  ;  at  another 
 time  in  league  with  the  Midianites  (Judg.  vi.  3) 
 when  they  penetrated  into  the  plain  of  Esdraelon. 
 and  were  defeated  by  Gideon.  Saul  undertook  an 
 expedition  against  them,  ovei-rmming  their  whoJp 
 district  from  Havilah  to  Shur,  and  inflicting  an 
 immense  loss  upon  them  (1  Sam.  xv.\  Their 
 power  was  thenceforth  broken,  and  they  degenerated 
 into  a  horde  of  banditti.  Their  destruction  was 
 comjileted  by  I>avid  (1  Sam.  xxvii.,  xxx.). 
 
 A'mam,  a  city  in  the  south  of  Judah,  named 
 with  Shema  and  Moladah  in  Josh.  xv.  26  onlj. 
 
 A'man.  [Haman.]  (Tob.  xiv.  2,  Esth.  x.  7, 
 -xii.  6,  xiii.  3,  12,  xiv.  17,  xvi.  10,  17). 
 
 Am'ana,  apparently  a  mountain  in  or  near 
 Lebanon — "  from  the  head  of  Amana "  (Cant, 
 iv.  8).  It  is  commonly  assumed  that  this  is  the 
 mountain  in  which  the  river  Abana  (2  l\.  v.  12)  has 
 its  source,  but  in  the  absence  of  further  research  ui 
 the  Lebanon  this  is  mere  assum])tion. 
 
 Amari'ah.     1.  Father  of  Ahitub,  according  to 
 
 1  Chr.  vi.  7,  52,  and  son  of  Meraioth,  in  the  line 
 of  the  high-priests.  2.  The  high-priest  in  the 
 reign  of  Jehoshaphat  (2  Chr.  xix.  11).  He  was 
 the  son  of  Azariah,  and  the  fifth  high-priest  who 
 succeeded  Zadok  (1  Chr.  vi.  11).  3.  The  head  of 
 a  Levitical  house  of  tlie  Kohathites  in  the  time  of 
 David  (1  Chr.  xxiii.  19,  xxiv.  23).  4.  The  head 
 of  one  of  the  twenty-four  courses  of  priests,  which 
 was  named  after  him,  in  the  times  of  David,  of 
 Hezekiah,    and   of  Nehemiah   (1    Chr.   xxiv.    14; 
 
 2  Chr.  xxxi.  15  ;  Neh.  x.  3,  xii.  2,  13).  In  the 
 first  passage  the  name  is  written,  Iinmer,  but  it 
 seems  to  be  the  same  name.  Another  fonn  of  the 
 name  is  Tmri  (1  Chr.  ix.  4),  a  man  of  Judah,  of 
 the  sons  of  Baui.  5.  One  of  the  sons  of  Bani  in 
 the  time  of  Ezra,  who  had  married  a  foreign  wite 
 (Ezr.  X.  42).  6.  A  priest  who  returned  with 
 Zerubbabel  (Neh.  x,  3,  xii.  2,  13).  7.  A  descend- 
 ant of  Pharez,  the  son  of  Judah  (Neh.  xi.  4), 
 probably  the  same  as  Impj  in  1  Chr.  ix.  4.  8.  An 
 ancestor  of  Zephaniah  the  prophet  (Zeph.  i.  1). 
 
 Amari'as.  [Amariau  I.]  (1  Esd.  viii.  3 ; 
 2  Esd.  i.  2). 
 
 Am'asa.  1.  Son  of  Ithra  or  Jether,  by  Abigail, 
 David's  sister  (2  Sam.  xvii.  25).  He  joined  Ab- 
 salom in  his  rebellion,  and  was  by  him  appointed 
 commander-in-chief  in  the  place  of  Joab,  by  whom 
 he  was  totally  defeated  in  the  forest  of  Ephraim 
 (2  Sam.  xviii.  6).  When  Joab  incurred  the  dis- 
 pleasure of  David  for  killing  Absalom,  David  for- 
 gave the  treason  of  Amasa,  recognized  him  as  his 
 nephew,  and  appointed  him  Joab's  successor  (xix. 
 13).  Joab  afterwards,  when  they  were  both  in 
 pursuit  of  the  rebel  Sheba,  pretending  to  salute 
 Amasa,  stabbed  him  with  his  sword  (xx.  10),  which 
 he  held  concealed  in  his  left  hand.  2.  A  prince  of 
 Ephraim,  son  of  Hadlai,  m  the  reign  of  Ahaz  (2  Chr. 
 xxviii.  12). 
 
 Amasa'i.  1.  A  Kohathite,  fiither  of  Mahath,  and 
 ancestor  of  Samuel  and  Heman  the  singer  (1  Chr. 
 vi.  25,  35).  2.  Chief  of  the  captains  of  Judah 
 and  Benjamin,  who  deserted  to  David  while  an 
 outlaw  at  Ziklag  (1  Chr.  xii.  18).  Whether  the 
 same  as  Amasa,  David's  nephew,  is  uncertain. 
 3.  One  of  the  priests  who  blew  ti-umpets  betbie 
 the  Ark,  when  David  brought  it  from  the  house  of 
 Obededom  (1  Chr.  xv.  24).  4.  Another  Koha- 
 thite,  fother   of  another   Mahath,    in  the  reign  of 
 
38 
 
 AMASHAI 
 
 Hezekiiih  (2  Clir.  xxix.  12),  unless  the  name  is  that 
 of  a  tiimily. 
 
 Amasha'i,  son  of  Azareel,  a  priest  in  the  time 
 of  NL'heniiaii  (Neh.  xi.  1.'5),  apparently  the  same  as 
 JIaasiai  (1  Chr.  ix.  12). 
 
 Amasi'ah,  son  of  Zichri,  and  capUiin  of  200,000 
 warriors  of  Jiidah,   in  the    reign   of  Jehosluiphat 
 (2  Ciir.  xvii.  10). 
 A'math.     [Hamatii.] 
 Ama'theis  (1  Esd.  ix.  29).     [Athlai.] 
 Amathis,  "  the  land  of,"  a  district  to  the 
 X.  of  I'alfstine  (1  Mace.  xii.  25).     From  the  cou- 
 tuxt  it  is  evidently  HAMATit. 
 
 Amazi'ah,  son  o{  Joash,  and  eighth  king  of 
 .ludah,  reigned  li.C.  837-809.  He  succeeded  to  the 
 throne  at  the  age  of  25,  on  the  murder  of  his 
 lather,  and  punished  the  murderere;  sparing,  how- 
 ever, their  children,  in  accordance  with  Deut.  xxiv. 
 16,  as  the  2nd  book  of  Kings  (xiv.  6)  expressly  in- 
 forms us,  thereby  implying  that  the  precept  had  not 
 been  generally  obsei'ved.  In  order  to  restore  his 
 kingdom  to  the  greatness  A'  Jehoshaphat's  days,  he 
 made  war  on  the  Edomites,  detwited  them  in  the 
 valley  of  Salt,  south  of  the  Dead  Sea,  ami  took  their 
 aipital,  Selah  or  Fetra,  to  which'  he  gave  the  name 
 of  Jokteel,  i.  e.  "  God-subdued."  We  read  in 
 2  Chr.  XXV.  12-14,  that  the  victorious  Jews  threw 
 ]0,0()0  Edomites  from  the  clitls,  and  that  Amaziah 
 performed  religious  ceremonies  in  liouour  ot  the 
 gods  of  the  country  ;  an  exception  to  the  general 
 character  of  his  reign  (cf.  2  K.  xiv.  3,  with  2  Chr. 
 XXV.  2).  In  couseiuencc  of  this  he  was  overtaken 
 by  misfortune.  Having  already  offended  the  He- 
 brews of  the  northern  kingdom  by  sending  back,  in 
 obedience  to  a  prophet's  direction,  some  mercenary 
 ti-ocps  whom  he  had  hired  from  it,  he  had  the 
 tbolish  arrogance  to  ciiallenge  Joash,  king  of  Israel, 
 to  battle,  despising  probably  a  sovereign  whose 
 strength  had  been  exhausted  by  Syrian  wars,  and 
 who  had  not  yet  made  iiimself  respected  by  the 
 great  successes  recorded  in  2  K.  xiii.  25.  But 
 Judah  Wiis  completely  defeated,  and  Auia/.iah  him- 
 self was  taken  prisoner,  and  conveyed  by  Joash  to 
 Jerusiilem,  which  opened  its  gates  to  the  conqueror, 
 A  portion  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  on  the  side 
 towards  the  Israelitish  frontier  was  broken  down, 
 and  trea-siires  and  hostages  wore  cirried  off  to 
 .•^amaria.  Amaziah  lived  15  years  after  the  death 
 of  Joash ;  and  in  the  29th  year  of  his  reign  was 
 murdered  by  conspirators  at  Lachish,  whither  he 
 had  retired  for  safety  from  Jerusalem  (2  Chr.  xxv. 
 27).  2.  A  descendant  of  Simeon  (1  Chr.  iv.  34). 
 3.  A  Levitc  (1  Chr.  vi.  45).  4.  Priest  of  the 
 golden  c-ilf  at  Bethel,  who  endeavoured  to  drive  the 
 piophct  Amos  from  Israel  into  Judah  (Am.  vii.  10, 
 12.  U). 
 
 Ambassador.  The  earliest  examples  of  am- 
 Uissiidors  enifiloyed  occur  in  the  cases  of  ICdoni, 
 Moab,  and  tiie  Amorites  (Num.  xx.  14,  xxi.  21; 
 Jndg.  xi.  17-19),  afterwards  in  that  of  the  fraudu- 
 lent fiilx'onites  I'Josh.  ix.  4,  &c.),  and  in  the 
 insfcinces  of  civil  strife  mentioned  Judg.  xi.  12, 
 and  XX.  12.  They  are  alluded  to  more  frequently 
 during  and  after  the  contact  of  the  great  ailjacent 
 nionarchii'S  of  .'^yria,  Babylon,  &c.,  with  those  of 
 Ju<lah  and  Israel,  as  in  the  invasion  of  Senna- 
 cheril).  They  were  usually  men  of  high  rank. 
 In  the  case  quoted  the  chief  captain,  the  chief 
 cup-ljeare-  and  chief  of  the  eunuchs,  were  met 
 by  delegates  of  similar  dignity  from  llezekiah 
 (2  K.  xviii.  17,  18;    see  al>o  Is.  xxx.  4).     Am- 
 
 AMETHYST 
 
 bassiidoi-s  are  found  to  have  been  employ&I,  not 
 only  on  occasions  of  hostile  challenge  or  insolent 
 menace  (2  K.  xiv.  8;  1  K.  xx.  2,  0),  but  of 
 friendly  compliment,  of  request  for  alliance  or  oth^r 
 aid,  of  submissive  deprec;ition,  and  of  curious  inquiry 
 (2  K.  xiv.  8,  xvi.  7,  xviii.  14  ;  2  Chr.  xxxii.  31 ). 
 Amber  (Heb.  cliosltm  d)  occurs  only  in  Kz.  i. 
 4,  27,  viii.  2.  It  is  usually  su])posed  that  the 
 Hebrew  word  chnshiivil  denotes  a  metal,  and  not 
 the  fossil  resin  ciiUed  amber.  The  LXX.  and  Vulg. 
 atibrd  no  certain  clue  to  identification,  for  the  word 
 electron  was  useil  by  the  Greeks  to  express  both 
 amber  and  a  certain  metal,  which  was  comjjosed  of 
 gold  and  silver,  and  held  m  veiy  high  estimation 
 by  the  ancients. 
 
 A'men,  literally,  "  true;"  and,  used  as  a  sub- 
 st;mtive,  "that  which  is  true,"  "truth"  (Is. 
 l.KV.  16);  a  word  used  in  strong  asseverations, 
 fixing  as  it  were  the  stamp  of  truth  upon  the  asser- 
 tion which  it  accompanied,  and  making  it  binding 
 as  an  oath  (comp.  Num.  v.  22).  In  Deut.  xxvii. 
 15-26,  the  people  were  to  say  "Amen,"  as  the 
 I.evites  pronounced  each  of  the  curses  upon  Mount 
 Ebal,  signifying  by  this  their  assent  to  the  condi- 
 tions under  which  the  curses  would  be  inflicted. 
 In  accordance  w^ith  this  usjige  we  find  that  among 
 the  lUibbins,  "  Amen  "  involves  the  ideas  of  swear- 
 ing, acceptance,  and  truthfulness.  The  fii-st  two 
 are  illustrated  by  the  passages  already  quoted; 
 the  last  by  1  K.  i.  36  ;  John  iii.  3,  5,  11  (A.  V. 
 "  verily  "),,  in  which  the  assertions  are  made  with 
 the  solemnity  of  an  oath,  and  then  strengthened 
 by  the  repetition  of  "  Amen."  "  Amen  "  was  the 
 proper  response  of  the  pei-son  to  whom  an  oath  was 
 administered  (Neh.  v.  13,  viii.  6;  1  Chr.  xvi.  36; 
 Jer.  xi.  5,  marg.),  and  the  Deity  to  whom  aj>peal  is 
 made  on  such  occasions  is  called  "  the  God  of 
 Aincn"  (Is.  Ixv.  16),  as  being  a  witness  to  the 
 sincerity  of  the  implied  compact.  With  a  similar 
 significance  Christ  is  allied  "  the  Amen,  the  faithful 
 and  true  witness"  (Ilev.  iii.  14;  comp.  John  i.  14, 
 xiv.  6 ;  2  Cor.  i.  20).  It  is  matter  of  tradition 
 that  in  the  Temple  the  "Amen"  was  not  uttered 
 by  the  people,  but  that,  instead,  at  the  conclusion 
 of  the  piiest's  prayei-s,  they  responded,  "  Blesseil 
 be  the  name  of  the  gloiy  of  his  kingdom  for  ever 
 and  ever."  Of  this  a  trace  is  sujiposed  to  remain 
 in  the  concluding  sentence  of  the  Lord's  Prayer 
 (comp.  liom.  xi.  36).  But  in  the  synagogues 
 and  private  houses  it  was  customary  for  the  people 
 or  members  of  the  family  who  were  pi-esent  to 
 say  "  Amen "  to  the  pniyere  which  were  offered 
 by  the  minister  or  the  master  of  the  house,  and  Uu 
 custom  remained  in  the  early  Christian  Church 
 (Matt.  vi.  13;  1  Cor.  xiv.  16).  And  not  only 
 public  prayers,  but  those  offei-ed  in  private,  and 
 doxologies  were  appropriately  concluded  with 
 "Amen"  (l\om.  ix.  5,  xi.  36,  xv.  33,  xvi.  27; 
 2  Cor.  xiii.  13,  &c.). 
 
 Amethyst  (Heb.  achldmah).  Mention  is  made 
 of  this  precious  stone,  which  formed  the  thiril  in 
 the  third  row  of  the  high-priest's  breastplate, 
 in  Kx.  xxviii.  19,  xxix.  12,  "  And  the  third  row  a 
 ligure,  an  agate,  and  an  amethyst."  It  occui-s  also 
 in  the  N.  T.  (Kev.  xxi.  20)  as  the  tweltlh  stoue 
 which  garnishtHl  the  foundations  of  the  wall  of  the 
 heavenly  Jerusiilem.  Commentatoi-s  generally  are 
 agre'tl  that  the  amethyst  is  the  stone  indicated  by 
 tlie  Hebrew  word,  an  opinion  which  is  abundantly 
 sup|wrtod  by  the  ancient  vei-sions.^MoiIoni  minera- 
 logists by  the  term   amethyst  usually  luidei-sland 
 
AMI 
 
 the  amithystine  variety  oi  quartz,  which  is  crys- 
 talline and  highly  transparent.— The  Greek  word 
 (imethustos,  the  origin  of  the  English  amethyst, 
 is  usually  derived  from  a,  "not,"  and  methuo, 
 "  to  be  into.xiciited,"  this  stone  having  been  believed 
 to  have  the  power  of  dispelling  drunkenness  in  those 
 who  wore  it. 
 
 A'mi,  one  of  "  Solomon's  servants"  (Ezr.  ii.  57) ; 
 c.iUed  Amox  in  Neh.  vii.  59,  and  Allom,  1  Esd. 
 V.  34. 
 
 Amin'adal)  (Matt.  i.  4;  Luke  iii.  33).     [Am- 
 
 M1NADA15   1.] 
 
 Amit'tai,  father  of  the  prophet  Jonah  (2  K. 
 xiv.  25  ;  .Ion.  i.  1). 
 
 Am'mah,  the  hill  of,  a  hill  "  facing  "  Giah  by 
 the  way  of  the  wilderness  of  Gibeon,  named  as  the 
 point  to  which  Joab's  pursuit  of  Abner  after  the 
 death  of  Asahel  extended  (2  Sam.  ii.  24). 
 
 Am'mi,  i.e.  as  explained  in  the  marg.  of  A.  V. 
 "  my  people,"  a  figurative  name,  applied  to  the 
 kingdom  of  Israel  in  token  of  God's  reconciliation 
 with  them,  in  contrast  with  the  equally  significant 
 name  Lo-ammi  given  by  the  prophet  Hosea  to 
 his  second  son  by  Gomer  the  daughter  of  Diblaim 
 (Hos.  ii.  1).  In  the  same  manner  Kuhamah  con- 
 trasts with  Lo-liuhamah. 
 
 Am'midoi,  in  some  copies  Ammidioi,  named  in 
 '  1  Esdr.  V.  20,  among  those  who  came  up  from 
 Babylon  with  Zorobabei. 
 
 Am'miel.  1.  The  spy  selected  by  Moses  fi'om 
 the  tribe  of  Dan  (Num.  xiii.  12).  2.  Father  of 
 Machir  of  Lodebar  (2  Sam.  ix.  4,  5,  xvii.  27). 
 3.  Father  of  Bathsheba  (1  Chr.  iii.  5),  called 
 Eliam  in  2  Sam.  xi.  3.  He  was  the  sou  of 
 Ahithophel,  David's  prime  minister.  4.  The  sixth 
 son  of  Obed-Edom  (1  Chr.  x.wi.  5),  and  one  of  the 
 doorkeepers,  of  the  Temple. 
 
 Arn'mihud.  1.  An  Ephraimite,  father  of 
 Elishama,  the  chief  of  the  tribe  at  the  time  of  the 
 E.xodus  (Num.  i.  10,  ii.  18,  vii.  48,  53,  x.  22; 
 1  Chr.  vii.  26),  and,  through  him,  ancestor  of 
 Joshua.  2.  A  Simeonite,  father  of  Shemuel,  prince 
 of  the  tribe  (Num.  xxxiv.  20)  at  the  time  of  the 
 division  of  Canaan.  3.  The  fatiier  of  Pedahel, 
 prince  of  the  tribe  of  Naphthali  at  the  same  time 
 (N'um.  xxxiv.  28j.  4.  The  father  of  Talmai,  king 
 of  Geshur  (2  Sam.  xiii.  37).  5.  A  descendant  of 
 Fharez,  son  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  ix.  4). 
 
 Anunin'adab.  1.  Son  of  R;im  or  Aram,  and 
 father  of  Nahshon,  or  Naason  (as  it  is  written, 
 Matt.  i.  4;  Luke  iii.  32),  who  was  the  pi-ince  of 
 the  tribe  of  Judah,  at  the  first  numbering  of  Israel 
 in  the  second  year  of  the  Exodus  (Num.  i.  7,  ii.  3  ; 
 Ruth  iv.  19,  20  ;  1  Chr.  ii.  10).  He  was  the  fourth 
 generation  after  Judah  the  patriarch  of  his  tribe, 
 and  one  of  the  ancestors  of  Jesus  Christ.  2.  The 
 chief  of  the  112  sons  of  Uzziel,  a  junior  Levitical 
 house  of  the  family  of  the  Kohathites  (Ex.  vi.  18), 
 in  the  days  of  David,  whom  that  king  sent  for, 
 together  with  other  chief  fathers  of  Levitic;\l  houses, 
 to  bring  the  ark  of  God  to  Jerusalem  (1  Chr.  xv. 
 10-12).  3.  In  1  Chr.  vi.  22  Izhar,  the  son  of 
 Kohath,  and  father  of  Korah,  is  called  Amminadab, 
 but  it  is  probably  only  a  clerical  error.  In  Cant, 
 vi.  12,  It  is  micertain  wliether  we  ought  to  read, 
 Amminadib,  with  the  A.  V.,  or  mil  xrillinj  pcopk, 
 as  in  the  margin. 
 
 Ammin'adib  [Amminadab  3.]  (Cant.  vi.  12). 
 
 Ammishadda'i,  the  father  of  Ahiezei-.  prince  of 
 the  tribe  of  Dan  at  the  time  of  the  Exodus  (Num. 
 \  12,  ii.  25,  vii.  66,  71,  X.  25). 
 
 AMMON 
 
 39 
 
 Ammizabad,  the  son  of  Benaiah,  who  apparently 
 acted  as  his  father's  lieutenant,  and  commanded  the 
 third  division  of  David's  army,  which  was  on  duty 
 for  the  third  month  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  6). 
 
 Am'mon,  Am'monites,  Children  of  Aminon, 
 a  people  descended  fiom  Beu-Ammi,  the  son  of  Lot 
 by  his  younger  daughter  (Gen.  xix.  38  ;  comp. 
 Ps.  Ixxxiii.  7,  8),  as  Moab  was  by  the  elder;  and 
 dating  from  the  destruction  of  Sodom.  The  near 
 relation  between  the  two  peoples  indicated  in  the 
 story  of  their  oi'igin  continued  throughout  their 
 existence  (comp.  Judg.  x.  6  ;  2  Chr.  xx.  1 ;  Zejii.  ii. 
 8,  &c.).  Indeed,  so  close  was  their  union,  and  so 
 near  their  identity,  that  each  would  appear  to  be 
 occas'onally  s]»ken  of  under  the  name  of  the  other. 
 Unlike  Moab,  the  precise  position  of  the  territory  ot 
 the  Ammonites  is  not  ascertainable.  In  the  earliest 
 mention  of  them  (Deut.  ii.  20)  tliey  are  said  to  have 
 destroyed  the  Kephaim,  whom  they  called  the  Zam- 
 zummim,  and  to  have  dwelt  in  their  place,  Jabbok 
 being  their  border  (Num.  xxi.  24;  Deut.  ii.  37, 
 iii.  16).  "Laud"  or  "country"  is,  however,  but 
 rarely  ascribed  to  them,  nor  is  there  any  reference 
 to  those  habits  and  circumstances  of  civilisation, 
 which  so  constantly  recur  in  the  allusions  to  Moab 
 (Is.  XV.,  xvi.:  Jer.  xlviii.).  On  the  contrary,  we 
 find  everywhere  traces  of  the  fierce  habits  oi 
 marauders  in  their  incursions  (I  Sam.  xi.  2;  Am, 
 i.  13),  and  a  very  high  degree  of  crafty  cruelty  to 
 their  foes  (Jer.  xli.  6,  7;  Jud.  vii.  11,  12).  It 
 appears  that  Sloab  was  the  settled  and  civilised 
 half  of  the  nation  of  Lot,  and  that  Ammon  fomicd 
 its  predatory  and  Bedouin  section.  On  the  west  ot 
 Jordan  they  never  obfaiined  a  footing.  Among  the 
 confusions  of  the  times  of  the  Judges  we  find  them 
 twice  passing  over ;  once  with  Moab  and  Amalek 
 seizing  Jericho,  the  "  city  of  palm-tiees "  (Judg. 
 iii.  13),  anil  a  second  time  "  to  fight  against  Judah 
 and  Benjamin,  and  the  house  of  Ephiaim ;  "  but 
 they  quickly  returned  to  the  freer  pastiu-es  of 
 Gilead,  leaving  but  one  trace  of  their  presence 
 in  the  name  of  Chephar  ha-Ammonai,  "  the  hamlet 
 of  the  Ammonites"  (Josh,  xviii.  24),  situated  in  the 
 portion  of  Benjamin  somewhere  at  the  head  of  the 
 p;isses  which  lead  up  from  the  Jordan-valley.  The 
 hatred  in  which  the  Ammonites  were  held  by 
 Israel  is  stated  to  have  arisen  partly  from  their 
 opposition,  or,  rather,  their  denial  of  assistance 
 (Deut.  xxiii.  4),  to  the  Israelites  on  their  apj)roach 
 to  Canaan.  But  it  evidently  spi-ang  mainly  from 
 their  share  in  the  afi'air  of  Balaam  (Deut.  xxiii.  4  ; 
 Neh.  xiii.  1).  At  the  period  of  Israel's  first 
 approach  to  the  south  of  Palestine  the  feeling 
 towards  Ammon  is  one  of  regard.  The  command 
 is  then  "  distress  not  the  Moabites  ....  distress 
 not  the  children  of  Ammon,  nor  meddle  with  them  " 
 (Deut.  ii.  9,  19;  and  comp.  37),  and  it  is  only 
 fi'om  the  subsequent  transaction  that  we  can  account 
 for  the  fact  that  Edora,  who  had  also  refused 
 passage  through  his  land,  but  had  tiiken  no  part 
 with  Balaam,  is  punished  with  the  ban  of  exclusion 
 from  the  congi'egation  for  three  generations,  while 
 5Ioab  and  Ammon  are  to  be  kept  out  for  ten  genera- 
 tions (Deut.  xxiii.  3,  8).  But  whatever  its  origin  it 
 is  certain  that  the  animosity  continued  in  force  to 
 the  latest  date.  Subdued  by  Jephthah  (Judg.  xi. 
 os),  and  scattered  with  great  slaughter  by  Saul 
 (1  Sam.  xi.  11) — and  that  not  once  only,  for  he 
 "  vexed  "  them  "  whithersoever  he  turned  "  (xiv. 
 47)  —  they  enjoyed  luider  his  successor  a  short 
 respite,    probably    the    result    of  the  connexion  oi 
 
40 
 
 AMMONITESS 
 
 Jloab   with   LHivid  (1    Sam.  xxii.   3)  and  David's 
 town,    Ik'thlehem — where    the    niemoiy    of  liuth 
 must    have    been  still   fresh.     IJut  this  was  soon 
 brought  to  a  close  by  the  shameful  treatment  to 
 whicii  their  king  subjected  tlie  friendly  messengers 
 of  David  (2  Sam.  x.  4  ;   1  Chr.  xi.\.  4),  and  for 
 wliich  he  destroyed  their  city,  and  inttictal  on  them 
 the   severest    blows    (2   Sam.   xii.  ;     1    Chr.    xx.). 
 [Kauij.^ii.]      In  the  days  of  JehoslKi])liat  they  made 
 an  incursion  into  Judah  with  tiie  Jloabites  and  tlie 
 Maonites,  but  were  signally  repulsed,  and  so  many 
 killed  that  three  days  were  occujiied  in  spoiling  the 
 bodies  (2  Chr.  xx.  1-25).     In  Uzziah's  reigu  they 
 made  incursions,  and  committed  atrocities  in  Gilead 
 (Am.  i.  13);  Jotham   had  wars  with   them,   and 
 exacted    from    th(;m    a    heavy    tribute   of  "  silver 
 (comp.    "jewels,"    2    Chr.    xx.    25),  wheat,   and 
 barley  "  (2  Chr.  xxvii.  6).     In  the  time  of  Jere- 
 miah  we  find   them  in  possession   of  the  cities  of 
 Gad   from   which   the  .Jews  had  been  removed  by 
 Tiglath-1'ile.ser  (Jer.  xlix.,  1-6);   and  other  incur- 
 sions are  elsewhere  alluded  to  (Zeph.  ii.  8,  9).     At 
 the  time  of  the  captivity  many  Jews  took  refuge 
 among  the  Ammonites  fiom  the  Assyrians  (Jer.  xl. 
 11),  but  no  better  feeling  ajjjiears  to  have  arisen, 
 and  on  the  return  from  Babylon,  Tobiah  the  Am- 
 monite and   Sanballat   a    Moabite    (of  Horonaira, 
 Jer.  xlix. ' ,  were  foremost  among  the  opponents  of 
 Nehemiah's  restoration.     The    last  a]ipearauces  of 
 the  Ammonites  in  the  bibliail  narrative  ai-e  in  the 
 books  of  Judith  (v.  vi.  vii.)  and  of  the  Slaccabeos 
 (1  Mace.  V.  G,  30-43),  and  it  has  been  already  re- 
 marked that  their  chief  characteristics— close  alliance 
 with  Moab,  hatred  of  Israel,  and  cunning  cruelty — 
 are  maintained  to  the  end.^'fhe  tribe  w;is  governed 
 by  a  king  (Judg.  xi.  12,  &c. ;  1  Sam.  xii.  12  ;  2  Sam. 
 X.  1  ;  Jer.  xl.  14)  and  by  "  princes"  (2  Sam.  x.  3; 
 
 1  Chr.  xix.  3).  It  has  been  conjectured  that  Nahash 
 (1  Sam.  xi.  1  ;  2  Sam.  x.  2)  w;us  the  otficial  title  of 
 the  king  ;is  I'haraoh  was  of  the  I'^gyptian  monarchs  ; 
 but  this  is  without  any  clear  foundation.— The 
 divinity  of  the  tribe  w;is  Molech,  generally  named 
 in  the  0.  T.  under  the  altered  form  of  Jlilcom — 
 "  the  abomination  of  the  children  of  Amnion  ;" 
 and  occasionally  :ts  Malcham.  In  more  than  one 
 passage  under  the  word  rendered  "  their  king  " 
 in  the  A.  V.  an  allusion  is  intended  to  this 
 idol.     [.Mi.ir.iocii.] 
 
 Ammoni'tess,  a  woman  of  Ammonite  race. 
 Such  were  Niuimah,  the  mother  of  iJehoboam,  one 
 of  Solomon's    foreign    wives   (1    K.  xiv.  21,   31; 
 
 2  Chr.  xii.  13),  and  Shimeath,  whose  son  Zabad  or 
 Jozachar  was  one  of  the  munlerers  of  .loash  (2  Chr. 
 xxiv.  2G).  For  allusions  to  these  mi.\ed  marriages 
 see  1  K.  xi.  1,  and  Neh.  xiii.  23. 
 
 Am'non.  1.  Eldest  son  of  David  by  Ahinoam 
 the  .lezicelitess,  born  in  Helirou  while  his  father's 
 royalty  was  only  acknowledgisJ  in  Judah.  He  dis- 
 honoured his  hall-si.>ter  Taiiiar,  and  w.is  in  con- 
 t«(]iieuce  murdered  by  her  brother  (2  Sam.  xiii. 
 1-29).  [AasAi-o.M.]— 2.  Sou  of  Shimon  (1  Chr. 
 IV.  2<i). 
 
 A'mok,  a  priest  who  returned  with  Zcrubabel 
 (Neh.  xii.  7,  20). 
 
 A'mon,  an  Kgyptian  divinity,  who.se  name  occurs 
 in  that  of  No  Anion  (Nah.  iii.  S),  in  A.  V. 
 "  piipulous  No,"  or  Thebes,  also  c;ille  1  No.  [N<">.] 
 The  rireekH  called  this  divinity  Amnion.  The 
 Hiie.ent  Egyptian  name  is  .\men,  which  must  signify 
 "the  hidilen,"  from  the  verb  ninen,  "to  enwiap, 
 Minueiil."     Amen  w:u>  one  of  llie  e'ght  gods  of  the 
 
 AMORITE 
 
 first  order,  and  chief  of  the  triad  of  Thebes.  He 
 was  woi-shipped  at  that  city  as  Amen-I!a,  or  "  Amen 
 the  sun,"  represented  :is  a  man  wearing  a  cap  with 
 
 The  god  Anion  (Wilkinson). 
 
 two  high  plumes.  The  Greeks  identified  Amen  with 
 Zeus,  and  ha  was  therefore  called  Zeus  Amnion  and 
 Ju)>iter  Amnion. 
 
 A'mon,  1.  King  of  Judah,  son  and  succeasor  of 
 51;m;issch,  reigned  two  ye;irs  from  H.C.  642  to  640. 
 Following  his  father's  example.  Anion  devoted  him- 
 self wholly  to  the  service  of  false  gods,  but  was 
 killed  in  a  conspiracy.  The  people  avenged  him  by 
 ])Utting  all  the  conspirators  to  death,  and  secured 
 the  su(;cession  to  his  .son  .losi.ih.  To  .\mon's  reign 
 we  must  lefbr  the  terrible  picture  which  the  prophet 
 Zephaniah  gives  of  the  moral  and  religious  state  of 
 Jerusiilem  :  idolatry  sujijiorted  by  priesta  and  pro- 
 phets (i.  4,  iii.  4),  the  poor  ruthlessly  ojipressed 
 (iii.  .■)),and  shameless  inditlerence  to  evil  (iii.  II).— 
 2.  Prince  or  governor  of  Samaria  in  the  reign  of 
 Ahab  (1  K.  xxii.  2(3 ;  2  Chr.  xviii.  25).  What  was 
 the  precise  nature  of  his  office  is  not  known.  Perhaps 
 the  prophet  Miwiiah  was  <'ntrusted  to  his  custody 
 ivs  captain  of  f lie  citadel. — 3.  See  Ami. 
 
 Am'orite,  the  Am  orites,  ;.  e.  the  dwellei-s  on 
 the  summits — inouiitaiiieei-s — one  of  the  chief  na- 
 tions who  jHissi'ssi'd  the  land  of  Canaan  before  its 
 conquest  by  the  Israelites.  In  the  genealogiciil  table 
 of  Gen.  X.  "  the  Amorite  "  is  given  as  the  fourth 
 son  cf  Canaan,  with  "  Zidon,  llcth  [llittite],  the 
 Jebusite,"  &c.  As  dwelling  on  the  elevated  portions 
 of  the  country,  they  are  contrasted  with  the  Ca- 
 naanites,  who  were  the  dwellei-s  in  the  lowlands  ; 
 and  the  two  thus  forniwl  the  main  broad  divisions 
 of  the  Holy  Land.  "  The  Hittite,  and  the  .lebusite, 
 and  the  Amorite,  dwell  in  the  mountain  [of  Judah 
 .'unl  K|ihiaim],  and  the  Canaanite  dwells  by  the  ^on 
 [the  lowlands  of  Philistia  and  Sharon]  and  by  the 
 'side'  of  .loiilan"  [in  tiie  valley  of  tiie  .\rabali] — 
 wiLs  the  report  of  the  lii-st  Israelites  who  entcreil  the 
 cotuitiy  (Num.  ."ciii.  29;  and  sec  .losh.  v.  1,  x.  6, 
 xi.  3  ;  Deut.  i.  7,  2(),  "  mountain  of  the  A.  ;"  44». 
 In  the  very  e:irlie.st  times  ((!en.  xiv.  7)  they  are 
 occupying  the  barren  heights  west  of  the  li)ead  Sen, 
 at  the  jilace  which  at^erwanls  bnie  the  name  of  Kn- 
 gedi ;  hills  in  whose  litstnesses,  the  "  loi-ks  of  tlip 
 wild  goat"!,"  David  afterwards  ^o^<k  refuge  from 
 the  pursuit  of  Saul  (1  Sum.   xxiii.  29,  xxiv.  2) 
 
AMOS 
 
 [H  A7.ezon-'1'amar.]  From  this  poiut  they  stretched 
 west  to  Hebron,  where  Abram  was  then  dwelling 
 under  the  "  oak-grove  "  of  the  three  brothers,  Aner, 
 Kshcol,  and  JIamre  (Gen.  xiv.  13  ;  comp.  xiii.  18). 
 From  this,  their  ancient  seat,  they  may  have  crossed 
 the  valley  of  the  Jordan,  tempted  by  the  high  table- 
 lauds  on  the  east,  for  there  we  next  meet  them  at 
 the  date  of  the  invasion  of  the  country.  Sihon, 
 their  then  king,  had  tiiken  the  rich  p;isture-land 
 south  of  the  Jabbok,  and  had  driven  the  Moabites, 
 its  former  possessors,  across  the  wide  chasm  of  the 
 Arnon  (Num.  xxi.  13,  26),  which  thenceforward 
 formed  the  boundary  between  the  two  hostile  peoples 
 (Num.  xxi.  13).  The  Israelites  apparently  ap- 
 proached ti'om  the  south-east,  keeping  "  on  the 
 other  side  "  (that  is  on  the  east)  of  the  upper  part 
 of  the  Arnon,  which  there  bends  southwards,  so  as 
 to  tbrm  the  eastern  boundary  of  the  country  of 
 Moab.  Their  request  to  pass  through  his  land  was 
 refused  by  Sihon  (Num.  xxi.  21  ;  IX;ut.  ii.  26)  ;  he 
 "  went  out"  against  them  (Num.  xxi.  23  ;  Deut.  ii. 
 32),  was  killed  with  his  sciis  and  his  people  (Deut. 
 ii.  33),  and  his  land,  cattle,  and  cities  taken  pos- 
 session of  by  Israel  (Num.  xxi.  24,  25,  31 ;  Deut. 
 ii.  34-36).  This  rich  tract,  bounded  by  the  Jabbok 
 on  the  north,  the  Arnon  on  the  south,  Jordan  on 
 the  west,  and  "  the  wilderness"  on  the  east  (Judg. 
 xi.  21,  22),  was,  perhaps,  in  the  most  special  sense 
 the  "  land  of  the  Amorites  "  (Num.  xxi.  31 ;  Josh, 
 sii.  2,  3,  xiii.  9  ;  Judg.  xi.  21,  22) ;  but  their  pos- 
 sessions are  distinctly  stated  to  have  extended  to 
 the  very  foot  of  Hermon  (Deut.  iii.  8,  iv.  48),  em- 
 bracing "all  Gilead  and  all  Bashan  "  (iii.  10),  with 
 the  Jordan  valley  on  the  east  of  the  river  (iv.  49), 
 and  forming  together  the  land  of  the  "  two  kings 
 of  the  Amorites,"  Sihon  and  Og  (Deut.  xxxi.  4; 
 Josh.  ii.  10,  ix.  10,  xxiv.  12).  After  the  passage 
 of  the  Jordan  we  again  meet  with  Amorites  dis- 
 puting with  Joshua  the  conquest  of  the  west 
 country  (Josh.  x.  5,  &c.,  xi.  3,  &c.).  After  the 
 conquest  of  Canaan  nothing  is  heard  in  the 
 Bible  of  the  Amorites,  except  the  occasional  men- 
 tion of  their  name  among  the  early  inhabitants  of 
 the  country. 
 
 A'm03.  1.  A  native  of  Tekoa  in  Judah,  about 
 six  miles  S.  of  Bethlehem,  originally  a  shepherd 
 and  dresser  of  sycomore-trees,  who  was  called  by 
 God's  Spirit  to  be  a  prophet,  although  not  trained 
 in  any  of  the  regular  prophetic  schools  (i.  1, 
 vii.  14,  15).  He  -travelled  from  Judah  into  the 
 northern  kingdom  of  Israel  or  Kphraim,  and  there 
 exercised  his  ministry,  apparently  not  for  any  long 
 time.  His  date  cannot  be  later  than  the  15th 
 year  of  Uzziah's  reign  (b.c.  808) ;  for  he  tells  us 
 that  he  prophesied  "  in  the  reigns  of  Uzziah  king 
 of  Judah,  and  Jeroboam  the  son  of  Joash  king  of 
 Israel,  two  years  before  the  earthquake."  This 
 earthquake  (also  rnentioned  Zech.  xiv,  5)  amnot 
 have  occurred  after  the  17th  year  of  Uzziah,  since 
 Jeroboam  II.  died  in  the  15th  of  that  king's  reign, 
 which  therefore  is  the  latest  year  fulfilling  the  three 
 chronological  indications  furnished  by  the  prophet 
 himself.  But  his  ministry  probably  took  place  at 
 an  e;irlier  period  of  Jeroboam's  reigu,  perhaps  about 
 the  middle  of  it,  for  on  the  one  hand  Amos  spealis 
 of  the  conquests  of  this  warlike  king  as  completed 
 (vi.  13  ;  cf.  2  K.  xiv.  25),  and  on  the  other  the 
 Assyi-ians,  who  towards  the  end  of  his  regn  weie 
 approaching  Palestine  (Hos.  x.  6,  xi.  5),  do  not 
 seem  as  yet  to  have  caused  any  alarm  in  the  comitry. 
 Amos  predicts  indeed  that  Isi-acl  and  other  neigh- 
 
 AMPHIPOLIS 
 
 41 
 
 boui-mg  nations  will  be  punished  by  certain  wild 
 conquerors  from  the  North  (i.  5,  v.  27,  vi.  14), 
 but  does  not  name  them,  as  if  they  were  still  un- 
 known or  vmheeded.  In  this  prophet's  time  IsraeV 
 was  at  the  height  of  power,  wealth,  and  security, 
 but  infected  by  the  crimes  to  which  such  a  state  is 
 liable.  The  poor  were  oppressed  (viii.  4),  the 
 ordinances  of  religion  thought  burdensome  (viii.  5), 
 and  idleness,  luxury,  and  extravagance  were  general 
 (iii.  15).  The  source  of  these  evils  was  idolatry, 
 that  of  the  golden  calves.  Calt-worship  was  spe- 
 cially practised  at  BetRel,  where  was  a  principal 
 temple  and  summer  palace  for  the  king  (vii.  13  ; 
 cf.  iii.  15),  also  at  Gilgal,  Dan,  and  Beersheba  in 
 Judah  (iv.  4,  v.  5,  viii.  14),  and  was  oflensively 
 united  with  the  true  worship  of  the  Lord  (v.  14, 
 21-23  ;  cf.  2  K.  xvii.  33).  Amos  went  to  rebuke 
 this  at  Bethel  itself,  but  was  compelled  to  return  to 
 Judah  by  the  high-priest  Amaziah,  who  procured 
 fi'om  Jeroboam  an  order  for  his  expulsion  fiom  the 
 northern  kingdom.  The  book  of  the  prophecies  of 
 Amos  seems  divided  into  four  principal  portions 
 closely  connected  together.  (1;  From  i.  1  to  ii.  3 
 he  denounces  the  sins  of  the  nations  bordering  on 
 Israel  and  Judah.  as  a  preparation  for  (2),  in  which, 
 from  ii.  4  to  vi.  14,  he  describes  the  state  of  those 
 two  kingdoms,  especially  the  former.  This  is  fol- 
 lowed by  (3)  vii.  1-ix.  10,  in  which,  after  reflect- 
 ing on  the  previous  prophecy,  he  relates  his  visit  to 
 Bethel,  and  sketches  the  impending  punishment  of 
 Israel  which  he  predicted  to  Amaziah.  After  this 
 in  (4)  he  rises  to  a  loftier  and  moi-e  evangelical 
 strain,  looking  forward  to  the  time  when  the  hope 
 of  the  Messiah's  kingdom  will  be  fulfilled,  and  His 
 people  forgiven  and  established  in  the  enjoyment  of 
 God's  blessings  to  all  eternity.  The  chief  peculiarity 
 of  the  style  consists  in  the  number  of  allusions  to 
 natural  objects  and  agiicultural  occupations,  as 
 might  be  expected  from  the  early  life  of  the  author. 
 See  i.  3,  ii.  13,  iii.  4,  5,  iv.  2,  7,  9,  v.  8,  19, 
 vi.  12,  vii.  1,  ix.  3,  9,  13,  14.  The  references  to 
 it  in  the  N.  T.  are  two :  v.  25,  26,  27  is  quoted 
 by  St.  Stephen  in  Acts  vii.  42,  43,  and  ix.  11  by 
 St.  James  in  Acts  xv.  16.  As  the  book  is  evidently 
 not  a  series  of  detached  prophecies,  but  logically  and 
 artistically  connected  in  its  several  parts,  it  was 
 probably  written  by  Amos  as  we  now  have  it  after 
 his  return  to  Tekoa  from  his  mission  to  Bethel.— 
 2.  Son  of  Naum,  in  the  genealogy  of  Jesus  Christ 
 (Luke  iii.  25). 
 
 A'moz,  father  of  the  prophet  Isaiah,  and,  accord- 
 ing to  li'abbinical  tradition,  brother  of  Amaziah  king 
 of  Judah  (2  K.  xix.  2,  20,  xx.  1  ;  2  Chr.  xxvi.  22, 
 .xxxii.  20,  32;  Is.  i.  1,  ii.  1,  xiii.  1,  xx.  2,  xx.\vii. 
 2,  21,  xxxviii.  1). 
 
 Amphip'olis,  a  city  of  Macedonia,  through  which 
 Paul  and  Silas  passed  on  their  way  from  Philippi  to 
 Thessalonica  (Acts  xvii.  1).  It  was  distant  33 
 Pioman  miles  from  Philippi.  It  was  called  Amphi- 
 polis,  beauise  the  river  Strymon  flowed  almost 
 round  the  town.  It  stood  upon  an  eminence  on 
 the  left  or  eastern  bank  of  this  river,  just  below 
 its  egress  from  the  lake  Cercinitis,  and  at  the  dis- 
 tance of  about  three  miles  from  the  sea.  It  was 
 a  colony  of  the  Athenians,  and  was  memora))le 
 in  the  Peloponnesian  war  for  the  battle  fought 
 under  its  walls,  in  which  both  Brasidas  and  Cleon 
 were  killed.  Its  site  is  now  occupied  by  a  village 
 called  Neokhorio,  in  Turkish  Jcni-Kcni,  or  "  New 
 Town." 
 
42 
 
 AMELIAS— AN  AH 
 
 Am'pllas,  a  Christian  at  \lome  (l^om.  xvi.  «). 
 Am'ram.  1.  A  Levite  of  the  family  of  the  Ko- 
 hathites,  and  father  of  Bloses,  Aaron,  and  ^liriani 
 (Kx.  vi.  18,  20;  Num.  iii.  19;  1  Chr.  vi.  2,  3, 
 18).  He  is  called  the  "son"  of  Kohath,  but  it  is 
 evident  that  in  the  geneiilogy  several  geueratioas 
 must  have  been  omitted;  for  fiom  Joseph  to  Joshua 
 ten  generations  are  recorded,  while  from  Levi  to 
 Moses  there  are  but  thi-ee.  Again,  the  Kohathites 
 in  the  time  of  Moses  mustered  8600  males,  from  a 
 month  old  and  upward  (Num.  iii.  28),  a  number 
 to  which  they  could  not  have  attained  in  two  ge- 
 nerations from  Kohath.  The  chief  dilficulty  which 
 attends  this  explanation  is  the  tact  that  Jochebed, 
 the  wife  and  aunt  of  Amram,  is  described  as  a 
 daughter  of  Levi,  who  was  born  to  him  in  Egypt 
 CNum.  xxvi.  59);  but  it  may  be  avoided  by  sup- 
 posing that  by  "  Levi,"  the  tribe  and  not  the  indi- 
 vidual is  intended. ^2.  A  son  of  Dishon  and  de- 
 scendant of  Seir  (1  Chr.  i.  41);  properly  "  Ilam- 
 ran"  =  Hemdan  in  Gen.  xxxvi.  2t). — 3.  One  of 
 the  sons  of  Bani  in  the  time  of  Ezra,  who  had  mar- 
 ried a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  34).  Called  Ojiaerus 
 in  1  Esdr.'ix.  34. 
 
 Am'ramites.  A  branch  of  the  great  Kohathite 
 family  of  the  tribe  of  Levi  (Num.  iii.  27  ;  1  Chr.  xxvi. 
 2i5);  descended  from  Amram  the  father  of  Moses. 
 
 Ajn'raphel,  perhaps  a  Ilamite  king  of  Shinar  or 
 Babylonia,  who  joined  the  victorious  incursion  of  the 
 Elamite  Chedorlaomer  against  the  kings  of  Sodom  and 
 Gomorrah  and  the  cities  of  the  plain  (Gen',  xiv.). 
 
 Amulets  were  ornaments,  gems,  scrolls,  &c., 
 worn  as  presi'rvativcs  against  the  power  of  enchant- 
 ments, and  gi'tierally  inst:ribed  with  mystic  forms  or 
 chiu'actci-s.  The  word  docs  not  occur  in  the  A.  V., 
 but  the  "  earrings  "  in  Gen.  xxxv.  4  were  obviou>ly 
 connected  with  idolatrous  worship,  and  were  pro- 
 bably amulets  taken  from  the  bodies  of  the  slain 
 ShechemiUw.  They  are  subsecjuently  mentioni'd 
 among  the  spoils  of  Midinn  (Judg.  viii.  24),  and 
 perhaps  their  objectionable  character  was  the  reaMm 
 why  Gideon  asked  for  them.  Again,  in  Hos.  ii.  13, 
 "■  locking  her-^elf  with  earrings"  is  mentioned  as 
 on^  01  the  sijjiis  of  the  "  days  of  Baalim."     The 
 
 "  earrings  "  in  Is.  iii.  20  were  also  amulet?.  The 
 Jews  were  particularly  addicted  to  amulets,  and 
 the  only  restriction  placed  by  the  Rabbis  cu  their 
 use  was,  that  none  but  approved  amulets  («.  e.  such 
 as  were  known  to  have  cui-ed  three  persons)  were  to 
 be  worn  on  the  Sabbath. 
 
 Am'zi.  1.  A  Levite  of  the  family  of  Merari,  and 
 ancestor  of  Ethan  the  minstrel  (1  Chr.  vi.  40).— 
 2.  A  priest,  whose  descendant  Adaiah  with  his 
 brethren  did  the  .service  for  the  temple  in  the  time 
 of  Nehemiah  (Neh.  xi.  12). 
 
 A'nab,  a  town  in  the  mountains  of  Judah  (Josh. 
 XV.  50),  named,  with  L)ebir  and  Hebron,  as  once 
 belonging  to  the  Anakim  (Josh.  xi.  21).  It  has 
 retained  its  ancient  name,  and  lies  among  the  hills 
 about  10  miles  S.S.W.  of  Hebron,  close  to  Shoco 
 mid  Eshtemoa  (Kob.  i.  494). 
 
 An'ael,  brother  of  Tobit  (Tob.  i.  21). 
 A'nah,  the  son  of  Zibcon,  the  sou  of  Seir  the 
 Horite  (Gen.  xxxvi.  20,  24),  a  "duke"  or  princ-e 
 of  his  tribe,  and  flither  of  Aholibamah,  one  of  the 
 wives  of  Esau  (Gen.  xxxvi.  2j  14,  2.')).  There  is 
 no  reason  to  sujipose  that  he  is  other  than  the  same 
 Anah  who  found  the  "  hot  springs  "  (not  "  mules," 
 as  in  the  A.  V.)  ill  the  desert  as  he  led  the  asses  of 
 Zibeon  his  flither,  though  Bunsen  considei-s  him  a 
 distinct  persimai^e.  the  son  of  Seir  and  brother  of 
 Zibeon  {Bibchccrk,  v.  83).  The  chief  ditllcult/ 
 connected  with  the  identification  of  Anah  arises  fiom 
 the  vaiious  names  which  are  given  to  Esau's  wives. 
 In  the  EJomite  genealogy  of  Gen.  x.xxvi.  2,  Aholi- 
 bamah is  described  as  "  the  daughter  of  Anah,  the 
 daughter  ('.son'  LXX.  and  Sam.)  of  Zibeon  the 
 Ilivite;"  the  word  "daughter"  in  the  .second  case 
 relerring  still  to  Aholibamah,  and  not  to  Anah,  as 
 is  evident  from  ver.  25.  But  in  lien.  xxvi.  34,  the 
 simie  wife  of  Esau  is  called  Judith,  the  daughter  o? 
 r>eeri  the  Hittitc.  If  therefore  Judith  is  anothei 
 name  of  Aholibamah,  I'.eeri  the  Hittite  is  appji- 
 rently  identical  with  Anah  the  Ilivite,  and  on  this 
 supposition  there  arises  a  twofold  discrepancy.  Anah 
 was  not  a  Ilivite  but  a  Horite  (Gen.  xxxvi.  20); 
 this  ditiicnlty  may  be  removed  by  attributing  it  to 
 a  mistake  of  the  transcriber,  or  by  supposing  with 
 
ANAHARATH 
 
 lletgstenberg  that  Anah  belonged  to  that  branch  of 
 the  Hivites,  who  from  living  in  caves  were  called 
 Horites  or  Troglodytes.  The  former  is  probably 
 the  true  solution,  and  the  Alex.  MS.  of  the  LXX. 
 h;us  adopted  the  reading  "  Horite"  in  Gen.  x.xxvi.  2. 
 That  Anah  and  Beeri  are  the  same  person,  is  unhe- 
 sitatingly atHrmed  by  Hengstenberg,  who  conjec- 
 tures that  from  the  circumstance  of  his  discovering 
 the  hot-springs  in  the  wilderness  Anah  obtained 
 the  name  Beeri,  "  the  man  of  the  wells,"  and  that 
 the  designation  "  Hittite,"  in  Gen.  xxvi.,  is  a  gen- 
 eral term,  equivalent  to  "Canaanite"  (comp.  Gen. 
 xxvii.  46  with  xxviii.  1).  South-east  of  the  Dead 
 Sea,  in  the  country  of  the  Horites,  are  tlie  hot-springs 
 of  the  Wady  Al-Aldisa,  the  ancient  Callirrhoe. 
 
 Anah'aratli,  a  place  within  the  border  of  Is- 
 sachar,  named  with  Shihon  and  liabbith  (Jos.  xix. 
 19). 
 
 Anai'ah,  1.  Probably  a  priest:  one  of  those 
 who  stood  on  Ezra's  right  hand  as  he  read  the  law 
 to  the  people  (Neh.  viii.  4).  He  is  called  Ana- 
 nias in  1  Esdr.  ix.  43. — 2.  One  of  "  the  heads  of 
 the  people "  who  signed  the  covenant  with  Nehe- 
 miah  (Neh.  x.  22). 
 A'nak.     [Anakim.] 
 
 An'akim,  a  race  of  giants,  descendants  of  Arba 
 (Josh.  XV.  13,  xxi.  11),  dwelling  in  the  southern 
 part  of  Canaan,  and  particularly  at  Hebron,  which 
 tiom  their  progenitor  received  the  name  of  "  city  of 
 Arba."  Besides  the  general  designation  Anakim, 
 they  are  variously  called  sons  of  Anak  (Num.  xiii. 
 33),  descendants  of  Anak  (Num.  xiii.  22),  and  sons 
 of  Anakim  (Deut.  i.  28).  These  designations  serve 
 to  show  that  we  must  regard  Anak  as  the  name  of 
 the  lace  rather  than  that  of  an  individual,  and  this 
 is  confirmed  by  what  is  said  of  Arba,  their  pro- 
 genitor, that  he  "was  a  great  man  among  the 
 Anakim"  (Josh.  xiv.  15).  The  race  appears  to 
 have  been  divided  into  three  tiibes  or  families, 
 bearing  the  names  Sheshai,  Ahiman,  and  Talmai. 
 Though  the  wailike  appearance  of  the  Anakim  had 
 struck  the  Israelites  with  terror  in  the  time  of 
 Moses  (Num.  xiii.  28 ;  Deut.  ix.  2j,  they  were 
 nevertheless  dispossessed  by  Joshua,  and  utterly 
 driven  from  the  land,  except  a  small  remnant  that 
 found  refuge  in  the  Philistine  cities,  Gaza,  Gath, 
 and  Ashdod  (Josh.  xi.  21,  22).  Their  chief  city 
 Hebron  became  the  possession  of  Caleb,  who  is  said 
 to  have  driven  out  from  it  the  three  sons  of  Anak 
 mentioned  alx)ve,  that  is  the  thiee  families  or  tribes 
 of  the  Anakim  (Josh.  xv.  14;  Judg.  i.  20).  After 
 this  time  they  vanish  from  history. 
 
 An'amim,  a  Mizraite  people  or  tribe,  respecting 
 the  settlements  of  which  nothing  certain  is  known 
 (Gen.  X.  13  ;  1  Chr.  i.  11).  Judging  from  the  po- 
 sition of  the  other  Mizraite  peoples,  this  one  pro- 
 bably occupied  some  part  of  Egypt,  or  of  the  ad- 
 joining region  of  Africa,  or  possibly  of  the  south- 
 west of  Palestine. 
 
 Anam'melech,  one  of  the  idols  worshipped  by 
 the  colonists  introduced  into  Samaria  from  Sephar- 
 vaim  (2  K.  xvii.  31).  He  was  worshipped  with 
 rites  resembling  those  of  Jlolech,  children  being 
 burnt  in  his  honour,  and  is  the  companion-god  to 
 Adrammelech.  As  Adrammelech  is  the  male 
 power  of  the  sun,  so  Anammelech  is  the  female 
 power  of  the  sun. 
 
 A'nan.  1.  One  of  "  the  heads  of  the  people  " 
 who  signed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x. 
 2S).— 2.    =Hanan  4  (1  Esdr.  v.  30). 
 
 Ana'ni,  the  seventh  son  of  Elioenai,  descended 
 
 ANATHEMA 
 
 43 
 
 through   Zerubbabel  fi-om  the  royal  line  of  Judali 
 (1  Chr.  iii.  24). 
 
 Anani'ah.  Probably  a  priest,  and  ancestor  of 
 Azariah,  who  assisted  in  rebuilding  the  city  wall  in 
 the  days  of  Nehemiah  (Neh.  iii.  23). 
 
 Anani'ah,  a  place,  named  between  Nob  and 
 Hazur,  in  which  the  Benjamites  lived  after  theii 
 return  from  captivity  (Neh.  xi.  32). 
 
 Anani'as.  1.  The  sons  of  Ananias  to  the  number 
 of  10 1,  are  enumerated  in  1  Esdr.  v.  16  as  having 
 returned  with  Zorobabel.  No  such  name  occurs  in 
 the  lists  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah. — 2.  (1  Esdr.  ix 
 21).  [Hanani  3.]— 3.  (1  Esdr.  ix.  29).  [Hana- 
 NiAii  9.]— 4.  (1  Esdr.  ix.43).  [Anaiah  1.]— 5. 
 (1  Esdr.  ix.  48).  [Hanan  5.]— 6.  Father  of  Aza- 
 rias,  whose  name  w.us  assumed  by  the  angel  Ra- 
 phael (Tob.  v.  12,  13).— 7.  Ancestor  of  Judith 
 (Jud.  viii.  1).— 8.  Shadrach  (Song  of  3  Ch.  6(^ 
 1  Mace.  ii.  59).  [Hananiah  7.] 
 
 Anani'as.  1.  A  high-piiest  in  Acts^  xxiii.  2-5. 
 xxiv.  1 .  He  was  the  son  of  Nebedaeus,  succeeded 
 Joseph  son  of  Camydus,  and  preceded  Ismael  son  of 
 Phabi.  He  was  nominated  to  the  oliice  by  Herod 
 king  of  Chalcis,  in  a.d.  48  ;  and  in  a.d.  52  gent  to 
 Rome  by  the  prefect  Ummidius  Quadratus  to  answer 
 before  the  Emperor  Claudius  a  charge  of  oppression 
 brought  by  the  Samaritans.  He  appears,  however, 
 not  to  have  lost  his  office,  but  to  have  resumed  it  on 
 his  return.  He  was  deposed  shortly  before  Felix  left 
 the  province ;  but  still  had  great  power,  which  he 
 used  violently  and  lawlessly.  He  was  at  last  assas- 
 sinated by  the  sicarii  at  the  beginning  of  the  last 
 Jewish  war.— 2.  A  disciple  at  Jerusalem,  husband 
 of  Sapphira  (Acts  v.  1-1 1.).  Having  sold  his  goods 
 for  the  benefit  of  the  church,  he  kept  back  a  part  of 
 the  price,  bringing  to  the  a]iosfles*  the  remainder,  as 
 if  it  were  the  whole,  his  wife  alsg  being  privy  to 
 the  scheme.  St.  Peter,  being  enabled  by  the  power 
 of  the  Spirit  to  see  through  the  fraud,  denounced 
 him  as  having  lied  to  the  Holy  Ghost,  i.  e.  having 
 attempted  to  pass  upon  the  Spirit  resident  in  the 
 apostles  an  act  of  deliberate  deceit.  On  hearing  this, 
 Ananias  fell  down  and  expired.  That  this  incident 
 was  no  mere  physical  consequence  of  St.  Peter's 
 severity  of  tone,  as  some  of  the  German  writers 
 have  maintained,  distinctly  appears  by  the  direct 
 sentence  of  a  similar  death  pronounced  by  the 
 same  apostle  upon  his  wife  Sapphira  a  few  hours 
 after.  [Sapphira.]  It  is  of  course  possible  that 
 Ananias's  death  may  have  been  an  act  of  divine 
 justice  unlocked  for  by  the  apostle,  as  there  is  no 
 mention  of  such  an  intemled  result  in  his  speech  ; 
 but  in  the  case  of  the  wife,  such  an  idea  is  out  of 
 the  question.— 3.  A  Jewish  disciple  at  Damascu/ 
 (Acts  ix.  10-17),  of  high  repute,  "a  devout  ma* 
 according  to  the  law,  having  a  good  report  of  all 
 the  Jews  which  dwelt  there"  (Acts  xxii.  12). 
 Being  ordered  by  the  Lord  in  a  vision,  he  sought 
 out  Saul  duiing  the  period  of  blindness  and  dejec- 
 tion which  followed  his  conversion,  and  announced 
 to  him  his  future  commission  as  a  preacher  of  the 
 Gospel,  conveying  to  him  at  the  same  time,  by  the 
 laying  on  of  his  hands,  the  restoration  of  sight,  and 
 commanding  him  to  arise,  and  be  baptized,  and 
 wash  away  his  sins,  calling  on  the  name  of  the 
 Lord.  Tra':iition  makes  liim  to  have  been  after- 
 wards bishop  of  Damascus,  and  to  have  died  by 
 martyrdom. 
 
 Anan'iel,  forefather  of  Tobit  (Tob.  i.  1). 
 A'nath,  father  of  Shamgar  (Judg.  iii.  31,  v.  6). 
 Auatll'enia,  which  literally  means  a  thing  sus- 
 
44 
 
 ANATHOTH 
 
 jH-ndcii,  is  tlie  cqiiivalont  of  the  lloljic*  wonl  sigiii- 
 fyiiii;  :i  tliiiii;  or  person  devoted.  Any  object  so 
 (levotfd  to  the  Lord  was  inodeeniable:  it'  an  in- 
 animate ol)ject,  it  was  to  be  given  to  the  priests 
 (Num.  xviii.  14);  if  a  living  crejiture  or  even  a 
 man,  it  was  to  be  shiin  (Lev.  xxvii.  28,  29).  Gene- 
 rally s]jeaking  a  vow  of  this  description  was  taken 
 only  with  respect  to  the  idolatrous  nations  who 
 were  marked  out  for  destruction  by  the  special  de- 
 cree of  Jehovah,  as  in  Num.  xxi.  2;  Josh.  vi.  17: 
 but  occasionally  the  vow  was  made  indefinitely, 
 and  involved  the  death  of  the  innocent,  as  is  illus- 
 tmted  in  the  cases  of  Jephthah's  daughter  (J  udg. 
 xi.  31),  and  Jonathan  (1  >Sam.  xiv.  24)  who  was 
 only  saved  by  the  interposition  of  the  people.  The 
 broach  of  such  a  vow  on  the  part  of  any  one  di- 
 lectly  or  indirectly  participating  in  it  was  punished 
 with  death  (Josh.  vii.  25).  The  word  anathema 
 I'reiiuently  occurs  in  St.  Paul's  writings,  and  is 
 generally  translated  accursed.  Many  expositors 
 have  regarded  his  use  of  it  as  a  technical  temi  for 
 judicial  excommunication.  That  the  word  was  so 
 used  in  the  early  Church  there  can  be  no  doubt, 
 but  an  examination  of  the  passages  in  which  it 
 occura  shows  that  it  had  acquired  a  more  general 
 sense  as  expressive  either  of  strong  feeling  (Uom. 
 ix.  3)  or  of  dislike  and  condemnation  (1  Cor.  xii,  3, 
 xvi.  22;  Oal.  i.  9). 
 
 An'athoth.  1.  Son  of  Becher,  a  son  of  Benjamin 
 (1  Chr.  vii.  8).— 2.  One  of  the  heads  of  the  people 
 who  signed  the  covenant  in  the  time  of  Nehemiah 
 (Neh.  X.  19)  ;  unless,  as  is  not  unlikely,  the  name 
 stands  for  "  the  men  of  Anathoth"  enumerated  in 
 Neh.  vii.  27. 
 
 An'athoth,  a  priests'  city,  belonging  to  the  tribe 
 of  Benjamin,  with  "suburbs"  (Josh.  xxi.  18; 
 1  Chr.  vi.  60).  Hither  to  his  "fields"  Abiathar 
 was  banished  by  Solomon  after  the  failui'e  of  his 
 attempt  to  put  Adonijah  on  the  throne  (1  K.  ii.  26). 
 This  was  the  native  place  of  Abiezer,  one  of  David's 
 M  captains  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  27  ;  1  Chr.  xi.  28, 
 xxvii.  12),  and  of  Jehu,  another  of  the  mighty  men 
 (1  Chr.  xii.  3);  and  here,  "of  the  priests  that 
 were  in  Anathoth,"  Jeremiah  was  born  (Jer.  i.  1, 
 xi.  21,  23,  xxix.  27,  xxxii.  7,  8,  9).  The  "men" 
 of  A.  returned  from  the  captivity  with  Zerub- 
 babel,  (Kzra  ii.  23  ;  Neh.  vii.  27  ;  "l  Esdr.  v.  18). 
 Anathoth  lay  on  or  near  the  gi'eat  road  from  the 
 north  to  Jerusalem  (Is.  x.  30),  and  is  placed  by 
 Kusebius  and  Jerome  at  3  miles  from  the  city.  Its 
 position  h;us  been  discovered  by  Kobinson  at  Ariata, 
 on  a  broad  ridge  IJ  hour  N.N.E.  from  Jerusalem. 
 The  cultivation  of  the  priests  survives  in  tilled  fields 
 of  grain,  with  figs  and  olives.  There  are  the  remains 
 of  walls  and  strong  foundations,  and  the  qnairies 
 still  supj)ly  Jerusalem  with  building  stone. 
 
 Anchor.     [Ship.] 
 
 An'drew,  one  among  the  fii-st  called  of  the 
 Ajiosties  of  our  Lord  (John  i.  40;  Matt.  iv.  18); 
 l)iother  (whether  elder  or  younger  is  uncertain)  of 
 Simon  iVter  (ibid.).  He  Wius  of  Bethsaida,  and  had 
 been  a  discijde  of  .John  the  Ba])tist.  On  hearing  Jesus 
 a  second  time<lesignated  by  him  as  the  Lamb  of  God, 
 lie  left  his  former  master,  and,  in  company  with 
 another  of  John's  disciples,  attachi-d  himself  to  our 
 l.onl.  By  his  means  his  brother  Simon  was  brought 
 to  Jesus  (John  l.  41).  The  a])p.ireiit  discirpancy 
 in  Matt.  iv.  18  fT.,  Mark  i.  16  H.,  where  the  two 
 apiK-ar  to  have  been  called  together,  is  no  real  one  ; 
 St.  John  reia'ing  the  first  iiitrcMluction  of  the  bro- 
 thers to  Jesu-,  the  other  Evangelists  their  formal 
 
 ANGELS 
 
 call  to  follow  Him  in  his  ministry.  In  th« 
 catalogue  of  the  Apostles,  Andrew  appears,  in 
 Matt.  X.  2,  Luke  vi.  14,  second,  next  after  his 
 brother  Peter;  but  in  Mark  iii.  16,  Acts  i.  13, 
 fourth,  next  alter  the  three,  Peter,  James,  an(f 
 John,  and  in  company  with  Philip.  And  this  ap- 
 jiears  to  have  been  his  real  place  of  dignity  among 
 the  Apostles;  for  in  Mark  xiii.  3.  we  find  Peter. 
 James,  John,  and  Andrew,  iuiiiiiriiig  privately  of 
 our  Lord  about  His  coming;  and  in  John  xii.  22, 
 when  certain  Greeks  wished  for  an  inten'iew  w'iih 
 Jesus,  they  applied  through  Andrew,  who  consultinl 
 Philip,  and  in  company  with  him  made  the  request 
 known  to  our  Lord.  This  last  circumstance,  com- 
 bined with  the  Greek  character  of  both  their  names, 
 may  perhaps  jioint  to  some  slight  shade  of  Hel- 
 lenistic connexion  on  the  ])art  of  the  two  Apostles  ; 
 though  it  is  extremely  improbable  that  any  of  the 
 Twelve  were  Hellenists  in  the  proper  sense.  On 
 the  occasion  of  the  five  thousand  in  the  wilderness 
 wanting  food,  it  is  Andrew  who  ]ioints  out  the 
 little  lad  with  the  five  barley  loaves  and  the  two 
 fishes.  Sciipture  relates  nothing  of  him  beyond 
 these  scattered  notices.  Except  in  the  catalogue  (i. 
 13),  his  name  does  not  occur  once  in  the  Acts.  The 
 traditions  about  him  are  various.  Kusebius  makes 
 him  preach  in  Scythia ;  Jerome  and  Theodoret  in 
 Achaia  (Greece);  Nicephorus  in  Asia  Jliiior  and 
 Thrace.  He  is  said  to  have  been  crucified  at  Pati;ie 
 in  Achaia.  Some  ancient  writers  speak  of  an  apo- 
 cryphal Acts  of  Andrew. 
 
 Andxoni'cns.  1.  An  ofiicer  left  as  viceitiy 
 (2  Mace.  iv.  31)  in  Antioch  by  Antiochus  Epi- 
 ))haiies  during  his  absence  (li.C.  171).  At  the  in- 
 stigation of  Menelaus,  Andronicus  put  to  death  the 
 high-priest  Onias.  This  murder  e.xciteJ  general 
 indignation  ;  and  on  the  return  of  Antiochus,  Andro- 
 nicus was  publicly  degraded  and  executed  (2  Mace, 
 iv.  31-38).— 2.  Another  otlicer  of  Antiochus  Epi- 
 phanes  who  was  lell  by  him  on  Garizim  (2  Mace. 
 v.  23),  probably  in  occui>atiou  of  the  temple  there. 
 — 3.  A  Christian  at  Rome,  saluted  by  St.  Paul 
 (liom.  xvi.  7),  together  with  Junias.  I'he  two  are 
 called  by  him  his  relations  and  fellow-captives,  and 
 of  note  among  the  Apostles,  using  that  terai  juo- 
 bably  in  the  wider  sense. 
 
 A'nem,  a  city  of  Issachar,  with  "  suburbs,"  be- 
 longing to  the  (iei-shonites  (1  Chr.  vi.  73). 
 
 A'ner,  a  city  of  Manasseh  west  of  Jordan, 
 with  "suburbs"  given  to  the  Kohathites  (1  Chr. 
 \-i.  70). 
 
 A'ner,  one  of  the  throe  Amorite  chiefs  of 
 Hebron  who  aided  Abraham  in  the  pui-suit  after 
 tlio  four  invading  kings  (Gen.  xiv.  13,  24V 
 
 Aneth'bthite  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  27),  Anet'othite 
 (1  Chr.  xxvii.  12),  and  An'tothite  (1  Chr.  xi.  2», 
 xii.  3),  an  inhabitant  of  Anathoth  of  the  tribe  of 
 Boiijainin. 
 
 Anetothite.     [Anetiiothite.] 
 
 Angels.  By  the  word  "angels"  (i.  f.  "mes- 
 sengers" of  (iod)  we  ordinarily  understand  a  race 
 of  sjiiritual  beings,  of  a  nature  oxalto<l  far  above 
 that  of  man,  although  infinitely  removed  from  that 
 of  <iod,  whose  office  is  "to  do  Ilim  service  in  hea- 
 ven, and  bv  His  appointment  to  succour  .and  defend 
 men  on  eaitli."  I.  Scriptimd  tisr  nf  the  vwd. — 
 There  aic  many  passages  in  which  the  ex|)ie.-.sion 
 the  "angel  of  (iod,"  "the  angel  of  Jehovah,"  is 
 certainly  used  for  a  manifestation  of  God  himself. 
 This  is  cs|)(rially  the  case  in  the  earlier  books  of  the 
 Old  TesUuiiont,  and  may  be  seen  at  once  by  a  coin- 
 
ANGELS 
 
 parison  of  Gen.  xxii.  11  with  12,  and  of  Ex.  iii.  2 
 with  6  and  14  ;  where  He,  who  is  called  the  "  angel 
 of  Jehovah  "  in  one  verse,  is  called  "  God,"  and  even 
 "  Jehovah  "  in  those  which  follow,  and  accepts  the 
 worship  due  to  God  alone.  (Contrast  Rev.  xix.  10, 
 sxii.  9.)  See  also  Gen.  xvi.  7,  13,  xxxi.  11,  13. 
 xlviii.  15,  16;  Num.  xxii.  22,  32,  35,  and  comp. 
 Is.  Ixiii.  9  with  Ex.  xxxiii.  14,  &c.  &c.  It  is  to  be 
 observed  also,  that,  side  by  side  with  these  expres- 
 sions, we  read  of  God's  being  manifested  in  the  form 
 oi man ;  as  to  Abraham  at  Mamre  (Gen.  xviii.  2, 
 22,  comp.  xix.  1),  to  Jacob  at  Penuel  (Gen.  xxxii. 
 24,  30),  to  Joshua  at  Gilgal  (Josh.  v.  13,  15),  &c. 
 It  is  hardly  to  be  doubted  that  both  sets  of  passages 
 refer  to  the  same  kind  of  manifestation  of  the  Divine 
 Presence.  This  being  the  case,  since  we  know  that 
 ''  no  man  hath  seen  God  "  (the  Father)  "  at  any 
 time,"  and  that  "  the  only-begotten  Son,  which  is 
 in  the  bosom  of  the  Father  He  hath  revealed  Him" 
 (John  i.  18),  the  inevitable  inference  is  that  by  the 
 "  Angel  of  the  Lord  "  in  such  passages  is  meant  He, 
 who  is  from  the  beginning  the  "  Word,"  i.  e.  the 
 Manifester  or  Revealer  of  God.  These  ajipearances 
 are  evidently  "  foreshadowings  of  the  Incarnation." 
 By  these  God  the  Son  manifested  Himself  from 
 time  to  time  in  that  human  nature  which  He  united 
 to  the  Godhead  for  ever  in  the  Virgin's  womb. 
 Besides  this,  which  is  the  highest  application  of 
 the  word  "  angel,"  we  find  the  phrase  used  of  any 
 messengers  of  God,  such  as  the  prophets  (Is.  xlii. 
 19;  Hag.  i.  13;  Mai.  iii.  1),  the  priests  (Mai.  ii. 
 7),  and  the  rulers  of  the  Christian  churches  (Kev. 
 i.  20)^11.  Nature  of  angels. — Little  is  said  of 
 their  nature  as  distinct  fi-om  their  office.  They 
 are  temied  "  spiiits "  (as  in  Heb.  i.  14)  ;  but 
 it  is  not  asserted  that  the  angelic  nature  is  incorpo- 
 real. The  contrary  seems  expressly  implied  by 
 the  words  in  which  our  Lord  declares,  that,  after 
 the  Iiesurrectio7i,  men  shall  be  "like  the  angels" 
 (Luke  XX.  36) ;  beaiuse  (as  is  elsewhere  said,  Phil, 
 iii.  21)  their  bodies,  as  well  as  their  spirits,  shall 
 have  been  made  entirely  like  His.  It  may  also  be 
 noticed  that  the  glorious  appearance,  ascribed  to  the 
 angels  in  Scripture  (as  in  Dan.  x.  6)  is  the  same 
 as  that  which  shone  out  in  our  Lord's  Transfigura- 
 tion, and  in  which  St.  John  saw  him  clothed  in 
 heaven  (Rev.  i.  14-16) ;  and  moreover,  that,  when- 
 ever angels  have  been  made  manifest  to  man,  it  has 
 always  been  in  human  form  (as  in  Gen.  xviii., 
 xix.;  Luke  xxiv.  4;  Acts  i.  10,  &c.  &c.).  The 
 very  fact  that  the  titles  "  sons  of  God  "  (Job  i.  6, 
 xxxviii.  7;  Dan.  iii.  25  comp.  with  28),  and 
 "gods"  (Ps.  viii.  5,  xcvii.  7),  applied  to  them, 
 are  also  given  to  men  (see  Luke  iii.  38  ;  Ps.  Ixxxii. 
 6,  and  comp.  our  Loid's  application  of  this  last 
 passage  in  John  x.  34-37),  points  in  the  same  way 
 to  a  difference  only  of  degree,  and  an  identity  of 
 kind,  between  the  human  and  the  angelic  nature. 
 The  angels  are  theiefore  revealed  to  us  as  beings, 
 such  as  man  misflit  be  and  will  be  when  the  power 
 of  sin  and  death  is  removed,  partaking  in  their  mea- 
 sure of  the  attributes  of  God,  Truth,  Purity,  and 
 Love,  because  always  beholding  His  face  (Matt. 
 rviii.  10),  and  therefore  being  "made  like  Him" 
 (1  John  iii.  2).  This,  of  course,  implies  finiteness, 
 and  therefore  (in  the  strict  sense)  "  imperfection " 
 of  nature,  and  constant  progress,  both  moral  and 
 intellectual,  through  all  eternity.  Such  imperfec- 
 tion, contrasted  with  the  infinity  of  God,  is  ex- 
 pressly ascribed  to  them  in  Job  iv.  18  ;  Matt.  xxiv. 
 36 ;  1  Pet.  i.   12.     This  finiteness  of  nature  im- 
 
 ANGELS 
 
 45 
 
 plies  capacity  of  temptation ;  and  accordingly  we 
 hear  of  "  fallen  angels."  Of  the  nature  of  their 
 temptation  and  the  circumstances  of  their  fall,  we 
 know  absolutely  nothing.  All  that  is  certain  is, 
 that  they  "left  their  first  estate,"  and  that  they 
 are  now  "angels  of  the  devil"  (Mat>.  xxv.  41; 
 Rev.  xii.  7,  9),  partaking  therefore  of  the  falsehood, 
 uncleanness,  and  hatred,  which  are  his  peculiar 
 characteristics  (John  viii.  44).  On  the  other  hand, 
 the  title  especially  assigned  to  the  angels  of  God, 
 that  of  the  "holy  ones"  (see  Dan.  iv.  13,  23, 
 viii.  13  ;  Matt.  xxv.  31),  is  precisely  the  one  which 
 is  given  to  those  men  who  ai'e  renewed  in  Christ's 
 image,  but  which  belongs  to  them  in  actuality  and 
 in  perfection  only  hereafter.  (Comp.  Heb.  ii.  10, 
 V.  9,  xii.  23.)— HI.  Office  of  the  angels.— Of  their 
 office  iu  heaven,  we  have,  of  course,  only  vague 
 prophetic  glimpses  (as  in  1  K.  xxii.  19  ;  Is.  vi.  1-3  ; 
 Dan.  -vii.  9,  10;  Rev.  vi.  11,  &c.),  which  show  us 
 nothing  but  a  never-ceasing  adoration.  Their  offi.ce 
 towards  man  is  far  more  fully  described  to  us. 
 They  are  represented  as  being,  in  the  widest  sense, 
 agents  of  God's  Providence,  natural  and  super- 
 natural, to  the  body  and  to  the  soul.  The  opera- 
 tions of  nature  are  spoken  of,  as  under  angelic 
 guidance  fulfilling  the  Will  of  God.  Thus  the 
 pestilences  which  slew  the  firstborn  (Ex.  xii.  23 ; 
 Heb.  xi.  28),  the  disobedient  people  in  the  wilder- 
 ness (1  Cor.  X.  10),  the  Israelites  iu  the  days  of 
 David  (2  Sam.  xxiv.  16;  1  Chr.  xxi.  16),  and  the 
 army  of  Sennacherib  (2  K.  xix.  35),  as  also  the  plague 
 which  cut  off  Herod  (Acts  xii.  23)  are  plainly  spoken 
 of  as  the  work  of  the  "  angel  of  the  Lord."  Nor  can 
 the  mysterious  declarations  of  the  Apocalypse,  by 
 far  the  most  numerous  ol'  all,  be  resolved  into  mere 
 poetical  imagery.  (See  especially  Rev.  viii.  and  ix.) 
 Jloie  particularly,  however,  angels  are  spoken  of  as 
 ministers  of  what  is  called  supernatural  Piovidence 
 of  God;  as  agents  in  the  great  scheme  of  the  spi- 
 ritual ledemptiou  and  sanctification  of  man,  of 
 which  the  Bible  is  the  record.  In  the  Book  of 
 Genesis  there  is  no  notice  of  angelic  appearance  tiL 
 after  the  call  of  Abraham.  Then,  as  the  t^ook  is 
 the  history  of  the  chosen  family,  so  the  angels 
 mingle  with  and  watch  over  its  family  life,  enter- 
 tained by  Abraham  and  by  Lot  (Gen.  xviii.  xix.), 
 guiding  Abraham's  servant  to  Padan-Aram  (xxiv. 
 7,  40),  seen  by  the  fugitive  Jacob  at  Bethel 
 (xxviii.  12),  and  welcoming  his  return  al  Maha- 
 naim  (.xxxii.  1).  Their  ministry  hallows  domestic 
 life,  in  its  trials  and  its  blessings  alike,  and  is  closer, 
 more  familiar,  and  less  awful  than  in  afteiiimes. 
 (Contrast  Gen.  xviii.  with  Judg.  vi.  21,22.  xiii. 
 16,  22.)  In  the  subsequent  history,  that  of  a 
 chosen  nation,  the  angels  are  represented  more  as 
 ministers  of  wrath  and  mercy.  It  is,  moreover,  to 
 be  observed,  that  the  records  of  their  appearance 
 belong  especially  to  two  periods,  that  of  the  Judges, 
 and  that  of  the  captivity,  which  were  transition 
 periods  in  Israelitish  history ;  the  fonner  one  des- 
 titute of  direct  revelation  or  prophetic  guidance, 
 the  latter  one  of  special  trial  and  unusual  con- 
 tact with  heathenism.  During  the  Lives  of  jaIoscs 
 and  Joshua  there  is  no  lecord  of  the  appearance  of 
 created  angels,  and  only  obscure  reference  to  angels 
 at  -all.  In  the  Book  of  Judges  angels  appear  at 
 once  to  rebuke  idolatry  (ii.  1-4),  to  call  Gideon 
 (vi.  11,  &c.)  and  consecrate  Samson  (.xiii.  3,  &c.)  to 
 the  work  of  deliverance.  The  prophetic  office  begins 
 with  Samuel,  and  immediately  angelic  guidance  is 
 withheld,  except  when  needed  by  the  prophets  them- 
 
40 
 
 ANGLING 
 
 selves   (1   K.  xix.  5;  2  K.  vi.    17).      During  flu' 
 piojiheiic  and  kin£;ly  period,  angels  are  spoken  of 
 only  (as  noticed  above)  as  ministers  of  Hod  in  the 
 ope'i-ations  of  nature.     lUit  in  the  rajjtivity,  when 
 the  Jews  were  in  the  jnescnce  of  foreign   nations, 
 each    claimini:    its    tutelary    deity,    then    to    the 
 prophets  Daniel  and  Zechariah,  angels  are  levcaled 
 in  a    fresh  light,  as  watching,  not  only  over  .Je- 
 rusalem, but  also  over    heathen    kingdoms,   undm- 
 the  Pioviilence,  and  to  work  out  the  designs,  of  tiie 
 Lord.     (."M3e  Zech.  passim,  and  Dan.  iv.  13,  23,  x. 
 10,  13,  20,  21 ,  &c.)    The  Incarnation  marks  a  new 
 epoch  of  angelic  ministration.     "  The  Angel  of  .Je- 
 hovah," the  Lord  of  all  created  angels,  having  now 
 descended  from    heaven    to    earth,  it  w.is  natural 
 that  His  servants  should  continue  to  do  llini  servin- 
 there.     Whether  to  predict  and  glorify  His  birtii 
 itself  (Matt.  i.  20 ;  Luke  i.  ii.),  to  minister  to  Him 
 after   his   temptation    and   agony   (JLitt.    iv.    11; 
 Luke  xxii.  43),  or  to  declare  His  resurrection  and 
 tiiumphant  ascension  (Matt,  xxviii.  2;  John  xx.  12  ; 
 Acts   i.    10,    11),    they  seem   now    to   be   indeed 
 "ascending  and  descending  on  the  Son  of  Man," 
 almost  as  though  transferring  to  earth  tlie  ministra- 
 tions of  heaven.    The  New  'I'estameut  is  the  histoiy 
 of  the  C'hirch  of  Christ,  every  member  of  which  is 
 united  to  Him.    Accordingly,  the  .angels  are  revealed 
 now,  as  '-ministering  spirits"   to  each  individual 
 member  of  Christ  for  His  spiritual  guidance  and  aid 
 (Heb.  i.  1-1-).     The  records  of  their  visible  appear- 
 ance are  but  unfrequent  (Acts  v.  19,  viii.  2<;,  x.  3, 
 -xii.  7,  xxvii.  23);  but  their  presence  and  their  aid 
 aie  referreil  to  familiarly,  almost  as  things  of  course, 
 ever  at\cr  the  Incarnation.     They  are  spoken  of  as 
 watching  over  Christ's  little  ones  (Matt,  xviii.  10), 
 as  rejoicing  over  a  penitent  sinner  (Luke  xv.  10), 
 as  present  in  the  woiship  of  Christians  (1  Cor.  xi. 
 10),  and,    perhaps,   bringing   their  j)rayers  before 
 God  (Kev.  viii.  3,4),  and  as  beai'ing  tiie  souls  of 
 the  redeemed  into  Paradise  (Luke  xvi.  22).     In  one 
 word  they  are  Christ's  ministers  of  grace  now,  as 
 they  shall'  be  of  judgment  hereafter  (Matt.  xiii.  39, 
 41,49,  xvi.  27,  xx"iv.  'i\,  &c.).     That  there  are 
 degrees  of  the  angelic  nature,  fallen  and  unfallen, 
 and  special  titles  and  agencies  belonging  to  each,  is 
 clearly  declared   by  .St.   Paul   (Eph.  i.   2i  ;   Rom. 
 viii.   38),  but  what  their  genei-al  nature  is,  it  is 
 useless  to  speculate.     For  what  little  is  known  of 
 this    special    nature   see  CiiERUUiM,   Skrapuim, 
 
 JllCHAKI,,  GAKRIKr-. 
 
 Angling.     [Fishing.] 
 
 Aniam,  a  Manassite,  son  of  .Shemidah  (1  Chr. 
 vii.  19). 
 
 A'nim,  a  city  in  the  mountains  of  Judah,  named 
 with  llshtemoh  {Es-Scmnch),  and  Goshon  (Josh. 
 XV.  50).  Kusebius  and  Jerome  mention  a  ])lace  of 
 this  name  in  Daroma,  9  miles  south  of  Hi'bron. 
 
 Anise.  (Gr.  anvlhon.)  This  wo)-d  occui-s  only 
 in  .Matt,  xxiii.  23,  "  Woe  tmto  you,  scribes  and 
 Pharisees,  hypocritos!  for  ye  pay  tithe  of  mint 
 and  anise  and  cummin."  It  is  l)y  no  means  a 
 matter  of  ceitainty  whether  the  anise  {I'impincll" 
 nnisum,  Lin.)  or  the  dill  {Anethum  gravcolcns) 
 is  here  intended,  though  the  probability  is  more 
 in  favour  of  the  latter  jilant.  P.oth  the  dill  and 
 the  anise  belong  to  the  natui-al  onler  Umhclli- 
 ferac,  and  arc  much  alike  in  external  chanicfor; 
 the  seeds  of  both,  moreover,  are  and  have  been 
 long  cmploypil  in  mndirine  and  rookery,  as  condi- 
 inentn  and  c.imiinafivcs.  Dr.  Hoyle  is  decidedly  iu 
 favour  of  the  dill  b^ing  the  jiroiier  tnin.slation,  and 
 
 ANNAS 
 
 says  that  the  an^thiin  is  more  especially  a  genus  of 
 Eastern  cultivation  than  the  other  plant. 
 
 Common  Dill.    (Anethum  c/raveolnu.') 
 
 Anklet.  This  word  does  not  occur  in  the  A.V.,  but 
 is  referred  to  in  Is.  iii.  1(3,  18,  20,  where  the  pioi)het 
 speaks  of  "  the  tinkling  ornaments"  about  the  feel 
 of  the  daughters  of  Zion,  and  of  the  "  omaments  of 
 the  legs."  They  were  fastened  to  the  ankle-ban<l 
 of  each  leg,  were  as  common  as  bracelets  and  ami- 
 lets,  and  m.ade  of  much  the  same  materials  ;  the 
 )tle,asant  jingling  and  tiidiling  which  they  made  as 
 tliev  knocked  against  each  other,  was  no  doubt  one 
 of  the  reasons  why  they  were  admired  ("  the  bravei-y 
 of  their  tinkling  ornaments").  They  .are  still  wora 
 in  the  Fast,  and  Lane  quotes  from  a  song,  in  allu- 
 sion to  the  pleasure  aiused  by  their  sound,  "  the 
 ringing  of  thine  anklets  has  deprived  me  of  retison." 
 Hence  Mohammed  tbrbade  them  in  publfc;  "let 
 them  not  make  a  noise  with  their  feet,  that  the'r 
 oinaments  which  they  hide  may  [thereby]  be  dis- 
 covered "  (/I'oran,  xxiv.  I!I). 
 
 An'na,  occurs  in  Punic  as  the  name  of  the  sister 
 of  Dido.  1.  The  wife  of  Tobit  (Tob.  i.  9  ff.).— 2. 
 A  "  jjrophetess  "  in  Jerusalem  at  the  time  of  our 
 Loid's  jiresentation  in  the  Temple  (Luke  ii.  36), 
 She  was  of  the  tribe  of  Asher. 
 
 An'naas,  1  Fsd.  v.  23.     [Senaah.] 
 
 Au'nas  (1  Fsd.  ix.  32).  A  corruption  of 
 Haki.m  (Fzr.  X.  31). 
 
 An'nas,  a  high-priest  of  the  Jews.  He  was  son 
 of  one  Selh,  and  wiis  appx>inted  high-priest  in  the 
 yaar  A.n.  7,  by  Quirinus,  tlie  imperial  govemor 
 of  Syria  ;  but  was  obligeil  by  \'aleiius  Gratus, 
 ]ir(>cur;itor  of  .hnlaea,  to  give  way  to  Isniael,  son  of 
 Phabi,  at  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Tiberius, 
 A.I).  14.  Hut  soon  Ism.ael  was  succeeded  by  Eloa- 
 zar,  Ron  of  Annas;  then  loUowed,  al^er  one  year, 
 Simon,  son  of  Camithiis,  and  then,  after  another 
 year  (.^bout  A. I).  2.'>),  .Joseph  Caiaphas,  .son-in-law 
 iif  .\nnas  ("John  xviii.  13).  But  in  Luke  iii.  2, 
 Annas  and  Caia|>li.as  are  l>oth  cdlod  high-priests, 
 Ann.-us  b<-ing  mentioned  rti'st.  Our  Lord's  fii-st 
 hearing  (John  xviii.  13)  was  before  Annn.s,  who 
 then  sent  him  bound  to  'Jaiaphas.     In  .\ct»  iv.  6, 
 
ANNUUS 
 
 Amiao  is  plainly  called  the  high-priest,  and  Caiaphas 
 
 merely  named  with  others  ot  his  family.  It  is  no 
 easy  matter  to  give  an  account  of  the  seemingly 
 capricious  applications  of  this  title.  Seme  maintain 
 tl'at  the  two,  Annas  and  Caiaphas,  were  togethei-  at 
 the  head  of  the  Jewish  people, — Caiaphas  as  actual 
 high-priest,  Annas  as  president  of  the  Sanhedrim. 
 Others  again  suppose  that  Annas  held  the  office  of 
 sagan,  or  substitute  of  the  high-priest,  mentioned 
 by  the  later  Talmudists.  He  lived  to  old  age, 
 having  had  five  sons  high-priests. 
 
 Amm'us  f  1  Esd.  viii.  48).  Probably  a  con-up- 
 tion  of  the  Hebrew  word  rendered  "  with  him  " 
 Ezr,  viii.  19. 
 
 Anointing  in  Holy  Scn'pture  is  either  I.  Ma- 
 rerial,  with  oil,  or  If.  Spiritual,  with  the  Holy 
 Ghost. — I.  Material. — 1.  Ordinary.  Anointing 
 the  body  or  head  with  oil  was  a  common  practice 
 with  the  Jews,  as  with  other  Oriental  nations 
 (Dent.  .Txviii.  40  ;  Kuth  iii.  3  ;  iMic.  vi.  1.5).  Ab- 
 stinence from  it  was  a  sign  of  mourning  (2  Sam. 
 xiv.  2  ;  Dan.  .x.  o  ;  Matt.  vi.  17).  Anointing  the 
 head  with  oil  or  ointment  seems  also  to  have  been 
 a  mark  of  respect  sometimes  paid  by  a  host  to  his 
 guests  (Luke  vii.  4?  and  Ps.  xxiii.  5),  and  was 
 au  ancient  Egyptian  custom  at  feasts. — 2.  Official. 
 Anointing  with  oil  was  a  rite  of  inauguration  into 
 into  each  of  the  three  typical  offices  of  the  Jewish 
 commonwealth,  (a)  Prophets  were  occasionally 
 anointed  to  their  office  (1  K.  .xi.x.  16),  and  are 
 called  messiahs,  or  anointed  (1  Chr.  xvi.  22;  Ps. 
 ov.  15).  {h)  Priests,  at  the  first  institution  of  the 
 Leviticiil  priesthood,  were  all  anointed  to  their 
 offices,  the  sons  of  Aaron  as  well  as  Aaron  himself 
 (Ex.  .\1.  15  ;  Num.  iii.  3)  ;  bat  afterwards,  anointing 
 seems  not  to  have  been  repeated  at  the  consecration 
 of  ordinary  priests,  but  to  have  been  especially  re- 
 served for  the  high-priest  (Ex.  xxix.  29  ;  Lev.  xvi. 
 32);  so  that  "the  priest  that  is  anointed  "  (Lev. 
 iv.  3)  is  generally  thought  to  mean  the  high-pn'est. 
 See  also  Lev.  iv.  5,  16,  and  vi.  22.  (c)  Kings. 
 Anointing  was  the  principal  and  divinely-appointed 
 ceremonv  in  the  inauguration  of  the  Jewish  kings 
 (1  Sam.'ix.  16,  x.  1  ;  1  K.  i.  34,  39) ;  indeed,  so 
 ])re-eminently  did  it  belong  to  the  kingly'  office, 
 thai  "  the  Lord's  anointed"  was  a  common  desig- 
 nation of  the  theocratic  king  (1  Sam.  .xii.  3,  .5: 
 2  Sam.  i.  14,  16).  The  rite  was  sometimes  per- 
 formed more  than  once.  David  was  thrice  anointed 
 to  be  king:  first,  privately  by  Samuel,  before  the 
 death  of  Saul,  by  way  of  conferring  on  him  a  right 
 to  the  throne  (1  Sam.  xvi.  1,  13)  ;  again  over 
 Judah  at  Hebron  (2  Sam.  ii.  4),  and  finally  over 
 the  whole  nation  (2  Sam.  v.  3).  After  the  separa- 
 tion into  two  kingdoms,  the  kings  both  of  Judah 
 and  of  Israel  seem  still  to  have  been  anointed  (2  K. 
 ix.  3,  xi.  12).  So  late  as  the  time  of  the  captivity 
 the  king  is  called  "  the  anointed  of  the  Lord  "  (Ps. 
 l.xxxix.  38,  51  ;  Lam.  iv.  20).  Besides  Jewish  kings, 
 we  read  that  Hazael  was  to  be  anointed  king  over 
 Syria  (1  K.  xix.  15).  CyiTis  also  is  called  the 
 Lord's  anointed,  as  having  been  raised  by  God  to 
 the  throne  for  the  special  pui"pose  of  delivering  the 
 Jews  out  of  captivity  (Is.  xlv.  1).  {d)  inani- 
 mate objects  also  were  anointed  with  oil  in  token  of 
 their  being  set  apart  for  religious  service.  Thus 
 Jacob  anointed  a  pillar  at  Bethel  (Gen.  xxxi.  13); 
 and  at  the  introduction  of  the  Mosaic  economv,  the 
 tabernacle  and  all  its  furniture  were  consecrated  by 
 anointing  (Ex.  xxx.  26-28). —  3.  Ecclesiastical. 
 Anointing  with  oil  in  the  tiame  of  the  Lord  is  pre- 
 
 ANTICHRIST 
 
 47 
 
 scribed  by  St.  .Tames  to  be  used  together  with  prayer, 
 by  tlie  elders  of  the  church,  for  the  recovery  of  the 
 sick  (.lames  v.  14).  Analogous  to  this"  is  the 
 anointing  with  oil  practised  by  the  twelve  (Mark 
 vi.  13),  and  our  Lord's  anointing  the  eves  of  a 
 blind  man  with  clay  made  from  saliva,  in  restorin" 
 him  miraculously  to  sight  (John  i.x.  6,  11).— 
 II.  Spiritual.— 1.  In  the  O.  T.  a  Deliveier  is 
 promised  under  the  title  of  Messiah,  or  Anointed 
 (Ps.  ii.  2  ;  Dan.  ix.  2.5,  26);  and  the  nature  of  his 
 anointing  is  described  to  be  spiritual,  with  the  Holv 
 Ghost  (Is.  l.\i.  1  ;  see  Luke  iv.  18).  As  anointincr 
 w-ith  oil  betokened  pi'osperity,  and  produced  a  cheer- 
 ful aspect  (Ps.  civ.  15),  so  this  spiritual  unction  is 
 figuratively  described  as  anointincr  "  with  the  oil  of 
 gladness  "'(Ps.  ,\lv.  7  ;  Heb.  i.  9).  In  the  N.  T. 
 Jesus  of  Nazareth  is  shown  to  be  the  Messiah,  or 
 Christ,  or  Anointed  of  the  Old  Testament  (John  i. 
 41 ;  Acts  ix.  22,  xvii.  2,  3,  xviii.  5,  28);  and  the 
 historical  fact  of  his  being  anointed  with  the  Holv 
 Ghost  is  asserted  and  recorded  (John  i.  32,  33  ; 
 Acts  iv.  27,  X.  38).  2.  Spiritual  anointing  with 
 the  Holy  Ghost  is  conferred  also  upon  Christians 
 by  God  (2  Cor.  i.  21),  and  they  are  described  as 
 having  an  unction  from  the  Holy  One,  bv  which  thev 
 know  all  things  (1  John  ii.  20,  27).'  To  anoint 
 the  eyes  with  eyesalve  is  used  figuratively  to  de- 
 note the  process  of  obtaining  spiritual  perception 
 (Rev.  iii.  18). 
 
 A'nos,  1  Esd.  ix.  34.     [Vaniah.] 
 
 Ant  (Heb.  nemaWi).  This  insect  is  mentioned 
 twice  in  the  O.  T.:  in  Prov.  vi.  6,  "  Go  to  the  ant 
 thou  sluggard,  consider  her  ways  and  be  wise  ;"  in 
 Piov.  xxx.  25,  "  The  ants  are  a  people  not  strong, 
 yet  they  prepare  their  meat  in  the  summer."  In 
 the  former  ot'  these  passages  the  diligence  of  this 
 insect  is  instanced  by  the  wise  man  as  an  example 
 worthy  of  imitation  ;  in  the  second  passage  the  ant's 
 insdom  is  especially  alluded  to,  for  these  insects, 
 "  though  they  be  little  on  the  earih,  are  exceeding 
 wise."  It  is  w-ell  known  that  the  ancient  Greeks 
 and  Romans,  believed  that  the  ant  stored  ',.])  food, 
 which  it  collected  in  the  summer,  ready  tor  the 
 winter's  consumption  ;  but  this  is  an  error.  The 
 European  species  of  ants  are  all  doimant  in  the 
 winter,  and  consequently  require  no  food  ;  and  the 
 observations  of  modern  naturalists  seem  almost  con- 
 clusive that  no  ants  lay  up  for  futru-e  consumption. 
 The  words  of  Solomon  do  not  necessarili/  teach  that 
 ants  store  up  food  for  future  use,  but  they  seem  to 
 imply  that  such  was  the  case.  If  this  was  the  ge- 
 neral opmion,  is  it  a  matter  of  sui-prise  that  the 
 wise  man  should  select  the  ant  as  an  instance 
 w'hereon  he  might  ground  a  lesson  of  prudence  and 
 forethought? — The  teaching  of  the  Bible  is  accom- 
 modated to  the  knowledge  and  opinions  of  those  to 
 whom  its  language  is  addressed,  and  the  observa- 
 tions of  naturalists  are  no  more  an  argument  nojainst 
 the  tmth  of  the  Word  of  God  than  are  the  ascer- 
 tained law^s  of  astronomical  science. 
 
 Antichrist.  This  term  is  employed  by  the 
 Apostle  John  alone,  and  is  defined  by  him  in  a 
 manner  which  leaves  no  doubt  as  to  its  intrinsic 
 meaning.  With  regard  to  its  application  there  is 
 less  certainty.  In  the  first  pas«ige  (1  John  ii.  18) 
 in  which  it  occurs  the  apostle  makes  direct  reference 
 to  the  fiilse  Christs,  whose  coming,  it  had  been  fore- 
 told, should  mark  the  last  days.  "  Little  children, 
 it  is  the  last  time :  and  as  ye  have  heard  that  the 
 Antichrist  cometh,  even  now  have  there  been  many 
 Antichrists;  whereby  we  know  that  it  is  the  last 
 
48 
 
 ANTIOCH 
 
 time."  The  allusion  to  JIatt.  xxiv,  24.  was  ck'.arly 
 in  the  mind  of  the  Syi'iac  translator,  who  rendered 
 Antichrist  by  "  the  false  Christ."  In  ver.  22  we 
 find,  "  he  is  the  Antichrist  that  denieth  the  Father 
 and  the  Son ;"  and  still  more  positively,  "  every 
 spirit  that  confesseth  not  that  Jesus  Christ  is  come 
 in  the  flesh"  is  of  Antichrist  (comp.  2  John  7). 
 From  these  emphatic  and  repeated  definitions  it  li;is 
 been  supposed  that  the  object  of  the  apostle  in  his 
 tirst  epistle  was  to  combat  the  erroi-s  of  Cerinthus, 
 the  Docetae,  and  the  (Inostics  on  the  subject  of  the 
 Licarnation.  The  Antichrists,  against  which  he 
 warned  the  churches  of  Asia  Minor  as  being  already 
 in  the  world,  had  been  of  their  own  number;  "  they 
 •went  out  from  us,  but  they  were  not  of  lus  "  ( 1  John 
 ii.  19);  and  the  manner  in  which  they  are  referred 
 to,  implies  that  the  name  was  already  familiar  to 
 those  to  whom  the  epistle  was  addressed,  tlirougii 
 the  apostles'  oral  teaching  (2  Thess.  ii.  5).  'l"he 
 coming  of  Antichrist  was  lielieved  to  be  foretold  in 
 the  "vile  person"  of  Daniel's  prophecy  (.\i.  21), 
 which  received  its  first  accomplishment  in  Antiochus 
 Kpiphanes,  but  of  which  the  complete  fulfilment 
 wiis  reserved  for  the  hist  times.  He  is  identified 
 with  "  the  man  of  sin,  the  son  of  perdition " 
 (2  Thass.  ii.  3),  who  should  be  revealed  when  he 
 "  who  now  letteth  "  was  removed  ;  that  is,  accord- 
 ing to  the  belief  of  the  primitive  church,  when  the 
 Koman  order  of  things  ceiused  to  be.  This  interpre- 
 tation brings  Antichrist  into  close  connexion  with 
 thegiganticpower  of  evil,  symbolised  by  the  "  beast" 
 (Rev.  xiii.),  who  received  his  power  from  the  dragon 
 (i.  e.  the  devil,  the  serpent  of  (ienesis),  continual  for 
 forty  and  two  months,  and  was  invested  with  the 
 kingdom  of  the  ten  kings  who  destroyed  the  harlot 
 Babylon  (Kev.  xvii.  12,  17),  the  city  of  seven  hills. 
 The  destruction  of  Babylon  is  to  be  followed  by  the 
 rule  of  Anticlirist  for  a  short  period  (i\ev.  xvii.  10), 
 to  be  in  his  turn  overthrown  in  "  the  battle  of  that 
 gi-eat  day  of  God  Almighty"  (i!ev.  xvi.  14)  with 
 the  false  prophet  and  all  his  followers  (Rev.  xix.). 
 Tlie  personality  of  Antichrist  is  to  be  inferred  as 
 well  from  the  itersonality  of  his  historical  precursor, 
 as  from  that  of  Him  to  whom  he  st;\nds  opposed. 
 Such  an  interpretation  is  to  be  preferred  to  that 
 which  regards  Antichrist  as  the  embodiment  ami 
 pereonifiaition  of  all  jx)\vers  and  agencies  inimical  to 
 Chri.st,  or  of  the  Antichristian  might  of  the  world. 
 In  the  .lewish  traditions  Antichrist  is  represented 
 by  Armilus,  or  Amiilaas,  which  is  the  translation  of 
 "  the  wicked  "  in  the  Targum  of  Pseudo-.Ionathan 
 on  Is.  xi.  4.  He  was  the  last  enemy  of  the  Jewish 
 race,  who,  after  Gog  and  Magog,  should  wage  fierce 
 wars  and  slay  Jlessiah  l)en  Epiiraim,  but  should 
 himself  be  slain  by  Messiah  ben  David.  His  history 
 will  Ije  found  in  Buxtorf's  Lex.  Tdin.  pp.  221-224. 
 A  tyjie  of  Antichrist  h;us  Ixvn  sougiit  in  Balaam 
 the  antagonist  of  Moses,  the  tyjH;  of  Christ,  and  tiio 
 allusions  in  .hide  11,  and  2  I'et.  ii.  15,  are  pre- 
 sumed to  be  directed  ng;iinst  the  errors  of  the  Nico- 
 laitanes,  Nicolaus  signifying  in  Grei'k  the  siime  as 
 Balaam  in  Hebrew.  But  of  such  sjjeculations  there 
 is  no  end  ;  the  language  of  the  a|)0.sfles  is  intention- 
 ally obscure,  and  tliLs  obscurity  has  been  rather 
 dL-eponed  than  removed  by  the  (ontlicting  interpre- 
 tations of  expositors.  \\\  that  the  dark  hints  of 
 the  apostles  t*';ich  us  is,  that  they  reg;u-deil  Anti- 
 christ as  a  power  whose  inlluence  w;is  licginning 
 to  be  felt  even  in  their  time,  but  wliose  full 
 development  was  reserved  till  the  pa-vsing  away 
 of  the  principle    which   hindereil    it,   and  the  de- 
 
 ANTIOCH 
 
 struction  of  the  power  symbolisod  by  the  mystical 
 Babylon. 
 
 Au'tioch.  1.  In  Syria.  The  capital  of  the 
 Greek  kings  of  Syria,  and  afterwards  the  residence 
 of  the  Roman  goveniors  of  the  province  which  bore 
 the  same  name.  This  metropolis  was  situated  where 
 the  chain  of  Lebanon,  ruiuiiiig  iiortiiwards,  and  the 
 chain  of  Taurus,  running  eastwards,  are  brought  to 
 an  abrujit  meeting.  Here  the  Orontes  breaks  tin  ough 
 the  mountains  ;  and  Antioch  was  placed  at  a  bend  of 
 the  river,  partly  on  an  island,  paitly  on  the  level 
 which  forms  the  left  bank,  and  partly  on  the  steep 
 and  ciafriry  ascent  of  Mount  Silpius,  which  lOse 
 abruptly  on  the  south.  In  the  immediate  neigh- 
 bourhooil  Wiis  Daphne,  the  celebrated  sjiiictiiary  of 
 Apollo  (2  Mace.  iv.  3;5)  ;  whence  the  city  was  some- 
 times called  Antioch  by  Dai-hni;,  to  distinguish 
 it  from  other  cities  of  the  same  name.— Xo  city, 
 alter  Jerusalem,  is  so  intimately  connecteii  with 
 the  history  of  the  apostolic  church.  Certain  jwint^ 
 of  close  association  between  these  two  cities,  as  re- 
 gards the  progress  of  Christianity,  may  be  noticed 
 in  the  first  jjlaco.  One  of  the  seven  deacons,  or 
 almoners  appointed  at  Jerusalem,  w;is  Nicolas,  a 
 proselyte  of  Antioch  (.Acts  vi.  5).  The  Christians, 
 who  were  dispersed  fiom  Jerusalem  at  the  death  of 
 Stephen,  preached  the  Gospel  at  Antioch  (ibid,  xi, 
 19).  It  was  from  Jerusalem  that  .Agabus  and  the 
 other  prophets,  who  foretold  the  famine,  came  to 
 Antioch  (ibid.  xi.  27,  28)-,  and  Barnabas  and  Saul 
 were  consequently  yent  on  a  mission  of  charity  from 
 the  latter  city  to  the  former  (ibid.  xi.  30,  xii.  2.5). 
 It  was  from  Jerusalem  again  that  the  Judaizere 
 c:\me,  who  distuibed  the  chuich  at  Antioch  {\h\A. 
 XV.  1);  and  it  was  at  Antioch  that  St.  Paul  re- 
 buked St.  Peter  for  conduct  into  which  he  had  been 
 betrayed  through  the  intiuence  of  emissaries  from 
 Jerusalem  ((!al.  ii.  11,  12).— The  chief  interest  of 
 .Antioch,  however,  is  connected  with  the  progress 
 of  Christianity  among  the  heathen.  Here  the  firet 
 Gentile  church  was  founded  (Act  xi.  20,  21);  here 
 the  disciples  of  Jesus  Christ  were  first  called  Chris- 
 tians (xi.  2G) ;  here  St.  Paul  exercised  (so  far  as  is 
 distinctly  recorded)  his  first  systematic  ministerial 
 work  (.ti.  22-26  ;  .see  xiv.  2(3-28  :  also  xv.  35  and 
 xviii.  22) ;  hence  he  stiwted  at  the  beginning  of  his 
 first  missionary  joumey  (xiii.  1-3),  and  hither  he 
 returned  (xiv.  2G).  So  again  after  the  apostolic 
 council  (the  decrees  of  which  were  sj)ecially  ad- 
 dressed to  the  Gentile  converts  at  Antioch,  xv.  23), 
 he  began  and  ended  his  second  missionary  journey 
 at  this  place  (xv.  36,  xviii.  22).  This  too  was  the 
 starting  ]>oint  of  the  third  missionary  journey  (xviii. 
 23),  which  Wiis  biought  to  a  termination  by  the 
 imprisonment  nt  Jei'us;ilem  and  Caesarea.  Though 
 St.  Paul  Wiis  never  again,  so  far  as  we  know,  at 
 .Antioch,  it  did  not  cciise  to  be  an  important  centre 
 for  Christiiin  progress;  but  it  does  not  belong  to 
 this  pliice  to  trace  its  history  as  a  patriarchate,  and 
 its  connexion  with  Ignatius,  Chrysostom,  and  other 
 eminent  niinies.  Antioch  was  fbundtnl  in  the  year 
 3(i0  it.O.,  by  Seleucus  Niciitor.  Jews  were  Kettle<t 
 there  from  the  lii-st  in  hii-ce  numbers,  were  go- 
 verned by  their  own  ethnarch,  and  idlowed  to  have 
 the  same  ])oliticid  privileges  with  the  Greeks.  An- 
 tioch grew  under  the  successive  Seleucid  kings,  till 
 it  becjime  a  city  of  gieat  extent  and  of  remarkable 
 beiiuty.  Some  of  the  most  magnificent  bdildings 
 wei*  on  the  island.  One  feature,  which  seems  to 
 have  been  characteristic  of  the  gieit  Syriim  cities, 
 — n  viist  street  with  colonnades,  intci-secting  Uie 
 
ANTIOCHIA 
 
 whole  from  eml  to  end — was  added  by  Aiitiocluis 
 Kpiplianes.  Some  lively  notices  of  the  Antioch  of 
 this  period,  and  of  its  relation  to  Jewish  history,  are 
 supplied  by  the  booivs  of  Maccabees.  (See  especially 
 1  Mace.  iii.  37,  .\i,  13;  2  Mncc.  iv.  7-9,  v.  21,  xi. 
 .^6.)  It  is  tlie  Antioch  of  the  Uomau  period  with 
 which  we  are  concerned  in  the  N.  T.  By  Pompey 
 it  had  been  made  a  free  city,  and  such  it  continued 
 till  tl>e  time  of  Antoninus  Pius.  The  early  Empe- 
 rors raised  there  some  large  and  important  struc- 
 tures, such  as  aqueducts,  amphitheatres,  and  bnths. 
 
 ANTIOCHUS 
 
 49 
 
 Gate  of  St.  rnnl.  Aiitiooh. 
 
 Herod  the  Great  contributed  a  road  and  a  colon- 
 nade. It  should  be  mentioned  here  that  the  citizens 
 of  Antioch  under  the  Empire  were  noted  for  scurri- 
 lous wit  and  the  invention  of  nicicnames.  This 
 perhaps  was  the  origin  of  the  name  by  which  the 
 disciples  of  Jesus  Christ  are  designated,  and  which 
 was  piobably  given  by  Romans  to  the  despised  sect, 
 and  not  by  Christians  to  themselves. — 2.  In  Pi- 
 SIDIA  (Acts  xiii.  14,  xiv.  19,  21  ;  2  Tim.  iii.  11), 
 on  the  borders  of  Phrygia,  corresponds  to  Vah- 
 batch,  which  is  distant  from  Ak-sher  six  hours  over 
 the  mountains.  This  city,  like  the  Syrian  Antioch, 
 was  founded  by  Seleucus  Nica-tor.  Under  the  Ro- 
 mans it  became  a  colonia,  and  was  also  called  Cae- 
 sarea.  The  occasion  on  which  St.  Paul  visited  the 
 city  for  the  first  time  (Acts  xiii.  14)  was  very  in- 
 teresting and  important.  His  preaching  in  the 
 synagogue  led  to  the  reception  of  the  Gospel  by  a 
 great  number  of  the  Gentiles :  and  this  resulted  in 
 a  violent  persecution  on  the  part  of  the  Jews,  who 
 fir.st,  using  the  influence  of  some  of  the  wealthy 
 female  residents,  drove  him  from  Antioch  to  Ico- 
 nium  (ib.  50,  51),  and  subsequently  followed  him 
 even  to  Lystra  (Acts  xiv.  19).  St.  Paul  on  his 
 return  fiom  Lystra,  revisited  Antioch  for  the  pui-pose 
 of  strengthening  the  minds  of  the  disciples  (ib.  21). 
 These  events  happened  when  he  was  on  his  first 
 missionary  journey,  in  company  with  Barnabas. 
 He  probably  visited  Antioch  again  at  the  beginning 
 of  his  second  journey,  when  Silas  was  his  associate, 
 and  Timotheus,  who  was  a  native  of  this  neigh- 
 bourhood, had  just  been  added  to  the  party.  The 
 allusion  in  2  Tim.  iii.  11  shows  that  Timotheus 
 was  well  acquainted  with  the  sufferings  which  the 
 Con.  D.  B. 
 
 apostle  had  undergone  during  his  first  visit  to  the 
 i^isidinn  Antioch.      [PllKYcjlA  ;  PxsiDlA.l 
 
 AntiocM'a  (1  Mace.  iv.  ,".5,  vi.  03  ;  2"Macc.  iv. 
 33,  V.  21).     [Antioch  1.] 
 
 Antio'chians,  pai-tizans  of  Antioch  us  Epiphanes 
 (2  M.acc.  iv.  9,  I9i. 
 
 Anti'ocMs,  concubine  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes 
 (2  Mace.  iv.  30). 
 
 Anti'ocllUS,  father  of  Numenius,  one  of  the  am- 
 bassadors ti'om  Jonathan  to  the  Romans  (1  Mace, 
 xii.  1(3,  xiv.  22). 
 
 Anti'oclms  II.,  king  of  Syria,  surnamed  tlic 
 ilud,  succeeded  his  father  Antiochus  Soter  in  li.C. 
 21)1.  During  the  eai'lier  part  of  his  reign  he  was 
 engaged  in  a  fierce  war  with  Ptolemy  Philadelphus, 
 king  of  Egypt,  in  the  course  of  whicii  Parthia  and 
 Bactria  re\'olted  and  became  inde))endent  kingdoms. 
 .\t  length  (n.C.  250)  peace  was  made,  and  the  two 
 monarchs  "joined  themselves  together"  (Dan.  xi. 
 6),  and  Ptolemy  ("  the  king  of  the  south  ")  gave 
 his  daughter  Berenice  in  marriage  to  Antiociius 
 ("  the  king  of  the  north  "),  who  set  aside  his  foimer 
 wife,  Laodice,  to  receive  her.  After  some  time,  on 
 the  death  of  Ptolemy  (i!.C.  247),  Antiochus  recalled 
 Laodice  and  her  children  Seleucus  and  Antiochus  to 
 court.  Thus  Berenice  was  "not  able  to  retain  her 
 power  ;"  and  Laodice,  in  jealous  fear  lest  slie  might 
 a  second  time  lose  her  ascendancy,  poisoned  Antio- 
 chus (him  "  that  strengthened  her,"  i.  e.  Berenice), 
 and  caused  Beienice  and  her  infant  son  to  be  put 
 to  death,  B.C.  246  (Dan.  xi.  6).  After  the  death 
 of  Antiochus,  Ptolemy  Evergetes,  the  brother  of 
 Berenice  ("  out  of  a  branch  of  her  roots "),  who 
 succeeded  his  father  Ptol.  Philadelphus,  exacted 
 vengeance  for  his  sister's  death  by  an  invasion  of 
 Syi'ia,  in  which  Laodice  was  killed,  her  son  Se- 
 leucus Callinicus  driven  for  a  time  fiom  the  throne, 
 and  the  whole  country  plundered  (I'an.  xi.  7-9).' 
 The  hostilities  thus  reneweil  continued  for  many 
 years ;  and  on  the  death  of  Seleucus  B.C.  226,  after 
 his  "return  into  his  own  land"  (Dan.  xi.  9),  his 
 sons  Alexander  (Seleucus)  Keraunos,  and  Antiochus 
 "  assembled  a  multitude  of  great  forces "  against 
 Ptol.  Philopator  the  son  of  Evergetes,  and  one  of 
 (hem  (Antiochus)  threatened  to  overthrow  the 
 power  of  Egypt  (Dan.  xi.  9,  10). 
 
 Anti'ocllUS  III.,  surnamed  the  Great,  succeeded 
 his  brother  Seleucus  Keraunos,  who  was  assassi- 
 nated after  a  short  reign  in  B.C.  223.  He  prose- 
 cuted the  war  against  Ptolemy  Philopator  with 
 vigour,  and  at  first  with  success.  In  B.C.  218  he 
 drove  the  Egyptian  forces  to  Sidon,  conquered  Sa- 
 maria and  Gilead,  and  wintered  at  Ptolemais,  but 
 was  defeated  next  year  at  Raphia,  near  Gaza  (B.C. 
 217),  with  immense  loss,  and  in  consequence  made 
 a  peace  with  Ptolemy,  in  which  he  ceded  to  him 
 the  disputed  provinces  of  Coele-Syria,  Phoenicia 
 and  Palestine  (Dan.xi.  11,  12),  During  the  next 
 thirteen  years  Antiochus  was  engaged  in  strength- 
 ening his  position  in  Asia  Minor,  and  on  the  fion- 
 tiers  of  Parthia,  and  by  his  successes  gained  his 
 surname  of  the  Great.  At  the  end  of  this  time, 
 B.C.  205,  Ptolemy  Philopator  died,  and  left  his 
 kingdom  to  his  son  Ptol.  Epiphanes,  who  was  only 
 five  years  old.  Antiochus  availed  himself  of  the 
 opportunity  which  was  offered  by  the  weakness  of 
 a  minority  and  the  unpopularity  of  the  regent,  to 
 unite  with  Philip  III.  of  Macedon  for  the  pui-pose 
 of  conquering  and  dividing  the  Egyptian  dominions. 
 The  Jews,  who  had  been  exasperated  by  the  con- 
 duct  of  Ptol.   Philopator   both   in    Palestine  aud 
 
 £ 
 
50 
 
 ANTIOCHUS 
 
 Ksiypt,  ojioiily  psjxiusod  Ins  ciuisr,  iiiuler  the  in- 
 fluence of  a  shoit-sijjhteil  policy  ("  tiie  factious 
 amons;  thy  people  shnll  rise,"  i.  e.  iig:iinst  Ptolemy, 
 Dan.  xi.  14).  Antiochus  succeeiled  in  occupying 
 ttie  three  disputed  provinces,  but  was  recalled  to 
 Asia  by  a  war  which  broke  out  with  Attiihis,  king 
 of"  IVri,'anms ;  and  his  ally  Philip  was  himself  em- 
 broiled with  the  llomaus.  In  consequence  of  this 
 divei-sion  Ptolemy,  by  the  aid  of  Scopas,  again 
 made  himself  mitster  of  Jerusalem,  and  recovered 
 the  territory  which  he  had  lost,  in  it.c  11)8 
 Antiochus  reappeared  in  the  field  and  gained  a  de- 
 cisive victory  "near  the  sources  of  the  .lordan;" 
 and  afterwards  ttiptured  Scopas  and  the  remnrnt  of 
 his  forces  who  had  taken  refuge  in  Sidon  (Dan.  xi. 
 15).  The  Jews,  who  had  suil'ered  severely  during 
 the  struggle,  welcomed  Antiochus  as  their  deli- 
 verer, and  "  he  stood  in  the  glonous  land  which  by 
 his  hand  was  to  be  consumed"  (l>an.  xi.  16).  His 
 further  designs  against  EgJ'pt  were  frustrated  by 
 the  intervention  of  the  Romans;  and  his  daughter 
 Cleopatra,  whom  he  gave  in  marriage  to  Ptol. 
 Kpiphanes,  with  the  Phoenician  provinces  tor  her 
 dower,  favoured  the  inteie-its  of  her  husbiind  nitlier 
 than  those  of  her  father  (|)an.  xi.  17).  Fiom  I'-gvpt 
 Antiochus  turned  again  to  Asia  Minor,  and  after 
 vai'ious  successes  in  the  Aegaean  crossed  over  to 
 Gi-eece,  and  by  the  advice  of  Hannibal  entered  on  a 
 war  with  Rome.  His  victorious  course  was  checked 
 at  Thermopylae  (is.c.  191),  and  af"ter  subsequent 
 reverses  he  was  finally  defeated  at  Magnesia  in 
 Lydia,  n.c.  190.  liy  the  peace  which  was  con- 
 cluded sliortly  afleiwards  (li.C.  188j  ho  w;is  forced 
 to  cede  all  his  possessions  "  on  the  Roman  side  of 
 Mt.  Taurus,"  and  to  pay  in  successive  instalments 
 an  enoiTTious  sum  of  money  to  defray  the  expenses 
 of  the  war.  This  last  condition  led  to  his  ignomin- 
 ious death.  In  B.C.  187  he  attacked  a  lich  temple 
 of  lielus  in  lilymais,  and  was  slain  by  the  people 
 who  lose  in  its  defence.  Thus  "  he  stumbled  and 
 fell,  ancl  was  not  found"  ("Dan.  xi.  19). — Two  sons 
 of  Antiochus  occupied  the  throne  after  him,  Se- 
 leucus  I'hilopator,  his  immediate  successor,  and 
 Antiochus  IV'.,  who  gained  the  kingdom  upon  the 
 fLssassination  of  his  biothcr. 
 
 (Krom  ttioln  ) 
 
 Anti'oclius  rv.,  Epiph'anes  (the  Ww/z-wits),  was 
 the  youngest  son  of  Antiochus  the  <!reat.  He  was 
 given  as  a  hnstige  to  the  Romans  (IJ.C.  188)  after 
 his  father's  defeat  at  Magnesia.  In  H.c.  17r>  he 
 ■was  rclea-sed  by  the  intervention  of  his  biother 
 Sdeuous,  who  substituted  his  own  son  Demetrius 
 in  his  place.  Antiochus  was  at  Athens  when 
 .Soleucus  was  assassinated  by  Heliodorus.  He  took 
 advantage  of  his  position,  and,  by  the  assistance  of 
 Kuraenes  and  Attains,  ea-^ily  expelled  Heliodorus 
 who  had  usurped  the  crown,  and  himself  "ob- 
 tained the  kingdom  by  flatteries  "  (I)!in.  xi.  21)  to 
 
 ANTIOCHUS 
 
 the  exclusion  of  his  nejihew  Demetrius  (Dan.  viii. 
 7 ).  The  accession  of  Antiochus  was  immediately 
 followed  by  desperate  efibrts  of  the  Hellenizing  party 
 at  Jerusalem  to  assert  their  supremacy.  Jason,  the 
 brother  of  Onias  HI.,  the  high  priest,  pei-suaded  the 
 king  to  transfer  tlie  high  pnesthood  to  him,  and  at 
 the  same  time  bought  permission  ('i  Mace.  iv.  9) 
 to  carry  out  his  design  of  habituating  the  Jews  to 
 Greek  customs  (2  Mace.  iv.  7,  20).  Three  years 
 afterwards,  Menelaus,  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin, 
 who  was  commissioned  by  Jason  to  carry  to 
 .\ntioclnus  the  price  of  his  ofTice,  supplanted  Jason 
 by  oUering  the  king  a  larger  biibe,  and  was  him- 
 self apijointed  high  priest,  while  Jason  was  obliged 
 to  take  refuge  among  the  Ammonites  (2  Mace, 
 iv.  215-26).  From  these  circumstances  and  from 
 the  marked  honour  with  which  Antiochus  was 
 received  at  Jerusalem  very  eaily  in  his  reign  (c. 
 li.C.  173;  2  Mace.  iv.  22j,  it  appeal's  that  he 
 found  no  dilKculty  in  regaining  the  boider  provinces 
 which  h;id  been  given  as  the  dower  of  his  sister 
 ("leopatra  to  Ptol.  Epiphanes.  But  his  ambition 
 led  him  still  farther,  and  he  undertook  four  c;im- 
 paigns  jigainst  E^ypt,  B.C.  171,  170,  169,  168, 
 with  gieater  success  than  had  attended  his  prede- 
 cessor, and  the  complete  conquest  of  the  country 
 was  prevented  only  by  the  interference  of  the  Ro- 
 mans (Dan.  xi.  24;  1  Mace.  i.  16  ff.;  2  Mace.  v. 
 11  fl'.).  The  course  of  Antiochus  was  eveiywhere 
 marked  by  the  same  wild  prodigality  jis  had  sig- 
 nalised his  occupation  of  the  throne  (Dan.  /.  c). 
 The  consequent  exhaustion  of  his  treasury,  and  the 
 armed  conflicts  of  the  rival  high  priests  whom  he 
 had  appointed,  furnished  the  o(.-cision  for  an  assault 
 upon  Jeiusalem  on  his  return  from  his  second 
 ICgy))tian  campaign  (B.C.  170)  which  he  had  pro- 
 bably ])lanncd  in  conjunction  with  Ptol.  Philometor, 
 who  was  at  that  time  in  his  power  (Dan.  xi.  26). 
 The  Temple  was  plun<lered,  a  terrible  massacre 
 took  jilace,  and  a  Phi  vgian  governor  was  left  with 
 Menelaus  in  charge  of  the  city  (2  Mace.  v.  1-22; 
 1  Mace.  i.  20-28).  Two  years  afterwards,  at  the 
 close  of  the  fourth  ICgyptian  expedition,  Antiochus 
 detached  a  force  under  .Apollonius  to  occupj-  Jeru- 
 salem and  fortify  it,  and  at  this  time  he  availed 
 himself  of  the  assistance  of  the  ancestral  enemies 
 of  the  Jews  (1  Mace.  iv.  61,  v.  3  fl". ;  Dan.  xi. 
 41).  The  decrees  then  followed  which  have  ren- 
 dered his  name  infamous.  The  Temple  was  dese- 
 crated, and  the  observance  of  the  law  was  forbidden. 
 "On  the  fifteenth  dayofCisleii  [the  Syrians]  set 
 up  the  abomination  of  desolation  (i.e.  an  idol  alt.ar: 
 ver.  59)  on  the  altar"  (1  Mace.  i.  54).  Ten  days 
 afterwards  an  oU'ering  was  made  upon  it  to  Jupiter 
 Olympius.  At  Jerusalem  all  opposition  appears  to 
 have  ceased  ;  but  Mattathias  ami  his  sons  organised' 
 a  resistance  ("holpen  with  a  little  help,"  Dan.  xi. 
 34),  which  preserved  inviolate  the  name  and  faith 
 of  Israel.  Meanwhile  .Antiochus  turned  his  antis 
 to  the  East,  towards  Parthia  and  Armenia  (Dan. 
 xi.  40).  Hearing  not  long  .-ifterwards  of  the  lichos 
 of  a  temple  of  Nanaea  ("  the  desire  of  women," 
 Dan.  xi.  37)  in  Elymais,  hung  with  the  gifU  of 
 -Mexander,  he  resolved  to  plumler  it.  The  attempt 
 was  defeated  ;  an<l  though  he  di*l  not  fall  like  his 
 father  in  the  act  of  sacrilege,  the  event  hastened  his 
 death.  He  retiroil  to  Pial)ylon,  ami  thence  to  Tabae 
 in  Persia,  where  he  died  n.c.  1(54,  the  victim  of 
 supei-stifion,  terror,  and  remoi-se,  having  first  heard 
 of  the  successes  of  the  Mai;cabees  in  restoring  the 
 Temple-woi-ship  at  Jerusalem   (1  Mace.  vi.    l-l(i ; 
 
ANTIOCHUS 
 
 cf.  2  Mace.  i.  7-17?).  "He  came  to  his  end 
 and  there  was  none  to  help  him  "  (Pan.  xi.  45). 
 The  reigu  of  Aiitiocluis,  thus  shortly  traced,  was 
 the  last  great  cris',5  in  the  history  of  the  Jews  betore 
 the  coming  of  our  Lord.  The  prominence  which  is 
 given  to  it  in  the  book  of  Daniel  fitly  accords  with 
 its  typical  and  lepresentative  character  (Dan.  vii. 
 8,  25,  viii.  1 1  tf.).  The  conquest  of  Alexander 
 had  introduced  the  forces  of  Greek  thought  and  life 
 into  the  Jewish  nation,  which  was  already  prepared 
 for  their  operation  [Alexander].    For  more  than 
 
 ANTIOCHUS 
 
 51 
 
 Head  of  Antiochus  IV.  Epiphanes.     (From  a  coiii.) 
 
 a  centuiy  and  a  half  these  forces  had  acted  power- 
 fully both  upon  the  faith  and  upon  the  habits  of  the 
 people ;  and  the  time  was  come  when  an  outward 
 struggle  alone  could  decide  whether  Judaism  was 
 to  be  merged  in  a  rationalised  Paganism,  or  to 
 lise  not  only  victorious  from  the  conflict,  but 
 more  vigorous  and  more  pure.  Nor  was  the  social 
 position  of  tlie  Jews  less  perilous.  The  influence 
 of  Greek  literature,  of  foreign  travel,  of  extended 
 commerce,  had  made  itself  felt  in  daily  life.  At 
 Jerusalem  the  mass  of  the  inhabitants  seem  to  have 
 desired  to  imitate  the  exercises  of  the  Greeks;  and 
 a  Jewish  embassy  attended  the  games  of  Hercules 
 at  Tyre  (2  Mace.  iv.  9-20).  Even  their  religious 
 feelings  were  yielding  ;  and  before  the  rising  of  the 
 Maccabees  no  opposition  was  ottered  to  the  execu- 
 tion of  the  king's  decrees.  Upon  the  first  attempt 
 of  Jason  the  "  priests  had  no  courage  to  serve  at  the 
 altar"  (2  Mace.  iv.  14;  cf.  1  Mace.  i.  43):  and 
 this  not  so  much  from  wilful  apostasy,  as  from  a 
 disregard  to  the  vital  principles  involved  in  the 
 conflict. 
 
 Anti'ochus  V.,  Eu'pator  {of  noble  descent),  suc- 
 ceeded his  father  Antiochus  IV.  B.C.  164,  while 
 still  a  child,  under  the  guardianship  of  Lysias  (1 
 Mace.  iii.  32,  vi.  17),  though  Antiochus  had  on  his 
 death-bed  assigned  this  office  to  Philip  his  own 
 foster-brother  (1  Mace.  vi.  14,  15,  55:  2  Mace. 
 ix.  29).  Shortly  after  his  accession  he  marched 
 against  Jerusalem  with  a  large  army,  accompanied 
 by  Lysi;\s,  to  relieve  the  Syrian  garrison,  which 
 was  hard  pressed  by  Judas  JIaccabaeus  (1  Mace, 
 vi.  19  if.).  He  repulsed  Judas  at  Bethzacharia, 
 and  took  Bethsuia  (Bethzm-)  after  a  vigorous  re- 
 sistance (1  Mace.  vi.  31-50).  But  when  the 
 Jewish  force  in  the  Temple  was  on  the  point  of 
 yielding,  Lysias  persuaded  the  king  to  conclude  a 
 hasty  peace  that  he  might  advance  to  meet  Philip, 
 who  had  returned  from  Peisia  and  male  himself 
 master  of  Antioch  (1  Mace.  vi.  51  ff".).  Philip 
 was  speedily  oveipowered  ;  but  in  the  next  year 
 (B.C.  162)  Antiochus  and  Lysias  fell  into  the 
 hands  of  Demetrius  Soter,  the  son  of  Seleucus 
 Philopator,  who  caused  them  to  be  put  to  death 
 in  revenge  for  the  wrongs  which  he  had  himself 
 suffered  from  Antiochus  Epiphanes  fl  Maco.  vii. 
 2-4;  2  Mace.  xiv.  I.  2). 
 
 Anti'oclins  VI.  was  the  son  of  Alexander  Balas 
 and  Cleopatra.  After  his  father's  death  (146  B.C.) 
 he  remained  in  Arabia;  but  though  still  a  child 
 (1  Mace.  xi.  54),  he  was  soon  afterwards  brought 
 forward  (c.  145  B.C.)  as  a  claimant  to  the  throne 
 of  Syiia  against  Demetrius  Nicator  by  Tryphon  or 
 Diodotus  (1  Mace.  .xi.  39),  who  had  been  an  otticer  of 
 his  father.  Tryphon  succeeded  in  gaining  Antioch 
 (1  Mace.  xi.  56) ;  and  afteiwards  the  greater  part 
 of  Syria  submitted  to  the  young  Antiochus.  Jo- 
 nathan, who  was  confirmed  by  him  in  the  high 
 priesthood  (1  Mace.  xi.  57)  and  invested  with  the 
 government  of  Judaea,  contributed  gi-eatly  to  his 
 success,  occupying  Ascalon  and  Gaza,  and  reducing 
 the  country  as  far  as  Damascus  (1  Mace.  xi.  60-62). 
 He  aftei-wards  defeated  the  troops  of  Demetrius  at 
 Hazor  (1  Mace.  xi.  67)  near  Cadesh  (ver.  73):  and 
 repulsed  a  second  attempt  which  he  made  to  regain 
 Palestine  (1  Mace.  xii.  24  ?t.).  Tiyphon  having 
 now  gained  the  supreme  power  in  the  name  of 
 Antiochus,  no  longer  concealed  his  design  of  usurp- 
 ing the  crown.     As  a  first  step  he  took   Jonathan 
 
 Head  of  Antiochus  VT.     (From  a  coin.) 
 
 by  treachery  and  put  him  to  death,  B.C.  143 
 (1  Mace.  xii.  40);  and  afterwards  murdered  the 
 young  king,  and  ascended  the  throne  (1  Mace, 
 xiii.  31). 
 
 Anti'ochus  Vn.,  Side'tes  {of  Side,  in  Pam- 
 phylia),  king  of  Syiia,  was  tiie  second  son  of  Deme- 
 trius 1.  When  his  brother,  Demetrius  Nicator,  was 
 taken  prisoner  (c.  141  B.C.)  by  Mithndates  L 
 (Arsaces  VL,  1  Mace.  .xiv.  1)  king  of  Parthia,  he 
 manned  his  wife  Cleopatra  and  obtained  possession 
 of  the  throne  (137  B.C.),  having  expelled  the 
 usui-per  Tryphon  (1  Mace.  xv.  1  if.).  At  first 
 he  made  a  very  advantageous  tieaty  with  Simon, 
 who  was  now"  high  priest  and  prince  of  the  Jews," 
 but  w^hen  he  grew  independent  of  his  help,  he  with- 
 drew the  concessions  which  he  had  made  and  de- 
 manded the  surrender  of  the  foitresses  which  the 
 Jews  held,  or  an  equivalent  in  money  (1  Mace.  xv. 
 26  tf.).  As  Simon  was  unwilling  to  yield  to  his 
 demands,  he  sent  a  force  under  Cendebaeus  against 
 liim,  who  occupied  a  fortified  position  at  Cedron 
 (?  1  Mace.  XV.  41),  near  Azotus,  and  harassed 
 the  surrounding  country.  After  the  defeat  of 
 Cendebaeus  by  the  sons  of  Simon  and  the  de- 
 struction of  his  works  (1  Mace.  xvi.  1-10),  Anti- 
 ochus, who  had  returned  from  the  pursuit  of 
 Tryphon,  undertook  an  expedition  against  Judaea 
 in  person.  He  laid  siege  to  Jerusalem,  but  ac- 
 cording to  Joscphus  granted  honourable  terms  to 
 John  Hyrcanus  (B.C.  133),  who  had  made  a 
 vigorous  resistance.  Antiochus  ne.xt  turned  his 
 arms  against  the  Parthians,  and  Hyi'canus  ac- 
 companied him  m  the  campaign.     But  after  some 
 
 E  2 
 
52  ANTIPAS 
 
 successes  he  w.is  entirply  defeated  by  Phraoites  II. 
 CAreaces  VII.),  and  tell  in  the  battle  c.  B.C. 
 i27-(5. 
 
 An'tipas,  martyr  at  Pergamas  (Rev.  ii.  13),  and 
 acconlii'g  to  tradition  the  bishop  of  that  place. 
 
 An'tipas.     [IIkrod.] 
 
 Antip'ater,  son  of  Jnson,  ambassador  from  tlie 
 Jews  to  the  Lacedemonians  (1  Mace.  xii.  IB,  xiv.  22). 
 
 Antipat  ris,  a  town  to  which  the  soldiers  con- 
 veyed St.  I'anl  by  nis^ht  on  their  march  (Acts  xxiii. 
 31).  Its  ancient  name  was  Capharsaha  ;  and  Herod, 
 when  he  rebuilt  the  city,  chane;ed  it  to  Antipatris, 
 in  honour  of  his  father  Antipater.  According  to  the 
 Jerusalem  Jtinei-ary  it  was  42  miles  from  .leru- 
 salem  and  2i)  from  Caesarea.  The  village  Kefr- 
 Saba  still  retains  the  ancient  name  of  Antipatris, 
 and  its  position  is  in  sutlicient  harmony  with 
 what  Josephus  says  of  the  position  of  Antipntris, 
 which  he  describes  as  a  well-watered  and  well- 
 wooded  plain,  near  a  hilly  ridge,  and  with  his 
 notices  of  a  trench  dug  from  thence  for  military 
 purposes  to  the  sea  near  Joppa  by  one  of  the  Asnio- 
 ncan  princes. 
 
 Anto'nia,  a  fortress  built  by  Herod  on  the 
 site  of  the  more  ancient  liaris,  on  the  N.W.  of  the 
 Temple,  and  so  named  by  him  after  his  friend  An- 
 tonius.  [.Iiorusalem].  The  word  nowhei-e  occurs 
 in  the  P>ible. 
 ■  An'tothile,  a  dweller  at  Anathoth  (1  Ch.  xi.  28, 
 
 xii.   -i).       [AXATIIOTIIITK.] 
 
 Antothi'jah,  A  Benjamite,  one  of  the  sons  of 
 Jeroham  (1  Chr.  viii.  24). 
 
 A'nub,  Son  of  Coz  and  descendant  of  Jndah, 
 through  Ashur  the  father  of  Tekoa  (1  Chr.  iv.  8), 
 
 A'nus,  a  Levite  (1  Esd.  ix.  48).     [Bani]. 
 
 Ap'ame,  concubine  of  Darius,  and  daughter  of 
 I'.ui  t.iciis  ( I  Ks  1.  iv.  29). 
 
 Apes  (Ileb.  hophhn),  occur  in  1  K.  x.  22, 
 "  once  in  thr(!e  years  came  the  navy  of  Tharshish, 
 l)ringing  golil,  and  silver,  ivory,  and  a]>es,  and 
 peacocks,"  and  in  the  parallel  passage  of  2  Chr.  ix. 
 21.  Thei-e  can  be  little  doubt  but  that  the  apes 
 were  brought  from  the  same  country  which  sup- 
 plied ivory  and  ])eacocl;s,  both  jf  which  are  com- 
 mon in  Ceylon ;  and  Sii  !•;.  Tennent  has  diawn 
 attention  to  the  fact  that  the  Tamil  names  for 
 apes,  ivoiy,  and  ])e.acocks,  are  identical  with  the 
 })''l)rew. 
 
 Apel'les,  a  Christian  sainted  Ijy  St.  Paul  in 
 Rom.  xvi.  10.  Tradition  makes  him  bishop  of 
 Smvrna  or  Hcr:i(li'M. 
 
 ApIursathcMtes,  Aphar'sites,  Aphar'sacites, 
 the  names  of  certain  tril)es,  colonies  from  which 
 had  been  planted  in  Samaria  l)y  the  Assyrian  Icaclcr 
 .\snapper  (Kzr.  iv.  9,  v.  (!).  The  (irst  and  la.st  are 
 regai-ded  as  the  same.  Whence  these  tribes  came 
 is  entiiely  a  matter  of  conjecture. 
 
 A'phek  (from  a  root  signilying  tenacity  or  fn-m- 
 iie.ssj,  till'  name  of  several  places  in  Palestine.— 
 1.  A  royal  city  of  the  Can.iiinites,  the  king  of 
 which  was  killed  by  Joshua  (Jo.sh.  xii.  18 1,  pro- 
 bably the  !-ame  as  the  Aphokah  of  .losh.  xv.  58. 
 —2.  A  city,  ajjparpiitly  in  the  extreme  north  of 
 Ashcr  (Josh.  xix.  3(1),  from  which  the  Caiiaanites 
 were  not  ejected  (Judg.  i.  31  ;  though  here  it  is 
 Ajihik).  Tiiis  is  probably  the  same  place  as 
 the  Aphek  fJo.sh.  xiii.  4),  on  the  extreme  noith 
 "  border  of  the  .Amorites,"  and  apparently  beyond 
 Sidon,  identifiel  with  the  Aphaca  of  classical  times, 
 IJunons  f()r  it-s  tcmjile  of  N'l'nus,  and  now  Afka.^- 
 8.  A    [ihi'-e   at    which   the    Philistines    encamped. 
 
 APOLLONIUS 
 
 while  the  Israelites  pitched  in  Eben-ezer,  before  the 
 fatal  battle  in  which  the  sons  of  Kli  were  killed  and 
 the  ark  taken  (I  Sam.  iv.  1).  This  would  be 
 somewhere  to  the  N.W.  of,  and  at  no  great  distance 
 froin  Jeiusjilem.— 4.  The  scene  of  another  encamp- 
 ment of  the  Philistines,  before  an  encounter  not 
 less  disastrous  than  that  just  named, — the  defeat 
 and  death  of  Saul  (1  Sam.  xxix.  1).  It  is  pos- 
 sible that  it  iTiay  be  the  satne  place  as  the  pio- 
 ceding.— 5.  A  city  on  the  military  road  from  Syria 
 to  Israel  (I  K.  xx.  26).  It  was  walled  (30),  and 
 was  ajiparently  a  common  spot  for  engagements 
 with  Syria  (2  K.  xiii.  17).  It  was  situated  in 
 "  the  plain  "  (1  K.  xx.  25)  and  consequently  in  the 
 level  down-country  e;ist  of  the  Joidan ;  and  theie, 
 accordingly,  it  is  now  found  in  Fik,  at  the  head 
 of  the  Wadu  Fik,  C  miles  east  of  the  Sea  of 
 Caliloe,  the  great  road  between  Damas-jus,  Nd- 
 b'liiis,  and  Jerusalem,  still  passing  thiough  the 
 village. 
 
 Aph'ekah,  a  city  of  Judah,  in  the  mountains 
 ,  Jiisli.  \v.  .">3),  probably  the  same  as  Ai'HI:k  (I). 
 
 Aphe'rema,  one  of  the  three  "governments" 
 added  to  Judaea  from  Samaria  by  Demetrius  Sotei', 
 and  ciiuHnned  by  Nicnnor  (1  Mace.  xi.  34).  It  is 
 j)rol>ably  the  same  as  Ki)liraim. 
 
 Apher'ra,  one  of  the  sous  of  the  sen'ants  of 
 Solonioii  who  returned  with  Zeruhbabel  (1  Ksd.  v. 
 34).  His  name  is  not  tbuud  in  the  parallel  lists  o( 
 Kzra  and  Nehemiah. 
 
 Aphi'ah,  one  of  the  forefathers  of  king  Saul  (1 
 Sam.  ix.  I ). 
 
 A'phik,  a  city  of  Asher  from  which  tlie  Canaau- 
 ites  were  not  driven  out  (Judg.  i.  31).  Probably 
 the  same  ])lace  as  Ai'HEK  (2). 
 
 Aph'rah,  the  house  of,  a  place  mentioned  in 
 Mic.  i.  ID.     Its  site  is  uncertain. 
 
 Aph'ses,  chief  of  the  18th  of  the  24  courees  in 
 the  service  of  the  Temple  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  15). 
 
 Apocalypse.     [Revklation.] 
 
 Apoc'rypha.  The  collection  of  Books  to  which 
 this  term  is  popularly  ap])lied  includes  the  fol- 
 lowing (the  order  given  is  tliat  in  which  they  stand 
 ill  the  I'jiirlish  version):  —  I.  1  ICsdras  ;  II.  2  Es- 
 dras;  III.Tobit;  IV.  Judith;  V.  The  rest  of  the 
 chapters  of  the  Book  of  Esther,  which  are  found 
 neither  in  the  Hebrew  nor  in  the  Chaldee ;  VI. 
 The  Wisdom  of  Solomon;  VH.  The  Wisdom  of 
 .lesus  the  Son  of  Sirach,  or  Ecclesiasticus ;  VIII. 
 Baruch;  IX.  The  Song  of  the  Three  Holy  Chil- 
 dren; X.  The  History  of  Susanna;  XI.  The  His- 
 tory of  the  destruction    of  Bel  and  the  Dragon  ; 
 
 XII.  The    Pr<\yer   of   Manasses,    king   of  Judah; 
 
 XIII.  1  Maccabees;  XIV.  2  Maccabees.  The  pii- 
 maiy  meaning  of  Apocrypha,  "  hidden,  secret," 
 .seems,  towards  the  close  of  the  2nd  century,  to  have 
 been  associated  with  .the  signification  "spurious," 
 and  ultimately  to  have  settled  down  info  the  latter. 
 The  separate  books  of  this  colle<'tion  are  treated 
 of  in  distinct  Arti(;les.  Their  relation  to  the  ca- 
 nonicjil  books  of  the  Old  Testitmant  is  discussed 
 under  Canon. 
 
 Apollo'nia,  a  city  of  Macedonia,  through  which 
 Paul  and  Silas  passed  in  their  way  from  Philip])i 
 ami  Atnphi])olis  to  Thcssalonica  (Acts  xvil.  1).  Ac- 
 cording to  the  Antonine  flinerari/,  it  was  distant 
 3i)  Roman  miles  from  Amphipolis,  and  37  Roman 
 miles  from  Thc-isalonioi. 
 
 Apollo 'nius.  1.  Son  of  Thi^asaeas  governor  of 
 Coi.'le-Svria  and  Phocnice,  under  SEI,i;fCl  6  IV. 
 Pim.oi'ATOii,   11. C.   187  11'.,  a  bitter  enemy  of  tJie 
 
APOLLOPHANES 
 
 Jews  (2  Mace.  iv.  4),  who  urged  the  king,  at  the 
 instigation  of  Simon  the  commander  of  the  Temple,  to 
 ])liindei'  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem  (2  Mace.  iii.  5  if.). 
 —2.  An  officer  of  Antioehus  Epiphanes,  and  go- 
 vernor of  Samaria,  who  led  out  a  laige  force  against 
 Judas  Maccabaeus,  but  was  defeated  and  slain  B.C. 
 166  (1  Mace.  iii.  10-12  j  Joseph.  .4nf.  xii.  71).  He 
 is  probably  the  same  person  who  was  chief  commis- 
 sioner of  the  revenue  of  Judaea  (1  Mace.  i.  29  ;  cf. 
 2  Mace.  V.  24),  who  spoiled  Jerusalem,  taking 
 advantage  of  the  Sabbath  (2  JIacc.  v.  24-26),  and 
 occupied  a  fortified  position  there  (if.C.  168) 
 (1  Mace.  i.  30  ff.).— 3.  The  son  of  Menestheus 
 (possibly  identical  with  the  pi'eceding  ,  an  envoy 
 commissioned  (B.C.  173)  by  Antiochus  Kpiphaues 
 to  congratulate  Ptolemy  Philometor  on  his  being 
 ciitluoned  (2  Mace.  iv.  21).— 4.  The  son  of  Gen- 
 naeus,  a  Syrian  general  under  Antiochus  V.  Eupator, 
 c.  B.C.  163  (2  Mace.  xii.  2). — 5.  TiiK  Daian  (i.  c. 
 one  of  the  Daliae  or  Dai,  a  ])eople  of  Sogdiana),  a 
 governor  of  Coi'le-Syna  (1  Mace.  x.  69)  under 
 Alexander  Balas,  who  embraced  the  cause  of  his 
 rival  Demetrius  Nicator,  and  was  appointed  by  him 
 to  a  chief  command  (1  Mace.  /.  c).  Apollonius 
 raised  a  large  force  and  attacked  Jonathan,  the  ally 
 of  Alexander,  but  was  entirely  defeated  by  him 
 (B.C.  147)  near  Azotus  (1  Mace.  x.  69-87). 
 
 Apolloph'anes,  a  Syrian,  killed  by  Judas  Macca- 
 baeus at  (jiiaua  (2  Mace.  x.  37). 
 
 Apollos,  a  Jew  fiom  Alexandria,  eloquent 
 (which  may  also  mean  leimed)  and  mighty  in 
 the  Scriptures :  one  instructed  in  the  way  of  the 
 Lord,  according  to  the  imperfect  view  of  the 
 disciples  of  John  the  Baptist  (Acts  jxm.  25),  but 
 on  his  coming  to  Ephesus  during  a  temporary  ab- 
 sence of  St.  Paul,  A.D.  54,  more  perfectly  taught 
 by  Aquila  and  Priscilla.  After  this  he  became  a 
 preacher  of  the  Gospel,  first  in  Achaia  and  then  in 
 Coiinth  (Acts  xviii.  27,  xix.  1),  where  he  watered 
 that  which  Paul  had  planted  (1  Cor.  iii.  6).  When 
 the  apostle  wrote  his  first  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians, 
 Apollos  was  with  or  near  him  (1  Cor.  xvi.  12), 
 probably  at  Ephesus  in  A.D.  57  :  we  hear  of  him 
 tneu  that  he  was  unwilling  at  that  time  to  jouniey 
 to  Corinth;  but  would  do  so  when  he  should  have 
 convenient  time.  He  is  mentioned  but  once  more 
 in  the  N.  T.,  in  Tit.  iii.  13,  where  Titus  is  de- 
 sired to  "  bring  Zenas  the  lawyer  and  Apollos  on 
 their  way  diligently,  that  nothing  may  be  wanting 
 to  them."  After  this  nothing  is  known  of  him. 
 Tradition  makes  him  bishop  of  Caesarea.  The  exact 
 part  which  Apollos  took  in  the  missionary  work  of 
 the  apostolic  age  can  never  be  ascerfciined,  and  much 
 fruitless  conjecture  has  been  spent  on  the  subject. 
 After  the  entire  amity  between  St.  Paul  and  him 
 which  appe;irs  in  the  first  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians, 
 it  is  hardly  possible  to  imagine  any  important  dif- 
 ference in  the  doctrines  which  they  taught.  Thus 
 much  may  safely  be  granted,  that  there  may  have 
 been  dilierence  enough  in  the  outward  character 
 and  expression  of  the  two  to  attract  the  lover  of 
 eloquence  and  philosophy  rather  to  Apollos,  some- 
 what perhaps  to  the  disparagement  of  St.  Paul.  It 
 has  been  supposed  by  some  that  Apollos  was  the 
 author  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews. 
 
 Apol'lyon,  or,  as  it  is  literally  in  the  margin  of 
 the  A.  \ .  of  Rev.  Lx.  11,  "a  destroyer,"  is  the  ren- 
 dering of  the  Hebrew  word  Abaddon,  "  the  angel 
 of  the  bottomless  pit."  The  Hebrew  teiin  is  really 
 abstract,  and  signifies  "  destruction,"  in  which  sense 
 it  occurs  in  Job  xxvi.  6,  xxviii.  22 ;  Prov.  sv.  1 1 ;  and 
 
 APOSTLE 
 
 53 
 
 other  jKissages.  The  angel  Apollyon  is  further  de- 
 scribed as  the  king  of  the  locusts  which  rose  from 
 the  smoke  ot  the  bottomless  pit  at  the  sounding  of 
 the  fifth  trumpet.  From  the  occuiTence  of  the 
 word  in  Ps.  Ixxsviii.  11,  the  Kabbins  have  made 
 Abaddon  the  nethermost  of  the  two  regions  into 
 which  they  divide  the  lower  world.  But  that  in 
 Kev.  ix.  11,  Abaddon  is  the  angel  and  not  the 
 abyss  is  perfectly  evident  in  the  Greek.  There  is 
 no  authority  for  connecting  it  with  "  the  destroyer  " 
 alluded  to  in  1  Cor.  x.  10  ;  and  the  explanation 
 quoted  by  Bengel,  that  the  name  is  given  in  Hebrew 
 and  Greek,  to  show  that  the  locusts  would  be  de- 
 structive alike  to  Jew  and  Gentile,  is  far-fetched 
 and  unnecessaiy.  The  etymology  of  Asmodeus, 
 the  king  of  the  demons  in  Jewish  mythology,  seems 
 to  point  to  a  connexion  with  Apollyon,  in  his  cha- 
 racter as  "the  destroyer"  or  destroying  angel. 
 See  also  \Vi.sd.  xviii.  22,  25.     [Asmudel's] 
 
 Apostle  (one  sent  foiih),  in  the  N.  T.,  originally 
 the  official  name  of  those  Twelve  of  the  disciples 
 whom  Jesus  chose  to  send  forth  firet  to  preach  the 
 Gospel,  and  to  be  with  Him  during  the  coui-se  of  his 
 ministry  on  earth.  The  word  also  appears  to  have 
 been  used  in  a  non-official  sense  to  designate  a  much 
 wider  circle  of  Christian  messengei-s  and  teachers 
 (see  2  Cor.  viii.  23;  Phil.  ii.  25).  It  is  only  of 
 those  who  were  officially  designated  Apostles  that 
 we  treat  in  this  article.  The  original  qualification 
 of  an  Apostle,  as  stated  by  St.  Peter,  on  occasion  of 
 electing  a  sucecs.sor  to  the  traitor  Judas,  was,  that 
 he  should  have  been  pereonally  acquainted  with  the 
 whole  ministerial  course  of  our  Lord,  from  his  ba]>- 
 tism  by  John  till  the  day  when  He  was  taken  up  into 
 heaven.  He  him.self  describes  them  as  "  they  that 
 had  continued  with  Him  in  his  temptations"  (Luke 
 xxii.  28).  By  this  close  personal  intercour.se  with 
 Him,  they  were  peculiarly  fitted  to  give  testimony 
 to  the  facts  of  redemption  ;  and  we  gather,  from  his> 
 own  words  in  John  xiv.  26,  x\'.  26,  27,  xvi.  13, 
 that  an  especial  bestowal  of  the  Spirit's  influence 
 was  granted  them,  by  which  their  memories  were 
 quickened,  and  their  power  of  reproducing  that 
 which  they  had  heard  fiom  Him  increa.sed  above 
 the  ordinaiy  measure  of  man.  The  Apostles  were 
 fi-om  the  lower  ranks  of  life,  simple  and  unedu- 
 cated ;  some  of  them  were  related  to  Jesus  according 
 to  the  flesh ;  some  had  previously  been  disciples  of 
 John  the  Bnptist.  Our  Loi-d  chose  them  early  in 
 his  public  career,  though  it  is  uncertain  precisely 
 at  what  time.  Some  of  them  had  certainly  partly 
 attached  themselves  to  Him  before  ;  but  after  their 
 call  as  Apostles  they  appear  to  have  been  continu- 
 ously with  Him,  or  in  his  seri-ice.  They  seem  to 
 have  been  all  on  an  equality,  both  during  and  after 
 the  ministiy  of  Chiist  on  earth.  We  find  one 
 indeed,  St.  Peter,  from  fen-our  of  personal  cha- 
 racter, usually  prominent  among  them,  and  distin- 
 guished bv  having  the  first  place  assigned  him  in 
 founding  the  Jewish  and  Gentile  churches  [Peter]  ; 
 but  we  never  find  the  slightest  trace  in  Scripture 
 of  any  superiority  or  primacy  being  in  consequence 
 accorded  to  him.  We  also  find  that  he  and  two 
 othere,  James  and  John,  the  sons  of  Zebedee,  are 
 admitted  to  the  inner  piivacy  of  our  Lord's  acts 
 and  sufferings  on  several  occasions  (Matt.  xvii.  l- 
 9,  xxvi.  37  ;  Mark  v.  37)  ;  but  this  is  no  proof 
 of  superiority  in  rank  or  office.  Early  in  our 
 Lord's  ministry,  He  sent  them  out  two  and  two  to 
 preach  repentance,  and  perfoim  miracles  in  his 
 name  (Matt.  x. ;  Luke  ix.).      This  their   mission 
 
54  APOSTLE 
 
 was  of  the  nature  of  a  solemn  c;ill  to  the  children 
 of  Isi-Mel,  to  whom  it  was  conliiu'd  (Matt.  x.  5,  (J). 
 'J'he  Apostles  were  early  warnwl  by  their  Master  of 
 the  solemn  nature  and  the  liange'r  of  their  calling 
 (Matt.  X.  17).  They  accompanied  Mini  in  his  jour- 
 neys of  teaching  anil  to  the  Jewish  feasts,  saw  his 
 wonderful  works,  heard  his  discourses  addressed  to 
 the  people  (Matt,  v.-vii.,  xxiii. ;  Luke  vi.  I;-i-49.) 
 or  those  which  he  held  with  learned  Jews  (Matt. 
 xix.  13  tf.  ;  Luke  x.  25  ff.),  made  iniiuiiies  of  Him 
 on  religious  mattei-s,  sometimes  concerning  his  own 
 sayings,  sometimes  of  a  general  nature  (iMatt.  xlii. 
 10  ff.,  XV.  15  ff.,  xviii.  1  ff;  Luke  viii.  9  ff.,  xii. 
 41,  xvii.  5  ;  John  ix.  2  ff.,  xiv.  5,  22,  &c.) :  some- 
 times they  worked  miiacles  (Mark  vi.  lo;  Luke 
 ix.  G),  sometimes  attempted  to  do  so  without  suc- 
 cass  (Matt.  xvii.  IG).  They  recognised  their  Master 
 as  the  Christ  of  God  (Matt.  xvi."]G  ;  Luke  ix.  2o), 
 and  ascribed  to  Him  supernatural  power  (Luke 
 ix.  54) ;  but  in  the  recognition  of  the  spiritual 
 teaching  and  mission  of  Christ,  they  made  very 
 slow  progress,  held  back  as  they  were  by  weakness 
 of  apprehension  and  by  national  prejudices  (Matt.  xv. 
 16,  xvi.  22,  xvii.  20,  21  ;  Luke  ix.  54,  xxiv.  25; 
 John  xvi.  12)  :  they  were  comjielled  to  ask  of  Him 
 the  explanation  of  even  his  simplest  j)arables  (JIark 
 viii.  14  ff. ;  Luke  xii.  41  ff.),  and  openly  confessed 
 their  we;ikness  of  faith  (Luke  xvii.  5).  Kven  at 
 the  removal  of  oui-  Loid  from  the  earth  they  were 
 yet  weak  in  their  knowledge  (Luke  xxiv.  21 ;  John 
 xvi.  12),  though  He  had  for  so  long  been  carefully 
 preparing  and  instructing  them.  And  when  that 
 hapjKjned  of  which  He  had  so  often  forewarned  them 
 — his  apprehension  by  the  chief  pnests  and  Phari- 
 sees— they  ;dl  forsook  Him  and  Hed  (Matt.  xxvi. 
 5G).  They  left  his  Ixuial  to  one  who  was  not 
 of  their  number  and  to  the  women,  and  were  only 
 convinced  of  his  resuriection  on  the  very  plainest 
 l)roofs  furnished  by  Himself.  It  was  first  when 
 this  fact  became  undeniable  that  light  seems  to  have 
 entered  their  minds,  and  not  even  then  without  his 
 own  special  aid,  oi)ening  theii-  understandings  that 
 they  might  uiidei-staiid  the  Scriptures.  ICven  after 
 that,  many  of  them  returned  to  their  common  occu- 
 pjitions  (.lohn  xxi.  3  ff.),  and  it  leiiuiied  a  new 
 direction  from  the  Lord  to  recall  them  to  their  mis^- 
 •  sioii,  and  )-e-unite  them  in  Jeinisalcm  (Act.s  i.  4). 
 liefore  the  descent  of'  the  Holy  S]iirit  ou  the  Church, 
 I'eter,  at  least,  seems  to  have  been  specially  inspired 
 by  Him  to  declare  the  ))iophetic  sense  of  Scrijtture 
 res])ecting  the  traitor  .hidas,  and  direct  his  place  to 
 be  tilli'd  up.  On  the  l'"e;ist  of  Pentecost,  ten  days 
 after  our  J-ord's  Jtscension,  the  Holy  Spirit  came 
 down  on  the  assembled  church  (Art.s  ii.) ;  and 
 from  that  time  the  A|)ostles  became  altogether  dif- 
 ferent men,  giving  witness  with  power  of  the  life 
 and  death  and  resinrection  of  .lesus  as  he  had  de- 
 clared they  should  (Luke  xxiv,  48;  Acts  i.  H,  22, 
 ii.  :'.2,  iii.  1.5,  v.  .S2,  xiii.  :jl).  I'ii-st  of  all  the 
 mother-chin-ch  at  Jcnisiilem  grew  up  under  their 
 hands  (Acts  iii.-vii.).  and  their  superior  dignity  and 
 ixiwer  were  univei-sally  acknowled'/e.l  bv  the  rulei-s 
 and  the  people  ( Acts  v.  1 2  ff. ).  Kven  tln'  persecution 
 which  arose  about  Sfi'phen,  .-lud  put  the  first  check 
 o.n  the  spread  nt  the  (jospel  in  Judaea,  does  not 
 b4'em  to  have  brought  peril  to  the  Ajiostles  (Acts 
 viii.  1).  Their  first  mission  out  of  .lerus:dem  was 
 t/)  Samaria  (Acts  viii.  5-25),  whcrf>  the  l.onl 
 himself'  had,  during  his  ministry,  sown  the  seed 
 of  the  (;os|)el.  Here  ends,  jjroperly  sjieaking  (or 
 rathe)'  )icrhai)s   with  the  general   visitation   hinted 
 
 APPEAL 
 
 at  iu  -Acts  ix.  31),  the  first  period  of  the  A])0stle8' 
 agency,  dui'ing  which  its  centie  is  Jerusalem,  ami 
 the  prominent  tiguie  is  that  of  St.  Peter.  Agree- 
 ably to  the  promise  or  our  Lord  to  him  (Matt.  xvi. 
 18),  which  we  conceive  it  impossible  to  understand 
 otherwise  than  in  a  personal  sense,  he  among  the 
 twelve  foundations  (Kev.  xxi.  14)  was  the  stone  on 
 whom  the  Church  was  fiist  built;  and  it  was  his 
 ])rivilcge  first  to  open  the  doois  of'  the  kingdom  of 
 heaven  to  Jews  (Acts  ii.  14,  22)  and  to  (Jcntiles 
 (Acts  X.  11).— The  centre  of  the  second  period  of 
 the  apostolic  agency  is  Antioch,  where  a  <hurch 
 soon  was  built  wp,  cousistir.g  of  .lews  and  CJentiles  ; 
 and  the  central  figure  of  this  and  of  the  subsequent 
 period  is  St.  Paul,  a  convert  not  originally  belong- 
 ing to  the  number  of  the  Twelve,  but  wonderfully 
 prepared  and  miraculously  won  for  the  high  office 
 [Paul].  This  period,  whose  history  (all  that  we 
 know  of  it)  is  related  in  Acts  xi.  19-o(>,  xiii.  1-5, 
 was  marked  by  the  united  working  of  Paul  and  the 
 other  Apostles,  in  the  co-opeiation  and  intercourse 
 of  the  two  churches  of  Antioch  and  Jerusalem. — 
 From  this  time  the  third  apostolic  ])eriod  opens, 
 maiked  by  the  almost  entire  disappearance  of  the 
 Twelve  from  the  sacred  nanativc,  and  the  exclusive 
 agency  of  St.  I'aul,  the  great  apostle  of  the  Gen- 
 tiles. The  whole  of  the  remaining  nariative  of  the 
 Acts  is  occupied  with  his  missionary  journeys ; 
 and  when  we  leave  him  at  Rome,  all  the  Gentile 
 churches  from  Jerusalem  roundabout  unto  lUyncum 
 owe  to  him  their  foundation,  and  look  to  him  for 
 supervision.  Of  the  missionary  agency  of  the  rest 
 of  the  Twelve,  we  know  absolutely  nothing  from 
 the  sacred  narrative.  Some  notices  v^e  have  ot 
 their  personal  history,  which  will  be  found  under 
 their  respective  names,  together  with  the  princijial 
 legends,  trustworthy  oi-  untrnstworth)',  which  have 
 come  down  to  us  respecting  them.  [See  Petek, 
 James,  John  especially.]— As  regards  the  apostolic 
 office,  it  seems  to  have  been  pre-eminently  that  ot 
 founding  the  churches,  and  u)iholding  them  by 
 supernatural  jiower  specially  bestowed  for  that  pur- 
 pose. It  ceased,  as  a  matter  of  course,  with  its  tii'st 
 holders:  all  continuation  of  it,  from  the  very  con- 
 ditions of  its  existence  (cf.  1  Cor.  ix.  1),  being  im- 
 possible. The  bishops  of  the  ancient  churches  co- 
 existed with,  and  did  not  in  any  sense  succeed, 
 the  Apostles ;  and  when  it  is  clainicd  for  bishops  or 
 any  church  officers  that  they  are  their  successor, 
 it  can  be  understood  only  chronologically,  and  not 
 officially. 
 
 Appa'im,  Son  of  Nadab,  and  descended  from 
 Jerahmeel,  the  tbundei'  of  an  import;int  flunily  of 
 the  tribe  of  Juilah  (1  Chr.  ii.  30,  31). 
 
 Appeal,  'fhe  pi'iMci])le  of  appeal  was  recognized 
 by  the  .Mosaic  law  in  the  estiiblishment  of  a  central 
 court  under  the  ]iiesidency  of' the  judge  or  ruler  for 
 the  time  being,  before  which  all  cases  too  diffi- 
 cult for  the  local  courts  were  to  be  tried  (Deut. 
 xvii.  8-9).  According  to  the  above  regulation,  the 
 appeal  lay  in  the  lime  of  the  Judges  to  the  judge 
 'Judg.  iv.  5),  and  inider  the  monarchy  to  the 
 king,  who  ajijiears  to  have  dei)utcd  ceitain  persons 
 to  inquire  into  the  facts  of  the  case,  and  record  his 
 decision  thereon  (2  Sam.  .w.  3).  Jehoshaphat  dele- 
 gated his  judicial  authority  to  a  court  permanently 
 established  for  the  purpose  (2  Chr.  xix.  8j.  These 
 courts  were  re-establislied  by  Kzi-a  ( Kzr.  vii.  25). 
 After  the  institution  of  the  S;inliedrim  the  final 
 ajipeal  lay  to  them.  A  Koman  citizen  under  the 
 republic  had  the  ri^ht  of  appealing  in  criminiU  cases 
 
APPHIA 
 
 from  the  decision  of  a  magistiate  to  tlie  people ; 
 and  as  tiie  emperor  succeeded  to  the  power  of  the 
 people,  there  was  an  appeal  to  him  in  the  last  re- 
 sort. St.  Paul,  as  a  Roman  citizen,  exercised  a  right 
 of  appeal  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  local  court 
 at  Jerusalem  to  the  emperor  (Acts  xxv.  11).  But 
 as  no  decision  had  been  given,  there  could  be  no 
 appeal,  properly  speaking,  in  his  case :  the  lan- 
 guage used  (Acts  xxv.  9)  implies  the  right  on  the 
 part  of  the  accused  of  electing  either  to  be  tried  by 
 the  provincial  magistrate,  or  by  the  empeior.  .Since 
 the  procedure  in  the  Jewish  courts  at  that  period 
 was  of  a  mixed  and  undefined  character,  the  Roman 
 and  the  Jewish  authorities  co-existing  and  carrying 
 on  the  course  of  justice  between  them,  Paul  availed 
 himself  of  his  undoubted  privilege  to  be  tried  by 
 the  pure  Roman  law. 
 
 Ap'pMa  (a  Greek  form  of  the  Latin  Appia),  a 
 Christian  woman  addressed  jointly  with  Philemon 
 and  Archippus  in  Philem.  2,  apparently  a  member 
 of  Philemon's  household,  and  not  improbably  his 
 wife. 
 
 Ap'phus,  "  the  wary,"  according  to  Michaelis, 
 surname  of  Jonathan  Maccabaeus  (1  Jhicc.  ii.  5). 
 
 Ap'pii  For'um,  a  well-known  station  on  the 
 Appian  Way,  the  great  road  which  led  from  Rome 
 to  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Bay  of  Naples.  St. 
 Paul,  having  landed  at  Puteoli  (Acts  xxviii.  13)  on 
 his  arri\al  from  Malta,  proceeded  under  the  charge  of 
 the  centurion  along  the  Appian  Way  towards  Rome, 
 and  found  at  Appii  Forum  a  group  of  Christians 
 who  had  gone  to  meet  him  (ver.  15).  The  position 
 of  this  place  is  fixed  by  the  ancient  Itineraries  at 
 4r'd  miles  from  Rome.  Horace  describes  it  as  fall  of 
 taverns  and  boatmen.  This  arose  from  the  cir- 
 cumstance that  it  was  at  the  northein  end  of  a  canal 
 which  ran  parallel  with  the  road,  through  a  con- 
 siderable pai't  of  the  Pomptine  Marshes.  There  is 
 no  difficulty  in  identifying  the  site  with  some  ruins 
 near  Treponti ;  and  in  fact  the  4ord  milestone  is 
 pipserved  there.     [Three  Taverns.] 
 
 Apple-Tree,  Apple  (Heb.  tappimcli).  Mention 
 of  die  apple-tree  occurs  in  the  A.  V.,  in  the  follow- 
 ing passages.  Cant.  ii.  3:  "As  the  apple-tiee 
 among  the  trees  of  the  wood,  so  is  my  beloved 
 among  the  sons.  I  sat  down  under  his  shadow 
 with  great  delight,  and  his  fiHiit  was  sweet  to  my 
 taste."  Cant.  viii.  5  ;  "  I  raised  thee  up  under 
 the  apple-tree :  there  thy  mother  brought  thee 
 fortn."  Joel  i.  12,  where  the  apple-tree  is  named 
 with  the  vine,  the  fig,  the  pomegranate,  and  the 
 jiahn-trees,  as  withering  under  the  desolating  eH'ects 
 of  the  locust,  palmer-worm,  &c.  The  fruit  of  this 
 tree  is  alluded  to  in  Prov.  xxv.  11  ;  "A  word  fitly 
 sj)oken  is  like  apples  of  gold  in  pictures  of  silver." 
 In  Cant.  ii.  5:  "Comfort  me  with  apples,  for  I  am 
 sick  of  love  ;"  vii.  8,  "  The  smell  of  thy  nose  (shall 
 be)  like  apples."  It  is  a  diflicult  matter  to  say 
 what  is  the  specific  tree  denoted  by  the  Hebrew 
 word  tap)puack.  IMost  modern  writers  maintain 
 that  it  is  either  the  quince  or  the  citron.  The 
 quince  has  some  plausible  arguments  in  its  favour. 
 The  fragrance  of  tiie  quince  was  held  in  high  esteem 
 by  the  ancients.  "  Its  scent,"  says  an  Arabic 
 author,  "  cheeis  my  soul,  renews  my  strength,  and 
 i^estores  my  breath."  The  quince  was  sacred  to 
 Venus.  On  the  other  hand,  Dr.  lioyle  says,  "The 
 rich  colour,  fnigrant  odour,  and  handsome  appear- 
 ance of  the  citron,  whether  in  flower  or  in  fruit, 
 aie  particularly  suited  to  the  passiiges  of  Scripture 
 mentioned  above."     But  neither  the  quince  nor  the 
 
 ARAB AH 
 
 55 
 
 citron  nor  the  apple  appears  fully  to  answer  to  aU 
 the  Scrijjtural  allusions.     The  tappxtach  must  de- 
 note some  tree  the  fruit  of  which  is  sweet  to  the 
 taste,  and  possesses  some   fragrant  and  restorative 
 properties,  in  order  to  meet  all  the  demands  of  the 
 Biblical  allusions.     Both  the  quince  and  the  citron 
 may  satisfy  the  last-named  requirement ;  but  it  can 
 hardly  be  said  that  either  of  these  fruits  are  sweet 
 to  the  fciste.     The  orange  would  answer  all  the  de- 
 mands of  the  Scriptural  passages,  and  orange-trees 
 are  found  in  Palestine ;   but  there  does  not  appear 
 sufficient  evidence  that  this  tree  was  known  in  the 
 earlier  times  to  the  inhabitants  of   Palestine,  the 
 tree  having  been  in  all  probability  introduced  at  a 
 later  period.     As  to  the  apple-tree  being  the  tap- 
 pnach,    most   travellers   assert    that   this   fruit  is 
 generally  of  a  very  inferior  quality.     Moreover  the 
 apple  would  hardly  merit  the  character  for  excellent 
 tragiance  which  the  tappuach  is  said  to  have  pos- 
 sessed.     The  question  of  identification,  therefore, 
 must  still  be  left  an  open  one.     As  to  the  Apples 
 OF  SODO.M,  see  Vine  of  Sodom.     The  expression 
 "  apple  of  the  eye  "  occurs  in  Ueut.  xxxii.  10  ;    Ps. 
 xvii.  8;  Prov.  vii.  2;    Lam.  ii.   18;  Zech.  ii.  8. 
 The    English   word    is    the   representative    of  one 
 entirely  different   from  that  considered  above:  the 
 Hebrew  word  being  ts/(0?t,  "  little  man  " — the  exact 
 equivalent  of  the  English  pupil,  the  Latin  pupillus. 
 Aq'iiila,  a  Jew  whom  St.  Paul  foumi  at  Corinth 
 on  his  arrival  from  Athens  (Acts  xviii.  2).    He  was 
 a  native  of  Pontus,  but  had   fled,   with  his  wife 
 Priscilla,    from  Rome,   in  consequence  of  an  order 
 of  Claudius  comman(iing  all  Jews  to  leave  the  city 
 [Claudius].      He   became   acquainted   with    St. 
 Paul,  and    they  abode   together,  and    wrought  at 
 their  common  trade  of  making  the  Cilician  tent  or 
 hair-cloth    [Paul].      On    the    departure    of  the 
 Apostle  from  (Jorinth,  a  year  and  six  months  after, 
 Priscilla  and  Aquila  accompanied  him   to  Ephesus 
 on  his  way  to  Syria.     There  they  remained ;    and 
 when  ApoUos  came  to  Ephesus,  knowing  only  the 
 baptism  of  John,  they  took  him  and  taught  him 
 the  way  of  the  Lord  more  perfectly.    At  what  time 
 they  became  Chiistians  is  uncertain.     When  1  Cor. 
 was  written,   Aquila  and    his  wife   were    still    in 
 Ephesus  (1  Cor.  xvi.  ly);  but  in  Rom.  .\vi.  3  fl'., 
 we  find   them   again  at  Rome,  and  their  house  a 
 place  of  assembly   for  the  Christians.      They  aie 
 there   described  as   having  endangered   their   lives 
 for  that  of  the  Apostle."  In  2  Tim.  iv.  19,  they 
 are  saluted  as  being  with  Timotheus,  probably  at 
 Ephesus.      In   both    these  latter  places  the  form 
 Prisca  and  not  Priscilla  is  ufed. 
 
 Ar,  or  At  of  Moab,  one  of  the  chief  places  of  Moab 
 (Is.  XV.  1  ;  Num.  xxi.  28).  In  later  times  the  place 
 was  known  as  Aieopolis  and  Rabbath-Moab,  i.  e. 
 the  great  city  of  Moab.  The  site  is  still  called 
 L'abba  ;  it  lies  about  half-way  between  Kemk  and 
 the  Wadij  Mojch,  10  or  11  m.iles  from  each,  the 
 Roman  road  passing  thiough  it.  The  remains  are 
 not  important.  In  the  books  of  Jloses,  Ar  appears 
 to  be  used  a.s  a  representative  name  for  the  whole 
 nation  of  Moab  ;  see  Deut.  ii.  9,  18,  29;  and  also 
 Num.  xxi.  15. 
 
 A'ra,  One  of  the  sons  of  Jether,  the  head  of  a 
 family  of  Asherites  (1  Chr.  vii.  38). 
 
 Arab,  a  city  of  Judah  in  the  mountainous  dis- 
 tiict,  probably  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Hebron, 
 mentioned  only  in  Josh.  xv.  52. 
 
 Ar'abah.  Although  this  word  appears  in  the 
 A.   V.  in  its  original  shape   only    in  Josh,   xviii. 
 
56  ARABATTINE 
 
 18,  yet  ill  the  Hebrew  text  it  is  ot"  frequent  occur- 
 rence. It  is  usecl  generally  to  indicate  a  barren, 
 uninhabitable  district,  but  "  the  Arabah  "  indicates 
 more  particularly  the  deep-sunken  valley  or  trench 
 which  tbinis  the  most  striking  among  the  many 
 striking  natural  features  of  Palestine,  and  which 
 extends  with  great  uniformity  of  formation  from 
 the  slopes  of  Hermon  to  the  Elanitic  Ciulf  (  Gulf  of 
 Aluibnh)  of  the  Ked  Sea  ;  the  most  remarkable  de- 
 pression known  to  exist  on  the  surface  of  the  globe, 
 'fhrough  the  noithern  portion  of  this  extraordinary 
 fissure  the  .Jordan  rushes  through  the  lakes  of  Huleh 
 and  (iennesareth  down  its  tortuous  course  to  the 
 deep  chasm  of  the  Dead  Sea.  This  portion,  about 
 150  miles  in  length,  is  known  amongst  the  Arabs 
 by  the  name  of  el-Ghor.  The  southern  boundary 
 of  the  Ghor  is  the  wall  of  cliffs  which  crosses  the 
 valley  about  10  miles  south  of  the  Dead  Sea. 
 From  their  summits,  southward  to  the  Gulf  of 
 Akabali,  the  valley  changes  its  name,  or,  it  would 
 be  more  accuiate  to  .say,  retains  its  old  name  of 
 \Vad<i  el- Arabah.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  in 
 the  times  of  the  conquest  and  the  monarchy  the 
 n<ime  "  Arabah  "  wa.s  applied  to  the  valley  in  the 
 entire  length  of  both  its  southern  and  northern  por- 
 tions. Thus  in  Deut.  i.  1,  probably,  and  in  Deut. 
 ii.  8,  certainly  (A.  V.  "  plain"  in  both  cases),  the 
 allusion  is  to  the  southern  portion,  while  the  other 
 passages,  in  which  the  name  occurs,  point  to  the 
 northern  portion.  In  Deut.  iii.  17,  iv.  49  ;  Josh, 
 iii.  16,  xi.  2,  xii.  3;  and  2  K.  xiv.  25,  both  the 
 Dead  Sea  and  the  Sea  of  Cinneroth  (Gennesareth) 
 are  named  in  close  connexion  with  the  Arabah.  The 
 allusions  in  Deut.  .\i.  30  ;  Josh.  viii.  14,  xii.  1, 
 xviii.  18;  2  Sam.  ii.  29,  iv.  7;  2  K.  xxv.  4; 
 Jer.  xxxix.  4,  Iii.  7,  become  at  once  intelligible 
 when  the  meaning  of  the  Arabah  is  known.  In 
 Josh.  xi.  Hi  and  xii.  8  the  Arabah  takes  its  place 
 with  ''the  mountain,"  "the  lowland"  plains  of 
 Philistia  and  Ksdraelon,  "  the  soutli  "  and  "  the 
 plain  "  of  Coele-Syiia,  as  one  of  the  great  natural 
 divisions  of  the  conquered  country. 
 
 Arabat'tiuei    in    Idumaea    (1    Mace.    v.    3). 
 
 [AC'KAI;l'.I.M.J 
 
 Ara'bia,  a  country  known  in  the  O.  T.  under  two 
 designations: — I .  The  East  Coinitri/  (Gen.  xxv.  (5); 
 or  perhaps  the  JJa.st  (Gen.  x.  30;  Num.  xxiii.  7  ; 
 Is.  ii.  (3)  ;  and  jAttid  of  the  sons  of  the  East 
 (Gen.  xxix.  1);  gentile  name,  Sons  of  the  East 
 (Judg.  vi.  .■?,  vii.  12  ;  1  K.  iv.  30  ;  Job  i.  3  ;  Is.  xi. 
 14  ;  Jer.  xlix.  28  ;  Ez.  xxv.  4),  From  these  pas- 
 sages it  appears  that  the  Land  of  the  East  and 
 Sous  of  the  East  indicate,  primarily,  the  country 
 east  of  I'alestine,  and  the  triU-s  descended  fiom 
 I>hmael  ancl  from  Keturah ;  an<l  that  this  original 
 signifii-ation  may  have  become  gi-adually  extended 
 to  Arabia  and  its  iiiliahitants  generally,  though 
 without  any  stiict  limit.ation.  The  thini  and  fourth 
 passa'j;i's  above  referr'-il  to  relate  to  Mesopotamia 
 and  liabyloiiia.  2.  'Arab  ■•imi  'Arab,  whence  Arabia 
 (2Chr."ix.  14;  Is.  xxi.  13;  .Jer.  xxv.  24;  Kz. 
 ;xvii.  21).  This  name  seems  to  have  the  .sjime 
 geogi-iplii(^il  reference  as  the  former  name  to  the 
 country  and  tribes  east  of  the  .Furdan,  and  chiefly 
 north  of  the  Arabian  peninsula. ^.\riil)ia  may  be 
 diviiled  into  Arabia  J'rc/ier,  cojifaining  the  whole 
 |)oiiinsuia  as  fara.s  the  limits  of  the  iiorfheni  di-M'rts  ; 
 .Vorlheni  Arabia,  constituting  the  great  flcscrt  of 
 Arabia ;  ami  Western  Arabia,  the  de.sert  of  [Vtra 
 and  the  p'-ninsula  of  Sinai,  or  the  country  that  has 
 been  called  .\r.'ibia  I'clraea.      I.   Arabia  I'roper,  or 
 
 ARABIA 
 
 the  Arabian  peninsula,  consists  of  high  table-laiti^ 
 declining  towards  the  north ;  its  most  elevated 
 jwvtions  being  the  chain  of  mountains  running  nearly 
 parallel  to  the  Ke<l  Sea,  and  the  territory  east  of  the 
 southern  part  of  this  chain.  So  fiir  as  the  intenor 
 has  been  exploretl,  it  consists  of  mountiinous  and 
 desert  tracts,  relieved  by  large  districts  under  culti- 
 vation, well  peopled,  watered  by  wells  and  streams, 
 and  enjoying  periodical  rains.  The  most  fertile 
 tracts  aie  those  on  the  south-west  and  south.  The 
 modern  Yemen  is  especially  productive,  and  at  the 
 same  time,  from  its  mountainous  character,  pic- 
 turesque. The  settled  regions  of  the  interior  also 
 appear  to  be  more  it-rtile  than  is  generally  believed 
 to  be  the  case;  and  the  deserts  atlbrd  pasturage 
 after  the  rains.  The  products  mentioned  in  the 
 Bible  as  coming  from  Arabia  will  be  found  described 
 under  their  respective  heads.  They  seem  to  refer, 
 in  many  instmces,  to  merchandise  of  Ethiopia  and 
 India,  aiiried  to  Palestine  by  Arab  and  other  traders. 
 Gold,  however,  was  perhaps  found  in  small  quan- 
 tities iu  the  beds  of  torrents ;  and  the  spices, 
 incense,  and  precious  stones,  brought  from  Arabia 
 (1  K.  X.  2,  10,  15  ;  2  Chr.  ix.  1,9,  14  ;  Is.  Ix.  6  ; 
 Jer.  vi.  20  ;  Ez.  xxvii.  22),  probably  were  the 
 products  of  the  southern  provinces,  still  celebrated 
 tor  spices,  frankincense,  ambergris,  &c.,  as  well  as 
 for  the  onyx  and  other  precious  stones. — II .  Northern 
 Arabia,  or  the  Aiabi;m  Desert,  is  a  high,  undula- 
 ting, parched  plain,  of  which  the  Eu]ihrates  foiins 
 the  natuial  boundary  from  the  Persian  Gulf  to  the 
 frontier  of  Syria,  whence  it  is  bounded  by  the 
 latter  country  and  the  desert  of  Petia  on  the 
 north-west  and  west,  the  peninsula  of  Arabia  fonn- 
 ing  its  southern  limit.  It  hiis  few  oases,  the  water 
 of  the  Wells  is  generally  either  brackish  or  unpo- 
 table,  and  it  is  visited  by  the  sand-wind  called 
 Samoom.  The  Ai'abs  find  pasture  for  their  flocks 
 and  hei'ds  after  the  rains,  and  iu  the  more  depressed 
 jilnins  ;  and  the  desert  generally  pioduccs  prickly 
 shrubs,  &c.,  on  which  the  camels  ftX'd.  The  in- 
 habitjHits  were  known  to  the  ancients  as  "dwellers 
 in  tents,"  Src7iitae  (comp.  Is.  xiii.  20  ;  Jer.  xlix.  31  ; 
 Kzek.  xxxviii.  11);  and  they  extended  fiom  Baby- 
 lonia on  the  ea.st  (comp.  Num.  xxiii.  7  ;  2  Chr.  xxi. 
 1(5  ;  Is.  ii.  0.  xiii.  20),  to  the  borders  of  Egypt  on 
 the  west.  These  tribes,  principally  descended  fiom 
 Ishmael  and  fi-om  Keturah,  have  always  led  a 
 wimdering  and  pastoral  life.  Their  jjredatory  habits 
 are  several  times  mentioned  in  the  0.  T.  (2  Chr. 
 xxi.  16,  17,  xxvi.  7;  Job  i.  15;  Jer.  iii.  2). 
 They  conducted  a  considerable  trade  of  merchan- 
 dise of  Arabia  and  India  from  the  shores  of  the 
 Persian  (iulf  (Ezek.  xxvii.  20-24),  whenw  a  chain 
 of  oases  still  forms  caravan-stations  ;  and  they  like- 
 wise traded  from  the  westeni  portions  of  the  penin- 
 sula. The  latter  trallic  apjiears  to  be  frequently 
 mentioned  in  coiuiexion  with  Ishmaelifes,  Ketu- 
 laliites,  and  other  Arabian  peoples  ((!en.  xxxvii. 
 25,  28;  1  K.  X.  15,  25;  2  Chr.  ix.  14,  24; 
 Is.  Ix.  6;  Jer.  vi.  20),  and  probably  consi.sted  of  the 
 products  of  southern  Arabia  and  of  the  op]X)$it6 
 shores  of  Ethiopia:  it  seoms,  however,  to  have  boon 
 chiefly  in  the  hands  of  the  inhabitants  of  Idumaea  ; 
 l>ut  it  is  ditlicult  to  distinguish  between  tiie  re- 
 fi'rences  to  the  latter  p'ople  and  to  the  tribes  of 
 Northern  Anibia  in  tiie  j>;iss.iges  relating  to  this 
 trallic.  That  certain  of  these  trilx's  brought  tiibnlf 
 to  .Iclioshaphat  appeai-s  from  2  Chr.  xvii.  11  ;  and 
 elsewhere  there  are  indications  of  such  tribute. 
 Pe.spccting  these  tribes,  see  Isii.MAiot,  KiiTUBAH, — 
 
ARABIA 
 
 til.  Western  Arabia  includes  the  peniusivla  of  Sinai 
 [Sinai],  and  the  deseit  of  Petra,  corresponding 
 generally  with  the  limits  of  Arabia  Petraca.  The 
 latter  name  is  piol^ably  derived  from  that  of  its 
 cliief  city  ;  not  from  its  stony  character.  It  was  in 
 the  earliest  times  iiiliabited  by  a  people  whose  gen- 
 ealogy is  not  mentioned  in  the  Bible,  the  Horites 
 or  Horim  (Gen.  xiv.  6,  .xxxvi.  20,  21,  22,  29,  30  ; 
 Deut.  ii.  12,  22).  [Hoiutes.]  Its  later  inhabit- 
 ants were  in  part  the  same  as  those  of  the  preceding 
 division  of  Arnbia,  as  indeed  the  boundary  of  the 
 two  countries  is  arbitrary  and  unsettled;  but  it  was 
 mostly  peopled  by  descendants  of  Esau,  and  was  ge- 
 nerally known  as  the  land  of  Edom,  or  Idumaea 
 [Edom]  ;  as  well  as  by  its  older  appellation,  the 
 desert  of  Seir,  or  Jlount  Seir  [Seiu].  The  com- 
 mon origin  of  the  Idumaeans  from  Esau  and  Ishmael 
 is  found  in  the  marriage  of  the  fonnerwith  a  daughter 
 of  the  latter  (Gen.  xxviii.  9,  xxxvi.  3).  The  Naba- 
 thaeans  succeeded  to  the  Idumaeans,  and  Idumaea  is 
 mentioned  only  as  a  geographical  designation  after 
 the  time  of  .losephus.  The  Nabathaeans  are  iden- 
 tified with  Isebaioth,  son  of  Ishmael  (Gen.  xxv.  13  ; 
 Is.  Ix.  7).  Petra  was  in  the  great  route  of  the 
 western  caravan-traffic  of  Arabia,  and  of  the  mer- 
 chandise brought  up  the  Elanitic  Gulf.  See  Edom, 
 Elath,  EziON-GEiiKR,  &c.  —  Inhabitants.  The 
 Arabs,  like  every  other  ancient  nation  of  any 
 celebrity,  have  traditions  representing  their  country 
 as  originally  inhabited  by  laces  which  became  ex- 
 tinct at  a  very  remote  period.  The  majority  of 
 their  hij^torians  derive  these  tribes  from  Shem  ;  but 
 some,  from  Ham,  though  not  through  Cush.  Their 
 earliest  tiaditions  that  have  any  obvious  relation  to 
 the  liible  refer  the  origin  of  the  existing  nation  in 
 the  first  iustmice  to  Kahtan,  whom  they  and  most 
 Enro])eaii  scholars  identify  with  Joktan ;  and 
 secondly  to  Ishmael,  whom  they  a.ssert  to  have 
 married  a  descendant  of  Kahtan.  They  are  silent 
 respecting  Cushite  settlements  in  Arabia ;  but 
 modern  research,  we  think,  proves  that  Cushites 
 were  among  its  early  inhabitants.  [Cusii.] — 1.  The 
 descendants  of  JoKi'AN  occupied  the  principal  por- 
 tions of  the  south  and  south-west  of  the  peninsula, 
 with  colonics  in  the  intei'ior.  In  Genesis  ( x.  30)  it 
 is  said,  "and  their  dwelling  wiis  from  Mesha,  as 
 thou  goest  unto  Sephai-,  a  mount  of  the  East 
 {Kedcni)."  The  position  of  Mesha  is  very  uncer- 
 tain ;  it  is  most  reasonably  supposed  to  be  the 
 western  limit  of  the  first  settlers  [AIksha]  :  Sephar 
 is  undoubtedly  Dhnfari,  or  Zifdri,  of  the  Arabs,  a 
 name  not  uncommon  in  the  peninsula,  but  especially 
 that  of  two  celebrated  towns — one  being  .the  seaport 
 on  the  south  coast,  near  Mirhdt ;  the  other,  now  in 
 ruins,  near  San'd,  and  said  to  be  the  ancient  resi- 
 dence of  the  Himyerite  kings.  The  latter  is  probably 
 Sephar  ;  it  is  situate  near  a  thuriti;rous  mountain, 
 and  exports  the  best  frankincense  ["Sei-har].  In 
 the  district  iudiaited  above  ai'e  distinct  and  un- 
 doubted traces  of  the  names  of  the  sons  of  Joktivn 
 mentioned  in  Genesis  (x.  26-29),  such  as  Hadramdwt 
 for  Hazannaveth,  Azdl  for  Uzal,  Sebd  for  Sheba,  &c. 
 Their  remains  are  found  in  the  existing  inhabitants 
 of  (at  least)  its  eastern  portion,  and  their  records 
 in  the  numerous  Himyerite  ruins  and  inscriptions.— 
 The  principal  Joktanite  kingdom,  and  the  chief 
 state  of  ancient  Arabia,  was  that  of  the  Yemen, 
 founded  (according  to  the  Arabs)  by  Yaarub,  the 
 son  (or  descendant)  of  Kahtan  (Joktan).  Its  most 
 ancient  capifcd  was  probably  San'd,  formerly  called 
 Azdl  after  Azal,  son  of  Joktan.     [Uzal. J     The 
 
 ARABIA 
 
 5? 
 
 other  capitals  were  Ma-rib,  or  8cbd,  and  Zafdn. 
 This  was  the  Biblical  kingdom  of  Sheba.  Its  rulers, 
 and  most  of  its  people,  were  descendants  of  Seba 
 (  =  Sheba),  whence  the  classical  Sabaei.  Among 
 its  rulers  was  probably  the  Queen  of  Sheba  who 
 came  to  hear  the  wisdom  of  Solomon  (1  K.  s.  2). 
 [Sheba.]  The  dominant  family  w;is  apparently 
 that  of  Himyer,  son  (or  descendant)  of  8eba.  A 
 member  of  this  family  founded  the  more  miKiern 
 kingdom  of  the  Himyerites.  The  testimony  of  the 
 Bible,  and  of  the  classical  writers,  as  well  as  native 
 tradition,  seems  to  prove  that  the  latter  appellation 
 superseded  the  former  only  shortly  before  i  he  Chris- 
 tian era:  i.e.  after  the  foundation  of  the  later  king- 
 dom. The  rule  of  the  Himyerites  (whence  the 
 Homeritae  of  classical  authors)  probably  extended 
 over  the  modern  Yemen,  Hadranidict,  and  Mahreh. 
 Their  kingdom  lasted  until  A.D.  525,  when  it  fell 
 before  an  Abyssinian  invasion.  Already,  about  the 
 middle  of  the  4th  century,  the  kings  of  Axum 
 appear  to  have  become  masters  of  part  of  the 
 Yemen,  adding  to  their  titles  the  names  of  places 
 in  Arabia  belonging  to  the  Himyerites.  After  tuur 
 reigns  they  were  succeeded  by  Himyerite  princes, 
 vassals  of  Persia,  the  last  of  whom  submitted  to 
 Mohammad.  Kings  of  Hadramiiwt  (the  classical 
 Ghatramotitae)  are  also  enumerated  by  the  Arabs, 
 and  distinguished  fiom  the  descendants  of  Yaarub, 
 an  indication  of  their  separate  descent  from  Hazar- 
 maveth  [Hazarmaveth].  The  Greek  geogra- 
 phers mention  a  fourth  people  in  conjunction  with 
 the  Sabaei,  Homei'itae,  and  Ghatramotitae, — the 
 Minaei,  who  have  not  been  identified  with  any 
 Biblical  or  modern  name.  Some  place  them  as  high 
 as  Mekkeh,  and  derive  their  name  from  Mind  (the 
 sacred  valley  N.E.  of  that  city),  or  from  the  god- 
 dess Manah,  worshipped  in  the  district  between 
 Mekkeh  and  El-MeJeeneh.  The  other  chief  Jok- 
 tanite kingdom  was  that  of  the  Hijaz,  founded  by 
 Jurhum,  the  brother  of  Yaarub,  who  left  the 
 Yemen  and  settled  in  the  neighbourhood  oi  Mekkeh. 
 The  Arab  lists  of  its  kings  are  inextriaibly  confused  ; 
 but  the  name  of  their  leader  and  that  of  two  of  his 
 successors  was  Muddd  (or  El-Mudad),  who  pnbably 
 represents  Almodad  [Almodadj.  Ishmael,  according; 
 to  the  Arabs,  married  a  daughter  of  the  first  Mud;'d, 
 whence  spiang  'Adndn  the  anc!estor  of  Mohammad. 
 This-kingdom,  situate  in  a  less  feitile  district  than 
 the  Yemen,  and  engaged  in  conflict  with  aboriginal 
 tribes,  never  attaineil  the  imjiortance  of  that  of 
 the  south.  It  merged,  by  intermarriage  and  con- 
 quest, into  the  tribes  of  Ishmael.  An  Arab  author 
 identifies  Jurhum  with  Hadoram  [Hadoram.]— 
 2.  The  Ishmaelites  appear  to  have  entered  the 
 peninsula  fi'om  the  north-west.  That  they  have 
 spread  over  the  whole  of  it  (with  the  exception  of 
 one  or  two  districts  on  the  south  coast  which  are 
 said  to  be  still  inhabited  by  unmi.xed  Joktanite 
 peoples),  and  that  the  modern  nation  is  predomi- 
 nantly Ishmaelite,  is  asserted  by  the  Arabs.  They 
 do  not,  however,  carry  up  their  genealogies  higher 
 than  'Adnan  (as  we  have  already  said),  and  they 
 have  lost  the  names  of  most  of  Ishmael's  immediate 
 and  near  descendants.  Such  as  have  been  identified 
 with  existing  names  will  be  found  imder  the  several 
 articles  bearing  then- names.  [See  also  Hagarenes.] 
 They  extended  northwards  from  the  Hijaz  into  the 
 Arabian  desert,  where  they  mixed  with  Keturahites 
 and  other  Abrahamic  peoples :  and  w^estwards  to 
 Idumaea,  where  they  mixed  with  Edomites,  &c. 
 The  tribes  sprung  from  Ishmael  have  always  been 
 
58 
 
 AKABIA 
 
 governed  by  petty  chiefs  or  heads  of  families  (sheykh:' 
 and  emeers) ;   they  liave  geni'ially  followed  a  patn- 
 arclial  life, and  have  not  originated  king<ioms,  though 
 they  have   in  some  instances  succeeded  to  those  of 
 Joktiinites,  the  piincipal  one  of  these  being  that  of 
 Kl-Heereh.     With  reiereuce  to  the  Ishmaelites  gene- 
 rally,  we  may  observe,   that  although  their   lirst 
 settlements  in  the  Hijaz,  and  their  spreading  over  a 
 gieat  part  of  the  northern  portions  of  the  p^-ninsula, 
 aie  sulliciently  proved,  there  is  doubt  as  to  the  wide 
 extension  given  to  them  by  Arab  tradition.   Moham- 
 mad  derived  from  the  Jews  whatever  tradition  he 
 pleased,  and  silenced  any  contrary,  by  the  Kuran 
 or  his  own  dicta.     'I'his  religious  element,  which 
 does  not  directly  atlect  the  tribes  of  Jokt:in  (whose 
 settlements  are  otherwise  unquestionably  identified), 
 has  a  great  influence  over  those  of  Ishmael.     'I'lu^y 
 therefore  cannot  be  certainly  proved  to  have  spread 
 over    the    peninsula,    notwithstinding    the    almost 
 imiversal  adoption  oftlieir  language  (which  is  gene- 
 rally acknowledged  to   have  been  the  Arabic  com- 
 monly so  called),  and  the  concurrent  testimony  of 
 the  Arabs  ;  but  from  these  and  other  considerations 
 it  becomes  at  the  same  time  highly  probable  that 
 they  now  form  the  j.iedominant  element  of  the  Arab 
 nation.— 3.   Of  the  di'sccndants   of  Kkturah    the 
 Arabs  s;iy  little.  They  appear  to  have  settled  chiefly 
 north  of  the  peninsula  in  Desert  Arabia,  from  Pales- 
 tine to  the  Persian  (iulf;  and  the  passages  in  the 
 Hible   in  which  mention  is  made  of  Dt-dim  (except 
 those  relating  to  the  Cushite  Dedan,  Gen.  x.  7)  refer 
 apparently  to  the  tribe  .sprung  from  this  race  (Is. 
 .\.\i.    i:!;    .ler.    xxv.   2;{ ;  Ez.   xxvii.    20),   perhaps 
 with  an  admixture  of  the  Cushite  Dedan,  who  seems 
 to  liavc  jjassod  up  the  western  shores  of  the  Persian 
 Gulf.    [K'KTrKAii.] — 4.   In  Northern  and  Western 
 Arabia  are  other  ])c'oi>le-;  which,  from  their  geogra- 
 l>liical  position  ;uid  mode  of  life,  are  sometimes  classed 
 with  tiie  Arabs.    Of  these  are  AsiALKK,  the  descend- 
 ants of  p]SAL',  8ic.  —  Religion.     The  most  ancient 
 idolatry  of  the  Arabs  we  must  conclude  to  have  been 
 fetishism,  of  which  thei-e  are  striking  proofs  in  the 
 .sacred  trees  and  stones  of  historical  times,  and  in  the 
 worship  of  the  heavenly  bodies,  or  Sabaeism.     To 
 tiie  woi-ship  of  the  heavenly  bodies  we  find  allusions 
 in   .lob  (.\xxi.  26-28)  and  to  the  belief  in  the  in- 
 fluence of  the  stars  to  give  rain  (xxxviii.  .31),  where 
 the   Pleiades  give   rain,  and    Orion    withholds    it; 
 and  again  in  Judges   (v.  2u)   where  the  stirs  fight 
 against  the  host  of  Sisera.     The  names  of  the  ob- 
 jects of  the  earlier   fetishism,    the   stone-worship, 
 tree-worship,   &c.,   of  various  tribes,   are  too  nu- 
 merous  to    mention.     One,    that   of    Manah,    the 
 goddess    worshipped    between     Mekkeh    and     Kl- 
 Mcdecneh   has  been   compared  with  Meni  (Is.  Ixv. 
 11),  which  is  rendered   in  the  A.  V.   "number." 
 iMasianism,   an    importation    fiom    Ghaldaoa    and 
 Persia,  must  be  reckoned  among  the  religions  of  the 
 I'agan   Arabs;    but  it  never  liad   very    numerous 
 foliowei-s.     Christianity  was  introduced  in  .southern 
 Arabia  towards  the  close  of  the  2nd   century,  and 
 alK)ut  a    centniy  later  it   had   ma  le  great  piogres.s. 
 It  Houri>hed  chiefly  in   the    Vcnuu,  where   many 
 churches  were  built.     It  also  rajiidly  advanced  in 
 other  portions  of  Arabia,  through  the  kingdom  o( 
 Heereh  and  the  contiguous  countries,  Gha.ssan,  and 
 other  parts.     The   |)ersecutions  of  the   Christians 
 brought  about  the  lidl  of  the  llimyerite  dyna.sty  I'y 
 the   invasion   of  the   Christian   ruler  of  Abyssinia. 
 Judai.MU  was  prop.igjited   in   Arabia,  principally  by 
 Kiua;tc.s,  at  the  captivity,  but  it  was  introduced 
 
 ARABIA 
 
 Iwfore  that  time :  it  iH'c.ime  very  prevalent  in  the 
 Yemen,  and  in  the  liijdz,  especially  at  Kheybar 
 and  I'21-Medeench,  where  theie  are  said  to  be  still 
 tribes  of  Jewi.sh  extiaction.— Za/ij/Ktye.  Arabic, 
 the  language  of  Arabia,  is  the  most  developed  and 
 the  richest  of  the  Semitic  languages,  and  the  only 
 one  of  which  we  have  !Ui  extensive  literature:  it 
 is,  therefore,  of  great  importuice  to  the  study  of 
 Hebrew.  Of  its  early  phases  we  know  nothing ; 
 while  we  have  archaic  monuments  of  the  Himyeiitic 
 (the  ancient  language  of  southern  Arabia),  though 
 we  cannot  fix  their  precise  ages.  Of  the  existence 
 of  Hebrew  and  Chaldee  (or  Aiamaic)  in  the  time  of 
 Jacob  there  is  evidence  in  Gen.  xxxi.  47 ;  and 
 piobably  Jacob  and  Laban  iniderstoo<l  each  othei', 
 the  one  speaking  Hebrew  and  the  other  Chaldee.  It 
 seems  also  ( Judg.  vii.  9-15)  that  Gideon,  or  Phurah, 
 or  both,  undi'istood  the  convei'sation  of  the  •' 51i- 
 diauites,  and  the  .Amalakites,  and  all  the  children  of 
 the  east."  It  is  probable,  theretbre,  that  in  the 
 14th  or  13th  cent.  ij.c.  the  Semitic  languages 
 difl'ered  much  less  than  in  after  times.  But  it 
 appears  from  2  K.  xviii.  26,  that  in  the  8th  cent.  B.C. 
 only  the  educated  classes  among  the  Jews  imder- 
 stood  Aramaic.  With  these  evidences  before  us, 
 and  making  a  due  distinction  between  the  archaic 
 and  the  known  phases  of  the  Aiamaic  and  tlie 
 Arabic,  we  think  that  the  Himj'eritic  is  to  be 
 regaided  as  a  sister  of  the  Hebrew,  and  the  Arabic 
 (commonly  so  called)  as  a  sister  of  the  Hebrew 
 and  Aramaic,  or,  in  its  classical  pliasis,  as  a 
 descendant  of  a  sister  of  these  two,  but  that  the 
 Himyeritic  is  mixed  with  an  Afiican  language,  and 
 that  the  other  dialects  of  Arabia  are  in  like  manner, 
 though  in  a  much  less  degi'ee,  mixed  with  an  Afiican 
 huiguage. — Respecting  tlie  Himyeritic,  until  lately 
 little  was  known ;  but  monuments  bearing  inscrip- 
 tions in  this  language  have  been  discovered  in  the 
 southern  jiarts  of  the  peninsula,  principally  in 
 Hadr.aniiiwt  and  the  Yemen,  .and  some  of  the  in- 
 scriptions have  been  published. ^The  manners  ami 
 customs  of  the  Arabs  are  of  great  value  in  illus- 
 trating the  Bible.  No  one  uui  mix  with  this  people 
 without  being  constmtly  and  forcibly  remindetl 
 either  of  the  early  patriarchs  or  of  the  .settled 
 Israelites.  We  may  inst;mce  their  pastoral  life, 
 their  hospitality,  that  most  remarkable  of  desert 
 virtues  [HosriTALirv],  their  universal  resj^ct 
 ti)r  age  (comp.  Lev.  xix.  32),  their  familiar  defer- 
 ence (com  p.  2  K.  V.  13),  their  supei-stitious  regard 
 for  the  beard.  On  the  signet-ring,  which  is  worn 
 on  the  little  finger  of  the  right  hand,  is  usually  in- 
 scribed a  .sentence  exju'essive  of  submission  to  God, 
 or  of  His  peifection,  &c.,  explaining  Kx.  xxxix.  30. 
 "  the  engraving  of  a  signet,  Holiness  to  the  Lord," 
 and  the  saying  of  our  Lord  (John  iii.  33),"  He  .  .  . 
 hath  set  to  liis  seal  that  God  is  true."  As  a  maik 
 of  trust,  this  ring  is  given  to  another  pei-son  (as 
 in  Gen.  xli.  42).  The  inkhorn  worn  in  the  giixlleis 
 also  very  ancient  (Ez.  ix.  2,  3,  11),  as  well  as  the 
 veil.  A  man  has  a  right  to  claim  his  cousin  in 
 marriage,  and  he  relinquishes  this  right  by  taking 
 oil'  his  shoe,  as  the  kinsman  of  Ruth  did  to  Boaz 
 (l.'uth  iv.  7,  8). — References  in  the  Bible  to  the 
 .\iabs  fiiemselves  are  still  more  clearly  illustrated 
 by  the  manners  of  the  modern  people,  in  their  pre- 
 datory expeditions,  tlieir  mode  of  warfare,  their 
 caravan  journeys,  &c.  To  the  interjiretafion  of  the 
 book  of  Job,  an  intimate  knowledge  of  this  potqilo 
 and  their  langu.age  and  liteiature  is  cs.seDtial ;  for 
 many  of  the  most  obscure  passiges  can  only  lie 
 
ARABIANS 
 
 explained  by  that  knowledge.— Ct)?n»itTC(?.  Direct 
 mention  of  the  commerce  ot"  the  south  docs  not 
 appear  to  be  made  in  the  Bible,  but  it  seems  to 
 have  pa-ssed  to  Palestine  principally  through  the 
 northern  tinbes.  Passages  relating  to  the  Heets  of 
 Solomon  and  to  the  maritime  trade,  however,  bear 
 on  tills  subject,  which  is  a  curious  study  for  the  his- 
 toiicd  inquiier.  The  Joktanite  people  of  southern 
 Aiabia  have  always  been,  in  contradistinction  to 
 the  Ihhmaelite  tribes,  addicted  to  a  seafaring  life. 
 The  latter  were  caravan-merchants ;  the  former, 
 the  chief  tiadei-s  of  the  Red  Sea,  carrying  their 
 comnieice  to  the  shores  of  India,  as  well  as  to  the 
 nearer  coasts  of  Afiica.  The  classical  writers  also 
 make  frequent  mention  of  the  conmierce  of  southern 
 Arabia.  It  was  evidently  carried  to  Palestine  by 
 the  two  great  caravan  routes  from  the  haid  of  tiie 
 Ked  Sea  and  ti'om  that  of  the  Persian  Gulf:  the 
 tiirmer  especially  tiiking  with  it  African  produce  ; 
 the  latter,  Indian.  It  should  be  observed  that  the 
 wandeiing  propensities  of  the  Arabs,  of  whatever 
 descent,  do  not  date  from  the  j)romulgation  of 
 Kl-Islam.  All  testimony  goes  to  show  that  from 
 the  earliest  ages  the  peoples  of  Arabia  formed  colonies 
 in  distant  lands,  and  have  not  been  actuated  by 
 the  desire  of  conquest  or  by  leligious  impulse  alone 
 in  their  foreign  expeditions;  but  rather  by  restless- 
 ness and  commercial  activity. 
 
 Ara'bians,  the  nomadic  tribes  inhabiting  the 
 comitry  to  the  east  and  south  of  Palestine,  who  in 
 the  eai'ly  times  of  Hebrew  history  were  known  as 
 Ishmaelites  and  descendants  of  Keturah.  Their 
 roving  pa.storal  lite  in  the  desert  is  alluded  to  in  Is. 
 xiii.  20;  Jer.  iii.  2;  2  Mace.  xii.  11  ;  their  country 
 is  associated  with  the  country  of  the  Ded;mim,  the 
 travelling  merchants  (Is.  xxi.  13),  with  Dedan, 
 Tenia,  and  Buz  (Jer.  xxv.  24),  and  with  Dedan  and 
 Madar  (Ez.  xxvii.  21),  all  of  which  are  supposed  to 
 have  occupied  the  northern  part  of  the  peninsula 
 later  known  as  Arabia.  During  the  prosperous 
 reign  of  Jehoshaphat,  the  Arabians,  in  conjunction 
 with  the  Philistines,  were  tributary  to  Judah  (2  Chr. 
 xvii.  11),  but  in  the  reigu  of  his  successor  they 
 revolted,  ravaged  the  country,  plundered  the  royal 
 palace,  slew  all  the  king's  sons  with  tlie  exception  of 
 the  youngest,  and  airried  ofl'  the  royal  harem  (2  Chr. 
 xxi.  It),  xxii.  1).  The  Arabians  of(;ur-baal  were 
 again  subdued  by  Llzziah  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  7).  On  the 
 return  fiom  Babylon  they  Vv'ere  among  the  foremost 
 in  hindering  Xehemiah  in  his  work  of  restoration, 
 and  plotted  with  the  Ammonites  and  others  for 
 that  end  (Neh.  iv.  7).  Geshem,  or  Gashmu,  one  of 
 the  leaders  of  the  opposition,  was  of  this  race  (Neh. 
 ii.  19,  vii.  1).  In  later  times  the  Arabians  served 
 under  Timotheus  in  his  struggle  with  Judas  Macca- 
 beus, but  were  detkated  (1  JIacc.  v.  39 ;  2  Mace, 
 xii.  10).  The  Zabadeans,  an  Arab  tribe,  \vere 
 routed  by  Jonathan,  the  brother  and  successor  of 
 Judas  (1  Mace.  xii.  31).  Zabdiel,  the  assassin  of 
 Alexander  Balas  (1  Mace.  xi.  17),  and  Simalcue, 
 who  brought  up  Antiochus,  the  young  son  of  Alex- 
 ander (1  Mace.  xi.  39),  afterwards  Antiochus  VI., 
 were  both  Arabians.  In  the  time  of  the  N.  T.  the 
 term  appears  to  have  been  restricted  in  the  same 
 manner.     [Araijia.] 
 
 A'rad,  a  Benjamite,  son  of  Beriah,  who  drove 
 out  the  inhabitants  ot  Gatl-  (1  Chr.  viii.  15). 
 
 A'rad,  a  royal  city  of  the  Canaanites,  named 
 with  Hormah  and  Libnah  (Josh.  xii.  14).  The 
 wilderness  of  Judah  was  to  "  the  south  of  Arad  " 
 (Judg.  i.  15).     It  is  also   undoubtedly  named  in 
 
 AHAM 
 
 59 
 
 Num.  xxi.  1  (comp.  Hormah  in  ver.  3)  and 
 xxxiii.  40,  "  the  Cauaanite  king  of  Arad,"  instead 
 of  the  reading  of  the  A.  V.,  "  knig  Arad  the  Ca- 
 uaanite." It  is  mentioned  in  the  Onomasticon 
 (Arad)  as  a  city  of  the  Amorites,  near  the  desert 
 of  Kaddes,  4  miles  from  Malatha  (Moladah),  and 
 20  fiom  Hebron.  It  may  be  identified  with  a 
 hill.  Tell  'Arad,  an  hour  and  a  half  N.E.  by  K. 
 from  J/'Y/i  (Moladah),  and  8  hours  from  Hebron. 
 Ar'adus,  (1  Jlacc.  xv.  23),  the  same  place   as 
 
 AltVAD. 
 
 A'rah.  1.  An  A.sherite,  of  the  sons  of  Ulla 
 (1  Chi-,  vii.  39).— 2.  The  sons  of  Arab  returned 
 with  Zerubabel  in  number  775  according  to  Ezr. 
 ii.  5,  but  652  ac<.ording  to  Neh.  vii.  10.  One  of 
 his  descendants,  Shechaniah,  was  the  father-in-law  of 
 Tobiah  the  Ammonite  (Neh.  vi.  10;.  The  name  is 
 written  as  Arks  in  1  Esdr.  v.  10. 
 
 A'ram  (probably  fiom  a  root  signifying  height, 
 and  which  is  also  the  base  of"  Ramah  "),  the  name 
 by  which  the  Hebrews  designated,  generally,  the 
 country  lying  to  the  north-east  of  Palestine ;  the 
 great  mass  of  that  high  tiible-land  which,  rising 
 with  sudden  abruptness  from  the  Jordan  and  the 
 very  margin  of  the  lake  of  Gennesareth,  stretches, 
 at  an  elevation  of  no  less  than  2000  feet  above  the 
 level  of  the  sea,  to  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates 
 itself,  contrasting  strongly  with  the  low  land  bor- 
 dering on  the  Mediterranean,  the  "  land  of  Ca- 
 naan," or  the  low  countiy  (Gen.  xxxi.  18,  xxxiii. 
 18,  &c.).  Throughout  the  A.  V.  the  word  is, 
 with  only  a  veiy  few  exceptions,  rendered,  as  in 
 the  Vulgate  and  I,XX.,  SviUA ;  a  name  which, 
 it  must  be  remembered,  includes  for  more  to  our 
 ears,  than  did  Aiam  to  the  Hebrews.  [Syria.] 
 Its  earliest  occurrence  in  the  book  of  Genesis  is 
 in  the  form  of  Aram-naharaim,  i.  e.  the  "  highland 
 of  or  between  the  two  rivei-s "  (Gen.  xxiv.  10, 
 A.  V.  "  Mesopotamia  "),  but  in  several  succeeding 
 chapters,  and  in  other  parts  of  the  Pentateuch,  the 
 word  is  used  witliout  any  adilition,  to  designate  a 
 dweller  in  Aram-naharaim — Laban  or  Bethuel — ■ 
 "  the  Aramite  "  (see  Gen,  xxv.  20,  xxviii.  2,  5,  xxxi. 
 20,  24;  also  Judg.  iii.  10,  compared  with  8; 
 Deut.  xxvi.  5,  compared  with  xxxiii.  4,  and  Ps.  Ix. 
 title).  Padan,  or  accurately  Paddan,  Aram  ("  cul- 
 tivated highland,"  from  paddah  to  plough)  was 
 another  designation  for  the  same  region  (Gen.  xxv. 
 20,  .\.\viii.  2). 
 
 Later  in  the  histoiy  we  meet  with  a  number  of 
 small  nations  or  kingdoms  forming  parts  of  the 
 general  land  of  Aram  : — 1.  Aram-Zobah,  or  simply 
 Zobah  (1  Sam.  xiv.  47;  2  Sam.  viii.  3  ;  1  Chr. 
 xviii.  xix.)  [Zobah].  2.  Aram  beth-rehob  (2 
 Sam.  X.  6),  or  Kehob  (x.  8).  [Rkiiob.]  3.  Aram- 
 maachah  ( 1  Chr.  xix.  6),  or  IMaachah  only  (2  Sam. 
 X.  6).  [Maachah.]  4.  Geshur,  "  in  Aram  "  (2 
 Sam.  XV.  8),  usually  named  in  connexion  with 
 Maachah  (Deut.  iii.  14;  Josh.  xiii.  11,  13,  &c.). 
 [Gkshur.]  5.  Aram-Dammesek  (Damascus)  (2 
 Sam.  viii.  5,  6 ;  1  Chr.  xviii.  5,  6).  The  whole 
 of  these  petty  states  are  spoken  of  collectively 
 under  tJie  name  of  "  Aram  "  (2  .Sam.  x.  13),  but 
 as  Damascus  increased  in  impoi-tance  it  gradually 
 absorbed  the  smaller  powers  (1  K.  xx.  1),  and  the 
 name  of  Aram  was  at  last  applied  to  it  alone 
 (Is.  vii.  8;  also  1  K.  xi.  24,  25,  xv.  18,  &c). 
 According  to  the  genealogical  table  in  Gen.  x.,  Aram 
 was  a  son  of  Shem,  and  his  brethren  were  Elam, 
 Asshur,  and  Arphaxad.  It  will  be  observed  that 
 these  names  occur  in  regular  order  from  the  cast 
 
60  ARAM-NAHARAIM 
 
 Aram  closing  the  list  on  the  borders  of  the  "  west- 
 ern sea."  In  three  passages  Aram  would  seem  to 
 denote  Assyria  (2  K.  xviii.  2G :  Is.  xx.wi.  11; 
 Jer.  XXXV.  11).— 2.  Another  Aram  is  named  in 
 Gen.  xxii.  21,  as  a  son  of  Kemuel,  and  descendant 
 of  Nahor.  From  its  mention  with  Uz  and  Buz  it 
 is  probably  identic;d  with  the  tribe  of  Kam,  to 
 the  "  kindred  "  of  which  belonged  "  Klihu  the  son 
 ofBarachel  the  Buzite,"  wi)o  w;is  visiting  Job  in 
 the  land  of  Uz  (Job  xxxii.  2).— 3,  An  Asheiite, 
 one  of  the  sons  of  .Shamor  (1  Chr.  vii.  ,'54).— 4. 
 Son  of  ICsroni,  or  Hezron,  and  the  same  as  Kaji 
 (MMtt.  i.  :',,  4  ;  Luke  iii.  83). 
 A'ram-nahara'im  (Ps.  Ix.  title).  [Aram  1.] 
 A'ram-zo'bah  (I's.  Ix.  title).  |  Aram  1.] 
 Arami'tess,  a  female  inhabitant  of  Aram  (1  Chr. 
 vii.  14).  In  (itlier  ])assages  of  the  A.  V.  the 
 ethnic  of  Aram  is  rendered  "  Syrian." 
 
 A'ran,  a  Horite,  son  of  Dishan  and  brother  of  Uz 
 ((i.Mi.  xxxvi.  28;   1  Chr.  i.  42). 
 
 Ar'arat,  a  mountiiinous  district  of  Asia  men- 
 tioned in  the  Bible  in  connexion  with  the  following 
 events: — (1.)  As  the  resting-place  of  the  Ark  after 
 the  Deluge  (Gen.  viii.  4):  (2.)  as  the  asylum  of 
 the  sons  of  Sennacherib  (2  K.  xix.  37  ;  Is.  xxxvii. 
 38;  A.  V.  has  "the  land  of  Armenia  "):  (3.)  as 
 the  ally,  :md  probably  the  neighbour,  of  Minni  and 
 Abhchenaz  (Jer.  li.  27).  [Akmlnia.]  The  name 
 Ararat  was  unknown  to  the  geogi'aphers  of  Greece 
 and  Home,  as  it  still  is  to  the  Armenians  of  the 
 present  day :  but  that  it  was  an  indigenous  and  an 
 ancient  name  for  a  portion  of  Armenia,  ajipears 
 from  the  statement  of  Moses  of  Chorene,  who  gives 
 Araratia  as  the  designation  of  the  central  province. 
 In  its  Biblical  sense  it  is  descriptive  generally  of 
 the  Armenian  highlands — the  lofty  i)lateau  which 
 overlooks  the  \)\m\\  of  the  Araxes  on  tlie  N.,  and 
 of  Mesopotamia  on  tlie  S.  ^'ariolls  opinions  have 
 been  put  forth  as  to  the  spot  wliere  tiie  Ark 
 rested,  as  described  in  Gen.  viii.  4;  but  Berosus 
 the  Chaldaean,  contemporaiy  with  Alexander  the 
 Great,  fixes  the  sjxit  on  the  mountains  of  Kurdis- 
 tan. Tradition  still  jioints  to  the  Jebcl  Judi  as 
 the  scene  of  tiie  event,  and  maintiins  the  belief,  as 
 stilted  by  Beiosus,  tiiat  fragments  of  the  ark  exist 
 on  its  summit.  Josephus  also  quotes  Nicolaiis 
 Damascenus  to  the  eftect  that  a  mouutiin  named 
 Baris,  beyond  Minyas,  was  the  spot.  That  the 
 scene  of  an  event  so  deeply  interesting  to  mankind 
 had  even  at  that  early  age  been  transferretl,  as  was 
 natuial,  to  the  loftiest  and  most  imposing  mountain 
 in  the  district,  appears  fiom  the  statements  of  Jose- 
 phus that  the  spot  where  Koah  left  the  ark  had 
 received  a  name  descriptive  of  that  event,  which  he 
 i-enders  Ai)oljaterion,  and  whicli  seems  identical 
 with  Naclidjcvan,  on  the  banks  of  the  Araxes.  To 
 this  neighbourhood  all  the  associations  connected 
 with  Noah  are  now  assigned  by  the  native  Arme- 
 nians, and  their  opinion  hiis  been  .so  far  indorsed  by 
 Europeans  that  tjiey  have  given  the  name  Ararat 
 exclusively  to  the  mountain  which  is  called  Massis 
 by  the  .Aimenians,  Aijri-DiUjh,  i.e.  Steep  Mountain, 
 by  the  Turks,  an<l  Kuh-i-Kuh,  i.  e.  Noah's  Monn- 
 tnin,  by  tiie  Persians.  It  rises  immediately  out  of 
 the  plain  of  the  Araxes,  juid  tci-minates  in  two 
 conical  pejiks,  named  the  Great  and  Le.ss  Ararat, 
 about  seven  miles  di>tint  from  each  other ;  the 
 former  of  which  attains  an  elevation  of  17,2GU  feet 
 above  the  level  of  the  .sea  and  about  14,000  above 
 the  plain  of  the  Anixes,  wliile  the  latter  is  lower 
 by  40(J0  feet.    The  summit  of  the  higher  is  covered 
 
 ARARAT 
 
 with  eternal  snow  lor  about  3000  feet.  It  is  ol 
 volcanic  origin.  The  summit  of  Ararat  was  long 
 deemed  inaccessible.  It  was  first  ascended  in  1829 
 by  I'aiTot,  who  appioached  it  fjom  the  N.W. ; 
 he  describes  a  secondary  summit  about  400  yards 
 distant  from  the  highest  point,  and  on  the  gentle 
 depi'cssion  which  connects  the  two  eminences  he 
 surmises  that  the  ark  rested.  The  region  imme- 
 diately below  the  limits  of  perpetual  snow  is  barren 
 and  unvisited  by  beast  or  biid.  Aiyuri,  the  only 
 village  known  to  have  been  built  on  its  slopes, 
 was  the  spot  where,  according  to  tradition,  Noah 
 planted  his  vineyard.  Lower  down,  in  the  plain 
 of  Araxes,  is  Nudidjevan,  where  the  ])atriarch  is 
 reputed  to  have  been  buried.  KetiuTiing  to  the 
 broader  signilic;\tion  we  have  assigned  to  the  teim, 
 "  the  mounfciins  of  Ararat,"  as  co-extensive  with 
 the  Armenian  ])lateau  fiom  the  base  of  Ararat 
 in  the  N.  to  the  range  of  Kurdistan  in  the  S.,  we 
 notice  the  following  characteiistics  of  that  region 
 as  illustrating  the  Bible  narrative: — (1.)  Its  eleva- 
 tion. It  lises  to  a  height  of  from  GOoO  to  7000 
 feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea,  presenting  a  surtiice 
 of  extensive  plains,  whence  spring  other  lofty 
 mountain  ranges,  having  a  generally  parallel  direc- 
 tion from  E.  to  W.,  and  connected  with  each  other 
 by  ti-ansverse  ridges  of  moderate  height.  (2.)  Its 
 geographical  position.  The  Aimenian  plateau 
 stands  equidistant  from  the  Euxine  and  the  Caspian 
 seas  on  the  N.,  and  between  the  Persian  Gulf  and 
 the  Mediterranean  on  the  S.  Viewed  with  refer- 
 ence to  the  dispersion  of  the  nations,  Armenia  is 
 the  true  centre  of  the  woild :  and  it  is  a  signifiamt 
 fact  that  at  the  present  day  Ararat  is  the  great 
 boundary-stone  between  the  empires  of  Uussia, 
 Turkey,  and  Persia.  (3.)  Its  physical  character. 
 The  plains  as  well  as  the  mountains  supply  evi- 
 dence of  volcanic  agency.  Armenia,  however, 
 differs  materially  fiom  other  regions  of  similar 
 geological  formation,  inasmuch  as  it  does  not  rise 
 to  a  sharp  well-defined  central  crest,  but  expands 
 into  plains  or  steppes,  sej)aiated  by  a  graduated 
 seiies  of  subordinate  ranges.  The  result  of  this 
 expansion  is  that  Armenia  is  far  more  accessible, 
 both  from  without,  and  within  its  own  limits, 
 than  other  districts  of  similar  elevation.  The  fiill 
 of  the  ground  in  the  centre  of  the  ]jlateau  is  not 
 decided  in  any  direction,  as  is  demonstiated  by  the 
 early  courses  of  the  rivei^s — the  Araxes,  which  Hows 
 into  the  Casjiian,  rising  westward  of  either  br.uich 
 of  the  Eu])hiates,  and  taking  at  first  a  noitlieily 
 direction — the  Euphrates,  which  fiows  to  the  S., 
 rising  northward  of  the  Araxes,  and  taking  a 
 westerly  diiection.  (4.)  Tlie  climate.  Winter 
 lasts  from  October  to  May,  and  is  succeeded  by  a 
 brief  spring  and  summer  of  intense  heat.  In 
 Ajnil  the  Armenian  plains  are  still  covered  with 
 snow  ;  and  in  the  early  part  of  September  it  freezes 
 keenly  at  night.  (5.)  The  vegetation.  Gi'ass 
 grows  luxuriiuitly  on  the  plateau,  and  furnisiies 
 abundant  pisture  during  the  summer  mouths  to 
 the  fiocks  of  the  nomad  Kurds.  Wheat,  baiiey, 
 and  vince  ripen  at  fiu'  higher  altitudes  than  on 
 the  Alps  and  the  Pyrenees;  and  the  harvest  is 
 biought  to  maturity  with  wondcifid  sjwed.  Tlie 
 general  result  of  tliese  observations  would  be  to 
 show  that,  while  the  elevation  of  the  Armeni:in 
 jilateau  constituted  it  the  natural  resting-place  of  the 
 ark  at'fer  the  Deluge,  its  geographical  ])osition  mid 
 if.s  jihysical  character  secured  an  impartial  distribu- 
 tion   of  the   families  of  nioukind    to   the  various 
 
ARAKATH 
 
 quarters  of  the  world.  The  climate  furnished  a 
 poweiful  inJiicement  to  seek  the  more  tempting 
 regions  on  all  sides  of  it.    At  the  same  time  the  cha- 
 
 ARCHIPPUS 
 
 61 
 
 racter  of  the  v^etation  was  remarkably  adapted  t«j 
 the  nomad  state  la  which  we  may  conceive  the  earlv 
 generations  of  Noah's  descendants  to  have  lived. 
 
 Ar'arath  (Tob.  i.  21).     [Ararat.] 
 
 Arau'nah,  a  Jebusitc  who  sold  his  threshing- 
 floor  on  Mount  Moriali  to  David  as  a  site  for  an 
 .iltar  to  Jehovah,  together  with  his  oxen  (2  Sam. 
 xxiv.  18-24  ;  1  Chr.  .\xi.  25).  From  the  expres- 
 sion (2  Sam.  xxiv.  23)  "these  things  did  Araunnh, 
 the  king,  give  unto  the  king,"  it  has  been  inferred 
 that  he  was  one  of  the  royal  iTice  of  the  Jcbu- 
 sites.  His  name  is  variously  written  in  variou.-; 
 places  (2  Sam.  xxiv.  16,  18  ;  1  Chr.  xxi.;  2  Chr. 
 iii.).     [Ornan.] 
 
 Ar'ba,  the  progenitor  of  the  Anakim,  or  sons 
 ofAnak,  from  whom  their  chief  city  Hebron  re- 
 ceived its  name  of  Kiijath-Arba  (Josh.  xiv.  15,  xv. 
 13,  xxi.  U). 
 
 Ar'bah.  Hebron,  or  Kiijath-Arba,  as  "  the  city 
 of  Arbah "  is  always  rendered  elsewhere  (Gen. 
 XXXV.  27).     [Hebron.] 
 
 Ar'bathite,  the,  i.  e.  a  native  of  the  Arabah 
 or  Ghor.  [Arabaii.]  Abialbon  the  A.  was  one 
 of  David's  mighty  men  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  31  ;  1  Chr. 
 xi.  32). 
 
 Arbat'tis,  a  district  of  Palestine  named  in  1 
 Mace.  V.  23  only,  perhaps  a  comiption  of  Acrabat- 
 tine,  the  province  or  toparchy  which  lay  between 
 Neapolis  and  Jericho.     [Arabattine.] 
 
 Arbe'la,  mentioned  in  the  Bible  only  in  1  Mace. 
 ix.  2,  and  there  only  as  defining  the  situation  of 
 Masaloth,  a  place  besieged  and  taken  by  Bacchides 
 and  Alcimus  at  the  opening  of  the  campaign  in 
 which  Judas  Maccabeus  was  killed.  According  to 
 Josephus  this  was  at  Arbela  of  Galilee,  a  place 
 which  he  elsewhere  states  to  be  near  Sepphoris,  on 
 the  lake  of  Gennesaroth,  and  remarkable  for  cerfciin 
 impregnable  caves,  the  resort  of  robbers  and  insur- 
 gents, and  the  scene  of  more  than  one  desperate 
 encounter.  These  topographical  requirements  are 
 fully  met  by  the  existing  Irbid,  a  site  with  a  few 
 ruins,  west  of  Medjel,  on  the  south-east  side  of  the 
 Wady  Hamam,  in  a  small  plain  at  the  foot  of  the 
 hill  of  Kurun  Hattin.      The  cavems  are  in   the 
 
 opposite  face  of  the  ravine,  and  bear  the  name  of 
 Kida'at  Ibn  3Iadn.  Arbela  may  be  the  Beth- 
 arbel  of  Hos.  x.  14,  but  there  is  nothing  to  en- 
 sure it. 
 
 ArTiite,  the.  Paarai  the  Arbite  was  one  of 
 David'sguard  (2  .'=am.  xxiii.  35).  The  word  signifies 
 a  native  of  Arab.  In  the  parallel  list  of  Chronicles 
 it  is  given  as  Ben-Ezbai.     [EzBAi.] 
 
 Arbona'i  (.Jud.  ii.  24).     [Abroxas.] 
 
 Archela'US,  smi  of  Herod  the  Great,  by  a  Sama- 
 ritan woman,  Malthake,  and,  with  his  biotliei- 
 Antipas,  brought  up  at  Ftome.  At  the  death  of 
 Heriid  (B.C.  4)  his  kingdom  was  divided  between 
 his  three  sons,  Herod  Antipas,  Archelaus,  and 
 Philip.  Archelaus  received  the  half,  containing 
 Idumaea,  Judaea,  Samaria,  and  the  cities  on  the 
 coast,  with  600  talents'  income.  He  never  pro- 
 perly bore  the  title  of  king  (JIatt.  ii.  22i,  but  onlv 
 that  of  ethnarch,  so  that  the  former  word  must  be 
 taken  as  loosely  used.  In  the  tenth  year  of  his 
 reign,  or  the  ninth,  according  to  Dion  Cassius,  i.  e. 
 A.D.  6,  a  complaint  was  preferred  against  him  by 
 his  brothers  and  his  subjects  on  the  gi'ound  of  his 
 tyranny,  in  consequence  of  which  he  was  banished 
 to  V'ienne  in  Gaid,  where  he  is  generally  said  to 
 have  died.  But  .lernme  relates  that  he  was  shown 
 the  sepulchre  of  Archelaus  near  Bethlehem.  He 
 seems  to  have  been  guilty  of  great  cruelty  and 
 oppression  (comp.  Matt.  ii.  22).  Josephus  relates 
 that  he  put  to  death  3000  Jews  in  the  Temple  not 
 long  after  his  accession.  Aichelans  wedded  ille- 
 gally Glaphyra,  once  the  wife  of  his  brother  Alex- 
 ander, who  had  had  children  by  her. 
 
 Archery.     [Arjis.] 
 
 Ar'chevites,  perhaps  the  inhabitants  of  Erech, 
 some  of  whom  had  been  placed  as  colonists  in 
 Samaria  (Ezr.  iv.  9). 
 
 Ar'chi  (Josh.  xvi.  2).     [Archite.] 
 
 Archip'pus,  a  Christian  teacher  in  Colossae 
 (Col.  iv.  17),  called  by  St.  Paul  his  "fellow- 
 soldier,"  (Philem.  2).     As  the  last-quoted  epistle 
 
62 
 
 ARCHTTE 
 
 }s  aiiilressed  to  liiin  jointly  witli  I'liilenion  and' 
 Apphia,  it  seems  necessjuy  to  infer  that  lie  was  a 
 member  of  Fliilenuui's  family.  Jeiome,  Tlieoitorot, 
 and  Oeciimenitis,  supj^se  him  to  have  been  over- 
 seer of  the  church  at  Colossae.  Othei-s  believe  him 
 to  have  been  a  teacher  at  Laodicea.  There  is  a 
 legend  that  he  was  of  the  number  of  the  Seventy 
 disciples,  and  sutlbred  mai'tyrdom  at  Chonae,  near 
 l.aodicea. 
 
 Ar'cMte,  the  (as  if  from  a  place  named  Krech), 
 the  usual  designation  of  David's  friend  Hushai  (2 
 Sam.  XV.  32,  .wii.  5,  14 ;  1  Chr.  xsvii.  33). 
 The  word  also  appears  in  Josh.  xv\.  2,  where 
 "  the  borders  of  Archi  "  (t.  e.  "  the  Archite")  are 
 named  as  soiriewhere  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
 liethel. 
 
 ArcMtectore.  The  book  of  Genesis  (iv.  17, 
 20,  22)  appears  to  divide  mankind  into  great  cha- 
 racteristic sections,  viz.,  the  "dwellers  in  tents" 
 and  the  "  dwellers  in  cities."  To  the  race  of 
 Shem  is  attributed  (Oen.  x.  11,  12,  22,  xi.  2-9) 
 the  foundation  of  those  cities  in  the  plain  of 
 Shiiiar,  Babylon,  Xinevch,  and  others;  ot'  one  of 
 wliiih,  liesen,  the  e]iitlu't  "  gieat "  sulliciently 
 marks  its  importance  in  the  time  of  the  writer. 
 From  the  syme  book  we  learn  the  account  of  the 
 earliest  recorded  building,  and  of  the  materials 
 employed  in  its  construction  {Gen.  xi.  3,  9)  ;  and 
 though  a  doubt  rests  on  the  precise  spot  of  the 
 tower  of  Helus,  so  long  identified  with  the  liirs 
 Nimroud,  yet  the  nature  of  the  soil,  and  the  bricks 
 found  there  in  such  abundance,  though  bearing 
 mostly  the  name  of  .Nebuchadnezzar,  agree  \)w- 
 fectly  with  the  supjiositioii  of  a  city  ])revi<iusly 
 existing  on  the  same  or  a  (.'loselv  n('i;^hl)oiiring 
 site.  In  Ksth.  i.  2  mention  is  made  of  the  jjalace 
 at  Susa,  the  spring  residence  of  the  kings  of  Persia 
 (Esth.  iii.  1.5);  and  in  the  books  of  Tobit  and 
 Judith,  of  Kcbatana,  to  which  they  retired  during 
 the  heat  of  summer  (Tob.  iii.  7,  xiv.  14;  Jud. 
 i.  14).  It  is  in  connexion  with  Egypt  that  the 
 Israelites  appear  first  as  builders  of  cities,  com- 
 pelled to  labour  at  the  buildings  of  the  Egyptian 
 monarchs.  Pithom  and  Haamses  are  said  to  have 
 been  built  by  them  (Ex.  i.  11).  The  Israelites 
 were  by  occupation  shepherds,  and  by  hatiit  dwel- 
 lei-s  in  tents  {(ien.  xlvii.  3).  They  had  therefore 
 originally,  speaking  pro])eily,  no  architecture. 
 Even  Hebron,  a  city  of  higher  antirinity  than  the 
 Egyptian  Zoan  (Tanis),  was  called  originally  from 
 its  founder,  perhaps  a  Canaan ite  of  the  race  of 
 Anak,  K'irjath-.\rba,  the  city  of  Aiba  (Num.  xiii. 
 22;  Josh.  xiv.  15).  From  the  time  of  the  occu- 
 pifion  of  Cana;in  they  became  dwellers  in  towns 
 and  in  houses  of  stone  (Lev.  xiv.  34,  4.');  1  K. 
 vii.  10) ;  but  these  were  not  all,  nor  indeed  in 
 most  ca.ses,  built  by  themselves  (Dent.  vi.  10  ; 
 Num.  xiii.  19).  The  peaceful  leign  and  vast 
 wealth  of  Solomon  gave  great  impulse  to  archi- 
 tecture ;  for  besiiles  the  Temple  and  his  other  great 
 works,  he  built  fortressi's  and  cities  in  various 
 places,  among  which  Haalath  and  Tadmor  are  in 
 nil  probability  represented  by  Baalbec  and  Pal- 
 myra (1  K.  ix.  1.1,  24).  Among  the  succeeding 
 kings  of  Israel  and  of  .Fudah,  more  than  one  is 
 recorded  as  a  builder;  Asa  (I  K.  xv.  23),  Baa.sha 
 (xv.  17),  Omri  (xvi.  24),  Ahab  (xvi.  32,  xxii.  39), 
 Hez(;kiah  (2  K.  xx.  20  ;  2  Chr.  xxxii.  27-30), 
 Jchoash,  and  Josiah  (2  K.  xii.  11,  12,  xxii.  6)  ; 
 and,  lastly,  .lehoiakim,  whose  winter  pjilaco  is  mcn- 
 tioned    Jer.  xxii.  14,  xxwi.  22  ;  sec  also  Am.  iii. 
 
 ARCTURUS 
 
 15).  On  the  return  from  captivity  the  chief  care 
 of  the  rulers  vim  to  rebuild  the  Temple  and  tlie 
 walls  of  Jenisalem  in  a  subst;\ntial  manner,  with 
 stone,  and  with  timber  fiom  Lebanon  (Ezr.  iii, 
 8,  v.  8 ;  Neh.  ii.  8,  iii.).  But  the  reigns  of 
 Herod  and  his  successors  were  especially  remark- 
 able for  their  great  architectural  works.  Not 
 only  w;is  the  Temple  restored  but  the  fortifications 
 and  other  public  buildings  of  Jerusiilem  were  en- 
 larged and  embellished  (Luke  xxi.  5).  The  town 
 of  Caesarea  was  built  on  the  site  of  Strato's  Tower; 
 Samaria  was  enlarged,  and  received  the  name  of 
 Sebastc.  Of  the  original  splendour  of  these  grait 
 works  no  doubt  can  be  entertained  ;  but  of  their 
 style  and  appearance  we  can  only  conjectui'e  that 
 they  were  f'oimed  on  Greek  and  Homan  models 
 The  connexion  of  Solomon  with  Egypt  and  with 
 Tyre,  and  the  influence  of  the  Captivity,  must 
 necessarily  have  affected  the  style  of  the  palatial 
 edifices  of  that  monaich,  aiid  of  the  fii-st  and  second 
 temples.  The  enormous  stones  employed  in  the 
 Assyiian,  Persepolitau,  and  Egyptian  buildings, 
 find  a  parallel  in  the  substructions  of  Baalbec  and 
 in  the  luige  lilocks  which  still  remain  at  Jeru.s;dem, 
 relics  of  the  buildings  either  of  Solomon  or  of  Herod. 
 But  few  monuments  are  known  to  exist  in  Pales- 
 tine by  which  we  c;ui  form  an  accurate  idea  of  it.s 
 buildings,  anil  oven  of  those  which  do  remain  no 
 trustworthy  examination  has  yet  been  made.  It 
 is  jjiobable,  however,  that  the  reservoirs  known 
 undei'  the  names  of  the  Pools  of  .Solomon  and  Heze- 
 kiah  contain  some  portions  at  least  of  the  original 
 fabrics.  The  domestic  aichitecture  of  the  .lew.s, 
 so  far  as  it  c;ui  be  understood,  is  treated  under 
 Horsi;. 
 
 Arctu'rus.  The  Hebrew  words  'Ash  and  'Aish, 
 rendered  "  Arcturus  "  in  the  A.  V.  of  Job  ix.  9, 
 xxxviii.  32,  in  conformity  with  the  Vulg.  of  the 
 former  passage,  are  now  generally  believed  to  be 
 identical,  and  to  represent  the  constellation  Ui"sa 
 Major,  known  commonly  as  the  Great  Bear,  or 
 Charles's  Wain.  Niebuhr  {JJcsc.  de  I' Arab.  p.  101 ) 
 relates  that  he  met  with  a  Jew  at  SiinJi,  who  iden- 
 tified the  Hebrew  'Ash  with  the  constellation  known 
 to  the  Arabs  by  the  name  Om  en-niish,  or  JVush 
 simply,  ius  a  .lew  of  Bagdad  intbrmetl  him.  The 
 four  stai's  in  the  body  of  the  Beai'  are  named  En- 
 nash  in  the  tjibles  of  Ulugh  Beigh,  those  in  the  tail 
 being  allied  el  Bcnat,  "  the  daughtei-s"  (comp.  Job 
 xxxviii.  32).  The  ancient  vei-sions  ditlbr  greatly  in 
 their  renderings.  The  LXX.  render  'Ash  by  the 
 "  Pleiades"  in  .lob  ix.  9  (unless  the  text  which  they 
 had  iM'fore  them  had  the  words  in  a  dillerent  order), 
 and  ' Ai^h  ly  "  IIesjx>rus,"  the  evening  star,  in  Job 
 xxxviii.  32.  In  the  former  they  are  linllowed  or 
 supported  by  the  Chaldee,  iu  the  latter  by  the 
 Vuig-.ite.  U.  liavid  Kimchi  and  the  Talmudists 
 understood  by  ' AJi  the  tail  of  the  Kam  or  the  head 
 of  the  Bull,  by  which  they  are  suppased  to  indicate 
 the  bright  star  .Xldebaran  in  the  Mull's  eye.  But 
 the  gre;itest  dilliculty  exists  in  the  rendering  of  the 
 Syriac  translatoi"s,  who  give  as  the  equivalent  ol 
 both  'Ash  and  'Aish  the  word  '  fi/utho,  which  is  in- 
 terpreted to  signify  the  bright  star  Capella  in  the 
 constellation  Auriga,  and  is  so  ri'ndere<l  in  the  ,\rabic 
 translation  of  Job.  On  this  point,  hi>wever,  great 
 ilill'erence  of  opinion  exists.  Bar  .Ali  conjectured 
 that  ' Iijntho  was  either  Caj)ella  or  the  constellation 
 Orion;  while  Bar  Bahlul  ht'sit-ited  between  Ca- 
 pella, Aldebarau,  and  a  cluster  of  three  stars  in  the 
 faL«   of  Oriou.     Following    the    rendering   of  tlie 
 
ARD 
 
 Arabic,  Hyde  was  induced  to  consider  'Ash  and 
 'Aish  distinct ;  the  former  being  the  (iieat  Bear,  and 
 the  latter  the  bright  star  Capella,  or  the  a  of  the 
 constellation  Auriga. 
 
 Ard,  the  son  of  Bela  and  grandson  of  Benjamin 
 (Gen.  .\lvi.  21  ;  Num.  .xxvi.  40),  there  being  no 
 reason  to  suppose  that  in  these  passages  two  dif- 
 ferent persons  are  intended.  In  1  Chr.  viii.  3,  he 
 is  called  Addar. 
 
 Ar'datli— "  the  field  called  Ardath  "—2  Esdr. 
 ix.  ■_'(!. 
 
 Ard'ites,  the  descendants  of  Ard  or  Addar  the 
 gi-inil>oii  of  Benjamin  (Num.  xxvi.  40). 
 
 Ar'don,  a  son  of  Caleb,  the  son  of  Hezron,  by 
 his  wilr  Azubah  (1  Chr.  ii.  18). 
 
 Ar'eli,  a  son  of  Gad  (Gen.  xlvi.  16  ;  Num.  .xxvi. 
 17).  His  descendants  are  caHed  THE  Arelites 
 (Num.  xxvi.  17). 
 
 Areop'agite,  a  member  of  the  court  of  Areopagus 
 (Acts  xvii.  ;U).     [Mars'  Hill.] 
 
 Areop'agus.     [Mars'  Hill.] 
 
 A'res  i  1  Esdr.  v.  10).     [A rah  2.] 
 
 Ar'etas,  a  common  appellation  of  many  of  the 
 Arabian  kin;j;s  or  chiefs.  Two  are  mentioned  in 
 the  Bible. — 1.  A  contemporary  of  Antiochus  Epi- 
 phanes  (B.C.  170)  and  Jasou  (2  Mace.  v.  8).— 
 2.  The  Aietas  alluded  to  by  St.  Paul  (2  Cor.  xi. 
 32)  was  tather-in-law  of  Herod  Antipas.  [Herod.] 
 There  is  a  somewhat  difficult  chronological  ques- 
 tion respecting  the  subordination  of  Damascus  to 
 this  Ai-etas.  Under  Augustus  and  Tiberius  the 
 city  was  attached  to  the  province  of  Syria  ;  and  it 
 is  piobable  that  a  change  in  the  rulership  took 
 place  after  the  death  of  Tiberius.  There  had  been 
 war  for  some  time  between  Aretas,  king  of  Arabia 
 Nabataea,  and  Antipas.  A  battle  was  fought,  and 
 the  army  of  Antipas  entirely  destroyed.  Vitellitis, 
 governor  of  Syria,  was  sent  to  his  aid;  but  while 
 on  his  march  he  heard  of  the  death  of  Tiberius 
 (a.d.  37),  and  remained  at  Antioch.  By  this 
 change  of  affiiirs  at  Rome  a  complete  reversal  took 
 place  in  the  situation  of  Antipas  and  his  enemy. 
 The  former  was  ere  long  (a.d.  o9)  banished  to 
 Lyons,  and  his  kingdom  given  to  Agrippa.  It 
 would  be  natural  that  Aretas  should  be  received 
 into  favour;  and  the  more  so  as  Vitellius  had  an 
 old  grudge  against  Antipas.  Now  in  the  year  38 
 Caligula  made  several  changes  in  the  East ;  and 
 these  facts,  coupled  with  that  of  no  Damascene 
 coins  of  Caligula  or  Claudius  existing,  make  it 
 probable  that  about  this  time  Damascus,  which 
 belonged  to  the  pi-edecessor  of  Aretas,  was  granted 
 to  him  by  Caligula.  The  other  hypotheses,  that 
 the  ethnarch  was  only  visiting  the  city,  or  that 
 Aretas  had  seized  Damascus  on  Vitellius  giving 
 up  the  expedition  against  him  are  very  impro- 
 bable. 
 
 Are'ns,  a  king  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  whose 
 letter  to  the  high  priest  Onias  is  given  in  1  Mace. 
 xii.  20-23.  There  were  two  Spartan  kings  of 
 the  name  of  Areus,  of  whom  the  first  reigned 
 B.C.  309-265.  The  first  high  priest  of  the  name 
 of  Onias  held  the  office  B.C.  323-300,  and  must 
 therefore  have  written  the  letter  to  Areus  I.  in  some 
 interval  between  3U9  and  300.     [OniaS.] 
 
 Ar'gob,  a  tiact  of  country  on  the  east  of  the 
 Jordan,  in  Bashan,  the  kingdom  of  Og,  containing 
 60  great  and  fortified  cities.  Argob  was  in  the 
 portion  allotted  to  the  half-tribe  of  Manasseh,  and 
 was  taken  possession  of  by  Jair,  a  chief  man  in 
 that  tiibe.     It  afterwards  fonned  one  of  Solomon's 
 
 ARIEL 
 
 (>;; 
 
 commissariat  districts,  under  the  charge  of  an 
 officer  whose  residence  was  at  Kamoth-Gilead  (Deut. 
 iii.  4,  13,  14;  IK.  iv.  13).  In  later  times 
 Argob  was  called  Trachonitis,  apparently  a  mei-e 
 translation  of  the  older  name ;  and  it  is  now  appa- 
 rently identified  with  the  Lcjah,  a  very  remarkable 
 district  south  of  Damascus,  and  east  of  the  Sea  of 
 Galilee.  This  extraordinary  region  —  about  22 
 miles  from  N.  to  S.  by  14  from  W^.  to  E.,  and  of 
 a  regulai-,  almost  oval,  shape — has  been  described 
 as  an  ocean  of  basaltic  rocks  and  loulders,  tossed 
 about  in  the  wildest  contusion,  and  intermingled 
 with  fissures  and  crevices  in  every  direction.  Straniie 
 as  it  may  seem,  this  forbiding  region  is  thickly 
 studded  with  deseited  cities  and  villages,  all  solidly 
 built  and  of  remote  antiquity.  A  strong  pie- 
 sumption  in  favour  of  the  identification  of  the 
 Lejah  with  Argob  arises  from  the  peculiar  Hebrew 
 word  constantly  attached  to  Argob.  This  word 
 is  Chehel,  literally  "a  rope,"  aud  it  designates  with 
 charming  accuracy  the  remarkably  defined  boundary 
 line  of  the  district  of  the  Lejah,  which  is  spoken  of 
 repeatedly  by  its  latest  explorer  as  "  a  rocky  shore  ;" 
 "  sweeping  lound  in  a  circle  clearly  defined  as  a 
 I'ocky  shore  line;"  "resembling  a  Cyclopean  wall 
 in  ruins." 
 
 Ar'gob,  perhaps  a  Gileadite  officer,  who  was  go> 
 vernor  of  Argob.  According  to  some  interpretei-s, 
 an  accomplice  of  Pekah  in  the  murder  of  Pekaliiah. 
 But  Sebastian  Schmid  explained  that  both  Argob 
 and  Arieh  were  two  princes  of  Pckahiah,  whose 
 influence  Pekah  feared,  and  whom  he  therefore 
 slew  with  the  king.  Jarchi  understands  by  Argob 
 the  royal  palace,  near  which  was  the  castle  in  which 
 the  murder  took  place  (2  K.  xv.  25). 
 
 Ariara'thes,  properly  Mithridates  IV.,  Philo- 
 pator,  king  of  Cappadocia  B.C.  163-130.  He  was 
 educated  at  Rome,  and  his  subservience  to  the  wishes 
 of  the  Romans  (B.C.  158)  cost  him  his  kingdom  ; 
 but  he  was  shortly  afterwards  restored  to  a  share 
 in  the  government  ;  and  on  the  capture  of  his  rival 
 Olophernes  by  Demetrius  Soter,  regained  the  su- 
 preme power.  He  fell  in  B.C.  130,  in  the  war-  of 
 the  Romans  against  Aiistonicus.  Letters  were  ad- 
 dressed to  him  from  Rome  in  favour  of  the  Jews 
 (1  Mace.  XV.  22),  who,  in  after  times,  seem  to  have 
 been  numerous  in  his  kingdom  (Acts  ii.  9  ;  comp. 
 1  Pet.  i.  1). 
 
 Arida'i,  ninth  son  of  Haman  (Esth.  ix.  9). 
 
 Arid'atha,  sixth  son  of  Haman  (Esth.  ix.  8). 
 
 Ar  ieh,  "  the  Lion,"  so  called  probably  from  his 
 daring  as  a  warrior  :  either  one  of  the  accomplices  of 
 Pekah  in  his  conspiracy  against  Pekahiah,  king  of 
 Israel ;  or,  as  Sebastian  Schmid  understands  the 
 passage,  one  of  the  princes  of  Pekahiah,  who  was 
 put  to  death  with  him  (2  K.  xv.  25).  Jarchi  ex- 
 plains it  literally  of  a  golden  lion  which  stood  in  the 
 castle. 
 
 A'rieL  1.  One  of  the  "  chief  men  "  who  under 
 Ezi'a  directed  the  caravan  which  he  led  back  from 
 Babylon  to  Jerusalem  (Ezr.  viii.  16). — The  word 
 occurs  also  in  refei-ence  to  two  Moabites  slain  by 
 Benaiah  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  20 ;  1  Chr.  xi.  22).  Many 
 regard  the  word  as  an  epithet,  "  lion-like  ;"  but  it 
 seems  better  to  look  upon  it  as  a  pioper  name,  and 
 translate  "two  [sons]  of  Ariel."— 2.  A  designation 
 given  by  Isaiah  to  the  city  of  Jerusalem  (Is.  x.xix 
 1,  2,  7).  Its  meaning  is  obscure.  We  must  un- 
 derstand by  it  either  "  Lion  of  God,"  or  "  Hearth 
 of  God."  The  latter  meaning  is  suggester  by  the 
 use  of  the  word  in  Ez.  xliii.  15,  16,  as  a  sfnonym 
 
64  ARIMATHAEA 
 
 for  the  nltar  of  l)iiint-i)ll'eriii>;.  On  the  whole  it 
 spenis  most  probable  th:>t,  as  a  nanii'  given  to  .k'r\i- 
 salem,  Ariel  means  "  Lion  of  <ioil,"  whilst  the  word 
 usp(l  1)V  F,/i'kii'l  means  "  Hearth  of  OckI." 
 
 Arimathae'a  (Matt,  xxvii.  57  ;  l.uke  xxiii.  51  ; 
 John  xix.  IWj.  St.  Luke  calls  it  "  a  city  of  Ju- 
 daea ;"  but  this  presents  no  objection  to  its  identifi- 
 cation with  the  prophet  Samuel's  birth-place,  the 
 Ramah  of  1  Sam.  i.  1,  19,  which  is  named  in  the 
 LXX.  Armathaim,  and  by  Josephus,  Armatlia. 
 The  Ramathem  of  the  Aiwcrypha  is  probably  the 
 same  place.  It  is  identified  by  many  with  the  mo- 
 dern Rninlah.     [HamaH.J 
 
 A'rioch.  1,  The  king  of  Klks,ir,  one  of  the  allies 
 of  ChiKlorlaomer  in  his  ex|)edition  against  his  rebel- 
 lious tributaries  (Gen.  xiv.  1 ).  The  name  accord- 
 ing to  (Jesenius  is  Assyro-(;'haldalc,  but  Kiii-st  refers 
 it\o  a  Siiaskrit  root.— 2.  The  ca])tain  of  Nehuchad- 
 nexzav's  body-guard  (Dan.  ii.  14,  &(;.). — 3.  Pro- 
 perly Eirioc'h,  or  Erioch,  mentioned  in  .Fud.  i.  7  as 
 king  of  the  Elymaeans.  .Junius  and  Tremellius 
 identify  him  with  Deioces,  king  of  ])art  of  Media. 
 
 Arisa'i,  ei^'lith  son  of  Haman  (Ksth.  ix.  y). 
 
 Ariatar  chus,  a  Thessalonian  (.Acts  xx.  4  ;  xxvii. 
 2),  who  accompanied  St.  Paul  on  his  thir<I  mis- 
 sionary journey  (Acts  . xix.  29).  He  was  with  the 
 apostle  on  his  return  to  Asia  (Acts  xx.  4);  and 
 again  fxxvii.  2)  on  his  voyage  to  Home.  We  trace 
 him  afterwards  as  St.  I'aul's  fellow-prisoner  in 
 (.'ol.  iv.  10,  and  Philem.  24.  Tradition  makes  iiim 
 bishop  fif  An.imea. 
 
 Aristobu'lus.  1.  A  Jewish  priest  (2  Mace.  i. 
 10),  who  resided  in  Kgypt  in  the  reign  of  Ptole- 
 maeiis  VI.,  Philometor.  In  a  letter  of  Judas  Mnc- 
 cjibaeus  he  is  addressed  (H)5  R.C.)  as  the  represen- 
 tative of  the  Kgyptian  Jews,  and  is  further  styled 
 "the  master"  (i.e.  counsellor?)  of  the  king. 
 There  can  be  little  doubt  tliat  he  is  identical  with 
 the  peripatetic  philosopher  of  that  name,  who  <ledi- 
 cated  to  I'tol.  Philometor  his  allegoric  exposition  of 
 the  Pentateuch.  Considerable  fragments  of  this 
 work  have  been  preserved  by  Clement  and  Eusebius, 
 but  the  autlienticity  of  the  quotations  has  been 
 vigorouslv  contested.  The  obje(-t  of  .Aristobulus 
 was  to  prove  that  the  peripatetic  doctrines  were 
 i):use(l  on  the  Law  and  the  Prophets.— 2.  A  resi<tent 
 at  Pome,  some  of  whose  household  are  greeted  in 
 Horn.  xvi.  10.  Tradition  makes  him  one  of  the  70 
 disciples,  and  repoi-ts  that  he  preached  the  (ios])el  in 
 Britain. 
 
 Ark,  Noah's.     rN'<^Aii.] 
 
 Ark  of  the  Covenant,  'i'he  fii-st  piece  of  the 
 tibirnacle's  furniture,  for  which  precise  directions 
 were  delivered  (Kx.  xxv.).— I.  It  appeai-s  to  have 
 been  an  oblong  chest  of  shittim  /acacia^  wood,  2:^ 
 cubits  long,  by  1^  broad  and  deei).  Within  and 
 without  gold  was  overlaid  on  the  woo.l,  and  on  the 
 upper  side  or  lid,  which  was  edged  round  about 
 with  gold,  the  mercy  seat  was  placed.  The  ark 
 was  fitted  with  rings,  one  at  each  of  the  four 
 comeis,  and  through  these  were  passed  stives  of 
 the  same  worvd  similaily  oveilaid,  by  which  it  was 
 carried  by  the  Kohalhites  (Num.  vii.  9,  x.  21). 
 The  ends  of  the  staves  were  visible  without  the  veil 
 in  the  holy  plai-e  of  the  temple  of  .Solomon  (1  K. 
 viii.  8).  Tlie  ark,  when  tnmspoi-ted,  w:us  enveloped 
 in  the  "veil"  of  the  dismantled  tabernacle,  in  the 
 curtain  of  badgei-s'  skins,  and  in  a  blue  cloth  over 
 all,   and   was  therefore  not  seen  (Num.  iv.  5,  20  i. 
 
 II.   Its  purpose  or  ol);?ct  was  to  cont.-iin  inviolate 
 
 the  Divine  autograoh  oi'  the  two  tibles,  th.nt  "  co- 
 
 ARKITE 
 
 vennnt "  from  which  it  derived  its  title.  It  was 
 also  probably  a  reliquary  for  the  pot  of  manna  and 
 the  rod  of  Aaron.  We  re:id  in  I  K.  viii.  9,  that 
 "  there  was  nothing  in  the  aik  save  the  two  tables 
 of  stone  which  Moses  put  there  at  Horeb."  Yet  in 
 Heb.  ix.  4,  it  is  a.sser(ed  that,  besides  the  two  t;iblef 
 of  stone,  the  "  pot  of  manna "  and  "  .\aron's  rod 
 tliat  budded"  were  inside  the  ark;  probably  by  So- 
 lomon's time  these  relics  h.ad  disappeai-ed.  The 
 words  of  the  A.  V.  in  1  Chr.  xiii.  .'>,  .seem  to  imply 
 a  use  of  tlie  ark  for  the  pinpose  of  an  oracle;  but 
 this  is  prolxibly  erroneous,  and  "  we  sought  it  not  " 
 the  meaning. — Occupying  the  most  holy  .spot  of 
 the  sanctuary,  it  tended  to  exclude  any  idol  from 
 the  centre  of  woi-ship.  It  was  also  the  support  of 
 the  mercy  seat,  materially  symbolising,  perhaps, 
 the  "  covenant "  as  that  on  which  "  mercy  "  rested. 
 — HI.  The  chief  facts  in  the  earlier  history  of  the 
 ark  (see  Josh.  iii.  and  vi.)  need  not  be  recited.  In 
 the*  decline  of  religion  in  a  later  period  a  supei-sti- 
 tious  security  was  attached  to  its  presence  in  bjittle. 
 Yet — though  this  was  rebid<ed  by  its  permitted 
 cnptuie — when  capture<i,  its  sanctity  was  vindicated 
 by  niinu'les,  as  seen  in  its  avenging  jirogress  through 
 the  Philistine  cities.  From  this  period  till  David's 
 time  its  abode  was  frequently  shifted.  It  sojounied 
 among  several,  probably  Levific.al,  families  (1  Sam. 
 vii.  1  ;  2  S.im.  vi.  .S,  11  ;  1  Chr.  xiii.  l.'i,  xv.  24. 
 25)  in  the  boixier  villages  of  Eastern  Judah,  and 
 did  not  tike  its  place  in  the  tabernacle,  but  dwelt 
 in  curtains,  i:  e.  in  a  sejvarate  tent  pitched  for  it  in 
 .Jerusalem  by  David.  Its  bringing  up  by  David 
 thither  was  a  national  festival.  .Subsequently  the 
 Temple,  when  completed,  received,  in  the  installa- 
 tion of  the  ark  in  its  shrine,  the  signal  of  its  inau- 
 guration by  the  effulgence  of  Divine  glory  instantly 
 manifested.  Several  of  the  Psalms  contain  :Ulusions 
 to  tlicst  events  (e.g.  xxiv.,  xlvii.,  cxxxii.)  and  Ps. 
 cv.  njjpears  to  have  been  composed  on  the  oecusion 
 of  the  first  of  them. — When  idolatry  became  more 
 shameless  in  the  kingdom  of  Judah,  Manasseh  placed 
 a  "can'ed  image"  in  the  "  house  of  God,"  and  pro- 
 bably removed  the  ark  to  make  way  for  it.  This 
 may  aceoiuit  (or  the  subsequent  statement  that  it 
 was  rcinstited  by  .losiah  (2  Chr.  xxxiii.  7,  xxxv.  3). 
 It  was  probably  taken  captive  or  destroyed  by  Ne- 
 buchadnezzar (2  Esdr.  X.  22").  Prideaux's  argu- 
 ment that  there  must  have  been  an  ark  in  the 
 second  temple  is  of  no  weight  agauist  express  testi- 
 mony, such  as  that  of  Josephus. 
 
 F.(r>Titlnn  Ark.     (Wllkinxm,  Anr.  y.g^)>i.) 
 
 Ark'ite,  The,  one  of  the  families  of  the  Ca- 
 naaiiiie-,  («!en.  x.  17;  1  Chr.  i.  15).  and  from  the 
 context  evidently  located  in  the  north  of  Phoenicia. 
 'I'he  name  is  fonml  in  Pliny  and  Ptolemy,  ;ind  from 
 Aelius  I,ampridius  we  learn  that  the  Udix  Arcena 
 contained  a  temple  dedicated  to  .Mexandcr  the  Great 
 
ARMAGEDDON 
 
 It  W.1S  the  birthplace  of  Alexiinder  Sevenis,  and  was 
 thence  called  Caesavea  Libani.  Tlie  site  which  now 
 bears  the  name  of  ' Arka  lies  on  the  coast,  2  to 
 '-'A  hours  from  the  shore,  about  12  miles  north  of 
 Tripoli,  and  5  south  of  the  Nahr  el-Khebir.  A 
 lock y  tell  rises  to  the  heiglit  of  1 00  feet  close  above 
 the  Nahr  Arka ;  on  the  top  of  this  is  an  area  of 
 about  two  acres,  on  wiiich  and  on  a  plateau  to  the 
 north  the  ruins  of  the  foi-mer  town  are  scattered. 
 
 Armaged'don,  "  the  hill,  or  city  of  Megiddo " 
 (Rev.  xvi.  16).  The  locality  implied  in  the  He- 
 brew term  here  employed  is  the  great  battle-field 
 of  the  Old  Testament.  In  a  similar  passage  in  the 
 hoolv  of  Joel  (iii.  2,  12),  the  scene  of  the  Divine 
 judgments  is  spoken  of  as  the  "  valley  of  Jehosha- 
 pliat,"  the  fact  underlying  the  image  being  Jeho- 
 sh.iphat's  great  victory  (2  Chr.  xx.  26).  So  here 
 the  scene  of  the  struggle  of  good  and  evil  is  sug- 
 gested by  that  battle-field,  the  plain  of  Esdraelon, 
 which  was  famous  for  two  gi'eat  victories,  of  Barak 
 over  the  Canaanites  (Judg.  iv.,  v.),  and  of  Gideon 
 over  the  Midianites  (Judg.  ^ni.) ;  and  for  two  gieat 
 disasters,  the  deaths  of  Saul  (1  Sam.  xxxi.  8),  and 
 of  Josiah  (2  K.  xxiii.  29,  30;  2  Chr.  x.xxv.  22). 
 'i'he  same  figurative  language  is  used  by  one  of  the 
 Jewish  prophets  (Zech.  xii.  11). 
 
 Armenia  is  nowhere  mentioned  under  that  name 
 in  the  original  Hebrew,  though  it  occurs  in  the  English 
 version  (2  K.  xix.  37)  for  Ararat  (comp.  marginal  read- 
 ing). Armenia  is  that  lofty  plateau  whence  the  rivers 
 Euphrates,  Tigris,  Araxes,  and  Acampsis,  pour  down 
 theirwatersindifterent  directions ;  the  two  first  to  the 
 Persian  Gulf,  the  last  two  respectively  to  the  Caspian 
 and  Euxiue  seas.  It  may  be  termed  the  nucleus  of  the 
 mountain  system  of  western  Asia:  from  the  centre 
 of  the  plateau  rise  two  lofty  chains  of  mountains, 
 which  run  from  E.  to  W., converging  towards  the  Cas- 
 pian sea,  but  parallel  to  each  other  towards  the  W. 
 The  climate  is  severe,  varying  with  the  altitude  of 
 difi'erent  localities,  the   valleys   being   sufficiently 
 warm  to  ripen  the  grape,  while  the  high  lands  are 
 only  adapted    lor  pasture.     The  latter  supported 
 vast  numbers  of  mules  and  horses,  on  which  the 
 wealth  of  the  inhabitants  chiefly  depends  (comp.  E? . 
 xxvii.   14).     The   slight   acquaintance    which    the 
 Hebrews  had  with  this  country  was  probably  de- 
 rived  from   the   Phoenicians.     There  are  signs   of 
 their  knowledge  having  been  progressive.     Isaiah, 
 in  his  prophecies  regarding  Babylon,  speaks  of  the 
 hosts  as  coming  from  the  "mountains"  (xiii.  4), 
 while  Jeremiah  employs  the  specific  names  Ararat 
 and  Minni  (li.  27).     Ezekiel,  apparently  better  ac- 
 quainted with  the  country,  uses  a  name  which  was 
 familiar  to  its  own   inhabitants,  Togamiah.     (I.) 
 Ararat  is  mentioned  as   the  place  whither  the 
 sons  of  Sennacherib  fled  (Is.  xxxvii.  38).     It  was 
 the  central  district  surrounding   the  mountain   of 
 that  name.     (2.)  Minni  only  occui's  in  Jer.  li.  27. 
 It  is  probably  identical  with  the  district  Minvas, 
 in  the  upper  valley  of  the  Murad-su  branch  of  the 
 Euphrates.     (3.)  Togarmah  is  noticed  in  two  pas- 
 sages of  Ezekiel,  both  of  which  are  in  favour  of  its 
 identity  with  Annenia.     In  x.xvii.  14  he  speaks  of 
 TogaiTnah  in  connexion  with  Meshech  and  Tubal ; 
 in  xxxviii.   6,    it  is   described  as    "of  the   north 
 quarters"    in   connexion    with    Gomer.     Coupling 
 with  tliese  particulars  the  relationsliip  between  To- 
 garmah,  Ashkenaz,  and  Riphat  (Gen.   x.   3),  we 
 Ciinnot  fail  in  coming  to  the  conclusion  that  Togar- 
 mah represents  Armenia. 
 
 Armlet,    an    ornament    universal    in   the   East, 
 Con.  D.  B. 
 
 ARMS 
 
 05 
 
 especially  iimong  women ;  used  by  princes  as  one  ol 
 the  insignia  of  royalty,  and  by  distinguished  [lersous 
 in  general.  Tlie  word  is  not  used  in  the  A.  V.,  as 
 even  in  2  Sam.  i.  10,  they  render  it  "  by  the 
 bracelet  on  his  arm."  Sometimes  only  one  was 
 worn,  on  the  right  arm  (Ecclus.  xxi.  21).  From 
 Cant.  viii.  6,  it  appears  that  the  signet  sonietime.i 
 
 Assyrian  Armlet    (Froili  Niueveh  Marbles,  British  Mnasum.) 
 
 consisted  of  a  jewel  on  the  armlet.  These  orna- 
 ments were  worn  by  most  ajicient  princes.  Thev  are 
 frequent  on  the  sculptures  of  Persepolis  and  Nineveh, 
 and  were  worn  by  the  kings  of  Persia.  In  the  Levden 
 Sluseum  is  an  Egyptian  armlet  bearing  the  name  of  the 
 third  Thothmes.  Finally,  they  are  still  worn  among 
 the  most  splendid  regalia  of  modern  Oriental  sove- 
 reigns, and  it  is  even  said  that  those  of  the  king  of 
 Persia  are  worth  a  million  sterling.  Now,  as  in  an- 
 cient times,  they  are  sometimes  made  plain,  some- 
 times enchased  ;  sometimes  with  the  ends  not  joined, 
 and  sometimes  a  complete  circle.  Their  enormous 
 weight  may  be  conjectured  from  Gen.  xxiv.  22. 
 
 Armo'ni,  son  of  Saul  by  Rizpah  (2  Sam.  xxi.  8). 
 
 Arms,  Armour.  The  subject  natm-ally  divides 
 itself  into — 
 
 I.  Offensive  weapons :  Arms. 
 II.  Defensive  weapons:  Armour. 
 
 I.  Offensive  weapons. — 1.  Apparently  the  earl iesl 
 known,  and  most  widely  used,  was  the  Chereb,  or 
 "  Sword."  Very  little  can  be  gathered  as  to  its 
 shape,  size,  material,  or  mode  of  use.  Perhajjs 
 if  anything  is  to  be  inferred  it  is  that  the  Chereb 
 was  neither  a  heavy  nor  a  long  weapon.  That  of 
 Ehud  was  only  a  cubit,  i.  e.  18  inches  long,  so  as 
 to  have  been  concealed  under  his  garment,  and  a 
 consideration  of  the  narratives  in  2  Sam.  ii.  16,  and 
 »»  8-10,  and  also  of  the  ease  with  which  David 
 used  the  sword  of  a  man  so  much  larger  than  him- 
 self ;is  Goliath  (1  Sam.  xvii.  51;  xxi.  9),  goes  to 
 
 Egypti  m  sword. 
 
66 
 
 ARMS 
 
 show  that  the  Chercb  was  both  a  li2:hter  and  a 
 shorter  we;ii>on  than  the  modern  swortl.  It  was 
 c;uried  in  a  sheath  (1  Sam.  xvii.  51  ;  2  Sam.  .\x. 
 8;  1  Chr.  .xxi.  27),  slung  by  a  girdle  (1  Sam. 
 xxT.  13)  and  resting  upon  the  thigh  (Ps.  xlv.  3; 
 Judg.  iii.  16),  or  upon  the  hips  ('1  Sam.  xx.  8). 
 "  Girding  on  the  sword"  was  a  syml)olical  expres- 
 sion tor  commencing  war;  and  a  similar  expression 
 occurs  to  denote  those  able  to  serve  (Judg.  viii. 
 10;  1  Chr.  xxi.  5).  Swords  with  two  edges  are 
 oiwvsionally  refen-ed  to  (Judg.  iii.  IG ;  Ps.  cxlix.  0), 
 
 rcrsian  sword,  or  aciiiacea. 
 
 and  allusions  are  found  to  "  whetting  "  the  sword 
 (Dent,  xxxii.  41;  Ps.  Ixiv.  3;  Kzek.  xxi.  9). 
 Doubtless  it  was  of  metal,  from  the  allusions  to  its 
 bii^htness  and  "glittering;"  but  from  Josh.  v. 
 2,  3,  we  may  perhaps  infer  that  in  early  times  the 
 material  was  flint.— 2.  Next  to  the  sword  was  the 
 Speak;  and  of  this  weapon  we  meet  with  at  least 
 
 'crnlan  ap«flr«. 
 
 three  distinct  kinds,  a.  The  Chanlth,  a  "  Spear," 
 and  that  of  the  largest  kind.  It  was  the  weapon 
 of  Holiath  (1  Sam.  xvii.  7,  45;  2  Sam.  xxi.  10; 
 1  Chr.  XX.  5),  .an;I  .also  of  other  giants  (2  Sam. 
 xxili.  21  ;  1  Chr.  xi.  23)  and  mightv  warriore  (2 
 Sam.  ii.  23,  xxiii.  18;  1  Chr.  xi.  U,  20).  The 
 Clinnltk  was  the  habitual  comp-inion  of  King  Saul, 
 and  it  was  this  heavy  weaixjTi  and  not  the  lighter 
 "  j.ivelin  "  that  he  cast  at  Ifcivid  (1  ."^am.  xviii.  10, 
 1 1,  x!x.  9,  10), and  at  Jonathan  (xx.  33).  h.  Ap])a- 
 rently   lighter  than  the  preceding  was  the  cCion. 
 
 ARMS 
 
 or  "  Javelin."  When  not  in  action  the  CUIdn  was 
 carried  on  the  back  of  the  wanior  (1  Sam.  xvii. 
 (J,  A.  V.  "  target  ").  c.  Another  kind  of  spear  wa'; 
 the  lioinach.  In  the  historical  books  it  occurs  in 
 Num.  XXV.  7,  and  1  K.  xviii.  28,  and  frequently  in 
 the  later  books,  as  in  1  Chr.  .\ii.  8  ("  buckler"), 
 2  Chr.  -xi.  12.  d.  The  Slichich  was  probably  a 
 lighter  missile  or  "dart."  See  2  Chr.  xxiii.  10, 
 xxxii.  5  ("  darts")  ;  Neh.  iv.  17,  23  (see  margin)  ; 
 Job  xxxiii.  18,  xxxvi.  12  ;  Joel  ii.  8.  e.  S/iebet,n 
 rod  or  st\ff,  is  used  once  only  to  denote  a  weapon 
 (2  Sam.  xviii.  14).— 3.  Of  missile 
 weapons  of  otlence  the  chief  was  un- 
 doubtedly the  r>OW,  Kesheth ;  it  is  met 
 with  in  the  earliest  stages  of  the  his- 
 tory, in  use  both  for  the  chace  (Gen. 
 xxi.  20,  xxvii.  3)  and  war  (xlviii.  22). 
 In  later  times  archei-s  accompanied  the 
 armies  of  the  Philistines  (1  Sam.  xxxi. 
 3  ;  1  Chr.  x.  3)  and  of  the  Syrians  (IK. 
 xxii.  34).  Among  the  Hebrews,  captains 
 high  in  rank  (2  K.  ix.  24),  and  even 
 kings'  sons  (1  Sam.  sviii.  4),  cairied 
 the  bow,  and  were  expert  in  its  use 
 (2  Sam.  i.  22).  The  tribe  of  Benjamin 
 seems  to  have  been  especially  addicted 
 to  archery  (1  Chr.  viii.  4(),  xii.  2  ; 
 2  Chr.  xiv.  8,  xvii.  17)  ;  but  there  were 
 also  bowmen  among  Reuben,  Gad,  Wa- 
 "^  nasseh  (1  Chr.  v.  18),  and  Ephraim 
 ""  (Ps.  Ixxviii.  9).  Of  the  form  of  the 
 :j^'  bow  we  can  gather  almost  nothing. 
 -  It  seems  to  have  been  bent  bv  the  aid 
 ■  of  the  foot  (1  Chr.  v.  18,  viii.  40;  2 
 Chr.  xiv,  8  ;  Is.  v.  28  ;  Ps.  vii.  12,  &c.). 
 Bows  of  steel,  or  rather  brass,  are  men 
 tioned  ;is  if  specially  strong  (2  Sam. 
 xxii.  35  ;  Job  xx.  24).  It  is  possible  that  in  1  Chr. 
 xii.  2,  a  kind  of  bow  for  shooting  bullets  or  stones 
 is  alluded  to  (Wisd.  v.  22,  "stone-bow").  The 
 Arrows,  Chitzim,  were  carricnl  in  a  quiver,  Theli 
 (Gen.  xxvii.  3),  or  Ashpiih  (Is.  xxii.  (i,  xlix.  2  ;  Ps. 
 cxxvii.  5).  Yvora  an  allusion  in  Job  vi.  4,  they 
 would  seem  to  have  been  sometimes  poisoned ;  and 
 Ps.  cxx.  4,  may  point  to  a  practice  of  using  aiTows 
 with  .some  burning  material  attached  to  them. 
 4.  The  Slinu,  Kei'a,  is  lirst  mentioned  in  Judg, 
 XX.  10,  This  simple  weapon  with  which  David 
 killed  the  giant  Philistine  w:us  the  natural  attendant 
 of  a  she])lierd,  and  therefore  the  bold  metaphor  of 
 Abigail  has  a  natural  propriety  in  the  mouth  of 
 the  wife  of  a  man  whose  jjossessions  m  Hocks  wci'e 
 
 K^VP'i""' 
 
ARMS 
 
 so  great  as  tliose  of  Nabal  (1  Sam.  xxv.  20). 
 Later  in  the  nioiiarcliy,  sliugers  formed  part  of  tlie 
 regnlai' army  (2  K.  iii.  2.5). 
 
 II.  Armour. — 1.  The  6'/(jr(/on,  or  Breastplate, 
 eiHimerateJ  in  the  description  of  tlie  arms  of  Go- 
 liath, a  "coat  of  mail,"  literally  a  "breastplate  of 
 sailes"  (1  Sam.  ,xvii.  .'>),  and  further  (38),  where 
 Shiri/on  alone  is  rendered  "  coat  of  mail."  It  may 
 be  noticed  in  passing  that  this  passage  contains  the 
 most  complete  inventory  of  the  furniture  of  a  war- 
 rior to  be  found  in  the  whole  of  the  saa-ed  histoi  y. 
 S/iiri/oii  also  occurs  in  1  K.  x.xii.  34,  and  2  Chr. 
 xviii.  33.  The  last  passage  is  very  obsc\ue  ;  the  real 
 meaning  is  probably  "  between  the  joints  and  the 
 breastplate."  This  word  has  furnished  one  of  the 
 names  of  Mount  Hermon  (see  Deut.  iii.  9). — 2.  The 
 Tachard,  is  mentioned  but  twice — in  reference  to 
 the  gown  of  the  high-priest  (Kx.  x.xviii.  32,  xxxix. 
 23).  Like  the  English  "habergeon,"  it  was  pro- 
 bably a  quilted  shirt  or  doublet  put  on  over  the 
 head.— 3.  The  Cob'a,  or  Helmet  is  referred  to  in 
 1  Sam.  x\-ii.  5  ;  2  Chr.  .xxvi.  14 ;  Ezek.  xxvii.  10  j.^ 
 
 ARMY 
 
 G7 
 
 Assyrian  helmets, 
 
 4.  MitzchahfiUY.kVES,  or  defences  for  the  feet  made 
 of  brass,  are  named  in  1  Sam.  xvii.  6,  only.  Of 
 the  defensive  arms  borne  by  the  wai'rior  the  notices 
 are  hardly  less  scanty  than  those  just  examined.— 
 o.  Two  kinds  of  Shield  are  distinguishable,  a. 
 The  Tzinnah,  or  large  shield,  encompassing  (Ps.  v. 
 12)  the  whole  person.  When  not  in  actual  conflict, 
 it  was  carried  before  the  warrior  (1  Sam.  xvii.  7,41). 
 
 Assyrian  shieldj^. 
 
 6.  Of  smaller  dimensions  was  the  Magen,  a  buckler 
 or  target,  probably  for  use  in  hand-to-hand  fight. 
 The  difference  in  size  between  this  and  the  Tzinnah 
 is  evident  from  1  K.  x.  16,  17  ;  2  Chr.  ix.  15,  16, 
 where  twice  as  much  gold  is  named  as  being  used  for 
 the  latter  as  for  the  former.  6.  What  kind  of  arm 
 was  the  Shelet  it  is  impossible  to  determine.  By 
 some  tianslatois  it  is  reudei'ed  a  "  quiver,"  by  some 
 
 "  weapons  "  generally,  by  others  a  "  siiield."  It 
 denoted  certain  special  weapons  of  gold  taken  by 
 David  from  Hadadezer  king  of  Zobah  (2  Sam.  viii. 
 7  ;  1  Chr.  xviii.  7),  and  dedicated  in  Ihe  Temple 
 (2  IC.  xi.  10;  2  Chr.  xxiii.  9;  Cant.  iv.  4).  In 
 Jer.  li.  11  ;  Ezek.  .xxvii.  11,  the  word  has  the  force 
 of  a  foreign  arm. 
 
 Army.  I.  Jewish  Army. — The  military  orga- 
 nization of  the  Jews  commenced  with  their  de- 
 parture from  the  land  of  Egypt,  and  was  adapted 
 to  the  nature  of  the  expedition  on  which  they  tlier 
 entered.  Every  man  above  20  years  of  age  wa.'- 
 a  soldier  (Num.  i.  3) :  each  tribe  formed  a  regi- 
 ment with  its  own  banner  and  its  own  leader  (Num. 
 ii.  2,  X.  14) :  their  positions  in  the  camp  or  on  the 
 march  were  accurately  fixed  (Num.  ii.) :  the  whole 
 army  started  and  stopped  at  a  given  signal  (Num. 
 X.  5,  6) :  thus  they  came  up  out  of  Egypt  ready 
 for  the  fight  (Ex.  xiii.  18).  On  the  approach  of 
 an  enemy,  a  conscription  was  made  from  the  ge- 
 neral body  under  the  direction  of  a  muster-master 
 (Deut.  XX.  5,  2  K.  xxv.  19),  by  whom  also  tlie 
 officers  were  appointed  (Deut.  xx.  9).  The  army 
 was  then  divided  into  thousands  and  hundreds  under 
 their  respective  captains  (Num.  xxxi.  14),  and  still 
 further  into  families  (Num.  ii.  34  ;  2  Chr.  x.xv.  5, 
 xxvi.  12) — the  family  being  regarded  as  the  unit 
 in  the  Jewish  polity.  From  the  time  the  Israelites 
 entered  the  land  of  Canaan  until  the  establishment 
 of  the  kingdom,  little  progress  was  made  in  military 
 affairs;  their  wars  resembled  border  forays.  No 
 general  muster  was  made  at  this  period  ;  but  the 
 combatants  were  summoned  on  the  spur  of  the  mo- 
 ment.— With  the  kings  arose  the  custom  of  main- 
 taining a  body-guard,  which  formed  the  nncletis  of 
 a  standing  army.  Thus  Saul  had  a  band  of  3000 
 select  wai'riors  (1  Sam.  xiii.  2,  xiv.  52,  xxiv.  2), 
 and  David,  before  his  accession  to  the  thi-one,  GOO 
 (1  Sam.  xxiii.  13,  xxv.  13).  This  band  he  letained 
 after  he  became  king,  aiid  added  the  Cherethites 
 and  Pelethites  (2  Sam.  xv.  18,  xx.  7),  together 
 with  another  class  Shalishim,  officers  of  high  rank, 
 the  chief  of  whom  (2  K.  vii.  2  ;  1  Chr.  xii.  18) 
 was  immediately  about  the  king's  peison.  David 
 further  organized  a  national  militia,  divided  into 
 twelve  regiments  under  their  respective  officers, 
 each  of  which  was  called  out  for  one  mouth  in  the 
 year  ( 1  Chr.  xxvii.  1) ;  at  the  head  of  the  araiy  when 
 in  active  service  he  appointed  a  commander-in-chief 
 (1  Sam.  xiv.  50).— Hitherto  the  araiy  had  consisted 
 entirely  of  infantry  (1  Sam.  iv.  10,  xv.  4),  the  use 
 of  horses  having  been  restrained  by  divine  command 
 (Deut.  xvii.  16)  ;  but  we  find  that  as  the  foreign 
 relations  of  the  kingdoms  extended,  much  import- 
 ance was  attached  to  them.  David  had  reserved  a 
 hundred  chariots  from  the  spoil  of  the  Syrians  (2 
 Sam.  viii.  4)  :  these  probably  sensed  as  the  founda- 
 tion of  the  force  which  Solomon  afterwards  enlarged 
 through  his  alliance  with  Egypt  (1  K.  x.  26,  28, 
 29).  It  does  not  appear  that  the  system  esta- 
 blished by  David  was  maintained  by  the  kings  of 
 Judah  ;  but  in  Israel  the  proximity  of  the  hostile 
 kingdom  of  Syria  necessitated  the  maintenance  of  a 
 standing  army.  The  militia  was  occasionally  called 
 out  in  time  of  peace  (2  Chr.  xiv.  8,  xxv.  5,  xxvi. 
 11);  but  such  cases  were  exceptional.  On  the 
 other  hand  the  body-guard  appears  to  have  been 
 regularly  kept  up  (1  K.  xiv.  28;  2  K.  xi.  4,  11). 
 Occasional  reference  is  made  to  war-chariots  (2  K. 
 viii.  21),  but  in  Hezekiah's  reign  no  force  of  the 
 kind  could  be  maintained,  and  the  Jews  were  obliged 
 
 F  2 
 
o8 
 
 AflNA 
 
 to  seek  the  aid  of  Egypt  for  horses  and  chariots 
 (2  K.  xviii.  23,  24;  Is."  x.x.xi.  1 ).— With  regard  to 
 tlie  arrangement  and  manoeuvring  of  the  army  in 
 tiie  field,  we  know  but  little.  A  division  into  three 
 bodies  is  frequently  mentioned  (Judg.  vii.  16,  ix. 
 43  ;  1  Sam.  xi.  11;  2  Sam.  xviii.  2).  Jehoshaphat 
 divided  his  army  into  live  bodies,  apparently  re- 
 taining, however,  the  threefold  principle  of  division, 
 the  heavy-armed  troops  of  Judah  being  considered 
 as  the  proper  army,  and  the  two  divisions  of  light- 
 anned  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  as  an  appendage 
 (2  Chi',  xvii.  14-18).  'I"he  maintenance  and  equij)- 
 ment  of  the  soldiers  at  the  public  expense  dates 
 from  the  establishment  of  a  standing  army.  It  is 
 doubtful  whether  the  soldier  ever  received  pay  even 
 under  the  kings  (the  only  instance  of  pay  being 
 mentioned  applies  to  mercenaries,  2  Chr.  xxv.  G) : 
 l)ut  that  he  was  inaintivined,  while  on  active  service, 
 and  provided  with  amis,  appears  from  1  K.  iv. 
 27,  X.  It),  17;  2  Chr.  xxvi.  14.  The  numerical 
 strength  of  the  Jewish  army  cannot  be  ascertained 
 with  any  degree  of  accuracy  :  the  numbers,  as  given 
 in  the  text  are  manifestly  incorrect,  and  the  dis- 
 crepancies in  the  various  statements  irreconcileable. 
 The  system  adopted  by  Judas  Maccabaeus  was  in 
 strict  conformity  with  the  ]\Iosaic  law  (1  Mace.  iii. 
 55):  and  though  he  maintained  a  standing  army 
 (1  Jlacc.  iv.  6;  2  Mace.  viii.  16),  yet  the  custom 
 of  paying  the  soldiers  appears  to  have  been  still 
 unknown,  and  to  have  originated  with  Simon  (1 
 Mace.  xiv.  32).  The  introduction  of  mercenaries 
 commenced  with  John  HjTcanus ;  the  intestine 
 commotions  in  the  reign  of  Alexander  Jannaeus 
 obliged  him  to  increase  the  number  to  6200  men  ; 
 and  the  same  policy  was  followed  by  Alexandra 
 and  by  Herod  the  Great,  who  had  in  his  pay  Thra- 
 cian,  German,  and  Gallic  troops.  The  disci])line 
 and  an-angement  of  the  anny  was  gradually  assimi- 
 lated to  that  of  the  Romans,  and  the  titles  of  the 
 olTicers  borrowed  from  it. 
 
 II.  liOMAX  Anjiy. — The  Uoman  army  was  di- 
 vided into  legions,  the  number  of  which  varied 
 considerably,  each  under  six  tribuni  ("chief  ca]> 
 tiin,"  Acts  xxi.  31),  who  commanded  by  turns. 
 The  legion  was  subdivided  into  ten  cohorts  ("  band," 
 Acts  X.  1),  the  cohort  into  three  maniples,  and  the 
 maniple  into  two  centuries,  containing  originally 
 100  men,  as  the  name  implies,  but  subsequently 
 from  50  to  100  men,  according  to  the  strength  of 
 the  legion.  There  were  thus  60  centuries  in  a 
 legion,  each  under  the  command  of  a  centurion 
 rActs  X.  1,  22  ;  Matt.  viii.  5,  xxvii.  54).  In  ad.ii- 
 tion  to  the  legionary  cohort.s,  independent  cohorts 
 of  volunteers  served  under  the  Roman  stiuulards. 
 One  of  these  cohorts  was  named  the  Italian  (Acts 
 x.  1),  as  consisting  of  volunteei-s  from  Italy.  The 
 cohort  named  "Augustus"'  (Acts  xxvii.  1)  may 
 have  consisted  of  the  volunteei-s  from  Sebasfe. 
 Others,  however,  think  that  it  was  a  cohors  A\i- 
 ijiisla,  similar  to  the  Icijio  Auijustd.  The  heail- 
 quartci-s  of  the  Roman  forces  in  Judaea  were  at 
 C'aesarea. 
 
 Ar'na,  one  of  the  forefathei-s  of  Kzi-a  (2  Ksd.  i. 
 2),  occupying  the  place  of  Zerahiali  or  Zaraias  in 
 hi.--  genealogy. 
 
 Ar  nan.  In  the  received  Hebrew  text  "  the  sons 
 of  Anian  "  are  mentioned  in  the  gonejilogy  of  Ze- 
 rubbabcl  (1  Chr.  iii.  21).  But  according  to  the 
 reading  of  the  LX.X.,  Vulgnt*,  and  Syri.ic  versions, 
 which  Houbigant  mlopts,  Arnan  was  the  son  of 
 Rephaiah. 
 
 ARPHAXAD 
 
 Ar'non,  the  i-iver  or  torrent  which  formed  tht 
 boundary  between  Moab  and  the  Amorites,  on  the 
 north  of  Moab  (Num.  xxi.  13,  14,  24,  26;  Judg. 
 xi.  22),  and  afteiwards  between  Moab  and  Israel 
 (Reuben)  (Deut.  ii.  24,  36,  iii.  8,  12,  16,  iv.  48; 
 Josh.  xii.  1,  2,  xiii.  9,  16;  Judg.  xi.  13,  26). 
 From  Judg.  xi.  18  it  would  seem  to  have  been  also 
 the  east  border  of  Moab.  By  Josephus  it  is  de- 
 scribed as  rising  in  the  mountains  of  Arabia  and 
 Mowing  through  all  the  wilderness  till  it  falls  into 
 the  Dead  Sea.  There  Ciui  be  no  doubt  that  the 
 Wculy  el-Mojeb  of  the  present  day  is  the  Anion. 
 Its  principal  source  is  near  Katrane,  on  the  Hai 
 route.  On  the  south  edge  of  the  ravine  through 
 which  it  flows  are  some  ruins  called  Mchatet  el  Haj, 
 and  on  the  north  edge,  directly  opposite,  those  still 
 bearing  the  name  of 'ylrd'iV.  [Arokr.]  The  width 
 across  between  these  two  spots  seemed  to  Burckhardt 
 to  be  about  two  miles:  the  descent  on  the  south 
 side  to  the  water  is  extremely  steep  and  almost 
 impassiible.  The  stream  runs  through  a  level  strip 
 of  grass  some  40  yards  in  width,  with  a  few 
 oleniuiers  and  willows  on  the  margin. 
 
 A'rod,  a  son  of  Gad  (Num.  xxvi.  17),  Killed 
 Arodi  in  Gen.  xlvi.  16. 
 
 A'rodi     [A  Ron.] 
 
 A'rodites.     [A  roll] 
 
 Ar'oer,  the  name  of  several  towns  of  Eastern 
 and  Western  Palestine.  1.  A  city  "by  the  brink," 
 or  "  on  the  bank  of,"  or  "  by  "  the  torrent  Anion, 
 the  southern  point  of  the  territory  of  Sihon  king  of 
 the  Amorites,  and  afterwards  of  the  tribe  of  Reuben 
 (Deut.  ii.  36,  iii.  12,  iv.  48;  Josh.  xii.  2,  xiii.  9, 
 1  6  ;  Judg.  xi.  26  ;  2  K.  x.  33  ;  1  Chr.  v.  8),  but 
 later  again  in  possession  of  Moab  (Jer.  xlviii.  19). 
 Burckhardt  found  ruins  with  the  name  ' Ar&'ir  on 
 the  old  Roman  road,  upon  the  very  edge  of  the  pre- 
 cipitous north  bank  of  the  Wadij  Mojeb.  [AUKON.] 
 —2.  Aroer  "  that  is  '  facing'  Rabbah"  (liabbah  of 
 Ammon),  a  town  built  by  and  belonging  to  Gad 
 (Num.  xxxii.  34;  Josh.  xiii.  25;  2  Sam.  xxiv.  5). 
 This  is  probably  the  ])lace  mentioned  in  Judg.  xi; 
 33,  which  was  shown  in  Jerome's  time.— -3.  Aroer, 
 in  Is.  xvii.  2,  if  a  place  at  all,  must  be  still  further 
 north  than  either  of  the  two  already  named.  Gese- 
 nius,  however,  takes  it  to  be  .\roer  of  Gad.— 4.  A 
 town  in  Judah,  named  only  in  1  Sam.  xxx.  28. 
 Robinson  (ii.  199)  believes  that  he  has  identified  its 
 site  in  Wachj  'Ar'drah,  on  the  road  fiom  I'etra  to 
 fiaza. 
 
 Aro'erite.  Hothan  the  Aroorito  was  the  father 
 of  two  ot  David's  ca]itaiiis  (1  Chr.  xi.  44). 
 
 A'rom,  the  "sous  of  .Vrom,"  to  the  number  of 
 32,  are  enumerated  in  1  Esd.  v.  16  among  those 
 who  letunuHl  with  Zorobabel.  Unless  it  is  a  mis- 
 take lor  Asom  and  re])iesents  Hashum  in  Ezr.  ii. 
 19,  it  has  no  pai'allel  in  the  lists  of  Ezm  and 
 Nchemiah. 
 
 Ar'pad  or  Ar'pliad  Hs.  xxxvi.  19,  xx.vvii.  13), 
 a  city  or  district  in  Syria,  a]ij>;irently  dependent  on 
 Damascus  (Jer.  xlix.  23).  If  is  invariably  named 
 with  Ilamath,  but  no  trace  of  its  existence  has  yet 
 been  discovered,  nor  has  any  mention  of  the  place 
 been  found  except  in  the  Bible  (2  K.  xviii.  34,  xix. 
 13;    Is.  X.  9). 
 
 Ar'phad.     [Ari'AD.] 
 
 Arphax  ad,  the  son  of  Shom  and  ancestor  of 
 Eher  ((ien.  x.  22,2-1,  xi.  10).  Bochart  suppos.d 
 that  the  name  was  preserved  in  that  of  the  province 
 Arra]).acliitis  in  Northern  As.syria.  Ewald  inter])rets 
 if  the  stroiujhold  of  the  ChiiUces.—2.  Aui'llAXAD, 
 
AKROWS 
 
 a  king  "  who  rei<i«cd  over  the  Modes  in  Ecbatana, 
 and  strengthened  tlie  city  by  vast  fortifications " 
 {Jud.  i.  1-4).  He  has  been  frequently  identified 
 with  L»eioces,  the  founder  of  Kcbatana ;  but  it 
 seems  better  to  look  for  the  original  of  Arpliaxad 
 in  his  son  Phraortes,  who  fell  in  a  battle  with  the 
 Assyrians,  633  B.C.  Niebuhr  endeavours  to  identify 
 the  name  with  Astyages. 
 
 Arrows.     [Arms.] 
 
 Arsa'ces  VI.,  a  king  of  Paithia,  who  assumed 
 the  royal  title  Arsaces  in  addition  to  his  proper 
 name,  Mituri dates  I.  His  general  defe;ited  the 
 great  aniiy  of  Denietiius  Nicator,  and  took  the  king 
 prisoner,  B.C.  lo8  (1  Mace.  xiv.  1-3).  Mithridates 
 treated  his  piisoner  with  res])ect,  but  kept  liim  in 
 conHnement  till  his  own  death,  cir.  B.C.  130. 
 
 Ar'sareth,  a  region  beyond  Euphrates,  appa- 
 rently of  great  extent  (2  Esd.  xiii.  45). 
 
 Artazer'zes,  the  name  probably  of  two  diffei-ent 
 kings  of  Persia  mentioned  in  the  0.  T.  1.  The 
 first  Artaxerxes  is  mentioned  iu  Ezr.  iv.  7,  and 
 appears  identical  with  Smerdis,  the  Magian  im- 
 postor, and  pretended  brother  of  Cambyses,  who 
 usurped  the  throne  B.C.  522,  and  reigned  eight 
 months.  The  name  Artaxerxes  may  have  been 
 adopted  or  conferred  on  him  as  a  title.— 2.  In  Neh. 
 ii.  1  we  have  another  Artaxerxes,  who  permits 
 Nehemiah  to  spend  twelve  yeai's  at  Jerusalem,  in 
 order  to  settle  the  affairs  of  the  colony  there,  which 
 had  fallen  into  great  confusion.  We  may  safely 
 identify  him  with  Artaxerxes  Maciocheir  or  Longi- 
 manus,  the  son  of  Xer.Kes,  who  reigned  B.C.  464-425. 
 And  we  believe  tliat  this  is  the  same  king  who  had 
 previously  allowed  Ezra  to  go  to  Jenisalem  for  a 
 similai-  purpose  (Ezr.  vii.  1 ). 
 
 Artemas,  a  companion  of  St.  Paul  (Tit.  iii.  12). 
 According  to  tradition  he  was  bishop  of  Lystra. 
 
 Arubotll,  the  third  of  Solomon's  commissariat 
 districts  (1  K.  iv.  10).  It  included  Sochoh,  and 
 was  therefore  probably  a  name  for  the  rich  corn- 
 growing  lowland  country. 
 
 A'rumah.,  a  place  apparently  in  the  neighbour- 
 hood of  Shechem,  at  which  Abimelech  resided 
 (Judg.  ix.  41).  Arumah  is  possibly  the  same 
 place  as  liuma,  under  which  name  it  is  given  by 
 Eusebius  and  Jerome.  According  to  them  it  was 
 then  called  Arimathaea  (see  also  Arima). 
 
 Ar'vad,  a  place  in  Phoenicia,  the  men  of  which 
 are  named  in  close  connexion  with  those  of  Zidon  as 
 the  navigators  and  defenders  of  the  ships  of  Tyre  in 
 Ez.  xxvii.  8,  11.  In  agreement  with  this  is  the 
 mention  of  "the  Arvadite"  in  Gen.  x.  18,  and 
 1  Chr.  i.  16,  as  a  son  of  Canaan,  with  Zidon, 
 Hamath,  and  other  northern  localities.  There  is 
 thus  no  doubt  that  Arvad  is  the  island  of  Ruad, 
 which  lies  of!"  Tortosa  {^Tartus),  2  or  3  miles  from 
 the  Phoenician  coast,  some  distance  above  the  mouth 
 of  the  river  Eleutherus,  now  the  Nahr  cl-Kehir. 
 The  island  is  high  and  rocky,  but  very  small,  hardly 
 a  mile  in  circumference. 
 
 Ar'vadite.     [Arvad.] 
 
 Ar'za,  prefect  of  the  palace  at  Tirzah  to  Elah 
 king  of  Israel,  who  was  assassinated  at  a  banquet 
 in  his  house  by  Zimri  (1  K.  xvi.  9).  In  the 
 Targum  of  Jonathan  the  word  is  taken  as  the 
 name  of  an  idol,  and  in  the  Arabic  version  in  the 
 London  Polyglot  the  last  clause  is  rendered  "  which 
 belongs  to  the  idol  of  Beth-Arza." 
 
 A'sa,  son  of  Abijah,  and  third  king  of  Judah 
 ''B.C.  956-916),  was  conspicuous  for  his  earnestness 
 ui   supporting  the  worship  of  God.     In  his  zeal 
 
 ASAHIAH 
 
 69 
 
 against  heathenism  he  did  not  spare  his  grand- 
 mother JIaachah,  who  occupied  the  special  dignity 
 of  "  King's  Mother,"  to  which  great  importance  was 
 attached  in  the  Jewish  court.  Asa  burnt  the  symbol 
 of  her  religion  (1  K.  xv.  loj,  and  thi-ew  its  ashes 
 into  the  brook  Kidron,  and  then  deposed  Manchah 
 flora  her  dignity.  He  also  placed  in  the  Temple 
 certain  gifts  which  his  father  had  dedicated,  and 
 renewed  the  great  altar  which  the  idolatrous  priests 
 apparently  had  desecrated  (2  Chr.  xv.  8).  Besides 
 this,  he  fortified  cities  on  his  frontiers,  and  raised 
 an  army,  amounting,  according  to  2  Chr.  xiv.  8,  to 
 580,000  men,  a  number  probably  exaggerated  by 
 an  error  of  the  copyist.  Thus  Asa's  reign  marks 
 the  return  of  Judah  to  a  consciousness  of  the 
 high  destiny  to  which  God  had  called  her.  The 
 good  effects  of  this  were  visible  in  the  enthusiastic 
 resistance  oflered  by  the  people  to  Zerah,  an  invader, 
 who  is  called  a  Cushite  or  Ethiopian.  [Zerah.] 
 At  the  head  of  an  enormous  host  (a  million  of  men, 
 we  read  in  2  Chr.  xiv.  9)  he  attacked  Mareshah  or 
 Marissa  in  the  S.VV.  of  the  country,  near  the  later 
 Eleutheropolis.  There  he  was  utterly  defeated,  and 
 driven  back  with  immense  loss  to  Gerar.  The 
 ])eace  which  followed  this  victory  was  broken  by 
 the  attempt  of  Baasha  of  Israel  to  fortify  IJamah, 
 "  that  he  might  not  sutler  any  to  go  out  or  to  come 
 in  unto  Asa  king  of  Judah."  To  stop  this  Asa 
 purchased  the  help  of  Benhadad  I.  king  of  Damas- 
 cus, by  a  large  payment  of  treasure,  forced  Baasha 
 to  abandon  his  purpose,  and  destroyed  the  works 
 which  he  had  begun  at  Itamah.  The  wells  which 
 he  sunk  at  Mizpeh  were  famous  in  Jeremiah's  time 
 (xli.  9).  The  means  by  which  he  obtained  this 
 success  were  censured  by  the  prophet  Hanani,  who 
 seems  even  to  have  excited  some  discontent  in  Je- 
 rusalem, in  consequence  of  which  he  was  impri- 
 soned, and  suHeied  other  punishments  (2  Chr.  .xvi. 
 10).  In  his  old  age  Asa  suffered  from  the  gout, 
 and  it  is  mentioned  that  "  he  sought  not  to  the 
 Lord,  but  to  the  physicians."  He  died  greatly 
 loved  and  honoured  in  the  41st  year  of  his  reign.— 
 
 2.  Ancestor  of  Berechiah,  a  Levite  who  resided  in 
 one  of  the  villages  of  the  Ketophathites  after  the 
 return  from  Babylon  (1  Chr.  ix.  16). 
 
 Asadi'as,  son  of  Chelcias,  or  Hilkiah,  and  one 
 of  the  ancestors  of  Baruch  (Bar.  i.  1).  The  name 
 is  probably  the  same  as  that  elsewhere  represented 
 by  Hasadiah  (1  Chr.  iii.  20). 
 
 A'sael,  an  ancestor  of  Tobit  (Tob.  i.  1),  an.1 
 perhaps  the  same  as  Jahzeel  or  Jahziel,  one  of 
 the  four  sons  of  Naphtali. 
 
 A'sahel,  nephew  of  David,  being  the  youngest 
 son  of  his  sister  Zeruiah.  He  was  celebrated  foi 
 his  swiftness  of  foot,  a  gift  much  valued  in  ancient 
 times.  When  fighting  under  the  command  of  his 
 brother  Joab  against  Ishbosheth's  army  at  Gibeon, 
 he  pursued  A_bner,  who,  after  vainly  warning  him 
 to  desist,  was  obliged  to  kiU  him  in  self-defence 
 (2  Sam.  ii.  18  if.).  [Abner.]— 2.  One  of  the 
 Levites  iu  the  reign  of  Jehoshaphat,  who  went 
 throughout  the  cities  of  Judah  to  instruct  the 
 people  in  the  knowledge  of  the  law,  at  the  time  of 
 the  revival  of  the  true  worship  (2  Chr.  xvii.  8).— 
 
 3.  A  Levite  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah,  who  had 
 charge  of  the  tithes  and  dedicated  things  in  the 
 Temple  under  Cononiah  and  Shimei  (2  Chr.  xxxi. 
 13).— 4.  A  priest,  father  of  Jonathan  in  the  time 
 of  Ezra  (Ezr.  x.  15).  He  is  called  Azael  in 
 1  Esd.  ix.  14. 
 
 Asahi'all,  a  servant  of  king  Josiah,  sent  by  him, 
 
70 
 
 ASAIAH 
 
 together  with  othei-s,  to  seek  iiit'uinwtion  of  Jehovah 
 rcspectinij  tlie  book  of  the  law  which  liilkiah  t'oiiiiJ 
 ill  the  Temiile  (2  K.  x.xii.  1-,  14;  also  called 
 As  MAM,  2  Clir.  x.Nxiv.  2U). 
 
 Asai'ah.  1.  A  prince  of  one  of  the  families  of 
 the  Simeoiiitcs  iu  the  reisju  of  Hezekiah,  who  drove 
 out  the  Ilamite  shepherds  from  Godor  (1  Chr.  iv. 
 3ti).i— 2.  A  Levite  in  the  reigii  of  David,  chief  of 
 the  family  of  Meraii  (1  Chrrvi.  :UJ).  With  120 
 of  his  biuthren  he  took  part  in  the  solemn  service 
 of  bringing  the  ark  from  the  house  of  Obpd-e<lom 
 to  the  city  of  David  (1  Chr.  xv.  6,  11).— 3.  The 
 firstborn  of  "  the  Shilonite,"  according  to  1  Chr. 
 ix.  5,  who  with  his  family  dwelt  in  Jerusalem  after 
 the  return  from  Babylon.  In  Neh.  xi.  5  he  is 
 called  Maaskiaii,  and  his  descent  is  there  traced 
 from  Shiloni,  which  is  exi:laiiied  by  the  Targum  of 
 K.  Joseph  on  1  Chr.  as  a  patronymic  from  Shelah  the 
 son  of  Judah,  by  others  as  "  the  native  or  inhabitant 
 of  Sliijoli."— 4.  2  Chr.  xxxiv.  20.     [Asaiiiaii.] 
 
 A'sana,  1  Ksd.  v.  31.     [Asnaii.] 
 
 A'saph.  1.  .\  Levite,  son  of  Berechiah,  one  of 
 the  leadei-s  of  David's  choir  (1  Chr.  vi.  .'59j. 
 Psalms  1.  and  Ixxiii.-lxxxiii.  are  attributed  to  him  ; 
 and  he  was  in  after  times  celebrated  as  a  seer 
 as  well  as  a  musical  composer  (2  Chr.  xxix.  30  ; 
 N'eh.  xii.  4G).  The  olhce  appeai-s  to  have  remained 
 hereditary  in  his  family,  unless  he  wa.s  the  founder 
 of  a  school  of  poets  and  musical  composers,  who 
 were  called  after  him  "  the  sons  of  Asapli,"  as  the 
 Homeridae  from  Homer  (1  Chr.  x.xv.  1  ;  2  Chr.  xx. 
 14  ;  Ezr.  ii.  41).— 2.  The  father  or  ancestor  of  Joah, 
 the  recorder  or  chronicler  to  the  kingdom  of  Judah 
 in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah  (2  K.  xvili.  18,  37;  Is. 
 xzxvi.  3,  22).  It  is  not  improbable  that  this  As.iph 
 is  the  same  as  the  preceding,  and  tiiat  Joah  wa-s 
 one  of  his  numerous  descendants  known  as  the 
 Bene- Asaph.— 3.  The  keeper  of  the  Toyal  forest  or 
 "  paradise"  of  Artaxerxes  (Neh.  ii.  8j.  His  name 
 would  seem  to  indicate  that  he  was  a  Jew,  who 
 like  Neh^miah  was  in  high  office  at  the  court  of 
 Persia. ^4.  Ancestor  of  Mattaniah,  the  conductor 
 of  the  temple-choir  after  the  return  from  Babylon 
 (I  Chr.  ix.  ir>;  Neh.  xi.  17).  Most  probably  the 
 same  as  1  and  2. 
 
 Asa'reel,  a  son  of  Jchaleleel,  whose  name  is 
 abru])tlv  introduced  into  the  genealogies  of  Judah 
 (1  Chr.'iv.  16). 
 
 Asare'lah,  one  of  the  sons  of  Asaph,  set  apart 
 by  David  to  "  prophesy  with  h.irps  and  with 
 psalteries  and  with  cymbals"  (1  Chr.  xxv.  2); 
 calli-d  Ji:siiARi:LAir  in  ver.  14. 
 
 As'calon.     f  Asiiki:lon.] 
 
 Aseas,  1  Esd.  ix.  32.     [Ishi.iaii.] 
 
 Asebebi'a,  a  Levite  (1  Ksd.  viii.  47).  [SuHm;- 
 niAii.  ] 
 
 Asebia,  1  Ks.1.  viii.  48.     [IlASHAiiiAir.] 
 
 As'enath,  daughter  of  Potipherah,  priest,  or 
 possibly  prince,  of  On  [POTii'iiKHAii],  wife  of 
 Joseph  ((icii.  xli.  4.5),  and  mother  of  Manassch  and 
 Kphraim  'xli.  50,  xlvi.  20).  Her  name  has  been 
 considereil  to  be  necessarily  ICgyj)ti;ui,  and  Egyptian 
 etymologies  have  therefore  been  proposed,  but  the.se 
 must  be  regarded  a.s  doubtful.  If  we  are  guided 
 by  the  custom  of  th?  Hebrews,  and  the  only  parallel 
 ca.se,  tfiat  of  Bithiuh  [BiTHiAli],  we  must  suppose 
 that  his  Egyptian  wife  receivetl  a  Hebrew  name 
 from  Jose[>h.  If  Hebrew,  Aseiiath  may  be  com- 
 pared to  the  male  profier  name  Asnah  (Ezr.  ii.  .'tU). 
 
 A'ssr,   Tob.   i.    2;     Luke  ii.  3(5;    liev.  vii.  <). 
 
 [ASHEK.J 
 
 ASHER 
 A'serer  =  SiSEUA  (1  Esd.   v.  .32;  comp.  Kzr, 
 
 ii.  .>;). 
 
 Ash  (Heb.  oren)  occurs  only  in  Is.  xliv.  14,  as 
 one  of  tiie  trees  out  of  tlie  wood  of  which  idols  were 
 carved  :  "  He  heweth  him  down  cedai-s,  and  taketh 
 the  cypress  and  the  oak,  which  he  strengtheneth  for 
 himself  among  the  trees  of  the  forest ;  he  planteth 
 an  ash,  and  the  rain  doth  nourish  it."  It  is  impos- 
 sible to  determine  wliat  is  tiie  tree  denoted  by  the 
 Hebrew  wovd  urcn  ;  the  L.\X.  and  the  Vulg.  under- 
 stand some  species  of  pine-tiee.  Perhaps  the  larch 
 (Larji.c  EnropaccC)  may  be  intended. 
 
 A'shan,  a  city  in  the  low  country  of  Judah 
 (.losh.  XV.  42).  In  Josh.  xix.  7,  and  1  Chr.  iv.  32, 
 it  is  mentioneil  again  ;is  belonging  to  Simeon  ;  an<l 
 in  1  Chr.  vi.  .59,  it  is  given  as  a  priests'  city,  occu- 
 ])ying  the  same  place  as  the  somewhat  similar  word 
 Aix  in  Josh.  xxi.  16.  It  has  not  yet  been  identi- 
 fied, unless  it  be  the  same  as  Ain  ;  iu  which  case 
 Kobinson  found  it  at  Al  Ghuwcir. 
 
 Ashbe'a,  a  proper  name,  but  whether  of  a  per- 
 son or  place  is  uncertain  (1  Chr.  iv.  21).  Houbi- 
 gant  would  understand  it  of  the  latter,  and  would 
 render  "  the  house  of  Ashbea"  by  Beth-.ashbea. 
 The  whole  clause  is  obscure.  The  Targum  of  Ii. 
 Joseph  paraphrases  it,  "  and  the  family  of  the 
 liouse  of  manutacture  of  the  fine  linen  for  the  gar- 
 ments of  the  kings  and  priests,  delivered  to  the 
 house  of  Eshba." 
 
 Ash'bel,  2nd  son  of  Benjamin  and  ancestor  of  the 
 AsHiiKLiTKS  (Gen.  xlvi.  21;  Num.  xxvi.  38; 
 1  Chr.  viii.  1). 
 
 Ash'chenaz  (1  Chr.  i.  6;  Jer.  Ii.  27).     [Asir- 
 
 KKNAZ.] 
 
 Asb'dod,  or  Azo'tus  (Acts  viii.  40),  one  of  the 
 five  confederate  cities  of  the  Philistines,  situated 
 about  30  miles  from  the  southern  fi-ontier  of  Pales- 
 tine, 3  from  the  Jlediterranean  Sea,  and  nearly  mid- 
 way between  Gaza  and  Joppa.  It  was  assigned  to 
 the  tribe  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  47),  but  was  never 
 sukUied  by  the  Israelites ;  and  even  down  to  Nehe- 
 miah's  age  it  preserved  its  distinctiveness  of  race 
 and  language  (Neh.  xiii.  23,  24).  But  its  chief  im- 
 portance arose  from  its  position  on  the  high-road 
 from  Palestine  to  Egypt :  it  was  on  this  account 
 besieged  by  Tartan,  the  general  of  the  Assyrian 
 king  .Sargon,  about  li.C.  716,  apparently  to  frus- 
 trate the  league  formed  between  Hezekiah  <nnd 
 Egypt  (Is.  XX.  1).  The  effects  of  its  siege  by 
 Psammetichus  (n.C.  630)  are  incident;dly  referred 
 to  in  Jer.  sxv.  20.  It  was  destroyed  by  the 
 Maccabees  (1  Mace.  v.  68,  x.  84),  and  lay  in  ruins 
 until  the  IJoman  conquest  of  Judaea,  when  it  w.as 
 restored  by  G.abinius  (B.C.  5.5).  It  is  now  an  in- 
 signilir.-uit  village,  with  no  memorials  of  its  ancient 
 ini|inrt;nici'.  but  is  still  called  Eadiid. 
 
 Asb'dodites,  the  inhabitants  of  Ashdod  (Neh. 
 iv.  7(;  lalleii  AsiinoTirrrics  in  Josh.  xiii.  3. 
 
 Ash'doth  Fis'gah,  a  curious  and  probably  a  very 
 ancient  term,  found  only  in  Dent.  iii.  17  ;  Josh, 
 xii.  3,  xiii.  20  ;  and  in  Dent.  iv.  49,  .\.  V.  "springs 
 of  Pisgah."  In  the  two  passages  from  Deuteronomy 
 the  words  foiTn  part  of  a  formula,  by  which  apf>a 
 reiitly  the  mountains  which  enclose  the  Dead  .^en 
 on  the  e.xst  side  are  defined  ;  but  whetlier  it  be  the 
 springs  poured  forth  at  the  base  of  the  mountains 
 of  Moab,  or  the  roots  or  spure  of  tho.se  mountains, 
 or  the  mountains  themselves,  it  is  useless  at  pi-esent 
 to  coiijecttire. 
 
 Ashdothitea,  Josh.  xiii.  3.     f  AsiinoniTKS.] 
 
 A  sher,  A]>o(r.  and  N.  T.  A'ser,  the  8th  son  o( 
 
ASHER 
 
 ASHKELON 
 
 71 
 
 Jacob,  by  Zilpah,  Leah's  handmaid  (Gen.  xxx.  13). 
 Of  the  tribe  descended  from  Aslier  no  action  is  re- 
 corded during  the  whole  course  of  tlie  sacred  his- 
 tory. The  general  position  of  the  tiibe  was  on  the 
 sea-shore  from  Carmel  northwards,  with  Manasseh 
 on  the  south,  Zebulun  and  Issachar  on  the  south- 
 east, and  Naphtali  on  the  noi  th-east.  The  bound- 
 aries and  towns  are  given  in  Josh.  xix.  24-31, 
 x\Hi.  10,  11  ;  and  Judg.  i.  31,  32.  The  southern 
 buundary  was  probably  one  of  the  streams  which 
 enter  the  Mediterranean  south  of  that  place — either 
 Nahr  el-Defneh  or  Nahr  Zurka.  The  tribe  then 
 possessed  the  maritime  portion  of  the  rich  plain  of 
 I'lsdraolon,  probably  for  a  distance  of  8  or  10  miles 
 from  thj  shore.  The  boundary  would  then  appear 
 to  have  run  northwards,  possibly  bending  to  the 
 east  to  embrace  Ahlab,  and  reaching  Zidon  by  Kanah. 
 whence  it  turned  and  came  down  by  Tyre  to  Achzib 
 (now  es-Zib).  This  territory  contained  some  of 
 the  lichest  soil  in  all  Palestine ;  and  to  this  fact, 
 as  well  as  to  their  proximity  to  the  Phoenicians, 
 the  degeneracy  of  the  tribe  may  be  attributed 
 (Judg.  i.  31,  V.  17).  At  the  numbering  of  Israel 
 at  Sinai,  Asher  was  more  numerous  than  either 
 Ephraim,  Manasseh,  or  Benjamin  (Num.  i.  32-41)  ; 
 but  in  the  reign  of  David,  so  insignificant  had  the 
 tribe  become,  that  its  name  is  altogether  omitted 
 from  the  list  of  the  chief  rulers  (1  Chr.  xxvii. 
 16-22).  '•  One  name  alone  shines  out  of  the 
 general  obscurity — the  aged  widow  '  Anna  the 
 daughter  of  Phanuel  of  the  tribe  of  Aser,'  who  in 
 the  very  close  of  the  history  departed  not  from  the 
 Temple,  but  '  served  God  with  fastings  and  prayers 
 night  and  day'  "  (Stanley,  Sin.  ^  Pal.  265). 
 
 A'sher,  a  place  which  ('''•med  one  boundary  of 
 the  tribe  of  Manasseh  on  the  south  (Josh.  xvii.  7). 
 It  is  placed  by  Eusebius  on  the  road  from  Shechem 
 to  Bethshan  or  Scythopolis,  about  15  miles  from 
 the  former.  Three  quarters  of  an  hour  from  Tubas. 
 the  ancient  Thebez,  is  the  hamlet  of  Teijadr,  which 
 
 Mr.  Poller  suggests  may  be  the  Asher  of  Mauasseli 
 {Hnndb.  p.  348). 
 
 Ash'erah,  the  name  of  a  Phoenician  goddess,  or 
 rather  of  the  idol  itself.  Our  translators,  following 
 the  rendering  of  the  LXX.  and  of  the  Vulg.,  trans- 
 late the  word  by  ''  grove."  Asherah  is  so  closely 
 connected  with  Ashtoreth  and  her  worship  (Judg. 
 iii.  7,  comp.  ii.  3;  Judg.  vi.  25;  1  K.  xviii.  19), 
 that  manv  critics  have  regarded  them  as  identical. 
 The  view  maintained  by  Bertheau  appears  to  be 
 the  more  corract  one,  that  Ashtoretli  is  the  proper 
 name  of  the  goddess,  whilst  Asherah  is  the  name  of 
 her  image  or  symbol.  This  symbol  seems  in  all 
 cases  to  have  been  of  wood  (see  Judg.  vi.  25-30  ; 
 2  K.  xxiii.  14).     [Ashtoreth.] 
 
 Ash'erites,  descendants  of  Asher,  and  members 
 of  his  tribe  (Judg.  i.  32). 
 
 Ashes.  The  ashes  on  the  altar  of  burnt- 
 offering  were  gathered  into  a  cavity  in  its  surface. 
 On  the  days  of  the  three  solemn  festivals  the  ashes 
 were  not  removed,  but  the  accumulation  was  taken 
 away  afterwards  in  the  morning,  the  priests  casting 
 lots  fbr  the  office.  The  ashes  of  a  red  heifer  burnt 
 entire,  according  to  regulations  prescribed  ii? 
 Num.  xix.,  had  the  ceremonial  efficacy  of  purify- 
 ing the  unclean  (Heb.  ix.  13),  but  of  polluting 
 the  clean.  [Sacrifice.]  Ashes  about  the  person, 
 especially  on  the  head,  were  used  as  a  sign  of 
 sorrow.     [MOURNING.] 
 
 Ash'ima,  a  god  whose  worship  was  introduced 
 into  Samaria  by  the  Hamathite  colonists  whom 
 Shalmanezer  settled  in  that  land  (2  K.  xvii.  30). 
 Ashima  has  been  regarded  as  identical  with  the 
 Mendesian  god  of  the  Egyptians,  the  Pan  of  the 
 Greeks.  It  has  also  been  identified  with  the  Phoe- 
 nician god  Esmim,  to  whom  belong  the  charac- 
 teristics both  of  Pan  and  of  Aesculapius. 
 
 Ash'kelon,  As'kelon,  Apocr.  As'calon,  one  of 
 the  five  cities  of  the  lords  of  the  Philistines  (Josh, 
 xiii.  3;  1  Sim.  vi.  17),  but  less  often  mention?  1 
 
72  ASHKENAZ 
 
 A!i<l  apparently  less  known  to  tlic  Jews  llian  tlie 
 other  fouv.  The  site,  which  veUiins  its  ancient 
 name,  fully  bears  out  this  inference.  Samson  went 
 down  fiom  Timnath  to  Ashkelon  (Jiidg.  xiv.  19), 
 as  if  to  a  remote  place  whence  his  exploit  was  not 
 likelv  to  be  heard  of;  and  the  only  other  mention 
 of  it  in  the  historical  books  is  in  the  formulistic 
 passages,  Josh.  xiii.  3,  and  1  Sam.  vi.  17,  and  in 
 the  casual  notices  of  Jud.  ii.  28;  1  Mace.  x.  86,  xi. 
 GO,  xii.  33.  In  the  poeticid  books  it  occui-s  2  Sam. 
 i.  20  ;  Jer.  xxv.  20,  xlvii.  5,  7  ;  Am.  i.  8  ;  Zei>li. 
 ii.  4,  7  ;  Zech.  ix.  5.  In  the  jtost-biblical  times 
 Ashkelon  rose  to  considerable  importance.  Near 
 the  town  were  the  temple  and  sacred  hike  of  I)er- 
 ccto,  the  Syrian  Venus.  The  soil  around  was  re- 
 markable for  its  fertility.  Ascalon  played  a  memo- 
 rable part  in  the  struggles  of  the  Crusades,  and 
 within  the  walls  and  towers  now  standing  Richard 
 held  his  court.  By  the  Mohammedan  geographers 
 it  was  called  "  the  bride  of  Syria."  Its  position  is 
 naturally  very  stiong,  and  a  small  harbour  towards 
 the  eastadvances  a  little  way  into  the  town. 
 
 Ash'kenat,  one  of  the  three  sons  of  Gomer,  son 
 of  Japhet  ((Jen.  x.  3),  that  is,  one  of  the  peoples 
 or  tribes  belonging  to  the  gre:it  Japhetic  division  of 
 the  human  race,  and  springing  immediately  from 
 Hiat  part  of  it  which  bears  the  name  of  GOMER. 
 The  original  seat  of  the  people  of  Ashkenaz  was 
 undoubtedly  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Armenia,  since 
 they  are  mentioned  by  Jeremiah  (Ii.  27)  in  con- 
 nexion with  the  kingdoms  of  Ararat  and  Minni. 
 We  may  probably  recognise  the  tribe  of  Ashkenaz 
 on  the  northern  shore  of  Asia  Minor,  in  the  name  of 
 Lake  Ascanius,  and  in  Europe  in  the  name  Scand-\a, 
 Scand-\nAv\n.  Knobel  considers  that  Ashkenaz  is 
 to  be  identified  with  the  German  race. 
 
 Asfnah,  the  name  of  two  cities,  both  in  the 
 Lowland  of  Judah  :  (1)  named  between  Zoreah  and 
 Zanoah,  and  therefore  probably  N.W.  of  Jerusalem 
 (Josh.  XV.  33);  and  (2)  between  Jiphtah  and 
 Nezib,  and  therefore  to  the  S.W.  of  Jerusalem 
 (Josh.  XV.  43).  Each,  accoiding  to  Robinson's  Map 
 (1857),  would  be  about  IG  miles  from  Jerusalem. 
 
 Asll'penaz,  the  master  of  the  eunuchs  of  Ne- 
 buchadnezzar (l>au.  i.  3). 
 
 A'shriel,  properiy  As'riel  (1  Chr.  vii.  14). 
 Ash  taroth,  and  Once  As'taroth,  a  city  on  the 
 E.  of  Jordan,  in  Baslian,  in  the  kingdom  of  Og, 
 doubtless  so  called  from  being  a  seat  of  the  wi>r- 
 ship  of  the  goddess  of  the  same  name.  [Asii- 
 TOr.ETii.]  It  is  generally  nieutionol  as  a  deseri])- 
 tion  or  definition  of  Og  (Deut.  i.  4;  Josh.  ix.  in, 
 xii.  4,  xiii.  12).  It  fell  into  possession  of  the  half 
 tribe 'of  Manasseh  (Josh.  xiii.  31),  and  was  given 
 with  its  suburbs  or  surrounding  pasturi-huids  to 
 the  Gershonites  (1  Chr.  vi.  71  [511] ).  Jerome  states 
 that  in  his  time  it  lay  6  miles  from  Adra,  which 
 again  was  25  from  Bostra.  The  only  trace  of  the 
 ti-.Mv;  vet  recovered  in  these  interesting  districts  is 
 'Rll-A.Mcrtih,  or  Athcrali,  and  of  this  nothing 
 more  than  the  name  is  known. 
 
 Askte'ratliite,  a  native  or  inhabitant  of  Ashta- 
 rolh  ll  (111-,  xi.  -14)  beyond  Jordan.  Uzziah  the 
 Asiiterathiti'  was  one  of  David's  mighties. 
 
 Ash'teroth  Kamfl'im  =  "  Ashtaroth  of  the  two 
 horns  or  i)raks,"  a  place  of  very  great  antiquity, 
 tiie  abode  of  the  Uepliaim  at  the  time  of  the  incur- 
 sion of  Chedorlaomer  ((icn.  xiv.  Ti),  while  the  cities 
 of  the  plain  were  still  stjuiding  in  their  o;isis.  The 
 name  reappears  but  once,  and  that  in  the  later 
 histoiy  of  the  Jews,  a»  (Jarnaim,  or  Carnion   (1 
 
 ASIA 
 
 Mace.  V.  2C,  43,  44  ;  2  Mace.  xii.  21,  ?6;,  tn  "  tli» 
 land  of  Galaad."  It  is  usually  assumed  to  be  the 
 same  place  as  the  preceding  [AsiiTAROTii],  but  Iho 
 few  facts  that  can  be  ascei-tained  are  all  against 
 such  an  identific^ition.  Es-Snnamein,  by  which  the 
 word  is  rendered  in  the  Arabic  version  of  Saadiah, 
 can  hardly  be  other  than  the  still  important  place 
 of  the  same  name,  on  the  Haj  route,  about  25  miles 
 S.  of  Dam.ascus,  and  to  the  N.W.  of  the  Lejah. 
 There  we  are  ilisposed  to  fix  the  site  of  Ashtai'oth- 
 Kaniaim  in  the  absence  of  further  evidence. 
 
 Ashto'reth,  the  principal  female  divinity  of  the 
 Phoenicians.     From  the  connexion  of  this  goddess 
 with  Baal  or  Bkl  we  should  naturally  conclude 
 that  she  would  be  found  in  the  Assyrian  pantheon, 
 and  in  fact  the  name  Ishtar  appeal's  to  be  clearly 
 identified  in   the  list  of  the  great  gods  of  Assyria. 
 There  is  no  reason  to  doubt   that  this  Assyrian 
 goiidess  is  the  Ashtoreth  of  the  Old  Testiimeut  and 
 the  Astiirte  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans.     The  wor- 
 ship of  Astarte  seems  to  have  extended  wherever 
 Phoenician  colonies  were  founded.     But  if  we  seek 
 to  ascertain   the   character  and   attributes  of  this 
 goddess  we  find  oui-selves  involved  in  considerable 
 perplexity.     There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  general 
 notion  symbolized  is  that  of  productive  power,  as 
 Baal  symbolizes  that  of  generative  power ;  and  it 
 would  be  natural  to  conclude  that  as  the  sun  is 
 the  great  symbol  of  the  latter,  and  therefore  to  be 
 identified  with  Baal,   so  the  moon  is  the  syinljo'. 
 of  the  former  and  must  be  identified  with  Astaiie. 
 That  this  goddess  was  so  typified  can  scarcely  be 
 doubted.     At  any  rate  it  is  certain  that  she  was  by 
 some  ancient  writers  identified  with  the  moon.    On 
 the  other  hand   it  appeal's  to  be  now  ascertained 
 that  the  Assyrian  Ishtar  was  not  the  moon-goddess, 
 but  the  planet  Venus  ;  and  it  is  certain  that  .Astarte 
 was  by  many  ancient  writers  identifietl   with  the 
 goddess  Venus  (or  Aphrodite)  as  well  as  also  with 
 the  planet  of  that  name.     The  inquiry  as  to  the 
 woiship  paid  to  the  goddess  is  not  less  perplexed 
 than  that  of  the  heavenly  body  in  which  she  was 
 symbolized.      It   is   certain    that    the   worship   of 
 Astarte  became  itlentifial  with  that  of  Venus,  and 
 that  this  worship  was  connected  with  the  most  im- 
 puie  rites  is  apparent  fiom  the  close  connexion  of 
 this  goddess  with  AsHERAii  (1  K.  xi.  5,  33 ;  2  K. 
 ,\xiii.  13). 
 
 Ash'ur,  the  posthumous  son  of  Hezron  by  his 
 wife  .\biah  (1  Chr.  ii.  24,  iv.  5).  He  became 
 "  father"  or  founder  of  the  town  of  Tekoa. 
 
 Ash'urites,  the.  This  name  occure  only  in  the 
 enumeration  of  those  over  whom  Ishboshetli  was 
 made  king  (2  Sam.  ii.  9).  By  some  of  the  old  in- 
 teri>retei"s  the  name  is  taken  as  meaning  the  Geshu- 
 riles,  the  members  of  a  small  kingdom  to  the  S.  :t 
 S.F;.  of  r)amascus.  It  would  therefore  be  perhaps 
 .safer  to  follow  the  Targum  of  Jonathan,  which  has 
 Beth-.\shpr,  "  the  house  of  Asher,"  a  reading  sup- 
 jwrted  by  several  MSS.  of  the  original  text.  "The 
 Asherites"  will  then  denote  the  inhaliitants  of  the 
 whole  of  the  country  W.  of  tlie.Iordan  above  Jezreel. 
 Ash'vath,  one  of  the  sons  of  Japhlet,  of  the  tribe 
 of  Aslx'r  {\  Chr.  vii.  33). 
 
 Asia.  'l"he  pa.ssages  in  the  N.  T.,  where  this 
 word  occurs,  are  the  following:  Acts  ii.  9,  vi.  9, 
 xvi.  tj,  xix.  10,  22,  2G,  27,  w.  4,  IG,  18.  xxi.  27, 
 xxvii.  2  ;  Pom.  xvi.  5;  1  Cor.  xvi.  19  ;  2  Cor.  i.  8 ; 
 2  Tim.  i.  15;  1  Pet.  i.  1  ;  Pev.  i.  4,  11.  [ClliKF 
 OK  .Asia:  see  Asiahciiak.]  In  all  these  jKussagcs 
 it  mav  be  eonfulenflv  statdl  that  the  word  is  \\v»\. 
 
ASIAHCHAE 
 
 not  for  "  the  continent  of  Asia,"  nor  for  what  \vc 
 commonly  understand  by  "  Asia  Minor,"  but  for  a 
 lloman  province  which  embraced  the  western  part 
 of  the  peninsula  of  Asia  Minor,  and  of  which  Ephe- 
 sus  was  the  capital.  This  province  originated  in 
 the  bequest  of  Att;ilus,  king  of  Pergamus,  or  king 
 of  Asia,  who  left  by  will  to  the  Uoman  Republic  his 
 hereditaiy  dominions  in  the  west  of  the  peninsula 
 (B.C.  138).  In  the  division  made  by  Augustus  of 
 senatorial  and  imperial  provinces,  it  was  placed  in 
 the  former  class,  and  was  governed  by  a  proconsul. 
 It  contained  many  important  cities,  among  which 
 were  the  seven  churches  of  the  Apocalypse,  and 
 was  di\'ided  into  assize  districts  for  judicial  business 
 (Acts  xix.  .38).  It  included  the  territory  anciently 
 subdivided  into  Aeolis,  Ionia,  and  Doris,  and  after- 
 wards into  Mysia,  Lydia,  and  Caria.  The  title 
 "  King  of  Asia"  was  used  by  the  Seleucid  monarchs 
 of  Antioch,  1  Mace.  xi.  13. 
 
 Asiar'chae  {chief  of  Asia,  A.V. ;  Acts  xix.  31), 
 officers  chosen  annually  by  the  cities  of  that  part  of 
 the  province  of  Asia,  of  which  Ephesus  was,  under 
 Roman  government,  the  metropolis.  They  had 
 chaige  of  the  public  games  and  religious  theatiical 
 spectacles,  the  expenses  of  which  they  bore.  Their 
 office  was  thus,  in  great  measure  at  least,  religious. 
 The  office  of  Asiarch  was  annual,  and  subject  to 
 tlie  approval  of  the  proconsul,  but  might  be  re- 
 newed ;  and  the  title  appears  to  have  been  continued 
 to  those  who  had  at  any  time  held  the  office. 
 
 Asibi'as,  one  of  the  sons  of  Phoros  or  Parosh  in 
 1  Esd.  ix.  26,  whose  name  occupies  the  place  of 
 JIalchijah  in  Ezr.  x.  25. 
 
 A'siel.  1.  A  Simeonite  whose  descendant  Jehu 
 Jived  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah  (1  Chr.  iv.  35).— 
 2.  One  of  the  five  swift  writers  whom  Esdras  was 
 commanded  to  take  to  write  the  law  and  the  history 
 of  the  world  (2  Esd.  xiv.  24). 
 
 As'ipha,  1  Esd.  v.  29.     [Hasdpha.] 
 
 As  kelon.     [Asiikelon.] 
 
 Asmode'us  (Tob.  iii.  8,  17),  the  same  as  Abad- 
 don or  ApoUyon  (Rev.  ix.  11;  comp.  Wisd.  xviii, 
 'J5).  From  the  feet  that  the  Talmud  calls  him 
 "  king  of  the  demons,"  some  assume  him  to  be 
 identical  with  Beelzebub,  and  others  with  Azrael. 
 In  the  book  of  Tobit  this  evil  spirit  is  represented 
 as  loving  Sara,  the  daughter  of  Raguel,  and  causing 
 the  death  of  seven  husbands. 
 
 As'nall.  The  children  of  Asnah  were  among  the 
 Nethiuim  who  returned  with  Zerubabel  (Ezr.  ii. 
 50).  In  the  parallel  list  of  Neh.  vii.  52  the  name 
 is  omitted,  and  in  1  Esd.  v.  31  it  is  written  AsANA. 
 
 Asnap'per,  mentioned  in  Ezr.  iv.  10,  with  the 
 epitliets  "  great  and  noble,"  as  the  person  who 
 settled  the  Cuthaeans  in  the  cities  of  Samaria.  He 
 has  been  variously  identified  with  Shalmaneser, 
 Sennacheiib,  and  Esar-haddon,  but  was  more  pro- 
 bably a  general  of  the  latter  king. 
 
 A'som,  1  Esd.  ix.  33.     [Hashum.] 
 
 Asp  [pcthen).  The  Hebrew  word  occurs  in  the 
 six  following  passages : — Deut.  xxxii.  33  ;  .lob  xx. 
 14,  16  ;  Ps.  Iviii.  5,  xci.  13 ;  Is.  xi.  8.  It  is  ex- 
 pressed in  the  passages  fi-om  the  Psalms  by  adder  in 
 the  text  of  the  A.  V.,  and  by  asp  in  the  margin : 
 elsewhere  the  text  of  the  A.V.  has  asp  as  the  repre- 
 sentative of  the  original  word  pethen.  That  some 
 kind  of  poisonous  sei-pent  is  denoted  by  the  Hebrew 
 word  is  clear  from  the  passages  quoted  above.  We 
 further  learn  from  Ps.  Iviii.  5,  that  Xha pethen  was 
 a  snake  upon  which  the  serpent-chai'mers  practised 
 their  art.     In  this  passage  the  wicked  are  compared 
 
 ASS  73 
 
 to  "  the  deaf  adder  that  stoppeth  her  ear,  which 
 will  not  hearken  to  the  voice  of  charmers,  charming 
 never  so  wisely  ;"  and  from  Is.  xi.  8,  "  the  sucking 
 child  shall  play  on  the  hole  of  the  asp,"  it  would 
 appear  that  the  pethen  was  a  dweller  in  holes  of 
 walls,  &c.  The  true  explanation  of  Ps.  Iviii.  5,  is 
 that  there  are  some  serpents  which  defy  all  the  at- 
 tempts of  the  chaimer :  in  the  language  of  Scripture 
 such  individuals  may  be  termtd  deaf.  The  point 
 of  the  rebuke  consists  in  the  fact  that  the  pethen 
 was  capable  of  hearing  the  charmer's  song,  but 
 refused  to  do  so.  The  individual  case  in  question 
 was  an  exception  to  the  rule.  Serpents,  though 
 comparatively  speaking  deaf  to  ordinary  sounds,  are 
 no  doubt  capable  of  hearing  the  sharp,  shrill  sounds 
 which  the  charmer  produces  either  by  his  voice  or 
 by  an  instrument;  and  this  comparative  deafness  is, 
 it  appears  to  us,  the  very  reason  why  such  sounds 
 as  the  charmer  makes  produce  the  desired  etfect  in 
 the  subject  under  treatment.  [Serpent-OHARM- 
 ING.]  As  the  Egyptian  cobra  is  more  frequently 
 than  any  other  species  the  subject  upon  which  the 
 serpent-charmers  of  the  Bible  lands  practise  their 
 science,  and  as  it  is  fond  of  concealing  itself  in  walls 
 and  in  holes  (Is.  xi.  8),  it  appears  to  have  the 
 best  claim  to  represent  the  pethen. 
 
 Egyptian  cubra.    (Aom  haje.) 
 
 Aspalathns,  the  name  of  some  sweet  jierfume 
 mentioned  in  Ecclus.  xxiv.  15.  Theophrastus  enu- 
 merates it  with  cinnamon,  cassia,  and  many  other 
 articles  which  were  used  for  ointments.  The 
 Lignum  Rhodianum  is  by  some  supposed  to  be  the 
 substance  indicated  by  the  aspalathus;  the  plant 
 which  yields  it  is  the  C'oiwolvtdus  seoparius  of 
 Linnaeus. 
 
 Aspa'tha,  third  son  of  Haman  (Esth.  ix.  7). 
 
 As'phar,  the  pool  in  the  "  wildeniess  of  Thecoe" 
 (1  Mace.  Lx.  33).  Is  it  possible  that  the  name  is  a 
 corniption  of  lacits  Asphaltites? 
 
 Aspha'rasus,  1  Esd.  v.  8.  [Mispereth, 
 Mizpar.] 
 
 As'riel,  the  son  of  Gilead,  and  great-gi-andson  of 
 Manasseh  (Num.  xxvi.  31 ;  Josh.  xvii.  2).  He  was 
 the  founder  of  the  family  of  the  Asrielites.  The 
 name  is  erroneously  written  ASHRIEL  in  the  A.  V. 
 of  1  Chr.  vii.  14.  According  to  the  rendering  of 
 the  latter  passage  by  the  LXX.,  Asriel  was  the  son 
 of  Manasseh  by  his  Syrian  concubine. 
 
 As'rielites,  Num.  x.\vi.  31.     [Asriel.] 
 
 Ass.  Five  Hebi-ew  names  of  the  genus  Asinns 
 occur  in  the  0.  T.  1.  Chamor  denote?,  the  male 
 df)mestic  ass,  though  the  word  was  no  doubt  used 
 
74 
 
 ASS 
 
 ill  a  geiieiul  sense  to  express  any  ass  whethei-  male 
 or  tcniale.  The  ass  is  frequently  mentioned  in  tlie 
 liible :  it  was  used  for  ciirryiiis;  burdens,  for  riding, 
 for  ploughing,  for  grinding  at  the  n)ili,;uid  for  c\r- 
 lying  baggage  in  wars.  'I'he  ass  hi  eTjtern  coun- 
 tiies  is  a  very  different  animal  from  what  he  is  in 
 western  Europe,  The  most  noi)le  and  honouiable 
 amongst  the  Jews  were  wont  to  be  mounted  on 
 asses,  and  in  this  manner  our  Lord  himself  made 
 his  triumphant  entry  into  Jerusalem  (Matt.  \xi.  2). 
 He  Ciune  indeed  "  meeiv  and  lowly,"  but  it  is  a 
 mistiike  to  sup[K)se  that  the  liiet  of  liis  riding  on  t\u- 
 ass  had  ought  to  do  with  his  meekness;  although 
 thereby,  doubtless,  he  meant  to  show  the  peaceable 
 nature  of  his  kingdom,  as  horses  were  used  only  lor 
 war  purpose.'*.  In  ilhistiatiou  of  the  pa.ssage  in 
 Judg.  V.  10,  "  Speak  ye  that  ride  on  white  asses," 
 it  may  be  mentioned  that  Buckingham  tells  us  that 
 one  of  the  peculiarities  of  Bagilad  is  its  race  of 
 white  asses,  which  are  saddled  and  bridled  for  the 
 conveyance  of  passengei-s  .  .  .  that  they  are  large 
 and  spirited,  and  have  an  easy  and  steady  ])ace.  In 
 Dent.  .\.\ii.  10  "  plowing  with  an  ox  and  an  ass 
 together  "  was  forbidden  by  tlie  law  of  Mcses,  pro- 
 bably because  they  could  not  pull  pleasantly  to- 
 gether on  account  of  the  difierence  in  size  and 
 strength ;  j)erhaps  also  this  prohibition  may  have 
 some  reference  to  the  law  given  in  Lev.  xix.  19. 
 The  ass  was  not  used  lor  food.  The  Mosaic  law 
 considered  it  unclean,  as  "not  dividing  the  hoof  and 
 chewing  the  cud."  In  extreme  cases,  however,  as 
 in  the  great  famine  ot  Samaiia,  when  "  an  ass's 
 head  was  sold  foi'  eighty  pieces  of  silver"  (2  K. 
 vi.  25),  the  flesh  w:is  eaten.— 2.  Allion,  the  com- 
 mon domestic  she-;iss.  Balaam  lode  on  a  she-a.ss. 
 The  asses  of  KIsh  which  Saul  sought  were  she-;is.ses. 
 The  Shunammlte  (2  K.  iv.  22,  24)  rode  on  one 
 when  she  went  to  seek  Klisha.  They  were  she-asses 
 which  formed  tlie  special  care  of  one  of  David's 
 otHcei-s  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  30).— .'5.  'Air  the  name  of  a 
 young  a.ss,  which  occurs  Gen.  xxxii.  16,  xlix.  11  ; 
 Judg.  X.  4,  xll.  14;  Job  xi.  12  ;  Is.  xxx.  G,  24; 
 Zech.  ix.  9.  Sometimes  the  'Air  is  s])oken  of  as 
 being  old  enough  for  riding  upon,  for  carrying 
 burdens,  and  for  tlllhig  the  ground.— 4.  Perc,  a 
 •.pedes  of  wild  ass  mentioned  Gen.  xvi.  12  ;  I's.  civ. 
 11  ;  Job  vi.  5,  xi.  12,  xxiv.  5,  xxxix.  5  ;  Hos.  viii. 
 9;  Jcr.  ii.  24,  xiv.  6;  Is.  xxxii.  14.  llosea  com- 
 pares Isiael  to  a  wilcl  ass  of  the  desert,  ami  .lob 
 (xxxix.  5)  gives  an  animated  descrij)ti()n  of  this  ani- 
 mal, and  one  which  is  amply  conflrmed  by  both 
 ancient  and  modern  writers.^,").  'Ar6d  occui"s  only 
 ui  Job  xxxix.  5  ;  bn    in  what  respect  it  dlllcrs  from 
 
 Ryrun  Wild  A».     (.Inniii  Htm.; put  ) 
 8p«rinien  In  Zoological  Gnrilvii^ 
 
 ASSYRIA 
 
 the  Pcre  is  uncertain.— The  species  known  to  the 
 ancient  Jews  are  Aainns  heinippus,  whicli  inhabits 
 the  ueserts  of  ^yria,  Mesojwtamia,  and  the  northern 
 parts  of  Arabia;  the  Asinits  viiifjaris  of  the  N.E. 
 of  Africa,  the  true  onager  or  aboriginal  wild  ass, 
 whence  the  domesticated  breetl  has  sprung;  and  pro- 
 bably the  Asiniis  onager,  the  Koiilan  or  Ghorkhur, 
 whicli  is  found  in  Western  Asia  from  48*^  N.  lati- 
 tude southward  to  I'eisia,  Beliinhistan,  and  Western 
 India.  Mr.  Layaid  remarks  that  in  fleetness  the 
 wild  cLss  {Asiwts  hemippiis)  equals  the  g;uelle,  and 
 to  overtake  them  is  a  feat  which  only  one  or  two 
 of  the  most  celebrated  mares  have  been  known  to 
 accom]>lish. 
 
 Assabi'as,  1  I'.sd.  1.  9.     [Hasmaiiiaii  G.] 
 
 Assal  imoth,  1  Esd.  vlil.  :^tj.     [Siii;i,o.mith.] 
 
 Assani'as,  I  Esd.  vlll.  .">4.     [Hasiiaijiah  8.] 
 
 Asshur.     [Assyria.] 
 
 Assh'urim,  a  tribe  descended  from  Dedan,  the 
 gitindsoii  of  Abraham  (Gen.  xxv.  3).  Like  the  other 
 descendants  of  Keturah,  they  have  not  been  identic 
 tied  with  any  degree  of  certainty.  Knobel  con- 
 siders tliem  the  same  with  the  Asshur  of  Ez.  xxvii. 
 23,  and  connerted  with  -southern  Arabia. 
 
 Asside'ans,  i.  e.  t/w  pious,  "  imritans,"  tlie 
 name  assumed  by  a  section  of  the  oilliodox  Jews 
 (I  JIacc.  ii.  42,  vii.  13;  2  Ahicc.  xiv.  6)  as  dis- 
 tinguished from  the  Hellenizing  faction.  They 
 appear  to  have  exi.-ted  as  a  ])arty  before  the  Macca- 
 bacan  rising,  and  were  jirobably  bound  by  some 
 peculiar  vow  to  the  external  observance  of  the  Law. 
 
 As'sir.  1.  Son  of  Korah  (Ex.  vi.  24  ;  1  Chr. 
 vi.  22).— 2.  Son  of  Eblasapli,  and  a  forefather  of 
 ."•^amuel  (I  Chr.  vl.  23,  37).— 3.  Son  of  Jeconiah 
 (1  Chr.  iii.  17),  unless  "  Jeconiah  the  captive"  be 
 the  true  rendering. 
 
 As'sos  or  As'sus,  a  seajwrt  of  the  Koman  pro- 
 vince of  Asia,  in  the  district  anciently  adled  Mysia. 
 It  was  situated  on  the  northern  shore  of  the  gulf  of 
 Ad1£AMYTTium,  and  was  only  about  seven  miles 
 from  the  opp)site  coast  of  Lesbos,  neai'  Methymna. 
 A  goo<l  Roman  road,  connecting  the  towns  of  the 
 central  parts  of  the  province  with  Alexandria  Troas 
 [TkoaSj  passed  through  Assos,  the  distance  be- 
 tween the  two  latter  places  being  about  20  miles. 
 These  geogra])hical  jwiiits  illustrate  St.  Paul's  i-npid 
 passage  through  the  town  (Acts  xx.  13,  14).  The 
 shi))  in  whiih  he  was  to  accomplish  his  voy.age  from 
 Trojis  to  Caesarea  went  round  Cape  Loctum,  while 
 he  took  the  much  .shorter  journey  by  land.  Thus 
 he  was  able  to  join  the  ship  without  ditficulty,  and 
 in  sullicicnt  time  for  her  to  anchor  olf  MItylene  at 
 the  cldso  of  the  day  on  which  Troas  had  been  left. 
 
 Assue'rus,  Tcib.  xiv.  1,').     [Aiiasukris.] 
 
 As'sur.  1.  (Ezr.  iv.  2;  I's.  Ixxxili.  8;  2  Esd. 
 Ii.  8;  Jud.  ii.  14,  v.  1,  vi.  1,  17,  vii.  20,  24. 
 xiii.  1.'),  xiv.;!,  XV.6,  xvi. 4.  [AssiiL'R;  .Assyria.] 
 2.   1  KmI.  v.  :il.     [Hariiur.] 
 
 Assyria,  Assh'or,  wius  a  ;;jreat  ami  powert'ul 
 ciiutitiy  lying  on  the  Tigris  (Gen.  II.  14),  the  capital 
 (if  wiiii'h  was  Nineveh  (Gen.  x.  1 1,  &c.).  It  derived 
 its  name  apparently  from  .\ssliur,  the  son  of  Shem 
 (<!en.  X.  22),  who  In  Liter  tlnies  was  worshl]iped  by 
 the  Assyrians  a.s  their  chief  god.  The  boundaries 
 of  A.ssyria  dllfercd  greatly  at  dlHerent  jwriods. 
 Probably  in  the  earliest  times  it  was  confined  ton 
 small  tmct  of  low  country,  lying  chielly  on  the  left 
 liauk  of  tJie  Tigris.  Gradually  its  limits  wen-  ex- 
 tended, until  it  came  to  lie  regarded  a-s  comprising 
 the  whole  region  between  tnc  Armenian  mountains 
 (lat.  37*^30')  i!]ion  the  north,  and  ujwn  the  soutli 
 
ASSYRIA 
 
 75 
 
 the  country  about  Baghdad  (lat.  330  39').  East- 
 ward its  boundary  was  the  high  lange  of  Zagros, 
 or  mountains  of  Kvrdistdn;  westward,  it  was,  ac- 
 cording to  the  views  of  some,  bounded  by  the 
 Mesopotamian  desert,  while,  according  to  others,  it 
 reached  the  Euphrates. — 1.  General  character  of 
 the  country.  On  the  N.  and  E.  the  high  mountain- 
 chains  of  AiTuenia  and  Kurdistan  are  succeeded  by 
 low  ranges  of  limestone-hills  of  a  somewhat  arid 
 aspect,  which  detach  themselves  from  the  principal 
 ridges,  running  paj-allel  to  them,  and  occasionally 
 inclosing,  between  their  northern  or  north-eastern 
 flank  and  the  main  mountain -line,  rich  plains  and 
 fertile  valleys.  To  these  ridges  there  succeeds  at 
 first  an  undulating  zone  of  country,  well  watered 
 and  fairly  productive,  which  finally  sinks  down 
 with  some  suddenness  upon  the  great  Mesopotamian 
 plain,  the  modern  district  of  El-Jezireh.  This  vast 
 flat,  which  extends  in  length  for  250  miles,  is  in- 
 terrupted only  by  a  single  limestone-range.  Above 
 and  below  this  barrier  is  an  immense  level  tra(;t, 
 now  tor  the  most  part  a  wilderness,  scantily  watered 
 on  the  right  bank  of  the  Tigris,  but  abundantly 
 supplied  on  the  left,  which  bears  marks  of  having 
 been  in  early  times  well  cultivated  and  thickly 
 peopled  throughout.  All  over  this  vast  flat,  on 
 both  sides  of  the  Tigris,  rise  "  grass-covered  heaps, 
 marking  the  site  of  ancient  habitations  "  which  serve 
 to  mark  the  extent  of  the  real  Assyrian  dominion, 
 'fhey  aic  numerous  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Tigi'is, 
 and  on  the  right  they  thickly  stud  the  entire  country. 
 —2.  Provinces  of  Assyria. — The  classical  geogra- 
 phers divided  Assyria  into  a  number  of  regions, 
 which  appear  to  be  chiefly  named  from  cities,  as 
 Arbelitis  from  Arbela ;  Calacene  (or  Calachine) 
 fiom  Calah  or  Halah  (Gen.  x.  11 ;  2  K.  xvii.  6)  ; 
 Apolloniatis  from  Apollonia ;  Sittacene  from  Sittace, 
 &c.  Adiabene,  however,  the  richest  region  of  all, 
 derived  its  appellation  from  the  Zab  {Diab)  river 
 on  which  it  lay.— 3.   Chief  cities. — The  chief  cities 
 
 of  Assyria  in  the  time  of  its  greatness  appear  to 
 have  been  the  following: — Nineveh,  which  is  marked 
 by  the  mounds  opposite  Mosul  {Nebi-Yunus  and 
 liouyunjik)  ;  Calah  or  H;ilah,  now  iV^iOTrwc/;  Asshur, 
 now  Kileli  Sherghat  ;  Sargina,  or  Dur-Sargina,  now 
 Khorsabad ;  Arbela,  still  Arbil  ;  Opis  at  the  junc- 
 tion of  the  Diyaleh  with  the  Tigris  ;  and  Sittace,  a 
 little  further  down  the  latter  river,  if  this  place 
 should   not    rather   be   reckoned   to    Babylonia.— 
 
 4.  History  of  Assyria- — original  peopling. — Scrip- 
 ture informs  us  that  Assyria  was  peopled  from 
 Babylon  (Gen.  x.  11),  and  both  classical  tiadition 
 and  the  monuments  of  the  country  agree  in  this 
 representation.  In  Herodotus  (i.  7j,  Ninus,  the 
 mythic  founder  of  Kineveh,  is  the  son  (descendant) 
 of  Belus,  the  mythic  founder  of  Babylon — a  tradition 
 in  which  the  derivation  of  Assyria  from  Babylon, 
 and  tlie  gi'eater  antiquity  and  superior  position  of 
 the  latter  in  early  times  are  shadowed  foith  suffi- 
 ciently. The  researches  recently  carried  on  in  the 
 two  countries  clearly  show  that  Babylonian  great- 
 ness and  civilization  was  earlier  than  Assyrian,  and 
 that  while  the  former  was  of  native  growth,  the 
 latter  was  derived  from  the  neighbouring  country.^ 
 
 5.  Date  of  the  foundation  of  the  kingdom. — As  a 
 country,  Assyria  was  evidently  known  to  Moses 
 (Gen.  ii.  14,  xxv.  18  ;  Num.  xxiv.  22,  24);  but  it 
 does  not  appear  in  Jewish  history  as  a  kingdom  till 
 the  reign  of  Menahem  (about  B.C.  770).  Herodotus 
 relates  that  the  Assyrians  were  "  lords  of  Asia  "  for 
 520  years,  till  the  Median  kingdom  was  formed, 
 B.C.  708.  He  would  thus,  it  appears,  have  assigned 
 to  the  foundation  of  tlie  Assyrian  empire  a  date  not 
 very  greatly  anterior  to  B.C.  1228.  Berosus,  who 
 made  the  empire  last  52fi  yeais  to  the  reign  of  Pul, 
 must  have  agreed  nearly  with  this  view ;  at  least 
 he  would  certainly  have  placed  the  lise  of  the  king- 
 dom within  the  13th  century.  This  is,  perhaps, 
 the  utmost  that  can  be  determined  with  any  ap- 
 proach   to    certainty.— 6.  Early   kings,  from    the 
 
76 
 
 ASSYRIA 
 
 f'nmdation  of  the  himjdom  to  Put. — Tlie  Mcsopo- 
 laniian  researches  liave  render*!  it  apparent  that 
 tlie  original  seat  of  government  was  not  at  Nineveh. 
 'I'he  oldest   Assyri.m  remains  have  been  found  at 
 KUeh-Shcrghnt,  on  tlie  right  hank  of  the  Tigris, 
 GO  miles  south  of  the  later  capital ;  and  this  place 
 the  monuments  show  to  have  been  the  residence  of 
 the    earliest    kings.      The   kings   proved   to   have 
 reigned  there  are  fourteen  in  number,  divisible. into 
 three  groups  ;  and  their  reigns  are  thought  to  have 
 covered  a  space  of  nearly  o.'jU  years,  from  li.C.  127.'5 
 to  B.C.  930.     Tlie  most  remarkable  monarch  of  the 
 series   was  called  Tiglath-pileser.      He  ajipears  to 
 have  been  king  towards  the  close  of  the  twelfth 
 century,  and  thus  to  have  been  contemporary  with 
 S;imuel.    The  other  monarchs  of  the  KIkh-Shcrghat 
 series,  both   before   and  after   Tiglath-pileser,    ai-e 
 comparatively  insignificant.     The  later  kings  of  the 
 series  aie   only  known  to  us  as  the  ancestors  of 
 two  gre;it  monarchs.     Sai'danapalus  the  first,  who 
 appears  to  have  been  the  warlike  Sardanapalus  of 
 the  Greeks,    transferred    the   seat   of  government 
 from   KUeh-Sherghat   to    Nimrml   (probably    the 
 Oalah  of  Scripture),  where  he  built  the  first  of  those 
 magnificent  palaces  which  have  recently  been  ex- 
 humed by  our  countrymen.     His  son,  Shalmaneser 
 or  Shalmanubai-,  the  monarch  who  set  up  the  Black 
 Obelisk,  now  in  the  British  Museum,  to  commemo- 
 rate his   victories,  was  a  still  greater   conqueror. 
 His  son  and  giandson    followed  in  his  steps,  but 
 .-.carcely  equalfed  his  glory.     The  latter  is  thought 
 to    be '  identiail  with   the   Biblical   Pul,  Phul,  or 
 I'haloch  [Pul].— 7.   The  kings  from  Pul  to  Esar- 
 haddon. — ^The  succession  of  the  Assyrian  kings  from 
 Pul  almost  to   the  close  of  the  empire  is  rendered 
 tolerably  certain,  not  merely  by  the    inscriptions, 
 but  also  by  the  Jewish  records.     In  the  '2ud  book 
 of  Kings  we  find  the  names  of  Pul,  Tiglath-pileser, 
 Shalmaneser,  Sennacherib,  and  Ksarhaddon,  follow- 
 ing one  another  in   rapid  succession  (2  K.  xv.  19 
 and  29,  xvii.  3,  xviii.  13,  xix.  37)  ;  and  in  Isiuah 
 we  have  the  name  of  "  Sargon,  king  of  Assyria" 
 (xx.  1 ),  who  is  a  contemporary  of  the  prophet,  and 
 who  must  evidently  therefore  l)elong  to  the  same 
 series.     The  inscriptions,  by  showing  us  that  Saigon 
 was  the  father  of  Sennacherib,   fix  his  place  in  the 
 list,  and  give  us  for  the  monarchs  of  the  last  half  of 
 the  8th  a'lid  the  first  half  of  the  7th  century  B.C.  the 
 (probably)  complete  list  of  Tiglath-pileser  II.,  Shal- 
 maneser II.,  Sargon,  Sennacherib,  and  Esarhaddoii. 
 —8.  LoKcr  Dynasty. — It  seems  to  be  certain  that 
 :\t,  or  near,  the  accession  of  Pul,  about  B.C.  770, 
 a  great  change  of  some  kind  or  other  occurred  in 
 Assyria.     It  was  only   23    years   later,    that   the 
 Babyl  >nians  considered  their  independence  fo  have 
 commenced  (B.C.  747).     Tradition  seems  to  show 
 that  about  the  middle  of  the  eighth  century  B.C. 
 there  must  have  been  a  break  in  the  line  of  Assyrian 
 kings,  and  probably  the  Pul  or  Phaloch  of  Scrip- 
 ture was  really  the  last  king  of  the  old  monarchy, 
 and   Tiglath-pileser    II.,    his   successor,    was    tiio 
 founder   of    what   has    been    called    the   "  Lower 
 Kmpire."— 9.  Supposed  loss  of  the  empire  at  this 
 pcri-td. — Many  writei-s  of  repute  have  been  inclineii 
 to  accept  the  stiitemeiit  of  Herodotus  with  respect 
 to  the  breaking  up  of  the  whole  empire  at  this 
 period.     It  is  evident,  however,  both  from  Scrijt- 
 turc   and    from    the  monuments,    that    the   slioik 
 Rimfained  through  the  domestic  revolution  has  b<'en 
 peally   cxaggei-ated.     It  is  jilain,  from  Scripture, 
 that  ill  the  reigns  of  Tiglath  piii-scr,  Slialiuaiieser, 
 
 ASSYTIIA 
 
 Sargon,  Sennacherib,  and   Esarhaddon,  Assyria  wat 
 as   great  as  at  any  former  era.     These  kings  all 
 waned  successfully  in  Palestine  and  its  neighbour- 
 hood ;  some  attacked  Egypt  ( Is.  xx.  4)  ;  one  appears 
 as  masti-r  of  Media  (2  K.  xvii.  G)  ;  while  another 
 has  authority  over  Babylon,  Susiana,  and  Elymais 
 (2  K.  xvii.  24;  Ezr.  iv.  9).     The  Assyrian  annals 
 for  the  period  are  in  the  most  complete  accordance 
 with  these  representations,  and  the  statements  of  the 
 inscriptions  are  fully  borne  out  by  the  indiaitions  of 
 greatness  to   be  traced  in  the  architectural  monu- 
 ments.    On   every  ground    it  seems  necessjuy    to 
 conclude  that  the  second  Assyrian   kingdom    was 
 rejilly  greater  and  more  glorious  than  the  fii-st ;  that 
 under  it  the  limits  of  the   empire    reached    their 
 fullest  extent,  and  the  internal  piosperity  wa.s  at 
 the  highest.    Even  as  regards  Babylon,  the  .^ssynan 
 loss  w;\s  not  peiTOaneiit.     Sargon,  Sennacherib,  and 
 Esarhaddon,  all  exercised  full  authority  over  that 
 country.— 10.  Successors  of  Esarhaddon. —By  the 
 end  of  the  reign  of  Esarhaddon  the  triumph  of  the 
 anus  of  Assyria  had  been  so  complete  that  scarcely 
 an  enemy  wa-s  left  who  could    cause   her   serious 
 anxiety.     In  Scripture  it  is  remaikable   that  we 
 hear  nothing  of  Assyiia  after  the  reign  of  Esar- 
 haddon, and  profane  history  is   equally  silent  until 
 the  attacks  begin  which  brought  about  her  downfall. 
 —11.  Fall  of  Assyria. — The  fall  of  Assyria,  long 
 previously   prophesied   by    Isaiah    (x.    o-19),    was 
 eflectcd  by  the  growing  strength  and  boldness   of 
 the  Metlcs.     If  we  may  trust  Herodotus,  the  first 
 Median  attack  on   Nineveh  took  place   about   the 
 year  B.C.  633.     For  some  time  their  effoils  were 
 unsuccessful  ;  but  after  a  while,  having  won  over 
 the  Babylonians  to  their  side,  they  became  sujwior 
 to  the  Assyrians  in  the  field,  and  about  B.C.  G2'),  or 
 a  little  earlier,  laid  final  siege  to  the  capital  [Mi;- 
 DTa].  Saracus,  the  last  king — probably  the  grand- 
 son  of  Esarhaddon — made  a  stout  and  prolonged 
 defence,  but  at  length,  finding  resistance  vain,  he 
 collected  his  wives  and  his  treasures  in  his  ])alnce, 
 and  with  his  own  hand  setting  fire  to  the  building, 
 j)erished  in  the  flames.- 12.  Fulfilment  vf  prophecy. 
 — The  prophecies   of  Nahum  and   ZephiUiiah    (ii. 
 13-1.">)    against    Assyria  were   probably   delivered 
 shortly  before   the  catastrophe.     Ezekiel,   writing 
 about  B.C.   584,  bears   witness   historically  to  the 
 complete  destniction   which   had   come   upon  the 
 Assyrians  (ch.  xxxi.).    In  accordance  with  Nahum's 
 announcement  (iii.  19)  we  find  that  Assyria  never 
 succeeded   in    maintaining   a   distinct    nationality. 
 Once  only  was  revolt  attempted,  about  a  century 
 after  the  Jlcdian  conquest,  but  it  failed  signally, 
 and    appears   never  to  have    been    repeated,    the 
 Assyrians  remaining  thenceforth  submissive  subjects 
 of  the  Persian  empire.— 13.   General  character  of 
 the  empire. — Like  all  the  early  monarchies  which 
 attained  to  any  gi-eat  extent,  it  was  composed  of  a 
 number    of    sejiarate    kingdoms.       The    Assyrian 
 monarchs  bore  sway  over  a  numl)or  of  petty  kings 
 thioiigh  the  entire  extent  of  their  dominions.  These 
 native  princes  were  feudatories  (if  the  (Ireat  Monarch, 
 of  whom  they  held  their  crown  by  the  double  tenure 
 of  homage  and  tribute.     Mcnahem  (2  K.  xv.   19), 
 Hosliea   (ibid.  .xvii.  4),  Ahaz  (ibid.  xvi.  8),  Heze- 
 kiah  (ibid,  xviii.  4),  and   Manasseh  (2  Chr.  x.xxiii. 
 11-13),    were   certainly  in    this   i)n>ition,  as  wore 
 many  native  kings  of  Babylon.     It  is    not  quite 
 certain    how   liir  .Assyria  required  a   religious  coil- 
 fomiity  from  the  subject  people.     Her  religion  was 
 a  gross  and  aiiiiplex    polytheism,  comprising  the 
 
ASTAROTH 
 
 woi-ship  of  thirteen  principal  and  numerous  minor 
 divinities,  at  tlie  head  of  all  of  whom  stood  the 
 chief  god,  Asshui-,  who  seems  to  be  the  deified 
 patnai-ch  of  the  nation  (Gen.  x.  22).  The  inscrip- 
 tions appear  to  state  that  in  all  countries  over  which 
 the  Assyrians  established  their  supremacy,  they  set 
 up  "  the  laws  of  Asshur,"  and  "  altars  to  the  Great 
 Gods."  It  was  probably  in  connexion  with  this 
 Assyrian  requirement  that  Ahaz,  on  his  return 
 from  Damascus,  where  he  had  made  his  submission 
 to  Tiglath-pileser,  incurred  the  guilt  of  idolatry 
 (2  K.\xvi.  10-16).— 14.  Its  extent. — On  the  west, 
 the  JlediteiTanean  and  the  river  Halys  appear  to  have 
 been  the  boundaries ;  on  the  north,  a  fluctuating 
 line,  never  reaching  the  Euxine  nor  extending  be- 
 yond the  northern  fiontier  of  Armenia :  on  the  east, 
 the  Caspian  Sea  and  the  Great  Salt  Desert  ;  on  the 
 south,  the  Persian  Gulf  and  the  Desert  of  Arabia. 
 The  countries  included  within  these  limits  are  the 
 following  : — Susiana,  Chaldaea,  Babylonia,  Media, 
 Matiene,  Amienia,  Assyria  Proper,  IMesopotamia, 
 parts  of  Cappadocia  and  Cilicia,  Syria,  Phoenicia, 
 Palestine,  and  Idumaea.  Cyprus  was  also  for  a 
 while  a  dependency  of  the  Assyrian  kings,  and  they 
 may  perhaps  have  held  at  one  time  cei-tain  portions 
 of  Lower  Egypt.— 15.  Civilisation  of  the  Assyrians. 
 — The  civilisation  of  the  Assyrians,  as  has  been 
 already  observed,  was  derived  originally  from  the 
 Babylonians.  They  were  a  Shemitic  race,  originally 
 resident  in  Babylonia  (which  at  that  time  was 
 Cushite),  and  thus  acquainted  with  the  Babylonian 
 inventions  and  discoveries,  who  ascended  the  valley 
 of  the  Tigi'is  and  established  in  the  tract  imme- 
 diately below  the  Annenian  mountains  a  separate 
 and  distinct  nationality.  Their  modes  of  writing 
 and  building,  the  form  and  size  of  their  bricks,  their 
 architectural  ornamentation,  their  religion  and 
 worship,  in  a  gi'eat  measure,  were  drawn  from 
 Babylon,  which  they  always  regarded  as  a  sacred 
 land — the  original  seat  of  their  nation,  and  the  true 
 home  of  all  their  gods,  with  the  one  exception  of 
 Asshur.  Still,  as  their  civilisation  developed,  it 
 became  in  many  respects  peculiar.  Their  art  is  of 
 home  growth.  Their  pictures  of  war,  and  of  the 
 chace,  and  even  sometimes  of  the  more  peaceful 
 incidents  of  human  life,  have  a  fidelity,  a  spirit,  a 
 boldness,  and  an  appearance  of  life,  which  place 
 them  high  among  realistic  schools.  The  advanced 
 condition  of  the  Assyrians  in  various  other  respects 
 is  abundantly  evidenced  alike  by  the  representations 
 on  the  sculptm'es  and  by  the  remaius  discovered 
 among  their  buildings.  They  were  still,  however, 
 in  the  most  important  points  barbarians.  Their 
 government  was  inide  and  inartificial ;  their  religion 
 coai-se  and  sensual ;  their  conduct  of  war  ci'uel ; 
 even  their  art  materialistic  and  so  debasing ;  they 
 had  served  their  purpose  when  they  had  prepared 
 the  East  for  centralised  government,  and  been  God's 
 scourge  to  punish  the  people  of  Israel  (Is.  x.  5-6)  ; 
 they  were,  therefore,  swept  away  to  allow  the  rise 
 of  that  Aryan  race  which,  with  less  appreciation  of 
 art,  was  to  introduce  into  Western  Asia  a  more 
 spiritual  fonn  of  religion,  a  better  treatment  of  cap- 
 tives, and  a  superior  governmental  organisation. 
 As'taroth,  Ueut.  i.  4.  [Ashtaroth.] 
 Astar'te.  [Ashtoreth.] 
 As'tath,  1  Esd.  viii.  38.  [Azgad.] 
 Asty'ages,  the  last  king  of  the  Medes,  B.C.  595- 
 560,  or  B.C.  592-558,  who  was  conquered  by 
 Cyrus  (Bel  and  Dragon,  1).    The  name  is  identified 
 
 ATER 
 
 77 
 
 by  Rawlinson  and  Niebuhr  with  Deioces  =  Ash- 
 dah.ik,  the  emblem  of  the  Median  power. 
 
 Asap'pim,  and  House  of,  1  Chr.  xxvi.  15,  17, 
 literally  "house  of  the  gatherings."  Some  under- 
 stand it  as  a  proper  name  of  chambers  on  the -south 
 side  of  the  Temple.  Gesenius  and  Bertheau  explain 
 it  of  certain  store-rooms,  and  Fiiret,  following  the 
 Vulgate,  of  the  council-chambers  in  the  outer  coun 
 of  the  Temple  in  which  the  elders  held  their  deli- 
 berations. The  same  word  in  A.  V.  of  Neh.  xii.  25, 
 is  rendered  "  thresholds,"  and  is  translated  "  lintels  " 
 in  the  Targum  of  R.  Joseph  on  1  Chr. 
 
 Asyn'critos,  a  Christian  at  Rome,  saluted  by 
 St.  Paul  (Horn,  x-i-i.  14). 
 
 A'tad,  the  threshing-floor  of,  a  spot  "beyond 
 Jordan,"  at  which  Joseph  and  his  brethren,  on  thei'- 
 way  from  Egypt  to  Hebron,  made  their  seven  days' 
 "  great  and  very  sore  mourning  "  over  the  body  of 
 Jacob ;  in  consequence  of  which  we  are  told  it 
 acquired  from  the  Canaanites  the  new  name  of  Abel- 
 ]\Iizraim  (Gen.  1.  10,  11).  According  to  Jerome 
 it  was  in  his  day  called  Bethgla  or  Bethacla  (Beth- 
 Hogla).  Beth-Hoglais  known  to  have  lain  between 
 the  Jordan  and  Jericho,  therefwe  on  the  west  side 
 of  Jordan.     [Beth-Hogla.] 
 
 At'arah,  a  wife  of  Jerahmeel,  and  mother  of 
 Onam  (1  Chr.  ii.  26). 
 
 Atar'gatis,  or  Derceto,  a  SjTian  goddess,  re- 
 presented generally  with  the  body  of  a  woman  and 
 the  tail  of  a  fish  (corap.  Dagon).  Her  most 
 famous  temples  were  at  Hierapolis  (Mabug)  and 
 Ascalon.  Herodotus  identified  her  with  Aphrodite 
 Urania.  Lucian  compared  her  with  Here,  though 
 he  allowed  that  she  combined  traits  of  other  deities. 
 Plutarch  says  that  some  regarded  her  as  "  Aphro- 
 dite, others  as  Here,  others  as  the  cause  and  natui'al 
 power  which  provides  the  principles  and  seeds  for 
 all  things  from  moisture."  This  last  view  is  pro- 
 bably an  accurate  description  of  the  attiibutes  of  the 
 goddess,  and  explains  her  fish-like  form  and  popular 
 identification  with  Aphrodite.  There  was  a  temple 
 of  Atargatis  (2  Mace.  xii.  26)  at  Karnion,  which 
 was  destroyed  by  Judas  Maccabaeus  (1  Mace.  v.  44). 
 The  name  is  rightly  derived  by  Michaelis  from  Syr. 
 Targeto,  an  opening.  Some  have  supposed  that 
 Atargatis  was  the  tutelaiy  goddess  of  the  first 
 Assyrian  dynasty,  and  that  the  name  appeai-s  in 
 Tiglath  or  Tiglath-pileser. 
 
 At'aroth.  1.  One  of  the  towns  in  the  "  land  of 
 Jazer  and  land  of  Gilead  "  (Num.  xxxii.  3),  taken 
 and  built  by  the  tribe  of  Gad  (xxxii.  34).  From  its 
 mention  with  places  which  have  been  identified  on 
 the  N.E.  of  the  Dead  Sea  near  the  mountain  of 
 Jehel  Attarus,  a  connexion  has  been  assumed  be- 
 tween Ataroth  and  that  mountain.  But  some 
 other  identification  is  necessary.— 2.  A  place  on 
 the  (south  ?)  boundary  of  Ephraim  and  Manasseh 
 (Jos)i.  xvi.  2,  7).  It  is  impossible  to  say  whether 
 Ataroth  is  or  is  not  the  same  place  as,  3.  Ataroth- 
 ADAR,  or  -ADDAR  on  the  west  border  of  Benjamin, 
 "  near  the  '  mountain  '  that  is  on  the  south  side  of 
 the  nether  Beth-horon"  (Josh.  xvi.  5,  xviii.  13).  In 
 the  Onomasticon  mention  is  made  of  an  Atharoth  in 
 Ephraim.  in  the  mountains,  4  miles  N.  of  Sebaste  ; 
 as  well  as  two  places  of  the  name  not  far  from 
 JeiiTsalem.  —  4.  "  Ataroth,  the  house  op 
 JOAB,"  a  place  (?)  occun-ing  in  the  list  of  tlie 
 descendants  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  ii.  54). 
 
 A'ter.  1,  The  children  of  Ater  were  among  the 
 porters  or  gate-keepers  of  the  Temple  who  returned 
 with  Zerubabel  (Ezr.  ii.  42  ;  Neh.  vii.  45).     They 
 
78 
 
 aTEREZIAS 
 
 ATHENS 
 
 are  called  in  1  Esd.  v.  28,  "  the  sons  of  Jatal.—  I  into  the  Temple.  8he  aiiived,  however,  too  late, 
 2.  The  children  of  Ari;;{  OF  Hi;zi;IvIaii  to  the  !  and  was  immediately  put  to  death  by  Jehoida's 
 number  of  98  retnrned  with  Zenibabel  (Kzr.  ii.  16  ;  ,  commands,  without  the  precincts,     'i'he  oidy  other 
 
 Neh.  vii.  21),  and  were  amont;  the  heads  of  the 
 jieople  who  signed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah  (x. 
 17 1.    The  name  iippears  in  1  Esd.  v.  15  as  Aterk- 
 
 ZIAS. 
 
 Aterezi'as,  a  corruption  of  Atku  of  Hezekiaii 
 
 (I  Km!,  v.  i:,). 
 
 A'thach,  one  of  the  places  in  the  tribe  of  Judah, 
 which  David  and  his  men  frequented  during  the 
 time  of  his  residence  at  Ziklag  (1  Sam.  \xx.  30). 
 As  the  name  does  not  occur  elsewhere,  it  has 
 been   suggested   that   it  is  an   error  of  the  trans- 
 
 recorded  victim  of  this  happy  and  fllmo-t  liioodle.ss 
 revolution,  was  Mattaii  the  priest  of  Baal. — 2.  A 
 Benjamite,  one  of  the  sons  of  Joroham  wiio  dwelt 
 at  Jerusalem  ( 1  Chr.  viii.  '20).— 3.  One  of  the  Bene- 
 Klam,  whose  son  Jeshaiah  with  7(J  males  returned 
 with  Ezra  in  the  second  caravan  from  Babylon  (Ezr. 
 viii.  7). 
 
 Athari'as,    a   corruption   of  the   TxiiSHATHA 
 (1  Esd.  V.  4U). 
 
 Athenians,  natives  of  Athens  (Acts  x\"ii.  21), 
 Atheno'bius,  "  tiie  king's  friend,"  an  envoy  sent 
 
 criber  for   Ether,  a  town  in   the   low  country  of    by  Antiociius  VII.,  Sidetes,  to  Simon  the  Jewish 
 
 high  priest  ( 1  Mace.  xv.  28-36). 
 
 Athens,  the  capitiil  of  Attica,  and  the  chief  seat 
 of  Grecian  learning  and  civilisation  during  the 
 golden  period  of  the  history  of  Greece.  An  account 
 of  this  city  would  be  out  of  place  in  the  present 
 woik.     St.    Paul   visited  it   in  his  journey    from 
 
 Judah   (Josh.   XV.   42).     In   the  Vat.  LXX.   it  is 
 written  Nombc. 
 
 Athai'ah,  a  descendant  of  I'harez,  the  son  of 
 Juilah,  who  dwelt  at  Jeiusalem  after  the  return 
 from  Babvion  (Neh.  xi.  4),  called  UtuaI  in  1  Chr. 
 ix.  4.       " 
 
 Athali'ah,  daughter  of  Ahab  and  .Jezebel,  mariied  j  Macedonia,  and  appears  to  have  remained  there 
 Jehoraui  the  son  of  Jehoshaphat  king  of  Judah,  some  time  (Acts  xvii.  14-34;  comp.  1  Thess. 
 and  introduced  into  the  S.  kingdom  the  worship  of'  lii.  1).  During  his  lesidence  he  delivered  his  me- 
 Baal.  After  the  great  revolution  by  which  Jehu  :  moiable  discourse  on  the  Areopagus  to  the  "  men 
 seated  himself  on  the  throne  of  Samaria,  she  killed  of  Athens"  (Acts  xvii.  22-31).  The  Agora  or 
 :dl  the  members  of  the  royal  family  of  Judah  who  "  market,"  where  St.  Paul  disputed  daily,  was 
 had  escapeil  his  swoid  (2  K.  xi.  1 ),  availing  herself  situjited  in  the  valley  between  the  Acropolis,  the 
 probably  of  her  position  as  Kin</'s  Mother  [Asa],  Areopagus,  the  Pnyx  and  the  Museum,  being 
 to  peipetrate  the  crime.  From  the  slaughter  of  the  bounded  by  the  Acropolis  on  the  N.E.  and  E.,  by 
 royal  house,  one  intaut  named  Joash,  the  youngest  ■  the  Areopagus  on  the  N.,  by  the  Pnyx  on  the 
 son  of  Ahaziah,  was  rescued  by  his  aunt  Jehosheba,  |  N.W.  and  \V.,  and  by  the  I^Iuseum  on  the  S.  The 
 who  had  married  Jehoiada  (2  Chr.  xxii.  11)  the  annexed  plan  shows  the  position  of  the  Agoia.  The 
 high-priest  (2  Chr.  x.xiv.  6).  The  child  was  remark  of  the  sacred  historian  respecting  the  inqui- 
 brought  up  under  Jehoiada's  care,  and  concealed  sitfve  character  of  the  Athenians  (xvii.  2 1 )  is  attested 
 in  the  Temple  for  six  years,  during  which  period  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  antiquity.  Demosthenes 
 Athaliah  reigned  over  Judah.  At  length  Jehoiada  ,  rebukes  his  countrymen  for  their  love  of  constantly 
 thought  it  time  to  produce  the  lawful  king  to  the  going  about  iu  the  market,  and  asking  one  another 
 people,  trusting  to  their  zeal  for  the  worship  of  i  What  news?  The  remark  of  St.  Paul  upon  the 
 Goil,  and  loyalty  to  the  house  of  David,  whicli  had  ,  "superstitious"   character  of  the   Athenians  (xvii. 
 
 been  so  strenuously  called  out  by  Asa  and  Jehosha- 
 phat. After  communicating  his  design  to  five 
 •'captains  of  hundreds,"  whose  names  are  given  in 
 2  Chr.  xxiii.  1,  and  securing  the  co-opei-.ition  of  the 
 Levites  and  chief  men  in 
 the  country-towns  in  case 
 of  necessity,  he  brought 
 the  young  Joash  info  the 
 Temple  to  receive  the 
 Hllegiance  of  the  soldier.- 
 of  the  guard.  It  was  cus- 
 tomaiy  on  the  Sabbath  fi'r 
 a  third  part  of  them  to  do 
 duty  at  the  palace,  while 
 
 two-thirds  lestrained  the 
 crowd  of  visitors  and  wor- 
 shippers who  thronged  the 
 
 Temple.  On  the  <lay  fixed 
 
 for  the  outbreak  there  was 
 
 to  be  no  change  in  the  ar- 
 rangement at  the  jKilace, 
 
 lest   Athaliah,    who    did 
 
 notwoi-shipin  theTemide, 
 
 »hould    form   any  sus])i- 
 
 cions    from    mis.sing    her 
 
 usual    guard.      She  was 
 
 fii-st  rousc<l  to  a  sense  ot 
 
 her  danger  by  the  shouts 
 
 and  music  which  accom- 
 
 |Mnie<l  theinaiigui-ationof  — 
 
 Iicr  L'tuiidson,  and  hurried 
 
 22)  is  in  like  manner  confirmed  by  the  ancient 
 writeis.  Thus  Pausanias  says  that  the  Athenians 
 surpassed  all  other  states  iu  the  attention  which 
 they  paid  to   the  worship  of  the  gods ;  and  hence 
 
 I'luii  of  Ainoiis.  thowiiig  Uic  |M»iU'iti  uf  tbu  A^ra. 
 
ATHLAI 
 
 the  city  was  crowded  in  every  direction  with  ten 
 pies,   alt;n-s,  and  other  sacred   buildings.     Of  the 
 Christian  church,  founded  by  St.  Paul  at  Athens, 
 according  to  ecclerfastical  tradition,    Dionysius  the 
 Areopagite  was  the  first  bishop.    [DiONYSIUS.] 
 
 Ath'lai,  one  of  the  sons  of  Bebai,  who  put  away 
 his  foreign  wife  at  the  exhortation  of  Ezra  (Ezr. 
 X.  28).     He  is  called  Amatheis  in  1  Esd.  i.x.  29. 
 At'ipha,  1  Esd.  v.  32.     [Hatipha.] 
 Atonement,    the   Day   of,    the   great    day    of 
 national  humiliation,  and  the  only  oue  commanded 
 in   the  Mosaic  law.     [Fasts.]     The  mode  of  its 
 obsen-ance  is  described  in  Lev.  xvi.,and  the  conduct 
 of  the  people  is  emphatically  enjoined  in  Lev.  xxiii. 
 26-32.— IL  It  was  kept  on  the  tenth  day  of  Tisri, 
 that  is,  from  the  evening  of  the  ninth  to  the  evening 
 of  the  tenth  of  that  month,  five  days  before  the 
 Feast  of  Tabernacles.     [Festivals.]  —  IIL    The 
 observances  of  the   day,  as  described  in  the  law, 
 were  as  follow.     It  was   kept  by  the  people  as  a 
 solemn  sabbath.     On  this  occasion  only  the  high 
 priest   was   permitted  to   enter  into   the  Holy  of 
 Holies.     Having  bathed    his    person    and    dressed 
 himself  entirely  in  the  holy  white  linen  garments, 
 he  brought  forward  a  young    bullock   for   a   sin- 
 oflering  and  a  ram  for  a  burnt-oflering,  purchased 
 at  his   own    cost,   on   account  of  himself  and  his 
 family,  and  two  young  goats  for  a  sin-oflering  with 
 a  ram  foi-  a  burnt-offering,  which  were  paid  for  out 
 of  the  public  treasury,  on  account  of  the  people. 
 He  then  presented  the  two  goats  before  the  Lord  at 
 the  door  of  the  tabernacle  and  cast  lots  upon  them. 
 On  one  lot  "  for  Jehovah  "  was  inscribed,  and  on  the 
 other  "  for  Azazel."     He  next  sacrificed  the  young 
 bullock  as  a  sin-offering  for  himself  and  his  family. 
 Taking  with  him  some  of  the  blood  of  the  bullock, 
 he  filled  a  censer  with  burning  coals  from  the  brazen 
 altar,  took  a  handful  of  incense,  and  entered  into 
 the  most  holy  place.     He  then   threw  the  incense 
 upon  the  coals  and  enveloped  the  mercy-seat  in  a 
 cloud  of  smoke.     Then,  dipping  his  finger  into  the 
 blood,  he  sprinkled  it  seven  times  before  the  mercy- 
 seat  eastward.     The  goat  upon  which  the  lot  "  for 
 Jehovah  "  had  fallen  was  then  slain,  and  the  high- 
 priest  sprinkled  its  blood  before  the  mercy-seat  iu 
 the  same  manner  as  he  had  done  that  of  the  bullock. 
 Going  out  from  the  Holy  of  Holies  he  purified  the 
 holy  place,  sprinkling  some  of  the  blood  of  both  the 
 victims   on    the   altar   of  incense.      At  this  time 
 no  one  besides  the  high  priest  was  suffered  to  be 
 present  in  the  holy  place.     The  purification  of  the 
 Holy  of  Holies,  and  of  the  holy  place,  being  thus 
 completed,  the  high  priest  laid  his  hands  upon  the 
 head  of  the  goat  on  which  the  lot  "/or  Azazel "  had 
 tallen,   and  confessed  over  it  all  the   sins  of  the 
 people.     The  goat  was  then  led,  by  a  man  chosen 
 for  the  purpose,  into  the  wilderness,  into  "  a  land 
 not  inhabited,''  and  was  there  let  loose.     The  high- 
 priest  after  this  returned  into  the  holy  place,  bathed 
 himself  again,  put  on  his  usual  gai-ments  of  office, 
 and  offered  the  two  rams  as  burnt-offerings,  one  for 
 himself  and   one  for  the  people.      He  also  burnt 
 upon   the  altar  the  fat  of  the  two  sin-offerings, 
 while  their  flesh  was  canned  away  and  burned  out- 
 side the  camp.     They  who  took  away  the  flesh  and 
 the  man  who  had  led  away  the  goat  had  to  bathe 
 their  persons  and  wash  their  clothes  as  soon  as  their 
 service  was  performed.  The  accessory  burnt-offerings 
 mentioned  Num.  xxix.  7-11,  were  a  young  bullock, 
 a  ram,  seven  lambs,  and  a  young  goat.— IV.  A  few 
 \iarticidiirs  given  by  Josephus  ai-e  worthy  of  notice. 
 
 ATONEMENT,  DAY  OF 
 
 79 
 
 He  states  that  the  high-priest  sprinkled  the  blood 
 v^ith  his  finger  seven  times  on  the  ceiling  and  sever 
 times  on   the   floor  of  the    most   holy   place,    and 
 seven  times  towards  it  (as  it  would  appear,  outside 
 the  veil),  and  round  the  golden  altar.     Then  going 
 into  the  court  he  either  sprinkled  or  poured  the 
 blood  round  the  great  altar.— V.    The   following 
 details  from   the  Mishna,    appear  either  to  be  in- 
 teresting in  themselves  or  to  illustrate  the  language 
 of  the  Pentateuch.      1.  The    high    priest   himself 
 dressed  in  his  coloured  official  garments,  used,  oi. 
 the  Day  of  Atonement,  to  perform  all  the  duties  o: 
 the   ordinary  daily    service,    such    as  lighting  the 
 lamps,  presenting  the  daily  sacrifices,  and  otl'ering 
 the  incense.     After  this  he  bathed  himself,  put  on 
 the  white  garments,  and  commenced  the  special  rites 
 of  the  day.     2.  The  high  priest  went  into  the  Holy 
 of  Holies  four  times  in  the  course  of  the  day.    Three 
 of  the  entrances  seem  to  be  very  distinctly  implied 
 in  Lev.  xvi.  12,  14,  and  1.5.     3.  It  is  said  that  the 
 blood  of  the  bullock  and  that  of  the  goat  were  each 
 sprinkled  eight  times,  once  towards  the  ceiling  and 
 seven  times  on  the  floor.     4.  After  he  had  gone 
 into  the  most  holy  place  the  third  time,  and  had 
 returned    into    the    holy    place,    the    high    priest 
 sprinkled   the    blood    of  the    bullock    eight  times 
 towards  the  veil,  and  did  the  same  with  the  blood 
 of  the  goat.     Having  then  mingled  the  blood  of  the 
 two  victims  together  and  sprinkled   the   altar   of 
 incense  with  the  mixture,   he  came  into  the  court 
 and  poured  out  what  remained  at  the  foot  of  the 
 altar  of  bumt-offering.     5.  Most  careful  directions 
 are  given  for  the  preparation  of  the  high  priest  for 
 the  sei-vices  of  the  day.     For  seven  days  pieviously 
 he  kept  avvay  from  his  own  house,  and  dwelt  in  a 
 chamber  appointed  for  his  use.     This  was  to  avoid 
 the  accidental  causes  of  pollution  which  he  might 
 meet  with  in  his  domestic  life.     6.  Several  curious 
 particulars  are  stated  regarding  the  scapegoat.  The 
 two  goat«  of  the  sin-offering  were  to  be  of  similar 
 appearance,  size,  and  value.     The   lots   were  put 
 into  a  little  box  or  urn,  into  which  the  high  priest 
 put  both  his  hands    and    took  out  a  lot  in  each, 
 while  the  two  goats  stood  before  him,  one  at  the 
 right  side  and  the  other  on  the  left.     The  lot  in 
 each  hand  belonged  to  the  goat  in  the  corresponding 
 position.     The  high    priest   then    tied    a  piece  of 
 scarlet  cloth  on  the  scapegoat's  head,  called  "  the 
 scarlet  tongue,"  from  the  shape  in  which  it  was 
 cut.     A  prayer  was  then  offered  by  the  priest,  and 
 the  goat  was  led  away  by  the  man  appointed.     As 
 soon  as  it  reached  a  certain  spot,  a  signal  was  made 
 to  the  high  priest,  who   waited  for  it.     The  man 
 who  led  the  goat  is  said  to  have  taken  him  to  the 
 top  of  a  high  precipice  and  thrown  him  down  back- 
 wards, so  as  to  dash  him  to  pieces.     7.  The  high 
 priest,  as  soon  as  he  had  received  the  signal  that  the 
 goat  had  reached  the  wilderness,  read  some  lessons 
 from  the  law,  and  offered  up  some  prayers.     He 
 then  bathed  himself,  resumed  his  coloured  garments, 
 and  offered  either  the  whole,  or  a  great  part,  of  the 
 accessory  offering  (mentioned   Num.  xxxix.  7-11) 
 with  the  regular  evening  sacrifice.     After  this,  he 
 washed  again,  put   on  the  white   garments,   and 
 entered  the  most  holy  place  for  the  fourth  time,  to 
 fetch  out  the  censer  and  the  incense-plate.     This 
 teiTQinated  the  special  rites  of  the  day.     8.  The 
 Mishna  gives  very  strict  rules  for  the  fasting  of  the 
 people.     In  the  law  itself  no  express  mention   is 
 made  of  abstinence  from  food.— VI.  There  has  been 
 much  discussion  regarding  the  meaning  of  the  word 
 
80 
 
 ATONEMENT,  DAY  OF 
 
 Azazel.  Thu  opinions  which  seem  most  worthy  of 
 notice  are  the  following:—!.  It  has  been  rcgardeil 
 as  a  designation  of  the  goat  itself.  This  view  has 
 been  most  favoured  by  the  old  interpreters.  They 
 ill  general  suj)])osed  it  to  mean  the  goat  sent  aio:Ti/, 
 or  let  loose.  But  the  application  of  Azazol  to  tho 
 goat  itself  involves  the  Hebrew  text  in  insuperable 
 dilliculties.  If  one  expression  is  to  be  rendered  for 
 Jehovah,  it  would  seem  that  the  other  must  he  for 
 Azazel,  with  the  preposition  in  the  same  sense.  If 
 this  is  admitted,  taking  Azazel  for  the  goat  itself, 
 it  does  not  seem  possible  to  make  sense  out  of  Lev. 
 xvi.  10  and  2ti.  2.  Some  have  taken  Azazel  for 
 the  name  of  the  place  to  which  the  goat  was  sent. 
 
 3.  Others  who  have  studied  the  subject  most  closely 
 take  Azazel  for  a  personal  being  to  whom  the  goat 
 was  sent,  a)  Gesenius  supposes  it  to  be  some  false 
 deity  who  was  to  be  appeased  by  such  a  sacrifice 
 as  that  of  the  goat,  b)  But  others,  in  the  spirit  of 
 a  simpler  faith,  have  regarded  him  as  an  evil 
 spirit,  or  the  devil  himself.  Spencer  supposes  that 
 the  goat  was  given  up  to  the  devil.  Hengstenberg 
 adirms  that  Azazel  cannot  possibly  be  anything  but 
 another  name  for  Satan.  He  does  not  doubt  that 
 the  goat  was  sent  away  laden  with  the  sins  of  God's 
 jioople,  now  forgiven,  in  order  to  mock  their 
 s])iritual  enemy.  Few,  perhaps,  will  be  satisfied 
 with  Heng-stenberg's  mode  of  meeting  this  difticulty. 
 
 4.  An  explanation  of  the  word  which  seems  less 
 objectionable,  if  it  is  not  wholly  satisfactory,  would 
 render  the  designation  of  the  lot  "  for  complete 
 sending  away."^VII.  As  it  might  be  supposed, 
 the  Talmudists  miserably  degraded  the  meaning  of 
 the  Day  of  Atonement.  They  looked  upon  it  as  an 
 op]>o)tuiiity  aflbided  them  of  wiping  otl'  the  score  of 
 their  more  heavy  offences.  Philo  regarded  the  day 
 in  a  far  nobler  light.  He  speaks  of  it  as  an  occii- 
 sion  for  the  discipline  of  self-restraint  in  rogard  to 
 bodily  indulgence,  and  for  bringing  home  to  our 
 minds  the  truth  that  man  does  not  live  by  bread 
 alone,  but  by  whatever  God  is  pleased  to  appoint. 
 It  cannot  be  doubted  that  what  especially  distin- 
 guished the  symbolical  expiation  of  this  day  from 
 that  of  the  other  services  of  the  law,  was  its  broad 
 and  national  character,  with  perhaps  a  deeper  refer- 
 ence to  the  sin  which  belongs  to  the  nature  of  man. 
 In  considering  the  meaning  of  the  particular  rites 
 of  the  day,  three  points  appear  to  be  of  a  very  dis- 
 tinctive character.  1.  The  white  garments  of  the 
 high  priest.  2.  His  entrance  into  the  Holy  of 
 Holies,  ii.  The  scapegoat.  The  writer  of  the 
 Kpistle  to  the  Hebrews  (ix.  7-2^)  teaches  us  to 
 apply  the  first  two  particulars.  The  high  priest 
 himself,  with  his  person  cleansed  and  dressed  in 
 white  garments,  was  the  best  outw.ird  type  which 
 a  living  man  could  present  in  his  own  jierson  of 
 that  pure  "and  holy  One  who  was  to  purify  His 
 people  and  to  cleanse  them  from  their  sins.  But 
 resjiecting  the  meaning  of  the  scapegoat,  we  have 
 no  such  light  to  guide  us,  and  the  subject  is  one  of 
 great  doabt  and  difJiculty.  Of  those  who  take 
 Azazel  for  the  Evil  Spirit,  some  have  supposed  that 
 the  goat  was  a  sort  of  bribe,  or  retTining  fee,  for 
 the  accuser  of  men.  Spencer  made  it  a  symbol  of 
 the  punishment  of  the  wicked  ;  while  Hengstenberg 
 considers  it  signifiaint  of  the  freedom  of  those  who 
 had  become  rw:oiiciled  to  God.  Some  few  have 
 supposed  that  the  goat  was  taken  into  the  wilder- 
 ness to  suffer  there  vii^iriously  for  the  sins  of  the 
 peojile.  But  it  li;us  been  generally  coiisideiel  that 
 it  was  dismissed  to  signify  the  oiiriying  away   of 
 
 AUGUSTUS  CAESAE 
 
 their  sins,  as  it  were,  out  of  the  sight  of  Jehoviih 
 If  we  keep  in  view  that  the  two  goats  are  spoken 
 of  as  parts  of  one  and  the  same  siu-oflering,  w< 
 shall  not  have  much  dilUculty  in  seeing  that  they 
 foiTTi  together  but  one  symbolical  expression.  This 
 is  implied  in  the  reasoning  of  the  author  of  the 
 Kpistle  to  the  Hebrews  on  the  office  and  sjicrificeof 
 Christ  (Heb.  ix.).  Hence  some,  regarding  each 
 goat  as  a  type  of  Christ,  supposed  that  the  one 
 which  was  slain  represented  his  death,  and  that  the 
 goat  set  free  signified  his  resurrection.  But  we 
 shall  tiike  a  simpler,  and  perhaps  a  truer  view, 
 if  we  look  upon  the  slain  goat  as  setting  forth  the 
 act  of  sacrifice,  in  giving  up  its  own  lite  for  othera 
 "  to  .lehovah,"  in  aucordauee  with  the  requirements 
 of  the  Divine  law  ;  and  the  goat  which  airried  off 
 its  load  of  sin  "for  complete  removal,"  as  signifying 
 the  cleansing  influence  of  faith  in  that  sacrifice. 
 
 At'roth,  a  city  of  Gad  (Num.  xxxii.  o5.).  No 
 doubt  the  name  should  be  taken  with  that  following 
 it,  Shophan,  to  distinguish  this  place  from  Ataroth 
 in  the  same  neighbourhood. 
 
 At'tai.  1.  Grandson  of  Sheshan  the  Jerah- 
 meelite  through  his  daughter  Ahlai,  whom  he  gave 
 in  man-iage  to  Jarha,  his  Egyptian  slave  (1  Chr. 
 ii.  35,  36).  His  grandson  Zabad  was  one  of  David's 
 mighty  men  (1  Chr.  xi.  41).— 2.  One  of  the  lion- 
 laced  warriors  of  Gad,  capUiins  of  the  host,  who 
 forded  the  Jordan  at  the  time  of  its  overflow,  and 
 joined  David  in  the  wilderness  (1  Chr.  xii.  11).— 
 3.  Second  son  of  King  Kehoboam  by  Maacludi  the 
 daughter  of  Absiilom  (2  Chr.  xi.  20). 
 
 Attali'a,  a  coast-town  of  I'amphylia,  mentioninl 
 (Acts  .\iv.  25),  as  the  place  from  which  Paul  and 
 Barnabas  sailed  on  their  return  to  Antioch  from 
 their  missionary  journey  into  the  inland  parts  of 
 Asia  Jlinor.  It  was  built  by  Attalus  Philadelphus, 
 king  of  Pergamus,  and  named  after  the  monarch. 
 All  its  remains  are  characteristic  of  the  date  of  its 
 foundation.  Leake  fixes  Attalia  at  Acltlia,  on  the 
 S.  coast  of  Asia  ISIiuor,  N.  of  the  Duden  Su  the 
 ancient  Catarrhactes. 
 
 At'talus,  the  name  of  three  kings  of  Pergamus 
 who  reigned  respectively  B.C.  241-197,  l.i9-138 
 (Philadelphus),  138-133  (Philometor).  It  is  un- 
 certain whether  the  letters  sent  from  Home  in 
 favour  of  the  Jews  (1  JIacc.  xv.  22)  were  addressed 
 to  Attilus  II.  or  Attalus  III.,  as  their  date  falls  in 
 li.C.  139-8  [Lucius],  about  the  time  when  the 
 latter  succeeded  his  uncle. 
 
 Atthara'tes,  1  Esd.  ix,  49,  a  corruption  of  "  The 
 Tirshatiia."     [Atharias.] 
 
 Au'gia,  the  daughter  of  Berzelus,  or  Barzillai, 
 according  to  1  Esd.  v.  38,  whose  descendants  by 
 Addus  were  among  the  priests  whose  genealogy 
 could  not  be  substantiated  after  the  return  tn.in 
 Babylon.  The  name  does  not  occur  either  in  Ezi-a 
 or  Xehomiah. 
 
 Angus'tos  Caes'ar,  the  first  Roman  empei-or. 
 During  his  reign  Christ  was  boni  (Luke  ii.  1  ff.) 
 He  was  born  A.U.C.  (591,  D.G.  63,  His  father  was 
 Caius  Octiivius;  his  mother  Atia,  daughter  of 
 Julia  the  sister  of  C.  Julius  <.\aesar.  He  bore  the 
 same  name  as  his  father,  Ciius  Octavius,  He  was 
 piinci])nlly  educated  by  his  great-uncle  Julius 
 Caesar,  and  was  made  his  heir.  After  his  murder, 
 the  young  Octavius,  then  Caius  Julius  Caes;ir  Ocfa- 
 viaiius,  was  taken  into  the  Triumvirate  with  Antony 
 and  Lepidus,  and,  after  the  removal  of  the  latter, 
 divided  the  empire  with  Antony.  Tiie  struggle  tor 
 the  supreme  power  w.'a  tcniiinafwl  in  iiivour  of 
 
AUGUSTUS'  BAND 
 
 Octavianus  by  the  battle  of  Actiwm.  p..c.  31.  On 
 this  victory,  he  was  sainted  Imperatov  by  the 
 senate,  who  conferred  on  him  the  title  Augustus 
 (B.C.  27).  The  first  link  binding  liini  to^N.  T. 
 history  is  his  treatment  of  Herod  after  the  battle  of 
 Actium.  That  prince,  who  had  espoused  Antony's 
 side,  found  himself  pardoned,  taken  into  favour  and 
 confirmed,  nay  even  increased  in  his  power.  After 
 Herod's  death  in  A.D.  4,  Augustus  divided  his  do- 
 minions almost  exactly  according  to  his  dying  direc- 
 tions, among  his  sons.  Augustus  died  at  Nola  in 
 Campania,  Aug.  19,  A.U.C.  767,  A.D.  14,  in  his 
 76th  year  ;  but  long  before  his  death  he  had  asso- 
 ciated Tiberius  with  him  in  the  empire. 
 
 Augustus'  Band  (Acts  xxvii.  1).  [Ar.MV.] 
 Aura'nus,  leader  of  a  riot  at  Jerusalem  (2  l\lac. 
 IV.  40). 
 Aute'as,   name  of  a  Levite   (1    Esd.    ix.  48). 
 
 [HODI.fAU.] 
 
 A'va,  a  place  in  the  empire  of  Assyria,  appa- 
 rently the  same  as  Ivah  (2  K.  xvii.  24).      [Ivah.] 
 
 Av'aran,  the  surname  of  Elaizar,  brother  of 
 .Judas  Maccabeus  (1  Mac.  ii.  5).  Two  distinct 
 derivations  fi'om  the  Arabic  have  been  proposed  for 
 it ;  both,  however,  tracing  its  origin  to  the  feat  of 
 killing  the  royal  elephant  in  the  battle  of  Bethza- 
 charias,  by  which  Eleazar  met  his  death  (1  JIac. 
 vi.  43-46 j.  In  the  latter  passage  he  is  called 
 SAVARA^',  which  is  apparently  an  erroneous 
 reading,  as  Josephus  twice  calls  him  Auran  (^Ant. 
 xii.  6  §1,  9  §4). 
 
 A'ven.  1.  The  "  plain  of  Aven  "  is  mentioned 
 by  Amos  (i.  5)  in  his  denunciation  of  Syria  and  the 
 country  to  the  N.  of  Palestine.  It  has  not  been 
 identified  with  certainty. — 2.  In  Hos.  x.  8,  "  the 
 high  places  of  Aven,"  the  word  is  clearly  an  abbre- 
 viation of  Both-aven,  that  is  Bethel  (comp.  iv.  15, 
 &c.). — 3.  In  this  manner  are  pointed,  in  Ez.  XXX.  17, 
 the  letters  of  the  name  which  is  elsewhere  given  as 
 On,  the  sacred  city  of  Heliopolis  or  On,  in  Egypt. 
 [On-.] 
 
 A'vim,  A'vims,  or  A'vites,  Heb.  t/ie  Awim.— 
 1.  A  people  among  the  early  inhabitants  of  Pales- 
 tine, whom  we  meet  with  in  the  S.W.  corner  of  the 
 sea-coast,  whither  they  may  have  made  their  way 
 northwards  from  the  Desert.  The  only  notice  of 
 them  which  has  come  down  to  us  is  contained  in  a 
 I'omai-kable  fragment  of  primeval  history  preserved 
 in  Deut.  ii.  23.  Here  we  see  them  dwelling  in  the 
 villages  in  the  S.  part  of  the  Shefelah,  or  great 
 western  lowland,  "  as  far  as  Gaza."  In  these  rich 
 possessions  they  wei-e  attacked  by  the  invading 
 i'hilistines,  "  the  Caphtorim  which  came  foi-th  out 
 of  Caphtor,"  and  who  after  "destroying"  them 
 and  "dwelling  in  their  stead,"  appear  to  have 
 pushed  them  further  north.  Possibly  a  trace  of 
 their  existence  is  to  be  found  in  the  town  "  Avim  " 
 (or  "  the  Avvim  "),  which  occurs  among  the  cities 
 of  Benjamin  (Josh,  sviii.  23).  It  is  a  curious 
 fact  that  both  the  LXX.  and  Jerome  identified  the 
 Avvim  with  the  Hivites,  and  also  that  the  town 
 of  ha-Avvim  was  in  the  actual  district  of  the  Hi- 
 vites (Josh.  ix.  7, 17,  compared  with  xviii.  22-27). 
 ^2.  The  people  of  Awa,  among  the  colonists  who 
 were  sent  by  the  king  of  Assyria  to  re-inhabit  the 
 depopulated  cities  of  Israel  (2  K.  xvii.  31).  They 
 were  idolaters,  worshipping  gods  called  Nibhaz  and 
 Tartak.     [AVA.] 
 
 A'vith,  the  city  of  Hadad  ben-Bedad,  one  of  the 
 kings  of  Edom  before  there  were  kings  in  Israel 
 CGen.  x-xxvi.  35;   1  Chr.  i.  46).     The  name  may 
 
 Con.  D.  B. 
 
 AZARA 
 
 81 
 
 be  compared  with  el-Ghoweitheh,  a  "chain  of  low 
 hills,"  mentioned  by  Burckliardt  as  lying  to  the 
 E.  of  the  disti-ict  of  Kerch  in  Moab. 
 
 Awl,  a  tool  of  which  we  do  not  know  the  ancient 
 form.  The  only  notice  of  it  is  in  connexion  with 
 the  custom  of  boiing  the  ear  of  the  slave  (Ex  xxi 
 6;  Deut.  XV.  17). 
 
 Aze.  Seven  Hebrew  words  are  rendeied  "  ax  " 
 in  the  A.  V.— 1.  Garzen,  iiom  a  root  si:;nifvinc»- 
 "  to  cut  or  sever,"  as  "  hatchet,"  fiom  "  liack," 
 corresponds  to  the  Lat.  secwis.  It  consisted  of  a 
 head  of  iron  (cf.  Is.  x.  34),  fastened,  with  thongs 
 or  otherwise,  upon  a  handle  of  wood,  and  so  liable 
 to  slip  off  (Deut.  xix.  5;  2  K.  vi.  5).  It  was 
 used  for  felling  trees  fDeut.  xx.  19),  and  also  for 
 shaping  the  wood  when  felled,  perhaps  like  the 
 modern  adze  (1  K.  vi.  7).— 2.  Chereb,  which  is 
 usually  translated  "  sword,"  is  used  of  other  cut- 
 ting instruments,  as  a  "  knife  "  (Josh.  v.  2)  or 
 razor  (Ez.  v.  1),  or  a  tool  for  hewing  or  dressing 
 stones  (Ex.  xx.  25),  and  is  once  rendered  "axe" 
 (Ez.  xxvi.  9),  evidently  denoting  a  weapon  for 
 destroying  btiildings,  a  pick-axe.— 3.  Casshtl  occurs 
 but  once  (Ps.  Ixxiv.  6),  and  is  evidently  a  later 
 word,  denoting  a  large  axe.  It  is  also  "found  in 
 the  Targum  of  Jer.  xlvi.  22.-4.  Magzerah 
 (2  Sam.  xii.  31),  and,  5,  Megerali  (1  Chr.  x.x.  3) 
 are  found  in  the  description  of  the  punishments 
 inflicted  by  David  upon  the  Ammonites  of  liabbah. 
 The  latter  word  is  properly  "a  saw."  and  is  appa- 
 rently an  eri'or  of  the  transciiber  for  the  former. 
 — 6.  Mr.iatsdd,  rendered  "ax"  in  the  margin  of 
 Is.  xliv.  12,  and  Jer.  x.  3,  was  an  instrument 
 employed  both  by  the  iron-smith  and  the  carpenter, 
 and  is  supposed  to  be  a  curved  knife  or  bill,  smaller 
 than-7.  Kardoin,  which  was  a  large  axe  used  tor 
 felling  trees  (Judg.  ix.  48  ;  1.  Sam.  xiii.  20,  21  ; 
 Ps.  l.xxiv.  5  ;  Jer.  xlvi.  22).  The  words  1,  5, 
 and  7  have  an  etymological  affinitv  with  each 
 other,  the  idea  of  cutting  being  that  which  is 
 expressed  by  their  roots. — The  "  Ijattle-ax  "  (map- 
 pets,  Jer.  Ii.  20)  was  piobably,  as  its  loot  indicates, 
 a  heavy  mace  or  maul,  like  that  which  gave  his 
 surname  to  Charles  Martel. 
 
 (llritish  Museum.) 
 
 Az'ael  =  ASAHEL  4  (1  Esd.  ix.  14). 
 
 Azaelas,  an  Israelite  in  the  time  of  Esdras: 
 the  name  is  probably  merely  a  repetition  of  that 
 preceding  it  (1  Esd.  ix.  34). 
 
 A'zal,  a  name  only  occurring  in  Zech.  xiv.  5.  It 
 is  mentioned  as  the  limit  to  which  the  ravine  of  the 
 Mount  of  Olives  will  extend  when  "  Jehovah  shall 
 go  forth  to  fight."  Several  commentators  agree 
 with  Jerome  in  taking  Azal  as  an  appellative. 
 
 Azali'ah,  the  father  of  Shaphan  the  scribe  m  the 
 reign  of  Josiah  (2  K.  xxii.  3;   2  Chr.  xxxiv.  8). 
 
 Azaul  ah,  the  father  or  immediate  ancestor  of 
 Joshua  tiie  Levite  in  the  time  of  Nehemiah  (Neh. 
 .X.  9).  ^ 
 
 Aza'pMon,  1  Esd.  v.  33.    Possibly  a  corruption 
 
 of  SOI'UF.RETH. 
 
 Az'ara,  one  cf  the  "  servants  of  the  Temple  " 
 (1  Esd.  V.  31).  No  corresponding  name  can  be 
 traced  in  the  parallel  list  in  Ezra. 
 
 G 
 
82 
 
 AZAEAEL 
 
 Aza'rael,  a  I.evite-irmsician  (Neh.  xii.  36). 
 
 Aza'reel.  1.  A  Korhite  who  joined  David  n. 
 his  retreat  at  Zii<lag  (1  Chr.  xii.  6).— 2.  A  Levite 
 musician  of  the  family  of  Hemaii  in  the  time  of 
 l>.ivid,  1  Chr.  XXV.  18:  called  UzziKL  in  xxv.  4.— 
 3.  Son  of  .leroham,  and  prince  of  the  tribe  of  Dan 
 when  David  numlieicd  thepoo])le(l  Chr.  xxvii.  22). 
 ~4.  One  of  the  sons  of  bani,  who  put  away  his 
 foreign  wife  on  the  remonstrance  of  Ezia  (Kzr.  x. 
 41) :  apjvirently  the  same  as  MsRiL  in  1  Esd. 
 i\.  34. — 5.  Father  or  ancestor  of  Maasiai,  or 
 Amasliai,  a  priest  who  dwelt  in  Jerusalem  after 
 the  let.irn  from  Babylon  (Xeh.  xi.  13,  comp.  1  Chr. 
 i.v.  12). 
 
 Azari'ah,  a  common  name  in  Hebrew  and  espe- 
 cially in  the  families  of  the  p)iests  of  the  line  of 
 Kleazar,  whose  name  has  precisely  the  same 
 meaning  as  AzAiiiAH.  It  is  nearly  iiU'nti(ual,  and 
 is  often  confoniiided  with  Kzra  as  well  as  with 
 Zerahiah  and  Seraiah.  The  piincipal  persons  who 
 bore  this  name  were: — 1.  Son  of  Ahimaaz  (1  Chr. 
 vi.  9).  He  appeal's  fi-om  1  K.  iv.  2,  to  have  suc- 
 ceeded Zadok,  his  grandfather,  in  the  high-priest- 
 hood, in  the  reign  of  Solomon,  Ahimaaz  having  died 
 before  Zadok.  [AiiiMAAZ.]  To  him,  it  can  scarcely 
 be  doubted,  instead  of  to  his  grandson,  Azariah  the 
 son  of  .lohanan,  belongs  the  notice  in  I  Chr.  vi.  10, 
 "  He  it  is  that  executed  the  priest's  office  in  the 
 tcmjile  that  Solomon  built  at  .Jerusalem."  Josephus 
 merely  mentions  Azarias  as  the  son  and  successor  of 
 Ahimaaz.— 2.  A  chiefollicer  of  Solomon's,  the  son  of 
 Nathan,  perhaps  David's  grandson  (1  K.  iv.  5).—Z. 
 Tenth  kingof  Judah,  more  frequently  called  Uzziah 
 (2K.  xiv.^'il.xv.  1,6,  7,  8,  17,  23,  27;  1  Chr.  iii. 
 1 2).— 4.  Son  of  Ethan,  of  the  sons  of  Zerali,  where, 
 perhaps,  Zerahiah  is  the  more  probable  reading 
 ( 1  Chr.  ii.  8).— 5.  Son  of  Jehu  of  the  family  of  the 
 Jerahmeolites,  and  descended  from  Jarha  i\v.  Egyp- 
 tian slave  of  Shoshan  (1  Chr.  ii.  38,  39).  He  was 
 probablv  one  of  the  captains  of  hundreds  in  the  time 
 of  Athaliah  mentioned  in  2  Chr.  xxiii.  1  ;  and  there 
 called  the  son  of  Obed.  This  fact  assigns  the  compi- 
 latioiiof  the  genealogy  in  1  Chr.  ii.  36-41  to  the  reign 
 of  Hezokiah.— 6.  The  son  of  Johanan  (1  Chr.  Vi.  10). 
 He  must  have  been  high-priest  in  the  reisjns  of 
 Abijah  and  Asa,  as  we  know  his  son  Amariah  was 
 in  the  days  of  Jehoshaphat,  the  son  of  Asa.  His 
 name  is  almost  lost  in  Josephus's  list  of  the  high- 
 priests.— 7.  Another  Azariah  is  inserted  between 
 Hilkiah,  in  Josiah's  reign,  and  Seraiah,  who  was 
 put  to  death  bv  Nebuchadnezzar,  in  1  Chr.  vi.  13, 
 14.  It  seems  likely  that  he  may  have  been  inscited 
 to  assimilate  the  genealogy  to  that  of  Ezra  vii.  1.— 
 8.  Son  of  Zephaniah,  a  Kohathite,  and  ancestor  of 
 Samuel  the  pvojihet  (1  Chr.  vi.  36).  Appaiently 
 the  .same  as  UzziAH  in  ver,  24.-9.  Azarian,  the 
 son  of  Oded  (2  Chr.  xv.  1  ),  called  simidy  Oded  in 
 ver.  8,  was  a  remarkable  prophet  in  the  days  of 
 king  Asa,  and  a  contemporary  of  Azariah  the  son  of 
 Johanan  the  high-pi'iest,  and  of  Ilanani  the  seer.— 
 10.  Son  of  .lehoshaphat  king  of  Judah  (2  Chr.  xxi.  2). 
 •—11.  Another  son  of  Jehoshaphat.  and  brother  of 
 the  preceding  (2  Chr.  xxi.  2).— 12.  In  2  Chr.  xxii.  6. 
 Azariah  is  a  clerical  error  for  Aliaziah.^13.  Son  of 
 Jeioham,  one  of  the  captains  of  .Ind;\li  in  the  lime 
 of  Athaliah  (2  Chr.  xxiii.  1 ).— 14.  The  high-piiest 
 in  the  rei'^ii  of  I'/ziah,  king  of  .ludah,  wliose  name, 
 perhaps  from  this  circumstance,  is  often  corrupfed 
 into  Azariah  (2  K.  xiv.  21,  xv.  1,  6,  7,  8,  &c.). 
 Thi  most  memoi-able  event  of  his  life  is  that  which 
 is  recorded   in    2   Chr.   xxvi.    17-20.       When    king 
 
 AZEKAH 
 
 lT:.ziah,  elated  by  his  great  prosperity  and  power, 
 "  transgiessed  against  the  Lord  his  God,  and  went 
 into  the  Temple  of  the  Lord  to  bum  incense  upon  the 
 altar  of  incense,"  Azariah  the  priest,  accompanied 
 by  eighty  of  his  brethren,  went  in  boldly  after  him, 
 and  withstood  him.  Azariah  was  contemporary 
 with  Isaiah  the  prophet,  and  with  Amos  and  Joel, 
 and  doubtless  witnessed  the  great  earthquake  in 
 Uzziah's  reign  (Am.  i.  1  ;  Zech.  xiv.  5).— 15.  Son 
 of  Johanan,  one  of  the  captains  of  Ephraim  in  the 
 reign  of  Ahaz  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  12),  who  sent  back 
 the  captives  and  spoil  that  were  taken  in  the  inva- 
 sion of  Judah  by  I'ek.ah.- 16.  A  Kohathite,  father 
 of  Joel  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah  (2  Chr.  xxix.  12).— 
 17.  A  Merarite,  son  of  Jehalelel,  in  the  time  of 
 Hezekiah,  contemporarv  with  the  son  of  the  pre- 
 ceding (2  Chr.  xxix.  12).— 18.  The  high-priest  in 
 ths  days  of  Hezekiah  (2  Chr.  xx.xi.  lo,  13).  He 
 appears  to  have  cooperated  zealously  with  the  king 
 in  that  thorough  purification  of  tlie  Temple  and 
 restoration  of  the  temple-sen'ices  which  was  so  con- 
 spicuous a  feature  in  his  reign.  He  succeeded  Urijah, 
 who  was  high-priest  in  the  reign  of  Ahaz. ^19.  Son 
 of  Maasoiah,  who  repaired  part  of  the  wall  of  Jeru- 
 salem in  th'-  time  of  Nehemiah  (Neh.  iii.  23,  24).— 
 20.  One  of  the  leaders  of  the  children  of  the  )n-o- 
 vince  who  went  uj)  from  Babylon  with  Zernbbabel 
 (Neh.  vii.  7).  Elsewhere  called  Seraiah  (Ezr.  ii.  2) 
 and  Zacharias  ( 1  Esd.  v.  8).— 21,  One  of  the  Le- 
 vites  who  assisted  Ezra  in  instructing  the  people  in 
 the  knowledge  of  the  law  (Xeh.  viii.  7).  Callel 
 Azarias  in  1  Esd.  ix.  43.-22.  One  of  the  priests 
 who  sealed  the  covenant  with  Xeheiniah  f  Neh.  x.  2), 
 and  piobably  the  same  with  the  Azariah  who  assisted 
 in  the  dedication  of  the  city  wall  (Neh.  xii.  33).— 
 23.  Jer.  xliii.  2  (Jezani'aii). — 24.  The  original 
 name  of  Abed-nego  (Dan.  i.  6,  7,  11,  19).  He 
 appears  to  have  been  of  the  seed-royal  of  Judah. 
 
 Azarias.  1.  (1  Esd.  ix.  21)  =  Uzziah,  Ezr.  x. 
 21.-2.  (1  Esd.  ix.  43)  =  Ui:i,fAH,  Neh.  viii.  4.-3. 
 (1  Esd.  ix.  48)  =  AZARIAII,  Neh.  viii.  7.— 4.  Prie.st 
 in  the  line  of  Esdras  (2  Esd.  i.  1),  elsewhere 
 AzvRiAii  and  EziCRiAS.— 5.  Name  assumed  by  the 
 angel  Raphael  (Tob.  v.  12,  vi.  6,  13,  vii.  8,  ix.  2). 
 —6.  A  captain  in  the  amiy  of  Judas  Maccabaeus 
 (1  Ma.-.  V.  18,  hC),  60). 
 
 A'zaz,  a  Keubenite,  father  of  Bela  (1  Chr.  v.  8). 
 
 Azazi'ah.  1.  A  Lcvite-musician  in  the  reign  of 
 David,  appointed  to  jilay  the  harp  in  the  service 
 which  atteudeil  the  procession  by  which  the  ark 
 was  brought  up  f>om  the  house  of  Obed-edom 
 (1  Chr.  XV.  21).— 2.  The  father  of  Hoshea,  prince 
 of  the  tribe  of  Ejthraim  when  David  numbered  tlie 
 ])Pople  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  20).— 3.  One  of  the  Levites 
 in  the  reign  of  Hezoki.ah,  who  had  charge  of  the 
 tithes  and  dedicated  things  in  the  Temple  under 
 Cononiaii  and  Sliimei  ('.i  Chr.  xxxi.  13). 
 
 Azbaz'areth,  king  of  the  A.ssyrians,  probably  a 
 corniption  of  Esaihaddon  (1  Ivsd.  v.  69;  com)). 
 Ezr.  iv.  2). 
 
 Az'buk,  father  or  ancestor  of  Nehemiah  the 
 prince  of  part  of  Bethzur  (Neh.  iii.  16). 
 
 Az'skah,  a  town  of  .Judah,  with  dependent  vil- 
 lages, lyirii;  in  the  .'^hefel.ih  or  rich  agricultural  plain. 
 It  is  most  clearly  delined  as-  being  near  Slioclioh 
 [SitOCiiOil]  (1  Sam.  xv'i.  1).  Joshua's  pursuit  of 
 the  Canaanites  after  the  battle  of  Befh-horon  ej- 
 tendel  to  Azekah  (Josh.  x.  10,  11).  Between 
 .\zekah  ami  Shochoh  the  Philistines  enrnmped 
 before  the  battle  in  which  Goliath  was  killed  (1  Sam. 
 xvii.   1).     It  was  foitifiiMl  by    l.'i'hoJxiam  (2  Chr. 
 
AZEL 
 
 jci.  9),  was  still  standing  at  the  time  of  the  Baby- 
 lonian invasion  (Jer.  xxxiv.  7),  and  is  mentioned  as 
 one  of  the  places  re-occupied  by  the  Jews  after  their 
 return  from  captivity  (Neh.  xi.30).  The  position 
 of  Azekah  has  not  yet  been  recognised. 
 
 A'zel,  a  descendant  of  Saul  (1  Chr.  viii.  37,  38, 
 ix.  4:i,  44). 
 
 A'zem,  a  city  in  the  extreme  south  of  Judah 
 (.Josh.  XV.  29),  afterwards  allotted  to  Simeon 
 (xix.  3).     Elsewhere  it  is  Ezf.m. 
 
 Azephu'rith,  or  more  properly  ARSiPHURiTii.a 
 name  which  in  the  LXX.  of  1  Esd.  v.  16  occupies 
 the  place  of  .lorah  in  Ezr.  ii.  18,  and  of  Hariph  in 
 Neh.  vii.  24.  It  is  altogether  omitted  in  the  Vul- 
 gate. Burrington  conjectures  that  it  may  have 
 originated  in  a  combination  of  these  two  names 
 corrupted  by  the  mistakes  of  transcribers.  The 
 second  syllable  in  this  case  probably  arose  fi'om  a 
 confusion  of  the  uncial  2  v.-lth  E. 
 
 Aze'tas.  The  name  of  a  family  which  returned 
 with  Zorobabel  according  to  I  Esd.  v.  15,  but  not 
 mentioned  in  the  catalogues  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah. 
 
 Az'gad.  The  children  of  Azgad,  to  the  number  of 
 1222  (2322  according  to  Neh.  vii.  17)  were  among 
 the  laymen  who  returned  with  Zorobabel  (Ezr.  ii. 
 12).  A  second  detachment  of  110,  with  Johanan 
 at  their  head,  accompanied  Ezra  in  the  second 
 caravan  (Ezr.  viii.  12).  With  the  other  heads  of 
 the  people  they  joined  in  the  covenant  with  Nehe- 
 miah (Neh.  X.  15).  The  name  appears  as  Sadas  in 
 1  Esd.  V.  13,  and  the  number  of  the  family  is  there 
 given  3222.    In  1  Esd.  viii.  38,  it  is  written  ASTATH. 
 
 Azi'a,  a  "  servant  of  the  temple  "  (1  Esd.  v.  31), 
 elsewhere  called  UzZA. 
 
 Azi'ei  (2  Esd.  i.  2),  one  of  the  ancestors  of 
 Ivs-lras,  elsewhere  called  Azapjah  and  ICztas. 
 
 A'ziel,  a  Levite  (1  Chr.  xv.  2i)).  The  name  is  a 
 slioitened  form  of  Jaaziel  in  ver.  18 
 
 Az'iza,  a  layman  of  the  family  of  Zattu,  who  had 
 married  a  foreign  wife  after  the  return  from  Baby- 
 lon (Ezr.  x.  27j -..called  Sardeus  in  1  Esd.  ix.  28. 
 
 Azma'veth,  1.  One  of  David's  mighty  men,  a 
 native  of  Bahuiim  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  31  ;  1  Chr.  xi.  33), 
 and  tlieiefore  probably  a  Benjamite.— 2.  A  de- 
 scendant of  Mephibosheth,  or  Merib-baal  (1  Chr.  viii. 
 36,  ix.  42).— 3.  The  father  of  Jeziel  and  Pelct, 
 two  of  the  skilled  Benjamite  slingers  and  archers 
 who  joined  David  at  Ziklag  (1  Chr.  xii.  3),  perhaps 
 identical  with  1.  It  has  been  suggested  that  in 
 this  passage  "  sons  of  Azmaveth "  may  denote 
 natives  of  the  place  of  that  name.— 4,  Overseer 
 of  the  royal  treasures  in  the  reign  of  David  (1  Chr. 
 xxvii.  25). 
 
 AzmaVeth,  a  place  to  all  appearance  in  Benja- 
 min, being  named  with  Anathoth,  Kirjath-Jearim 
 and  other  towns  belonging  to  that  tribe.  Forty- 
 two  of  the  Bene- Azmaveth  returned  from  the 
 captivity  with  Zorobabel  (Ezr.  ii.  24).  The 
 "  sons  of  the  singers"  seemed  to  have  settled  round 
 it  (Neh.  xii.  29).  The  name  elsewhere  occurs  as 
 Beth-Azmaveth. 
 
 Az'mon,  a  place  named  as  being  on  the  S. 
 boundary  of  the  Holy  Land,  apparently  near  the 
 torrent  of  Egypt  (Wadi  cl-ArisIi)  (Num.  xxxiv. 
 4,  5  ;  Josh.  XV.  4).     It  has  not  yet  been  identified. 
 
 Az'noth-ta'bor,  the  ears  {i.  e.  possibly  the  sum- 
 mits) of  'J'abor,  one  of  the  landmarks  of  the 
 boundary  of  Naphtali  (Josh.  xix.  34).  The  town, 
 if  town  it  be,  has  hitherto  escaped  recognition. 
 
 A'zor,  son  of  Eliakim,  in  the  line  of  oui-  Loid 
 (Matt.  i.  13,  14). 
 
 BAAL 
 
 83 
 
 AzOtUS.       [AsilDOD.] 
 
 Azo'tus,  Mount.  In  the  fatal  battle  in  which 
 Judas  Maccabeus  fell,  he  broke  the  right  wino-  of 
 Bacchides'  army,  and  pursued  them  to  Mount 
 Azotus  (1  IMac.  ix.  15).  Josephus  calls  it  Aza,  or 
 Azara,  according  to  many  MSS.,  whicli  Ewald 
 finds  in  a  mountain  west  of  Birzeit,  under  the  form 
 Atam,  the  Philistine  Ashdod  being  out  of  the 
 question. 
 
 Az'riel.  1.  The  head  of  a  house  of  the  half- 
 tribe  of  Manasseh  beyond  Jordan,  a  man  of  renown 
 (1  Chi-.  V.  24).— 2.  A  Naphtalite,  ancestor  of 
 Jci-imoth  the  head  of  the  tribe  at  the  time  of  David's 
 census  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  19):  called  Uzziel  in  two 
 Heb.  M.SS.,  and  apparently  in  the  LXX.— 3.  The 
 father  of  Seraiah,  an  officer  of  Jehoiakim  (Jer. 
 xxxvi.  26). 
 
 Az'rikam.  1.  A  descendant  of  Zerubbabel,  and 
 son  of  Neariah  of  the  royal  line  of  Judah  (1  Chr. 
 iii.  23).— 2.  Eldest  son  of  Azel,  and  descendant  of 
 Saul  (1  Chr.  viii.  38,  ix.  44).— 3.  A  Levite, 
 ancestor  of  Shemaiah  who  lived  in  the  time  of 
 Nehemiah  (1  Chr.  ix.  14;  Neh.  xi.  15).— 4. 
 Governor  of  the  house,  or  prefect  of  the  palace  to 
 king  Ahaz,  who  was  slain  by  Zichii,  an  Ephiaimite 
 hero,  in  the  successful  invasion  of  the  southern 
 kingdom  by  Pekah  king  of  Israel  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  7). 
 
 Az'ubah.  1.  Wife  of  Caleb,  son  of  Hezron 
 (1  Chr.  ii.  18,  19).— 2.  Mother  of  king  Jehosha- 
 phat  (1  K.  xxii.  42  ;  2  Chr.  xx.  31). 
 
 A'zur,  properly  Az'zur.  1.  A  Benjamite  of 
 Gibeon,  and  father  of  Hanauiah  the  false  prophet 
 (Jer.  xxviii.  1).  Hitzig  suggests  that  he  may  have 
 been  a  priest,  as  Gibeon  was  one  of  the  priestly 
 cities. — 2.  Father  of  Jaazaniah,  one  of  the  princes 
 of  the  people  against  whom  Ezekiel  was  commanded 
 to  prophesy  (Ez.  xi.  1). 
 
 Azu'ran,  the  sons  of  Azuran  are  enumerated  in 
 ]  Esd.  V.  15  among  those  who  returned  fi-om 
 Babylon  with  Zorobabel,  but  there  is  no  corre- 
 sponding name  in  the  catalogues  of  Ezra  and  Nehe- 
 miah. Azuran  may  perhaps  be  identical  with  Azzur 
 in  Neh.  x.  17. 
 
 Az'zah.  The  more  accni-ate  rendei-ing  of  the 
 nameof  the  well-known  Philistine  city,  Gaza  (Deut. 
 ii.  23;   1  K.  iv.  24;  Jer.  xxv.  20).  [Gaza.] 
 
 Az'zan,  the  father  of  Paltiel,  prince  of  the  tribe 
 of  Issachar,  who  represented  his  tribe  in  the  division 
 of  the  promised  land  (Num.  xxxiv.  26). 
 
 Az'zur,  one  of  the  heads  of  the  people  who  signed 
 the  covenant  with  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  17).  The 
 name  is  probably  that  of  a  family,  and  in  Hebrew 
 is  the  same  as  is  elsewhere  represented  byAzuR. 
 
 BAAL.  1,  A  Reubenite,  whose  son  or  descendant 
 Beerah  was  carried  off  by  the  invading  army  of 
 Assyria  under  Tiglath-Pileser  (1  Chr.  v.  5).— 2. 
 The  son  of  Jehiel,  father  or  fomider  of  Gibeon,  by 
 his  wife  Jlaachah  ;  brother  of  Kish,  and  grand- 
 fither  of  Saul  (1  Chr.  viii.  30,  ix.  36). 
 
 Ba'al,  the  supreme  male  divinity  of  the  Phoe- 
 nician and  Canaanitish  nations,  as  Ashtoretii  was 
 their  supreme  fem.ale  divinity.  Both  names  have 
 the  peculiarity  of  being  used  in  the  plural,  and  it 
 seems  cei-tain  that  these  plurals  designate  not  statues 
 of  the  divinities,  but  different  modifications  of  the 
 
 (J  2 
 
84 
 
 BAAL 
 
 divinities  tlicniselves.  The  plui-.il  Baalim  isfuuiiJ 
 frequently  alone  (Ju'l;^.  ii.  11,  x.  10  ;  1  K.  xvUi. 
 18;  Jer.  ix.  14;  Hos.  ii.  17),  as  well  as  in 
 connexion  with  Ashloreth  (_.hi(Jg.  x.  6 ;  1  Siuti.  vii.  4) 
 and  with  Ashorah,  or,  as  our  vei'sion  renders  it, 
 "  the  groves  "  (Judg.  iii.  7  ;  2  Chr.  xxxiii.  15).  The 
 ft'ord  is  in  Hebrew  a  common  noun  of  frequent 
 occuiTence,  having  the  moaning  Lord,  not  so  much, 
 however,  in  the  senseof /J/f/erasof  J/as<c/-,  Otimer, 
 Possessor.  There  can  be  no  doubt  of  the  voiy  high 
 antiquity  of  the  worship  of  Baal.  We  find  it 
 established  amongst  the  Sloabites  and  their  allies 
 the  Midiauites  in  the  time  of  Moses  (Num.  xxii.41), 
 and  through  these  nations  the  Isiaelites  were  seduced 
 to  the  woiship  of  this  god  under  the  particular  fonn 
 of  Baal-Peor  (Num."  xxv.  3-18;  Deut.  iv.  3). 
 Notwithstanding  the  fearful  punishment  wliich 
 their  idolatry  brought  upon  them  in  this  instiiiice, 
 the  succeeding  generation  returned  to  the  worship 
 of  Baal  (Judg.  ii.  10-13),  and,  with  the  e.xception 
 of  the  period  during  which  Gideon  was  judge  (-Judg. 
 vi.  25,  &c.,  viii.  33 ),  this  forni  of  idolatry  seems  to 
 have  prevailed  amongst  them  up  to  the  time  of 
 Samuel  TJudg.  x.  10;  1  Sam.  vii.  4),  at  whose 
 rebuke  flie  people  lenounced  the  woisliip  of  Ba;dim. 
 In  the  times  of  tlio  kings  the  woi-ship  of  Baal  spread 
 greatly,  and  together  with  that  of  Asherah  became 
 the  reli<;ion  of  the  court  and  people  of  the  ten  tribes 
 (1  K.  xvi.  31-33,  xviii.  19,  22).  And  though  this 
 idolatry  was  occasionally  put  down  (2  K.  iii.  2, 
 X.  23)  it  appears  never  to  have  been  permanently 
 abolished  among  them  (2  K.  xvii.  16).  In  the 
 kingdom  of  .ludah  also  Baal-worship  extensively 
 prevailed.  During  the  short  reign  of  Ahaziah  and 
 the  subsequent  usurpation  of  his  mother  Athaliah, 
 the  sister  of  Ahab,  it  a])pears  to  have  been  the  reli- 
 gion of  the  court  (2  K.  viii.  27;  comp.  xi.  18), 
 as  it  was  subsequently  under  Ahaz  (2  K.  xvi.  3  ; 
 2  Chr.  xxviii.  2),  and  Manasseh  (2  K.  xxi.  3). 
 The  worship  of  Ba;il  amongst  the  Jews  seems  to 
 have  been  appointed  with  much  pomp  and  cere- 
 monial. Temples  were  erected  to  him'(l  K.  xvi. 
 32  ;  2  K.  xi.  18) ;  his  images  were  set  up  (2  K. 
 x.  26)  ;  his  altars  were  very  numerous  (Jer.  xi. 
 13),  were  erected  particulaily  on  lofty  eminences 
 (1  K.  xviii.  20),  and  on  the  roofs  of  houses  (Jer. 
 xxxii.  29);  theie  were  priests  in  great  numbers 
 (1  K.  xviii.  19),  and  of  various  classes  (2  K.  x.  19)  ; 
 the  worshippers  appear  to  have  been  arrayed  in 
 appropriate  robes  (2  K.  x.  22)  ;  the  worship  was 
 performed  by  burning  incense  (Jer.  vii.  9)  and 
 offering  burnt-sacrifices,  which  occasionally  con- 
 sisted of  human  victims  (Jer.  six.  5).  The  otli- 
 ciating  priests  danced  with  frantic  shouts  around 
 the  altar,  and  cut  themselves  with  knives  to  excite 
 the  attention  and  compassion  of  the  god  (1  K.  xviii. 
 26-21:).  Throughout  all  the  Phoenician  colonics 
 wo  continually  find  traces  of  the  worship  of  this 
 god  ;  nor  need  we  hesitate  to  regard  the  Babylonian 
 Bel  (Is.  xlvi.  l)or  Belus,  as  essentially  identical 
 with  Baal,  though  perhaps  under  some  modified 
 foiTH.  'I"he  same  perplexity  occurs  respecting  the 
 connexion  of  this  god  with  the  heavenly  bodies,  as 
 we  have  already  noticed  in  regard  to  Ashtoreth. 
 Creuzer  and  Movers  declare  I'aal  to  bo  the  Sun-god  ; 
 on  the  other  hand,  the  Babylonian  god  is  identified 
 with  Zeus,  by  Herodotus,  and  there  seems  to  be  no 
 doubt  that  Bfl-Mero<lach  is  the  planet  Jupiter.  It 
 is  quite  likely  that  in  the  case  of  Baal,  as  well  as  of 
 Ashtoreth,  tho  symbol  of  the  gml  varied  at  diflerent 
 times  and  in  ditlierent  localities.     Amoni;  the  idui- 
 
 BAAL 
 
 pounds  of  Baal   which  appear  in  theO.  T.  are:— 
 
 1.  Ba'ai.-isk'ijitu.  This  flirm  of  Baal  was  wor- 
 shipped at  Shechem  by  the  Israelites  after  the  death 
 of  Gideon  (Judg.  viii,  3:5,  Ix.  4).  'i'he  name  sig- 
 nifies the  Covenant- Badl,  the  god  who  comes  into 
 covenant  with  the  worshippers.— 2.  Ba'al-ze'bcb, 
 woi-shipped  at  Ekron  (2  K.  i.  2,  3,  16).  The 
 meaning  of  the  name  is  Baal  or  Lord  of  the  fly. 
 Similarly  the  Greeks  gave  the  epithet  Apomyios 
 (from  )u}iia  "  a  fly  ")  to  Zeus,  and  I'liny  speaks  of 
 a  Fly-god  Jfyiodes.  The  name  occurs  in  the  N.  T. 
 in  the  well-known  fonn  Bi:i:LZEitUB. — 3.  Ba'al- 
 Ha'.van.  1.  The  name  of  one  of  the  early  kings  of 
 Edom   (Gen.   xxxvi.  38,  .•;9  ;   1   Chr.  i.  49,  50), 
 
 2.  The  name  of  one  of  David's  officers,  wiio  had 
 the  superintendence  of  his  olive  and  sycomore  plan- 
 tiitions  (I  Chr.  xxvii.  28).  He  was  of  the  town  of 
 Gedorah  (.losh.  xv.  30)  or  Beth-Gader  (1  Chr.  ii. 
 .51),  and  from  his  name  we  may  conjecture  that  he 
 was  of  Canaimitish  origin.— 4.  Ba'al-im:'or.  We 
 have  already  referred  to  the  worship  of  this  god. 
 The  narrative  (Num.  xxv.)  seems  clearly  to  show 
 that  this  form  of  Baal-worship  was  connected  with 
 licentious  rites.  Baal-1'eor  was  identified  by  the 
 liabbins  and  early  fathers  with  Priapus. 
 
 Ba'al,  (icoqraphical.  This  word  occui-s  as  the 
 prefix  or  suffix  to  the  names  of  several  places  in 
 Palestine.  It  never  seems  to  have  become  a  natu- 
 ralized Hebrew  word  ;  and  such  places  called  by  this 
 name  or  its  compounds  as  can  be  identified,  were 
 either  near  Phoenicia,  or  in  proximity  to  some  other 
 acknowledged  seat  of  heathen  worship.  The  places 
 in  the  names  of  which  Bu;il  forms  a  part  are  as 
 follows: — 1,  Ba'al,  a  town  of  Simoon,  named  only 
 in  1  Chr.  iv.  33,  and  which  fonn  the  parallel  list  in 
 Josh.  xix.  seems  to  have  been  identical  with 
 Baalatii-Bi;i;ii.  —  2.  Ba'alaif.  (a.)  Anothei 
 name  for  Kiiuatii-Jeari.m,  or  Kirjatii-Baal, 
 the  well-known  town,  now  Kuriet  el  Enah.  It  is 
 mentioned  in  Josh.  xv.  9,  10  ;  1  Chr.  xiii.  6.  In 
 Josh.  XV.  11,  it  is  called  Mount  Baalah,  and  in  xv. 
 60,  and  xviii.  14,  Kiijath-Baal.  It  would  seem  as 
 if  Baalah  were  the  earlier  or  Canaanite  appellation 
 of  the  place.  In  2  Sam.  vi.  2,  the  name  occurs 
 slightly  altered  as  "  Baale  of  Judah."  (6.)  A  town 
 in  the  south  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  29),  which  in 
 xix.  3  is  called  Balah,  and  in  the  parallel  list  (1 
 Chr.  iv.  29)  Biliiah.— 3.  Ba'alatii,  a  town  of 
 Dan  named  with  Gibbethon,Gath-rimmon,  and  other 
 Philistine  places  (Josh.  xix.  44).— 4.  Ba'alatii- 
 bi;'i;r  =  Baal  1,  a  town  among  those  in  the 
 south  part  of  Judah,  given  to  Simeon,  which  also 
 bore  the  name  of  Ramath-Nkc.kb,  or  "  the  height 
 of  the  South"  (Josh.  xix.  8).— 6.  Ba'al-GAD,  u.sed 
 to  denote  the  most  northern  (Josh.  xi.  17,  xii.  7), 
 or  perhaps  north-western  (xiii.  5),  point  to  which 
 •loshua's  victories  extended.  It  was  in  all  proba- 
 bility a  Phoenician  or  Canaanite  sanctuary  of  Baal 
 under  the  aspect  of  Gad,  or  Fortune.  [Gad.]  No 
 trace  of  its  site  has  yet  been  discovered.  The  con- 
 jecture of  Schwarz  is,  that  the  modern  representa- 
 tive of  Baalgad  is  Banias.  [Caksakka  Pmilippi.] 
 —6.  Ba'al-Ha'mo\,  a  place  at  which  Solomon  had 
 a  vineyard,  evidently  of  great  extent  (Caut.  viii.  1 1). 
 The  only  possible  clue  to  its  situation  is  the  mention 
 in  .ludith  viii.  3,  of  a  Belamon  or  Balamon  (A.  V. 
 Balamo)  near  Dothaim ;  and  therefore  in  the 
 mountains  of  Kphraim,  not  far  north  of  Samaria.— 
 7.  Ba'ai.-iia'zor,  a  place  "  '  by'  Ephraim,"  where 
 Absalom  ai)])ears  to  have  had  a  sheep-faim,  nncl 
 where  Anin'Hi  was  murilerc<l   (2  Sam.  xiii   2.3 1.— 
 
BAALAH 
 
 8.  Mount  lJA^^r,-HER■'MON  (Jmlg.  iii.  S;,  :\nd 
 simpl)-  B^ial-liennon  (1  Clir.  v.  '2:i).  This  is  usually 
 coiisidevcd  as  a  distinct  place  from  IMount  Hermon  ; 
 but  we  know  that  this  mountain  had  at  least  three 
 names  (Deut.  iii.  9),  and  Baal-hermon  rnay  hav^e 
 boon  a  fourth  in  use  among  the  Phoenician  wor- 
 shippers of  Baal.— 9.  Ba'al-mk'ox,  one  of  the 
 towns  which  were  built  by  the  b'eiibonites  (Num. 
 xxxii.  o8),  and  to  which  they  "gave  other  names." 
 It  also  occurs  in  1  Chr.  v.  8,  and  on  each  occa- 
 sion with  Nebo.  In  the  time  of  Ezekiel  it  was 
 I\Ioabite,  one  of  the  cities  which  were  the  '•  glory  of 
 tiio  country"  (Ez.  xxv.  9).  In  the  days  of  Kusebius 
 and  Jerome  it  was  still  called  Balmano,  9  miles 
 distant  fiom  Hoshhon,  and  reputed  to  be  the  native 
 place  of  Elisha. — 10.  Ba'al-per'azim,  the  scene  of 
 a  vicKiry  of  David  over  the  Philistines,  and  of  a 
 T;reat  destruction  of  their  images  (2  Sam.  v.  20; 
 1  Chr.  xiv.  llj.  The  place  and  the  circumstance 
 appear  to  be  aijain  alluded  to  in  Is.  xxviii.  21,  where 
 it  is  called  Jionnt  P. — 11.  Ba'al-shali'sha,  a 
 place  named  only  in  2  K.  iv.  42  ;  apparently  not 
 far  from  Gilgal  (comp.  ver.  38),  It  was  possibly 
 situated  in  the  district,  or  "  land,"  of  the  same 
 name.  [Shalisha.] — 12.  Ba'al-ta'mar,  aplace 
 named  only  in  Judg.  xx.  33,  as  near  Gibeah  of  Ben- 
 jamin. The  palm-tree  (Jdmdr)  of  Deborah  (iv.  5) 
 was  situated  somewheie  in  the  locality,  and  is  pos- 
 sibly alluded  to.— 13.  Ba'al-zk'phon,  aplace  in 
 Egypt  near  where  the  Israelites  crossed  the  Red 
 Sea  (Ex.  xiv.  2,  9;  Num.  xxxiii.  7).  From  the 
 position  of  Goshen  and  the  indications  aflbrded  by 
 the  narrative  of  the  i  outu  of  the  Israelites,  we  place 
 Baal-zephon  on  the  western  shoie  of  the  Gulf  of 
 Suez,  a  little  below  its  head,  which  at  that  time 
 was  about  30  or  40  miles  northward  of  the  present 
 head. 
 Ba'alah.  [Baai.,  No.  2.] 
 Ba'alaih.  [Baal,  Nos.  3,  4.] 
 Ea'ale  of  Judah,  [Baal,  No.  2,  a.] 
 Baalim.     [Baal.] 
 
 Ba'alis,  king  of  the  Anmionites  at  the  time  of 
 the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  Nebuchadnezzar 
 y.)cv.  x\.  14). 
 
 Ba'ana.  1.  The  son  of  Ahilud,  Solomon's  com- 
 missariat officer  in  Jezreel  and  the  north  of  the 
 Jordan  valley  (1  K.  iv.  12). — 2.  Father  of  Zadok, 
 who  assisted  in  rebuilding  the  wall  of  Jerusalem 
 under  Nehemiah  (Neh.  iii.  4).— 3.  =BAANAir,  4  (1 
 Esd.  V.  8  ;  see  Ezr.  ii.  2). 
 
 Ba'anah,  1.  Sonof  IJimmon,  a  Benjamite,  who 
 with  his  brother  Rechab  murdered  Jsh-bosheth. 
 I'or  this  they  were  killed  by  David,  and  their  muti- 
 lated bodies  hung  up  over  the  pool  at  Hebron  (2 
 Sam.  iv.  2,  5,  G,  9).— 2.  A  Netophathite,  father  of 
 Heleb  or  Heled,  one  of  David's  mighty  men  (2  Sam. 
 xxiii.  29;  1  Chr.  xi.  3(»).— 3.  Accurately  Baana, 
 son  of  Hushai,  Solomon's  commissariat  officer  in 
 Asher  (1  K.  iv.  16).— 4.  A  man  who  accompanied 
 Zorobabel  on  his  return  from  the  captivity  (Ezr. 
 ii.  2;  Neh.  vii.  7).  Possibly  the  same  person  is  in- 
 tended in  Neh.  x.  27.     [Eaaxa,  3.] 
 
 Ba'ara,  one  of  the  wives  of  Shaharaim,  a  de- 
 sccu.lant  of  Benjamin  (1  Chr.  viii.  8). 
 
 Baasei'all,  a  Ger.shonite  Levite,  one  of  the  fore- 
 fathers of  Asaph  the  singer  (I  Chr.  vi.  40  [2.5]). 
 
 Ba'asha,  b.c.  953-931,  third  sovereign  of  the 
 separate  kingdom  of  Israel,  and  the  founder  of  its 
 second  dynasty.  He  was  son  of  Ahijah  of  the  ti-ibe 
 of  Issachar,  and  conspired  against  King  Nadab,  son 
 of  .leroboam,  wlien  he  was  besieging  the  Philistine 
 
 BABEL,  BABYLON 
 
 85 
 
 town  of  Gibbethon  (1  K.  xv.  27).  and  killed  him 
 with  his  wliole  family.  He  appears  to  have  been  of 
 humble  origin  (1  K.  xvi.  2).  It  was  probably  in 
 the  13th  year  of  his  reign  that  he  made  war  on 
 Asa,  and  began  to  fortify  Uamah.  He  was  defeated 
 by  the  unexpected  alliance  of  Asa  with  Bonhadadl. 
 of  Damascus.  Baasha  died  in  the  24th  year  of  his 
 reign,  and  was  honourably  buried  in  the  beautiful 
 city  of  Tirzah  (Cant.  vi.  4),  which  he  had  made  his 
 capital  (I  K.  .\vi.  6  ;  2  Chr.  xvi.  1-6). 
 
 Ba'bel,  Bab'ylon,  is  properly  the  capital  city  of 
 the  country,  which  is  called  in  Genesis  Shinar,  and 
 in  the  later  Scriptuies  Chaldaca,  or  the  landof  tlie 
 Chaldaeans.    The  architectural  remains  discovered 
 in  soutliern   Babylonia,   taken   in  conjunction  with 
 the  monumental   records,  seem  to  indicate  that  it 
 was  not  at  first  the  capital,  nor,  indeed,  a  town  ot 
 very  gi'eat  importance.     Erech,   Ur,  and  Ellasrtr, 
 appear  to  have  been  all  more  ancient  than  Babylon, 
 and  were  capital  cities  wlien  Bahil  was  a  provincial 
 village.    The  first  rise  of  the  Chaldaean  power  was 
 in  the  region  close  upon  the  Persian  Gulf;   thence 
 the  nation  spread  northwards  up  the  course  of  the 
 rivers,  and  the  seat  of  govei'nment  moved  in  the 
 same  diiection,  being  finally  fixed  at  Babylon,  per- 
 haps not  earlier  than  B.C.   1700.— I.    Topography 
 of  Babijlon — Ancient  descriptions  of  the  citi/. — 
 The  descriptions  of  Babylon  which  have  come  down 
 to  us  in  classical  writers  are  derived  chiefly  from 
 two  sources,  the  works  of  Herodotus  and  of  Ctesias. 
 According  to  the  formei',  the  city,  which  was  built 
 on    both    sides    of  the  Euphrates,   formed  a  vast 
 square,  enclosed  within  a  double  line  of  high  walls, 
 the  extent  of  the  outer  circuit  being  480  stades,  or 
 about   56  miles.     The  entii-e  area  included  would 
 thus   have    been  about    200    square    miles.     The 
 houses,  which  were  frequently  thiee  or  four  stories 
 high,  were  laid  out  in  straight  streets  crossing  each 
 otlier  .at  right  angles.     In  each  division  of  the  towr. 
 there  was  a  fortiess  or  stronghold,  consisting  in  the 
 one  case  of  the  royal   palace,   in  the  other  of  the 
 great  temple  of  Bolus.     The  two  poitions  of  the 
 city  were  united  by  a  bridge,  composed  of  a  series 
 of  stone  piers  with  move;ible  platforms  of  wood 
 stretching  from  one  pier  to  another.     According 
 to  Ctesias  the  circuit  of  the  city  was  not  480  but 
 360  stades — which  is  a  little  under  42  miles.    It  lay, 
 he  says,  on   both  sides  of  the  Euphrates,  and  the 
 two  parts  were  connected  together  by  a  stone  bridge 
 five  stades   (above  1000  yards)   long,  and  30  feet 
 broad,   of  the  kind  described  by  Herodotus,     At 
 either  extremity  of  the  bridge  was  a  loyal  palace, 
 that  in  the  eastern  city  being  the  more  magnificent 
 of  the  two.     The  two  palaces  were  joined,  not  only 
 by  the  biidge,  but   by  a  tunnel  undei'  the  river! 
 Ctesias'  account  of  the  temple  of  Belus  has  not  come 
 down  to  us.      In   examining   the    truth  of  these 
 descriptions,  we  shall  most  conveniently  commence 
 from  the  outer  circuit  of  the  town.    All  the  ancient 
 writers  appear  to  agree  in  the  fact  of  a  district  of 
 vast  size,  more  or  less   inhabited,  having  been  en- 
 closed within   lofty  walls,  and  included  under  the 
 name  of  Babylon.    With  respect  to  the  exact  extent 
 of  the  circuit   they  difi'er.    The  estimate  of  Hero- 
 dotus and  of  Pliny  is  480   stades,  of  Strabo  385, 
 of  Q.  Curtius  368,  of  Clitarchus  365,  and  of  Ctesias 
 360  stades.     It  is  evident  that  here  we  have  merely 
 the  moderate  variations   to   be  expected    in    inde- 
 pendent measurements,  except  in  the  first  of  the 
 numbers.      Peihaps   the  true  explanation    is    that 
 Herodotus  spoke  of  the  outer  wail,  which  could  be 
 
86 
 
 BABEL,  BABYLON 
 
 traced  in  his  time,  while  the  hiter  writers,  wiio 
 never  speak  of  au  inner  and  an  outer  barrier,  give 
 the  measui'einent  of  Herodotus'  inner  waJl,  which 
 may  have  aione  remained  in  their  day.  Taking 
 the  lowest  estimate  of  tlie  '.'Xteiit  of  the  circuit,  we 
 shall  have  for  the  .space  within  tlie  rampart  an  area 
 of  above  100  square  miles;  nciiily  five  times  the 
 size  of  London  I  It  is  evident  that  this  vast  space 
 cannot  have  been  entirely  covered  with  houses. 
 Diodorus  confesses  that  but  a  small  part  of  the 
 enclosure  was  inhabited  in  his  own  day,  and  Q. 
 Curtius  says  that  as  much  as  nine-tenths  consisted, 
 even  in  the  most  flourishing  times,  of  gardens, 
 parks,  paradises,  fields  and  orchards.  With  regard 
 to  the  height  and  bre;idth  of  the  walls  there  is 
 nearly  as  much  dillereuce  of  statement  as  with 
 regard  to  their  extent.  Herodotus  makes  the 
 height  2uO  royal  cubits,  or  :j:)7-^  feet ;  Ctesias  50 
 fathoms,  or  3u0  feet ;  Pliny  and  Solinus  200  royal 
 feet;  Strabo  50  cubits,  or  75  feet.  We  are  forced 
 to  fall  back  on  the  earlier  authorities,  who  are  also 
 the  only  eye-witnesses;  and,  surprising  as  it  seems, 
 perhaps  we  mu.st  believe  the  statement,  that  the 
 vast  enclosed  space  above  mentioned  was  surrounded 
 by  walls  which  have  well  been  tei  ined  "  artificial 
 mountains,"  being  nearly  the  height  of  the  dome  of 
 St.  Paul's !  The  estimates  for  the  thickness  of  the 
 wall  are  the  following : — Herodotus,  50  royal  cubits, 
 or  nearly  8.5  feet ;    I'liny  and  Solinus,  50  royal,  or 
 
 [A] 
 
 BABEL,  BABYLON 
 
 about  60  common  feet ;  and  Strabo,  3'2  feet.  The 
 latter  may  belong  properly  to  the  inner  wall,  which 
 was  of  less  thickness  than  the  outer.  According  to 
 Ctf-sias  the  wall  was  strengthened  with  250  toweri, 
 
 TEMPLe   or  BtLUC 
 
 rri-Minl  .«tair  Of  lh«  Kolnt  o(  Dabyli 
 
 Ponions  of  Ancient  Babylon  dlstliif^lsliable  in  the  present  ltuin« 
 
 iiTcgularly  disposed,  to  guard  the  weakest  parts; 
 and  according  to  Herodotus  it  was  pierced  with  a 
 hundred  gates,  which  were  made  of  bi-ass,  with 
 biazen  lintels  and  side-posts.  The  gates  and  walls 
 are  alike  mentioned  in  Scripture ;  the  height  of  the 
 one  and  the  breadth  of  the  other  being  specially 
 noticed  (Jer.  li.  58;  comp.  1.  15,  and  li.  53). 
 Herodotus  and  Ctesias  both  relate  that  the  banks 
 of  the  liver  as  it  flowed  through  the  city  were  on 
 each  side  omamented  with  quays.  Some  remains 
 of  a  quay  or  embankment  (E)  on  the  eastern  side  of 
 the  stream  still  exist,  upon  the  bricks  of  which  is 
 read  the  name  of  the  last  king.  Perhaps  a  remark- 
 able mound  (K)  which  interrupts  the  long  flat 
 valley — evidently  the  ancient  course  of  the  river — 
 may  be  a  trace  of  the  bridge  which  both  these 
 writers  describe.— II.  Present  State  of  the  Buins. — 
 About  five  miles  above  Hilali,  on  the  opposite  or 
 left  bank  of  the  Euphrates,  occure  a  series  of  arti. 
 ficial  mounds  of  enonnous  sizp.  They  consist 
 chiefly  of  three  great  masses  of  buiMing — the  high 
 pile  (A)  of  unbiikod  brickwork  called  by  Rich 
 '  Mujellibe,'  but  which  is  known  to  the  Arabs  as 
 '  Babil ;'  the  building  denominated  the  '  Kasr  or 
 palace  (B)  j  and  a  lofty  mound  (C),  ujwn  which 
 
BABEL,  BABYLON 
 
 stands  the  modern  tomb  of  Ainrdm-ib)i-'Alb. 
 Besides  these  principal  masses  the  most  remarkable 
 features  are  two  parallel  lines  of  rampart  (F  F) 
 bouudins;  the  chief  ruins  on  tiie  east,  some  similar 
 but  infei  ior  remains  on  the  north  and  west  (I  I  and 
 H),  an  embankment  along  the  river-side  (E),  a 
 remarkable  isolated  heap  (K)  in  the  middle  of  a 
 iono-  valley,  which  seems  to  have  been  the  ancient 
 bed  of  the  stream,  and  two  long  lines  of  rampart 
 (G  G),  meeting  at  a  right  angle,  and  with  the  river 
 forming  an  irregular  triangle,  within  which  all  the 
 niius  on  this  side  (except  Babil)  are  enclosed.  On 
 the  west,  or  right  bank,  the  remains  are  very  slight 
 and  scanty.  Scattered  over  the  country  on  both 
 sides  of  the  Euphrates,  are  a  number  of  remarkable 
 mounds,  usually  standing  single,  which  are  plainly 
 of  the  same  date  with  the  great  mass  of  ruins  upon 
 the  liver  bank.  Of  these,  by  far  the  must  striking 
 is  the  vast  I'uin  called  tlie  Birs-Ninmid,  which 
 many  regard  as  the  tower  of  Babel,  situated  about 
 six  miles  to  the  S.VV.  of  Hillah.  [Bauel,  tower 
 OF.]— III.   Identification  of  sites. — On  comparing 
 
 BABEL,  BABYLON 
 
 87 
 
 the  existuig  ruins  with  the  accounts  of  the  ancient 
 writers,  the  great  ditliculty  which  meets  us  is  the 
 position  of  the  remains  almost  exclusively  on  the 
 left  bank  of  the  river.  All  the  old  accounts  agree 
 in  representing  the  Euj>hrates  as  running  through 
 the  town,  and  the  principal  buildings  as  placed  on 
 the  opposite  sides  of  the  stream.  I'erluips  the  most 
 probable  solution  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact,  that  a 
 large  canal  (called  Shebii)  intervened  in  ancient 
 times  between  the  Kasr  mound  (B)  and  the  ruin 
 now  called  Bctbil  (A),  which  may  easily  have  been 
 confounded  by  Herodotus  with  the  main  stream. 
 If  this  explanation  be  accepted  as  probable,  we  mav 
 identify  the  princi])al  ruins  as  follows: — 1.  The 
 great  mound  of  L'abit  will  be  the  ancient  temple  of 
 Belus.  It  foi  med  the  tower  of  the  temple,  and  was 
 surmounted  by  a  chapel,  but  the  main  shiiue,  the 
 altars,  and  no  doubt  the  lesidences  of  the  priests, 
 were  at  the  foot,  in  a  sacred  precinct.  2.  The 
 mound  of  the  Kasr  will  mark  the  site  of  the  great 
 Palace  of  Nebuchadnezzar.  It  is  an  irregular  squart 
 of  about  700  yards  each  wav,  and  mnv  be  regarded 
 
 t^^'^^- 
 
 as  chieHy  foniied  of  the  old  palace-platform.  No 
 plan  of  the  palace  is  to  be  made  out  from  the  exist- 
 ing remains,  which  are  tossed  in  apparent  confusion 
 on  the  highest  point  of  the  mound.  3.  The  mound 
 of  Amrdiii  is  thought  by  M.  Oppert  to  represent 
 the  "  hanging  gardens  "  of  Nebuchadnezzar  ;  but 
 this  conjecture  does  not  seem  to  be  a  very  happy 
 one.  Most  probably  it  represents  the  ancient  palace, 
 coeval  with  Babylon  itself,  of  which  Nebucha<l- 
 uezzar  speaks  in  his  inscriptions  as  adjoining  his 
 own  more  magniticent  residence.  4.  The  ruins 
 marked  DD  on  either  side  of  the  Euphrates,  together 
 with  all  the  other  remains  on  the  right  bank,  may 
 be  considered  to  represent  the  lesser  Palace  of 
 Ctesias,  which  is  said  to  h.ave  been  connected  with 
 the  greater  by  a  bridge  across  the  river,  as  well  as 
 bv  a  tunnel  under  tlie  channel  of  the  stream.  5. 
 The  two  long  parallel  lines  of  embankment  on  the 
 east  (FF  in  the  plan),  may  either  be  the  lines  of  an 
 outer  and  inner  inclosure,  of  w^hich  Nebuchadnezzar 
 speaks  as  defences  of  his  palace ;  or  they  may  le- 
 
 present  the  embankments  of  an  enormous  reservoir, 
 which  is  often  mentioned  by  that  mouaicli  as  ad- 
 joining his  palace  towards  the  east.  6.  The  embank- 
 ment (E)  is  composed  of  bricks  marked  with  the 
 name  of  Labynetus  or  Nabunit,  and  is  undoubtedly 
 a  portion  of  the  work  which  Beiosus  ascribes  to  the 
 last  king.  The  most  remarkable  fact  connected 
 with  the  magnificence  of  Babylon,  is  the  poorness 
 of  the  material  with  which  such  wonderful  results 
 were  produced.  With  bricks  made  from  the  soil  of 
 the  country,  in  many  parts  an  excellent  clay,  and 
 at  first  only  "  slime  for  mortar"  (Gen.  xi.  3), were 
 constructed  edifices  of  so  vast  a  size  that  they  still 
 remain  among  the  most  enormous  ruins  in  the 
 world,— IV.  History  of  Babijlon. — Scripture  repre- 
 sents the  "  beginning  of  the  kingdom  "  as  belonging 
 to  the  time  of  Nimrod,  the  grandson  of  Ham  (Gen.  x. 
 6-10).  The  most  ancient  inscriptions  appear  to 
 show  that  the  primitive  inhabitants  of  the  country 
 were  really  Cushite,  i.  e.  identical  in  race  with  tht 
 early  inhubitants  of  Southern  Arabia  and  of  Ethiopia 
 
88  BABEL,  BABYLON 
 
 rhe  sc:it  of  government  at  this  early  time  was,  as 
 has  bi'i'n  st;iteil,  ia  lnwcr  Babylonia,  Erech  (  War/ta) 
 uud  \J\{  Miuiheir)  being  tin;  caiiitals.  The  country 
 was  called  Shinar,  ainl  tiie  people  the  Akkadiin 
 (comp.  Accad  of  Gen.  .x.  10).  Of  the  art  of  this 
 period  we  have  specimens  in  the  ruins  of  JIugheir 
 and  Wiirha,  the  remains  of  which  date  from  at  least 
 the  'JUth  century  before  our  era.  The  eaily  annals 
 of  Babylon  are  filled  by  Derosus,  the  native  his- 
 torian, with  three  dynasties;  one  of  49  Chaldaean 
 kings,  who  reigned  4.58  years  ;  another  of  9  Arab 
 kings,  who  reigned  24,")  yeai-s ;  and  a  third  of  49 
 Assyrian  monarchs,  wiio  held  dominion  for  5'J6 
 years.  It  would  appear  then  as  if  Babylon,  after 
 having  had  a  native  ChaWaijan  dynasty,  fell  wholly 
 under  Semitic  influence,  becoming  subject  first  to 
 Arabia  for  two  centuries  and  a  half,  and  then  to 
 Assyria  for  above  five  centuries,  and  not  regaining 
 even  a  qualified  independence  till  the  time  marked 
 by  the  close  of  the  Upper  and  the  formation  of  the 
 Lower  Assyrian  empire.  But  the  statement  is  too 
 broad  to  be  e.xact ;  and  the  monuments  show  that 
 Babylon  was  at  no  time  absorbed  into  Assyria,  or 
 even  for  very  many  years  together  a  submissive 
 vassal.  The  line  of  Babylonian  kings  becomes 
 exactly  known  to  us  from  the  year  15. C.  747.  The 
 "Canon  of  Ptolemy"  gives  us  the  succession  of 
 Babylonian  monarchs,  with  the  exact  length  of  the 
 reign  of  each,  from  the  year  B.C.  747,  when  Nabo- 
 nassar  mounted  the  throne,  to  is.C.  331,  when  the 
 List  Persian  king  was  dethroned  by  Alexander. 
 Of  the  earlier  kings  of  the  Canon,  the  only  one 
 worthy  of  notice  is  .Mardocempalus  (B.C.  7'21),  the 
 Mkuodach-Baladan  of  Scripture,  but  it  is  not 
 till  we  come  to  Xabopola.ssar,  the  father  of  Nebu- 
 chadnezzar, that  a  new  era  in  the  history  of  Babylon 
 commences.  He  was  apjiointed  to  the  governmeut 
 of  liabylon  by  the  last  Assyrian  king,  at  the 
 nioniont  when  the  Sledes  weie  about  to  make  their 
 final  attack  :  whereupon,  betraying  the  trust  re- 
 posed in  him,  he  went  over  to  the  enemy,  arranged 
 a  marriage  between  his  son  Nebuchadnezzar  and 
 the  daughter  of  the  Median  leader,  and  joined  in 
 the  last  siege  of  the  city.  [Nineveh.]  On  the 
 success  of  the  confedei-ates  (B.C.  625)  Babylon  be- 
 came not  only  an  indepeudcnt  kingdom,  but  an 
 pmpiie.  At  a  later  date  hostilities  broke  out  with 
 Egypt.  Nechoh,  the  son  of  Fsamatik  I.,  about  the 
 year  B.C.  Go8,  invaded  the  Babylonian  dominions 
 on  the  south-west  (2  K.  xxiii.  29,  and  xxiv.  7). 
 \abopolassar  was  now  advanced  in  lifi? ;  he  there- 
 fore sent  his  son,  Nebuchadnezzar,  against  the 
 Egyptians,  and  the  battle  of  Carchemish  restoied 
 to  Babylon  the  former  limits  of  her  territory  (comp. 
 2  K.  .xxiv.  7  with  .ler.  xlvi.  2-12).  Nebuch.ad- 
 Dezzar  upon  his  father's  death  was  .acknowledged 
 king  (B.C.  604).  A  complete  account  of  tJie  works 
 and  exploits  of  this  gicat  monarch — by  far  the  most 
 remarkable  of  all  the  I'abylonian  kings — is  given 
 under  Nebuchadnezzak.  He  died  B.C.  501, 
 having  reigned  tor  43  years,  and  was  succeeded  by 
 Evil-Mcrodach,  his  son,  who  is  called  in  the  Canon 
 llloarudamus.  This  prince  w.is  murdei'ed,  after 
 having  held  the  crown  for  two  years  only,  by 
 Neriglissar,  his  brother-in-law.  [Evii,-M  erodach.J 
 Neriglissar — the  Norigassolassar  of  the  winon — is 
 (apparently)  identical  with  the  "  Nergal-shar-ezer, 
 K(d>-Mag  "  of  Jeremiah  (xxxix.  3, 13).  Neriglissar 
 bnilt  the  palace  at  liabylon,  which  seems  to  liave 
 l>een  pl.accd  originally  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
 rJTcr.     He   reigned   but   four   years,  .-uid  Icll  the 
 
 BABEL,  TOWER  OP 
 
 crowi.  to  his  son,  Laborosoarchod.  This  prince, 
 when  he  had  reigned  nine  months,  beciime  ths 
 victim  of  a  conspiracy.  Nabonidus  (or  Labynetus), 
 one  of  the  conspirators,  succeeded  in  the  year  B.C. 
 555,  very  shortly  before  the  war  broke  out  between 
 Cyrus  and  Croesus.  Having  entered  into  alliauce 
 with  the  latter  ot'  these  monarchs  against  the  former, 
 he  provoked  the  hostility  of  Cyrus,  who,  in  the  year 
 B.C.  539,  advanced  at  the  head  of  his  irresistible 
 hordes,  but  wintered  upon  the  Diyaleh  or  Gyndes, 
 making  his  final  approaches  in  the  ensuing  spring. 
 Nabonidus  took  the  field  in  ])erson  at  the  head  of 
 his  army,  leaving  his  son  Belshazzar  to  command 
 in  the  city.  He  was  defeated  and  forcetl  to  shut 
 himself  up  in  Borsippa  (marked  now  by  the  Birs- 
 Niinrud),  till  after  the  fall  of  Babylon,  Belshazzar 
 guarded  the  city,  but  allowed  the  enemy  to  enter  the 
 town  by  the  channel  of  the  river.  Babylon  was 
 thus  taken  by  a  suiprise,  as  Jeremiah  had  propiie- 
 sied  (li.  31) — by  an  army  of  Medes  and  I'er.sians, 
 as  intimated  170  years  earlier  by  Isaiah  (xxi.  1-9), 
 and,  as  Jeremiah  had  also  foreshown  (li.  39), 
 during  a  festival.  In  the  carnage  which  ensued 
 upon  the  taking  of  the  town,  Belshazzar  was  slain 
 (Uan.  V.  30).  According  to  the  book  of  Daniel,  it 
 would  seem  as  if  Babylon  was  taken,  not  by  Cyrus, 
 king  of  Persia,  but  by  a  Medi.au  king,  named  Darius 
 (v.  31).  There  is,  however,  sulHcient  indication 
 that  "Darius  the  Mede"  was  not  the  real  con- 
 queror, but  a  monarch  with  a  certain  delegated 
 authority  (see  Dan.  v.  31,  and  ix.  1).  With  the 
 conquest  by  Cyrus  commenced  the  decay  and  ruin 
 of  Babylon,  though  it  continued  a  royal  residence 
 through  the  entire  period  of  the  Persian  empiie. 
 The  defences  and  public  buildings  suffered  grie- 
 vously from  neglect  during  the  long  period  of  pcice 
 which  followed  the  reign  of  Xer.xes.  After  the 
 death  of  Alexander  the  Great,  the  removal  of  the 
 seat  of  empire  to  Antioch  under  the  Seleucidae  gave 
 the  finishing  blow  to  the  prosperity  of  the  place. 
 Since  then  Babylon  has  been  a  quarry  from  which 
 all  the  tribes  in  the  vicinity  have  derived  the  bricks 
 with  which  they  have  built  their  cities.  The 
 "  great  city,"  "  the  beauty  of  the  Chaldees'  excel- 
 lency," h.is  thus  emphatically  "  become  he»i)s  " 
 (Jer.  li.  37).  Her  walls  have  altogether  disap- 
 peared— they  iiave  "  fallen "  (.ler.  li.  44),  been 
 "thrown  down  "  (1.  15),  been  "  utterly  broken" 
 (li.  58).  "  A  drought  is  upon  her  waters  "  (1.  39) ; 
 for  the  system  of  irrigation,  on  which,  in  Babylonia, 
 fertility  altogether  depends,  has  long  been  laid  aside  ; 
 "her  cities"  are  everywhere  "a  desolation"  (li. 
 43)  ;  her  "  land  a  wilderness  ;"  "  wild  beasts  of 
 the  desert "  (jackals)  "  lie  there  ;"  and  "  owls  dwell 
 there  "  (comp.  Layard,  Kin.  and  Bab.  p.  484,  with 
 Is.  xiii.  21,  22,  and  Jer.  1.  30):  the  natives  regai-d 
 the  whole  site  as  haunted,  and  neither  will  the 
 "  Arab  ]>itoh  tent,  nor  the  shepherd  fold  sheep 
 there  "  ( Is.  xiii.  'JU). 
 
 Ba'bel,  Tower  of.  The  "  tower  of  Babel "  is 
 only  mentioned  once  in  Scrijiture  ((!on.  xi.  4-5), 
 and  then  as  incomplete.  It  was  built  of  bricks, 
 and  the  "slime"  used  for  mortar  was  prob;ibly 
 bitumen.  A  Jewish  tradition  declaretl  that  fire 
 fell  from  heaven,  and  split  the  tower  through  to  its 
 foundation ;  while  .Vkwander  I'olyhistor  and  the 
 other  profane  writei-s  who  notice!  the  tower,  s;ud 
 that  it  h.ad  been  blown  down  by  the  winds.  Such 
 autiiovities  therefore  as  we  posse.ss,  rfp;esent  the 
 building  as  destroyed  .soon  after  it.s  erection.  When 
 the  Jews,  however,  were  carried  c.iptivc  into  Baby- 
 
BABEL,  TOWER  OF 
 
 Ionia,  they  were  struck  with  the  vast  magnitude 
 and  peculiar  character  of  certain  oi'  the  Babylonian 
 temples,  in  one  or  other  of  which  they  thought  to 
 )-ecognise  the  very  tower  itself.  The  predominant 
 opinion  \vas  in  favour  of  the  great  temple  of  Nebo 
 at  Borsippa,  the  modern  Birs-Ninirud,  although 
 the  distance  of  that  place  from  Babylon  is  an  in- 
 superable difficulty  in  the  way  of  the  identification. 
 There  are  in  reality  no  real  grounds  either  for  iden- 
 tifying the  tower  with  the  Temple  of  Belus,  or  for 
 supposing  tli;it  any  remains  of  it  long  survived  the 
 check  which  the  buildei-s  received  (Gen.  xi.  8). 
 But  the  Birs-Nimrad,  though  it  cannot  be  the 
 tower  of  Babel  itself,  may  well  be  taken  to  show 
 the  probable  shape  and  character  of  the  edifice. 
 This  building  appears  to  have  been  a  sort  of  oblique 
 pyramid  built  in  seven  receding  stages.     "  Upon  a 
 
 BABEL,  TOWER,  OF 
 
 89 
 
 platform  of  crude  brick,  raised  a  few  feet  above  the 
 level  of  the  alluvial  plain,  was  built  of  burnt  brick 
 the  first  or  basement  stage — an  exact  square,  272 
 feet  each  way,  and  26  feet  in  perpendicular  height. 
 Upon  this  stage  was  erected  a  second,  230  feet  each 
 way,  and  likewise  26  feet  high  ;  which,  however, 
 was  not  placed  exactly  in  the  middle  of  the  first, 
 but  considerably  nearer  to  the  south  western  end, 
 which  constituted  the  back  of  the  building.  The 
 other  stages  were  arranged  similarly — the  thii'd 
 being  188  feet,  and  again  26  feet  higii ;  the  fourth 
 146  feet  square,  and  15  feet  high;  the  fifth  104 
 feet  square,  and  the  same  height  as  the  fourth  ;  the 
 sixth  62  feet  square,  and  again  the  same  heiglit , 
 and  the  seventh  20  feet  square  and  once  more  the 
 same  height.  On  the  seventh  stage  there  was 
 probablv  placed  the  ark  or  tabernacle,  which  seems 
 
 Templp  of  Bir-->"imiud  at  Boisippa. 
 
 to  have  been  agam  15  feet  high,  and  must  have 
 nearly,  if  not  entirely,  covered  the  top  of  the 
 seventh  story.  The  entire  original  height,  allowing 
 three  feet  for  the  platform,  would  thus  have  been 
 156  feet,  or,  without  the  platform,  153  feet.  The 
 whole  formed  a  sort  of  oblique  pyramid,  the 
 gentler  slope  facing  the  N.E.,  and  the  steeper  in- 
 clining to  the  S.W.  On  tbe  N  .E.  side  was  the  grand 
 entrance,  and  here  stood  the  vestibule,  a  separate 
 building,  the  detris  from  which  having  joined  those 
 from  the  temple  itself,  fill  up  the  intemiediate 
 space,  and  veiy  remarkably  prolong  the  mound  in 
 this  direction"  (Rawlinson's  Herodotus,  vol.  ii. 
 pp.  582-3).  The  Birs  temple,  which  was  called 
 the  "  Temple  of  the  Seven  Spheres,"  was  ornamented 
 with   the   planetary   colours,   but   this  was   most 
 
 likely  a  peculiarity.  It  is  not  necessary  to^  sup- 
 pose that  any  real  idea  of  "scaling  heaven"  war! 
 present  to  the  minds  of  those  who  raised  either  the 
 Tower  of  Babel  or  any  other  of  the  Babylonian 
 temple-towers.  The  expression  used  in  Genesis 
 (xi.  4)  is  a  mere  hyperbole  for  great  height  (comp. 
 Deiit.  i.  28  ;  Dan.  iv.  11,  &c.),  and  should  not  be 
 taken  literally.  Military  defence  was  probably  the 
 primary  object  of  such  edifices  in  early  times :  but 
 with  the  wish  for  this  may  have  been  combined 
 further  secondary  motives,  which  remained  when 
 such  defence  was  otherwise  provided  for.  Diodorus 
 states  that  the  great  tower  of  the  temple  of  Belus 
 was  used  by  the  Chaldaeans  as  an  observatory 
 (ii.  9),  and  the  careful  emplacement  of  the  Baby- 
 lonian   temples  with   the   angles   facing   the  four 
 
90 
 
 BABI 
 
 caiJiiial  points,  would  be  a  n:itui;il  consequi'ice, 
 and  may  be  legai-ded  as  a  strong  contirniation  of  tlie 
 realitv  of  this  ai)])licatioii. 
 
 Babi,  1  l^sl.  viii.  :-)7.     [Bkuai.] 
 Babylon   {Ba$uK<if:    Bulii/lvni.      Tlie   ocoui- 
 rence  of  tliis  name  in  1  Pet.  v.  13  lias  i^iven  rise 
 to  a  variety  of  conjectuies,  which  may  be  brieHy 
 enumeiated.— 1.    That  Babylon  tiopioully  denotes 
 Rome.     In  sujipoit  of  this  o])inion  is  brought  for- 
 ward   a  tradition    reaMdeJ    by   Eusebius  (//.   £. 
 ii.   15),  on  the  authority  of  "Papias  and  Clement 
 of  Alexandria,  to  the  ell'ect  that  1  Peter  was  com- 
 posed   at    liome.      Oecunienius  and  Jerome   both 
 assert    that    Rome    was    figuratively    denoted    by 
 Babylon.     Althougli  this  opinion  is  held  by  Gro- 
 tiusj  LaMuer,    Cave,   \Vhitl)y,    Macknight,   Hales, 
 and    others,    it     may    be    rejected    as    improbable. 
 There  is  nothing  to  indicate  that  the  name  is  used 
 figuratively,  and  the  subscription  to  an  ejiistle  is 
 the  last  place  we  should  e.Ni)ect  to  find  a  mystical 
 appellation. — 2.  Capjiellus  and  others  take  Babylon, 
 with  as  little  reason,  to  mean  Jerusalem.— o.  Bur- 
 Hebraeus  understands  by  it  the  house  in  .Jerusalem^ 
 where  the  Apostles  were  assembled  on  the   Day  ol 
 Pentecost.— t.  Others  place  it  on  the  Tigris,  and 
 identify  it  with  Seleucia  or  Ctesiphon,  but  for  this 
 there  is    no   evidence.      The   two   theories   which 
 remain  arc  worthy  of  more  consideration. — a.  That 
 l)y  Babylon  is  intended  the  small  fort  of  that  name 
 which  formed  the    boundary   between    Upper  and 
 Lower  Egj-pt.      Its  site  is  marked  by  the  modern 
 ISaboid  in   the   Delta,  a  little  north  of  Fostat,  or 
 old   Caiio.      .\ccording    to   Strabo    it   derived    its 
 name   from  .some   Babylonian    deserters  who    had 
 settled  there.      In  his  time  it  was  the  head-quarters 
 of  one  of  the  three  legions  which  garrisoned  Hgyi)t. 
 Josephus  {Ant.  ii.  15  §1)  says  it  was  built  on  the 
 site  of  I.etopolis,  when  Cambyses  subdued  Egypt. 
 That  this  is  the  Babylon  of  1  Pet.  is  the  tradition 
 of  the  Coptic  Church,  and   is   maintained  by  Le 
 Clerc,  Mill,  Pearson,  and  others.     There  is,  how- 
 ever, no  proof  that  the  Apostle  Peter  w;is  ever  in 
 j'^gvpt,  and  a  very  slight  degree  of  probability  is 
 created  by  tlie  tradition  that  his  comi)anion  Mark 
 was  bishop  of  Alexandria.— G.    The  most  natural 
 supiiosltiou  of  all   is  that  !)y  Babylon  is  intended 
 the    old    liabyloii    of  .Assyria,   which    was    largely 
 inhabited  bv  Jews  at  the  time  in  question  (Jos. 
 Ant.  .XV.  3  §1  ;  Philo,  De  Virt.  p.  1023,  ed.  Tur- 
 nebi,  Franc.   1091).     'Hie  only  argument  against 
 this  view  is  the  negative  evidence  supplied  by  the 
 silence  of  historians  as  to  St.  Peter's  having  visiteil 
 the  Assyrian  Babylon,  but  this  cannot  be  allowed 
 to   have  much   weight.      Lightfoot's  remarks  are 
 very    suggestive.      In    a    sermon    preached    at   St. 
 Mary's,  Cambridge  {Works,  ii.  1144,  Eng.  folio 
 ed.),   he    maintained    that  Babylon    of  Assyiia  is 
 intended,  because  "  it  was  one  of  the  greate>l  kunts 
 of  Jews  in  the  world,"  and  St.  Peter  was  the  min- 
 ister of  the  circumcision.     Again,  he  .idds,  "  Bosor 
 {2  Pet.  ii.  15)  speaks  Peter  in  liabylon,"  it  being 
 the  Chaldee  or  Syriac  pronunciation  of  Pcthoi'  in 
 Num.  x.xii.  5.    This  last  argument  has  not,  perhaps, 
 much  weight,  as  the  same  pronunciation  may  have 
 characterized  the  (l.ale<'t  of  .Fudea. 
 
 Babylon,  in  the  Apocalypse,  is  the  synibo- 
 lic;d  name  iiy  which  Rome  is  denoted  (Hev.  xiv. 
 8,  xvii.,  xviii.).  'I'he  power  of  l\om('  was  re- 
 gardc<l  by  the  later  Jews  as  that  of  Babylon  by 
 fiioir  forefathers  (comp.  Jer.  ii.  7  with  Itev.  .xiv.  8), 
 and  hence,  whatever  the  peopir  of  Isra'M   lie  undcr- 
 
 BADGER-SKINS 
 
 stood  to  svmbolize,  Babylon  represents  the  aiiUig<r 
 nistic  princiiilc.     [Ki:vi:i.ATiON.] 
 
 BabylO'nians,  the  inhabitants  of  Babylon,  a  race 
 of  Shcniitic  origin,  who  were  among  the  colonists 
 planted  in  the  cities  of  Samaria  by  the  conquering 
 Assyrians  (Ezr.  iv.  9).  At  a  later  period,  when 
 the  warlike  Chaldaeans  acquired  the  predominance 
 in  the  7th  cent.  is.C,  the  names  Chaldaean  and 
 Babvlonian  became  almost  synonymous  (Ez.  xxiii 
 14,15;   comp.  Is.  xlviii.  14,"  20)." 
 
 Babylo'nish  Garment,  literally  •  robeofShinar' 
 (Josh.  vii.  21).  .\ii  ample  robe,  probably  made 
 of  the  skin  or  fur  of  an  animal  (comp.  Gen.  xxy. 
 25),  and  ornamented  witii  embroidery,  or  perhaps 
 a  varii-uated  gaimeiit  with  figures  inwoven  in  the 
 fashion  tor  wliicii  tlic  liabylonians  were  celebrated. 
 Ba'ca,  tbe  Valley  of,  a  valley  somewhere  in 
 Palestine,  through  which  the  exiled  Psalmist  sees 
 in  vision  the  jiilgrims  pa.ssing  in  their  march  to- 
 wards the  .sanctuary  of  Jehovah  at  Zion  (Ps.  Ixxxiv. 
 G).  That  it  was  a  real  locality  is  most  piobable, 
 from  the  use  of  the  definite  article  before  the  name. 
 A  valley  of  the  same  name  still  exists  in  the  Sinaitic 
 district.  The  rendering  of  the  Targum  is  Gehenna, 
 *.  e.  the  Ge-Hinnom  or  ravine  below  Mount  Zion. 
 This  locality  agrees  well  with  the  mention  of  Beciiim 
 {.\.\ .  "  mulberry  ")  trees  in  2  Sam.  v.  23. 
 
 Bac'chides,  a  friend  of  Antiochus  Epiphanesand 
 governor  of  Mesoi)otamia  (1  Mac.  vii.  8),  who  was 
 commissioned  by  Demetrius  Soter  to  investigate 
 the  charges  which  Alcimus  i)referred  against  Judas 
 Maccabaeus.  After  the  defeat  and  death  of  Nicanor. 
 he  led  a  second  expedition  into  Judaea,  deti'ated 
 Judas  Maccal)aeus  at  Laisa  (n.C.  IGl^  and  reesta- 
 blished the  supremacy  of  the  Syrian  faction  (1  Mace, 
 ix.  25).  He  next  attempted  to  surprise  Jonathan, 
 but  he  escaped  across  the  Jordan.  Having  corn- 
 ])leted  the  paci(ic;ition  of  the  country,  Bacchides 
 returned  to  l)emetrius  (B.C.  IGO).  After  two  years 
 he  came  back  at  the  request  of  the  Syrian  faction, 
 but,  meeting  with  ill  success,  he  turned  against 
 those  who  had  induced  him  to  undertake  the  exi>e- 
 dition,  and  sought  an  honourable  retreat.  When 
 this  was  known  by  Jonathan  he  sent  envoys  to  Bac- 
 chides and  concluded  a  peace  (u.C.  158)  (1  Mace, 
 vii.  ix.). 
 
 Bacchu'rus,   one  of  the   "  holy  singers,"   who 
 had  taken  a  foreign  wife  (1  Esd.  ix.  24), 
 Bacchus.     [DiONvsis.] 
 
 Bace'nor,  apparently  a  captain  of  lioise  in  the 
 armv  (il'.ludas  .Maciabaeus  (2  Mace.  xii.  35). 
 
 Bach'rites,  the,  the  family  of  Bkchkr.  son  oi 
 Ejilivaim  (.N'um.  x.\-vi.  35). 
 
 Badger-skins.  The  Hebrew  taclutsh,  which 
 the  A.  \'.  renders  hadjer,  occure  in  connexion  with 
 'or,  'oroth  ("skin,"  "  skins"),  in  Ex.  xxv.  5,  xxvi. 
 14,  xxv.  7,  23,  xxxvi.  10  ;  Num.  iv.  6,  8,  11,  12. 
 14,  25.  In  Ezek.  xvi.  10  tac/uish  occurs  without 
 'orolh,  and  is  mentioned  as  the  substance  out  o. 
 which  women's  shoes  were  made  ;  in  the  former 
 passages  the  tackasU  skins  are  named  in  relation  to 
 the  tabernacle,  ark,  &c.,  and  ajijiear  to  have  formed 
 the  exterior  covering  of  these  sacred  articles.  There 
 is  much  obscurity  as  to  the  me.ining  of  the  word 
 tdc/fish;  the  ancient  ver.sions  seem  nearly  all  agreed 
 that  it  denotes  not  an  animal,  but  a  colour,  either 
 black  or  sky-blue.  Some  versions,  us  the  Ciermnn 
 of  Luther  mid  the  .\.  V.,  have  supposinl  that  the 
 K-idger  is  denotetl,  but  this  is  clearly  an  error,  lor 
 the  badger  is  not  found  in  the  Bible  lands.  It  is 
 difficult   to    understand   why   the  ai.cicnt  versions 
 
BAG 
 
 have  iiitci-pretal  the  word  tachash  to  meiiii  a 
 colour,  au  exphiiiation  which  has  no  ground  either 
 ill  its  etymology  or  iu  the  cognate  languages. 
 Whatever  is  the  substance  indicated  by  tachash  it 
 is  evident  from  Kx.  xxxv.  23  that  it  was  some 
 material  in  freiiuent  use  amongst  the  Israelites 
 dui-ing  the  Exodus,  and  the  construction  of  the 
 sentences  where  the  name  occurs  seems  to  imply 
 thirt  the  skin  of  some  animal  and  not  a  colour  is 
 denoted  by  it.  The  Arabic  duchasli  or  tuchash 
 denotes  a  dolphin,  but  iu  all  piobability  is  not 
 restricted  in  its  application,  but  may  I'efei-  to  either 
 a  seal  or  a  cetacean.  The  skin  of  the  llalicore 
 iVom  its  hardness  would  be  well  suited  for  making 
 soles  foi-  shoes,  and  it  is  worthy  of  remark  that  the 
 Arabs  near  Cape  Wussendum  employ  the  skins  or 
 these  animals  for  a  similar  purpose.  The  Haticore 
 Tabemaculi.  is  found  iu  the  lied  Sea,  and  was 
 observed  by  Riippell,  who  gave  the  animal  the 
 above  name,  on  the  coral  banks  of  the  Abyssinian 
 coast.  Or  perhaps  tachash  may  denote  a  seal,  the 
 skin  of  which  animal  would  suit  all  the  demands  of 
 the  Scriptural  allusions. 
 
 NoitrUs.  The  liye. 
 
 BALAAM 
 
 91 
 
 HaUcore  Tabeniaculi^  with  uulargcd  drawiti^'  ul'  thu  iicad. 
 
 Bag  is  the  rendering  of  several  words  in  the  Old 
 and  New  Testaments.  1.  Charitiin,  the  "bags" 
 in  which  Naaman  bound  uj)  the  two  talents  of 
 silver  for  Gehazi  (2  K.  v.  23),  probably  so  called, 
 according  to  Gesenius,  fi-om  their  long,  cone-like 
 shape.  The  word  only  occurs  besides  in  Is.  iii.  22 
 (A.  V.  "  crisping-pins"),  and  tliere  denotes  the 
 reticules  carried  by  the  Hebrew  ladies.  2.  Cts,  a 
 bag  for  carrymg  weights  (Deut.  xxv.  13  ;  Prov. 
 xvi.  11 ;  Mic.  vi.  11),  also  used  as  a  purse  (Prov. 
 i.  14;  Is.  xlvi.  6).  3.  Cell,  translated  "bag,"  in 
 1  Sam.  xvii.  40,  49,  is  a  word  of  most  general 
 meaning,  and  is  generally  rendered  "  vessel "  or 
 "instrument."'  In  Gen.  xlii.  25  it  is  the  "sack" 
 in  which  Jacob's  sons  carried  the  corn  which  they 
 brought  from  Egypt,  and  in  1  Sam.  ix.  7,  xxi.  5,  it 
 denotes  a  bag,  or  wallet,  for  cairying  food  (A.  V. 
 "  A'essel "  ;  comp.  Jud.  x.  5,  xiii.  10,  15).  The 
 shepherd's  "  bag"  which  David  had  seems  to  have 
 been  worn  by  him  as  necessary  to  his  calling,  and 
 was  probably,  from  a  comparison  of  Zech.  xi.  15, 
 16  (where  A.  V.  "  instruments  "  is  the  same  word), 
 for  the  pui-jiose  of  carrying  the  lambs  wh.ich  were 
 
 unable  to  walk  or  were  lost,  and  contained  mate- 
 rials for  healing  such  as  were  sick  and  binding  up 
 thosf>  that  weie  brolcen  (comp.  Ez.  xxxiv.  4,  16), 
 4.    Tseror,  properly  a  "bundle"  (Gen.  xlii.  35; 
 
 1  Sam.  xxv.  29),  appears  to  have  been  used  by 
 travellers  for  carrying  money  during  a  long  journey 
 (Prov.  vii.  20;  Hag.  i.  6;  comp.  Luke  lii.  33; 
 Tob.  ix.  5).  In  such  "bundles"  the  priests  bound 
 up  the  money  which  was  contributed  for  the  resto- 
 ration of  the  Temple  under  Jehoiada(2  K.  xii.  10, 
 A.  V.  "put  up  iu  bags").  The  "bag"  which 
 Judas  cairied  was  probably  a  small  box  or  chest 
 (John  xii.  6,  am.  29).  The  Greek  word  is  the 
 same  as  that  used  in  the  LXX.  for  "  chest "   in 
 
 2  Chr.  xxiv.  8,  10,  11. 
 
 Ea'go,  1  Esd.  viii.  40.  [Bigvai.J 
 Bago'as.  The  eunuch  in  attendance  upon  Holo- 
 fernes,  who  had  charge  of  all  that  he  had,  and  was 
 the  first  to  discover  his  master's  assassination.  His 
 name  is  said  to  signify  eunuch  in  Persian  (Jud.  xii. 
 11,  13,  15,  xiii.  1,  3,  xiv.  14). 
 
 Ba'goi,  1  Esd.  v.  14.     [Bigvai.] 
 
 Baham'mita,  the.     [Bauurim.] 
 
 Bahu'rim,  a  village,  the  slight  notices  remaining 
 of  which  connect  it  almost  exclusively  with  the 
 flight  of  David.  It  was  apparently  on,  or  close 
 to  the  road  leading  up  from  the  Jordan  valley  to 
 Jerusalem.  Shimei  the  son  of  Gera  resided  here 
 (2  Sam.  xvi.  5;  IK.  ii.  8).  Here  iu  the  court 
 of  a  house  was  the  well  in  which  Jonathan  and 
 Ahimaaz  eluded  their  pursuers  (xvii.  18).  Here 
 Phaltiel,  the  husband  of  j\Iichal,  bade  farewell  to 
 his  wife  when  on  her  return  to  King  David  at 
 Hebron  (2  Sam.  iii.  16).  Bahurim  must  have 
 been  very  near  the  south  boundary  of  Benjamin, 
 and  Dr.  Barclay  conjectures  that  the  place  lay 
 where  some  ruins  still  exist  close  to  a  Wady 
 Ruwaby,  which  runs  in  a  straight  course  for  3  miles 
 trom  Olivet  directly  towards  Jordan.  Azmaveth 
 "the  Barhumite"  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  31),  or  "the 
 Baharumite"  (1  Chr.  xi.  33),  one  of  the  heroes  of 
 David's  guard,  is  the  only  native  of  Bahurim  that 
 we  hear  of  except  Shimei. 
 
 Ba'jitli  ("the house"),  refemng  to  the  "  temple" 
 of  the  false  gods  of  Moab,  as  opposed  to  the  "  high 
 places  "  in  the  same  sentence  (Is.  xv,  2,  and  com- 
 pare xvi.  12). 
 
 Bakbak'kar,  a  Levite,  apparently  a  descendant 
 of  Asajih  (1  Chr.  ix.  15). 
 
 Bak'buk.  "  Children  of  Bakbuk  "  were  among 
 the  Nethinim  who  returned  from  captivity  with 
 Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  51  ;  Neh.  vii.  53). 
 
 Bakbuki'ah.  1.  A  Levite  in  time  of  Nehemiah 
 (Neh.  xi.  17,  xii.  9). — 2.  A  Levite  porter,  appa- 
 rently the  same  as  the  preceding  (Neh.  xii.  25). 
 
 Baking.    [Bread]. 
 
 Balaam,  the  son  of  Beor,  a  man  endowed  with 
 the  gift  of  prophecy  (Num.  xxii.  5).  He  belonged 
 to  the  Midianites,  and  perhaps  as  the  prophet  of 
 his  people  possessed  the  same  authority  that  ]\Ioses 
 did  among  the  Israelites.  At  any  rate'  he  is  men- 
 tioned in  conjunction  with  the  five  kings  of  Midian, 
 apparently  as  a  person  of  the  same  rank  (Num. 
 xxxi.  8  ;  cf.  xxxi.  16).  He  seems  to  have  lived  at 
 Pethor,  which  is  said  at  Deut.  xxiii.  4  to  have  been 
 a  city  of  Mesopotamia.  He  himself  speaks  of  being 
 "  brought  from  Aram  out  of  the  mountains  of  the 
 East"  (Num.  xxiii.  7).  Balaam  is  one  of  those 
 instances  which  meet  us  iu  Scripture  of  persons 
 dwelling  among  heathens  but  possessing  a  certain 
 knowledtre  of  the  one  true  God.     At  this  time  thf 
 
92 
 
 BALAC 
 
 Waelites  wei'«  eiicainin-d   in   the   pliiins   of  Moab. 
 Bahik,  the  king  of  Moab,  having  witnessed  the  di'i 
 comfituie  of  his  neigliboiirs,  the  Aitioiites,  by  this 
 people,  entereil  into  a  lc;\giie  with   the   Midianites 
 against  them,  and  de>]>at(lifd  inessen;,'ers  to  Balaam 
 with    the   rewards   of  ilicin<ition   in    their   hands. 
 When   the   eldei-s  of  Moab  and    Midian   tnld   him 
 iheir  message,   he  seems   to   have  had  some  mis- 
 2;ivings  as  to  the  lawfulness  of  their  nqiiest,  for  he 
 invited  them  to  tariy  the  night  with  him  that  he 
 might  learn  liow  the  I.oid  would  regard  it.     'I'hese 
 mi.sgivings   were  (.•oiiliimed  by  the  express  pmhi- 
 bitiou  of' God  upon  his  jouiney.     Balaam  repoi  ted 
 the  answer,  and  the  messengers  of  Balak  returned. 
 The  kii:g  of  Moab,  however,  not  detei  led  by  this 
 failure,   sent   again    more    and    moie    honourable 
 princes  to  Balaam.     The  prophet  again  retused,  but 
 notwithstanding  invited   the  embassy  to  tarry  the 
 night  with  him,  that  he  might  know  what  the  Loid 
 would   say   unto    him   fuither;    and   thus   by   his 
 importunity  he  extorted  from  God  the  permission 
 lie  desired,  but  w.ts  warned  at  the  same  time  that 
 his  actions  would   be  overruled  according   to  the 
 Divine  will.      Balaam   thcrefoie  proceeded  on   his 
 journey  with  the  messengers  of  Balak.      But  God's 
 an^er  was  kindled  at  this  maiiifest;itioii   of  deter- 
 mined self-will,  and  the  angel  of  the  Lord  stood  in 
 the   way  for   an    advei-sary   against  him.      "  The 
 dumb  ass,  speaking  with  man's  voi<:e,  forbad  the 
 madness  of  the   prophet"  (2  Pet.   ii.    16).     It  is 
 evident    that    Balaam,    although    acquainted   with 
 God,  was  desirous  of  throwing  an  air  of  mystery 
 round  his  wisdom,  from  the  instructions  he  gave 
 Balak  to  olfer  a  bullock  and  a  ram  on  the  seven 
 altars  he  everywhere  prepared  for  him.     His  reli- 
 gion, thercfoie,  was  probably  such  as  would  be  the 
 natural  ris\ilt  of  a  general  aeciuaintance  with  God 
 not  conlirmed  by  any  covenant.     There  is.  an  allu- 
 sion to  Balaam  I'n  the  prophet  Micah  (vi.  r>),  wheie 
 Bishop  Butler  thinks  that  a  conversation  is  pre- 
 served which  occurred  between  him  and  the  king 
 of  Moab  upon  this  occasion.     But  such  an  opinion 
 is  hardly  tenable.     "The  doctiine  of  Balaam"  is 
 spoken   of  in    liev.  ii.   14,   where  an  allusion  has 
 been  supjjosed  to  Nicolaus,  the  Ibunder  of  the  .sect 
 of  the  Micolaitans,  the  two  names  being  probably 
 similar  in  signification.     Though  the  utterance  of 
 Balaam  was  overruled  so  that  he  could  not  curse 
 the  children  of  Israel,  he  nevertheless  suggested  to 
 the   Moabites   the  cxjiedient  of  .seducing  them   to 
 commit  tbrnication.     The  elTcct  of  this  is  recordal 
 in  ch.  .\xv.     A  battle  was  aftei  wards  tbught  against 
 the  Midianites,  in  which  Balaam  sided  with  them 
 and  was  slain  by  the  sword  of  the  people  whom  he 
 had  endeavoured  to  curse  (Num.  xxxi.  8). 
 Ba'lac,  i;ev.  ii.  14.     [B.\l.\k.] 
 Bal'adan.     [Mickodacii-Balad.vn.] 
 Ba'lah,  .Josh.  xix.  :i.    [Baal,  (r'co<;;-.  No.  2,  &.] 
 Balak,  son  of  Zippor,  king  of  the  Moabites,  at 
 the  time  when  the  children  of  Israel  were  bringing 
 their  journeyings   in    the    wilderness   to   a   close, 
 Biilak  enteied  into  a  league  with  Midian  and  hired 
 Balaam   to   curse  the   Israi  lites ;    but  his  designs 
 were  frustiated   in  the  manner  recordeil  in  Num. 
 xxii.-xxiv.     He  is  mentioned  also  at  Josh.  xxiv.  9  ; 
 Judg.  xi.  2.');  Mic.  vi.  5  ;  Uev.  ii.  14.     [Balaam.] 
 Bal'amo.     [Baal,  GcuiJ)-.  No.  6.] 
 Balas'amus,  in  1  Ks.1.  ix.  4:5.     The  correspond- 
 ing n.iine   n  the  list  in  Kzra  is  Maaskiam. 
 
 BaldneES.      There  are    two   kinds   ot'  bjildne.vs, 
 7iz.   artiiicial  and    nattiiai.      The   latter   seems  to 
 
 BANI 
 
 have  I;een  uncommon,  since  it  e-xposeJ  peopU  to 
 jjublic  derision,  and  is  peipetually  alluded  to  as  a 
 maik  of  sipialor  and  misery  ('J  K.  ii.  215 ;  Is.  iii.  '24, 
 '  in.stead  of  wt-ll-set  hair,  baldness,  and  burning 
 mstead  of  twauty  ;"  Is.  xv.  2;  Jer.  xlvii.  5;  Kz. 
 vii.  18,  &c.)  For  this  reason  it  seems  to  have 
 been  include<l  under  the  (Lev.  xxi.  23,  LXX.)  dis- 
 qualifications tbr  priesthood.  In  Lev.  xiii.  29  &c., 
 very  caiel'ul  directions  are  given  to  distinguish 
 Bo/ia/t,  "  a  jdagtie  upon  the  head  and  beard,"  from 
 mere  natural  baldih^ss  which  is  pionounced  to  be 
 clean,  ver.  4i>.  Aitilicial  baldne.ss  marked  the  con- 
 clusion of  a  Nazarite's  vow  (Acts  xviii.  18  ;  Num. 
 vi.  9),  and  was  a  sign  of  mourning.  It  is  otleu 
 alluded  to  in  Scriptuie  ;  as  in  .Mic.  i.  IG ;  Am.  viii. 
 10,  &c.  ;  and  in  Deut.  xiv.  1,  the  ie;L-,on  for  its 
 being  Ibrbidden  to  the  Israelites  is  their  being  "  a 
 holy  and  peculiar  people."  (i^ee  Lev.  xix.  27,  and 
 •Jer.  ix.  20,  marg.)  The  practices  alluded  to  iu 
 the  latter  pa.ssages  were  adopted  by  heathen  na- 
 tions in  honour  of  various  gods. 
 
 Balm  (llcb.  tioii,  tzeri)  occui-s  in  Gen.  xxxvii. 
 25  as  one  of  the  substances  which  the  Ishmaelites 
 were  bringing  I'rom  Giiead  to  take  into  Hgypt;  in 
 Gen.  xliii.  II,  as  one  of  the  presents  which  Jacob 
 sent  to  Joseph;  in  Jer.  viii.  22,  xlvi.  11,  Ii.  8, 
 where  it  apjieai-s  that  the  balm  of  Gilcid  had  a  me- 
 dicinal value ;  in  Kz.  xxvii.  17  (maigiu,  "rosin") 
 as  an  article  of  commerce  imported  by  Judah  into 
 Tyre.  It  is  impossible  to  identify  it  with  any 
 certainty.  Perhaps  it  does  not  refer  to  an  ex- 
 udation iVom  any  particular  tne,  but  was  intended 
 to  denote  any  kind  of  resinous  subst;»nce  which  had 
 a  meiliciiial  vali:e.  The  tzori,  then,  may  represent 
 the  gum  of  the  Pistacia  Icntiacits,  or  that  of  the 
 Dals(.iinoclcnJro7i  opobalsomuin.  [Si'iCKS  ;  !Mas- 
 riCK.]  llasselquist  has  given  a  description  of  the 
 true  balsam-tiee  of  .Mecca.  He  says  that  the 
 exudation  from  the  plant  "  is  of  a  yellow  colour, 
 and  pellucid.  It  has  a  most  fragrant  smell,  which 
 is  resinous,  bals;miick,  and  very  agreeable.  It  is 
 very  tenacious  or  glutinous,  sticking  to  the  fingers, 
 and  may  be  drawn  into  long  threads.  .  .  1  have  seen 
 it  at  a  Turkish  surgeon's,  who  had  it  immediately 
 from  Mecca,  liescribeil  it,  and  w;is  informed  of  its 
 virtues;  which  are,  first,  that  it  is  the  best  sto- 
 inachick  they  know,  if  taken  to  three  grains,  to 
 strengthen  a  weak  stomach ;  secondly,  that  it  is 
 a  mo.st  excellent  and  capital  remedy  for  curing 
 wounds,  I'or  if  a  few  drops  are  applied  to  the  fiesh 
 wound,  it  cures  it  in  a  veiv  short  time"  {I'ruvfls, 
 
 21):;). 
 
 Balnu'us,  1  Ksd.  ix.  31,     [Binnl'i.] 
 Eal  thasar,  Bar.  i.  11,  12.     [Bklshazzar.] 
 Ba  mah    lit.  '■  high-}ilace."     This  word  appears 
 in   its   Hebrew  form  only  in  one  passage  (Ivi.  xx. 
 29),  very  obscure,  and   lull  of  the  paronomasia  so 
 daar  to  the  Hebrew  poets,  so  dillicult  tor  us  to  appre- 
 ciate: "What  is  the /ii'i//i-place  whereunto  ye  Jiic? 
 ami  the  ii.uuc  of  it  is  c\lled  Bamah  unto  this  day." 
 Ba'moth-Ba'al,    a   .>i.\iictuary   of  Baal    in    the 
 couiitiy    I't'   Moab   (Josh.   xiii.    17),  which   is  pro- 
 bably infiitioned  in  Num.  xxi.  I'J,  under  the  .--horter 
 fdini  (if  Bainoth,  or  Bamoth-in-the-ravine  (20),  and 
 .ig-aiii  in  the  enumeration  of  the  towns  of  .Moab  in 
 Is.  XV.  2. 
 
 Ban,   1  Ivsd.  V.  37  ,  it  stands  for  TuiiiAii  iu  the 
 jiaiallil  lists  in  Kzia  and  Nehemiah. 
 Banai'afl,  1  Ksd.  ix.  3j.     [Bicnaiaii.] 
 Ba'ni.      1.    A   (iad:te,   one  of   David's   mighty 
 nun  (2  .Siun.  xxiii.  3G).— 2.  .\  I.cvitc  of  the  line 
 
BANID 
 
 of  Mei-avi,  and  forefather  to  Ethan  d  Chr.  vi.  4G). 
 —3.  A  man  of  Judah  of  the  line  of  Plinrez  (1  Chr. 
 ix.  4).— 4.  "  Chddien  of  Bani  "  rutiuned  from  cap- 
 tivity with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  10;  Neh.  x.  14; 
 Ezr.  X.  29,  34;  1  E-^d.  v.  12).  [Binnui,  Mani, 
 and  Maani].— 6.  An  Israelite  "  of  the  sons  of 
 Bani"  (Ezr.  x.  38).  [Baxnus.]— 6.  A  Levite 
 (Neh.  iii.  17).— 7.  A  Levife  (Neh.  viii.  7  ;  ix.  4, 
 5;  .\.  13).  [Anl's]— 8.  Another  Levite,  of  the 
 sons  of  Asaph  (Neh.  xi.  22).  Possibly  6  and  7 
 may  be  the  same,  the  name  in  each  case  being  that 
 of  a  famil}^. 
 
 Ba'nid,  1  Esd.  viii.  36.  This  represents  a  name 
 which  has  apparently  escaped  from  the  pi'esent 
 Ili'lirew  tiwt  (see  Ezr.  viii.  10). 
 Bannaia,  1  Esd.  ix.  33.  [Zabad.] 
 Ban'nus,  1  Esd.  ix.  34.  [Baxi,  or  Bixxui.] 
 Banquets,  among  the  Hebrews,  were  not  only 
 a  means  of  social  enjoyment,  but  were  a  part 
 of  the  observance  of  religious  festivity.  At  the 
 three  solemn  festivals,  when  all  the  males  ap- 
 peared before  the  Lord,  the  family  also  had  its 
 domestic  feast  (Deut.  xvi.  11).  Probably  both 
 males  and  females  went  up  (1  Sam.  i.  9)  together, 
 to  hold  the  festival.  Sacrifices,  both  ordinary  and 
 exti'aordinary,  as  amongst  heathen  nations  (Ex. 
 xxxiv.  15;  Judg.  xvi.  23),  included  a  banquet, 
 and  Eli's  sons  made  this  latter  the  prominent  part. 
 Besides  religious  celebrations,  such  events  as  the 
 weaning  a  son  and  heir,  a  marriage,  the  sepai'ation 
 or  reunion  of  friends,  and  sheepshearing,  were  cus- 
 tomarily attended  by  a  banquet  or  revel  (Gen.  xxi. 
 8,  xxix.  22,  x.\.\i.  27,  54;  1  Sam.  x.xv.  2,  36; 
 2  Sam.  xiii.  23).  Birthday-banquets  are  only 
 mentioned  in  the  cases  of  Pharaoh  and  Herod  (Gen. 
 xl.  20  ;  Matt.  xiv.  6).  The  usual  time  of  the 
 banquet  was  the  evening,  and  to  begin  early  was 
 a  mark  of  excess  (Is.  v.  11  ;  Eccl.  x.  16).  The 
 most  essential  materials  of  the  banquetlug-room, 
 next  to  the  viands  and  wine,  which  last  was  often 
 drugged  with  spices  (Prov.  ix.  2;  Cant.  viii.  2), 
 were  perfumed  ointments,  garlands  or  loose  flowers, 
 white  or  brilliant  robes,  after  these,  exhibitions  of 
 music,  singers,  and  dancers,  riddles,  jesting  and 
 merriment  (Is.  xxviii.  1  ;  Wisd.  ii.  7  ;  2  Sam.  xix. 
 35;  Is.  XXV.  6,  v.  12;  Judg.  xiv.  12;  Neh.  viii. 
 10;  Eccl.  X.  19;  Matt.  xxii.  11;  Am.  vi.  5,  6; 
 Luke  XV.  25).  Seven  days  was  a  not  uncommon 
 duration  of  a  festival,  especially  for  a  wedding,  but 
 sometimes  fourteen  (Tob.  viii.  19;  Gen.  xxix.  27  ; 
 Judg.  xiv.  12)  ;  but  if  the  bride  were  a  widow, 
 three  days  fomied  the  limit.  There  seems  no  doubt 
 that  the  Jews  of  the  0.  T.  period  used  a  common 
 table  for  all  the  guests.  In  Joseph's  entertainment 
 a  ceremonial  separation  prevailed ;  but  the  common 
 phrase  to  "  sit  at  table,"  or  "  eat  at  any  one's  table," 
 shows  the  originality  of  the  opposite  usage.  The 
 posture  at  table  in  early  times  was  sitting  (1  Sam. 
 xvi.  11,  XX.  5,  18\  and  the  guests  were  ranged  in 
 order  of  dignity  (Gen.  .\liii.  33  ;  1  Sam.  ix.  22) : 
 the  words  which  imply  the  recumbent  posture 
 belong  to  the  N.  T.  'J"he  separation  of  the  women's 
 baupet  was  not  a  Jewish  custom  (Esth.  i.  9). 
 In  religious  banquets  the  wine  was  mixed,  by  rab- 
 binical regulation,  with  three  parts  of  water,  and  four 
 short  forms  of  benediction  were  pronounced  over  it. 
 At  the  Passoxer  four  such  cups  were  mixed,  blessed, 
 and  passed  round  by  the  master  of  the  feast. 
 
 Ban'uas.  In  1  Esd.  v.  26  Banuas  and  Sudias 
 answer  to  Hodaviah  in  the  lists  of  Ezra  and 
 Nehemiah. 
 
 BAPTISM 
 
 93 
 
 Baptism.  I.  It  is  well  known  that  ablution 
 or  batliing  was  connnon  in  most  ancient  nations 
 as  a  pieparation  fbi-  prayers  anil  sacrifice  or  as 
 expiatory  of  sin.  Theie  is  a  natural  connexion 
 in  the  miml  between  the  thought  of  physical 
 and  that  of  spiritual  pollution.  In  wai-m  coun- 
 tries this  connexion  is  jnobably  even  closer  than  in 
 colder  climates ;  and  hence  the  fiequency  of  ablu- 
 tion in  the  religious  rites  throughout  the  East. 
 —II.  The  history  of  Isiael  and  the  Law  of  Moses 
 abound  with  such  lustrations  (Gen.  xxxv.  2-  Ex. 
 xix.  10  ;  Lev.  xv.  xvii.  15,  xxii.  4,  6,  xvi.  26,  28  ; 
 Num.  xix.  10).  Before  great  leligious  observances 
 such  purifications  were  especially  solemn  (see  John 
 xi.  o5);  and  in  the  later  times  of  the  Jewish 
 republic  there  appear  to  have  been  public  baths 
 and  buildings  set  apart  for  this  purpose,  one  of 
 which  was  probably  the  pool  of  Bethesda  with  its 
 five  porches  mentioned  in  John  v.  2.  It  was 
 natural  that,  of  all  people,  the  priests  most  espe- 
 cially should  be  required  to  purify  themselves  in 
 this  manner.  The  consecration  of  the  high-priest 
 deserves  especial  notice.  It  was  first  by  baptism, 
 then  by  unction,  and  lastly  by  sacrifice  (Ex. 
 xxix.  4,  xl.  12;  Lev.  viii.).  The  spiritual  signi- 
 ficance of  all  these  ceremonial  washings  was  well 
 known  to  the  devout  Israelite.  "  I  will  wash  my 
 hands  in  innocency,"  says  the  Psalmist,  "  and  so 
 will  I  compass  thine  altar"  (Ps.  xxvi.  6).  The 
 prophets  constantly  speak  of  pardon  and  conveision 
 from  sin  under  the  same  figure  (Is.  i.  16,  iv.  4; 
 Jer.  iv.  14;  Zech.  .xiii.  1).  From  the  Gospel  his- 
 tory we  learn  that  at  that  time  ceremonial  wash- 
 ings had  been  greatly  multiplied  by  traditions  of 
 the  doctors  and  elders  (see  Mark  vii.  3,  4),  and 
 the  testimony  of  the  Evangelist  is  fully  borne  out 
 by  that  of  the  later  writings  of  the  Jews.  The 
 most  important  and  probably  one  of  the  eai'liest  of 
 these  tiaditional  customs  was  the  baptizing  of  pro- 
 selytes. There  is  an  universal  agreement  among 
 later  Jewish  writers  that  all  the  Israelites  were 
 brought  into  covenant  with  God  by  circumcision, 
 baptism,  and  sacrifice,  and  that  the  same  ceremo- 
 nies were  necessary  in  admitting  proselytes.— HI. 
 The  baptism  of  John. — These  usages  of  the  Jews 
 will  account  for  the  readiness  with  which  all  men 
 flocked  to  the  baptism  of  John  the  Baptist.  Cor- 
 responding with  the  custom  of  cleansing  by  water 
 from  legal  impurity  and  with  the  baptism  of  pro- 
 selytes fiom  heathenism  to  Judaism,  it  seemed  to 
 call  upon  them  to  come  out  from  the  mibelieving 
 and  sinful  habits  of  their  age  and  to  enlist  them- 
 selves into  the  company  of  those  who  were  pre- 
 paring for  the  manifestation  of  the  deliverance  of 
 Israel.  There  has  been  some  uncertainty  and  debate 
 as  to  the  nature  of  John's  baptism  and  its  spiritual 
 significance.  It  appears  to  have  been  a  kind  of 
 transition  fi'om  the  Jewish  baptism  to  tlie  Chris- 
 tian. All  ceremonial  ablutions  under  the  Law 
 pictured  to  the  eye  that  inward  cleansing  of  the 
 heart  which  can  come  only  from  the  grace  of  God, 
 and  which  accompanies  forgiveness  of  sins.  So 
 John's  baptism  was  a  "  baptism  of  repentance  for 
 remission  of  sins"  (Marki.  4);  it  was  accompanied 
 with  confession  (Matt.  iii.  6)  ;  it  was  a  call  to 
 repentance;  it  conveyed  a  promise  of  pardon  ;  and 
 the  whole  was  knit  up  with  faith  in  Him  that 
 should  come  after,  even  Christ  Jesus  (Acts  xix. 
 4).  It  was  such  that  Jesus  himscll'  deigned  to  be 
 baptized  with  it,  and  perhaps  some  of  His  disciples 
 received  no  other  baptism  Imt  John's  until  they 
 
94 
 
 BAPTISM 
 
 ipceived  the  sjM-cial  lK\ptisni  of  tlie  Holy  Ghost  on 
 the   giciit   day   of  I'eiitecost.       Yet  .John  himself 
 s])r;iks  of  it  as  a  mere  baptism   with   water   unto 
 ie|)entaii<-e,  jwiintins;  (onvaid  to  Him   w  lio  slioiild 
 baptize  with   the  Holy  (Iliost  and  with   lire  (Matt, 
 iii.  11).     And  the  distinction  V)etween  John's  bap- 
 tism and  Christian  baptism  ajipeju's  in  the  case  of 
 .\j)ollos  (Acts  xviii.  26,  27),  aiul  of  the  discii)K's  at 
 Kphesus.  mentioned  Acts  xix.  1-G.     ^^^  fjinnot  but 
 draw  from   this  history  the   inference  that   there 
 ■was  a   deeper   s))iritual    sitjnificance    in    Christian 
 baptism  than  in  John's  baptism,  and  that,  as  John 
 was  a  greater  piophet  th:m  any  that  before  him 
 had  been  born  of  women,  and  yet  the  least  in  the 
 kingdom   of  heaven   was  greater   than   he,  so  his 
 ba))tism  suvjjassed   in  spiritual  imjiort  all  Jewish 
 ceremony,  but  fell  ciually  sho)t  of  the  sacrament 
 onlained  by  Christ.— IV.   T/ie  Bnptisin  of  Jesus. — 
 Plainly  the  most   impoitimt  action   of  John  as  a 
 liaptist  was  his  baptism  of  Jesus.     No  doubt  it  was 
 the  will  of  Christ  in  the  fii-st  j)lace,  by  so  submit- 
 ting to  bai)tisni,  to  .set  to  His  seal  to  the  teaching 
 and  the  miiiistiy  of  John.     Again,  as  He  was  to 
 be  the  Head  of  His  Church  and  the  Captain  of  our 
 salvation.   He    was    pleased    to  undergo    that   rite 
 which  He  atlerwards  enjoined  on  all  His  followers. 
 And,  once  more.  His  baptism  consecrated  the  bap- 
 tism  of  Chiistians  for  ever ;    even  as  afterwards 
 His  own    |)arfaknig   of  the    Eucharist   gave   still 
 farther    sanction    to    His   injunction    that    His  dis- 
 riplos  ever  after  should  continually  jiartake  of  it. 
 But,  beyonil  all  this.  His  baptism  was  His  foinial 
 setting  apart  for  His  ministry,  ami   was  a  most 
 niipoilant  portion  of  His  consecration   to  be  the 
 High  Priest  of  God.     He  was  just  entering  on  the 
 age  of  thirty  (Luke  iii.  23),  the  age  at  which  the 
 Levitcs  began  their  ministry  and  the  rabbis  their 
 teaching.     It  has  already  been  mentioned  that  the 
 consecration  of  Aaron  to  the  high-priesthood  was 
 hv  boptimn,  unction,  and  sacrifce  {see  Lev.  viii.). 
 All  these  were  undergone  by  .lesus.     Kirst  He  was 
 baptized  by  John.     Then,  just  as  the  high-priest 
 was   anointed    immediately  alter   his  baptism,  so 
 when   Jesus  had   gone  up  out  of  the  water,  the 
 heavens  were  opened  imto  Him,  and  the  Spirit  of 
 God  descended  upon  Him  (Matt.  iii.  10);  and  thus, 
 as  St.  Peter  tells  us,  "  God  anointed  Jesus  of  Naza- 
 reth with  the  Holy  Ghost  ami  with  ]xiwer  "  (.\<-ts 
 X.  38).     The  saci-ilice  indeeil  was  not  till  the  end 
 of  His  earthly  ministry,  when   He  oll'ered  up  the 
 Bacrifice  of  Himself;   and  then  at  His  resurivction 
 and  a.scension  He  lully  took  upon  Him  the  ollice  of 
 ))Hesthood,  entering  into  the  presence  of  God  for  us, 
 ple:iding  the  eUic'icy  of  His  sacrilice,  and  blessing 
 those  for  whom   that  sam-itice  was  otlered.     liaj)- 
 tism,  therefore,  vvas  the  beginning  of  consecration  ; 
 nn(,-tion   was   the  immediate   con.sequont   upon   the 
 baptism  ;  and  sacrifice  was  the  completion  of  the 
 initiation,  so  that  He  was  thencefoith  peiiected,  or 
 fully  consecrated  as  a  Priest  for  evermore  (Heb.  vii. 
 2S).— \'.    iMifitiiin   (if  the   />ifc{plcs  of  Christ. — 
 Whether  our  Lord  ev'er  baptizixl  has  been  doubted. 
 The  only  p-rssage  which   ni.-iy  distinctly  bear  on 
 the  question   is  John   iv.   1 ,   2,  where   it   is  said 
 "  that  Jesus  made  ami  baptiztnl  more  disci]>les  than 
 .lohii,  though  Jesus  Himself  ba])tizi>d   not,  but  His 
 disciples."      We  necessarily  infer  from   it,  that,  as 
 RiMJii  (Ls  our  Loirl  began  His  muiistry,  and  gathered 
 to   ilini  a  iom)i.'.ny  of  disciples,  He,  like  .lohn  the 
 baptist,  admittitl  into  that  com[>any  by  the  admi- 
 uistnition  ot°  Ijuptism.     The  making  disciples  niid 
 
 BAPTISM 
 
 the  baptizing  them  went  t<igether.  Af\er  the 
 i"esui lection,  when  the  Church  was  to  Ije  sprejid 
 ami  the  (!os])el  preached,  our  Lord's  own  commis- 
 sion oinjoins  thf  making  of  discijiles  witli  their 
 baptism  (Matt,  xxviii.  19).  Haptism  then  was 
 the  initiatory  rite  of  the  Christian  Cluirch,  as  cir- 
 cumcision was  the  initiatory  rite  of  Judaism.  As 
 circumcision  admitted  to  the  Jewish  covenant — to 
 the  j)rivili'ges  and  the  i-es|)onsibility  attaching  to 
 that  covenant, — so  l)a]itisin,  which  succeeded  it,  was 
 the  mode  of  .admission  to  the  Christian  covenant,  to 
 its  graces  and  ])rivileges,  to  its  duties  and  service. 
 ^\'l.  The  Tjipes  of  Ji'ipti.<iin. — 1.  St.  IVter  com- 
 ]),ares  the  delivemnce  of  Noah  in  the  Deluge  to  the 
 deliverance  of  Christians  in  b.iptism  (1  I'ct.  iii. 
 21).  The  connexion  in  this  pa.ssiige  between  baji- 
 tism  and  "the  resuiTection  of  Jesus  Christ"  may 
 becomi)ared  with  Col.  ii.  12.-2.  In  1  Cor.  x.  1,  2, 
 the  pas.s.ige  of  tlie  Ke<i  Sea  and  the  shadowing  of  the 
 miraculous  cloud  are  treated  as  types  of  ba])tism. 
 It  is  sufficiently  apparent  how  this  may  resemble 
 the  enlisting  of  a  new  convert  info  the  body  of  the 
 Christian  Church.^.;.  Another  type  of,  or  rather 
 a  rite  .analogous  to,  tiaptism  was  circumcision  (Col. 
 ii.  11).  The  obvious  reason  for  the  comparison  of 
 the  two  rites  is,  that  circumcision  was  the  entrance 
 to  the  Jewish  Church  and  the  ancient  covenant, 
 ba))tism  to  the  Christian  Church  and  to  the  new 
 covenant.— 4.  In  more  than  one  instance  death  is 
 Gdled  a  biiptism  (Matt.  xx.  22;  Mark  x.  39;  Luke 
 xii.  .50).  It  is  generally  thought  that  baptism 
 here  means  an  inundation  of  sorrows,  and  tiiat 
 our  Lord  meant  to  indic;\fe  that  He  Himself  had 
 to  pjLss  through  "  the  deep  watei^s  of  alllictioii." 
 Ls  it  not  prob.ible  that  some  deeper  signi(ic",iiice 
 attaches  to  the  comparison  of  death,  especially  of 
 our  Lord's  death,  to  baptism,  when  we  consider 
 too  that  the  connexion  of  baptism  with  the  death 
 and  resurrection  of  Christ  is  so  much  insisted  on 
 by  St;  Paul? — Vn.  Names  of  Baptism. — From 
 the  types  of  ba]:itism  referreii  to  in  tlie  New  'I"e>ta- 
 inent,  we  jjass  to  the  various  names  liv  which  liap- 
 tism  seems  to  bo  there  designated.— 1.  "  Bajjtism  " 
 (fiitrriffna :  the  word  fiairTiafi.6i  occui's  only  tour 
 times,  viz.,  M.ir.  vii.  4,8  ;  Heb.  vi.  2,  ix.  10).  Tlie 
 verb  jSaTTTifen'  (from  fiairreiv,  to  dip),  is  the 
 rendering  of  the  Hebrew  l)y  the  LXX.  in  2  Iv. 
 V.  14.  The  Latin  Kafhei-s  render  ^airri^fiv  by 
 tirufcrc,  mcrgcic,  and  meriiitare.  liy  the  GreeJ< 
 Fathers,  the  woixl  fiairTi^ftv  is  often  u.sed,  fie- 
 quently  liguratively,  tor  to  immei-se  or  overwhelm 
 with  sleep,  sorrow,  sin,  &c.  Hence  fidiTTtcrna 
 properly  and  literally  means  immersion.— 2.  "Tht 
 Water"  is  a  name  of  liaptism  which  occurs  in  Acts 
 X.  47.  With  this  ])hiase,  "  the  w.ater,"  useii  of 
 baptism,  com])are  "  the  breaking  of  brejid "  as  a 
 title  of  the  iMicharist,  .Acts  ii.  42. — 3.  "  Wa.shing 
 of  Water"  (lit.  "the  bath  of  the  water"),  is 
 another  .Scriptural  term,  l)y  which  iiaptism  is  sig- 
 iiilie<i  {V.yh.  v.  2(i).  There  a]>pcai-s  cleaily  in 
 the.-.e  words  a  reference  to  the  briiial  bath;  Imt 
 the  allusion  to  baptism  is  cle;uer  still.— 4.  ''The 
 WAahing  of  itgeiieration  "  (lit.  "  the  bath  of  regene- 
 ralict\")  is  a  jjlinise  naturally  conntvted  with  the 
 foregoing.  It  occurs  Tit.  iii.  o.  All  ancient  and 
 most  modern  commentators  have  interpreted  it  of 
 i>a]itism.  There  is  so  mu<:li  ii'seniblance,  both  in 
 the  phraseology  and  in  the  argument.  l)etween  tlii.-. 
 passage  in  Titus  and  1  Cor.  vi.  11.  that  the  latter 
 ought  by  all  means  to  be  cumpjiied  with  th« 
 former.     Another  pas.-age  containing  very  similar 
 
BAPTISM 
 
 thoui;hts,  clothed  in  almost  tlie  same  words,  is  Acts 
 xxii.  1(3.-5.  "  Illuminatiou."  It  has  been  much 
 quf^tioned  whether  "  enlightened,"  in  Heb.  vi.  4, 
 X.  o"2,  be  used  of  baptism  or  not.  Justin  Martyr, 
 Clement  of  Alexandria,  and  almost  all  the  Gieek 
 Fathers,  use  (pwTKTfMos  as  a  synonym  for  baptism. 
 It  will  be  remembered  that  (purayccyla  was  a 
 term  for  admission  into  the  ancient  mysteries. 
 Baptism  was  without  question  the  initiatory  rite 
 in  reference  to  the  Christian  faith.  Now,  that 
 Christian  faith  is  more  than  once  called  by  St.  Paul 
 the  Christian  "mystery"  (Eph.  i.  9,  iii.  4,  vi. 
 19  ;  Col.  iv.  3).  Hence,  as  baptism  is  the  initia- 
 tory Christian  rite,  admitting  us  to  the  service  of 
 God  and  to  the  knowledge  of  Chiist,  it  may  not 
 improbably  have  been  called  (puniffjxSs,  and  after- 
 wards (pcarayajyia,  as  having  reteience,  and  as 
 admitting,  to  the  ini/sto'i/  of  the  Gospel,  and  to 
 Christ  Himself,  who  is  the  Mijstenj  of  God  (Col.  i. 
 27,  ii.  "i). — VIII.  From  the  names  of  baptism  we 
 must  now  pass  to  a  few  of  the  more  prominent 
 passages,  not  already  considered,  in  which  baptism 
 is  referred  to.— 1.  The  passage  in  John  iii.  5 — 
 "  Kxcept  a  man  be  born  of  water  and  of  the  Spiiit, 
 he  cannot  enter  into  the  kingdom  of  God" — has 
 been  a  well-established  battle-field  from  the  time 
 of  Calvin.  Stier  quotes  with  entire  approbation 
 the  words  of  Meyer  (on  John  iii.  5)  : — "  Jesus 
 speaks  here  concerning  a  spiritual  baptism,  as  in 
 chap.  vi.  concerning  a  spiritual  feeding ;  in  both 
 places,  however,  with  refei'euce  to  their  visible 
 au.xiliary  means. "^2.  The  prophecy  of  John  the 
 Baptist,  that  our  Lord  should  baptize  with  the 
 Holy  Ghost  and  with  fire  (Matt.  iii.  11),  may 
 more  properly  be  interpreted  by  a  eV  hia.  Svo7v. 
 The  water  of  John's  baptism  could  but  wash  the 
 body;  the  Holy  Ghost,  with  which  Chiist  was  to 
 baptize,  should  purify  the  soul  as  with  fire.— 3. 
 Gal.  iii.  27 :  "  For  as  many  as  have  been  baptized 
 into  Christ  have  put  on  Christ."  The  contrast  is 
 between  the  Christiim  and  the  Jewish  church :  one 
 Ijond,  the  other  tree ;  one  infant,  the  other  adult. 
 And  the  transition-point  is  naturally  that  at  which 
 by  baptism  the  service  of  Christ  is  undertaken  and  the 
 promises  of  the  Gospel  are  claimed.  This  is  repre- 
 sented as  putting  on  Christ  and  in  Him  assuming 
 the  position  of  fuU-gi'own  men.  In  this  more  pri- 
 vileged condition  there  is  the  power  of  obtmuing 
 justification  by  faith,  a  justificition  which  the  Law 
 had  not  to  otier.— 4.  1  Cor.  .xii.  13:  "For  by  one 
 Spirit  (or,  in  one  spirit)  we  were  all  baptized  into 
 one  body,  whether  Jews  or  Greeks,  whether  bond 
 or  free,  and  weie  all  made  to  drink  of  one  Spirit." 
 'I'he  resemblance  of  this  passage  to  the  last  is  very 
 clear.  Possibly  there  is  an  allusion  to  both  sacra- 
 ments. Both  our  baptism  and  our  part;\king  of 
 the  cup  in  the  communion  are  tokens  and  pledges 
 of  Christian  unity.— 5.  Kom.  vi.  4  and  Col.  ii.  12 
 are  so  closely  parallel  that  we  may  notice  them 
 together.  Probably,  as  in  the  former  jiassages  St. 
 Paul  had  brought  forward  ba])tism  as  the  symbol 
 of  Christian  unity,  so  in  these  he  refers  to  it  as  the 
 token  and  pledge  of  the  spiiitual  death  to  sin  and 
 resurrection  to  righteousness;  and  of  the  final  vic- 
 tory over  death  in  the  last  day,  through  the  power 
 of  the  resuriection  of  Christ.— -IX.  liecipients  of 
 Baptism. — The  comniaiid  to  baptize  was  co-e.xten- 
 sive  with  the  command  to  pi  each  the  Gospel.  All 
 nations  were  to  be  evangelized ;  and  they  wore  to 
 be  made  disciples,  admitted  into  the  fellowship  of 
 OiirUt.'s  religion,  by   baptism   (l^Iatt.   .\xviii.    19). 
 
 BAPTISM 
 
 95 
 
 Every  one  who  was  convniced  by  the  teacliing  of 
 the  first  preachers  of  the  Gospel,  and  was  willing 
 to  enrol  himself  in  the  company  of  the  dis-ciples. 
 appears  to  have  been  admitted  to  baptism  on  a 
 confession  of  his  faith.  There  is  no  distinct  evi- 
 dence in  the  New  Testament  that  there  was  in  those 
 early  days  a  body  of  catechumens  giadually  pre- 
 paring for  baptism,  such  as  existed  in  the  ages 
 immediately  succeeding  the  Apostles.  The  great 
 question  has  been,  whethei'  the  invitation  extended, 
 not  to  adults  only,  but  to  infants  also.  The  uni- 
 versality of  the  invitation,  Christ's  declaration  con- 
 cerning the  blessedness  of  infants  and  then-  fitness 
 for  His  kingdom  (Mar.  x.  14),  the  admission  of 
 infants  to  circumcision  and  to  the  baptisin  of  Jewish 
 proselytes,  the  mention  of  whole  households,  and 
 the  subsequent  practice  of  the  Church,  have  been 
 principally  relic'd  on  by  the  advocates  of  infant 
 baptism.  The  silence  of  the  New  Testament  con- 
 cerning the  baptism  of  infimts,  the  constant  men- 
 tion of  faith  as  a  pre-requisite  or  condition  of 
 baptism,  the  great  spiritual  blessings  which  seem 
 attached  to  a  right  reception  of'  it,  and  the  respon- 
 sibility entailed  on  those  who  have  taken  its  obliga- 
 tions on  themselves,  seem  the  chief  objections  uiged 
 against  paedo-baptism.  But  here,  once  more,  we 
 must  leave  ground  which  has  been  so  extensively 
 occupied  by  controversialists.— X.  Tlie  mode  of 
 Baptism. — The  language  of  the  New  Testamen.t 
 and  of  the  primitive  fathers  sufficiently  points  to 
 immersion  as  the  common  mode  of  baptism.  But 
 in  the  case  of  the  family  of  the  jailor  at  Philippi 
 (Acts  xvi.  33),  and  of  the  three  thousand  converted 
 at  Pentecost  (Acts  ii.)  it  seems  hardly  likely  that 
 immersion  should  have  been  possible.  Moreover 
 the  ancient  Cluirch,  which  mostly  adopted  immer- 
 sion, was  satisfied  with  effusion  in  rase  of  clinical 
 baptism — the  baptism  of  the  sick  and  dying.— Ques- 
 tions and  answers. — In  the  earliest  times  of  the 
 Christian  Church  we  find  the  catechumens  required 
 to  renounce  the  Devil  and  to  profess  their  faith  in 
 the  Holy  Trinity  and  in  the  principal  articles  of 
 the  Creed.  It  is  generally  supposed  that  St.  Peter 
 (I  Pet.  iii.  21)  refisrs  to  a  custom  of  this  kind  as 
 existing  from  the  first.— XI.  The  formxdaof  Bap- 
 tism.— It  should  seem  from  our  Lord's  own  direc- 
 tion (Matt,  xxviii.  19)  that  the  words  made  use  of 
 in  the  administration  of  baptism  should  be  those 
 which  the  Church  has  generally  retained.  The 
 expressions  in  the  book  of  Acts  (ii.  38,  viii.  16, 
 X.  48,  .xix.  5)  mean  only  that  those  who  were  bap- 
 tized with  Christi;ui  baptism  were  baptized  into 
 the  faith  of  Christ,  not  that  the  form  of  words  was 
 different  from  that  enjoined  by  our  Lord  in  St. 
 'Matih^w .—Sponsors. — There  is  no  mention  of 
 sponsois  in  the  N.  T.  In  very  early  ages  of  the 
 Church  sponsors  were  in  use  both  for  childi'en  and 
 adults. — XII.  Baptism  for  the  dead. — 1  Cor.  xv. 
 27.  "  Else  what  shall  they  do  who  are  baptized 
 for  the  dead,  if  the  dead  rise  not  at  all  ?  Why  are 
 they  then  baptized  for  the  dead?"  1.  Tertullian 
 tells  us  of  a  custom  of  vicarious  bn]itism  as  existing  . 
 among  the  Jlarcionites  ;  and  St.  Chrysostom  relates 
 of  the  same  heretics,  that,  when  one  of  their  cate- 
 chumens died  without  baptism,  they  used  to  put  a 
 living  person  under  the  dead  man's  bed,  and  asked 
 whether  he  desired  to  be  baptized  ;  the  living  man 
 answering  that  he  did,  they  then  baptized  him  m 
 place  of  the  departed  (Chrys.  Horn.  x\.  on  1  Cor. 
 xv).  Epiphanius  relates  a  similai'  custom  among 
 the  Cerinthians  'Uacres.  xxviii.),  which,  he  Siiid, 
 
96 
 
 BARABBAS 
 
 prevailel  fioni  fear  that  in  tlie  i esuiTection  thr  ;e 
 should  suftl'i-  punishment  who  had  not  beeu  baptized. 
 The  question  naturally  occurs.  Did  St.  Paul  allude 
 to  a  custom  of  this  kind,  which  even  in  his  days 
 had  begun  to  prevail  among  heretics  and  ignoi-aiit 
 persons?  If  so,  he  no  doubt  adduced  it  as  an 
 argu/nentum  ad  homincm.  "  If  the  dead  rise  not 
 at  all,  what  benefit  do  they  expect  who  baptize 
 vicariously  for  the  de;id?"  The  greater  number 
 of  modern  commentators  have  adopted  this,  as  the 
 simplest  and  most  rational  sense  ol'  the  Apostle's 
 words.  Jt  is,  however,  equally  conceivable  that 
 the  passage  in  St.  Paul  gave  rise  to  the  subsequent 
 practice  among  the  Marcionites  and  Cerinthians. 
 '2.  Chrysostom  believes  the  Apostle  to  refer  to  the 
 profession  of  fiiith  in  baptism,  part  of  which  was 
 "  I  believe  in  the  resunection  of  the  dead."  The 
 fomier  of  the  two  interpretations  above  mentioned 
 commends  itself  to  us  by  its  simplicity  ;  the  latter 
 by  its  antiquity.  The  following  are  some  of  the 
 various  other  explanations  which  have  been  given. 
 —3.  "  What  shall  they  do,  who  are  baptized  when 
 death  is  close  at  hand?  (Kpiphan.  Ilaeres.  xxviii.  6). 
 —4.  "  Over  the  graves  of  the  martyrs."  Vossius 
 adopted  this  interpretation  ;  but  it  is  very  unlikely 
 that  the  custom  should  have  prevailed  in  the  days 
 of  St.  Paul.— 5.  "  On  account  of  a  de;id  saviour." 
 —(3.  "What  shall  they  gain,  who  are  baptized  for 
 the  sake  of  the  dead  in  Christ?"— 7.  "  What  shall 
 tliey  do,  who  are  baptized  in  the  place  of  the 
 de;id  ?"  i.  e.  who,  as  the  ranks  of  the  faithful  are 
 thinned  bv  death,  come  forward  to  be  baptized, 
 tliat  they  may  fill  up  the  company  of  believers. 
 
 Barab'bas,  a  robber  (John  xviii.  40),  who  had 
 committed  murder  in  an  insurrection  (JIark  xv.  7  ; 
 Luke  .xxiii.  19)  in  Jerusalem,  and  was  lying  in 
 luison  at  the  time  of  the  trial  of  Jesus  before 
 Pilate. 
 
 Bar'achel,  "  the  Buzite,"  father  of  Elihu  (Job 
 x\.\ii.  -J,  1)).     [Bi;z.] 
 
 BaracM'as,  Matt,  xxiii.  ."5.     [Zachaiuas.] 
 
 Ba  rak,  son  of  Abirioam  of  Kt-desh,  a  refuge- 
 city  in  Mount  Napthali,  was  incited  by  Deborah, 
 a  prophetess  of  Ephiaim,  to  deliver  Israel  from  the 
 yoke  of  Jabin.  Accompanied,  at  his  own  express 
 desire,  by  Deborah,  Barak  led  his  rudely-armed 
 force  of  10,000  men  from  Napthali  and  Zebulon 
 to  an  encampment  on  the  summit  of  Tabor,  and 
 utteilv  routed  the  unwieldy  host  of  the  Canaanites 
 in  the  ])lain  of  Jezrecl  (  Ksdraelon),  "the  battle- 
 field of  Palestine."  'I'lie  victory  was  decisive, 
 Harosheth  taken  (Judg.  iv.  IG),  Sisera  murdered, 
 and  Jabin  ruined.  The  victoi's  composed  a  splendid 
 epinician  ode  in  commemoration  of  their  deliverance 
 (Judg.  v.).  Lord  A.  Hen-ey  supposes  the  narra- 
 tive to  be  a  repetition  of  Josh.  xi.  1-1'-'.  A  great 
 deal  may  be  s;iid  for  this  view,  but  it  is  fair  to  add 
 that  there  are  geographical  difliculties  in  the  way. 
 [DEnoiiAii.] 
 
 Barbarian.  "  Every  one  not  a  Greek  is  a  bar- 
 liaiiau"  is  tlie  common  (ireek  definition,  and  in 
 this  strict  soii>e  the  word  is  used  in  Horn.  i.  14, 
 "  I  .im  debtor  both  to  Greeks  and  liarba)-ians." 
 "  Hellenes  and  Ijarlwiri.ins  "  is  the  constant  division 
 found  in  (ireek  literature,  but  Thucydidcs  (i.  .3) 
 ]>oints  out  that  this  distinction  is  sul>sequent  to 
 Homer.  It  often  icUiins  this  primitive  incaning, 
 .18  in  1  Cor.  xiv.  11  (of  one  using  an  unknown 
 tongue),  and  Acts  xxnii.  2,4  (of  the  Maltese,  who 
 spoke  a  J'unic  dialect y.  The  ancient  Kgyptians, 
 liije  the    n)odern  Cluneve,  Iwd  an  analogous   word 
 
 BARNABAS 
 
 (Herod,  ii.  158).  So  completely  w;v5  the  term 
 "  barbarian "  accepted,  that  even  Jose|>hus  and 
 Philo  scruple  as  little  to  reckon  the  Jews  among 
 them,  as  the  early  Itomans  did  to  ajjply  the  term 
 to  themselves.  Afterwards  only  the  savage  nations 
 were  i-ailed  barbaiiaiis. 
 
 Barhu'mite,  the.    [Bahuf.im.] 
 
 Bari'ah.,  one  of  the  sons  of  ."^hemaiah,  a  de- 
 scendant of  tlie  royal  family  of  Juduh  (1  Chr. 
 iii.  2-J  ). 
 
 Bar-Jesus.     [Elymas.] 
 
 Bar-Jo  na.     [Poi;ii.] 
 
 Barkos.  "Ciiildren  of  Barkos"  were  among 
 the  Ncthinim  who  returned  from  the  caj'tivity  with 
 Zerubbabel  (Kzr.  ii.  53;   Neh.  vii.  55). 
 
 Barley  (Heb.  scCrali),  the  well-known  cereal, 
 which  is  mentioned  in  many  passages  of  the  Bible. 
 It  was  giown  by  the  Hebrews  (Lev.  xxvii.  16; 
 Deut.  viii.  8;  Ruth  ii.  17,  &c.j,  who  used  it  for  bak- 
 ing into  bread,  chiefly  amongst  the  poor  (Judg.  vii. 
 13;  2  K.  iv.  42;  John  vi.  9,  13);  for  making 
 into  bread  by  mixing  it  with  wheat,  beans,  lentiles, 
 millet,  &c.  (Ez.  iv.  9j;  for  making  into  cakes  (Ez. 
 iv.  12)  ;  and  as  fodder  for  horses  ( 1  K.  iv.  28).  The 
 barley  harvest  is  mentioned  liuth  i.  22,  ii.  23 ; 
 2  Sam.  xxi.  9,  10.  It  takes  j)lace  in  Palestine  in 
 iMarch  and  April,  and  in  the  liillj'  distiicts  ,as  late 
 .'IS  May ;  but  the  period  of  course  varies  according 
 to  the  localities  where  the  corn  grows.  The  barley 
 harvest  always  precedes  the  wlieiit  harvest,  in  some 
 places  by  a  week,  in  others  by  fully  tliree  weeks 
 (Robinson,  Bib.  Res.  ii.  99,  278).  "in  Egypt  the 
 barley  is  .about  a  month  earlier  than  the  wheat ; 
 whence  its  tot.il  destruction  by  the  hail-storai  (Ex. 
 ix.  31 ).  B.arley  w.is  sown  at  any  time  between 
 November  and  March,  according  to  the  season. 
 Barley  bread  is  even  to  this  day  little  esteemed  in 
 Palestine.  This  fact  is  important,  as  serving  to 
 elucidate  some  p.assages  in  Scripture.  Why,  for 
 instance,  was  barley  meal,  and  not  the  ordin.iry 
 meal-offering  of  wheat  flour,  to  be  the  jcalousy- 
 otfei-ing  (Num.  v.  15)  ?  Because  thereby  is  denoted 
 the  low  reputation  in  wliich  the  implicated  parties 
 were  held.  The  homer  and  a  half  of  barley,  as 
 part  of  the  purchase-money  of  the  adulteress  (lloa. 
 iii.  2),  h.TS  doubtless  a  similar  typical  meaning. 
 With  this  circumstance  in  remembrance,  how 
 forcible  is  the  expression  in  Ezekiel  (xiii.  19), 
 "  Will  ye  pollute  me  among  my  jjcople  lor  h.and- 
 fuls  of  barley  I"  The  knowledge  of  this  fact  aids 
 to  point  out  the  connexion  between  (Jideon  and 
 the  barley-cake,  in  the  dreiun  which  the  "  man 
 told  to  his  fellow "  (Judg.  vii.  13).  Gideon's 
 "  fimiily  was  poor  in  Man.asseh — and  he  was  the 
 least  in  his  father's  house ;"  and  doubtless  the 
 Midianites  knew  it.  On  this  passage  Dr.  Thomson 
 icmarks,  "  If  the  Midianites  were  .nccUstomed  in 
 their  extemporaneous  songs  to  ciU  (lideon  juul  his 
 baud  '  cakes  of  barley  bread,'  as  their  successors 
 the  haughty  Bedawin  often  do  to  ridicule  their 
 enemies,  the  a]iplicatiou  would  be  all  the  nioit! 
 natural." 
 
 Bor'nabas,  a  name  signifying  "  son  of  pro- 
 phecy," or  "  exhortation  "  (or,  but  not  so  probably, 
 "  consolation,"  ns  A.  V.),  given  by  the  Apstlei 
 (.•\cts  iv.  36)  to  JoSKPil  (or  Joses),  a  I.ovite  ot 
 the  island  of  Cyprus,  who  was  early  a  disciple  of 
 Christ.  In  Acts  ix.  27,  we  find  him  introflucing 
 the  newly-converted  ."^aul  to  the  .\]>ostles  at  Jeru- 
 salem, in  a  way  which  seen:s  to  imply  previous 
 aciiuaintanoe  between  tHe  two.     On  tiilings  coining 
 
BARODIS 
 
 to  the  ohiiich  at  Jerusalem  that  men  of  Cyprus  and 
 Cyreiie  had  been  preaching  to  Gentiles  at  Antioch, 
 Barnabas  was  sent  thit.her  (Acts  xi.  19-26),  and 
 went  to  Tarsus  to  seek  Saul,  as  one  specially  mised 
 up  to  preach  to  the  Gentiles  (Acts  xxvi.  17). 
 Having  brought  Saul  to  Antioch,  he  was  sent  with 
 Iiiin  CO  Jerusalem  with  relief  for  the  brethren  in 
 .Iiiiae;i  (Acts  xi.  30).  On  their  return  to  An- 
 tioch, they  (Acts  xiii.  2)  were  ordained  by  the 
 cliui-ch  for  the  missionary  work,  and  sent  forth 
 (A.L).  45).  From  this  time  Barnabas  and  Paul 
 enjoy  the  title  and  dignity  of  Apostles.  Their  first 
 missionaiy  journey  is  related  in  Acts  xiii.  xiv. ;  it 
 was  confined  to  Cyprus  and  Asia  Minor.  Some 
 time  after  their  return  to  Antioch  (A.D.  47  or  48), 
 they  were  sent  (A.D.  50),  with  some  others,  to 
 Jerusalem,  to  determine  with  the  Apostles  and 
 Elders  the  difficult  question  respecting  the  necessity 
 of  circumcision  for  the  Gentile  conveiis  (Acts  xv. 
 1  ft'.).  On  that  occasion  Paul  and  Barnabas  were 
 recognized  as  the  Apostles  of  the  uncircumcision. 
 After  another  stay  in  Antioch  on  their  return,  a 
 variance  took  place  between  Barnabas  and  Paul  on 
 the  question  of  taking  witli  them,  on  a  second  mis- 
 sionary journey,  John  JIark,  sister's  son  to  Bar- 
 nabas (Acts  XV.  36  fT.).  "  The  contention  was  so 
 shai-p,  that  they  parted  asunder,"  and  Barnabas 
 took  Mark,  and  sailed  to  Cyprus,  his  native  island. 
 Here  the  Scripture  notices  of  him  cease.  As 
 to  his  further  labours  and  death,  traditions  differ. 
 Some  say  that  he  went  to  Jlilan,  and  became  first 
 bishop  of  the  church  there.  There  is  extant  an 
 aiwcryphal  work,  probably  of  the  fifth  century, 
 Acta  et  Passio  Barnabao  in  Ci/pro ;  and  a  still 
 later  encomium  of  Barnabas,  by  a  Cyprian  monk 
 Alexander.  We  have  an  Epistle  in  21  chapters 
 called  by  the  name  of  Barnalias.  Its  authenticity 
 has  been  defended  by  some  great  writers ;  but  it  is 
 very  generally  given  up  now,  and  the  Epistle  is 
 believed  to  have  been  written  early  in  the  second 
 century. 
 
 Baro'dis,  a  name  inserted  in  the  list  of  those 
 "servants  of  Solomon"  who  returned  with  Zoro- 
 babel  (1  Esd.  v.  34). 
 
 Bar'sabas.     [Joseph  Baksaeas;  Judas  Bau- 
 
 SABAS.] 
 
 Bar'tacas,  the  father  of  Apame,  the  concubine 
 of  King  Darius  (1  Esd.  iv.  29).  "  The  admirable" 
 was  probably  an  official  title  belonging  to  his 
 rank. 
 
 Barthol'omew,  one  of  the  Twelve  Apostles  of 
 Christ  (Matt.  x.  3;  Mark  iii.  18;  Luke  vi.  14; 
 Acis  i.  13).  It  has  been  not  improbably  conjec- 
 tured that  he  is  identical  with  Nathanael  (Jolui  i. 
 4.5  ff.).  If  this  may  be  assumed,  he  was  born  at 
 Cana  of  Galilee :  and  is  said  to  have  preached  the 
 Gospel  in  India,  that  is,  probably,  Arabia  Felix. 
 Some  allot  Armenia  to  him  as  his  mission-field,  and 
 report  him  to  have  been  there  flayed  alive  and  then 
 crucified  with  his  head  dowuwai'ds. 
 
 Bartimae'us,  a  blind  beggar  of  Jericho  who 
 (Jlark  X.  46  ff.)  sat  by  the  wayside  begging  as  our 
 Lord  passed  out  of  Jericho  on  His  last  joumey  to 
 Jeiusiijem. 
 
 Ba'mch.  1.  Son  of  Neriah,  the  friend  (Jci-. 
 xxxii.  12),  amanuensis  (Jer.  xxxvi.  4-32),  and 
 faithful  attendant  of  Jeremiah  (Jer.  xxxvi.  10  ff. ; 
 B.C.  603),  in  the  discharge  of  his  prophetic  office. 
 He  was  of  a  noble  family  (comp.  Jer.  li.  59 ;  Bar, 
 i.  1 ),  and  of  distinguished  .'■.cquiremcnts  ;  and  his 
 brother  Seraiah  held  an  honourable  office  in  the 
 
 Con.  D.  B 
 
 BARUCH,  THE  BOOK  OF 
 
 97 
 
 court  of  Zedekiah  (Jer.  li.  59).  His  enemies 
 accused  him  of  influencing  Jeremiah  in  favour  of 
 the  Chaldaeans  (Jer.  xliii.  3;  cf.  xxxvii.  13);  and 
 he  was  thrown  into  prison  with  that  prophet,  where 
 he  remained  till  the  capture  of  Jerusalem,  B.C.  586. 
 By  the  permission  of  Nebuchadnezzar  he  remained 
 with  Jeremiah  atMizpeh  (Jos.  Ant.  x.  9,  §1)  ;  but 
 was  afterwards  forced  to  go  down  to  Egypt  (Jer. 
 xliii.  6).  Nothing  is  known  ceiiainly  of  the  close 
 of  his  life.— 2.  The  son  of  Zabbd,  who  assisted 
 Nehemiah  in  rebuilding  the  walls  of  Jerusalem 
 (Neh.  iii.  20).— 3.  A  priest,  or  family  of  priests, 
 who  signed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah  (Neh. 
 X.  0).— 4.  The  son  of  Col-hozeh,  a  descendant  of 
 Perez,  or  Pharez,  the  son  of  Judah  (Neh.  xi.  5). 
 
 Baruch,  the  Book  of,  is  remarkable  as  the 
 only  book  in  the  Apoeiypha  which  is  fonned  on 
 the  model  of  the  Prophets  ;  and  though  it  is 
 wanting  in  originality,  it  presents  a  vivid  reflection 
 of  the  ancient  prophetic  fiie.  It  may  be  divided 
 into  two  main  parts  i.-iii.  8,  and  iii.  9-end. — 
 1.  The  book  at  present  exists  in  Greek,  and  in 
 several  translations  which  were  made  from  the 
 Greek.  Of  tlie  two  Old  Latin  versions  which 
 remain,  that  which  is  incoiporated  in  the  Vulgate 
 is  generally  literal ;  the  other  is  more  free.  The 
 vulgar  Syriac  and  Arabic  follow  the  Greek  text 
 closely.— 2.  The  assumed  author  is  undoubtedly 
 the  companion  of  Jeremiah,  but  the  details  of  the 
 book  are  inconsistent  with  the  assumption.  It 
 exhibits  not  only  historical  inaccuracies,  but  also 
 evident  traces  of  a  later  date  than  the  beginnino-  of 
 the  captivity  (iii.  9  ff.,  iv.  22  ft". ;  i.  3  ff.  Comp. 
 2  K.  XXV.  27).— 3.  The  book  was  held  in  little 
 esteem  among  the  Jews ;  though  it  is  stated  in  the 
 Greek  text  of  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  that  it 
 was  lead,  together  with  the  Lamentations,  "  on 
 the  tenth  day  of  the  month  Gorpiaeus  "  (i.  e.  the 
 Day  of  Atonement).  From  the  time  of  Irenaeus  it 
 was  frequently  quoted  both  in  the  East  and  in  tht 
 West,  and  generally  as  the  work  of  Jeremiah.  It 
 was,  however,  "  obelized  "  throughout  in  the  LXX. 
 as  deficient  in  the  Hebrew.  At  the  Council  of 
 Tient  Baruch  was  admitted  into  the  Romish  Canon  ; 
 but  the  Protestant  churches  have  unanimously 
 placed  it  among  the  Apocryphal  books. — 4.  Con- 
 siderable discussion  has  been  raised  as  to  the  ori- 
 ginal language  of  the  book.  Those  who  advocated 
 its  authenticity  generally  supposed  that  it  was  first 
 written  in  Hebrew.  Others  again  have  maintained 
 that  the  Greek  is  the  original  text.  The  truth 
 appears  to  lie  between  these  two  exti-emes.  The 
 two  divisions  of  the  book  are  distinguished  bv 
 marked  peculiarities  of  style  and  language.  Tlie 
 Hebraic  character  of  tlie  first  part  is  such  as  to 
 mark  it  as  a  translation  and  not  as  the  work  of  a 
 Hebraizing  Greek.  The  second  part,  on  the  other 
 hand,  closely  approaclies  the  Alexandrine  type.— 5. 
 The  most  probable  explanation  of  this  contrast  is 
 gained  by  supposing  that  some  one  thoroughly 
 conversant  with  the  Alexandrine  translation  of 
 Jeremiah  found  the  Hebiew  fragment  which  forms 
 the  basis  of  the  book  already  attached  to  the 
 writings  of  that  prophet,  and  wrought  it  up  into 
 its  present  form. i— 6.  There  are  no  certain  data 
 by  which  to  fix  the  time  of  the  composition  of 
 Barach.  The  present  boo  must  be  placed  con- 
 siderably later,  probably  about  the  time  of  tlie 
 war  of  liberation  (B.C.  16  ),  or  somewhat  earlier. 
 —7.  The  Epistle  of  Jeremiak,  which,  according  to 
 the  authority  of  some  Greek  MSS.,  stands  in  the 
 
98 
 
 BARZILLAI 
 
 F.ngli>h  version  as  t)ie  6tli  chapter  ot'  Baruch,  is 
 the  work  of  a  later  jieiioJ.  It  may  be  a.ssi£;ned 
 with  piobabihty  to  the  tiist  century  B.C.— 8.  A 
 byriac  fust  Epistle  of  Baiuch  "  to  the  nine  and  a 
 half  tribes"  i.-*  found  in  the  London  and  I'aris 
 Folyglotts.  Fiitzsche  considers  it  to  be  the  pro- 
 duetioii  of  a  ."Syrian  monk. 
 
 Barzil'lai.  1.  A  wealtJiy  Gile;idite  who  showed 
 ho.spitality  to  David  when  he  tied  fiom  Absalom 
 (2  .*>am.  xvii.  27).  On  the  score  of  his  age,  and 
 probably  fioni  a  feeling  of  independence,  he  declined 
 tlie  king's  oiler  of  ending  his  days  at  court  (2  Sam. 
 xix.  32-.)9).  The  descendants  of  his  daughter,  who 
 married  into  a  priestly  iiimily,  were  unable,  after 
 the  captivity,  to  piove  their  genealogy  (Ezr.  ii. 
 61  ;  Neh.  vii.  63.)— 2.  A  Meholathite,  whose  son 
 Adriel  mariied  Michal,  Saul's  daughter  (2  Sam. 
 XAi.  8). 
 
 Basaloth,  1  Esd.  v.  31.     [Bazlitii.] 
 
 Bas'cama,  a  place  in  Gilead  where  Jonathan 
 Maccabaeiis  was  killed  by  Tiypho  (1  Mace.  -xiii.  23). 
 No  trace  of  the  name  has  yet  been  discovered. 
 
 Ba'shan,  a  district  on  the  east  of  Joidaii.  It  is 
 not,  like  Argob  and  other  districts  of  Palestine,  dis- 
 tinguished by  one  constiuit  designation,  but  is  some- 
 times s]Miken  of  iis  the  "  laml  of  Bashan,"  (1  Chr. 
 v.  11  ;  and  comp.  Num.  x.\i.  33,  xx.xii.  33),  and 
 sometimes  as  "all  B;ishan ; "  (Deut.  iii.  10,  13; 
 Josh.  .\ii.  5,  xiii.  12,  30),  but  most  commonly 
 without  any  addition.  It  was  tikcn  by  the  children 
 of  Israel  after  their  conquest  of  the  land  of  Sihon 
 from  Arnon  to  .labbok.  They  "  turned  "  from  their 
 road  o\-er  Joidim  and  "  went  up  by  the  way  of 
 Bashan"  to  Eilrei  on  the  western  edge  of  the  l.cjah. 
 [Eduki.]  Here  they  encountered  Og  king  of 
 Bashan,  who  "  came  out  "  probably  from  the  na- 
 tural fiistncsses  of  Argob,  only  to  meet  the  entiie 
 destruction  of  himself,  his  sons,  and  all  his  people 
 (Num.  xxi.  33-35;  Deut.  iii.  1-3).  'I"he  limits  of 
 Bashan  are  very  strictly  ilefined.  It  extended  from 
 the  "bolder  of  Gilead"  on  the  south  to  ]Mount 
 Hemion  on  the  north  (Deut.  iii.  3,  10,  14  ;  Josh, 
 xii.  5  ;  1  Chr.  v.  23),  and  from  the  Arabah  or 
 Jordan  valley  on  the  west  to  Salchah  (Siilkhnd)  and 
 the  border  of  the  Geshurites.  and  the  M.-uichathites  on 
 the  Ciist  (Josh.  xii.  3-,")  ;  Deut.  iii.  10).  This  im- 
 portint  district  wjis  bestowed  on  the  half  tribe  of 
 Manasseh  (Josh.  xiii.  29-3lj,  together  with  "  half 
 Gilead."  It  is  just  named  in  the  list  of  Solomon's 
 commissjuiat  districts  (1  K.  iv.  13).  And  here, 
 with  the  exception  of  one  more  passing  glimpse, 
 closes  the  history  of  Bashaii  as  far  as  the  Bible  is 
 concerneii.  It  vanishes  from  our  view  until  we 
 meet  with  it  as  being  devastated  by  Hazael  in  the 
 reign  of  Jehu  (2  K.  x.  33).  After  the  cajitivity, 
 Basnan  is  mentioned  as  divided  into  four  provinces 
 — Gaulanitis  [G(}lan],  Auraaitis  [Haitran],  Tni- 
 chonitis  [AitGOlj],  and  Batanaea,  or  Ard-el-Bat/i- 
 ani/ch,  which  lies  on  the  east  of  the  Lejalt  and 
 the  north  of  the  range  of  Jehcl  Ifauran  or  ed 
 Dnizr. 
 
 Ba'shan-ha'voth-ja'ir,  a  name  given  to  Argob 
 afli'i-  its  <c)iic]uest  by  -lair  (Deut.  iii.  14). 
 
 Bash'emath,  daughter  of  Ishinarl,  the  last  mar- 
 ried of  the  three  wives  of  llsau  (Gen.  xxxvi.  3,  4, 
 13),  from  whose  son,  Keucl,  four  tribes  of  the 
 Edomit&s  were  descended.  When  first  mentioned 
 she  is  called  Mahalath  ((!en.  xxviii.  9);  whilst,  on 
 the  other  hand,  the  name  Baihematli  is  in  tiic  nai- 
 i-ativc  (Gen.  xxvi.  34)  given  to  another  of  Esau's 
 wives,   tlio    daughter  of  Elon  the   Ilittite.      The 
 
 BASKET 
 
 Samarium  text  seeks  to  lemove  this  difficulty  by 
 reading  Mahalath  instead  of  Bashcmath  in  the  gene- 
 alogy. We  might  with  more  probability  suppose 
 that  this  name  (Bashemath)  has  been  as-signed  to 
 the  wrong  jiei'son  in  one  or  other  of  the  passages ; 
 but  if  so  it  is  impossible  to  detennine  which  is 
 eiToneous. 
 
 Basin.  Among  the  smaller  vessels  for  the 
 Tabernaile  or  Temple  service,  many  must  have 
 been  required  to  receive  from  the  siicrifTcial  victims 
 the  blood  to  be  sprinkled  for  puritic^ttion.  Moses, 
 on  the  occa-sion  of  the  great  ceremony  of  purifica- 
 tion in  the  wilderness,  put  half  the  blood  in  "  the 
 basins"  or  bowls,  and  afterwanls  sprinkled  it  on 
 the  [leople  (Ex.  xxi  v.  6,  8).  Among  the  vessels 
 cast  in  metal,  whether  gold,  silver,  or  brass,  by 
 Hiram,  for  Solomon,  besides  the  laver  and  great  sea, 
 mention  is  made  of  basins,  bowls,  and  cups.  Of 
 the  lii-st  (marcj.  bonis )  he  is  said  to  have  made  100 
 (2  Chr.  iv.  8^  1  K.  vii.  45,  4G  ;  comp.  Ex.  xxv.  29 
 and  1  Chr.  xxviii.  14,  17).  The  form  and  mateiial 
 of  these  vessels  can  only  be  conjectured  from  the 
 analogy  of  ancient  A  ssyiian  and  Egyptian  specimens 
 of  works  of  the  same  kind.  The  "  basiu  "  tiom 
 which  our  Lord  washed  the  disciples'  feet,  viirri)p, 
 was  probably  deeper  and  larger  than  the  hand-basin 
 tor  sjjrinkling. 
 
 Basket.  The  Hebrew  tenns  used  in  the  descrip- 
 tion of  this  article  are  as  follows  :  (1)  Sal,  so  called 
 from  the  twu/s  of  which  it  was  originally  made, 
 specially  used  for  holding  bread  (Gen.  xl.  10  ll". 
 Ex.  xxix.  ;'.,  23  ;  Lev.  viii.  2,  26,  31  ;  Num.  vi.  15, 
 17,  19).  The  fonn  of  the  Egyptian  bre;id-b;isket 
 is  delineated  in  Wilkinson's  Anc.  Kij'jpt.  iii.  220, 
 alter  the  specimens  represented  in  the  tomb  of 
 luimeses  III.  We  must  assume  that  the  term  scU 
 passed  from  its  strict  etymological  meaning  to  any 
 vessel  applied  to  the  jmrpose.  In  Jiidg.  vi.  la, 
 meat  is  served  up  in  a  sal,  which  could  hardly  have 
 been  of  wickerwork.  (2)  Salsilloth,  a  word  of  kin- 
 dred origin,  applied  to  the  basket  used  in  gathering 
 grapes  (Jer.  vi.  9).  (3)  Toic,  in  which  the  tii-st- 
 •ruits  of  the  harvest  were  presented  (Deut.  xxvi.  2, 
 4).     F)om  its   being  coupled  with  the  kneading- 
 
 K^'^•ptlBll  llosUfU.     (From  Wilkl 
 
 bowl  (A.  V.  "  store,"  Deut.  xxviii.  5,  17),  wc 
 may  infer  that  it  was  also  used  for  household  pur- 
 iwses,  peihajis  to  bring  the  com  to  the  mill.  (4) 
 Cilub,  so  called  from  its  similarity  to  a  biidcigc  oi 
 trap,  probably  in  regard  to  its  iiaving  a  lid  :  it  wa: 
 used  for  Girrying  fruit  {\m.  viii.  1,  2).  (5)  Dud, 
 used  for  eirrying  fruit  (Jer.  xxiv.  1,  2),  as  well  as 
 on  a  larger  scale  for  carrying  clay  to  the  brickyaitl 
 (Ps.  Ixxxi.  6;  pots,  A.V.),  or  for  holding  bulky 
 articles  (2  K.  x.  7).  In  the  N.  T.  baskets  are  de- 
 scribed under  the  three  following  terms,  K6<pivos, 
 
BASMATH 
 
 ffirupls,  (rapyivri.  The  last  occurs  only  in  2  Cor. 
 xi.  oo,  in  describing  St.  Paul's  escape  from  Da- 
 mascus. With  regaid  to  the  two  former  words,  it 
 may  be  remarked  that  the  first  is  exclusively  used 
 in  the  description  of  the  miracle  of  feeding  the  five 
 thousand  (Matt.  xiv.  20,  xvi.  9  ;  Mark  vi.  43  ; 
 Luke  i.x.  J 7  ;  John  vi.  13),  and  the  second,  in  that 
 of  the  four  thousand  (Matt.  xv.  37  ;  Mark  viii.  8)  : 
 the  distinction  is  most  definitely  brought  out  in 
 Maik  viii.  19,  20. 
 
 Bas'iuath,  a  daughter  of  Solomon,  married  to 
 Ahimaaz,  cue  of  his  commissariat  olficers  (1  K.  iv. 
 15). 
 
 Bas'sa,  1  Esd.  v.  16.     [Bkzai.J 
 
 Ba'stai,  1  Esd.  v.  31.     [Besai.] 
 
 Bastard.  Among  those  v.'ho  were  excluded  from 
 entering  the  congregation,  even  to  the  tenth  genera- 
 tion, was  the  inamzer  (A.  V.  bastard),  who  was 
 classed  in  this  respect  with  the  Ammonite  and 
 !Moabite  (Deut.  .\xiii.  2).  The  tt-rm  is  not,  how- 
 ever, applied  to  any  illegitimate  oflspring,  born  out 
 of  wedlock,  but  is  restricted  by  the  Kabbins  to  the 
 issue  of  any  connexion  within  the  degrees  prohibited 
 by  the  Law.  A  mamzer,  according  to  the  Jlishna 
 {Yehamoth,  iv.  13),  is  one,  says  11.  Akiba,  who 
 is  born  of  relations  between  whom  marriage  is 
 forbidden.  Simeon  the  Temanite  says,  it  is  evei  y 
 one  whose  parents  are  liable  to  the  punishment  of 
 "  cutting  off"  by  the  hands  of  Heaven  ;  K.  Joshua, 
 every  one  whose  parents  are  liable  to  death  by  the 
 house  of  judgment,  as,  for  instance,  the  offspring  of 
 adultery.  'i'he  ancient  versions  (LXX.,  Vulg., 
 Syr.),  add  another  class,  the  children  of  a  harlot, 
 and  iu  this  sense  the  term  mrrn:er  or  manser  sur- 
 vived in  Pontifical  law  (Selden,  de  Succ.  in  hon. 
 defunct.,  c.  iii.) : 
 "  iVIanzeribus  scortum,  sed  moecha  nofhis  dedlt  ortum." 
 
 The  child  of  a  goi,  or  non-Israelite,  and  a  maimer 
 was  also  reckoned  by  the  Talmudists  a  mamzer,  as 
 was  the  issue  of  a  slave  and  a  mamzer,  and  of  a 
 mamzer  and  female  proselyte.  The  term  also  occurs 
 in  Zech.  ix.  6,  "  a  bastard  shall  dwell  in  Ashdod," 
 where  it  seems  to  denote  a  foreign  race  of  mixed 
 and  spurious  birth.  Dr.  Geiger  infers  from  this 
 passage  that  mamzer  specially  signifies  the  issue 
 of  such  marriages  between  the  Jews  and  the  wo- 
 men of  Ashdod  as  are  alluded  to  in  Neh.  xiii. 
 23,  24,  and  applies  it  exclusively  to  the  Philistine 
 bastard. 
 
 Bat  {'dtaUepJi).  There  is  no  doubt  whatever 
 that  the  A.  V.  is  correct  in  its  rendering  of  this 
 word.  It  is  true  that  in  the  A.  V.  of  Lev.  xi.  19, 
 and  Deut.  xiv.  18,  the  'dtalleph   closes  the  lists  of 
 
 Bat    {I'aphozous  perfoniiiu.) 
 
 BATH-ZACHARIAS  <J9 
 
 "fowls  that  shall  not  be  eaten;"  but  it  must  ba 
 remembeied  that  the  ancients  considered  the  bat  to 
 partake  of  the  nature  of  a  biid,  and  the  Hebrew 
 oph,  "fowls,"  which  literally  means  "a  wing," 
 might  be  applied  to  any  winged  creature.  Besides 
 the  passages  cited  above,  mention  of  the  bat  occui-s 
 in  Is.  ii.  20 :  "  In  that  day  a  man  shall  cast  his 
 idols  of  silver  and  his  idols  of  gold  ....  to  the 
 moles  and  to  the  bats ;"  and  in  Baruch  vi.  22,  in 
 the  passage  that  so  graphically  sets  forth  the  vanity 
 of  the  Babylonish  idols  :  "  Their  faces  are  blacked 
 through  the  smoke  that  cometh  out  of  the  temple  ; 
 upon  their  bodies  and  heads  sit  bats,  swallows,  and 
 birds,  and  the  cats  also."  Jlany  travellers  have 
 noticed  the  immense  numbers  of  bats  that  are  found 
 in  caverns  in  the  East,  and  Layard  says  that  on  the 
 occasion  of  a  visit  to  a  cavern  these  noisome  beasts 
 compelled  him  to  retreat. 
 
 Bath,  Bathing.  This  was  a  prescribed  part  of 
 the  Jewish  ritual  of  purification  in  cases  of  acci- 
 dental, leprous,  or  ordinary  uncleanness  (Lev.  xv. 
 xvi.  28,  x.di.  6 ;  Num.  .\ix.  7,  19 ;  2  Sam. 
 xi.  2,  4  ;  2  K.  v.  10);  as  also  after  mourning, 
 which  always  implied  defilement  (Ruth  iii.  3; 
 2  Sam.  xii.  20.")  The  high-priest  at  his  inaugura- 
 tion (Lev.  xiii.  6)  and  on  the  day  of  atonement, 
 once  betbre  each  solemn  act  of  propitiation  (xvi.  4, 
 24),  was  also  to  bathe.  A  bathing-chamber  was 
 probably  included  in  houses  even  of  no gieat  rank  in 
 cities  fi-om  early  times  (2  Sam.  xi.  2) ;  much  more 
 in  those  of  the  wealthy  in  later  times  ;  often  in 
 gardens  (Susan.  15).  With  bathing,  anointing  was 
 customarily  joined  ;  the  climate  making  both  these 
 essential  alike  to  health  and  pleasure,  to  which 
 luxury  added  the  use  of  perfumes  (Susan.  17  ;  Jud. 
 X.  3  ;  Esth.  ii.  12).  The  "  pools,"  such  as  that  of 
 Siloam,  and  Hezekiah  (Neh.  iii.  15,  16  ;  2  K.  xx. 
 20;  Is.  xxii.  11  ;  John  ix.  7),  often  sheltered  by 
 porticoes  (John  v.  2),  are  the  first  indications  we 
 have  of  pubhc  bathing  accommodation. 
 
 Bath.     [Measures.] 
 
 Bath-rab'bim,  the  gate  of,  one  of  the  gates 
 of  the  ancient  city  of  Heshbou  [Cant.  vii.  4  [5]). 
 The  "  Gate  of  Bathrabbim "  at  Heshbon  would, 
 according  to  the  Oriental  custom,  be  the  gate  point- 
 ing to  a  town  of  that  name.  The  only  place  in  this 
 neighbourhood  at  all  resembling  Bathrabbim  in 
 sound  is  Habbah.  Future  investigations  may  settle 
 thio  point. 
 
 Bathshe'ba  (2  Sam.  xi.  3,  &c. ;  also  called  Bath- 
 shua  in  1  Chr.  iii.  5),  the  daughter  of  Eliam  (2 
 Sam.  xi.  3),  or  Ammiel  (1  Chr.  iii.  5),  the  son  of 
 Ahithophel  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  34),  and  wife  of  Uriah 
 the  Hittite.  The  child  which  was  the  iVuit  of  her 
 adulterous  intercourse  with  David  died  ;  but  after 
 marriage  she  became  the  mother  of  four  sons,  Solo- 
 mon (Matt.  i.  6),  Shimea,  Shobab,  and  Nathan. 
 When  Adonijah  attempted  to  set  aside  in  his  own 
 favour  the  succession  promised  to  Solomon,  Bath- 
 sheba  was  employed  by  Nathan  to  infoixn  the  king 
 of  the  conspiracy  (1  K.  i.  11,  15,  23).  Af\er  the 
 accession  of  Solomon,  she,  as  queen-mother,  re- 
 quested permission  of  her  son  for  Adonijah  to  take 
 in  marriage  Abishag  the  Shunamite  (1  K.  n.  21- 
 23). 
 
 Bath-shu'a.     [Bathsheba.] 
 
 Bath-zachari'as,  a  place,  named  only  1  Jlacc.  vi. 
 32,  33,  to  which  Judas  Maa;abaeus  marched  from 
 Jerusalem,  and  where  he  encamped  for  the  relief  of 
 Bethsura.  The  two  places  were  seventy  stadia 
 apart,  and  the  approaches    to  Bathzacharias   were 
 
 H  2 
 
100 
 
 BATTLE-AX 
 
 intncat.-  ami  contiiieU.  This  desoiiptioii  is  met  m 
 every  resj>ect  by  the  moileni  Beit  Snhdi-ich,  nine 
 mill's  north  of  Beit  sur.     [lii^Tiizra] 
 
 Batti.e-ax,  .)er.  li.  'Ju  [Maul]. 
 
 Bav  ai,  smi  of  Honiuhul,  ruK-r  of  the  district  of 
 lu'iUh  ill  the  time  of  Neheini;i)i  (Neh.  iii.  18). 
 
 Bay-tl'ee  (czrdc/i).  It  is  dillieult  to  see  upon 
 wliat  ijioumls  tlie  ti;inshitors  of  the  A.  V.  hnve 
 iiiiderstooil  tlie  Hebrew  word  of  I's.  .xxxvii.  35  to 
 tJSiiity  a  "  bay-tiee."  Most  of  the  Jewish  doctors 
 uudei-stmd  by  the  tenn  ezrdch  "a  tree  which 
 grows  in  its  own  soil  "—one  that  has  never  been 
 transplanted;  which  is  the  interpretation  given  in 
 the  margin  of  tlu>  A.  V.  The  word  czr&cli,  literally 
 signifies  a  "  na;ive,"  in  contriwlistinction  to  "  a 
 stranger,"  or  "  ?.  foreigner." 
 
 Bazlith,  "Children  of  B."  were  amongst  the 
 Nethinini  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Neh. 
 vii.  54).  In  lizr.  il.  52,  the  name  is  given  as 
 liAZLUTii,  and  in  I  Hsd.  v.  31  as  Basaloth. 
 
 Bazlutli  [Bazlith]. 
 
 Bdellium  (bedolach),  a  precious  substance,  the 
 name  of  which  occurs  in  Gen.  ii.  12,  with  "  gold  " 
 ami  "  ony.\  stone,"  as  one  of  the  productions  of  the 
 land  of  ilavilah,  and  in  Num.  xi.  7,  where  manna 
 is  in  colour  compared  to  Mellinm.  It  is  quite  im- 
 possible to  say  whether  bedolach  denotes  a  mineral, 
 or  an  animal  pioduction,  oi-  a  vegetable  exudation. 
 Bdellium  is  an  odoriferous  e.\udation  from  a  tree 
 which  is  perhaps  the  Dorassiis  flabellifvrmis,  Lin., 
 of  Arabia  l'"elix. 
 
 Beali'ah,  a  Benjamitc,  who  went  over  to  Da\nd 
 at  Ziklag  (  I  Chr.  xii.  5). 
 
 Be'aloth,  a  town  in  the  extreme  south  of  Judah 
 (Josh.  XV.  _'4:.. 
 
 Be'aa,  Children  o^  a  tribe,  ajiparently  of  pre- 
 datory Bedouin  habits,  who  were  destroyed  by 
 Judas  Maccabaeus  (1  Mace.  v.  4).  The  name  has 
 been  supposed  to  be  identiail  with  Beom. 
 
 Beans  (-'  Sam.  xvii.  28;  Kz.  iv.  9).  Beans 
 are  cultivated  in  Palestine,  which  produces  many 
 of  the  leguminous  order  of  plants,  such  as  lentils, 
 kiduev-beans,  vetches,  &c.  Beans  are  in  blossom 
 in  January ;  they  have  been  noticed  in  flower  at 
 Lydda  on'  the  23rd,  and  at  Sidon  and  Acre  even 
 earlier;  they  continue  in  flower  till  March.  In 
 Kgypt  beans  are  sown  in  November  and  reaped  in 
 tli^e  middle  of  February,  but  in  .Syria  the  harvest 
 is  later. 
 
 Bear.  The  Syrian  bear  ( Ursiis  Suriacus),  which 
 is  without  doubt  the  animal  mentioned  in  the 
 Bible,  is  still  found  on  the  higher  mountains  ot 
 I'alestine.  During  the  summer  months  these  beai-s 
 keep  to  the  snowy  paits  of  Lebanon,  but  desccn.l  in 
 winter  to  the  villages  and  gardens"  it  is  probable 
 
 BEARD 
 
 also  that  at  this  period  in  former  days  thpy  ex- 
 tended their  visits  to  other  parts  of  I'alestine.  We 
 read  in  Scripture  of  bears  being  found  in  a  wood 
 between  Jericho  and  Bethel  (2  K.  ii.  24)  :  it  is  not 
 improbable  therefore  that  the  destrnctioii  of  the 
 forty-two  chihlren  who  mocked  I'^lisha  tooK  place 
 some  time  in  the  winter,  when  these  animai^  in- 
 habited the  lowlands  of  Palestine.  The  ferocity 
 of  the  bear  when  deprived  of  its  young  is  alludal  to 
 in  2  Sam.  xvii.  8;  Prov.  xvii.  12;  Hos.  xiii.8;  its 
 attacking  flocks  in  I  Sam.  xvii.  34,  &c. ;  its  crafti- 
 ness iu  ambush  in  Lam.  iii.  10,  and  that  it  was  a 
 dangerous  enemy  to  man  we  learn  from  Am.  v.  19. 
 The  passage  in  Is.  lix.  1 1  wouhl  be  better  translatcil, 
 "  we  groan  like  Ijears,"  in  allusion  to  the  animal's 
 ])laintive  groaning  noise.  The  bear  is  mentioned 
 also  in  Rev.  xiii.  2  ;  in  Dan.  vii.  5;  Wisd.  xi.  17  ; 
 Kccliis.  xlvii.  3. 
 
 Beard.  Western  Asiatics  have  always  cherished 
 the  beard  as  the  badge  of  the  dignity  of  manhood, 
 and  attached  to  it  the  impoitance  of  a  feature.  The 
 Egyptijuis  on  the  contrary,  sedulously,  for  the  most 
 part,  shaved  the  hair  of  the  face  and  heail,  and 
 com|)elleil  their  slaves  to  do  the  like.     The  enemies 
 
 ajTtkn  Brkr.    (Uniu  S]/rittau.) 
 
 BeanU.    Eg>-ptian.  froni  Wilktnscn  (top  row).    Of  other  imtiutw, 
 front  Uo«eUiiii  and  l.uvatd. 
 
 of  the  Egyptians,  including  probably  many  of  the 
 nations  ol  Canaan,  Syria,  and  .Ximeiiia,  &c.,  are 
 represented  neaily  always  besirded.  In  the  Niuevite 
 monuments  is  a  series  of  battle-views  fiom  the 
 capture  of  Lachish  by  Sennacherib,  in  which  the 
 captives  have  beards  very  like  some  of  those  in  the 
 Egyptian  monuments.  There  is,  however,  an 
 a])|K'arance  of  conventionalism  both  in  Egyptian  .and 
 Assyrian  treatment  of  the  hair  .tnd  beard  on  monu- 
 ments, which  prevents  our  acce])ting  it  ,ns  charac- 
 teristic. Nor  is  it  jiossible  to  decide  with  certainty 
 the  me.-ining  of  the  prccx'pt  (Lev.  xix.  27,  xxi.  5) 
 regarding  the  "  cornei-s  of  the  beanl."  Prolwbly  the 
 •lews  retained  the  hair  on  the  sides  of  the  face 
 betw(!en  the  ear  and  the  eye,  which  the  Arabs  ami 
 otlies's  shaved  away.  Size  and  fulness  of  beard  are 
 said  to  be  regarded,  at  the  jjresent  day,  as  a  mark 
 of  respectability  and  trustworthiness.  The  beanl 
 is  the  obji'ct  of  an  oath,  and  that  on  which  blessings 
 or  shame  are  spoken  of  as  i-e,sting.  The  custom  was 
 and  is  to  shave  or  pluck  it  and  the  hair  out  in 
 mourning  (Is.  I.  6,  xv.  2  ;  Jer.  xli.  5,  xlviii.  37 ; 
 Ezr.  ix.  3;  Bar.  vi.  31);  to  neglect  il  in  se.asons 
 of  permanent  .alfliction  (2  .Sam.  xix.  24),  and  to  le- 
 ■;ard  any  insult  to  it  as  the  last  outi-.igo  whiih 
 eiuuity  can  inflict  '2  S.im.  x.  4).  The  beard  w.ia 
 the  object  of  salutation  (2  Sam.  xx.  0\  The  diT.vs- 
 ing,  trimming,  anointing,  &c.  of  the  beard,  w.ts 
 |ii'ilormeil  with  much  c<!remony  by  prisons  of  wealth 
 and  rank  (Ps.  cxxxiii.  2).    The  remo\  id  of  the  beard 
 
BEAST 
 
 was  a  part  of  the  cevenionial  treatment  proper  to  a 
 Kper  (Lev.  xiv.  9). 
 
 Beast.  The  representative  in  the  A.  V^.  of  the 
 following  Hebrew  words:— 1.  Bchemdh,  which  is 
 the  general  name  for  "  domestic  cattle"  of  any  kind, 
 is  used  also  to  denote  "  any  large  quadruped,"  as 
 opposed  to  fowls  and  creeping  things  (Gen.  vi.  7, 
 20,  vii.  2  ;  Ex.  ix.  25  ;  Lev.  xi.  2  ;  1  K.  iv.  33  ; 
 Prov.  XXX.  30,  &c.) ;  or  for  "beasts  of  burden," 
 horees,  mules,  &c.,  as  in  1  K.  xviii.  5,  Neh.  ii.  12, 
 14,  &c.  ;  or  the  word  may  denote  "  wild  beasts," 
 as  in  Dent,  sxxii.  3-i-,  Hab.  ii.  17,  1  Sam.  svii.  44. 
 —2.  Bi'ir  is  used  either  collectively  of  "  all  kinds 
 of  cattle,"  like  the  Latin  peats  (Ex.  xxii.  5  [4]  ; 
 Num.  XX.  4,  8,  1 1  ;  Ps.  lxx\-iii.  48),  or  s{>ecially  of 
 "beasts  of  burden"  (Gen.  xlv.  17).  This  word 
 has  a  more  limited  sense  than  the  preceding.— 
 3.  Chnijijdh  is  used  to  denote  any  animal,  it  is, 
 however,  very  frequently  used  specially  of  "  wild 
 beast,"  when  the  meaning  is  often  more  fully  ex- 
 pressed by  the  addition  of  the  word  hassMeh^  (wild 
 oeast)  "  of  the  field"  (Ex.  xxiii.  11;  Lev.  xxvi. 
 22  ;  Deut.  vii.  22  ;  Hos.  ii.  12  [14],  xiii.  8  ;  Jer.' 
 xii.  9,  &c). 
 
 Beba'i.  1.  "  Sons  of  Bebai,"  623  (Neh.  628 )  in 
 number,  returned  from  Babvlon  with  Zerubbabel 
 (Kzr.  ii.  11  ;  Neh.  vii.  16  ;  1  Esd.  v.  13),  and  at 
 a  later  period  twenty-eight  more,  imder  Zechai'iah 
 the  son  of  Bebai,  returned  with  Ezra  (Ezr.  viii.  11). 
 Four  of  this  family  had  taken  foreign  wives  (Ezr. 
 X.  28 ;  1  Esd.  ix.  29).  The  name  occui-s  also 
 among  those  who  sealed  the  covenant  (Neh.  x.  15). 
 —2.  Father  of  Zechariah,  who  was  the  leader  of 
 the  twenty-eight  men  of  his  tribe  mentioned  above 
 (Ezr.  viii.  11). 
 
 Beba'i,  a  place  named  only  in  Jud.  xv.  4. 
 
 Be'cher.  1.  The  second  son  of  Benjamin,  ac- 
 cording to  the  list  both  in  Gen.  xlvi.  21,  and  1  Chr. 
 vii.  6;  but  omittted  in  1  Chr.  viii.  1.  No  one, 
 however,  can  look  at  the  Hebrew  text  of  1  Chr. 
 viii.  1,  without  at  lea<t  suspecting  that  becoro,  his 
 first-born,  is  a  corruption  of  Becker,  so  that  the 
 genuine  reading  would  be,  Benjamin  begat  Beta, 
 Becker,  nnd  Askbel,  in  exact  agi'eement  with  Gen. 
 xlvi.  21.  There  is,  however,  another  view  which 
 may  be  taken,  viz.,  that  1  Chron.  viii.  1  is  right, 
 and  that  in  Gen.  xlvi.  21,  and  1  Chr.  vii.  8,  Becker, 
 as  a  proper  name,  is  a  corruption  of  becor,  first- 
 born, so  that  Benjamin  had  no  son  Becher.  Not- 
 withstanding all  the  arguments  in  favour  of  this, 
 the  first  supposition  is,  it  can  scarcely  be  doubted, 
 substantially  the  true  one.  Becher  was  one  of 
 Benjamin's  three  sons,  Bela,  Becher,  Ashbel,  and 
 came  down  to  Egvpt  with  Jacob,  being  one  of  the 
 fourteen  descendants  of  Rachel  who  settled  in  Egypt. 
 As  regards  the  posterity  of  Becher,  we  have  to 
 notice  the  singular  fact  of  there  being  no  family 
 named  after  him  at  the  numbering  of  the  Israelites 
 in  the  plains  of  Jloab,  as  related  in  Num.  xxvi. 
 But  the  no  less  singular  ciicumstance  of  there  being 
 a  Becher,  and  a  family  of  Backrites,  among  the 
 Kons  of  Ephraim  (ver.  35),  seems  to  supply  the 
 tiiie  explanation.  The  slaughter  of  the  sons  of 
 Ephraim  by  the  men  of  Gath,  who  came  to  steal 
 their  cattle  out  of  the  land  of  Gcshen,  in  that  border 
 atlray  i-elated  in  1  Chr.  vii.  21.  had  sadly  thinned 
 the  house  of  Ephraim  of  its  males.  The  daughters 
 of  Ephraim  must  therefore  have  sought  husbands  in 
 other  tribes,  and  in  many  cases  must  have  been 
 heiresses.  It  is  therefore  highly  probable  that 
 Becher,  or  his  lieir  and  head  c.'"  b'S  house,  married 
 
 BED 
 
 101 
 
 a:i  Epluaimitish  heiress,  a  daughter  of  .Shutlielab 
 (1  Chr.  vii.  20,  21),  and  so  tliat  his  house  was 
 reckoned  in  the  tribe  of  Ephraim,  just  as  Jair,  the 
 son  of  Segub,  was  reckoned  in  the  tribe  of  Manasseh 
 (1  Chr.  ii.  22;  Num.  .xx.xii.  40,  41).  The  time 
 when  Becher  lust  appears  among  the  E|>hraimites, 
 viz.,  just  before  the  entering  into  the  promised  land, 
 when  the  people  were  numbered  by  genealogies  for 
 the  express  purpose  of  dividing  the  inheiitance  equi- 
 tably among  the  tribes,  is  evidently  highly  fevour- 
 able  to  this  view.  (See  Num.  xxvi.  52-56,  xxvii.) 
 The  junior  branches  of  Becher's  family  would  of 
 course  continue  in  the  tribe  of  Benjamin. ^2.  Son 
 of  Ephraim,  Num.  xxvi.  35,  called  Bered  1  Chr. 
 vii.  20.     Same  as  the  preceding. 
 
 Becho'rath,  son  of  Aphiah,  or  Abiah,  and  grand- 
 son of  Becher,  according  to  1  Sam.  ix.  1, 1  Chr.vii.  8. 
 
 Bec'tileth,  the  plain  of,  mentioned  in  Jud. 
 ii.  21,  as  lying  between  Nineveh  and  Cilicia.  The 
 name  has  been  compared  with  BuKToioAAa,  a  town 
 of  Syria  named  by  Ptolemy,  Bactiali  in  the 
 Peutinger  Tables,  which  place  it  21  miles  from 
 Antioch. 
 
 Bed  and  Bed-chamber.  We  may  distingui-sh  in 
 the  Jewish  bed  five  principal  parts: — 1.  the  mat- 
 tress ;  2.  the  covering ;  3.  the  pillow  ;  4.  the  bed- 
 stead or  support  for  1  ;  5.  the  ornamental  por- 
 tions.—1.   This   portion    of    the    bed    was    limiteil 
 
 "^^^^^\JIa\ 
 
 Beda.     (From  Fellows,  Asia  AJttior.) 
 
 to  a  mere  mat,  or  one  or  more  quilts. ^2.  A 
 quilt  finer  than  those  used  in  1.  In  summer  a 
 thin  blanket  or  the  outer  garment  worn  by  day 
 (1  Sam.  xix.  13)  sufficed.  Hence  the  law  pro- 
 vided that  it  should  not  be  kept  in  pledge  after 
 smiset,  that  the  poor  man  might  not  lack  his 
 needful  covering  (Deut.  xxiv.  13).— 3.  The  only 
 material  mentioned  for  this  is  that  which  occurs 
 1  Sam.  xix.  13,  and  the  word  used  is  of  doubtful 
 meaning,  but  seems  to  signify  some  fabric  woven 
 or  plaited  of  goat's-hair.  It  is  c'ear,  however,  that 
 it  was  something  hastily  adopted  to  serve  as  a 
 pillow,  and  is  not  decisive  of  the  ordinaiy  u.se.  In 
 Ez.  xiii.  18,  occurs  the  word  ceseth,  which  seems 
 to  be  the  proper  term.  Such  pillows  are  comnion 
 to  this  day  in  the  East,  fomied  of  sheep's  fleece  or 
 goat's-skin,  with  a  stuffing  of  cotton,  iS;c.— 4.  The 
 bedstead  was  not  always  necessary,  the  divan,  or 
 platform  along  the  side  or  end  of  an  Oriental  room, 
 sufficing  as  a  support  for  the  beddine.  Yet  some 
 slight  and  portable  frame  seems  implied  among;  the 
 senses  of  the  word,  which  is  used  for  a  "bier'" 
 (2  Sam.  iii.  31),  and  for  the  ordinary  bed  (2  K. 
 iv.  10),  for  the  litter  on  which  a  sick  person  might 
 be  canied  (1  Sam.  xix.  15),  for  .lacob's  bed  of  siciv- 
 ness  (Gen.  xlvii.  31),  and  for  the  couch  on  which 
 guests  reclined  at  a  banquet  (Esth.  i.  6).— 5.  The 
 orniimental  portions  were  pillars  and  a  canopy  (Jud 
 
lOli  BED  AD 
 
 xiii.  9),  ivory  airvins^s,  gold  and  silver,  and  pro- 
 bably mosaic  work,  imiT)le  and  fine  linen  (Ksth. 
 i.  G;  Cant.  iii.  9,  10).  The  ordinary  furniture  of 
 a  bedcliainber  in  private  life  is  given  in  2  K.  iv.  10. 
 
 Bed  anJ  Ueail-rest     (VTilWinBOn,  Ancient  EgypUani.) 
 
 The  "  bed-chamber  "  in  the  Temple  where  Joash 
 was  hidden,  was,  probably,  a  stoi  e-chamber  for 
 keeping;  beds  ('.i  K.  xi.  2  ;  2  Chr.  xxii.  11).  The  posi- 
 tion of  the  bed-chamber  in  the  most  remote  and 
 secret  parts  of  the  palace  seems  marked  in  the  pas- 
 sages, Kx.  viii.  3,  2  K.  vi.  12. 
 
 Be'dad,  the  father  of  Hadad  king  of  Edom  (Gen. 
 xxxvi.  :{.')  ;   1  Chr.  i.  46). 
 
 Be' dan.  1.  mentioned  1  Sam.  xii.  11,  as  a  Judge 
 of  Israel  between  Jerubbaal  (Gideon)  and  Jephthah. 
 Some  maintain  him  to  be  the  Jair  mentioned  in 
 .ludg.  x.  3.  The  Chaldee  Paraphrast  reads  Samson 
 for  Ijedan  ;  the  LXX.,  Syr,,  and  Arab,  all  have 
 Barak,  a  very  j)robable  co)-rection  except  for  the 
 order  of  the  names.  Ewald  suggests  that  it  may 
 be  a  false  reading  lor  Abdon.— 2.  Son  of  Ulam,  the 
 son  of  Gilead  [\  Chr.  vii.  17). 
 
 Bedei'ah,  one  of  the  sons  of  Bani,  in  the  time  of 
 Ezra,  who  had  taken  a  foreign  wife  {V.zt.  x.  35). 
 
 Bee  idchoaih),  I^iit.  i.  4-4- ;  Judg.  xiv.  8 ;   Ps. 
 cxviii.  12;  Is.  vii.   18.     That  Palestine  abounded 
 in   bees   is   evident   from   the  description  of  that 
 land  by  Moses,    for  it  was  a  laml  "  tlowing  with 
 milk  and  lioncy ;"  nor  is  there  any  leason  for  sujv 
 posing  that   this    expression    is    to    be   undei-siood 
 otherwise  tlian  in  its  liteial  sense.     Modern  trayel- 
 lei-s  occasionally  allude  to   the  bees   of  Palestine. 
 Dr.  Thomson  ( The  L.iiul  and  the  Book,  p.  299; 
 speaks  of  immense  swarms  of  tees  which  made  their 
 home  in  a   gigantic  clitV  of  Wady  Kura.     "The 
 people  of  M'alia,  several  years  ago,"  he  says,  "  let 
 a  man  down  the  face  of  the  lock  by  ropes.    He  w:is 
 entirely  protected  from  the  assaults  of  the  bees,  and 
 extracted  a  large  amount  of  honey  ;  but  he  was  so 
 ten-ified  by  the  prodigious  swarms  of  bees  that  he 
 could  not  be  induced  "to  repeat  the  exploit."     This 
 forcibly  illustrates  Deut.  xxxii.  13,and  Ps.  Ixxxi.  IG, 
 as  to  "  honey  out  of  the  stony  rock,"  and  the  two  | 
 passages  out  of  the  Psalms  and  Judges  quoted  above, 
 as  to  the  feai  ful  nature  of  the  attacks  of  the.se  insects 
 when  initated.     English  naturalists  know  little  of 
 tlie  .species  of  bees  that  are  found  in  Palestine.    Mr. 
 F.  Smith,  our  best  authority  on  the  Hymenoptera, 
 is  inclined  to  believe  that  the  honey-bee  of  Palestine 
 is  distinct  from  the  honey-bee  {A.  mellifica)  of  this 
 country.     There  can  In?  no  doubt  that  the  attiicks 
 of  liees  in  Eastern  countries  are  more  to  be  drejided 
 than  they  are  in  more  temperate  climates.    Swarms 
 in  the  liiistare  far  larger  tluui  they  arc  with  us,  and. 
 on  account  of  the  heat  of  the  climate,  one  oiu  readilj' 
 imagine   that  their  stings  must  give  nse  to  very 
 dangerous   syuiptonis.     We    ran     well,    therefoiv. 
 
 BEELZEBUL 
 
 understand  the  full  foree  of  the  Psalmists  com- 
 plaint, "  Thoy  came  about  me  like  bees."  The 
 |5assai;e  about  the  swarm  of  bees  and  honey  in  the 
 lion's  caiicase  (Judg.  xiv.  8)  admits  of  easy  explana- 
 tion. The  lion  which  Samson  slew  had  been  dead 
 some  little  time  before  the  bees  had  taken  up  their 
 abode  in  the  carc.xse,  for  it  is  expressly  stated  that 
 "  after  a  time,"  Samson  retunic<l  and  saw  the  bees 
 and  honey  in  the  lion's  carcase,  so  that  as  has  been 
 well  observed,  "  if  any  one  here  represents  to 
 himself  a  cornipt  and  putrid  carcase,  the  occurrence 
 ceases  to  have  any  true  similitude,  for  it  is  well 
 known  that  in  these  countries  at  certain  seasons  of 
 the  year,  the  heat  will  in  the  coui-se  of  twenty-four 
 hours  so  com])lotely  dry  up  the  moisture  of  dead 
 cameLs,  an<l  that  without  their  undergoing  decom- 
 position, that  their  bodies  long  remain,  like  mum- 
 mies, unaltered  and  entirely  free  from  offensive 
 odour."  The  passage  in  Is.  vii.  18,  "the  Lord 
 shall  hiss  lor  the  bee  that  is  in  the  land  of  Assyria," 
 has  been  understood  b)'  some  to  refer  to  the  practice 
 of  "  adling  out  the  bees  from  their  hives  by  a  hiss- 
 ing or  whistling  sound  to  their  labour  in  the  fields, 
 and  summoning  them  again  to  return"  in  the  even- 
 ing, in  all  probability,  however,  the  expression  in 
 Isiiiah  has  reference,  as  Mr.  Denham  says,  "to  the 
 custom  of  the  people  in  the  East  of  cdling  the 
 attention  of  anv  one  by  a  significant  hiss  or  rather 
 hist." 
 
 Beeli'ada,  one  of  David's  sons,  bom  in  JerusaleTii 
 (1  Chr.  xiv.  7).     in  the  lists  in  Samuel  the  name 
 
 is  EUADA. 
 
 Beel'sams,  1  Esd.  v.  8.     [Bii^max.] 
 Beelteth'mus,  an  officer  of  Artaxerxes  residing 
 in    I'aio.stiiie  (1    Esd.  ii.  IG,  25).     The  name  is  a 
 corruption  of  the  title  of  Rehum,   A.  V.  "chan- 
 cellor,' the  name  immediately  before  it(Ezr.  iv.  8). 
 Beel'zebul,  the  title  of  a  heathen  deity,  to  whom 
 the  Jews  ascribed  the  sovereignty  of  the  evil  spirits 
 (Matt.  X.  25,  xii.  24;  Mark  iii.  22;  Luke  xi.  15  H'.). 
 The  correct  reading  is  without  doubt  Ueehehnl,  and 
 not  Beelzebub  as  given  in  the  Syriac,  the  Vulg., 
 and   some   other   versions.— 1.    The    explanations 
 offered  in  reference  to  the  change  of  the  name  may 
 be  i"anged  into  two  classes,  according  as  they  aie 
 based  on  the  sound,  or  the  mciininij  of  the  woi'd. 
 We  should  prefer  the  jissumption,  in  connexion  with 
 the  former  view,  that  the  change  was  purely  of  an 
 accidental  nature.     The  second  class  of  explanations 
 carries  the  greatest  weight  of  authority  with  it : 
 these  proceed  on  the  ground  that  the  Jews  inten- 
 tionally changed  the  pronunciation  of  the  word,  so 
 as  either  to  give  a  significance  to  it  adapted  to  their 
 own  ide.as,  or  to  cast  ridicule  upon  the  idolatry  of 
 the  neighbouring  nations,  in  which  case  we  might 
 compare  the  adoption  of  Sychar  for  Sychem,  Beth- 
 aven  for  Bethel.    Some  connect  the  term  with  zcbul, 
 habitation,  thus  making  Beelzebul  =  oiKo5t(r7r({T'r)r 
 (Matt.  X.  25\  the  lord  of  the  dicelliwj,  whether  iis 
 the  "  prinw  of  the  [wnver  of  the  air  "  (Ejjh.  ii.  2), 
 or  as  the  prince  of  the  lower  worlil,  or  as  inhabit- 
 ing human  bodies,  or  as  occupying  a  mansion  in 
 the  seventh  heaven,  like  Saturn  in  Oriental  mytho- 
 logy.    Otlici's    derive    it    from    zebel,  duwj,  thus 
 making  Beelzebul,  literally,  the   lord  of  duw),  or 
 t/ie  dntujhiU ;  and  in  a  secondary   sense,  as  zcbcl 
 was  used   by   the  Talmudical   wrifei-s  ns  =  idol  or 
 idolatnj,  the  lord  of  idols,  prince  of  false  gods.     It 
 is   generally  held   that    the    former   of  these   two 
 senses  is  more  puticularly  i-eferrtil  to  in  the  N.  T. : 
 the  latter,  however,  is  .adoKted   by   Lightt'oot  and 
 
Schlensner.  We  have  lastly  to  notice  the  ingenious 
 conjecture  of  Hug  that  the  fly,  under  which  Baal- 
 zebub  was  represented,  was  the  Scarahaeus  pillu- 
 larius  or  dniKjhill  beetle,  in  which  case  Baalzebub 
 and  Beelzebui  might  be  used  inditlerently.— 2.  The 
 reference  in  Matt.  x.  25  may  have  originated  in  a 
 fancied  resemblance  between  the  application  of 
 jXhaziah  to  Baalzebub,  and  that  of  the  Jews  to  our 
 Lord  tor  the  ejection  of  the  unclean  spirits.  The 
 title,  "  prince  of  the  devils,"  may  have  special  re- 
 ference to  the  nature  of  the  disease  in  question,  or 
 it  may  have  been  educed  from  the  name  itself  by  a 
 fancied  or  real  etymology.  It  is  worthy  of  special 
 observation  that  the  notices  of  Beelzebui  are  ex- 
 clusively connected  with  the  subject  of  demoniacal 
 possession,  a  circumstance  which  may  account  for 
 the  subsequent  disappearance  of  the  name. 
 
 Be'er.  1.  One  of  the  latest  halting-places  of  the 
 Israelites,  lying  beyond  the  Arnon,  and  so  called 
 because  of  the  well  which  was  there  dug  by  the 
 "  princes "  and  "  nobles  "  of  the  people,  and  is 
 perpetuated  in  a  fragment  of  poetry  (Num.  xxi. 
 16-18).  This  is  possibly  the  Beer-eliji  referred 
 to  in  Is.  XV.  8.-2.  A  place  to  which  Jotham,  the 
 son  of  Gideon,  fled  for  fear  of  his  brother  Abimelech 
 (Judg.  ix.  21).  There  is  nothing  to  indicate  its 
 position. 
 
 Ee'era,  son  of  Zopliah,  of  the  tribe  of  Asher 
 (1  Chr.  vii.  37). 
 
 Be'erah.,  piince  of  the  Reubenites,  carried  away 
 by  Tiglatli-pileser  (1  Chr.  v.  6;. 
 
 Beer-e'liin,  a  spot  named  in  Is.  xv.  8  as  on  the 
 "  border  of  Moab,"  apparently  the  south,  Eglaim 
 being  at  the  north  end  of  the  Dead  Sea.  The  name 
 points  to  the  well  dug  by  the  chiefs  of  Israel  on 
 their  approach  to  the  promised  land,  close  by  the 
 "  border  of  Moab,"  (Num.  xxi.  16  ;  comp.  13). 
 
 Be'eri.  1.  The  father  of  Judith,  one  of  the  wives 
 ■of  Ksau  (Gen.  xxvi.  ?A}.  [AxAii.] — 2.  Father  of 
 the  prophet  Rosea  (Hos.  i.  1). 
 
 Beer-laha  i-roi,  a  well,  or  rather  a  living  spring, 
 (A.  V .  fountain,  comp.  Jer.  vi.  7)  between  Kadesh 
 and  Bered,  in  the  wilderness,  "  in  the  way  to  Shur," 
 and  therefore  in  the  ''south  countiy  "  (Gen.  xxiv 
 62),  which,  according  to  the  explanation  of  the  text, 
 was  so  named  by  Hagar,  because  God  saw  her  thei'e 
 (Gen.  xvi.  14).  By  this  well  Isaac  dwelt  both 
 before  and  after  the  death  of  his  father  (Gen.  xxiv. 
 62,  XXV.  11).  In  both  these  passages  the  name  is 
 given  in  the  A.  V.  as  "  the  well  Lahai-roi."  Mr. 
 Jiowland  announces  the  discovery  of  the  well  Lahai- 
 roi  at  Moyle  or  Moiluhi,  a  station  on  the  road  to 
 Beersheba,  10  hours  south  o(  Euhcibch;  near  which 
 is  a  hole  or  cavern  bearing  the  name  of  Beit  Hagar 
 (Hitter,  Sinai,  1086,  7);  but  this  requires  con- 
 firmation. 
 
 Be'eroth,  one  of  the  four  cities  of  the  Hivites 
 who  deluded  Joshua  into  a  treaty  of  peace  with 
 them  ;  the  other  three  being  Gibeon,  Chephirah, 
 and  Kirjath-Jearim  (Josh.  ix.  17).  Beeroth  was 
 with  the  rest  of  these  towns  allotted  to  Benjamin 
 (xviii.  25),  in  whose  possession  it  continued  at  the 
 time  of  David,  the  murdeiers  of  Ish-bosheth  being 
 named  as  belonging  to  it  (2  Sam.  iv.  2).  It  is 
 once  more  named  with  Chephirah  and  K.  Jearim  in 
 the  list  of  those  who  returned  from  Babvlon  (Ezr. 
 ii.  25;  Neh.  vii.  29;  1  Esdr.  v.  19).  [Berotii.] 
 Beeroth  Wiis  known  in  the  times  of  Eusebius,  and 
 .his  description  of  its  position  agrees  perfectly  with 
 that  of  the  modein  el-Bireh,  which  stands  at  about 
 10  miles  north  of  Jerusalem  by  the  great  road  to 
 
 BEERSHEBA 
 
 103 
 
 Nahlus,  just  below  a  ridge  which  bounds  the  pros- 
 pect northwards  from  the  Holy  «ity.  Nahari  '•  the 
 BeerotMte  "  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  37),  or  "  the  Beroth- 
 ite"  (1  Chr.  xi.  39),  was  one  of  tlie  "mighty 
 men  "  of  David's  guard. 
 
 Be'eroth  of  the  Children  of  Jaakan,  the  wells 
 of  the  tri-be  of  Bene-Jaakan,  which  formed  one  of 
 the  halting-places  of  the  Israelites  in  the  desert 
 (Deut.  X.  6).  In  Num.  xxxiii.,  the  name  is  given 
 as  Bexe  Jaaicax  only. 
 
 Beer-she'ba,  the  name  of  one  of  the  oldest  places 
 in  Palestine,  which  foimed  the  southern  limit  of 
 the  country.  There  are  two  accounts  of  the  orio-jn 
 of  the  name.— 1.  According  to  the  first,  the  well 
 was  dug  by  Abraham,  anU  the  name  given,  because 
 there  he  and  Abimelech  the  king  of  the  Philistines 
 "  sware  "  both  of  them  (Gen.  xxi.  31).  But  the 
 compact  was  ratified  by  the  setting  apart  of  "  seven 
 ewe  lambs  ;"  and  as  the  Hebrew  word  for  "  seven  " 
 is  Sheba,  it  is  equally  possible  that  this  is  tl>€ 
 meaning  of  the  name.  Here,  anfl  in  subsequent 
 early  notices  of  the  place,  it  is  spelt  Beer-shaba.^ 
 2.  The  other  narrative  ascribes  the  origin  of  the 
 name  to  an  occurrence  almost  precisely  similar,  in 
 which  both  Abimelech  the  king  of  the  Philistines, 
 and  Phichol,  his  chief  captain,  are  again  concerned, 
 with  the  difference  that  the  person  on  the  Hebrew 
 side  of  the  transaction  is  Isaac  instead  of  Abraham 
 (Gen.  xxvi.  31-33).  Here  there  is  no  reference  to 
 the  "  seven  "  Iambs,  and  we  are  left  to  infer  the 
 derivation  of  Shibah  (not  "  Shebah,"  as  in  the 
 A.V.)  from  the  mention  of  the  "  swearing  "  in  ver. 
 31.  If  we  accept  the  statement  of  ver.  18  as  re- 
 fen-ing  to  the  same  well  as  the  former  account,  we 
 shall  be  spared  the  necessity  of  enquiring  whether 
 these  two  narratives  relate  two  separate  occurrences, 
 or  refer  to  one  and  the  same  event,  at  one  time 
 ascribed  to  one,  at  another  time  to  another  of  the 
 early  heroes  and  founders  of  the  nation.  There  are 
 at  present  on  the  spot  two  principal  wells,  and  five 
 smaller  ones.  The  two  principal  wells  are  on  or 
 close  to  the  northern  bank  of  the  Wadij  es-Seba' . 
 They  lie  just  a  hundred  yards  apart,  and  are  so 
 placed  as  to  be  visible  from  a  considerable  distance. 
 The  larger  of  the  two,  which  lies  to  the  east,  is, 
 according  to  the  careful  measurements  of  Dr.  Piobin- 
 son,  12^  feet  diam.,  and  at  the  time  of  his  visit 
 (Apr.  12)  was  44jfeet  to  the  surface  of  the  water: 
 the  masonry  which  encloses  the  well  reaches  down- 
 wards for  28  J  feet.  The  other  well  is  5  feet  diam., 
 and  was  42  feet  to  the  water.  The  curb-stones 
 round  the  mouth  of  both  wells  are  worn  into  deep 
 gi'ooves  by  the  action  of  the  ropes  of  so  many  cen- 
 tuiies,  and  "  look  as  if  frilled  or  fluted  all  round." 
 The  five  lesser  wells  aie  in  a  group  in  the  bed  of 
 the  wady.  On-  some  low  hills  north  of  the  lai-ge 
 wells  are  scattered  the  foundations  and  ruins  of  a 
 town  of  moderate  size.  There  are  no  trees  or  shrubs 
 near  the  spot. —  From  the  time  of  Jacob  (Gen. 
 xlvi.  1)  till  the  conquest  of  the  country  we  only 
 catch  a  momentary  glimpse  of  Beersheba  in  the 
 lists  of  the  cities  in  the  extreme  south  of  Judah 
 (Josh.  XV.  28)  given  to  the  tribe  of  Simeon  (xix.  2  ; 
 1  Chr.  iv.  28).  Samuel's  sons  were  judges  there 
 (1  Sam.  viii.  2).  From  Dan  to  Beersheba  (Judg. 
 XX.  1,  &c.),  or  from  Beersheba  to  Dan  (1  Chr. 
 xxi.  2  ;  comp.  2  Sam.  xxiv.  2),  became  the  esta- 
 blished formula  for  the  whole  of  the  promised  land ; 
 just  as  "from  Geba  to  B."  (2  K.  xxiii.  8), or  "  from 
 B.  to  Mount  Ephraim  "  (2  Chr.  xix.  4)  was  that 
 for   the    southern    kingdom    after   the   disruption. 
 
104 
 
 BEESHTERAH 
 
 Ai\cf  the  return  i'rom  the  Captivity  the  formuln  is 
 naniiwol  still  more,  and  becomes  *'  from  B.  to  tlie 
 Valley  of  Hiimora  "  (Neh.  xi,  ;{0).  From  the  in- 
 cidentiil  rofeiences  of  Amos,  we  find  that,  like 
 Bethel  aiul  (iilgal,  the  place  wiis  in  his  time  the 
 seat  of  an  idolatrous  worship,  apparently  conuootcj 
 in  some  iQtimate  nianin.M  with  the  northern  kingdoni 
 (Am.  V.  o,  viii.  14).  Alter  this,  with  the  mere 
 mention  that  Beeisheba  mid  the  villages  round  it 
 were  re-inhabited  aftei-  the  Captivity  (Neh.  xi.  30), 
 the  name  dies  entirely  out  of  the  Bible  records, 
 lu  the  time  of  Jerome  it  was  still  a  considerable 
 place  ;  and  later  it  is  mentioned  as  an  episcopal  city 
 under  the  Bishop  of  Jerusalem.  It  only  remains 
 to  notice  that  it  ret;iins  its  ancient  name  as  nearly 
 similar  in  sound  as  an  Arabic  signiticatiou  will 
 permit — liir  es-Sebd — the  "  well  of  the  lion,"  or 
 "  of  seven." 
 
 Beesh'terah,  one  of  the  two  cities  allotted  to  the 
 sons  of  (iei-^hom,  out  of  the  tribe  of  Manasseh 
 beyond  Jordan  (Josh.  s.xi.  27).  It  appears  to  be 
 identical  with  Ashtaroth  (1  Chr.  vi.  71). 
 
 Beetle.     [Locust.] 
 
 Beheading.     [Punishments.] 
 
 Be'hemoth.  There  can  be  little  or  no  doubt, 
 tiiat  by  this  word  (Job  xl.  lo-24;  the  hippopo- 
 tamus is  intended,  since  all  tlie  detiiils  descriptive 
 of  the  behemotU  accord  entirely  with  the  ascertained 
 habits  of  that  animal.  Since  in  the  first  part  of 
 Jehovah's  discourse  (Job  xxxviii.,  xxxix.)  land 
 uniiiuils  and  birds  are  mentioned,  it  suits  tlie 
 general  purpose  of  that  discourse  better  to  suppose 
 that  aquatic  or  amphibious  creatures  are  spoken  of 
 
 BippopotaiBiu  omphibioi. 
 
 Ill  the  last  half  of  it;  and  since  tlie  leviathan,  by 
 almost  universal  consent,  denotes  the  crocodile,  the 
 behemoth  seems  cle;uly  to  point  to  the  hijipopo- 
 t.-\mus,  his  associate  in  the  Nile.  The  description 
 of  the  animal's  lying  under  "  the  shady  trees," 
 amongst  the  "  reeds "  and  willows,  is  peculiarly 
 applicable  to  the  hippopoUimns.  It  h.is  been  argued 
 that  such  a  description  is  equally  api)lic.ible  to  the 
 elephant ;  but  this  is  haixlly  the  ciLsc,  lor  though 
 the  elephant  is  fond  of  frequent  ablutions,  and  is 
 jreqwntlii  seen  neai'  wafer,  yet  the  constant  habit 
 of  the  hipjxipotanins,  as  implied  in  verses  21,  22, 
 seems  to  be  especially  made  the  subject  to  which 
 the  attention  is  ilirecte<l. 
 
 Be'kah.     [\Vi;i<;iiis  and  Mr.Asiir.iis.] 
 
 Bel.     rp.AAi,.] 
 
 Bel  and  Dragon.      [I»anii;l,    Apockvpiiai, 
 
 AlPlM  riONS  ■\\).'\ 
 
 Be'la.  1.  Due  of  the  five  cities  of  the  plain 
 whii'ii  Wius  s|>ared  at  the  intercession  of  Lot,  and 
 rcceivfii  the  name  of  /yoar  (<ien.  xiv.  2,  xix.  22). 
 !t  lay  on  the  M>uthern  extremity  of  the  liend  Sc-i, 
 
 BELLOWS 
 
 01!  the  frontier  of  Moab  .iiul  Palestine  (Jerome  on 
 Ls.  r»'.),  and  on  the  route  to  Kgypt ;  the  connexion 
 in  which  it  is  found.  Is.  xv.  5;  Jer.  xlviii.  34; 
 Gen.  xiii.  10.  We  first  re.id  of  Bela  iu  (!en.  xiv. 
 2,  8.  The  king  of  Bela  is  the  only  one  of  the  five 
 confederates  whose  name  is  not  given,  and  this 
 suggests  the  probability  of  liela  having  been  his 
 own  name,  as  well  as  the  name  of  his  city,  which 
 may  have  been  so  CJiUe^l  fiom  him— 2.  Son  of  Beor, 
 who  reigned  over  Edom  in  the  city  of  Dinhabah, 
 eight  generations  belbre  .Siul,  king  of  Israel,  or 
 about  the  time  of  the  Kxodus.  Beniard  Hy<le, 
 following  some  .Jewish  commentators  (.^iinoii. 
 Oiwmast.  142,  note;,  identities  this  Bela  with 
 Balaam  the  son  of  Beor  ;  but  the  evidence  from  the 
 name  does  not  seem  to  prove  more  than  identity  of 
 family  and  race.  There  is  nothing  wlmtever  to 
 guide  us  as  to  the  age  of  Beor,  or  Bosor,  the  founder 
 of  the  house  from  which  Bela  and  Balaam  sprung. 
 The  name  of  Bela's  ancestor  Beor,  is  of  a  decidedly 
 Chaldee  or  Aramcaii  form  ;  and  we  are  expressly 
 told  th.it  Balaam  the  son  of  Beor  dwelt  in  Pethor, 
 which  is  by  the  river  of  the  land  of  the  chililren  of 
 his  people,  i.  e.  the  river  Euphrates  ;  and  he  him- 
 self describes  his  home  as  being  in  Aram  (Num. 
 xxii.  5,  xxiii.  T).  Heme  it  is  not  improb.ible  that 
 Bela  the  son  ol  Beor,  who  reigned  over  Edom,  was 
 a  Chaldean  by  birth,  and  reigned  in  Edom  by  con- 
 quest. He  may  have  been  contemjxjiary  with 
 Moses  and  Balaam.  The  p.TssageGen.  xixvi.  31-39, 
 is  given  in  dupliciite  1  Chr.  i.  43-.51.^8.  Klilest 
 son  of  Benjamin,  according  to  Gen.  .xlvi.  21  (A.  V. 
 "  Belah  "),  Num.  xxvi.  '38,  40 ;  1  Chr.  vii.  6, 
 viii.  l,and  head  of  the  family  of  the  Belaitks. 
 —4.  Son  of  Ahaz,  a  lleubenite  (1  Chr.  v.  8). 
 Belah.     [Bkla,  .!.] 
 
 Belaites,  the,  Num.  xxvi.  38.  [Bicla,  3.] 
 Be'lemus,  1  Lsd.  ii.  10.  [Bisiilam.] 
 Belial.  The  translators  of  our  A.  \'.,  follciwiiig 
 the  Vulgate,  have  frequently  treated  this  word  as  a 
 proper  name,  and  given  it  in  the  form  L'clinl,  in 
 accordance  with  2  Cor.  vi.  15.  This  is  particularly 
 the  case  where  it  is  connected  with  the  expi-essions 
 man  of,  or  son  of:  in  other  instances  it  is  trans- 
 lated wicked  or  some  equivalent  tenn  (Dent.  xv.  9; 
 Ps.  xli.  8,  ci.  3;  I'rov.  vi.  12,  xvi.  27,  xix.  28; 
 Nah.  i.  11,  15).  'I'liere  can  be  no  question,  how- 
 ever, that  the  word  is  not  to  be  regaixlet!  as  a  pix)- 
 pcr  name  in  theO.  T. ;  its  meaning  \s  tcorthlessncss, 
 and  hence  recklessness,  lawlessness.  The  expression 
 son  or  man  of  Belial  must  be  understood  as  mean- 
 ing simply  a  worthless,  lawless  fellow  :  it  occurs 
 frequently  iu  this  sense  in  the  historical  books 
 (Judg.  xix.  22,  XX.  13  ;  1  Sam.  i.  16,  ii.  12,  x.  27, 
 XXV.  17,  25,  XXX.  22 ;  2  Sara.  xvi.  7,  xx.  1  :  IK. 
 xxi.  10;  2  Chr.  xiii.  7),  and  only  once  in  the  earlier 
 books  (Dent.  xiii.  13).  In  2  Sam.  xxiii.  G,  and 
 •lob  xxxiv.  18,  Belial  stands  by  itself,  ,is  a  term  of 
 reproach.  In  the  N.  T.  the  term  appears  in  the 
 toim  'B(\iap  and  not  BeA/oA,  as  given  in  the 
 A.  V.  The  term  as  use<l  in  2  Cor.  vi.  15  is  gener- 
 ally underetood  as  an  apjwllative  of  Sjitan,  as  tlie 
 personification  of  .all  that  was  b.ad :  Bengel  explains 
 it  of  Antichrist,  as  more  strictly  the  opposite  of 
 Christ. 
 
 Bellows.  The  woiJ  occure  only  in  Jer.  vi.  29, 
 "The  bellows  are  bunicd;"  where  their  use  ig  to 
 heat  a  smelting  fumace.  A  ])icture  of  two  dillerent 
 kinds  of  bellows,  both  of  highly  ingenious  construc- 
 tion, m.ay  be  found  in  Wilkinson,  Anc.  Fgi/pt.  iii. 
 3;J8.     "  They  oonsisfed,"    he  M\ys,  "  ot'  a  leather. 
 
BELLS 
 
 scciu'ed  and  fitted  into  a  fi-ame,  from  which  a  long 
 pipe  e.\tende<l  for  carrying  tlie  wind  to  the  tire. 
 They  were  worked  by  the  teet,  the  operator  stand- 
 ing uj.on  them,  with  one  under  each  foot,  and 
 pressing  them  alternately  while  he  pulled  up  each 
 exhausted  skin  with  a  string  he  held  in  his  hand. 
 In  one  instance  we  observe  from  the  painting,  that 
 when  the  man  lett  the  bellows,  they  were  raised  as 
 if  inflated  with  air  ;  and  this  would  imj^ly  a  know- 
 ledge of  the  valve.  The  pipes  even  in  the  time  of 
 Thothmes  II.,  [supposed  to  be]  the  contemporary 
 of  Moses,  appear  to  h;ive  been  simply  of  reed, 
 tipped  with  a  metal  point  to  resist  the  action  of  the 
 fire." 
 
 BENAIAH 
 
 105 
 
 Kgjplian  Bellows.     (F.  Cailliard,  Recherches  sur  it's  A/Is  de$ 
 Anciens  Egyptiens.) 
 
 Bells.  There  are  two  words  thus  translated 
 in  the  A.  V.,  viz.  pa'dmon,  Ex.  xxviii.  .33,  and 
 metsilloth,  Zech.  xiv.  20;  A.  V.  marg.  "bridles.' 
 In  Ex.  xxviii.  33  the  bells  alluded  to  were  the 
 golden  ones,  according  to  the  Fiabbis  72  in  number, 
 which  alternated  with  the  three-coloured  pome- 
 granates round  the  hem  of  the  high-priest's  ephod. 
 The  object  of  them  was  "  that  his  sound  might  be 
 heard  when  he  went  in  unto  the  holy  place,  and 
 w^hen  he  came  out,  that  he  die  not "  (Ex.  xxviii.  34 ; 
 Ecclus.  xlv.  9).  No  doubt  they  answered  the  same 
 purpose  as  the  bells  u.sed  by  the  Brahmins  in  the 
 Hindoo  ceremonies,  and  by  the  Roman  Catholics 
 during  the  celebration  of  mass.  To  this  day  bells 
 are  frequently  attached,  for  the  sake  of  their  plea- 
 sant sound,  to  the  anklets  of  women.  [Anklet.] 
 The  little  girls  of  Caii-o  wear  strings  of  them  round 
 their  feet.  In  Zech.  xiv.  20  "  bells  of  the  hoi-ses  " 
 is  probably  a  wrong  rendering.  It  is  more  probable 
 that  they  aie  not  bells  but  concave  or  flat  pieces  of 
 brass,  which  were  sometimes  attached  to  horses  for 
 the  sake  of  ornament. 
 
 Bel'maim,  a  place  which,  fi-om  the  terms  of  the 
 passage,  would  appear  to  have  been  south  of  Do- 
 thaim  (Jud.  vii.  3).  Possibly  it  is  the  same  as 
 Belmex. 
 
 Bel'men,  a  place  named  amongst  the  towns  of 
 Samaria,  as  lying  between  Bethhoron  and  Jericho 
 (Jud.  iv.  4). 
 
 Belshaz'zar,  the  last  king  of  Babylon.  Ac- 
 cording to  the  well-known  narrative  in  Dan.  v.,  he 
 wa.s  slain  during  a  splendid  feast  in  his  palace. 
 Similarly  Xenophon  tells  us  that  Babylon  was 
 taken  by  Cyrus  in  the  night,  while  the  inhabitants 
 were  engaged  in  feasting  and  revelry,  and  that  the 
 king  was  killed.  On  the  other  hand  the  narratives 
 of  Berosus  in  Josephus  and  of  Herodotus  differ  from 
 the  above  account  in  some  important  particulars. 
 Berosus  calls  the  last  king  of  Babylon  Nabonnedus 
 or  Nabonadius,  and  says  that  in  the  17th  year  of 
 hiB  reign  Cyrus  took    Babylon,  the  king   havir 
 
 retired  to  the  neighbouring  city  of  Borsippus  or 
 Boraippa.  Being  blockaded  in  that  city  Nabonnedus 
 surrendered,  his  lite  was  spared,  and  a  principality 
 or  estate  given  to  him  in  Carmania,  where  he  died. 
 According  to  Herodotus  the  last  king  was  called 
 Labynetus,  a  name  easy  to  reconcile  with  the 
 Nabonnedus  of  Berosus,  and  the  Nabannidochus  of 
 Megasthenes.  Cyrus,  after  defeating  Labynetus  in 
 the  open  field,  appeareil  before  Babylon,  within 
 which  the  besieged  defied  attack  and  even  blockade. 
 But  he  took  the  city  by  drawing  off  for  a  time  the 
 waters  of  the  Euphrates,  and  then  marching  in  with 
 his  whole  army  along  its  bed  dui-ing  a  great  Baby- 
 lonian festival.  These  discrepancies  have  lately 
 been  cleared  up  by  the  discoveries  of  Sir  Henry 
 Rawlinson.  From  the  inscriptions  on  some  cylindeis 
 found  at  Um-Qeer,  it  appears  that  the  eldest  son  of 
 Nabonnedus  was  called  Bel-shai--ezar,  contiacted 
 into  Belshazzai-,  and  admitted  by  his  father  to  a 
 share  in  the  government.  In  a  communication  to 
 the  Athenaum,  No.  1377,  Sir  Henry  Rawlinson 
 says,  "  we  can  now  understand  how  Belshazzar,  as 
 joint  king  with  his  father,  may  have  been  governor 
 of  Babylon,  when  the  city  was  attacked  by  the 
 combined  forces  of  the  Medes  and  Persians,  and  may 
 have  perished  in  the  assault  which  followed  ;  while 
 Nabonnedus  leading  a  force  to  the  relief  of  the  place 
 was  defeated,  and  obliged  to  take  refuge  in  Borsippa, 
 capitulating  after  a  short  resistance,  and  being 
 subsequently  assigned,  according  to  Berosus,  an 
 honourable  retirement  in  Carmania."  In  Dan.  v.  2, 
 Nebuchadnezzar  is  called  the  father  of  Belshazzar. 
 This,  of  course,  need  only  mean  grandfather  or 
 ancestor.  liawlinson  connects  Belshazzar  with 
 Nebuchadnezzar  through  h.is  mother,  thinking  it 
 probable  that  Nabu-nahit  would  strengthen  his 
 position  by  man-ying  the  daughter  of  that  king, 
 who  would  thus  be  Belshazzar's  maternal  grand- 
 father. A  totally  diflerent  view  is  taken  by  Marcus 
 Niebuhr,  who  considers  Belshazzar  to  be  another 
 name  for  Evilmerodach,  the  son  of  Nebuchadnezzar. 
 On  Rawlinson's  view,  Belshazzar  died  B.C.  538  ;  on 
 Niebuhr's,  B.C.  559. 
 
 Belteshaz'zar.    [Daniel.] 
 
 Ben,  a  Levite  "  of  the  second  degi-ee,"  one  of  the 
 porters  appointed  by  David  for  the  aik  (1  Chr. 
 XV.  18). 
 
 Bena'iah.  1.  The  son  of  Jehoiada  the  chief 
 priest  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  5),  and  therefore  of  the  tribe 
 of  Levi,  though  a  native  of  Kabzeel  (2  Sam.  xxiii. 
 20 ;  1  Chr.  xi.  22),  in  the  south  of  Judah  ;  set  by 
 David  (1  Chr.  xi.  25)  over  his  bodyguard  of  Che- 
 rethites  and  Pelethites  (2  Sam.  viii.  18  ;  1  K.  i.  38 ; 
 1  Chr.  xviii.  17 ;  2  Sam.  xx.  23)  and  occupying  a 
 middle  rank  between  the  first  three  of  the  "  mighty 
 men,"  and  the  thiiiy  "  valiant  men  of  the  armies  " 
 (2  Sam.  xxiii.  22,  23;  1  Chr.  xi.  25,  s.xvii.  6.) 
 The  exploits  which  gave  him  this  rank  are  narrated 
 in  2  Sam.  xxiii.  20,  21 ;  1  Chr.  xi.  22.  He  was 
 captain  of  the  host  for  the  third  month  (1  Chr. 
 xxvii.  5).  Benaiah  remained  faithful  to  Solomon 
 during  Adonijah's  attempt  on  the  crown  (1  K.  i. 
 8,  10,  32,  38,  44)  ;  and  was  raised  into  the  place 
 of  Joab  as  commander-in-chief  of  the  whole  amny 
 (ii.  35,  iv.  4).  He  appears  to  have  had  a  son, 
 called  after  his  grandfather,  Jehoiada,  who  succeeded 
 Ahithophel  about  the  person  of  the  king  (1  Chr. 
 xx\ii.  34).  But  this  is  possibly  a  copyist's  mis- 
 take for  "  Benaiah  the  son  of  Jehoiada."— 2.  Ben- 
 aiah the  PiRATHONiTE  ;  an  Ephraimite,  one  of 
 David'sthirtymighty  men(2  Sam.xxiii.  30;  1  Chr. 
 
106 
 
 BEN-AMMI 
 
 xi.  31),  and  the  captain  of  thfi  eleventh  monthly 
 course  (1  Chr.  x.wii.  14). — 3.  A  l.evite  in  tiie 
 time  of  David,  who  ''played  with  a  ]isaltery  on 
 Alamoth  "  (1  Chr.  xv.  18,  'iu,  xvi.  '>).— 4.  A  j)riest 
 in  the  time  of  David,  appointed  to  blow  tiie  trumpet 
 before  the  aik  (1  Chr.  xv.  24,  -wi.  G).— 5.  A 
 Levite  of  the  sons  of  Asaph  (2  Chr.  x.\.  14).— 6. 
 A  Levite  in  the  time  of  Hezekiah,  one  of  the  "  over- 
 ieei-s  of  oflerings  "  (2  Chr.  xxxi.  13).— 7.  One  of 
 the  "  princes"  of  the  families  of  Simeon  (1  Chr. 
 iv.  3G).— 8,  Four  laymen  in  the  time  of  Ezva  who 
 had  taken  strange  wives. —  1  (Ezr.  .\.  25).  [Ba- 
 ASiAS.] — 2  (EzV.  X.  30).  [.Vaidus.] — 3  (x.  3.j) 
 and  4  (.\.  43j.  [Banaias.]— 9.  The  father  of 
 Pelatiah,  "  a  prince  of  the  pe()i)Ie  "  in  the  time  of 
 Ezekiel  (xi.  1,  13). 
 
 Ben-am'mi,  the  son  of  the  younger  daughter  of 
 Lot,  and  progenitor  of  the  Ammonites  (Gen.  xix. 
 o«). 
 
 Bene'.berak,  one  of  the  cities  of  the  tribe  of 
 Dan,  nioutioiied  only  in  .Josh.  xix.  45.  It  is  im- 
 possible to  say  whether  tlie  "  sons  of  Berak  "  who 
 gave  their  name  to  this  place  belou'red  to  Dan,  or 
 were  eailier  settlers  dispossessed  by  the  tribe.  Ko 
 tiace  has  Iicimi  found  of  it. 
 
 Bene-ja'akan,  a  tribe  who  gave  their  name  to 
 ceitain  wells  in  the  desert  which  formed  one  of  the 
 halting-places  of  the  Israelites  on  their  journey  to 
 Canaan.  [Beeroth  Bene-jaakan.]  In  Num. 
 x.\xiii.  31,  32,  the  name  is  given  in  the  shortened 
 tbrm  of  Bene-jaakan.  The  tribe  doubtless  derived 
 its  name  from  Jiiakan,  the  son  of  Kzer  son  of  Scir 
 the  Horite  (1  Chr.  i.  42),  whose  name  is  also  given 
 \n  fienosis  ('xxxvi.  27)  as  Akan. 
 
 Bene-ke'dem,  "  the  children  of  the  East,"  an 
 appellation  given  to  a  people,  or  to  peoples,  dwell- 
 ing to  the  east  of  Palestine.  It  occurs  in  Gen. 
 xxix.  1  ;  Job  i.  3;  Judg.  vi.  3,  33,  vii.  12,  viii. 
 10.  In  the  fii-st  three  passages  the  Bene-ke<lem 
 are  meiitioned  together  with  the  Midianites  and  the 
 .'\malekites  ;  and  in  the  fourth  the  latter  peoples 
 seem  to  be  included  in  this  common  name.  From 
 .ludg.  vii.  11-15,  it  is  to  be  inferred  that  they  spoke 
 a  dialect  intelligible  to  an  Israelite :  an  inference  bear- 
 ing on  an  allinity  of  race,  ;md  thence  on  the  growth 
 of  the  Semitic  languages.  From  1  K.  iv.  30  it  is 
 difficult  to  deduce  an  argument ;  but  Is.  xi.  14, 
 Jer.  xlix.  28,  Ez.  xxv.  4,  10,  refer,  apparently,  to 
 the  habits  of  the  wandering  Arabs.  From  a  cou- 
 sideiation  of  these  p;issages  and  of  Gen.  xxv.  C,  we 
 think  that  the  term  Bene-kedcm  primarily  signilied 
 the  peoples  of  the  Arabian  deserts,  and  chieHy  tiie 
 tribes  of  Ishmael  and  of  Keturah,  extending  perha])s 
 to  Mesopotamia  and  Babylonia;  and  that  it  was 
 sometimes  applied  to  the  Arabs  and  their  country 
 gonerally  (den.  x.  30). 
 
 Benha'dad,  the  name  of  three  kings  of  Damascus. 
 — 1Si;niia1)AD  1.  was  either  son  or  grandson  to 
 Kc/oii,  and  in  his  time  Damascus  w.as  supreme  in 
 Syria.  His  alliance  was  courted  both  by  B;ui.sha  of 
 Israel  and  Asa  of  .ludah.  He  finally  closed  with 
 the  latter  on  receiving  a  large  amount  of  treasure, 
 and  compjered  a  great  j)art  of  the  N.  of  Israel, 
 thereby  enabling  Asa  to  pui-sue  liis  victorious 
 operations  in  the  S.  From  1  K.  xx.  34,  it  would 
 appear  that  he  continued  to  make  war  upon  Israel 
 in  Omri's  time,  and  forced  him  to  make  "streets  " 
 in  Samaria  for  .Syrian  residents,  [.\iiab.]  'J'his 
 date  is  ii.c.  !j50.^Bi:niiaI)AI)  II.,  son  of  the  pre- 
 ceding, and  also  king  of  DauuLscus.  Long  wai-s 
 H-itb    Israel  cliiuacterised   )iis    reign,  of  which  the 
 
 BENJAMIN 
 
 earlier  campaigns  are  described  under  ,AHAr?.  His 
 jpower  and  the  extent  of  his  dominion  are  proved  by 
 the  thirty-two  vassal  kings  who  accompanied  him 
 to  his  first  siege  of  Samaria.  Some  time  after  the 
 death  of  Ahab,  Beuhadad  i-enewed  the  w.-u'  with 
 Israel,  attacked  Samaria  a  secoii<i  time,  and  pressed 
 the  siege  so  closely  that  there  was  a  terrible  famine 
 in  the  city.  But  the  Syrians  broke  up  in  the  night 
 in  consequence  of  a  sudden  panic.  Soon  alter  Ben- 
 hadad  fell  sick,  and  sent  Hazad  to  consult  Elisha 
 as  to  the  issue  of  his  malady.  On  the  day  after 
 Maz.ael's  return  Benha  lad  was  murdered,  but  not, 
 as  is  commonly  thought  from  a  cursory  reading  of 
 2  K.  viii.  15,  by  Haz.iel.  Ewald  thinks  that  one 
 or  more  of  Beidiadad's  own  servants  were  the  mur- 
 derers. Beidiadad's  death  was  about  B.C.  890,  and 
 he  must  have  reigned  some  30  yeare.^BENHA- 
 DAD  III.,  son  of  Hazael,  and  his  successor  on  the 
 throne  of  Syria.  His  reign  was  disastrous  for 
 Dam;iscus,  and  the  vast  power  wielded  by  his  father 
 sank  into  insignificance.  When  he  succeeded  to  the 
 throne,  .lehoash  recovered  the  cities  which  .lehoahaz 
 had  lost  to  the  Syrians,  and  beat  him  in  Aphek 
 (2  K.  xiii.  17,  25).  Jehoash  gained  two  more  vic- 
 tories, but  did  not  restore  the  dominion  of  Israel  on 
 the  E.  of  Jordan.  This  glory  was  reserved  for  his 
 successor.  The  date  of  Benhadad  III.  is  B.C.  840. 
 His  misfortunes  in  war  are  noticed  by  Amos  i.  4. 
 
 Ben-ha'il,  one  of  the  princes  whom  king  Jehosha- 
 j)hat  scut  to  teach  in  the  cities  of  Judah  (2  Chr. 
 xvii.  7 J. 
 
 Beu-ha'nan,  son  of  Shimon,  in  the  line  of  JudaJi 
 (1  Chr.  iv.  2U). 
 
 Beni'nu,  a  Levite  ;  one  of  those  who  sealed  the 
 covenant  witii  N'ehemiah  (Neh.  x.  13  [14]). 
 
 Ben'jamin.  1,  The  youngest  of  the  children 
 of  .Jacob,  and  the  only  one  of  the  thirteen  who  was 
 born  in  Palestine.  His  birth  took  place  on  the 
 road  between  Bethel  and  Bethlehem,  a  short  dis- 
 tance from  fhe  latter,  and  his  mother  l!achel  died 
 in  the  act  of  giving  him  birth,  naming  hin» 
 with  her  last  breath  lien-oni,  "son  of  my  sorrow." 
 This  was  by  Jacob  changed  into  Benjamin  (Gen. 
 XXXV.  16-18).  The  name  is  worthy  some  atten- 
 tion. It  has  been  intei pietetl  to  mean  "  Sou  of 
 the  right  hand,"  i'.  c.  fortunate,  dexterous.  On 
 the  other  hand  the  .Samaritan  Codex  gives  the  name 
 in  an  altered  tbrm  as  D*D'33,  son  of  days,  i.  e.  .son 
 of  my  old  age  (comp.  Gen.  xliv.  20),  which  is 
 adopted  by  Philo,  Aben-ezra,  and  others.  In  the 
 adjectival  forms  of  the  word  tl'.e  tii-st  .syllable  is 
 generally  su]ipressed,  as  "  sons  of  Yemiui,"  for  sons 
 of  Benjamin ;  "  man  of  Yemini,"  for  man  of 
 Benjamin  (1  Sam.  ix.  21;  xxii.  7);  "land  of 
 Yemini,"  for  land  of  Benj;imin  (I  Sam.  ix.  4)  ;  as 
 if  the  patriarch's  name  had  been  originally  Yamin 
 (comp.  <ien.  xlvi.  10),  and  that  of  the  tribe  Yemin- 
 ites.  Until  the  journeys  of  .I.acob's  sons  and  ot 
 .lacob  himself  into  Egypt  we  hear  nothing  of  Ben- 
 jamin, and  as  far  as  he  is  concerned  those  well- 
 known  narratives  disclose  nothing  beyond  the  very 
 strong  aifection  entertained  towaixis  iiini  by  his 
 lather  and  his  whole-brother  .losejih,  anil  the  rel.i- 
 tion  in  which  he  .stood,  as  if  a  mere  darling  child, 
 to  the  whole  of  his  family.  Even  the  harsh  natures 
 of  the  older  pjitriarchs  relaxe<l  towards  him.  But 
 Pieiijamin  cjin  haitlly  have  lieen  the  "lad"  which 
 we  commonly  imagine  him  to  be,  for  nt  the  time 
 that  the  patriarchs  went  down  to  reside  in  Egypt, 
 when  "  every  man  with  his  house  went  with 
 .lacob,"    ten    sons    are    a.s<:rib<(l    to    lienjamiu, — e 
 
BENJAMIN 
 
 Jarger  number  than  to  any  of  liis  brothers — and 
 two  of  these,  from   the  plural  formation  of  their 
 names,  were  themselves  apparently  families  (Gen. 
 xlvi.  21).     Henceforward  the  history  of  Benjamin 
 is  the  history  of  the  tribe.     And  up  to  the  time  of 
 the  entrance  on  the  Promised  Land  tliat  history  is 
 as  meagre  as  it  is  afterwards  full  and  interesting. 
 The  proximity  of  Benjamin  to  Ephraim  during  the 
 mai-ch  to  the  Promised  Land  \v;is  maintained  in  the 
 territories  allotted  to  each.     Benjamin  lay  imme- 
 diately to  the  south  of  Ephraim  and  between  him 
 and  Judah.      The  situation  of  this  territory  was 
 highly  favourable.     It  formed  almost  a  parallelo- 
 gram,  of  about   26    miles   in    length    by    12    in 
 breadtli.      Its    eastern  boundary  was  the  Jordan, 
 and  from   thence  it  extended  to  the  wooded  dis- 
 trict of  Kirjath-jearim,  a  point  about  eight  miles 
 west  of  Jerusalem,  while  in  the  other  direction  it 
 stretched   fiom  the  valley  of  Hinnom,  under  the 
 "  Shoulder  of  the  Jebusite"  on  the  south,  to  Bethel 
 on  the  north.     Thus  Dan  intervened  between  Ben- 
 jamin and  the  Philistines,  while  the  communica- 
 tions with  the  valley  of  the  Jordan  were  in  their 
 own  power.      On   the  south    the  territory  ended 
 abruptly  with  the  steep  slopes  of  the  hill  of  Jeru- 
 salem,— on  the  north  it  melted  imperceptibly  into 
 the   possessions    of  the    friendly    Ephraim.       The 
 smallness  of  this  district,  hardly  larger  than  the 
 county  of  Middlesex,  was,  according  to  the  testi- 
 mony of  Josephus,  compensated  for  by  the  excel- 
 lence of  the  land.— (1.)  The  general  level  of  this 
 part  of  Palestine  is  very  high,  not  less  than  2000 
 feet  above  the  maritime  plain  of  the  Mediterranean 
 on  the  one  side,  or  than  3000  feet  above  the  deep 
 valley  of   the  Jordan  on  the  other,  besides  which 
 this  general  level  or  plateau  is  surmounted,  in  the 
 district  now  under  consideration,  by  a  laige  number 
 of  eminences,  almost  every  one  of  which  has  borne 
 some  part  in  the  history  of  the  tribe.— (2).  No  less 
 important  than   these  eminences  are  the  torrent- 
 beds   and    ravines    by    which    the   upper    country 
 breaks  down  into  the  deep  tracts  on  each  side  of  it. 
 They  formed  then,  as  they  do  still,  the  only  mode 
 of  access  fVom  either  the  plains  of  Philistia  and  of 
 Sharon  on  the  west,  or  the  deep  valley  of  the  Jordan 
 on  the  east.^Tlie  passes  on  the  eastern  side  are  of 
 a  much  moie  difficult  and  intricate  character  than 
 those  on  the  western.     The  principal  one,  which, 
 now  unfrequented,  was  doubtless  in  ancient  times 
 the  main  ascent  to  the  interior,  leaves  the  Arabah 
 behind  the  site  of  Jericho,  and  breaking  through 
 the  barren  hills  with  many  a  wild  bend  and  steep 
 slope,  extends  to  and  indeed  beyond  the  very  cen- 
 tral ridge  of  the  table-land  of  Benjamin,  to  the  foot 
 of  the  eminence  on  which  stands  the  ruins  of  Bireh, 
 the  ancient  Beeroth.      Another  of  these  p;i.sses  is 
 that  which,  since  the  time  of  our  Saviour,  has  been 
 the  regular  road   between  Jericho  and  Jenisalem, 
 the  scene  of  the  parable  of  the  Good  Samaritan,— 
 Such   were  the  limits  and  such   the  character  of 
 the  possession   of  Benjamin  as  fixed  by  those  who 
 originally  divided  the  land.     But  it  could  not  have 
 been  long  before  they  extended  their  limits,  since  in 
 the  eaily  lists  of  1  Chr.  viii.  we  find  mention  made 
 of  Benjaniites   who   built   Lod   and   Ono,   and   of 
 others  who  were  founders  of  Aijalon  (12,  13),  all 
 which  towns  were  beyond  the  spot  named  above  as 
 the  westernmost  point  in  their  boundary.     These 
 places  too  were  in  their  possession  after  the  return 
 from  the  Captivity  (Neh.  .xi.  36).— The  contr;ist 
 Ijetween  the  warlike  character  of  the  tribe  and  the 
 
 BENO 
 
 107 
 
 peaceful  image  of  its  progenitor  ccmes  out  in  many 
 scattered  notices.  Benjamin  was  the  only  tribe 
 which  seems  to  have  pursued  archery  to  any  pur- 
 pose, and  their  skill  in  the  bow  (1  Sam.  xx.  20, 
 36 ;  2  Sam.  i.  22  ;  1  Chr.  viii.  40,  xii.  2  ;  2  Chr. 
 xvii.  17)  and  the  sling  (Judg.  xx.  16)  are  cele- 
 brated. Ehud  the  son  of  Gera  accomplished  his 
 purpose  on  Eglon  with  less  lisk,  owing  to  his  pro- 
 ficiency in  using  his  left  hand,  a  practice  appa- 
 rently confined  to  Benjamites  (Judg.  iii.  15,  and 
 see  XX.  16  ;  1  Chr.  xii.  2).  B;uinah  and  Kechab, 
 "  the  sons  of  Rimmon  the  Beerothite  of  the  children 
 of  Benjamin,"  are  the  only  Israelites  west  of  the 
 Jordan  named  in  the  whole  history  as  captains  of 
 marauding  predatory  bands.  The  dieadful  deed 
 recorded  in  Judg.  xix.,  though  repelled  by  the  wliole 
 country,  was  unhesitatingly  adopted  and  defended 
 by  Benjamin  with  an  obstinacy  and  spirit  truly 
 extraordinary.  That  frightful  transaction  was 
 indeed  a  crisis  in  the  history  of  the  tribe :  the  six 
 hundred  who  took  refuge  in  the  clifT  Rimmon  were 
 the  only  survivors.  A  long  interval  must  have 
 elapsed  between  so  abject  a  condition  and  the  cul- 
 minating point  at  which  we  next  meet  with  the 
 tribe.  Several  circumstances  may  have  conduced 
 to  its  restoration  to  that  place  which  it  was  now  to 
 assume.  The  Tabernacle  was  at  Shiloh  in  Ephraim 
 during  the  time  of  the  last  Judge  ;  but  the  Ark 
 was  in  Benjamin  at  Kirjath-jearim.  Eamah,  the 
 official  residence  of  Samuel,  and  containing  a  sanc- 
 tuary greatly  frequented  (1  Sam.  ix.  12,  Sec), — 
 Mizpeh,  where  the  great  assemblies  of  "  all  Israel  " 
 were  held  (1  Sam.  vii.  5), — Bethel,  perhaps  the 
 most  ancient  of  all  the  sanctuaries  of  Palestine,  and 
 Gibeon,  specially  noted  as  "the  great  high  place" 
 (1  K.  iii.  4),  were  all  in  the  land  of  Benjamin. 
 The  people  who  resorted  to  these  various  places 
 must  gradually  have  been  accustomed  to  associate 
 the  tribe  with  power  and  sanctity.  The  struggles 
 and  contests  which  followed  the  death  of  Saul  arose 
 from  the  natural  unwillingness  of  the  tribe  to  relin- 
 quish its  position  at  the  head  of  the  nation,  espe- 
 cially in  favour  of  Judah.  Had  it  been  Ephraim, 
 the  case  might  have  been  difierent,  but  Judah  had 
 as  yet  no  connexion  with  the  house  of  Joseph,  and 
 was  besides  the  tribe  of  David,  whom  Saul  had 
 pmsued  with  such  unrelenting  enmity.  The  tact 
 and  sound  sense  of  Abner,  however,  succeeded  in 
 overcoming  these  difficulties.  Still  the  insults  of 
 Shimei  and  the  insurrection  of  Sheba  are  indications 
 that  the  soreness  still  existed,  and  we  do  not  hear 
 of  any  cordial  co-operation  or  firm  union  between 
 the  two  tribes  until  the  disruption  of  the  kingdoms. 
 The  alliance  was  fiu'ther  strengthened  by  a  covenant 
 solemnly  undertaken  (2  Chr.  xv.  9),  and  by  the 
 employment  of  Benjamites  in  high  positions  in  the 
 ai-my  of  Judah  (2  Chr.  xvii.  17).  But  what  above 
 all  must  have  contributed  to  strengthen  the  alliance 
 was  the  fact  that  the  Temple  was  the  common  pro- 
 pertv  of  both  tribes.  Henceforward  the  history  of 
 Benjamin  becomes  merged  in  that  of  the  southern 
 kingdom. — 2.  A  man  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin,  son 
 of  Bilhan,  and  the  head  of  a  family  of  warriors 
 (1  Chr.  vii.  10). ^3.  One  of  the  "  sons  oi'IIarim  ;" 
 an  Israelite  in  the  time  of  Ezra,  who  had  married  a 
 foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  32). 
 
 Benjamin,  high  gate,  or  gate,  of,  Jer.  xx.  2, 
 xxxvii.   13,  xxxviii.  7  ;    Zech.  xiv.    10.      [JiCRU- 
 
 SALEM.] 
 
 Beno',  a  Levite  of  the  sons  of  Merari  (1  Chr. 
 xtAv.  26,  27). 
 
108 
 
 BEN-ONI 
 
 Ben-o'ni,  the  name  wliich  the  dying  Rachol 
 Jive  to  her  newly-born  son,  but  which  by  his 
 t'iither  was  changed  into  Bunjamin  (Gen.  xxxv. 
 18). 
 
 Ben-zo'hoth,  a  name  occuiTing  among  the  de- 
 sceii.iaiits  (ilJiuhih  (1  Chr.  iv.  2U). 
 
 Be'on,  a  place  on  the  east  of  Jordan  (Num. 
 xxxii.  8;,  doubtless  a  contraction  of  Baal-MEON 
 (coinp.  ver.  :>8). 
 
 Be'or.  1.  The  father  of  Bela,  one  of  the  early 
 Kdonilte  kings  (Gen.  xxxvi.  32  ;  1  Chr.  i.  4.3).^ 
 2.  Father  of  Bahuim  (Num.  xxii.  5,  xxiv.  3,  15, 
 xxxi.  8;  l)eut.  xxiii.  4;  .Josh.  xiii.  22,  xxiv.  9; 
 Mic.  vi.  5).     He  is  called  BosOR  in  the  N.  T. 
 
 Be'ra,  king  of  Sodom  at  the  time  of  tlie  invasion 
 of  the  Hvo  kings  under  Chedorlaomer  (Gen.  xiv.  2  ; 
 al,-o  17  niid  21). 
 
 Ber'achah,  a  Benjamite,  who  attached  himself 
 to  |);ivi,l  at  Zikla^'  ft  Chr.  xii.  3). 
 
 Ber'achah,  Valley  of,  a  valley  in  which  Jehosha- 
 piiat  and  his  [leojile  ;\ssembled  to  "  bless  "  Jehovah 
 after  the  overthiow  of  the  hosts  of  Jloabites,  Am- 
 monites, and  .Mehunim,  who  had  come  against  them, 
 and  which  from  that  fact  acquired  its  name  of 
 "the  valley  of  blessing"  (2  Chr.  xx.  26).  The 
 name  of  BereiInU  still  survives,  attached  to  ruins 
 in  a  valley  of  the  same  name  lying  between  Tekua 
 and  the  main  road  from  Bethlehem  to  Hebron. 
 
 Berachi'ah,  a  Gei-shonite  Lcvite,  father  of  Asaph 
 the  sins:er  (  I  Chr.  vi.  39).     [Berechiah.] 
 
 Berai'ah,  son  of  Shimhi,  a  chief  man  of  Ben- 
 jamin (I  (_'hr.  viii.  21). 
 
 Bere'a.  1.  A  city  of  Jlacedonia,  to  which  St. 
 Paul  retired  with  Silas  and  Timotheus,  in  the 
 course  of  his  first  visit  to  Europe,  on  being  per- 
 secuted in  Thessalonica  (Acts  xvii.  10),  and  from 
 which,  on  being  again  persecuted  by  emissaries 
 from  Thess;iIouica,  he  withdrew  to  the  sea  for  the 
 pui-pose  of  proceeding  to  Athens  {ib.  14,  15).  The 
 community  of  Jews  must  have  been  considerable 
 in  Berea,  and  their  character  is  described  in  very 
 favourable  tenns  («6.  11).  Sopater,  one  of  St. 
 Paul's  missionary  companions,  was  from  this  place 
 (Acts  XX.  4).  Berea,  now  cjdled  Verria  or  Kara- 
 Vcrria,  is  situated  on  the  eastern  slope  of  the 
 Olympian  mountain-range,  oomman<ling  an  exten- 
 sive view  of  the  plain  of  the  Axius  and  Haliaemon, 
 and  has  now  15,000  or  20,000  inhabitants.  A 
 few  ancient  remains,  Greek,  lioman,  and  Byzantine, 
 still  exist  here.^2.  The  modern  Aleppo,  mentioned 
 in  2  Mace.  xiii.  4.^3.  A  place  in  Judea,  a]ip.i- 
 reiitly  not  veiy  fiir  from  Jerusalem  (1  Mace, 
 ix.  4). 
 
 Berechi'ah.  1.  One  of  the  sons  of  Zorobaliel, 
 and  a  descendant  of  the  loyal  family  of  Judah 
 (1  Chr.  iii.  20).— 2.  A  man  mentioned  as  the 
 father  of  Meshullam  who  assisted  in  rebuilding  tiw 
 walls  of  Jerusalem  (Neh.  iii.  4,  30;  vi.  18j.— 3. 
 A  I.evite  of  the  hue  of  Klkanah  (1  Chr.  ix.  lli).— 
 4.  A  doorkeeper  for  the  ark  (1  Chr.  xv.  23).— 6. 
 One  of  the  chief  men  of  the  tribe  of  Kphraim  in 
 time  of  king  Ahaz  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  12).— 6.  Father 
 of  Asaph  the  singer  (1  Chr.  xv.  17).  [Br,i;A- 
 ClliAii.]— 7.    Father    of   Zechaiiah    the    prophet 
 
 (Zeeh.   i.   1,  7). 
 
 Be'red.  1.  \  place  in  the  south  of  Palestine, 
 between  which  anil  Kade>h  lay  the  well  I,aIiai-roi 
 (Gen.  xvi.  14).— 2.  A  son  or  desi-endaiit  of  K])hraim 
 ( 1  (Jhr.  vii.  20),  pxissibly  identical  witli  Bechcr  in 
 Num.  \xvi.  :;5,  by  a  mere  change  of  letters. 
 
 Beroni'ce.     [P.k.knici:.] 
 
 BERYL 
 
 Be'ri,  son  of  Zopliah,  of  the  tribe  of  .\sher 
 (I  Chr.  vii.  30). 
 
 Beri'ah.  1.  A  son  of  Asher  (Gen.  xlvi.  17; 
 Num.  xxvi.  44,  45),  from  whom  descended  th» 
 "family  of  the  Beriites"  (Num.  xxvi.  44). — 2.  A 
 son  of  Kphraim,  so  named  on  account  of  the  state 
 of  his  father's  house  when  he  was  born  i  1  Chr.  vii. 
 20-23).  This  short  notice  is  of  no  slight  historiwd 
 importance;  especially  as  it  refers  to  a  period  of 
 Hebrew  histoiy  respecting  which  the  Bible  aflords 
 us  no  other  like  information.  The  event  must  be 
 assigned  to  the  time  between  Jacob's  lieath  and  the 
 begiiming  of  the  oppression.  The  imiitjitions  that 
 guide  us  are,  that  some  of  Kphraim's  sons  must 
 liave  attained  to  manhood,  and  that  the  Hebrews 
 were  still  free.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the 
 land  in  which  the  men  of  Gath  were  born  is  the 
 eastern  part  of  Lower  Egypt,  if  not  Goshen  itself. 
 At  this  time  very  many  foreignere  must  have  been 
 settled  in  Egypt.  Or  else  these  men  of  Gath  may 
 have  been  mercenaries  like  the  Cherethim  (in 
 Egyptian  Shai/ratana)  who  were  in  the  Egyptian 
 service  at  a  later  time,  as  in  David's,  and  to  whom 
 lands  were  probably  allottetl  as  to  the  native  aiTny. 
 —3.  A  Benjamite.  He  and  his  brother  Shema 
 were  ancestors  of  the  inhabitants  of  Ajalon,  and 
 expelleii  the  inhabitants  of  Gath  (I  Chr.  viii.  13, 
 10.  —4.  A  I.evite  (1  Chr.  .xxiii.  10,  11). 
 
 Beriites.    [Bkuiah,  1.] 
 
 Be 'rites,  the,  a  tribe  or  people  who  are  nameil 
 with  Abel  and  Beth-m;mchah — and  who  were  there- 
 fore doubtless  situated  in  the  north  of  Palestine — 
 mentioned  only  as  having  been  visited  by  Joab  in 
 his  pursuit  after  Sheba  the  son  of  Bichri  (2  Sam. 
 XX.  14). 
 
 Be'rith,  the  god,  Jndg.  ix.  40.  [Baal-heritii.] 
 
 Bemi'ce  and  Bereni'ce,  the  eldest  daughter  oi 
 Herod  Agrippa  1.  (Acts  xii.  1,  &c.).  She  was  first 
 mairied  to  her  uncle  Herod,  king  of  Chalcis,  and 
 after  his  death  (a.D.  48)  she  lived  under  circum- 
 stances of  great  suspicion  with  her  own  brother 
 .\grippa  II.,  in  connexion  with  whom  she  is  men- 
 tioned Acts  XXV.  13,  23,  ..xvi.  3il,  i\s  having  visiteil 
 Festus  on  his  appointment  as  Procurator  of  Judaea. 
 .She  was  a  second  time  mai'ried,  to  Polemon,  king 
 of  Cilicia,  but  soon  left  him,  and  returned  to  her 
 brother.  She  afh^iwards  became  the  mistress  oi 
 Ves])asinn,  and  of  his  son  Titus. 
 
 Ber'odach-Bal'adan.  2  K.  xx.  12.  [Mkro- 
 dacii-I'.ai.adan.] 
 
 Be'roth,   1  Ksd.  v.  10.     [Bkeroth.] 
 
 Bc'rothah,  Be'rothai.  The  liist  of  these  two 
 names,  eacli  of  wiurli  occurs  once  ordy,  is  given  1)V 
 Ezekiel  (xlvii.  10)  in  connexion  with  Hr.math  and 
 Damascus  as  forming  part  of  the  northern  bouudarv 
 of  the  promiseil  land.  The  .secoml  is  mentioned 
 ^2  Sam.  viii.  8)  as  the  name  of  a  city  of  Zobah 
 taken  by  David,  also  in  connexion  with  Hamath 
 and  Dam.ascus.  The  well-known  city  Ikin'il 
 (Beiytusl  naturally  suggests  itself  as  identical  with 
 one  at  least  of  the  names;  but  in  each  instance  the 
 circumstmces  of  the  c;use  seem  to  require  a  jxisition 
 fui  tlier  cast.  Fiirst  regards  Berothah  and  Berothai 
 as  distinct  places,  and  identifies  the  first  with 
 Bervtus. 
 
 Berothite,  the  (1  Chr.  si.  30).    [BEKRorit.] 
 
 Beryl  {tai:</ils/t),  o<'cuis  in  Ex.  xxviii.  20,  xxxix. 
 i:;  ;  Cant.  v.  14  ;  Ez.  i.  10,  x.  9,  xxviii.  13;  Dan. 
 X.  0.  It  i.s  generally  supjwseil  that  the  tnrsliish 
 deiives  its  name  from  the  jilaco  so  called.  There  is 
 little  or  notlinig  in  the  passages  where  the /''rs/iiv/i 
 
BERZELUS 
 
 ks  mentioned  to  lead  lis  to  anytJiing  like  a  satis- 
 tiictoiy  conclusion  as  to  its  identity,  excepting  in 
 Cant.  V.  14,  where  we  do  seem  to  catch  a  glimmer 
 of  the  stone  denoted  :  "  His  hands  are  orbs  of  gold 
 adonied  with  the  farshisli  stone."  The  orbs  or  rings 
 of  gold  refer  not  to  lings  on  the  fingers,  but  to  the 
 tingere  themselves,  as  tiiey  gently  piess  upon  the 
 thumb  and  thus  form  the  figure  of  an  orb  or  a 
 ring.  The  latter  part  of  the  verse  is  the  causal 
 expletive  of  tiie  former.  It  is  not  only  said  in  this 
 passage  that  the  hands  are  called  orbs  of  gold,  but 
 the  reason  why  they  are  thus  called  is  immediately 
 added — specially  on  account  of  the  beautiful  chry- 
 solites with  which  the  hands  were  adorned.  Pliny 
 says  of  the  chrysolithos,  "  it  is  a  transparent  stone 
 with  a  refulgence  like  that  of  gold."  t^iuce  then 
 the  golden  stone,  as  the  name  impoits,  is  admirablv 
 suited  to  the  above  pa.ssnge  in  Canticles,  the  ancient 
 chrysolite  or  the  modern  yellow  topaz  appeare  to 
 have  a  better  claim  than  any  other  gem  to  repre- 
 sent the  turs/iisk  of  the  Hebrew  Bible,  certainly  a 
 lietter  claim  than  the  beryl  of  the  A.  V.,  a  render- 
 ing wliicii  appears  to  be  unsupported  by  any  kind 
 of  evidence. 
 
 Berze'lus,  I  Esd.  v.  38.     [Bakzillai.] 
 
 Be'sai.  "  Children  of  Besai  "  were  among  tlie 
 Nethinim  who  returned  to  Judaea  with  Zerubbabel 
 (Ezr.  ii.  49  ;  Neh.  vii.  52).     [Bastai.] 
 
 Besodei'ah,  father  of  Meshullam,  one  of  the  re- 
 paireis  oftlie  wall  of  Jerusalem  (Neh.  iii.  6). 
 
 Be'sor,  the  brook,  a  torrent-bed  or  wady  in 
 the  extreme  south  of  Judah,  of  which  mention 
 occurs  only  in  1  Sam.  xxx.  9,  10,  21.  It  must 
 have  been  south  of  Ziklag,  but  hitherto  the  situ- 
 ation of  neither  town  nor  wady  has  been  identified. 
 
 Be'tah,  a  city  belonging  to  Hadadezer,  king  of 
 Zobah,  mentioned  with  Berothai  (2  Sam.  viii.  8j. 
 In  the  parallel  account  1  Chr.  xviii.  8,  the  name  is 
 allied  by  an  inversion  of  letters,  Tibchath.  Ewald 
 pronounces  the  latter  to  be  the  coiTect  reading,  and 
 compares  it  with  Tebach  (Gen.  xxii.  24). 
 
 Bet'ane,  a  place  apparently  south  of  Jerusalem 
 (Jud.  i.  9),  and  possibly  identical  with  Betlianin 
 of  Eusebius,  two  miles  from  the  Terebinth  of  Abra- 
 ham and  four  from  Hebron.  This  has  been 
 variously  identified  with  Betharath,  Bethainun, 
 and  Betaneh  or  Ecbatana  in  Syria,  placed  by  Pliny 
 on  Carmel. 
 
 Be'ten,  one  of  the  cities  on  the  boi-der  of  the 
 tribe  of  Asher  (Josh.  xix.  25).  By  Eusebius  it  is 
 said  to  have  been  then  called  Bebeten,  and  to  have 
 lain  eight  miles  east  of  Ptolemais. 
 
 Beth,  the  most  general  word  for  a  house  or 
 habitation.  Strictly  speaking  it  has  the  force  of  a 
 settled  dwelling,  as  in  Gen.  xxxiii.  17,  where 
 the  building  of  a  "house"  marks  the  termination 
 of  a  stage  of  Jacob's  wanderings ;  but  it  is  also 
 employed  tor  a  dwelling  of  any  kind,  even  for  a 
 tent,  as  in  Gen.  xxiv.  32,  Judg.  xviii.  31,  1  Sam. 
 i.  7.  From  this  general  force  the  transition  was 
 natural  to  a  house  in  the  sense  of  a  family.  Like 
 Aedes  in  Latin  and  Doni  in  German,  Beth  has  the 
 special  meaning  of  a  temple  or  house  of  worship.— 
 Beth  is  more  frequently  employed  in  combination 
 with  other  words  to  form  the  names  of  places  than 
 any  other  word.  Beth-eked,  the  "  shearing 
 house"  (2  K.  X.  12).  It  lay  between  Jezreel 
 and  Samaria,  according  to  Jerome  15  miles  from 
 the  town  of  Legio,  and  in  the  plain  of  Es- 
 draelon.  Beth-iiaggan,  "the  garden-house" 
 (2  K.  ix.  27).      It  is  doubtless    the  same  place 
 
 BETH-ARBEL 
 
 loy 
 
 as  Engannin,  "  spring  of  garden.s,"  the  modern 
 Jen'tn. 
 
 Beth-ab'ara,  a  place  beyond  Jordan,  in  which, 
 according  to  the  Received  Text  of  the  N.  T.,  John 
 was  baptizing  (John  i.  28),  apparently  at  the  time 
 that  he  baptized  Christ  (comp.  ver.  29,  39,  35). 
 If  this  leading  be  correct,  Bethabara  may  be  iden- 
 tical with  Beth-barah,  the  ancient  ford  of  Jordan, 
 of  which  the  men  of  Ephraim  took  possession  atter 
 Gideon's  defeat  of  the  Midianites  [Beth-barah]  ; 
 or,  wliich  seems  more  likely,  with  Beth-nimrah, 
 on  the  east  of  the  river,  nearlv  opposite  Jericho. 
 [Bktii-ximrah.]  But  the  oldest  MSS.  (A  B) 
 and  the  Vulgate  have  not  Bethabara  but  Bethany. 
 
 Beth'-anath,  one  of  the  "fenced  cities "  ot 
 Naphtali,  named  with  Bethshemesh  (Josh.  xix. 
 .'JSj ;  from  neither  of  them  were  the  Canaanites 
 expelled  (Judg.  i.  33).  By  Eusebius  and  Jerome 
 it  is  spoken  of  lis  a  A-illage  called  Batanaea,  1 5  miles 
 eastward  of  Caesarea. 
 
 Beth'-anoth,  a  town  in  the  mountainous  district 
 of  Judah,  named  with  Halhul,  Bethzur,  and  others, 
 in  ,'osh.  XV.  59  only.  It  is  very  probably  the 
 modern  Beit-' ainun. 
 
 Beth'any,  a  village  which,  scanty  as  are  the 
 notices  of  it  contained  in  Scripture,  is  more  inti- 
 mately associated  in  our  minds  than  perhaps  any 
 other  place  with  the  most  familiar  acts  and  scenes 
 of  the  last  days  of  the  life  of  Christ.  It  was  situ- 
 ated "  at  "  {-rpSs)  the  INIount  of  Olives  (Mark  xi.  1 ; 
 Luke  xix.  29),  about  fifteen  stadia  from  Jerusalem 
 (John  xi.  18),  on  or  near  the  usual  road  from 
 Jericho  to  the  city  (Luke  xix.  29,  comp.  1  ;  Mark 
 xi.  1,  comp.  X.  4(3),  and  close  by  and  west  (?)  of 
 another  village  called  Bethphage,  the  two  beins 
 several  times  mentioned  together.  Bethany  is  now 
 known  by  a  name  derived  from  Lazarus  —  el- 
 'Azariyek  or  Lazarich.  It  lies  on  the  eastern 
 slope  of  the  Mount  of  Olives,  fully  a  mile  beyond 
 the  summit,  and  not  very  far  from  the  point  at 
 which  the  road  to  Jericho  begins  its  more  sudden 
 descent  towards  the  Jordan  valley.  El-' Azariyeh 
 is  a  ruinous  and  wretched  village,  a  wild  mountain 
 hamlet  of  some  twenty  families.  In  the  village 
 are  shown  the  traditional  sites  of  the  house  and 
 tomb  of  Lazarus,  'i'he  house  of  Simon  the  leper 
 is  also  exhibited.  Beth-any  has  been  commonly 
 explained  '•  House  of  Dates,"  but  it  more  pro- 
 bably .signifies  "  House  of  Misery." 
 
 Beth-ar'abah,  one  of  the  six  cities  of  Judah 
 which  were  situated  down  in  the  Arabah,  the  sunk 
 valley  of  the  Jordan  and  Dead  Sea  (Josh.  xv.  61), 
 on  the  north  border  of  the  tribe,  and  apparently 
 between  Beth-hoglar  and  the  high  land  on  the  west 
 of  the  Jordan  valley  (xv.  C).  It  is  also  included 
 in  the  list  of  the  towns  of  Benjamin  (xviii.  22). 
 
 Beth-a'ram,  accurately  Beth-haraji,  one  of 
 the  towns  of  Gad  on  the  east  of  Jordan,  described 
 as  in  "the  valley,"  Josh.  xiii.  27,  and  no  doubt 
 the  same  place  as  that  named  Beth-haran  in 
 Num.  xxxii.  36.  Eusebius  and  Jerome  report  that 
 in  their  day  its  appellation  was  Bethrainphtha,  and 
 that,  in  honour  of  Augustus,  Herod  had  named  it 
 Libias.  Josephus's  account  is  that  Herod  (Antipas), 
 on  t;\king  possession  of  his  tetrarchy,  fortified  Sep- 
 phorisandthe  city  of  Betharamptha,  building  a  wall 
 round  the  latter,  and  calling  it  Julias  in  honour 
 of  the  wife  of  the  emperor.  Ptolemy  gives  the 
 locality  of  Libias  as  31°  26'  lat.  and  67"^  fo'  long. 
 
 Beth-ar'bel,  named  only  in  Hos.  x.  14,  as  tiie 
 scene  of  a  sack  and  massacre  by  Shalman.      Nc 
 
110 
 
 BETH-AVEN 
 
 clue  ib  giveu  to  its  position ;  it  may  be  the  uncieiit 
 strougliold  of  Arbela  in  <ialilee,  or  another  place  of 
 the  sinie  ^iaine  near  Pcila. 
 
 Beth-a'ven,  a  ])lace  on  the  mountains  of  Ben- 
 jamin, eitst  of  Bethel  (Josh.  vii.  2,  xviii.  V2),  and 
 lying  between  that  place  and  Michmash  (1  Sam. 
 xiii.  5,  xiv.  23).  In  Hos.  iv.  )  5,  v.  8,  x.  5,  the 
 name  is  transfurre<.l,  with  a  jilay  on  the  word  very 
 characteristic  of  this  jtrophi't,  to  the  neighbouring 
 Bethel — once  the  "house  of  Ciod,"  but  then  the 
 house  of  idols,  of  "  naught." 
 
 Beth-azma'veth.  Under  this  name  is  men- 
 tioned, in  Neh.  vii.  28  only,  the  town  of  Benjamin 
 which  is  el^ewhere  called  Azmavetu,  ;ind  Bkth- 
 SAMOS.  Mr.  Finn  proposes  to  identify  Azmaveth 
 with  Ilizmeh,  a  village  on  the  hills  of  Benjamin  to 
 the  S.H.  i)i'  Jcba. 
 
 Beth-baal-me'on,  a  place  in  the  possessions  of 
 Reuben,  on  the  downs  (A.  V.  "  plain ")  east  of 
 Jordan  (Josh.  xiii.  17).  At  the  Isiaelites'  first 
 approach  its  name  was  Baal-meo.x  (Num.  xxxii. 
 38,  or  in  its  contractetl  form,  Bkox,  xxxii.  3),  to 
 which  the  Beth  was  possibly  a  Hebrew  addition. 
 Later  it  would  seem  to  have  come  into  possession 
 of  Moab,  and  to  be  known  either  as  Beth-meon 
 (Jer.  xlviii.  23)  or  Baal-nieon  (Ez.  xxv.  9).  The 
 name  is  still  attached  to  a  ruined  place  of  consider- 
 able size,  a  short  distance  to  the  S.W.  of  Hesbdn, 
 and  bearing  the  name  of  "the  fortress  of  Mi'uii," 
 or  Maein,  which  appears  to  give  its  appellation  to 
 the  Wndi  Zi'rha  Alaein. 
 
 Beth-ba'rah,  named  only  in  Judg.  vii.  24,  as  a 
 point  ajipinentlv  south  of  the  scene  of  Gideon's  vic- 
 tory. Beth-barah  derives  its  chief  interest  from 
 the  possibility  that  its  more  m(xlern  representative 
 mnv  have  been  Beth-abara  where  John  baptized. 
 It  was  ])robably  the  chief  ford  of  the  district. 
 
 Beth-ba'si,  a  town  in  which  Jonathan  and 
 Simon  Macaibaeus  took  refuge  from  Bacchides  (1 
 Mace.  ix.  62,  64).  It  was,  probably,  in  the  Jordan 
 valley  not  far  from  Jericho. 
 
 Beth-bir'ei,  a  town  of  Simeon  (1  Chr.  iv.  31), 
 which  by  comparison  with  the  parallel  list  in  Josh. 
 six.  ai)pears  to  have  had  also  the  name  of  Bktii- 
 lkhaotii.     It  lay  to  the  extreme  south. 
 
 Beth-car',  a  place  named  as  the  point  to  which 
 the  isiaelites  pursued  the  Philistines  (I  Sam.  vii. 
 11),  and  therefore  west  of  Mizjieh.  From  the  ex- 
 pression "  under  Beth-c;ir  "  it  would  seem  that  tiie 
 l)lace  itself  was  on  a  height.  Josephus  s;iys  that 
 till'  stoui/  i;i)eiiezer  was  set  up  here. 
 
 Beth-da'goii.  1.  A  city  in  the  low  country  of 
 Judah  (.)<).-h.  XV.  41),  and  therefore  not  far  from 
 the  I'hilistine  territory,  with  which  its  name  implies 
 a  connexion.  Caphardagon  existed  as  a  very  large 
 village  between  Diospolis  (Lydda)  and  Jamnia  in 
 the  time  of  Jeioine. — 2.  A  town  apiiaiently  near 
 the  coast,  named  as  one  of  the  landmaiks  of  the 
 boundary  of  Asher  (Josh.  xix.  27).  The  name  and 
 the  proximity  to  the  coast,  point  to  its  being  a 
 I'hilistiiic  I  olony. 
 
 Beth-diblathaim,  a  town  of  Moab  (Jer.  xlviii. 
 22),  apparently  the  place  elsewhere  called  .\lmo.n- 
 
 DlItLATIlAIM. 
 
 Beth'-el.  1.  A  well-known  city  and  holy  place 
 of  n'litral  Palestine.  Of  the  origin  of  the  name  of 
 Bethel  there  are  two  accounts  extant.  1.  It  was 
 bestowed  on  the  sjKit  by  .Jacob  under  the  awe 
 inspire<i  by  the  nocturnal  vision  of  (iod,  when  on  his 
 .  JDuriK-y  from  his  father's  hou.se  at  Beci-sheba  to  seek 
 liis  wife  in  llaian  (Gen.  xxviii.  19).     I  he  expres- 
 
 BETH-EL 
 
 sion  in  the  last  jKU-agraph  of  this  account  indicates 
 a  distinction  between  the  early  Canaanite  "  city  " 
 Luz,  and  the  "  |)lace."  as  yet  a  mere  undis- 
 tinguished spot,  marked  only  by  the  "  stone,"  or 
 the  heap  erecte<l  by  Jacob  to  commeraoiate  his 
 vision. ^2.  But  according  to  the  other  account, 
 Bethel  received  its  name  on  the  occision  of  a  ble.ss- 
 iiig  bestowed  by  God  upon  Jacob  after  his  return 
 from  Padan-aram  ;  at  which  time  also  (according 
 to  this  narrative;  the  name  of  Israel  was  given  him 
 (Gen.  XXXV.  14,  lo).^Early  as  is  the  date  involved 
 in  the.se  narratives,  yet,  if  we  are  to  accept  the 
 precise  definition  of  Gen.  xii.  8,  the  name  of  Bethel 
 would  appear  to  have  existed  at  this  sjwt  even  be- 
 fore the  arrival  of  Abiam  in  Canaan:  iie  removed 
 from  the  oaks  of  Moreh  to  "  '  the  '  mountain  on  the 
 east  of  Bethel,"  with  "  Bethel  on  the  west  and  Hal 
 on  the  ea.st."  Here  he  built  an  altar  ;  and  hither 
 he  returned  from  Egypt  with  Lot  before  their 
 separation  (xiii.  3,  4).— In  one  thing,  however,  the 
 above  narratives  all  agree, — in  omitting  any  men- 
 tion of  town  or  buildings  at  Bethel  at  that  early 
 period,  and  in  drawing  a  marked  distinction  between 
 the  "  city  "  of  Luz  and  the  consecr.ited  "  place  "  in 
 its  neighbourhood  (comp.  Gen.  xxxv.  7).  Even  in 
 the  ancient  chronicles  of  the  conquest  the  two  are 
 still  distinguished  (Josh.  xvi.  1,2);  and  the  appro- 
 priation of  the  name  of  Bethel  to  the  city  a])pears 
 not  to  have  been  made  till  still  later,  when  it  was 
 taken  by  the  tribe  of  Ephraim  ;  afler  which  the 
 name  of  Luz  occurs  no  more  (Judg.  i.  22-26).— 
 After  the  conquest  Bethel  is  frequently  heard  of. 
 In  the  troubled  times  when  there  was  no  king  in 
 Israel,  it  was  to  Bethel  that  the  people  went  up  in 
 their  distress  to  ask  counsel  of  Gud  (.ludg.  xx.  18, 
 2t>,  31,  xxi.  2  :  A.  V.  "  house  of  God  *').  Here  was 
 the  ark  of  the  covenant  under  the  charge  of  Phinehas 
 the  grandson  of  Aaron  (xx.  26-28,  xxi.  4);  and  the 
 mention  of  a  regular  road  or  causeway  between  it  and 
 the  grejit  town  of  Shechem  is  doubtle.ss  an  indication 
 that  it  w;is  already  in  much  repute.  Later  we  find  it 
 named  as  one  of  the  holy  cities  to  which  Samuel  went 
 in  circuit  (1  Sani.  vii.  IG).  Here  Jeroboam  placed 
 one  of  the  two  calves  of  gold,  and  built  a  "  house  of 
 high  places '"  and  an  altar  of  incense,  by  which  he 
 himself  stood  to  burn ;  as  we  see  him  in  the 
 familiar  picture  of  1  K.  xiii.  Towards  the  end  of 
 Jeioboam's  life  Bethel  fell  info  the  hands  of  Judah 
 (2  Chr.  xiii.  19).  Elijah  visited  Bethel,  and  we 
 hear  of  "  sons  of  the  projihets  "  as  resident  theie 
 (2  K.  ii.  2,  3),  two  facts  apparently  incomp.atible 
 with  the  active  existence  of  the  calf'-woi-ship.  The 
 mention  of  the  bears  so  close  to  the  town  (iii.  23, 
 2j),  looks  too  .Ts  if  the  neighbouihood  were  not 
 much  frequented  at  that  time.  But,  af'ter  the  de- 
 struction of  the  Baiil  woi>hip  by  Jehu,  Bethel  comes 
 once  more  hito  view  ^2  K.  x.  29).  Under  the 
 descendants  of  this  king  the  place  and  the  woi-ship 
 must  have  gi-eatly  flourishe<l,  for  ly  the  time  ol 
 Jeroboam  II.  the  rude  village  was  again  a  royal 
 residence  with  a  "king's  house"  (.Am.  vii,  13).— 
 How  this  prosperity  c;ime  to  its  doom  we  are  not 
 told.  After  the  desolation  of  the  northern  kingdom 
 by  the  king  of  A.ssyria,  Bethel  still  remained  an 
 abode  of  prie.sts,  who  taught  the  wretched  colonists 
 "  how  to  fciir  Jehovali,"  '*  the  God  of  the  land  " 
 (2  K.  xvii.  28,  27).  In  the  account  of  Jasiah's 
 icouocl.'ism  we  catch  one  more  glimpse  of  the  altar 
 of  Jeroboam,  with  its  l;ist  lo.athsome  lire  of  "  dead 
 men's  bones  "  burning  upon  it.  It  is  curious  that 
 men  of  Bethel   and    Ai   returned  with  Zeiubbabcl 
 
BETH-EMEK 
 
 (Ezr.  ii.  28  ;  Neh.  vii.  32)  ;  and  th.at  they  returned 
 to  their  native  place  whilst  continuing  their  lela- 
 tions  with  Nehemiah  and  the  restored  worship 
 (Neh.  xi.  ;U).  In  the  Book  of  Esdras  the  name 
 appears  as  Betolius.  In  later  times  Bethel  is 
 only  named  once,  amongst  the  strong  cities  in 
 Judaea  which  were  repaired  by  Bacchides  during 
 the  strutj^les  of  the  times  of  the  Maccabees  ( 1  Mace. 
 ix.  50)"— Bethel  receives  a  bare  mention  from 
 Ensubius  and  Jerome  in  the  0 noma st icon,  as  12 
 miles  from  Jerusalem  on  the  right  hand  of  the  road 
 to  Sicthem  ;  and  here  its  ruins  still  lie  under  the 
 scarcely  altered  name  of  L'eitin.  They  cover  a 
 space  of  three  or  four  acres,  upon  the  front  of  a 
 low  hill  between  the  heads  of  two  hollow  wadys 
 which  unite  and  run  off  into  the  main  valley  es- 
 Suu-cinif.  The  round  mount  S.K.  of  Bethel  must 
 be  the  "mountain"  on  which  Abram  built  the 
 alti\r  (Gen.  .\ii.  8).— 2.  A  town  in  the  south 
 part  of  Judah,  named  in  Josh.  xii.  16,  and  1  Sam. 
 XXX.  27.  By  comparison  of  the  lists  of  the  towns 
 of  Judah  and  Simeon  (Josh.  xv.  30,  xix.  4 ;  1  Chr. 
 iv.  29,  30),  the  place  appears  under  the  names 
 of  Chesil,  Betuul,  and  Bethuel. — Hiel,  the 
 Betheute,  is  recorded  as  the  rebuilder  of  Jericho 
 (1  K.  xvi.  34). 
 
 Beth-6'mek,  a  place  on  or  near  the  border  of 
 Asher,  on  the  ujrth  side  of  which  was  the  ravine  of 
 Jiphthah-el  (Josh.  xix.  27).  Robinson  has  dis- 
 covered an  'Amkah  about  8  miles  to  the  N.  E.  of 
 A/ika  ;  but  if  his  identiliaition  of  Jcfdt  with  Jiph- 
 thah-el be  tenable,  the  site  of  Beth-emek  must  be 
 sought  for  farther  south  than  Anihah. 
 
 Beth'er,  the  mountains  of,  Cant.  ii.  17. 
 There  is  no  clue  to  guide  us  to  what  mountains  are 
 intended  here. 
 
 Betlies'da,  the  Hebrew  name  of  a  reservoir  or 
 tank,  with  five  "  porches,"  close  upon  the  sheep- 
 gate  or  "  market "  in  Jerusalem  (John  v.  2).  The 
 porches — i.e.  cloisters  or  colonnades — were  ex- 
 tensive enough  to  accommodate  a  large  number  of 
 sick  and  infiim  people,  whose  custom  it  was  to 
 wait  there  for  tlie  "  troubling  of  the  water." 
 Eusebius  describes  it  as  existing  in  his  time  as  two 
 pools,  the  one  supplied  by  the  periodical  rains, 
 while  the  water  of  the  other  was  of  a  reddish 
 colour,  due,  as  the  tradition  then  ran,  to  the  fact 
 that  the  flesh  of  the  sacrifices  was  anciently  washed 
 there  before  offering.  See,  however,  the  comments 
 of  Lightfoot  on  this  view,  in  his  Exercit.  on  St. 
 John  V.  2.  Eusebius's  statement  is  parti}''  con- 
 firmed by  the  Bourdeaux  Pilgrim  (A.n.  333). 
 The  large  reservoir  called  the  Birket  Israil,  within 
 the  walls  of  the  city,  close  by  the  St.  Stephen's 
 Gate,  and  under  the  north-east  wall  of  the  Haram 
 area,  is  geuei'ally  considered  to  be  the  modern  re- 
 presentative of  Bethesda.  The  little  that  can  be 
 said  on  the  subject  goes  rather  to  confirm  than  to 
 invalidate  this  tr.idition.  One  other  proposed  iden- 
 tification must  be  noticed,  viz.  that  of  Dr.  Kobinson 
 (i.  342-3),  who  suggests  the  "  fountain  of  the 
 Virgin,"  in  the  valley  of  the  Kedron,  a  short  dis- 
 tance above  the  Pool  of  Siloam. 
 
 Bethe'zel,  a  place  named  only  in  Mic.  i.  11. 
 Fiom  the  context  it  was  doubtless  situated  in  the 
 plain  of  Philistia. 
 
 Beth-ga'der,  doubtless  a  place,  though  it  occurs  in 
 the  genealogies  of  Judah  as  if  a  person  (1  Chr.  ii.  51). 
 Possibly  the  same  as  Geder  (Josh.  xii.  13). 
 
 Beth'-gamul,  a  town  of  Moab,  in  the  downs 
 east   of  Jordan   (Jer.   .\lviii.   23,  comp.   21);  ap- 
 
 BETH-LEBAOTH 
 
 111 
 
 pnient^y  a  place  of  late  date,  since  there  is  no  trace 
 of  it  in  the  earlier  lists  of  Num.  xxxii.  34-38,  and 
 Josh.  xiii.  16-20.     It  has  not  been  identified. 
 
 Beth-hacce'rem  (Neh.  iii.  14).  From  Jer. 
 vi.  1,  we  find  that  it  was  used  as  a  beacon-station, 
 and  that  it  was  near  Tekoa.  In  the  time  of  Nehe- 
 miah (iii.  14)  it  had  a  ruler  or  prince.  Bv  Jerome 
 a  village  named  Bethacharma  is  said  to  have 
 been  on  a  mountain  between  Tekoa  and  Jerusa- 
 lem, a  position  in  which  the  eminence  known  as 
 the  Fiauk  mountain  (Herodium)  stands  conspi- 
 cuous ;  and  this  has  accordingly  been  suggested  as 
 Beth-haccerem. 
 
 Beth-ha'ran,  one  of  the  fenced  cities  on  the  east 
 of  Jorda;;,  built  by  the  Gadites  (Num.  xxxii.  36). 
 It  is  no  doubt  the  same  place  as  Beth-AKAM, 
 Josh.  xiii.  27. 
 
 Beth-hog'la,  and  hog'lah,  a  place  on  the  border 
 of  Judah  (Josh.  sv.  6)  and  of  Benjamin  (xviii.  19, 
 to  which  latter  tribe  it  was  reckoned  to  belong 
 (xviii.  21).  A  magnificent  spring  and  a  ruin  be- 
 tween Jericho  and  the  Jordan  still  bear  the  names 
 of  Ain-hnjla  and  Kiisr  Hajla,  and  are  doubtless 
 on  or  near  the  old  site. 
 
 Beth-ho'ron,  the  name  of  two  towns  or  villages, 
 an  "upper"  and  a  "nether,"  (Josh.  xvi.  3,5; 
 1  Chr.  vii.  24),  on  the  road  from  Gibeon  to  Azekah 
 (Josh.  X.  10,  11)  and  the  Philistine  plain  (1  Blacc. 
 iii.  24).  Beth-horon  lay  on  the  boundary-line 
 between  Benjamin  and  Ephraim  (Josh.  xvi.  3,  5, 
 and  xviii.  13,  14),  was  counted  to  Ephraim  (Josh. 
 xxi.  22  ;  1  Chr.  vii.  24),  and  given  to  the  Kohath- 
 ites  (Josh.  xxi.  22  ;  1  Chr.  vi.  68  [53]).  There 
 is  no  room  for  doubt  that  the  two  Bethhoi'ons  still 
 survive  in  the  modern  villages  of  Bcit-ur,  et-takta 
 and  el-foka,  which  were  first  noticed  by  Dr.  Clarke. 
 Besides  the  similarity  of  the  name,  and  the  fact  that 
 the  two  places  are  still  designated  as  "  upper "  and 
 "  lower,"  all  the  requirements  of  the  narrative  are 
 fulfilled  in  this  identification.  The  importance  of  the 
 road  on  which  the  two  Beth-borons  are  situated, 
 the  main  approach  to  the  intei  ior  of  the  country 
 from  the  hostile  districts  on  both  sides  of  Palestine, 
 at  once  explains  and  justifies  the  frequent  fortifica- 
 tion of  these  towns  at  difi'erent  periods  of  the  his- 
 tory (1  K.  ix.  17  ;  2  Chr.  viii.  5;  1  Mace.  ix.  50  ; 
 Jud.  iv.  4,  5).  F"rom  Gibeon  to  the  Upper  Beth- 
 horon  is  a  distance  of  about  4  miles  of  broken  ascent 
 and  descent.  The  ascent,  however,  predominates, 
 and  this  therefore  appears  to  be  the  "  going  up " 
 to  Beth-horon  which  formed  the  first  stage  of 
 Joshua's  pursuit.  With  the  upper  village  the 
 descent  commences ;  the  road  rough  and  difilcult  even 
 for  the  mountain-paths  of  Palestine.  This  rough 
 descent  from  the  upper  to  the  lower  Beitur  is  the 
 "  going  down  to  Bethhoron  "  of  the  Bible  narrative. 
 Beth-jesh.'iniotli,  or  -jes'imotli,  a  town  or  place 
 east  of  Jordan,  on  the  lower  level  at  the  south  end 
 of  the  Jordan  valley  (Num.  xxxiii.  49)  ;  and  named 
 with  Ashdoth-pisgah  and  Beth-peor.  It  was  one 
 of  the  limits  of  the  encampment  of  Israel  before 
 crossing  the  Jordan.  Later  it  was  allotted  to 
 Reuben  (Josh.  xii.  3,  xiii.  20),  but  came  at  last 
 into  the  hands  of  Moab,  and  formed  one  of  the 
 cities  which  were  "  the  glory  of  the  country  "  (Ez 
 XXV.  9).  Schwarz  (228)  quotes  "  a  Beth-jisiinuth 
 as  still  known  at  the  north-easternmost  point  of 
 the  Dead  Sea,  half  a  mile  from  the  Jordan;"  but 
 this  requires  confirmation. 
 
 Beth-leb'aoth,  a    town    in  the    lot   of  Simeon 
 (Joch.  xix.  6),  and  therefore  in  the  extreme  south 
 
112 
 
 BETH-LEHEM 
 
 (.t'.Iudah  (xv.  :52,  Lebaotli).     hi  tin-  i)aialli-'l  list  in 
 1  Chr.  iv.  ;>1  the  name  is  given  r.i;Tii-iiiiu;i. 
 
 Bethlehem.       1.   One  of  the  oldest   towns  in 
 raiestine,  alroaily  in  existence  at  the  time  of  Jacob's 
 return    to    the"  country.     Its   earliest    name   was 
 Ki'HKATU  or  Kphuataii  (see  Uen.  xxxv.  10,   19, 
 xlviii.  7  ;  Josh.  xv.  59,  LXX.),  and  it  is  not  till 
 Ion;:  after  the   occupation   of  the  country  by  the 
 Isnrelifes  that  we  meet  with  it  under  its  new  name 
 of  liethlehem.     The  ancient  name  lingered  in  the 
 mouths  of  the  mhabitants  of  the  place  (Ruth  i.  2, 
 iv.  11  ;   1  Sam.  xvii.  12),  and  in  the  poetry  of  the 
 J'salmists  and  Prophets  (I's.  cxxxii.  6;  Mic.  v.  2) 
 to  a   late   perioil.      Alter  the   conquest   Betlilehem 
 appears    under    its    own     name    Bethlehem-judah 
 (Juds.  xvii.  7;   I   .-^am.  xvii.    12;    Ruth  i.   1,2), 
 possibly,  thougl)  hardly  probably,  to  distinguish  it 
 from  tlie  small  and  reniote  jilace  of  the  same  name 
 •n  Zebulun.    Though  not  named  as  a  Leviticiii  city, 
 it  was  ajiparently  ix  residence  of  Levites,  for  from  it 
 cilme  the  young  "man  Jonathan,  the  son  of  Gershom, 
 who  became  the  first  priest  of  the  Danites  at  their 
 new  northern  settlement  (Judg.  xvii.  7,  xviii.  30), 
 and  from  it  also   came   the  concubine  of  the  other 
 I.evite  whose  death  at  Ciibeah  caused  the  destruction 
 of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  (xix.  1-9).     The  Book  of 
 Ruth  is  a  jiage  fio'n  the  domestic  history  of  Beth- 
 lehem :  the  names,  almost  the  very  persons,  of  the 
 Bethleliemites  are  there  brought  before  us  ;  we  are 
 allowed  to  assist  at  their  most   peculiar  customs, 
 and   to  witness  tlie  very  springs   of  those  events 
 which  have  conferred  immortality  on  the  name  of 
 the  place.     The  elevation  of  David  to  the  kingdom 
 does  not  api)ear  to  have  allectud  the  fortunes  of  his 
 native  town. —Tiie  residence  of  Saul  acquired  a  new 
 title  specially  from  him  (2  Sam.  xxi.  6),  but  David 
 did   nothing  to    dignify  Betlilehem,  or  connect  it 
 with  himselt.    The  only  touch  of  recollection  which 
 he  maiiitests  for  it,  is  that  recorded  in  the  well- 
 known  stoiy  of  his  sudden  longing  tor  tiie  water  of 
 the  well  by" the  gate  of  his  childhood  (2  Sam.  xxiii. 
 1.-,). — The  few  remaining  casual  notices  of  Beth- 
 lehem   in    the    Old    Testament    may    be    quickly 
 enumerated.     It   was    fortified   by    Rehoboam    (2 
 Chr.  xi.  6).     By  the  time    of  the  captivity,  the 
 Inn  of  Chimham   by  Betlilehem  appears  to  have 
 become  the  recognised  point  of  departure  for  tra- 
 vellers to  Egypt  (Jer.  xli.  171 — a  ciravanserai  or 
 kliaii,  perhaps"  the  identical  one  which  existed  there 
 at  the  time  of  our  Lord,  like  those  which  still  exist 
 all  over    the    K.ast   at    the   st;itions   of  travellers. 
 I.iLstly,  "  Children  of  Bethlehem,"  to  the  number 
 of  123,  returned   with  Zeruljbabol  from   Babylon 
 (Kzr.  ii.21  ;  Neh.vli.  20).— In  the  New  Testament 
 Bethlehem  ret;iins  its  distinctive  title  of  BetJilehem- 
 judah  (Matt.  ii.  1,  .'i),  and  once,  in  the  announce- 
 ment of  the  Angels,  the  "city  of  David"  (Luke 
 ii.   4;    coinp.  John  vii.  42).     The   p.-issages  just 
 quotc<l,    and  the   few   which    follow,  exhaust   the 
 references  to  it  in   tlie  N.  T.  (Matt.  ii.  0,  8,  10  ; 
 Luke  ii.  I.')'.     After  this  nothing  is  heanl  of  it  till 
 near  the  middle  of  the   2iid  century,  when  Justin 
 Martyr  speaks  of  our  Lord's  birth  as  having  taken 
 place  "  in  n  certain  cave  very  close  to  the  village." 
 There    is    nothing    in    it.self    inq)iobable    in    the 
 supposition   that   the  pl.ice   in    which   Jo.seph    and 
 Marv  took  shelter,  and  where  w:is  the  "  manger" 
 .ir  "stall,"  was  a  cave  in   the  limestone   rock   of 
 which   the   eminence    of   Bethlehem    is  coTnjwsed. 
 But  the  Hte])  from  the  belief  that  the  Nativity  may 
 liavc  taKcn  place  in  a  cavern,  to  the  belief  that  the 
 
 BETH-PAZZEZ 
 
 present  subterraneuus  vault  or  crypt  is  that  aiveiii, 
 is  a  very  wide  one.  The  emperor  Hadrian,  amongst 
 other  desecrations,  had  actually  planted  a  grove  of 
 Adonis  at  the  spot.  This  grove  remained  at  Beth- 
 lehem for  no  less  than  18U  years,  viz.,  from  a.d. 
 135  till  315.  After  this  the  place  was  purged  of 
 its  abominations  by  Coiist;U)tii!e,  who,  about  A.D. 
 330,  erected  the  present  church.  The  modem  town 
 of  Beit-hi/nn  lies  to  the  K.  of  the  main  road  from 
 Jerusalem  to  Hebron,  0  miles  from  the  former.  It 
 covers  the  E.  and  N.K.  parts  of  the  ridge  of  a  long 
 grey  hill  of  Jura  limestone,  which  .stands  nearly 
 due  K.  and  \V.,  and  is  about  a  mile  in  length.  The 
 hill  has  a  dcej.  valley  on  tiie  N.  and  another  on  the 
 S.  On  the  toj)  lies  the  village  in  a  kind  of  irregular 
 triangle,  at  alwut  150  yai-ds  from  the  apex  of  wliich, 
 and  separated  from  it  by  a  vacant  spice  on  the 
 extreme  eastern  part  of  the  ridge,  spreads  the  noble 
 Basilica  of  St.  Helena,  "  half  (-hurch,  half  fort," 
 now  embraced  by  its  three  convents,  Greek,  Latin, 
 and  Armenian.  One  fact,  of  great  interest,  is  asso- 
 ciated with  a  portion  of  the  crypt  of  this  church, 
 namely,  that  here,  "  beside  what  he  believed  to  be 
 the  cradle  of  the  Christian  faith,"  St.  Jerome  lived 
 for  more  than  3(t  years,  leaving  a  lasting  monument 
 of  his  sojourn  in  the  Vulgate  translation  of  the  Bible. 
 —The  iio|)ulation  of  Beit-lahm  is  about  3li(M)  souls, 
 entirely  Chiistians.  All  travellers  remark  the  good 
 looks  of  the  women,  the  substantial  clean  aj)pearance 
 of  the  houses,  and  the  general  air  of  comlbrt  (for  :ui 
 eastern  town)  which  prevails. — 2.  A  town  in  the 
 j)ortion  of  Zebulun  named  nowhere  but  in  Josh, 
 xix.  15.  It  has  been  recovered  by  Dr.  Robins-on  at 
 Beit  Lahni,  aliout  six  miles  west  of  N.-izjueth,  and 
 lying  between  that  town  and  the  main  raid  fi-om 
 Akka  to  (Jaza. 
 Bethlo'mon,  1  Ksd.  v.  17.  [Bktiili;iii:m.  1.] 
 Beth-ma'achah,  a  place  name<l  only  in  2  Sam. 
 XX.  14,  l.j,  and  there  occurring  more  as  a  definition 
 of  the  position  of  AliEI,  than  for  itself.  In  the 
 absence  of  more  information,  we  can  only  conclude 
 that  it  is  identical  with  Maaciiah,  or  Aram- 
 MAACIIAH,  one  of  the  petty  Syrian  kingdoms  ill  the 
 iioi-th  of  I'.ilostiiie  (comp.  2  K.  xv.  29). 
 
 Beth-mar'caboth,  "  house  of  the  chariots,"  on< 
 of  the  towns  of  Simeon,  situateti  to  the  extreme 
 south  of  Judah,  with  Zikhig  and  Hoimah  (Josh, 
 xix.  5  ;  1  Chr.  iv.  31).  Inlthe  parallel  list.  Josh. 
 XV.  30,  31,  Madmannah  occurs  in  jilace  of  Beth- 
 marcaboth  ;  possibly  the  latter  Wiis  substituted  for 
 the  former  after  the  town  had  becoine  the  resort  of 
 chariots. 
 
 Beth-me'on,  Jer.  xlviii,  2:;.  A  contracted  form 
 of  the  name  elsewhere  given  as  Bi;'ni-HAAI,-MEON. 
 Beth-nim'rah,  one  of  the  fenced  cities  on  the 
 Kast  of  the  .loidaii  taken  .aiiil  built  by  the  trib"  of 
 (iail  (Num.  xxxii.  30)  and  described  as  lying  in  the 
 valley  beside  Beth-hai-an  (Josh,  xiii.27).  In  Num. 
 xxxii.  3  it  is  called  simply  NiMRAli.  The  name 
 still  survives  in  the  Nahr  Niinrin,  the  Arab  apjwl- 
 lation  of' the  lower  end  of  the  Wadu  S/nxtih,  where 
 the  waters  of  th.at  valley  discharge  themselves  into 
 tlu'  Joidan  close  to  one  of  the  regular  foi-ds  a  few 
 miles  above  Jericho. 
 
 Beth'oron.  i.e.  BirrmioitoN  (.hid.  iv.  4). 
 Beth-palet,  a  town  among  those  in  the  extreme 
 south  of  Judali,  named  in  .losh.  xv.  27,  and  Neh. 
 xi.  20,  with  .Moladah  and  Beei-sheba.  In  the  latter 
 place  it  is  Bi;tiiimik,li;t.  Its  remains  have  not 
 vet  Ih'cii  discovned. 
 
 Beth-paz'zec,   a   town   of   IsNichar   named   with 
 
BETH-FfiOR 
 
 En-hadJah  (Josh.  xix.  21),  and  of  which  nothing  is 
 known. 
 
 Beth'-peor,  a  place,  no  doubt  dedicated  to  the 
 god  Baal-peor,  on  the  east  of  Jordan,  opposite 
 Jericho,  and  six  miles  above  Libias  or  Beth-haran. 
 It  was  in  the  possession  of  the  tribe  of  Reuben 
 (Josh.  xiii.  20).  One  of  the  last  halting-places 
 of  the  I  \iildien  of  Israel  is  designated — "  the  ravine 
 over  aoainst  Beth-peor  "  (Deut.  iii.  29,  iv.  46). 
 
 Beth'-phage,  the  name  of  a  place  on  the  mount 
 of  Olives,  on  the  road  between  Jericho  and  Jeru- 
 salem. From  the  two  being  twice  mentioned  to- 
 gether, it  was  apparently  close  to  BKruANV  (Matt. 
 xxi.  1  ;  M.irk  xi.  1 ;  Luke  xix.  29),  and  from  its 
 being  named  first  of  the  two  in  the  nairative  of  a 
 journey  from  east  to  west,  it  may  be  presumed 
 that  it  lay,  if  anything,  to  the  eastward  of  Bethany. 
 No  remains  however  which  could  answer  to  this 
 position  have  been  found,  and  the  traditional  site 
 is  above  Bethany,  halfway  between  that  village 
 and  the  top  of  the  mount.  Schwarz  (263,  4),  and 
 Barclay,  in  his  map,  appear  to  agree  in  placing 
 Bethphage  on  the  southern  shoulder  of  the  "  Moiuit 
 of  Ortence,"  above  the  village  of  Siloam,  and  there- 
 fore west  of  Bethany. 
 
 Beth-phel'et,  Neh.  xi.  26.     [Beth-pai.et.] 
 
 Beth'-rapha,  a  name  which  occurs  in  the  ge- 
 nealogy of  Judah  as  the  son  of  Esh-ton  (1  Chr. 
 iv.  12). 
 
 Beth'-rehob,  a  place  mentioned  as  having  near 
 it  the  valley  in  which  lay  the  town  of  Laish  or 
 Dan  (Judg.  xviii.  28).  It  was  one  of  the  little 
 kingdoms  of  Aram  or  Syria  (2  Sam.  x.  6).  In 
 \ei'.  8  the  name  occurs  in  the  shorter fomi  of  Rehob, 
 in  which  form  it  is  doubtless  again  mentioned  in 
 Num.  xiii.  21.  The  conjecture  of  Robinson  (iii. 
 371)  is  that  this  ancient  place  is  represented  by  the 
 modern  Hunin,  a  fortress  commanding  the  plain  of 
 the  Huleh,  in  which  the  city  of  Dan  {Tell  el-Kady) 
 lay. 
 
 Beth-sa'ida.  1.  "  Bethsaida  of  Galilee  "  (John 
 xii.  2lj,  a  city  which  was  the  native  place  of 
 .Andrew,  Peter,  and  Philip  (John  i.  44,  xii.  21)  in 
 the  land  of  Gennesareth  (Mark  vi.  45;  comp.  53), 
 and  therefore  on  the  west  side  of  the  hike.  It  was 
 evidently  near  to  Capernaum,  and  Chorazin  (Matt, 
 xi.  21  ;  Luke  x.  13  ;  and  comp.  Mark  vi.  45,  with 
 John  vi.  16),  and,  if  the  interpretation  of  the  name 
 is  to  be  trusted,  close  to  the  water's  edge.  Dr. 
 Robinson  places  Bethsaida  at  'Am  et-Tabigah,  a 
 short  distance  north  of  Khan  Minyeh,  which  he 
 identifies  with  Capernaum  (iii.  359). ^2.  By  com- 
 paring the  narratives  in  Mark  vi.  31-53,  and  Luke 
 ix.  10-17,  in  the  latter  of  which  Bethsaida  is  named 
 as  the  spot  at  which  the  miracle  took  place,  while 
 in  the  former  the  disciples  are  said  to  have  crossed 
 the  water  from  the  scene  of  the  event  "  to  Beth- 
 saida in  the  land  of  Gennesareth,"  it  appears  cer- 
 tain that  the  Bethsaida  at  which  the  5000  were 
 fed  must  have  been  a  second  place  of  the  same 
 name  on  the  east  of  the  lake.  Such  a'  place  there 
 was  at  the  north-eastern  extremity,  formerly  a 
 village,  but  rebuilt  and  adorned  by  Philip  the 
 Tetrarch,and  raised  to  the  dignity  of  a  town  under 
 the  name  of  Julias,  after  the  daughter  of  the 
 emperor.  Here  in  a  magnificent  tomb  Philip  was 
 buried.  Of  this  Bethsaida  we  have  certainly  one 
 and  probably  two  mentions  in  the  Gospels:—!. 
 That  named  above,  of  the  feeding  of  the  5000  (Luke 
 ix.  10).— 2.  The  other,  most  probably,  in  Mark 
 \-iii.  22. 
 Con.  D.  B. 
 
 BfiTHUEL 
 
 113 
 
 Beth'-samos,    1    Esd.    v.   18.     [Beth-aema- 
 
 VETli.] 
 
 Beth'san  (1  Mace.  v.  52  ;  xii.  40, 41).    [Bkth- 
 
 SHKAN.] 
 
 Bethshan  (1  Sam.  xxxi.  10,  12  ;  2  Sam.  xxi. 
 
 12).     [Bktiisiiean.] 
 
 Beth'-shean,  or  in  Samuel,  Bethshan,  a  city, 
 which,  with  its  "  daughter  "  towns,  belonged  to 
 Mauasseh  (1  Chr.  vii.  29),  though  within  the 
 limits  of  Issachar  (Josh.  xvii.  11),  and  therefore 
 on  the  west  of  Jordan  (comp.  1  Mace.  v.  52) — 
 but  not  mentioned  in  the  lists  of  the  latter  tribe. 
 The  Canaanites  were  not  driven  out  from  the  town 
 (Judg.  i.  27).  In  Solomon's  time  it  seems  to  have 
 given  its  name  to  a  district  extending  from  the 
 town  itself  to  Abel-meholah  ;  and  "  all  Bethshean  " 
 was  under  charge  of  one  of  his  commissariat  officers 
 (1  K.  iv.  12).  The  corpses  of  Saul  and  his  sons 
 were  fastened  up  to  the  wall  of  Bethshean  by  the 
 Philistines  (1  Sam.  xxxi.  10,  12)  in  the  open 
 "  street  "  or  space,  which — then  as  now — fronted 
 tlie  gate  of  an  eastern  town  (2  Sam.  xxi.  12).  In 
 connexion  with  the  exploits  of  the  Maccabees  it  is 
 mentioned  more  than  once  in  a  cursory  manner 
 (1  Mace.  V.  52;  comp.  1  Mace.  xii.  40,  41).  The 
 name  of  Scythopolis  appears  for  the  first  time  in 
 2  Mace.  xii.  29.  [Scythopolis.]  This  name 
 has  not  survived  to  the  present  day  ;  and  the  place 
 is  still  called  Beisan.  It  lies  in  the  Ghor  or 
 Jordan  valley,  about  twelve  miles  south  of  the  sea 
 of  Galilee,  and  four  miles  west  of  the  Jordan. 
 
 Beth-shem'esh.  1.  One  of  the  towns  which 
 marked  the  north  boundary  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  10), 
 but  not  named  in  the  lists  of  the  cities  of  that  tribe. 
 It  was  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Kiijath-jearim  and 
 Timnah,  and  therefore  in  close  proximity  to  the 
 low-country  of  Philistia.  Beth-shemesh  was  allotted 
 to  the  priests  (Josh.  xxi.  16;  1  Chr.  vi.  59)  ;  and 
 it  is  named  in  one  of  Solomon's  commissariat  dis- 
 tricts (1  K.  iv.  9).  By  comparison  of  the  lists  in 
 Josh.  XV.  10,  xix.  41,  43,  and  1  K.  iv.  9,  it  will  be 
 seen  that  Ir-Shemesh,  "  city  of  the  sun,"  must 
 have  been  identical  with  Beth-shemesh,  Ir  being 
 probably  the  older  form  of  the  name.  Beth- 
 shemesh  is  now  ' Ain-Sheins,  about  two  miles  from 
 the  great  Philistine  plain,  and  seven  from  Ekron.— 
 2.  A  city  on  the  border  of  Issachar  (Josh.  xix. 
 22).— 3.  One  of  the  "fenced  cities  "  of  Naphtali, 
 twice  named  (Josh.  xix.  38  ;  Judg.  i.  33),  and  on 
 both  occasions  with  Beth-anath.— 4.  By  this 
 name  is  once  mentioned  (Jer.  xliii.  13)  an  idola- 
 trous temple  or  place  in  Egypt.  In  the  middle 
 ageti  Heliopolis  was  still  called  by  the  Arabs  Ain 
 Shems. 
 
 Beth'-eMttah,  one  of  the  spots  to  which  the 
 flight  of  the  host  of  the  Midianites  extended  after 
 their  discomfiture  by  Gideon  (Judg.  vii.  22).  Both 
 the  narrative  and  the  name  require  its  situation  to 
 be  somewhere  near  the  river. 
 
 Beth-su'ra,  1  Mace.  iv.  29,  61 ;  vi.  7,  26,  3!, 
 49,  50  ;  ix.  52  ;  x.  14 ;  xi.  65  ;  xiv.  7 ;  2  Mace, 
 xi.  5;  xiii.  19,  22.     [Beth-zur.] 
 
 Beth-tappu'ah,  one  of  the  towns  of  Judah,  in 
 the  mountainous  district,  and  near  Hebron  (Josh. 
 XV.  53 ;  comp.  1  Chr.  ii.  43).  Here  it  has  actually 
 been  discoveied  by  Robinson  under  the  modern  name 
 of  Teffiih,  If  horn-,  or  say  5  miles,  W.  of  Hebron, 
 on  a  ridge  of  high  table-land. 
 
 Beth'uel,  the  son  of  Nahor  by  Milcah ;  nephew 
 of  Abraham,  and  father  of  Rebekah  (Gen.  xxii.  22, 
 23;  xxiv.   15,  24,   47;    xxviii.   2).     In  xxv.  20, 
 
114 
 
 BETHUEL 
 
 iiid  xxviii.  5,  lio  is  cnlloil  "  I'ltliuel  the  Syrian." 
 Though  often  leferreU  to  as  al)ove  in  the  nan-ative, 
 Bethuel  only  appeare  in  pei-son  once  (xxiv.  50). 
 Upon  this  an  ingenious  conjecttuo  is  raised  by  Prof. 
 Blunt  ( Coincidences,  I.  §iv.)  tliat  ho  was  the  subject 
 ot'sonif  imbocility  or  other  incapacity. 
 Beth'uel,  1  Chr.  iv.  30.  [Bktuul.] 
 Beth'vil,  a  town  of  Simeon  in  the  south,  named 
 with  El-tuLi(l  and  Horniali  (Josh.  xix.  4).  In  the 
 parallel  lists  in  Jo>h.  xv.  30,  and  1  Chr.  iv.  29,  the 
 name  appears  under  the  forms  of  CiiF.Sii,  and 
 liiniii'i;!,  ■,  and  probably  also  under  that  of  Bethel 
 in  Josh.  xii.  10;  since,  lor  the  reasons  urged  under 
 Bktiiel^  and  also  on  account  of  the  position  of  the 
 name  in  this  li^t,  the  noithnrn  Bethel  can  hardly  be 
 intended. 
 
 Bethu'lia,  the  city  which  was  the  scene  of  the 
 chief  eveut.s  of  the  Book  of  Judith,  in  which  book 
 only  the  name  occur.s.     Its   position   is  there  de- 
 scribal  with  very  minute  detail.     It  was  near  to 
 Dothaim  (iv.  G),  on  a  hill  which  overlooked  the 
 plain  of  llsdraelon  (vi.  11,  13,  14,  vii.  7,  10,  xiii. 
 10)  and  conmianded  the  passes  from  that  plain  to 
 the  hill   country  of  Manasseh  (iv.  7,  vii.  1),  in  a 
 position  so  strong  that  Holofernes  abandoned   the 
 idea  of  taking  it  by  attack,  and  detemiiiied  to  reduce 
 it  bv  possessing  himself  of  the  two  springs  or  wells 
 which  were  "  under  the  city,"  in  the  valley  at  the 
 foot  of  the  eminence  on  which  it  was  built,  and 
 from    which    the  inhabitants    derived    their    thief 
 supply  <if  water  (vi.  11,   vii.  7,    13,  21).       xNot- 
 with>tanding  this  detail,  however,  the  identification 
 of  the  site  of  Bethulia  has  hitiierto  defied  all  at- 
 tempts, and  is  one  of  the  greatest  puzzles  of  sacred 
 geography.     Von   Kaumer  (/-"((/.   135,  G)  suggests 
 SiiiiAr,  which  is  perhaps  the  nearest  to  piobability. 
 It  is  about  three  miles  from  Didlinn,  and  some  six  or 
 seven  from  .Icnin  ( l"-ng;innim),  which  stand  on  the 
 verv  I'diie  of  tiie  great  plain  of  Ksilraelon. 
 Beth-zachari'as.     [BATit-ZACiiAiiiAS.] 
 Beth-zur,  a  town  in  the  mountains  of  Judah, 
 named  between  Halhul  and  Gedor  (Josh.  xv.  58). 
 Bethzur  woub!  apjiear  from  1   Chr.  ii.  45  to  have 
 been  founded  by  the  people  of  JIaon,  and  was  ])ro- 
 bably  fortified  i)y  liehoboam  (2  Chr.  xi.  7).     After 
 the  captivity  the  people  ot  Beth-zur  assisted  Nehe- 
 miah    in  the   rebuilding  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem 
 (Neh.  iii.    10).      In  the  wars  of  the  Maaabees, 
 liethzur,  or  Bethsura,  ])layed  an   important  ])ait. 
 The    recovery   of  the  site   of  Bethzur,    under    the 
 almost   identicid    name    of   Ikit-Kur,  ex]>lains    its 
 impregnability,  and  also  the  reason  lor  the  choice 
 of  its  position,  .since  it  commands   the   road  fiom 
 Beersheba  and  Hebron,  which  has  always  been  the 
 maiti  approach  to  Jerusalem  from  the  south.    - 
 Beto'lius.  1  I'.sd.  v.  21.    [r.i.Tiii-i,.] 
 Betomes'thamiuid  Betomas'theni,  a  town  "over 
 against   Ksdiaelun,   facing   tlie    iiiaiii     that    is  near 
 llothaim  "   (.hid.   iv.   0,  xv.  4).     No  attempt  to 
 identify  it  hits  been  hitherto  successful. 
 
 Bet'onim,  a  town  in  the  inheritance  of  the 
 .hiMi«n  of  (iad,  apparently  on  their  northern 
 boiuid.uv  f Josh.  xiii.  20). 
 Betrothiug.  [MAUitiAdi:.] 
 Beu'lah,  "  married,"  the  name  which  the  laml 
 •)f  Israel  is  to  War,  wiieii  "the  land  .shall  be 
 married"  (Is.  I  xii.  4). 
 
 Be'iai,  "Children  of  lW>zai,"  to  the  number  of 
 32:1.  returned  from  captivity  with  Zerubbabel  (Kzr. 
 li.  1 7  •  Neh.  vii.  23).  The  name  (x;curs  again  among 
 those  who  sciled  the  covenant  (Neh.  x.  18). 
 
 BIBLE 
 
 Bez'aleel.  1.  The  artificer  to  whom  was  con- 
 fidal  by  Jehov.ah  the  design  an<l  execution  of  the 
 works  of  art  rerpiired  for  the  tabernacle  in  th« 
 wilderness  (Kx.  xxxi.  1-G).  His  charge  w.^s  chiefly 
 in  all  works  of  metal,  wood,  and  stone.  Bezaleel 
 was  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  the  sou  of  Uri  the  -son  of 
 Hur.— 2.  One  of  the  sons  of  Pahath-moab  who  had 
 taken  a  Ibreign  wife  (Kzr.  x.  30);  called  Skstiill 
 in  I  Ksl. 
 
 Be'tek.  1.  The  residence  of  Adoni-bezek,  i.  e, 
 the  "loid  of  Bezck  "  (Judg.  i.  5);  in  the  lot  of 
 •Judah  (verse  3),  and  inhabited  by  Canaanite.<!  and 
 Perizzites  (verse  4i.  This  must  have  been  a  dis- 
 tinct place  from— 2.  Where  S;iul  numbered  the 
 foi'ces  of  Israel  and  Judah  before  going  to  the  relief 
 of  Jabesh-Gilead  (1  ."^am.  xi.  8).  This  cannot  have 
 been  more  than  a  ilay's  march  from  Jabesh  ;  and 
 was  therefoie  doubtless  .somewhere  in  the  centre  of 
 the  country,  near  the  Jordan  valley.  No  identi- 
 fication of  either  place  has  been  made  in  modern 
 times. 
 
 Be'zer  in  the  wilderness,  a  city  of  the  Reuben- 
 itcs,  with  subuiK'^  set  apart  by  Moses  as  one  of  the 
 three  cities  of  refuge  in  the  downs  on  the  east  of  tlie 
 .loidan,  and  allotted  to  the  Meriu'ites  (Deut.  iv.  43  ; 
 Josh.  XX.  8,  xxi.  30  ;   1  Chr.  vi.  78). 
 
 Be'zer,  son  of  Zophah,  one  of  tlie  heads  of  the 
 houses  of  Asher  (1  Chr.  vii.  37). 
 
 Be'zeth,  a  ])lace  at  which  Bacchides  encamped 
 aflei-  leaving  Jerus;dem  (1  Mace.  vii.  lO).  By 
 Josephiis  the  name  is  given  as  "the  village  Beth- 
 zetho."  'I'he  name  may  thus  refer  either  to  the 
 main  body  of  the  Mount  of  Olives,  or  to  that 
 blanch  of  it  to  the  noith  of  Jerusalem,  which  at  a 
 later  )ieriod  was  called  Bezetha. 
 
 Biatas,  1  Ksdr.  ix.  48.     [Pelaiah.] 
 Bible. — 1.  The  application  of  this  word  to  the 
 eolleited  books  of  the  Old   and   New  Testament  is 
 not  to  be  traced  further  back  than  the  5th  century. 
 Greek  writeis  enumerate  ra.  ^tfiKia  of  the  Old  and 
 New  Testament;  and  as  tlie.se  were  contrasted  with 
 the  apociyjihal   books  circulatetl  by  heietics,  there 
 was  a  natiiial  tendelicj'  to  the  ajijiioiniation  of  the 
 word  as  limited  by  the  article  to  the  whole  adlec- 
 tion  of  the  cauonic-.d  Scriptures.     The  liturgical  u.se 
 of  the  Scriptures,  as  the   worship  of  the  Cliuich 
 became  organiseil,  wouM  naturally  favour  this  a)i- 
 ])lieatlon.     The  MSS.  fiom  which   they  were  read 
 would  be  emphatically  the  books  of  eacli  church  or 
 moiiasterv.      And  when   this  use  of  the  woid  was 
 established  in  the  Kast,  it  was  natural  that  it  should 
 ])ass  gradually  to  the  Western  Chuich.     It  is  how- 
 ever worthy  of  note,  as  bearing  on  the  hi.story  ol 
 the  word  in  our  own  language,  and  on  that  of  its 
 receiition  in  the  Western  Chureh,  that  "Bible"  is 
 not  found  in  .Anglo-Saxon  liteiature.     In  I!.  Brunne 
 (p.   2'.I0),    Piers    Ploughniaii    (1010,    4271),    and 
 Chaucer  (I'ral.  437),  it  ap|H'ars  in  its  distinctive 
 .sense.     From  that  time  the  higher  use  pievailed  to 
 the  exclusion  of  any  lowei' ;  and  the  choice  of  it, 
 rather  than  of  ;iny  of  its  synonymes,  by  the  great 
 tiMiislatore    of    the    Scriptures,    Wyklyf,    Luther, 
 Covei  dale,  fixed  it  beyond  all  ](ossibility  of  a  change. 
 — II.  The  history  of  the  growth  of  the  collections 
 known  as  thi'  Old  and  New  Testament  resjx-ctively, 
 will  bi'  found  fully  under  Ca.son.     It  falls  within 
 the  .s<x)|>e  of  the  picsent  article  to  indiaite  in  what 
 way  and  by  what  sfejis  the  two  c-une  to  lie  looked 
 on  as  of  co-ordinate  autJmiily,and  theiefore  .-is  parte 
 of  one  whole^how,  «.  c.   the  idea  of  a  coiripleti-l 
 Bible,  even  before  the  word  came    into   use,  pr*- 
 
BIBLE 
 
 sented  itself  to  the  iniiids  of  men.  As  regards  a 
 iaroje  portion  of  the  writings  of  the  New  Testament 
 it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  they  claim  an  autho- 
 rity not  lower,  nay  even  higher  than  the  Old.  That 
 wliieh  had  not  been  revealed  to  the  "  prophets  "  of 
 the  Old  dispensation  is  revealed  to  the  prophets  of 
 the  new  (K])h.  iii.  5).  The  Apostles  write  as 
 having  the  Spirit  of  Christ  (1  Cor.  vii.  40),  as 
 teaching  and  being  taught  "by  the  icvelation  of 
 Je.sns  Christ"  (Gal.  i.  12).  The  writing  of  a  man 
 who  spoke  as  inspired,  could  not  fail  to  be  regarded 
 as  participating  in  the  inspiration.  It  is  part  of 
 the  dovelopment  of  the  same  feeling  that  the  earliest 
 recortk  of  the  worship  of  tlie  Christian  Chnich 
 indiuite  the  liturgical  use  of  some  at  least  of  the 
 writings  of  the  New,  as  well  as  of  the  Old  Testa- 
 ment. Theophiliis  of  Antioch,  Irenaeus,  Clement 
 of  Alexandria,  Tertullian,  all  speak  of  the  New 
 Testament  writings  as  making  up  with  the  Old  the 
 whole  (if  Scripture.— III.  The  existence  of  a  collec- 
 tion of  sacred  books  recoginsed  as  authoritative, 
 le;>ds  miturally  to  a  more  oi-  less  systematic  aiTarge- 
 ment.  The  Prologue  to  Ecclesiasticns  mentions 
 "  the  law  and  the  prophets  and  the  other  Books." 
 In  the  iN.  T.  there  is  the  same  kind  of  recognition. 
 ■'  The  Law  and  the  Piophets"  is  the  shorter  (.Matt. 
 xi.  1.3,  x.xii.  40;  Acts  xiii.  15,  &c.);  "the  Law, 
 the  Prophets,  and  the  Psalms"  (Luke  xxiv.  44), 
 the  fuller  statement  of  the  division  jiopularly  re- 
 cognised. The  arrangement  of  the  books  of  the 
 Heb.  text  under  these  three  heads,  requires  however 
 a  further  notice.— 1.  The  Torah,  v6fx.os,  natuially 
 continued  to  occupy  the  position  which  it  must  have 
 held  from  tlie  first  as  the  most  ancient  and  autho- 
 ritative portion.  The  marked  distinctness  of  the 
 five  portions  which  make  up  the  Torah  shows  that 
 they  must  have  been  designed  as  separate  books, 
 and  when  the  Canon  was  coni])letod,  and  the  books 
 in  their  present  foira  made  the  object  of  study, 
 ;iames  for  each  Ixiok  weie  wanted  and  were  found. 
 In  the  Hebrew  classilication  the  titles  were  taken 
 tVom  the  initial  words,  or  prominent  words  in  the 
 initial  verse;  in  that  of  the  LXX.  they  weie  in- 
 tended to  be  signitiamt  of  the  subject  of  each  book. 
 — 2.  The  next  group  presents  a  more  singular  com- 
 bniatiou.     The  arrangement  stiinds  as  follows: — 
 
 Joshua. 
 
 Judges. 
 
 1  &  2  Samuel. 
 
 1  Jk  2  Kings. 
 
 Isaiah, 
 eremiah. 
 iel. 
 
 BIBLE 
 
 11.' 
 
 Xebiiin. 
 
 rropLcts. 
 
 Greater 
 
 Lesser 
 
 The  twelve 
 
 •phets 
 
 — the  Hebrew  titles  of  these  books  corresponding  to 
 those  of  the  English  bililes.  The  grounds  on  which 
 books  simply  historical  were  classed  under  the  same 
 name  as  those  which  contained  the  teach, ng  of 
 I'rophets,  in  the  stricter  sense  of  the  word,  are  not 
 at  tirst  sight  obvious,  but  the  0.  T.  presents  some 
 tiicts  wliich  may  suggest  .an  explanation.  The  Sons 
 of  the  Prophets  (1  Sam.  x.  5  ;  2  K.  v.  22,  vi.  1) 
 living  together  as  a  society,  almost  .as  a  caste  (Am. 
 vii.  14),  trained  to  a  religious  life,  cultivating  sacred 
 minstrelsy,  must  have  occupied  a  position  as  in- 
 stritctors  of  the  people,  even  in  the  absence  of  the 
 special  calling  which  sent  them  as  God's  messen- 
 gers to  tlie  people.  A  body  of  men  so  placed, 
 become  naturally,  unless  intellectual  activity  is 
 absorbed  in   asceticism,    historians   and   ann.-iliste. 
 
 The  references  in  the  historical  books  of  the  0.  T. 
 show  that  they  actually  were  so.  Nathan  the 
 prophet,  Gad,  the  seer  of  David  (1  Chr.  xxix.  29), 
 Ahijah  and  Iddo  (2  Chr.  ix.  29),  Is.aiah  (2  Chr. 
 xxvi.  22,  xxxii.  32),  are  cited  as  chroniclers.— 3. 
 Last  in  order  came  the  group  known  as  Ccthiibim, 
 ypacjyfTa  a.yt6ypa(pa,  including  the  remaining  books 
 of  the  Hebrew  Canon,  arranged  in  the  following 
 order,  and  with  subordinate  divisions  :  (a)  P.salms, 
 Proverbs,  Job.  (b)  The  Song  of  Songs,  Ruth, 
 Lainontations,  Ecclesiastes,  Esther- — the  five  rolls. 
 (c)  Daniel,  Ezra,  Nehemiah,  1  and  2  Chronicles. 
 —The  history  of  the  arrangement  of  the  Books  of 
 the  New  Testament  presents  some  variations,  not 
 without  interest,  as  indicating  diflerences  of  feeling 
 or  modes  of  thought.  The  four  Gospels  and  the 
 Acts  of  the  Apostles  unifomily  stand  tirst.  They 
 are  so  far  to  the  New  what  the  Pentateuch  was 
 to  the  Old  Testament.  The  position  of  the  Acts 
 as  an  intermediate  book,  the  sequel  to  the  Gospels, 
 the  prelude  to  the  Epistles,  was  obviously  a  natuial 
 one.  After  this  wo  meet  with  some  striking  dif- 
 ferences. The  order  in  the  Alexandrian,  Vatican 
 and  Ephraem  MSS.  (A  B  C)  gives  precedence  to 
 the  Catholic  Epistles,  and  this  would  appear  to 
 have  been  characteristic  of  the  Eastern  Churches. 
 The  Western  Church  on  the  other  hand,  as  repre- 
 sented by  Jerome,  Augustine,  and  their  successors, 
 gave  priority  of  position  to  the  Pauline  Epistles. 
 The  Apocalypse,  as  might  be  expected  from  the 
 peculiar  character  of  its  contents,  occupied  a  posi- 
 tion by  itself.  Its  comparatively  late  recognition 
 may  have  determined  the  position  which  it  has 
 uniformly  held  as  the  last  of  the  Sacred  Books.— 
 IV.  Division  into  Chapters  and  Verses.  —  The 
 Hebrew  of  the  Old  Testament.  It  is  hardly  pos- 
 sible to  conceive  of  the  liturgical  use  of  the  books 
 of  the  Old  Testament,  without  some  kinds  of  le- 
 cognised  division.  The  references  however  in  Jlark 
 xii.  26  and  Luke  xx.  37,  I'lom.  xi.  2  and  Acts  viii. 
 32,  indicate  a  division  which  had  become  familiar, 
 and  show  th.at  some  at  least  of  the  sections  weie 
 known  po])ularly  by  titles  taken  from  their  sub- 
 jei:ts.  In  like  manner  the  existence  of  a  cycle  of 
 lessons  is  indicated  by  Luke  iv.  17;  Acts  xiii.  1."), 
 XV.  21 ;  2  Cor.  iii.  14.  The  Talmudic  division  is 
 on  the  following  plan.  The  law  was  in  the  first 
 instance  divided  into  fift}--four  Parshiolh,  or  sec- 
 tions, so  as  to  provide  a  lesson  for  each  Sabbath  in 
 the  Jewish  intercalarj'  year.  Co-existing  with  this 
 there  was  a  subdivision  into  lesser  Parshioth.  The 
 lesser  Parshioth  themselves  weie  classed  under  two 
 heads  —  the  open  (J'eth'x/iot/i)  which  served  to 
 indicate  a  change  of  subject  analogous  to  that 
 between  two  paragraphs  in  modern  writing,  and 
 began  accordingly  a  fresh  line  in  the  MSS.,  and  the 
 shut  {Sethwnoth),  which  corresponded  to  minor 
 division.s,  and  were  marked  only  by  a  space  within 
 the  line.  A  different  terminology  was  employed 
 for  the  Prophetae  Priores  and  Posteriores,  and  the 
 division  was  less  uniform,  The  name  of  the  sections 
 in  this  case  was  Ilaphtaroth.  They  were  intended 
 to  correspond  with  the  larger  Parshioth  of  the  Law, 
 but  the  traditions  of  the  German  and  the  Spanish 
 Jews  present  a  considerable  diversity  in  the  length 
 of  the  divisions.  Of  the  traditional  divisions  of  the 
 Hebrew  Bible  however  that  which  has  exercised 
 most  iiitluence  in  the  received  arrangement  of  thi 
 text,  was  the  subdivision  of  the  larger  sections  into 
 verses  {Pesukim).  These  do  not  appear  to  have 
 b»en  used  till  the  post-Talmud ic  recension  of  th? 
 
 I  2 
 
116 
 
 BIBLE 
 
 text  by  tlie   Masoietes  of  the  9tli  tcntuiy.     The 
 ihief  tacts  that  leniain  to  be  stated  as  to  the  verse 
 divisions  of  the  OM   Testament   are,  that   it   was 
 nlopted  by    Stephens   in   his  edition   of  the  Vul- 
 gate, 1555,  and  by  FieHoii  in  that  of  155G;  that 
 it  appeared  for  the  tiist  time  in  an  Knglish  trans- 
 hition.in  the  Geneva  Dible  of  loGO,  and  \v;\s  thence 
 transferred  to  tlie  Bishops'  bible  of  1508,  ami  the 
 Authonse<l  Version  of  Itjll.     In  Coverdale's  Bible 
 w»  meet  with   the  older  notation,  which   was  in 
 familiar  use  for  other  books,  and  retained  in  some 
 instances  fe.  <j.  in  references  to  Plato),  to  the  present 
 times.     The   letters  A  B  C  D  are  placed  at  equal 
 distances  in    the   margin   of  each    pai;e,  and   the 
 reference  is  made  to  the  i)a<;e  (or,  in  the  aise  of 
 Sciipture,  to  the  chapter)  and   the  letter  accord- 
 ingly.    As  regards  the  Old  Testament,  the  present 
 arrangement  grows  out  of  the  union  of  Caidinal 
 Hugo's  cajiitular  division  and  the  Masoretic  vei-ses. 
 The  Apociy phal   books,  to  which  of  course  no  Ma- 
 soretic  division  was  applicable,  did  not   receive  <t 
 versicular  division  till  the  Latin  edition  of  Pagninus 
 in  1528,  nor  the  division  now  in  use  till  Stephens's 
 edition  of  the  Vulgate  in  1545.     The  history  of  the 
 New  Testament  presents  some  additional  facts  of 
 niterest.     Here,  as   in    the   case  of  the  Old,   the 
 system  of  notation  grew  out  of  the  necessities  of 
 study.     The  comparison  of  the  Gospel  narnitives 
 gave  rise  to  attempts  to  exhibit  the  harmony  be- 
 tween them.     Of  these,  the  first  of  which  we  have 
 any  record,  was  the  JJiatessaron  of  Tatian  in  the 
 2nd  century.     This  was  followed   by   a   work  of 
 like  character  from  Ammonius  of  Ale\an<lria  in  the 
 .■3rd.     The  system    adopted   by   Ammonius,   how- 
 ever,   was   practically  inconvenient.      The   search 
 after  a  more  convenient  method  of  exhibiting  the 
 parallelisms  of  the  Gospels  leil  liuscbiiis  of  Caesarea 
 to  foi-m  the  ten  Canons  which  bear  his  name,  and 
 in  which  the  sections  of  the   Gospels  are  classed 
 according   as   the    fact    narrated    is   tbund    in    one 
 Kvangelist  only,  or  in  two  or  more.     The  Kpistles 
 of  St.  Paul  were  first  divided  in  a  simihr  maimer 
 bv  the  unknown  Bi^hop  to  whom  Kuthalius  assigns 
 tlie  credit  of  it  {circ.  :59t)},  and  he  himself,  at  the 
 instigation  of  Athanasius,  apjilieil  the   method  of 
 division    to   the  Acts   and   the  Catholic    Kpistles. 
 Andrew,  bishop  of  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia,  com- 
 pleted the  work  by  dividing  the  Aixxsilypse  {circ. 
 500).      With    the   New    Testament,  however,   as 
 with  the  Old,  the  division  into  chapters   adoiited 
 by  Hugh  dc  St.  Cher  sujMjrseiied   those  that   had 
 been    in    use    previously,    a]>peare<l    in    the   early 
 editions  of  the   Vulgate,    was   transferied   to    the 
 r.nglish  Bible  by  Coveiilale.and  so  became  universal. 
 The  notiition  of  the  vei-ses  in  each  chapter  natuniliy 
 Ibllowed  on  the  use  of  the  Masorctic  verses  for  the 
 Old  Testament.    In  the  Preface  to  the  Concoi-dance, 
 publishe<l  by  Henry   Stephens,   1594,  he  gives  an 
 account  of  the  origin  of  this  division.     The  whole 
 work   was  accomplished  "  inter   equitandum  "  on 
 his  journey  from  Paris  to  Lyons.     While  it  was  in 
 piogress  men  doubled  of  its  success.     No  sooner 
 was  it  known  than  it  met  with  universal  acceptiuice. 
 The  e<lition  in  which  this  division  was  fii-st  adopted 
 was  published  in    1551  ;   another  came  from   the 
 Kimc  press  in    1555.     It  was  used  lor  the  Vulgate 
 in  the  Antwerji  edition  of  llentenius  in   1559,  for 
 the  Knglish  vei-sion   publishe<l  in  Geneva  in   1500, 
 anil  from  that  time,  with  slight  variations  in  detail, 
 has  been  universally  recognised. 
 
 Bich'ri,  ancestor  of  Sheb;i  '2  Sini.  xx.  1  &c.). 
 
 BIRTH-DAYS 
 Bid'kar,  Jehu's  "  c:»puiin,"  originally  his  fellow* 
 officer  (2  K.  ix.  25);  who  completed  the  sentenc* 
 on  Jehorain  son  of  Ahab. 
 Bier.     [Blkial,  p.  124  6.] 
 Big'tha,  one  ol' the  seven  chamberlains  or  eunuchs 
 of  til.'  haivni  of  Ahasiieius  (Ksth.  i.  10). 
 
 Big'than  and  Big'thana,  a  eunuch  Cchaniber- 
 lain,  A.  \'.;  ui  the  court  of  Ahasuerus,  one  of  those 
 "who  kept  the  door"  and  conspired  with  Teiesh 
 against  the  king's  life  (Esth.  ii.  21).  The  conspi- 
 racy was  detected  by  Mordecai,  and  the  eunuchs 
 hung.  Prideaux  supposes  that  tliese  olliceis  had 
 been  partially  superseded  by  the  degradation  of 
 Vashti,  and  sought  revenge  by  the  murder  of 
 .\hasuerus. 
 
 Big'vai.  1.  "Children  of  Bigvai,"  2050  (Neh. 
 2007  y  in  numljcr.  returned  from  the  captivity  with 
 Zeiubbabel  (i:zr.  ii.  14;  Neh.  vii.  19),  and  72  of 
 them  at  a  later  date  with  Ezra  (Kzr.  viii.  14). 
 [Bagoi  ;  Bagu.]— 2.  Apparently  one  of  the  chiefs 
 of  Zerubbabel's  exjHxlition  (Ezr.  ii.  2  ;  Neh.  vii.  7), 
 whose  family  afterwards  signed  the  covenant  (Neh. 
 x.  10). 
 
 Bik'ath-A'ven,  Amos  i.  5  marg.     [Aven  1.] 
 Bil'dad,  the  si^ond  of  Job's  three  friends.     He 
 is  called   "  the  Sluihite,"   which   implies  both  his 
 family  ami  nation  {.lob  ii.  11). 
 
 Bil'eam,  a  town  in  the  western  half  of  the  tribe 
 of  Manasseli,  named  only  in  1  Chr.  vi.  70,  as  being 
 given  to  the  Kohathites.  In  the  lists  in  Josh.  xvii. 
 and  xxi.  this  name  does  not  a]>pear,  and  Ibleam  and 
 (Jath-rinmion  are  iiubstituted  tbi-  it. 
 
 Bil'gah.  1.  A  priest  in  the  time  of  David  ;  the 
 head  ot  the  (iftcenth  course  for  the  temple  sen-ice 
 (1  v'hr.  xxiv.  14).— 2.  A  priest  or  priestly  family 
 who  returneil  from  Babylon  with  ZerubUibel  and 
 .leshua  (Neh.  xii.  5,  18);  probably  the  same  who, 
 undei-  the  slightly  altered  name  Bil.GAl,  se:»le<l  the 
 covenant  (Neh.  x.  8). 
 
 Bil'gai,  Neh.  x.  8.  [Bilgaii,  2.] 
 Bil'hah.  1.  Handmaid  of  Rachel  (Gen.  xxix. 
 29),  and  concubine  of  Jacob,  to  whom  she  boi-e  Dan 
 and  Naphtali  ((ien,  xxx.  3-8,  xxxv.  25,  xlvi.  25  ; 
 1  Chr.  vii.  l'^).  lleuben  afterwards  lay  with  her 
 ((Jen.  xxxv.  22).— 2.  A  town  of  the  Simeonites 
 (1  Chr.  iv.  29)  ;  also  callefl  Baai.ah  ami  Bai.aii. 
 
 Bil'han.  1.  A  Horite  chief,  son  of  Kzer,  son  of 
 Seir,  dwelling  in  Mount  Seir,  in  the  land  of  Ldoni 
 (<ien.  x.\xvi."27  ;  1  Chr.  i.  42).— 2.  A  Benjamite, 
 son  of  Jwliael  (1  Chr.  vii.  10),  and  probably  dc- 
 s<;ended  from  Bela. 
 
 Bil  shan,  om-  of  Zerubbabel's  comi^-mions  on  his 
 exiiitlition  frnm  Baiiylon  (Kzr.  ii.  2;  Neh.  vii.  7). 
 Bimlial,  one  of  the  sons  of  Ja)>hlet  in  the  line  of 
 Asher  (1  Chr.  vii.  IVA). 
 
 Bin'ea,  the  son  of  .Moza  ;  one  of  the  descendant* 
 of  Saul  (  1  Chr.  viii.  37;  ix.  43). 
 
 Bin'ntli.  1.  A  Levite,  father  of  Noadiah,  in 
 Kzra's  tiiui!  (Kzr.  viii.  3.3)— 2.  One  of  the  sons  of 
 Pahath-moab,  who  had  taken  a  foreign  wife  (Kzr. 
 X.  30).  [Balnui'S.]- 3.  -Another  Israelite,  of  the 
 sons  of  Baiii,  who  h.ad  also  taken  a  foreign  wife 
 (Kzr.  X.  38).— 4.  Altered  fioiii  Bam  in  the  cor- 
 responding list  ill  Kzra(Neh.  vii.  15).— 6.  A  Levite, 
 son  of  Henadad,  who  assistetl  at  the  ie|>anition  of  the 
 wall  of  Jerusalem,  under  Nehemiah  (Neh.  iii.  24  , 
 X.  9)  He  is  possibly  al.so  the  Biiinui  in  xii.  8. 
 Birds.     [Fowls.] 
 
 Bir'sha,  king  of  Gomorrha  at  the  time  of  the 
 inv:iviiiii  iiC  Chedorl.ionier  (Gen.  xiv.  2). 
 
 Birth-days.     The  custom  of  observing  biiihdayf 
 
BIRTHRIGHT 
 
 is  very  anciont  (Gen.  xl.  20  ;  .ler.  xx.  15)  ;  and  in 
 Job  i.  4,  &c.,  we  read  that  Job's  sons  "  fo.isted  every 
 one  liis  day."  In  Persia  they  were  celebrated  witli 
 peculiar  honours  and  banquets,  and  in  Kgypt  the 
 Lings'  birthdays  were  kept  with  great  pomp.  It  is 
 very  probable  that  in  Matt.  xiv.  6,  the  feast  to  com- 
 menioiate  Herod's  accession  is  intended,  for  we 
 know  that  such  feasts  were  common,  and  were 
 called  "  the  day  of  tlie  king''  (Hos.  vii.  5). 
 
 Birthright.  The  advantages  accruing  to  the 
 ektest  son  were  not  definitely  fixed  in  patriarchal 
 times.  Great  respect  wa.s  paid  to  him  in  the  house- 
 hold, and,  aa  the  family  widened  into  a  tribe,  this 
 grew  into  a  sustained  authoiity,  undefined  save  by 
 custom,  in  all  matters  of  common  interest.  Thus 
 the  "  princes "  of  the  congi-egation  had  probably 
 rights  of  primogeniture  (Num.  vii.  2,  xxi.  18, 
 XXV.  14).  A  " double  poitiou  "  of  the  paternal 
 propeity  was  allotted  by  the  Mosaic  law  (Deut. 
 xxi.  15-17j.  This  seems  to  explain  the  request  of 
 Elisha  for  a  "  double  portion "  of  Elijah's  spirit 
 (2  K.  ii.  9).  The  first-born  of  the  king  was  his 
 successor  by  law  (2  Chr.  xxi.  3) ;  David,  however, 
 by  divine  appointment,  excluded  Adonijah  in  favour 
 of  Solomon.  The  Jews  attached  a  sacred  import 
 to  the  title,  .and  thus  "  first-born  "  and  "  first- 
 begotten  "  seem  applied  to  the  Messiah  (Kom.  viii. 
 29;  Heb.  i.  6). 
 
 Bir'zavith,  a  name  occurring  in  the  genealogies 
 of  Asher  (1  Chr.  vii.  31),  and  apparently,  from  the 
 mode  of  its  mention,  the  name  of  a  [ilace. 
 
 Bish'lam,  apparently  an  officei"  or  commissioner 
 (1  Esd.  ii.  16)  of  Artaxerxes  in  Palestine  at  the 
 time  of  the  return  of  Zerubbabel  fiom  captivity 
 (Ezr.  iv.  7);  called  Belejius  in  1  Esd. 
 
 Bishop.  This  word,  applied  in  the  N.  T.  to  the 
 officers  of  the  Church  who  were  charged  with  certain 
 functions  of  superintendence,  hail  been  in  use  before 
 as  a  title  of  office.  The  inspectors  or  commissioners 
 sent  by  Athens  to  her  subject-states  were  f  TriV/coTro: 
 (Aristoph.  Av.  1022).  The  title  was  still  current 
 and  beginning  to  be  used  by  the  Romans  in  the 
 later  da^-s  of  the  republic  (Cic.  ad  Att.  vii.  11). 
 The  Hellenistic  Jews  found  it  employed  in  the 
 I, XX.,  though  with  no  veiy  definite  value,  for 
 officei-s  charged  with  certain  functions  (Num.  iv. 
 16,  xxxi.  14;  Ps.  cix.  8;  Is.  Ix.  17).  When  the 
 organisation  of  the  Christian  churches  in  Gentile 
 cities  involved  the  assignment  of  the  work  of  pas- 
 toral superintendence  to  a  distinct  order,  the  title 
 iiriffKo-Kos  presented  itself  as  at  once  convenient 
 and  familial-,  and  was  therefore  adopted  as  readily 
 as  the  word  elder  (irpefffivTepos)  had  been  in  the 
 mother  church  of  Jerusalem.  That  the  two  titles 
 were  originally  equivalent  is  clear  from  the  fol- 
 lowing facts.— 1.  Bishops  and  elders  are  nowhere 
 named  together  as  being  orders  distinct  from  each 
 other.^2.  Bishops  and  deacons  are  named  as  appa- 
 rently an  exhaustive  division  of  the  officers  of 
 churches  addressed  by  St.  Paul  as  an  apostle  (Phil. 
 i.  1 ;  1  Tim.  iii.  1,  8).— 3.  The  same  persons  are 
 described  by  both  names  (Acts  xx.  17,  18  ;  Tit. 
 i.  5,  8j.— 4.  Elders  discharge  functions  which  are 
 essentially  episcopal,  i.e.  involving  pastoral  super- 
 intendence (1  Tim.  v.  17  ;  1  Pet.  v.  1,  2j.— 
 Assuming  as  proved  the  identity  of  the  bishops 
 md  elders  of  the  N.  T.  we  have  to  inquire  into — 
 1 .  The  relation  which  existed  between  the  two 
 titles.  2.  The  functions  and  mode  of  appointment 
 af  the  men  to  whom  both  titles  were  applied.  3. 
 Tlieii  relations  to  the  general  government  and  dis- 
 
 BISHOP 
 
 117, 
 
 cipline  of  the  Church.— I.  Theie  can  be  no  uoubt 
 that  elders  had  the  priority  in  order  of  time.  The 
 order  itself  is  recognised  in  Acts  xi.  30,  and  in 
 Acts  XV.  2.  It  is  transferred  by  Paul  and  Barnabas 
 to  the  Gentile  churches  in  their  fiist  missionary 
 journey  (Acts  xiv.  23).  The  earliest  use  of 
 "  bishops,"  on  the  other  hand,  is  in  the  address 
 of  St.  Paul  to  the  elders  of  Miletus  (Acts  xx.  28), 
 and  there  it  is  rather  descriptive  of  functions  than 
 given  as  a  title.  The  earliest  epistle  in  which  it 
 is  formally  used  as  equivalent  to  "  elders  "  is  that 
 to  the  Philippians,  as  late  as  the  time  of  his  first 
 imprisonment  at  Rome.— II.  Of  the  order  in  which 
 the  first  elders  wev^  appointed,  as  of  the  occasion 
 which  led  to  the  institution  of  the  office,  we  have 
 no  record.  Arguing  fjom  the  analogy  of  the  Seven 
 in  Acts  vi.  5,  6,  it  would  seem  probable  that  they 
 were  chosen  by  the  members  of  the  Church  collec- 
 tively, and  then  set  apart  to  their  office  by  the 
 laying  on  of  the  apostles'  hands.  In  the  case  of 
 Timothy  (1  Tim.  iv.  14;  2  Tim.  i.  6)  the  "pres- 
 byters," probably  the  body  of  the  elders  at  Lystra, 
 had  tiikeu  part  with  the  apostle  in  this  act  of  ordi- 
 nation. The  conditions  which  were  to  be  observed 
 in  choosing  these  officers,  as  stated  in  the  pastoral 
 epistles,  are,  blameless  life  and  reputation  among 
 those  "that  are  without"  as  well  as  within  the 
 Church,  fitness  for  the  work  of  teaching,  the  wide 
 kindliness  of  temper  which  shows  itself  in  hospi- 
 tality, the  being  "  the  husband  of  one  wife"  (i.e. 
 according  to  the  most  probable  interpretation,  not 
 divorced  and  then  married  to  another),  showing 
 powers  of  government  in  his  own  household  as  well 
 as  in  self-control,  not  being  a  recent  and,  therefore, 
 an  untried  convert.  When  appointed,  the  duties 
 of  the  bishop-elders  appear  to  have  been  as  follows : 
 —  1.  Geneial  superintendence  over  the  spiritual 
 well-being  of  the  Hock  (1  Pet.  v.  2).  2.  The  work 
 of  teaching,  both  publicly  and  privately  (1  Thess. 
 V.  12 ;  Tit.  i.  9  ;  1  Tim.  v.  17).  3.  The  work  of 
 visiting  the  sick  appears  in  Jam.  v.  14,  as  assigned 
 to  the  elders  of  the  Church.  4.  Among  other  acts 
 of  charity  that  of  receiving  strangers  occupied  a 
 conspicuous  ])lace  (1  Tim.  iii.  2;  Tit.  i.  8).  The 
 mode  in  which  these  officers  of  the  Church  were 
 supported  or  remunerated  varied  j)iobably  in  dif- 
 feient  cities.  At  Miletus  St.  Paul  exhorts  the 
 elders  of  the  Church  to  follow  his  example  and 
 work  for  tlieir  own  livelihood  (Acts  xx.  34).  In 
 1  Cor.  ix.  14,  and  Gal.  vi.  6,  he  asserts  the  nght 
 of  the  ministers  of  the  Church  to  bo  supported  by 
 it.  In  1  Tim.  v.  17,  he  gives  a  special  a))plication 
 of  the  principle  in  the  assignment  of  a  double  allow- 
 ance to  those  who  have  been  conspicuous  for  their 
 activity.  Collectively  at  Jerusalem,  and  probably 
 in  other  churches,  the  body  of  bishop-elders  took 
 part  in  deliberations  (Acts  xv.  6-22,  xxi.  18), 
 addressed  other  churches  {ibid.  xv.  23),  were 
 joined  with  the  apostles  in  the  work  of  ordaining 
 by  the  laying  on  of  hands  (2  Tim.  i.  6).  It  lay  in 
 the  necessities  of  any  organised  society  that  such  a 
 body  of  men  should  be  subject  to  a  power  higher 
 than  their  own,  whether  vested  in  one  chosen  bv 
 themselves  or  deriving  its  authoiity  from  some 
 external  source  ;  and  we  find  accordingly  that  it 
 belonged  to  the  delegate  of  an  apostle,  and  a  fortiori 
 to  the  apostle  himself,  to  receive  accusations  against 
 them,  to  hear  evidence,  to  admonish  where  there 
 was  the  hope  of  amendment,  to  depose  where  this 
 proved  unavaifing  (1  Tim.  v.  19,  iv.  1  ;  Tit.  iii. 
 10).— III.  It  is  clear  from  what  ha.s  been  said  that 
 
118 
 
 BITHLft-B 
 
 episcopal  functions  in  the  modern  sense  of  the 
 words,  as  implyini;  a  special  superintendence  over 
 tlie  ministeis  of  the  Church,  belonged  only  to  the 
 apostles  and  tl!0^e  whom  they  invested  with  their 
 authority.  In  the  letters  of  Ignatius  the  name  of 
 apostle  is  looketl  on  as  Ijclonging  to  the  past,  a  title 
 of  honour  which  their  successors  could  not  claim. 
 That  of  bishop  rises  in  its  sijjniticance,  and  takes 
 the  place  left  vaaint.  The  dangers  by  which  the 
 rhurcii  was  tlire:itened  made  the  e.xercise  of  the 
 authority  which  was  thus  transmitted  more  neces- 
 sary. The  permanent  superintendence  of  the  bishop 
 over  a  given  district,  as  contrasted  with  the  less 
 settled  rule  of  the  travelling  apostle,  would  tend  to 
 its  development.  In  this,  or  in  some  similar  way, 
 the  con.^titution  of  the  Chtuch  assumed  its  later 
 form  ;  the  bishops,  presbytere,  and  deacons  of  tiie 
 iL'uatian  E|)istles,  took  the  place  of  the  apostles, 
 bisuops,  ciJers,  jid  deacons,  of  the  New  Tcsta- 
 ;iient. 
 
 BITTERN 
 
 BitM'ah,  daughter  of  a  I'haraoli,  and  wife  of 
 Mered,  a  drsceuiiant  of  Judali  (1  Clir.  iv.  18). 
 The  Sciiptures,  as  well  as  the  Egyptian  monu- 
 ments, show  that  the  I'haraohs  intermarried  witii 
 foreigners;  but  such  alliances  seem  to  have  beeu 
 contracted  with  royal  families  alone.  It  may  be 
 supposed  that  Bithiah  was  taken  aiptive. 
 
 Bitll'roil  (more  accurately  '*  the  Bithrou  "),  a 
 place — from  the  fonii  of  the  e.\pression,  "  all  the 
 Bithron,"  doubtless  a  district — in  tlie  Arabali  or 
 Jordan  valley,  on  the  eait  side  of  the  river  (2  Sam. 
 ii.  20). 
 
 Bithyn'ia.  This  province  of  Asia  Slinor  is  men- 
 tioned only  in  Acts  xvi.  7,  and  in  1  Pet.  i.  1. 
 Bitliynia,  considered  as  a  Roman  province,  was 
 on  the  west  contiguous  to  Asia.  On  the  east  its 
 limits  underwent  great  modiiications.  The  province 
 was  originally  inherited  by  the  Roman  republic 
 (B.C.  74)  as  a  legacy  from  Nicome^leu  III.,  the  last 
 of  an  independent  line  of  monarchs,  one  of  whom 
 
 Sate  of  Njcava,  Die  cniiilul  of  Uithiaiu. 
 
 had  invitCil  into  Asia  Minor  those  <'auls  who  gave 
 the  name  of  (iALAtia  to  the  centr.d  district  of  the 
 peninsula.  On  the  death  of  Mithridates,  king  of 
 I'ontus,  B.C.  6:1,  the  western  part  of  the  Pontic 
 kingdom  w;xs  added  to  the  province  of  Bitliynia, 
 which  again  received  further  accessions  on  this  side 
 under  Augustus  A.D.  7.  The  chief  town  of  Bitliynia 
 was  Nieiea,  celebrated  for  the  general  Council  of 
 the  Church  heKl  there  in  A.I>.  ;i"25  against  the  Aiiaii 
 heresy. 
 
 Bitter  herbs.  The  Israelites  were  (X)nnnando;l 
 to  eat  the  1'a.schal  lamb  "  with  uiileftveii«.5  bre.nd 
 and  with  bitter  ln'rbs,"  Meb.  merorim  {Ex.  xii.  8). 
 According  to  AImti  Kzia  tlie  am  lent  ICgyptians 
 always  used  to  place  dilleient  kinds  of  herbs  upon 
 the  table  with  niuslard,  and  dipped  morsels  of 
 breiid  int"  this  sal.id.  That  the  .lews  derived  this 
 ciLstom  of  eating  herbs  with  their  moat  from  the 
 Egyjitians  is  e.\tieincly  probable.  The  nierdiim 
 may  w'ell  be  uiiderslrxjd  to  deimti-  various  .soit^  of 
 bitter  pl.mts,  such  particularly  as  belong  to  the 
 Crucifcrac,  as   some  nf  tin'  bitter  i-ifs^r'.s,  nr  fo  the 
 
 liicory  group  of  the  compositae,  the  hawkweeds, 
 and  sow-thistles,  and  wild  lettuci's  wiiich  grow 
 abundantly  in  the  Peninsula  of  Sinai,  in  Palestine, 
 and  ill  Ivjypt. 
 
 Bittern.  The  Hebi  ew  word  has  been  the  subject 
 of  various  interpretations,  the  old  versions  genenillv 
 sanctioning  the  "  hedgehog  "  or  "porcupine;"  the 
 "  tortoise,"  the  "  bciiver,"  the  "otter,"  the  "  owl," 
 have  also  all  been  conjt-eturi'il,  but  without  the 
 slightest  show  of  reason.  Philological  arguments 
 ajjpear  to  be  rather  in  favour  of  the  "  heilgehog  "  or 
 "  porcupine,"  for  the  Hebrew  word  kipjmi  appeal's 
 to  be  identical  with  knnfnd,  the  Arabic  woul  for 
 the  hedgehog  ;  but  zoologically,  the  lieiJgchog  or 
 porcupine  is  quite  out  of  the  <(uestion.  The  word 
 occurs  in  Is.  xiv.  2.i,  x.\.\iv.  1 1  ;  Zefih.  ii.  14.  The 
 foi-mer  pissage  would  seem  to  point  to  some  .scilitudc- 
 loving  aquatic  biid,  which  might  well  be  lepi-e- 
 sonted  by  tJie  biltcrn,  as  the  A.  V".  has  it;  and  we 
 arc  inclined  U)  believe  that  the  .\.  V.  is  correct. 
 Col.  H.  .Smith  (Kitto's  C'/clop.  art.  Kippod)  .s-iys. 
 "  though   rot  buiMing  like  the  stork  on  the  tops 
 
BIZJOTHJAH 
 
 of  houses,  It  resorts  like  tlie  heron  to  ruinel  struc- 
 tures, and  we  have  been  infornied  tliat  it  has  been 
 seen  on  the  summit  ofTani<  K  isra  at  Ctesiphon."  The 
 bittern  (Botannis  stellaris)  belongs  to  the  Ardcidae, 
 the  hei-ou  family  of  birds;  it  has  a  wiilc  range, 
 beino;  found  in  Russia  and  Sibeiia  as  far  north  as 
 tlie  river  Lena,  in  Europe  generally,  in  Barbary, 
 S.  Atrica,  'frebiznnd,  and  in  the  countries  between 
 tlie  Black  and  Ca-spiau  Seas,  &c. 
 
 Butaurus  steWiHs. 
 
 Bizjoth'jah,  a  town  in  the  south  of  Judah 
 named  with  Beersueba  and  Baalah  (Josh. 
 XV.  28V 
 
 Eiz'tha,  the  second  of  the  seven  eunudis  of  king 
 Alinsneius'  harem  (Est.  i.  10). 
 
 Black.     [Colours.] 
 
 Blains,  violent  ulcerous  inflammations.  It  was 
 the  sixth  plague  of  Egypt  (Ex.  ix.  9,  10),  and  hence 
 is  called  in  Deut.  xxviii.  27,  35,  "  the  botch  of 
 Egypt."  It  seems  to  have  been  the  black  lepiosy, 
 a  fi'arful  kind  of  elei)hantiasis. 
 
 Blasphemy,  in  its  technical  English  sense,  signi- 
 fies the  ^peaking  evil  of  God,  and  in  this  sense  it  is 
 found  Ps.  Ixxiv.  18  ;  Is.  lii.  5  ;  Rom.  ii.  24,  &c. 
 But  according  to  its  derivation  it  may  mean  any 
 species  of  calumny  and  abuse  (or  even  an  unlucky 
 word,  Eurip.  ron.  1187):  see  1  K.  .\xi.  10;  Acts 
 xviii.  6  ;  Jude  9,  &c.  Blasphemy  was  punished 
 with  stoning,  which  was  indicted  on  the  son  of 
 Shelomith  (Lev.  xxiv.  11).  On  this  charge  both 
 our  Lord  and  St.  Stephen  were  condemned  to  death 
 by  the  Jews.  When  a  person  heard  blasphemy  he 
 laid  his  hand  on  the  head  of  the  offender,  to  sym- 
 bolize his  sole  responsibility  for  the  guilt,  and 
 rising  on  his  feet,  tore  his  robe,  which  might  never 
 again  be  mended.  It  only  i-emaius  to  speak  of 
 ■'  the  blasphemy  against  the  Holy  Ghost,"  which 
 has  been  so  fruitful  a  theme  for  speculation  and 
 controversy  (Matt.  .xii.  32;  Mark  iii.  28).  It  con- 
 sisted in  attributing  to  the  jiower  of  Satan  those 
 unquestionable  miiacles,  which  Jesus  performed  by 
 "  the  finger  of  God,"  and  the  power  of  the  Holy 
 Spirit ;  nor  have  we  any  safe  ground  for  extending 
 it  to  include  all  sorts  of  willing  (as  distinguished 
 from  ■wilful)  offences,  besides  this  one  limited  and 
 special  sin. 
 
 BLOOD,  REVENGER  OF         119 
 
 Bias  tus,  the  chamberlain  of  Herod  Agrippa  I., 
 mentioned  Acts  xii.  20,  as  having  been  made  b>7 
 the  people  of  Tyre  and  Sidon  a  mediator  bet^-eeii 
 them  and  the  king's  anger. 
 
 Blinding.     [Punishments.] 
 
 Blindness  is  e.xtremely  common  in  the  East 
 from  maiiy  causes.  One  traveller  mentions  4000 
 blind  men  in  Cairo,  and  Volney  reckons  that  1  in 
 eveiy  5  was  blind,  besides  fithers  with  sore  eres. 
 Jaffa  is  said  to  contain  500  blind  out  of  a  popula- 
 tion of  50u0  at  most.  Blind  beggars  figure  repeat- 
 edly in  the  N.  T.  (Matt.  xii.  22),  ami  "  opening 
 the  eyes  of  the  blind"  is  mentioned  in  prophecy 
 as  a  peculiar  attribute  of  the  Jlessiah  (Is.  xxix.  18, 
 &c.).  The  Jews  were  specially  charged  to  treat 
 the  blind  with  compassion  and  care  (Lev.  xix.  14; 
 Deut.  xxvii.  18).  Penal  and  miraculous  blindness 
 is  several  times  mentioned  in  the  Bible  (Gen.  xix. 
 11 ;  2  K.  vi.  18-22;  Acts  ix.  0),  Blindness  wil- 
 fully inflicted  for  political  or  other  purposes  was 
 common  in  the  East,  and  is  alluded  to  in  Scripture 
 (1  Sam.  XI.  2;  Jer.  xxxix.  7). 
 
 Blood.  To  blood  is  ascribed  in  Scripture  the 
 mysterious  sacredness  which  belongs  to  life,  and 
 God  reserves  it  to  Himself  when  allowing  man  the 
 dominion  over  and  the  use  of  the  lower  animals 
 for  food.  Thus  reserved,  it  acquires  a  double 
 power:  1.  that  of  sacrificial  atonement;  and  2. 
 that  of  becoming  a  curse  when  wantonly  shed, 
 unless  duly  expiated  (Gen.  ix.  4;  Lev.  vii.  26, 
 xvii.  11-13).  As  regards  1.  the  blood  of  sacri- 
 fices was  caught  by  the  Jewish  priest  from  the 
 neck  of  the  victim  in  a  bason,  then  sprinkled  seven 
 times  (in  case  of  birds  at  once  squeezed  out  on  the 
 altar,  but  that  of  the  passover  on  the  lintel  and 
 door-posts,  Exod.  xii.;  Lev.  iv.  5-7,  xvi.  14-19). 
 In  regard  to  2.  it  sutRced  to  pour  the  snimal's 
 blood  on  tlie  earth,  or  to  bury  it,  as  a  solemn  ren- 
 dering of  the  life  to  God  ;  in  case  of  human  blood- 
 shed a  mysterious  connexion  is  observable  between 
 the  curse  of  blood  and  the  earth  or  land  on  which 
 it  is  shed  (Gen.  iv.  10,  ix.  4-6;  Num.  xxxv,  33; 
 Ps.  cvi.  38). 
 
 Blood,  Issue  of.  The  menstruou'S  discharge, 
 or  the  jl'i.cns  uteri  (Lev.  .xv.  19-30  ;  Matt.  ix.  20; 
 Mark  v.  25,  and  Luke  viii.  43).  The  latter  caused 
 a  permanent  legal  uncleanness,  the  former  a  tem- 
 porary one,  mostly  for  seven  days;  after  which 
 the  wiiman  was  to  be  purified  by  the  customary 
 offering. 
 
 Blood,  Kevenger  of.  It  was,  and  even  still  is, 
 a  common  practice  among  nations  of  patriarchal 
 habits,  that  the  nearest  of  kin  should,  as  a  matter 
 of  duty,  avenge  the  death  of  a  murdered  relative. 
 Compensation  for  murder  is  allowed  by  the  Koran. 
 Among  the  Bedouins,  and  other  Arab  tribes,  should 
 the  offer  of  blood-money  be  refused,  the  '  Thar,' 
 or  law  of  blood,  comes  into  operation,  and  any 
 person  within  the  fifth  degree  of  blood  from  the 
 homicide  may  be  legally  killed  by  any  one  within 
 the  same  degree  of^  consanguinity  to  the  victim. 
 Frequently  the  homicide  will  wander  from  tent  to 
 tent  over  the  Desert,  or  even  rove  through  the 
 towns  and  villages  on  its  borders  with  a  chain 
 round  his  neck  and  in  rags,  begging  contributions 
 from  the  charitable  to  pay  the  apportioned  blood- 
 mouej.  Three  days  and  four  hours  are  allowed  to 
 the  persons  included  within  the  '  Thar,'  for  escape. 
 The  right  to  blood-revenge  is  never  lost,  except  as 
 annulled  by  compensation  :  it  descends  to  the  latest 
 generation.      Similar  customs  with  local   distinc- 
 
120 
 
 BLUE 
 
 fions  are  fouiiil  in  Persia,  Abyssinia,  and  amon^  tlie 
 Druses  and  CircTssians.  Tlie  law  of  Moses  was 
 very  precise  in  its  directions  on  tlie  subject  of 
 Retaliation.^  1.  The  wilful  mMiilerer  was  to  be 
 put  to  desith  without  permission  of  compensation. 
 The  nearest  relative  of  the  deceased  betvime  the 
 authorized  aven;^er  of  blood  {i/ovL  Num.  xx.xv.  19j, 
 and  was  bound  to  execute  retaliation  himself  if  it 
 lay  in  his  ])ower.  The  king,  however,  in  later 
 times  appears  to  have  had  the  (idwer  of  restraining 
 this  licence.  The  shc<lder  of  blnod  was  thus  re- 
 ijarded  as  im])ious  and  polluted  (Num.  .x.\xv.  10-Hl  ; 
 Deut.  xi.x.  11;  2  Sam.  xiv.  7,  11,  xvi.  8,  and  iii. 
 2i),  with  1  K.  ii.  :M,  3o;  1  Chr.  xxiv.  2'2-25).— 
 2.  The  law  of  retaliation  was  not  to  extend  beyond 
 the  iinmcdiat?  oflifiidcr  (Deut.  xxiv.  IG  ;  2  K. 
 xiv.  G;  2  ijlir.  i.xv.  4;  Jer.  xxxi.  29,30;  Kzek. 
 xviii.  2U;.— 3.  Tiie  involuntary  shedder  of  blood 
 was  permitted  to  take  flight  to  one  of  sis  Leviticai 
 cities,  specially  appointed  out  of  the  48  as  cities  of 
 refuge,  tliiee  on  each  side  of  the  Jordan  (Num. 
 x.\\v.  22,  23;  Deut.  xix.  4-6;. 
 Blue.     [Coi,oui!S.] 
 
 Boaner'^8,  a  name  signifying  "  sons  of  thun- 
 <\''f,"  given  by  our  Lord  to  the  two  sons  of  Zebedee, 
 .Inrnes  and  John.  Probably  the  name  had  respect 
 to  the  fiery  zeal  of  the  brothers,  signs  of  which  we 
 may  see  in  Luke  ix.  54  ;  Mark  i.t.  38  ;  comp.  Matt. 
 XX. "20,  &c. 
 Soar.     [SwtXK.] 
 
 Bo'aa.  1.  A  wealthy  Bethleheinite,  kinsman 
 to  Khnieloch,  the  husband  of  Naomi.  Finding  that 
 the  kinsman  of  Kuth,  who  stood  in  a  still  nearer 
 relation  than  himself,  was  unwilling  to  perform 
 the  office  of  f/oel,  he  had  those  obligations  publicly 
 tiansfened  with  the  usual  ceremonies  to  his  own 
 discharge;  and  hence  it  became  his  duty  by  tiic 
 *'  levirate  law  ''  to  marry  Kutii,  and  to  redeem  the 
 estates  of  her  deceased  husband  Mahlon  (iv.  1  flV). 
 He  gladly  undertook  these  responsibilities,  and  their 
 hajjpy  union  was  blessed  by  the  birth  of  Obed, 
 from  whom  in  a  direct  line  our  Lord  was  descended. 
 Boaz  is  mentioned  in  the  goncalogy  (.Matt.  i.  ni, 
 .but  there  is  great  <lilliculty  in  assigning  his  date. 
 If  Boaz  be  identical  with  the  judge  Ibzan  [Iuzan], 
 as  is  stated  with  some  shadow  of  probability  by 
 the  Jerusalem  Talmud  and  various  Riblds,  several 
 genenitions  must  be  inserted.  Even  it'  we  shorten 
 the  period  of  the  Judges  to  240  years,  wo  must 
 sui)pose  that  Boaz  was  the  youngest  son  of  .Salmon, 
 and  that  he  did  not  many  till  the  ago  of  6b.— 2. 
 Bo.\Z,  the  name  of  one  of  Solomon's  biazen  pillars 
 erected  in  the  temph;  porch.  [.Jaciiin.]  It  stood 
 on  the  left,  and  was  18  cubits  high  (I  K.  vii.  15, 
 21  ;    2  Chr.  iii.  If);  .ler.  Iii.  21). 
 
 Boc'cas,  1  h>/l.  vi  i.  2.     [Bi'kki;  Boritii.] 
 Boch'em,  son  of  Azel,  according  to  the  present 
 ll.l).  l.-xt  of  I  Chr.  viii.  .38. 
 
 Bo'chim,  "  the  weoiiers,"  a  ])lace  on  the  west 
 of  .lordan  above  (iilgal  (Judg.  ii.  1,  5). 
 
 Bo  ban,  a  HoMl)enite,  after  whom  a  stone  was 
 naminl.      It.s  po.silion    was  on   the  border  of  the 
 territories  of  Benjamin  ami  Judah   between   r>eth- 
 Hiabah  and  Befhhogia  on  tlie  K.,  and   Adummim 
 and  Knshemosh  on  the  W.  (Josh.  xv.  6,  xviii.  17). 
 Boil.     [MicinciNi;.] 
 Bolster.     [Pii.i.ow.] 
 Bondage.     [Si..\vi:itv.] 
 Bonnet.     [Hkad-dkkss.] 
 Book.     IWhiti.no.J 
 Booths.  [SiccoiH;  Tabk.rnaci.es,  Feast  OK.] 
 
 BOTTLE 
 
 Booty  consisted  of  captives  of  both  scxjs,  cattle,' 
 and  whatever  a  captured  citv  might  contain,  espe- 
 cially metallic  frciisures.  Within  the  limits  of 
 Canaan  no  captives  were  to  be  made  (l)eut.  xx.  14 
 and  1(3);  beyond  those  limits,  in  case  of  warlike 
 resistance,  all  the  women  and  children  were  to  be 
 made  aiptives,  and  the  men  put  to  death.  The 
 law  of  booty  was  that  it  should  be  divided  equally 
 between  the  aiiny  who  won  it  and  the  people  of 
 Israel,  but  of  the  Conner  half  one  head  in  every 
 500  was  reserved  to  God,  and  appropriated  to  the 
 priests,  and  of  the  Litter  one  in  every  50  was  simi- 
 larly reserved  and  appropriated  to  the  Levitos  (Num. 
 x.xxi.  20-47).  As  regarded  the  aimy  David  added 
 a  regulation  that  the  baggage-guard  shouJd  share 
 e(|ually  with  the  ti  oops  engaged  (1  Sam.  xxx.  24,  25). 
 
 Bo'bz,  Matt.  i.  5;  Luke  iii.  32.     [Boaz.] 
 
 Bo'rith,  2  Ksd.  i.  2.     [BtKUi.] 
 
 Borrowing.     [Loan.] 
 
 Bos'cath,  2  K.  xxii.  1.     [Bozkath.] 
 
 Bo'sor.  1.  A  city  both  large  and  fbrtifie<l,  on 
 the  east  of  Jordan  in  the  land  of  Gilead  (1  Mace, 
 v.  2t),  36).  It  is  probably  Bkzeu.— 2.  The 
 .\iamaic  mode  of  pronouncing  the  name  of  Beor, 
 the  fiitlier  of  Balaam  (2  Pet.  ii.  15). 
 
 Bos'ora,  a  strong  city  in  Gilead  taken  by  Judas 
 Maccabaeus  ^1  Mac.  v.  26,  28),  doubtless  the  same 
 as  BozRAii. 
 
 Botch.     [Bi.ain.] 
 
 Bottle.  1 .  The  skin  bottle ;  2.  The  bottle  of 
 eaithen  or  i;lass-ware,  both  of  them  capable  of 
 being  closetl  fiom  the  air.— 1.  The  Arabs,  and  all 
 those  that  le;id  a  wandering  life,  keep  their  water, 
 milk,  and  other  liijuors,  in  leathern  bottles.  These 
 are  made  of  goatskins.  When  the  animal  is  killed, 
 they  cut  off  its  feet  and  its  head,  and  they  draw  it 
 in  this  manner  out  of  the  skin,  without  opening 
 its  belly.  In  .\rabia  tlioy  are  tanned  with  acacia- 
 bark  and  the  hairy  jxn-t  left  outside.  They  after- 
 wards sew  up  the  places  where  the  legs  were  cut 
 off  and  the  tail,  and  when  it  is  filled  they  tie  it 
 about  the  neck.  The  gieat  le;itheru  bottles  are 
 made  of  the  skin  of  a  he-goat,  and  the  small  ones, 
 that  serve  instead  of  a  bottle  of  water  on  the  rojid, 
 are  made  of  a  kid's  skin.  Bruce  gives  a  description 
 of  a  vessel  of  the  same  kind,  but  larger.  Wine- 
 bottles  of  skin  are  mentioned  as  used  by  Greeks, 
 
 Skin  Itottlcft.     (l-'roin  the  Muscu  tiorlwnioa) 
 
 Romans,  and  Kgyptians,  by  Homer  (Od.  vi.  78; 
 //.  iii.  247  i ;  by  Herodotus,  as  used  in  Kg_vpt  (ii. 
 121;  ;  and  by  Virgil  {Gconj.  ii.  384).  Skins  for 
 wine  or  other  liquids  are  in  use  to  this  day  in 
 Spain,  where  they  are  eiUed  bornichas.  The  eliect 
 of  external  heat  upon  a  skiii-lwittle  is  iiidicat^-d  iu 
 I's.  (jcix.  83,  "a  bottle  in  the  .smoke,"  and  of 
 ex|)aii.sion  prothiced  by  feimeiitation  in  Matt.  ix. 
 17,  "  new  wine  in  old  iKittles."— 2.  Vessels  of 
 metid,  airlhen,  or  glass  ware  t'or  liqaids  woie  in 
 use  among  the  Greeks,  Kgyjitians.  F.trtiM-ans,  and 
 Assyrians,  and  aiso  no  doubt  .mioug  the  Jews, 
 especially  in  later  times.  Thus  Jer.  xix.  1,  "a 
 potter's  earthen  bottle."     The  .lews  probably  l)or- 
 
BOW 
 
 rowed  their  manufactuies  in  this  particular  from 
 Egypt,  which  was  celebrated  for  glass  work,  as 
 remains  and  illustrations  of  Egyptian  workmanship 
 are  extant  at  least  as  early  as  the  loth  century  B.C. 
 (Wilkinson,  ii.  59,  60). 
 
 Bow.     [Akms.] 
 
 Bowl.  A  like  uncertainty  prevails  as  to  the 
 precise  form  and  material  of  these  vessels  as  is 
 noticed  under  B.\SIN.  Bowls  would  probably  be 
 usel  at  meals  for  liquids,  or  broth,  or  pottage 
 (2  K.  iv.  40).  Modern  Arabs  are  content  with  a 
 tew  wooden  bowls,  in  the  Brit.  Mus.  are  depo- 
 sited several  teira-cotta  bowls  with  Chaldae;m 
 inscriptions  of  a  superstitious  character,  expressing 
 charms  against  sickness  and  evil  spiiits,  which  may 
 possibly  explain  the  "divining  cup"  of  Joseph 
 (Gen.  xliv.  5).  The  bowl  was  filled  with  some 
 liquid  which  was  drunk  off  as  a  charm  against  evil. 
 
 Box-tree.  The  Heb.  teassJiur  occurs  in  Is.  xli. 
 19,  Ix.  13.  The  Talmiidical  and  Jewish  writers 
 generally  ai'e  of  opinion   that  the  box-tree  is  in- 
 
 BRACELET 
 
 121 
 
 tended.  The  Syriac  and  the  Arabic  version  of 
 Saadias  understand  by  it  a  species  of  cedar  called 
 sherbin,  which  is  distinguished  by  the  small  size  of 
 the  cones  and  the  upright  growth  of  tlie  branches. 
 Although  the  claim  which  the  box-tree  has  to 
 lepresent  the  teasshur  of  Isaiah  and  Ezekiel  is  far 
 from  being  satisfactorily  established,  yet  the  evi- 
 dence rests  on  a  better  tbundation  than  that  which 
 supports  the  claims  of  the  sherbin.  Box-wood 
 writing  tablets  are  alluded  to  in  2  Esdr.  xiv.  24. 
 
 Bo'zez,  one  of  the  two  "sharp  rocks"  (Heb. 
 "  teeth  of  the  cliff")  "  between  the  passages  "  by 
 which  Jonathan  entered  the  Philistine  garrison.  It 
 seems  to  have  been  that  on  the  north  (1  Sam.  xiv.  4,5). 
 
 Boz'katll,  a  city  of  Judah  in  the  lowlands 
 (Josh.  XV.  o9).  It  is  mentioned  once  again  (2  K. 
 xxii.  1,  A.  V.  "Boscath")  as  the  native  place  of 
 the  mother  of  King  Josiah. 
 
 Boz'rah.  1.  In  Edom — the  city  of  Jobab  the 
 son  of  Zerah,  one  of  the  early  kings  of  that  nation 
 (Gen.  xxxvi.  3o  ;  1  Chr.  i.  44).  This  is  doubtless  the 
 
 place  mentioned  in  later  times  by  Isaiah  (xxxiv.  6, 
 Ixiii.  1)  in  connexion  with  Edom,  and  by  Jeremiah 
 (xlis.  13,  22),  Amos  (i.  Ti),  and  Micah  (ii.  12). 
 There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  the  modem  repre- 
 sentative of  Boziah  is  el-Busaireh,  which  was  first 
 visited  by  Burckhardt,  and  Les  on  the  mountain 
 district  to  tne  S.  E.  of  the  Dead  Sea,  between 
 Tijtileh  and  Petra,  about  half-way  between  the 
 latter  and  the  Dt-ai  Sea.— 2,  In  his  catalogue  of 
 the  cities  of  the  land  of  Moab,  Jeremiah  (xlviii.  24) 
 mentions  a  Bozrah  :\i  in  "the  plain  country" 
 (ver.  21,  i.  e.  the  high  level  downs  on  the  east  of 
 the  Dead  Sea).  Here  lay  Heshbon,  Nebo,  Kirjath- 
 aim,  Diblathuim,and  the  other  towns  named  in  this 
 passage,  and  it  is  here  that  we  presume  Bozrah 
 should  be  sought,  and  not,  as  has  been  lately  sug- 
 gested, at  Bostra,  the  Roman  city  in  Bashan  full 
 ^sixty  miles  from  Heshbon. 
 
 Bracelet,  Under  Armlet  an  account  is  given 
 of  these  ornaments,  the  materials  of  which  thev 
 were  geiiei'ally  made,  the  manner  in  whioli  they 
 were  worn ,  &c.  Bracelets  of  fine  twisted  Venetian 
 gold  are  still  common  in  Egypt.  In  Gen.  xxxviii. 
 18,  25,  the  word  rendered  "  bi'acelet "  means  pro- 
 bably "  a  string  by  which  a  feal-rii;g  was  sus- 
 pended." Men  as  well  as  women  woi-e  bracelets, 
 as  we  see  from  Cant.  v.  14.  Layard  says  of  the 
 Assyrian  kings:  "The  arms  were  encircled  by 
 aimlets,  and  the  wrists  bij  bracelets." 
 
 Assyrian  Bracelet  Cla^p     (Nineveli  MaiblcM.) 
 
122 
 
 BRAMBLE 
 
 Bramble.     [Tiiohns.] 
 
 Brass.       riie   word    nechdshcth   is    iniprojierly 
 translated   by    "  brass,"  since  tlie   Hebrews   were 
 not  ac(iuainti;d  witli  the  coin])ouiul  of  copper  and 
 zinc  known  by  that  name.     In  most  places  of  the 
 O.    T.    the    correct    translation   would   be   copper, 
 although  it  may  sometimes  jiossibly  mean  bronze, 
 a  compound  of  copper  and  tin.     Indeed  a  simple 
 metal    wjis   obviously    intended,  as    we    see    from 
 Deut.  viii.  9,  x.\xiii.  '-'.5,  and  Job  xxviii.  2.     Copper 
 was  known  at  a  very  early  period,  and  the  inven- 
 tion of  working  it  is  attributed  to  Tubal-cain  (Gen. 
 iv.  22).     Its  extreme  ductility  made  its  application 
 almost  universal  among  the  ancients.      The  same 
 word  is  used  ibi-  money  in  both  Testaments  (Ezek. 
 xvi.  36  ;    Matt.   x.   9,  &c.).      It  often  occurs  in 
 metaphors,  e.ff.   Lev.  xsvi.  19;    Deut.  xxviii.  23; 
 Job  vi.  12 ;  Jer.  vi.  28.     It  is  often  used  as  an 
 •■niblem  of  strength,  Zech.  vi.  1  ;   Jer.  i.  18.     The 
 word  x^^'^oAi'/Savoi'  in  Rev.  i.  1,5,  ii.  18  (A.  V. 
 "tine  br,'i.ss"j,  lias  excited  muchdillerence  of  opinion. 
 Some  sujjposo  it  to  have  been  orichalcum,  which 
 w.as  so  I'are  a^  to  be  more  valuable  than  gold.     It 
 iiuti/  perh.-ips  lie  dcep-colouied  frankincense. 
 Brazen-serpent.     [Si;ni'r.Nr.] 
 Bread.     The  i)reparatiuu  of  biead  as  an  article 
 of  food  dates  fiom  a  very  early  period:  it  must 
 not,  liowever,  be  inferred  fi om  the  Vise  of  the  woid 
 lechem  in  (ien.   iii.   19  C"  bread,"  A.  V.)  that  it 
 was  known  at  the  time  of  the  fall,  the  word  there 
 occurring  in  its  general  sense  of  foud:  the  earliest 
 undoubted   instance   of  its    use  is  "found   in   Gen. 
 xviii.    6.      The   corn    or    grain   employed  was   of 
 \arious  sorts  :  the  best  bread  w,%s  made  of  wheat, 
 which  alter  being  ground  jiroduced  the  "flour"  or 
 "meal"   (Judg.  vi.  19;   1  Sam.  i.  24;   1   K.  iv. 
 22,  xvii.  12,  14),  and  when  sifted  the  "fine  flour" 
 (Kx.  xxix.  2;  (jen.  xviii.  l!)  usually  employed  in 
 the  sacred  otl'erings  (I'^x.  xxix.  40;   Lev.  ii.  1  ;   Kz. 
 xlvi.  14),  and  in  tiie  meals  of  the  wealthy  (1  K.  iv. 
 22;   2  K.  vii.  1;  Ez.  xvi.  13,  19;  Rev.  xviii.  13). 
 "  Barley  "  was  used  oidy  by  the  veiy  poor  (John 
 vi.   9,  13),  or  in  times  of  scarcity  (Ruth  iii.  1,5, 
 compared  with  i.  1  ;  2  K.  iv.  38,  42;    Rev.  vi.  6). 
 "  S])elt "  {rije,  fitches,  spelt,  A.  V.)  was  also  used 
 both  in  Egypt  (Ex.  ix.  .32)  and  Palestine  (Is.  xxviii. 
 2,5;    Ez.   iv.   9  ;    1    K.   xix.  (5).     Occisionally  the 
 grains   above    mentioned    wei-e    mixed,   and    other 
 ingredients,    such    as   beans,   lentiles,   and    millet, 
 were  added  (Ez.  iv.  9  ;  cf.  2  Sam.  xvii.  28) ;   the 
 bread  so  produced  is  called  "barley  cakes"  (Ez.  iv. 
 12,  "  ((s  barley  ciikes,"  A.  V.),  inasmuch  as  bailey 
 was  the  m.'iin  ingredient.     The  baking  was  done  in 
 primitive  times  by  the  mistress  of  the  house  ((ien. 
 xviii.  G)  or  one  of  the  daughtei-s  (2  Sam.  xiii.  8): 
 female  servants  were  however  emijloyed   in  large 
 households  (1   Sam.  viii.  13).     Baking  as  a  pro- 
 fession, was  carried   on  by  men  (Hos.  vii.  4,  (ij. 
 In  Jerus;dem  the  bakers  congiegated  in  one  quarter 
 of  the   town,    as  we  may  infer  from  t\w   names 
 "bakers'  street"  (Jer.  xxxvii.  21),  and  "tower  of 
 the    ovens"   (Neb.    iii.    11,   xii.    38,    "furnaces," 
 A. v.).     The  bread  taken  by  pei-sons  on  a  jonniey 
 ((!i'n.  xlv.  23  ;  Josh.  ix.   12)  was  probably  i.  kind 
 of  biscuit.     The  process  of  making  breacl  w;is  as 
 follows: — the  Hour  w.is  first  mixcil  with  water,  or 
 perhaps  milk  ;   it  was  then  kneaileil  with  the  hands 
 (in   Egypt  with  the  feet  also)  in  a  small  wo<xlen 
 bowl  or  "  kneading-trough  "  until  it  bir.ime  dough 
 (Ex.   xii.   34,   39  ;  2  Sam.  xiii.   8;   Ji-r.  vii.   18; 
 Hos.  vii.  4).     When  the  kneading  w;ls  coniplefeil. 
 
 BREAD 
 
 leaven  was  generally  added  [Leaven]  :  but  when 
 the  time  for  prefnratiou  was  short,  it  was  omitted, 
 and   unle.ivened   cakes,  h:istily  baked,  were  eaten, 
 
 Egyptians  kneaOiiig  douffh  witli  their  Imndfi.    OVilbinson,  froir  a 
 paintiog  m  the  Tomb  of  Ueiucses  111.  at  Thebes.) 
 
 as  is  still  the  prevalent  custom  among  the  Bedouins 
 (Gen.  xviii.  6,  xix.  3;  Ex.  xii.  39;  .hidg.  vi.  19; 
 1  Sam.  xxviii.  24).  The  leavened  m.ass  was  allowed 
 to  stand  for  some  time  (M;itt.  xiii.  33;  Luke  xiii. 
 21).  The  dough  was  then  divided  into  round 
 ciikes  (Ex.  .xxix.  23;  Judg.  vii.  13,  viii.  5;  1  Sam. 
 x.  3;  I'rov.  vi.  26),  not  unlike  flat  stones  in 
 shape  and  appearance  (Matt.  vii.  9;  comp.  iv.  3). 
 about  a  sjjau  in  diameter  and  a  finger's  breadth  in 
 thickness.  The  cakes  were  sometimes  punctured, 
 anil  hence  called  chal- 
 
 Idh  (Ex.  xxix.  2,  23  ; 
 Lev.  ii.  4,  viii.  26, 
 xxiv.  5 ;  Num.  .\v. 
 20;  2  Sam.  vi.  19), 
 and  mixed  with  oil. 
 Sometimes  they  were 
 rolleil  out  into  wafers 
 (Ex.  xxix.  2,  23  ;  Lev. 
 ii.  4;  Num.  vi.  15- 
 1 9  J,  and  mei-ely  coated 
 with  oil.  The  cakes 
 were  now  taken  to 
 the  oven  ;  having  been 
 first,  according  to  the 
 jH'actice  in  Egyjit, 
 gatl;ered  into  "  white 
 ba>kets"     (Gen.     xl. 
 
 Ki),  a  doubtful  expression.  The  baskets  were 
 placed  on  ;i  tray  and  airried  on  the  baker's  head 
 (<!en.  xl.  16).  In  the  towns,  where  jnofessional 
 bakere  resided,  there  were  no  doubt  fixed  ovens,  in 
 shape  and  size  resembling  those  in  use  among  our- 
 selves :  but  more  usually  each  household  jxissessed 
 a  portable  oven,  consisting  of  a  stone  or  metal  jai 
 about  three  feet  high,  which  was  heated  inwanlly 
 with  wood  (1  K.  xvii.  12;  Is.  xliv.  15;  Jer.  vii. 
 18)  or  driwl  grass  and  Hower-st.alks  (Matt.  vi.  30). 
 Other  modes  of  baking  were  specially  adapted  to 
 the  migratory  habits  of  the  p-istoral  Jews,  as  of  the 
 modein  Bedouins ;  the  ca.kes  were  either  spreiK^ 
 upon  heated  .stones,  or  they  were  thi'r>"-'.  .mo  the 
 heated  embers  of  the  fii-e  ifsr-^i  ;  or  Lastly,  they 
 were  ro.isted  by  being  placed  between  layere  of 
 dung,  which  burns  slowly,  and  is  therefore  specially 
 adapte<l  for  the  purpose  (Ez.  iv.  12,  1.5).  The 
 cakes  reipiiral  to  be  carefully  turned  during  the 
 process  (Hos.  vii.  8).  Other  methods  were  used 
 for  other  kinds  of  bread  ;  some  were  baked  on  a 
 jan  ;  such  cikes  appeared  to  have  been  chiefly 
 used  .as  sacred  ofTerings  (Lev.  ii.  5,  vi.  15,  vii.  9; 
 1   Chr.  xxiii.  29).     A  similar  cooking  uten.sil  was 
 
 An  Egyptian  cftm-in)?  ca!,!*!* 
 oven.     (Wiiuiiison.) 
 
BREASTPLATE 
 
 used  by  Tatnar  (2  .Sam.  xiii.  9).  A  ditl'erent  kind 
 of"  bread,  probably  lesombling  the  ftitn  of  the  Be- 
 douins, a  [lasty  substajice,  was  prepared  in  a  sauce- 
 pHu  (fryimj-pan,  A.  V.)  ;  tliis  was  also  reserved 
 tor  sacred  otierings  (Lev.  ii.  7 ;   vii.  9). 
 
 Breastplate.     [ARxMS,  p.  111.] 
 
 Brethren  of  Jesus.     [James.] 
 
 Brick.  Herodotus  (i.  179),  deseribing  the  mode 
 of  Ijiiilding  the  walls  of  Babylon,  says  that  the  clay 
 dug  out  of  tlie  ditch  was  made  into  bricks  as  soon 
 as  it  was  carried  up,  and  burnt  in  kilns.  The 
 bricks  were  cemented  with  hot  bitumen,  and  at 
 every  thirtieth  row  crates  of  reeds  were  stuffed 
 in.  This  account  agrees  with  the  history  of  the 
 building  of  the  Tower  of  Confusion,  in  which  the 
 builders  used  brick  instead  of  stone,  and  slime  for 
 mortar  (Gen.  .\i.  .3).  The  Babylonian  bricks  were 
 more  commonly  burnt  in  kilns  than  tliose  used  at 
 Nineveh,  which  are  chiefly  sun-dried  like  the  Egyp- 
 tian. They  are  usually  from  12  to  13  in.  square, 
 and  3^  in.  thick,  and  most  of  them  bear  the  name, 
 in.scribed  in  cuneiform  character,  of  Nebuchadnezzar, 
 whose  buildings,  no  doubt,  replaced  those  of  an 
 
 ,0    fi'. 
 
 BROTHER 
 
 123 
 
 earlier  age.  They  thus  possess  more  of  the  cha- 
 racter of  tiles  (Ez.  iv.  1).  They  were  sometimes 
 glazed  and  enamelled  with  patterns  of  vari/ius 
 colours.  The  Israelites,  in  common  v/ith  olhev 
 captives,  were  employed  by  the  Egyptian  monarchs 
 in  making  bricks  and  in  building  (Ex.  i.  14,  v.  7). 
 Egyptian  bricks  were  not  genei-ally  dried  in  kilns, 
 but  in  the  sun,  and  even  without  straw  are  as  firm 
 as  when  first  put  up  in  the  reigns  of  the  Amunophs 
 and  Thothmes  whose  names  tliey  bear.  When 
 made  of  the  Nile  mud,  they  required  straw  to 
 prevent  crackino- ;  and  crude  brick  walls  had  fre- 
 quently the  additional  security  of  a  layer  of  reeds 
 and  sticks,  placed  at  intervals  to  act  as  binders.  A 
 brick-kiln  is  mentioned  as  in  Eg3'pt  by  the  prophet 
 Jeremiah  (xliii.  9).  A  brick  pyramid  is  men- 
 tioned by  Herodotus  (ii.  13(3)  as  the  work  of  King 
 Asychis.  The  Jews  learned  the  art  of  brick-making 
 in  Egypt,  and  we  find  the  use  of  the  brick-kiln  iu 
 [David's  time  (2  Sam.  xii.  31),  and  a  complaint 
 made  by  Isaiah  that  the  people  built  altars  of  brick 
 instead  of  unhewn  stone  as  the  law  directed  (Is.  Ixv. 
 3;  Ex.  XX.  25).     [Pottery.] 
 
 MLlL<f 
 
 Foreign  caplives  employed  in  malting  briolcs  at  Thebes.    (Wilkinson.) 
 
 Bride,  Bridegroom.  [Marriage.] 
 Bridge.  The  only  mention  of  a  bridge  in  the 
 Canonical  Scriptures  is  indirectly  in  the  proper 
 name  Geshur,  a  district  in  Bashan,  N.E.  of  the  sea 
 of  Galilee.  At  this  place  a  bridge  still  exists,  called 
 the  bridge  of  the  sons  of  Jacob.  Judas  Maccabaeus 
 is  said  to  have  intended  to  make  a  bridge  in  order 
 to  besiege  the  town  of  Casphor  or  Caspis,  situate 
 near  a  lake  (2  Mac.  xii.  13).  Though  the  arch 
 was  known  and  used  in  Egypt  as  early  as  the  15th 
 century  n.c,  the  Romans  were  the  first  constructors 
 of  arched  bridges.  They  made  bridges  over  the 
 Jordan  and  other  rivers  of  Syria,  of  which  remains 
 still  exist.  A  stone  bridge  over  the  Jordan,  called 
 the  bridge  of  the  daughters  of  Jacob,  is  mentioned 
 by  B.  de  la  Brocquiere,  A.D.  1432,  and  a  portion  of 
 one  by  Arculf,  a.d.  700.  The  bridge  connecting 
 the  Temple  with  the  upper  city,  of  which  Josephus 
 speaks,  seems  to  have  been  an  arched  viaduct. 
 Brier.     [Thorns.] 
 
 Brigandine,  Jer.  xlvi.  4 ;  elsewhere  "  haber- 
 geon," or  "  coat  of  mail."     [ARMS,  p.  67  a.] 
 
 Brimstone.  The  Hebrew  word  is  connected 
 with  gopher,  "  gopher-wood,"  A.  V.  Gen.  vi.  14, 
 and  probably  signified  in  the  first  instance  the  gum 
 01  resin  that  exuded  from  that  tree  ;  hence  it  was 
 transferred  to  all  inflammable  substances,  and  espe- 
 cially to  sulphur,  which  is  found   in  considerable 
 
 quantities   on   the   shores  of  the   Dead   Sea  (Geu. 
 xix.  24). 
 
 Brother.  The  Hebrew  word  is  used  in  various 
 senses  iu  the  0.  T.  as  1.  Any  kinsman,  and  not  a 
 mere  brother;  e.  g.  nephew  (Gen.  xiv.  16,  xiii.  8), 
 husband  (Cant.  iv.  9).  2.  One  of  the  same  tribe 
 (2  Sam.  xix.  13).  3.  Of  the  same  people  (Ex.  ii. 
 11),  or  even  of  a  cognate  people  (Num.  xx.  14). 
 4.  An  ally  (Am.  i.  9).  5.  Any  friend  (Job  v.  15), 
 G.  One  of  the  same  office  (1  K.  ix.  13).  7.  A 
 fellow  man  (Lev.  xix.  17).  8.  Metaphorically  o{ 
 any  similarity.  It  is  a  very  favourite  Oriental 
 metaphor,  as  in  Job  .\xx.  19,  "  I  am  become  a 
 brother  to  the  jackals."  The  word  aSiXcpSs  has  a 
 similar  range  of  meanings  in  the  N.  T.,  and  is  also 
 used  for  a  disciple  (Jlatt.  xxv.  40,  &c.)  ;  a  fellow- 
 worker,  and  especially  a  Christian.  Indeed,  we 
 see  from  the  Acts  that  it  was  by  this  name  that 
 Christians  usually  spoke  of  each  other.  The 
 Jewish  schools  distinguish  between  "  brother  " 
 and  "  neighbour  ; "  "  brother  "  meant  an  Israelite 
 by  blood,  "  neighbour  "  a  proselyte.  They  allowed 
 neither  title  to  the  Gentiles  ;  but  Christ  and  the 
 Apostles  extended  the  name  "brother"  to  all 
 Christians,  and  "neighbour"  to  all  the  worlij 
 (1  Cor.  V.  11  ;  Luke  x.  29,  30).  The  question  a.< 
 to  who  were  "  the  brethren  of  the  Lord,"  is  dis- 
 cussed under  James. 
 
12i 
 
 BUBA3TIS 
 
 Bubastla.     [I'imksktu.] 
 
 Buk'ki.  1,  Son  of  Aliishun  niui  father  of  L>zzi, 
 fifth  fi'oin  Aai'on  in  the  line  of  the  higli-priests  in 
 1  Chr.  V.  ai,  vi.  at>  (vi.  5,  51,  A.  V.),  and  In  the 
 Cenealo'^y  of  ICzni,  Kzr.  vii.  4,  and  1  Ksilr.  viii.  2, 
 vvhi'ie  lie  is  called  IJOCCAS,  which  is  conupted  to 
 BoiMTH,  2  Ksdr.  i.  2.  Wlieflioi  Bukki  ever  (illed 
 the  olfit'e  of  hijjh-priest,  we  are  not  informed  in 
 Sc^riptnre.  Jo>ephus  mentions  liim  as  the  tirst  of 
 those  who  lived  a  private  life,  while  tlu'  iHintiticil 
 diijnity  was  in  the  honse  of  Ithaniar.— 2.  Son  of 
 Jogli,  jirincc  of  the  tribe  of  I>an,  one  of  the  ten  men 
 chosen  to  a[i[M)rtion  the  land  of  Canaan  between  the 
 trilK's  (Nnm.  xxxiv.  22). 
 
 Bokki'ah,  a  Kohathite  Levite,  of  the  sons  of 
 ll<'[n;in,  one  of  the  niusicixuis  iu  tlie  Temple  (1  Chr. 
 wv.  4,  I.S). 
 
 Bul.      [MONTIIS.J 
 
 Bull,  Bullock,  terms  used  synonymonsly  with 
 ox,  oxen,  in  the  A.  V.  as  the  representatives  of 
 seveinl  Hebrew  words,  lidkdr  is  projierly  a  s;eiieric 
 name  for  lionied  cattle  when  of  full  age  and  tit  for 
 the  plough.  Accordingly  it  is  variously  rendered 
 bnllock  (Is.  Ixv.  25),  cow  (Kz.  iv.  15),  oxen  'Gen. 
 xii.  16).  It  is  derived  from  an  unused  root,  bahar, 
 to  cleave,  hence  to  ploiu/h,  as  in  Latin  armcntttm  is 
 nrntntmtutn.  Shor  almost  always  signifies  one  head 
 of  horned  cattle,  without  distinction  of  a<;e  or  sex. 
 It  is  very  .seldom  used  collectively.  The  Chaldee 
 form  of  the  word,  tor,  occni's  in  Kzr.  vi.  9,  17,  vii. 
 17  ;  Dan.  iv.  25,  &c.  EiJ<:l,  djldU,  a  cilf  male  or 
 fcmilc,  jiropcrl'i  of  the  frat  year.  The  word  is 
 usrd  of  a  trained  heifer  (llos.  x.  11),  of  one  jfiving 
 mill:  (Is.  vii.  21,  22),  of  one  used  in  jjloiighing 
 (Judg.  xiv.  18),  nnil  of  one  three  yeare  old  ilien. 
 XV.  9).  J'dr  signifies  genorally  a  young  bull  of 
 two  years  old,  though  in  one  in>t;inceMudg.  vi.  25) 
 fKissihly  a  bull  of  seven  ye:us  old.  There  are  four 
 or  five  passages  in  which  the  word  abbtriin  is  used 
 tor  bulls  (lit.  "strong  ones").  See  Ps.  xxii.  12, 
 I.  13,  Ixviii.  .Si) ;  Is.  xxxiv.  7  ;  Jer.  1.  1 1.  In  Is.  li. 
 20,  tlie  word  /()  occurs,  and  is  rendered  "  wild 
 bull,"  but  '•  wild  ox "  in  Deuf.  xiv.  5.  It  was 
 possibly  one  of  the  larger  species  of  antelope,  and 
 took  its  name  from  its  swiftness.  Dr.  Robinson 
 mentions  large  herds  of  black  and  almost  hairle.ss 
 hiitl'aloes  as  still  existing  in  Palestine,  and  these  may 
 be  the  animal  imlicated  (iii.  390). 
 
 Bulrush.     [Kisii.] 
 
 Bu'nah,  a  son  of  Jerahmocl,  of  the  family  of 
 I'lianv.  ill  .lii.lah  (1  Chr.  ii.  25). 
 
 Bun'ni.  1.  One  of  the  I.evites  in  the  time  of 
 Neheini.ih  (Neh.  ix.  4)  ;  possibly  the  simc  person 
 is  mentioned  in  x.  15.— 2.  .Another  I.eviie,  but  of 
 earliiT  dat''  than  tin'  prcroding  (Neh.  xi.  15). 
 
 Burial,  Sepulchres.  Tombs.  Tlic  .Jews  uni- 
 foiinly  di.>|i.i>ed  ol'  tlie  corpse  by  entombment 
 where  |ios.sible,  and  failing  that,  by  interment ; 
 extending  this  res|)ect  to  the  remains  even  of  the 
 blain  enemy  and  malefactoi'  (1  K.  xi.  15;  Ucut. 
 xxi.  23),  in  the  latter  cjisc  by  expre.ss  provision  of 
 law.  On  thi^  .snliject  we  have  to  notice:  1.  the 
 place  of  burial,  its  site  and  shape;  2.  the  mode  of 
 i)uri;d  ;  3.  the  prevalent  notions  ngaiding  this 
 duty.— "I .  .\  natural  cave  enlaige<l  and  adaptetl  by 
 exivivalioii.  or  nn  ai  titlcial  imititlon  of  one,  was  the 
 fctandard  ly|>e  of  sepulchre.  This  wils  what  the 
 ■trn(!tnre  of  the  .lewish  soil  .<iupplii'<l  or  suggested. 
 S'pnlchre-,  when  the  owner's  means  |H'rmitle(l  it, 
 weie  commonly  |)n»|Kiiei|  Ix-fiirehand,  auil  stood 
 oAen  in  gaidens.  by   loadsides,  or  even  adjoining 
 
 BURIAL. 
 
 houses.  Kings  and  prophet.s  .-done  were  pmijabl/ 
 buried  witiiin  towns  (1  K.  ii.  10,  x\i.  >').  28,  2  K. 
 X.  35,  xiii.  9;  2  Chr.  xvi.  14,  xxviii.  27;  1  Sam. 
 XXV.  1,  xxviii.  3).  .Sni-ah's  tomb  and  lUchel's  se«ii 
 to  have  been  cliosen  merely  from  the  ac<  ident  of 
 the  place  of  death;  but  the  successive  inleiments 
 at  the  foiTTier  (Gen.  xlix.  31 )  are  a  chronicle  of  the 
 stiong  family  feeling  among  the  .lews.  Cities  soon 
 beciime  ])o|)ulous  and  demanded  cemeteries  ( Kz. 
 xxxix.  15),  which  were  jilaced  without  the  walls; 
 such  an  one  seems  intcnde<i  by  the  expiessinn  in 
 2  K.  xxiii.  (j,  situated  in  the  valley  of  the  Kmhon 
 or  of  Jehoshapliat.  .Jeremiah  (vii.  32,  xix.  1 1  ) 
 threatens  that  the  e.-\stcrn  valley  called  Toj)het,  tiie 
 favourite  haunt  of  idolatiy,  shoidd  be  polluted  by 
 burying  there  (twmp.  2  K.  xxiii.  10).  Such  was 
 also  the  "Potter's  Field"  (Matt,  xxvii.  7),  which 
 had  perhiips  been  wrought  by  digging  for  clay  into 
 holes  serviceable  tor  gi-aves.  Sepulchii'S  were 
 marked  sometimes  by  pillars,  as  th.-it  of  IJachel,  or 
 by  |)yiamids  as  those  of  the  Asmoneans  at  MiMlin. 
 and  had  plac-es  of  higher  and  lower  honour.  Such 
 as  were  not  otherwise  noticeable  were  scrujudously 
 "  whiteil  "  (.Matt,  xxiii.  27)  once  a  year,  after  the 
 rains  Ijefure  the  passover,  to  warn  jiassers  by  ol 
 defilenient.— 2.  With  regard  to  the  mode  of  burial, 
 we  should  remember  that  our  impressions,  as 
 doriveJ  tiom  the  0.  T.,  are  those  of  the  burial 
 of  persons  of  rank  or  public  eniineiice,  whilst  those 
 gathered  fioin  the  N.  T.  regard  a  private  station, 
 lint  in  both  cu.-es  "  the  manner  of  the  Jews  "  in- 
 cluded the  use  ofsjiices,  where  they  could  command 
 the  means.  Thus  Asa  lay  in  a  "  bed  of  spices " 
 (2  Chr.  xvi.  14).  A  portion  of  these  were  bunit 
 in  honour  of  the  deceased,  and  to  this  use  wiis 
 probably  destined  jiart  of  the  10(1  pounds  weight 
 of  "  mvirh  and  aloes"  in  our  I.oni's  case.  On  high 
 state  ocaisions  the  vessels,  bed,  and  furniture  used 
 by  the  deceased  were  burnt  also.  .Such  was  pio- 
 biibly  the  "great  burning"  made  for  As;i.  If  a 
 king  was  unp<i])ular  or  died  disgraced  (2  Chr.  .\xx'. 
 19),  this  was  not  observed.  In  no  case,  save  that 
 of  Saul  and  his  sons,  were  the  bo<lies  burned;  and 
 even  then  the  bones  weie  iuterretl,  and  re-exhumed 
 for  solenui  entombme;.t.  It  was  the  olfice  of  the 
 next  of  kin  to  [lerforui  and  piuside  over  the  whole 
 funereal  ollice ;  but  a  company  of  j)ublic  buriers, 
 originating  in  an  exceptional  necessity  (Kz.  xxxix. 
 12-14],  had  become,  it  seems,  customary  in  the 
 times  of  the  N.  T.  (Acts  v.  G,  lu).  CoHins  were 
 but  seldom  used,  and  if  used  wei-e  ojien  ;  but  fixed 
 stone  sarcophagi  were  conmion  in  tombs  of  i"ank. 
 The  bier,  the  word  for  which  in  theO.  T.  is  the  same 
 ;ls  that  rendered  "  bed,"  wa-s  borne  by  the  nearest 
 relatives,  .and  lidloweJ  by  any  who  wished  to  do 
 honour  to  the  dead.  The  gi.ive-clothes  weie  pio 
 bably  of  the  fashion  worn  in  lite,  but  swathed  and 
 fastened  with  kuidages,  and  the  head  covered 
 seiKirately.  Previously  to  this,  spicx-s  were  ajiplied 
 to  the  coipse  in  tlie  ttutr.  of  ointment,  or  betwei'ii 
 the  folds  of  the  linen;  hence  our  Lord's  remark, 
 that  the  woman  had  anointi>d  his  body,  "  with  a 
 view  to  di&ssing  it  iu  the.se  graveclothes."— ,t.  The 
 precedent  of  Jacob's  and  Joseph's  remains  being 
 returned  to  the  land  of  Canaan  was  Iblhiwed,  in 
 wish  at  least,  by  every  ])ious  Jew.  Ftdlowing  a 
 similar  notion,  »ime  of  the  l\abl>ins  taught  that 
 only  in  that  land  could  those  whu  were  biiiied  ob- 
 tain a  shaix'  in  the  resurrection  which  w.i.s  to  usher 
 in  Messiiih's  reign  on  earth.  Tombs  weie,  in  po- 
 pulai  belief,  led  by  the  s;uuc  teaching,  invested  with 
 
BURNT-OFFERING 
 
 ti-aditions.  The  neighbourhood  of  Jei'usalem  is 
 tliioitly  studded  with  tombs,  many  of  them  of  great 
 antiquity.  The  celebrated  "Tombs  of  the  lungs" 
 have  received  tliis  name  on  account  of  their  remark- 
 able character ;  but  they  are  supposed  by  I!obinson 
 and  Porter  to  be  the  tomb  of  Helena,  tne  winowea 
 queen  of  Monobazus  king  of  Adiabene.  They  are 
 excavated  out  of  the  rock. 
 
 CADDIS 
 
 125 
 
 Fioiit  of  the  Vestibule  of  the  Tomlis  calk'd  "  Tombs  of  the  Kings." 
 (From  Photosrapli.) 
 
 Burnt-offering.  The  word  is  applied  to  the 
 offering,  wliich  was  wlioll)'  consumed  by  fire  on 
 the  altar,  and  the  whole  of  which,  except  the  refuse 
 ashes,  "ascended"  in  the  smoke  to  Uod.  Ever)' 
 sjiciifice  was  in  part  "  a  burnt-offering,"  because, 
 since  fire  was  the  chosen  manifestation  of  God's 
 presence,  the  portion  of  each  sacrifice  especially 
 dedicated  to  Him  was  consumed  by  fire.  But  the 
 term  is  generally  restricted  to  that  which  is  pro- 
 perly a  '^  whole  burnt-offering,"  the  whole  of  which 
 was  so  offered  and  so  consumed.  The  burnt- 
 otfering  is  first  named  in  Gen.  viii.  20,  as  offered 
 after  the  Flood.  Throughout  the  whole  of  the 
 Book  of  Genesis  (see  xv.  9,  17,  zxii.  2,  7,  8,  13) 
 it  appears  to  be  the  only  sacrifice  referred  to;  after- 
 wards it  became  distinguished  as  one  of  the  legular 
 classes  of  sacrifice  umler  the  Mosaic  law.  Now  all 
 sacrifices  are  divided  (see  Heb.  v.  1)  into  "gifts" 
 and  "  sacrifices-for-sin  "  («.  e.  eucharistic  and  pro- 
 pitiatoiy  sacrifices),  and  of  the  foimer  of  these  the 
 burnt-offering  was  the  choicest  specimen.  The 
 meaning  of  the  whole  burnt-offering  was  that  which 
 is  the  original  idea  of  all  sacrifice,  the  offering  by 
 the  sacrificer  of  himself,  soul  and  body,  to  God,  the 
 submission  of  his  will  to  the  Will  of  the  Lord.  It 
 typified  (see  Heb.  v.  1,  3,  7,  8)  our  Loid's  offering 
 (as  especially  in  the  temptation  and  the  agony), 
 the  perfect  sacrifice  of  His  own  human  will  to  the 
 Will  of  His  Father.  In  accordance  with  this  prin- 
 ciple it  was  enacted  that  with  the  burnt-offering  a 
 "  meat-ofi'ering "  (of  flour  and  oil)  and  "drink- 
 offering  "  of  wine  should  be  offered,  as  showing 
 that,  with  themselves,  men  dedi&ited  also  to  God 
 the  chief  earthly  gifts  with  which  He  had  blessed 
 them.  (Lev.  viii.  18,  2-2,  26,  ix.  16,  1*7,  xiv.  20  ; 
 Ex.  xxix.  40;  Num.  xxviii.  4,  5.)  The  ceremo- 
 nial of  the  burnt-offering  is  given  in  detail  in  the 
 Bock  of  Leviticus.  There  were,  as  public  burnt- 
 offerings — 1st.  The  diili^  hurnt-offerinq  (Ex.  xxix. 
 38-42;  Num.  xxviii.  3-8).  2ndly.  The  Sabbath 
 burnt-offering  (Num.  xxviii.  9,  10).  Srdly.  The 
 offering  at  the  neiv  moon,  at  the  three  great  festi- 
 
 vals, the  great  Day  of  Atoiu'tncnt,  and  feast  of 
 trumpets.  (See  Num.  xxviii.  11-xxix.  39).  Pri- 
 vate burnt-offerings  were  apjioinfcd  at  the  conse- 
 cration of  priests  (Ex.  xxix.  15;  Lev.  viii.  18,  ix, 
 12),  at  the  puiification  of  women  (Lev.  xii.  6,  8), 
 ai  tne  ciennsmg  of  the  lepers  (Ltv.  xiv.  19),  and 
 removal  of  othei-  ceremonial  uncloanness  (xv.  15, 
 30),  on  any  accidental  breach  of  the  Nazaritic  vow, 
 or  at  its  conclusion  (Num.  vi.  ;  comp.  Acts  xxi. 
 26),  &c.  lint  frceu-ill  burnt-offerings  were  offered 
 and  accepted  by  God  on  any  solemn  occasions,  as, 
 for  example,  at  the  dedication  of  the  tabernacle 
 (Num.  vii.)  and  of  the  temple  (1  K.  viii.  64), 
 wlien  they  were  otlered  in  extraordinary  abundance. 
 
 Bush.  The  Hebrew  word  seneh  occurs  only  in 
 those  [)assages  which  lefer  to  Jehovah's  appearance 
 to  Moses  "in  the  flame  of  fire  in  the  bush"  (Ex. 
 iii.  2,  3,  4 ;  Deut.  xxxiii.  16).  The  Greek  woid 
 is  fidros  both  in  the  LXX.  and  in  the  N.  T.  (Luke 
 XX.  37  ;  Acts  vii.  35  ;  see  also  Luke  vi.  44,  where 
 it  is  correctly  rendered  "  bramble  bush  "  by  the 
 A.  v.).  Celsius  (^Ilierob.  ii.  58)  has  argued  in 
 fiivour  of  the  Eubus  vulgaris,  i.  e.  B.  fruticosus, 
 the  bramble  or  blackberry  bush,  representing  the 
 seneh,  and  traces  the  etymology  of  Mt.  "  Sinai " 
 to  this  name.  Sprengel  identifies  the  seneh  with 
 what  he  terms  the  liubiis  sanctus,  and  says  it  grows 
 abundantly  near  Sinai.  It  is  quite  im])ossible  to  say 
 what  kind  of  thorn  bush  is  intended  by  seneh  ;  but 
 Sinai  is  almost  beyond  the  range  of  the  genus  rulms. 
 
 Bushel.     [MEASURES.] 
 
 Butter,  curdled  milk  (Gen.  xviii.  8 ;  Deut. 
 x.xxii.  14;  Judg.  v.  25;  .lob  xx.  17).  Milk  is 
 generally  offered  to  travellers  in  Palestine  in  a 
 curdled  or  sour  state,  "  Icbben,"  thick,  almost  like 
 butter.  Hasselquist  (Trav.  p.  159,  Eng.  tr.)  de- 
 scribes the  method  of  making  butter  employed  by 
 the  Arab  women  :  "  they  maile  butter  in  a  leather 
 bag,  hung  on  three  poles  erected  for  the  purpose, 
 in  the  form  of  a  cone,  and  drawn  to  and  fio  by  two 
 women."  Burckhardt  ['Travels  in  Arabia,  i.  p.  52) 
 mentions  the  different  uses  of  butter  by  the  Arabs 
 of  the  Hedjaz. 
 
 Buz,  the  second  son  of  Jlilcah  and  Nahor  (Gen. 
 xxii.  21).  Elihu  is  called  "the  Buzite "  of  the 
 kindred  of  Ram,  i.  e.  Aram.  Elihu  was  therefore 
 probably  a  descendant  of  Buz,  whose  family  seems 
 to  have  settled  in  Arabia  Deserta  or  Petraea  (Jei-. 
 XXV.  23). — 2.  A  name  occurring  in  the  genealogies 
 of  the  tribe  of  Gad  (1  Chr.  v.  14). 
 
 Ba'zi,  father  of  Ezekiel  the  prophet  (Ez.  i.  3). 
 
 Byssus.     [Linen.] 
 
 Cab.     [Measures.] 
 
 Cab'bon,  a  town  in  the  low  country  of  Judah 
 (Josh.  XV.  40). 
 
 Ca'bul,  a  place  named  as  one  of  the  landmarks 
 on  the  Iwundary  of  Ablier  (Josh,  xix,  27).  It  may 
 fairly  be  considered  as  still  existing  in  the  modern 
 Kabul,  which  was  found  by  Di-.  Smith  and  by 
 Robinson  8  or  9  miles  east  of  Alilia,  and  about  the 
 same  distance  from  Jefat.  Being  thus  on  the  ■;ery 
 holders  of  Galilee,  it  is  more  than  probable  that 
 theie  is  some  connexion  between  this  place  and  the 
 distiict  confciining  twenty  cities,  which  was  pre- 
 sented by  Solomon  to  Hiiam  king  of  Tyre  (1  K.  ix. 
 11-14;. 
 
 Cad'dis,  the  surname  of  Joannan,  the  eldest 
 brother  of  Judas  Macaibaeus  (1  Mcico.  ii.  2). 
 
126 
 
 CADSS 
 
 Ca'des,  1  M.\c<;.  xi.  GO,  7.3.     [Ki;di:sii.J 
 Ca'des-bar'ne,    Jml.   v.    14.      [Kaui:sh-bar- 
 
 NKA.] 
 
 Cad'miel,  1  Ks^l.  v.  26,  58.     [Kadmiel]. 
 
 Cae'sar,  always  in  the  N.  T.  tlie  Konian  em- 
 jjcror,  the  sovereign  of  Judaea  (John  xix.  12,  15; 
 Acts  xvii.  7). 
 
 Caesare'a  (Acts  viii.  40,  ix.  30,  x.  1,  24,  xi.  11, 
 xii.  19,  xviii.  22,  xxi.  8,  16;  xxiii.  2:5,  33  ;  xxv. 
 1,  4,  6,  13).  The  pass:iges  just  pnumeiatecl  show 
 how  iiii]K)rtiUit  a  jilace  this  city  occupies  in  the 
 Acts  of  tlie  Apostles.  Giesarea  was  situated  on 
 the  coast  of  Palpstine,  on  the  line  of  the  great  voad 
 from  Tyre  to  lv.;y})t,  and  about  half  way  lietwe^n 
 Jiippa  and  Dora.  'I'hc  journey  of  St.  Peter  fioin 
 Joppa  (Acts  X.  24  j  oicupieil  rather  more  than  a 
 dav.  On  the  other  hand  St.  Paul's  journey  fiom 
 Ptolemais  (.\its  xxi.  8)  was  accomplished  within 
 the  day.  The  distance  from  Jerus.ilem  was  about 
 70  miles;  Josephus  states  it  in  round  numbers  as 
 600  stiidia.     It  has  been  ascertained,  however,  that 
 
 CAGE 
 
 there  wai  a  shoiler  road  by  Antipatris  tlian  lliot 
 which  is  given  in  the  Jliiierary, — a  point  of  some 
 imjwrfauce  in  reference  to  the  night-jotmiey  of  Acts 
 xxiii.  [.XN'I  iPATitis.]  In  Strabo's  time  there  was 
 on  this  jioint  of  the  coast  merely  a  town  calletl 
 "  Strato's  tower  "  with  a  landing-place,  whereas,  in 
 the  time  of  Tacitus,  Caesarea  is  sjwken  of  as  being 
 the  head  of  Judaeix.  It  was  in  this  interval  that 
 the  city  was  built  by  Herod  the  Great.  The  work 
 was  in  fict  accomplished  in  ten  years.  The  utmost 
 aire  and  expense  were  lavished  on  the  building  of 
 Caesarea.  It  was  the  ollicial  lesidence  of  the  Hero- 
 dian  kings,  and  of  Festus,  Felix,  and  the  other 
 lloman  procuratoi-s  of  Juclaea.  Here  also  were  the 
 he;ul-quarters  of  the  milituy  forces  of  the  province. 
 Caesarea  continued  to  be  a  city  of  some  inipoi  tance 
 even  in  the  time  of  the  Crusades.  Now,  though 
 an  Arabic  coiTuption  of  the  name  still  lingeis  on 
 the  site  {Kaisarii/c/i),  it  is  utterly  desolate;  and  it"; 
 ruins  have  for  a  long  pei'iod  been  a  quarry,  from  which 
 other  towns  in  this  part  of  Syria  have  been  built. 
 
 Caesarea  Philippi  i<  mentioned  oniy  in  tnr 
 two  lirst  (iospels  (.Matt.  xvi.  13;  Jlaik  viii.  27) 
 and  in  accounts  of  the  same  tiansactioiis.  Caesaiv.i 
 Philippi  was  the  northernmost  jioint  of  our  Lord's 
 jouriievings ;  ami  the  fKissage  in  His  life,  which 
 was  connccled  with  the  place,  was  otherwise  a  veiy 
 marked  one.  The  plice  itself  too  is  remarkable  in 
 its  physical  and  pi<'tuics(|iie  characteristics,  and 
 also  in  its  historical  jissociations.  It  was  at  the 
 easternmost  aii<l  most  imjiort.uit  of  the  two  recog- 
 niseil  sources  of  the  Jordan,  the  other  being  at 
 Tel-cl-Kadi.  The  spring  nses,  and  the  city  was 
 built,  on  a  limestone  terrace  in  a  valley  at  the 
 base  of  Mount  Hfimon.  Caesarea  Philippi  has  no 
 0.  T.  histoiy,  thiiuch  it  has  Ijcen  not  unreasonably 
 identified  with  Haul-Gad.  Its  annals  nm  back 
 direct  from  Herod's  time  into  he.ithinis!n.     There 
 
 is  no  difficulty  m  identifynig  it  with  the  Panium 
 of  .losephus  ;  and  the  inscrijitions  are  not  yet  obli- 
 terated which  show  that  the  god  Pan  had  once  a 
 sanctuary  at  this  spot.  Panium  became  part  of 
 the  teriitory  of  Pliili|).  tetiarcii  of  Trachonitis.  who 
 enlargeil  and  eniliellished  the  town,  and  calle<l  it 
 Caesarea  Philippi,  partly  after  his  own  name,  and 
 l)artly  after  that  of  the  emperor.  Agrijijvi  II.  fol- 
 ImVed  in  the  same  course  of  Hiitteiy,  and  called  the 
 place  Neronias.  Coins  of  Cucsnica  Panros  con- 
 tuuied  through  the  reigns  of  many  emperors.  It 
 is  still  called  linnias,  the  first  name  havin-;  here, 
 ;is  in  other  cases,  survived  the  second.  The  vast 
 castle  alx>ve  the  site  of  the  city,  Imilt  in  Syro- 
 (Jreek  or  even  Phoenician  times,  is  still  the  mott 
 lemarkable  fortress  in  the  Holy  land. 
 
 Cage.     T.he  tcim  so  rendeicii   in  Jer.  v.  27,  it 
 
CAIAPHAS 
 
 more  properly  a.  trap,  in  wliich  decoy  birds  were 
 placed  ^coinp.  Ecclus.  xi.  30).  In  Rev.  xviii.  2  the 
 Greek  term  means  a  prison. 
 
 Cai'aphas,  in  full  Joseph  Caiapiias,  high-priest 
 of  the  Jews  under  Tiberius  during  the  years  of  our 
 Lord's  public  ministry,  and  at  the  time  of  his  con- 
 demnation and  crucifixion  (Matt.  xxvi.  3,  57  ; 
 John  xi.  49,  xviii.  13,  14,  24,  28;  Acts  iv.  6). 
 The  Procurator  Valerius  Gratus  appointed  him  to 
 the  dignity.  He  held  it  during  the  whole  procura- 
 torship  of  I'ontius  Pilate,  but  was  deposed  by  tlie 
 Pioconsul  Vitellius  (a.d.  36).  He  was  son-iu-law 
 of  Aiuias.     [Annas.] 
 
 Cain.  The  historical  facts  In  the  life  of  Cain, 
 as  recorded  in  Gen.  iv.,  aie  briefly  these  : — He  was 
 the  eldest  sou  of  Adam  and  Eve ;  he  followed  the 
 business  of  agriculture  ;  in  a  fit  of  jealousy,  roused 
 by  the  rejection  of  his  own  saciifice  and  the  accejit- 
 ance  of  AbeFs,  he  committed,  the  crime  of  muider, 
 for  which  he  was  expelled  fiom  Eden,  and  led  the 
 life  of  an  exile ;  he  settled  in  the  laud  of  Nod,  and 
 built  a  city  which  he  named  after  his  son  Enoch  ; 
 his  descendants  are  enumerated,  together  with  the 
 inventions  for  which  they  were  remarkable.  Occa- 
 sional references  to  Cain  are  made  in  the  X.  T. 
 (Heb.  xi.  4;  1  John  iii.  12;  Jude  11).  The  fol- 
 lowing points  deserve  notice  in  connexion  with  the 
 Biblical  narrative: — 1.  The  position  of  the  land  of 
 Nod,  which  it  seems  vain  to  attempt  to  identify 
 with  any  special  locality.  2.  The  "  mark  set  upon 
 Cain  "  probably  means  that  Jehovah  gave  a  sii/n 
 to  Cain,  very  much  as  signs  were  afterwards  given 
 to  Noah  (Gen.  ix.  13),  Moses  (Ex.  iii.  2,  12), 
 i'^lijah  (1  K.  six.  11),  and  Hezekiah  (Is.  xxxviii. 
 7,  8).  3.  The  narrative  implies  the  existence  of  a 
 considerable  jiopulation  in  Cain's  time  (iv.  14). 
 4.  The  descendants  of  Cain  are  enumerated  to  the 
 sixth  generation.  Some  commentators  (Knobel, 
 von  Bohlen)  have  traced  an  artificial  structure  in 
 this  genealogy,  by  which  it  is  rendered  parallel  to 
 that  of  the  Sethites.  It  must  be  observed,  how- 
 ever, that  the  differences  far  exceed  the  points  of 
 similarity.  5.  The  social  condition  of  the  Cainites 
 is  prominently  brought  forward  in  the  history. 
 Cain  founded  the  first  city ;  Lamcch  instituted 
 polygamy ;  Jabal  introduced  the  nomndic  life ; 
 Jubal  invented  musical  instruments ;  Tuijal-cain 
 was  the  first  smith ;  Lamech's  language  takes  the 
 stately  tone  of  poetry ;  and  even  the  names  of  the 
 women,  Naamah  (pleasant),  Zillah  [shadow),  Adah 
 [ornamental),  seem  to  bespeak  an  advanced  state  of 
 civilization.  But  along  with  this,  there  was  vio- 
 lence and  godlessness ;  Cain  and  Lamech  furnish 
 proof  of  the  former,  while  the  concluding  words  of 
 Gen.  iv.  26  imply  the  latter.  6.  The  contrast 
 established  between  the  Cainites  and  the  Sethites 
 appears  to  have  I'eference  solely  to  the  social  and 
 religious  condition  of  the  two  races. 
 
 Cain,  one  of  the  cities  in  the  low  country  of  Judah, 
 named  with  Zanoah  and  Gibeah  (Josh.  xv.  57). 
 
 Cai'nan.  1.  Son  of  Enos,  aged  70  years  when 
 he  begat  Mahalaleel  his  son.  He  lived  840  years 
 afterwards,  and  died  aged  910  (Gen.  v.  9-14). 
 The  rabbinical  tradition  was  that  he  first  intio- 
 duced  idol-worship  and  astrology  —  a  tradition 
 which  the  Hellenists  transferred  to  the  post-diluvian 
 Cainan.— 2.  Son  of  Arphaxad,  and  father  of  Sala, 
 according  to  Luke  iii.  35,  36,  and  usually  called 
 the  second  Cainan.  He  is  also  found  in  the  piesent 
 copies  of  the  LXX.  in  the  genealogy  of  Shem,  Gen. 
 X.   24,  xi.  12,   and  1  Chr.  i.   18,   but   is  nowhere 
 
 CALEB  1 27 
 
 named  in  the  Hebrew  MSS.,  nor  in  any  of  the  ver- 
 sions made  fiom  the  Hebrew.  It  seems  certain 
 that  his  name  was  introduced  into  the  genealoc^ic^ 
 of  the  Greek  0.  T.  in  order  to  bring  them  i°ito 
 harmony  with  the  genealogy  of  Christ  in  St.  Luke's 
 Gospel,  where  Cainan  was  fbund  in  the  time  of 
 Jei-ome.  Pi-obably  Cainan  was  not  inserted  by  St. 
 Lulio  himself,  but  was  afterwards  added,  either  by 
 accident,  or  to  make  up  the  number  of  generations 
 to  17,  or  from  some  other  cause  which  cannot  now 
 be  discovered. 
 
 Cakes.     [Bread.] 
 
 Ca'lah,  one  of  the  most  ancient  cities  of  Assyria. 
 Its  foundation  is  ascribed  to  the  patriarch  Asshur 
 (Gen.  X.  11).  According  to  the  opinions  of  the 
 best  Oriental  antiquaries,  the  site  of  Calah  is  marked 
 by  the  Nimrnd  ruins,  which  have  furnished  so 
 large  a  proportion  of  the  Assyrian  remains  at  pre- 
 sent in  England.  If  this  be  regarded  as  ascertained, 
 Calah  must  be  considered  to  have  been  at  one  time 
 (about  B.C.  930-7201  the  capital  of  the  empire. 
 
 Calamolalus,  1  Esdr.  v.  22,  a  corrupt  name, 
 apparently  agglomerated  of  Elam,  Lod  and 
 Ha  DID. 
 
 Calamus.    [Reed.] 
 
 Cal'col,  a  man  of  Judah,  son  or  descendant  of 
 Zerah  (1  Chr.  ii.  6).  Probably  identical  with 
 Ciialcol. 
 
 Caldron,  a  vessel  for  boiling  flesh,  either  for 
 ceiemonial  or  domestic  use  (2  Chr.  xxxv.  13; 
 1  Sam.  ii.  14 ;  Mic.  iii.  3  ;  Job  xli.  20). 
 
 Tla-bcs.     (Crit  Mus.) 
 
 Caleb.  1.  According  to  1  Chr.  ii.  9,  18,  19, 
 42,  50,  the  son  of  Hezion,  the  son  of  Pharez,  the 
 son  of  Judah,  and  the  father  of  Hur  by  Ephrath  or 
 Ephratah,  and  consequently  grandfathei-  of  Caleb 
 the  spy.  His  brotheis,  according  to  tlie  same  au- 
 thority, were  Jerahmeel  and  Ram ;  his  wives  Azu- 
 bah,  Jerioth,  and  Ephrath ;  and  his  concubines 
 Ephah  and  iMaachah  (ver.  9, 18, 19, 46,  48).— 2.  Son 
 of  Jephunneh,  by  which  patronymic  the  illustrious 
 spy  is  usually  designated  (Num.  xiii.  6,  and  ten 
 other  places),  with  the  addition  of  that  of  "  the 
 IConezite,"  or  "son  of  Kenaz,"  in  Num.  xxxii.  12  ; 
 Josh.  xiv.  6,  14.  Caleb  is  first  mentioned  in  thi' 
 list  of  the  rulers  or  princes  who  were  sent  to  search 
 the  land  of  Canaan  in  the  second  year  of  the  Exodus. 
 Caleb  was  a  prince  or  chief  in  the  ti-ibe  of  .Judah, 
 pei'haps  as  chief  of  the  family  of  the  Hezronites. 
 He  and  Oshea  or  Joshua  the  son  of  Nun  were  the 
 only  two  of  the  whole  number  who,  on  their  leturn 
 fiom  Canaan  to  Kadesh-Barnea,  encouraged  the 
 people  to  enter  in  boldly  to  the  land,  and  take  pos- 
 session oF  it;  for  which  act  of  faithfulness  tliey 
 narrowly  escaped  stoning  xt  the  hands  of  the  infu- 
 riated people.  In  the  plague  that  ensued,  while 
 the  other  ten  spies  perished,  Caleb  and  Joshua  alone 
 were  spared.     Foi-ty-five   year?   afterwards,   when 
 
128 
 
 CALF 
 
 some  progress  had  been  made  in  the  conquest  of  the 
 land,  Caleb  came  to  Joshua  and  claimed  possession 
 of  the  land  of  the  Anakims,  Kirjath-Arba,  or 
 Hebron,  and  the  neighbouring  hill  country  (Josh, 
 xiv.).  This  was  immediately  granted  to  him,  and 
 the  following  chapter  relates  how  he  took  possession 
 of  Hebron,  driving  out  the  three  sons  of  Anak  ;  and 
 how  he  ofTored  Achsah  his  daughter  in  maixiage  to 
 whoever  would  take  Kirjath-Sepher,  i.  e.  Debir; 
 and  how  when  Othniel,  his  younger  brother,  had 
 perfornii'd  the  feat,  he  not  only  gave  him  his 
 daughter  to  wife,  but  with  her  the  upper  and 
 nether  springs  of  water  which  she  asked  for.  After 
 this  we  hear  no  more  of  Caleb,  nor  is  the  time  of 
 his  death  recorded.  But  a  very  interesting  ques- 
 tion arises  as  to  the  birth  and  parentage  of  Caleb. 
 He  is,  as  we  have  seen,  ^tyled  "  tlie  son  of  Jephun- 
 neli  the  Kfnezite,"  and  his  younger  brother  Othniel, 
 alterv.ards  the  first  Judge,  is  also  called  "the  son 
 of  Kenaz  "  (Josh.  xv.  17;  Judg.  i.  13,  iii.9,  11). 
 On  the  other  hand  the  genealogy  in  1  Chr.  ii. 
 makes  no  mention  whatever  of  either  Jephunneh  or 
 Kenaz,  but  re])resents  C';deb,  though  obscurely,  as 
 being  a  descendant  of  llezron  and  a  son  of  Hur  (see 
 too  ch.  iv.).  Again  in  Josh.  xv.  13  we  have  this 
 singular  expression,  "  Unto  Caleb  the  son  of  Jephun- 
 neh he  gave  a  part  amontj  the  cldldren  of  Judah ;" 
 and  in  xiv.  14,  the  no  less  significant  one,  "  Hebron 
 became  the  inheritance  of  Caleb  the  son  of  Jephun- 
 neh the  Kcneiite,  because  that  he  wholly  followed 
 Jeliovah  God  of  fsrael."  Jt  becomes  therefore 
 q'lite  possilde  that  Caleb  was  a  foreigner  by  birth  ; 
 a  pioseiyte,  incoiporated  into  the  tribe  of  Judah.— 
 3.  CALKii-KriiRATAH,  acconiing  to  the  jiresent 
 text  of  1  Chr.  ii.  24,  the  name  of  a  place  where 
 Hezron  diccl.  l'»ut  no  such  place  was  ever  heard  of. 
 The  present  text  must  therefore  be  corrupt,  and 
 the  reailing  which  Jerome's  Hel>iew  Bible  had,  and 
 whiili  is  pieserved  in  the  LXX.,  is  probably  the 
 trill-  (ino,  "Caleb  aune  in  unto  Ephiatah." 
 
 Calf.  In  Kx.  xxxii.  4,  we  are  told  that  Aaron, 
 (■(iii>trained  by  the  people  in  the  absence  of  Moses, 
 made  a  molten  calf  of  the  golden  earrings  of  the 
 |j<*ople,  to  represent  the  Elohim  which  brought 
 Israel  out  of  Egypt.  It  does  not  seem  likely  that 
 the  earrings  would  have  provided  the  enormous 
 quantity  of  gold  required  for  a  aolid  iiguie.  Moie 
 pKibably  it  was  a  wooden  figure  laminated  with 
 gold,  u  pi'ocess  which  is  known  to  have  existed  in 
 Egypt.    "  A  gilded  ox  covered  with  a  pall"  was  an 
 
 flitiirc  of  A|>i>.    (WUklMon.) 
 
 rmlilem  of  Osiiis  (Wilkinson,  iv.  33.')).  To  punish 
 tlif  iqHistasy  Mo.>cs  burnt  the  calf,  and  then  grind- 
 ing it  til  |K)wder  smttered  it  over  the  water,  where. 
 
 CAMEL 
 
 according  to  some,  it  prothi<ed  in  the  drinkers 
 effects  similar  to  the  water  of  jealousy  (Num.  v.). 
 He  probably  adopted  this  coui-se  as  the  deadliest 
 and  most  irreparable  blow  to  their  supei-stition,  or 
 as  an  allegorical  .ict  (Job  xv.  16),  or  with  refei'ence 
 to  an  Egyptian  custom  (Herod,  ii.  41  ;  Poli  «%«. 
 ad  loc).  The  piocess  which  he  used  is  difficult 
 of  explanation,  Bochart  and  Kosenmiiller  think 
 that  he  merely  cut,  ground,  and  filed  the  gold 
 to  powder.  It  has  always  been  a  gieat  dispute 
 respecting  this  calf  and  those  of  Jeroboam,  whether, 
 1.  the  Jews  intended  them  for  some  Egyptian  CJod, 
 or  II.  for  a  mere  cherubic  symbol  of  Jehovah. 
 Of  the  various  sacied  cows  of  Egypt,  those  of 
 Isis,  of  Athor,  and  of  the  three  kinds  of  sacred 
 bulls.  Apis,  BasLs,  and  Mnevis,  Sir  G.  Wilkinson 
 fixes  on  tlie  latter  as  the  prototyi)e  of  tlie  golden 
 calf;  "tlie  oHerings,  dancings,  and  lejoicings  prac- 
 tised on  that  occasion  were  doubtless  in  imitation 
 of  a  ceremony  they  had  witnessed  in  honour  of 
 Mnevis"  (Anc.  h'gi/pt.,  v.  197).  It  seems  to 
 us  more  likely  that  in  this  calf-woiship  the  Jews 
 merely 
 
 "  Likened  their  M:iker  to  the  graved  ox ; " 
 
 or  in  other  words,  adopted  a  well-understood  che- 
 rubic emblem.  The  prophet  Hosea  is  full  of  de« 
 nunciatious  against  the  calf-worship  of  Israel  (Hos. 
 viii.  5,  G,  X.  6),  and  mentions  the  curious  custom 
 of  hissin'j  tliem  (xiii.  2).  His  change  of  Bethel 
 into  liethaven  possibly  arose  from  contempt  of  this 
 idolatiy.  'I'he  calf  at  Dan  was  carried  away  by 
 Tiglath-Pilesor,  and  that  of  Bethel  ten  yeai-s  after 
 by  his  son  Shalmaneser  (Prideaux,  Conn.  i.  15). 
 In  the  expression  "the  adves  of  our  lips"  (Hos. 
 xiv.  2),  the  word  "ftilves"  is  use<l  metaphorically 
 for  victims  oi-  saciilii-es,  and  the  passage  .signifies 
 either  "  we  will  render  to  thee  sacrifices  of  oiu-  lips," 
 that  is,  "  the  tribute  of  tlianksgiving  and  praise," 
 or  "  we  will  offer  to  tliee  the  sacrifices  which  our 
 lips  have  vowed." 
 
 Cal'itas,  1  Ksdi-.  ii.  23,  48.     [Kelita.] 
 
 Callis'thenes,  a  ))artisan  of  ISIainoi-,  who  was 
 burnt  by  the  Jews  on  the  defeat  of  that  geneial  in 
 revenge  for  his  guilt  in  setting  fire  to  "  the  saci°ed 
 jwrfals"  (2  Mace.  viii.  33). 
 
 Cal'neh,  or  Cal'no,  appears  in  Genesis  (x.  10) 
 among  tlie  cities  of  Nimrod.  Probably  the  site  is 
 the  modern  I^iffcr,  which  was  certainly  one  of  th* 
 early  c;ipitals,  and  which,  under  the  name  of  Xopher 
 the  Talmud  identifies  with  Calneh.  We  may  gathei 
 from  Scriptuit;  that  in  the  8th  century  B.C.  Calneh 
 was  taken  by  one  of  the  Assyrian  kings,  and  never 
 rccdveied  its  prosperity  (Is.  x.  9  ;  Am.  vi.  2). 
 
 Cal'no,  Is.  I.  9.    [Calnkii.] 
 
 Cal'pbi,  father  of  Judas,  one  of  the  two  captains 
 of  Jonathan's  army  who  remained  fiiin  at  the  battle 
 of  Gennesar  (1  Mace.  xi.  70). 
 
 Cal'vary,  a  woid  occurring  in  the  A.  V.  only  in 
 Luke  xxiii.  33,  and  there  no  proper  name,  but 
 arising  from  the  translators  having  literally  adopted 
 the  word  calvaiia,  i.  e.  a  b;ne  scull,  the  Vulgate 
 rendering  of  Kpaviov,  which  a<;ain  is  nothing  but 
 the  (iieek  for  GouiOTiiA.  Prof.  Stanley  has  not 
 omitted  iS.  tj'.  P.  40ti,  note)  to  call  attention  to 
 the  fact  that  the  popular  expression  "  Mount  Cal- 
 vary" is  not  wanaulud  by  any  st'itement  in  the 
 ac<'ounts  of  the  place  ol'  our  Lord's  crucifixion. 
 
 Camel.  Under  this  head  we  shall  consider  the 
 Hebrew  words  ijdmdl,  bSc/uT,  or  bichrdfi,  and  cir- 
 cdrdth.     As  to  the  achashterdntin  in   Esth.  viii. 
 
CAMEL 
 
 10,  erroneously  translated  "camels"  by  the  A.  V., 
 see  Mule  (note). — 1.  Gdmdl  is  the  commoa  He- 
 brew term  to  express  the  genus  "  camel,"  irre- 
 spective of  any  difference  of  species,  age,  or  breed. 
 It  is  clear  ft'om  Gen.  xii.  16  that  camels  were  early 
 known  to  the  Egy|)tians,  though  no  representation 
 of  this  animal  has  yet  been  dLscovered  in  the  paint- 
 ings or  hieroglypliics.  The  Ethiopians  had  "  camels 
 in  abundance"  (2  Chr.  xiv.  15);  the  queen  of 
 Sheba  came  to  Jerusalem  "  with  camels  that  bare 
 spices  and  gold  and  piecious  stones"  (1  K.  .x.  2)  ; 
 the  men  of  Kedar  and  of  Hazor  possessed  camels 
 (Jer.  xlix.  29,  32) ;  David  took  away  the  camels 
 from  the  Geshuiites  and  the  Amalekites  (1  Sam. 
 xxvii.  9,  XXX.  17)  ;  forty  camels'  burden  of  good 
 things  were  sent  to  Elisha  by  Beuhadad  king  of 
 Syria  from  Damascus  (2  K.  viii.  9);  the  Ishmaelites 
 trafficked  with  Egypt  in  the  precious  gums  of 
 Gilead,  carried  on  the  backs  of  camels  (Gen.  xxxvii. 
 25) ;  the  Midianites  and  the  Amalekites  possessed 
 camels  "as  the  sand  by  the  sea-side  for  multitude" 
 (Judg.   vii.   12)  ;    Job  had  three  thousand  camels 
 
 CAMEL 
 
 129 
 
 before  his  affliction  (Job  i.  3),  and  six  thou.sand 
 afterwards  (xlii.  12).  The  camel  was  used  for 
 riding  (Gen.  xxiv.  64;  1  Sam.  xxx.  17);  as  a  beast 
 of  burden  generally  (Gen.  xxxvii.  25;  2  K.  viii.  9- 
 1  K.  X.  2,  &c.) ;  and  for  draught  purposes  (Is.  xxi.  7). 
 From  1  Sam.  xxx.  17  we  learn  that  camels  wer? 
 used  in  war.  John  the  Baptist  wore  a  garment 
 made  of  camel's  hair  (Matt.  iii.  4;  Mark  i.  6),  and 
 some  have  supposed  that  Elijah  "  was  clad  in  a 
 dress  of  the  same  stuff."  Chardin  (in  Harmer's 
 Observ.  ii.  487)  says  the  people  in  the  East  make 
 vestments  of  camel's  hair,  which  they  pull  off  the 
 animal  at  the  time  it  is  changing  its  coat.  Camel's 
 milk  was  much  esteemed  by  Orienlals,  and  was  ia 
 all  probability  used  by  the  Hebrews,  though  no 
 distinct  reference  to  it  is  made  in  the  Bible.  Camel's 
 flesh,  although  much  esteemed  by  the  Arabs,  was 
 fbi-bidden  as  food  to  the  Israelites  (Lev.  xi.  4  ;  Deut. 
 XIV.  7),  because,  though  the  camel  "  cheweth  the 
 cud,  it  divideth  not  the  hoof."  Dr.  Kitto  {Phys. 
 H.  of  Palest,  p.  391)  says  "the  Arabs  adorn  the 
 necks  of  their  camels  with  a  band  of  cloth  or  leather. 
 
 Bactrian  or  Two-humped  Camels  on  Assyrian  monuments.     (Layard.) 
 
 upon  which  are  strung  small  shells  called  cowries 
 in  the  form  of  half-moons,"  this  very  aptly  illus- 
 trates Judg.  viii.  21,  26,  with  reference  to  the 
 moon-shaped  ornaments  that  were  on  the  necks  of 
 the  camels  which  Gideon  took  from  Zebah  and  Zal- 
 munna.  From  the  temperate  habits  of  the  camel 
 with  regard  to  its  requirements  of  food  and  water, 
 and  from  its  wonderful  adaptation,  both  structurally 
 and  physiologically,  to  traverse  the  arid  regions 
 which  for  miles  adbrd  but  a  scanty  herbage,  we  can 
 readily  give  credence  to  the  immense  numbers  which 
 Scripture  speaks  of  as  the  property  either  of  tribes 
 or  individuals.  The  three  thousand  camels  of  Job 
 may  be  illustrated  to  the  very  letter  by  a  passage 
 in  Aristotle  (H.  A.  ix.  37,  §5):  "  Now  some  men 
 in  upper  Asia  possess  as  many  as  three  thousand 
 camels." — 2.  Becker,  bichrdh  (Is.  Ix.  6  ;  Jer.  ii. 
 23).  The  Hebrew  words  occur  only  in  two  passages 
 above  named,  where  the  A.  V.  reads  "  dromedary." 
 
 Bochart  (Hieroz.  i.  15,  sq.)  contends  that  the 
 Hebrew  word  is  indicative  only  of  a  difference  in 
 Age,  and  adduces  the  authority  of  the  Arabic  becra 
 in  support  of  his  opinion  that  a  young  camel  is 
 signified  by  the  tei-m.  Etymologically  the  Hebrew 
 word  is  more  in  favour  of  the  "  dromedary."  So 
 too  are  the  old  versions. — 3.  As  to  the  circaroth 
 of  Is.  Ixvi.  20  (A.  V.  "swift  beasts")  there  is 
 some  difference  of  opinion.  The  explanation  is  not 
 satisfactory  which  is  given  by  Bochait  {Hieroz.  i- 
 25),  following  some  of  the  Rabbis,  and  adopted  by 
 Rosenmiiller,  Gesenius,  Lee,  and  others,  that  "dro- 
 
 CON,  D.  B. 
 
 medaries"  are  meant.  We  prefer,  with  Michaelii- 
 and  Parkhurst,  to  understand  the  "panniers"  oi 
 "  baskets  "  carried  on  the  backs  of  camels  or  mules, 
 and  to  refer  the  word  to  its  unreduplicated  form  in 
 Gen.  xxxi.  34.  The  species  of  camel  which  was  in 
 common  use  amongst  the  Jews  and  the  heathen 
 
 Arabian  CameL 
 
 nations  of  Palestine  was  the  Arabian  or  one-humped 
 camel  {Camelus  Arabicus).  The  dromedary  is  a 
 swifter  animal  than  the  baggage-camel,  and  is  used 
 chiefly  for  riding  purposes,  it  is  merely  a  finei 
 breed  than  the  other:  the  Arabs  call  it  the  Heirie 
 
 K 
 
130 
 
 CAMON 
 
 The  speed  of  tlie  ihomedai y  lias  been  greatly  exag- 
 gerated, the  AraVjs  asserting  tiiat  it  is  switter  than 
 the  horse ;  eight  or  nine  miles  an  hour  is  the  utmost 
 it  is  able  to  perform  ;  this  pace,  however,  it  is  able 
 to  keep  up  for  hours  together.  The  camel,  as  may 
 be  readily  conceived,  is  the  subject  amongst  Orientils 
 of  many  proverbial  expressions  ;  see  many  cited  by 
 Bochart  {Ilieroz.  i.  3U),  and  comp.  Matt,  xxiii.  24, 
 and  xix.  '24,  where  there  can  be  no  doubt  of  the 
 correctness  of  the  A.  V.,  notwithstanding  the 
 attempts  which  are  made  trom  time  to  time  to 
 explain  away  the  expression ;  the  very  magnitude 
 of  the  hypeibole  is  evidence  in  its  favour:  with  the 
 Talmuds  "an  elephant  passing  through  a  needle's 
 eye  "  was  a  common  figure  to  denote  anything  im- 
 possible. The  (-amel  belongs  to  the  family  Catne- 
 lidiie,  order  Rieminantia. 
 
 Ca'mon,  the  place  in  which  JAIR  the  Judge  was 
 buried  (Judg.  x.  5).  Josephus  says  that  it  was  a 
 city  of  Gilead.  In  modern  times,  however,  the 
 name  has  not  been  recovered  on  the  E.  of  Jordan. 
 
 Camp.    [Kncami'mknts.] 
 
 Camphire  (Heb.  cophcr).  There  can  be  no  doubt 
 that  '•camphire"  is  an  incorrect  rendering  of  the 
 Hebrew  term,  which  occure  in  the  sense  of  some 
 aromatic  substance  only  in  Cant.  i.  14,  iv.  13:  the 
 margin  in  both  passages  has  "  cypress,"  giving  the 
 form  but  not  the  signification  of  the  Greek  word. 
 Camphire,  cr,  a.-;  it  is  now  generally  written,  cam- 
 phor, is  the  product  of  a  tree  largely  cultivated  in 
 the  island  of  Formosa,  the  Camphora  officinarum, 
 of  the  Nat.  order  Lauraccae.  From  the  expression 
 "  cluster  of  copher  in  the  vineyai-ds  of  Engedi,"  in 
 Cant.  i.  14,  tlie  Chaldee  veision  reads  "  bunches  of 
 grapes."  Several  versions  retiiin  the  Hebrew  word. 
 The  substance  really  denoted  by  copher  is  the  Law- 
 sonia  alba  of  botanists,  the  henna  of  Arabian  na- 
 tui-alists.  The  inhabitants  of  Nubia  call  the  henna- 
 plant  Khofreh.  Hasselquist  {Trav.  246,  Lond. 
 1766),  speaking  of  this  plant,  says  "  the  leaves  are 
 pulverised  and  made  into  a  paste  with  water ;  the 
 EgyptiiUis  bind  this  paste  on  the  nails  of  their 
 hands  and  feet,  ami  keep  it  on  all  night:  this  gives 
 them  a  deep  yellow,  which  is  gi-eatly  admired  by 
 Eastern  nations.  The  colour  lasts  for  three  or  four 
 weeks  befoie  tliere  is  occasion  to  renew  it.     The 
 
 Lau-uonin  niha. 
 
 CANAAN,  THE  LAND  OF 
 
 custom  is  so  ancient  in  Egypt  that  I  have  seen  the 
 nails  of  the  mummies  dyed  in  this  manner."  .^on- 
 nini  (  Voi/aije,  i.  p.  297)  says  tiie  women  are  fond 
 of  decorating  themselves  with  the  flowers  of  the 
 henna-plant ;  that  they  take  them  in  their  hand 
 and  perfume  their  bosoms  with  them.  Compare 
 with  this  Cant.  i.  13. — The  Lausonia  alba  when 
 young  is  without  thorns,  and  when  older  is  spincus, 
 whence  Linnaeus's  names,  L.  inerinis  and  L.  spi- 
 nosa;  he  regarding  his  specimens  as  two  distinct 
 species.  The  henna-plant  gi-ows  in  Egypt,  Syria, 
 Arabia,  and  N.  India.  The  flowei-s  are  white  and 
 grow  in  clustei's  and  are  very  fragrant.  The  whole 
 shrub  is  from  tour  to  six  feet  high.  The  Lawsonia 
 alba,  the  only  known  species,  belongs  to  the  natural 
 order  Li/thraceae. 
 
 Ca'na  of  Galilee,  once  Cana  in  Galilee,  a 
 village  or  town  not  tiir  from  Capernaum,  memonible 
 as  the  scene  of  Christ's  first  miracle  (John  ii.  1,  11, 
 iv.  46)  as  well  as  of  a  sul)se(jueut  one  (iv.  46,  54), 
 and  also  a-s  the  native  place  of  tlie  Apostle  Na- 
 thanacl  (xxi.  2).  The  tr.aditioiial  site  is  at  Kefr 
 Kenna,  a  small  village  about  4^  miles  north-west 
 of  Nazareth.  It  now  contains  only  the  ruins  of  a 
 church  said  to  stand  over  the  house  in  which  the 
 miracle  was  performed,  and — doubtless  much  older 
 — the  fountain  from  which  the  water  for  the  miracle 
 was  brought.  The  tradition  identifying  Kefr  Kenna 
 with  Cana  is  certainly  of  consideiable  age.  It  ex- 
 isted in  the  time  of  W'illibald  (the  latter  half  of  the 
 8th  cent.),  who  visited  it  in  passing  from  Nazareth 
 to  Tabor,  and  again  in  that  of  Phocas  (12th  cent.). 
 But  the  claims  of  another  site  have  been  lately 
 brought  forward  by  Dr.  Kubinson  with  much  force. 
 The  rival  site  is  a  village  situated  further  north, 
 about  5  miles  north  of  Scffurieh  (Sepphoris)  and 
 9  of  Nazareth,  near  the  present  Jefat,  the  Jotapata 
 of  the  Jewish  wars.  This  vilUige  still  bears  the 
 name  of  Kana-el-jelil.  The  Gospel  history  will 
 not  be  atl'ected  whichever  site  may  be  discovered  to 
 be  the  real  one. 
 
 Ca'naan.  1.  The  fourth  son  of  Ham  (Gen.  x. 
 6  ;  1  (.;iir.  i.  8)  ;  the  piogenitor  ol' the  I'hoenicians 
 ("  Zidon"),  and  of  the  various  nations  who  beforri 
 the  Israelite  conquest  peopled  the  sea-const  of  Pa- 
 lestine, ami  gpiieially  the  whole  of  the  country 
 westward  of  the  Jordan  (Gen.  i.  13;  1  Chr.  i. 
 13).— 2.  The  name  "Canaan"  is  sometimes  em- 
 ployed tor  the  country  itself — more  generally  styled 
 "  the  land  of  C."  It  is  so  in  Zeph.  ii.  5  ;  and  we 
 also  find  "Language  of  C."  (Is.  xix.  18):  "  Wai-s 
 of  C."  (Judg.  iii.  ^1):  "Inhabitants  of  C."  (Ex. 
 XV.  15):  "King  of  C."  (Judg.  iv.  2,  23,  '24, 
 V.  19)  :  "  Daughters  of  C."  (Gen.  xxviii.  1,  6,  8, 
 xxxvi.  2):  "  Kingdoms  of  C."  (Ps.  cxxxv.  11). 
 In  addition  to  the  above,  the  word  occui-s  in  several 
 passages  where  it  is  concealed  in  the  A.  V.  by  being 
 translated,  'fluse  ;ue:  Is.  xxiii.  8,  "  ti.'ilfickers," 
 and  xxiii.  11,  "the  merchant  city;"  Hos.  xii.  7, 
 "He  is  a  merchant;"  Zeph.  i.  11,  "merchant- 
 people." 
 
 Canaan,  the  Land  of,  lit.  "  Lowland,"  a  name 
 denoting  the  country  west  of  the  Jordan  and  IX>ad 
 >ea,  and  between  those  waters  and  the  Mediter- 
 lancan;  spec-ially  op])ospd  to  the  "land  of  Gilead," 
 that  is  the  high  table-land  on  the  east  of  the  Jordan, 
 rnie,  the  district  to  which  the  name  of"  lowland" 
 is  thus  applied  contained  many  very  elevate*!  spots; 
 liut  \\\<'\\  as  the  level  of  much  of  the  country  west 
 of  the  .Ionian  undoubtedly  is,  thoi«  are  several 
 lliings  which  muit  .\lway8  have  prevented,  m  they 
 
CANAANITE.  THE 
 
 still  prevent  it,  from  leaving  au  imjnession  of  eleva- 
 tion. Tiiese  are,  (1)  that  len-.avkable,  wide,  maii- 
 time  plain  over  which  the  eye  langes  for  miles  from 
 the  cential  hills ;  (2)  the  .still  deeper,  and  still 
 more  remarkable  and  impressive  hollow  of  the 
 Jordan  valle_v  ;  and,  (3)  there  is  the  almost  ccustant 
 jtresence  of  the  long  high  line  of  the  mountains 
 east  of  the  Jordan.  The  word  "  Canaanite  "  was 
 used  in  the  0.  T.  in  two  senses,  a  broader  and  a 
 nai  rower,  which  will  be  most  conveniently  examined 
 under  that  head ;  but  this  does  not  appear  to  be 
 the  case  with  "  Canaan,"  at  least  in  the  older  cases 
 of  its  occunence.  It  is  only  in  Liter  notices,  such 
 as  Zcph.  ii.  5,  and  JIatt.  xv.  22,  that  we  find  it 
 applied  to  the  low  maritime  plains  of  Philistia  and 
 Phoenicia  (comp.  IMark  vii.  26). 
 
 Ca'naanite,  The,  the  designation  of  the  Apostle 
 Simon,  otherwise  known  as  "  Simon  Zelotes."  It 
 occurs  in  Slatt.  x.  4 ;  Mark  iii.  18.  The  word 
 does  not  signify  a  descendant  of  Canaan,  nor  a 
 native  of  Cana,  but  it  comes  from  a  Chaldee  or 
 Syriac  word,  Kannean  or  Knonoijo,  by  which  the 
 Jewish  sect  or  faction  of  "  the  Zealots "  was  de- 
 signated. This  Syriac  word  is  the  raiding  of  the 
 I'eshito  version.  The  Greek  equivalent  is  Zelotes, 
 and  this  St.  Luke  (vi.  15;  Acts  i.  13)  has  correctly 
 jiieseived. 
 
 Ca'naanites,  The,  a  word  used  in  two  senses : — 
 1.  a  tribe  which  inhabited  a  particular  locality  of 
 the  land  west  of  the  Jordan  before  the  conquest ; 
 and  2.  the  people  who  inhabited  generally  the  whole 
 of  that  country.— 1.  For  the  tribe  of  "  the  Ca- 
 naanites  "  only — the  dwellers  in  the  lowland.  'J'he 
 whole  of  the  country  west  of  Jordan  was  a  "  low- 
 laud  "  as  compared  with  the  loftier  and  more  ex- 
 tended tracts  on  the  east:  but  there  was  a  part 
 of  this  western  country  which  was  still  more  em- 
 phaticdly  a  "  lowland."  a.  There  were  the  plains 
 lying  between  the  shore  of  the  Mediterranean  and 
 the  foot  of  the  hills  of  Benjamin,  Judah,  and 
 ICphraim.  h.  But  separated  entirely  fjom  these 
 was  the  still  lower  region  of  the  Jordan  Valley  or 
 Arabah.  "  The  Canaanite  dwells  by  the  sea,  and 
 by  the  side  of  Jordan  "  (Num.  xiii.  29).  In  Gen. 
 X.  18-20  the  seats  of  the  Camuinite  tribe  are  given 
 as  on  the  sea-shoie  and  in  the  Jordan  Valley.  In 
 Josh.  xi.  3  "  the  Canaanite  on  the  east  and  the 
 west "  is  carefully  distinguished  from  the  Amorite 
 who  held  *'  the  mountain  "  in  the  centre  of  the 
 country. ^2.  Applied  as  a  general  name  to  the 
 non-Israelite  inhabitants  of  the  land,  as  we  ha^•e 
 already  seen  was  the  case  with  "  Canaan."  Instances 
 of  this  are,  Gen.  xii.  6  ;  Num.  xxi.  3  ;  Judg.  i.  10  ; 
 and  Gen.  xiii.  12.  See  also  Gen.  xxiv.  3,  37,  comp. 
 xxviii.  2,  6  ;  Ex.  xiii.  11,  comp.  5.  Like  the  Phoe- 
 nicians, the  Cauaanites  were  probably  given  to  com- 
 merce ;  and  thus  the  name  became  probably  in 
 later  times  an  occasional  synonym  for  a  merchant 
 f  Job  sli,  6  ;  Prov.  xx\i.  24  ;  comp.  Is.  xxiii.  8, 11  ; 
 Hos.  xii.  7  ;  Zeph.  i.  1 1 ).— Of  the  language  of  the 
 Oanaanites  little  can  be  said.  On  the  one  hand, 
 being — if  the  genealogy  of  Gen.  x.  be  right — 
 Hamites,  there  could  be  no  affinity  between  their 
 language  and  that  of  the  Israelites,  who  were  de- 
 scendants of  Shem.  On  the  other  is  the  fact  that 
 Abram  and  Jacob,  shortly  after  their  entrance  to 
 the  country,  seem  able  to  hold  converse  with  them, 
 and  also  that  the  names  of  Canaanite  persons  and 
 places  which  we  possess  are  ti-anslatable  into  He- 
 brew. But  we  know  that  the  Egyptian  and  As- 
 syrian names  have  been  materially  altered  in  tli«ii- 
 
 CANDLESTICK 
 
 131 
 
 !»aoption  into  Hebrew  recoads.  May  not  a  similar 
 process  have  taken  place  when  the  Hebrews  look 
 possession  of  the  Cana;uiite  towns,  and  "  called  the 
 lands  after  their  own  names  ?  " 
 
 Canda'ce,  a  queen  of  Ethiopia  (Meroe),  men- 
 tioned Acts  viii.  27.  The  name  was  not  a  proper 
 name  of  an  individual,  but  that  of  a  dynasty  of 
 Ethiojiian  queens. 
 
 Candlestick,  which  Moses  was  commanded  to 
 make  for  the  tabernacle,  is  described  Ex.  xxv.  31-37. 
 xxxvii.  17-24.  It  is  called  in  Lev.  xxiv.  4,  "the 
 pure,"  and  in  Ecclus.  xxvi.  17,  "the  holy  candle- 
 stick." With  its  various  appurtenances  it  required 
 a  t;ilent  of  "  pure  gold,"  and  it  was  not  moulded, 
 but  "  of  beaten  work."  Josephus,  however,  says 
 that  it  was  of  cast  gold,  and  hollow.  As  the  de- 
 sciiption  given  in  Exodus  is  not  very  clear,  we 
 abbreviate  Lightfoot's  explanation  of'  it.  "  The 
 foot  of  it  was  gold,  from  which  went  up  a  shaft 
 straight,  which  was  the  middle  light.  Near  the 
 foot  was  a  golden  dish  wrought  almondwise;  and 
 a  little  above  that  a  golden  knop,  and  above  that  a 
 golden  flower.  Then  two  branches,  one  on  each 
 side,  bowed,  and  coming  up  as  high  as  the  middle 
 shaft.  On  each  of  them  were  three  golden  cups 
 ])laced  almondwise  on  sharp,  scollop-shell  fashion ; 
 above  which  was  a  golden  knop,  a  golden  flower, 
 and  the  socket.  Above  the  branches  on  the  middle 
 shaft  was  a  golden  boss,  above  which  rose  two 
 shafts  more;  above  the  coming  out  of  these  was 
 another  boss,  and  two  more  sjiaits,  and  then  on 
 the  shaft  upwaids  were  three  golden  scollop-cups, 
 a  knop,  and  a  flower:  so  that  the  heads  of  the 
 branches  stood  an  equal  height"  (  lloz/.s,  ii.  399, 
 ed.  I'itman).  The  whole  weight  of  the  candlestick 
 was  100  minae  ;  its  height  was,  according  to  the 
 liiibbis,  5  feet,  and  the  breadth,  or  distance  between 
 the  exterior  branches,  3^  feet.  It  has  been  calcu- 
 lated to  have  been  worth  5076?.  exclusive  of  work- 
 manship. Generally  it  was  "  a  type  oi  preaching  " 
 or  of  "the  light  of  the  law " '(Lightfoot,  I.e.). 
 Similarly  candlesticks  are  made  types  of  the  Spirit, 
 of  the  Church,  of  witnesses,  ^-c.  (comp.  Zech.  iv.  ; 
 liev.  ii.  5,  .\i.  4,  kc.).  The  c.indlestick  was  placed 
 on  the  south  side  of  the  first  apartment  of  the 
 tiibernacle,  opposite  the  table  of  shew-bread  (Ex. 
 xxv.  37),  and  was  lighted  every  evening  and  dressed 
 every  mornins  (Ex.   xxvii.  20,  21,  xxx.  8;  comp. 
 
 Candlestick.     (From  Arch  of  TItiu.) 
 
 K  2 
 
132 
 
 CANE 
 
 1  Sam.  iii.  2).  Kncli  lamp  was  supplied  with 
 cotton,  anil  half  a  loi;  of  the  purest  olive-oil  (ahoiit 
 two  wint'-glitsses'),  which  was  sufficient  to  keep 
 thi'Mi  binning  liurini;  a  lontj  night.  Wlicn  canicil 
 :il)Oiit,  the  candlestick  was  covered  with  a  cloth  of 
 blue,  and  jiut  with  its  appendages  in  badger-skin 
 bags,  which  were  sii|)i)oitetl  on  a  bar  ( Num.  iv.  9). 
 In  .Solomon's  Temple,  instead  of  this  candlestick, 
 there  were  ten  golden  candlesticks  .similarly  eni- 
 bossefl,  five  on  the  right  and  live  on  the  left  (1  K. 
 vii.  4tt;  •!  Chr.  iv.  7).  Tliey  were  taken  to  liaby- 
 lon  (.ler.  Iii.  19).  In  the  Temple  of  Zerubbabel 
 there  was  attain  a  single  amdlestick  (1  Mace.  i.  2:5, 
 iv.  49).  The  description  given  of  it  by  Josephus 
 agrees  only  tolerablv  witii  the  deejily  intere^tlng 
 sculpture  on  the  Aich  of  Titus  ;  but  he  drops  a 
 liint  that  it  was  not  identical  with  the  one  usetl  in 
 the  Temple. 
 
 Cane.     fl'i-Kn.] 
 
 Cankerwonn.    [Locrsr.] 
 
 Can'neh  ( l>..  xxvii.  2.'i),  probably  a  contraction 
 of  Caineli,  wiiich  is  the  reading  of  one  MS. 
 
 Canon  of  Scripture,  The,  may  be  generally 
 desciibed  .is  '•  the  collection  of  books  which  form 
 the  original  and  authoritative  written  rule  of  the 
 faith  and  practice  <if  the  Christian  Church."  Start- 
 ing from  this  definition  it  will  be  the  object  of  the 
 present  article  to  examine  shortly — 1.  The  original 
 meaning  of  the  term:  II.  The  Jewish  Canon  of  the 
 Old  Tcstimcnt  Sciiptures  as  to  (a)  its  formation, 
 and  (/3j  extent:  HI.  The  Christian  Canon  of  the 
 Old  ;  and  IV.  of  the  New  Testament.^I.  Tlie  use 
 of  tfte  xcord  Canon. — The  wonl  Canon,  in  classical 
 Greek,  is  (1)  properly  a  sti-ai/ht  rod,  as  the  rod 
 of  a  shield,  or  that  used  in  weaving,  or  a  carpenter's 
 rule.  (2)  The  last  usage  ollere  an  easy  transition 
 to  the  metaphoiical  use  of  the  word  tor  a  testing 
 rule  in  ethics,  or  in  art,  or  in  languiige.  (3)  But 
 in  addition  to  the.se  active  meanings  the  word  was 
 also  used  pissivoly  for  a  measured  space,  and,  in 
 Liter  times,  for  a  Hxed  tax.  The  ecclesiastical  usage 
 of  the  won!  oilers  a  complete  parallel  to  the  classical. 
 In  patristic  writings  the  word  is  commonly  used 
 both  as  "  a  rule  "  in  the  widest  sense,  and  especially 
 in  the  phrases  "  the  rule  of  the  Church,"  "  the  rule 
 of  faith,"  "  the  rule  of  truth."  This  rule  w;us 
 regarded  either  as  the  abstract,  ideal  standard,  em- 
 bodied only  in  the  life  and  action  of  the  Church; 
 or,  again,  as  the  concrete,  dclinite  creed,  which  set 
 foi'th  the  facts  fioin  which  that  life  sprang.  As 
 ap)>lied  to  Scrijiture  the  derivatives  of  Kavwv  are 
 used  long  before  the  simple  word.  The  Latin 
 translation  of  Origcu  speaks  of  Scriptnrnc  Canoniciw 
 ( Dc  Princ.  iv.  33),  lihri  regnlares  {Coniin.  in  Matt. 
 §117),  and  libri  cunonizati  (id.  §'.'8).  This  cir- 
 cumstance seems  to  show  that  the  title  "  Canoiiiail  " 
 was  (irst  given  to  writings  in  the  sense  of  "  ad- 
 mitted by  the  rule,"  and  not  as  "  fonuiiu/  part  of 
 and  (jiriwj  the  rule."  The  first  direct  application 
 ot'the  term  Kav<iit  to  the  Scriptuies  seems  to  Ic  in 
 the  vei'ses  of  .\mphilochiiis  (c.  380  A.D.),  wline 
 the  word  indicates  the  rule  by  which  the  contents 
 ot  the  liibli"  must  be  deteniiined,  and  thus  second- 
 arily an  index  of  the  constituent  books.  Among 
 Latin  writers  it  is  commonly  foinid  from  the  time 
 of  .IiMoiiie  and  Augustine,  and  their  usage  of  the 
 word,  which  is  wider  than  that  of  (ircek  writci-s, 
 is  the  soiu'co  of  its  nio<l.'rn  acceptation.  The  \\n- 
 canonic'd  books  were  described  simply  as  "  those 
 without,"  or  ''those  unuinonized."  The  Apocry- 
 phal  books,   which    wei-o    .sujiposed    to    occujiy    an 
 
 CANON 
 
 intermediate  position,  were  called  "  books  read,"  or 
 "  ecclesiastical,"  though  the  latter  title  was  also 
 ap]ilied  to  the  c^inonical  Scrijitures.  The  canonical 
 books  were  also  cilled  "  books  of  the  Testament," 
 and  Jerome  styled  the  whole  collection  hj  the 
 sti-iking  name  of  "the  holy  library,"  which  happily 
 expresses  the  unity  and  variety  of  the  Bible.— 
 II.  (o)  The  formation  of  the  ./c>ri>.h  Canoii. — The 
 history  of  the  Jewish  Canon  in  the  earliest  times 
 is  beset  with  the  greatest  difficulties.  Before  the 
 period  of  the  exile  only  faint  traces  occur  of  the 
 solemn  presentation  and  use  of  sacred  books.  Ac- 
 cording to  the  command  of  Moses  the  "  book  of  the 
 law  "  was  "  put  in  the  side  of  the  ark  "  (Deut.  xxxi. 
 20),  but  not  in  it  (1  K.  viii.  9  ;  comp.  Joseph. 
 Ant.  iii.  1,  §7,  v.  1,  §17),  and  thus  in  the  reign  of 
 Josiah,  Hilkiah  is  said  to  have  "  found  the  book 
 of  the  law  in  the  house  of  the  Lord  "  (2  K.  xxii.  8  ; 
 comp.  2  Chr.  xxxiv.  14).  This  "  book  of  the  law," 
 which,  in  addition  to  the  direct  precepts  (Ex.  xxiv. 
 7),  contained  general  exhortations  (Deut.  xxviii.  61) 
 and  historical  narratives  (Kx.  xvii.  14),  was  further 
 increased  by  the  records  of  Joshua  (Jo>h.  xxiv.  26), 
 and  probably  by  other  writings  {I  Sam.  x.  2'>).  At 
 a  subsequent  time  collections  of  proverbs  were  made 
 (I'rov.  XXV.  1),  and  the  later  prophets  (especially 
 Jeremiah)  wore  familiar  with  the  writings  of  their 
 predecessors.  It  perhaps  marks  a  further  step  in 
 the  formation  of  the  Canon  when  "  the  book  of  the 
 Lord  "  is  mentioned  by  Isaiah  as  a  general  collec- 
 tion of  sacred  teaching  (xxxiv,  16  ;  comp.  xxix.  18), 
 at  once  familiar  and  authoritative;  but  it  is  un- 
 likely that  any  delinito  collection  either  of  "  the 
 ])sahns "  or  of  "  the  prophets "  existed  before  the 
 captivity.  At  that  time  Zechariah  speaks  of  "  the 
 law"  and  "  the  former  prophets"  as  in  some  mea- 
 sure co-ordinate  (Zech.  vii.  12);  and  l>aniel  refers 
 to  "  </ie  hooks"  (Dan.  ix.  2)  in  a  maimer  which 
 seems  to  mark  the  prophetic  writings  as  already 
 collectal  into  a  whole.  Even  alter  the  cjiptivity 
 the  history  of  the  Canon,  like  all  Jewish  history 
 up  to  the  date  of  the  Maccabees,  is  \vra]it  in  great 
 obscurity.  Popular  belief  assigned  to  Ezra  mid 
 "  the  great  synagogue  "  the  tjisk  of  collecting  and 
 promulgating  the  Scriptures  as  part  of  their  work 
 in  organising  the  Jewish  Church.  Itaubts  have  been 
 thrown  upon  this  belief,  but  it  is  in  every  way 
 consistent  with  the  history  of  Judaism  and  with 
 the  internal  evidence  of  the  books  themselves.  The 
 account  (2  Mace.  ii.  13)  which  assigns  a  collection 
 of  books  to  Nehemiah  is  in  itself  a  confirmation  of 
 the  gener.'il  truth  of  the  gradual  formation  of  the 
 Canon  during  the  Persian  period.  The  ]iersecution 
 of  Antiochus  (u.c.  168)  was  for  the  Old  Testament 
 what  the  persecution  of  Diocletian  was  lor  the 
 New,  the  final  crisis  which  stamped  the  sacred 
 writings  with  their  jieculiar  character.  The  king 
 sought  out  "  the  books  of  the  law  "  (1  Mace.  i.  h%) 
 and  burnt  them  ;  and  the  pos.session  of  a  "  book  of 
 the  covenant  "  was  a  capital  crime  (Joseph.  Ant. 
 xii.  5,  §4).  After  the  M.accabaean  jx-rsecution  the 
 history  of  the  formation  of  the  Canon  is  niei-ged 
 in  the  history  of  its  contents.  The  Bible  a])pears 
 from  t-hat  time  as  a  whole,  and  it  is  of  the  utmost 
 importance  to  notice  that  the  collection  wiis  peculiar 
 in  character  and  circumscriliod  in  contents.  All  the 
 evidence  which  can  be  obtained,  though  it  is  con- 
 fassedly  scanty,  tends  to  show  that  it  is  fal.sc,  both 
 in  theory  and  fact,  to  de.scrilio  the  O.  T.  n.s  "  all 
 the  relics  oi'  the  Ilebnieo-Chaldaic  literntuie  up  to 
 a  certain  epoch, '  if  the  plinuse  is  intended  to  refer 
 
CANON 
 
 to  the  time  when  the  Canon  was  completed.^ 
 ()3)  The  contents  of  the  Jeimh  Gmon. — Tlie  first 
 notice  of  the  0.  T.  as  consisting  of  distinct  and 
 detinite  parts  occni-s  in  the  prologue  to  the  Greek 
 translation  of  the  Wisdom  of  Si rach  (Ecclesiasticns), 
 in  wiiich  "  the  law,  the  prophecies,  and  the  le- 
 mainder  of  the  books"  are  mentioned  as  integral 
 sections  of  a  completed  whole.  A  like  threefold 
 classification  is  used  for  describing  the  entire  0.  T. 
 in  the  Gospel  of  St.  Luke  (xxiv.  44;  comp.  Acts 
 sxviii.  23).  The  general  contents  of  these  three 
 classes  still,  however,  remain  to  be  determined. 
 JoSKi'HUS,  the  earliest  direct  witness  on  the  snbject, 
 enumerates  twenty  books  "  which  are  justly  believed 
 to  be  divine :"  five  books  of  Moses,  thirteen  of  the 
 prophets,  extending  to  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes  (i.  e. 
 Esther,  according  to  Josephus),  and  four  which 
 contain  h3'nins  and  directions  for  life  (Joseph. 
 c.  Apian.  \.  8).  Still  there  is  some  ambiguity  in 
 this  enumeration,  for  in  order  to  make  up  the 
 numbers  it  is  necessary  either  to  rank  Job  among 
 the  prophets,  or  to  exclude  one  book,  and  in  that 
 ciise  probably  I'/Cclesiastes,  from  the  Hagiographa; 
 'J'lie  former  ylteniative  is  the  more  probable,  for  it 
 is  worthy  of  special  notice  that  Josephus  regards 
 primarily  the  historic  character  of  the  prophets. 
 The  popular  belief  that  the  Sadducees  received  only 
 the  books  of  Moses  rests  on  no  sufficient  authority. 
 The  casual  quotations  of  Josephus  agree  with  his 
 express  Canon.  The  writings  of  the  N.  T.  com- 
 pletely confirm  the  testimony  of  Josephus.  Coin- 
 cidences of  language  show  that  the  Apostles  were 
 familiar  with  several  of  the  Apocryphal  books;  but 
 they  do  not  contain  one  authoritative  or  direct 
 quotation  from  them,  while,  with  the  exception  of 
 Judges,  Eccl.,  Cant.,  Esther,  Ezra,  and  Nehemiah, 
 every  other  book  in  the  Hebrew  Canon  is  used 
 either  for  illustration  or  proof.  Several  of  the  early 
 fathers  describe  the  contents  of  the  Hebrew  Canon 
 in  terms  which  generally  agree  with  the  results 
 already  obtained.  Melito  of  Sardis  (c.  179  a.d.) 
 in  a  journey  to  the  East  made  the  question  of  the 
 exact  number  and  order  of  "  the  books  of  the  Old 
 Testament  "  a  subject  of  special  inquiry.  He  gives 
 the  lesult  in  the  following  form  :  the  books  are, 
 5  Moses  .  .  .  Josh.,  Judg.,  Ruth,- 4  K.,  2  Chr.,  Ps., 
 Prov.,  Eccl.,  Cant.,  Job,  Is.,  Jer.,  xii.  Proph.,  Dan., 
 Ez.,  Esdr.  Origen,  in  enumerating  the  22  books 
 "  which  the  Hebrews  hand  down  as  included  in  the 
 Testament,"  omits  the  book  of  the  12  minor  pro- 
 phets, and  adds  "  the  letter"  to  the  book  of  Jere- 
 miah and  Lamentations.  The  statement  of  JiCROME 
 is  clear  and  complete.  He  gives  the  contents  of 
 the  Law,  the  Prophets,  and  the  Hagiographa,  in 
 exact  accordance  with  the  Hebrew  authorities, 
 placing  Daniel  in  the  last  class ;  and  adding  that 
 whatever  is  without  the  number  of  these  must  be 
 placed  among  the  Apocrypha.  The  statement  of 
 the  Talmud  is  in  many  respects  so  remarkable  that 
 it  must  be  transcribed  entire.  "  But  who  wrote 
 [the  books  of  the  Bible]  ?  IMoses  wrote  his  own 
 took,  ?  the  Pentateuch,  the  section  about  Balaam, 
 and  Job.  Joshua  wrote  his  own  book  and  the  eight 
 [last]  verses  of  the  Pentateuch.  Samuel  wrote  his 
 own  book,  the  book  of  Judges,  and  Kuth.  David 
 wrote  the  book  of  Psalms  [of  which  however  some 
 were  composed]  by  the  ten  venerable  elders,  Adam, 
 the  first  man,  Melchizedek,  Abraham,  Moses,  He- 
 man,  Jeduthun,  Asaph,  and  the  three  sons  of  Korah. 
 Jeremiah  wrote  his  own  book,  the  books  of  Kings 
 ivud   Lamentations.      Hezekiah  and  his  friends  re-  I 
 
 CANON 
 
 133 
 
 duced  to  writing  the  books  contained  in  the  Me- 
 morial  word  laMSHaK,  i.  e.  Isaiah,  Pjoveib.s,  Can- 
 ticles, Ecclesiastes.     The  men  of  the  Great  Syna- 
 gogue reduced  to   writing  the  books  contained  in 
 •  the   memorial    word    KaNDaG,    i.  e.   Ezekiel,    the 
 1 2  lesser  prophets,  Daniel,  and  Esther.    Ezra  wrote 
 his  own  book,  and  brought  down  the  genealogies 
 of  the  books  of  Chronicles  to  his  own  times. 
 Who  brought  the  remainder  of  the  books  [of  "Chro- 
 nicles] to  a  close?     Nehemiah  the  son  of  Hacha- 
 lijah."     In    -spite    of  the   comparatively  late  date 
 (c.  A.D.  500)  from  which  this  tradition  is  derived, 
 it  is  evidently  in  essence  the  earliest  description  of 
 the  work  of  Ezra  and  the  Great  Synagogue  which 
 Ims  been  preserved.     The  details  must  be  tested  by 
 other  evidence,  but  the  general   description  of  tlie 
 growth  of  the  Jewish  Canon  bears  every  marie  of 
 probability.     The  later   Jewish   Catalogues  throw 
 little  light  upon  the  Canon.    They  generally  reckon 
 twenty-two  books,  equal  in  numljer  to  the  letters 
 of  the  Hebrew  alphabet,  five  of  the  Law,  eifjlit  of 
 the  Prophets  (Josh.,  Judg.  and   Kuth,  1,  2  Sam., 
 1,  2  K.,  Is.,  Jer.  and  Lam.,  Ez.,  12  Proph.),  and 
 nine  of  the  Hagiographa.     The  last  number  was 
 more  commonly  increased  to  eleven  by  the  distinct 
 enumeration  of  the  books  of  Ruth  and  Lamentations 
 ("  the  24  Books").     In  Hebrew  MSS.,  and  in  the 
 early  editions  of  the  0.  T.,  the  arrangement  of  the 
 later  books  offers  great  variations,  but  they  gene- 
 rally agree  in  reclioning  all  separately  except  the 
 books  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah.     So  far  then  it  has 
 been  shown  that  the  Hebrew  Canon  was  uniform 
 and  coincident  with  our  own ;  but  while  the  Pales- 
 tinian Jews  combined  to  preserve  the  strict  limits 
 of  the  old  prophetic  writings,  the  Alexandrine  .Tews 
 allowed  themselves  greater  fi-eedom.     But  so  far  as 
 an  authoritative  Canon  existed  in  Egypt,  it  is  pro- 
 bable that  it  was  the  same  as  that  of  Palestine,  and 
 that  at  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era  the  Jews 
 had  only  one  Canon  of  the  sacred  writings,  and  that 
 this  Canon  was  recognised,  as  tar  as  can  be  deter- 
 mined, by  our  Lord  and  His  apostles.— III.    The 
 Histurj  of  the  Christian  Canon  of  the  Old  Testa- 
 ment.— The  history  of  the  Old  Testament  Canon 
 among  Christian  writers  exhibits  the  natural  issue 
 of  the  currency  of  the    LXX.,  enlarged  as  it  had 
 been  by  apocryphal  additions.      In  propoition  as 
 the  Fathers  were  more  or  less  absolutely  dependent 
 on  that  version    for  their   knowledge  of  the  Old 
 Testament  Scriptures,  they  gradually  lost  in  com- 
 mon practice  the  sense  of  the  diiference  between  the 
 books  of  the  Hebrew  Canon  and  the  Apocrypha. 
 The  custom  of  individuals  grew  into  the  custom  of 
 the  Church  ;  but  the  custom  of  the  Church  was 
 not  fixed  in  an  absolute  judgment.     The  history  of 
 the  Christian  Canon  is  to  be  sought  in  the  lirst 
 instance  from  definite  catalogues,  and  not  fi-om  iso- 
 lated quotations.     But  even  this  evidence  is  incom- 
 plete and  unsatisfactory,  few  of  the  catalogues  being 
 really  independent,  as  will  be  seen  by  the  subjoined 
 table  (No.  I.).     They  evidently  fall  into  two  great 
 classes,  Hebrew  and  Latin ;  and  the  former,  again, 
 exhibits  three  distinct  varieties,  which  are  to  be 
 traced  to  the  three  original  sources  from  which  the 
 catalogues  were  derived.     The  first  may  be  called 
 the   pure    Hebrew    Canon,   which    is   that   of  the 
 Church  of  England.     The  second  diflers  from  this 
 by  the  omission  of  the  book  of  Esther.     The  third 
 differs  by  the  addition  of  Baruch,  or  ''  the  Letter." 
 During  the  four  first  centuries  this  Hebrew  Canon 
 is  the  only  one  which  is  distinctly  recognised,  and 
 
1:54  CANON 
 
 it  IS  snpjwrtoJ  Ijy  tho  cmnl)iiic<l  authority  of  those 
 rathei-s  wlinsc  ciiticil  juil'^inciit  is  entitled  to  the 
 ijieatest  weisiht.  The  iftil  ilivertreiice  a.s  to  the 
 contents  of  the  Old  Testament  Canon  is  to  be  tmceJ 
 to  Al'GL'STINK,  whose  wavering  and  uncertain  lan-» 
 i;uai;e  on  the  point  funii>hes  almiuhint  materials  tor 
 controversy.  In  a  famous  passaije  (/^■  Doctr.  Christ. 
 ii.  8  (13)  ;  ho  enumerates  the  books  which  are  con- 
 tained in  "  the  whole  Canon  of  Scripture,"  and 
 includes  among  them  the  apocryphal  books  without 
 any  clear  mark  of  distinction.  This  woneral  state- 
 ment is  further  confirmed  by  two  other  passages, 
 in  which  it  is  argued  that  he  dniws  a  distinction 
 between  the  Jewish  and  Christian  Canons,  and  refers 
 the  authority  of  the  A|)ociyplial  books  to  the  judg- 
 ment of  the  Christian  Church.  But  in  each  ca.se  a 
 distinction  is  drawn  between  the  "  Ecclesiastical " 
 and  properly  "  Canonical "  books.  The  enlarged 
 Canon  of  Augustine,  which  was,  as  it  will  be  seen, 
 wholly  unsupported  by  any  Greek  authority,  was 
 adopted  at  the  COUNCIL  OF  Cauthage  (a.D. 
 o97  ?),  though  with  a  reservation,  and  afterwaixls 
 published  in  the  decretals  which  bear  the  name  of 
 Innocknt,  Damasus,  and  Gklasius  ;  and  it  recurs 
 in  many  later  writers.  But  nevertheless  a  con- 
 tinuous succession  of  the  more  learned  Fathei's  in 
 the  West  niaintaiiie<l  the  distinctive  authority  of  the 
 Hebrew  Canon  up  to  the  jjcriod  of  the  Kefbmiation. 
 —Up  to  the  date  of  the  Council  oii-  Trent  the 
 l.'omanists  allow  that  the  question  of  the  Canon 
 was  open,  but  one  of  the  first  laboui-s  of  that 
 jissembly  was  to  circumscribe  a  free<Iom  which  the 
 growth  of  literature  seemed  to  render  perilous. 
 The  decree  of  the  Council  "  on  the  Canonical  Scrip- 
 
 CANON 
 
 turcs"  pronounce<l  the  eiilapjcd  Canon,  inclildin* 
 the  np<H-iy])hal  hooks,  to  be  desen'ing  in  all  it* 
 paits  of  "  equal  veneration,"  and  .ailded  a  list  of 
 books  "  to  prevent  the  possibility  of  doubt."  This 
 hasty  and  peremptory  decree,  unlike  in  its  fonn  to 
 ajiy  catalogue  Ijelbre  published,  was  closed  by  a 
 solemn  anathema  against  all  wlio  should  "  not 
 receive  the  entire  books  with  all  their  parts  as 
 sacretl  and  canonical."  This  decree  was  not,  how- 
 ever, p.issed  witliout  opposition  ;  and  in  spite  of  the 
 absolute  tei-ms  in  which  it  is  expressed,  later  K'o- 
 manists  have  sought  to  find  a  method  of  escaping 
 from  the  definite  equalization  of  the  two  cla.sses  of 
 sacred  writings  by  a  force<l  intei])retation  of  the 
 subsidiary  clauses.— The  refoniied  churches  unani- 
 mously agreed  in  confirming  the  Hebrew  Canon 
 of  .Jerome,  and  refused  to  allow  any  dogmatic  au- 
 thority to  the  apocryphal  books ;  but  the  form  in 
 which  this  judgment  was  expressed  varied  con- 
 siderably in  the  dift'erent  confessions.  The  English 
 Church  (Art.  G)  appeals  directly  to  the  opinion  of 
 St.  tierome,  and  concedes  to  the  Apocryphal  books 
 (including  [1571]  4  Esdras  and  The  Prayer  of  Ma- 
 nassesj  a  use  "  for  example  of  life  and  instruction  of 
 mannei's,"  but  not  tor  the  establishment  of  doctrine. 
 —The  expressed  opinion  of  the  later  Greek  Church 
 on  the  Canon  of  Scripture  has  been  modified  in 
 some  cases  by  the  circumstances  under  which  the 
 declaration  was  made.  The  authoiised  Kussian 
 Catechism  distinctly  quotes  and  defends  the  Hebrew 
 Canon  on  the  authority  of  the  Greek  Fathers,  and 
 repeats  the  judgment  of  Athanasius  on  the  useful- 
 ness ot'  the  Apocryphal  books  as  a  preparatory  study 
 in  the  Bible ;  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  but  that 
 
 No.  I.-CIIKISTIAN  CATALOGUES  OF  THE  BOOICS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 
 
 The  list  extends  only  to  such  l)ooks  as  are  disputed.  Of  the  signs,  *  indicates  that  the  book  Is  expressly  reckoned  at 
 Holy  Scripture :  f  that  it  Is  plaad  expressly  In  a  second  rank  :  ?  that  It  Is  mentioned  with  dnubt.  A  blank  marks 
 the  silence  of  the  author  as  to  the  book  in  question. 
 
 *! 
 
 i 
 
 ■5 
 
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 J 
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 3 
 
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 K 
 
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 i.  0OXCIUA«C.\TAUX;UB8: 
 
 rLao<llce"c3    . .    a-c.  363 
 Carlliapinian   . .      . .    397  (?) 
 
 • 
 
 t 
 
 • 
 
 Cone  l«ioil.  Can.  11  x. 
 
 • 
 
 • 
 
 • 
 
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 • 
 
 * 
 
 Cone. Ciirlliag.  III.  fan.xxxix.  (Alii  xlvii.) 
 
 Apostolic  Canons  . . 
 
 • 
 
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 •f 
 
 * 
 
 Can.  Aiwst.  Isxvi.    (.Vlii  Ixxxv.) 
 
 1  L    I'RIV ATE  CATAI/WUKS  ; 
 
 (o)  Greek  v  ritert. 
 
 Melilo      ..      ..     A.c.  c  160 
 
 Ap.  Eiiseb.  n.  E.  iv.  26. 
 
 Orlgen     . .     . .     c.  I  sn-'i.is 
 
 • 
 
 f 
 
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 Ap.  Eiisib.  //.  A",  vi.  u:.. 
 
 Alhannsliis     ..          296-.-<73 
 
 * 
 
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 t 
 
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 + 
 
 t 
 
 Kp.  Fist.  1.  767,  Ed.  Ben. 
 
 Cyril  ofjcrus.     ..    315-386 
 
 • 
 
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 • 
 
 Catech.  iv.  35. 
 
 Si/unjisls  .S".  ycriyt. 
 
 t 
 
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 Creilner,  Zur  Oetch.  d.  Kan.  127,  *c. 
 
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 Credner,  ibiVi.  117,  *c. 
 
 tiregory  of  Nnz.   ..  30ii-.t9l 
 
 Carm.  xii.  31.  Ed.  I'ar.  Is4n. 
 
 Amphlloctiius      . .     c.  :iHn 
 
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 Amplilloch.  Kii.  Oinibof.  p.  1.32. 
 
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 He  Jfevfuris,  p.  162,  h^l.  I'etnv. 
 
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 He  fidf.  orthntl.  Iv.  17. 
 
 Nlcrptionis  0«llist.    c.  1.130 
 
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 IliKly.  p.  64  S. 
 
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 MulUfaliciin,  Bill.  Coiflin.  p.  19:1.  4. 
 
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 CANON 
 
 the  current  of  Greek  opinion,  in  accordance  with 
 the  unanimous  agreement  of  the  ancient  Greek 
 Catalogues,  coincides  with  this  judgnu-nt.— Tlie 
 history  of  the  Syrian  Canon  of  the  O.  T.  is  involved 
 in  great  obscurity  iVom  the  scantiness  of  tlie  evi- 
 dence which  can  be  brought  to  bear  upon  it.  The 
 Pcshito  Version  was  made,  in  the  first  inst-mco, 
 directly  froin  the  Hebrew,  and  consequently  adhered 
 to  the  Hebrew  Canon ;  but  as  the  LXX,  was  used 
 afterwards  in  revising  the  vereion,  so  many  of  the 
 Apocryphal  books  were  tnuislated  from  the  Greek 
 at  an  early  period,  and  added  to  the  original  col- 
 lection. Yet  this  change  was  only  made  gradually. 
 ^The  Armenian  Canon,  as  far  as  it  can  be  ascer- 
 tiiined  from  editions,  follows  that  of  the  LXX.,  but 
 it  is  of  no  critical  authority ;  and  a  similar  remark 
 applies  to  the  Aethiopian  Canon. —IV.  The  histur;/ 
 of  the  Canon  uf  the  New  Testament. — The  history 
 of  the  Canon  of  the  N.  T.  presents  a  remarkable 
 analogy  to  that  of  the  Canon  of  the  O.  T.  The 
 chief  difference  lies  in  the  general  consent  with 
 which  all  the  Churches  of  the  West  have  joined  in 
 ratifying  one  Canon  of  the  N.  T.,  while  they  are 
 divideil  as  to  the  position  of  the  0.  T.  Apocrypha. 
 The  history  of  the  N.  T.  Canon  may  be  con- 
 veniently divided  into  three  periods.  The  first 
 extends  to  the  time  of  Hegesippus  (c.  A.D.  170), 
 ;uid  includes  the  era  of  the  separate  circulation  and 
 gradual  collection  of  the  Apostolic  writings.  The 
 second  is  closed  by  the  persecution  of  l)iocIetian 
 (a.D.  303),  and  marks  the  separation  of  the  sacred 
 wiitings  from  the  remaining  ecclesiastical  literature. 
 The  third  may  be  defined  by  the  third  Council  of 
 Carthage  (a.d.  397),  in  which  a  catalogue  of  the 
 books  of  Scripture  was  Ibrmally  ratified  by  coiiciliar 
 authority.— 1.  The  histori/  of  the  Canon  of  the 
 New  Testament  to  170  A.D. — The  writings  of  the 
 N.  T.  themselves  cont;iin  little  more  than  faint, 
 and  peihaps  unconscious,  intimations  of  the  position 
 which  they  were  destined  to  occupy.  The  mission 
 of  the  Apostles  was  essentially  one  of  preaching,  and 
 not  of  writing:  of  founding  a  present  Church,  and 
 not  of  legislating  for  a  future  one.  The  prevailing 
 method  of  int('rj)reting  the  0.  T.,  and  the  peculiar 
 position  which  the  first  Christians  occupied,  as 
 standing  upon  the  verge  of  "  the  coming  age," 
 seemed  to  preclude  the  necessity  and  even  the  u.se 
 of  a  "  New  Testament."  Yet  even  thus,  though 
 there  is  nothing  to  indicate  that  the  Apostles  re- 
 garded their  written  remains  as  likely  to  preserve  a 
 perfect  exhibition  of  the  sum  of  Christian  truth,  co- 
 oi-dinate  with  the  Law  and  the  Prophets,  they  claim 
 for  their  writings  a  public  use  (1  Thess.  v.  27; 
 Col.  iv.  IG;  Kev.  x.\ii.  18),  and  an  authoritative 
 power  (1  Tim.  iv.  1,  &c.;  2  Thess.  iii.  G  ;  Rev.  .\.\ii. 
 19j;  and,  at  the  time  when  2  I'eter  was  written, 
 which  on  any  supposition  is  an  e-xtreniely  early 
 writing,  the  Kpistles  of  St.  Paul  were  ))laced  in 
 Kignificant  cojuiexion  with  "  the  other  Scriptures." 
 —The  transition  from  the  Apostolic  to  the  sub- 
 Apostolic  age  is  essentially  abrupt  and  striking.  An 
 age  of  conservatism  succeeds  an  age  of  creation  ;  but 
 in  feeling  and  general  character  the  period  wiiich 
 followed  the  working  of  the  A]>ostles  seems  to 
 have  Ijcen  a  faithful  reflection  of  that  which  they 
 moulded.  The  writingsofthe  Ai-osrOMC  Katukks 
 (c.  70-120  A.Ii.)  are  all  occasional.  They  sprang 
 out  of  peculiar  circumstances,  and  oU'eri'il  little 
 800))e  for  qnotjition.  At  the  same  time  they  show 
 that  the  Canonical  Ixtoks  supply  an  adequate  ex]>la- 
 uation  of  the  belief  of  the  next  age,  and  mu.st  there- 
 
 CANON 
 
 fore  represent  completely  the  eai'lier  teachine  on 
 which  that  was  based.  In  three  places,  however, 
 in  which  it  was  natuial  to  look  for  a  more  distinct 
 reference,  Clement  (£'/».  47),  Ignatius  {ad  Eph.  12  i, 
 and  I'olycai-))  {Ep.  3)  refer  to  Apostolic  Epistles 
 written  to  those  whom  they  were  themselves  ad- 
 dres.sing.  The  casual  coincidences  of  the  xvritiugs 
 of  the  Apostolic  Fathers  with  the  language  of  the 
 Epistles  are  nuich  more  extensive.  With  the  ex- 
 ception of  the  Epistles  of  Jude,  2  Peter,  and 
 2,  3  John,  with  which  no  coincidences  occur,  and 
 1,  2  Thessalonians,  Colossians,  Titus,  and  Philemon, 
 with  which  the  coincidences  are  very  questionable, 
 all  the  other  Epistles  were  cleaily  known,  and  used 
 by  them  ;  but  still  they  ai-e  not  quoted  with  the 
 foiTnulas  which  preface  citations  from  the  0.  T., 
 nor  is  the  famous  phrase  of  Ignatius  {ad  I'hilad.  5) 
 sufficient  to  prove  the  existence  of  a  collection  of 
 Apostolic  records  as  distinct  from  the  sum  of 
 Apostolic  teaching.  The  coincidences  with  the 
 Gospels,  on  the  other  hand,  are  numerous  and 
 interesting,  but  such  as  cannot  be  reti»ried  to  the 
 exclusive  use  of  our  present  written  Gospels.  The 
 details  of  the  life  of  Christ  were  still  too  fiesh  to  l>e 
 sought  for  only  in  fi.xed  records  ;  and  even  wlieie 
 memory  was  less  active,  long  habit  interposed  a 
 bai-rier  to  the  lecognition  of  new  Scriptures.  The 
 sense  of  the  infinite  depth  and  paramount  authority 
 of  the  0.  T.  was  too  powerful  even  among  Gentile 
 converts  to  require  or  to  admit  of  the  immediate 
 addition  of  supplementary  books.  But  the  sense  of 
 the  peculiar  position  which  the  Apostles  occupied, 
 as  the  original  inspired  teachers  of  the  Christian 
 Church,  wa-s  already  making  itself  felt  in  the  sub- 
 Apostolic  ago.^The  next  period  (120-170  A.n.), 
 which  may  be  fitly  ternu'il  tlie  ago  cif  the  Apologists, 
 carries  the  history  of  the  formation  of  the  Canon 
 one  step  further.  The  facts  of  the  life  of  Christ 
 acquired  a  fresh  importance  in  controversy  with 
 Jew  and  Gentile.  The  oral  tradition,  which  still 
 remained  in  the  fomier  age,  was  dying  away,  and 
 a  variety  of  written  documents  claimeii  to  occupy 
 its  place.  Then  it  was  that  the  Canonical  Gospels 
 were  definitely  S(>])aiated  fiom  the  ma.ss  of  similar 
 narratives  in  virtue  of  their  outward  claims,  which 
 had  remained,  as  it  were,  in  abeyance  during  the 
 period  of  tiiidition.  Other  narratives  rem.iined  cur- 
 rent for  some  time,  but  where  the  question  of  au- 
 thority was  i-aised,  the  four  Gospels  were  ratilieil 
 by  universal  consent.  The  testimony  of  Justin 
 JIartvr  (t  c.  14G  A.D.)  is  in  this  respect  most 
 important.  An  impartial  examination  of  his  Evan- 
 gelic references  shows  that  they  were  derived  i-er- 
 tainly  in  the  main,  probably  exclusively,  from  our 
 Synoptic  Gospels,  and  that  each  Gospel  is  distinctly 
 recognised  by  him.  'fhe  references  of  Justin  to 
 St.  John  are  less  decided ;  and  of  the  other  books 
 of  the  N.  T.  he  mentions  the  Apocalypse  only  by 
 name  {Dial.  c.  81),  mid  ofl'eis  some  coincidences  of 
 language  with  the  Pauline  Epi^tles.^The  evidence 
 of  i'Ai'lAS  (c.  140-150  A.D.)  is  nearly  contempo- 
 rary with  that  of  Justin,  but  goes  back  to  a  still 
 earlier  generation.  It  seems  on  every  account  most 
 iea.M>nable  to  conclude  that  he  w.as  acquainted  with 
 our  present  Gospels  of  St.  Matthew  and  St.  Mark, 
 the  former  of  which  he  connectcil  with  an  earlier 
 Hi'brew  original;  and  jMobably  also  with  fhe  (;os|)el 
 of  St.  .lohn,  the  former  Epistles  of  St.  .loiin  and 
 St.  Peter,  and  the  A/iocali/psi'.  ^leanwliile  the 
 Apostolic  writings  were  taken  by  vaiious  mystical 
 teachei-s  as  the   foundation  of  strmig;  schemes  ui 
 
CANON 
 
 speculation,  whicli  are  popularly  confounded  to- 
 2;ether  under  the  general  title  of  Gnosticism,  whe- 
 ther (^lentile  oi-  Jewish  in  theii-  origin.  The  need 
 of  a  definite  Canon  must  have  made  itself  felt 
 luring  the  course  of  the  Gnostic  controversy.  The 
 ZJanon  of  Marcion  (c.  140  A.D.)  contained  both 
 a  Gospel  ("  The  Gospel  of  Christ")  which  was  a 
 mutilated  recension  of  St.  Luke,  and  an  "Apostle" 
 or  Apostolicon,  which  contained  ten  Epistles  of  St. 
 Paul — the  only  true  Apostle  in  Marcion's  judgment 
 — excluding  the  pastoral  Epistles,  and  that  to  the 
 Hebrews.  The  naiTOw  limits  of  this  Canon  were  a 
 necessary  consequence  of  Marcion's  belief  and  posi- 
 tion, but  it  oHers  a  clear  witness  to  the  fact  that 
 A])ostolic  writings  were  thus  early  regarded  as  a 
 complete  original  rule  of  doctrine.— The  close  of 
 this  period  of  the  history  of  the  N.  T.  Canon  is 
 marked  by  the  existence  of  two  impoi-tant  testi- 
 monies to  the  N.  T.  as  a  whole.  Hitherto  the 
 evidence  has  been  in  the  main  fragmentary  and 
 occasioaal ;  but  the  Muratorian  Canon  in  the 
 West,  and  the  Peshito  in  the  East,  deal  with  the 
 collection  of  Christian  Scriptures  as  such.  Up  to 
 tliis  point  2  Peter  is  the  only  book  of  the  N.  T. 
 which  is  not  recognised  as  an  Apostolic  and  au- 
 tlioritative  writing  ;  and  in  this  result  the  evidence 
 from  casual  quotations  coincides  exactly  with  the 
 enumeration  in  the  two  express  catalogues.— 2.  The 
 hisfori/  of  the  Canon  of  the  N.  T.  from  170  a.d. 
 to  303  A.D. — From  the  close  of  the  second  century 
 Christian  writers  take  the  foremost  place  intel- 
 lectually as  well  as  morally ;  and  the  powerful 
 influence  of  the  Alexandrine  Church  widened  the 
 range  of  Catholic  thought,  and  checked  the  spread 
 of  speculative  heresies.  From  the  first  the  common 
 elements  of  the  Roman  and  Syrian  Canons  form  a 
 Canon  of  acknowledged  books,  regarded  as  a  whole, 
 authoritative  and  inspired,  and  coordinate  with  the 
 O.  T.  Kach  of  these  points  is  proved  by  the  testi- 
 mony of  contemporary  Fathers  who  represent  the 
 Churches  of  Asia  Minor,  Ale.xandria,  and  North 
 Africa.  Irenaeus  speaks  of  the  Scriptures  as  a 
 whole,  without  distinction  of  the  Old  or  New  Tes- 
 fcunents,  as  "  perfect,  inasmuch  as  they  were  uttei-ed 
 by  the  Word  of  God  and  Plis  Spirit."  "  There 
 could  not  be,"  he  elsewhere  argues,  "  more  than 
 four  Gospels  or  fewer."  Clement  of  Alexandria, 
 again,  marks  "  the  Apostle"  as  a  collection  definite 
 as  "  the  Gospel,"  and  combines  them  as  "Scriptures 
 of  the  Lord"  with  the  Law  and  the  Prophets. 
 Tertullian  notices  particularly  the  introduction 
 of  the  word  Testament  for  the  earlier  word  Instru- 
 ment, as  applied  to  the  dispensation  and  the  record, 
 and  appeals  to  the  New  Testament,  as  made  up  of 
 the  "  Gospels"  and  "  Apostles."  This  comprehen- 
 sive testimony  extends  to  the  four  Gospels,  the  Acts, 
 1  Peter,  1  John,  13  Epistles  of  St.  Paul,  and  the 
 Apocalypse  ;  and,  with  the  exception  of  the  Apoca- 
 lypse, no  one  of  these  books  was  ever  afterwards 
 rejected  or  questioned  till  modern  times.  But  this 
 important  agieement  as  to  the  principal  contents  of 
 the  Canon  left  several  points  still  undecided.  The 
 East  and  West,  as  was  seen  in  the  last  section, 
 severally  I'eceived  some  books  which  were  not  uni- 
 versally accepted.  So  far  the  error  lay  in  defect; 
 but  in  other  cases  apocryphal  or  unapostolic  books 
 obtained  a  partial  sanction  or  a  popular  use  before 
 they  finally  passed  into  oblivion,  fienerally  it  may 
 be  said  that  of  the  "  disputed"  books  of  the  N.  T. 
 the  Apocalijpse  was  luiiversally  received,  with  the 
 ningle  exception  of  Dionysius  of  Alexandria,  by  all 
 
 CANON 
 
 137 
 
 the  writers  of  the  period ;  and  the  Epistle  to  the 
 Hebrews,  by  the  Churches  of  Alexandria,  Asia  (?), 
 and  Syria,  but  not  by  those  of  Africa  and  Rome. 
 The  Epistles  of  St.  James  and  St.  Jude,  on  the 
 other  hand,  were  little  used,  and  the  Secowl  Ep. 
 of  St.  Peter  was  barely  known.— .3.  The  history 
 of  the  N.  T.  Canon  from  a.d.  303-397. — The  per- 
 secution of  Diocletian  was  directed  in  a  great  mea- 
 sure against  the  Christian  wiitings.  'i'he  plan  of 
 the  emperor  was  in  part  successful.  Some  were 
 found  who  obtained  protection  by  the  surrender  of 
 the  sacred  books,  and  at  a  later  time  the  question 
 of  the  readmission  of  these  "  traitors  "  {traditores), 
 as  they  were  emphatically  called,  created  a  schism 
 in  the  Church.  The  Donatists,  who  maintained  the 
 sterner  judgment  on  their  crime,  may  be  regarded 
 as  maintaining  in  its  strictest  integrity  the  popular 
 judgment  in  Africa  on  the  contents  of  the  Canon  of 
 Scripture  which  was  the  occasion  of  the  dissension  • 
 and  Augustine  allows  that  they  held  in  common 
 with  the  Catholics  the  same  "  Canonical  Scrip- 
 tures," and  were  alike  "  bound  by  the  authority 
 of  both  Testaments."  The  complete  Canon  of  the 
 N.  T.,  as  commonly  received  at  present,  was  ratified 
 at  the  third  Council  op  Carthage  (a.d.  397), 
 and  from  that  time  was  accepted  throughout  the 
 Latin  Church,  though  occasional  doubts  as  to  the 
 Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  still  remained.  Meanwhile 
 the  Syrian  Churches,  faithful  to  the  consei'vative 
 spirit  of  the  East,  still  retained  the  Canon  of  the 
 Peshito.  CiiRYSOSTOM  (t407  A.D.),  Theodore 
 of  MOPSUESTIA  (t429  A.D.),  and  Theodoret, 
 who  represent  the  Church  of  Antioch,  furnish  no 
 evidence  in  support  of  the  Epistles  of  Jude,  2  Peter, 
 2,  3  John,  or  the  Apocalijpse.  Juniltus,  in  his 
 account  of  the  public  teaching  at  Nisibis,  places  the 
 Epistles  of  James,  Jude,  2,  3  John,  2  Peter  in  a 
 second  class,  and  mentions  the  doubts  which  existed 
 in  the  East  as  to  the  Apocalypse.  And  though 
 Ephrem  Syrus  was  acquainted  with  the  Apoca- 
 li/pse,  yet  his  genuine  Syrian  works  exhibit  no 
 habitual  use  of  the  books  which  were  not  contained 
 in  the  Syrian  Canon.— The  Churches  of  Asia  Minor 
 seem  to  have  occupied  a  mean  position  as  to  the 
 Canon  between  the  East  and  West.  With  the  ex- 
 ception of  the  Apocalypse,  they  received  generally 
 all  the  books  of  the  N.  T.  as  contained  in  the 
 African  Canon.  The  well-known  Festal  Letter  of 
 Athanasius  (1373  a.d.)  bears  witness  to  the 
 Alexandrine  Canon.  This  contains  a  clear  and 
 positive  list  of  the  books  of  the  N.  T.  as  they  are 
 received  at  present ;  and  the  judgment  of  Athanasius 
 is  contii-med  by  the  practice  of  his  successor  Cyril. 
 ^One  important  Catalogue  yet  lemains  to  be  men- 
 tioned. After  noticing  in  separate  places  the  origin 
 and  use  of  the  Gospels  and  Epistles,  EuSEBius 
 sums  up  in  a  famous  passage  the  results  of  his 
 inquiry  into  the  evidence  on  the  Apostolic  books 
 furnished  by  the  writings  of  the  three  first  cen- 
 turies {H.  E.  iii.  25).  In  the  first  class  of  acknow- 
 ledged books  he  places  the  four  Gospels,  the  Epistles 
 of  St.  Paul  (i.  e.  fourteen),  1  John,  1  Peter,  and, 
 in  case  its  authenticity  is  admitted  (such  seems  to 
 be  his  meaning),  the  Apocalypse.  The  second  class 
 of  disputed  books  he  subdivides  into  two  parts,  the 
 first  consisting  of  such  as  were  generally  known  and 
 recognised,  including  the  Epistles  of  James,  Jude, 
 2  Peter,  2,  3  John  ;  and  the  second  of  those  which 
 he  pronounces  spurious,  that  is,  which  were  either 
 unauthentic  or  unapostolic,  as  the  Acts  of  Paul,  the 
 Shepherd,  the  Apocalypse  of  Peter,  the  Apocalypse 
 
13K 
 
 CANOPY 
 
 of  John  (if  not  a  work  of  the  A])ostlfi),  and  accord- 
 ing to  some  the  Gospel  acconlint;  to  tlie  Hebrews. 
 These  two  great  cl;isses  contain  all  the  books  which 
 had  received  ecclesiastical  sanction,  and  were  in 
 common  distinguished  from  a  third  class  of  here- 
 tical forijeries  (<?.  tj.  the  Gospels  of  Thomas,  Peter, 
 Mathias,  &c.).— At  the  era  of  the  Itcformation  the 
 question  of  the  N.  T.  Canon  became  agjiin  a  subject 
 of  great  though  partial  interest.  The  hasty  decree 
 of  the  Council  of  Trent,  which  atllrmed  the  au- 
 thority of  all  the  books  commonly  received,  called 
 out  tire  0])positiou  of  controversialists,  who  quoted 
 and  enforced  the  early  doubts.  Krasml'S  denied 
 the  Apostolic  origin  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews, 
 2  Peter,  and  the  Apoimli/pse,  but  left  their  ax- 
 nonical  authority  uuquestioneil.  Ll'TUEU,  on  the 
 other  hand,  created  a  purely  subjective  standard  for 
 the  canonicity  of  the  Scriptures,  and  while  he  placed 
 the  Gospel  and  first  Epistle  of  St.  .lohn,  the  Kpistles 
 of  St.  Paul  to  the  Komans,  GaLitiaiis,  Ej)hesians, 
 and  the  first  Epistle  of  St.  Peter,  in  the  first  ranlv 
 ;is  containing  the  "  kei-nel  of  Ciuistianity,"  he  set 
 aside  tl;e  Kpistle  to  the  Hebrews,  St.  Jude,  St. 
 James,  and  the  Apocah/pse,  at  the  end  of  his  ver- 
 sion, and  spoke  of  them  and  the  remaining  Anti- 
 iegoniena  with  varying  degi-ees  of  disrespect,  though 
 he  did  not  separate  2  I'eter  and  2,  3  John  from 
 the  other  Epistles.  The  doubts  which  Luther  rested 
 mainly  on  internal  evidence  were  variously  extended 
 by  some  of  his  followers;  but  their  views  received 
 no  direct  sanction  in  any  of  the  Lutheran  symbolic 
 books.  The  doubts  as  to  the  Antilegomena  of  the 
 N.  T.  were  not  confined  to  the  Lutheitms.  Carl- 
 STADT  placed  the  Antilegomena  in  a  third  class. 
 Calvin,  while  he  denied  the  Pauline  authorship 
 of  tlie  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  and  at  least  ques- 
 tioned the  authenticity  of  2  Peter,  did  not  set  aside 
 their  canonicity,  and  he  notices  the  doubts  as  to 
 St.  James  and  St.  Jude  only  to  dismiss  them.^ 
 The  language  of  the  Articles  of  the  Church  of  Eng- 
 land with  regard  to  the  N.  T.  is  remarkable.  In 
 the  Articles  of  1552  no  list  of  the  books  of  Scrip- 
 ture is  given ;  but  in  the  Elizabethan  Articles 
 (1562,  1571)  a  definition  of  Holy  Scripture  is 
 given  as  "  the  Canonical  books  of  the  OKI  and  New 
 Testament,  of  whose  authoriti/  was  never  any  doubt 
 in  the  Church"  (Art.  vi.).  This  definition  is  fol- 
 lowed by  an  enumeration  of  the  books  of  the  0.  T. 
 and  of  the  Apocrypha;  and  then  it  is  said  sum- 
 marily, without  a  detailed  ciitalogiie,  '•  all  the  books 
 of  the  N.  T.,  as  they  are  commonly  received,  we  do 
 receive  and  account  them  for  Canonical."  A  dis- 
 tinction thus  remains  between  the  "  Canoniail  " 
 books,  and  such  "  Canonical  books  as  have  never 
 been  doubte<l  in  the  Church ;"  and  it  seoms  im- 
 possible to  avoid  the  conclusion  that  the  framei-s  of 
 the  Articles  intended  to  leave  a  fieedom  of  jurlgment 
 oil  a  point  on  which  the  greatest  of  the  continental 
 reformers,  and  even  of  Uomish  scholars,  were  di- 
 vide<l.— The  judgment  of  the  Greek  Churcli  in  the 
 ciise  of  the  0.  T.  was  seen  to  be  little  more  than  a 
 reflection  of  the  opinions  of  the  West.  The  con- 
 fession of  METRoi'iiANta  gives  a  complete  list  of 
 the  books.  At  present,  as  w:ls  already  the  case  at 
 the  close  of  the  17th  century,  the  Antilegomena  are 
 ••(•ckoned  by  the  Greek  Church  as  equal  in  Canonical 
 authority  in  all  respects  with  the  remaining  books. 
 Canopy  f.lnd.  x.  21,  xiii.  9,  xvi.  I'j).  Tlie 
 caiMipy  ot'  liolofernes  is  the  only  one  mentioned, 
 idthoiigh,  |M.'rhap-i,  from  the  "  pillars"  of  the  litter 
 ilcscribcJ  in  Cwit.  iii.  lU,  it  may  be  argued  that  its 
 
 CANTICLES 
 
 equipage  would  include  a  ciuiopy.  It  probably 
 retaiiietl  the  mosquito  nets  or  curtains  in  which  the 
 name  originated,  although  its  description  (Jud.  x. 
 21)  betrays  luxury  and  display  rather  than  such 
 sim|)Ie  usefulness. 
 
 Canticles,  Sonrj  of  Soiujs,  i.  e.  the  most  beau- 
 tiful of  songs,  entitled  in  the  A.  V.  The  Song  OF 
 Solomon.— 1.  Author  and  date. — By  the  Hebrew 
 title  it  is  ascribed  to  Solomon  ;  and  so  in  all  the 
 versions,  and  by  the  majority  of  .Jewish  and  Chris- 
 tian writers,  ancient  and  modern.  In  fact,  if  we 
 except  a  few  of  the  Talinudiad  writers,  who  assigneil 
 it  to  the  age  of  Ilezekiah,  there  is  scarcely  a  dis- 
 sentient voice  down  to  the  close  of  the  last  century. 
 More  recent  criticism,  however,  has  called  in  ques- 
 tion this  dcep-rooteil,  and  well  accredited  tradition. 
 Among  English  scholars  Kennicott,  among  German 
 Eichhorn  and  Kosenmiiller,  regard  the  poem  as  be- 
 longing to  the  age  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah.  The 
 charge  of  Chaldaism  has  Ijeen  vigorously  pressed  by 
 Kosenmiiller,  and  especially  by  Eichhorn.  But  Ge- 
 senius  ;u<signs  tlie  book  to  the  golden  age  of  Hebrew 
 literature,  and  traces  "  the  few  solitary  Chaldaisms  " 
 which  occur  in  the  writings  of  that  age  to  the 
 hands  of  Chaldee  copyists.  He  has  moreover  sug- 
 gested an  import^uit  distinction  between  Chaldaisms, 
 and  dialectic  varieties  indigenous  to  N.  Palestine, 
 where  he  conjectures  that  Judges  and  Canticles  were 
 composed.  Nor  is  this  conjecture  inconsistent  with 
 the  opinion  which  places  it  among  the  "  one  thou- 
 sand :md  five"  songs  of  Solomon  (1  K.  iv.  32). 
 It  is  probable  that  Solomon  had  at  least  a  hunting- 
 seat  somewhere  on  the  slopes  of  Leb:uion  (comp. 
 Cant.  iv.  9),  and  in  such  a  retreat,  and  under  the 
 influence  of  its  scenery,  and  the  language  of  the  sur- 
 rounding peas;uitry,  he  may  have  written  Canticles. 
 On  the  whole  it  seems  unnccess;iry  to  depart  from 
 the  plain  meaning  of  the  Hebrew  title.  Supposing 
 the  date  fixed  to  the  reign  of  Solomon,  there  is 
 great  difliculty  in  determining  at  what  period  of 
 that  monarch's  lile  the  poem  was  written.— 
 II.  Form. — This  question  is  not  determined  by  the 
 Hebrew  title.  The  non-continuity  which  many 
 critics  attribute  to  the  poem  is  tiir  from  being  a 
 modern  discovery.  Ghislerius  (ICth  cent.)  consi- 
 dered it  a  drama  in  five  acts.  Down  to  the  18th 
 cent.,  however,  the  Canticles  were  generally  regarded 
 as  continuous.  Gregory  of  Naziaiizus  calls  it  "  a 
 bridal  drama  and  song."  According  to  Patrick,  it 
 is  a  "  Pastoral  Eclogue,"  or  a  "  Dramatic  poem;" 
 according  to  Lowth,  "  an  epithalaniium  of  a  pastoral 
 kind."  Jlichaelis  and  Kosenmiiller,  while  dillering 
 as  to  its  interpretation,  agree  in  making  it  conti- 
 nuous. Bossuet  divided  the  Song  into  7  parts, 
 or  scenes  of  a  pastoral  drama,  corresponding  with 
 the  7  days  of  the  Jewish  nuptial  ceremony.  His 
 division  is  impugned  by  Taylor  {Fraijm.  Calmet), 
 who  propKises  one  of  (i  days ;  and  considers  the 
 drama  to  be  post-nuptiid,  not  ante-nuptial,  as  it  is 
 explained  by  Bossuet.  The  entire  nuptial  theoif 
 has  been  .severely  handled  by  J.  D.  Micliaelis,  and 
 the  literal  school  of  interpreters  in  general.  Lowth 
 makes  it  a  drama,  but  only  of  the  viinor  kind,  i.  «. 
 dramatic  as  a  dialogue  ;  and  theretbre  not  more  dra- 
 matic than  an  Idyll  of  Theocritus,  or  a  Satire  of 
 Horace.  The  liict  is,  that  he  was  unable  to  dis- 
 cover a  ]ilot ;  and  evidently  meant  a  good  deal  more 
 l)y  the  term  "  pjustoral  "  than  by  the  term  "  drama." 
 Morouver,  it  seems  clear,  that  if  tiie  only  dramatic 
 element  in  (!ant.  be  the  dialogue,  the  rich  justoral 
 character  of  its  scenery,  luid  alius  oiis,  reuders  the 
 
CANTICLES 
 
 teiTTi  drama  less  applicable  than  that  of  idyll. 
 The  idi/llic  form  seems  to  have  recommended  itself 
 to  the  allegorical  school  of  translators  as  getting  rid 
 of  that  ilramatic  unity  and  plot  which  their  system 
 of  interpretation  reduced  to  a  succession  of  events 
 without  any  culminating  issue.  But  the  majority 
 of  recent  translators  belonging  to  the  literal  school 
 have  adopted  the  theory  of  Jacobi,  since  developed 
 by  Umbreit,  Ewald,  Meier,  &c.  Based  as  this  theory 
 is  upon  the  dramatic  evolution  of  a  simple  love- 
 story,  it  supplies  that  essential  movement  and  in- 
 terest, the  want  of  which  was  felt  by  Lowth  ;  and 
 justifies  the  application  of  the  term  drama,  to  a 
 composition  of  which  it  manifests  the  vital  principle 
 and  organic  structure.— III.  Meaning. — The  schools 
 of  interpretation  may  be  divided  into  three; — the 
 mystical,  or  typical ;  the  alleijorical ;  and  the 
 literal.— \.  The  mystical  interpretation  is  properly 
 an  otfshoot  of  the  allegorical,  and  probably  owes  its 
 origin  to  the  necessity  which  was  felt  of  supplying 
 a  literal  basis  for  the  speculations  of  the  allegorists. 
 This  basis  is  either  the  marriage  of  Solomon  with 
 Pharaoh's  daughter,  or  his  marriage  with  an  Israel- 
 itish  woman,  the  Shulamite.  The  mystical  inter- 
 pretation makes  its  first  appearance  in  Origen ,  who 
 wrote  a  voluminous  commentary  upon  the  Cant. 
 It  reappears  in  Abulpharagius  (1226-1286),  and 
 was  received  by  Grotius,  approved  of,  and  system- 
 atized by  Bossuet,  endorsed  by  Lowth,  and  used  for 
 the  purpose  of  translation  by  Percy  and  Williams. 
 —2.  Allegorical. — Notwithstanding  the  attempts 
 which  have  been  made  to  discover  the  principle  of 
 interpretation  in  the  LXX.  (Cant.  iv.  8) ;  Jesus 
 Sirachides  (xlvii.  14-17  ;  Wisd.  viii.  2)  ;  and  Joseph. 
 (c.  Apion.  i.  §  8) ;  it  is  impossible  to  trace  it  with 
 any  certainty  farther  back  than  the  Talmud.  Ac- 
 cording to  the  Talmud  the  beloved  is  taken  to  be 
 God,  the  loved  one,  or  bride,  is  the  congregation  of 
 Israel.  This  general  relation  is  expanded  into  more 
 particular  detail  by  the  Targum,  or  Chaldee  Para- 
 phrase, which  treats  the  Song  of  songs  as  an  alle- 
 gorical history  of  the  Jewish  people  from  the  Exodus 
 to  the  coming  of  the  Messiah,  and  the  building  of 
 the  third  temple.  Elaborate  as  it  was,  the  inter- 
 pretation of  the  Targum  was  still  further  deve- 
 loped by  the  mediaeval  Jews,  who  introduced  it  into 
 their  liturgical  services.  A  new  school  of  Jewish 
 exegesis  was  originated  by  Mendelssohn  (1729- 
 1786)  ;  which,  without  actually  denying  the  exist- 
 ence of  an  allegorical  meaning,  determined  to  keep 
 it  in  abeyance,  and  meanwhile  to  devote  itself  to 
 the  literal  intei-pretation.  In  the  Christian  Church, 
 the  Talmudical  intei-pretation,  imported  by  Origen, 
 was  all  but  universally  received.  It  was  called  in 
 question  by  Erasmus  and  Grotius,  and  was  gra- 
 dually superseded  by  the  typical  theory  of  Grotius, 
 Bossuet,  Lowth,  &c.  In  the  18th  century  the  alle- 
 gorical theory  was  reasserted,  and  reconstructed  by 
 Puffendorf  (1776),  and  the  reactionary  allegorists. 
 Some  of  the  more  remarkable  variations  of  the 
 allegorical  school  are: — (a.)  The  extension  of  the 
 Chaldee  allegoiy  to  the  Christian  Church.  (6.)  Lu- 
 ther's theory  limits  the  allegorical  meaning  to  the 
 contemporaneous  history  of  the  Jewish  people  under 
 Solomon,  (c.)  According  to  Ghislerius,  and  Com. 
 a  Lapide  the  Bride  is  the  Virgin  Mary,  {d.)  Puffen- 
 dorf refers  the  spiritual  sense  to  the  circumstances 
 of  our  Saviour's  death  and  burial.— 3.  The  Literal 
 interpretation  seems  to  have  been  connected  with 
 thj  general  movement  of  Theodore  Mopsuest.  (360- 
 429)  and  his  followers,  in  opposition  to  tlie  extra- 
 
 CAPERNAUM 
 
 139 
 
 vagances  of  the  early  Christian  allegorists.  Its 
 scheme  was  nuptial,  with  Pliaraoh's  daughter  as  the 
 bride.  The  nnptial  tneory  was  ailopted  by  Grotius 
 as  the  literal  basis  of  a  secondary  and  spiritual 
 interpretation  ;  and,  after  its  diamatical  develop- 
 ment by  Bossuet,  long  continued  to  be  the  standard 
 scheme  of  the  mystical  school.  In  1803  it  was 
 reconstructed  by  Good,  with  a  Jewish  instead  of  an 
 Egyptian  bride.  Michaelis  (1770)  regarded  the 
 Song  as  an  exponent  of  wedded  love,  innocent,  and 
 happy.  The  most  generally  received  interpretation 
 of  the  modern  literalists  is  that  which  was  origin- 
 ally proposed  by  Jacobi  (1771),  adopted  by  Herder, 
 Ammon,  Umbreit,  Ewald,  &c. ;  and  more  recently 
 by  Prof.  Meier  of  Tubingen  (1854),  and  in  England 
 by  Mr.  Ginsburg,  in  his  very  excellent  translatioa 
 (1857).  According  to  the  detailed  application  oi 
 this  view  as  given  by  Mr.  Ginsburg,  the  Song  is 
 intended  to  display  the  victory  of  humble  and  con- 
 stant love  over  the  temptations  of  wealth  and  royalty. 
 The  drama  is  divided  into  5  sections,  indicated  by 
 the  thrice  repeated  formula  of  adjuration  (ii.  7,  iii. 
 5,  viii.  4),  and  the  use  of  another  closing  sentence 
 (v.  1).  It  must  not  be  supposed,  however,  that 
 the  supporters  of  the  allegorical  interpretation  have 
 been  finally  driven  from  the  field.  Even  in  Ger- 
 many a  strong  band  of  reactionary  Allegorists  have 
 maintained  their  gi'ound.  On  the  whole,  their  ten- 
 dency is  to  return  to  the  Chaldee  Paraphrase  ;  a 
 tendency  which  is  specially  marked  in  Rosenmiiller. 
 The  allegorical  interpretation  has  been  defended  in 
 America  by  Professors  Stuart  and  Bunowes.  The 
 following  are  specimens  of  the  internal  arguments 
 adduced  by  them  : — (a.)  Particulars  not  applicable 
 to  Solomon  (v.  2)  :  (6.)  particulars  not  applicable 
 to  the  wife  of  Solomon  (i.  6,  8  ;  v.  7  ;  vii.  1,  cf.  i. 
 6) :  (c.)  Solomon  addressed  in  the  second  person 
 (viii.  12):  ((/.)  particulars  inconsistent  with  the 
 ordinary  conditions  of  decent  love  (v.  2) :  (e.)  date 
 20  years  after  Solomon's  marriage  with  Pharaoh's 
 daughter  (comp.  Cant.  vii.  4,  and  1  K.  vii.  2).  It 
 will  readily  be  observed  that  these  arguments  do 
 not  in  any  way  aifect  the  literal  theory  of  Jacobi. 
 For  external  arguments  the  allegorists  depend  prin- 
 cipally upon  Jewish  tradition,  and  the  analogy  of 
 Oriental  poetry.  The  strongest  argument  on  the 
 side  of  the  allegorists  is  the  matrimonial  metaphor 
 so  frequently  employed  in  the  Scriptures  to  describe 
 the  relation  between  Jehovah  and  Israel  (Ex.  xxsiv. 
 15,  16;  Num.  xv.  39;  Ps.  Ixxiii.  27;  Jer.  iii. 
 1-11  ;  Ez.  xvi.,  xxiii.,  &c.).— IV.  Canonicity. — The 
 book  was  rejected  from  the  Canon  by  Castellio  and 
 Whiston ;  but  in  no  case  has  its  rejection  been  de- 
 fended on  external  grounds.  It  is  found  in  the  LXX. 
 and  in  the  translations  of  Aquila,  Symmachus,  and 
 Theodotion.  It  is  contained  in  the  catalogue  given 
 in  the  Talmud,  and  in  the  catalogue  of  Melitc ;  and 
 in  short  we  have  the  same  evidence  for  its  canonicity 
 as  that  which  is  commonly  adduced  for  the  ca- 
 nonicity of  any  book  of  the  0.  T. 
 
 Caper'nanm,  a  name  with  which  all  are  familiar 
 as  that  of  a  scene  of  many  acts  and  incidents  in  the 
 life  of  Christ.  There  is  no  mention  of  Capernaum 
 in  the  0.  T.  or  Apociypha,  but  the  passage  Is.  ix.  1 
 (in  Hebrew,  viii.  23)  is  applied  to  it  by  St.  Mat- 
 thew. The  few  notices  of  its  situation  in  the  N.  T. 
 are  not  sufficient  to  enable  us  to  determine  its  exact 
 position.  It  was  on  the  western  shore  of  the  Sea  of 
 Galilee  (Matt.  iv.  13;  comp.  John  vi.  24),  and,  it 
 recent  discoveries  are  to  be  trusted,  was  of  sufficient 
 importance  to  give  to  that  Sea,  in  whole  or  in  part 
 
140 
 
 CAPHAR 
 
 the  name  of  the  "  lake  of  CaperaauiTi ."     It  was  in 
 the  "  hmdof  Gennesaiet"  (Matt.  xiv.  34,  ccmpaied 
 with  John  vi.  17,  21,  24),  that  is,  the  rich,  busy 
 ]ilaiii  on  the  west  shoi-e  of  tlie  lake,  whii-h  we  know 
 from   the  descriptions  of  Josephus  and  from  other 
 sources  to  have  been  at  that  time  one  of  the  most 
 prosperous  and  crowded  districts  in  all  Palestine. 
 I'eins;  on  the  shore,  (,'apeniaum  was  lower  than  Na- 
 zareth and  Cana  of  Galilee,  fiom  which  the  road  to 
 it  w:ts  one  of  descent  (John  ii.  1'-*;  Luke  iv.  ;J1). 
 it  was  of  sullicient  size  to  be  always  callol  a  "  city" 
 (Matt.  \\.  1  ;  Mark  i.  o'i);  had  it^  own  synatjogue, 
 in  which  our  Lord  frequently  taught  (John  vi.  ,")9 ; 
 Mark  i.  21  ;  Luke  iv.  H3,  38) — a  synagogue  built 
 by  the  wnturion  of  the  detiichment  of  I  toman  soldiei's 
 which  appeai-s  to  have  been  quartered  in  the  place 
 (Luke  vii.  1,  comp.  8 ;  Matt.  viii.  8).     But  besides 
 the  gairison  there  was  also  a  customs  station,  where 
 the  dues  were  gathered  both  by  stationary  (Matt. 
 ix.  9  ;  Murk  ii.  14  ;   Luke  v.  27)  and  by  itinerant 
 (ALatt.  xvii.  24-)  officers.     The  only  interest  attach- 
 ing to  Capernaum  is  as  the  residence  of  our  Lord 
 and  his  Apostles,  the  scene  of  so  many  miracles  and 
 "  gracious  words."     At  Nazareth  He  was  "  brought 
 up,"  but  Capernaum  was  emphatically  His  "  own 
 city;"  it  was  when  He  returned  thither  that  He  is 
 said  to  have  been  "  at  home"  (^Mark  ii.  1).     Here 
 He  chose  the  Evangelist  Matthew  or  Levi  (JIatt. 
 ix.  9).     The  brothers  Simon  Peter  and  Andrew  be- 
 longed to  Capi'rnaum  (Mark  i.  29),  and  it  is  perhaps 
 allowable  to  imagine  that  it  was  on  the  sea- beach 
 that  they  heard  the  quiet  call  which  was  to  make 
 them  forsake  all  and  follow  Him  (Mark  i.  16,  17, 
 .  comp.  28).     It  was  here  that  Christ  worked  the 
 miracle  on  the  centurion's  servant  (Matt.  viii.  5; 
 Luke  vii.  1),  on  Simon's  wife's  mother  (Matt.  viii. 
 14;  Mark  i.  30;  Luke  iv.  38),  the  paralytic  (Matt. 
 ix.    1;   Mark  ii.    1;    Luke  v.   18),   and    the   m;ui 
 alilicted  with  an  unclean  devil  (Ahuk  i.  32  ;  Luke 
 iv.  33).     At  Capeniaum  occurred  the  incident  of 
 the  child  (Mark  ix.  33;  Matt,  xviii.  1  ;  comp.  xvii. 
 24) ;  and  in  the  synago;.'ue   there  was  spoken  the 
 wondert'ul    discourse   of  John   vi.   (see  verse  59). 
 The  doom  which  our  Lord  iironounced  against  Ca- 
 pernainn  and  the  other  unbelieving  cities  of  the 
 plaiTi  of  Gennesareth  has  been  remarkably  fulfilled. 
 The  spjts  which  lay  claim  to  its  site  are  1.  K/uin 
 Minijch,  a  mound  of  ruins  which  takes  its  name 
 from  an  old  khan  iiai<l  by.     This  mound  is  situated 
 close  ujwn  the  sea-shore  at  the  north-western  ex- 
 tremity of  the  i)lain  (now  HI  Ghnucir).     2.  Three 
 miles  north  of  Khan  MiwjeU  is  the  other  claimant. 
 Tell  Hum, — ruins  of  walls  and  foundations  covering 
 a  .>pace  of  "  half  a  mile  long  by  a  quarter  wide," 
 on  a  i)oint  of  the  shore  projecting  into  the  lake  and 
 Ixickecl    by  a  very   gently    rising   ground.      Klmn 
 Alin;iek,  Et-Tiihiijhnh,  and  Tell  Hum,  are  all,  with- 
 out doubt,  ancient  sites,  but  it  is  impo.-«ible  to  say 
 which  of  them  represents  Ca)wniaum,  which  Cho- 
 raziii,  or  whi(  h  liethsjiida. 
 
 Ca'phar,  one  of  the  luimeious  words  employed 
 in  tlie  liible  to  denote  a  village  or  collection  of 
 dwellings  smaller  than  a  city  ( /r).  Mr.  Stanley 
 proposes  to  render  it  by  "  hamlet."  In  names  of 
 places  it  occui-8  in  Ciii:i'1iai:-ha-Ammonai,  Ciik- 
 I'lilliAti,  Cai'IIAIi-salama.  To  US  its  chief  interest 
 arises  fioin  its  forming  a  pait  of  the  name  of  Ca- 
 IM.IlNAl  M.  r. '•.  < 'iipharnahuin. 
 
 Ca'phar-sal  ama,  a  ]ila('e  at  which  a  battle  was 
 bought  between  JudaH  Alaccnlaeus  and  Nicanor  (1 
 Mao;,  vii.  31).     Kwald  jilaccs  it  nortli  of  l{amla  ou 
 
 CAPPADOCIA 
 
 the  Samantan  lM>undary,  but  no  certain  traces  of  it 
 seem  to  have  been  yet  foinid. 
 
 Caphen'atha,  a  place  apparently  close  to  an<l  on 
 file  e.ist  .--idc  (it'  Jerusalem,  which  was  repaiied  by 
 Jonathan  Maccabaeus  (1  Mace.  xii.  .57). 
 Caph'ira,  1  llsd.  v.  19.  [Ciiki'Hiiiah.] 
 Caph'tor;  Oaph'torim,  thrice  mentioned  as  the 
 primitive  seat  of  the  Pliilistines  (l)eut.  ii.  2:i:  Jcr. 
 xlvii.  4;  Am.  ix.  7),  who  are  once  called  Caph- 
 torims  (Deut.  ii.  231,  as  of  the  s;ime  ra(e  as  the 
 Miziiiite  people  of  that  name  (<ien.  x.  14  ;  "  Ca)>h- 
 thorim,"  1  Chr.  i.  12).  The  position  of  the  couutiy, 
 since  it  was  peopled  by  Mizraites,  mu.st  be  supjwsed 
 to  be  in  Kgvpt  or  near  to  it  in  Africa,  for  the  idea 
 of  the  south-west  of  Palestine  is  excluded  by  the 
 migration  of  the  Philistines.  Mr.  I!.  S.  Poole  has 
 jMoposed  to  recognise  C!aphtor  in  the  ancient  Kgyp- 
 tian  name  of  Coptos.  We  must  not  supp)se,  how- 
 ever, that  Caphtor  was  Coj)tos:  it  must  rather  be 
 compared  to  the  Coptite  nonie,  probabiy  in  prim- 
 itive ages  of  greater  extent  than  under  the  Pto- 
 lemies, for  the  number  of  noincs  was  in  the  course 
 of  time  greatlv  iucrea.sed.  The  Ca])htorim  st;uid 
 hist  in  the  list  of  the  Mizraite  ])i>oples  in  Gen.  and 
 Chr.,  piobably  as  dwellei-s  in  L'i)per  Kgypt,  the 
 names  next  before  them  being  of  Kgyptian,  and  the 
 earliest  names  of  I-ibyan  peoples.  The  migration 
 of  the  Philistines  is  mentionetl  or  alluded  to  in  all 
 the  passages  s]u'aking  of  Caphtor  or  the  Cai)htonm. 
 The  peiiod  of  the  migration  must  have  l)een  very 
 remote,  since  the  Philistines  were  idready  established 
 in  Palestine  in  Abraham's  time  (Gen.  xxi.  32,  34). 
 The  evidence  of  the  Egyptian  monimients,  which  is 
 indirect,  tends  to  the  same  conclusion,  but  t<ikes  us 
 vet  further  back  in  time.  We  find  from  the  sculp- 
 tures of  l\ameses  111.  at  Medeenet  Haboo,  that  the 
 Egyptians  about  1200  B.C.  were  at  war  with  the 
 Philistines,  the  Tok-karu,  and  the  Shayratana  of 
 the  Sea,  and  that  other  Shayiatana  served  them  as 
 mercenaries.  This  evidence  }>oints  therefore  to  the 
 spread  of  a  seafaring  race  cognate  to  the  Egyptians 
 at  a  very  remote  time.  It  is  probjible  that  the 
 Phili>fini's  Ictl  Caphtor  not  long  after  the  lii-st 
 arrival  of  the  Mizraite  tribes,  while  they  had  not 
 yet  attained  that  attachment  to  the  soil  that  after- 
 wards so  eminently  characterized  the  descendants 
 of  those  which  fonne<l  the  Egyptian  nation. 
 
 Cappado'cia.  This  ejuitern  district  of  Asia  Jlinor 
 is  intcrotiiig  in  reference  to  New  Testament  history 
 only  from  tlie  mention  of  its  Jewish  residents  among 
 the  hearei-s  of  St.  Peter's  first  sermon  (Acts  ii.  9), 
 and  its  Christian  rcsiJents  among  the  readers  of  St 
 Peter's  first  Epistle  (1  Pet.  i.  1,.  The  Jewish 
 community  in  this  region,  doubtless,  formed  the 
 nudcus  of  the  Christian  :  and  the  former  may  pro- 
 bably be  traced  to  the  fii-st  introduction  of  Jewisji 
 colonist-s  into  .•\sia  Minor  by  Seleucus.  The  range 
 of  Mount  Taurus  and  the  uj)|>er  coui-se  of  the  Eu- 
 phrates may  safely  be  mentioned,  in  genci-al  terms, 
 as  natund  boundaries  of  Cappadocia  on  the  south 
 and  east.  Its  geograjihicud  limits  on  the  west  and 
 north  were  variable.  In  eaily  times  the  name 
 reached  as  far  northwards  as  the  Euxine  Sea.  Cap- 
 jiadocia  is  an  elevated  table-land  intei-socted  by 
 inountain-chains.  It  seems  always  to  have  been 
 deficient  in  wood  ;  but  it  was  a  go<id  gniin  country, 
 and  particularly  famous  for  grazing.  Its  Komim 
 nietiopolis  was  Caesjirea.  The  native  Cap|-vidocian« 
 seem  originally  to  have  belongiil  to  the  Syrian 
 stock  :  .and  since  Ptolemy  j)lact>s  the  cities  of  Iconiunc 
 and  L)erbe  within  the  linuts  of"  this  regioii,  wc  inay 
 
CAPTAIN 
 
 possibly  obtain   from  this  circumstance  somn  light 
 on  "  the  speech  of  Lycaoiiia  "  (Acts  xiv.  11). 
 
 Captain.  (1.)  As  a  purely  military  title.  Cap- 
 tain answei's  to  sar  in  the  Hebrew  army,  and 
 Xi^iapXos  (tribiinus)  in  the  Roman.  The  "  cap- 
 tain of  the  guard"  in  Acts  xxviii.  16  was  probably 
 the  prift'fcctus  practorio.  (2.)  Kdtsin,  occasionally 
 lendeied  captain,  applies  sometimes  to  a  military 
 (Josh.  X.  24;  Judg.  xi.  6,  II  ;  Is.  xxii.  3;  Dan.  xi. 
 18),  sometimes  to  a  civil  command  {e.  g.  Is.  i.  10, 
 iii.  6).  (3.)  The  "  captain  of  the  temple  "  men- 
 tioned by  St.  Luke  (xxii.  4;  Acts  iv.  1,  v.  24) 
 superintended  the  guard  of  priests  and  Levites, 
 <vho  kept  vvatch  by  night  in  the  Temple.  The 
 office  appears  to  have  existed  from  an  early  date. 
 (4.)  The  term  rendered  "captain"  (Heb.  ii.  10), 
 f)as  no  reference  whatever  to  a  military  office. 
 
 Captivities  of  the  Jevs.    The  bondage  of  Israel 
 in  Egypt,  and  their  subjugjxtion  at  different  times 
 by  the  Philistines  and  other  nations,  are  sometimes 
 included  under  the  above  title  ;  and  the  Jews  them- 
 selves,   perhaps  with   reference   to   Daniel's    vision 
 (ch.  vii.),  reckon  their  national  captivities  as  four — 
 the  Babylonian,  Median,  Grecian,  and  Roman.    But 
 the  present  article  is  confined  to  the  forcible  deport- 
 ation of  the  Jews  from  their  native  land,  and  their 
 forcible  detention,  under  the  Assyrian  or  Babylonian 
 kings.     The  kingdom  of  Israel  was  invaded  by  three 
 or  four  successive  kings  of  Assyria.      Pul  or  Sarda- 
 napalus,  according  to  Rawlinson,  imposed  a  tribute 
 (B.C.  771  or  762  Rawl.)  upon  Menahem  (1  Chr.  v. 
 26,  and    2   K.   xv.   19).      Tiglath-Pileser   carried 
 away  (b.c.  740)  the  trans-Jordanic  tribes  (1  Chr. 
 v.  26)  and  the  inhabitants  of  Galilee  (2  K.  xv.  29, 
 compare  Is.  ix.  1)  to  Assyria.     Shalmaneser  twice 
 invaded  (2  K.  xvii.  3,  5)  the  kingdom  which  re- 
 mained to  Hoshea,  took  Samaria  (b.c.  721)  after  a 
 siege  of  three  years,  and  carried  Israel  away  into 
 Assyria.     Sennacherib  {B.C.  713)  is  stated  to  have 
 carried    into   Assyria  200,000   captives    from    the 
 Jewish  cities  which  he  took  (2  K.  .wiii.  13).    Nebu- 
 chadnezzar, in  the  first  half  of  his  reign  (B.C.  606- 
 562),  repeatedly  invaded  Judaea,  besieged  Jerusalem, 
 carried  away  the  inhabitants  to  Babylon,  and  de- 
 stroyed the  city  antl  Temple.     Two  distinct  depor- 
 tations are  mentioned  in  2  K.  xxiv.  14  (including 
 10,000  persons)  and  x.\v.  1 1.    One  in  2  Chr.  xxxvi. 
 20.      Three  in    Jer.    Iii.    28-30,   including   4600 
 peisons,  and  one  in  Dan.  i.  3.     'ITie  two  principal 
 deportations  were,  (1)  that  which  took  place  B.C. 
 .598,  when  Jehoiachin  with  all  the  nobles,  soldiers, 
 and   artificers   was   carried   away;    and    (2)    th.at 
 which  followed  the  destruction  of  the  Temple  and 
 the  capture  of  Zedekiah  B.C.  588.    The  three  which 
 Jeiemiah  mentions  may  have  been  the  contributions 
 of  a  particular  cla^s  or  district  to  the  general  cap- 
 tivity;  or  they  may   have  taken  place  under  the 
 orders  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  before  or  after  the  two 
 principal   depoi-tations.     The   captivity  of  certain 
 selected  children  B.C.   607,   mentioned  by  Daniel, 
 who  was  one  of  them,  may  have  occurred  when 
 Nebuchadnezzar  was  colleague  or  lieutenant  of  his 
 father  Nabopolassar,  a  year  before  he  reigned  alone. 
 The  70  years  of  captivity  predicted  by  Jeremiah 
 (xxv.  12)  are  dated  by  Prideaux  from  B.C.  606.    The 
 captivity  of  Ezekiel  dates  from  B.C.  598,  when  that 
 prophet,  like  Mordecai  the  uncle  of  Esther  (Esth. 
 ii.  6),  accompanied  Jehoiachin.     The  captives  were 
 treatetl  not  as  slaves  bat  as  colonists.     There  was 
 nothing  to  hinder  a  Jew  from  rising  to  the  highest 
 eminence  in  the  state  (Dan.  ii.  48),  or  holding  the 
 
 CARABASION 
 
 141 
 
 most  confidential  office  near  the  person  of  the  kin;' 
 (Neh.  i.  U  ;  Tob.  i.  13,  22).     The  .advice  of  Jeie" 
 miah  (xxix.  5,  &c.)  was  generally  followed.     The 
 exiles  increased  in  numbers  and  in  wealth.     They 
 observed  the  Mosaic  law  (Esth.  ii.  8  ;  Tob.  .xiv.  9). 
 They  kept  up  distinctions  of  i-ank  among  themselves 
 (Ez.  XX.  1).     Their  genealogical   tables  were  pre- 
 served, and  they  were  at  no  loss  to  tell  who  was  the 
 rightful  heir  to  David's  throne.     They  had  neither 
 place  nor  time  of  national  gathering,  no  Temple  • 
 and  they  offered  no  sacrifice.     But  the  right  of  cii-- 
 cumcision  and  their  laws  respecting  food,  &c.,  were 
 observed ;  their  priests  were  with  them  (Jer.  xxix. 
 1)  ;  and  possibly  the  practice  of  erecting  synagogues 
 in  every  city  (Acts  xv.  21)  was  begun  by  the  Jews 
 in  the  Babylonian  captivity.     The  captivity  is  not 
 without  contemporaneous  literature.     In  the  book 
 of  Tobit  we  have  a  picture  of  the  inner  life  of  a 
 family  of  the  tribe  of  Naphtali,  among  the  captives 
 whom  Shalmaneser  brought  to  Nineveh.     The  book 
 of  Baruch  seems,  in  Mr.  Layard's  opinion,  to  have 
 been    written    by   one  whose   eyes,   like    those  of 
 Ezekiel,  were  familiar  with  the  gigantic  forms  of 
 Assyrian  sculpture.     Several  of  the  Psalms  appear 
 to  express  the  sentiments  of  Jews  who  were  either 
 partakers  or  witnesses  of  the  Assyrian  captivity. 
 But  it  is  from  the  three  great  prophets,  Jeremiah, 
 Ezekiel,  and  Daniel,  that  we  learn  most  of  the  con- 
 dition of  the  children  of  the  captivity.     The  Baby- 
 lonian   capti\nty  was    brought  to  a  close  by  the 
 decree  (Ezr.  i.  2)  of  Cyrus  (b'^C.  536),  and  the  return 
 of  a  portion  of  the  nation  under  Sheshbazzar  or  Ze- 
 rubbabel  (J5.C.  535),  Ezra  (B.C.  458),  and  Nehemiah 
 (B.C.  445).     The  number  who  returned  upon  the 
 decree  of  B.C.  536  was  42,360,   besides  servants. 
 Among  tJiem  about  30,000  are  specified  (compare 
 Ezr.  ii.  and  Neh.  vii.)  as  belonging  to  the  tribes  of 
 Judah,  Benjamin,  and  Levi.     It  has  been  inferred 
 that  the  remaining  12,000  belonged  to  the  tribes  of 
 Israel  (compare  Ezr.  vi.  17).     Those  who  were  left 
 in  Assyria  (Esth.  viii.  9,    11),  and  kept  up  their 
 national  distinctions,  were  known  as  The  Dispersion 
 (John  vii.  35;  1  Pet.  i.  1;  James  i.   1):  and,  in 
 course   of  time,    they  served  a  great   purpose   in 
 diffusing  a  knowledge  of  the  true  God,  and  in  afford- 
 ing a  point  for  the   commencement  of  the  eflbrts 
 of  the  Evangelists  of  the  Christian  faitJi.     Many 
 attempts  have  been  made  to  discover  the  ten  tribes 
 existing  as  a  distinct   community.     Josephus  be- 
 lieved that  in  his  day  they  dwelt  in  large  multi- 
 tudes, somewhere  beyond  the  Euphrates,  in  Arsareth, 
 according  to  the  author  of  2  Esdr.  xiii.  45.     The 
 imagination  of  Christian  writers  has  sought  them 
 in  the  neighbourhood  of  their  last  recorded  habita- 
 tion.    But  though  history  bears  no  witness  of  their 
 present  distinct  existence,  it  enables  us  to  track  the 
 footsteps  of  the  departing  race  in  four  directions 
 after  the  time  of  the  Captivity.     (1.)  Some  returned 
 and  mixed  with  the  Jews  fLuke  ii.  36;  Phil.  iii. 
 5,  &c.).     (2.)  Some  were  left  in  Samaria,  mingled 
 with  the  Samaritans   (Ezr.  vi.  il ;  John  iv.  12), 
 and  became  bitter  enemies  of  the  Jews.    (3.)  Many 
 remained  in  Assyria,  and  w^ere  recognised  as  an  in- 
 tegral part  of  the  Dispersion  (see  Acts  ii.  9,  .xxvi.  7). 
 (4.)  Most,  probably,  apostatized  in  Assyria,  adopted 
 the  usages  and  idolatry  of  the  nations  among  whom 
 they  were  planted,  and  became  wholly  swallowed 
 up  in  them. 
 
 Caraba'sion,  a  corrupt  name  to  which  it  is  diffi- 
 cult to  find  anything  corresponding  in  the  Hebrew 
 te.xt  (1  Esdr.  iv.  34). 
 
142 
 
 CARBUNCLE 
 
 Carbuncle.  Tlio  i(|iii>seiit;itivp  in  tlio  A.  V.  of  the 
 Jlrluew  wouls  'c/ul'ic/i  .-mil  harkntk  or  bareheth. — 
 1.  'Ekdach  occui-s  only  in  Is.  liv.  12  in  the  iiesciii>- 
 tion  of  the  bt-aiities  of  tlie  new  Jerusalem.  I'ur- 
 linjis  the  term  may  be  a  i;oneral  one  to  denote  any 
 bviijht  sparldiruj  ijcin,  but  as  it  occurs  only  once, 
 it  is  impossible  to  tleteriuine  its  real  meaning.— 
 'J.  Burekath,  barchctli,  the  third  stone  in  the  Hi-st 
 row  of  the  s;(cerdot.\l  breastiilate  (Kk'.  xxviii.  17, 
 xxxix.  10),  also  one  of  the  mineial  trciisiires  of  the 
 kins;  of  Tyre  (Kz.  xxviii.  13).  Braun  supposes 
 with  much  jirobability  that  the  smara<;dus  or  eme- 
 rald is  the  ])recious  stone  signified.  This  view  is 
 suj)]K>rtpJ  by  the  LXX.,  the  Vulgate,  and  Josephus. 
 
 Car'cas,  the  .seventh  of  the  seven  "chamberlains" 
 (j.  c.  iMiinirlis)  of  king  Ahasuerus  (Ivsth.  i.lO). 
 
 Car'chamis,  1  Ksii.  i.  25.     [Carciii;mish.] 
 
 Car'chemish  is  not,  as  h.is  generally  been  sup- 
 posed, the  classical  Circesiuni.  It  lay  very  nnuii 
 liigher  up  the  lOuphrates,  occupying  nearly  the  site 
 of  the  later  M(ibii</,  or  Hierapolis.  It  seems  to 
 have  commanded  tiie  ordinary  jjassage  of  the  Ku- 
 phrates  at  Bir,  or  Bireh-jih,  and  thus  in  the  con- 
 tention!! between  l^gypt  and  Assyria  its  possession 
 was  of  primary  consequence  (comj).  2  Chr.  xxxv. 
 20,  with  Jer.  xlvi.  2j.  C'aichemish  apjiears  to 
 have  been  taken  by  Phai-aoh-Necho  shortly  alter 
 the  battle  of  Megiddo  (c.  li.C.  <io8),  and  retaken 
 bv  Nebuchathiezzar  after  a  battle  three  years  later, 
 \\.i\  (!(i5  (.ler.  xlvi.  2). 
 
 Care'ah,  liltlier  of  Johanan  (2  K.  xxv.  23),  else- 
 where iu  the  A.  V.  sjielt  K'AnEAii. 
 
 Ca'ria,  the  .southern  ]Kut  of  the  region  which  in 
 tlie  N.  T.  is  called  ASIA,  ami  the  soutli-western 
 part  of  the  peninsula  of  Asia  Minor.  In  the  Uoman 
 times  the  name  of  Caria  was  prob.-ibly  less  used 
 than  jneviously.  At  an  e;ulier  jieriod  we  fuid  it 
 mentioned  as  a  separate  district  (1  Mace.  xv.  23). 
 At  this  time  (li.C.  139j  it  was  in  the  enjoyment  of 
 the  privilege  of  frceilonij  granted  by  the  b'oniaiis. 
 A  little  before  it  had  been  a.ssigncd  by  them  to 
 Rhmles,  and  a  little  later  it  w.-is  incorporated  in  the 
 ])rovince  of  Asia. 
 
 Car'me,  1  Ksdr.  v.  25.     [Harim.] 
 
 Car'mel.  Neai-ly  always  with  the  definite  article, 
 "the  ]iark,"  or  "  the  well-wooded  place."  1.  (In 
 Kuifs,  generally  "  Mount  C,"  in  the  I'rophets, 
 "Carmel.")  A  mountiiln  which  forms  one  of  the 
 most  striking  and  characteristic  features  of  the 
 country  of  Palestine.  As  if  to  accentuate  more 
 distinctly  the  bay  which  fonns  the  one  indentation 
 in  the  coitst,  this  noble  ridge,  the  only  headland  of 
 lower  and  central  Palestine,  forms  its  southern 
 boundary,  running  out  with  a  bold  blufl"  promontory 
 .ill  but  into  the  veiy  waves  of  the  Meditenanean. 
 From  this  -jwint  it  .stretches  in  a  nearly  straight 
 line,  bejiring  about  S.S.E.,  for  a  little  more  than 
 twelve  miles,  when  it  terminates  suddenly  in  a 
 bluff  somewhat  corresi)onding  to  its  wi'stern  end, 
 Veaking  down  abruptly  into  the  hills  of  Jenin  and 
 Samaria,  which  form  at  that  ])art  the  central  mass 
 of  the  country.  Carmel  thus  stands  as  a  wall 
 lyetwefn  tb?  maritime  plain  of  Sh.iron  on  the  .south, 
 and  the  more  inland  exjiansc  of  Ksdraelon  on  the 
 north.  Its  structure  is  in  the  main  the  Jura  fonna- 
 tion  (upper  oolite),  which  is  ]irevalent  in  the  centre 
 of' Western  Palestine — a  soil  wliite  limestone,  with 
 nodules  and  veins  of  flint.  In  lium  Carmel  is  a 
 tolci'ably  continuous  ridge,  at  the  VV.  end  about 
 fiOO,  and  K.  about  1600  fci't  above  tlie  sea.  It  is 
 still  clothed  with  the  sjime  "  excellency"  of  "wood," 
 
 CARMEL 
 
 which  Bupplieil  the  pro]>hets  of  Israel  ami  Jud.nli 
 alike  with  one  of  their  most  tiivourite  illustiatiou.s 
 (Is.  xxxiii.  '.• ;  Mic.  vii.  14).  Modern  ti-avellers 
 delight  to  describe  its  "  rocky  dells  with  deep 
 jungles  of  cojise" — its  "  shrubljeri&s  thicker  than 
 any  others  in  centi-al  Palestine  "  (Stiuiley,  M.S.) — its 
 "  im|>eiietrable  brushwood  of  oaks  and  other  ever- 
 greens, tenanted  in  tlie  wilder  parts  by  a  ])rofusion 
 of  game  and  wild  animals  "  (Porter,  J/uiidh,),  but 
 in  other  places  bright  with  "  hollyhocks,  jasmine, 
 and  various  flowering  crce|)ers"  (Van  de  \'elde). 
 Caimel  fell  within  the  lot  of  the  trilie  of  A.sher 
 (Josh.  xix.  20),  which  was  extended  as  far  south  as 
 Dor,  probably  to  give  the  Asherites  a  share  of  the 
 rich  corn-growing  plain  of  .'sharoii.  The  king  of 
 "  Jokneam  of  Carmel"  was  one  of  the  Canaanite 
 chiefs  who  fell  before  the  arms  of  Joshua  fxH.  22). 
 These  are  the  earliest  notices  which  we  ])ossess  of 
 the  name.  There  is  not  in  them  a  hint  of  any 
 sjuictity  as  attaching  to  the  mount,  lint  there 
 seem  to  be  grounds  for  believing  that  from  very 
 early  times  it  was  considered  as  a  .sacrtsl  sjiot.  In 
 later  times  we  know  that  its  reputation  was  not 
 confined  to  Palestine.  But  that  which  has  made 
 the  name  of  Carmel  most  familiar  to  the  mtKlern 
 world  is  its  intimate  connexion  with  the  history  of 
 the  two  great  prophets  of  Israel — Klijah  and  Elisha. 
 Here  Elijah  brought  back  Isiael  to  allegiance  to 
 .Jehovah,  and  slew  the  jirophets  of  the  foieign  and 
 false  god  ;  here  at  his  entre.ity  were  consumed  the 
 successive  "  fifties"  of  the  royiil  guard;  but  here, 
 on  the  other  hand,  Elisha  received  the  visit  of  the 
 bereaved  mother  whose  son  he  was  soon  to  restore 
 to  her  arms  (2  K.  iv.  25,  &c.).  The  first  of  these 
 three  events,  without  doubt,  took  jilace  at  the 
 eastern  end  of  the  i  idge,  commanding  the  last  view 
 of  the  sea  behind,  and  the  fii-st  view  of  the  giciit 
 plain  in  front.  Of  this  site  an  admirable  description 
 is  given  by  Piof.  Stanley  (S.  4'  J'-  PP-  353-351)). 
 There  is  good  rejLson  to  believe  that  a  later  incident 
 in  the  lilii  of  the  same  great  prophet  took  jilace  on 
 Carmel.  This  w:is  when  he  "  caused  fire  to  come 
 down  from  heaven"  and  consume  the  two  "titlies" 
 of  the  guard  which  Ahaziah  had  despatched  to  fake 
 him  prisoner,  for  having  stop])ed  his  messengers  to 
 Biudzebub  the  god  of  Ekron  (2  K.  i.  9-15).  The 
 tiadition  in  the  present  convent  is,  that  Elijah  and 
 Elisha  both  rosideil  on  the  mountain,  and  a  cave  is 
 actually  shown  under  the  high-altiU'  of  the  church 
 as  that  of  Elijah.  After  the  ascent  of  Elijah, 
 Elisha  went  to  Mount  C.irmel  (2  K.  ii.  25),  though 
 only  for  a  time;  but  he  was  again  there  at  the 
 Shunammite's  \nsit  (iv.  25),  .and  that  at  a  time  when 
 no  festival,  no  "new  moon  or  .sjibbiith  "  (v.  23), 
 required  his  ])re.seiice.  This  is  the  last  mention  of 
 Carmel  iis  thesi«iie  of  any  event  in  the  sjicred  hi.story. 
 Carmel  has  derived  its  modern  name  from  the  great 
 ])i-oi)li('t ;  Mar  Eltj<is  is  the  common  ilesignatioii. 
 Kitrmcl  being  occasionally,  but  only  seldom,  heard. 
 —2.  A  town  in  the  mountiinous  country  of  Judah 
 (Josh.  XV.  55),  familiar  to  us  as  the  residence  of 
 Nalal  (1  Sam.  xxv.  2,  5,  7,  40),  and  the  native 
 jilace  of  Ihivid's  favourite  wife,  "  Abigail  the  Car- 
 inelitess"  (1  S;im.  xxvii.  3;  1  Chr.  iii.  1).  Tins 
 was  doubtless  the  Carmel  at  which  .'^aul  set  up  ii 
 "  place,"  literally  a  "hand;"  after  his  victory  ovei 
 Amah-k  (1  S;im.  xv.  12).  And  this  Carmel,  and 
 not  the  northern  mount,  must  have  be<^ii  the  ii|x>t 
 at  which  king  IJzziah  had  his  vineyards  (2  Chr. 
 xxvi.  lO).  In  the  time  of  Eiisebius  and  Jerome  it 
 was  the  seat  of  n  Homan  giuri.son.     The  ruins  of 
 
CARMI 
 
 the  town,  now  Knrmul,  still  remain  at  ten  miles 
 below  Hebron  in  a  slightly  S.  E.  direction,  close  to 
 those  of  Minn  f  Maon),  Zif  (Ziph),  and  other  places 
 named  with  Carmel  in  Josh.  xv.  55. 
 
 Car'mi.  1.  The  4th  son  of  Keuben  the  progenitor 
 of  the  family  of  THE  Carhites  (Gen.  .\lvi.  9;  Ex. 
 vi.  14  ;  Num.  .xxvi.  G  ;  1  Chr.  v.  3).— 2.  A  man  of 
 the  tribe  of  Judah,  father  of  Achan,  the  "  troubler 
 of  Israel"  (Josh.  vii.  1,  18;  1  Chr.  ii.  7,  iv.  1), 
 according  to  the  first  two  passages  the  son  of  Zabdi 
 or  Zimri. 
 
 Cama'im,  a  large  and  fortified  city  in  the  country 
 east  of  Jordan — "the  land  of  Galaad;"  containing 
 a  "temple."  It  was  besieged  and  taken  by  Judas 
 Macciibaeus  (1  Mace.  v.  26,  43,  44).  Under  tiie 
 name  of  Carnion  the  same  occurrence  is  related  in 
 2  Mace.  xii.  21,  26,  the  temple  being  called  the 
 Ataugateion.  This  enables  us  to  identify  it 
 with  Ashteroth-Karnaim. 
 
 Cami'on.     [Carnaim.] 
 
 Carpenter.     [Handicraft.] 
 
 Car'pus,  a  Christian  at  Troas,  with  whom  St. 
 Paul  states  that  he  left  a  cloak  (2  Tim.  iv.  13). 
 According  to  Hippolytus,  Carpus  was  bishop  of 
 Berytus  in  Thrace. 
 
 Carriage.  This  word  occurs  only  six  times  in 
 the  text  of  the  A.  V.,  and  signifies  what  we  now 
 call  "  baggage."  The  Hebrew  words  so  rendered 
 are  three.  1.  Cele,  generally  translated  "  stuff'" 
 or  "vessels."  It  is  like  the  Greek  word  cr/ceCos. 
 2.  Cebuddh,  "heavy  matters,"  Judg.  xviii.  21 
 only.  3.  The  woid  rendered  "  carriages"  in  Is. 
 xlvi.  1  should,  it  would  appear,  be  "  your  burdens." 
 4.  In  the  N.  T.,  Acts  xxi.  15,  the  meaning  is 
 simply  "  baggage."  5.  But  in  the  margin  of  1  Sam. 
 xvii.  20,  and  xxvi.  5-7 — and  there  only — "  car- 
 riage" is  employed  in  the  sense  of  a  wagon  or  cart. 
 The  allusion  is  to  the  circle  of  wagons  which  sur- 
 lounded  the  encampment. 
 
 Car'shena,  one  of  the  seven  princes  of  Persia 
 and  Media  (Esth.  i.  14). 
 
 Cart,  'aijdtdh.  Gen.  xlv.  19,  27  ;  Num.  vii.  3, 
 7,  8,  a  vehicle  drawn  by  cattle  (2  Sam.  vi.  6),  to 
 be  distinguished  from  the  chariot  drawn  by  horses. 
 Carts  and  wagons  were  either  open  or  covered 
 (Num.  vii.  3),  and  were  used  for  conveyance  of 
 persons  (Gen.  xlv.  19),  burdens  (1  Sam.  vi.  7,  8), 
 or  produce  (Am.  ii.  13).  As  there  are  no  roads  iu 
 Syn'a  and  Palestine  and  the  neighbouring  countries, 
 wheel-carriages  for  any  purpose  except  conveyance 
 of  agricultural  produce  are  all  but  unknown.  The 
 only  cart  used  in  Western  Asia  has  two  wheels  of 
 solid  wood.  But  in  the  monuments  of  ancient 
 Egypt  representations  are  found  of  carts  with  two 
 wheels,  having  four  or  six  spokes,  ueed  for  carrying 
 
 CASSIA 
 
 143 
 
 Epj-ptian  cajt  with  two  wheels.     (Wilkinson.) 
 
 prodiicp,  and  of  one  used  for  religions  purpose!' 
 having  four  wheels  with  eight  spokes.  A  bas-reliel 
 at  Nineveh  represents  a  cart  having  two  wheels 
 with  eight  spokes,  diawn  by  oxen,  conveying  female 
 captives. 
 
 A88>^^ao  cart  drawn  by  oxen.     (Layard,  ii.  396.) 
 
 Carving.  The  arts  of  carving  and  engiavin;; 
 were  much  in  request  in  the  construction  both 
 of  the  Tabernacle  and  the  Temple  (Ex.  xxxi.  5, 
 XXXV.  33;  1  K.  vi.  18,  35;  Ps.  Ixxiv.  6),  as  well 
 as  in  the  ornamentation  of  the  priestly  dresses  (Ex. 
 .xxviii.  9-36 ;  Zech.  iii.  9  ;  2  Chr.  ii.  6,  14). 
 
 Casipli'ia,  a  place  of  uncertain  site  on  the  road 
 between  I'abylon  and  Jerusalem  (Ezr.  viii.  17). 
 
 Cas'len,  1  Mace.  i.  54,  iv.  52,  59;  2  Mace.  i. 
 9,  IS,  X.  5.     [Chisleu  ;  Months.] 
 
 Cas'luhim,  a  Mizraite  people  or  tribe  (Gen.  x. 
 14  ;  1  Chr.  i.  12).  The  only  clue  we  have  as  yet 
 to  the  position  of  the  Casluhim  is  their  place  in  the 
 list  of  the  sons  of  Mizraim  between  the  I'athrusim 
 and  the  Caphtorim,  whence  it  is  probable  that  they 
 were  seated  in  Upper  Egypt.  The  LXX.  seem  to 
 identify  them  with  the  Chashmannim  of  Ps.  Ixviii. 
 31  (A.  V.  "  princes").  This  would  place  the  Cas- 
 luhim in  the  Heptanomis.  Bochart  suggests  the 
 identity  of  the  Casluhim  and  the  Colchians,  who 
 are  said  to  have  been  an  Egyptian  colony.  The 
 supposition  is  improbable,  though  Gesenius  gives  it 
 his  support.  Foister  conjectures  the  Casluhim  to 
 be  the  inhabitants  of  Cassiotis,  and  Bunsen  assumes 
 this  to  be  proved  ;  but  the  nature  of  the  ground  is 
 a  serious  difficulty  in  the  way. 
 
 Cas'phon,  1  Mace.  v.  36.     [Casphor.] 
 
 Cas'phor,  one  of  the  fortified  cities  in  the  "  land 
 of  Galaad"  (1  Mace.  v.  26),  in  which  the  Jews 
 took  refuge  from  the  Ammonites  under  Tiniotheiis 
 (comp.  ver.  6),  and  which  with  other  cities  was 
 taken  by  Judas  Maccabaeus  (v.  36).  In  tlse  lattei- 
 passage  the  name  is  giveiv  as  Casphon,  and  in  2 
 Mace.  xii.  13  as  Caspis,  if  indeed  the  same  place  is 
 refeired  to,  which  is  not  quite  clear. 
 
 Cas'pis,  a  strong  fortified  city — whether  east  or 
 west  of  Jordan  is  not  plain — having  near  it  a  lake 
 two  stadia  in  breadth.  It  was  taken  by  Judas 
 Maccabaeus  with  great  slaughter  (2  Mace.  xii.  13, 
 16).     [Casphor.] 
 
 Cassia.  The  representative  in  the  A.  V.  of  the 
 Hebiew  words  kiddah  and  ketzioth.—  ].  Kiddah 
 occurs  in  Ex.  xxx.  24,  as  one  of  the  ingredients 
 in  the  composition  of  the  "  oil  of  holy  ointment ;  " 
 and  in  Ez.  xxvii.  19.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that 
 the  A.  V.  is  correct  in  the  translation  of  the  Hebrew 
 word,  though  there  is  considerable  variety  of  read- 
 ing iu  tha  old  versions.  The  accounts  of  cassia  as 
 given  by  ancient  authors  are  confused ;  and  the 
 investigation  of  the  subject  is  a  difficult  one.  It  is 
 clear  that  the  Latin  writers  by  the  term  aisia 
 understood   both  the  Oriental  product  now  under 
 
144 
 
 CASTLE 
 
 consideiatioii,  as  well  as  soiue  low  sweet  herbaceous 
 plant;  but  the  Greek  word  is  limited  to  the  Knstern 
 product.  Dioscorides  ineiitioiis  several  kinds  of 
 cassia,  and  says  they  are  produced  in  Spicy  Arabia. 
 One  kind  is  known  by  the  name  of  iitosylctis,  or, 
 according  to  Galen,  of  inosi/llos,  fi-oni  the  ancient 
 city  and  proniontt)ry  Mosyllon,  on  the  co;ist  of 
 Africa  and  the  sea  of  Hab  el  Mandeb.  Will  not  tliis 
 throw  some  light  on  Hz.  xxvii.  19,  "  Dan  and  Javan 
 and  Mental  traded  in  thy  n.arkcts  with  cassia,  cala- 
 mus," &c.  The  ca-ssia  would  be  broujjht  from 
 India  to  Meuzal,  and  from  thence  e.xported  to  Tyre 
 and  other  countries  under  the  name  of  Meu^alitis, 
 or  Meuzal  cassia.  Gissia  is  not  produced  by  any 
 trees  which  are  now  found  growing  in  -Arabia.  It 
 is  probable  therefore  that  the  Greek  authors  were 
 mistaken  on  this  subject,  and  that  they  occasionally 
 have  regarded  products  imported  into  Arabia,  and 
 thence  exported  nortiiwards  to  other  countries,  as 
 the  natural  productions  of  that  country.  The  cnssia- 
 bark  of  commerce  is  yielded  by  various  kinds  of 
 Cinnamoinnin,  which  grow  in  ditlerent  parts  of 
 India.— 2.  Kctz'toth,  only  in  I's.  xlv.  8.  This  word 
 is  generally  supposed  to  be  another  term  for  aissia : 
 the  old  versions,  as  well  as  the  etymology  of  the 
 Hebrew  word,  are  in  fa\our  of  this  interpretation. 
 
 Castle.     [Foari  KiCA  riONS.] 
 
 Castor  aud  Pollux,  the  Dioscuri  (Acts  .\xviii. 
 1  1  ).  These  two  heroes,  the  twin-sons  of  Jupiter 
 and  Leda,  were  regarded  as  the  tutelary  divinities 
 of  sailors.  They  apjwared  in  heaven  as  the  con- 
 stellation Gemini.  As  the  ship  mentioned  by 
 St.  Luke  was  from  Alexandria,  it  may  be  worth 
 while  to  notice  that  Castor  and  Pollux  were  spe- 
 cially honoured  in  the  neighbouring  district  of 
 Cyrenaica.  in  art  these  divinities  were  sometimes 
 lepresentetl  simply  as  stars  hovering  over  a  ship, 
 but  more  frequently  as  young  men  on  horseback, 
 with  conical  caps  and  stars  above  them.  Such 
 figures  were  piobably  painted  or  sculptuied  at  the 
 bow  of  the  ship,  and  Cyril  of  Alexandria  says  tiiat 
 such  was  always  the  Alexandrian  method  of  orna- 
 menting each  side  of  the  prow. 
 
 CAVE 
 
 offence  to  kill  one ;  and  when  a  cat  died  it  was  em- 
 balmed and  buried  at  Bubastis,  the  city  sacred  to 
 the  moon,  of  which  divinity  the  cat  was  reckoned  a 
 symljol. 
 
 8ilvor  coin  of  llriitlii.  Oliv. :  Heads  of  Cantnr  and  I'olliix  to  richt 
 Kov. ;  Cufltor  and  Pollux  mounu.'d,  advuiiuing  lo  rij^liL  In  tho 
 exergue  BPlilTlO.X. 
 
 Cats  occ\ir  only  in  Baruch  vi.  22.  The  Greek 
 word,  as  used  by  Aristotle,  has  moie  particular 
 reference  to  the  wild  cat.  Herodotus  (ii.  G6)  ajjplies 
 it  to  denote  the  domestic  animal.  The  context  of 
 the  pa.ssage  in  Baruch  appears  to  point  to  the  do- 
 me.sticjitcd  animal.  Perhaps  the  people  of  Babylon 
 oiigiually  procured  the  ait  fiom  Kirypt.  The  do- 
 mestic c.it  of  the  ancient  Kgyptians  is  supposed  by 
 some  to  be  identical  with  the  Felis  vumiculata, 
 Kiip|H.'ll,  of  Nubia,  and  with  our  own  domestic 
 animal,  but  tiierc  is  considerable  doubt  on  this 
 lM>iiit.  The  Kgyptians,  it  is  well  known,  paid  an 
 nbsurd  reverence  to  the  wit ;  it  aceomp;iuied  them 
 in  tlieir  fowling  expeditious  ;  it  was  dcemc<l  a  capital 
 
 Felts  mofucuUua, 
 
 Caterpillar.  Tlie  representative  In  the  A.  V. 
 of  the  Hebrew  words  c/iusj/ and  t/t'/i;^.— 1.  CUasil 
 occurs  in  1  K.  viii.  'M  ;  2  Chr.  vi.  28 ;  Ps.  Ixxviii. 
 46 ;  Is.  xxxiii.  4  ;  Joel  i.  4  ;  it  is  evident  from  the  in- 
 consistency of  the  two  roost  important  old  version.* 
 in  their  renderings  of  this  word,  that  nothing  is  to 
 be  learnt  from  them.  The  term  now  under  notice 
 seems  to  be  applied  to  a  locust,  jwrliaps  in  its  l;»rva 
 state. — 2.    Yclek.     [LocusT.] 
 
 Catha'a,  I  Ksdr.  v.  30,  apparently  answei-s  to 
 Giiii)Ki.  in  the  Hebrew  text. 
 
 Cattle.     [Bull.] 
 
 Cave.  I.  Medidh.  The  chalky  limestone  of 
 which  the  rocks  of  Syria  and  Palestine  chiefly  consist 
 presents,  as  is  the  case  in  all  limestone  formations, 
 a  vast  number  of  caverns  and  natural  fissures, 
 many  of  which  have  also  been  artificially  enlargeil 
 and  adapted  to  various  purposes  both  of  shelter  and 
 defence.  This  circumstance  has  also  given  occ;isiou 
 to  the  use  of  so  large  a  number  of  words  as  are 
 employee!  in  the  Scriptures  to  denote  caves,  holes, 
 aud  fissures,  some  of  them  giving  names  to  the 
 towns  aud  places  and  their  neighbourhood.  Out  of 
 them  may  be  selected  the  following:— II.  C'hur  or 
 Clior,  "a  hole."  From  this  come  (a),  the  name  of 
 the  I/oritcs  of  Mount  Seir,  a  Troglodyte  race  spoken 
 of  by  Strabo.  (Gen.  -xiv.  G,  xxxvi.  21*;  Deut.  ii.  12  ; 
 Job  x\x.  6.)  (6.)  Ilaurdn  (Ez.  -xlvii.  16,  18).  (c.) 
 the  two  towns  of  Beth-hoivn  (Josh.  xvi.  3,  5). 
 ((/.')  the  town  Iloronaiin  (Is.  xv.  .■>).^III.  Cha- 
 <l(hiin,  '•  ])lac.cs  of  refuge  in  rocks"  for  birds  (Cant, 
 ii.  14  ;  Obad.  3  ;  A.  V.  "  clefts).— IV.  Minchaidh, 
 A.  V.  "den;"  a  ravine  through  which  water  tlows 
 (Judg.  vi.  2).— The  most  remarkable  caves  noticed 
 in  Scripture  are: — L  That  in  which  Lot  dwelt 
 after  the  destruction  of  Soilom  ((len.  xix.  30). 
 2.  The  cave  of  Machpelah  (xxiii.  17).  3.  Cave  of 
 Makkedah  (.Josh.  x.  10).  4.  Cave  of  Adullam 
 (1  Sam.  x.xii.  1).  6.  Cave  of  Kngedi  (xxiv.  .'5). 
 6.  Obadiah's  cave  (1  K.  xviii.  4).  7.  Elijah's  Give 
 in  Horeb  (xix.  9).  8,  9.  The  rock  sepulchres  of 
 Lazarus,  and  of  our  LonI  (John  xi.  38;  Matt, 
 xxvii.  GO).  The  existing  cavtvins  near  the  S.  E.  end 
 of  the  Deiul  Sea  serve  fully  to  justify  the  mention 
 of  a  cjive  as  the  j)lace  of  Lot's  retirement;  .is  those 
 on  tlie  W.  side  agree  both  in  situation  and  in  name 
 with  the  wives  of  Eii-gcdi.  The  cave  of  M,achi>elah 
 undoubtedly  lies  beneath  the  mo-squc  of  Hebron. 
 The  ciive  in  which  OUuiiah  concealed  the  pr<ii>hets 
 w;is  probably  in  the  iiorthcra  p;»rt  of  the  country, 
 
CEDAR 
 
 in  which  abundant  instances  of  caves  fit  for  such  a 
 purpose  Plight  be  pointed  out.  The  site  of  the  cave 
 of  Elijah,  as  well  as  of  the  "  clift "  of  Moses  on 
 Mount  Horeb  (Ex.  xx.xiii.  22),  is  also  obviously  in- 
 determinate. Besides  these  special  caves  there  is 
 frequent  mention  in  the  0.  T.  of  caves  as  place.s  of 
 refuge.  Thus  the  Israelites  are  said  to  have  taken 
 refuge  from  the  Philistines  in  "holes"  (1  Sam. 
 xiv.  11).  So  also  in  the  time  of  Gideon  they  had 
 taken  refuge  from  the  5Iidianites  in  dens  and  caves 
 and  strongholds,  such  as  abound  in  the  mountain 
 region  of  Manasseh  (Judges  vi.  2).  But  Adullam 
 is  not  the  only  cave,  nor  were  its  tenants  the  only 
 instances  of  banditti  making  the  caves  of  Palestine 
 their  accustomed  haunt.  Josephus  spealcs  of  the 
 robber  inhabitants  of  Trachonitis,  who  lived  in  large 
 caverns,  and  annoyed  much  the  trade  with  Da- 
 mascus, but  were  put  down  by  Herod.  Lastly,  it" 
 was  the  caves  which  lie  beneath  and  around  so 
 many  of  the  Jewish  cities  that  formed  the  last 
 hiding-places  of  the  Jewish  leaders  in  the  war  with 
 the  Romans.  No  use,  however,  of  rock  caverns 
 more  strikingly  connects  the  modern  usages  of  Pa- 
 lestine and  the  adjacent  regions  with  their  anciei>( 
 history  than  the  employment  of  them  as  burial- 
 places.  The  rocky  soil  of  so  large  a  portion  of  the 
 Holy  Land  almost  forbids  interment,  excepting  in 
 cavities  either  natural  or  hewn  from  the  rock. 
 Accordingly  numerous  sites  are  shown  in  Palestine 
 and  adjacent  lands  of  (so-called)  sepulchres  of  saints 
 and  heroes  of  the  Old  and  New  Test.,  venerated  both 
 by  Christians  and  Mohammedans. 
 
 Cedcir.  There  can,  we  think,  be  little  doubt  that 
 the  Heb.  word  erez,  invariably  lendered  "  cedar " 
 by  the  A.  V.,  does  stand  for  that  tree  in  most  of 
 the  passages  where  the  word  occurs.  The  erez,  or 
 "  firmly  rooted  and  strong  tree,"  from  an  Arabic 
 root  which  has  this  signification,  is  particularly  the 
 name  of  the  cedar  of  Lebanon  {Calms  Libani) ; 
 but  that  the  word  is  used  in  a  wider  sense  to  denote 
 other  trees  of  the  Coniferac,  is  clear  fi'om  some 
 Scriptural  passages  where  it  occurs.  For  instance, 
 the  "  cedar  wood "  mentioned  in  Lev.  xiv.  6  can 
 liardly  be  the  wood  of  the  Lebanon  cedars,  seeing 
 that  the  Cedrus  Libani  could  never  have  grown  in 
 the  peninsula  of  Sinai.  Theie  is  another  passage 
 (Ez.  xxvii.  5),  in  which  peihnps  erez  denotes  some 
 fir  ;  in  all  probability,  as  Dr.  Hooker  conjectures, 
 the  Pinus  Halepensis,  which  grows  in  Lebanon, 
 and  is  better  fitted  for  furnishing  ship-masts  than 
 the  wood  of  the  Cedrus  Libani.  The  Cedncs  Li- 
 bani, Finns  Halepensis,  and  Juniperns  exceka, 
 were  probably  all  included  under  the  term  erez  ; 
 though  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  by  this  name  is 
 more  especially  denoted  the  cedar  of  Lebanon,  as 
 being  the  firmest  and  grandest  of  the  conifers.  As 
 to  the  "  cedar  wood  "  used  in  purifications,  it  is 
 probable  that  one  of  the  smaller  Junipers  is  intended 
 (/.  Sabina  ?),  for  it  is  doubtful  whether  the  Juni- 
 peras  excelsa  exists  at  all  in  Arabia.  As  far  as  is 
 at  present  known,  the  cedar  of  Lebanon  is  confined 
 in  Syria  to  one  valley  of  the  Lebanon  range,  viz., 
 that  of  the  Kedisha  river,  which  flows  from  near  the 
 highest  point  of  the  range  westward  to  the  Medi- 
 terranean, and  enters  the  sea  at  the  port  of  Tripoli. 
 The  gi'ove  is  at  the  very  upper  part  of  the  valley, 
 about  15  miles  from  the  sea,  6500  feet  above  that 
 level,  and  their  position  is  moreover  above  that  of 
 all  other  arboreous  vegetation.  The  valley  here 
 is  veiy  bioad,  open,  and  shallow,  and  the  grove 
 forms  a  mere  speck  on  its  flat  floor.     On  nearer  in- 
 
 CON,  D.  B. 
 
 CENCHKEA 
 
 145 
 
 spection,  tlie  cedars  are  found  to  be  confined  to  a 
 small  portion  of  a  range  of  low  stony  hills  of 
 rounded  outlines,  and  perhaps  CO  to  U)0  ft.  above 
 the  plain,  which  sweep  across  the  vallev.  These 
 hills  are  believed  by  Dr.  Hooker  to  be  old 'moraines, 
 deposited  by  glaciers  that  once  debouched  on  to  the 
 plain  from  the  surrounding  tops  of  Lebanon. 
 
 Ce'dron.  1.  A  place  fortified  by  Cendebaeus 
 under  the  orders  of  the  king  Antiochus  (Sidetes),  as  a 
 station  from  which  to  command  the  roads  of  Judaea 
 (1  Mace.  XV.  39,  41,  xvi.  9).  It  was  not  far  from 
 Jamnia  (Jabne),  or  from  Azotus  (Ashdod),  and  was 
 probably  the  modern  Katra  or  KUtrah,  which  lies 
 on  the  maritime  plain  below  the  river  Bubin,  and 
 three  miles  south-west  of  Akir  (Ekron).— 2.  In 
 this  form  is  given  in  the  N.  T.  the  name  of  tlie 
 brook  Kidron  in  the  ravine  below  the  eastern  wall 
 of  Jerusalem  (John  xviii.  1,  only).  Beyond-it  was 
 the  garden  of  Gethsemane.     [Kidron.] 
 
 Ce'ilan.  Sons  of  Ceilan  and  Azetas,  according 
 to  1  Esdr.  V.  15,  returned  with  Zorobabel  from 
 Babylon. 
 
 Ceiling.  The  descriptions  of  Scripture  (1  K. 
 vi.  9,  15,  vii.  3;  2  Chr.  iii.  5,  9;  Jer.  xxii.  14; 
 Hag.  i.  4),  and  of  Josephus,  show  that  the  ceilings 
 of  the  Temple  and  the  palaces  of  the  Jewish  kings 
 were  formed  of  cedar  planks  applied  to  the  beams 
 or  joints  crossing  from  wall  to  wall,  probably  with 
 sunk  panels,  edged  and  ornamented  with  gold,  and 
 carved  with  incised  or  other  patterns,  sometimes 
 painted  (Jer.  xxii.  14).  It  is  probable  that  both 
 Egyptian  and  Assyrian  models  were  followed,  in  this 
 as  in  other  branches  of  architectural  construction, 
 before  the  Roman  period.  Examples  are  extant,  of 
 Egyptian  ceilings  in  stucco  painted  with  devices,  of 
 a  date  much  earlier  than  that  of  Solomon's  Temple. 
 Of  these  devices  the  principal  are  the  guilloche,  the 
 chevron,  and  the  scroll.  The  panel  work  in  ceilings, 
 which  has  been  described,  is  found  in  Oriental  and 
 North  African  dwellings  of  late  and  modern  times. 
 Mr.  Porter  describes  the  ceilings  of  houses  at  Da- 
 mascus as  delicately  painted.  JIany  of  the  rooms 
 in  the  Palace  of  the  J\Ioors  at  the  Alhambra  were 
 ceiled  and  ornamented  with  the  richest  geometrical 
 patterns.. 
 
 Panelled  ceiling  from  house  in  Co 
 
 (I-aue,  Modern  hgifpttan<A 
 
 Celosyria.     [Coelesviua.] 
 
 Cen'clirea  (accurately  Cenchreae),  the  eastern 
 harbour  of  Corinth  (i.  e.  its  harbour  on  the  Saronic 
 Gulf)  and  the  emporium  of  its  trade  with  the  Asiatic 
 shores  of  the  Mediten-anean,  as  Lechaeum  {Lntrdki) 
 on  the  Corinthian  Gulf  connected  it  with  Italy  and 
 the  west.  St.  Paul  sailed  from  Cenchreae  (Acts 
 xviii.  18)  on  his  return  to  Syria  from  his  second 
 missionary  jouraey ;  and  when  he  wrote  his  epistle 
 to  the  Romans  in  the  course  of  the  thiid  journey, 
 an  organised  church  seems  to  have  been  foimed 
 here  (Rom.  xvi.  1.     See  Piioi-uu:).     The  distance 
 
 L 
 
146  CENDEBEUS 
 
 of  Cenchreie  fidiii  Corinth  was  70  stadin  or  about 
 nine  miles.  Tlie  modem  village  of  Kihries  retains 
 the  ancient  name,  which  is  conjectured  by  Dr.  Sib- 
 thorpe  to  be  derived  from  the  millet  (Ktyxpi), 
 which  still  grows  there. 
 
 Colonial  Coin  of  Coiuilh.     On  tlic  obverse  the  head  of  Antoniuiis 
 I'iuji ;  on  tile  reverse  the  port  of  Cenelireuo,  with  c.  L.  L  c,  tliat 
 
 U    OOI.ONIA   LAVS  JVI.IA   COHINTIIOS. 
 
 Cendebe'us  (accurately  Cendebaeus),  a  geneial 
 left  by  Antiuciuis  VII.  in  coniniand  of  the  sen-board 
 of  Palestine  (1  Mace.  xv.  38,  &c.)  aftei-  the  defeat  of 
 'I'ryphon  B.C.  138.  He  fortitied  Kedron  and  ha- 
 rassed the  Jews  for  some  time,  but  was  aftei  wards 
 defeated  by  .Indas  Maccabaeus,  with  great  loss 
 (1  Mace.  xvi.  1-10). 
 
 Censer  (machtah  and  mildereth').  The  foi-mei- 
 of  the  Hebrew  words  seems  used  generally  for  any 
 instrument  to  seize  or  hold  buining  coals,  or  to 
 receive  ashes,  &c.,  such  as  the  appendages  of  the 
 brazen  altai'  and  golden  candlestick  mentioned  in 
 Ex.  XXV.  38,  xxxvii.  'J3.  It,  however,  generally 
 bears  the  limited  meaning  which  pioperly  belongs 
 to  the  .second  word,  found  onlv  in  the  later  books 
 (e.g.  2  Chr.  xxvi.  19  ;  Ez.  viii.'  1 1;,  that,  viz.  of  a 
 small  poitable  vessel  of  metal  fitted  to  receive  burn- 
 ing coals  from  the  altar,  and  on  which  the  incense 
 for  burning  was  sprinkled  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  18  ;  Luke 
 i.  9).  The  only  distinct  precepts  rc^jaiding  the  use 
 of  the  censer  are  found  in  Num.  iv.  14,  and  in  Lev. 
 xvi.  12.  Solomon  prepared  "  cen.sers  of  pure  gold" 
 as  part  of  the  same  furniture  (1  K.  vii.  .'50 ;  2  Chr. 
 iv.  22).  Possibly  their  general  use  may  have  been 
 to  take  up  coals  from  the  brazen  altar,  and  convey 
 the  incense  while  burning  to  the  "  golden  altar," 
 or  "  altar  of  incense,"  on  which  it  was  to  bo  otfered 
 morning  and  evening  (Ex.  xxx.  7,  8).  So  Uzziah, 
 when  he  was  intending  "  to  burn  incense  upon  the 
 altar  of  incense,"  took  "a  censer  in  his  hand"  (2 
 Chr.  xxvi.  16,  19).  The  word  rendered  "censer" 
 Ml  Hebr.  ix.  4  probably  means  the  "  altar  of  incense." 
 
 Census.  I.  Moses  laiil  down  the  law  (Ex.  xxx. 
 12,  l:!)  that  whenever  the  ])eople  were  numbered, 
 an  ofl(-"iing  of  ^  a  shekel  should  be  made  by  eveiy 
 man  above  20  years  of  age,  by  way  of  atonement 
 or  propitiation.  The  instances  of  numbering  re- 
 corded in  the  0.  T.  are  as  follows: — 1.  Under  the 
 express  direction  of  (iod  (Ex.  xxxviii.  2G),  in  the 
 3id  or  4th  month  after  the  Exodus  during  the  en- 
 campment at  Sinai,  chiefly  for  the  purpose  of  raising 
 money  for  the  Tabernacle.  The  numbers  then  taken 
 amounted  to  0o3,5.jO  men.  2.  Again,  in  tlie  2nd 
 month  of  tlie  2nd  year  after  the  Exodus  (Num.  i. 
 2,  3).  This  cen-ius  was  taken  for  a  double  purpose, 
 (a.)  To  ascei-tain  the  number  of  fighting  men  from 
 the  age  of  20  to  50.  (6.)  To  ascertain  the  amount 
 of  the  redemption  offering  due  on  account  of  all  the 
 firstborn  both  of  persons  and  cattle.  The  Lcvites, 
 whose  numbers  amounted  to  22,000,  wore  taken 
 in  lieu  of  the  fu-stboru  malof!  of  the  rest  of  Israel, 
 
 CENSUS 
 
 whose  numbers  weie  22,27;;,  and  tor  the  surplus 
 of  273  a  money  payment  of  1305  shekels,  or  6 
 shekels  each,  was  made  to  Aaron  and  his  .sons 
 (Num.  iii.  39,  51).  3.  Another  numljering  took 
 place  38  years  afterwards,  previous  to  the  entrance 
 into  Canaan,  when  the  total  number,  excepting  the 
 Levites,  amounted  to  601,730  males,  showing  a 
 decrease  of  1870.  4.  The  next  formal  numbering 
 of  the  whole  jieople  was  in  the  reign  of  David. 
 The  men  of  Israel  above  2(^  veais  of  age  wei'e 
 800,000,  and  of  Judah  500,000,  total  1,300,000. 
 The  book  of  Chron.  gives  the  numbers  of  Israel 
 1 ,100,000,  and  of  Judaii  470,000,  total  1,570,000  ; 
 but  infbims  us  that  Levi  and  Benjamin  were  not 
 niunbered  (1  Chr.  xxi.  6,  xxvii.  24).  5.  The 
 census  of  David  was  complete<l  by  Solomon,  by 
 causing  the  foreigners  and  remnants  of  the  con- 
 quered nations  resident  within  Palestine  to  be  nuni- 
 beied.  Their  number  amounted  to  153,6()0,  and 
 they  were  employe<]  in  forced  labour  on  his  great 
 aichitectural  works  (Josh.  ix.  27;  1  l\.  v.  15,  ix. 
 20,  21  ;  1  Chr.  xxii.  2;  2  Chr.  ii.  17,  18).  Be- 
 tween this  time  and  the  Captivitv,  mention  is  made 
 of  the  numbers  of  aiinies  under  sucx-essive  kings  of 
 Israel  and  Judaii,  from  which  may  be  gathered 
 with  moie  or  less  ))rnbability,  and  with  due  consi- 
 deiation  of  the  circumstances  of  the  times  as  influ- 
 encing the  number  of  the  levies,  estimates  of  the 
 population  at  the  various  times  mentioned.  6.  Ke- 
 iioboam  (B.C.  975-958)  collected  from  Judah  and 
 Benjamin  180,000  men  to  fight  against  .Jero- 
 boam (1  K.  xii.  21).  7.  Abijan/ (958-055). 
 with  400,000  men,  made  war  on  Jeroboam  with 
 800,000,  of  whom  500,000  were  slain  (2  Chr.  xiii. 
 3,17).  8.  Asa  (955-914)  had  an  army  of  300,000 
 men  from  Judah,  and  280,000  (Josephus  savs 
 250,000)  from  Benjamin,  with  which  he  defeated 
 Zerah  the  Ethiopian,  with  an  arniv  of  1,000,000 
 '■1  Chr.  xiv.  8,  9).  9.  Jelioshnphat  (914-891). 
 besides  men  in  garrisons,  had  underarms  1,160,000 
 men,  including  perhaps  subject  foreignei's  (2  Chr. 
 xvii.  14-19).  10.  Amaziah  (838-811)  had  from 
 Judah  and  Benjamin  300,000,  besides  100,0CO 
 mercenaries  from  Israel  (2  Chr.  xxv.  5,  6).  11. 
 L'zziah  (811  -759)  could  bring  into  the  field  307.500 
 men  (307,000,  .Josephus),  well  anned,  under  2600 
 otKceis  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  11-15).  12.  'fhe  numl)er  of 
 those  wlio  retunied  witli  Zerubbabel  in  the  first 
 ciiavan  is  reckoned  at  42,360  (Ezr.  ii.  64i  ;  but  of 
 these  perhaps  12,542  belonged  to  other  tiibes  than 
 Jjidah  and  Benjamin,  'fhe  ]Mir]iose  of  this  census 
 was  to  settle  with  lefiNence  to  the  year  of' .Jubilee 
 the  iiiherit^inces  in  the  Holy  Lan<l,  whicli  h:'.d  been 
 disturljed  by  the  Captivity,  and  also  to  ascertain 
 the  fimiily  genealogies,  and  ensure,  as  far  as  pos- 
 sible, the  purity  of  the  Jewish  lace  (Ezr.  ii.  59,  x. 
 2,  8,  18,  44;  Lev.  xxv.  10).  In  the  second  cam- 
 van,  B.C.  458,  the  number  was  1496.  Women  and 
 children  are  in  neither  case  included  (Ezr.  viii. 
 1-14).  Throughout  all  these  accounts  two  points 
 are  clear.  I .  That  great  piins  were  taliPn  to  ascer- 
 tain and  registei-  the  numbers  of  the  Jewish  people 
 at  various  times  for  the  reasons  mentione<l  above. 
 2.  That  the  numbei's  given  in  some  c.ises  can  with 
 difficulty  be  reconciled  with  other  numbei's  of  no 
 very  distant  date,  as  well  as  with  the  piesume<I 
 capacitv  of  the  country  for  su]i]>orting  population, 
 lint  while  great  doubt  rests  on  the  genuineness  of 
 numerical  expressions  in  O.  T.  it  must  be  consi- 
 dered that  the  readings  on  which  our  version  is 
 founded,   give    with    trifling    variations  the   sami; 
 
CENTURION 
 
 results  as  those  presented  by  the  LXX.  and  by  Jo- 1 
 sephus.  Thei-e  are  besides  abundant  traces  through- 
 out the  whole  of  Palestine  of  a  much  higher  rate 
 of  fertility  in  former  as  compared  with  present 
 times,  a  fertility  remarked  by  profane  writers,  and 
 of  which  the  present  neglected  state  of  cultivation 
 affords  no  test.  This  combined  with  the  positive 
 divine  promises  of  populousness,  increases  the  pro- 
 bability of  at  least  approximate  correctness  in  the 
 foregoing  estimates  of  population.— II.  In  N.  T., 
 St.  Luke,  in  his  account  of  the  "  taxing,"  says,  a 
 decree  went  out  from  Augu;>tus  that  all  the  woild 
 should  be  taxed,  and  in  the  Acts  alludes  to  a  dis- 
 turbance raised  by  Judas  of  Galilee  in  the  days  of 
 the  "ta.xing"  (Luke  ii.  1  ;  Acts  v.  37).  The  Ro- 
 man census  under  the  Republic  consisted,  so  far  as 
 the  present  purpose  is  concerned,  in  an  enrolment 
 of  persons  and  property  by  tribes  and  households. 
 The  census  was  taken,  more  or  less  regularl}'',  in 
 the  provinces,  under  the  republic,  by  provincial 
 censors,  and  the  tribute  legulated  at  their  discre- 
 tion, but  no  complete  census  was  made  before  the 
 time  of  Augustus,  who  carried  out  o  general  in- 
 spections of  this  kind,  viz.,  (1.)  B.C.  28;  (2.)  B.C. 
 8  ;  (o.)  A.D.  14  ;  and  a  partial  one,  A.D.  4. 
 Centurion.  [Army.] 
 Cephas.  [Reter.] 
 Ceras,  1  Esd.  v.  29.  [Keros.] 
 Ce'tab,  1  Esd.  v.  30.  There  is  no  name  corre- 
 sponding with  this  ia  the  lists  of  Ezra  and  Ne- 
 hemiah. 
 
 Cha'bris,  the  son  of  Gothoniel,  one  of  the  three 
 "  rulers,"  or  "  ancients  "  of  Bethulia,  in  the  time 
 of  .fudith  (Jud.  vi.  15,  viii.  10,  x.  6). 
 
 Cha'dias.  "  They  of  Chadias  and  Ammidoi," 
 according  to  1  Esd.  v.  20,  returned  from  Babylon 
 with  Zorobabel.  There  are  no  coiTesponding  names 
 in  Ezra  and  Nehemiah. 
 
 Chaff.  The  Heb.  words  rendered  chaff  in  A.  V. 
 do  not  seem  to  have  precisely  the  same  meaning : 
 chdshash=dry  grass,  hay;  and  occurs  twice  only 
 iu  0.  T.,  viz.,  is.  V.  24,  xxxiii.  11.  3fdts  is  chatf 
 separated  by  winnowing  from  the  grain — -the  husk 
 of  the  wheat.  Teben,  rendered  straw  in  Ex.  \:.  7, 
 10,  11,  &c.,  and  stubble  in  Job  xxi.  18,  means 
 stiaw  cut  into  short  portions,  in  which  state  it  was 
 mixed  with  the  mud  of  which  bricks  were  made  to 
 give  it  consistency.  In  1  K.  iv.  28,  mention  is 
 made  of  a  mixed  fodder  for  horses  and  camels  of 
 barley  and  tehen,  such  as  the  Arabs  call  tibn  to  this 
 day.  The  Chaldaic  word  'ur  occurs  but  once,  in 
 Dan.  ii.  35. 
 
 Chain.  Chains  were  used,  1.  as  badges  of  office; 
 2.  for  ornament ;  3.  for  confining  prisoners.  1.  The 
 gold  chain  placed  a'bout  Joseph's  neck  (Gen.  xli. 
 42),  and  that  promised  to  Daniel  (Dan.  v.  7),  are 
 instances  of  the  first  use.  In  Egypt  it  was  one  of  the 
 insignia  of  a  judge,  who  wore  an  image  of  truth 
 attached  to  it ;  it  w,is  also  worn  by  the  prime  mi- 
 nister. In  Persia  it  was  considered  not  only  as  a 
 mark  of  royal  favour,  but  a  token  of  investiture. 
 In  Ez.  xvi.  11,  the  chain  is  mentioned  as  the  symbol 
 of  sovereignty.  2.  Chains  for  ornamental  pur- 
 poses were  worn  by  men  as  well  as  women  in  many 
 countries  both  of  Europe  and  Asia,  and  probably 
 this  was  the  case  among  the  Hebrews  (Prov.  i.  9). 
 The  necklace  consisted  of  pearls,  corals,  &c.,  threaded 
 on  a  string.  Besides  the  necklace,  other  chains  were 
 worn  (Jud.  x.  4)  hanging  down  as  far  as  the  waist, 
 or  even  lower.  Some  were  adorned  with  pieces  of 
 metal,  shaped  in  the  form  of  the  moon  <""  round  tires 
 
 CHALDEA 
 
 147 
 
 like  the  moon,"  A.  V. ;  Is.  iii.  18).  The  Midianites 
 adorned  the  necks  of  their  camels  with  it  (Judg. 
 viii.  21,  26).  To  other  chains  were  suspended 
 various  trinkets — as  scent-bottles  (Is.  iii.  20)  and 
 mirrors  (Is.  iii.  23).  Step-chains  were  attached  to 
 the  ankle-rings,  which  shortened  the  step  and  pro- 
 duced a  mincing  gait  (Is.  iii.  16,  18).  3.  The 
 means  adopted  for  confining  prisoners  among  the 
 Jews  were  fetters  similar  to  our  handcuffs  (Judo-, 
 xvi.  21  ;  2  .Sam.  iii.  34  ;  2  K.  xxv.  7  ;  Jer.  xxxix.  7). 
 Among  the  Romans,  the  prisoner  was  handcufl'ed 
 to  one,  and  ocaisionally  to  two  guards  (Acts  xii.  6. 
 7,  xxi.  33). 
 
 Chalcedony,  only  in  Rev.  xxi.  19.  The  name 
 is  applied  in  modern  mineralogy  to  one  of  the  va- 
 rieties of  agate.  There  can,  however,  be  little 
 doubt  that  the  stone  to  which  Theophrastus  {De 
 Lapid.  §  25)  refers,  as  being  found  in  the  island 
 opposite  Chalcedon  and  used  as  a  solder,  must  have 
 been  the  green  transparent  carbonate  of  copper,  or 
 oar  copper  emerald. 
 
 Chal'col,  1  K.  iv.  31.  [Calcol."] 
 Chalde'a,  more  correctly  Chaldae'a,  is  properly 
 only  the  most  southern  portion  of  Babylonia.  It 
 is  used,  however,  in  our  version  for  the  Hebrew 
 ethnic  appellative  Casdiin  (or  "  Chaldaeans "), 
 under  which  term  the  inhabitants  of  the  entire 
 country  are  designated;  and  it  will  therefore  here 
 be  taken  in  this  extended  sense.  The  origin  of  the 
 term  is  very  doubtful.— 1.  Extent  and  boundaries. 
 — The  tract  of  country  viewed  in  Scripture  as  the 
 land  of  the  Chaldaeans  is  that  vast  alluvial  plain 
 which  has  been  formed  by  the  deposits  of  the  Eu- 
 phrates and  the  Tigris — at  least  so  tar  as  it  lies  to 
 the  west  of  the  latter  stream.  This  extraordinary 
 flat,  unbroken  except  by  the  works  of  man,  extends, 
 in  a  direction  nearly  N.E.  and  S.W.,  a  distance  of 
 400  miles  along  the  course  of  the  )ivers,  and  is  on 
 an  average  about  100  miles  in  width.— 2.  General 
 character  of  the  countrg. — The  general  aspect  of 
 the  country  is  thus  described  by  a  modern  traveller, 
 who  well  conti-asts  its  condition  now  with  the  ap- 
 pearance which  it  must  have  presented  in  ancient 
 times.  "In  former  days,"  he  says,  "the  vas* 
 plains  of  Babylon  were  nourished  by  a  complicatea 
 system  of  canals  and  watercoui'ses,  which  spread 
 over  the  surface  of  the  country  like  a  net-woik. 
 The  wants  of  a  teeming  population  were  supplied 
 by  a  rich  soil,  not  less  bountiful  than  that  on  the 
 banks  of  the  Egyptian  Nile.  Like  islands  rising 
 from  a  golden  sea  of  waving  corn,  stood  frequent 
 groves  of  palm-trees  and  pleasant  gardens,  affording 
 to  the  idler  or  traveller  their  grateful  and  highly- 
 valued  shade.  Crowds  of  passengers  hurried  along 
 the  dusty  roads  to  and  from  the  busy  city.  The 
 land  was  rich  in  corn  and  wine.  How  changed  is 
 the  aspect  of  that  region  at  the  present  day !  Long 
 lines  of  mounds,  it  is  tiue,  mark  the  courses  of 
 those  main  arteries  which  formerly  diffused  life  and 
 vegetation  along  their  banks,  but  their  channels  are 
 now  bereft  of  moisture  and  choked  with  drifted 
 sand  ;  the  smaller  ofl'shoots  are  wholly  effaced.  'A 
 drought  is  upon  her  waters,'  says  the  prophet,  '  and 
 they  shall  be  dried  up!'  All  that  remains  of  that 
 ancient  civilisation — that  '  glory  of  kingdoms,' — 
 '  the  praise  of  the  whole  earth,' — is  recognisable  in 
 the  numerous  mouldering  heaps  of  brick  and  rub- 
 bish which  overspread  the  surface  of  the  plain. 
 Instead  of  the  luxurious  fields,  the  groves  and 
 gardens,  nothing  now  meets  the  eye  but  an  arid 
 waste — the  dense    population    of  former  times   \% 
 
 L  2 
 
148 
 
 CHALDEANS 
 
 vanished,  and  no  man  dwells  there."  fLoftus's 
 Clialdaea,  pp.  14-5.)  — 3.  Dicisions. — The  true 
 Chaldaea  is  always  in  the  genj^raphcrs  a  disthict 
 region,  being  the  most  southern  portion  of  Baby- 
 lonia, lying  chiefly  'Jf  not  solely)  on  the  right  bank 
 of  the  Euphrates.  Babylonia  above  this,  is  sepa- 
 rated into  two  districts,  called  rosjiectively  Anior- 
 (lacia  and  Anranitis.  The  former  is  the  name  of 
 the  central  territory  round  Babylon  itself;  the 
 latter  is  applied  to  the  regions  towards  the  north, 
 where  liabylonia  boideis  on  Assyria. — 4.  Cities. — 
 Babylonia  was  celebrated  at  all  times  for  the  number 
 anii  antiquity  of  its  cities.  The  most  important  of 
 those  which  have  been  identified  are  Boisippa  {Ilirs- 
 Nimrud),  Sippaia  or  Sepharvaim  (MoMiih),  Cutha 
 {Thrahiin),  Calneh  [Niifcr),  Krech  [Warka.,  Ur 
 (Miufheir),  Chilraad  (KaUriidha),  Larancha  {Scn- 
 kcrch).  Is  {Hit),  Duraba  {Akherhuf)  ;  but  besides 
 these  there  weie  a  multitude  of  others,  the  sites  of 
 which  have  not  been  determined. ^.j.  Canals. — 
 One  of  the  most  remarkable  features  of  ancient 
 Babylonia  w;us  its  network  of  canals.  Thi'ee  prin- 
 cipal ('anals  carried  oft'  the  waters  of  the  Euphrates 
 towards  the  Tigris,  above  Babylon.  These  were, 
 1.  The  original  "Royal  River,"  ov  Ar-Malcha  oi 
 Berosus;  2.  the  Naltr  Malchn  of  the  Arabs;  and 
 3.  the  Nalir  Kutha.  On  the  other  side  of  tjie 
 stream,  a  large  canal,  leaving  the  Euphrates  at  Hit, 
 where  the  alluvial  plain  commences,  skirted  the  de- 
 posit on  the  west  along  its  entiie  extent,  ami  fell 
 into  the  Persian  Gulf  at  the  head  of  the  Bubian 
 creek ;  while  a  second  main  artery  branched  from 
 tiie  Euphrates  nearly  at  Mosaib,  and  ran  into  a 
 great  lake,  in  theneighbourhooil  of  Borsippa,  whence 
 the  lands  to  the  south-west  of  Babylon  were  irri- 
 gated.^G.  Sea  of  Nedjef,  Chaldacan  marshes,  (|c. 
 — Chaldaea  contains  one  natural  feature  deserving 
 of  special  description — the  "  gre;it  inland  freshwater 
 sea  of  Nedjtf"  (Lofttis,  p.  4b j.  This  sheet  of 
 water  is  a  i)ermanent  lake  of  consideiable  depth, 
 and  extends  in  a  south-easterly  direction  a  distance 
 of  40  miles.  Its  greatest  width  is  35  miles.  Above 
 and  below  the  Sea  of  JWcZ/'c/',  from  the  Birs-Ninirud 
 to  Kufa,  and  fi'om  the  south-eastern  extremity  of 
 the  Sea  to  Samma,  extend  the  famous  Chaldaean 
 marshes,  where  Alexander  was  nearly  lost.— 7. 
 Productions. — The  extraordinary  fertility  of  the 
 Chaldaean  soil  has  been  noticed  by  various  writers. 
 It  is  said  to  be  the  only  country  in  the  world  wheie 
 wheat  grows  wild.  Herodotus  declared  (i.  193) 
 that  giaiu  commonly  returned  200-fold  to  the  sower, 
 and  occasionally  300-fold.  The  palm  was  undoubt- 
 edly one  of  the  ])rincipal  objects  of  cultivation. 
 The  soil  is  lich,  but  there  is  little  cultivation,  the 
 inhabitants  subsisting  chiefly  upon  dates.  More 
 than  half  the  country  is  left  dry  and  waste  from 
 the  want  of  a  proper  system  of  irrigation ;  while 
 the  remaining  half  is  to  a  great  extent  covered  with 
 marshes  owing  to  the  same  neglect. 
 
 Chaldeans,  or  Chal'dees,  appear  in  Scripture, 
 until  tiie  time  of  the  (laptivity,  as  the  ]>eo]iU'  of 
 the  country  which  has  I'.abylon  for  its  capital,  and 
 which  is  itself  termed  Shinar ;  but  in  the  Book  of 
 Diuiicl,  while  this  meaning  is  still  found  (v.  .">0, 
 and  ix.  1),  a  new  sense  shows  itself.  The  Chal- 
 daeans  are  classed  with  the  magicians  and  astro- 
 nomers ;  ftnd  evidently  form  a  sort  of  priest  cla^s. 
 who  iiave  a  ])ecnliar  "tongue"  and  "learning" 
 (i.  4),  and  are  consulted  by  the  king  on  religious 
 subjects.  The  same  variety  a|ipears  in  profane 
 writei-s.     It  appe.'ii°s  that  the  Chaldneans  '  Kaldai 
 
 CHAMBERLAIN 
 
 or  Kaldi)  wei-e  in  the  earliest  time*  merely  one  out 
 of  the  many  Cnshite  tribes  inhabiting  the  great 
 alluvial  plain  known  afterwards  as  Chaldaea  or 
 Babylonia.  Their  special  seat  was  probably  that 
 southern  )iortion  of  the  countiy  which  is  found  to 
 have  so  late  retained  the  name  of  Chaldaea.  Here 
 was  Ur  "  of  the  Chaldees,"  the  modern  Miujheir, 
 which  lies  south  of  the  Euphrates,  near  its  junction 
 with  the  Sh(it-el- Hie.  In  ])ro(ess  of  time,  as  the  Kaldi 
 grew  in  power,  their  name  gradually  prevailed  over 
 those  of  the  other  tiibes  inhabiting  the  country  ;  and 
 by  the  era  of  the  Jewish  cajitivity  it  had  begun  to 
 be  used  generally  for  ail  the  inhabitants  of  Ba- 
 bylonia. It  had  come  by  this  time  to  have  two 
 senses,  both  ethnic:  in  the  one  it  was  the  special 
 appellative  of  a  ])articular  race  to  T\hom  it  had  be- 
 longed from  the  remotest  times,  in  the  other  it 
 designated  the  nation  at  large  in  which  this  race 
 was  predominant.  It  has  been  observed  above  that 
 the  Kaldi  proj>er  were  a  Cushite  race.  This  is 
 proved  by  the  remains  of  their  language,  which 
 closely  resembles  the  Galla  or  ancient  language  of 
 Ethiopia.  Now  it  apjiears  by  the  inscriptions  that 
 while  both  in  Assyria  and  in  later  Babylonia,  the 
 Shemitic  type  of  speech  prevailed  for  civil  jmrposes, 
 the  ancient  Cushit*;  dialect  was  letained.  as  a  learned 
 language  lor  scientific  and  religious  literature.  This 
 is  no  doubt  the  "learning"  and  the  "tongue''  to 
 which  reference  is  made  in  the  Book  of  Daniel 
 (i.  4).  The  Chaldeans  were  really  the  learned 
 class  ;  they  were  priests,  magicians,  oi-  astronomers, 
 and  in  the  last  of  the  three  capainties,  they  pro- 
 bably efiected  discoveries  of  great  importance.  Ac- 
 cording to  Strabo,  there  were  two  chief  seats  of 
 Chaldaean  leaining,  Bo)v.ippa,  and  Ur  or  Orchoe. 
 To  these  we  may  add  from  I'liny  Babylon,  and 
 Sippara  or  Sepharvaim.  The  Chaldaeans  (it  would 
 appear)  congregated  into  bodies,  forming  what  we 
 may  perhaps  c;\ll  universities,  and  pursuing  the 
 studies,  in  which  they  engaged,  together.  They 
 prol)ably  mixeil  up  to  some  extent  astrology  with 
 their  astronomy,  even  in  the  eaiiier  times,  but 
 they  certainly  made  great  advances  in  astronomicjil 
 science.  In  later  times  thejr  seem  to  have  degeneiated 
 into  mere  fortune-tellers. 
 
 Conttimon  nf  tho  Clialili'iiii«.     (liawllnson.    From  Ancient 
 MiMtunicnu.) 
 
 Chaldees.     [Ciiai-dkans.] 
 
 Chalk  Stones.     [I.imi;.] 
 
 Chamberlain.  Ei-astus,  "the  cliambcrlain " 
 of  the  city  of  Corinth,  was  one  of  those  who.s« 
 salutations  to  the   Koman  Christians  are  given  a'. 
 
CHAMELEON 
 
 the  end  of  the  Ep.  addressod  to  them  (Rom.  xvi. 
 23).  The  office  which  he  held  was  apparently 
 that  of  public  treasuier,  or  arcurivs,  as  the  Vulgate 
 rendei s  his  title.  These  (ircarii  were  inferior  magi.s- 
 trates,  who  had  the  <'harge  of  the  public  chest  {area 
 publica),  and  were  under  the  authority  of  the 
 senate.  They  Icepl  the  accounts  of  the  public 
 revenues.  The  otHce  held  by  Blastus,  "  the  king's 
 c/utmljcrluin,"  w;is  entirely  different  fioni  this 
 (Acts  xii.  20).  It  was  a  post  of  honour  which 
 involved  great  intimacy  and  influence  with  the 
 king.  The  margin  of  our  version  gives  "that  was 
 over  the  king's  beJchamber."  For  Chamberlain 
 as  used  in  the  0.  T.,  see  Eunuoh. 
 
 Chameleon.  The  Hebrew  coach  occurs  in  the 
 sense  of  some  kind  of  unclean  animal  in  Lev.  li. 
 30;  the  A.  V.  follows  the  LXX.  and  Vulg.  {Hieroz. 
 ii.  493).  Bochart  accepts  the  Arabic  reading  of 
 elwarlo,  i.  e.  the  lizard,  known  by  the  name  of  the 
 "Monitor  of  the  Nile"  {Monitor  Niloticus,  Grey), 
 a  large  strong  reptile  common  in  Egypt  and  other 
 paits  of  Africa;  but  the  evidence  which  supports 
 this  interpretation  is  far  from  conclusive. 
 
 Chamois  (Heb.  zemer).  In  the  list  of  animals 
 allowed  for  food  (Deut.  xiv.  5)  mention  is  made 
 of  the  zemer ;  the  LXX.,  Vulg.,  and  some  other 
 versions,  give  "camelopard"  or  "  giratic."  The 
 "chamois"'  of  the  A.  V.  can  hardly  be  allowed  to 
 represent  the  zemer ;  for  theie  is  no  evidence  that 
 it  has  ever  been  seen  in  Palestine  or  the  Lebanon. 
 Col.  H.  .Smith  suggests  that  some  mountain  sheep 
 is  intended,  and  figures  the  Kehsch  {Ammotragus 
 TrageUiphus),  a  wild  sheep  not  uncommon,  he 
 says,  in  the  Mokattam  rocks  near  Caiio,  and  found 
 also  in  Sinai  ;  it  is  not  improbable  that  this  is  the 
 animal  denoted. 
 
 CHARIOT 
 
 149 
 
 Cha'naan,  the  manner  in  which  the  word 
 Canaan  is  sjielt  in  the  A.  V.  of  the  Apocrypha 
 and  N.  T.  (Jud.  v.  3,  9,  10;  Bar.  iii.  22  ; 'Sus. 
 56;  1  Mace.  ix.  37;  Acts  vii.  11,  xiii.  19). 
 
 Chanaanite  for  Canaanite,  Jud.  v.  16. 
 
 Channune'us,   1  Esd.  viii.  48. 
 
 Chapiter.  The  capital  of  a  pillar ;  also  possibly 
 a  roll  moulding  at  t-he  top  of  a  building  or  work  of 
 art,  as  in  the  case  (1)  of  the  pillars  of  the  Taber- 
 nacle and  Temple,  and  of  the  two  pillars  called 
 especially  Jachin  and  Boa.'  ;  .and  (2)  of  the  lavers 
 
 belonging  to  the  Temple  (Ex,  xxxviii,   17 ;    1   K. 
 vii.  27.  31,  38). 
 
 Charaath'alar,  a  corruption  of  "Cherub,  Ad- 
 dan,"  in  Ezr.  ii.  (1  Esd.  v.  36). 
 
 Char'aca,  a  place  mentioned  only  in  2  Mac.  xii. 
 17,  and  there  so  obscurely  that  nothing  can  be 
 certainly  inferred  as  to  its  position.  It  was  on  the 
 east  of  Jordan,  and  it  was  750  stadia  from  the 
 city  Caspin.  Ewald  places  it  to  tiie  extreme  east, 
 and  identifies  it  with  Kaphon.  The  only  name 
 now  known  on  the  east  of  Jordan  which  recals 
 Charax  is  Kerak,  the  ancient  Kir-Moab,  on  the 
 S.E.  of  the  Dead  Sea. 
 
 Char'ashim,  The  Valley  of  ("  ravine  of  crafts- 
 men"), a  place  mentioned  twice; — 1  Chr.  iv.  14, 
 as  having  been  founded  or  settled  by  Joab,  a  man 
 of  the  tribe  of  Judah  and  family  of  Othniel;  and 
 Neh.  xi.  35,  as  being  reinhabited  by  Benjamites 
 aftei-  the  C'aptivity.  In  this  passage  it  is  rendered 
 "  valley  of  craftsmen." 
 Char'chamis,  1  Esd.  i.  25.  [Carchemish.] 
 Char'chemish,  2  Chr.  sxxv.  20.  [Carche- 
 mish.] 
 
 Char'cus,  1  Esd.  v.  32.  Corrupted  from  Barkos, 
 Cha'rea,  1  Esd.  v.  32.  [Harsha.] 
 Charger.  A^  shallow  vessel  for  receiving  water 
 or  blood,  also  for  presenting  oflerings  of  hne  flour 
 with  oil  (Num.  vii.  79).  The  "chargers"  men- 
 tioned in  Numbers  are  said  to  have  been  of  silvei-, 
 and  to  have  weighed  each  130  shekels,  or  65  oz. 
 The  daughter  of  Herodias  brought  the  head  of 
 St.  John  Baptist  in  a  charger  (Matt.  xiv.  8)  :  pro- 
 bably a  trencher  or  platter.     [Basin.] 
 
 Chariot.  1.  lieceb,  sometimes  including  the 
 horses  (2  Sam.  viii.  4,  -x.  15).— 2.  BScub,  a  chariot 
 or  horse  (Ps.  civ.  3).— 3.  Mercdh,  from  same  loot 
 as  (1)  a  chariot,  litter,  or  seat  (Lev.  xv.  9;  Cant, 
 iii.  lOl. — 4.  Mcrcdhdh.  —  o.  ' Acjaldh  (Ps.  xlvi. 
 9  [lo]). — 6.  Aphiryon  (Cant.  iii.  9  ;  between  1-4 
 no  difference  of  signification),  A  vehicle  used  either 
 for  warlike  or  peaceful  purposes,  but  most  com- 
 monly the  former.  Of  the  latter  use  the  following 
 only  are  probable  instances  as  regards  the  Jews, 
 1  K.  xviii.  44,  and  as  regards  other  nations.  Gen. 
 xii.  43,  xlvi.  29  ;  2  K.  v.  9;  Acts  viii.  28.  The 
 earliest  mention  of  chariots  in  Scriptui  e  is  in  Egypt, 
 where  Joseph,  as  a  mark  of  distinction,  was  placed 
 in  Pharaoh's  second  chariot  (Gen.  xii.  43),  and  later 
 when  he  went  in  his  own  chariot  to  meet  his  fathei 
 on  his  entrance  into  Egypt  from  Canaan  (xlvi.  29). 
 In  the  funeral  procession  of  Jacob  chariots  also 
 formed  a  part,  possibly  by  way  of  escort  or  as  a 
 guard  of  honour  {\.  9).  The  next  mention  of 
 Egyptian  chariots  is  for  a  warlike  purpose  (Ex.  xiv. 
 7).  In  this  point  of  view  chariots  among  some 
 nations  of  antiquity,  as  elephants  among  others, 
 may  be  regarded  as  tilling  the  place  of  heavy  artil- 
 lery in  modern  times,  so  that  the  militaiy  power 
 of  a  nation  might  be  estimated  by  the  number  of 
 its  chariots.  Thus  Pharaoh  in  pursuing  Israel  took 
 with  him  600  chariots.  The  Canaanites  of  the 
 valleys  of  Palestine  were  enabled  to  resist  the 
 Israel itps  successfully  in  consequence  of  the  num- 
 ber of  their  chariots  of  iron,  i.  e.  perhaps  armed 
 with  iron  scythes  (Ges.  s,  v. ;  Josh.  xvii.  18  ; 
 Judg.  i.  19).  Jabin,  king  of  Canaan,  had  900 
 chariots  (Judg.  iv.  3).  The  Philistines  in  Saul's 
 time  had  30,000,  a  number  which  seems  excessive 
 (1  .Sam.  xiii.  5).  David  took  from  Hadadezer  king 
 of  Zobah  1000  chariots  (2  Sam.  viii.  4),  and  from 
 the  Syrians  a  little  later  700  (x.  18),  who  in  order 
 
150 
 
 CHAKIOT 
 
 to  recover  their  ground  collected  32,000  chariots 
 (1  Chr.  xix.  7).  Up  to  this  time  the  Israelites 
 possessed  few  or  no  chariots,  ]);utly  no  doubt  in 
 consequence  of  the  theociatic  )irohibition  against 
 multiplying  horses,  for  fear  of  intercourse  witli 
 Egypt,  and  the  rejjal  despotism  implied  in  the 
 possession  of  them  (I>eiit.  xvii.  16  ;  1  Sam.  viii.  1 1, 
 12).  But  to  some  extent  David  (2  Sam.  viii.  4), 
 and  in  a  much  sx'eater  degree  Solomon,  broke 
 through  the  prohihition.  lie  raised,  theretbre,  and 
 maintained  a  force  of  1400  chariots  '1  K.  x.  25) 
 by  taxation  on  certain  cities  agreeably  to  Eastern 
 custom  in  such  matters  (1  K.  ix.  19,  x.  25;   Xen. 
 
 CHEBEL 
 
 Anal.  i.  4,  9).  The  chariots  themselves  and  also 
 the  horsas  were  imported  chiefly  from  Egypt,  and 
 the  cost  of  each  chariot  w;is  600  shekels  of  silver, 
 and  of  each  horse  1.50  (1  K.  x.  29).  From  this 
 time  chariots  were  regaided  as  .among  .the  most 
 imi>ortant  arms  of  war,  though  the  sujtplies  of 
 them  and  of  horses  appear  to  have  been  still  mainly 
 drawn  from  Egypt  ( 1  K.  xxii.  .34;  2  K.  ix.  16,21, 
 xiii.  7,  14,  xviii.  24,  xxiii.  30;  Is.  xxxi.  1).  Most 
 commonly  2  persons,  and  sometimes  3  rode  in  the 
 chariot,  of  whom  the  third  was  employed  to  carry 
 the  state  umbrella  (2  K.  ix.  20,  24  ;  IK',  xxii.  34  ; 
 Acts  viii.  38).     A  second  chariot  usually  accom- 
 
 Egyptlan  princes  in  their  ciioriot.     (WUIcinson.) 
 
 panied  the  kmg  to  battle  to  be  used  in  case  of  neces- 
 sity (2  Chr.  xxv.  34).  The  prophets  allude  fre- 
 quently to  chaiiots  ;ls  typical  of  power  (Ps.  .xx.  7, 
 civ.  3;  Jer.  li.  21  ;  Zech.  vi.  1).  Chariots  of  other 
 nations  are  mentioned,  as  of  Assyria  (2  K.  xix.  23; 
 Kz.  x\'nu  24),  Syria  (2  Sam.  viii.  and  2  K.  vi.  14, 
 15),  Persia  (Is.  xxii.  0),  and  lastly  Antiochus  Eu- 
 pator  is  said  to  have  had  3(H)  chariots  armed  with 
 scythes  (2  Mac.  xiii.  2).  In  the  N.  T.,  the  only 
 mention  m.ade  of  a  chariot  exa'jit  in  Kev.  i.v.  9,  is 
 in  the  case  of  the  Ethiopian  or  Abyssinian  eunuch 
 of  Queen  Canda(«  (Acts  viii.  28,  29,  38;.  Jewish 
 chariots  were  no  doubt  imitated  from  Egyptian 
 models,    if  not    actually    imported    from    Egypt. 
 
 An\vrian  chariot. 
 
 ChaiioLs  armed  with  scythes  may  perhaps  be  in- 
 tended by  the  "chariots  of  iron"  of  the  Canaan- 
 ites ;  they  .'ire  mentioned  as  part  of  the  equipment 
 
 of  Antiochus  (2  Mac.  xiii.  2),  and  of  Darius  (Diod. 
 .Sic.  xvii.  5.'i ;  Appian.  Si/r.  32). 
 
 Char  mis,  son  of  Melchiel,  one  of  the  three 
 "  ancients  "  or  "  rulers  "  of  Bethulia  (Jud.  vi.  15, 
 viii.  10,  X.  6). 
 
 Char'ran,  Acts  vii.  2,  4.     [Haran.] 
 
 Chase.     [Hunting.] 
 
 Chas'eba,  i)robably  a  mere  corruption  of  Ga- 
 zki;a  <  1  Ksd.  V.  31). 
 
 Che'bar,  a  liver  in  the  "  land  oftheChaldaeans" 
 (Ez.  i.  3),  on  the  banks  of  which  some  of  the  .lews 
 were  located  at  the  time  of  the  captivity,  and  where 
 Ezekiel  saw  his  earlier  visions  (Ez.  i.  1,  iii.  15,  23, 
 &c.).  It  is  commonly  regarded  as  iilentical  with 
 the  Habor,  or  river  of  Gozan,  to  which  some  por- 
 tion of  the  Israelites  were  removed  by  the  Assyrians 
 (2  K.  xvii.  6).  IJut  this  is  a  mere  conjecture. 
 The  Chebar  of  Ezekiel  must  be  looked  (or  in  Baby- 
 lonia. It  is  a  name  which  might  properly  have 
 been  given  to  any  (/reat  stream.  I'erhaps  the  view 
 that  the  Chebar  of  Ezekiel  is  the  A^ihr  Malclia  or 
 Koy.il  Canal  of  Nebuchadnezzar — the  i/rcatatt  of 
 all  tlie  cuttings  in  Mesopotamia — may  be  I'egiuded 
 as  best  doseiving  accepUuice. 
 
 Cheb'el,  one  of  the  singular  topographical  terms 
 in  wliiih  the  ancient  Hebrew  language  al)Ounde<l, 
 and  which  give  so  much  force  ami  precis-ion  to  its 
 records.  The  oitliuiuy  meaning  of  the  word  Clicbcl 
 is  a  "rope  "or  "cord;"  but  in  its  topographical 
 sense,  as  meiuiing  a  "tiact"  or  "district,"  we  find 
 it  always  attached  to  the  region  of  Argob,  which  is 
 invariably  designated  by  this,  and  l)y  no  other  tcmi 
 (Dciit.  iii,  4,   13,   14;  1  K.  iv.  13).     It  has  becu 
 
CHEDORLAOMER 
 
 already  shown  lion-  exactly  applicable  it  is  to  the 
 cii'Cumstaiices  of  the  case.  No  clue  is  atlbrded  us 
 to  the  reason  of  this  definite  localization  of  the  term 
 Chebel. 
 
 Chedorlao'mer,  a  king  of  Elam,  in  the  time  of 
 Abraham,  who  with  three  other  chiefs  made  war 
 upon  the  kings  of  Sodom,  Gomorrah,  Admah,  Ze- 
 boim,  and  Zoar,  and  reduced  tliem  to  servitude 
 (Gen.  xiv.  17).  The  name  of  a  king  is  found  upon 
 the  bricks  recently  discovered  in  Chaldaea,  which 
 is  read  Kudur-niapuln.  This  man  has  been  sup- 
 posed to  be  identical  with  Chedoi  laomer,  and  the 
 opinion  is  confirmed  by  the  fact  that  he  is  further 
 distinguished  by  a  title  which  may  be  translated 
 "  Ravager  of  the  we>t."  "  As  however  one  type 
 alone  of  his  legends  has  been  discovered,"  says  Col. 
 Ii;iwlinson,  "  it  is  impossible  to  pronounce  at  pie- 
 sent  on  the  identification.  Chedorlaomer  may  have 
 been  the  leader  of  certain  immigrant  Chaldaean 
 Elamites  who  founded  the  great  Chalda?aii  empire 
 of  1 'erosus  in  the  early  pai't  of  the  20th  century  B.C. 
 
 Cheese  is  mentioned  only  three  times  in  the 
 Biiile,  and  on  each  occasion  under  a  diri'ereut  name 
 in  the  Hebrew  (Job  x.  10  ;  1  Sam.  xvii.  18  ;  2  .Sam. 
 xvii.  29).  It  is  dilticult  to  decide  how  far  these 
 terms  correspond  with  our  notion  of  cheese  ;  for 
 they  simply  express  various  degrees  of  coagulation. 
 It  may  be  okserved  that  cheese  is  not  at  the  present 
 day  common  among  the  Bedouin  Arabs,  butter  being 
 decidedly  preferred ;  but  there  is  a  substance,  closely 
 corresponding  to  those  mentioned  in  1  Sam.  xvii.  ; 
 2  Sam.  .wii.,  consisting  of  coagulated  buttermilk, 
 which  is  dried  until  it  becomes  quite  hard,  and  is 
 then  ground:  the  Arabs  eat  it  mixed  with  butter 
 (Burckhardt,  Notes  on  the  Bedouins,  i.  60j. 
 
 Che'lal,  Ezr.  x.  3o. 
 
 Chelci'as.  1.  Ancestor  of  Baruch  (Bar.  i.  I). 
 —2.  Hilkiah  tlie  high  priest  in  the  time  of  Isaiah 
 (Bar.  i.  7).— 3.  The  father  of  Susanna  {Hist,  of 
 Sus.  2,  29,  6.'3).  Tradition  represents  him  as  the 
 brother  of  .Teremiah,  and  identical  with  Hilkiah 
 who  found  the  copy  of  the  law  in  the  time  of  Jo- 
 .siah  (2  l\.  xxii.  8). 
 
 Cliel'lians,  Tlie  fJud.  ii.  2?,).     [Chellus.] 
 
 Cheriuh,  Ezi.  x.'35. 
 
 Chel'lus,  named  amongst  the  places  beyond  {i.e. 
 on  the  west  of)  .Jordan  to  which  Nabuchodonosor 
 sent  his  summons  (Jud.  i.  9j.  Except  its  mention 
 with  "  Kades  "  there  is  no  clue  to  its  situation, 
 lieland  conjectures  that  it  may  have  been  Elusa. 
 
 Che'lod.  "  Many  nations  of  the  sons  of  Chelod  " 
 were  among  those  who  obeyed  the  summons  of  Na- 
 buchodonosor to  his  war  with  Arphaxad  (Jud.  i.  6j. 
 The  word  is  apparently  corrupt. 
 
 die'Iub.  1.  A  man  among  the  descendants  of 
 Judah,  described  as  the  brother  of  Shuah  and  the 
 father  of  Mechir. — 2.  Ezri  the  son  of  Chelub  was 
 the  overseer  of  those  who  "  did  the  work  of  the 
 field  for  tillage  of  the  ground,"  one  of  David's 
 officers  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  26). 
 
 Chel'ubai,  the  son  of  Hezron,  of  one  of  the  chief 
 families  of  Judah.  The  name  occurs  in  1  Chr.  ii.  9 
 only,  and  from  a  comparison  of  this  passage  with  ii. 
 18  and  42,  it  would  appear  to  be  but  another  form 
 of  the  name  Caleb. 
 
 Chem'arims,  The.  This  woi\l  only  occurs  in 
 the  text  of  the  A.  V.  in  Zeph.  i.  4.  In  2  K.  xxiii.  5 
 it  is  rendered  "  idolatrous  priests,"  and  in  Hos.  x.  5 
 "priests,"  and  in  both  cases  "  chemarim  "  is  given 
 in  the  margin.  So  far  as  regards  the  Hebrew  usage 
 of  the  word  it  is  exclusively  applied  to  the  priests 
 
 CHERITH 
 
 151 
 
 of  the  false  worship,  and  was  in  all  probability  a 
 term  of  foreign  origin.  In  Syriac  the  word  cr'tnuo 
 is  found  without  the  same  restriction  of  meaning, 
 being  used  in  Judg.  xvii.  .5,  12,  of  the  priest  of 
 Micah,  while  in  Is.  Ixi.  6  it  denotes  the  priests  of 
 the  true  God,  and  in  Heb.  ii.  17  is  applied  to 
 Christ  himself.  Kimchi  derived  it  from  a  root 
 signifying  "  to  be  black,"  because  the  idolatrous 
 priests  wore  black  garments  ;  but  this  is  without 
 foundation. 
 
 Che'mosh,  the  national  deity  of  the  Moabites 
 (Num.  x.xi.  29;  Jer.  xlviii.  7,  13,  46).  In  Judg. 
 xi.  24,  he  also  appears  as  the  god  of  the  Ammonites. 
 Solomon  intioduced,  and  Josiah  abolished,  the  wor- 
 ship of  Chemosh  at  Jerusalem  (1  K.  xi.  7  ;  2  K. 
 xxiii.  13).  Jerome  identifies  him  with  Baal-Peor  ; 
 others  with  Baal-Zebub,  on  etymological  grounds  ; 
 others,  as  Gesenius,  with  Mars,  and  others  with 
 Saturn. 
 
 Chena'anah.  1.  Son  of  Bilhan,  son  of  Jediael, 
 son  of  Benjamin,  head  of  a  Benjamitc  house  (1  Chr. 
 vii.  10),  probably  of  the  family  of  the  Belaites. 
 [Bela.]— 2.  Fathei-,  or  ancestor  of  Zedekiah  the 
 talsepropliet(lK.  xxii.  11,24;  2Chr.xviii.  10,23). 
 
 Chen'ani,  one  of  the  Levites  who  assisted  at  the 
 solemn  purification  of  the  people  under  Ezra  (Neh. 
 ix.  4). 
 
 Chenani'ah,  chief  of  the  Levites,  when  David 
 carried  the  ark  to  Jerusalem  (1  Chr.  xv.  22,  xxvi. 
 29). 
 
 Che'phar-Haammona'i,  "  Hamlet  of  the  Am- 
 monites;" a  place  mentioned  among  the  towns  of 
 Benjamin  (Josh,  xviii.  24).  No  trace  of  it  has  yet 
 been  discovered. 
 
 Chephi'rah,  "  the  hamlet ;"  one  of  the  four  cities 
 of  the  Gibeonites  (Josh.  ix.  17),  named  afterwaids 
 amoncrthe  towns  of  Benjamin,  with  l\amah,  Beeroth, 
 and  Mizpeh  (xviii.  26).  The  men  of  Chephirah 
 returned  with  Zerubbabel  from  Babylon  (Ezr.  ii. 
 25  ;  Neh.  vii.  29).  Dr.  Robinson  seems  to  have  dis- 
 covered it  under  the  scarcely  altered  name  oi Kefir, 
 about  2  miles  west  of  Yalo  (Ajalon).    [Caphira.] 
 
 Che'ran,  one  of  the  sons  of  Dishon  the  Horite 
 "  duke  "  (Gen.  xxxvi.  26  ;   1  Chr.  i.  41). 
 
 Che'reas,  a  brother  of  Timotheus  (1  Mace.  v.  6), 
 who  held  Gazara  (1  Mace.  v.  8),  where  he  was 
 slain  (2  Mace.  x.  32,37). 
 
 Cher'ethims,  Ez.  xxv.  16.  The  plural  form  ol 
 the  word  elsewhere  rendered  Cherethites  :  which 
 see. 
 
 Cher'ethites  and  Pel'etMtes,  the  life-guards  of 
 King  David  '2  Sam.  viii.  18,  xv.  18,  xx.  7,  23; 
 IK.  i.  38,44;  1  Chr.  xviii.  17).  These  titles 
 are  commonly  said  to  signify  "  executioners  and 
 couriers."  It  is  plain  that  these  royal  guards  wei  e 
 employed  as  executioners  (2  -K.  xi.  4),  and  a<i 
 couriers  (1  K.  xiv.  27).  But  it  has  been  con- 
 jectured that  they  may  have  been  foreign  merce- 
 naries. They  are  connected  with  tiie  Gittites,  a 
 foreign  tribe  (2  Sam.  xv.  21);  and  the  Cherethites 
 are  mentioned  as  a  nation  (1  Sam.  xxx.  14),  dwelling 
 apparently  on  the  coast,  and  therefore  probably 
 Philistines,  of  which  name  Pclethites  may  be  only 
 another  form. 
 
 Che'rith,  The  Brook,  the  torrent-bed  or  xoady 
 in  which  Elijah  hid  himself  during  the  early  part 
 of  the  three  years'  drought  (1  K.  xvii.  3,  5).  The 
 position  of  the  Cherith  has  been  much  disputed. 
 Eusebius  and  Jerome  place  it  beyond  .lordan, 
 where  also  Schwarz  would  identify  it  in  a  Wadij 
 Alias,  opposite  Bethshean.     This  is  the   Wtultj  el- 
 
152 
 
 CHERUB 
 
 Foils  (Jabi'sli).  The  only  tradition  on  tlie  siibjert 
 is  one  mentioned  by  Maiinus  Sanutus  in  \'.i2\  ;  that 
 it  ran  by  Fiiasaelus,  Herod's  city  in  the  Jordan 
 valley.  This  would  make  it  the  Ain  Fustil  which 
 falls  from  the  mountains  of  Ef)hraim  into  the  Glior, 
 south  of  Knm  SitrtabcU,  and  about  15  miles  above 
 Jericho.  This  view  is  supjwrted  by  Bachiene,  and 
 in  our  own  time  by  \'an  de  Velde  (ii.  310).  Dr. 
 Robinson  on  the  other  hand  would  rind  the  name  in 
 the  Witdij  Kelt  behind  Jericho.  Tiie  two  names 
 are  however  essentially  unlike.  Tne  aitjument  from 
 probability  is  in  favour  of  tlie  Cherith  being  on  the 
 Past  of  Jordan,  and  the  name  may  possibly  be  dis- 
 covered there. 
 
 Cher'nb,  apparently  a  place  in  Babylonia  from 
 which  some  jwrsons  of  doubtful  extraction  returned 
 to  Judaea  with  Zenibljabel  (Ezr.  ii.  bQ  \  Neh.  vii. 
 Gl). 
 
 Cherub,  Cherubim,  The  symbolical  figure  so 
 called  was  a  compo.site  creature-fonn,  which  finds  a 
 parallel  in  the  religious  iusignia  of  Assyiia,  Kgypt, 
 
 CHERUB 
 
 as  admiring  and  wondering  (I  Pet.  i.  12),  but  as 
 guardians  of  the  coven.uit  and  avengere  of  its 
 breach.  Those  on  the  ark  were  to  be  jilaced  with 
 wings  stretched  fortli,  one  at  each  end  of  the 
 mercy-seat,  and  to  be  made  "  of  the  mercy-s^at." 
 
 The  winged  female  »pl 
 
 (Wilkiiuoii.) 
 
 and  Persia,  e.  g.  the  sphinx,  the  winged  bulls  and 
 lions  of  Nineveh,  &c.,  a  general  prevalence  which 
 prevents  the  necessity  of  our  regarding  it  as  a  mere 
 adoption  from  the  Egyptian  ritual.  In  such  forms 
 every  imaginative  people  has  sought  to  embody  its 
 notions  either  of  the  attributes  of  Divine  essence,  or 
 of  the  vast  ])owers  of  nature  which  transcend  that  of 
 man.  The  Hebrew  idea  seems  to  limit  the  number 
 of  the  cherubim.  A  jair  (Ex.  xxv.  18,  &c.)  were 
 j)laced  on  the  mercy-scat  of  the  ai'k  :  a  pair  of  colossal 
 .-ize  overshadowed  it  in  Solomon's  Temple  with  the 
 (sinopy  of  their  contiguously  extended  wings.  Eze- 
 kiel,  i.  4-14,  speaks  of  four,  and  similarly  the  apo- 
 calyptic "beasts"  (Rev.  iv.  G)  are 
 four.  So  at  the  front  or  east  of 
 Eden  were  posted  "the  cherubim," 
 as  though  the  whole  of  some  recog- 
 nised number,  'i'hey  utter  no  voice, 
 though  one  is  "  heard  from  above 
 them,"  nor  have  dcMlings  with  men 
 save  to  awe  and  rejiel.  The  cheru- 
 bim are  placeil  beneath  the  actual 
 presence  of  Jehovah,  whose  moving 
 throne  they  appear  to  draw  (TJcn.  iii. 
 24 ;  Ez.  i.  o,  2b,  '_'»),  x.  1 ,  2,  G,  7 ; 
 Is.  vi.  2,  3,  C).  The  glory  sym- 
 bolising that  presence  which  eye  can- 
 not see  rests  or  rides  on  thorn,  or  one 
 of  them,  thence  dismounts  to  the 
 temple  threshold,  and  then  dejiaits 
 and  mounts  ng:iin  (Ez.  x.  4,  18; 
 comp.  ix,  3;  I's.  xviii.  10).  There 
 is  in  them  an  entire  altsence  of  human 
 srinpathy,  and  even  on  the  mercy-seat 
 they  probably  ajipearcd   not  merely 
 
 Assyrian  firyphon.    (Lnyant,  11.  459.) 
 
 They  are  calle^l  the  cherubim  of  glory  (Heb.  ix.  5), 
 a.s  on  them  the  glory,  when  visible,  rested.  They 
 were  anointed  with  the  holy  oil,  like  the  ark  itselt', 
 and  the  other  sacred  furniture.  Their  wings  were 
 to  be  stretched  upwards,  and  their  faces  "  towards 
 each  other  and  towards  the  mercy -seat."  It  is  re- 
 markable that  with  such  j)iecise  directions  as  to 
 their  jMwition,  attitude,  and  material,  nothing  save 
 that  they  were  winged,  is  said  concerning  their 
 shape.  On  the  whole  it  seems  likely  that  the  word 
 "  cherub"  meant  not  only  the  composite  creature- 
 form,  of  which  the  man,  lion,  ox,  and  eagle  were 
 the  elements,  but,  further,  some  peculiar  and  mys- 
 tical form,  which  Ezekiel,  being  a  priest,  would 
 know  and  recognise  as  "the  face  of  a  cnER'jis" 
 (Ez.  x.  14);  but  which  was  kept  secret  from  all 
 others;  and  such  probably  were  those  on  the  ark, 
 though  those  on  the  hangings  and  panels  might 
 be  of  the  popular  device.  What  this  peculiar 
 cherubic  form  was  is  perhaps  an  ini]ienetrable 
 mystery.  It  mi^ht  well  be  the  symbol  of  Him 
 whom  none  could  behold  and  live.  For  as  sym- 
 bols of  Divine  attributes,  e.  g.  omnipotence  and 
 omniscience,  net  as  representations  of  actual  beings, 
 the  cherubim  should  be  regai-ded.  Many  etymo- 
 logical sources  for  the  woi-d  cherub  have  been 
 proposed.  The  two  liest  worth  noticing,  and  be- 
 tween which  it  is  dillicult  to  choose  are,  (1)  the 
 Syriac  cerub,  great,  strong ;  (2)  the  Syriac  cerab, 
 to  plough,  i.e.  to  cut  into;  hence,  "that  which 
 
 AHxTlau  (pnlns.    (Larwd,  U.  3M.) 
 
CHESALON 
 
 ploughs  "  =  the  OK,  or,  tliat  which  is  cai-ved  —  an 
 image.  Besides  these  two,  wisdom  or  intelligence 
 has  been  gireii  by  hif;h  authoiity  as  the  true 
 meaning  of  the  name.  Though  the  exact  Ibrm  of 
 the  cherubim  is  uncertain,  they  must  have  borne 
 a  general  resemblance  to  the  composite  religious 
 figures  found  upon  the  monuments  of  Egypt,  As- 
 syria, Babylonia,  and  Persia.  In  the  sacred  boats 
 or  arks  of  the  Egyptians,  there  are  sometimes  found 
 two  figures  with  extended  wings,  wliich  remind  us 
 of  the  description  of  the  cherubim  "  covering  the 
 mercy-seat  with  their  wings,  and  their  faces  [look- 
 ing] one  to  another  "  (Ex.  xxv.  20). 
 
 CHILDREN 
 
 153 
 
 Che'salon,  a  place  named  as  one  of  the  land- 
 marks on  the  west  part  of  the  north  boundary  of 
 Judali,  apparently  situated  on  the  shoulder  of 
 Mount  Jearim  (Josh.  xv.  10).  Dr.  Robinson  has 
 observed  a  modern  village  named  Kesla,  about  six 
 miles  to  the  N.E.  of  Ain-shems,  on  the  western 
 mountains  of  Judah.  Eusebius  and  Jerome,  in  the 
 Onomasticon,  mention  a  Chaslon,  but  they  differ  as 
 to  its  situation,  the  former  placing  it  in  Benjamin, 
 the  latter  in  Judah  :  both  agree  that  it  was  a  very 
 large  village  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Jerusalem. 
 
 Che'sed,  fourth  son  of  Nahor  (Gen.  xxii.  22). 
 
 Che'sil,  a  town  in  the  extreme  south  of  Palestine, 
 named  with  Hormah  and  Ziklag  (Josh.  xv.  30), 
 In  Josh.  xix.  4  the  name  Betiiul  occurs  in  place 
 of  it,  as  if  the  one  were  identical  with,  or  a  cor- 
 ruption of,  the  other.  This  is  conKnned  by  the 
 reading  of  1  Chr.  iv.  30,  Bethuel.  In  this  case 
 we  can  only  conclude  that  Chesil  was  an  early 
 variation  of  Bethul. 
 
 Chest.  By  this  word  are  translated  in  the  A.  V. 
 two  distinct  Hebrew  terms;  1.  dron  ;  this  is  in- 
 variably used  for  the  Ark  of  the  Covenant,   and 
 
 Kgjptian  chest  or  box  from  Thebes      (Wilki 
 
 with  two  exceptions,  for  that  only.  The  two  ex- 
 ceptions alluded  to  are  (a)  the  "  coffin  "  in  which 
 the  bones  of  Joseph  were  carried  from  Egypt  (Gen. 
 1.  26)  ;  and  (6)  the  "chest"  in  which  Jeiioiada  the 
 priest  collected  the  alms  for  the  repairs  of  the  Temple 
 (2  K.  xii.  9,  10  ;  2  Chr.  xxiv.  8-1 1).  Of  the  former 
 the  accompanying  wood-cut  is  probably  a  near  repre- 
 sentation.— 2.  gSndzim,  "chests"  (Ez.  sxvii.  24 
 only). 
 
 Chestnut-Tree  (Heb.  'armon').  Mention  is  made 
 of  the  'urmon  in  Gen.  sxx.  37,  and  in  Ezek.  xxxi. 
 8,  it  is  spoken  of  as  one  of  the  glories  of  Assyria. 
 The  balance  of  authority  is  certainly  in  favour  of 
 the  "plane-tree"  being  the  tree  denoted.  The 
 A.  V.  which  follows  the  Rabbins  is  certainly  to  be 
 rejected,  for  the  context  of  the  passages  where  the 
 word  occurs,  indicates  some  tree  which  thrives  best 
 in  low  and  rather  moist  situations,  whereas  the 
 chestnut-tree  is  a  tree  which  prefers  dry  and  hilly 
 ground.  The  plane-tiees  of  Palestine  in  ancient  days 
 were  probably  more  numerous  than  they  are  now  ; 
 though  modern  travellers  occasionally  lefer  to  them. 
 
 Chesul'loth(lit.  "the  loins"),  one  of  the  towns 
 of  Jssachar,  deriving  its  name,  perhaps,  from  its 
 situation  on  the  slope  of  some  mountain  (Josh.  xix. 
 18).  From  its  position  in  the  lists  it  appears  to 
 be  between  Jezreel  and  Shunem  {Salain). 
 
 Chet'tiim,  I  Mace.  i.  1.     [Cuittim.] 
 
 Che'zib,  a  name  which  occurs  but  once  (Gen. 
 xxxviii.  5).  In  the  absence  of  any  specification  of 
 the  position  of  Chezib,  we  may  adopt  the  opinion  of 
 the  interpreters,  ancient  and  modern,  who  identify 
 it  with  ACHZIB. 
 
 Chi'don,  the  name  which  in  1  Chr.  xiii.  9  io 
 given  to  the  threshing-floor  at  which  the  accident 
 to  the  ark,  on  its  transport  from  Kirjath-jearim  to 
 Jerusalem,  took  place,  and  the  death  of  Uzzah. 
 In  the  parallel  account  in  2  Sam.  vi.  the  name  is 
 given  as  Nachox. 
 
 Children.  The  blessing  of  offspring,  but  espe- 
 cially, and  sometimes  exclusively,  of  the  male  sex 
 is  highly  valued  among  all  Eastern  nations,  while 
 the  absence  is  regarded  as  one  of  the  seveiest  pimish- 
 ments  (Gen.  rvi.  2  ;  Deut.  vii.  14  ;  1  Sam.  i.  6 ; 
 2  Sam.  vi.  23;  2  K.  iv.  14;  Is.  xlvii.  9;  Jer. 
 XK.  15  ;  Ps.  cxxvii.  3,  5).  Childbirth  is  in  the  East 
 usually,  but  not  always,  attended  with  little  diffi- 
 culty, and  accomplished  with  little  or  no  assistance 
 (Gen.  X.XXV.  17,  xxxviii.  28;  Ex.  i.  19 ;  1  Sam. 
 iv.  19,  20).  As  soon  as  the  child  was  born,  and 
 the  umbilical  cord  cut,  it  was  washed  in  a  bath, 
 rubbed  with  salt,  and  wrapped  in  swaddling  clothes. 
 Arab  motheis  sometimes  rub  their  children  with 
 earth  or  sand  (Ez.  xvi.  4;  Job  xxxviii.  9;  Luke 
 ii.  7).  On  the  8th  day  the  rite  of  circumcision,  in 
 the  case  of  a  boy,  was  performed,  and  a  name  given. 
 sometimes,  but  not  usually,  the  same  as  that  of 
 the  father,  and  generally  conveying  some  special 
 meaning.  After  the  birth  of  a  male  child  the 
 mother  was  considered  unclean  for  7-|-33  days; 
 if  the  child  were  a  female,  for  double  that  period, 
 14-[-Gt5  days.  At  the  end  of  the  time  she  was  to 
 make  an  offering  of  purification  of  a  lamb  as  a 
 burnt-ofl'ering,  and  a  pigeon  or  turtle-dove  as  a  sin- 
 offeiing,  or  in  case  of  poverty,  two  doves  or  pigeons, 
 one  as  a  burnt-ofTering,  the  other  as  a  sin-offering 
 (Lev.  xii.  1-8  ;  Luke  ii.  22).  The  period  of  nurs- 
 ing appears  to  have  been  sometimes  piolonged  to  3 
 years  fis.  xlix.  15  ;  2  Mace.  vii.  27).  Nurses  were 
 employed  in  cases  of  necessity  ("Ex.  ii.  9  ;  Gen.  xxiv. 
 59,   XX.XV.  8;  2  Sam.  iv.  4;  2  K.  xi.  2 ,  2  Chr. 
 
IM 
 
 CHILEAB 
 
 xxii.  1 1).  The  time  of  weaning  was  an  occasion  of 
 rejoicing  (C.cn.  xxi.  8).  Arab  chiUiren  wear  little 
 or  no  clothing  for  4  or  5  y<'ais  :  the  young  ot"  lioth 
 sexes  are  usually  carried  l)y  the  tnothere  on  the  hip 
 or  the  shoulder,  a  custom  to  which  allusion  is  made 
 by  Isaiah  (Js.  xhx.  i"2,  Ixvi.  12).  Both  boys  and 
 girls  in  their  early  years  were  under  the  care  of  the 
 women  (I'lov.  xxxi.  1).  Afterwards  the  boys 
 were  taken  by  the  father  under  his  charge.  Those 
 in  wealthy  families  liad  tutors  or  governors,  who 
 were  sometimes  eunuchs  (Num.   xi.    12;  2  K.  x. 
 
 1,  5;  Is.  xlix.  23;  Gal.  iii.  24;  p:sth.  ii.  7). 
 Dauglitei-s  usually  remained  in  the  women's  apart- 
 ments till  marriage,  or,  among  the  poorer  classes, 
 were  employed  in  household  work  (Lev.  xxi.  9  ; 
 Num.  xii.  14;  1  Sam.  ix.  11  ;  Prov.  xxxi.  19,23; 
 I'xclus.  vii.  25,  xlii.  0;  2  Mace.  iii.  19).  The 
 fii-stborn  male  children  weie  regarded  as  devoted  to 
 God,  and  were  to  be  redeemed  by  an  ofl'ering  (Ex. 
 riii.  13;  Num.  .v\'iii.  15;  Luke  ii.  22).  The 
 authority  of  parents,  especially  of  the  fatlier,  over 
 children  was  very  great,  as  was  also  the  roveience 
 enjoined  by  the  law  to  be  paid  to  parents.  The 
 disobedient  child,  the  striker  or  reviler  of  a  parent, 
 was  liable  to  cipital  punishment,  though  not  at  the 
 independent  will  of  the  parent.  The  inheritance 
 was  divided  equally  between  all  the  sons  except  the 
 eldest,  who  received  a  double  portion  (Deut.  xxi.  17  ; 
 Gen.  XXV.  31,  xlix.  3;   1  Chr.  v.   1,  2;  Judg.  xi. 
 
 2,  7).  Daughters  had  by  right  no  portion  in  the 
 inheritance  ;  Ijut  if  a  man  had  no  son,  his  inheri- 
 tance passed  to  his  daughters,  who  were  forbidden 
 to  marry  out  of  their  father's  tribe  (Num.  xxvii. 
 1,  S.  xxxvi.  2,  8). 
 
 Chileab.     [Ahigail;  Danikl.] 
 
 Chillon,  the  son  of  Elimelech  and  Naomi,  and 
 husband  of  Orpah  (lluth  i.  2-5,  iv.  9).  He  is 
 descnbed  as  "an  Ephrathite  of  Bethlehem-judah." 
 
 CMl'mad,  a  place  or  countiy  mentioned  in  con- 
 junction with  .Slieba  and  Asshuv  (Ez.  xxvii.  23^. 
 The  only  name  beaiing  any  similarity  to  it  is  Char- 
 mande,  a  town  near  the  Euphrates  between  the 
 Mascas  and  the  Babylonian  frontiei-,  but  it  is  highly 
 improbable  that  this  place  was  of  sufficient  import- 
 ance to  rank  with  Sheba  and  Asshur. 
 
 Chim'ham,  a  follower,  and  piobably  a  son  of 
 Barzillai  the  (iileadite,  who  returned  from  beyond 
 Jordan  witli  David  (2  Sam.  xix.  37,  38,  40). 
 David  appears  to  have  bestowed  on  him  a  ])osses- 
 sion  at  Bethlehem,  on  which,  in  later  times,  an  inn 
 or  Khan  was  standing  (Jer.  xli.  17).  In  2  .Sam. 
 xix.  40,  the  name  is  in  the  Hebrew  text  Chimiia.n. 
 
 Chim'han.     [Chimiiam.] 
 
 Chin'nereth,  accurately  Cinnareth,  a  fortified 
 city  in  the  tiibe  of  Naphtali  (.Josh.  xix.  35  only), 
 of  which  no  trace  is  found  in  later  writers,  and  no 
 remains  by  travellers.  By  S.  .Jerome  Chinnereth 
 was  identi(icd  with  the  later  Tiberias.  This  may 
 have  been  from  sfime  ti-adition  then  existing. 
 
 Chin'nereth,  Sea  of  f Num.  xxxiv.  11;  Josh, 
 xiii.  27,,  til''  inland  sea,  which  is  most  familiarly 
 known  to  us  ;ls  the  "lake  of  (iennesareth."  This 
 is  evident  from  the  mo<le  in  which  it  is  mentioned 
 as  being  at  the  eml  of  .Jordan  opposite  to  the  "Sea 
 of  the  ,\rabah,"  i.  e.  the  i)eiil  .Sea;  a-s  having  the 
 Arnbah  or  (Jhor  below  it,  &c.  fDeut.  iii.  17  ;  .losh. 
 xi.  2,  xii.  3).  In  the  two  l.itter  of  the.se  passages 
 it  is  in  a  ])liiinl  form,  Ciiinnkkoth.  It  scem.s 
 likely  th.it  Cinnereth  w;is  an  ancient  Canaanitc 
 iianif  fvi^tiii,'  long  jirior  to  the  Isi-ielite  conquest. 
 
 Chin'nereth.    [Ciiinnkkltii.] 
 
 CHIUN 
 
 Chi'os.  The  jwsition  of  this  island  in  reference 
 to  the  neiglibounng  islands  and  coasts  could  hardly 
 be  better  described  tlian  in  the  detailed  account 
 of  St.  Paul's  return  voyage  from  Troas  to  Caesarea 
 (Acts  XX.  xxi.).  Having  come  from  Assos  to  Mi- 
 tylene  in  Lesbos  (xx.  14),  he  arrived  the  next 
 day  over  against  Chios  (v.  15'),  the  next  day  at 
 Samos  and  fcirried  at  Trogyllium  (i6.) :  and  the 
 following  day  at  Jlih'tus  (I'/j.):  thence  he  went  by 
 Cos  and  liliodes  to  l'at,ara  (xxi.  1).  At  that  time 
 Chios  enjoyed  the  privilege  of  freedom,  and  it  is  not 
 certain  that  it  ever  was  politically  a  part  of  the 
 province  of  Asia,  though  it  is  separated  from  the 
 mainland  only  by  a  strait  of  5  miles.  Its  length  is 
 about  32  iniles,  .and  in  bieadth  it  varies  from  8  to 
 18.  Its  outline  is  mountainous  and  bold;  and  it 
 has  always  been  celebrated  for  its  beauty  and  fruit- 
 fulness.  In  recent  times  it  has  been  too  well 
 known,  under  its  modern  name  of  Sato,  for  the 
 dreadful  sufferings  of  its  inhabitants  in  the  Greek 
 war  of  independence. 
 
 Chis'leu.     [Months.] 
 
 Chis'lon,  father  of  Elidad,  the  prince  of  the 
 tiibe  ot  iVnjamin,  chosen  to  assist  in  the  division 
 of  the  land  of  Canaan  among  the  tribes  (Num. 
 .Xixiv.  21). 
 
 Chiflloth-Ta'bor,  a  place  to  the  bonier  of  which 
 reached  the  border  of  Zebulun  (Josh.  xix.  12).  It 
 may  be  the  village  I/mdl  which  is  now  standing 
 about  two  miles  and  a  half  to  the  west  of  Mount 
 Tabfir. 
 
 Chit'tim,  Kit'tim,  a  family  or  race  descended 
 from  Javaii  (<!en.  x.  4  ;  1  Chr.  i.  7;  A.  V.  KiT- 
 TJ.m),  closely  related  to  the  Dodanim,  and  remotely 
 to  the  other  descendants  of  Javiui.  Chittim  is  fre- 
 quently noticed  in  Scripture:  Balaam  predicts  that 
 a  fleet  should  thence  proceed  for  the  destruction  of 
 Assyria  (Num.  xxiv.  24):  in  Is.  xxiii.  1,  12,  it 
 appears  as  the  resort  of  the  fleets  of  Tyie:  in  Jer. 
 ii.  10,  the  "isles  of  Chittim"  are  to  the  far  west, 
 as  Kedar  to  the  ea.st  of  Palestine :  the  Tyrians 
 procured  thence  the  cedar  or  box-wood,  which  they 
 inlaid  with  ivoiy  for  the  decks  of  their  vessels  (Ez. 
 xxvii.  6):  in  Dan.  xi.  30,  "ships  of  Chittim" 
 advance  to  the  south  to  meet  the  king  of  the  north. 
 At  a  later  jieriod  we  find  Alexander  the  (iieat 
 described  as  coming  fiom  the  land  of  CiiliTTliM 
 (1  Miicc.  i.  1),  and  Perseus  as  king  of  the  CiTlMS 
 (1  Mace.  viii.  5).  Josophus  consideied  Cyprus  .ts 
 the  original  seat  of  the  Chittim,  .adducing  as  evi- 
 dence the  name  of  its  principal  town,  Citium. 
 Citium  was  without  doubt  a  Phoeiiici;iii  town. 
 Fiom  the  town  the  name  extended  to  the  whole 
 island  of  Cyprus,  which  was  occupied  by  Phoenician 
 colonies.  The  name  Chittim,  which  in  the  first 
 instance  had  applied  to  Phoenicians  only,  passeil 
 over  to  the  islands  which  they  h.ad  o<x'iipie(i,  anil 
 thence  to  the  people  who  succeedcil  the  Phoenicians 
 in  the  occu)iation  of  them.  Thus  iu  Mace, 
 Chittim  evidently  =  Macedonia.  The  "ships  of 
 Chittim  "  in  Dan.  have  been  explained  as  Al.icv- 
 donian  ;  but  the  .assumption  on  which  this  intci- 
 jHctation  rests,  is  not  Ixirne  out.  In  an  ethnologimj 
 |ioint  of  view,  Chittinx  must  bo  regarded  ;us  apply- 
 ing, not  to  the  original  Phoenician  .settlers  of 
 Cyprus,  but  to  the  rai-e  which  sn<'ceede<I  them  ; 
 viz.  the  Cnrians.  The  Cariaiis  were  <oiinectc<i 
 with  the  Leleges,  and  must  be  considered  as  related 
 to  the  Pel.'tsijic  family  though  quite  distinct  from 
 the  Hellenic  branch. 
 
 Chi'an.     [IIkmi-iian.] 
 
CHLOE 
 
 Chlo'e,  a  woman  mentioned  in  1  Cor.  i.  11. 
 
 Cho'ba,  a  place  mentioned  in  Jud.  iv.  4,  ap- 
 parently situated  in  the  central  jiart  of  Palestine. 
 It  is  piobablr  the  same  as 
 
 Chol)ai,  which  occurs  in  Jud.  xv.  4,  5.  The 
 name  suggests  Hobah,  if  the  distance  from  tiie  pro- 
 bable Site  of  Bethulia  were  not  too  great. 
 
 Chor'ashan,  one  of  the  places  in  which  "  David 
 and  his  men  were  wont  to  haunt,"  (1  Sam.  xxx. 
 30).  It  may,  perhaps,  be  identified  with  Ashan 
 of  Simeon.  This  is,  however,  quite  uncertain,  and 
 the  name  has  not  been  discovered. 
 
 Chora'zin,  one  of  the  cities  in  which  our  Lord's 
 mighty  works  were  done,  but  named  only  in  His 
 denunciation  (Matt.  xi.  21  ;  Luke  x.  13).  St. 
 Jerome  describes  it  as  on  the  shore  of  the  lake,  two 
 miles  from  Capernaum.  Dr.  Robinson's  conclusion 
 is  that  Khan  Ifiw/eh  being  Capernaum,  Et- 
 Tahiijhah  is  Bethsaida,  and  Tell  Hum  Chorazin, 
 but  the  question  is  enveloped  in  great  obscurity. 
 
 Cho'zeba.  The  "men  of  Chozeba  "  are  named 
 fl  Chr.  iv.  2'2)  amongst  the  descendants  of  Shelah 
 the  son  of  Judah.  Chezib  and  Chozeba  are,  per- 
 haps, the  same  as  AcHZlB. 
 
 Christ.     [Jesus.] 
 
 Christian.  The  disciples,  we  are  told  ("Acts 
 xi.  26),  were  first  called  Christians  at  Antioch  on 
 the  Orontes,  somewhere  about  a.d.  43.  The  name, 
 and  the  place  where  it  was  conferred,  are  both 
 significant.  It  is  clear  that  the  appellation 
 "  Christian  "  was  one  which  could  not  have  been 
 assumed  by  the  Christians  themselves.  They  were 
 known  to  each  other  as  brethren  of  one  family,  as 
 disciples  of  the  same  Master,  as  believers  in  the 
 same  faith,  and  as  distinguished  by  the  same 
 endeavours  aftei-  holiness  and  consecration  of  life ; 
 and  so  were  called  brethren  (Acts  xv.  1,  23 ; 
 1  Cor.  vii.  12),  disciples  (Acts  ix.  26,  xi.  29), 
 believers  (Acts  v.  14),  saints  {Pi.om.  viii.  27,  xv.  25). 
 But  the  outer  world  could  know  nothing  of  the 
 true  force  and  significance  of  these  terms.  To  the 
 contemptuous  Jew  they  were  Nazarenes  and 
 Galilaeans,  names  which  carried  with  them  the 
 infamy  and  turbulence  of  the  places  whence  they 
 sprung,  and  from  whence  nothing  good  and  no 
 prophet  might  come.  The  Jews  could  add  nothing 
 to  the  scorn  which  these  names  expressed,  and  had 
 they  endea\-oured  to  do  so  they  would  not  have 
 defiled  the  glory  of  their  Messiah  by  applying  his 
 title  to  those  whom  they  could  not  but  regard  as 
 the  followers  of  a  pretender.  The  name  "Christian," 
 then,  which,  in  the  only  other  cases  where  it 
 appears  in  the  N.  T.  (Actsxxvi.  28  ;  1  Pet.  iv.  16  : 
 comp.  Tac.  Ann.  xv.  44),  is  used  contemptuously, 
 could  not  have  been  applied  by  the  early  disciples 
 to  themselves,  nor  could  it  have  come  to  them  from 
 their  own  nation  the  Jews ;  it  must,  therefoie, 
 have  been  imposed  upon  them  by  the  Gentile 
 woild,  and  no  place  could  have  so  appropriately 
 given  rise  to  it  as  Antioch,  where  the  first  Church 
 was  planted  among  the  heathen.  Its  inhabitants 
 were  celebrated  for  their  wit  and  a  propensity  for 
 conferring  nicknames.  The  Emperor  Julian  him- 
 self was  not  secure  from  their  jests.  Apollonius  of 
 Tyana  was  driven  from  the  city  by  the  insults  of 
 the  inhabitants.  Their  wit,  however,  was  often 
 Lamiless  enough  ;  and  there  is  no  reason  to  sup- 
 pose that  the  name  "  Christian "  of  itself  was 
 intended  as  a  term  of  scurrility  or  abuse,  though  it 
 would  naturally  be  used  with  contempt.  Suidas 
 ■says  the  name  was  given  in  the  reign  of  Claudius, 
 
 CHRONICLES 
 
 165 
 
 when  Peter  appointed  Evodius  bishop  of  Antioch, 
 and  they  who  were  formerly  called  Nazarenes  and 
 Galilaeans  had  their  name  changed  to  Christians. 
 
 Chronicles,  First  and  Second  Books  of,  the  name 
 originally  given  to  the  record  made  by  the  appointed 
 historiographers  in  the  kingdoms  '  of  Israel  and 
 Judah.  In  the  LXX.  these  books  are  called  Ilopa- 
 Xfiirofiivaiv  irpuirov  and  Seurepoi',  which  is  under- 
 stood, after  Jerome's  explanation,  as  meaning  that 
 they  are  supplementary  to  the  books  of  Kings.  The 
 Vulgate  retains  both  the  Hebrew  and  Greek  name 
 in  Latin  characters,  Dibre  jammim,  or  hajamim, 
 and  I'aialipomenon.  The  constant  tradition  of  the 
 Jews,  in  which  they  have  been  followed  by  the 
 great  mass  of  Christian  commentators,  is  thatthese 
 books  were  for  the  most  part  compiled  by  Ezra. 
 Jn  tact,  the  internal  evidence  as  to  the  time  when 
 the  book  of  Chronicles  was  compiled,  seems  to  tally 
 remarkably  with  the  tradition  concerning  its  author- 
 ship. Notwithstanding  this  agreement,  however, 
 the  authenticity  of  Chronicles  has  been  vehemently 
 impugned  by  De  Wette  and  other  Geiman  critics, 
 whose  arguments  have  been  successfully  refuted  by 
 Dahler,  Keil,  Movers,  and  others.  As  regards  the 
 plan  of  the  book,  of  which  the  book  of  Ezra  is  a  con- 
 tinuation, forming  one  work,  it  becomes  apparent  im- 
 mediately we  consider  it  as  the  compilation  of  Ezra 
 or  some  one  nearly  contemporary  with  him.  One  of 
 the  greatest  difiiculties  connected  with  the  captivity 
 and  the  )-eturn  must  have  been  the  maintenance  of 
 that  genealogical  distribution  of  the  lands  which 
 yet  was  a  vital  point  of  the  Jewish  economy. 
 Another  difficulty  intimately  connected  with  the 
 former  was  the  maintenance  of  the  temple  services 
 at  Jerusalem.  This  could  only  be  efr^cted  by  the 
 residence  of  the  priests  and  Levites  in  Jerusalem 
 in  the  order  of  their  courses:  and  this  residence 
 was  only  practicable  in  case  of  the  payment  of  the 
 appointed  tithes,  first-fruits,  and  other  offerings. 
 But  then  again  the  registers  of  the  Levitical  genea- 
 logies were  necessaiy,  in  order  that  it  might  be 
 known  who  were  entitled  to  such  and  such  allow- 
 ances, as  porters,  as  singers,  as  piiests,  and  so  on ; 
 because  all  these  offices  went  by  families  ;  and  again 
 the  payment  of  the  tithes,  first-fruits,  &c.,  'was 
 dependent  upon  the  different  flxmilies  of  Israel  being 
 established  each  in  his  inheritance.  Obviously 
 theiefore  one  of  the  most  pressing  wants  of  the 
 Jewish  community  after  their  return  from  Babylon 
 would  be  trusty  genealogical  records.  But  further, 
 not  only  had  Zerubbabel,  and  after  him  Ezra  and 
 Nehemiah,  laboured  most  earnestly  to  restore  the 
 temple  and  the  public  worship  of  (jod  there  to  the 
 condition  it  had  been  in  under  the  kings  of  Judah  ; 
 but  it  appears  clearly  from  their  policv,  and  from 
 the  language  of  the  contempoiary  prophets,  Ha^cai 
 and  Zechariah,  that  they  had  it  much  at  heart  to 
 re-infuse  something  of  national  life  and  spirit  into 
 the  heart  of  the  people,  and  to  make  them  feel  that 
 they  were  still  the  inheiitors  of  God's  covenanted 
 mercies,  and  that  the  captivity  had  only  temporarily 
 interrupted,  not  dried  up,  the  stream  of  God's 
 favour  to  their  nation.  Now  nothing  could  more 
 efiectually  aid  these  pious  and  patriotic  designs 
 than  setting  before  the  people  a  compendious 
 history  of  the  kingdom  of  David,  which  should 
 embrace  a  full  account  of  its  prosperity,  should 
 trace  the  sins  which  led  to  its  overthrow,  but 
 should  carry  the  th)ead  thiough  the  period  of  the 
 captivity,  and  continue  it  as  it  were  unbroken  on 
 the  other  side;  and  those  passages  in  their  former 
 
156 
 
 CHRONICLES 
 
 history  would  be  <'S])t!dally  iiii|)ort;int  which  ex- 
 hibitetl  their  greatest  and  best  kiuip;  as  engaged  in 
 building  or  restoring  the  tem])le,  in  refornuiig  all 
 corruptions  in  religion,  and  zealously  regulating 
 the  services  of  the  house  of  (iod.  As  reg-ards  the 
 kingdom  of  Isi-ael  or  Samaria,  seeing  it  had  utteily 
 and  hopelessly  passed  away,  and  that  the  existing 
 inhabitants  weje  among  the  bitterest  "adversaries 
 of  Judah  and  Benjamin."  it  would  naturally  engage 
 very  little  of  the  eomi)iler's  attention.  These  con- 
 siderations explain  exactly  the  plan  and  scope  of 
 that  historical  work  which  consists  of  the  two 
 books  of  Chronicles  and  the  book  of  Ezia.  Many 
 Chaldaisms  in  the  language  of  these  books,  the 
 resemblance  of  the  style  of  Chron.  to  that  of  Ezra, 
 which  is,  in  parts,  avowedly  I'Lzia's  composition, 
 the  reckoning  by  Darics  (1  Chr.  xxix.  7),  as  well 
 its  the  breaking  off  of  the  narrative  in  the  lifetime 
 of  Ezra,  are  among  other  valid  arguments  by  which 
 the  authorship,  or  rather  compilation  of  1  and  2 
 Chr.  and  Ezr.  is  vindicated  to  E/.ra.  As  legards 
 the  materials  used  by  him,  and  the  sources  of  his 
 information,  they  are  not  difiicult  to  discover.  The 
 genealogies  are  obviously  transcribed  from  some 
 register,  in  which  were  preservetl  the  genealogies 
 of  the  tribes  and  families  drawn  up  at  dill'erent 
 times.  The  s;ime  wide  divergence  in  the  age  of 
 other  materials  embodied  in  the  books  of  Chronicles 
 is  also  apparent.  Thus  the  infoimation  in  1  Chr.  i. 
 concerning  the  kings  of  Edom  before  the  reign  of 
 Saul,  was  obviously  compiled  from  very  ancient 
 sources.  The  same  may  be  said  of  the  incident  of 
 the  slaughter  of  the  sons  ofEphraini  by  the  Git- 
 tites,  1  Chr.  viii.  21,  viii.  13,  and  of  the  account 
 of  the  sons  ofShela,  and  their  dominion  in  Moab, 
 1  Chr.  iv.  21,  22.  The  curious  deUiils  concerning 
 the  Reubenites  and  Gadites  in  1  Chr.  v.  must  have 
 been  drawn  from  contemporary  documents,  emlx)- 
 died  probably  in  the  genealogical  records  of  .lotham 
 and  Jeroboam,  while  other  records  used  by  the 
 compiler  are  as  late  as  after  the  i-etnrn  from  Baby- 
 lon, such  .as  1  Chr.  ix.  2  sqq. ;  2  Chr.  xxxvi.  20 
 sqq.  ;  and  others,  as  Ezr.  ii.  and  iv.  6-23,  are  as 
 late  as  the  time  of  Artaxerxes  and  Nehemiah. 
 Hence  it  is  further  manifest  that  the  books  of  Chro- 
 nicles and  Ezi-a,  though  put  into  their  j)resent  form 
 by  one  hand,  contain  in  fact  extracts  fiom  the 
 writings  of  many  ditTerent  writeis.  which  were 
 extant  (it  t/ie  time  the  compilatiim  teas  made. 
 Eor  the  full  account  of  the  n  ign  of  David,  he  made 
 copious  exti'acts  from  the  books  of  Samuel  the  seer, 
 Nathan  the  prophet,  and  Gad  the  seer  (I  Chr. 
 xxix.  29 ).  f"or  the  reign  of  Solomon  he  copied 
 from  "  the  book  of  Nathan,"  from  "  the  prophecy 
 of  .Ahijah  the  Shilonite,"  and  from  "  the  visions  of 
 Iddo  the  seer"  (2  Chr.  ix.  29).  Another  woik  of 
 Iddo  called  "  the  stori/  (or  intei-prctation,  Midrash) 
 of  the  prophet  Iddo,"  supplied  an  account  of  the 
 acta,  and  the  ways,  and  sayings,  of  king  Abijah 
 (xiii.  22):  while  yet  another  book  of  Iddo  con- 
 cerning genealogies,  with  the  book  of  the  prophet 
 Shemaiah,  contained  the  acts  of  king  Kehoboam 
 (xii.  15).  For  later  times  the  "  l'>ook  of  the  kings 
 of  Israel  and  Jtid.ah  "  is  repeatetUy  cited  (2  Chr. 
 XXV.  2G,*xxvii.  7,  xxxii.  32,  xxxiii.  18,  &c.),  and 
 "  the  .sayings  of  th»  seei-s,"  or  rather  of  Chozai  (xxxiii. 
 19);  and  lor  the  reigns  of  Uzzi.ih  and  Hezekiah 
 "the  vision  of  the  projihet  |sai;\li "  (xxvi.  22, 
 xxxii.  32;.  Besides  the  above  named  works,  there 
 was  also  the  public  national  record  mentioned  in 
 Nch.  xii.  23.     These  "  Chronicles  of  David,"  are 
 
 CHRONOLOGY 
 
 probably  the  same  as  those  above  refened  to,  written 
 by  Samuel,  Nathan,  and  Gad.  from  this  time 
 the  aliairs  of  each  king's  reign  \vere  legiilarly 
 recorded  in  a  book  (1-  K.  xiv.  28,  xv.  7,  &c.) ;  and 
 it  was  d(jubtless  trom  this  common  source  that  th« 
 passages  in  the  Books  of  S.amuel  and  Kings  identical 
 with  the  Books  of  Chronicles  were  derived.  As 
 regards  the  dosing  chapter  of  2  Chr.  sub.se<|uent  to 
 V.  8,  and  the  fii-st  ch.  of  Ezra,  a  comparison  of 
 them  with  the  narrative  of  2  K.  xxiv.  xxv.,  will 
 lead  to  the  conclusion  that  while  the  writer  of  the 
 narrative  in  Junijs  lived  in  Judah,  and  died  under 
 the  dynasty  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  the  writer  of  the 
 chapter  in  C'/ironicles  lived  at  Babylon,  and  sur- 
 vived till  the  commencement  at  least  of  the  Persian 
 <lynasty.  Moreover,  he  seems  to  speak  as  one  who 
 had  long  been  a  subject  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  calling 
 him  simply  "  King  Nebuchadnezzar."  It  seems 
 highly  probable  that  as  Jeremiah  wrote  the  closing 
 portion  of  the  Book  of  Kings,  so  did  Daniel  write 
 the  corresponding  portion  in  Chronicles,  and  down 
 to  the  end  of  Ezr.  i.  As  regards  the  LANGUAGE  of 
 these  books,  as  of  Ezra,  Nehemiah,  Esther,  and  the 
 later  prophets,  it  has  a  marked  Chaldee  colouring, 
 and  Gesenius  says  of  them,  that  "  as  literary  works, 
 they  are  decidedly  inferior  to  those  of  older  date  " 
 {fntrad.  to  II eh.  Grnmm.). 
 
 Chronology.  The  object  of  this  ai-ticle  is  to 
 indicate  the  present  state  of  bibliail  ••hronology. 
 By  this  term  we  undei-stand  the  technical  and 
 historiciil  chronology  of  the  Jews  and  their  an- 
 cestors from  the  eailiest  time  to  the  close  of  the 
 New  Testament  Canon.  The  technical  division 
 must  be  discussed  in  some  detail,  the  historical, 
 only  as  far  as  the  return  from  Babylon,  the  dis- 
 puted matters  of  the  period  following  that  event 
 being  separately  treated  in  other  articles.— i.  Ti;cii- 
 NiCAL  Chronology. — -The  technical  jiart  of  He- 
 brew chronology  presents  great  difficulties.  There 
 is  no  evidence  that  the  ancient  Hebrews  had  any 
 division  smaller  than  an  hour : — Hour. — The  hour 
 is  supposed  to  be  mentioned  in  Daniel  (iii.  6,  15, 
 iv.  IG,  30  A.  V.  19,  33,  v.  5),  but  in  no  one  of 
 these  cases  is  a  definite  period  of  time  clearly  in- 
 tended by  the  word  employeil.  The  Egyptians 
 divided  the  day  and  night  into  hours  like  oui'selves 
 fiom  at  li'ast  I!.C.  cir.  1200.  It  is  therefore  not 
 impvolialile  that  tiie  Israelites  were  acquainted  with 
 the  hour  from  an  "iirly  period.  The  "  sun-dial  of 
 .\haz,"  whatever  instrument,  fixed  or  moveable,  it 
 may  have  been,  implies  a  division  of  the  kind.  In 
 the  N.  T.  we  find  the  same  system  as  the  modern, 
 the  hours  being  reckoned  from  the  beginning  of  the 
 Jewish  night  and  day.  [HofUS.]  Pa;/. — For  the 
 civil  day  of  24  hours  we  find  in  one  place  (Dan. 
 viii.  14)  the  teim  "evening-morning"  (also  in 
 2  Cor.  xi.  25  A.  V.  "  a  night  and  a  day  ").  What- 
 ever may  be  the  projier  meaning  of  this  Hebrew 
 teim,  it  cannot  be  doubted  here  to  signify  "  nights 
 and  days."  The  civil  day  was  diviileil  into  night 
 and  natural  day,  the  peiiods  of  darkness  and  liL^ht 
 (ien.  i.  .')).  It  commenced  with  night,  which 
 stinds  Hist  in  the  special  term  given  above.  The 
 niirht,  and  therefore  the  civil  day,  is  generally  held 
 to  have  bigiMi  .at  sunset.  The  natural  day  probably 
 w.as  held  to  commence  at  sunrise,  moiiiing-twilight 
 being  included  in  the  last  watch  of  the  night,  ac- 
 conling  to  the  old  as  well  .as  the  later  division^ 
 some,  however,  made  the  morning-watch  part  of 
 the  day.  ^'our  natural  ]>eii(>ils,  smaller  than  th« 
 civil  day,  aic  meutioncd.     These  are  "evening,"' 
 
CHRONOLOGY 
 
 and    "  morning,"    "  the    two    lischts,"   as    though 
 "  double  light,"  noon,  and  "  half  the  night,"  mid- 
 night.   All  these  seem  to  designate  periods,  evening 
 and    morning    being,  however,  much  longer   than 
 noon  and  midnight.     The  night  was  divided   into 
 watches.     In    the   0.    T.    but   two  are  e.xpressly 
 mentioned,    and    we  have    to    infer    the    existence 
 of  a  third,   the  first   wat<;h    of  the    night.     The 
 middle  watch    occurs    in  Judges  vii.  19; — "And 
 Gideon  and  the  hundred  men  tliat  [were]  with  him 
 went  down  unto  the  extremity  of  the  camp  at  the 
 beginning  of  the  middle  watch  ;''  and  the  morning- 
 watch  is  mentioned  in  Ex.  xiv.  24  and  1  Sam.  xi. 
 11.     In   the  N.   T.   four  night-watches  are  men- 
 tioned,  which    were   probably   adopted    from    the 
 Romans  as  a  modification  of  the  old  system.     All 
 four  occur  together   in  Mark  xiii.  35. —  Week. — 
 The  Hebrew  weelc  was  a  period  of  seven  days  end- 
 ing witii  the  Sabbath  ;   therefore  it  could  not  have 
 been   a  division  of  the   month,  which  was  lunar, 
 without  intercalation.    The  week,  whether  a  period 
 of  seven  days,  or  a  quarter  of  the  month,  was  of 
 common  use  in    antiquity.     The  Egyptians,  how- 
 ever, were  without  it,  dividing  their  month  of  30 
 days  into  decads  as  did  the  Athenians.    The  Hebrew 
 week    therefore   cannot   have    been    adopted   from 
 Egypt ;    probably  both   it  and  the  Sabbath  were 
 used  and  observed  by   the  patriarchs. — Month. — 
 The  months  by  which  the  time  is  measured  in  the 
 account  of  the  Flood  would  Sfem  to  be  of  30  days 
 each,  probably  fonning  a  year  of  360  days,  for  the 
 1st,   2nd,   7th,  and   lOth   months    are   mentioned 
 (Gen.  viii.  13,  vii.  11,  viii.  14,  4,  5).    The  months 
 from  the  giving  of  the  Law  until  the  time  of  the 
 Second  Temple,  when  we  have  certain  knowledge  of 
 their  character,  were  always  lunar.     These  lunar 
 months  have  been  supposed  to  have  been    always 
 alternately  of  29    and    30   days.      Their   average 
 length  would  of  course  be  a  lunation,  or  a  little 
 (44')  above  29|  days,  and  therefore  they  would  in 
 general  be  alternately  of  29  and  30  days,  but  it  is 
 possible  that  occasionally  months  might  occur   of 
 28  and  31  days,  if,  as  is  highly  probable,  the  com- 
 mencement of  each  was  strictly  determined  by  ob- 
 servation.    The  first  day  of  the  month  is  called 
 "  new  moon."      The   new  moon    was   kept   as    a 
 sacred    festival.       In    the    Pentateuch    and    Josh., 
 Judg.,   and   Ruth,  we    find  but  one  month  men- 
 tioned by  a  special  name,  the  lest  being  called  ac- 
 cording to  their  order.     The  month  with  a  special 
 name   is    the    first,   which  is    called  "  the   month 
 Abib,"  that  is  the  month  in  which  the  ears  of  corn 
 became  full  or  ripe,  and  on  the  16th  day  of  which, 
 the  second  day  of  the  feast  of  unleavened    bread, 
 ripe  ears,  dbib,  were  to  be  otfered   (Lev.  ii.   14  ; 
 comp.  xxiii.   10,   11,  14).     In  1   K.  three    other 
 names  of  months  occur,  Zif  the  second,  Ethanim 
 the  seventh,  and  Bui  the  eighth.      These   names 
 appear,  like  that  of  Abib,  to  be  connected  with  the 
 phenomena  of  a  tropical  year.      No  other  names 
 are  found  in  any  book  prior  to  the  captivity. — 
 Year. — It  has  been  supposed,   on  account  of  the 
 dates  in  the  nan-ative  of  the  Flood,  as  already  men- 
 tioned, that  in  Noah's  time  there  was  a  year  of  360 
 days.     These  dates  might  indeed  be  explained  in 
 accordance  with  a  year  of  365  days.     The  evidence 
 of  the  pi-ophetic  Scriptures  is  however  conclusive  as 
 to  the  knowledge  of  a  year  of  the  former  length. 
 The  characteristics   of  the  year  instituted    at  the 
 Exodus  can  be  clearly  determined,  though  we  can- 
 not absolutely  fix  those  of  any  single  year.     There 
 
 CHRONOLOGY 
 
 157 
 
 can  be  no  doubt  that   it  was    essentially  tropical, 
 since  certain  observances   connected  with  the  pro- 
 duce of  the  land  were  fixed  to  particular  days.     It 
 is  equally  clear  that  the  months  were  lunar,  each 
 commencing  with  a  new  moon.     It  would  appear 
 therefore  that  there  must  have  been  some  mode  of 
 adjustment.     To   ascertain    what    this   was,   it    is 
 necessaiv  first  to  decide  when  the  year  commenced. 
 On  the  16th  day  of  the  month  Abib,  as  already 
 mentioned,  ripe  ears  of  corn  were  to  be  offered  as 
 first-fruits  of  the  harvest  (Lev.  ii.  14,  xxiii.  10, 
 11).     The  reaping  of  the  barley  commenced  the 
 harvest  (2  Sam.  .xxi.  9),  the  wheat  following  (Paith 
 ii.  23).     It  is  therefore  necessary  to  find  when  the 
 barley  becomes  ripe  in  Palestine.     According  to  the 
 observation  of  travellers  the  barley  is  i"ipe,  in  the 
 warmest  parts  df  the  country,  in  the  first  days  of 
 April.      The   barley-harvest   therefore    commences 
 about  half  a  month  after  the  vernal  equinox,  so 
 tliat  the  yeai!  would  begin  at  about  that  tropical 
 point  were- it  not  divided  into  lunar  months.     We 
 may  conclude  that  tlie  nearest  new  moon  about  or 
 after  the  equinox,  but  not  much  before,  was  chosen 
 as  the  commencement  of  the  year.     The  method  of 
 intercalation  can  only  have  been   that  which  ob- 
 tained after  the  Captivity — the  addition  of  a  thir- 
 teenth month,  whenever  the  twelfth  ended  too  long 
 before  the  equinox  for  the  first-fruits  of  the  harvest 
 to  be  offered  in  the  middle  of  the  month  following, 
 and  the  similar  offerings  at  the  times  appointed. 
 The  later  Jews  had  two  beginnings  to  the  year. 
 At  the  time  of  the  Second  Temple  these  two  be- 
 ginnings obtained,  the  seventh  month  of  the  civil 
 reckoning   being   Abib,   the    first    of  the    sacred. 
 Hence  it  has  been  held  that  the  institution  at  the 
 time  of  the  Exodus  was  merely  a  change  of  com- 
 mencement,  and    not   the    introduction    of  a  new 
 year ;  and  also  that  from  this  time  there  were  the 
 two  beginnings.     The  former  opinion  is  at  present 
 purely  hypothetical,  and  has  been  too  much  mixed 
 up  with  the  latter,   for  which,   on  the  contrary, 
 there  is  some    evidence.     The    strongest  point   in 
 this  evidence  is  the  circumstance  that  the  sabbatical 
 and  jubilee  years  commenced  in  the  seventh  month, 
 and   doubtless   on    its   fii'st   day.      It  is  perfectly 
 clear  that  this  would  be  the  most  convenient,  if 
 not  the  necessary,  commencement  of  single  years  of 
 total  cessation  from  the  labours  of  the  field,  since 
 each  year  so  commencing  would  comprise  the  whole 
 round  of  these  occupations  in  a  regular  order  from 
 seed-time  to  harvest,  and  fiom  harvest  to  vintage 
 and  gathering  of  fruit.     We  can  therefore  come  to 
 no  other  conclusion  but  that  for  the  pui'poses   of 
 agriculture  the  year  was  held  to  begin  with  the 
 seventh  month,  while  the  months  were  still  reck- 
 oned  from  the  sacred   commencement   in  Abib. — 
 Seasons. — The  ancient  Hebrews  do  not  appear  to 
 have  divided  their    year    into   fixed  seasons.     We 
 find  mention   of  the  natural   seasons,  "  summer," 
 and  "  winter,"  which  are  used  for  the  whole  year 
 in  Ps.  Ixxiv.  17 ;  Zech.  xiv.  8 ;  and  perhaps  Gen. 
 viii.  22.     The  foi-mer  of  these  properly  means  the 
 time   of  cutting    fruits,    and    the   latter,    that   of 
 gathering  fruits ;    the  one  referring  to   the   early 
 fruit  season,  the  other  to  the  late  one.     There  are 
 two  agricultural  seasons  of  a  more  special  character 
 than  the  preceding  in  their  ordinary  use.     These 
 are   "seed-time"   and  "harvest." — Festivals  and 
 holy  days. — Besides  the  Sabbaths  and  new  moons, 
 there  were  four  great  festivals  and  a  fast  in  the 
 ancient  Hebrew  year,  the  Feast  of  the  Passovei, 
 
158 
 
 CHRONOLOGY 
 
 that  of  Weeks,  that  of  Trumiiets,  the  Dajrof  Atoiie- 
 meut,  anil  tlie  Koast  of  Tabernacles.  The  small 
 number  ami  simplicity  of  these  primitive  Hebrew 
 festivals  and  holy  days  is  especially  worthy  of  note. 
 It  is  also  observable  that  they  are  not  of  an  astro- 
 nomical character ;  and  that  when  they  are  con- 
 nected with  nature,  it  is  as  directing  the  gratitude 
 of  tiie  jieople  to  Him  who,  in  giving  good  things, 
 leaves  not  Himself  without  witness.  In  later 
 times  many  holy  days  were  added.  Of  the.-*  the 
 most  worthy  of  remark  are  the  Feast  of  Purim,  or 
 "  Lots."  commemorating  the  deliverance  of  the 
 Jews  from  Hainan's  plot,  tlie  Feast  of  the  Dedica- 
 tion, recording  the  cleansing  and  re-dedication  of 
 the  Temple  by  Judas  Maccabaeus,  and  fasts  on  the 
 aaniversjiries  of  great  national  misfortunes  con- 
 nected with  the  Babylonish  Captivity. — Sabbatical 
 and  Jubilee  Years. — The  sabbatical  year,  "  the 
 fallow  year  "  or  possibly  "  year  of  remission,"  also 
 allied  a  "sabbath,"  and  a  "great  sabbath,"  was 
 an  institution  of  strictly  the  same  character  as  the 
 sabbath, — a  year  of  rest,  like  the  day  of  rest.  The 
 Sijbbatical  year  must  have  commenced  at  the  civil 
 beginning  of  the  year,  with  the  7th  month,  as  we 
 have  already  shown.  Although  doubtless  held  to 
 commence  with  the  1st  of  the  month,  its  beginning 
 appears  to  have  been  kept  at  the  Fe;ust  ot  Taber- 
 nacles (Deut.  .\.\xi.  Ui),  while  that  of  the  jubilee 
 year  was  kept  ou  the  Day  of  Atonement.  After 
 the  lapse  of  seven  sabbatical  periods,  or  fortv-nine 
 years,  a  year  of  jubilee  was  to  be  kept,  immediately 
 following  the  last  sabbatic;il  year.  This  was  calleil 
 "  the  year  of  the  trumpet,"  or  yobel,  the  latter 
 word  meaning  either  the  sound  of  the  trumpet  or 
 the  instrument  itself,  because  the  commencement 
 of  the  year  was  announced  ou  the  Day  of  Atone- 
 ment by  sound  of  trumpet.  It  was  similar  to  the 
 sabbatical  year  in  its  character,  although  doubtless 
 yet  more  imi)ortant.  [.S.\»BATiCAl.  Yi;ak  ;  Jubi- 
 lee.]— Eras. — There  are  indications  of  sevei-al 
 historical  eras  having  been  used  by  the  ancient 
 Hebrews,  but  our  intbrmation  is  so  .scanty  that  we 
 are  generally  unable  to  come  to  positive  conclusions. 
 —1.  The  K.\odus  is  used  as  an  era  in  1  K.  vi.  1,  in 
 giving  the  date  of  the  foundation  of  Solomon's 
 Tcmple.^J.  The  foimdation  of  Solomon's  temple 
 is  conjectured  to  have  been  an  era  ( I  K.  ix.  10; 
 "2  Chr.  viii.  1).— 3.  The  era  once  used  by  Fzekiel, 
 and  commencing  in  Josiah's  18th  year,  was  most 
 probably  connected  with  the  s;\bbatical  system  (Fz. 
 i.  2).— 4.  The  era  of  .lehoiachin's  ciiptivity  is  con- 
 stantly used  by  Fzekiel.  The  eailiost  date  is  the 
 oth  year  (i.  2),  and  the  latest,  the  27th  (x.\l.v.  17). 
 The  pro]>het  generally  gives  the  date  without  a]> 
 plying  any  distinctive  term  to  the  era.  We  have 
 no  proof  that  it  was  used  except  by  those  to  whose 
 captivity  it  ret'erreil.  Its  finst  ye;u-  was  current 
 n.c.  .")9'),  commencing  in  the  spring  of  that  year, 
 ^.'j.  The  begiiming  of  the  seventy  years'  captivity 
 does  not  ai>pear  to  have  been  u.sed  as  an  era.— (3. 
 The  return  from  I'labylou  does  not  apitear  to  be 
 employed  as  an  era  ;  it  is,  liowevcr,  reckoned  from 
 in  Fzia  (iii.  1,  8),  as  is  the  Fxodus  in  the  I'cnta- 
 tench.— 7.  The  era  of  th«  Seleucidae  is  used  in  the 
 fii-st  .and  second  books  of  Mac-Cilx-'es.^y.  The  liber- 
 ation of  the  Jews  from  the  Syrian  yoke  in  the  1st 
 year  of  Simon  the  Macciibee  is  slated  to  have  been 
 commemoiated  by  au  era  used  in  contiaots  and 
 agreements  (1  iMacc.  xiii.  41). — Jieijnal  Years. — 
 IJy  the  Hebrews  regnal  yeare  apjicar  to  have  been 
 count«<l  from  the  beginning  of  the  year,  not  from 
 
 CHRONOLOGY 
 
 the  day  of  the  king's  accession.  Thus,  if  a  king 
 came  to  the  throne  in  the  livst  month  of  one  year, 
 reigned  for  the  whole  of  the  next  year,  and  died  in 
 the  Ist  month  of  the  3rd  year,  we  might  have 
 dates  in  his  1st,  2nd,  and  3rd  yis.,  although  he 
 governed  t'or  no  more  than  13  or  14  months.— ii. 
 Historical  CiinoNOLOGY. — The  historical  part 
 of  Hebrew  chiouology  is  not  less  difficult  than  the 
 techuicid.  The  infbiniation  in  the  Bible  is  indeed 
 direct  rather  than  inferential,  although  there  is 
 very  important  evidence  of  the  latter  kind,  but  tho 
 present  .stiite  of  the  numbers  makes  absolute  cer- 
 tiiinty  in  many  cases  im])Ossible.  The  frequent 
 occurrence  of  round  numbei-s  is  a  matter  of  minm' 
 importance,  for,  although  when  we  have  no  other 
 evidence,  it  manifestly  precludes  our  aniving  at 
 positive  accuracy,  the  variation  of  a  few  years  is 
 not  to  be  balanced  against  great  differences  ap|)ar- 
 ently  not  to  be  positively  resolved,  as  those  of  the 
 primaeval  numbers  in  the  Hebrew,  LXX.  and 
 Samaritan  Pentateuch. — IJiblical  data. — It  will  be 
 best  to  examine  the  biblical  intbrmation  under  the 
 main  periods  into  which  it  may  be  separated,  be- 
 ginning with  the  earliest.  A.  First  Period,  from 
 Adam  to  Abram's  departure  fiom  Haran. — All  the 
 numerical  data  in  the  Bible  for  the  chronology  of 
 this  interval  are  comprised  in  two  genealogical  lists 
 in  (jenesis,  the  first  from  Adam  to  Noah  and  his 
 sons  (Gen.  v.  3  ad  fin.),  and  the  second  from  Shera 
 to  Abram  (xi.  lU-26),  and  in  certain  passages  in 
 the  same  book  (vii.  6,  11,  viii.  13,  ix.  28,  29,  xi. 
 32,  xii.  4).  The  Masoretic  Hebrew  text,  the 
 LXX.,  and  the  .'>aniarit<iu  Pentateuch  greatly  dillbr, 
 as  may  be  seen  by  the  following  tiible. 
 
 Age  of  nacb 
 
 when  tho  next 
 
 was  boni. 
 
 Sept.  ]  HeU  Sam. 
 
 Ai-|>hivxad  . 
 Cniiian  ... , 
 
 Sulab 
 
 Eber 
 
 Pulcg 
 
 Iteu 
 
 berug 
 
 Nohor  .... 
 
 Tcrah  . . . 
 Ahnim  leaven 
 lluraii. 
 
 Yearg  of  each 
 
 after  Uie  next 
 
 waa  boru. 
 
 300 
 
 740 
 
 730 
 
 80U 
 
 i'  '2(tn 
 
 (7f2)782 
 802  I  I 
 
 &ii6   S96         600 
 
 448  I    ..  ..I 
 
 500      ..  ..I 
 
 tus 
 
 Total  Kvig^li 
 
 of  tlie  lilu  of 
 
 each. 
 
 Sept. 
 
 (135) 
 
 403 
 
 303 
 
 403 
 
 303 
 
 4:iu 
 
 KM 
 
 107 
 
 KKI 
 
 119 
 
 ii» 
 
 (I3i) 
 
 (7S) 
 
 (.VM)  (438);  438 
 
 (4«(l> 
 
 (4W0 
 
 (40)1 
 
 ((.T.)) 
 
 (33S() 
 
 (:«0I 
 (208) 
 
 (4.13)  4Xt 
 mH)\  401 
 (M9)  iSi 
 (■i3'.l)    itJV 
 
 (•2Mj 
 I  l(l«) 
 
 20i 
 
 Till-  dots  indiGite  numbei-s  agreeing  with  the  LX.X. 
 The  number  of  genei-ations  in  the  LXX.  is  one  in 
 excess  of  the  Hcb.  and  Sam.  on  account  of  the 
 "  Second  Cainan,"  whom  the  bo>t  chroiiologers  ai'e 
 agreed  in  rejecting  as  spurious.  The  variations  are 
 the  result  of  design  not  accident,  as  is  evident  from 
 the  yoai's  before  the  birth  of  a  .son  and  the  residues 
 agieeing  in  their  sums  in  almo.st  all  cases  in  tho 
 antediluvian  gencnition>,  the  e.\ciplions,  .sive  one. 
 
CHRONOLOGY 
 
 being  appaipntlj'  the  result  of  necessity  that  lives 
 should  not  overlap  the  date  of  the  Flood.  We  have 
 no  clue  to  the  date  or  dates  of  the  alterations  beyond 
 that  we  can  trace  the  LXX.  form  to  the  Fiist  cen- 
 tury of  the  Christian  era,  if  not  higher,  and  the 
 Heb.  to  the  Fourth  century :  if  the  Sam.  numbers 
 be  as  old  as  the  text,  we  can  assign  them  a  higiier 
 antiquity  than  what  is  known  as  to  the  Heb.  The 
 cause  of  the  alterations  is  most  uncertain.  It  has 
 indeed  been  conjectured  that  the  Jews  shortened 
 the  chi'onology  in  order  that  an  ancient  prophecy 
 that  the  Messiah  should  come  in  the  sixth  millenary 
 of  the  world's  age  might  not  be  known  to  be  ful- 
 filled in  the  advent  of  our  Lord.  The  reason  may 
 be  sufficient  in  itself,  but  it  does  not  rest  upon 
 sufficient  evidence.  The  different  proportions  of 
 the  generations  and  lives  in  the  LXX.  and  Heb. 
 have  been  asserted  to  afford  an  argument  in  favour 
 of  the  former.  But  a  stronger  is  found  in  the  long 
 period  required  from  the  Flood  to  the  Dispersion 
 and  the  establishment  of  kingdoms.  With  respect 
 to  probability  of  accuracy  arising  from  the  stiite  of 
 the  text,  the  Heb.  certainly  has  the  advantage.  If, 
 liowever,  we  consider  the  Sam.  form  of  the  lists  as 
 sprung  from  the  other  two,  the  LXX.  would  seem 
 to  be  earlier  than  the  Heb.,  since  it  is  more  pro- 
 bable that  the  antediluvian  generations  would  have 
 been  shortened  to  a  general  agreement  with  the  Heb., 
 than  that  the  postdiluvian  would  have  been  length- 
 ened to  suit  the  LXX. ;  for  it  is  obviously  most 
 likely  that  a  sufficient  number  of  years  having  been 
 deducted  from  the  earlier  generations,  the  operation 
 was  not  carried  on  with  the  later.  On  the  whole 
 we  are  inclined  to  prefer  the  LXX.  numbers  after 
 the  Deluge,  and,  as  consistent  with  them,  and  pro- 
 bably of  the  same  authority,  those  before  the  De- 
 luge also.  It  remains  for  us  to  ascertain  what 
 appears  to  be  the  best  form  of  each  of  the  three 
 versions,  and  to  state  the  intervals  thus  obtained. 
 In  the  LXX.  antediluvian  generations,  that  of  Me- 
 thuselah is  187  or  107  yrs. :  the  former  seems  to 
 be  undoubtedly  the  true  number,  since  the  latter 
 would  make  this  patriarch,  if  the  subsequent  gene- 
 rations be  coiTect,  to  survive  the  Flood  14  years. 
 In  the  posttliluvian  number's  of  the  LXX.  we  must 
 reject  the  Second  Cainan.  Of  the  two  forms  of 
 Nahoi's  generation  in  the  LXX.  we  must  prefer 
 79,  as  more  consistent  with  the  numbers  near  it, 
 and  as  also  found  in  the  Sam.  In  the  case  of 
 Terah,  we  should  rather  suppose  the  number  might 
 have  been  changed  by  a  copyist,  and  take  the  145 
 yrs.  of  the  Sam. — It  has  been  generally  supposed 
 that  the  Dispersion  took  place  in  the  days  of  Peleg, 
 on  account  of  what  is  said  in  Gen.  x.  25.  The 
 event,  whatever  it  was,  must  have  happened  at 
 Poleg's  birth,  rather  than,  as  some  have  supposed, 
 at  a  later  time  in  his  life.  We  should  therefore 
 consider  the  following  as  the  best  forms  of  the 
 numbers  according  to  the  three  sources. 
 
 LXX.  Heb.  Sim. 
 
 Creation 0  0  0 
 
 Flood  (occupying  chief 
 
 part  of  this  year) 2262 
 
 Birth  of  Peleg 401 1 
 
 Departure     of     Abrara  >   1017 
 
 from  Haran 616) 
 
 3279  2023  2324 
 
 B.  Second  Period,  from  Abram's  departure  fiom 
 Haran  to  the  Exodus. — -The  length  of  this  period  is 
 stated  by  St.  Paul  as  430  years  from  the  promise 
 to  Abraham  to  the  giving  of  the  Law  (Gal.  iii.  17), 
 the  first  event  beinsr  held  to  be  that  recorded  in 
 
 101  J 
 
 CHRONOLOG-Y  159 
 
 Gen.  xii.  1-5.  The  same  number  of  years  is  given 
 in  Ex.  xii.  40,  41.  A  third  passage,  occurring  in 
 the  same  essential  form  in  both  Testaments,  and 
 therefore  especially  satisfactory  as  to  its  textual 
 accuracy,  is  the  divine  declaration  to  Abraham  of 
 the  future  history  of  his  children  : — "  Know  of  a 
 surety  that  thy  seed  shall  be  a  stranger  in  a  lanil 
 [that  is]  not  their's,  and  shall  serve  them ;  and 
 they  shall  afflict  them  four  hundred  years;  and 
 also  that  nation,  whom  they  shall  serve,  will  I 
 judge :  and  afterward  shall  they  come  out  with 
 great  substance"  (Gen.  ,\v.  13,  14;  comp.  Acts 
 vii.  6,  7).  The  four  hundred  years  cannot  be  held 
 to  be  the  period  of  oppression  without  a  denial  of 
 the  historical  character  of  the  narrative  of  that 
 time,  but  can  only  be  supposed  to  mean  the  time 
 from  this  declaration  to  the  E.\odus.  This  reading, 
 which  in  the  A.  V.  requires  no  more  than  a  slight 
 change  in  the  punctuation,  if  it  suppose  an  unusual 
 construction  in  Hebrew,  is  perfectly  admissible  ac- 
 cording to  the  principles  of  Shemitic  grammar,  and 
 might  be  used  in  Arabic.  We  find  no  difficulty 
 in  accepting  the  statements  as  to  the  longevity  of 
 Abraham  and  certain  of  his  descendants,  and  can 
 go  on  to  examine  the  details  of  the  period  under 
 consideration  as  made  out  from  evidence  requiring 
 tiiis  admission.  The  narrative  affords  the  followino; 
 data  which  we  place  under  two  periods — 1.  that 
 from  Abram's  leaving  Haran  to  Jacob's  entering 
 Egypt,  and  2.  that  from  Jacob's  entering  Egypt  to 
 the  Exodus. 
 
 1.  Age  of  Abram  on  leaving  Haran. .     ..     75  yrs. 
 
 ■ at  Isaac's  birth     ..      ..   100 
 
 Age  of  Isaac  at  Jacob's  birth       ..     ..     60 
 Age  of  Jacob  on  entering  Egypt . .     . .   130 
 
 216  or  215  yrs. 
 
 2.  Age  of  Levi  on  entering  Egypt      cir.  45 
 
 Residue  of  his  life      92 
 
 Oppression  after  the  death  of  Jacob's  .sons  (Ex.  i. 
 
 6,  7,  seqq.) 
 Age  of  Moses  at  Exodus 80 
 
 172 
 
 Ase  of  Joseph  in  the  same  j-ear      39 
 
 Residue  of  his  life       7i 
 
 Age  of  Moses  at  Exodus 80 
 
 151 
 
 These  data  make  up  about  387  or  388  years,  to 
 which  it  is  reasonable  to  make  some  addition,  sine* 
 it  appeals  that  all  Joseph's  geneiation  died  before 
 the  oppression  commenced,  and  it  is  probable  that 
 it  had  begun  some  time  before  the  birth  of  Moses. 
 The  sum  we  thus  obtain  cannot  be  far  different 
 from  430  years,  a  period  for  the  whole  sojourn 
 that  these  data  must  thus  be  held  to  confiim.— 
 C.  Third  Period,  from  the  E.xodus  to  the  Founda- 
 tion of  Solomon's  Temple. — There  is  but  one  passage 
 from  which  we  obtain  the  length  of  this  period  as  a 
 whole.  It  is  that  in  which  the  Foundation  of  the 
 Temple  is  dated  in  the  480th  (Heb.),  or  440th 
 (LXX.)  year  after  the  Exodus,  in  the  4th  yr.  2nd  m. 
 of  Solomon's  reign  (1  K.  vi.  1).  Subtracting  from 
 480  or  440  yis.  the  first  three  yrs.  of  Solomon  and 
 the  40  of  David,  we  obtain  (480  -43  =  )  437  or 
 ('440  -  43  = )  397  yrs.  These  results  we  have  first 
 to  compare  with  the  detached  numbers.  These  are 
 as  follows : — A.  From  Exodus  to  death  of  Closes, 
 40  yrs.  B.  Leadership  of  Joshua,  7-\-x  yrs.  C. 
 Intei-val  between  Joshua's  death  and  the  First  Servi- 
 tude, X  yrs.  D.  Servitudes  and  ride  of  Judges  until 
 Eli's  death,  430  yrs.  E.  Period  from  Eli's  death  to 
 Saul's  accession,  20-f-.r  yrs.    F.  Saul's  reign,  40  yrs. 
 
IGO 
 
 CHRONOLOG'y 
 
 G.  I>ivid'i>  iL'ii;ii,  4i>  yrs.  H.  Solomon's  a'i<;ii  to 
 Foundation  of  Toniple,  3  yi-s.  Sum,  ;'•  x+58U  yrs. 
 It  is  possible  to  obtain  approxiinatively  tike  length 
 of  the  three  wanting  numbers.  Joshua's  age  at  the 
 Exodus  was  20  or  2Q+x  yrs.  (Num.  xiv.  120,  ;{U), 
 and  at  his  death,  110:  therefore  the  utmost  length 
 of  his  rule  must  be  ( 1 10  -  20  -  40  =  )  50  yrs.  After 
 Joshua  there  is  the  time  of  the  Klders  who  overlived 
 him.  then  a  period  of  disobedience  and  idolatry,  a 
 servitude  of  8  yrs.,  deliverance  by  Othniel  the  son 
 of  Kenaz,  the  nephew  of  Caleb,  and  rest  for  40  yrs. 
 until  Othniel's  death.  The  duration  of  Joshua's 
 government  is  limited  by  the  circumstance  that 
 Caleb's  lot  was  apportioned  to  him  in  the  7th  year 
 of  the  occupation,  and  therefore  of  Josluia's  rule, 
 when  he  wa.s  8")  yrs.  olii,  ;uid  tl«t  he  conquered 
 the  lot  after  Joshua's  death.  If  wc  suppose  that 
 Caleb  set  out  to  conquer  his  lot  about  7  years  after 
 its  apportionment,  then  Joshua's  rule  would  bo 
 about  13  yrs.,  and  he  would  have  been  a  little  older 
 than  Caleb.  The  interval  between  Joshua's  death 
 and  the  First  Servitude  is  limited  by  the  history  of 
 Othniel.  He  was  already  a  warrior  when  Caleb 
 conquered  his  lot;  he  lived  to  deliver  Israel  from 
 the  Jlesopotamian  oppre.-isor,  and  died  at  the  end  of 
 the  subsequent  40  yis.  of  rest.  Supjwsing  Oiliniel 
 to  have  been  30  yrs.  old  when  Caleb  set  out,  and 
 110  yrs.  at  his  death,  32  yrs.  would  remain  for  the 
 interval  in  question.  The  rule  of  .loshua  may  be 
 therefore  reckoned  to  have  been  alx>ut  13  yi-s.,  and 
 the  subsequent  interv.il  to  the  P'irst  Sen'itude  about 
 32  yrs.,  altogether  47  yrs.  These  numbere  cannot 
 be  consideied  exact ;  but  they  can  hardly  be  far 
 wrong,  moie  especially  the  sum.  The  residue  of 
 Samuel's  judgeship  after  the  20  yi-s.  from  Eli's  death 
 until  the  solemn  fast  and  victory  at  Mizpeh,  can 
 scjircely  have  much  exceeded  20  yrs.  Samuel  must, 
 have  been  still  young  at  the  time  of  Eli's  death,  and 
 he  died  veiy  near  the  close  of  Saul's  reign  (I  Sam. 
 XXV.  1,  xxviii.  3).  If  he  were  10  yrs.  old  at  the 
 former  date,  and  judged  for  20  yi-s.  after  the  victory 
 at  Mizpeh,  he  would  have  been  near  90  yrs.  old 
 (10  ?  +  20  +  20  ?  +  38  ?)  at  his  death,  which  appears 
 to  have  been  a  long  period  of  life  at  that  time.  If 
 we  thus  suppose  the  three  uncei-fciin  intervals,  the 
 residue  of  Joshua's  rule,  the  time  after  liis  death 
 to  the  First  .Semtude,  and  Samuel's  rule  after  the 
 victory  at  Mizpeh  to  have  been  respectively  6,  32, 
 and  20  yrs.,  the  sum  of  the  whole  jieiiod  will  be 
 (^580+58=,  638  yrs.— I).  Fourth  Teriod,  from 
 the  Foitfidation  of  Solomon's  Temjile  to  it;j  Destruc- 
 tion.— The  dates  of  this  peiiod  are  more  accurately 
 given  and  can  be  more  easily  ascertained.  It  is 
 true  that  if  all  the  liiblical  evidence  is  carefully 
 collected  and  comjiared  it  will  be  found  that  .some 
 small  and  great  ini;onsistencies  necessitate  certain 
 changes  of  the  numljers.  The  greater  tlidiculties. 
 and  some  of  tin;  .-malli.-r,  cannot  be  resolved  withoul 
 the  su])position  that  numbers  have  'ueen  altered  by 
 copyists.  We  must  never  take  refuge  iu  the  idea 
 of  an  inteixegnum,  since  it  is  a  much  more  violent 
 hypothesis,  considering  the  facts  of  the  history,  than 
 the  conjectural  change  of  a  number.  Two  inter- 
 legnums  have  liowever  been  supposed,  one  of  11 
 yrs.  between  Jeroboam  II.  and  Zachariah,  and  the 
 other,  of  9  yrs.  between  Pekah  ami  Hoshea.  We 
 prefer  in  both  cases  to  suppose  a  longer  i-cign  of  the 
 earlier  of  the  two  kings  between  wiiom  the  inter- 
 regnums ai-e  ronjiHitureii.  With  tiie  exception  of 
 these  two  intenegnums,  we  would  acccj)!  the  com- 
 putation of  the  interval    we  aiv   now  considering 
 
 CHRONOLOGY 
 
 given  in  the  maigin  of  the  A.  \'.  It  must  be  added, 
 that,  tlie  date  of  the  conclusion  of  this  period,  there 
 given  li.c.  588,  must  be  correctal  to  586.  The 
 whole  i)eriod  may  therefore  be  held  to  be  of  about 
 425  yrs.,  that  of  the  undivided  kingdom  120  yi-s., 
 that  of  the  kingdom  of  Judah  about  388  yrs.,  and 
 that  of  the  kingdom  of  Israel  about  255  yrs.^ 
 E.  Fifth  Peiiod,  from  the  Destruction  of  Solomon's 
 Temi)le  to  the  Heturii  from  the  Babylonish  Cap- 
 tivity.— The  detei-mination  of  the  length  of  this 
 jxjiiod  depends  upon  the  date  of  the  return  to  I'a- 
 lestine.  The  decree  of  Cyrus  leading  to  that  event 
 Wius  made  in  the  1st  yeai'  of  his  reign,  doubtle.s3  .at 
 Babylon  f  Ezr.  i.  1),  ij  c.  538,  but  it  does  not  seem 
 certmn  that  the  Jews  at  once  returned.  Two  num- 
 bers, held  by  some  to  be  identical,  must  here  be 
 considered.  One  is  the  period  of  70  yi-s.,  during 
 which  the  tyranny  of  Babylon  over  Palestine  and 
 the  East  generally  w;is  to  last,  prophesied  bv  Jere- 
 miah (xxv.),  and  the  other,  the  70  yi-s.'  captivity 
 (xxix.  10;  2  Chr.  .\.x.\vi.  21;  Dan.'ix.  2),  The 
 comitiencement  of  the  former  period  is  plainly  the 
 1st  year  of  Nebuchadnezzar  and  4th  of  .Jehoiakim 
 (Jer.  xxv.  1),  when  the  successes  of  the  king  of 
 I'.abylon  began  (xlvi.  2),  and  the  miseries  of  Jeru- 
 salem (xxv.  29),  and  the  conclusion,  the  fall  of 
 liabylon  (ver.  26).  The  famous  70  yeai-s  of  cap- 
 tivity would  seem  to  be  the  same  period  as  this, 
 since  it  was  to  terminiite  with  the  return  of  the 
 aiptives  'Jer.  xxix.  10^.  This  period  we  consider 
 to  be  of  48-J-ar  yi-s.,  the  doubtful  number  being 
 the  time  of  the  reign  of  Cyrus  before  the  return  to 
 Jerusalem,  probably  a  space  of  about  two  or  three 
 y&\Ts.— Principal  Systems  of  Biblical  Chronolofji/. 
 — Upon  the  data  we  have  considered  three  principal 
 systems  of  Biblical  Chronology  have  been  founded, 
 whidi  may  be  teiTned  the  Long  System,  the  Short, 
 and  the  Ivabbiniciil.  Thne  is  a  fourth,  which, 
 altliough  an  oti'shoot  in  pai't  of  tlie  last,  can  scaicely 
 be  termed  biblical,  inasmuch  as  it  depends  for  the 
 most  part  uj)oii  theories,  not  only  independent  of. 
 but  repugnant  to  the  Bible:  tliis  last  is  at  present 
 peculiar  to  Baron  Buusen.  The  principitl  :idvocates 
 of  the  Long  Chronology  are  Jackson,  Hales,  and 
 Des-\'ignolos.  They  hike  the  LXX.  for  the  pjitri- 
 archal  generations,  and  adopt  tlie  long  interval  from 
 the  Exodus  to  the  Foundation  of  Solomon's  Temple. 
 Of  the  Short  Chronology  Usslier  may  be  considered  as 
 the  most  able  advocate.  He  follows  the  Heb.  in  the 
 jiatriarchal  generations,  and  tikes  the  480  yrs.  from 
 the  E.xo<lus  to  the  Foundation  of  Solomon's  Temple. 
 The  llabliiniual  Chronology  accepts  the  biblical  num- 
 bere,  but  makes  the  most  arbitrary  corrections.  For 
 the  date  of  the  Exodus  it  h.as  been  virtually  accepted 
 by  Bunse:i,  Lepsius,  and  Lond  A.  Heixey. 
 
 !d.c.  B.c.lD.r.ln.c.  I  B.C. 
 
 CroBtion I6tl  1  W2G  400*  :»0  (Adam)  dr.  SO.OnO 
 
 l'-|oo.l 31M  :U70  L'34S  2327  (Nuoh)   oir.  10,«KI 
 
 AlM-nni  loavci  lUimii «07H  2023  l'.i2l  l%i. 
 
 I'.xmliu iir4t«l:>U3  UMl  IU1<  I3S0 
 
 loiuulntian  „f  Uolomon'.  |    ,g„  ,p,,  ,p,j  ,„„ 
 
 t'-mrilo •• . .  I  I  I  I 
 
 Ui'-tnicliiiii  of  SolomonV 
 
 toiiiple 
 
 i«6   5S(i   M^   680 
 
 1004 
 
 The  principal  diwigreements  of  the.se  chroaologei"s, 
 bfsides  tho.se  already  inilicjited,  must  be  noticed. 
 In  the  post-diluvian  pcrioil  Hales  rejects  the  Second 
 Cainan  and  reckons  Teiah's  .-ige  at  Abnmi's  birth 
 
CHRONOLOGY 
 
 130  insti^ad  of  70  years  ;  Jackson  accepts  the  Second 
 Caiiian  and  does  not  make  any  change  in  the  second 
 case;  Ussher  and  Petavius  follow  the  Heb.,  but  the 
 former  alters  the  generation  of  Teiah,  while  the 
 latter  does  not.  The  period  of  the  kings,  from  the 
 Foundation  of  Solomon's  Temple,  is  very  nearly 
 the  same  in  the  computations  of  Jackson,  Ussher, 
 and  Petavius  :  Hales  lengthens  it  by  supposing  an 
 interregnum  of  1 1  yrs.  after  the  death  of  Amaziah ; 
 Bunsen  shortens  it  by  reducing  the  reign  of  Ma- 
 nasseh  from  o5  to  45  yrs. — Probable  determination 
 of  dates  and  intervals. — Having  thus  gone  over  the 
 liiblical  data,  it  only  remains  for  us  to  state  what 
 we  believe  to  be  the  most  satisfactory  scheme  of 
 chronology,  derived  fiom  a  comparison  of  these 
 with  foreign  data.— 1.  Date  of  the  Destruction  of 
 Solomon's  Temple. — The  Temple  was  destroyed  in 
 the  19th  year  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  in  the  5th  month 
 of  the  Jewish  year  ( Jer.  lii.  12, 13  ;  2  K.  xxv.  8,  9  ,. 
 In  Ptolemv's  Canon  this  year  is  cuirent  in  the 
 prolcptic  Julian  year,  B.C.  586,  and  the  5th  month 
 may  be  consideied  as  about  equal  to  August  of 
 that  year.— '2.  Sfjnchronisia  of  Josiah  and  Pharaoh 
 Necho. — The  death  of  Josiah  can  be  clearly  shown 
 on  Biblical  evidence  to  have  taken  place  in  the 
 22nd  year  l)efore  that  in  which  the  Temple  was 
 destroyed,  that  is,  in  the  Jewish  year  from  the 
 spring  of  B.C.  608  to  the  spring  of  607.  Necho's 
 1st  year  is  proved  by  the  Apis-tablets  to  have  been 
 most  probably  the  Egyptian  vague  year,  Jan.  B.C. 
 609-8,  but  possibly  B.C.  610-9.  The  e.xpedition  in 
 opposing  which  Josiah  fell  cannot  be  reasonably 
 dated  earlier  than  Necho's  2nd  yeai',  B.C.  609-8  or 
 6U8-7.  It  is  important  to  notice  tiiat  no  earlier 
 date  of  the  destruction  of  the  Temple  than  B.C.  586 
 um  be  reconciled  with  the  chronology  of  Necho's 
 reign.  We  have  thus  B.C.  608-7  for  the  last  year 
 of  Josiah.  and  638-7  for  that  of  his  acces.sion,  the 
 foi-mer  date  falling  within  the  time  indicated  by  the 
 chronology  of  Necho's  reign.— 3.  Sijuchronism  of 
 Hczekiah  and  Tirhakah. — Tiihakah  is  mentioned  as 
 an  opponent  of  Sennacherib  shortly  before  the  mi- 
 laculous  de.struction  of  his  army  in  the  14th  year 
 of  Hczekiah.  It  has  been  lately  proved  i'rom  the 
 Apis-tableis  that  the  1st  year  of  Tirhakah 's  reign 
 over  Egypt  was  the  vague  year  current  in  B.C.  689. 
 The  14th  year  of  Hezekiah,  according  to  the  received 
 chronology,  is  B.C.  713,  and,  if  we  correct  it  2  yrs. 
 on  account  of  the  lowering  of  the  date  of  the  de- 
 struction of  the  Temple,  B.C.  711.  If  we  hold  that 
 the  expedition  dated  in  Hezekiah's  14th  year  was 
 different  from  that  which  ended  in  the  destruction 
 of  the  Assyrian  army,  we  must  still  place  the  latter 
 event  before  B.C.  695.  There  is,  therefore,  a  prima 
 facie  discrepancy  of  at  least  6  yrs.  An  examination 
 of  the  facts  of  the  histoj-y  has  afforded  Dr.  Hincks 
 what  we  believe  to  be  the  true  explanation.  Tir- 
 hakah, he  observes,  is  not  explicitly  termed  Pharaoh 
 01-  king  of  Egypt  in  the  Bible,  but  king  of  Cush  or 
 Ethiopia,  from  which  it  might  be  inferred  that  at 
 the  time  of  Sennacherib's  disastrous  invasion  he  had 
 not  assumed  the  crown  of  Egypt.  We  hold,  there- 
 fore, as  most  probable,  that,  at  the  time  of  Senna- 
 cherib's disastrous  expedition,  Tirhakah  was  king  of 
 Ethiopia  in  alliance  with  the  king  or  kings  of  Egypt. 
 —4.  Synchronism  of  Rehoboam  and  Shishak. — 
 The  Biblical  evidence  for  this  synchronism  is  as 
 follows  :  Rehoboam  appears  to  have  come  to  the 
 throne  about  249  yrs.  before  the  accession  of  Heze- 
 kiah,  and  therefore  B.C.  cir.  973.  The  invasion  of 
 Shishak  took  place  in  his  5th  year,  by  this  com- 
 CoN.  D.  B. 
 
 CHRONOLOGY 
 
 161 
 
 putation,  B.C.  969.  He  appears  to  have  come  to  the 
 throne  at  least  21  or  22  yis.  before  his  expedition 
 against  Rehoboam.  An  inscription  at  the  quarries 
 of  Silsilis  in  Upper  Egypt  lecords  the  cutting  of 
 stone  in  the  22nd  year  of  She.shonk  I.,  or  Shishak, 
 for  constructions  in  the  chief  temple  of  Thebes, 
 where  we  now^  find  a  record  of  his  conquest  of 
 Judah.  On  these  grounds  we  may  place  the  ac- 
 cession of  Shishak  B.C.  cir.  990.^^5.  Exodus. — 
 Aiguments  founded  on  independent  evidence  afford 
 the  best  means  of  deciding  which  is  the  most  pro- 
 bable computation  from  Biblical  evidence  of  the 
 date  of  the  Exodus.  A  comparison  of  the  Hebrew 
 calendar  with  the  Egyptian  has  led  the  writer  to 
 the  following  result : — The  civil  commencement  of 
 the  Hebrew  year  was  with  the  new-moon  nearest 
 to  the  autumnal  equinox ;  and  at  the  approximative 
 date  of  the  Exodus  obtained  by  the  long  reckoning, 
 we  find  that  the  Egyptian  vague  year  commenced 
 at  or  about  that  point  of  time.  This  approximative 
 date,  therefore,  tails  about  the  time  at  which  the 
 vague  year  and  the  Hebrew  year,  as  dated  from 
 the  autumnal  equinox,  nearly  or  exactly  coincided 
 in  their  commencements.  It  may  be  leasonably 
 supposed  that  the  Israelites  in  the  time  of  the 
 oppression  had  made  use  of  the  vague  year  as  the 
 common  year  of  the  countiy,  which  indeed  is  ren- 
 dered highly  probable  by  the  circumstance  that  they 
 had  mostly  adopted  the  Egyptian  religion  (Josh. 
 xxiv.  14  ;  Ez.  xx.  7,  8),  the  celebrations  of  which 
 were  kept  according  to  this  year.  When,  therefore, 
 the  festivals  of  the  Law  rendered  a  year  virtually 
 tropiftU  necessary,  of  the  kind  either  restored  or 
 instituted  at  the  Exodus,  it  seems  most  probable 
 that  the  current  vague  year  was  fixed  under  Woses. 
 If  this  suppo.sition  be  correct,  we  should  expect  to 
 find  that  the  14th  day  of  Abib,  on  which  fell  the 
 full-moon  of  the  Passover  of  the  Exodus,  corre- 
 sponded to  the  14th  day  of  a  Phamenoth,  in  a  vague 
 year  commencing  about  the  autumnal  equinox.  It 
 has  been  ascertained  by  computation  that  a  full-moon 
 fell  on  the  14th  day  of  Phamenoth,  on  Thursday, 
 April  21st,  in  the  year  B.C.  1652.  A  full-moon 
 would  not  fall  on  the  same  day  of  the  vague  year 
 at  a  shorter  interval  than  25  yrs.  before  or  after  this 
 ilate,  while  the  triple  coincidence  of  the  new-moon, 
 vague  year,  and  autumnal  equinox  could  not  recur 
 in  le.ss  than  1500  vague  years  {Enc.  Brit.  8th  ed. 
 art.  '  Egypt,'  p.  458).  The  date  thus  obtained  is  but 
 4  yrs.  earlier  than  Hales's,  and  the  intei-val  from  it 
 to  that  of  the  Foundation  of  Solomon's  Temple,  B.C. 
 cir.  lOlO,  would  be  about  642  yrs.,  or  4  yis.  in  e.x- 
 cess  of  that  previously  obtained  from  the  nuniencal 
 statements  in  the  Bible.  We  therefore  take  B.C. 
 1652  as  the  most  satisfactory  date  of  the  E.xodus.— 
 6.  Date  of  the  Commenceinent  of  the  430  yeois 
 of  Sojourn. — We  hold  the  430  years  of  Sojourn  to 
 have  commenced  when  Abraham  entered  Palestine, 
 and  that  the  interval  was  of  430  complete  years,  or 
 a  little  more,  commencing  about  the  time  of  the 
 vernal  equinox,  B.C.  2082,  or  nearer  the  beginning 
 of  that  proleptic  Julian  year.— 7.  Date  of  the  Dis- 
 persion.— Taking  the  LXX.  numbers  as  most  pro- 
 bable, the  Di.spersion  must  be  placed  B.C.  cir.  2698, 
 or,  if  we  accept  Ussher's  correction  of  the  age  of 
 Terah  at  the  birth  of  Abraham,  cir.  2758.-8.  Date 
 of  the  Flood. — The  Flood,  as  ending  about  401  yrs 
 before  the  birth  of  Peleg,  would  be  placed  B.C.  cir. 
 3099  or  3159.  The  year  preceding,  or  the  402nd, 
 was  that  mainly  occupied  by  the  catastrophe.  It  is 
 most  reasonable  to  suppose  the  Noachian  colonistf 
 
162 
 
 CHRYSOLITE 
 
 to  liave  begun  to  spicMil  about  three  cTiitiiiies  after 
 till-  Klooii.  As  far  as  we  can  leani,  no  independent 
 historical  evidence  })oints  to  an  earlier  i>eiiod  than 
 the  middle  of  the  'J8th  century  li.C.  lus  the  time  of 
 tlie  foinid.ition  of  kingdoms,  altliont;h  the  chiono- 
 lo;;ry  of  K.sypt  reaches  to  about  this  period,  wiiile 
 that  of  liabylon  and  other  states  dii&<  not  gieatly 
 tall  short  of  the  same  antiquity. ^9.  IMe  of  the 
 ^  Crerition  of  Adiin. — The  numbers  given  by  the 
 I. XX.  for  the  antediluvian  patriarchs  would  place 
 the  creation  of  .Adam  'J"2i)2  yrs.  before  the  end  of 
 tlie  Klncid,  or  K.c.  cir.  o.Jiil  or  .H'il. 
 
 Chrysolito.  one  of  the  precious  stones  in  the 
 fnuiid.ition  of  the  he;ivenly  .lerusalem  (Rev.  x.\i.  '20). 
 It  has  lx!en  already  stated  [Bkuvl]  that  the  chry- 
 solite of  the  ancients  is  identical  with  the  modern 
 Oriental  topaz,  the  tarshish  of  the  Hebrew  I'ible. 
 
 Chrysoprase  occurs  only  in  Rev.  xxi.  20.  Mr. 
 Kiiia;  {Antique  Gems,  p.  59,  note)  says  that  the 
 true  chi'ysoprase  is  sometimes  found  in  antique 
 Ki^yptian  jewellery  set  alternately  with  bits  of 
 lapis-lazuli ;  it  is  not  impiobabie  therelbre  that  this 
 is  the  stone  which  was  the  tenth  in  the  walls  of  the 
 heavenly  Jerusalem. 
 
 Chab,  the  name  of  a  people  in  alliance  with 
 Esypt  in  the  time  of  Nebuchadnezzar  (ICz.  xxx.  .")), 
 and  piobably  of  northern  Africa,  or  of  the  lands 
 near  Kgypt  to  the  south.  Some  have  proposed  to 
 recognise  Chub  in  the  names  of  various  African 
 places.  Others,  however,  think  the  present  Heb. 
 text  corni])t  in  this  word.  It  has  Vieen  theretbre 
 proposed  to  read  i\Y/6  for  Nubia,  as  the  Arab.  vers, 
 has  "  the  people  the  Noobeh."  Far  better,  on 
 the  score  of  probability,  is  the  emendation  which 
 Ilitzig  proposes,  Lu'>.  The  Lubim  might  well 
 occur  KUiong  the  peoples  sudering  in  the  fall  of 
 l'"icy[)t.  In  the  absence  of  better  evidence  we  prefer 
 the  reading  of  the  present  Ileh.  text. 
 
 Cliun,  a  city  of  Hadadezer,  called  Berothai  in 
 2  Sam.  viii.  8,  Chun  is  believed  to  be  a  cor- 
 ruption (\  Chr.  xviii.  8).     [R.icrotii.ah.] 
 
 Church.  (I .)  The  derivation  of  the  word  Church 
 is  uncertiin.  It  is  gene. ally  .sjiid  to  be  derived 
 from  the  Greek  KvpiaKAv.  Hut  the  derivation  has 
 been,  too  hastily  assumed.  It  was  probably  con- 
 nected with  /ur/t,  the  Latin  circn.%,  circnlus,  the 
 Greek  kvkKos,  and  possibly  also  with  the  Welsh 
 cijlrh,  cijl,  cijn'-hle,  or  carr.—W.  The  word  iKK\7\- 
 ffia.  is  no  doubt  derived  fiom  (KKa\f7v.  and  in 
 accordance  with  its  derivation  it  originally  me.int 
 an  assembly  called  out  by  the  magistrate,  or  by 
 legitimate  authority.  This  is  the  ordinary  classi(vd 
 sense  of  the  word.  But  it  throws  no  light  on  the 
 nature  of  the  institution  so  <lesigiiated  in  the  New 
 Testament.  For  to  the  writoi-s  of  the  N.  T.  the 
 word  had  now  lost  its  primary  signihcation,  and 
 was  either  used  generally  for  any  meetincr  (Acts 
 xix.  32),  or  more  particularly,  it  denoteii  (1)  the 
 religious  assemblies  of  the  .lews  ([)eut.  iv.  10,  xviii. 
 10);  (2)  the  whole  asseml)ly  or  congregation  of 
 the  Israelitish  people  (Acts  vii.  :58  ;  llcb.  ii.  12; 
 Ps.  xxil.  22;  Dent.  xxxi.  30),  It  was  in  this  last 
 sense  that  thp  word  Wius  ado[i!ed  and  a]>)>iied  by  the 
 writers  of  the  .N'.  T.  to  the  t'hristian  congregation. 
 The  chief  ditlieience  between  the  words  "eccle.sia" 
 and  ''church,''  would  probably  consist  in  this,  that 
 "  ecclesia  "  primarily  signified  the  Christian  body, 
 and  secondarily  the  place  of  assemblv,  while  the 
 first  Rignitloition  of  "church"  w;ls  the  place  of 
 a.s.sembly,  which  im|)arted  iU  name  to  the  boilv  of 
 worshippers.— III.    The  Churrh  as  dcscrihed  in  the 
 
 CHURCH 
 
 Gospels. — The  word  occurs  only  twice.     Kach  time 
 in  St.  Matthew  (Matt.  xvi.  18,  "On  this   rock  will 
 1  build  my  Church;""  xviii.  17,  "  Tell  it  unto  the 
 Church  ").     In  eveiy  other  case  it  is  spoken  of  as 
 "  the  kingdom  of  heaven  "  by  .'^t.  Matthew,  and  as 
 "the  kingdom  of  (io<l"  by  .St.  Mark  and  St.  Luke. 
 St.  Mark,  St.  Luke,  and  .St.  John,  never  use  tiie  ex- 
 pression "  kingd(jm  of  heaven."    St.  John  once  u.ses 
 the  phrase  "  kingdom  of  (Joil  "  (iii.  3;.    St.  Matthew 
 occisionally  speaks  of ''  the  kingdom  of  God  "  ( vi.  33, 
 xxi. 3 1, 43),  and  sometimes  simply  of  ■'  the  kingdom  " 
 (iv.  23,  xiii.  I9,xxiv.  14).    In  xiii.  41  and  xvi.  28, 
 it  is  "  the  Son  of  Man's  kingdom.''    In  xx.  21 ,  "  thy 
 kingdom,"  i.e.  Christ's.      In  the  one  Gospel  of  SI, 
 Matthew  the  Church  is  spoken  of  no  le.-s  than  thiity- 
 six  times  as  "  the.kingdom."    Other  descriptions  or 
 titles  are  hardly   found    in  the    Kvangelists.     It  is 
 Christ's  household  (Matt.  x.  25),  the  s;iltand  light  of 
 the  world  (v.  Ki,  1.5),  Christ's  tlock  '  Matt.  xxvi.  31  ; 
 .John  X.  I ),  its  members  are  the  branches  growing 
 on  Christ  the  Vine  (John   xv.) ;    but  the  genei-:il 
 description  of  it,  not  meta])horically   but  directly, 
 is,  that  it  is  a  kingdom  (Matt.  xvi.  1!M.     From  the 
 (jospel  then,    we  learn  that    Christ    was   about  to 
 estiblish   His  heavenly  kingilom   on    eaith,  whicli 
 was  to  be  the  substitute  for  the  .lewish  Church  and 
 kingdom,   now  doomed   to  destruction   (Matt.  xxi. 
 43).— IV.   T/ie  Church  as  described  in  t/ie  Acts 
 mid  in  the  Epistles — its   Orujin,   Nature,  Consti- 
 tution,  mid  Groiith. — Fiom  the  Gospels   we   learn 
 little  in  the  way  of  detail  as  to  the  kingdom  which 
 was  to  be  established.     It  was  in  the  great  fortv 
 days  which  intervened  between  the  Rwunection  and 
 the  Ascension  that  our  Lord  explained  speciticjilly  to 
 His  Apostles  "  the  things  pertaining  to  the  kingdom 
 of  G(kI  "  (Acts  i.  3),   that  is,  his  future  Church. 
 — /(s  Origin. — The  removal  of  Christ  from  the  eiirtli 
 had  loft  his  followers  a  shattered  company  with  no 
 bond  of  external  or    internal    cohesion,  excepi  the 
 memory  of  the  Master  whom  they   had    lost,  and 
 the  recollection  of  his  injunctions  to  unity  and  love, 
 together  with   the  occasional  glimpses  of  His  pre- 
 sence  which    were    vouchsjifed    them.     They  con- 
 tinued together,  meeting  for  prayer  and  snj)plic:ition, 
 and  waiting  for  Christ's   promi.se  of  the  gitl  of  the 
 Holy  Ghost.     They  numbered  in  all  some  140  jier- 
 sons,  namely,  the  eleven,  the  faithful   women,   the 
 Lord's  mother,    his    brethren,   and    120  disciples. 
 They   had   faith    to  believe  that  thei'e  wa.s   a    work 
 befoie  them  which  they  were  alxmt  to  be  called   to 
 perform  ;  and    that  they  might    tje  ready  to  do  it, 
 they   filled   up    the   number  of  the  Twelve   by  the 
 appointment  of  Matthi.as  "to  be  a  true  witne.ss " 
 with  the  eleven  "  of  the  Resurrection."     The  Day 
 of  Pentecost  is  the  birth-dny  of  the  Christian  Church. 
 The  Spirit,  who  was  then  sent  by  the  Son  fiom  the 
 Father,  and   rested  on   each  of  the   Disciples,  com- 
 bini^l    them    once  more   into   a    whole — combined 
 them  as  they  never  had  before  been  combined,  by  an 
 internal  and  spii  itual  bond  of  cohesion.     Before  they 
 had    been   individual   followei-s  of  Jesus,  now  they 
 became  his  mvstical  body,  animated  by  His  .Spiiit. 
 —  Its  N'lturc. — "Then   they  that   gladly   rei-eived 
 his    word    weie   baptized  ..  ..and   they  continued 
 stedt'.istlv  ill  the  Apostles'  doctrine  ami    fellowship, 
 and  in  breaking  of  bread  and  in  prayers"  (Acts  ii. 
 41  ).     Here  we  have  indiie<'tly  exhibited  the  essen- 
 tial  conditions  of  Church   Communion.     They  are 
 (1)  li.aptism.  Baptism  implying  on  the  part  of  the 
 recipient  rejientancc  and  faith;   (2)   Apost<dic  Doc- 
 trine; (3y   Fellowship  witli  the  Ajwistles;  (4)  iiir 
 
CHURCH 
 
 Lord's  Supper  ;  (5)  Public  Woi-sliip.  Every  re- 
 quisite tor  church-membership  is  here  cnumeiated 
 not  only  for  the  Apostolic  days,  but  for  future  ages, 
 St.  Luke's  treatise  being  historiail,  not  dogmatical, 
 he  does  not  directly  enter  further  into  the  essential 
 nature  of  the  Church.  The  community  of  goods, 
 which  he  describes  as  being  universal  amongst  the 
 members  of  the  infant  society  (ii.  44,  iv.  32),  is 
 specially  declared  to  be  a  volunfciry  practice  (v.  4), 
 not  a  necessaiy  duty  of  Christians  as  such  (comp. 
 Acts  ix.  3fj,  39,  xi.  29).  From  the  illustrations 
 adopted  by  St.  Paul  in  his  Epistles,  we  have  addi- 
 tional light  thrown  upon  the  nature  of  the  Church. 
 The  passage  which  is  most  illustrative  of  our  sub- 
 ject in  the  Epistles  is  Eph.  iv.  3,  6.  Here  we  see 
 what  it  is  that  constitutes  the  unity  of  the  Church 
 in  the  mind  of  the  Apostle:  (1)  unity  of  Headship, 
 "  one  Lord  ;"  (2)  unity  of  belief,  "  one  faith  ;" 
 (3)  unity  of  Sacraments,  "  one  baptism :"  (4) 
 unity  of  hope  of  eternal  life,  "  one  hope  of  your 
 calling;"  (5)  unity  of  love,  "unity  of  the  S|>irit 
 in  the  bond  of  peace;"  (6)  unity  of  org.uiisation, 
 "  one  bodv."  The  Churcli,  then,  at  this  period  was 
 a  body  of  baptized  men  and  women  who  believed  in 
 .Jesus  as  the  Christ,  and  in  the  revelation  made  by 
 Him,  who  were  united  by  having  the  same  faith, 
 hope,  and  animating  Spirit  of  love,  the  same  Sacra- 
 ments, and  the  same  spiritual  invisible  Head.^ 
 What  was  the  Constitution  of  this  body  '? — On  the 
 evening  of  the  Day  of  Pentecost,  the  3140  members 
 of  which  it  consisted  were  (1)  Apostles,  (2)  pre- 
 vious Disciples,  (3)  converts.  At  this  time  the 
 Church  was  not  only  morally  but  actually  one  con- 
 gregation. Soon,  however,  its  numbers  grew  so 
 considerably  that  it  was  a  physical  impossibility 
 that  all  its  members  should  come  together  in  one 
 spot.  It  became,  thei-efore,  an  aggregate  of  con- 
 gregations, though  without  losing  its  essential  unity. 
 The  .Apostles,  who  hail  been  closest  to  the  Lord  .lesus 
 in  his  life  on  eaith  would  doubtless  have  formed 
 the  centies  of  the  several  congregations.  Thus 
 the  Church  continued  for  apparently  some  seven 
 years,  but  at  the  end  of  that  time  "  the  number  of 
 disciples  was"  so  greatly  "  multiplied  "  (Acts  vi.  1) 
 that  the  Twelve  Apotles  found  themselves  to  be 
 too  few  to  carry  out  these  works  unaided.  They 
 thereupon  for  the  first  time  exercised  the  powers 
 of  mission  intrusted  to  them  (John  xx.  21),  and  by 
 laying  their  hands  on  the  Seven  who  were  recom- 
 mended to  them  by  the  general  body  of  Cliiistians, 
 they  appointed  them  to  fulfil  the  secular  task  of 
 distributing  the  common  stock.  It  is  a  question 
 which  cannot  be  certainly  answered  whether  the 
 office  of  these  Seven  is  to  be  identified  with  that  of 
 the  deacons  elsewheie  found.  We  incline  to  the 
 hypothesis  which  makes  the  Seven  the  originals  of 
 the  Deacons.  From  this  time  therefore,  or  from 
 about  this  time,  there  existed  in  the  Church — (I) 
 the  Apostles ;  (2)  the  Deacons  and  Evangelists  ; 
 (3)  the  nmltitude  of  the  faithful.  We  hear  of  no 
 other  Church-olBcer  till  the  year  44,  seven  years 
 after  the  a]ipointment  of  the  deacons.  We  find  that 
 tliere  were  then  in  the  Church  of  Jerusalem  officers 
 named  Presbyters  (xi.  30)  who  weie  the  assistants 
 of  James,  the  chief  administrator  of  that  Church  (xii. 
 17).  The  circumstances  of  their  first  appointment 
 are  not  recounted.  No  doubt  tliey  were  similar  to 
 those  under  which  the  Deacons  were  appointed. 
 The  name  of  Piesbyter  or  Elder  implies  that  the 
 men  selected  were  of  mature  age.  By  the  year  44, 
 therefore,  there  were  in  the  Cliurch  of  Jeiusalem — 
 
 CHURCH 
 
 163 
 
 (1)  the  Apostles  holding  the  government  of  the 
 whole  body  in  their  own  liands  :  (2)  Presbyteis 
 invested  by  the  Apostles  with  authority  for  con- 
 ducting public  worship  in  each  congiegation  ;  (3) 
 Deacons  or  Evangelists  .similarly  invested  with  the 
 lesser  power  of  preaching  and  of  baptizing  unbe- 
 lievers, and  of  distributing  the  common  goods 
 among  the  brethren.  The  same  ordei'  was  esta- 
 blished in  the  Gentile  Churches  founded  by  St.  Paul, 
 the  only  difference  being  that  those  who  werecalle<l 
 Presbyters  in  Jerusalem  boie  indifferently  the  name 
 of  Bishops  (Phil.  i.  1  ;  1  Tim,  iii.  1,  2  ;  Tit.  '.  7) 
 or  of  Presbyters  (1  Tim.  v.  17  ;  Tit.  i.  5)  elsewheie. 
 It  was  in  the  Church  of  Jeru.salem  that  another 
 Older  of  the  ministry  found  its  exemplar.  James 
 the  brother  of  the  Lord  remained  unmolested  dur- 
 ing the  persecution  of  Herod  Agrippa  in  the  year 
 44,  and  from  this  time  he  is  the  acknowledged  head 
 of  the  Chnrcii  of  Jerusalem.  A  considei-ation  of 
 Acts  xii,  17;  xv.  13,  19;  Gal.  ii.  2,  9,  12;  Acts 
 xxi.  18,  will  remove  all  doubt  on  this  point.  What- 
 ever his  pre-eminence  was,  he  aj)|ieais  to  have 
 borne  no  special  title  indicating  it.  The  example  of 
 the  Mother  Church  of  Jeiusalem  was  again  followed 
 by  the  Pauline  Churches.  Timothy  and  Titus  had 
 probably  no  distinctive  title,  but  it  is  impossible 
 to  read  the  Epistles  addressed  to  them  without  see- 
 ing that  they  had  an  authority  superior  to  that  of 
 the  ordinary  bishops  or  priests  (1  Tim.  iii. ;  v.  17, 
 19  ;  Tit.  i.  5),  Thus,  then,  we  see  that  where  the 
 Apostles  wore  themselves  able  to  superintend  the 
 Churches  that  they  had  founded,  the  Church-olficeis 
 consisted  of' — ( 1 )  Apostles  ;  (2)  Bishops  or  Priests  ; 
 (3)  Deacons  and  Evangelists.  When  the  Apistles 
 were  unable  to  give  personal  superintendence,  they 
 delegated  that  power  which  they  had  in  comtlion  to 
 one  of  themselves,  as  in  Jerusalem,  or  to  one  in 
 whom  they  had  confidence,  as  at  Ephesus  and'  in 
 Crete.  As  the  Apostles  died  off,  these  Apostolic 
 Delegates  necessarily  multiplied.  By  the  end  of 
 the  first  century,  when  St  John  was  the  only 
 Apostle  that  now  survived,  they  would  have  been 
 established  in  every  country,  as  Crete,  and  in  every 
 large  town  where  there  were  several  bishops  or 
 piie.-ts,  such  as  the  seven  towns  of  Asia  mentioned 
 in  the  Book  of  Itevelation.  These  superintendents 
 app:^ar  to  be  addressed  by  St.  John  under  the  name 
 of  Angels.  With  St.  John's  death  the  Apostolic 
 College  was  extinguished,  and  the  Apostolic  Dele- 
 gates or  Angels  were  left  to  fill  their  places  in  the 
 government  of  the  Church,  not  with  the  full  unre- 
 stricted power  of  the  Apostles,  but  with  authority 
 only  to  be  exercised  in  limited  districts.  In  the 
 next  century  we  find  that  these  ofHceis  bore  the 
 name  of'  Bishops,  while  those  who  in  the  firet  cen- 
 tury were  called  indifferently  Presbyters  or  Bishops 
 had  now  only  the  title  of  Piesbyters.  We  conclude, 
 therefore,  that  the  title  bishop  was  gradually  dropped 
 by  the  second  order  of  tiie  ministry,  and  applied 
 specifically  to  those  who  represented  what  James, 
 Timothy,  and  Titus  had  been  in  the  Apostolic  age. 
 —  Its  External  Growth.— Tha  3000  souls  that 
 were  added  to  the  Ajiostles  and  to  the  120  brethren 
 on  the  day  of  Pentecost  were  increased  daily  by 
 new  converts  (Acts  ii.  47,  v.  14).  These  converts 
 were  without  e.xception  Jews  residing  in  Jerus;dem, 
 whether  speaking  Greek  or  Hebrew  (vi.  1).  After 
 seven  or  eight  years  a  step  was  made  outwards. 
 Philip,  in  his  capacity  of  Evangelist,  preached  Christ 
 to  the  Samaritans,  and  admitted  them  into  the 
 Church  bv  baptism.     The  first  purely  (iaiifile  con- 
 
 M  2 
 
164 
 
 CHURCH 
 
 vert  that  we  hear  of  by  name  is  Serojius  PaiiUis 
 (\iii.  7),  but  we  are  told  that  the  conipanions  of 
 <'oriielius  were  Gentiles,  and  by  their  baptism  the 
 admission  of  the  Gentiles  was  decided  bv  tlie  agency 
 of  St.  Peter,  approved  by  the  Apostles  and  Jewisli 
 Church  (xi.  18),  not,  as  might  have  been  expected, 
 by  the  agency  of  St.  Paul.  This  great  event  took 
 place  after  the  peace  caused  by  Caligula's  perse- 
 cution of  the  Jews,  which  occurred  A.  D.  40  (i.\. 
 31),  and  more  than  a  year  bel'oie  the  I'amine,  in 
 the  time  of  Claudius,  A.  1).  44  (.\i.  '20,  29).  Galilee 
 had  ill  ready  been  evangelized  as  well  as  Judaea  and 
 Siimaria,  though  the  s])ecial  agent  in  the  work  is 
 not  declared  (ix.  31).  The  history  of  the  growth 
 of  the  (Jentile  Church,  so  far  as  we  know  it,  is 
 identical  with  the  history  of  St.  Paul.  In  his  three 
 journeys  he  carried  Christianity  through  the  chief 
 cities  of  Asia  Minor  and  (Greece.  —  fts  further 
 growth. — Three  great  impulses  enlarged  the  borders 
 of  the  Church.  The  first  is  that  which  began  on 
 the  day  of  Pentecost,  and  continued  down  to  the 
 conversion  of  Constantiiie.  By  this  the  Roman 
 Kmpiie  was  converted  ti)  Christ.  The  second  im- 
 pulse gathered  within  the  Church  the  hitheito  bar- 
 barous nations  foinietl  by  the  Teutonic  and  Celtic 
 tl'ibes.  The  third  im])ulse  gathered  in  the  Slavo- 
 nian nations.  The  first  of  these  impulses  lasted 
 to  the  fourth  century  —  the  second  to  the  ninth 
 century — the  thii'd  (beginning  before  the  second 
 had  ceased)  to  the  tenth  and  eleventh  centuries. 
 — v.  Alterations  in  its  Constitution. — We  have 
 said  that  ecclesiastical  authority  resided  (1)  in  the 
 Apostles;  (2)  in  the  Apostles  and  the  Deacons; 
 ('3)  in  the  Apostles,  the  Presbyters,  ana  the  Dea- 
 cons :  (4)  in  the  Apostolic  Delegates,  the  Presbyters, 
 and  the  I)eacons;  (.5)  in  those  who  succeeded  the 
 Apostolic  Delegates,  the  Presbyters,  and  the  Deacons. 
 And  to  these  successors  of  the  Apostolic  Delegates 
 came  to  be  appro])riated  the  title  of  Bishop,  which 
 was  originally  applied  to  Presbyters.  At  the  com- 
 mencement of  the  second  century  and  thencefor- 
 wards  Bishops,  Presbyters,  and  Deacons  aie  the 
 officers  of  the  Chuich  wherever  the  Cliiuch  existed. 
 Bisho[is  were  looked  on  as  Christ's  Vicegerents,  anil 
 as  having  succeeded  to  the  Apostles.  They  re- 
 tained in  their  own  hands  authority  over  presbyters 
 and  the  function  of  ordination,  but  with  resjiect  to 
 each  other  they  were  equals  whether  their  see  was 
 at  Uome  or  at  Kiigubium.  Within  this  equal  col- 
 lege of  bishoj)s  theie  soon  arose  diti'erence  of  rank 
 though  not  of  order.  Below  the  city-bishops  there 
 sprang  up  a  class  of  coiuitry-liishops  fchorepiscopi ). 
 Their  position  was  ambiguous,  .nnil  in  the  filth  cen- 
 tury they  began  to  decay  ami  gradually  ilied  out. 
 Above  the  city-bishops  there  were,  in  the  second 
 (•entuiy  apparently,  ^Ietrop()litans,  and  in  the  third, 
 I'atriaichs  or  Kjtarchs.  TIk;  metroi)olitan  was  the 
 chi«f  bishop  in  the  civil  division  of  the  empire  which 
 was  called  a  province.  The  authority  of  the  j)atri- 
 arch  or  exarch  cxtende<l  over  the  still  larger  division 
 of  the  civil  empire  which  was  (ailed  a  diocese.  The 
 chuiches  weic  indefX'ndent  self-ruled  wholes.  The 
 only  authority  which  they  recognised  as  c;ij)able  ot' 
 controlling  their  separate  action,  was  that  of  an 
 Oectimenicid  Council  compascd  of  delegates  fioni 
 each.  It  was  by  John  of  Constantinople  that  the 
 first  overt  attempt  at  encting  a  Papal  Monarchy 
 wasmaiie;  and  by  Gregory  the  (ireat  of  Home,  iu 
 conspquein-c,  it  was  fiercely  and  iiidignantlv  de- 
 nounccil.  From  this  time  the  federal  character  of 
 the  coustitutiou  of  the  Church  was  overthrown.    In 
 
 CHURCH 
 
 the  West  it  became  wholly  despotic,  and  in  the  East, 
 though  the  theory  of  aristocrat ical  goverimient  was 
 and  is  maintained,  the  still-cherished  title  of  Oecu- 
 menical Patriarch  indicates  that  it  is  weakness 
 which  has  prevented  Constantinople  from  erecting 
 at  least  an  Eastern  if  she  could  not  an  Univei'sjil 
 Monaichy.  In  the  sixteenth  centuiy  a  further 
 change  of  constitution  occurred.  A  great  pai't  of 
 Europe  revolted  fiom  the  Western  despotism.  The 
 Churches  of  England  and  Sweden  letiirned  to,  or 
 rather  retained,  the  episco|)al  form  of  government 
 after  the  model  of  the  first  centuries.  In  parts  of 
 (iemiany,  of  Ei-ance,  of  Switzerland,  and  of  Great 
 Britain  a  Presbyterian,  or  still  less  defined,  form 
 W!is  adopted,  while  Rome  tightened  her  hold  on 
 her  yet  remaining  subjects,  ai.d  by  destroying  all 
 peculiarities  of  national  liturgy  and  custom,  and, 
 by  depressing  the  oider  of  bishops  except  as  inter- 
 preters of  hei-  decrees,  converted  that  part  of  the 
 Church  over  which  she  had  sway  into  a  jealous 
 centralized  absolutism.  —  VI.  Ikfinitions  of  the 
 Church. — The  Greek  Church  gives  the  Ibllowing 
 "  The  Church  is  a  divinely  instituted  community 
 of  men,  united  by  the  orthodox  faith,  the  law  of 
 God,  the  hierarchy,  and  the  Siicraments."  The 
 Latin  Church  defines  it  "  the  company  of  Chris- 
 tians knit  together  by  the  profession  of  the  same 
 faith  and  the  communion  of  the  same  Sacraments, 
 under  the  government  of  lawful  pastoi-s,  and  espe- 
 cially of  the  Roman  bishop  as  the  only  Vicar  of  Christ 
 u])on  ejuth."  The  Church  of  England,  "  a  congre- 
 gation of  faithful  men  in  which  the  pure  word  ot 
 (!od  is  preachal,  and  the  Sacraments  be  duly  minis- 
 tered according  to  ("hrist's  oidi nance  in  all  those 
 things  that  of  necessity  are  requisite  to  the  same." 
 The  Lutheran  Church,  "  a  congregation  of  saints  in 
 which  the  (lospel  is  rightly  taught  and  the  Sacr.i- 
 ments  rightly  administere<l."  The  Confessio  Hel- 
 vetica, "a  congregation  of  faithful  men  called,  or 
 collected  out  of  the  world,  the  communion  of  all 
 saints."  The  Confessio  Saxonica,  "  a  congregation 
 of  men  embracing  the  Gospel  of  Christ,  and  rightly 
 using  the  .'Sacraments."  The  Confessio  Belgiai.  "  a 
 true  congregation,  ora.ssenibly  of  all  faithful  Chris- 
 tians who  look  for  the  whole  of  their  s;dvation  from 
 Jesus  Christ  alone,  as  being  washeil  by  His  blood, 
 and  sanctified  and  sealed  by  His  Spirit."  These 
 definitions  show  the  dillieulty  in  which  the  diH'erenf 
 sections  of  the  dividi'd  Church  find  themselves  in 
 framing  a  delinition  which  will  at  once  accoixl  with 
 the  stitements  of  Holy  Scripture,  and  be  ai)plicable 
 to  the  present  state  of  the  Christian  world.  We 
 must  not  expect  to  see  the  Church  of  Holy  .Scri)iture 
 actually  existing  in  its  jierfection  on  e;irth.  It  is 
 not  to  be  found,  thus  perfect,  either  in  the  collected 
 fragments  of  Christendom,  oi'  still  less  in  any  one  of 
 these  fragments ;  though  it  is  jwssible  that  one  of 
 those  fragments  more  than  another  may  approach 
 the  Scriptuial  and  Ajwstolic  ideal. ^\'H.  The  Faith 
 and  Attrilmtes  of  the  Church. — The -Nii-ene  Creeil 
 is  the  es))ecial  and  authoritative  exponent  of  the 
 Church's  liuth.  We  have  the  Western  toim  of  the 
 same  Crevd  in  that  which  is  called  the  Cree<l  of  the 
 Apostlei — a  name  probably  derived  fiom  it,s  having 
 been  the  local  Crei-il  of  Home,  which  w;us  the  chief 
 Apostolic  sec  of  the  West.  An  ex]);»nsion  of  the 
 same  Creeil,  made  in  order  to  meet  the  Arian  errors, 
 is  found  in  the  Crew!  of  St.  Athaniusius.  The  attri- 
 butes of  the  Church  arc  drawn  from  the  expressions 
 of  the  Creels.  The  Church  is  descrilied  as  One, 
 Holy,  Catholic,  Apostolic      Ita  Unity  consists  iu 
 
CHUSHAN-RISHATHAIM 
 
 having  one  object  of  worship  (Eph.  iv.  6),  one  Head 
 (Kph.  iv.  15),  one  body  (Uom.  xii.  5),  one  Spirit 
 (Eph.  iv.  4),one  faitli  (ib.  13),  hope  (ib.  12),  love 
 (1  Cor.  xiii.  13),  the  same  sacraments  (ib.  x.  17), 
 discipline  and  worsliip  (Acts  ii.  42).  Its  Holiness 
 depends  on  its  He;\d  and  Spirit,  the  means  of  ijrace 
 wliich  it  otl'ers,  and  the  lioliness  that  it  demands  of 
 its  menibeis  (Eph.  iv.  24).  Its  Catholicity  consists 
 in  its  being  composed  of  many  national  Churches, 
 not  confined  as  the  Jewish  Church  to  one  country 
 (Mark  xvi.  15);  in  its  enduring  to  the  end  of  time 
 (i\latt.  xxviii.  20)  ;  in  its  teaching  the  whole  truth, 
 and  having  at  its  disposal  all  the  means  of  grace 
 vouchsafed  to  man.  Its  Apostolicity  in  being  built  on 
 the  foundation  of  the  Apostles  (i'.ph.  ii.  20),  and  con- 
 tinuing in  tlieir  doctrine  and  fellowship  (Acts  ii.  42). 
 
 Chusli'aii-Eishatha'im,  the  kingotJlesopotamia 
 who  ojipres>ed  l^^ael  duiing  eiglit  years  in  the  gene- 
 ration immediately  following  Joshua  (Judg.  iii.  8). 
 The  seat  of  his  dominion  was  probably  the  region 
 between  the  Eui)lirates  and  the  Khabonr.  Cliushan- 
 liishathaim's  yoke  was  broken  from  the  neck  of  the 
 people  of  Israel  at  the  end  of  eight  years  by  Othniel, 
 Caleb's  nephew  (Judg.  iii.  I'J),  and  nothing  more 
 is  heard  of  Mesopotamia  as  an  aggressive  power. 
 The  rise  oftlie  Assyrian  empii-e,  about  B.C.  1270. 
 would  naturally  reduce  the  bordering  nations  to 
 iasiguificance. 
 
 Clm'si,  a  place  named  only  in  Judith  vii.  18,  as 
 near  Kkicbel,  and  u])on  the  brook  Jlochmur. 
 
 Chu'za  (projierly  Chuzas),  the  house-steward  of 
 Herod  Antipas  (Luke  viii.  3). 
 
 Cic'car.    [Jordan.] 
 
 Cilic'ia,  a  maritime  province  in  the  S.E.  of  Asia 
 Minor,  bordering  on  Pamphylia  in  the  W.,  Lycaonia 
 and  Cappadocia  in  the  N.,  and  Syria  in  the  E. 
 I.ofty  mountain  chains  separate  it  fiom  these  pro- 
 vinces, JMons  Amanus  fiom  Syria,  and  Antitainus 
 from  Cappadocia.  The  western  portion  of  the  pio- 
 vince  is  intersected  with  the  ridges  of  Antitaurus, 
 and  was  denominated  Trachaea,  rowjh,  in  contra- 
 distinction to  Pedias,  the  level  distiict  in  tlie  E. 
 The  connexion  between  the  Jews  and  Cilicia  dates 
 from  the  time  when  it  became  part  of  the  Syrian 
 kingdom.  In  the  Apostolic  age  they  weie  still 
 there  in  considerable  numbers  (.\ctsvi.  9).  Cilicia 
 was  from  its  geogiaphical  position  the  high  road 
 between  Syria  and  the  West ;  it  was  also  the  native 
 countiy  of  St.  Paul ;  hence  it  was  visited  by  him, 
 firstly,  soon  after  his  conversion  (Gal.  i.  21  ;  Acts 
 ix.  oO)  ;  and  again  in  his  second  apostolical  journey, 
 when  he  entered  it  on  the  side  of  Syria,  and  crossed 
 Antitaurus  by  the  Pylae  Ciliciae  into  Lyaionia 
 (Acts  XV.  41). 
 
 Cinnamon,  a  well-known  aromatic  substance, 
 the  rind  of  the  Laiinis  cinnaiuoiivon,  called  A'o- 
 runda-gaukak  in  Ceylon.  It  is  mentioneii  in  Ex. 
 XXX.  23  as  one  of  the  component  parts  of  the  holy 
 anointing  oil,  which  Moses  was  commanded  to  pre- 
 pare— in  Prov.  vii.  17  as  a  jiertume  for  the  bed — 
 and  in  Cant.  iv.  14  as  one  of  the  plants  of  the 
 garden  which  is  the  image  of  the  spouse.  In  Rev. 
 xviii.  13  it  is  enumeiated  among  the  merchandize 
 of  the  great  Babylon.  It  was  imported  into  Judaea 
 by  the  Phoenicians  or  by  the  Arabians,  and  is  now 
 found  in  Sumatra,  Borneo,  China,  &c.,  but  chiefly, 
 and  of  the  best  quality,  in  the  S.W.  part  of  Ceylon. 
 Sir  E.  Tennent  believes  that  it  first  reached  India  and 
 Phoenicia  overland  by  way  of  Persia  from  China,  and 
 that  at  a  later  period  the  cassia  of  the  Troglodytic 
 coast  supplanted  the  cinnamon  of  the  far  East. 
 
 CIRCUMCISION 
 
 165 
 
 Cin'neroth,  All,  a  district  named  with  the"  land 
 of  IS'aphtali  "  and  other  northern  places  as  having 
 been  laid  waste  by  Benhadad  (1  K.  xv,  20).  It 
 was  possibly  the  small  enclosed  district  north  of 
 Tiberias,  and  by  the  side  of  the  lake,  afterwards 
 known  as  ''  the  plain  of  Geunesareth." 
 
 Cira'ma.  The  peo])le  of  Cirama  and  Gabdes 
 came  up  with  Zorobabel  fiom  Babylon  (1  Esdr. 
 V.  20). 
 
 Circumcision  was  peculiarly,  though  not  exclu- 
 sively, a  Jeuis/i  rite.  It  was  enjoined  upon  Abia- 
 ham,  the  father  of  the  nation,  by  God,  at  the 
 institution,  and  as  tlie  token,  of  the  Covenant, 
 which  a>sured  to  him  and  his  descendants  the 
 promise  of  the  Messiah  (Gen.  xvii.).  It  was  thus 
 made  a  necessary  condition  of  Jewish  nationality. 
 Every  male  child  was  to  be  circumcised  when  eight 
 days  old  (L«v.  xii.  3)  on  pain  of  death.  If  the 
 eighth  day  were  a  Sabbath  the  rite  was  not  post- 
 poned (John  vii.  22,  23).  Slaves,  whether  homc- 
 boru  or  puichased,  were  circunnised  (Gen.  xvii. 
 12,13);  and  foreigners  must  have  their  males 
 circumcised  before  they  could  be  allowed  to  jiartake 
 of  the  jMssover  (Ex.  xii.  48),  or  become  Jewish 
 citizens.  The  opeiation,  which  was  perfoimed  with 
 a  sharp  instrument  (Ex.  iv.  25  ;  Josh.  v.  2),  was  a 
 painful  one,  at  least  to  grown  persons  (Gen.  xxxiv. 
 25  ;  Josh.  V.  8).  It  seems  to  have  been  customary 
 to  name  a  child  when  it  was  circumcised  (Luke  i. 
 59).  The  use  of  circumcision  by  other  nations 
 besides  the  Jews  is  to  be  gathered  almost  entirely 
 from  sources  extraneous  to  the  Bible.  The  rite  has 
 been  found  to  prevail  extensively  both  in  ancient 
 and  modern  times  ;  and  among  some  nations,  as,  for 
 instance,  the  Abyssinians,  Nubians,  modern  Egyp- 
 tians, and  Hottentots,  a  similar  custom  is  said  to  be 
 pi'actised  by  both  sexes.  The  bihiical  notice  of  the 
 rite  describes  it  as  distinctively  Jewish  ;  so  that  in 
 the  N.  T.  "the  circumcision"  (•^  TrepiToix-q }  and 
 "  the  uncircumcision  "  {r)  aKpofivcrTiu)  are  frequently 
 used  as  synonyms  for  the  Jews  and  the  Gentiles. 
 C^ircumcision  certainly  belonged  to  the  Jews  as  it 
 did  to  no  other  people,  by  virtue  of  its  divine  insti- 
 tution, of  the  religious  privileges  which  weie  at- 
 tached to  it,  and  of  the  strict  regulations  which 
 enforced  its  observance.  Jloreover,  the  0.  T.  his- 
 tory incidentally  discloses  the  fact  that  many,  if 
 not  all,  of  the  nations  with  whom  they  came  in 
 contact  were  uncircumcised.  The  origin  of  the 
 custom  amongst  one  large  section  of  those  Gentiles 
 who  follow  it,  is  to  be  found  in  the  biblical  record 
 of  the  circumcision  of  Ishmael  (Gen.  xvii.  25). 
 Josephus  relates  that  the  Arabians  circumcise  after 
 the  thirteenth  year,  because  Ishmael,  the  founder  of 
 tlieir  nation,  was  circumcised  at  that  age.  Though 
 Mohammed  did  not  enjoin  circumcision  in  the  Ko- 
 ran, he  was  circumcised  himself,  accoiding  to  the 
 custom  of  his  country;  and  circumcision  is  now  as 
 common  amongst  the  Jlohammedans  as  amongst 
 the  Jews.  The  process  of  restoring  a  circumcised 
 person  to  his  natural  condition  by  a  surgical  opera- 
 tion was  sometimes  undergone.  Some  of  the  Jews 
 in  the  time  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  wishing  to 
 assimilate  themselves  to  the  heathen  around  them, 
 built  a  gynmasium  {yv/xvda-iov)  at  Jerusalem,  and 
 that  they  might  not  be  known  to  be  Jews  when 
 they  appeared  naked  in  the  games,  "made  them- 
 selves unciicumcised"  (1  Mace.  i.  15).  Againat 
 having  recourse  to  this  pra(;tice,  from  an  excessive 
 aiiti-Judaistic  tendency,  St.  Paul  cautions  the  Co- 
 rinthians (1   Cor.    vii.    18).      The  attitude  which 
 
1(5 1> 
 
 CIS 
 
 Chiistmnity,  at  its  introduction,  assiimeil  towards 
 circiinunsion  was  one  of  absolute  hostility,  so  tar  as 
 the  necessity  ol'the  rite  to  solvation,  or  its  posses- 
 sion of  any  rulitrious  or  ni:ir;il  woitli  were  con- 
 ceriietl  (Ai;ts  xv.  ;  Gal.  v.  2).  Tiie  Ahyssinian 
 Christians  still  practise  ciicumcisioii  as  a  national 
 custom.  An  et.hiciil  idea  is  attached  to  ciicinn- 
 cision  even  in  the  0,  T.  (Ex.  vi.  12,  30  ;  Jer.  vi. 
 10  ;  Lev.  xxvi.  41),  because  circumcision  was  the 
 symbol  of  purity  (see  Is.  lii.  I'j. 
 Cis,  Acts  xiii.  21.  [Kisii,  1.] 
 Ci'sai,  Ksih.  xi.  2.  [K'isii,  2.] 
 Cistern,  a  rece|)ta(le  for  water,  either  conducted 
 from  an  external  sj)riiis;,  or  [iroceedint;  from  rain- 
 tidl.  The  (lryiies>  of  the  summer  months  between 
 ilay  and  Sci)tembei',  in  Syria,  and  the  scarcity  of 
 sprini;s  in  many  parts  of  the  country,  mnke  it  neces- 
 sary to  collect  in  re-ei voirs  and  cisterns  the  lain- 
 walei',  of  wliich  al>undance  falls  in  the  intermediate 
 )«riod.  'Ihe  lai-ijer  sort  of  public  tanks  or  reser- 
 voirs, in  Arabic  liirkeh,  Hebi-.  Bervcah,  are  usually 
 called  in  A.  V.  "  jiool,"  while  for  the  smaller  and 
 more  private  it  is  convenient  to  reserve  the  name 
 cistern.  Both  birkehs  and  cisteins  are  freiiuent 
 throusjhout  the  whole  of  i^yv'v.x  and  I'alestiiip.  On 
 the  long  forgotten  way  fiom  .lericho  to  Bethel, 
 "  broken  cisterns  "  of  liigh  antiquity  are  found  at 
 regular  intervals.  .Jerusalem,  described  by  Strabo 
 as  well  supplied  with  water,  in  a  diy  neighbour- 
 hood, depends  mainly  for  this  >ipon  its  cisterns,  of 
 which  almost  every  private  house  possesses  one  or 
 more,  excavated  in  the  rock  on  which  the  city  is 
 built.  The  cisterns  have  usually  a  round  o])oning 
 at  the  top,  sometimes  built  up  with  stonework 
 above  anil  furnished  with  a  curb  and  a  wheel  tor 
 the  bucket  (Keel.  xii.  (3),  so  that  they  have  exter- 
 nidly  nuich  the  Mp])earance  of  an  oi'dinary  well. 
 The  water  is  condu(Med  into  them  fro)n  the  roofs 
 of  the  houses  during  the  rainy  season,  and  with  care 
 remains  sweet  during  the  whole  siuumer  anil  au- 
 tumn. In  this  mannei-  most  of  the  larger  houses 
 and  public  buildings  are  supi)lied.  Kmpty  cisterns 
 were  sometimes  used  as  prisons  and  ]ilaces  of  con- 
 finement. Joseph  was  cist  into  a  "  jiit  '"  ((Jen. 
 xxxvii.  22),  and  his  *•  dimgeon  "  in  Kgyjit  is  called 
 by  the  same  name  (xli.  14).  .leremiah  was  thrown 
 into  a  miry  thougli  empty  cistein,  whose  de])th  is 
 indicated  by  the  cords  useil  to  let  him  down  (Jer. 
 xxxviii.  G). 
 
 Cithern  (1  I\Iacc.  iv.  54),  a  musical  instrument, 
 resembling  a  guitar,  most  jirobably  of  Oieek  origin, 
 eniploye<l   by  flu'  Chaldeans,  and  introduced  by  the 
 H  brews  into  rale>tine  on  their  return  thiliier  after 
 the  Babylonian  captivity.     With 
 res|iect  to  the  slmjie  of  the  Cithern 
 or  Cithara  mentioned  in  the  .Apo- 
 crypha, the  o|>inion  of  the  learneii 
 is  divided:  according  to  some  it 
 resembled  in  form  the  Greek  delta 
 A,  others  represent   it  as  a  halt- 
 moon,  and  others  again  like  the 
 modern  guitar.     In  many  eastern 
 countries  it  i.s  still  in   use  with 
 strings,  vaiying  in  luimber  from 
 three  to  twenty-foin*.     Under  the 
 name  of  Koot/iir,   the    traveller 
 ~"~  Niebuhr  describes  it  as  a  woo<len 
 
 plate  or  dish,  with  a  hole  bencjitli  and  a  piece  of 
 skin  stretched  above  like  a  drum.  In  Mendelssohn's 
 edition  of  the  I'salms,  the  Kuiithir  or  Kathriis  is 
 des/Ziibcd  by  the  acoimiianying  (igiu'e. 
 
 CITIES 
 
 Cities.  1.  'Ar,  and  also  'Ir:  2.  Jiiri/at/i  ;  pro- 
 bably the  most  ancient  name  for  city,  but  seldom 
 used  in  prose  as  a  geneial  name  for  town.  The 
 cl.assification  of  the  human  race  into  dwellei-s  ni 
 towns  and  nomade  wanderers  (Gen.  iv.  20,  22) 
 se<;ms  to  be  intimated  by  the  ctymologiail  sense  of 
 both  words,  as  j>l;ices  of  security  against  ar.  enemy, 
 distinguished  from  the  unwalled  village  or  hamlet, 
 whose  resistance  is  moie  ea.-ily  overcome  by  ttie 
 marauding  tiibes  of  the  desert.  The  earliest  notice 
 in  Scripture  of  city-building  is  of  ICnoch  by  Cain, 
 iu  the  lanil  of  his  exile  (Gen.  iv.  17}.  .After  the 
 confusion  of  tongues,  the  d-'scendants  of  Nimrod 
 founded  Babel,  Krech,  Accad,  and  Calneh,  in  the 
 land  of  Shiuar,  and  Asshur,  a  biauch  t'lom  the  same 
 stock,  built  Nineveh.  Ilehoboth-lty-the-river,  Calah, 
 and  Ile-sen,  the  last  being  "a  gieat  city."  A  sub- 
 sequent j)ass;ige  mentions  Sidon,  Gaza,  ."^oilom,  (■<>- 
 moirah,  Admah,  Zeboim,  and  I.asha,  as  cities  of 
 the  Canaauites,  but  without  implying  tor  them 
 antiquity  equal  to  that  of  Nineveh  and  the  rest 
 f(;pn.  X.  10-12,  19,  xi.  3,  9,  xxxvi.  37).  The 
 eai-licst  desci'iption  of  a  city,  properly  .so  called,  is 
 that  of  Sodom  ((i en.  xix.  1-22);  but  it  is  certain 
 that  from  very  early  times  cities  existed  on  the 
 sites  of  .lerusalem,  Hebron,  and  Damascus.  Hebron 
 is  said  to  have  been  built  seven  years  before  Zoan 
 (Tanis;  in  I'^gypt,  and  is  thus  the  only  Syrian  town 
 which  presents  the  elements  of  a  date  tor  its  foun- 
 dation (Num.  xiii.  22 ).  Kven  betbie  the  time  of 
 Abraham  there  were  cities  in  Hgypt  (Gen.  xii.  14, 
 1.");  Num.  xiii.  22),  and  the  Israelites,  during  their 
 sojourn  there,  were  employed  in  building  or  forti- 
 fying the  "  treasure  cities  "  of  Pithom  and  liaamses 
 (Ex.  i.  11).  Jleanwhile  the  settled  inhabitants  of 
 Syria  on  lioth  siiles  of  the  .lordan  had  grown  in 
 power  and  in  numbei-  of  "fenced  cities,"  which 
 weie  occupied  and  peihaps  partly  relniilt  orfoitified 
 after  the  conquest.  But  from  some  of  these  the 
 possessoi'S  were  imt  expelled  till  a  late  period,  and 
 Jerus;dem  itself  was  not  captured  till  the  time  ot 
 David  (2  Sam.  v.  (>,  9).  From  this  time  the  He- 
 brews becauK'  a  city-dwelling  and  agricidtural  rather 
 than  a  pa^toial  people.  David  enlarged  Jerusalem, 
 and  Si)l(imon,  besides  embellishing  his  capifcil,  also 
 built  or  rebuilt  Tadmor  iFalmynj),  Gezer,  Beth- 
 horon,  Hazoi-,  and  Mogiddo,  liesides  store-cities 
 (2  Sam.  V.  7,  9,  U) ;  1  K.  ix.  15-18  ;  2  Chr.  viii. 
 I)).  Collections  of  houses  in  Syria  for  social  habi- 
 tation may  beclasse<l  under  three  heads: — 1.  cities; 
 2.  towns  with  citadels  or  towers  for  resort  and 
 defence  ;  8.  unwalled  villages.  The  cities  may  be 
 assumed  to  have  been  iu  almost  all  cases  "  fenced 
 cities."  But  around  the  city,  especially  in  peace- 
 able times,  lay  undefended  suburbs  (1  Chr.  vi.  57  ; 
 Num.  XXXV.  1-5;  Josh.  xxi.  i.  to  which  the  privi- 
 leges ol  the  city  extended.  The  city  thus  became 
 the  citadel,  while  the  population  overflowed  into 
 the  suburbs  (1  Mace  xi.  61).  The  ab-sence  of 
 walls  as  iiiilicating  security  in  peaceable  times,  is 
 illustrated  by  the  prophet  Zechariah  (ii.  4;  1  K. 
 iv.  25).  According  to  Kastcrn  custom,  s|)ecial 
 cities  were  appointed  to  furnish  special  supplies  for 
 the  service  ot'  the  st;ite.  d'overnoin  for  these  and 
 their  surrounding  districts  were  appointe<l  by  David 
 and  bv  Solomon  (1  K.  iv.  7,  ix.  19;  1  Chr.  xxvii. 
 25;  2  Chr.  xvii.  12,  xxi.  S ;  I  Mace.  x.  39).  To 
 this  practice  our  F.ord  alludes  in  his  panible  of  the 
 pounds.  In  many  Eastern  cities  much  space  is 
 occupied  bv  gaidens,  and  thus  the  size  of  the  city  is 
 "leatlv  incieaseil.     The  vast  cvtent  of  Nineveh  aiiJ 
 
CITIES  OF  REFUGE 
 
 of  Babylon  may  thus  be  in  pait  accounted  for.  In 
 mast  Oriental  cities  the  streets  are  extremely  nar- 
 row, seldom  allowing  more  than  two  loaded  camels, 
 or  one  camel  and  two  foot  passeiigei  s,  to  pass  each 
 other,  thougli  it  is  clear  that  some  of  the  streets  of 
 Nineveh  must  have  been  wide  enough  for  chariots 
 to  pass  (Nah.  ii.  4).  The  open  spaces  near  the 
 gates  of  towns  were  in  ancient  times,  as  they  are 
 still,  used  as  places  of  assembly  by  the  elders,  of 
 holding  courts  by  kings  and  judges,  and  of  geneial 
 i^ort  by  citizens  (Gen.  xxiii.  10;  Ruth  iv.  I; 
 Matt.  vi.  5;  Luke  xiii.  26,  &c.).  They  weie  also 
 used  as  places  of  public  exposure  by  way  of  punish- 
 ment (Jer.  XX.  2  ;  Am.  v.  10). 
 
 Cities  of  Befage.  Six  Levitical  cities  specially 
 chosen  for  refuge  to  the  involuntary  homicide  until 
 released  from  banishment  l)y  the  death  of  the  high- 
 priest  (Num.  XXXV,  6,  13,  15;  Josh.  xx.  2,  7,  9). 
 There  were  three  on  each  side  of  Jordan.  1.  Kic- 
 DESH,  in  Naphtali  (1  Chr.  vi.  76).  2.  Shechem, 
 in  Mount  Ephraim  (Josh.  xxi.  21 ;  1  Chr.  vi.  67  ; 
 2  Chr.  X.  1).  3.  Heuron,  in  Judah  (Josh.  xsi. 
 13 ;  2  Sam.  v.  5;  1  Chr.  vi.  55,  xxi.^.  27  ;  2  Chr. 
 xi,  10).  4.  On  the  E.  side  of  Jordan — Bezer,  in 
 the  tribe  of  Reuben,  in  the  plains  of  Moab  (Deut. 
 iv.  43;  Josh.  xx.  8,  xxi.  36;  1  Mace.  v.  26). 
 5.  Ramoth-Gilkad,  in  the  tribe  of  Gad  (Deut. 
 iv.  43  ;  Josh.  xxi.  38  ;  IK.  xxii.  3).  6.  Golan, 
 in  Bashan,  in  the  half-tribe  of  Manasseh  (Deut.  iv. 
 43;  Josh.  x.xi.  27  ;  1  Chr.  vi.  71).  Maimonides 
 says  all  the  48  Levitical  cities  had  the  privilege  of 
 asylum,  but  that  the  six  lefuge-cities  were  required 
 to  receive  and  lodge  the  homicide  gratuitously. 
 The  directions  respecting  the  refuge-cities  present 
 some  difficulties  in  interpretation.  The  Levitical 
 cities  were  to  have  a  space  of  1000  cubits  (about 
 583  yards)  beyond  the  city  wall  for  pasture  and 
 <>ther  purposes.  Presently  after,  2000  cubits  are 
 ordered  to  be  the  subuib  limit  (Num.  xxxv.  4,  5;. 
 The  solution  of  the  ditRculty  may  be,  either  the 
 2000  cubits  are  to  be  added  to  the  1000  as  "  fields 
 of  the  suburbs"  (Lev.  xxv.  34),  or  the  additional 
 2000  cubits  were  a  special  gift  to  the  refuge-cities, 
 whilst  the  other  Levitical  cities  had  only  1000 
 cubits  for  suburb. 
 
 Cit'ims,  1  Mace.  viii.  5.     [Chittim.] 
 
 Citizenship.  The  use  of  this  term  in  Scripture 
 has  exclusive  reference  to  the  usages  of  the  Roman 
 empire.  The  privilege  of  Roman  citizenship  was 
 originally  acquired  in  various  ways,  as  by  ])urchase 
 (Acts  xxii.  28),  by  military  services,  by  favour, 
 or  by  manumission.  The  right  once  obtained  de- 
 scended to  a  man's  children  (Acts  xxii.  28).  Among 
 the  privileges  attached  to  citizenship,  we  may  note 
 that  a  man  could  not  be  bound  or  imprisoned  with- 
 out a  foimal  trial  (Acts  xxii.  29),  still  less  be 
 scourged  (Acts  xvi.  37  ;  Cic.  in  Terr.  v.  63,  66). 
 Another  privilege  attaching  to  citizenship  was  the 
 appeal  from  a  provincial  tribunal  to  the  emperor 
 at  Rome  (Acts  xxv.  11). 
 
 Citron.     [Apple  Tree.] 
 
 Clanda  (Acts  xxvii.  16).  A  small  island  nearly 
 due  W.  of  Cape  Matala  on  the  S.  coast  of  Crete, 
 and  nearly  due  S.  of  Phoenice.  It  is  still  called 
 Claudanesa,  or  Gaudonesi,  by  the  Greeks,  which 
 the  Italians  have  corrupted  into  Gozzo.  The  ship 
 which  conveyed  St.  Paul  was  seized  by  the  gale  a 
 little  after  passing  Ca])e  Matala,  when  on  her  way 
 from  Fair  Havens  to  Phoenice  (Acts  x.xvii.  12-17). 
 The  storm  came  down  from  the  island  (v.  14),  and 
 there  was  danger  lest  the  ship  should  be  driven  into 
 
 CLEOPATRA 
 
 167 
 
 the  African  Syrtis  (v.  17).  It  is  added  that  she 
 was  driven  to  Clauda  and  ran  under  the  lee  of  it 
 (v.  16).  The  gale  Ci^nie  from  the  N.E.,  or  E.N.E. 
 Under  the  lee  of  Clauda  there  would  be  smooth 
 water. 
 
 Clau  dia,  a  Christian  woman  mentioned  in  2  Tim. 
 iv.  21,  as  saluting  Timotheus.  Theie  is  reason  foi 
 sup|iosing  that  this  Claudia  was  a  British  maidi-'n, 
 daughter  of  king  Cogidubnus,  an  ally  of  Kome, 
 who  took  the  name  of  his  imperial  patron,  Tiberius 
 Claudius.  She  appears  to  have  become  the  wife  of 
 Pudens,  who  is  mentioned  in  the  same  verse. 
 
 Clau'dius,  fourth  Roman  emperor,  reigned  fiom 
 41  to  54  A.D.  He  was  the  son  of  Nero  Dnisus, 
 was  born  in  Lyons  Aug.  1,  B.C.  9  or  10,  and  lived 
 private  and  unknown  till  the  day  of  his  being  called 
 to  the  throne,  January  24,  A.D.  41.  He  was  no- 
 minated to  the  supreme  power  mainly  through  the 
 influence  of  Herod  Agrippa  the  Fiist.  In  the  reign 
 of  Claudius  there  were  several  famines,  arising 
 fiom  unfavourable  harvests,  and  one  such  occurred 
 in  Palestine  and  Syria  (Acts  xi.  28-30)  under  the 
 procuratois  Cuspius  Eadus  and  Tiberius  Alexander, 
 which  perhaps  lasted  some  years.  Claudius  was 
 induced  by  a  tumult  of  the  Jews  in  Rome,  to  expel 
 them  from  the  city  (cf.  Acts  xviii.  2).  The  date 
 of  this  event  is  uncertain.  After  a  weak  and  foolish 
 reign  he  was  poisoned  by  his  fourth  wile  Agrippina, 
 the  mother  of  Nero,  Oct.  13,  A.D.  54. 
 
 Clan'dius  Lys'ias.    [Lysias.] 
 
 Clay.  As  the  sediment  of  water  remaining  in 
 pits  or  in  sti'eets,  the  word  is  used  frequently  iu 
 O.  T.  (Is.  Ivii.  20;  Jer.  .\.xxviii.  6  ;  Ps.  xviii.  42j, 
 and  in  N.  T.  (John  ix.  6),  a  mixture  of  sand  or 
 dust  with  spittle.  It  is  also  found  in  the  sense  of 
 potter's  clay  (Is.  xli.  25).  The  word  most  com- 
 monly used  for  "  potter's  clay  "  is  chomer  (Ex.  i. 
 14;  Job  iv.  19  ;  Is.  xxix.  16;  Jer.  xviii.  4,  &c.). 
 The  great  seat  of  the  pottery  of  the  present  day  in 
 Palestine  is  Gaza,  where  are  made  the  vessels  iu 
 dark  blue  clay  so  frequently  met  with.  Another 
 use  of  clay  was  for  sealnig  (Job  xxxviii.  14).  Wine 
 jars  in  Egypt  were  sometimes  sealed  with  clay; 
 mummy  pits  were  sealed  with  the  same  sub.vtance, 
 and  remains  of  clay  are  still  found  adhering  to  the 
 stone  door-jambs.  Our  Lord's  tomb  may  have 
 been  thus  sealed  (Matt,  xxvii.  66),  as  also  the 
 earthen  vessel  containing  the  evidences  of  Jeremiah's 
 purchase  (Jer.  xxxii.  14).  The  seal  used  for  public 
 documents  was  rolled  on  the  moist  clay,  and  the 
 tablet  was  then  pl.-iced  in  the  fire  and  baked.  The 
 practice  of  sealing  doors  with  clay  to  facilitate  ue- 
 tection  in  case  of  malpractice  is  still  common  in 
 the  East. 
 
 Clem'ent  (Phil.  iv.  3),  a  fellow-labourer  of  St. 
 Paul,  when  he  was  at  Philippi.  It  was  generally 
 believed  in  the  ancient  church,  that  this  Clement 
 was  identical  with  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  who  after- 
 wards became  so  celebrated. 
 
 Cle'opas,  one  of  the  two  disciples  who  were 
 going  to  Emmaus  on  the  day  of  the  resurrection 
 '  Luke  xxiv.  18).  It  is  a  question  whether  this 
 Cleopas  is  to  be  considered  as  identical  with 
 Cleophas  (accur.  Clopas)  or  Alphaeus  in  John 
 xix.  25.  On  the  whole,  it  seems  safer  to  doubt 
 their  identity. 
 
 Cleopat'ra.  1.  "The  wife  of  Ptolemy  "  (Eslh. 
 xi.  1 )  was  probably  the  granddaughter  of  Antiochus, 
 and  wife  of  Ptol.  VI.  Philometnr.— 2.  A  daughter 
 of  Ptol.  VI.  Philometor  and  Cleopatra  (1),  who 
 was  married  first    to   Alexander   Balas    B.C.    150 
 
168 
 
 CLEOPHAS 
 
 (I  Mace.  X.  58),  anJ  afterwiirds  <;iveii  by  her  father 
 to  Detnetniis  Nicator  wheu  he  iiivaiJe<l  Syria  (1  Mace. 
 x\.  12).  During  the  captivity  of  Deinetrius  in 
 I'aithia,  Cleopatra  mariied  his  brother  Antioehus 
 \'\l.  Sidetes.  She  afterwards  murdered  Seleucus, 
 her  eldest  son  by  Demetrius ;  and  at  length  was 
 herself  j)Oisoned  B.C.  I'JO  by  a  diaught  which  she 
 had  ])ri']>aie:l  tor  her  second  son  Antioehus  V'lll. 
 
 Cle'ophas.    [Clicopas;  Alpiiakus.] 
 
 Clothing.     [DitKSS.] 
 
 Cloud.  The  sheltei-  given,  and  refreshment  of 
 rain  pioniised,  by  clouds,  give  them  their  peculiar 
 prominence  in  Oiient;»l  imagery,  and  the  individual 
 cloud  in  an  ordinarily  cloudless  region  becdmes  well 
 derined  and  is  dwelt  ujion  like  the  individual  tree 
 in  the  bare  landscajie.  When  a  cloud  appears, 
 rain  is  ordinarily  apprehended,  and  thus  the  "  cloud 
 without  rain"  becomes  a  proverb  for  the  man  of 
 promise  without  performance  ( Prov.  xvi.  15;  Is. 
 .wiii.  4,  .\xv.  5;  Jude  12  ;  comp.  Prov.  x.w.  I4-). 
 'I'lie  cloud  is  a  figure  of  tiansitoriness  (Job  xxx. 
 l.">;  Hos.  vi.  4),  and  of  whatever  intercepts  divine 
 tiivour  or  human  supplication  (Lam.  ii.  I,  iii.  44). 
 Being  the  least  substantial  of  visible  forms,  it  is 
 the  one  amongst  material  things  which  suggests 
 most  easily  spiritual  being.  Hence  it  is  the  recog- 
 nised machinery  by  which  supernatural  appearances 
 are  intioduced  (Is.  xix.  1  ;  Kz.  i.  4;  Rev.  i.  7).  A 
 bright  cloud,  at  atiy  rate  at  times,  visited  and 
 rested  on  the  Mercy  Seat  (Ex.  xxix.  42,  43;  IK. 
 viii.  lu,  II  ;  2  Chr.  v.  14;  Ez.  xliii.  4)  iind  was 
 by  later  wiitcis  named  Shechinah. 
 
 Cloud,  Pillar  of.  This  was  the  active  form  of 
 the  symbolical  glury-cloud,  l)etokening  (jod's  pie- 
 sence  to  lead  His  chosen  host,  or  to  inquire  and 
 visit  ott'enees,  as  the  luminous  cloud  of  the  sanc- 
 tuary exhibited  the  same  under  an  aspect  of  rejwse. 
 The  cloud,  which  became  a  pillar  when  the  host 
 moved,  seeins  to  have  rested  at  other  times  on  the 
 tibernacle,  whence  Gofl  is  said  to  have  "  come  down 
 ill  the  pillar"  (Num.  xii.  5;  so  Ex.  xxxiii.  9,  10). 
 It  preccnled  the  host,  apparently  resting  on  the  ark 
 which  led  the  way  (Ex.  xiii.  21,  xl.  30,  &c. ;  Num. 
 ix.  l.")-23,  X.  34;. 
 
 Cni  das  is  mentioned  in  1  Maco.  xv.  23,  as  one 
 M  the  Gieek  cities  which  contained  Jewish  residents 
 rn  the  2nd  century  n.C,  and  in  Acts  xxvii.  7,  as  a 
 harbour  which  was  pas.sed  by  St.  Paul  after  leaving 
 Myra,  and  before  running  under  the  lee  of  L'lete. 
 It  was  a  city  of  great  consequence,  situated  at  the 
 extreme  S.VV.  of  the  pninsula  of  Asia  Minor,  on  a 
 ]>roinonlory  now  called  Cape  Crio.  which  projects 
 l>etwecn  the  islands  of  Cos  and  Rhodes  (see  Acts 
 xxi.  1).  All  the  remains  of  Cnidus  show  that  it 
 must  have  been  a  city  of  great  magnilieence. 
 
 Coal.  In  A.  V.  this  word  represents  no  less  than 
 live  dilieient  Heb.  woi-ds.  1.  The  first  and  most 
 t'n-quently  used  is  gw.-heleth,  a  live  ember,  burning 
 fui'l,  as  distinguishe<I  from  pec/idm  (Prov.  xxvi. 
 21).  In  2  Sam.  xxii.  9,  1.'5,  "coals  of  fire"  are 
 put  metaphorically  for  the  lightnings  proceeding 
 from  Ood  (Fs.  xviii.  8,  12,  13,  «xl.  lO).  In  Piov. 
 XXV.  22  we  have  the  proverbial  ex])re.ssion,  "  Thou 
 Shalt  hejip  coals  of  fiie  u|)on  his  head,"  which  has 
 been  adopteil  by  .St.  Paul  in  Rom.  xii.  20,  and  bv 
 which  is  nietaphoricidly  expro.s.sed  the  burning  shame 
 and  confusion  which  men  must  feel  when  their  evil 
 is  mpiifed  by  good. — 2.  J'echdin.  In  Prov.  xxvi. 
 21,  this  word  clearly  signifies /kc/  not  t/et  lij/hted. 
 The  fuel  meant  in  the  above  passages  is  ])robably 
 charcoal,  and  not  coal  in  our  .»ensc  of  the  word.— 
 
 COLA 
 
 3.  Betseph,  or  Ril?pak.  In  the  narrative  of  Elijah's 
 miiaculous  meal  ( 1  K.  xix.  6)  the  woid  is  used  to 
 describe  the  mode  in  which  the  cake  was  baked,  viz. 
 on  a  hot  stone,  as  is  still  usual  iu  the  East  Rits- 
 pdh  in  Is.  vi.  6,  properly  means  "  a  hot  stone."— 
 
 4.  Eeshcph  in  Hab.  iii.  5,  is  rendered  in  A.  V. 
 "  burning  coals,"  and  in  the  margin  "  burning 
 diseases."  The  former  meaning  is  supported  by 
 Cant.  viii.  6,  the  latter  by  Deut.  xxxii.  24.— ."j. 
 Shechor,  Lam.  iv.  8,  is  rendered  in  A.  V.  "  their 
 visage  is  blacker  than  a  coal,"  or  in  the  marg. 
 "  darker  than  blackness." 
 
 Coat.     [Drkss.] 
 
 Cock.  There  appears  to  be  no  mention  of  do- 
 mestic poultry  in  the  O.  T.  In  the  N.  T.  the 
 "  cock "  is  mentioned  in  reference  to  St.  Peter's 
 denial  of  our  Lord,  and  indirectly  in  the  word 
 "cock-crowing"  (Matt.  xxvi.  34;  Mark  xiv.  30, 
 xiii.  35,  &<;.).  We  know  that  the  domestic  cock 
 and  hen  were  early  known  to  the  ancient  (ireeks 
 and  Romans,  and  as  no  mention  is  made  in  the 
 0.  T.  of  these  birds,  and  no  (ignres  of  them  occur 
 on  the  Egyptian  monuments,  we  are  inclined  to 
 think  that  they  came  into  .ludaea  with  the  Romans, 
 who,  as  is  well  known,  prized  these  birds  both  as 
 aiticies  of  food  and  for  cock-fighting. 
 
 Cockatrice.     [Addicr.] 
 
 Cockle  (lleb.  boshdh)  occurs  only  in  Job  xxxi. 
 40.  Celsius  has  argued  in  favour  of  the  aconite,  the 
 Acoicitum  Napelli'a,  which  however  is  quite  a 
 mountain — never  a  field — plant.  But  we  are  in- 
 clined to  believe  that  the  bos/idh  denotes  any  bad 
 weeds  or  fruit,  and  may  in  Job  signify  bad  or 
 smutted  barlev.  Or  it  may  mean  some  of  the  use- 
 less grasses  which  have  somewhat  the  appearance 
 of  barley,  such  iis  Ilurdeuin  Murmuin,  &c. 
 
 Coelesyria,  "  the  hollow  Syria,"  was  (strictly 
 speaking)  the  name  given  by  the  Greeks,  after  the 
 time  of  Alexander,  to  the  remarkable  valley  or 
 hollow  (KoiAi'ai  which  intervenes  between  Libanus 
 and  Anti-Libanus,  stretching  from  lat.  33^  20'  to 
 34°  40',  a  distance  of  nearly  a  hundred  miles. 
 "The  view  of  this  great  valley  is  chielly  remark- 
 able as  being  exudli/  to  the  e;/e  uhat  it  is  on  maps 
 — the  'hollow'  Iwtweou  the  two  mountiiin  ran;.:e» 
 of  Syria."  The  term  Coi-le-Syria  was  al.so  useil  in 
 a  much  wider  sense.  In  the  lir.st  place  it  was  ex- 
 tended so  as  to  include  the  inhab.ted  tract  to  the 
 ea.st  of  the  .Anti-Libanus  range,  between  it  and  the 
 desert,  in  which  stood  the  great  city  of  Dama.scus  ; 
 and  then  it  was  further  carried  on  uiiou  that  side 
 of.lordan,  throu<_'h  Tiaclionitis  and  Peiaea,  to  Idu- 
 maea  and  the  bordei-s  of  l  gyjit.  The  only  distuict 
 reference  to  the  region,  as  a  .separate  tract  of  country, 
 which  the  Jewish  Scriptuies  contain,  is  probably 
 that  in  Amos  (i.  5),  where  "  the  inhabitants  of  the 
 plain  of  Aven,"  {Bihith-Arcn  are  threatened  in  con- 
 junction with  tho.se  of  DamaMiis.  liihitU  .lenotcs 
 exactly  such  a  plain  as  Coele-Syiia.  In  the  Apo- 
 cryphal Books  there  is  frequent  mention  of  Coele- 
 Syria  in  a  somewhat  vague  sense,  neaily  as  an 
 equivalent  (or  Svria  (1  E.sd.  ii.  17,  24,  27,  iv.  48. 
 vi.  29,  vii.  1,  viii.  67  ;  1  Mace.  x.  69  ;  2  Maec.  iii. 
 
 5.  8,  iv.  4,  viii.  8,  x.  11).  I"  all  tliese  cases  th« 
 w<ir.l  is  given  in  A.  V.  as  Cki.osykia. 
 
 Coffer  (Anjdzi,  a  moveable  Im)x  hanging  from 
 the  side  of  a"  cart  (1  Sam.  vi.  8,  11,  15).  This 
 woril  is  t'ound  nowhere  else. 
 
 Coffin.     [BuiiiAL.] 
 
 Cola,  a  pla<e  ( .lud.  xv.  4,  only),  the  po-jtiou  or 
 ical  name  of  which  has  not  been  ascertained. 
 
COLHOZEH 
 
 Col-ho'zeh,  a  man  of  the  tribe  of  Judah  in  the 
 time  of  Nehemiah  (Neh.  iii.  15,  xi.  5). 
 
 Coli'us,  1  Esdr.  ix.  23.     [Kelaiam.] 
 
 Collar.  For  the  proper  sense  of  this  term,  as  it 
 occms  in  Judg'.  viii.  26,  see  EARRINGS. 
 
 College,  the.  In  2  K.  xxii.  14  it  is  said  in  the 
 A.  V.  tlidt  Hiild.ih  the  prophetess  "  dwelt  in  Jeru- 
 s;ilf-.ii  in  the  college  (Heb.  mishneh),"  or,  as  the 
 margin  has  it,  "  in  the  second  part."  The  same 
 part  of  the  city  is  undoubtedly  alluded  to  in  Zeph. 
 i.  10  (A.  V.  "the  second").  Keil's  explanation  is 
 probably  the  true  one,  that  the  mishneh  was  the 
 "  lower  city,"  built  on  the  hill  Akra. 
 
 Colony,  a  designation  of  Philippi,  in  Acts  xvi. 
 12.  Alter  the  battle  of  Actium,  Augustus  assigned 
 to  his  veterans  those  parts  of  Italy  which  had 
 espoused  the  cause  of  Antony,  and  transported 
 many  of  the  expelled  inhabitants  to  Philippi,  Dyr- 
 rachiuni,  and  other  cities.  In  this  way  Philippi  was 
 made  a  Roman  colony  with  the  "  Jus  Italicum," 
 and  accordingly  we  find  it  described  as  a  "colonia" 
 both  in  inscriptions  and  iqinn  the  coins  of  Au- 
 trustus. 
 
 COLOSSIANS,  EPISTLE  TO  THE  1 69 
 
 Colos'se  (more  properly  Colos'sae).  A  city  m 
 the  upper  part  of  the  basin  of  the  Blaeander,  on 
 one  of  its  alfluents  named  the  Lycus.  Hiera|iolis 
 and  Laodicaea  were  in  its  immediate  neighbourhood 
 (Col.  ii.  1,  iv.  13,  15,  16;  see  Rev.  i.  11,  iii.  14). 
 Colossae  iell,  as  these  other  two  cities  rose  in 
 importance.  It  was  situated  close  to  the  great 
 road  which  led  fjom  Ephesus  to  the  Euphrates. 
 Hence  our  impulse  would  be  to  conclude  that  St. 
 Paul  passed  this  way,  and  founded  or  coiifirmei  the 
 Colossian  Church  on  his  third  missionary  journey 
 (Acts  xviii.  23,  xix.  1).  The  most  competent  com- 
 mentators, however,  agree  in  thinking  that  Col.  ii. 
 1,  proves  thai  St.  Paul  had  never  been  there,  when 
 the  Kpistle  was  wiitten.  That  the  Apostle  hoped 
 to  visit  the  pl.ice  on  being  delivered  from  his  Roman 
 imprisonment  is  clear  from  Philemon  22  (compare 
 Phil.  ii.  24).  Philemon  and  his  slave  Onesimus 
 were  dwellers  in  Colossae.  So  also  were  Archippus 
 and  Epaphras.  Wr.  Hamilton  was  the  first  to  de- 
 termine the  actual  site  of  the  ancient  city,  which 
 appeai-s  to  be  at  some  little  distance  from  the 
 modern  villacre  of  Chonas. 
 
 Colossians,  the  Epistle  to  the,  was  written  by 
 the  Apostle  St.  Paul  during  his  first  captivity  at 
 Rome  (Acts  axviii.  16),  and  apparently  in  that 
 portion  of  it  (Col.  iv.  3,  4)  when  the  Apostle's 
 imprisonment  had  not  assumed  the  moi'e  severe 
 character  which  seems  to  be  reflected  in  the  Epistle 
 to  the  Philippians  (ch.  i.  20,  21,  30,  ii.  27  t,  and 
 which  not  improbably  succeeded  the  death  of 
 Burrus  in  A.D.  62,  and  the  decline  of  the  influence 
 of  Seneca.  This  important  and  profound  epistle 
 was  addressed  to  the  Christians  of  the  once  large 
 and  influential,  but  now  smaller  and  declining,  city 
 of  Colossae,  and  was  delivered  to  thern  byTychicus, 
 whom  the  Apostle  had  sent  both  to  them  (ch.  iv. 
 7,  8)  and  to  the  church  of  Ephesus  (ch.  vi.  2-1),  to 
 
 inquire  into  then-  state  and  to  admiiiister  exhort- 
 ation and  comibit.  The  epistle  seems  to  have  been 
 called  forth  by  the  information  St.  Paul  had  re- 
 ceived from  Epaphras  (ch.  iv.  12  ;  Philem.  23)  and 
 from  Onesimus,  both  of  whom  appear  to  have  been 
 natives  of  Colossae,  and  the  former  of  whom  was, 
 if  not  the  special  founder,  yet  cei*felinly  one  of  the 
 very  earliest  preachers  of  the  gospel  in  that  city. 
 The  main  object  of  the  epistle  is  not  merely,  as  in  the 
 case  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Philippians,  to  exhort  and 
 to  confirm,  nor  as  in  that  to  the  Ephesians,  to  set 
 forth  the  great  features  of  the  church  of  the  chosen 
 in  Christ,  but  is  especially  designed  to  warn  the 
 Colossians  against  a  spirit  of  semi-Judai-tic  and 
 semi-Oriental  philosophy  which  was  corrupting  tho 
 
170  COLOSSIANS,  EPISTLE  TO  THE 
 
 simplicity  of  their  belief,  and  was  noticeably  tend 
 ing  to  obsciiie  the  eteinal  glory  and  dignity  of 
 Chiist.  With  regard  to  hs  genuineness  and  au- 
 ilicnticity,  it  is  s;itisfacfoiy  to  be  able  to  say  with 
 ilistinctness  that  theie  are  no  grounds  for  doubt. 
 The  e.\ternal  testininnies  are  exjilicit,  and  the  in- 
 ternal arguments,  founded  on  the  style,  balance  of 
 sentences,  positions  of  adverbs,  uses  of  the  relative 
 j)rono>in,  jiarticipial  anacolutlia,  unusually  strong 
 and  well  defined.  A  few  sjn'ci.il  jioints  demand 
 from  us  a  brief  notice.—  !.  'I'he  opini<iu  that  this 
 epistle  and  tliose  to  the  Ephesiaus  and  to  Philemon 
 were  written  during  the  Apostle's  imprisonment  at 
 Cae'area  (Acts  .xxi.  27-.\.\vi.  ?>2),  i.  e.  between 
 Pentecost  AD.  .")8  and  the  autunni  of  a.d.  00,  has 
 been  recently  advocated  by  several  writers  of  ability, 
 and  stated  with  such  cogency  and  cleainess  by 
 Meyer,  ;us  to  deserve  some  consideration.  But  to 
 go  no  further  than  the  present  epistle,  the  notices 
 of  the  Apostle's  impiisonment  in  ch.  iv.  3,  4,  11, 
 certainly  seem  historically  inconsistent  with  the 
 nature  of  the  impiisonment  at  Caesarea.  The  per- 
 mission of  Felix  (Acts  xxiv.  23)  can  scarcely  be 
 sfiained  into  any  degiee  of  libeity  to  teach  or 
 preach  the  Gosjjel.— 2.  The  nature  of  the  erroneous 
 teaching  condemned  in  this  epistle  has  been  very 
 dilTerently  estimatal.  Three  o])inions  only  seem  to 
 deserve  any  serious  consideration  ;  («)  that  these 
 erroneous  teachers  wereailhercnts  of  Neo-Platonism, 
 or  of  some  forms  of  Occidental  philosophy;  (b) 
 that  they  leaned  to  Essene  doctiines  and  practices  ; 
 (c)  that  they  advocated  that  ailmixture  of  Christi- 
 anity, Judaism,  and  Oiiental  iihilusojihy  which 
 afterwards  became  consolidated  into  Gnosticism. 
 Of  these  (a)  has  but  little  in  its  favour,  e.xcept  the 
 somewhat  vague  term  '  philoso])hy '  (ch.  ii.  8), 
 which,  however,  it  seems  arbitraiy  to  restiict  to 
 Grecian  philosophy;  (6)  is  much  more  jjlausible  as 
 tiir  as  the  usages  alluded  to,  but  seems  inconsistent 
 both  with  the  exclusive  nature  and  circumscribed 
 localities  of  Essene  teachirig  ;  (c)  on  the  contrary  is 
 in  accoi'dance  with  the  (Jentile  nature  of  the  church 
 of  Colossae  (ch.  i.  21),  with  its  very  locality — 
 s]«culative  and  superstitious  Phrygia — and  with 
 that  tendency  to  associate  Judaical  observances  (ch. 
 ii.  10)  with  moie  purely  thcosoi)hi.stic  speculations 
 (ch.  ii.  18),  which  beciime  afterwards  so  conspicu- 
 ous in  developed  (inosticism.—S.  The  striking 
 similaiity  between  many  jiortions  of  this  epistle 
 and  of  that  to  the  Ephesiaus  has  given  rise  to 
 much  speculation,  both  as  to  the  re<ason  of  this 
 studied  similarity,  and  as  to  the  priority  of  order 
 m  respect  to  composition.  The  similarity  may 
 reasonably  be  accounted  for,  (I)  by  the  ])rt)ximitv 
 ill  time  at  which  the  two  epistles  were  written  ; 
 (2)  by  tiie  high  ]irobability  that  in  two  cities  of 
 Asia  within  a  moderate  dist;uice  from  one  auothei-, 
 there  would  be  many  doctrinal  prejudices,  and 
 many  social  relations,  that  would  call  forth  and 
 need  ])rcci.sely  the  sjime  language  of  warning  and 
 cxhortiition.  The  priority  in  composition  must  re- 
 main a  matter  for  a  reasonable  dillerence  of  opinion. 
 To  us  the  shorter  and  perhaps  more  vividly  ex- 
 pressed lipistle  to  the  Colossiaiis  seems  to  have  been 
 lirst  written,  and  to  have  suggested  the  more  com- 
 prehensive, more  systematic,  but  less  individual- 
 izing, epistle  to  the  cliurch  of  Kphesus. 
 
 Colours,  'fhe  terms  relative  to  colour,  occurring 
 in  fhe  iiible,  may  be  ariaiiged  in  two  classes,  the 
 KiHt  iucliidiiig  those  applied  to  the  de.scription  of 
 natural  objirls,  tlie  .second  those  artilicial  mixtures 
 
 COLOURS 
 
 which  were  employed  in  dyeing  or  painting.— 1. 
 The  natural  colours  noticed  in  the  Bible  are  white, 
 black,  red,  yellow,  and  gi'een.  Of  these  yellow  is 
 very  .seldom  noticed  ;  it  wa.s  a|)parently  regarded  as 
 a  shade  of  green,  for  the  same  term  greenish  is  ap- 
 plied to  gold  (Ps.  Ixviii.  13),  :md  to  tlie  leprous 
 spot  (Lev.  xiii.  49),  and  very  probably  the  go'dcn 
 or  yellow  hue  of  the  leprous  hair  (Lev.  xiii.  30-32; 
 difi'ered  little  from  the  greenish  spot  on  the  gar- 
 ments (Lev.  xiii.  49).  Green  is  fiequently  noticed, 
 but  an  examination  of  the  passages,  in  which  it 
 occurs,  will  show  that  the  reference  is  seldom  to 
 colour,  '.'he  only  fundamental  colour  of  which  the 
 Hebrews  appear  to  have  hail  a  clear  conception  was 
 red ;  and  even  this  is  not  very  often  noticed.  They 
 had  therefore,  no  scientific  knowledge  of  colours, 
 and  we  cannot  but  think  that  the  attempt  to  ex- 
 plain such  passages  as  Rev.  iv.  3  by  the  rules  of 
 philosopliical  truth,  must  fail.  The  highest  de- 
 velopment of  colour  in  the  mind  of  the  Hebrew 
 evidently  was  light,  and  hence  the  predominance 
 given  to  ichite  as  its  rejiresentative.  This  feeling 
 appears  both  in  the  more  numerous  allusions  to  it 
 than  to  anj-  other  ciplour — in  the  variety  of  temis 
 by  which  they  discriminated  the  shades  from  a 
 pale,  cltdl  tint  (Lev.  xiii.  21  If.),  up  to  the  most 
 brilliant  splendour  (Ez.  viii.  2;  Dan.  xii.  3) — and 
 in  the  conipari.sons  by  which  they  sought  to  heighten 
 their  ideas  of  it.  Next  to  white,  black,  or  lather 
 dark,  holds  the  most  j)rominent  place,  not  only  as 
 its  opjOTsite,  but  aL-^o  .-is  repre.senting  the  complexion 
 of  the  Orientals.  Theie  were  various  shades  of  it, 
 including  the  broien  of  the  Kile  water  (whence  its 
 name  .Sihor) — the  reddith  tint  of  early  dawn,  to 
 which  the  complexion  of  the  bride  is  likened  (^Cant. 
 vi.  10),  as  well  as  the  lurid  hue  pioduced  by  a 
 Hight  of  locusts  (Joel  ii.  2) — and  the  darkness  of 
 blackness  itself  (Lam.  iv.  8).  As  before,  we  have 
 various  heightening  images.  Jied  was  also  a  colour 
 of  which  the  Hebrews  had  a  vivid  conception;  this 
 may  be  attributed  partly  to  the  prevalence  of  that 
 colour  in  the  outward  aspect  of  the  countries  and 
 peoples  with  which  they  were  familiar.  It  remains 
 lor  us  now  to  notice  the  various  terms  ajiplied  to 
 these  thiee  colours.  —  1.  White.  The  most 
 common  term  is  Idbdn,  which  is  applied  to  such 
 .)bjects  as  milk  (Gen.  xlix.  12),  manna  (Ex.  xvi. 
 31),  snow  (Is.  i.  18),  ho)-ses  'Zech.  i.  8),  raiment 
 (Eccl.  ix.  8)  ;  and  a  cognate  word  expresses  the 
 colour  of  the  moon  '^Ls.  xxiv.  23).  Tsach,  dazzling 
 white  is  applied  to  the  complexion  (Cant.  v.  10): 
 chivcdr,  a  term  of  a  later  age,  to  snow  (Dan.  vii.  9 
 only),  and  to  the  paleness  of  .shame  (is.  xxix.  22)  ; 
 sib,  to  the  hair  alone.  Another  class  of  terms 
 ari.ses  from  the  textures  of  a  naturally  white 
 colour.  These  were  without  doubt  primarily  ap- 
 ]lli^^l  to  the  material ;  but  the  idea  of  colour  is  also 
 jtrominent,  particularly  in  the  description  of  the 
 curtains  of  the  tabernacle  (Ex.  xxvi.  1),  and  the 
 priests'  vestments  (Ex.  xxviii.  6).  White  was 
 symbolical  of  innocence,  of  joy,  and  of  victory.— 2. 
 1)1. ACK.  The  sh.ades  of  this  colour  are  expressed  in 
 the  terms  shuchor,  applied  to  the  hair  (Lev.  xiii. 
 31;  Cant.  v.  II);  the  complexion  (Cmit.  i.  5), 
 p.articnlai  ly  when  alVected  with  disejise  (Job  xxx. 
 .30 J ;  hor.ses  (Zech.  vi.  2,  6):  chum,  lit.  scorched 
 (A.  X.  "  brown,"  Gen.  xxx.  32),  ajiplietl  to  sheep; 
 the  word  expresses  the  colour  lacKlined  by  influence 
 of  the  sun's  rays :  kudttr,  lit.  to  be  dirty,  applied 
 to  a  complexion  blackened  by  sorrow  or  disea.se 
 Mob  xxx.  30);  mourner's   loljcs  (Jer.  viii.  21,  xiv. 
 
COLOURS 
 
 2);  a  cloudeil  tiky  (1  K.  xviii.  45);  night  (Mic. 
 iii.  6  ;  Jer.  \v.  2S  ;  Joel  ii.  10,  iii.  15)  ;  a  turbid 
 brook  (whence  possibly  Kicdrox),  particularly 
 when  rendered  so  by  melted  snow  (Job  vi.  16). 
 Black,  as  being  the  opposite  to  white,  is  symboliad 
 of  evil  (Zecli.  vi.  2,  6;  Rev.  vi.  5).— 3.  IIkd. 
 Adom  is  applied  to  blood  (2  K.  iii.  22);  a  garment 
 sjirinkled  with  blood  (Is.  Ixiii.  2j ;  a  heifer  (Num. 
 xi.v.  2)  ;  pottage  made  of  lentiles  (Gen.  xxv.  oO)  ;  a 
 hoise  (Zech.  i.  8,  vi.  2) ;  wine  (Prov.  xxiii.  31)  ; 
 the  complexion  (Gen.  xxv.  25  ;  Cant.  v.  10  ;  Lam. 
 iv.  7).  AJaiiidam,  reddish,  is  applied  to  a  leprous 
 spot  (Lev.  xiii.  1 9  ;  xiv.  37).  Sdrok,  lit.  fox- 
 coloured,  bay,  is  applied  to  a  horse  (A.  V. 
 '*  speckled  ;"  Zech.  i.  8),  and  to  a  species  of  vine 
 bearing  a  purple  grape  (Is.  v.  2,  svi.  8).  This 
 colour  was  symbolical  of  bloodshed  (Zech.  vi.  2  ; 
 Rev.  vi.  4,  xii.  3j.— Ii.  Artificial  colours. 
 'l"he  art  of  exti  acting  dyes,  and  of  applying  them  to 
 various  textures,  appears  to  have  been  known  at  a 
 very  eaily  period.  We  read  of  scarlet  thread  at 
 the  time  of  Zaiah's  birth  (Gen.  xxxviii.  28);  of 
 blue  and  purple  at  the  time  of  the  Kxodus  (Ex. 
 xxvi.  1;.  Theie  is  however  no  evidence  to  show 
 that  the  Jews  themselves  weie  at  that  period  ac- 
 quainted with  the  art.  They  were  ))robably  in- 
 (lebted  lioth  to  the  Egyptians  and  the  I'hoenicians  ; 
 to  the  Inttei'  for  the  dyes,  and  to  the  former  for 
 the  mode  of  applying  them.  The  puiple  dyes 
 which  they  chietiy  used  were  extracted  by  the 
 Phoenicians  (Kz.  xxvii.  16).  and  in  certain  districts 
 of  Asia  Minor,  especially  Thyatira  (Acts  xvi.  14). 
 The  dyes  consisted  of  purples,  light  and  dark  (the 
 latter  being  the  "  blue"  of  the  A.  V.),  and  crimson, 
 {scarlet,  A.  v.):  vermiiion  was  introduced  at  a 
 late  period.^1.  Purple  (Arijaman,  ;  Chaldaic 
 form,  Anjevdnu,  Dan.  v.  7,  16).  This  colour  was 
 obtained  fiom  the  secretion  ofa  species  ol'shell-lisli, 
 the  Mnrcx  tninculus  of  Linnaeus,  which  was  found 
 in  various  parts  of  the  Mediterranean  Sea.  It  is 
 difficult  to  state  with  precision  the  tint  described 
 under  the  Hebrew  name.  The  Greek  equivalent  was, 
 we  know,  applied  with  great  latitude,  not  only  to 
 all  colours  extracted  fi'om  the  shell-fish,  but  even 
 to  other  brilliant  colours.  The  same  may  be  said 
 of  the  Latin  pnrp>irc'is.  Generally  speaking,  how- 
 ever, the  tint  must  be  considered  as  having  been 
 defined  by  the  distinction  between  the  purple 
 proper,  an<l  the  other  purple  dye  (A.  V.  "blue"), 
 which  was  produced  from  another  species  of  shell- 
 fish. The  latter  was  undoubtedly  a  dark  violet 
 tint,  while  the  tbnner  had  a  light  reddish  tinge. 
 Robes  of  a  puiple  colour  were  worn  by  kings 
 (Judg.  viii.  26),  and  by  the  highest  officei's,  civil 
 and  religious.  They  were  also  woni  by  the  wealthy 
 and  luxurious  (Jer.  x.  9  ;  Ez.  xxvii.  7  ;  Luke  xvi. 
 19 ;  Rev.  xvii.  4,  xviii.  161. — 2.  Blue  {tece- 
 leth).  This  dye  was  procuied  from  a  species  of 
 shell-fish  found  on  the  coast  of  Phoenicia,  and 
 called  bv  modern  naturalists  Helix  lantkina.  The 
 tint  is  best  explained  by  the  statements  of  Josephus 
 {Ant.  iii.  7,  §7)  aud  Philo  that  it  was  emblematic 
 of  tha  sky,  in  which  case  it  represents  not  the  light 
 bine  of  oiu-  northeiu  climate,  but  the  deep  dark  hue 
 of  the  eastern  skv.  The  A.  V.  has  rightly  desci-i bed 
 the  tint  in  Esth.  i.  6  (margin)  as  violet.  This 
 colour  was  used  in  the  same  way  as  purple. — 3. 
 ScARLKT  (Crimson,  Is.  i.  18  ;  Jer.  iv.  30).  The 
 terms  by  which  this  colour  is  expressed  in  Hebrew 
 vary;  sometimes  shani  simply  is  used,  as  in  Gen. 
 xxxviii.   28-30  ;    sometimes  inlaath   shdiii,    as  in 
 
 COMMERCE 
 
 171 
 
 Ex.  xxv.  4 ;  and  sometimes  tola'ath  simply,  as  in 
 Is.  i.  18.  The  word  carmil  (A.  V.  "  crimson  ;" 
 2  Chr.  ii.  7,  14,  iii.  14)  was  introduced  at  a  late 
 period,  probably  from  Armenia,  to  express  the  same 
 colour.  The  first  of  these  teims  expresses  the 
 brillianci/  of  the  colour ;  the  second  the  worm,  oi 
 grub,  whence  the  dye  was  procured.  The  dye  was 
 produced  from  an  insect,  somewhat  resembling  the 
 cochineal,  which  is  found  in  considerable  quantities 
 in  Armenia  and  other  eastern  countries.  The 
 Arabian  name  of  the  insect  is  hermez  ''whence 
 crimson)  :  the  Linnaexn  name  is  Coccus  Tlicis. 
 'fhe  tint  produced  was  crimson  lather  than  sciirlet. 
 The  only  natural  object  to  which  it  is  applied  in 
 Sciipture  is  the  lips,  which  are  compared  to  a 
 scarlet  thread  (Cant.  iv.  3).  The  three  colours 
 above  described,  purple,  blue,  and  scarlet,  together 
 with  white,  weie  employed  in  the  textures  used  for 
 the  curtiiins  of  the  tabernacle  and  tor  the  sacred 
 vestments  of  the  priests.— 4.  Vermilion  {shdshar). 
 This  was  a  pigment  used  in  fresco  paintings,  either 
 for  drawing  figures  of  idols  on  the  walls  of  temples 
 (Ez.  xxiii.  14),  for  colouring  the  idols  themselves 
 fVVisd.  xiii.  14),  or  for  decorating  the  walls  and 
 beams  of  houses  (Jer.  x\ii.  14).  Vermilion  was 
 a  favourite  colour  among  the  Assyrians,  as  is 
 still  attested  by  the  sculptuies  of  Kimroud  and 
 Khorsabad. 
 
 Commerce.  From  the  time  that  men  began  to 
 live  in  cities,  trade,  in  some  shape,  must  have  been 
 canied  on  to  supply  the  town-dwellers  with  neces- 
 saries, but  it  is  also  clear  that  international  tiade 
 must  have  existed  and  affected  to  some  extent  even 
 the  pastoral  noniade  races,  for  we  find  that  Abra- 
 ham was  rich,  not  only  in  cattle,  Imt  in  silver, 
 gold,  and  gold  and  silver  plate  and  ornaments  (Geu. 
 xiii.  2,  xxiv.  22,  53).  Among  trading  nations 
 mentioned  in  Scripture,  Egypt  holds  in  very  early 
 times  a  prominent  position,  though  her  external 
 tiade  was  airried  on,  not  by  her  own  citizens,  but 
 by  foreigners,  chiefiy  of  the  nomade  races.  It  was 
 an  Ishmaelite  eu-avan,  laden  with  spices,  which 
 carried  Joseph  into  Egypt.  From  Egypt  it  is 
 likely  that  at  all  times,  hut  especially  in  times  of 
 general  scarcity,  corn  would  be  exported,  which 
 was  paid  fbi-  by  the  non-expoi  ting  nations  in  silver, 
 vvhicii  was  always  weighed  (Gen.  xli.  57,  xiii.  3, 
 25,  35,  xliii.  11,  12,21).  Intercourse  with  Tyre 
 does  not  appear  to  have  taken  place  till  a  later 
 period.  At  the  same  period  it  is  clear  that  trade 
 was  carried  on  between  Babylon  and  the  Syrian 
 cities,  and  also  that  gold  and  silver  ornaments  were 
 common  among  the  Syrian  and  Arabian  races 
 (Num.  xxxi.  50;  Josh.  vii.  21  ;  Judg.  v.  30,  viii. 
 24 ;  Job  vi,  19).  Until  the  time  of  Solomon  the 
 Hebrew  nation  may  be  said  to  have  had  no  foreign 
 trade.  Foreign  trade  w;is  indeed  contemplated  by 
 the  Law,  but  its  spirit  was  more  in  favour  of  agri- 
 culture (Deut.  xvii.  16,  17).  Solomon,  however, 
 oiganized  an  extensive  trade  with  foieign  countries. 
 He  imported  "linen  j'arn,  horses,  and  chariots  from 
 Egypt  (1  K.  X.  22-29).  It  was  by  Phoenicians 
 that  the  cedar  and  other  timber  for  his  great  archi- 
 tectural works  was  biought  by  sea  to  Joppa,  whilst 
 Solomon  found  the  provisions  necessary  for  the 
 workmen  in  Blount  Lebanon  ( 1  K.  v.  6,  9 ;  2  Chi-, 
 ii.  16).  But  the  trade  which  Solomon  took  so 
 much  pains  to  encourage  was  not  a  maritime  trade 
 only.  He  built,  or  more  probably  fortified,  Baalbec 
 and  Palmyia  ;  the  latter  at  least  expressly  as  a 
 caravan  station  for  the  land-commerce  with  easlern 
 
172 
 
 CONANIAH 
 
 ami  south-eastern  Asia  (1  K.  ix.  18).  Alter  his 
 lieatli  the  maritime  trade  declined,  and  an  attempt 
 made  by  Jehosha|)hat  to  revive  it  proved  iinsiiccess- 
 t'ul  (1  K.  xxii.  48,  40).  We  know,  however,  that 
 i'lioenicia  was  supplied  fi-om  .ludaea  with  wlieat, 
 honey,  oil,  and  balm  (I  K.  v.  11  ;  Kzek.  xxvii.  17  ; 
 Acts  xii.  20),  whilst  Tyi'ian  dealeis  brought  fi.-di 
 and  other  mejchandize  to  Jerusalem  at  the  time  of 
 the  return  from  ca]>tivity  (.N'eh.  xiii.  Ifj),  as  well 
 as  timber  for  the  rebuilding  of  the  temple,  which 
 then,  as  in  Solomon's  time,  was  brouglit  by  sea  to 
 Joppa  (Kzr.  iii.  7).  Oil  was  ex])orted  to  Egypt 
 (Hos.  xii.  1),  and  hue  linen  and  ornamental  giiniles 
 of  domestic  manufacture  were  sold  to  the  merch;uits 
 (Prov.  xxxi.  '24).  The  succe.-sive  invasions  to 
 which  Palestine  was  subjected  must  have  im- 
 poveriffhed  the  country  tVom  time  to  time,  but 
 ir.acS"  wealth  must  somewhere  have  existed  ;  .so 
 much  .so  that,  in  the  language  of  Kzekiel,  Jeru- 
 salem appears  as  the  rival  of  Tyre,  and  Lhroui;h 
 its  port,  Joppa,  to  have  carried  on  trade  with 
 foreign  countries  (Is.  ii.  6,  16,  iii.  11,  2.1;  Ilos. 
 xii.  7  ;  K/.  xxvi.  2  ;  Jonah  i.  8).  The  internal 
 tiade  of  the  Jews,  as  well  as  the  external,  wna 
 much  promoted,  as  was  the  case  also  in  Egypt, 
 by  the  lestivals,  which  biought  large  numbei's  of 
 persons  to  Jerusi\leni,  and  caused  great  outlay  in 
 victims  for  sacrilices  and  in  incense  (1  K.  viii.  03;. 
 Tiie  places  of  public  maiket  were,  then  ;is  now, 
 chieHy  the  open  spaces  near  the  gates,  to  which 
 goods  were  brought  for  sale  by  those  who  c;iine 
 from  the  outside  (Neh.  xiii.  Ij,  Ui ;  Zeph.  i.  10). 
 The  traders  in  later  limes  were  allowed  to  intrude 
 into  the  temple,  in  the  outer  courts  of  which 
 victims  wcie  publicly  sold  foi-  the  sacrifices  (Zech. 
 xiv.  21  ;   Matt.  xxi.Vi;   John  ii.  14). 
 
 Conani'ah,  one  of  the  chiefs  of  the  Levites  in 
 the  lime  of  .lo>iah  (2  Chr.  xxxv.  f))- 
 
 Concabine.  The  dilleience  between  wife  and 
 concubine  was  less  mai  ked  among  the  Hebrews 
 than  among  us,  owing  to  the  absence  of  moial 
 stigma.  The  concubine's  condition  w.is  a  definite 
 one,  and  quite  indejiendent  of  the  fact  of  there  being 
 another  woman  having  the  rights  of  wite  towards 
 the  same  man.  The  difference  pmbably  lay  in  the 
 al)sence  of  the  right  of  the  libelliis  divortii,  without 
 which  the  wifi?  could  not  be  re]iudiated.  With 
 regard  to  the  children  of  wife  and  concubine,  theie 
 was  no  siich  dilference  as  our  illi'gitima<y  implies  ; 
 the  latter  weie  a  supplementjuy  family  to  the 
 fonner,  their  names  occur  in  the  patria)chal  gene- 
 alogies CGen.  xxii.  24;  1  Chr.  i.  32),  and  their 
 jrtisition  and  jtiovision  would  de])end  on  the  father's 
 will  (Cleii.  XXV.  tJ ).  The  st;ite  of  concubinage  is 
 assumal  and  provided  tor  by  the  law  of  Moses.  A 
 concubine  would  geneially  be  either  (l)a  Hebrew 
 girl  bought  of  her  father;  (2l,  a  gentile  captive 
 tiiken  m  war;  (1-5),  a  foreign  slave  bought,  or  '  ' 
 a  Canaanitish  woman,  bond  or  free.  The  right 
 (1)  and  (2)  weie  ])rotectcd  by  law  (Kx.  xxi.  7; 
 !)eut.  xxi.  ln-14j,  but  Ch  wa,s  unrdcoeiiised,  and 
 (4)  pndiibited.  Kice  Hebrew  wom-.^n  also  might 
 become  concubines.  So  Gideon's  concubine  seems 
 to  have  been  of  a  family  of  i-nnk  and  iiiHiience  in 
 .Shechem,  and  sui  h  was  probably  the  state  of  the 
 I.eviti''s  concul)iiie  (Judg.  xx.)  The  i-avages  of 
 war  among  the  male  sex,  or  the  impoverishment  of 
 families  might  <ifteii  induce  this  condition.  The 
 case  (I)  wiis  not  a  hard  lot  (Kx.  xxi.).  TJie  pro- 
 visions ix'latinp  to  (2')  are  tncrciful  and  considerate 
 to  U  nire  degice,   but   overlaid  by  the  Kabliis  witli 
 
 CONGREGATION 
 
 distorting  comments.  In  the  books  of  Samuel  and 
 Kings  the  concubines  mentioned  belong  to  the  king, 
 and  their  condition  and  number  cease  to  I*  a  guide 
 to  the  general  ])ractice.  A  new  king  steppd  into 
 the  rights  of  his  piedecessor,  and  bv  Solomon's  tim» 
 the  custom  had  approximated  to  that  of  a  Pcrsiait 
 harem  (2  Sam.  xii.  8,  xvi.  21  ;  1  K.  ii.  22).  To 
 seize  on  royal  concubines  for  liis  use  was  thus  an 
 usurper's  first  act.  .'such  wn»  probably  the  intent 
 of  Abner's  act  (2  Sam.  iii.  7),  and  similarly  the 
 re<iuest  on  behalf  of  Adonijah  was  construed  (1  K. 
 ii.  21-24). 
 
 Conduit.  1.  Although  no  notice  is  given  either 
 by  Scripture  or  by  Josejihus  of  any  connexion  be- 
 tween the  p(i<ils  of  .Solomon  beyond  Bethlehem  and 
 a  sujiply  of  water  for  .Jerusalem,  it  .seems  unlikely 
 that  so  large  a  work  as  the  jwols  should  be  con- 
 structed merely  for  irrigating  his  gardens  (Keel.  ii. 
 6),  and  tradition,  both  oral  and  as  rejuesented  by 
 Talmudical  writers,  ascribes  to  Solomon  tlie  foima- 
 ti(in  of  the  original  aqueduct  by  which  water  was 
 brought  to  Jcru.-alem.  Pontius  I'ilate  applied  the 
 .sacred  treasure  of  the  C'oi  ban  to  the  work  of  bring- 
 ing water  by  an  aqueduct.  Whether  his  work 
 was  a  new  one  or  a  leparation  of  .Solomon's  ori- 
 ginal aqueduct  cannot  be  deteimined.  The  aque- 
 duct, though  much  injured,  and  not  serviceable  for 
 water  beyond  Bethlehem,  still  exists:  the  water  is 
 conveyed  from  the  fountains  which  supply  the 
 ]iools  about  two  miles  S.  of  Bethlehem. ^2. 
 Among  the  works  of  Hezekiah  he  is  said  to  have 
 slopped  the  "upper  watercourse  of  Gilion,"  and 
 brought  it  down  straight  to  the  W.  side  of  the  city 
 of  David  (2  Chr.  xxxii.  3U)  The  direction  of  this 
 watercourse  of  course  depends  on  the  site  of  Gihon. 
 
 [GlllON.] 
 
 Coney,  Ui'h.S/idphun,n  gregarious  animal  of  the 
 cla.ss  I'acliydermata,  which  is  found  in  Palestine, 
 living  in  the  caves  and  clefts  of  the  rocks,  and  has 
 been  erroneously  identified  with  the  Pabbit  or 
 Coney.  Its  .scientific  name  is  I/i/nix  Si/riacits. 
 in  Lev.  xi.  5  and  in  I)etit.  xiv.  7  it  is  dwlared  to 
 be  unclean,  because  it  chews  the  cud,  but  does  not 
 divide  the  lioof.  in  Ps.  civ.  18  we  are  told  ''the 
 rocks  are  a  refuge  lor  the  coneys,"  and  in  Prov. 
 XXX.  2t)  that  "  the  coneys  are  but  a  feeble  folk,  yet 
 make  they  their  houses  in  the  rocks."  The  Hyiax 
 satisfies  exactly  the  expressions  in  the  two  last 
 ]);is.sages.  Its  colour  is  grev  or  biowu  on  the  back, 
 white  on  the  U-lly;  it  is  like  the  alpine  marmot, 
 scarcely  of  the  size  of  the  domestic  cat,  having  long 
 hair,  a  very  short  tail,  and  round  ears.  It  is  found 
 oil  the  Lebanon  and  in  the  Jordan  and  l)e;id  Sea 
 vallevs. 
 
 ;  .S/iiucu».      (l-l 
 
 Uib  lliillhl.  Mil 
 
 Congregation.  This  term  ilesciibcs  the  Hebiew 
 people  ill  its  collective  cajmcity  under  its  i)e»;uliar 
 a.siHct  as  a  holy  community,  held  together  by  i-eli- 
 gious  rather  than  [Kilitical  lioiids.     Sometimes  it  i* 
 
CONIAH 
 
 used  in  a  bioad  sense  as  inclusive  of  foreign  settlers 
 (Kx.  xii.  19)  ;  but  mo  e  properly,  as  exclusively 
 appropriate  to  the  Hebrew  element  of  the  yiopula- 
 tioLi  (Num.  XV.  15).  Every  circumcised  Hebrew 
 was  a  member  of  the  congregation,  and  took  part 
 in  its  proceedings,  probably  from  the  time  that  he 
 bore  arms.  It  is  important,  however,  to  obsen-e 
 that  he  acquired  no  political  rights  in  his  individual 
 capacity,  but  only  as  a  member  of  a  house  ;  for  the 
 basis  of  the  Hebrew  polity  was  the  house,  whence 
 was  formed  in  an  ascending  saile  the  family  or  col- 
 lection of  houses,  the  tribe  ov  collection  of  families, 
 and  the  congregation  or  collection  of  tiibes.  The 
 congregation  occupied  an  iinportant  position  under 
 the  Theocracy,  as  the  cninitia  or  national  parlia- 
 ment, invested  with  legishitive  and  judicial  powers  ; 
 each  house,  family,  and  tribe  being  represented  by 
 its  head  or  father.  The  number  of  these  represen- 
 tatives being  inconveniently  large  for  ordinary  busi- 
 ness, a  furtlier  selection  was  made  by  Moses  of  70, 
 who  formed  a  species  of  standing  committee  (Num. 
 xi.  16).  Occasionally  indeed  the  whole  body  of 
 the  people  was  assembled  at  the  door  of  the  taber- 
 nacle, hence  usually  cvlled  the  tabernacle  of  the 
 congregation  (Num.  x.  3).  The  people  wei'e 
 strictly  bound  by  the  acts  of  their  representatives, 
 even  in  cases  where  they  disapproved  of  them  (Josh. 
 ix.  18).  After  the  occupation  of  the  land  of  Canaan, 
 the  congregation  was  assembled  only  on  matters  of 
 the  highest  impoitance.  In  the  later  periods  of 
 Jewish  history  the  congregation  was  represented  by 
 the  Sanhedrim. 
 
 Coni'ali.     [Jeconiah.] 
 
 Cononi'ah,  a  Levite,  i-uler  of  the  offerings  and 
 tithes  in  the  time  of  Hezekiah  (2  Chr.  xxxi.  12, 
 13). 
 Consecration,  [Pp.test.] 
 Convocation.  This  term  is  applied  mvariably 
 to  meetings  of  a  religious  character,  in  contradis- 
 tinction to  congregation.  With  one  exception  (Is. 
 i.  13),  the  word  is  peculiar  to  the  Pentateuch. 
 
 Cooking.  As  meat  did  not  form  an  article  of 
 ordinary  diet  among  the  Jews,  the  art  of  cooking 
 was  not  carried  to  any  perfection.  Few  animals 
 were  slaughtered  except  for  purposes  of  hospitality 
 or  festivity.  The  proi'eedings  on  such  occasions 
 appear  to  have  been  as  follow  : — On  the  arrival  of 
 a  guest  the  animal,  either  a  kid,  lamb,  or  calf  was 
 killed  (Gen.  xviii.  7  ;  Luke  xv.  23),  its  throat  being 
 cut  so  that  the  blood  mio;ht  be  pouied  out  (Lev. 
 vii.  26)  ;  it  was  then  flayed  and  was  ready  either 
 for  roasting  or  boiling:  in  the  former  case  the 
 animal  was  preserved  entire  (Ex.  xii.  46),  and 
 roasted  either  over  a  fire  (Ex.  xii.  8)  of  wood  (Is. 
 xliv.  16),  or  perhaps,  as  the  mention  of  fire  implies 
 another  method,  in  an  oven,  consisting  simply  of  a 
 hole  dug  in  the  earth,  well  heated,  and  coveied  up; 
 the  Paschal  lamb  was  roasted  by  the  first  of  these 
 meth-xls  (Ex.  xii.  8,  9 ;  2  Chr.  xxxv.  13).  Boil- 
 mg,  however,  was  the  more  usual  method  of  cook- 
 ing. Vegetables  we)e  usually  boiled,  and  served 
 up  as  pottage  (Gen.  xxv.  29 ;  2  K.  iv.  38).  Fish 
 was  also  cooked  (Luke  xxiv.  42),  probably  broiled. 
 The  cooking  was  in  early  times  performed  by  the 
 mistress  of  the  household  (Gen.  xviii.  6)  ;  profes- 
 sional cooks  were  afterwards  employed  (1  Sam. 
 viii.  13,  ix.  23). 
 
 Co'os,  Acts  xxi.  1.     [Cos.] 
 Copper,  Heb.  Nechosheth,  in  the  A.  V.  always 
 rendered  "  brass,"  e.xcept  in  Ezr.  viii.  27,  and  Jer. 
 XV.  12.     This   metal   is  usually  found  as  pyrites 
 
 CORD 
 
 17b 
 
 (sulphuret  of  copper  and  iron),  malachite  (carb.  of 
 copper),  or  in  tiie  state  of  oxide,  and  occasionally 
 in  a  native  state,  principally  in  the  New  World. 
 It  was  almost  exclusively  u.sed  by  the  ancients  for 
 common  purposes  ;  for  which  its  elastic  and  ductile 
 nature  rendered  it  practically  available.  We  rerid 
 in  the  Bible  of  copper,  possessed  in  countless  abun- 
 dance (2  Chr.  iv.  18),  and  used  for  every  kind  of 
 instniment  ;  as  chains  (Judg.  xvi.  21),  pillars 
 (1  K.  vii.  15-21),  lavers,  the  great  one  being  called 
 "  the  copper  sea  "  (2  K.  x.xv.  13;  1  Chr.  xviii.  8), 
 and  the  other  temple  vessels.  These  were  made 
 in  the  foundry,  with  the  assistance  of  Hiram,  a 
 Phoenician  (1  K.  vii.  13),  although  the  Jews  were 
 not  ignorant  of  metallurgy  (\\z.  xxii.  18;  Dent, 
 iv.  20.  &c.),  and  appear  to  have  worked  their  own 
 mines  (Deut.  viii.  9;  Is.  li.  1).  We  read  also  of 
 copper  mirrors  (Ex.  xxxviii.  8  ;  Job  xxxvii.  18), 
 and  even  of  copper  arms,  as  helmets,  spears,  &c. 
 (1  Sam.  xvii.  5,  6,  38  ;  2  Sam.  xxi.  16).  The 
 expression  "  bow  of  steel,"  in  Job  .xx.  24,  Ps.  xviii. 
 34,  should  be  rendered  "  bow  of  copper."  They 
 could  hardly  have  applied  copper  to  these  purposes 
 without  jwssessing  some  judicious  system  of  alloys, 
 or  jierhaps  some  forgotten  secret  for  rendering  the 
 metal  haider  and  more  elastic  than  we  can  make  it. 
 The  only  place  in  the  A.  V.  where  ''copper"  is 
 mentioned  is  Ezr.  viii.  27  (cf.  1  Esd.  viii.  57). 
 These  vessels  may  have  been  of  orichalcum,  like  the 
 Persian  or  Indian  vases  found  among  the  treasures  of 
 Daiius.  In  Ez.  xxvii.  13  the  importation  of  copper 
 vessels  to  the  markets  of  Tyre  by  merchants  ot 
 Javan,  Tubal,  and  Jleshech  is  alluded  to.  Probably 
 these  were  the  Moschi,  &c.,  who  worked  the  copper- 
 mines  in  the  neighboiu-hood  of  IMount  Caucasus. 
 In  2  Tim.  iv.  14  xa^tf^^  's  rendered  "  copper- 
 smith," but  the  term  is  perfectly  general. 
 
 Coral  occurs  only,  as  the  somewhat  doubtful 
 rendering  of  the  Hebrew  rdinotk,  in  Job  xxviii.  18, 
 and  in  Ez.  xxvii.  16.  The  old  versions  fail  to 
 artbrd  us  any  clue.  On  the  whole,  we  see  no 
 reason  to  be  dissatisfied  with  the  rendering  of  the 
 A.  V.  "  Coral  "  has  decidedly  the  best  claim  of 
 any  other  substances  to  represent  the  rdmoth.  The 
 natuial  upward  form  of  growth  of  the  CoraUiiim 
 rubrnm  is  well  suited  to  the  etymology  of  the  word. 
 With  regard  to  the  estimation  in  which  coral  was 
 held  by  the  Jews  and  other  Orientals,  it  must  be 
 remembered  that  coral  varies  in  price  with  us. 
 Pliny  says  that  the  Indians  valued  coral  as  the 
 Romans  valued  pearls.  Coral,  Mr.  King  informs 
 us,  often  occurs  in  ancient  Egyptian  jewellery  as 
 used  for  beads  and  amulets. 
 
 Corban,  an  offering  to  God  of  any  sort,  bloody 
 or  bloodless,  but  particularly  in  fulfilment  of  a  vow. 
 The  law  laid  down  rules  for  vows,  1.  affirmative  ; 
 2.  negative  (Lev.  xxvii. ;  Num.  xsx.).  Upon 
 these  rules  the  tiaditionists  enlarged,  and  laid  down 
 that  a  man  might  interdict  himself  by  vow,  not 
 only  from  using  for  himself,  but  from  giving  to 
 another,  or  receiving  fi-om  him  some  particular 
 object  whether  of  food  or  any  other  kind  whatsoever. 
 The  thing  thus  interdicted  was  considered  as  Cor- 
 ban. A  person  might  thus  exempt  himself  from 
 any  inconvenient  obligation  under  plea  of  coiban. 
 It  was  practices  of  this  sort  that  our  Lord  repre- 
 hended (Matt.  sv.  5  ;  Mark  vii.  11),  as  annulling 
 the  spirit  of  the  law. 
 
 Cor'be,  1  Esdr.  v.  12.     Apparently  Zaccai. 
 Cord.     Of  the  various  purposes  to  which  cord, 
 including  under  that  term  rope,  and  tw isted  thongs, 
 
174 
 
 CORE 
 
 was  a|ifilie(],  the  following  me  specially  worthy  of 
 notice— (1.)  For  fiistoning  a  tent  (Kx.  xxav.  18, 
 xxxix.  40 ;  Is.  liv.  2).  As  the  tent  supplied  a 
 favourite  image  of  the  human  body,  the  cords 
 which  held  it  in  its  place  rcpresente<l  the  princi])le 
 of  life  (Job  iv.  21  ;  Heel.  xii.  G).— (2.)  For  lead- 
 ing or  binding  animals,  as  a  halter  or  rein  (Ps. 
 cxviii.  27  ;  Hos.  xi.  4).— (S.)  For  yoking  them 
 either  to  a  cai-t  (Is.  v.  18)  or  a  ploii<;h  (Job  x.xxix. 
 10).— (4.)  For  binding  jn-isoners  (Jiidg.  xv.  l.S  ; 
 Ps.  ii.  ;-5,  cxxix.  4;  Kz.  iii.  25%- (5.)  Foi-  bow- 
 strings (Ps.  xi.  2),  made  of  catgut  ;  s\ich  aie  spojjen 
 of  in  Jiidg.  xvi.  7  (A.  V.  "  green  withs;"  but  more 
 properly  fresh  or  moist  bow-stiings).— f 6.)  For 
 the  rop»>s  or  "  tacklings"  of  a  vessel  (Is.  xxxiii.  2;5). 
 ^(7.)  For  measuring  ground  (2  Sam.  viii.  2  ;  Ps. 
 Ixxviii.  5.");  Am.  vii.  17;  Zech.  ii.  1),  hence  cord 
 or  line  became  an  ex])ression  for  an  inheritance 
 (Josh.  xvii.  14,  xix.  9;  I's.  xvi.  0;  Kz.  xivii.  1.5), 
 and  even  for  any  defined  district  (Deut.  iii.  4).— 
 (8.)  For  fishing  and  snainng— (9.)  For  attaching 
 articles  of  dress;  as  the  "  wreathen  chains,"  whicli 
 were  rathei-  twisted  cords,  worn  by  the  high-priesfs 
 (Ex.  xxviii.  14,  22,  24,  xxxix.  15,  17).— (lO.j  For 
 fistening  awnings  (ICsth.  i.  (i).— (11.)  Foi' attaching 
 to  a  iilLimmet.^i  12.)  For  drawing  water  out  of  a 
 well,  or  raising  heavy  weights  fJosli.  ii.  15;  Jer. 
 xxxviii.  6,  115).  The  mateiials  of  which  cord  was 
 made  varied  according  to  the  stiengfh  required  ; 
 the  strongest  rope  \v:t;  probablv  made  of  stiips  of 
 camel  hide  as  still  used  by  the  Bedouins.  The 
 finer  sorts  were  made  of  Hax  (Is.  xix.  9),  and  pio- 
 bably  of  reeds  and  rushes.  In  the  N.  T.  the  term 
 axoivia  is  applied  to  the  whip  which  our  Savioiu' 
 made  (John  ii.  15j,  and  to  the  ropes  of  a  ship 
 (Acts  x.xvii.  32). 
 
 Cor'e,  Kcclus.  xlv.  18;  Jude  11.  [Kor.Aii,  1.] 
 Coriander.  The  plant  called  Corkmdnim 
 S'ltiviun  is  found  in  Egyi't,  Persia,  and  India,  and 
 h.is  a  round  tall  sUlk  ;  it  bears  umbelliferous  white 
 or  reddish  flowers,  from  which  arise  globular, 
 greyisli,  spicy  seed-corns,  marked  with  fine  stri:ic. 
 
 CORINTH 
 
 It  is  mentioiie!   twice  in   the  Y>\h\>-  (^Fx.  xvi.  3T  j 
 Num.  xi.  7;. 
 
 Corinth.  This  city  is  alike  remarkable  for  its 
 distinctive  geographical  position,  its  enunence  in 
 Greek  and  Koman  history,  and  its  clo.se  connexion 
 with  the  eaily  sjjre.id  of  Christianity.  (Jengraphi- 
 cally  its  situation  was  so  marked,  that  the  name  of 
 its  fstlomis  has  been  given  to  every  nai-iow  neck  of 
 land  between  two  seas,  lint,  liesidi-s  this,  the  site 
 of  Corinth  is  distinguished  bv  anotiier  conspicuous 
 ])hy>iial  feature — vi/.  the  Acrccuriiilhiis,  a  vast 
 citadel  of  rock,  which  rises  aliriijitly  to  the  height 
 of  '2(1(10  feet  above  the  level  of'  tlie  sea,  and  the 
 summit  of  which  is  so  extensive  that  it  once  con- 
 tain?d  a  whole  town.  The  situation  of  Corinth, 
 and  the  possession  of  lier  eastern  and  western 
 harbours,  are  the  secrets  of  her  history.  The 
 eailiest  passage  in  her  piogress  to  eminence  was 
 ])iobal)ly  Phoenician.  Put  at  the  most  remote 
 period  of  which  we  have  any  sme  record  wr 
 Hnd  the  Greeks  established  here  in  a  ])osition 
 of  wealth  and  military  strength.  In  the  latest 
 passages  of  (iieek  history  Corinth  held  a  con- 
 spicuous ]ilMce.  It  is  not  the  true  <^ireek  Corinth 
 with  which  we  have  to  do  in  the  life  of  St.  Paul, 
 but  the  Coi  inth  whicli  w;is  rebuilt  and  established 
 as  a  Koman  colony.  The  distinction  between  the 
 two  must  be  caief'ully  remembered.  The  new  city 
 was  hardly  less  distinguished  than  the  oM,  and  it 
 aci|uired  a  fiesh  ini])oi-t.ince  as  the  metropolis  of 
 the  Koiuan  province  of  AcilAIA.  Corinth  was  a 
 place  of'  great  mental  activity,  as  well  as  of  com- 
 nii'icial  and  manufacturing  enterprise.  Its  wealth 
 was  so  celebnited  as  to  be  proverl>ial ;  so  were  the 
 vii-e  and  profligacy  of  its  inhabitants.  The  worship 
 of  Venus  here  was  attended  with  shaniefid  licen- 
 tiousness. All  these  points  are  indirectly  illustrated 
 bv  j>ass;iges  in  the  two  epistles  to  the  Corinthians. 
 Corinth  is  still  an  episcopal  see.  Tb»;  cathedral 
 church  of  St.  Nicolas,  "  a  very  mean  place  for  such 
 an  ecclesiastical  dignity,"  used  in  Turkish  times  to 
 be  in  the  .Acrocorinthus.     The  city  has  now  slirinik 
 
 --^JL.'i^-.' 
 
 Vl>.        :. 
 
 ^y 
 
CORINTHIANS 
 
 tc  a  \vretcl>ed  villagu,  on  the  olil  site,  amt  bearing 
 the  old  name,  which,  liowever,  is  often  coiTupted 
 into  Gortho.  IViusanins,  in  describing  the  anti- 
 quities of  Coi-inth  as  tliey  existed  in  his  day,  dis- 
 tinguishes clearly  between  those  which  belonged  to 
 the  old  (ireek  city,  and  those  which  were  of  Itoman 
 origin.  Two  relics  of  Roman  work  are  still  to  bo 
 seen,  one  a  heap  of  brick-work  which  may  have 
 been  part  of  the  baths  erected  by  Hadrian,  the  other 
 the  remains  of  an  amphitheatre  witli  subterranean 
 arrangements  for  gladiators.  Far  more  interesting 
 aie  the  ruins  of  the  ancient  Greek  temple,  the 
 oldest  of  which  any  remains  are  left  in  Greece. 
 This  article  would  be  incomplete  without  some 
 notice  of  the  Posidonium,  or  sanctuary  of  Neptune, 
 the  scene  of  the  Isthmian  games,  from  which  St. 
 Paul  borrows  some  of  his  most  striking  imagery  in 
 1  Cor.  and  other  epistles.  This  sanctuary  was  a 
 short  distance  to  the  N.E.  of  Corinth,  at  the  nar- 
 rowest part  of  the  Isthmus,  near  the  harbour  of 
 Schoenus  (now  Knlmnaki)  on  the  haronic  gulf. 
 The  exact  site  of  the  temple  is  doubtful :  but  to  the 
 south  are  the  remains  of  the  stadium,  where  the 
 foot-races  were  run  (1  Cor.  ix.  24)  ;  to  the  east  are 
 those  of  the  theatre,  which  was  probably  the  scene 
 of  the  pugilistic  contests  (ib.  26)  :  and  abundant  on 
 the  shore  are  the  small  green  pine-trees  which  gave 
 the  fading  wreath  (ib.  25)  to  the  victors  in  the 
 games. 
 
 Corinthians,  First  Epistle  to  the,  was  written 
 by  the  Apostle  St.  Paul  toward  the  close  of  his 
 nearly  three-year  sfciy  at  Kphesus  (Acts  xix.  10, 
 XX.  31),  which  we  learn  from  1  Cor.  xvi.  8,  pro- 
 bably terminated  with  the  Pentecost  of  A.D.  57  or 
 58.  The  bearers  were  probably  (according  to  the 
 common  subscription)  Stephanas,  Fortunatus,  and 
 Achaicus,  who  had  been  recently  sent  to  the  Apostle, 
 and  who,  in  the  conclusion  of  this  epistle  (ch.  xvi. 
 17),  are  especially  commended  to  the  honourable 
 regard  of  the  chvirch  of  Corinth.  This  varied  and 
 highly  characteristic  letter  was  addressed  not  to  any 
 party,  but  to  the  whole  body  of  the  large  (Acts 
 xviii.  8,  10)  Judaeo-Gentile  (Acts  xviii.  4)  church 
 of  Corinth,  and  appears  to  have  been  called  Ibrtli, 
 1st,  by  the  information  the  Apostle  had  received 
 from  members  of  the  household  of  Chloe  (ch.  i.  11), 
 of  the  divisions  that  were  existing  among  them, 
 which  were  of  so  grave  a  nature  as  to  have  already 
 induced  the  Apostle  to  desire  Timothy  to  visit 
 Corinth  (ch.  iv.  17)  after  his  journey  to  Macedonia 
 (Acts  xix.  22)  ;  2ndly,  by  the  intbrniation  he  h.id 
 received  of  a  gi'ievous  case  of  incest  (ch.  v.  1),  and 
 of  the  defective  state  of  the  Corinthian  converts, 
 not  only  in  regard  of  general  habits  (ch.  vi.  1,  sq.) 
 and  church  discipline  (ch.  xi.  20,  sq.),  but,  as  it 
 would  also  seem,  of  doctrine  (ch.  xv.)  ;  ISrdly,  by 
 the  inquiries  that  had  been  specially  addressed  to 
 ,  St.  Paul  by  the  church  of  Corinth  on  several  mat- 
 ters relating  to  Christian  practice.  With  regard  to 
 the  (jeniLincnoss  and  authenticity  of  this  epistle  no 
 doubt  has  ever  been  entertained.  The  external 
 evidences  are  extremely  distinct,  and  the  character 
 of  the  composition  such,  that  if  any  critic  should 
 hereafter  be  bold  enough  to  question  the  correctness 
 of  the  ascription,  he  must  be  prepared  to  extend  it 
 to  all  the  epistles  that  bear  the  name  of  the  great 
 Apostle.  Two  special  points  deserve  separate  con- 
 sideration :— -1.  The  state  of  parties  at  Corinth  at 
 the  time  of  the  Apostle's  writing.  The  few  facts 
 supplied  to  us  by  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  and  the 
 notices  in   the  fpistle,  appear  to  be  as  follows  : — 
 
 CORINTHIANS 
 
 175 
 
 The  Corinthian  church  was  })lan1eil  by  the  Ajiostle 
 himself  (1  Cor.  iii.  (5),  in  his  second  missionarv 
 journey  (Acts  xviii.  1,  sq. ).  He  abode  in  the  city 
 a  year  and  a  half  (ch.  xviii.  11).  A  short  time 
 after  the  Apostle  had  left  the  city  the  eloquent 
 .Jew  of  Alexandria,  Apollos,  went  to  Corinth  (Acts 
 xix.  1).  This  circumstance  of  the  visit  of  Apollos, 
 appears  to  have  formed  the  commencement  of  a 
 gradual  division  into  two  parties,  the  fblloweis  of 
 St.  Paul,  and  the  followers  of  .^polios  (comp.  ch. 
 iv.  6).  These  divisions,  however,  were  to  be 
 multiplied  ;  for,  as  it  would  seem,  shortly  after 
 the  departure  of  A}iollos,  Judaizing  teachers,  sup- 
 plied piobably  with  letters  of  commendation  (2  Cor. 
 iii.  1)  from  the  church  of  Jerusalem,  appear  to 
 have  come  to  Corinth  and  to  have  pieached  tlie 
 Gospel  in  a  spirit  of  direct  antagonism  to  St.  Paul 
 personalli/.  To  this  third  party  we  may  perhaps 
 add  a  fourth  that,  under  the  name  of  "  the  followers 
 of  Christ  "  (ch.  i.  12),  sought  at  first  to  separate 
 themselves  from  the  factious  adherence  to  particular 
 teachers,  but  eventually  were  driven  by  antiigonism 
 into  positions  equallj'  sectarian  and  inimical  to  the 
 unity  of  the  church.  At  this  momentous  period, 
 before  parties  had  become  consolidated,  and  had 
 distinctly  withdrawn  from  (tommunion  with  one 
 another,  the  Apostle  writes;  and  in  the  outset  of 
 the  epistle  (ch.  i.-iv.  21)  we  have  his  noble  and 
 impassioned  protest  against  this  fourfold  rending 
 of  the  robe  of  Christ.— 2.  The  number  of  epistles 
 written  by  St.  Paul  to  the  Corinthian  church 
 will  probably  remain  a  subject  of  controversy 
 to  the  end  of  time.  The  well  known  words  (ch. 
 V.  9)  do  certainly  seem  to  point  to  some  former 
 epistolary  communication  to  the  church  of  Corinth. 
 The  whole  context  seems  in  favour  of  this  view, 
 though  the  Greek  commentators  are  of  the  contrary 
 opinion,  and  no  notice  has  been  taken  of  the  lost 
 epistle  by  any  writers  of  antiquity.  The  apocryphal 
 letter  of  the  church  of  Corinth  to  St.  Paul,  and 
 St.  Paul's  answer,  existing  in  Armenian,  are  worth- 
 less |iriiductions  that  deserve  no  consideration. 
 
 Corinthians,  Second  Epistle  to  the,  was  writ- 
 ten a  few  months  subsequently  to  the  first,  in  the 
 same  year, — and  thus,  if  the  dates  assigned  to  the 
 former  epistle  be  correct,  about  the  autumn  of  A.D. 
 57  or  58,  a  short  time  previous  to  the  Apostle's 
 three  months'  stay  in  Achaia  (Acts  xx.  3).  The 
 place  whence  it  was  written  was  clearly  not  Enhesus 
 (see  ch.  i.  8),  but  Macedonia  (ch.  vii.  5,  fin.  1, 
 ix.  2),  whither  the  Apostle  went  by  way  of  Troas 
 (ch.  ii.  12 ),  after  waiting  a  short  time  in  the  latter 
 place  for  the  return  of  Titus  (ch.  ii.  13).  The 
 Vatican  MS.,  the  bulk  of  later  MSS.,  and  the  old 
 Syr.  vereion,  assign  Philippi  as  the  exact  place 
 whence  it  was  written ;  but  for  this  assertion  we 
 have  no  certain  giounds  to  rely  on :  that  the  bearers, 
 however,  were  Titus  and  his  associates  (F^uke?)  is 
 apparently  substantiated  by  ch.  viii.  23,  ix.  3,  5. 
 The  epistle  was  occasioned  by  the  information  which 
 the  Apostle  had  received  from  Titus,  and  also,  as  it 
 would  certainly  seem  probable,  from  Timothy,  of 
 the  reception  of  the  Hrst  epistle.  If  it  be  desirable 
 to  hazard  a  conjecture  on  the  mission  of  Titus,  it 
 would  seem  most  natural  to  suppose  that  the  I'etuni 
 of  Timothy  and  the  intelligence  he  conveyed  might 
 have  been  such  as  to  make  the  Apostle  feel  the 
 necessity  of  at  once  despatching  to  the  contentious 
 church  one  of  his  immediate  followers,  with  instruc- 
 tions to  support  and  strengthen  the  effect  of  the 
 epistle,  and  to  bring  back  the  most  recent  tidings  of 
 
17G 
 
 CORMORANT 
 
 flie  spirit  th.it  was  pievailiii<;  at  Corinth.  These 
 tidings,  as  it  woiihl  sef-Ti  tVom  our  jncscnt  epistle, 
 were  mainly  favourable ;  the  hettcr  part  of  the 
 church  were  returning  back  to  their  spiritual  al- 
 legiance to  their  founder  (ch.  i.  1:5,  14,  vii.  9,  15, 
 16),  but  there  w;is  still  a  faction,  possibly  of  the 
 Judaizing  members  (comp.  ch.  xi.  22 j,  that  were 
 shaipened  into  even  a  more  keen  animosity  against 
 the  Apostle  personally  (ch.  x.  1,  10),  and  more 
 strenuously  denied  his  claim  to  Apostleshij).  The 
 contents  of  this  epistle  aie  thus  very  varied,  but 
 may  perhaps  be  roughly  divided  into  three  parts: 
 —  1st,  the  -Apostle's  account  of  the  character  of  his 
 spiritual  labours,  accompanied  with  notices  of  his 
 iirtectionate  feelings  towards  his  converts  (ch.  i.— vii.); 
 '2ndly,  directions  about  tiie  collections  (ch.  viii., 
 iy.);  3rd1y,  defence  of  his  own  Apostolical  character 
 (.ch.  jc.-xiii.  lOj.  '\'\\Q  genaineness  and  antlientkitii 
 are  supported  by  the  most  decided  external  testi- 
 mony, and  by  internal  evidence  of  such  a  kind  that 
 what  has  been  said  on  this  point  in  respect  of  the 
 Hi'st  epistle  is  here  oven  still  nioie  applicable.  The 
 principal  historical  dillic-ulty  connected  with  the 
 epistle  relates  to  the  number  of  visits  made  by  the 
 Apostle  to  the  church  oi' Corinth.  The  words  of 
 this  epistle  'ch.  xii.  14,  xiii.  1,  2)  seem  distinctly 
 to  imply  that  St.  Paul  had  visited  Corinth  twice 
 before  the  time  at  which  he  now  writes.  St.  Luke, 
 however,  only  mentions  one  visit  prior  to  that  time 
 (Acts  xviii.  l,sq.);  for  the  visit  recorded  in  Acts 
 XX,  2,  3,  is  confessedly  subsequent.  We  must 
 assume  that  the  Apostle  made  a  visit  to  Corinth 
 which  St.  Luke  did  not  record,  probably  during  the 
 jieriod  of  his  3-year  residence  at  Ephosus. 
 
 Cormorant.  The  repre.-.entative  in  the  A.  V.  of 
 the  Hebrew  words  kdatk  and  s/talac.  As  to  the 
 former,  see  Pklican.  Shdlac  occurs  only  as  the 
 name  of  an  unclean  bird  in  Lev.  xi.  17,  Deut.  xiv.  17. 
 The  word  has  been  variously  rendered.  The  ety- 
 mology points  to  some  plunging  bird  :  the  common 
 cormorant  (Phnlacrocorax  carho),  which  some 
 writers  have  identified  with  the  iS'/io.Vic,  is  unknown 
 in  the  eastern  Mediterranean  ;  another  sjiecies  is 
 found  S.  of  the  lied  Sea,  but  none  on  the  \V.  coast 
 of  Palestine. 
 
 Corn.  The  most  common  kinds  were  wheat, 
 barlev,  s|)elt  (A.  V.,  Ex.  ix.  32,  and  Is.  xxviii.  25, 
 "  rie ;"  Ez.  iv.  9,  "  (itches"),  and  millet;  oats  are 
 mentioned  only  by  rabbinical  wiitei-s.  Corn-crops 
 are  still  reckoned  at  twentyfold  what  was  sown, 
 and  were  anciently  much  move.  "  Seven  ears  on 
 one  stalk"  (Gen.  xli.  22)  is  no  unusual  phenomenon 
 in  Egypt  at  this  day.  The  many-eared  stalk  is  also 
 common  in  the  wheat  of  Palestine,  and  it  is  of  coui-se 
 of  the  bearded  kind.  Wheat  (see  2  Sam.  iv.  6) 
 wa.s  stored  in  the  house  for  domestic  purposes.  It 
 is  at  present  often  kept  in  a  dry  well,  and  perha])s 
 ^he  "  ground  corn"  of  2  Sam.  xvii.  19  was  meant 
 to  imply  that  the  well  was  .so  used.  From  Solo- 
 mon's time  (2  Chr.  ii.  10,  15),  as  agriculture  be- 
 luime  developed  under  a  settled  government,  Pales- 
 tine was  a  corn-exporting  country,  and  her  grain 
 was  largely  taken  by  her  commercial  neighbour 
 Tyre  (Ez.  x.xvii.  17  ;  comp.  Am.  viii.  5).  "  Plenty 
 of  corn  "  was  part  of  Jacob's  blessing  (Gen.  Jixvii. 
 28  ;  comp.  Ps.  Ixv.  13). 
 
 Come'Iias,  a  lioman  centurion  of  the  Italian 
 cohort  stationed  in  Caesjirea  (Acts  x.  1,  &c.),  a 
 man  full  of  good  works  ami  alms-deeds.  With 
 his  household  he  wjia  baptised  l)y  St.  Peter,  and 
 thus  Cornelius  bec:irae  the  lirst-fruits  of  the  (ientile 
 
 CORNET 
 
 world  to  Christ.  Tradition  h.is  been  busy  with 
 his  life  and  acts.  According  to  Jerome  he  built 
 a  Christian  Church  at  Caesaiea;  but  later  ti-adi- 
 tion  makes  him  I'ishop  of  Scamandios  '^-na?^,  and 
 ascribes  to  him  the  working  of  a  great  miracle. 
 
 Comer.  The  "  corner "  of  the  field  was  not 
 allowed  (Lev.  xix.  9)  to  be  wholly  reaped.  It 
 fonned  a  right  of  the  poor  to  carry  oil  what  wa.s  so 
 left,  and  this  w;»s  a  part  of  thf  maintenance  from 
 the  soil  to  which  that  class  were  entitled.  On  the 
 principles  of  the  Mosaic  polity  eveiy  Hebrew  family 
 had  a  hold  on  a  certain  fixed  estate,  and  could  by 
 no  oidinaiy  and  casual  calamity  be  wholly  beggared. 
 Hence  its  indigent  members  had  the  claims  of  kin- 
 dred on  the  "  corners,"  &c.,  of  the  field  which  their 
 landed  brethren  reaped.  In  the  later  period  of  the 
 prophets  their  constant  com]ilaints  concerning  the 
 defrauding  the  poor  (Is.  x.  2;  Am.  v.  II,  viii.  •>) 
 seem  to  show  that  such  laws  had  lost  their  practii  al 
 force.  Still  later,  under  the  Scribes,  minute  legis- 
 lation fixed  one-sixtieth  as  the  portion  of  a  field 
 which  was  to  be  let't  for  the  legal  "  comer ;"  but 
 provided  also  (which  seems  hardly  consistent)  tha'. 
 two  fields  should  not  be  so  joined  as  to  leave  one 
 corner  only  where  two  should  fairly  be  reckoned. 
 The  proportion  being  thus  fixed,  all  the  grain  might 
 be  reaped,  and  enough  to  .satisfy  the  regulation 
 subseciiiently  separated  from  the  whole  crop.  This 
 "corner"  was,  like  the  gleaning,  tithe-fiee. 
 
 Comer-stone,  a  quoin  or  corner-stone,  of  gj-eat 
 impoitmce  ill  liiiiding  together  the  sides  of  a  build- 
 ing. Some  of  the  comer-stones  in  the  ancient  work 
 of  the  Temple  foundations  are  17  or  19  feet  long, 
 and  7i  feet  thick.  At  Nineveh  the  comers  are 
 sometimes  formed  of  one  angular  stone.  The  phrase 
 •'corner-stone"  is  sometimes  used  to  denote  any 
 principal  person,  as  the  princes  of  Egypt  (Is.  xix. 
 13),  and  is  thus  applied  to  our  Lord  (Is.  sxviii.  16  ; 
 Matt.  .xxi.  42  ;  1  Pet.  ii.  6,  7). 
 
 Comet  (Hob.  S/iophdr),  a  loud-sounding  instru- 
 ment, made  of  the  horn  of  a  ram  or  of  a  chamois 
 (sometimes  of  an  ox),  and  used  by  the  ancient 
 Hebrews  for  signals,  for  announcing  the"Jubile" 
 <  Lev.  XXV.  9),  for  proclaiming  the  new  year,  for 
 the  purposes  of  war  (Jer.  iv.  5,  19;  comp.  Job 
 xxxix.  25),  as  well  as  for  the  sentinels  placed  at  the 
 watch-towers  to  give  notice  of  the  approach  of  an 
 enemy  (t^.  xxxiii.  4,  5).  Shophar  is  generally  ren- 
 dered in  the  A.  V.  "  trumpet,"  but  "  cornet"  (the 
 more  correct  translation)  is  u.sed  in  2  Chr.  xv.  14 ; 
 Ps.  xcviii.  6;  Hos.  v.  8;  and  1  Chr.  xv.  28. 
 "Cornet"  is  also  employetl  in  Dan.  iii.  5,  7,  10,  15, 
 for  the  Chaliiee  Keren  (literally  a  hoi-n).  Oriental 
 scholai-s  for  the  most  part  consider  Sliophdr  and 
 Keren  to  be  one  and  the  same  musical  instrument; 
 but  some  Biblical  critics  regard  Shopltdr  and  Clui- 
 tsotserdh  as  belonging  to  the  sjiecies  of  Keren,  the 
 general  term  for  a  horn.  The  genemlly  received 
 opinion  is,  that  Keren  is  the  crooked  horn,  and 
 Shophdr  the  long  and  straight  one.  The  silver 
 trumpets  which  Mases  was  charged  to  furnish  for 
 the  Israelites,  were  to  be  used  for  the  following  pur- 
 poses: for  the  callinsj  together  of  the  assembly,  for 
 the  journeying  of  the  cam|>s,  for  sounding  the  alann 
 of  war,  and  for  celebrating  the  sacrifices  on  festivals 
 and  new  moons  (Num.  x.  1-liM.  In  the  age  of 
 .S)lomon  the  "  silver  trumpets"  were  increa.sed  in 
 number  to  120  (2  Chr.  v.  12  i  ;  and,  indejiendently 
 of  the  objects  for  which  they  had  b<'en  first  intro- 
 duced, they  were  now  employed  in  the  orchestm  o( 
 the  Temple  as  an  accom|>animent  to  son&r^  of  tlmnkf> 
 
COS 
 
 giving  and  praise.  Tobel,  used  sometimes  for  the 
 "year  of  Jubile"  (comp.  Lev.  .xxv.  13,  15,  with 
 XXV.  28,  30),  generally  denotes  the  institution  of 
 Jubile,  but  in  some  instances  it  is  spoken  of  as  a 
 musical  instrument,  resembling  in  its  object,  if  not 
 in  its  shape,  the  Keren  and  the  Shophdr.  Gesenius 
 pronounces  Yobel  to  be  applied  to  the  sound  of  a 
 trumpet  signal.  Still  it  is  difficult  to  divest  Yobel 
 of  the  meaning  of  a  sounding  instrument  in  the 
 -.ollowing  instances:  Ex.  six.  13;  Josh.  vi.  5,  G. 
 Tlie  sounding  of  the  cornet  was  the  distinguishing 
 litual  feature  of  tlie  festival  appointed  by  Closes  to 
 be  held  on  the  first  day  of  the  seventh  month  under 
 the  denomination  of  "  a  day  of  blowing  trumpets  " 
 (Num.  xxix.  1),  or  "  a  memorial  of  blowing  of 
 trumpets "  (Lev.  xxiii.  24)  ;  and  that  rite  is  still 
 observed  by  the  Jews  in  their  celebration  of  the 
 same  festival,  which  they  now  call  "  the  day  of 
 memorial,"  and  also  "  New  Year."  The  intention 
 of  the  appointment  of  the  festival  "  of  the  Sounding 
 of  the  Cornet,"  as  well  as  the  duties  of  the  sacred 
 institution,  appear  to  be  set  forth  in  the  words  of 
 the  prophet,  "  Soun'd  the  cornet  in  Zion,  sanctify 
 the  fast,  proclaim  the  solemn  assembly "  (Joel  ii. 
 15).  Agreeably  to  the  order  in  which  this  passage 
 runs,  the  institution  of  "  the  festival  of  Sounding 
 the  Cornet "  seems  to  be  the  prelude  and  pi  epara- 
 tion  for  the  awful  Day  of  Atonement.  The  word 
 "  solemn  assembly,"  in  the  verse  from  Joel  quoted 
 above,  applies  to  the  festival  "  Eighth  Day  of  Solemn 
 Assembly"  (Lev.  xxiii.  36),  the  closing  rite  of  the 
 festive  cycle  of  Tishri.  The  cornet  is  also  sounded 
 in  the  synagogue  at  the  close  of  the  service  for 
 the  Day  of  Atonement,  and,  amongst  the  Jews 
 who  adopt  the  ritual  of  the  Sephardim,  on  the 
 seventh  day  of  the  feast  of  Tabernacles,  known 
 by  the  post-Biblical  denomination  of  "  the  Great 
 Hosannah." 
 
 Cos  or  Co'os  (now  Stanchio  or  Stanko).  This 
 small  island  of  the  Grecian  Archipelago  has  several 
 interesting  points  of  connexion  with  the  Jews.  It 
 is  specified  as  one  of  the  places  which  contained 
 Jewish  residents  (1  Mace.  xv.  23).  Josephus, 
 quoting  Strabo,  mentions  that  the  Jews  had  a 
 great  amount  of  treasure  stored  there  during  the 
 Mithiidatic  war.  From  the  same  source  we  learn 
 that  Julius  Caesar  issued  an  edict  in  favour  of 
 the  Jews  of  Cos.  Herod  the  Gieat  conferred 
 many  favours  on  the  island.  St.  Paul,  on  the 
 return  from  his  third  missionai'y  journey,  passed 
 the  night  here,  after  sailing  from  Miletus.  It 
 was  celebrated  for  its  light  woven  fabrics  and  for 
 its  wines — also  for  a  temple  of  Aesculapius,  which 
 was  virtually  a  museum  of  anatomy  and  pathology. 
 The  emperor  Claudius  bestowed  upon  Cos  the  pri- 
 vilege of  a  free  state.  The  chief  town  (of  the  same 
 name)  was  on  the  N.E.  near-  a  promontory  called 
 
 COURT 
 
 177 
 
 1?  talent).     01>' 
 
 Head  of  young 
 cflse, 
 
 Tetrailrachm  of  Cos  (Phoeiii 
 
 Horcules  to  right.     Rev.,    „^i,V°?J,„  crab  and  bow  in 
 
 MoiXinN 
 all  within  dot6ed  square. 
 
 Con.  D.  B. 
 
 Scandarium:    and  j^erhaps  it  is  to  the  town  that 
 reference  is  made  in  the  Acts  (xxi.  1). 
 
 Co'sam,  son  of  Elmodam,  in  the  line  of  Joseph 
 the  husband  of  Mary  (Luke  iii.  28). 
 
 Cotton,  Heb.  carpus  (comp.  Lat.  carbasus),  Esth. 
 i.  6,  where  the  Vulg.  has  carbasini  coloris,  as  if  a 
 colour,  not  a  material  (so  in  A.  V.  "  gicen  "),  were 
 intended.  There  is  a  doubt  whether  under  Sliesh, 
 in  the  earlier,  and  Biits,  in  the  later  books  of  the 
 0.  T.,  rendered  in  the  A.  V.  by  "  white  linen," 
 "  fine  linen,"  &ic.,  cotton  mav  have  been  included  as 
 well.  The  dress  of  the  Egyptian  jiriests,  at  any 
 rate  in  their  ministrations,  was  without  doubt  of 
 linen  (Herod,  ii.  37),  in  spite  of  Pliny's  assertion 
 (xix.  1,  2)  that  they  preferred  cotton.  Yet  cotton 
 garments  for  the  worship  of  the  temples  are  said  to 
 be  mentioned  in  the  Rosetta  stone.  The  same  with 
 the  Jewish  ephod  and  other  priestly  attiie,  in  which 
 we  cannot  suppose  any  carelessness  to  have  ]>re- 
 vailed.  There  is,  however,  no  word  for  the  cotton 
 plant  in  the  Hebrew,  nor  any  reason  to  suppose 
 that  there  was  any  early  knowledge  of  the  fabiic. 
 The  Egyptian  mummy  swathings  are  decided  to 
 have  been  of  linen,  and  not  cotton.  The  very  diffi- 
 culty of  deciding,  however,  shows  how  easily  even 
 scientific  observers  may  mistake,  and,  much  more, 
 how  impossible  it  would  have  been  for  ancient 
 popular  writers  to  avoid  confusion.  Varro  knew 
 of  tree-wool  on  the  authority  of  Ctesias,  contempo- 
 rary with  Heiodotus.  The  Greeks,  through  the 
 commercial  consequences  of  Alexander's  conquests, 
 must  have  known  of  cotton  cloth,  and  more  or  less 
 of  the  plant.  Cotton  was  manufactured  and  worn 
 extensively  in  Egypt,  but  extant  monuments  give 
 no  proof  of  its  growth,  as  in  the  case  of  flax,  in  that 
 country.  But  when  Pliny  (a.D.  1 15)  asserts  that 
 cotton  was  then  grown  in  Egypt,  a  statement  con- 
 firmed by  Julius  Pollux  (a  century  later),  we  can 
 hardly  resist  the  inference  that,  at  least  as  a 
 curiosity  and  as  an  experiment,  some  plantations 
 existed  there.  This  is  the  more  likely  since  we 
 find  the  cotton-tree  is  mentioned  still  by  Pliny  as 
 the  only  remarkable  tiee  of  the  adjacent  Ethiopia; 
 and  since  Aiabia,  on  its  other  side,  appears  to  have 
 known  cotton  from  time  immemorial,  to  grow  it 
 in  abundance,  and  in  parts  to  be  highly  favour- 
 able to  that  product.  In  India,  however,  we 
 have  the  earliest  records  of  the  use  of  cotton  for 
 dress ;  of  which,  including  the  starching  of  it, 
 some  curious  traces  are  found  as  early  as  800 
 B.C.,  in  the  Institutes  of  Mann.  Cotton  is  now 
 both  grown  and  manufactui'ed  in  various  paits 
 of  Syria  and  Palestine ;  but  there  is  no  pioof 
 that,  till  they  came  in  contact  with  Persia,  the 
 Hebrews  generally  knew  of  it  as  a  distinct  fabiic 
 from  linen. 
 
 Coueh.     [Bed.] 
 
 CounciL  1.  The  great  council  of  the  Sanhedrim, 
 which  sat  at  Jerusalem.  [Sanhedrim.]  2.  The 
 lesser  courts  (Matt.  x.  17;  Maik  xiii.  9),  of  which 
 there  were  two  at  Jerusalem,  and  one  in  each  town 
 of  Palestine.  The  constitution  of  these  com  ts  is  a 
 dou'btful  point.  The  existence  of  local  couits,  how- 
 ever constituted,  is  clearly  implied  in  the  passages 
 quoted  from  the  N.T.;  and  perhaps  the  "judgment" 
 (Matt.  V.  21)  applies  to  them.  3.  A  kind  of  jury 
 or  privy  council  (Acts  xxv.  12),  consisting  of  a 
 certain  number  of  assessors,  who  assisted  Koman 
 governors  in  the  administration  of  justice  and  other 
 public  matters. 
 
 Court  I'Heb.  chatser),  an  open  enclosure,  applied 
 
 N, 
 
178 
 
 COUTHA 
 
 111  the  A.  \'.  mo'-t  coinrmmly  to  tlif  eiicldsiires  of  the 
 Tabeniarle  .iiul  the  Temple  (I'-x.  xxvii.  9,  xl.  '.V.i; 
 Lev.  vi.  16;  1  K.  vi.  36,  vii.  8,  2  K.  xxiii.  I'J; 
 2  Chr.  xxxiii.  5,  &c.).  In  2  Chr.  iv.  9  and  vi.  13, 
 however,  a  dirterent  word  is  employed,  apimrcntly, 
 for  the  same  jilaces — didrdh,  from  a  root  of  similar 
 meaning  to  the  above.  Chdtser  also  designates  the 
 oom-t  of  a  prison  (Neh.  iii.  25;  Jer.  xxxii.  2,  &c.), 
 of  a  private  house  (2  Sam.  xvii.  18),  and  of  a  palace 
 (,2  K.  XX.  4;  Ksth.  i.  T>,  &c.). 
 
 Cou'tha.  One  of  the  servants  of  the  Temple 
 wiio  111  111  lied  with  Zorobabel  (1  Esdr.  v.  32). 
 
 Covenant.  The  Heb.  berith  is  fciken  by  Gesenius 
 to  mean  primarily  "  a  cutting,"  with  reference  to 
 the  custom  of  ciittini;  or  dividing  animals  in  two, 
 and  passing  between  the  parts  in  ratifying  a  cove- 
 nant ((Jen.  XV. ;  Jer.  xxxiv.  18, 19).  Professor  Lee 
 suggests  that  the  proper  sigiiiKcation  of  the  word  is 
 an  eating  together,  or  banquet,  beciiuse  among  the 
 Orientals  to  eat  together  amounts  almost  to  a  cove- 
 nant of  friendship.  In  the  N.  T.  the  wonl  Sta6riKr] 
 is  frequently,  though  by  no  means  uniformly, 
 translated  testament  in  the  Authorised  Version. 
 There  seems,  however,  to  be  no  necessity  for  the 
 introduction  of  a  new  word  conveying  a  new  idea, 
 in  its  Biblical  meaning  of  a  compact  or  agreement 
 between  two  parties,  the  word  is  used — 1.  Tmpro- 
 verly,  of  a  covenant  between  God  and  man.  Man 
 not  being  in  any  way  in  the  position  of  an  inde- 
 pendent covenanting  jiarty,  the  phrase  is  evidently 
 used  by  way  of  accommodation.  Strictly  spe;ikiug, 
 such  a  covenant  is  quite  unconditional,  and  amounts 
 to  a  promise  (Gal.  iii.  15  ff.)  or  act  of  mere  favour 
 (Ps.  Ixxxix.  28).  Thus  the  assurance  given  by  God 
 after  the  Flood,  that  a  like  judgment  should  not 
 be  repeated,  and  tliat  the  I'ecurrence  of  the  seasons, 
 and  of  day  and  night,  should  not  cease,  is  called  a 
 covenant  (Gen.  ix. ;  Jer.  xxxiii.  20).  Generally, 
 however,  the  fbiTii  of  a  covenant  is  maintained,  by 
 the  benefits  which  God  engages  to  bestow  being 
 made  by  Him  dependent  upon  the  fulfilment  of  cer- 
 tain conditions  which  He  imposes  on  man.  Con- 
 sistently with  this  repiesentation  of  God's  dealings 
 with  man  under  the  fbim  of  a  covenant,  such  cove- 
 nant is  said  to  be  confinned,  in  conformity  to  human 
 custom,  by  an  oatli  (Deut.  iv.  31  ;  Ps.  Ixxxix.  3), 
 to  be  sanctioned  by  curses  to  fall  upon  the  unfaith- 
 ful (Deut.  xxix.  21),  and  to  be  accompanied  by  a 
 sign,  such  as  tlie  rainbow  (Gen.  ix.),  circumcision 
 (Gen.  xvii.),  or  the  Sabbath  (Ex.  xxxi.  16,  17).— 
 2.  Properhj,  of  a  covenant  betueen  man  and  man. 
 t.  e.  a  solemn  compact  or  agreement,  either  between 
 trilies  or  nations  (1  Sam.  xi.  1;  Josh.  ix.  6,  15), 
 or  between  individuals  (Gen.  xxxi.  44),  by  which 
 each  party  bound  himself  to  fulfil  cei-fciin  conditions, 
 and  was  assured  of  receiving  ceitiiin  advantages.  In 
 making  such  a  covenant  God  was  solemnly  invoked 
 as  witness  (Gen.  xxxi.  50),  and  an  oath  w;is  sworn 
 '(ien.  xxi.  31  j.  A  sign  or  witness  of  the  covenant 
 W.1S  sometimes  framed,  such  as  a  gift  ((ion.  xxi. 
 30),  or  A  )iillar,  or  heap  of  stones  erected  (Gen. 
 xxxi.  52;.  The  marriage  compact  is  cjillcd  "  the 
 a>venant  of  Goil  "  (Prov.  ii.  17;  see  Mai.  ii.  14). 
 Th<»  word  covenant  came  to  be  applied  to  a  sure 
 Brdinancc,  such  as  that  of  the  shew-bread  (Lev. 
 xxiv.  8) ;  ami  is  use<l  figuratively  in  such  expressions 
 as  a  covenant  with  death  (Is.  xxviii.  18),  or  with 
 the  wild  »K!asts(Hos.  ii.  18). 
 
 Cow.     [liULL.] 
 
 Coz,  a  man  ann'iig  the  desreiidaiits  nf  Jini.-ilj 
 .1  fhr.  iv.  K). 
 
 CROSS 
 
 Coz  bi,  d.iuiflitcr  of  Zur,  a  chief  of  the  Midianites, 
 (Num.  xxv.  I.'),  18). 
 
 Crane.  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  A.  V. 
 is  incorrect  in  rendering  si'is  by  "crane,"  wliich 
 bird  is  probably  intended  by  the  Hebrew  word  'dgur, 
 translated  "swallow,"  by  the  A.  V.  [Swallow.] 
 Mention  is  made  of  the  sus  in  Hezekiah's  prayer 
 (Is.  x.xxviii.  14),  "  Like  a  sus  or  an  'dgur  .so  did  I 
 twitter;"  and  again  in  Jer.  viii.  7  these  two  words 
 oanir  in  tlie  aamc  order,  from  which  passage  we 
 learn  that  both  birds  were  migratory.  According 
 to  the  testimony  of  most  of  the  ancient  versions, 
 sus  denotes  a  "  swallow."  The  passjige  in  Jere- 
 miah, compared  with  the  ticittering  notes  of  the 
 sus  in  Hezekiah's  jirayer,  goes  far  to  establish  this 
 ti-anslation. 
 
 Cra'tes,  governor  of  the  Cyprians  in  the  reign  of 
 Antio<  bus  Kpi])hanes  (2  Mace.  iv.  29). 
 
 Creditor.    [Loan.] 
 
 Cres'cens  (2  Tim.  iv.  10),  an  assistant  of  St. 
 Paul,  said  to  have  been  one  of  the  seventy  disciples. 
 -According  to  early  tradition,  he  preaclied  theGf>spe] 
 in  Galatia.  Later  tradition  makes  him  preach  in 
 Gaul,  and  found  the  Church  at  Vienne. 
 
 Crete,  the  modern  Candia.  This  large  island, 
 which  closes  in  the  Greek  Archipelago  on  the  S., 
 extends  through  a  distance  of  140  miles  between  its 
 extreme  points  of  Cape  Salmone  (Acts  xxvii.  7) 
 on  the  E.  and  Cape  Criumetopon  beyond  Phoenice 
 or  Phoenix  (ib.  12)  on  the  \V.  Though  extremely 
 bold  and  mountainous,  this  island  has  veiy  fruitful 
 valleys,  and  in  early  times  it  was  celebrated  for  its 
 hundred  cities.  It  seems  likely  that  a  very  early 
 acquaintance  existed  between  the  Cretans  and  the 
 Jews.  There  is  no  doubt  that  Jews  wei-e  settled 
 in  the  island  in  considerable  numbei-s  during  the 
 jieriod  between  the  death  ofAle-xander  the  (ireat 
 and  the  final  destruction  of  Jerusalem.  Gortyna 
 seems  to  have  been  their  chief  residence  (1  Mace. 
 XV.  23).  Thus  the  sjiecial  mention  of  Cretans 
 (Acts  ii.  11)  among  those  who  were  at  Jenisalem 
 at  the  gre.it  Pentecost  is  just  what  we  should  ex- 
 pect. No  notice  is  given  in  the  Acts  of  any  more 
 direct  evangelisjition  of  Crete ;  and  no  absolute 
 proof  can  be  adduced  that  St.  Paul  was  ever  there 
 before  his  voyage  from  Caesjii-oa  to  Puteoli.  The 
 circumstances  of  St.  Paul's  recorded  visit  were 
 briefly  as  follows.  The  wind  being  contraiy  when 
 he  was  off  Cnidus  (Acts  xxvii.  7),  the  ship  was 
 forced  to  run  down  to  Cape  Salmone,  and  thence 
 under  the  lee  ot  Crete  to  Fair  Havens,  wliich  was 
 near  a  city  called  Lasaka  (v.  8).  Theiu-c,  after 
 some  delay,  an  attempt  was  made,  on  the  wind  be- 
 coming favourable,  to  reach  Phoenice  for  the  juir- 
 pose  of  wintering  tlvere  (v.  12).  The  next  point 
 of  connexion  between  St.  Paul  and  tliis  island  is 
 found  in  the  epistle  to  Titus.  It  is  evident  from 
 Tit.  i.  5,  that  the  Apostle  himself  was  here  at  no 
 long  interval  of  time  before  he  wrote  the  letter. 
 
 Cretes  (Acts  ii.  11).  Cretans,  inhabitants  of 
 Crete. 
 
 Crimson.     [Colours.] 
 
 Crifl'pas,  ruler  of  the  Jewish  synagogue  at 
 Corinth  (Acts  xviii.  8) ;  baptizetl  with  his  familv 
 by  St.  Paul  (1  Cor.  i.  14).  .\ccoidiiig  to  tradition, 
 hi'  became  .afterwards  Dishop  of  Aegina. 
 
 Cross.  Except  tlie  Latin  cnuc  there  was  no 
 word  definitively  and  invariably  applied  to  this  in- 
 strument of  punishment.  As  file  emblem  of  a  .slave's 
 death  and  a  mui-derer's  punishment,  the  cross  was 
 ii.ttinally  looked  upon  with  the  profonndest  honw. 
 
CROSS 
 
 But  after  the  celebrated  vision  ot  Constantine,  lie 
 ordei  ed  his  friends  to  make  a 
 cross  of  Si'old  and  gems,  such 
 as  he  had  seen,  and  "  the  tow- 
 ering eagles  resigned  the  flags 
 unto  the  cross"  (Pearson), 
 and  "  the  tree  of  cursing 
 and  shame"  "sat  upon  the 
 sceptres  and  was  engraved 
 and  signed  on  the  foreheads 
 of  kings"  (Jer.  Taylor,  Life 
 of  Christ,  iii.  xv.  1).  The 
 new  standards  were  called 
 b}'  the  name  Laharum,  and 
 may  be  seen  on  the  coins  of 
 Constantine  the  Great  and 
 his  nearer  successors.  The 
 Labarum  is  described  in 
 Eusebius,  and,  besides  the 
 pendent  cross, 
 supported  the 
 celebrated  em-  -^  ^■^  -12 
 broidered  mono- 
 gram of  Christ, 
 which  was  also  inscribed 
 ou  the  shields  and  helmets 
 of   the    legions.      We   may 
 
 tabulate  thus  the  various  descriptions  of  cross  : — 
 
 CROWN 
 
 179 
 
 The  Labarum. 
 (I'rori  a  Coin  in  the  British 
 
 Mus«iml.) 
 
 Cmx 
 
 I 
 
 I.  Simplex. 
 
 Compacta. 
 
 2.  r»ecus3ata. 
 Andreana,  or 
 Burgundian. 
 
 3.  Commissa 
 and  unsata. 
 
 4.  Immissa, 
 or  capiuita. 
 
 1.  The  crux  simplex,  or  mere  stake  of  one  single 
 piece  without  transom,  was  probably  the  original 
 of  the  vest.  Sometimes  it  was  merely  driven 
 through  the  man's  chest,  but  at  other  times  it  was 
 driven  longitudinally,  coming  out  at  the  mouth. 
 Another  form  of  punishment  consisted  of  tying 
 the  criminal  to  the  stake,  from  which  he  hung  by 
 his  arms.— 2.  The  crux  decussata  is  called  St. 
 Andrew's  cross,  although  on  no  good  grounds.  It 
 was  in  the  shape  of  the  Greek  letter  X.^3.  The  crux 
 commissa,  or  St.  Anthony's  cross  (so  called  from 
 being  embroidered  on  that  saint's  cope),  was  in  the 
 shape  of  the  T.  A  variety  of  this  cross  (the  ^ 
 crux  ansata,  "  crosses  with  circles  on  their  '  |j  ' 
 heads  ")  is  found  "  in  the  sculptures  from 
 Khorsabad  and  the  ivories  from  Nimroud.  In  the 
 Egyptian  sculptures,  a  similar  object,  called  a  crux 
 ansata,  is  constantly  borne  by  divinities.  The  same 
 symbol  has  been  also  found  among  the  Copts, and  (per- 
 haps accidentally)  among  the  Indians  and  Persians.— 
 4.  The  crux  immissa,  or  Latin  cross,  differed  from 
 the  former  by  the  projection  of  the  upright  above  the 
 crossbar.  That  this  was  the  kind  of  cross  on  which 
 our  Lord  died  is  obvious  from  the  mention  of  the 
 "  title,"  as  placed  above  our  Lord's  head,  and  from 
 the  almost  unanimous  tradition ;  it  is  repeateflly 
 found  on  the  coins  and  columns  of  Constantine, 
 There  was  a  projection  from  the  central  stem,  on 
 which  the  body  of  the  sufferer  rested.  This  was 
 to  prevent  the  weight  of  the  body  from  tearing 
 away  the  hands.  Whether  there  was  also  a  sup- 
 port to  the  feet  (as  we  see  in  pictures),  is  doubtful. 
 An  inscription  was  generally  placed  above  the  cri- 
 minal's head,  briefly  expressing  his  guilt,  and  gene- 
 
 rally was  carried  before  him.  It  was  covertd  with 
 white  gypsum,  and  the  letters  were  black.  Nic- 
 quetus  says  it  was  white  with  i-ed  letters.  It  is  a 
 question  whether  tying  or  binding  to  the  cross  was 
 the  more  common  method.  That  our  Lord  was 
 nailed,  according  to  prophecy,  is  cei-tain  (John  sx. 
 25,  27,  c&c.  ;  Zech.  xii.  lO";  Ps.  .xxii.  16).  It  is, 
 however,  extremely  probable  that  both  methods 
 were  used  at  once.  The  story  of  the  so-called  "  in- 
 vention of  the  cross,"  A.D.  326,  is  too  famous  to  be 
 altogether  passed  over.  Besides  Socrates  and  Theo« 
 doret,  it  is  mentioned  by  Hufinus,  Sozomen,  Pau- 
 linus,  Sulp.  ^^everus,  and  Chrysostom,  but  it  would 
 require  far  more  probable  evidence  to  outweigh  the 
 silence  of  Eusebius.  To  this  day  the  supposed  title, 
 or  rather  fragments  of  it,  are  shown  to  the  people 
 once  a  year  in  the  church  of  Sta.  Croce  in  Gerusa- 
 lemine  at  Rome.  It  was  not  till  the  6th  century 
 that  the  emblem  of  the  cross  became  the  image  of  the 
 crucifix.  As  a  symbol  the  use  of  it  was  frequent  in 
 the  early  Church.  It  was  not  till  the  2iid  century 
 that  any  particular  efficacy  was  attached  to  it. 
 
 Crown.  This  ornament,  which  is  both  ancient 
 and  univereal,  probably  originated  from  the  fillets 
 used  to  pievent  the  hair  from  being  dishevelled  by 
 the  wind.  Such  fillets  are  still  common,  and  they 
 may  be  seen  on  the  sculptures  of  Persepolis,  Nine 
 veh,  and  Egypt ;  they  gradually  developed  inta 
 turbans,  which  by  the  addition  of  ornamental  or 
 precious  materials  assumed  the  dignity  of  mitres 
 or  crowns.  The  use  of  them  as  ornaments  pro- 
 bably was  suggested  by  the  natural  custom  of 
 encircling  the  head  with  flowers  in  token  of  joy 
 and  triumph  (Wisd.  ii.  8;  Jud.  xv.  13).  Both 
 the  ordinaiy  priests  and  the  high-priest  wore  them. 
 The  common  "  bonnet,"  Ex.  xxviii.  37,  xxix.  6, 
 &c.,  fonned  a  sort  of  linen  fillet  or  crown.  The 
 mitre  of  the  high-priest  (used  also  of  a  regal  crown, 
 Ez.  xxi.  26)  was  much  more  splendid  (Ex.  xxviii. 
 36  ;  Lev.  viii.  9).  It  had  a  second  fillet  of  blue 
 lace,  and  over  it  a  golden  diadem  (Ex.  xxix.  6). 
 The  gold  band  was  tied  behind  with  blue  lace 
 (embroideral  with  flowere),  and  being  two  fingei's 
 broad,  bore  the  inscription  "  Holiness  to  the  Lord" 
 (comp.  Rev.  xvii.  5).  "  A  striped  head-dress  and 
 queue,"  or  "  a  short  wig,  on  which  a  band  was 
 fastened,  ornamented  with  an  asp,  the  symbol  o( 
 royalty,"  was  used  by  the  kings  of  Egypt  in 
 religious  ceremonies  (Wilkinson's  Anc.  Egypt,  iii. 
 354,  fig.  13).  The  crown  worn  by  the  kings  of 
 Assyria  was  "  a  high  mitre  .  .  .  frequently  adorned 
 with  flowers,  &c.,  and  arranged  in  bands  of  linen 
 or  silk.  Originally  there  was  only  one  band,  but 
 afterwards  there  were  two,  and  the  ornaments 
 were  licher  "  (Layard,  ii.  320,  and  the  illustrations 
 in  Jahn,  Archdulogie,  Part  i.  vol.  ii.  tab.  ix.  4 
 and  8).  There  are  many  woi-ds  in  Scripture  de- 
 noting a  crown  besides  those  mentioned  :  the  head- 
 dress of  bridegrooms  (Is.  Ixi.  10 ;  Bar.  v,  2  ;  Ez. 
 xxiv.  17),  and  of  women  (Is.  iii.  20);  a  head-dress 
 of  great  splendour  (Is.  xxviii,  5) ;  a  wreath  of 
 flowers  (Prov.  i.  9,  iv.  9);  and  a  common  tiara  or 
 turban  (Job  xxi.x.  14  ;  Is.  iii.  23).  The  general 
 word  IS  'atdrdh,  and  we  must  attach  to  it  the  notion 
 of  a  costly  tm-ban  irradiated  with  pearls  and  gems 
 of  priceless  value,  which  often  fonn  aigrettes  for 
 feathers,  as  in  the  crowns  of  modern  Asiatic  sove- 
 reigns. Such  was  probably  the  crown,  which 
 with  its  precious  stones  weighed  (or  rather  "  was 
 worth  ")  a  talent,  taken  by  David  from  the  king 
 of  Ammon  at  Rabbah,  and  used  as  the  slate  crowr? 
 
 N  2 
 
180 
 
 CROWN  OP  THORNS 
 
 of  Jmlah  (2  Sam.  xii.  30).  ^Tfcpavos  is  use.l  iii 
 tlie  N.  T.  for  every  kind  of  ciown  ;  but  trrf/ijua 
 only  once  (Acts  xiv.  13)  for  the  garlands  used  with 
 victims.  In  Kev.  xii.  3,  xix.  12,  allusion  is  made 
 to  "  many  crowns"  worn  in  token  of  extended  do- 
 minion. The  laurel,  pine,  or  pai-sley  crowns  given 
 to  victors  in  the  great  games  ofCJreeceare  finely 
 alluded  to  bv  St.  Paul  (1  C»r.  ix.  2.j  ;  2  Tim.  ii. 
 .■J,  &c.). 
 
 worn  by  Assviiaii  kings.  (From  Nimrouil  anil  Koiiyiinjik.) 
 
 Crown  of  Thorns,  Matt,  xxvii.  29.  Our  Lord 
 was  crowiwi  with  tliorns  in  mockery  by  the  Roman 
 soldiers.  Tlie  oliject  seems  to  have  been  insult,  and 
 not  the  inriiction  of  pain  as  has  generally  been  sup- 
 posed. The  Rhamnus  or  Spina  Christi,  although 
 abundant  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Jerusalem,  can- 
 not be  the  plant  intended,  because  its  thorns  are  so 
 strong  and  large  that  it  could  not  have  been  woven 
 into  a  wreath.  Had  the  acacia  been  intended,  as 
 some  suppose,  the  phrase  would  have  been  dill'erent. 
 Obviously  some  small  flexile  thorny  shrub  is  meant ; 
 pe)hai)s  ciippitris  spitiosa.  Hassclquist  says  that 
 the  thorn  u>ed  w-as  the  Arabian  Nab/i. 
 
 Crucifixion  was  in  use  among  the  Egyptians 
 (Oen.  xl.  19),  the  Caithaginians,  the  Persians  (Ksth. 
 vii.  10),  the  Assyrians,  Scythians,  Indians,  Ger- 
 mans, and  from  the  earliest  times  among  the  Greeks 
 and  Romans.  Whether  this  mode  of  execution  was 
 known  to  the  ancient  Jews  is  a  matter  of  dispute. 
 Probably  the  Jews  borrowed  it  from  the  Romans.  It 
 was  unanimously  considered  the  most  horriblei  fumi 
 of  death.  Among  the  Romans  also  the  degradation 
 was  a  part  of  the  infliction,  and  the  punishment  if 
 ap|)lied  to  freemen  was  only  used  in  the  case  of  the 
 vilest  criminals.  Our  Lord  was  condemned  to  it 
 by  the  popular  cry  of  the  Jews  (llatt.  xxvii.  23)  on 
 the  charge  of  sedition  against  Caes;U'  (Luke  xxiii. 
 2),  although  the  Saidiciliim  had  jircviously  con- 
 demned him  on  the  totally  distinct  charge  of  blas- 
 ])hemy.  The  .scarlet  robe,  crown  of  thorns,  and  other 
 insults  to  which  our  Lord  was  subjected  were 
 illegal,  and  arose  from  the  spontaneous  petulance 
 of  the  brutal  soldiery.  But  the  punishment  ])ro- 
 perlv  commenced  with  scourging,  after  the  cri- 
 minal had  been  strijipcd.  It  was  inllicted  not  with 
 the  comjaratively  mild  rotls,  but  the  more  terrible 
 ocourge  (2  Cor.  xi.  24,  25),  which  was  not  used 
 by  the  Jews  (Deut.  xxv.  3).  Into  these  jcourgcs 
 the  soldieis  often  stuck  nails,  pieces  of  bone,  &c,  to 
 heighten  the  pain,  which  was  often  so  intense  that 
 the  sufferer  died  under  it.  In  our  Lord's  case, 
 however,  this  infliction  seems  neither  to  have  been 
 the  legal  scourging  after  sentence,  nor  yet  the 
 examination  by  torture  (AcU  xxii.  24),  but  rather 
 a  scourgmg  before  the  sentence,  to  excite  pity  and 
 procure  immunity  fiom  further  punishniont  (Luke 
 uiii.  22;  John  xix.  \ ).     The  criminal  carried  his 
 
 CRYSTAL 
 
 own  cross,  or  at  any  rate  a  part  of  it.  Tht 
 place  of  exicution  was  outside  the  city  (1  K. 
 xxi.  13;  Acts  vii.  58;  Heb.  xiii.  12),  often  in 
 some  public  road  or  other  conspicuous  pkice. 
 Arrived  at  the  place  of  execution,  the  sulferer  was 
 stripped  naked,  the  dress  being  the  perquisite  of  the 
 soldieis  (Malt,  xxvii.  35).  The  cross  was  then 
 driven  into  the  ground,  so  that  the  feet  of  the  con- 
 demnctl  were  a  foot  or  two  above  the  earth,  and  he 
 was  lifted  upon  it,  or  else  stretched  upon  it  on  the 
 ground,  and  then  lifted  with  it.  Piclbie  the  nail- 
 ing or  binding  took  place,  a  medicated  cup  was 
 given  out  of  kindness  to  confuse  the  senses  and 
 deaden  the  pangs  of  the  sutferer  ''Prov.  xxxi.  6), 
 usually  of  "  wine  mingled  with  myn-h,"  because 
 inyrrli  w.as  soporiric.  Our  Lord  refused  it  that 
 his  senses  might  be  clear  (Matt,  xxvii.  34;  Mark 
 XV.  23).  He  was  crucified  between  two  "  thieves  " 
 or  "malefactors,"  according  to  prophecy  (Is.  liii. 
 12) ;  and  was  watched  according  to  custom  by  a 
 party  of  fi)ur  soldiers  (John  xix.  23)  with  their 
 centurion  (Matt,  xxvii.  66;,  whose  express  oiKc-e 
 was  to  prevent  the  stealing  of  the  body.  This  was 
 necessary  fiom  the  lingering  character  of  the  death, 
 which  sometimes  did  not  supervene  even  for  three 
 days,  and  was  at  last  the  result  of  gradual  benuinb- 
 ing  and  starvation.  But  for  this  guard,  the  per- 
 sons might  liave  been  taken  down  and  recovered,  as 
 was  actual!)'  done  in  the  case  of  a  friend  of  Joso- 
 phus.  Fracture  of  the  legs  was  especially  adopted 
 by  the  Jews  to  hasten  death  (John  xix.  31).  But 
 the  unusual  rapidity  of  our  Lord's  death  was  due 
 to  the  depth  of  His  previous  agonies,  or  may  be 
 sufficiently  accounted  for  simply  from  peculiarities 
 of  constitution.  Pilate  expressly  satisfied  himself 
 of  the  actual  death  by  questioning  the  centurion 
 (Mark  xv.  44),  In  most  ca^^es  the  body  was  sulfei-ed 
 to  rot  on  the  cross  by  the  action  of  sun  and  rain, 
 or  to  be  devoured  by  birds  and  beasts.  Sepulture 
 was  geiierallv  therefore  forbidden  ;  but  in  conse- 
 quence of  Deut.  xxi.  22,  23,  an  express  national 
 exception  was  made  in  favour  of  the  Jews  (Matt, 
 xxvii.  58).  This  accui-sed  and  awful  mode  of  punish-, 
 ment  was  hajtpily  abidished  by  Constantine. 
 
 Cruse,  a  word  employed  in  the  A.  V.,  appa- 
 rently without  any  special  intention,  to  translate 
 three  distinct  Hebrew  words.— 1.  Tt.appach<ith, 
 carried  by  Saul  when  on  his  night  expedition  after 
 [Mvid  (1  Sam.  x.wi.  1 1, 12,  16),  and  by  Klijah  (1  K. 
 xix.  6).  In  a  similar  case  in  the  present  day  this 
 would  be  a  globular  vessel  of  blue  porous  clay 
 about  9  inches  diameter,  with  a  neck  of  about  3 
 inches  long,  a  small  han<lle  below  the  neck,  and 
 opposite  the  handle  a  straight  spout,  with  an  .irifice 
 about  the  size  of  a  straw,  through  which  the  water 
 is  drunk  or  sucked. — 2.  The  noise  which  these 
 vessels  make  when  emjitieil  through  the  neck  is 
 suggestive  of  the  second  term,  Bahbuh.  This  is 
 found  but  twice:  a  "  cruse  of  honey  "  ( 1  K.  xiv.  3) ; 
 and  an  "earthen  bottle"  fJer.  xix.  1).— 3.  Apjia- 
 rently  very  diflcrent  from  both  these  is  the  other 
 term,  TdlacMh.  This  was  jirobably  a  flat  metal 
 saucer  of  the  form  still  common  in  the  East.  It 
 occurs  in  2  Chr.  xxxv.  13,  "  i>ans;"  and  other  woitU 
 fi  om  the  same  root  are  found  in  2  K.  ii.  20,  "  cruse," 
 and  2  K.  .\xi.  13,  "dish"  (comp.  Prov.  xix.  24, 
 xxvi.  15). 
 
 Crystal,  the  representative  in  the  A.  V.  of  two 
 Iblirtw  word.".— I.  ZccHcitU  occui-s  only  in  Job 
 xxviii.  17.  Notwithstanding  the  diflcrent  inter- 
 preUitions  of  "  rock  ciystal,"  "  glass,"  "  adamant,'' 
 
CUBIT 
 
 kc,  that  have  been  assipied  to  this  worfl,  theie 
 can,  we  think,  be  very  little  doubt  that  "glass" 
 is  intended. ^2.  Kerach  occuis  in  numerous  pas- 
 sages in  the  0.  T.  to  denote  "  ice,"  "  frost,"  &c. ; 
 but  once  only  (Ez.  i.  22),  as  is  generally  vmder- 
 stood,  to  signify  "  crystal."  The  ancienta  supposed 
 rock-crystal  to  be  merely  ice  congealed  by  intense 
 cold.  The  similarity  of  appearance  between  ice  and 
 crystal  caused  no  doubt  the  identity  of  the  terms 
 to  e.xpre.ss  these  substances.  The  Greek  word 
 occurs  in  Kev.  iv.  6,  xxii.  1.  It  may  mean  either 
 "  ice"  or  "  crvstal." 
 
 Cubit.       [MEASURE.S.] 
 
 Cuckoo  (Heb.  shachajih).  There  does  not  ap- 
 pear to  be  any  authority  for  this  translation  of  the 
 A.  \'.;  the  Heb.  word  occurs  twice  only  (Lev.  xi.  16; 
 Deut.  xiv.  15),  as  the  name  of  some  unclean  bird. 
 Bochart  has  attempted  to  show  that  Shachaph  denotes 
 the  Cepphus  or  storm-petrel.  Jlr.  Tris- 
 tram has  suggested  that  some  of  the  larger 
 jietiels,  such  as  the  Puffinxis  cinereus  and 
 P.  anfilorum  (shearwater),  which  abound  in 
 the  east  of  the  Mediterranean  and  which  are 
 similar  in  their  habits  to  the  storm-petrel, 
 may  be  dennti'd  by  the  Hebiew  term. 
 
 Cucumbers  (Heb.  kKJishviin).  This  word 
 occurs  once  only,  in  Num.  xi.  5,  as  one  of 
 the  g(X)d  things  of  Egypt  for  which  the 
 Isiaelites  longed.  There  is  no  doubt  as 
 to  the  meaning  of  the  Hebrew.  Egypt  produces 
 excellent  cucumbers,  melons,  &c.  [Melon],  the 
 Cucumis  cliatc  being,  according  to  Hasselquist 
 {Trav.  p.  2.")8),  the  best  of  its  tribe  yet  known. 
 This  plant  gi-ows  in  tlie  fertile  earth  around  Cairo 
 after  the  inundation  of  the  Nile,  and  not  elsewhere 
 in  Egypt.  The  C.  chate  is  a  variety  only  of  the 
 common  melon  (C  melo);  it  was  once  cultivated 
 in  England  and  called  "  the  round-leaved  Egyp- 
 tian melon ;"  but  it  is  rather  an  insipid  sort. 
 Besides  the  Cucumis  chate,  the  common  cucumbei' 
 {C.  saticus),  of  which  the  Arabs  distinguish  a 
 number  of  varieties,  is  common  in  Egypt.  "  Both 
 Cucumis  chate  and  C.  soti- 
 xn(s",  says  Mr.  Tristram,  "are 
 now  grown  in  great  quanti- 
 ties in  Palestine  :  on  visiting 
 the  Arab  school  in  Jerusalem 
 (1858)  I  observed  that  the 
 dinner  which  the  children 
 brought  with  them  to  school 
 consisted,  without  exception, 
 of  a  piece  of  barley  cake  and  a 
 raw  cucumber,  which  they  eat 
 rind  and  all."  The  "  lodso  in 
 a  garden  of  cucumbers  "  (Is. 
 I.  8)  is  a  rude  temporary 
 shelter,  erected  in  the  ojien 
 giounds  where  vines,  cucum- 
 liers,  gourds  &.'c.,  are  gi'own, 
 in  which  some  lonely  man  or 
 • ,  ,     J,     boy  is  set  to  watch,  either  to 
 
 vniin  cup  Willi  handle.         -'     ,     ,         i       ,     ,.  ,  , 
 
 (i.a.vaid,  ii  303  i  guard  the  plants  trom  robbers, 
 or  to  scare  away  the  foxes  and 
 jackals  from  the  vines. 
 
 Cujninin,  one  of  the  culti- 
 vated plants  of  Palestine  (Is. 
 xxviii.  25,  27  ;  Jlatt.  xxiii. 
 23).  It  is  an  umbelliferous 
 plant  something  like  fennel. 
 
 (i.ayHrit  ii  304  )         ^  '"^    secds    navc    a    bitterish 
 See  .iii.  Cur.  warm  taste  with  an  aromatic 
 
 GUSH 
 
 181 
 
 flavour.  The  Malto.'^e  are  said  to  grow  it  at  the 
 present  day,  and  to  thre.sh  it  in  the  manner  described 
 by  Isaiah. 
 
 Cup.  The  chief  words  rendered  "  cup  "  in  the 
 A.  V.  are,  1.  cos;  2.  l.eshoth,  only  in  plural; 
 ?.  gebia.  The  cups  of  the  Jews,  whether  of  metal 
 or  eartlienware,  were  possibly  borrowed,  in  point 
 of  shape  and  design,  from  Egypt  and  from  the 
 Phoenicians,  who  were  celebrated  in  that  branch 
 of  workmanship.  Egyptian  cups  were  of  various 
 shapes,  either  with  handles  or  without  them.  In 
 Solomon's  time  all  his  drinking  vessels  were  of 
 gold, none  of  silver  (1  K.  x.  21).  Babylon  is  com- 
 pared to  a  golden  cup  (Jer.  Ii.  7).  The  great  laver, 
 or  "sea,"  was  made  with  a  rim  like  the  rim  of  a 
 cup  {Cos),  "  with  flowers  of  lilies"  (1  K.  vii.  26), 
 a  form  which  the  Persepolitan  cups  resemble.  The 
 common  form  of  modern  Oriental  cups  is  repre- 
 
 Modem  Egyptian  drinking-cups,  one-fifth  of  the  real  size.     (Lane.) 
 
 sented  in  the  accompanying  drawincr.  The  cups  of 
 the  N.  T.  were  often  no  doubt  formed  on  Greek  and 
 Roman  models.  They  were  sometimes  of  gold 
 (Kev.  xvii.  4). 
 
 Cup-Bearer.  An  officer  of  high  rank  with 
 Egyptian,  Pei-sian,  Assyrian,  as  well  as  Jewish 
 monarchs  (1  K.  x.  5).  The  chief  cupbearer,  or 
 butler,  to  the  king  of  Egypt  was  the  means  of 
 raising  Joseph  to  his  high  position  fGen.  xl.  1,  21, 
 xli.  9).  Kabshakeh  appears  from  his  name  to  have 
 filled  a  like  office  in  the  A.ssyrian  court  (2  K.  xviii. 
 J  7).  Nehemiah  was  cupbearer  to  Artaxerxes 
 Longimanus  king  of  Persia  (Neh.  i.  11,  ii.  1). 
 
 Curtains.  The  Hebrew  terms  translated  in  the 
 A.  V.  by  this  word  are  three:— 1.  Ycnofh;  the 
 ten  "  curtains  "  of  fine  linen,  and  also  the  eleven  of 
 goats'  hair,  which  covered  the  Tabernacle  of  Jloses 
 (Ex.  xxvi.  1-13;  rxxvi.  8-17).  The  charge  of 
 these  curtains  and  of  the  other  textile  fabrics  of 
 the  Tabernacle  was  laid  on  the  Gerslionites  (Num. 
 iv.  25).  Having  this  definite  meaning,  the  word 
 came  to  be  used  .as  a  synonym  for  the  Tabernacle 
 (2  Sam.  vii.  2).— 2.  Masac,  the  "hanging"  for 
 the  doorway  of  the  tabeniacle,  Ex.  xxvi.  38,  &c., 
 and  also  for  the  gate  of  the  court  round  the  taber- 
 nacle, Ex.  xxvii.  1 6,  &c.  The  rendering  "  curtain  " 
 occurs  but  once,  Num.  iii.  26.  The  idea  in  the  root 
 of  Ifdsdc  seems  to  be  that  of  shielding  or  protect- 
 ing.    If  this  be  so,  it  may  have  been  not  a  curtain 
 
 or  veil,  but  an  awning  to  shade  the  entrances. 
 
 3.  Pok.  This  word  is  found  but  once  (Is.  xl.  22), 
 and  its  meaning  is  doubtful. 
 
 Cush,  a  Benjamite  mentioned  only  in  the  title 
 to  Ps.  vii.  He  was  probably  a  follower  of  Saul, 
 the  head  of  his  tribe. 
 
 Cush,  the  name  of  a  son  of  Ham,  apparently  the 
 eldest,  and  of  a  territoiy  or  territories  occupied  by 
 liis  descendants.— 1.  In  the  genealogy  of  Noah's 
 children  Cush  seems  to  be  an  individual,  for  it  is 
 said  "  Cush  begat  Nimrod  "  (Gen.  x.  8 ;  1  Clir.  i. 
 10).  If  the  name  be  older  than  his  time  he  may 
 have  been  allied  after  a  country  allotted  to  him.— 
 
182 
 
 CUSHAN 
 
 2.  Cush  as  a  countiy  appears  to  be  African  in  all 
 passages  except  Gen.  ii.  13.  We  may  thus  distin- 
 guish a  pi  imaeval  and  a  post-diluvian  Cush.  The 
 tbrmer  was  encompassed  by  (jihon.thc  second  river 
 of  Paradise :  it  would  seem  tlierefore  to  have  been 
 somewhere  to  the  northward  of  Assyria.  It  is 
 poi^sible  that  Cush  is  in  this  case  a  name  of  a 
 piMiod  later  than  that  to  which  the  history  relates, 
 but  it  seems  more  probable  that  it  was  of  the 
 earliest  age,  and  that  the  African  Cusli  was  named 
 from  this  older  country.  In  the  ancient  Egyptian 
 inscriptions  Kthiopia  above  Egypt  is  termed  Keesh 
 or  Kcsh,  and  this  territory  probably  perfectly  cor- 
 responds to  the  African  Cush  of  the  Bible.  The 
 Cushites  however  had  clearly  a  wider  e.xtension,  like 
 the  Ethiopians  of  the  Greeks,  but  apparently  with 
 a  more  definite  ethnic  relation.  The  Cushites 
 appear  to  have  spread  along  tracts  extending  from 
 the  higher  Nile  to  the  Euphrates  and  Tigris.  His- 
 tory alfords  many  traces  of  this  relation  of  Baby- 
 lonia, Arabia,  and  Ethiopia.  Zerah  the  Cushite 
 (A.  V.  "  Ethiopian  ")  who  was  defeated  by  Asa, 
 was  most  probably  a  king  of  Egypt,  certainly  the 
 leadei'  of  an  Egyptian  army.  Very  soon  after  their 
 airival  in  Africa,  tiie  Cushites  appear  to  have 
 established  settlements  along  the  southern  .\nibian 
 coast,  on  the  Arabian  shore  of  tlie  Pei-sian  Gulf  and 
 in  Babylonia,  and  thence  onwards  to  the  Indus,  and 
 probably  northward  to  Nineveh  ;  and  the  Mizraites 
 spreading  along  the  south  and  east  shores  of  the 
 Mediterranean,  on  part  of  the  north  shore,  and  in 
 the  great  islands. 
 
 Ca'shan  (Hab.  iii.  7),  possibly  the  same  as  Cush- 
 an-rishathaim  (A.  V.  Chushan-)  king  of  Mesopo- 
 tamia (.ludg.  iii.  8,  10).  The  order  of  events 
 alluded  to  by  the  prophet  seems  to  favour  this  sup- 
 position. There  is  far  less  reason  for  the  supposition 
 that  Cushan  here  stands  tor  an  Asiatic  Ciisii. 
 
 Ca'shi.  Properly  "  the  Cusliite,"  "  the  ICthio- 
 pian,"  a  man  apparently  attached  to  Joab's  jierson, 
 but  unknown  and  unaccustomed  to  the  king,  as 
 may  be  inferred  from  his  not  being  recognised  by 
 the  watchman,  and  also  from  the  abrupt  manner  in 
 which  he  bieaks  his  evil  tidings  to  David.  That 
 Cushi  was  a  foieigner — as  we  should  infer  fiom 
 his  name — is  also  slightly  corroborated  by  his 
 ignorance  of  the  ground  in  the  Jordan  valley,  by 
 knowing  which  Ahimaaz  was  enabled  to  outrun 
 him  (2  Sam.  xviii.  21,  22,  23,  31,  32). 
 
 Cath  or  Cu'thah.  One  of  the  countries  whence 
 Shalniane-ser  introduced  colonists  into  Samaria  (2  K. 
 xvii.  24,  30).  The  position  of  Cuthah  is  undecided  ; 
 Josephus  speaks  of  a  river  of  that  name  in  Persia, 
 and  fixes  the  residence  of  the  Cuthaeans  in  the  in- 
 terior of  Persia  and  Media.  Two  localities  have 
 Ijeen  proposed,  each  of  which  corresjwnds  in  part, 
 but  neitlier  wholly,  with  Josephus'  acfcount.— 
 1.  Kutha,  of  the  Arab  geogi-aphei's,  between  the 
 Tigris  and  Euphrates,  the  site  of  which  has  been 
 identified  with  the  ruins  of  Toicibnli  immediately 
 ailjjHXMit  to  Bal)ylon.— 2.  The  Cuthaeans  have  been 
 identified  with  the  Cossaei,  a  warlike  tribe,  who 
 occu|)ied  the  mountiiin  ranges  dividing  Persia  and 
 Media. 
 
 Cutting  off  from  the   People.     [Escommu- 
 
 NIC'AIION.] 
 
 Cattings  [in  the  FleshJ.  The  prohibition 
 (Lev.  xix.  2><j  agaui.st  marks  or  cuttings  in  the 
 Hesh  for  the  dead  must  be  taken  in  connexion  with 
 the  parallel  pa-ssages  (Lev.  xxi.  .'>;  l)eiit.  xiv.  1),  in 
 which   shaving   the    heail    with    the  .same   view   is 
 
 CYPRIANS 
 
 e<iually  forbidden.  But  it  apjiears  from  Jer.  r\'i, 
 6,  7,  that  some  outward  manifestation  of  gi-ief  in 
 this  way  was  not  wholly  forbidden,  or  was  at  leiisi 
 tolerated.  The  ground,  therefore,  of  the  prohibitioii 
 must  be  sought  elsewhere,  and  will  be  found  in  the 
 superstitious  or  inhuman  practices  prevailing  among 
 hejithen  nations.  The  priests  of  Baal  cut  them- 
 selves with  knives  to  propitiate  the  god  "  atler  their 
 manner"  (1  K.  xviii.  28).  Herodotus  says  the 
 Carians,  who  resided  in  Europe,  cut  their  foreheads 
 with  knives  at  festivals  of  Isis;  in  this  respect  e.\- 
 ceeding  the  Egyptians,  who  beat  themselves  on 
 these  occasions  (Herod,  ii.  61).  Lucian,  speaking 
 of  the  Syrian  priestly  attendants  of  this  mock  deity, 
 says,  that  using  violent  gestures  they  cut  their 
 aims  and  tongues  with  swords.  The  prohibition, 
 therefore,  is  directed  against  practices  prevailing 
 not  among  the  Egyptians  whom  the  Israelites  were 
 leaving,  but  among  the  Syrians,  to  whom  they 
 were  about  to  bei-ome  neighbours.  But  there  is 
 another  usage  contemplated  more  remotely  by  the 
 prohibition,  viz.,  that  of  printing  marks,  tattooing, 
 to  indicate  allegiance  to  a  deity,  in  the  same  manner 
 as  soldiers  and  slaves  bore  t;»ttooed  marks  to  in- 
 dicate allegiance  or  adscription.  This  is  evidently 
 alluded  to  in  the  Revelation  of  St.  John  (xiii.  16, 
 xvii.  5,  xix.  20),  and,  though  in  a  contrary  direc- 
 tion, by  Ezekiel  (ix.  4),  by' St.  Paul  (Gal.  vi.  17), 
 in  the  Revelation  (vii.  3),  and  perhaps  by  Isaiah 
 (xliv.  5)  and  Zechariah  (xiii.  6). 
 
 Cy'amon,  a  place  named  only  in  Judith  vii.  3, 
 as  lying  in  the  plain  (A.  V.  "  valley  ")  over  against 
 Esdraelom.  If  by  "  Esdraelom  "  we  may  under- 
 stand Jezreel,  this  description  answers  to  the  situa- 
 tion of  the  modei'n  village  Tell  Kaimon,  on  the 
 eastern  slopes  of  Carmel,  in  a  conspicuous  position 
 overlooking  the  Kishonand  the  great  ])laiii. 
 
 Cymbal,  Cymbals,  a  percussive  musiail  instru- 
 ment. Two  kinds  of  cymbals  are  mentioned  in 
 Ps.  cl.  5,  "loud  cymbals"  or  castiujnettes,  and 
 "  high-sounding  cymbals."  The  former  consisted 
 of  four  small  plates  of  brass  or  of  some  other  hard 
 metal ;  two  jtlates  were  attached  to  each  hand  of 
 the  perfbrmei",  and  were  struck  together  to  produce 
 a  loud  noise.  The  latter  consisted  of  two  larger 
 plates,  one  held  in  each  hand,  and  struck  together 
 as  an  accompaniment  to  other  instruments.  The 
 use  of  cymbals  was  not  necessarily  restricted  to  the 
 worship  of  the  Tem])le  or  to  s;icred  occasions  :  they 
 were  emploj-ed  for  military  puipo.ses,  and  al.so  by 
 the  Hebrew  women  as  a  musical  accompaniment 
 to  their  national  dances.  Both  kinds  of  cvmbiils 
 are  still  common  in  the  East  in  military  music,  and 
 Niebuhr  often  lefers  to  them  in  his  travels.  The 
 "  bells "  of  Zech.  xiv.  20,  wciv  jirobably  concave  j)ieces 
 or  plates  of  brass  which  the  people  of  Palestine  and 
 Syria  attached  to  horses  by  way  of  ornament. 
 
 Cypress  i  lli'b.  tirzdh).  The  Heb.  word  is  found 
 only  in  Is.  xliv.  14.  We  are  quite  unable  to 
 assign  any  definite  rendering  to  it.  Besides  the 
 cypress,  the  "  beech,"  the  "  holm-oak,"  and  the 
 "  Hr "  have  been  proposed ;  but  there  is  nothing 
 in  the  etymology  of  the  Hebrew  name,  or  in  the 
 pa-ssage  wheie  it  occui-s,  to  guide  us  to  the  ti^ee 
 intended.  The  true  ^'ypress  is  a  native  of  the 
 Taurus.  The  Hebrew  word  ]>fiints  to  some  tree 
 with  a  hard  grain,  and  this  is  all  that  can  be  posi- 
 tively Slid  of  it. 
 
 Cyp'rians.  Inhabitants  of  the  island  of  Cyprus 
 (■J  M;i(c.  iv.  2!t).  At  the  time  alluded  (o  (that  is 
 during   the   reign    of  .Vntiochus    Epiphanes),  they 
 
CYPRUS 
 
 were  under  the  dominion  of  Etjypt,  and  wei'e 
 governed  by  a  viceroy  possessed  of  ample  powers. 
 Crates,  one  of  these  viceroys,  was  left  by  Sostratus 
 in  command  of  the  cjistle,  oi-  acropolis,  of  Jerusalem 
 while  he  vvas  summoned  before  the  king. 
 
 Cy  prus.  This  island  was  in  early  times  in  close 
 conimeici;\l  connexion  with  Phoenicia;  and  there  is 
 little  doubt  that  it  is  referred  to  in  such  passages 
 of  the  0.  T.  as  Ez.  xxvii.  6.  [Ciiittim.]  Jose- 
 phiis  makes  this  identification  in  the  most  e.xpiess 
 terms  {Ant.  i.  6,  §1).  Possibly  Jews  may  have 
 settled  in  Cyprus  betbie  the  time  of  Alexander. 
 Soon  after  his  time  tiiey  were  numerous  in  the 
 island,  as  is  distinctly  implied  in  I  Mace.  xv.  2o. 
 The  first  notice  of  it  in  the  N.  T.  is  in  Acts  iv.  36, 
 where  it  is  mentioned  as  the  native  place  of  Bar- 
 nabas. In  Acts  xi.  19,  20,  it  appears  prominently 
 in  connexion  with  the  earliest  spreading  of  Chiisti- 
 anity,  and  is  again  mentioned  in  connexion  with 
 the  missionaiy  journeys  of  St.  Paul  (Acts  xiii.  4-13, 
 XV.  39,  xxi.  3),  and  with  his  voyage  to  Rome 
 (xxvii.  4).  Situated  in  the  extreme  eastern  comer 
 of  the  Mediterranean,  with  the  range  of  Lebanon 
 on  the  east,  and  that  of  Taurus  on  the  north,  dis- 
 tinctly visible,  it  never  became  a  thoroughly  Greek 
 island.  Its  religious  rites  were  half  Oriental,  and 
 its  political  history  has  almost  always  been  associated 
 with  Asia  and  Africa.  It  was  rich  and  productive. 
 Its  fruits  and  flowers  were  famous.  The  mountains 
 also  produced  metals,  especially  copper.  The  island 
 became  a  Roman  province  (B.C.  58)  under  circum- 
 stiinces  discreditable  to  Rome.  At  first  its  ad- 
 ministration was  joined  with  that  of  Cilicia,  but 
 after  the  battle  of  Actiura  it  was  separately 
 governed.  In  the  first  division  it  was  made  an 
 imperial  province ;  but  the  emperor  afterwards 
 gave  it  up  to  the  Senate.  The  pro-consul  appears 
 to  have  resided  at  Paphos  on  the  west  ot  the  island. 
 
 CYRUS 
 
 18c 
 
 Copper  Coin  of  Cj-piiis,  under  Emp.  CUiudius. 
 Obv.  [CL,]AVT)1VS.CAESA[R].  Head  of  Kmp.  to  left.    Key. 
 Km  KoMINIoY  n[POKA]OY  ANSYDA  KYnPIcuN. 
 
 Cyre  ne,  the  principal  city  of  that  part  of  northern 
 Afrioi,  which  was  anciently  called  Cyrenaica,  and 
 also  (from  its  five  chief  cities)  Peutapolitana.  This 
 district  was  that  wide  projecting  poition  of  the 
 coast  (corresponding  to  the  modern  Tripoli),  \vh\ch 
 ■was  seijarated  fiom  the  territory  of  Carthage  on 
 the  one  hand,  and  that  of  Egypt  on  the  other.  Its 
 suriace  is  a  table-land  descending  by  terraces  to  the 
 sen ;  and  it  was  celebrated  for  its  climate  and  i'ev- 
 tility.  The  points  to  be  noticed  in  reference  to 
 Cyrene  as  connected  with  the  N.  T.  are  these, — 
 that,  though  on  the  African  coast,  it  was  a  Greek 
 city  ;  that  the  Jews  were  settled  there  in  large 
 numbei's,  and  that  under  the  Romans  it  was  politi- 
 cally connected  with  Crete.  The  Greek  colonisa- 
 tion of  this  pait  of  Africa  under  Battus  began  as 
 early  as  B.C.  631.  After  the  death  of  Alexander  the 
 (ireat,  it  bec;mie  a  dependency  of  Egypt.  It  is  in 
 tins  period  that  we   find  the  Jews  established  theiv 
 
 with  great  privileges,  having  been  introduced  by 
 Ptolemy  the  son  of  Lagus.  Soon  after  the  Jewish 
 war  they  rose  against  the  Roman  power.  In  the 
 year  B.C.  75  the  territory  of  Cyieiie  was  reduced 
 to  the  forni  of  a  province.  On  the  conquest  of 
 Crete  (B.C.  67)  the  two  were  united  in  one  pro- 
 vince, and  together  frequently  called  Creta-Cyrene. 
 The  numbers  and  position  of  the  Jews  in  Cyrene 
 prepare  us  for  the  i'lequent  mention  of  the  place  in 
 the  N.  T.  in  connexion  with  Christianity.  Simon, 
 who  bore  our  Saviour's  cross  (Matt,  xxvii.  32; 
 Mark  xv.  21  ;  Luke  xxiii.  26)  was  a  native  of  Cy- 
 rene. Jewish  dwellers  in  Cyrenaica  were  in  Jeru- 
 salem at  Pentecost  (Acts  ii.  10).  They  even  gave 
 their  name  to  one  of  the  synagogues  in  Jerusalem 
 (ib.  vi.  9).  ('hristian  converts  from  Cyiene  were 
 among  those  who  continbuted  actively  to  the  forma- 
 tion of  the  first  Gentile  church  at  Antioch  (xi.  20) 
 Lucius  of  Cyrene  (xiii.  1)  is  traditionally  said  to 
 have  been  the  first  bishop  of  his  native  district. 
 
 Tetradrachm  (Attic  talent)  of  Cyrene 
 
 Obv.  Sacred  silphium  plant.     Rev.  KYPA.    Head  of  bearded 
 
 Jupiter  AmtnoD  to  the  right. 
 
 Cjnre'nias,  the  literal  English  rendering  in  the 
 A.  V.  of  the  Greek  name,  which  is  itself  the  Gi'eek 
 form  of  the  Roman  name  QuiRiNUS.  'i'he  full 
 name  is  Publius  Sidpicius  Quirinus.  He  was 
 consul  A.u.C.  742,  B.C.  12,  and  made  governor  of 
 Syria  after  the  banishment  of  Archelaus  in  A.D.  6. 
 He  was  sent  to  make  an  enrolment  of  property  in 
 Syria,  and  made  accordingly,  both  there  and  in 
 Judaea,  a  census  or  airoypa<pT].  But  this  census 
 seems  in  Luke  (ii.  2)  to  be  identified  with  one 
 which  took  place  at  the  time  of  the  birth  of  Christ, 
 when  Sentius  Saturninus  was  governor  of  Syria. 
 Hence  has  aiisen  a  considerable  difficulty,  which 
 has  been  variously  solved,  either  by  suppo.sing  some 
 corruption  in  the  text  of  St.  Luke,  or  by  giving 
 some  unusual  sense  to  his  words.  But  A.  W. 
 Zumpt,  of  Beilin,  has  shown  it  to  be  probable  that 
 Quirinus  was  tvnce  governor  of  Syria,  and  by 
 arguments  too  long  to  be  reproduced  here,  but  very 
 striking  and  satisfactory,  fixes  the  lime  of  his  first 
 i;overnorsliip  at  from  B.C.  4  to  B.C.  1,  when  he 
 was  succeeded  by  M.  Lollius. 
 
 Cyrus,  the  founder  of  the  Persian  empire  (see 
 Dan.  vi.  28.  x.  1,  13;  2  Chr.  xxxvi.  22,  2:5),  was, 
 according  to  the  common  legend,  the  son  of  Man- 
 ilane,  the  daughter  of  Astyages  the  hist  king  oi 
 Media,  and  Cambvses  a  Persian  of  the  royal  family 
 of  the  Achaemenidae.  In  consequence  of  a  dream, 
 Astyages,  it  is  said,  designed  the  death  ef  his 
 infant  grandson,  but  the  child  was  spared  by  those 
 whom  he  charged  with  the  commission  of  the  ci'inie, 
 and  was  reared  in  obscurity  under  the  name  ot 
 Agradates.  When  he  grew  up  to  manhood  his 
 courage  and  genius  placed  him  at  the  head  of  the 
 Persians.  The  tyranny  of  Astyages  h.ad  at  that 
 time  alienated  a  large  fa<',tion  of  the  Mede.s,  and 
 Cyrus  headed  a  revolt  which  ended  in  the  defeat 
 
184 
 
 DABAREH 
 
 DALMANUTHA 
 
 Tomb  of  Cyrus  nt  Murg-Auli,  the  undent  Pnsarpndo 
 
 »iid  capture  of  the  IMeilian  kino;  u.C.  559,  near 
 Pasargadae.  After  consolidating  the  empire  which 
 he  thus  gained,  Cyrus  entered  on  that  career  of 
 Conquest  whicli  has  made  him  the  hero  of  the  east. 
 In  H.C.  546  (?)  he  defeated  Croesus,  and  tlie  king- 
 dom of  Lydia  was  the  prize  of  his  success.  Babylon 
 fell  before  his  army,  and  the  ancient  dominions  of 
 Assyria  were  added  to  his  empire  (B.C.  538).  It 
 is  probable  that  Cyrus  planned  an  invasion  of 
 Kgypt ;  and  there  are  traces  of  campaigns  in  Central 
 Asia,  in  which  he  appears  to  have  attempted  to 
 extend  his  power  to  the  Indus.  Afterwards  he 
 attacked  the  Massagetae,  and  according  to  Hero- 
 dotus fell  in  a  battle  against  them  I5.C.  529.  His 
 tomb  is  still  shown  at  Pasargadae,  the  scene  of  his 
 first  decisive  victory.  Hitherto  the  great  kings, 
 with  whom  the  .lews  had  been  brought  into  contact, 
 had  been  open  oppres>ors  or  seductive  allies;  but 
 Cyrus  was  a  generous  liberator  and  a  just  guardian 
 of  their  rights.  An  inspired  prophet  (Is.  xliv.  28) 
 recognised  in  him  "a  shepherd"  of  the  Lord,  an 
 "anointed"  king  (Is.  .\lv.  1).  Cyrus  stands  out 
 clearly  as  the  representative  of  the  east,  as  Alex- 
 ander atterwanls  of  the  west.  The  one  led  to  the 
 development  of  the  idea  of  order,  and  the  other  to 
 that  of  independence.  Ecclesiastically  the  first  (-risis 
 was  signalised  by  the  consolidation  of  a  Church  ; 
 the  se<-ond  liy  the  distinction  of  sects.  The  one 
 found  its  oiitward  embodiment  in  "  the  great  Svna- 
 gogue-;"  the  other  in  the  dynasty  of  the  Asmo- 
 naeans.  The  edict  of  Cyrus  for  the  rebuilding  of 
 the  Temple  (2  Chr.  ixxvi.  22,  2A  ;  Kzr.  i.  1-4,  iii. 
 7,  iv.  3,  V.  \^^,  17,  vi.  3)  was  in  fact  the  beginning 
 of  Judaism  ;  and  the  gre.-'t  changes  by  which  the 
 nation  w;is  transformed  into  a  church  are  clearly 
 marked. 
 
 Dab'areh,  .Tosh  x\i.  28.  This  nnme  is  incor- 
 re<;tiy  s)K'It  in  the  A.  V'.,  mid  should  lie  l>AnERATII ; 
 which  xee. 
 
 Dabbash'eth,  a  town  on  the  boundary  of  Zebu 
 lun  (,losh.  .xix.  11). 
 
 Dab'erath  (with  the  art.  ill  Josh.),  a  town  on 
 the  boundary  of  Zcbulun  (Josh.  six.  12)  named  as 
 next  to  Chis'loth-Tabor.  But  in  1  Chr.  vi.  72,  and 
 in  Josh.  xxi.  28,  it  is  said  to  belong  to  Issiichar. 
 Under  the  name  of  Debarich  it  still  lies  at  the 
 western  foot  of  Tabor. 
 
 Da'bria,  one  of  the  five  swift  scribes  who  re- 
 corded the  visions  of  Esdras  (2  Ksd.  .xiv.  24  ;  comp. 
 .■)7.  42  \ 
 
 Daco'bi,  1  Esd.  v.  28.    [Akkub.] 
 
 Dadde'us  or  Sadde'us  (1  Esd.  viii.  45,  46),  a 
 corrnj)ti(in  of  Iddo  (Ezr.  viii.  17). 
 
 Da'gon,  apparently  the  masculine  (1  Sam.  v.  3. 
 4)  corielative  of  Atargatis,  was  the  national  god 
 of  the  Pliilistines.  The  most  famous  temples  of 
 Dagon  were  at  Gaza  (Judg.  xvi.  21-30)  and  Ash- 
 dod  (1  Sam.  v.  5,  6 ;  1  Chr.  .x.  10).  The  latter 
 temple  was  destroyed  by  Jonathan  in  the  Wacca- 
 baean  wars  (1  Mace.  x.  83,  84,  xi.  4).  Traces  of 
 the  worship  of  Dagon  likewise  appear  in  the  names 
 Caphar-Dagon  (near  Janinia),  and  I'eth-Dagon  in 
 Judah  (Josh.  xv.  41)  and  Asher  (.losh.  xix.  27). 
 Dagon  was  represented  with  the  face  and  hands  of  n 
 man  and  the  tail  of  a  fish  (1  Sam.  v.  5).  The 
 fish-like  fonnwas  a  natural  emblem  of  fruitfulness, 
 and  as  such  was  likely  to  be  adopted  by  seafaring 
 tribes  in  the  re]>resentation  of  their  gods. 
 
 Dai'san,  1  Esd.  v.  31.  Ri:zi.\  (Ezr.  ii.  48) ; 
 by  the  (Mimmonly  repeated  change  of  U  to  D. 
 
 Dalai'ah.  The  sixth  son  of  Elioenai,  a  descendant 
 of  the  royal  family  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iii.  24). 
 
 Dalmanu'tha.      From  a  comj>arison   of  Matt. 
 
 XV.   39   and  Mark  viii.    10  we  may  conclude  that 
 
 Dalnianutha  was  a  town  on  the  west  side  of  the 
 
 Sea  of  Galilee  near  Magdala.     The  latter  stood  close 
 
 upon  the  shore,  at  the  southern  end  of  the  little 
 
 jil.iin  of  (iennesai-ot.     [M.vodala.]     Alwut  a  mile 
 
 j  from  Magdala  is  a  narrow  glen  to  the  .south,  at  the 
 
 I  mouth  of  which  are  the   ruins  of  a  village.     The 
 
 I  pl.nce  is  called  ' Ain-d- HArklch,  '  the  cold  Fountain." 
 
 Here  in   all  prob.ability  is  the  site  of  the  long  io«t 
 
 Dalmanuthn. 
 
DALMATIA 
 
 DAMASCUS 
 
 185 
 
 Fisli-god.    From  JCimroud,     (Layard.)    See  art  DAGON. 
 
 Dalma'tia,  a  mountainous  district  on  the  eastein 
 coast  of  tlie  Adriatic  Sea,  extending  from  the  river 
 Naro  in  the  S.  to  the  Savus  in  the  N.  St.  Paul 
 sent  Titus  there  (2  Tim.  iv.  10),  and  he  himself  had 
 preached  the  Gospel  in  its  immediate  neighbour- 
 hood ( Horn.  XV.  19). 
 
 Dal'phon.  The  second  of  the  ten  sons  of  Haman 
 (Ksth.  ix.  7). 
 
 Dam'aris,  an  Athenian  woman  converted  to 
 Christianity  b3'St.  Paul's  preaching  (Actsxvii.  34). 
 Chrysostom  and  others  held  her  to  have  been  the 
 wife  of  Dionysius  the  Areopagite. 
 
 Damascus  is  one  of  the  most  ancient,  and  has 
 at  all  times  been  one  of  the  most  important,  of  the 
 cities  of  Syria.  It  is  situated  in  a  plain  of  vast 
 size  and  of  extreme  fertility,  which  lies  east  of  the 
 great  chain  of  Anti-Libaiuis,  on  the  edge  of  the 
 deseii.  This  fertile  plain,  which  is  nearly  ciicula"r, 
 and  about  30  miles  in  diameter,  is  due  to  the  river 
 Barada.  which  is  probably  the  "  Abana"  of  Scrip- 
 ture. This  stream,  rising  high  up  on  the  western 
 tlnnk  of  Anti-Libanus,  forces  its  way  through  the 
 chain,  running  for  some  time  among  the  mountiins, 
 till  suddenly  it  bursts  throucjh  a  narrow  cleft  upon 
 till'  open  country  east  of  the  hills,  and  diffuses 
 fertility  far  and  wide.  Two  other  streams,  the 
 Wadi)  Helbon  upon  the  north,  and  the  Av:aj  upon 
 the  south,  which  flows  direct  from  Hermou,  increase 
 the  fertility  of  the  Damascene  plain,  and  contend 
 for  the  honour  of  representing  the  "  Pharpar  "  of 
 Scripture.  According  to  Josephus,  Damascus  was 
 foiuicled  by  IJz,  the  son  of  Aram,  and  grandson  of 
 Shem.     It  is  first  mentioned  in  Scripture  in  con- 
 
 nexion with  Abraham  (Gen.  xiv.  15],  whose  steward 
 was  a  native  of  the  place  (xv.  2).  We  may  gather 
 from  the  name  of  this  person,  as  well  as  from  the 
 statement  of  Josephus,  which  connects  the  city  with 
 the  Aramaeans,  that  it  was  a  Shemitic  settlement. 
 Nothing  more  is  known  of  Damascus  until  the  time 
 of  David,  when  "  the  Syrians  of  Damascus  came  to 
 succour  Hadadezei-,  king  of  Zobah,"  with  whom 
 David  was  at  war  (2  Sam.  viii.  5  ;  1  Chr.  xviii.  5). 
 On  this  occasion  David  "  slew  of  the  Syrians 
 22,000  men ; "  and  in  consequence  of  this  victory 
 became  completely  master  of  the  whole  territory, 
 which  he  gunisoned  with  Israelites  (2  Sam.  viii. 
 6).  It  appears  that  in  the  reign  of  Solomon,  a 
 certain  Rezon,  who  had  been  a  subject  of  Hadad- 
 ezer,  king  of  Zobah,  and  had  escaped  when  David 
 conquered  Zobah,  made  himself  master  of  Damas- 
 cus, and  established  his  own  rule  there  (]  K.  xi. 
 23-25).  Afterwards  the  family  of  Hadad  appears 
 to  have  recovered  the  throne,  and  a  Benhadad, 
 grandson  of  the  antagonist  of  David,  is  found  in 
 league  with  Baasha,  king  of  Israel,  against  Asa 
 (1  K.  XV.  19;  2  Chr.  xvi.  .3),  and  afterwards  in 
 league  with  Asa  against  Baasha  (1  K.  xv.  20). 
 He  was  succeeded  by  his  son,  Hadad  IV.  (the  Ben- 
 hadad  II.  of  Sciiptuie),  who  was  defeated  by  Ahab 
 (1  K.  xs.).  Three  years  afterwards  war  broke  out 
 afresh,  through  the  claim  of  Ahab  to  the  city  of 
 liamoth-Gilead  (1  K.  xxii.  1-4).  The  defeat  and 
 death  of  Ahab  at  that  place  (ib.  15-37)  seem  to 
 have  enabled  the  Syrians  of  Damascus  to  resume 
 the  offensive.  Their  bands  lavaged  the  lands  of 
 Israel  during  the  reign  of  Jehorain  ;  and  they  even 
 undertook  at  this  time  a  second  siege  of  Samaria, 
 which  was  frustrated  miraculously  (2  K.  vi.  24, 
 vii.  6,  7).  After  this,  we  do  not  hear  of  any  more 
 attempts  against  the  Israelite  capital.  The  cuiiei- 
 tbrm  inscriptions  show  that  towards  the  close  of  his 
 relgu  Benhadad  was  exposed  to  the  assaults  of  a 
 great  conqueror,  Avho  was  bent  on  extending  the 
 dominion  of  Assyria  over  Syria  and  Palestine.  It 
 may  have  been  these  circumstances  which  encouraged 
 Hazael,  the  servant  of  Benhadad,  to  murder  him, 
 and  seize  the  throne,  which  Elisha  had  declared 
 would  certainly  one  day  be  his  (2  K.  viii.  15). 
 Shortly  after  the  accession  of  Hazael  (about  B.C. 
 884),  he  was  in  his  turn  attacked  by  the  Assyrians, 
 who  defeated  him  with  great  loss  amid  the  fast- 
 nesses of  Anti-Libanus.  However,  in  his  wars 
 with  Israel  and  Judah  he  was  more  fortunate,  and 
 his  son  Benhadad  followed  up  his  sut'cesses.  At 
 last  a  deliverer  appeared  (verse  5),  and  Joash,  the 
 son  of  Jehoahaz,"  beat  Hazael  thrice,  and  recovered 
 the  cities  of  Israel"  (verse  25).  In  the  next  reign 
 still  further  advantages  were  gained  by  the  Israelites, 
 .lerolioam  II.  (ab.  B.C.  836)  is  said  to  have  "  reco- 
 vered Damascus  "  (2  K.  xiv.  28),  and  though  this 
 may  not  mean  that  he  captured  the  city,  it  at  least 
 implies  that  he  obtained  a  certain  influence  over  it. 
 A  century  later  (ab.  B.C.  742)  the  Synans  appear 
 as  allies  of  Israel  against  Judah  (2  K.  xv.  37).  It 
 seems  to  have  been  during  a  pause  in  the  struggle 
 against  Assyria  that  Kezin  king  of  Damascus,  and 
 I'ekah  king  of  Israel,  resolved  conjointly  to  attack 
 Jerusalem,  intending  to  depose  Ahaz  and  set  up 
 as  king  a  creature  of  their  own  (Is.  vii.  1-6; 
 2  K.  XV).  5).  Jerusalem  successfully  maintained 
 itself  against  tlie  combined  attack.  Ahaz  was  in- 
 duced to  throw  himself  into  (he  arms  of  Tiglath- 
 Pileser,  to  ask  aid  from  him,  and  to  accept  volun- 
 tarily the  position  of  an  Assyrian  feudatory  (ib. 
 
186 
 
 DAN 
 
 xvi.  7,  8).  The  aid  souijht  was  given,  with  tlie 
 important  result,  tlmt  iU'ziii  was  slain,  the  king- 
 dom of  Damascus  brought  to  an  end,  and  the  city 
 itself  destroyed,  the  inhabitants  being  carried  taj)- 
 tive  into  Assyria  (2  K.  xvi.  9;  com]).  Is.  vii.  8 
 and  Am.  i.  5).  It  was  long  before  Damascus  re- 
 covered from  this  serious  blow.  We  do  not  know 
 at  what  time  Damascus  was  rebuilt ;  but  Strabo 
 says  that  it  was  the  most  famous  place  in  Syria 
 during  the  Persian  ])eriod.  At  the  time  of  the 
 Gospel  history,  and  of  the  a])ostle  Paul,  it  foimed 
 a  part  of  the  kingdom  of  Aretas  (2  Cor.  xi.  32),  an 
 Arabian  prince,  who  held  his  kingdom  under  the 
 Romans.  Dam;iscus  has  always  been  a  great  centre 
 for  tiade.  It  would  appear  from  Kz.  xxvii.  that 
 Damascus  took  manufactured  goods  from  the  Phoeni- 
 cians, and  supplied  them  in  exchange  with  wool 
 and  wine.  But  the  p;issago  trade  of  Damascus  has 
 probably  been  at  all  times  more  impoitant  than  its 
 direct  commerce.— Certiiin  localities  in  Damascus 
 are  shown  as  the  site  of  those  Scriptural  events 
 which  especially  interest  us  in  its  history.  A  "  long 
 wide  thoroughfare,"  leading  direct  from  one  of 
 the  gates  to  the  Qistle  or  palace  of  the  Pasha,  is 
 "called  by  the  guides  'Straight'  "  (Acts  ix.  11)  ; 
 but  the  natives  know  it  among  themselves,  as  "  the 
 Street  of  Bazaars."  'I'he  house  of  Judas  is  shown, 
 but  it  is  not  in  the  street  "Straight."  That  of 
 Ananias  is  also  pointed  out.  The  scene  of  the  con- 
 version is  conH<Iently  said  to  be  an  open  green 
 spot,  surrounded  by  trees,  and  usetl  as  the  Christian 
 burial-ground  ;  but  four  distinct  spots  have  been 
 pointed  out  at  different  times,  so  that  little  con- 
 fidence can  be  placed  in  any  of  them.  The  point 
 of  the  walls  at  which  St.  Paul  was  let  down  by 
 a  basket  (Acts  ix.  25 ;  2  Cor.  xi.  33)  is  also 
 shown. 
 
 Dan.  1.  The  fifth  son  of  Jacob,  and  the  first 
 of  Bilhah,  liachel's  maid  (Gen.  xxx.  tj).  The  origin 
 of  the  name  is  given  in  the  exclamation  of  I{;ichel — 
 "  '  (Jod  hath  jiulijed  me  {dawinni)  .  .  .  mid  given 
 me  a  son,'  therefore  she  called  his  name  Dan,"  i.e. 
 "judge."  In  the  blessing  of  Jacob  (Gen.  xlix.  16) 
 this  play  on  the  name  is  repeated — "  Dan  shall 
 judge  {yddin)  his  people."  The  records  of  Dan 
 are  unusually  meagre.  Of  the  patriarch  himself, 
 unfortunately,  no  ])ersonal  history  is  j)reserved. 
 Only  one  son  is  attributed  to  him  (Gen.  xlvi.  23); 
 but  when  the  peojile  were  numbered  in  the  wikler- 
 ness  of  Sinai,  liis  tribe  was,  with  the  exception  of 
 Judah,  the  most  numerous  of  all,  containing  li2,T00 
 men  able  to  serve.  The  jmsition  of  Dan  duruig  the 
 maich  through  the  desert  was  on  the  north  side  of 
 tliC  tabernacle  (Num.  ii.  25),  the  hindmost  of  the 
 long  procession  (ii.  31,  x.  25).  It  arrived  at  the 
 threshold  of  the  Piomiseil  Land,  and  jiassed  the 
 Dideal  of  the  rites  of  Baal-peor  (Num.  xxv.)  with 
 ;ui  increase  of  1700  on  the  earlier  census.  The 
 remaining  notices  of  the  tribe  before  tlie  passjige 
 <pf  the  Jordan  are  unimportuit.  It  furnished  a 
 "  prince  "  to  itu'  ajijwrtionnient  of  the  land  ;  and 
 it  wa-s  apiM)inted  to  stiuid  on  Mount  Ebal  at  the 
 .-.•ninony  of  blessing  and  cursing  (Deut.  xxvil.  13). 
 AftiT  this  nothing  is  heard  of  Dan  till  the  speoiHca- 
 tiou  of  the  inheritance  allottc-d  to  him  (Josh.  xix. 
 48).  He  was  the  last  of  the  tribes  to  receive  his 
 |)ortion,  anil  tliat  jwrtioii,  according  to  the  recorii 
 of  .lohliuM,  hlrangi?  as  it  appears  in  the  face  of  the 
 nunil.«eis  ju>t  (|iiote>l,  was  the  smallest  of  the 
 twelve.  But  notwithstanding  its  smalliies.s  it  had 
 taiiiieiit  natural  advantigcs.    On  the  north  luid  east 
 
 DAN 
 
 it  was  completely  embraced  by  its  two  biothcr-tribes 
 Kphiaim  and  Benjamin,  while  on  the  .south-east 
 and  .south  it  joined  Judah,  and  was  thus  siirroundecl 
 by  the  three  most  )iowoiful  stites  of  the  whole 
 confederacy.  From  Jaj)lio — afterwards  .loppa,  and 
 now  Vufa — on  the  north,  to  Ekron  and  Gathiim- 
 mon  on  the  south,  a  length  of  at  least  14  miles, 
 that  noble  tract,  one  of  the  most  fertile  in  the  whole 
 of  Palestine,  w;is  allotted  to  this  tiibe.  But  thi.s 
 rich  district,  the  corn-Held  and  the  garden  of  the 
 whole  south  of  Palestine,  was  too  valuable  to  be 
 given  up  without  a  struggle  by  its  original  pos- 
 sessors. The  Amorites  accordingly  "  forced  the 
 children  of  Dan  into  the  mountiin,  for  they  would 
 not  suffer  them  to  come  down  into  the  valley " 
 (Judg.  i.  34) — forced  them  up  from  the  coni-fiekU 
 of  the  plain,  with  their  dceji  bhick  soil,  to  the  vil- 
 lages whose  ruins  still  crown  the  hills  that  skirt  the 
 lowland.  With  the  help  of  Kphiaim,  Dan  prevailed 
 against  the  Amorites  fur  a  time,  but  in  a  few  ye;n's 
 the  Philistines  took  the  place  of  the  Amorites  and 
 with  the  same  result.  These  considerations  enable 
 us  to  understand  how  it  happened  that  long  after 
 the  partition  of  the  land  "  all  the  inheritance  of 
 the  Danites  had  not  fallen  to  them  among  the  tribes 
 of  Isinel  "  (Judg.  xviii.  1).  They  also  explain  the 
 warlike  and  independent  character  of  the  tribe  be- 
 tokened in  the  name  of  their  head-quarteis  Jla- 
 haneh-Dan,  "  the  camp,  or  host,  of  Dan,"  in  the 
 fact  sjiecially  insisted  on  and  reiterated  (xviii.  11, 
 16,  17)  of  the  complete  e<juipment  of  their  600 
 warriors  "  a[)]M)inted  with  weapons  of  w'ar," — and 
 the  lawless  freebootiiig  style  of  their  behaviour  to 
 Mic;di.  In  the  "security"  and  "quiet"  (Judg. 
 xviii.  7,  10)  of  their  rich  northern  possession  the 
 Danites  enjoyed  the  leisure  ami  repose  which  had 
 been  denied  them  in  tlieir  original  seat.  But  of 
 the  fate  of  the  city  to  which  they  gave  "the  name 
 of  their  father"  (Josh.  xix.  47),  we  know  scsircely 
 anything.  In  the  time  of  David  Dan  still  kejit  its 
 place  among  the  tribes  (1  Clir.  xii.  35).  Asher  is 
 omitted,  but  the  "prince  of  the  tribe  of  Dan''  is 
 mentioned  in  the  list  of  1  Chr.  xxvii.  22.  But 
 from  this  time  forward  the  name  as  afiplied  to  the 
 tribe  vanishes;  it  is  kept  alive  only  by  the  northern 
 city.  In  the  genealogies  of  1  Chr.  ii.-xii.  Dan 
 is  omitted  entirely.  L;istly,  Dan  is  omitted  from 
 the  list  of  those  who  were  sealed  by  the  Angel  in 
 the  vision  of  St.  John  (Rev.  vii.  5-7).— 2.  The 
 well-known  city,  so  familiar  as  the  most  northern 
 landmark  of  Palestine,  in  the  cominon  expression 
 "  from  Dan  even  to  Beeisheba."  The  name  of  the 
 l)lace  was  originally  Laisii  or  Lkshk.M  (.Josh.  xix. 
 47).  Its  inliabitants  lived  "after  the  manner  of 
 the  Zidoniaus,"  j.  <?.  fiigaged  in  commerce,  and 
 without  defence.  Living  thus  "quiet  and  secure," 
 they  fell  an  easy  prey  to  the  active  and  practised 
 freebooters  of  the  Danites.  They  confeneil  iijwn 
 their  new  acquisition  the  name  of  their  own  tribe, 
 "  after  the  name  of  their  father  who  was  born  unto 
 Israel  "  (Judg.  xviii.  211 ;  .losh.  xix.  47),  and  Liish 
 becimie  Daii.  The  locality  of  the  town  is  sjtecified 
 with  some  minuteness.  It  was  "  far  from  Zidon," 
 and  "  in  the  valley  that  is  by  Beth-rehob;"  but,  as 
 this  latter  jilace  has  not  been  iiK-nfitiiil  with  cer- 
 tainty, the  position  of  Dan  must  be  ascortuneil  hj 
 other  means.  Atler  the  eslabli>hn)P]it  ot'the  Daniles 
 at  Dan  it  became  the  acknowledged  extremity  of 
 the  country.  Dan  was,  with  other  northern  cities, 
 laid  waste  hy  Beiihadad  (1  K.  xv.  20;  2  Chr.  xvi. 
 4),  and  this  is  the  last  mention  of  the  place.  Variou.i 
 
DANITES,  THE 
 
 considerations  would  incline  to  the  suspicion  that 
 Dan  was  a  holy  place  of  note  fioiii  a  far  earlier  date 
 than  its  conquest  by  the  Danites.  With  regard  to 
 Gen.  xiv.  14  three  explanations  suggest  themselves. 
 —  1.  That  anotiier  place  of  the  same  name  is  in- 
 tended.—2.  That  it  is  a  prophetic  anticipation  by 
 the  sacred  historian  of  a  name  which  was  not  to 
 exist  till  centuries  later.— 3.  That  the  passage 
 originally  contained  an  older  name,  as  Laish  ;  and 
 that  when  that  was  superseded  by  Dan,  the  new 
 name  was  inserted  in  the  MSS.  This  last  is  Ewald's, 
 and  of  the  three  is  the  most  probable.  The  Tell  el- 
 Kadi,  a  mound  from  the  foot  of  which  gushes  out 
 one  of  the  largest  fountains  in  the  world,  the  main 
 «;ource  of  the  Jordan,  is  very  probably  the  site  of 
 tiie  town  and  citadel  of  Dan.  The  spring  is  called 
 el  Leddan,  possibly  a  corruption  of  Dan,  and  the 
 stream  from  the  spring  Nahr  ed  Dhan,  while  the 
 name,  Tell  el  Kadi,  "  the  .Judge's  mound,"  agrees 
 in  signification  with  the  ancient  name. — 3.  Appar- 
 ently the  name  of  a  city,  associated  with  Javan,  as 
 one  of  the  places  in  Southern  Arabia  from  which 
 the  Phoenicians  obtained  wrought  iron,  cassia,  and 
 calamus  (Ez.  xxvii.  19).  Nothing  is  certainly  known 
 about  it. 
 
 Dan'ites,  The.  The  descendants  of  Dan,  and 
 members  of  his  tribe  (Judg.  xiii.  2,  xviii.  1,  II  ; 
 1  Clir.  xii.  35). 
 
 Dan-ja'an,  a  place  named  only  in  2  Sam.  xxiv.  6 
 •as  one  of  the  points  visited  by  Joab  in  taking  the 
 census  of  the  people.  It  occurs  between  Gilead 
 and  Zidon — and  therefore  may  have  been  somewhere 
 in  the  direction  of  Dan  (Laish),  at  the  sources  of 
 the  .lordan.  There  seems  no  reason  for  doubting 
 that  the  well  known  Dan  is  intended. 
 
 Dance.  The  dance  is  spoken  of  in  Holy  Scrip- 
 ture universally  as  symbolical  of  some  rejoicing,  and 
 is  often  coupled  for  the  sake  of  contrast  with  mourn- 
 ing, as  in  Eccl.  iii.  4  (comp.  Ps.  xxx.  11  ;  Matt, 
 xi.  17).  In  the  earlier  period  it  is  found  combined 
 with  some  song  or  refrain  (Ex.  xv.  20,  xxxii.  18, 
 19;  1  Sam.  xxi.  11);  and  with  the  tambourine 
 (A.V.  "timbrel"),  more  especially  in  those  im- 
 pulsive outbursts  of  popular  feeling  which  cannot 
 find  sufficient  vent  in  voice  or  in  gesture  singly. 
 Dancing  formed  apart  of  the  religious  ceremonies  of 
 the  Egyi)tians,  and  was  also  common  in  private 
 entertainments.  Many  representations  of  dances 
 both  of  men  and  women  are  found  in  the  Egyptian 
 paintings.  The  "  feast  unto  the  Lord,"  which 
 Moses  proposed  to  Pharaoh  to  hold,  was  really  a 
 dance.  Women,  however,  among  the  Hebrews 
 made  the  dance  their  especial  means  of  expressing 
 their  feelings ;  and  so  welcomed  their  husbands  or 
 friends  on  their  return  from  battle.  The  "  eating 
 and  drinking  and  dancing  "  of  the  Amalekites  is 
 recorded,  as  is  the  people's  "  rising  up  to  play," 
 with  a  tacit  censure.  So  among  the  Bedouins, 
 native  dances  of  men  are  mentioned,  and  are  pro- 
 bably an  ancient  custom.  The  Hebi-ews,  however, 
 save  in  such  moments  of  temptation,  seein  to  have 
 left  dancing  to  the  women.  But  more  especially, 
 on  such  occasions  of  triumph,  any  woman  whose 
 nearness  of  kin  to  the  champion  of  the  moment 
 gave  her  a  public  character  among  her  own  sex, 
 seems  to  liave  felt  that  it  was  her  part  to  lead  such 
 a  demonstration  of  triumph,  or  of  welcome  (Ex.  xv. 
 20  ;  Judg.  xi.  34).  This  marks  the  peculiarity  of 
 David's  conduct,  when,  on  the  return  of  the  Ark  of 
 God  from  its  long  sojourn  among  strangeis  and 
 borderers,  he  (2  Sam.  vi.  5-22)  was  himself  cho- 
 
 DANCE 
 
 18; 
 
 rcqus;  and  here  too  the  women,  with  their  timbrels, 
 (see  especially  vv.  5,  19,  20,  22),  took  an  impoitant 
 share.  This  fact  brings  out  more  markedly  the 
 feelings  of  Saul's  daughter  Michal,  keeping  aloof 
 from  the  ocaision,  and"  looking  through  awindow" 
 at  the  scene.  She  should,  in  accordance  with  the 
 examples  of  Miriam,  &c.,  have  herself  led  the  female 
 choir,  and  so  come  out  to  meet  the  Ark  and  her 
 lord.  She  stays  with  the  "  household  "  (ver.  20), 
 and  "  comes  out  to  meet "  him  with  reproaches, 
 perhaps  feeling  that  his  zeal  was  a  rebuke  to  her 
 apathy.  From  the  mention  of  "  damsels,"  "  tim- 
 brels," and  "  dances  "  (Ps.  Ixviii.  25,  cxlix.  3,  cl. 
 4),  as  elements  of  religious  worship,  it  may  perhajis 
 be  inferred  that  David's  feeling  led  him  to  incorpo- 
 rate in  its  rites  that  popular  mode  of  festive  cele- 
 bration. In  the  earlier  period  of  the  Judges  the 
 dances  of  the  virgins  in  Shi'oh  (Judg.  xxi.  19-23) 
 were  cei'tainly  part  of  a  religious  festivity.  Dancing 
 also  had  its  place  among  merely  festive  amusements 
 apart  from  any  religious  character  (Jer.  xxxi.  4, 
 13  ;   Lam.  v.  15  ;  j\lark  vi.  22  ;  Luke  xv.  25). 
 
 Egyptian  dances  (Wilkinson). 
 
 Dance.  By  this  word  is  rendered  in  the  A.  V 
 the  Hebrew  term,  mdchol,  a  musical  insti-ument 
 of  percussion,  supposed  to  have  been  used  by  the 
 Hebrews  at  an  early  peiiod  of  their  h;story.  In 
 the  grand  Hallelujah  Psalm  (cl.)  which  closes  that 
 magnificent  collection,  the  sacred  poet  exhorts  man- 
 kind to  praise  Jehovah  in  His  sanctuary  with  all 
 kinds  of  music  ;  and  amongst  the  instruments  men- 
 
188 
 
 DANIEL 
 
 Masicfll  Instniinenfs.     Dunce. 
 
 tiorifKl  at  tlie  3ri],  4th,  and  oth  veises  is  found 
 htaihol.  It  is  r;piioi;ilIy  belie vod  to  have  been 
 m;iile  of  metal,  open  like  a  ring:  it  hail  many 
 small  bells  attached  to  its  border,  and  was  played 
 at  weddings  and  merry-makings  by  women,  who 
 accompanied  it  with  the 
 voice.  Accoi-ding  to  the 
 author  of  Shilte  ffa<if]ih- 
 boriin,  the  machol  had 
 tinkling  metal  plates  fast- 
 ened on  wires,  at  inter- 
 vals within  the  circle 
 that  formed  the  instru- 
 ment, like  the  modern 
 tambourine;  according  to 
 others,  a  similar  instru- 
 ment, also  formed  of  a 
 circular  piece  of  met.il  or 
 wood,  but  furnished  with  a  liandle,  whicJi  the  jier- 
 former  might  so  manage  as  to  set  in  motion  seveiid 
 rings  strung  on  a  metal  bar,  passing  from  one  side 
 of  the  instrument  to  the  other,  the  waving  of  which 
 jirciduccd  a  loud,  merry  sound. 
 
 Dan'iel,  the  name  of  four  persons  in  the  Old 
 Testament.— 1.  The  second  son  of  David  by  Abi- 
 gail the  Carmclitess  (1  Chr.  iii.  1).  In  2  Sam. 
 iii.  :5,  he  is  called  Chileab.— 2.  The  fourth  of  "  the 
 greater  prophets."  Nothing  is  known  of  his  pa- 
 rentage or  family.  He  appeai-s,  however,  to  have 
 been  of  royal  or  noble  descent  (Dan.  i.  3),  and  to 
 have  jwssessed  considerable  personal  endowments 
 (Dan.  i.  4).  He  was  taken  to  Babylon  in  '•  the 
 third  year  of  Jehoiakim  "  (n.c.  604),  and  trained 
 for  the  king's  service  with  his  three  companions. 
 Like  Joseph  in  earlier  times,  he  gained  the  favour 
 of  his  guardian,  and  was  divinely  supported  in  his 
 resolve  to  alistain  from  the  "  king's  meat  "  for  fear 
 of  dtiilement  (Dan.  i.  8-16).  At  the  close  of  his 
 three  years'  discipline  (Dan.  i.  5,  18„  Daniel  had 
 an  opportunity  of  exercising  his  peculiar  gift  (Dan. 
 i.  17)  of  interpreting  dreams,  on  the  occjision  of 
 Nebuchadnezzar's  decree  against  the  Magi  (Dan.  ii. 
 14  (T.).  In  conse(iuence  of  his  success  he  was  made 
 "  ruler  of  the  whole  province  of  Babylon,"  and 
 "  chief  of  the  governors  over  all  the  wise  men  of 
 Babylon  "  (ii.  48).  lie  afterwards  interpreted  the 
 second  dream  of  Nebuchadnezzar  (iv.  8-27),  and 
 the  handwriting  on  the  wall  which  disturbed  the 
 feast  of  Belshazzar  (v.  10-28),  though  he  no  longer 
 lield  his  oilicial  jmsition  among  the  magi  (Dan.  v. 
 7,  8,  VI),  and  probably  lived  at  Susa  (Dan.  viii.  2). 
 At  the  accession  of  Darius  he  was  made  fir.st  of  the 
 "three  presidents"  of  the  emjiire  (Dan.  vi.  2), 
 and  was  delivered  from  the  lions'  den,  into  which 
 he  had  been  wist  for  his  faithfulness  to  the  rites  of 
 his  faith  (vi.  l(t-2:?;  cf.  Bel  and  Dr.  29-42).  At 
 the  accession  of  (.'yi  us  he  still  retained  his  jnosperity 
 (vi.  28  ;  cf.  i.  21  ;  Bel  &  Dr.  2) ;  though  he  does 
 not  ajipear  to  have  remained  at  Babylon  (cf.  Dan.  i. 
 21 ;,  and  in  "  the  third  j-ear  of  Cyrus  "  (B.C.  5.S4) 
 he  saw  lii.s  last  recordeil  vision  on  the  banks  of  the 
 'I'igris  (x.  1,  4).  In  the  prophecies  of  Kzi'kicl  men- 
 tion is  ni;idc  of  Daniel  as  a  pattern  of  righteousness 
 (xiv.  14,  20  1  and  wisdom  (xxviii.  3);  and  since 
 Daniel  w.xs  .still  young  at  that  time  (c.  U.e.  .588- 
 584-),  some  have  thougiit  that  another  prophet  of 
 the  luime  must  have  lived  at  some  earlier  time,  ])er- 
 haps  dunng  the  captivity  of  Nineveh,  whose  fame 
 W!U)  transCeiTcd  to  hi8  Inter  namesake.  On  the 
 other  hand  the  narrative  in  Dan.  i.  1 1,  implies  that 
 {•ftiiiel  was  con."ipicuou»ly  dibtinguibhed  for  puritv 
 
 DANIEL,  THE  BOOK  OF 
 
 and  knowledge  at  a  very  early  age  (cf.  Hist.  Su4. 
 4.")).  and  he  may  have  been  nearly  forty  years  old 
 at  the  time  of  Kzekiel's  prophecy.— 3.  A  rle.scend- 
 ant  of  Ithainar,  who  returned  with  V./.\-.\  f^Kzr.  viii. 
 2.-4,  A  priest  who  sealed  the  covenant  drawn  up 
 by  Nehemiah  n.c.  445  (Neh.  x.  6).  He  is  per- 
 haps the  s;mie  as  <'.V). 
 
 Daniel,  The  Book  of,  is  the  earliest  exanifde 
 of  apocaly]ilic  literature,  and  in  a  great  degiee  the 
 model  according  to  which  all  later  apocalypses  were 
 constructed.     In  this  as])ect  it  stands  at  the  head 
 of  a  .series  of  writings  in  which  the  deepest  thoughts 
 of  the  Jewish   people    found  expression  after   the 
 close  of  the  prophetic  era.— 1.  In  studying   the 
 book  of  Daiuel   it  is  of  the  utmost  importance  to 
 recognise  its   apoeilyptic   character.      To  the   old 
 prophets   Daniel  stands,  in  some  sense,  as  a  com- 
 mentator  (Dan.  ix.   2-19):  to  succeeding  genera- 
 tions, as  the  her.nld  of  immediate  deliverance.     The 
 form,  the  style,  and  the  point  of  sight  of  jn-ophecy, 
 are  relinqui.'-hed  upon  the  veige  of  a  new  peiiod  in 
 the  existence  of  God's  peo]ile,  and  fresh  instruction 
 is  given  to  them  suited  to  their  new  fortunes.     The 
 change  is  not  abrupt  and  absolute,  but  yet  it  is 
 distinctly  felt.      The  eye  and  not  the  ear  is  the 
 organ  of  the  Seer  :  visions  and  not  wonls  are  re- 
 vealed to  him.     The  Babylonian  exile  suj)plied  the 
 outwaid  training  and  the  inward  necessity  for  this 
 hibt  form   of  divine  teaching;    and    the   piophetic 
 visions  of  Kzekiel  form  the  connecting  link  between 
 the  characteristic  types  of  revelation  and  proj)hecy. 
 —2.  The  language  of  the  book,  no  less  than  its 
 general  form,  belongs  to  an  era  of  transition.     Like 
 the  book  of  Ezra,  Daniel   is  comjiosetl  partly  in  the 
 vernacular  Aramaic  (Chaldeei,  and   partly  in  the 
 sacred  Hebrew.     The  introduction  (i. — ii.  4  a)   is 
 written  in  Hebrew.     On  the  occasion  of  the  "  Sy- 
 riac"   (i.e.  Aramaic)  answer  of  the  Chaldaeans, 
 the  language  changes  to  Aramaic,  and  this  is  re- 
 taiiietl  till  the  close  of  the  seventh  chapter  (ii.  4  h 
 — vii.).    The  personal  introduction  of  Daniel  as  the 
 writer  of  the  text  (viii.  1)  is  marked  by  the  re- 
 sumption of  the  Hebrew,  which  continues  to  the 
 close  of  the  book  (viii. — xii.).     Tlie  chai-acter  of 
 the  Hebrew  bears  tlic  closest  aflinity  to  that  of 
 Kzekiel  and  llabakkuk.     The  Aramaic,  like  that  of 
 Kzra,  is  also  of  an  eailier  form  than  exists  in  any 
 other   Chaldaic    document.       The    use    of   (ireek 
 twhnical  terms   marks  a  period   when    commerce 
 had  already   united    I'ci-sia   and  Greece;    and  the 
 occurrence  of  peculiar  words  which  admit  of  an 
 explanation  by  reference  to  Aryan  and  not  to  .'^lie- 
 mitic  roots  is  almost  ine.x]>licable  on  the  supposition 
 that  the  prophecies  are  a  i'alestinian  forgery  ol'the 
 Maccabaean  age.— 3.  The  book  is  generally  dividal 
 into  two  nearly  equal   puts.     The  first  of  these 
 fi. — vi.)  contains  chiefly  historical  incidents,  while 
 the  second  (vii. — xii.)  is  entirely  a))i)calyptic.     But 
 tliis  division  takes  no  account  of  the  ditl'erence  ot 
 language,  nor  of  tiie  change  of  person  at  the  begin- 
 ning otc.  viii.     It  seems  better  to  divide  the  book 
 into  three  ]iart.s.     The  (irst  chaj)ter  forms  an  intro- 
 duction.    The  next  six  cha]>teis  (ii. — vii.)  give  n 
 general    view   of  the   j)rogressive   history    of  the 
 powers  <if  the  woild,  and  of  the   principles  of  the 
 divine  government  as  se<'n  in  events  of  the  lite  of 
 Dmiel.     The  lemainder  ot'  the   ixKik  (viii.— xii.) 
 tnices  in  minuter  detail  the  fortunes  of  the  )KMiple 
 of  God,  as  typical  of  the  fortunes  of  the  Chinch  in 
 all  ages.— 4.  The  ])osition  which  the  book  of  l)aniel 
 occupich  in  the  Helji«w  Canon  seems  at  fir.st  .sight 
 
DANIEL,  THE  BOOK  OF 
 
 remarkable.     It  is  placed  among  the  Holy  writings 
 between   Esther  and   Ezra,  or  immediately  before 
 Esther,  and  not  among  the  prophets.     This  colloca- 
 tion, however,  is  a  natural  consequence  of  the  right 
 apprehension  of  the  difterent  functions  of  the  prophet 
 and  seer.     Daniel's  Apocalypse  is  as  distinct  from 
 the  prophetic  writings  as  the  Apocalypse  of  St.  John 
 from  the  Apostolic  epistles. — 5.  The  unity  of  the 
 book  in  its  present  form,  notwithstanding  the  difle- 
 rence  of  language,  is  generally  acknowledged.     Still 
 there    is   a   remarkable   dilTerence    in    its    internal 
 character.     In  the  first  seven  chapters   Daniel    is 
 spoken  of  historically  (i.  6-21,  ii.  14-49,  iv.  8-27. 
 V.  13-29,  vi.  2-28,  vii.  1,2):  in   the  last  five  he 
 appears  personally  as  the  writer  (vii.  15-28,  viii. 
 1-ix.  22,  X.  1-9,  xii.  5).     The  cause  of  the  diifereuce 
 of  person  is  commonly  supposed  to  lie  in  the  nature 
 of  the  case.     It  is,  however,  more  probable  that 
 the  peculiarity  arose  from  the  manner  in  which  the 
 book  assumed  its  final  shape.— 6.  Allusion  has  been 
 made  already  to  the  influence  which  the  book  ex- 
 ercised upon  the  Christian  Church.     Apart  from 
 the  general  type  of  Apocalyptic  composition  which 
 the  Apostolic  writers  derived  from  Daniel  (2  Thess. 
 ii. ;   Kev.  passim;  cf.  Matt.  xxvi.   64,  xxi.  44?), 
 tlie  New  Testament  incidentally  acknowledges  each 
 of  the  characteristic  elements  of  the  book,  its  miracles 
 (Hebr.  xi.  33,  34),  its  predictions  (Matt.  xxiv.  15), 
 and  its  doctrine  of  angels  (Luke  i.  19,  26).     At  a 
 still  earlier  time  the  same  influence  may  be  traced 
 in  the  Apocrypha.     The  book  of  Baruch  exhibits 
 so  many  coincidences  with  Daniel,  that  by  sonre  the 
 two  books  have  been  assigned  to  the  same  author 
 (cf.   Fritzsche,  Handb.  zu  d.  Apok.  i.  173)  ;  and 
 th.e  first  book  of  Maccabees  represents  Mattathias 
 quoting   the  marvellous    deliverances   recorded    in 
 Daniel,  together  with  those  of  earlier  times  (1  Mace, 
 ii.  59,  60),  and  elsewhere  exhibits  an  acquaintance 
 with  the  Greek  version  of  the  book  (1  Mace.  i.  54 
 =  Dan.    ix.   27).      The   allusion  to   the  guardian 
 angels  of  nations,  which  is  introduced  into  the  Alex- 
 andrine translation  of  the  I'entateuch  (Deut.  xxxii. 
 8;    LXX.),  and  recurs  in  the  Wisdom  of  Sirach 
 (Ecclus.  xvii.   17),  may  have  been  derived  from 
 Dan.  X.  21,  xii.  1,  though  this  is  uncertain,  as  the 
 doctrine  probably  fomied  part  of  the  common  belief. 
 According  to  Josephus  [Ant.  xi.  8,  §4)   the  pro- 
 phecies of  Daniel  gained  for  the  Jews  the  favour 
 of  Alexander  [Alexander   the  Great];    and 
 whatever  credit  may  be  given  to  the  details  of  his 
 narrative,  it  at  least  shows  the  unquestioning  belief 
 in  the  prophetic  worth  of  the   book  which  existed 
 among  the  Jews  in  his  time.— 7.  The  testimony  of 
 the  Synagogue  and  the  Church  gave  a  clear  expres- 
 sion to    the  judgment  implied  by  the  early   and 
 authoritative  use  of  the  book,  and  pronounced  it  to 
 contain  authentic  prophecies  of  Daniel,  without  con- 
 tradiction, with  one  exception,  till  modern  times. 
 Porphyry  alone  (f  c.  305  A.D.)  assailed  the  book. 
 Externally  it  is  as   well  attested  as  any  book  of 
 Scripture. ^8.  The  history   of  the   assaults   upon 
 the  prophetic  worth  of  Daniel  in  modern  times  is 
 full  of  interest.     The  real  grounds  on  which  most 
 modern  critics  rely  in  rejecting  the  book,  are  the 
 "  fabulousness  of  its  narratives,"  and  "  the  minute- 
 ness  of  its  prophetic  history."  ^  9.  The   general 
 objections  against   the  '"  legendaiy  "  miracles  and 
 specific  predictions  of  Daniel  are  strengthened  by 
 other  objections  in  detail,  which  cannot,  however, 
 be   regarded  in  themselves  as  of  any  considerable 
 woight,     Not  only,  it  is  said,  is  the  book  placed 
 
 DANIEL 
 
 189 
 
 among  the  Hagiographa,  but  Daniel  is  omitted  in 
 the  list  of  prophets  given  in  the  Wisdom  of  Sirach  ; 
 the  language  is- corrupted  by  an  intermixture  ot 
 Greek  words ;  the  details  are  essentially  unhistorical  ; 
 the  doctrinal  and    moral    teaching  betrays  a  late 
 date.     In  reply  to  these  remarks,  it  may  be  urged, 
 that  if  the  book  of  Daniel  was  already  placed  among 
 the  Hagiographa  at  the  time  when  the  Wisdom  ol 
 Sirach  was  written,  the  omission  of  the  name  of 
 Daniel  (Ecclus.  xlix.)  is  most  natural.     Nor  is  the 
 mention  of  Greek  musical  instruments  (iii.  5,  7,  10) 
 surprising  at  a  time  when  the  intercourse  of  the 
 East   and    West   was    already   considerable.      Yet 
 further  the  scene  and  characters  of  the  book  are 
 Oriental.     In  doctrine,  again,  the  book  is  closely 
 connected  with  the  writings  of  the  Exile,  and  forms 
 a  last  step  in  the  development  of  the  ideas  of  Messiah 
 (vii.  13,  &c.),  of  the  resurrection  (xii.  2,  3),  of  the 
 ministry  of  angels   (viii.  16,  xii.  1,  &c.),  of  per- 
 sonal devotion  (vi.  10,  11,  i.  8),  which  formed  the 
 basis  of  later  speculations,  hut  received  no  essential 
 addition  in  the  interval  before  the  coming  of  our 
 Lord.     Generally  it  may  be  said  that  while  the 
 book  presents  in  many  respects  a  startling  and  ex- 
 ceptional character,  yet  it  is  far  more  difficult  to 
 explain  its  composition  in  the   Maccabaean  peiiod 
 than  to  connect  the  peculiarities  which  it  exhibits 
 with  the  exigencies  of  the  Return.— 10.  But  while 
 all  historical  evidence  supports  the  canonicity  of 
 the  book  of  Daniel,  it  does  not  follow  that  the 
 recognition  of  the  unity  and  authority  of  the  book 
 is  necessarily  connected   with  the  belief   that   the 
 whole  is  to  be  assigned  to  the  authorship  of  Daniel. 
 According  to   the  Jewish    tradition  the  books    of 
 Ezekiel,  the   twelve   minor   prophets,   Daniel   and 
 Esther,  were  written  (i.  e.  drawn  up  in  their  pre- 
 sent form)  by  the  men  of  the  great  synagogue,  and 
 in  the  case  of  Daniel  the  tradition  is  supported  by 
 strong  internal  evidence. — 11.  There  is  no  Chaldee 
 translation  of  Daniel.     The  Greek  version  has  under- 
 gone singular  changes.     At  an  early  time  the  LXX. 
 version  was  supplanted  in  the  Greek  Bibles  by  that 
 of  Theodotion,  and  in  the  time  of  Jerome  the  ver- 
 sion  of  Theodotion    was  generally    "read  by    the 
 Churches."     Meanwhile  the  original  LXX.  transla- 
 tion passed  entirely  out  of  use,  and  it  was  supposed 
 to  have  been  lost  till  the  last  century,  when  it  was 
 published  at  Rome. 
 
 Daniel,  Apocryphal  Additions  to.  The  Greek 
 translations  of  Daniel,  like  that  of  Esther,  contain 
 several  pieces  which  are  not  found  in  the  original 
 text.  The  most  important  of  these  additions  are 
 contained  in  the  Apociypha  of  the  English  Bible 
 under  the  titles  of  The  Song  of  the  three  Holy 
 Children,  The  History  of  Susannah,  and  The 
 History  of .  .  .  Bel  and  the  Dragon.— I.  a.  The 
 first  of  these  pieces  is  incorporated  into  the  narra- 
 tive of  Daniel.  After  the  three  confessors  were 
 thrown  into  the  furnace  (Dan.  iii.  23),  Azarias  is 
 represented  praying  to  God  for  deliverance  (Song 
 of  Three  Children,  3-22);  and  in  answer  the  angei 
 of  the  Lord  shields  them  from  the  fire  which  con- 
 sumes their  enemies  (23-27),  whereupon  "the 
 three,  as  out  of  one  mouth,"  raise  a  triumphant 
 song  (29-68),  of  which  a  chief  part  (35-66)  has 
 been  used  as  a  hymn  in  the  Christian  Church  since 
 the  4th  century. — 6.  The  two  other  pieces  appear 
 more  distinctly  as  appendices,  and  offer  no  semblance 
 of  forming  part  of  the  original  text.  T!ie  History 
 of  Susanna  {or  The  judgment  of  Daniel)  is  gene, 
 rally  found  at  the  beginning  of  the  book  (Gk.  MSS. 
 
190 
 
 DANNAH 
 
 Vet.  Lat.);  though  it  also  occurs  after  tlic  IJth 
 chapter  (  Vuhj.  ed.  Compl.).  The  History  of  Bel 
 and  the  Dragon  is  placed  at  the  end  of  the  book  ; 
 and  in  the  LXX.  vei-sion  it  bears  a  special  heading 
 as  ''■part  of  the  prophecy  of  Hahnhknk." — i.  The 
 additioDS  are  found  in  both  the  Greek  texts,  the 
 LXX.  and  Theodotion,  in  the  Old  Latin  and  Vul- 
 gate, and  in  the  existing  Syriac  and  Arabic  versions. 
 On  the  other  hand  there  is  no  evidence  that  they 
 ever  formed  yiaxi  of  the  Hebrew  text,  and  they 
 were  originally  wanting  in  the  Syriac. ^.'5.  Various 
 conjectures  have  been  ina<le  as  to  the  origin  of  the 
 additions.  It  has  been  supposed  that  they  were 
 derived  from  Aramaic  originals,  but  the  character 
 of  the  additions  themselves  indicates  rather  the  hand 
 of  an  Alexandrine  writer;  and  it  is  not  unlikely 
 that  the  translator  of  Daniel  wrought  up  traditions 
 which  were  already  current,  and  appended  them  to 
 his  woik. 
 
 Dan'nah,  a  city  in  the  mountains  of  Judah 
 (Josh.  XV.  49),  and  probably  south,  or  south-west 
 of  Hebron.  Ko  trace  of  its  name  has  been  dis- 
 covered. 
 
 Daph'ne,  a  celebrated  grove  and  sanctuary  of 
 Apollo,  near  Antioch  in  Syria  (2  Mace.  iv.  33).  Its 
 establishment,  like  that  of  the  city,  was  due  to  Seleu- 
 cus  Nicator.  The  distance  between  the  two  ])laces  was 
 about  5  miles,  and  in  history  they  are  associated  most 
 intimately  together.  The  situation  wsus  of  extreme 
 natural  beauty,  with  perennial  fountains  and  abund- 
 a;it  wood.  The  succeeding  Seleucid  monarchs,  espe- 
 cially Antiochus  Epiphanes,  embellished  the  place 
 still  further.  When  Syna  became  Roman,  Daphne 
 continued  to  be  famous  as  a  place  of  pilgrimage  and 
 vice.  The  site  has  been  well  identified  by  Pococke 
 and  othei-  travellei-s  at  Beit-el-Maa,  "  the  House 
 of  the  Water,"  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Oiontes,  to 
 the  S.W.  of  Antioch. 
 
 Da'ra,  1  Chr.  ii.  6.    [Darda.] 
 
 Dar'da,  a  son  of  Jlahol,  one  of  four  men  of 
 great  fame  for  their  wisdom,  but  surpassed  by 
 Solomon  (1  K.  iv.  31).  In  1  Chr.  ii.  6,  however, 
 the  same  four  names  occur  agiiin  as  "sons  of 
 Zerah,"  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  with  the  slight 
 diH'erence  that  Darda  appears  a-s  Dara.  The  iden- 
 tity of  these  persons  with  those  in  1  K.  iv.  has 
 been  greatly  debated ;  but  there  cannot  be  much 
 reasonable  doubt  that  tliey  are  the  same. 
 
 Daric  (A.  V.  "dram;"  Ezr.  ii.  69;  viii.  27  ; 
 Neh.  vii.  70,  71,  72;  1  Chr.  xxix.  7),  a  gold  coin 
 cunent  in  Palestine  in  the  period  after  the  return 
 from  Babylon.  At  these  times  there  was  no  large 
 issue  of  gold  money  except  by  the  Persian  kings. 
 The  Darics  which  have  been  discovered  are  thick 
 pieces  of  pure  gold,  of  archaic  style,  bearing  on 
 the  obveiiie  the  figure  of  a  king  with  bow  jxnd 
 javelin,  or  bow  and  dagger,  and  on  the  reverse 
 an  irregular  incuse  square.  Their  full  weiglit  is 
 about  128  grains  troy,  or  a  little  less  than  that 
 of  an  Attic  stater,  and  is  most  probably  that  of 
 an  early  didnichm  of  the  I'hoeniciaii  talent.  They 
 must  have  l)eeu  the  common  gold  pieces  of  the 
 I'ei'sian  empire. 
 
 Dniie     Obv. :  KInfr  of  renla  to  (ho  rifihi.  kiinlliii;,  bearing  bi 
 ■11(1  Javrlin.     Itcv. :  IrrvKUlui  Ihciim  ixiiiurs. 
 
 DARKNESS 
 
 Dari'us,  the  name  of  several  kings  of  Media  and 
 Pei-sia.  Three  kings  beaiing  this  name  are  men- 
 tioned in  the  0.  T.— 1.  Dauius  the  Mkde  (Dan. 
 xi.  1,  vi.  1),  "the  son  of  Ahasueinis  of  the  seed  of 
 the  Medes,"  (ix.  1),  who  succeeded  to  the  Baby- 
 lonian kingdom  on  the  death  of  Belshazzar,  being 
 then  sixty-two  yeai-s  old  (Dan.  v.  31  ;  ix.  1). 
 Only  one  year  of  his  reign  is  mentioned  (Dan.  ix. 
 
 1,  xi.  1) ;  but  that  was  of  great  importance  for  the 
 •lews,  Daniel  was  advanced  by  the  king  to  the 
 highest  dignity  (Dan.  vi.  1  tf.),  jnobably  in  conse- 
 quence of  his  former  sei-vices  (cf.  Din.  v.  17)  ;  and 
 after  his  miraculous  deliveiance,  Darius  issued  a 
 decree  enjoining  throughout  his  dominions  "  reve- 
 rence tor  the  God  of  Daniel"  (Dan.  vi.  25  ff.). 
 The  extreme  obscurity  of  the  Babylonian  annals 
 has  given  occasion  to  three  ditferent  hypotheses  as 
 to  the  name  under  which  Darius  the  Mede  is  known 
 in  history.  The  first  of  tliese  which  identifies 
 him  with  Daiius  Hysta.spis  rests  on  no  plausible 
 evidence,  and  may  be  dismissed  at  once.  The 
 second,  which  was  adopted  by  Josephus.  and  has 
 been  supported  by  many  recent  ci'itios  is  more  de- 
 serving of  notice.  According  to  this  he  was  Cy- 
 axares  II.,  "  the  son  and  successor  of  Astyages,' 
 who  is  commonly  regardeil  as  the  last  king  of 
 Media.  A  third  identification  remains,  by  which 
 Darius  is  represented  as  the  personal  name  of"  Asty- 
 ages," the  last  king  of  the  Medes,  and  this  appears 
 to  satisfy  all    the   conditions    of  the   problem.— 
 
 2.  Darius  the  son  of  HysiASrES  the  founder  of 
 the  Perso-Arian  dynasty.  Upon  the  usurpation  of 
 the  Magian  Smerdis,  he  conspired  with  six  other 
 Persian  chiefs  to  overthrow  the  impostor,  and  on 
 the  success  of  the  plot  was  placed  upon  the  throne 
 B.C.  521.  His  designs  of  foreign  conquest  were 
 inteiTupted  by  a  levolt  of  the  Babylonians.  After 
 the  subjugation  of  Babylon  Darius  turned  his  anus 
 against  Scythia,  Libya,  and  India.  The  defeat  of 
 Marathon  (B.C.  490)  only  roused  him  to  prepare 
 vigorously  for  that  decisive  struggle  with  the  West 
 which  was  now  inevitable.  His  plans  were  again 
 thwarteii  by  rebellion.  With  regard  to  the  Jews, 
 Darius  Hystaspis  pursued  the  same  jwlicy  as  Cyrus, 
 and  I'estored  to  them  the  privileges  which  they 
 had  lost  (Ezr.  v.  1,  &c. ;  vi.  1,  &c.).— 3.  Dauil's 
 THE  Persian  (Neh.  xii.  22),  may  be  identitie<i 
 with  Darius  II.  Nothus  (Ochus),  king  of  Persia 
 B.C.  424-3 — 405-4,  if  tiie  whole  jiassage  in  ques- 
 tion was  written  by  Nolieniiah.  If,  however,  the 
 register  was  continued  to  a  later  time,  as  is  not 
 improbable,  the  occurrence  of  the  name  Jaddua 
 (vv.  11,  22),  points  to  Darius  III.  Codoniannus, 
 the  antagonist  of  Alexander,  and  last  king  of  Persia 
 B.C.  336-330  (1  Mace.  i.  1).— 4.  Areus,  king  of 
 the  Lacedaemonians  (1  Mace.  xii.  7).     [Arkl'S.] 
 
 Darkness  is  spoken  of  as  encompassing  the  actual 
 ])resence  of  God,  as  that  out  of  which  He  speaks, 
 the  envelope,  as  it  were,  of  Divine  glory  (Ex.  xx. 
 21  ;  1  K.  viii.  12).  The  plague  of  darkness  in 
 Egvfit  h;us  been  ascribed  by  various  commentators 
 to  non-miraculous  jigency,  but  no  sufficient  account 
 of  its  intense  degree,  long  duration,  and  limiteil 
 area,  as  proceeding  from  any  physical  caujse,  has 
 been  given.  The  darkness  "  over  all  the  land  " 
 (Matt,  xxvii.  45)  attending  the  crucifixion  has  been 
 similarly  attributed  to  an  eclipse.  Phlegon  of 
 Tr.iUejs  indeed  mentions  an  eclipse  of  intense  dark- 
 ne.ss,  which  U'gan  at  noon,  arxl  w;ls  combined,  he 
 says,  in  Bithynia,  with  an  earthquake,  which  iu  the 
 uncertain  state  of  our  chronology  moi-e  or  less  nearly 
 
DARKON 
 
 synchronises  with  the  event.  Wjoselei-  however, 
 and  De  VVette,  consider  the  vear  of  Phlegon's  eclipse 
 an  impossible  one  for  the  crucifixion,  and  reject  that 
 explanation  of  the  darkness.  Origen  also  denies  the 
 possibility  of  such  a  cause;  for  by  the  fixed  Paschal 
 leckoning  the  moon  must  have  been  about  full. 
 The  argument  from  the  duration  (3  hours)  is  also 
 of  great  force;  for  an  eclipse  seldom  lasts  in  great 
 intensity  more  than  6  minutes.  On  the  other 
 hand,  Seyft'arth  maintains  that  the  Jewish  calendar, 
 owing  to  their  following  the  sun,  had  become  so 
 far  out  that  the  moon  might  possibly  have  been  at 
 new.  He  however  views  this  rather  as  a  natural 
 basis  than  as  a  full  account  of  the  darkness,  which 
 in  its  degree  at  Jerusalem  was  still  preternatural. 
 Darkness  is  also,  as  in  the  expression  "  land  of  dark- 
 ness," used  for  the  state  of  the  dead  (Job  x.  21, 
 22)  ;  and  frequently  figuratively,  for  ignorance  and 
 unbelief,  as  the  privation  of  spiritual  light  (John 
 i.  5  ;  iii.  19). 
 
 Dar'kon.  Childien  of  Darkon  were  among 
 the  "  servants  of  Solomon,"  who  returned  from 
 Babylon  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr,  ii.  56  ;  Neh.  vii. 
 58). 
 
 Dates,  2  Chr.  xxxi.  5  marg.  [Palm  Tree.] 
 
 Da'than,  a  Reubenite  chieftain,  son  of  Eliab, 
 who  joined  the  conspiracy  of  Korah  the  Levite 
 (Num.  xvi.  1,  xxvi.  9  ;  Deut.  xi.  6;  Ps.  cvi.  17). 
 
 Dath'ema,  a  fortiess in  which  the  Jews  of  Gilead 
 took  refuge  from  the  heathen  (1  Mace.  v.  9).  The 
 reading  of  the  Peshito  Syriac,  Bamtha,  points  to 
 Ramoth-(iilead,  which  can  hardly  fail  to  be  the 
 correct  identification. 
 
 Daughter.  1.  The  word  is  used  in  Scripture 
 not  only  for  daughter,  but  for  gir.iiddaughter  or 
 other  female  descendant,  much  in  the  same  way 
 
 DAVID 
 
 191 
 
 and  like  extent  with  "son"  (Gen.  xxiv.  48,  xxxi. 
 43). — 2.  The  female  inhabitants  of  a  place,  a 
 cc-.'.ntry,  or  the  females  of  a  particular  race  are 
 c^alied  daughters  (Gen.  vi.  2,  xxvii.  46,  xxviii.  fi, 
 xxxvi.  2  ;  Num.  xxv.  1  ;  Deut.  xxiii.  17  ;  Is.  iii. 
 IG  ;  Jer.  xlvi.  11,  xlix.  2,  3,  4  ;  Luke  xxiii.  28). 
 —3.  The  same  notion  of  descent  explains  the  phrase 
 "  daughters  of  music,"  i.  e.  singing  birds  (Eccl. 
 xii.  4),  and  the  use  of  the  word  for  branches  of  a 
 tree  (Gen.  xlix.  22),  the  pupil  of  the  eye  (Lam. 
 ii.  18  ;  Ps.  xvii.  8),  and  the  ex-prcssion  "daughter 
 of  90  years,"  to  denote  the  age  of  Sarah  (Gen. 
 xvii.  17.)— 4.  It  is  also  used  of  cities  in  general 
 (Is.  X.  32,  xxiii.  12  ;  Jer.  vi.  2,  26  ;  Zech.  ix.  9). 
 ^5.  But  more  specifically  of  dependent  towns  or 
 hamlets,  wiiile  to  the  principal  city  the  correlative 
 "  mother  "  is  applied  (Num.  xxi.  25  ;  Josh.  xvii. 
 11,  16;  Judg.  i.  27;  1  Chr.  vii.  28;  2  Sam. 
 XX.  19). 
 
 David,  the  son  of  Jesse,  is  the  best  known  to  us 
 of  any  of  the  characters  in  the  0.  T.  In  him,  as 
 in  the  case  of  St.  Paul  in  the  N.T.,  we  have  the 
 advantage  of  comparing  a  detailed  narrative  of  his 
 life  with  undoubted  works  of  his  own  composition, 
 and  the  combined  result  is  a  knowledge  of  his  per- 
 sonal character,  such  as  we  probably  possess  of  no 
 historical  personage  before  the  Christian  era,  with 
 the  exception  of  Cicero,  and  perhaps  of  Caesar. 
 His  life  may  be  divided  into  three  portions,  more  or 
 less  corresponding  to  the  three  old  lost  biographies 
 by  Samuel,  Gad,  and  Nathan: — I.  His  youth  before 
 his  introduction  to  the  court  of  Saul.  II.  His  re- 
 lations with  vSaul.  III.  His  reign.— I.  The  early 
 life  of  David  contains  in  many  important  respects 
 the  antecedents  of  his  future  career.  1.  His  family 
 may  best  be  seen  in  the  form  of  a  genealogy.     It 
 
 Salmon 
 
 or  Salinah 
 
 (Ruth  iv.  21 ; 
 
 1  Chron.  ii.  11  J. 
 
 Elimelech  =  Naomi  (Ruth  L  1). 
 
 Boa?.  =  Ruth  =  Mahlon. 
 
 I  (Ruth  iv.  10). 
 
 Obcd 
 (Rnth  iv.  17). 
 
 'Jhilion  =  Orpah. 
 
 (2  Sam.  xvii.  25)  Nahash  =  nnkno-w 
 
 Jonathan  (1  Chr.  xxviL  32). 
 
 Zeruiah        Abif^ail  =  Jether  =  Ira  ?  ? 
 
 (1  Chr.                        I  (1  Chr.    (Jcinine.  Elihu 
 
 ii.  16).                        I  ii.  17).      Qu.  Hei<.  (1  Chr. 
 
 I                                I                  on  1  Chr.  xxvii   18). 
 
 I                     xi.40).  I 
 
 I  III 
 Kliab,    Abinadab.    Shammah,    Nethaneel.    Raddai        Ozem 
 
 Shimniah,  (Rael,        (Asam, 
 
 Shimeah  Jos.  Avi.    Jos.  Ant. 
 
 (2  Sam,  vi.  8.  1.        vi.  8.  1). 
 
 xxi.  21).  Rei,  P:waldl. 
 I 
 
 Abishai.    Joab.    Asahel.    An 
 
 Zebadiah 
 (I  Chr.  xxvii.  7). 
 
 I  I 
 
 asa.        Abihail  =  Rehoboam. 
 (2  Chr.  xi.  19). 
 
 I 
 
 Jonathan 
 
 (2  Sam.  xxi.  21  : 
 
 1  Chr.  xxvii.  32). 
 
 (Nathan  ? 
 
 Jer.  Vm-  Heh. 
 
 on  1  Sam.  xvi.  12). 
 
 I 
 
 Jonndnb 
 
 (2  Sam. 
 
 xiii.  3). 
 
 i 
 
 .loel? 
 (.Jerome, 
 Qu.  lleh. 
 or.  1  Chr. 
 
 xj.  38). 
 
 given, 
 
 unless 
 
 Elihu, 
 5vr.  and 
 Arab. 
 31»-   ii.  1.1). 
 
 thus  appears  that  David  was  the  youngest  son,  pro- 
 bably the  youngest  child,  of  a  family  of  ten.  His 
 mother's  name  is  unknown.  His  fiither,  Jesse,  was 
 of  a  great  age  when  David  was  still  young  (1  Sam. 
 xvii.  12).  His  parents  both  lived  till  after  his  final 
 rupture  with  Saul  (1  Sam.  xxii.  3).  Through  them 
 David  inherited  several  points  which  he  never  lost. 
 id)  His  connexion  with  Moab  thiough  his  great- 
 grandmother  Ruth.  This  he  kept  up  when  he 
 escaped  to  Moab  and  entrusted  his  aged  parents  to 
 the  care  of  the  king  ( 1  Sam.  x.xii.  3),  and  it  may  not 
 have  been  without  its  use  in  keeping  open  a  wider 
 view  in  his  mind  and  history  than  if  he  had  been 
 of  purely  Jewish  descent.  (6)  His  birthplace, 
 Bethlehem.    His  recollection  of  the  well  of  Beth- 
 
 '  lehem  is  one  of  the  most  touching  incidents  of  his 
 later  life  (1  Chr.  xi.  17),  and  it  is  his  connexion 
 \  with  it  that  brought  the  place  again  in  after  times 
 into  univei-sal  fame  (Luke  ii.  4).     (c)  His  general 
 j  connexion  with  the  tribe  of  Judah.     {d)  His  rela- 
 tions to  Zeruiah  and  Abigail.     Though   called  in 
 1  Chr.  ii.  16,  sisters  of  David,  they  are  not  ex- 
 pressly called  the  daughters  of  Jesse ;  and  Abigail, 
 in  2  Sam.  xvii.  25,  is  calletl  the  daughter  of  Nahash. 
 Is  it  too  much  to  suppose  that  David's  mother  had 
 been  the  wife  or  concubine  of  Nahash,  and  then 
 married    by  Jesse?     2.   As   the   youngest   of  the 
 i  family  he  may  possibly    have   received    from   his 
 j  parents  the  name,  which  first  appears   in  him,  of 
 '  David,  the  beloved,  the  darling.     Perhaps  for  this 
 
192 
 
 DAVID 
 
 same:  riason  he  was  never  intimate  with  liis  brethren. 
 The  faniiliaritv  which  he  lOst  witli  his  brothers  he 
 gained  with  his  nejihews.     The  tliree  sons  of  liis 
 sister  2^riiiah,and  the  oue  son  of  his  sister  Abigail, 
 were  probalily  of  the  same  age  as  David  himself, 
 and  they  accordingly  were  to  him  throughout  life 
 in  the  relation   usually  occupied  by  brothel's  and 
 cousins.     The  two  sons  of  his  brother  Shimeah  are 
 both  connected  with  his  afb'r  history.     One  was 
 Jonadab,  the  friend  and  adviser  of  his  eldest  son 
 Amnon  (2  Sam.  .\iii.  3).     The  other  was  Jonathan 
 {'1  Sam.  xxi.  21),  who  afterwards  became  the  coun- 
 sellor of  David  himself  (1  Chr.  .\xvii.  32).     The 
 Krst  time  that   David  api)ears  in  history  at  once 
 admits  us  to  the  whole  family  circle.     There  was  a 
 practice  once  a  year  at  Bethlehem,  probably  at  the 
 iirst  new  moon  of  the  year,  of  holding  a  sacrificial 
 least,  at  which  .Jesse,  as  the  chief  proprietor  of  the 
 place,  would  preside  (1  Sam.  x.\.  6),  with  the  elders 
 of  the  town.     At  this  or  such  like  feast  (xvi.  1) 
 suddenly  appeared  the  great  prophet  Samuel,  driving 
 a  heifer  belbre  him,  and  having  in  his  hand  a  horn 
 of  the  consecrated  oil  of  the  Tabernacle.    The  heifer 
 w;is  killed.     The  party  were  waiting  to  begin  the 
 ieast.     Samuel  stood  with  his  horn  to  pour  forth 
 the  oil,  as  if  for  an  invitUion  to  begin  (comp.  ix. 
 22).     He  was  restrained   by  divine  intimation  as 
 son  after  son  passed  by.     Eliab,  the  eldest,  by  "  his 
 neight"  and  "  his  countenance,"  seemed  the  natural 
 counterpart  of  Saul,  whose  rival,  unknown  to  them, 
 the  i>r(ipliet  came  to  select.     But  the  day  was  gone 
 when  kings  were  chosen   because  they  were  head 
 and  shoulders  taller  than  the  rest.     "  Samuel  said 
 unto  Jesse,  Are  these  all  thy  children?     And  he 
 said.  There  remaineth  yet  the  youngest,  and  behold 
 he  keepeth  the  sheep."     This  is  our  first  and  most 
 characteristic  introduction  to  the  future  king.     The 
 boy  was  brought  in.     We  are  enabled   to  fix  his 
 appearance  at  once  in  our  minds.     He  w;is  of  short 
 stature,  with  red  or  auburn  hair,  such   ;»s  is  not 
 uiifrequently  seen  in  his  countrymen  of  the  Kast  at 
 the  ])resent  day.     In  later   lite  he  wore  a  beard. 
 His  brigiit  eyes  are  especially  mentioned  (xvi.  12), 
 and  generally  he  was  remarkable  for  the  grace  of  his 
 figure  and  countenance  ("  fair  of  eyas,"  "  comely," 
 ''goodly,"  xvi.  12,  18,  rvii.  42),  well  made,  and  of 
 immense  strength  and  agility.     His  swiftness  and 
 activity  made  him  (like  his  nephew  Asahei)  like  a 
 wild  gazelle,  his  feet  like  harts'  liset,  and  his  arms 
 strong  enough  to  break  a  bow  of  steel  (Ps.  xviii. 
 33,  34).     He  was  purs"uing  the  occupation  allotted 
 in    Eastern    countries    usually    to   the    slaves,  the 
 lemales,  or  the  despised  of  the  family.     He  usually 
 carried  a  switch  or  wand  in  his  hand  (I  Sam.  xvii. 
 40),  such  as  would  be  used  for  his  dogs  (xvii.  43), 
 and  a  scrip  or  wallet  round  his  neck,  to  carry  any- 
 thing that  was  needed  lor  his  shepherd's  litf!  (xvii. 
 40j.     3.   l>ut  there  was  another  preparation  still 
 more  needed  tor  his  office,  which  is  his  next  intro- 
 duction to  the  history.     When  the  body-guai-d  of 
 Siiul  were  discussing  with  their  master  where  the 
 best  minstrel  could  be  found  to  cha^e  aw.iy  his  mad- 
 ness by  music,  oue  of  the  young  men  in  the  guard 
 suggested  David.     .Saul,  with  the  absolute  control 
 inherent  in  the  idea  of  an  Oiiental  king,  instantly 
 Bent  for  him,  and  in  the  successful  ellort  of  David's 
 harj)  we  have  the  first  glimpse  into  that  genius  for 
 music  and  jxietry  which  was  afterwards  consecrated 
 in  the  I'sahns.     4.  One  in<ident  alone  of  his  soli- 
 tary shepherd  life  has  come  down  to  us — his  conflict 
 with  the  lioi\  and  the  bear  in  doliMice  of  his  lather's 
 
 DAVID 
 
 flocks  (1  Sam.  xvii.  34,  35).     But  it  did  not  stand 
 alone.     He  was  already  known  to  Saul's  guards  for 
 his  martial  exploits,  probably  against  the  Philistines 
 (xvi.  18),  and,  when  he  suddenly  a))peared  in  the 
 camp,  his  elder  brother  immediately  guessed  that 
 he  had  left  the  sheep  in  his  ardour  to  see  the  battle 
 (xvii.  28).    There  is  no  perfectly  satisliictory  means 
 of  reconciling  the  apjiarently  contradictory  accounts 
 in  1  Sam.  xvi.  14-23,  and  xvii.  12-31,  55-58.    The 
 latter  may  be  aceepteii  as  an  independent  statement 
 of  David's  first  appearance.    The  scene  of  the  battle 
 is  at  Ephes-dammim,  in  the  frontier-hills  of  Judah, 
 called   probably   from    this    or    similar   encounters 
 "  the  bound  of  blood."     .Saul's  army  is  encamped 
 on  one  side  of  the  ravine,  the  Philistines  on  the 
 other,  the  watercourse  of  Elah  or  "  the  Terebinth  " 
 runs  between  them.    A  Philistine  of  gigantic  stiture, 
 and  clothed  in  complete  armour,  insults  the  com- 
 paratively defenceless  Is)aelites,  amongst  whom  the 
 king  alone  appears  to  be  well   armed  (xvii.  38 ; 
 comp.  xiii.  20).     No  one  can  be  found  to  take  up 
 the  challenge.     At  this  juncture  D-avid  appars  in 
 the  camp.     Just  as  he  comes  to  the  circle  of  wag- 
 gons which  formed,  as  in  Arab  settlements,  a  rude 
 fortification  round  the  Israelite  camp  (xvii.  20),  he 
 hears  the  well-known  shout  of  the  Israelite  war-cry 
 (comp.  Num.  xxiii.  21).     The  martial  spirit  of  the 
 boy  is  stirred  at  the  sound  ;  he  leaves  his  provisions 
 with  the  baggage-master,  and  darts  to  join  his  bro- 
 thers, like  one  of  the  royal  messengers,  into  the 
 midst  of  the  lines.     Then  he  hears  the  challenge, 
 now  made  for  the  fortieth  time — sees  the  dismay 
 of  his  countrymen — hears  the  reward  proposed  by 
 the  king — goes  with  the  impetuosity  of  youth  from 
 soldier  to  soldier  talking  of  the  event,  in  spile  of  his 
 brother's  rebuke — ho  is  introduced  to  Saul — under- 
 tikps  the  combat.     His  victory  over  the  gigantic 
 Philistine  is  rendered  more  conspicuous  by  his  own 
 diminutive  stature,   and    by   the    simple   weapons 
 with  which  it  was  accomplished — not  the  armour 
 of  Saul,  which  he  naturally  found  too  large,  but 
 the  shepherd's  sling,  which  he  always  carried  with 
 him,  and  the  five  polished  pebbles  wiiich  he  picked 
 up  as  he  went  from  the  watercourse  of  the  valley, 
 and  put  in  his  shepherd's  wallet.     Two  trophies 
 long  remained  of  the  battle — one,  the  huge  sword 
 of  the  Philistine,  which  Wius  hung  up  behind  the 
 cphod  in  the  Tabernacle  at  Nob  (1  S;im.  xxi.  9); 
 the  other,  the  head,  which  he  bore  away  himself, 
 and  which   w;is  either  laid   up  at  Nob,  or  subse- 
 (pieutly  at  Jerus;ilem.     Ps.  cxliv.,  though  by  its 
 contents  of  a  much  later  date,  is  by  the  title  in  the 
 LXX.   "  against  Goliath."      But  there    is   also  a 
 I)salm,  preserved  in  the  LXX.  at  the  end  of  the 
 Psalter,  and  which,  though  probably  a  mere  adapta- 
 tion from  the   hisfoiy,   well   sums   up  this  early 
 period  of  his  liti?. — II.  Bcl'itioas  witk  Saul. — We 
 now  enter  on  a  new  asi)ect  of  David's  life.     The 
 victory  over  Goliath  had  been  a  turning  point  of 
 his  cireer.     Saul  inquired  his  parentage,  and  took 
 him   finally  to  his  court.     Jonathan  was  inspii-ed 
 by  the  romantic   fiiendship  which   bound   the  two 
 youths  together  to  the   end   of  their   lives.      The 
 triumphant   songs    of   the    Israelitish   women   an- 
 nounced that  they  felt  that  in  him  Israel  had  now 
 ti)und  a  deliverer  mightier  even  than  Siuil.     And 
 in  those  songs,  and  in  the  fame  which   David  thus 
 acquired,  was  laid  the  Ibuudation  of' that  imhappy 
 jealousy  of  Saul  towards  him  which,  mingling  with 
 the  king's  constitutional  mahidy,  poisoned  his  whole 
 future   relations   Vi   David.       'I'hrc-e   new   qualitief 
 
DAVID 
 
 i.iow  began  to  develope  themselves  in  David's  cha- 
 racter. 'J'he  first  was  his  prudence.  It  was  that 
 peculiar  Jewish  caution  which  has  been  compared 
 to  the  sagacity  of  a  hunted  animal,  such  as  is  re- 
 marked in  .Jacob,  and  afterwards  in  the  persecuted 
 Israelites  of  the  middle  ages.  Secondly,  we  now 
 see  his  magnanimous  forbearance  called  forth,  in 
 the  first  instance,  towards  Saul,  but  displaying 
 itself  (with  a  tew  painful  exceptions)  in  the  rest 
 of  his  lite.  He  is  the  first  example  of  the  virtue 
 of  chivalry.  Thirdly,  his  hairbreadth  escapes,  con- 
 tinued through  so  many  years,  impressed  upon  him 
 a  sense  of  dependence  on  the  Divine  help,  clearly 
 derived  from  this  epoch.  This  course  of  life  sub- 
 divides itself  into  four  portions: — 1.  His  life  at  the 
 court  of  Saul  till  his  final  escape  (1  Sam.  xviii.  2- 
 xix.  18).  His  office  is  not  exactly  defined.  But  it 
 would  seem  that,  having  been  first  armour-bearer 
 (xvi.  21,  xviii.  2),  then  made  captain  over  a  thou- 
 sand— the  subdivision  of  a  tribe^( xviii.  13),  he 
 finally,  on  his  marriage  with  Michal,  the  king's 
 second  daughter,  was  raised  to  the  high  office  of 
 captain  of  the  king's  body-guard,  second  only,  if  not 
 equal,  to  Abner,  the  captain  of  the  host,  and  Jona- 
 than, the  heir  apparent.  These  three  formed  the 
 usual  companions  of  the  king  at  his  meals  (xx.  25). 
 David  was  now  chietiy  known  for  his  successful 
 exploits  against  the  Philistines,  by  one  of  which  he 
 won  his  wife,  and  drove  back  the  Philistine  power 
 with  a  blow  from  which  it  only  rallied  at  the 
 disastrous  close  of  Saul's  reign.  He  also  still  per- 
 formed from  time  to  time  the  office  of  minstrel. 
 But  the  successive  snares  laid  by  Saul  to  entrap 
 him,  and  the  open  violence  into  which  the  king's 
 madness  twice  broke  out,  at  last  convinced  him 
 that  his  life  was  no  longer  safe.  He  had  two 
 faithful  allies,  however,  in  the  court — the  son  of 
 Saul,  his  friend  Jonathan — the  daughter  of  Saul, 
 his  wife  Michal.  Warned  by  the  one,  and  assisted 
 by  the  other,  he  escaped  by  night,  and  was  from 
 thenceforward  a  fugitive.  Jonathan  he  never  saw 
 again  except  by  stealth.  Michal  was  given  in  mar- 
 I'iage  to  another  (Phaltiel),  and  he  saw  her  no 
 more  till  long  after  her  father's  death.  2.  His 
 escape  (I  Sam.  xix.  18-xxi.  15).  He  first  fled  to 
 Naioth  (or  the  pastures)  of  Ramah,  to  Samuel. 
 This  is  the  first  recorded  occasion  of  his  meeting 
 with  Samuel  since  the  original  interview  during  his 
 boyhood  at  Bethlehem.  Up  to  this  time  both  the 
 king  and  himself  had  thought  that  a  reunion  was 
 possible  (see  xx.  5,  26).  But  the  madness  of  Saul 
 now  became  more  settled  and  ferocious  in  cha- 
 racter, and  David's  danger  proportionably  greater. 
 The  secret  interview  with  Jonathan  confirmed  the 
 alarm  already  excitai  by  Saul's  endeavour  to  seize 
 him  at  Ramah,  and  he  now  detennined  to  leave  his 
 country,  and  take  refuge,  like  Coriolauus,  or  The- 
 mistocles  in  like  circumstances,  in  the  court  of  his 
 enemy.  Before  this  last  resolve,  he  visited  NoB, 
 the  seat  of  the  tabernacle,  partly  to  obtain  a  final 
 interview  with  the  high-priest  (1  Sam.  xxii.  9,  15), 
 partly  to  obtain  food  and  weapons.  On  the  pretext 
 of  a  se(;ret  mission  from  Saul,  he  gained  an  answer 
 f  im  the  oracle,  some  of  the  consecrated  loaves,  and 
 the  consecrated  sword  of  (joliath.  His  stay  at  the 
 court  of  Aciiisii  was  short.  Discovered  possibly 
 by  "  the  sword  of  Goliath,"  his  presence  revived 
 the  national  enmity  of  the  Philistines  against  their 
 former  conquei'or,  and  he  only  escaped  by  feigning 
 madness  (1  Sam.  xxi.  13).  3.  His  life  as  an  inde- 
 p<»ndent  outlaw  (xxii.  1— x.wi,  25).  («)  His  first 
 Con.  D.  B. 
 
 DAVID 
 
 193 
 
 retreat  was  the  cave  of  Adnllam,  probably  the  large 
 cavern,  not  far  fiom  Bethlehem,  now  called  Khn- 
 reilun.  From  its  vicinity  to  Bethlehem,  he  was 
 joined  there  by  his  whole  family,  now  feeling  them- 
 selves insecure  from  Saul's  fury  (xxii.  1).  This 
 was  probably  the  foundation  of  his  intimate  con- 
 nexion with  his  nephews,  the  sons  of  Zeruiah.  Be- 
 sides these,  were  outlaws  and  debtors  from  every 
 part.  (6)  His  next  move  was  to  a  strongliold, 
 either  the  mountain,  afterwards  called  Herodium, 
 close  to  Adullam,  or  the  fastness  called  by  Josephus 
 Masada,  the  Grecised  form  of  the  Hebrew  word 
 Matzed  (1  Sam.  xxii.  4,  5  ;  1  Chr.  xii.  16),  in  the 
 neighboui-hood  of  En-gedi.  Whilst  there  he  had 
 deposited  his  aged  parents,  for  the  sake  of  greater 
 security,  beyond  the  Jordan,  with  their  ancestral 
 ki-nsman  of  Moab  (ib.  3).  The  neighbouring  king, 
 Nahash  of  Ammon,  also  treated  him  kindly  (2  Sam. 
 X.  2).  Here  occurred  the  chivalrous  exploit  of  the 
 three  heroes  just  mentioned  to  procure  water  from 
 the  well  of  Bethlehem,  and  David's  chivalrous 
 answer,  like  that  of  Alexander  in  the  desert  of 
 Gedrosia  (1  Chr.  xi.  16-19  ;  2  Sam.  xxiii.  14-17). 
 He  was  joined  here  by  two  separate  bands.  One  a 
 httle  body  of  eleven  fierce  Gadite  mountaineers, 
 who  swam  the  Jordan  in  flood-time  to  reach  him 
 (1  Chr.  xii.  8).  Another  was  a  detachment  of  men 
 from  Judah  and  Benjamin  under  his  nephew  Amasai, 
 who  henceforth  attached  himself  to  David's  fortunes 
 (1  Chr.  xii.  16-18).  (c)  At  the  warning  of  Gad, 
 he  fled  next  to  the  forest  of  Hareth,  and  then  again 
 fell  in  with  the  Philistines,  and  again,  apparently 
 advised  by  Gad  (xxiii.  4),  made  a  descent  on  their 
 foraging  parties,  and  relieved  Kcilah,  in  which  he 
 took  up  his  abode.  Whilst  there,  now  for  the  first 
 time  in  a  fortified  town  of  his  own  (xxiii.  7),  he 
 was  joined  by  a  new  and  most  important  ally — - 
 Abiathar,  the  last  survivor  of  the  house  of  Ithamar. 
 By  this  time  the  400  who  had  joined  him  at 
 Adullam  (xxii.  2)  had  swelled  to  600  (xxiii.  13). 
 {d)  The  situation  of  David  was  now  changed  by 
 the  appearance  of  Saul  himself  on  the  scene.  Ap- 
 parently the  danger  was  too  great  for  the  little 
 army  to  keep  together.  They  escaped  from  Keilah, 
 and  dispersed,  "  whithersoever  they  could  go," 
 amongst  the  fastnesses  of  Judah.  Henceforth  it 
 becomes  difficult  to  follow  his  movements  with 
 exactness.  But  thus  much  we  discern.  He  is  in 
 the  wilderness  of  Ziph.  Once  (or  twice)  the 
 Ziphites  betray  his  movements  to  Saul.  From 
 thence  Saul  literally  hunts  him  like  a  partridge, 
 the  treacherous  Ziphites  beating  the  bushes  before 
 him,  and  3000  men,  stationed  to  catch  even  the 
 print  of  his  footsteps  on  the  hills  (1  Sam.  xxiii. 
 14,  22  (Heb.),  24  (LXX.),  xxiv.  11,  xxvi.  2,  20). 
 David  finds  himself  driven  to  the  extreme  south  of 
 Judah,  in  the  wilderness  of  Jlaon.  On  two,  if  not 
 three  occasions,  the  pui-suer  and  pursued  catch  sight 
 of  each  other  (1  Sam.  xxiii.  25-29,  xxiv.  1-22, 
 xxvi.).  Whilst  he  was  in  the  wilderness  of  Maon 
 occurred  David's  adventure  with  Nabal,  instructive 
 as  showing  his  mode  of  carrying  on  the  freebooter's 
 life,  and  his  marriage  with  Abigail.  His  marriage 
 with  Ahinoam  from  Jezi'eel,  also  in  the  same  neigh- 
 bourhood (Josh.  XV.  56),  seems  to  have  taken  place 
 a  short  time  before  (1  Sam.  xxv,  43,  xxvii.  3; 
 2  Sam.  iii.  2).  4.  His  service  under  Achish  (I 
 Sam.  xxvii.  1 ;  2  Sam.  i.  27).  Wearied  with  his 
 wandering  life  he  at  last  crosses  the  Philistine 
 frontier,  not,  as  before,  in  the  capacity  of  a  fugitive, 
 but  the  chief  of  a  powerful  band — his  600  men  now 
 
 O 
 
U»4 
 
 DAVID 
 
 grown  into  an  organised  force,  with  their  wives 
 and  families  around  them  (xxvii.  3,  4).  After  the 
 manner  of  Kastein  potentates,  Achish  gave  him,  for 
 his  support,  a  city — Ziidag  on  the  frontier  of  Phi- 
 listia  (xxvii.  6).  There  we  meet  with  the  first  note 
 of  time  in  David's  liti».  He  was  settled  there  for  a 
 year  and  four  months  (xxvii.  7 ),  and  a  hody  of 
 Benjamite  archeisand  slingers,  twenty-two  of  whom 
 are  specially  named,  joined  him  from  the  very  tribe 
 of  his  rival  (1  Clir.  xii.  1-7).  He  deceived  Achish 
 into  confidence  by  attacking  the  old  Nomadic  inha- 
 bitants of  the  desert  frontier,  and  representing  the 
 plunder  to  be  of  portions  of  the  southern  tribes  or 
 the  Nomadic  allial  tribes  of  Israel.  But  this  con- 
 fidence was  not  shared  by  tlio  Philistine  nobles,  and 
 accordingly  David  was  sent  baclj  by  Achish  fi-om 
 the  last  victorious  campaign  against  Saul.  During 
 his  absence  the  Bedouin  Amalei<ite>",  whom  he  had 
 plundered  during  the  previous  year,  had  made  a 
 descent  upon  Ziklag,  burnt  it  to  the  grouml,  and 
 carried  off"  the  wives  and  children  of  the  new  settle- 
 ment. A  wild  scene  of  frantic  gi'ief  and  i-ecrimi- 
 nation  ensued  between  David  and  his  followers.  It 
 was  calmed  by  an  oracle  of  assurance  from  Abiathar. 
 Assistei  by  the  Maiiassites  wlio  had  joined  him  on 
 the  march  to  Gilboa  (1  Chr.  xii.  19-21),  he  over- 
 took the  invadei's  in  the  desert,  and  recovered  the 
 spoil  (1  .Sam.  xxx.).  Two  days  after  this  victorv 
 a  Bedouin  arrived  from  the  north  with  the  fatal 
 news  of  the  defeat  of  Gillwa.  The  reception  of  tiie 
 tidings  of  the  death  of  his  rival  and  of  his  friend, 
 the  solemn  mourning,  the  vent  of  his  indignation 
 against  the  be;uer  of  the  message,  the  ]>athetic 
 lamentation  that  followed,  well  close  the  second 
 period  of  David's  life  (2  Sam.  i.  1-27  j.— III.  iMvid's 
 reign. — (I.)  As  king  of  Judali  at  Heljion,  7J  years 
 (2  Sam.  ii.  11);  (2  Sam.  ii.  1-v.  5).  Hebron  was 
 .selected,  doubtless,  as  the  ancient  sacred  city  of  the 
 tribe  of  Judah,  the  burial  place  of  tlie  patiiarchs 
 and  the  inheritance  of  Caleb.  Here  David  was  first 
 fomially  anointed  king  (2  Sam.  ii.  4j.  To  Judah 
 his  dominion  was  nominally  confined.  Gradually 
 his  power  increased,  and  during  the  two  years 
 which  followed  the  elevation  of  Isliboslieth  a  series 
 of  skinnishes  took  place  between  the  two  kingdoms. 
 Then  rapidly  followed,  though  without  David's 
 consent,  the  successive  murders  of  Auner  and  of 
 IsiiBOSHKTH  (2  Sam.  iii.  30,  iv.  .5).  The  throne, 
 ft)  long  waiting  for  him,  was  now  vacant,  and  the 
 united  voice  of  the  whole  peojde  at  once  called  him 
 to  occupy  it.  A  solemn  league  was  made  l)etween 
 him  and  his  people  (2  Sam.  v.  3).  For  the  third 
 time  David  was  anointed  king,  and  a  festival  of 
 three  days  celel>rated  the  joyful  event  (1  Chr.  xii. 
 39;.  Ilis  little  band  had  now  swelled  into  "a  great 
 host,  like  tiie  host  of  God  "  '  1  Chr.  xii.  22).  "  The 
 command  of  it,  which  h:ul  formerly  rested  on  David 
 alone,  he  now  devolved  on  his  nephew  Joab  (2  Sam. 
 ii.  28).  (II.)  Ueign  over  all  Israel  33  years  (2 
 Sam.  V.  5  to  1  K.  ii.  11).  (1)  The  foundation  of 
 .lerusalein.  One  fastness  alone  in  the  centre  of  the 
 ian<i  had  hitherto  defieil  the  arms  of  Israel.  On 
 this,  with  a  singular  prescience,  David  tixed  as  his 
 future  capital.  By  one  sudden  assault  Jebus  wa-s 
 tiiken.  The  reward  Le-towwl  on  the  successful 
 vuiler  of  the  precipice  was  the  highe-^t  place  in  the 
 army.  .loab  henceforward  be(5nne  captain  of  the 
 host  (I  Chr.  xi.  6).  The  royal  resilience  was  in- 
 stantly fi.\ed  there — fortifusitiims  were  added  bv 
 the  king  and  by  .loab — and  it  was  known  by  the 
 speci.-d  name  of  the  "  city  of  David  "  (1  Chr.  xi.  7  ; 
 
 DAVID 
 
 2  Sam.  V.  9).  The  Philistines  made  two  ineffectual 
 attacks  on  the  new  king  (2  Sam.  v.  17-20),  and  a 
 retribution  on  their  foiTner  victories  took  place  by 
 the  capture  and  conflagiation  of  their  own  idols 
 (1  Chr.  xiv.  12).  Tyre,  now  for  the  first  time 
 appearing  in  the  sacred  history,  allied  herself  with 
 Israel ;  and  Hiram  sent  cedarwood  for  the  buildings 
 of  the  new  capital  (2  Sam.  v.  11),  especially  for 
 the  palace  of  David  himself  (2  Sam.  vii.  2).  Un« 
 hallowed  and  profane  as  the  city  had  been  before, 
 it  was  at  once  elevated  to  a  sanctity  which  it  ha-s 
 never  lost,  above  any  of  the  ancient  sanctuaries  of 
 the  land.  The  ark  was  now  removed  from  its 
 obscurity  at  Kiijath-jcanm  with  marked  solemnity. 
 A  temporary  halt  (owing  to  the  deith  of  Uzza) 
 detained  it  at  Obed-edom's  house,  after  which  it 
 again  moved  forwanl  with  great  state  to  Jerusalem. 
 It  was  the  greatest  day  of  David's  life.  One  incid- 
 ent only  tarnished  its  splendour — the  reproach  of 
 Michal,  his  wil'e,  as  he  was  finally  entering  his  own 
 palace,  to  carry  to  his  own  household  the  benedic- 
 tion which  he  had  alreadv  pronounced  on  his  people. 
 His  act  of  severity  towards  her  w.as  an  additional 
 mark  of  the  stress  which  he  himself  laid  on  the 
 solemnity  (2  Sam.  vi.  20-23;  1  Chr.  xv.  29). 
 (2)  Foundation  of  the  Court  and  Empire  of  Israel, 
 2  Sam.  viii.  to  xii.  The  erection  of  the  new  capital 
 at  Jerusalem  introduces  us  to  a  new  era  in  David's 
 life  and  in  the  history  of  the  monarchy.  He  became 
 a  king  on  the  scale  of  the  great  Orienfcd  sovereigns 
 of  Fgypt  and  Peisia,  with  a  regular  administration 
 and  organization  of  court  and  camp ;  and  he  also 
 tbunded  an  imperial  dominion  which  for  the  first 
 time  realised  the  pro]ihetic  description  of  the  bounds 
 of  the  chosen  people  (Gen.  xv.  18-21).  The  inter- 
 nal organization  now  established  Lasted  till  the  final 
 overthrow  of  the  monarchy.  The  empire  wius  of 
 much  sliorter  duration,  continuing  only  through  the 
 reigns  of  Divid  and  his  successor  Solomon.  But, 
 for  the  period  of  its  existence,  it  lent  a  peculiar 
 character  to  the  sacred  history.  fa)  In  the  in- 
 ternal organization  of  the  kingdom  the  fii-st  new 
 element  that  has  to  be  considered  is  the  royal  family, 
 the  dynasty,  of  which  David  was  the  founder,  a 
 position  which  entitled  him  to  the  name  of  "  Patri- 
 arch "  (Acts  ii.  29),  and  (ultimately)  of  the  an- 
 cestor of  the  Messiah.  Of  these,  Absalom  and 
 Adonijah  both  inherited  their  father's  beauty  (2 
 Sam.  xiv.  25;  1  K.  i.  6)  ;  but  Solomon  alone  pos- 
 .scssctl  any  of  his  higher  qualities.  It  was  from  a 
 union  of  the  children  of  Solomon  and  Absalom  that 
 the  royal  line  was  carried  on  (1  K.  xv.  2).  David's 
 strong  parental  affection  for  all  of  them  is  very 
 lemarkable  (2  Sam.  xiii.  31,  .33,  36,  xiv.  33,  xviii. 
 ,5,  33,  xix.  4;  1  K.  i.  6).  (6)  The  military  or 
 ganization,  which  was  in  tact  inherited  from  Saul, 
 but  gi-ently  developed  by  David,  was  as  follows : 
 (1)  "  The  Host,"  J.  e.  the  whole  available  military 
 force  of  Israel,  consisting  of  all  males  cajjable  of 
 bearing  amis,  and  summoned  only  for  war.  There 
 were  12  divisions  of  24,000  each,  who  were  held 
 to  be  in  duty  month  by  month  ;  and  over  ea(di  of 
 thi'm  presided  an  ollicer,  selected  foi-  this  purpose 
 from  the  other  military  bodies  tonned  by  David 
 (1  Chr.  xxvii.  1-15).  The  army  was  still  distin- 
 guished from  those  of  surrounding  nations  by  its 
 jirimitive  .as|)ect  of  a  force  of  infantry  without 
 cavaliy.  The  only  innovatinns  as  yet  allowed  were 
 the  introduction  of  a  very  limited  numbei  of  chariots 
 (2  Sam.  viii.  4)  and  of  mules  for  the  princes  and 
 officei-s  instead  of  the  asses  (2  Sam.  xiii.  29,  xviii. 
 
DAVID 
 
 S).  (2)  The  Body-gu;irii.  Tliis  also  had  existed 
 in  the  court  of  Saul,  and  David  himself  had  pro- 
 bably been  its  commanding  officer  (1  Sam.  xxii.  14*). 
 But  it  now  assumed  a  peculiar  organization.  Tliey 
 were  at  least  in  name  foreigners,  as  having  been 
 drawn  from  the  Philistines,  probably  during  David's 
 residence  at  the  court  of  Gath.  They  are  usually 
 called  from  this  circumstance  "  Cherethites  and 
 J'elethites."  The  captain  of  the  force  was,  how- 
 ever, not  only  not  a  foreignei',  but  an  Israelite  of 
 the  highest  distinction  and  purest  descent,  who  first 
 appears  in  this  capacity,  but  who  outlived  David, 
 and  became  the  chief  support  of  the  throne  of  his 
 son,  namely  Benaiah,  son  of  the  chief-priest  Jehoiada, 
 repi-esentative  of  the  eldest  branch  of  Aaron's  house 
 (2  Sam.  viii.  18,  xv.  18,  xx.  23;  1  K.  i.  38,  44). 
 (3)  The  most  peculiar  militar}'  institution  in  David's 
 army  was  that  which  arose  out  of  tlie  peculiar  cir- 
 cumstances of  his  early  life.  The  nucleus  of  what 
 afterwai'ds  became  the  only  standing  army  in  David's 
 forces  was  the  band  of  600  men  who  had  gathered 
 lound  him  in  his  wanderings.  The  number  of  600 
 was  still  preserved.  It  became  yet  further  sub- 
 divided into  3  large  bands  of  200  each,  and  small 
 bands  of  20  each.  The  small  bands  were  com- 
 manded by  30  olficers,  one  for  each  band,  who  to- 
 gether formed  "  the  thirty,"  and  the  3  large  bands 
 by  3  offit'ers,  who  together  foi'med  "  the  three,"  and 
 the  whole  by  one  chief,  "  the  captain  of  the  micjhty 
 meu"  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  8-39  ;  1  Chr.  xi.  9-47).  This 
 commander  of  the  whole  force  was  Abishai,  David's 
 nephew  (I  Chr.  xi.  20;  and  comp.  2  Sam.  xvi.  9j. 
 (c)  Side  by  side  with  this  military  organization 
 were  established  social  and  moral  institutions. 
 Some  were  entirely  for  pastoral,  agricultural,  and 
 financial  purposes  (1  Chr.  x.\vii.  25-31),  others  for 
 judicial  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  29-32).  Some  few  are  named 
 as  constituting  what  would  now  be  called  the  court, 
 or  council  of  the  king  ;  the  councillors,  Ahithophel 
 of  Gilo,  and  Jonathan  tlie  king's  nephew  (I  Chr. 
 xxvii.  32,  33);  the  companion  or  "friend,"  Hushai 
 (1  Chr.  .xxvii.  33  ;  2  Sam.  xv.  37,  xvi.  19);  the 
 scribe,  Sheva,  or  Seraiah,  and  at  one  time  Jonathan 
 y2  Sam.  XX.  25  ;  1  Chr.  .xxvii.  32) ;  Jehoshaphat, 
 the  recorder  or  historian  (2  Sam.  xx.  24),  and 
 Adoram  the  tax-collector,  both  of  whom  survived 
 him  (2  Sam.  xx.  24 ;  IK.  xii.  18,  iv.  3,  6).  But 
 the  more  peculiar  of  David's  institutions  were  those 
 directly  bearing  on  religion.  Two  prophets  appear 
 as  the  king's  constant  advisers.  Of  these,  Gad, 
 who  seems  to  have  been  the  elder,  had  been  David's 
 companion  in  exile;  and,  from  his  being  called  "  the 
 seer,"  belongs  probably  to  the  earliest  form  of  the 
 prophetic  schools.  Kathan,  who  appears  for  the 
 first  time  after  the  establishment  of  the  kingdom  at 
 Jerusalem  (2  Sam.  vii.  2),  is  distinguished  both  by 
 his  title  of  "  prophet,"  and  by  the  nature  of  the 
 prophecies  which  he  utters  (2  Sam.  vii.  5-17,  xii. 
 1-14),  as  of  the  purest  type  of  prophetic  dispens- 
 ation, and  as  the  hope  of  the  new  generation, 
 which  he  supports  in  the  person  of  Solomon 
 (1  K.  i.).  Two  high-priests  also  appear — repre- 
 sentatives of  the  two  rival  houses  of  Aaron  ( 1  Chr. 
 xxiv.  3) ;  here  again,  as  in  the  case  of  the  two 
 prophets,  one,  Abiathar,  who  attended  him  at  Jeru- 
 salem, companion  of  his  e.xile,  and  connected  with 
 the  old  time  of  the  judges  (1  Chi-,  xxvii.  34),  join- 
 ing him  after  the  death  of  Saul,  and  becoming 
 afterwards  the  support  of  his  sou  ;  the  other  Zadok, 
 who  ministered  at  Gibeon  (1  Chr.  xvi.  39),  and 
 who  was  made    the   head  of  the   Aaronic  family 
 
 DAVID 
 
 195 
 
 (xxvii.  17).  Presides  these  four  great  religious  func- 
 tionaries there  were  two  classes  of  subordinates — 
 prophets,  specially  instructed  in  singing  and  music, 
 under  Asaph,  Heman  the  grandson  of  Samuel,  and 
 Jeduthun  (1  Chr.  xxv.  1-31)— Levites,  or  attend- 
 ants on  the  sanctuary,  who  again  were  subdivided 
 into  the  guardians  of  the  gates  and  guardians  of  the 
 treasures  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  1-28)  which  had  been  accu- 
 mulated, since  the  re-establisliraent  of  the  nation, 
 by  Samuel,  Saul,  Abner,  Joab.  and  David  himself 
 (1  Chr.  xxvi.  26-28).  (d)  From  the  internal  stiite 
 of  David's  kingdom  we  pass  to  its  external  relations. 
 Tliese  will  be  found  at  length  under  the  various 
 countries  to  which  they  relate.  It  will  be  hei'e 
 only  necessary  to  briefly  indicate  the  enlargement 
 of  his  dominions.  Within  ten  years  from  the  cap- 
 ture of  Jerusalem,  he  had  reduced  to  a  state  of  per- 
 manent subjection  the  Philistines  on  the  west 
 (2  Sam.  viii.  1);  the  Moarites  on  the  east  (2 
 Sam.  viii.  2),  by  the  exploits  of  Benaiah  (2  Sam. 
 xxiii.  20) ;  the  Syrians  on  the  north-east  as  fai-  as 
 the  Euphrates  (2  .Sam.  viii.  3)  ;  the  Edomites 
 (2  Sam.  viii.  14),  on  the  south  ;  and  finally  the 
 Ammonites,  who  had  broken  their  ancient  alliance, 
 and  made  one  ^jrand  resistance  to  the  advance  of  his 
 empire  (2  Sam.  s.  1-19,  xii.  26-31).  These  three 
 last  wars  were  entangled  with  each  other.  The 
 last  and  crowning  point  was  the  siege  of  Rabbah. 
 (3)  Three  great  calamities  may  be  selected  as 
 marking  the  beginning,  middle,  and  close  of  Daxid's 
 otherwise  prosperous  reign ;  which  appears  to  be 
 intimated  in  the  question  of  Gad  (2  Sam.  xxiv.  13), 
 "  a  three  years'  famine,  a  three  months'  flight,  or 
 a  three  days'  pestilence."  (a)  Of  these,  the  first 
 (the  three  years'  famine)  introduces  us  to  the  last 
 notices  of  David's  relations  with  the  house  of  Saul. 
 There  has  often  arisen  a  painful  suspicion  in  later 
 times,  as  there  seems  to  have  been  at  the  time 
 {xvi.  7),  that  the  oracle,  which  gave  as  the  cause 
 of  the  famine  Saul's  massacre  of  the  Gibeouites, 
 may  have  been  connected  with  the  desire  to  extin- 
 guish the  last  remains  of  the  fallen  dynasty.  But 
 such  an  explanation  is  not  needed.  The  massacre 
 was  probably  the  most  recent  national  crime  that 
 had  left  any  deep  impression ;  and  the  whole  tenor 
 of  David's  condiict  towards  Saul's  family  is  of  an 
 opposite  kind,  (b)  The  second  group  of  incidents 
 contains  the  tragedy  of  David's  life,  which  grew  in 
 all  its  parts  out  of  the  polygamy,  with  its  evil  con- 
 sequences, into  which  he  had  plunged  on  becoming 
 king.  Underneath  the  splendour  of  his  last  glorious 
 campaign  against  the  Ammonites,  was  a  dark  story, 
 known  probably  .at  that  time  only  to  a  very  few  ; 
 the  double  crime  of  adultery  with  Bathsheba,  and 
 of  the  virtual  murder  of  Uriah.  The  crimes  are 
 undoubtedly  those  of  a  common  Oriental  despot. 
 But  the  rebuke  of  Nathan ;  the  sudden  revival  of 
 the  king's  conscience ;  his  grief  for  the  sickness  of 
 the  child  ;  the  gathering  of  his  uncles  and  elder 
 brothers  around  him  ;  his  return  of  hope  and  peace  ; 
 are  chai'acteristic  of  David,  and  of  David  only.  But 
 tiie  clouds  from  this  time  gathered  over  Da\nd's 
 fortunes,  and  henceforward  "  the  swoi'd  never  de- 
 parted from  his  house"  (2  Sam.  xii.  10).  The 
 outrage  on  his  daughter  Tamar ;  the  murder  of  his 
 eldest  son  Amnon ;  and  then  the  revolt  of  his  best- 
 beloved  Absalom,  brought  on  the  crisis  which  once 
 more  sent  him  forth  a  wanderer,  as  in  the  day> 
 when  he  fled  from  Saul ;  and  this,  the  heaviest  trial 
 of  his  life,  was  aggravated  by  the  impetuosity  ot 
 Joab,  now  perhaps,  from  his  complicity  in  David's 
 
 O  2 
 
19G 
 
 DAVID 
 
 Ci'iine,  more  unmanageable  than  ever.  The  rebellion 
 Wiis  fostered  api)arently  by  the  gi'owing  jealousy  of 
 the  tribe  of  Judah  at  seeing  their  king  absorbed  into 
 the  whole  nation  ;  and  if,  as  appears  from  2  Sam. 
 xi.  3,  xxiii.  34,  Ahitho])hcl  was  the  grandfather  of 
 Uathsheba,  its  main  supporter  was  one  whom  David 
 had  provokal  by  his  own  crimes.  For  its  general 
 coui"se  the  reader  is  referred  to  the  names  just  men- 
 tioned. Jlahanaim  was  the  capital  of  David's  exile, 
 MS  it  had  been  of  the  exiled  house  of  Saul  (2  Sam. 
 xvii.  24;  comp.  ii.  8,  12).  His  forces  were  ar- 
 ranf;ed  under  the  three  great  military  otficei's  who 
 remained  faithl'ul  to  his  fortunes — Joab,  captain  of 
 the  host ;  Abishai,  captain  of  "  the  mighty  men  ;" 
 and  Ittai,  who  seems  to  have  taken  the  place  of 
 Benaiah  as  captiiin  of  the  guard  (2  Sam.  xviii.  2). 
 On  Absalom's  side  was  David's  nephew  Amasa  (ib. 
 xvii.  2o).  The  final  battle  w;is  fought  in  the 
 "  forest  of  Ephraim,"  which  teiininated  in  the  accid- 
 ent leading  to  the  death  of  Absalom.  At  this 
 j)oint  the  narrative  resumes  its  minute  detail.  The 
 leturn  was  marked  at  eveiy  stage  by  rejoicing  and 
 amnesty  (2  Sam.  xix.  16-40  ;  1  K.  ii.  7).  Judah 
 was  first  reconciled.  The  embers  of  the  insurrection 
 still  smouldering  (2  Sam.  xix.  41-43)  in  David's 
 hereditary  enemies  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  were 
 trampled  out  by  the  mixture  of  boldness  and  saga- 
 city in  Joab,  now,  after  the  murder  of  Amasa,  once 
 more  in  his  old  position.  And  David  again  reigned 
 in  undisturbed  peace  at  Jerusalem  (2  Sam.  xx. 
 1-22).  (c)  The  closing  period  of  David's  life,  with 
 the  exception  of  one  great  calamity,  may  be  con- 
 sidered as  a  gradual  preparation  for  the  leign  of  his 
 successor.  This  calamity  was  the  three  days'  pesti- 
 lence which  visited  Jerusalem  at  the  warning  of  the 
 proj)het  Gad.  The  occasion  which  led  to  this  wain- 
 ing  was  the  census  of  the  people  taken  by  Joab  at 
 the  king's  orders  (2  Sam.  xxiv.  1-9  ;  1  Chr.  xxi. 
 1-7,  xxvii.  23,  24).  Joab's  repugnance  to  the  mea- 
 sui-e  was  such  that  he  refused  altogether  to  number 
 Levi  and  Benjamin  (I  Chr.  xxi.  6).  The  plague 
 and  its  cessation  were  commemorated  down  to  the 
 latest  times  of  the  Jewish  nation.  Outside  the 
 walls  of  Jerusalem,  Araunah  or  Oman,  a  wealthy 
 .lebusite — perhaps  even  the  ancient  king  of  Jebus 
 (2  Sam.  xxiv.  23) — possessed  a  threshing-fiooi- ; 
 there  he  and  his  sons  were  engaged  in  thieshing  the 
 corn  gathered  in  from  the  harvest  (1  Chr.  xxi.  20). 
 At  this  sjiot  an  awful  vision  appeared,  such  as  is 
 described  in  the  later  days  of  Jerusalem,  of  the 
 Angel  of  the  Lord  stietching  out  a  drawn  sword 
 between  earth  and  sky  over  the  devotei.1  city.  The 
 scene  of  sur:h  an  apparition  at  such  a  moment  was 
 at  once  marke<I  out  for  a  sanctuaiy.  David  de- 
 manded, and  Araunah  willingly  grante<i,  the  site ; 
 the  altar  wa:?  erected  on  the  rock  of  the  threshing- 
 floor  ;  the  place  was  cilled  by  the  name  of'  Moriali" 
 '2  Chr.  iii.  1);  and  for  the  first  time  a  holy  place, 
 sanctified  by  a  vision  of  the  Divine  j)re>ence,  wxs 
 recognise*!  in  Jerusalem.  It  was  this  spot  which 
 aflcrwards  became  the  alfcir  of  the  Tem])Ie,  and 
 therefore  the  centre  of  the  national  woi-ship,  with 
 but  slight  inteiTuption,  for  more  than  1000  yenrs, 
 nnd  it  is  even  contended  that  the  same  spot  is  the 
 rock,  still  regarded  with  almost  idolati'ous  venera- 
 tion, in  the  centre  of  the  Mussulman  "  Dome  of  Uie 
 IJock."  A  formidable  conspiracy  to  interrupt  the 
 succession  broke  out  in  the  last  days  of  David's 
 reign,  which  ilotached  from  his  person  two  of  his 
 court,  who  from  personal  oIILmicc  or  adherence  to 
 the  ancient  family  had  been  alienated  from  him    - 
 
 DAY 
 
 Joab  and  Abiathar.  But  Zadok,  Nathan,  Benaiah, 
 Shiinei,  and  Kc;i  remaining  firm,  the  plot  was  stitleil, 
 and  Solomon's  inauguration  took  place  under  his 
 father's  auspices  fl  K.  i.  1-53).  By  this  time 
 David's  infirmities  had  grown  upon  him.  The 
 warmth  of  his  exhausted  frame  w;\s  attemjited  to 
 be  restored  by  the  introduction  of  a  young  Shu- 
 nammite,  of  the  name  of  Abishag,  mentioned  appar- 
 ently for  the  sake  of  an  incident  which  grew  up  in 
 connexion  with  her  out  of  the  later  events  (1  K.  i. 
 1,  ii.  17).  His  last  song  is  preserve<I — a  striking 
 union  of  the  ideal  of  a  just  ruler  which  he  had 
 pliced  before  him,  and  of  the  dilficulties  which  he 
 had  felt  in  realizing  it  (2  S:im.  xxiii.  1-7).  His 
 last  words,  as  recorded,  to  his  successor,  are  general 
 exhort;itions  to  his  duty,  combined  with  warnings 
 against  Joab  and  Shimei,  and  charges  to  remember 
 the  children  of  Barzillai  (1  K.  ii.  1-9).  He  died, 
 according  to  Josephus,  at  the  age  of  70,  and  "  was 
 buried  in  the  city  of  David."  After  the  return 
 from  the  captivity,  "  the  sepulchres  of  D;ivid  "  were 
 still  pointetl  out  "  between  Siloah  and  the  house 
 of  the  mighty  men,"  or  "the  guardhouse"  (Neh. 
 iii.  IG).  His  tomb,  which  became  the  general 
 se]iulchre  of  the  kings  of  Judah,  was  pointed  out  in 
 the  latest  times  of  the  Jewish  people.  The  edifice 
 shown  as  such  from  the  Crusades  to  the  present 
 day  is  on  the  southern  hill  of  nKxlem  Jerusalem, 
 commonly  billed  Mount  Zion,  under  the  so-ailkil 
 "  Coenaculum ;"  but  it  cannot  be  identified  with 
 the  tomb  of  David,  which  w:is  emphatically  xritkin 
 the  walls. 
 
 David,  City  of.     [Jerusalkm.] 
 
 Day.  'I'lie  variable  length  of  the  natuml  day  at 
 dillereiit  seasons  led  in  the  very  earliest  times  to 
 the  adoption  of  the  civil  day  (or  one  revolution  of 
 the  sun)  as  a  standard  of  time.  The  commence- 
 ment of  the  civil  day  varies  in  dillerent  nations: 
 the  Babylonians  reckoned  it  from  sunrise  to  sun- 
 rise ;  the  Umbrians  from  noon  to  noon ;  the  Romans 
 from  midnight  to  midnight;  the  Athenians  and 
 othei-s  from  sunset  to  sunset.  The  Hebrews  natur- 
 ally adopted  the  latter  reckoning  (Lev.  xxiii.  32, 
 "  t'rom  even  to  even  shall  ye  celebrate  your  sal)- 
 bath")  from  Gen.  i.  5,  "the  cveniiuj  and  the 
 morniii'i  weie  the  first  day."  The  Jews  are  sup- 
 posed, like  the  modern  Arabs,  to  have  adopteil  from 
 an  early  period  minute  sjiecifications  of  the  piits 
 of  the  natural  day.  Itoughly  indeeil  they  we)-n 
 content  to  divide  it  into  "  morning,  evening,  and 
 noonday"  'Ps.  Iv.  17);  but  when  they  wished  for 
 greater  accuracy  they  pointed  to  six  unequal  pirts, 
 each  of  which  was  again  suMivided.  These  are 
 held  to  have  been ; — I.  Keshcph  and  S/iitrhar,  "the 
 dawn."  After  their  acquaintance  with  Persia  they 
 diviiled  this  into,  (a)  the  time  when  the  eastern, 
 and  (6)  when  the  western  horizon  was  illuminateil. 
 The  wiiters  of  the  Jerus.  Talmud  divide  the  dawn 
 ii!to/o»r  parts.— II.  Bohcr,  "  sunrise."  Some  su|>- 
 l>ose  that  the  Jews,  like  other  Oriental  nations, 
 commenced  their  civil  day  at  this  time  until  the 
 Ivxodiis.— III.  Cliom  hayiidin,  "heat  of  the  day," 
 about  9  o'clock.— IV.  Tsa/uiraim,  "  the  two  noons  " 
 ((ien.  xliii.  10;  Deut.  xxviii.  29,.  — V.  liwich 
 hiyuoin,  "  the  cool  (lit.  wind)  of  the  day,"  before 
 sunset  (Gen.  iii.  8)  ;  so  called  by  the  Pcisians  to 
 this  day. —  VI.  Ercb,  "evening."  The  phnv^e 
 "  lietween  the  two  evenings"  (Kx.  xvi.  12,  xxx.  8), 
 lining  flie  time  marked  for  slaying  the  pas<lial  lamb 
 and  oll'ering  the  evening  sacrifice  (Kx.  xii.  <>,  xxix. 
 39y   led  to  a  dispute  between   the    Kaniites  and 
 
DAYSMAN 
 
 Samantans  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  Pharisees  on 
 the  other.  The  former  took  it  to  mean  between 
 sunset  and  full  darkness  (Deut.  xvi.  6);  the  fuvb- 
 binists  explained  it  as  the  time  between  the  be- 
 ginning and  end  of  sunset.— Before  the  captivity 
 the  Jews  divided  the  night  into  three  watches  (Ps. 
 Ixiii.  <5,  xc.  4),  viz.  tlie  first  watch,  lasting  till  mid- 
 night (Lam.  ii.  19,  A.  V.  "the  beginning  of  the 
 watches  ") ;  the  "  middle  watch,"  lasting  till  cock- 
 crow (Judg.  vii.  19)  ;  and  the  morning  watch, 
 lasting  till  sunrise  (Ex.  xiv.  24).  These  divisions 
 were  probably  connected  with  the  Levitical  duties 
 in  the  Temple  service.  The  Jews,  however,  say 
 (in  spite  of  their  own  detinition,  "  a  watch  is  the 
 third  part  of  the  night ")  that  they  always  had  four 
 night-watches  (comp.  Keh.  ix.  3),  but  that  the 
 fourth  was  counted  as  a  part  of  the  morning.  In 
 the  N.  T.  we  have  allusions  to  four  watches,  a 
 division  borrowed  from  the  Greeks  and  Romans. 
 These  wei'e,  1.  from  twilight  till  9  o'clock  (Mark 
 xi.  11;  John  XX.  19);  2.  midnight,  from  9  till  12 
 o'clock  (Mark  xiii.  35);  3.  till  3  in  the  morning 
 (Mark  xiii.  35 ;  3  Mace.  v.  23) ;  4.  till  daybreak 
 (John  xviii.  28).  The  word  held  to  mean  "  hour" 
 is  first  found  in  Dan.  iii.  6,  15,  v.  5.  Perhaps  the 
 Jews,  like  the  Greeks,  learnt  from  the  Babylonians 
 the  division  ofthe  day  into  12  parts.  In  our  Lord's 
 time  the  division  was  common  (John  xi.  9). 
 
 Daysman,  an  old  English  term,  meaning  umpire 
 or  arbitrator  (Job  ix.  83).  It  is  derived  from  da;/, 
 in  the  specific  sense  of  a  day  fixed  for  a  trial.  The 
 word  "  daysman "  is  found  in  Spenser's  Faerie 
 Queene,  ii.  c.  8,  in  the  Bible  published  in  1551 
 (I  Sam.  ii.  25),  and  in  other  works  of  the  same 
 age. 
 
 Deacon.  The  office  described  by  this  title  ap- 
 pears in  the  N.  T.  as  the  correlative  of  iwiaKOTros. 
 [Bishop.]  The  two  are  mentioned  together  in 
 Phil.  i.  1 ;  1  Tim.  iii.  2,  8.  Like  most  words  of 
 similar  import,  it  appears  to  have  been  first  used 
 in  its  generic  sense,  implying  subordinate  activity 
 (1  Cor.  iii.  5;  2  Cor.  vi.  4),  and  afterwards  to 
 have  gained  a  more  defined  connotation,  as  applied 
 to  a  distinct  body  of  men  in  the  Christian  society. 
 The  narrative  of  Acts  vi.  is  commonly  referred  to 
 as  giving  an  account  of  the  institution  of  this 
 office.  The  Apostles,  in  order  to  meet  the  com- 
 plaints of  the  Hellenistic  Jews,  that  their  widows 
 were  neglected  in  the  daily  ministration  (StaKovia), 
 call  on  the  body  of  believers  to  choose  seven  men 
 "  full  of  the  Holy  Ghost  and  of  wisdom,"  whom 
 they  "  may  appoint  over  this  business."  It  may 
 be  questioned,  however,  whether  the  seven  were 
 not  appointed  to  higher  functions  than  those  of  the 
 deacons  of  the  N.  T.  There  are  indications,  how- 
 ever, of  the  existence  of  another  body  in  the  Church 
 of  Jerusalem  whom  we  may  compare  with  the 
 deacons  of  Phil.  i.  1,  and  1  Tim.  iii.  8.  As  the 
 "elders"  of  Acts  xiv.  23,  xv.  6;  1  Pet.  v.  1,  were 
 not  merely  men  advanced  in  years,  so  the  "  young 
 men  "  of  Acts  v.  6,  10,  were  probably  not  merely 
 young  men,  but  persons  occupying  a  distinct  posi- 
 tion and  exercising  distinct  functions.  It  is  natural 
 to  infer  that  there  was  a  parallelism  between  the 
 two  titles  of  SiaKovoi  and  vedrepoi.  Luke  xxii. 
 2ti  tends  to  the  same  conclusion.  Assuming  on 
 these  data  the  identity  of  the  two  names  we  have 
 to  ask— (1)  To  what  previous  organisation,  if  any, 
 the  order  is  traceable  ?  (2)  What  wei  e  the  quali- 
 fications and  functions  of  the  men  so  designated  ? 
 L  As  the  constitution  of  the  Jewish  synagogue  had 
 
 DEBIR 
 
 197 
 
 its  elders  or  pastors,  so  also  it  liad  its  subordinate 
 officers  (Luke  iv.  20),  whose  work  it  was  to  give 
 the  reader  the  rolls  containing  the  lessons  for  th<>. 
 day,  to  cleim  the  synagogue,  to  open  and  close  it  at 
 the  right  times.  II.  The  moral  qualifications  de- 
 scribed in  1  Tim.  iii.,  as  necessary  tor  the  office  of  a 
 deacon,  are  substantially  the  same  as  those  of  the 
 bishop.  The  deacons,  however,  were  not  required 
 to  be  "  given  to  hospitality,"  nor  to  be  "  apt  to 
 teach."  It  was  enough  for  them  to  "  hold  the 
 mystery  of  the  tliith  in  a  pure  conscience."  They 
 were  not  to  gain  their  living  by  disreputable  occup- 
 ations. On  offering  themselves  for  their  work 
 they  were  to  be  subject  to  a  strict  scrutiny  (1  Tim. 
 iii.  10),  and  if  this  ended  satisfactorily  were  to  enter 
 on  it.  From  the  analogy  of  the  synagogue,  and 
 from  the  scanty  notices  ofthe  N.  T.,  we  may  think 
 of  the  yeuiTepoi  in  the  Church  of  Jerusalem  as  pre- 
 pai'ing  the  rooms  in  which  the  disciples  met,  taking 
 pait  in  the  distribution  of  alms  out  of  the  common 
 fund,  at  first  with  no  direct  supervision,  then  under 
 that  of  the  Seven,  and  afterwards  under  the  elders, 
 maintaining  order  at  the  daily  meetings  of  the 
 disciples  to  break  bread,  baptising  new  converts, 
 distributing  the  bread  and  the  wine  of  the  Lord's 
 Supper,  which  the  Apostle  or  his  representative  had 
 blessed.  It  does  not  appear  to  have  belonged  to  the 
 office  of  a  deacon  to  teach  publicly  in  the  Church. 
 The  possession  of  any  special  x°-P''°'H-°-  would  lead 
 naturally  to  a  higher  work  and  office,  but  the  idej 
 that  the  diaconate  was  but  a  probation  through 
 which  a  man  had  to  pass  before  he  could  be  an 
 elder  or  bishop  w;is  foreign  to  the  constitution  of 
 the  Church  ofthe  1st  century. 
 
 Deaconess.  The  word  SiaKovos  is  found  in 
 Rom.  xvi.  1  (A.  V.  "  servant"),  associated  with  a 
 female  name,  and  this  has  led  to  the  conclusion 
 that  there  existed  in  the  Apostolic  age,  as  there 
 undoubtedly  did  a  little  later,  an  order  of  women 
 bearing  that  title,  and  exercising  in  relation  to  their 
 own  sex  functions  which  were  analogous  to  those 
 of  the  deacons.  On  this  hypothesis  it  has  been 
 infeiTed  that  the  women  mentioned  in  Rom.  xvi. 
 6,  12,  belonged  to  such  an  order.  The  rules  given 
 as  to  the  conduct  of  women  in  1  Tim.  iii.  11,  Tit. 
 ii.  3,  have  in  like  manner  been  referred  to  them, 
 and  they  have  been  identified  even  with  the 
 "  widows"  of  1  Tim.  v.  3-10.  In  some  of  these 
 instances,  however,  it  seems  hardly  doubtful  that 
 writers  have  transferred  to  the  earliest  age  of  the 
 Church  the  organisation  of  a  later. 
 
 Dead  Sea.  This  name  nowhere  occurs  in  the 
 Bible,  and  appears  not  to  have  existed  until  the 
 2nd  century  after  Christ.  In  the  0.  T.  the  lake  is 
 called  "  the  Salt  Sea,"  and  "  the  Sea  of  the  Plain," 
 and  under  the  former  of  these  names  it  will  be 
 found  described. 
 
 Dearth.     [Famine.] 
 
 De'bir,  the  name  of  three  places  of  Palestine. 
 1,  A  town  in  the  mountains  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv. 
 49),  one  of  a  group  of  eleven  cities  to  the  west  of 
 Hebron.  The  earlier  name  of  Debir  was  Kirjath- 
 sepher,  "  city  of  book  "  (Josh.  xv.  15  ;  Judg.  i.  11), 
 and  Ivirjath-sannah,  "  city  of  palm  "  (Josh.  xv.  49). 
 It  was  one  ofthe  cities  given  with  their  "  suburbs  " 
 to  the  priests  (Josh.  xxi.  15  ;  1  Chr.  vi.  58 ).  Debir 
 does  not  appear  to  have  been  known  to  Jerome,  nor 
 has  it  been  discovered  with  certainty  in  modern 
 times.  About  three  miles  to  the  west  of  Hebron  is 
 a  deep  and  secluded  valley  called  the  Wady  Nunhur, 
 enclosed  on  the  north  by  hills,  of  which  one  beai's 
 
198 
 
 DEBIR 
 
 a  name  certainly  sugirestive  of  Debii' — Deicir-han. 
 Schwarz  s])eak.s  of  a  WmI'J  Dihir  in  this  direction. 
 Van  (le  Velde  Hnds  Debir  at  Dilbeh,  six  miles  S.W. 
 of  Hebi'on.^2.  A  place  on  the  north  boundary  of 
 Judah,  near  the  "Valley  of  Achor"  (Josh.  xv.  7), 
 and  therotbre  somewliere  in  the  complications  of 
 hill  and  ravine  behnid  Jericho.  A  Wady  Dabor  is 
 marked  in  Van  de  Velde's  map  as  close  to  the  S.  of 
 Nebii  Musi,  at  tlie  N.W.  corner  of  the  Dead  Sea.^ 
 3.  The  "border  of  Debir"  is  named  as  forming 
 part  of  the  boundary  of  Gad  (Josh.  xiii.  2G),  and 
 as  apparently  not  far  from  Jlahaiiaim. 
 
 De'bir,  King  of  Eiilon  ;  one  of  the  five  kings 
 hanued  by  Joshua  (Josh.  x.  3,  23). 
 
 Deb'ora,  a  woman  of  Naphtali,  mother  of  Tobiel, 
 the  father  of  Tobit  (Tob.  i.  8). 
 
 Deb'orah.  1.  The  nurse  of  Kebekah  (Gen.  xxxv. 
 8).  Deborah  accompanied  Rebekah  from  the  house 
 of  Bethuel  (Gen.  xxiv.  .59),  and  is  only  mentioned 
 by  name  on  the  occasion  of  her  buiial,  under  the 
 oak-tree  of  Bethel,  which  was  called  in  her  honour 
 Allon-Bachuth.— 2.  A  piophetess  who  judged  Israel 
 (Judg.  iv.,  v.).  She  lived  under  the  palm-tiee  of 
 Deborah,  between  R;iinah  and  Bethel  in  Mount 
 Epliraim  (Judg.  iv.  5),  which,  as  palm-trees  were 
 rare  in  Palestine,  "  is  mentioned  as  a  well-known 
 and  solitary  landmark,  and  was  probably  the  same 
 spot  as  that  called  (Juilg.  xx.  33;  Baal-Taniar,  or 
 the  sanctuary  of  the  i)alm "  (Stanley,  S.  and  P. 
 140).  She  was  probably  a  woman  of  Ephiaira, 
 although,  from  the  expression  in  Judg.  v.  1.5,  some 
 suppose  her  to  have  belonged  to  Issachar.  La])idoth 
 was  probably  her  husband,  and  not  Barak,  as  some 
 say.  She  was  not  so  much  a  judge  as  one  gifted 
 with  prophetic  command  (Judg.  iv.  (3,  14,  v.  7), 
 and  by  virtue  of  her  inspiration  "  a  mother  in 
 Israel."  Jabin's  tyianny  was  peculiarly  felt  in  the 
 northern  tribes,  who  were  near  his  capital  and 
 under  hei' jurisdiction,  viz.  Zebulon,  Naphtali,  and 
 Issacliar :  lu-iice,  when  slie  summoned  Barak  to  tlie 
 deliverance,  it  was  on  tliem  that  the  brunt  of  the 
 battle  fell.  UiuJer  her  ilirection  Baiak  encamped 
 on  the  broad  summit  of  Tabor.  Deborah's  prophecy 
 wiis  fulfilled  (Judg.  iv.  9),  ami  the  enemy's  general 
 j)eri.shed  among  the  "  oaks  of  the  wanderers 
 (Za;maim),"  in  the  tent  of  the  Bedouin  Kenite's 
 wife  (Judg.  iv.  21)  in  the  northern  moiuifciins. 
 Deborah's  title  of  "  prophetess  "  inchid(is  the  notion 
 of  inspired  poetry,  as  in  Kx.  xv.  20 ;  and  in  this 
 sense  the  glorious  triumphal  ode  (Judg.  v.)  well 
 vinilicatrs  her  claim  to  the  ollice. 
 
 Debtor.     [Loa.n.] 
 
 Decap'olis.  This  name  occurs  only  three  times 
 in  the  Scrii>tures,  Matt.  iv.  2.5,  Mark  v.  2U,  and 
 vii.  31.  immediately  after  the  conquest  of  .Syria 
 by  the  IJomans  (IJ.C.  05)  ten  cities  appear  to  have 
 been  rebuilt,  partially  colonLsed,  and  endowed  with 
 peculiar  privileges ;  the  country  around  them  was 
 hence  called  l)eoi}iotis.  I'liny  enumerates  them 
 as  tbllows :  iSvijUiOjiolis,  Ilijij'ns,  Gaddra,  I'clla, 
 Philadelphia,  Gerasa,  Dion,  Canat/m,  Damascus, 
 and  Uapliana.  I'tolemy  (v.  17)  makes  Capitolias 
 one  of  the  ten;  and  an  old  Palmyrene  inscription 
 includes  Abila.  Josephus  calls  ScJjthopolin  the 
 largest  city  of  Deta|)olis,  thus  manifestly  excluding 
 I>am;u<cus  from  the  numbei'.  All  the  cities  of 
 Deciipolis,  with  the  single  exception  of  Scythoiiolis, 
 lay  on  the  esist  of  the  Jordan.  It  would  appear, 
 however,  from  .Viatt.  iv.  25,  and  Mark  vii.  31,  that 
 I>ec:i|)olis  Wius  a  general  appellation  for  a  large 
 diiitiict  extending  along  both  sitle.s  (d'  the  Jordan. 
 
 DEGREES,  SONGS  OF 
 
 Pliny  s;iys  it  i-eached  from  I>amascus  on  the  north 
 to  Philadelphia  on  the  south,  and  from  .Scythopolis 
 on  the  west  to  Canatha  on  the  east.  This  region, 
 once  so  populous  and  prosperous,  from  which  mul- 
 titudes flocked  to  he;»r  the  Saviour,  and  through 
 which  multitudes  followed  His  footsteps,  is  now 
 almost  without  an  inhabitant. 
 
 De'daa.  1.  The  name  of  a  son  of  Raamah,  son 
 of  Cu.sh  (Gen.  x.  7 ;  1  Chr.  i.  9).— 2.  A  son  of 
 Jokshan,  son  of  Kcturali  fGen.  xxv.  3  ;  1  Chr.  i. 
 32).  The  usual  opinion  respecting  these  founders 
 of  tribes  is  that  the  liist  settled  among  the  sons  of 
 Cush,  wherever  these  latter  may  be  placed  ;  the 
 second,  on  the  Syrian  borders,  about  the  territory 
 of  Edoin.  But  Gesenius  and  Winer  have  suggested 
 that  the  name  may  apply  to  one  tribe ;  and  this 
 may  be  adopted  as  probable  on  the  supposition  that 
 the  descendants  of  the  Keturahite  Dedan  intermar- 
 ried with  those  of  the  Cushite  De<Jan,  whom  the 
 writer  places,  presumptively,  on  the  borders  of  the 
 Persian  Gulf.  The  theoiy  of  this  mixed  descent 
 gams  weight  from  the  fact  that  in  each  case  the 
 brother  of  Dedan  is  named  Sheba.  It  may  be  sup- 
 posed that  the  Dedanites  were  among  the  chief 
 tradeis  traversing  the  caravan-ioute  from  the  head 
 of  the  Persian  Gulf  to  the  south  of  Palestine,  bear- 
 ing merchandise  of  India,  and  possibly  of  Southern 
 Arabia;  and  hence  the  mixture  of  such  a  tribe  with 
 another  of  dill'erent  (and  Ketuiahite)  descent  pre- 
 sents no  impossibility.  The  p;ussages  in  the  Bible 
 in  which  Dedan  is  mentioned  (besides  the  genealogies 
 above  referred  to)  ai'e  contained  in  the  prophecies 
 of  Isaiah  (xxi.  13),  Jeremiah  (xxv.  23,  xlix.  8),  and 
 Ezekiel  (x.xv.  13,  xxvii.  15,  20,  xxxviii.  13),  and 
 are  in  every  case  obscure.  The  probable  inferences 
 from  these  mentions  of  Dedan  are — 1.  That  Dedan, 
 son  of  li;uimali,  settled  on  the  shores  of  the  Persian 
 Gulf,  and  his  descendants  became  caravan-merchants 
 between  that  coast  anil  Palestine.  2.  That  Jok- 
 shan, or  a  son  of  Jokshan,  by  intermarriage  with 
 the  Cushite  Deiiau  tiirnied  a  tribe  of  the  same 
 name,  which  appears  to  have  had  its  chief  settle- 
 ment in  the  borders  of  Idumaea,  and  perhaps  to 
 have  led  a  jiastoral  life.  A  native  indicition  of  the 
 name  is  presumed  to  exist  in  the  island  of  Dddtn, 
 on  the  bdiiiei-.s  of  the  gulf, 
 
 De'danim.     Is.  .wl.  l.i.     [Dkdan.] 
 
 Dedication,  Feast  of  tbe,  the  festival  instituted 
 to  commemorate  the  [lurging  of  the  Temple  and  the 
 rebuilding  of  the  alt;ir  after  Judas  Macciibaeus  had 
 driven  out  the  Syrians,  it.c.  1(J4.  It  is  named  only 
 once  in  the  Canonical  Scriptures,  John  x.  22.  Its 
 institution  is  reconled  1  Mace.  iv.  52-59.  It  com- 
 menced on  the  25th  of  Chisleu,  the  annivers.-iry  or 
 the  pollution  of  the  Temple  by  Antiochus  Ejm- 
 phanes,  li.c.  107.  Like  the  great  Mosaic  feasts,  it 
 lasted  eight  days,  but  it  did  not  require  attendance 
 at  Jerusalem.  It  wjus  an  occasion  of  much  festivity. 
 The  writer  of  2  Mace,  tells  us  that  it  was  cele- 
 brated in  nearly  the  si»me  maunei-  as  the  Keast  of 
 Tabernacles,  with  the  carrying  of  branches  of  trees, 
 and  with  much  singing  (x.  6,  7).  Josephus  stites 
 tiiat  the  festival  wius  called  "  Lights."  in  the 
 'femple  at  .Jern.sidem  the  "  Hallel  "  was  sung  every 
 day  of  the  feast. 
 
 Deer.     [!•  alldw-Dkhii.] 
 
 Degrees,  Song's  of,  a  title  given  to  litteen 
 P.sidms,  from  cxx.  lo  cxxxiv.  inclusive.  Four  ot 
 them  are  attributed  to  David,  one  is  ascribed  to  the 
 pen  of  .Solomon,  and  the  other  ten  give  no  indica- 
 tion of  tiiuir  author.     Kichhorn  supposes  them  all 
 
DEHAVITES 
 
 U>  be  the  work  of  one  and  the  same  bard,  and  he 
 also  shares  the  opinion  of  Herder,  who  interpiets 
 the  title,  "  Hymns  tor  a  journey."  With  respect 
 to  the  term  rendered  in  the  A.  V.  "degrees,"  a 
 great  diversity  of  opinion  prevails  amongst  Biblical 
 critics.  Accordincr  to  some  it  refers  to  the  melody 
 to  which  the  Psalm  was  to  be  chanted.  Others, 
 including  Gesenius,  derive  the  word  from  the  poet- 
 ical composition  of  the  song,  and  from  the  circum- 
 stance that  the  concluding  words  of  the  preceding 
 sentence  are  often  rejieated  at  the  commencement  of 
 the  ne.xt  verse  (conip.  cxxi.  4,  5,  and  cxxiv.  1-2 
 and  3-4).  Aheu  Ezra  quotes  an  ancient  authority, 
 which  maintains  that  the  de/irces  allude  to  the 
 fifteen  steps  which,  in  the  temple  of  Jerusalem,  led 
 from  the  court  of  the  women  to  that  of  the  men, 
 and  on  each  of  which  steps,  one  of  the  fifteen  songs 
 of  degrees  was  chanted.  The  most  generally  accre- 
 dited opinion,  however,  is  that  they  were  pilgrim 
 songs,  sung  by  the  people  as  they  went  up  to  Je- 
 rusalem. 
 
 De'havites  are  mentioned  but  once  in  Scripture 
 (Ezr.  iv.  9y.  They  were  among  the  colonists 
 planted  in  Samaria  after  the  completion  of  the  Cap- 
 tivity of  Israel.  From  their  name,  taken  in  con- 
 junction with  the  fact  that  they  are  coupled  with 
 the  Susanchites  (Susianians,  or  people  of  Susa)  and 
 the  Elamites  (Elymaeans,  natives  of  the  same 
 country),  it  is  fairly  concluded  that  they  are  the 
 Dai  or  Dahi,  mentioned  by  Herodotus  (i.  125) 
 among  the  nomadic  tribes  of  Persia. 
 
 De'kar.  The  son  of  Deker,  i.  e.  Ben-Deker, 
 was  Solomon's  commissariat  officer  in  the  western 
 part  of  the  hill-country  of  Judah  and  Benjamin, 
 Shaalbim  and  Bethshemesh  (1  K.  iv.  9). 
 
 Delai'ah.  1.  A  priest  in  the  time  of  David, 
 leader  of  the  twenty-thijd  course  of  priests  i  1  Chr. 
 xxiv.  18). — 2.  "  Children  of  Delaiah  "  were  among 
 the  people  of  uncertain  pedigree  who  returned  from 
 Babylon  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  00  ;  Neh.  vii. 
 62).— 3.  Son  of  Mehetabeel  and  father  of  Shemaiah 
 (Neh.  VI.  10). — 4.  Son  of  Shemaiah,  one  of  the 
 "  princes "  about  the  court  of  Jehoiakim  (Jer. 
 xxxvi.  12,  25).  The  name  also  occurs  in  the  A.  V. 
 as  Dalaiah. 
 
 Del'ilah,  a  woman  who  dwelt  in  the  valley  of 
 Soiek,  beloved  by  Samson  (Judg.  xvi.  4-18).  Her 
 connexion  with  Samson  forms  the  third  and  last  of 
 those  amatory  adventures  which  in  his  history  are 
 so  inextricably  blended  with  the  craft  and  prowess 
 of  a  judge  in  Israel.  She  was  bribed  by  the  "  lords 
 of  the  Philistines"  to  win  from  Samson  the  secret  of 
 his  strength,  and  the  means  of  overcoming  it. 
 There  seems  to  be  little  doubt  that  she  was  a  Phi- 
 listine courtesan  ;  and  her  employment  as  a  political 
 emissary,  tou'ther  with  the  large  sum  which  was 
 offered  for  her  servicis  (1100  pieces  of  silver  from 
 each  lord  =  5500  shekels;  cf.  Judg.  iii.  8),  and  the 
 tact  which  is  attributed  to  her  in  Judges,  but  more 
 especially  in  Josephus,  indicates  a  position  not  likely 
 to  be  occupied  by  any  Israelitish  woman  at  that 
 period  of  national  depiession. 
 
 Deluge.     [Noah.] 
 
 De'Ius,  mentioned  in  1  Mace.  xv.  23,  is  the 
 smallest  of  the  islands  called  Cyclades  in  the 
 Aegaean  Sea.  It  was  one  of  the  chief  seats  of  the 
 worship  of  Apollo,  and  was  celebrated  as  the  birth- 
 place of  this  god  and  of  his  sister  Artemis  (Diana  i. 
 
 De'mas,  most  piobably  a  contraction  from  De- 
 metrius, or  perhaps  from  Demarchus,  a  companion 
 of  St.  Paul  (Philem.  24  ;  Col.  iv.  14)  during  his 
 
 DEMETRIUS  19i) 
 
 first  imprisonment  at  Kome.  At  a  later  period 
 (2  Tim.  iv.  10)  we  find  him  mentioned  as  having 
 deserted  the  apostle  through  love  of  this  present 
 woild,  and  gone  to  Thessalonica. 
 
 Deme'trius,  a  maker  of  silver  shrines  of  Artemis 
 at  Ephesus  (Acts  xix.  24).  These  weie  small 
 models  of  the  great  temple  of  the  Ephe»ian  Artemis, 
 v/ith  her  statue,  which  it  was  customary  to  cany 
 on  journeys,  and  place  on  houses,  as  charms. 
 
 Deme'trius  I,,  surnamed  Soter,  "  The  Saviour," 
 king  of  Syria,  was  the  son  of  Seleucus  Philopator, 
 and  grandson  of  Antiochus  the  Great.  While  still 
 a  boy  he  was  sent  by  his  father  as  a  hostage  to 
 Rome  (B.C.  175)  in  exchange  for  his  uncle  Anti- 
 ochus Epiphanes.  From  his  position  he  was  unable 
 to  otter  any  opposition  to  the  usurpation  of  the  Syrian 
 throne  by  Antiochus  IV. ;  but  on  the  death  of  that 
 monarch  (B.C.  164)  he  claimed  his  liberty  and  the 
 recognition  of  his  claim  Ijy  the  Roman  senate  in 
 preference  to  that  of  his  cousin  Antiochus  V.  His 
 petition  was  refused,  he  left  Italy  secretly,  and 
 landed  with  a  small  force  at  Tripolis  in  Phoenicia 
 (2  Mace.  xiv.  1  ;  1  Mace.  vii.  1).  The  Syrians 
 soon  declared  in  his  favour  (b.c.  162),  and  An- 
 tiochus and  his  protector  Lysias  were  put  to  death 
 (1  Mace.  vii.  2,  3  ;  2  Mace.  xiv.  2).  His  campaigns 
 against  the  Jews  were  unsuccessful.  In  B.C.  152, 
 Alexander  Balas  was  brought  forward,  with  the 
 consent  of  the  Roman  senate,  as  a  claimant  to  the 
 throne.  The  rivals  met  in  a  decisive  engagement 
 (b.C.  150),  and  Demetrius,  after  displaying  the 
 gieatest  personal  bravery,  was  defeated  and  slain 
 (1  Mace.  X.  48-50). 
 
 AX'  ? 
 
 Teaadraclim  (Attic  talent)  of  Demetrius  I. 
 
 Deme'trius  II.,  "The  Victorious"  (Nicator), 
 was  the  elder  son  of  Demetrius  Soter.  He  was  sent 
 by  his  fiither,  together  with  his  brother  Antiochus, 
 with  a  large  treasure,  to  Cnidus,  when  Alexander 
 Balas  laid  claim  to  the  throne  of  Syria.  When  he 
 was  grown  up  he  made  a  descent  on  Syria  (B.C. 
 148),  and  was  received  with  general  favour  fl  Mace. 
 X.  67  &,).  His  campaigns  against  Jonathan  and 
 the  Jews  are  described  in  1  Mace,  x.,  xi.  In  B.C. 
 138,  Demetiius  was  taken  prisoner  by  Arsaces  VI. 
 (Mithridates),  whose  dominions  he  had  invaded 
 (  1  Mace.  xiv.  1-3).  Mithridates  treated  his  captive 
 honourably,  and  gave  him  his  daughter  in  marriage. 
 When  Antiochus  Sidetes,  who  had  gained  jiosses- 
 sion  of  the  Syrian  throne,  invaded  Parthia,  Phraatcj 
 
 Tctradr.'iclini  i  .\tt:i:  takiit)  of  Drunctrius  II. 
 
200 
 
 DEMON 
 
 iinployud  DfliiL'trius  to  elR'ct  u  diversion,  lu  this 
 i'einetiius  succeeded,  and  when  Antioclius  tell  in 
 battle,  he  again  took  possession  of  the  Syrian  ciown 
 (li.C.  l'28j.  Not  long  al'terwards  a  ])retender,  sup- 
 ported by  rtol.  Physcon,  apjieaied  in  tlie  field 
 against  him,  and  after  sufl'ering  a  defeat  he  was 
 assassinated,  according  to  some  by  his  wife,  while 
 attempting  to  escape  by  sea. 
 
 Demon.  I.  Its  usage  in  classical  Greek  is  various. 
 In  Homer,  where  the  gods  are  but  supernatural 
 men.  it  is  used  interchangeably  with  "  god  ;"  after- 
 wards m  Ilesioil,  when  the  idea  of  the  gods  had  be- 
 come more  exalted  and  less  familiar,  the  "  demons" 
 are  spoken  of  as  intermediate  beings,  the  messengers 
 of  the  gods  to  men. — II.  In  the  LXX.  the  words 
 Saifiuv  and  Satfi^viov  are  not  found  very  fie- 
 quently,  but  yet  employed  to  render  diilerent  He- 
 brew words  ;  generally  in  reference  to  tlie  idols  of 
 lieathen  worship.  In  Josephus  we  find  the  word 
 "demons"  used  always  of  evil  spirits.  By  Philo 
 it  apjietirs  to  be  used  in  a  moi-e  general  sense,  as 
 equivalent  to  "angels,"  and  referring  to  both  good 
 and  evil. — III.  We  now  come  to  the  use  of  the 
 term  in  the  N.  T.  In  the  Gospels  generally,  in 
 James  ii.  19,  and  in  Rev.  xvi.  14,  the  demons  are 
 spoken  of  as  spiritual  beings,  at  enmity  with  God, 
 and  having  power  to  afflict  man,  not  only  with 
 disease,  but,  as  is  marked  by  the  frequent  epithet 
 "  unclean,"  with  spiritual  pollution  also.  They 
 "  believe  "  the  power  of  God  "  and  tremble  "  (James 
 ii.  19)  ;  they  recognise  the  Lord  as  the  Son  of  God 
 (Matt.  viii.  '29;  Luke  iv.  41),  and  acknowledge 
 the  power  of  His  name,  used  in  exorcism,  in  the 
 ])lace  of  the  name  of  Jehovah,  by  His  ap])ointed 
 messengers  (Acts  six.  15);  and  look  forward  in 
 terror  to  the  judgment  to  come  (JIatt.  viii.  29). 
 The  description  is  precisely  that  of  a  nature  akin  to 
 the  angelic  in  knowledge  and  powers,  but  with  the 
 *mpliatic  addition  of  the  idea  of  positive  and  active 
 wickedness.  There  can  be  no  doubt  of  its  being  a 
 doctrine  of  Sciipture,  mysterious  (though  not  ne- 
 cessarily impossible)  as  it  may  be,  that  in  idolatry 
 the  influence  of  the  demons  was  at  work  and  per- 
 mitted by  God  to  be  cflective  within  certain  bounds. 
 Of  the  nature  and  origin  of  the  demons.  Scripture 
 is  all  fiut  silent. 
 
 Demoniacs.  This  word  is  frequently  used  in 
 the  N.  T.,  and  applied  to  persons  suffering  under 
 the  possession  of  a  demon  or  evil  spirit,  such  pos- 
 session genei'ally  showing  itself  visibly  in  bodily 
 disease  or  mental  derangement.  With  regard  to 
 the  frequent  mention  of  demoniacs  in  Scrijjture 
 three  main  opinions  have  been  started. —  I.  That  of 
 Sti-aiiss  ami  the  mythiciil  school,  which  makes  the 
 whole  account  merely  symbolic,  without  basis  of 
 (act.  The  notion  stands  or  (alls  with  the  mythical 
 theory  as  a  whole. — II.  The  second  theory  is,  that 
 our  Lord  and  the  Kvangelists,  in  referring  to  de- 
 moni.ic.ll  pmssession,  spoke  oidy  in  accom.moifation 
 to  the  general  belief  of  the  Jews,  without  any  asser- 
 tion as  to  its  truth  or  its  falsity.  It  is  concluded 
 that,  since  the  symiitoms  of  the  aflliction  were  fre- 
 quently those  of  botlily  disease  (as  dumbness.  Matt, 
 ix.  3'2  ;  blindness.  Matt.  xii.  '22  ;  epilepsy,  Mark  ix. 
 17-27),  or  those  se<.'n  in  cases  of  ordinary  insanity 
 (a.<*  in  Matt.  viii.  28;  Mark  v.  1-.')),  since  also  the 
 phrase  "  to  have  a  devil  "  is  constantly  used  in 
 connexion  with,  and  as  apparently  equivalent  to, 
 "to  be  mad  "  (see  John  vii.  20,  viii.  48,  x.  20,  and 
 jwrhaps  M.itt.  xi.  18;  Luke  vii.  'M);  and  since, 
 lastly,  caties  of  denioiiiacal  posscssiou  are  not  known 
 
 DEMONIACS 
 
 to  occur  in  our  own  days,  therefore  we  must  sup- 
 jKJse  that  our  Lord  spoke,  and  the  l-2vangelists  wiotL", 
 in  accordance  with  the  belief  of  the  time,  and  with 
 a  view  to  be  clearly  understood,  especially  by  the 
 sufferers  themselves,  but  that  the  demoniacs  were 
 merely  |)ei"sons  suffering  under  unusual  diseases  of 
 body  and  mind.  With  regard  to  this  theory  also, 
 it  must  be  remarke>i  that  it  does  not  accord  either 
 with  the  general  princij)Ies  or  with  the  particidar 
 language  of  Scripture.  Accommodation  is  possible 
 when,  in  things  iudilleient,  language  is  used  which, 
 although  scientifically  or  etymologiadly  inaccurate, 
 yet  conveys  a  true  impression,  or  when,  in  things 
 not  inditierent,  a  declaration  of  truth  (1  Cor.  iii. 
 1,  2),  or  a  moral  law  (Matt.  xix.  8),  is  given,  true 
 or  right  as  far  as  it  goes,  but  imperfect,  because  of 
 the  imperfect  piogress  of  its  lecipients.  But  cer- 
 tainly here  the  matter  was  not  inditferent.  Nor 
 was  the  language  used  such  as  can  l^e  paialleled 
 with  mere  conventional  expression.  Nor  is  there, 
 in  the  whole  of  the  New  Testament,  the  least  indi- 
 cation that  any  "  economy "  of  teaching  was  em- 
 ployed on  account  of  the  "  hardness  "  of  the  Jews' 
 "  hearts."  Possession  and  its  cure  are  recorded 
 plainly  and  simply;  demoniacs  are  fivquently  dis- 
 tinguished from  those  atflicted  with  bodilv  sickness 
 (see  Mark  i.  32,  .\vi.  17,  IS;  Luke  vi!  17,  18), 
 even,  it  would  seem,  from  the  epileptic  (Matt.  iv. 
 24)  ;  the  same  outwaid  signs  aie  sometimes  reti?ricxl 
 to  possession,  sometimes  merely  to  disease  (comp. 
 Matt.  iv.  24,  with  xvii.  15;  Matt.  xii.  22,  with 
 Mark  vii.  32,  &c.) ;  the  demons  are  represented  as 
 speaking  in  their  own  pereons  with  superhuman 
 knowledge,  and  acknowledging  our  Lord  to  be,  not 
 as  the  Jews  generally  called  him,  son  of  David,  but 
 Son  of  God  (Matt.  viii.  29;  Mark  i.  24,  v.  7; 
 Luke  iv.  41,  &c.).  All  these  things  sjieak  of  a 
 personal  power  of  evil,  and,  if  in  any  case  they  refer 
 to  what  we  might  call  mere  disease,  they  at  any 
 rate  tell  us  of  something  in  it  more  than  a  morbid 
 state  of  bodily  organs  or  self-caused  derangement  of 
 mind.  Nor  does  our  Lord  speak  of  demons  as  per- 
 sonal spirits  of  evil  to  the  multitude  alone,  but  in 
 Ilis  secret  convei-sations  with  His  disciples,  declar- 
 ing the  means  and  conditions  by  which  power  over 
 them  could  be  exercised  (Matt.  xvii.  21).  Twice 
 also  He  distinctly  connects  demoniacal  ])ossession 
 with  the  power  of  the  evil  one;  oii<e  in  Luke  x.  18, 
 to  the  seventy  disci]iles,  where  He  spe;iks  of  his 
 power  and  theirs  over  demoniacs  as  a  "  fall  or 
 Satan,"  iuid  again  in  Matt.  xii.  25-30,  when  He 
 was  acaised  of  casting  out  demons  thiough  Beel- 
 iiebub,  and,  instead  of  giving  any  hint  that  the  pos- 
 sessed were  not  really  under  any  direct  and  j^ei-sonal 
 power  of  evil,  He  uses  an  argument,  as  to  the 
 division  of  Satan  against  himself,  which,  if  posses- 
 sion fw  unreal,  bec<imes  inconclusive  and  almost 
 insincere.  Lastly,  the  single  fact  recorded  of  the 
 entrance  of  the  demons  at  (Jailara  (SLnrk  v.  10-14) 
 into  the  herd  of  swine,  and  the  effect  which  that 
 entrance  caused,  is  sudiciont  to  overthrow  the  notion 
 that  our  Lord  and  the  Kvangeli-sts  do  not  n.ssert  or 
 \m\Ay  any  objective  reality  of  possession.  In  the 
 face  of  this  mass  of  evidence  it  se<'ms  diflicult  to 
 conceive  how  the  theory  can  be  reconciled  with  any- 
 thing like  truth  of  Sorii'ture. — 111.  We  are  led, 
 therefore,  to  the  onlinary  and  literal  interj)retation 
 of  these  pa.s,sages,  that  there  are  evil  spirits,  subJHuts 
 of  the  Kvil  One,  who,  in  the  days  of  the  Lonl 
 Himself  and  His  Apostles  espiHially,  were  jicrmittcd 
 bv  GihI  to  e.tercise  a  direct  inthicncc  over  ihc  souU 
 
DEMOPHON 
 
 and  bodies  of  certain  men.  This  iufluence  is  clearly 
 distinguished  from  the  ordinary  power  of  corruption 
 and  temptation  wielded  by  Satan  through  the  per- 
 mission of  God.  The  distinguishing  feature  of  pos- 
 session is  the  complete  or  incomplete  loss  of  the 
 sufferer's  reason  or  power  of  will ;  his  actions,  his 
 words,  and  almost  his  thoughts  are  mastered  by 
 the  evil  spirit  (Mark  i.  24,  v.  7  ;  Acts  xix.  15),  till 
 his  personality  seems  to  be  destroyed,  or,  if  not  de- 
 stroyed, so  overborne  as  to  produce  the  conscious- 
 ness of  a  twofold  will  within  him,  like  that  some- 
 times felt  in  a  dream.  In  the  ordinary  temptations 
 and  assaults  of  Satan,  the  will  itself  yields  con- 
 sciously, and  by  yielding  gradually  assumes,  without 
 losing  its  apparent  freedom  of  action,  the  charac- 
 teristics of  the  Satanic  nature.  It  is  solicited, 
 urged,  and  persuaded  against  the  strivings  of  grace, 
 but  not  overborne. 
 
 De'moplion,  a  Syrian  general  in  Palestine  under 
 Antioclius  W.  Eupator  (2  Mace.  xii.  2). 
 
 Dena'rius,  A.  V.  "penny,"  (Matt,  xviii.  28, xx. 
 2,  9,  lo,  xxii.  19;  Mark  vi.  37,  xii.  15,  xiv.  5; 
 l.ulie  vii.  41,  x.  35,  xx.  24 ;  John  vi.  7,  xii.  5  ; 
 Kev.  vi.  6),  a  Roman  silver  coin,  in  the  time  of 
 Our  Saviour  and  the  Apostles.  It  took  its  name 
 from  its  being  firet  equal  to  ten  "asses,"  a  number 
 afterwards  increased  to  sixteen.  The  earliest  spe- 
 cimens aie  of  about  the  commencement  of  the  2nd 
 centiuy  B.C.  From  this  time  it  was  the  principal 
 silver  coin  of  the  commonwealth.  In  the  time  of 
 Augustus  eighty-four  denarii  were  struck  from  the 
 j)oiind  of  silver,  which  would  make  the  standard 
 weight  about  60"  grs.  This  Nero  reduced  by 
 striking  ninety-six  from  the  pound,  which  would 
 give  a  standard  weight  of  about  52-  grs.,  results 
 i:onHrmed  by  the  coins  of  the  periods,  which  are, 
 however,  not  exactly  true  to  tlie  standard.  In  Pa- 
 lestine in  the  N.  T.  peiiod,  we  learn  from  numis- 
 matic evidence  that  denarii  must  have  mainly 
 formed  the  silver  currency.  From  the  parable  of 
 the  labourers  in  the  vineyard  it  would  seem  that  a 
 denarius  was  then  the  ordinary  pay  for  a  day's 
 labour  (Matt.  xx.  2,  4,  7,  9,  10,  13). 
 
 DESERT 
 
 201 
 
 Denai*ius  of  Tiberius. 
 <  iljv.  TI  CAESAR  DIVI  AVG  F  AVGVSTVS.    Head  of  Tiberius, 
 iMureatc.  to  the  right  (Matt.  xxn.  19,  20,  21).     Eev.  POKTIF 
 lliVXlM,  Seated  female  figure  to  the  right. 
 
 Deposit,  the  arrangement  by  which  one  man 
 kept  at  another's  I'equest  the  property  of  the  latter, 
 until  demanded  back,  was  one  common  to  all  the 
 nations  of  antiquity.  The  exigencies  of  war  and 
 other  causes  of  absence  must  often  have  rendered 
 such  a  deposit,  especially  as  regards  animals,  an 
 owner's  oidy  course.  The  articles  specified  by  the 
 Mosaic  law  are,  (1.)  "  money  or  stuff ;"  and  (2.) 
 "  an  ass,  or  an  ox,  or  a  sheep,  or  any  beast."  The 
 first  case  was  viewed  as  only  liable  to  loss  by  theft 
 (probably  for  loss  by  accidental  fire,  &c.,  no  com- 
 pensation could  be  claimed),  and  the  thief,  if  found, 
 was  to  pay  double,  i,  e.,  probably  to  compensate 
 the  owner's  loss,  and  the  unjust  suspicion  tlu'own 
 on  the  depositary.  If  no  theft  could  be  proved, 
 the  depositary  wiis  to  swear  before  the  judges  that 
 
 he  had  not  appropriated  the  article,  and  then,  was 
 quit.  In  the  second,  if  the  baist  were  to  "  die  or 
 be  hurt,  or  driven  away,  no  man  seeing  it," — accid- 
 ents to  which  beasts  at  pasture  were  easily  liable, — 
 the  depositary  was  to  purge  himself  by  a  similar 
 oath.  In  case,  however,  the  animal  were  stolen, 
 the  depositary  was  liable  to  restitution,  which  prob- 
 ably was  necessary  to  prevent  collusive  theft.  If 
 it  were  torn  by  a  wild  beast,  some  proof  was  easily 
 producible,  and,  in  that  case,  no  restitution  was  due 
 (Ex.  xxii.  7-13).  In  case  of  a  false  oath  so  taken,  the 
 perjured  person,  besides  making  restitution,  was  to 
 "add  the  fifth  part  more  thereto,"  to  compensate 
 the  one  injured,  and  to  "  bring  a  ram  for  a  trespass- 
 offering  unto  the  Lord  "  (Lev.  vi.  5,  6). 
 
 Deputy.  The  uniform  rendering  in  the  A.  V. 
 of  the  Greek  word  which  signifies  "  proconsul " 
 (Acts  xiii.  7,  8,  12,  xix.  38).  The  English  word 
 is  curious  in  itself,  and  to  a  ceilain  extent  appro- 
 priate, having  been  applied  formerly  to  the  Lord 
 Lieutenant  of  Ireland. 
 
 Der'te  (Acts  xiv.  20,  21,  xvi.  1,  xx.  4).  The 
 exact  position  of  this  town  has  not  yet  been  ascer- 
 tained, but  its  general  situation  is  undoubted.  It 
 was  in  the  eastern  pait  of  the  great  upland  plain  of 
 Lycaonia,  which  stretches  from  Iconium  east- 
 wards along  the  north  side  of  the  chain  of  Taurus. 
 It  must  have  been  somewhere  near  the  place  where 
 the  pass  called  the  Cilician  Gates  opened  a  way 
 from  the  low  plain  of  Cilicia  to  the  table-land  of 
 the  interior;  and  probably  it  was  a  stage  upon  the 
 great  road  which  passed  this  way.  Three  sites  have 
 been  assigned  to  Derbe.  ( 1 .)  By  Col.  Leake  it  was 
 snpjxisfcd  to  be  Bin-bir-Kilisseh,  at  the  foot  of  the 
 Karadagh,  a  remarkable  volcanic  mountain  which 
 rises  from  the  Lycaouian  plain  ;  but  this  is  almost 
 certainly  the  site  of  Lystra.  (2.)  In  Kiepert's 
 Map,  Derbe  is  marked  farther  to  the  east,  at  a  spot 
 where  there  are  ruins,  and  which  is  in  the  line  of  a 
 Roman  road.  (3.)  Hamilton  and  Te.xier  are  dis- 
 posed to  place  it  at  Divle,  a  little  to  the  S.W.  of 
 the  last  position  and  nearer  to  the  roots  of  Taurus. 
 Desert,  a  woi-d  which  is  sparingly  employed  in 
 the  A.V.  to  translate  four  Hebrew  terms,  of  which 
 three  are  essentially  different  in  signification.  A 
 "  desert,"  in  the  sense  which  is  ordinarily  attached 
 to  the  word,  is  a  vast,  burning,  sandy,  plain,  alike 
 destitute  of  trees  and  of  water.  Here,  it  is  simply 
 necessary  to  show  that  the  woi'ds  rendered  in  the 
 A.  V.  by  "  desert,"  when  used  in  the  historical 
 books,  denoted  definite  localities;  and  that  those 
 localities  do  not  answer  to  the  common  conception 
 of  a  "  desert." — 1.  Arabah.  It  has  been  already 
 shown  that  when  used,  as  it  invariably  is  in  the 
 liistorical  and  topographical  records  of  the  Bible, 
 with  the  definite  article,  this  word  means  that  veiy 
 depressed  and  enclosed  region — the  deepest  and  the 
 hottest  chasm  in  the  world — the  sunken  valley 
 north  and  south  of  the  Dead  Sea,  but  more  parti- 
 cularly the  former.  [Arabah.]  Arabah  in  the 
 sense  of  the  Jordan  Valley  is  translated  by  the  word 
 "  desert"  only  in  Ez.  xlvii.  8.  In  a  more  general 
 sense  of  waste,  deserted  country — a  meaning  easily 
 suggested  by  the  idea  of  excessive  heat  contained  in 
 the  root — "  Desert,"  as  the  rendering  of  Arabah, 
 occurs  in  the  prophets  and  poetical  books ;  as  Is. 
 XXXV.  1,  6,  xl.  3,  xii.  19,  li.  3 ;  Jer.  ii.  6,  v.  6, 
 xvii.  6,  1.  12  ;  but  this  general  sense  is  never  found 
 in  the  historical  books. — 2.  But  if  Arabah  gives 
 but  little  support  to  tlie  ordinary  conception  of  a 
 "  desert,"  still  less  does  the  other  word  which  our 
 
202 
 
 DESSAU 
 
 tituislators  have  most  fioqueiitly  rendered  by  it. 
 MlDBAR  is  accurately  the  "pasture  ground."  Its 
 usual  translation  is  "  wilderness,"  a  word  in  wliich 
 the  idea  of  vc.r''tution  is  present.  In  speaking  of 
 the  Wilderness  of  the  Wanderings  the  word  "  de- 
 sert "  occui-s  as  the  rendering  of  Midbar,  in  Kx.  iii. 
 
 I,  V.  3,  xix.  'J  ;  Num.  xxxiii.  15,  16;  and  in  more 
 than  one  of  these  it  is  evidently  employed  for  the 
 sake  of  euphony  meiely.  Midbar  is  most  fre- 
 quently used  for  tliose  tracts  of  waste  laud  which 
 lie  beyond  the  cultivated  giound  in  the  immediate 
 neighbourhood  of  tlie  towns  and  villages  of  Pales- 
 tine, and  which  are  a  very  fiiniiliar  feature  to  the 
 traveller  in  that  country.  In  the  poetical  books 
 "  desert "  is  found  as  the  translation  of  Midbar  in 
 Deut.  xxxii.  10 ;  Job  xxiv.  5 ;  Is.  xxi.  1 ;  Jer. 
 XXV.  24.  —  ,'}.  Charhah,  appears  to  have  the 
 force  of  dryness,  and  thence  of  desolation.  It  does 
 not  occur  in  any  historical  passages.  It  is  rendered 
 "desert"  in  Fs.  cii.  6  ;  Is.  xlviii.  21 ;  Kzek.  xiii.  4. 
 The  term  commonly  emj)loyed  for  it  ill  the  A.  V. 
 is  "waste  places"  or  "desolation." — 4.  JksiiImon 
 with  the  definite  article,  apparently  denotes  the 
 waste  tract-s  on  both  sides  of  the  Dead  Sea.  In  all 
 these  Ciises  it  is  treated  as  a  proper  name  in  the 
 A.  V.  Without  the  article  it  occurs  in  a  few  pas- 
 siiges  of  poetry ;  in  the  following  of  which  it  is 
 rendered  "desert."  Ps.  Ixx.wiii.  40;  cvi.  14;  Is. 
 xliii.  19,  20. 
 
 Des'sau,  a  village  (not  "  town"),  at  which  Ni- 
 canor's  army  w<is  once  encamjjed  during  his  cam- 
 |)aigii  with  .Judiis  (2  ilacc.  xiv.  16).  Ewald  con- 
 jectures that  it  may  have  been  Adasa. 
 
 Seu'el,  father  of  Kliasaph,  the  "  captain  "  of  the 
 tribe  of  Gad  at  the  time  of  the  numbering  of 
 the  people  at  Siuai  (Num.  i.  14,  vii.  42,  47,  x.  20). 
 The  same  man  is  mentioned  again  iu  ii.  14,  but 
 here  the  name  appears  as  lleuel,  owing  to  an  intur- 
 ihange  of  the  two  vei  y  similar  Hebrew  letters. 
 
 Deuteronomy.  A.  Contents.  The  Book  con- 
 sists iliii'liy  of  three  discourses  delivered  by  Moses 
 shortly  before  his  de;ith.  Tliey  were  spoken  to  all 
 Israel  in  the  plains  of  Jloab  on  the  e;ustorn  side  of 
 the  Jordan  (i.  I),  in  the  eleventh  month  of  the  last 
 year  of  their  wanderings,  the  fortieth  year  after 
 their  e.vodus  from  Kgypt  (i.  ii).  Subjoined  to  these 
 discoui'ses  are  the  Song  of  Moses,  the  Blessing  of 
 Moses,  and  the  story  of  his  death. — 1.  The  first 
 discoui-se  (i.  I — iv.  40).  After  a  brief  historiail 
 introduction,  the  speaker  recapitulates  the  chief 
 events  of  the  last  40  years  in  the  wilderness,  and 
 especiallv  those  events  which  had  the  most  immi'd- 
 iate  bearing  on  the  entry  of  the  people  into  the 
 promised  huid.  To  this  discourse  is  appended  a 
 brief  notice  of  the  severing  of  the  three  cities  of 
 refuge  on  the  east  side  of  the  Jordan  (iv.  41-4.S). — 
 
 II.  The  second  discourse  is  introduced  like  the  first 
 by  an  explanation  of  the  circumstances  under  which 
 it  was  delivered  (iv.  44-49).  It  extends  from  chaj). 
 V.  1 — xxvi.  19,  and  contains  a  reciipitulntion,  with 
 some  modifications  and  additions,  of  the  Law  already 
 given  on  Mount  Sinai.  It  will  be  observed  that  no 
 pains  are  taken  here,  or  indeed  generally  in  tlie 
 Mowiic  legislation,  to  ki'cp  the  several  portions  of 
 the  law,  cxinsidered  as  nmnil,  ritual,  and  ceremo- 
 nial, ajiart  from  each  other  by  any  dearly  marked 
 line.  But  theie  is  in  this  discourse  a  very  manifest 
 gradual  descent  from  the  higher  ground  to  the 
 lower.  The  s|H'aker  begins  by  setting  forth  Je- 
 hovah Him.self  as  the  great  objitt  of  love  and  wor- 
 ship, thence  he  p.-isses  (1.)  to  tlie  Heligioiis,  (2.)  to 
 
 DEUTERONOMY 
 
 the  Political,  and  (o.y  to  the  Social  economy  of  his 
 people. — III.  In  the  third  discourse  (xxvii.  1  — xxx. 
 20),  the  Kldei's  of  Israel  are  associate<l  with  Moses. 
 The  people  are  commanded  to  set  up  stones  upon 
 Mount  Ebal,  and  on  them  to  write  "  all  the  woi-ds 
 of  this  law."  Then  follow  the  several  curses  to  be 
 pronounced  by  the  Levites  on  Ebal  (xxvii.  14-26), 
 and  the  blessings  on  (Jerizim  (xxviii.  1-14). — 
 \Y.  The  delivery  of  the  Law  as  written  by  Moses 
 (for  its  still  further  preservation)  to  the  cu.stody  of 
 the  Levites,  and  a  charge  to  the  people  to  hear  it 
 read  once  every  seven  years  (xxxi. ; :  the  Song  of 
 Moses  spoken  in  the  ears  of  the  peoj)le  (xxxi.  30 — 
 xxxii.  44):  and  the  blessing  of  the  twelve  tribes 
 (xxxiii.). — V.  The  Book  closes  (xxxiv.)  with  an 
 account  of  the  death  of  Moses,  which  is  first  an- 
 nounced to  him  in  xxxii.  48-.")2.  —  B.  Relation 
 of  Dciitcronoinij  to  the  prccedinij  boohs.  It  has 
 been  an  opinion  very  generally  entertained  by  the 
 more  niodein  ciitics,  as  well  as  by  the  earlier,  that 
 the  book  of  Deuteioiuiniy  forms  a  complete  whole 
 in  itself,  and  that  it  was  appended  to  the  othei 
 books  as  a  later  addition.  The  more  conservative 
 ci'itics  contend  that  Deuteronomy  forms  an  integral 
 part  of  the  Pentateuch,  which  is  throughout  to  be 
 ascriljed  to  Moses.  Others  have  given  leasons  for 
 I;elieving  that  it  was  written  by  the  Jehovist ; 
 whilst  others  again  are  in  favour  of  a  ditlerent 
 author.  The  chief  grounds  on  which  the  last  opi- 
 nion rests  are  the  many  variations  and  additions  to 
 be  found  in  Deuteronomy,  both  in  the  histoiical 
 and  legal  portions,  as  well  as  the  observable  dilier- 
 ence  of  style  and  phraseology.  It  is  neces.sju-y, 
 therefore,  before  we  come  to  consider  more  directly 
 the  question  of  authorship,  to  take  iuto  account  these 
 alleged  peculiarities  ;  and  it  may  be  well  to  enu- 
 merate the  principal  discrepancies,  additions,  &c., 
 and  to  subjoin  the  ie]ilies  and  explanations  which 
 they  call  fiirth.— I.  Discrepancies.  The  most  im- 
 portant discrepancies  alleged  to  exist  between  the 
 historical  portions  of  Deuteronomy  and  the  earlier 
 books  are  the  following: — (1.)  The  appointment 
 of  judges  (i.  6-18)  is  at  variance  with  the  account 
 in  Ex.  xviii.  To  this  it  has  been  answered,  that 
 although  Dent.  i.  6  mentions  the  departure  from 
 Sinai,  yet  Deut.  i.  9-17  refers  evidently  to  what 
 took  place  during  the  abode  there,  as  is  shown  by 
 comparing  the  expression  "  at  that  time,"  ver.  9, 
 with  the  same  expression  ver.  18.  -Xgain,  there  is 
 no  force  in  the  objection  that  Jethro's  counsel  is 
 here  passed  over  in  silence.  When  making  allusion 
 to  a  well-known  historical  fact,  it  is  unnecessary 
 lor  the  sjHjaker  to  enter  into  details.  This  at  most 
 is  an  omission,  not  a  contradiction.  Lastly,  the 
 story  in  Exodus  is  perfectly  distinct  from  that  in 
 Num.  xi.,  and  there  is  no  confusion  of  the  two  liert. 
 Nothing  is  said  of  the  institution  of  the  seventy  in 
 Deut.,  probably  because  the  office  was  only  tempor- 
 ary, and  if  it  did  not  cease  before  the  death  ot 
 Moses,  was  not  intendeti  to  !«  perpetual e<l  in  the 
 promised  land. — (2.)  Chap.  i.  22  is  at  variance 
 with  Num.  xiii.  2,  becau.se  liere  Mo.ses  is  siiid  to 
 have  sent  the  spies  into  Canaan  at  the  suggestion 
 of  the  I'Copte,  whereas  there  tlod  is  sjiid  to  have 
 commanded  the  measuic.  The  explanation  is  ob- 
 vious. The  people  make  the  refjuesl ;  Moses  refers 
 it  to  Ciod,  who  then  gives  to  it  his  sanction. — 
 (3.)  Chap.  i.  44.  "  .Snd  the  Aiw^riffS  which  dwelt 
 in  that  mountain,"  &c,,  whereas  in  the  stoiy  of  the 
 same  event.  Num.  xiv.  4ii-4.">,  Ama/ehites  aie  men- 
 tioned.    The  Aniorites  st.tnd  here  not  for  "  .'\nia- 
 
DEUTERONOMY 
 
 lekites,"  but  for  "  Canaanites,"  as  being  the  most 
 powertul  of  all  the  Canaanitish  tribes. — (4.j  Chap, 
 ii.  2-8,  confused  and  at  variance  with  Num.  .xx. 
 14-21,  and  xxi.  4.  In  the  former  we  read  (ver.  4), 
 "  Ye  are  to  pass  through  the  coast  of  your  brethren, 
 the  children  of  Esau."  In  the  latter  (ver.  20), 
 "  And  he  said.  Thou  shalt  not  go  through.  And 
 Edom  came  out  against  him,"  &c.  But,  according 
 to  Deut.,  that  pai-t  of  the  Edomite  territory  only 
 was  traversed  which  lay  about  Elath  and  Eziou- 
 geber. — i  5.)  More  perplexing  is  the  difference  in  the 
 account  of  the  enaimpments  of  the  Israelites,  as 
 given  Deut.  x.  6,  7,  compared  with  Num.  xx.  23, 
 xxxiii.  30  and  37.  The  explanation  given  by  Kurtz 
 is  on  the  whole  the  most  satisfactory.  He  says : 
 "  Jn  the  first  month  of  the  fortieth  year  the  whole 
 congregation  comes  a  second  time  to  the  wilderness 
 of  Zin,  which  is  Kaiiesh,  Num.  xxxiii.  36.  On  the 
 down-route  to  Ezion-geber  they  had  encamped  at 
 the  several  stations  Moseroth  (or  Mosera),  Bene- 
 Jaakan,  Hor-hagidgad,  and  Jotbath.  But  now 
 again  departing  from  Kadesh,  they  go  to  Slount 
 Hor,  '  in  the  edge  of  the  land  of  Edom  '  (ver.  37, 
 38),  or  to  Moserah  (Deut.  x.  6,  7),  this  last  being 
 in  the  desert  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain.  Bene- 
 .laakan,  Gudgodah,  and  Jotbath  were  also  visited 
 about  this  time,  i'.  e.  a  second  time,  after  the  second 
 halt  at  Kadesh." — (6-)  In  Deut.  the  usual  name 
 for  the  mountain  on  which  the  law  was  given  is 
 Horeb,  only  once  (xxxiii.  2)  Sinai;  whereas  in  the 
 other  books  Sinai  is  far  more  common  than  Hoi'eb. 
 The  answer  given  is,  that  Hoieh  was  the  general 
 name  of  the  whole  mountain-range;  Sinai,  the  par- 
 ticular mountain  on  which  the  law  was  delivered. 
 
 The  additions  both  to  the  historical  and  legal  sec- 
 tions are  of  far  more  importance,  and  the  principal 
 of  them  we  shall  here  enumerate.— II.  Additions. 
 — (1.)  In  the  history,  (a)  The  command  of  God  to 
 leave  Horeb,  Deut.  i.  6,  7,  not  mentioned  Num. 
 X.  11.  The  repentance  of  the  Israelites,  Deut.  i. 
 45,  omitted  Num.  xiv.  45.  The  iuteicession  of 
 Moses  in  behalf  of  Aaron,  Deut.  ix.  20,  of  which 
 nothing  is  said  Ex.  xxxii.,  xxxiii.  These  are  so 
 slight,  however,  that  they  might  have  been  passed 
 over  very  naturally  in  the  earlier  books.  But  of 
 more  note  are;  (6j  The  command  not  to  fight  with 
 the  Moabites  and  Ammonites,  Deut.  ii.  9,  19,  or 
 with  the  Edomites,  but  to  buy  of  them  food  and 
 water,  ii.  4-8.  The  notices  which  are  given  re- 
 specting the  earlier  inhabitants  of  the  countries  of 
 Moab  and  Ammon  and  of  Mount  Seir,  ii.  10-12, 
 20-23  ;  the  sixty  fortified  cities  of  Bashan,  iii.  4 ; 
 the  king  of  the  country  who  was  '•  of  the  remnant 
 of  giants,"  iii.  11;  the  dirTerent  names  of  Hermon, 
 iii.  9  ;  the  wilderness  of  Kedemoth,  ii.  26;  and  the 
 more  detailed  account  of  the  attack  of  the  Ama- 
 lekites,  xxv.  17,  18,  compared  with  Ex.  xvii.  8. — 
 (2.)  In  the  Law.  The  appointment  of  the  cities 
 of  refuge,  Deut.  xix.  7-9,  as  compared  with  Num. 
 XXXV.  14  and  Deut.  iv.  41  ;  of  0/(e  particular  place 
 for  the  solemn  worship  of  God,  where  all  offerings, 
 tithes,  &c.,  are  to  be  brought,  Deut.  xii.  5,  &c., 
 whilst  the  restriction  with  regard  to  the  slaying  of 
 animals  only  at  the  door  of  the  tabeinacle  of  the 
 congregation  (Lev.  xvii.  3,  4)  is  done  away,  15, 
 20,  21  ;  the  regulations  respecting  tithes  to  be 
 brought  with  the  sacrifices  and  burnt-offerings  to 
 the  appointed' place,  Deut.  xii.  6,  11,  17,  xiv.  22, 
 &c.,  xxvi.  12  ;  concerning  false  prophets  and  seducers 
 to  idolatry  and  those  that  hearken  unto  them,  xiii. ; 
 concerning  the  king  and  the  manner  of  the  king- 
 
 DEUTERONOMY 
 
 203 
 
 dom,  xvii.  14,  &c.  ;  the  prophets,  xviii.  1.5,  &c.  ; 
 war  and  militaiy  service,  xx. ;  the  expiation  of  secret 
 murder;  the  law  of  feniiUe  captives  ;  of  first-born 
 sons  by  a  double  marriage  ;  of  disobedient  sons  ;  of 
 those  who  suffer  death  by  hanging,  xxi. ;  the  laws 
 in  xxii.  5-8,  13-21  ;  of  divorce,  xxiv.  1;  and  va- 
 rious lesser  enactments,  xxiii.  and  xxv. ;  the  form  of 
 thanksgiving  in  offering  the  first-fruits,  xxvi.  ;  the 
 command  to  write  the  law  upon  stones,  xxvii.,  and 
 to  read  it  before  all  Israel  at  the  Feast  of  Taber- 
 nacles, .xxxi.  10-18.  Many  others  are  rather  ex- 
 tensions or  modifications  of,  tiian  additions  to,  exist- 
 ing laws.— C.  Author.  1.  It  is  generally  agreed 
 tliat  by  far  the  greater  portion  of  the  book  is  the 
 work  of  one  author.  2.  It  cannot  be  denied  that 
 the  style  of  Deuteronomy  is  very  different  from  that 
 of  the  other  four  books  of  the  Pentateuch.  3.  Who 
 then  was  the  author?  On  this  point  the  follow- 
 ing principal  hyjiotheses  have  been  maintained  : — 
 (1.)  The  old  traditional  view  that  this  book,  like 
 the  other  books  of  the  Pentateuch,  is  the  work  of 
 Moses  himself.  Of  the  later  critics,  Hengsteuberg, 
 Ilaveiuick,  Ranke,  and  others,  have  maintained  this 
 view.  In  support  of  this  opinion  it  is  said  :  a.  That 
 supposing  the  whole  Pentateuch  to  have  been  writ- 
 ten by  Moses,  the  change  in  style  is  easily  accounted 
 for  when  we  remember  that  the  last  book  is  hort- 
 atory in  its  character,  that  it  consists  chiefly  of 
 orations,  and  that  these  were  delivered  under  verv 
 peculiar  circumstances.  6.  That  the  usus  loquendi. 
 is  not  only  generally  in  accordance  with  that  of  the 
 earlier  books,  and  that  as  well  in  their  Elohistic  as 
 in  their  Jehovistic  portions,  but  that  there  are  cer- 
 tain peculiar  forms  of  expression  common  only  to 
 these  five  books,  c.  That  the  alleged  discrepar.cies 
 in  matters  of  fact  between  this  and  the  earlier  books 
 may  all  be  reconciled,  d.  That  the  book  beais 
 witness  to  its  own  authorship  (xxxi,  19),  and  is 
 expressly  cited  in  the  N.  T.  as  the  work  of  Moses 
 (Matt.  xix.  7,  8  ;  Mark  x.  3 ;  Acts  iii.  22,  vii.  37). 
 The  advocates  of  this  theory  of  course  suppose  that 
 the  last  chapter,  containing  an  account  of  the  death 
 of  Moses,  was  added  by  a  later  hand,  and  perhaps 
 formed  originally  the  beginning  of  the  bonk  of 
 .loshua. — (2.)  The  opinion  of  Stiihelin  (and  as  it 
 would  seem  of  Bleek )  that  the  author  is  the  same 
 as  the  writer  of  the  Jehovistic  portions  of  the  other 
 books. — (3.)  The  opmion  of  De  Wette,  Gesenius, 
 and  others,  that  the  Deuteronomist  is  a  distinct 
 writer  from  the  Jehovist.— (4.)  From  the  fact  that 
 certain  phrases  occurring  in  Deut.  are  found  also  in 
 the  prophecy  of  Jeremiah,  it  has  been  too  hastily 
 concluded  by  some  critics  that  both  books  were  the 
 work  of  the  prophet. ^(5.)  Ewald  is  of  opinion 
 that  it  was  written  by  a  Jew  living  in  Kgypt 
 during  the  latter  half  of  the  reign  of  Manasseh 
 The  song  of  Moses  (xxxii.)  is,  according  to  him, 
 not  by  the  Deuteronomist,  but  is  nevertheless  later 
 than  the  time  of  Solomon.— D.  Date  of  Composi- 
 tion. Was  the  Book  really  written,  as  its  language 
 certainlv  implies,  before  the  entry  of  Israel  into  the 
 Promised  Land  ?  To  suppose  it  was  written  long 
 after  the  settlement  of  the  Israelites  in  Canaan,  in 
 the  reign  of  Solomon,  or  in  that  of  Manasseh,  is 
 not  only  to  make  the  Book  an  historical  romance, 
 but  to  attribute  very  considerable  inventive  skill  to 
 the  author.  De  VVette  argues,  indeed,  that  the 
 character  of  the  Laws  is  such  as  of  itself  to  pre- 
 suppose a  long  residence  in  the  laud  of  Canaan.  He 
 instances  the  allusion  to  the  temple  (xii.  and  xvi. 
 1-7),  the  provision  for  the  right  discharge  of  th"" 
 
204 
 
 DEVIL 
 
 kinsjly  anJ  jirophetical  oiiiccs,  the  rules  for  civil 
 and  military  organisation  and  the  state  of  the  Le- 
 vites,  who  iire  re])resented  as  living  without  cities 
 (though  such  are  graiitel  to  them  in  Num.  xxxv.) 
 and  without  tithes  (allotted  to  tliem  in  Num.  xviii. 
 '20,  &c.).  Other  reasons  for  a  later  date,  such  as 
 the  ineiitiou  of  the  woi'ship  of  the  sun  and  moon  (iv. 
 ly,  xvii.  3) ;  the  jninishmeut  of  stoning  (xvii.  5,  xxii. 
 21,  &c.)  ;  the  name  Feast  of  Tabernacles ;  and  the 
 motive  for  keeping  the  Sabbath,  are  of  little  force.  A 
 further  discussion  of  the  question  of  authorship,  as 
 well  :is  of  the  date  of  the  legislation  in  Deuteronomy, 
 must  be  rese^^■ed  for  another  article.  [Pentateuch.] 
 
 Devil.  The  name  describes  Satan  as  slandering 
 ( iod  to  mnn,  and  man  to  God.  The  fomier  work 
 is,  of  coui.se,  a  part  oi  his  great  work  of  temptation 
 to  evil ;  and  is  not  only  exemplified  but  illu.strated 
 ;us  to  its  general  nature  and  tendency  by  the  narra- 
 tive of  (jen.  iii.  The  eflect  is  to  stir  up  the  spirit 
 ot'  tieedom  in  man  to  seek  a  fancied  independence ; 
 and  it  is  but  a  slight  .step  further  to  impute  false- 
 hood or  cruelty  to  God.  The  other  work,  the 
 sliiudering  or  accusing  man  before  God  is,  as  it 
 must  necessarily  be,  unintelligible  to  us.  The 
 <|uestion  touches  on  two  mysteries,  the  relation  of 
 the  Infinite  to  the  Finite  spirit,  and  the  permi-ssion 
 of  the  existence  of  evil  under  the  government  of 
 ilini  who  is  "the  Good."  The  essence  of  this 
 accusation  is  the  imputation  of  selfish  motives  (Job 
 i.  9,  10),  and  its  refutition  is  placed  in  the  self- 
 sacrilice  of  those  "  who  loved  not  their  own  lives 
 unto  death."    [Satan  ;  Di:.mon.] 
 
 Dew.  This  in  the  summer  is  so  copious  in  Pales- 
 tine that  it  supplies  to  some  extent  the  absence  of  rain 
 (l^cclus.  xviii.  16,  xliii.  22j,  and  becomes  import- 
 ant to  the  agriculturist.  As  a  proof  of  this  copious- 
 ness the  well-known  sign  of  Gideon  (Judg.  vi.  37, 
 39,  40)  may  be  adduced.  Thus  it  is  coupled  in 
 the  divine  blessing  with  rain,  or  mentioned  as  a 
 j)rime  source  of  fertility  (Gen.  xxvii.  28;  Deut. 
 xxxiii.  13;  Zech.  viii.  12),  and  its  withdrawal  is 
 attributed  to  a  curse  (2  Sam.  i.  21  ;  IK.  xvii.  1  ; 
 Hag.  1.  10\  It  becomes  a  leading  object  in  pro- 
 phetic imagery  by  reason  of  its  penetrating  moisture 
 without  the  apparent  effort  of  rain  (Deut.  xxxii. 
 2;  Job  xxix.  19;  Ps.  cxxxiii.  3  ;  Piov.  xix.  12; 
 Is.  xxvi.  19;  Hos.  liv.  5;  Mic.  v.  7);  while  its 
 speedy  evanescence  typifies  the  transient  goodne.ss 
 of  the  hyiHicrite  (Hos.  vi.  4,  xiii.  3). 
 
 Diadem.  What  the  "  diadem  "  of  the  Jews  was 
 we  know  not.     That  of  other  nations  of  imtiquity 
 
 Obvcno  of  TctradrBchm  of  TiKranco.  kine  of  Syria.    Head  of  king 
 Willi  iliodcm,  to  tbo  right. 
 
 \v:i.'i  a  fillet  of  silk,  two  inches  broad,  hound  round 
 the  I'.e.'id  and  tie<l  behind,  the  invention  of  which  is 
 attributeil  to  I.iber.  Its  colour  was  generally  white  ; 
 soni'-tinu's,  liowever,  it  w.-is  of  blue,  like  that  of 
 IkU'ius;  and  it  was  sown  with  jnarls  or  other 
 cms  (Zech.  ix.  \i'>),  anil  enriched  with  gold  (Rev. 
 
 DIANA 
 
 ix.  7).  It  was  peculiarly  the  mark  of  Orient  il 
 sovereigns  (1  Mace.  xiii.  32).  A  crown  was  ustd 
 by  the  kings  of  Israel,  even  in  battle  (2  Sam.  i. 
 10) ;  but  in  all  probability  this  was  not  the  state 
 crown  (2  Sam.  xii.  30),  although  used  in  the  coron- 
 ation of  Joa.sh  (2  K.  xi.  12).  In  Ksth.  i.  11,  ii. 
 17,  we  have  cether  for  the  turban  worn  by  the 
 Persian  king,  queen,  or  other  eminent  pei-sous  to 
 whom  it  w;is  concedela.s  a  sp-cial  favour  (viii.  15). 
 The  diiidem  of  the  king  differed  from  that  of  others 
 in  having  an  erect  triangular  peak.  The  words  in 
 Kz.  xxiii.  15  mean  long  and  flowing  turbans  of 
 goigeous  colours. 
 
 DiaL  The  woi-d  ma'dloth  is  the  same  as  that 
 rendered  "steps"  in  A.  \.  (Kx.  xx.  26;  1  K.  x. 
 19),  and  "degrees"  in  A.  V.  (2  K.  xx.  9,  10,  11  ; 
 Is.  xxxviii.  8),  where,  to  give  a  con.sistent  render- 
 ing, we  should  read  with  the  margin  the  "degi-ees" 
 rather  than  the  "dial"  of  Ahaz.  In  the  absence 
 of  any  materials  for  determining  the  shape  and 
 structure  of  the  solar  instrument,  which  ceilainly 
 appears  intended,  the  best  couise  is  to  follow  the 
 most  strictly  natural  meaning  of  the  words,  and  to 
 consider  with  Cyril  of  Alexandria  and  Jerome,  that 
 the  TOa'<Jt/dM  were  really  stall's,  and  that  the  shatlow 
 (perhaps  of  some  column  or  obelisk  on  the  top)  fell 
 on  a  greater  or  smaller  number  of  them  according 
 as  the  sim  was  low  or  high.  The  terrace  of  a  p;iiace 
 miiiht  easily  be  thus  ornamented. 
 
 Diamond  (Heb.  ynhdldm),  a  precious  stone,  the 
 third  in  the  second  row  on  the  breast-plate  of  the 
 High-priest  (Ex.  xxviii.  18,  xxxix.  11^,  and  men- 
 tioned by  Ezekiel  (xxviii.  13)  among  the  precious 
 stones  of  the  king  of  Tyre.  Our  translation, 
 "diamond,"  is  derived  from  Eben  Ksra,  and  is 
 defended  by  Braun.  Kalisch  says  "  perhaps  Eme- 
 rald." Respecting  s/tdmir,  which  is  translated 
 "dinmond"  in  Jer.  xvii.  1,  see  under  Adamant. 
 
 Dian'a.  This  Latin  word,  properly  denoting  a 
 Roman  divinity,  is  the  representitive  of  the  Greek 
 Artemis,  the  tutelary  goddess  of  the  Ephesians, 
 who  plays  so  important  a  part  in  tlie  naiTative  of 
 Acts  xix.  The  Ephcsian  Diana  was,  however,  re- 
 garded as  invested  with  very  different  attributes, 
 and  made  the  object  of  a  ditferent  woi-ship,  from 
 the  ordinary  Diana  of  the  Greek.s,  and  is  rather 
 j>erhaps  to  be  identified  with  Astarte  and  other 
 female  divinities  of  the  East.  In  some  resjwcts 
 there  was  doubtless  a  fusion  of  the  two.  Diana 
 was  the  goddess  of  rivers,  of  pools,  and  of  haiboui-s  ; 
 and  these  conditions  are  satisfied  by  the  situation 
 of  the  sanctuary  at  Ephesus.  Again,  on  coins  of 
 t^phesus  we  sometimes  find  her  exhibited  as  a 
 huntress  and  with  a  stig.  liut  the  true  Ephesian 
 Diana  is  repicsentcd  in  a  foiTn  entirely  alien  from 
 Greek  art.  The  coin  below  will  give  some 
 notion    of  the   image,  which  was   grotesque  and 
 
 Orock  Imperial  copppr  coin  of  Eplicaui  and  Smyrna  allM 
 ('Ofxoi'Ota)  ;   DonilUa.  wllh  niimo  of  proconsuL 
 
 OI>T.:  AOMITIA  CenACTH.  1111.1  lo  rit-lit  lioT.:  ANeY 
 KAICtN  IIAITOY  OMONOIA  f-l-fc  /.MVl'.  ICpliMian 
 liiaiiu. 
 
DIBIiAIM 
 
 archaic  in  character.  The  head  wore  a  mural 
 •crown,  each  hand  held  a  bar  of  metal,  and  the  lower 
 pait  ended  in  a  rude  block  covered  with  figures  of 
 animals  and  mystic  inscriptions.  This  idol  was 
 res^arded  as  an  object  of  peculiar  sanctity,  and  was 
 believed  to  have  fallen  down  f)-om  heaven  (Acts 
 xix.  35).  The  cry  of  the  mob  (Acts  six.  28), 
 "  Great  is  Diana  of  the  Ephesians  !  "  and  the  strong- 
 expression  in  ver.  27,  "  whom  all  Asia  and  the 
 world  worshippeth,"  may  be  abundantly  illustrated 
 from  a  vai-iety  of  sources.  The  teini  "  gi'eat  "  was 
 evidently  a  title  of  honour  recognised  as  belonging 
 to  the  Ephcsian  goddess.  We  find  it  in  inscriptions, 
 and  in  Xenophon's  Ephesiaca,  i.  11. 
 
 Dibla'im,  mother  of  Hosea's  wife  Gomer  (Hos. 
 1.3). 
 
 Dib'lath  (accurately  Diblaii),  a  place  named 
 only  in  Ez.  vi.  14,  as  if  situated  at  one  of  the 
 extremities  of  the  land  of  Israel.  It  is  natural  to 
 infer  that  Diblah  was  in  the  north.  The  only  name 
 in  the  north  at  all  like  it  is  Riblah,  and  the  letters 
 D  and  R  are  so  much  alike  in  Hebrew,  and  so  fre- 
 quently interchanged,  owing  to  the  carelessness  of 
 copyists,  that  there  is  a  strong  probability  that 
 iiiblah  is  the  right  reading. 
 
 Bi'bon,  a  town  on  the  east  side  of  Jordan,  in 
 the  rich  pastoral  country,  which  was  taken  possession 
 of  and  rebuilt  by  the  children  of  Gad  (Num.  xxxii. 
 8,  34).  From  this  circumstance  it  possibly  re- 
 ceived the  name  of  DiBON-GAD.  Its  firet  mention 
 is  in  the  ancient  fragment  of  poetry  Num.  xxi.  30, 
 and  from  this  it  appears  to  have  belonged  originally 
 to  the  Moabites.  We  find  Dibon  counted  to  Reuben 
 in  the  lists  of  Joshua  (xiii.  9,  17).  In  the  time 
 of  Isaiah  and  Jeremiah,  however,  it  was  again  in 
 tossession  of  Moab  (Is.  xv.  2  ;  Jer.  xlviii.  18,  22, 
 conip.  24).  In  the  same  denunciations  of  Isaiah  it 
 appears,  probably,  under  the  name  of  DiMON. 
 In  modern  times  the  name  Dhiban  h;is  been  dis- 
 covered by  Seetzen,  Irby  and  Mangles,  and  Burck- 
 liurdt  as  attached  to  extensive  ruins  on  the  Roman 
 road,  about  three  miles  north  of  the  Arnon  (  Wadij 
 Jifodjeb).  All  agi'ee,  however,  m  describing  these 
 ruins  as  lying  low. ^2.  One  of  the  towns  which 
 was  re-inhabited  by  the  men  of  Judah  after  the 
 return  from  captivity  (Neh.  xi.  25).  From  its 
 mention  with  Jekabzeel,  Moladah,  and  other  towns 
 of  the  south,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  is  ident- 
 ical with  DiJiOXAH. 
 
 Di'bon-Gad,  one  of  the  halting-places  of  the 
 Isiaelites  (Num.  xxxiii.  45,  46).  It  was  no  doubt 
 the  same  place  which  is  generally  called  DiBOX. 
 
 Dib'ri,  a  Danite,  father  of  Shelomith  (Lev.  xxiv. 
 11). 
 
 Didrachmon.     [Money  ;  Shekel.] 
 
 Did'ymus,  that  is,  the  Twin,  a  sui-name  of  the 
 apostle  Thomas  (John  xi.  16,  xx.  24,  xxi.  2). 
 [Thomas.] 
 
 Dik'Iah  (Gen.  x.  27  ;  1  Chr.  i.  21),  a  son  of 
 Joktan,  whose  settlements,  in  common  with  those 
 of  the  other  sons  of  Joktan,  must  be  looked  for  in 
 Arabia.  The  name  in  Hebrew  signifies  "  a  palm- 
 tree,"  hence  it  is  thought  that  Diklah  is  a  part  of 
 Arabia  containing  many  palm-trees.  Bochart,  and 
 after  him  Gesenius,  refer  the  descendants  of  Diklah 
 to  the  Minaei,  a  people  of  Arabia  Felix  inhabiting 
 a  palmiforous  country.  No  trace  of  Diklah  is 
 known  to  exist  in  Arabic  works,  except  the  mention 
 of  a  place  called  Dakalah  in  El-Yemdneh,  with 
 raaaj  palm-trees.  Nakhleh  also  signifies  a  palm- 
 tree,  and  is  the  name  of  many  places,  especially 
 
 DIONYSIA 
 
 205 
 
 Nakhleh  el-  Yemdneeyeh,  and  Nakhleh  esh-Shdmee- 
 yeh,  two  well-known  towns  situate  near  each  other. 
 Therefore,  1.  Diklah  may  probably  be  recovered  in 
 the  place  called  Dakalah  above  mentioned ;  or, 
 possibly,  2.  in  one  of  the  places  named  Nakhleh. 
 
 Dil'ean,  one  of  the  cities  in  the  lowlands  of 
 Judah  (Josh.  xv.  38).  It  has  not  been  identified 
 with  certainty.  Van  de  Velde  suggests  that  it 
 may  be  the  modern  place  Tina,  about  three  miles 
 iioith  of  Tell-cs-Safich  in  the  maritime  plain  of 
 Philistia,  south  of  Ekron. 
 
 Dim'nah.,  a  city  in  the  tribe  of  Zebulun,  given 
 to  the  Merarite  Le^^tes  (Josh.  x.xi.  35).  RiiniON 
 (1  Chr.  vi,  77)  may  possibly  be  a  variation  of 
 Dimnah. 
 
 Di'mon,  the  waters  of,  some  streams  on 
 the  east  of  the  Dead  Sea,  in  the  land  of  Moab, 
 against  which  Isaiah  is  here  uttering  denunciations 
 (Is.  XV.  9).  Gesenius  conjectures  that  the  two 
 name.s  Dimon  and  Dibon  are  ihe  same. 
 
 Bi'monall,  a  city  in  the  south  of  Judah  (Josh. 
 XV.  22j,  perhaps  the  same  as  Dibon  in  Neh. 
 xi.  25. 
 
 Di'nah,  the  daughter  of  Jacob  by  Leah  (Gen, 
 XXX.  21).  She  accompanied  her  fl^ther  from  Jleso- 
 potimia  to  Canaan,  and,  having  ventured  among 
 the  inhabifcmts,  was  violated  by  Shechem  the  son 
 of  Hamor,  the  chieftain  of  the  territory  in  which 
 her  father  had  settled  (Gen,  xxxiv.).  Her  age  at 
 this  time,  judging  by  the  subsequent  notice  of 
 Joseph's  age  (Gen.  xxxvii.  2),  may  have  been  from 
 13  to  15,  the  ordinary  period  of  marriage  in  Eastern 
 countries.  Shechem  proposed  to  make  the  usual 
 reparation  by  paying  a  sum  to  the  father  and  marry, 
 ing  her  (Gen.  xxxiv.  12).  But  in  this  case  the 
 suitor  was  an  alien,  and  the  crown  of  the  offence 
 consisted  in  its  having  been  committed  by  an  alien 
 against  the  flivoural  people  of  God  ;  he  had 
 "wrought  folly  in  Israel"  (xxxiv.  7).  The  pro- 
 posals of  Hamor,  who  acted  as  his  deputy,  were 
 framed  on  the  recognition  of  the  hitherto  complete 
 separation  of  the  two  peoples ;  he  proposetl  the 
 fusion  of  the  two  by  the  establishment  of  the 
 rights  of  intermai'riage  and  commerce.  The  sons 
 of  Jacob,  bent  upon  revenge,  availed  themselves  of 
 the  eagerness,  which  Shechem  showed,  toefi'ect  their 
 purpose  ;  they  demanded,  as  a  condition  of  the  pro- 
 posetl union,  the  circumcision  of  the  Shechemites. 
 They  therefore  assented;  and  on  the  third  day, 
 when  the  pain  and  fever  resulting  from  the  opera- 
 tion were  at  the  highest,  Simeon  and  Levi,  own 
 brothers  to  Dinah,  as  Josephus  observes,  attacked 
 them  unexpectedly,  slew  all  the  males  and  plundered 
 their  city. 
 
 Di'naites  (Ezr.  iv.  9),  the  name  of  some  of  the 
 Cuthaean  colonists  who  were  placed  in  the  cities  of 
 Samaria  after  the  captivity  of  the  ten  tribes.  No- 
 thing more  is  known  of  them.  Junius,  without 
 any  authority,  identifies  them  with  the  people 
 known  to  geographers  by  the  name  Dennani. 
 
 Din'habah  (Gen.  xxxvi.  32  ;  1  Chr.  i.  43),  the 
 capital  city,  ar"^  probably  the  birthplace,  of  Bela, 
 son  of  Beor,  king  of  Edom,  It  has  not  been  identi- 
 fied. 
 
 Dionys'ia,  "  the  feast  of  Bacchus,"  which  was 
 celebrated,  especially  in  later  times,  with  wild  extra- 
 vagance, and  licentious  enthusiasm.  Women,  as 
 well  as  men,  joined  in  the  ])rocessions,  acting  the 
 pait  of  Maenads,  crowned  with  ivy  and  bearing  the 
 thyrsus.  Shortly  before  the  persecution  of  An- 
 tiochus  Epiphanes,  168   B.C.,  in  which  the  Jews 
 
20G  DIONYSIUS  THE  AREOPAGITE 
 
 "  were  compelled  to  ^o  in  iiitx-cssion  to  Bacchus 
 carrying  ivy"  (2  Mace.  vi.  7 ),  tiie  secret  cclcbni- 
 tion  of  the  Bacchanalia  in  Italy  had  l)een  revealed 
 to  the  Unman  senate  (B.C.  180).  A  decree  was 
 passed  forbidding  its  observance  in  Rome  or  Italy. 
 This  fact  oilers  the  best  coininentary  on  the  con- 
 duct of  Antiochus. 
 
 Dionys'ius  the  Areopagite  (Acts  xvii.  34), 
 an  eminent  .Vtheniaii,  converted  to  Christianity  by 
 the  preaching  of  St.  Paul.  Kusebius  makes  him,  on 
 the  authoiity  of  Dionysius,  bishop  of  Corinth,  to 
 have  been  first  bi.shop  of  Athens.  The  writings 
 which  were  onee  attributed  to  liim  are  now  con- 
 fessed to  be  the  production  of  some  neo-PIatonists 
 ef  tiie  (itli  century. 
 
 Dionysus  (2  Mace.  xiv.  33 ;  3  Mace  ii.  29), 
 »lsu  trailed  Bacgiius,  was  properly  the  god  of  wine. 
 The  eastern  wanderings  of  Dionysus  are  well  known, 
 out  they  do  not  seem  to  have  led  any  special  trace 
 n  Palestine.  His  worship,  however,  was  o;ieatly 
 raodiHeci  by  the  incorporation  of  K;istern  elements, 
 and  assumed  the  twofold  form  of  wild  orgies  and 
 mystic  rites.  To  the  .lew,  Dionysus  would  neces- 
 sarily appear  as  the  embodiment  of  paganism  in  its 
 most  material  shape,  sanctioning  the  most  tumultu- 
 ous ]Ki>siiins  niid  tile  worst  e.xcesses. 
 
 Dioscorin'tliius.     [Moxths.] 
 
 Diotrephes,  a  Chiistian  mentioned  in  3  .I(}lin 
 9,  bit  ot'  whom  nothing  is  known. 
 
 Disciple.     [Kdlcatiox  ;  Schools.] 
 
 Discus,  a  circular  plate  of  stone  or  metal,  made 
 for  throwing  to  a  distance  as  an  exercise  of  strength 
 and  dexterity  (2  Mace.  iv.  14). 
 
 Dkicolwliu.    (Oetcrlcy,  Lienk.  tier  all.  Kuiut,  vol.  i.  no.  1.18.) 
 
 Diseases.     [Mk,;>icimk.] 
 
 Dish.  [Ba.si.v  ;  Charger].  In  ancient  Kgypf, 
 and  .ilso  in  Juilaea,  guests  at  the  talile  handled 
 their  food  with  the  (in^ieis.  The  same  is  the  axsv 
 in  modern  I'.tjypt.  Kach  person  breiks  off  a  small 
 pie(;o  of  bread,  di|)s  it  in  the  dish,  and  then  conveys 
 it  to  his  mouth,  togetlmr  with  a  .small  portion  of 
 the  meat  or  other  contents  nf  the  d:sli.  To  pick 
 out  ;i  delicate  morsel  and  hand  it  to  a  friend  is 
 i^teemed  a  romjdinient,  and  fo  refuse  such  an  olVer- 
 iiig  is  contrary  f"  good  manners.     .Judas  dipping 
 
 DISPERSION,  THE  JEWS  OF  THE 
 
 his  hand  in  the  same  dish  with  our  Lord  was  show- 
 ing espi'cial  friendliness  and  intimacy. 
 
 Dis'han,  the  vonngest  son  of  Seir  the  Horite 
 (Gen.  .xx.wi.  '21,  28,  30  ;   1  Chr.  i.  38,  42). 
 
 Dis'hon.  1.  The  fifth  son  of  Seir  (Gen.  .x.xsvi. 
 21,  20,  30  ;  1  Chr.  i.  38).— 2.  The  son  of  Anah 
 and  grandson  of  Seir  fGen.  x.vxvi.  25;  1  Chr.  i. 
 38).  Dishon  and  Dishan  belong  to  the  s;ime  root. 
 The  geographical  position  of  the  tribes  descended 
 from  these  patriarchs  is  uncertain.  Knobel  places 
 them  fo  K.  and  S.K.  of  tlw  ({"Ifcf  Akabu. 
 
 Dispersion,  The  Jews  of  the,  or  simply  Thi: 
 DiSPKKSHi.N.  was  the  general  title  applied  to  those 
 •lews  who  reniaiiied  .settled  in  foreign  countries  after 
 file  return  from  the  Babylonian  exile,  and  during 
 the  period  of  the  second  Teinple.  The  Dispeision, 
 as  a  distinct  element  influencing  tiie  entire  ehai-acter 
 of  the  .lews,  dates  from  the  Babylonian  exile. 
 Outwardly  and  inwardly,  by  its  effects  both  on  the 
 Gentiles  and  on  the  peo|)le  of  Israel,  the  Dispersion 
 appears  to  have  been  the  clearest  providential  pre- 
 paration for  the  spread  of  Christianity.  At  the 
 beginning  of  the  Christian  era  the  Dispersion  was 
 divided  into  three  great  sections,  the  Babylonian, 
 the  Syrian,  the  Egvptian.  Precedence  was  yielded 
 to  the  first.  From  Babylon  the  .lews  spread 
 throughout  Persia,  Media,  and  Parthia ;  but  the 
 settlements  in  China  belong  to  a  modern  date.  The 
 (ireek  conquests  in  Asia  extendetl  the  limits  of  the 
 Dispei-sion.  Seleucus  Nicator  transplanted  large 
 bodies  of  Jewish  colonists  from  Babylonia  to  the 
 capitals  of  his  western  provinces.  His  policy  was 
 followed  by  his  successor  Antiochus  the  Great; 
 and  the  persecutions  of  Antiochus  Kjiiphanes  only 
 served  to  push  forward  the  Jewish  emigration  to 
 the  remoter  di.stricts  of  his  empire.  Large  settle- 
 ments of  Jews  were  established  in  Cyprus,  in  the 
 islands  of  the  Aegaean,  and  on  the  western  coa.st  of 
 .■^sia  Minor.  The  Jews  of  the  Syrian  provinces 
 gradually  fi>rmed  a  closer  connexion  with  their  new 
 homes,  and  together  with  the  Greek  language 
 adopted  in  many  respects  Greek  ideas.  This  Hel- 
 lenizing  tendency,  however,  found  its  most  free 
 development  at  Ale.xaiidria.  The  Jewish  settle- 
 ments established  there  by  Ale.xander  and  Ptolemy  \. 
 hcciime  the  source  of  the  African  dispersion,  which 
 spread  over  the  north  coast  of  Africa,  and  perhaps 
 inland  to  .\by.ssinia.  AtCyrene  and  Berenice  (Tri- 
 jioli)  the  Jewi.sh  inhabitants  formed  a  considerable 
 portion  of  the  population.  The  African  Di.spei-sioii, 
 like  all  other  Jews,  preserved  their  veneration  for 
 the  "  holy  city,"  and  recognised  the  universal  claims 
 of  the  Temple  by  the  annual  tribute.  But  the 
 distinction  in  language  led  to  wider  differences, 
 which  were  averted  in  Babylon  by  the  currency  of 
 an  Aramaic  dialect.  After  the  destruction  of  the 
 Temple  the  Zealots  found  a  reception  in  Cyrene ; 
 .and  towarils  the  close  of  the  reign  of  Tnijan,  A.n. 
 115,  the.lewish  jH)])iilation  in  Africa  ro.se  with  ter- 
 rible ferocity.  The  .Icwish  settlements  in  IJome 
 were  consequent  upon  the  occupation  of  Jerusalem 
 bv  I'ompey,  ii.c.  03.  The  captives  and  emigi-ants 
 whom  he  brought  with  him  were  located  in  the 
 tian.s-'l'iberine  quarter.  In  the  reign  of  Claudius 
 the  .lews  i«came  objects  of  suspicion  from  their 
 iiiimcnse  nnmbei-s;  aii<l  the  internal  disputes  led 
 to  their  baiiisluncnf  from  the  city  (Att.s  xviii.  2). 
 This  expulsion,  if  gcnoral,  can  only  have  been  tcm- 
 jioraiv,  for  in  a  few  yeans  the  .lews  af  Kome  were 
 numerous  (Acts  xxviii.  17  ff.V  The  influence  of 
 the  Dispei'sion  on  the  rapid  ]ii-omiilgation  ofChristi- 
 
DIVINATION 
 
 auity  c<iu  scarcely  be  ovenated.  The  course  of  the 
 apostolic  pleaching  followed  in  a  regular  progress 
 the  line  of  Jewish  settlements.  The  mixed  assembly 
 from  which  the  first  converts  were  gathered  on  the 
 day  of  Pentecost  represented  each  division  of  the 
 Dispersion  (Acts  ii.  9-11  ;  (1)  Parthians  .  .  .  . 
 Meso})otamia  ;  (2)  Judaea  (i.  e.  Si/ria).  .  .  .  Pam- 
 phylia;  (3)  Egypt  .  .  .  Gi-eece;  (4)  Romans  .  .  .), 
 and  these  converts  naturally  prepared  the  way  for 
 the  apostles  in  the  interval  which  preceded  the  be- 
 ginning of  the  separate  apostolic  missions. 
 
 Divination  (Ez.  xiii.  7 ;  Wisil.  xvii.  7  ;  Is. 
 xlvii.  9).  This  art  "  of  taking  an  aim  of  divine 
 matters  by  human,  which  cannot  but  breed  mixture 
 of  imaginations "  (Bacon,  Ess.  xvii.)  has  been 
 universal  in  all  ages,  and  all  nations  alike  civilized 
 and  savage.  Tlie  first  kind  of  divination  was  called 
 Natural,  in  which  the  medium  of  inspiration  was 
 transported  from  his  own  individuality,  and  became 
 the  passive  instrument  of  supernatural  utterances. 
 The  other  I'.ind  of  divination  was  artificial,  and  pro- 
 bably originated  in  an  honest  conviction  that  external 
 nature  sympathised  with  and  frequently  indicated 
 the  condition  and  prospects  of  mankind  ;  a  convic- 
 tion not  in  itself  ridiculous,  and  fostered  by  the 
 accidental  synchronism  of  natural  phenomena  with 
 human  catastrophes.  When  once  this  feeling  was 
 established  the  supposed  manifestations  were  in- 
 finitely multiplied.  The  invention  of  divination  is 
 ascribed  to  Piometheus,  to  the  Phrygians  and  Eti'U- 
 rians,  especially  sages,  or  to  the  devil.  In  the 
 same  way  Zoroaster  ascribes  all  mjjgic  to  Ahriman. 
 Similar  opinions  have  prevailed  in  modern  times. 
 Many  forms  of  divination  are  mentioned  in  Scrip- 
 ture, and  the  subject  is  so  frequently  alluded  to 
 that  it  deserves  careful  examination.  Diviners  are 
 first  mentioned  as  a  prominent  body  in  the  Egyptian 
 court,  Gen.  xli.  8.^1.  Chartummim.  They  were 
 a  class  of  Egyptian  priests,  eminent  for  learning.^ 
 2.  Chacdmvn  (Ex.  vii.  11).  Possibly  these,  as  well 
 as  their  predecessors,  were  merely  a  learned  class, 
 invested  by  vulgar  superstition  with  hidden  power. 
 Daniel  was  made  head  of  the  college  by  Nebuchad- 
 nezzar (Dan.  V.  11).— 3.  MecassMphim  (Ex.  vii. 
 11,  casshaphiin).  The  word  seems  to  denote  mere 
 jugglers,  of  the  class  to  which  belonged  Jannes  and 
 .Jambres  (2  Tim.  iii.  8).  How  they  produced  the 
 wonders  which  hardened  the  heart  of  Pharaoh  is 
 idle  to  conjecture.  Michaelis  explains  them  to  be 
 "  astrologers,"  such  as  in  ancient  times  were  sup- 
 posed to  be  able  to  control  the  sun  and  moon  by 
 spells.  Women  were  supposed  to  be  peculiarly 
 addicted  to  these  magical  arts  (Ex.  xxii.  18). ^^ 
 4.  Yidde'onim  (Lev.  xix.  31,  xx.  6),  icizards. 
 Those  that  could  by  whatever  means  reveal  the 
 future.— 5.  Ohoth  (Lev.  xx.  6;  Is.  viii.  19,  xix. 
 3).  The  word  properly  means  "  spirits  of  the 
 dead,"  and  then  by  an  easy  metonymy  those  who 
 consulted  them.  They  are  also  called  Pythones. 
 Hence  the  "  spirit  of  Python,"  Acts  xvi.  16.  These 
 ventriloquists  "peeped  and  muttered"  from  the 
 earth  to  imitate  the  voice  of  the  revealing  familiar 
 (Is.  x.xix.  4,  &c. ;  1  Sam.  xxviii.  8  ;  Lev.  xx.  27). 
 Ob  properly  means  a  bottle  (Job  xxxii.  19),  and 
 was  applied  to  the  magician,  beaiuse  he  was  sup- 
 posed to  be  inflated  by  the  spirit.  Of  this  class 
 was  the  witch  of  Endor.— 6.  Kosem  kesdmim 
 (Deut.  xviii.  10).  This  word  may  be  taken  to 
 mean  astrologers,  magi,  &c.— 7.  Me'onen  (Mic.  v. 
 12  ;  2  K.  xxi.  6  ;  A.  V.  "  an  observer  of  times  "). 
 U  is  derived  by  some  from  'dnaii,  to  cover,  and 
 
 DIVINATION 
 
 207 
 
 may  mean  genercdli/  "  using  hidden  arts  "  (Is.  ii. 
 6  ;  Jer.  xxvii.  9).  If  it  be  derived  from  'ain,  an 
 eye,  it  will  mean  "  one  who  fascinates  with  the 
 eyes,"  as  in  the  Syr.  Vers.  A  belief  in  the  evil 
 eye  was  universal,  and  is  often  alluded  to  in  Scrip- 
 ture (Deut.  xxiii.   6;  Matt.  xx.  15;  Tob.  iv.  7, 
 
 1  Sam.  xviii.  9.  "Saul  eijed  David").  Others 
 again  make  tlie  'diienim'  {Is.  ii.  6,  &c.),  "sooth- 
 sayers," who  predicted  "  tmies  "  as  in  A.  V,,  from 
 the  observation  of  the  clouds.  In  Judg.  ix.  37, 
 the  expression  "terebinth  of  Meoneniin"  refei's  not 
 so  much  to  the  general  sacredness  of  great  trees  as 
 to  the  fact  that  (probably)  here  Jacob  had  buried 
 his  amulets  (Gen.  xxxv.  4).— 8.  Menadiushim 
 (Ps.  Iviii.  5;  2  K.  xvii.  17,  xxi.  6,  &c.  A.  V.  en- 
 chanters) who  were  sujiposed  to  render  serpents 
 innocuous  and  obedient  (Ex.  vii.  9  ;  Jer.  viii.  17  ; 
 Eccl.  X.  11),  chiefly  by  the  power  of  music;  but 
 also  no  doubt  by  the  possession  of  some  genuine  and 
 often  hereditary  secret.  They  had  a  siinilai'  power 
 over  scorpions.  The  root  his,  however,  a  general 
 meaning  of  "  learning  by  experieu'^e,"  like  "  to 
 augur,''  in  English,  Gen.  xxx.  27. — 9.  Chuber 
 chebarhn.  Those  who  acquired  powei'  by  uttering 
 spells,  &c.  — 10.  Belomants.  Alluded  to  in  Ez. 
 xxi.  21,  where  Nebuchadnezzar,  at  the  parting  of 
 two  ways,  uses  divination  by  arrows  to  decide 
 whether  he  shall  proceed  against  Jerusalem  or  Rab- 
 bah.  Jerome  explains  it  of  mingling  in  a  quiver 
 aiTOWs  on  which  were  inscribed  the  names  of  various 
 cities,  that  city  being  attacked  the  name  of  which 
 was  drawn  out.  Estius  says  he  threw  up  a  bundle 
 of  arrows  to  see  which  way  they  would  light,  and 
 falling  on  the  right  hand  he  marched  towards 
 Jerusalem.— 11.  Closely  connected  with  this  was 
 divination  by  rods  (Hos.  iv.  12).— 12.  Cup  divi- 
 nation (Gen.  xliv.  5).  Parkhurst  and  others,  deny- 
 ing that  divination  is  intended,  make  it  a  mere  cup 
 of  office  "  for  which  he  would  search  carefully." 
 But  in  all  probability  the  A.  V.  is  right.  The 
 divination  was  by  means  of  radiations  from  the 
 water  or  from  magically  inscribed  gems,  &c.  thrown 
 into  it.— 13.  Consultation  of  Teraphim  (Zech.  x. 
 
 2  ;  Ez.  xxi.  21  ;  1  Sam.  xv.  23).  These  were 
 wooden  images  (1  Sam.  xix.  13)  consulted  as 
 "  idols,"  from  which  the  excited  worshippers  fancied 
 that  they  received  oraculai'  responses  [Teraphim]. 
 — 14.  Divination  by  the  liver  (Ez.  xxi.  21).  The 
 hver  was  the  most  important  part  of  the  sacrifice. 
 Thus  the  deaths  of  both  Alexander  and  Hephaestion 
 were  foretold.— 15.  Divination  by  dreams  (Deut. 
 xiii.  2,  3;  Judg.  vii.  13;  Jei-.  xxiii.  32).  Many 
 warnings  occur  in  Scripture  against  the  impostures 
 attendant  on  the  interpretation  of  dreams  (Zech.  x. 
 2,  &c.)  We  find  however  no  direct  trace  oi  seek- 
 ing for  dreams.— 16.  The  consultation  of  oracles 
 may  be  considered  as  another  form  of  divination 
 (Is.  xli.  21-24,  xliv.  7).  The  term  oracle  is  applied 
 to  the  Holy  of  Holies  (1  K.  vi.  16 ;  Ps.  x.wiii.  2). 
 That  there  were  several  oracles  of  heathen  gods 
 known  to  the  Jews  we  may  inter  both  from  the 
 mention  of  that  of  Baal-zebub  at  Ekron  (2  K.  i, 
 2-6),  and  from  the  towns  named  Debir.  Moses 
 foi'bade  every  species  of  divination  because  a  prying 
 into  the  future  clouds  the  mind  with  superstition, 
 and  because  it  would  have  l)een  an  incentive  to 
 idolatry ;  indeed  the  frequent  denunciations  of  the 
 sin  in  the  prophets  tend  to  prove  that  these  for- 
 bidden arts  presented  peculiar  tem))tations  to  apo- 
 state Israel.  But  God  supplied  his  people  with 
 substitutes  for  divination,  wlaich  would  have  ren- 
 
208 
 
 DIVORCE 
 
 lieied  it  superfluous,  and  left  them  m  no  doubt  as 
 to  his  will  in  cii-cunistiiiK«s  of  danger,  had  they 
 coKtinued  faithful.  It  \v;is  only  when  they  were 
 unfaithful  that  the  revelation  was  withdrawn 
 (1  Sam.  xxviii.  6;  2  Sara.  ii.  1;  v.  23,  &c.). 
 Supei-stition  not  unfrequently  goes  hand  in  hand 
 with  scepticism,  and  hence,  amid  the  general  in- 
 fidelity prevalent  thro\ii;irthe  Roman  empire  at  our 
 Lord's  coming,  imposture  was  rampant ;  as  a  glance 
 at  the  pages  of  Tacitus  will  suffice  to  prove.  Hence 
 the  lucrative  trades  of  such  men  as  Simon  Magus 
 (Acts  viii.  9),  Bar-jesus  (Acts  siii.  6,  8),  the  slave 
 with  the  spirit  of  Python  (Acts  xvi.  16),  the  vaga- 
 bond Jews,  exorcists  (Luke  xi.  1!);  Acts  xix.  K'. ;, 
 and  othei-s  (2  Tim.  iii.  13;  Kev.  xi.v.  20,  &c.),  as 
 well  as  the  notorious  dealers  in  magical  boolis 
 at  Kphesus  (Acts  xix.  19j. 
 
 Divorce.  Tlie  law  regulating  this  subject  is 
 tijund  Deut.  xxiv.  1-4,  and  the  cases  in  which  the 
 liglit  of  a  husband  to  divorce  his  wife  was  lo8t,  are 
 .stated  ib.  xxii.  19,  '-'9.  The  ground  of  divorce  is 
 a  point  on  whidi  tlie  Jewish  doctors  of  the  period 
 of  theN.  T.  widely  diil'ered  ;  the  school  of  Sliammai 
 seemuig  to  limit  it  to  a  moral  delinquency  in  the 
 woman,  whilst  that  of  Hiliel  extended  it  to  trifling 
 (Piuses,  e.  g.,  if  the  wife  burnt  the  food  she  was 
 cooking  tor  her  husband.  The  Pharisees  wished 
 perhajjs  to  embroil  our  Saviour  with  tliese  lival 
 schools  by  their  question  (Matt.  xix.  3) ;  by  His 
 answer  to  which,  as  well  as  by  His  previous  maxim 
 (v.  31),  he  declares  that  but  for  their  hardened 
 state  of  heart,  such  questions  would  have  no  place. 
 Yet  from  the  distinction  made,  "  but  1  say  unto 
 you,"  V.  31,  32,  it  seems  to  follow,  that  He  re- 
 garded all  the  lesser  causes  tlian  "fornication"  as 
 stimding  on  too  weak  giound,  and  declined  the 
 question  of  how  to  interpret  the  words  of  Moses.  It 
 would  be  unreasonable,  therefore,  to  suppose  that  by 
 "  some  uncleanness,"  to  which  he  limited  the  remedy 
 of  divorce,  Moses  me.ant"  forniaition,"  i.e.  adultery, 
 for  that  would  have  been  to  stultify  the  law  "  that 
 Mich  should  be  stoned"  (John  viii.  5;  Lev.  xx. 
 10).  The  practical  difliculty,  however,  which  at- 
 tends on  the  doubt  which  is  now  found  in  inter- 
 preting Moses' words  will  be  lessened  if  we  consider, 
 that  the  mere  giving  "a  bill  (or  rather  "book,") 
 of  divorcement"  (comp.  Is.  1.  1;  Jer.  iii.  8), 
 womM  in  aiicit-nt  times  require  the  intervention  of 
 a  Levite,  not  only  to  secure  the  formal  correctness 
 of  the  instrument,  but  because  the  ait  of  writing 
 was  then  generally  unknown.  This  would  bring 
 tlie  matter  under  the  cognizance  of  legal  authority, 
 and  tend  to  clieck  the  rash  exercise  of  the  right  by 
 the  husliand.  lint  the  absence  of  any  case  in  point 
 in  the  period  which  lay  nearest  to  the  lawgiver 
 himself,  or  in  any,  save  a  much  more  recent  one, 
 ni.ikcs  tiie  whiile  question  one  of  great  uncertainty. 
 
 Di'zahab,  a  place  in  the  Arabian  Desert,  men- 
 tioiii'd  jJeul.  i.  l,as  limiting  the  position  of'  tlu' 
 s)iot  in  which  Moses  is  there  represented  as  ad<liess- 
 ing  the  Israelites.  It  is  by  Robinson  identified 
 wit'i  /'a/tnh,  a  cape  on  the  W.  shore  of  the  GuJf  of 
 Abihnh. 
 
 Do'cus,  a  "little  hold"  near  Jericho  (1  JLncc. 
 XVI.  1.1,  comp.  verso  14)  built  Ity  I'tolemeus  the 
 son  of  Abiibiis.  The  name  still  remains  attached 
 to  the  copious  and  e.\cidlent  springs  ni'  Ain-Ih't':. 
 which  burst  forth  in  the  Wndn  Naufi'iiii^/i,  at  the 
 foot  of  the  mountain  of  (^iiarantania  [Kuruniiil), 
 Aliout  4  miles  N.W.  of  Jericho.  Above  the  springs 
 are   traces  of  ancient  foundat.'ou.s,    wln<h   may   be 
 
 DOR 
 
 those  of  Ptolemy's  castle,  but  more  proba))ly  oT  that 
 of  the  Tcnijilars,  one  of  whose  stations  this  was. 
 
 Dod'ai,  an  Ahohite  who  commanded  the  coui'se 
 of  the  2nd  month  ( 1  Chr.  xxvii.  4).  It  is  prolxible 
 that  he  is  the  same  as  DODO,  2. 
 
 Do'danim,  Gen.  x.  4  ;  I  Chr.  i.  7  (in  .some  copies 
 and  in  marg.  of  A.  V.  1  Chr.  i.  7,  Rodanim),  a 
 family  or  race  descended  from  Javan,  the  son  of 
 Jajihet  (Cen.  x.  4 ;  1  Chr.  i.  7).  The  weight  o. 
 authority  is  in  favourof  the  former  name.  Dcxianim 
 is  regarded  as  identical  with  l);u'dani.  The  Dardam" 
 were  found  in  historical  times  in  lUyiicum  and 
 Troy :  the  former  district  was  regartled  as  their 
 original  seat.  They  were  ])robably  a  semi-1'elasgic 
 race,  and  are  grouped  with  the  Chittim  in  the 
 genealogical  table,  as  more  closely  related  to  them, 
 than  to  the  other  branches  of  the  1'ela.sgic  race. 
 Kalisch  identifies  Dodanim  with  the  Daunians,  who 
 occupied  the  coast  of  Apulia. 
 
 Do'davah.,  a  man  of  Maresha  in  Judah,  father  of 
 Eliezer  who  denounced  Jehoshaphat's  alliance  with 
 Ahaziah  (2  Chr.  xx.  37). 
 
 Do'do.  1.  A  man  of  Bethlehem,  father  of  Kl- 
 hanan,  who  was  one  of  David's  thirty  captains 
 (2  Sam.  xxiii.  24  :  1  Chr.  xi.  26).  He  is  a  diflereiit 
 per-son  from— 2.  DoDO  THE  AnoHlTi'-,  father  ot 
 Eleazar,  the  2nd  of  the  three  miglity  men  who 
 were  over  the  thirty  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  9;  I  Chr.  xi. 
 12).  He,  or  his  son — in  which  cise  we  must  sup- 
 pose the  words  "  Eleazar  son  of "  to  have  escajMhl 
 from  the  text  —  probably  had  the  command  of 
 the  second  monthly  couree  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  4).  In  the 
 latter  jiassage  the  name  is  DoDAl.— 3.  A  man  of 
 Issjichar,  forefather  of  Tola  the  Judge  (.ludg.  x.  1). 
 
 Do'eg',  an  Idiimaean,chief  of  Saul's  herdmen.  He 
 was  at  Nob  when  Ahimelech  gave  David  the  sword 
 of  Goliath,  and  not  only  gave  information  to  Saul, 
 but  when  othere  declined  the  office,  himself  executed 
 the  king's  order  to  destroy  the  priests  of  Nob,  with 
 tlieir  families,  to  the  number  of  85  pei'sons,  together 
 with  all  their  property  (1  Sam.  xxi.  7,  xxii.  9,  18, 
 22 :  Ps.  Iii.). 
 
 Dog,  an  animal  frequently  mentioned  in  Scrip- 
 ture. It  w.as  used  by  the  Hebrews  as  a  watch  for 
 their  houses  (Is.  Ivi.  10),  and  for  guarding  their 
 flocks  (Job  XXX.  1).  Then  also  as  now,  troops  ot 
 hungry  and  semi-wild  dogs  used  to  wander  about 
 the  fields  and  streets  of  the  cities,  devouring  dead 
 bodies  and  other  olial  (1  K.  xiv.  11,  xvi.  4,  xxi.  19, 
 23,  xxii.  38,  2  K.  ix.  10,  36  ;  Jer.  .\v.  3,  i's.  lix.  6, 
 14),  and  thus  bec.-ime  such  objects  of  dislike  that 
 fieice  and  cruel  enemies  are  poetically  styled  dogs  in 
 Ps.  xxii.  16,  20.  Moreover  the  dog  Injing  an  un- 
 clean animal  (Is.  Ixvi.  3),  the  terms  c/iy,  dead  do;/, 
 don's  head  were  used  as  terms  of  rei)roach,  or  ot 
 huniilitv  in  speaking  of  one's  self  (1  Sam.  xxiv.  14  ; 
 2  Sam. 'iii.  8,  ix.  8,\vi.  9  ;  2  K.  viii.  13).  Stanley 
 mentions  that  he  .s.aw  on  the  very  site  of  Jeziwl 
 the  descendants  of  the  dogs  that  devoure*.!  JezeU'l, 
 prowling  on  the  mounds  without  tiie  walls  for 
 ofliil  and  carrion  thrown  out  to  them  to  consume. 
 
 Doors.     [(iATlCS.] 
 
 Dophkah,  a  place  mentioned  Num.  xxxiii.  12, 
 as  a  station  in  the  Desert  where  the  Israelites  cn- 
 cain]ied;  see  VVll.DlOIlNKSS. 
 
 Dor  (.Fosh.  xvii.  11,  1  K.  iv.  11  ;  1  Mace.  xv. 
 1 1  \  aic  ancient  royal  lity  of  the  Canaanites  (Josh. 
 xii.  23),  whose  ruler  was  an  .ally  of  .Jabin  king  of 
 Ilazor  against  Joshua  (.losh.  xi.  1,  2).  It  was 
 proUibly  the  most  .southern  .settlement  of  the  Phoe- 
 nicians on  the  coast  of  Syria.     .losejihus  describes  it 
 
DORA 
 
 as  a  maritime  city,  on  the  west  border  of  Manassph 
 and  the  north  boidor  of  Dan  near  Mount  Carmel. 
 It  a])pe!irs  to  have  been  within  the  territory  of  the 
 tribe  of  Asher,  though  allotted  to  Manasseh  (Josh. 
 xvii.  il  ;  Judg.  i.  27).  The  original  mhabitants 
 were  never  expelled;  but  during  the  prosperous 
 reigns  of  David  and  Solomon  they  were  made  ti'ibu- 
 tary  (Judg.  i.  27,  28),  and  the  hitter  monarch  sta- 
 tioned at  Dor  one  of  his  twelve  purveyors  (]  K.  iv. 
 11).  Tryphon,  the  murderer  of  Jonathan  Jlacca- 
 baeus  and  usurper  of  the  throne  of  Syria,  having 
 souglit  an  asylum  in  Dor,  the  city  was  besieged  and 
 ca])tured  by  Antiochus  Sidetes  (1  Mace.  xv.  11). 
 Of  the  site  of  Dor  there  can  be  no  doubt.  The  de- 
 scriptions of  Josephus  and  Jerome  are  clear  and 
 full.  The  latter  places  it  on  the  coast.  "  in  the 
 ninth  mile  fiom  Caesarea,  on  the  way  to  Ptole- 
 mais."  Just  at  the  point  indicated  is  the  small 
 village  of  Tantura,  probably  an  Arab  corruption  of 
 Dora,  consisting  of  about  thirty  houses,  wholly  con- 
 structed of  ancient  materials. 
 
 Do'ra.     1  Mace.  xv.  11,  13,  25.     [DOK.] 
 
 Dor'cas.    [Takitha.] 
 
 Dorym'enes,  tathei-  of  Ptolemy,  surnamed  Maci'on 
 (1  Mace.  iii.  o8 ;  2  Mace.  iv.  45).  It  is  probable 
 that  he  is  the  same  Dorymenes  who  fought  against 
 Antiochus  the  Great. 
 
 Dosith'eus.  1.  "  A  priest  and  Levite,"  who  car- 
 ried the  ti'anslation  of  Esther  to  Kgypt  (Esth.  xi.  1, 
 2).— 2.  One  of  the  captains  of  Judas  Maccabaeus 
 in  the  battle  against  Timotheus  (2  Mace.  xii.  19, 
 2-1-).— 3.  A  horse-soldier  of  Bacenor's  company,  a 
 man  of  prodigious  sti-ength,  who,  in  attempting  to 
 capture  Gorgias,  was  cut  down  by  a  Thracian 
 (2  Maec.  xii.  ;-i5).— 4.  The  son  of  Drimylus,  a  Jew, 
 who  had  renounced  the  law  of  his  fathers,  and  was 
 in  the  camp  of  Ptolemy  Philopator  at  Raphia  (3 
 Mace.  i.  3).     He  was  perhaps  a  chamberlain. 
 
 Do'thaim.    [DoniAN.] 
 
 Do'thau,  a  place  first  mentioned  (Gen.  xxxvii. 
 17j  in  connexion  with  the  history  of  Joseph,  and 
 apparently  as  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Shechem.  It 
 next  appears  as  the  residence  of  Elisha  (2  K.  vi.^ 
 13).  bater  still  we  encounter  it  as  a  landmark  in 
 the  account  of  Holofeines'  campaign  against  Bethulia 
 (Jud.  iv.  6,  vii.  3,  18,  viii.  3).  Dothaim  is  due 
 to  the  Greek  text,  from  which  this  book  is  trans- 
 lated. Dothain  was  known  to  Eusebius,  who  places 
 it  12  miles  to  the  N.  of  Sebaste  (Samaria)  ;  and  here 
 it  has  been  at  length  discovered  in  our  own  times, 
 still  bearing  its  ancient  name  unimpaired,  and  situ- 
 ated at  the  south  end  of  a  plain  of  the  richest  pas- 
 turage, 4  or  5  miles  S.W.  of  Jenin,  and  separated 
 only  by  a  swell  or  two  of  hills  from  the  plain  of 
 Esdraelon. 
 
 Dove  (Heb.  Yondh).  The  first  mention  of  this 
 bird  occurs  in  Gen.  viii.  Thedove's  rapidity  of  flight 
 IS  alluded  to  in  Ps.  Iv.  6  ;  the  beauty  of  its  plumage 
 in  Ps.  Ixviii.  13;  its  dwelling  in  the  rocks  and 
 valleys  in  Jer.  xlviii.  28,  and  Ez.  vii.  16;  its 
 mournful  voice  in  Is.  xxxviii.  14,  lix.  11;  Nah.  ii. 
 7;  its  harmlessness  in  Matt.  x.  16;  its  simplicity 
 in  Hos.  vii.  11,  and  its  amativeness  in  Cant.  i.  15, 
 ii.  14.  Doves  are  kept  in  a  domesticated  state  in 
 many  parts  of  the  East.  The  pigeon-cote  is  an  uni- 
 vereal  feature  in  the  houses  of  Upper  Egypt.  In 
 Persia  pigeon-houses  are  elected  at  a  distance  from 
 the  dwellings,  for  the  puri)0se  of  collecting  the  dung 
 as  manure.  There  is  probably  an  allusion  to  such 
 a  custom  in  Is.  Ix.  8. 
 
 Dove's  Dung.     Various  explanations  have  btcn 
 
 Con.  D.  B. 
 
 DREAMS 
 
 209 
 
 given  of  the  passage  in  2  K.  vi.  25,  which  describes 
 the  famine  of  Samaria  to  have  been  so  excessive, 
 that  "  an  ass's  head  was  sold  for  fourscore  pieces  oi 
 silver,  and  the  fourth  part  of  a  cab  of  dove's  dung 
 for  five  pieces  of  silver."  'I'he  old  versions  and  verv 
 many  ancient  commentators  are  in  favour  of  a 
 literal  interpretation  of  the  Heb.  word.  Bochavt 
 has  laboured  to  show  that  it  denotes  a  species  of 
 cicer,  "  chick-pea,"  which  he  says  the  Arabs  call 
 usndn,  and  sometimes  improperly  "dove's  or  spar- 
 row's dung."  Linnaeus  suggested  that  the  chiri/6- 
 niin  may  signify  the  Ornitliogalmn  umbdlatuni, 
 "  Star  of  Bethlehem."  With  regard  to  Bochait's 
 opinion,  Celsius,  who  advocates  the  literal  inter- 
 pretation, has  shown  that  it  is  founded  on  an  error. 
 It  ran  scarcely  be  believed  that  even  in  the  worst 
 horrors  of  a  siege  a  substance  so  vile  ;is  is  implied 
 by  the  literal  rendering  should  have  been  used  for 
 food,  and  in  the  absence  of  further  evidence  we  must 
 retrain  from  deciding. 
 
 Dowry.    [Maruiage.] 
 
 Drachm  (2  Mace.  iv.  19,  x.  20,  xii.  43;  Luke 
 XV.  8,  9),  a  (Jreek  silver  coin,  varying  in  weight  on 
 account  of  the  use  of  different  talents.  The  Jews 
 must  have  been  acquainted  with  thiee  talents,  the 
 Ptolemaic,  the  Phoenician,  and  the  Attic.  The 
 drachmae  of  these  talents  weigh  respectively,  during 
 the  period  of  the  Macaibees,  about  55  grs.  troy,  58'5. 
 and  66.  In  Luke  (A.  V.  "piece  of  silver")  denarii 
 seem  to  be  intended.   [Money  ;  Silver,  piece  of.] 
 
 Dragon.  The  translators  of  the  A.  V.,  appar- 
 ently following  the  V^ulgate,  have  rendered  by  the 
 same  word  "dragon "the  two  Hebrew  words  Tan 
 and  Tannin,  which  appear  to  be  quite  distinct  in 
 meaning. ^I.  'J"he  former  is  used,  always  in  the 
 plural,  in  Job  xxx.  29;  Is.  xxxiv.  13,  xliii.  20;  in 
 Is.  .xiii.  22  ;  in  Jer.  x.  22,  xlix.  33  ;  in  Ps.  xliv.  19  ; 
 and  in  Jer.  ix.  11,  xiv.  6,  Ii.  37;  Mic.  i.  8.  It  is 
 always  applied  to  some  creatures  inhabiting  the 
 desert,  and  we  should  conclude  from  this  that  it 
 refers  rather  to  some  wild  beast  than  to  a  serpent. 
 The  Syriac  renders  it  by  a  word  which,  acconling  to 
 Pococke,  means  a  "jackal."— II.  The  word  ^awnm 
 seems  to  refer  to  any  great  monster,  whether  of  the 
 land  or  the  sea,  being  indeed  more  usually  applied 
 to  some  kind  of  serpent  or  reptile,  but  not  exclusively 
 restricted  to  that  sense.  When  we  examine  special 
 passages  we  find  the  word  used  in  Gen.  i.  21,  of 
 the  great  sea-monsters,  the  representatives  of  the 
 inhabitants  of  the  deep.  On  the  other  hand,  in 
 Ex.  vii.  9,  10,  12,  Deut.  xxxii.  33,  Ps.  xci.  13,  it 
 refere  to  land-serpents  of  a  powerful  and  deadly 
 kind.  In  the  N.  T.  it  is  only  found  in  the  Apoca- 
 lypse (Rev.  xii.  3,  4,7,  9,  16,  17,  &c.),  as  applied 
 metaphorically  to  "  the  old  serpent,  called  the  Devil, 
 and  Satan,"  the  description  of  the  "dragon"  being 
 dictated  by  the  symbolical  meaning  of  the  image 
 rather  than  by  any  reference  to  any  actually  existing 
 creature.  The  reason  of  this  scriptural  symbol  is 
 to  be  sought  not  only  in  the  union  of  gigantic  power 
 with  craft  and  malignity,  of  which  the  serpent 
 is  the  natural  emblem,  but  in  the  record  of  the 
 serpent's  agency  in  the  tonptation.  (Gen.  iii.). 
 
 Dram.     [Daric] 
 
 Dreams. — I.  The  main  difference  between  our 
 sleeping  and  waking  thoughts  appears  to  lie  in  this 
 — that,  in  the  former  case,  the  perceptive  faculties 
 of  the  mind  are  active,  while  the  reflective  powers 
 are  generally  asleep.  Yet  there  is  a  class  of  dreams 
 in  which  the  reason  is  not  wholly  asleep.  In  these 
 cases  it  seems  to  look  on  as  it  were  from  without. 
 
 f 
 
210 
 
 DRESS 
 
 and  s<)  to  liave  a  double  tons<>iousness.  In  either 
 case  the  ideas  suggested  are  accepted  by  the  mind 
 in  drciims  at  once  and  inevitably,  instead  of  being 
 weighed  and  tested,  as  in  our  waking  hours.  But  it 
 is  evident  that  the  method  of  such  suggestion  is  still 
 undetermined,  and  in  fact  is  no  more  capable  ollieing 
 acconntwl  tor  by  any  single  cause  th:in  tlie  sug- 
 gestion of  waking  thoughts.  The  material  of  these 
 hitter  is  siijiplied  either  by  ourselves,  through  the 
 senses,  the  memory,  and  the  imagination,  or  by 
 other  men.  generally  through  the  medium  of  words, 
 or  lastly  by  the  diiect  action  of  the  .Spirit  of  God, 
 or  of  created  sjiirits  of  orders  superioi'  to  our  own, 
 or  the  spiiit  within  us.  So  also  it  is  in  dreams. 
 On  the  Inst  two  points  experience  gives  undoubted 
 testimony;  as  to  the  third,  it  can,  from  the  nature 
 of  the  case,  s|)eak  but  vaguely  and  uncertainly. 
 The  Scripture  dcclaies,  not  as  auy  strange  thing, 
 but  as  a  thing  of  course,  that  the  inlliience  of  the 
 Spirit  of  (I'od  upon  the  soul  e.f tends  to  its  .sleep- 
 ing as  well  as  its  waking  thoughts.— II.  It  is, 
 of  cour.se,  with  this  last  class  of  dreams  that  wo 
 have  to  do  in  Scripture.  The  dreams  of  memoi-y  or 
 imagination  .-ue  imieed  referred  to  in  Eccl.  v.  3  ;  Is. 
 xxi.x.  8  ;  but  it  is  the  history  of  the  Kevelation  of 
 the  Spirit  of  Ood  to  tiie  ejiirit  of  man,  whether 
 sleeping  or  waking,  which  is  the  proper  subject  of 
 Scriptuie  it-elf.  it  must  be  observed  that,  in  ac- 
 cordance with  the  principle  enunciated  by  S.  Paul  in 
 1  Coi-.  .\iv.  15,  dieams,  in  which  the  undeistanding 
 is  asleep,  are  recognised  indeed  as  a  method  of  di- 
 vine revelation,  but  placed  below  the  visions  of  pro- 
 phecy, in  which  the  understanding  plays  its  pait. 
 It  is  true  that  the  book  of  Job,  st;\nding  as  it  does 
 on  the  basis  of  "  natural  religion,"  dwells  on  dreams 
 and  "  visions  in  deep  sleep  "  as  the  cho.sen  method 
 of  God's  revelation  of  Himself  to  man  (see  Job  iv, 
 13,  vii.  14,  x.xxiii.  15).  But  inNum.  xii.6;  L>eut. 
 .\iii.  1,  3,5;  .ler.  .\xvii.  9;  Joel  ii.  28,  &c.,  dreanieis 
 of  dreams,  whether  ti'ue  or  false,  are  placed  below 
 "  proj)hets,"  and  even  below  "  diviners ;"  and  si- 
 milarly in  the  climax  of  I  Sam.  xxviii.  6,  we  read 
 that  "Jehovah  answered  Saul  not,  neither  by 
 dream.s,  nor  by  V\  im  [by  symbol],  nor  by  prophets." 
 Under  the  Christian  dispensation,  while  we  read 
 frequently  of  trances  and  visions,  dreams  are  never 
 referred  to  a,s  vehicles  of  divine  revelation.  In 
 exact  accordance  with  this  principle  are  the  .actual 
 records  of  the  dieams  sent  b}'  God.  The  greater 
 number  of  such  dreams  were  granted,  for  pre- 
 diction or  lor  warning,  to  those  who  were  aliens  to 
 the  Jewish  covenant.  And,  where  dieams  are  re- 
 corded as  means  of  God's  revelation  to  His  chosen 
 servants,  they  arc  almost  always  referred  to  the 
 periods  of  their  earliest  and  most  impertect  know- 
 ledge of  Him.  The  general  conclusion  therefore  is, 
 first,  that  the  Scripture  claims  the  dream  as  a 
 medium  through  which  God  may  speak  to  man 
 either  diicctly,  or  indirectly  in  virtue  of  a  general 
 influence  upon  all  his  thoughts  ;  and  secondly,  that 
 it  lays  i'nv  greater  stress  on  that  divine  influence  iiy 
 which  the  understanding  also  is  afl'ected,  and  leads 
 us  to  believe  that  .as  such  influence  extends  more 
 and  more,  revelation  by  dream.'i,  unless  in  very  pecu- 
 liar circumstances,  might  beejfiectcd  to  pass  away. 
 
 Dress.  This  subject  includes  the  following  par- 
 ticulars:—  1.  Materials.  2.  Colour  and  decuiation. 
 3.  Name,  form,  and  mode  of  wearing  the  various 
 articles.  4.  .'Special  iisagi's  relating  thereto.— ^1. 
 The  earliest  and  simplest  robe  was  ni.nde  out  of 
 the  leiives  of  a  tree.  jKirlions  of  which   were  sewn 
 
 DRESS 
 
 together,  so  as  to  form  an  apron  ''Gen.  iii.  7). 
 .After  the  fall,  the  skins  of  animals  supplied  a  more 
 durable  m.iterial  (Gen.  iii.  21),  which  w.os  adapted 
 to  a  rude  state  of  society,  and  is  stated  to  have  been 
 u.sed  by  various  ancient  nations.  Skins  were  not 
 wholly  disused  at  later  periods:  the  "mantle" 
 worn  by  Klijah  apjiears  to  have  been  the  skin  of  a 
 sheep  or  some  other  animal  with  the  wool  left  on. 
 It  was  characteristic  of  a  piopiiet's  oflice  from  its 
 mean  appearance  (Zech.  xiii.  4;  cf.  Matt.  vii.  15). 
 Pelisses  of  sheep-skin  still  form  an  ordinary  article 
 of  dress  in  the  Kast.  The  ait  of  weaving  hair  was 
 known  to  the  Hebrews  at  an  early  period  ( Kx.  xxvi. 
 7,  XXXV.  6  ;  the  sackcloth  used  by  mournei's  was 
 of  this  material.  John  the  Baptist's  robe  was  of 
 camel's  hair  (Matt.  iii.  4).  Wool,  we  may  pre- 
 sume, was  introdu(!ed  at  a  very  early  perioil,  the 
 flocks  of  the  pastoral  lamilies  being  kept  partly  for 
 their  wool  (Gen.  xxxviii.  \2) :  it  was  at  all  times 
 largely  employeil,  particularly  for  the  outer  gar- 
 ments (Lev.  xiii.  47;  Dent.  xxii.  11  ;  &c.).  It  is 
 probable  that  the  accpiaiutance  of  the  Hebiews 
 with  linen,  and  peiha])s  cotton,  dates  from  the 
 period  of  the  captivity  in  Kgypt,  whi-n  they  weie 
 in.striicted  in  the  manufacture  (1  Clir.  iv.  21). 
 After  their  return  to  Palestine  we  have  frequent 
 notices  of  linen.  Silk  was  not  introduced  until  a 
 very  late  peiiod  (Fiev.  xviii.  12'^.  The  use  of  mixed 
 material,  such  as  wool  and  flax,  was  forbidden  (Lev. 
 xix.  19;  Deut.  xxii.  11).— 2.  Colour  and  decoration. 
 Tiie  prevailing  colour  of  the  Hebrew  dress  was  the 
 natural  white  of  the  matciials  employed,  which 
 might  be  brought  to  a  high  stiite  of  brilliancy  by  the 
 art  of  the  fuller  (Mark  ix.  3).  It  is  uncertain  when 
 the  art  of  dyeing  became  known  to  the  Hebrews; 
 the  dress  worn  by  Joseph  ((ien.  xxxvii.  3,  23) 
 is  variously  taken  to  be  either  a  "  coat  of  divei-s 
 colours,"  or  a  tunic  furnished  with  sleeves  and 
 reaching  down  to  the  ankles.  The  latter  is  pro- 
 bably the  correct  .sense.  The  notiie  of  .scarlet 
 threa<l  (Gen.  xxxviii.  28)  implies  some  acquaintance 
 with  dyeing.  The  Kgyptians  had  carried  the  ait 
 of  weaving  and  embroidery  to  a  high  state  of  per- 
 fection, and  I'rom  them  the  Hebrews  lenrne<l  various 
 methods  of  producing  decoiateil  stuffs.  The  ele- 
 ments of  ornamentation  were — '1)  weaving  with 
 threads  previously  dyed  (Kx.  xxxv.  25);  (2,  the 
 introiluction  of  gold  thread  or  wire  (Kx.  xxviii.  6  fl".) ; 
 (3)  the  .addition  of  figures.  These  devices  may 
 have  been  either  woven  into  the  stuff,  or  cut  out  of 
 other  stuff  and  afterwards  attacheil  by  neetllework  : 
 in  the  former  case  the  pattern  would  ajipear  only 
 on  one  side,  in  the  latter  the  pattern  m'glit  be 
 varied.  Hobes  decoivituil  with  gold  (Ps.  xlv.  13), 
 and  at  a  later  period  with  .silver  thread  (cf.  Acts  xii. 
 2 1 ),  were  worn  by  royal  personages  ;  other  kinds  of 
 embroidered  robes  were  worn  by  the  wealthy  both 
 of  Tyre  (ICz.  xvi.  13)  and  Palestine  (Judg.  v.  3i.i  ; 
 Ps.  xlv.  14).  The  art  doe.s  not  appear  to  have 
 been  maintained  among  the  Hebiews  :  the  Baby- 
 lonians anil  other  eastern  nations  (.losh.  vii.  21; 
 Kz.  xxvii.  24),  as  well  as  the  Kgyptians  (Kz.  x.wii. 
 7),  excellwl  in  it.  Nor  docs  the  art  of  dyeing  .'ip- 
 pear  to  have  been  followed  uji  in  Palestine  :  dywl 
 robes  were  iiuimrted  from  fmeign  countries  (Zeph. 
 i.  8),  j>articularly  from  Phoenicia,  and  were  not 
 much  used  on  actwunt  of  their  ex|>ensiveness  :  purple 
 Prov.  x.xxi.  22  ;  Luke  xvi.  19)  and  .scsirlet  (2  Sam. 
 i.  24)  were  occasionally  worn  by  the  wealthy.  The 
 siirroiuiding  nations  were  more  lavish  in  their  ii.se 
 of  them:  the  wealthy  Tyriaiis   'Lz.  .\xvii.  7\  ilie 
 
DRESS 
 
 Midianitish  kings  (Judg.  viii.  2G),  the  Assyrian 
 nobles  (Ez.  xxiii.  6),  and  Persian  otficers  (Esth.  viii. 
 15),  are  all  represented  in  jnirple.— :>.  Tlie  names, 
 forms,  and  mode  of  wearing  the  robes.  It  is  difficult 
 to  give  a  satisfoctory  account  of  tJie  various  articles 
 of  dress  mentioned  in  the  Bible.  The  general  cha- 
 I'acteristics  of  Oriental  dress  have  indeed  preserved 
 a  remarkable  uniformity  in  all  ages:  the  modern 
 Arab  dresses  much  as  the  ancient  Hebiew  did  ;  there 
 are  the  same  flowing  robes,  the  same  distinction  be- 
 tween the  outer  and  inner  garments,  the  former 
 heavy  and  warm,  the  latter  light,  adapted  to  the 
 rapid  and  excessive  changes  of  temperature  in  those 
 countries;  and  there  is  the  same  distinction  between 
 the  costume  of  the  rich  and  the  poor,  consisting  in 
 the  mullipliaition  o£  robes  of  a  finer  texture  and 
 more  ample  dimensions.  Hence  the  numerous  illus- 
 trations of  ancient  costume,  which  may  be  di'awn 
 from  the  usages  of  modern  Orientals,  PU]iplyiiig  in 
 great  measure  the  want  of  contemporaneous  repi-e- 
 sentations.  The  costume  of  the  men  and  women  was 
 very  similar ;  there  was  sufficient  diflereuce,  how- 
 ever, to  mark  the  sex,  and  it  was  strictly  forbidden 
 to  a  woman  to  wear  the  appendages  such  as  the 
 staff,  signet-ring,  and  other  ornaments,  or,  according 
 to  Josephus,  the  weapons  of  a  man;  as  well  as  to  a 
 man  to  wear  the  outer  robe  of  a  woman  (Deut.  xxii. 
 5),  We  shall  first  describe  the  robes  which  were 
 common  to  the  two  sexes,  and  then  those  which  were 
 peculiar  to  woman.  (1.)  The  cethoneth  was  the 
 most  essential  article  of  dress.  It  was  a  closely 
 fitting  garment,  resembling  in  form  and  use  our 
 shirt,  though  imfoitunately  translated  coat  in  the 
 A.  V.  The  matei  ial  of  which  it  was  made  was 
 either  wool,  cotton,  or  linen.  Tiie  primitive  cetho- 
 neth was  without  sleeves  and  reached  only  to  the 
 knee.  Another  kind  reached  to  the  wrists  and 
 ankles.  It  was  in  either  case  kept  close  to  the  body 
 by  a  girdle,  and  the  fold  formed  by  the  overlapping 
 of  the  robe  served  as  an  inner  pocket.  A  person 
 wearing  the  cethoneth  alone  was  described  as  naked, 
 A.  V.      The  annexed   woodcut  (fig.    1)   represents 
 
 drf.sj: 
 
 211 
 
 Fl^.  1. — An  Eg}-plian.     (Lane's  Modern  Egyptians.) 
 
 the  simplest  style  of  Oriental  dress,  a  long  loose 
 thirt  or  cethoneth  without  a  girdle,  reaching  nearly 
 to  the  ankle.  (2.)  The  sddin  appears  to  have 
 been  a  wrapper  of  fine  linen,  which  miglit  be  used 
 
 in  various  ways,  but  especially  as  a  nioht-shirt  ("Mark 
 xiv.  31).  (3.)  The  meil  was  an  upjier  or  second 
 tunic,  the  diflerence  being  that  it  was  longer  than  the 
 first.  As  an  article  of  ordinary  dress  it  was  wor.n 
 by  kings  (1  Sam.  xxiv.  4),  prophets  (1  .Sam.  xxviii. 
 14),  nobles  (Job  i.  20),  and  youths  (1  Sam.  ii.  19). 
 It  may,  however,  be  doubted  whether  the  term  is 
 used  in  its  specific  sense  in  these  passages,  and  not 
 rather  for  any  robe  that  chanced  to  be  worn  over 
 the  cethoneth.  Where  two  tunics  are  mentioned 
 (Luke  iii.  11)  as  being  woi'n  at  the  same  time,  the 
 second  would  be  a  metl ;  travellers  generally  wore 
 two,  but  the  piactice  was  forbidden  to  the  disciples 
 (Matt.  X.  10  ;  Luke  ix.  3).  The  dress  of  the  middle 
 and  upper  classes  in  modern   Egypt  (fig.  2)  illiis- 
 
 Fi^'.  ?. — An  Eg%-ptian  of  Uie  upper  clashes.    (Lane.) 
 
 trates  the  customs  of  the  Hebrews.  (4.)  The  ordi- 
 nary outer  garment  consisted  of  a  quadrangular 
 piece  of  woollen  cloth,  probably  resembling  in  shape 
 a  Scotch  plaid.  The  size  and  texture  would  vary 
 with  the  means  of  the  weaier.  The  Hebrew  temis 
 referring  to  it  are — simlah,  sometimes  put  for 
 clothes  generally  (Gen.  xxxv.  2,  .xxxvii.  34;  Ex.  iii. 
 22,  xxii.  9  ;  Deut.  x.  18  ;  Is.  iii.  7,  iv.  1);  beged, 
 which  is  more  usual  in  speaking  of  robes  of  a  hand- 
 some and  substantial  character  (Gen.  xxvii.  15,  xli. 
 42  ;  Ex.  xxviii.  2  ;  1  K.  xxii.  10  ;  2  Chr.  xviii.  9; 
 Is.  Ixiii.  1)  ;  cesuth,  appropriate  to  passages  where 
 covering  or  protection  is  the  prominent  idea  (Ex. 
 xxii.  26;  Job  xxvi.  t^,  xxxi.  19)  ;  and  lastij  labiish , 
 usual  in  poetry,  but  specially  applied  to  a  warrior's 
 cloak  (2  Sam.  xx.  8),  priests'  vestments  (2  K.  x. 
 22),  and  royal  apparel  (Esth.  vi.  11,  viii.  15).  An- 
 other term,  mad,  is  specifically  applied  to  a  long 
 cloak  (Judg.  iii.  16;  2  Sam.  xx.  8),  and  to  the 
 priest's  coat  (Lev.  vi.  10).  The  beged  might  be 
 worn  in  various  ways,  either  wrapped  round  the 
 body,  or  worn  over  the  shoulders,  like  a  shawl, 
 with  the  ends  or  "skirts"  hanging  down  in  front; 
 or  it  might  be  thrown  over  the  head,  so  as  to  con- 
 ceal the  face  (2  Sam.  sx.  30  ;  Esth.  vi.  12).  The 
 ends  were  skirted  with  a  fiinge  and  bound  with  a 
 dark  purple  riband  (Num.  iv.  38) :  it  was  confined 
 at  the  waist  by  a  girdle,  and  the  fold,  foixned  by 
 the  overlapping  of  the  robe,  served  as  a  pocket. 
 The  dress  of  the  women  difi'ered  from  that  of  the 
 men  in  regard  to  the  outer  garment,  the  cethoneth 
 
212 
 
 DRESS 
 
 boing  worn    equally  by  botii  sexes    ^Cant.  v.  3). 
 The  names  of  their  distinctive  loWs  were  as  follows  : 
 — (1)  mitpachath   [veil,  wimple,  A.  V.),  a  kind  of 
 shawl  (Ruth  iii.  15  ;  Js.  iii.  '22);   (2)  ma'ataphdh 
 {mantle,  A.  V.),  another  kind  of  shawl  (Is.  iii.  22) 
 (3)  tsdiph  {veil,  A.  v.),  probably  a  light  summer 
 dress  of  handsome  appearance  and  of  ample  dimen 
 sions;  (4)  rddid  {veil,   A.  V.),  a  similar  robe  (Is 
 iii.  23 ;  Cant,   v.  7),     (5)  pethijil  {stomacher,  A 
 v.),  a  term  of  doubtful  origin,  but  probably  sign 
 ficant  of  a   gay  holiday   dress  (Is.  iii.   24-.) ;    ((5) 
 gilyonim  (Is.  iii.  23),  also  a  doubtful   word,  pro- 
 bably means,  as  in  the  A.  V.,  glasses.     The  gar- 
 ments   of  females  were    tomiinated  by  an  ample 
 
 Fig.  3— An  Kgipl 
 
 bolder  or  fringe  {skirts,  A.  V.),  which  concealed  the 
 feet  (Is.  xlvii.  2  ;  Jer.  xiii.  22).  Figs.  3  and  4  illus- 
 tiate  some  of  the  peculiarities  of  female  dress ;  the 
 
 Fl(.  4.— A 
 
 ■iuce  o(  L'p|>cr  Eg^-pt. 
 
 former  is  an  Kgyptian  woman  (in  her  walking 
 dress)  :  the  latter  represents  a  dress,  probably  of 
 threat  antiquity,   sfill  worn   by  the  |)o;isants   in   the 
 
 DRESS 
 
 south  of  Egypt.  Ha\ing  now  completed  our  de- 
 scription of  Hebrew  dress,  we  add  a  lew  remarks 
 relative  to  the  svlirtion  ot  e()uiviilriit  terms  in  our 
 own  language.  Cetlionctk  answers  in  many  re- 
 spects to  "  flock."  In  the  sacerdotal  dre.ss  a  more 
 technical  term  might  be  used :  "vestment,"  in  \Xs 
 speciHc  sense  as  =  the  chasui)le,  or  Ctisula  would 
 repie>ent  it  rery  aptly.  Me"il  may  perhaps  be  best 
 rendered  "gown."  In  .sicenlot:!!  dicss  "alb" 
 exactly  met-ts  it.  Addcreth  answers  in  several 
 res])L'cts  to  "  peli.sse,"  although  this  term  is  now 
 applied  almost  exclusively  to  lemale  dress.  Sadin 
 =  "  linen  wra])per."  Siinloh  we  would  render 
 "garment,"  anil  in  the  plural  "clothes,"  as  the 
 broadest  term  of  the  kind  ;  Ijcijcd  "  vestment,"  a« 
 being  of  su]ierior  quality ;  lehiish  "  robe,'' as  still 
 superior;  7nad  "cloak,"  as  lK?ing  loi:g;  and  mal- 
 bnsh  "  dresi,"  in  the  specific  sense  in  which  the 
 term  is  not  unlrequently  used  as  =_;inf  diess.  In 
 female  costume  mitpac/mt/i  might  be  rendered 
 "shawl,"  maiddptuih  "mantle,"  tsa'iph  "hand- 
 some dress,"  rdd'td  "cloak."  The  drcssei  of  fo- 
 reign nations  are  occasionally  refi.>ired  to  in  the 
 Bible;  that  of  the  Persians  is  described  in  l)an.  iii. 
 2 1  in  terms  which  have  been  variously  understood, 
 but  which  may  be  ideiititied  in  the  .ollowing  man- 
 ner:—  (1)  The  snrbalin  (A.  V.  "coats")  or 
 drawers,  which  were  the  distinctive  feature  in  the 
 Persian  as  compared  with  the  Hebrew  dress  ;  (2) 
 the  pat tUh  (A.  \'.  "  liosen '')  or  inner  tunic  ;  (3) 
 the  carbeld  (A.  V.  "  hat  ")  or  upper  tunic,  corre- 
 sponding to  the  meil  of  the  Hebrews ;  (4)  the 
 lebusk  (A.  V.  "garment")  or  clo;ik,  which  was 
 worn,  like  the  hegcd,  over  all.  In  addition  to  these 
 terms,  we  have  notice  of  a  robe  of  state  of  fine  linen, 
 taaic,  so  called  fnun  its  ample  dimensions  (Ksth. 
 viii.  15).  The  references  lo  Greek  or  Roman  dress 
 are  few  :  the  x^QM"^  (2  Mace.  xii.  35  ;  Matt,  xxvii. 
 28)  was  either  the  paludamcnbim,  the  militiiry 
 scarf  of  the  Roman  soldiery,  or  the  Greek  cidamys 
 itself,  which  was  introduced  under  the  Einpeiois: 
 it  was  especially  worn  by  officei-s.  The  travelling 
 cloak  i-eferred  to  by  ^t.  Paul  (2  Tim.  iv.  1.'!)  is 
 generally  identified  with  the  l.'oman  paewda,  of 
 which  it  may  be  a  corruption.  It  is,  however, 
 otherwise  explained  as  a  travelling  case  for  ainying 
 clothes  or  books. ^4.  Special  tisujes  relnting  to 
 dress.  The  length  of  the  dre.';s  rendered  it  incon- 
 venient for  active  exercise;  hence  the  outer  g;u'- 
 ments  were  either  left  in  the  house  by  a  pei-son 
 working  close  by 'Matt.  xxiv.  18)  or  were  thrown 
 otf  when  the  occasion  arose  (Mark  x.  50  ;  .lohii  ziii. 
 4;  Acts  vii.  58),  or,  if  this  was  not  possible,  as  in 
 the  case  of  a  person  travelling,  they  were  girded 
 up  (1  K.  xviii.  4t)  ;  2  K.  iv.  29,  ix.  I  ;  1  I'et.  i. 
 13)  ;  on  entering  a  house  the  upper  garment  was 
 probably  laid  aside  aiul  resumed  on  going  out  (^Acts 
 xii.  8).  In  a  sitting  posture,  the  gaiineiits  con- 
 cealed the  feet ;  this  w;ts  held  to  be  an  act  of  rever- 
 ence (Is.  vi.  2).  The  numlier  of  suits  pos>essed  by 
 the  Hebrews  was  considerable:  a  single  suit  con- 
 sisted of  an  under  and  upper  garment.  The  pie- 
 sentation  of  a  robe  in  many  instances  amounted  f<' 
 installation  or  investiture  ((^len.  xii.  42 ;  listh.  viii. 
 15;  Is.  xxii.  21);  on  the  other  h.ind,  taking  it 
 away  amounted  to  dismissal  fVom  otTice  (2  Mncc.  iv. 
 .■JS).  The  production  of  the  best  rolie  was  a  mark 
 of  special  honour  in  a  household  (Luke  xv.  22). 
 The  number  of  robes  thus  received  or  kept  in  store 
 for  presents  w.is  very  large,  and  forme<l  one  of  the 
 main  elements  of  wealth  in  the  F^asn.lob  xx'ii.  I(i; 
 
DRINK,  STRONG 
 
 Matt.  vi.  19  ;  James  v.  2),  so  that  to  have  clothing 
 =  to  be  wealthy  and  powerful  (Is.  iii.  G,  7).  On 
 grnml  occasions  the  entertainer  ofteied  becoming 
 robes  to  his  guests.  The  business  of  making  clothes 
 devolved  upon  women  in  a  family  (Prov.  xxxi.  22  ; 
 Acts  ix.  39)  ;  little  art  was  required  in  what  we 
 may  term  the  tailoring  department ;  the  garments 
 came  forth  for  the  most  part  ready  made  from  the 
 loom,  so  that  the  weaver  supplanted  the  tailor. 
 
 Drink,  Strong.  The  Hebrew  teim  shecar,  in 
 its  etymological  sense,  applies  to  any  beverage  that 
 had  intoxicating  qualities.  We  may  infer  from 
 Cant.  viii.  2  that  the  Hebrews  were  in  the  habit 
 of  expressing  the  juice  of  other  fruits  besides  the 
 gi'ape  for  the  purpose  of  making  wine  ;  the  pome- 
 gianate,  which  is  theie  noticed,  was  probably  one 
 out  of  many  fruits  so  used.  With  regard  to  the 
 application  of  the  teim  in  later  times  we  have  the 
 explicit  statement  of  Jerome,  as  well  as  other  sources 
 of  information,  from  which  we  may  state  that  the 
 following  beverages  were  known  to  the  Jews: — 1. 
 Beer,  which  was  largely  consumed  in  Kgypt  under 
 the  name  of  zythiis,  and  was  thence  introduced  into 
 Palestine.  It  was  made  of  barley ;  certain  herbs, 
 such  as  lupin  and  skirrett,  were  used  as  substitutes 
 for  hops.  2.  Cider,  which  is  noticed  in  theMishna 
 as  apple-wine.  3.  Honey-wine,  of  which  there-  were 
 two  sorts,  one,  consisting  of  a  mixture  of  wine, 
 honey,  and  pepper ;  the  other  a  decoction  of  the 
 juice  of  tlie  grape,  termed  debash  (honey)  by  the 
 Hebrews,  and  dibs  by  the  modern  Syrians.  4.  J)ate- 
 tcine,  which  was  also  manufactured  in  Egypt.  It 
 was  made  by  mashing  the  fiuit  in  water  in  certain 
 propojtions.  5.  Various  other  fruits  and  vegetables 
 are  enumerated  by  Pliny  as  supplying  materials 
 for  factitious  or  home-made  wine,  such  as  figs, 
 millet,  the  carob  fruit,  &c.  It  is  not  improbable 
 that  the  Hebrews  applied  raisins  to  this  purpose  in 
 the  simple  manner  followed  by  the  Arabians,  viz., 
 by  putting  them  in  jars  of  water  and  burying  them 
 in  the  ground  until  fb'mentation  takes  place. 
 
 Dromedary.  The  representative  in  the  A.  V. 
 of  the  Heb.  words  becer  or  hicrah,  recesli  and  rani- 
 laac.  As  to  the  two  former  terms,  see  under  Camel. 
 I.  Recesh,  is  variously  interpreted  in  our  version 
 by  "dromedaries"  (1  K.  iv.  28),  "  mules"  (Esth. 
 viii.  10,  14),  "swift  beasts"  (Mic.  i.  13).  There 
 seems  to  be  no  doubt  that  it  denotes  "  a  superior 
 kind  of  horse."  2.  Rdmmac  (Esth.  viii.  10)  is  pro- 
 perly a  "  m.ire." 
 
 Drusilla,  daughter  of  Herod  Agiippa  I.  (Acts 
 xii.  1,  19  ff.)  and  Cypros.  She  was  at  first  be- 
 trothed to  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  prince  of  Com- 
 magene,  but  was  married  to  Azizus,  king  of  Emesa. 
 Soon  after,  Felix,  procurator  of  Judaea,  brought 
 about  her  seduction  by  means  of  the  Cyprian  sor- 
 cerer Simon,  and  took  her  as  his  wife.  In  Acts 
 xxiv.  24,  we  find  her  in  company  with  Felix  at 
 Caesarea.  Felix  had  by  Drusilla  a  son  named 
 Agiippa,  who,  together  with  his  mother,  perished 
 ill  the  eruption  of  Vesuvius  under  Titus. 
 
 Dulcimer  (Heb.  Sumphoniah),  a  musical  instru- 
 msnt,  mentioned  in  Daniel,  iii.  5,  15.  Rabbi  Saadia 
 fSaon  describes  the  Sumphoniah  as  the  bacj-pipe, 
 an  opinion  adopted  by  the  majoiity  of  biblical 
 critics.  The  same  instrument  is  still  in  use  amongst 
 peasants  in  the  N.W.  of  Asia  and  in  Southern  Eu- 
 rope, where  it  is  known  by  the  similar  name  Sam- 
 pogna  or  Zampogna.  With  respect  to  the  etymology 
 of  the  word  a  great  difference  of  opinion  prevails. 
 
 Du'mah,  a  son  of  Ishmael,  most  probably  the 
 founder  of  an  Ishniaelite  tribe  of  Arabia,  and  thence 
 
 EAGLE 
 
 213 
 
 the  name  of  the  principal  place,  or  district,  inha- 
 bited by  that  tribe  ((ien.  xxv.  14;  1  Chr.  i.  30; 
 Is.  xxi.  1 1).  The  name  of  a  town  in  the  north- 
 western part  of  the  peninsula,  Doomat-el-Jendel,  is 
 held  by  Gesenius  and  others  to  have  been  thus  de- 
 rived. It  signifies  "  Dumali  of  the  stones  or  blocks 
 of  stone,"  and  seems  to  indicate  that  the  place  was 
 built  of  unhewn  or  Cyclopean  masonry,  similar  to 
 that  of  very  ancient  structures. 
 
 Du'mah,  a  city  in  the  mountainous  district  <A 
 Judah,  near  Hebron  (Josh.  xv.  52).  Robinson 
 passed  the  ruins  of  a  village  called  ed-Daumeh,  6 
 miles  south-west  of  Hebron,  and  this  may  possibly 
 be  Dumah. 
 
 Dung.  The  uses  of  dung  were  twofold,  as  ma- 
 nure, and  as  fuel.  The  manure  consisted  either  of 
 straw  steeped  in  liquid  manure  (Is.  xxv.  10),  or 
 the  sweepings  (Is.  v.  25)  of  the  streets  and  roads, 
 which  weie  carefully  removed  from  about  the 
 houses  and  collected  in  heaps  outride  the  walls  of 
 the  towns  at  fixed  spots  (hence  the  dung-gate  at 
 Jerusalem,  Neh.  ii.  13),  and  thence  removed  in  due 
 course  to  the  fields.  The  mode  of  applying  manure 
 to  trees  was  by  digging  holes  about  their  roots  and 
 inserting  it  (Luke  xiii.  8),  as  still  practised  in 
 Southern  Italy.  In  the  case  of  sacrifices  the  dung 
 was  buiTit  outside  the  camp  (Ex.  xxix.  14;  Lev. 
 iv.  11,  viii.  17;  Num.  xix.  5):  hence  the  extreme 
 opprobrium  of  the  threat  in  Mai.  ii.  3.  Particular 
 directions  were  laid  down  in  the  law  to  enforce 
 cleanliness  with  regard  to  human  ordure  (Deut. 
 xxiii.  12  ff.)  :  it  was  the  grossest  insult  to  turn  a 
 man's  house  into  a  receptacle  for  it  (2  K.  x.  27  ; 
 Ezr.vi.  11  ;  Dan.  ii.5,  iii.  29,  "dunghill"  A.  V.)  ; 
 public  establishments  of  that  nature  are  still  found 
 in  the  large  towns  of  the  East.  The  difficulty  of 
 procuring  fuel  in  Syria,  Arabia,  and  Egypt,  has 
 made  dung  in  all  ages  valuable  as  a  substitute:  it 
 was  probably  used  for  heating  ovens  and  for  baking 
 cakes  (Ez.  iv.  12,  15),  the  equable  heat,  which  it 
 produced,  adapting  it  peculiarly  for  the  latter  ojieia- 
 tiou.  Cow's  and  camel's  dung  is  still  used  for  a 
 similar  purpose  by  the  Bedouins. 
 
 Dungeon.    [I'eison.] 
 
 Du'ra,  the  plain  where  Nebuchadnezzar  set  up 
 the  golden  image  (Dan.  iii.  1),  has  been  sometimes 
 identified  with  a  tract  a  little  below  Tehrit,  on  the 
 left  bank  of  the  Tigris,  where  the  name  Dur  is  still 
 found,  M.  Oppert  places  the  plain  (or,  as  he  calls  it, 
 the  "  valley  ")  of  Dura  to  the  south-east  of  Babylon 
 in  the  vicinity  of  the  mound  of  Bowair  or  Duair. 
 
 Dust.     [Mourning.] 
 
 E 
 
 Eagle  (Heb.  neshei-).  The  Hebrew  woi-d,  which 
 occurs  frequently  in  the  0.  T.,  may  denote  a  par- 
 ticular species  of  the  Falconidae,  as  in  Lev.  xi.  13; 
 Deut.  xiv.  12,  where  the  nesher  is  distinguished 
 from  the  ossifrage,  osprey,  and  other  raptatorial 
 birds ;  but  the  term  is  used  also  to  express  the 
 griffon  vulture  (  Vnltur  fulvus)  in  two  or  three 
 passages.  At  least  four  distinct  kinds  of  eagles  have 
 been  observed  in  Palestine,  viz.  the  golden  eagle 
 {Aquila  Chrysaetos),  the  spotted  eagle  {A.  naevia), 
 the  commonest  species  in  the  rocky  districts  (see  Ibis, 
 i.  23),  the  imperial  eagle  {Aquila  Heliaca),  and  the 
 very  common  Circactos  gallicm,  which  preys  on 
 the  numerous  reptilia  of  Palestine.  The  Heb.  nesher 
 may  stand  for  any  of  these  differeat  species,  though 
 
214 
 
 EANES 
 
 perhaps  more  paiticular  rert'iencc  to  tlie  golden  and 
 ini|iorial  eagles  and  the  grill'on  vulture  nia_v  be  in- 
 tended. The  passage  in  Mic.  i.  l(i,  "Enlarge  thy 
 baldness  as  the  eagle,"  has  been  undei'Stood  by 
 liochait  and  others  to  lefer  to  the  eagle  at  the  time 
 of  its  moulting  in  the  s])iing.  Uut  it'  the  neslier  is 
 supposed  to  denote  the  giilTon  vulture  (  Vwltur 
 f(ilciis),  the  simile  is  peculiai  ly  appropriate,  for  the 
 whole  head  and  neck  of  this  bird  aie  destitute  of 
 true  feathei-s.  The  "  eagles "  of  Matt.  xxiv.  28, 
 Luke  xvii.  ;i7,  may  include  tlie  Vitltttr  fulciis  and 
 Xco/i/iron  pcrcnopierns  ;  though,  as  eagles  fre- 
 quently prey  uiioM  dead  bodies,  there  is  no  necessity 
 to  restrict  the  Creek  word  to  the  Vulturidue.  'Yhr 
 figure  of  an  eagle  is  now  and  has  been  long  a 
 favourite  military  ensign.  The  I'ersians  so  em- 
 ployed it ;  a  tact  which  illustrates  the  passage  in  Is. 
 xlvi.  11.  The  sjime  biixl  was  similarly  eni])l<ivei' 
 by  the  Assyrians  ;ind  the  Ixomans. 
 
 JquI.i  lUtima. 
 
 Eanes,  I  Ksd.  ix  '21,  a  name  which  st^uids  in 
 the  place  of  Habim,  Maasiciah,  and  Hlijaii,  in 
 the  parallel  list  of  Kzra  x. 
 
 Earnest  {■>.  Cor.  i.  2-',  v.  "> ;  Kph.  i.  14).  The 
 equiviileut  in  the  original  is  appaffdv,  a  Graecisftl 
 lorm  of  the  Heb.  'erahun,  which  was  introduced 
 by  the  T'hoenicians  into  (ireecc,  and  also  into  lUily, 
 where  it  reappears  under  the  forms  arrhaho  an<l 
 arr/t&.  It  may  again  l>e  traced  in  the  Ki-ench 
 arrlu's,  and  in  the  old  Knglish  e.\pression  Earl's 
 or  Arle's  money,  'flie  Hebrew  word  was  used  gen- 
 erally for  picd'je  C(ien.  xxxviii.  17),  and  iu  its 
 cognate  forms  for  sureti/  (^I'rov.  svii.  18 1  and  host- 
 age (2  K.  xiv.  14).  The  Gieek  derivative,  how- 
 ever, acquire  1  a  more  technical  sense  as  signifying 
 the  deposit  paid  by  the  purchaser  on  entering  into 
 an  agi cement  fir  the  purchase  of  anv  thing. 
 
 Earrings.  The  word  nezem,  by  which  these 
 oruauieuts  are  us*jally  dpscrlbe<l,  is  untbrf unately 
 ambiguous,  originally  relening  to  the  nose-ring  (as 
 its  root  indicates;,  aiid  thence  transferred  to  the  ear- 
 ring. The  material  of  which  e:inings  were  made 
 was  generally  gold  f  Kx.  xx.vii.  'J ).  an.l  their  form  cir- 
 cular. 'I'hey  wore  worn  by  women  ,nud  by  youth 
 of  both  .sexes  (lix.  /.  c).  It  has  beoji  inferred  from 
 ihc  |vls.^age quoted,  and  from  Judg.  viii.  24,  that  they 
 
 EARTH 
 
 were  not  worn  by  men  :  these  pass;iges  are,  however, 
 by  no  means  conclusive.  The  earring  appeal  s  to  have 
 been  regarded  with  supei'stitious  leverence  as  an  amu, 
 let.  On  this  ac<:ount  they  were  suri'eudeied  along 
 with  the  idols  by  Jacob's  household  (fien.  xxxv.4). 
 Ciiardin  desciibes  earrings,  with  talismanic  tigures 
 and  characters  on  them,  as  still  existing  in  the  East. 
 Jewels  were  sometiuie-s  attached  to  the  rings.  The 
 size  of  the  earrings  still  woin  n  eastern  countries  far 
 exceeds  what  is  usual  among  ourselves;  hence  they 
 formed  a  handsome  present  (Job  xlii.  1 1),  or  ofl'ering 
 to  the  service  of  (jod  (Num.  xxxi.  50). 
 
 Egjpilan  Karriiigs,  fnmi  WUkloaon. 
 
 Earth.  The  teim  is  used  in  two  widely  dill'erent 
 senses:  (1)  for  the  material  of  which  the  earth's 
 surface  is  composed  ;  (2)  as  the  name  of  the  planet 
 on  which  man  dwells.  The  Hebrew  language  dis- 
 criminates between  these  two  by  the  use  of  separate 
 tcni)s,  Adiiinak  lor  the  former,  Erels  for  the  latter. 
 As  the  two  are  essentially  distinct  we  shall  notice 
 them  separately.— I.  Adaniah  is  the  earth  in  the 
 sense  ol  soil  or  ground,  ])aiticularly  as  being  sus- 
 ceptible ol'  cultivation.  The  earth  supplied  the 
 '■Icineutary  sub.stance  of  which  man's  body  was 
 t'oniicd,  and  the  terms  adain  and  adtwiah  are 
 brought  into  juxtaposition,  implying  an  etymolo- 
 gical connexion  (Gen.  ii.  7). ^11.  Krcls  is  applied 
 iu  a  more  or  less  extended  sense: — 1.  to  the  whole 
 world  (Gen.  i.  1);  2.  to  land  ,is  opposed  to  sea 
 (Gcu.  i.  10) ;  ?>.  tea  country  ((ieii.  x.\i.  H2) ;  4.  to 
 a  plot  of"  ground  (Gen.  .xxiii.  15);  and  5.  to  the 
 grounil  on  which  a  man  stands  fCien.  xxxiii.  8). 
 The  two  foimer  senses  alone  concern  u.s,  the  first 
 involving  an  inquiry  into  the  ojiinions  of  the  He- 
 brews on  Cosniogony,  the  second  on  Geogniphy.-* 
 I.  COSJIOGONY. — 'file  views  of  the  Hebrews  on 
 this  subject  are  confessedly  imperfect  and  obscuie. 
 1.  The  earth  was  regarded  not  only  as  the  central 
 point  of  the  universe,  but  as  the  universe  itself', 
 every  other  body — the  heavens,  sun,  moon,  and 
 sUirs — being  subsidiai-y  to,  and.  as  it  were,  the  com- 
 plement of  the  earth.  The  Hebrew  language  has 
 no  expression  equivalent  to  our  universe;  "the 
 heavens  and  the  earth"  (Gen.  i.  1,  xiv.  19;  Ex. 
 xxxi.  17;  has  been  regarded  as  such  ;  but  it  is  clmr 
 that  tlie  he;ivcns  were  looked  upon  as  a  necess.-\ry 
 adjunct  of  the  earth — the  curtain  of  the  tent  in 
 which  man  dwells  (Is.  xl.  22),  the  sphere  above^ 
 which  lifted  the  sphere  below  (conip.  Job  jxii.  14, 
 and  Is.  xl.  22) — <iesigned  solely  tor  purposes  of 
 benelicence  in  the  economy  of  the  earth.  .As  with 
 the  heaven  it.self,  so  also  with  the  heavenly  boiiies ; 
 they  were  regarded  solely  as  the  ministei-s  of  the 
 earth.  2.  The  earth  w.is  regarde<i  in  a  twot'old 
 aspect;  in  relation  to  (!od,  .is  the  manifestation  of 
 His  infinite  attributes  ;  in  relation  to  man,  as  the 
 scene  of  his  abode.     '  1 .)    Ihe  Hcb< cw  :osniogony 
 
EARTH 
 
 is  lia<«d  upon  the  leading  principle  tliat  the  universe 
 exists,  not  independently  of  God  by  any  necessity 
 or  any  inherent  power,  nor  yet  contemporaneously 
 with  God,  as  being  co-existent  with  Him,  nor  yet 
 in  opposition  to  God,  as  a  hostile  element,  but  de- 
 ])endently  upon  Him,  subsequently  to  Him,  and  in 
 subjection  to  Him.     (2.)  The  earth  was  regarded 
 in   1  elation  to  man,   and  accordingly  each  act  of 
 creation  is  a  preparation  of  tlie  earth  for  his  ahode — 
 light,  as  the  primary  condition  of  all  life  ;  the  hea- 
 \ens,  for  purposes  already  detailed  ;  the  di y  land, 
 for  his  home  ;  "  grass  for  the  cattle  and  herb  for 
 'the  service  of  man"  (Ps.  civ.  14);  the  alternations 
 of  day  and  night,   the  one  for  his  work  and  the 
 other  for  his  lest  (Ps.   civ.   23);   fish,  fowl,  and 
 flesh  for  his  food  ;  the  beasts  of  burden,  to  lighten 
 his  toil.     The  work  of  each  day  of  creation  has  its 
 specific   application  to  the   requirements  and    the 
 comforts  of  man,  and  is  recoided  with  that  special 
 view.     3.  Creation  was  regarded  as  a  progiessive 
 work — a  gradual  development  from  the  infeiior  to 
 the  superior  orders  of  things.    Thus  it  was  with  the 
 earth's  surface,  at  fiist  a  chaotic  mass,  and  thence 
 gradually  brought  into  a  state  of  order  and  beauty. 
 Thus  also  with  the  ditierent  portions  of  the  uni- 
 verse, the  eaith  before  the  light,  the  light  before 
 the  firmament,  the  firmament  before  the  dry  land. 
 Thus  also  with  the  orders  of  living  beings  ;  firstly, 
 plants ;  secondly,   fish  and  birds ;   thirdly,  cattle ; 
 and  lastly,  man.     4.  Order  involves  time;   a  suc- 
 cession of  events  implies  a  succession  of  peiiods ; 
 and  accordingly  Closes  assigns  the  work  of  creation 
 to  six  days,  each  having  its  specific  portion.     The 
 manner,  in  which  these  acts  are  described  as  having 
 been  done,  precludes  all  idea  of  time  in  relation  to 
 their  performance :  it  was  miraculous  and  instanta- 
 neous: "  God  said"  and  then  "  it  was."     But  the 
 progressiveness,  and  consequently  the  individuality 
 of  the  acts,  does  involve  an  idea  of  time  as  elapsing 
 between  the  completion  of  one  and  the  commence- 
 ment of  another ;  otlierwise  the  work  of  creation 
 would  have  resolved  itself  into  a  single  continuous 
 act.     The  period  assigned  to  each  individual  act  is 
 a  day — the  only  period  which  lepresents  the  entire 
 cessation   of  a  work   through  the   interposition  of 
 night.     That  a  natural  day  is  represented  under 
 the  expression  "  evening  was  and  morning  was," 
 admits  we  think,  of  no  doubt.     The  interpretation 
 that  "evening  and  movning"  =  beijinning  and  end, 
 is  opposed  not  only  to  the  order  in  which  the  words 
 stand,  but  to  the  sense  of  the  words  elsewhere. 
 5.  The  Hebrews,  though  regarding  creation  as  the 
 immediate  act  of  God,   did    not   ignore   the   evi- 
 dent fact  that  existing  materials  and  intermediate 
 agencies  were  employed  both  then  and  in  th''  sub- 
 sequent operations  of  nature.     6.  With  regard  to 
 the  earth's  body,  the  Hebrews  conceived  its  surface 
 to  be  an  immense  disc,  supported  like  the  flat  roof 
 of  an  Eastern  house  by  pillars  (Job  ix.  6  ;  Ps.  Ixxv 
 3;,  which  rested  on  solid  foundations  (Job  x.xxviii. 
 4,  6  ;  Ps.  civ.  5  ;  Prov.  viii.  29)  ;  but  where  those 
 foundations  were  on  which  the  "  sockets "  of  the 
 pillars  rested,  none  could  tell  (Job  xxxviii.  6).  The 
 more  philosophical  view   of  the  earth  being  sus- 
 pended in   fre«  space  seems  to  be  implied  in  Job 
 xxvi.  7.     Other  passages  (Ps.  xxiv.  2,  oxxxvi.  6) 
 seem  to  imply  the  existence  of  a  vast  subterraneous 
 ocean  ;  the  words,  however,  are  susceptible  ot  the 
 sense  that  the  earth  was  elevated  above  the  level  of 
 the  seas.     Beneath  the  earth's  surface  was  sheol, 
 the  holloiv  place,  "hell"  (Num.  xvi.  30;   Deut. 
 
 EARTH 
 
 215 
 
 xxxii.  22  ;  Job  xi.  8).     It  extended  beneath  the  sea 
 (Job  xxvi.  5,  6),  and  was  thus  supposed  to  be  con- 
 terminous with  ihe  uppei-  world.— II.  Geography. 
 — We  shall  notice  (1  )  the  views  of  the  Hebrews  ay 
 to  the  form  and  size  of  tlie  eai  th,  its  natural  divi- 
 sions, and  physical  features;    (2)  the  countries  into 
 which  they   divided   it  and   their   progressive  ac- 
 quaintance with  those  countries. — (1.)  There  seem 
 to  be  tiaces  of  the  same  ideas  as  prevailed  amonw 
 the  Greeks,  that  the  woild  was  a  disc  (Is.  xl.  22), 
 bordered   by  the  ocean  (Deut.  xxx.  13;  Job  xxvi. 
 10;  Ps.  cxxxix.  9;  Piov.  viii.  27),  with  Jeiusalem 
 as  its  centre  (Ez.  v.  5).  which  was  thus  legaided, 
 like  Delphi,  as  the  navel  (Judg.  ix.  37  ;  Ez.  xxxviii. 
 12),  or,  according   to  another   view,    the  highest 
 point  of  tlie  world.     But  .Jerusalem  might  be  re- 
 garded as  the  centre  of  the  world,  not  only  as  the  seat 
 of  religious  light  and  truth,  but  to  a  certain  extent 
 in  a  geographiail  sense.     A  different  view  has  been 
 gathered  from   the  expression   "  four  corners,"  as 
 though  implying  the  quadrangular  shape  of  a  gar- 
 ment stretched  out ;  but  the  term  ''  corneis"  may 
 be  applied  in  a  metaphorical  sense  for  the  extreme 
 ends  of  the  world  (Job  xxxvii.  3  ;  Is.  xi.  12;   Ez, 
 vii.  2).     As  to  the  size  of  the  earth,  the  Hebrews 
 had  but  a  very  indefinite  notion.     Without  unduly 
 pressing  the  language  of  prophecy,  it  may  be  said 
 that  their  views  on  this   point  extended   but  little 
 beyond  the  nations  with  which  they  came  in  con- 
 tact; its  solidity  is  frequently  noticed,  its  dimen- 
 sions but  seldom  (Job  xxxviii.  18  ;  Is.  .\lii.  .5).  The 
 earth   was   divided   into   four  quarters  or  regions 
 corresponding  to  the  four  points  of  the  compass ; 
 these  weie  described  in  various  ways,   sometimes 
 according  to  their  positions  relatively  to  a  person 
 tacing  the  east,  before,  behind,  the  right  liand,  and 
 the  left  hand,  representing  resjjectively  E.,  W.,  S., 
 and  N.    (Job  xxiii.  8,  9)  ;  sometimes  relatively  to 
 the  sun's  course,  the  rising,  the  setting  (Ps.  1.  1  ), 
 the  brilliant  quarter  (Ez.  xl.  24),  and  the  dark 
 quarter  (Ex.  xxvi.  20)  ;   sometimes  as  the  seat  of 
 the  four  winds  (Ez.  xxxvii.  9)  ;  and  sometimes  ac- 
 cording to  the  physical  characteristics,  the  sea  for 
 the  W.  (Gen.  xxviii.  14),  the  parched  for  the  S. 
 (Ex.  xxvii.  9),  and  the  mountains  for  the  N.  (Is. 
 xiii.  4).     The  north  appears  to  have  been  regarded 
 as  the  highest  part  of  the  earth's  surface,  in  con.se- 
 quence  peihnps  of  the  mountain  ranges  which  existed 
 there,  and  thus  the  heaviest  part  of  the  earth  (Job 
 xxvi.  7).     The  north  was  also  the  quarter  in  which 
 the  Hebrew  el-Dorado  lay,  the  laud  of  gold  mines 
 (Job  xxxvii.  22  ;  margin;  comp.  Her.  iii.  116). — 
 (2.)  We  proceed  to  give  a  brief  sketch  of  the  geo- 
 graphical knowledge  of  the  Hebrews  down  to  the 
 period  when  their  distinctive  names  and  ideas  were 
 superseded   by  those  of  classical  writers.     Of  the 
 physical  objects  noticed  we  may  make  the  follow- 
 ing summaiy,  omitting  of  course  the  details  of  the 
 geography  of  Palestine: — 1.  Seas — the  Mediterra- 
 nean, which  was  termed  the  "great  sea"   (Num. 
 xxxiv.  6),  the  "  sea  of  the  Philistines"  (Ex.  xxiii. 
 31),  and  the  "western  sea"  (Deut.  xi.  24);  the 
 Red  Sea,  under  the  names  of  the  "  sea  of  Suph  or 
 sedge"  (Ex.  x.  19),  and  the  "  Egyptian  sea"  (Is. 
 xi.   15);   the  Dead  Sea,    under  the  names  "Salt 
 Sea"  (Gen.  xiv.  3),  "  Eastern  Sea"  (Joel  ii.  20), 
 and  "  Sea  of  the  Desert"  (Deut.  iv.  49)  ;  and  the 
 Sea  of  Chinnereth,  or  Galilee  (Num.  xxxiv.  11); 
 2.  Rivers — the  Euphrates,  which  was  specifically 
 "the  river"  (Gen.  xxxi.  21),  or  "the  great  river'' 
 (Deut.  i.  7) ;  the  Nile,   which  w:\s  named  eithei 
 
216 
 
 EARTH 
 
 Y6or  (Oen.  xli.  1),  or  Sihor  (Josh.  xiii.  3)  ;  the 
 Tigris,  under  the  name  of  Hiddekel  CDan.  x.  4)  ; 
 the  Chebar,  Chaboras,  a  tributaiy  to  the  Euphrates 
 (Ez.  i.  3)  ;  the  Habor,  probably  the  same,  but 
 sometimes  identified  with  the  Chaboras  thnt  tails 
 into  the  Tigris  (2  K.  xvii.  6) ;  the  river  of  Egypt 
 (Num.  xxxiv.  .5);  and  the  rivere  of  Damascus, 
 Abana  (Barada),  and  Pharpar  (2  K.  v.  12).  For 
 the  Gihon  and  Pison  (Gen.  ii.  11,  13),  see  Eden. 
 3.  Mountains — Ararat  or  Armenia  (Gen.  viii.  4); 
 Sinai  (Ex.  xix.  2)  ;  Horeb  (Ex.  iii.  1)  ;  Hor  (Num. 
 ».«.  22)  near  Petra  ;  Lebanon  (Deut.  iii.  25j ;  and 
 Sephar  (Geu.  x.  30)  in  Arabia.  The  distribution 
 of  the  nations  over  the  face  of  the  earth  is  system- 
 atically described  in  Gen.  x.,  to  which  account  sub- 
 sequent, though  not  very  important,  additions  arc 
 made  in  caps.  x.xv.  and  xxxvi.,  and  in  the  pro- 
 phetical and  historical  books.  Although  the  table 
 in  Gen.  x.  is  essentially  ethnographical,  yet  the  geo- 
 graphiail  element  is  also  strongly  developed ;  the 
 writer  had  in  his  mind's  eye  not  only  the  descent 
 but  the  residence  of  the  various  nations.  Some  of 
 the  names  indeed  seem  to  be  purely  geographical 
 designations.  Commencing  from  the  west,  the 
 "  isles  of  the  Gentiles,"  i.  e.  the  coiists  and  islands 
 of  the  Mediterranean  sea,  were  occupied  by  the 
 .laphetites  in  the  following  order : — .lavan,  the  lo- 
 nians,  in  parts  of  Greece  and  Asia  Minor  ;  Eli- 
 shah,  perhaps  the  Aeotians,  in  the  same  countries  ; 
 Dodanim,  the  Daidaai,  in  Illyiicum ;  Tiras  in 
 Thrace;  Kittini,  at  Citium,  in  Cyprus;  Ashkenaz 
 in  Phrygia  ;  (Jomer  in  Cappadocia,  <ind  Tarshish 
 in  Cilicia.  In  the  north,  Tubal,  the  Tibareni,  in 
 Pontus  ;  Meshech,  the  Moschici  in  Colchis;  Magog, 
 Goijarene,  in  northern  Armenia ;  Togamiah  in  Ar- 
 menia ;  and  Madai  in  Media.  The  Hamites  lepre- 
 sent  the  southern  parts  of  the  known  world.  This 
 sketch  is  lilled  up,  as  tar  as  regards  northern 
 Aiabia,  by  a  subsequent  account,  in  cap.  xxv.,  of 
 the  settlement  of  the  descendants  of  Abraham  by 
 Keturah  and  of  Ishmael.  The  countiies,  however, 
 to  which  historical  interest  attiiches  are  Mesopo- 
 tamia and  Egyi't.  The  hereditary  connexion  of  the 
 Hebrews  with  the  former  of  these  districts,  and  the 
 inijjortance  of  the  dynasties  which  bore  sway  in  it, 
 make  it  by  far  the  most  prominent  feature  in  the 
 map  of  the  ancient  world.  The  Egyptian  captivity 
 introduces  to  our  notice  some  of  the  localities  in 
 Lower  Egypt,  viz.  the  province  of  Goshen,  and  the 
 towns  Kameses  ((Jen.  xlvii.  11;;  On,  IleliopoUs 
 (Gen.  xli.  45);  Pithom,  I'atumns'i  (Ex.  i.  11); 
 and  Migdol,  Majdolum'i  (Ex.  xiv.  2).  It  is  dilii- 
 cult  to  estimate  the  amount  of  information  which 
 the  Hebrews  deiived  from  the  Phoenicians;  but 
 there  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  was  from  them  tliat 
 they  learned  the  route  to  Ophir,  and  that  they  also 
 became  acquainted  with  tlie  positions  and  juoduc- 
 tions  of  a  great  number  of  regions  comparatively 
 unknown.  From  Ez.  xxvii.  we  may  form  some 
 idea  nf  the  extended  ideas  of  geography  which  the 
 Hebiews  had  obtiiined.  The  progress  of  informa- 
 tion on  the  side  of  Africa  is  cleiirly  marked :  the 
 distinction  between  UpiKjr  and  Lower  Egypt  is 
 shown  by  the  application  of  the  name  Pathios  to 
 the  former  (Ez.  xxix.  14).  Mem(.his,  ihe  capital 
 of  Lower  Egypt,  is  first  mentioned  in  IIose;»  (ix.  6) 
 tinder  the  name  Moph,  and  afterwards  frequently 
 as  Noph  (h.  XIX.  13; ;  Thebes,  the  c-ipitiU  of  Upper 
 Egypt,  at  a  later  period,  as  No-Ammon  (Nah.  iii. 
 8,  and  No  fjer,  xlvi.  25;  ;  and  the  distant  Syene 
 (Ez.  xxix,  10).    Several  other  towns  aic  noticed  in 
 
 EAST 
 
 I  the  Delta.  The  wars  with  the  Assyrians  and  Ba- 
 bylonians, and  the  ca])tivitie8  which  followed,  bring 
 us  back  attain  to  the  geography  of  the  East.  Inci- 
 dental notice  is  taken  of  several  impoitant  places 
 in  connexion  with  tliese  events.  The  names  (f 
 Persia  (2  Chr.  xxxvi.  20)  and  India  (Esth.  i.  1^ 
 now  occur :  whether  the  iar-disUmt  China  is  no- 
 ticed at  an  earlier  period  under  the  name  Sinim 
 (Is.  xlix.  12)  admits  of  doubt.  'I'he  names  of 
 Greece  and  Italy  are  hardly  noticed  in  Hebrew  geo- 
 graphy :  the  earliest  notice  of  the  former,  subse- 
 quently to  Gen.  X.,  occurs  in  Is.  Ixvi.  19,  under  the 
 name  of  Javan.  If  Italy  is  described  at  all,  it  is 
 under  the  name  Chittim  (Dan.  xi.  30).  In  the 
 Maccabaean  era  the  classical  names  came  into  com- 
 mon use  ;  and  henceforward  the  geography  of  the 
 Bible,  as  far  as  foreign  lands  are  concerneii,  is  ab- 
 sorbed in  the  wider  field  of  classical  geography. 
 
 Earthenware.     [Poitkry.] 
 
 Earthquake.  Earthquakes,  more  or  less  violent, 
 are  of  frequent  occurrence  in  Palestine,  as  might  be 
 expected  from  the  numerous  traces  of  volcanic 
 agency  visible  in  the  features  of  that  country.  The 
 recorded  instances,  however,  are  but  few ;  the  most 
 remarkable  occurred  in  the  reign  of  Uzzlah  (.Am.  i. 
 1  ;  Zech.  xiv.  5),  which  Josephus  connected  with 
 the  sacrilege  and  consequent  punishment  of  that 
 monarch  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  16  tt'.).  From  Zech.  xiv. 
 4  we  are  led  to  infer  that  a  great  convulsion  took 
 jilace  at  this  time  in  the  Mount  of  Olives,  the 
 mountain  being  split  so  as  to  leave  a  valley  between 
 its  summits.  Josephus  records  something  of  the 
 sort,  but  his  account  is  by  no  means  clear.  We 
 cannot  but  think  that  the  two  accounts  have  the 
 same  foundation,  and  that  the  Mount  of  Olives 
 was  really  atiected  by  the  earthquake.  .An  earth- 
 quake occurred  at  the  time  of  our  Saviour's  ciiici- 
 lixion  (Malt,  xxvii.  51-54;,  which  may  be  dcenu'd 
 miraculous  rather  from  the  conjunction  of  circum- 
 stances than  from  the  nature  of  the  phenomenon 
 itself.  Earthquakes  are  not  unfrequeutly  accom- 
 panied by  fissures  of  the  earth's  surface;  instances 
 of  this  are  recorded  in  connexion  with  the  dc-truc- 
 tioii  of  Korah  and  his  company  (Num.  xvi.  32), 
 and  at  the  time  of  our  Lord's  death  (Matt,  xxvii. 
 51) ;  the  tbrmcr  may  be  jtaralleled  by  a  similar  oc- 
 currence at  Oppido  in  Calabria  a.d.  1783,  where 
 the  earth  opened  to  the  extent  of  500,  and  a  depth 
 of  nioie  than  200  feet. 
 
 East.  The  Hebrew  teiTns,  descriptive  of  the 
 cast,  differ  in  idea,  and,  to  a  ceitain  extent,  in 
 application  ;  (1)  hcdem  properly  means  that  which 
 is  before  or  in  front  of  a  per>on.  and  was  applied  to 
 the  east  from  the  custom  of  turning  in  that  dii-ec- 
 tion  when  describing  the  points  of  the  conqviss, 
 before,  bchiiid,  the  riiiht  and  the  lift,  rejiresenting 
 respectively  E.,  VV.,  S.,  and  N.  (Job  xxiii.  8,  9)  ; 
 (2;  mizrach  means  the  place  of  the  siins  rising. 
 bearing  in  mind  this  etymologii-al  distinction,  it  is 
 natural  that  kcdcm  should  be  used  when  the  four 
 quarters  of  the  world  are  described  (as  in  tJen.  xiii. 
 14,  x.wiii.  14;  Job  xxiii.  8,  9;  Ez.  xlvii.  18  tY.), 
 and  mizrach  when  the  eiust  is  only  distingui.shwi 
 from  the  uest  (Josh.  xi.  3  ;  Ps.  1.  1,  ciii.  12.  cxiii. 
 3;  Zech.  viii.  7),  or  from  some  other  one  quarter 
 (Dan.  viii.  9,  xi.  44  ;  Am.  viii.  12);  exceptions  to 
 this  usage  occur  in  Ps.  cvii.  3,  and  Is.  xliii.  5, 
 each,  however,  admitting  of  explanation.  Again, 
 hcdcm  is  used  in  a  strictly  geogiaplncal  sense  to 
 Hescrilw  a  spot  or  country  iniuietiiately  before 
 another  in  an  easterly  diicctioii ;  hence  it  o^cul^  iu 
 
EASTER 
 
 xiich  passai;es  as  Gea.  ii.  8,  iii.  24,  xi.  2,  xiii.  11, 
 XXV.  6  ;  111(1  hence  the  subsequent  application  of  the 
 term,  as  a  proper  name  (Gen.  xxv.  6,  eastward, 
 vnio  the  land  of  Ki'dem),  to  the  hinds  lying  imme- 
 diatrlj'  eastward  of  Palestine,  viz.  Arabia,  Mesopo- 
 tiimia  and  Ijabylonia ;  on  the  other  hand  mizrach  is 
 used  of  the /ar  east  with  a  less  definite  significatiou 
 (Js.  xli.  2,  25,  xliii.  5,  xlvi.  II). 
 
 Easter.  The  occurrence  of  this  word  in  the  A.  V. 
 of  Acts  xii.  4,  is  chiefly  noticeable  as  an  example  of 
 the  want  of  consistenc}'  in  the  translators.  In  the 
 earlier  English  versions  Easter  had  been  frequently 
 used  as  the  translation  of  iratr-^a.  At  the  last  revi- 
 sion Passover  was  substituted  in  all  passages  but 
 tnis.     [Passover.] 
 
 East  Wind.    [Winds.] 
 
 E'bal.  1.  One  of  the  sons  of  Shobal  the  son  of 
 a-ir  (Gen.  xxxvi.  23  ;  1  Chr.  i.  40).— 2.  Obal  the 
 son  of  Joktan  (1  Chr.  i.  22;  comp.  Gea.  x.  28). 
 
 E'bal,  Mount,  a  mount  in  the  promised  land, 
 on  which,  accoiding  to  the  command  of  Moses,  the 
 Israelites  were,  after  their  entrance  on  the  promised 
 land,  to  "  put "  the  curse  which  should  tall  upon 
 them  if  they  disobeyed  the  commandments  of  Je- 
 hovah. The  blessing  consequent  on  obedience  was 
 to  be  similarly  loailised  on  Mount  Gerizim  (Deut. 
 xi.  26-29).  Where  then  were  Ebal  and  Gerizim 
 situated  ?  The  all  but  unanimous  reply  to  this  is, 
 that  they  are  tho  mounts  which  form  the  sides  of 
 the  fertile  valley  in  which  lies  Nahlus,  the  ancient 
 Shechem — Ebal  on  the  north  and  Gerizim  on  the 
 south.  (1.)  It  is  plain  that  they  were  situated 
 near  together,  with  a  valley  between.  (2.)  Gerizim 
 was  very  near  Shechem  (Judg.  ix.  7),  and  in  Jo- 
 sfphus's  time  the  names  appear  to  have  been 
 attached  to  the  mounts,  which  weie  then,  as  now, 
 Ebal  on  the  north  and  Gerizim  on  the  south.  Eu- 
 sebius  and  Jeiome  place  them  in  the  Jordan  valley, 
 near  Gilgal;  but  they  speak  merely  from  hearsay. 
 It  is  well  known  that  one  of  the  most  serious  varia- 
 tions between  the  Hebrew  text  of  the  Pentateucli 
 and  the  Samaritan  text,  is  in  reference  to  Ebal  and 
 Gerizim.  In  Deut.  xxvii.  4,  the  Samaritan  has  Ge- 
 rizim, while  the  Hebrew  (as  in  A.  V.)  has  Ebal, 
 as  the  mount  on  which  the  altar  to  Jehovah,  and 
 the  inscription  of  the  law  were  to  be  erected.  Upon 
 this  basis  they  ground  the  sanctity  of  Gerizim  and 
 the  authenticity  of  the  temple  and  holy  place, 
 which  did  exist  and  still  exist  there.  Two  points 
 may  merely  be  glanced  at  here  which  have  appa- 
 rently escaped  notice.  1.  Both  agree  that  Ebal 
 was  the  mount  on  which  the  cursings  were  to  rest, 
 Gerizim  that  for  the  blessings.  It  appears  incon- 
 sistent, that  Ebal,  the  mount  of  cursing,  should  be 
 the  site  of  the  altar  and  the  record  of  the  law, 
 while  Gerizim,  the  mount  of  blessing,  should  remain 
 unoccupied  by  a  sanctuary  of  any  kind.  2.  Taking 
 into  account  the  known  predilection  of  Orientals 
 for  ancient  sites  on  wliich  to  fix  their  sanctuaries, 
 it  is  more  easy  to  believe  (m  the  absence  of  any 
 evidence  to  the  contrary)  that  in  building  their 
 temj-le  on  Gerizim,  the  Samaritans  weie  making 
 u>e  of  a  spot  already  enjoying  a  repufcition  for 
 sanctity,  than  that  they  built  on  a  place  upon 
 which  the  curse  was  laid  in  the  recoids  which  they 
 received  equally  with  the  Jews.  Thus  the  very 
 fact  of  the  occupation  of  Gerizim  by  the  Samaritans 
 would  seem  an  argument  for  its  onginal  sanctity. 
 The  structure  of  Gerizim  is  nummulitic  limestone 
 with  occasional  outcrops  of  igneous  rock,  and  that  of 
 Ebal  is  probably  similar.     At  its   base  above  the 
 
 EBONY 
 
 217 
 
 valley  of  Nablfis  are  numerous  caves  and  sepulchral 
 excavations.  The  modern  name  of  Ebal  is  Sitti  Sa- 
 lamiyah,  from  a  Mohammedan  female  saint,  whose 
 tomb  is  standing  on  the  e;istern  part  of  the  ridge,  a 
 little  before  the  highest  point  is  reached. 
 
 Eljed,  1.  (many  MSS.,  and  the  Syr.  and  Arab. 
 Versions,  have  Eber),  fother  of  Gaal,  who  with 
 his  brethren  assisted  the  men  of  Shechem  in  their 
 revolt  against  Abimelech  (Judg.  ix.  26,  28,  30, 
 31,  35). ^2.  Son  of  Jonathan;  one  of  the  Bene- 
 Adin  who  returned  from  Babylon  with  Ezra  (Ezi. 
 viii.  6K     In  1  Esdras  the  name  is  given  Obeth. 
 
 Eb'ed-Mel'ech,  an  Aethiopian  eunuch  in  the 
 service  of  king  Ze<lekiah,  through  whose  inter- 
 ference Jeremiah  was  released  from  prison  (Jer. 
 xxxviii.  7  ff.,  xxxix.  15  ff.).  His  name  seems  to  be 
 an  official  title  =  King's  slave,  i.  e.  minister. 
 
 Eb'en-e'zer  (*'  the  stone  of  help"),  a  stone  set 
 up  by  Samuel  after  a  signal  det*e;it  of  the  Philistines, 
 as  a  memorial  of  the  "  help  "  received  on  the  occa- 
 sion from  Jehovah  (1  Sam.  vii.  12).  Its  positicjn 
 is  carefully  defined  as  between  Mizpeh  and  Shhn. 
 Neither  of  these  points,  however,  has  been  identified 
 with  any  certainty — the  latter  not  at  all. 
 
 E'ber.  1.  Son  of  Salah,  and  great-grandson  of 
 Shem  (Gen.  x.  24;  1  Chr.  i.  19).  For  confusion 
 between  Eber  and  Heber  see  Heber. — 2.  Son  of 
 Elpaal  and  descendant  of  Shaharaim  of  the  tribe  of 
 Benjamin  (1  Chr.  viii.  12). — 3.  A  priest  in  the 
 days  of  Joiakim  the  son  of  Jeshua  (Neh.  xii.  20). 
 
 Ebi'asaph,  a  Kohathite  Levite  of  the  family  of 
 Ivoiah,  one  of  the  forefatheis  of  the  prophet  Samuel 
 and  of  Heman  the  singer  (1  Chr.  vi.  23,  37).  The 
 same  man  is  probably  intended  in  ix.  19.  The  name 
 appears  also  to  be  identical  with  Abiasai'H,  and 
 in  one  passage  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  1)  to  be  abbreviated  to 
 Asaph. 
 
 Diotpiiros  Eleti 
 
 Ebony  (Heb.  holmini)  occurs  only  in  Ez.  xxvii. 
 
 15,  as  one  of  the  valuable  commodi'.i  s  imported 
 into  Tvre  by  the  men  of  Dedan.  The  lest  kind  of 
 ebony  is  yielded  by  the  Diospijros  ebeanm,  a  tree 
 which  prows  in  Ceylon  and  Southern  India  ;  but 
 there  are  many  trees  of  the  natural  order  Ebenaccae 
 which  produce  this  materi:il.  There  is  every  reason 
 for  believing  that  the  ebony  afforded  by  tlie  Dius- 
 pijros  ebenum  was  imported  from  India  or  Ceylon 
 by  Phoenician  traders ;  though  it  is  equally  pro- 
 bable that  the  Tyrian  merchants  weie  supplied 
 with  ebony  from  trees  which  grew  in  Ethiopia,  it 
 is  not  known  what  tree  yielded  the  Ethiupiuu  ebony. 
 
218 
 
 EBRONAH 
 
 Ebro'nah.  (Heb.  Abronak).  Oneof tlie  liilt- 
 ing-plairs  of  the  iM.'ielites  in  tlic  ilesejt,  iinine- 
 diatelv     jnei'edinc;     Kzion-gelier.       (Nonib.    xx.xiii. 
 
 ;u,  .■i"5.) 
 
 Ecanus,  one  of  the  five  swift  scribes  who 
 atteii.leil  on  Ksibas  {^.i  Ksdr    xiv.  '24). 
 
 Ecbat'ana  IKb.  Adimetlia).  It  is  doubtful 
 whethei  tilt?  name  of  this  jilace  is  really  contained 
 ill  tJie  Uebiew  .^Viipt nres.  Many  ot  the  best  com- 
 nientatois  understand  the  expression,  in  Kzr.  vi.  2, 
 ditlerently,  and  translate  it  "  in  a  coffer."  If  a 
 <-itv  is  meant,  there  is  little  doubt  ot  one  of  the 
 two  Kcbatanas  beinsr  intended.  In  the  apocry]ih:il 
 books  Ecbatana  is  Irequentlv  mentioned  (Tob.  iii. 
 7,  xiv.  12,  U;  Jud.  i,  1,  2;  2  Mace.  ix.  3,  &c.). 
 'I'wo  cities  of  the  name  of  Ecbatana  seem  to  have 
 existed  in  ancient  times,  rvne  the  cajiital  of  Northern 
 Media,  tiie  J\'edia  Atrojiatone  of  Stiabo;  the  other 
 the  nieti()]ioliS  of  the  larger  and  more  important 
 piDvince  known  as  Media  Magna.  The  site  of  the 
 fiimier  aii|K'Mis  to  be  marked  by  the  very  curious 
 ruins  at  I\i';kt-i-Suleii'iiin  (lat.  36°  28',  long. 
 47°  9');  while  that  of  the  latter  is  occupied  by 
 llamadim,  which  is  one  of  the  most  important  cities 
 v\'  miidfin  I'ersia.  Tiiere  is  generally  some  dilli- 
 ciilty  ill  determining,  when  Ecbafcuia  is  mentioned, 
 whetiier  the  northein  or  the  southern  metropolis  is 
 intended.  Few  writers  are  awaie  of  the  existence 
 of  the  two  cities,  and  they  lie  suiliciently  near  to 
 ojie  another  (or  geographical  notices  in  most  cases 
 to  suit  either  site.  The  novtheni  city  was  the 
 '' seven- walled  town"  described  by  Herodotus,  and 
 dechued  by  him  to  have  been  i,ne  capital  of  Cyrus 
 (Herod,  i.  98-99,  153);  and  it  was  thus  most  pro- 
 bably there  that  tiie  loll  was  found  which  proved 
 to  Darius  that  Cyrus  had  really  made  a  deciee 
 nllowing  the  Jews  to  rebuild  tiieir  temple.  'I'he 
 jx'culia)'  featu>e  of  the  site  of  Takld-i-Sitleiman, 
 which  it  is  pid]i<i.-ed  to  identity  with  the  northern 
 Ei.'bataiia,    is  a  conical   hill  rising  to  the  height  of 
 
 ECCLESIASTES 
 
 in  its  greatest  and  400  in  its  least  diameter,  strewn 
 with  ruins,  which  cluster  round  a  remarkable  lake. 
 On  three  sides — the  south,  the  west,  and  the  north 
 — the  acclivity  is  steep  and  the  height  alx)ve  the 
 plain  uniform,  but  on  the  east  it  abuts  upon  a  hilly 
 tract  of  ground,  and  here  it  is  but  slightly  elevated 
 above  the  ajtjacent  country.  The  northein  Ecba- 
 tina  continued  to  be  an  important  ])lace  down  to 
 the  13th  century  after  Christ.  By  the  Greeks  and 
 Romans  it  appears  to  have  been  known  as  Gaza, 
 (jazaca,  or  Canzaca,  "  the  treasure  city,"  on  account 
 of  the  wealth  laid  up  in  it;  while  by  the  Orientals 
 it  was  termed  Shiz.  Its  decjiy  is  referable  to  the 
 Mogul  conquests,  ab.  A.D.  1200  ;  and  its  final  ruin 
 is  snpiwsed  to  date  fiom  about  the  15th  or  16th 
 century.  In  the  2nd  book  of  Maccabees  Cix.  3, 
 &c.)  the  Ecbatana  mentioned  is  undoubtedly  the 
 southein  city,  now  lepresented  both  in  name  and 
 site  by  Ilamaddn.  This  place,  situated  on  the 
 northern  flank  of  the  great  mountnin  called  for- 
 merly Orontes,  and  now  ElicauJ,  was  perhaps  as 
 ancient  as  the  other,  and  is  far  better  known  in 
 histoiy.  If  not  the  Jledian  capital  of  Cyrus,  it 
 was  at  any  rate  regarded  from  the  time  of  Darius 
 H}'sta.spis  as  the  chief  city  of  the  Persian  satrap;/ 
 of  Media,  and  as  such  it  became  tlie  summer  re- 
 sidence of  the  Peisian  kings  from  Darius  down- 
 wards. The  Ecbatana  of  the  book  of  Tobit  is 
 thought  by  Sir  H.  Kawliusou  to  be  the  northern 
 city. 
 
 Ecclesias'tes  (lleh.  Ko/ieleth.  —  I.  Title.  The 
 title  of  this  book  is  taken  from  the  name  by  which 
 the  son  of  David,  or  the  writer  who  personates  him, 
 speaks  of  himself  throughout  it.  The  api>arent 
 anomaly  of  the  feminine  termination  indiciites  that 
 the  al)stract  noun  has  been  transferred  from  the 
 office  to  the  person  holding  it ;  and  hence,  with  the 
 single  exception  of  Eccl.  vii.  27,  the  noun,  notwith- 
 standing its  form,  is  used  throughout  in  the  mascu- 
 line.    'I'he  word  has  been  applied  to  one  wlio  si^eaks 
 
 about  150  feet  aljove  the  plain,  and  covered  both  !  publicly  in  an  assembly,  and  there  is,  to  .say  the 
 on  its  top  and  sides  with  massive  ruins  of  the  most  I  lea.st,  a  tolerable  agreement  in  favour  of  this  inter- 
 antique  and  primitive  character.  A  perfect  en-  I  pretation.  On  the  other  hand,  Grotius  has  stig- 
 ceinte,  formed  of  large  blocks  of  squared  stone,  may  gested"  compiler"  as  a  better  equivalent.— II.  Ca- 
 lie  traced  round  the  entire  hill  along  its  brow ;  noniciYi/.  In  the  .le wish  division  of  the  books  of  the 
 within  there  is  an  oval  enclosuie  about  800  yards'  Old  Testament,  Ecclosiastes  ranks  as  one  of  the  five 
 
 Megilloth  or  Kolls.  and  its 
 ])Osition,  as  having  cano- 
 nical authority,  appears  to 
 have  been  recognised  by 
 the  .lews  from  the  time  in 
 which  the  idea  of  a  canon 
 first  piesenfe<l  it.self.  We 
 find  it  in  all  the  .Jewish  ca- 
 talogues of  the  sacred  books, 
 and  from  them  it  has  been 
 re<;eived  universally  by  the 
 Christian  Church.  Some 
 singular  passages  in  the 
 Talmuci  indicate,  however, 
 that  the  recognition  was 
 not  altogether  unhesitat^ 
 ing,  and  that  it  was  at 
 least  questioneii  how  far 
 the  book  was  one  which 
 it  was  exf)edient  to  place 
 among  the  Scriptures  that 
 rometery.  Were  reail    jiublicly.— III. 
 
 .-.l  M....!.!.-.  fi.  Uid^c- of  Itork  rnllpd  "  tho  nniiron"  Aut/ior    and    Dato.       The 
 
 eiit  biilldinits  with  »hnfu  mill  inpiinU.  7.  11111  rolkd  '• 'I'mviltth,"  or  "  Ihs  Stable.'  ,  .,      .  ii       •       .. 
 
 .„f,hol-„l«....,fAI,„knlKhm.  «.  Unin,  „f  K„li,i,h.  hypothesis     which     IS     na- 
 
 il. I|...k.v  liill  i>f  Zlndnni-Solclnmn.  tiiially    suggested    by    th« 
 
ECCLESIASTES 
 
 account  that  the  writer  gives  of  himself  in  ch.  i.  and 
 ii.  is  that  it  was  written  by  the  only  "  son  of  David  " 
 (i.  1),  whn  w;i.s  "  kine;  over  Israel  in  Jerusalem" 
 (i.  12).  The  belief  that  Solomon  was  actually  the 
 author  was,  it  need  hardly  be  said,  received  generally 
 by  the  Habbinic  commentators  and  the  whole  series 
 of  Patristic  writers.  Grotius  was  indeed  almost  the 
 first  writer  who  called  it  in  question  and  started  a 
 different  hypothesis.  'I'he  objections  which  have  been 
 ui'ged  against  the  traditional  belief  by  Grotius  and 
 later  critics,  and  the  hypotheses  which  they  have 
 substituted  for  it,  are  drawn  chiefly  from  the  book 
 itself.  1.  The  language  of  the  book  belongs  to  tlie 
 time  when  the  older  Hebrew  was  becoming  largely 
 intermingled  with  Aramaic  forms  and  words,  and  as 
 sucii  takes  its  jilace  in  the  latest  group  of  books 
 of  the  Old  Testament.  The  prevalence  of  abstract 
 foims  is  uiged  as  belonging  to  a  later  period  than 
 that  of  Solomon  in  the  development  of  Hebrew 
 thought  and  language.  The  answers  given  to  these 
 objections  by  tiie  defenders  of  the  received  belief  are 
 (a)  that  many  of  what  we  call  Aramaic  oi-  Chaldee 
 ibi'ms  may  ha\e  belonged  to  the  period  of  pure 
 Hebrew,  though  they  have  not  come  down  to  us  in 
 any  e.xtant  writings  ;  and  (6)  that  so  tar  as  they  are 
 foreign  to  the  Hebrew  of  the  time  of  Solomon,  he 
 may  l.ave  learnt  them  from  his  "  strange*  wives," 
 or  from  the  men  who  came  as  ambassadors  from 
 other  countries.  2.  It  has  been  asked  whether 
 Solomon  would  have  been  likely  to  speak  of  himself 
 as  in  i.  12,  or  to  describe  with  bitterness  the  misery 
 and  wrong  of  which  his  own  misgovernment  had 
 been  the  cause,  as  in  iii,  16,  iv.  1.  On  the  hypo- 
 thesis that  he  was  the  writer,  the  whole  book  is  au 
 acknowledgment  of  evils  which  he  had  occasioned, 
 while  yet  there  is  no  distinct  confession  and  repent- 
 ance. The  question  here  raised  is,  of  course,  worth 
 considering,  but  it  can  hardly  be  looked  on  as  lead- 
 ing in  either  direction  to  a  conclusion.  3.  It  has 
 been  urged  that  the  state  of  society  indicated  in  this 
 book  leads  to  the  same  conclusion  as  its  language, 
 and  airries  us  to  a  jjeriod  after  the  return  from  the 
 Babylonian  captivit)',  when  the  Jews  were  enjoying 
 comparati\e  fieedom  from  invasion,  but  were  ex- 
 posed to  the  evils  of  misgovernment  under  the 
 tatraps  of  the  Persian  king.  Significant,  though 
 not  conclusive,  in  either  direction,  is  the  absence  of 
 ail  reference  to  any  contemporaneous  prophetic  ac- 
 tivity, or  to  any  Messianic  hopes.  The  use  through- 
 out the  book  of  Elohim  instead  of  Jehovah  as  the 
 divine  Name,  leaves  the  question  as  to  date  nearly 
 wheie  it  was.  The  indications  of  rising  questions 
 as  to  the  end  of  man's  life,  and  the  constitution  of 
 his  nature,  of  doubts  like  those  which  at'terwards 
 developed  into  Sadduceism  (iii.  19-21  \  of  a  copious 
 literature  connected  with  those  questions,  confirm, 
 it  is  urged,  the  hypothesis  of  the  later  date.  It 
 may  be  adde;l  too,  that  the  absence  of  any  reference 
 to  such  a  work  as  this  in  the  enumeration  of  Solo- 
 mon's writings  in  1  K.  iv.  32,  tends,  at  least,  to 
 the  same  conclusion.  In  this  case,  however,  as  in 
 others,  the  arguments  of  recent  criticism  are  stronger 
 against  the  traditional  belief  than  in  support  of  any 
 rival  theory,  content  to  rest  their  case  upon  the  dis- 
 coidaut  hypotheses  of  their  opponents.  On  the 
 assumption  that  the  book  belongs,  not  to  the  time 
 of  Solomon,  but  to  the  period  subsequent  to  the 
 captivity,  the  dates  which  have  been  assigned  to  it 
 occupy  a  range  of  more  than  300  years.  Grotius 
 supposes  Zcrubbabel  to  be  referred  to  in  xii.  11,  as 
 the  •'  One  Shepherd,"  and   so  far  agrees  with  Kcil, 
 
 ECCLESIASTES 
 
 219 
 
 who  fixes  it  in  the  time  of  Ezra  ami  Xchemiah. 
 Ewald  and  De  Wette  conjecture  the  close  of  the 
 period  of  Persian  or  the  commencement  of  that  of 
 Macedonian  rule ;  Bertholdt  the  period  betweeu 
 Ale.xander  the  Great  and  Antiochus  Epiphanes ; 
 Hitzig,  circ.  204  B.C.  ;  Hartmann,  the  time  of  the 
 Maccabees.  —  IV.  Plan.  The  book  of  Ecclesiastes 
 comes  before  us  as  being  conspicuously,  among  the 
 writings  of  the  O.  T.  the  great  stumbling-block  ot 
 commentators.  Some,  at  least,  of  the  Rabbinical 
 wiiteis  were  perplexed  by  its  teachings.  Little  can 
 be  gathered  from  the  series  of  Patristic  interpreters, 
 'i'he  book  is  comparatively  seldom  quoted  by  them. 
 No  attempt  is  made  to  master  its  plan  and  to  enter 
 into  the  spirit  of  its  writer.  When  we  descend  to 
 the  more  recent  developments  of  criticism,  we  meet 
 with  an  almost  incredible  divergence  of  opinion. 
 Luther  sees  in  it  a  noble  "  Politica  vel  Oeconomica," 
 leading  men  in  the  midst  of  all  the  troubles  and 
 disorders  of  human  society  to  a  true  enduiance  and 
 reasonable  enjoyment.  Grotius  finds  in  it  only  a 
 collection  of  many  maxims,  connected  nioie  oi'  less 
 closely  with  the  gieat  problems  of  human  life. 
 Others  reject  these  views  as  partial  and  one-sided, 
 and  assert  that  the  object  of  the  writer  was  to  point 
 out  the  secret  of  a  true  blessedness  in  the  midst  of  all 
 the  distractions  and  sorrows  of  the  world  as  consist- 
 ing in  a  tranquil  calm  enjoyment  of  the  good  that 
 comes  from  God.  The  variety  of  these  opinions  in- 
 dicates sufiiciently  that  the  book  is  as  far  removed 
 as  possible  fi  om  the  character  of  a  formal  treatise, 
 it  is  that  which  it  professes  to  be — the  confession 
 of  a  man  of  wide  experience  looking  back  upon  his 
 past  life  and  looking  out  upon  the  disorders  and 
 calamities  which  surround  him.  The  true  utter- 
 ances of  such  a  man  are  the  records  of  his  struggles 
 after  truth,  of  his  occasional  glimpses  of  it,  of  his 
 ultimate  discovery.  The  writer  of  Ecclesiastes  is  not 
 a  didactic  moralist,  nor  a  prophet,  but  a  man  who 
 has  sinned  in  giving  way  to  selfishness  and  sensu- 
 ality, who  has  paid  the  penalty  of  that  sin  in  satiety 
 and  weariness  of  life ;  in  whom  the  mood  of  spirit, 
 over-reflective,  indisposed  to  action,  has  become 
 dominant  in  its  darkest  form,  but  who  has  through  all 
 this  been  under  the  discipline  of  a  divine  education, 
 and  has  learnt  from  it  the  lesson  which  God  meant 
 to  teach  him.  What  that  lesson  was  will  be  seen 
 from  an  examination  of  the  book  itself.  It  is  tole- 
 rably clear  that  the  recurring  burden  of  "Vanity 
 of  vanities  "  and  the  teaching  which  recommends  a 
 life  of  calm  enjoyment,  maik,  whenever  they  occur, 
 a  kind  of  halting-place  in  the  succession  of  thoughts. 
 Taking  this,  accordingly,  as  our  guide,  we  may  look 
 on  the  whole  book  as  falling  into  four  divisions,  and 
 closing  with  that  which,  in  its  position  no  less  than 
 its  substance,  is  "  the  conclusion  of  the  whole 
 matter."  (1.)  Ch.  i.  and  ii.  This  portion  of  the 
 book  more  than  any  other  has  the  chaiacter  of  a 
 personal  confession.  The  Pieacher  starts  with  re- 
 producing the  phase  of  despair  and  weariness  into 
 which  his  experience  had  led  him  (i.  2,  3).  To  the 
 man  who  is  thus  satiated  with  life  the  order  and 
 regularity  of  nature  are  oppressive  (i.  4-7).  That 
 which  seems  to  be  new  is  but  the  repetition  of  the 
 old  (i.  8-11).  Then,  having  laid  bare  the  depth  to 
 which  he  had  fallen,  he  retraces  the  path  bv  which 
 he  had  travelled  thithei'ward.  First  he  had  sought 
 after  wisdom  as  that  to  which  God  seemed  to  cull 
 him  (i.  13),  but  the  pursuit  of  it  was  a  sore  tra- 
 vail, and  there  was  no  satisfaction  in  its  possession. 
 The  first  experiment  in   the  search  after  happiness 
 
220 
 
 ECGLESIASTES 
 
 hud  fiiiled  and  lie  tried  another  (ii.  1-9 j.     But  this 
 also  failed   to  jjive  him    jieat-e  (ii.    1 1 ).     The  Hrst 
 ^e^:tion  clases  with  tliat  which,  in  ditiereiit  forms, 
 is  the  main  lesson  of  the  book — to  make  the  best  of 
 what  is  actually  around  one  (ii.  24) — to  substitute 
 for  the  reckless    feverish  pursuit    of  pleasure    the 
 calm  enjoynien*  which  men  may  yet  find  both  for 
 the  senses  and  the  intellect.     ("2.)  Ch.  iii.  1 — vi.  9. 
 The  crder  of  thought  in  this  section  has  a  ditlerent 
 start ing-jwint.     One  who  looked  out  upon  the  iiiH- 
 nitely  varied  phenomena    of  men's   life  might  yet 
 discern,  in  the  midst  of  that  vaiiety,  tiaces  of  hu 
 onier.      There  are  times  and  seasons  for  each  of 
 them  in  its  turn,  even  as  there  are  for  the  vicissi- 
 tudesof  the  world  of  nature  (iii.  1-8).     The  heart 
 of  man  with  its  changes  is  the  mirror  of  the  uni- 
 veise  (iii.  11),  and  is,  like  that,  inscrutable.     And 
 from  this  there  conies  the  same  conclusion  as  from 
 the  personal  exjierience.   Calmly  to  accept  the  changes 
 and  chances  of  life,  entering  into  whatever  joy  they 
 bring,  as  one  accepts  the  order  of  nature,  this  is  the 
 way  of  peace  (iii.  i;-5).     The  thought  of  the  ever- 
 recurring  cycle  of  nature,  which    had   before  been 
 irritating  and  disturbing,  now   whispers  the  same 
 lesson.     The  tnvnsition    fiom  this   to  the   opening 
 thoughts  of  ch.  iv.  seems  at  first  somewhat  abrupt. 
 Instead  of  the  self-centred  search  after  happiness  he 
 looks  out   upon   the  miseries  and  disorders  of  the 
 world,  and  learns  to  sympathise  with  sutiering  (iv. 
 Ij.     And  in  this  survey  of  life  on  a  large  scale,  as 
 in  that  of  a  personal  cxpeiience,  there  is  a  cycle 
 which   is   ever    being    repeated.      The    openingr   of 
 ch.  V.  again  presents  the  appearance  of  abruptness, 
 but  it  is  bec'.uise  the  survey  of  human  life  takes  a 
 yet  wider  range.     The  eye  of  the  Pieacher  passes 
 from  the  dwellers  in  palaces  to  the  worshippers  in 
 the  Temple,  the  devout  and  religious  men.     Have 
 tliey  found  out  the  secret  of  life,  the  path  to  wis- 
 dom and  happiness  ?     The  answer  to  that  question 
 is  that  there  the   blindness   and  folly  of  mankind 
 show  themselves  in  their  woret  forms.     The  com- 
 mand "  Fear  thou  Cod,"  meant  that  a  man  was  to 
 Uike  no  part  in  a  religion  such  as  this.     But  that 
 command    also    suggested  the  solution    of  another 
 problem,  of  tliat  prevalence  of  injustice  and  ofipres- 
 sion  which,  had   before  weighed  down   the  spirit  of 
 the  inquirer.     The  section  ends  as  before  with  the 
 conclusion,  that  to  feed  the  eyes  with  what  is  actu- 
 ally before  them  is  better  than  the  ceaseless  wander- 
 ings of  the  spirit.     (3.)  Ch.  vi,  10— viii,  1.5.     So 
 far  the  lines   of  thought  all    seemed   to   converge 
 to   one    residt.     The   ethical    teaching    that    grew 
 out  of  the  wise  man's  experience  had  in  it  some- 
 thing akin  to  the  higher  tbmns  of   Kpicuieanism. 
 But  the  seeker  could  not  rest  in  this,  and   found 
 himself  beset  with  thoughts  at  once  more  troubling 
 and  leading  to  a  higher  truth.     The  spiiit  of  man 
 looks  before  and  after,  and  the  uncertiiiuties  of  the 
 future  vex  it  (vi.  12).     So  far  there  are  signs  of 
 a  clearer  Insight  into  the  end  of  life.     Then  comes 
 an  oscillation   which  airries    him   back  to  the  old 
 problems  (vii.   15).     The    repetition    of  thoughts 
 tiiat   had  appeared  before,  is  perhaps  the  natural 
 consequence  of  8ur:h  an  oscillation,  and  accordingly 
 in  ch.  viii.  we  find  the  s<'eker  moving  in   the  same 
 round  as  b>dbre.     There  are   the  old   reflections  on 
 the  misery  of  man  fviii.  i)),  and  the  confusions  in 
 the  moial  order  of  the  ir.iivei-se  (viii.  10,  11),  the 
 old  cx)iirhisioii  that  enjoyineiit,  such  enjoyment  as  is 
 .omiMitihlc  with  the  fear  of  (iod.  Is  the  only  wis- 
 dom {y\i\.  15).     (4.)  Ch.  viii.  16— xii.  8.     After 
 
 ECCLESIASTICUS 
 
 the  pause  iniiiiied  ui  Jiis  again  arriving  il  the  lesson 
 of  ver.  15,  the  Preacher  ret i-aces  the  last  of  his  many 
 wanderings.  This  time  the  thought  with  which  he 
 started  was  a  profound  conviction  of  the  inability  of 
 man  to  unravel  the  m)'steries  by  which  he  is  sur- 
 rounded (viii.  17),  of  the  nothingness  of  man  when 
 de;ith  is  thought  of  as  ending  all  things  (ix.  3-6),  of 
 the  wisdom  of  enjoying  life  while  we  may  (ix.  7-10), 
 of  the  evils  which  affect  nations  or  individual  man 
 (ix.  11,  12).  The  wide  exj)erience  of  the  Preacher 
 suggests  sharp  and  pointed  sayings  as  to  these  evils 
 'X.  1-20),  each  true  and  weighty  in  itself,  but  not 
 leading  him  on  to  any  firmer  standing-gi-ound  or 
 clearer  solution  of  the  juoblems  which  oppressed 
 him.  It  is  here  that  the  tiaces  of  plan  and  method 
 in  the  book  seem  most  to  tail  us.  In  ch.  xi.  how- 
 ever the  progress  is  more  rapid.  The  tone  of  the 
 Preacher  becomes  more  that  of  direct  exhortation, 
 and  he  spe;iks  in  clearer  and  higher  notes.  The  end 
 of  man's  life  is  not  to  seek  enjoyment  for  himself 
 only,  but  to  do  good  to  otheis,  leirardless  of  the 
 uncertainties  or  disappointments  tliat  may  attend  his 
 ertbrts  (xi.  1-4).  The  sei^et  of  a  true  life  is  that  a 
 man  should  consecrate  the  vigour  of  his  youth  to 
 God  (xii.  1).  It  is  well  to  do  that  before  the  night 
 comes,  before  the  slow  decay  of  age  benumbs  all  the 
 faciilties'of  sense  (xii.  2,  6),  before  the  spirit  returns 
 to  God  who  gave  it.  The  thought  of  that  end  rings 
 out  once  more  the  knell  of  the  nothingness  of  all 
 things  earthly  (xii.  8) ;  but  it  leads  also  to  "  the 
 conclusion  of  the  whole  matter,"  to  that  to  which 
 all  trains  of  thought  and  all  the  e.xperien<'es  of  life 
 had  been  leading  the  seeker  after  wisdom,  that  "  to 
 fear  God  and  keep  his  commandments"  was  the 
 highest  good  attainable.  If  the  rejiresentation  which 
 has  been  given  of  the  jtlan  and  meaning  of  the  book 
 be  at  all  a  true  one,  we  find  in  it,  no  less  than  in 
 the  book  of  Job.  indications  of  the  struggle  with  the 
 doubts  and  difficulties  which  in  all  ages  of  the  world 
 have  piesented  themselves  to  thoughtful  observei-s 
 of  the  condition  of  mankind.  'I'lie  writer  of  the 
 book  of  Job  deals  with  the  great  mystery  pi^esented 
 by  the  sufferings  of  the  rigliteous.  In  the  words 
 of  the  Preacher,  we  trace  chiefly  the  weariness  or 
 satiety  of  the  pleasuie-seeker,  and  the  failure  of  all 
 schemes  of  life  but  one.  In  both,  though  by  very 
 diverse  paths,  the  inquirer  is  led  to  take  refuge  in 
 the  thought  that  God's  kingdom  is  infinitelv  great, 
 and  that  man  knows  but  the  smallest  fi-agmeut  of 
 it ;  that  he  must  rel"iain  from  things  which  are  too 
 high  for  him  and  be  content  with  the  duties  of  his 
 own  life  and  the  opportunities  it  presents  for  his 
 doing  the  will  of' God. 
 
 Ecclesias'ticus,  the  title  given  in  the  Latin 
 Version  to  tiie  book  which  is  cilled  in  the  Septua- 
 gint  TiiK  Wisdom  op  Jksus  thi:  So.v  of  Sikacii. 
 The  wonl,  like  many  others  of  Gi^eek  origin,  appears 
 to  have  been  adopted  in  the  Afiican  dialect.  The 
 right  ex])lanation  of  the  word  is  given  by  Kufinus, 
 who  remarks  that  "  it  does  not  designate  the  author 
 of  the  book,  but  the  character  of  the  writing,"  as 
 publicly  used  in  the  sei  vires  of  the  Chuivh.  .\ccoixi- 
 ing  to  Jerome  the  original  Hebrew  title  w.is  J'ro- 
 verhs;  and  the  \Vis<loin  of  .Simch  shared  with  the 
 c.inonical  book  of  Proverbs  and  the  Wisdom  of  Solo- 
 mon the  title  of  T/ic  book  < if  all  virtues.  In  the 
 Syriac  version  the  liook  is  entitled  T/w  hook  of  Jesus 
 the  son  of  Simeon  Asiro  (i'.  f.  the  bound);  and  the 
 same  book  is  called  the  iri'.sdom  of  the  srm  of  Asiro. 
 In  many  plaoas  it  is  simply  styled  Wisdom.  2, 
 The  writer  of  the  present  book  desciilxs  himself  as 
 
ECCLESIASTICUS 
 
 Jesus  (».  e.  .Tosliua)  the  sou  of  Sirach,  of  Jerusalem 
 (c.  l.  27),  but  the  conjectures  which  fiave  been 
 made  to  till  up  this  short  notice  are  either  unwar- 
 ranted or  absolutely  improbable.  The  Palestinian 
 origin  of  the  author  is,  however,  substanti^ited  by 
 internal  evidence,  e.  g.  xxiv.  10  f.  3.  The  lan- 
 guage in  which  the  book  was  originally  composed 
 was  Hebrew,  i.  e.  perhaps  the  Aramean  dialect. 
 Jerome  says  that  he  had  met  with  the  "  Hebrew  " 
 text.  The  internal  character  of  the  present  book 
 bears  witness  to  its  foreign  source.  4.  Nothing 
 however  remains  of  the  original  proverbs  of  Ben 
 Sira  except  the  i^'^  fragments  in  pure  Hebrew 
 which  occur  in  the  Talmud  and  later  Rabbinic 
 wi iters;  and  even  these  may  have  been  derived 
 from  tradition  and  not  from  any  written  collection. 
 The  Greek  translation  incorporated  in  the  LXX., 
 which  is  probably  the  source  from  which  the  other 
 translations  were  derived,  was  made  by  the  grandson 
 ofthe  autiior  in  ligypt  "in  the  reign  of  Euergetes," 
 for  the  instruction  of  tiiose  '•  in  a  strange  country 
 who  were  previously  prepared  to  live  after  the 
 law."  The  date  which  is  thus  given  is  unfortun- 
 ately ambiguous.  Two  kings  of  Egypt  bore  the 
 surname  Euergetes.  I'tol.  UI.,  the  son  and  suc- 
 cessor of  Ptol.  ll.  Philadelphus,  B.C.  247-222;  and 
 Ptol.  VII.  Physcon,  the  brother  of  Ptol.  VI.  Philo- 
 metor,  B.C.  170-117.  Some  have  supposed  that 
 the  reference  in  chap.  iv.  is  to  Simon  the  Just,  and 
 that  the  grandson  of  Ben  Sirach,  who  is  supposed 
 to  have  been  his  younger  contemporary,  lived  in 
 the  reign  of  Ptolemy  III. :  others  again  have  ap- 
 plied the  eulogy  to  Simon  II.,  and  fixed  the  trans- 
 lation in  the  time  of  I'tolemy  VII.  But  both  sup- 
 positions are  attended  with  serious  difficulties.  From 
 these  considerations  it  appears  best  to  combine  the 
 two  views.  The  grandson  of  the  author  was  already 
 past  middle-age  when  he  came  to  Egypt,  and  if  his 
 visit  took  place  early  in  the  reign  of  Ptolemy  Phys- 
 con, it  is  quite  possible  that  the  book  itself  wiis 
 written  while  the  name  and  person  of  the  last  of 
 "  the  men  of  the  great  synagogue"  was  still  familiar 
 to  his  countrymen.  5.  The  name  of  the  Greek 
 translator  is  unknown.  He  is  commonly  supposed 
 to  have  boi  lie  the  same  name  as  his  grandfather,  but 
 this  tradition  lests  only  on  conjecture  or  misunder- 
 standing. 6.  It  is  a  more  important  fiict  that  the 
 book  itself  appears  to  recognise  the  incorporation  of 
 earlier  collections  into  its  text.  Jesus  the  son  of 
 Sirach,  while  he  claims  for  himself  the  writing  of 
 the  book,  characterises  his  father  as  one  "  who 
 poured  forth  a  shower  of  wisdom  from  his  heart." 
 From  the  very  nature  of  his  work  the  author  was 
 like  "a  gleaner  after  the  grape-gatherers  "  (xxxiii. 
 16).  7.  The  Syriac  and  Old  Latin  versions,  which 
 latter  Jeionie  adopted  without  alteration,  differ  con- 
 sideiably  from  the  present  Greek  text,  and  it  is  nn- 
 cei-tain  whether  they  were  derived  from  some  other 
 Greek  recension  or  ti-om  the  Hebrew  original.  'I'he 
 Arabic  version  is  directly  derived  from  the  Syriac. 
 
 8.  The  existing  Gieek  MSS.  present  great  discre- 
 pancies in  order,  and  numerous  intei  poktions.  The 
 arrangement  of  xxx.  25 — xxxvi.  17,  in  the  Vati- 
 can and   Compluteusian  editions  is  very  different. 
 
 9.  It  is  impossible  to  make  any  satisfactory  plan 
 of  the  book  in  its  present  shape.  The  latter  part, 
 xlii.  15 — 1.  21,  is  distinguished  from  all  that 
 precedes  in  style  and  subject;  and  "the  praise  of 
 noble  men  "  seems  to  form  a  complete  whole  in  itself 
 (xliv. — 1.  24).  The  words  of  Jerome  imply  that 
 the  original  text  presented  a  triple  character  answor- 
 
 EDDIAS 
 
 221 
 
 mg  to  the  three  works  of  Solomon,  the  Proverbs, 
 Ecclesiastes,  and  Canticles.  Eichhorn  supposed  that 
 the  book  was  made  up  of  three  distinct  collections 
 which  were  afterwards  united  :  i. — xxiii. ;  xxiv. — 
 xlii.  14;  .xlii.  15—1.  24.  Bretschneider  sets  aside 
 this  hypothe>is,  and  at  the  same  time  one  which  he 
 had  foiinerly  been  inclined  to  adopt,  that  the  recur- 
 lence  of  the  same  ideas  in  xxiv.  32  ff.  ;  xxxiii.  16,  17 
 (xxx.)  ;  I.  27,  marks  the  conclusions  of  thret  parts. 
 The  Inst  five  verses  of  c.  1.  (1.  25-29)  form  a  naturni 
 conclusion  to  the  Iwok  ;  and  the  prayer,  which 
 forms  the  last  chapter  (li.),  is  wanting  in  two  jMSS. 
 10.  The  earliest  clear  coincidence  with  the  contents 
 of  the  book  occurs  in  the  epistle  of  Barnabas  (c.  xix. 
 =  Ecclus.  iv.  31),  and  there  is  no  mark  of  quotation. 
 The  parallels  which  have  been  discovered  in  the 
 New  I'estament  are  too  general  to  show  that  th(-v 
 were  derived  from  the  written  text,  and  not  tiom 
 popular  language.  The  first  distinct  quotations 
 occur  in  Clement  of  Alexandria  ;  but  from  the  end 
 of  the  second  century  the  book  was  much  used  and 
 cited  with  respect.  Clement  speaks  of  it  continu- 
 ally as  Scripture,  as  the  vvork  of  Solomon.  Oi  igeu 
 cites  passages  with  the  same  formula  as  the  Canoni- 
 cal books.  The  other  writers  of  the  Alexandrine 
 school  follow  the  same  practice.  Augustine  quotes 
 the  book  constantly  himself  as  the  work  of  a  pro- 
 phet, the  word  of  God,  '■'■Scripture,"  but  he  ex- 
 pressly notices  that  it  was  not  in  the  Hebrew  Canon. 
 Jerome,  in  like  manner,  contrasts  the  hook  with 
 "  the  Canonical  Scriptures  "  as  "doubtful,"  while 
 they  are  "  sure."  The  book  is  not  quoted  by  Ire- 
 naeus,  Hippolytus,  or  Eusebius ;  and  is  not  con- 
 tained in  the  Canon  of  Melito,  Origen,  Cyril,  Lao- 
 dicea,  Hilary,  or  Kutinus.  It  was  never  included 
 by  the  Jews  among  their  Scriptures.  11.  But 
 while  the  book  is  destitute  of  the  highest  canonical 
 authority,  it  is  a  most  important  monument  of  the 
 religious  state  of  the  Jews  at  the  period  of  its  com- 
 position. As  an  expression  of  Palestinian  theology 
 it  stands  alone;  for  there  is  no  sufficient  reason  for 
 assuming  Alexandrine  interpolations  or  direct  Alex- 
 andrine influence. 
 
 Eclipse  of  the  Sim.  No  historical  notice  of  an 
 eclipse  occurs  in  the  Bible,  but  there  are  passages  in 
 the  prophets  which  contain  manifest  allusion  to  this 
 phenomenon  (Am.  viii.  9  ;  Mic.  iii.  6  ;  Zech.  xiv. 
 6  ;  Joel  ii.  10,  31  ;  iii.  15).  Some  of  these  notices 
 probably  refer  to  eclipses  that  occurred  about 
 the  time  of  the  respective  compositions :  thus  the 
 date  of  Amos  coincides  with  a  total  eclipse,  which 
 occurred  Feb.  9,  B.C.  784,  and  was  visible  at  Jeru- 
 salem shortly  after  noon  ;  that  of  Micah  with  the 
 eclipse  of  June  5,  B.C.  716.  A  passhig  notice  in 
 Jer.  XV.  9  coincides  in  date  with  the  eclipse  of 
 Sept.  30,  B.C.  610,  so  well  known  from  Herodotus' 
 account  (i.  74,  103).  The  darkness  that  over- 
 spread the  world  at  the  ciucifixion  ciiinot  witi*. 
 reixson  be  attributed  to  an  eclipse,  as  the  moon  was 
 at  the  full  at  the  tim.e  of  the  Passover. 
 
 I5d,  i.e.  "  witness,"  a  word  inserted  in  the  Aiitli. 
 Vers,  of  Josh.  xxii.  34,  xipparently  on  the  authority 
 of  a  few  MSS.,  and  also  of  the  Syriac  and  Ar;iliic 
 Versions,  but  not  existing  in  the  generally  received 
 Hebrew  Text. 
 
 E'dar,  Tower  of  (accur.  Eder),  a  place  named 
 only  in  Gen.  xxxv.  21.  .lacob's  first  haltiug-place 
 between  Bethlehem  and  Hebron  was  "  beyond  the 
 tower  Eder."  According  to  Jerome  it  was  1000 
 paces  from  Bethlehem. 
 
 Eddiaa,  1  Esdr.  ix.  26.    [Ji:ziAn.] 
 
222 
 
 EDEN 
 
 Eden,  tlie  first  lesidence  of  man.  It  would  be 
 difficult,  in  the  wliole  history  of  opinion,  to  find  any 
 subject  which  lii'.s  so  invited,  and  at  the  same  time 
 so  completely  baliled,  conjecture,  as  the  Garden  of 
 Eden.  In  oider  more  clearly  to  uniierstand  the 
 merit  of  the  several  theories,  it  will  he  necessary 
 to  submit  to  a  careful  e.\amination  the  historic  nar- 
 rative on  which  they  are  (bunded.  Omitting  those 
 portions  of  the  text  of  Gen.  ii.  8-14  which  do  not 
 bear  upon  the  geogra))hical  ]iosition  of  Eden,  the 
 description    is  as    follows : — "  And    the   Lord   God 
 
 planted  a  garden  in  Et'ien  eastward And  a  river 
 
 goeth  forth  from  f^den  to  water  the  garden ;  and 
 from  thence  it  is  divided  and  becomes  four  heads 
 (or  aims).  The  name  of  the  first  is  Pison  :  that  is 
 it  which  compasseth  the  whole  land  of  Havilah, 
 where  is  the  gold.  And  the  gold  of  that  land  is 
 good:  there  is  the  bdellium  and  the  onyx  stone. 
 And  the  name  of  the  second  river  is  Gihon  ;  that  is 
 it  which  conipa-iseth  the  whole  land  of  Gush.  And 
 the  name  of  the  third  river  is  Hiddekel;  that  is  it 
 which  Howeth  before  Assyria.  And  the  fourth 
 river,  that  is  Euphrates."  in  the  eastern  portion 
 then  of  the  region  of  Eden  was  the  garden  planted. 
 The  river  which  flowed  through  Eden  watered  the 
 garden,  and  thence  branched  oil:'  into  four  distinct 
 streams.  The  first  problem  to  be  solved  then  is 
 this: — To  find  a  viver  which,  at  some  stage  of  its 
 course,  is  divided  into  four  streams,  two  of  which 
 a  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates.  The  identity  of  these 
 livers  with  the  Hiddekel  and  P'rath  has  never  been 
 disputed,  and  no  hyijothesis  which  omits  them  is 
 worthy  of  consideration.  Setting  aside  minor  dif- 
 ferences of  detail,  the  tiieories  which  have  been 
 framed  with  regard  to  the  situation  of  the  terrestrial 
 paradi.-e  naturally  divide  themselves  into  two  classes. 
 The  first  class  includes  all  those  which  place  the 
 garden  of  Eden  below  the  junction  of  the  Euphiates 
 and  Tigris,  and  interpret  the  names  Pison  and 
 Gihon  of'cei tain  portions  of  these  rivers:  the  second, 
 those  wliiih  seek  for  it  in  the  high  table-land  of 
 Armenia,  the  fruitful  parent  of  many  noble  sti  earns. 
 The  old  versions-  supply  us  with  little  or  no  assist- 
 ance. It  would  be  a  hopeless  t;isk  to  attempt  to 
 chronicle  the  opinions  of  all  tiie  comment;itors  upon 
 this  question :  their  name  is  legion.  Philo  is  the 
 first  who  ventured  upon  an  allegorical  interpreta- 
 tion. He  conceived  that  by  paiadise  is  darkly 
 shadowed  forth  the  governing  faculty  of  the  soul ; 
 that  the  tree  of  life  signifies  religion,  whereby  the 
 soul  is  immoi  talised  ;  and  by  the  fiicidty  of  know- 
 ing good  and  evil  the  middle  sense,  by  which 
 are  discenied  things  contrary  to  nature.  The  four 
 rivers  he  explains  of  the  seveial  virtues  of  prudence, 
 temperance,  courage,  and  justiue ;  while  the  main 
 stream  of  which  they  are  branches  is  the  generic 
 virtue,  goodness,  which  goeth  forth  fiom  Eden,  the 
 ■wis<lom  of  God.  'I'lie  opuiions  of  I^hilo  would  not 
 be  so  much  worthy  of  consideration,  were  it  not 
 that  he  has  been  followed  by  many  of  the  Fathers. 
 Among  the  Hebrew  traditions  enumerated  by  .Jerome 
 is  one  that  paradise  was  created  before  the  world 
 was  formed,  and  is  therefore  beyond  its  limits. 
 Among  the  literal  intei j)reters  there  is  an  infinite 
 diversity  of  opinions.  What  is  the  river  which 
 goes  forth  from  Eden  to  watei  the  garden  ?  is  a 
 question  which  has  boon  often  aske<l,  and  still  waits 
 lor  a  saiisfiu  tory  answer.  That  the  ocesin  stream 
 *hich  surrounded  the  earth  was  the  source  from 
 which  the  foui-  rivers  flowed  was,  the  opinion  of 
 Joscphus.     It  was  the  S/uit-d-Anib,  according  to 
 
 EDEN 
 
 those  who  place  the  (jarden  of  Eden  below  the  jiuic- 
 tion  of  the  Tigris  and  l^uphrates,  and  their  con- 
 jecture would  ili'serve  (onsideration  were  it  not  that 
 this  stream  cannot,  with  any  degree  of  propriety,  be 
 said  to  rise  in  Eden.  By  those  who  refer  the  posi- 
 tion of  Eden  to  the  highlands  of  Armenia,  the 
 "  river"  from  which  the  four  streams  diverge  is 
 conceived  to  mean  "a  collection  of  springs,"  or  a 
 well-watere<l  district.  But  this  signification  of  the 
 word  is  wholly  without  a  parallel.  According  to 
 some  it  w.us  the  Caspian  sea.  That  the  Hiddekel  ie> 
 the  Tigri.s,  and  the  P'lath  the  Euphrates,  has  never 
 been  denied,  except  by  those  who  assume  that  the 
 whole  narrative  is  a  myth  which  originated  elise- 
 where,  and  was  adapted  by  the  Helirews  to  their 
 own  seographical  notions.  With  regard  to  the 
 Pison,  the  most  ancient  and  most  universally  re- 
 ceived opinion  identifies  it  with  the  Ganges.  Jo- 
 sephus.  Eusebius,  and  many  others  held  this.  But 
 Rashi  maintained  that  the  Pison  was  the  Nile. 
 That  the  Pison  was  the  Indus  was  an  opinion  cur- 
 rent long  before  it  was  revived  by  Ewald  ana 
 adopted  by  Kalisch.  Philostorgiiis  conjet-tuied  that 
 it  was  the  Hydaspes.  Some  have  found  the  Pisou 
 in  the  Nahai-malai,  one  of  the  artificial  c^nnals  which 
 fomierly  joined  the  Euphrates  with  the  Tigris. 
 Even  those  commentators  who  agree  in  ]ilacing  tlie 
 terrestrial  Paradise  on  the  >/itit-el-Arah,  the  stream 
 formed  by  the  junction  of  the  Tigiis  and  {'Euphrates, 
 between  Ctesii)hon  and  .Apamea,  are  by  no  means 
 unanimous  as  to  which  of  the  branches,  into  which 
 this  stream  is  again  divided,  the  names  Pison  and 
 Gihon  are  to  be  applied.  Calvin  conjectured  that 
 the  Pison  was  the  most  easterly  of  these  channels  ; 
 Huet  that  it  was  the  westernmost.  The  advocates 
 of  the  theory  that  the  true  position  of  Eden  is  to  be 
 sought  for  in  the  mountains  of -Armenia  have  iden- 
 tified the  Pison  with  the  Plutsis.  liaumer  endea- 
 voured to  prove  that  it  was  the  Aras  or  .Aia.ves, 
 which  flows  into  the  Caspian  Sea.  Colonel  Chesney, 
 from  the  results  of  extensive  oliservations  in  .'\rnienirt, 
 was  "  led  to  infer  that  the  rivers  known  by  the 
 comparatively  modern  names  of  Halys  and  Araxes 
 are  those  which,  in  the  book  of  (Jenesis,  have  the 
 names  of"  Pison  and  Gihon  ;  and  that  the  country 
 within  the  former  is  the  land  of  Havilah,  whilst 
 that  which  borders  upon  the  latter  is  the  still  more 
 lemarkable  country  of  Cush."  In  the  narrative  of 
 Genesis  the  river  Pison  is  defined  as  that  which  sur- 
 rounds the  whole  land  of  Havilah.  It  is,  then, 
 absolutely  necessary,  to  fix  the  position  of  Havilah 
 before  proceeding  to  identify  the  Pison  with  any  par- 
 ticular river.  In(^en.  ii.  11.  12,  it  is  descril>ed  as  the 
 land  where  the  best  gold  was  found,  and  which  was 
 besides  rich  in  the  treasures  of  the  b'do/nch  and  the 
 stone  s/wham.  If  the  Havilah  of  Gen.  ii.  be  identical 
 with  any  one  of  the  countries  mentioneil  in  (len.  x. 
 'J9,  XXV.  18,  1  Sam.  xv.  7,  we  must  look  for  it  on  the 
 east  or  south  of  Arabia,  and  probably  not  far  from 
 the  Persian  Gulf".  That  Havilah  is  that  jwrt  of 
 India  through  which  the  (ianges  flows,  and,  more 
 generally,  the  exstern  region  of  the  earth  ;  that  it  is 
 to  be  found  in  Susiana,  in  Ava,  or  in  the  Ural  legioii, 
 are  conclusions  nece.ssarily  following  upon  the  as- 
 sumptions with  regard  to  the  Pison.  Hartmann, 
 Keland,  and  iiosenmiiller  are  in  favour  of  Colchis, 
 the  siene  of  the  legend  of  the  (lolden  Kleece.  For 
 all  these  hypotheses  there  is  no  more  sup])ort  than 
 the  merest  (-onjecture.  The  .second  river  of  Paradise 
 presents  difliculties  not  less  insurmountable  than  the 
 Pi.son.    Those  who  maintained  that  the  Pison  was  the 
 
EDEN 
 
 Ganges  held  also  that  the  Gihon  was  the  Nile.  The 
 etymology  ot'Gihon  seems  to  indicate  that  it  was  a 
 swiftly-tlowing  impetuous  stream.  According  to 
 Golius  Jichoon  is  the  name  given  to  the  O.xus, 
 which  has,  on  this  aciount,  been  assumed  by  Rosen- 
 miiller,  Hartmann,  and  Michaelis  to  be  tlie  Gihon 
 of  Sciiptuie.  But  the  Aiaxes,  too,  is  called  by  the 
 Persians  Jichoon  ar-Ras,  and  fiom  this  circum 
 stance  it  has  been  adopted  by  Rdand,  Calmet,  and 
 Col.Chesney  as  the  modern  representative  of  the 
 Gihon.  Bochart  and  Huet  contended  that  it  was 
 the  easternmost  of  these  channels  by  which  the 
 united  streams  of  the  Euphrates  and  Tigi-is  fall 
 nito  the  Persian  Gulf,  (-'alvin  considered  it  to  be 
 the  most  westerly.  That  it  should  be  the  Orontes, 
 the  Ganges,  the  Kur,  or  Cyrus,  necessarily  followed 
 from  the  exigencies  of  the  sevei'al  theories.  Rask 
 and  Veibrugge  are  in  favour  of  the  Gyndes  of  the 
 ancients.  From  etymological  considerations,  Huet 
 was  induced  to  place  Gush  in  Chusistan  (2  K.  xvii. 
 24),  Leclerc  in  Cassiotis  in  Syria,  and  Reland  in  the 
 "  regio  Cossaeorum."  Bochart  identified  it  with 
 Susiann,  Link  with  the  country  about  the  Caucasus, 
 and  Hartmann  with  Bactria  or  Baikh,  the  site  of 
 Paradise  being,  in  this  aise,  in  the  celebrated  vale 
 of  Kashmir.  The  term  Cush  is  generally  applied 
 in  the  Old  Testunent  to  the  countries  south  of  the 
 Israelites.  It  was  the  southern  limit  of  Egypt 
 (Ez.  xxix.  10),  and  apparently  the  most  westerly 
 of  the  provnices  over  which  the  rule  of  Ahasuerus 
 extended,  "  from  India  even  unto  Ethiopia  "  (Esth. 
 i.  1,  viii.  9).  Kgypt  and  Cush  are  associated  in 
 the  majority  of  instances  in  which  the  word  occurs 
 (Ps.  Ixviii.  31 ;  Is.  xviii.  1  ;  Jer.  xlvi.  9,  &c.)  :  but 
 in  two  pasLages  Cush  stands  in  close  juxtaposition 
 with  Elam  (Is.  xi.  11),  and  Persia  (Ez.  xxxviii.  5). 
 The  Cushite  king,  Zerah,  was  utterly  defeated  by 
 Asa  at  Mareshah,  and  pursued  as  tar  as  Gerar,  a 
 town  of  the  Philistines,  on  the  southern  border 
 of  Palestine,  which  was  apparently  under  his 
 sway  (2  Chr.  xiv.  9,  &c.).  In  2  Chr.  xxi.  16,  the 
 Arabians  are  described  as  dwelling  "  be.side  the 
 Cushites,"  and  botli  are  mentioned  in  connexion 
 with  the  Philistines.  The  wife  of  Moses,  who,  we 
 learn  from  Ex.  ii.,  was  the  daughter  of  a  Midianite 
 chieftain,  is  in  Num.  xii.  1  denominated  a  Cushite. 
 Further,  Cush  and  Seba  (Is.  xliii.  H),  Cush  and  the 
 Sabaeans(Is.  xlv,  14)  are  associated  in  a  manner 
 consonant  with  the  genealogy  of  the  descendants  of 
 Ham  (Gen,  x.  7),  in  which  Seba  is  the  son  of 
 Cush.  From  all  these  circumstances  it  is  evident 
 that  under  the  denomination  Cush  were  included 
 both  Arabia  and  the  country  south  of  Egypt  on 
 the  western  coast  of  the  Red  Sea.  It  is  possible, 
 also,  that  the  vast  desert  tracts  west  of  Egypt  were 
 known  to  the  Hebrews  as  the  l;md  of  Cush,  but  of 
 this  we  have  no  certain  proof.  In  the  midst  of  this 
 diversity  of  opinions,  what  is  the  true  conclusion 
 at  which  we  arrive  ?  All  the  theories  which  have 
 been  advanced  share  the  inevitable  fate  of  con- 
 clusions which  are  based  upon  inadequate  premises. 
 The  problem  may  be  indeterminate  because  the 
 data  are  insufficient.  It  would  scarcely,  on  any 
 other  hypothesis,  have  admitted  of  so  many  ap- 
 parent solutions. 
 
 E'den,  1.  One  of  the  marts  which  supplied  the 
 luxury  of  Tyre  with  richly  embroidered  stuffs.  It 
 is  associated  with  Haran,  Sheba,  and  Asshur.  In 
 2  K.  xix.  12,  and  Is.  xxxvii.  12,  "  the  sons  of  Eden" 
 are  mentioned  with  (nizan,  Haran,  and  Kezeph,  as 
 victims  of  the  Assyrian  greed  of  conquest.    Accord- 
 
 EDOM 
 
 223 
 
 ing  to  Bochart,  it  may  be  Addan,  or  Addana,  which 
 geographers  place  on  tiie  Euphrates.  Michaelis  is 
 in  favour  of  the  modern  Aden,  as  the  Eden  oi 
 Ezekiel.  In  the  absence  of  positive  -evidence,  pro- 
 bability seems  to  point  to  the  N.VV.  of  Mesopotamia 
 as  the  locality  of  Eden. — 2.  Beth-Eden,  "  hou^e 
 of  pleasure;"  prob.ably  the  name  of  a  country  resi- 
 dence of  the  kings  of  Damascus  (Am.  i.  5)  Mi- 
 chaelis, misled  by  an  apparent  resemblance  in  name, 
 identified  it  with  Eliden,  about  a  day's  journey  from 
 Ba;ilbek.  But  Grotius,  with  greater  appearance  of 
 probability,  pointed  to  the  Paradisus  of  Ptolemy  as 
 the  locality  of  Eden.  Tlie  ruins  of  the  village  of 
 Jiisieli  el-Kadiineh,  now  a  paradise  no  longer,  are 
 supposed  by  Dr.  Robinson  to  mark  its  site.  Others 
 have  conjectured  that  Beth  Eden  is  no  other  than 
 Bvit-Jenn,  "the  house  of  Paiadise,"  not  tar  to  the 
 south-west  of  Damascus,  on  tiie  eastern  slope  of  the 
 Heimon,  and  a  short  distance  from  Medjel. 
 
 E'den,  1.  A  Gershonite  Levite,  son  of  Joah,  in 
 the  days  of  Hezekiah  (2  Chr.  xxix.  12).— 2.  Also  a 
 Levite,  contemporaiy  and  probably  identical  with 
 the  preceding  (2  Chr.  xxxi.  1,")). 
 
 E'der,  1.  One  of  the  towns  of  Judah  in  the  ex- 
 treme south,  and  on  the  borders  of  Edom  (Josh. 
 XV.  21).  No  trace  of  it  has  been  discovered  in 
 modern  times,  unless,  as  has  been  suggested,  it  is 
 identical  with  Arad,  by  a  transposition  of  letters. 
 —2.  A  Levite  of  the  family  of  Mei-ari,  in  the  time 
 of  David  (1  Chr.  xxiii.  23,  xxiv.  30). 
 
 E'des,  1  Esdr.  ix.  35.    [Jadau.] 
 
 Ed'na,  the  wife  of  Raguel  (Tob.  vii.  2,  8,  14, 
 16  ;  X.  12;  xi.  1). 
 
 Edom,  Idume'a,  or  Idumae'a.  The  name 
 Edom  was  given  to  Esau,  the  first-born  son  of 
 Isaac,  and  twin  brother  of  Jacob,  when  he  sold  his 
 birthright  to  the  latter  for  a  meal  of  lentile  pottage. 
 The  peculiar  colour  of  the  pottage  gave  rise  to  the 
 name  Edom,  which  signifies  "  red  "  (Gen.  xxv.  29- 
 34).  The  country  which  the  Lord  subsequently 
 gave  to  Esau  was  hence  adled  the  "  field  of  Edom  "' 
 (Gen.  xxsii.  3),  or  "land  of  Edom"  (Gen.  xxxvi. 
 16  ;  Num.  xxxiii.  37).  Probably  its  physiciil  aspect 
 may  have  had  something  to  do  with  this.  Edom 
 was  previously  called  Mount  Seir  (Gen.  xxxii.  3, 
 xxxvi.  8),  from  Seir  the  progenitor  of  the  Horites 
 (Gen.  xiv.  6,  xxxvi.  2()-22).  The  name  Seir 
 was  perhaps  adopted  on  accoimt  of  its  being  de- 
 sciiptive  of  the  "  rugged  "  character  of  the  terri- 
 tory. The  original  inhabitants  of  the  country  weie 
 called  Horites,  from  Hori,  the  grand.-.on  of  Seir 
 (Gen.  xxxvi.  20,  22),  because  that  name  was  de- 
 scriptive of  their  habits  as  "  Troglodytes,"  or 
 "  dwellers  in  caves."  The  boundaries  of  Edom, 
 though  not  directly,  are  yet  incidentally  defined 
 with  tolerable  distinctness  in  the  Bible.  The 
 country  lay  along  the  route  pursued  by  the  Israelites 
 from  the  peninsula  of  Sinai  to  Kadesh-barnea,  and 
 thence  back  again  to  Elath  (Deut.  i.  2,  ii.  1-8); 
 that  is,  along  the  east  side  of  the  great  valley  of 
 Arabah.  It  reached  southward  as  far  as  Elath, 
 which  stood  at  the  northern  end  of  the  gulf  of 
 Elath,  and  was  the  seaport  of  the  Edomites ;  Init 
 it  does  not  seem  to  have  extended  tiuther,  as  the 
 Israelites  on  passing  Elath  struck  out  eastward  into 
 the  desert,  so  a.s  to  pass  round  the  land  of  Ivloin 
 (Deut.  ii.  8 J.  On  the  north  of  Edom  lay  the  tei- 
 ritory  of  Moab,  through  which  the  Israelites  were 
 also  prevented  from  going,  and  weie  therefore  com- 
 pelled to  go  from  Kadesh  by  the  southern  extremitv 
 of  Edom  (Judg.  xi.  17,  18;  2  K.   iii.   6-9).     The 
 
224 
 
 EDOM 
 
 Ijouml.iiy  l)et\veen  Moiib  and  Edom  appears  to  have 
 been  the  "brook  Zered "  (Deut.  ii.  13,  14,  18), 
 probably  the  modern  Weidij-el-Ahsy,  which  still 
 divides  the  provinces  of  Kerak  (Moab)  and  Jebdl 
 (CieUdene).  But  Edom  was  wholly  a  mountainous 
 country.  It  only  embraced  the  narrow  moun- 
 tiiinous  tract  (about  100  miles  long  by  20  broad) 
 extending  along  the  eastern  side  of"  the  Arabah  from 
 the  northern  end  of  the  gulf  of  Elath  to  near  the 
 southern  end  of  the  De;id  .Sea.  The  mountain-range 
 of  Edom  is  at  present  divided  into  two  distiicts. 
 Tiie  northern  is  called  Jehdl.  It  b<>gins  at  Wad;/- 
 fl-A/isy,  wliich  sepaiates  it  from  Kerak,  and  it  ter- 
 nnnates  at  or  near  Fetra.  The  southern  district  is 
 called  es/t-S/iercih,  a  name  whicl-,  though  it  re- 
 sembles, beais  no  radical  relation  to  the  Hebrew 
 Seir.  The  physical  geography  of  Edom  is  some- 
 what peculiar.  Along  the  western  base  of  the 
 mountain-range  are  low  calcaieous  liills.  To  these 
 succeed  lofty  masses  of  igneous  rock,  chiefly  por- 
 phyiy,  over  which  lies  red  and  variegated  sandstone 
 ill  irregular  ridges  and  abrupt  cliUs,  with  deep 
 ravines  between.  The  latter  strata  give  the  moun- 
 tiiius  their  most  striking  featuies  and  remarkable 
 colouis.  The  average  elevation  of  the  summit  is 
 alidut  '2000  feet  above  the  sea.  Along  the  eastern 
 vule  runs  an  almost  unbroken  limestone  lidge,  a 
 thousand  t'eet  or  more  higher  than  the  otlier.  This 
 ridge  sinks  down  with  an  easy  slope  into  the  plateau 
 of  the  Arabian  desert.  While  Edom  is  thus  wild, 
 rugged,  and  almost  inaccessible,  the  deep  glens  and 
 flat  terraces  along  the  mountain  sides  are  covered 
 with  lich  soil,  from  which  trees,  slnulis,  and  (lowers 
 now  spiing  up  lu.xuriantly.  The  ancient  capital  of 
 Eiloin  was  Bozrah  {Buseireh)  near  the  nurthern 
 border  (Gen.  xx.xvi.  33  ;  Is.  xxxiv.  6,  Ixili.  1  ;  .ler. 
 xlix.  13,  22).  But  Sela  ( Petra)  appeare  to  have 
 been  the  principal  stronghold  in  the  days  of  .Ama- 
 ziah  (B.C.  838  ;  2  K.  "xiv.  7):  Elath,  and  Ezion- 
 geber  were  the  seaports  (2  Sam.  viii.  14;  1  K.  ix. 
 2t>).  When  the  kingdom  of  Israel  began  to  decline, 
 the  Edomites  not  only  reconquered  their  lost  cities, 
 but  made  frequent  inroads  upsn  southern  Palestine 
 (2  Chr.  xxviii.  17).  It  was  probably  on  account 
 of  these  attacks,  and  of  their  uniting  with  the 
 Chaldeans  against  the  Jews,  that  the  Edomites 
 were  so  fearfully  denounced  by  the  later  piophets 
 (Obad.  1  sq.  ;  Jer.  xlix.  7  sq. ;  Ezek.  xxv.  12  so., 
 XXXV.  3  sq.).  During  the  Captivity  they  advanced 
 westward,  occupied  the  whole  territory  of  their 
 brethren  the  Amalekites  (Gen.  xxxvi.  12;  1  Sam. 
 XV.  1  sq.),  and  even  took  possession  of  many  towns 
 in  southern  Palestine,  including  Hebi-on.  Tlw  name 
 Edom,  or  rather  its  Greek  form,  Idumaea,  was  now 
 given  to  the  country  lying  between  the  valley  of 
 Arabah  and  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean  While 
 Idumaea  thus  extrtided  westwai-d,  Edom  Proper  was 
 taken  possession  of  by  the  Nabatheans.  They  were 
 a  ]iowerful  people,  and  held  a  great  part  of  southern 
 Arabia.  They  took  Petra  and  established  them- 
 selves there  at  least  three  centuries  before  Christ. 
 Leaving  off  their  nomad  habits,  they  settled  down 
 amid  the  mountains  of  Edom,  engaged  in  commerce, 
 and  founded  the  little  kingdom  called  by  Roman 
 writers  Anibid  Pctraea,  which  embraced  nearly  the 
 same  territory  as  the  ancient  ICdom.  'l"o  the  Naba- 
 theans Petra  owes  those  great  monuments  which  are 
 still  the  wonder  of  the  world.  Early  in  the  Chris- 
 tian era  Edom  Proyter  w.xs  included  by  geographers 
 in  Palestine,  but  in  the  fifth  century  a  new  division 
 v/as  made  of    the   whole  count iv  into    Pnlaestina 
 
 fiDOMITES 
 
 Prima,  Secunda,  and  Tertia.  The  last  embraced 
 Edom  and  some  neighbouring  province>.  and  when 
 it  Ijecame  an  ecclesiastical  division  its  metropolis 
 was  Petra. 
 
 E'domites,  the  descendants  of  H<«u,  or  Edom. 
 Their  first  form  of  government  appears  to  have  re- 
 sembled that  of  the  modern  Bedawin  ;  each  tribe 
 or  clan  having  a  petty  chief  or  sheikh  ("  Duke"  in 
 the  A.  v..  Gen.  xxxvi.  15).  The  Horites,  who  in- 
 habited Mount  Seir  from  an  early  period,  and  among 
 whom  the  Edomites  still  lived,  had  their  sheikhs 
 also  ((Jen.  xxxvi.  29  sq.).  At  a  later  period,  pro- 
 bobly  when  the  Edomites  besjan  a  war  ofextermina 
 tion  against  the  Horites,  they  felt  the  necessity  of 
 united  action  under  one  competent  leader,  and  then  a 
 king  was  chosen.  Against  the  Horites  the  children 
 of  Edom  were  completely  snccessful.  Having  either 
 exterminated  or  expelleil  them  they  occupied  their 
 whole  country  (Deut.  ii.  12).  A  statement  made 
 in  Gen.  xxxvi.  31,  serves  to  fix  the  period  of  the 
 dynasty  of  the  eight  kings.  They  "  reigned  in  the 
 land  of  Edom  before  there  leigued  an)'  king  over 
 the  childien  of  Israel ;"  that  is,  before  the  time  of 
 Moses,  who  ma}-  be  regarded  as  the  first  viitual  king 
 of  Israel  (comp.  Deut.  xxxiii.  .') ;  Ex.  xviii.  16-19). 
 Esau's  bitter  hatred  to  his  brother  Jacob  for  fraudu- 
 lently olitiiining  his  blessing  appears  to  have  been 
 inherited  by  his  latest  jiostoiity.  The  Edomites 
 ])eremj)torily  refuswl  to  permit  the  Israelites  to  pass 
 through  their  land  (Num.  xx.  18-21).  For  a  period 
 of  400  years  we  hear  no  more  of  the  Edomites. 
 They  were  then  attacked  and  defeated  by  Saul 
 (1  Sam.  xiv.  47).  Some  forty  years  later  David 
 overthiew  their  army  in  the  "  \'alley  of  Salt,"  and 
 his  general,  Joab,  following  up  the  victory,  de- 
 stroyed nearly  the  whole  male  population  (1  K.  xi. 
 1.5,  16),  and  placed  .lewish  garrisons  in  all  the 
 strongholds  of  Edom  (2  Sam.  viii.  13,  14).  Hadad, 
 a  member  of  the  royal  family  of  Edom,  made  his 
 escape  with  a  few  followei-s  to  Egypt,  where  he  was 
 kindly  received  by  Pharaoh.  After  the  death  of 
 IXavid  he  returned,  and  tried  to  excite  his  country 
 men  to  rebellion  against  Israel,  but  failing  in  the 
 attempt  he  went  on  to  Syria,  where  he  became  one 
 of  .Solomon's  greatest  enemies  (1  K.xi.  14-22).  In 
 the  reign  of  Jehosliaphat  (H.C.  914)  the  Edomites 
 attemj)ted  to  invade  Israel  in  conjunction  with  Ani- 
 mon  and  Moab,  but  were  miiaculously  destroyed  in 
 the  valley  of  Berachah  (2  Chr.  xx.  22).  A  few 
 years  later  they  revolted  against  Jehoiam,  elected  a 
 king,  and  for  half  a  century  retained  their  inde- 
 pendence (2  Chr.  xxi.  8).  They  were  then  attacked 
 by  Amaziah,  and  Sela  their  great  stronghold  was 
 captured  (2  K.  xiv.  7;  2  Chr.  xxv.  11,  12).  Yet 
 the  Israelites  were  never  able  again  completely  to 
 subdue  them  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  17).  When  Nebuchad- 
 nezzar besieged  Jerus;dem  the  I'^domites  joined  him, 
 and  took  an  active  {.lart  in  the  jilunder  of  the  city 
 and  slaughter  of  the  Jews.  Their  cruelty  at  that 
 time  seems  to  be  specially  referred  to  in  the  137tli 
 I'salm.  It  wa-s  on  account  of  these  act.s  of  cruelty 
 committed  upon  the  lews  in  the  day  of  their  oa- 
 lamity  that  the  Edomites  were  so  feai-fully  denoiuiced 
 by  the  later  prophets  (Is.  xxxiv.  .5-8,  Ixiii.  1-4: 
 Jer.  xlix.  17;  l.am.  iv.  21;  Ez.  .xxv.  13,  14; 
 Am.  i.  11,  12;  Obad.  IlKsq.).  On  the  conquest  of 
 Judah,  the  Edomites,  probably  in  i  eward  for  theii 
 .services  during  the  war,  were  pennitted  to  settle  in 
 southern  Palestine,  and  the  whole  plateau  Wfweeii 
 it  and  Egypt;  but  they  were  about  the  same  time 
 driven  out  of  Edom  Proper  by  the  Nabatheans.     Foi 
 
EDREI 
 
 move  than  four  ceiituiies  they  continued  to  prosper. 
 I'lit  during  the  warlike  rule  of  the  Maccabees  they 
 were  aoain  completely  subdued,  and  even  forced  to 
 conform  to  Jewish  laws  and  rites,  and  submit  to  the 
 gON'ernment  of  Jewish  prefects.  The  Edomites  were 
 now  incorpoiated  with  the  Jewish  nation,  and  the 
 whole  province  was  often  termed  by  Greelv  and 
 Roman  writers  Idumaea.  Immediately  before  the 
 siecje  of  Jerusalem  by  Titus,  20,nO0  Idumaeans  were 
 a  Imitted  to  the  Holy  City,  which  they  filletl  with 
 rolibery  and  bloodshed.  From  this  time  the  Edom- 
 ites, as  a  separate  people,  disappear  from  the  page  of 
 history.  Little  is  known  of  their  religion  ;  but  that 
 little  shows  them  to  have  been  idolaters  (2  Chr. 
 xxv,  14,  15,  20).  Josephus  refo-s  to  both  the  idols 
 and  priests  of  the  Idumaeans.  The  habits  of  the 
 Idumaeans  were  singular.  The  Horites,  their  pre- 
 decessors in  Mount  Seir,  were,  as  their  name  implies, 
 </-o^/od//fcs,  or  dwellers  in  caves;  and  the  Edomites 
 seem  to  have  adopted  their  dwellings  as  well  as 
 their  country.  Everywhere  we  meet  with  aives 
 and  grottoes  hewn  in  the  soft  sandstone  strata. 
 Those  at  Petra  ai-e  well  known.  The  nature  of  the 
 climate,  the  dryness  of  the  soil,  and  their  gi'eat  size, 
 render  them  healtliy,  pleasant,  and  commodious  habit- 
 ations, while  their  security  made  them  specially  suit- 
 able to  a  country  exposed  in  every  age  to  incessant 
 attacks  of  robbers. 
 
 Ed'rei,  1.  One  of  the  two  capital  cities  of  Bashan 
 (Num.  -xxi.  33;  Deut.  i.  4,  iii.  10;  Josh.  xii.  4). 
 In  Scripture  it  is  only  mentioned  in  connexion  with 
 the  victory  gained  by  the  Israelites  over  the  Amor- 
 ites  under  Og  their  king,  and  the  territory  thus  ac- 
 quired. The  ruins  of  this  ancient  city,  still  bearing 
 the  name  £'rfr'a,  stand  ou  a  rocky  promontory  which 
 projects  fiom  the  S.VV.  corner  of  the  Lejah.  The 
 site  is  a  strange  one — without  water,  without  access, 
 except  over  rocks  and  through  defiles  all  but  impract- 
 icable. The  ruins  are  nearly  three  miles  in  circum- 
 ference, and  have  a  strange  wild  look,  rising  up  in 
 black  shattered  masses  from  the  midst  of  a  wilder- 
 ness of  black  rocks.  A  number  of  the  old  houses 
 still  remain  ;  they  are  low,  massive,  and  gloomy, 
 and  some  of  them  are  half  buried  beneath  heaps  of 
 rubbish,  'J'he  iilentity  of  this  site  with  the  Edrei 
 of  -Scripture  has  been  questioned  by  many  writers, 
 who  follow  the  doubtful  testimony  of  Eusebius,  and 
 place  the  capital  of  Bashan  at  the  modern  Dera,  a 
 few  miles  farther  south.  —  2.  A  town  of  northern 
 Palestine,  allotted  to  the  tribe  ofXaphtali,  and  situ- 
 ated near  Kedesh  (Josh.  xix.  37).  About  two  miles 
 south  of  Kedesh  is  a  conical  rocky  hill  called  Tell 
 Khxraibeh,  the  "  Toll  of  the  ruin."  It  is  evidently 
 an  old  site,  and  it  may  be  that  of  the  long-lost  Edrei. 
 The  strength  of  the  position,  and  its  nearness  to 
 Kedesh,  u'ive  probability  to  the  supposition. 
 
 Educatioil.  Although  nothing  is  more  carefully 
 inculcated  in  the  Law  than  the  duty  of  parents  to 
 teach  their  children  its  precepts  and  principles  (Ex. 
 xii.  26,  xiii.  8,  14;  Deut.  iv.  5,  9,  10,  vi.  2,  7,  20, 
 &c.),  yet  there  is  little  trace  among  the  Hebrews  in 
 earlier  times  of  education  in  any  other  subjects. 
 The  wisdom  therefore  and  instruction,  of  which  so 
 much  is  said  in  the  Book  of  Proverbs,  are  to  be  under- 
 stood chiefly  of  moral  and  religious  discipline,  im- 
 parted, according  to  the  direction  of  the  Law,  by  the 
 teaching  and  under  the  example  of  parents  (Pro v. 
 i.  2,  8,  ii.  2,  10,  iv.  1,  7,  20,  viii.  1,  ix.  1,  10,  xii. 
 l.xvi.  22,  xvii.  24,  xxxi.).  Exceptions  to  this  state- 
 ment may  perhaps  be  found  in  the  instances  of 
 Moses  himself,  who  was  brought  up  in  all  Egyptian 
 
 Cox.  [).  B. 
 
 EGLAH 
 
 IV. 
 
 learning  (Acts  vii.  22)  ;  of  the  writer  of  the  book 
 of  Job,  who  was  evidently  well  versed  in  natural 
 histoiyand  in  the  astronomy  oftheday  (.lob  xxxviii. 
 ■^1,  xxxix.  xl.  xii.) ;  of  Daniel  and  his  companions 
 in  captivity  (Dan.  i.  4,  17)  ;  and  above  all,  in  the 
 intellectual  gifts  and  acquirements  of  Solomon,  which 
 were  even  moie  renowned  than  his  political  gi-ei\t- 
 ness  (1  K.  iv.  29,  34,  x.  1-9  ;  2  Chr.  ix.  1-8)°  and 
 the  memory  of  which  has,  with  much  exacgeiation, 
 been  widely  preserved  in  OrienbU  tradition.  In  later 
 times  the  prophecies,  and  comments  on  them  as 
 well  as  on  the  earlier  Scriptures,  together  with  other 
 subjects,  were  studied.  Jerome  adds  that  Jewish 
 children  were  taught  to  sny  by  heart  the  genea- 
 logie«.  Parents  were  required  to  teach  their  children 
 some  trade.  Previous  to  the  captivity,  the  chief 
 depositaries  of  learning  were  the  schools  or  colleges, 
 from  which  in  most  cases  (see  Am.  vii.  14)  pro- 
 ceeded that  succession  of  public  teachers,  who  at 
 various  times  endeavoured  to  reform  the  moral  and 
 religious  conduct  of  both  rulers  and  people.  Besides 
 the  prophetic.l  schools  instruction  was  given  by  the 
 priests  in  the  Temple  and  elsewhere,  but  their  sub- 
 jects were  doubtless  exclusively  concerned  with  re- 
 ligion and  worship  (Lev.  x.  11 ;  Ez.  xliv.  23,  24  ; 
 I  Chr.  xxv.  7,  8  ;  Mai.  ii.  7).  From  the  time  of 
 the  settlement  in  Canaan  there  must  have  been 
 among  the  Jews  persons  skilled  in  writing  and  in 
 accounts.  Perhaps  the  neighbourhood  of  the  tribe 
 of  Zebulun  to  the  commercial  district  of  Phoenicia 
 may  have  been  the  occasion  of  their  reputation  in 
 this  respect  (Judg.  v.  14).  The  municipal  officers 
 of  the  kingdom,  especially  in  the  time  of  Solomon, 
 must  have  required  a  staff  of  well-educated  persons 
 in  their  various  departments  under  the  recorder  or 
 historiographer,  whose  business  was  to  compile  me- 
 morials of  the  reign  (2  Sam.  viii.  10,  sx.  24;  2  K. 
 xviii.  18  ;  2  Chr.  xxxiv.  8i.  To  the  schools  of  the 
 Prophets  succeeded,  after  the  captivity,  the  syna- 
 gogues, which  were  either  themselves  used  as  schools 
 or  had  places  near  them  for  that  purpose.  After 
 the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  colleges  were  main- 
 tained for  a  long  time  at  Jnphne  in  Galilee,  at  Lydda, 
 at  Tiberias,  the  most  famous  of  all,  and  Sepphoris. 
 According  to  the  principles  laid  down  in  the  Mishna, 
 boys  at  five  years  of  age  were  to  begin  the  Sciip- 
 tures,  at  ten  the  !Mishna,  at  thirteen  they  became 
 subject  to  the  whole  law,  at  fifteen  they  entered  the 
 Gemara.  Teachers  weie  treated  with  great  respect, 
 and  both  pupils  and  teachers  were  exhorted  to  re- 
 spect each  other.  Physical  science  formed  part  of 
 the  course  of  instruction.  In  the  schools  the  Rabbins 
 sat  on  raised  seats,  and  the  scholars,  according  to 
 their  age,  sat  on  benches  below  or  on  the  ground. 
 Of  female  education  we  have  little  account  in  Scrip- 
 ture. Needlework  formed  a  large  but  by  no  means 
 the  only  subject  of  instruction  impaitej  to  females, 
 whose  position  in  society  and  in  the  household  must 
 by  no  means  be  considered  as  represented  in  modein 
 Oriental  usage  ''see  Prov.  xxxi.  16,  26;  Luke  viii. 
 2,  3,  X.  31),  &c.).  Among  tlie  Mohammedans, 
 education,  even  of  boys,  is  of  a  most  elementary 
 kind,  and  of  girls  still  more  limited.  In  one  respect 
 it  may  be  considered  as  the  likeness  or  the  carica- 
 ture of  the  Jewish  system,  viz.  that  besides  the  most 
 common  rules  of  arithmetic,  the  Kuriin  is  made  the 
 staple,  if  not  the  only  subject  of  instruction. 
 
 Eg'lah,  one  of  David's  wives  during  his  reign  iu 
 Hebron,  and  the  mother  of  his  son  Ithream  (2  Sam. 
 iii.  5  ;  1  Chr.  iii,  3),  According  to  the  ancient 
 Hebrew  tradition,  she  was  Michal. 
 
22fi 
 
 EGLAIM 
 
 Eglaim,  a  \th\co  nruneil  only  in  Is.  xv.  S,  nnd 
 there  ai>pareutly  as  one  of  the  most  remote  points 
 on  the  lioundary  of  Moab,     It  is  probably  the  same 
 
 as   KN-IXiLAIM. 
 
 Eg'lon,  a  kins;  of  tlie  Moabites  (Judg.  iii.  12  ff.), 
 who,  aided  by  the  Ammonites  and  the  Amalekites, 
 crossed  the  Jordan  and  took ''the  city  of  palm- 
 trees."  Here,  actoi'dini;  to  .Itaephus,  he  built  him- 
 self a  palace,  and  continued  for  eighteen  years  to 
 oppress  the  cliildien  of  Israel,  who  paid  liim  tribute. 
 The  circunistaiue-i  of  his  death  aie  somewhat  dif- 
 ferently given  in  .Jiid<;es  and  in  .losephus.  In 
 Judges  the  Israelites  send  a  pyesent  by  Ehud  (iii. 
 l.j) ;  in  Jospphiis  Ehud  wins  his  favour  by  rejjeated 
 presents  of  his  own.  In  Judges  we  have  two  scenes, 
 the  oliering  of  the  pe-eiit  and  the  death  scene  (IS, 
 10) ;  in  Josejihus  there  is  but  one  scene.  In  Judges 
 the  place  seems  to  change  from  the  reception-room 
 into  the  "  summer-parlour,"  where  P^hud  found  him 
 upon  his  leturn  (cf.  18,  20).  In  Josephus  the  en- 
 tire action  bikes  place  in  the  summer-parlour.  The 
 obesity  of  Kglon,  and  the  consequent  impossibility 
 of  recovering  the  dagger,  aie  not  mentioned  by  Jo- 
 sephus. At'ter  this  desperate  achievement  Ehud  re- 
 |>aiieil  to  Soirah  in  the  mountains  of  Ephraim  (iii. 
 2t),  27),  or  Mount  Ephraim  (Josh.  .\ix.  .50).  To 
 this  wild  central  region,  commanding,  as  it  did,  the 
 ]ilains  E.  and  W.,  he  summoned  the  Israelites  by 
 sounil  of  horn.  Descending  from  the  hills  they  fell 
 upon  the  Moabites,  and  not  one  of  the  fugitives 
 escaped. 
 
 Eg  Ion,  a  town  of  Judah  in  the  low  country  (Josh. 
 XV.  89).  During  the  struggles  of  the  conquest, 
 Eglon  was  one  of  a  confederacy  of  five  towns,  which 
 under  .lerusalem  attem])ted  resistance,  by  attacking 
 (iilieon  after  the  treaty  of  the  latter  with  Israel 
 (Josh.x.).  The  name  doubtless  survives  in  themo<lein 
 Ajlan,  a  shapeless  mass  of  ruins,  about  10  miles 
 from  Beit  Jib,-iii  (Eleutheropolis)  and  14  from 
 (laza,  on  the  S.  of  the  gieat  maritime  plain. 
 
 Egypt,  a  country  occupying  the  north-eastern 
 angle  of  Africa,  an<l  lyins;  between  N.  lat.  Sl"^:??' 
 and  2+0  1',  and  E.  long.  27=^  18'  and  3+0  12'.  Its 
 limits  appear  always  to  have  bi«n  very  neaily  the 
 same.  In  Ezekiel  (xxix.  1(»,  xxx.  6)  the  whole 
 couiitiy  is  sjwken  of  as  extending  from  Migdol  to 
 Svene,  which  indicates  the  same  limits  to  the  east 
 and  the  south  as  at  present.— A'ames.  The  common 
 name  of  Egyjit  in  the  bible  is  "  Mizraim,"  or  moie 
 fully  "the  land  of  Mizraim."  In  form  Mizraim  is 
 a  dual,  and  accordingly  it  is  generally  joined  with  a 
 plural  verb.  When,  therefore,  in  Gen.  x.  6,  Miz- 
 raim is  mentioned  as  a  son  of  Ham,  we  must  not 
 conclude  that  anything  more  is  meant  than  that 
 Egypt  was  colonized  by  de.s<eudants  of  Ham.  The 
 dual  numl)er  doubtless  indicates  the  natural  division 
 of  the  country  into  an  upper  and  a  lower  legion. 
 The  singular  Mazor  also  occurs,  and  some  supjwse 
 that  it  indicates  Lower  Egypt,  but  there  is  no  suie 
 ground  for  this  assertion.  The  Arabic  name  of 
 Egvpt  Mizr  signities  "  red  mud."  Egypt  is  also 
 called  in  the  Bible  "the  laud  of  Ham"  (I's.  cv.  28, 
 27;  comp.  Ixxviii.  51),  a  n.ame  most  probably 
 refeiring  to  Ham  the  son  of  Noah  ;  and  "'  IJahab," 
 the  proud  or  insolent;  both  these  appear  to  be 
 poeticil  apjiellatioiis.  The  coumion  ancient  Egyptian 
 tiame  of  the  country  is  written  in  hieioglyphics 
 KEM,  which  was  j^)crhn|)S  pronounced  Chem ;  the 
 demotic  foi  m  is  KEMEE.  This  name  signifies,  alike 
 in  the  ancient  language  and  in  ("optic,  "  black,"  and 
 nny  he  supj^osC"!  to  have  Ijeen  given  to  the  Kami  on 
 
 EGYPT 
 
 account  of  the  blackness  of  its  alluvial  soil.  W« 
 may  I'easonably  conjecture  that  Keni  is  the  Ejvptian 
 equivalent  of  Ham,  and  also  of  Mazoi-,  these  two 
 words  being  similar  or  even  the  s;ime  in  sen>e. 
 Under  the  I'haraohs  Egypt  was  divided  into  Upper 
 and  Lower,  "  the  two  legions  "  TA-TEE  ?  ciilled 
 respectively  "  the  Southern  Region"  TA-RES!,  and 
 "  the  Northern  R4'gion  "  TA-.MEHEET.  There  were 
 dilferent  crowns  for  the  two  regions.  In  subsequent 
 times  this  double  division  obtained.  In  the  time  of 
 the  Greeks  and  Romans  Up|ier  Egypt  was  divided 
 into  the  Heptanomis  and  theThebais,  making  alto- 
 gether three  provinces,  but  the  division  of  the  whole 
 country  into  two  was  even  then  the  most  usual.— 
 Superficies.  Egypt  h.as  a  superficies  of  about  9582 
 square  geographical  miles  of  soil,  which  the  .Vil« 
 either  does  oi'  can  water  and  fertilise.  This  com- 
 putation includes  the  river  and  lakes  as  well  Jis 
 sandy  tracts  which  can  be  iiuindated  ;  but  the  whole 
 space  either  cultivated  or  fit  for  cultivation  is  no 
 more  than  about  UPi'2'o  squaie  miles.  Anciently 
 2785  square  miles  more  may  have  been  cidtivated, 
 and  now  it  would  be  possible  at  once  to  reclaim 
 about  1295  square  miles.— A'o/nes.  From  a  remote 
 period  Egypt  was  divided  into  Nomes  HESPU,  sing. 
 HESP,  each  one  of  which  had  its  special  objects  of 
 worship.  There  is  no  distinct  reference  to  them 
 in  the  Bible.— (7f«e/'a/  appearance.  Climate,  4'<^. 
 The  general  a]>f)earance  of  the  country  cannot  have 
 greatly  changed  since  the  days  of  Moses.  The  Delta 
 was  always  a  vast  level  plain,  although  of  old  more 
 perfectly  watered  than  now  by  the  b)anches  of  the 
 Nile  and  numerous  canals,  while  the  narrow  valley 
 of  Ujiper  Egypt  must  have  suHieied  still  less  alter- 
 ation. Aiu;iently,  however,  the  rushes  must  have 
 teen  abundant ;  whereas  now  they  have  almost  dis- 
 appeared, except  in  the  lakes.  The  whole  country 
 is  remarkable  for  its  extreme  fertility,  which  espe- 
 cially strikes  the  beholder  when  the  rich  green  of 
 the  fields  is  contrasted  with  the  utterly  bare  yellow 
 mountains  or  the  sand-strewn  rocky  desert  on  either 
 side.  The  climate  is  equable  ainl  healthy.  Riin  is 
 not  very  unfie<|uent  on  the  noithern  co.-ust,  but  in- 
 land very  i-aro.  Cultivation  nowhere  depends  ujhju 
 it.  This  absence  of  lain  is  mentioned  in  Dent.  (xi. 
 10,  11)  as  rendering  artificial  irrigation  necessaiy, 
 unlike  the  case  of  Palestine,  and  in  Zech.  (xiv.  I  8)  :is 
 j)eculiar  to  the  country.  Egypt  has  been  visited  in 
 all  ages  hv  severe  pestilences,  but  it  cannot  be  deter- 
 mined that  any  of  those  of  ancient  times  were  of 
 thechaiacter  of  the  modern  I'lague.  Famines  are 
 frequent,  and  one  in  the  middle  ages,  in  the  time  of 
 the  Fatimee  Khaleefeh  EI-Mustansir-billah.  seems  to 
 have  been  even  more  severe  tlian  that  of  Joseph.— 
 Genloijy.  The  fertile  ]>lain  of  the  Delta  ami  the 
 valley  of  Upp'T  Egypt  are  boundeil  by  rocky  deserts 
 covered  or  stiewn  with  sand.  On  either  side  of  the 
 jilain  they  are  low,  but  they  overlook  the  valley, 
 above  which  they  rise  so  steeply  as  from  the  river 
 to  present  the  as|iect  of  clilfs.  The  fonnation  is 
 limestone  as  far  as  a  little  above  Theljes,  where  sand- 
 stone begins.  The  First  Cataract,  the  southern  limit 
 of  Egypt.,  is  c"\u8el  by  granite  and  other  primitive 
 rocks,  which  rise  through  the  sandstone  and  obstruct 
 the  river"?  bed.  An  im])oitant  geological  change 
 has  in  the  coui'so  of  centuries  rai^^d  the  countiy  near 
 the  head  of  the  Gulf  of  Suez,  and  depressed  that  on 
 the  noithfin  siile  of  the  isthmus.  Since  the  chris- 
 tian era  the  head  of  the  Gulfhas  retiiftl  .southwnnls. 
 —  The  Xilc.  In  Egvptian  the  Nile  l)ore  the  sacred 
 a|.iM.|l;.tion  HAI'EE'.u-  H.\1'EE-MU,  «' the  .abyss," 
 
EGYPT 
 
 or  "  the  abyss  of  wateis."  As  Egypt  was  divided 
 into  two  regions,  we  Hml  two  Niles,  HAPEE-RES, 
 "  the  t^outhein  Nile,"  and  HAPEE-WEHEET  "the 
 Northern  Nile,"  the  former  name  being  given  to 
 the  river  in  Upper  Egypt  and  in  Nubia.  The  inund- 
 ation fertilir«s  and  sustains  the  country,  and  makes 
 the  river  its  chief  blessing.  The  Nile  was  on  this 
 account  anciently  worshipped.  The  rise  begins  in 
 Egypt  about  the  summer  solstice,  and  the  inundation 
 commences  about  two  months  later.  The  greatest 
 height  is  attiiined  about  or  somewhat  after  the  au- 
 tumnal equinox.  The  inundation  lasts  about  three 
 months.— Cultivation,  Aijrwnlt are,  4'C-  I'he  ancient 
 prosperity  of  Egypt  is  attested  by  the  Bible  as  well 
 as  by  the  numerous  monuments  of  the  country.  As 
 early  as  the  age  of  the  Great  Pyramid  it  must  have 
 been  densely  populated.  The  contrast  of  the  present 
 state  of  Egypt  to  its  former  prosperity  is  more  to  be 
 asciibed  to  political  than  to  physiavl  causes.  Egypt 
 is  naturally  an  agricultural  country.  As  far  back 
 as  the  days  of  Abraham,  we  find  that  when  the 
 produce  failed  in  Palestine,  Egypt  was  the  natuial 
 resource.  In  the  time  of  Joseph  it  was  evidently 
 the  gi-anary,  at  least  during  famines,  of  the  na- 
 tions around.  The  inundation,  as  fciking  the  place 
 of  rain,  has  always  rendered  the  system  of  agricult- 
 ure peculiar  ;  and  the  artificial  iiTigation  during  the 
 time  of  low  Nile  is  necessarily  on  the  same  principle. 
 Watering  with  the  foot  (Deut.  xi.  10,  11)  may  reter 
 to  some  mode  of  iiTigation  by  a  machine,  but  the 
 monuments  do  not  afford   a  representation    of  it. 
 
 EGYPT 
 
 227 
 
 Sli&doof,  or  pole  and  bucket  for  watering  the  garden.  (Wilkinson.) 
 
 That  now  called  the  shadoof  is  depicted,  and  seems 
 to  have  been  the  common  means  ofartiricial  iiTig- 
 ation. There  are  defciiled  pictures  of  breaking  up 
 the  earth,  or  ploughing,  sowing,  harvest,  threshing, 
 and  storing  the  wheat  in  gianaries.  Vines  were 
 extensively  cultivated.  Of  other  fruit-trees,  the 
 date-palm  was  the  most  common  and  valuable.  The 
 gardens  resembled  the  fields,  being  watered  in  the 
 same  manner  by  iiTigation.  On  the  tenure  of  land 
 much  liglit  is  thrown  by  the  history  of  Joseph. 
 Before  the  famine  each  city  and  lai^e  village  had  its 
 field  (Gen.  xli.  48j;  but  Joseph  gained  for  Pha- 
 raoh all  the  land,  except  that  of  the  priests,  in  ex- 
 change for  food,  and  required  for  the  right  thus 
 obtained  a  fifth  of  the  produce,  which  became  a  law 
 (xlvii.  20-2(3),  The  evidence  of  the  monuments^ 
 though  not  very  explicit,  seems  to  show  that  this 
 law  was   ever  afterwaids  in  force  under  the  Pha- 
 
 raohs. The  great  lakes  in  the  north  of  Egypt  were 
 anciently  of  high  importance,  especially  tor  their 
 fisheries  and  the  growth  of  the  pipyius.  The  canals 
 are  now  far  less  numerous  than  of  old,  and  many 
 of  them  are  choked  and  comparatively  useless.— 
 
 Granary,  showing  how  the  grain  was  put  in,  and  that  the  doors 
 a  b  were  intended  for  taking  it  out.    (Wilkinson.) 
 
 Botmij. — The  cultivable  land  of  Egypt  consists 
 almo.st  wholly  of  fields,  in  which  are  very  few  trees. 
 There  are  no  forests  and  few  gioves,  e.\cept  of  date- 
 palms,  and  in  Lower  Egypt  a  few  of  orange  and 
 lemon-trees.  There  are  also  sycomores,  mulberry- 
 trees,  and  acacias,  either  planted  on  the  sides  of  roads 
 or  standing  singly  in  the  fields.  The  Theban  palm 
 grows  in  the  Theba'is,  generally  in  clumps.  These 
 were  ail,  except  perhaps  the  mulberry-tree,  of  old 
 common  in  the  country.  The  chief  fruits  are  the 
 date,  grape,  fig,  sycomore-fig,  pomegranate,  banana, 
 many  kinds  of  melons,  and  the  olive;  and  there  aie 
 many  others  le.^s  common  oi'  important.  The^e  wei  e 
 also  of  old  produced  in  the  countiy.  The  vegetables 
 are  of  many  kinds  and  excellent,  and  form  the  chief 
 food  of  the  common  people.  The  most  important 
 field-produce  in  ancient  times  was  wheat ;  after  it 
 must  be  placed  barley,  millet,  flax,  and  among  thi; 
 vegetables,  lentils,  peas,  and  beans.  It  is  clear 
 from  the  evidence  of  the  monuments  and  of  ancient 
 writers  that,  of  old,  reeds  were  far  more  common  in 
 Egypt  than  now.  The  byblus  or  papyrus  is  almost 
 or  quite  unknown.  Anciently  it  was  a  common  ami 
 most  impoi-tant  plant :  boats  were  made  of  its  stalks, 
 and  of  their  thin  leaves  the  famous  paper  was  manu- 
 factured. The  lotus  was  anciently  the  favourite 
 fiower,  and  at  feasts  it  took  the  place  of  the  rose 
 among  the  Greeks  and  Aral  is:  it  is  now  very  rare.^ 
 Zoology. — Of  old  Egypt  was  far  more  a  pastoral 
 country  than  at  present.  The  neat  cattle  are  still 
 excellent,  but  lean  kine  are  more  common  among 
 them  than  they  seem  to  have  been  in  the  days  of 
 Joseph's  Pharaoh  (Gen.  xli.  19).  Sheep  and  goats 
 have  always  been  numerous.  Anciently  swine  were 
 ke[)t,  but  not  in  great  numbers;  now  there  are 
 none,  or  scarcely  any.  Under  the  Pharaohs  the 
 horses  of  the  country  were  in  repute  among  the 
 neighbouring  nations,  who  purchased  them  as  well 
 as  chariots  out  of  Egypt.  Asses  were  anciently 
 numerous ;  the  breed  at  the  present  time  is  ex- 
 cellent. Dogs  were  formerly  more  prized  than  now, 
 fur  being  held  by  most  of  the  Muslims  to  be  ex- 
 tremely unclean,  they  are  only  used  to  watch  the 
 houses  in  the  vilkges.     The   camel    has  nowhere 
 
 0  2 
 
228 
 
 EGYPT 
 
 been  found  meutioned  in  the  inscriptions  of  Kgyjit, 
 or  i-e|)resent('d  on  the  monuments.  It  is  proLable 
 tluit  camels  were  not  kept  in  Egypt,  but  oniy  on 
 the  frontier.  The  deserts  have  always  abouiideil 
 in  wild  animals,  es])i'i-ially  of  the  canine  and  ante- 
 lope kinds.  Ancientlv  the  hippopotamus  was  found 
 in  the  Egyptian  Nile,  and  hunted.  Kow,  this 
 animal  is  rarely  seen  even  in  Lower  Nubia.  The 
 elephant  may  have  been,  in  the  remotest  historical 
 period,  an  inliabit:mt  of  Egypt,  and,  as  a  land 
 animal,  have  been  driven  further  south  than  the 
 hippopotamus.  Bats  abound  in  the  temjiles  and 
 tombs.  The  birds  of  Egypt  are  not  remarkable  for 
 beauty  of  plumage:  in  so  open  a  country  this  is 
 natural.  The  Rapaces  are  numerous,  but  the  most 
 common  are  scavengers,  as  vultures  and  the  kite. 
 The  U  ral/aturcs  aud  Ansercs  abound  on  the  islands 
 and  sandbanks  of  the  river  and  in  the  sides  of  the 
 mountains  which  approach  or  touch  the  stream. 
 Among  the  reptiles,  the  crocodile  must  be  especially 
 mentioneil.  In  the  Bible  it  is  usually  called  tunnht 
 or  tannhn,  "  dragon,"  a  generic  word  of  almost  as 
 wide  a  signification  as  "  reptile,"  and  is  used  as  a 
 Byniliol  of  the  king  of  Egypt  (Ez.  xxix.  o-5).  But 
 "  leviathan  "  appears  to  be  the  special  name  of  that 
 animal.  Frogs  are  veiy  numeious  in  Egypt,  and 
 their  loud  and  constant  croaking  in  the  autumn 
 makes  it  not  dilficult  to  pictuie  the  Plague  of 
 Frogs.  Serpents  and  snakes  are  also  common,  but 
 the  more  venomous  have  their  liome,  like  the 
 scorpion,  in  the  desert  (comp.  l)eut.  viii.  15). 
 The  Nile  and  lakes  have  an  abundance  of  fish. 
 Among  the  insects  the  locusts  must  be  mentioned, 
 which  sometimes  come  upon  the  cidtivated  land  in 
 a  cloud.  As  to  the  lice  and  flies,  they  aiv  still 
 plagues  of  Egy\)t.— Ancient  InhaJnlants. — The  old 
 inhabitant-s  of  Eg}pt  ajjjjear  from  their  monu- 
 ments and  the  testimony  of  ancient  writers  to  have 
 occupied  in  lace  a  j)lace  between  the  Nigritians 
 and  the  ("aucasians.  They  were  in  character 
 veiy  religious  and  contemplative,  but  given  to 
 base  superstition,  patriotic,  respectful  to  women, 
 hospitable,  generally  frugal,  but  at  times  luxu- 
 rious, very  sensual,  lying,  thievish,  treacherous 
 aud  cringing,  and  intensely  piejudiced,  through 
 piide  of  race,  against  strangeis,  although  kind  to 
 them.  This  is  veiy  much  the  character  of  the 
 modern  inhabitants,  except  that  Mohammadanism 
 h;us  taken  away  the  respect  for  womew.—L'iw/iiwie. 
 — The  ancient  Egyptian  language,  from  the  earliest 
 period  at  which  it  is  known  to  us,  is  an  agglutinate 
 monosyllabic  form  of  speech.  It  is  expressed  by 
 the  signs  which  we  call  hieroglyphics.  The  cha- 
 racter of  the  language  is  compound:  it  consists  of 
 elements  resembling  those  of  the  Nigritian  languages 
 and  the  Chinese  language  on  the  one  hand,  and 
 those  of  the  Shemitic  languages  on  the  other.  A.s 
 early  as  the  age  of  the  xxvith  dyna>ty  a  viilg.u- 
 dialect  was  expiessed  in  the  demotic  or  enchorial 
 writing.  This  dialect  foims  the  link  connecting 
 the  old  lantjuage  with  the  Coptic,  which  does  not 
 very  greatly  diller  from  the  monumental  language, 
 except  in  the  presence  of  many  Creek  words.— 
 Kstiquin. —  The  ba^iis  of  the  religion  was  Nigiitian 
 fetish  isui,  the  lowestkind  of  nature-worship,  diflering 
 in  diflereni  parts  oi  the  countiy.  and  hence  obviously 
 indigenous.  \J\>o\\  this  were  engrafted,  first,  cosniic 
 worship,  mixed  up  with  traces  of  primeval  levela- 
 tion,  as  in  Babyloni.i;  and  then,  a  svstem  of  per- 
 -oiitticritii.tis  of  moral  and  intelleetuai  ak-tractions. 
 There  were  three  orders  of  gods — the  eight  great 
 
 EGYPT 
 
 gods,  the  twelve  lesser,  and  the  Osirian  group. 
 There  was  no  prominent  hero-worship,  althou;rb 
 deceased  kings  and  other  individuals  often  received 
 divine  honours.  The  great  doctiines  of  the  immor- 
 tality of  the  soul,  man's  responsibility,  and  future 
 rewards  ami  punishments,  were  taught.  Among 
 the  rites,  circumcision  is  the  most  remaikable:  it  is 
 as  old  as  the  time  of  the  ivth  dynasty.  The  Israel- 
 ites in  Egypt  ap|)car  during  the  opprcs-iou,  for  the 
 most  part,  to  have  adopted  the  Eu^yptian  religion 
 (Josh.  xxiv.  14-;  V.z.  XX.  7,8).  'i'lie  golden  calf, 
 or  rather  steer,  was  probably  fcikcn  from  the  bull 
 Apis,  certainly  from  one  of  the  .sacred  bulls.  Kein- 
 phan  and  Chiun  were  foieign  divinities  adopted  into 
 the  Egyptian  Pantheon.  Ashtoreth  was  worshipjied 
 at  Memphis.  Doubtless  this  worship  was  intro- 
 duced by  the  Phoenician  .Shepherds. — Lims. — \V<. 
 have  no  comjjlete  account  of  the  laws  of  the  .-incient 
 Egyptians  either  in  their  own  records  or  in  works 
 of  ancient  writers.  The  paintings  and  sculptuies 
 of  the  monuments  indicate  a  very  high  degree  of 
 personal  safety,  showing  us  that  the  people  of  all 
 ranks  commonly  went  unarmed,  and  without  mili- 
 tary protection.  Capital  punishment  appeiirs  to 
 have  been  almost  restricted,  in  practice,  to  muider. 
 Crimes  of  violence  were  more  severely  treated  than 
 ofl'ences  against  religion  and  morals.  Popular  feel- 
 ing seems  to  have  taken  the  duties  of  the  judge  upon 
 itself  in  the  case  of  in)))iety  alone  (Ex.  viii.  26).— 
 Gorerntnent. — The  government  was  monarchical, 
 but  not  of  an  ab>olute  character.  The  sovereign 
 w;is  not  superior  to  the  laws,  and  the  p'ie.sts  had 
 the  power  to  check  the  undue  exercise  o!  his  au- 
 thority. Nomes  and  districts  were  governed  by 
 olFicers  whom  the  Greeks  called  nomarchs  and  toj)- 
 archs.  There  seems  to  have  been  no  hentiitary 
 aristocracv,  except  ])e)haps  at  the  earliest  period. .^ 
 Foreiijn  Policy.— The  foieign  policy  of  the  Ei;yp- 
 tians  must  be  legarded  in  its  relation  to  the  admis- 
 sion of  tbreigners  into  Egypt  and  to  the  treatment 
 of  tributary  ami  allied  nations.  In  the  foimer 
 aspect  it  w;»s  characterized  by  an  exclusiveiie>s 
 which  sprang  from  a  national  hatred  of  the  yellow 
 and  white  races,  and  was  maintained  by  the  wisdom 
 of  proerviiig  the  institutions  of  the  country  from 
 tlie  intluence  of  the  pirates  of  the  Jleditei  iTinean 
 and  the  Indian  Ocean,  and  the  robbers  of  the  de.Nei  ts. 
 Hence  the  jealous  exclusion  of  the  Greeks  from  the 
 noithern  ports  until  Naucratis  was  opened  to  flu  ni. 
 an<i  hence  too  the  restriction  of  Shemite  settlers  in 
 earlier  times  to  the  land  of  (lo.-hen,  scaiccly  re- 
 g.arded  as  part  of  Egypt.  The  general  policy  of 
 the  Egyptians  towards  their  eastern  tributaries 
 seems  to  have  been  marked  by  great  moderation. 
 The  Pharaohs  intermarried  with  them,  and  neither 
 forced  upon  them  Egyptian  garrisons,  except  in 
 some  imjiorfant  positions,  nor  attempted  tho.se  de- 
 portations that  are  so  marked  a  feature  of  Asiatic 
 policy.  In  the  case  of  those  nations  which  never 
 attacked  them  they  do  not  appear  to  have  even 
 exacted  tribute.  >S>  long  as  their  general  supremacy 
 was  uncontested  th^y  would  not  be  unwi.se  enoiigii 
 to  make  favourable  or  neutral  powers  their  eneniifs. 
 Of  their  relation  to  the  Isniclites  we  have  tor  the 
 earlier  part  of  this  jieriinl  no  dirwt  infbiriiation. 
 The  explicit  account  of  the  later  p.-irt  is  fully  con- 
 sistent with  the  geneml  policy  of  the  Pharaolis. 
 Shishak  and  Zeiah  are  the  only  exceptions  in  a 
 series  of  friendly  kings,  and  they  weie  almost  cer- 
 tainly of  .'\ssyrian  or  Babylonian  extiaetion. — With 
 respect    to    the   .African   nations  a  different   ]iolicj 
 
EGYPT 
 
 appeal's  to  have  been  pursued.  The  Rebu  (Lebu) 
 or  Lubim,  to  the  west  of  Egypt,  on  the  north  coast, 
 weie  reduced  to  subjection,  and  probably  employed, 
 like  the  Shayretana  or  Cherethim,  as  mercenaries. 
 Ethiopia  was  made  a  purely  Egyptian  jirovince, 
 ruled  by  a  viceroy,  "the  Prince  ot  Kesh  (Cush)," 
 and  the  assimilation  was  so  complete  that  Ethiopian 
 sovereigns  seem  to  have  been  received  by  the  Egyp- 
 tians as  native  rulers.  Further  south,  the  Negroes 
 wore  subiect  to  predatory  attacks  like  the  slave- 
 hunts  of  modern  times.— Army. — There  are  some 
 notices  of  the  Egyptian  army  in  the  0.  T.  They 
 show,  like  the  monuments,  that  its  most  important 
 branch  was  the  chariot-force.  The  Pharaoh  of  the 
 Exodus  led  600  chosen  chariots  besides  his  whole 
 chariot-force  in  pursuit  of  the  Israelites.    1'he  war- 
 
 EGYPT 
 
 229 
 
 riors  fighting  in  chariots  are  prol)ably  tlie  "  horse- 
 men "  mentioned  in  the  relation  of  this  event  and 
 elsewhere,  for  in  Egyptian  they  are  called  the 
 "horse"  or  "cavalry."  We  have  no  subsequent 
 indication  in  the  Bible  of  the  constitution  of  an 
 Egyjitian  army  until  the  time  of  the  xxiind  dynasty, 
 when  we  find  that  8hishak's  invading  force  was 
 partly  composed  of  foreigners  ;  whether  mercenaries 
 or  allies,  cannot  as  yet  be  positively  determined, 
 although  the  monuments  make  it  most  probable  that 
 they  were  of  the  former  character.  The  army  of 
 Necho,  defeated  at  Carchemish,  seems  to  have  been 
 similarly  composed,  although  it  probably  contained 
 Greek  meicenaries,  who  soon  afterwards  became  the 
 most  important  foreign  element  in  the  Egyptian 
 fovces.— Domestic  Life. — The  sculptures  and  paint- 
 
 Discipliuod  Troops  of  tlie  tirai;  of  tUu  XVIIItli  Dynasty.     iWilkinson.) 
 
 ings  of  the  tombs  give  us  a  very  full  insight  into 
 the  domestic  life  of  the  ancient  Egyptians,  as  may 
 be  seen  in  Sir  G.  Wilkinson's  great  work.  What 
 most  strikes  us  in  their  manners  is  the  high  position 
 occupied  by  women,  and  the  entire  absence  of  the 
 harem  system  of  seclusion.  JIarriage  appeals  to 
 have  been  universal,  at  least  with  the  richer  class  ; 
 and  if  polygamy  were  tolerated  it  was  rarely  prac- 
 tised. Concubinage  was  allowed,  the  concubines 
 taking  the  place  of  inferior  wives.  There  were  no 
 castes,  although  great  classes  weie  very  distinct. 
 The  occupations  of  the  higher  class  were  the  super- 
 intendence of  their  fields  and  gardens ;  their  diver- 
 sions, the  pursuit  of  game  in  the  deserts,  or  on  the 
 river,  and  fishing.  The  tending  of  cattle  was  left 
 to  the  most  despised  of  the  lower  class.  'J"he  Egyp- 
 tian feasts,  and  the  dances,  music,  and  feats  which 
 accompanied  them,  for  the  diveision  of  the  guests, 
 as  well  as  the  commnn  games,  were  probably  intro- 
 duced among  the  Hebrews  in  the  most  luxurious 
 days  of  the  kingdoms  of  Israel  and  Judah.  The 
 account  of  the  noontide  dinner  of  Joseph  (Gen.  xliii. 
 16,  31-34)  agrees  with  the  representations  of  the 
 monuments.  The  funeral  ceremonies  were  for  more 
 important  than  any  events  of  the  Hlgyplian  life  as 
 the  tomb  was  regarded  as  the  only  true  home.— 
 Literature  and  Art. — The  Egyptians  were  a  very 
 literary  people,  and  time  has  preserved  to  us,  besides 
 the  inscriptions  of  their  tombs  and  temples,  many 
 papyri,  of  a  religious  or  historical  character,  and 
 one  tale.  They  bear  no  resemblance  to  the  books 
 of  tlie  0.  T.,  except  such  as  arises  from  their  some- 
 times eutbrcing  moral  truths  in  a  manner  not  wholly 
 diilerent  from  that  of  the  Book  of  Piovci bs.     The 
 
 moral  and  religious  system  is,  however,  essentially 
 different  in  its  principles  find  their  application.  In 
 science,  Egyptian  influence  may  be  distinctly  traced 
 in  the  Pentateuch.  Moses  was  "  learned  in  all  the 
 wisdom  of  the  Egyptians"  (Acts  vii.  22),  and  pro- 
 bably derived  from  them  the  astronomical  knowledge 
 which  was  necessary  for  the  calendar.  The  Egyp- 
 tians excelled  in  geometry  and  mechanics.  In 
 medicine  and  surgery,  high  proficiency  was  probably 
 of  but  little  use  to  the  Hebrews  after  the  Exodus. 
 In  the  arts  of  architecture,  sculpture,  and  jiainting, 
 the  former  of  which  was  the  chief,  there  seems  to 
 have  been  but  a  very  slight  influence.— ifai/iCiaxs. 
 — We  find  frequent  reference  in  the  Bible  to  the 
 magicians  of  Egypt  (Gen.  xli.  8  ;  Ex.  vii.  11,  &c.). 
 The  monuments  do  not  recognise  any  such  art,  and 
 we  must  conclude  that  magic  was  secretly  piactised, 
 not  because  it  was  thought  to  be  unlawful,  but  in 
 order  to  give  it  importance. —  hidustrial  Arts. — 
 The  industrial  arts  held  an  important  place  in  the 
 occupations  of  the  Egyptians.  The  workers  in  fine 
 flax  and  the  weavers  of  white  linen  are  mentioned 
 in  a  manner  that  shows  they  were  among  the  chief 
 contributors  to  the  riches  of  the  country  (Is.  xix. 
 9).  The  fine  linen  of  Egypt  found  its  way  to  Pa- 
 lestine (Prov.  vii.  16).  Pottery  was  a  great  branch 
 of  the  native  manufiictures,  and  appears  to  have 
 furnished  employment  to  the  Hebrews  during  the 
 bondage  (Ps.  hxxi.  6,  Ixviii.  13  ;  comp.  Ex.  i.  14). 
 —Festivals. — The  religious  festivals  were  numeious, 
 and  some  of  them  were,  in  the  days  of  Herodotus, 
 kept  with  great  merry-making  and  license.  The 
 feast  which  the  Israelites  celebrated  when  Aaron 
 had  made  the  golden  calf  seems  to  have  been  very 
 
230 
 
 EQYPT 
 
 muoh  of  the  s;inie  characler.— .Vfawncrs  of  Modern 
 Inhabit'ints. — The  niannei-s  of  the  modem  inha- 
 hitants  are  more  similai  to  those  of  the  ancient 
 Hebrews,  on  acconnt  of  Ai-ab  intluonce,  than  the 
 manners  of  their  predecessors. — L'siuon'OLOGy  and 
 HiSTOKY. — The  subject  may  \>e  diviile.l  into  three 
 main  branches,  tt><;hnical  chronolotry,  historical 
 chronoUiwy,  and  history: — 1.  Technical  Chrotio- 
 logy. — That  the  I'l^yptians  use<i  various  periods  of 
 time,  ami  made  astronomical  observations  from  a 
 remote  a;:e,  is  e(iiially  attested  by  ancient  writers, 
 and  by  their  monuments.  Tlieie  appear  to  have 
 been  at  least  three  ye;irs  in  use  with  the  Ks^yptians 
 before  the  Ifoman  domination,  the  Vague  Year,  the 
 Tropical  Year,  and  the  Sothic  Year ;  but  it  is  not 
 probable  that  more  than  two  ofthase  wore  employed 
 at  the  same  time.  Tiie  Vague  Year  confaineil  Mii') 
 days  without  aiiv  additional  fraction,  and  therefore 
 passed  through  all  the  seasons  in  al>out  I.'jOO  years. 
 It  was  both  used  for  civil  and  for  religious  purposes. 
 The  V^ague  Year  was  divided  into  twelve  months, 
 each  of  thiity  days,  with  five  additional  days,  after 
 the  twelfth.  The  months  were  assigned  to  thret' 
 seisons,  each  comprising  four  months,  c;\lied  le- 
 spectively  the  1st,  2nd,  3rd,  and  4th  of  those 
 seasons.  The  names  by  which  the  Egvptian  months 
 are  commonly  known,  Thoth,  Paophi,  &c.,  are 
 taken  from  the  divinities  to  which  they  were  sacred. 
 The  seasons  are  called,  according  to  our  rendering, 
 those  of  Vegetation,  Manifestation,  and  the  Waters 
 or  the  Inundation  :  the  exact  meaning  of  their  names 
 has  however  been  much  disputed.  They  evidently 
 refer  to  the  phenomena  of  a  Tropical  Year,  and  such 
 a  year  we  must  therefore  conclude  the  Egyptians 
 to  have  had,  at  least  in  a  remote  period  of  their 
 history.  The  Sothic  Year  was  a  supposed  sidereal 
 year  of  365j  days,  commencing  with  the  so-called 
 heliacal  rising  of  Sothis.  The  Vague  Year,  having 
 no  intercalation,  constantly  retreated  through  the 
 .Sothic  Year,  until  a  period  of  1461  years  of  the 
 former  kind,  and  14(i0  of  the  latter  had  elapsed, 
 from  one  coincidence  of  commencements  to  another. 
 The  Kgvj)tians  are  known  to  have  used  two  great 
 cycles,  the  Sothic  Cycle  and  the  Tropiad  Cycle. 
 The  fbmier  was  a  cycle  of  the  coincidence  of  the 
 Sothic  and  Vague  Years,  and  therefore  consisted  of 
 14H0  years  of  the  fonner  kind.  The  Tropical  Cycle 
 was  a  cycle  of  the  coincidence  of  the  Tropical  and 
 Vague  Yeai-s.  It  has  been  supposed  by  M.  I'.iot  to 
 have  a  duration  of  1505  years;  but  the  length  of 
 1500  Vague  Years  is  preferable.  The  monuments 
 make  mention  of  Panegyrical  Months,  which  can 
 only,  we  believe,  be  periods  of  thirty  years  each, 
 and  divisions  of  a  year  of  the  same  kind.— 2.  //I's- 
 torkal  Chronoloc/i/. — The  mateiials  for  historical 
 chronology  are  the  monuments  and  the  remains  of 
 the  histoiical  woik  of  Mauetho.  The  lemains  of 
 Manetlio's  historical  work  consist  of  a  list  of  the 
 l-^yptian  dynasties  and  two  considerable  fragments, 
 one  relating  to  the  Shepherds,  the  other  to  a  tale 
 of  the  Kxotius.  The  list  is  oidy  known  to  us  in  the 
 epitome  given  by  ,\tVicanus,  preserve<l  by  Syncellus, 
 and  that  given  by  Husebius.  These  present  such 
 great  differences  that  it  is  not  reasonable  to  hope 
 that  we  can  restore  a  correct  text.  The  series  of 
 dynasties  is  given  as  if  they  were  successive,  in 
 which  ca-se  the  commencement  of  the  fu'st  would  !« 
 jilaced  full  .'luOo  ji-jii*  u.C,  and  the  reign  of  the 
 king  who  built  the  (ire;it  Pyramid  4<i0o.  Thc>  mo- 
 numents do  not  wariant  so  extreme  an  antiquity, 
 and  the  great  majority  of  Kgyptologei-s  have  thcre- 
 
 EGYPT 
 
 fore  held  that  the  dynasties  were  partly  contemptr- 
 niry.  The  evidence  of  the  monuments  leads  to  the 
 same  conclusion.  Kings  who  unquestionably  l)eiong 
 to  different  dynasties  are  shown  by  them  to  \>e  con- 
 temporary. The  monuments  will  not,  in  oui 
 opinion,  justify  any  grejit  extension  of  the  period 
 assigned  to  the  (irst  seventeen  dynasties  fii.c.  2700- 
 1500).  The  last  date,  that  of  the  commencemeni 
 of  the  xviiith  dyua.sty,  cannot  be  changeil  more  than 
 a  few  years.  The  <late  of  the  beginning  of  the  1st 
 ilynasty,  which  we  are  dispose<l  to  place  a  little 
 Ijefore  n.C.  2700,  is  moie  doubtful,  but  a  concur- 
 rence of  astronomical  evidence  points  to  the  twenty- 
 eighth  century.  Some  have  suj>posed  a  mucli 
 gi-eater  antiquity  for  the  commencement  of  Kijvp- 
 tian  history.  Lepsius  places  the  accession  of  Meues 
 u.C.  3892,  ami  liunsen,  two  humlif"!  years  later. 
 Their  system  is  founded  upon  a  passage  in  the 
 chronological  work  of  Syncellus,  wiiich  assigns  .-i 
 •luration  of  3555  to  the  thirty  dynasties.  It  is  by 
 no  means  certain  that  this  numlier  is  given  on  the  au- 
 thority of  Manetho,  but  apart  from  this,  the  whole 
 statement  is  unmistakeably  not  from  the  true  Ma- 
 netho.^3.  Ilistorij. — That  Kgvpt  was  coloniseil  by 
 the  descendants  of  Noah  in  a  veiy  remote  age  is 
 shown  by  the  mention  of  the  migration  of  the 
 Philistines  from  Caphtor,  which  had  taken  place 
 before  the  arrival  of  Abniham  in  Palestine.  Before 
 this  migration  could  occur  the  Caphtorim  and  other 
 Mizraites  must  have  occupied  Kgypt  for  some  time. 
 A  remarkable  passage  points  to  a  knowletlge  of  the 
 date  at  which  an  ancient  city  of  Kgypt  was  foundetl. 
 The  evidence  of  the  Egyptians  as  to  the  primeval 
 history  of  their  race  and  country  i's  extremely  inde- 
 linite.  They  seem  to  have  separated  mankind  into 
 two  gi-eat  stocks,  and  each  of  these  again  into  two 
 branches,  for  they  appear  to  have  represented  them- 
 selves and  the  Negroes,  the  red  and  black  races, 
 as  the  children  of  the  god  Horus,  and  the  Shemites 
 and  Europeans,  the  yellow  and  white  races,  as  the 
 children  of  the  goddess  Pesht.  Tliej'  seem  therefore, 
 to  have  held  a  double  origin  of  the  sp)ecies.  The 
 absence  of  any  important  ti'aditional  period  is  veiy 
 remarkable  in  the  fragments  of  Egyptian  history. 
 These  commence  with  the  divine  dynasties,  and  piss 
 abruptly  to  the  human  dyniusties.  The  indications 
 are  of  a  sudden  change  of  seat,  and  the  settlement 
 in  Egypt  of  a  civilized  race,  which,  either  wishing 
 to  be  believed  autochthonous,  or  liaving  lost  all  ties 
 that  could  keep  up  the  traditions  of  its  first  dwell- 
 ing-place, tilled  up  the  commencement  of  its  history 
 with  materials  drawn  from  mythology.  There  is 
 no  trace  of  the  tradition  of  the  Deluge  which  is 
 found  in  almost  every  other  countiy  (>f  the  world. 
 The  jiriests  are  indeed  leportetl  to  have  told  Solon 
 when  he  spoke  of  one  deluge  that  many  had  occurred, 
 but  the  reference  is  more  likely  to  have  lieen  to 
 gi'eat  floods  of  the  Nile  than  to  any  extraordinary 
 catastrophes.  The  histoiy  of  the  dynasties  preced- 
 ing the  xviiith  is  not  told  by  any  continuous  series 
 of  monuments.  Except  those  of  the  ivth  and  xiith 
 dynasties  there  are  saircely  any  records  of  the  age 
 left  to  the  present  day,  and  thence  in  a  great  me-a- 
 sure  arises  the  difficulty  of  determining  the  chrono- 
 logy. From  the  time  of  Menea,  the  first  king, 
 until  the  Shepherd-invasion,  Egypt  seems  to  have 
 enjoyed  perfifct  tranquillity.  I>uriiig  this  age  tiic 
 Memphite  line  was  the  most  piwerful,  and  by  it, 
 iiiiiier  the  ivth  dynasty,  were  the  most  famoui^ 
 pyrauii'ls  rai>e<l.  The  Shepherds  were  t'oreigners  who 
 «\me  from  the  E;i.st.  and,  in  some  maiiiirr  MiikiiowD 
 
EGYPT 
 
 to  Manetho,  gained  the  lule  of  Egypt.  Those  whose 
 kings  composed  the  xvth  dynasty  were  the  fiist  and 
 most  important.  Tliey  appear  to  have  been  Phoe- 
 nicians. Most  probably  the  Pharaoh  of  Abraham 
 was  of  this  line.  The  period  of  Egyptian  history 
 to  which  the  Shepherd-invasion  should  be  assigned 
 is  a  point  of  dispute.  It  is  generally  placed  after 
 the  siith  dynasty,  for  it  is  argued  that  this  pow- 
 erful line  could  not  have  reigned  at  the  same  time 
 as  one  or  more  Shepherd-dynasties.  We  are  of 
 opinion  that  this  objection  is  not  valid,  and  that  the 
 Shepherd-invasion  was  anterior  to  the  xiith  dynasty. 
 The  rule  of  the  xiith  dynasty,  which  was  of  Thebans, 
 lasting  about  160  years,  was  a  period  of  prosperity 
 to  Egypt,  but  after  its  close  those  calamities  appear 
 to  have  occurred  which  made  the  Shepherds  hated 
 by  the  Egyptians.  During  the  inteival  to  the 
 xviiith  dyna>ty  there  seems  to  have  been  no  native 
 line  of  any  imjwrtance  but  that  of  the  Thebans, 
 and  more  than  one  Shepherd  dynasty  exercised  a 
 severe  rule  over  the  Egyptians. — We  must  here 
 notice  the  history  of  the  Israelites  in  Egypt  with 
 reference  to  the  dynasty  of  the  Pharaohs  who 
 favoured  them,  and  that  of  their  oppressors.  Ac- 
 cording to  the  scheme  of  Biblical  Chronology  \vhi(;h 
 we  believe  to  be  the  most  probable,  the  whole 
 sojouin  in  Egypt  would  belong  to  the  period  before 
 the  xviiith  dynasty.  The  Israelites  would  have 
 come  in  and  gone  forth  during  that  obscure  age  for 
 the  history  of  which  we  have  little  or  no  monu- 
 mental evidence.  This  would  explain  the  absence 
 of  any  positive  mention  of  them  on  the  Egyptian 
 monuments.  Since  the  Pharaoh  of  Joseph  must 
 have  been  a  jwwerful  ruler  and  held  Lower  Egypt, 
 tliere  can  be  no  question  that  he  was,  if  the  dates 
 be  correct,  a  shepherd  of  the  xvth  dynasty.  The 
 "new  king"  "which  knew  not  Joseph,"  is  gene- 
 rally thought  by  those  who  hold  with  us  as  to  the 
 previous  history,  to  have  been  an  Egyptian,  and 
 head  of  the  xviiith  dynasty.  It  seems  at  first  sight 
 extremely  probable  that  the  king  who  crushed,  if 
 he  did  not  expel  the  Shepherds,  would  be  the  first 
 oppressor  of  the  nation  wliich  they  protected.  If 
 we  conclude  that  the  Exodus  most  probably  occuiTed 
 before  the  xviiith  dynasty,  we  have  to  ascertain,  if 
 possible,  whether  the  Pharaohs  of  the  oppression 
 appear  to  have  been  Egyptians  or  Shejjherds.  The 
 change  of  policy  is  in  favour  of  their  having  been 
 Egyptians,  but  is  by  no  means  conclusive.  If  the 
 chronology  be  correct  we  can  only  decide  in  favour 
 of  the  Shepherds.  During  the  time  to  which  the 
 events  are  assigned  there  were  no  important  lines 
 but  the  Theban,  and  one  or  more  of  Shepherds. 
 Wanetho,  according  to  the  tiaiiscript  of  Africanus, 
 speaks  of  three  Shepherd-dynasties,  the  xvth,  xvith, 
 and  xviith,  the  last  of  wliich,  according  to  the  pre- 
 sent text,  was  of  Shepherds  and  Thebans,  but  this 
 is  probably  incorrect,  and  the  dynasty  should  rather 
 be  consideied  as  of  Shepherds  alone.  A  passage  in 
 Isaiah  (Hi.  4)  indicates  that  the  oppressor  was  an 
 Assyrian,  and  therefore  not  of  the  xvth  dynasty, 
 which,  according  to  Manetho,  in  the  epitomes,  was 
 of  Phoenicians,  and  opposed  to  the  Assyiians.  Among 
 the  names  of  kings  of  this  period  in  the  lioyal  Turin 
 Papyrus,  are  two  which  appear  to  be  Assyrian,  so 
 that  we  may  reasonably  suppose  that  some  of  the 
 foreign  nilers  were  of  that  race.  It  is  not  possible 
 at  present  to  decide  whether  they  wore  of  the  xvith 
 or  the  xviith  dynasty.  The  history  of  the  xviiith, 
 xjxth,  and  sxth  dynasties  is  that  of  the  Egyptian 
 empire.     Aahmes,    tiic  liead  of  the  firat  of  these 
 
 EGYPT 
 
 231 
 
 (B.C.  cir.  1525),  overthrew  the  power  of  the  Shep- 
 herds, and  probably  expelled  them.  Queen  Amen- 
 neml  and  Thothmes  II.  and  III.  are  the  earliest 
 sovereigns  of  whom  great  monuments  remain  in 
 the  temple  of  El-Karnak,  the  chief  sanctuary  of 
 Thebes.  The  last  of  these  rulers  was  a  great  foreign 
 conqueror,  and  reduced  Nineveh,  and  perhaps  Ba- 
 bylon also,  to  his  sway.  Amenoph  111.,  his  great- 
 grandson,  states  on  scarabaei,  struck  apparently  to 
 commemorate  his  marriage,  that  his  nortliern  boun- 
 dary was  in  Mesopotamia,  his  southern  in  Kara 
 (Choloe?)  The  head  of  the  xixth  ilyna-sty,  Sethee 
 I.,  or  Sethos,  B.C.  cii-.  1340,  waged  great  foreign 
 wars,  particularly  with  the  Hittites  of  the  valleyof 
 the  Orontes,  whose  capital  Ketesh,  situate  near 
 Emesa,  he  ciiptured.  His  son  liameses  II.  was  the 
 most  illustrious  of  the  Pharaohs.  If  he  did  not 
 exceed  all  others  in  foreign  conquests,  he  far  out- 
 shone them  in  the  grandeur  and  beauty  of  the 
 temples  with  which  he  adorned  Egypt  and  Nubia. 
 His  chief  campaign  was  against  the  Hittites  and  a 
 gieat  confederacy  they  had  formed.  I\Ienptah,  the 
 son  and  successor  of  Itameses  II.,  is  supposed  by 
 the  advocates  of  the  Rabbinical  date  of  the  Exodus 
 to  have  been  the  Pharaoh  in  whose  time  the  Israelites 
 went  out.  One  other  king  of  this  period  must  be 
 noticed,  Kameses  III.,  of  the  xxth  dynasty,  B.C.  cir. 
 1200,  whose  conquests,  recorded  on  the  walls  of  his 
 great  temple  of  Medeenet  Haboo  in  western  Thebes 
 seem  to  have  been  not  less  important  than  those  of 
 Pameses  II.  Under  his  successors  the  power  of 
 Egypt  evidently  declined,  and  towards  the  close 
 of  the  dynasty  the  country  seems  to  have  fallen  into 
 anarchy,  the  high-priests  of  Amen  having  usui-ped 
 regal  power  at  Thebes  and  a  Lower  Egyptian  dy- 
 nasty, the  xxist,  arisen  at  Tanis.  Proljably  the 
 Egyptian  princess  who  became  Solomon's  wife  was 
 a  daughter  of  a  late  king  of  the  Tanite  dynasty. 
 The  head  of  the  xxiind  dynasty,  Sheshonk  I.,  the 
 Shishak  of  the  Bible,  restored  the  unity  of  the  king- 
 dom, and  revived  the  credit  of  the  Egyptian  arms, 
 B.C.  cir.  990.  Probably  his  successor,  Osorkon  I., 
 is  the  Zerah  of  Scripture,  defeated  by  Asa.  Egypt 
 makes  no  figui-e  in  Asiatic  history  during  the  .xxiiird 
 and  xxivth  dynasties  :  under  the  xxvth  it  legained, 
 in  [lart  at  least,  its  ancient  importance.  This  was 
 an  Ethiopian  line,  the  warlike  sovereigns  of  which 
 strove  to  the  utmost  to  repel  the  onward  stride  of 
 Assyria.  So,  whom  we  aie  disposed  to  identify 
 with  Shebek  II.  or  Sebichus,  the  second  Ethiopian, 
 rather  than  with  Shebek  I.  or  Sabaco.  the  Hist, 
 made  an  alliance  with  Hoshea  the  last  king  of 
 Israel.  Tehrak  or  Tirhakah,  the  third  of  this 
 house,  advanced  against  Sennacherib  in  support  ol 
 Hezekiah.  After  this,  a  native  dynasty  again  occu- 
 pied the  throne,  the  sxvith,  of  Saite  kings.  Psam- 
 etek  I.  or  Psammetichus  I.  (B.C.  664},  who  ma}-  be 
 regarded  as  the  head  of  this  dynasty,  warred  in 
 Palestine,  and  took  Ashdod,  Azotus,  after  a  siege  of 
 twenty-nine  years.  Neku  or  Necho,  the  son  of 
 Psammetichus,  continued  the  war  in  the  East,  and 
 marched  along  the  coast  of  Palestine  to  attack 
 the  king  of  Assyria.  At  Jlegiddo  Josiah  encoun- 
 tered him  (B.C.  608-7),  notwithstiinding  the  re- 
 monstrance of  the  Egyptian  king,  which  is  very 
 illustrative  of  the  policy  of  the  Pharaohs  in  the 
 east  (2  Chr.  xxxv.  21),  no  less  than  is  his  lenient 
 conduct  after  the  defeat  and  death  of  the  king  of 
 Judah.  The  amny  of  Necho  was  after  a  short 
 space  routed  at  Carchemish  by  Nebuchadnezzar, 
 B.C.  600-4  (Jer.  xlvi.  2).     The  second  successor  of 
 
232 
 
 EGYPTIAN 
 
 Neclio,  Apiies,  or  I'lmiaoli-Hopliia,  sent  liis  aiiiiy 
 into  Palestine  to  the  aid  of  Zedekiali  (Jor.  xxxvii. 
 5,  7,  11  ),  so  that  the  siege  of  Jerusalem  was  raised 
 tor  a  time,  and  kindly  iei:eived  tlie  fugitives  from 
 the  Ciiptmed  city.  He  seems  to  have  lieen  after- 
 wards att;ii:ked  by  Nebuchadriezzar  in  his  own 
 I'oiintry.  There  is,  however,  no  cert<iin  account 
 of  a  complete  subjugation  of  Egypt  by  the  king  of 
 r>abylon.  Amasis,  the  successor  of  Apries,  had  a 
 long  and  prosperous  reign,  and  somewliat  restored 
 the  weiglit  of  Kgvpt  in  tlie  East.  But  the  new 
 power  of  Persia  was  to  prove  even  more  ten  ible  to 
 his  house  than  Babylon  had  been  to  the  house  of 
 Psammetichus,  and  the  son  of  Amasis  had  reigned 
 but  six  months  when  Canibyses  reduced  the  country 
 to  the  condition  of  a  province  of  his  empire  n.C.  525. 
 It  is  not  necess;iry  here  to  give  an  outline  of  the 
 sulisequent  history  of  Egypt.  Its  connexion  with 
 the  history  anil  literature  of  the  Jews  is  discussed 
 in  the  articles  on  the  Greek  kings  of  Egypt  [Pro- 
 
 LEliy]  and  Al.lOXANDRIA. 
 
 Egyptian,  Egyptians.  Natives  of  Egypt.  The 
 word  most  coninumly  rendereil  Egyptians  [3Jits- 
 raiin)  is  the  name  of  the  country,  and  might  be 
 apj)ropriately  so  tianslated  in  many  cases. 
 
 E'hi,  hrad  of  one  of  the  Benjamite  houses  accord- 
 ing to  the  li.st  in  Gen.  xlvi.  21.  He  seems  to  be 
 the  same  as  Ahi-ram  in  the  list  in  Num.  x.wi.  38, 
 and  if  so,  Akiram  is  ])robably  the  right  name,  as 
 the  family  weie  called  Ahin unites.     In  1  Chr.  viii. 
 
 1,  the  same  person  seems  to  be  called  Aliarah,  and 
 perhaps  also  Ahoali,  in  ver.  4,  Ahiah,  ver.  7,  and 
 Aher,  1  Chr.  vii.  12. 
 
 E'hud.  1,  Ehud,  the  son  of  Billian,  and  great- 
 grandson  of  Bi'njamin  the  Patriarch  (1  Chr.  vii. 
 10,  viii.  C).— 2.  Ehud,  the  sou  of  Gera  of  the  tribe 
 of  Benjair.in  IJudg.  iii.  15),  the  second  Judge  of  the 
 Israelites  (li.c.  13o6;.  In  the  Bible  lie  is  not  called 
 u  Judge  but  a  deliveiT-r  (1.  c):  so  Othniel  (Judg. 
 iii.  9)  and  all  the  Judges  (Neh.  ix.  27).  As  a 
 Benjamite  he  was  specially  chosen  to  destroy  Eglon, 
 who  had  established  himself  in  Jericho,  which  was 
 included  in  the  boundaiies  of  that  tribe.  He  was 
 very  strong,  and  left-handed.  So  A.  V.  ;  but  the 
 more  literal  rendering  is,  as  in  margin,  "shut  of 
 ids  right  hand."  The  words  are  diflerently  ren- 
 dered :  —  1.  left-handed,  and  unable  to  use  his  right ; 
 
 2.  using  his  left  hand  as  readily  as  his  right.  The 
 tiict  of  drawing  the  dagger  from  the  right  tliigh 
 (Judg.  iii.  21)  is  consistent  with  either  opinion. 
 
 Eker,  a  descendant  of  Judah  through  the  fa- 
 milies of  Hezion  and  Jeralimeel  (1  Chr.  ii.  27). 
 
 Ek rebel,  a  jtlace  named  in  Jud.  vii.  18  only, 
 iiplKirently  somewhere  in  the  hill  countiy  to  the 
 south-east  of  the  Plain  of  E.sdraelon  and  of  Dothain. 
 The  Syriac  reiiding  of  the  word  points  to  the  ])lace 
 Acrahhein,  mentioned  by  Eusel*ius  in  the  Onoiiuts- 
 ticon  as  the  capital  of  a  district  called  Acrabattine, 
 and  still  standing  as  Akrubi/i,  about  G  miles  south- 
 ciisf  of  Xabli'is. 
 
 Ek'ro&,  one  of  the  five  towns  belonging  to  tlie 
 lords  of  the  Philistines,  and  the  moot  northerly  of 
 the  five  (Josh.  xiii.  3).  Like  the  other  Philistine 
 cities  its  situation  was  in  the  lowlands,  it  (ell  to 
 the  lot  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  4a.  4ti ;  Judg.  i.  18), 
 ai'd  indeed  fonned  one  ot  the  landmarks  on  his  noith 
 border,  the  boundary  running  from  thence  to  the 
 sea  at  .lAri.VKKI,.  We  alter waids,  however,  find  it 
 hiei.tioned  among  the  cities  ot'  ll.ui  (Jush.  xix.  -43;. 
 I'.ilt  it  ir.atteicil  lilllr  to  whn-li  tiiU'  it  iioniinally 
 belonged,  for  before  the   uionaiiliy  it  wa.s  again  in 
 
 ELAM 
 
 j  full    possession  of  the   Philistines  (1   Sam.  v.  13' 
 
 ^'A/tir,  the  modern  representative  of  Ekron,  lies  at 
 about  5  miles  S.W.  of  Ramleh,  and  3  due  E.  of 
 
 j  Yehna,  on  the  northern  side  of  the  imporwnt  valley 
 
 I  Wadji  Surar.  In  tlie  Apocryjiha  it  ajipears  as 
 ACCARO.N  (1  iMacc.  X.  89,  only;,  bestowed  with  its 
 borders  by  Alexander  Balas  on  Jonathan  Macca- 
 baeus  as  a  reward  tor  his  services.  It  was  known 
 in  the  midille  ages  by  the  same  name. 
 
 j  Ek'ronites.  This  word  appeai-s  in  .losli.  xiii.  3, 
 and  1  .^am.  v.  10.  In  the  former  it  should  bcsin- 
 gidar-^— "  the  Ekronite." 
 
 j      E'la,   1  Esd.  ix.  27.     [Elam.] 
 
 El'adah,  a  descendant  of  Ephraim  through  Shu- 
 
 I  thelah  ( 1  Chr.  vii.  2U). 
 
 I  E'lah.  1.  The  .son  and  successor  of  Baasha,  king 
 of  Israel  ( 1  K.  xvi.  8-10)  ;  his  reign  lasted  tor  little 
 moie  than  a  year  (conip.  ver.  8  with  lU;.  He  was 
 killed,  while  drunk,  by  Zimii,  in  the  house  of  his 
 steward  .\isa,  who  was  prolialdy  a  confederate  in 
 the  plot.— 2.  Father  of  Hoshea,'  the  last  king  ot 
 Israel  (2  K.  xv.  30,  xvii.  1). 
 
 E'lah.  1.  One  of  the  dukes  of  Eilom  (Gen.  xxxvi. 
 41  ;  1  Chr.  i.  52  .—2.  Shimei  ben-IClah,  was  Solo- 
 mon's commissariat  otiicer  in  Bi'iijamin  (1  K.  iv. 
 18;.— 3.  A  son  of  Caleb  the  .son  of  Jephunneh 
 (1  Chr.  iv.  15  I— 4.  Son  of  Uzzi,  a  Benjamite  ( 1 
 Chr.  ix.  8),  and  one  of  the  chiefs  of  the  tribe  at  the 
 settlement  of  the  countrv. 
 
 El&h,  the  Valley  of  ( =  Valley  of  tlie  Tere- 
 bintli  ,  a  valley  in  uiot  ''by,"  as  the  A.  V.  has  it) 
 which  the  Israelites  were  encanijjed  against  the 
 Philistines  when  David  killed  Goliath  '  1  Sam.  xvii. 
 2,  19).  It  is  once  more  mentioned  in  the  same  con- 
 nexion (x.\i.  9).  We  have  only  the  most  general 
 indications  of  ifc?  position.  It  lay  somewhere  nea»' 
 Socoh  of  Judah,  and  Azekah,  and  was  neaier  Ekron 
 than  any  other  Philistine  town.  .So  much  mav  be 
 gathered  from  the  narrative  of  1  .Sain.  xvii.  Socoh 
 has  been  with  great  probability  identified  with 
 Suwei/ic'h,  near  to  Ileit  A'ctif,  some  14  miles  S.W. 
 of  Jerusalem,  on  the  road  to  licit  jibrin  and  (iaza. 
 The  village  stiuids  on  the  south  slopi'S  of  the  W'td;/ 
 es  Siimt,  or  valley  of  the  acncia.  There  seems  no 
 reason  to  doubt  that  this  is  the  N'alley  of  the  Te'e- 
 bintli.  It  has  changed  its  name  and  is  now  calleil 
 after  another  kind  of  tree,  but  the  teiebinth  appeai-s 
 to  be  plentiful  in  the  neighbourhood.  The  tradi- 
 tional "  Valley  of  the  Terebinth"  is  the  Wudi)  Beit 
 J/aiiina,  which  lies  about  4  miles  to  the  N.  W. 
 of  Jerusalem,  aiid  is  crossed  by  the  road  to  Ncbi 
 SaiH'dl. 
 
 Elam  seems  to  have  been  originally  the  name  of 
 a  man,  the  son  of  Shem  (Gen.  x.  22;  1  Chr.  i.  17). 
 Commonly,  however,  it  is  used  as  the  appcllatior. 
 of  a  country  (  !eii.  xiv.  1,  9 ;  Is.  xi.  11;  xxi. 
 2;  Jer.  xxv.  25;  xlix.  34-39;  Ez.  xxxii.  24;  I>an. 
 viii.  2).  The  Elam  of  .Si'ripture  a]>ix;ars  to  be  the 
 province  lying  south  of  Assyria  and  ea.st  of  Pel  sif. 
 Proper,  to  which  Herodotus  gives  the  name  of 
 Cissia  (iii.  91,  v.  49,  &c.),  and  which  is  termed 
 Susis  or  Susiiuia  by  the  geogmphei-s.  It  includes  a 
 jwrtion  of  the  mountainous  countiy  sc]>arating  be- 
 tween the  iMe.soj)0tamian  plain  and  the  high  t;d)le- 
 laiid  of  Iran,  together  with  a  fertile  and  valuable 
 low  tract  at  the  foot  of  the  range,  between  it  and 
 the  Tigris.  It  appi'ai-s  from  (ien.  x.  22,  that  tliia 
 countiy  w;us  originally  p'-opled  by  de.scendant:<  of 
 Shem,  closely  allie<l  to  the  Araiiiae.uis  (Syrians) 
 and  the  .\.s.syrians  ;  and  from  Gen.  .\iv.  1-12,  it  if 
 evident   that   by   the  time  of  .Abraham  a  very  inh 
 
ELAMITES 
 
 poilant  power  had  been  Ijuilt  up  in  tlie  same  region. 
 It  is  pluiu  that  at  tliis  early  time  the  ])redominant 
 power  iu  Lower  llosojiotamia  was  Ehini,  which  for 
 a  while  held  the  place  possessed  earlier  by  Babylon 
 (Gen.  X.  10),  and  later  by  either  Babylon  or  As- 
 syria. Discoveries  made  in  the  country  itself  con- 
 firm this  view.  The  Elamitic  empire  established 
 at  this  time  was,  liowever,  but  of  short  duration. 
 Towards  the  close  of  the  Assyrian  period  she  is 
 found  allied  with  Babylon  and  engaged  in  hostilities 
 with  Assyria ;  but  she  seems  to  have  declined  in 
 strength  after  the  Assyrian  empiie  was  destro_yed. 
 It  is  uncertain  at  what  time  the  Persians  added 
 Elam  to  their  empire.  Possibly  it  only  fell  under 
 their  dominion  together  w  ith  Babylon ;  but  there 
 is  some  reason  to  think  that  it  may  have  revolted 
 and  joinel  the  Persians  before  the  city  was  besieged 
 (see  Is.  x,\i.  2,  xxii.  6).  She  now  became  merged 
 in  the  Persian  empiie,  forming  a  distinct  satrapy. 
 Susa.  her  capital,  was  made  the  ordinary  residence 
 of  the  court,  and  tlie  metropolis  of  the  whole  em- 
 pire.—2.  A  Korhite  Levite,  fifth  sou  of  Meshele- 
 miah  ;  one  of  the  Bene-Asaph,  in  the  time  of  king 
 David  (1  Chr.  .\xvi.  3).— 3.  A  chief  man  of  the 
 tribe  of  Benjamin,  one  of  the  sous  of  Shishak  (1  Chr. 
 viii.  24j.— 4.  "  Children  of  Elam,"  to  the  number 
 of  V2b4^,  returned  with  Zerubbabel  from  Babylon 
 (Ezr.  ii.  7;  Neh.  vii.  12;  1  Esd.  v.  12),  and  a 
 further  detachment  of  71  men  with  Ezra  in  the 
 second  caravan  (Ezr.  viii.  7  ;  1  Esd.  viii.  33).  Elam 
 occurs  amongst  the  names  of  those,  the  chief  of  the 
 people,  who  signed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah 
 ( Nell.  X.  14). ^5,  In  the  same  lists  is  a  second 
 Elam,  whose  sons,  to  the  same  number  as  in  the 
 former  case,  returned  \vith  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  31 ; 
 Neh.  vii.  34),  and  which  for  the  sake  of  distinction 
 is  allied  "  the  other  Elim."^6.  One  of  the  priests 
 who  accompanied  Nehemiah  at  the  dedication  of  the 
 new  wall  of  Jerusalem  (Neh.  xii.  42), 
 
 E'lamites.  This  woixi  is  found  only  in  Ezr.  iv. 
 9  ;  and  is  omitted  in  that  place  by  the  Septuagint 
 writers,  who  probably  I'egarded  it  as  a  gloss  upon 
 "  Susaneliites,"  which  had  occurred  only  a  little 
 before.  The  Elamitfs  were  the  original  inhabitants 
 of  the  country  called  Elam  ;  they  were  descendants 
 ol'  Shem,  and  perhaps  drew  their  name  from  an 
 actual  man  Elam  (Gen.  x.  22).  In  Jud.  i.  6  the 
 name  is  given  in  the  Greek  form  as  Elymaeans. 
 
 El'asah.  1.  One  of  the  Bene-Pashur,  a  priest, 
 in  the  time  of  Ezra,  who  had  married  a  Gentile  wife 
 (Ezr.  X.  22). — 2.  Son  of  Shaphan  ;  one  of  the  two 
 men  who  were  sent  on  a  mission  by  King  Zedekiah 
 ♦o  Nebuchadnezzar  at  Babylon  (Jer.  xxix.  3). 
 
 E'lath,  E'loth,  the  name  of  a  town  of  the  land  of 
 Edoni,  commonly  mentioned  together  with  Ezion- 
 geber,  and  situate  at  the  head  of  the  Arabian  Gulf, 
 which  was  thence  called  the  Elanitic  Gulf  It  first  oc- 
 curs in  the  account  of  the  wanderings  (Deut.  ii.  8), 
 and  iu  later  times  must  have  come  under  the  rule  of 
 David  iu  his  conquest  of  the  land  of  Edom  (2  Sam. 
 viii.  14).  We  find  the  place  named  again  in  connexion 
 with  Solomon's  navy  (1  K.  ix.  26 ;  comp.  2  Chr.  viii. 
 17).  It  was  apparently  included  in  the  revolt  of 
 Edom  against  Joram  recorded  in  2  E.  viii.  20 ;  but 
 it  was  taken  by  Azariah  (xiv.  22).  After  this, 
 however,  "  Rezin  king  of  Syria  recovered  Elath, 
 and  drave  out  the  Jews  from  Elath,  and  the  Syrians 
 came  to  Elath  and  dwelt  there  to  this  day"  (xvi.  6). 
 From  this  time  the  place  is  not  mentioned  until  the 
 Roman  period,  during  which  it  became  a  frontier 
 town  of  the  south,  and  the  residence  of  a  Ch)-istian 
 
 ELDER 
 
 233 
 
 bishop.  The  Arabic  name  is  Eyleh.  Under  tne 
 rule  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans  it  lost  its  former 
 importance  ;  but  in  Mohammadan  times  it  again 
 became  a  place  of  some  note.  It  is  now  quite  in- 
 significant. 
 
 El-Betix'el,  the  name  which  Jacob  is  said  to  have 
 bestowed  on  the  place  at  which  God  appeared  to 
 him  when  he  was  Hying  from  Esau  (Gen.  xxv.  7). 
 
 El'cia,  one  of  the  forefathers  of  Judith,  and  there- 
 fore belonging  to  the  tribe  of  Simeon  (Jud.  viii.  1"). 
 
 El'daai  (Gen.  xxv.  4 ;  1  Chr.  i.  33),  the  last, 
 in  order,  of  the  sons  of  Midian.  No  satisfactory 
 trace  of  the  tribe  which  we  may  suppose  to  have 
 taken  the  appellation  has  yet  been  found. 
 
 El'dad  and  Me'dad,  two  of  the  70  elders  to 
 whom  was  communicated  the  prophetic  power  of 
 Moses  (Num.  xi.  16,  26).  Although  their  names 
 were  upon  the  list  which  Moses  had  drawn  up  (xi. 
 26),  they  did  not  repair  with  the  rest  of  their 
 brethren  to  the  tabernacle,  but  continued  to  pro- 
 phesy in  the  camp.  Moses  being  requested  by 
 Joshua  to  forbid  ihis,  refused  to  dc  so,  and  ex- 
 pressed a  wish  that  the  gift  of  prophecy  might  be 
 diffused  throughout  the  people.  The  mode  of  jno- 
 phecy  in  the  case  of  Eldad  and  Medad  was  probably 
 the  extempore  production  of  hymns,  chanted  forth 
 to  the  people  (Hammond):  comp.  the  ca§e  of  Saul, 
 1  Sam.  X.  11. 
 
 Elder.  The  tei-m  elder  or  old  man,  as  the  He- 
 brew literally  imports,  was  one  of  extensive  use,  as 
 an  official  title,  among  the  Hebrews  and  the  sur- 
 rounding nations.  It  had  reference  to  vai'ious  offices 
 (Gen.  xxiv.  2,  1.  7  ;  2  Sam.  xii.  17;  Ez.  xxvii.  9). 
 As  betokening  a  political  office,  it  applied  not  only 
 to  the  Hebrews,  but  also  to  the  Egyptians  (Gen. 
 1.  7),  the  Moabites  and  Midianites  (Num.  xxii.  7). 
 Wherever  a  patriarchal  system  is  in  force,  the  office 
 of  the  elder  will  be  found,  as  the  keystone  of  the 
 social  and  political  fabric;  it  is  so  at  the  present 
 day  among  the  Arabs,  where  the  Sheikh  (  =  the  old 
 man)  is  the  highest  authority  in  the  tribe.  The 
 earliest  notice  of  the  elders  acting  in  concert  as  a 
 political  body  is  at  the  time  of  the  Exodus.  They 
 were  the  representatives  of  the  ]ieople,  so  much  so 
 that  elders  and  people  are  occasionally  used  as 
 equivalent  terms  (comp.  Josh.  xxiv.  1  with  2,  19, 
 21 ;  1  Sam.  viii.  4  with  7,  10,  19).  Their  autho- 
 rity was  undefined,  and  extended  to  all  matters 
 concerning  the  public  weal.  When  the  tribes  be- 
 came settled  the  elders  were  distinguished  by  different 
 titles  according  as  they  were  acting  as  national  re- 
 presentatives, as  district  governors  over  the  several 
 tribes  (Deut.  xxxi.  28  ;  2  Sam.  xix.  11),  or  as  local 
 magistrates  in  the  provincial  towns,  whose  duty  it 
 was  to  sit  in  the  gate  and  administer  justice  (Deut. 
 xix.  12;  Ruth  iv.  9,  11  ;  1  K.  xxi.  8).  Their  number 
 and  influence  may  be  inferred  from  1  Sam.  x:;x. 
 26  IT.  They  retained  their  position  under  all  the 
 political  changes  which  the  Jews  underwent:  under 
 the  Judges  (Judg.  ii.  7  ;  1  Sam.  iv.  3);  under  the 
 kings  (2  Sam.  svii.  4) ;  during  the  captivity  (Jer. 
 xxix.  1;  Ez.  viii.  1);  subsequently  to  the  return 
 (Ezr.  V.  5,  vi.  7,  14,  x.  8,  14);  under  the  Mac- 
 cabees, wlion  they  were  described  sometimes  as  the 
 senate  (i.  Mace.  xii.  6  ;  2  Mace.  i.  10,  iv.  44,  xi.  27), 
 sometimes  by  their  ordinaiy  title  (1  Mace.  vii.  33 
 xi.  23,  xii.  35) ;  and,  lastly,  at  the  commencement 
 of  the  Christian  era,  when  they  are  noticed  as  a  dis- 
 tinct body  from  tlie  Sauhtdriin.  St.  Luke  describes 
 tlie  whole  order  by  the  collective  term  irpecr/Sii- 
 TTipiof  (Luke  xxii.  66;  Acts  xxii.  5).     [Bishop. 1 
 
234 
 
 ELEAD 
 
 B'ead,  a  dcsceiulant  of  Kplivaim  (1  Chr.  vii. 
 21  i. 
 
 Ele'aleh,  a  place  on  the  east  of  Jordan,  in  the 
 jiastoral  country,  taken  possession  of  and  rebuilt 
 by  the  tribe  ot  IJeuben  (Num.  xxxii.  3,  37).  By 
 Isaiah  and  Jeremiah  it  is  nientiniicd  as  a  Moabite 
 town  (Is.  XV.  4,  xvi.  9  ;  Jer.  xlviii.  3-4-).  The  ex- 
 tensive ruins  of  the  place  are  still  to  be  seen,  bear- 
 in;^  very  nearly  their  ancient  name,  h'l-A'al,  a 
 l.ttle  more  than  a  mile  N.  of  lle.shbon. 
 
 Ele'asa,  a  place  at  which  Jud;is  Macoabaeus  en- 
 ciiniped  before  the  fatal  battle  with  Bacchidcs,  in 
 which  he  lost  his  lite  (1  Mace.  ix.  5).  It  was  ap- 
 parently not  tar  from  Azotus  fconip.  15). 
 
 Ele'asah.  1.  tion  of  Helez,  one  of  the  de- 
 scendants of  Judah,  of  the  family  of  Hearon  (1 
 Chr.  ii.  39).— 2.  Son  of  liiipha,  or  Hephaiah  ;  a  de- 
 scendant of  Saul  through  Jonathan  and  Merib-b;ial 
 or  Mei)liiboslieth  (1  Chr.  viii.  37,  ix.  4,)). 
 
 Elea'zar.  L  Third  son  of  Aaron,  by  Elisheba, 
 daughter  of  Amminadab.  After  the  death  of  Nadab 
 and  Abihu  without  children  (Lev.  x.  1  ;  Num.  iii. 
 4),  Eleazar  was  appointed  chief  over  the  princii>al 
 Levites  (Num.  iii.  32j.  With  his  brother  Ithamar 
 he  ministered  as  a  priest  during  their  father's  lU'e- 
 time,  and  immediately  before  his  death  w;is  invested 
 on  Mount  Hor  with  the  sacred  garments,  as  the 
 successor  of  Aaron  in  the  office  of  High-priest  (Num. 
 XX.  28).  One  of  his  first  duties  was  in  conjunction 
 with  Moses  to  superintend  the  census  of  the  peo])le 
 (  Num.  xxvi.  3).  After  the  conquest  of  Canaan  by 
 Joshua  he  took  part  in  the  distribution  of  the  land 
 (Josh.  xiv.  1).  The  time  of  his  death  is  not  men- 
 tioned in  Scripture.^2.  The  son  of  Abinadab,  of 
 the  hill  of  Kiijath-jearim  (1  Sam.  vii.  1). — 3.  The 
 son  of  Dodo  the  Ahohite,  i.  e.  possibly  a  descendant 
 of  Ahoah  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  (1  Chr.  viii.  4)  ; 
 one  of  the  three  principal  mighty  men  of  David's 
 army  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  9  ;  1  Chr.  xi.  12).— 4.  A  Me- 
 rarite  Levite,  son  of  Mahli,  and  grandson  of  Merari 
 (1  Chr.  xxiii.  21,  22  ;  xxiv.  28;.— 6.  A  priest  who 
 took  part  in  the  feast  of  dedication  under  Nehemiah 
 (Neh.  xii.  42).— 6.  One  of  the  sons  of  Parosh  ;  an 
 Israelite  (t.  e.  a  layman)  wlio  had  manned  a  foreign 
 wife,  and  had  to  put  her  away  (Ezr.  x.  25  ;  1  Esdr. 
 ix.  2G).— 7.  Son  of  Phinehas  a  Levite  (Ezr.  viii. 
 33;  1  Esdr.  viii.  63).— 8.  Elkazar  surnamed 
 AVARAN  (1  Mace.  ii.  5).  The  fourth  son  ef  Mat- 
 tathias,  who  fell  by  a  noble  act  of  self-devotion  in 
 an  engagement  with  Antiochus  Eupator,  H.C.  164 
 (1  Mace.  vi.  43  if.).  In  a  former  battle  with  Ni- 
 canor,  Eleazar  wa.s  appointed  by  Judas  to  read 
 "  the  holy  book  "  Ijefore  the  attack,  an<t  the  watch- 
 word in  the  Hght — "  The  help  of  God  " — was  his 
 own  name  (2  Mace.  viii.  23).— 9.  A  distinguished 
 scribe  (2  Mace.  vi.  18)  of  gieat  age,  who  suiiieied 
 martyrdom  during  the  ))ersecution  of  Antiochus 
 Epii)hanes  (2  Mace.  vi.  18-31).— 10.  The  father  of 
 Jason,  ambassailor  from  Judas  JLnccabaeus  to  Kome 
 (\  Mace.  viii.  18).— 11.  The  son  of  Eliud,  in  the 
 g.'ii,>nl.ii;y  of  Ji-siis  Christ  (Matt.  i.  15). 
 
 Elcazu'rus,  (1  Ks-l.  ix.  24),  Elinshib4. 
 
 El-El'ohe-Is'rael,  the  name  bestowed  by  Jacob 
 on  the  alt.ir  which  he  ereited  facing  the  city  of 
 Shfihcm  ((jen.  xxxiii.  19,  2(i). 
 
 El'eph,  one  of  the  towns  allotted  to  Benjamin, 
 and  nanicd  next  to  Jenisak'ni  (Josh,  xviii.  28). 
 
 Elephant.  The  word  does  not  occur  in  the  text 
 of  the  canofiiral  Siiptines  of  A.  V.,  but  is  found 
 as  the  m.\iginal  reading  to  lic/icinuUi,  in  Job  xi.  15. 
 "  LlrplMiits'   tcclli"  is   tiie   miuginal   reading   for 
 
 ELIAB 
 
 "  ivory"  in  1  K.  x.  22;  2  Chr.  ix.  41.  Elephants 
 however  are  repeatedly  mentioned  in  the  Ist  and 
 2nd  books  of  Maccabees,  as  benig  used  iu  wai-fai-e 
 (1  Mace.  vi.). 
 
 Eleu'thems,  a  river  of  Syria  mentioned  in 
 1  Mace.  xi.  7 ;  xii.  30.  In  early  ages  it  was  a 
 noted  border  stream.  According  to  Strabo  it  sepa- 
 rated Syria  from  Phoenicia,  and  formed  the  northern 
 limit  of  Coele-syria.  Of  the  iilentity  of  the  Kleu- 
 therus  with  the  modern  Nahr-el-Kehir,  "  Gi-eat 
 Piver,"  there  ainnot  be  a  doubt.  Its  highest  source 
 is  at  the  north-eastern  btise  of  Lebanon  ;  it  sweeps 
 round  the  noithern  end  of  the  range,  through  the 
 opening  called  in  Scriptui-e  "  the  entrance  of  Ha- 
 math"  (Num.  xxxiv.  8)  ;  and  falls  into  the  Medi- 
 tenanean  about  18  miles  noith  of  Tripolis. 
 
 Elba'liail.  1.  A  distinguished  warrior  in  the 
 time  of  King  David,  who  performed  a  memoi-able 
 exploit  against  the  Philistines,  though  in  what  that 
 exploit  exactly  consisted,  and  who  the  hero  himself 
 was,  it  is  not  easy  to  determine. — {a.)  2  Sam.  xxi. 
 19  says  that  he  was  the  "son  of  Jaare  Oregim  the 
 Bethlehemite,"  and  that  he  "  slew  (ioliath  the  (iit- 
 tite,  the  staff  of  whose  spear  was  like  a  weavei's 
 beam."  Heie,  in  the  A.  V.  the  woi-ds  "the  bro- 
 ther of"  are  insertetl,  to  bring  the  passage  into 
 agreement  with, — (6.)  1  Chr.  xx.  5,  which  states 
 that  "  Elhanau  son  of  Jail-  for  Jaor)  slew  Lahnii 
 the  brother  of  (loliath  the  Gittite,  the  statlof  who.se 
 spear,"  &c.  Of  these  two  statements  the  latter  is 
 probably  the  more  correct — the  differences  between 
 them  being  much  smaller  in  the  oiiginal  than  in 
 English.— 2.  The  son  of  Dodo  of  Bethlehem,  one  of 
 ''  the  thirty"  of  Davids  guard,  and  named  first  on 
 the  list  (2  Sam.  x.xiii.  24  ;  1  Chr.  xi.  26). 
 
 E'li  was  descended  from  Aaron  through  Ithamar, 
 the  youngest  of  his  two  surviving  sons  (Lev.  x.  1, 
 2,  12;  comp.  1  K.  ii.  27  with  2  Sam.  viii.  17; 
 1  Chr.  xxiv.  3).  As  the  history  makes  no  mention 
 of  any  high-priest  of  the  line  of  ithamar  before 
 Eli,  he  is  generally  supposed  to  have  been  the  tii-st 
 of  that  line  who  held  the  otHce.  From  him,  his 
 sons  liaving  die<.l  belbre  him,  it  appeal's  to  have 
 p.T^sed  to  his  grandson,  Ahitub  (1  Sam.  xiv.  :!).  and 
 it  certainly  i-emained  in  his  family  till  Abiatfiar, 
 the  grandson  of  Ahitub,  was  "  tlirust  out  from 
 being  priest  unto  the  Lor<l  "  by  Solomon  for  his 
 share  iu  Adonijah's  lebellion  ( 1  K.  ii.  26,  27 ;  i.  7), 
 and  the  high-priesthood  i).Tssed  back  again  to  the 
 family  of  Ele;izar  in  the  person  of  Zadok  (1  K.  ii. 
 35).  Its  return  to  the  elder  branch  was  one  part 
 of  the  punishment  which  had  been  denounced  against 
 Eli  during  his  lifetime,  for  his  culpable  negligence 
 (1  Sam.  ii.  22-25)  when  his  sons  by  their  rajiacity 
 and  licentiousness  profaned  the  priesthood,  and 
 brought  the  rites  of  religion  into  abhorrence  among 
 the  jieople  (1  Sam.  ii.  27-36,  with  1  K.  ii.  27). 
 Notwithstanding  this  one  great  blemish,  the  cha- 
 racter of  Eli  is  m.-u-ked  by  eminent  piety,  as  shown 
 hj  his  meek  submission  to  the  divine  judgment 
 (I  Sam.  iii.  18),  and  his  supreme  regard  for  the 
 ark  of  G<xl  (iv.  18).  In  addition  to  the  ofUce  of 
 high-priest  he  held  that  of  juilge,  being  the  imme- 
 diate piedecessor  of  his  pupil  ."^amuel  (1  Sjim.  vii. 
 6,  l.''>-17),  tJie  last  of  tlie  judges.  He  died  at  the 
 .idvjuiceU  age  of  98  yeai-s  (1  .Sam.  iv.  15),  over- 
 come by  the  disastrous  intelligence  that  the  arJi  of 
 (!(>.|  hail  been  taken  in  Uitlle  by  the  Philistines, 
 who  had  also  shiin  his  sons  lIo|ihni  and  Pliinehjis. 
 
 Eli'ab.  1.  •''on  of  ilelon  and  Icailei-  of'  tlic  trilx! 
 ol'  Zeliulun  at  the  time  of'  the  census  in  the  wilder- 
 
ELIADA 
 
 nes6  of  Sinai  (Num.  i.  9,  ii.  7,  vii.  24,  29,  x.  16).— 
 2.  A  Heubenite,  son  of  Pallii  or  Phalla,  father  or 
 progenitor  of  Datlian  and  Abiram  (Num.  xxvi.  8, 
 9,  xvi.  1,  12;  Deut.  xi.  <3).— 3.  One  of  David' .s 
 brotliers,  tlie  eldest  of  the  family  (1  Chr.  ii.  13; 
 1  t^am.  xvi.  6,  xvii.  13,  28).  His  daughter  Abihail 
 married  her  second  cousin  Kehoboam,  and  boie  him 
 three  children  (2  Chr.  xi.  18)  ;  although  it  is  diffi- 
 cult not  to  suspect  that  the  word  "daughter"  is 
 here  used  in  the  less  strict  sense  of  granddaughter  or 
 descendant.— 4.  A  Levite  in  the  time  of  David,  who 
 was  both  a  "  porter "  and  a  musician  on  the 
 "  psaltery"  (1  Chr.  xv.  18,  20,  xvi.  5).— 5.  One 
 of  the  warlike  Gadite  leadeis  who  came  over  to 
 David  when  he  was  in  the  wilderness  taking  refuge 
 from  Saul  (1  Chr.  xii.  9). — 6.  An  ancestor  of  Sa- 
 muel the  Prophet;  a  Kohathite  Levite,  sou  of 
 Nahath  (1  Chr.  vi.  27).— 7.  Son  of  Nathanael,  one 
 of  the  forefathei-s  of  Judith,  and  therefore  belonging 
 to  the  tribe  of  Simeon  (Jud.  viii.  1). 
 
 Eliada.  1.  One  of  David's  sons ;  according  to 
 the  lists,  the  youngest  but  one  of  the  f;\mily  born 
 to  him  aftei-  his  establishment  in  Jerusalem  (2  Sam. 
 V.  16;  1  Chr.  iii.  8).  From  the  latter  passage  it 
 appears  that  he  was  the  son  of  a  wife  and  not  of  a 
 concubine.— 2.  A  mighty  man  of  war,  a  Benjamite, 
 who  led  200,000  of  his  tribe  to  the  army  of  Jeho- 
 shaphat  (2  Chr.  rvii.  17). 
 
 El'iadah.  Father  of  Rezon,  the  captain  of  a  ma- 
 rauding band  of  Zobah  which  annoyed  Solomon 
 (1  1\.  xi.  23). 
 El'iadas,  1  Esd.  ix.  28.     [Elioenai.] 
 El'iadun,    1  Esd.  v.  58.     Possibly  altered  from 
 Hknadau. 
 
 El'iah.  L  A  Benjamite ;  one  of  the  sons  of  Jero- 
 ham,  and  a  chief  man  of  the  tribe  (1  Chr.  viii. 
 27). ^2.  One  of  the  Bene-Elam  ;  an  Israelite  (i.  e. 
 a  layman)  in  the  times  of  Ezra,  who  had  married  a 
 foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  26). 
 
 Eli'ahba,  a  Shaalbonite,  one  of  the  Thirty  of 
 David's  guard  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  32;  1  Chr.  xi.  33). 
 
 Eli'akim.  1.  Son  of  Hilkiah ;  master  of  Heze- 
 kiah's  household  ("over  the  house,"  as  Is.  xxxvi. 
 3),  2  K.  xviii,  18,  26,  37.  He  succeeded  Shebna 
 in  this  office,  after  he  had  been  ejected  from  it  as  a 
 punishment  for  his  pride  (Is.  xxii,  15-20).  Eliakim 
 was  a  good  man,  as  appears  by  the  title  emphati- 
 cally applied  to  him  by  God,  "  my  servant  Eliakim  " 
 (Is.  xxii.  20),  and  as  was  evinced  by  his  conduct 
 on  the  occasion  of  Sennacherib's  invasion  (2  K. 
 xviii.  37,  six.  1-5),  and  also  in  the  discharge  of  the 
 duties  of  his  high  station,  in  which  he  acted  as  a 
 "father  to  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem,  and  to  the 
 house  of  Judah"  (Is.  xxii.  21).  It  was  a  special 
 mark  of  the  Divine  approbation  of  his  character  and 
 conduct,  of  which  however  no  further  details  have 
 been  preserved  to  us,  that  he  was  raised  to  the  post 
 of  authority  and  dignity  which  he  held  at  the  time 
 of  the  Assyrian  invasion.  What  this  office  was  has 
 been  a  subject  of  some  perplexity  to  commentators. 
 The  ancients,  including  the  LXX.  and  Jerome,  un- 
 derstood it  of  the  priestly  office.  But  it  is  certain 
 fiom  the  description  of  the  office  in  Is.  xxii.,  and 
 especially  from  the  expression  in  ver.  22,  that  it 
 was  the  King's  house,  and  not  the  House  of  God, 
 of  which  Eliakim  was  prefect.— 2.  The  original 
 name  of  Jehoiakim  king  of  Judah  (2  K.  xxiii.  34; 
 2  Chr.  xxxvi.  4). — 3.  A  priest  in  the  days  of  Ne- 
 hemiah,  who  assisted  at  the  dedi&itiou  of  the  new 
 wall  of  Jerusalem  (Neh.  xii.  41).— 4.  Eldest  son  of 
 .Abiud,  or  Judah  ;  brother  of  Joseph,   and  father 
 
 ELIEL 
 
 235 
 
 of  Azor  (Matt.  i.  13).— 5.  Son  of  Blelea,  and  father 
 of  Jonan  (Luke  iii.  30,  31). 
 
 Eli'ali,  1  Esd.  ix.  34.  [Binnui.] 
 Eriam.  1.  Father  of  Bathsheba,  the  wife  oi 
 David  (2  Sam.  xi.  3).  In  the  list  of  1  Chr.  iii.  5, 
 the  names  of  both  father  and  daughter  are  altered, 
 the  former  to  Amhiel  and  the  latter  to  Batii- 
 SHUA.— 2.  Son  of  Ahithophel  the.Gilonite  ;  one  of 
 David's  "  thirty  "  warriors  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  34).  The 
 name  is  omitted  in  the  list  of  1  Chr.  xi.,  but  is 
 now  probably  dimly  discernible  as  "  Ahijah  the 
 Pelonite."  The  ancient  Jewish  tradition  preserved 
 by  Jerome  is  that  the  two  Eliams  are  one  and  tht» 
 same  person. 
 Eliao'nias,  1  Esd.  viii.  31.  [Elihoenai.] 
 Eli'as,  the  form  in  which  the  name  of  Elijah 
 is  given  in  the  A.  V.  of  the  Apocrvpha  and  N 
 Test.:  Ecclus.  xlviii.  1,  4,  12;  1  Mace.  ii.  58; 
 Matt.  xi.  14,  xvi.  14,  xvii.  3,  4,  10,  11,  12,  xxvii 
 47,  49;  Mark  vi.  15,  viii.  28,  ix.  4,  5,  11,  12,  13, 
 XV.  35,  3G ;  Luke  i.  17,  iv.  25,  26,  ix.  8,  19,  30, 
 33,  54  ;  John  i.  21,  25 ;  Rom.  xi.  2  ;  James  v.  1 7. 
 In  Rom.  xi.  2,  the  reference  is  not  to  the  prophet, 
 but  to  the  portion  of  Scripture  designated  by  his 
 name,  the  words  being  "  in  Elias,"  not  as  in  A.  V. 
 "  of  Elias." 
 
 Eli'asaph.  1.  Son  of  Deuel ;  head  of  the  tribe 
 of  Dan  at  the  time  of  the  census  in  the  Wilderness 
 of  Sinai  (Num.  i.  14,  ii.  14,  vii.  42,  47,  x.  20).— 
 2.  Son  of  Lael ;  a  Levite,  and  ' '  chief  of  the  house 
 of  the  fiither  of  the  Gershonite  "  at  the  same  time 
 (Num.  iii.  24). 
 
 Eli'ashib.  1.  A  priest  in  the  time  of  King 
 David,  eleventh  in  the  order  of  the  "  governors  "  of 
 the  sanctuary  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  12).— 2.  A  son  of 
 Elioenai ;  one  of  the  latest  descendants  of  the  royal 
 family  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iii.  24).— 3.  High-priest 
 at  Jerusalem  at  the  time  of  the  rebuilding  of  the 
 walls  under  Nehemiah  (Neh.  iii.  1,  20,  21).  His 
 genealogy  is  given  in  xii.  10,  22,  23.-4.  A  singer 
 in  the  time  of  Ezra  who  had  maiTied  a  foreign  wife 
 (Ezr.  X.  24).— 5.  A  son  of  Zattu  (Ezr.  x.  27), 
 and— 6.  A  son  of  Baui  (x.  36),  both  of  whom  liad 
 trans2;ressed  in  the  same  manner. 
 
 EU'asis,  1  Esd.  ix.  34.  This  name  answers  to 
 Mattenai  in  Ezr.  s.  33  ;  but  is  probably  merely 
 a  repetition  of  Euasibos,  just  preceding  it. 
 
 Hi'athah,  one  of  the  sons  of  Heman,  a  musician 
 in  the  Temple  in  the  time  of  King  David  (1  Chr. 
 XXV.  4),  who  with  twelve  of  his  sons  and  brethren 
 had  the  twentieth  division  of  the  temple-service 
 (.xxv.  27). 
 
 El'idad,  son  of  Chislon  ;  the  man  chosen  to  re- 
 present the  tribe  of  Benjamin  in  the  division  of  the 
 land  of  Canaan  (Num.  xxxiv.  21). 
 
 E'liel.  1.  One  of  the  heads  of  the  tribe  of  Ma- 
 nasseh  on  the  east  of  Jordan  (1  Chr.  v.  24).^ 
 2.  Son  of  Toah  ;  a  forefather  of  Samuel  the  Prophet 
 (1  Chr.  vi.  34).— 3.  One  of  the  Beue-Shimhi ;  a 
 chief  man  in  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  '1  Chr.  viii. 
 20). — 4.  Like  the  preceding,  a  Benjamite,  but  be- 
 longing to  the  Bene-Shashak  (1  Chr   viii   22).- 
 
 5.  "  The  Mahavite  ;"  one  of  the  heroes  of  David's 
 guard  in  the  extended  list  of  1  Chr.  (xi,  46).— 
 
 6.  Another  of  the  same  guaid,  but  without  any 
 express  designation  (xi.  47).— 7.  One  of  the  Gadite 
 heroes  who  came  across  Jordan  to  David  when  he 
 was  in  the  wilderness  of  Judah  hiding  from  Saul 
 (1  Chr.  xii.  11).— 8.  A  Kohathite  Levite,  at  thi 
 time  of  the  transportvtion  of  the  Ark  from  the 
 House  of  Obed-edom  to  Jerusalem  (1  Chr.  xv.  £, 
 
2:5G 
 
 ELIENAI 
 
 1 1  ).^9.  A  F.cvite  iu  the  time  of  Hozekiali  ;  one  of 
 the  ovei seers  of  ihe  otfenngs  made  in  the  Temple 
 (•_'  Chr.  xxxi.  1:5). 
 
 Eliena'i,  one  of  the  Bene-Shimhi ;  a  descendant 
 of  15pn)amin,  and  a  chief  man  in  the  tribe  (1  Chr. 
 viii.  2(i). 
 
 Elie'zer.  1.  Abraham's  chief  servant,  called  by 
 liini,  as  the  passage  is  usually  translafeii,  "  Kliezer 
 of  Damascus,"  or  "that  Daniascene,  Kliezer"  (Gen. 
 XV.  \i).  There  is  a  contradiction  in  the  A.  V.,  for 
 it  does  not  appear  how,  if  he  was  "  of  Damascus," 
 he  could  be  "  bom  in  Abiaham's  house"  (ver.  3). 
 Dut  the  phrase  "  son  of  my  house,"  only  imports 
 that  he  was  one  of  Abraham's  household,  not  that 
 he  was  born  in  his  house.  In  the  preceding  verse, 
 "  the  stewai'd  of  my  house,"  &c.,  should  probably 
 be  rendered  "  the  son  of  possession,"  i.  e.  possessor 
 "  of  my  house,  shall  be  .  .  .  Eliezer."  It  was, 
 most  likely,  this  same  Eliezer  who  is  described  in 
 Gen.  xxiv.  •.'.—2.  Second  son  of  Moses  and  Zip- 
 jwrah,  to  w!iom  his  father  gave  this  name,  "  becaii>e, 
 said  he,  me  God  of  my  father  was  my  help,  that 
 delivered  me  from  the  sword  of  Pharaoh"  (Ex. 
 xviii.  4;  1  Chr.  xxiii.  15,  17).  He  leraained  with 
 his  mother  and  brother  Gei-shom,  in  the  care  of 
 Jethro  his  grandfather,  when  Moses  retumed  to 
 Egypt  (Ex.  iv.  18),  she  having  been  sent  back  to 
 her  father  by  Moses  (Ex.  xviii.  2),  though  she  set 
 off  to  accompany  him,  and  went  part  of  the  way 
 with  him.— 3.  One  of  the  sons  of  Becher,  the  son 
 of  Benjamin  (1  Chr.  vii.  8).— 4.  A  priest  in  the 
 reign  of  l)avid  (I  Chr.  xv.  24).— 6.  iSon  of  Zichri, 
 ruler  of  the  Heubenites  in  the  reign  of  David 
 (I  Chr.  xxvii.  16).— 6.  Son  of  Dodavah,  of  Ma- 
 reshah  in  Judah  (2  Chr.  xx.  37),  a  prophet,  who 
 rebuked  Jehoshapliat  for  joining  himself  with  Aha- 
 ziah  king  of  Israel.— 7.  A  chief  Israelite — a  "man 
 of  understanding " — whom  Ezra  sent  with  others 
 from  Ahava  to  Casiphia,  to  induce  some  I.evites 
 and  Nethinim  to  acconipanv  him  to  .Jerusalem 
 (Ezr.  viii.  16).— 8,  9,  10.  A  Priest,  a  Levite,  ami 
 an  Israelite  of  the  sdus  of  Harim,  who,  in  the  time 
 of  Ezra,  had  married  foreign  wives  (Kzr.  x.  18,  23, 
 31 ).— 11.  Son  of  Jorim,  in  the  genealogy  of  Christ 
 (Luke  ii.  '-'O). 
 
 Elihoena'i,  son  of  Zerahiab,  one  of  the  Bene- 
 Piiiiath-moab,  who  with  200  men  returned  fiom 
 the  ('n|ptivity  with  Ezra  (Ezr.  viii.  4). 
 
 Eliho'reph,  son  of  Shisha,  and  one  of  Solomon's 
 scribes  (IK.  iv.  3). 
 
 Eli  ha.  1.  One  of  the  interlocutors  in  the  book 
 of. lob.  He  is  drscribed  as  the  "son  of  Barachel 
 tiie  Buzite,"  and  thus  apparently  leferred  to  the 
 family  of  Buz,  the  son  of  Nahor,  and  m  jihew  of 
 .M)i;iliam  (Gen.  xxii.  21).— 2.  Son  of  Tohu  ;  n  fore- 
 father of  Samuel  the  Prophet  (1  Sam.  i.  1).— 3.  In 
 1  I  lir.  xxvii.  18,  Elihu  "  of  the  brethren  of  David" 
 is  mentioned  as  the  chief  of  the  tribe  of  Judah.— 
 4.  One  of  the  cjiptains  of  die  thousands  of  Ma- 
 n.vsch  (1  Chr.  xii.  20)  who  followed  David  to 
 Ziklag  after  he  had  left  the  Philistine  anny  on  the 
 eve  of  the  battle  of  (Jilboa,  a?id  who  assisted  him 
 against  the  marauding  band  of  the  .Amalekites 
 (conip.  1  .Sim.  x\x.).— 6.  A  Korhite  Levite  in  the 
 time  of  Divid  ;  one  of  the  doorkeepers  of  the  hou.se 
 of  Jehovah.  He  was  a  son  of  .^hemaiah,  and  of  the 
 lamily  of  Obed-eloin  f  1  Chr.  xxvi.  7). 
 
 Elijah.  1.  Ki.iJAii  Tin:  Tisiiiiitk  has  been 
 Well  iiititled  "  the  i;iaiidcsl  and  the  mo,st  romantic 
 vhaijicter  thai  Isniol  ever  produce"!."  Certainly 
 tliere  is  no  |ierM)nai;e  in  the  0.  T.  whase  caiBcr  i.'- 
 
 ELUAH 
 
 more  vividly  portr.iyed,  or  who  exercises  on  lis  a 
 more  lemarkable  fascination.  His  rare,  sudden,  and 
 biief  appearances — his  undaunted  courage  and  tiery 
 zeal — the  biilliancy  of  his  triumjihs — the  pathos  of 
 his  despondency — the  glory  of  his  dcpin-ture,  aiid  the 
 calm  beauty  of  his  i  eapjx'arance  on  the  Mount  of 
 Transfiguration — throw  such  a  halo  of  brightness 
 around  him  as  is  equalled  by  none  of  his  compeei-g 
 in  the  sacred  story.  The  ignorance  in  which  we 
 are  left  of  the  circumstnnces  and  antecedents  of  the 
 man  who  did  and  who  suflereii  so  much,  doubtless 
 contributes  to  enh.ance  our  interest  in  the  story  and 
 the  character.  "  Elijah  the  Tishbite  of  the  inha- 
 bitants of  Gilead,"  is  literally  all  that  is  given  us 
 to  know  of  his  parentage  and  locality.  To  on 
 Israelite  of  the  tiibes  west  of  Jordan  the  title  "  Gi- 
 leadite"  must  have  conveyed  a  similar  inipiession, 
 though  in  a  far  stronger  degree,  to  that  wliic-h  the 
 title  "  Celt"  does  to  us.  What  the  Highlands  were 
 a  century  ago  to  the  towns  in  the  Lowlands  of  Scot- 
 land, that,  and  more  than  that,  must  Gilead  have 
 been  to  Samaria  or  Jerusjdem.  One  of  the  mo.st 
 famous  heroes  in  the  early  annals  of  Israel  was 
 ''  Jephth.ah  the  Gileadite,"  in  whom  all  these  cha- 
 racteristics were  prominent;  and  Profe.s.sor  Stanley 
 has  well  remarked  how  im]ios,-.ible  it  is  rightly  to 
 estimate  his  character  without  recollecting  this  tiict. 
 With  Elijah,  of  whom  so  much  is  told,  .and  whose 
 part  in  the  histoiy  was  .so  much  more  imjwrt-uit 
 this  is  still  more  necessary.  It  is  seen  at  every 
 turn.  Of  his  appearance  as  he  "stood  befoie" 
 Ahab,  with  the  suddenness  of  motion  to  this  day 
 characteristic  of  the  Bedouins  from  his  native  hills, 
 we  can  perh-Tjis  realise  something  from  the  touches, 
 few,  but  strong,  of  the  narrative.  Of  his  height 
 little  is  to  be  infeiTed  ;  that  little  is  in  favour  of  its 
 being  beyond  the  ordinary  size.  His  chief  charac- 
 teristic was  his  hair,  long  and  thick,  ami  hanging 
 down  his  back  ;  which,  if  not  betokening  the 
 immense  strength  of  Samson,  yet  accompanii>d 
 powers  of  endurance  no  less  remarkable.  His  ordi- 
 nary clothing  consisted  of  a  girdle  of  .skin  round 
 his  loins,  which  he  tightened  when  about  to  move 
 quickly  (1  K.  xviii.  46 1.  But  in  addition  to  this 
 he  occasionally  wore  the  "  mantle,"  or  cipe,  of 
 sheep-skin,  which  has  supplied  us  with  one  of  our 
 most  familiar  figures  of  sjieech.  In  this  mantle, 
 in  moments  of  emotion,  he  would  hide  his  fai« 
 (IK.  xix.  13),  or  when  e,\cited  would  roll  it  up  as 
 into  a  kind  of  staff.  On  one  occasion  we  find  him 
 bending  himself  down  upon  the  ground  with  his 
 face  between  his  knees.  The  soliUiiy  life  iu  which 
 these  external  peculiarities  h.ad  been  assiinie<l  had 
 also  nurtured  that  fierceness  of  zeal  and  that  direct- 
 ness of  address  which  so  distinguished  him.  It  was 
 ii  the  wild  loneliness  of  the  hills  and  ravines  of 
 'iilead  that  the  knowledge  of  Jehov.ah,  the  living 
 <i(id  of  Israel,  h.ad  been  impresswl  on  his  mind, 
 which  was  to  form  the  subject  of  his  mission  to  the 
 i'ldl.atrous  court  .and  country  of  Israel.  The  northern 
 kinL;<lom  li.id  at  this  time  forsaken  almost  entirely 
 the  faith  in  Jehovah.  The  worship  of  the  calves 
 hail  been  a  departure  from  Him,  it  '..ns  a  violation 
 of  His  command  against  material  resemblances;  but 
 still  it  would  appear  that  even  in  the  jiie.sence  of 
 the  calves  Jehovah  was  acknowletlged,  and  they 
 were  at  any  rate  a  national  institution,  not  one  ini- 
 jwited  from  the  idol.atries  of  any  of  the  suniouniling 
 countries.  But  the  case  was  quite  diflerent  when 
 .Ahal)  iutiixluool  the  I'oreign  religion  of  his  wife'" 
 liuiiily,  the  worshi])  of  the  Phoenician  l>aal.     It  is 
 
ELIJAH 
 
 as  a  witness  a<;aiiist  these  two  evils  that  Elijah 
 comes  tbrwanl.  —  1.  Wliat  we  may  CiiU  the  first 
 Act  iu  his  lite  embraces  between  three  and  four 
 yeai-s — three  yeais  and  six  months  for  the  duration 
 of  the  drought,  according  to  the  statements  of  the 
 New  Testur.ent  (Luke  iv.  25;  James  v.  17),  and 
 '.'u-ee  or  four  months  more  for  the  journey  to 
 Iloreb,  and  the  return  to  (5ilead  (1  K.  xvii.  1 — 
 xix.  21).  His  introduction  is  of  the  most  startling 
 description:  he  suddeidy  apjiears  before  Ahab,  as 
 with  the  unrestiained  freedom  of  eastern  manners 
 he  would  have  nodilliculty  in  doing,  and  proclaims 
 ihe  vengeance  of  Jeliovah  for  the  apostasy  of  tlie 
 king.  What  inmicdiate  action  followed  on  this  we 
 are  not  told ;  but  it  is  plain  that  Elijah  had  to  fly 
 before  some  threatened  vengeance  cither  of  the  king, 
 or  more  piobably  of  the  queen  (comp.  .^ix.  2).  Per- 
 haps it  was  at  this  juncture  that  Jezebel  "  cut  off 
 the  prophets  of  Jehovah  "  ( 1  K.  xviii.  4).  He  was 
 directed  to  the  biook  Cherith.  There  in  the  hollow 
 of  the  torrent-bed  he  ienr;iined,  supported  in  the 
 miraculous  manner  \Vith  which  we  are  all  familiar, 
 till  the  failing  of  the  brook  obliged  him  to  forsake 
 it.  His  next  refuge  was  at  Zarephath,  a  Phoenician 
 town  lying  between  Tyre  and  ."Sidon,  certainly  the 
 last  place  at  which  the  enemy  of  Baal  would  be 
 looked  for.  The  widow  woman  iu  whose  house  he 
 lived  seems,  however,  to  have  been  an  Israelite,  and 
 no  Baal-woi'shipper,  if  we  may  take  her  adjuration 
 by  "  Jehovah  thy  Ood "  as  an  indication.  Here 
 Elijah  performed  the  miracles  of  prolonging  the  oil 
 and  the  meal ;  and  restored  the  son  of  the  widow  to 
 life  after  his  apparent  death.  In  this,  or  some 
 other  retreat,  an  interval  of  more  than  two  yeais 
 must  have  elapsed.  The  drought  continued,  and  at 
 last  the  full  norrors  of  famine,  caused  by  the  failure 
 of  the  ci-ops,  descended  on  Samaria.  The  king  and 
 his  chief  domestic  ollicer  divided  between  them  the 
 mournful  duty  of  ascertaining  that  neither  round 
 the  springs,  which  are  so  frequent  a  feature  ot 
 central  Palestine,  nor  in  the  nooks  and  crannies 
 of  the  mobt  shaded  torrent-beds,  was  there  any  of 
 tile  herbage  left,  which  in  those  countries  is  so  cer- 
 tain an  indication  of  the  presence  of  moisture.  It 
 is  the  nivyOient  fbi'  the  reappearance  of  the  prophet. 
 He  shows  himself  fiist  to  the  minister.  There, 
 suddenly  planted  in  his  path,  is  the  man  whom  he 
 and  his  master  have  been  seeking  for  more  than 
 three  years.  Before  the  sudden  apparition  of  that 
 wild  figure,  and  that  stern,  unbroken  countenance, 
 Obadiah  could  not  but  fall  on  his  face.  Elijah, 
 however,  soon  calms  his  agitation — "  As  Jehovah 
 of  ho^ts  liveth,  before  whom  1  stand,  I  will  surely 
 show  myself  to  Ahab  ;"  and  thus  relieved  of  his  fear 
 tliat,  as  on  a  former  occasion,  Elijah  would  dis- 
 appear before  he  could  return  with  the  king,  Oba- 
 diah depaits  to  inform  Ahab  that  the  man  they 
 seek  is  there.  Ahab-arnved,  Elijah  makes  his  chaige 
 — "  Thou  hast  forsaken  Jehovah  and  followed  the 
 Baals."  He  then  commands  that  all  Isiael  be  col- 
 lected to  Mount  Carmel  with  the  four  hundred  and 
 fifty  prophets  of  Baal,  and  the  four  hundred  of 
 Asherah  (Ashtarolh),  the  latter  being  under  the 
 especial  protection  of  the  queen.  Theie  are  few 
 more  sublime  stories  iu  history  than  this.  On  the 
 one  hand  the  solitary  servant  of  Jehovah,  accom- 
 panied Dy  his  one  attend;int ;  with  his  wild  shaggy 
 hair,  his  scanty  garb  and  sheepskin  cloak,  but  with 
 adm  dignity  of  demeanour  and  the  minutest  regu- 
 larity of  proceduie,  repairing  the  ruined  altar  of 
 Jehflv.-.h  with   twelve  stones, — on  the  oth^r  hand 
 
 ELIJAH 
 
 237 
 
 the  850  prophets  of  Ba;d  and  Ashtaroth,  doubtless 
 in  all  the  splendour  of  their  vestments  (2  K.  x. 
 22),  with  the  wild  din  of  their  vain  repetitions  and 
 the  maddened  fury  of  their  disa].pointed  hopes, 
 and  the  silent;  peojde  suiTounding  all.  The  conclu- 
 sion of  the  long  day  need  only  be  glanced  at.  The 
 fire  of  Jehovah  consuming  both  sacrifice  and  altar — 
 the  prophets  of  Baal  killed,  it  would  seem  by 
 Elijah's  own  band  (xviii.  40) — the  king,  with  an 
 apathy  almost  unintelligible,  eating  and  drinking  in 
 the  very  nlid^t  of  the  carnage  of  his  own  adherents 
 — the  rising  storm — the  ride  across  the  plain  to  Jez- 
 reel,  a  distance  of  at  least  16  miles;  the  prophet, 
 with  true  Arab  endurance,  running  before  the  cha- 
 riot, but  also  with  ti-ue  Arab  instinct  stopping  short 
 of  the  city,  and  going  no  fuither  than  the  "  entrance 
 of  Jezreel."  So  far  the  triumph  had  been  com- 
 plete ;  but  the  spirit  of  Jezebel  was  not  to  be  so 
 easily  overcome,  and  her  firet  act  is  a  vow  ot 
 vengeance  against  the  author  of  this  destruction. 
 Elijah  takes  refuge  in  flight.  The  danger  was  great, 
 and  the  refuge  must  be  distant.  The  first  sfcige 
 on  the  journey  was  Beersheba.  Here  Elijah  halted. 
 Hib  servaut  he  left  in  the  town ;  while  he  himself 
 set  out  aione  into  the  wilderness.  His  spirit  is 
 quite  broken,  and  he  wanders  forth  over  the  djeary 
 sweeps  of  those  rocky  hills  wishing  for  death.  But 
 God,  who  had  brought  His  servant  into  this  diffi- 
 culty, provided  him  with  the  means  of  escaping 
 from  it.  The  prophet  was  wakened  from  his  dream 
 of  despondency  beneath  the  solitary  bush  of  the 
 wilderness,  was  fed  with  the  bread  and  the  water 
 which  to  this  day  are  all  a  Bedouin's  requirements, 
 and  went  forward,  in  the  stiength  of  that  food,  a 
 journey  of  forty  days  to  the  mount  of  God,  even  to 
 Horeb.  Here,  in  the  cave,  one  of  the  numerous 
 caverns  in  those  awful  mountains,  he  remained  for 
 certainly  one  night.  In  the  morning  came  the 
 "  word  of  Jehovah  " — the  question,  "  what  doest 
 thou  here,  Elijah  "  ?  In  answer  to  this  invit;ition 
 the  Prophet  opens  his  griefs.  The  reply  comes  in 
 that  ambiguous  and  indirect  form  in  which  it  seems 
 necessiuy  that  the  deepest  communications  with  the 
 human  mind  should  be  couched,  to  be  effectual. 
 He  is  directed  to  leave  the  cavern  and  stand  on  the 
 mountain  in  the  open  aii-,  face  to  face  with  Jehovah. 
 Then,  as  before  with  Moses  (Ex.  xxxiv.  6),  "  The 
 Lord  pa.-sed  by,"  passed  in  all  the  terror  of  His 
 most  appalling  manifestjitions ;  and  penetrating  the 
 dead  silence  which  followed  these,  came  the  myste- 
 rious symbol — the  "  still  small  voice,"  and  still  as 
 it  was  it  spoke  in  louder  accents  to  the  wounded 
 heart  of  Elijah  than  the  roar  and  blaze  which  had 
 preceded  it.  To  him  no  less  unmistakeably  than 
 to  Jloses,  centuries  before,  it  was  proclaimed  that 
 Jehovah  was  "  merciful  and  gracious,  long-sutfering 
 and  abundant  in  goodness  and  truth."  Elijah  knew 
 the  call,  and  at  once  stepping  forwaid  and  hiding 
 his  face  in  his  mantle,  stood  waiting  for  the  Divine 
 communication.  Three  commands  were  laid  on 
 him — three  changes  weie  to  be  made.  Of  these 
 three  commands  the  two  first  were  reserved  for 
 Elisha  to  accomplish,  the  last  only  was  executed  by 
 Elijah  himself.  His  first  se;uxh  was  for  Eli^lla. 
 Apparently  he  soon  found  him ;  we  must  conclude 
 at  his  native  place,  Abel-meholah.  Elisha  was 
 ploughing  at  the  time,  and  Elijah  "  passed  over  to 
 him  " — possibly  crossed  the  river — and  c;ist  his 
 mantle,  the  well-known  sheejiskin  cloak,  upon  him. 
 as  if,  by  that  familiar  action,  claiming  him  tor  his 
 SOD.      A    moment   of  hesitation,   and   then    ctai 
 
233 
 
 ELUAH 
 
 menced  that  Ions;  period  of  sen'ice  and  intei-coufse 
 which  continued  till  Elijali's  removal,  and  wliich 
 after  that  time  procured  for  Elisha  one  of  the  best 
 titles  to  esteem  and  reverence—"  Elisha  the  son  of 
 Shaphat,  who  poured  water  on  the  hands  of  Elijah." 
 — 2.  Ahab  and  Jezebel  now  protably  believed  that 
 their  threats  had  been  eflectual,  and  that  they  had 
 ieen  the  last  of  their  toimentor.  After  the  murder  of 
 Kaboth,  Ahab  loses  no  time  in  entering  on  his  new 
 iuxjuisition.  lUit  his  triumph  was  a  shoil  one. 
 Ehjah  had  received  an  intimation  from  Jehovah  of 
 what  was  taking  jilace,  and  raindly  as  the  accusa- 
 tion and  death  of  Naboth  had  been  huiTied  over, 
 he  was  there  to  meet  his  ancient  enemy  on  the 
 very  scene  of  his  crime.  And  then  follows  the 
 curse,  in  terms  fearful  to  any  Oriental — peculiarly 
 terrible  to  a  Jew — and  most  of  all  significant  to  a 
 successor  of  the  apostate  princes  of  the  noithein 
 kingdom.  The  whole  of  Elijah's  denunciation  may 
 ))ossiblv  be  recorei'el  by  putting  tocjether  the  words 
 recalled  by  Jehu,  2  K.  i.\.  2G^  36,  37,  and  those 
 given  in  1  K.  .\.\i.  19-2.5. — 3.  A  sjKice  of  thiee  or 
 four  years  now  elapses  (coinp.  1  K.  .\xii.  1,  51  ;  2  K. 
 i.  17)  before  we  again  catch  a  glimpse  of  Elijah. 
 Ahaziah  has  met  with  a  fatal  accident,  and  is  on 
 his  death-bed  (2  K.  i.  1,  2  ;  1  K.  xxii.  51).  In  his 
 extremity  he  sends  to  an  oracle  or  slu'ine  of  Baal  at 
 the  riiilistine  town  of  Ekron,  to  ascertain  the  issue 
 of  his  illness.  But  the  oracle  is  nearer  at  hand 
 than  the  distant  Ekron.  An  intimation  is  conveyed 
 to  the  jirophet,  probably  at  that  time  inhabiting 
 one  of  the  leccsses  of  Carmcl,  and,  as  on  the  former 
 occa-sions,  he  sudilenly  appears  on  the  j>Mthofthe 
 messengei-s,  without  pieface  or  inquiiy  utters  his 
 message  of  death,  and  as  rapidly  dis;i])pears.  But 
 this  check  only  roused  the  wrath  of  Ahaziah.  A 
 captain  was  de>])atched,  with  a  ])arty  of  fifty,  to 
 lake  Elijah  prisoner.  "  And  there  came  down  fire 
 from  heaven  and  consumed  him  and  his  fifty."  A 
 second  party  was  sent,  only  to  meet  the  siune  fiite. 
 The  altered  tone  of  the  leader  of  a  third  party 
 brought  Elijah  down.  But  the  king  gained  no- 
 thing. The  message  was  delivered  to  his  face  in 
 the  .same  words  as  it  had  been  to  the  mcssengoi-s, 
 and  Elijah  was  allowed  to  go  haimless. — 4.  It  must 
 have  been  .sliortly  after  the  death  of  Ahaziah  that 
 Elijah  made  a  comniiniication  with  the  southern 
 kingdom.  When  Jehoram  tiie  son  of  Jehoshaphat 
 began  "  to  walk  in  the  ways  of  the  kings  of  Israel," 
 Elijah  sent  him  a  letter  denouncing  his  evil  doings, 
 and  predicting  his  death  (2  Chr.  xxi.  12-15).  In 
 its  contents  the  letter  bears  a  strong  lesemblauce 
 to  the  .s]>eeches  of  Elijah,  while  in  the  det;iils  of 
 style  it  is  very  ])eculiar,  and  quite  dilTeient  from 
 the  narrative  in  wliich  it  is  imbeddeil. — 5.  The 
 closing  transaction  of  Elijah's  life  introduces  us  to 
 a  locality  heretofore  unconnected  with  him.  It  was 
 at  (;il,GAl> — probably  on  the  western  edge  of  the 
 hills  of  Ephraim — that  the  prophet  received  the  di- 
 vine intimation  that  his  <lepaiture  was  at  hand. 
 He  w.as  at  the  time  with  Elisha,  who  seems  now  to 
 have  become  his  constant  companion,  and  whom  he 
 endeavours  to  pci-suade  to  remain  behind  while  he 
 goes  on  an  einvnd  of  Jehov.ah.  But  Elisha  will 
 not  so  easily  give  up  his  m;Lster.  They  went  to- 
 gether to  Bethel.  Again  Elijah  attempts  to  escape 
 to  .lericho,  and  ag:<in  lliislia  protots  that  he  will 
 not  be  separafeil  from  him.  At  Jciicho  he  makes  a 
 final  elTort  to  avoiil  what  they  l>oth  so  much  dreail. 
 But  Elisha  is  not  to  lie  con(|iicred,  and  the  two  set 
 (itlacrow  the  undulating  plain  of  »urnin<^'  sand,  to 
 
 ELIOENAI 
 
 the  distant  liver, — Elijah  in  his  mantle  or  cajie  of 
 sheep-skin,  Elisha  in  ordinary  clothes.  Fiftv  men 
 of  the  sons  of  the  jirophets  ascend  the  abrupt  heights 
 behind  the  town  to  w.atch  what  ha|if)ens  in  the 
 distance.  Talking  as  they  go,  the  two  reach  the 
 river,  and  stand  on  the  shelving  b.ank  beside  its 
 swift  brown  current.  But  they  are  not  to  stop 
 even  here.  It  is  as  if  the  aged  Gile-.ulitc  cannot 
 rest  till  he  again  sets  foot  on  his  own  side  of  th> 
 river.  He  rolls  u])  his  mantle  as  into  a  staf?',  ana 
 with  his  ol«i  energy  strikes  the  waters  as  Moses  h.ad 
 done  before  him, — strikes  them  as  if  they  were  an 
 enemy;  and  they  aie  divided  hither  and  thither, 
 and  they  two  go  over  on  diy  giound.  "  And  il 
 came  to  pass  as  they  still  went  on  and  talketl,  that, 
 behold,  a  chariot  of  fire  and  hoi-ses  of  Hre,  and 
 parted  tliem  both  asunder,  and  Elijah  went  up  bv 
 the  whirlwind  into  the  skies." — .\nd  here  ends  all 
 the  direct  infoimation  which  is  vouchsafed  to  us  ot 
 the  life  and  work  of  this  great  Prophet.  How 
 deep  was  the  impression  wliich  he  made  on  the 
 mind  of  the  nation  may  he  judged  of  from  the  fixed 
 belief  which  many  centuries  after  jncvailal  that 
 Elijah  would  again  apjwar  for  the  relief  and  lestora- 
 tioii  of  his  country.  But  on  the  other  liand,  the 
 deep  impression  which  Elijah  h.ad  thus  made  on  his 
 nation  only  renders  moie  lemarkable  the  deiiailuie 
 which  the  image  conveyed  by  the  later  reteiences 
 to  him  evinces,  from  that  so  sharjily  presented  in 
 the  lecords  of  his  actual  life.  With  the  exception 
 of  the  eulogiiims  contained  in  the  luatiilogues  of 
 worthies  in  the  book  of  .Jesus  the  son  of  Sinich 
 (xlviii.)  and  1  Mace.  ii.  58,  and  the  jvi-ssing  allu- 
 sion in  Luke  ix.  54,  none  of  these  later  references 
 allude  to  his  works  of  destruction  or  of  jioitent. 
 They  all  set  forth  a  very  dillieient  side  of  his  <-ha- 
 racter  to  that  brought  out  in  the  historical  narra- 
 tive. They  speak  of  his  being  a  man  of  like  jiassioiis 
 with  ourselves  (James  v.  17);  of  his  kindness  to 
 the  widow  of  Sarepfa  (Luke  iv.  25) ;  of  his  "  re- 
 storing all  things"  (Matt.  xvii.  11);  "turning  the 
 hearts  of  the  fathere  to  the  chililren,  and  the  dis- 
 obedient to  the  wisdom  of  the  just"  (Mai.  iv.  5, 
 6  ;  Luke  i.  17). ^2.  A  priest  of  the  sons  of  Harim, 
 who  had  married  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  21). 
 
 El'ika,  a  Ilarodite,  one  of  David's  guaixi  (2  Sam. 
 xxiii.  ';',")). 
 
 E'lim  (Ex.  XV.  27  ;  Num.  xxxiii.  9),  the  second 
 station  where  the  Israelites  encamped  after  crossinsj 
 the  Kcd  Sea.  It  is  distinguished  as  having  had 
 "  twelve  wells  (rather  '  fountains  ')  of  water,  and 
 threescore  and  ten  palm-trees."  Laborde  supixisi-d 
 Wad;/  Useit  io  be  Elim,  the  second  of  four  wadys 
 lying  between  29°  7', and  29°  20',  which  descend  from 
 the  i-aiige  of  et-Tih  (here  nearly  parallel  to  the  shore), 
 towards  the  sea.  Dean  .Stanley  says  "  Elim  must  lie 
 GhurinicU'l,  Uscit, or  Taii/iheh."  Lepsiust;ikes  .another 
 view,  that  l^lim  is  to  be  found  in  W.  Shnheikeh. 
 
 Eliiu'elech,  a  man  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  and  of 
 the  family  of'  the  Hezronites,  who  dwelt  in  Beth- 
 lehem-Eiihrafah  in  the  d.ivs  of  the  Judges.  In  con- 
 sequence of  a  great  dearth  in  the  land  he  went  witn 
 his  wife  Naomi,  and  his  two  sons,  Malilon  and 
 Chilion,  to  dwell  in  Moab,  where  lie  and  his  sons 
 died  without  posterity  (  Kuth  i.  2,  3,  &c.). 
 
 Eli061ia'i.  1.  Eldest  son  of  Neaiiah,  the  son 
 of  .Sjiemaiah  (1  Chr.  iii.  23,  24).— 2.  Head  of  a 
 family  of  the  Simeonites  (1  Chr.  iv.  ^Co.^S.  Head 
 of  one  of  the  families  of  the  .sons  of  Becher,  the  son 
 of  Benjamin  ( 1  Chr.  vii.  8).— 4.  Seventh  son  of 
 M*>shelemiah,    the    son    of   Kora    of   the    Fon»   o) 
 
ELIONAS 
 
 Asa])h,  a  Korliite  Levite,  and  one  of  the  doorkeepers 
 of  the  "house  of  Jehovah"  (1  Chr.  xjcvi.  3).— 
 5.  A  pviest  of  the  sons  of  Pashiir,  in  the  days  of 
 Ezra,  one  of  those  who  had  maiTied  foreign  wives 
 (Kzr.  X.  22).  He  is  possibly  the  same  as— 6.  who 
 is  mentioned  in  Neh.  xii.  41,  as  one  of  the  priests 
 who  accompanied  Nehemiah  with  trumpets  at  the 
 dedication  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem.— 7.  An  Israelite, 
 of  the  sous  of  Zattu,  who  had  also  married  a  foreign 
 wife  (p:zr.  x.  27). 
 
 Elio'nas.  1.  1  Esd.  is.  22.  [Elioenai,  5.]— 
 2.   1  Esd.  ix.  32.     [Eliezer,  10.] 
 
 El'iphal,  son  of  Ur,  one  of  David's  guard 
 (I  Chr.  xi.  35).     [Elipiielet,  3.] 
 
 Eliphal'at,  1  Esd.  ix.  33.    [Elu'helet,  6.] 
 
 Eliphal'et.  1.  The  last  of  the  thirteen  sons 
 born  to  David,  after  his  establishment  in  Jeru- 
 .<alen)  (2  Sam.  v.  16 ;  1  Chr.  siv.  7).  [ELirmc- 
 li:t,  2  ] — 2.   1  Esdr.  viii.  39.     [Eliphelet,  5.] 
 
 Eriphaz.  1.  The  son  of  P^sau  and  Adah,  and 
 (lither  of  Temun  (Oen.  xxxvi.  4;  1  Chr.  i.  35,  36). 
 —2.  The  ciiief  of  the  "  three  friends"  of  Job.  He 
 is  tailed  "  the  Temanite  ;"  hence  it  is  naturally  in- 
 teired  that  he  was  a  descendant  of  Teman.  On 
 him  foils  the  main  burden  of  the  argument,  that 
 God's  retiibutiou  in  this  world  is  jierfect  and  certain, 
 and  that  consequently  suffering  must  be  a  proof  of 
 pievious  sin  (Job  iv.  v.  xv.  xxii.).  The  great  truth 
 brought  out  by  him  is  the  unapproachable  majesty 
 ami  puiity  of  God  (iv.  12-21,  xv.  12-16). 
 
 Eliph'eleh,  a  Jlerarite  Levite;  one  of  the  gate- 
 keepers ajipointed  by  David  to  play  on  the  harp 
 "  on  the  >heminith  "  on  the  occasion  of  bringing  up 
 the  Ark  to  the  city  of  David  (1  Chr.  xv.  18,  21). 
 
 Eliphd'et.  1.  The  name  of  a  son  of  David, 
 one  of  the  children  born  to  him  after  his  establish- 
 ment in  Jerusalem  (1  Chr.  iii.  6). ^2.  Another  son 
 of  David,  belonging  also  to  the  Jerusalem  flmiily, 
 and  apparently  the  last  of  his  sons  (1  Chr.  iii.  8). 
 —3.  Son  of  Ahasbai,  son  of  the  Maachathite.  One 
 of  the  thirty  warriois  of  David's  guard  (2  Sam. 
 xxiii.  34). -^4.  Son  of  Eshek,  a  descendant  of  king 
 Said  through  Jonathan  i^l  Chr.  viii.  39). — 5.  One 
 of  the  leaders  of  the  Bene-Adonikam,  who  returned 
 from  Babylon  with  Ezra  (Ezr.  viii.  13).— 6.  A 
 man  of  the  Bene-H;Lshum  in  the  time  of  Ezra  who 
 had  married  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  33). 
 
 Elis'abeth,  the  wife  of  Zacharias  and  mother  of 
 John  the  Baptist.  She  was  herself  of  the  priestly 
 family,  and  a  lelation  (Luke  i.  36)  of  the  mother 
 iif  our  I.oid. 
 
 Elise'us,  the  form  in  which  the  name  Elisha 
 appeals  in  the  A.  V.  of  the  Apocrypha  and  the 
 iN.  T.  (Ecdus.  xlviii.  12  ;  Luke  iv.  27). 
 
 Eli'sha,  son  of  Shaphat  of  Abel-meholah.  The 
 attendant  and  disciple  of  Elijah,  and  subsequently 
 his  successor  as  prophet  of  the  kingdom  of  Israel, 
 The  earliest  mention  of  his  name  is  in  the  com- 
 mand to  Elijah  in  the  cave  at  Horeb  (I  K.  xix.  16, 
 17).  But  our  first  intrnduction  to  the  future  pro- 
 phet is  in  the  fields  of  his  native  place.  Abel-me- 
 holah was  probably  in  the  valley  of  the  Jordan. 
 Elijah,  on  his  way  from  Sinai  to  Damascus  by  the 
 Joidan  valley,  lights  on  his  successor  engaged  in 
 the  labours  of  the  field.  To  cross  to  him,  to  thiow 
 over  his  shoulders  the  rough  mantle — a  token  at 
 once  of  investiture  with  the  prophet's  ollice,  and 
 of  adoption  as  a  son — was  to  Elijah  but  the  work  of 
 an  instant,  and  the  prophei,  stiode  on  as  if  what  he 
 had  done  weie  nothing — "  Go  back  again,  for  what 
 have   I  done  unto  thee?"     Elisha  w;is  not  a  man 
 
 ELISHA 
 
 239 
 
 who,  having  put  his  hand  to  the  plough,  was  likely 
 to  look  back  ;  he  delayed  merely  to  give  the  fare- 
 well kiss  to  his  father  and  mother,  and  preside  at  a 
 parting  feast  with  his  people,  and  then  followed 
 the  great  prophet  on  his  northward  road.  Seven 
 or  eight  years  must  have  passed  between  the  call 
 of  Elisha  and  the  removal  of  his  master,  and  during 
 the  whole  of  that  time  we  hear  nothing  of  him. 
 But  when  that  period  had  elapsed  he  reappears,  to 
 become  the  most  prominent  figure  in  the  historv 
 of  his  country  during  the  rest  of  his  long  life.  In 
 almost  every  respect  Elisha  presents  the  most  com- 
 plete contrast  to  Elijah.  The  copious  collection  of 
 his  sayings  and  doings  which  are  preserved  fi-om  the 
 3rd  to  the  9th  chapter  of  the  2nd  book  of  Kings, 
 though  in  many  respects  deficient  in  that  remark- 
 able vividness  which  we  have  noticed  in  the  records 
 of  Elijah,  is  yet  full  of  testimonies  to  this  contrast. 
 Elijah  was  a  true  Bedouin  child  of  the  desert.  The 
 clefts  of  the  Cherith,  the  wild  shrubs  of  the  desert, 
 the  cave  at  Horeb,  the  top  of  Carmel,  were  his 
 haunts  and  his  lesting-places.  If  he  enters  a  city, 
 it  is  only  to  deliver  his  message  of  fire  and  be  o-one. 
 Elisha,  on  the  other  hand,  is  a  civilised  man,  an  in- 
 habitant of  cities.  And  as  with  his  manners  so 
 with  his  appearance.  The  touches  of  the  narrative 
 are  very  slight,  but  we  can  gather  that  his  dress 
 was  the  ordinary  garment  of  an  Isiaelite,  the  beged, 
 probably  similar  in  form  to  the  long  abbeyeh  of  the 
 modem  Syrians  (2  K.  ii.  12),  that  his  hair  was 
 worn  trimmed  behind,  in  contrast  to  the  disordeied 
 locks  of  Elijah  (ii.  23,  as  explained  below),  and  that 
 he  used  a  walking-staff  (iv.  29)  of  the  kind  ordin- 
 arily carried  by  grave  or  aged  citizens  (Zech. 
 viii.  4).  If  from  these  external  peculiarities  wc 
 turn  to  the  internal  characteristics  of  the  two,  and 
 to  the  results  which  they  produced  on  their  con- 
 temporaries, the  differences  which  they  present  are 
 highly  instructive.  In  consideiing  these  differences 
 the  fact  must  not  be  lost  sight  of  that,  notwith- 
 standing their  gieater  extent  and  greater  detail,  the 
 notices  of  Elisha  really  convey  a  much  more  im- 
 perfect idea  of  the  man  than  those  of  Elijah.  The 
 prophets  of  the  nation  of  Israel — both  the  prede- 
 cessors of  Elisha,  like  Samuel  and  Elijah,  and  hit 
 successors,  like  Isaiah  and  Jeremiah — are  repre- 
 sented to  us  as  pieachers  of  righteousness,  or  cham- 
 pions of  Jehovah  against  false  gods,  or  judges  and 
 deliverers  of  their  country,  or  counsellor  of  their 
 sovereign  in  times  of  peril  and  difficulty.  Their 
 miracles  and  wonderful  acts  are  introduced  as 
 means  towaids  these  ends,  and  are  kept  in  tho  most 
 complete  subordination  theieto.  But  with  Elisha, 
 as  he  is  pictured  in  these  narratives,  the  case  is 
 completely  reversed.  With  him  the  miiacles  are 
 everything,  the  prophet's  work  nothing.  The  man 
 who  was  for  years  the  intimate  <-orapanion  of  Elijah, 
 on  whom  Elijah's  mantle  descended,  and  who  was 
 gifted  with  a  double  portion  of  his  spirit,  appears 
 in  these  records  chiefly  as  a  worker  of  prodigies,  a 
 predicter  of  future  events,  a  revealer  of  seciet<,  and 
 things  happening  out  of  sight  or  at  a  distance.  The 
 ttill  of  Elisha  seems  to  have  taken  place  about  four 
 years  before  the  death  of  Ahab.  He  died  in  the 
 reign  of  Joash,  the  grandson  of  Jehu.  This  em- 
 braces a  period  of  not  less  th;m  65  years,  for  cei- 
 tainly  55  of  which  he  held  the  office  of  "  prophet 
 in  Isi-ael"  (2  K.  v.  8).— After  the  departure  of  his 
 master,  Elisha  returned  to  dwell  at  Jericho  (2  K. 
 ii.  18).  The  town  had  bpen  lately  rebuilt  (IK. 
 xvi.  34),  and  was  the  residence  of  a  body  of  the 
 
2-10 
 
 ELISHA 
 
 '•sons  of  the  prophets"  (2  K.  ii.  5,  l.")).     No  one 
 who  has  visitoil  the  site  of  Jerioho  can  forgot  how 
 prominent  a  feature  in  the  scene  are  the  two  jxtcu- 
 nial  springs  which  rise  at  the  base  of  the  steep  liills 
 ofCJiiarantania  behind  the  town.     One  of  the  springs 
 was  noxious  at  the  time  of  Klisha's  visit.     At  the 
 request  of  the  men  of  Jericiio  he  remedied  tliis  evil. 
 He  took  salt  in  a  new  vessel,  and  cast  it  into  the 
 water  at  its  source  in  the  name  of  Jehovah.     From 
 the  time  of  .losephiis  to  the  present,   the  tradition 
 of  the  cure  has  been  attached  to  the  larcje  spring 
 N.W.  of  the  pre.sent  town,  which  now  be;irs,  pro- 
 bably in  reterence  to  some  later  event,  the  name  of 
 Ain    cs-Snlldn. — '2.   We   next   meet    with    Elisha 
 at  Bethel,  in  the  heait  of  the  country,  on  his  wav 
 from  Jericho  to  Mount  Carmel  (2  K.ii.  2:J).     Hi's 
 last  visit  had  been  made  in  company  with  Elijah 
 on   their  roail  down   to  the   Joidan  (ii.  2).     the 
 road  to  the  town  winds  up  the  dtfile  of  the  W'Uhi 
 Suirtiitit.     Here  the  boys  of  the  town  were  clus- 
 tered, waiting,  as  they  .still  wait  at  the  entrance  of 
 the  villages  of  Palestine,  for  the  chance  passer-bv. 
 Jn  the  .short-tiimrned  locks  of  Elisha,  how  were  they 
 to  recognise    the    successor   of  the  piophet,  with 
 whose  .snaggy  hair  streaming   over   his  shoulders 
 they  were  ail  familiar?     So  with  the  license  of  the 
 Eastern  children  they  scotf  at  the  new  comer  as  he 
 walks    by — "(Jo   up,   roundhead!   go   uji,   round- 
 head ! "     For  once  Elisha  assumed  the  sternness  of 
 his  mastei-.    He  tnined  upon  them  Mn\  cursed  them 
 in  the  name  of  Jehovah,  and  we  all  know  the  cnt.i- 
 stioi>lie  which  followed. — 3.   Elisha  extricates  Je- 
 horam  king  of  Israel,  and  the  kings  of  Judah  and 
 Edom,  from  theii- difficulty  in  the  campaign  against 
 Jloab,  arising  from  want  of  water  (iii.  4-27).    'I'his 
 incident  probably  took  place  at  the  S.E.  end  of  the 
 Dead  Sea. — 4-.  The  widow  of  one  of  the  sons  of 
 the  projihets  is  in  debt,  and  her  two  sons  are  about 
 to  be  taken  trom  her  and  sold  as  slaves,     .^he  has 
 no  property  but  a  pot  of  oil.     This  Elisha  causes 
 (in  his  absence,  iv.  .">)  to  multiply,  until  the  widow 
 has  filled  with   it  all  the  vessels  which  she  could 
 Iwrrow. — 5.  The  next  occurrence  is  at  Shunem  and 
 Mount  Carmel  (iv.  8-37).     The  story  divides  itself 
 into  two  parts,  >eparated  from  each  other  by  sevend 
 years,     (a.)   Elisha,  piobably  on  his  way  between 
 Carmel  and  the  Jordan  valley,  calls  acciilentally  at 
 Shunem.     Here  he  is  hospitably  entertained  by  a 
 woman  of  substance,  apparently  at  that  time  igno- 
 rant of  the  character  of  her  guest.     There  is   no 
 0(c;ision  heie  to  quote  the  details  of  this  channins; 
 narrative.     (6.)  An  interval  hiis  elapsed  of  sevenil 
 years.     The  boy  is  now  old  enough  to  accompany 
 his  father  to  the  corn-field,  where  the  harvest  is 
 proceeding.     The  tierce  rays  of  the  morning  sun 
 arc  too  powerful  for  him,  and  he  is  rarried  home  to 
 his  motlier  only  to  die  at  noon.     She  says  nothing 
 of  their  loss   to  her  husband,  but  depositing  her 
 child  on  the  l)ed  of  the  man  of  God,  at  once  starts 
 in  quest  of  him  to  Mount  Carmel.     .No  explanation 
 is  needed  to  tell  Elisha  the  exact  state  of  the  case. 
 The  heat  of  the  season   will  allow  of  no  delay  in 
 taking  the   neces.s;ny  steps,  and  fiehazi  is  at  once 
 despatched  to  run  back  to  Shunem  with  the  utmost 
 h])ei}<\.      He  takes  the  prophet's  walking-stalf  in  his 
 hand  which  he  is  to  lay  on  the  face  of  the  child. 
 'I'he  mother  mid    Elisha   follow  in    haste.      Before 
 they  reach  the  village  the  sun  of  that  long,  anxious, 
 sninmer  afternoon   must  hav  set      Celiazi   meets 
 them   on  the   road,  but  he  has  no  reassuring  report 
 to  give,  the  j)lacing  of  the  staff  on  the  face"  of  the 
 
 ELISHA 
 
 desul  boy  iiad  called  forth  no  sign  of  life.  Then 
 Elisha  entei-s  the  house,  goes  up  to  his  own  chamber, 
 "  and  he  shut  the  door  on  them  twain,  and  praved 
 unto  Jehovah."     The  child  is  restored   to  life. — 
 
 6.  The  scene  now  changes  to  Gilgal,  apparently 
 at  a  time  when  Elisha  w.is  residing  tiieie  (iv, 
 38— +1).  The  sons  of  the  prophets  are  sittiiig 
 round  him.  It  is  a  time  of  fainiue.  The  fooil 
 of  the  party  must  consist  of  any  herbs  that  can 
 be  found.  The  great  caldron  is  put  on  at  the 
 command  of  Elisha,  and  one  of  the  comi>;iny  brings 
 his  blanket  full  of  such  wild  vegetables  as  he  has 
 collected,  and  empties  it  into  the  iKjttage.  But  no 
 sooner  have  they  begun  tiieir  meal  than  the  t.aste 
 betrays  the  presence  of  some  noxious  herb,  and  thtv 
 cry  out,  "  there  is  death  in  the  pot,  oh  man  of 
 God !"  In  this  ca.se  the  cure  was  etiixited  by  meal 
 which  Elisha  cast  into  the  stew  in  the  caldron. — 
 
 7.  (iv.  42-44).  This  in  .all  jirobability  belongs  to 
 the  same  time,  and  also  to  the  s.anie  jiiace  as  the 
 preceding.  A  man  from  Haal-.slialisha  brings  the 
 man  of  God  a  present  of  the  fii-st-fruits,  which 
 under  the  law  (.Num.  xviii.  8,  12;  l)eut.  xviii. 
 3,  4)  were  tlie  prquisiie  of  the  ministers  of  the 
 sanctuary.— 8.  The  s'mple  records  of  these  domestic 
 incidents  amongst  the  sons  of  the  prophets  are  now 
 interrupted  by  an  occiirience  of  a  more  important 
 character  (v.  1-27).  The  chief  captain  of  the  army 
 of  .Syiia,  to  whom  his  countiy  was  indebted  for 
 some  signal  success,  wiis  ailliited  with  le|>rosy 
 (v.  27).  One  of  the  menibois  of  his  establishment 
 is  an  Israelite  girl,  kitlnapped  by  the  marauders  of 
 Syria  in  one  of  their  forays  over  the  bolder,  and 
 she  brings  into  that  Syrian  household  the  fame  of 
 the  name  and  skill  of  Elisha.  The  news  is  com- 
 municxnted  by  N.naman  himself  to  the  king.  Ben- 
 hadad  had  yet  to  learn  the  position  and  chai'acter 
 of  Elisha.  He  writes  to  the  king  of  Israel  a  letter 
 very  characteristic  of  a  military  prince.  With  this 
 letter,  and  with  a  present,  and  a  full  retinue  of 
 attendants  (13,  15,  23),  Naaman  pioceeils  to  S;i- 
 maria,  to  the  house  of  Elisha.  Elisha  still  keejis  in 
 the  background,  and  while  Xaamaii  stands  at  the 
 doorway,  contents  himself  with  sending  out  a  mes- 
 senger with  the  simple  direction  to  bathe  seven 
 times  in  the  Jordan.  The  independent  behaviour 
 of  the  piophet,  and  the  simplicity  of  the  prescrip- 
 tion all  combineil  to  enrage  Xaaman.  His  slaves, 
 however,  knew  how  to  de<il  with  the  quick  but  not 
 ungenerous  temper  of  their  miuster,  and  the  result 
 is  that  he  goes  down  to  the  .(ordan  and  dips  himself 
 seven  times,  "and  his  (lesli  came  again  like  the 
 tiesh  of  a  little  child,  and  he  was  cKnu."  His  first 
 Imsiness  after  his  cure  is  to  thank  his  benefactor. 
 He  returns  with  his  whole  following,  and  this  time 
 he  will  not  be  denied  the  presence  of  Elisha,  but 
 making  his  way  in,  and  standing  before  him,  he 
 gratefully  acknowledges  the  jiower  of  the  God  of 
 Israel,  and  entreats  him  to  accejit  the  present 
 which  he  h.is  brought  from  Oamascus.  Elisha  is 
 film,  and  refuses  the  oli'er,  though  repeated  with 
 the  strongest  .-idjuration.  But  (Jchiizi  ciinnot  allow 
 such  treasures  thus  to  esaipe  him.  So  he  framea 
 a  storv  by  which  the  generous  K.Timan  is  m.ide  to 
 send  back  with  him  to  Klislia's  house  a  considerable 
 present  in  money  and  clothes.  He  then  went  in 
 and  stood  before  his  m.xster  as  if  nothing  had  liaji- 
 pened.  But  the  prophet  was  not  to  be  so  deceived. 
 His  heait  had  gone  alter  his  servant  through  the 
 whole  trans.action,  even  to  its  minutest  details,  and 
 he  visits  Gehaz-  with  the  tremeiidons  punishmenf 
 
ELISHA 
 
 of  the  leprosy,  from  which  he  has  just  voheved 
 Na-nman. — 9.  (vi.  1-7).  We  now  return  to  the 
 son;:,  of  the  prophets,  luit  tliis  time  the  scene  appears 
 to  be  changed,  and  is  probably  at  Jericho,  and 
 during  the  residence  of  Elisha  there.  As  one  of 
 them  was  cutting  at  a  tree  overhanging  the  stream, 
 the  iron  of  his  axe  flew  ot^'  and  sank  into  the  water. 
 His  cry  soon  brought  the  man  of  God  to  his  aid. 
 The  stream  of  the  Jordan  is  deep  up  to  the  very 
 bank,  especially  when  the  water  is  so  low  as  to 
 leave  the  wood  dry,  and  is  moreover  so  turbid  that 
 search  would  be  useless.  But  the  place  at  which 
 the  lost  axe  entei  ed  the  water  is  shown  to  Elisha ; 
 he  breaks  off  a  stick  and  casts  it  into  the  stream, 
 and  the  iron  appears  on  the  surface,  and  is  recovered 
 by  its  possessor. — 10.  (vi.  8-23).  Elisha  is  now 
 residing  at  Dothan,  halfway  on  the  roa(l  between 
 Samaria  and  Jezreel.  The  incursions  of  the  Syiian 
 marauding  bands  (comp.  v.  2)  still  continue ;  but 
 apparently  with  greater  boldness.  Their  manoeu- 
 vres aie  not  hid  from  the  man  of  God,  and  by  his 
 warnings  he  saves  the  king  "  not  once  nor  twice." 
 A  strong  party  with  chariots  is  despatched  to  etTect 
 the  capture  of  Elisha.  They  march  by  night,  and 
 before  morning  take  up  their  station  round  tlie  base 
 of  the  eminence  on  which  the  ruins  of  Dothan  still 
 stand.  Elishas  servant  is  the  first  to  discover  the 
 danger.  But  Elisha  remains  unmoved  by  his  fears. 
 He  prays  to  .Jehovah,  and  the  whole  of  the  Syrian 
 warriors  are  struck  blind.  Then  descending,  he 
 oflei's  to  lead  them  to  the  person  and  the  place 
 which  they  seek.  He  conducts  them  to  Samaria. 
 There,  at  the  prayer  of  the  prophet,  their  sight  is 
 restored,  and  they  find  themselves  not  in  a  retired 
 country  village,  but  in  the  midst  of  the  capital  of 
 Israel,  and  in  the  presence  of  the  king  and  his 
 troops.  After  such  a  repulse  it  is  not  surprising 
 that  the  marauding  forays  of  the  Syrian  troo[)S 
 ceased. — 11.  (vi.  24 — ^vii.  2).  But  the  king  of 
 Syria  could  not  rest  under  such  dishonour.  He 
 abandons  his  marauding  system,  and  gathers  a  re- 
 gular army,  with  which  he  lays  siege  to  Samaria. 
 'I'he  awful  extremities  to  which  the  inhabitants  of 
 the  place  were  driven  need  not  here  be  recalled. — 
 12.  (viii.  1-6).  We  now  go  back  several  years  to 
 an  incident  (;onnected  with  the  lady  of  Shunem,  at 
 a  period  antecedent  to  the  cure  of  Naaman  and  the 
 transfer  of  his  leprosy  to  Gehazi  (v.  1,  27).  Elisha 
 had  been  made  aware  of  a  f'anu'ne  which  Jehovah 
 was  about  to  bring  upon  the  land  for  seven  years ; 
 and  he  had  warned  his  fiiend  the  Shunammite 
 thereof  that  she  might  provide  for  her  safety.  At 
 the  end  of  the  seven  years  she  returned  to  her 
 native  place,  to  find  that  during  her  absence  her 
 house  with  the  field-land  attached  to  it  had  been 
 appropriated  by  some  other  person.  To  the  king 
 therefore  the  Shunammite  had  recourse.  And  now 
 occ:uried  one  of  those  rare  coincidences  which  it  is 
 impossible  not  to  ascribe  to  something  more  than 
 mere  chance.  At  the  very  moment  of  the  entrance 
 of  the  woman  and  her  son,  the  king  was  listening 
 to  a  recital  by  Gehazi  of  "  all  the  great  things 
 which  Elisha  had  done."  The  woman  w;is  instantly 
 i-ecognized  by  Gehazi.  From  her  own  mouth  the 
 king  hears  the  repetition  of  the  wonderful  tale,  and, 
 whether  fiora  regard  to  Elisha,  or  struck  by  the 
 extraordinary  coincidence,  orders  her  land  to  be  re- 
 stored with  the  value  of  all  its  produce  during  her 
 absence. — 13.  (viii.  7-15).  Hitherto  we  have  met 
 with  the  prophet  only  in  his  own  countiy.  We 
 now  find  him  at  Damascus.  He  is  there  to  carry 
 Con.  D.  B. 
 
 fiLISHAH 
 
 241 
 
 out  the  cnmmaml  given  to  Elijah  on  Iloreb  to 
 anoint  Hazael  to  be  king  over  Syria.  At  the  time 
 of  his  arrival  I'enhadad  was  prostrate  with  his  last 
 illness.  The  king's  first  desire  is  naturally  to  as- 
 certain his  own  fate;  and  Hazael  is  commissioned 
 to  be  the  bearer  of  a  present  to  the  prophet,  and  to 
 ask  the  question  on  the  ))art  of  his  master,  "Shall 
 1  recover  of  this  disease?"  The  present  is  one  of 
 royal  dimensions ;  a  caravan  of  40  camels,  laden 
 with  the  riches  and  luxuries  which  that  wealthy 
 city  could  alone  furnish.  The  reply,  probably  ori- 
 ginally ambiguous,  is  doubly  unceitain  in  the  pre- 
 sent doubtful  state  of  the  Hebrew  text ;  but  the 
 general  conclusion  was  unmistakeable  : — "  Jehovah 
 hath  showed  me  that  he  shall  surely  die."  But 
 this  was  not  all  that  had  been  revealed  to  the  pro- 
 phet. Jf  Benhadad  died,  who  would  be  king  in  his 
 stead  but  the  man  who  now  stood  before  him  ? 
 The  prospect  was  one  which  drew  forth  the  tears  of 
 the  man  of  God.  At  Hazael's  request  Elisha  con- 
 fesses the  reason  of  his  tears.  Bjt  the  prospect  is 
 one  which  has  no  sorrow  for  Hazael.  His  only 
 doubt  is  the  possibility  of  such  good  fortune  for  one 
 so  mean.  "  But  what  is  thy  slave,  dog  that  he  is, 
 that  he  should  do  this  great  thing?"  To  which 
 Elisha  replies,  "  Jehovah  hath  showed  me  that  thou 
 wilt  be  king  over  Syria."  Returning  to  the  king, 
 Hazael  tells  him  only  half  the  dark  saying  of  the 
 man  of  God — "  He  told  me  that  thou  shouldest 
 surely  recover."  But  that  was  the  last  day  of 
 Benhadad's  life.— 14.  (ix.  1-10).  Two  of  the  in- 
 junctions laid  on  Elijah  had  now  been  carried  out; 
 the  third  still  remained.  The  time  was  come  for 
 the  fulfilment  of  the  cui'se  upon  Ahab  by  anoint- 
 ing Jehu  king  over  Israel.  Elisha's  personal  share 
 in  the  transaction  was  confined  to  giving  directions 
 to  one  of  the  sons  of  the  prophets.  [Jehu.] — 
 15.  Beyond  this  we  have  no  lecord  of  Elisha's 
 having  taken  any  part  in  the  revolution  of  Jehu,  or 
 the  e\ents  which  followed  it.  He  does  not  again 
 appear  till  we  find  him  on  his  deathbed  in  his  own 
 house  (xiii.  14-19).— 16.  (xiii.  20-22).  The  power 
 of  the  prophet,  however,  does  not  teiminate  with 
 his  death.  Even  in  the  tomb  he  restores  the  dead 
 to  life.  Before  closing  this  account  of  Elisha  we 
 must  not  omit  to  notice  the  parallel  which  he  pre- 
 sents to  our  Lord — the  more  necessary  because,  un- 
 like the  resemblance  between  Elijah  and  John  the 
 Baptist,  no  attention  is  called  to  it  in  the  New  Tes 
 tament.  It  is  not  merely  because  he  healed  a  leper, 
 raised  a  dead  man,  or  increased  the  loaves,  that 
 Elisha  lesembled  Christ,  but  rather  because  of  that 
 loving  gentle  temper  and  kindness  of  disposition — 
 characteristic  of  him  above  all  the  saints  of  the 
 0.  T. — ever  ready  to  soothe,  to  heal,  and  to  conci- 
 liate, which  attracted  to  him  women  and  simple 
 people,  and  made  him  the  universal  friend  and 
 "  father,"  not  only  consulted  by  kings  and  generals, 
 but  resorted  to  by  widows  and  poor  prophets  in 
 their  little  troubles  and  perplexities. 
 
 Eli'shall,  the  eldest  son  of  Javan  (Gen.  x.  4). 
 The  residence  of  his  descendants  is  described  in  Ez. 
 xxvii.  7,  .as  the  "  isles  of  Elishah,"  whence  the  Phoe- 
 nicians obtained  their  purple  and  blue  dyes.  Jo- 
 sephus  identified  the  race  of  Elishah  with  the 
 Aeolians.  His  view  is  adopted  by  Knobel  m  pre- 
 ference to  the  more  generally  received  opinion  that 
 Elishah  =  f^lis,  and  in  a  more  extended  sense  Pelo- 
 ponnesus, or  even  Hellas.  It  appears  coirect  to 
 treat  it  as  the  designation  of  a  race  rather  than  of 
 a  locality. 
 
 R 
 
242 
 
 ELISHAMA 
 
 Elish'ama.  1,  Son  of  Ammihud,  the  "  prince  " 
 or  "  captain"  of  the  tribe  of  Kphraim  in  the  Wil- 
 derness of  Sinai  (Nnm.  i.  10,  ii.  18,  vii.  48,  x.  22). 
 Kroin  1  Chr.  vii.  26,  we  finil  that  he  was  gi-and- 
 father  to  the  great  Joshua.— 2.  A  son  of  King 
 David,  born  to  him  of  his  wives  after  his  establish- 
 ment in  .Terusalcm  (2  Sam.  v.  16  ;  1  Chr.  iii.  8, 
 xiv.  7j.^3.  Another  son  of  David  (1  Chr.  iii.  fi), 
 who  in  tiie  other  lista  is  called  Elishua.^4,  A 
 descendant  of  Judah;  the  son  of  Ji-kamiah  (1  Chr. 
 ii.  41).— 5.  The  father  of  Nethaniah  and  grand- 
 father of  Ishrnael  (2  K.  .xxv.  25;  .Jer.  xli.  1).— 
 6.  Scribe  to  King  .lehoiakim  (Jei-.  xxxvi.  12,  20, 
 21).— 7.  A  ]iiiest  in  the  timeof  Jehoshaphat  (2  Chr. 
 xvii.  8). 
 
 Elish'apliat,  son  of  Zichri ;  one  of  the  caj)- 
 tains  of  hundieds  in  the  time  of  Jehoiada  (2  Chr. 
 sxiii.  1). 
 
 Elisheta,  the  wife  of  Aaron  (Ex.  vi.  23).  She 
 was  the  daughter  of  Amminailab,  and  sister  of 
 Naashoii  the  captain  of  tlie  host  of  Judah  (Num. 
 ii.  .S). 
 
 Elisha'a,  one  of  David's  sons,  born  after  his 
 settlement  in  Jerusalem  (2  Sam.  v.  15  ;  1  Chr. 
 xiv.  5 1. 
 
 Eli'simus,  1  Esd.  ix.  28.     [Eliashib.] 
 Eli  n,    one  of  the  forefathers  of  Judith   (Jud. 
 vii,.  0. 
 
 El'iud,  son  ot  Achim  in  the  genealogy  of  Christ 
 (M.ift.  i.  15). 
 
 Eliz'aphan.  1.  A  Levite,  son  of  Uzzinl,  chief 
 of  the  liouse  of  the  Kohathites  at  the  time  of  the 
 census  in  the  wilderness  of  Sinai  (Num.  iii.  oO).— 
 2.  Son  of  Parnach  ;  prince  of  the  tribe  of  Zebulun 
 (Num.  xxxiv.  25). 
 
 El'izur,  son  of  Shedeur ;  pnnce  of  the  tribe,  and 
 over  tlie  host  of  Reuben  (Num.  i.  5,  ii.  10,  vii.  .30, 
 3.'),  X.  18). 
 
 El'kanah.  1.  Son,  or  rather  grandsou  (see  1 
 Ciu-.  vi.  22,  23  [7,  8])  of  Korah,  according  to  Ex. 
 vi.  24.-2.  A  descendant  of  the  above  in  the  line 
 of  Ahimoth,  otlierwise  Mahath,  1  Chr.  vi.  26,  35 
 (Hebr.  11,  20).— 3.  Another  Kohalhite  Levite,  in 
 the  line  of  Heman  the  singer.  He  was  son  of  Je- 
 roham,  and  father  of  Samuel  the  illustrious  Judsre 
 ami  Prophet  (1  Chr.  vi.  27,  34).  All  that  Is 
 known  of  him  is  contiined  in  the  above  notices  and 
 in  1  Sam.  i.  1,  4,  8,  19,  21,  23,  and  ii.  2,  20.— 
 4.  A  Levite  (1  Chr.  ix.  16).— 5.  A  Korhite  who 
 joined  David  while  he  was  at  Ziklag  (1  Chr.  xii. 
 6).— 6.  An  ollicer  in  the  housoliold  of  Ahaz,  king 
 of  Judah,  who  was  slain  by  Zidiri  the  Ephraimite, 
 when  Pekah  invaded  Judah.  He  seems  to  liave 
 been  the  second  in  command  under  the  piefe<t  of 
 the  |)!ilai;e  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  7). 
 
 El'kosh,  the  birthplace  of  the  piopliet  Nahum, 
 hence  c.illed  "the  Kikoshite,"  Nah.  i.  1.  Two 
 widely  ditiering  .lewish  traditions  assign  as  widely 
 different  localities  to  this  place.  In  the  time  of 
 Jerome  it  was  believed  to  exist  in  a  small  village  of 
 Galilee.  According  to  Schwartz,  the  j;rave  of 
 Nahum  is  shown  at  Kefr  Tanckum,  a  village  2i 
 English  milfs  n<irth  of  Tiberias.  Hut  mediaeval 
 tradition  attached  the  fame  of  the  prophet's  burial 
 place  t<i  Alkush,  a  villai^e  on  the  east  bank  of  the 
 V\g\\s  near  the  monastery  of  li;il)ban  Ilormuzd,  and 
 about  two  miles  north  of  Mosul.  The  fonner  is  more 
 in  accordance  with  the  interna]  evidence  affbrde<i 
 by  the  prophecy,  which  gives  no  sign  of  having 
 Ihi'M  writt'.'u  in  Assyria. 
 
 Ellasar,  the  city  of  Ariocli  '^Oen.  xiv.  1),  seems 
 
 EMBALMING 
 
 to  be  the  Hebrew  lepresentative  of  the  old  Chal- 
 daejin  town  called  in  the  native  dialect  Larsa  or 
 Lnrancha.  Larsa  was  a  town  of  Lower  Babvlonia 
 or  Chaldaea,  situated  nearly  half-way  between  Ur 
 {Mugheir)  and  Erech  (  Warha),  on  the  left  bank  of 
 the  Euphrates.  It  is  now  Senkereh. 
 Elm,  IIos.  iv.  13.  See  Oak. 
 Elmo 'dam,  son  of  Er,  in  the  genealogy  of  Joseph 
 (Luke  iii.  'JS). 
 
 Elna'am,  the  father  of  Jeribai  and  Joshaviah, 
 two  ot  jjaviil's  guard,  according  ti>  1  Chr.  xi.  46. 
 
 El'natliail.  1.  Tlie  maternal  grandfather  of 
 Jehoiacliin,  distinguished  as  "  E.  of  Jerusiilem  " 
 (2  K.  xxiv.  8).  He  is  doubtless  the  same  man  with 
 Elnathan  the  son  of  .Xchlmr  (Jer.  xxvi.  22,  xxxvi.  12, 
 25). ^2.  The  name  of  three  persons,  apparently 
 Levites,  in  the  time  of  Ezra  (Ezr.  viii.  16). 
 
 E'lon.  1.  A  Ilittite,  whose  daughter  was  one 
 of  Esau's  wives  (Gen.  .\x\'i.  34,  xxxvi.  2).— 2.  The 
 second  of  the  three  sons  attibuted  to  Zebulun  (Gen. 
 xlvi.  14;  Num.  xxvi.  26);  and  the  founder  of  the 
 family  of  the  Elonites.— 3.  Elon  tlie  Zeliulonite, 
 who  judged  Israel  for  ten  years,  and  was  buried  in 
 Aijalon  in  Zebulun  (Judg.  xii.  11,  12). 
 
 E'lon,  one  of  the  towns  in  the  border  of  the 
 tribe  of  Dan  ("Josh.  xix.  43).  No  town  correspond- 
 ing in  name  has  yet  been  discovered. 
 
 E  lon-beth'-hanan,  is  named  with  two  Danite 
 towns  as  fonning  one  of  Solomon's  commissariat 
 districts  (1  K.  iv.  9). 
 
 E'lonites,  the.    Num.  xxvi.  26.     [Elon,  2.] 
 E'loth.     1  K.  ix.  26;  2  Chr.   viii.  17,  xxvi.  2. 
 [Elatii.] 
 
 Elpa'al,  a  Benjamite,  son  of  Hushim  and  brother 
 of  Abitul)  (1  Chr.  viii.  11).  He  was  the  founder 
 of  a  numerous  family. 
 
 Elpa'let,  one  of  David's  sons  born  in  Jerusalem 
 (1  Chr.  xiv.  5). 
 
 El-pa'ran.  Literally  "  the  terebinth  of  Pai-an  " 
 (Gen.  xiv.  6).     [Paran.] 
 
 El'tekeh,  one  of  the  cities  in  the  border  of  Dan 
 (Josh.  xix.  44),  which  with  its  suburbs  was  allotted 
 to  the  Koliathite  Levites  (xxi.  23). 
 
 El'tekon,  one  of  the  towns  of  the  tribe  of  Judah, 
 in  the  mountains  (Josh,  xv.  59).  It  has  not  yet 
 been  identified. 
 
 El'tolad,  one  of  the  cities  in  the  south  of  Judah 
 (Josh.  XV.  30)  allotted  to  Simeon  (.losh.  xix.  4); 
 and  in  possession  of  that  tribe  until  the  time  cf 
 Davi.I  ( 1  Chr.  iv.  29). 
 
 Elu'l,  Neh.  vi.  15;  1  Mace.  xiv.  27.   [Months.] 
 Eluza'i,  one  of  the  warriors  of  Benjamin,  who 
 joineil  David  at  Zilclag  (1  Chr.  xii.  5). 
 Elymae'ans,  Jud.  i.  6.     [Elamitks.] 
 El'ymas,  tlie  .Vrabic  name  of  the  Jewish  magus 
 or  sorci'iei-  I'arjpsus  (Acts  xiii.  6  ff.). 
 
 El  zabad.  1.  One  of  tlie  Oadite  heroes  who  came 
 across  the  .loidan  to  David  (1  Chr.  xii.  12).  2.  A 
 Korliife  Levite  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  7). 
 
 Erzaphan,  second  son  of  Uzziel,  who  was  the 
 son  of  Kdliath  son  of  Levi  (Ex.  ri.  22). 
 
 Embalming,  the  process  by  which  dead  bodies 
 are  presiTxid  from  putrefaction  and  decav.  It  was 
 most  general  among  the  Egyptians,  and  it  is  in  con- 
 nexion with  this  people  that  the  two  inst;uices 
 which  we  meet  with  in  tlie  ().  T.  are  mentioned 
 (Gen.  1.  2,  26).  Of  the  Egyptian  metho<l  of  em- 
 balming there  remain  two  minute  accounts,  which 
 have  a  general  kind  of  agreement,  though  they  differ 
 in  iletiiils.  llcrodi>tus  (ii.  8t>-89)  <iescribes  thi-ec 
 modes,  varying  in  complefencss  ami  expense,  and 
 
EMBALMING 
 
 pjjictiseJ  by  persons  legukrly  trained  to  the  pi-o- 
 tession,  who  were  initiated  into  the  mysteries  of 
 the  art  by  their  ancestors.  The  most  costlj'  mode, 
 which  is  estimated  by  Diodonis  Sieulus  (i.  91) 
 at  a  talent  of  silver,  was  said  by  tlie  Egyptian 
 priests  to  belong  to  him  whose  name  in  such  a 
 matter  it  was  not  lawful  to  mention,  viz.  Osiris. 
 The  enibalmers  first  removed  part  of  the  brain 
 through  the  nostrils,  by  means  of  a  crooked  iron, 
 and  de.stroyed  the  lest  by  injecting  caustic  drugs. 
 An  incision  was  then  made  along  the  tlank  with  a 
 sharp  Ethiopian  stone,  and  the  whole  of  the  intes- 
 tines removed.  The  aivity  was  linsed  out  with 
 palm-wine,  and  afterwaixls  soouied  with  pounded 
 perfumes.  Jt  was  then  filled  with  pure  myrrh 
 pounded,  cassia,  and  other  aromatics,  exxept  frank- 
 incense. This  done,  the  bod)'  was  sewn  up  and 
 steeped  in  natron  for  seventy  days.  When  the 
 seventy  days  were  accomplished,  the  embalmers 
 washed  the  corpse  and  swathed  it  in  bandages  of 
 linen,  cut  in  stiips  and  smeared  with  gum.  They 
 then  gave  it  up  to  the  relatives  of  the  deceased, 
 who  provided  for  it  a  wooden  case,  made  in  the 
 shape  of  a  man,  in  which  the  dead  was  placed,  and 
 deposited  in  an  erect  position  against  the  wall  of 
 the  sepulchral  clianiber.      Diodorus   Sieulus  gives 
 
 EMIMS 
 
 243 
 
 The  mummy's  Tiead,  seen  at  an  open  patiel  of  the  coffin. 
 
 CW  illiilisoll.) 
 
 some  particulars  of  the  process  which  are  omitted 
 by  Herodotus.  The  second  mode  of  embalming  cost 
 about  20  minae.  In  this  case  no  incision  was  made 
 in  the  body,  nor  were  the  intestines  removed,  but 
 cedar-oil  was  injected  into  the  stomach  hy  the 
 rectum.  The  oil  was  pi-evented  from  escaping,  and 
 the  body  was  then  steeped  in  natron  for  the  ap- 
 pointed number  of  days.  On  the  last  day  the  oil 
 was  withdrawn,  and  carried  off  with  it  the  stomach 
 and  intestines  in  a  state  of  solution,  while  the  flesh 
 was  consumed  by  the  natron,  and  nothing  was  left 
 but  the  skin  and  bones.  The  body  in  this  state  was 
 returned  to  the  relatives  of  the  deceased.  The  third 
 mode,  which  was  adopted  by  the  poorer  classes,  and 
 cost  but  little,  consisted  in  rinsing  out  the  intestines 
 with  syrmaea,  an  infusion  of  senna  and  cassia,  and 
 steeping  the  body  for  the  usual  numlier  of  days  in 
 natrum.  The  medicaments  employed  in  embalming 
 were  various.  From  a  chemical  analysis  of  the 
 substances  found  in  mummies,  M.  Rouelle  detected 
 three  modes  of  embalming — 1.  with  asphaltum,  or 
 Jew's  pitch,  called  also  funeral  gum,  or  gum  of 
 mummies;  2.  with  a  mixture  of  asphaltum  and 
 cedria,  the  liqxior  distilled  from  the  cedar;  3.  with 
 this  rai.xture  together  with  some  resinous  and  aro- 
 matic ingredients.     The  powdered  aromatics  men- 
 
 tioned by  Herodotus  were  not  mixed  with  the 
 bituminous  matter,  but  sprinkled  into  the  cavities 
 of  the  body.  It  does  not  appear  that  embalming, 
 properly  so  called,  was  practised  by  the  Hebrews. 
 
 Embroiderer.  Thi^  term  is  given  in  the  A.  V. 
 a"  the  equivalent  of  rohen,  the  productions  of  the 
 art  being  described  as  "  needlework "  (j-ikmah). 
 In  Exodus  the  embroiderer  is  contrasted  with  the 
 "  cunning  workman"  (c/toshet).  Various  explana- 
 tions have  been  ofiered  as  to  the  distinction  between 
 them,  but  mosi  of  th.'se  overlook  the  distinction 
 marked  in  the  Bib  e  itself,  viz.  that  the  rokem  wove 
 simply  a  variegated  texture,  without  gold  thread  oi 
 figures,  and  that  the  chosheh  interwove  gold  thread 
 or  figures  into  the  variegated  texture.  The  dis- 
 tinction, as  given  by  the  Talmudists,  is  this — that 
 rikmdh,  or  "  needlework,"  was  where  a  pattern 
 was  attached  to  the  stuff  by  being  sewn  on  to  it  on 
 (me  side,  and  the  work  of  the  chosheb  when  the 
 pattern  was  worked  into  the  stuff  by  the  loom,  and 
 so  appeared  on  both  sides.  This  view  appears  to 
 be  entirely  inconsistent  with  the  statements  of  the 
 Bible,  and  with  the  sense  of  the  word  rikmdh  else- 
 where. The  absence  of  the  figure  or  the  gold 
 thread  in  the  one,  and  its  presence  in  the  other, 
 constitute  the  essence  of  the  distinction.  Again, 
 looking  at  the  general  sense  of  the  words,  we  shall 
 tind  that  chosheb  involves  the  idea  of  invention,  or 
 designing  patterns  ;  rikmah  the  idea  of  texture  as 
 well  as  variegated  colour.  Further  than  this, 
 rikmah  involves  the  idea  of  a  regular  disposition  of 
 colours,  which  demanded  no  inventive  genius.  We 
 have  lastly  to  notice  the  incorrect  rendering  of  the 
 Heb.  word  shabats  in  the  A.  V. — "bioider,"  "em- 
 broider" (Ex.  -xxviii.  4,  39).  It  means  stuff  workea 
 in  a  tessellated  manner,  i.  e.  with  square  cavities 
 such  as  stones  might  be  set  in  (comp.  ver.  20). 
 The  art  of  embioidery  by  the  loom  was  extensively 
 practised  among  the  nations  of  antiquity.  In  addi- 
 tion to  the  Egyptians,  the  Babylonians  were  cele- 
 brated for  it ;  but  embroidery  in  the  proper  sense  of 
 the  term,  i.  e.  with  the  needle,  was  a  Phrygian  in- 
 vention of  later  date  (Plin.  viii.  48). 
 
 Emerald,  a  precious  stone,  first  in  the  second 
 row  on  the  breastplate  of  the  high-priest  (Ex. 
 xri'iii.  IS,  xxxix.  11),  imported  to  Tyre  from  Syria 
 (Ez.  x.xvii.  16),  used  as  a  seal  or  signet  (Ecclus. 
 xxxii.  C),  as  an  ornament  of  clothing  and  bedding 
 (Ez.  xxviii.  13  ;  Jud.  x.  21),  and  spoken  of  as  one 
 of  the  foundations  of  Jerusalem  ( liev.  xxi.  19;  Tob. 
 xiii.  16).  The  rainbow  round  the  throne  is  com- 
 pared to  emerald  in  Rev.  iv.  3. 
 
 Emerods  (Heb.  'dphdlim,  techortm  •  Deut. 
 xxviii.  27;  1  Sam.  v.  6,  9,  12,  vi.  4,  5,  11).  The 
 probabilities  as  to  the  nature  of  the  disease  are 
 mainly  dependent  on  the  probable  roots  of  these 
 two  Hebrew  words.  It  appears  that  the  former 
 word  means  the  disease,  and  the  latter  the  part 
 affected,  which  must  necessarily  have  been  in- 
 cluded in  the  actually  existing  image,  and  have 
 struck  the  eye  as  the  essential  thing  represented,  to 
 which  the  disease  was  an  incident.  As  some  morbid 
 swelling,  then,  seems  the  most  probable  nature  of 
 the  disease,  so  no  more  probable  conjecture  has 
 been  advanced  than  that  hemorrhoidal  tumours,  or 
 bleeding  piles,  are  intended.  These  are  very  com- 
 mon in  Syria  at  present,  oriental  habits  of  want  of 
 exercise  and  improper  food,  producing  derangement 
 of  the  liver,  constipation,  &c.,  being  such  as  to 
 cause  them. 
 
 E'mims,  a  tribe  or   family  of  gigantic  statura 
 
 R  2 
 
244 
 
 EMMANUEL 
 
 which  origiiially  iiiliMl/itod  the  legion  i\long  Ihe 
 eastern  side  of  the  I)e;ul  Se;i.  They  were  related  to 
 the  Anakim,  and  were  generally  called  by  the  same 
 name ;  but  their  conquerors  the  Moabites  termed 
 them  Kmim — that  is  "terrible  men"  ( Deut.  ii. 
 1 1 ) — most  probably  on  account  of  their  fierce 
 a-j)ect. 
 
 Emman'uel,  Matt.  i.  23.  [Immanuel.] 
 Emma'uB,  the  village  to  which  the  two  disciples 
 were  ijoiug  when  our  Lord  aj)peaied  to  them  on  the 
 way,  on  the  day  of  His  resurrection  (Luke  xxiv. 
 13).  Luke  makes  its  distance  from  Jerusalem 
 sixty  stadia  (A.  V.  "  threescore  furlongs"),  or 
 about  7i  miles;  and  Josephus  mentions  "a  village 
 called  Emmaus  "  at  the  same  distance.  From  the 
 earliest  period  of  which  we  have  any  record,  the 
 opinion  prevailed  among  Christian  wiiteis  that  the 
 Emmaus  of  Luke  was  identical  with  the  Emmaus 
 on  the  border  of  the  plain  of  Philistia,  afterwards 
 called  Nicopolis,  and  which  was  some  20  miles  fiom 
 Jerusalem.  Then,  for  some  reason  unknown  to  us, 
 it  began  to  be  supposed  that  the  site  of  Emmaus 
 was  at  the  little  village  of  Kuheiheh,  about  3  miles 
 west  o(  Nebij  Samu'd  (the  ancient  Mizpeh),  and 
 9  miles  from  Jerusalem.  There  is  not,  however,  a 
 shadow  of  evidence  for  this  supposition.  In  fact 
 the  site  of  Emmaus  remains  yet  to  be  identified. 
 
 Emma'Tis,  or  Nicop'olis  (1  Mace  iii.  40),  a 
 town  in  the  plain  of  I'liilistia,  at  the  foot  of  the 
 mountains  of  Judah,  22  Koman  miles  from  Jeru- 
 salem, and  10  from  Lydda.  It  was  Ibrtified  by 
 Bacchides,  the  general  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes, 
 when  he  was  engaged  in  the  war  with  Jonathan 
 Maccabaeus  (1  Mace.  i.x.  50).  It  was  in  the  plain 
 beside  this  city  that  Judas  Maccabaeus  so  signally 
 defeated  the  Syrians  with  a  mere  handful  of  men, 
 as  related  in  1  Mace.  iii.  57,  iv.  3,  &c.  A  small 
 miserable  village  called  'Amwds  still  occupies  the 
 site  of  the  ancient  city. 
 Em'mer,  I  Esd.  ix.  21.  [Immer.] 
 Em'mor,  the  father  of  Sychem  (Acts  vii.  16). 
 [Hamok.] 
 
 Enam,  one  of  the  cities  of  Judah  in  the  Shefelnh 
 or  lowland  (Josh.  xv.  34).  From  its  mention  with 
 towns  which  are  known  to  have  been  near  Timnath, 
 this  is  very  probably  the  place  in  the  "doorway" 
 of  which  Tamar  sat  before  her  intemew  with  her 
 fatlier-in-law  (Gen.  xxxviii.  14). 
 
 E'nan.  Ahira  ben-Enan  was  "prince"  of  the 
 tribe  of  Naphtali  at  the  time  of  the  numbering  of 
 Israol  in  the  wilderness  of  Sinai  (Num.  i.  15). 
 Ena'sibus,  1  Esd.  ix.  34.  [Eliasiiib.] 
 Encampment  (Heb.  machdneh,  in  all  places  ex- 
 cept 2  K.  vi.  8,  whei  e  tuchilnoth  is  used).  The  word 
 primarily  denoted  the  resting-place  of  an  army  or 
 company  of  travellois  at  niglit  f^Ex.  xvi.  13;  (ien. 
 xxxii.  21),  and  was  hence  applied  to  the  army  or 
 caravan  when  on  its  march  (Ex.  xiv.  19  ;  Josh. 
 X.  5,  xi.  4  ;  Gen.  xxxii.  7,  8).  Among  nomadic 
 tribes  war  never  attained  to  the  dignity  of  a  .sci- 
 ence, and  their  encampments  were  consequently 
 devoid  of  all  the  appliances  of  more  systematic  war- 
 fare. The  description  of  the  camp  of  the  Israelites, 
 on  their  march  from  Egypt  (Num.  ii.,  iii.),  sup- 
 plies the  greatest  amount  of  information  on  the 
 subject :  whatever  else  may  Ije  gleaned  is  from 
 scittered  hints.  The  tabein.ncle,  corresponding  to 
 the  chieftain's  tent  of  an  ordinary  encampment, 
 was  place<l  in  the  centre,  and  around  and  facing  it 
 (Num.  ii.  1),  arranged  in  four  grand  divisions,  cor- 
 responding to  the  four  points  of  the  compass,  lay 
 
 ENCHANTMENTS 
 
 the  host  of  Israel,  according  to  their  standaixls  (Num. 
 i.  52,  ii.  2;.  In  the  centre,  round  the  tabei- 
 nacle,  and  with  no  standard  but  the  cloudy  or  (iery 
 l)illar  which  rested  over  it,  were  the  tents  of  the 
 priests  and  Levitcs.  The  former,  with  .Moses  and 
 ."^aron  at  their  head,  were  encamped  on  the  eastern 
 side.  The  order  of  encamj)nient  was  preserved  on 
 the  march  (Num.  ii.  17),  the  signal  for  which  was 
 given  by  a  bla.st  of  the  two  silver  trumpets  (Num. 
 X.  5).  In  this  description  of  the  order  of  the  en- 
 campment no  mention  is  made  of  sentinels,  who,  it 
 is  reasonable  to  suppose,  were  placed  at  the  gates 
 (Ex.  xxxii.  26,  27)  in  the  tour  quaiters  of  the 
 camp.  This  was  evidently  the  case  in  the  camp 
 of  the  Levites  (comp.  1  Chr.  ix.  18,  24;  2  Chr. 
 xxxi.  2).  The  sanitiry  regulations  of  the  camp  of 
 the  Israelites  were  for  the  twotbld  purpose  of  pre- 
 serving the  health  of  the  vast  multitude  and  the 
 purity  of  the  camp  as  the  dwelling-place  of  Go^ 
 (Num.  V.  3 ;  Deut.  xxiii.  14).  The  execution  of 
 criminals  took  place  without  the  camp  (Lev.  xxiv. 
 14  ;  Num.  xv.  35,  36 ;  Josh.  vii.  24),  as  did  the 
 burning  of  the  young  bullock  for  the  sin-otl'ering 
 (Lev.  iv.  12).  These  circumstmces  combined  ex- 
 plain Heb.  xiii.  12,  and  John  xix.  17,  20.  .High 
 ground  appears  to  have  been  uniformly  selected  for 
 the  position  of  a  Ciuiip,  whether  it  were  on  a  hill  or 
 mountiin  side,  or  iu  an  inaccessible  pass  (Judg.  vii. 
 18).  The  carelessness  of  the  Midiiinites  in  encamp- 
 ing in  the  plain  exposed  them  to  the  night  surprise 
 by  Gideon,  and  resulted  in  their  consequent  dis- 
 comfiture (Judg.  vi.  33,  vii.  8,  12).  But  another 
 important  consideration  in  fixing  upon  a  position  for 
 a  camp  was  the  propinquity  of  water :  hence  it  is 
 found  that  in  most  instances  camps  were  pitched 
 near  a  spring  or  well  (Judg.  vii.  3  ;  1  Mace.  ix.  33). 
 The  camp  was  surrounded  by  the  ma(jalah  (1  Sam. 
 xvii.  20),  or  ma'gdl  (1  Sam.  xxvi.  5,  7),  which 
 some  explain  as  an  eai'thwork  thrown  up  round  the 
 enc;mipment,  others  as  the  barrier  foimed  by  the 
 baggage-waggons.  We  know  that,  in  the  case  of  a 
 siege,  the  attacking  army,  if  possible,  surrounded 
 the  place  attacked  (1  Mace.  xiii.  43),  and  drew 
 about  it  a  line  of  circuinvallation  (2  K.  xxv.  1), 
 which  was  marked  by  a  breastwork  of  earth  (Is.  Ixii. 
 10  ;  Ez.  xxi.  27  [22];  comp.  Job  .\ix.  12)  for  the 
 double  puipose  of  preventing  the  escape  of  the  be- 
 sieged and  of  protecting  the  besiegeis  from  their 
 sallies.  But  there  was  not  so  much  need  of  a  formal 
 entrenchment,  as  but  few  instances  occur  in  which 
 engagements  were  fought  in  the  camps  themselves, 
 and  these  only  when  the  attack  was  made  at  night. 
 To  guard  j»g;\inst  these  attacks,  sentinels  were 
 posted  (Judg.  vii.  20  ;  1  Mace.  xii.  27)  round  tlK 
 camp,  and  the  neglect  of  this  precaution  by  Xebah 
 and  Zalmunna  probably  led  to  their  capture  by 
 Gideon,  and  the  ultimate  defeat  of  their  army 
 (Judg.  vii.  19).  The  valley  which  separated  the 
 hostile  camps  was  generally  selected  as  the  fighting 
 ground  (I  Sam.  iv.  2,  xiv.  15;  2  Sam.  xviii.  6), 
 upon  which  the  contest  was  decided,  and  hence  the 
 vallevs  of  I'alestine  have  jilayed  so  con.spicuous  a 
 part  in  its  history  (Josh.  viii.  13;  Judg.  vi.  33; 
 2  Sam.  V.  22,  viii.  13,  &c.).  When  the  fighting 
 men  went  forth  to  the  place  of  marshalling  (1  i^am. 
 xvii.  20),  a  detachment  wius  left  to  pi-otect  the  camp 
 and  baggage  (1  Sam.  xvii.  22,  xxx.  24).  The  beasts 
 of  burden  were  probably  tetherol  to  the  tent-jiegs 
 (2  IC.  vii.  I(» ;  Z.ch.  xiv.  15). 
 
 Enchantments.    1.  Heb.  Idtim  or  IShStim  (Ex. 
 vii.   11,  22,  viii.   7),  secret   arta.— 2.    Cisli&phlm 
 
ENDOR 
 
 (2  I\.  ix.  22  ;  Mic.  v.  12;  Nah.  iii.  4),  "muttered 
 spells."  The  belief  in  the  power  ofcei-tain  formulae 
 was  universal  in  the  ancient  world. — H.  Lechaslnin 
 (Eccl.  X.  11).  This  word  is  especially  used  of  the 
 charming  of  serpents,  Jer.  viii.  17  (cf.  Ps.  Iviii.  5  ; 
 "Kcclus.  .xii.  13;  Heel.  x.  11). — i.  The  word  nechd- 
 shiin  is  used  of  the  enchantments  sought  by  Balaam 
 (Num.  xxiv.  1).  It  properly  alludes  to  ophiomancy, 
 but  in  this  place  has  a  general  meaning  of  endea- 
 vouring to  gain  omens. — 5.  Ckehcr  is  used  for  magic 
 (Is.  xh'ii.  9,  12).  Any  resort  to  these  methods  of 
 imposture  was  strictly  forbidden  in  Scripture  (Lev. 
 xix.  26;  Is.  xlvii.  9,  &c.),  but  to  eradicate  the 
 tendency  is  almost  impossible  (2  K.  xvii.  17;  2 
 Chr.  xxxiii.  6),  and  we  find  it  still  flourishing  at 
 the  Christian  era  (Acts  xiii.  6,  8,  viii.  9,  11; 
 (iiil.  V.  20;   l!ev.  ix.  21). 
 
 En'-dor,  a  place  in  the  territoiy  of  Issachar,  and 
 vet  j)ossesscd  by  Manasseh  (Josh.  xvii.  11).  Endor 
 was  long  held  in  niemoiy  by  the  Jewish  people  as 
 connected  with  the  gi'eat  victory  over  Sisera  and 
 Jabin.  It  was  known  to  Eusebius,  who  describes  it 
 as  a  large  village  4  miles  S.  of  Tabor.  Here  to  the 
 N.  of  Jebel  Duhy  the  name  still  lingers,  attached  to 
 a  considerable  but  now  deserted  village.  The  dis- 
 tance from  the  slopes  of  Gilboa  to  Endor  is  7  or  8 
 miles,  over  difficult  ground. 
 
 En-egla'im,  a  place  named  only  by  Ezekiel 
 'xKii.  lU),  apparently  as  on  the  Dead  Sea;  but 
 whether  near  to  or  far  fi-om  Engedi,  on  the  west  or 
 east  side  of  the  Sea,  it  is  impossible  to  ascertain 
 finm  the  text. 
 
 Enemes'sar  is  the  name  under  which  Shalma- 
 neser  appears  in  the  book  of  Tobit  (i.  2,  15,  &c.). 
 
 Ene'nius,  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  people  who 
 loturned  from  captivity  with  Zorobabel  (I  Esdr. 
 V.  8) 
 
 Engad'di,  Ecclus.  xxiv.  14.  [Engkdi.] 
 En-gan'nim.  1.  A  city  in  the  low  country  of 
 Jiidah,  named  between  Zanoah  and  Tappuah  (Josh. 
 XV.  34). — 2.  A  city  on  the  border  of  Issachar  (Josh. 
 xix.  21),  allotted  with  its  "suburbs"  to  the  Ger- 
 shonite  Levites  (xxi.  29).  There  is  great  proba- 
 bility in  the  conjecture  of  Robinson  (ii.  315)  that  it 
 is  identical  wth  the  Ginaia  of  Josephus  {Ant.  xx.  6, 
 §  1 ),  which  again,  there  can  he  little  doubt,  survives 
 in  the  modern  Jentn,  the  first  village  encountered 
 on  the  ascent  from  the  great  plain  of  Esdnielon  into 
 the  hills  of  the  central  country. 
 
 Enged'i,  a  town  in  the  wilderness  of  Judah 
 (Josh.  XV.  62),  on  the  western  ehoie  of  the  Dead 
 Sea  (Ez.  xlvii.  10).  Its  onginal  name  was  Haznzon- 
 Tamar,  doubtless,  as  Josephus  says,  on  account 
 of  the  palm-groves  which  suiTOunded  it  (2  Chr. 
 XX.  2 ;  Ecclus.  xxiv.  14).  Its  site  is  now  well 
 known.  It  is  about  the  middle  of  the  western 
 shore  of  the  lake.  Heie  is  a  rich  plain,  half  a  mile 
 sqiwre,  sloping  very  gently  from  the  base  of  the 
 mountains  to  the  water,  and  shut  in  on  the  north 
 by  a  lofty  promontoiy.  About  a  mile  up  the 
 western  acclivity,  and  at  an  elevation  of  some  400 
 fi-et  above  the  plain,  is  the  foimtain  of  Ain  Jidij, 
 from  which  the  place  gets  its  name.  Its  banks  are 
 now  cultivated  by  a  few  families  of  Arabs,  who 
 generally  pitch  their  tents  near  this  spot.  Traces 
 of  the  old  city  exist  upon  the  plain  and  lower  de- 
 clivity of  the  mountain,  on  the  south  bank  of  the 
 i)rcok.  The  history  of  Engedi,  though  it  reaches 
 back  nearly  4000  years,  may  be  told  in  a  few  sen- 
 tences. It  was  immediately  after  an  ass:iult  upon 
 the   "  Amorites,  that  dwelt  in   Hazazon-Tamar," 
 
 ENOCH 
 
 245 
 
 that  the  five  Mesopotamian  kings  were  attacked  by 
 the  ruleis  of  the  plain  of  Soilom  (Gen.  xiv.  7; 
 comp.  2  Chr.  xx.  2).  Saul  was  told  that  David 
 was  in  the  "  wilderness  of  Engedi ;"  and  he  took 
 "  3000  men,  and  went  to  seek  David  and  his  men 
 upon  the  rocks  of  the  uild  goats"  (1  Sam.  xxiv. 
 1-4).  At  a  later  period  Engedi  was  the  gathering- 
 place  of  the  Moabites  and  Ammonites  v.'ho  went  up 
 against  Jerusalem,  and  fell  in  the  valley  of  Berachah 
 (2  Chr.  XX.  2).  The  vineyards  of  Engedi  were  cele- 
 brated by  Solomon  (Cant  i.  14),  its  balsam  by 
 Josephus,  and  its  palms  by  Pliny. 
 
 Engine,  a  term  exclusively  applied  to  military 
 affairs  in  the  Bible.  The  engines  to  which  the  tenn 
 is  applied  in  2  Chr.  xxvi.  15,  were  designed  to 
 propel  various  missiles  from  the  walls  of  a  besieged 
 town:  one,  like  the  halista,  was  for  stones,  con- 
 sisting probably  of  a  strong  spring  and  a  tube  to 
 give  the  right  diiection  to  the  stone;  another,  like 
 the  catapulta,  for  arrows,  an  enormous  stationary 
 bow.  Another  war-engine,  with  which  the  Hebrews 
 were  acquainted,  was  the  battering-ram,  described 
 in  Ez.  xxvi.  9,  and  still  more  precisely  in  Ez.  iv.  2, 
 xxi.  22.  The  marginal  rendering,  "  engines  Df 
 shot"  (Jer.  vi.  6,  xmi.  24;  Ez.   xxvi.  8),  is  ii- 
 
 COlTCCt. 
 
 4im< 
 
 Assjnnan  war-engine.     (From  Hotta,  pi.  160.) 
 
 Engraver.  The  specific  description  of  an  en- 
 graver was  chdrash  eben  (Ex.  xxviii.  11),  and  his 
 chief  business  was  cutting  names  or  devices  on  rings 
 and  seals  ;  the  only  notices  of  engraving  are  in  con- 
 nexion with  the  high-priest's  dress — the  two  onyx- 
 stones,  the  twelve  jewels,  and  the  mitre-plate 
 having  inscriptions  on  them  (Ex.  xxviii,  11,  21, 
 36).  ^ 
 
 En-had'dah,  one  of  the  cities  on  the  border  of 
 Issacliar  named  next  to  Engannim  (Josh.  xix.  21). 
 Van  de  Velde  would  identify  it  with  Ain-haud  on 
 the  western  side  of  Carmel,  and  about  2  miles  only 
 from  the  sea ;  but  this  is  surely  out  of  the  limits 
 of  tiie  tribe  of  Issachar,  and  ratlier  in  Asher  or 
 Manasseh. 
 
 En-hak'kore,  the  spring  which  bui-st  out  in 
 answer  to  the  cry  of  Samson  after  his  exploit  with 
 the  jawbone  (Jndg.  xv.  19\  Van  de  Velde  en- 
 deavours to  identify  Lechi  with  Tell-el-Lekiyeh 
 4  miles  N.  of  Beersheba,  and  Enhakkore  with  the 
 large  spring  between  the  Tell  and  Klwv:elfeh. 
 
 En-ha'zor,  one  of  the  fenced  cities  in  the  inhe- 
 ritance of  Naphtali,  distinct  from  Hazor  (Josh.  xix. 
 37).     It  has  not  yet  been  identified. 
 
 En-mish'pat,  Gen.  xiv,  7.     [Kadesh.] 
 
 E'noch.    1.  'I'he  eldest  son  of  Cain  (Gen.  iv.  17). 
 
246 
 
 ENOCH 
 
 who  called  the  city  which  he  built  after  his  name 
 ^18).  EwalJ  fancies  that  there  is  a  let'eieiict  to 
 the  riirygian  Iconiiini.  Other  places  have  beeu 
 ideutiried  with  the  site  of  Enoch  with  little  proba- 
 bility :  e.  (J.  Anachta  in  Susiana,  the  Henioclii  in 
 the  Caucasus,  &c.— 2.  The  son  of  Jared  and  lather 
 of  Methuselah  ((Jen.  v.  21  H. ;  Luke  iii.  28).  In 
 tlie  Epistle  of  Jude  (v.  24)  he  is  described  as  "  the 
 seventh  from  Adam;'  and  the  number  is  probably 
 noticed  as  conveying  the  idea  of  divine  comj)letiun 
 and  rest,  while  Knucli  was  himself  a  type  of  jter- 
 ftfcted  humanity.  The  other  numbers  connected 
 with  his  history  appear  too  syniiuetrical  to  be  with- 
 out meaning.  After  the  birtli  of  Methuselah  it  is 
 said  (Gen.  v.  22-4)  that  Enoch  "  walked  with  God 
 30U  yeai-s  .  .  .  and  he  was  not;  for<iod  took  him." 
 I'ne  phrase  "walked  with  God"  is  elsewlieie  only 
 used  of  Noah  (Gen.  vi.  9;  cf.  Gen.  xvii.  1,  &c.), 
 and  is  to  be  explained  of  a  proi)hetic  life  spent  in 
 immediate  converse  with  the  spiritual  world.  In 
 the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  the  spring  and  issue 
 of  Enoch's  life  are  cleaily  marked.  The  biblical 
 notices  of  Enoch  weie  a  fruitful  souice  of  specula- 
 tion in  later  times.  Some  theologians  disputed 
 with  subtilty  as  to  the  place  to  which  he  was  re- 
 moved. Both  the  Latin  and  Greek  fatheis  com- 
 monly coupled  Enoch  and  Elijah  as  historic  wit- 
 nesses of  the  possibility  of  a  resuirection  of  the  body 
 and  of  a  true  human  e.xistence  in  gloi  y  ;  and  the 
 voice  of  early  eiclesiastical  tradition  is  almost  un- 
 animous in  regarding  them  as  "  the  two  witnesses" 
 (ilev.  xi.  o  fl'.)  who  should  fall  betbre  "  the  beast." 
 —3.  Ju  2  Esdr.  vi.  49,  51,  Enoch  stands  in  the 
 Latin  (and  Eng.)  Version  for  Behemoth  in  the 
 Aethiopic. 
 
 Enoch,  the  Book  of,  is  one  of  the  most  im- 
 portjuit  remains  of  that  early  apocalvptic  liteiature 
 of  whicli  the  book  of  Daniel  is  the  great  piototype. 
 1.  Tlie  history  of  the  book  is  remarkable.  The 
 first  trace  of  its  existence  is  generally  found  in  the 
 Epistle  of  St.  Jude  (14,  15;  cf.  Enoch  i.  9),  but 
 the  words  of  the  Apostle  leave  it  uncertain  whethei- 
 he  derived  his  quotation  from  tradition  or  from 
 writing,  though  the  wide  spread  of  the  book  in  the 
 second  century  seems  almost  decisive  in  favour  of 
 the  latter  sujiposition.  It  appears  to  have  been 
 known  to  Justin,  Irenaeus,  and  Anatolius.  Clement 
 of  Alexandria  and  Origen  both  make  use  of  it.  Ter- 
 tullian  expressly  ([uotes  the  book  as  one  which  was 
 "  not  received  by  some,  nor  admitted  into  the 
 Jewish  canon."  Considerable  fragments  are  pi'e- 
 served  in  the  Chwmiijraphia  of  Georgius  Syncellus 
 (c.  792  A.I).;,  and  these,  with  the  sc;mty  notices  of 
 earlier  wiiters,  constituted  the  sole  remains  of  the 
 book  known  in  Europe  till  th'i  close  of  the  last 
 centuiy.  Meanwhile,  howevei-,  a  report  was  cur- 
 rent that  the  entire  book  was  preseived  in  Abys- 
 sinia; and  at  length,  in  177.'3,  IJruce  brought  with 
 him  on  his  leturn  fiom  Egypt  three  MS.S.  contain- 
 ing the  complete  Aethiopic  translation. — 2.  The 
 Aethiojiic  translation  wa-s  made  fiom  the  (oeek, 
 and  probably  towards  the  middle  or  close  of  the 
 fourth  century.  The  general  coincidence  of  the 
 translation  with  the  patristic  quotiitions  of  coire- 
 spondiiig  jMLssages  shows  s.atisfactorily  that  the  text 
 from  which  it  was  derived  wius  the  same  ns  that 
 current  in  the  early  Cliuich.  But  it  is  .still  un- 
 certain whether  the  Greek  text  was  the  original,  or 
 itself  a  translation.  One  of  the  ejii  licst  ret'eiences 
 to  Uje  book  oanii-s  in  the  Hebrew  liuok  of  Juliiiecs, 
 auH  thf  names  ot  ihe  .ingels  and  winds  are  derived 
 
 EN-RIMMON 
 
 from  Aramaic  roots.  In  addition  to  this  a  Hebrew 
 book  of  Enoch  was  known  and  used  by  Jewish 
 writers  till  the  thirteenth  centuiy,  so  that  on  tiiese 
 grounds,  among  others,  many  have  supp<ised  that 
 the  book  was  first  composed  in  Hebrew  (Aramaean). 
 — 3.  In  its  present  shape  the  book  consists  of  a 
 series  of  revehitions  supposed  to  have  been  given  to 
 Enoch  and  Moah,  which  extend  to  the  most  varied 
 aspects  of  nature  and  life,  and  are  designed  to  offer 
 a  comprehensive  viudicjition  of  the  action  of  Piovi- 
 dence.  It  is  divided  into  five  parts.  The  Jirst pa>t 
 (Cc.  1-30),  after  a  general  introduction,  contains  an 
 account  of  the  fall  of  the  angels  (Gen.  vi.  1)  and  of 
 the  judgment  to  come  ujKin  them  and  upon  the 
 giants,  their  ofispring  (tj-KJ)  ;  and  *his  is  followed 
 by  the  description  of  the  journey  of  Enoch  through 
 the  earth  and  lower  heaven  in  company  with  an 
 angel,  who  showed  to  him  many  of  the  great  my.s- 
 teries  of  nature,  the  treasure-houses  of  the  stoims 
 and  winds,  and  fires  of  heaven,  the  prison  of  the 
 fallen  and  the  land  of  the  blessed  (17-3G).  The 
 secoiul  part  (37-71)  is  styled  "  a  vision  of  wisdom," 
 and  consists  of  three  "  parables,"  in  which  Enoch 
 relates  the  revelations  of  the  liigher  secrets  of 
 heaven  and  of  the  spiritual  world  which  were 
 given  to  him.  The  lirst  parable  (38-44)  gives 
 ciiiefiy  a  picture  of  the  future  blessings  and  mani- 
 festations of  the  righteous,  with  further  detjiils  as  to 
 the  heavenly  bodies:  the  second  (45-57)  describes 
 in  splendid  imagery  the  coming  of  Jlessiah,  and  the 
 results  which  it  should  work  among  "the  elect'' 
 and  the  gainsayers:  the  third  (58-69)  draws  out 
 at  further  length  the  blessedness  of  "  the  elect  and 
 holy,"  and  the  confusion  and  wretchedness  of  the 
 sinful  rulers  of  the  world.  The  third  part  (72-82) 
 is  styled  "the  book  of  the  course  of  the  lights  of 
 heaven,"  and  deals  with  the  motions  of  the  sun 
 and  moon,  and  the  changes  of  the  seasons  ;  and  with 
 this  the  narrative  of  the  journey  of  Enoch  clo.ses. 
 The  foiaih  part  (83-91)  is  not  distinguished  by 
 any  special  name,  but  cont;iins  the  record  of  a  dream 
 whicli  was  granted  to  Enoch  in  his  youth,  in  which 
 he  saw  the  history  of  the  kingdoms  of  God  and  of 
 the  world  up  to  the  final  establishment  of  the 
 throne  of  Messiah.  The  Jifth  part  (92-105)  con- 
 tains tlie  last  addresses  of  Enoch  to  his  children,  in 
 which  the  teaching  of  the  former  chaptei-s  is  made 
 the  gioundwork  of  earnest  exiiorfcition.  The  signs 
 which  attended  the  birth  of  Noah  are  next  noticed 
 (lOC-7);  and  another  short  "writing  of  Enoch" 
 (1U8)  forms  the  close  to  the  whole  book. — 4.  The 
 general  unity  which  the  book  possesses  in  its  jne- 
 sent  form  marks  it,  in  the  main,  as  the  work  of  one 
 man  ;  but  internal  coincidence  shows  with  equal 
 clearness  that  dili'erent  fragments  were  incorpo- 
 rated by  the  author  into  his  work,  and  .some  aJdi- 
 tions  have  been  probably  made  afterwards.  The 
 whole  book  aj)pears  to  be  distinctly  of  Jewish  origin, 
 and  it  may  be  regarded  as  describing  an  imjxirtant 
 phase  of  Jewish  opinion  shortly  before  the  coming 
 of  Christ.  Notwithstanding  the  quotation  in  >St. 
 Jude,  and  the  wide  circulation  ol  the  book  itself", 
 the  ajxjcalypse  of  Enoch  w^as  uniformly  and  dis- 
 tinrtly  separated  from  the  canoniail  scrijituies. 
 
 E'non.     [Ai;soN.] 
 
 Enos.  The  son  of  Selh  ;  properly  called  Enosh, 
 ;us  ill  1  Chr.  i.  1  (Gen.  iv.  2G,  v.  6,  7,  9,  10,  II  ; 
 Luke  iii.  38). 
 
 Enosh.    The  .s;inie  as  the  preceding  (1  Chr.  i.  1). 
 
 En-rim'nion,  one  of  the  places  which  the  men 
 ofJudah  ic-iiiliabilc<l  after  their  return  from  the 
 
EN-ROO-EL 
 
 Captivity  (Neh.  xi.  29).  Perhaps  the  same  as 
 ■'  Ain  and  Rinimon "  (Josh.  xv.  32),  and  "  Aiu, 
 Remmon  "  f xix.  7  ;  and  see  1  Chr.  iv.  32), 
 
 En-ro'gel,  a  spring  which  formed  one  of  the 
 landmarks  on  the  boundary-line  between  Judah 
 (Josh.  XV.  7)  and  Benjamin  (xriii.  16).  Here, 
 apparently  concealed  from  the  view  of  the  city, 
 Jonathan  and  Ahima;iz  remained,  after  the  flight 
 of  David,  awaiting  intelligence  fiom  within  the 
 walls  (2  Sam.  xvii.  17)  ;  and  here,  by  the  stone 
 Zoheleth,  which  is  close  to  En-rogel,  Adonijah  held 
 the  feast,  which  was  the  first  ;uid  last  act  of  his 
 attempt  on  the  crown  (1  K.  i.  9).  These  are  all 
 the  occurrences  of  the  name  in  the  Bible.  By  I 
 Joscphus  on  the  last  incident  its  situation  is  given  | 
 as  "  without  the  city,  in  the  royal  garden."  In  I 
 more  modern  times,  a  tradition,  apparently  fiist 
 recorded  by  Brocardus,  would  make  Kn-rogel  the 
 well  of  Job  or  Nehemiah  (Bir  Eyub),  below  the 
 junction  of  the  valleys  of  Kedron  and  Hinnom,  and 
 south  of  the  Pool  of  Siloam.  Against  this  general 
 belief,  some  strong  arguments  are  urged  by  Dr. 
 Bonar  in  favour  of  identifying  En-i-ogel  with  the 
 present  "  FouHtain  of  the  Virgin,"  'Ain  Umm  ed- 
 Daruj — the  perennial  source  from  which  the  Pool 
 of  Siloam  is  supplied. 
 
 En-sliein'esh,  a  spring  which  formed  one  of  the 
 landmarks  on  tiie  north  boundary  of  Judah  (Josh. 
 XV.  7)  and  the  south  boundary  of  Benjamin  (xviii. 
 17).  The  Ain-Haud  or  Ahv-Chot  —the  "  Well  of 
 the  Apostles," — about  a  mile  below  Bethany,  is 
 generally  identified  with  En-Shemesh. 
 
 Ensign  (wes  ;  in  the  A.  V.  generally  "  ensign," 
 sometimes  "standard;"  deijel,  "standard,"  with  the 
 exception  of  Cant.  ii.  4,  "  banner;"  6th,  "  ensign"). 
 
 tgjptian  standards.    (From  Wilkinson.) 
 
 The  distinction  between  these  three  Hebrew  terms 
 
 is  sufficiently  marked  by  their  ifsppctive  uses  :  nes 
 is  a  siijncd ;  deijel  a  military  standard  for  a  large 
 division  of  an  army  ;  and  6th,  the  same  for  a  small 
 one.  Neither  of  them,  however,  expresses  the  idea 
 which  "standard"  conveys  to  our  minds,  viz.  a 
 floA]  ;  the  standards  in  use  among  the  Hebrews  pro- 
 bably resembled  those  of  the  Egyptians  and  Assy- 
 rians— a  figure  or  device  of  some  kind  elevated  on  a 
 pole.  (1.)  The  notices  of  the  nes  or  "ensign"  are 
 most  frequent ;  it  consisted  of  some  well  unda- 
 stood  signal  which  was  exhibited  on  tne  lop  of  a 
 pole  from  a  bare  mountain  top  (Is.  xiii.  2,  xviii.  o). 
 What  the  nature  of  the  signal  was,  we  have  no 
 
 EPHESIANS,  EPISTLE  TO  THE  247 
 
 means  of  stating.  The  important  point  to  be  ob- 
 served is,  that  the  nes  was  an  occasional  signal,  and 
 not  a  military  standard.  (2.)  The  term  degel  is  used 
 to  describe  the  standards  which  were  given  to  each  of 
 the  four  divisions  of  the  Israelite  army  at  tiie  time 
 of  the  Exodus  (Num.  i.  52,  ii.  2  ll'.,  x.  14  fi'.). 
 The  character  of  the  Hebrew  military  standards  is 
 quite  a  matter  of  conjecture;  they  probably  re- 
 sembled the  Egyptian,  which  consisted  of  a  sacred 
 emblem  such  as  an  animal,  a  boat,  or  the  king's  name. 
 
 £n-tappa'ah.  It  is  probably  identical  with  Tap- 
 puah,  the  position  of  which  will  be  elsewhere  ex- 
 amined Mosh.  xvii.  7). 
 
 Epae'netus,  a  Christian  at  Rome,  greeted  by  St. 
 Paul  in  Kom.  xvi.  5,  and  designated  as  his  beloved, 
 and  the  first  fruit  of  Asia  unto  Christ. 
 
 Ep'aphras,  a  fellow-labourer  with  the  Apostle 
 Paul,  mentioned  Col.  i.  7,  as  having  taught  the 
 Colossian  church  the  grace  of  God  in  truth,  and 
 designated  a  faithful  minister  of  Christ  on  their  be- 
 half. He  was  at  that  time  with  St.  Paul  at  Rome 
 (Col.  iv.  12),  and  seems  by  the  expression  there 
 used  to  have  been  a  Colossian  by  birth.  We  find 
 him  again  mentioned  in  the  Epistle  to  Philemon 
 (ver.  23),  which  was  sent  at  the  same  time  as  that 
 to  the  Colossians.  Epaphras  may  be  the  same  as 
 Epaphioditus,  but  the  notices  in  the  N.  T.  do  not 
 enable  us  to  speak  with  any  confidence. 
 
 Epaphrodi'tns  (Phil.  ii.  25,  iv.  18).  See  above 
 under  Epaphras. 
 
 E'phall,  the  first,  in  order,  of  the  sons  of  Jlidian 
 (Gen.  XXV.  4  ;  1  Chr.  i.  So),  afterwards  mentioned 
 by  Isiuah  (Ix.  6,  7).  No  satisfactory  identification 
 of  this  tribe  has  been  discovered. 
 
 E'pliah..  1.  Concubine  of  Caleb,  in  the  line  of 
 Judah  (1  Chr.  ii.  46).— 2.  Son  of  Jahdai ;  also  in 
 the  line  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  ii.  47). 
 
 Ephali.     [Measures.] 
 
 E'phai,  a  Netophathite,  whose  sons  were  among 
 the  '■  captains  of  the  forces ''  left  in  Judah  after  the 
 deportation  to  Babylon  (Jer.  xl.  8,  xli.  3,  comp. 
 xl.  13). 
 
 E'plier,  the  second,  in  order,  of  the  sons  of 
 Midian  (Gen.  xxv.  4 ;  1  Chr.  i.  33).  His  settle- 
 ments have  not  been  identified  with  any  probability. 
 
 E'pher.  1.  A  sou  of  Ezra,  among  the  descend- 
 ants of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  17).— 2.  One  of  the  heads 
 of  the  families  of  Manasseh  on  the  east  of  Joidau 
 (1  Chr.  V.  24) 
 
 E'plies-dam'iiiim,  a  place  between  Socoh  and 
 Azekah,  at  which  the  Philistines  were  encamped 
 betbre  the  affray  in  which  Goliath  was  killed  (1 
 Sam.  xvii.  1).  Under  the  shorter  form  of  Pas- 
 DAMMIJI  it  occurs  once  again  in  a  similar  connexion 
 (1  Chr.  xi.  13).     [Ei.AH.] 
 
 Ephesians,  the  Epistle  to  the,  was  written  by 
 the  Apostle  St,  Paul  during  his  first  captivity  at 
 Rome  (Acts  xx^'iii.  16),  apparently  immediately 
 after  he  had  written  the  Epistle  to  the  Colossians 
 [COI.OSSIANS,  KP.  to],  and  during  that  period  (per- 
 haps the  early  part  of  A.D.  62)  when  his  imprison- 
 ment had  not  assumed  the  severer  character  which 
 seems  to  have  marked  its  close.  This  sublime 
 epistle  was  addressed  to  the  Christian  church  at 
 the  ancient  and  famous  city  of  Ephesus,  that  church 
 which  the  Apostle  had  himself  founded  (Acts  xix. 
 1  sq.,  comp,  xviii.  19),  with  which  he  abode  so 
 long  (Acts  XX.  31),  and  from  the  elders  of  which 
 he  parted  with  such  a  warm-hearted  and  atl'ecting 
 farewell  (Acts  xx.  18-35).  The  contents  of  thiw 
 epistle  eiisily  admit  of  being  divided  into  t>vy  por- 
 
248  EPHESIANS,  EPISTLE  TO  THE 
 
 tions,  the  first  mainly  doctrinal  'cli.  i. — iii.),  tlie 
 second  horUilorij  and  practical.  With  legard  to 
 the  aulhcnticittj  mvl  genuineness  of  this  epistle,  it  is 
 not  too  much  to  say  that  there  are  no  just  grounds 
 for  douht.  Tlie  testimonies  of  antiquity  are  un- 
 usually strong,  liven  if  we  do  not  ])ress  the  suiv 
 j)osed  allusions  in  Ignatius  and  I'olycarp,  we  can 
 confidently  adduce  Iienaeus,  Cleui.  Alex.,  Origen, 
 Tertullian,  and  alter  them  the  constant  and  jiei-sistent 
 tradition  of  the  ancient  Church.  Even  Marcion  did 
 not  deny  that  the  epistle  w;is  written  by  St.  Paul, 
 nor  did  heretics  refuse  occasionally  to  cite  it  as  con- 
 fessedly due  to  him  as  its  author,  'n  recent  times, 
 however,  its  irenuincness  has  been  somewhat  vehe- 
 mently cidlea  in  question.  De  Wette  labours  to 
 prove  that  it  is  a  mere  spiritless  expansion  of  the 
 kpistle  to  the  Colossians,  though  compiled  in  the 
 Apostolic  age  :  Schwegler,  Baur,  and  othei-s  advance 
 a  step  further,  and  reject  both  ei)i>tles  as  of  no 
 higher  antiquity  th:jn  the  age  of  l^Iontanism  and 
 early  Gnosticism.  For  a  detailed  re])!y  to  the  argu- 
 ments of  De  Wette  an<l  Baur,  the  student  may  be 
 rereiTed  to  Meyer,  Einleit.  z.  Eph.  p.  19  sq.  (ed. 
 2) ;  Davidson,  Introd.  to  N.  T.  ii.  p.  ;i52  sq. ;  and 
 Alfbrd,  Prolegomena,  p.  8.  Two  special  points 
 require  a  brief  notice: — (1.)  The  readers  for  whom 
 this  epistle  was  designed.  In  the  opening  para- 
 graph the  words  (v"E<pia-ci)  are  omitted  by  N,  B, 
 07,  Basil,  and  possibly  Tertullian.  This,  combii.ed 
 with  the  somewhat  noticeable  omission  of  all  greet- 
 nigs  to  the  members  of  a  Church  with  which  the 
 A))ostle  stood  in  such  affectionate  relation,  and 
 some  other  internal  objections,  have  suggested  a 
 doubt  whether  these  words  really  foiTned  a  part  of 
 the  original  text.  At  fii-st  sight  these  doubts  seem 
 plausible  ;  but  wlien  we  oppose  to  them  fa)  the 
 overwhelming  weight  of  diplomatic  evidence  for  the 
 nisertion  of  the  words,  (6)  the  testimony  of  all  the 
 versions,  (o)  the  universal  designation  of  this  epistle 
 by  the  ancient  Church  (Slaicion  standing  alone  in 
 his  iissertion  that  it  was  written  to  the  I.aodiceans) 
 as  an  ej)ist!e  to  the  Epiiesians,  (d)  the  extreme  dif- 
 ficulty in  giving  any  satisfactory  meaning  to  the 
 isolated  participle,  and  the  absence  of  any  parallel 
 usage  in  the  Apostle's  writings, — we  am  scarcely 
 feel  any  doubt  as  to  the  propriety  of  removing  the 
 bi-a<-ket.s  in  which  these  words  are  enclosed  in  the 
 
 EPHESUS 
 
 2u'i  eilition  of  Tiachendorf,  and  of  considerin'^  thein 
 an  integral  part  of  the  original  text. — (2.)  The 
 question  of  priority  in  rcsi)ect  of  composition  be- 
 tween this  epistle  anii  that  to  th<'  Cohissians  is  very 
 difficult  to  adjust.  On  the  whole,  both  intornal  and 
 external  considerations  seem  somewhat  in  favour  of 
 the  |>riority  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Colossians. 
 
 Eph'esus,  an  illustrious  city  in  the  district  of 
 Ionia,  nearlv  opposite  thi;  island  of  Samos,  and 
 about  the  middle  of  the  western  coiist  of  the  penin- 
 sula commonly  called  Asia  Minor.  Of  the  Koman 
 province  of  Asia  Ephesus  was  the  capital.— 1.  Geo- 
 graphical Relations. — All  the  cities  of  Ionia  were 
 remarkably  well  situated  lor  the  growth  of  com- 
 mercial prosperity,  and  none  more  so  than  Ephesus. 
 In  the  time  of  Augustus  it  w.is  the  great  emporium 
 of  all  the  regions  of  Asia  within  the  Taurus :  its 
 harbour  (named  Panormus),  at  the  mouth  of  the 
 Cayster,  was  elaborately  cnnstiucfed.  St.  Paul's 
 life  alone  furnishes  illustr.itions  of  its  mercantile 
 relations  with  Achaia  on  the  W.,  Macedonia  on  the 
 N.,  and  Syria  on  the  E.  As  to  the  relations  of 
 Ephesus  to  the  inland  regions  of  the  continent, 
 these  also  are  prominently  bro-ight  before  us  in  the 
 Apostle's  travels.  The  "upper  co.ists"  (Acts  xix. 
 1)  through  which  he  passed,  when  about  to  take  up 
 his  residence  in  the  city,  were  the  Phiygian  table- 
 lands of  the  interior.  Two  great  roads  at  least,  in 
 the  Roman  times,  led  eastward  from  Ephesus ;  one 
 through  the  ))as>es  of  Tmoliis  to  Sardis  (Rev.  iii.  1) 
 and  thence  to  Galatia  and  the  N.E.,  the  other  round 
 the  extremity  of  Pactyas  to  Magnesia,  and  so  up 
 the  valley  of  the  Maeander  to  Iconium,  whence  the 
 communication  was  direct  to  the  Euphrates  and  to 
 the  Syrian  Antioch.  There  seem  to  have  been  Sar- 
 dian  and  Magncsian  gates  on  the  E.  side  of  Ephesus 
 corresponding  to  these  roads  respectively.  There 
 were  also  coast-roads  leading  northwards  to  Smyrna 
 and  southwaids  to  Miletus.  By  the  latter  of  these 
 it  is  probable  tJiat  the  Ejihesian  elders  ti-avelled 
 when  summoned  to  meet  Paul  at  the  latter  citv 
 (Acts  XX.  17,  18).— 2.  Temple  and  Worship  of 
 Dima. — Conspicuous  at  the  head  of  the  h:u-bour  of 
 Ephesus  was  the  great  temple  of  Diana  or  Artemis, 
 the  tutelary  divinity  of  the  city.  This  building  was 
 raise<l  on  immense  substructions,  in  consequence  of 
 the  swampy   nature  of  the   ground.      The  Kirlier 
 
 ^  ^u*.     (From  Luboido.  J 
 
EPHESUS 
 
 temple,  which  had  been  begun  before  the  Persian 
 war,  was  burnt  down  in  the  nicrht  when  Alexander 
 
 EPHESUS 
 
 249 
 
 Plan  of  the  Temple  of  Diana  at  I'.piiesus.    (From  Gulil's 
 Ephesiaca^) 
 
 the  Great  was  bom ;  and  another  structure,  raised 
 by  the  enthusiastic  co-operation  of  all  the  inhabitants 
 of  "  Asia  "  had  taken  its  place.  The  magnificence 
 of  tliis  sfinctnaiy  was  a  proverb  throughout  the 
 civilised  world.  In  consequence  of  this  devotion 
 the  city  of  Ephesus  was  called  veuKopos  (Acts 
 six.  35)  or  "  warden  "  of  Diana.  Another 
 consequence  of  the  celebrity  of  Diana's  wor- 
 ship at  Ephesus  w;i.s,  that  a  large  manufac- 
 tory grew  up  there  of  portable  shrines,  which 
 strangers  purchased,  and  devotees  cairied  with 
 them  on  journeys  or  set  up  in  their  houses. 
 Of  the  manufacturers  engaged  in  this  business, 
 perhaps  Alexander  the  "coppersmith "(2  Tim. 
 iv.  14)  was  one.  The  case  of  Demetrius  the 
 "  silversmith  "is explicit.— 3. S^udyantZ Prac- 
 tice of  Magic. — Not  unconnected  with  the  preceding 
 subject  was  the  remarkable  prevalence  of  magia\l 
 arts  at  Ephesus.  In  illustration  of  the  magical  books 
 which  were  publicly  burnt  (ver.  19)  under  the  in- 
 thience  of  St.  Paul's  preaching,  it  is  enough  here  to 
 refer  to  the  'E(p4aia  ypd^fiara  (mentioned  by  Plu- 
 tarch and  otheis),  which  were  regarded  as  a  chaim 
 when  pronounced,  and  when  written  chnvn  weie 
 carried  about  as  amulets. — 4.  Provincial  and  Mu- 
 nicipal Government. — It  is  well  known  that  Asia 
 w;is  a  proconsular  province ;  and  in  harmony  with 
 this  fact  we  find  proconsuls  (A.  V.  "  deputies,"} 
 
 specially  mentioned  (ver.  38).    Again  we  learn  from 
 Pliny  (v.  31)   that  Ephesus  was  an  assize-town; 
 and  in  the  sacred  narrative  (ver.  38)   we  find  the 
 court-days  alluded  to  as  actually  being  held  (A.  V 
 "the  law  is  open")  during  the   uproar.     Epliesus 
 itself  was  a  "  free  city,"  and  had  its  own  assemblies 
 aud  its  own  magistrates.     The  senate  is  mentioned 
 by  Josephus;  and  St.  Luke,  in  the  narrative  before 
 us,  speaks  of  the  ^rijxos  (ver.  30,  33,  A.  V.  "  the 
 people")  and  of  its  customary  assemblies  (ver.  39, 
 A.  V.  "a  lawful  assembly").     We  even  find  con- 
 spicuous mention  made  of  one  of  the  most  important 
 municipal  officers  of  Ephesus,  the  "  Town-Clerk  " 
 or  keeper  of  the  records,  whom  we  know  fiom  other 
 sources  to  have  been  a  person  of  great  influence  and 
 responsibility.       It    is   remarkable    how   all    these 
 political  and  religious  characteristics  of   Ephesus, 
 which  appear  in  the  sacred  naiTative,  are  illustiated 
 by  inscriptions  and  coins.    The  coins  of  Ephesus  aie 
 iuU  of  allusions  to  the  worship  of  Diana  in  various 
 aspects.     That  Jews  were  established  there  in  con- 
 siderable numbers  is  known  from  Josephus  <Jl.  c), 
 and  might  be  inferred  from  its  mercantile  eminence ; 
 but  it  is  also  evident  from  Acts  ii.  9,  vi.  9.     It  is 
 here,  and  here  only,  that  we  find  disciples  of  Johu 
 the  Baptist  explicitly  mentioned  after  the  ascension 
 of  Christ  (Acts  xviii.  25,  xi.v.  3).    The  case  of  Apol- 
 ios  (xviii.  24)   is  an  exemplification  further  of  the 
 intercourse  between  this  place  aud  Alexandria.    The 
 first  seeds  of  Christian  truth  were  possibly  sown 
 at  Ephesus  immediately  after  the  Great  Pentecost 
 (Acts  ii.).     In  St.  Paul's  stay  of  more  than  two 
 years  (xix.  8,  10,  .xx.  31),  which  formed  the  most 
 important  passage  of  his  third  circuit,  and  during 
 which  he  laboured,  first  in  the  synagogue  (xix.  8), 
 and  then  in  the  school  of  Tyrannus  (ver.  9),  aud 
 also  in  private  houses  (xx.  20),  and  during  which 
 he  wrote  the  First  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians,  we 
 have  the  period  of  the  chief  evangelization  of  this 
 shore  of  the  Aegean.    The  address  at  Miletus  shows 
 that  the  church  at  Ephesus  was  thoroughly  organised 
 under  its  presbyters.     At  a  later  period  Timothy 
 was  set  over  them,  as  we  learn  from  the  two  epistles 
 addressed  to  him.     Among  St.  Paul's  other  com- 
 panions, two,  Trophimus  and  Tychicus,  were  natives 
 of  Asia  (xx.  4),  and  the  latter  probably  (2  Tim.  iv. 
 12),  the  former  certainly  (Acts  xxi.  29y,  natives  of 
 Ephesr.s.     In  the  same  connexion  we  ought  to  men- 
 
 Coin  of  Ejiliesus,  <;\l.ibitiiis  till;  Tciiililc  of  Diaua. 
 
 tion  Onesiphorus  ('J  Tim.  i.  1(5-18)  and  his  house- 
 hold (iv.  19';.  On  the  other  hand  must  Jbe  noticed 
 certain  specified  Ephesian  antagonists  of  the  Apostle, 
 the  sons  of  Sceva  and  his  party  (Acts  xix.  14),  Hy- 
 menaeus  and  Alexander  (1  Tim.  i.  20  ;  2  Tim.  iv. 
 14),  and  Phygellus  and  Hermogenes  (2  Tim.  i.  15). 
 The  site  of  ancient  Ephesus  has  been  visited  and 
 examined  by  many  travellers  during  the  last  200 
 years.  The  whole  place  is  now  utterly  desolate, 
 with  the  exception  of  the  small  Turkish  village  at 
 Ayiisaluk.  The  ruins  are  of  viist  extent,  both  on 
 Coressus  and  on  the  plain  ;  but  there  is  neat  doubt 
 
250 
 
 EPHLAL 
 
 EPHRAIM 
 
 as  to  niaiiy  topogra]ihical  details.  It  is  satisfactory, 
 luHvever,  that  the  position  of  the  theatre  on  Mount 
 Prion  is  absolutely  certain. 
 
 Eph'lal,  a  descendant  of  Judah,  of  the  family  of 
 Heznm  and  of  Jenihineel  (I  C'lir.  ii.  37). 
 
 Ephod,  a  sacred  vestment  originally  appropriate 
 to  the  high-priest  (Kx.  xxviii.  4),  but  aftcrwanls 
 worn  by  ordinary  prie.sts  (1  Sam.  xxii.  18),  and 
 deemed  chaiacteristic  of  the  office  (1  Sam.  ii.  28, 
 xiv-.  3  ;  Hos.  iii.  4).  For  a  description  of  the  robe 
 itself  see  Higii-Puikst.  The  iniimrtance  of  the 
 ephod  as  the  receptacle  of  the  bieasf])late  led  to  its 
 adoption  in  the  idolatrous  forms  of  wor^hip  insti- 
 tuted in  the  time  of  the  Judges  (Judg.  viii.  27, 
 xvii.  5,  xviii.  14  ff.). 
 
 E'phod.  Father  of  Hauniel  of  the  tribe  of  Jla- 
 iiasscii  (Num.  xxxiv.  23). 
 
 E'phraim,  the  second  son  of  .losui'll  by  his  wife 
 Aseiiath.  'I'lie  first  indication  we  have  of  that 
 ascendancy  over  his  elder  brother  ManiLsseli,  which 
 at  a  later  period  the  tribe  of  Ephraim  so  unmis- 
 talioably  possessed,  is  in  the  blessing  of  the  children 
 by  Jacob,  Gen.  xlviii. — a  jiassage  on  the  age  and 
 genninene.ss  of  which  the  severest  criticism  h;\s  cast 
 no  doubt.  Kphiaim  would  aj)pear  at  that  time  to 
 have  l)ecn  about  2  1  years  old.  He  was  born  before 
 the  lieginning  of  the  seven  years  of  famine,  towards 
 the  latter  part  of  which  Jacob  had  come  to  I'^gypt, 
 17  yeare  belbre  liis  death  (Gen.  xlvii.  28).  Hefbre 
 Joseph's  death  Ephraim's  family  had  reached  the 
 third  geneiation  ((ien.  1.  23),  and  it  must  have 
 been  about  this  time  tliat  the  allVay  mcntioncHl  in 
 1  Chr.  vii.  21  occurred.  To  this  early  period  too 
 must  probably  be  reteired  the  circumstance  alluded 
 to  in  Ps.  Ixxviii.  9.  The  nunibeis  of  the  tribe  do 
 not  at  once  fulfil  the  i>r(imise  of  the  blessing  of  .Jacob. 
 At  the  census  in  the  wilderness  of  .Sjuai  (Num.  i. 
 32,  33,  ii.  lU)  its  numbers  weie  40,.")UO,  placing  it 
 at  the  head  of  the  children  of  Kachel  ;  Manasseh's 
 number  being  .S2,200,  and  I'.eujamin's  35,400.  But 
 40  years  later,  on  the  eve  of  the  conquest  (Num. 
 xxvi.  37),  without  any  ajiparent  cause,  while  Ma- 
 nas.seh  had  aivanc*!  to  U'ljno,  and  Ilcnjaniin  to 
 45,600,  Ej)livaiiii  hnd  decreased  to  32  500,  the  only 
 
 smallei-  number  being  that  of  Simeon,  22,200.  It 
 is  at  the  time  of  tlie  sending  of  the  spies  that  we 
 are  first  introduced  to  the  great  hero  to  whom  the 
 tribe  owed  much  of  its  subsequent  greatness.  Under 
 .Joshua,  and  in  spite  of  the  smallnessof  its  numbere, 
 the  tribe  must  have  taken  a  high  position  in  the 
 nation,  to  judge  from  the  tone  which  the  Ephraimites 
 assumed  on  occasicjns  shortly  subseipient  to  the  con- 
 quest. The  boundaries  of  the  portion  of  Kphraim 
 aie  given  in  Josh.  xvi.  1-10.  The  south  boundary 
 was  coincident  for  part  of  its  length  with  the  north 
 boundary  of  Benjamin.  Commencing  at  the  Jordan, 
 at  the  reach  opjiosite  Jericho,  it  ran  to  the  "  water 
 of  Jericho,"  probably  the  Ain  Dith  or  Ain  Sultan  : 
 thence  by  one  of  the  ravines,  the  Wadi/  Harith  or 
 W.  Suueinit,  it  iiscended  through  the  wilderness — 
 Midb'ir,  the  uncultivated  wiiste  hills — to  Mount 
 liethel  and  Luz;  and  thence  by  Ataroth,  "the 
 Japhlptite,''  Bethhoion  the  lower,  and  Gezer — all 
 with  one  exception  luiknown — to  the  Mediterranean, 
 probably  about  Jop])a.  The  general  direction  of 
 this  line  is  N.E.  by  E.  In  Josh.  xvi.  8  we  pro- 
 bjibly  have  a  fragment  of  the  northern  boundary 
 ( comp.  xvii.  10),  the  torrent  Kanah  being  tl.e 
 Xahr  el  AkMar  just  below  the  ancient  Caes;uea. 
 But  it  is  very  possible  that  there  never  was  any 
 definite  subdivision  of  the  territory  assigned  to  the 
 two  brother  tribes.  Among  the  towns  named  as 
 Manasseh's  were  Bethshean  iu  the  Jordan  Valley, 
 Endor  on  the  slo])es  of  the  "  Little  Ilemion,"  Taanach 
 on  the  north  side  of  t'armel,  and  l>or  on  the  sea-coast 
 south  of  the  siuiie  mountjiin.  Ileie  the  boundary — 
 the  noitii  boundary — joined  that  of  Aslier,  which 
 dipped  below  Carmel  to  take  in  an  angle  of  the 
 ]>lain  of  ."^haron:  N.  and  N.W.  of  Manasseh  lay 
 Zebulun  and  Iss.achar  resjiectively.  The  territory 
 thus  aJlotted  to  the  "  house  of  Joseph  "  may  be 
 roughly  estimated  at  55  miles  from  E.  to  \V.  by  VO 
 from  N.  to  S..  a  )x)rtion  about  equal  in  extent  to 
 the  counties  of  Norf<ilk  and  Sullblk  combined.  But 
 though  similar  in  size,  nothing  can  be  more  difl'erent 
 in  its  nature  from  those  level  coimties  than  this 
 broken  and  hilly  tract.  Central  P.ilestiue  consists 
 of  an  elevated   district   which   rises  fiom   the   flat 
 
EPHRAIM 
 
 ranges  of  the  wilderness  on  tlie  south  of  Judah,  and 
 terminates  on  tlie  north  with  the  slopes  which  de- 
 scend into  the  great  plain  of  Esdraelou.  On  the 
 west  a  Hat  strip  separates  it  from  the  sea,  and  on 
 the  east  another  fiat  strip  forms  the  valley  of  the 
 Jordan,  Of  this  district  the  northern  half  was 
 occupied  by  the  great  tribe  we  are  now  considering. 
 This  was  the  Har-Ephraim,  the  "  Mount  Ephraim," 
 a  district  which  seems  to  extend  as  tar  south  as 
 Kamah  and  Bethel  (1  Sam.  i.  1,  vii.  17  ;  2  Chr. 
 xiii.  4,  19,  compai'ed  with  xv.  8),  places  but  a  few 
 miles  north  of  Jerusnlem,  and  within  the  hmits  of 
 Benjamin.  Jii  structure  it  is  limestone — rounded 
 hills  sppaiated  by  valleys  of  denudation,  but  mucli 
 less  regular  and  monotonous  than  the  part  more  to 
 the  south,  about  and  below  Jerusalem  ;  with  wide 
 plains  in  the  heart  of  the  niountauis,  streams  of 
 running  water,  and  continuous  tracts  of  vegetation. 
 The  wealth  of  their  possession  had  not  the  same 
 immediately  degrading  eflect  on  this  tribe  that  it 
 had  on  some  of  its  noithern  brethren.  Various 
 causes  may  have  helped  to  aveit  this  evil.  1.  The 
 central  situation  of  Ephrjiiui,  in  the  highway  of  all 
 communications  from  one  part  of  the  country  to 
 another.  2.  The  position  of  Shechem,  with  the 
 two  saci-ed  mountains  of  Ebal  and  Gerizim,  and  of 
 Shiloh,  and  further  of  the  tomb  and  patrimony  of 
 Joshua.  3.  There  was  a  spirit  about  the  tribe 
 itself  which  may  have  been  both  a  cause  and  a 
 consequence  of  these  advantages  of  position.  That 
 spirit,  though  sometimes  taking  the  form  of  noble 
 i-emonstrance  and  reparation  (2  Clir.  xxviii.  9-15), 
 usually  manifests  itself  in  jealous  com])laint  at  some 
 enteiprise  undertaken  or  advantage  gained  in  which 
 they  had  not  a  chief  share.  The  unsettled  state 
 of  the  country  in  general,  and  of  the  interior  of 
 Ephiaim  in  particular  (Judg.  ix.),  and  the  continual 
 incursions  of  foreigners,  prevented  the  power  of  the 
 tiibe  tiom  manifesting  itself  in  a  more  formidable 
 manner  than  by  these  murmurs,  during  the  time 
 of  the  Judges  and  the  fii'st  stage  of  the  monarchy. 
 But  the  reign  of  Solomon,  splendid  in  appearance 
 but  oppressive  to  the  people,  developed  both  the 
 cij'cumstances  of  revolt,  and  the  leader  who  was  to 
 turn  them  to  account.  Solomon  saw  through  the 
 crisis,  and  if  he  could  have  succeeded  in  killing 
 Jeroboam  as  he  tried  to  do  (1  K.  xi.  40),  the  dis- 
 ruption might  have  been  postjioned  for  another  cen- 
 tury. As  it  was,  the  outbreak  was  deferred  for  a 
 time,  but  the  irritation  was  not  allayed,  and  the 
 insane  folly  of  his  son  brought  tiie  mischief  to  a 
 head.  From  the  time  of  the  revolt  in  two  senses 
 the  historj"^  of  Ephraim  is  the  history  of  the  king- 
 dom of  Israel,  since  not  only  did  the  tribe  become 
 a  kingdom,  but  the  kingdom  embraced  little  besides 
 the  tribe.  This  is  not  surprising,  and  quite  sus- 
 ceptible of  explanation.  North  of  Ephraim  the 
 country  appears  never  to  have  been  really  taken 
 possession  of  by  the  Israelites.  And  in  addition  to 
 this  original  defect  there  is  much  in  the  physical 
 formation  and  circumstances  of  the  upper  portion  of 
 Palestine  to  explain  why  those  tiibes  never  took  any 
 active  part  in  the  kingdom.  But  on  the  other  hand 
 the  position  of  Ephraim  was  altogether  diHerent.  It 
 was  one  at  once  of  great  lichness  and  great  security. 
 Her  fertile  plains  and  well  watered  valleys  could 
 only  be  reached  by  a  laborious  ascent  througli  steep 
 and  narrow  ravines,  all  but  impassable  for  an  aimy. 
 There  is  no  record  of  any  attack  on  tiie  central 
 kingdom,  either  from  the  Jordan  valley  or  the 
 maritime  plain.     On  the  north  side,  from  the  plain 
 
 EPHRON,  MOUNT 
 
 251 
 
 of  Esdraelou,  it  was  more  accessible,  and  it  was 
 fi-om  this  side  that  the  Hnal  invasion  ajipears  to 
 ha\'e  been  made. 
 
 E'phraim.  In  "  Baal  -  hazor  which  is  by 
 Ephraim  "  was  Absalom's  sheep-farm,  at  which 
 took  place  the  murder  of  Amuon,  one  of  the  earliest 
 precursors  of  the  great  revolt  (2  Sam.  xiii.  23). 
 There  is  unfortunately  no  clue  to  its  situation. 
 
 E'phxaim,  a  city  "  in  the  district  near  the  wil- 
 deiness  "  to  which  our  Lord  retired  with  his  dis- 
 ciples when  threatened  with  violence  by  the  priests 
 (John  xi.  54).  Dr.  Robinson  conjectures  that  Opli- 
 rah  and  Ephraim  are  identical,  and  that  their  mo- 
 dern representative  is  et-Taiyibeh.  It  is  situated 
 4  or  5  miles  east  of  pjethel,  and  16  from  Jerusalem. 
 
 E'phraim,  Gate  of,  one  of  the  gates  of  the  city 
 of  Jeiusalem  (2  K.  xiv.  13;  2  Chr.  xxv.  23  :  Neh. 
 viii.  IG,  xii.  39),  probably  at  or  neai'  the  position 
 of  the  present  "  Damascus  gate." 
 
 E'phraim,  the  Wood  of,  a  wood,  or  rather  a 
 forest  on  the  E.  of  Jordan,  in  which  the  fatal  battle 
 was  fought  between  the  armies  of  David  and  of 
 Absalom  (2  Sam.  xviii.  6).  The  suggestion  is  due 
 to  Grotius  that  the  name  was  derived  from  the 
 slaughtei-  of  Ephraim  at  the  fords  of  Jordan  by 
 the  Giieadites  under  Jephthah  (Judg.  xii.  1,  4,  5). 
 Is  it  not  at  least  equally  probable  that  the  forest 
 dei'ived  its  name  from  this  very  battle  ? 
 
 Eph'raimite.  Of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim  ;  else- 
 wheie  called  "  Eplnathite"  (Judg.  xii.  5). 
 
 Ephra'in,  a  city  of  Israel,  which  with  its  de- 
 pendent hamlets  Abijah  and  the  army  of  Judah 
 captured  from  Jeroboam  (2  Chr.  xiii.  19).  It  has 
 been  conjectui-ed  that  this  Ephrain  or  Ephron  is 
 identical  with  the  Ephraim  by  which  Absalom's 
 sheep-farm  of  Baal-hazor  was  situated ;  with  the 
 city  railed  Ephraim  near  the  wilderness  in  which  our 
 Lord  lived  for  some  time  ;  and  with  Ophrah,  a  city 
 of  Benjamin,  apparently  not  far  from  Bethel.  But 
 nothing  more  tlian  conjecture  am  be  anived  at  on 
 these  jioints. 
 
 Eph'ratah,  or  Eph'rath.  1.  Second  wife  of 
 Caleb  tlie  son  of  Hezion,  mother  of  Hur,  and  grand- 
 mother of  Caleb  the  spy,  according  to  ]  Chr.  ii.  19, 
 50,  and  probably  24,  and  iv.  4.-2.  The  ancient 
 name  of  Bethlehem-Judah,  as  is  manifest  from  Gen. 
 XXXV.  16,  19,  xlviii.  7.  It  cannot  therefore  have 
 derived  its  name  from  Ephratah,  the  mother  of  Hur. 
 It  seems  obvious  theiefoie  to  infer  that,  on  thecon- 
 tiary,  Ephratah,  the  mother  of  Hur,  was  so  called 
 from  the  town  of  her  birth,  and  that  she  probably 
 was  the  owner  of  the  town  and  district.  Another 
 possible  explanation  is,  that  Ephratah  may  have 
 been  the  name  given  to  some  daughter  of  Benjamin 
 to  commemorate  the  circumstance  of  Kachel  his  mo- 
 ther having  died  close  to  Ephrath.  But  it  would 
 not  account  for  E[ihratah's  descendants  being  settled 
 at  Bethlehem. —3.  Gesenius  thinks  that  in  Ps. 
 cxxxii.  6,  Ephratah  means  Ephraim. 
 
 Eph'rathite.  1.  An  inhabitant  of  Bethlehem 
 (Kuth  i.  2). — 2.  An  Ephraimite  (1  Sam.  i.  1 ;  1  K. 
 xi.  26.). 
 
 Eph'ron,  the  son  of  Zochar,  a  Hittite,  from 
 whom  Abraham  bought  the  field  and  cave  of  Mach- 
 pelah  (Gen.  x.viii.  8-17  ;  xxv.  9,  xlix.  29,  30,  1.  13). 
 
 Eph'ron,  a  very  strong  city  on  the  east  of 
 Jordan  between  Carnaim  (Ashteroth-Karnaim)  and 
 Bethshean,  attacked  and  demolished  by  Judas  Mao 
 cabaeus  (1  Mace.  v.  46-52  ;  2  Mace.  xii.  27). 
 
 Eph'ron,  Mount.  The  "citiesof  Mount  Ephion'' 
 formed  one  of  the  landmarks  on  the  northern  bound- 
 
252 
 
 EPICUREANS 
 
 aiy  of  the  tribe  of  Judah  (.losh.  xv.  y).  Epliron 
 is  probably  the  range  of  hills  on  the  west  side  of 
 Wmin  Beit-Ifa7iinn,  op|wsite  Liftu. 
 
 Epicure'ans,  the,  derived  their  name  from  K|>i- 
 CLiriis  (042-271  u.c.j.a  ]>liilosopher  of  Attic  descent, 
 whose  "  Garden  "  at  Athens  livalled  in  popularity 
 the  "  Porch  "  and  the  "  AaiJemy."  The  doctrines 
 of  Epicurus  fouud  wide  accepUince  in  Asia  Alinor 
 and  Alexandria,  and  they  gained  a  brilliant  advo- 
 cate at  Korae  in  Lucretius  (95-50  B.C. ).  Tiie  object 
 of  Kpicurus  was  to  find  in  philosophy  a  practical 
 guide  to  hajipiness.  Tiue  pleasure  and  not  abso- 
 lute truth  was  the  end  at  which  he  aimed  ;  exjie- 
 rience  and  not  reason  the  test  on  which  he  relied. 
 It  is  obvious  that  a  system  thus  framed  would  de- 
 generate by  a  natural  descent  into  meie  materialism  ; 
 and  in  this  form  Ejiicureism  was  the  popular  philo- 
 sophy at  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era  (cf. 
 Diog.  L.  X.  5,  9  j.  When  St.  Paul  addressed  "  Epicu- 
 r«'ansand  .stoics  "  (Acts  .wii.  18)  at  Athens,  the  phi- 
 losophy of  life  was  practically  reduced  to  the  teach- 
 ing <if  those  two  antiigonistic  schools. 
 
 Epiph'anes  (1  Mace.  i.  10,  x.  1).  [Antiochus 
 l'J'ii'iiA.\'i:s.] 
 
 Epiphi  (;>  Mace.  vi.  38),  name  of  the  eleventh 
 month  of  the  Egyptian  Vague  year,  aud  the  Alex- 
 andi-ian  or  Egyptian  Julian  year. 
 
 Epistle.  Jt  is  pio|)oscd  iu  the  present  aiticle  to 
 spak  of  the  Epistle  or  letter  as  a  means  of  com- 
 munication. The  use  of  written  lettei-s  implies,  it 
 needs  hardly  be  said,  a  cousideiable  progress  in  the 
 development  of  civilised  life.  In  the  early  nomadic 
 stages  of  society  accordingly,  we  find  no  traces  of 
 any  but  oral  communications.  The  first  recorded 
 letter  in  the  history  of  the  O.  T.  was  that  whicli 
 David  wrote  to  Joab,  and  sent  by  the  hand  of 
 Uriah  (2  Sam.  xi.  14),  and  this  must  obviously 
 liave  been  sealed  witJi  the  king's  seal.  The  material 
 used  for  the  impression  of  the  seal  was  probably  the 
 "clay"  of  Job  xxxviii.  14.  Written  communica- 
 tions become  more  frequent  in  the  later  histoiy. 
 The  king  of  Syria  sends  a  letter  to  the  king  of 
 Israel  (2  K.  v.  5,  6).  Elijah  the  prophet  sends  a 
 writing  to  Jehoram  (2  Chr.  xxi.  12).  The  books 
 of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  contain  or  reler  to  many 
 such  documents  (Ezr.  iv.  G,  7,  11,  v.  G,  vii.  11  ; 
 Neh.  ii.  7,  9,  vi.  5).  The  Epistles  of  the  N.  t! 
 in  their  outward  form  ai  e  such  as  might  be  expected 
 from  men  who  were  brought  into  contact  with 
 Greek  and  Koman  customs,  themselves  belonging  to 
 a  ditlercnt  race,  and  so  reproducing  the  imported 
 style  with  only  partial  accuracy.  They  begin  (the 
 Epistle  to  the  Ik-brews  aud  I  John  excepted)  with 
 Ihe  names  of  the  writer,  and  of  those  to  whom  the 
 Epistle  is  addressed.  Then  follows  the  formula  of 
 salutation.  Then  the  letter  itself  commences,  in 
 the  fii-st  |ierson,  the  singular  and  plural  being  used 
 indiscriminately.  When  the  substance  of  the  letter 
 ha.i  been  completed,  come  the  individual  messages. 
 The  inclusion  in  this  cisc  was  ])robably  m(Mlilietl 
 by  the  fact  that  the  letters  weie  dictated  to  ;ui 
 amanuensis.  When  he  ha<l  done  his  work,  the 
 Ajiostle  took  up  the  pen  or  leed,  and  added,  in  his 
 own  large  characfei-s  (Ga).  vi.  11),  the  authenticate 
 ing  autograph,  in  one  instance,  llom.  xvi.  22,  the 
 an)anuensis  in  his  own  name  adds  his  salutation. 
 An  allusion  in  2  Cor.  iii.  1  brings  licfore  ub  another 
 cla»8  of  letters  which  must  have  been  in  fieipient 
 use  in  the  early  ages  of  the  Christian  Church,  by 
 which  travellers  or  teachers  were  commended  by 
 one  church  to  the  good  odices  of  nthcrs. 
 
 ESAB-HADDON 
 
 Er.  1.  First-born  of  Judah.  Er  "  was  wicked 
 m  the  sight  of  the  Lord ;  and  the  Lord  slew  him." 
 It  docs  not  appear  what  the  nature  of  his  sin  was , 
 but,  from  his  Canaanitish  birth  on  the  mother's 
 side,  it  Wius  probably  connected  with  the  abominable 
 idolatries  of  Canaan  (Gen.  xxxviii.  3-7 ;  Num. 
 xxvi.  19).— 2.  Descendant  of  Shelah  the  son  of 
 Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  21).— 3.  Son  of  Jose,  and  father 
 of  ElmotLim  (Luke  iii.  28). 
 
 Eran,  son  of  Shnthelah,  eldest  son  of  Ephraim 
 (Num.  xxvi.  36).  Eran  was  the  head  of  the  fa- 
 mily of 
 
 E  ranites,  the,  Num.  xxvi.  36. 
 Er'ech,  one  of  the  cities  of  Nimrod's  kingdom 
 in  the  land  of  Shinar  (Gen.  x.  lOj.  It  is  doubtless 
 the  same  as  Orchoe,  82  miles  S.,  and  43  E.  of 
 Babylon,  the  modern  designations  of  the  site, 
 Warka,  Irha,  and  Irak,  bearing  a  considerable 
 affinity  to  the  original  name.  This  place  appears  to 
 have  been  the  necropolis  of  the  Assyrian  kings. 
 
 Erast'ns.  1.  One  of  the  attendants  or  deacons 
 of  St.  I'aul  at  Ephesus,  who  with  Timothy  was 
 sent  forward  into  Macedonia  while  the  Apostle 
 himself  remained  in  Asia  (Acts  xix.  22).  lie  is 
 jirobably  the  same  with  Erastus  who  is  again  men- 
 tioned iu  the  salutations  to  Timothy  (2  Tim.  iii. 
 20),  though  not  the  same  with  Era.<tus  the  cham- 
 berlain of  Corinth  (Kom.  xvi.  23).— 2.  Erastus  the 
 chamberlain,  or  rather  the  public  tre»»suier  of  Co- 
 rinth, who  was  one  of  the  early  converts  to  Chiis- 
 tianity  (Rom.  xvi.  23).  Aa:ording  to  the  tradi- 
 tions of  the  Greek  Church,  he  was  first  treasurer  to 
 the  Church  at  Jerusalem,  and  afterwaids  Bishop  of 
 Paneas. 
 
 E'ri,  son  of  Gad  (Gen.  xlvi.  16),  and  ancestor 
 of  the  EniTKS  (Num.  xxvi.  16). 
 
 Esa'ias.  The  foim  of  the  name  of  the  prophet 
 Isainh  in  the  X.  T. 
 
 E'sar-ha'ddon.  One  of  the  greatest  of  the  kings 
 of  Assyria.  He  was  tne  son  of  Sennacherib  (2  K. 
 xix.  ."i7)  aud  the  giandson  of  Sargon  who  succeeded 
 Shalmanesci'.  Nothing  is  really  known  of  Esjir- 
 haddon  until  his  accession  (ab.  B.C.  680  ;  2  K.  xix. 
 37 ;  Is.  xxxvii.  38).  He  appears  by  his  monu- 
 ments to  have  been  one  of  the  most  powerful 
 — if  not  ihc  most  powerful — of  all  the  Assyrian 
 monarchs.  He  carried  his  arms  over  all  Asia  be- 
 tween the  Persian  Gulf,  the  Aimeuian  mountains, 
 and  the  Mediterranean.  In  conse(|uence  of  the  dis- 
 all'ection  of  Babylon,  and  its  frequent  revolts  from 
 former  Assyrian  kings,  Esar-haddon,  having  sub- 
 dued the  sons  of  Meiodach-Baladan  who  headed  the 
 national  party,  intioduced  the  new  policy  of  substi- 
 tuting for  the  former  government  by  viccioys,  a 
 direct  ilejiendance  upon  the  Assyrian  crown.  He 
 is  the  only  Assyrian  monarch  whom  we  find  to 
 have  actually  reigned  at  Babylon,  where  he  built 
 hiin-self  a  jialace,  bricks  from  which  have  been  re- 
 cently recovered  bearing  his  name.  His  Babylonian 
 reign  lasttsl  thirteen  yeai-s,  from  n.C.  (i.SO  to  ii.c. 
 6G7.  As  a  builder  of  great  works  Esar-haddon  is 
 particuhu'ly  distinguished.  Besides  his  {Milacc  at 
 Babylon,  which  has  been  already  mentioned,  he 
 built  at  least  three  others  in  dillerent  part-s  of  his 
 dominions,  either  for  himself  or  his  son  ;  while  in  a 
 single  inscri])tiou  he  mentions  the  election  by  his 
 hands  of  jio  fewer  than  thirty  tcmpU-s  in  Assyria 
 anil  Mes<>|>ntamia.  The  south-west  judace  at  Nimrud 
 is  the  bi'.st  jiresorvcd  tit  his  constiuelinns.  It  is 
 im|)ossible  to  fix  the  length  of  lisar-haddon's  reign 
 or  the  ordei'  of  tlie  events  which  occurred  iu  it.     It 
 
ESAU 
 
 has  been  conjectured  tliat  he  died  about  B.C.  fiGO, 
 after  occupying  tiie  throne  for  twenty  years. 
 
 E'san,  the  eldest  son  of  Isaac,  and  twin-brother 
 of  Jacob.  The  singular  appearance  of  the  child  at 
 his  birth  originated  the  name  (Gen.  xxv.  25).  This 
 was  not  the  only  remarkable  circumstance  connected 
 with  the  birth  of  the  infant.  Even  in  the  womb 
 the  twin-brothers  struggled  together  (x.xv.  22). 
 Esau's  robust  frame  and  "  rough  "  aspect  were  the 
 types  of  a  wild  and  daring  nature.  The  pecu- 
 liiirities  of  his  character  soon  began  to  develope 
 themselves.  He  was,  in  fact,  a  thorough  Dedawy, 
 a  "  son  of  the  desert,"  who  delighted  to  roam  free 
 as  the  wind  of  heaven,  and  who  was  impatient  of 
 the  restraints  of  civilized  or  settled  life.  His  old 
 father,  by  a  caprice  of  affection  not  uncommon, 
 loved  his  wilful,  vagrant  boy ;  and  his  keen  relish 
 for  savoury  food  being  gratified  by  Esau's  venison, 
 he  liked  him  all  the  better  for  his  skill  in  hunting 
 (xxv.  28).  An  event  occurred  which  exhibited  the 
 reckless  character  of  Esau  on  the  one  hand,  and  the 
 selfish,  gi-asping  nature  of  his  brother  on  the  other. 
 There  is  something  revolting  in  this  whole  transac- 
 tion. Jacob  takes  advantage  of  his  brother's  distress 
 to  rob  him  of  that  which  was  dear  as  life  itself  to 
 an  Eastern  patriarch.  Esau  niar]ied  at  the  age  of 
 40,  and  contrary  to  the  wish  of  his  parents.  His 
 wives  were  both  Canaanites  ;  and  they  "  were  bit- 
 terness of  spirit  unto  Isaac  and  to  Rebekah  "  (Gen. 
 xxvi.  34,  35).  The  next  episode  in  the  history  of 
 Esau  and  Jacob  is  still  more  painful  than  the 
 former.  Jacob,  through  the  ciaft  of  his  mother,  is 
 again  successful,  and  secures  irrevocably  the  coven- 
 ant blessing.  Esau  vows  vengeance.  But  he  knew 
 not  a  mother's  watchful  care.  By  a  characteristic 
 piece  of  domestic  policy  Kebekah  succeeded  both  in 
 exciting  Isaac's  anger  against  Esau,  and  obtaining 
 his  consent  to  Jacob's  departure.  When  Esau  heard 
 tliat  his  father  had  commanded  Jacob  to  take  a  wife 
 of  the  daughters  of  his  kinsman  Laban,  he  also  re- 
 solved to  try  whether  by  a  new  alliance  he  could 
 propitiate  his  parents.  He  accordingly  married  his 
 cousin  Mahalath,  the  daughter  of  Ishmael  (xxviii. 
 
 8,  9).  This  marriage  appears  to  have  brought  him 
 into  connexion  with  the  Ishmaelitish  tribes  beyond 
 the  valley  of  Arabah.  He  soon  afterwards  esta- 
 blished himself  in  Mount  Seir ;  still  retaining,  how- 
 ever, some  interest  in  his  father's  property  in 
 Southern  Palestine.  He  was  residing  in  Mount 
 Seir  when  Jacob  returned  from  Padan-aram,  and 
 had  then  become  so  rich  and  powerful  that  the  im- 
 pressions of  his  brother's  early  ofl^ences  seem  to 
 have  been  almost  completely  effaced.  It  does  not 
 appear  that  the  brothers  again  met  until  the  death  of 
 tiieir  father  about  20  years  afterwards.  They  united 
 in  laying  Isaac's  body  in  the  cave  of  Machpelah.  Of 
 Esau's  fubseijuent  history  nothing  is  known ;  for 
 that  of  his  descendants  see  Edom  and  Edomites. 
 
 E'sau,  1  Esd.  v.  29.     [Ziba.] 
 
 E'say,  Ecclus.  xlviii.  20,  22;  2  Esd.  ii.  18. 
 [Isaiah.] 
 
 Esdrae'lon.  This  name  is  merely  the  Greek 
 •form  of  the  Hebrew  word  Jezreel.  It  occurs  in 
 this  exact  shape  only  twice  in  the  A.  V.   (Jud.  iii. 
 
 9,  iv.  6).  In  Jud.  iii.  3  it  is  Esdraelom,  and  in  i. 
 8  Esdrelom,  with  the  addition  of  "the  great 
 plain."  In  the  0.  T.  the  plain  is  called  the  Valley 
 OF  Jezreel  ;  by  Joscphus  "  the  great  plain."  The 
 name  is  derived  from  the  old  royjJ  city  of  Jezreel, 
 which  occupied  a  commanding  sil.e,  near  the  eastern 
 extremity  of  the  plain,  on  a  spur  of  Mount  Gilboa. 
 
 ESDRAS,  FIRST  BOOK  OF     253 
 
 "  The  Great  plain  of  Esdraelon "  extends  across 
 Central  Palestine  from  the  Mediterranean  to  the 
 Jordan,  separating  the  mountain  ranges  of  Cai-mel 
 and  Samaria  from  those  of  Galilee.  The  western 
 section  of  it  is  properly  the  plain  of  Accno,  or 
 ' Akka.  The  main  body  of  the  plain  is  a  triangle. 
 Its  base  on  the  east  extends  from  Jenin  (the  ancient 
 Engannim)  to  the  foot  of  the  hills  below  Nazareth, 
 and  is  about  15  miles  long  ;  the  noith  side,  formed 
 by  the  hills  of  Galilee,  is  about  12  miles  long ;  and 
 the  south  side,  formed  by  the  Sam;uia  range,  is 
 about  18  miles.  The  apex  on  the  west  is  a  narrow 
 pass  opening  into  the  plain  of  'Akka.  From  the 
 base  of  this  triangular  plain  three  blanches  stretch 
 out  eastward,  like  fingers  from  a  hand,  divided  by 
 two  bleak,  gi"ey  ridges — one  bearing  the  familiar 
 name  of  Mount  Gilboa;  the  other  called  by  Franks 
 Little  Hernion,  but  by  natives  Jebel  ed-Duhj.  The 
 central  branch  is  the  lichest  as  well  as  the  most 
 celebrated.  This  is  the  "  Valley  of  Jezreel  "  proper 
 — the  battle-field  on  which  Gideon  triumphed,  and 
 Saul  and  Jonathan  were  overthrown  (Judg.  vii. 
 1,  sq. ;  1  Sam.  xxix.  and  xxxi.).  Two  things  are 
 worthy  of  special  notice  in  the  plain  of  Esdraelon. 
 1.  its  wonderful  richness.  2.  its  desolation.  If  we 
 except  the  easteni  branches,  theie  is  not  a  single  in- 
 habited village  on  its  whole  surface,  and  not  more 
 than  one-sixth  of  its  soil  is  cultivated.  It  is  the 
 home  of  the  wild  wandering  Bedawin. 
 
 Es'dras.  The  form  of  the  name  of  Ezra  the 
 scribe  in  1  and  2  Esdr. 
 
 Es'dras,  First  Book  of,  the  first  in  order  of 
 the  Apocryphal  books  in  the  English  Bible.  In  the 
 Vatican  and  other  quasi-modern  editions  of  the 
 LXX.,  our  1st  Esdr.  is  called  the  first  book  of 
 Esdras,  in  relation  to  the  canonical  Book  of  Ezia 
 which  follows  it,  and  is  called  the  second  Esdras. 
 But  in  the  Vulgate,  1st  Esdr.  means  the  canonical 
 Book  of  Ezra,  and  2nd  Esdr.  means  Nehemiah,  ac- 
 cording to  the  primitive  Hebrew  arrangement, 
 mentioned  by  Jerome,  in  which  Ezra  and  Nehe- 
 miah made  up  two  parts  of  the  one  book  of  Ezra ; 
 and  3rd  and  4th  Esdr.  are  what  we  now  call  1  and 
 2  Esdias.  In  all  the  earlier  editions  of  the  English 
 Bible  the  books  of  Esdras  are  numbered  as  in  the 
 Vulgate.  The  Geneva  Bible  first  adopted  the  clas- 
 sification used  in  our  present  Bibles.  As  regards  the 
 antiquity  of  this  book  and  the  rank  assigned  to  it  iu 
 the  early  Church,  it  may  suHici?  to  mention  that  Jo- 
 sephus  quotes  largely  from  it,  and  follows  its  author- 
 ity. It  is  quoted  also  by  Clemens  Alexandrinus,  by 
 Cyprian,  Augustine,  Athanasius,  and  other  fathers. 
 Nothing  can  be  clearer  on  the  other  hand  than  that 
 it  is  rightly  included  by  us  among  the  Apocrj'pha. 
 That  it  was  never  known  to  exist  in  Hebiew  and 
 foiTiied  no  part  of  the  Hebrew  Canon,  is  admitted 
 by  all.  As  regards  the  contents  of  the  book,  and 
 tlie  author  or  authors  of  it — the  first  chapter  is  a 
 transcript  of  the  two  last  chapters  of  2  Chr.  for 
 the  most  part  verbatim,  and  only  in  one  or  two 
 pai'ts  slightly  abiidged  and  paraphrased,  and  sh jw- 
 mg  some  cori-uptions  of  the  text,  the  use  of  a 
 diti'erent  Greek  version,  and  some  various  leadings. 
 Chapters  iii.,  iv.,  and  v.,  to  the  end  of  v.  6,  are 
 the  original  portions  of  the  book,  and  the  rest  is  a 
 tianscript  more  or  less  exact  of  the  book  of  Ezra, 
 with  the  chapters  transposed  and  quite  otherwise 
 arranged,  and  a  portion  of  Nehemiah.  Hence  a  two- 
 fold design  in  the  compiler  is  discernible.  One  to 
 introduce  and  give  Scriptui'al  sanction  to  the  legend 
 about   Zerubbabel ;   the  other  to  explain  the  great 
 
254     ESDRAS,  SECOND  BOOK  OF 
 
 obs<'unties  of  the  hook  of  Kzia,  in  wliich  liowevcr ', 
 lie  has  signally  failed.     As  regards  the  time  and  ' 
 place  when  the  compilation  was  made,  the  oriijinal  j 
 portion  is  that  which  alone  allords  much  cine.  'I'his  ' 
 seems  to  indicate  that  the  writer  was  fhoroiighly 
 conversant  with  Hebrew,  even  if  he  did  not  write 
 the  book  in  that  languajie.     He  was  well  acquainted 
 too  with  the  books  of  Esther  and   Daniel  (1  Esdr. 
 iii.  1,  2  sqq.),  and  other  books  of  Scripture  {ib,  20, 
 21,  39,  41,&c.,  and  45  compared  with  Ps.  cxxxvii. 
 7).  But  that  he  did  not  live  under  the  I'ersian  kings, 
 appeal's  by  the  undiscriminating  way  in  which  he 
 uses  promiscuously  the  phrase  Medcs  and  Persians, 
 or,  Persians  and  Medes,  accoi-ding  as  he  happened 
 to  be  imitating  the  language  of  Daniel  or  of  the 
 book  of  R-^ther. 
 
 Es'dras,  the  Second  Book  of,  in  the  English 
 Version  of  the  Apocrypha,  and  so  called  by  the 
 author  (2  Esdr.  i.  1),  is  more  commonly  known, 
 according  to  the  reckoning  of  the  Latin  V^ersion,  as 
 the  foniih  book  of  Ezra.  The  original  title,  "  the 
 Apocalypse  of  Ezra,"  is  far  more  appropriate. — 1. 
 For  a  long  time  this  Book  of  Ezra  was  known  only 
 by  an  old  Latin  version,  which  is  preserved  in  some 
 MSS.  of  the  \^ilgate.  A  second  Arabic  text  was 
 discovered  by  Mr.  Gregory  about  the  miiidje  of  the 
 17th  century  in  two  Bodleian  MSS.  A  third  Aethi- 
 opic  text  was  published  in  1820  by  [Archbp.] 
 Lawrence  with  English  and  Latin  translations,  like- 
 wise from  a  Fiodlcian  MS. — 2.  TJie  three  versions 
 were  all  made  directly  from  a  Greek  text;  and  in 
 default  of  direct  evidence  to  the  contrary,  it  must  be 
 supposed  that  the  book  was  composed  in  Greek. — 
 3.  The  common  Latin  text,  which  is  followed  in 
 the  English  version,  contains  two  important  inter- 
 polations (Ch.  i.  ii. ;  xv.  xvi.)  which  are  not  found 
 in  the  Arabic  and  Aethiopic  versions,  and  are  sepa- 
 rated from  the  genuine  Apocalypse  in  the  best  L:!tin 
 MSS.  Both  of  these  passages  are  evidently  of 
 Christian  origin.  Another  smaller  interpolation 
 occurs  in  the  Latin  version  in  vii.  28,  where //iV(S 
 mens  Jesiis  answers  to  "  Mi/  Messiah "  in  the 
 Aethiopir,  anil  to  "  3[j/  Son  Messiah"  in  the  Ara- 
 bic. On  the  other  hand,  a  long  passage  occurs 
 in  the  Aethiopic  and  Arabic  vei-sions  after  vii.  H5, 
 which  is  not  found  in  the  Latin. — i.  The  original 
 Apocidypse  (iii.-xiv.)  consists  of  a  series  of  angelic 
 revelations  and  visions  in  which  Ezra  is  instructed 
 in  some  of  the  great  mysteries  of  the  moral  world, 
 and  assured  of  the  final  triumph  of  the  righteous. 
 The  subject  of  the  first  revelation  {hi. -v.  15)  is  the 
 imsearchableness  of  God's  purposes,  and  the  signs 
 of  the  last  age.  The  second  revelation  (v.  20. -vi. 
 34)  caiTies  out  this  teaching  yet  further,  and  lays 
 open  the  gradual  progi'ess  of  the  plan  of  Providence, 
 and  the  nearness  of  the  visitation  before  which  evil 
 must  attain  its  most  terrible  climax.  The  third 
 revelation  (vi.  .'i5-ix.  25)  answeis  the  objections 
 which  arise  from  the  apparent  nariowness  of  the 
 limits  within  which  the  hope  of  blessedness  is  con- 
 fined, and  describes  the  coming  of  Messiah  and  the 
 last  scene  of  .Judgment.  After  this  follow  three 
 visions.  The  first  vision  (ix.  2(5-x.  59)  is  of  a 
 woman  (Sion)  in  deep  sorrow,  lamenting  the  death, 
 upon  his  bridal  day,  of  her  only  son  (the  city  built 
 by  Solomon),  who  had  been  born  to  her  after  she 
 had  had  no  child  for  thirty  years.  But  while  Ezra 
 looked,  her  face  "  upon  a  siidilen  shiiied  exceed- 
 ingly," and  "  the  woman  appeared  no  more,  liut 
 there  was  a  city  buildcd."  The  second  vit'-ion  (xi., 
 tii.),   in   a  dream,    is  nf  an    eagle  (Itomc^   which 
 
 ESH-BAAL 
 
 "came  up  from  the  sea"  and  "spread  her  wings 
 over  all  the  earth."  The  third  vision  (xiii.),  in  a 
 dream,  is  of  a  man  (Messiah)  "flying  with  tne 
 clouds  of  heaven,"  against  whom  the  nations  of  the 
 earth  are  gathered,  till  he  destroys  them  with  the 
 blast  of  his  mouth,  and  gathers  together  the  lost 
 tribes  of  Israel  and  offers  Siou,  "  prepared  and' 
 builded,"  to  His  people.  The  l.ust  chapter  '^xiv.) 
 recounts  an  appearance  to  Ezra  of  the  Lord  who 
 .showed  Himself  to  Moses  in  the  bush. — 5.  The  date 
 of  the  book  is  much  disputed,  though  the  limits 
 within  which  opinions  vary  are  narrower  than  in 
 the  case  of  the  book  of  Enoch.  Liicke  places  it  in 
 the  time  ot  Caesar ;  Van  der  Vlis  shot  tly  after  the 
 deatli  of  Caesar.  Lawrence  brings  it  down  some- 
 what lower,  to  28-25  li.c.  On  the  other  hand 
 Gfrorer  assigns  the  book  to  the  time  of  Domitian. — 
 6.  The  chief  cliaracteiistics  of  the  "  three-heiided 
 eagle,"  which  refer  apparently  to  historic  details, 
 are  "twelve  feathereil  wings"  fdiiodecim  alae  pen- 
 narum),  "  eight  counter-feathers  "  (contrariae  pen- 
 nae),  and  "  three  heads";  but  though  the  writer 
 expres.sly  inteiprets  these  of  kings  (xii.  14,  20)  and 
 "  kingdoms"  (.xii.  23),  he  is,  perhaps  intentionally, 
 so  obscure  in  his  allusions,  that  the  interpretation 
 only  increases  the  difficulties  of  the  vision  itself. 
 One  point  oidy  may  lie  considered  certain, — the 
 eagle  can  typify  no  other  empiie  than  Rome.  But 
 when  it  is  established  that  the  inteipietation  of  the 
 vision  is  to  be  sought  iu  the  history  of  liome,  the 
 chief  difficulties  of  the  problem  begin.  All  is  evi- 
 dently as  yet  vaojue  and  uncertain,  and  will  pro- 
 bably remain  so  till  some  clearer  light  can  be  thrown 
 upon  Jewish  thought  and  history  during  the  criticiil 
 period  100  n.C.-lOO  A.C. — 7.  But  while  the  date 
 of  the  book  must  be  left  undetermined,  there  can 
 be  no  doubt  that  it  is  a  genuine  product  of  Jewish 
 thought.  The  .Apocalypse  was  probably  written  in 
 Egypt;  the  opening  and  closing  ch.npters  certainly 
 were.— 8.  In  tone  and  character  the  Apocalypse  ot 
 Ezra  offers  a  striking  contrast  to  that  of  Enoch. 
 Triumphant  anticipations  are  overshadowed  by 
 gloomy  forebodings  of  the  destiny  of  the  world. 
 The  idea  of  victory  is  lost  in  that  of  revenge. — 
 9.  One  traiiition  which  the  book  contains  obtained 
 a  wide  reception  in  early  times,  and  served  a.s  a 
 pendant  to  the  legend  of  the  origin  of  the  L.\X. 
 Ezra,  it  is  said,  for  forty  days  and  forty  nights 
 dictated  to  his  scribes,  who  wrote  ninety-four  Imoks, 
 of  which  twenty-four  were  delivered  to  the  people 
 in  place  of  the  books  which  were  lo.st  (xiv.  20-48). 
 This  strange  story  probably  owed  its  origin  to  the 
 tradition  which  regarded  Ezra  as  the  representative 
 of  the  men  of  the  "  Great  Synagogue." — 10.  Though 
 the  liodk  was  assigned  to  the  "  prophet "  Ezra  by 
 Clement  of  Alexandria,  it  did  not  maint.ain  its  eccle- 
 siastical position  in  the  Church.  Jerome  speaks  of 
 it  with  contempt,  and  it  is  rarely  fonnil  in  MS.S. 
 of  the  Latin  Bible.  It  is  found,  however,  in  the 
 printed  copies  of  the  A'ulgate  older  than  the  Council 
 of  Trent.  On  the  other  hand,  though  this  book  is 
 included  among  those  which  are  "  read  for  examples 
 of  life"  by  tlie  English  Church,  no  use  of  it  is 
 then'  niadi'  in  ])ul>lic  worshi]>. 
 
 Escbon,  Jud.  V.  15.     [Hi;siinoN.] 
 lisebrias,  1  Esil.  viii.  54.     [SiiKiiKniAii.] 
 £  sok,  a  well,  which  the  herdsmen  of  Isaac  dug 
 ill  the  vnll.'v  of  (ierar  (Gen.  xxvi.  20). 
 
 £sh-ba'al,  the  fiunth  .son  of  .Saul,  nocording  to 
 the  genealogies  of  1  Chr.  viii.  33  and  ix.  39.  He  is 
 doubtless  the  same  person  as  Isii-doshrtii. 
 
ESHBAN 
 
 Esh'ban,  a  Horite;  one  of  the  four  sons  of 
 Dish  AN  (Gen.  xxxvi.  26  ;  1  Chr.  i.  41). 
 
 Esh'col,  brother  of  Mamre  the  Amorite,  and  of 
 Aner ;  and  one  of  Abraham's  companions  in  his 
 pursuit  of  the  four  kings  who  had  carried  off  Lot 
 (Gen.  xiv.  13,  24). 
 
 Esh'col,  the  Valley,  or  the  Brook,  of,  a  loady 
 in  tlie  neighbourhooil  of  Hebron,  explored  by  the 
 spies  who  were  sent  by  ]\Ioses  fiom  Kadesh-barnea. 
 Fiom  the  terms  of  two  of  the  notices  of  this  trans- 
 action (Num.  xxxiii.  9  ;  Deut.  i.  24)  it  might  be 
 gathered  tliat  Eshcol  was  the  fuithest  point  to 
 which  tlie  spies  penetrated.  But  this  would  be  to 
 contradict  the  express  statement  of  Num.  xiii.  21, 
 that  they  went  as  far  as  liehob.  The  name  has 
 been  hiteiy  observed  still  attached  to  a  spring  of 
 remarkably  fine  water  called  'Ain-Eshkali,  in  a 
 valley  which  ci'osses  the  vale  of  Hebron  N.E.  and 
 S.W.,  and  about  two  miles  north  of  the  town. 
 
 Esh'ean,  one  of  the  cities  of  Judah  (Josh. 
 XV.  52). 
 
 E'shek,  a  Benjamite,  one  of  the  late  descendants 
 of  Saul  (I  Chr.  viii.  39). 
 
 Esh'kalonites,   the.    Josh.  xiii.   3.     [Ashke- 
 
 LOX.J 
 
 Esh'taol,  a  town  in  the  low  country — the  She- 
 felah — of  Judah.  It  is  the  first  of  the  first  group 
 of  cities  in  that  district  (Josh.  xv.  33)  enumerated 
 with  Zoreah,  in  company  with  which  it  is  com- 
 monly mentioned.  Zorah  and  Eshtaol  weie  two  of 
 the  towns  allotted  to  the  tribe  of  Dan  out  of  Judah 
 (Josh.  xix.  41).  Here,  among  the  old  warriors  of 
 the  tribe,  Samson  spent  his  boyhood,  and  hither 
 after  his  last  exploit  his  body  was  brought  (Judg. 
 xiii.  25,  xvi.  31,  xviii.  2,  8,  11,  12).  In  the  Ono- 
 masticon  of  Eusebius  and  Jerome  Eshtaol  is  twice 
 mentioned — (1)  as  Astaol  of  Judah,  described  as 
 then  existing  between  Azotus  and  Ascalon  under 
 the  name  of  Astho;  (2)  as  Esthaul  of  Dan,  ten 
 miles  N.  of  Eleutheropolis.  In  more  modern  times, 
 however,  the  name  has  vanished. 
 
 Esh'tatilites,  the,  with  the  Zareathites,  were 
 among  the  families  of  Kirjath-jearim  (1  Chr.  ii.  53). 
 
 Eshtemo'a,  and  in  shorter  form  Eshtemoh',  a 
 town  of  Judah,  in  the  mountains  (Josh.  xv.  50). 
 With  its  suburbs  Eshtemoa  was  allotted  to  the 
 priests  (x^d.  14;  1  Chr.  vi.  57j.  It  was  one  of 
 the  places  frequented  by  David  and  his  followers 
 during  the  long  period  of  their  wanderings  ( 1  Sam. 
 XXX.  28,  comp.  31).  The  place  was  known  in  the 
 time  of  Eusebius  and  Jerome.  There  is  little  doubt 
 that  it  has  been  discovered  by  Dr.  Robinson  at 
 Semn'a,  a  village  seven  miles  south  of  Hebron. 
 Eslitemoa  appears  to  have  been  founded  by  the  de- 
 scendants of  the  Egyptian  wife  of  a  certain  Mered 
 (1  Chr.  iv.  17). 
 
 Esh'ton,  a  name  which  occurs  in  the  genealogies 
 of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  11,  12). 
 
 Es'li,  son  of  Nagge  or  Naggjii,  in  the  genealogy 
 of  Christ  (Luke  iii.  25). 
 
 Eso'ra,  a  place  fortified  by  the  .Tews  on  the 
 approach  of  the  Assyrian  army  under  Holofernes 
 (Jud.  iv.  4).  Perhaps  Hazor,  or  Zorah,  but  it  is 
 not  certain. 
 
 Es'ril,  1  Esd.  ix.  34.     [Azarkel,  or  Sharai.] 
 
 Es'rom,  Jlatt.  i.  3  ;  Luke  iii.  33.     [Hezron.] 
 
 Esse'nes.  1.  In  the  description  of  Josephus  the 
 Essenes  appear  to  combine  the  ascetic  virtues  of 
 the  Pythagoreans  and  Stoics  with  a  spiritual  know- 
 ledge of  the  Divine  Law.  2.  The  name  Essene  or 
 Essacan  is  itself  full  of  ditHcultv.     Vaiious  dfriva- 
 
 ESSENES 
 
 255 
 
 tions  have  been  proposed  for  it,  and  all  ai-e  more 
 or  less  open  to  objection.  It  seems  probable  that 
 Esseue  signifies  "  seer,"  or  "  the  silent,  the  mys- 
 terious.'" 3.  The  obscurity  of  the  Essenes  as  a 
 distinct  body  arises  from  the  flict  that  they  repre- 
 sented originally  a  tendency  rather  than  an  organis- 
 ation. As  a  sect  they  were  distinguished  by  an 
 aspiration  after  ideal  purity  i-ather  than  by  any 
 special  code  of  doctrines.  From  the  Maccibaean  age 
 there  was  a  continuous  effort  among  the  stricter 
 Jews  to  attain  an  absolute  stan.lard  of  holiness. 
 Each  cla.ss  of  devotees  was  looked  upon  as  prac- 
 tically impure  by  their  successors,  who  carried  the 
 laws  of  purity  still  further;  and  the  Essenes  stand 
 at  the  extreme  limit  of  the  mystic  asceticism  which 
 was  thus  gradually  reduced  to  shape.  To  the  Pha- 
 risees they  stood  nearly  in  the  same  relation  as  that 
 in  which  the  Pharisees  themselves  stood  with  regard 
 to  the  mass  of  the  people.  4.  The  traces  of  the 
 existence  of  Essenes  in  common  society  are  not 
 wanting  nor  confined  to  individual  cases.  Not  onlv 
 was  a  gate  at  Jerusalem  named  from  them,  but  a 
 later  tradition  mentions  the  existence  of  a  congre- 
 gation there  which  devoted  "  one  third  of  the  day 
 to  study,  one  third  to  prayer,,  and  one  third  to 
 labour."  The  isolated  communities  of  Essenes  fur- 
 nished the  type  which  is  preserved  in  the  popular 
 descriptions.  These  were  regulated  by  strict  rules, 
 analogous  to  those  of  the  monastic  institutions  of  a 
 later  date.  5.  The  order  itself  was  regulated  by 
 an  internal  jurisdiction.  Excommunication  w;is 
 equivalent  to  a  slow  death,  since  an  Essene  coulu' 
 not  take  food  prepared  by  strangers  for  fear  of  pol- 
 lution. All  things  were  held  in  common,  without 
 distinction  of  property  or  house ;  and  special  pi-o- 
 vision  was  made  for  the  relief  of  the  pooi-.  Self- 
 denial,  temperance,  and  labour — especially  agricul- 
 ture— were  the  marks  of  the  outward  life  of  the 
 Essenes;  purity  and  divine  communion  the  objects 
 of  their  aspiration.  Slavery,  war,  and  commerce 
 were  alike  forbidden.  6.  In  doctrine,  as  has  been 
 seen  already,  they  did  not  differ  essentially  from 
 strict  Pharisees.  Moses  was  honoured  by  them  next 
 to  God.  They  observed  the  Sabbath  with  singular 
 strictness,  turned  their  attention  specially  to  the 
 mysteries  of  the  spiritual  world,  and  looked  upon 
 the  bjdy  as  a  mere  prison  of  the  soul.  7.  The 
 number  of  the  Essenes  is  loughly  estimated  by 
 Philo  at  4000.  Their  best-known  settlements  were 
 on  the  N.W.  shore  of  the  Dead  Sea.  8.  In  the 
 Talmudic  writings  there  is,  as  has  been  already 
 said,  no  direct  mention  of  the  Essenes,  but  their 
 existence  is  recognised  by  the  notice  of  peculiar 
 points  of  practice  and  teaching.  9.  The  ch.aracter 
 of  Essenism  limited  its  spread.  Out  of  Palestine 
 Levitical  purity  was  impossible,  for  the  very  land 
 was  impure;  and  thus  there  is  no  trace  of  the  sect 
 in  Babylonia.  The  case  was  diffeient  in  Egypt, 
 an<l  the  tendency  which  gave  birth  to  the  Esser.es 
 found  a  fresh  development  in  the  pure  speculation 
 
 i  of  the  Therapeutae.  10.  From  the  nature  of  the 
 case  Essenism  in  its  extreme  form  could  extrcise 
 very  little  infiuence  on  Christianity.  In  all  its 
 practical  bearings  it  was  diametrically  opposed  to 
 the  Apostolic  teaching.  The  only  real  similarity 
 between  Essenism  and  Christianity  lay  in  the  com- 
 mon element  of  true  Judaism.     Nationally,  how- 
 
 i  ever,  the  Essenes  occupy  the  same  position  as  that 
 to  which  John  the  Bajitist  was  personally  called. 
 They  mark  the  close  of  the  old,  the  longing  for  the 
 new,  but  in  this  case  without  the  promise.     At  a 
 
256 
 
 ESTHER 
 
 later  time  traces  of  Essonism  api)P.<ir  in  tlio  C'le- 
 meiitiiics. 
 
 Esther,  tlip  Persian  name  of  Hadassaii,  daugh- 
 ter of  Aljiliail  the  sou  of  S'hiniei,  the  son  of  Kish,  a 
 lienjamite.  Esther  was  a  fjeautifui  Jewish  maiden, 
 whose  ancestor  Kish  had  been  among  tlie  captives 
 led  away  fiom  Jerusalem  by  Nebuchadnezzar  when 
 Jehoiachin  was  taken  cjiptive.  .She  wns  an  orphan 
 without  father  or  mother,  and  had  been  brought  u\> 
 by  her  cousin  Mordoeii,  who  had  an  ollice  in  the 
 household  of  Ah;isuerus  king  of  Persia,  and  dwelt 
 at  ''  Shu>han  the  palace."  When  X'ashti  was  dis- 
 missed from  being  queen,  and  all  the  fairest  virgins 
 of  the  kingdom  had  been  collected  at  Shushan  i'or 
 the  king  to  make  choice  of  a  successor  to  her  from 
 among  them,  the  choice  fell  upon  Esther.  The  king 
 was  not  aware,  however,  of  her  race  and  parentage  ; 
 and  so,  on  the  representation  of  Haman  the  Agagife 
 that  the  Jews  scattered  through  his  empire  were  a 
 jieinicious  race,  he  gave  him  full  power  and  au- 
 thority to  kill  them  all,  young  and  old,  women  and 
 children,  and  take  possession  of  all  their  property. 
 Tlie  means  taken  by  Esther  to  avert  this  great 
 calamity  from  her  jieople  and  her  kindred  are  fully 
 Belated  in  the  book  of  Esther.  History  is  wholly 
 silent  both  about  V'^ashti  and  Estlier.  Herodotus 
 ordy  hajipens  to  mention  one  of  Xer.xes'  wives ; 
 Scripture  only  mentions  two,  if  indeed  either  of 
 them  were  wives  at  all.  It  seems  natural  to  con- 
 clude that  Esther,  a  captive,  and  one  of  the  haieni, 
 was  not  of  the  highest  rank  of  wives,  but  that  a 
 .special  honour,  with  the  name  of  queen,  may  have 
 been  given  to  her,  as  to  Vashti  befoie  her,  as  the 
 favourite  concubine  or  inferior  wife,  whoso  oll'spring, 
 however,  if  slic  had  any,  would  not  have  succeeded 
 to  the  IVisian  throne. 
 
 Es'ther,  Book  of,  one  of  the  latest  of  the 
 canonical  books  of  Scripture,  having  been  wiitten 
 late  in  the  reign  of  Xerxes,  or  early  in  that  of  his 
 son  Artaxerxes  Longimanus.  The  author  is  not 
 known,  but  may  very  piobably  have  been  Mordecai 
 himself.  Those  who  ascribe  it  to  Ezra,  or  the  men 
 of  the  Great  Synagogue,  may  have  merely  meant 
 that  Ezra  eilited  and  ailded  it  to  the  canon  of  Scrip- 
 ture, which  he  pro))ably  did.  The  book  of  Esther 
 apjiears  in  a  ditlcrent  form  in  the  LXX.,  and  the 
 translations  tlierefrom,  fiom  that  in  which  it  is 
 found  in  the  lleljrew  Bible.  In  Sjjeaking  of  it  we 
 shall  (ir.st  speak  of  the  canonical  book  found  in 
 Hebrew,  to  which  also  the  above  observations  refer; 
 and  next  of  the  Greek  book  with  its  apocryphal 
 ailditions.  The  canonical  Esther  then  is  ]ilaced 
 among  the  hagiograjiha  by  the  Jews,  and  in  that 
 first  portion  of  them  whi<h  thev  call  "the  five 
 rolls.''  It  is  sometimes  emi)hatically  adled  Mc- 
 ifiltah  ("roll"),  without  other  di>tiiictioM,  and  is 
 read  through  by  the  Jews  in  their  synagogues  at 
 the  feiLst  of  I'urim.  It  has  often  been  remai-ke<l  as 
 a  pecidiarity  of  this  book  that  the  name  of  God 
 (Iocs  n«t  once  occur  in  it.  It  was  always  )eckoned 
 in  the  Jewish  canon,  and  is  named  or  im])lied  in 
 almost  every  enumeration  of  the  books  composing 
 it,  fiom  Joseph  us  downwards.  Jerome  mentions  it 
 l)y  name,  as  do  .\ugustine,  Origen,  and  many  others. 
 The  style  of  writing  is  remarkably  cha.ste  and 
 simple.  It  does  not  in  the  least  savour  of  lomance. 
 The  Hebrew  is  very  like  that  of  I'^zra  and  parts 
 of  tlie  Chronicles;  generally  pure,  but  mix(^l  with 
 some  woids  of  Persian  origin,  and  some  of  Chaldaic 
 ndinity.  In  .short  it  is  just  what  one  would  e.xpect 
 t<>  (ind  iu  a  work  of  the  age  to  whi<h   the  book  of 
 
 ETHAN 
 
 Esther  ])rofesses  to  belong.  As  regai-ds  the  LXX. 
 version  of  the  book,  it  consist-s  of  tlie  canonical 
 Esther  with  vaiious  inter] )olat ions  prefixed,  inter- 
 spersed, and  adiled  at  the  close.  Though,  however, 
 the  interpolations  of  the  Greek  copy  are  thus  mani- 
 fest, they  make  a  consistent  and  intelligible  story. 
 But  the  Apocryphal  additions  as  they  are-  inserted 
 in  some  editions  of  the  Latin  Vulgate,  and  in  the 
 English  Bible,  are  inconii)relieusible  ;  the  histoiy  of 
 which  is  this:  — When  Jerome  translateil  the  iiook 
 of  Esther,  he  fiist  gave  the  version  of  the  Hebrew 
 alone  as  being  alone  authentic.  He  then  added  at 
 the  end  a  version  in  Latin  of  those  several  p;issages 
 which  he  found  in  the  L.\X.,  and  which  were  not 
 in  the  Hebrew,  stiting  where  each  passage  came  in, 
 and  marking  them  all  with  an  obelus.  Having  an- 
 nexed this  conclusion,  he  then  gives  the  Pruoemium, 
 which  he  says  forms  the  beginning  of  the  Greek 
 Vulgate,  beginning  with  what  is  now  veree  2  of 
 chapter  xi. ;  anil  so  proceeds  with  the  other  pas- 
 sages. But  in  subsequent  editions  .'ill  Jerome's 
 explanatory  matter  has  been  swept  away,  and  the 
 disjointed  portions  have  been  priiitetl  as  chapters  xi., 
 xii.,  xiii.,  xiv.,  xv.,  xvi.,  as  if  they  tbrmed  a  nar- 
 rative in  continuance  of  the  canonical  book.  As 
 regards  the  place  assignetl  to  Esther  in  the  LXX., 
 in  the  Vatiain  edition,  and  most  others,  it  comes 
 between  Judith  and  Job.  Tobit  and  .ludith  have 
 been  placed  between  it  and  Nchemiah,  doubtless  for 
 chronological  reasons.  But  in  the  very  ancient  Codex 
 publishetl  by  Tischendorf,  and  called  C.  Friderico- 
 Augustanns,  Esther  immediately  follows  Nehemiah, 
 and  precedes  Tobit. 
 
 E'tam.  1.  A  village  of  the  triljc  of  Simeon, 
 specified  only  in  the  list  in  1  ("hr.  iv.  \V2  (comp. 
 Josh.  xix.  7).— 2.  A  place  in  .hidah,  fortiticd  and 
 garrisoned  by  llehoboam  (2  Chr.  xi.  (3).  From  it.s 
 position  in  this  list  we  may  conclude  that  it  was 
 near  Bethlehem  and  Tekoah.  Here,  according  to 
 the  statements  of  Josephus  and  the  Talmudists, 
 were  the  sources  of  the  water  from  which  Solomon's 
 gardens  and  plea<;ure-grouiids  were  fed,  and  Beth- 
 lehem and  the  Temple  supplied.— 3.  A  name  oc- 
 curring in  the  lists  of  Judah's  disceiidants  (1  Chr. 
 iv.  3),  but  probably  referring  to  the  last  mentioneil 
 place. 
 
 E'tam,  the  Bock,  a  clilT  or  lofty  rock,  into  a 
 cleft  or  chasm  of  which  Samson  retired  alter  his 
 .slaughter  of  the  I'liilistines  (Judg.  xv.  8,  11).  This 
 natural  stronghold  was  in  the  tribe  of  Jiidah;  and 
 near  it,  probal)ly  at  its  foot,  was  Lehi  or  Kamath- 
 lehi,  and  En-hakkore  (xv.  9,  U,  17,  19).  The 
 name  Etam  was  held  by  a  city  in  the  neighbour- 
 hood of  Bethlehem  (2  Chr.  xi.  (ij,  which  is  known 
 to  have  been  situated  in  the  extremely  uneven  and 
 broken  country  round  the  modein  Urtas.  Here  is 
 a  fitting  scene  for  the  .adventure  of  Samst>n.  In 
 the  abundant  springs  and  the  numerous  eminences 
 of  the  district  round  Urtas,  the  cliff  Etam,  Kaiiialh- 
 lehi,  ami  I'li-hakkore  may  be  yot  discovcrcHi. 
 
 E'tham.     [Exodus,  tiii:,  p.  2G2.] 
 
 E'than.  1.  EriiAN  thk.  E/.uahitk,  one  of  the 
 four  sous  of  Mahol,  whose  wisdom  was  excelletl  by 
 Solomon  (1  K.  iv.  31;  1  Chr.  ii.  (i).  His  name 
 is  in  the  title  of  Ps.  Ixxxix.— 2.  Son  of  ICishi  or 
 K'ushaiah;  a  Merarite  Levite,  head  of  that  family 
 in  the  time  of  king  Pavid  '  1  Chr.  vi.  44  ;  Ilei).  29), 
 and  spoken  of  ns  a  "singer."  With  Ileman  ami 
 A.saph,  the  heads  of  the  other  two  families  of 
 Levites.  Ethan  w.is  appointed  to  sound  with  cymbals 
 (XV.    17,   19).     It    lin.<i  bcin  conjectured  that   the 
 
ETHANIM 
 
 two  names  Ethan  and  Jeiluthun  belonged  to  one 
 man,  or  are  identical,  but  tliei'e  is  no  direct  evidence 
 of  tliis.— 3.  A  Gershouite  Levite,  one  cf  the  an- 
 cestors of  Asapli  the  singer  (1  Chr.  vi.  42,  Heb.  27). 
 
 Eth'anim.     [JIontiisJ 
 
 Ethba'al,  king  of  Sidon  and  father  of  Jezebel 
 (1  K.  xvi.  31).  Josephns  represents  him  as  king 
 of  the  Tyi'ians  as  well  as  the  Sidonians.  We  may 
 thus  identify  him  with  Eitliobalus,  noticed  by  Me- 
 nandei-,  a  priest  of  Astarte,  who,  after  having 
 assassinated  Pheles,  usui-ped  the  throne  of  Tyre  for 
 32  years.  The  date  of  Ethbaal's  reign  may  be  given 
 as  about  B.C.  940-908. 
 
 E  ther,  one  of  the  cities  of  Judah  in  the  low 
 country,  the  Shefclah  (Josh.  xv.  42),  allotted  to 
 Simeon  (.\ix.  7).  The  name  of  Ether  has  not  yet 
 been  identified  with  any  existing  remains;  but  Van 
 de  ^'elde  heard  of  a  Tel  Athar  in  the  desert  country 
 below  Hebron. 
 
 Ethio'pia.  The  country  which  the  Greeks  and 
 Romans  desciibed  as  "  Aethiopia  "  and  the  Hebrews 
 as  "  Cush  "  lay  to  the  S.  of  Egypt,  and  embraced, 
 in  its  most  extended  sense,  the  modern  Nubia, 
 Sennaar,  Kordofan,  and  northern  Abyssinia,  and 
 in  its  more  definite  sense  the  kingdom  of  Meroe. 
 The  oidy  direction  in  which  a  clear  boundary  can 
 be  fixed  is  in  the  N.,  where  Syene  marked  the  divi- 
 sion between  Ethiopia  and  Egypt  (Ez.  xxix.  10 j : 
 in  other  diiections  the  boundaries  can  be  only  gene- 
 lally  described  as  the  Red  Sea  on  the  E.,  the  Libyan 
 desert  on  the  W.,  and  the  Abyssinian  highlands  on 
 the  S.  The  name  "  Ethiopia "  is  probably  an 
 adaptation  of  the  native  Egyptian  name  "  Ethaush," 
 which  bears  a  tolerably  close  resemblance  to  the 
 Gentile  form  "  Aethiops."  The  Hebrews  do  not 
 a])pcar  to  have  had  much  practical  acquaintance 
 with  Ethiopia  itself,  though  the  Ethiopians  were 
 well  known  to  them  through  their  inteicourse  with 
 Ivgypt.  Tliey  were,  however,  perfectly  aware  of  its 
 position  (Ez.  xxix.  10)  and  its  tropical  characteristics, 
 and  they  carried  on  commercial  intercoui'se  with  it. 
 'i'he  country  is  for  the  most  part  mountainous,  the 
 ranges  gi-adually  increasing  in  altitude  towards  the 
 S.,  until  they  attain  an  elevation  of  about  8000  feet 
 in  Abi/ssuiia.  The  inhabitants  of  Ethiopia  were  a 
 Hamitic  race  (Gen.  x.  6).  They  were  divided  into 
 various  tribes,  of  which  the  Sabaeans  wei'e  the  most 
 powerful.  The  history  of  Ethiopia  is  closely  inter- 
 woven with  that  of  Egypt.  The  two  countries  were 
 not  unfrequently  united  under  the  rule  of  the  same 
 sovereign.  Esarhaddon  is  stated  in  the  Assyrian 
 inscriptions  to  have  conquered  both  Egypt  and 
 Ethiopia.  At  the  time  of  the  conquest  of  Egypt, 
 (yambyses  advanced  against  Meroe  and  subdued  it; 
 but  the  Persian  rule  did  not  take  any  root  tliere, 
 nor  did  the  influence  of  the  Ptolemies  generally 
 extend  beyond  northern  Ethiopia.  Shortly  befoie 
 our  Saviou)''s  birth  a  native  dynasty  of  females, 
 holding  the  official  title  of  Candace  (Plin.  vi.  35), 
 held  sway  in  Ethiopia,  and  even  resisted  the  advance 
 of  the  Roman  arms.  One  of  these  is  the  queen 
 noticed  in  Acts  viii.  27. 
 
 EtMo'pian.  Properly  "  Cushite"  (Jer.  xiii. 
 23):  used  of  Zerah  (2  Chr.  .\iv.  9  [8]),  and  Ebed- 
 melech  (Jer.  xxxviii.  7,  10,  12,  xxxix.  16). 
 
 Ethio'pian  Woman.  The  wife  of  Moses  is  so 
 described  in  Num.  xii.  1.  She  is  elsewhere  said  to 
 have  been  the  daughter  of  a  Midianite,  and  in  con- 
 sequence of  this  some  have  supposed  that  the  allu- 
 sion is  to  another  wife  whom  Moses  mai'ried  after 
 the  death  of  Zipporah. 
 
 Con.  D.  B. 
 
 EUNUCH 
 
 257 
 
 Ethio 'plans.  Properly  "  Cush  "  or  '■  Ethiopia  '' 
 in  two  passages  (Is.  .\x.  4;  Jer.  xlvi.  9).  Else, 
 where  "  Cushites,"  or  inhabitants  of  Ethiopia  (2 
 Chr.  .xii.  3,  .xiv.  12  [11],  13  [12],  xvi.  8,  xxi.  16  ; 
 Dan.  xi.  43;   Am.  ix.  7  ;  Zeph.  ir.  12). 
 
 Eth'ma,  1  Esd.  ix.  35 ;  apparently  a  corruption 
 of  i\i:i!0  in  the  parallel  list  of  Ezra  x.  43. 
 
 Eth'nan,  one  of  the  sons  of  Helah  the  wife  of 
 Ashur  (1  Chr.  iv.  7). 
 
 Eth'ni,  a  Gershonite  Levite  (1  Chr.  vi.  41  : 
 Heb.  26). 
 
 Eubu'lus,  a  Christian  at  Rome  mentioned  by  St. 
 Paul  (2  Tim.  iv.  21). 
 
 Euer'getes,  a  common  surname  and  title  of 
 honour  in  Greek  states.  The  title  was  borne  by 
 two  of  the  Ptolemies,  Ptol.  HI.,  Euergetes  1.,  B.C. 
 247-222,  and  Ptol.  VII.,  Euergetes  II.,  B.C.  (170) 
 14G-117.  The  Euergetes  mentioned  in  the  pro- 
 logue to  Ecclesiasticus  has  been  identified  with  each 
 of  these. 
 
 Eumenes  II.,  king  of  Pergamus,  succeeded  his 
 father  Attains  1.,  B.C.  197.  In  the  war  with 
 Antiochus  the  Great  he  rendered  the  most  im- 
 portant services  to  the  growing  republic.  After 
 peace  was  made  (B.C.  189)  he  repaired  to  Rome  to 
 claim  the  reward  of  his  loyalty ;  and  the  Senate 
 confened  on  him  the  provinces  of  Mysia,  Lydia, 
 and  Ionia  (with  some  exceptions),  Phrygia,  Lyca- 
 onia,  and  the  Thracinn  Chersonese.  The  e.xact  date 
 of  his  death  is  not  mentioned,  but  it  must  have 
 taken  place  in  B.C.  159. 
 
 Eu'natan,  1  Esd.  viii.  44.     [Elnathan.] 
 
 Eunice,  mother  of  Timotheus  (2  Tim.  i.  5). 
 
 Eunuch.  The  original  Hebrew  woid  clearly  im- 
 plies the  incapacity  which  mutilation  involves,  and 
 perhaps  includes  all  the  classes  mentioned  in  Matt. 
 xix.  12,  not  signifying  an  office  merely.  The  law 
 (Deut.  xxiii.  1  ;  comp.  Lev.  xxii.  24)  is  repugnant 
 to  thus  treating  any  Israelite ;  and  Samuel,  when 
 describing  the  arbitrary  power  of  the  future  king 
 (1  Sam.  viii.  15,  marg.),  mentions  "his  eunuchs," 
 but  does  not  say  that  he  would  make  "  their  sons" 
 such.  This,  if  we  compaie  2  K.  xx.  18,  Is.  xxxix. 
 7,  possibly  implies  that  these  persons  would  be 
 foreigners.  It  was  a  barliarous  custom  of  the  East 
 thus  to  treat  captives  (Herod,  iii.  49,  vi.  32),  not 
 only  of  tender  age,  but,  it  should  seem,  when  past 
 puberty.  The  "officer"  Potiphar  (Gen.  xxxvii. 
 36,  xxxix.  1,  marg.  "eunuch")  was  an  Egyptian, 
 was  married,  and  was  the  "  captain  of  the  guard  ;" 
 and  in  the  Assyrian  monuments  a  eunuch  often 
 appears,  sometimes  armed,  and  in  a  warlike  capa- 
 city, or  as  a  scribe,  noting  the  number  of  heads 
 and  amount  of  spoil,  as  receiving  the  prisoners,  and 
 even  as  officiating  in  religious  ceremonies.  The 
 origination  of  the  practice  is  ascribed  to  Semiramis, 
 and  is  no  doubt  as  early,  or  nearly  so,  as  Eastern 
 despotism  itself.  The  complete  assimilation  of  the 
 kingdom  of  Israel,  and  latterly  of  Judah,  to  the 
 neighbouring  models  of  despotism,  is  traceable  in 
 the  rank  and  prominence  of  eunuchs  (2  K.  viii. 
 6,  ix.  32,  xxiii.  11,  xxv.  19;  Is.  Ivi.  3,  4 ;  Jer. 
 xxix.  2,  xxxiv.  19,  xxxviii.  7,  xli.  16,  Iii.  25). 
 They  mostly  appear  in  one  of  two  relations,  either 
 military  as  "  set  over  the  men  of  war,"  greatei 
 trustworthiness  possibly  counterbalancing  infeiio- 
 courage  and  military  vigour,  or  associated,  as  we 
 mostly  recognise  them,  with  women  and  children. 
 We  find  the  Assyrian  Hab-Saris,  or  chief  euuucii 
 (2  K.  xviii.  17),  employed  together  with  other  high 
 officials  as  ambassador.     It  is  probable  that  Daniel 
 
258 
 
 EUODIAS 
 
 and  his  cdinjiaiiioiis  weic  thus  tieatO'I,  in  fultilmeut 
 ut'i  K.  XX.  17,  18  ;  Is.  xxxix.  7  ;  com)).  Dan.  i.  :;,  7. 
 The  court  nt'  Heiod  of  course  had  its  eunuchs,  as 
 iiiid  alsii  th:it  of  IJueen  Candace  (Acts  viii.  'J7.) 
 
 Euo'dias,  a  Chiistian  woman  at  Philippi  (Phil, 
 iv.  'J  .     Th''  name  is  conectly  KUODIA. 
 
 Euphra'tes  i.->  pioltahly  a  word  of  Aryan  origin, 
 siguifviiii;  ••  tlie  (;ood  and  aboundins^  river."  It  is 
 most  frequently  denoted  in  the  Bible  by  the  term 
 •'the  river."  The  KuphiTites  is  the  lais^est,  the 
 longest,  and  by  far  the  most  important  of  the  rivers 
 of  VVesteru  Asia.  It  rises  from  two  chief  sources 
 in  the  .Armenian  mouutains,  one  of  them  ;it  I'Ondi, 
 ■_'."j  mdes  N.E.  of  Krzeroum,  and  little  more  tlian 
 a  degree  fj  om  the  black  t^ea ;  t!ie  other  on  the 
 northern  slope  of  the  mountain  range  called  Ala- 
 'I'itijft,  near  the  village  of  1/ii/adin,  and  not  far  from 
 Mount  Ararat.  Both  branches  How  at  lirst  towards 
 tl.e  W.  or  S.VV.,  passing  through  the  wildest  moun- 
 tain disti'icts  of  Armenia;  they  meet  at  A'ebhun- 
 Maden,  nearly  in  long.  .'')S'^  V..  from  (ii-ecnwich, 
 having  run  respectively  400  and  270  miles.  He)-e 
 the  sti-eam  fbinied  by  tlieii-  combined  waters  is  120 
 yards  wide,  rapid,  and  very  deep ;  it  now  flows 
 nearly  southwaid,  but  in  a  tortuous  course,  forcing 
 a  way  through  the  langes  of  Tauiiis  and  Anti- 
 Taurus,  and  still  seeming  as  if  it  would  empty 
 itself  into  the  Mediterrane:ui ;  but  prevented  Irom 
 so  doing  by  the  longitudinal  ranges  of  .Amrnius  and 
 Lebanon,  which  here  run  jjaiallel  to  the  Syiian 
 coast,  and  at  no  great  distance  from  it ;  the  river  at 
 la.st  desists  fiom  its  endeavour,  and  in  about  lat.  3<j° 
 turns  towards  the  S.IO.,  and  proceeds  in  this  direc- 
 tion for  above  1000  miles  to  its  embouchure  in  the 
 Persian  Gulf.  The  entire  course  is  calculated  at 
 1780  miles,  and  of  this  distance  more  tliau  two- 
 thirds  (1200  miles^  is  navigable  for  bor.ts.  The 
 width  of  the  river  is  grejitest  at  the  distance  of  700 
 or  800  inilos  from  its  mouth  — that  is  to  say,  from 
 its  junction  with  the  KItahour  to  the  viliagi'  of 
 Wend.  It  there  averages  400  yards.  The  annual 
 inundation  of  the  Kuj)hrates  is  c;»us«ii  by  the  melt- 
 ing of  the  snows  in  the  .Armenian  highlands.  It 
 o<:curs  in  the  month  of  May.  The  great  hydraulic 
 woiks  ascribed  to  Nebuchadnezzar  had  for  their  great 
 object  to  control  the  inundation.  The  luiphrates 
 h;us  at  all  times  been  of  some  importance  as  fur- 
 nishing a  Inie  of  trallic  between  the  East  and  the 
 \V'e.st.  Herodotus  speaks  of  jiersons,  piobably  mer- 
 chants, using  it  regularly  on  their  passage  from  the 
 Mediterranean  to  Babylon.  There  are  suflicient 
 grounds  foi'  believing  that  throughout  the  Babylon- 
 ian and  Persian  periods  tills  route  was  made  use 
 ot  Ijy  the  merchants  of  various  nations,  and  that  by 
 it  the  Ivist  and  West  continually  inUnchanged  their 
 most  important  products.  The  Euphrates  is  first 
 mentioneil  in  .'scripture  as  one  of  the  four  rivers  of 
 I'Men  (Gen.  ii.  14).  Its  celebrity  is  there  sulTi- 
 ciently  indicated  by  the  absence  of  any  explanatory 
 phrase,  such  as  accompanies  the  names  of  the  other 
 stieams.  We  next  hear  of  it  in  the  covenant  m.ade 
 with  Abraham  ((ien.  xv.  18),  where  the  whole 
 country  from  "  the  great  river,  the  river  Euphrates" 
 to  the  liver  of  Egypt  is  proniise<l  to  the  chosen  rare. 
 During  the  reigns  of  David  and  Solomon  the  do- 
 minion of  Israel  actually  attained  to  the  full  extent 
 inith  ways  of  the  orik;in:il  )>roniise,  the  Euphr;it<}s 
 'ormieig  the  boimdary  of  their  empire  to  the  N.E., 
 and  the  river  of  Egypt  to  the  S.W.  This  wide- 
 spread territory  wa.s  lost  ii|>oii  the  disruption  of 
 file  empire  under  ileholtauii ;  aud  no  more  is  iicaid 
 
 EVANGELIST 
 
 in  Scripture  of  the  Euphrates  until  the  exped.tion 
 of  Necho  against  the  Babylonians  in  the  i-eign  of 
 Josiah.  The  river  still  brings  down  as  much  water 
 ;is  of  old,  but  the  precious  element  is  w.^sted  by  the 
 neglect  of  man  ;  the  various  watercourses  along 
 which  it  was  in  tbnner  times  conveyed  aie  dry; 
 the  main  channel  has  shrunk ;  and  the  water  stsig- 
 nates  in  unwholesome  marshes. 
 
 Euporemns,  the  "  son  of  John,  the  son  of 
 Accos."  one  of  the  envoys  sent  to  Rome  by  .luila-s 
 Ma(-cabaeus,  cir.  B.C.  Kil  (1  Mace.  viii.  17;  2 
 Mace.  iv.  11).  He  has  been  iilentifieil  with  the 
 histoiian  of  the  same  name,  but  it  is  by  no  means 
 clear  that  the  historian  was  of  Jewish  descent. 
 
 Euroc'lydon,  the  name  given  (.Acts  xxvii.  14) 
 to  the  gale  of  wind  which  off  the  soiitl  coast  of 
 Crete  seized  the  ship  in  which  St.  Paul  was  ulti- 
 mately wrecked  on  the  coast  of  Malta.  It  came 
 down  from  the  island,  and  therefore  must  have 
 Ijlown,  more  or  less,  from  the  northward.  Next, 
 the  wind  is  ilesciibeil  as  being  like  a  typhoon  ot 
 whirlwind.  The  long  duration  of  the  gale,  the  over- 
 clouded state  of  the  sky,  and  even  the  heavy  rain 
 whi(;h  conirhided  the  storm  (xxviii.  2),  could  easily 
 be  matched  with  parallel  instances  in  modern 
 times.  We  have  seen  that  the  wind  was  more  or 
 less  northerly.  The  context  gives  us  full  materials 
 for  determining  its  direction  with  great  c\actitude. 
 We  come  to  the  conclusion  that  it  blew  fiom  the 
 X.p].  or  E.N.E.  This  is  quite  in  haimony  with  the 
 natural  sense  of  EvpaKvKccv  (Euroaqnilo,  Vulg.), 
 which  is  regarded  as  the  true  reading  by  Bentley, 
 and  is  found  in  some  of  the  best  MSS. ;  but  we  arc 
 disposed  to  adhere  to  the  Received  Text. 
 
 Eu'tychus,  a  vouth  at  Troas  (Acts  xx.  9),  who 
 sitting  ill  a  window,  and  having  fallen  asleep  while 
 St.  Paul  was  discoursing  far  into  the  night,  fell 
 from  the  third  story,  and  being  tdcen  up  dead,  was 
 miraculouslv  restored  to  life  by  the  .A)xistle. 
 
 Evangelist.  The  constitution  of  the  Apostolic 
 Church  included  an  order  or  body  of  men  known  as 
 Evangelists.  The  meaning  of  the  name,  "  The  pub- 
 lishers of  glad  tidings,"  seems  common  to  the  work 
 of  the  Christian  ministry  generally,  yet  in  F^ph.  iv. 
 11,  the  "  cvangelist.s"  appear  on  the  one  hand 
 a(\er  the  "apostles"  and  "  prophets:"  on  the  other 
 liefore  the  "  j)astors  "  and  "teachers."  This  pas- 
 sa'^e  accordingly  would  lead  us  to  think  of  them  as 
 stmding  between  the  two  other  groups  — sent  forth 
 as  missionary  preachers  of  the  Gospel  by  the  lirst, 
 and  as  such  preparing  the  way  for  the  labours  of 
 the  second.  The  same  inference  would  seem  to 
 follow  the  occuri-ence  of  the  word  as  ajqiliiHl^to 
 Philip  in  .Acts  xxi.  8.  It  follows  from  what  has 
 been  said  that  the  billing  of  the  Evangelist  is  the 
 proclamation  of  the  glad  tidings  to  those  who  have 
 not  known  them,  rather  than  the  instruction  JUid 
 ])astoral  aire  of  those  who  have  believed  and  been 
 ba])tised.  It  follows  also  that  the  name  denotes  a 
 uor/c  rather  than  an  order.  The  Evangelist  might 
 or  might  not  lie  a  Bisho]>-Elder  or  a  Deacon.  The 
 Apostles,  so  far  ;is  they  evangelized  (.Acts  viii. 
 2.'),  xiv.  7;  1  Cor.  i.  17),  might  claim  the  title, 
 thou'jh  there  wore  many  Evangelists  who  were  not 
 .A]iostles.  Theodoret  descrilies  the  Evangelists  ns 
 travelling  missionaries.  The  account  given  by 
 Eiisebius,  though  somewhat  rhetorical  and  vague, 
 gives  prominence  to  the  idea  of  itinei-ant  missionary 
 preaching.  If  the  (Jos^x-I  was  a  written  book,  niK 
 the  ofTice  of  the  Evangelists  was  to  read  or  distri 
 biitc  it,  then  the  writers  of  such  books  were  har 
 
EVE 
 
 i^oxfl"  THE  Evangelists.  In  later  liturgical  lan- 
 guage the  word  was  applied  to  the  reader  of  the 
 Gospel  for  the  day. 
 
 Eve,  the  name  given  in  Scripture  to  the  first 
 woman.  The  account  of  Kve's  creation  is  found  at 
 <jen.  ii.  21,  22.  Vai'ious  explanations  of  this  nar- 
 i-ative  have  been  oflerfAl.  Perhaps  that  which  we 
 are  chieHy  intended  to  learn  from  it  is  the  founda- 
 tion upon  which  the  .rnion  between  man  and  wife 
 is  built,  viz.  identit)'^  of  nature  and  oneness  of 
 origin.  Through  the  subtlety  of  the  serpent.  Eve 
 was  beguiled  into  a  violation  of  the  one  command- 
 ment which  had  been  imposed  upon  her  and  Adam. 
 The  diiferent  aspects  under  which  Eve  regarded  her 
 mission  as  a  mother  are  seen  in  the  names  of  her 
 sons.  The  Scripture  account  of  Eve  closes  with  the 
 hirth  of  Seth. 
 
 E'vi,  one  of  the  five  kings  or  princes  of  Midian, 
 slain  by  the  Israelites  (Num.  .\xxi.  8  ;  Josh.  siii. 
 21). 
 
 E'vU-Mer'odach  (2  K.  xxv.  27)  according  to 
 Berosiisand  Abydenus,  was  the  son  and  successor  of 
 Nebuchadnezzar.  He  reigned  but  a  short  time, 
 having  ascended  the  throne  on  the  death  of  Nebuchad- 
 nezzar in  B.C.  561,  and  being  himself  succeeded  by 
 Neriglissar  in  B.C.  559.  At  the  end  of  this  brief 
 sj)ace  Evil-Jlei-odach  was  murdered  by  Neriglissar. 
 
 Excommunication.  Excommunication  is  a  power 
 founded  u]ion  a  right  inhei'ent  in  all  religious  so- 
 cieties, and  is  analogous  to  the  powers  of  capital 
 punishment,  banishment,  and  exclusion  from  mem- 
 bership, which  are  exercised  by  political  and  muni- 
 cipal bodies.^!.  Jewish  Excommunication. — The 
 Jewish  system  of  excommunication  was  threefold. 
 For  a  first  offence  a  delinquent  was  subjected  to 
 the  penalty  of  Kiddni.  The  twenty-four  offences 
 for  which  it  was  inflicted  are  various,  and  range  in 
 heinousness  from  the  offence  of  keeping  a  fierce  dog 
 to  that  of  taking  God's  name  in  vain.  The  offender 
 was  first  cited  to  appear  in  court;  and  if  he  refused 
 to  appear  or  to  make  amends,  his  sentence  was  pro- 
 nounced. The  term  of  this  punishment  was  thirty 
 days  ;  and  it  was  extended  to  a  second  and  to  a  third 
 thirty  days  when  necessary.  If  at  the  end  of  that 
 time  the  offender  was  still  contumacious,  he  was 
 subjected  to  the  second  excommunication  termed 
 Cherem,  a  woid  meaning  something  devoted  to  God 
 (Lev.  xxvii.  21,  28  ;  Ex.  xxii.  20  [19]  ;  Num.  xviii. 
 14).  Severer  penalties  were  now  attached.  The 
 sentence  was  delivered  by  a  court  of  ten,  and  was 
 accompanied  by  a  solemn  malediction.  Lastly  fol- 
 lowed Slunnmdtha,  which  was  an  entire  cutting  off 
 from  the  congregation.  It  has  been  supposed  by 
 some  that  these  two  latter  forms  of  excommunica- 
 tion were  undistinguishable  fiom  each  other.  The 
 punishment  of  excommunication  is  not  appointed 
 by  the  Law  of  Moses.  It  is  founded  on  the  natural 
 right  of  self-protection  which  all  societies  enjoy. 
 The  case  of  Korah,  Dathan,  and  Abiram  (Num. 
 xvi.),  the  curse  denounced  on  Mero2  (Judg.  v.  2.3), 
 tlie  commission  and  proclamation  of  Ezra  (vii.  26, 
 X.  8),  and  the  reformation  of  Nehemiah  (xiii.  25), 
 are  appealed  to  by  the  Talmudists  as  precedents  by 
 which  their  proceedings  are  regulated.  In  the  New 
 Testament,  Jewish  excommunication  is  brought  pro- 
 minently before  us  in  the  case  of  the  man  that  was 
 born  blind  (John  ix.).  The  expressions  here  used 
 refer,  no  doubt,  to  the  first  form  of  excommunica- 
 tion, or  Niddui.  In  Luke  vi.  22,  it  has  been 
 thought  that  our  Lord  referred  specifically  to  the 
 three  forms  of  Jewish  excommunication  :  "  Blessed 
 
 EXCOMMUNICATION 
 
 259 
 
 are  ye  when  men  shall  hate  you,  and  whei  they 
 shall  separate  you  from  their  company,  and  shall 
 reproach  j'ou,  and  cast  out  your  name  as  evil,  for 
 the  Son  of  Man's  sake."  The  three  words  very 
 accurately  express  the  simple  separation,  the  addi- 
 tional malediction,  and  the  final  exclusion  of  niddui, 
 cherem,  and  shammdthd.^ll.  Christian  Excom- 
 munication.— Excommunication,  as  exercised  by  the 
 Christian  Church,  is  not  merely  founded  on  the 
 natural  right  possessed  by  all  societies,  nor  meiely 
 on  the  e.xample  of  the  Jewish  Chuich  and  nation. 
 It  was  instituted  by  our  Lord  (Matt,  xviii.  15,  18), 
 and  it  was  practised  and  commanded  bv  St.  Paul 
 (1  Tim.  i.  20  ;  1  Cor.  v.  12  ;  Tit.  iii.  10).  In  the 
 Epistles  we  find  St.  Paul  frequently  claiming  the 
 right  to  exercise  discipline  over  his  converts  i  comp. 
 
 2  Cor.  i.  23,  xiii.  10).  In  two  cases  we  find  him 
 exercising  this  authority  to  the  extent  of  CLitting  off 
 offenders  from  the  Church.  What  is  the  full  mean- 
 ing of  the  expression,  "  deliver  unto  Satan,"  is 
 doubtful.  All  agree  that  excommunication  is  con- 
 tained in  it,  but  whether  it  implies  any  fuither 
 punishment,  inflicted  by  the  extraordinarj*  powers 
 committed  specially  to  the  Apostles,  has  been  ques- 
 tioned. Introduction  into  the  Church  is,  in  St. 
 Paul's  mind,  a  translation  from  the  kingdom  and 
 jiower  of  Satan  to  the  kingdom  and  government 
 of  Christ.  This  being  so,  he  could  hardly  more 
 naturally  describe  the  effect  of  excluding  a  man 
 from  the  Church  than  by  the  words,  "  deliver  him 
 unto  idAsm."— Apostolic  Precept. — In  addition  to 
 the  claim  to  exercise  discipline,  and  its  .actual  exer- 
 cise in  the  form  of  excommunication,  by  the  Apostles, 
 we  find  Apostolic  precepts  directing  that  discipline 
 should  be  exercised  by  the  rulers  of  the  Church, 
 and  that  in  some  cases  excommunication  should  be 
 resorted  to  (2  Thess.  iii.  14);  Rom.xvi.  17  ;  Gal. 
 V.  12;  1  Tim.  vi.   3;  Tit.  iii.   10;  2  John  10; 
 
 3  John  10 ;  Rev.  ii.  20).  There  are  two  passages 
 still  more  impoi-tant  to  our  subject  (Gal.  i.  8,  9  ; 
 1  Cor.  xvi.  22),  It  has  been  supposed  that  these 
 two  expressions,  "  let  him  be  Anathema,"  "  let 
 him  be  Anathema  Maranatha,"  refer  respectively  to 
 the  two  later  stages  of  Jewish  excommunication — 
 the  cherem  and  the  shammdtha.— Restoration  to 
 Communion. — Two  cases  of  excommunication  are 
 related  in  Holy  Scriptuie  ;  and  in  one  of  them  the 
 restitution  of  the  offender  is  specially  lecounted 
 (2  Cor.  ii.).— J7je  Nature  of  Excommunicntion  is 
 made  more  evident  by  these  acts  of  St.  Paul  than 
 by  any  investigation  of  Jewish  practice  or  of  the 
 etymology  of  words.  We  thus  find,  (1)  that  it  is  a 
 spiritual  penalty,  involving  no  temporal  punishment, 
 except  accidentally;  (2)  that  it  consists  in  separation 
 from  the  communion  of  the  Church  ;  (3)  that  its 
 olject  is  the  good  of  the  sufferer  (1  Cor.  v.  5),  and 
 the  protection  of  the  sound  members  of  the  Church 
 (2  Tim.  iii.  17)  ;  (4)  that  its  subjects  are  those 
 who  are  guilty  of  heresy  (I  Tim.  i.  20),  or  gross 
 immorality  (1  Cor.  v.  1);  (5)  that  it  is  inflicted  by 
 the  authority  of  the  Church  at  large  (Matt,  xviii. 
 18),  wielded  by  the  highest  ecclesiastical  officer 
 (1  Cor.  V.  3;  Tit.  iii.  10);  (6)  that  this  oflicer's 
 sentence  is  promulgated  by  the  congi-egation  to 
 which  the  oHender  belongs  (1  Cor.  v.  4),  in  defer- 
 ence to  his  superior  judgment  and  command  (2  Cor. 
 ii.  9),  and  in  sjiite  of  any  opposition  on  the  part  of 
 a  minority  {Tb.  6);  (7)  that  the  exclusion  may  be 
 of  indefinite  duration,  or  for  a  period;  (8)  that  its 
 duration  may  be  abridged  at  the  discretion  and  by 
 the  indulgence  of  the  person  who  has  imposed  the 
 
 S    ') 
 
260 
 
 EXECUTIONER 
 
 penalty  (.6.  8;  ;  (9)  that  penitence  is  tlie  condi- 
 tion on  which  restoration  to  communion  is  grantel 
 {lb.  7);  (10)  that  the  sentence  is  to  be  publicly 
 reversed  as  it  was  publicly  promult;;ated  {Ih.  10). 
 
 Executioner.  The  Hebrew  word  describes,  in 
 tlie  lirst  instance,  the  oHice  of  executioner,  and, 
 secondarily,  tlie  general  duties  of  the  boJy-guard  of 
 a  monarch.  Tims  Potiphar  was  "  captain  of  the 
 executioners"  (Gen.  .\.x.\vii.  36  ;  see  margin).  That 
 the  "  captain  of  the  guard  "  himself  occasionally 
 jierlbrmed  the  duty  of  an  executioner  appears  from 
 1  K.  ii.  25,  34.  Nevertheless  the  post  was  one  of 
 high  dignity.  TheGreel<  aireKOv\a.rwp  (Mark  vi. 
 ■J7j  is  borrowed  fiom  the  Latin  speculator;  ori- 
 ginally a  military  spy  or  scout,  but  under  the 
 iin]ieii)rs  transfened  to  tlie  body-guard. 
 Exile.     [Captivity.] 
 
 Ex'odus,  tlie  second  Ijook  of  the  Law  or  Penta- 
 teuch.— .\.  Contents. — The  book  may  be  divided 
 into  two  princijial  parts:  L  Histoiical,  i.  1— .wiii. 
 •27;  and  II.  Legislative,  xix.  1-xl.  38.  The  former 
 of  these  may  be  subdivided  into  (1.)  the  ]ireparation 
 tor  the  deliverance  of  Isiael  from  their  bondage  in 
 ligypt ;  (2.)  the  accomplishment  of  that  delivenmce. 
 1.  '  1.)  The  first  section  (i.  1-xii.  36)  contains  an 
 account  of  the  following  particulars  : — The  great 
 incieise  of  Jacob's  posterity  in  the  land  of  Egypt, 
 ami  their  oppression  under  a  new  dynasty,  which 
 occu])ied  the  throne  after  the  death  of  Joseph  (ch. 
 i.) ;  the  birth,  education,  and  flight  of  Moses  (ii.)  ; 
 his  solemn  call  to  be  the  deliverer  of  his  people 
 (iii.  1— iv.  17),  and  his  return  to  Kgypt  in  con- 
 sequence (iv.  18-31);  his  first  inellectual  attempt 
 to  prevail  upon  Pharaoh  to  let  the  Israelites  go, 
 which  only  resulted  in  an  increase  of  their  buidens 
 (v.  1-21)  ;  a  further  ])i'e]iaration  of  Moses  and  Aaron 
 for  their  oll.ce,  togetlier  with  tlie  account  of  their 
 genealogies  (v.  22-vii.  7j;  the  successive  signs 
 and  wonders,  by  means  of  which  the  deliverance  of 
 Israel  from  the  land  of  bondage  is  at  length  accom- 
 plished, and  the  institution  of  the  Passover  (vii. 
 8-xii.  36).  (2.)  A  nairative  of  events  from  the 
 departure  out  of  Egypt  to  the  arrival  of  the  Israel- 
 ites at  Mount  Sinai.  II.  The  solemn  estjiblishment 
 of  the  Theocracy  on  Mount  Sinai.  'I'his  book  in 
 short  gives  a  sketch  of  the  early  history  of  Israel  as 
 u  nation  :  and  the  history  has  three  clearly  marked 
 sfciges.  First  we  see  a  nation  enslaved  ;  next  a 
 nation  redeemed ;  lastly  a  nation  set  apart,  and 
 through  the  blending  of  its  religious  and  political 
 life  consecrated  to  the  service  of  God.— B.  Tntei/nti/. 
 — According  to  von  Lengerke  {Kenaan,  Ixxxviii. 
 xc.)  the  following  portions  of  the  book  belong  to 
 the  original  or  Elohistic  document: — Chap.  i.  1-14, 
 ii.  23-25,  vi.  2-vii.  7,  xii.  1-28,  37,  38,  40-51 
 (xiii.  1,  2,  perhaps),  xvi.,  xix.  1,  xx.,  xxv.— xxxi., 
 XXXV.— xl.  Knobel,  the  most  recent  writer  on  the 
 subject,  in  the  introduction  to  his  commentary  on 
 Exodus  and  Leviticus,  has  sifted  these  books  still 
 more  carefullj%  and  with  regard  to  many  passjiges 
 hits  fonned  a  ditlercnt  judgment.  A  mere  com- 
 jiarison  of  the  two  lists  of  passages  selected  by  these 
 didorent  writers  as  belonging  to  the  original  docu- 
 ment is  sudicient  to  show  how  very  uncertain  all 
 8uch  critical  jirocesses  must  be.  On  the  whole  there 
 seems  much  reason  to  doubt  whether  critical  acumen 
 will  ever  !«  able  |)lausilily  to  distinguish  Wlween 
 the  original  and  the  suiipleiiiciit  in  the  book  of 
 Exodus.  There  is  nothing  indeed  fori:ed  or  impro- 
 bable in  the  supposition,  either  that  Moses  himself 
 incorpnratcJ  in  his  memoirs  micieut  tradition  whs- 
 
 EXODUS 
 
 ther  onX  or  written,  or  that  a  writer  later  thaa 
 Moses  made  use  of  materials  left  by  the  great  legis- 
 lator in  a  somewhat  fragmentary  form.  We  shall 
 give  reasons  hereafter  for  concluding  that  the  Pen- 
 tateuch in  its  present  form  was  not  altogether  tlif 
 work  of  Moses.  [I^entatkuch.]  For  the  present 
 it  is  sufficient  to  remark  that,  even  admitting  the 
 hand  of  an  editor  or  compiler  to  be  visible  in  the 
 book  of  Exodus,  it  is  quite  impossible  accuiately  to 
 distinguish  the  documents  from  each  other,  or  from 
 his  own  additions.— C.  CrcdibUitij. — Almost  every 
 histtiriud  fact  mentioned  in  Exo<lus  has  at  some 
 time  or  other  been  allied  in  question.  But  it  is 
 certain  that  all  investigation  has  hitlieilo  tended 
 only  to  establish  the  veracity  of  the  narrator.  A 
 comparison  with  other  writers  and  an  examination 
 of  the  monuments  confirm,  or  at  least  do  not  con- 
 tradict, the  most  material  statements  of  this  Ixiok 
 Thus,  for  instance,  Mauetho's  story  of  the  Hyksos 
 points  at  least  to  some  early  connexion  between  the 
 Israelites  and  the  Egyptians,  and  is  corroborative 
 of  the  fact  implied  in  the  Pentateuch  that,  at  the 
 time  of  the  Israelitish  sojourn,  Egypt  was  ruled  by 
 a  foreign  dynasty.  Manetho  speaks,  too,  of  strangers 
 from  the  east  who  occupied  the  eastern  part  of 
 Lower  Egypt.  And  his  account  shows  that  the 
 Israelites  had  become  a  numerous  and  formidable 
 people.  According  to  Ex.  xii.  37,  the  number  of 
 men,  beside?  women  and  children,  who  led  Egypt 
 was  GOO,UOO.  This  would  give  for  the  whole  nation 
 about  two  millions  and  a  half.  There  is  no  doubt 
 some  diliiculty  in  accounting  tor  this  immense  in- 
 crease, if  we  suppose  (as  on  many  accounts  seems 
 probable)  that  tlie  actual  residence  of  the  children 
 of  Israel  was  only  215  years.  We  must  remember 
 indeed  that  the  number  who  went  into  Egypt  with 
 Jacob  was  considerably  more  than  "threescoie  and 
 ten  souls"  [see  Chronology]  ;  we  must  also  fake 
 into  account  the  extraordinary  fruitfulness  of  Egypt 
 (concerning  which  all  writers  are  agreed),  and  espe- 
 cially of  that  part  of  it  in  which  the  Israelites  dwelt. 
 Still  it  would  be  more  satisfactory  if  we  could  allow 
 430  years  for  the  increase  of  the  nation  rather  than 
 any  shorter  period.  According  to  De  Wette  the 
 story  of  Moses'  birth  is  mythical,  and  arises  from 
 im  attempt  to  account  etymologically  for  his  name. 
 As  regards  the  etymology  of  the  name,  there  can  W 
 very  little  doubt  that  it  is  Egyptian,  and  if  so,  the 
 author  has  either  played  ujxin  the  name  or  is  niis- 
 tiken  in  his  philology.  Other  objections  are  of  a 
 very  arbitrary  kind.  The  ten  plagues  are  phy- 
 sically, many  of  them,  what  might  be  expected  in 
 Egypt,  although  in  their  intensity  and  in  their  rapid 
 succession  they  are  clearly  sujiernatural.  The  insti- 
 tution of  the  Passover  fch.  xii.)  has  been  subjecteil 
 to  severe  criticism.  This  has  also  been  cjiIUhI  a 
 mythic  fiction.  The  critics  rest  mainly  on  the 
 difference  between  the  directioiis  given  for  the  ob- 
 servance of  this  the  lirst,  and  those  given  for  sub- 
 sequent pissovers.  But  there  is  no  reason  why, 
 considoriug  the  veiy  remarkable  circumstiinces  under 
 which  it  was  instituted,  the  fii-st  Passover  shouM 
 not  have  had  its  own  jieculiar  solemnities,  or  why 
 instructions  should  not  then  have  been  given  for 
 a  somewhat  diflerent  observance  for  the  futuix-. 
 [I'assovku.]  In  minor  details  the  writer  shows  a 
 remarkable  acquaintmce  with  Egypt.  Many  other 
 facts  have  been  disputed,  such  as  the  jiassjige  of  the 
 Rod  Sea,  the  giving  of  the  manna,  &c.  But  res]K?t't- 
 iii'^  these  it  may  sudice  to  refer  to  other  articles  in 
 which  they  aicdiscussi-d.  [TiiK  ExODUS-  Manna  ; 
 
EXODUS,  THE 
 
 The  1;ed  Ska.]— D.  The  authorship  and  date  of 
 the  book  are  diseiissej  uiidei-  Pentateuch. 
 
 Ex'odus,  the.  1.  Date. — A  preponderance  of 
 eviiience  is  in  favour  of  the  j'e-ar  B.C.  1652.  The 
 liistorical  questions  connected  with  this  date  are 
 noticed  under  Egypt.  Hales  places  the  Exodus 
 B.C.  1648,  Usher  B.C.  1491,  and  Bunsen  B.C.  1:V20. 
 — 2.  History. — The  histoiy  of  the  Exodus  itself 
 commences  with  the  close  of  tliat  of  the  Ten  Phicrues. 
 [Plagues  of  Egypt.]  In  the  niglit  in  which, 
 at  midnight,  the  firstborn  were  slain  (Ex.  xii.  29), 
 Pharaoh  urged  the  departure  of  the  Israelites  (ver. 
 31,  32).      They  at  once  set  foith    from   Ilameses 
 
 EXODUS,  THE 
 
 261 
 
 (ver.  37,  39),  apparently  during  the  night  (ver. 
 42),  but  towards  morning,  on  the  15th  day  of  the 
 first  month  (Num.  xxxiii.  3).  They  made  three 
 journeys  and  encamped  by  the  Red  Sea.  Heie 
 Pharaoh  overtook  them,  and  the  gieat  miracle  oc- 
 curred by  which  they  were  saved,  while  the  pursuer 
 and  his  army  were  destroyed. — 3.  Geography. — 
 The  following  points  must  be  settled  exactly  or 
 approximately  : — the  situation  of  the  Land  of  Go- 
 shen, the  length  of  each  day's  march,  the  position 
 of  the  first  station  (Riimeses),  and  the  direction  of 
 the  journey.  The  Land  of  Goshen  must  have  been 
 an  outer  eastern  province  of  Lower  Egypt.     The 
 
 Alap  to  illustrate  the  Exo<2ua  of  the  Israelites. 
 
 Israelites,  aetting  out  from  a  town  of  Goshen,  made 
 two  days'  journey  towards  the  Ked  Sea,  and  then 
 entered  the  wilderness,  a  day's  journey  or  less  from 
 the  sea.  They  could  only  therefore  have  gone  by  the 
 valley  now  called  the  Wddi-t-Tumeylat,  for  every 
 other  cultivated  or  cultivable  tract  is  too  far  from 
 the  Red  Sea.  It  is  not  difficult  to  fix  very  nearly 
 the  length  of  each  day's  march  of  the  Israelites.  As 
 they  had  with  them  women,  children,  and  cattle,  it 
 cannot  be  supposed  that  they  went  more  than  fifteen 
 miles  daily  ;  at  the  same  time  it  is  unlikely  that 
 thpy  fell  far  short  of  this.  The  three  journeys  would 
 therefore  give  a  distance  of  about  forty-five  miles. 
 There  seems,  however,  to  have  been  a  deflexion  from 
 
 a  direct  course,  so  that  we  cannot  consider  the  whole 
 distance  fi-om  the  starting-point,  Rameses,  to  the 
 shore  of  the  Red  Sea  as  much  more  than  about 
 thirty  miles  in  a  direct  line.'  Measuring  from  the 
 ancient  western  shore  of  the  Arabian  Gulf  due  east 
 of  the  Wddi-t-Tumeyldt,  a  distance  of  thirty  miles 
 in  a  direct  line  places  the  site  of  Rameses  near  the 
 moiiiid  called  in  the  present  day  El-'Abhdseeyeh, 
 not  far  fi-om  the  western  end  of  the  valley.  After 
 the  first  day's  journe}'  tlie  Israelites  encamped  at 
 Succoth  (Ex.  xii.  37,  xiii.  20  ;  Num.  xxxiii.  5,  6). 
 This  was  probably  a  mere  resting-place  of  caravans, 
 or  a  military  station,  or  else  a  town  named  from 
 one  of  the  two.     Obviously  such  a  name  is  very 
 
!iG2 
 
 EXORCIST 
 
 diHicult  of  iJeutificiition.  The  next  camping-place 
 was  Ethaiii,  tlie  position  of  which  may  I'C  very 
 nearly  fixed  in  consequence  of  its  Deiiig  tlt>scribed 
 as  "  in  the  e<lge  of  the  wilderness"  (Kx.  xiii.  20  ; 
 Num.  xxxiii.  6,  7).  It  is  reasonable  to  place  Ethani 
 where  the  cultivable  land  ceases,  near  the  Seha  Bidr, 
 or  Seven  Wells,  about  three  miles  from  the  western 
 side  of  the  .-uicient  head  of  the  gulf.  After  leaving 
 Kthani  the  direction  of  the  route  chanj^cd.  The 
 Israelites  were  conmiantled  "  to  turn  and  encamp 
 before  Pi-h:ihirotli,  between  Jligdol  and  the  sea, 
 over  a^'anst  Baal-zcphon  "  (pJt.  xiv.  2,.  We  Jo  not 
 venture  to  attempt  the  identiliciition  of  the  places 
 mentioned  in  the  narrative  with  modern  sites. 
 Nothing  but  the  discoveiy  of  ancient  Egyptian 
 names,  and  their  poMtive  a|>propriation  to  such 
 sites,  could  enable  us  to  do  so.  The  actual  passage 
 of  the  sea  forms  the  subject  of  another  article. 
 There  am  be  no  doubt  that  the  direction  was  from 
 the  west  to  the  east,  and  that  the  breadth  at  the 
 place  of  crossing  was  great,  since  the  whole  Egyptian 
 army  perished.  Prof.  Lepsius  attempts  to  ideiitil'y 
 ii'ameses  with  the  ancient  Egyptian  site  now  called 
 AboO'Kesheyd,  about  eight  miles  from  the  old  head 
 of  the  gulf.     [I.'amesks.] 
 
 Exorcist.  The  use  of  the  tenn  exorcists  in  Acts 
 xix.  13  conliims  what  we  know  from  other  sources 
 as  to  the  common  practice  of  exorcism  amongst  the 
 Jews.  That  some,  at  le;vst,  of  them  not  only  pie- 
 tended  to,  but  possessed,  the  power  of  exorcising, 
 apfjeais  by  our  Lord's  admission  when  he  asks  the 
 Fhaiisees,  "  If  I  by  Beelzebub  cast  out  devils,  by 
 whom  do  your  disciples  cast  them  out?"  (Matt, 
 xii.  27).  VVhat  means  were  employed  by  real 
 e.xorcists  we  are  not  informed.  David,  by  playing 
 skilfully  on  a  harp,  piocurcd  the  temporary  de- 
 parture of  the  evil  spirit  which  troubled  Saul  (1 
 Sam.  rvi.  2:5).  Justin  Martyr  has  an  interesting 
 suggestion  as  to  the  possibility  of  a  Jew  successfully 
 exorcising  a  devil,  by  employing  the  name  of  the 
 God  of  Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob.  But  he  goes 
 on  to  say  that  the  .lewish  exorcists,  as  a  cl;i.-.s,  had 
 sunk  down  to  the  superstitious  rites  and  usages  of 
 the  heathen.  It  was  the  profane  use  of  the  name 
 of  Jesus  as  a  mere  charm  or  sjiell  which  leil  to  the 
 disastrous  issue  recorded  in  the  .\cts  of  the  Apostles 
 ;xix.  1.3-16).  The  power  of  casting  out  devils  was 
 bestowed  by  Christ  while  on  earth  upon  the  apostles 
 (Matt.  X.  8j  and  the  seventy  disciples  (Luke  x. 
 17-19),  and  was,  according  to  Ilis  promise  (Mark 
 xvi.  17),  exercised  by  believers  after  His  .A.'icension 
 (Acts  xvi.  18);  but  to  the  Christian  miracle,  whe- 
 ther as  perfoimed  by  our  Lord  himself  or  by  His 
 fiiillowers,  the  N.  T.  writers  never  apply  the  tei"ms 
 "  exorci-f  "  or  "  exorcist." 
 
 Expiation.     [Sacuifice.] 
 
 Ez  bai,  father  of  Naarai,  who  was  one  of  David's 
 tliiity  mighty  men  (1  Chr.  .\i.  37). 
 
 Ez  bon.  1.  ."^011  of  (Jad,  and  founder  of  one  of 
 the  (iadite  f.imilies  (Cien.  xlvi.  16  ;  Num.  xxvi.  16). 
 —8.  .Son  of  Bela,  the  son  of  Benjamin,  accordnig  to 
 1  Chr.  vii.  7. 
 
 Ezechi'as.  1.  1  Esil.  ix.  14;  put  for  Jaiiaz;aii 
 in  Kzi.  X.  1.1.— 2.  2  Esil.  vii.  40.    [Ki;zi:KiAH.] 
 
 Ezeci'as,   1   Msd.  iz.  4:>;  for  Hilkiah  in  the 
 
 parallel  |iass;i;;e,  Neil.  viii.  4. 
 
 Ezeki'as,  Ec.lu.s.  xlviii.  17,  22,  xlix.  4  ;  2  M-icc. 
 XV.  JJ;   .M, lit.  i.  9,  10.     [Hi:/.KKiAn.] 
 
 Eze'kiel,  «w  of  the  f.tnr  greater  prophets.  He 
 was  the  son  of  n  priest  named  Biizi.  The  Rabbis 
 absiiixily  identify    Buzi    with   .leieiniah.      .Another 
 
 fZEKIEIj 
 
 tradition  makes  Ezekiel  the  servant  of  Jeremiah. 
 Unlike  his  predecessor  in  the  prophetic  olhce,  who 
 gives  us  the  amjdest  detiiils  of  his  personal  history, 
 Kzekiel  rarely  alludes  to  the  facts  of  his  own  lil'e, 
 and  we  have  to  complete  the  impert'ect  picture  by 
 the  colours  of  late  and  dubious  tradition.  He  was 
 taken  cjiptive  in  the  captivity  cf  Jehoiachin,  eleven 
 years  before  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem.  He  was 
 a  member  of  a  community  of  Jewish  ezA't.  wlio 
 settled  on  the  banks  of  the  Chebar,  a  "  river  "  or 
 stream  of  Babylonia.  It  was  by  this  river  "  in  the 
 land  of  the  Chaldaeans"  that  God's  message  first 
 reached  him  (i.  3).  His  call  took  place  "  in  the 
 fifth  year  of  king  Jehoiacliin's  captivity,"  B.C.  59.T 
 (i.  2),  "  in  the  thirtieth  year  in  the  fourth  month." 
 The  latter  exjiression  is  very  iinceitain.  It  now 
 seems  generally  agreed  that  it  was  the  30th  year 
 from  the  new  era  of  Nabopolassar,  father  of  Nebu- 
 chadnezzar, who  began  to  reign  li.c.  025.  The  use 
 of  this  C/iiddce  epoch  is  the  more  appropriate  as  the 
 projihet  wrote  in  Babylonia,  and  he  gives  a  Jewish 
 chronology  in  ver.  2.  The  decision  of  the  question 
 is  the  less  important  because  in  all  other  places 
 Ezekiel  dates  from  the  year  of  Jehoiacliin's  captivity 
 ixxix.  17,  XXX.  20,  et  passim).  We  learn  from  an 
 incidental  allusion  (xxiv.  18) — the  only  reference 
 which  he  makes  to  his  pei-soiial  history — that  he 
 w;is  ma:ried,  and  had  a  house  (viii.  1)  in  his  place 
 of  exile,  and  lost  his  wife  by  a  sudden  and  uiitbre- 
 seen  stroke.  He  lived  in  the  highest  consideration 
 among  his  companions  in  exile,  and  their  elders  con- 
 sulted him  on  all  occasions  (viii.  1,  xt.  25,  xiv.  1, 
 XX.  1,  &c.).  The  last  date  he  mentions  is  the  27th 
 year  of  the  captivity  fxxix.  17),  so  that  his  mission 
 extended  over  twenty-two  years,  during  part  of 
 which  period  Daniel  was  probably  living,  aud  already 
 famous  (  Ez.  xiv.  14,  xxviii.  3).  He  is  said  to  have 
 been  murdered  in  Babylon  by  some  Jewish  piince 
 whom  he  had  convicted  of  idolatry,  and  to  have 
 been  buried  in  the  tomb  of  Sheni  and  Arphaxad,  on 
 the  banks  of  the  Euphrates.  The  tomb,  s;\id  to 
 have  been  built  by  Jehoiachin,  was  shown  a  few 
 days'  journey  from  Bagdad.  But,  as  Havernick 
 remarks,  "  by  the  side  of  the  soittered  data  of  his 
 external  life,  those  of  his  internal  life  appear  so 
 much  the  richer."  He  was  distiuguisiied  by  his 
 stern  and  inflexible  energy  of  will  and  char.acter; 
 and  we  al.so  observe  a  devoted  adherence  to  the  ritcf 
 and  ceremonies  of  his  national  religion.  Ezekitl  is 
 no  cosmopolite,  but  displays  everywhere  the  pecu- 
 liar tendencies  of  a  Hebrew  edu&ited  under  Levitical 
 training.  The  priestly  bias  is  always  visible.  We 
 may  also  note  in  Ezekiel  the  absorbing  recognition 
 of  his  high  calling  which  enabled  him  cheerfully  to 
 endure  any  deprivation  or  misery,  if  thereby  he  may 
 give  any  warning  or  lesson  to  his  people  (iv.,  xxiv. 
 15,  16,  &c.),  whom  he  so  ardently  loved  (ix.  8, 
 xi.  13).  His  predictions  are  marvellously  varieil. 
 He  has  instances  of  visions  (viii.-xi.).  symbolical 
 actions  (as  iv.  8),  similitudes  (xii.,  xv.),  parables 
 (as  xvii.),  proverbs  (as  xii.  22,  xviii.  1  sq.),  poems 
 (as  xix.),  allegories  (as  xxiii.,  xxiv.),  open  prophecies 
 (as  vi.,  vii.,  xx.,  &c.).  The  depth  of  his  vuittct; 
 and  the  marvellous  nature  of  his  visions,  make  him 
 occxisionally  obscuit;.  Hence  his  prophecy  was  placed 
 I  by  the  Jews  among  the  "  ficjtsuies,''  those  portions 
 I  of  .'Jcriptuie  which  (like  the  eaily  part  ol'  iJeiiesis, 
 I  and  the  Canticles)  wore  i.ot  allowed  to  he  read  till 
 I  tlie  age  of  thirty.  The  Jews  classed  him  in  the 
 I  very  highest  rank  of  prophets.— Of  the  authenticity 
 '  of  Ezekiel's  pio]ihicy  there  has  been  no  real  dispute, 
 
EZEL,  THE  STONE 
 
 Hlthouffli  a  few  rash  critics  have  raised  questions 
 about  the  last  chapters,  even  suggesting  that  they 
 might  have  been  written  by  a  Samaritan,  to  incite 
 the  Jews  to  sutler  the  co-opeiation  in  rebuilding  the  | 
 Temple.     The  book  is  divided  into  two  great  parts —  j 
 of  which  the  destiaiction  of  Jerusalem  is  the  turnnig-  I 
 point ;  chapteis  i.-xxiv.  contain  predictions  delivered  1 
 before  that  event,  and  xxv.-xlviii.  after  it,  as  we  see 
 fi'om  xxvi.  2.     Again,  chapters  i.-xxxii.  aie  mainly 
 occupied  with  correction,  denunciation,  and  reproof, 
 while  the  remainder  deal  chiefly  in  consolation  and 
 promise.     A  parenthetical  section  in  the  middle  of 
 the  book  (xxv.-xxxii.)  contains  a  gionp  of  p]ophecies 
 •against  seceii  foreign  nations,  the  sejitenary  arrtige- 
 ment    being    apparently    intentional.       Haveini('k 
 divides  the  book  into  nine  sections,  distinguished  by 
 their  supeiscriptions,  as  follows  : — I.  Ezekiel's  call, 
 i.-iii.   15.      II.  The   general  carrying  out  of  the 
 commission,,  iii.  16-vii.     III.  The  rejection  of  the 
 people  beciiuse  of  their  idolatrous  woiship,  viii.— xi. 
 
 IV.  The  sins  of  the  age  rebuked  in  detail,  xii.— xix. 
 
 V.  The  nature  of  the  judgment,  and  the  guilt 
 which  caused  it,  xx.— xxiii.  VI.  The  meaning  of  the 
 now  commencing  punishment,  xxiv.  Vll.  God's 
 judgment  denounced  on  seven  heathen  nations,  xxv.— 
 ixxii.  \'III.  Prophecies,  after  the  destruction  of 
 Jerus.alem,  concerning  the  future  condition  of  Israel, 
 xxxiii.-xxxix.  IX.  The  glorious  consummation, 
 xl.— xlviii.  There  are  no  direct  quotations  from 
 Kzekiel  in  the  New  'I'estament,  but  in  the  Apoca- 
 lypse tliere  are  many  paiallels  and  obvious  allusions 
 to  the  later  chapteis  (xl  —xlviii.). 
 
 E'zel,  the  Stone.  A  well-known  stone  in  the 
 neighbourhood  of  Saul's  residence,  the  scene  of  the 
 parting  of  David  and  Jonathan  when  the  foimer 
 finally  tied  from  the  court  (1  Sam.  xx.  19). 
 
 E'zem,  one  of  the  towns  of  Simeon  (1  Chr.  iv.  29). 
 
 E'zer.  1.  A  son  of  Ephraim,  who  was  slain  by 
 the  aboriginal  inhabitants  of  Oath,  while  engaged 
 in  a  foray  on  their  cattle  (1  Chr.  vii.  21).— 2.   A 
 
 EZRA 
 
 26s 
 
 priest  who  assisted  in  the  dedication  of  th(>  walls  of 
 Jerusalem  undei'Nehemiah  (Neh.xii.42). — 3.  Father 
 of  Hushah  of  the  sons  of  Hur  (1  Chr.  iv.  4). 
 Ezeri'as,  1  Esd.  viii.  1.     [Azariau,  7.] 
 Ezi'as,  1  Esd.  viii.  2.     [Azariau;  Azii.i.] 
 E'zion-ga'ber,  or  Ezion-geber(Num.xxxiii.35; 
 Dent.  ii.  8  ;  1  K.  ix.  26.  xxii.  48  ;  2  Chr.  viii.  17), 
 the  last  station  named  for  the  encampment  of  the 
 Israelites  before  they  came  to  the  wilderness  of  Zin. 
 According  to  the  latest  map  of  Kiepert  it  stands  at 
 Ain  el-Gkudijan,  about  ten  miles  up  what  is  now  the 
 dry  bed  of  the  Arabah,  but,  as  he  supposed,  was  then 
 the  northern  end  of  the  gulf,  which  niav  nave  an- 
 ciently had,  like  that  of  Suez,  a  fiu-tlier  extension. 
 
 Ez'nite,  the,  Accoiding  to  the  statement  of 
 2  Sam.  xxiii.  8.  "  Adino  the  Eznite"  was  another 
 name  for  "  Josheb-basshebeth  a  Tachcemonite  (1 
 Chr.  xi.  11  ;  A.  V.  'the  Tachmonite  that  sate  in 
 the  seat '),  chief  among  the  captains."  The  passage 
 is  most  probal:ily  corrupt. 
 
 Ezra.  1.  The  head  of  one  of  the  twenty-two 
 courses  of  priests  which  returned  from  captivity 
 with  Zerubbabel  and  Jeshua  (Neh.  xii.  2). — 2.  A 
 man  of  Judah.  The  name  occurs  in  the  obscure 
 genealogy  of  I  Chr.  iv.  17. — 3.  The  famous  Scribe 
 and  Priest,  descended  from  Hilkiah  the  high-priest 
 in  Josiah's  reign,  from  whose  j'ounger  son  Azariah 
 sprung  Seraiah,  Ezra's  father,  quite  a  different  per- 
 son fi'om  Seraiah  the  high-priest  (Ezr.  vii.  1).  All 
 that  is  really  known  of  I'^zra  is  contained  in  the  four 
 last  chapters  of  the  book  of  Ezra  and  in  Neh.  viii. 
 and  xii.  26.  From  these  passages  we  learn  that  he 
 was  a  learned  and  pious  priest  residing  at  Babylon 
 in  the  time  of  Artiixeixes  Longimanus.  The  origin 
 of  his  influence  with  the  king  does  not  appear,  but 
 in  the  seventh  year  of  his  reign,  in  spite  of  the 
 unfavourable  report  which  had  been  sent  by  Rehum 
 and  Shimshai,  he  obtained  leave  to  go  to  Jerusalem, 
 and  to  take  with  him  a  company  of  Israelites, 
 together  with  priests,  hevites,  singers,  porters,  and 
 
 tlie  hanks  of  the  Euphrates 
 
204 
 
 EZRA,  BOOK  OF 
 
 Xethiniin.  The  journey  of  Ezr.x  nnd  his  companions 
 fiom  Babylon  to  .Jerusalem  took  just  lour  months; 
 and  they  brought  u])  with  tliein  a  lar;;e  tree-will 
 (itl'ering  ot"  <;nld  and  silver,  and  silver  vessels.  It 
 apj^iears  tiiat  his  great  desic^n  was  to  eflijct  a  relipous 
 roiormation  among  the  I'alcstino  .lews,  and  to  bring 
 them  back  to  the  obsei-vafion  of  tlie  Law  of  Moses, 
 from  which  they  had  grievously  declined.  His  first 
 .step,  accordingly,  was  to  enfoice  a  separation  from 
 their  wives  ujion  all  who  h.id  ninrle  heathen  mar- 
 riages, in  which  number  were  many  priests  and 
 I.evites,  as  well  as  other  Isiaelites.  'I'his  \v;is  eftected 
 in  little  more  than  si.x  months  after  his  arrival  at 
 .leiusalem.  With  the  detailed  a<'Count  of  this 
 important  transaction  Ezra's  autobiography  ends 
 abni))tly,  and  we  hear  nothing  moie  of  him  till, 
 13  years  afterwards,  in  the  20th  of  Artax^rxes,  we 
 find  him  again  at  .(enis;\lem  with  Nehemiah  "  the 
 Tirshatha."  It  seems  probable  that  after  he  had 
 ertected  the  above-named  reformation,  and  had  aj)- 
 pointed  competent  judges  and  magistrates,  with 
 authority  to  m.iintain  it,  he  himself  returned  to  the 
 king  of  I'ersia.  The  functions  he  cxecuti'd  under 
 Nehemiah's  goveuiment  weie  purely  of  a  priestly 
 and  ecclesiastical  character.  Hut  in  such  he  tilled 
 the  first  place,  .^s  Ezra  is  not  mentioned  after 
 Nehemiah's  depai-ture  for  Babylon  in  the  l-'i2nd 
 .^r^axerxes,  and  as  everything  tell  into  confusion 
 during  Nehemiah's  absence  (Neh.  xiii.),  it  is  not 
 \Milikeiy  that  Ezra  may  have  died  or  returned  to 
 Babylon  liefore  that  year.  Jose])lms.  who  should 
 be  our  next  best  authoiitv. after  Scriptuie,  evidently 
 knew  nothing  about  the  time  or  tlie  place  of  his 
 dejith.  There  was  a  strong  .Jewish  tradition  that 
 he  was  buried  in  Persia.  The  principal  works 
 ascribed  to  him  by  the  Jews  are: — 1.  Tiio  institu- 
 tion of  the  Great  Synagogue.  2.  The  settling  the 
 amen  of  Scripture,  and  restoring,  correcting,  and 
 editing  the  whole  sacred  volume.  3.  The  intro- 
 iluction  of  the  Chaldee  character  instead  of  the  old 
 Hebrew  or  Samaritan.  4.  The  authorship  of  the 
 books  of  Chionicles,  Ezra,  Nehemiah,  and,  some  add, 
 Esther;  and,  many  of  the  .Jews  say,  also  of  the 
 licoks  of  Ezekiel,  l>aniel,  and  the  twelve  prophets. 
 b.  The  estabjishnicut  of  synagogues. 
 
 Ez'ra,  Book  of.  The  book  of  Ezra  is  manifestly 
 a  continuation  of  the  books  of  Chronicles.  Like 
 these  books,  it  consists  of  the  contemporaiy  his- 
 toiical  journals  kej)t  from  time  to  time,  which  weie 
 afterwards  strung  togetiier,  and  either  abiidged 
 iir  added  to,  as  the  cjise  required,  by  a  later 
 hand.  Tliat  later  hand,  in  the  book  of  Ezra,  was 
 lioubtless  Ezra's  own,  as  apjiears  by  the  four  last 
 chapters,  as  well  as  by  other  matter  inserted  in  the 
 previous  chaptere.  It  has  already  been  sugge>ted 
 [(^iiriONlCLKS]  that  the  chief  portion  of  the  last 
 chapter  of  2  Chr.  and  lizr.  i.  may  piolxibly  have 
 been  written  by  Daniel.  The  evidences  of  this  in 
 Ezr.  i.  must  now  be  given  more  fullv.  Daniel 
 pisses  over  in  utter  silence  the  Jirat  year  of  Cyrus, 
 to  which  (V)inted  allusion  is  ma<le  in  Dan.  i.  21,  and 
 ])roceo  is  in  ch.  x.  to  the  third  yeai-  of  Cyrus.  But 
 Kzr.  i.,  if  placed  between  Dan.  i,\.  and  x.,  exactly 
 fills  up  the  gap,  and  ro<ords  tho  event  of  the  fii-st 
 year  of  Cyrus,  in  which  Daniel  was  so  deeply  in- 
 terested. And  not  only  so,  but  the  manner  of  tiic 
 record  is  exactly  Daniel's.  The  giving  the  text  of 
 the  decree,  ver.  2-4  (cf.  Dan.  iy,),  the  mention  of 
 the  name  of  "  Mithredath  the  treasurer,"  ver.  8 
 'cf.  I>!in.  i.  3,  1 1),  the  allusion  to  the  sjicred  vessels 
 pLiced  by  Nel)uchailnezzar  in  the  house  of  his  god. 
 
 FABLE 
 
 ver.  7  (cf.  Dan.  i.  2;,  the  giving  the  Chaldee  name 
 of  Zenibbabel,  ver.  8,  11  (cf.  l>in.  i.  7),  and  tlie 
 whole  locus  sta/idi  of  the  narrator,  who  evidentiv 
 wrote  at  Baljyion,  not  at  .Jeru.>alein,  are  all  ciix;uni- 
 stances  which  in  a  marked  mannei  point  to  Daniel 
 as  the  writer  of  I'^zr.  i.  As  regards  l^zr.  ii.,  and  as 
 far  as  iii.  1,  it  is  ibund  Uvith  the  exception  of 
 clerical  errors)  in  the  7th  ch.  of  Nehemiah,  where 
 it  belongs  beyond  a  shadow  of  doubt.  The  next 
 poriion  extends  from  iii.  2  to  the  end  of  ch.  vi. 
 With  the  exception  of  one  large  ex]>lanatoiy  addition 
 by  Ezra,  extending  from  iv.  6  to  2.i,  tliis  poi-tion 
 is  the  work  of  a  writer  conteniiX)rary  with  Zenib- 
 babel and  Jeshiia,  and  an  eye-witness  of  the  i-ebuild- 
 ing  of  the  Temple  in  the  l"eginuing  of  the  reign  of 
 Darius  Hystaspis.  That  it  was  the  prophet  Haggai 
 becomes  tolerably  sure  when  we  observe  fuither 
 the  remarkable  coincidences  in  style.  Ezr.  iv.  G-23 
 is  a  parenthetic  addition  by  a  much  later  Iiand,  and, 
 as  the  passage  most  clearly  shows,  made  in  the  reign 
 of  Art^ixer.ves  Longimanus.  The  compiler  who  in- 
 serted ch.  ii.,  a  document  drnwii  up  in  the  reign  ot 
 Aitiixeixcs  to  illustrate  the  return  of  the  captives 
 under  Zerubbabel,  here  inserts  a  notice  of  two  his- 
 torical tact.s — of  which  one  occurred  in  the  leign  of 
 Xer.xes,  and  the  other  in  the  reign  of  Ai-taxerxes — 
 to  illustrate  the  opposition  offered  by  the  heathen  to 
 the  rebuilding  of  the  Temple  in  the  leign  of  Cyrus 
 and  Cambyses.  'I'lie  last  four  chapters,  beginning 
 with  ch.  vii.,  are  Ezra's  own,  and  continue  the  h\>- 
 tory  after  a  ga])  of  lifty-eight  years — from  the  sixth 
 of  D^irius  to  the  seventh  of  Artaxerxes.  The  text 
 of  the  book  of  Ezra  is  not  in  a  good  condition. 
 Theie  are  a  good  many  palpable  corruptions  both 
 in  the  names  and  numerals,  and  ]'erha|ps  in  some 
 other  jxiints.  It  is  written  partly  in  Hebrew,  and 
 partly  in  Chaldee.  The  Chaldee  begins  at  iv.  8, 
 and  continues  to  the  enti  of  vi.  18.  The  letter  or 
 decree  of  Artaxerxes,  vii.  12-26,  is  also  given  in  the 
 original  Chahlee.  There  has  never  been  any  doubt 
 about  Ezra  being  canonical,  although  there  is  no 
 (juotation  from  it  in  the  N.  T.  The  period  covered 
 by  the  book  is  eighty  years,  from  the  liist  of  Cyrus, 
 B.C.  boH,  to  the  beginning  of  the  eighth  of  Arfci.xerxes, 
 1J.C.  4,jt;. 
 
 Ez'rahite,  the,  a  title  atfciched  to  two  per.«ons — 
 ICthan  (1  Iv.  iv.  M  ;  I's.  Ixxxix.  title)  and  Heman 
 (Ps.  Ixxxviii.  title). 
 
 Ez'ri,  son  of  Chelub,  sujx'rintendent  of  King 
 David's  farm-labourers  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  2G). 
 
 P 
 
 Fable.    Taking  the  woitls  fable  and  parable,  not 
 in  their  strict  etymological  meaning,   but  in  that 
 which   has   been   stamped   tijKin  them   by  current 
 usage,  looking,  t.  e.  at  the  .^e.sopic  fable  as  the  type 
 of  the  one,  at  the   Parables  of  tho  N.  T.  ;is  the 
 type  of  the  other,  we  have  to  ask  (1.)  in  what  rela- 
 tion tliev  .stand  to  each  other,   as  instruments  of 
 moival  teaching?  (2.)  what  u.^e  is  made  in  the  Bible 
 of  this  or  of  that  form?     Perhajis  the  most  satis- 
 !  factory  summing  up  of  the  chief  distinctive  features 
 I  of  each  is  to  be  found  in  the  folldwing  extract  from 
 I  Neander: — "The  parable  is  distinguished  from  the 
 I  fid)le  by  this,  tluit,  in  the  latter,  (iiialities,  or  nets 
 '  of  a  higher  class  of  liciiigs  may  be  attributed  to  a 
 lower  (r.  (J.  those  of  men  to  brutes) ;  while  in  the 
 I  former,  the  lower  sphere  is  kept  perfertly  distiD''t 
 
FAIRS 
 
 from  that  wliich  it  seems  to  illustvate.  The  beiiiffs 
 and  powers  thus  introduced  always  follow  the  law 
 of  their  natui-e,  but  their  acts,  according  to  this 
 law,  aie  \ised  to  figure  those  of  a  higher  race." 
 Of  the  fable,  ;is  thus  distinguished  from  the  Pa- 
 rable, we  have  but  two  examples  in  the  Bible, 
 (1.)  that  of  the  trees  choosing  their  king,  addressed 
 by  Jorham  to  the  men  of  Shechem  f  Judg.  ix.  8-15)  ; 
 (2.)  that  of  the  cedar  of  Lebanon  and  the  thistle,  as 
 the  answer  of  Jehoash  to  the  challenge  of  Amaziah 
 (2  K.  xiv.  9).  The  appearance  of  the  faVile  thus 
 early  in  the  history  of  Israel,  and  its  entire  absence 
 from  the  diiect  teaching  both  of  the  0.  and  N.  T. 
 are,  fach  of  them  in  its  way.  signiricant.  Taking 
 the  received  chronology,  the  fable  of  Jotham  was 
 spoken  about  1209  B.C.  The  Arabian  traditions  of 
 Lokman  do  not  assign  to  him  an  earlier  date  than 
 tliat  of  David.  The  first  example  in  the  history  of 
 Home  is  the  apologue  of  Menenius  Agrippa  B.C. 
 494-,  and  its  genuineness  has  been  questioned  on  the 
 ground  that  the  table  could  hardly  at  that  time  have 
 found  its  way  to  Latium.  The  land  of  Canaan 
 is,  so  far  as  we  have  any  data  to  conclude  from,  the 
 iatherland  of  fable.  The  absence  of  fables  from 
 the    teaching    of  the    0.  T.    must   be  a.scribed   to 
 
 FAMINE  265 
 
 their  want  of  fitness  to  be  the  media  of  the  truths 
 which  that  teaching  was  to  convey.  The  points  in 
 which  brutes  or  inanimate  objects  present  analogies 
 to  man  are  chiefly  those  which  belong  to  his  lower 
 nature,  his  pride,  indolence,  ciuming,  and  the  like. 
 Hence  the  table,  apart  from  the  associations  of  a 
 grotesque  and  ludicrous  nature  which  gather  round 
 it,  is  inadequate  as  the  ex-ponent  of  the  higher 
 truths  which  belong  to  man's  spiritual  life.  It 
 may  serve  to  exhibit  the  relations  between  man 
 and  man ;  it  fails  to  represent  those  between  man 
 and  God.  To  do  that  is  the  office  of  the  Parable. 
 The  fables  of  fal.'«e  teachers  claiming  to  belong  to 
 the  Christian  church,  alluded  to  by  wi'iters  of  the 
 N.  T.  (1  Tim.  i.  4,  iv.  7 ;  Tit.  i.  14 ;  2  Pet.  i.  16), 
 do  not  appear  to  have  had  the  character  of  fables, 
 properly  so  called. 
 
 Fair  Havens,  a  harbour  in  the  island  of  Crete 
 (Acts  xxvii.  8),  not  mentioned  in  any  other  ancient 
 writing.  Though  not  mentioned  by  classical  writers, 
 it  is  still  known  by  its  own  Greek  name.  Lasaea 
 too  has  recently  been  most  explicitly  discovered. 
 In  fact  Fair  Havens  appears  to  have  been  practically 
 its  harbour.  These  places  are  situated  four  or  five 
 miles  to  the  E.  of  Cape  Matala,  which  is  the  most 
 
 ^^^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 conspicuous  headland  on  the  S.  coast  of  Cieto,  and 
 immediately  to  the  W.  of  which  the  coast  trends 
 suddenly  to  the  N. 
 
 Fairs,  a  word  which  occurs  only  in  Kz.  .\xvii, 
 and  there  no  less  than  seven  times  (ver.  12,  14,  16, 
 19,  22,  27,  33):  in  the  last  of  these  verses  it  is 
 rendered  "  wares,"  and  this  we  believe  to  bo  the 
 true  meaning  of  the  word  throughout.  I 
 
 Fallow-deer  (Heb.  ijachmur).  The  Heb.  word,  ' 
 which  is  mentioned  only  in  Deut.  xiv.  5  and  in  1 
 1  K.  iv.  23,  appears  to  point  to  the  Antilope  bubalis. 
 Kitto  refers  the  name  to  the  On/x  leucoryx.  We 
 have  little  doubt  but  that  the  yackmur  of  the  Heb. 
 Scriptures  denotes  the  hekker-el-wash,  or  "  wild  ox," 
 of  Bavbary  and  N.  Africa.    (See  drawing  on  p.  266.) 
 
 Famine.  When  the  sweet  influences  of  the 
 Pleiades  aie  bound,  and  the  bands  of  Scorpio  cannot 
 be  loosed,  then  it  is  that  famines  generally  prevail 
 in  the  lands  of  the  Bible.  In  Egypt  a  deficiency  in 
 the  rise  of  the  Nile,  with  drying  winds,  produces 
 the  same  results.  The  famines  recorded  in  the 
 Bible  are  traceable  to  both  these  phenomena  ;  and 
 we  generally  find  that  Itgypt  was  resorted  to  when 
 scarcity  afflicted  Palestine.  In  the  whole  of  Syria 
 and  Arabia,  the  fruits  of  the  earth  must  ever  be 
 dependent  on  rain  ;  the  \yatersheds  having  few  large 
 springs,  and  the  small  rivers  not  being  sufficient  for 
 the  irrigation  of  even  the  level  lauds.  If  therefore 
 the  heavy  rains  of  November  and  December  fail, 
 the  sustenance  of  the  people  is  cut  off  in  the  parch- 
 
J>C.(5 
 
 FAMINE 
 
 Atcilai'hut  bubidiM.    See  ait. '  Fallow-deer.' 
 
 incr  drought  of  liaive.st-tinu',  when  tho  counn y  is 
 almost  devoid  of  moisture.  I'-gypt,  at;:iin,  owes  all 
 its  feitility — a  teitilit y  that  gained  lor  it  the  stiiicini: 
 comparison  to  the  "  gaiden  of  tlie  Lord  " — to  its 
 mighty  iiver,  whose  annual  rise  inundates  neaily 
 the  whole  land  and  renders  its  cultivation  an  easy 
 certainty.  The  causes  of  dearth  and  famine  in 
 ligypt  are  occasioned  by  defective  inundation,  pie- 
 ceded  and  accompanied  and  followed  liy  prevalent 
 easterly  and  southerly  winds.  The  first  famine  re- 
 corded in  the  Bible  is  that  of  Abraham  after  he  had 
 pitched  his  tent  on  the  east  of  Bethel  (Gen.  xii.  10). 
 We  may  conclude  that  this  famine  was  extensive, 
 although  this  is  not  quite  proved  by  tlie  fact  of 
 Abraiiain's  going  to  I'-gypt;  for  on  the  ociasion  of 
 the  second  famine,  in  the  days  of  Isaac,  tliis  patriarch 
 i'ound  refuge  with  Abiinelech  king  of  the  riiilistines 
 in  Geiar  ((ieu.  .\xvi.  1  sq.).  We  hear  no  more  of 
 times  of  scarcity  until  the  great  famine  of  Kgypt 
 which  "was  over  all  the  face  of  the  cartli."  The 
 famine  of  .loseiih  is  discussed  in  art.  Lgyi'T,  so  far 
 as  Josojili's  history  and  policy  is  concerned.  It  is 
 only  necessary  here  to  consider  its  physical  charac- 
 teristics. Wo  have  mentioned  the  chief  causes  of 
 famines  in  %ypt:  this  instiuice  dill'ers  in  the  pro- 
 vidential recurrence  of  seven  years  of  plenty,  wlierebv 
 .losepli  was  enabled  to  provide  against  the  coming 
 dearth,  and  to  supply  not  only  the  ])opulation  of 
 Egypt  with  corn,  but  tlios*  of  the  surrounding 
 countries  (Gen.  xli.  ."):)-.")7).  The  modern  history 
 of  Kgypt  throws  some  curious  light  on  these  ancient 
 reconl.s  of  famines  ;  an<l  instances  of  their  recur- 
 rence may  be  cited  to  jissist  us  in  understanding 
 their  coui-se  and  extent.  Tlie  most  remarl<;il)l(? 
 famine  w.-is  that  of  the  reign  of  the  Katimtv  Mw- 
 leefeh,  Kl-.Mustansir  bill.ali,  wliiih  is  the  ojilv  in- 
 stance on  record  of  one  of  seven  years' duiatioii  -n 
 Kgypt  sinue  tiie  time  of  Joseph"  (A.M.  457-4iU, 
 A.I).  I0r)4-lO71  1.  This  (ajpiiie  exc«?<lei|  in  so\erity 
 all  iithei-s  of  modern  times,  and  w.xs  aggravated  l>v 
 the  anarchy  which  then  ravaged  the  country.  \'e- 
 hemcnt  drought  and  pestilence  continued  for  seven 
 consecutive  years,  s<.  that  they  [the  [.oople]  ate 
 corpses,  and  animals  that  <lied  of  themselves  ;  the 
 cattle  perished ;  a  dog  wr,s  sold  for  5  deenArs,  and 
 a  cat  for  three  decniir-    .  .  .  and  an  ardebb  f  aliout 
 
 FASTS 
 
 f)  bushels)  of  wheat  for  10(1  deenai-s,  and  then  it 
 liiiled  altogether.  The  historian  adds,  that  all  the 
 horses  of  the  Khaleefeh,  sjive  three,  perished,  and 
 gives  numerous  insfcuwes  of  tlie  straits  to  wliicii  the 
 wrofehed  inhabitants  were  driven,  and  of  the  organ- 
 ised bands  of  kidiiappei's  who  infested  Cairo  and 
 caught  jKTsseiJgers  in  the  streets  by  foftes  furnished 
 with  hooks  aii-I  let  dnwii  from  the  houses.  The 
 famine  of  .Samaria  resembled  it  in  many  particulai-s ; 
 and  that  very  briedy  recorded  in  2  K.  viii.  1,  2, 
 alfinds  another  instance  of  one  of  seven  yeai-s.      In 
 
 I  Arabia,  famines  are  of  frequent  occurrence. 
 
 Farthing.  Two  names  of  coins  in  the  N.  T. 
 are  icndeieil  in  the  A.  V.  by  this  wora. — 1.  ko- 
 Spavrrji,  (jaidrans  iMatt.  v.  20  ;  Mark  xii.  42),  a 
 coin  current  in  Palestine  in  the  time  of  Our  Lord. 
 It  was  equivalent  to  two  lepta  (A.  V.  "mites";. 
 The  name  quadrans  was  oiiginally  given  to  the 
 quaiier  of  the  Roman  as,  or  jiiece  of  three  uncino, 
 therefore  also  called  tenincius. — 2.  acrcro^ioi' (Matt, 
 X.  29;  Luke  xii.  0),  properly  a  small  as,  assariiim, 
 but  in  the  time  of  Our  Lord  used  as  the  Gr.  equ.' 
 valeiit  of  the  Lat.  as.  The  rendering  of  the  Vulg 
 in  Luke  xii.  G  makes  it  probable  that  a  single  coin 
 is  intended  by  two  ass;uia. 
 
 Fasts.— I.  One  fast  only  was  appointed  by  the 
 law,  that  on  the  day  of  Atonement.  There  is  no 
 mention  of  any  other  periodical  last  in  the  0.  T., 
 e.\cept  in  Zech.  vii.  1-7,  viii.  19.  From  these  pas- 
 sages it  appears  that  the  .lews,  during  their  cap- 
 tivity, observed  four  annual  fasts,  in  the  fourth, 
 fifth,  seventh,  and  tenth  months.  Zechariali  sinijily 
 distinglli^ll<■s  the  fasts  by  the  months  in  which  they 
 were  observed;  but  the  Mishn.i  and  .S.  Jerome  give 
 statements  of  certain  historical  events  which  they 
 were  intended  to  commemorate:  —  The  fast  of  the 
 fourth  month. — The  breakingof  the  tables  of  the  law 
 by  Moses  (Kx.  xxxii.),  and  the  storming  of  Jeru- 
 siilem  by  Nebuchadnezzar  (Jer.  Hi.).  The  fast  of 
 the  fifth  month. — The  return  of  the  spies,  ic 
 (Num.  .\iii.,  xiv.),  the  temjile  burnt  by  Nebuchad- 
 nezzar, and  again  by  Titus ;  and  the  ploughing  u]i 
 of  the  site  of  the  tem])le,  with  the  capture  of  Bether. 
 The  tiist  of  the  seventh  month. — The  complete  sack 
 of  Jerus;ilem  by  Nebuchadnezzar  and  the  death  of 
 Gedaliah  (2  K".  xxv.).  The  fiu^tof  the  tenth  month. 
 — The  receiving  by  Kzekiel  and  the  other  cjiptives 
 in  Babylon  of  the  news  of  the  destruction  of  Jeru- 
 sjilem.  .Some  other  events  mentioned  in  the  Mishna 
 are  omitted  as  uninipoitant.  Of  those  here  stated 
 several  could  have  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  fasts 
 in  the  time  of  the  iiro])liet.  The  number  of  annual 
 fastji  in  the  present  Jewish  Calendar  liius  Ijeen  mul- 
 tiplied to  twenty-eight,  a  list  of  which  is  given  liy 
 Kelaiid. — II.  Public  f;isfs  were  o<'c.»sionally  pio- 
 claimed  to  ex])ress  national  humiliation,  and  to  sup- 
 plicate divine  favour.  In  the  ca.se  of  public  danger, 
 the  proclamation  appears  to  have  been  acxx^mpanied 
 with  the  blowing  of  trumjiets  (.loel  ii.  l-l.i;  cf. 
 Tannith,  i.  ti).  The  following  instances  are  rei-orded 
 of  strictly  national   fasts; — Simuel  gathered  "all 
 
 I  Israel"  to  Mizjieh  and  proclaimed  a  fast  (1  .Sam. 
 
 I  vii.  6)  ;  Jeliosha|)hat  appointed  one  "  throughout  all 
 .ludah"  when  he  was  pic|taring  for  war  against 
 .Mojib  and  Amnion  (2  Clir.  xx.  ;>);  in  the  reign  of 
 
 I  .lehoiakim.  one  was  proclaimed  for  "  all  the  peojile 
 in  .leriisalem  and  all  who  came  tliitiier  out  of  the 
 cities  of  Jiiilah,"  when  the  |)rophecv  of  Jeremiah 
 was  publicly  read  by  Baruch  (Jer.  xxxvi.  0-10  ;  cf'. 
 Baruch  i.  .5);   three  days  atYer  the  fea<>t  of  TalMv- 
 
 I  n.icles,    when   the   second    femj  le   was  complete^l. 
 
FAT 
 
 "  tlie  children  of  Israel  assembled  with  fasting  and 
 with  s:\ckclothes  and  earth  upon  them"  to  hear  the 
 law  read,  and  to  confess  their  sins  (Neh.  ix.  1). 
 There  are  leferences  to  general  fasts  in  the  Prophets 
 (Joel  i.  14,  ii.  15 ;  Is.  Iviii.),  and  two  are  noticed 
 in  the  books  of  the  Jlaccabees  (1  Mace.  iii.  46-47  ; 
 2  Jlacc.  xiii.  10-12).  There  are  a  considerable 
 inimber  of  instances  of  cities  and  bodies  of  men 
 observing  fasts  on  occa-sions  in  which  they  were 
 especially  concerned.— III.  Private  occasional  fasts 
 are  recognised  in  one  passage  of  the  law  (Num.  .\xx. 
 13).  The  instances  given  of  individuals  tasting 
 under  the  influence  of  grief,  vexation,  or  anxiety, 
 aie  numerous.— IV.  In  the  N.T.  the  only  references 
 to  the  Jewish  fasts  are  the  mention  of  "  the  Fast,"  in 
 Acts  xxvii.  9  (generally  understood  to  denote  the 
 Day  of  Atonement),  and  the  allusions  to  the  weekly 
 fiusts  (Matt.  ix.  14;  Mark  ii.  18;  Luke  v.  '6o,  win. 
 12 ;  Acts  X.  30).  These  tasts  originated  some  time 
 after  the  captivity.  They  were  observed  on  the 
 second  and  fifth  days  of  the  week,  which  being  ap- 
 pointed as  the  days  for  public  fasts,  seem  to  have 
 been  selected  for  these  private  voluntary  fasts.— 
 V.  The  Jewish  fiists  were  observed  with  various 
 degrees  of  strictness.  Sometimes  there  was  entire 
 •  abstinence  frohi  food  (Esth.  iv.  16,  &c.).  On  other 
 occasions,  tliere  appeal's  to  have  been  only  a  restric- 
 tion to  a  very  plain  diet  (Dan.  x.  3).  Rules  are 
 given  in  the  Talmud  as  to  the  mode  in  which  fasting 
 is  to  be  observed  on  particular  occasions.  Those 
 who  fasted  frequently  dressed  in  sackcloth  or  rent 
 tlieir  clothes,  put  ashes  on  their  head  and  went 
 barefoot  (IK.  xxi.  27;  Neh.  ix.  1  ;  Ps.  xxxv.  13). 
 — VI.  The  sacririce  of  the  personal  will,  which  gives 
 to  fasting  all  its  value,  is  expressed  in  the  old  term 
 used  in  the  law,  ajfiicting  the  soul. 
 
 Fat.  The  Hebrews  distinguished  between  the 
 suet  or  pure  fat  of  an  animal,  and  the  fat  which  was 
 mtermi.xed  with  the  lean  (Neh.  viii.  10).  Certain 
 restrictions  were  imposed  upon  them  in  reference  to 
 the  foi-mer :  some  parts  of  the  suet,  viz.,  about  the 
 stomach,  the  entrails,  the  kidneys,  and  the  tail  of  a 
 sheep,  which  grows  to  an  excessive  size  in  many 
 eastern  countries,  and  produces  a  large  quantity  of 
 rich  fat,  weie  forbidden  to  be  eaten  in  the  case  of 
 animals  offered  to  Jehovah  in  sacrifice  (Lev.  iii.  3, 
 9,  17,  vii.  3,  23).  The  ground  of  the  prohibition 
 was  that  the  tat  was  the  richest  part  of  the  animal, 
 and  therefore  belonged  to  Him  (iii.  16).  The  pre- 
 sentation of  the  fat  as  the  richest  part  of  the  animal 
 was  agreeable  to  the  dictates  of  natural  feeling,  and 
 was  the  ordinaiy  practice  even  of  heathen  nations. 
 The  burning  of  the  tat  of  sacrifices  was  particularly 
 spi'ciried  in  each  kind  of  ottering. 
 
 Fat,  i.  e.  Vat.  The  word  employed  in  the 
 \.  V.  to  translate  the  Hebrew  term  yekeb,  in  Joel 
 li.  24,  iii.  13  only.  The  word  commonly  used  for 
 //c'/.(?6,  indiscriminately  with  gath.  is  "winepress" 
 or  "  winefat,"  and  once  "  presstat ''  (Hag.  ii.  16); 
 but  the  two  appear  to  be  distinct — yatk  the  upper 
 receptacle  or  "pies.s"  in  which  the  grajxjs  were 
 tioddeji,aiid  yekeb  the  "vat,"  on  a  lower  level,  into 
 which  tiio  juice  or  must  was  collected.  The  "  wine- 
 press" and  "vats"  appear  to  have  been  excavated 
 out  of  the  native  rock  of  the  hills  on  which  the 
 vineyards  lay. 
 
 Father.  The  position  and  authority  of  the  father 
 as  the  head  of  the  family  is  expressly  assumed  and 
 sanctioned  in  .Scripture,  as  a  likeness  of  that  of  the 
 Almighty  over  His  creatures.  It  lies  of  coui"se  at 
 th(!  root  of  that  so-called  patriarchal  government 
 
 FENCED  CITIES 
 
 267 
 
 (Gen.  iii.  16  ;  1  Cor.  xi.  3),  which  was  introductory 
 to  the  more  definite  systems  which  followed,  and 
 which  in  part,  but  not  wholly,  superseded  it.  The 
 father's  blessing  was  regarded  as  conferring  special 
 benefit,  but  his  malediction  special  injury,  on  those 
 on  whom  it  fell  (Gen.  ix.  25,  27,  xxvii.  27-40, 
 xlviii.  15,  20,  xlix.) ;  and  so  also  the  sin  of  a  parent 
 was  held  to  affect,  in  certain  cases,  the  weltiire  of 
 his  descendants  (2  K.  v.  27^.  The  command  to 
 honour  parents  is  noticed  by  St.  Paul  as  the  only 
 one  of  the  Decalogue  which  bore  a  distinct  promise 
 (Ex.  XX.  12;  Eph.  vi.  2),  and  disrespect  towards 
 them  was  condemned  by  the  Law  as  one  of  the 
 worst  of  crimes  (Ex.  xxi.  15,  17;  1  Tim.  1,  9). 
 It  is  to  this  well  recognised  tlieory  of  parental 
 authority  and  supremacy  that  the  very  various 
 uses  of  the  term  ''father"  in  Scripture  are  due. 
 "  Fathers"  is  used  in  the  sense  of  seniors  (Acts  vii. 
 2,  xxii.  1),  and  of  parents  in  general,  or  ancestors 
 (Dan.  V.  2  ;  Jer.  .xxvii.  7  ;  Matt,  xxiii.  30,  32). 
 Among  jNIohammedans  parental  authority  has  great 
 weight  during  the  time  of  pupilage. 
 
 Fathom.     [Measures.] 
 
 Feasts.     [Festivals.] 
 
 Felix,  a  Roman  procurator  of  Judaea,  appointed 
 by  the  Emperor  Claudius,  whose  freedman  he  was, 
 on  the  banishment  of  Ventidius  Cumanus  in  a.D. 
 53.  Tacitus  states  that  Felix  and  Cumanus  were 
 joint  procurators;  Cumanus  having  Galilee,  and 
 Felix,  Samaria.  Felix  was  the  brotlier  of  Claudius's 
 powerful  freedman  Pallas.  He  ruled  the  province 
 in  a  mean,  cruel,  and  profligate  manner.  His  period 
 of  oflice  was  full  of  troubles  and  seditions.  St.  Paul 
 was  brought  before  Felix  in  Caesarea.  He  was  re- 
 manded to  prison  and  kept  there  two  years,  in  hopes 
 of  extorting  money  from  him  (.'\cts  xxiv.  26,  27). 
 At  the  end  of  that  time  Porcius  Festus  [Festus] 
 was  appointed  to  supersede  Felix,  who,  on  his  return 
 to  Rome,  was  accused  by  the  Jews  in  Caesarea,  and 
 would  have  suffered  the  penalty  due  to  his  atro- 
 cities, had  not  his  brother  Pallas  prevailed  with  the 
 Emperor  Nero  to  spare  him.  This  was  probablv 
 in  the  year  60  A.D.  The  wife  of  Felix  was  Dru- 
 silla,  daughter  of  Herod  Agrippa  I.,  the  former  wife 
 of  Azizus  King  of  Einesa. 
 
 Fenced  cities.  The  broad  distinction  between  a 
 city  and  a  village  in  Biblical  language  consisted  in 
 the  possession  of  walls.  The  city  had  walls,  the  vil- 
 lage was  unwalled,  or  had  only  a  watchman's  tower, 
 to  which  the  villagers  resorted  in  times  of  danger. 
 A  threefold  distinction  is  thus  obtained — 1.  cities; 
 2.  unwalled  villages;  3.  villages  with  castles  or 
 towers  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  25).  The  district  east  of  the 
 Jordan,  forming  the  kingdoms  of  Moab  and  Bashan, 
 is  said  to  have  abounded  from  very  early  times  in 
 castles  and  fortresses,  such  as  were  built  by  Uzziah 
 to  protect  the  cattle,  and  to  repel  the  inroads  of 
 the  neighbouring  tribes,  besides  unwalled  towns 
 ^Amm.  iMarc.  xiv.  9  ;  Deut.  iii.  5  ;  2  Chr.  xxvi.  10). 
 The  fortificixtions  of  the  cities  of  Palestine,  thus 
 regularly  "  fenced,"  consisted  of  one  or  more  walls 
 crowned  with  battlemented  parapets,  having  towers 
 at  regular  intervals  (2  Chr.  xxxii.  5 ;  Jer.  x>:xi. 
 38;,  on  which  iu  later  times  engines  of  war  were 
 placed,  and  watch  was  kept  by  day  and  night  in 
 time  of  war  (2  Clir.  xxvi.  9,  15;  Juilg.  ix.  4."); 
 2  K.  ix.  17).  •  The  gateways  of  fortified  towns 
 were  .ilso  fortified  and  closed  with  strong  doois 
 (Neh.  ii,  8,  iii.  3,  6,  kc).  In  advance  of  the  wall 
 there  appears  to  have  been  sometimes  an  outwork 
 (I  K.  xxi.  23;  2  Sam.  xx.  15),  whiiJi  w.as  peihaiis 
 
26S 
 
 FERRET 
 
 either  a  palisade  or  wall  lining  the  ditch,  or  a  wall 
 miseJ  midway  within  tlie  ditch  itst'lt'.  lii  many 
 towns  there  was  a  keep  or  citadel  liir  a  last  resourci' 
 to  the  del'endei-s.  These  foils  were  well  fiirnisheti 
 with  cis^terns  (Acts  xxi.  34  ;  2  Mace.  v.  5).  But 
 the  tbrtilied  places  of  Palestine  served  only  in  a  few 
 instances  to  check  ettl-ctiially  the  piocjress  of  an  in- 
 vading force,  though  many  instances  of  determined 
 and  protracted  resistance  ai-e  on  record,  as  of  Sa- 
 maria for  three  years  (2  K.  xviii.  10),  Jerusalem 
 (2  I\.  xxv.  8)  for  four  months,  and  in  later  times 
 of  .lot'tpata,  Ganiala,  Machaerus,  Masada,  and  above 
 all  Jerusalem  itself,  the  strength  of  whose  defences 
 drew  forth  the  admiration  of  the  conqueror  Titus. 
 The  earlier  Egyptian  fortificiitions  consisted  usually 
 of  a  quadrangular  and  sometimes  double  wall  of 
 sun-dried  biick,  fifteen  feet  thick,  and  often  fifty 
 feet  in  height,  with  square  towers  at  intervals,  of 
 the  same  height  as  the  walls,  both  crowned  with  a 
 parapet,  and  a  I'ound-headed  battlement  in  shape 
 like  a  shield.  A  second  lower  wall  with  towers  at 
 the  entrance  was  added,  distant  13  or  20  feet  from 
 the  main  wall,  and  sometimes  another  was  made  of 
 70  or  100  feet  in  length,  projecting  at  right  angles 
 from  the  m;un  wall,  to  enable  the  defenders  to 
 annoy  the  assailants  in  flank. 
 
 Ferret,  one  of  the  unclean  creejjing  things  men- 
 tioned in  Lev.  xi.  30.  The  animal  refeiTe<l  to  was 
 proliably  a  reptile  of  the  lizard  tribe.  The  IJabbi- 
 nical  writers  seem  to  have  identified  this  animal 
 with  the  hedgehog. 
 
 Festivals.— I.  The  religious  times  ordained  in 
 the  Law  fall  under  three  hauls: — (1.)  Those  form- 
 ally connected  with  the  institution  of  the  Sabbath  ; 
 (2.)  The  historical  or  great  festivals;  (3.)  The 
 Day  of  Atonement.— (1.)  Immediately  connected 
 with  the  institution  of  the  Sabbath  are — (a)  The 
 weekly  Sabbath  itself.  ('))  The  seventh  new  moon  or 
 Kejist  of  Trumpets,  (c)  The  Sabbatical  Year,  {d) 
 The  Year  of  Jubilee.— (2.)  The  great  feasts  are  : — 
 (a)  The  Passover.  (6)  The  Feast  of  Pentecost,  of 
 Weeks,  of  Wheat-harvest,  or,  of  tne  Fii-st-fruits. 
 (c)  The  Fea.st  of  Tabernacles,  or  of  Ingathering. 
 On  each  of  these  occasions  everv  male  Israelite  w;us 
 commande<l  "to  appear  before  the  Loid,"  that  is, 
 to  attend  in  the  court  of  the  tabernacle  or  the 
 temple,  and  to  make  his  offering  with  a  joyf'ul 
 heart  (I)eut.  xxvii.  7 ;  Neh.  viii.  9-12).  The' at- 
 tendance of  women  was  voluntary,  but  the  zealous 
 ollen  went  up  to  the  Passover.  On  all  the  days  of 
 Hciy  Convocation  there  was  to  be  an  entire  suspen- 
 sion of  oriiinary  labour  of  all  kinds  (Ex.  xii.  16  ; 
 Lev.  xvi.  29.  xxiii.  21,  24,  25,  35).  But  on  the 
 intervening  days  of  tlie  longer  festivals  work  might 
 be  carried  on.  Besides  their  religious  puri>oso,  the 
 great  festivals  must  have  had  an  important  bearing 
 on  the  maintenance  of  a  feeling  of  national  unity. 
 The  frequent  recurrence  of  the  .sjibbatical  number 
 in  the  organization  of  these  festivals  is  too  remark- 
 able III  be  pa.ssed  over,  and  seems  when  viewed  in 
 connexion  with  the  .s;ibbatiial  sacred  times,  to  fur- 
 nish a  strong  proof  that  the  whole  system  of  the 
 festivals  of  the  Jewish  law  was  the  product  of  one 
 mind.  The  agricultural  significance  of  the  three 
 great  festivals  is  clearly  set  forth  in  the  account  of 
 the  Jewish  sm-red  year  contained  in  Lev.  xxiii. 
 The  times  of  the  festivals  were  evidently  ordaimnl 
 in  wisilnm,  so  as  to  interfere  as  little  as  possible 
 with  the  industry  of  the  people.— (.!.)  For  the  Day 
 of  Atonement  see  that  article.— IL  After  the  cap- 
 tivity, tlie  Feast  of  Purim  (Esth.  ix.  20  sq.)  and 
 
 FIELD 
 
 that  of  the  Dedication  (1  Mace.  iv.  56)  were  insti- 
 tutetl.  The  Festivals  of  Wood-carrying,  as  they 
 were  calle<),  are  mentioned  by  Josephus  and  the 
 Mishna.  The  term,  "  the  Festival  ol' the  Basket" 
 is  applied  by  Philo  to  the  oll'ering  of  the  Firet- 
 fruits  described  in  Deut.  xxvi.  1-11  (Philo,  vol.  v. 
 p.  51,  ed.  Tauch.  . 
 
 Festas,  For'cins,  successor  of  Felix  as  procu- 
 rator of  Ju'iaea  ( .Acts  xxiv.  27),  sent  by  Neix),  pro- 
 bably in  the  autumn  of  the  year  60  A.D.  A  few 
 weeks  after  Festus  reached  his  province  he  heard 
 the  cause  of  St.  Paid,  who  had  been  left  a  prisoner 
 by  Felix  in  the  presence  of  Herod  Agrippa  IL  and 
 Bernice  his  sister  (Acts  xxv.  11,  12).  Judea  was 
 in  tlie  same  disturbeil  st.ate  during  the  procuratorsldp 
 of  Festus,  which  had  prevailed  through  that  of  his 
 predecessor.  He  died  probably  in  the  summer  of 
 62  A.D.,  having  ruled  the  province  less  than  two 
 years. 
 
 Fetters.  1.  The  Hebrew  word,  nechushtaitn, 
 expresses  the  material  of  which  fetters  were  usually 
 made,  viz.  brass,  and  also  that  they  were  made  in 
 pairs,  the  word  being  in  the  dual  number  (Judg. 
 xvi.  21  ;  2  S.am.  iii.  34;  2  K.  .\xv.  7  ;  2  Chr. 
 xxxiii.  11,  xxxvi.  6;  Jer.  xxxix.  7,  lii.  11).  Iron 
 was  occasionally  employed  tor  the  purpose  (Ps.  cv. 
 18,  cxlix.  8).  2.  Ccbcl  may  perhaps  apply  to 
 the  link  which  connecteil  the  fettei-s.  3.  Zikkiin 
 ("  fetters,"  Job.  xxxvi.  8)  is  more  usually  ti-ans- 
 lated  "chains"  (Ps.  cxlix.  8;  Is.  xlv.  14;  Nah.  iii. 
 10),  but  its  r.ndical  sense  appcai-s  to  refer  to  the 
 contraction  of  the  feet  by  a  chain. 
 
 Fever  {haddachath,  dallchetli,  charchur;  Lev. 
 xxvi.  16;  Deut.  xxviii.  22).  These  words,  from 
 various  roots  signifying  heat  or  inflammation,  are 
 rendered  in  the  A.  V.  by  various  wonls  suggestive 
 of'fever,  or  a  feverish  affection.  The  third  word 
 may  perhaps  be  erysipelas.  Fever  constantly  ac- 
 companies the  bloody  Hux,  or  dysenteiy  (Acts 
 xxviii.  8).  Fevers  of  an  inflammatory  character  aie 
 inentioued  as  common  at  Mecca,  and  putrid  ones  at 
 DJidila.  Intei-mittent  fever  and  dysentery,  the  latter 
 often  fatal,  are  oi-dinary  Arabian  diseases. 
 
 Field.  Tlie  Hebrew  sndch  is  ajiplied  to  any 
 cultivated  ground,  and  in  some  inst.ances  in  marke<l 
 ojiposition  to  the  neighbouring  wilderness.  On  tlie 
 other  hand  the  sadch  is  frequently  contrasted  with 
 what  is  enclosed,  whether  a  viney.ai'd,  a  gaitlen,ora 
 walled  t<nvn.  In  many  pa.ssages  the  term  implies 
 what  is  remote  fiom  a  house  (Gen.  iv.  8,  xxiv.  63; 
 Deut.  xxii.  25)  or  settled  habitation,  as  in  the  case  of 
 Esau  ((ieii.  xxv.  27).  The  separate  plots  of  ground 
 were  markel  off  by  stones,  which  might  easily  be 
 removed  (Deut.  xix.  14,  xxvii.  17;  of.  Job  xxiv. 
 2;  Prov.  xxii.  28,  xxiii.  Id):  the  .absence  offences 
 rendereil  the  fii'Kls  liable  to  damage  from  straying 
 cattle  (Ex.  xxii.  5)  or  fire  (ver.  6  ;  2  Sam.  xiv. 
 30):  hence  tlie  necessity  of  constantly  watching 
 flocks  and  liei"ds.  From  the  akscncc  of  enclosui-es, 
 cultivate*!  laud  of  any  size  might  be  termc<l  a  field. 
 It  shouM  be  observed  that  the  expressions  "  fruitful 
 field"  (Is.  X.  18,  xxix.  17,  xxxii.  15,  16),  and 
 "  plentiful  field"  (Is.  xvi.  10;  Jer.  xlviii.  33),  are 
 not  coiinecte<l  with  sadch,  but  with  camiel,  mean- 
 ing a  p-irk  or  well-kept  woo<I,  as  distinct  from  n 
 wilileniess  or  a  forest.  Another  word,  shedemoih, 
 is  translated  "  fieKls."  and  connected  by  Gesenius 
 with  the  idea  of  enchsurc.  It  is  doubtful,  how- 
 ever, whether  the  notion  of  bttming  does  not  rather 
 lie  at  tlie  bottom  of  the  word.  This  gives  a  more 
 consistent  sense   tliroughout.      lu    Ir.    xvi.    8,   it 
 
FIG,  FIG-TREE 
 
 would  tliiis  mean  tlie  tcithercd  gmipe ;  in  Hab.  iii. 
 17,  blasted  corn;  in  Jer.  xxxi.  40,  the  burnt  parts 
 of  the  city  (no  "  fields "  intervened  between  the 
 south-eastern  angle  of  Jerusalem  and  the  Kidron); 
 while  in  2  K.  xxiii.  4,  and  Dent,  xxxii.  32,  the  sense 
 of  a  place  of  bwning  is  appropriate. 
 
 Fig,  Fig-tree  (Heh.  temdk),  a  word  of  frequent 
 occurrence  in  the  0.  T„  where  it  signifies  the  tree 
 Ficus  Carica  of  Linnaeus,  and  also  its  fruit.  The 
 fig-tree  is  very  common  in  Palestine  (Deut.  viii.  8;. 
 Mount  Olivet  was  femous  for  its  fig-trees  in  ancient 
 times,  and  they  are  still  found  there.  "  To  sit 
 under  one's  own  vine  and  one's  own  fig-tree"  be- 
 came a  proverbial  expression  among  the  Jews  to 
 denote  peace  and  prosperity  (1  K.  iv.  25 ;  Mic.  iv. 
 4  ;  Zech.  iii.  10),  When  figs  are  spoken  of  as  dis- 
 tinguished from  the  fig-tree,  the  pliir.  form  teSnim 
 is  used  (see  Jer.  viii.  13).  2.  There  are  also  the 
 words  (a)  biccurah  (Hos.  ix.  10),  signifying  the 
 first  ripe  of  the  Jig-tree.  (6)  pag  (Cant.  ii.  13), 
 the  unripe  fig,  which  hangs  through  the  winter. 
 (c)  debelah,  a  cake  of  figs  compressed  into  that 
 form  for  the  sake  of  keeping  them  (2  K.  xx.  7). 
 
 Fir  (Heb.  berosh,  beroth).  As  the  term  "cedar" 
 is  in  all  probability  applicable  to  more  than  one 
 tiee,  so  also  "  fir  "  in  A.  V.  represents  more  than 
 one  sort  of  wood.  The  opinion  of  Celsius  that 
 Berosh  exclusively  means  "cedar"  is  probably  in- 
 correct. On  the  whole  it  seems  likely  that  by 
 Berosh  or  Beroth  is  intended  one  or  other  of  the 
 following  trees: —1.  Pinus  sylvestris,  or  Scotch 
 fir;  2.  larch;  3.  Cupressus  sempervirens,  or  cy- 
 press, all  which  are  at  this  day  found  in  the  Le- 
 banon. 
 
 Fire.— L  Religious.  (1.)  That  which  consumed 
 the  burnt  sacrifice,  and  the  incense-offering,  begin- 
 ning with  the  sacrifice  of  Noah  (Gen.  viii.  20), 
 and  continued  in  the  ever  burning  fire  on  the  altnr, 
 first  kindled  from  heaven  (Lev.  vi.  9,  13,  ix.  24), 
 and  rekindled  at  the  dedication  of  Solomon's  Temple 
 (2  Chr.  vii.  1,  3).  (2.)  The  symbol  of  Jehovah's 
 jiresence,  and  the  instrument  of  his  powei-,  in  the 
 way  either  of  approval  or  of  destruction  (Ex.  iii.  2, 
 xiv.  19,  &c.).  Parallel  with  this  application  of  fire 
 and  with  its  symbolical  meaning  is  to  be  noted  the 
 similar  use  for  sacrificial  purposes,  and  the  respect 
 paid  to  it,  or  to  the  heavenly  bodies  as  symbols  of 
 deity,  which  prevailed  among  so  many  nations 
 of  antiquity,  and  of  which  the  traces  are  not  even 
 now  extinct :  e.g.  the  Sabaean  and  Magian  systems 
 of  worship,  and  their  alleged  connexion  with  .Abra- 
 liam  ;  the  occasional  relapse  of  the  Jews  themselves 
 into  sun-,  or  its  corrupted  form  of  fire-worship  (Is. 
 xxvii.  9  ;  Deut.  xvii.  3,  &c.),  the  worship  or  deifi- 
 cation of  heavenly  bodies  or  of  fire,  prevailing  to 
 some  extent,  as  among  the  Persians,  so  also  even  in 
 Egypt.  Fire  for  sacred  purposes  obtained  else- 
 where than  from  the  altar  was  called  "  strange 
 fire,"  and  for  use  of  such  Nadal)  and  Abihu  were 
 punished  with  death  by  fire  from  God  (Lev.  x.  1, 
 2;  Num.  iii.  4,  xxvi.  61).  (■?.)  In  the  case  of  the 
 spoil  taken  trom  the  Midianites,  such  articles  as 
 could  bear  it  were  purified  by  fire  as  well  as  in  the 
 water  appointed  for  the  purpose  (Num.  xxxi.  23). 
 The  victims  slain  for  sin-offerings  were  afterwards 
 consumed  by  fire  outside  the  camp  (Lev.  iv.  12, 
 21,  vi.  30,  xvi.  27;  Heb.  xiii.  11).— II.  Domestic. 
 Besides  for  cooking  purposes,  fire  is  often  I'equired 
 in  Palestine  for  wannth  (Jer.  xxxvi.  22 ;  Mark  xiv. 
 54;  John  xviii.  18).  For  this  purpose  a  hearth 
 with  a  chimney  is  sometimes  constructed,  on  which 
 
 FIRST-BORN 
 
 2(50 
 
 either  lightoil  wood  or  jjans  of  charcoal  are  placed. 
 On  the  Sab'jath,  the  Law  forbade  any  fire  to  be 
 kindled  even  for  cooking  (Ex.  xxxv.  3;  Num.  xv. 
 32).— Hi.  The  dryness  of  the  land  in  the  hot  season 
 in  Syria,  of  course  increases  liability  to  accident 
 from  fire.  The  Law  therefore  ordered  that  any  one 
 kindling  a  fire  which  caused  damage  to  corn  in  :i 
 field  should  make  restitution  (Ex.  xxii.  6 ;  comp. 
 Judg.  XV.  4,  5;  2  Sam.  xiv.  30).— IV.  Punish- 
 ment of  death  by  fire  was  awarded  by  the  Law 
 only  in  the  cases  of  incest  with  a  mother-in-law, 
 and  of  unchastity  on  tlie  part  of  a  daughter  of  a 
 priest  (Lev.  xx.  14,  xxi.  9).  In  certain  cases  the 
 bodies  of  executed  criminals  and  of  infamous  per- 
 sons were  subsequently  burnt  (Josh.  vii.  25  ;  2  K. 
 xxiii.  16). 
 
 Firepan,  one  of  the  vessels  of  the  Temple  ser- 
 vice (Ex.  xxvii.  3,  x.x.xviii.  3  ;  2  K.  xxv.  15  ;  Jer. 
 Iii.  19).  The  same  word  is  elsewhere  rendered 
 "  snuff-dish  "  (Ex.  xxv.  38,  xxxvii.  23  ;  Num.  iv. 
 2)  and  "censer"  (Lev.  x.  1,  xvi.  12;  Num.  xvi. 
 6  ff.).  There  appear,  therefore,  to  have  been  two 
 articles  so  called  :  one,  like  a  chafing-dish,  to  carry 
 live  coals  for  the  purpose  of  burning  incense;  an- 
 other, like  a  snuffer-dish,  to  be  used  in  trimming 
 the  lamps,  in  order  to  carry  the  snuffers  and  convey 
 away  the  snuff. 
 
 Firkin.     [Weights  and  Measures.] 
 
 Firmament.  The  Hebrew  term  rdkia,  so  trans- 
 lated, is  generally  regarded  as  expressive  of  simple 
 expansion,  and  is  so  rendered  in  the  margin  of  th>' 
 A.  V.  (Gen.  i.  6).  The  root  means  to  expand  by 
 beating,  whether  by  the  hand,  the  foot,  or  any  in- 
 strument. It  is  especially  used  of  beating  out 
 metals  into  thin  plates  ("Ex.  xxxix.  3  ;  Num.  xvi. 
 39).  The  sense  oi' soliditij,  therefore,  is  combined 
 with  the  ideas  oi'  expansion  and  tenuitg  in  the  term. 
 The  same  idea  of  soliditij  ruas  throusih  all  the  re- 
 ferences to  the  rdkia.  In  Ex.  xxiv.  10,  it  is  repre- 
 sented as  a  solid  floor.  So  again,  in  Ez.  i.  22-26, 
 the  "  firmament "  is  the  floor  on  which  the  throne 
 of  the  Most  High  is  placed.  Further,  the  office  of 
 the  rakia  in  the  economy  of  the  world  demanded 
 strength  and  substance.  It  was  to  serve  as  a  divi- 
 sion between  the  waters  above  and  the  waters  below 
 (Gen.  i.  7).  In  keeping  with  this  view  the  rakia 
 was  provided  with  "  windows  "  (Gen.  vii.  11;  Is. 
 xxiv.  18;  Mai.  iii.  10)  and  "doors"  (Ps.  Ixxviii. 
 23),  through  which  the  rain  and  the  snow  might 
 descend.  A  secondary  purpose  which  tlie  rdkia 
 served  was  to  support  the  heavenly  bodies,  sun, 
 moon,  and  stars  (Gen.  i.  14),  in  which  they  were 
 fi.xed  as  nails,  and  from  which,  consequently,  they 
 might  be  said  to  drop  oft'  (Is.  xiv.  12,  xxxiv.  4  ; 
 Matt.  xxiv.  20).  In  all  these  particulars  we  recog- 
 nise the  same  view  as  was  entertained  by  the  Greeks 
 and,  to  a  certain  extent,  by  the  Latins.  If  it  be' 
 objected  to  the  Mosaic  account  that  the  view  em- 
 bodied in  the  word  rdkia  does  not  harmonise  with 
 strict  philosophical  truth,  the  answer  to  such  an 
 olijection  is,  that  the  writer  de.'-cribes  things  as  they 
 appear  ratlier  than  as  they  are. 
 
 First-bom.  That  some  rights  of  primogeniture 
 existed  in  very  early  times  is  pl;iin,  but  it  is  not  so 
 clear  in  what  they  consisted.  They  have  been 
 classed  as,  a.  authority  over  the  re-jt  of  the  family  ; 
 6.  pi  iesthood ;  c.  a  double  portion  of  the  inherit- 
 ance. Under  the  Law,  in  memory  of  the  Exodus, 
 the  eldest  son  was  legarded  as  devoted  to  God,  and 
 was  in  every  ai.se  to  be  redeemed  by  an  offering  not 
 exceeding  5  shekels,  within  one  nioi  th  from  birth. 
 
Z70 
 
 FIRST-FRUITS 
 
 If  hn  diet]  bL-foie  tlit^  ivKpnatioii  of  ;iO  days,  the 
 Jinvish  doctors  hold  tlie  father  excused,  but  hable 
 to  tlie  i)aymeiit  if  lie  outlived  that  time  (Kx.  xiii. 
 \'i-lo,  x.\ii.  29  ;  Num.  viii.  17,  xviii.  15,  16;  Lev. 
 xxvii.  6;.  This  devotion  of  the  first-born  was  be- 
 lieved to  indicate  a  priesthood  belonging  to  the 
 eldest  sons  of  families,  which  he'wg  set  aside  in  the 
 case  of  Keuben,  w,us  tiansfened  to  the  tribe  of  Levi. 
 Tlie  eldest  son  received  a  double  portion  of  the 
 father's  inheritance  (l)eut.  xxi.  17),  but  not  of  the 
 iiKither's.  Under  the  monarchy,  the  eldest  son 
 usually,  but  not  always,  as  appears  in  the  case  of 
 Solomon,  succeeded  his  father  iu  the  kingdom  (1  K. 
 i.  ;50.  ii.  22).  Tiic  male  first-born  of  animals  was 
 also  devoted  to  God  (Kx.  xiii.  2,  12,  l;5,  xxii.  29, 
 xxxiv.  19,  20).  Unclean  animals  were  to  be  le- 
 ilecmed  with  the  addition  of  one-fifth  of  the  value, 
 m-  else  put  to  death  ;  or,  if  not  redeemed,  to  be  sold, 
 >iid  the  price  given  to  the  priests  (Lev.  xxvii.  13, 
 •J7,  28). 
 
 First-fruits.  1.  The  Law  oidered  in  general, 
 that  the  Hr»t  of  all  ripe  fruits  and  of  liquors,  or,  as 
 it  is  twice  expressed,  the  first  of  first-fruits,  should 
 be  offered  in  God's  house  (Ex.  xxii,  29,  xxiii.  19, 
 xxxiv.  26).  2.  On  the  morrow  after  the  I'lussovcr 
 sabbath,  t.  e.  on  the  IGtli  of  Nis;in,  a  sheaf  of  new 
 corn  was  to  be  brouglit  to  the  jiriest,  and  waved 
 before  the  altar,  in  acknowledgment  of  the  gift  of 
 fruitfulness  (Lev.  x.xiii.  5,  6,  lO',  12,  ii.  12).  S.  At 
 the  expiration  of  7  weeks  fiom  this  time,  i.  e.  at  the 
 l-'east  of  Pentecost,  an  oblation  was  to  be  made  of 
 2  loaves  of  leavened  bread  made  fjom  the  new  flour, 
 which  were  to  be  waved  in  like  manner  with  the 
 Passover  sheaf  (Ex.  xxxiv.  22;  Lev.  xxiii.  15,  17; 
 Num.  xxviii.  26).  4.  The  feast  of  ingathering,  i.e. 
 the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  in  the  7th  month,  was 
 itself  an  acknowledgment  of  the  fruits  of  the  harvest 
 'Ex.  xxiii.  16,  xxxiv.  22;  Lev.  xxiii.  .39).  These 
 lour  sorts  of  offerings  were  national.  Besides  them, 
 the  two  following  were  of  an  indi\'idual  kind.  5. 
 .V  cake  of  the  first  dough  that  was  baked,  was  to 
 be  ofleied  as  a  heave-ofl'ering  (Num.  xv.  19,  21). 
 6.  The  first-fruits  of  the  land  were  to  be  brought 
 in  a  basket  to  tlie  holy  place  of  God's  choice,  and 
 there  presented  to  the  priest,  who  was  to  set  the 
 basket  down  before  the  altar  (Deut.  xxvi.  2-11). 
 The  olleringr.,  both  public  and  private,  resolve 
 tliemselves  into  2  classes,  a.  produce  in  general,  b. 
 otlerings,  prepared  produce,  a.  Of  the  public  ofler- 
 ings  of  first-fruits,  the  Law  defined  no  place  fiom 
 which  the  Passover  sheaf  should  be  chosen,  but  the 
 .Jewish  custom,  so  far  as  it  is  represented  by 
 the  Mishna,  inesciibed  that  the  wave-sheaf  or 
 sheaves  si'.oulil  be  tiiken  from  the  neighbourhood  of 
 .lernsaleni.  'I  he  <  iTering  made  at  the  feast  of  the 
 Pentecost,  was  a  ti:auksgiving  tor  the  conclusion  of 
 wheat  harvest.  l!.  consisted  cf  2  loaves  (according 
 to  Josephus  one  lOaf)  of  new  flour  baked  with 
 .•■aven,  which  was  waved  by  the  priest  iis  at  tiie 
 Passover.  No  private  offerings  of  first-fruits  were 
 allowed  before  this  public  oblation  of  the  2  loaves. 
 The  private  oblations  of  first-fruits  may  be  da.ssed 
 in  tiie  same  manner  a.s  the  public.  No  otleiings 
 were  to  lie  made  before  Pentecost,  nor  after  the  fl':i>t 
 ipf'the  Dedication,  on  the  25th  of  Cisleu  (Ex.  xxiii. 
 16;  Lev.  xxiii.  10,  17).  After  j)assnig  the  niglit 
 at  Jeriis;ileni,  the  pilgrims  returned  on  the  follow- 
 ing day  to  their  homes  (Dcut.  xvi.  7).  b.  The 
 (ii-st-fruits  prepared  for  use  were  not  required  to  l>c 
 takpii  to  Jcrusiilein.  They  consisted  of  wine,  wool, 
 bread,  oil,  dale-iioney,  onions,  cuiminbers  '^.N'um. 
 
 FISH,  FISHING 
 
 XV.  19,  21  ;  l)eut.  xviii.  4i.  'I'hey  were  to  be 
 niiide,  accoicling  to  some,  only  by  dwellei-s  in  Pa- 
 lestine; but  according  to  otiiers,  by  those  also 
 who  dwelt  in  Moab,  in  Aminonitis,  and  in  Egypt. 
 The  ofl'erings  were  the  perquisite  of  the  priests 
 (Num.  xviii.  11;  Deut.  xviii.  4).  Nehemiah,  at 
 the  Ketum  from  Captivity,  took  pains  to  icorganize 
 the  offerings  of  fir^t  -  fruits  of  both  kinds,  and 
 to  appoint  places  to  lewive  them  (Neh.  i.  35, 
 37,  xii.  44).  An  ofiering  of  first-fruits  is  mentioned 
 as  an  acceptable  one  to  the  piophet  Elisha  (2  K. 
 iv.  42). 
 
 Fish,;  Fishing.  The  Hebrews  recognized  fish 
 as  one  of  the  great  divisions  of'  the  animal  kingdom, 
 and,  as  such,  give  them  a  place  in  the  account  of 
 tlie  creation  (Gen.  i.  21,  28),  as  well  as  in  other 
 passages  where  an  exhaustive  description  of  living 
 creatures  is  intended  (Gen.  ix.  2  ;  Ex.  xx.  4  ;  Deui. 
 iv.  18;  1  K.  iv.  3.3).  They  do  not,  however, 
 appear  to  have  acquired  any  intimate  knowledge  of 
 this  branch  of  natural  history.  The  Mosaic  law 
 (Lev.  xi.  9,  10 J  pronounced  unclean  such  fish  as 
 were  devoid  of  fins  and  scales :  these  were  and  are 
 regardeii  a.s  unwholesome  in  Egypt.  Of  tlie  viirious 
 species  found  in  the  Sea  of'  Galilee,  the  silurus 
 would  be  classed  among  the  unclean,  while  the  spa- 
 riis  Galilitciis,  a  sfiecies  of  bream,  and  the  mugil, 
 chub,  would  be  deemed  "clean"  or  "good."  in 
 (Jen.  i.  21  (as  compared  with  verse  28),  the  great 
 marine  animals  are  distingui>hed  from  "  every  living 
 creature  that  crcepeth,"  a  desciiption  applying  to 
 fish,  along  with  other  reptiles,  as  having  no  legs. 
 The  Hebrews  were  struck  with  the  remarkable 
 fecundity  of  fish.  Doubtless  they  lieoame  familiar 
 with  this  fact  in  Egyjit,  where  the  abundance  of 
 fish  in  the  Nile,  and  the  hJces  and  canals,  rendered 
 it  one  of  the  staple  coininodities  of  food  (Num. 
 xi.  5).  The  destruction  of  the  fish  was  on  this  ac- 
 count a  most  serious  visitation  to  the  Egyptians  (Ex. 
 vii.  21  ;  Is.  xix.  8).  Among  the  Piiilistines,  Dagon 
 was  represented  by  a  figure,  half  man  and  half  fish 
 (1  Sam.  V.  4).  On  this  account  the  woi-ship  of 
 fish  is  expressly  prohibited  (Deut.  iv.  18).  In  Pa- 
 lestine, the  Sea  of  Gidilee  was  and  still  is  remark- 
 ably well  stored  with  fish,  and  the  value  attached 
 to  the  fishery  by  the  Jews  is  shown  by  the  tradi- 
 tional belief  that  one  of  the  ten  laws  of  Joshua  en- 
 acted that  it  should  be  o])en  to  all  comers.  Jeru- 
 salem derived  its  supply  chiefly  from  the  Mediter- 
 ranean (conip.  E/..  xlvii.  10}.  The  existence  of  a 
 regular  fish-maikek  is  implied  in  the  notice  of  the 
 fisli-g;ite,   which    was   probablj   contiguous    to   it 
 
 An  Ejtjptlnn  Lnmlliig-Ni't    (.Wilkinson. 
 
FITCHES 
 
 (2  v]hr.  xxxiii.  14;  Nell.  iii.  3,  xii.  39;  Zeiili. 
 i.  10).  Numerous  nlliisions  to  the  ait  of  tisliiiig 
 ocdir  in  the  I'lible.  'I'he  most  usual  methoil  of 
 I'Htchina;  fish  was  by  the  use  of  the  net,  either 
 the  casiing  net  (Hab.  i.  15  ;  Kz.  xxvi.  5,  14, 
 xlvii.  10),  probably  resembling  the  one  used  in 
 Kgypt,  as  shown  in  Wilkinson  '^iii.  55),  or  the 
 drmv  or  draq  net  (I.s.  xix.  8;  Hab.  i.  15),  which 
 was  larger  and  ie(iuiied  the  use  of  a  boat :  the  latter 
 was  probably  most  used  on  the  Sea  of  fJalilee,  as 
 the  number  of  boats  kept  on  il  was  very  consider- 
 able. Angling  was  a  favourite  pursLiit  of  the  wealthy 
 in  Esypt,  as  well  as  followed  by  the  poor  who  could 
 not  afford  a  net.  A  still  more  scientific  method 
 was  with  the  trident  or  the  spear,  as  practiseil  in 
 lOgvpt  in  taking  the  crocodile  (Job  xli.  7)  or  the 
 liip))opotainus. 
 
 Fitches  («'.  e.  Vetches),  the  representative  in 
 the  A.  V.  of  the  two  Heb.  words  cnssemeth  and 
 hetsach.  As  to  the  former  see  Rv'i':.  Kets  ich 
 denotes  without  doubt  the  Niijclla  sativa.  an  herba- 
 i:eons  annual  plant  belonging  to  the  natural  order 
 liannnculaceae,  and  sub-order  Hellohoreae,  which 
 grows  in  the  S.  of  Eui'ope  and  in  the  N.  of  Africa. 
 
 POOD 
 
 271 
 
 'r^'f^f^^^^- 
 
 Flag,  the  representative  in  the  A.  V.  of  the  two 
 Heb.  words  dchu  and  siiph.  1.  Achu,  a,  word,  ac- 
 cording to  Jerome,  of  Egyptian  origin,  and  denoting 
 "  any  green  and  coarse  herbage,  such  as  rushes  and 
 ipeds,  which  glows  in  marshy  places."  It  seems 
 probable  that  some  specific  plant  is  denoted  in  .lob 
 viii.  11.  The  word  occui's  once  again  in  (ion.  .\li. 
 2,  18,  where  it  is  said  that  the  seven  woll-favoiiied 
 kine  came  up  out  of  the  river  and  fed  in  an  dcliu. 
 Iloyle  and  Kitto  ai'e  inclined  tc  think  that  the  dcliu 
 denotes  the  Cijpenis  esculent  us.  Kalisch  says  that 
 the  acliu  "is  unquestionably  either  the  Ctjperus 
 csculenttir?  or  the  Butomns  umhellatas."  We  are 
 ip.iite  unable  to  satisfy  ourselves  .so  easily  on  this 
 point.  2.  Suph  occurs  frequently  in  the  O.  T.  in 
 fonnexion  with  yam,  "  sea, "  to  denote  the  "  Red 
 Sea."  The  term  here  appears  to  be  used  in  a  very 
 wide  sense  to  denote  "  weeds  of  any  kind."  'i'lie 
 !/am  suph  therefore  is  the  "  sea  of  weeds,"  and  per- 
 hans,  as  Stanley  oljserves,  si'iph  "  may  be  applied  to 
 any  aqueous  vegetation." 
 
 Flagon,  a  word  employed  in  the  A.  V.  to  render 
 two  distinct  Hebrew  teiins:  1.  Ashishah  (2  Sam. 
 vi.  19;   1  Chr.   xvi.  .">  ;  Cant.  ii.  5;   Hos.    iii.    1). 
 
 'fhe  real  meaning  of  this  word  ;s  a  cake  of  pressed 
 raisins.  2.  2Cehel  (Is.  x.\ii.  24  only).  Nebel  is 
 commonly  used  for  a  bottle  or  vessel,  orisjinallv 
 probably  a  skin,  but  in  later  times  a  piece  of 
 pottery  (Is.  xxx.  14;. 
 
 Flax.  Two  Hebrew  words  are  used  for  this 
 plant  in  0.  T.,  or  rather  the  same  word  slightlv 
 modified.  Eliminating  all  the  places  where  the 
 words  are  used  for  the  article  manufactured  in  the 
 thread,  the  piece,  or  the  made  up  garment,  we  re- 
 duce them  to  two:  Ex.  ix.  31,  certain,  and  Josh, 
 ii.  6,  disputed.  In  the  fo;mer  the  flax  of  the  Egyp- 
 tians is  recorded  to  have  been  damaged  by  the 
 plague  of  hail.  It  seems  probable  that  the  cultiv- 
 ation of  flax  for  the  purpose  of  the  manufactuii! 
 of  linen  was  by  no  means  confined  to  Egypt;  but 
 that  originating  in  India  it  spread  over  the  whole 
 continent  of  Asia  at  a  very  early  period  of  antiquity. 
 That  it  was  grown  in  Palestine  even  before  the  con- 
 quest of  that  countiy  by  the  Israelites  appears  from 
 Josh.  ii.  6.  'I'he  various  processes  employed  in  pre- 
 paring the  flax  for  manufacture  into  cloth  are  indi- 
 cated: — 1.  The  drying  process.  2.  Tiie  peeling  of 
 the  stalks,  and  separation  of  the  fibres.  3.  The 
 hackling  (Is.  xix.  9).  That  flax  was  anciently  one 
 of  the  most  important  crops  in  Palestine  appears 
 from  Hos.  ii.  5,  9. 
 
 Flea,  an  insect  twice  only  mentioned  in  Sci'ip- 
 tuie,  viz.  in  1  Sam.  xxiv.  14,  xxvi.  20.  Fleas  aie 
 abundant  in  fhe  East,  and  aflbrd  the  subject  of 
 many  proverbial  expiessions. 
 
 Fiesh.     [Food.] 
 
 Flint.  The  Heb.  challanilsh  is  rendered  flint  in 
 Deut.  viii.  15,  xxxii.  13;  Ps.  cxiv.  8;  and  Is.  1.  7. 
 In  Job  xxviii.  9  the  same  word  is  rendered  rock  in 
 the  text,  and  flint  in  the  margin.  In  Ez.  iii.  9  the 
 English  word  "  flint"  occurs  in  the  same  sense,  but 
 there  it  represents  the  Heb.  Tzor, 
 
 Flood.     [Xo.Mi.] 
 
 Floor.     [Pavement.] 
 
 Flour.     [BriEAD.] 
 
 Flowers.     [Palestine,  Botanv  of.] 
 
 Flute  (1  K.  i.  4,  marg.  [PH'e]),  a  musical  iii- 
 strunient,  menKoned  amongst  others  (Dan.  iii.  5, 
 7,  10,  15)  as  used  at  the  worship  of  the  golden 
 image  which  Nebuchadnezzar  had  set  up. 
 
 Flux,  Bloody  (Acts  .xxviii.  8),  the  same  as  our 
 dysentery,  which  in  the  East  is,  though  sometimes 
 sporadic,  generally  epidemic  and  infectious,  and  then 
 assumes  its  worst  form. 
 
 Fly,  Flies.  1.  Zebuh  occurs  only  in  I'^ccl.  x.  1 
 and  in  Is.  vii.  18.  The  Heb.  name  is  probably 
 a  generic  one  for  any  insect.  The  zelmb  from  the 
 rivers  of  Egypt  has  by  some  writers,  as  by  Oedmann, 
 been  identified  with  the  zimh  of  which  Bruce  gives 
 a  description,  and  which  is  eddently  some  species 
 of  Tahanus.  Sir  G.  Wilkinson  has  given  .some  ac- 
 count of  an  injurious  fly  under  the  name  of  Dihebab, 
 a  term  almost  identical  with  zebub.  2.  'Arab 
 ("swarms  of  flies,"  "divers  sorts  of  flies,"  A.  V.), 
 the  name  of  the  insect,  or  insects,  which  God  sent  to 
 punish  Pharaoh;  see  Ex.  viii.  21-31;  Ps.  Ixxviii. 
 45,  cv.  31.  As  the  'drob  are  said  to  have  filled  the 
 houses  of  the  i'^gyptians  it  seems  not  improbable 
 that  common  flies  {Muscidae)  are  more  especially 
 intended.  The  identification  of  the  'drob  with  the 
 cockroach  is  purely  gratuitous. 
 
 Food.  The  diet  of  Eastern  nations  has  been  in 
 all  ages  light  and  simple.  As  compared  with  our 
 own  habits,  the  chief  points  of  contrast  are  th<; 
 small  amount  of  animal  feed  consumed,  the  vaiicty 
 
272 
 
 FOOD 
 
 of  articles  ust<l  as  accompaniments  to  broad,  the 
 substitution  of  mill:  in  various  foi  nis  for  our  liquors, 
 and  tlie  combination  of  what  we  slio'ild  deem  hi-ter- 
 ogeneous  elements  in  the  same  dish,  or  the  same 
 meal.  The  chief  point  of  a<;reement  is  the  large 
 consumption  of  bread,  the  importance  of  which  in 
 the  eyes  of  the  Hebrew  is  testified  by  the  use  of  the 
 term  leclicm  (originally  food  of  any  kind)  speci- 
 fically for  bread,  as  well  as  by  the  expression  "  stall" 
 of  bread"  (Lev.  xxvi.  '2G ;  Vs.  cv.  IG;  Ez.  iv.  16, 
 .\iv.  13).  Simpler  preparations  of  corn  were,  how- 
 ever, common ;  sometimes  tiie  fresh  green  ears  were 
 eaten  in  a  natuitil  state,  the  husks  being  rubbed 
 oil"  by  the  hand  (Lev.  x.Niii.  14-;  Deut.  xxiii.  25; 
 2  K.  iv.  42  ;  Matt.  xii.  1 ;  Luke  vi.  1) ;  more  fre- 
 ouently,  however,  the  grains,  after  being  carefully 
 picked,  were  roasted  in  a  pan  over  a  fire  (Lev.  ii. 
 14),  and  eaten  as  "parched  coin,"  in  which  form 
 they  were  an  ordinary  article  of  diet,  particularly 
 among  labourers,  or  others  who  had  not  the  means 
 of  dressing  food  (Lev.  xsiii.  14;  Ruth  ii.  14; 
 1  S;»m.  xvii.  17,  xxv.  18;  2  Sam.  xvii.  28):  this 
 practi(!e  is  still  very  usual  in  the  East.  Sometimes 
 the  grain  was  bruised  (A.  V.  "  beaten,"  Lev.  ii. 
 14,  IG),  and  then  dried  in  the  sun;  it  w;is  eaten 
 either  mixed  with  oil  (Lev.  ii.  15),  or  made  into  a 
 soft  cake  (A.  V.  "dough  ;"  Num.  xv.  20;  Neh.  s. 
 37  ;  Ez.  xliv.  30).  The  Hebrews  used  a  great 
 variety  ot  articles  (John  xxi.  5)  to  give  a  rc4ish  to 
 bread.  Sometimes  sal*,  was  so  used  (Job  vi.  G),  as 
 we  learn  from  the  passage  just  quoted  ;  sometimes 
 the  bread  was  dipped  into  the  sour  wine  (A.  V. 
 "vinegar")  which  the  labourer  dmnk  (Ruth  ii. 
 14) ;  or,  where  meat  was  Mten,  into  the  gravy, 
 which  was  either  served  up  separately  for  the  pur- 
 pose, as  by  Gideon  (Judg.  vi.  10),  or  placed  in  the 
 middle  of  the  meat-dish,  as  done  by  the  Arabs. 
 Milk  and  its  preparations  hold  a  conspicuous  j)lace 
 in  Eastern  diet,  as  alfording  substantial  nourish- 
 ment; sometimes  it  was  produced  in  a  fresh  state 
 (fJen.  xviii.  8),  but  more  generally  in  the  form  of 
 the  modem  Icban,  i.  e.  sour  milk  (A.  V.  "  butter  ;" 
 (ien.  xviii.  8;  Judg.  v,  25;  2  Sam.  xvii.  29). 
 Fruit  was  another  source  of  subsistence :  figs  stand 
 first  in  point  of  importance ;  they  were  generally 
 dried  and  jircssed  into  cakes,  (jiapes  were  gene- 
 rally eatflii  in  a  dried  state  as  raisins.  Fruit-cake 
 fonns  a  part  of  the  daily  food  of  the  Arabians.  Of 
 vegetables  we  have  most  frequent  notice  of  lentils 
 (Gen.  x-tv.  34;  2  Sam.  xvii.  28,  xxiii.  11  ;  Ez.  iv. 
 9),  which  are  still  largely  u.sed  by  the  Bedouins  in 
 ti-iveliing ;  beans  (2  Sam.  xvii.  28;  1-^.  iv.  9), 
 leeks,  onions,  and  garlick,  which  were  and  still  are 
 of  a  superior  quality  in  Egypt  (Num.  xi.  5),  The 
 moilcrn  Aiabians  consume  but  few  vegetables : 
 radishes  and  leeks  are  most  in  use,  and  are  eaten 
 raw  witli  bread.  The  spices  or  condiments  k.iown 
 to  the  Hebrews  were  numerous.  In  addition  to 
 these  classes  wo  have  to  notice  some  other  im- 
 portant articles  of  food:  in  the  first  place,  honey, 
 whether  the  natural  product  of  the  bee  (1  Sam. 
 xiv.  25;  Matt.  iii.  4),  which  abounds  in  most 
 jKirts  of  Arabia,  or  of  tlie  other  natural  and 
 artificial  i>ro<luctioiis  included  under  that  head, 
 esjKH-ialiy  the  dihx  of  the  Syrians  and  Arabians,  i.e. 
 Ijrape-juicc  boiled  down,  wiiich  is  still  extensively 
 used  in  the  l-^v-t ;  the  latter  is  supposed  to  lie 
 referred  to  in  (ien.  xliii.  11,  and  Kz.  xxvii.  17. 
 With  regard  to  oil,  it  iloe.s  not  ap)>car  to  have 
 .'"•(•II  use'!  to  the  extent  wo  might  have  aiitici- 
 |>at<d.      Eggs    arc    not    olteii    ii(ilii:c<l,    b'.it    were 
 
 FOOTMAN 
 
 evidently  known  as  articles  of  food  (Is.  x.  14, 
 lix.  5  ;  Luke  xi.  12).  The  Orientiils  have  been  at 
 all  times  sparing  iu  the  use  of  animal  food :  not 
 only  does  the  excess.ve  heat  of  the  climate  render  it 
 lioth  unwholesome  to  eat  much  meat,  and  expensive 
 from  the  necessity  of  immediately  consuming  a 
 whole  animal,  but  beyond  this  the  ritual  i-eguja- 
 tii'iis  of  the  Mosaic  law  in  ancient,  as  of  the  Koran 
 in  modern  times,  have  tended  to  the  sjime  result. 
 The  prohibition  expressed  against  consuming  the 
 blood  of  any  animal  (Gen.  ix.  4)  was  more  fully 
 developed  in  the  Levitical  law,  and  enforced  by  the 
 penalty  of  death  (Lev.  iii.  17,  vii.  26,  xix.  26; 
 Deut.  xii.  16  ;  1  Sam.  xiv.  32  ,T. ;  Ez.  xliv.  7,  15). 
 Ceitain  portions  of  the  fat  of  sacrifices  were  also 
 tbrbiddcn  (Lev.  iii.  9,  10;,  as  being  set  apart  for 
 the  altir  (Lev.  iii.  IG,  vii.  25;  cf.  1  Sam.  ii.  IG  ff. ; 
 2  Chr.  vii.  7).  In  addition  to  the  above.  Christians 
 were  forbidden  to  eat  the  flesh  of  animals,  portions 
 of  which  had  been  offered  to  idols.  All  beasts  and 
 bii-ds  classed  as  unclean  (Lev.  xi.  1  H'. ;  Deut.  xiv. 
 4  If.)  were  also  prohibited.  Under  these  restric- 
 tions the  Hebrews  were  permitted  the  free  use  of 
 animal  food :  generally  speaking  they  only  availed 
 themselves  ot'it  in  the  exorcise  of  hospitality  (tien. 
 xviii.  7),  or  at  festivals  of  a  religious  (Ex.  xii.  8t, 
 public  (1  K.  i.  9;  1  Chr.  xii.  40),  or  private  cha- 
 racter (Gen.  xxvii.  4;  Luke  xv.  23) :  it  was  only 
 in  royal  households  that  there  was  a  daily  consump- 
 tion of  meat  (1  K.  iv.  23;  Neh.  v.  18;.  The  ani- 
 mals killed  for  meat  were — calves  (Gen.  xviii.  7  ; 
 1  Sam.  xxviii.  24  ;  Am.  vi.  4) ;  lambs  (2  Sam.  xii. 
 4  ;  Am.  vi.  4)  ;  o.\en,  not  .above  three  yeais  of  age 
 (I  I\.  i.  9;  Prov.  xv.  17;  Is.  xxii.  13;  Matt.  xxii. 
 4);  kids  (Gen.  xxvii.  9  ;  Judg.  vi.  19;  1  Sam.  xvi. 
 20; ;  harts,  roebucks,  and  fallow-deer  ( 1  K.  iv.  23) ; 
 birds  of  various  kinds;  fish,  with  the  exception  ot 
 such  as  were  without  scales  and  fins  (Lev.  xi.  9; 
 Deut.  xiv.  9).  Locusts,  of  which  ceitain  species  only 
 were  esteemed  clean  (Lev.  xi.  22),  were  occiisionally 
 eaten  (Matt.  iii.  4),  but  con.eidered  as  poor  fare. 
 Meat  does  not  appear  ever  to  have  been  eaten  by 
 itself;  various  accomiianiments  aie  noticed  in  Scrip- 
 ture, as  bread,  milk,  and  sour  milk  (^(ien.  xviii.  8) ; 
 bread  and  broth  (Judg.  vi.  19);  and  with  fish 
 either  bread  (Matt.  xiv.  19,  xv.  36;  John  xxi.  9; 
 or  honeycomb  (Luke  xxiv.  42).  With  regard  tc 
 the  beverages  used  by  the  Hebiews,  we  have  already 
 mentioned  milk,  and  the  probable  use  of  barley- 
 water,  and  of  a  mi.\tuie,  resembling  the  modern 
 sherbet,  formed  of  fig-cake  and  water.  It  is  almost 
 needless  to  say  that  water  was  most  genenilly  drunk. 
 In  addition  to  these  the  Hebrews  wcie  acqiiainte<i 
 with  various  intoxicating  liquors. 
 
 Footanan,  a  word  empli>yed  in  the  Auth.  Vereion 
 in  two  sen>es.  1.  Generally,  to  distinguish  those  of 
 the  people  or  of  the  fighting-men  who  went  on  foot 
 from  those  who  were  on  horseback  or  in  chariots. 
 Hut,  2.  The  word  occurs  in  a  more  spi'cial  sense  (in 
 1  Sam.  xxii.  17  only),  and  as  the  tiaiislntion  of  a 
 difforent  term  from  the  above.  This  jiassjige  aflonis 
 the  fir.st  mention  of  the  existence  of  a  Ixxiy  of  swift 
 runners  iu  attendance  on  the  king,  though  such  a 
 thing  had  been  foretold  bySiunuel  (1  Sam.  viii.  11). 
 This  body  appear  to  have  ban  afterwanis  kept  up, 
 and  to  have  lieeii  distinct  fiom  the  luHly-guaid — 
 the  six  handre<l  and  the  ihiify — who  were  ori- 
 ginated by  David.  Sec  1  K.  xiv.  27,  28;  2  Chr. 
 xii.  1(1,  II;  2  K.  xi.  4,  6,  1 1,  13,  19.  In  each  of 
 these  cases  the  woid  i>.  the  sjimo  as  the  alcove,  and 
 is  leiidcied  "  guard  ;"  but  the  translators  were  evi- 
 
FOREHEAD 
 
 dcutly  aware  of  its  signilicatiou,  for  tliey  have  put 
 the  word  "  runners"  in  the  margin  in  two  instances 
 (1  K.  xiv.  27  ;  2  Iv.  .\i.  13). 
 
 Forehead.  The  practice  of  veiling  the  face  in 
 public  for  women  of  the  higher  classes,  especially 
 married  women,  in  the  East,  sufTiciently  stigmatizes 
 witli  repi'oach  the  unveiled  face  of  women  of  bad 
 cluracter  (Gen.  xxiv.  65  ;  Jer.  iii.  3).  An  especial 
 foice  is  thus  given  to  the  term  "  haixi  of  forehead" 
 as  descriptive  of  audacity  in  general  (Hz.  iii.  7,  8, 
 9).  The  custom  among  many  Oriental  nations  botli 
 of  colouring  the  face  and  forehead,  and  of  jmpressirg 
 ou  the  body  marlc!  indicative  of  devotion  to  some 
 special  deity  or  rtligious  sect  is  mentioned  else- 
 where. The  '"jewels  for  the  forehead,"  mentioned 
 by  Ezekiel  (xvi.  12),  and  in  margin  of  A.  V 
 (Gen.  x.\iv.  22),  were  in  all  probability  nose-rings 
 (Is.  iii.  21). 
 
 Forest.  The  corresponding  Hebrew  terms  aie 
 yaw,  choresh,  and  panles.  The  first  of  these  most 
 trulv  expresses  the  idea  of  a  foiest.  The  second  is 
 seldom  used,  and  applies  to  woods  of  less  extent .  it 
 is  only  twice  (1  Sam.  xxiii.  15  If. ;  2  Chr.  xxvii  4) 
 applied  to  woods  properly  .so  called.  The  thud, 
 panles,  occurs  only  once  in  reference  to  forest-tiees 
 (Neh.  ii.  8).  Elsewhere  the  word  describes  in 
 orchard  (Eccl.  ii.  5  ;  Cant.  iv.  13).  Although 
 Palestine  has  never  been  in  historiad  times  a  wood 
 land  country,  yet  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  thei  e 
 was  much  moie  wood  formeily  than  there  is  at 
 piesent.  (1.)  The  wood  of  Ephraim  clothed  the 
 slopes  of  the  hills  that  bordered  the  plain  of  Jezieel 
 and  the  plain  itself  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Beth 
 shau  (Josh.  xvii.  15  if.).  (2.)  The  wood  of  Bethel 
 (2  K.  il.  23,  24)  was  situated  iu  the  ravine  which 
 descends  to  the  plain  of  .lericho.  (3.)  The  forest 
 of  Haretb  (1  Sam.  xxii.  5j  was  somewhere  on  the 
 boi'der  of  the  Philistine  plain,  in  the  southern  part 
 of  Judah.  (4.)  The  wood  through  which  the  Is- 
 raelites passed  in  their  pursuit  of  the  Philistines 
 (1  Sam.  xiv.  25)  was  probably  near  Aijalon  (comp. 
 V.  31j.  (5.)  The  "wood"  (Ps.  cxxxii.  6)  implied 
 in  the  name  of  Kirjath-jearim  (1  Sam.  vii.  2)  must 
 have  been  similarly  situated,  as  also  (6.)  were  the 
 "  forests  "  iu  which  Jotham  placed  his  forts  (2  Chr. 
 xxvii.  4).  (7.)  The  plain  of  Sharon  was  partly 
 covered  with  wood  (Is.  Ixv.  10).  (8.)  The  wood 
 ;a  the  wilderness  of  Ziph,  in  which  David  concealed 
 himself  (i  Sam.  xxiii.  15  ff.),  lay  S.E.  of  Hebron. 
 The  house  of  the  forest  of  Lebanon  (1  K.  vii.  2, 
 X,  17,  21  ;  2  Chr.  ix.  16,  20)  was  so  called  pro- 
 balilv  from  being  fitted  up  with  cedar. 
 
 Fortifications.     [Fenced  Cities.] 
 
 Fortmia'tus  (1  Cor,  xvi.  17),  one  of  three  Co- 
 rinthians, the  others  being  Stephanas  and  Achaicus, 
 who  were  at  Ephesus  when  St.  Paul  wiote  his  first 
 Epistle.  There  is  a  Fortunatus  mentioned  at  the 
 end  of  Clement's  first  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians, 
 wlio  was  possibly  the  same  person. 
 
 Fountain.  Among  the  attractive  features  pre- 
 sented by  the  Land  of  Promise  to  the  nation  mi- 
 grating from  Egypt  by  way  of  the  desert,  none 
 would  be  moie  striking  than  the  natural  gush  of 
 waters  from  the  ground.  The  springs  of  Palestine, 
 though  short-lived,  are  remarkaljle  loi  their  abun- 
 dance and  bauity,  especially  those  which  fall  into 
 the  Jordan  and  its  lakes  throughout  its  whole 
 course.  The  spring  or  fountain  of  living  water, 
 the  "eye"  of  the  landscape,  is  di.stiug'.iished  in  all 
 Oriental  languages  from  the  artificially  sunk  and 
 cncloseil  well.     The  volcanic  agencv  which  has  ope- 
 
 CON.  L>.  B. 
 
 FOX 
 
 2T6 
 
 rated  so  powerfully  in  Palestine,  has  fiom  very 
 early  times  given  tokens  of  its  working  in  the  warm 
 springs  which  ai«  found  near  the  sea  of  Galilee  and 
 the  Dead  Sea.  Jerusalem  appears  to  have  possessed 
 either  more  tlian  one  peiennial  spi-ing,  or  one  issuin" 
 by  more  than  one  outlet.  In  Oriental  cities  gene- 
 rally public  fountains  are  fi'equent.  'I'races  of  such 
 ibuntains  at  Jerusalem  may  perhaps  be  found  iu  the 
 names  En-Rogel  (2  Sam.  xvii.  17),  the  "  Dragon- 
 well  "  or  fountain,  and  the  "  gate  of  the  fountain  " 
 (XA.  ii.  13,  14) 
 
 touutain  at1\uzareth    (Kobeiis  ; 
 
 Fowl.  Several  distinct  Hebrew  and  Greek  words 
 are  thus  rendered  in  the  A.  V.  of  the  Bible.  Of 
 these  the  most  common  is  'oph,  which  is  usually 
 a  collective  term  for  all  kinds  of  Ijirds.  In  1  K.  iv. 
 23,  among  the  daily  provisions  for  Solomon's  table, 
 "  fatted  fowl"  are  included.  In  the  N.  T.  the  word 
 translated  "  fowls"  is  most  frequently  that  which 
 compieliends  all  kinds  of  birds  (including  ravens, 
 Luke  xii.  24). 
 
 Fowl,  Fowler.     [Sparrow.] 
 
 Fox  (Heb.  sliual).  We  are  inclined  to  think  that 
 the  "jackal"  is  the  animal  more  particularly  sig- 
 nified in  almost  all  the  passages  in  the  O.  T.  where 
 the  Hebrew  term  occurs.  The  shudliin  of  Judg. 
 XV.  4  are  evidently  "jackals,"  and  not  "  foxes,"  for 
 the  former  animal  is  gregarious,  whereas  the  latter 
 is  solitary  in  its  habits.  With  respect  to  the  jackals 
 and  foxes  of  Palestine,  there  is  no  doubt  that  the 
 
274 
 
 FRANKINCENSE 
 
 common  juk^il  of  tlie  country  is  tlic  Caw's  aureus, 
 wliich  may  be  heard  every  niglit  in  the  villages. 
 Ilemprich  and  Ehrenlierg  speak  of  a  vulpine  animal, 
 under  the  name  of  Ciniis  Syriacus,  as  occurring  in 
 Lrbanon.  The  Kgyptian  Vulpcs  Niloticis,  and 
 doubtless  the  common  fox  of  our  own  country,  are 
 Palestine  species. 
 
 r'T'^ 
 
 rii//»ri  Slloet 
 
 Frankincense,  a  vegetable  le-^in,  brittle,  glitter- 
 in<r,  and  of  a  bitter  taste,  used  for  the  purpose  of 
 sacrificial  fumigation  (Kx.  xxx.  34-30).  It  is  ob- 
 tained by  successive  incisions  in  the  bark  of  a  tree 
 cilled  the  arbor  thnris,  the  first  of  which  yields  the 
 purest  and  whitest  kind  ;  while  the  produce  of  the 
 after  incisions  is  spotteil  with  yellow,  and  as  it  be- 
 com&s  old  loses  its  whiteness  altogether.  The  He- 
 brews importetl  their  fiankinconse  from  Arabia  (Is. 
 Ix.  6;  Jer.  vi.  20),  and  more  particularly  from 
 i^aba ;  but  it  is  remarkable  that  at  present  the 
 ,'\rabiaii  Libainim,  or  Olibanum,  is  of  a  very  inferior 
 kind,  and  that  the  finest  frankincense  imported  into 
 Turkey  comes  through  Arabia  from  the  islands  of 
 rhe  Indian  Archipelago.  There  can  be  little  doubt 
 that  the  tree  which  produces  the  Indian  frankin- 
 cense is  the  Bos'reUia  sernttn  of  Roxburgh,  or 
 Busn-cllin  Ihirifera  of  Colebrooke.  It  is  still  ex- 
 tremely uncei  tjiin  what  tree  produces  the  Arab.  Oli- 
 banum. Lamarck  proposes  the  Ami/ris  Gilcadcnsis, 
 but,  as  it  would  seem,  upon  inconclusive  evidence. 
 
 Frog.  The  mention  of  this  reptile  in  the  0.  T. 
 is  contiMod  to  the  passage  in  Kx.  viii.  '1-1 ,  &c.,  in 
 which  the  plague  of  frogs  is  described,  and  to  I's. 
 Ixxviii.  4."),  cv.  30.  In  the  N.  T.  the  woid  occurs 
 once  only  in  Rev.  xvi.  13.  There  is  no  question  as 
 to  the  animal  meant.  The  only  known  species  of 
 frog  which  occurs  at  present  in  Kgy]>t  is  the  liana 
 esculcntii,  the  edible  frog  of  the  cimtinent. 
 
 Frontlets,  or  Phylacteries  (Kx.  xiii.  16;  Dent. 
 
 VI.  8,  \i.  1«  ;  iMatt.  xxiii.  .')).  These  "  frontlets"  or 
 "  phylacteries"  were  strips  of  parchment,  on  which 
 were  written  four  passages  of  Scripture  (Kx.  xiii. 
 2-10.  1  1-17;  Deut.  vi.  4-9,  13-23)  in  an  ink  pre- 
 parer! for  the  puiposc.  They  were  then  rolled  uji 
 in  11  case  of  black  calfskin,  which  was  attached  to  a 
 stifl'er  piece  of  leather,  having  a  thong  one  finger 
 broad,  and  one  and  a  half  cubit-,  long.  They  were 
 placed  at  the  IxMid  of  the  lelt  arm.  Those  worn  on 
 the  forehi-ad  were  written  on  four  strips  of  parch- 
 ment, and  put  into  four  little  ccdls  within  a  square 
 
 FULLERS  FIELD,  THE 
 
 case,  on  which  the  letter  C  was  written.  The  square 
 had  two  thongs,  on  which  Hebrew  letters  were  in- 
 scribed. That  phylacte- 
 ries iccre  useil  as  amu- 
 lets is  certain,  and  was 
 very  natural.  .Scaliger 
 even  supposes  that  phy- 
 lacteries weie  designed 
 to  supersede  those  amu- 
 lets, the  use  of  which 
 had  been  already  learnt 
 by  the  Israelites  in 
 Kgypt.  The  expression 
 "  they  make  broad  their 
 phylacteries  "  (Matt, 
 xxiii.  5)  refers  not  so 
 much  to  the  phylactei-y 
 itself,  which  seems  to 
 have  been  of  a  prescribed 
 breadth,  as  to  the  case 
 in  which  the  parchment 
 was  kept,  which  the 
 Pharisees,  among  their 
 other  pretentious  customs  (Mark  vii. 
 ■  !3,  &c.),  made  as  conspicuous  as  they  could.  It  '\h 
 Slid  that  the  I'haiisces  wore  them  always,  whereas 
 the  common  people  only  used  them  at  prayers.  The 
 modern  Jews  only  wear  them  at  morning  prayers, 
 and  sometimes  at  noon.  In  our  Lord's  time  they 
 weie  worn  by  all  .Jews,  except  the  Karaites,  women, 
 and  slaves.  Boys,  at  the  age  of  thirtee:i  years  and 
 a  day,  were  bound  to  wear  them.  The  Karaites  ex- 
 plainetl  Deut.  vi.  8,  Ex.  xiii.  9,  &c.,  as  i\  fii/wative 
 command  to  remember  the  law,  as  is  certaiidy  the 
 case  in  similar  p;\ssages  (Prov.  iii.  3,  vi.  21,  vii.  3  ; 
 Cant.  viii.  0,  &c.).  It  seems  clear  to  us  that  the 
 scope  of  these  injunctions  tiivours  the  Karaite  in- 
 terpretation. The  liabbis  have  many  rules  about 
 their  use. 
 
 Fuller.  The  trade  of  the  fullei-s,  so  far  as  it  is 
 mentioned  in  Scripture,  apjieai-s  to  have  consisted 
 chiefly  in  cleansing  garments  and  whitening  them. 
 The  process  of  fulling  or  cleansing  cloth,  so  far 
 as  it  may  be  gathereti  from  the  practice  of  other 
 nations,  consisted  in  treading  or  stamping  on  the 
 garments  with  the  feet  or  with  bats  in  tubs  of 
 water,  in  which  some  alkaline  substuice  answering 
 the  purpose  of  soap  had  been  dissolved.  The  sub- 
 stiuices  used  for  this  purpose  which  are  mentioned 
 in  Scripture  are  natrum  (Prov.  xxv.  20  ;  Jer.  ii.  2'.!) 
 and  soap  (Mai.  iii.  2).  Other  substances  also  are 
 mentioned  as  being  employed  in  cleansing,  which, 
 together  with  alkali,  seem  to  identify  the  Jewish 
 with  the  RoniMU  i)roce.-s,  as  urine  and  chalk.  The 
 process  of  whitening  garments  was  performeil  by 
 rubbing  into  them  chalk  or  earth  of  some  kind. 
 Greta  Cimolia  (Cimolite)  was  probably  the  earth 
 most  trequently  used.  The  trade  of  the  fullers, 
 as  causing  ofl'ensive  smells,  and  also  as  lequiiing 
 s]ia<e  for  drying  clothes,  ai)]iears  to  have  been  car- 
 ried 1)11  at  Jeni>aleni  outsiile  the  city. 
 
 Fuller's  Field,  the,  a  spot  near  Jerusalem  ''2  K. 
 xviii.  17;  Is.  vii.  3,  xxxvi.  2  i  so  close  to  the  walls 
 that  a  peiTion  speaking  from  there  could  be  hear^ 
 on  them  (2  K.  xviii.  17,  20  .  One  resort  of  tii« 
 fullers  of  Jerusilem  would  seem  to  have  been  below 
 the  city  on  the  south-e;ist  side.  l)ut  Kabshakeli  and 
 his  "  great  host"  must  have  come  tiom  the  north  ; 
 and  the  Puller's  Kield  was  therefore,  to  judj;e  fi^oiu 
 this  circumstance,  on  the  table-land  on  the  northern 
 side  of  the  city. 
 
FUNERALS 
 
 Funerals.     [Burial.] 
 
 Furlong.     [Me.\sures.] 
 
 Furnace.  Various  kinds  of  t'li maces  are  noticed 
 in  the  Bible.  (1.)  Tann&r  is  so  translated  in  the 
 A.  V.  in  Gen.  XV.  17;  Is.  xxxi.  9;  Neh.  iii.  11, 
 xii.  38.  Generally  the  word  applies  to  the  baker'.s 
 oven.  (2.)  C»6s/ian,  a  smelting  or  calcining  furnace 
 (Gen.  xix.  28;  Ex.  ix.  8,  10,  xix.  18),  especially  a 
 lime-kiln  (Is.  xxxiii.  12;  Am.  ii.  1).  (3.)  Cur,  a 
 refining  furnace  (Prov.  xvii.  3,  xxvii.  21  ;  Ez.  .xxii. 
 18  ff.).  (4.)  Attun,  a  large  furnace  built  like  a 
 brick-kiln  CDan.  iii.  22,  23).  The  Persians  were  in 
 the  habit  of  using  the  furnace  as  a  means  of  inflict- 
 ing capital  punishment  (Dan.  /.  c. ;  Jer.  xxix.  22  ; 
 2  Mace.  vii.  5  ;   Hos.  vii.  7).     (5.)  The  potter's 
 
 GAD 
 
 275 
 
 i J_. 
 
 The  Eg^-piiau  Potter's  Furnace.     (Wilkinson.) 
 
 furnace  (Ecclus.  x.wii.  5,  xxxviii.  30).     (6.)  The 
 black-smith's  furnace  (Ecclus.  x.xxviii.  28). 
 
 G 
 
 Ga'al,  son  of  Ebed,  aided  the  Shechemites  in  their 
 )-ebellion  against  Abimelech  (Judg.  ix.).  He  does 
 not  seem  to  have  been  a  native  of  Shechem,  nor 
 specially  interested  in  the  revolution,  but  rather 
 one  of  a  class  of  condotticri,  who  at  such  a  period 
 of  anarchy  would  be  willing  to  sell  their  services  to 
 the  highest  bidder. 
 
 Ga'ash.  On  the  north  side  of  "  the  hill  of 
 Gaash"  was  the  city  whioh  was  given  to  .loshiia 
 (.Icsh.  xxiv.  3U;  Judg.  ii.  9  ;  comp.  Josh.  xix.  49, 
 50).     It  does  not  appear  1o  have  been  recognized. 
 
 Ga'ba.  The  same  name  as  Gkija.  It  is  found 
 in  the  A.  V.  in  Josh,  xviii.  24  ;  Kzr.  ii.  26  ;  Neh, 
 vii.  30. 
 
 Gab'ael. — 1.  An  ancestor  of  Tobit  (Tob.  i.  1). — 
 2.  A  poor  Jew  (Tob.  i.  17,  Vulg.)  of  "  Rages  in 
 Media,"  to  whom 'I'obias  lent  ten  talents  of  silver 
 (Tob.  i.  14,  iv.  1,  20,  V.  6,  i.v.,  x.  2). 
 
 Gab'atha,  Esth.  xii.  1.    [Bigthan.] 
 
 Gab'bai,  apjjarently  the  head  of  an  important 
 familv  of  Benjamin  resident  at  Jerusalem  (Neh. 
 .xi.  8). 
 
 Gab'batha,  the  Hebrew  or  Chaldee  appellation 
 of  a  place,  also  called  "  Pavement,"  where  the  judg- 
 ment-seat or  benia  was  planted,  from  his  i)lace  on 
 which  Pilate  delivered  our  Lord  to  death  (John 
 xix.  13).  The  place  was  outside  the  jiraetorium, 
 for  Pilate  brought  Jesus  forth  from  thence  to  it. 
 It  is  suggested  by  Lightfoot  that  Gabbatha  is  a 
 mere  tiauslation  of  "pavement."  It  is  more  pro- 
 b.nbly   from  an  ancient    root  signifying    lieight  or 
 
 roundness.  In  this  case  Gabbatha  designated  the 
 elevated  Bema;  and  the  "pavement"  wiis  possibly 
 some  mosaic  or  tesselated  work,  either  forming  the 
 bema  itself,  or  the  flooring  of  the  court  immedi- 
 ately round  it. 
 
 Gab'des,  1  Esd.  v.  20.     [Gaba.] 
 
 Ga'brias,  according  to  the  present  text  of  the 
 LXX.,  the  brother  of  Gabael,  the  creditor  of  Tobit 
 (Tob.  i.  14),  though  in  another  place  (Tob.  iv.  20) 
 he  is  described  as  his  father. 
 
 Gabriel.  The  word,  which  is  not  in  itself  dis- 
 tinctive, but  merely  a  description  of  the  angelic 
 office,  is  u^ed  as  a  proper  name  or  title  in  Dan.  viii. 
 lt>,  ix.  21,  and  in  Luke  i.  19,  26.  In  the  ordinary 
 traditions,  Jewish  and  Christian,  Gabriel  is  spoken 
 of  as  one  of  the  archangels.  In  Sci-ipture  he  is 
 set  forth  only  as  the  representative  of  the  angelic 
 nature  in  its  ministration  of  comfort  and  sympathy 
 to  n;an. 
 
 Gad,  Jacob's  seventh  son,  the  first-boin  of  Zilpah, 
 Leah's  maid,  and  whole-brother  to  Asher  (Gen.  xxx. 
 11-13,  xlvi.  16,  18).  («)  The  i)a.ssage  in  which 
 the  bestowal  of  the  name  of  Gad  is  preserved — like 
 the  others,  an  exclamation  on  his  birth — is  more 
 than  usually  obscure:  "And  Leah  said, '  In  fortune,' 
 and  she  called  his  name  Gad"  (Gen.  xxx.  11).  -Such 
 is  supposed  to  be  the  meaning  of  the  old  text  of  the 
 passage.  But  in  the  maiginal  emendation  of  the 
 Masorets  the  woi'd  is  given,  "Gad  comes."  (6)  In 
 the  blessing  of  Jacob,  however,  we  find  the  name 
 played  upon  in  a  different  manner:  "  Gad  "  is  here 
 taken  as  meaning  a  piratical  band  or  troop  (Gen. 
 xlix.  19).  (c)  The  force  thus  lent  to  the  name 
 has  been  by  some  partially  transferred  to  the  narra- 
 tive of  Gen.  XXX.,  e.g.  the  Samaritan  Ver.sion,  the 
 Veneto-Greek,  and  our  own  A.  V. — "  a  troop  (of 
 children)  cometh."  Of  the  childhood  and  life  of 
 the  patriarch  Gau  nolhing  is  preserved.  At  the 
 time  of  the  descent  into  Egyjjt  seven  sons  are 
 ascribed  to  him,  remarkable  from  the  fact  that  a 
 majority  of  their  names  have  plural  termination'^, 
 as  if  those  of  families  I'ather  than  persons  (Gen. 
 xlvi.  16).  The  position  of  Gad  during  the  march 
 to  the  Promised  Land  was  on  the  south  side  of  the 
 Tabernacle  (Num.  ii.  14).  'I'he  alliance  between 
 the  tribes  of  Reuben  and  Gad  was  doubtless  induced 
 by  the  similarity  of  their  pursuits.  Of  all  the  sons 
 of  Jacob  these  two  tribes  alone  I'eturned  to  the  land 
 which  their  forefathers  had  left  five  hundred  years 
 before,  with  their  occupations  unchanged.  At  the 
 halt  on  the  east  of  Jordan  we  find  them  comins; 
 forward  to  Moses  with  the  I'epiesentiition  that  they 
 "  have  aittle" — "  a  great  multitude  of  Ciittle,"  and 
 the  laud  where  they  now  are  is  a  "  place  for 
 cattle."  They  did  not,  however,  attempt  to  evade 
 taking  their  proper  share  of  the  ditliculties  of  sub- 
 duing the  laud  of  Canaan,  and  after  that  task  had 
 been  effected  they  were  dismissed  by  Joshua  "  to 
 their  tents,"  to  their  "  wives,  their  little  ones,  and 
 their  cattle,"  which  they  had  left  behind  them 
 ia  Gilead.  The  country  allotted  to  Gad  appears, 
 speaking  roughly,  to  have  lain  chiefly  about  the 
 centre  of  the  land  ea.st  of  Jordan.  The  south  of  that 
 district — from  the  Ainon  [Wady  Mojeh),  about 
 half  way  down  the  Dead  Sea,  to  Heshbon,  nearly 
 due  e;ist  of  Jerusalem — was  occupied  by  Reuben, 
 and  at  or  about  Heshbon  the  possessions  of  Gad 
 commenced.  They  embraced  half  Gilead,  as  the 
 oldest  record  specially  .states  (Deut.  iii.  12),  or  half 
 the  land  of  the  childien  of  Amnion  (Josh.  xiii.  25), 
 probably  the  mountainous  district  which  is  inter- 
 
 T  2 
 
27ti 
 
 GAB 
 
 sected  by  the  torrent  Jabbok — if  the  Wady  Zurka 
 be  the  Jabbok — iiichiding,  as  its  most  northern 
 town,  the  ancient  sanctuary  of  Malianniin.  Ou  the 
 east  the  furthest  lamlmarlc  given  is  "  Aroer,  that 
 taces  liabbali,"  tin;  present  ^//iz/icm  '^.(o.^h.  xiii.  -5). 
 West  \v;u>  tlie  Jordan  (-7).  Such  \v:».s  the  territory 
 allotted  to  the  Gadites,  but  there  is  no  doubt  that 
 they  soon  extended  themselves  beyond  tliesc  limits. 
 The  orticial  records  of  the  reiirTi  of  Jotiiam  of  Judnh 
 (1  Chr.  V.  11,  16;  show  them  to  have  been  at  that 
 time  established  over  the  whole  of  Gilead,  and  in 
 possession  of  Bashan  as  far  as  Salcah,  and  very  thr 
 both  to  the  north  ami  the  east  of  the  border  given 
 tbem  originally,  while  the  Mana-sites  were  pushed 
 still  further  north w;uds  to  Mount  llermon  (1  Chr. 
 V.  23).  The  character  of  tlie  tribe  is  throughout 
 sti'ongly  marked — fierce  and  warlike — "strongmen 
 of  might,  men  of  war  for  the  battle,  that  could 
 handle  shield  and  buckler,  tiieir  faces  the  faces  of 
 lions,  and  like  roes  upon  the  mountains  for  switt- 
 ness."  The  history  of  Jephthah  develops  elements 
 of  a  dilferent  nature  ami  a  higher  order  than  the  mere 
 fierceness  necessary  to  repel  the  attacks  of  tlie  plun- 
 deiers  of  the  desert.  In  the  behaviour  of  Jephtliah 
 throughout  that  atlecting  history,  there  are  traces 
 of  a  .spirit  which  we  may  almost  c;dl  chivaleresque. 
 li'  to  this  we  add  the  loyalty,  the  generosity  and  the 
 delicjicy  of  liarzillai  (2  ISam.  six.  '61-'S9)  we  obtain 
 a  very  high  idea  of  the  tribe  at  whose  head  were 
 such  men  as  these.  Nor  must  we,  while  enume- 
 rating the  worthies  of  Gad,  forget  that  in  all  pi  oba- 
 bilify  Elijah  the  Tishbite,  "  who  was  of  the  inha- 
 bitants of  Gilead,"  was  one  of  them.  liut  while 
 exhibiting  these  liigh  personal  qualities.  Gad  appears 
 to  have  been  wanting  in  the  powers  necessary  to  en- 
 able him  to  take  any  active  or  leiidini;  part  in  the 
 confederacy  of  the  nation.  Tlie  territory  of  Gad 
 was  the  battle-field  on  which  the  long  and  tierce 
 struggles  of  Syria  and  Israel  were  fought  out,  and, 
 as  an  agricultural  and  p:istoial  country,  it  must 
 have  sutltjred  severely  in  consequence  (2  K.  xx.  o3). 
 Gad  was  carried  into  cjiptivity  by  Tiglath-Pileser 
 (1  Chr.  V.  20  I,  and  in  the  time  of  Jeremiah  the 
 cities  of  the  ti'ibe  seem  to  have  been  inhabited  by 
 tl)e  Ammonites. 
 
 Gad,  "  the  seer,"  or  "  the  king's  seer,"  i.  e. 
 David's  (1  Chr.  xxix.  29;  2  Chr.  xxix.  25  ;  2  Sam. 
 xxiv.  11  ;  1  Chr.  xxi.  9),  was  a  "prophet"  who 
 appears  to  have  joined  l)avid  when  in  the  hold 
 (1  Sim),  xxii.  5).  He  re-ai)])ears  in  connexion  with 
 the  punishment  inflicted  for  the  numberiiis  of  the 
 [leople  (2  Sam.  xxiv.  1 1-19;  1  Chr.  xxi.  9-19  j.  He 
 wrote  a  book  of  the  Acts  of  Davit!  ( 1  Chr.  xxix.  29j, 
 and  also  assisted  in  the  arrangements  for  the  musical 
 service  of  the  "house  of  (!od"  (2  Chr.  xxix.  25). 
 
 Gad.  I'riiperly  "  the  (iaii,"  witli  the  article.  In 
 the  .\.  V.  ol'  Is.  Ixv.  11  the  clause  "that  ])repare 
 a  table  for  that  troftp  "  has  in  the  margin  instrad 
 of  the  last  word  the  proper  name  "  Gad,'' which 
 evidently  denotes  some  idol  worshipped  by  the  Jews 
 in  Uabylon,  though  it  is  impossible  |)oMtively  to 
 identify  it.  Thai  (iad  was  the  deity  Kortunc,  under 
 whatever  outward  lorni  it  was  worshipiwd.  i..;  sup- 
 |)oit''d  by  the  etymology,  and  by  the  common  a>sent 
 of  commentators,  (iesenius  is  probably  right  in 
 his  conjecture  that  Gad  was  the  planet  Jupiter, 
 which  was  leganied  by  the  astrologers  of  the  Kast 
 US  the  star  of  gieater  good  fortune.  Movers  is  in 
 fiironr  of  the  planet  \'enus.  Ilhistiations  of  the 
 fiNc:ipnt  i-ustom  of  pl:icin;j  «  banqueting  table  in 
 buuiHir  ol  iduU  will  be  Ibund  in  tlie  luble  spread  for 
 
 GAJiATiA 
 
 the  sun  among  the  Ethiopians  (Her.  iii.  17,  18), 
 and  in  the  feivst  made  by  the  Babylonians  foi-  their 
 god  Bel,  which  is  describ"d  in  the  -VpocryphiJ 
 history  of  Bel  :uul  the  Dragon  icomp.  also  Iler.  i. 
 181,  &c.).  \  trace  of  the  worship  of  Gad  remains 
 in  the  ])ro])or  name  Baal  <  iad. 
 
 Gadites,  the.  The  descendants  of  Gad  and 
 members  of  his  tribe. 
 
 Gad'ara,  a  strong  city  situate<l  ne;ir  the  river 
 Hicromax,  east  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee,  over  against 
 .Scythopolis  and  Tiberias,  and  sixteen  Roman  miles 
 dist;\nt  fiom  e:ich  of  those  ])laces.  Josepluis  calls 
 it  the  capital  of  Peraea.  A  large  district  was 
 attached  to  it.  Gadara  itself  is  not  mentioned  in 
 the  Bible,  but  it  is  evidently  identicid  with  the 
 "country  of  the  Gadarenes"  (.Mark  v.  1;  Luke 
 viii.  20,  37).  Of  the  site  of  Gadara,  thus  so  clearly 
 defined,  thcie  rannot  be  a  donljt.  On  a  partially 
 i.solateil  hill  at  the  north-western  extremity  of  the 
 mountiuns  of  Gile;id,  about  sixteen  miles  from  Tibe- 
 rias, lie  the  extensive  and  remarkable  ruins  of  Uiix 
 Keis.  The  whole  space  occupied  by  the  ruins  Is 
 about  two  miles  in  circumfeience.  The  tii-st  his- 
 torical notice  of  Gadara  is  its  cipture,  along  with 
 I'ella  and  other  (-ities,  by  Antioclius  the  Great,  in 
 the  year  n.C.  218.  The  territory  of  Gadara,  with 
 the  adjoining  one  of  Hippos,  was  subsequently  added 
 to  the  kingdom  of  Herod  the  Gre<it.  Gadara,  how- 
 ever, derives  its  greatest  interest  from  having  been 
 the  scene  of  our  Lord's  miracle  in  healing  the 
 demoniacs  (Matt.  viii.  28-34;  Mark  v.  1-21  ;  Luke 
 viii.  20-40).  The  whole  circumstances  of  the  nar- 
 rative are  strikingly  illustrated  by  the  features  oi 
 the  country.  Another  thing  is  worthy  of  notice. 
 The  most  interesting  remains  of  Gadara  are  its 
 tombs,  which  dot  the  clitls  for  a  considerable  dis- 
 tance louml  the  city.  Gadara  was  captured  bj 
 Ve>pasian  on  the  first  outbreak  of  the  war  with  the 
 Jews;  all  its  inhabitants  massacred ;  and  the  town 
 itself,  with  the  surrounding  villages,  reduced  to 
 ashes. 
 
 Gad'di,  son  of  Susi ;  the  Manassite  spy  sent  by 
 MoM's  to  exjilore  Canaan  (Num.  xiii.  11). 
 
 Gad'diel,  a  Zebulonite,  one  of  the  twelve  spies 
 (Num.  xiii.  10). 
 
 Ga'di,  fither  of  Menahem  (2  K.  xv.  14, 17). 
 
 Ga'ham,  sun  <>f  Nahor,  Abraham's  brother,  by 
 his  conculiine  lieumah  ((ien.  xxii.  24). 
 
 Ga'har.  The  Bene-Gahar  were  among  the 
 families  of  Nethinim  who  returned  from  the  cap- 
 tivity with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  47;   Noli.  vii.  49). 
 
 Gai'us.    [John,  Si;co.\d  and  Third  Eimsvlks 
 
 Of.] 
 
 Gal'aad  (1  Mace.  v.  9,  T)b\  Jud.  i.  8,  xv.  5; 
 and  TJiK  COUKTKY  OF  CiAt.AAn,  1  Macc.  V.  17, 
 20,  25,  27,  30,  45,  xiii.  22),  the  (ireek  form  of  the 
 
 word  (ilLKAD. 
 
 Ga'lal.  1.  A  Lovite,  one  of  the  sons  of  Asaph 
 (1  Chr.  ix.  15).— 2.  Another  Levite  of  the  family 
 of  Elkanah  (1  Chr.  ix.  16,.— 3.  A  third  Invite, 
 son  ot'.Feduthun  (Neh.  xi.  17). 
 
 Galatia.  Galatia  is  literally  the  "G.-dlia"  of 
 the  East,  'fhe  Galatians  were  in  their  origin  a 
 stivaiii  of  that  great  Keltii-  torrent  which  poured 
 into  Greece  in  the  third  century  befb:e  the  Christian 
 eia.  Some  of  these  invaders  movetl  on  into  Thrace, 
 aiicl  ap|>eareil  on  the  shores  of  the  Hellespont  and 
 Bosporus,  when  Nicomedes  I.,  king  of  Bithynia, 
 b'iijg  then  encage.!  in  a  cinl  war.  invited  them 
 across  to  help  him.  At  the  end  of  the  Kepublic, 
 (■alalia  appears  as  a  dependent  kingdom ;  at  the 
 
GALATIANS,  EPISTLE  TO  THE 
 
 beginning  of  the  Empire  as  a  province  (a.d.  26). 
 The  Roman  province  of  Galatia  may  be  roughly 
 described  as  the  central  region  of  the  peninsula  of 
 Asia  Minor,  with  the  provinces  of  Asia  on  the 
 west,  Cappadocia  on  the  east,  Pamphylia  and 
 CiLiCiA  on  the  south,  and  Bithynia  and  PoNxas 
 on  the  north.  It  would  be  dilHcult  to  define  the 
 exact  limits.  In  flict  they  were  frequently  changing. 
 At  one  time  tiiere  is  no  doubt  that  this  province 
 contained  Pisidia  and  Lycaonia,  and  therefore  those 
 towns  of  Antioch,  Iconium,  Lystra,  and  Derbe, 
 which  are  conspicuous  in  the  narrative  of  St.  Paul's 
 travels.  But  the  characteristic  part  of  Galatia  lay 
 northward  from  those  districts.  These  Eastern 
 Gauls  pieserved  much  of  their  ancient  character, 
 and  something  of  their  ancient  language.  The  pre- 
 vailing speech,  however,  of  the  district  was  Greek. 
 The  inscriptions  found  at  Ancyra  are  Greek,  and 
 St.  Paul  wrote  his  I'^pistle  iu  Greek.  It  is  difficult 
 at  first  .sight  to  determine  in  what  sense  the  word 
 Galatia  is  used  by  the  writeis  of  the  N.  T.,  or  whe- 
 ther always  in  the  same  sense.  In  the  Acts  of  the 
 Apostles  the  journeys  of  St.  Paul  through  the  dis- 
 trict are  mentioned  in  very  general  terms.  On  all 
 accounts  it  seems  most  probable  that  Galatia  is  used 
 by  St.  Luke  as  an  ethnograpliical  teiTn,  and  not  for 
 the  Roman  province  of  that  name.  V/e  must  not 
 leave  unnoticed  the  view  advocated  by  Bottger, 
 that  the  Galatia  of  the  Epistle  is  entirely  limited  to 
 the  district  between  Derbe  and  Colossae,  i.  e.  the 
 e.xtreme  southern  frontier  of  the  Roman  province. 
 
 Giiilatians,  The  Epistle  to  the,  was  written  by 
 the  Apostle  St.  Paul  not  long  after  his  journey 
 through  Galatia  and  Phrygia  (Acts  xviii.  23),  and 
 probably  in  the  early  portion  of  his  two  years  and 
 a  half  stay  at  Ephesus,  which  terminated  with  the 
 Pentecost  of  A.D.  .57  or  58.  The  Epistle  appears 
 to  have  been  called  forth  by  the  machinations  of 
 Judaizing  teacliers,  who,  shortly  before  the  date 
 of  its  composition,  had  endeavoured  to  seduce  the 
 churches  of  this  province  into  a  a'ecognition  of  cir- 
 <Mimcision  (v.  2, 11, 12,  vi.  12,  sq.),  and  had  openly 
 sought  to  depreciate  the  apostolic  claims  of  St.  Paul 
 (comp.  i.  1,  11).  Tlie  scope  and  contents  of  the 
 Epistle  are  thus — (1)  apologetic  (i.,  ii,)  and  po- 
 lemical (iii.,  iv.) ;  and  (2)  hortatory  and  practical 
 (v.,  vi.):  the  positions  and  demonstrations  of  the 
 former  portion  being  used  with  great  power  and 
 persuasi\-eness  in  the  exhortations  of  the  latter. 
 With  regard  to  the  genuineness  and  authenticity  of 
 this  Epistle,  nowrifer  of  any  credit  or  respectability 
 has  expressed  any  doubts.  The  testimony  of  the 
 early  church  is  most  decided  and  unanimous.  Besides 
 express  I'eferences  to  the  Epistle  we  have  one  or  two 
 direct  citations  found  as  early  as  the  time  of  the 
 Apostolic  Fathers,  and  several  apparent  allusions. 
 Two  historical  questions  require  a  brief  notice: — 
 
 1.  The  number  of  visits  made  by  St.  Paul  to  tiie 
 I'hurches  of  Galatia  previous  to  his  writing  the 
 l''pi.>t]e.  These  seem  certainly  to  have  been  two. 
 Tlie  Apostle  founded  the  churches  of  Galatia  in  the 
 visit  recorded  Acts  xvi.  6,  during  his  second  mis- 
 sionary journey,  about  A.D.  51,  and  revisited  them 
 at  tlie  period  and  on  the  occasion  mentioned  Acts 
 xviii.  23,  when  he  went  through  the  country  of 
 (ialatia  and  Phrygia,  On  tjiis  occasion  it  would 
 seem  probable  that  he  found  the  leaven  of  Judaism 
 beginning   to    work    in    the   churches   of  Galatia. 
 
 2.  Closely  allied  \vith  the  preceding  question  is  that 
 of  the  date,  and  the  place  from  which  the  Epistle 
 was  written.     Conylicarc  and   Ilow.^on,  and  more 
 
 GALILEE 
 
 27'; 
 
 recently  Lightfoot,  urge  the  probal)ility  of  its  having 
 been  written  at  about  the  same  time  as  the  Epistle 
 to  the  Romans.  They  would  therefore  assign  Corinth 
 as  the  place  where  the  Epistle  was  written,  and  the 
 three  months  that  the  Apostle  stayed  there  (Acts 
 XX.  2,  3),  apparently  the  winter  of  a.d.  57  or  58, 
 as  the  exact  period.  But  it  .seems  almost  impossible 
 to  assign  a  later  period  than  the  commencement  of 
 the  prolonged  stay  in  Ephesus  (a.d.  54). 
 
 Galbanum,  one  of  the  perfumes  employed  in 
 the  preparation  of  the  sacred  incense  (Ex.  xxx.  34). 
 The  galbanum  of  commerce  is  brought  chiefly  from 
 India  and  the  Levant.  It  is  a  resinous  gum  of  a 
 brownish  yellow  colour,  and  strong,  disagreeable 
 smell,  usually  met  with  in  masses,  but  sometimes 
 found  in  yellowish  tear-like  drops.  But,  though 
 galbanum  itself  is  well  known,  the  plant  which 
 yields  it  has  not  been  exactly  determined.  Sprengel 
 is  in  favour  of  the  Ferula  ferulago,  L.,  which  grows 
 in  North  Africa,  Ciete,  and  Asia  Minor.  It  was 
 for  some  time  supposed  to  be  the  product  of  thff 
 Bubon  galbanum  of  Linnaeus,  a  native  of  the  Cape 
 of  Good  Hope.  The  Opoidia  Galbanifera  has  been 
 adopted  by  the  Dublin  College  in  their  Pharmacopeia 
 as  that  which  yields  the  galbanum.  But  the  ques- 
 tion remains  undecided. 
 
 Gal'eed,  the  name  given  by  Jacob  to  the  heap 
 which  he  and  Laban  made  on  Mount  Gilead  in 
 witness  of  the  covenant  then  entered  into  between 
 them  (Gen.  xxxi.  47,  48;  comp.  23,  25). 
 
 Gal'gala,  the  ordinary  equivalent  in  the  LXX. 
 for  Gilgal.  In  the  A.  V.  it  is  named  only  in 
 1  Mace.  ix.  2,  and  may  there  denote  either  the 
 uppei-  Gilgal  near  Bethel,  or  the  lower  one  near 
 Jericho. 
 
 Gal'ilee.  This  name,  which  in  the  Roman  age 
 was  applied  to  a  large  province,  seems  to  have  been 
 0)-iginally  confined  to  a  little  "circuit"  of  country 
 round  Kedesh-Naphtali,  in  which  were  situated  the 
 twenty  towns  given  by  Solomon  to  Hiram,  king  of 
 Tyro,  as  payment  for  his  work  in  conveying  timber 
 fiom  Lebanon  to  Jerusalem  (,Tosh.  xx.  7 ;  1  K.  ix. 
 11).  They  were  then,  or  subsequently,  occupied 
 by  strangers,  and  for  tliis  reason  Isaiah  gives  to  the 
 district  the  name  "  Galilee  of  the  Gentiles  "  (Is.  ix. 
 1).  It  is  probable  that  the  strangers  increa.sed  in 
 number,  and  beaime  during  the  captivity  the  great 
 body  of  the  inhabitants  ;  extending  themselves  also 
 over  the  surrounding  country,  they  gave  to  their 
 new  territories  the  old  name,  until  at  length  Galilee 
 became  one  of  the  largest  provinces  of  Palestine. 
 In  the  Maccabean  period  Galilee  contained  only  a 
 few  Jews  living  in  the  midst  of  a  large  heathen 
 population  (1  Mace.  v.  20-23).  In  the  time  of  our 
 Loi-d  all  Palestine  was  divided  into  three  provinces, 
 Judaea,  Samaria,  and  Galilee  (Acts  ix.  31  ;  Luke 
 xvii.  11  ;  Joseph.  B.  J.  iii.  3).  The  latter  included 
 the  whole  northern  section  of  the  country,  including 
 the  ancient  territories  of  Issachar,  Zebulun,  Asher, 
 and  Naphtali.  On  the  west  it  was  bounded  by  the 
 territory  of  Ptolemais,  which  probably  included 
 the  whole  plain  of  Akka  to  the  foot  ci  Carmel. 
 The  southern  border  ran  along  the  base  of  Carmel 
 and  of  the  hills  of  Samaria  to  Mount  Gilboa,  and 
 then  descended  the  valley  of  Jezreel  by  Scythopolis 
 to  the  Jordan.  The  river  Jordan,  the  Sea  of  Galilee, 
 and  the  upper  Jordan  to  the  fountain  at  Dan,  formed 
 the  eastern  border ;  and  the  northern  ran  from  Dan 
 westward  across  the  mountain  ridge  till  it  touched 
 the  territory  of  the  Phoenicians.  Galilee  was  divided 
 into  two  sections,  "  Lower"  and  "  Upper."    Lower 
 
278  GALILEE,  SEA  OF 
 
 Galilee  included  the  gi-eat  plain  of  Ksdraelon  with 
 its  offshoots,  which  run  down  to  the  Jordan  and 
 the  Lake  of  Tiberias;  and  the  whole  of  tlie  hill- 
 :ountry  adjoining  it  on  the  north  to  the  foot  of 
 the  mountain-ran£je.  It  extended  as  far  as  the 
 Tillage  of  Ginea,  the  modern  Jenin,  on  the  extieme 
 southern  side  of  the  plain,  and  included  the  whole 
 region  from  the  plain  of  Akka,  on  the  west,  to 
 tlie  shores  of  the  lake  on  the  east.  It  was  thus 
 line  of  the  richest  and  most  heautiful  sections  of 
 Palestine.  Tlie  chief  towns  of  Lower  Galilee  were 
 'I'iberias,  Tarichaea,  at  the  southern  end  of  the  "Sea 
 of  Galilee,  and  Sepphoris.  The  towns  most  cele- 
 brated in  N.  T.  history  are  Nazareth,  Cana,  and 
 Tibprias  (Luke  i.  20;  John  ii.  1,  vi.  1).  Upper 
 Galilee  embraced  the  whole  mountain-range  lying 
 between  the  upper  Jordan  and  Phoenicia.  Its 
 southern  border  ran  along  the  foot  of  the  Safed 
 range  from  the  north-west  angle  of  the  Sea  of 
 Galilee  to  the  plain  of  Akka.  To  this  region  the 
 name  "Galilee  of  the  Gentiles"  is  given    in  the 
 
 0.  and  N.  T.  (Is.  ix.  1 ;  Matt.  iv.  1.')).  Tlie  town 
 of  Cajiernaum,  on  the  north  shore  of  the  lake,  was 
 iu  upper  Galilee.  Galilee  was  the  scene  of  the 
 greater  part  of  our  Lord's  private  life  and  public 
 acts.  His  early  years  were  spent  at  Nazareth  ;  and 
 when  He  entered  on  His  great  work  He  made 
 Capernaum  His  home  (Matt.  iv.  13,  ix.  1).  It  is 
 a  remarkable  fact  that  tiie  first  three  Gospels  are 
 chiefly  taken  up  with  our  Lord's  ministrations  in 
 this  province,  while  the  Gospel  of  John  dwells  more 
 upon  those  in  Judaea.  The  nature  of  our  Lord's 
 parables  and  illustrations  was  greatly  influenced  by 
 the  peculiar  features  aiul  products  of  the  country. 
 The  Apostles  were  all  either  Galileans  by  birth  or 
 residence  (Acts  i.  11).  Atter  the  destruction  of 
 Jerusalem,  Galilee  became  the  chief  seat  of  Jewish 
 schools  of  learning,  and  the  residence  of  their  most 
 celebrated  Itabbins. 
 
 Galilee,  Sea  of.     [Gunnksahi;™.] 
 Gall,   the    representative    in   the    A.  X.   of  the 
 Hebrew    words    laereidh,    or    mcrordh,    and   rosk. 
 
 1.  Mererdh  or  merordh  denotes  etymological ly 
 "that  which  is  bitter;"  see  Job  xiii.  2(3, '•  thou 
 writest  bitter  things  against  me."  Hence  the  term 
 is  applied  to  the  "  bile"  or  "  gall "  from  its  intense 
 bitterness  (Job  xvi.  13,  xx.  2.5);  it  is  also  used 
 of  the  "  poison  "  of  serpents  (Job  xx.  14),  which 
 the   ancients    eiToneously    believed   was  their  gall. 
 
 2.  liosh,  generally  translated  "  gall "  by  the  A.  V., 
 is  in  Hos.  X.  4  rendered  "  hemlock:"  in  Deut.  xxxii. 
 33,  and  .lob  xx.  Kj,  runh  denotes  the  "  ])oison  "  or 
 "  venom  "  of  serpents.  From  Deut.  xxix.  18,  and 
 Lam.  iii.  19,  compared  with  Hos.  x.  4,  it  is  evident 
 that  the  Heb.  term  denotes  some  hitter,  and  perhaps 
 yxiisoiious  plant.  Other  writers  have  supposed,  and 
 with  some  reason  (from  Deut  xxxii.  .'i2  i,  that  some 
 ben-y-bearing  plant  must  bo  intended.  Gesenius 
 understands  ''  po|)[)ies."  The  capsules  of  the  Popa- 
 reraceae  may  well  give  the  name  o( ros/t  ("head  ") 
 to  the  plant  in  question,  just  as  we  speak  of  poppy 
 heads.  The  various,  species  of  this  family  sjiring 
 up  quickly  in  corn-fields,  .and  the  juice  is  extremely 
 bitter.  A  steeped  solution  of  poppy  heads  may  !« 
 "  the  water  of  gall  "  of  Jer.  viii.  14.  The  jjassagi's 
 in  the  Gospls  which  relate  the  circumstance  of  tho 
 Iloman  .soldiei-s  oliering  oui-  Lord,  jii.st  before  his 
 crucifixion,  "  vinegar  mingli'd  with  gall,"  according 
 fo  St.  Matthew  (sxvii.  34),  and  "  wine  mingled 
 with  myrrh,"  ncroiding  to  St.  Mark's  account  (xv. 
 'i'i),  require  some  considcrntion.     ♦■  Matthew,  in  hi-- 
 
 GAMES 
 
 usual  way,"  as  Hengstenberg  remarks,  "  desifoiatcs 
 the  drink  theologically:  always  kee|)ing  his  eve  on 
 the  prophecies  of  the  0.  T.,  he  speaks  of  gall  and 
 vinegar  for  the  purpose  of  rendering  tlie  fullilment 
 of  the  Psalms  more  manifest.  Mark  aga  ii  (xv.  23_j, 
 according  to  his  way,  looks  rather  at  the  outward 
 (juality  of  the  drink."  "  Gall  "  is  not  to  be  under- 
 stoixl  ii.  any  other  sense  than  as  expressing  the  bitter 
 nature  of  the  draught.  Notwithstanding  the  almost 
 concurrent  o]iinion  of  ancient  and  modern  com- 
 mentators that  the  "wine  mingled  with  myrrh" 
 was  otl'ered  to  our  Lord  as  an  anodyne,  we  cannot 
 readily  come  to  the  same  conclusion.  Had  the  sol- 
 diers intended  a  mitigation  of  suffering,  they  would 
 doubtless  have  otl'ered  a  draught  drugged  with  some 
 substance  having  narcotic  properties.  The  drink  in 
 question  was  probably  a  mere  ordinary  beverage  of 
 tlie  Romans. 
 
 (Jallery,  an  architectural  term,  describing  the 
 porticos  or  verandahs,  which  are  not  uncommon  in 
 EiLstern  houses.  It  is  doubtful,  however,  whether 
 the  Hebrew  words,  .so  translated,  have  any  reference 
 to  such  an  object.  (1.)  In  Cant.  i.  17  the  word 
 rdchit  means  "  panelling,"  or  •'  fretted  work." 
 (2.)  In  Cant.  vii.  6,  rdhU  is  applied  to  the  hair, 
 the  regularly  arranged,  flowing  locks  being  compared 
 by  the  poet  to  the  channels  of  running  water  seen 
 in  the  jiasture-grounds  of  Palestine.  (3.)  In  Ez. 
 xli.  15,  xlii.  3,  the  word  attV:  .seems  to  mean  a 
 pillar  useil  foi'  the  support  of  a  floor. 
 
 Galley.     [Ship.] 
 
 Gallim  '="  heaps,"  or  possibly  "springs"), 
 a  place  which  is  twice  mentioned  in  the  Bible : — 
 (1.)  As  the  native  place  of  the  man  to  whom 
 I^Iichal,  David's  wife,  was  given — "  Phalti  the  son 
 of  Laish,  who  was  fioin  (iallim"  (1  Sam.  xxv,  44  . 
 There  is  no  clue  to  the  situation  of  the  place. 
 ( 2.)  The  name  occurs  agam  in  the  catalogue  of  places 
 terrified  at  the  approach  of  Sennacherib  (Is.  x.  30). 
 It  was  perhaps  a  short  distance  N.  of  Jerusalem. 
 'file  name  of  Gallim  has  not  been  met  with  in 
 modern  times. 
 
 Gal'lio.  Junius  .Annaeus  Gallio,  the  Homan  pro- 
 consul of  Achaia  when  St.  Paul  was  at  Corinth, 
 A.D.  o3,  under  the  Emperor  Claudius.  He  was 
 brother  to  Lucius  Annaeus  Seneca,  the  philosopher. 
 He  is  said  to  have  been  put  to  death  by  Nero,  "  as 
 well  as  his  brother  Seneca,  but  not  at  the  same 
 time"  (Winer);  but  there  is  ajiparently  no  au- 
 thority tor  this.  Jerome  in  the  Chronicle  of  Eu- 
 sebius  s,ays  that  he  committed  suicide  in  the  year 
 (15  A.I>. 
 
 Gallows.       [PUNISIIJIICNT.] 
 
 Gam  ael,  1  Ksd.  viii.  29.     [Daxikl,  3.] 
 
 Gamaliel,  son  of  Pedahzur ;  prince  or  captain 
 of  liie  tribe  of  Manasseh  at  the  census  at  Sinai 
 'Num.  i.  10,  ii.  20,  vii.  54,  59),  and  at  stalling  on 
 the  march  through  the  wilderness  (x.  23). 
 
 Gama'liel,  a  Pharisee  and  celebiate<l  doctor  of 
 the  law,  who  gave  prudent  worldly  adviiv  in  the 
 Sanhedrim  respecting  the  treatment  of  the  followeis 
 of  .lesus  of  Nazareth  (Acts  v.  34  ff.).  We  learn 
 from  Acts  xxii.  3  that  he  was  the  preceptor  of  St. 
 Paul.  He  is  generally  identilied  with  the  very 
 celebrated  Jewish  doctor  Gamaliel.  This  Gnmaliel 
 was  son  of  Ilnbbi  Simeon,  and  giamlsnu  of  the  cele- 
 brated Hillel  ;  he  was  president  of  the  Sanhedrim 
 under  Tiberius,  Caligula,  and  Claudius,  and  \» 
 reported  to  have  dieil  eighteen  years  before  the 
 destruction  of  Jerusalem. 
 
 Games.     With    regard    to   juvenile   games,   thf 
 
GAMES 
 
 notices  are  very  few.  It  must  not,  however,  be 
 inferred  from  this  that  the  Hebrew  children  were 
 witliout  the  amusements  adapted  to  their  age.  The 
 only  recorded  sports,  however,  are  keeping  tame 
 birds  (Job  xli.  5)  and  imitating  the  proceedings  of 
 marriages  or  funei-als  (Matt.  xi.  16).  With  regard 
 to  manly  games,  tliey  were  not  much  followed  up 
 by  the  Hebrews ;  the  natuial  earnestness  of  their 
 character  and  the  influence  of  the  climate  alike  in- 
 disposed them  to  active  exertion.  The  cliief  amuse- 
 ment of  the  men  appears  to  have  consisted  in  con- 
 versation and  joking  (Jer.  xv.  17;  Prov.  xxvi.  19). 
 A  military  exercise  seems  to  be  noticed  in  2  Sam. 
 ii.  14.  In  Jerome's  day  the  usual  sport  consisted 
 in  lifting  weights  as  a  trial  of  strength,  as  also 
 practised  in  Egypt.  Dice  are  mentioned  by  the 
 Talmudists,  probably  introduced  from  Egypt.  Public 
 games  were  altogether  foreign  to  the  spirit  of  Hebrew 
 institutions:  the  great  reHgious  festivals  supplied 
 the  pleasurable  excitement  and  the  feelings  of  na- 
 tional union  which  rendered  the  games  of  (Jreece  so 
 popular,  and  at  the  same  time  inspired  the  per- 
 suasion that  such  gatherings  should  be  exclusively 
 connected  with  religious  duties.  Accordingly  the 
 erection  of  a  gi/nmasium  by  Jason  was  looked  upon 
 as  a  heatl'enish  proceeding  (1  JIacc.  i.  14;  2  Mace, 
 iv.  12-14).  The  entire  absence  of  vei'bal  or  his- 
 torical reference  to  this  subject  in  the  Gospels  shows 
 how  little  it  entei'ed  into  the  life  of  the  Jews. 
 Among  the  Greeks  the  rage  for  theatrical  exhibitions 
 was  such  that  eveiy  city  of  any  size  ]iossessed  its 
 tlieatre  and  stjidium.  At  Ejihesus  an  annual  con- 
 test was  held  in  honour  of  Diana.  It  is  probable 
 that  St.  Paul  was  present  when  these  games  wei"e 
 proceeding.  A  direct  reference  to  the  exhibitions 
 that  took  place  on  such  occasions  is  made  in  1  Cor. 
 XV.  32.  St.  Paul's  Epistles  abound  with  allusions 
 to  the  Greek  contests,  borrowed  probably  fi-om  the 
 Isthmian  games,  at  which  lie  may  well  have  been 
 present  during  his  first  visit  to  Corinth.  These 
 contests  (2  Tim.  iv.  7  ;  1  Tim.  vi.  12)  were  divided 
 into  two  classes,  the  pancratium,  consisting  of  box- 
 ing and  wrestling,  and  the  pentathlon,  consisting 
 of  leaping,  running,  quoiting,  hurling  the  spear,  and 
 wrestling.  The  competitors  (1  Cor.  ix.  25  ;  2  Tim. 
 ii.  5)  required  a  long  and  severe  course  of  previous 
 training  (1  Tim.  iv.  8),  during  which  a  particular 
 diet  was  enfoiced  (1  Cor.  ix.  25,  27).  In  the 
 Olympic  contests  these  pi'eparatory  exeicises  ex- 
 tended over  a  period  of  ten  months,  during  the  last 
 of  which  they  were  conducted  under  the  supervision 
 of  appointed  olficers.  The  contests  took  place  m 
 the  presence  of  a  vast  nmltitude  of  spectators  (Heb. 
 xii.  1 ),  the  competitors  being  the  spectacle  (1  Cor. 
 
 GARDEN 
 
 279 
 
 IV.  9  I  Heb.  X.  33).  The  games  were  ojiened  by 
 the  proclamation  of  a  herald  (1  Cor.  ix.  27),  whose 
 office  it  was  to  give  out  the  name  mid  country  ot 
 each  candidate,  and  especially  to  announce  the  name 
 of  the  victor  before  the  assembled  multitude.  The 
 judge  was  selected  ibr  his  spotless  integrity  (2  Tim. 
 iv.  8) :  his  office  was  to  decide  any  disputes  (Col. 
 iii.  15)  and  to  give  the  prize  (1  Cor.  ix.  24;  Phil, 
 iii.  14),  consisting  of  a  oown  (2  Tim.  ii.  5,  iv.  8) 
 of  leaves  of  wild  olive  at  the  Olympic  games,  and 
 of  pine,  or  at  one  period,  ivy,  at  the  Isthmian  games. 
 St.  Paul  alludes  to  two  only  out  of  tlie  five  contests, 
 boxing  and  I'unning,  most  frequently  to  the  latter. 
 In  boxing  (cf.  1  Cor.  ix.  26)  the  hands  and  arms 
 were  bound  with  the  cestus,  a  band  of  leather 
 studded  with  nails.  The  foot-race  (2  Tim.  iv.  7' 
 was  run  in  the  stadium  (1  Cor.  ix.  24),  an  oblono- 
 area,  open  at  one  end  and  rounded  in  a  semicirculai- 
 form  at  the  other,  along  the  sides  of  which  were 
 the  raised  tiers  of  seats  on  which  the  spectators  sat. 
 The  judge  was  stationed  by  the  goal  (Phil.  iii.  14), 
 which  was  clearly  visibJe  from  one  end  of  the 
 stadium  to  the  other. 
 
 Gam'madims.  This  word  occurs  only  in  Ez. 
 xxvii.  11.  A  variety  of  explanations  of  the  ttvm 
 have  been  offered.  (1.)  One  class  rendei's  it 
 "pigmies."  (2.)  A  second  treats  it  as  a  geogia- 
 phical  or  local  term.  (3.)  A  third  gives  a  more 
 general  sense  to  the  word,  "  brave  warriors."  Hitzig 
 suggests  "  deserters."  After  all,  the  rendering  in 
 the  LXX.,  "  guaid.s,"  furnishes  the  simplest  ex- 
 planation. 
 
 Ga'mul,  a  priest ;  the  leader  of  the  22nd  course 
 in  tlie  service  of  the  sanctuary  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  17). 
 
 Gar.  "Sons  of  Gar"  are  named  among  the 
 "  sons  of  the  servants  of  Solomon  "  in  1  Esd.  v.  34. 
 
 Garden,  Gardens  in  the  East,  as  the  Hebrew 
 word  indicates,  are  inclosures,  on  the  outskirts  of 
 towns,  planted  with  various  trees  and  shrubs.  From 
 the  allusions  in  the  Bible  we  learn  that  they  were 
 surrounded  by  hedges  of  thorn  (Is.  v.  5),  or  walls 
 of  stone  (Prov.  xxiv.  31).  For  further  protection 
 lodges  (Is.  i.  8  ;  Lam.  ii.  6)  or  watchtowers  (Mark 
 xii.  1)  were  built  in  them,  in  which  sat  the  keeper 
 (Job  xxvii.  18)  to  drive  away  the  wild  beasts  and 
 robbers,  as  is  the  case  to  this  day.  The  gardens  ot 
 the  Hebrews  were  planted  with  flowers  and  aromatic 
 shrubs  (Cant.  vi.  2,  iv.  16),  besides  olives,  fig-trees, 
 nuts,  or  walnuts  (Cant.  vi.  11),  pomegranates,  and 
 others  for  domestic  use  (Ex.  xxiii.  11  ;  Jer.  xxix.  5  ; 
 Am.  ix.  14).  (iardens  of  herbs,  or  kitchen-gar- 
 dens, are  mentioned  in  Deut.  xi.  10,  and  1  K.  xxi. 
 2.     Cucumbers  were  grown  in  them  (Is.  i.  8  ;  Bar. 
 
280 
 
 GARDEN 
 
 vi.  70),  and  probably  also  melons,  locks,  onions, 
 and  g.iilic,  wiiich  aw  sjiokoii  of"  (Num.  xi.  5)  as 
 the  pro<luctioiis  of  a  iioighbomiii!^  country.  The 
 rose-garilon  in  .leiiisalom,  said  to  have  ln'cn  situated 
 westward  of  the  ti>nijile  mount,  is  riMiiarkable  as 
 having  been  one  of  the  lew  gardens  which,  from 
 ••he  time  of  the  propliets,  existed  within  the  city 
 walls.  liut  of  all  the  gardens  of  Pah'stine  none  is 
 possossed  of  associations  more  sacred  and  imperish- 
 able than  the  garden  of  (iethsemano,  hrsido  the  oil- 
 pressi'S  on  the  slopes  of  Olivet.  In  addition  to  the 
 ordinary  jnoiUK'tions  of  the  coiuitry,  weare  temjited 
 to  infer  from  Is.  xvii.  10  that  in  some  gardens  care 
 Wiis  bestowed  on  the  rearing  of  exotics.  In  a  cli- 
 mate like  that  of  Palestine  the  neighboui'hood  of 
 water  was  an  ini]iortant  consideration  in  selecting 
 the  site  of  a  garden.  To  the  old  Hebrew  poets  "  a 
 well-watered  garden,"  or  "  a  tree  planted  by  the 
 waters,"  was  an  emblem  of  luxuriant  fertility  ami 
 material  prosperity  (Is.  Iviii.  11  ;  Jer.  xvii.  8,  xxxi. 
 12).  From  a  neighbouring  stream  or  cistern  weie 
 supplied  the  channels  or  conduits,  by  which  the 
 gai'dens  wei'e  intersected,  and  the  water  was  thus 
 conveyed  to  all  parts  (Ps.  i.  3 ;  Eccl.  ii.  6  ;  Ecdus. 
 xxiv.  30).  It  IS  matter  of  doubt  what  is  the  exact 
 meaning  of  the  expression  "  to  water  with  the  foot" 
 in  Deut.  xi.  10.  The  orange,  lemon,  and  mulberry 
 groves  which  lie  around  and  behind  Jafl:i  supply, 
 perhaps,  the  most  striking  peculiarities  of  oriental 
 gardens — gardens  which  Maundrell  describes  as 
 being  "a  confused  miscellany  of  trees  jumbled  to- 
 gether, without  either  posts,  walks,  arbours,  or 
 anything  of  art  or  design,  so  that  they  seem  like 
 thickets  lather  than  gardens."  The  kings  and  nobles 
 had  their  country-houses  surroun<led  by  gardens 
 (I  K.  xxi.  1 ;  2  K.  ix.  27),  and  these  were  used  on 
 festal  occasions  (Cant.  v.  I).  The  garden  of  Ahas- 
 uerus  was  in  a  court  of  the  palace  (Ksth.  i.  5),  ad- 
 joining the  banqucting-hall  (ICsfh.  vii.  7).  In  Ba- 
 bylon the  gardens  and  orchai-ds  were  inclosed  by  the 
 city  walls.  In  lar^ie  gardens  the  orchard  was  pro- 
 bably, as  in  Egypt,  the  inclosure  set  apart  for  the 
 cidtivation  of  date  and  syconiore  trees,  and  fruit- 
 trees  of  various  kinds  (t'ant.  iv.  13;  liccl.  ii.  .5). 
 'I'he  ancient  Hebrews  maile  use  of  gardens  as  places 
 of  burial  (John  xix.  41).  Manasseh  and  his  son 
 Amon  were  buried  in  the  garden  of  their  palace, 
 the  garden  of  Uzza  (2  K'.  xxi.  18,  2G).  'fhe  retire- 
 ment of  gardens  rendered  them  fiivoui'ite  places  for 
 devotion  (Matt.  xxvi.  30;  .lohn  xviii.  1  ;  cf.  Gen. 
 xxiv.  63).  In  the  degenerate  times  of  the  monaichv 
 they  were  selected  as  the  scenes  of  idolatrous  wor- 
 ship (Is.  i.  29,  Ixv.  3,  Ixvi.  17)  and  images  of  the 
 idols  were  proliably  erected  m  them.  Gardeners  are 
 alluded  to  in  Job  xxvii.  18  and  John  xx.  15.  But 
 how  far  the  art  of  gardening  was  carried  anions; 
 the  Hebrews  we  have  few  means  of  ascertaining. 
 That  tiiey  were  acquainted  with  the  process  of  graft- 
 ing isevi<tent  from  Rom.  xi.  17,  24,  as  well  as  from 
 the  minute  prohibitions  of  the  Mishna.  The  tradi- 
 tional ;.;.ai(lens  and  ])ools  of  Salomon,  supjwsed  to  be 
 alludnl  to  in  Eccl.  ii.  5,  G,  are  shown  in  the  Wndi/ 
 Urtds  (i.  c.  IlortuK\  alwut  an  hour  and  quarter  to 
 ilie  .south  of  Bethlehem  ''cf.  Jos.  Ant.  viii.  7,  §3). 
 The  "  king's  garden,"  mentioned  in  2  K.  xxv.  4  ; 
 Nell.  iii.  15  ;  Jer.  xxxix.  4,  lii.  7.  was  near  the  pool 
 ofSikKini,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tyrojioeon,  north  of 
 Bir  Eyub,  and  was  formed  by  tin-  meeting  of  file 
 valleys  of  Jehoshaphat  and  Ben  Ilinnom. 
 
 Oa'reb,  one  of  the  heroes  of  I  )ai  id's  nrmy  (2  ik\m. 
 xxiii.  38j. 
 
 GATE 
 
 Ga'reb,  the  Hill,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  .leru- 
 saleni,  named  onlv  in  Jer.  xxxi.  39. 
 
 Gar'izim,  2  ,Macc.  v.  23  ;  vi.  2.    [Geiuzim.] 
 
 Garlick  ,  .Num.  xi.  5 1.  It  is  the  Allium  Sativum 
 of  I.inn.u'us,  which  abounds  in  Egypt. 
 
 Garment     [I»i:i;s.s.] 
 
 Gar'mite,  the.  Keilah  the  Gannite,  t.  e.  the  de- 
 scendant of  Gerem,  is  mentioned  in  the  obscure  ge- 
 neaion;ical  lists  of  the  families  of  Judah  (1  Chr. 
 iv.  lit). 
 
 Garrison.  The  Hebrew  words  so  rendered  in 
 the  .\.  \'.  are  derivatives  from  the  root  iiatsab  to 
 "  ])Iace,  erect,"  which  may  be  ajiplied  to  a  variety 
 of  objects.  (1.)  Mattsah  M\A  ?(i<i/^sa6aA  undoubt- 
 edly mean  a  "garrison,'"  or  fortified  post  (1  Sam. 
 xiii.  23,  xiv.  1,  4,  12.  15;  2  Sam.  xxiii.  14). 
 (2.)  Netsib  is  also  used  for  a  "  gaiTison  "  (in  1  Chr. 
 xi.  IG),  but  elsewhere  for  a  "column"  eiei:ted  in 
 an  enemy's  country  as  a  token  of  conquest  (1  Sam. 
 xiii.  3).  (3.)  The  same  word  elsewhere  means 
 "  ofTicors  "  placed  over  a  vanquished  people  (2  Sam. 
 viii.  6,  14;  1  Chr.  xviii.  13  ;  2  Chr.  xvii.  2).  (4.) 
 M'lft.fch'ih  in  Ez.  xxvi.  11  nie;\ns  a  "  pillar." 
 
 Gash'ma.  A  variation  of  the  name  Geshem 
 (Neh.  vi.  G). 
 
 Ga'tam,  the  fourth  son  of  Eliphaz  the  son  of 
 Esau  (Gen.  xxxvi.  11 ;  1  Chr.  i.  3(j),  and  one  of  the 
 "dukes"  of  Eliphaz  (Gen.  xxxvi.  16). 
 
 Gats.  The  gates  and  gateways  of  eastern  cities 
 anciently  hel<l,  and  still  hold,  an  important  part, 
 not  only  in  the  defence  but  in  the  public  economy 
 of  the  place.  They  are  thus  sometimes  taken  as 
 representing  the  city  itself  (Gen.  xxii.  17,  xxiv. 
 6(1;  Deut.  xii.  12;  Judg.  v.  8;  Ruth  iv.  10;  Ps. 
 Ixxxvii.  2,  cxxii.  2).  Among  the  si)e(ial  purposes 
 for  which  they  were  used  may  be  mentioned — 1. 
 As  places  ot'  j)ublic  resort  'Gen.  xix.  1,  xxiii.  10, 
 x.xxiv.  20,  24;  1  Sam.  iv.  18,  &c.).  2.  Places  for 
 public  deliberation,  administration  ol'justice,  or  of  au- 
 dience for  kings  and  ruler.s,  orambassadoi-s  (Deut.  xvi. 
 18.  xxi.  19,  xxv.  7  ;  Josh.  xx.  4;  Judg.  ix.  35,  &c.). 
 .'i.  Public  markets  (2  K.  vii.  1).  In  heathen  towns 
 the  o])en  .spaces  near  the  gates  appear  to  have  been 
 sometimes  u.sed  as  places  for  sacrilii'c  f  .\i'ts  xiv.  13  ; 
 comp.  2  K.  xxiii.  8).  Regarded  therefore  as  posi- 
 tions of  great  importance  the  gates  of  cities  were 
 carefully  guarded  and  closed  at  nightfall  (Dent.  iii. 
 5;  Josh.  ii.  5,  7;  Jndg.  ix.  40,44).  They  con- 
 tained chambei-s  over  the  gateway  (2  Sam.  xviii. 
 24).  The  gateways  of  Assyrian  cities  were  arched 
 or  square-headed  entrances  in  the  wall,  sometimes 
 flank-ed  by  towers,  'fhe  doors  themselves  of  the 
 laiger  gate^  mentiniied  in  Scripture  were  two-leaved, 
 plated  with  metal,  closed  with  locks  and  fastened 
 with  met\l  bars  (Deut.  iii.  5  ;  Ps.  cvii.  16  ;  Is.  xiv. 
 1.  2).  Gates  not  def"ende<l  by  iron  were  of  course 
 liable  to  be  set  on  fire  by  an  enemy  (Judg.  ix.  52). 
 The  gateways  of  royal  palaces  and  even  of  jirivate 
 hou.ses  were  of"ten  richly  ornamented.  Sentences 
 i"rom  the  Law  were  inscribed  on  and  above  the 
 gates  (Deut.  vi.  9  ;  Is.  liv.  12 ;  Rev.  xxi.  21).  The 
 gates  of  .S)ioition's  Temple  were  very  m;ussive  and 
 costly,  bemg  overlaid  with  gold  and  carvings  ( 1  K. 
 vi.  .•;4,  35-  2  K.  xviii.  16).  Those  of  the  Holy 
 Place  were  of  olive-wood,  two-leaved,  and  overlaid 
 with  gold  ;  those  of  the  temjile  of'  tir  (I  K.  vi.  31, 
 .".2,  34  ;  Kz.  xli.  23,  24).  The  figurative  catcs  of 
 p'':irl  and  piccious  stones  ( I.s.  liv.  12;  Rev.  xxi. 
 21;  mav  be  regardinl  as  having  their  ty|ies  in  the 
 massive  stone  iloors  which  aie  f'ouni)  in  .some  of  the 
 ancient  houses  in  Syria.     These  i»rc  of  single  slab* 
 
GATE 
 
 seveial  inches  tliick,  sometimes  10  feet  high,  and 
 turn  on  stone  pivots  above.  Egyptian  floorways 
 were  often  riclily  ornamenteil.  The  parts  of  the 
 doorway  were  tiie  threshold  (Judg.  xix.  27) ;  the 
 side-posts,  the  lintel  (Ex.  xii.  7).  In  the  Temple, 
 Levites,  and  in  houses  of  the  wealthier  classes,  and 
 in  palaces,  persons  were  especially  appointed  to  keep 
 the  door  (Jer.  xxxv.  4:2  K.  xii,  9,  xxv.  18,  &c.). 
 
 GAZARA 
 
 281 
 
 l<^.-?;''i:'>?.'^,»\"-'iS-.' 
 
 ir-c-^-.l'l/: 
 
 1     i^-.-t--=.^'.«Sl';i^.>-- 
 
 •2-.r«&< 
 
 Ancient  Egj-ptian  door.   (WiUciuytju.) 
 
 Gath,  one  of  the  five  royal  cities  of  the  Philis- 
 tines (Josh.  xiii.  3  ;  1  Sam.  vi.  17);  and  the  native 
 place  of  the  giant  Goliath  (1  Sam.  xvii.  4,  23). 
 The  site  of  Gath  has  for  many  centuries  remained 
 unknown.  After  a  careful  survey  of  the  countiy, 
 and  a  minute  examination  of  the  several  passages  of 
 .Scripture  in  which  the  name  is  mentioned,  Mr. 
 Porter  came  to  the  conclusion  that  it  stood  upon 
 the  conspicuous  hill  now  called  Tell-es-Sdfieh. 
 This  hill  stands  u]ion  the  side  of  the  plain  of  Phi- 
 listia,  at  the  foot  of  the  mountains  of  Judah  ;  10 
 miles  E.  of  Ashdod,  and  about  the  same  distance 
 S.  by  E.  of  Ekron.  It  is  irregular  in  form,  and 
 about  200  ft.  high.  Gath  occupied  a  sti-ong  posi- 
 tion (2  Chr.  xi.  8)  on  the  border  of  Judah  and 
 Philistia  (1  Sam.  .\xi.  10;  1  Chr.  xi^iii.  1);  and 
 from  its  strength  and  resources,  forming  the  key  of 
 both  countries,  it  was  the  scene  of  frequent  struggles, 
 and  was  often  captui'ed  and  recaptured  (2  Chr.  xi. 
 8,  x.xvi.  6  ;  2  K.  xii.  17  ;  Am.  vi.  2).  It  was  near 
 Shocoh  and  Adullam  (2  Chr.  xi.  8),  and  appears 
 to  have  stood  on  the  way  leading  from  the  foi'mer 
 to  Ekron  ;  for  vviien  the  Philistines  fled  on  the  death 
 of  Goliath,  they  went  "by  the  way  ot  Shaaraim, 
 even  unto  Gath  and  unto  Ekron"  (1  Sam.  xvii. 
 1,  52).  All  these  notices  combine  in  pointing  to 
 Tcll-cs-Sdfieh  as  the  site  of  Gath.  The  ravages  of 
 war  to  which  Gath  was  exposed  appear  to  have  de- 
 stroyed it  at  a  comparatively  early  period,  as  it  is 
 not  mentioned  among  the  other  royal  cities  by  the 
 later  prophets  (Zeph.  ii.  4  ;  Zech.  ix.  5,  6).  It  is 
 familiar  to  the  Bible  student  as  the  scene  of  one  of 
 the  most  romantic  incidents  in  the  life  of  king 
 David  (1  Sam.  .xxi.  10-15). 
 
 Gath-he'pher,  or  Git'tah-he'pher,  a  town  on  tiie 
 border  of  the  territory  of  Zebulun,  not  far  from 
 Japhia,  now  Ydfa,  (Josh.  xix.  12,  13),  celebrated 
 as  the  native  place  of  the  prophet  Jonah  (2  K.  xiv. 
 25).  Theie  can  scarcely  be  a  doubt  that  el-Mesh- 
 had,  a  village  2  miles  E.  of  Sefurieh,  is  the  ancient 
 Gath-hepher. 
 
 Gath-rim'mon,  1.  A  city  given  out  of  the  tribe 
 of  Dan  to  the  Levites  fjosh.  xxi.  24;  1  Chr.  vi. 
 69),  situated  on  tlie  plain  of  Philistia,  apparently 
 not  far  from  Joppa  (Josh.  xix.  45).  Its  site  is  un- 
 known.— 2.  A  town  of  the  half  tribe  of  Manasseh 
 west  of  the  Jordan,  assigned  to  the  Levites  (Josh. 
 xxi.  25).  The  reading  Gath-rimmon  is  probably  an 
 error  of  the  transcribers. 
 
 Ga'za  (properly  Azzah),  one  of  the  five  chief 
 cities  of  the  Philistines.  It  is  remarkable  for  its 
 continuous  existence  and  importance  from  the  veiy 
 earliest  times.  The  secret  of  this  unbiolien  history 
 is  to  be  found  in  the  situation  of  Gaza.  It  is  the 
 last  town  in  the  S.VV.  of  Palestine,  on  the  frontier 
 towards  Egypt.  The  same  peculiarity  of  situa- 
 tion has  made  Gaza  important  in  a  military  sense. 
 Its  name  means  "  the  strong ;"  and  this  was  well 
 elucidated  in  its  siege  by  Alexander  the  Great, 
 which  lasted  five  months.  This  city  was  one  of 
 the  most  important  military  positions  in  the  wars 
 of  the  Maccabees  (1  Mace.  xi.  61,  62,  xiii.  43). 
 Some  of  the  most  important  eimpaigns  of  the 
 crusaders  took  place  in  the  neighbourhood.  The 
 Biblical  history  of  Gaza  may  be  traced  through  the 
 following  stages.  In  Gen.  x.  19  it  appears,  even 
 before  the  call  of  Abraham,  as  a  "  border  "  city  of 
 the  Canaanites.  In  the  conquest  of  Joshua  the  ter- 
 ritory of  Gaza  is  mentioned  as  one  which  he  was 
 not  able  to  subdue  (Josh.  x.  41,  xi.  22,  xiii.  3).  It 
 was  assigned  to  the  tribe  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  47), 
 and  that  tribe  did  obtain  possession  of  it  (Judg.  i. 
 18) ;  but  they  did  not  hold  it  long;  for  soon  after- 
 wards we  find  it  in  the  hands  of  the  Philistines 
 (Judg.  iii.  3,  xiii.  1,  xvi.  1,  21);  indeed  it  seems 
 to  have  been  their  capital  ;  and  apparently  con- 
 tinued through  the  times  of  Samuel,  Saul,  and  David 
 to  be  a  Philistine  city  (1  Sam.  vi.  17,  xiv.  52, 
 xxxi.  1 ;  2  Sam.  xxi.  15).  Solomon  became  mtister 
 of  "  Azzah  "  (1  K.  iv.  24).  But  in  after  times  the 
 same  trouble  with  the  Philistines  recurred  (2  Chr. 
 xxi.  16,  xxvi.  6,  xxviii.  18).  The  passage  wheie 
 Gaza  is  mentioned  in  the  N.  T.  (Acts  viii.  26)  is  full 
 of  interest.  It  is  the  account  of  the  baptism  of  the 
 Ethiopian  eunuch  on  his  return  fiom  Jei-usalem  to 
 Egypt.  The  words  "which  is  desert"  have  given 
 rise  to  much  discussion.  The  probability  is,  that 
 tliey  refer  to  the  road,  and  are  u.^ed  by  the  aiigid 
 to  inform  PiliLii',  who  was  then  in  Samaria,  on 
 what  route  he  would  find  the  eunuch.  Besides  the 
 ordinary  road  from  Jerusalem  by  Pvamleh  to  Gaza, 
 there  was  anothei',  more  favourable  for  carriages 
 (Acts  viii.  28),  further  to  the  south  through  He- 
 bron, and  thence  through  a  district  comparatively 
 without  towns  and  much  exposed  to  the  incursions 
 of  people  from  the  desert.  The  modern  Ghuzzeh  is 
 situated  jwrtly  on  an  oblong  hill  of  modeiate  height, 
 and  partly  on  the  lower  ground.  The  climate  ot 
 the  place  is  almost  tropical,  but  it  has  deep  wells 
 of  excellent  water.  There  are  a  few  palm-trees  in 
 the  town,  and  its  fruit-orchards  are  very  pro- 
 ductive. But  the  chief  feature  of  the  neighbourhood 
 is  the  wide-spread  olive-grove  to  the  N.  and  N.IC. 
 
 Gaz'ara,  a  place  frequently  mentioned  in  the 
 wars  of  the  JMaccabees,  and  of  great  importance  in 
 
282  GAZATHITES,  THE 
 
 the  opemtions  of  both  parties  (1  Mace.  ix.  o'J,  .\iii. 
 53,  xiv.  7,  H.i,  .'54,  30,  xv.  28,  xvi.  1 ;  2  Mace.  x. 
 3"J-o(5j.  There  is  every  reiison  to  believe  tliat 
 Gazara  was  tlie  same  phice  as  the  more  ancient 
 Gezkr  or  0\7a:r. 
 
 Ga'zathites,  the  (Josh.  xlji.  3),  the  inhabitants 
 
 of  (J  A /.A. 
 
 Ga'zer,  2  Sam.  v.  25;  1  Chr.  xiv.  16.  The 
 same  pi:(ce  as  (!kzek. 
 
 Gaze'ra.  1.  1  .^Iacc.  iv.  15  ;  vii.  45.  The  place 
 elsewhc'je  given  as  Gazaha. — 2.  One  of  the  "ser- 
 vants of  the  temple,"  whose  sons  returned  with 
 Zorobahel    1  Esd.  v.  31).      [Gazzasi.] 
 
 Ga'zez,  a  name  wliich  occurs  twice  in  1  Chr.  ii. 
 46  ;  (1)  as  son  of  Caleb  by  Ephah  his  concubine  ; 
 and  (2)  as  son  of  Ilaitin,  the  son  of  the  same  woman  : 
 the  second  is  pnssilily  only  a  repetition  of  the  Hist. 
 
 Ga'zites,  the,  inhabitants  of  Gaza  (Judg.  xvi.  2). 
 
 Gaz'zam.  The  Bene-Gazznm  were  among  the 
 families  of  the  Xefhinim  who  returned  from  the  caj)- 
 tivity  with  Zerubbabel  ^Ezr.  ii.  48;  Neh.  vii.  51). 
 
 Ge'ba.  1.  A  city  of  Benjamin,  with  "  suburbs," 
 allotteil  to  the  priests  (Josh.  xxi.  17  ;  1  Chr.  vi. 
 i}0).  Jt  is  named  amongst  the  first  gioup  of  the 
 Benjamite  towns,  apparently  those  lying  near  to 
 ami  along  the  north  boimdary  (.losh.  xviii.  24). 
 Heie  tJie  name  is  given  as  Gaha.  During  the 
 wars  of  the  eail'ier  part  of  the  leign  of  Saul,  Geba 
 was  held  as  a  garrison  by  the  Piiilistincs  (1  Sam. 
 xiii.  ;')),  but  they  were  ejected  by  Jonathan.  Later 
 in  the  t-ame  campaign  we  find  it  referi'ed  to  to  define 
 the  jiosition  of  the  two  rocks  which  stood  in  the  ra- 
 vine below  the  garrison  of  Mi(thmash,  in  terms  which 
 fix  (jeba  on  tlie  south  and  Jlichmash  on  the  north 
 of  tlie  lavine  (1  Sam.  xiv.  5:  the  A.  V.  has  here 
 (iibeah).  Exactly  in  accordance  with  this  is  the 
 po.-ition  of  the  modern  village  of  Jcba,  which  stands 
 picturesquely  on  the  top  of  its  steep  terraced  hill, 
 on  the  veiy  ed'^e  of  the  great  Wadi/  Suweinit,  look- 
 ing northwards  to  the  opposite  village,  whicii  also 
 retains  its  old  name  of  Muldiinns. — 2.  Tlie  Geba 
 named  in  Jud.  iii.  10,  must  be  the  jilace  of  the 
 same  name,  Jeba,  on  the  road  between  ."^am.aria  and 
 Jeniii.  aliout  three  miles  fiom  the  former. 
 
 Ge'bal,  a  pioj)er  name,  occurring  in  I's.  Ixxxiii. 
 7,  in  connexion  with  Edom  and  Rloali,  Amnion  and 
 Amalek,  tlie  I'hilistines  and  the  inhabitants  of  Tyre. 
 The  contexts  both  of  the  psalm  and  of  the  histor- 
 ical records  will  justify  our  assuming  the  (Jebal  of 
 the  Psalms  to  be  one  and  the  same  city  with  the 
 <;eljal  of  Ezekiel  (xxvii.  9),  a  maritime  town  of 
 Phoenicia,  and  not  another,  as  some  have  sujjposed, 
 in  the  district  round  about  Petra,  which  is  by  Jo- 
 sephus,  Eusebius,  and  St.  Jerome  calleil  Gebalene. 
 From  the  fact  that  its  inhabitants  are  written 
 "fiiblians"  in  the  \'ulg.,  and  "I'-iblians"  in  the 
 l.XX.,  we  may  infer  their  identity  with  the  f  I'iblites, 
 sjwken  of  in  connexion  with  Lebanon  hj  Joshua 
 (xiii.  5),  and  that  of  their  city  with  the  "  Biblus  " 
 (or  Byblus)  of  profane  literature.  It  is  called 
 Jehail  by  the  Arabs,  thus  reviving  the  old  Biblical 
 name. 
 
 Ge'ber.  1.  The  son  of  Geber  resided  in  the  fortress 
 of  li'.imoth-Gileail,  and  had  charge  of  llavoth-Jair, 
 and  the  district  of  Argob  (1  K.  iv.  13).— 2.  (ieber 
 the  son  of  I'ri  had  a  district  .south  of  the  former — 
 liie  "hind  i.f  (iilead"  (I  K.  iv.  19;. 
 
 Gebim,  a  village  north  of  Jerusjilem  (Is.  x.  31), 
 apituently  between  Anathoth  ^the  modern  Anata) 
 and  the  ridge  on  which  Nob  w«s  situated.  EU 
 /nKviycli  occupies  about  the  li'^hf  spot. 
 
 GEHENNA 
 
 Gedali'ah.  1.  Gedaliaii,  the  son  of  Ahikam 
 (Jeremiah's  protector,  Jer.  xxvi.  24"),  and  gp-andson 
 of  Shaphan  the  secretniy  of  king  Josiah.  Af'ter  the 
 destruction  of  the  Temple,  B.C.  588,  Nebuchad- 
 uezzar  clepaited  from  Judaea,  le;iving  Gedaliah  with 
 a  Chaldean  guard  (Jer.  xl.  5)  at  Mizpah,  to  govern 
 the  vine-dressers  and  husbandmen  (Jer.  Iii.  16) 
 who  were  exempted  from  captivity.  Jeremiah  joined 
 Gedaliah;  and  Mizpah  beaime  the  resort  of  Jews 
 from  vaj-ious  quarters  iJer.  xl.  G,  11).  He  was 
 murdered  by  Ishmael  two  months  after  hisappoint- 
 ment.^2.  A  I.evite,  one  of  the  six  sons  of  Jeduthun 
 who  played  the  harp  in  the  seiTice  of  Jehovah 
 (1  Chr.  XXV.  3,  9;.— 3.  A  priest  in  the  time  of  Ezra 
 (Ezr.  X.  18).— 4.  Son  of  Pashur  (Jer.  xxxviii.  Ij, 
 one  of  those  who  caused  Jeremiah  to  be  impiTsoned. 
 —5.  Gituidtather  of  Zephaniah  the  prophet  (Zeph. 
 i.  1). 
 
 Ged'dur,  1  Esd.  v.  30.     [Gahar.] 
 Ged'eon.    1.  Oneoftheancestoi-s  of  Judith  (Jud. 
 viii.  1 !. — 2.  The  Greek  form  of  the  Hebrew  name 
 Gini:ON  (Heb.  xi,  32). 
 
 Ge'der.  ThekingofGederwasoneof  the31  kings 
 who  were  overcome  by  Joshua  on  the  west  of  the 
 Jordan  (Josh.  xii.  13).  It  is  possible  that  it  may  be 
 the  same  place  as  the  Geder  named  in  1  Chr.  iv.  39. 
 Ged'erah,  a  town  of  Judah  in  the  lowland 
 country  (Josh.  xv.  36),  appaiently  in  its  eastern 
 part.  Xo  town  bearing  this  name  has  however  been 
 yet  (liscovered  in  this  hitherto  little  explored  district. 
 Ged'erathite,  the,  the  native  of  a  place  called 
 Gedcnili.  a|'p;uoiitly  in  Benjamin  (1  Chr.  xii.  4). 
 
 Ged'erite,  the,  the  native  of  some  place  named 
 Geder  or  Gcdeiah  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  28). 
 
 Ged'eroth,  a  town  in  the  low  country  of  Judah 
 (Josh.  .\v.  41  ;  2  Chr.  xxviii.  18). 
 
 Gederotha'im,  a  town  in  the  low  country  of 
 Judah  (^Josli.  XV.  36),  named  next  in  order  to  Ge- 
 derah. 
 
 Gedo'r.  1.  A  town  in  the  mountainous  part  of 
 Judah  i.losh.  xv.  58),  a  few  miles  north  of  Hebron. 
 Kobinson  discovered  a  Jcdur  half  way  between 
 liethlehem  and  Hebron,  about  two  miles  west  of 
 the  road.— 2.  The  town,  apparently  of  Benjamin, 
 to  which  "Jehoram  of  Gedor"  belongoi  (1  Chr. 
 xii.  7}.— 3.  An  ancestor  of  Saul  (1  Chr.  viii.  31; 
 ix.  37j.— 4.  The  name  occurs  twice  in  the  genea- 
 logies of  Judah  (1  Chr,  iv.  4,  18).— 6.  In  the 
 records  of  the  tribe  of  Simeon,  in  1  Chr.  iv.  39, 
 ceitain  chiefs  of  the  tribe  are  said  to  have  gone,  in 
 the  reign  of  Hezekiah,  "to  the  entrance  uf  (!edoi, 
 unto  the  east  side  of  the  valley."  If  what  is  told 
 in  ver.  42  was  a  subsequent  incident  in  the  same 
 expedition,  then  we  should  look  for  Gedor  between 
 the  south  of  Judah  and  Mount  Seir,  t.  e.  Peti-a. 
 No  place  of  the  name  has  yet  been  met  with  in  that 
 direction.     The  L.\X.  read  (ieiar  tor  Gedor. 
 
 Geha'zi,  the  servant  or  boy  of  Elisha.  He  was 
 sent  as  the  prophet's  messenger  on  two  occasions 
 to  the  good  Shunammite  (2  K.  iv,);  obtained 
 fraudulently  money  anil  garments  fiom  Naaman, 
 was  miraculously  smitten  with  incuiiible  leprosy, 
 and  was  dismissed  fiom  the  jirophet's  sen-ice  (2  K. 
 v.).  Later  in  the  history  he  is  mentioned  as  lieing 
 engaged  in  relating  to  King  Joram  all  the  gi'eat 
 things  which  Elisha  had  done  (2  K.  viii.). 
 
 Gehen'na,  the  "  valley  of  llinnom,"  or  "  of  the 
 son,"  or  "  cliildii'n  of  H."  {.\.  V.),  a  deep  narrow 
 glen  to  the  S.  of  Jerusalem,  where,  after  the  intro- 
 duction of  the  woi-ship  of  the  (ire-gods  by  Ah;iz.  the 
 idolatrous   .lews  otlci-ed   their  children  to   Molech 
 
GELILOTH 
 
 2  Chr.  xxviii.  3,  xxxiii.  6  ;  .ler.  vii,  31,  xix.  2-G). 
 It  became  in  later  times  the  iitiage  of  the  phice  of 
 everlastins;  punishment. 
 
 Gel'iloth,  a  place  named  among  the  marks  of 
 the  south  boinidaiy  line  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin 
 (Josh,  xviii.  17).  The  name  Geliloth  never  occurs 
 again  in  this  locality,  and  it  therefore  seems  pro- 
 bable that  Gilgal  is  the  right  reading. 
 
 Gemal'li,  the  fathei  of  Araraiel,  the  Danite  spy 
 (Num.  xiii.  12). 
 
 Gemari'all.  1.  Son  of  Shaphau  the  sciibe,  aud 
 father  of  Jlichaiah.  He  was  one  of  the  nobles  of 
 Judah,  and  had  a  chamber  in  the  house  of  the  Lord, 
 fiom  which  Baruch  read  Jeremiah's  alarming  pro- 
 jihecy  in  the  cars  of  all  the  people,  B.C.  606  (Jer. 
 xxxvi.).— 2.  ^on  of  Hilkiah,  was  made  the  bearer  of 
 Jeremiah's  letter  to  the  captive  Jews  (Jer.  xxix.). 
 Gems.  [Stones,  Precious.] 
 Genealogy.  In  Hebrew  the  terra  for  a  genealogy 
 or  pedigree  is  "the  book  of  the  generations;"  and 
 because  the  oldest  histories  were  usually  drawn  up 
 on  a  genealogical  basis,  the  expression  often  ex- 
 tended to  the  whole  history.  Nor  is  this  genea- 
 logical form  of  history  peculiar  to  the  Hebrews,  or 
 the  Shemitic  races.  The  earliest  Greek  histories 
 were  also  genealogies.  The  promise  of  the  land  of 
 Canaan  to  the  seed  of  Abraham,  Isaac  and  Jacob 
 successively,  and  the  separation  of  the  Isiaelites 
 from  the  Gentile  world;  the  expect<ition  of  Messiah 
 as  to  spring  from  the  tribe  of  Judah  ;  the  exclu- 
 sively hereditaiy  priesthood  of  Aaron  with  its  dig- 
 nity and  emoluments  ;  the  long  succession  of  kings 
 in  the  line  of  David  ;  and  the  whole  division  and 
 occupation  of  the  land  upon  genealogical  principles 
 by  tiie  tribes,  families,  and  houses  of  fathers,  gave 
 a  deeper  importance  to  tiie  science  of  genealogy 
 among  the  Jews  than  perhaps  any  other  nation. 
 With  Jacob,  the  founder  of  the  nation,  the  system 
 of  reckoning  by  genealogies  was  much  further  de- 
 veloped. In  Gen.  xxxv.  22-26,  we  have  a  formal 
 account  of  the  sons  of  Jacob,  the  patriarchs  of  the 
 nation,  repeated  in  Ex.  i.  1-5.  In  Gen.  xlvi.  we 
 have  an  exact  genealogical  census  of  the  house  of 
 Israel  at  the  time  of  Jacob's  going  down  to  Egypt. 
 When  the  Israelites  were  in  the  wilderness  of  Sinai, 
 their  number  was  taken  by  Divine  command  "  after 
 their  familie.?,  by  the  house  of  their  fathers."  Ac- 
 cording to  these  genealogical  divisions  they  pitched 
 their  tents,  and  marched,  aud  ofiered  their  gifts  and 
 offerings,  chose  the  spies,  and  the  whole  land  of 
 Canaan  was  parcelled  out  amongst  them.  The  tribe 
 of  Levi  was  probably  the  only  one  which  had  no 
 admixture  of  foreign  blood.  In  many  of  the  Scrip- 
 ture genealogies  it  is  quite  clear  that  birth  was  not 
 the  ground  of  their  incoi'poration  into  their  re- 
 spective tribes.  However,  birth  was,  and  continued 
 to  be  thi'oughout  their  whole  national  course,  the 
 foundation  of  all  the  Jewish  organization,  aud  the 
 reigns  of  the  more  active  and  able  kings  and  ruleis 
 were  marked  by  attention  to  genealogical  operations. 
 When  David  established  the  temple  services  on  the 
 footing  which  continued  till  the  time  of  Christ,  he 
 divided  the  priests  and  Levites  into  courses  and 
 companies,  each  under  the  family  chief.  When  He- 
 zekiah  reopened  the  temple,  and  restored  the  temple 
 sen'ices  which  had  fallen  into  disuse,  he  reckoned 
 the  whole  nation  by  genealogies.  When  Zerub- 
 babel  brought  back  the  captivity  from  Babylon, 
 one  of  his  fii-st  cares  seems  to  have  been  to  take  a 
 census  of  those  that  returned,  and  to  settle  them 
 according  to  their  genealogies.     Passing  on  to  the 
 
 GENEALOGY  OF  JESUS  CHRIST  283 
 
 time  of  the  birth  of  Christ,  we  have  a  striking  in- 
 cidental proof  of  the  continuance  of  the  Je'wish 
 genealogical  economy  in  the  f;ict  that  when  Augustus 
 ordered  the  census  of  the  empire  to  be  taken,  the 
 Jews  in  the  province  of  Syria  immediately  went 
 each  one  to  his  own  city.  Another  pioof  is  the 
 existence  of  our  Lord's  genealogy  in  two  forms  as 
 given  by  St.  Matthew  and  St.  Luke.  The  mention  of 
 Zacharias,  as  "  of  the  course  of  Abia,"  of  Elizabeth, 
 as  "  of  the  daughters  of  Aaron,"  and  of  Anna  the 
 daughter  of  Phanuel,  as  "  of  the  tribe  of  Asei,"  are 
 further  indications  of  the  same  thing.  And  this 
 conclusion  is  expressly  confirmed  by  the  testimony 
 of  Josephus.  From  ail  this  it  is  abundantly  ma- 
 nifest that  the  Jewish  genealogical  records  con- 
 tinued to  be  kept  till  near  the  destruction  of  Je- 
 rusalem. But  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the 
 registers  of  the  Jewish  tribes  and  families  pe- 
 rished at  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  and  not 
 before.  It  remains  to  be  said  that  just  notions  of 
 the  nature  of  the  Jewish  genealogical  records  are  of 
 great  importance  with  a  view  to  the  right  interpret- 
 ation of  Scripture.  Let  it  only  be  remembered 
 that  these  records  have  respect  to  political  and  ter- 
 ritonal  divisions,  as  much  as  to  strictly  genealogical 
 descent,  and  it  will  at  once  be  seen  how  erroneous 
 a  conclusion  it  may  be,  that  all  who  are  called 
 "  sons"  of  such  or  such  a  patriarch,  or  chief  father, 
 must  necessarily  be  his  very  children.  If  any  one 
 family  or  house  became  extinct,  some  other  would 
 succeed  to  its  place,  called  after  its  own  chief  father. 
 Hence  of  course  a  census  of  any  tribe  drawn  up  at 
 a  later  period,  would  exhibit  ditl'erent  divisions 
 from  one  drawn  up  at  an  earlier.  The  same  prin- 
 ciple must  be  borne  in  mind  in  interpreting  any 
 particular  genealogy.  Again,  when  a  pedigree  was 
 abbreviated,  it  would  naturally  specify  such  genera- 
 tions as  would  indicate  from  what  chief  houses  the 
 person  descended.  But  then  as  regards  the  chro- 
 nological use  of  the  Scripture  genealogies,  it  follows 
 from  the  above  view  that  great  caution  is  necessary 
 in  using  them  as  measures  of  time,  though  they  ai'e 
 invaluable  for  this  purpose  whenever  we  can  be 
 sure  that  they  are  complete.  Another  feature  in 
 the  Scripture  genealogies  which  it  is  worth  while 
 to  notice  is  the  recurrence  of  the  same  name,  or 
 modifications  of  the  same  name,  such  as  Tobias, 
 Tobit,  Nathan,  Mattatha,  and  even  of  names  of  the 
 same  signification,  in  the  same  family.  The  Jewish 
 genealogies  have  two  forms,  one  givmg  the  genera- 
 tions in  a  descending,  the  other  in  an  ascendino- 
 scale.  Examples  of  the  descending  form  may  be 
 seen  in  Huth  iv.  18-22,  or  1  Chr.  iii.  Of  the 
 ascending  1  Chr.  vi.  33-43  (A.  V.)  ;  Ezr.  vil.  1-5. 
 Females  are  named  in  genealogies  when  there  is 
 anything  remarkable  about  them,  or  when  any 
 right  or  property  is  transmitted  through  them.  See 
 Gen.  xi.  29,  xxii.  23,  xxv.  1-4,  x.\xv.  22-26;  Ex.  vi. 
 23;  Num.  xxvi.  33;  1  Chr.  ii.  4,  19,  50,  35,  &c. 
 
 Genealogy  of  Jesus  Christ.  The  New  Testa- 
 ment gives  us  the  genealogy  of  but  one  person,  that 
 of  our  Saviour.  The  following  propositions  will 
 explain  the  true  construction  of  these  genealogies  : — 
 1.  They  are  both  the  genealogies  of  Joseph,  i.e.  of 
 Jesus  Christ,  as  the  reputed  and  legal  son  of  Joseph 
 and  Mary.  2.  The  genealogy  of  St.  Matthew  is,  as 
 Grotius  most  truly  and  unhesitatingly  asserted, 
 Joseph's  genealogy  as  legal  successor  to  the  throne 
 of  David.  St.  Luke's  is  Joseph's  private  genealogy, 
 exhibiting  his  real  birth,  as  David's  son,  and  thus 
 showing  why  he  was  heir  to  Solomon's  crow  i.    The 
 
284 
 
 GENEALOGY  OF  JESUS  CHRIST 
 
 simple  piiiiciple  that  one  evangelist  exhibits  that 
 genealogy  which  contained  the  successive  hell's  to 
 David's  and  .Solomon's  thione,  while  the  othei-  ex- 
 hibits tlie  j)atenial  stem  of  him  who  was  the  heir, 
 explains  ail  tiie  iiuomalies  of  the  two  pedigrees,  their 
 agreements  as  well  as  tiieir  disciepancies,  and  tlie 
 circumstance  of  their  being  two  at  all.  3.  Marv', 
 the  mother  of  Jesus,  was  in  all  j>robability  the 
 daughter  of  Jacob,  and  first  cousin  to  Josei)h  her 
 husband.  But  besides  these  main  difficulties,  as 
 they  have  bc<'n  thought  to  be,  there  are  several 
 others  whicii  cannot  be  passed  over  in  any  account, 
 however  concise,  of  the  genealogies  of  Chi'ist.  The 
 most  startling  is  the  total  discrepancy  between  them 
 both  and  that  of  Zerubbabel  in  the  0.  T.  (1  Chr. 
 iii.  l'.)-24).  in  this  last,  of  seven  sons  of  Zerub- 
 babel not  one  bears  the  name,  or  anything  like  the 
 name,  of  lUiesa  or  Abiud  ;  and  of  the  next  genera- 
 tion not  one  bears  the  name,  or  anytlnng  like  the 
 name,  of  Eliakim  or  Joanna,  which  are  in  the  corre- 
 sponding generation  in  Matthew  and  Luke.  lihesa 
 is  in  fact  not  a  name  at  all,  but  it  is  the  Chaldce 
 title  of  the  piinces  of  the  ciiptivity.  It  is  very  ])ro- 
 bable  therefore  that  this  title  should  have  been 
 placed  against  the  name  of  Zerubbabel  by  some 
 eai'ly  Christian  Jew,  and  thence  crept  into  the  text. 
 If  this  be  so,  St.  Luke  will  then  give  Joanna  as  tlie 
 son  of  iferubbabel.  But  Joanna  is  the  ver}'  same 
 name  as  Ilananiah,  the  son  of  Zerubbabel  according 
 to  1  Chr.  iii.  19.  [Hananiah.]  In  .St.  Matthew 
 this  geneiation  is  omitted.  lu  the  next  generation 
 we  identify  Matthew's  Ab-ju<i  (Abiud)  with  Luke's 
 Juda,  and  botli  with  Hodaiah  of  1  Chr.  iii.  24,  by 
 the  simple  ])iocess  of  supposing  the  Shemaiah  of 
 1  Chr.  iii.  22  to  be  tlie  same  person  as  the  Shimei 
 of  ver.  19.  Tiie  next  dilliculty  is  the  difference  in 
 the  number  of  Lieiieiations  between  the  two  gene- 
 alogies. St.  Matthew's  division  into  three  four- 
 teens  gives  only  42,  while  St.  Luke,  from  Abraham 
 to  ('hrist  inclusive,  leckons  56,  or,  which  is  more 
 to  the  point  (since  the  generations  between  Abraham 
 and  David  are  the  same  in  both  genealogies),  while 
 St.  Matthew  reckons  28  from  David  to  Christ,  St. 
 Luke  reckons  4^,  or  42  without  Khesa.  But  the 
 genealogy  itself  supplies  the  explanation.  In  the 
 second  tessarodecade,  including  the  kings,  we  know 
 that  three  geneiations  are  omitted — Ahaziah,  Joash, 
 Aniaziali — in  onler  to  reduce  the  geneiations  from 
 17  to  14:  the  ditierence  between  these  17  and  the 
 19  of  St.  Luke  being  very  small.  So  in  like  man- 
 ner it  is  obvious  that  the  generations  have  been 
 abridged  in  the  same  way  in  the  third  division  to 
 keep  to  the  number  14.  Another  dilliculty  is  the 
 apl;arent  deficiency  in  the  number  of  the  l;tst  tessaro- 
 deaido,  which  seems  to  contain  only  li!  names  ;  but 
 the  explanation  of  this  is,  that  either  in  the  process 
 of  translation,  or  otherwise,  the  names  of  Jehoiakim 
 and  Jelioiachin  have  got  confused  and  expressed  by 
 the  one  name  Jechonias.  The  last  dilliculty  of  suf- 
 ficient imiwrtance  to  be  mentioned  here  is  a  chrono- 
 logical one.  In  both  the  genealogies  there  are  b'.it 
 three  names  between  Salmon  and  David — Boaz, 
 OI)ed,  Jesse.  But,  accoiding  to  the  common 
 ihrouology,  from  the  entriuice  into  Canaan  (when 
 .Salmon  was  come  to  man's  estate)  to  the  birth  of' 
 David  was  405  years,  or  from  that  to  500  years 
 and  iipwai\ls.  Now  for  about  .an  equal  period,  from 
 Solomon  to  Jelioiachin,  St.  Luke's  genealogy  con- 
 tains 20  names.  Obviously  therefore  either  the 
 chronology  or  tlic  gem-alogy  is  wrong.  It  must 
 suffice  here  to  as.-ert  that  the  shortening  the  in- 
 
 terval between  the  Exodus  and  David  by  about  200 
 years,  which  brines  it  to  the  length  indicated  by 
 the  genealogies,  does  in  the  most  remarkable  manner 
 bring  Israelitish  history  into  harmony  with  Egyp- 
 tian, with  the  traditional  Jewish  date  of  the  Exodus, 
 with  the  fragment  of  Edoinitish  history  preserved 
 in  Gen.  xxxvi.  31-39,  and  with  the  internal  evi- 
 dence of  the  Israelitish  history  itself.  The  follow- 
 ing pedigree  will  exhibit  the  successive  generations 
 as  given  by  the  two  Evangelists : — 
 
 Jccorditig     Adam 
 to  I 
 
 St.  Lulit.        Sell: 
 ^1 
 i:.nos 
 
 Cuinan 
 
 Malcleel 
 
 Jared 
 
 Enoch 
 
 I 
 
 Muthusala 
 
 riialec  (PcleK) 
 
 I 
 Kagau  (Reu) 
 
 I 
 Saruch  (Semgr) 
 
 Kachor 
 
 I 
 Tl.aia  (Tciah) 
 I 
 •:/i;i^     Abraham 
 MuU.  I 
 
 j.tike.    Isaac 
 I 
 Jacob 
 
 I 
 
 Juduh 
 
 I 
 
 Noah 
 
 Shcm 
 
 Arnhaxad 
 
 I 
 Cainan 
 
 HeWr 
 Pharas 
 
 Aram  (IUn>) 
 
 AniiiiHdab 
 
 I 
 
 Kuason 
 
 I 
 Salmon  =  Kaclmb 
 
 Obed 
 
 Jease 
 
 I 
 David  =  BaUislicb* 
 
 1 
 According  Solomuli 
 to  MM.  I 
 
 Uuboam 
 
 I 
 
 Alia 
 
 Asa 
 
 I 
 
 Jo^aphat 
 
 I 
 
 Jorani  (Ahuziab, 
 
 Joaali,  Amaziah) 
 
 I 
 
 Dzias 
 
 I 
 
 Joutliam 
 
 I 
 Achaz 
 
 Josias 
 
 Jechonias  (<.  e.  Je- 
 hoiakim) antl  Ilia 
 brothers  (i.e.  Jc- 
 boaliaz,  Zcdeliiah, 
 anil  Shallum) 
 
 Jeclioniaa  (i.f.  Jo- 
 hoiachin),  chUd- 
 lesa 
 
 According    Nathan 
 
 MenAn 
 
 I 
 Mclea 
 
 Joseph 
 
 I 
 Juda 
 
 I 
 .'^iiiicon 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 aiattliat 
 
 Joiira 
 
 I 
 Eliezer 
 
 Elmodam 
 
 I 
 Co.Ham 
 
 I 
 Addi 
 
 I 
 MelchI 
 
 I 
 Nrrt 
 
 I 
 
 ..  Mali,  and  luAe) 
 
 Ills  be!r  was     .     .  iialathiel 
 I 
 Zoroliabel  (the  Frinco  or  Uhc»a) 
 
 Joanna  (Ilananiah.  in  I  Chr.  iii.  11>, 
 oiniliod  by  MalUiew,  I.  13) 
 
 Juda,  or  Abiud  (IIodaial^  1  Chr.  iii.  -Ji. 
 
 Ellakiin 
 
 I 
 
 Azor 
 
 I 
 iiadoc 
 
 I 
 Achim 
 
 I 
 
 Jowpli 
 
 8cnici 
 
 I 
 
 .VInllalhiat 
 
GENERATION 
 
 GENESIS 
 
 285 
 
 Ellud 
 
 Amos 
 
 I 
 
 Mattathi^ 
 
 Janna 
 
 I 
 Me'.clii 
 
 Levi 
 
 (Ulatt.  nmi  luhn)    I 
 
 His  heir  was  .     ,  Matthaii  or  Matthat 
 
 I  {Malt,  ami  Lule-) 
 
 I  I 
 
 Marv  ~  JftoOr^'3  lieir  was      Joseph 
 
 Jesus,  called  Christ. 
 
 Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  the  whole  number  of 
 generations  from  Adam  to  Christ,  both  inclusive, 
 is  74,  without  the  second  Cainan  and  Khesa. 
 
 Generation.  \.  Abstract: — time,  eitlier definite 
 or  indeHiiite.  The  primary  moaning  of  the  Heb. 
 dor  is  revolution:  hence  period  of  time.  From 
 the  creneral  idea  of  a  period  comes  the  more  special 
 notion  of  an  age  or  generation  of  men,  the  ordin- 
 ary period  of  human  life.  In  the  long-lived  Patri- 
 archal age  a  generation  seems  to  have  been  com- 
 puted at  100  yeais  (Gen.  xv.  16;  comp.  13,  and 
 Ex.  xii.  40) ;  the  latter  reckoning,  however,  was 
 the  same  which  has  been  adopted  by  other  civilised 
 nations,  viz.  from  thirty  to  forty  yeare  (Job  xlii. 
 16).  For  generation  in  the  sense  of  a  definite 
 perioil  of  time,  see  Gen.  xv.  16  ;  Deut.  xxiii.  o,  4, 
 8,  &c.  As  an  indefinite  period  of  time  : — for  time 
 past,  see  Deut.  xxxii.7;  Is.  Iviii.  12;  for  time 
 future, see  Ps.  xlv.  17,  Ixxii.  5,  &c.  2.  Concrete: — 
 the  men  of  an  age,  or  time.  So  generation  =  cow- 
 tcinporaries  (Gen.  vi.  9;  Is.  liii.  8);  posterit;/, 
 especially  in  legal  formulae  (Lev.  iii.  17,  &c.)  ; 
 fathers,  or  ancestors  (Ps.  xlix.  19).  Dropping  the 
 iiiea  of  time,  generation  conies  to  mean  a  race,  or 
 Class  of  men.  In  A.  V.  of  N.  Test,  three  words 
 are  rendered  by  generation.  For  the  abstract 
 and  indefinite,  see  Luke  i.  50,  Eph.  iii.  21  (A.V. 
 "  ages "), /utere :  Acts  xv.  21  (A.  V.  "of  old 
 time"),  Eph.  iii.  5  (A.  V.  "ages"),  pad.  For 
 concrete,  see  I\Iatt.  xi.  16. 
 
 Genes'areth.  In  this  form  tiie  name  appears  in 
 the  edition  of  the  A.  V.  of  1611,  in  JIark  vi.  53, 
 and  Luke  v.  1 ,  following  the  spelling  of  the  Vulgate. 
 In  l\Iatt.  xiv.  34  the  A.  V.  originally  followed  the 
 Received  Greek  Text — Genesaret. 
 
 Grcn'esis,  the  first  book  of  the  Law  or  Pentateuch. 
 A.  The  book  of  Genesis  has  an  interest  and  an  im- 
 portance to  which  no  other  document  of  antiquity 
 can  pretend.  If  not  absolutely  the  oldest  book  in 
 the  world,  it  is  tne  oldest  which  lays  any  claim  to 
 being  a  trustworthy  history.  If  the  religious  books 
 of  other  nations  mal;e  any  pretensions  to  vie  with  it 
 in  antiquity,  in  ail  other  respects  they  are  immea- 
 surably inferior.  Genesis  is  neither  like  the  Vedas, 
 a  collection  of  hymns  more  or  less  sublime ;  nor 
 like  the  Zendavesta,  a  philosophic  speculation  on  the 
 origin  of  all  things;  nor  like  the  Yih-king,  an  un- 
 intelligible jumble  whose  expositors  could  twist  it 
 from  a  cosmological  essay  into  a  standard  treatise 
 on  ethical  philosophy.  It  is  a  history,  and  it  is  a 
 religious  history.  The  earlier  portion  of  the  book, 
 so  far  as  the  end  of  the  eleventh  chapter,  may  be 
 
 properly  termed  a  history  of  tiio  world ;  the  latter 
 is  a  history  of  the  flithers  of  the  Jewish  race.  But 
 from  first  to  last  it  is  a  religious  history.  It  is  verv 
 important  to  bear  in  mind  this  religious  aspect  cf 
 the  history,  if  we  would  put  ourselves  in  a  position 
 rightly  to  understand  it.  Of  course  the  facts  must 
 be  treated  like  any  other  historical  facts,  sifted  in 
 the  same  way,  and  subjected  to  the  same  laws  of 
 evidence.  But  if  we  would  judge  of  the  work  as  a 
 whole  we  must  not  forget  the  evident  aim  of  the 
 writer.  It  is  onl^'  in  this  way  we  can  understand, 
 for  instivnce,  whv  the  history  of  the  Fall  is  given 
 with  so  much  minuteness  of  detail,  whereas  of  whole 
 generations  of  men  we  have  nothing  but  a  bare  cata- 
 logue. And  onl)"  in  this  way  can  we  account  for 
 the  fact  that  by  far  the  greater  portion  of  the  book 
 is  occupied  not  with  the  fortunes  of  nations,  but 
 with  the  biographies  of  the  three  patriarchs.—-- 
 B.  Unity  and  Design. — That  a  distinct  plan  Jind 
 method  characterise  the  work  is  now  generally  ad- 
 mitted. What  then  is  the  [ilan  of  the  writer  ? 
 First,  we  must  bear  in  mind  that  Genesis  is  after 
 all  but  a  portion  of  a  larger  work.  The  five  books 
 of  the  Pentateuch  form  a  consecutive  whole  :  they 
 are  not  merely  a  collection  of  ancient  fragments 
 loosely  strung  together,  but  a  well-digested  and  con- 
 nected composition.  The  great  subject  of  this  his- 
 tory is  the  establishment  of  the  Theocracy.  Its 
 central  point  is  the  giving  of  the  Law  on  Sinai, 
 and  the  solemn  covenant  there  ratified,  whereby 
 the  Jewish  nation  was  constituted  "  a  kingdom  of 
 priests  and  a  holy  nation  to  Jehovah."  The  book 
 of  Genesis  (with  the  first  chapters  of  Exodus)  de- 
 scribes the  steps  which  led  to  the  establishment  of 
 the  Theocracy.  It  is  a  part  of  the  writer's  plan  to 
 tell  us  what  the  Divine  preparation  of  the  world 
 was,  in  order  to  show,  first,  the  signilicauce  of  the 
 call  of  Abraham,  and  next,  the  true  nature  of  the 
 Jewish  theocracv.  He  begins  with  the  creation  of 
 the  world,  because  the  (lod  who  created  the  world 
 and  the  God  who  revealed  Himself  to  the  fathers  is 
 the  same  God.  The  book  of  Genesis  has  thus  a 
 character  at  once  special  and  univeisal.  It  em- 
 braces the  world;  it  speaks  of  God  as  the  (lod  of 
 the  whole  human  race.  But  as  the  introduction  to 
 Jewish  history,  it  makes  the  universal  interest  sub- 
 ordinate to  the  national.  Five  principal  persons  are 
 tlie  pillars,  so  to  spe;ik,  on  which  the  whole  super- 
 structure rests,  Adam,  Noah,  Abraham,  Isaac,  and 
 Jacob.  It  will  be  seen  that  a  specific  plan  is  pie- 
 served  throughout.  The  main  purpose  is  never 
 forgotten.  God's  relation  to  Israel  holds  the  first 
 place  in  the  writer's  mind.  It  is  this  which  it  is 
 his  object  to  convey.  The  history  of  that  chosen 
 seed,  who  were  the  heirs  of  the  promise  and  the 
 guardians  of  the  Divine  oracles,  is  the  only  history 
 which  interprets  man's  relation  to  God.  By  its 
 light  all  others  shine,  and  may  be  read  when  the 
 time  shall  come.  IMeanwhile,  as  the  different  fami- 
 lies drop  off  here  and  there  from  the  principal  stock, 
 their  course  is  briefly  indicated.  Beyond  all  doubt, 
 then,  we  may  trace  in  the  book  of  Genesis  in  its 
 present  form  a  systematic  plan.  But  does  it  follow 
 from  this  that  the  book,  as  it  at  present  stands, 
 is  the  work  of  a  single  author  ?— C.  Tntegrity. 
 — This  is  the  next  question  we  have  to  consider. 
 Granting  that  this  unity  of  design,  which  we  have 
 already  noticed,  leads  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
 Avork  must  have  been  by  the  same  hand,  are  there 
 any  reasons  for  supposing  that  the  author  availed 
 himself  in  its  composition    of  earlier  documents? 
 
286 
 
 GENESIS 
 
 aiid  if  so,  are  we  still  able  by  critituil  investigation 
 to  ascertain  where  they  have  been  introJuced  into 
 the  body  of  the  work?  1.  Now  it  is  almost  im- 
 possible to  read  the  book  of  (Genesis  with  anything 
 like  a  critiail  eye  without  beinj;  struck  with  the 
 great  peculiarities  of  style  and  language  which 
 certain  jwrtions  of  it  present.  'I'hus,  for  instance, 
 chap.  ii.  3-iii.  "24  is  quite  different  both  from  chap. 
 i.  and  fiom  chap.  iv.  Again,  chap.  .\iv.  and  (ac- 
 cording to  Jahn)  chap,  x.xiii.  «re  evidently  separate 
 documents  transplanted  in  their  original  foiin  with- 
 out correction  or  modification  into  the  existing  work. 
 In  fact  there  is  nothing  like  uniformity  of  styh'  till 
 we  come  to  the  histoi-y  of  Joseph.  2.  We  are  led 
 to  the  same  conclusion  by  the  inscriptions  which 
 are  prefi.\ed  to  certain  sections,  as  ii.  4,  v.  1,  vi.  9, 
 X.  1,  xi.  10,  27,  and  seem  to  indicate  so  many  older 
 documents.  3.  Lastly,  the  distinct  use  of  the 
 Divine  names,  Jehovah  in  some  sections,  and  Elohim 
 in  otheis,  is  characteristic  of  two  diHereiit  wvitei-s. 
 Astruc,  a  Belgian  physician,  was  the  first  who 
 broached  the  theory  that  Genesis  was  based  on  a 
 collection  of  older  documents.  Of  these  he  pro- 
 fessed to  point  out  as  many  as  twelve,  the  use  of 
 the  Divine  names,  however,  having  in  the  first  in- 
 stance suggested  the  distinction.  Subsequentlv 
 Kichhorn  adopted  this  theoiy,  so  far  as  to  admit 
 that  two  documents,  the  one  Klohistic,  and  the  othei' 
 .lehovistio,  were  the  main  sources  of  the  book, 
 though  heilid  not  altogether  exclude  otheis.  Since 
 his  time  tin;  theory  has  been  maintained,  but  vari- 
 ously modified,  by  one  class  of  critics,  whilst  an- 
 other class  has  stienuously  oiii)osed  it.  The  great 
 weight  of  piobability  lies  on  tlie  side  of  those  who 
 argue  for  the  existence  of  diti'eient  documents. 
 Here  and  there  throughout  the  b<x)k  we  meet  with 
 a  later  remaik,  intended  to  explain  or  sup])lenient 
 the  earlier  monument.  And  in  some  instances 
 there  seems  to  have  been  so  complete  a  fusion  of 
 the  two  piiiici]ial  documents,  the  i'^lohistic  and  the 
 .lehovistii;,  that  it  is  no  longer  jMissible  accurately 
 to  distinguisli  them.  Of  the  two  principal  docu- 
 ments, the  Klohistic  is  the  earlier.  Huptdd,  whose 
 analysis  is  very  caielul,  thinks  that  he  can  discover 
 traces  of  three  original  records,  an  earlier  IClohist, 
 a  Jehovist,  and  a  later  Klohist.  These  three  docu- 
 ments were,  according  to  him,  subsequently  unite<l 
 and  ari-anged  by  a  fouith  jieiTjon,  who  acted  as 
 editor  of  the  whole.— D.  Aitthenticiti/. — Luther 
 used  to  say,  "  Nihil  pulchiius  (leuesi,  nihil  utilius." 
 But  hard  critics  have  tried  all  they  can  to  mar  its 
 beauty  and  to  detract  from  its  utility.  Certain  it 
 is  that  no  book  has  met  with  moie  detcni)inod  and 
 unsparing  .assailants.  To  enumerate  and  to  reply 
 to  all  olyections  would  be  impossible.  We  will  only 
 refer  to  some  of  the  most  iinportant.  (1.)  The 
 story  of  Cre.ition,  as  given  in  the  iir.st  chapter,  has 
 been  set  aside  in  two  ways:  first  by  placing  it  on 
 tlie  sjime  level  with  other  cosmogonies  whi(;h  are  to 
 be  found  in  the  s.icred  writings  of  all  nations  ;  and 
 next,  by  as.sertiiig  that  its  stjitements  are  directly 
 contradicted  by  the  discoveries  of  modern  science. 
 Let  us  glance  at  these  two  objections,  (a.)  Now 
 when  weannjKue  the  Biblical  with  .all  other  known 
 cosmogonies,  we  are  immediately  struck  with  the 
 great  iru/nil  su|M!rioiily  of  tlie  fonner.  There  is  no 
 cjiifusion  hcic  betwixjn  the  Divine  Creator  and  Mis 
 work.  (Jod  is  befoi*  all  things,  God  creates  all 
 things  :  this  is  the  sublime  a.ssertion  of  the  Hebi«w 
 wi  iter.  Wherea.s  all  the  cosmogonies  of  the  heatlien 
 world  err  in  one  of  two  directions.      Kitiier  the> 
 
 GENESIS 
 
 are  Dualistic,  that  is,  they  regard  God  and  matter 
 as  two  eternal  co-existent  princi))les ;  or  they  are 
 Pantheistic,  i.  e.  they  confound  God  and  matter, 
 making  the  material  un:ve)-se  a  kind  of  emanation 
 from  the  great  S])irit  which  informs  the  mass. 
 (6.)  It  would  occupy  too  large  a  space  to  discuss 
 at  any  length  the  objections  which  have  been  urged 
 from  the  results  of  modern  discovery  against  the 
 literal  truth  of  this  chapter.  One  or  two  lemarks 
 of  a  general  kind  must  suffice.  It  is  argued,  for 
 instance,  that  light  could  not  have  existed  before 
 the  sun,  whereas  the  Mosaic  narrative  makes  light 
 created  on  the  first  day,  and  the  sun  on  the  fourth. 
 But  we  do  not  /mow  that  the  existing  laws  of  crea- 
 tion were  in  o]>eration  when  the  creative  fiat  was 
 first  put  forth.  And  again,  it  is  not  certiin  that 
 the  language  of  Genesis  can  only  mean  that  the  sun 
 was  created  on  the  fourth  day.  It  inay  meim  that 
 then  only  did  that  luminary  become  visible  to  our 
 planet.  With  regard  to  the  six  days,  no  reasonable 
 doubt  can  exist  that  they  ought  to  be  inteijneted 
 as  six  jieiiods,  without  defining  what  the  length  of 
 those  pei'iods  is.  No  attempt,  however,  which  lias 
 as  yet  been  made  to  identify  these  six  periods  with 
 corresponding  geological  epochs  can  be  pronounced 
 satisfactory.  What  we  ought  to  maintain  is,  that 
 no  reconciliation  is  necessary.  It  is  certain  thai 
 the  author  of  the  first  chajiter  of  (leuesis,  whether 
 Moses  or  some  one  else,  knew  nothing  of  geology 
 or  astronomy.  It  is  certain  that  he  made  use  of 
 phi'aseology  concerning  physical  tacts  in  accordimce 
 with  the  limited  range  of  information  which  he 
 possessed.  It  is  also  certain  that  the  Bible  was 
 never  intended  to  reveal  to  us  knowldlge  of  which 
 our  own  faculties,  rightly  used,  could  put  us  in 
 I)Ossession ;  and  we  have  no  business  therefore  tc 
 expect  anything  but  pojiular  language  in  the  de- 
 scription of  physical  jihenomena.  (2.)  To  the 
 description  of  Paradise,  and  the  history  of  the  Fall 
 and  of' the  Deluge  ve;y  similar  reinarks  apjily.  All 
 nations  have  their  own  version  of  these  facts.  But 
 if  there  be  any  one  original  source  of  these  tradi- 
 tions, any  root  from  which  they  diverged,  we  can- 
 not doubt  where  to  look  for  it.  The  earliest  record 
 of  these  momentous  facts  is  that  jireserved  in  the 
 Bible.  Opinions  have  differed  whether  we  ought  to 
 take  the  story  of  the  Fall  in  Gen.  iii.  to  be  a  literal 
 statement  of  facts,  or  whether  we  should  regaixl  it 
 :is  an  allegory.  But  in  the  latter  case  we  ought 
 not  to  deny  that  spiritual  truth.  Neither  should 
 we  overlook  the  very  important  bearing  which 
 this  narrative  has  on  the  whole  of  the  subsequent 
 history  of  the  world  and  of  Isniel.  The  uni- 
 vei-sality  of  the  Deluge,  it  maybe  proved,  is  quite 
 at  variance  with  the  most  certain  facts  of  geology. 
 But  then  we  are  not  liound  to  contend  for  a  uni- 
 vers;xl  deluge.  'i"he  Biblical  writer  described  it  as 
 universal,  but  that  was  only  because  it  covered  what 
 was  then  the  known  world.  (3.)  When  we  come 
 down  to  a  later  period  in  the  narrative,  where  we 
 have  the  opportunity  of  testing  the  accuracv  of  the 
 historian,  we  find  it  in  many  of  the  most  im])ortant 
 pnitUulars  abund.-mtly  corroborated.  One  of  the 
 sticiri'est  proofs  of  the  ftomi  _/iV/<r  historical  character 
 of  the  e:ulier  portion  of  Genesis  is  to  lie  found  in  the 
 valuable  ethnologic.il  catalogue  contained  in  chap.  x. 
 (4. ,  As  to  the  fact  implied  in  the  dispei'sion,  that 
 all  languages  had  one  origin,  philological  researcn 
 ha-s  not  as  yet  been  carried  far  enough  to  Icul  to  any 
 wry  ceilain  result.  The  most  that  has  been  effecU»(l 
 is  a  classification  of  languages  in  three  great  fami- 
 
GENESIS 
 
 lies.  (5.)  Anothev  fact  which  rests  on  the  autho- 
 rity of  the  earlier  chapters  of  Genesis,  the  dei  iva- 
 tiou  of  the  wliole  lumiaii  race  from  a  single  pair, 
 has  been  abundantly  coiiHrmed  by  recent  investiga- 
 tions. (6.)  It  is  quite  impossible,  as  has  already 
 been  said,  to  notice  all  the  objections  made  by  hostile 
 critics  at  every  step  as  we  advance.  But  it  may  be 
 well  to  refer  to  one  more  instance  in  which  sus- 
 picion has  been  cast  upon  the  credibility  of  the  nar- 
 rative. Three  stories  are  tbund  in  three  distinct 
 portions  of  the  Book,  which  in  their  main  features 
 no  doubt  present  a  striking  similarity  to  one  another. 
 See  xii.  10-20,  .\x.,  .\.\vi.  1-11.  These,  it  is  said, 
 are  clearly  only  tiuee  different  A-ersions  of  the  same 
 story.  There  is  a  further  ditficulty  about  the  age 
 of  Sarah  at  the  time  of  the  first  occurrence.  But 
 it  is  a  minute  criticism,  hardly  woith  answering, 
 which  tries  to  cast  suspicion  on  the  veracity  of  the 
 writer,  because  of  difficulties  such  as  these.  The 
 positive  evidence  is  overwhelmmg  in  favour  of  his 
 credibility.  Tiie  patriarchal  tent  beneath  the  shade 
 of  some  spreading  tree,  the  wealth  of  flocks  and 
 herds,  the  free  and  generous  hospitality  to  strangers, 
 the  strife  for  the  well,  the  purchase  of  the  cave  of 
 JMachpelah  for  a  burial-place — we  feel  at  once  that 
 *Jiese  are  no  inventions  of  a  later  writer  in  more 
 civilized  times.  So  again,  what  can  be  more  life- 
 like, more  touchingly  beautiful,  than  the  picture 
 of  Hagar  and  Ishmael,  the  meeting  of  Abraham's 
 servant  with  liebekah,  or  of  Jacob  with  Richel  at 
 the  well  of  Haran?  There  is  a  fidelity  in  the  mi- 
 nutest incidents  which  convinces  us  that  we  are 
 reading  history,  not  fable.  Or  can  anything  more 
 completely  transport  us  into  patriarchal  times  than 
 the  battle  of  the  kings  and  the  interview  between 
 Abraham  and  Melchisedec  ?  Passing  on  to  a  later 
 portion  of  the  Book,  we  find  the  writer  evincing  the 
 most  acciu-:<>-<;  knowledge  of  the  state  of  society  in 
 
 GENNESARET,  SEA  OF       287 
 
 Egypt.— E.  Author  and  date  of  composition. — This 
 subject  is  discussed  under  I^entateuCH. 
 
 Genne'sar,  The  Water  of,  1  JMacc  xi.  6/. 
 [Genni;sarkt.] 
 
 Gennes'aret,  Land  of.  After  the  miracle  or 
 feeding  the  five  tiiuusand,  our  Lord  and  His  dis- 
 ciples crossed  the  Lake  of  Gennesaret  and  came  to 
 the  other  side,  at  a  place  which  is  called  "  the  land 
 of  Gennesaret"  (Matt.  .\i v.  34-;  Mark  vi.  53).  it 
 is  generally  believed  that  this  term  was  applied  to 
 the  fertile  crescent-shaped  plain  on  the  western 
 shore  of  the  lake,  extending  from  Khan  Jlinyeh  on 
 the  north  to  the  steep  hill  behind  Mejdel  on  the 
 south,  and  called  by  the  Arabs  el-Glmiceir,  "the 
 little  Ghor."  Mr.  I'orter  gives  the  length  as  three 
 miles,  and  the  greatest  breadth  as  about  one  mile. 
 Additional  interest  is  given  to  the  land  of  Gen- 
 nesaret, or  el-Ghuweir,  by  the  probability  that  its 
 sceneiT  suggested  the  parable  of  the  Sower. 
 
 Gennes'aret,  Sea  of,  called  in  the  U.  T.  "  the 
 Sea  of  Chinnereth,"  or  "  Cinneroth"  (Mum.  xxxiv. 
 11 ;  Josh.  xii.  3),  from  a  town  of  that  name  which 
 stood  on  or  near  its  shore  (Josh.  xix.  o.i).  At  its 
 north-western  angle  was  a  beautiful  and  fertile  plain 
 called  "  Gennesaret"  (Matt.  xiv.  34),  from  which 
 the  name  of  the  lake  was  taken.  The  lake  is  also 
 called  in  the  N.  T.  "  the  sea  of  Galilee,"  from  the 
 piovince  of  Galilee  which  bordered  on  its  western 
 side  (Matt.  iv.  18  ;  JIark  vii.  31  ;  John  vi.  1)  ;  and 
 "  the  sea  of  Tibei'ias,"  from  the  celebrated  city 
 (John  vi.  1).  Its  modern  name  is  Balir  Tahariijeli. 
 Most  of  our  Lord's  public  life  was  spent  in  the  en- 
 virons of  the  Sea  of  Gennesaret.  Tiiis  region  was 
 then  the  most  densely  peopled  in  all  Palestine.  No 
 less  than  nine  cities  stood  on  the  very  shores  of  the 
 lake.  The  Sea  of  Gennesaret  is  of  an  oval  shape, 
 about  thirteen  geographical  miles  long,  and  six 
 broad.     The  river  Jordan  entei's  it  at  its  northern 
 
 Sea  of  jejtiiesaret  ur  Galilee. 
 
288 
 
 GSNNEUS 
 
 end,  and  passes  out  at  its  soutlieni  end.  In  faci 
 the  bed  of  the  lake  is  just  a  lower  section  of  the 
 great  Jordan  valley.  Its  most  remarkable  feature 
 is  its  deep  depression,  being  no  less  than  700  feet 
 below  the  level  of  tlie  ocean.  'I'he  scenery  is  bleak 
 and  monotonous.  The  great  depression  makes  the 
 climate  of  the  shores  almost  tropic<il.  This  is  very 
 sensibly  felt  by  the  tiaveller  in  going  dowu  from 
 the  plains  of  Cialilee.  In  summer  the  heat  is  in- 
 tense, and  even  in  early  spring  the  air  has  some- 
 thing of  an  Lgyptiau  balminess.  The  water  of  the 
 lake  is  sweet,  cool,  and  transparent;  and  as  the 
 beach  is  everywhere  jiebbly  it  h;is  a  beautiful 
 sparkling  look.  It  abounds  in  fish  now  as  in  an- 
 cient times. 
 
 Genne'us,  father  of  Apollonius  (2  Mace.  sii.  2). 
 
 Gentiles.  I.  Old  Testament. — The  Heb.  goijini 
 sigiiihed  the  nations,  the  suirounding  nations, 
 foreigners  as  opposed  to  Israel  (Neh.  v.  8).  Not- 
 withstanding tlie  disagreeable  connotation  of  the 
 term,  the  Jews  were  able  to  use  it,  even  in  the 
 plural,  in  a  purely  technical,  geographical  sense. 
 So  Gen.  .\.  5 ;  Gen.  xiv.  1  ;  Josh.  xii.  23 ;  Is.  ix.  1. 
 —II,  New  Testament. — 1.  The  Greek  tQvos'm  sing, 
 means  a  people  or  nation  (Matt.  xxiv.  7  ;  Acts  ii.  5, 
 &c.),  and  even  the  Jewish  people  (Luke  vii.  5, 
 xxiii,  2,  &c.).  It  is  only  in  the  pi.  that  it  is  used 
 tor  hejithen,  gentiles.  2.  "EWt/v,  John  vii.  \ib  ; 
 liom.  iii.  9,  The  A.  V.  is  not  consistent  in  its 
 treatment  of  this  woid  ;  sometimes  rendering  it  by 
 "Greek"  (Acts  xiv.  1,  xvii.  4;  Kom.  i.  16,  x.  \2), 
 sometimes  by  "Gentile"  (liom.  ii.  9,  10,  iii.  9; 
 1  Cor.  X.  32).  The  latter  use  of  the  word  seems  to 
 have  arisen  from  the  almost  universal  adoption  of 
 the  (irei'k  language. 
 
 Gen'iibath,  the  son  of  Hadad,  an  Edomite  of  the 
 royal  family,  by  an  Egyptian  princess,  the  sister  of 
 Tahpenes,  the  queen  of  the  Pharaoh  who  governed 
 Egypt  in  the  latter  part  of  the  reign  of  David  (1  K. 
 xi.  "JU  ;  eomp.  Hi). 
 
 Ge'on,  i.  e.  Giiiox,  one  of  the  four  rivers  of 
 Ellen  (Ecclus.  .\xiv.  27), 
 
 Ge'ra,  one  of  the  "  sons,"  «.  e.  descendants,  of 
 Benjamin,  enumerated  in  Gen.  xlvi.  21,  as  already 
 living  at  the  time  of  .Jacob's  migration  into  Egypt. 
 He  was  son  of  Bela(l  Giir.  viii.  U).  The  te.\t  of 
 this  hist  piissige  is  very  corrupt;  mid  the  diliieient 
 Geras  theie  named  seem  to  reduce  themselves  into 
 one, — the  same  as  the  son  of  Bela,  Geia,  who  is 
 named  (Judg.  iii.  15)  as  the  ancestor  of  Ehud,  and 
 in  2  Sam.  xvi.  5  as  the  ancestoi-  of  Shiniei  who 
 cursed  David,  is  probably  also  the  same  person. 
 
 Gerah.     [Wkigiits  a.nd  Mkasuri^s.] 
 
 Ge'rar,  a  very  an<-ient  city  south  of  Gaza.  It 
 occurs  chieliy  in  Genesis  (x.  19,  .\x,  1,  xxvi.  DJ); 
 also  incidentidly  in  2  Chr.  xiv.  Ki,  14.  It  must 
 have  trenched  on  the  "  south"  or  "south  country" 
 of  later  Palestine.  Fiom  a  comparison  of  xxi.  ;!2 
 with  xxvi.  23,  26,  Beersheba  would  seem  to  be  just 
 on  the  verge  of  this  territory,  :uid  i^rhajw  to  be  its 
 limit  towards  the  N.E.  For  its  southern  bouiulaiy, 
 though  very  uncei-tiiin,  none  is  moie  probable  than 
 theVVadys'EI  Ari.sh  ("River  of  Egypt")  an<l  El 
 'Ain;  south  of  which  the  neigiibouring  "wilder- 
 ness of  Paran"  (.\x.  15,  xxi.  22,  '.'A)  may  be  pw- 
 bably  reckoned  to  begin.  Williams  sjieidis  ot'  a 
 Joorf  fl  Gerar  as  now  existing,  three  hours  S.S.E. 
 of  Gaza,  and  this  may  probably  indicate  the  northern 
 limit  of  the  teriitory,  if  not  the  site  of  the  town. 
 The  valley  of  (Jerar  may  lie  almost  any  im|Kjrtant 
 *aily  within  the  limits  nuticatcd. 
 
 GERIZIM 
 
 Ger'asa.  This  name  does  not  occur  in  the  O,  T., 
 or  in  the  Iteceived  Te.xt  of  the  N.T.  I5ut  it  is 
 now  generally  admitted  that  in  Alatt,  viii,  28, 
 "  Gerasenes"  supersedes  "  Gadarenes."  Geras;i  was 
 a  celebrated  city  on  the  eastern  bordei's  of  Peraea. 
 It  is  situated  amid  the  mount;iins  of  (jilead,  20 
 miles  east  of  the  Jordan,  and  25  north  of  Phil- 
 adelphia, the  ancient  Kabbath-Ammon.  It  is  not 
 known  when  or  by  whom  Gera.sa  waa  fotindi-d.  It 
 is  first  mentioned  by  Josephus  as  having  Ix'en  cap- 
 tured by  Alexander  Jannaeus  (circ.  B.C.  85).  It  is 
 in<lebted  for  its  ai'cliitectural  splendour  to  the  age 
 and  genius  of  the  .^ntollines  (.\.D.  138-80).  TJie 
 ruins  of  Gerasa  are  by  lar  the  most  beautiful  and 
 extensive  ea.st  of  the  Jordan.  They  are  situated  on 
 both  sides  of  a  shallow  valley  that  runs  tVum  north 
 to  south  through  a  high  undulating  plain,  and  tails 
 into  the  Zurka  (the  ancient  Jabbok)  at  the  distance 
 of  about  5  miles.  The  form  of  the  city  is  an  in-e- 
 gular  squaie,  each  side  measuring  nearly  a  mile. 
 Its  modern  name  is  Jerash, 
 Ger'gesenes,  Matt.  viii.  28.  [Gadaka.] 
 Ger'gesites,  The,  Jud.  v.  16.  [Girgasiiites.] 
 Ger'izim,  a  mountain  designated  by  Moses,  in 
 conjunction  with  Jlount  Ebal,  to  be  the  scene  of  a 
 great  solemnity  upon  the  entrance  of  the  children 
 of  Isiael  into  the  promised  land.  High  j)laces  had 
 a  peculiar  charm  athiched  to  them  in  these  days  of 
 external  observance.  The  law  was  delivered  from 
 Sinai:  the  blessings  and  curses  affixed  to  the  jier- 
 ibnnance  or  r.cglect  of  it  were  dii'ected  to  be  pro- 
 nounced upon  Gerizim  and  Ebal  (Dent,  xxvii. ; 
 Josh.  viii.).  The  next  question  is,  H;»s  Closes  de- 
 fined the  localities  of  Ebal  and  Gerizim  ?  Standing 
 on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Jordan,  in  tlie  land  of 
 l\Ioab  (Deut.  i.  5),  he  asks:  "  Are  they  not  on  the 
 other  side  Jordan,  by  the  way  where  the  sun  goeth 
 down  (».  e.  at  some  distance  to  the  W.),  in  the  land 
 of  the  Canaanitcs,  which  dwell  in  the  chamjwign 
 over  against  Gilgal,  beside  the  i)lains  of  Moieh  ?  " 
 There  is  no  room  for  doubting  the  Scriptural  posi- 
 tion of  Ebal  and  Gerizim  to  have  been — where  they 
 are  now  placed — in  the  territory  of  the  tribe  of 
 Ephraim  ;  the  latter  of  them  overhanging  the  city 
 of  Shechem  or  Sicima,  as  Josephus,  following  the 
 Sc)'i]itural  naniitive,  a.xsorts.  It  is  a  far  more  im- 
 portant question  whether  Gerizim  w;is  the  mountain 
 on  which  .\braham  was  directed  to  olfer  his  sou 
 I.s.aac  (Gen.  xxii.  2,  and  sq.).  Fii-st,  tlien,  let  it  be 
 observed  that  it  is  not  the  mounti\in,  but  the  dis- 
 trict which  is  there  called  .Moriah  (of  the  same  root 
 with  Moreh:  see  Corn,  a  Lajjid.  on  (ien.  xii.  6), 
 and  that  antecedenth/  to  the  occurrence  which  took 
 j)lace  "  upon  one  of  the  mountains"  in  its  vicinity — 
 a  consideration  which  of  itself  would  naturally  point 
 to  the  locjUity,  alre<td;/  known  to  Abndiam,  as  the 
 plain  or  plains  of  Moreh,  "  the  laud  of  vision," 
 "  the  high  land;"  and  thci-efore  consistently  "the 
 land  of  adoration,"  or  "  leligious  worship."  as  it  is 
 variously  explained.  That  all  these  inleijiretationj 
 are  incomparably  more  applicable  to  the  natural 
 I'catures  of  Gerizim  and  its  neighbourhood,  thiui  to 
 the  hillock  (in  comixu-i.sou)  upon  which  Solomon 
 built  his  temple,  none  c-m  for  a  moment  doubt  who 
 have  seen  both.  The  Samarit.ins,  theix'lbre.  through 
 whom  the  tradition  of  the  true  .site  of  Gerizim  has 
 been  i)reserved.  aie  proKibly  not  wrong  when  they 
 l)oint  out  still — a.s  tliey  iiave  done  from  time  imme- 
 morial— Gerizim  .is  the  hill  upon  which  Abraliam's 
 "  faith  was  made  perfect."  Another  tradition  of 
 the  Samaritan*  is  tar  less   trustworthy:  viz.  that 
 
GERIZITES 
 
 Mount  Gevizim  was  the  spot  where  Jlclcliisedecli 
 met  Abiahani — though  there  certainly  was  a  Salem 
 or  Shalem  in  that  ueighbourhood  (Gen.  xxxiii.  18). 
 Lastly,  the  altar  which  Jacob  built  was  not  on 
 Gerizim,  as  the  Samaritans  contend,  tliouoh  pro- 
 bably about  its  base,  at  the  head  of  the  plain  be- 
 tween it  and  Ebal,  "  in  tlie  parcel  of  a  field"  which 
 that  patriarch  purchased  from  the  children  of  Hamor, 
 and  where  he  spread  his  tent  (Gen.  xxxiii.  18-'20). 
 Here  was  likewise  his  well  (John  iv.  6),  and  the 
 tomb  of  his  son  Joseph  (Josh.  xxiv.  o2),  both  of 
 which  are  still  shown.  We  now  enter  upon  the 
 second  ]ihase  in  the  history  of  Gerizim.  Accord- 
 ing to  Josephus,  a  marriage  contracted  between 
 Manasseh,  brother  of  Jaddus,  the  then  high-priest, 
 and  the  daughter  of  Smiballat  the  Cuthaean  (comp. 
 2  K.  xvii.  24),  having  created  a  great  stir  amongst 
 the  Jews,  who  had  been  strictly  forbidden  to  con- 
 tract alien  marriages  (Ezr.  ix.  2  ;  Neh.  xiii.  23), 
 Sanballat,  in  order  to  reconcile  his  son-in-law  to  this 
 unpopular  affinity,  obtained  leave  from  Alexander 
 the  G)eat  to  build  a  temple  upon  Mount  Gerizim, 
 and  to  inauguiate  a  rival  jiriesthood  and  altar  there 
 to  those  of  Jerusalem.  "  Samaria  thenceforth," 
 says  Prideaux,  "  became  the  common  refuge  and 
 asylum  of  the  lefractory  Jews."  Gerizim  is  like- 
 wise still  to  the  Samaritans  what  Jerusalem  is  to 
 the  Jews,  and  Mecca  to  the  Mahometans. 
 Ger'izites,  1  Sam.  xxvii.  8.  [Gerzites.] 
 Gerrhe'nians,  the,  named  in  2  Mace.  xiii.  24 
 only.  From  the  nature  of  the  case  the  Gerrhenians 
 must  have  been  south  of  Ptolemais.  Grotius  seems 
 to  have  been  the  first  to  suggest  that  the  town 
 Gerrhon  or  Gerrha  was  intended.  Ewald,  with 
 greater  probability,  conjectures  that  the  inhabitants 
 of  the  ancient  city  of  Gerar  are  meant. 
 
 Ger'shom.  1.  The  first-born  son  of  Closes  and 
 Zipporah  (Kx.  ii.  22,  xviii.  3).  The  name  is  ex- 
 plained in  these  passages  as="a  stranger  there," 
 in  allusion  to  Moses'  being  a  foreigner  in  Midiau — 
 '•  For  he  said,  I  have  been  a  stranger  (Ger)  in  a 
 foreign  land."  Its  true  meaning,  tiiking  it  as  a 
 Hebrew  word,  is  "  expulsion."  The  circumcision 
 of  Gershom  is  probably  related  in  Ex.  iv.  25.^ 
 2.  The  form  under  which  the  name  Gekshon — the 
 eldest  son  of  Levi — is  given  in  several  passages  of 
 Chronicles,  viz.  1  Chr.  vi.  16,  17,  20,  43,  62,  71, 
 XV.  7.^3.  The  representative  of  the  priestly  family 
 of  Phinehas,  among  those  who  accompanied  Ezra 
 ■from  Babylon  (Ezr.  viii.  2).     In  Esdras  the  name 
 
 is  ('lERSON. 
 
 Gershon,  the  eldest  of  the  thiee  sons  of  Levi, 
 born  befoie  the  descent  of  Jacob's  family  into  Egyjjt 
 ^Gen.  xlvi.  11  ;  Ex.  vi.  16).  But,  though  the  eldest- 
 born,  the  families  of  Gershon  were  outstripped  in 
 fame  by  their  younger  brethien  of  Kohath,  from 
 whom  sprang  Moses  and  the  priestly  line  of  Aaron. 
 At  the  census  in  the  wilderness  of  Sinai  the  whole 
 number  of  the  males  of  the  Bene-Geishon  was  7500 
 'Num.  iii.  22),  midway  between  the  Kohathites  and 
 the  Merarites.  The  sons  of  Gershon  had  charge  of 
 the  fabrics  of  the  Tabernacle — the  coverings,  cm- 
 tains,  hangings,  and  cords  (Num.  iii.  25,  26,  iv.  25, 
 26)  ;  for  the  transport  of  these  they  had  two  covered 
 wagons  and  four  oxen  (vii.  3,  7).  In  the  encamp- 
 ment their  station  was  behind  the  Tabernacle,  on 
 the  west  side  (Num.  iii.  23).  In  the  apportionment 
 of  the  Levitical  cities  thirteen  fell  to  the  lot  of  the 
 Gershonites.  These  were  in  the  northern  tribes — 
 two  in  Manasseh  beyond  Jordan,  four  in  Issachar, 
 four  in  Asher,  and  three  in  Naphtali. 
 
 Con.  D.  B. 
 
 GETHSEMANE  281) 
 
 Gershonites,  the,  tlie  family  descended  from 
 Gershon  or  Gershom,  the  son  of  Levi  (Num.  iii. 
 21,  23,  24,  iv.  24,  27,  x.xvi.  57;  Josh.  xxi.  33  j 
 1  Chr.  xxiii.  7;  2  Chr.  xxix.  12).  "The  Ger- 
 SHONITE,"  as  applied  to  individuals,  occurs  in  1 
 Chr.  xxvi.  21  (Laadan),  xxix.  8  fJehiei). 
 
 Ger'son,  l  Esd.  viii.  29.     [Gershom,  3.] 
 
 Ger'zites,  the,  a  tribe  who  with  the  Geshurites 
 and  the  Amalekites  occupied  the  land  between  the 
 south  of  Palestine  and  Esjypt  in  the  time  of  Saul 
 (1  Sam.  xxvii.  8).  The  name  is  not  found  in  the 
 text  of  the  A.  V.,  but  only  in  the  margin.  In  the 
 name  of  Mount  Gerizim  we  have  the  only  remaininor 
 trace  of  the  presence  of  this  old  tribe  of  Bedouins  in 
 cential  I'ale>tine. 
 
 Ge'sem,  the  Land  of,  the  Greek  form  of  the 
 Hebrew  name  GOSHEN  (Jud.  i.  9). 
 
 Ge'sham  (properly  Geshan,  as  in  A.  V.  of 
 1611),  one  of  the  sons  of  Jahdai,  in  the  genealogy 
 of  Judah  and  family  of  Caleb  (1  Chr.  ii.  47). 
 
 Ge'shem,  and  Gash'mu,  an  Arabian,  mentioned 
 in  Neh.  ii.  19,  and  vi.  1,  2,  6.  We  may  conclude 
 that  he  was  an  inhabitiuit  of  Aiabia  Petraea,  or  of 
 the  Arabian  Desert,  and  probably  the  chief  of  a 
 tiibe.  The  Arabic  name  corresponding  to  Geshem 
 cannot  easily  be  identified.  Jasim  (or  Gasini)  is 
 one  of  very  remote  antiquity,  and  Jashum  is  the 
 name  of  an  historical  tribe  of  Arabia  Proper ;  the 
 latter  may  more  probably  be  compared  with  it. 
 
 Ge'shur,  a  little  principality  in  the  north-eastern 
 corner  of  Bashan,  adioinmg  the  province  of  Argob 
 (l)eut.  iii.  14),  and  the  kingdom  of  Aram  (Syria  in 
 the  A.  v.;  2  Sam.  .\v.  8;  comp.  1  Chr.  ii.  23). 
 It  is  highly  probable  that  Geshur  was  a  section 
 of  the  wild  and  rugged  region  now  called  el-Lejah. 
 [Argob.] 
 
 Gesh'uri  and  Gesh'urites.  1.  The  inhabitants 
 of  Geshur  (Dent.  iii.  14;  Josh.  xii.  5,  xiii.  11).— 
 2.  An  ancient  tribe  wliich  dwelt  in  the  desert 
 between  Arabia  and  Philistia  (Josh.  xiii.  2  ;  1  Sam. 
 .x.\vii.  8). 
 
 Geth'er,  the  third  in  order  of  the  sons  of  Aram 
 (Gen.  X.  23).  No  satisfactory  trace  of  the  people 
 spiung  from  this  stock  has  been  found. 
 
 Gethsem'ane,  a  small  "  farm  "  (A.  V.  "  place  :'" 
 Matt.  xxvi.  36  ;  Mark  xiv.  32),  situated  aci'oss  the 
 brook  Kedron  (John  xviii.  1 ),  probably  at  the  foot 
 of  Mount  Olivet  (Luke  xxii.  39),  to  the  N.W.,  and 
 about  J  or  f  of  a  mile  English  from  the  walls  of 
 Jeiusalem.  Theie  was  a  "  garden,"  or  rather 
 orchard,  attached  to  it,  to  which  the  olive,  fig, 
 and  pomegranate  doubtless  invited  resort  by  their 
 hospitable  shade.  And  we  know  from  the  Evan- 
 gelists Luke  (xxii.  39)  and  John  (xviii.  2)  that  out 
 Lord  ofttimes  lesoited  thither  with  his  disciples. 
 The  suburbs  of  Jerusalem  abounded  with  garden.s. 
 But  Gethsemane  has  not  come  down  to  us  a>>  a 
 scene  of  mirth ;  its  inexhaustible  associations  are 
 the  ofispiing  of  a  single  event — the  Agony  of  the 
 Son  of  God  on  the  evening  preceding  His  Passion. 
 A  modern  garden,  in  whicli  aie  eight  venerable 
 olive-trees,  and  a  grotto  to  the  north,  detached  fiom 
 it,  and  in  closer  connexion  with  the  Church  of  the 
 Sepulchre  of  the  Virgin,  are  pointed  out  as  the 
 true  Gethsemane.  Against  the  contemporary 
 antiquity  of  the  olive-trees,  it  has  been  urged  that 
 Titus  cut  down  all  the  trees  round  about  Jerusalem. 
 The  probabilitv  would  seem  to  be  that  they  were 
 planted  by  Christian  hands  to  mark  the  spot: 
 unless,  like  the  sacred  olive  of  the  Acropolis,  they 
 may  have  reproduced  themselves. 
 
 U 
 
290 
 
 GEUEIi 
 
 Geuel,  son  i>t  Miulii,  tlie  (iaJite  spy  (Xuni.  xiii. 
 15). 
 
 Gez'er,  an  ancient,  city  of  Canaan,  whoso  king, 
 lioram,  or  Klam,  coiniii!;  to  the  assi>tancp  of  I-achish, 
 was  killed  with  all  his  people  by  Joshua  (Josh.  x. 
 3.i,  xii.  1-).  The  town,  howevei-,  is  not  Kiid  to 
 have  been  destioyeil.  It  foinieJ  one  of  the  land- 
 marks on  the  south  boun<lary  of  Ephraim,  between 
 the  lower  lielh-horon  and  the  Metliterranean  (xvi.  3), 
 the  western  limit  of  the  tribe  (1  Chr.  vii.  28).  It 
 was  allotted  with  its  suburbs  to  the  Kohathite 
 Levites  (Josh.  x.\i.  21;  1  Chr.  vi.  67);  but  the 
 original  inhabitant:^  were  not  dispossessed  (Judg.  i. 
 29)  ;  and  even  down  U)  the  reign  of  Solomon  the 
 Canaaiiites  were  still  dwelling  there,  and  paying 
 tribute  to  Isniel  (1  K.  ix.  16).  Kwald  takes  Gezer 
 ami  (Jeshur  to  be  the  same.  In  one  jilace  Gob  is 
 given  as  identical  with  Gezer  (1  Chr.  xx.  4 ;  comp. 
 2  Sam.  xxi.  18).  The  exact  site  of  Gezer  has  not 
 been  discovereil,  but  its  general  position  is  not 
 dillicult  to  infer.  Perhaps  the  stronge-t  claims  for 
 identity  with  Gezer  aie  put  forward  by  a  village 
 calli-d  Vasur,  4  or  5  miles  east  of  Joppa,  on  the 
 road  to  Uamleh  and  Lydd. 
 
 Gez'rites,  the.  The  word  which  the  Jewish 
 critics  have  s\ibstitute<l  in  the  margin  of  the  Bible 
 for  the  .ancient  reading,  "the  Gerizite"  (1  Sam. 
 xxvii.  8).     [Gkrzites,  the.] 
 
 Gi'ah,  a  place  named  only  in  2  Sam.  ii.  24,  to 
 designate  the  position  of  the  hill  Ammah. 
 
 Giants.  1.  They  are  first  spken  of  in  Gen.  vi. 
 4,  under  the  name  Nephilim.  The  word  is  derived 
 either  from  pdldli  or  paid  (="  marvellous"),  or, 
 as  is  generally  believetl,  from  ndplial,  either  in  the 
 sense  to  throw  down,  or  to  fall  ( =  "  fallen  angels." 
 of.  Is.  xiv.  12  ;  Luke  x.  18).  That  the  word  means 
 "  giant"  is  clear  from  Num.  xiii.  32,  33.  But  we 
 now  come  to  the  remarkable  conjectures  about  the 
 origin  of  these  Nephilim  in  Gen.  vi.  1-4.  We  aie 
 told  that  "  there  were  Nephilim  in  the  earth,"  and 
 that  alterwaiils  the  "  sons  of  God  "  mingling  with 
 the  beautiful  "  daughters  of  men  "  produced  a  race 
 of  violent  and  insolent  Gibljoriin  (A.  V.  "  mighty 
 men  ").  The  genealc^y  of  the  Nephilim,  or  at  any 
 rate  of  the  earliest  Nephilim,  is  not  recorded  in 
 Scripture,  and  the  name  itself  is  so  mysterious  that 
 we  are  lost  in  conjecture  res|>ecting  them.— 2.  The 
 sons  of  the  marriages  mentioned  in  (jen.  vi.  1-4  are 
 Ciilled  Gihhorim,  a  general  name  meaning  powerful. 
 They  were  not  nec&ssarily  giants  in  our  sense  of  the 
 word.  Yet,  a-s  was  natural,  these  powerful  chiefs 
 were  almost  universally  represented  as  men  of 
 extraordinaiy  stature.  But  who  were  the  parents 
 of  these  giants?  who  are  "the  sons  of  God"? 
 The  opinions  are  various: — (1.)  Men  of  power. 
 (2.)  Men  with  great  gifts,  "  in  the  image  of  God." 
 (3.)  Cainites  airogantly  assuming  tiie  title ;  or 
 (4.)  the  pious  Sethites  (comp.  Gen.  iv.  26).  (5.) 
 WorNhipjiers  of  false  gods.  (6.)  Devils,  such  as 
 tiie  Inciibi  and  Succubi.  (7.)  Closely  allied  to  this 
 is  the  oldest  opinion,  that  they  were  aw/els.  The 
 rare  expression  "  sons  of  God "  certainly  means 
 angels  in  .lob  xxxviii.  7,  i.  6,  ii.  1,  and  that  such 
 ig  the  me.-xning  in  (Jen.  vi.  4  also  was  the  most 
 pi-evalcnt  n|miion  both  in  the  .lewish  and  early 
 Christian  Ciiiin^h.  It  wsts  pvobablv  this  very  an- 
 cient view  which  gave  rise  to  the  spurious  Book  of 
 Knoch,  anil  the  notion  quoted  fiom  it  by  St.  Juile 
 (6),  and  alluded  to  by  St.  Peter  (2  Pet.  ii.  4  ;  comp. 
 1  Cor.  xi.  10).  Kveiy  one  will  remember  the  alUi- 
 Eions  to  the  same  intcipretation  in   Milton,  Par. 
 
 GIBEAH 
 
 liej.  ii.  179.^  The  next  laee  of  giants  which  we 
 lind  mentione<l  in  Scripture  is,  3.  TuK  UepiiaIM, 
 a  name  which  frequently  occui's,  and  in  some  i*- 
 markable  piissages.  The  earliest  mention  of  them 
 is  the  record  of  their  defejit  by  Chedorlaomer  and 
 some  alliol  kings  at  Ashteroth  Karnaim  (Gen.  xiv. 
 .5).  Kxtirjiated,  liowever,  from  the  e;tst  of  i'ales- 
 tine,  they  long  found  a  home  in  the  west  (2  Sam. 
 xxi.  18,  sq.;  1  Chr.  xx.  4).  It  is  probable  that 
 they  h.ad  possessed  districts  west  of  the  Joi-dan  in 
 early  times,  since  the  "  Valley  of  Kephaim"  (2  Sam. 
 v.  18;  1  Chr.  xi.  15;  Is.  xvii.  bj,  a  rich  valley 
 .S.W.  of  Jerusalem,  derived  its  name  from  them. 
 They  were  probably  one  of  those  aboiiginal  jieople 
 to  whose  existence  the  traditions  of  many  nations 
 testify,  and  of  whose  genealogy  the  Bible  gives  us 
 no  intbrmation.  Some  suppose  theni  to  be  Japheth- 
 ites.  In  A.  V  .  the  wonls  used  for  it  are  "  Kephaim," 
 "giants,"  and  "  the  dead."  That  it  has  the  latter 
 meaning  in  many  passages  is  certain  (Ps.  Ixxxviii. 
 10;  Prov.  ii.  18,  ix.  18,  xxi.  IG;  Is.  xxvi.  14,  19). 
 An  attentive  consideration  seems  to  leave  little  room 
 for  doubt  that  the  dead  were  called  liephaim,  from 
 some  notion  of  Sheol  (.\.  V.  "hell")  being  the 
 residence  of  the  fallen  spirits  or  buried  giants. 
 Branches  of  this  gieat  unknown  ]ienple  were  uilled 
 Kmim,  Anakim,  and  Zuzim.— 4.  Kmim,  smitten  by 
 Chedorlaomer  at  Shaveh  Kiri.athaim  CGen.  xiv.  5), 
 and  occupying  the  country  afterwards  held  by  the 
 Moabites  (Deut.  ii.  10). — 5.  Anakim.  The  im- 
 becile terror  of  the  spies  ex.aggei-ated  their  propor- 
 tions into  something  superhuman  (Num.  xiii.  28, 
 33),  and  their  name  bemme  proverbial  (Iteut.  ii. 
 10,  ix.  2).— 6.  Zuzi.M,  whose  principal  town  Wiis 
 Ham  (Gen.  xiv.  .")),  and  who  lived  between  the 
 Arnon  and  the  Jabbok,  being  a  northern  tiibe  of 
 liephaim.  No  one  hiis  yet  proved  by  experience 
 the  possibility  of  giant  races  materially  excee<ling 
 in  size  the  average  height  of  man.  Theie  is  no 
 great  Tnriation  in  the  ordinary  standanl.  The 
 general  belief  (until  very  recent  times)  in  the  exist- 
 ence of  fabulously  enormous  men  arose  from  fancied 
 giant-graves,  and  above  all  fiom  the  discovery  of 
 huge  bones,  which  were  taken  for  those  of  men,  in 
 days  when  com]);irative  anatomy  was  tniknowu. 
 On  the  other  hand,  isolated  instances  of  monstrosity 
 are  siilliciently  attested  to  prove  that  beings  like 
 Goliath  and  his  kinsmen  may  have  existed. 
 
 Gib  bar.  Bene-tiibbar,  to  the  number  of  nmety- 
 five,  returned  with  Zcrubljabel  fiom  Babylon  (lizr. 
 ii.  20). 
 
 Gib'bethon,  a  town  allotted  to  the  tribe  of  Dan 
 (Josh.  xix.  44),  and  afterwards  given  with  its 
 "  suburbs  "  to  the  Kohathite  Levites  (xxi.  23).  In 
 the  Onnmasticon  (Gabjithon)  it  is  quoted  as  a 
 small  village  callecl  Gabe,  in  the  17th  mile  from 
 Caes-ai-ea.  No  nimie  at  all  resembling  it  hius,  how- 
 ever, been  discovereil  in  that  direction. 
 
 Gib'ea.  Sheva,  "  the  lather  of  Macbonah,"  and 
 "  father  of  Gittea,"  is  mentioned  with  other  names 
 unmistakeably  those  of  pl.aces  and  not  pci-sons, 
 among  the  desi-endants  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  ii.  49, 
 comp.  42).  This  would  seem  to  point  out  Gibea. 
 On  the  other  hand  .Madmaiuiah  (ver.  49)  reisills 
 Madmenah,  a  town  named  in  connexion  with  (iibeah 
 of  Benjamin  (Is.  x.  31),  and  therefore  lying  some- 
 where north  of  Jerusalem. 
 
 Gib'eah,  a  wonl  employed  in  the  Bible  to  denote 
 a  "  hill."  I.ikp  most  wonls  of  this  kiml  it  gave  its 
 name  to  .several  towns  and  places  in  Palestiuo, 
 which  would  doubtless  be  generally  on  or  near  a 
 
GIBEAH 
 
 hill.  Tliey  avG— 1.  Giukah,  n.  city  in  the  iiicuu- 
 taiii-distiict  of  Judah,  named  with  Maon  and  the 
 southern  Carmel  (Josh.  xv.  57  ;  and  comp.  1  Chr. 
 ii.  49,  &c.).  Its  site  is  yet  to  seei<.— 2.  Gibeath. 
 This  is  enumerated  among  the  last  group  of  the 
 towns  of  Benjamin,  next  to  Jerusalem  (Josh,  xviii. 
 28).  It  is  generally  taiven  to  be  the  place  which 
 afterwards  bec;uiie  so  notorious  as  "  Gibeah-of-Ben- 
 jamin  "  or  "  of-Saul."  But  this  was  five  or  six 
 miles  north  of  Jerusalem.  The  name  being  in  the 
 "construct  state" — Giljeath  and  not  Gibeah — may 
 it  not  belong  to  the  following  name  Kirjath,  and 
 denote  the  hill  adjoining  that  town?— 3.  The  place 
 III  which  the  Ark  lemained  from  the  time  of  its 
 return  by  the  Philistines  till  its  removal  by  David 
 (2  Sam.  vi.  3,  4;  comp.  1  Sam,  vii.  1,  2).^ 
 4.  Gibeah-of-Benjamin.  This  town  does  not 
 appear  in  the  lists  of  the  cities  of  Benjamin  in  Josh, 
 xviii.  (1.)  We  first  encounter  it  in  the  tragical 
 story  of  the  Levite  and  his  concubine  (Judg.  xix., 
 XX.).  It  was  then  a  "  city,"  with  the  usual  open 
 •itieet  or  square  (Judg.  xix.  15,  17,  20),  and  con- 
 tiiining  700  "chosen  men"  (xx.  15),  probably  the 
 same  whose  skill  as  slingers  is  jireserved  in  the  next 
 verse.  In  many  particulars  (iibeah  agrees  very 
 closely  with  Tideil-el-Ful,  a  conspicuous  eminence 
 just  four  miles  north  of  Jerusalem,  to  the  right  of 
 the  road.  (2.)  We  next  meet  with  Gibeah  of  Ben- 
 jamin during  the  Pliilistine  wars  of  Saul  and  Jona- 
 than (1  Sam.  xiii.,  xiv.).  It  now  bears  its  full  title. 
 The  position  of  matters  seems  to  have  been  this : — 
 The  Philistines  were  in  possession  of  the  village  of 
 Geba,  the  present  Jeha,  on  the  south  side  of  the 
 Wady  Siiweinit.  South  of  the  Philistine  camp,  and 
 about  three  miles  in  its  rear,  was  Jonathan,  in 
 Gibea'h-of-Benjamin,  with  a  thousand  chosen  war- 
 riors (xiii.  2).  (3.)  As  "Gibeah  of  Benjamin" 
 ■his  place  is  referred  to  in  2  Sam.  xxiii.  29  (comp. 
 1  Chr.  xi.  31),  and  as  "  Gibeah"  it  is  mentioned 
 by  Hosea  (v.  8,  ix.  9,  x.  9),  but  it  does  not  again 
 appear  in  the  history.  It  is,  however,  almost  with- 
 out doubt  identical  with — 5.  Gibeah-of-Saul. 
 This  is  not  mentioned  as  Saul's  city  till  after  his 
 anoirting  (1  .Sam.  x.  26),  when  he  is  said  to  have 
 gone  "  home"  to  Gibeah.  In  the  subsequent  nar- 
 rative the  town  bears  its  full  name  (xi.  4).  The 
 name  of  Saul  has  not  been  found  in  connexion  with 
 any  place  of  modern  Palestine,  but  it  existed  as  late 
 as  the  days  of  Josephus,  and  an  allusion  of  his  has 
 fortunately  given  the  clue  to  the  identification  of 
 the  town  with  the  spot  which  now  bears  the  name 
 of  Tuleil  el-Ful.  Josephus,  describing  Titus's  march 
 fiom  Caesarea  to  Jerusalem,  gives  his  route  as 
 through  Samaria  to  Gophna,  thence  a  day's  march 
 to  a  valley  "  called  by  the  Jews  the  Valley  of 
 Thorns,  near  a  certain  village  called  Gabathsaoule, 
 distant  from  Jemsalem  about  thirty  stadia,  a.  e. 
 just  the  distance  of  Tuleil  el-Ful.  Here  he  wis 
 joined  by  a  part  of  his  army  fiom  Emmaus  (Nico- 
 polis),  v/ho  would  naturally  come  up  the  road  by 
 Beth-horon  and  Gibeon,  the  same  which  still  falls 
 into  the  northern  road  close  to  Tuleil  el-Ful.  In 
 both  these  respects  therefore  the  agreement  is  com- 
 plete, and  Gibeali  of  Benjamin  must  be  taken  as 
 identical  with  Gibeah  of  Saul.— 6.  Gibeah-in- 
 TiiK- Field,  named  only  in  Judg.  ix.  31,  as  the 
 place  to  which  one  of  the  "  highways"  led  from 
 (Jibeah-of-Benji^min.  It  is  probably  the  same  as 
 Geba.  The  "meadows  of  Gaba"  (A.  V.  Gibeah  ; 
 Judg.  XX.  33)  have  no  connexion  with  the  "  field, ' 
 the  Hebrew  words  being  entirely  different.— 7.  There 
 
 GIDDEL 
 
 291 
 
 are  several  other  names  compounded  of  Gibeah, 
 which  are  given  in  a  translated  form  in  the  A.  V., 
 probably  from  their  appearing  not  to  belong  to 
 towns. 
 
 Gib'eath,  Josh,  xviii.  28.     [Gibeah,  2.] 
 
 Gib'eathite,  the,  i.  e.  the  native  of  Gibeah  (1 
 Chr.  xii.  3). 
 
 Gib'eon,  one  of  the  four  cities  of  the  Hivites, 
 the  inhabitants  of  which  made  a  league  with  Joshua 
 (ix.  8-15),  and  thus  escaped  the  fate  of  Jericho  and 
 Ai  (comp.  xi.  19).  Gibeon  lay  within  the  territory 
 of  Benjamin  (xviii.  25),  and  with  its  "  suburbs  " 
 was  allotted  to  the  priests  (xxi.  17),  of  whom  it 
 became  afterwards  a  principal  station.  The  situa- 
 tion of  Gibeon  has  fortunately  been  recovered  with 
 as  great  certainty  as  any  ancient  site  in  Palestine. 
 The  traveller  who  pursues  the  northern  camel-road 
 from  Jerusalem,  turning  off  to  the  left  at  Tuleil 
 el-Ful  (Gibeah),  on  that  branch  of  it  which  leads 
 westward  to  Jaffa,  finds  himself,  after  crossing  one 
 or  two  stony  and  barren  ridges,  in  a  district  of  a 
 more  open  character.  The  hills  are  rounder  and 
 more  isolated  than  those  through  which  he  has  been 
 passing,  and  rise  in  well-defined  mamelons  from 
 broad  undulating  valleys  of  tolerable  extent  and 
 fertile  soil.  This  is  the  central  plateau  of  the 
 country,  the  "land  of  Benjamin  ;"  and  these  round 
 hills  are  the  Gibeahs,  Gcbas,  Gibeons,  and  liamahs, 
 whose  names  occur  so  frequently  in  the  records  of 
 this  district.  Retaining  its  ancient  name  almost 
 intact,  El-Jib  stands  on  the  northernmost  of  a 
 couple  of  these  mamelons,  just  at  the  place  where 
 the  road  to  the  sea  parts  into  two  branches,  the  one 
 by  the  lower  level  of  the  Wad;/  Suleiman,  the  other 
 by  the  heights  of  the  Beth-horons,  to  Gimzo,  Lydda, 
 and  Joppa.  The  "  wildeniess  of  Gibeon  "  (2  Sam. 
 ii.  24) — i.  e.  rather  the  waste  pasture-grounds — 
 must  have  been  to  the  east,  beyond  the  ciicle  or 
 suburb  of  cultivated  fields,  and  towards  the  neigh- 
 bouring swells,  which  bear  the  names  of  Jcdireh 
 and  Bir  Nehrjllah.  Its  distance  from  Jerusalem  bv 
 the  main  road  is  as  nearly  as  possible  6^  miles;  but 
 there  is  a  more  direct  load  reducing  it  to  5  miles. 
 
 Gib'eonites,  the,  the  people  of  Gibeon,  and  per- 
 haps also  of  the  three  cities  associated  with  Gibeon 
 (Josh.  ix.  17) — Hivites;  and  who,  on  the  discovery 
 of  the  stiatagem  by  which  they  had  obtained  the 
 protection  of  the  Israelites,  were  condemned  to  be 
 perpetual  bonflmen,  hewers  of  wood  and  draweis 
 of  water  for  the  congregation,  and  for  the  house  of 
 God  and  altar  of  Jehovah  (Josh.  ix.  23,  27).  Saul 
 appears  to  have  broken  this  covenant,  and  in  a  fit 
 of  enthusiasm  or  patriotism  to  have  killed  some 
 and  devised  a  general  massacre  of  the  rest  (2  .Sam. 
 xxi.  1,  2,  5).  This  was  expiated  many  years  after 
 by  giving  up  seven  men  of  Saul's  descendants  to 
 the  Gibeonites,  who  hung  them  or  crucified  them 
 "  before  Jehovah  " — as  a  kind  of  sacrifice — .ii 
 Gibeah,  Saul's  own  town  (4,  6,  9). 
 
 Gib'lites,  the.  The  "  land  of  the  Giblite  "  is 
 mentioned  in  (.onnexion  with  Lebanon  in  the  enu- 
 meration of  the  poi-tions  of  the  Promised  Land  re- 
 maining to  be  conquered  by  Joshua  (Josh.  xiii.  5). 
 There  is  no  leason  to  doubt  that  the  allusion  is  to 
 the  inhabitants  of  the  city  Gebal. 
 
 Giddal'ti,  one  of  tlie  sons  of  Heman,  the  king's 
 seer  ( 1  Chi-,  xxv.  4). 
 
 Gid'deL  1,  Children  of  Giddel  were  among  the 
 Nethinim  who  returned  from  the  captivity  with 
 Zeiubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  47  ;  Neh.  vii.  49j.— 2.  Bene- 
 Giddel  were  also  among  the  "servants  of  Solomon  ' 
 
 U  2 
 
292 
 
 GIDEON 
 
 GILBOA 
 
 who  iptiiriied  to  Jmlaoa  in  tlie  same  caravan  (Ezr. 
 ii.  ')'!  ;   Noll.  vii.  ."18). 
 
 Gideon,  a  Manassite,  youngest  son  of  Joash  of 
 the  Ahieziite.-i,  an  undistiniruislied  family  who  hved 
 at  0|)iirah,  a  town  jn-obably  on  the  west  of  Jordan 
 (Juili^.  vi.  !.■>),  althoiigli  its  exact  position  is  un- 
 known. He  was  tlie  fifth  recorded  Judj;e  of  Israel, 
 and  (or  many  rc;isons  tlie  greatest  of  them  all. 
 When  we  first  hear  of  him  he  was  grown  up  and 
 had  sons  (Juil<;.  vi.  11,  viii.  2u),  and  from  the 
 apostrophe  of  the  angel  (vi.  12;  we  may  conclude 
 that  he  had  alre;uly  distinguished  himself  in  war 
 at'ainst  the  roving  bands  of  nomadic  robbers  who 
 had  oppressed  Isiaei  for  seven  yeai-s,  and  whose 
 countless  multitudes  (compared  to  locusts  from 
 their  teirible  devasUitions,  vi.  o)  annually  destroyed 
 all  the  pi-oduce  of  Canaan,  e.xcept  such  as  could  be 
 concealed  in  mount:iin-fastnessL'S  (vi.  2).  It  was 
 probably  during  this  disastrous  period  that  the 
 emigration  of  Elimelech  took  place  (Ruth  i.  1,  2). 
 When  the  angel  appeared,  Gideon  was  threshing 
 wheat  with  a  flail  in  the  winepress,  to  conceal  it 
 from  the  predatory  tyrants.  His  rail  to  be  a 
 deliverer,  and  his  destruction  of  Baal's  altar,  are 
 related  in  Judg.  vi.  After  this  begins  the  second 
 act  of  Gideon's  lifij.  Clothed  by  the  Spirit  of  God 
 (Judg.  vi.  34;  comp.  1  Chr.  .xii.  18;  Luke  xxiv. 
 49),  he  blew  a  trumpet,  and  was  joined  by  Zebulun, 
 Naphtali,  and  even  the  relucUuit  Asher.  Strength- 
 ened by  a  double  sign  from  God,  he  reduced  his 
 army  of  32,000  by  the  usual  proclamation  (Deut. 
 XX.  8;  comp.  1  Jlacc,  iii.  56).  By  a  second  test 
 at  "  the  spring  of  trembling"  he  again  reduced  the 
 mimlier  of  his  followei-s  to  300  (Judg.  vii.  5,  sq.). 
 The  midnight  attack  upon  the  Midianites,  their 
 panic,  and  the  rout  and  slaughter  that  followed,  are 
 told  in  Judg.  vii.  The  memory  of  this  splendid 
 deliverance  took  deep  root  in  the  national  traditions 
 (1  Sam.  xii.  11  ;  Fs.  Ixxxiii.  11  ;  Is.  ix.  4,  x.  26  ; 
 Heb.  xi.  32).  After  this  there  w;is  a  pace  of 
 40  years,  and  we  see  Gideon  in  peaceful  possession 
 of  his  well-earned  honours,  and  surrounded  by  the 
 dignity  of  a  numerous  household  (viii.  29-31).  It 
 is  not  improbable  that,  like  Saul,  he  had  owed  a 
 part  of  his  popularity  to  his  princely  appearance 
 (Judg.  viii.  18j.  In  this  third  st;ige  of  his  lite 
 occur  alike  his  most  noble  and  his  most  questionable 
 acts,  viz.  the  rel'usal  of  the  monarchy  on  theoci-atic 
 grounds,  and  the  irregular  consecration  of  a  jewelled 
 ephod  formed  out  of  the  rich  spoils  of  Midian,  which 
 proved  to  the  Israelites  a  temptition  to  idolatry, 
 although  it  was  doubtless  intended  lor  use  in  the 
 worship  of  Jehovah. 
 
 Gid'eoni,  a  Benjamite,  father  of  Abidan  (Num. 
 1 1,  iii.  22,  vii.  60,  6,"),  x.  24). 
 
 Gi  dom,  a  ])lare  named  only  in  Judg.  xx.  45.  It 
 would  ai>pcar  to  have  been  situated  between  (iibeah 
 {Tu/cit  el-Fnl)  and  the  clitf  Kimmon ;  but  no  trace 
 of  the  name  has  yet  been  met  with. 
 
 Gier-Eagle,  an  miclean  biixi  mentioned  in  Lev. 
 xi.  18  and  Deut.  xiv.  17.  Theie  is  no  reiison  to 
 doubt  that  the  r&chdm  of  the  Heb.  Scriptures  is 
 identical  in  reality  as  in  name  with  the  rac/iam 
 of  the  A  nibs,  viz.  the  Egyptian  vulture  (^Neophron 
 pcrcnoptenis). 
 
 Gift.  'I"he  giving  and  receiving  of  presents  has 
 III  all  ages  Wen  not  only  a  more  frequent,  but  also 
 a  more  ibrmal  and  significant  proceeding  in  the 
 East  than  among  ourselves.  We  cannot  adduce  a 
 more  remarkable  proof  of  the  important  pait  which 
 preecnls  play  in  the  social  life  of  the  East  than  the 
 
 fact  that  the  Hebrew  language  possesses  no  less 
 than  lifteen  different  expressions  for  the  one  idea. 
 Many  of  these  expressions  have  specific  meanings : 
 for  instance,  mincha/i  applies  to  a  present  from  an 
 inferior  to  a  superior,  as  from  subjects  to  a  king 
 (Judg.  iii.  15 ;  1  K.  x.  25  ;  2  Chr.  xvii.  5):  maselh 
 expresses  the  convei'sc  idea  of  a  present  from  a 
 superior  to  an  inferior,  as  from  a  king  to  his  sub- 
 jects (Esth.  ii.  18).  Again,  s/iochad  is  a  gift  lor 
 the  purpose  of  escaping  punishment,  presented 
 either  to  a  judge  (Ex.  xxiii.  8;  Deut.  x.  17),  oi 
 to  a  conqueror  (2  K.  xvi.  8).  It  is  clear  that  the 
 term  "  gift "  is  frequently  used  where  we  should 
 substitute  "  tribute,"  or  "  fee."  The  tribute  of 
 subject  states  was  paid  not  in  a  fixed  sum  of  money, 
 but  in  kind,  each  nation  presenting  its  jmrticular 
 product;  and  hence  the  expression  "  to  bring  pre- 
 sents "=  to  own  submission  (Ps.  Ixviii,  29,  Ixxvi. 
 11;  Is.  xviii.  7).  Friends  brought  presents  to 
 friends  on  any  joyful  occasion  (Esth.  ix.  19,  22), 
 those  who  asked  for  information  or  advice  to  those 
 who  gave  it  (2  K.  viii.  8^,  the  neetiy  to  the  wealthy 
 from  whom  any  assist;mce  wa.s  exi>ecteil  (Gen.  xliii. 
 11;  2  K.  XV.  19,  xvi.  8y ;  on  the  occasion  of  a 
 marriage,  the  bridegroom  not  only  jxaid  the  parents 
 for  his  bride  (A.  V.  "  dowry  "),  but  also  giive  the 
 bride  cert;iin  presents  ((jen.  xxxiv.  12  ;  comp.  Gen. 
 xxiv.  22).  The  nature  of  the  jtre.sents  was  as 
 various  as  were  the  occ;isions.  The  mode  of  pre- 
 sent;ition  was  with  as  much  parade  ;is  possible. 
 The  refusid  of  a  present  was  regarded  as  a  high 
 indignity.  No  less  an  insult  was  it,  not  to  bring  a 
 present  when  the  position  of  the  p;uties  demanded 
 it  (1  Sam.  x.  27). 
 
 Gi'hon.  1.  The  second  river  of  Paradise  ((ieii. 
 ii.  );;).— 2.  A  place  near  Jerusiilem,  memorable  as 
 the  scene  of  the  anointing  and  pioclaination  of  So- 
 lomon as  king  ( 1  K.  i.  33,  38,  45).  The  IiKaility 
 of  Gihon  will  be  investigated  under  Jekusai.km. 
 
 Gilalai',  one  of  the  priests*  sons  at  the  consea-a- 
 tion  of  the  wall  of  Jerus.dem  (Neh.  xii.  36). 
 
 Gilbo'a,  a  mountain  range  on  the  e:istern  side  of 
 the  plain  of  Esdraelon,  rising  over  the  city  of  Jezreel 
 (comp.  1  Siim.  xxviii.  4  with  xxix.  1 ).  It  is  only 
 mentioiie<l  in  Scripture  in  connexion  with  one  event 
 in  Lsraelitish  history,  the  defeat  and  deiith  of  Suul 
 and  Jonath.m  by  the  Philistines  (1  Sam.  xxxi.  1  ; 
 2  Sam.  i.  6,  xxi.  12  ;  1  Chr.  x.  1,  8).  Of  the  ident- 
 ity of  Gilbon  with  the  ridge  which  stietches  cast- 
 WiU'd.  from  the  ruins  of  Jezreel,  no  doubt  c:in  be 
 
GILEAD 
 
 entertained.  The  villatre  is  now  calle'i  -felbou. 
 The  range  of  (Jlilboa  extends  in  lengtli  soirie  ten 
 miles  from  W.  to  E.  The  gieatest  lieight  is  not 
 more  than  500  or  600  teet  above  the  plain.  Their 
 modern  local  name  is  Jebel  Fukuah. 
 
 Gil'ead.  1.  A  mountainons  region  east  of  the 
 Jordan;  bounded  on  the  north  by  Bashan,  on  the 
 east  by  the  Arabian  plateau,  and  on  the  south  by 
 Moab  and  Amnion  (Gen.  xxxi.  21  ;  Deut.  iii.  12-17). 
 It  is  sometimes  called  "  Jlount  Gilead"  (Gen.  xxxi. 
 'J5),  sometimes  "  the  land  of  Gilead"  (Num.  xxxii. 
 1 ) ;  and  sometimes  simply  "  Gilead  "  (Ps.  Ix.  7  ; 
 Gen.  xxsvii.  25)  ;  but  a  comparison  of  the  several 
 passages  shows  that  they  all  mean  the  same  thing. 
 The  name  Gile;id,  as  is  usual  in  Palestine,  describes 
 the  ph3'^sical  aspect  of  the  country.  It  signifies  "  a 
 liard  rocky  region."  The  statements  in  Gen.  xxxi. 
 48,  are  not  opposed  to  this  etymology.  The  old 
 name  of  the  district  was  Gilead,  but  by  a  slight 
 change  in  the  pronunciation,  the  radical  letters 
 being  letained,  the  meaning  was  made  beautifully 
 applic^able  to  the  "  heap  of  stones  "  Jacob  and  Laban 
 Lad  built  up — •"  the  heap  of  witness."  Those  ac- 
 quainted with  the  modem  Arabs  and  their  liteiature 
 will  see  how  intensely  such  a  play  upon  the  word 
 would  be  appreciated  by  them.  The  extent  of 
 Gilead  we  can  ascertain  with  tolerable  exactness 
 from  incidental  notices  in  the  Holy  Scriptures.  The 
 Jordan  was  its  western  border  (1  Sam.  xiii.  7  ; 
 2  K.  X.  33).  A  comparison  of  a  number  of  pas- 
 sages shows  that  the  liver  Hieromax,  the  modern 
 Slieriat  el-Mandhur,  separated  it  fiom  Bashan  on 
 the  north.  On  the  east  the  mountain  range  melts 
 away  gradually  into  the  high  plateau  of  Arabia. 
 The  boundaiy  of  Gilead  is  here  not  so  clearly  de- 
 fined, but  it  may  be  regarded  as  running  along  the 
 foot  of  the  range.  The  valley  of  Heshbon  may,  in 
 all  probability,  be  the  southern  boundary  of  Gilead. 
 Gilead  thus  extended  from  the  parallel  of  the  south 
 end  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee  to  that  of  the  north  end  of 
 the  Dead  Sea — about  60  miles ;  and  its  average 
 breadth  scarcely  exceeded  20.  The  section  of  Gilead 
 lying  between  the  Jabbok  and  the  Hieromax  is  now 
 CixW^iLJcbelAjlim ;  while  that  to  the  south  of  the  Jab- 
 bok constitutes  the  modern  province  of  Belka.  One 
 of  the  most  conspicuous  peaks  in  the  mountain  range 
 still  retains  the  ancient  name,  being  called  Jebel 
 J  Wad,  "  Mount  Gilead."  The  mountains  of  Gilead 
 have  a  real  elevation  of  from  two  to  three  thousand 
 feet ;  but  their  apparent  elevation  on  the  western 
 side  is  much  greater,  owing  to  the  depression  of  the 
 Jordan  valley,  which  averages  about  lOOO  feet. 
 Their  outline  is  singularly  uniform,  resembling  a 
 massive  wall  running  along  the  horizon.  The  name 
 Galaad  occurs  several  times  in  the  history  of  the 
 Maccabees  (1  Mace.  v.  9  sq.).— 2.  Possibly  the 
 name  of  a  mountain  west  of  the  Jordan,  near  Jezieel 
 (Judg.  vii.  3).  We  are  inclined,  however,  to  agree 
 with  the  suggestion  of  Clericus  and  others,  that  the 
 true  reading  in  this  place  should  be  Gilhoa.—Z. 
 Son  of  Machir,  crrandson  of  Manasseh  (Num.  xxvi. 
 29,  30).— 4.  The  father  of  Jephthah  (Judg.  xi. 
 1,2). 
 
 Gil'eadites,  the,  Judg.  xii.  4,  5 ;  Num.  xxvi. 
 29;  Judg.  X.  3.  A  branch  of  the  tribe  of  Ma- 
 nasseh, descended  from  Gilead.  There  appears  to 
 have  been  an  old  standing  feud  betwen  them  and 
 the  Ephraimites,  who  taunted  them  with  being  de- 
 serters. See  Judg.  xii.  4,  which  may  be  rendered, 
 "  Ani.1  the  men  of  Gilead  smote  l']j)hraim,  because 
 they  siiid,  Runagates  of  Ephraim  are  ye  (Gileiid  is 
 
 GIN 
 
 293 
 
 between  Ephraim  and  JTanassch)  ;"  ihi  last  clause 
 being  added  parenthetically. 
 
 Gil'gal.  1.  The  site  of  the  first  camp  of  the 
 Israelites  on  the  west  of  the  Jordan,  the  place  at 
 which  they  passed  the  first  night  after  crossing  the 
 river,  and  where  the  twelve  stones  were  set  up 
 which  had  been  taken  from  the  bed  of  the  stream 
 (,Iosh.  iv.  19,  20,  comp.  3)  ;  where  also  they  kept 
 their  first  passover  in  the  land  of  Canaan  (v.  lu). 
 It  was  in  the  "end  of  the  east  of  Jericho"  (A.  V. 
 "in  the  east  border  of  Jericho")  apparently  on  a 
 hillock  or  rising  ground  (v.  3,  comp.  9)  in  the  Ar- 
 both-.Iericho  (A.  V.  "  the  plains  "),  that  is,  the  hot 
 depressed  district  of  the  Ghor  which  lay  between 
 the  town  and  the  Jordan  (v,  10).  (2.)  We  again 
 i  encounter  Gilgal  in  the  time  of  Saul,  when  it 
 I  seems  to  have  exchanged  its  military  associations 
 I  for  those  of  sanctity.  (3.)  We  again  have  a  glimpse 
 of  it,  some  sixty  years  later,  in  the  history  ot 
 David's  return  to  Jerusalem  (2  Sam.  xix.).  I'eyond 
 the  general  statements  above  quoted,  the  sacred  text 
 ,  contains  no  indications  of  the  position  of  Gilgal. 
 Neither  in  the  Apocrypha  nor  the  N.  T.  is  it  men- 
 tioned. No  modern  traveller  has  succeeded  in  elicit- 
 1  ing  the  name,  or  in  discovering  a  probable  site.  In 
 I  Van  de  Velde's  map  (1858)  a  spot  named  Mo- 
 harfer,  a  little  S.E.  of  er-Eiha,  is  marked  as  pos- 
 sible ;  but  no  explanation  is  afibrded  either  in  his 
 Syria,  or  his  Memoir.  But,  2.  this  was  certainly 
 a  distinct  place  from  the  Gilgal  which  is  connected 
 with  the  last  scene  in  the  life  of  Elijah,  and  with 
 one  of  Elisha's  miracles  (2  K.  ii.).  The  mention 
 of  Baal-shalisha  (iv.  42)  gives  a  clue  to  its  situa- 
 tion, when  taken  with  the  notice  of  Eusebius  (^Onom, 
 Bethsarisa)  that  that  place  was  fifteen  miles  tVono 
 Diospolis  (Lydda)  towards  the  north.  In  that  veiy 
 position  stand  now  the  ruins  bearing  the  name  of 
 Jiljilieh,  i.  e.  Gilgal.— 3.  The  "  king  of  the  na- 
 tions OF  Gilgal,"  or  rather  perhaps  the  "  king 
 of  Goim-at-Gilgal,"  is  mentioned  in  the  catalogue 
 of  the  chiefs  overthrown  by  Joshua  (Josh.  xii.  23). 
 The  name  occurs  next  to  DoR  (22)  in  an  enumera- 
 tion apparently  proceeding  southwards,  and  there- 
 fore the  position  of  the  Jiljilieh  just  named  is  not 
 wholly  inappropriate.  A  place  of  the  same  name 
 has  also  been  discovered  nearer  the  centre  of  the 
 countiy,  to  the  left  of  the  main  north  road,  four 
 miles  from  Shiloh  iSeilun),  and  rather  more  than 
 the  same  distance  from  Bethel  {Beitin).  It  may 
 be  the  Beth-Gilgal  of  Neh.  xii.  29  ;  while  the  Jil- 
 jilieh north  of  Lydd  may  be  that  of  Josh.  xii.  23. 
 Another  Gilgal,  under  the  slightly  different  form  of 
 Kilkilieh,  lies  about  two  miles  E.  of  A*e/V  Saba.— 
 4.  A  Gilgal  is  spoken  of  in  Josh.  xv.  7,  in  describing 
 the  north  border  of  Judah. 
 
 Gi'loh,  a  town  in  the  mountainous  part  of  Judah, 
 named  in  the  first  gioup,  with  Debir  and  Eshtemoh 
 (Josh.  XT.  51)  ;  it  was  the  native  place  of  the 
 famous  Ahithophel  (2  Sam.  xv.  12).  The  site  has 
 not  yet  been  met  with. 
 
 Gi'loaite,  the,  native  of  Giloh  (2  Sam.  xv.  12  ; 
 xxiii.  34). 
 
 Gim'zo,  a  town  which  with  its  dependent  villages 
 was  taken  possession  of  by  the  Philistines  m  the 
 reign  of  Ahaz  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  18).  Tlie  name 
 (Jimzu)  still  remains  attjiched  to  a  large  "village 
 between  two  and  three  miles  S.W.  of  Lydda,  south 
 of  the  road  between  Jerusalem  and  Jaffa. 
 
 Gin,  a  trap  for  birds  or  beasts :  it  consisted  of  a 
 net  (Is.  viii.  14),  and  a  stick  to  act  as  a  springe 
 (Am.  iii.  5). 
 
294 
 
 GINATH 
 
 Gi'nath,  fUtlier  of  Tibnl  (1  K.  xvi.  21,  22). 
 Gm'netho,  one  of  the  chief  of  the  priests  and 
 Leviies   who   returned  to  Judaea  with  Zerubbabel 
 (Neh.  \ii.  4i.      He  is  doubtless  the  same  person  as 
 
 Gin'nethon,  a  priest  who  sealed  the  covenant 
 with  Neliemiah  (Neh.  x.  6). 
 
 Girdle,  an  essential  article  of  dress  in  the  East, 
 and  worn  both  by  men  and  women.  The  common 
 girdle  was  made  of  leather  (2  K.  i.  8  ;  Matt.  iii.  4), 
 like  that  worn  by  the  Bedouins  of  the  present  day. 
 A  finer  girdle  was  made  of  liuen  (Jer.  xiii.  1  ;  Ez. 
 x\j.  10),  embroidered  with  silk,  and  sometimes 
 with  gold  and  silver  thread  (Dan.  x.  5 ;  Rev.  i.  13, 
 XV.  6),  and  frequently  studded  with  gold  and  pre- 
 cious stones  or  peails.  The  manufacture  of  these 
 girdles  fbniied  part  of  the  en;ployment  of  women 
 (Prov.  xxxi.  24).  The  girdle  was  fastened  by  a 
 clasp  of  gold  or  silver,  or  tied  in  a  knot  so  that  the 
 ends  hung  down  in  front,  as  in  the  figures  on  the 
 ruins  of  Persepolis.  It  was  worn  by  men  about  the 
 loins  (Is.  V.  27,  xi.  5).  The  girdle  of  women  was 
 generally  looser  than  that  of  the  men,  and  was 
 worn  about  the  hips,  except  when  they  were  ac- 
 tively engaged  (Piov.  xxxi.  17).  The  military 
 girdle  was  worn  about  the  waist ;  the  sword  or 
 dagger  was  suspended  from  it  (Judg.  iii.  16  ;  2  Sam. 
 xx.  8  ;  Ps.  xlv.  3).  Hence  girding  up  the  loins 
 denotes  preparation  for  battle  or  for  active  exertion. 
 In  times  of  moui'ning,  girdles  of  sackcloth  were 
 wom  as  marks  of  humiliation  and  sorrow  (Is.  iii. 
 24,  xxii.  12).  In  consequence  of  the  costly  ma- 
 terials of  which  girdles  were  made,  they  were  fre- 
 quently given  as  presents  (1  Sam.  xviii.  4;  2  Sam. 
 XV iii.  11).  They  were  used  as  pockets,  as  among 
 the  Arabs  still,  and  as  purses,  one  end  of  the  girdle 
 being  folded  back  for  the  purpose  (Matt.  x.  9;  Mark 
 vi.  8).  The  abnet,  or  girdle  worn  by  the  priests 
 about  the  close-fitting  tunic  (Ex.  xxviii.  39,  xxxix. 
 29),  is  described  by  Josephus  as  made  of  linen  so 
 fine  of  texture  as  to  look  like  the  slough  of  a  snake, 
 and  embroidered  with  flowers  of  scarlet,  purple, 
 blue,  and  fine  linen.  It  was  about  four  fingeis' 
 broad,  and  was  wrapped  several  times  round  the 
 priest's  body,  the  ends  hanging  down  to  the  feet. 
 The  "curious  girdle"  (Ex.  xxviii.  8)  was  made  of 
 the  same  materials  and  colours  ;is  the  ephod,  tliat  is 
 of  "  gold,  blue,  and  purple,  and  scarlet,  and  fine 
 twined  linen."  Josephus  desciibes  it  as  sewn  to 
 the  breastplate.  After  passing  once  round  it  Wiis 
 tied  in  front  upon  the  seam,  the  ends  hanging  down. 
 
 Gir'gasliites,  the,  one  of  the  nations  who  were 
 in  possession  of  Can;uui  betijre  the  entrance  thither 
 of  the  children  of  Israel.  The  name  occurs  in  the 
 following  passages: — Gen.x.  IG,  xv.  21 ;  Deut.  vii. 
 1  ;  Josh.  iii.  10.  xxiv.  11  ;  1  Chr.  i.  14;  Neh.  ix.  8. 
 
 Gir'gasite,  the  ;  fJeu.  x.  IG).    See  the  foregoing. 
 
 Gis'pa,  one  of  the  overeeers  of  the  Nethinim,  in 
 "  the  Ophel,"  after  the  return  from  captivity  (Neh. 
 xi.  21). 
 
 Git'tah-Hepher,    Josh.    xix.    13.     [Gath-He- 
 
 IMll.ll.  1 
 
 Gitta'im,  a  place  incidentally  mentioned  in  2 
 .Snni.  iv.  '■'>.  (jittaim  is  again  mentioned  in  the  list 
 of  ])laccs  inhabited  by  the  Benjamitos  after  their 
 returti  from  the  captivity.  Oitcaim  is  the  dual  form 
 of  the  word  Gath,  which  suggests  the  Philistine  plain 
 as  Its  locality.  But  there  is  no  evidence  for  or 
 against  this. 
 
 Git'tites,  the  600  men  who  followed  David  fiom 
 (iath,  \ui<lor  Ittai  the  Gittite  '2  .Sam.  xv.  18,  19), 
 and  who  probably  acted  as  a  kind  of  body-guard. 
 
 GOAT 
 
 Obed-edom  •'  the  Gittite  "  may  have  been  so  named 
 from  the  town  of  Gittaim  in  Benjamin  (2  Sam.  iv. 
 3;  Neh.  xi.  33),  or  from  Gath-rimnion. 
 
 Git'tith,  a  musical  instrument,  by  some  sup- 
 posed to  have  been  used  by  the  people  of  Gath  ;  and 
 by  othere  to  have  been  employed  at  the  festivities 
 of  the  vintage  fl's.  viii.,  Ixxxi.,  Ixxxiv.). 
 
 Gi'zonite,  the.  "  The  sons  of  Hivshem  the  Gi- 
 zonite"  are  named  amongst  the  warriors  of  David's 
 guard  (1  Chr.  xi.  34).  Ivennicott  concludes  thjit 
 the  name  should  be  GOUNI. 
 
 Glass.  The  Heb.  word  occurs  only  in  Job  xxviii. 
 17,  where  in  A.  V.,  it  is  rendered  "  crysbil."  It 
 seems  that  Job  xxviii.  17  contains  the  only  allusion 
 to  glass  found  in  the  0.  T.,  and  even  this  reference 
 is  disputed.  In  spite  of  this  absence  of  specific 
 allusion  to  glass  in  the  sacred  writings,  the  He- 
 brews must  have  been  aware  of  the  invention. 
 From  paintings  representing  the  process  of  glass- 
 blowing  which  have  been  discovered  at  Beni-IIassan, 
 and  in  tombs  at  other  places,  we  know  that 
 the  invention  is  at  least  as  remote  as  the  age  of 
 Osirtasen  the  first  (perhaps  a  contemporaiy  of  Jo- 
 seph), 3500  years  ago.  Fragments  too  of  wine- 
 vases  as  old  as  the  Exodus  have  been  discovered 
 in  Egypt.  The  art  was  known  to  the  ancient 
 Assyrians.  There  is  little  doubt  that  the  honour 
 of  the  discovery  belongs  to  the  Egyptians.  Glass 
 was  not  only  known  to  the  ancients,  but  used  by 
 them  far  more  extensively  than  in  modern  times. 
 The  Egyptians  knew  the  art  of  cutting,  grinding, 
 and  engraving  it,  and  they  could  even  iiday  it  with 
 gold  or  enamel,  and  "  permeate  opaque  glass  with 
 designs  of  various  coloui-s."  Besides  this  they  could 
 colour  it  with  such  brilliancy  as  to  be  able  to 
 imitate  precious  stones  in  a  manner  which  often 
 defied  detection.  In  the  N.  T.  glass  is  alluded  to  as 
 an  emblem  of  biiijhtness  (IJev.  iv.  6,  xv.  2,  xxi.  18). 
 Gleaning.  The  remarks  under  Couner  on  the 
 definite  character  of  the  rights  of  the  poor,  or 
 rather  of  poor  relations  and  dependants,  to  a  share 
 of  the  crop,  <ire  especially  exemplified  in  the  in- 
 sfcuice  of  Ruth  gleaning  in  the  field  of  Boaz.  The 
 gleaning  of  fiuit  tiees,  as  well  as  of  cornfields,  was 
 reserved  for  the  poor. 
 
 Glede,  the  old  name  for  the  common  kite  (miV- 
 vtis  (iter)  occurs  only  in  Deut.  xiv.  13  among  the 
 unclean  birds  ot  prey. 
 
 Gnat,  mentioned  only  in  the  proverbial  expres- 
 sion used  by  our  Saviour  in  Matt,  xxiii.  24. 
 
 Goad.  Tlie  equivalent  teims  in  the  Hebrew  are 
 (1)  maimed  (Judg.  iii.  31 )  and  (2)  ddrebdn  (1  Sam. 
 xiii.  21;  Eccl.  xii.  11).  The  latter  may  refer  to 
 anything  pointed,  and  the  context  of  Eccl.  xii.  re- 
 quires lather  the  sense  of  a  peg  or  nail,  anything  in 
 short  which  can  he  fastened;  while  in  1  Sam.  xiii. 
 the  point  of  the  pknujhshare  is  more  probably  in- 
 tended. The  foniier  does  probably  refer  to  the 
 goad,  the  long  handle  of  which  might  be  used  as  a 
 formidable  weapon.  The  instrument,  as  still  used 
 in  the  countries  of  southern  Europe  and  western 
 Asia,  consists  of  a  rod  about  eight  feet  long,  biought 
 to  a  sharp  point  and  sometimes  cased  with  iron  at 
 the  head. 
 
 Goat.  Of  the  Hebrew  words  which  ai-e  trans- 
 lated ijoat  and  sJie-r/oat  in  .\.  V.  the  most  common 
 is  'e;,  which  denotes  either  a  hc-goat  or  a  she- goat. 
 All  the  other  words,  with  two  exieptions,  denote 
 the  he-goat.  These  are  ni'elln,  wild  or  mouutiiin 
 goats  (1  Sam.  xxiv.  2;  Job  xxxix.  1,  and  Ps.  civ. 
 18) ;  and  uk'io,   renderdi  the  mid  ijoat  in  Deut. 
 
GOAT,  SCAPE 
 
 XIV.  5.  It  is  more  properly  the  trwjclaphns  oi- 
 goat-deer.  There  appear  to  he  two  or  three  va- 
 rieties of  the  common  goat  (Hircus  aegagrus)  at 
 present  bred  in  Palestine  and  Syria,  but  whether 
 they  are  identical  with  tliose  whith  were  reared  by 
 the  ancient  Hebrews  it  is  not  possible  to  say.  The 
 most  marked  varieties  are  the  Syi'ian  goat  (Copra 
 Mambrica,  Linn.),  and  the  Angora  goat  {Capra 
 Angorensis,  Linn.),  with  fine  long  hair.  There  is 
 also  a  variety  that  dlHei's  but  litUe  from  British 
 specimens.  As  to  the  ye'elhn  ("  wild  goats,'' 
 A.  v.),  it  is  not  at  all  improbable  that  some  specii's 
 of  ibex  is  denoted,  perhaps  the  Capra  Sinaitica,  the 
 Bedeu  or  Jatla  of  Egyi)t  and  Arabia. 
 
 GOLIATH 
 
 295 
 
 Long'-oared  Syrian  gont. 
 
 Goat,  Scape.     [Atonement,  Day  of.]. 
 
 Go'ath,  a  jilaee  apparently  in  the  neighbourhood 
 of  Jerusalem,  and  named,  in  conne.\ion  with  the  hill 
 Gareb,  only  in  Jer.  xxxi.  39. 
 
 Gob,  a  place  mentioned  only  in  2  Sam.  xxi.  18,' 
 19,  as  the  scene  of  two  encounters  between  David's 
 warriors  and  the  Philistines.  In  the  parallel  account 
 in  1  Chr.  xx.  4,  the  name  is  given  as  Gezeu.  On 
 the  other  hand  the  LXX.  and  Syriac  have  Gath  in 
 the  first  case,  a  name  which  in  Hebrew  somewhat 
 resembles  Gob. 
 
 Goblet,  a  circular  vessel  for  wine  or  other  liquid. 
 
 Gog.  1.  A  Reubenite  (1  Chr.  v.  4),  son  of 
 Sht^maiah.     2.  [Magog.] 
 
 Golan,  a  city  of  Bashan  (Deut.  iv.  43)  allotted 
 out  of  the  half  tribe  of  Manasseh  to  the  Levites 
 (Josh.  xxi.  27),  and  one  of  the  three  cities  of 
 lefuge  east  of  the  Jordan  (xx.  8).  Its  very  site 
 is  now  unknown.  The  city  of  Golan  is  several 
 times  referred  to  by  Josephus ;  he,  however,  moie 
 fiequently  speaks  of  the  province  which  took  its 
 name  from  it,  Gaulanitis.  It  seems  that  when 
 the  city  of  Golan  rose  to  power  it  became  the  head 
 of  a  large  province,  the  extent  of  which  is  pretty 
 accurately  given  by  Josephus.  It  lay  east  of  Ga- 
 lilee, and  north  of  Gadaritis  (Gadara).  The  river 
 Hieromax  may  be  regarded  as  the  south  border  of 
 Gaulanitis.  '1  he  Jordan  from  the  Sea  of  Galilee 
 to  its  fountains  at  Dan  and  Caesarea-Philippi,  formed 
 the  western  boundary.     It  is  important  to  observe 
 
 that  the  boundaiies  of  the  modern  piovince  of 
 Jaulan  (which  is  the  Arabic  form  of  the  Hebrew 
 Golan),  correspond  so  far  with  those  of  Gaulanitis ; 
 we  may,  therelbre,  safely  a.ssunie  that  their  northern 
 and  eastern  bnundnries  are  also  identical.  Jaulan 
 is  bounded  on  the  north  hj  Jedur  (the  ancient  Itu- 
 raea),  and  on  the  east  liy  Hauran.  The  greater 
 part  of  Gaulanitis  is  a  fiat  and  leitile  tabfe-land, 
 well  watered,  and  clothed  with  luxuriant  giass. 
 It  is  probably  to  this  region  the  name  Mishor  is 
 given  in  1  K.  xx.  23,  25 — "  the  plain"  in  which 
 the  Syrians  were  overthrown  by  the  Israelites,  near 
 Aphek,  which  perhaps  stood  upon  the  site  of  the 
 modern  Fill.  The  westein  side  of  Gaulanitis,  along 
 the  Sea  of  Galilee,  is  steep,  rugged,  and  bare.  It 
 was  once  densely  populated,  but  is  now  almost 
 completely  deserted. 
 
 Gold,  the  most  valuable  of  metals,  from  its 
 coloui-,  lustie,  weight,  ductility,  and  other  useful 
 properties  (Pliii.  //.  N.  xxxiii.  19).  Hence  it  is 
 used  as  an  emblem  of  purity  (Job  xxiii.  10)  and 
 nobility  (Lam.  iv.  1).  Gold  was  known  from  the 
 very  earliest  times  (Gen,  ii.  11).  It  was  at  first 
 chiefly  used  ibr  ornaments,  &c.  (Gen.  xxiv,  22). 
 Coined  money  was  not  known  to  the  jincients  till 
 a  comparatively  late  period  ;  and  on  the  Egyptian 
 tombs  gold  is  lepresented  as  being  weighed  in  rings 
 for  commercial  purposes.  (Comp.  Gen.  xliii.  21). 
 Gold  was  extremely  abundant  in  ancient  times 
 (1  Chr.  xxii.  14  :  2  Chr.  i.  15,  ix.  9 ;  Nab.  ii.  9  ; 
 Dan.  iii.  1) ;  but  this  did  not  depreciate  its  value, 
 because  of  the  enormous  quantities  consumed  by 
 the  wealthy  in  furniture,  &c,  (1  K.  vi.  22,  x. 
 passim;  Cant.  iii.  9,  10;  Esth.  i.  6;  Jer.  x.  9). 
 The  chief  countries  mentioned  as  producing  gold 
 are  Arabia,  Sheba,  and  Ophir  (1  K,  ix.  28,  x.  1  ; 
 Job  xxviii.  16).  Other  gold-bearing  countries  were 
 Uphaz  (Jer.  x.  9  ;  Dan.  x.  5)  and  Parvaim  (2  Chr. 
 iii.  6).  Metallui'gic  processes  are  mentioned  in  Ps. 
 Ixvi.  10;  Prov.  xvii.  3,  xxvii.  21  ;  and  in  Is.  xlvi. 
 6,  the  trade  of  goldsmith  (cf.  Judg.  xvii.  4)  is 
 alluded  to  in  connexion  with  the  oveilaying  of  idols 
 with  gold-leaf. 
 
 Gol'gotha,  the  Hebrew  name  of  the  spot  at 
 which  our  Lord  was  crucified  (Matt,  xxvii.  33; 
 Mark  xv.  22 ;  John  xix.  17).  By  these  three 
 Evangelists  it  is  interpreted  to  mean  the  "place  of 
 a  skull."  St.  Luke's  words  are  really  as  follows — 
 "  the  place  which  is  called  '  a  skull'  " — not,  as  in 
 the  other  Gospels,  "  of  a  skull,"  thus  employing  the 
 Greek  teiTn  exactly  as  they  do  the  Hebrew  one. 
 Two  explanations  of  the  name  are  given  :  ( 1 )  that 
 it  was  a  spot  where  executions  ordinarily  took  place, 
 and  therefore  abounded  in  skulls.  Or  (2)  it  may 
 come  fi'om  the  look  or  form  of  the  spot  itself,  bald, 
 round,  and  skull-like,  and  therefore  a  mound  or 
 hillock,  in  accordance  with  the  common  phrase — 
 for  which  there  is  no  direct  authority — "  Mount 
 Calvary."  Whichever  of  these  is  the  coriect  ex. 
 planation,  Golgotha  seems  to  have  been  a  known 
 spot.  Its  locality  in  regard  to  Jerusalem  is  fully 
 examined  in  the  description  of  the  city. 
 
 Goli'ath,  a  famous  giant  of  Gath,  who  "  moin- 
 ing  and  evening  for  forty  days  "  defied  the  armies 
 of  Isiael  (1  Sam.  xvii.).  He  was  possibly  descended 
 fiom  the  old  Krphaim,  of  whom  a  scattered  remnant 
 took  refuge  with  the  Philistines  after  their  disper- 
 sion by  the  Ammonites  (Deut.  ii.  20,  21  ;  2  S.am. 
 xxi.  22).  His  height  was  "six  cubits  and  a  span," 
 which,  taking  the  cubit  at  21  inches,  would  make 
 him  lU^  feet  high.     But  the  LXX.  and  Josephus 
 
2i»() 
 
 GOMER 
 
 icm\  "font  cubits  and  a  span."  The  sceiip  of  his 
 combat  with  David  was  the  Valley  of  the  Terebinth, 
 tietween  Shochoh  and  Azekah,  probably  amnn;;  tlie 
 western  passes  of  Benjamin,  althousli  a  confused 
 modern  tradition  has  s;iven  the  name  of  .dm  Ja/i- 
 lood  (spring  of  Goliath)  to  the  spring  of  Harod 
 (Judg.  vii.  Ij.  In  2  S.im.  xxi.  19,  wo  lind  that 
 another  Goliatii  of  Gatli  was  slain  by  Klhanan,  also 
 a  r.ethlchemitp.    [Eliianax.] 
 
 Go'mer.  1.  The  eldest  son  of  Japheth,  and  the 
 father  of  Ashi<ona/,,  Riphath,  and  Togaimah  (Gen. 
 .\.  2,  ;i).  His  name  is  subsequently  noticed  but 
 once  {V.7..  xxxviii.  G)  as  an  ally  or  subject  of  the 
 Scvthian  king  Goe.  He  is  generally  recognised  as 
 the  progenitor  of  the  early  Cimmerians,  of  the  later 
 Cimbri  and  the  other  branches  of  the  Celtic  family, 
 and  of  the  modern  Gael  and  Cymry,  the  latter  pre- 
 serviiiff  with  very  slight  deviation  the  oviginnl 
 name. — 2.  The  daughter  of  Diblaim,  and  concubine 
 of  Hnvi.a  (i.  :'.}. 
 
 Gomor'rah,  one  of  the  five  "  cities  of  the  plain," 
 or  "  vale  of  Siddim,"  that  under  their  respective 
 kings  joined  battle  there  with  Chedorlaomer  (Gen. 
 xiv.  2-8)  ami  his  allies,  by  whom  they  were  dis- 
 comfited till  Abraham  came  to  the  rescue.  Four 
 out  of  the  five  were  afterwards  destroyed  by  the 
 Lord  with  fire  from  heaven  (Gen.  xix.  23-29).  One 
 of  them  only,  Zoar  or  Bela,  which  was  its  original 
 name,  was  spared  at  the  request  of  Lot,  in  order 
 that  he  might  t,ike  refuge  there.  Of  these  Gomor- 
 lah  seems  to  have  been  only  second  to  Sodom  in 
 importance,  as  well  as  in  the  wickelness  that  led  to 
 their  overthrow.  What  that  atrocity  was  may  be 
 gathered  from  Gen.  six.  4-8.  Their  geographic;d 
 position  is  discussed  under  SODOM. 
 
 Gomor'rha,  the  maimer  in  which  the  name 
 GoM(jiiiiAH  is  written  in  the  A.  V.  of  the  Apo- 
 crvphal  books  and  the  N.  Testament. 
 
 Gopher  wood.  Only  once  in  Gen.  vi.  14.  The 
 Hcb.  word  ih\o^  not  occur  in  the  cognate  dialects, 
 'i'he  A.  V.  has  made  no  attempt  at  translation. 
 Two  principal  conjectures  have  been  proposed  : — 
 1.  That  the  "trees  of  Gopher"  are  any  trees  of 
 the  resinous  kind,  such  as  pine,  fir,  &c.  2.  That 
 (Jojihor  is  cypress. 
 
 Gor'gias,  a  general  in  the  service  of  Antiochus 
 Kpililianes  (1  Mace.  iii.  38),  who  wa-s  appointed  by 
 his  regent  Lysias  to  a  command  in  the  expedition 
 against  Judaea  (B.C.  166),  in  which  he  was  defeated 
 by  .Judas  Maccabaeus  with  great  loss  (1  Mace.  iv. 
 I'ir.).  At  a  later  time  f  li.C.  164)  he  held  a  gar- 
 rison in  .Tamiiia,  and  defeated  the  forces  of  Joseph 
 and  Azaria.s,  who  attacked  him  contrary  to  the 
 orders  of  Judas  (1  Mace.  v.  56  ff.  ;  2  Mace.  xii. 
 32 ).  The  account  of  Gorgias  in  2  Mace,  is  very 
 obscure. 
 
 Gorty'na,  a  city  of  Crete,  and  in  ancient  times 
 (ts  most  import.int  city,  next  to  Cnossus  (1  JIacc. 
 XV.  2  !).  It  was  nearly  half-way  between  the 
 Kastern  and  Western  extremities  of  the  island,  and 
 Rcems  to  have  been  the  capital  under  the  liomans. 
 
 Oo'shen,  a  word  of  uncertain  etymology,  the 
 name  of  a  part  of  Kgypt  whore  the  Isnielites  dwelt 
 t()r  the  whole  peiiod  of  their  .sojourn  in  that  country. 
 It  is  usually  called  the  "  land  of  Goshen,"  but  also 
 (ioshen  sim|)ly.  It  appears  to  have  borne  juiother 
 name,  "the  land  of  liames<>8"  (Gen.  xlvii.  11), 
 uidess  this  be  the  name  of  a  district  of  Goshen.  It 
 was  Ix'tween  Joseph's  residen(»  at  the  time  and  the 
 frontier  of  I'alcstine,  and  apparently  the  extreme 
 |novini'«    towards    that    frontier   (<ien.    jlvi.   2'J). 
 
 GOSPELS 
 
 Gen.  xlvi.  ?i'i,  ."4  shows  that  Goshen  was  scarcely 
 regarded  as  a  part  of  Egvpt  Projier,  and  was  not 
 p'opled  by  Egyptians — characteri.stics  that  wtndd 
 positively  indiciitea  fronti»r-provin(«.  The  next  men- 
 tion  of  Goshen  confimis  the  previous  i.nfcrence  that 
 its  position  was  between  Canaan  and  the  Delti  (Gen. 
 xlvii.  1,  5,  6,  11).  Goshen  was  a  pastoral  country 
 where  some  of  Pharaoh's  cattle  were  kept.  The 
 clearest  indications  of  the  exact  position  of  Goshen 
 are  those  atlbrded  by  the  narrative  of  the  Exo<lus. 
 The  Israelites  set  out  from  the  town  of  li'ameses 
 in  the  land  of  Goshen,  made  two  days'  journey  to 
 "  the  eiige  of  the  wilderness,"  and  in  one  day  more 
 reached  the  Red  Sea.  At  the  stuting-poiut  two 
 routes  lay  before  them,  "  the  way  of  the  land  ol 
 the  Philistines  .  .  .  that  [was]  near,"  and  "  the 
 way  of  the  wilderness  of  the  Red  Sea"  (Ex.  xiii. 
 17,  18).  From  these  indications  we  infer  that 
 the  land  of  Goshen  must  have  in  part  been  near  the 
 eastern  side  of  the  ancient  Delta,  liameses  lying 
 within  the  valley  now  chilled  the  Wddi-t-Tameyldt, 
 about  thirty  miles  in  a  direct  course  from  the  an- 
 cient western  shore  of  the  Arabian  Gulf.  There-suits 
 of  an  examination  of  Biblical  evidence  are  that  the 
 land  of  Goshen  lay  between  the  eastern  part  of  the 
 ancient  Delta  and  the  western  Ijorder  of  Palestine, 
 that  it  was  scarcely  a  part  of  Egypt  Proper,  was 
 inhabited  by  other  foreigners  besides  the  Israelites, 
 and  was  in  its  geographical  names  rather  Shemitic 
 than  Egyptian ;  that  it  was  a  pasture-land,  espe- 
 cially suited  to  a  shepherd-people,  and  sutTlcient 
 for  the  Israelites,  who  there  prospered,  and  were 
 separate  from  the  main  body  of  the  Egj-ptians  ;  and 
 lastly,  that  one  of  its  towns  ky  near  the  western 
 extremity  of  the  Wddi-t-Tumeyldt.  These  indica- 
 tions seem  to  us  decisively  to  indicate  the  Wdili-t' 
 Tumeyldt,  the  valley  along  which  anciently  flowed 
 the  canal  of  the  K'ed  Sea.  Other  identifications 
 seem  to  us  to  be  utterly  untenable.^2.  The  "  land" 
 or  the  "  country  of  Goshen,"'  is  twice  named  as  a 
 district  in  Southern  Palestine  (Josh.  x.  41,  xi.  16), 
 apparently  between  the  south  country  and  the  low- 
 lands of  Judah.— 3.  A  town  of  the  same  name  is 
 once  mentioned  in  company  with  Debir,  Six;oh,  and 
 others,  as  in  the  mountains  of  Jud;di  (Josh.xv.  51). 
 It  has  not  yet  been  identifietl. 
 
 Gospels.  The  name  Gosjx?!  is  applied  to  the  four 
 inspireil  histories  of  the  life  and  teaching  of  Christ 
 contained  in  the  New  Testiment,  of  which  separate 
 accounts  will  be  given  in  their  ])lace.  They  were 
 all  composed  during  the  latter  half  of  the  fii-st 
 century :  those  of  St.  Matthew  and  ."st.  JIark  some 
 years  before  the  destiuction  of  Jerusalem  ;  that  of 
 St.  Luke  probably  about  A.D.  64  ;  and  that  of  St. 
 John  towards  the  close  of  the  century.  Before  the 
 end  of  the  .second  century,  there  is  abinidant  evi- 
 dence that  the  four  Gospels,  as  one  collection,  were 
 generally  used  and  accepteil.  For  this  we  have  the 
 testimony  of  Irenaeus,  Papias,  Tertuliian,  Origen, 
 Theophilus,  and  Tatian.  'I'he  Muratorian  fragment 
 describes  the  Gosjiels  of  Luke  and  John;  but  time 
 anil  carelessness  seem  to  have  destroyed  the  .sentences 
 relating  to  Matthew  and  Mark.  Another  souu*  of 
 evidence  is  open  to  us,  in  the  citations  from  the 
 Gospels  found  in  the  earliest  writers.  Barn.aKas, 
 Clemens  Ilomanus,  and  Polycarp,  quote  piissages 
 from  them,  but  not  with  verbal  exactness.  The 
 te.stimonv  of  Justin  Martyr  (born  about  A.I>.  90, 
 martyred  A.D.  I6r>)  is  much  tuller;  many  ot°  his 
 (piotations  are  Ibund  verbatim  in  the  Gospels  ot 
 St.  Matthew,  St.  Luke,  and  St.  John,  and  possibly 
 
GOSPELS 
 
 of  St.  Mark  also,  whore  woids  it  is  more  difflcuH 
 to  separate.  Besides  these,  St.  Matthew  appeal's  to 
 he  quoted  by  the  author  of  the  Epistle  to  Diognetus, 
 hy  Hegesippus,  Irenaeus,  Tatian,  Athenagoras,  ami 
 Theophilus.  Eusebius  records  that  Pantaenus  found 
 in  India  (?  the  south  of  Arabia)  Christians  who 
 tised  the  Gospel  of  St.  Matthew.  All  this  shows 
 th;it  long  befoie  the  end  of  the  second  century  the 
 Gos])el  of  St.  Matthew  was  in  general  use.  From 
 the  tact  that  St.  Mark's  Gospel  iias  few  places  pecu- 
 liar to  it,  it  is  more  difficult  to  identify  citations 
 not  expressly  assigned  to  hmi  ;  but  Justin  Martyr 
 and  Athenagoras  appear  to  quote  his  Gospel,  and 
 Irenaeus  does  so  by  name.  St.  Luke  is  quoted  by 
 Justin,  Irenaeus,  Tatian,  Athenagoras,  and  Theo- 
 phihis ;  and  St.  John  by  all  of  these,  with  the 
 addition  of  Ignatius,  the  iCpistle  to  Diognetus,  and 
 Poiycrates.  From  these  we  may  conclude  that 
 before  the  end  of  the  second  century  the  Gospel  col- 
 lection was  well  known  and  in  general  use.  There 
 is  yet  another  line  of  evidence.  The  heretical  sects, 
 as  well  as  the  Fathei-s  of  the  Church,  knew  the 
 Gospels ;  and  as  there  was  the  greatest  hostility 
 between  them,  if  the  Gospels  had  become  known  in 
 the  Church  after  the  dissension  arose,  the  heretics 
 would  never  have  accepted  them  as  genuine  from 
 such  a  quarter.  But  the  Gnostics  and  Jlarcionites 
 arose  early  in  the  second  century ;  and  therefore  it 
 is  probable  that  the  Gospels  were  then  accepted,  and 
 thus  they  are  traced  back  almost  to  the  times  of  the 
 Apostles.  As  a  matter  of  literary  history,  nothing 
 can  be  better  established  than  the  genuineness  of 
 the  Gospels.  On  comparing  these  four  books  one 
 with  another,  a  peculiar  difficulty  claims  attention, 
 which  has  had  much  to  do  with  the  controversy  as 
 to  their  genuineness.  In  the  fourth  Gospel  the  nar- 
 i-ative  coincides  with  that  of  the  other  three  in  a 
 few  passages  only.  Putting  aside  the  account  of 
 the  Passion,  there  are  only  three  facts  which  John 
 relates  in  common  with  the  other  Evangelists.  Two 
 of  these  are,  the  feeding  of  the  five  thousand,  and 
 the  storm  on  the  Sea  of  Galilee  (ch.  vi.).  The  third 
 is  the  anointing  of  His  feet  by  Mai'y.  Whilst  the 
 others  present  the  life  of  Jesus  in  Gaiilee,  John  fol- 
 lows him  into  Judaea  ;  nor  should  we  know,  but 
 for  him,  that  our  Lord  had  journeyed  to  Jerusalem 
 at  the  prescribed  feasts.  The  received  explanation 
 is  the  only  satisfactory  one,  namely,  that  John, 
 writing  last,  at  the  close  of  the  first  century,  had 
 seen  the  other  Gospels,  and  purposely  abstained  from 
 •writing  anew  what  they  had  sufficiently  i-ecorded. 
 In  the  other  three  Gospels  there  is  a  gi-eat  amount 
 of  agreement.  If  we  suppose  the  history  that  they 
 contain  to  be  divided  into  sections,  in  42  of  these 
 all  the  three  narratives  coincide,  12  more  are  given 
 by  Matthew  and  Mark  only,  5  by  Jlark  and  Luke 
 only,  and  14  by  Matthew  and  Luke.  To  these  must 
 be  added  5  peculiar  to  Matthew,  2  to  Mark,  and  9 
 to  Luke ;  and  the  enumeration  is  complete.  But 
 this  applies  only  to  general  coincidence  as  to  the  facts 
 narrated :  the  amount  of  verbal  coincidence,  that  is, 
 the  passages  either  verbally  the  same,  or  coinciding 
 m.  the  use  of  many  of  the  same  woixls,  is  much 
 smaller.  Without  going  minutely  into  the  examin- 
 ation of  examples,  which  would  be  desirable  if 
 space  permitted,  the  leading  facts  connected  with 
 the  subject  may  be  thus  summed  up : — The  verbal 
 and  material  agreement  of  the  three  first  Evangelists 
 is  such  as  does  not  occur  in  any  other  authors  who 
 have  written  independently  of  one  another.  The 
 verbal  agreement  is  greater  where  the  spoken  words 
 
 GOSPELS  297 
 
 of  others  are  cited  than  where  tacts  are  recorded; 
 and  greatest  in  quotations  of  the  words  of  our  Lord. 
 But  in  some  leading  events,  as  in  the  call  of  the 
 four  first  disciples,  that  of  Matthew,  and  the  Trans- 
 figuration, the  agreement  even  in  expression  is  re- 
 markable: there  are  also  narratives  where  there  is 
 no  verbal  harmony  in  the  outset,  but  only  in  the 
 crisis  or  emphatic  part  of  the  story  (Matt.  viii.  3 
 =  Mark  i.  4 1  =  Luke  v.  13,  and  Matt.  xiv.  19,  20  = 
 Mark  vi.  41-43  =  Luke  ix.  1(3,  17).  The  language 
 of  all  three  is  Greek,  with  Hebrew  idioms:  tl^e 
 Hebraisms  are  most  abundant  in  St.  Mark,  and 
 fewest  in  St.  Luke.  In  quotations  from  the  Old 
 Testament,  the  Evangelists,  or  two  of  them,  some- 
 times exhibit  a  verbal  agreement,  although  they 
 differ  from  the  Hebrew  and  from  the  Septuagint 
 version  ( Matt.  iii.  3  =  Mark  i.  3  =  Luke  iii.  4.  Matt, 
 iv.  10  =  Luke  iv.  8.  Matt.  xi.  10  =  Mark  i.  2  = 
 Luke  vii.  27,  &c.).  Except  as  to  24  verses,  the 
 Gospel  of  Mark  contains  no  principal  facts  which 
 are  not  found  in  Matthew  and  Luke ;  but  he  often 
 supplies  details  omitted  by  them,  and  these  are 
 often  such  as  would  belong  to  the  giaphic  account 
 of  an  eye-witness.  There  are  no  cases  in  which 
 Matthew  and  Luke  exactly  harmonise,  where  Mark 
 does  not  also  coincide  with  them.  In  several  place? 
 the  words  of  Mark  have  something  in  common  with 
 each  of  the  other  narratives,  so  as  to  fomi  a  con 
 necting  link  between  them,  where  their  words 
 slightly  differ.  The  examples  of  verbal  agreement 
 between  Alark  and  Luke  are  not  so  long  or  so 
 numerous  as  those  between  Matthew^  and  Luke,  and 
 JIatthew  and  Mark ;  but  as  to  the  arrangement  of 
 events  Mark  and  Luke  fiequently  coincide,  where 
 Slatthew  differs  from  them.  These  are  the  leading 
 particulars;  but  they  are  very  far  from  giving  a 
 complete  notion  of  a  phenomenon  that  is  well 
 worthy  of  that  attention  and  reverent  study  of  the 
 sacred  text  by  which  alone  it  can  be  fully  and  foirly 
 apprehended.  The  attempts  at  a  solution  are  so 
 many,  that  they  can  be  more  easily  classified  than 
 enumerated.  The  first  and  most  obvious  suggestion 
 would  be,  that  the  narrators  made  use  of  each 
 other's  work.  Accordingly  Grotius,  Mill,  Wetstein, 
 Griesbach,  and  many  others,  have  endeavoured  to 
 ascertain  which  Gospel  is  to  be  regarded  as  the 
 first ;  which  is  copied  from  the  first ;  and  which  is 
 the  last,  and  copied  from  the  other  two.  But  the 
 theory  in  its  ciude  form  is  in  itself  most  improb- 
 able ;  and  the  wonder  is  that  so  much  time  and 
 learning  have  been  devoted  to  it.  It  assumes  that 
 an  Evangelist  has  taken  up  the  woik  of  his  prede- 
 cessor, and,  without  substantial  alteration,  has  mads 
 a  few  changes  in  form,  a  iaw  additions  and  retrench- 
 ments, and  has  then  allowed  the  whole  to  go  forth 
 under  his  name.  The  supposition  of  a  common 
 original  from  which  the  three  Gospels  were  dravpu, 
 each  with  more  or  less  modification,  would  natui- 
 ally  occur  to  those  who  rejected  the  notion  that 
 the  Evangelists  had  copied  from  each  other.  It 
 appeared  to  Eichhorn  that  the  portions  which  aie 
 common  to  all  the  three  Gospels  were  contained  in 
 a  certain  common  document,  from  which  they  all 
 drew.  He  considers  himself  entitled  to  assume  that 
 he  can  reconstruct  the  original  document,  and  also 
 that  there  must  have  been  fom-  other  documents  to 
 account  for  the  phenomena  of  the  text.  Thus  he 
 makes — 1.  The  original  document.  2.  An  altered 
 copy  which  St.  Matthew  used.  3.  An  altered  copy 
 which  St.  Luke  used.  4.  A  third  copy,  made  from 
 the  two  preceding,  used  by  St.  Mark.     5.  A  fourth 
 
298 
 
 GOSPELS 
 
 altered  copy,  used  by  St.  Mattliew  and  St.  Luke  in 
 common.  As  there  is  no  externul  evidence  worth 
 considciing  that  this  original  or  any  ot  its  numerous 
 copies  ever  existed,  the  value  of  this  elai)0i'ate 
 hypotliesis  must  depend  upon  its  furnishing  the 
 only  explanation,  and  that  a  sufficient  one,  of  the 
 facts  of  the  text.  Bishop  Marsh,  however,  finds  it 
 necessaiy,  in  order  to  complete  the  account  of  the 
 text,  to  raise  the  number  of  documents  to  eight, 
 htill  without  producing  any  external  evidence  tor 
 the  existence  of  any  of  them  ;  and  this,  on  one  side, 
 deprives  Kichhorn's  theory  of  the  merit  of  complete- 
 ness, and,  on  the  other,  presents  a  much  broader 
 BUi-face  to  the  obvious  objections.  He  assumes  the 
 existence  of — 1.  A  Hebrew  original.  2.  A  Greek- 
 translation.  8.  A  transcript  of  No.  1,  with  alter- 
 ations and  additions.  4.  Another,  with  another  set 
 of  alterations  and  additions.  5.  Another,  combining 
 both  the  preceding,  used  by  St.  Mark,  who  also  used 
 No.  2.  6.  Another,  with  the  alterations  and  addi- 
 tions of  No.  3,  and  with  further  additions,  used  by 
 St.  Matthew.  7.  Another,  with  those  of  No.  4 
 and  further  additions,  used  by  St.  Luke,  who  also 
 used  No.  2.  8.  A  wholly  distinct  Hebrew  docu- 
 ment, in  which  our  Lord's  precepts,  parables,  and 
 discourses  were  recorded,  but  not  in  chronologiail 
 ordei- ;  used  both  by  St.  Matthew  and  St.  Luke. 
 It  will  be  allowed  that  this  elabomte  hypothesis, 
 whether  in  the  fonn  given  it  by  ALii-sh  or  by 
 Eichhoin,  possesses  almost  every  fault  that  can  be 
 charged  against  an  ai-gument  of  that  kind.  For 
 every  new  class  of  facts  a  new  document  must  be 
 assumed  to  have  existed.  The  "  original  Gospel " 
 is  supposed  to  have  been  of  such  authoiity  as  to  be 
 circulated  eveiywhere:  yet  so  defective,  jvs  to  re- 
 quire annotation  from  any  hand,  so  little  reverenced 
 that  no  hand  spared  it.  If  all  the  Evangelists 
 agreed  to  draw  from  such  a  work,  it  must  Lave 
 been  widely  if  not  universally  accepted  in  the 
 Church  ;  and  yet  there  is  no  record  of  its  existence. 
 The  force  of  this  dilemma  has  been  felt  by  the  sup- 
 ix)rtei-s  of  the  theory:  if  the  work  was  of  high 
 authority,  it  would  have  been  preserved,  or  at  least 
 mentioned  ;  if  of  lower  authoiity,  it  could  not  have 
 become  the  basis  of  three  canonical  Gospels:  and 
 various  attempts  have  been  made  to  escape  from  it. 
 There  is  another  supposition  to  account  for  these 
 facts,  of  which  perhaps  Gieseler  ha*  been  the  most 
 acute  expositor.  It  is  j)robable  that  none  of  the 
 (Jospels  was  written  until  many  years  after  the  day 
 of  I'entecost  on  which  the  Holy  Spirit  descended 
 on  the  iissembled  disciples.  From  that  day  com- 
 menced at  Jerusalem  the  work  of  preaching  the 
 <io>pel  and  converting  the  world.  Fiayer  an<l 
 preaching  were  the  business  of  the  Apostles'  lives. 
 Now  their  preaching  must  have  been,  from  the 
 nature  of  the  ca.se,  in  great  part  historical;  it  must 
 have  been  baseil  upon  an  :iccount  of  the  life  and 
 acts  of  Jesus  of  Naziireth.  There  was  no  written 
 record  to  which  the  hearei-s  might  be  referred  for 
 historicid  details,  and  thcrefoic  the  preachers  must 
 fuinish  not  only  inferences  from  the  life  of  our 
 Lord,  but  the  tiicts  of  the  life  itself".  The  preaching, 
 then,  must  have  been  of  such  n  kinil  as  to  be  to 
 the  heiuers  what  the  reading  of  lessons  frnm  the 
 Gos(x;ls  is  to  us.  There  is  no  improbabditv  in  suj)- 
 posing  that  in  the  course  of  twenty  or  thiiiy  years' 
 a-ssiduous  teaching,  without  a  written  fiospel,  tho 
 matter  of  the  ajxjstolic  preaching  should  have  taken 
 a  settle*!  form.  Not  only  might  the  .Apostles  think 
 it  well  that  their  own  accounts  i^liould  agree,  as  iu 
 
 GOSPELS 
 
 substance  so  in  foim  ;  but  the  teachers  whom  they 
 sent  forth,  or  lett  behind  in  the  churches  they 
 visited,  would  have  to  be  prepared  for  their  mis- 
 sion ;  and,  so  long  as  there  was  no  wiitfeu  Gos|m?1 
 to  put  into  their  hands,  it  might  be  desirable  that 
 the  oral  instruction  should  be  as  far  as  }>ossible  one 
 and  the  same  to  all.  The  guidance  of  the  Holy 
 Spirit  supplied  for  a  time  such  aid  as  made  a  writ- 
 ten Gospel  unnecessary  ;  but  the  Apostles  saw  the 
 dangers  and  errors  which  a  traditional  Gos])el  would 
 be  exposed  to  in  the  coui-se  of  time  ;  and,  whilst 
 they  were  still  preaching  the  oral  (iospel  in  the 
 strength  of  the  Holy  (ihost,  they  were  admonished 
 by  the  same  iJivine  I'eison  to  prepare  those  written 
 records  which  were  hereafter  to  be  the  daily  spi- 
 ritual food  of  all  the  Church  of  Christ.  Nor  is 
 there  anything  unnatural  in  the  supposition  that 
 the  Apostles  intentionally  uttered  their  witness  in 
 the  same  order,  and  even,  for  the  most  part,  in  the 
 same  foim  of  words.  The  language  of  their  fii-st 
 preaching  was  the  Syro-Chaldaic,  which  was  a  poor 
 and  scanty  language ;  and  though  Greek  was  now 
 widely  spread,  and  was  the  language  even  of  several 
 places  in  Palestine,  though  it  prevailed  in  Antioch, 
 whence  the  first  missions  to  Greeks  and  Hellenists, 
 or  Jews  who  spoke  Greek,  proceeded  (Acts  \\.  20, 
 xiii.  l-3y,  the  Greek  tongue,  as  used  by  Jews, 
 fKirtnok  of  the  poverty  of  the  speech  which  it 
 replaced ;  as,  indeed,  it  is  impossible  to  borrow  a 
 whole  language  without  borrowing  the  habits  of 
 thought  upon  which  it  has  built  itself.  It  is  suj)- 
 posed,  then,  that  the  preaching  of  the  Apostles, 
 and  the  teaching  whereby  they  prepared  othei's  to 
 preach,  as  they  did,  would  tend  to  assume  a  com- 
 mon fonn,  more  or  less  fixed ;  and  that  the  poi-tions 
 of  the  three  Gorpels  which  harmonise  most  exactly 
 owe  their  agreement  not  to  the  fact  that  they  were 
 copied  from  each  other,  although  it  is  impossible 
 to  say  that  the  later  writer  made  no  use  of  the 
 earlier  one,  nor  to  the  existence  of  any  original 
 document  now  lost  to  us,  but  to  the  fact  that  the 
 apostolic  preaching  had  already  clothed  itself  in 
 a  settled  or  usual  form  of  words,  to  which  the 
 writere  inclined  to  conform  without  feeling  bound 
 to  do  so;  and  the  differences  which  occur,  often 
 in  the  closest  proximity  to  the  harmonies,  arise 
 from  the  feeling  of  iiidejHMidence  with  which  esich 
 wrote  what  he  had  seen  and  heard,  or,  in  tiie  case 
 of  Mark  and  Luke,  wh.at  apostolic  witnesses  had 
 told  him.  The  harmonies  begin  with  the  baptism 
 of  John  ;  that  is,  with  the  consecnition  of  the  Loitl 
 to  His  Messianic  office;  and  with  this  event  prob- 
 ably the  ordinary  preaching  of  the  .Ayiostles  would 
 begin,  for  its  purport  was  that  Jesus  is  the  Messiah, 
 and  that  as  Messiah  He  sull'eretl,  die<l,  and  rose  agjiin. 
 They  are  very  frequent  as  we  appi-oach  the  jieriod 
 of  the  Passion,  Iwcause  the  sutlerings  of  the  Lord 
 would  be  much  in  the  mouth  of  every  one  who 
 preached  the  (io.spel,  and  all  would  become  familiar 
 with  the  words  in  whic;h  the  Ajiostlos  describe*!  it. 
 Hut  as  regards  the  Kesurrection,  which  ditl'ere<l  from 
 the  Passion  in  that  it  was  a  fact  which  the  enemies 
 of  Christianity  felt  lonnd  to  dispute  (Matt,  xxviii. 
 15),  it  is  possible  that  tlie  divergence  arose  from 
 the  intention  of  each  Evangelist  to  contribute  some- 
 thing towards  the  weight  of  evidence  for  this 
 central  truth.  Accoiilmgly,  all  the  four,  even 
 St.  Mnik  (xvi.  14),  who  ot'tencr  throws  a  new 
 light  upon  old  ground  than  ojieus  out  new,  men- 
 tion distinct  acts  and  apponrances  of  the  Lonl  to 
 estJiblLsli  tliat  He  was  risen  indeed.      I'he  verbid 
 
GOTHOLIAS 
 
 agreement  is  greater  where  the  woi'ds  of  others  are 
 lecorded,  and  greatest  of  all  where  they  are  those 
 of  Jesus,  because  here  the  apostolic  preaching  would 
 be  especially  exact;  and  where  the  historical  fact 
 is  the  utterance  of  cert;iin  words,  the  duty  of  the 
 historian  is  nanowed  to  a  bare  record  of  them.  That 
 this  opinion  would  explain  many  of  the  facts  con- 
 nected with  the  text  is  certain.  Whether,  besides 
 confoiTOiiig  to  the  words  and  arrangement  of  the 
 apostolic  preaching,  the  Evangelists  did  in  any  cases 
 make  use  of  each  other's  work  or  not,  it  would 
 require  a  more  careful  investigation  of  details  to 
 discuss  than  space  permits.  How  does  this  last 
 theoiy  be:u-  upon  our  belief  in  the  inspiiation  of  the 
 Gospels  ?  Supposing  that  the  portion  of  the  three 
 first  Gospels  which  is  common  to  all  has  been  de- 
 rived from  the  preaching  of  the  Apostles  in  general, 
 then  it  is  drawn  directly  from  a  source  which  we 
 know  from  our  Lord  Himself  to  have  been  inspired. 
 Now  the  inspiratiou  of  an  histoiical  writing  will 
 consist  in  its  truth,  and  in  its  selection  of  events. 
 Everything  narrated  must  be  substantially  and 
 exactly  true,  and  the  comparison  of  the  Gospels  one 
 with  another  offers  us  nothing  that  does  not  answer 
 to  this  test.  There  are  difl'erences  of  ariangement 
 of  events  ;  here  some  details  of  a  narrative  or  a  dis- 
 course are  supplied  which  are  wanting  there;  and 
 if  the  writer  had  prolessed  to  follow  a  strict  chrono- 
 logical order,  or  had  pretended  that  his  record  was 
 not  only  true  but  complete,  then  one  inversion  of 
 order,  or  one  omission  of  a  syllable,  would  convict 
 him  of  inaccuracy.  But  if  it  is  plain — if  it  is  all 
 but  avowed — that  minute  chi  onological  data  are 
 not  part  of  the  wi'iter's  purpose — if  it  is  also  plain 
 that  nothing  but  a  selection  of  the  facts  is  Intended, 
 or,  indeed,  possible  (John  xxi.  25) — then  the  proper 
 test  to  apply  is,  whether  each  gives  us  a  picture  of 
 the  life  and  ministry  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth  that  is 
 self-consistent  and  consistent  with  the  othei'S,  such 
 as  would  be  suitable  to  the  use  of  those  who  were 
 to  believe  on  His  Name — for  this  is  their  evident 
 intention.  About  the  answer  there  should  be  no 
 doubt.  We  have  seen  that  each  Gospel  has  its 
 own  features,  and  that  the  divine  element  has  con- 
 trolled the  human  but  not  destroyed  it.  But  the 
 picture  which  they  conspire  to  draw  is  one  full  of 
 harmony.  The  histories  are  true  according  to  any 
 test  that  should  be  applied  to  a  history  ;  and  the 
 events  that  they  select — though  we  could  not  pre- 
 sume to  say  that  they  were  more  important  than 
 what  are  omitted,  except  from  the  fact  of  the  omis- 
 sion—are at  least  such  as  to  have  given  the  whole 
 Christian  Church  a  clear  conception  of  the  Re- 
 deemer's life,  so  that  none  has  ever  complained  of 
 insufficient  meaiis  of  knowing  Him. 
 
 Gotholi'as.  Josias,  son  of  Gotholias,  was  one 
 of  the  sons  of  Elam  who  returned  from  Babylon 
 with  Esdras  (1  Esd.  viii.  33). 
 
 Crotlio'niel,  father  of  Chabris  (Jud.  vi.  15). 
 Gourd.  1.  Kikayon,  only  in  Jon.  iv.  6-10.  A 
 dirtbience  of  opinion  has  long  existed  as  to  the 
 plmit  which  is  intended  by  this  word ;  but  there 
 can  be  no  reasonable  doubt  that  the  kihdi/on 
 which  afforded  shade  to  the  prophet  Jonah  before 
 Nineveh  is  the  Ricinus  communis,  or  ca-stor-oil 
 plant,  which,  fonnerly  a  native  of  Asia,  is  now 
 naturalised  in  America,  Africa,  and  the  south  of 
 Europe.  This  plant  varies  considerably  in  size, 
 being  in  India  a  tree,  but  in  England  seldom  attain- 
 ing a  gieater  height  than  three  or  four  feet.  T'ne 
 leaves  are  large  and  palmate,  with  serrated  lobes, 
 
 GOURD 
 
 299 
 
 and  would  form   an  excellent  shelter  for  the  sun- 
 stricken  prophet.     The  seeds  contain  the  oil  so  well 
 
 sincKen  propnet.      the  seeds  contam  the  oil  so  well 
 known  under  the  name  of  "castor-oil,"  which  has 
 
 Castor-oil  plant. 
 
 for  ages  been  in  high  repute  as  a  medicine.  2.  Pak- 
 kuoih  and  pSkd'vn.  (i.)  In  2  K.  iv.  39,  a  fruit 
 used  as  food,  disagi'eeable  to  the  taste,  and  supposed 
 to  be  poisonous,  (ii.)  In  1  K.  vi.  18,  vii.  24,  as  an 
 architectural  ornament,  where  A.  V.  "  knops." 
 With  regard  to  the  "  wild  gourds"  (pakku'oth)  ot 
 2  K.  iv.  39,  which  one  of  "  the  sons  of  the  pro- 
 phets" gathered  ignorantly,  supposing  them  to  be 
 good  for  food,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  is  a 
 species  of  the  gourd  tribe  {Cncnrbitaceae),  which 
 contains  some  plants  of  a  very  bitter  and  dangerous 
 character.  The  leaves  and  tendrils  of  this  family 
 of  plants  bear  some   resemblance  to  those  of  the 
 
 Colocyiiili. 
 
300 
 
 GOVERNOR 
 
 vine.  Hem*  the  ex|irpssion  "  wil<l  viiu' ;"  and  as 
 several  kinds  of  Cucnrbilnccae,  such  its  melons, 
 pumi)kins,  &c.,  are  fiivoiirite  articles  of  refreshing 
 food  amongst  tlir  Orientals,  we  can  easily  under- 
 stand the  cause  of  rhe  nii.stake.  The  ctvnioloey  of 
 the  word  from  pdk<i,  "  to  s))lit  or  burst  o|>en,"  has 
 been  thoiisrht  to  favour  the  identitic;*tion  of  the 
 plant  with  the  Echalimn  clatcrium  or  "  squiiiins; 
 cucumber,"  so  called  from  the  elasticity  with  which 
 the  fruit,  w  hou  ripe,  opens  and  scatters  the  seeds 
 when  touched.  Celsius,  HosenmuHer,  Winer,  and 
 Gescniiis  are  in  favour  of  this  explanation,  and,  it 
 must  be  confessed,  not  without  some  reason.  The 
 old  vei'slons,  however,  understand  the  colocynth, 
 the  fruit  of  which  is  about  the  size  of  an  orange. 
 The  drastic  medicine  in  such  general  use  is  a  pre- 
 l)aration  from  this  plant.  .Since  the  dry  gourds  of 
 the  colocynth,  when  crushed,  burst  with  a  crashing 
 noise,  there  is  much  I'eason  for  being  satisfied  witli 
 an  explanation  which  has  authoi-ity,  etymology,  and 
 geneial  suitableness  in  its  favour. 
 
 Governor.  In  flie  .Auth.  Ver.  this  one  Knglish 
 woid  is  the  representative  of  no  less  than  ten  He- 
 brew and  four  Greek  words.  1.  Alluph,  the  chief 
 of  a  tribe  or  family  (Judg.  vi.  15;  Is.  Ix.  22;  Mic. 
 V.  1 ),  and  equivalent  to  the  "  prince  of  a  thousand  " 
 of  Kx.  xviii.  21,  or  the  '-head  of  a  thousand"  of 
 Num.  i.  16.  It  is  the  teim  ajiplieJ  to  the  "  dukes" 
 of  Kdom  (Gen.  .txxiv.).— 2.  Chohek  (Judg.  v.  9), 
 and  3.  viechokek  (Judg.  v.  14),  denote  a  ruler  in 
 his  capacity  of  lawgiver  and  dispenser  of  justice 
 (Gen.  xlix.  10;  Prov.  viii.  15;  comp.  Judg.  v.  14, 
 with  Is.  X.  1).^4.  Moshel,  a  rulei-  considered  espe- 
 tiially  as  having  power  over  the  proj)erty  and  per- 
 sons of  his  subjects  (Josh.  xii.  2 ;  Ps.  cv.  20 :  Gen. 
 xxiv.  2).  The  "  governors  of  the  people,"  in  2  Chr. 
 xxiii.  20,  apjK'ar  to  have  been  the  king's  body-guard 
 (ct.  2  K.  xi.  19).— 0.  Nuijid  denotes  a  prominent 
 pei-sonage,  whatever  his  capacity.  It  is  applied  to 
 a  king  as  the  military  and  civil  chief  of  his  peoj)le 
 (2  Sam.  v.  2,  vi.  21;  1  Chr.  xxix.  22),  to  the 
 general  of  an  army  (2  Chr.  xxxii.  21),  and  to  the 
 head  of  a  tribe  (2  Chr.  xix.  11).  It  denotes  an 
 ofTicer  of  high  rank  in  the  palace,  the  lord  high 
 cliamberlain  (2  Clir.  sxviii.  7).— 6.  ^'dsi.  The 
 j>revailing  idea  in  this  word  is  that  of  elevation.  It 
 is  applied  to  the  chief  of  the  tribe  (Gen.  xvii.  20; 
 Num.  ii.  3,  &c.),  to  the  heads  of  sections  of  a  tribe 
 (Num.  iii.  32,  vii.  2),  and  to  a  powerful  sheykh 
 (Gen.  xxiii.  G).  In  general  it  denotes  a  man  of 
 elevated  rank.— 7.  Pechah  is  a  word  probalily  of 
 Assyrian  origin.  It  is  applied  in  1  K.  x.  15  to  the 
 jtctty  chieftains  who  wore  tribut^uy  to  ."^olomon 
 (2  Chr.  ix.  14);  to  the  militaiy  coniniander  of  the 
 Syrians  (1  K.  xx.  24),  the  Assyrians  (2  K.  xviii. 
 24,  xxiii.  G),  the  tllialdeans  Mer.  li.  23),  and  the 
 Mcdes  (Jer.  li.  38).  Under  the  Persian  viceroys, 
 •luring  the  Babylonian  captivity,  the  land  of  the 
 Hebrews  apjieais  to  have  Ijeen  jwrtioned  out  among 
 "governoi-s"  {pdchoth)  inferior  in  rank  to  the 
 »atra|)»  (Ezr.  viii.  oG),  like  the  other  provinces 
 which  were  under  the  dominion  of  the  I'ei-sian 
 king  (Neh.  ii.  7,  9).  It  is  inipo.s.siblo  to  determine 
 the  precise  limits  of  their  authoiity,  or  the  func- 
 tions which  they  had  to  perfonn.  It  appeals  from 
 Kzr.  vi.  8  that  these  governors  were  entrusted  with 
 the  collection  of  the  king's  ta.tes;  and  from  Neli. 
 V.  18,  xii.  2G,  that  they  were  sniiiiorted  by  a 
 rontribiition  levie.1  \\\\o\\  the  people,  which  was 
 technically  termed  "the  bread  ol  the  governor" 
 'conip.  Lzr.  iv,  14).     They  were  jirobiibly  iibsisled 
 
 GRASS 
 
 in  discharging  their  olliciai  duties  by  a  rcnn-il 
 'Kzr.  iv.  7,  vi.  6).  The  "governor"  beyond  the 
 river  had  a  judgment-seat  at  Jertisalem.  i\i<m  which 
 probably  he  administered  justice  when  making  a  ])ro- 
 gress  through  his  province  (Neh.  iii.  7). ^8.  I'aliid 
 denotes  simply  a  j)erson  appointed  to  any  olhce. 
 It  is  used  of  the  officers  proposed  to  be  nj)i)ointpd 
 by  .Joseph  (Gen.  xii.  .34)  ;  of  Zebul,  Abimelech's 
 lieutenant  (Judg.  ix.  28)  ;  of  an  oHicerof  the  high- 
 priest  (2  Chr.  x\iv.  11);  and  of  a  priest  or  I.evite 
 of  high  rajik  (Neh.  xi.  14,  22).— 9.  Sludrit,n  ni:ui 
 of"  aidhority.  Applied  to  .Joseph  as  Pharaoh's  prime 
 minister  (Gen.  xlii.  6);  to  Arioch,  the  captain  of 
 the  guard;  to  the  king  of  Babylon  (Dan.  ii.  15); 
 and  to  Daniel  as  third  in  rank  under  Belshazzar 
 (Dan.  V.  29).— 10.  Sar,  a  chief,  in  any  capacity. 
 The  term  is  used  equally  of  the  genend  of  an  anny 
 (Gen.  xxi.  22),  or  the  commander  of  a  division 
 (1  K.  xvi.  9,  xi.  24),  as  of  the  governor  of  Pharaoh's 
 prison  (Gen.  xxxix.  21),  and  the  chief  of  his  butlers 
 and  bakers  (Gen.  xl.  2),  or  herdsmen  (Gen.  xlvii. 
 6).— 11.  iBvipxris  (2  Cor.  xi.  32),  an  officer  of 
 rank  under  Arefas,  the  Arabian  king  of  D  imascus. 
 It  has  been  conjectured  that  the  ethnarch  of  Damas- 
 cus was  merely  the  governor  of  the  resident  .lews, 
 but  it  does  not  .seem  probable  that  an  officer  of  such 
 limited  jurisdiction  would  be  styled  "the  ethnarch 
 of  Aretas  the  king ;"  and  as  the  term  is  clearly 
 capable  of  a  wide  range  of  meaning,  it  w.is  most 
 likelv  intended  to  denote  one  who  held  the  city  and 
 district  of  Damascus  as  the  king's  vassal  or  lepre- 
 sentative.— 12.  r)yfnd>v,  the  jorocura^or  of  Judaea 
 under  the  Itomans  (Matt,  xxvii.  2,  &c.).— 13.  oIko- 
 vofjLos  (Gal.  iv.  2),  a  steward,  apparently  entrusted 
 with  the  management  of  a  minor's  property.^ 
 14.  CLpxtTpiKKivos  (John  ii.  9),  "the  governor  ol' 
 the  feast."  Lightfoot  supposes  him  to  have  been  a 
 kind  of  chaplain,  who  pronounced  the  blessings  upon 
 the  wine  tliat  was  drunk  during  the  seven  days  of 
 the  marriage  feast.  He  appears  to  have  been  on 
 intimate  terms  with  the  bridegroom,  and  to  have 
 piesided  at  the  banquet  in  his  steacl.  The  duties 
 of  the  master  of  a  feast  are  given  at  full  length  in 
 l'2cclus.  XXXV.  (xxxii.). 
 
 Oo'zan  seems  in  the  A.  V.  of  1  Chr.  v,  26,  to 
 be  the  name  of  a  river  ;  but  in  Kings  (2  K.  xvii.  tJ, 
 and  xviii.  11)  it  is  evidently  ap])lie<l  not  to  a  river 
 but  a  countiy.  Gozan  was  the  tract  to  which  the 
 Israelites  were  canied  away  captive  by  Pul,  Tiglafh- 
 Pileser,  and  Shalmaneser,  or  jiossibly  Sargon.  It 
 has  been  variously  placed  ;  but  it  is  probably  iden- 
 tical with  the  Ganzanitis  of  Ptolemy,  and  may  be 
 regai'ded  as  represented  by  the  Mygdouia  of  otlici' 
 writei's.  It  was  the  tract  watered  by  the  Habor, 
 the  nioilern  Kluihour,  the  great  Mesojiotamian  alilu- 
 ent  of  fhe  Kujihrates. 
 
 Gra'ba,  1  Ksd.  v.  29.     [Hagaha.] 
 
 Grape.     [Vi.nm:.] 
 
 Grass.  1.  This  is  the  oi-dinary  rendering  of  the 
 Hebiew  word  cliAtsir  (1  K.  xviii.  U\  Job  xl.  ."), 
 Ps.  civ.  14;  Is.  XV.  G).  As  fhe  herluige  rapiilly 
 lades  under  the  jiarching  heat  of  the  son  ol'  Pales- 
 tine, it  has  allonleil  to  the  siicred  wrifei-s  an  in)age 
 of  the  fleeting  nature  of'  human  liirtunes  (.lob  viii. 
 12  ;  Ps.  xxxvii.  2),  and  also  of  fhe  bievity  of  human 
 life  (Is.  xl.  6,  7;  Ps.  xc.  .">).— 2.  In  the  A.  V.  of 
 Jer.  1.  II,  "as  the  heifer  at  grass  "  should  be  "  n.s 
 the  heif.M-  treading  out  corn"  (conjp.  Ilns.  n.  1  1  .^ 
 3.  In  Num.  xxii.  4,  when"  mentiun  is  ui.ide  of  the 
 ox  li<'king  up  the  grass  of  the  field,  fhe  lleli.  word 
 is  ycre/t,    which    elsewhere   is  rendered    gicCH.—' 
 
GRASSHOPPER 
 
 4.  'eseb  signities  herbs  tor  human  food  fGen.  i.  30 ; 
 Ps.  civ.  14),  but  also  to  klcr  for  tt\ttle  (Dent.  xi.  15; 
 .ler.  .\iv.  6).  It  is  the  grass  of  the  field  (Gen.  ii. 
 5;  Ex.  ix.  22)  and  of  the  mountain  (Is.  xlii.  15; 
 Piov.  xxvii.  25).  lu  the  N.  T.  wherever  the  word 
 grivss  occurs  it  is  the  representative  of  the  Greek 
 
 XOfiTOS. 
 
 Grasshopper     [Locust.] 
 
 Grave.     [Burial.] 
 
 Greaves  (;mitschdh).  This  word  occurs  in  the 
 A.  V.  only  in  1  Sam.  svii.  6.  Its  ordinary  mean- 
 ing is  a  piece  of  defensive  armour  which  reached 
 from  the  toot  to  the  knee,  and  thus  protected  the 
 shin  of  the  wearer.  But  the  mitschdh  of  the  above 
 passage  can  hardly  have  been  armour  of  this  nature. 
 It  was  not  worn  on  the  legs,  but  on  the  feet  of 
 Goliath,  and  would  therefore  appear  to  have  been 
 a  kind  of  shoe  or  boot. 
 
 Greece,  Greeks,  Grecians.  The  histories  of 
 Greece  and  Palestine  are  as  little  connected  as  those 
 of  any  other  two  nations  exercising  the  same  in- 
 fluence on  the  destinies  of  mankind  could  well  be. 
 The  Homeric  Epos  in  its  wiilest  range  does  not  in- 
 clude the  Hebrews,  while  on  the  other  hand  the 
 Mosaic  idea  of  the  Western  world  seems  to  have 
 been  sutficiently  indefinite.  It  is  possible  that  Moses 
 may  have  derived  some  geogi'aphical  outlines  fiom 
 the  Egyptians ;  but  he  does  not  use  them  in  Gen. 
 X.  2-5,  where  he  mentions  the  descendants  of  Javan 
 as  peopling  the  isles  of  the  Gentiles.  From  the 
 time  of  Moses  to  that  of  Joel  we  have  no  notice  of 
 the  Greeks  in  the  Hebrew  writings.  When  indeed 
 the  Hebrews  came  into  contact  with  the  louians  of 
 Asia  Mhior,  and  recognized  them  as  the  long-lost 
 islanders  of  the  western  migration,  it  was  natural 
 that  they  should  mark  the  similarity  of  sound  be- 
 tween Javan  and  lones ;  and  the  application  of  that 
 name  to  the  Asiatic  Gieeks  would  tend  to  satisfy 
 in  some  measm-e  a  longing  to  realize  the  Mosaic 
 ethnography.  Accoi-dingly  the  O.  T.  word  which  is 
 Grecia,  in  A.V.  Greece,  Greeks,  &c.,  is  in  Hebrew 
 Javan  (Joel  iii.  6;  Dan.  viii.  21):  the  Hebrew, 
 however,  is  sometimes  ret;iined  (Is.  Ixvi.  19;  Ez. 
 xxvii.  13).  The  Greeks  and  Hebrews  met  for  the 
 first  time  in  the  slave-market.  The  medium  of 
 communication  seems  to  have  been  the  Tyi"'*'i 
 slave-merchants.  About  B.C.  800  Joel  speaks  of 
 the  Tyrians  as  selling  the  children  of  Judah  to  the 
 Grecians  (Joel  iii.  6)  ;  and  in  Ez.  xxvii.  13  the 
 Greeks  are  mentioned  as  bai-tering  their  brazen  ves- 
 sels for  slaves.  Pi'ophetical  notice  of  Greece  occurs 
 iu  Dan.  viii.  21,  &c.,  where  the  history  of  Alex- 
 jiinler    and    his    successors    is    rapidly    sketched. 
 
 GROVE 
 
 301 
 
 Zechariah  (ix.  13)  foi-etells  the  triumphs  of  the 
 Maccibees  against  the  G raeco-Syriau  empire,  while 
 Isaiah  looks  forward  to  the  conversion  of  the 
 Greeks,  amongst  other  Gentiles,  through  the  in- 
 strumentiility  of  Jewish  missionaries  (Ixvi.  IQ).  In 
 1  Mace,  xii,  5-23  we  have  an  account  of  an  em- 
 bassy and  letter  sent  by  the  Lacedaemonians  to  tlie 
 Jews.  The  most  remarkable  feature  in  the  trans- 
 action is  the  claim  which  the  Lacedaemonians  prefer 
 to  kindred  with  the  Jews,  and  which  Areus  pro- 
 fesses to  establish  by  reference  to  a  book.  The 
 notices  of  the  Jewish  people  which  occur  iu  Greek 
 writers  have  been  collected  by  Josephus  (c.  Apion. 
 i.  22).  The  chief  are  Pythagoras,  Herodotus, 
 Choerilus,  Aristotle,  Theophnistus,  and  Hecataeus. 
 After  the  complete  subjugation  of  the  Greeks  by 
 the  Romans,  and  the  absorption  into  the  Roman 
 empire  of  the  kingdoms  which  were  formed  ou.t  of 
 the  dominions  of  Alexander,  the  political  connexion 
 between  the  Greeks  and  Jews  as  two  independent 
 nations  no  longer  existed.  The  name  of  the  country, 
 Greece,  occurs  once  in  N.  T.  (Acts  xx.  2),  as  op- 
 posed to  Macedonia. 
 
 Greyhound.  The  translation  in  the  text  of  the 
 A.V.  (Prov.  XXX.  31)  of  the  Hebrew  words  zarzir 
 mothnayin,  i.  e. "  one  girt  about  the  loins."  Vari- 
 ous are  the  opinions  as  to  what  animal  "  comely  in 
 going  "  is  here  intended.  Some  think  "  a  leopard," 
 others  "  an  eagle,"  or  "  a  man  girt  with  armour," 
 or  ''  a  zebra,"  or  "  a  war-horse  gilt  with  trap- 
 pings." But,  later,  Maurer  {Comment.  Gram,  in 
 Vet.  Test.)  decides  unhesitatingly  in  favour  of  a 
 "  wrestler,"  when  girt  about  the  loins  for  a  con- 
 test.    'I'here  is  gi  eat  probability  that  he  is  correct. 
 
 Grinding.     [Mill.] 
 
 Grove.  A  word  used  in  the  A.  V.,  with  two 
 exceptions,  to  translate  the  mysterious  Hebrew  term 
 Asherah,  which  is  not  a  grove,  but  probably  an 
 idol  or  image  of  some  kind.  [SeeAsHEKAH.]  It  is 
 also  probable  that  there  was  a  connexion  between  this 
 symbol  or  image,  whatever  it  was,  and  the  sacred 
 symbolic  tree,  the  representation  of  which  occure  so 
 frequently  on  Assyrian  sculptmes,  and  is  figured 
 below.— 2.  The  two  exceptions  noticed  above  are 
 Gen.  xxi.  33,  and  1  Sam.  xxii.  6  (margin).  In  the 
 religions  of  the  ancient  heathen  world  groves  play  a 
 prominent  part.  In  the  old  times  altars  only  were 
 erected  to  the  gods.  It  was  thought  wrong  to  shut 
 up  the  gods  within  walls,  and  hence,  as  Pliny  ex- 
 pressly tells  us,  trees  were  the  first  temples  ;  and 
 from  the  earliest  times  groves  are  mentioned  in  con- 
 nexion with  religious  worship  (Gen.  xii.  6,  7,  xiii.  18 ; 
 Deut.  xi.  30  ;  A.  V.  "  plain").     The  groves  were 
 
 6iicred  Symbolic  Tree  of  the  Assyrians.    From  Lord  Aberdeen's  Black  Stone.    (Fergusnon's  Kineveh  and  Persepotis,  p  29S.1 
 
302 
 
 OUARD 
 
 ^'eneraily  found  coniuited  willi  teiiiiil.->,  and  often 
 liad  thf  ri^lit  of  ariuiclini;  ai'  asylum.  Some  have 
 supposed  that  even  tlie  Jewish  Temple  had  an  en- 
 closure plantt-d  with  palm  and  cedar  i  Ps.  xcii.  1-2, 
 I'A)  and  olive  (Ps.  lii.  b),  as  the  musk  which  stands 
 Oil  its  site  now  hius.  This  is  more  than  doubtful ; 
 but  we  know  that  a  celebrati'd  oak  stood  by  the 
 sanctuary  at  >hechem  (Josh.  xxiv.  26  ;  Judg.  ix.  6). 
 Tlicre  are  in  Scripture  many  memorable  trees:  e.ff. 
 .Mlon-bachuth  (Gen.  xxxv.  8),  the  tamarisk  in 
 (iil)eah  (1  Sam.  xxii.  6),  the  terebinth  in  Shechem 
 (Jos.  xxiv.  2(3)  under  which  the  law  was  set  np,  tiie 
 palm-tree  of  Deborah  (Judg.  iv.  5),  the  terebinth  of 
 enchantments  (Judg.  ix.  37j,  the  teiebinth  of  wan- 
 tlerers  (Judg.  iv.  11),  and  others  (1  Sam.  xiv.  2, 
 x.  3,  sometimes  "plain"  inA.  V.).  This  observa- 
 tion of  pai'ticular  trees  was  among  the  lieatlien  ex- 
 tended to  a  regular  worship  of  them. 
 
 Guard.  (1.)  Tabhach  originally  signified  a 
 "  co<ik  ;"  and  as  butchering  fell  to  the  lot  of  tlie 
 cook  in  Kastern  countries  it  gained  the  secondary 
 sense  of  "  executioner,"  and  is  applied  to  the  body- 
 guard of  the  kings  of  Kgypt  (Gen.  xxxvii.  36)  and 
 liabylon  (2  K.  xxv.  8;  Jer.  xxxix.  9,  xl.  1  ;  Dan.  ii. 
 ]4j.— (2.)  ii'dfs  properly  means  a  "  runnei-,"  and 
 is  the  ordinary  term  employed  for  the  attendants  of 
 the  Jewish  kings,  whose  othce  it  was  to  run  before 
 the  chaiiot  (2  Sam.  xv.  1 ;  IK.  i.  5),  and  to  form 
 a  military  guard  (1  Sam.  xxii.  17;  2  K.  x.  25,  xi. 
 6;  2  Clir.  xii.  10).— (3.)  The  terms  tnishmereth 
 and  nushinar  express  properly  the  act  of  watckbuj, 
 but  <ire  occasionally  transiened  to  tlie  persons  who 
 kept  watch  (Neh.  iv.  9,  22,  vii.  3,  xii.  9  ;  Job 
 vii.  12). 
 
 Gud'godah,  Deut.  x.  7.     [HoR  Hagidgad.] 
 
 Guest.       [liosi'ITALlTV.] 
 
 Gul'loth,  a  Hebrew  term  of  unfrequent  occui-- 
 lOMce  in  the  Bible,  and  used  only  in  two  passages — 
 and  tliose  identical  relations  of  the  sime  otcur- 
 leiice — to  denote  a  natur.il  object,  viz.  the  spiingf 
 added  by  the  great  Caleb  to  the  south  land  in  the 
 iieighljourhood  of  Debir,  which  formeii  the  dowry  of 
 liis  daughter  Aehsah  (Josii.  xv.  19  ;  Judg.  i.  15). 
 'I'he  springs  weie  "  upper"  and  "  lower" — possibly 
 one  at  the  top  and  the  other  at  the  bottom  of  a 
 ravine  or  glen  ;  and  they  may  have  derived  their 
 unusual  name  from  tlieir  appearance  being  diflerent 
 to  that  of  the  ordinary  springs  of  the  country.  The 
 loot  (gdlal)  has  the  force  of  rolling  or  tumbling 
 over,  and  perhaps  this  may  imply  that  they  welle<l 
 up  in  that  round  or  mushroom  form  which  is  not 
 uiKMjmmon  here,  tiiough  apparently  most  rare  in 
 Palestine.  The  rendering  of  the. Vat.  LXX,  is  sin- 
 gular. In  Josh,  it  lias  r^v  BurBayis,  and  ttj;/ 
 rovai6\av,  the  latter  doubtless  a  mere  corruption  of 
 the  Hebrew.  Tlie  Alex.  MS.,  as  usual,  is  faithful 
 to  the  Hebrew  text.  In  Judges  both  have  KvTpaxrts. 
 An  attempt  has  Ixjeu  lately  made  by  Dr.  Rosen  to 
 identify  these  springs  with  the  Ain  A'wn/.itr  near 
 Hebron  (see  Zeitsc/irift  der  D.  M.  G.  1857);  but 
 the  identification  can  hardly  be  received  without 
 fuller  confirmation  (Stanley,  S.  ^  I'.  App.  §54j. 
 [Di;niR.] 
 
 Ga'ni  1.  A  son  of  Naphtali  (Gen.  xlvi.  24; 
 1  Cjir.  vii.  13),  the  founder  of  the  family  of  the 
 <;uiiites  (Num.  .Txvi.  48).— 2.  A  descendant  of  Gad 
 (1  Clir.  v.  15). 
 
 Gu'nites,  the,  descendants  ofGuniySon  of  Napli- 
 l:ili  I  Niiiii.  .\.\vi.  4X). 
 
 Gar,  the  going  np  to,  an  ascent  or  rising 
 ^'I'uujid,  at  which  Ahaziah  received  his  death-blow 
 
 HABAKKUK 
 
 while  flying  from  Jeliii  aftf-r  the  slaughter  of  Joraiii 
 (2  K.  ix.  27).  It  was  probably  some  place  more 
 than  usually  steep  on  the  ditlicult  road  which  leads 
 from  thi'  jilaiu  of  ICsdraelon  to  Jcntn. 
 
 Gur  Baal,  a  plaie  or  district  in  which  dwell 
 Arabiniis,  as  recorded  in  2  Chr.  xxvi.  7.  It  appeal's 
 from  the  context  to  liave  been  in  the  conntrv  Ivinu 
 between  Palestine  an<i  the  Arabian  peninsula  ;  but 
 this,  although  i)robable,  cannot  be  proved.  Tlie 
 Arab  geographers  mention  a  place  called  Baal,  on 
 the  Syrian  road,  north  of  Kl-Medeeneh. 
 
 H 
 
 Haahash'tari,  a  man,  or  a  family,  immediately 
 desccudid  fVoni  Ashiir,  "  father  of  Tekoa"  by  his 
 second  wife  N'aaiah  (1  ('lir.  iv.  6). 
 
 Habai  ah.  Bene-Habaiah  were  among  the  sons 
 of  the  priests  who  returned  from  Babylon  with 
 Zerubbabel  ( Kzr.  ii.  61  ;  Neh.  vii.  63). 
 
 Hab'akkuk.  1.  Of  the  ficts  of  the  prophet's 
 life  we  have  no  certain  information,  and  with  re- 
 gard to  the  period  of  his  prophecy  there  is  great 
 division  of  opinion.  The  Rabbinical  tradition  that 
 Habakkuk  was  the  son  of  the  Shunammite  woman 
 whom  Elisha  restored  to  life  is  repeated  by  Abar- 
 banel  in  his  commentary,  and  has  no  other  founda- 
 tion than  a  fanciful  etymology  of  the  prophet's  name, 
 based  on  the  expression  in  2  K.  iv.  16.  In  the  title 
 of  the  history  of  liel  and  the  Dragon,  as  found  in 
 the  L.XX.  version  in  Origen's  TetrujAa,  the  author 
 is  called  "  Habakkuk  the  sou  of  Joshua,  of  the 
 tribe  of  Levi."  Pseudo-Epiphanius  and  Dorotheus 
 relate  that  when  Jerusalem  was  sacked  by  Ne- 
 buchadnezzar, Habakkuk  fled  to  Ostiacine,  and  i-e- 
 niained  there  till  after  the  Chaldeans  had  left  the 
 city,  when  he  returned  to  his  own  country,  and 
 died  at  his  faiTn  two  years  before  the  return  from 
 Babylon,  n.C.  538.  It  was  during  his  residence  in 
 Judaea  that  he  is  said  to  have  carried  I'otxi  to  Daniel 
 in  the  den  of  lions  at  Babylon  .^2.  The  Habbinical 
 traditions  agree  in  placing  Hafiakkuk  with  Joel  and 
 Naluim  in  the  reign  of  Manasseh.  Davidson  decides 
 in  favour  of  the  early  part  of  the  reign  of  .losiah. 
 Delitzsch  concludes  that  Habakkuk  delivered  his 
 prophecy  about  the  r2th  or  13th  year  of  .losiah 
 (B.C.  630  or  629).  This  view  receives  some  con- 
 firmation from  the  jwsition  of  his  prophecy  in  the 
 0.  T.  Canon.  Tlie  prophet  commences  by  an- 
 nouncing his  ollice  and  im]>ortant  mission  (i.  1). 
 He  bewails  the  corruption  and  social  disorganiza- 
 tion by  which  he  is  surrounde<l,  and  criesi  to  Jehovali 
 for  help  (i.  2-4).  Next  follows  the  leply  of  the 
 Deity,  threatening  swift  vengeance  (i.  5-11).  The 
 prophet,  tninsferring  himself  to  the  near  futui-e 
 tbreshadowe<l  in  the  divine  threatenings,  sees  the 
 rajiacity  and  boastful  impiety  of  the  Chaldean  hosts, 
 but,  confident  that  (iod  h:\s  only  employed  them 
 as  the  instruments  of  correction,  a.ssunies  (ii.  1)  an 
 attitude  of  hopef'ul  expectancy,  and  waits  to  see  the 
 i.ssue.  He  receives  the  dinne  command  to  write  in 
 an  emluring  form  the  vision  of  CihI's  retributive 
 justice,  as  ieveale<l  to  his  prophetic  eye  (ii.  2,  3). 
 The  doom  of  the  Ch.-Udeans  is  fii-st  foretold  in 
 gcnci-al  tei-ms  (ii.  4-6),  and  the  announcement  is 
 followed  by  a  series  of  denunciations  pronounced 
 uj>on  them  by  the  nations  who  had  sulli-rtHl  from 
 their  oppiwsioii  (ii.  6-2n).  The  strophical  ari-ange- 
 ment  of  these  "  woes"  is  n  remarkable  feature  of 
 -the  prophecy.    Tlie  whole  concludes  with  the  ma;;- 
 
HABAZINIAK 
 
 iiificent  Psalm  in  chap,  iii.,  "  Habakkiik's  Pindaric 
 oile"  (E«ald),  a  composition  unrivalled  for  bold- 
 ness of  conception,  sublimity  of  thought,  and  ma- 
 jesty of  diction.  ' 
 
 Habazini'ah,  apparently  the  head  of  one  of  the 
 families  of  the  Kechauitks  (Jer.  xxxv.  3). 
 
 Hab  bacuc,  the  fomi  in  which  the  name  of  the 
 prophet  Habakkuk  is  given  iu  the  Apocrypha 
 fBel.  33-39). 
 
 Habergeon,  a  coat  of  mail  covering  the  neck 
 and  breast.      [.\hms.] 
 
 Ha'bor,  the  "  river  of  Gozan  "  (2  K.  .xvii.  6,  and 
 xviii.  11),  is  identified  beyond  all  reasonable  doubt 
 with  the  famous  affluent  of  the  Euphrates,  which  is 
 called  Aborrh;is  by  Strabo,  and  Chaboras  by  Pliny 
 and  Ptolemy.  The  stream  in  question  still  beai-s 
 the  name  of  the  Khabour.  It  Hows  from  several 
 sources  in  the  mountain-chain,  which  in  about  the 
 37th  parallel  closes  in  the  valley  of  the  Tigris  upon 
 the  south — the  Jlons  Masius  of  Strabo  and  Ptolemy, 
 at  present  the  Kharej  Dagh. 
 
 Hachali'ah,  the  lather  of  Nehemiah  (Neh.  i.  1  ; 
 X.  1). 
 
 Hacb'ilah,  the  Hill,  a  hill  apparently  situated 
 in  a  wood  in  the  wilderness  or  waste  land  in  the 
 neighbourhood  of  Ziph  ;  iu  the  fastnesses,  or  passes, 
 of  which  David  and  his  six  hmidred  foUowei-s  were 
 lurking  when  the  Ziphites  informed  Saul  of  his 
 where;ibouts  (1  Sam.  xxiii.  19;  comp.  14,  15, 
 18).  No  trace  of  the  name  Hachilah  has  yet  been 
 discovered.  By  Eusebius  and  Jerome  Eckela  is 
 named  as  a  village  then  standing ;  but  the  situa- 
 tion— seven  miles  from  Eleutheropolis,  i.e.  on  the 
 the  N.W.  of  Hebron — would  be  too  far  from  Ziph 
 uud  Maon. 
 
 Hachmoni,  Son  of,  and  The  Hach'monite 
 (1  Chr.  x.wii.  32,  xi.  11),  both  renderings — the 
 former  the  coriect  one — of  the  same  Hebrew  words. 
 Hachmon  or  Hachmoni  was  no  doubt  the  founder  of 
 a  family'to  which  these  men  belonged:  the  actual 
 tiither  of  Jashobeam  was  Zabdiel  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  2), 
 and  he  is  also  said  to  have  belonged  to  the  Korhites 
 (1  Chr,  xii.  6), 'possibly  the  Levites  descended  fi-om 
 Korah. 
 
 Ha'dad  was  originally  the  indigenous  appella- 
 tion of  the  Sun  among  the  Syrians,  and  was  thence 
 transferred  to  the  king,  as  the  highest  of  earthly 
 authorities.  The  title  appears  to  have  been  an 
 official  one,  like  Pharaoh.  It  is  found  occa-sionally 
 in  the  altered  form  Hadar  (Gen.  xxv.  15,  xxxvi.  39, 
 compared  with  1  Chr.  i.  30,  50).  1.  Son  of  Ish- 
 mael  (Gen.  xxv.  15 ;  1  Chr.  i.  30).— 2.  A  king  of 
 Edom  who  gained  an  important  victory  o\er  the 
 Jlidianites  on  the  field  of  Moab  (Gen.  xxxvi.  35  ; 
 1  Chr.  i.  46).— 3.  Also  a  king  of  Edom,  with  Pau 
 for  his  capital  (1  Chr.  i.  50).— 4.  A  membei'  of  the 
 royal  house  of  Edom  (1  K.  xi.  14  ff.).  In  his 
 childhood  he  escaped  the  massacre  under  Joab,  in 
 which  his  father  appears  to  have  perished,  and  fled 
 with  a  band  of  followers  into  Egypt.  Pharaoh,  the 
 pi"edecessor  of  Solomon's  father-in-law,  treated  him 
 kindly,  and  gave  him  his  sister-in-law  in  mairiage. 
 After  David's  death  Hadad  resolved  to  attempt  the 
 recovery  of  his  dominion :  Pharaoh  in  vain  dis- 
 couraged him,  and  upon  this  he  left  Egypt  and 
 returned  to  his  own  country.  It  does  not  appear 
 from  the  text,  as  it  now  stands,  how  Hadad  became 
 subsequently  to  this  an  "  adversary  unto  Solomon" 
 ^ver.  14),  still  less  how  he  gained  the  sovereignty 
 over  Syria  (ver.  25).  The  LXX.,  however,  refers 
 ver.  25  entirely  io  him,  and  substitutes  for  Aram 
 
 HADRACH 
 
 303 
 
 {Si/ria),  Edom.     This  reduces  the  whole  to  a  con- 
 sistent and  intelligible  narrative. 
 
 Hadade'zer  (,2  Sam.  viii.  3-12;  1  K.  xi.  23). 
 [Hadarezer.] 
 
 Ha'dad-Eim'mon  is,  according  to  the  ordinary 
 interpretation  of  Zech.  xii.  11,  a  place  in  the  valley 
 of  Megiddo,  named  aftei-  two  Syrian  idols,  where  a 
 national  lamentation  was  held  for  the  death  of  king 
 Josiah. 
 
 Ha'dar,  a  son  of  Ishraael  (Gen.  xxv.  15),  written 
 in  1  Chr.  i.  30  Hadad.  The  mountain  Hadad,  be- 
 longing to  Teyma  on  the  borders  of  the  Svrian 
 deseit,  north  of  El- Medeeneh,  is  perhaps  the'most 
 likely  to  be  con-ectly  identified  with  the  ancient 
 dwellings  of  this  tribe. — 2.  One  of  the  kings  of 
 Edom,  successor  of  Baal-hanan  beu-Acbor  (Gen. 
 xxxvi.  30),  and  about  contemporary  with  Saul. 
 
 Hadare'zer,  son  of  Rehob  (2  Sam.  viii.  3),  the 
 king  of  the  Aramite  state  of  Zobah,  who,  while 
 on  his  way  to  "establish  his  dominion"  at  the 
 Euphrates,  was  overtaken  by  Da^id,  and  defeate<l 
 with  great  loss  both  of  chariots,  horses,  and  men 
 (1  Chr.  xviii.  3,  4).  After  the  first  repulse  of  the 
 Ammonites  and  their  Syrian  allies  by  Joab,  Hada- 
 rezer sent  his  anny  to  the  assistance  of  his  kindred 
 the  people  of  Maachah,  Rehob,  and  Ishtob  ( 1  Chr. 
 xix.  16  ;  2  Sam.  x.  15,  comp.  8).  Under  the  com- 
 mand of  Shophach,  or  Shobach,  the  captiin  of  the 
 host,  they  crossed  the  Euphrates,  joined  the  other 
 Syrians,  and  encamped  at  a  place  called  Helam. 
 David  himself  came  from  Jerusalem  to  tixke  the 
 command  of  the  Israelite  army.  As  on  the  fomier 
 occasion,  the  rout  was  complete. 
 
 Had'ashah,  one  of  the  towns  of  Judah,  in  the 
 maritime  low  country  (Josh.  xv.  37  only).  No 
 satisfactoi-y  reason  presents  itself  why  Hadashah 
 should  not  be  the  Adasa  of  the  Macftxbaean  his- 
 toiy.  Hitherto  it  has  eluded  discoveiy  in  modern 
 times. 
 
 Hadas'sah,  a  name,  probably  the  earlier  name, 
 of  Esther  (Esth.  ii.  7). 
 
 Hadat'tah.  According  to  the  A.  V.  one  of  the 
 towns  of  Judah  in  the  extreme  south  (Josh.  xv. 
 25)  ;  but  the  accents  of  the  Hebrew  connect  the 
 word  with  that  preceding  it,  as  if  it  were  Hazor- 
 chadattah,  i.  e.  New  Hazor,  in  distinction  from  the 
 place  of  the  same  name  in  ver.  23. 
 
 Ha' did,  a  place  named,  with  Lod  (Lydda)  and 
 Ono,  only  in  the  later  books  of  the  history  (Ezr.  ii. 
 33  ;  Neh,  vii.  37,  xi.  34).  In  the  time  of  Eusebius 
 a  town  called  Aditha,  or  Adatha,  existed  to  the  east 
 of  Diospolis  (Lydda).  This  was  probably  Hadid. 
 About  three  miles  east  of  Lydd  stands  a  village 
 called  el-Haditheh,  marked  in  Van  de  Velde's  map. 
 Hadlai',  a  manof  Ephraim  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  12). 
 Had'oram,  the  fifth  son  of  Joktan  (Gen.  x.  27  ; 
 1  Chr.  i.  21).  His  settlements,  unlike  those  of 
 many  of  Joktan's  sons,  have  not  been  identified.— 
 
 2.  Son  of  Tou  or  Toi  king  of  Hamath  ;  his  father's 
 ambassador  to  congratulate  David  on  his  victory 
 over  Hadarezer  king  of  Zobah  (1  Chr.  xviii.  10).— 
 
 3.  The  form  assumed  in  Chronicles  by  the  name  of 
 the  intendant  of  taxes  under  David,  Solomon,  and 
 Hehoboam  (2  Chr.  x.  18).  In  Kings  the  name  is 
 given  in  the  longer  form  of  Adoniram,  but  in  Sa- 
 muel (2  Sam.  XX.  24)  as  Adoram. 
 
 Ha'drach,  a  country  of  Syria,  mentioned  once 
 only,  by  the  prophet  Zechariah  (ix.  1,  2).  The 
 position  of  the  district,  with  its  bordei-s,  is  here  ge- 
 nerally stated  ;  but  the  name  itself  seems  to  have 
 wholly  disappeared.     It  still  remains  unknown. 
 
304 
 
 HAQAB 
 
 Ha'gab.  I'ene-H.i<^l)  wcro  among  the  Nethinim 
 who  icturned  iVoni  liabyloa  with  Zenibbabel  [Iv/.v. 
 ii.  4tiV 
 
 Hag'aba.  Bene-Hasraba  wore  amona:  the  Ne- 
 thinim wlio  aime  back  from  captivity  with  Zerub- 
 Ijabel  f  Neh.  vii.  48).  The  name  is  sUghtly  difl'eient 
 in  t'oini  tVom 
 
 Hag'abah,  under  which  it  is  found  in  the  pa- 
 rallel li>l  of  I'^zr.  ii.  4b. 
 
 Ha'gar,  an  H<ryi)tian  woman,  the  handmaid,  or 
 slave,  of  Sarah  (Gen.  xvi.  1),  whom  tlie  hitter  gave 
 as  a  concubine  to  Abraham,  after  he  had  dwelt  ten 
 yejirs  in  the  land  of  Canaan  and  had  no  childien  by 
 Sarah  (xvi.  2  :ind  3).  That  she  was  a  bondwoman 
 is  stated  both  in  the  0.  T.  and  in  the  N.  T.,  in  the 
 latter  as  pait  of  her  typical  character.  It  is  re- 
 corded that  "  when  she  saw  that  she  had  conceived, 
 her  mistress  was  despised  in  her  eyes "  (4),  and 
 iSarah,  with  the  anger,  we  may  suppose,  of  a  free 
 woman,  rather  than  of  a  wife,  reproached  Abraham 
 for  the  results  of  her  own  act.  Hagar  fled,  turn- 
 ing her  steps  towards  her  native  land  through  the 
 great  wilderness  traversed  by  the  Egyptian  road. 
 By  the  fountain  in  the  way  to  Shur,  the  angel  of 
 the  Lord  found  her,  charged  her  to  return  and 
 submit  herself  under  the  hands  of  her  mistress,  and 
 delivered  the  remarkable  prophecy  respecting  her 
 unborn  child,  recorded  in  ver.  10-12.  On  her  re- 
 turn, she  gave  birth  to  Ishmael,  and  Abraham  was 
 then  eighty-six  years  old.  Mention  is  not  again 
 made  of  Hagar  in  the  history  of  Abraham  until  the 
 least  at  the  weaning  of  Isaac,  when  "  Sai-ah  saw 
 the  son  of  Hagar  the  Egyptian,  which  she  had  born 
 unto  Abraham,  mocking";  and  in  exact  sequence 
 with  the  fiist  flight  of  Hasrar,  we  now  read  of  her 
 exi)ulsion.  The  verisimilitude,  oriental  e.xactntss, 
 and  simple  beauty  of  this  story  are  internal  evidences 
 attesting  its  truth  apart  fiom  all  other  evidence.  The 
 name  of  Hagar  occurs  elsewhere  only  when  she 
 takes  a  wife  to  Ishmael  (xxi.  21)  ;  and  in  the  gene- 
 alogy (xxv.  12).  St.  Paul  refers  to  her  as  the  tyy>e 
 of  the  old  covenant,  likening  her  to  Mount  Sinai, 
 the  Mount  of  the  Law  (Gal.  iv.  22  seqq.).  In  Mo- 
 hammedan tradition  Hagar  is  represented  as  the 
 wife  of  AbialiMiii. 
 
 Ha'garenes,  Ha'garites,  a  people  dwelling  to 
 the  e;ust  of  I'ak'stine,  witli  whom  the  tribe  of  l\eu- 
 ben  made  war  in  the  time  of  Saul  (1  Chr.  v.  10, 
 18-20).  The  same  people,  ;»s  confederate  against 
 Isiael,  are  mentioned  in  Ps.  Ixsxiii.  Who  these 
 people  were  is  a  question  that  cannot  readily  be 
 ilt-cided,  though  it  is  generally  believed  that  they 
 were  named  after  Hagar.  It  is  imcertain  whether 
 the  imjwrtant  town  and  district  of  Ilcjer  lepreseut 
 the  ancient  name  and  a  dwelling  of  the  llagareues  ; 
 but  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  they  do.  Hcjcr, 
 or  llejera,  is  the  capital  town,  and  also  a  subdivi- 
 sion, of  the  province  of  north-eastern  Arabia  cjdied 
 Ll-f!(ihren7i,  on  the  borders  of  the  PersiimGulf. 
 
 Ha'gerite,  the.  Jaziz  the  Hagerite,  t.  c.  the 
 deMcndiiiit  ot'  Hagar,  had  the  chiiige  of  David's 
 sheep  n  Chr.  XX vii.  31). 
 
 Hag  gai,  the  tenth  in  order  of  the  minor  pro- 
 phets, and  fii-st  of  those  who  j)rophesied  after  the 
 Giptivity.  With  rcgaixl  to  his  tribe  and  parentage 
 both  history  and  tnidition  .ire  alike  silent.  In  the 
 absence  of  any  direct  evidence  on  the  point,  it  is 
 more  than  proliable  that  he  was  one  of  the  exiles 
 wliK  returned  with  Zerubbabel  jind  Joshua.  The 
 rebuilding  of  the  temple,  which  was  commenced  in 
 the  reign  of  Cyrus  (U.C.  .035),  was  suspended  dur- 
 
 HAIR 
 
 mg  the  rcir.ns  of  his  successors,  Cambyscs  and 
 I'seudo-Smeidis,  in  consequence  ot  the  detennined 
 hostility  of  the  Samaritans.  On  the  accession  of 
 Darius  Hystuspis  (li.c.  321),  the  propliets  Haggai 
 and  Zechariah  uiged  the  renewal  of  the  undertaking, 
 and  obtained  the  pcmiission  and  assistance  of  the 
 king  (Ezr.  v.  1,  vi.  14).  According  to  ti-adition, 
 Haggai  was  born  in  Babylon,  was  a  young  man 
 when  he  came  to  Jeiusalem,  and  was  buried  with 
 honour  near  the  sepulchres  of  the  priests.  The 
 names  of  Haggai  and  Zechariah  are  jtssociated  in  the 
 LXX.  in  the  titles  of  Pa.  137,  145-148  ;  in  the  Vul- 
 gate in  those  of  Ps.  Ill,  145;  and  in  the  Peshito 
 Syriac  in  those  of  Ps.  125,  126,  145,  146,  147, 
 148.  It  may  be  that  tradition  assigned  to  these 
 prophets  the  arnuigement  of  the  above-mentioned 
 jisalms  for  use  in  tlie  temple  service.  According  to 
 Pseudo-Epiphanius,  Haggai  was  the  first  who  chanted 
 the  Hallelujah  in  the  second  temple.  The  style  of 
 his  writing  is  genei-ally  tame  and  prosaic,  though 
 at  times  it  rises  to  the  dignity  of  severe  invective, 
 when  the  prophet  reliukes  his  countrymen  for  their 
 selfish  indolence  and  neglect  of  God's  house.  But  the 
 brevity  of  the  prophecies  is  so  great,  and  the  ])o- 
 verty  of  expi-ession  whicli  characterises  tiiem  so 
 striking,  as  to  give  rise  to  a  conjecture,  not  without 
 reason,  that  in  their  present  tbrm  they  are  but  the 
 outline  or  summary  of  the  original  disiouises.  They 
 were  delivered  in  the  second  year  of  Darius  Hys- 
 taspis  (U.C.  520),  at  iutei'vals  limn  the  1st  day  of 
 the  Gth  month  to  the  24th  day  of  the  9th  month  in 
 the  same  year. 
 
 Hag'geri.  "  Mibhar  son  of  Haggeri,"  was  one 
 of  the  mighty  men  of  David's  guard,  according  to 
 1  Chr.  xi.  38.  The  parallel  passage — 2  Sam.  xxiii. 
 36 — h;is  "  Bjuii  the  Gadite,"  which  is  probably  the 
 correct  reading. 
 
 Hag'gi,  second  son  of  Gad  (Gen.  xlvi.  16 ;  Num. 
 xxvi.  15  I. 
 
 Haggi'ah,  a  Merarite  Levite  (1  Chr.  vi.  30). 
 
 Hag'gites,  the,  a  Gadite  family  .sprung  from 
 Hagi;i  iNunr.  xxvi.  15). 
 
 Hag'gith,  one  of  David's  wives,  the  mother  of 
 Adonijah  (2  Sam.  iii.  4;  1  K.  i.  5,  11,  ii.  13; 
 1  Chi-,  iii.  2). 
 
 Ha'gia,  1  E.sd.  v.  34.    [Hattil.] 
 
 ^a'L  The  fornr  in  which  the  well-known  place 
 .•\i  a])pears  in  the  A.  V.  on  its  first  intioiiuction 
 ((ien.  xii.  8,  xiii.  3). 
 
 Hair.  'I'he  Hebrews  weie  fully  alive  to  the  iin- 
 jwrUuice  of  the  hair  as  an  clement  of  personal  beauty, 
 whether  as  seen  in  the  "  curled  locks,  black  ;us  a 
 raven,"  of  youth  (Cant.  v.  11),  or  in  the  "crown 
 of  glory  "  that  encircled  the  head  of  old  age  (Piov. 
 xvi.  31).  The  customs  of  ancient  nations  in  regard 
 to  the  hair  varied  consideiably :  the  Egy])tians 
 allowed  the  women  to  wear  it  long,  but  kej)t  the 
 heads  of  men  closely  shaved  from  e.arly  childhood. 
 The  (ireeks  admired  long  hair,  whether  in  men  or 
 women.  The  Assyrians  also  wore  it  long.  The 
 Hebrews  on  the  other  hand,  while  they  encouraged 
 the  growtli  ofirair,  observed  the  natural  distinction 
 between  the  sexes  by  allowing  the  women  to  wear 
 it  long  (Luke  vii.  38 ;  John  xi.  2  ;  1  Cor.  xi.  6  if.), 
 while  the  men  restrained  tlieirs  by  frequent  clip- 
 ping to  a  moderate  length.  ThisditTerence  between 
 the  Hebrews  and  the  surrounding  nations,  especially 
 the  Egyptians,  arose  no  doubt  jKUlly  from  natural 
 Uiste,  but  partly  also  from  legal  enactments:  clip- 
 ping the  hair  in  a  certain  manner  and  oll'ering  the 
 locks,  was  in  early  times  connccteil  with  religioui- 
 
HAIR 
 
 woi-ship :  and  hence  the  Hebrews  were  forbulden  to 
 "  rouiul  the  corners  of  their  heads''  (Lev.  xix.  27), 
 ineaniiiij;  the  locks  along  the  forehead  and  temples, 
 and  behind  tlie  ears.  The  prohibition  apiainst  cutting 
 'jrt'  tiie  hair  on  the  death  of  a  relative  (Deut.  xiv.  1) 
 was  probably  grounded  on  a  similar  reason.  In 
 addition  to  these  regulations,  the  Hebrews  dreaded 
 baldness,  ;is  it  was  frequently  the  result  of  leprosy 
 (Lev.  xiii.  40  ff.),  and  hence  formed  one  of  the  dis- 
 ciualifications  for  the  priesthood  (Lev.  xxi.  20, 
 LXX.).  Long  hair  was  admired  in  the  case  of 
 young  men ;  it  is  especially  noticed  in  the  descrip- 
 tion of  Absalom's  person  (2  Sam.  xiv.  26).  The 
 care  lequisite  to  keep  the  hair  in  ordei'  in  such  cases 
 must  have  been  very  great,  and  hence  the  practice 
 of  wearing  long  hair  was  unusual,  and  only  resorted 
 to  as  an  act  of  religious  observance.  In  times  of 
 affliction  the  hair  was  altogether  cut  off  (Is.  iii.  17, 
 24-,  XV.  2 ;  Jer.  vii.  29).  Tearmg  the  hair  (Ezr. 
 ix.  5)  and  letting  it  go  dishevelled,  were  similar 
 tokens  of  grief.  Wigs  were  commonly  used  by  the 
 Egyptians,  but  not  by  the  Hebrews.  The  usual 
 and  fa\'ourite  colour  of  the  hair  was  black  (Cant. 
 V.  11),  as  is  indicated  in  the  comparisons  to  a 
 "  flock  of  goats"  and  the  "  tents  of  Kedar"  (Cant. 
 iv.  1,  i.  5):  a  similar  hue  is  probably  intended  by 
 the  purple  of  Cant.  vii.  5.  A  fictitious  hue  was 
 occasionally  obtained  by  sprinkling  gold-dust  on  the 
 hair.  It  does  not  appear  that  dyes  were  ordinarily 
 used.  The  approach  of  age  was  marked  by  a 
 sprinkling  (Hos.  vii.  9)  of  gray  hairs,  which  soon 
 overspread  the  whole  head  (Gen.  xlii.  38,  xliv.  29; 
 1  K.  ii.  6,  9  ;  Prov.  xvi.  31,  xx.  29).  Pure  white 
 hair  was  deemed  characteristic  of  the  Divine  Ma- 
 jesty (Dan.  vii.  9  ;  Rev.  i.  14).  The  chief  beauty 
 of  the  hair  consisted  in  curls,  whether  of  a  natural 
 or  artificial  character.  With  regard  to  the  mode  of 
 dressing  the  hair,  we  have  no  very  precise  inform- 
 ation ;  the  terms  used  are  of  a  general  character, 
 as  of  Jezebel  (2  K.  ix,  30),  of  Judith  (x.  3).  The 
 terms  used  in  the  N.  T.  (1  Tim.  ii.  9 ;  1  Pet.  iii. 
 3)  are  also  of  a  general  character ;  Schleusner  un- 
 derstands them  of  curling  rather  than  plaiting. 
 The  arrangement  of  Samson's  hair  into  seven  locks, 
 or  more  jiroperly  braids  (Judg.  xvi.  13,  19)  in- 
 volves the  practice  of  plaiting,  which  was  also  fami- 
 liar to  the  Egyptians  and  Greeks.  The  locks  were 
 piobably  kept  in  their  place  by  a  fillet  as  in  Egypt. 
 
 HAM 
 
 305 
 
 Egjptian  Wigs.    (Wilkinson.) 
 
 i'he    Hebrews,     like   other    nations    of   antiquity, 
 anointed  the  hair  profusely  with  ointments,  which 
 were  generally  compounded  of  various  aromatic  in- 
 CoN.  D.  B. 
 
 gredients  (Ruth  iii.  3  ;  2  Sam.  xiv.  2  ;  Ps.  xxiii.  5, 
 xiv.  7,  xcii.  10  ;  Eccl.  ix.  8  ;  Is.  iii.  24) ;  more  espe- 
 cially on  occasion  of  festivities  or  hospitality  (Matt, 
 vi.  17,  xxvi.  7 ;  Luke  vii.  46).  It  appears  to 
 have  been  the  custom  of  the  Jews  in  our  Saviour's 
 time  to  swear  by  the  hair  (Matt.  v.  36),  much  as 
 the  Egyptian  women  still  swear  by  the  side-lock, 
 and  the  men  by  their  beards  (Lane,  i.  52,  71, 
 notes). 
 
 Hak'katan.  Johanan,  son  of  Hakkatan,  was  the 
 chief  of  the  Bene-Azgad  who  returned  from  Baby- 
 lon with  Ezra  (Ezr.  viii.  12). 
 
 Hak'koz,  a  priest,  the  chief  of  tlie  seventh 
 course  in  the  service  of  the  sanctuary,  as  appointed 
 by  David  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  10).  In  Ezr.  ii.  61  and  Neh. 
 iii.  4,  21 ,  the  name  occurs  again  as  Koz  in  the  A.  V. 
 
 Haku'pha.  Bene-Hakupha  were  among  the  Ne- 
 thinim  who  returned  from  Babylon  with  Zerubbabel 
 (Ezr.  ii.  51;  Neh.  vii.  53). 
 
 Ha'lah  is  probably  a  different  place  from  the 
 Calah  of  Gen.  x.  11.  Itmay  with  some  confidence  be 
 identified  with  the  Chalcitis  of  Ptolemy.  The  name 
 is  thought  to  remain  in  the  modern  Gla,  a  large 
 mound  on  the  upper  Khabour. 
 
 Ha'lak,  the  Mount,  a  mountain  twice,  and 
 twice  only,  named  as  the  southern  limit  of  Joshua's 
 conquests  (Josh.  xi.  17,  xii,  1 ),  but  which  has  not 
 yet  been  identified. 
 
 Hal'liul,  a  town  of  Judah  in  the  mountain  district 
 (Josh.  XV.  58).  The  name  still  lemains  unaltered, 
 attached  to  a  conspicuous  hill  a  mile  to  the  left  of 
 the  road  from  Jerusalem  to  Hebron,  between  3  and 
 4  miles  fiom  the  latter. 
 
 Ha'li,  a  town  on  the  boundary  of  Asher,  named 
 between  Helkath  and  Bet  en  (Josh.  xix.  25).  ]No- 
 thing  is  known  of  its  situation. 
 
 Halicarnas'sus  in  Carta,  a  city  of  great  re- 
 nown, as  being  the  birthplace  of  Herodotus  and  of 
 the  later  historian  Dionysius,  and  as  embellished 
 by  the  Mausoleum  erected  by  Artemisia,  but  of  nc 
 Biblical  interest  except  as  the  residence  of  a  Jewish 
 population  in  the  periods  between  the  Old  and  New 
 Testament  histories  (1  Mace.  xv.  23).  The  modern 
 name  of  the  place  is  Budrum. 
 
 Hall,  used  of  the  court  of  the  high-priest's 
 house  (Luke  xxii.  55).  In  Matt,  xxvii.  27,  and 
 Mark  XV.  16,  "hall"  is  syn.  with  "  praetorium," 
 which  in  John  xviii.  28  is  in  A,  V.  "judgment- 
 hall."  The  hall  or  court  of  a  house  or  palace  would 
 probably  be  an  enclosed  but  luicovered  space,  on  a 
 lower  level  than  the  apartments  of  the  lowest  floor 
 which  looked  into  it. 
 
 Hallelujah.     [Alleluia.] 
 
 Hallo'hesh,  one  of  the  "  chief  of  the  people  "  who 
 sealed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  24). 
 
 Halo'hesh.  Shall  um,  son  of  Hal-lohesh,  was 
 "  ruler  of  the  half  part  of  Jenisalem  "  at  the  time 
 of  the  repair  of  the  wall  by  Nehemiah  (Neh. 
 iii.  12). 
 
 Ham.  1.  The  name  of  one  of  the  three  sons  of 
 Noah,  apparently  the  second  in  age.  It  probably 
 signifies  "  warm  "  or  "  hot."  This  meaning  seems 
 to  be  confirmed  by  that  of  the  Egyptian  woi  d  Kem 
 (Egypt),  which  we  believe  to  be  the  Egyptian  equi- 
 valent of  Ham,  and  which,  as  an  adjective,  signifies 
 "  black,"  probably  implying  warmth  as  well  as 
 blackness.  Of  the  history  of  Ham  nothing  is  re- 
 lated except  his  in-everence  to  his  father,  and  the 
 curse  which  that  patriarch  pronounced.  'I'he  sons 
 of  Ham  are  stated  to  have  been  "  Cush  and  Mizraim 
 and  Phut  and  Canaan"    Gen.  x.  6;  comp.  1  Chr. 
 
306 
 
 HAM 
 
 1.  8).  The  n;imi'  of  H;im  alone,  of  the  thi-eo  sons 
 of  No:\li,  if  our  i<ieiitilication  bf  coiroct,  is  known 
 to  have  been  ^iveu  to  a  country  (I's.  Ixxviii.  .M, 
 cv.  2:5,  cvi.  22).  The  settlements  of  the  descend- 
 ants of  Ciish  have  ocoasioneil  the  greatest  diHiculty 
 to  critits.  We  have  l)een  led  to  the  conclusion  that 
 settlements  of  Cash  extended  i'lom  liabylonia  along 
 tiie  shores  of  the  Indian  (.)cean  to  Ethiopia  above 
 Egypt,  and  to  the  sii]iposition  that  there  was  an 
 eastern  as  well  as  a  western  Cnsh.  ]f,  as  we  sup- 
 pose, Mizraim  in  the  lists  of  Gen.  x.  and  1  Chr.  i. 
 stand  for  Mizrim,  we  should  take  the  singular 
 Wazor  to  be  the  name  of  the  progenitor  of  the 
 Egyptian  tribes.  It  is  remarkable  that  Mazor  ap- 
 pears to  be  identical  in  signiHcation  with  Ilani,  so 
 that  it  may  be  but  another  name  of  tlie  patriarch. 
 In  this  case  the  mention  of  Jlizraim  (or  iJizrim) 
 would  be  geographical,  and  not  hidicative  of  a  Mazor, 
 son  of  Hnni.  The  Mizraites,  like  the  descendants 
 of  Ham,  oocui)y  a  territory  wider  than  that  bearing 
 the  name  of  Mizraim.  We  may,  however,  suppose 
 that  Mizraim  includeil  all  the  first  settlements, 
 and  that  in  remote  times  other  tribes  besides  the 
 Pliilistines  migrated,  or  extended  their  tenitories. 
 I'hut  has  been  always  placed  in  Africa,  where  we 
 find,  in  the  Egyptian  inscriptions,  a  great  nomadic 
 people  corresponding  to  it.  Respecting  the  geo- 
 graphical position  of  the  Canaanites  tliere  is  no  dis- 
 pute, although  all  the  names  are  not  identified. 
 The  Hamatbites  ahme  of  those  identified  were  settled 
 in  early  times  wholly  beyond  the  land  of  Canaan. 
 lViha])s  there  was  a  primeval  extension  of  the  Ca- 
 ii;ianite  tribes  after  their  first  establishment  in  the 
 land  called  after  their  ancestor,  for  betbie  the  S])e- 
 cification  of  its  limits  as  those  of  their  settlements 
 it  is  stated  "  afterward  were  the  families  of  the  Ca- 
 naanites spread  abroad"  (Gen.  x.  16,  19).  One  of 
 their  most  imjwrtant  extensions  was  to  the  north- 
 east. I'hilologers  are  not  agreed  as  to  a  Hamitic 
 cla.<5s  of  language.  Recently  Bunsen  has  applieil  the 
 term  "  Hamitism,"  or  as  he  writes  it,  Cbamitism, 
 to  the  lv,'yi>tian  language,  or  rather  family.  Sir 
 H.  llawlinson  has  aj)plii>d  the  teim  Cushite  to  the 
 primitive  language  of  Babylonia,  and  the  same 
 teiTii  has  been  used  for  the  ancient  langnmge  of  the 
 southern  coast  of  Arabia.  The  Biblical  evidence 
 .•ieems  at  fir.st  sight,  in  favour  of  Hebrew  being 
 classed  as  a  Hamitic  rather  than  a  Shemitic  form 
 of  speech.  It  is  called  in.the  Bible  "the  language 
 of  Canaan"  (Is.  xix.  IS;,  although  those  speaking 
 it  are  elsewhere  said  to  speak  "  Jewishly  "  (2  K. 
 xviii.  26,  28;  Is.  xxxvi.  11,  13;  Neh.  xiii.  24). 
 But  the  one  term,  as  Gescnius  remarks,  indicates 
 the  country  where  the  language  was  spoken,  the 
 ether  as  evidently  indicates  a  people  by  whom  it 
 was  spoken.  Elsewhere  we  might  find  evidence  of 
 the  use  of  a  so-called  Shemitic  lancjuage  by  nations 
 I'lther  partly  or  wholly  of  Hamito  origin.  This 
 evidence  would  favour  the  theory  that  Hebrew  w.as 
 Hamitic;  but  on  the  other  hand  we  should  be  un- 
 able to  dissociate  Shemitic  languages  from  Shemitic 
 jwoples.  The  Egypti.-\n  language  would  also  otlei- 
 gi.at  difllculties,  unless  it  were  held  to  be  but 
 partly  of  Hamitic  origin,  since  it  is  mainly  of  an 
 entirely  dilTcrent  ola.ss  to  the  Shemitic;.  It  is  mainly 
 .Nigritian,  but  it  also  contains  Shemitic  elements. 
 We  are  of  opinion  that  the  giouiidwork  is  Nigritian, 
 and  that  the  Shemitic  part  is  a  layer  added  to  a  com- 
 plete Nigritian  language.  An  inquiry  into  the  his- 
 toiy  of  the  H.-nnite  nations  j>resents  considei-able 
 (lifliculties,   bince  it  cannot  lie  determined   in   the 
 
 HAMATH 
 
 cases  of  the  most  important  of  those  rommonlv 
 held  to  be  Hamito  that  they  were  puiely  of  that 
 stock.  It  is  certain  that  the  three  most  illustrious 
 Ilainite  nations — the  Cushites,  the  Phoenicians, and 
 the  Egyptian.s — were  greatly  mixed  with  foreign 
 peoples.  Thei"B  are  some  common  characteristics, 
 however,  which  appear  to  connect  the  ditlerent 
 branches  of  the  Hamitc  family,  and  to  distinguish 
 them  from  the  children  of  .lapheth  and  Shem. 
 Their  architecture  has  a  solid  grandeur  that  we 
 look  for  in  vain  elsewhere.  The  early  history  of 
 each  of  the  chief  Hamite  nations  shows  great  power 
 of  organising  an  extensive  kuigdom,  of  ac-jtiring 
 material  greatness,  and  checking  the  mroads  of 
 neighbouring  nomadic  peoples.— 2.  According  to 
 the  Ma.soretic  text  ((ien.  .\iv.  5),  Chedorlaomer  and 
 his  allies  smote  the  Zuzim  in  a  ])lace  called  Ham. 
 If,  as  seems  likely,  the  Zuzim  be  tlie  same  as  the 
 Zamzummim,  Ham  must  be  placed  in  what  was 
 afterwards  the  .Ammonite  teiritory.  Hence  it  has 
 been  conjectured  by  Tuch,  that  Ham  is  but  another 
 form  of  the  name  of  the  chief  .stronghold  of  the 
 children  of  ./twmon,  Kabbah,  now  j4m-man.^3.  In 
 the  account  of  a  migration  of  the  ."^imeonites  to  the 
 valley  of  Uedor,  and  their  destroying  the  pastoral 
 inhabitants,  the  latter,  or  possibly  their  prede- 
 cessors, are  said  to  have  been  "  of  Ham  "  ( 1  Chr. 
 iv.  40).  This  may  indicate  that  a  Hamite  tribe 
 was  settled  here,  or,  more  precisely,  that  there  was 
 an  Egyjitian  settlement. 
 
 Ha'man,  the  chief  minister  or  vizier  of  king 
 Ahasuerus  (Esth.  iii.  1).  Af>er  the  failure  of  his 
 attempt  to  cut  off  all  the  Jews  in  the  Pei-sian  em- 
 pire, he  was  hanged  on  the  gallows  whidi  he  bad 
 erected  for  Mordecai.  The  Taigum  and  Josnphus 
 intei-pret  the  de.scription  of  him — the  .\gagite — as 
 signifying  that  he  was  of  Amalekitish  descent:  but 
 he  is  adled  a  Macedonian  by  the  LXX.  in  Esth. 
 ix.  24. 
 
 Ha'matll  appears  to  have  been  the  principal  city 
 of  L'p])er  Syria  from  the  time  of  the  Exodus  to 
 that  of  the  jirophet  Amos.  It  was  situated  in  the 
 valley  of  the  Orontes,  about  half  way  between  its 
 source  near  Baalbek,  and  the  bend  which  it  makes 
 at  Jisr-hadid.  It  thus  naturally  commanded  the 
 whole  of  the  Orontes  valley,  from  the  low  screen 
 of  hills  which  forms  the  watershed  between  the 
 Orontes  and  the  Litaiit/ — the  "  entrance  of  Ha- 
 matli,''  as  it  is  called  in  Scripture  (Num.  xx.xiv.  8  ; 
 Josh.  xiii.  5,  &c.) — to  the  detile  of  Daphne  below 
 .Antioch  ;  and  this  tract  appears  to  have  fonned  the 
 kingdom  of  Hamath,  during  the  time  of  its  inde- 
 pendence. The  Hamathites  were  a  Hamitic  race, 
 and  are  included  among  the  descendants  of  Can.ian 
 (Gen.  X.  18).  We  must  reganl  them  as  ch^sely 
 akin  to  the  Hittites  on  whom  they  bordered,  and 
 with  whom  they  were  generally  in  alliance.  No- 
 thing appears  of  the  power  of  Hamath.  until  the 
 time  of  David  (2  Sam.  viii.  10).  Hamath  x-ems 
 clearly  to  have  been  includeil  in  the  dominions  of 
 Solomon  (1  K.  iv.  21-4).  The  "store-cities," 
 which  Solomon  "built  in  Hamath"  (2  Chr.  viii. 
 4),  were  perhaps  staples  for  trade.  In  the  .A.s.sy- 
 rian  inscriptions  of  the  time  of  Ahab  (n.C.  900) 
 Hamath  ap{)ears  as  a  .separate  power,  in  alliance 
 with  the  Syrians  of  Damascus,  the  Hittites,  and 
 the  I'lioeniclans.  About  three-quaiters  of'n  centuiv 
 later  .leroboam  the  second  "  iccovcknI  Hamath 
 (2  K.  xiv.  28).  Soon  afterwards  the  .Xssyrians 
 took  it  (2  l\.  xviii.  .S4,  xix.  13,  &c.),  and  from  thin 
 time   it  ce:is«<l  to  lie  a  place  uf  much  importvire. 
 
HAMATH-ZOBAH 
 
 Antioehus  Epiphanes  changed  its  name  to  Epipha- 
 neia.  'I'he  natives,  however,  called  it  Haniath, 
 even  in  St.  Jerome's  time,  and  its  present  name, 
 Hainah,  is  but  slightly  altered  from  the  ancient 
 form. 
 
 Ha'math-Zo'ball  f2  Chr.  viii.  3)  has  been  con- 
 jectured to  bL'  the  same  as  Hamath.  But  the  name 
 J/ainath-Zobah  would  seem  rather  suited  to  another 
 Hamath  which  was  distinguished  from  the  "  Great 
 Hamath  "  by  the  suffix  "  Zobah." 
 
 Ham'athite,  the,  one  of  the  families  descended 
 from  Cana;ni,  named  last  in  the  list  (Gen.  x.  18; 
 1  Chr.  i.  Ki). 
 
 Ham'matli,  one  of  the  fortified  cities  in  the 
 territory  allotted  to  Naphtali  (Josh.  xi.x.  .35).  It  is 
 not  possible  fiom  this  list  to  determine  its  position, 
 but  the  notices  of  tlie  Talmudists  leave  no  doubt 
 that  it  was  near  Tiberias,  one  mile  distant — in  fact 
 tliat  it  had  its  name,  Chammath,  "hot  baths," 
 iiecause  it  confciined  those  of  Tiberias.  Josephus 
 mentions  it  under  the  name  of  Emmaus  as  a  village 
 not  far  from  Tiberias.  The  Hammam,  at  piesent 
 three  in  number,  still  send  up  their  hot  and  sul- 
 phineous  waters,  at  a  spot  rather  more  than  a  mile 
 .■^outh  of  the  modern  town.  In  the  list  of  Leviticiil 
 cities  given  out  of  Naphtali  (Josh.  xxi.  32)  tlie 
 name  of  this  place  sfems  to  be  given  as  Hajimo  IH- 
 DOR,  and  in  1  Chr.  vi.  76  it  is  further  alteied  to 
 Hammox. 
 
 Hammeda'tlia,  father  of  the  infamous  Haman 
 (Esth.  iii.  1.  10,  viii.  5,  i.x.  24). 
 
 Hammelecli,  lit.  "the  king,"  unnecessarily  ren- 
 dered in  the  A.  V.  as  a  proper  name  (Jer.  xxxvi. 
 2G,  xxxviii.  6). 
 
 Hammer.  The  Hebrew  language  has  seveial 
 names  for  this  indispensable  tool,  (1.)  Pettish, 
 which  was  u.sed  by  the  gold-beater  (Is.  xli,  7,  A.  V. 
 "  carpenter  ")  a-i  well  as  by  the  quarry-man  (Jer. 
 xxiii.  29).  (2.)  Makkabali,  properly  a  tool  for 
 hollowing,  hence  a  stonecutter's  mallet  (1  K.  vi.  7j. 
 (3.)  Halmuth,  used  only  in  Judg.  v.  26.  (4.)  A 
 kind  of  hammer,  named  moppets,  Jer.  li.  20  (A.  V. 
 "battle-axe"),  or  inephits,  Prov.  xxv.  18  (A.  V. 
 "  maul  "),  was  used  as  a  weapon  of  war. 
 
 Hammolek'eth,  daughter  of  Machir  and  sister 
 ofOilead  '1  Chr.  vii.  17,  18). 
 
 Ham'mon.  1.  A  city  in  Asher  (Josh.  six.  28), 
 apparently  not  far  from  Zidon-rabbah.>^2.  A  city 
 allotted  out  of  the  tribe  of  Naphtali  to  the  Levites 
 (I  Chr.  vi.  76),  and  answering  to  the  somewhat 
 similar  names  Hammath  and  Hammoth-dor  in 
 Joshua. 
 
 Ham'moth-Dor,  a  city  of  Naphtali,  allotted 
 with  its  suburbs  to  the  Gershonite  Levites,  and  for 
 a  city  of  refuge  (Josh.  xxi.  32).  Unle.ss  there  were 
 two  places  of  the  same  or  very  similar  name  in 
 Naphtili,  this  is  identical  with  Hammath. 
 
 Ham'onali,  the  name  of  a  city  mentioned  in 
 Ezekiel  (xxxix.  16). 
 
 Ha'mon-Grog,  the  Valley  of,  the  name  to  be 
 bestcwed  on  a  ravine  or  glen,  previously  known  as 
 "  the  ravine  of  the  passengers  on  the  east  of  the 
 sea,"  after  the  burial  there  of  "  Gog  and  all  his 
 multitude"  (Ez.  xxxix.  11,  15). 
 
 Ha'mor,  a  Hivite  (or  according  to  the  Alex. 
 LXX.  a  Horite),  who  at  the  time  of  the  entrance  of 
 Jacob  on  Palestine  was  prince  of  the  laud  and  city 
 of  Shechem  (Gen.  xxxiii.  19,  xxxiv.  2,  4,  6,  8,  13, 
 18,  20,  24,  26). 
 
 Ha'muel,  a  man  of  Simeon ;  son  of  Mishma,  of 
 the  family  of  Shaul  (1  Chr.  iv.  26). 
 
 HANANIAH 
 
 307 
 
 Ha'mnl,  the  younger  son  of  Pharez,  Judah's  son 
 by  Tamar  ('Jen.  xlvi.  12;   1  Chr,  ii,  5). 
 
 Ha'mulites,  the,  the  family  of  the  preceding 
 (Num.  x.wi.  21). 
 
 Ham'utal,  daughter  of  Jeremiah  of  Libnah  ;  one 
 of  the  wives  of  king  Josiah  (2  K.  xxiii.  31,  xxlv. 
 18;  Jer.  Iii.  1). 
 
 Han'ameel,  sou  of  Shallum,  and  cousin  of  Jeie- 
 minh  (Jer.  xx.xii.  7,  8,  9,  12  ;  and  conip.  44). 
 
 Ha'nan,  1.  One  of  the  chief  people  of  tlie  tribe 
 of  Benjamin  (1  Chr.  viii.  23).— 2.  The  hist  of  the 
 six  sons  of  Azel,  a  descendant  of  Saul  (1  Clir.  viii. 
 38,  ix.  44).— 3.  "  Son  of  Maachah,"  i,  e.  possibly 
 a  Syrian  of  Aiam-M;iacah,  one  of  the  heroes  of 
 David's  guard  (1  Chr,  xi.  43). — 4.  The  sons  of 
 Hanan  were  .among  the  Nethiiiim  who  returned 
 from  Babylon  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  46  ;  Neh. 
 vii.  49).— ^5.  One  of  the  Levites  who  assisted  Ezra 
 in  his  public  exposition  of  the  law  (Neh.  viii.  7). 
 The  same  person  is  probably  mentioned  in  x.  10.^ 
 6.  One  of  the  "heads"  of  the  "people,"  who  also 
 sealed  the  covenant  (x.  22).^7.  Another  of  the  chief 
 laymen  on  the  same  occa.sion  (x.  26).^8,  Son  of 
 Zaccui-,  son  of  Wattaniah,  whom  Nehemiah  made 
 one  of  the  storekeepers  of  the  provisions  oolle(.'ted  as 
 tithes  (Neh.  xiii.  13^. — 9.  .Son  of  Igdaliah  (Jer. 
 .XXXV.  4). 
 
 Han'aneel,  the  Tower  of,  a  tower  which  formed 
 part  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (Neh.  iii.  1,  xii.  39). 
 From  these  two  passages,  particularly  from  the 
 fonner,  it  might  almost  be  inferred  that  Hananeel 
 was  but  another  name  for  the  Tower  of  Meah :  at 
 an}'  rate  they  were  close  together,  and  stood  be- 
 tween the  sheep-gate  and  the  fish-gate.  This  tower 
 is  further  mentioned  in  Jer.  xxxi.  38.  The  remain- 
 ing passage  in  which  it  is  named  (Zoch.  xiv.  10) 
 also  connects  this  tower  with  the  "  corner  gate," 
 which  lay  on  the  other  side  of  the  sheep-gate. 
 
 Hana'lli.- 1.  One  of  the  sons  of  Henian,  and 
 head  of  the  18th  course  of  the  service  (1  Cjhr.  xxv. 
 4,  25). — 2.  A  seer  who  rebuked  (b.C.  941)  Asa, 
 king  of  Judah  (2  Chr.  xvi.  7).  For  this  he  was 
 imprisoned  (10).  He  (or  another  Hanani)  was  the 
 father  of  Jehu  the  seer,  who  testified  against  Baasha 
 (1  K.  XVI.  1,  7),  and  Jehoshaphat  (2  Chr.  xix.  2. 
 XX.  34).— 3.  One  of  the  priests  who  in  the  time  of 
 Ezra  had  taken  strange  wives  (Ezr.  x.  20). i— 4.  A 
 brother  of  Nehemiah  (Neh.  i.  2)  was  afterwards 
 made  governor  of  .Terusalem  under  Nehemiali  (vii. 
 2). — 5.  A  priest  mentioned  in  Neh.  xii.  36. 
 
 Hanani'ah.  1.  One  of  the  14  sons  of  Heman, 
 and  chief  of  the  1 6th  course  of  singers  ( 1  Chr.  xxv. 
 4,  5,  23). — 2.  A  general  in  the  army  of  king 
 Uzziah  (2  Chr.  xx\n.  11).— 3.  Father  of  Zcdekiah, 
 in  the  reign  of  Jehoiakim  (Jer.  xsxvi,  12). — 4.  Son 
 of  Azur,  a  Benjamite  of  Gibeon  and  a  false  prophet 
 in  the  reign  of  Zedekiah  king  of  Judah.  In  the  4th 
 year  of  his  reign,  B.C.  595,  Hananiah  withstood 
 Jeremiah  the  prophet,  and  publicly  prophesied  in 
 the  temple  that  within  two  years  Jeconiah  and  all 
 his  fellow-captives,  with  the  vessels  of  the  Lord's 
 house  which  Nebuchadnezzar  had  taken  .away  to 
 Babylon,  should  be  brought  back  to  Jerusalem 
 (Jer,  xxviii.) :  an  indication  that  treacherous  nego- 
 tiations were  already  secretly  opened  with  Pharaoh- 
 Hophra.  Hananiah  corroborated  his  prophecy  by 
 taking  from  off  the  neck  of  Jeremiah  the  yoke 
 which  he  wore  by  Divine  command  (Jer.  xxvii.) 
 in  token  of  the  subjection  of  Judaea  and  the  neigh- 
 bouring countries  to  the  Babylonian  empire,  and 
 breaking  it.     But  Jeremiah  w.as  bid  to  go  and  tell 
 
 X  2 
 
308 
 
 HANDICRAFT 
 
 Haiianiah  tn.it  for  tlie  wooden  yokes  which  lie  had 
 broken  he  shoulil  make  yokes  of  iron,  so  firm  was 
 the  dominion  of  Babylon  destine<l  to  be  for  seventy 
 years.  The  j)ro])het  Jeremiah  ;id(led  this  rebuke 
 and  prediction  of  Hananiah's  death,  the  fullilment 
 of  which  closes  the  history  of  this  fidse  propliet. 
 Tlie  histoiy  of  Hananiah  is  of  great  interest,  as 
 throwing  much  light  upon  the  Jewish  politics  of 
 that  eventful  time,  divided  as  i)arties  were  into 
 the  partisans  of  Uabylon  on  one  hand,  and  Egypt 
 on  the  otliLM'.— 6.  Grandfather  of  Irijah,  the  c;>ptaiii 
 of  tl'.e  ward  at  the  gate  of  Benjamin  who  arrested 
 Jeremiah,  on  the  chaige  of  deserting  to  the  Chal- 
 daeans  (Jer.  xxxvii.  13).— 6.  Head  of  a  Benjamite 
 house  (1  Chr.  viii.  24).— 7.  The  Hebrew  name  of 
 Sliadrach.  He  was  of  the  house  of  David,  accord- 
 ing to  Jewish  tradition  (Dan.  i.  3,  G,  7,  11,  19  ; 
 ii.  17).— 8.  Son  of  Zerubbabel  (1  Chr.  iii.  19), 
 from  whom  Chkist  derived  his  descent.  He  is 
 the  s;ime  person  who  is  by  St.  Luke  called  Joanna. 
 The  identity  of  the  two  names  Hananiah  and  Joanna 
 is  apparent  immediately  we  compare  them  in 
 Hebrew.— 9.  One  of  the  sons  of  15ebai,  who  re- 
 turned with  Ezra  from  Babylon  (Ezr.  x.  '28).— 
 10.  A  priest,  one  of  the  makers  of  the  sacred  oint- 
 ments and  incense,  who  built  a  portion  of  the  wall 
 of  Jerusalem  in  the  days  of  Nehemiah  (Neh.  iii.  8). 
 He  may  be  the  same  as  is  mentioned  in  ver.  30  as 
 having  repaired  another  portion.  If  so,  he  was  son 
 of  Shelemiah ;  perhaps  the  same  as  is  mentioned 
 .\ii.  41.-11.  Head  of  the  priestly  course  of  Jere- 
 mi.ah  in  the  days  of  Joiakim,  Neh.  xii.  12.— 
 12.  liuler  of  the  palace  at  Jerusalem  under  Nehe- 
 miah. The  arrangements  for  guarding  the  gates  of 
 Jerusalem  were  entrusted  to  him  with  Hanani,  the 
 Tirshatha's  brother  (Neh.  vii.  2,  3).  — 13,  An 
 Israelite,  Neh.  x.  23. 
 
 Handicraft.  (Acts  xviii.  3,  six.  25  ;  Rev.  xviii. 
 22).  In  the  present  article  brief  notices  can  only 
 be  given  of  such  handicraft  trades  as  are  mentioned 
 in  Scripture.  1.  The  preparation  of  iron  for  use 
 either  in  war,  in  agriculture,  or  for  domestic  pur- 
 poses, was  doubtless  one  of  the  earliest  applications 
 of  labour ;  and,  together  with  iron,  working  in 
 brass,  or  rather  copper  alloyed  with  tin,  bronze,  is 
 mentioned  in  the  same  passage  as 
 practised  in  antediluvian  times 
 ((ien.  iv.  22).  We  know  that 
 iron  was  used  for  warlike  pur- 
 poses by  the  Assyrians,  and  on 
 the  other  hand  that  stone-tipped 
 aiTows,  as  was  the  case  also  in 
 Mexico,  were  used  in  the  earlier 
 times  by  the  Egyjitians  as  well  us 
 the  Persians  and  Greeks.  In  the 
 construction  of  the  Tabernacle, 
 copper,  but  no  iron,  apjiears  to 
 have  been  used,  though  the  use  of 
 iion  was  at  the  same  period  well 
 known  to  the  Jews,  lx)th  from  their  own  use  of 
 it  and  from  their  Egy})tian  education,  whilst  the 
 Cnn.ianite  inhabitiints  of  I'ale.stiuc  and  ."^yria  were 
 in  full  j)ossession  of  its  use  both  tor  warlike  and 
 domestic  purposes  (Ex.  xx,  25,  xxv.  3,  xxvii.  19; 
 Num.  XXXV.  IG;  Dent.  iii.  11,  iv.  20,  viii.  9;  Josh, 
 viii.  31,  xvii.  IG,  18).  After  tlie  establishment  of 
 the  Jews  in  Canium,  the  occupation  of  a  smith  be- 
 came rpa)gnisod  as  a  ilistinct  employment  (1  Sam. 
 xiii.  19).  The  smith's  work  and  its  results  are 
 olleu  mentioned  in  Scripture  (2  S;un.  xii.  31  ; 
 1  K.  vi.  7;  2  Chr.  xxvi.  U;   Is.  xliv.  12,  iiv.  IG). 
 
 HANDICRAFT 
 
 The  worker  in  gold  and  silver  must  have  found  em» 
 ployment  both  among  the  Hebiews  and  the  neigh- 
 bouring nations  in  veiy  early  times,  as  appeal's 
 from  the  ornaments  sent  by  Abraham  to  Uebekah 
 (Gen.  xxiv.  22,  5.".,  xxxv.  4,  xxxviii.  IS;  Dent. 
 vii.  25).  But,  whatever  skill  the  Hebrews  pos- 
 sessed, it  is  quite  cleai-  that  they  must  have  harned 
 much  fiom  Egypt  and  its  "  iron  furnaces,"  both  in 
 metiil-woik  and  in  the  arts  of  setting  and  j)olishing 
 precious  stones.  Various  processes  of  the  gold- 
 smith's work  are  illustrated  by  Egy])tian  monu- 
 ments. After  the  coiicjuest  frequent  notices  are 
 found  both  of  moulded  and  wiought  metal,  in- 
 cluding soldering,  which  last  had  long  been  known 
 in  Egypt;  but  the  I'htenicians  appear  to  have 
 possessed  greater  skill  than  the  Jews  in  these  arts, 
 
 EgypU, 
 
 II  flicplnre  with  chci-ks  to  cuufine 
 leiiL     OVilkiiwon.) 
 
 at  least  in  Solomon's  time  (Judcf.  viii.  24,  27,  xvii 
 4  ;  IK.  vii.  13,  45,  4G  ;  Is.  x'li.  7  ;  Wi.sd.  xv.  4  ; 
 Ecclus.  x.\xviii.  28  ;  B.ar.  vi.  50,  55,  57).  2.  The 
 work  of  the  carpenter  is  often  mentioned  in  Scrip- 
 ture (Gen.  vi.  14;  Ex.  xxxvii.;  Is.  xliv.  13).  In 
 the  p;ilace  built  by  David  for  himself  the  workmen 
 employed  were  chiefly  Phoenicians  sent  by  Hiram 
 (2  Sam.  V.  11  ;  1  Chr.  xiv.  1),  as  most  probably 
 were  those,  or  at  least  the  principal  of  those  who 
 were  employed  by  Solomon  in  his  works  (1  K.  v.  G). 
 But  in  the  repaire  of  the  Temple,  executed  under 
 Joash  king  of  Judah,  and  also  in  the  rebuilding 
 under  Zerubbabel,  no  mention  is  made  of  foreign 
 
 man  plouing  or  polialiing  Uie  log  of  a  chair. 
 
 workmen,  though  in  tlie  latter  case  the  timber  is 
 expressly  said  to  have  been  brought  by  sea  to  Ji>p|« 
 by  Zidonians  (2  K.  xii.  11  ;  2  Chr.  xxiv.  12;  Ezra 
 iii.  7).  That  the  Jewish  Girjienters  must  have 
 been  able  to  airve  with  .some  skill  is  evident  from 
 Is.  xii.  7,  -xliv.  13.  In  N.T.  the  o(;cuji;ition  of  a 
 carpenter  is  mentioned  in  connexion  with  Joseph 
 the  husband  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  and  ascrilied  to 
 our  Lord  himself  by  way  of  reproach  (Mark  vi.  3; 
 Matt.  xiii.  55j.  3.  The  m.-usons  employed  by 
 David  ami  Solomon,  at  lejist  the  chief  of  them,  were 
 Pli.pnicians  (1   K.  v.   18;  Ez.  xxvii.  9).     Among 
 
HANDKERCHIEF 
 
 their  implements  are  mentioned  the  saw,  the  plumb- 
 line,  the  measuring-reed.  Some  of  these,  and  also 
 the  chisel  and  mallet,  are  represented  on  Egyptian 
 monuments.  The  large  stones  used  in  Solomon's 
 Temple  are  said  by  Josephus  to  have  been  fitted 
 together  exactly  without  either  mortar  or  cramps, 
 but  the  foundation  stones  to  have  been  fastened 
 with  lead.  For  ordinaiy  building,  mortar  was 
 used  ;  •  sometimes,  perhaps,  bitumen,  as  was  the 
 case  at  Babylon  (Gen.  xi.  o).  The  lime,  cHiy,  and 
 .straw  of  which  mortar  is  generally  composed  in 
 the  East,  require  to  be  very  carefully  mixed  and 
 imited  so  as  to  resist  wet.  The  wall  "  daubed  with 
 untempered  mortar  "  of  Ezekiel  (xiii.  10)  was  per- 
 haps a  sort  of  cob-wall  of  mud  or  clay  without 
 lime,  which  would  give  way  under  heavy  lain. 
 The  use  of  whitewash  on  tombs  is  remarked  by 
 our  Lord  (Matt,  xxiii.  27).  Houses  infected  with 
 leprosy  were  required  by  the  Law  to  be  re-plasteied 
 (Lev.  xiv.  40-45).  4.  Akin  to  the  cratt  of  the 
 carpenter  is  that  of  ship  and  boat-building,  which 
 must  have  been  exercised  to  some  extent  for  the 
 fishing-vessels  on  the  lake  of  Gennesaret  (Matt, 
 viii.  23,  ix.  1  ;  John  xxi.  3,  8).  Solomon  built, 
 at  Ezion-Geber,  ships  lor  his  foreign  trade,  which 
 were  manned  by  Phoenician  crews,  an  experiment 
 which  Jehoshaphat  endeavoured  in  vain  to  renew 
 (i  K.  ix.  26,  27,  xxii.  48;  2  Chr.  xx.  36,  37> 
 .5.  The  perfumes  used  in  the  religious  services,  and  in 
 later  times  iu  the  funeral  rites  of  mouarchs,  imply 
 knowledge  and  practice  in  the  art  of  the  "apothe- 
 caries," who  appear  to  have  formed  a  guild  or 
 association  (Ex.  xxx.  25,  35 ;  Neh.  iii.  8  ;  2  Chr. 
 xvi.  14;  Eccl.  vii.  1,  x,  1;  Ecclus.  xxxviii.  8). 
 6,  The  arts  of  spinning  and  weaving  both  wool  and 
 linen  were  carried  on  in  eaily  times,  as  they  are 
 still  usually  among  the  Bedouins,  by  women.  One 
 of  the  excellences  attiibuted  to  the  good  house-wife 
 is  her  skill  and  industry  in  these  arts  (Ex.  xxxv.  25, 
 26;  Lev.  xix.  19;  Dent.  xxii.  11  ;  2  K.  xxiii.  7; 
 Ez.  xvi.  16  ;  Prov.  xxxi.  13,  24).  The  loom,  with 
 its  beam  [^l  Sam.  xvii.  7),  pin  (Judg.  xvi.  14), 
 and  shuttle  (Job  vii.  6),  w;xs,  perhaps,  introduced 
 later,  but  as  early  as  David's  time  (1  Sam.  xvii.  7). 
 Together  with  weaving  we  read  also  of  embroidery, 
 in  which  gold  and  silver  threads  were  interwoven 
 with  the  body  of  the  stuff,  sometimes  in  figure 
 patterns,  oi-  with  precious  stones  set  in  the  needle- 
 work (Ex.  xxvi.  1,  xxviii.  4,  xxxix.  6-13).  7.  Be- 
 sides these  arts,  those  of  dveing  and  of  dressing 
 cloth  were  practised  in  Palestine,  and  those  also  of 
 tanning  and  dressing  leather  (Josh.  ii.  1.5-18;  2  K. 
 i.  8;  Matt.  iii.  4;  Acts  ix.  43).  Shoemakers, 
 barbers,  and  tailors  are  mentioned  in  the  Mishna 
 {Pesach.  iv.  6j :  the  barber,  or  his  occupation,  by 
 Ezekiel  (v.  1 ;  Lev.  xiv.  8  ;  Num.  vi.  5),  and  the 
 tailor,  plasterers,  glazieis,  and  glass  vessels,  painters, 
 and  goldworkers  are  mentioned  in  the  Mishna 
 [Chel.  viii.  9,  xxix.  3,  4,  xxx.  I).  Tent-makeis  are 
 noticed  in  the  Acts  (xviii.  3j,  and  frequent  allusion 
 is  made  to  the  tiade  of  the  potters.  8.  Bakers  are 
 noticed  in  Sciipture  (Jer.  xxxvii.  21  ;  Hos.  vii.  4)  ; 
 and  the  well-known  valley  Tyropoeon  probably 
 derived  its  name  from  the  occupation  of  the  cheese- 
 makers,  its  inhabitants.  Butchers,  not  Jewish,  are 
 spoken  of  1  Cor.  x.  25. 
 
 Handkerchief,  Napkin,  Apron.  The  two  former 
 of  these  terms,  as  use!  iu  the  A.  V.  =  ffouSapioj', 
 the  latter  =  ffi/xiKlvdiou.  Both  words  aie  of  Latin 
 arigin :  arovSapioy  =  sudarium  from  s'lcto,  "  to 
 sweat;"  aiixiKivQiov  =  semicinctiuni,  \.  e.  "a  half 
 
 HAPHRAIM 
 
 309 
 
 girdle."  The  sudarium  is  noticed  iu  the  N.  T.  as  a 
 wrapper  to  fold  up  money  (Luke  xix.  20) — a.s 
 a  cloth  bound  about  the  hc;>d  of  a  corpse  (John  xi. 
 44,  XX.  7),  being  probably  biought  from  the  crown 
 of  the  head  under  the  chin— and  lastly  as  an  article 
 of  dress  that  could  be  easily  removed  (Acts  xix. 
 12),  probably  a  handkerchief  worn  on  the  head  like 
 the  keffieh  of  the  Bedouins.  According  to  the 
 scholiast  quoted  by  Schleusner,  the  distinction  be- 
 tween the  two  terms  is  that  the  sudarium  was  woin 
 on  the  head,  and  the  semiciuctium  used  as  a  hand- 
 kerchief. 
 
 Ha'nes,  a  place  in  Egypt  only  mentioned  in  Is. 
 xxx.  4  :  "  For  his  princes  were  at  Zoan,  and  his 
 messengers  came  to  Hanes."  Hanes  has  been  sup- 
 posed by  Vitringa,  Michaelis,  Rosenmiiller,  and  Ge- 
 senius,  to  be  the  same  as  Heracleopolis  Magna  iu 
 the  Heptanomis.  This  identification  depends  whollv 
 upon  the  similarity  of  the  two  names:  a  considera- 
 tion of  the  sense  of  the  passage  in  which  Hanes 
 occurs  shows  its  great  improbability.  We  are  dis- 
 posed to  think  that  the  Chald.  Paiaphr.  is  right  in 
 identifying  it  with  Tahpanhes,  a  fortified  town  on 
 the  eastern  frontier. 
 
 Hangfing;  Hangings.  These  terms  represent 
 both  different  words  in  the  original,  and  different 
 articles  in  the  furniture  of  the  Temple.  (1.)  The 
 "hanging"  was  a  curtain  or  "covering"  to  close 
 an  entrance  ;  one  was  placed  before  the  door  of  the 
 Tabeinacle  (Ex.  xxvi.  36,  37,  xxxix.  38)  ;  another 
 was  placed  before  the  entrance  of  the  couit  (Ex. 
 xxvii.  16,  xxxviii.  18;  Num.  iv.  26)  ;  the  term  is 
 also  applied  to  the  vail  that  concealed  the  Holy  of 
 Holies  (Ex.  xxxv.  12,  x,xxix.  34,  lil.  21  ;  Num. 
 iv.  5).  (2.)  The  "hangings"  were  used  for  cover- 
 ing the  walls  of  the  court  of  the  Tabernacle,  just  as 
 tapestry  was  in  modern  times  (Ex.  xxvii.  9,  xxxv. 
 17,  xxxviii.  9;  Num.  iii.  26,  iv.  26).  In  2  K. 
 xxiii.  7,  the  term  bottim,  strictly  "  houses,"  A.  V. 
 "  hangings,"  is  probably  intended  to  describe  tents 
 used  as  portable  sanctuaries. 
 
 Han'iel,  one  of  the  sons  of  Ulla  of  the  tribe  of 
 Asher  (1  Chr.  vii.  39). 
 
 Han'nah,  one  of  the  wives  of  Elkanah,  and 
 mother  of  Samuel  (1  Sam.  i.  ii.).  A  hymn  of 
 thanksgiving  for  the  birth  of  her  son  is  in  the  highest 
 order  of  prophetic  poetry ;  its  resemblance  to  that 
 of  the  Virgin  Mary  (comp.  1  Sam.  ii.  1-10  with 
 Luke  i.  46-55  ;  see  also  Ps.  cxiii.)  has  beeji  noticed 
 by  the  commentators.  More  recent  critics  have, 
 however,  assigned  its  authorship  to  David. 
 
 Han'nathon,  one  of  the  cities  of  Zebuluu  (Josh. 
 xix.  14). 
 
 Han'niel,  son  of  Ephod,  and  prince  of  Man<is.seh 
 (Num.  x.\xiv.  23). 
 
 Ha'noch.  1.  The  third  in  order  of  the  children 
 of  Midian  (Gen.  xxv.  4).— 2.  Eldest  son  of  Reuben 
 (Gen.  xlvi.  9  ;  Ex.  vi.  14  ;  Num.  xxvi.  5  ;  1  Chr.  v. 
 3),  and  founder  of  the  family  of 
 
 Ha'nocMtes,  the,  Num.  xxvi.  5. 
 
 Ha'nun.  1.  Son  of  Nahash  (2  Sam.  x.  1,  2; 
 1  Chr.  xix.  1,  2),  kingof  Amnion,  who  dishonoured 
 the  ambassadors  of  David  (2  Sam.  x.  4),  and  in- 
 volved the  Ammonites  in  a  disastrous  war  (2  Sam. 
 xii.  31 ;  1  Chr.  xix.  6).— 2.  A  man  who,  with  the 
 people  of  Zanoah,  repaired  the  ravine-gate  in  the  wall 
 of  Jerusalem  (Neh.  iii.  13). ^3.  The  6th  son  of 
 Zalaph,  who  also  assisted  in  the  repair  of  the  wall, 
 ajipaiently  on  the  east  side  (Neh.  iii.  30). 
 
 Haphra'im,  a  city  of  Issachar,  mentioned  next 
 to  Shunem  (Josh.  xix.  19),     About  6  miles  north 
 
310 
 
 HARA 
 
 east  of  Lejjun,  aixl  '_'  inilw  west  of  Solum  (the 
 ancient  Shiinem),  st.-nuls  the  villii<;e  of  ('/-'^A'/'''''. 
 which  niiiy  possibly  be  tlic  reprc-^entiitive  of  Haph- 
 raim. 
 
 Ha'ra  (1  Chr.  v.  2G  only),  is  either  a  place 
 utterly  \inkiio\vn,  or  it  must  be  regai-ded  as  identical 
 with  iiaraii  or  Charran. 
 
 Har  adah,  a  desert  station  of  the  Israelites 
 (Num.  w.siii.  24,  '_'.■))  ;  its  position  is  uncertain. 
 
 Ha'ran.  1.  The  third  son  of  Terali,  and  there- 
 fore youngest  brother  of  Abrani  (Gen.  xi.  '20). 
 Three  children  are  ascribed  to  him — Lot  ('J7,  '61), 
 and  two  daughters,  viz.  Milcah,  who  married  her 
 uncle  Nalior  (-jy),  and  Iscidi  (29).  Haran  w:is  born 
 in  Ur  of  the  CliMldees,  and  he  died  there  while  his 
 father  was  still  living  (28).  The  ancient  Jewish 
 tradition  is  that  Haran  was  burnt  in  the  furnace 
 of  Ninirod  for  his  wavering  conduct  during  the  fiery 
 trial  of  Abraham. — 2.  A  Gershonite  Levite  in  the 
 time  of  Daviil,  one  of  the  family  of  Shimei  (1  Chr. 
 .xxiii.  9). 
 
 Ha'ran,  a  son  of  the  great  Caleb  by  his  concu- 
 biue  Kjiiiah  (1  Chr.  ii.  46). 
 
 Ha'ran,  is  the  name  of  the  place  whither  Abra- 
 liam  migrated  with  iiis  family  from  Ur  of  the 
 <;haldees,  and  where  the  descendants  of  his  brother 
 Nahor  established  themselves  (comp.  Gen.  xxiv.  10, 
 with  xxvii.  4.{).  It  is  said  to  be  in  Mesopotmiia 
 (Cien.  xxiv.  10),  or  more  definitely,  in  Padan-Aram 
 (XXV.  20),  the  cultivated  district  at  the  foot  of  the 
 hills,  a  name  well  applying  to  the  beautiful  stretch 
 of  country  which  lies  below  Mount  Masius  between 
 the  Khabonr  and  the  Kuphrates.  Here,  about  mid- 
 way in  this  district,  is  a  tnwn  still  called  llarrdn, 
 which  really  seems  never  to  have  changed  its  appella- 
 tion, and  beyond  any  leasonable  doubt  is  the  Haran 
 or  Charran  of  Scripture.  Ifarrdn  lies  \ipon  the  BelUk 
 (ancient  liilichus),  a  small  allluent  of  the  Kuphrates, 
 which  falls  into  it  nearly  in  long.  39^.  It  is  now  a 
 sni;dl  vill;ige  inhabited  by  a  few  families  of  Arabs. 
 
 Ha'rarite,  the,  the  designation  ofthreeof  l>avid's 
 guard.     1.  Agkio,  a  Hararite  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  H).— 
 
 2.  SiiAM.MAii   the  Hararite  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  33.)— 
 
 3.  SiiAUAU  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  33)  or  Sacar  (1  Chr. 
 xi.  3."j)  the  Hararite,  was  the  father  of  Ahiam, 
 another  memlier  of  the  guard. 
 
 Har'bona,  the  third  of  the  seven  chamberlains,  or 
 cuiiuclis,  who  served  king  Ahasuerus  (Ksth.  i.  10). 
 
 Har'bonah  (Ksth.  vii.  9),  the  same  as  the  pre- 
 cediii','. 
 
 Hare  (Heb.  ameheth)  occurs  only  in  Lev.  xi.  <! 
 
 ^•^^■S-#t. 
 
 «*' 
 
 lliua  ul  Mount  !Jlii 
 
 HARLOT 
 
 and  Dent.  xiv.  amongst  the  animals  disallowett 
 as  food  by  the  Mosiic;  law.  There  is  no  doub'  at 
 all  that  urnehcth  denotes  a  "hare;"  and  in  all  pro- 
 bability the  species  Lcpus  Sinniticus,  and  L.  Si/- 
 riacus,  ai'e  those  which  were  best  known  to  the 
 ancient  Hebrews.  The  hare  is  at  this  day  cdled 
 anieb  by  the  .Vrabs  in  Palestine  and  Syria.  It  wa.s 
 eiToneously  thought  by  the  ancient  .lews  to  have 
 chewed  the  cud.  They  were  no  doubt  misknl,  as  in 
 the  cas(?  of  the  shdp/tiin  {Hi/rax)  by  the  habit  these 
 animals  have  of  moving  the  jaw  about. 
 
 Har'el.  In  the  margin  of  Kz.  xliii.  15  the  word 
 renilereii  "altar"  in  the  text  is  given  "  llarel,  ».  e. 
 the  mountain  of  (iod."  Junius  explains  it  of  the 
 ((Txdpa  or  hearth  of  the  altar  of  burnt-olferiug,  co- 
 vered by  the  network  on  which  the  sacrifices  were 
 placed  over  the  burning  wood. 
 Harem.    [IIol.se.] 
 
 Ha'reph,  a  name  occurring  in  the  genealogies  of 
 .Jiulah,  as  a  son  of  Caleb,  an.l  as  "father  of  Beth- 
 gadcr  "  (  1  Chr.  ii.  .")1.  only). 
 
 Ha'reth,  the  Forest  of,  in  which  Fkwid  took 
 refuge,  after,  at  the  instigation  of  the  prophet  Gad, 
 he  had  quitted  the  "  hold"  or  fastness  of  the  cave 
 of  A<lullam — if  indeed  it  was  Adullam  and  not 
 Mizpeh  of  Jloab,  which  is  not  quite  clear  (I  Siim. 
 xxii.  5). 
 
 Harhai'ah,  fiither  of  Uzziel  6  (Neh.  iii.  8). 
 Har'has,  an  ancestor  of  Shallum  the  husband  of 
 Huldah  (2  K.  xsii.  14). 
 
 Har'hur.  The  sons  of  Harhur  were  among  the 
 Nethuiim  who  returned  from  Babylon  with  Zerub- 
 baliel  (Kzr.  ii.  51 ;  Neh.  vii.  53). 
 
 Ha'rim.  1.  A  priest  who  had  charge  of  the  third 
 division  in  the  house  of  God  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  8  ).— 
 2.  Bene-Harim,  probably  descendants  of  the  above, 
 to  the  number  of  1017,  Gmie  up  from  Babylon 
 with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  39  ;  Neh.  vii.  42).  The 
 name,  probably  as  repi'esenting  the  family,  is  men- 
 tioned on  two  other  occa.sions  (Neh.  x.  5;  Kzi-.  x. 
 21). ^3.  It  further  occurs  in  a  list  of  the  families 
 of  priests  "  who  went  up  with  Zerubbabel  and 
 Jeshua,"  and  of  those  who  were  tlieirdescemlants  in 
 the  next  genei-ation — in  the  days  of  Joiakim  the 
 son- of  Jeshua  (Neh.  xii.  15).  In  the  former  list 
 (xii.  4)  the  name  is  changed  to  Ri:m!.M.— 4.  An- 
 other family  of  Bene-Harim,  three  hundre<l  and 
 twenty  in  number,  came  from  the  captivity  in  the 
 sjtme  caravan  (Ezr.  ii.  32  ;  Neh.  vii.  35).  They 
 also  apjx'ar  among  those  who  had  married  foreign 
 I  wives  (Kzr.  x.  31),  as  well  as  those  who  sealed  the 
 covenant  (  Neh.  x.  27). 
 
 Ha'riph.  A  liundred  and  twelve  of  the  lV>ne- 
 Ilariph  returned  from  the  captivity  with  Zerul>- 
 babel  (Neh.  vii.  24).  The  name  occurs  again  among 
 the  "  lieads  of  the  peojjle  "  who  sealed  the  covenant 
 (x.  19). 
 
 Harlot.  That  this  cla<s  of  persons  existed  in 
 the  earliest  states  of  society  is  clear  from  (!en. 
 xxxviii.  15.  Lahab  (Josh.  ii.  1),  is  sjiiil  by  the 
 Chaldee  paraph.,  to  have  been  an  innkeeper,  but  if 
 theie  were  such  pereons,  considering  what  we  know 
 of  Canaanitish  momls  (Lev.  xviii.  27),  we  may  con- 
 clude that  they  would,  if  women,  have  been  of  this 
 (hiss.  The  law  forbids  (xix.  29)  the  father's  coni- 
 pelling  his  daughter  to  sin,  but  does  not  mention  it 
 as  a  voluntary  mode  of  lij'e  on  her  jMirt  without  his 
 complicity.  Tlie  term  t^kcdi'shah  "  consecratcil") 
 point.s  to  one  description  of  peisons  and  »!/«- 
 ri;/i/(Vi  ("foreign  woman")  to  another,  of  whom 
 this  class  mostly  consistwi.     Tl<c  fii-st  term  rcfci^ 
 
HARNEPHER 
 
 to  the  impure  worship  of  the  Syrian  Astarte  (Num. 
 .\.\v.  1;  comp.  Herod,  i.  199).  Tlie  latter  class 
 woLilil  grow  up  witli  the  growth  of  great  cities  and 
 of  foreign  intercourse,  and  liai'dly  could  enter  into 
 the  view  of  the  Mosaic  institutes.  As  regards  the 
 fashions  involved  in  the  practice,  similar  outward 
 marks  seem  to  have  attended  its  earliest  foinis  to 
 those  which  we  trace  in  the  classical  writers,  e.  g. 
 a  distinctive  dress  and  a  seat  by  the  way  side  (Gen. 
 xxxviii.  14;  comp,  Kz.  zvi.  1(5,  25;  Bar.  vi.  43). 
 Public  singing  in  the  .streets  occurs  also  (Is.  xxiii. 
 16;  Kcclns.  i-v.  4).  Those  who  thus  published 
 their  infiimy  were  of  the  worst  rej)ute,  others  had 
 houses  of  resort,  and  both  classes  seem  to  have  been 
 known  among  the  Jews  (Prov.  vii.  8-12,  xxiii.  28; 
 I'xclus.  ix.  7,  8);  the  two  women,  1  K.  iii.  16, 
 lived  as  Greek  hetaerae  sometimes  did  in  a  house 
 together.  In  earlier  times  the  price  of  a  kid  is 
 mentioned  (Gen.  xxxviii.),  and  great  wealth  doubt- 
 less sometimes  accrued  to  them  (Ez.  xvi.  3o,  39, 
 xxiii.  26).  But  lust,  as  distinct  fjom  gain,  appears 
 as  the  inducement  in  Prov.  vii.  14,  15.  The 
 "harlots"  are  classed  with  "publicans,"  as  those 
 who  lay  under  the  ban  of  society  in  the  N.  T. 
 (Miitt.  xxi.  32).  'j'he  children  of  such  persons  were 
 held  in  contempt,  and  could  not  exercise  privileges 
 nor  inherit  (John  viii.  41;  Deut.  xxiii.  2 ;  Judg. 
 -xi.  1,2). 
 
 Harneph'er,  one  of  the  sons  of  Zophali,  of  the 
 trihe  of  Asher  ( 1  (^hr.  vii.  36). 
 
 Ha'rod,  the  Well  of,  a  spring  by  which  Gideon 
 and  his  great  army  encamped  on  the  morning  of 
 the  day  which  ended  in  the  rout  of  the  Midianitos 
 (Judg.  vii.  1 ),  and  where  the  trial  of  the  people  by 
 their  mode  of  drinking  apparently  took  place.  The 
 Ain  Jalud,  with  wliich  Dean  Stanley  would  identify 
 Harod,  is  very  suitable  to  the  circumstances,  as 
 being  at  present  the  largest  .spring  in  the  neigh- 
 boui-hood,  and  as  foiming  a  pool  of  considerable 
 size,  at  which  great  numbers  might  drink. 
 
 Ha'rodite,  the,  the  designation  of  two  of  the 
 thirty-seven  warriors  of  David's  guard,  Shammam 
 and  Klika  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  25),  doubtless  derived 
 fiom  a  place  named  Harod. 
 
 Haro'eh,  a  name  occurring  in  the  genealogical 
 lists  of  Judah  as  one  of  the  sons  of  "  Shobal,  father 
 of  Kirjath-jeanm  "  (1  Chr.  ii.  52). 
 
 Har'orite,  the,  the  title  given  to  Shammoth, 
 one  of  the  wariiors  of  David's  guard  fl  Chr.  xi.  27). 
 
 Haro'sheth,  or  rather  "  Harosheth  of  the  Gen- 
 tiles," as  it  was  called,  from  the  mixed  races  that  in- 
 habited it,  a  city  in  the  north  of  the  land  of  Canaan, 
 supj/osed  to  have  stood  on  the  west  coast  of  the  lake 
 Meiom  (el-TIitleh  i,  from  which  the  Jordan  issues 
 forth  in  one  unbroken  .stream,  and  in  the  portion  of  the 
 tribe  of  Naphtali.  it  was  the  residence  of  Sisera,  cap- 
 tain of  Jaljin,  king  of  Canaan  (Judg.  iv.  2),  and  it 
 w;is  the  point  to  which  the  victorious  Israelites  under 
 liarak  jiursned  the  discomdted  host  and  chariots  of 
 the  second  potentate  of  that  name  (Judg.  iv.  16). 
 The  site  of  Harosheth  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
 i  >iititied  by  any  modern  traveller. 
 
 Harp  (Heb.  kinnor).  The  kinnor  was  the  na- 
 tional instrument  of  the  Hebrews,  and  was  well 
 known  throughout  Asia.  The  writer  of  the  Penta- 
 teuch assigns  its  invention  to  the  antediluvian  period 
 (Gen.  iv.  21).  Touching  the  shape  of  the  kinndr  a 
 gre.nt  difl'erence  of  opinion  prevails.  The  author  of 
 Shilte  Haggibborim  describes  it  as  resembling  the 
 modem  harji ;  Pfcitfer  gives  it  the  form  of  a  guitar  : 
 and  St.  Jerome  declares  it   to  have  resembled   in 
 
 HASHABIAH 
 
 ail 
 
 shajie  the  Greek  letter  delta.  .)ose})hus  records  that 
 the  kinnor  had  ten  stiings,  and  that  it  was  jjlayed  on 
 with  the  plectrum;  otheis  assign  to  it  twenty-four, 
 and  in  the  Shilte  Haggibboriin  it  is  sai<i  to  have 
 had  foity-seven.  Josephus's  statement,  however, 
 is  in  open  conti-adiction  to  what  is  set  forth  in  the 
 1st  book  of  Samuel  (xvi.  23,  xviii.  10),  that  David 
 played  on  the  kinnor  with  his  liand.  Pi-obalilv 
 there  was  a  smaller  and  a  larger  kinnor,  and  these 
 may  have  been  played  in  diflbrent  ways  ( 1  .Snni.  x.  5). 
 
 Harrow.  The  word  so  rendered  2  Sam.  xn.  81, 
 1  Chr.  XX.  ,5,  is  probably  a  threshing-machine,  the 
 verb  rendered  "to  harrow"  (Is.  xxviii.  24;  Job 
 xxxix.  10;  Hos.  x.  11),  expresses  apparently  the 
 breaking  of  the  clods,  and  is  so  far  analogous  to  our 
 hariowing,  but  whether  done  by  any  such  machine 
 as  we  call  "a  harrow,"  is  very  doubtful, 
 
 Har'sha.  Bene-Harsha  were  among  the  families 
 of  Nethiiiim  who  came  back  from  Babylon  with 
 Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  52  ;  Keh.  vii.  54). 
 
 Hart.  The  hart  is  reckoned  among  the  clean 
 animals  (Deut.  xii.  15,  xiv.  5,  xv.  22),  and  seems, 
 fiom  the  passages  quoted  as  well  as  from  1  K.  iv. 
 23,  to  have  been  commonly  killed  for  food.  The 
 Heb.  masc.  noun  at/i/dl  denotes,  there  can  be  no 
 doubt,  some  species  of  Cferi;jc?((t' (deer  tribe),  either 
 the  Dama  vulgaris,  fallow-deer,  or  the  Germs  Bar- 
 barns,  the  Bnrbary  deer,  the  southern  repi-esentative 
 of  the  European  stag  (6'.  elapkaf),  which  occurs  in 
 Tunis  and  the  coast  of  Barbary. 
 
 Ha'rom,  Fathei-  of  Aharhel,  in  one  of  the  most 
 obscure  genealogies  of  Judah  (I  Chr.  iv.  8). 
 
 Har'umaph,  father  or  ancestor  of  Jcdaiah  (Neh. 
 iii.  10). 
 
 Har'uphite,  the,  the  designation  of  Shephatiah. 
 one  of  the  K'orhites  who  repaired  to  David  at  Ziklag 
 (1  Chr.  xii.  5). 
 
 Ha'ruz,  a  man  of  Jotb;ih,  father  ofMeshullcmeth, 
 queen  of  Manasseh  (2  K.  xxi.  19^. 
 
 Harvest.     [Agkicultuhk.] 
 
 Hasadi  ah,  one  of  a  grouji  of  five  persons  among 
 the  descendants  of  the  loyal  line  of  Judah  (1  Chr. 
 iii.  20),  a]iparently  .sons  of  Zerubbabel. 
 
 Hasen'uah,  a  Benjamite,  of  one  of  the  chief 
 families  in  the  trilje  (1  Chr.  ix.  7). 
 
 Hashahi'ah.  1.  A  Merarite  Levite  (1  Chr.  vi. 
 45;  heb.  30).— 2.  Another  Merarite  Levite  (1  Chr. 
 ix.  14).— 3.  The  fourtli  of  the  six  sons  of  Jedii- 
 thua  (1  Chr.  xxv.  3),  who  had  charge  of  the 
 twelfth  course  (19).- 4.  One  of  the  descendants  o'' 
 Hebron  the  son  of  K'ohath  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  30).— 5, 
 The  son  of  Kemuel,  who  was  prince  of  the  trilie 
 of  Levi  in  the  time  of  David  (1  Chi-,  xxvii.  17).— 
 6.  A  Levite,  one  of  the  "  chiefs  "  of  his  tribe,  who 
 officiated  for  King  Josiah  at  his  gi'eat  passover-feast 
 (2  Chr.  XXXV.  9). — 7.  A  Merarite  Levite  who  ac 
 companied  Ezra  from  Babylon  (Ezr.  viii.  19i.— 8. 
 ( )ne  of  the  chiefs  of  the  priests  who  formed  part  of 
 the  same  cai-avan  (Ezr.  viii.  24).— 9,  Itulerof  half 
 the  circuit  or  environs  of  Keilah  ;  he  repaired  a 
 portion  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  under  Nehemiah 
 (Neh.  iii.  17). — 10.  One  of  the  Levites  who  .scaled 
 the  covenant  of  refbmiation  after  the  I'eturn  from 
 the  captivity  (Neh.  x.  11),  Probably  this  is  the 
 person  named  as  one  of  the  chiefs  of  the  Levites  in 
 the  times  immediately  subsequent  to  the  return  from 
 Babylon  (xii.  24  ;  comp.  26). — 11.  Another  Levite, 
 son  of  Bunni  (Neh.  xi.  15). — 12.  A  Levite,  son  of 
 Mattaniah  (Neh.  xi.  22).— 13.  A  piie.st  of  the 
 family  of  llilkiah  in  the  days  of  Joiakim  son  of 
 Jeshua  (Neh.  xii.  21  j. 
 
312 
 
 HASHABNAH 
 
 Hashab'nah,  one  of  tliu  chief"  of  the  "people" 
 who  soiiled  the  covenant  with  Neheiniali  (Neli. 
 X.  '_'.") ,. 
 
 Hashabni'ah.  1.  Katlier  of  Hattnsh  (Neli.  iii. 
 10). — 2.  A  Levite  wlio  was  among  thnse  who  offi- 
 ciateii  at  tii<'  great  fast  under  Ezra  and  Nehemiah 
 when  the  uivenant  w;\s  sealeil  (Xch.  ix.  5). 
 
 Hashbad  ana,  one  of  tlie  men  (probably  Levites) 
 wlio  stoud  oil  Kzra's  left  lianil  while  he  read  the  law 
 to  the  i)iMipli>  in  Jerusalem  (Neh.  viii.  4 '. 
 
 Ha'shem.  The  sons  of  H:ishem  the  Gizonite  are 
 named  amongst  the  members  of  David's  guard  in 
 
 1  Oiir.  (xi.  :;+  . 
 
 Hash'mannim.  This  word  occurs  only  in  the 
 Hebrew  of  I's.  Ixviii.  HI:  "  Hashmannim  (A.  V. 
 "princes")  shall  come  out  of  Euy])t,  Cush  shall 
 make  her  hands  to  hasten  to  God."  The  old  deri- 
 vation from  the  civil  name  of  Hermopolis  Magna  in 
 the  Hejitaiiomis  seems  to  us  leasonable.  The  an- 
 cient Egyptian  name  is  Ha-shmen,  or  Ha-shmoon, 
 the  abode  of  eight.  If  we  suppose  that  Hashman- 
 nim is  a  proper  name  and  signifies  Hermopolites, 
 the  mention  might  be  explained  by  the  circum- 
 stiince  that  Hermopolis  Magna  was  the  great  city  of 
 the  lvj:yptian  Hermes,  Thotli,  the  god  of  wisdom. 
 
 Hasb'monah,  a  station  of  the  Israelites,  men- 
 tioned Num.  xxxiii.  29,  as  next  before  Moseroth. 
 
 Ha'shub.  1.  A  son  of  Pahath-Moab  who  assisted 
 in  the  repair  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (Neh.  iii. 
 11). ^2.  Another  who  a.ssisted  in  the  same  work 
 (Neh.  iii.  23).— 3.  One  of  the  heads  of  the  people 
 who  sealed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x. 
 23). — 4.   A  Merarite  Levite  (Neh.  xi.  15). 
 
 Hash'ubali,  the  first  of  a  gioup  of  five  men,  ap- 
 paieiitlv  the  latter  half  of  the  family  of  Zerubbabel 
 (1  Clir!  iii.  2i.i). 
 
 Ha'shum.  1.  Bene-Ha.shum,  two  hundred  and 
 twenty-three  in  number,  came  back  from  Babylon 
 with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  19;  Neh.  vii.  22).  Seven 
 men  of  them  had  married  foreign  wives  fiom  whom 
 they  had  to  separate  (Ezr.  x.  .13).  The  chief  man 
 of  the  family  was  among  those  who  sealed  the  co- 
 venant with  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  18).— 2.  One  of 
 the  priests  or  Levites  who  stood  on  Ezra's  left 
 lianil  while  he  read  the  law  to  the  congregation 
 (Neh.  viii.  4). 
 
 Hasb'upha,  one  of  the  families  of  Nethinim  who 
 rctiniieii  liom  cjiptivity  in  the  first  caravan  (Neh. 
 vii.  4(j). 
 
 Has'rah.  the  form  in  which  the  name  Harmas 
 isgiviii  in  J  ( 'hr.  xxxiv.  22  (comp.  2  K.  xxii.  14). 
 
 Hassena'ali.  The  Bene-has-senaah  rebuilt  the 
 fish-i;:ite  in  the  repair  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem 
 (Nrh.  iii.  3). 
 
 Has'shub,  a  Merarite  Levite  (1  Chr.  ix.  14), 
 niciiti( <l  .ii^ain  Neh.  xi.  15. 
 
 Has'upha.  Bene-Hasu])ha  were  among  the  Ne- 
 thinim who  retui'ned  from  Babylon  with  Zerub- 
 hah.d  (Ezr.  ii.  43). 
 
 Hat.       [IIlCAD-DKKSS.] 
 
 Ha'tach,  one  of  the  eunuchs  in  the  court  of 
 Ah.iMi.Miis  (  E.sth.  iv.  5,  6,  9,  10). 
 
 Ha'thath,  one  of  the  sons  of  Othniei  the  Ke- 
 nazlti'  I  1  Chr.  iv.  l.'!"). 
 
 Hatipha.  Bcne-Hatipha  were  among  the  Ne- 
 Ihiniiii  who  reluiinMl  from  I'.abylon  with  Zeiub- 
 biil.cl  (Ezr.  ii.  ."i4  ;  Neh.  vii.  5tJ), 
 
 Hatita.  IWnc-Hatifa  were  among  the  "  ]x>rlers" 
 (i.  (■.  llii'  g;iti'-kee|(ors),  who  ivturned  from  the  cap- 
 tivity with  ZiMubhaliel  (Ezr.  ii.  42;  Neii.  vii.  45). 
 
 Hat'til.     Ilcne-Ilattil  were  anjong  the  ''ciiildrcn 
 
 HAWK 
 
 of  Sijlomon's  slaves"  who  lame  back  from  captivity 
 with  Zeriibliahel  (Ezr.  ii.  57;  Neh.  vii.  59). 
 
 Hat'tush.  1.  A  descendant  of  the  kings  of 
 .Iiidali,  ajipaiently  one  of  the  sons  of  Shechaniah 
 (1  Chr.  iii.  22),  in  tlie  fourth  or  fifth  generation 
 from  Zerubbabel.  A  jierson  of  the  sitme  name  ac- 
 companied Ezra  from  Babylon  to  Jerusalem  (Ezr. 
 viii.  2).  In  another  statement  Hattush  is  said  to 
 have  retuine<i  with  Zerubbabel  (Neh.  xii.  2). ^2. 
 Son  of  IJ:ushabniah ;  one  of  those  who  assisted  Ne- 
 hemiah in  the  i-epair  of  the  wall  of  Jei'usalem  (Neh. 
 iii.  10). 
 
 Hau'ran,  a  province  of  Palestine  twice  mentione<l 
 by  Ezukiel  (xlvii.  IG,  18).  There  can  be  little  doubt 
 that  it  is  identical  with  the  well-known  Greek 
 province  of  Anranitis,  and  the  modern  Hivtrdn. 
 Josephus  ficqueutly  mentions  Auranitis  in  couiiexion 
 with  Tiachonitis,  Batanea,  and  (Janlanitis,  which 
 witii  it  constituted  the  ancient  kingdom  of  Bashan. 
 
 Hav'ilah.  1.  A  sen  of  Cush  (Gen.  x.  7);  and 
 2.  a  son  of  Joktan  (x.  29).  Various  theories  have 
 been  advanced  respecting  these  obscure  peoples.  It 
 appears  to  be  most  probable  that  both  stocks  settled 
 in  the  same  country,  and  there  intermarried  ;  thus 
 receiving  one  name,  and  forming  one  race,  with  a 
 common  descent.  The  Cushite  jieople  of  this  name 
 formed  tlie  westernmost  colony  of  Cush  along  the 
 south  of  Arabia,  and  the  Joktanites  were  an  earlier 
 colonization.  It  is  commonly  thought  that  the 
 district  of  Khawlan,  in  the  Yemen,  preserves  the 
 trace  of  this  anciint  people.  The  district  of  Khaw- 
 lan lies  between  the  city  of  San'a  and  the  Hijtiz, 
 ».  e.  in  the  north-western  portion  of  the  Yonen. 
 It  took  its  name,  according  to  the  .Aralis,  from 
 Khawlan,  a  descendant  of  Kahtiln  [Joktan],  or, 
 iis  some  say,  of  Kahlan,  brother  of  Himyer.  This 
 genealogy  says  little  more  than  that  the  name  was 
 .loktanite.  Khiiwh'in  is  a  fertile  territory,  enibrac- 
 iiig  a  large  part  of  myrrhiferous  Arabia  ;  mouii- 
 tiinous ;  with  plenty  of  water ;  and  supporting  a 
 large  population.  Those  who  separate  the  Cu.shite 
 and  Joktanite  llavilah  either  place  them  in  Nie- 
 buhr's  two  Khawliins,  or  they  place  2  on  the  north 
 of  the  peninsula,  following  the  su])posed  argument 
 derived  from  Gen.  xxv.  18,  and  1  .Sim.  xv.  7,  and 
 finding  the  name  in  that  of  the  KavKoToioi.  A 
 .loktanite  settlement  so  far  north  is  however  very 
 iiiiprob.ible.  They  discover  1  in  the  Avalitae  ou 
 the  .MVicMii  coast. 
 
 Hav'ilah  (<ieii.  ii.  11).     [Edk.n.] 
 
 Ha'voth-Ja'ir,  certain  villages  ou  the  east  of 
 Jordan,  in  (iilead  or  Bashan,  which  were  taken  by 
 Jair  the  son  of  Manasseh,  and  aiUed  at'ter  his  name 
 (Js'iim.  x.\xii.  41  ;  I)eut.  iii.  14).  In  the  reconls  of 
 Manas.seh  in  Josh.  xiii.  30,  and  1  Chr.  ii.  23,  the 
 Havoth-jair  are  reckonetl  with  otlier  districts  as 
 making  up  sixty  "cities"  (comp.  1  K.  iv.  13), 
 There  is  apparently  some  confusion  in  the.se  different 
 statements  as  to  what  the  sixty  cities  really  con- 
 sisted of.  No  less  doubtful  is  the  number  of  the 
 Havoth-jair.  In  1  Chr.  ii.  22  they  are  specifiol  as 
 tweiitv-tlnee,  but  in  Judg.  x.  4,  as  thiity. 
 
 Hawk  Mleb.  nets),  the  translation  of  the  above- 
 iiauicd  llrb.  term  (Lev.  xi.  It.!  ;  Dent.  xiv.  15  ;  Job 
 ssxix.  2(j}.  The  word  is  doubtless  generic,  as  ap- 
 jte.ii's  from  the  expression  in  l)eiit.  and  Lev.  "after 
 his  kind,"  and  includes  various  sjM'cies  of  the  F<il- 
 ciinidac,  with  more  es|>o<ial  allusion  |icrhaps  to  the 
 small  diunial  biid.s  such  as  the  kestrel  {luilcn  tin- 
 nitnculm),  the  ludiby  {//i//H)triorchis siilibuteo),  the 
 gregarious   lesser    kestrel  (TiiinunctUiia   caichris). 
 
HAY 
 
 common  about  the  ruins  in  the  phiin  districts  of 
 Palestine,  all  of  which  were  probably  known  to  the 
 ancient  Hebrews.  With  respect  to  the  passage  in 
 Job  'J.  c),  which  appears  to  allude  to  the  migratory 
 habits  of  hawks,  it  is  curious  to  observe  that  of  the 
 ten  or  twelve  lesser  raptois  of  Palestine,  nearly  all 
 are  summer  migrants.  The  kestrel  remains  all  the 
 year,  but  T.  cenchris,  Micronisus  gabar,  Hj/p. 
 eleononie,  and  F.  melanoptervs ,  are  all  migrants 
 from  the  south.  Besides  the  abovenamed  smaller 
 hawks,  the  two  magnificent  species,  F.  Saker  and 
 F.  lanarius,  are  summer  visitors  to  Palestine. 
 
 IlAZERIM 
 
 313 
 
 Hay  (Heb.  chdisir),  the  rendering  of  the  A.  V. 
 ill  Piov.  xxvii.  25,  and  Is.  xv.  6,  of  tlie  above- 
 named  Heb.  tenn,  which  occurs  frequently  in  the 
 O.  '1'.,  and  denotes  "grass"  of  any  kind.  Harmer, 
 quoting  from  a  MS.  paper  of  Sir  J.  Chardin,  states 
 that  hay  is  not  made  anywhere  in  the  East,  and 
 that  the  "  hay  "  of  the  A.  V".  is  therefore  an  error 
 of  translation.  It  is  quite  probable  that  the  modern 
 Orientals  do  not  make  hay  in  our  sense  of  the  term ; 
 but  it  is  ceilain  that  the  ancients  did  mow  their 
 grass,  and  probably  made  use  of  the  dry  material. 
 See  Ps.  xxxvii.  2.  We  may  remark  that  there  is 
 an  express  Hebrew  tenn  for  "dry  grass"  or  "  hay," 
 viz.  chashash,  which,  in  the  only  two  places  where 
 the  word  occurs  (Is.  v.  24,  xxxiii.  11)  is  rendered 
 "chaft"  in  the  A.  V.  We  do  not,  however,  mean 
 to  assert  that  the  chashash  of  the  Orientals  represents 
 our  modern  English  hay.  Doubtless  the  "  dry 
 grass"  was  not  stacked,  but  only  cut  in  small  quan- 
 tities, and  then  consumed. 
 
 Ha'zael  was  a  king  of  Damascus,  who  reigned 
 from  about  B.C.  886  to  B.C.  840.  He  appears  to 
 have  been  previously  a  person  in  a  high  position  at 
 the  court  of  Benhadad,  and  was  sent  by  his  master 
 to  Elisha,  to  inquire  if  he  would  recover  from  the 
 malady  under  which  he  was  suffering.  Elisha's 
 answer  led  to  the  murder  of  Benhadad  by  his  am- 
 bitious servant,  who  forthwith  mounted  the  throne 
 (2  K.  viii.  7-15).  He  was  soon  engaged  in  lios- 
 tih'ties  with  Ahaziah  king  of  Judah,  and  Jehoram 
 king  of  Israel,  for  the  possession  of  the  city  of  R;i- 
 uioth-Gilcad  (ibid.  viii.  28).     The  Assyrian  inscrip- 
 
 tions show  that  about  this  time  a  bloody  and  de- 
 structive war  was  being  waged  between  the  Assyiians 
 on  the  one  side,  and  the  Syrians,  Hittitcs,  Hamath- 
 ites,  and  Phoenicians  on  the  other.  Towards  the 
 close  of  the  reign  of  Jehu,  Hazael  led  them  against 
 the  Israelites  (about  B.C.  8G0),  whom  he  "smote 
 in  all  their  coasts"  (2  K.  x.  32),  thus  accomplishing 
 the  prophecy  of  Elisha  (ibid.  viii.  12).  At  the 
 close  of  his  life,  having  taken  Gath  (ibid.  xii.  17  ; 
 comp.  Am.  vi.  2),  he  proceeded  to  attack  Jerusalem 
 (2  Chr.  sxiv.  24),  and  was  about  to  assault  the 
 city,  when  Joash  bribed  him  to  retire  (2  K.  xii. 
 18).  Hazael  appears  to  have  died  about  the  j-ear 
 B.C.  840  (ibid.  xiii.  24),  having  reigned  46  years. 
 
 Hazai'ah,  a  man  of  Jndah  of  the  family  of  the 
 Shilonites,  or  descendants  of  Shelau  (Neh.  xi.  5). 
 
 Ha'zar-ad'dar,  &c.     [Hazlr.] 
 
 HazarmaVeth,  the  third,  in  order,  of  the  sous 
 of  Joktan  (Gen.  x.  26).  The  name  is  preserved, 
 almost  literally,  in  the  Arabic  Hadranumt  and 
 Hadrumdwt,  and  the  appellation  of  a  province  and 
 an  ancient  people  of  Southern  Arabia.  The  pio- 
 vince  of  Hadramriwt  is  situate  east  of  the  modern 
 Yemen.  lbs  capibd  is  Satham,  a  very  ancient  citv, 
 and  its  chief  ports  are  Mirbat,  Zafari,  and  Kisheem, 
 from  whence  a  great  tiade  was  carried  on,  in  ancient 
 times,  with  India  and  Africa. 
 
 Hazel.  The  Hebrew  term  luz  occurs  only  in 
 Gen.  XXX.  ."7.  Authorities  are  divided  between  the 
 hazel  and  the  almond  tree,  as  )epresenting  the  luz. 
 The  latter  is  most  probably  correct. 
 
 Hazelelpo'ni,  the  sister  of  the  sons  of  Etam  in 
 the  genealogies  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  3). 
 
 Ha'zer,  topographically,  seems  generally  em- 
 ployed tor  the  "  villages "  of  people  in  a  roving 
 and  unsettled  life,  the  semi-peitnanent  collections  of 
 dwellings  which  are  described  by  travellers  among 
 the  modern  Arabs  to  consist  of  rough  stone  walls 
 covered  with  the  tent-cloths.  As  a  proper  name  it 
 appears  in  the  A.  V.: — 1.  In  the  plural,  Hazerim, 
 and  Hazerotii,  for  which  see  below.  2.  In  the 
 slightly  different  form  of  Hazor.  3.  In  composi- 
 tion with  other  words.— 1.  Hazar-adpar,  a  jilace 
 named  as  one  of  the  landmarks  on  the  southern 
 boundary  of  the  land  promised  to  Israel  (Num. 
 xxxiv.  4;  Adar,  Josh.  xv.  3).  Its  site  does  not 
 appear  to  have  been  encountered  in  modern  times.— 
 2.  Hazar-enan,  the  place  at  which  the  northern 
 boundary  of  the  land  promised  to  the  children  of 
 Israel  was  to  terminate  (^Num.  xtxiv.  9,  10  ;  comp. 
 Ez.  xlvii.  17,  xlviii.  1).  Mr.  Porter  would  identify 
 Hnzarenan  with  Karyetein,  a  village  more  than  si.\ty 
 miles  E.N.E.  of  Damascus. — 3.  Hazar-gaddah, 
 one  of  the  towns  in  the  southern  district  of  Judah 
 (Jo.sh.  XV.  27),  named  between  Moladah  and  Hesh- 
 mon.— 4.  Hazar-hat-ticon,  a  place  named  m 
 Ezekiel's  prophecy  of  the  ultimate  boundaries  of 
 the  land  (Ez.  xlvii.  16),  and  specified  as  being  on 
 the  boundary  of  Hauran.  It  is  not  vet  known.— 
 6.  Hazar-shual,  a  town  in  the  southern  district 
 of  Judah,  lying  between  Hazar-gaddah  and  Beer- 
 sheba  (Josh.  xV.  28,  xix.  3;  1  Chr.  iv.  28i.— 
 6.  Hazar-sosah,  one  of  the  "  cities  "  allotted  to 
 Simeon  in  the  extreme  south  of  the  territory  of 
 Judah  (Josh.  xix.  5).— 7.  Hazar-SL'SIM,  the  fbim 
 under  which  the  preceding  name  appears  in  the  li^t 
 of  the  towns  of  Simeon  in  1  Chr.  iv.  31. 
 
 Ha'zerim.  The  AviJis,  or  more  aitcurately  the 
 Avvim,  are  said  to  have  lived  "  in  the  villages 
 (A.V.  "  Hazerim  ")  as  far  as  (Jaza  "  (Deut.  ii.  2>) 
 before  their  expulsion  by  the  Caphtorim. 
 
314 
 
 HAZEROTH 
 
 Ha'zeroth  (Num.  xi  .'!."),  xii.  1(5,  xxxiii.  17; 
 Dent.  i.  I),  a  stitidii  of  the  Ismelit.s  in  tin-  desoil, 
 anil  jieiliaps  iccogniznl.le  in  flie  Anihic  /['id/tcra. 
 
 Ha'zezon-Ta'mar,  mid  Ha'zazon-Ta'mar,  the 
 aticii-nt  nanu-  ol  ijigcdi  (Cm.  xiv.  7j.  'I'lie  name 
 occurs  only  (incc  attain — in  the  recoids  of  the  reign 
 ot'IIezokiah  (2  Chr.  xx.  2). 
 
 Ha'ziel,  a  Levite  in  the  time  of  David,  of  the 
 family  of  Shimei  or  Shimi,  the  younger  branch  of 
 the  Gershonites  (I  Chr.  xxiii.  9). 
 
 Ha'zo,  a  son  of  Nahor,  by  Milcah  his  wife  (Gen. 
 xxii.  22). 
 
 Ha'zor.  1.  A  fortified  city,  which  on  the  occu- 
 )i:iti<in  of  the  country  was  allotted  to  N.-iplitali 
 ( ,)o^h.  xix.  3ij).  Its  jiositinn  was  apparently  be- 
 tween h'amah  and  Kedesh  (ibid.  .xii.  19),  on  the 
 high  ground  overlooking  the  Lake  of  Merom. 
 There  is  no  reason  for  supposing  it  a  diflerent  place 
 <iom  fhiit  of  which  .labin  w;\s  king  (.Josh.  xi.  1  . 
 Judg.  iv.  2,  17;  1  Sam.  xii.  9).  It  was  the  prin- 
 cipal city  of  the  whole  of  North  Palestine  (Josh. 
 xi.  10).  It  was  fortified  by  Solomon  (\  K.  iv.  IS), 
 and  its  inhabitants  were  carried  captive  by  Tiglath- 
 Pilesor  (2  K.  xv.  29).  We  encounter  it  once  more 
 in  1  Mace.  xi.  67  (A.  V.  Nasor).  The  most  jno- 
 bal)le  site  of  Ilazor  is  Tell  Khuraibch.—2.  One  of 
 the  "  cities"  of  Judah  in  the  extreme  south,  named 
 next  in  order  to  Kedesh  (.Josh.  xv.  23).— 3.  Hazor- 
 Hadattah,  =  "  new  Hazor,"  another  of  the  southern 
 towns  of  .Indah  (.Josh.  xv.  25). i— 4.  "  Hezron  which 
 is  Hazor"  (.losh.  xv.  2.">). — 5.  A  place  in  wiiich 
 the  r.cnjamitos  resided  alter  their  icturn  linm 
 the  captivity  (Nch.  xi.  I!.)).  It  would  seem  to  have 
 lain  north  of  Jerusalem,  but  it  hiis  not  yet  been 
 discovenM. 
 
 Head-dress.  Tlie  Hebrews  do  not  appear  to 
 have  regarded  a  covering  for  the  head  as  an  essential 
 article  of  dress.  The  earliest  notice  we  have  of  such 
 a  thing  is  in  connexion  with  the  sacerdotal  vest- 
 ments {Kx.  xxviii.  40).  We  may  infer  that  it  was 
 not  ordinarily  worn  in  the  Mosaic  age.  Kven  in 
 after  times  it  .seems  to  have  been  reserved  especially 
 for  purposes  of  oiiinment:  thus  the  Tsaniph  is 
 noticeti  as  being  worn  by  nobles  (Job  xxix.  14), 
 ladies  (Is.  iii.  2.)),  and  kings  (Is.  Ixii.  3),  while  the 
 Peer  was  an  article  of  holiday  diess  (Is.  Ixi.  3, 
 A.  V.  "  beauty;"  \iz.  xxiv.  17,  23),  and  was  worn 
 at  weddings  (Is.  Ixi.  10).  The  loi-mer  of  these 
 tenns  undoubtedly  describes  a  kind  nl'  turban,  and 
 its  form  probably  lesembled  that  of  the  High- 
 priest's  Afitsuqi/icth,  as  described  by  Josephus  [Ant. 
 iii.  7,  *;•")).  Tlie  other  term,  J'a'r,  pi'imarily  means 
 an  oi-Ti'inient,  and  is  so  rendereil  in  the  A.  V.  (Is. 
 Ixi.  10;  see  also  ver.  3,  "beauty"),  and  is  spe- 
 cilically  applied  tf>  the  heail-dress  from  its  orna- 
 mental character.  It  is  uncertain  what  the  teim 
 pro])crly  describes,  but  it  may  have  a])i>lii(l  to  the 
 jewels  and  other  ornaments  with  which  the  turban 
 is  frequently  decorated.  The  ordinary  head-dress 
 of  the  I'ledouiii  consists  of  the  /tcffieh,  a  .square 
 handkerchief,  generally  of  red  and  yellow  cotton, 
 or  cotton  and  silk,  fi)lded  so  that  three  of  the 
 corners  hang  down  over  the  back  and  shoulders, 
 lesiving  the  face  exposed,  and  bonncl  round  the  head 
 by  a  cord.  It  is  not  imjiroliable  that  a  simdai 
 covering  was  useil  by  the  Hebrews  on  ceitain  occa- 
 sions. The  introiluctiou  of  the  (ireek  hat  by  Ja.son, 
 a.s  an  article  of  dnss  adapUtl  to  the  gi/vinasium, 
 was  regarded  a.s  a  n.-itional  dishonour  (2  M.icc.  iv. 
 12).  'I'he  Assyrian  lie.ad-<lrcss  is  des<!rilied  in  Kz. 
 Miii.    15    under  the   terms    •'  cxceeilint;    in   dyed 
 
 HEATHEN 
 
 attire."     The  word  remleied   "  hat.v 
 21  properly  applies  to  a  cloa/:. 
 
 DcUouii)  lleuJ-dress ;  the  KcfliyelL 
 
 Hearth.  One  way  of  baking  much  practised  in 
 tlie  Last  is  to  place  the  dough  on  an  iron  jdate, 
 eitiier  laid  on,  or  sup])orted  on  legs  above  the  vessel 
 sunk  in  the  ground,  which  foiins  the  oven.  The 
 cakes  baked  "  on  the  health  "  (Gen.  xviii.  (!)  were 
 probably  baked  in  the  existing  Bedouin  manner,  on 
 hot  stones  covered  with  ashes.  The  "  hearth  "  of 
 king  Jehoiakim's  winter  palace  (,Ier.  xxxvi.  23)  was 
 possibly  a  pan  or  brazier  of  charcoal. 
 
 Heath,  Heb.  'drd'er  (Jer.  xlviii.  6),  and  'ar'dr. 
 Tlieie  seems  no  leason  to  doulit  CeKius' conclusion 
 that  the  'ar'ar  (Jer.  xvii.  6)  is  identie.il  with  the 
 'arar  of  Arabic  writers,  which  is  some  species  of 
 juniper,  probably  the  Jnniperus  Sabin't,  or  .savin. 
 
 Heathen  (Heb.  pdi,  goi/im).  1.  While  as  yet 
 the  Jewish  nation  had  no  political  existence,  i/oi/iin 
 denoted  generallv  the  nations  of  tlie  world,  esjieciallv 
 including  the  immediate  descendants  of  Abraham 
 (Gen.  xviii.  18;  conij).  Gal.  iii.  IG).  The  latter, 
 as  they  grew  in  numbers  and  importance,  were 
 ilistinguished  in  a  most  marked  manner  t'lom  the 
 nations  by  whom  they  were  surrounded,  and  wen- 
 provided  with  a  code  of  laws  and  a  religious  ritual 
 which  niaiie  the  distinction  still  more  ])eculiar.  The 
 nations  fiom  whom  they  were  thus  separated  re- 
 ceived the  especial  appellation  o(  ijoijiin.  They  are 
 ever  associated  with  the  worshij)  of  faNe  gods,  and 
 the  foul  practices  of  idolaters  (Lev.  xviii.  xx.),  and 
 these  constituted  their  chief  distinctions,  »s  goijiin, 
 from  the  woishippei-s  ol  the  one  (mhI,  the  peojde  of 
 .leliovah  (Num.  xv.  41  ;  Deut.  xxviii.  lO).  This 
 distinction  was  ni.'iintained  in  its  full  force  during 
 the  early  times  of  the  monarchy  (2  Sam.  vii.  123; 
 1  K.  xi.  4-8.  xiv.  24  ;  I's.  cvi.  ;;.')).— 2.  Hut,  even 
 in  early  Jewish  times,  the  term  i/oi/im  receive<l  by 
 anticipation  a  significance  of  wider  range  than  the 
 national  exjierieuce  (Lev.  xxvi.  33,  .'!8;  Deut.  xxx. 
 1);  and  as  the  latter  w;ts  gnidnally  ilevelojM-d 
 during  the  j)rosj>erous. times  of  the  monaichy,  the 
 i/oi/tin  were  the  surrounding  nations  generally,  with 
 whom  the  Isr.ielites  weiv  brought  into  contact  by 
 the  extension  of  their  commerce.  In  the  time  of 
 the  Maccibees,  following  the  customs  of  \he  tjoi/iin 
 denoted  the  neglect  or  concealment  of  circumcision 
 ■  1  Maec.  i.  15),  disregaid  of  sacritires,  jnofanatioii 
 of  the  Sabbath,  eating  of  swine's  (lesh  and  meat 
 odeied  to  idols  (2  Ma.c.  vi.  (".-9.  IS.  xv.  1.2;,  :uiJ 
 adoption  of  the  (ireek  national  games  (2  Mnic,  iv. 
 12,  14).  In  .all  p<Mnts  Judai.sm  ami  liealheiiistr  .ire 
 btronijlv  conlnuslttl.     The  "  Ijjirbarous  multitude" 
 
HEAVEN 
 
 in  2  Mace.  li.  21  ;iie  opposed  to  those  who  jjlayi'd 
 tlie  iiiL'ii  tor  Juilaisin,  and  the  distiuctiou  now  lio- 
 tonies  an  ecclesiiustical  one  (coinp.  Matt,  xviii.  17). 
 But,  in  addition  to  its  signitirance  as  an  ethno- 
 graphical term,  (joi/iin  had  a  moial  sense  whicli 
 must  not  be  overlooiied.  In  Ps.  ix.  5, 15,  17  (comp. 
 Ez.  vii.  21)  the  word  stands  in  parallelism  with 
 "  the  wicked  ;"  and  in  ver.  17  the  people  thus  de- 
 signated are  described  as  "  forgettera  of  God,"  that 
 know  not  Jehovah  (Jer.  x.  2b). 
 
 Heaven.  There  are  four  Hebrew  words  thus 
 rendered  in  the  0.  T.,  which  we  may  briefly  notice. 
 
 1.  Rdkia  (A.  V.  firmament),  a  solid  expanse. 
 'I'hrough  its  open  lattices  (Geu.  vii.  11 ;   2  K.  vii. 
 
 2,  19;  or  doors  (Ps.  Ixxviii.  23)  the  dew  and  snow 
 and  hail  aie  pouieil  upon  the  earth  (Job  xxxviii. 
 22,  37).  This  film  vault,  which  Job  describes  as 
 being  "  strong  as  a  molten  looking-glass"  (xxxvii. 
 18),  is  trauspaient,  like  pellucid  sapphire,  and 
 splendid  as  crystal  (Dan.  xii.  3  ;  Ex.  xxiv.  10  ;  Ez. 
 i.  22;  Kev.  iv.  6),  over  which  rests  the  throne  of 
 God  (Is.  Ixvi.  1;  Ez.  i.  26),  and  which  is  opened 
 for  the  descent  of  angels,  or  for  prophetic  visions 
 (Gen.  xxviii.  17;  Ez.  i.  1  ;  Acts  vii.  56,  x.  11).  In 
 it,  like  gems  or  golden  lamps,  the  stars  are  fixed  to 
 give  light  to  the  earth,  and  regulate  the  seasons 
 (Gen.  i.  14-19)  ;  and  the  whole  magnificent,  im- 
 nie;isurable  structure  (Jer.  xxxi.  37)  is  su[iported 
 by  the  mount;iins  ;is  its  pillars,  or  strong  Ibunda- 
 tions  (Ps.  xviii.  7  ;  2  Sam.  xxii.  8  ;  Job  xxiv.  1 1  ).— 
 
 2.  Shdinai/im.  This  is  the  woid  used  in  the  ex- 
 |)ression  "  the  heaven  and  the  earth,"  or  "  the  upper 
 and  lower  regions"  ((jen.  i.  1).^3.  ildrdin,  used 
 for  heaven  in  Ps.  xviii.  16  ;  Jer.  xxv.  30 ;  Is.  xxiv. 
 18.  Properly  speaking  it  means  a  mountain,  as 
 in  Ps.  cii.  19;  Ez.  xvii.  23.-4.  Shechdkiin,  "ex- 
 pauses,"  with  reference  to  the  extent  of  heaven 
 (Deut.  xxxiii.  26;  Job  xxxv.  5).  St.  Paul's  ex- 
 pression "  third  heaven"  (2  Cor.  xii.  2)  ha^s  led  to 
 much  conjecture.  Grotius  said  that  the  Jews  di- 
 vided the  heaven  into  three  pails,  viz.  1.  the  air 
 or  atmosphere,  where  clouds  gather;  2.  the  finna- 
 ment,  in  which  the  sun,  moon,  and  stars  are  fixed; 
 
 3.  the  upper  heaven,  the  abode  of  God  and  his 
 angels. 
 
 He'ber,  1.  Grandson  of  the  patriarch  Asher 
 (Gen.  xlvi.  17  ;  1  Chr.  vii.  31  ;  Num.  xxvi,  45).— 
 2.  Of  the  tribe  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  18).— 3.  A 
 Gadite  (1  Chr.  v.  13).— 4.  A  Benjamite  (1  Chr. 
 viii.  17).— 5.  Another  Benjamite  (1  Chr.  viii. 
 22).— 6.  Heber,  the  Keiiite,  the  husband  of  Jael 
 (Judg.  iv.  11-17,  V.  24).— 7.  The  patriarch  EuER 
 (Luke  iii.  35). 
 
 He  berites,  the,  de.scendants  of  Heber,  a  branch 
 of  the  tribe  of  Asher  (Num.  xxvi.  45). 
 
 He'brew,  He  brews.  Tliis  word  first  occurs  as 
 applied  to  Abraham  (Gen.  xiv.  13).  It  was  after- 
 wards giveu  as  a  name  to  his  descendants.  Four 
 derivations  have  been  proposerl:  I.  From  Abram.— 
 II.  From  'dbar,  =  "  crossed  over,"  applied  by  the 
 Canaanites  to  Abraham  upon  his  crossing  the  Eu- 
 phrates (Gen.  xiv.  13;.— III.  From  V6er,  "beyond, 
 ou  the  other  side,"  is  essentially  the  s;iine  with  II., 
 since  both  rest  upon  the  hypothesis  that  Abraham 
 and  his  posterity  were  called  Hebrews  in  order  to 
 express  a  distinction  between  the  races  E.  and  VV. 
 of  the  Euphrates.— IV.  From  the  patriarch  Eber. 
 But  no  special  prominence  is  in  the  genealogy  as- 
 signed to  Eber  such  as  might  entitle  him  to  the 
 jiosition  of  head  or  founder  cf  the  lace.  From  the 
 genealogical  scheme  in  Gen.  xi.  10-26,  it  does  not 
 
 HEBREWS,  EPISTLE  TO  THE  315 
 
 apjiear  that  the  Jews  thought  of  Eber  as  a  source 
 primary,  or  even  secondary  of  the  national  descent. 
 There  is,  indeed,  only  one  pa.ssage  in  which  it' is 
 possible  to  imagine  any  pecuhar  resting-poiiit  as 
 connected  with  the  name  of  Eber.  In  Gen.  x.  21 
 Shem  is  allied  "  the  father  of  all  the  children  of 
 Eber,"  i.  e.  father  of  the  nations  to  the  east  of  the 
 Euphrates.  The  appellative  derivation  (from  'dhur 
 or  'eber)  is  strongly  conrinned  by  the  historical  use 
 of  the  word  Hebrew.  A  patronymic  would  na- 
 turally be  in  use  only  among  the  people  themselves, 
 while  the  appellative  which  had  been  originallv 
 applied  to  them  as  strangers  in  a  strange  land 
 would  probably  continue  to  designate  them  in  their 
 relations  to  neighbouring  tribes,  and  would  be  their 
 current  name  among  foreign  nations.  This  is  pre- 
 cisely the  case  with  the  terms  Israelite  and  Hebrew 
 respectively.  The  former  w;is  used  by  the  Jews 
 of  themselves  among  themselves,  the  latter  was 
 the  name  by  which  they  were  known  to  foieigners. 
 Briefly,  we  suppose  that  Hebrew  was  originally  a 
 Cis-Euphratian  word  applied  to  Traus-Euphratian 
 immigrants :  it  was  accepted  by  these  immigrants 
 in  their  external  relations ;  and  after  the  general 
 substitution  of  the  word  Jew,  it  still  found  a  place 
 in  that  marked  and  special  feature  of  national  con- 
 tradistinction, the  language. 
 
 Hebrewess,  a  Hebrew  Woman  (Jer.  xxxiv.  9). 
 
 Hebrews,  Epistle  to  the.  Canonical  authority. 
 Was  it  received  and  transmitted  as  canonical  by  the 
 immediate  successors  of  the  apostles?  The  most 
 imporfciut  witness  among  these,  Clemeut  (a.d.  7u 
 or  95),  refers  to  this  Epistle  in  the  same  way  as, 
 and  more  frequently  than,  to  any  other  canonical 
 book.  Little  stress  can  be  laid  upon  the  few  pos- 
 sible allusions  to  it  in  Barnabas,  Hennas,  Polycarp, 
 and  Ignatius.  It  is  received  as  canonical  by  Justin 
 Martyr,  and  by  the  compilers  of  the  Peshito  ver- 
 sion of  the  New  Testament.  Basilides  and  Marcion 
 are  recorded  as  distinctly  rejecting  the  Epistle.  But 
 at  the  close  of  that  j;eriod,  in  the  North  African 
 church,  where  first  the  Gospel  found  utterance 
 in  the  Latin  tongue,  orthodox  Christianity  first 
 doubted  the  canonical  authority  of  the  Epistle  to 
 the  Hebrews.  To  the  old  Latin  version  of  the 
 Scriptures,  which  was  completed  probably  about 
 A.D.  173,  this  Epistle  seems  to  have  been  added  as 
 a  composition  of  Barnabas,  and  as  destitute  of 
 canonical  authority.  During  the  next  two  cen- 
 turies the  extant  fathers  of  the  Roman  and  North 
 African  churches  regard  the  Epistle  as  a  book  of  no 
 canonical  authority  ;  but  in  the  fourth  century  its 
 authority  began  to  revive.  At  the  end  of  the 
 foui'th  century,  Jerome,  the  most  learned  and  cri- 
 tical of  the  Latin  fiithers,  reviewed  the  conflicting 
 opinions  as  to  the  authority  of  this  Epistle.  He 
 considered  that  the  prevailing,  though  not  uni- 
 versal view  of  the  Latin  churches  was  of  less 
 weight  than  the  view  not  only  of  ancient  writers, 
 but  also  of  all  the  Greek  and  all  the  Eastern 
 churches,  where  the  Epistle  was  received  as 
 canonical  and  read  daily  ;  and  he  pronounced  a  de- 
 cided opinion  in  favour  of  its  authority.  The  great 
 contemporary  light  of  North  Africa,  St.  Augustine, 
 held  a  similar  opinion.  The  3rd  Council  of  Car- 
 thage, A.D.  397,  and  a  Decretal  of  Pope  Innocent, 
 A.D.  416,  gave  a  hnal  confirmation  to  their  deci- 
 sion. But  such  doubts  were  conhned  to  the  Latin 
 chui'ches  from  the  middle  of  the  second  to  the  close 
 of  the  fourth  century.  All  the  rest  of  ortlio<lox 
 Christendom  from  the  beginning  was  agreed  upon 
 
316  HEBREWS,  EPISTLE  TO  THE 
 
 the  eaiioiiicril  autliority  of  this  K])istle.  Cardinal 
 Caji-tan,  tlie  opjjonoiit  of  Luthor,  \v;u>  the  first  to 
 (li>tiiib  the  tradition  of  a  thousand  years,  and  to 
 deny  its  authority.  Erasmus,  Calvin,  and  Heza 
 questioned  only  its  authorshi]).  I.uther,  when  he 
 ))rinted  his  version  of  the  liible,  separated  this  book 
 from  St.  Paul's  Kpistles,  and  i)laced  it  with  the 
 ICpistlos  of  iSt.  James  and  St.  Jude,  next  before 
 the  Revelation ;  indiaiting  by  this  change  of  order 
 his  opinion  that  tlie  four  relegated  books  are  of 
 less  importance  and  less  authority  than  the  rest 
 of  the  New  Tesfciment.— 11.  Who  teas  the  author 
 of  the  Epidlei — The  superscrij)tion,  the  ordinary 
 source  of  infomiation,  is  wanting ;  but  there  is  no 
 reason  to  doubt  that  at  first,  everywhere,  except  in 
 North  Africi,  St.  Paul  was  regarded  as  the  author. 
 Clement  ascribed  to  St.  Luke  the  translation  of  the 
 Kpistle  into  (ireek  from  a  Hebrew  original  of  St. 
 Paul.  Origen  believed  that  the  thoughts  were 
 St.  Paul's,  the  laiigii.age  and  composition  St.  Luke's 
 or  Clement's  of  Home.  Teituilian  names  Barnabas 
 a.s  the  reputed  author  according  to  the  Nortii  African 
 tradition.  The  view  of  the  Alexandrian  fathers,  a 
 middle  point  between  the  Eastern  and  Western  tra- 
 ditions, won  its  way  in  the  Church.  Luther's  con- 
 jecture that  A]jollos  was  the  author  has  been 
 widely  adopted.  Luke  by  Grotius.  Silas  bv  others. 
 Noander  attributes  it  to  some  apostolic  man  of  the 
 Pauline  .school,  whose  training  and  method  of 
 stating  doctrinal  truth  differed  from  St.  Paul's. 
 The  distinguished  name  of  Ewald  has  been  given 
 recently  to  the  hypothesis  that  it  was  written 
 by  some  .levvish  teacher  residing  at  Jerusalem  to 
 a  church  in  some  important  Italian  town,  which 
 is  suppose<l  to  have  sent  a  depuUition  to  Palestine. 
 If  it  be  asked  to  what  extent,  and  by  whom  was 
 St.  Paul  assisted  in  the  composition  of  this  Epistle, 
 the  re])ly  must  be  in  the  words  of  Origen,  "  Who 
 wrote  [t.  e.  as  in  liom.  xvi.  22,  wrote  from  the 
 author's  dictation]  this  E])istle,  only  Cod  knows." 
 The  similarity  in  iiliraseology  which  exists  between 
 the  acknowledged  writings  of  St.  Luke  and  this 
 Epistle,  his  constant  companionship  with  St.  Paul, 
 and  his  habit  of  listening  to  and  lecording  the 
 Apostle's  art;iiments,  form  a  strong  presumption  in 
 his  favour.— 111.  To  ichom  was  the  Epistle  senti — 
 This  question  was  agitated  as  early  as  the  time  of 
 Chrysostom,  who  replies, — to  the  Jews  in  .lerusalem 
 and  Palestine.  The  argument  of  the  Epistle  is  such 
 as  could  be  u.sed  with  most  etlect  to  a  church  con- 
 sisting exclusively  of  Jews  by  birth,  personally 
 familiar  with  and  attached  to  the  Temple-service. 
 Ebrard  limits  the  primary  circle  of  readers  even  to 
 a  section  of  the  church  at  Jerusalem.  Some  critics 
 have  maintained  that  this  Epistle  was  addressed 
 directly  to  Jewish  believers  everj'where :  others 
 have  restricted  it  to  those  who  dwelt  in  Asia  and 
 <!reece.^l\'.  Wttcre  and  when  wax  it  written  i — 
 Kiutern  traditions  of  the  fourth  centuiy,  in  con- 
 nexion with  the  opinion  that  St.  Paul  is  the  writer, 
 name  Itily  and  Koine,  or  Athens,  as  the  place  from 
 whence  the  E])istle  was  writt<'n.  Either  place 
 woulcl  iigrcc  with,  |>ci'haps  was  suggested  by,  the 
 mention  of  Timothy  in  the  last  chapter.  The 
 l'4)istle  was  evidently  written  liefore  tlie  destruc- 
 tion of  Jerusalem  in  a. I).  70.  The  wiiole  nrgu- 
 uient,  and  specially  the  p.issages  viii.  4  and  s(]., 
 ix.  <;  and  «[.,  arnl  xiii.  10  and  s<|.,  imply  that  tlie 
 Ti-mple  was  standing,  aiicl  that  its  usual  coui-se  of 
 IHvine  service  was  c;irried  on  willioiit  inti-rrnption. 
 Tlf!  <latc  wliii;li  l»ost  agrees  with  the  traditionary 
 
 HEBRON 
 
 account  of  the  authorship  and  destination  of  the 
 Epistle  is  A.V.  63,  about  the  end  of  St.  Paul's  im- 
 prisonment at  Home,  or  a  year  after  Albinus  suc- 
 ceeded Kestus  ;is  Procurator.^V.  In  what  language 
 was  it  written  ? — Like  St.  Matthew's  Gospel,  the 
 Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  has  alfoixled  gi'ouud  for 
 much  unimportant  controver.sy  respecting  the  lan- 
 guage in  which  it  was  oiiginally  written.  The 
 earliest  stitement  is  that  of  Clement  of  Alexandria 
 to  the  elfecl  that  it  was  written  by  .St.  Paul  ia 
 Hebrew,  and  translated  by  St.  Luke  into  Greek. 
 But  nothing  is  s;ud  to  lead  us  to  regard  it  as  a  tra- 
 dition, rather  than  a  conjecture  suggested  by  tlie 
 style  of  the  Epistle.  Bleek  argues  in  support  of  a 
 Greek  original,  on  the  giounda  cf  ( 1.)  the  purity 
 and  easy  How  of  the  Greek;  (2.)  the  use  of  Greek 
 words  which  could  not  be  adequately  expressed  in 
 Hebrew  without  long  i)eriphrase  ;  {'i.)  the  use  of 
 paronomasia;  and  (4.)  the  use  of  the  Septuagint  in 
 quotations  and  references.— \'l.  Condition  of  the 
 Ilebrewa,  and  scope  of  the  Epiitle. —  The  numerous 
 Christian  chuiches  saitteied  throughout  Judaea 
 (Acts  ix.  31  ;  Gal.  i.  22)  were  continually  exposed 
 to  persecution  from  the  Jews  (1  Thess.  ii.  14  j  ;  but 
 in  Jerusalem  there  was  one  additional  weajion  in 
 the  hands  of  the  predominant  oppressoi's  of  the 
 Christians.  The  magnificent  national  Temple  might 
 be  shut  against  the  Hebrew  Christian;  and  even  if 
 this  aliliction  were  not  often  laid  upon  him,  yet 
 there  was  a  secret  burden  which  he  bore  within 
 him,  the  knowledge  that  the  end  of  all  the  beauty 
 and  awfulness  of  Zion  was  rapidly  approaching. 
 What  could  take  the  place  of  the  Temple,  and  that 
 which  was  behind  the  veil,  and  the  Levitical  sacri- 
 fices, and  the  Holy  City,  when  they  should  cease  tc 
 exist  ?  What  compensation  could  Christianity  oUei 
 him  for  the  loss  which  was  pressing  the  Hebrew 
 Christian  more  and  more?  The  wiiter  of  this 
 Epistle  meets  the  Hebrew  Christians  on  their  own 
 ground.  His  answer  is — "  Your  new  faith  gives 
 you  Christ,  and,  in  Christ,  all  you  seek,  ail  your 
 f'athei-s  sought.  In  Christ  the  .Son  of  (iod  you  have 
 an  all-sufficient  Mediator,  nearer  than  .angels  to  the 
 Father,  eminent  above  Moses  as  a  benefactor,  more 
 9}-mpathising  and  more  prevailing  than  the  High- 
 priest  as  an  intercessor:  His  sabbath  awaitji  you  in 
 heaven  ;  to  His  covenant  the  old  w;is  intended  to  be 
 subservient ;  His  atonement  is  the  eternal  rejjity  of 
 which  sjicrifices  are  but  the  passing  shadow  ;  His 
 city  heaveiilv,  not  made  with  hands.  Having  Him, 
 believe  in  Him  with  all  your  heart,  with  a  faith 
 in  the  unseen  future,  .strong  as  that  of  the  taints  of 
 old,  patient  under  present,  aibl  prepareil  for  coming 
 woe,  full  of  energy,  and  ho[x',  and  holiness,  and 
 love."  Such  was  the  teaching  of  the  Epistle  to  the 
 Hebrews. 
 
 Hebron.  1.  The  third  son  of  Kohath,  who 
 was  the  second  son  of  Levi  ;  the  younger  lirother 
 of  Amram,  father  of  Moses  aikl  Aaron  (Ex.  vi.  18; 
 Num.  iii.  10;  1  Chr.  vi.  2,  18.  xxiii.  12;.  The 
 immediate  children  of  Hebron  are  not  mentioneil  by 
 name  (comp.  Ex.  vi.  21,  22),  but  he  was  the 
 founder  of  n  family  of  Hebroiiiti\s  (Num.  iii.  27, 
 xxvi.  58  ;  1  Chr.  xxvi.  23,  30,  ,31)  or  Beiie-Hebr.Mi 
 (1  Chr.  XV.  9,  xxiii.  19). — 2.  In  the  genealogical 
 lists  of  the  tribe  of  Jiidah  (1  Chr.  ii.  42,  43;, 
 .Marcshah  is  sjiid  to  have  been  the  "  father  of 
 Ilel>roii."  It  IS  impossible  at  present  to  say  whe- 
 ther thesi!  names  are  inteiid(Hi  to  be  tho.sc  of  the 
 places  theiii.selves  or  of  [wi'sons  who  founded  thenj. 
 
 Hebron.     1.  .\  city  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  64); 
 
HEBRONITES,  THE 
 
 situated  among  the  mounUiins  (Josh.  xx.  7),  20 
 Homaii  miles  south  of  Jerusnlem,  and  the  sfl.nie 
 distance  nortli  of  Beersheba.  Hebron  is  one  of  the 
 most  ancient  cities  in  the  worhl  still  existing;  and 
 in  this  respect  it  is  the  rival  of  Damascus.  It  was 
 built,  says  a  sacred  wiiter,  "  seven  years  before 
 Zoan  in  Kgypt "  (Num.  xiii.  22);  and  was  a  well- 
 known  town  when  Abraham  entered  Canaan  3780 
 years  ago  (Gen.  xiii.  18).  Its  original  name  was 
 kirjath-Arba  (Judg.  i.  10),  "the  city  of  Arba ; " 
 so  called  from  Arba,  the  father  of  Anak,  and  pro- 
 genitor of  the  giant  Anakim  (Josh.  xxi.  11,  xv.  13, 
 14).  The  chief  interest  of  this  city  arises  from 
 its  having  been  the  scene  of  some  of  the  most 
 striking  events  in  the  lives  of  the  patriarchs.  Sarah 
 died  at  Hebron ;  and  Abiaham  then  bought  from 
 Ephron  the  Hittite  the  field  and  cave  of  Mach- 
 pelah,  to  sei-ve  as  a  family  tomb  [Machpelau.] 
 The  cave  is  still  there ;  and  the  massive  walls  of 
 the  Harain  or  mosque,  within  which  it  lies,  form 
 the  most  remarkable  object  in  the  whole  city. 
 Abraham  is  called  by  Mohammedans  el-Klinlil, 
 "the  Friend,"  i.e.  of  God,  and  this  is  the  modern 
 name  of  Hebron.  Hebron  now  contains  about 
 5000  inhabitants,  of  whom  some  50  families  are 
 Jews.  It  is  picturesquely  situated  in  a  narrow 
 valley,  surrounded  by  rocky  hills.  The  valley 
 runs  from  north  to  south  ;  and  the  main  quarter 
 of  the  town,  surmounted  by  the  lofty  walls  of  the 
 venerable  Haram,  lies  partly  on  the  eastern  slope 
 (Gen.  xxxvii.  14;  comp.  xxiii.  19).  About  a  mile 
 from  the  town,  up  the  valley,  is  one  of  the  largest 
 oak-trees  in  Palestine.  This,  say  some,  is  the  very 
 tree  beneath  which  Abraham  pitched  his  tent,  and 
 it  still  beai-s  the  name  of  the  patriarch. — 2.  One 
 of  the  towns  in  the  territory  of  Asher  (Josh.  xix. 
 28),  on  the  boundary  of  the  tribe.  No  one  in 
 modem  times  has  discovered  its  site.  Besides,  it  is 
 not  certain  whether  the  name  should  not  rather 
 be  Ebdou  or  Abdon,  since  that  form  is  found  in 
 many  RI.SS. 
 
 Heb'ronites,  the.  A  flmiily  of  Kohathite  Le- 
 vites,  descendants  of  Hebron  the  son  of  Kohath 
 (Num.  iii.  27,  xxvi.  58  ;   1  Chr.  .xxvi.  23). 
 
 Hedge.  Thiee  of  the  Heb.  words  thus  ren- 
 dered in  the  A.  V.  denote  simply  that  which  sur- 
 rounds or  encloses,  whether  it  be  a  stone  wall 
 {geder,  Prov.  xxiv.  31  ;  Ez.  xiii.  10),  or  a  fence 
 of  other  materials.  Gdder  and  gederdh  are  used 
 of  the  hedge  of  a  vineyard  (Num.  xxii.  24 ;  Ps. 
 ixxxix.  40;  1  Chr.  iv.  23),  and  the  latter  is 
 employed  to  describe  the  rude  walls  of  stone,  or 
 fences  of  thoni,  which  served  as  a  shelter  for  sheep 
 in  winter  and  summer  (Num.  xxxii.  16).  The 
 stone  walls  which  suiTound  the  sheepfolds  of 
 modern  Palestine  are  frequently  crowned  with 
 sharp  thorns.  In  order  to  protect  the  vineyards 
 from  the  ravages  of  wild  beasts  (Ps.  Ixxx.  12)  it 
 was  customary  to  surround  them  with  a  wall  ot' 
 lOose  stones  or  mud  (Matt.  xxi.  33  ;  Mark  xii.  1), 
 which  was  a  favourite  haunt  of  serpents  (Eccl.  x. 
 8),  and  a  retreat  for  locusts  from  the  cold  (Nah. 
 iii.  17).  A  wall  or  fence  of  this  kind  is  clearly 
 distinguished  in  Is.  v.  5  from  the  tangled  hedge, 
 mesucah  (Mic.  vii.  4),  which  was  planted  as  an 
 additional  safeguard  to  the  vineyard  (of.  Ecclus. 
 xxviii.  24),  and  was  composed  of  the  thorny  shrubs 
 with  which  Palestine  abounds.  The  prickly  pear, 
 a  species  of  cactus,  so  fi-equently  employed  for  this 
 pui-pose  in  the  East  at  present,  is  believed  to  be  of 
 comparatively  modiirn  introduction. 
 
 HELBON 
 
 317 
 
 Hega'i,  one  of  the  eunuchs  (A.  V.  "  ch;iniber- 
 lains  "  )  of  the  court  of  Ahasuerus  (Esth.  ii.  8,  15). 
 
 He'ge,  another  form  of  the  preceJin"-  (Esth. 
 ii.  3). 
 
 Heifer.  The  Hebrew  language  has  no  expres- 
 sion that  exactly  corresponds  to  our  heifer;  fbi' 
 both  ccjlah  and  parah  are  applied  to  cows  that  liave 
 calved  (1  Sam.  vi.  7-12;  Job  xxi.  10;  Is.  vii. 
 21).  The  heifer  or  young  cow  was  not  commonly 
 used  for  ploughing,  but  only  foi-  treading  out  the 
 corn  (Hos.  x.  11  ;  but  see  Judg.  xiv.  18),  when  it 
 ran  about  without  any  headstall  (Deut.  xw.  4) ; 
 hence  the  expression  an  "unbroken  heifer"  (Hos. 
 iv.  16  ;  A.  v.  "backsliding"),  to  which  Israel  is 
 compared. 
 
 Heir.  The  Hebrew  institutions  relative  to  in- 
 heritiuice  were  of  a  very  simple  character.  Under 
 the  Patriarchal  system  the  property  was  divided 
 among  the  sons  of  the  legitimate  wives  (Gen.  xxi. 
 10,  xxiv.  36,  XXV.  5),  a  laiger  portion  being  as- 
 signed to  one,  generally  the  eldest,  on  whom  de- 
 volved the  duty  of  maintaining  the  females  of  tiie 
 family.  The  sons  of  concubines  vi^ere  portioned  off 
 with  presents  (Gen.  xxv.  6).  At  a  later  period 
 the  exclusion  of  the  sons  of  concubines  was  rigidly 
 enforced  (Judg.  xi.  1  If.).  Daughters  had  no  share 
 in  the  patrimony  (Gen.  xxxi.  14j,  but  received  a 
 marriage  portion.  The  Mosaic  law  regulated  the 
 succession  to  real  property  thus:  it  was  to  be 
 divided  among  the  sons,  the  eldest  receiving  a 
 double  portion  (Deut.  xxi.  17),  the  others  equal 
 shares ;  if  there  were  no  sons,  it  went  to  the 
 daughters  (Num.  xxvii.  8),  on  the  condition  that 
 they  did  not  marry  out  of  their  own  tribe  (Num. 
 xxxvi.  6  ff . ;  Tob.  vi.  12,  vii.  13),  otherwise  the 
 patrimony  was  forfeited.  If  there  were  no  daugh- 
 ters, it  went  to  the  brother  of  the  deceased  ;  if  no 
 brotlier,  to  the  paternal  uncle ;  and,  failing  these, 
 to  the  next  of  kin  (Num.  xxvii.  9-11).  In  the 
 case  of  a  widow  being  left  without  childi'en,  the 
 nearest  of  kin  on  her  husband's  side  had  the  right 
 of  marrying  her,  and  in  the  event  of  his  refusal  the 
 ne.xt  of  kin  (Ruth  iii.  12,  13):  with  him  rested 
 the  obligation  of  redeeming  the  projierty  of  the 
 widow  (Ruth  iv.  1  ff.),  if  it  had  been  either  sold  or 
 mortgaged.  If  none  stepped  forward  to  maiTy  the 
 widow,  the  inheritance  remained  with  her  until 
 her  death,  and  then  reverted  to  the  next  of  kin. 
 The  land  being  thus  so  strictly  tied  up,  the  notion 
 of  heirship,  as  we  understand  it,  was  hardly  known 
 to  the  Jews.  Testamentary  dispositions  were  of 
 course  superfluous.  The  references  to  wills  in  St. 
 Paul's  writings  are  bonowed  from  the  usages  of 
 Greece  and  Rome  (Heb.  ix.  17),  whence  the  custom 
 was  introduced  into  Judaea. 
 
 Helah,  one  of  the  two  wives  of  Ashur,  father  of 
 Tekoa  (1  Chr.  iv.  5). 
 
 He'lam,  a  place  east  of  the  Jordan,  but  vi'est  of 
 the  Euphrates,  at  which  the  Syrians  were  collected 
 by  Hadarezer,  and  at  which  David  met  and  de- 
 feated them  (2  Sam.  x.  16,  17).  The  most  pro- 
 bable conjecture  perhaps  is  that  it  is  identical  with 
 Alamatha,  a  town  named  by  Ptolemy,  and  placed 
 by  him  on  the  west  of  the  Euphrates  near  Nicepho- 
 rium. 
 
 Hel'ball,  a  town  of  Asher,  probably  on  the  plain 
 of  Phoenicia,  not  far  from  .Sidon  f  Judg.  i.  31). 
 
 Heinbon,  a  place  only  mentioned  in  Ezekiel 
 xxvii.  Geographei's  have  hitherto  represented  Hel- 
 bon  as  identical  with  the  city  of  Aleppo,  called 
 ffaleb  by  the  Arabs  ;  but  there  are  strong  rejisons 
 
318 
 
 HELCHIAH 
 
 a;^Miiisl  this.  A  few  years  ai;u  Mr.  I'ortor  dirft-'tcl 
 atteiitiuu  to  a  villa<;u  and  district  within  a  few 
 miles  of  iHimascu-s,  still  hearing  the  ancient  naiiu- 
 IlellKni,  and  still  celebrated  as  iirodiiciii;^  the  finest 
 •;rapes  in  the  country.  There  lumnot  be  a  doubt 
 tiiat  this  village,  and  not  Aleppo,  is  the  Helbon  of 
 fcizi-kid. 
 
 HelcM'ah,  1  Esd.  viii.  1.     [Hilkiah.] 
 
 Helchi'as,  2  Esd.  i.  1.     [IIii.kiaii.] 
 
 Helda'i.  1.  The  twelfth  c;iptain  of  the  monthly 
 courses  tor  the  temple  service  (1  Chr.  xxvii,  15). 
 2.  .\\\  Israelite  who  seems  to  have  returned  from 
 the  Captivity  (Zech.  vi.  lU). 
 
 Heleb,  son  of  15;uuiah,  the  Ketophathite,  one 
 of  the  heroes  of  king  David's  guard  ("2  Sam.  xxiii. 
 29  ).     In  the  parallel  list  the  name  is  given  as 
 
 He'led,  1  Chr.  xi,  30. 
 
 He'lek,  one  of  the  descendants  of  Manasseh, 
 and  second  son  of  (Jiload  (Num.  xxvi.  30). 
 
 He'lekites,  the,  the  family  descended  from  tlie 
 foiii_'<im:,'  i.Ninn.  xxvi.  30). 
 
 He'lem.  1.  A  descendant  of  Asher  (1  Chr.  vii. 
 3.jy.— 2.  A  man  mentioned  only  in  Zech.  vi.  14. 
 Apparently  the  same  as  UlCI-DAI. 
 
 Hel'eph,  the  place  from  which  the  boundary  of 
 the  tril)e  of  Naphtali  started  (Josh.  xix.  '.V'>).  Van 
 de  V'elile  j)ro])0>es  to  identify  it  with  lieitlif. 
 
 Hel'ez.    1.  One  of  "  the  thirty  "  of  David's  guard 
 (2  Sam.  xxiii.  26;  1   Chr.  xi.  27),  an  Ejihraimite, 
 and  captciin  of  the  seventh  monthly  course  ( I  Chr.  I 
 xxvii.  10).— 2.  A   man  of  Judali,  son  of  Azariah 
 (1  Chr.  ii.  39,.  | 
 
 He'Ii.  1.  The  father  of  Joseph,  the  husband  of 
 the  Virgin  Mary  (Luke  iii.  23)  ;  maintained  by 
 Lord  A.  Hervey,  the  latest  investigator  of  the 
 genealogy  of  Christ,  to  have  been  the  real  brother 
 ot' Jacob  the  father  of  the  Virgin  herseli".^2.  The  I 
 third  of  three  names  inserted  between  AciIITOIi 
 and  .Xmakias  in  the  genealogy  of  Ezra,  in  2  Esd.  I 
 i.  2  (compare  Ezr.  vii.  2,  3). 
 
 Heli'as,  2  Esd.  vii.  39.    [Eujam.] 
 
 Heliodo'ms,   the  treasurer  of  Seleucus   Philo- 
 patoi',  wiio  was  commissioned  by  the  king  to  carry 
 away  the  private  tre;isui-es  de[X)sited  in  the  Temple  ' 
 at  Jerusalem.     According  to  2  ^lacc.  iii.  9  tV.,  he 
 w;is  stayed   from  the  execution  of  his  design   by  a  I 
 "  great  a])i«rition,"  and  fell  down  speechless.     He  | 
 was  afterwards  restored  at  the  intercession  of  the  ' 
 lligh-piiest  Onias  (2  Mace.  iii.).     The  full  details  : 
 of  the  nanative  are  not  supported   by  any  other 
 evidence.  ] 
 
 Helka'i,  a  priest  of  the  family  of  Meraioth,  in  J 
 thi>  davs  of  Joiakim  CNeh.  xii.  15). 
 
 Eel'kath,  the  town  named  as  the  starting-point 
 for  tile  bouiidaiy  of  the  tribe  of  Asher  (Josh.  xix. 
 2.')),  and  allotted  with  its"  suburbs  "  to  the  Ger- 
 shonite  Levites  (xxi.  31).  Its  site  has  not  been 
 re(«vered. 
 
 Hel'kath  Haz'zurun,  a  smooth  piece  of  gionnd,  { 
 apparently  close  to  the  pool  of  Cibeon,  where  the 
 combat  took  place  between  the  two  parties  of 
 Joab's  men  and  Abner's  men,  which  ended  in  the 
 death  of  the  whole  of  the  combatant*,  and  brought 
 on  a  ircneral  battle  (2  Sam.  ii.  IG). 
 
 HeUd'as.     1  E.sd.  i.  8.     [Hilkiah.] 
 
 Hell.  This  is  the  word  generally  an<l  unfortu- 
 nately used  by  our  translators  to  render  the 
 Hebrew  Slicol.  it  would  perhaps  have  been  better 
 to  retain  the  Hebrew  word  Slicol,  or  else  render  it 
 *lways  by  "  the  giave  "  or  "  the  pit."  It  is  deep 
 'Job  xi.  8)  and  dark  (Job  xi.  21,  22),  in  the  centre 
 
 HELLENIST 
 
 ■  ■I'  the  earth  (Num.  xvi.  3U ;  Deut.  xxxii.  22), 
 having  within  it  depths  on  depths  (I'rov.  ix.  18), 
 and  fastened  with  gates  (Is.  xxxviii.  10)  and  bars 
 (Job  xvii.  16).  In  this  cavernous  realm  are  the 
 souLs  of  dead  men,  the  Rephaim  and  ill-spirits  (I's. 
 Ixxxvi.  13,  Ixxxix.  48;  Piov.  xxiii.  14;  Ez.  xxxi. 
 17,  xxxii.  21).  It  is  cle;ir  that  in  many  pjuss-ages 
 of  the  0.  T.  Shcul  c-in  only  mean  "  the  grave," 
 and  is  so  rendertnl  in  the  A.  V.  (see,  for  example, 
 (ien.  xxxvii.  35,  xlii.  38;  1  Sam.  ii.  6;  Job  xiv. 
 13).  In  other  passages,  however,  it  seems  to 
 involve  a  notion  of  punishment,  and  is  therefore 
 rendered  in  the  \.  V.  by  the  word  "  Hell."  But 
 in  many  cases  this  translation  misleads  the  reader. 
 It  is  obvious,  for  instance,  that  Job  xi.  8 ;  I's. 
 cxxxix.  8 ;  Am.  ix.  2  (where  "  hell  "  is  used  as  the 
 antithesis  of  "  he;iven  "  ),  merely  illustrate  the 
 Jewish  notions  of  the  locality  of  Sitcol  in  the 
 bowels  of  the  earth.  The  Hebrew  ide;us  res]iect- 
 ing  Shcol  were  of  a  vague  descHption.  Generally 
 speaking,  the  Helaews  regarded  the  grave  as  the 
 end  of  all  sentient  and  intelligent  existence.  In 
 the  N.  '1".  the  word  Hades,  like  S/icol,  sometimes 
 mwms  merely  "  the  grave"  (llev.  xx.  13;  Acts  ii. 
 31;  1  Cor.  xv.  55),  or  in  general  "the  unseen 
 world."  It  is  in  this  sense  that  the  creeds  s;iy  ol 
 our  Lord  "  He  went  down  into  heil,"  me:\niug  the 
 state  of  the  dead  in  general,  without  any  re.striction 
 of  happiness  or  misery,  a  doctrine  cert;unly,  though 
 only  virtually,  expressed  in  Scripture  (Eph.  iv.  9  ; 
 Acts  ii.  25-31).  Elsewhere  in  the  N.  T.  Hades  is 
 used  of  a  jjlace  of  torment  (Luke  xvi.  23  ;  2  Pet. 
 ii.  4;  Matt.  xi.  23,  &c.).  Conse(jneutly  it  has 
 been  the  ])revalent,  almost  the  univei-sal,  notion 
 that  Hades  is  an  intcnueJiate  state  between  death 
 and  resurrection,  divided  into  two  ))arts,  one  the 
 abode  of  the  blessed  anil  the  other  of  the  lost.  In 
 holding  this  view,  main  reliance  is  ])laced  on  the 
 jiarable  of  Dives  and  Lazarus;  but  it  is  im]>ossiblc 
 to  groun<i  tiie  proof  ot'  an  important  theological 
 doctrine  on  ,i  |iassage  which  confessedly  abounds  in 
 Jewish  met;iphors.  The  word  most  freipiently 
 used  in  the  N.  T.  for  the  place  of  future  ]iunish- 
 ment  is  Gehenna  or  (?e/ie»OTac/_/Jr<?  (see  Gkiiknna 
 and  Hin.nom). 
 
 Hel'lenist.  In  one  of  the  eai-liest  notices  of  the 
 first  Christian  Church  at  Jerusalem  (Acts  vi.  1), 
 two  distinct  parties  are  recognised  among  its  mem- 
 bers, "  Hebrews  "  and  "  Hellenist.s  "  (Grecians), 
 who  appear  to  sUmd  towards  one  another  in  some 
 degree  in  a  relation  of  jealous  rivalry  (comp.  Acta 
 ix.  29).  The  name,  according  to  it.s  derivation, 
 marks  a  class  distinguished  by  iM'culiar  habits,  and 
 not  by  descent.  Thus  the  Hellenists  as  a  bmly  in- 
 cluded not  only  the  proselytes  of  Cireek  (or  (ineign) 
 parentage,  but  also  those  Jews  who,  by  settling  in 
 ibreign  countries,  had  adopted  the  prevalent  form  of 
 the  current  Greek  civilis:ition,  and  with  it  the  use  of 
 the  common  Greek  dialect.  The  tlexibility  of  the 
 Gra-k  huiguage  gained  for  it  in  ancient  times  a 
 general  currency  similar  to  that  which  Erench 
 enjoys  in  modern  Europe ;  but  with  tliis  im]K)i'tant 
 dillerence,  that  (ireek  wxs  not  only  the  language  of 
 educated  men,  but  also  the  language  of  the  miLsses 
 in  the  great  centres  of  commerce.  Peculiar  words 
 and  t'oiins  adopted  at  .Mexandria  were  undoubtedly 
 of  Mace<ioniiui  origin,  but  the  later  .Attic  may  be 
 justly  regaixled  as  the  real  basis  ot'  Oriental  (ireek. 
 The  voaibulary  was  enriched  by  the  addition  «>t 
 foreign  woixls,  and  the  syntiix  was  modified  by 
 new  constructions.      In  tliis  way  a  vaiiety  of  local 
 
HELMET 
 
 di;ilect.s  must  have  arisen.  One  of  these  dialects 
 lias  been  preseiveil  alter  the  ruin  of  tlie  people 
 among  whom  it  arose,  by  being  consecrateil  lo  the 
 noblest  service  which  language  h;u>  yet  fullilled. 
 The  functions  which  this  Jewish-Greek  had  to  dis- 
 charge were  of  the  widest  application,  and  the  lan- 
 guage itself  combined  the  most  opposite  i'eatuies. 
 It  Wii.s  essentially  a  fusion  of  Eastern  and  Western 
 thought.  For  disregarding  peculiarities  of  inflexion 
 and  novel  words,  the  characteristic  of  the  Hellenis- 
 tic dialect  is  the  combination  of  a  Hebrew  spirit 
 with  a  Greek  body,  of  a  Hebrew  form  with  Greek 
 words.  The  conception  belongs  to  one  race,  and 
 the  expression  to  another.  This  view  of  the  Helle- 
 nistic dialect  will  at  once  remove  one  of  the  com- 
 monest misconceptions  relating  to  it.  For  it  will 
 follow  tliat  its  deviations  from  the  ordinary  laws  of 
 classic  Greek  are  themselves  bound  by  some  com- 
 mon law,  and  that  irregidarities  of  construction  and 
 altered  usages  of  words  are  to  be  ti'aced  to  their 
 first  source,  and  interpreted  strictly  according  to 
 the  original  conception  out  of  which  they  sprang. 
 The  adoption  of  a  strange  language  was  essentially 
 characteristic  of  the  true  nature  of  Hellenism.  The 
 purely  outward  elements  of  the  national  life  were 
 laid  .aside  with  a  facility  of  which  history  offers 
 few  examples,  while  the  inner  character  of  the 
 people  lemained  unchanged.  In  every  respect  the 
 thought,  so  to  speak,  was  clothed  in  a  new  dress. 
 Hellenism  was,  as  it  were,  a  fresh  incorporation  of 
 Judaism  according  to  altered  laws  of  life  and  wor- 
 ship. It  accomplished  for  the  outer  world  what 
 the  Return  accomplished  for  the  Palestinian  Jews : 
 it  was  the  necessary  step  between  a  religion  of 
 form  and  a  religion  of  spirit:  it  witnessed  against 
 Judaism  as  final  and  universal,  and  it  witnessed 
 for  it,  as  the  fbiuidation  of  a  spiritual  religion 
 which  should  be  bound  by  no  local  restrictions. 
 The  Hellenists  themselves  were  at  once  missionaries 
 to  the  heathen,  and  prophets  to  their  own  country- 
 men. Yet  this  new  development  of  Judaism  was 
 obtained  without  the  sacrifice  of  national  ties.  In 
 another  aspect  Hellenism  served  as  the  preparation 
 for  a  Catholic  creed.  As  it  furnished  the  language 
 of  Christianity,  it  supplied  also  that  literary  in- 
 stinct which  counteracted  the  traditional  reserve  of 
 the  Palestinian  Jews. 
 
 Helmet.     [Arms.] 
 
 He'lon,  father  of  Eliab,  of  the  tribe  of  Zebulun 
 (Num.  i.  9,  ii.  7,  vii.  24,  29,  x.  16). 
 
 Hem  of  Garment  (Heb.  isitsith).  The  im- 
 portance which  the  latei'  Jews,  especially  the  Pha- 
 risees (Matt,  xxiii.  5),  attached  to  the  hem  or 
 fringe  of  their  garments  was  founded  upon  the 
 regulation  in  Num.  xv.  38,  39,  which  gave  a  sym- 
 bolical meaning  to  it.  But  the  fringe  was  only 
 in  the  first  instance  the  ordinary  mode  of  finishing 
 i.he  robe,  the  ends  of  the  threads  composing  the 
 woof  being  left  in  order  to  prevent  the  cloth  fiom 
 unravelling,  just  as  in  the  Assyrian  robes  as  repre- 
 sented in  the  bas-reliefs  of  Nineveh :  the  blue 
 riband  being  added  to  strengthen  the  border.  The 
 leged  or  outer  robe  was  a  simple  quadrangular 
 piece  of  cloth,  and  generally  so  worn  that  two  of 
 the  corners  hung  down  in  front:  these  corners 
 vvei-3  ornamented  with  a  "  riband  of  blue,"  or 
 rather  dark  violet. 
 
 He 'mam.  Hori  and  Hemam  were  sons  of  Lotan, 
 tlie  eldest  son  of  Seir  (Gen.  xxxvi.  22). 
 
 He'man.  1.  Son  of  Zerah  (1  Chr.  ii.  6;  1  K. 
 iv.  3 1  J.— 2.  Son  of  Joel,  and  grandson  of  Samuel 
 
 HEPHER 
 
 319 
 
 the  prophet,  a  Kohathite.  He  is  called  "  the  singer," 
 rather,  the  mnsiciaii  ( I  Chr.  vi.  33),  and  was  the 
 first  of  the  three  Levites  to  whom  was  committed 
 the  vocal  and  instrumental  music  of  the  temple- 
 service  in  the  reign  of  David  (1  Chr.  xv.  10-22), 
 Asajihand  Ethan,  or  rather,  according  to  xxv.  1, 
 3,  Jeiiuthun,  being  his  colleagues.  A  further  ac- 
 count of  Heman  is  given  1  Chr.  xxv.,  where  he  is 
 called  (ver.  5)  "  the  king's  seer  iu  the  matters  of 
 God."  We  there  learn  that  Heman  had  fourteen 
 sons,  and  three  daughters.  Whether  or  no  this 
 Heman  is  the  person  to  whom  the  S8th  Psalm  is 
 ascribed  is  doubtful.  He  is  there  called  "  the 
 Ezrahite ;"  and  the  89th  Psalm  is  ascribed  to 
 "  Ethan  the  Ezrahite."  But  since  Heman  and 
 Ethan  are  described  in  1  Chr.  ii.  6,  as  "sons  of 
 Zerah,"  it  is  in  the  highest  degree  probable  that 
 Ezrahite  means  "of  the  family  of  Zeiah,"  and  con- 
 sequently that  Heman  of  theSSth  Psalm  is  different 
 from  Heman  the  singer,  the  Kohathite.  In  1  K. 
 iv.  31  again  (hebr.  v.  11),  we  have  mention,  as  of 
 the  wisest  of  mankind,  of  Ethan  the  Ezrahite,  He- 
 man,  Chalcol  and  Darda,  the  sons  of  Mahol,  a  list 
 corresponding  with  the  names  of  the  sons  of  Zerah,  in 
 1  Chr.  ii.  6.  If  Heman  the  Kohathite,  or  his  father, 
 had  married  an  heiress  of  the  house  of  Zerah,  and  was 
 so  reckoned  in  the  genealogy  of  Zerah,  then  all  the 
 notices  of  Heman  might  point  to  the  same  person. 
 
 He'math.  Another  form — not  warranted  by  the 
 Hebrew — of  the  well-known  name  Hamath  (Am. 
 vi.  14). 
 
 He'math,  a  person,  or  place,  named  in  the  gene- 
 alogical lists  of  Judah,  as  the  origin  of  the  Kenites, 
 and  the  "  father  "  of  the  house  of  Rechab  (1  Chr. 
 ii.  55). 
 
 Hem' dan,  the  eldest  son  of  Dishon.  son  of  Anah 
 the  Horite  (Gen.  xxxvi.  26).  [Amram  2.]  The 
 name  Hemdan  is  by  Knobel  compared  with  those  of 
 Humeidy  and  JIainadt/,  who  aie  located  to  the  E. 
 and  S.E.  of  Akaba.  Also  with  the  Bene-Hamydc, 
 who  are  foLUid  a  short  distance  S.  of  Kerek. 
 
 Hemlock.  The  Hebrew  rosh  is  remlered  "  hem- 
 lock "  in  two  passages  (Hos.  x.  4  ;  Am.  vi.  12),  but 
 elsewhere  "  gall."     [Gall.] 
 
 Hen.  According  to  the  A.  V.  of  Zech.  vi.  14, 
 Hen  is  a  son  of  Zephaniah,  and  apparently  the  same 
 who  is  called  Josiah  in  ver.  10.  But  by  the  LXX. 
 and  others,  the  words  are  taken  to  mean  "  for  the 
 favour  of  the  son  of  Zephaniah." 
 
 Hen.  The  hen  is  nowhere  noticed  in  the  Bible 
 except  in  Matt,  xxiii.  37  ;  Luke  xiii.  34.  That  a 
 bird  so  common  iu  Palestine  should  receive  such 
 slight  notice,  is  certainly  singular. 
 
 He'na  seems  to  have  been  one  of  the  chief  cities 
 of  a  monarchical  sfcite  which  the  Assyrian  kings 
 had  reduced  shortly  before  the  time  of  Sennacherib 
 (2  K.  xix.  13  ;  Is.  xxxvii.  13).  Here,  at  no  great 
 distance  from  Sippara  (now  Mosaib),  is  an  ancient 
 town  adled  Ana  or  Anah,  which  may  be  the  same 
 as  Hena.  A  further  conjecture  identifies  Ana  with 
 a  town  called  Anat,  which  is  mentioned  in  the  As- 
 syrian inscriptions  as  situated  on  an  island  in  the 
 Euphrates.  The  modern  Anat  is  on  the  right  bank 
 of  the  stream. 
 
 He'nadad,  the  head  of  a  family  of  the  Levites 
 who  took  a  prominent  part  in  the  rebuilding  of  the 
 Temple  (Ezr.  iii.  9). 
 
 He'nocli.  1.  Enoch,  2  (1  Chr.  i.  3).  2.  Hanoch, 
 1   (\  Ciu-.  i.  33).. 
 
 He'pher.  1.  The  youngest  of  the  sons  of  Gilead 
 (Num.  xxvi.  32),  and  head  of  the  family  of  the 
 
320 
 
 HEPHER 
 
 Hkpheriti'.s.— 2.  S(jn  of  Aslmr,  the  "  father  of 
 Tckoa"  (1  ("hr.  iv.  ij  i.— 3.  'I'lie  Mectierathite,  one 
 of  th»?  hfrocs  of  David's  t^iiard  (1  Clir.  xi.  36). 
 
 He'pher,  a  place  in  ancient  Can:u»n,  which 
 occurs  in  tlie  list  of  conquered  kings  (Josh.  xii.  17). 
 It  was  on  the  west  of  Jordan  (comp.  7  and  1  K. 
 iv.  10). 
 
 He'pherites,  the,  the  family  of  He|)her  the  son 
 of  <iiliM'l     Num.  xxvi.  32^. 
 
 Heph'a-bah.  1.  A  name  signifying  "  My  delight 
 in  her,"  which  is  to  he  iioine  by  the  restored  .leru- 
 salem  (Is.  Ixii.  4).— 2.  The  queen  of  King  Heze- 
 kiah.  and  the  mother  of  Manasseh  (2  K.  xxi.  1). 
 
 Herald.  Tlie  only  notice  of  this  officer  in  the 
 O.  T.  ot-curs  in  Dan.  iii.  4.  The  terni  "herald" 
 might  be  substituted  tor  "preacher"  in  1  Tim.  ii. 
 7;' 2  Tim.  i.  11  ;  2  I'et.  ii.  5. 
 
 Her'cules,  the  name  commonly  applied  by  the 
 Western  nations  to  the  tutelary  deity  of  Tyre 
 (2  Marc.  iv.  19  Sec),  whose  national  title  was 
 Mell:art-=-king  of  the  city.  The  ideutiticiitioii  was 
 biused  uj)on  a  similarity  of  the  legends  and  attri- 
 butes referred  to  the  two  deities,  but  Herodotus 
 (ii.  44)  recognised  their  distinctness,  and  dwells  on 
 the  extreme  antiquity  of  the  Tyrian  rite.  The 
 worship  of  Melkait  was  spread  throughout  the 
 Tyiian  colonies,  and  was  especially  established  at 
 Cartilage.  There  can  be  little  doubt  but  that 
 Meikart  is  the  proper  name  of  the  Baal  mentioned 
 m  the  latei-  history  of  the  O.  T. 
 
 Herd,  Herdsman.  The  heid  was  greatly  i-e- 
 earded  both  in  the  patriarchal  and  Mosaic  period. 
 Tiie  ox  was  the  most  precious  stock  next  to  horse 
 mid    mule.     The   lieni    vielded   the  most  esteemed 
 
 HERMON 
 
 sacrifice  (Num.  vii.  .'i ;  I's.  Ixix.  M  ;  Is.  livi.  3); 
 also  Hesh-iMcat  and  milk,  chielly  converte<l,  pro- 
 bably, into  l)utter  and  cheese  (Dcut.  xxxii.  14; 
 2  Sam.  xvii.  29^,  which  such  milk  yields  more  co- 
 piously than  that  of  small  cjittle.  The  full-grown 
 ox  is  hardly  ever  sbiughtered  in  Syria;  but,  both 
 for  sacrificial  and  convivial  puiposcs,  the  young 
 animal  was  preferred  ( Kx.  xxix.  1 ).  The  agricul- 
 tural and  general  usefulness  of  the  ox,  in  ploughing, 
 threshing,  and  as  a  beast  of  burden  (1  Chr.  xii.  4u  ; 
 Is.  xlvi.  1  j,  made  such  a  slaughtering  seem  wasteful. 
 The  animal  was  broken  to  service  prol«ibly  in  his 
 third  year  (Is.  xv.  :y,  Jer.  xlviii.  34;.  In  the 
 moist  season,  when  grass  abounded  in  the  waste 
 lands,  especially  in  the  "  south"  region,  heixls 
 grazed  there.  Especially  w;is  the  eastern  fable- 
 land  (Ez.  xxxix.  18  ;  Num.  xxxii.  4)  "  a  place  for 
 ciittle."  Herdsmen,  &c.,  in  Egypt  were  a  low, 
 perhaps  the  lowest  caste;  but  of  the  abundance  of 
 cattle  in  Egypt,  and  of  the  care  there  Ijestowed  on 
 them,  there  is  no  doubt  (Gen.  xlvii.  <j,  17  ;  Ex.  ii. 
 4,  2o).  So  the  plague  of  hail  was  sent  to  smite 
 es])ecially  the  cittle  (^Ps.  Ixxviii.  48),  the  fii-stborn 
 of  which  also  were  smitten  (Ex.  xii.  29).  The 
 Israelites  departing  stipulated  for  (Ex.  x.  26)  and 
 took  "much  cattle"  with  them  (xii.  38).  Cattle 
 formed  thus  one  of  the  traditions  of  the  Israelitish 
 nation  in  its  greatest  period,  and  became  almost  a 
 ))ai-t  of  that  greatness.  When  jiasture  failed,  a  mix- 
 ture of  various  grains  (Job  vi.  5)  was  used,  as  also 
 "  chopjied  straw"  (Gen.  xxiv.  25;  Is.  xi.  7,  Ixv. 
 25),  which  was  torn  in  pieces  by  the  threshing- 
 machine  and  u.sed  jirobalily  for  feeding  in  stalls. 
 These  last  formed  an  impoit.iMt  .idjunct  to  ottle- 
 
 Egyptian  farm-yard.    (Wilkinson.) 
 
 keeping,  bemg  indispensable  for  shelter  at  certain 
 seasons  (Ex.  ix.  6,  19).  The  occupation  of  hei'ds- 
 man  was  honourable  in  early  times  (Gen.  xlvii.  6  ; 
 1  Sam.  xi.  5  ;  1  Chr.  xxvii.  29,  xxviii.  1 ).  Saul 
 himself  resumed  it  in  the  interval  of  his  cares  as 
 king ;  al>o  Doeg  was  ceitiiinly  high  in  his  confiilence 
 (1  Sam.  xxi.  7).  Pharaoh  m.-ide  some  of  Joseph's 
 biethren  "  rulere  over  his  cattle."  David's  herd- 
 m.isters  were  among  his  chief  officers  of  st;ite.  The 
 prophet  Amos  at  fii-st  followed  this  occupation  (Am. 
 i.  1,  vii.  14). 
 He'res  (Is.  xix.  18).  See  Ik-ha-heres. 
 Her'esh,  a  I.evitc  attached  to  the  tabernacle 
 (1  Chr.  ix.  1.5). 
 
 Her'mas,  the  name  of  a  Christian  resident  at 
 Home  to  whom  St.  Paul  sends  gi'eeting  in  his 
 Epistle  to  the  Romans  (xvi.  14).  Irenaeus,  Ter- 
 tiillinn,  and  Origen,  agree  in  attiibuting  to  Inm  the 
 woilc  cjilli'd  the  S/iep/ierd :  which  is  supposnl  to 
 have  been  written  in  the  pontific;ite  of  ( 'li-mcnt  1.  ; 
 while  others  affirm  it  to  have  been  the  work  of  a 
 namesake  in  the  following  age.  It  existed  for  a 
 long  time  only  in  a  Latin  version,  but  the  first  pait 
 in  Greek  is  fo  be  found  at  the  end  of  tho  CoiU-x  Si- 
 
 naiticns.  It  was  never  received  into  the  canon  ; 
 nut  yet  was  generally  cited  with  respect  only 
 second  to  that  which  was  paid  to  the  autlwitative 
 books  of  the  N.  T.,  and  was  held  to  be  in  some 
 sense  inspiied. 
 
 Her'mes,  a  man  mentione<l  in  Horn.  xvi.  14. 
 Accordiiig  to  tradition  he  w.is  one  of  the  Seventy 
 discijiles.  and  afterwards  Bishop  of  Dalm.itia. 
 
 Hermog'enes,  a  jjei-son  mentioned  by  St.  Paul 
 in  the  latent  of  all  his  Episthw  (2  Tmi.  i.  15i  when 
 all  in  Asia  had  turned  away  fiom  him.  and  among 
 their  nuinlier  "  I'hygi-Uus  and  lli-nnogi'nes." 
 
 Her'mon,  a  mountain  on  the  noi-th-eastem  bonier 
 of  Palestine  (Dent.  iii.  8  ;  Josh.  xii.  l\  over  again.st 
 l.elKinon  (Josh.  xi.  17),  adjoining  the  plateau  of 
 Bashan  (1  Chr.  v.  23).  Its  .situation  being  thus 
 cleiirlv  defined  in  Sci-iptui-c.  there  can  be  no  doubt 
 as  to  its  iilentitv.  It  st-inds  at  the  southern  end, 
 and  is  the  culminating  point  of  the  anti-l.itanus 
 range;  it  towers  high  al>ove  the  ancient  Ixiider-city 
 of  Ihm  and  the  fountains  of  the  Jordan,  and  is  the 
 most  conspicuous  ;uid  beautiful  mountain  in  Pales- 
 tine or  Syria.  Tne  n.ime  Ifcrnivn  was  doubtless 
 suggeste'l  by  its  a)ipc'aiance — "  a  lofty  proininent 
 
HERMONITES,  THE 
 
 ppak,"  visible  t'loni  afar.  The  Sidonians  calleil  it 
 Sirion,  and  the  Amorites  Shenir.  It  was  also 
 Dame<l  Sioti,  "the  elevated"  (Dent,  iv.  48).  So 
 now,  at  the  present  day,  it  is  called  Jehel  esh-Sheikh, 
 "  the  chiel-niountain  ;"  and  Jchel  cth-Thelj  "  snowy 
 mountain."  When  the  whole  country  is  parched 
 with  the  summer  sun,  white  lines  of  snow  stieak 
 the  head  of  Hermon.  This  mountain  was  the  great 
 landmark  of  the  Israelites.  It  was  associated  with 
 their  northern  border  almost  as  intimately  as  the 
 sea  was  with  the  western.  Hermon  has  thiee 
 summits,  situated  like  the  angles  of  a  triangle,  and 
 about  a  quai  ter  of  a  mile  from  each  other.  This 
 may  acooiuit  for  the  expression  in  Ps.  slii.  7  (6), 
 "  1  will  lemember  thee  from  the  land  of  the  Jordan 
 and  tlie  Hennons."  In  two  passages  of  Scripture 
 this  mountain  is  called  Baal-liennon  (Judg.  iii.  3  ; 
 I  Chr.  V.  23),  possibly  because  Baal  was  there 
 worshipped.  The  height  of  Hermon  has  never  been 
 measured,  though  it  has  often  been  estimated.  It 
 may  safely  be  reckoned  at  10,000  feet. 
 
 Her'monites,  the.  Pioperly  "  the  Hei-mons," 
 with  reference  to  the  three  summits  of  Mount 
 Hermon  (Ps.  xlii.  6  [7]). 
 
 Herod.  Various  accounts  are  given  of  the  an- 
 cestry of  the  Herods  ;  but  neglecting  the  exaggerated 
 statements  of  friends  and  enemies,  it  seems  ceitain 
 that  they  were  of  Idumaean  descent.  But  though 
 aliens  by  race,  the  Herods  were  Jews  in  faith.  The 
 general  policy  of  the  whole  Heiodiau  family  centred 
 in  the  endeavour  to  found  a  great  and  independent 
 kingdom,  in  which  the  power  of  Judaism  should 
 subserve  to  the  consolidation  of  a  state. ^I.  Herod 
 THE  Great  was  the  second  son  of  Antipater,  who 
 was  appointed  procurator  of  Judaea  by  Julius 
 Caesar,  B.C.  47,  and  Cypros,  an  Arabian  of  noble 
 descent.  At  the  time  of  his  father's  elevation, 
 though  only  fifteen  years  old,  he  received  the  go- 
 vernment of  Galilee,  and  shortly  afterwards  that  of 
 Coele-Syria.  When  Antony  came  to  Syria,  B.C. 
 41,  he  appointed  Herod  and  his  elder  brother  Pha- 
 sael  tetrarchs  of  Judaea.  Herod  wa»  forced  to 
 abandon  Judaea  next  year  by  an  invasion  of  the 
 Parthians,  who  supported  the  claims  of  Antigonus, 
 the  repiesentative  of  the  Asmonaean  dynasty,  and 
 fled  to  Rome  (b.c.  40).  At  Rome  he  was  well  re- 
 ceived by  Antony  and  Octavian,  and  was  appointed 
 by  the  senate  king  of  Judaea  to  the  exclusion  of  the 
 Hasmonaean  line.  In  the  course  of  a  few  years, 
 by  the  help  of  the  Komans,  he  took  Jerusalem 
 (B.C.  37),  and  completely  established  his  authority 
 throughout  his  dominions.  After  the  battle  of 
 Actium  he  visited  Octavian  at  Rhodes,  and  his  noble 
 bearing  won  for  him  the  favour  of  the  conqueror, 
 (vho  confirmed  him  in  the  possession  of  the  king- 
 dom, B.C.  31,  and  in  the  next  year  increased  it  by 
 the  addition  of  several  important  cities,  and  after- 
 R'ards  gave  him  the  province  of  Tiachonitis  and  the 
 district  of  Paneas.  The  remainder  of  the  reign  of 
 Herod  was  undisturbed  by  external  troubles,  but 
 his  domestic  life  was  embittered  by  an  almost  un- 
 interrupted series  of  injuries  and  cruel  acts  of 
 vengeance.  The  terrible  acts  of  bloodshed  which 
 Ilerod  perpetrated  in  his  own  family  were  accom- 
 panied by  others  among  his  subjects  equally  terrible, 
 from  the  number  who  fell  victims  to  them.  Ac- 
 cording to  the  well-known  story,  he  ordered  the 
 nobles  whom  he  had  called  to  him  in  his  last  mo- 
 ments to  be  executed  immediately  after  his  decease, 
 that  so  at  least  his  death  might  be  attended  by 
 univei-sal  mourning.  It  was  at  the  time  of  his  fatal 
 Con.  D.  B. 
 
 HEROD 
 
 321 
 
 illness  that  he  must  have  causeil  tlic  slaughter  of 
 the   infants  at  Bethlehem   (Matt.  i..    16-18),  and 
 from  the  comparative  insignificance  of  the  murder 
 of  a  iew  young  children  in  an  unimportant  village 
 when  contrasted  with  the  deeds  which  he  carried 
 out  or  designed,  it  is  not  surprising  that  Jospphus 
 has  passed  it  over  in  silence.     In  dealing  with  the 
 religious  feelings  or  prejudices  of  the  Jews,  Herod 
 showed  as  great  contempt  for  public  opinion  as  in 
 the  execution  of  his  personal  vengeance.     But  while 
 he  alienated  in   this  manner  the  affections  of  the 
 Jews  by  his  cruelty  and  disregard  for  the  Law,  he 
 adorned  Jerusalem  with  many  splendid  monuments 
 of  his  taste  and  magnificence.     The  Temple,  which 
 he  rebuilt  with  scrupulous  care,  was  the  greate>t 
 of  these  woiks.     The  lestoration  was  begun  B  c. 
 20,  and  the  Temple  itself  was  completed  in  a  vear 
 and  a  half.     But  fresh  additions  were  constantly 
 made  in  succeeding  years,  so  that  it  was  said  that 
 the  Temple  was  "  built  in  forty  and  six  yeai-s " 
 (John  ii.  20),  a  phrase  which  expresses  the  whole 
 period  from  the  commencement  of  Herod's  woik  to 
 the  completion  of  the  latest  addition  then  made.^ 
 II.  Herod  Antipas  was  the  son   of  Herod  the 
 Great  by  JIalthace,  a  Samaritan.     His  flither  had 
 originally  destined  him  as  his  successor  in  the  king- 
 dom, but  by  the  last  change  of  his  will  appointwl 
 him  "  tetrarch  of  Galilee  and  Peraea"  (Matt.  sir. 
 1 ;  Luke  iii.  19,  ix.  7 ;  Acts  xiii.  1.  Cf.  Luke  iii.  1). 
 He  first  married  a  daughter  of  Aretas,  "  king  of 
 Arabia   Petiaea,"    but  after  some   time  he   made 
 ovotures  of  marriage  to  Herodias,  the  wife  of  his 
 half-brother  Heiod-Philip  which  she  received  favour- 
 ably.    Aretas,    indignant  at  the   insult  offered  to 
 his  daughter,  found  a  pretext  for  invading  the  ter- 
 ritory of  Herod,  and  defeated  him  with  great  loss. 
 This  defeat,  according  to  the  famous  passage  in  Jo- 
 sephus,  was  attributed  by  many  to  the  murder  of 
 John  the  Baptist,  which  had  been  committed  by 
 Antipas  shortly  before,  under  the  influence  of  He- 
 rodias (Matt.  xiv.  4  if. ;  Mark  vi.  17  ff. ;  Luke  iii. 
 19).     At  a  later  time  the  ambition  of  Herodias 
 proved  the  cause  of  her  husband's  ruin.     She  urged 
 him  to  go  to  Rome  to  gain  the  title  of  king  (cf. 
 Mark  vi.  14)  ;  but  he  was  opposed  at  the  court  of 
 Caligula  by  the  emissaries   of  Agrippa,  and  con- 
 demned   to  perpetual   banishment   at   Lugdiuium, 
 A.D.  39.     Herodias  voluntarily  shared  his  punish- 
 ment, and  he  died  in  exile.     Pilate  took  occasion 
 from  our  Lord's  residence  in  Galilee  to  send  Him 
 for  examination  (Luke  xxiii.  6  ff.)  to  Herod  Antipas, 
 who  came  up  to  Jerusalem  to  celebrate  the  Pass- 
 over.   The  city  of  Tiberias,  which  Antipas  founded 
 and  named  in  honour  of  the  emperor,  was  the  most 
 conspicuous   monument   of    his   long    reign.— III. 
 Herod  Philip  I.  (Philip,  Mark  vi.  17)  was  the 
 son  of  Herod  the  Great,  and  Mariamne,  and  must 
 be  carefully  distinguished  from  the  tetraich  Philip. 
 He  married  Herodias,  the  sister  of  Agi'ippa  I.,  by 
 whom  he  had  a  daughter  Salome.     Herodias,  how- 
 ever, left  him,   and   made  an   infamous  marriage 
 with  his  half-brother  Herod  Antipas  (Matt.  xiv.  3; 
 Mark  vi.   17  ;    Luke  iii.   19).     He   was   excluded 
 from  all  share  in  his  father's  possessions  in  conse- 
 quence of  his  mothers  treachery,  and  lived  after- 
 wards in  a  private  station. —IV.  Herod  Philip  II. 
 was  the  son  of  Herod  the  Great   and    Cleopatra. 
 Like  his  half-brothers  Antipas  and  Archelaus,  he 
 was  brought  up  at  home.     He  received  as  his  own 
 government  Batanea,  Tiachonitis,  Auranitis  (Gaul- 
 ouitis),  and  some  parts  about  Jamnia  with  the  title 
 
 y 
 
322 
 
 HERODIANS 
 
 of  U'triirch  (I.uke  iii.  1).  He  built  a  new  city  on 
 the  site  of  I'aiieas,  near  the  sources  of  the  .Ionian, 
 which  he  called  Cj\esarea  (Matt.  xvi.  i:?;  Mark 
 viii.  27),  and  raised  Bethsaida  to  the  rank  of  a  city 
 under  the  title  of  Julias,  and  died  there  a.d,  .34. 
 He  married  .Silonie,  the  daughter  of  Herod  Philip  I., 
 and  Herodias.^V.  Hkrod  Agrippa  I.  was  the  son 
 of  Aristobulus  and  Beionice,  and  grandson  of  Herod 
 the  Great.  He  was  brought  up  at  Rome  with 
 Claudius  and  Drusus,  and  after  a  life  of  various 
 vicissitudes,  w.xs  thrown  into  prison  by  Tiberius, 
 where  he  lemained  till  the  accession  of  Caius  (Cali- 
 gula) A.D.  o7.  The  new  emperor  gave  him  the 
 governments  formerly  held  by  the  tetrarchs  Philip 
 and  I.ysani.as,  and  bestowed  on  him  the  ensigns  of 
 royalty  and  other  marks  of  favour  (.\cts  xii.  1). 
 On  the  banishment  of  Antipas,  his  dominions  were 
 added  to  those  already  held  by  Agrippa.  After- 
 wards .Agrippa  rendered  important  services  to  Clau- 
 dius, and  received  fiom  him  in  return  (A.D.  41) 
 the  government  of  Judaea  and  Samaria.  Unlike 
 his  piedecpssors,  Agrippa  was  a  strict  observer  of 
 the  Law,  and  he  sought  with  success  the  favour  of 
 Hie  Jews.  It  is  pi-obable  that  it  was  with  this  view- 
 he  put  to  death  .fames  the  son  of  Zeljedee,  and 
 further  imprisoned  Peter  (Acts  xii.  1  ff.).  But  his 
 sudden  death  interrupted  his  ambitious  projects. 
 In  the  fourth  year  of  his  reign  over  the  whole  of 
 Judaea  (A.D.  44)  Agripjia  attended  some  games  at 
 Caesarea,  held  in  honour  of  the  Emperor.  When 
 he  appeared  in  the  theatie  (Acts  xii.  21)  his  flat- 
 terers saluted  him  as  a  god  ;  and  suddenly  he  was 
 si'ized  with  terrible  pains,  and  being  carried  from 
 the  theati  e  to  the  palace  died  after  live  davs'  agony. 
 —  VI.  Hep.od  Agkippa  II.  was  the  son  of  ilerod 
 Agrippa  I.  and  Cypros,  a  grand-niece  of  Ilerod  the 
 Great.  At  the  time  of  the  death  of  his  father 
 A.D.  44  he  was  at  Rome.  Not  long  afterwards, 
 howevei-,  the  Emperor  sjave  him  <c.  A.D.  .50)  the 
 kingdom  of  Chalcis,  which  had  belonged  to  his 
 uncle;  and  then  transferred  him  (a.d.  ,")2)  to  the 
 tetiaichies  fbimorly  held  by  Philip  and  Lysnnins 
 with  the  title  of  king  (Acts  xxv.  13).  The  relation 
 in  which  he  stood  to  his  sistei-  Berenice  (Acts  xxv. 
 13)  was  the  cause  of  gi-ave  suspicion.  In  the  last 
 Roman  war  Agrippa  took  part  with  the  Romans, 
 and  after  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  retired  with  Be- 
 renice to  Rome,  where  he  died  in  the  third  year 
 of  Trajan  (a.d.  100)  The  appearance  of  St.  Paul 
 bcfoie  Agrippa  (A.D.  60)  oilers  several  chaiacteristic 
 traits.  The  "pomp"  with  which  the  king  came 
 into  the  audience  chamber  ("Acts  xxv.  23)  was  ac- 
 cordant with  his  geneial  bearing;  and  the  cold 
 irony  with  which  he  met  the  impassioned  woi-ds  of 
 the  Ap.wtle  (Acts  xxvi.  27,  28)  suits  the  temjier 
 of  one  who  was  contented  to  take  p.nrt  in  the  de- 
 struction of  his  nation. 
 
 Hero'dians.  In  the  account  which  is  given  by 
 St.  MMttlicw  (.\xii.  1.-)  If.)  and  St.  Mark  (xii.  13  ft'.) 
 of  the  last  ellorts  made  by  dilfiMent  sections  of  the 
 Jews  to  obtiiin  from  our  l.oid  Himself  the  materials 
 for  His  accusation,  a  party  iwider  the  name  of  Ile- 
 rodians  is  represented  as  acting  in  concert  with  the 
 Pharisees  (Matt.  xxii.  16;  Mark  xii.  13;  comp. 
 ftlso  iii.  G,  viii.  l.">).  There  were  probably  many 
 who  saw  in  the  power  of  the  Herodian  family  the 
 pledge  of  the  preservation  of  their  n.itional  existence 
 ill  the  ficp  of  Roman  ambition.  Two  di.stinct 
 classes  might  thus  unite  in  supporting  what  w.is  a 
 domestic  tyianny  as  contrasted  with  nl>solufe  de- 
 pendence on  Rome :  those  who  saw  in  the  Herods  a 
 protection   against  direct  heathen   rule,    ami    those 
 
 HEZEKIAH 
 
 who  were  inclined  to  look  with  satisfaction  upon 
 such  a  compiomise  Ijetween  the  ancient  tliith  aikl 
 heathen  civilisation,  as  Henxi  the  Great  and  his 
 successors  had  endeavoured  to  realise,  as  the  true 
 and  highest  consummation  of  Jewish  hopes. 
 
 Hero'dias,  daughter  of  Aristobulus,  one  of  the 
 sons  of  Mariamne  and  Herod  the  Great,  and  conse- 
 quently sister  of  Agiip])a  I.  ."^ho  fir.~t  mari-ied 
 Herod  Philip  I. ;  then  she  elojjed  from  him  to  marry 
 Herod  Antip.'is,  her  step-uncle,  who  had  been  long 
 married  to,  and  was  still  living  with,  the  daughter 
 of  Aeneas  or  Aretas,  king  of  Arabia.  The  conse- 
 quences both  of  the  crime,  and  of  the  reproof  which 
 it  incurred,  are  well  known.  Aretas  made  war 
 upon  Ilerod  for  the  injuiy  done  to  his  daughter, 
 and  routed  him  with  tlie  loss  of  his  whole  army. 
 The  head  of  John  the  Baptist  was  granted  to  the 
 request  of  Herodias  (Matt.  xiv.  8-11;  Mark  vi. 
 24-28),  According  to  Josephus  the  e.\ei'ution  took 
 pl.ace  in  a  fortress  calle<l  Machaei-us,  looking  down 
 upon  the  Dead  Sea  from  tlie  south.  She  accom- 
 panied .Antipas  into  exile  to  l.iigdunum. 
 
 Hero'dion,  a  relative  of  St.  Paul,  to  whom  he 
 sends  his  s:ilutation  amongst  the  Christians  of  the 
 lioninn  Church  (Rom,  xvi.  11). 
 
 Heron.  The  Hebrew  andphah  appears  as  the 
 name  of  an  unclean  bird  in  Lev.  xi.  19,  Deut.  xiv. 
 18.  It  was  ])robably  a  generic  name  for  a  well- 
 known  class  of  birds.  The  only  point  on  which  any 
 two  commentatore  seem  to  agree  is  that  it  is  jiot  the 
 heron.  On  etymological  grounds,  Gesenius  considers 
 tlie  name  api)licable  to  some  irritable  bird,  pei-haps 
 the  goose. 
 
 He'sed,  the  son  of  Hese<l,  or  Ben-Chesed,  was 
 commi.Nsary  for  Solomon  in  the  district  of  "  the 
 Arubboth,  Socoh,  and  all  the  land  of  Hepher" 
 (1  K.  iv.  10). 
 
 Hesh'bon,  the  capital  city  of  Sihon  king  of  the 
 Amorites  (Num.  xxi.  26).  It  stood  on  the  westjm 
 border  of  the  high  plain  {Mishor,  Josh.  xiii.  17), 
 and  on  the  boundaiy-line  between  the  tribes  of 
 Reuben  and  (^ad.  The  ruins  of  Hcsban,  2u  miles 
 e-ast  of  the  Jordan,  on  the  parallel  of  the  northern 
 end  of  the  I)e;ul  Sea,  mark  the  site,  as  they  Iwar  the 
 name,  of  the  ancient  Heshbon.  The  ruins  of  Hesh- 
 bon  stand  on  a  low  hill  rising  out  of  the  great  un- 
 dulating plateau.  They  are  more  than  a  mile  in 
 circuit,  but  not  a  building  remains  entire.  There  are 
 many  cisterns  among  the  ruins  (comp.  Gmt.  vii.  4). 
 
 Hesh'mon,  a  place  named,  with  others,  as  lying 
 in  the  extieme  south  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  27). 
 Nothing  further  is  known  of  it. 
 
 Hes'ron.  HezuO-v,  the  son  of  Reuben  (Num. 
 xxvi.  t) ). 
 
 Hes'ronites,  the.  Descend-onts  of  Hesron,  or 
 Hezron.  the  son  of  Reuben  (Num.  xxvi.  6). 
 
 Heth,  the  foreliither  of  the  nation  of  THE  HlT- 
 TITKS.  In  the  genealogical  tables  of  Gen.  x.  and 
 1  Chr.  i.,  Herh  is  a  son  of  Canaan.  The  Hittites 
 were  fhectiire  a  Ilamife  race,  neither  of  the 
 "country"  nor  the  "  kindriil"  of  Abraham  and 
 Isiwc  ((!on.  xxiv.  3,  4,  xxviii.  1,  2). 
 
 Heth'lon,  the  name  of  a  place  on  the  northern 
 border  of  Palestine  (Kz.  xlvii.  1."),  xlviii.  1).  In  all 
 piobability  the  "  way  of  Hothlon  "  is  the  pass  at  the 
 nortiiern  end  of  Lebanon,  and  is  thus  identicjd  with 
 "  tlie  entr.ance  of  Ilamath  "  in  Nimi.  xxxiv.  8,  &c. 
 
 He'zeld,  a  Benjaminite,  one  of  the  Bene-Elpaal, 
 a  descendant  of  Shnaraini  (I  Chr.  viii.  17). 
 
 Heseki'ah,  twelfth  knig  of  Judali,  son  of  the 
 apostate  .\haz  .and  .Abi  (or  .Aliij.ih),  ascemlwl  the 
 throne  at  the  age  of  2.'),  l!.C.  726.    Since,  howixtr, 
 
HEZEKIAH 
 
 Aliaz  diei  at  tlie  age  of  36,  some  piefer  to  make 
 Jlezckiah  only  20  years  old  at  his  accession,  as 
 otiierwise  he  must  have  been  born  when  Ahaz  was 
 a  boy  of  11  years  old;  bu,  if  any  change  be  de- 
 sirable, it  is  better  to  supyiose  that  Ahaz  was  25 
 and  not  20  years  old  at  his  accession.  Hezekiah 
 was  one  of  the  tluee  most  perfect  kings  of  Judah 
 (2  K.  xviii.  5;  Ecclus.  xlix.  4).  His  fii-st  act  was 
 to  puige,  and  repair,  and  reopen  with  splendid 
 sacritices  and  perfect  ceremonial,  the  Temple  which 
 had  been  despoiled  and  neglected  daring  the  careless 
 and  idolatrous  reign  of  his  father.  This  consecra- 
 tion was  accompanied  by  a  revival  of  the  theo- 
 cratic spiiit,  so  strict  as  not  even  to  spare  "  the 
 high  places,"  which,  although  tolerated  by  many 
 wi'll-intentioned  kings,  had  naturally  been  profaned 
 by  the  worship  of  images  and  Asherahs  (2  K.  xviii. 
 4).  A  still  more  decisive  act  was  the  destruction 
 of  a  brazen  serpent,  snid  to  have  been  the  one  used 
 by  Moses  in  the  miraculous  healing  of  the  Israelites 
 (Num.  xxi.  9),  which  had  become  an  object  of 
 adoration.  When  the  kingdom  of  Israel  had  fallen, 
 Hezekiah  extended  his  pious  endeavours  to  Ephraim 
 and  JIanasseh;  and  by  inviting  the  scattered  inhab- 
 itants to  a  peculiar  Passover,  kindled  their  indig- 
 nation also  against  the  idolatrous  practices  which 
 still  continued  among  them.  This  Passover  was, 
 from  the  necessities  of  the  case,  celebrated  at  an 
 unusual,  though  not  illegal  (Num.  ix.  10,  11)  time; 
 and  by  an  excess  of  Levitical  zeal  it  was  continued 
 for  the  unprecedented  period  of  fourteen  days.  For 
 these  latter  facts  the  Chronicler  (2  Chr.  xxix.,  xxx., 
 xxxi.)  is  our  sole  authority,  and  he  chai'acteristically 
 narrates  them  at  gi-eat  length.  At  the  head  of  a 
 repentant  and  united  people,  Hezekiah  ventiued  to 
 assume  the  aggressive  against  the  Philistines ;  and 
 in  a  series  of  victories  not  only  rewon  the  cities 
 which  his  father  had  lost  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  18),  but 
 even  dispossessed  them  of  their  own  cities,  except 
 Gaza  (2  K.  xviii.  8)  and  Gath.  It  was  perhaps  to 
 the  puiposes  of  this  war  that  he  applied  the  money 
 which  would  otherwise  have  been  used  to  pay  the 
 tribute  exacted  by  Shalmanezer,  according  to  the 
 agreement  of  Ahaz  with  his  predecessor,  Tiglnth- 
 Pileser.  When,  after  the  capture  of  Samaria,  the 
 king  of  Assyria  applied  for  this  impost,  Hezekiah 
 refused  it,  and  in  open  lebellion  omitted  to  send 
 even  the  usual  presents  (2  K.  xviii.  7).  Instant 
 war  was  averted  by  the  heroic  and  long-continued 
 resistance  of  the  Tyrians  under  their  king  Eluloeus. 
 This  must  have  been  a  critical  and  intensely  anxious 
 period  for  Jerusalem ;  and  Hezekiah  used  every 
 available  means  to  strengthen  his  position,  and 
 render  his  capifcil  impregnable  (2  K.  xx.  20  ;  2  Chr. 
 xxxii.  3-5,  30  ;  Is.  xxii.  8-11,  xxxiii.  18).  Accord- 
 ing to  a  scheme  of  chronology  proposed  by  Dr. 
 Hincks,  Hezekiah 's  dangerous  illness  (2  K.  xx.  ;  Is. 
 xxxviii.  ;  2  Chr.  xxxii.  24)  nearly  synchronised  with 
 Sargon's  futile  invasion,  in  the  fourteenth  year  of 
 Hezckiah's  reign,  eleven  yeais  before  Sennacherib's 
 invasion.  That  it  must  have  preceded  the  attack 
 of  Sennacheiib  is  nearly  obvious  from  the  promise 
 in  2  K.  xx.  6,  as  well  as  from  modern  discoveries. 
 Hezekiah,  whose  kingdom  was  in  a  dangerous  crisis, 
 who  had  at  tluit  time  no  heir  ffor  Manasseh  was  not 
 born  till  long  afterwards,  2  K.  xxi.  1),  and  who  re- 
 gaided  death  as  the  end  of  existence  (Is.  xxxviii.), 
 "  turned  his  face  to  the  wall  and  wept  sore  "  at  the 
 threatened  approach  of  dissolution.  God  had  com- 
 |)assion  on  his  anguish,  and  heaid  his  prayer. 
 Isaiah   had    hardl}    left  the    palace    when    he  was 
 
 HEZEKIAH 
 
 323 
 
 ordered  to  promise  the  king  immediate  recovery, 
 and  a  fresh  lease  of  life,  ratifying  the  promise  by  a 
 sign,  and  curing  the  boil  by  a  plaster  of  figs,  which 
 were  often  used  medicinally  in  similar  cases.  What 
 was  the  exact  nature  of  the  disease  we  cannot  say : 
 according  to  Mead  it  was  fever  termiiiatins;  in 
 abscess.  Various  ambassadors  Gime  with  letteis 
 and  gifts  to  congratulate  Hezekiah  on  his  recovery 
 (2  Chr.  xxxii.  23),  and  among  them  an  embassy 
 from  Merodach-Baladan  (or  Berodach,  2  K.  xx.  12 1, 
 the  viceroy  of  Babylon,  the  JIardokempados  of 
 Ptolemy's  canon.  The  ostensible  object  of  this 
 mission  was  to  compliment  Hezekiah  on  his  con- 
 valescence (2  K.  XX.  12  ;  Is.  x.\xix.  1),  and  "  to 
 inquire  of  the  wonder  that  was  done  in  the  land  " 
 (2  Chr.  xxxii.  31),  a  rumour  of  which  could  not 
 fail  to  interest  a  people  devoted  to  astrology  ;  but 
 its  real  purpose  was  to  discover  how  far  an  alliance 
 between  the  two  powers  was  possible  or  desirable, 
 for  Mardokempados,  no  less  than  Hezekiah,  was  in 
 apprehension  of  the  Assyrians.  Community  of  inte- 
 rest made  Hezekiah  receive  the  overtures  of  Babylon 
 with  unconcealed  gratification  ;  and,  perhaps,  to  en- 
 hance the  oi)inion  of  his  own  impoiiance  as  an 
 ally,  he  displayed  to  the  messengers  the  princely 
 treasures  which  he  and  his  predecessors  had  accu- 
 nudated.  If  ostentation  were  his  motive  it  received 
 a  terrible  rebuke,  and  he  was  infoimed  by  Isaiah 
 that  from  the  then  tottering  and  subordinate  pro- 
 vince of  Babylon,  and  not  from  the  mighty  Assyria, 
 would  come  the  ruin  and  captivity  of  Judah  (Is. 
 xxxix.  5).  Sargon  was  succeeded  (u.C.  702)  by 
 his  son  Sennacherib,  whose  two  invasions  occupy 
 the  greater  part  of  the  Scripture  records  conceining 
 the  reign  of  Hezekiah.  The  fiist  of  these  took 
 place  in  the  third  year  of  Sennacherib  (is.C.  702), 
 and  occupies  only  three  verses  (2  K.  xviii.  13-16), 
 though  tlie  route  of  the  advancing  Assyrians  may 
 be  traced  in  Is.  x.  5,  xi.  The  rumour  of  the  in- 
 vasion redoubled  Hezekiah's  exertions,  and  he  pre- 
 pared for  a  siege  by  providing  offensive  and  de- 
 fensive aiTnour,  stopping  up  the  wells,  and  diverting 
 the  watercourses,  conducting  the  water  of  Gihon 
 into  the  city  by  a  subtenanean  canal  (Ecclus.  xlviii. 
 17).  But  the  main  hope  of  the  political  faction 
 was  the  alliance  with  Egypt,  and  they  seem  to  have 
 sought  it  by  presents  and  private  entre;ities  (Is. 
 x.\x.  6).  The  account  given  of  this  first  mvasion 
 in  the  Annals  of  Sennacherib  is  that  he  attacked 
 Hezekiah  because  the  Ekronites  had  sent  their 
 king  Padiya  (or  "Haddiya")  as  a  prisoner  to 
 Jerusalem  (cf.  2  K.  xviii.  8)  ;  that  he  took  forty- 
 six  cities  ("  all  the  fenced  cities  "  in  2  K.  xviii.  13 
 is  apparently  a  general  expression,  cf.  xix.  8)  and 
 200,000  prisoner  ;  that  he  besieged  Jerusalem  with 
 mounds  (cf.  2  K.  xix.  32) ;  and  although  Hezekiah 
 promised  to  pay  800  talents  of  silver  (of  which 
 perhaps  300  only  were  ever  paid)  and  30  of  gold 
 (2  K.  xviii.  14),  yet  not  content  with  this  he 
 mulcted  him  of  a  part  of  his  dominions,  and  gave 
 them  to  the  kings  of  Ekron,  Ashdod,  and  Gaza.  In 
 almost  every  particular  this  account  agi'ees  with 
 the  notice  in  Scripture.  Hezekiah's  bribe  (or  fine) 
 brought  a  temporaiy  release,  for  the  Assyrians 
 marched  into  Egypt,  where,  if  Herodotus  and 
 Josephus  are  to  be  trusted,  they  advanced  without 
 resistance  to  Pelusium.  In  spite  of  this  advantage, 
 Sennacherib  was  forcfed  to  raise  the  siege  of  Pelu- 
 sium, by  the  advance  of  Tirhakah  or  Tarakos. 
 Returning  from  his  futile  expedition,  Sennacherib 
 "  dealt  treacherously "  with   Hezekiah   (Is.  xxxiii. 
 
 Y  2 
 
324 
 
 HEZION 
 
 1)  1)7  nttackinjc  the  stro?i;,'holil  of  I.ncliish.  Tliis 
 was  the  coininentemtMit  of  that  second  invasion, 
 ies|>ectins;  which  we  have  such  full  detiiiis  in  2  K. 
 xviii.  17  sq. ;  2  Chr.  xxxii.  9  sq.  ;  Is.  xxxvi. 
 Although  the  annals  of  Sennacherib  on  the  gieat 
 cylinder  in  the  liiit.  Museum  reach  to  the  end  of 
 his  cujlith  year,  and  this  second  invasion  belongs  to 
 his  Hfth  year  (n.C.  008,  the  twenty-eighth  year  of 
 Ilczekiah),  yet  no  allusion  to  it  has  been  found. 
 So  shameful  a  disaster  was  naturally  concealed  by 
 national  vanity.  From  Lachish  he  sent  against 
 .lerusalem  an  aimy  umier  two  oIKcers  and  his  cup- 
 bearer the  orator  Rahshakeh,  with  a  blas|ihemous 
 and  insulting  summons  to  surrender.  Hezekiah's 
 ministers  weie  thrown  into  anguish  and  dismay, 
 but  the  undaunted  Isainh  hurled  back  threatening 
 for  threatening  with  unrivalled  eloquence  and  force. 
 Meanwhile  Sennacherib,  having  taken  Lachish,  was 
 besieging  Libuah,  when,  alarmed  by  a  "rumour" 
 of  Tiihakah's  advance,  he  was  forced  to  relinqnish 
 once  more  his  immediate  designs,  and  content  him- 
 self with  a  defiant  letter  to  Hezekiah.  The  next 
 event  of  the  campaign,  about  which  we  are  in- 
 formed, is  that  ttie  Jewish  king  with  simple  piety 
 jirayed  to  God  with  Sennacherib's  letter  outspread 
 befoie  him,  and  received  a  prophecy  of  immediate 
 deliverance.  Accoidingly  "  that  night  the  Angel 
 of  the  Lord  went  out  and  smote  in  the  camp  of  the 
 Assyrians  185,000  men."  There  is  no  doubt  that 
 some  secondary  cause  was  employed  in  the  accom- 
 jilishment  of  this  event.  We  are  certainly  "  not  to 
 suppose,"  as  Dr.  Johnson  observed,  "  that  the  angel 
 wont  about  with  a  sword  in  his  hand  stabbing  them 
 one  by  one,  but  that  some  powerful  natural  agent 
 was  employed."  Josephus,  followed  by  an  im- 
 mense majority  of  ancient  and  modern  comm.L'nfci- 
 tors,  attributes  it  to  the  Pestilence.  Hezekiah  only 
 lived  to  enjoy  for  about  one  year  more  his  well- 
 earned  peace  and  glory.  He  slept  with  his  fathers 
 after  a  reign  of  twenty-nine  years,  in  the  5Gth  year 
 of  ins  age  (n.C.  697).— 2.  Son  of  Neariah,  one  of 
 the  descendants  of  the  royal  family  of  Jiidah  (1  Chr. 
 iii.  2:5).— 3.  The  same  name,  though  rendeied  in 
 the  A.  V.  HizKiAii,  is  found  in  Zeph.  i.  1.^ 
 4.  Atkr-of-Hkzkkiah.     [Ater.] 
 
 Hez'ion,  a  king  of  Aram  (.Syria),  father  of 
 Tabrinion,  and  grandfather  of  I'enhadad  I.  lie 
 and  his  father  are  mentioned  oidy  in  1  \\.  xv.  18. 
 In  the  absence  of  all  information,  the  natural  sug- 
 gestion is  that  he  is  identical  with  Ki;zON,  the  con- 
 tomi>orary  of  Solomon,  in  1  K.  xi.  23;  the  two 
 names  being  very  similar  in  Hebrew,  and  still  more 
 so  in  the  versions. 
 
 He'zir.  1.  A  priest  in  the  time  of  David,  leader 
 of  the  17th  monthly  course  in  the  service  (1  Chr. 
 xxiv.  1.5.-2.  One  of  the  heads  of  the  people  Hay- 
 men)  who  sealed  the  solemn  covenant  with  Nehe- 
 miah  (-Neh.  x.  20). 
 
 Hezra'i,  one  of  the  thirty  heroes  of  David's  guard 
 (2  Siun.  xxiii.  35).  In  the  p.arallel  list  the  name 
 appears  as 
 
 Hez'ro,  in  1  Chr.  xi.  37. 
 
 Hez'ron.  1.  A  son  of  lieuben  (Gen.  xlvi.  9; 
 Kx.  vi.  14i.— 2.  A  son  of  I'harez  (Gen.  xlvi.  12; 
 Kutli  iv.   IK  I. 
 
 Hezroniteg,  the.  1.  Descendants  of  Hezron 
 the  son  of  l.'euben  (Num.  xsvi.  6).— 2.  A  bmnch 
 of  the  tribe  of  .Judah,  descendants  of  Hezron,  the 
 son  of  I'harpz  'Num.  xxvi.  31). 
 
 Hiddal,  f)ne  of  the  thirty-seven  heroes  of  David's 
 guard  (2  .Sam.  xxiii.  30). 
 
 HIGH  PLACES 
 
 Hiddek'el,  one  of  the  rivers  of  Kden,  the  river 
 which  ''goetii  eastward  to  Assviia"  ((ien.  ii.  14), 
 and  which  Daniel  .calls  "the  (iieat  river"  (Dan. 
 X.  4),  seems  to  have  been  rightly  identified  by  the 
 LX.X.  with  the  Tigris.  Dcliel  is  clearly  an  equi- 
 valent of  Dhjla  or  Diijlath,  a  name  borne  by  the 
 Tigris  in  all  ages.  The  name  now  in  use  among 
 the  inhabitants  of  Mesopotimia  is  Dijleh.  It  has 
 generally  been  sujjposcd  that  JHijla  is  a  mere 
 Shemitic  con  uption  of  Tigrn,  and  that  this  latter  is 
 the  true  name  of  the  stream  ;  but  it  must  be  ob- 
 served that  the  two  forms  are  found  side  by  side  in 
 the  Babylonian  transcript  of  the  Behistun  inscrip- 
 tion, and  that  the  ordinaiy  name  of  the  stre;im  in 
 the  inscriptions  of  Assyria  is  Tir/ijar. 
 
 Hi'el,  a  native  of  Bethel,  who  rebuilt  Jericho  in 
 the  reign  of  Ahab  (1  K.  xvi.  34)  ;  and  in  whom 
 was  fulfilled  the  curse  pronounced  by  Joshua  (Josh. 
 V.  i.  2(5). 
 
 Hierap'olis.  This  place  is  mentioned  only  once 
 in  Sciipture  (Col.  iv.  13),  with  Coi.OS.SAE  and 
 I.AODic'KA.  Such  association  is  just  what  we 
 should  expect ;  for  the  three  towns  were  all  in  the 
 basin  of  the  Maeander,  and  within  a  few  miles 
 of  one  another.  Its  modern  name  is  Pumbouk- 
 Knlcssi, 
 
 Hier'eel,  1  Esd.  ix.  21.     [Jkiuel.] 
 
 Hier'emoth.  1.  1  Esd.  ix.  27.  [Jicrkmotii.] 
 —2.  I  Esd.  ix.  30.     [Hamotii.] 
 
 Hierielas,  1  Esd.  ix.  27,  answers  to  Ji:hiel  in 
 Ezr.  X. 
 
 Hier'mas,  1  Esd.  ix.  26.     [Ramiaii.] 
 
 Hieron'ymus,  a  Syrian  general  in  the  time  of 
 Anticchus  \ .  Eupator  (2  Mace.  xii.  2). 
 
 Higgai'on,  a  word  which  occurs  three  times  in 
 the  book  of  Psalms  (ix.  17,  xix.  15,  xcii.  4). 
 Mendelssohn  translates  it  meditation,  thought,  idea. 
 It  should  seem  that  Higgaion  has  two  meaning:, 
 one  of  a  general  character  implying  thought,  re- 
 flection, and  another  in  Ps.  ix.  17,  and  I's.  xcii.  4, 
 of  a  technical  nature,  the  precise  meaning  of  which 
 cannot  at  this  distance  of  time  be  detci mined. 
 
 High  Places.  From  the  earliest  times  it  wa.s 
 the  custom  among  all  nations  to  ere<'t  altai^s  and 
 l)laces  of  worship  on  lofty  and  conspicuous  .spots. 
 To  this  general  custom  we  find  constant  allusion  in 
 the  Bible  (Is.  Ixv.  7  ;  Jer.  iii.  G  ;  Kz.  vi.  13,  xviii. 
 G  ;  Hos.  iv.  13),  and  it  is  especially  attributed  to 
 the  Moabites  (Is.  xv.  2,  xvi.  12;  Jer.  xlviii.  35). 
 Even  Abraham  built  an  altar  to  the  Lord  on  a 
 mountain  near  Bethel  (xii.  7,  8  ;  cf.  xxii.  2-4,  xxxi. 
 54),  which  shows  that  the  practice  was  then  as 
 innocent  as  it  was  natural ;  and  although  it  after- 
 wards became  n)ingled  with  idolatrous  ob.servnnce» 
 (Num.  xxiii.  3),  it  was  in  itself  liu-  less  likely  to 
 be  abused  than  the  consecration  of  groves  (Hos. 
 iv.  13).  It  is,  however,  quite  obvious  that  if 
 every  grove  and  eminence  had  been  suflere<l  to  be- 
 come a  place  for  legitimate  worship,  especially  in  a 
 country  wheie  they  had  already  been  defiled  with 
 the  sins  of  polytheism,  the  utmost  danger  would 
 have  resulted  to  the  pure  woi>.hip  of  the  one  true 
 (■'oil.  It  was  therefore  implicitly  forbidden  by  the 
 law  of  Moses  (Dent.  xii.  11-14),  which  al.so  gave 
 the  strictest  injunction  to  destroy  these  monuments 
 of  Canaanitish  idolatry  (Lev.  xxvi.  30;  Num.  xxxiii. 
 52  ;  Deut.  xxxiii.  29,,  without  stating  any  general 
 rea.son  for  this  command,  beyond  the  fiict  that  they 
 hnd  been  connertcd  with  such  associations.  The 
 commaHd  was  a  prosjKXtivc  one,  and  wis  not  to 
 come  into  force  until  susli  time  as  tlie  tribes  v/ere 
 
HIGH-PRIEST 
 
 settled  in  tlio  piomised  land.  Thus  we  find  that 
 both  Gideon  :ind  JIanoah  built  altars  on  high  places 
 by  Divine  command  (Judg.  vi.  25,  26,  siii.  16-23), 
 and  it  is  quite  clear  from  the  tone  of  the  book  of 
 Judges  that  the  law  on  the  subject  was  either 
 totally  foigotten  or  practically  obsolete.  It  is  more 
 sinpi-ising  to  find  this  law  absolutely  ignored  at  a 
 much  later  period,  when  there  was  no  intelligible 
 reason  for  its  violation — as  by  Samuel  at  Mizpeh 
 (1  Sam.  vii.  10)  and  at  Bethlehem  (xvi.  5);  by 
 Saui  at  Gilgal  (xiii.  9)  and  at  Ajalon  (?  xiv.  35)  ;  by 
 David  (1  Chr.  xxi.  26);  by  Elijah  on  Mount  Carmel 
 ( I  K.  xviii.  30)  ;  and  by  other  prophets  (1  Sam.  x.  5). 
 The  explanations  which  are  given  are  sufficiently 
 unsatisfactory  ;  but  it  is  at  any  rate  certain  that  the 
 worehip  in  high  places  was  organised  and  all  but 
 universal  throughout  Judea,  not  only  during  (1  K. 
 iii.  2-4),  but  even  after  the  time  of  Solomon.  The 
 convenience  of  them  was  obvious,  because,  as  loail 
 centres  of  religious  woi-ship,  they  obviated  the  un- 
 pleasant and  dangerous  necessity  of  visiting  Jeru- 
 salem for  the  celebration  of  the  yearly  feasts  (2  K. 
 xxiii.  9).  Many  of  the  pious  kings  of  Judah  were 
 either  too  weak  or  too  ill-informed  to  repress  the 
 worship  of  Jehovah  at  these  local  sanctuaries,  while 
 they  of  course  endeavouied  to  prevent  it  from  being 
 contaminated  with  polytheism.  At  last  Hezekiah 
 set  himself  in  good  earnest  to  the  suppression  of 
 this  prevalent  coiTuption  (2  K.  sviii.  4-,  22),  both 
 iu  Judah  and  Israel  (2  Chr.  xxxi.  1),  although,  so 
 rapid  was  the  growth  of  the  evil,  that  even  his 
 sweeping  leformation  required  to  be  finally  con- 
 summated by  Josiah  (2  K.  xxiii.),  and  that  too  in 
 Jerusalem  and  its  immediate  neighbourhood  (2  Chr. 
 xxxiv.  3).  After  the  time  of  Josiah  we  find  no 
 further  mention  of  these  Jehovistic  high  places. 
 
 High-Priest.  In  treating  of  the  office  of  high- 
 piiest  among  the  Israelites  it  will  be  convenient 
 to  consider  it — I.  Legally.  II.  Theologically. 
 III.  Historically.— I.  The  fei/a/  view  of  the  high- 
 priest's  office  comprises  all  that  the  law  of  Moses 
 oidained  respecting  it.  The  first  distinct  separa- 
 tion of  Aaron  to  the  office  of  the  priesthood,  which 
 pi-eviously  belonged  to  the  fiistborn,  was  that  re- 
 coided  Ex.  xxviii.  We  find  from  the  ver}'  first  the 
 following  characteristic  attributes  of  Aaron  and  the 
 high-priests  his  successors,  as  distinguished  from 
 the  other  priests: — (1.)  Aaron  alone  was  anointed 
 (Lev.  viii.  12),  whence  one  of  the  distinctive  epi- 
 thets of  the  high-priest  was  "  the  anointed  priest" 
 (Lev.  iv.  3,  5,  16,  xxi.  10;  see  Num.  xxxv.  25). 
 This  appeals  also  from  Ex.  xxix.  29,  30.  The 
 anointing  of  the  sons  of  Aaron,  i.  e.  the  common 
 priests,  seems  to  have  been  confined  to  sprinkling 
 their  garments  with  the  anointing  oil  (Ex.  xxix.  21, 
 xr\-iii.  41,  &c.).  The  anointing  of  the  high-priest 
 is  alluded  to  in  Ps.  cxxxiii.  2.  The  composition  of 
 the  anointing  oil  is  prescribed  Ex.  xxx.  22-25.  The 
 manufacture  of  it  was  entrusted  to  certain  priests, 
 called  apothecaries  ( Neh.  iii.  8). — (2.)  The  high- 
 priest  had  a  peculiar  dress,  which  passed  to  his  succes- 
 sor at  his  death.  This  dress  consisted  of  eight  parts, 
 as  the  Rabbins  constantly  note,  the  breastplate,  the 
 ephod  with  its  curious  girdle,  the  robe  of  the  ephod, 
 the  mitre,  the  hroidered  coat  or  diaper  tunic,  and 
 the  girdle,  the  materials  being  gold,  blue,  red,  crim- 
 son, and  fine  (white)  linen  (Ex.  xxviii.).  To  the 
 above  are  added,  in  ver.  42,  the  breeches  or  drainers 
 (Lev.  xvi.  4)  of  linen ;  and  to  make  up  the  number 
 8,  some  reckon  the  high-priest's  mitre,  or  the  plate 
 separately  frou)  tlie  bouuet;   while  others  reckon 
 
 HIGH-PRIEST 
 
 326 
 
 the  curious  girdle  of  the  ephod  separatclv  /,om  the 
 ephod.  Of  these  8  articles  of  attire,  4 — viz.  the  coat 
 or  tunic,  the  girdle,  the  breeches,  and  the  bonnet 
 or  turban  (mijbd'dh)  instead  of  the  mitre  {mits- 
 nepheth) — belonged  to  the  common  priests.  Tak'ng 
 the  articles  of  the  high-piiest's  dress  in  the  order  in 
 which  they  are  enumerated  above,  we  have  (a.)  the 
 breastplate,  or,  as  it  is  further  named  (veis.  15,  29, 
 oO),  the  breastplate  of  judgment.  It  was,  like  the 
 inner  curtains  of  the  tabernacle,  the  vail,  and  the 
 ephod,  of  "  cunning  work."  The  breastplate  was 
 originally  2  spans  long,  and  I  span  broad,  but 
 when  doubled  it  was  square,  the  shape  in  which  it 
 was  worn.  It  was  fastened  at  the  top  by  rings 
 and  chains  of  wreathen  gold  to  the  two  onyx  stones 
 on  the  shoulders,  and  beneath  with  two  other  rings 
 and  a  lace  of  blue  to  two  corresponding  rings  in 
 the  ephod,  to  keep  it  fixed  in  its  place,  above  the 
 curious  girdle.  But  the  most  remarkable  and  most 
 important  part  of  this  breastplate  were  the  12  pre- 
 cious stones,  set  in  4  rows,  3  in  a  row,  thus  corre- 
 sponding to  the  12  tribes,  and  divided  in  the  same 
 manner  as  their  camps  were ;  each  stone  having 
 the  name  of  one  of  the  children  of  Israel  engraved 
 upon  it.  According  to  the  LXX.  and  Josephus, 
 and  in  accordance  with  the  language  of  Scripture, 
 it  was  these  stones  which  constituted  the  Urim  and 
 Thummim.  [Uriji  and  Thummim.]  The  addition 
 of  precious  stones  and  costly  ornaments  expresses 
 glory  beyond  simple  justification  (comp.  Is.  Ixii.  3  ; 
 Kev.  xxi.  11,  12-21).  But,  moreover,  the  high- 
 priest  being  a  representative  personage,  the  fortunes 
 of  the  whole  people  would  most  properly  be  indic- 
 ated in  his  person.  A  striking  instance  of  this,  in 
 connexion  too  with  symbolical  dress,  is  to  be  found 
 in  Zech.  iii.  It  seems  to  be  sufficiently  obvious 
 that  the  breastplate  of  righteousness  or  judgment, 
 resplendent  with  the  same  precious  stones  which 
 symbolize  the  glory  of  the  New  Jerusalem,  and  on 
 which  were  engraved  the  names  of  the  12  tribes, 
 worn  bv  the  high-priest,  who  was  then  said  to  bear 
 the  judgment  of  the  children  of  Israel  upon  his 
 heart,  was  intended  to  express  by  symbols  tiie  ac- 
 ceptance of  Israel  grounded  upon  the  sacrificial  func- 
 tions of  the  high-priest. — (6.)  The  Ephod.  This  con- 
 sisted of  two  parts,  of  which  one  covei-ed  the  back, 
 and  the  other  the  front,  i.  e.  the  breast  and  upper 
 part  of  the  body.  These  were  clasped  together  on 
 the  shoulder  with  two  large  onyx  stones,  each  having 
 engraved  on  it  6  of  the  names  of  the  tribes  of  Israel. 
 It  was  further  united  by  a  "curious  gii'dle"  of 
 gold,  blue,  pui-ple,  scarlet,  and  fine  twined  linen 
 round  the  waist  [Ephod  ;  Girdlf.]. — (c.)  The 
 Robe  of  the  ephod.  This  was  of  inferior  material  to 
 the  ephod  itself,  being  all  of  blue  (ver.  31),  which 
 implied  its  being  only  of  "  woven  work"  (xxxis. 
 22).  It  was  worn  immediately  under  the  ephod, 
 and  was  longer  than  it.  The  blue  lobe  had  no 
 sleeves,  but  only  slits  in  the  sides  for  the  arms  to 
 come  through.  It  had  a  hole  for  the  head  to  pass 
 through,  with  a  border  round  it  of  woven  work,  to 
 prevent  its  being  rent.  The  skirt  of  this  robe  had 
 a  remarkable  trimming  of  pomegranates  in  blue, 
 red,  and  crimson,  with  a  bell  of  gold  between  each 
 pomegranate  alternately.  The  bells  were  to  give  a 
 sound  when  the  high-priest  went  in  and  came  out 
 of  the  Holy  Place. — {d.)  The  mitre  or  upper  turban, 
 with  its  gold  plate,  engraved  with  Holiness  to 
 THE  Lord,  fastened  to  it  by  a  ribbon  of  blue. 
 Josephus  ajiplies  the  term  mitsnepheth  to  the  tur- 
 bans of  the  common  priests  as  well,  but  says  that 
 
326  HIGH-PREEST 
 
 ir  ". '  '  •■  •  •  thi-,  an-i  -«wn  on  to  the  top  of  it,  Ihe 
 f    -  i  ;iriother  tiiihan  ot"  bine;  thnt  besides 
 
 ?  uLside  the  turVjan  a  triple  crown  ot' 
 
 g'.li.  cfM^stuig,  that  b,  ot'  3  rims  one  above  the 
 otri<fr,  aad  terminatin^s;  at  top  in  a  kinl  ot*  conical 
 ciljri,  like  the  inrerted  caljx  of  the  herb  hyoscr- 
 amus.  Jocephus  doubtless  eircs  a  true  account  of 
 the  higb-priest's  turban  as  worn  in  his  daj.  He 
 also  describes  the  L-iinina  or  gold  plate,  which  be 
 •ars  corered  the  loreheai  of  the  high-priest. — 
 (e.)  The  broidered  cent  was  a  t'lnic  or  long  sidrt  of 
 lioen  with  a  teaaellated  or  diaper  pattern,  like  the 
 setting  of  a  store.  The  gi:dle,  also  of  linen,  was 
 woand  round  the  body  :>ereral  times  from  the 
 bieast  downwanJs,  and  the  ends  hung  down  to 
 the  anclet>.  The  breeches  or  drawers,  of  linen, 
 covered  the  loins  aj-.d  thighs;  and  the  bonnet  or 
 wiijfjtidA  was  a  turban  ot'  linen,  partially  cover- 
 ing the  he^id.  but  not  in  the  form  of  a  cone  like 
 that  of  tlie  high-priest  when  the  mitre  was  added 
 to  it.  These  four  last  were  common  to  all  priests. — 
 (■i.)  Aaron  had  peculiar  functions.  To  him  alone 
 it  appei-tained,  and  he  alooe  wm  permitted,  to  enter 
 the  Holy  of  Holies,  which  he  di<J  once  a  year,  on 
 the  great  day  of  atonement,  when  he  sprinkled  the 
 blood  of  the  sin-offering  on  the  mercy-^^eat,  and 
 burnt  incense  within  the  vail  Lev.  xvi.^.  He  ie 
 •<\'A  by  the  TalmudUts  not  to  have  worn  his  full 
 pontincal  robes  on  this  occasion,  but  to  have  been 
 cLid  entirely  in  white  linen  'Lev.  xvi.  4,  32).  It  is 
 singular,  however,  that  on  the  other  hand  Josephus 
 says  that  the  great  fast  day  was  the  chief,  if  not 
 the  only  <lay  in  the  year,  when  the  high-priest  wore 
 all  his  robes. — '4.  y  'l"he  high-priest  had  a  peculiar 
 place  in  the  law  of  the  manslayer,  and  his  taking 
 sanctuary  in  the  cities  of  refuge.  The  manslayer 
 might  not  leave  the  city  of  refuge  during  the  life- 
 time of  the  existing  high-priest  who  was  anointed 
 with  the  holy  oil  (Num.  xxxv.  25,  28).  It  was 
 also  forbid'ien  to  the  high  priest  to  follow  a  funeral, 
 or  lend  his  clothes  for  the  dead,  according  to  the 
 prei*lent  in  I>ev.  x.  6.  The  other  respects  in 
 which  the  high-priest  exercised  (superior  functions 
 to  the  other  piie>ts  arose  rather  from  his  position 
 and  ojipoilunities,  than  wei'e  distinctly  attached  to 
 his  orfiie,  anil  they  conseqnently  varied  with  the 
 pergonal  character  and  abilities  of  the  high-piiest. 
 Kven  that  portion  of  power  which  most  naturally 
 and  usually  belongi^  to  him,  the  rule  of  the  Temple, 
 and  the  goremment  of  the  priests  and  I-evites  who 
 ministered  there,  did  not  invariably  fall  to  the 
 share  of  the  high-priest.  The  Kabbins  speak  very 
 frerjuently  of  one  secotid  in  dignity  to  the  high- 
 priest,  whom  they  call  the  Sngan,  and  who  often 
 a<.-teri  in  the  high-priest's  room.  He  i*  the  same 
 who  in  the  O.  T.  is  calle<l  "the  sec«»)d  priest" 
 ('2  K.  xxiii.  4,  zxv.  18;.  Thrjs  tfo  it  is  explained 
 of  Annas  and  Caiaphas  H.uke  iii.  2),  that  Annas 
 wat  .^agan.  Ananias  Is  also  thought  by  some  to 
 have  been  Sagan,  a<.-ting  for  the  hitrh-pinest  'Acts 
 xxiii.  2;.  It  does  not  apfieiir  by  who^  anthonty 
 the  high-priests  were  ap|«iinted  to  their  otilie  before 
 there  were  kings  of  Israel.  But  as  we  find  it  in- 
 variablv  done  by  the  Hvil  power  in  later  times,  it  is 
 J     '    '  ling  the  monarchy, 
 
 rn.      It  should   Ije 
 
 a: ..     tntering  upon  the 
 
 functions  ot  tiie  priesthood,  according  to  2  Chr.  xxxi. 
 17,  is  cjjfisidered  to  have  been  20  y»^r«,  though  a 
 priest  or  high-priest  was  not  actually  incapacitated 
 if  he  had  attaine>l  to  puberty.     Again,  according  to 
 
 HIGH-PREEST 
 
 J  Lev.  ixi..  no  one  tii.it  iia.i  ;\  Kiemish  couM  officiate 
 j  at  the  altir  —II.  The^l.^^cally.  The  tnw.lo-j.cal 
 view  of  the  hiih-priesthooil  lioes  not  fall  within  tlie 
 scope  of  this  LHctionary.  It  must  suffice  thei«fore 
 to  iiiiJicite  that  such  a  view  woaM  embiaoe  the 
 considenition  of  the  ot£ce,  dress,  functions,  and 
 ministrations  of  the  high- priest,  oxisidered  as 
 typical  of  the  priesthood  of  oar  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
 and  as  setting  forth  un<ler  shadows  the  tniths 
 which  are  openly  taught  under  the  Gospel.  This 
 has  been  done  to  a  great  extent  in  the  Epi-itle  to 
 the  Heb.-ews.  It  would  also  embrace  all  the  moral 
 and  spiritual  teaching  supposed  to  be  intendeii  by 
 such  symbols.^lll.  To  pnss  to  the  historical  view 
 of  the  subject.  The  history  of  the  high-priests 
 embraces  a  period  of  about  1370  years,  and  a  succe^ 
 sion  of  about  80  high-priests,  beginning  with  Aaron, 
 and  ending  with  I'hannias.  They  natuiitlly  arrange 
 them.-^elve3  into  three  groups — (a.)  tho>e  before 
 David  ;  (6.)  those  from  David  to  the  captivity ; 
 (c.)  those  from  the  return  of  the  Babylonish  ca|>- 
 tivity  till  the  cessation  of  the  office  at  the  destnic- 
 tion  of  Jerusalem,  ^a.)  The  high-priests  of  tlie 
 first  group  who  are  distinctly  maiie  known  to  va 
 as  such  are — 1.  Aaron;  2.  tleazar;  3.  Phinehas; 
 4.  Eli  ;  5.  Ahitub  ;  1  Chr,  ix.  11  ;  Neh.  xi.  11 ; 
 1  Sam.  xiv.  3) ;  6.  Ahiah  ;  7.  Ahimelech.  Phinehas 
 the  son  of  Eli,  and  father  of  Ahitub,  died  before  his 
 father,  and  so  was  not  high-p.iest.  Of  the  above, 
 the  three  fii-st  8nccee<Jed  in  regular  order,  Nadab 
 and  Abihu,  Aaron's  eldest  sons,  having  died  in  the 
 wilderness  ^LeV.  x.).  But  Eli,  the  4th,  was  of  the 
 line  of  Ithamar.  What  was  the  exact  interval  be- 
 tween the  death  of  Phinehas  and  the  accesision  of 
 Eli,  what  led  to  the  transference  of  the  chief  priest- 
 hood from  the  line  of  Eleazar  to  that  of  Ithamar, 
 we  have  no  means  of  determining  from  .ScripturCi 
 Josepbos  asserts  that  the  father  of  Bukki — whom 
 he  calls  Joseph,  and  .Abiezer,  i.  e.  Abishua — was 
 the  last  high-pr.est  of  Phinehas 's  line,  before  Zadok. 
 If  Abisbua  died,  leaving  a  son  or  grandson  under 
 age,  Eli,  as  head  of  the  line  of  Ithamar,  might 
 have  become  high-priest  as  a  matter  of  course,  or 
 he  might  have  been  appointeil  by  the  elders.  If 
 Ahiah  and  Ahimelech  aie  not  variations  of  the  name 
 of  the  same  person,  they  must  have  been  brothers, 
 since  both  were  sons  of  Ahitub.  The  bigfa-priests 
 then  bef'ore  David's  reign  may  be  set  down  as  eifht 
 in  number,  of  whom  seven  aie  said  in  Scripture  to 
 have  been  high-priests,  and  one  by  Josepbus  alone. 
 — (6.;  Passing  to  the  second  group,  we  begin  with 
 the  unexplained  circumstince  of  there  being  two 
 priests  in  the  reign  of  David,  apparently  of  nearly 
 equal  authority,  viz.  Zadok  and  .\biatbar  (1  Chr. 
 XV.  11;  2  Sam.  vii.  17;.  It  is  not  unlikely  that 
 afUr  the  death  of  .Ahimelech  and  the  secession  of 
 Abiathar  to  David,  Saul  may  have  ma<ie  Zn<lok 
 priest,  and  that  David   may  have  a  '  .'li- 
 
 eu Ity  of  deciding  fjetween  the  clain  ■    t'll 
 
 friend  Abiathar  and  his  new  and  ....,  .;....:  Jly 
 Za<iok  by  appointing  them  to  a  joint  pne>thood : 
 the  first  place,  with  the  Ephnd,  and  L'lim  and 
 Thuromim,  remaining  with  Abiathar,  who  was  io 
 actual  possession  of  them.  The  first  considerable 
 diffii.iiltv  that  meets  us  in  the  historicil  survey  of 
 the  hieh-prie>t.»  of  the  second  group  is  to  asceitain 
 who  was  high-priest  at  the  deiication  of  .Solomon's 
 Temple.  Josephus  says  that  Zat\ok  was,  and  the 
 Seller  Ob»m  makes  him  the  high-prie»t  in  the  reign 
 of  .Solomon  ;  but  1  K.  iv.  2  distinctly  a-scits  that 
 Azariah  the  son  of  Zailok  was  priest  under  Solontuo, 
 
HIGH-PRXEST 
 
 uxl  1  Chr.  vi.  10  tells  us  of  Arariah,  "  he  it  is 
 that  executed  the  priest's  office  in  tie  temple  that 
 Solomon  built  iu  Jerusalem,"  obviously  me;tning  at 
 its  tirst  completion.  We  can  hardly  tliere'oj-e  be 
 wrong  in  Siiying  that  Azaiiah  the  son  of  Ahimaaz 
 was  the  lirst  high-priest  of  Solomon's  Temple.  In 
 constiucting  the  list  of  the  succession  of  priests  of 
 this  group,  our  methoi.1  must  be  to  comjiare  the 
 genealc^itad  list  iu  1  Chr.  vi.  S-15  (A.  V.)  with 
 the  notices  of  high-priests  in  the  sacred  history, 
 and  with  the  list  given  by  Josephus.  Now  as  i-e- 
 gaixls  the  genealogy,  it  is  seen  at  once  that  there  is 
 something  detective ;  for  whei^eas  from  David  to 
 Jeconiah  thei*  are  20  kings,  fi-om  Zxdok  to  .lehora- 
 dak  there  are  but  13  priests.  Then  again,  while 
 the  pe>iigi«e  in  its  sis  tii-st  geneiations  fioni  Zadok, 
 inclusive,  exactly  suits  the  history,  yet  is  thei^e  a 
 great  gap  in  the  middle;  for  between  Amaiiah,  the 
 high-priest  in  Jehoshaphat's  reign,  and  Shallum 
 the  tutlier  of  Hilkiah,  tlie  high-priest  in  .Tosiah's 
 TOgn — an  interval  of  about  'J-iO  years — there  are 
 but  two  names,  Ahituband  Zadok,  and  tliose  liable 
 to  the  utmost  suspidon  from  their  repixxlucing  the 
 same  sequei;ce  which  occurs  iu  tlie  earlier  pait  of 
 tlie  same  geuealt^y — Aniiuiah,  Ahitub,  Zadok.  But 
 the  historical  books  supply  us  with  tour  or  five 
 names  for  this  interval,  viz.  Jehoiada  in  the  reigns 
 of  Athaliah  and  Joash,  and  piwbjvbly  still  earlier; 
 Zechan'ali  his  son ;  Araiiah  iu  the  reign  of  Crziah  ; 
 Ui"ij;ili  in  thr  reign  of  Ahaz ;  and  Azariah  in  the 
 reign  of  HezekiiUi.  if,  however,  iu  the  geueaJogy 
 of  1  Chr.  vi.,  Azariah  and  Hilkiah  have  been  Jicci- 
 dentally  tnmsposed,  as  is  not  unlikely,  then  the 
 Az;U'iah  who  w;is  high-priest  in  Hezekiah's  i-eigu 
 will  be  the  .\zariah  ot  1  Chr.  vi.  l;>,  14.  Puttiug 
 tiie  additional  historical  n;m)es  at  four,  and  deduct- 
 ing the  two  suspicious  names  from  the  geue;ilogy, 
 we  have  15  high-priests  indicate^!  in  Scripture  as 
 contenii>orary  with  the  20  kings,  witJi  ixx>m,  how- 
 e\*er,  for  one  or  two  more  in  the  history.  In  addi- 
 tion to  these,  the  Sudeas  of  Josephus,  who  oin-- 
 responds  to  Zedekiah  in  the  reign  of  Amaz'ah  iu 
 the  Seiier  Olani,  and  Ode;us,  who  cor>«isix>nds  to 
 Hoshai;ih  in  the  ivign  of  Mauasseh,  .iccoixiing  to 
 the  same  Jewish  chronicle,  may  really  represent 
 high-priests  whose  names  have  not  been  preserved 
 in  Scripture.  This  would  bring  up  the  numlter  to  1 7, 
 or,  if  we  retain  Azariah  as  the  lather  of  Seniiah,  to 
 18,  which  agi-ees  nearly  with  the  "JO  kings.  Review- 
 ing the  high-priests  of  this  second  group,  the  follow- 
 ing are  some  of  the  most  remarkable  incidents: — 
 (1 )  The  ti-ansfer  of  the  seat  of  woi-ship  from  Shiloh 
 in  the  tribe  of  Ephraim  to  Jerus.-Uem  in  the  ti-il>e 
 of  Judah,  eri'ected  by  Dtivid  .and  consolidatcil  by  the 
 building  of  the  magnificent  Temple  of  Solomon. 
 ('21  The  org.iniz;itiou  of  the  Temple  service  under 
 the  high-priest.  (3)  The  revolt  of  the  ten  trilvs. 
 (4)  The  overthrow  of  tlie  usurpation  of  Athaliah 
 by  Jehoiada  the  high-priest.  (5)  The  boldness  and 
 success  with  which  the  high-priest  Azariah  with- 
 s-'cod  the  encroachments  of  the  king  Uzziah  upon 
 tlie  olfice  and  functions  of  the  priesthood.  (6)  The 
 re^viir  of  the  Temple  by  Jehoiada,  the  restoration 
 of  the  Temple  services  by  Az;iriah  in  the  reign  of 
 Hezekiah,  :md  the  discovery  of  the  book  of  the  law 
 and  the  religious  reformation  by  Hilkiah  in  the 
 reign  of  Josiah.  (7;  In  all  the^e  great  religious 
 movements,  however,  excepting  the  one  hoadcii 
 by  .Jehoiada,  it  is  remai'kable  how  the  civil  power 
 took  the  lead.  The  preix>uderance  of  the  civil 
 ever  the  ecclesiastical  |>ower,  as  an  historiail  tact. 
 
 HIGH-PRIEST  327 
 
 in  the  kingdom  of  Judiih.  although  kept  within 
 bounds  by  the  hej-editaiy  sui.x«s*)on  of  the  higlj- 
 priests.  seems  to  be  proved  from  these  circumstances. 
 The  priests  c{  tliis  .series  ended  with  Seisiah.  wlic 
 was  taken  prisoner  by  Nebuzar-,idan,  and  slain  at 
 Kiblah  by  Xebuchadnezrai-.  together  with  Ze]^i.i- 
 niah  the  second  piiest  or  Sagau,  after  the  buruino 
 of  the  Temple  and  the  plundei-  of  all  tlie  saaed 
 vessiels  "2  K.  sx.  1S\  His  son  Jebozadiik  or  Ji>- 
 sedech  was  at  the  same  time  carried  awav  captive 
 [_1  Chr.  vi.  15  i.  The  time  occupied  by  these  high- 
 priests  was  about  454  years,  which  gives  an  ave- 
 i-age  of  something  more  than  twenty-tive  years  to 
 each  high-priest.  It  is  remai-kable  that  not  a  single 
 instance  is  recorded  at'ter  the  time  ot  T\\xid  of  an 
 inquiry  by  Urim  and  Thummim.  The  ministry  ot 
 the  prophets  seems  to  have  superseded  that  of  tl)e 
 high-priests  (see  c.  g.  '2  Chr.  sv.,  sviii.,  ix.  14, 
 15  ;  •-'  K.  lis.  1,  '2,\\\\.  1-2-14  ;  Jer.  sii.  1,  2\ — 
 c.^  An  intar.U  of  about  fit\y-two  years  elapsed 
 between  the  high-priests  of  the  second  and  tJiiixl 
 group,  during  which  there  was  neither  Temple,  nor 
 altai',  nor  ark,  nor  priest.  Jehoxadak,  or  JiTseiiech. 
 as  it  is  WTitt«>n  in  Haggjii  (i.  1,  14,  &c.\  who  .>hould 
 have  succee>led  Sejju.ah,  lived  .and  died  a  captive  at 
 Babylon.  The  pontilical  othce  revived  in  his  son 
 Je^ua,  of  whom  such  frequent  mention  is  made  in 
 Ezra  and  Xehemiah,  H.agg.ii  ;uid  Zech;u-iah,  1  Esdi-. 
 and  Ecclus. ;  and  he  therefore  stands  at  the  head  of 
 this  thiiil  and  Last  series,  hononrably  distinguished 
 for  his  zealous  co-operation  with  ZerubKibel  in  re- 
 building the  Temple,  and  I'estoring  the  dilapidated 
 commonwealth  of  Israel.  His  suocessoi-s,  as  tin- 
 .OS  the  0.  T.  guides  us,  wei*  Joiakim.  Eliashib, 
 Joiada,  Johanan  (or  .Ton.athan'.  and  Jaddua.  Jaddua 
 was  high-priest  in  the  time  of  Alejcander  the  Great, 
 Jaddua  was  succecvied  by  Onias  I.,  his  son,  and  he 
 •again  by  Simon  tlie  Just,  the  last  of  the  men  of  the 
 great  syujigogue.  Upon  Simon's  death,  his  sou 
 Oni.os  being  under  iige,  Eleaz:ir,  Simon's  brether, 
 succeeiled  him.  The  high-priesthiwl  of  Eleazar 
 is  memoi-aUe  as  being  that  under  which  the  LX.K. 
 version  of  the  Scriptures  w;is  m.ade  at  Alexandri,<i 
 for  Ptolemy  Philadilphus,  accoriiing  to  the  account 
 of  Josephus  taken  from  .Arisfe.as.  Viewed  in  its 
 relation  to  Judaism  and  the  high-priesthood,  this 
 translation  w;vs  a  sign,  and  jvrhaps  a  helping  oau.se 
 of  their  decay.  It  marked  a  growing  tendency  to 
 Hellenise.  utterly  inconsistent  with  the  -spirit  o{  the 
 .Mosiiic  economy.  What,  however,  for  a  time  saveil 
 the  Jewish  in^titutions,  was  tlie  cruel  and  impolitic 
 jwi^sei'ution  of  .\ntii>hus  Epiphanes.  The  result 
 was  that  af^er  the  high-priesthood  had  been  brought 
 to  the  lowest  degradation  by  the  ajx^tasy  and  crimes 
 ot  the  last  Onias  or  Menelans,  the  son  of  Eleazav, 
 and  at'ier  a  v.artuicy  of  seven  years  had  foUoweil  the 
 brief  jXMititicate  of  Alcimns,  his  no  less  infamous 
 suavssor,  a  new  and  glorious  succession  of  high- 
 prie,>-ts  arose  in  the  Asmone.'Ui  family,  who  united 
 the  dignity  of  civil  rulei-s,  and  for  a  time  of  inde- 
 j->endent  sovereigns,  to  that  of  the  high-priesthixvl. 
 The  Asmonoan  family  wei*  priests  ot'  the  ctnirse 
 I  ot  JoiariK  the  tirst  of  the  twenty- four  c»>urses  (I 
 Chr.  x.\iv.  7\  whose  return  fiom  captivity  is  iv- 
 coixleil  1  t'hr.  ix.  10;  Neh.  xi.  10.  They  we.e 
 prolwbly  of  the  house  of  Eleazar,  though  this  ran- 
 not  K'  aiHnued  with  certainty.  Tiiis  .Xsmouean 
 dynasty  liustt\l  from  U.O.  l.">;5.  till  the  family  was 
 damagevl  by  intestine  divisions,  .and  then  destroved 
 by  Herod  the  Cireat.  Arisfobulu.->,  the  last  high- 
 priest  of  his  line,  brother  of  Mariamne,  was  tuur- 
 
328  HIGH-PRIEST 
 
 dered  by  order  of  Herod,  his  brother-in-law,  B.C.  35. 
 There  were  no  fewer  than  twenty-eight  hik^h-priests 
 fi-om  the  reign  of  Herod  to  tlie  destruction  of  the 
 Temple  by  Titus,  a  period  of  107  years.  Tlie 
 N.  T.  introduces  us  to  some  of  these  latei-,  and  oft- 
 changing  high-priests,  viz.  Annas,  Caiaphas,  and 
 Ananias.  Theopliilus,  the  son  of  Ananus,  was  tlie 
 high-priest  from  whom  Saul  received  letters  to  the 
 synagogue  at  Damascus  (Acts  ix.  1,  14).  Fhannias, 
 the  last  high-priest,  was  appointed  by  lot  by  the 
 Zealots  from  the  course  of  priests  called  by  Jose])luis 
 Kuiachim  (probably  a  corrupt  reading  for  Jachim). 
 The  subjoined  table  shows  the  succession  of  high- 
 priests,  as  far  as  it  a«i  be  ascertained,  and  of  the 
 contemporary  civil  rulers. 
 
 CIVIL  UDLER.  HIGU-PBIESr. 
 
 Moses Aaron. 
 
 Josbua Eleazar. 
 
 Othnlel Phinehas. 
 
 Ablabua       Abishua. 
 
 Kll         Kli. 
 
 Samuel Aliitub. 
 
 Saul       Abijah. 
 
 David Zuduk  and  Abiatfaar. 
 
 Solomon       Azariah. 
 
 Abljuh Johanan. 
 
 Asa Azariah. 
 
 Jehosbapbat       Amariah. 
 
 Jehorara       Jebolada. 
 
 Aba/.iali        , , 
 
 Jeboash        Do.  and  Zecbariah. 
 
 Amazlab      ? 
 
 Uzziab Azariah. 
 
 Jotbam         ? 
 
 Ahaz     Urtjah. 
 
 Hezekiah      Azadab. 
 
 Manasseh Sballum. 
 
 Amon , , 
 
 Josiub Ililkiah. 
 
 Jehuiakim Azuriab? 
 
 Zedeklah      Seraiab. 
 
 Kvil-Merodach Jebozadak. 
 
 Zerubbabel     (Cyrus      and  Jeshua. 
 
 Darius). 
 Mordecal  ?  (Xerxes)  . .     . .  .Toiakim. 
 Ezra  and  Nebeniiah  (Aila-  Eliashib. 
 
 xrrxos). 
 
 Darius  Notbus Joiada. 
 
 Artaxerxes  Mncmon  . .     . .  Johanan. 
 Alexander  tbe  Groat ..     ..  Jaddua. 
 Onias    1.    (I'tolemy    fjotei,  Onias  I. 
 
 Antlgonus). 
 
 Ptijlemy  Sotor     Simon  the  Just 
 
 Ptolemy  Pblladelphus       . .  Eleazar. 
 
 , .  Man.isseb. 
 
 Plolemy  EuprgetCB  ..  ..  Onias  II. 
 Ptolemy  Pbilopator  ..  ..  Simon  II. 
 Ptolemy     Kpipbanes     and  Onias  111. 
 
 Antidcbus. 
 Antlochus  Epipbanes        . .  C.Tosbua,  or)  Jason. 
 
 ,,  Onias,  or  Jleiielaus. 
 
 Demetrius  Jacimiis,  or  Alcinius. 
 
 Alexander  Balas Jonathan,   brotlier  of  Judas 
 
 Maccabeus  (Asnioncan). 
 Simon  (Asmonean)     ..     ..  Simon  (Asmoiieun). 
 John  Hyrciinus  (Asm.)      ..  John  Hyrcainis  (l)o.). 
 King  Arlslobulus  (Asm.)  . .   Aristobulus  (Do  ). 
 KinR   Alexander    Jannaeus  Alexander  Jaimaeus  (Do.). 
 
 (Asmonean). 
 Queen  Alexandra  (Asm.)  ..  Hyrranus  II.  (Do.). 
 KIni?  Aristobulus  II.    (As-  Avistobulus  II.  (Do.). 
 
 monean). 
 Poiiipcy  the  Groat  and  Hyr-  Hyrcanus  1 1.  (Do.). 
 
 can  us,  or  rather,  towards 
 
 the  end  or  bis  pontilicatc, 
 
 Antl|iatcr. 
 Pacoru.s  tbe  I'artbian  . .     . .   Antlgonus  (Do.). 
 Herod  K.  of  Judaea   ..     ..   Aniiiiclu^. 
 
 I,  Arlstohiiliis  (last  of  Asmo- 
 
 no.ins),  iiiurdorod  by  Herod. 
 
 ,,  Annnolus  rostorod. 
 
 Herod  the  Great /o.^us,  ton  of  Fanous. 
 
 , ,  .Simon,      son     of      Bootbns, 
 
 falhor-bi-law  to  Horcd. 
 ,  Mattlila&  son  of  'I'bcophllus. 
 
 HILLS 
 CrVIL  RULES.  HtGH-rnrpflrr. 
 
 , ,  Jozants,  son  of  Simon. 
 
 Archelaus  K.  of  Judaea    . .   Eleazar. 
 
 ,,  Jesus,  son  of  Sie. 
 
 , ,  Jozarus  (»econd  time). 
 
 Cyrenlus,  governor  of  Syria,  Ananus. 
 
 second  time. 
 Valerius  Grains,  procurator  Ishmael,  son  of  Pbabi. 
 of  Judea. 
 
 , ,  Eleazar,  son  of  Ananus. 
 
 , ,  Simon,  son  of  Kamitb. 
 
 ViteUius,  governor  of  Syria  Caiapbas,  called  also  Josepn. 
 
 ,,  Jonathan,  son  of  Anaiuis. 
 
 ,,  Tbooplillus,   brotbor  of  Jo- 
 
 nathan 
 
 Herod  Agrippa Simon  Cantberas. 
 
 , ,  Matthias,  brother  of  Jona- 
 
 than, son  of  Ananus. 
 
 ,,  Elioneus,  son  of  C'aniheras. 
 
 Herod,  king  of  Chalcis      . .  Joseph,  son  of  Camol. 
 
 ,,  Ananias,  son  of  Nebedeus. 
 
 ,,  Jonathan. 
 
 ,,  Isniaol,  son  of  Fabi. 
 
 , ,  Joseph,  son  of  Simon. 
 
 ,,  Ananus,  son  of  Ananus,  or 
 
 Ananias. 
 Appointed  by  the  people  . .  Jesus,  son  of  Gamaliol. 
 Do.  (VVhiston  on  H.  J.  iv.  3,  Matthias,  son  of  Tbeopbilus. 
 
 «7). 
 Chosen  by  lot     Pbanuias,  son  of  Samuel 
 
 Hi'len,  the  name  of  a  city  of  Judah  allotted  with 
 its  suburbs  to  the  priests  (1  Chr.  vi.  58). 
 
 HiUd'ah.  1.  Father  of  Eliakim  (2  K.  xviii.  37, 
 Is.  .\xii. '-'0,  x.\.\vr.  22).  [Eliakim.]— 2.  High-priest 
 ill  the  reign  of  Josiah  (2  K.  xxii.  4  sqq. ;  2  Chr.  xi.\iv, 
 9  sqq. ;  1  Esdr.  i.  8).  According  to  the  genealogy 
 in  1  Chr.  vi.  13  (A.  V.)  he  was  son  of  Shallum, 
 and  from  Ezr.  vii.  1,  apparently  the  ancestor  of 
 Ezra  the  scribe.  His  high-priesthood  was  rendered 
 particularly  illustrious  by  the  great  reformation 
 effected  under  it  by  king  Josiah,  by  the  solemn 
 Passover  kept  at  Jerusalem  in  the  18th  year  of 
 that  king's  reign,  and  aljove  all  by  the  discovery 
 which  he  made  of  the  book  of  the  law  of  Moses  in 
 the  temple.  With  regard  to  the  latter,  Kennicott 
 is  of  opinion  that  it  w.as  the  original  autograph 
 copy  of  the  Pentateuch  written  by  Moses  which 
 Hilkiah  found,  but  his  argument  is  far  from  con- 
 clusive. A  ditficult  and  interesting  question  arises. 
 What  was  the  book  found  by  Hilkiah  ?  Our  means 
 of  answering  this  question  seem  to  be  limited, 
 (1)  to  an  ex:imination  of  the  terms  in  which  the 
 depositing  the  book  of  the  law  by  the  ark  was 
 originally  enjoined;  (2)  to  an  examination  of  the 
 contents  of  the  book  discovered  by  Hilkiah,  a«  fai 
 .-wi  they  tran.spire  ;  (3)  to  any  indications  which 
 may  be  gathered  from  the  contemporary  writings 
 of  Jeiemiah,  or  from  any  other  poitions  of  Scrip- 
 ture. A  consideration  of  all  these  points  raises  a 
 strong  piobability  that  the  book  in  question  was 
 the  book  of  Deuteronomy.— 3.  .-X  Merai  ite  I.evite, 
 son  of  Am/.i  (1  Chr.  vi.  4'i ;  hebr.  3u).— 4.  An 
 other  Merarite  I.evite,  second  son  of  Hos,-ih  (1  Chr. 
 x.\vi.  11).— 6.  One  of  those  who  stood  on  the  right 
 hand  of  Ezra  when  he  roail  the  law  to  the  j^eople. 
 Doubtless  a  Lovite,  .and  probably  a  priest  i  Neh.  viii. 
 4).  He  may  be  identical  with  the  Hilkiah  who 
 came  up  in  the  expetlition  with  Jeshua  and  Zerub- 
 liabel  (xii.  7).— 6.  -'\  priest  of  Aiialhoili,  father  of 
 the  piophet  Jeivmiah  (Jer.  i.  1 ). — 7.  Father  of 
 Oemariah,  who  was  one  of  Zedekiah's  envoys  to 
 liabvloii  (  Jer.  xxix.  3,. 
 
 Hil'lel,  a  native  of  Piratlion  in  Mount  Ephi-aim, 
 father  of  AniXJN,  one  of  the  judges  of  Israel  '.''idg. 
 xii.  13,  V,). 
 
 Hills.     The  structure  and  chai-actcristics  of  tbe 
 
HIN 
 
 lulls  of  Piilostiiie  will  be  most,  conveniently  noticed 
 in  the  general  desciiptioii  of  the  teatuies  of  thi.' 
 country.  But  it  may  not  be  unprofitable  to  cjiil 
 attention  heie  to  the  various  Hebrew  terms  for 
 which  the  word  "  hill "  has  been  employed  in  the 
 .Nuth.  Version.  1.  Giheah,  from  a  root  which 
 .•eems  to  have  the  force  of  curvature  or  humpish- 
 ne<s.  A  word  involving  this  idea  is  peculiarly 
 applicable  to  the  rounded  hills  of  Palestine.  2.  But 
 ouj-  translators  have  also  employed  the  same  English 
 word  for  the  very  ditierent  term  har,  which  has  a 
 much  more  extended  sense  tljan  giheah,  meaning  a 
 whole  district  rather  thau  an  individual  eminence, 
 and  to  which  our  woid  "  mountain  "  answers  with 
 tolerable  accuracy.  This  exchange  is  always  un- 
 desirable, but  it  sometimes  occurs  so  as  to  confuse 
 the  meaning  of  a  passage  where  it  is  desirable  that 
 the  topography  should  be  unmistakeable.  For  m- 
 stance,  in  Ex.  xxiv.  4,  the  "hill"  is  the  same 
 which  is  elsewhere  in  the  same  chapter  (12,  13,  18, 
 &c.)  and  book,  consistently  and  accurately  rendered 
 "mount"  and  "mountain."  The  countiy  of  the 
 "hills,"  in  Dent.  i.  7  ;  Josh.  ix.  1,  x.  40,  xi.  16, 
 is  the  elevated  district  of  Judah,  Benjamin  and 
 Ephraim,  which  is  correctly  called  "  the  mountain  " 
 in  the  earliest  descriptions  of  Palestine  (Num.  xiii. 
 29),  and  in  many  subsequent  passages  In  2  K.  i. 
 9  and  iv.  27,  the  use  of  the  word  "  hill"  obscures 
 the  allusion  to  Carmel,  which  in  other  passages  of 
 the  life  of  the  prophet  {e.g.  1  K.  xviii.  19;  2  K. 
 iv.  25j  has  the  term  "mount"  correctly  attached 
 to  it.  3.  On  one  occasion  the  word  Ma'aleh,  better 
 "ascent,"    is   rendered   "hill"    (1   Sam.  ix.  11). 
 
 4.  In  the  N.  T.  the  word  "  hill "  is  employed  to 
 render  the  Greek  word  ^ovv6s ;  but  on  one  occa- 
 sion it  is  used  for  opos,  elsewhere  "  mountain,"  so 
 as  to  obscure  the  connexion  between  the  two  parts 
 of  the  same  narrative  (Luke  ii.  37). 
 
 Hin.     [Measures.] 
 
 Hind,  the  female  of  the  common  stag  or  cervus 
 elaphus.  It  is  frequently  noticed  in  the  poetical 
 parts  of  Scripture  as  emblematic  of  activity  (Gen. 
 xlix.  21  ;  2  Sam.  xxii.  34;  Ps.  sviii.  33  ;  Hab.  iii. 
 19),  gentleness  (Prov.  v.  19),  feminine  modesty 
 (Cant.  ii.  7,  iii.  5),  earnest  longing  (Ps.  xlii.  1), 
 and  maternal  alTection  (Jer.  xiv.  5).  Its  shyness 
 and  lemoteness  from  the  haunts  of  men  are  also 
 alluded  to  (Job  xxxix.  1),  and  its  timidity,  causing 
 it  to  cast  its  young  at  the  sound  of  thunder  (Ps. 
 jsix.  9). 
 
 Hinge.  Both  ancient  Egyptian  and  modern 
 Oriental  dooi's  were  and  are  hung  by  means  of 
 pivots  turning  in  sockets  both  on  the  upper  and 
 lower  sides  (IK.  vii.  50).  In  Syria,  and  especially 
 the  Hauran,  there  are  many  ancient  doors  consisting 
 of  stone  slabs  with  pivots  carved  out  of  the  same 
 piece,  inserted  in  sockets  above  and  below,  and  fixed 
 during  the  building  of  the  house.  The  allusion  in 
 Prov.  xxvi.  14  is  thus  clearly  explained. 
 
 Hin'nom,  Valley  of,  otherwise  called  "  the  val- 
 le\'  of  the  son  "  or  "  children  of  Hinnom,"  a  deep 
 and  naiTow  ra^^ne,  with  steep,  rocky  sides  to  the 
 
 5.  and  W.  of  Jerusalem,  separating  Mount  Zion  to 
 the  N.  from  the  "Hill  of  Evil  Counsel,"  and  the 
 sloping  rocky  plateau  of  the  "  plain  of  Rephaim  "  to 
 the  S.  The  earliest  mention  of  the  Valley  of  Hin- 
 nom in  the  sacred  writings  is  in  Josh.  xv.  8,  x\'iii. 
 16,  where  the  boundary-line  between  the  tribes  of 
 Judah  and  Benjamin  is  described,  as  passing  along 
 the  bed  of  the  ravine.  On  the  southern  brow, 
 overlooking  the   valley  at   its   eastern  extremity, 
 
 HITTITES,  THE 
 
 329 
 
 Solomon  erected  high  places  for  Molech  (1  K.  xi, 
 7),  whose  horrid  rites  were  revived  from  time  to 
 time  in  the  same  vicinity  by  the  later  idolatrous 
 kings.  Ahaz  and  Manasseh  made  their  children 
 "pass  through  the  fire"  in  this  valley  (2  K.  xvi. 
 3 ;  2  Chr.  xxviii.  3,  XKxiii.  6),  and  the  fiendish 
 custom  of  infant  sacrifice  to  the  fire-gods  seems  to 
 have  been  kept  up  in  Tophet,  at  its  S.K.  extremity 
 for  a  considerable  peiiod  (Jer.  vii.  31  ;  2  K.  xxx. 
 10).  To  put  an  end  to  these  abominations  the 
 place  was  polluted  by  Josiah,  who  rendered  it  cere- 
 monially unclean  by  spreading  over  it  human  bones, 
 and  other  corruptions  (2  K.  xxiii.  10,  13,  14 ; 
 2  Chr.  xxxiv.  4,  5),  from  which  time  it  appears  to 
 have  become  the  common  cesspool  of  the  city,  into 
 \yhich  its  sewage  was  conducted,  to  be  cariied  od' 
 by  the  waters  of  the  Kidron,  as  well  as  a  laystall, 
 where  all  its  solid  filth  was  collected.  From  its 
 ceiemonial  defilement,  and  from  the  detested  and 
 abominable  fire  of  Molech,  if  not  from  the  supposed 
 everburning  funeral  piles,  the  later  Jews  applied 
 the  name  of  this  valley  Ge  Hinnom,  Gehenna,  to 
 denote  the  place  of  eternal  torment.  The  name  by 
 which  it  is  now  known  is  Wddy  Jehennam,  or 
 Wddji  er  Bubeb. 
 
 Hippopot'amus.  There  is  hardly  a  doubt  that 
 the  Rehrevf  behemoth  describes  the  hippopotamus: 
 the  word  itself  bears  the  strongest  resemblance 
 to  the  Coptic  name  pehemout,  "  the  water-ox,"  and 
 at  the  same  time  expresses  in  its  Hebrew  form  the 
 idea  of  a  very  large  beast.  Though  now  no  longer 
 found  in  the  lower  Nile,  it  was  formerly  common 
 there.  The  association  of  it  with  the  crocodile  in 
 the  passage  in  which  it  is  described  (Job  xl.  15  ff.), 
 and  most  of  the  particulars  in  that  passage  are 
 more  appropriate  to  the  hippopotamus  thau  to  any 
 other  animal. 
 
 Hi'rah,  an  Adullamite,  the  friend  of  Judah  (Gen. 
 xxxviii.  1,  12;  and  see  20). 
 
 Hi'ram,  or  Hu'ram.  1.  The  king  of  Tyre  who 
 sent  workmen  and  materials  to  Jerusalem,  first 
 (2  Sam.  V.  11,  1  Chr.  xiv.  1)  to  build  a  palace  for 
 David  whom  he  ever  loved  (1  K.  v.  1),  and  again 
 (1  K.  V.  10,  vii.  13,  2  Chr.  14,  16)  to  buiW  the 
 Temple  for  Solomon,  with  whom  he  had  a  treaty 
 of  peace  and  commerce  (1  K.  v.  11,  12).  The 
 contempt  with  which  he  received  Solomon's  present 
 of  Cabnl  (1  K.  ix.  12)  does  not  appear  to  have 
 caused  any  breach  between  the  two  kings.  He 
 admitted  Solomon's  ships,  issuing  from  Jojipa,  to  a 
 share  in  the  profitable  trade  of  the  Mediterranean 
 (1  K.  X.  22)  ;  and  Jewish  sailors,  under  the  guid- 
 ance of  Tyrians,  were  taught  to  bring  the  gold  of 
 India  ( 1  K.  ix.  26)  to  Solomon's  two  harbours  ou 
 the  Red  Sea.  Dius  the  Phoenician  histoiian,  and 
 Menander  of  Ephesus  assign  to  Hiram  a  prosperous 
 reign  of  34  years  ;  and  relate  that  his  father  was 
 Abibal,  his  son  and  successor  Baleazar.  Others  re- 
 late that  Hiram,  besides  sujiplying  timber  for  the 
 Temple,  gave  his  daughter  in  marriage  to  Solomon. 
 ^2.  Hiiam  was  the  name  of  a  man  of  mixed  race 
 (1  K.  vii.  13,  40),  the  principal  architect  and  en- 
 gineer sent  by  king  Hiram  to  Solomon. 
 
 Hirca'nns,  "  a  son  of  Tobias,"  who  had  a  large 
 treasure  placed  for  security  in  the  treasury  of  the 
 temple  at  the  time  of  the  visit  of  Heliodorus 
 (c.  187  B.C. ;  2  Mace.  iii.  11).  The  name  appears 
 simply  to  be  a  local  appellative. 
 
 Hit'tites,  the,  the  nation  descended  from  Cheth 
 (A.  V.  "  Heth  "),  the  second  son  of  Canaan.  Our 
 first  introduction  to  the  Hittites  is  in  the  time  of 
 
330 
 
 HlViTES,  THE 
 
 Abraham,  when  he  Iwujrht  fioin  the  Bene-Cheth, 
 "  Children  of  Ileth,"  the  field  and  the  ewe  of 
 Machjx'lah,  beloiitjing  to  Ephion  the  Hittite.  They 
 were  then  settled  at  the  town  which  was  aftei- 
 ward.%  under  its  new  name  of  Hebron,  to  become 
 one  of  the  most  famous  citie.s  of  Palestine,  then 
 bearing  the  name  of  Kirjath-arb?,,  and  j)erhnf)s  also 
 of  Mamre  (Cen.  xxiii.  19,  xxv.  9).  Tlie  propensi- 
 ties ol  the  tribe  apj^ear  at  that  time  to  have  been 
 rather  commeivial  than  military.  As  Kwald  well 
 says,  Abraham  chose  his  allies  in  warfare  from  the 
 Amorites,  but  he  goes  to  the  Hittites  lor  his  gi'ave. 
 But  the  tribe  was  evidently  as  yet  but  small,  not 
 important  enough  to  be  noticed  beside  "  the  Ca- 
 naanite  and  the  Perizzite ''  who  shared  the  bulk 
 of  the  land  between  them  (fieii.  xii.  G,  xiii.  7). 
 Thrtiughout  the  book  of  Exodus  the  name  of  the 
 Hittites  occurs  only  in  the  usual  formula  for  the 
 occupants  of  the  Promised  Land.  From  this  time 
 their  quiet  habits  vanish,  and  they  take  their  part 
 against  the  invader,  in  equal  alliance  with  the 
 other  Canaanite  tribes  (Josh.  ix.  1,  xi.  3,  &c.). 
 Henceforward  the  notices  of  the  Hittites  are  very 
 few  and  faint.  We  meet  with  two  individuals, 
 both  attached  to  the  person  of  David.  (1.)  "  Ahi- 
 melech  the  Hittite"  (1  Sam.  xxvi.  6).  (2.)  "  Uriah 
 the  Hittite,"  one  of  "the  thirty  "  of  David's  body- 
 guard (2  Sam.  xxiii.  i39 ;  1  Clir.  xi.  41).  The 
 Egyptian  annals  tell  us  of  a  very  jiowerful  con- 
 federacy of  Hittites  in  the  valley  of  tiie  Orontes, 
 with  whom  Sether  I.,  or  Setlios,  waged  war  about 
 li.C.  1340,  and  whose  capital,  Ketesh,  situate  near 
 Emesa,  he  conquered.  In  the  Assyrian  inscriptions, 
 as  lately  deciphered,  theie  are  frequent  references  to 
 a  nation  of  A'/iutti,  whose  teiiitory  also  lay  in  the 
 valley  of  tiie  Oiontes,  and  who  weie  sometimes 
 assisted  by  the  peo])le  of  the  sea-coast,  probably 
 the  Phoenicians.  If  the  ideutiHaition  of  these 
 people  with  the  Hittites  should  prove  to  be  cor- 
 rect, it  atlbrds  a  clue  to  the  meaning  of  some 
 pas.siiges  which  are  otherwise  puzzling. 
 
 Hi'vites,  the.  The  name  is,  in  the  original, 
 unilbimly  found  in  the  singular  nunibei'.  In  the 
 genei\logical  tables  of  (Genesis,  "  the  Hivite "  is 
 named  as  one  of  the  descendants — the  sixth  in  older 
 — of  Canaan,  the  son  of  Ham  (Gen.  x.  17  ;  1  Chr. 
 i.  15).  In  the  first  enumeration  of  the  nations 
 who,  at  the  time  ot'  the  call  of  Abraham,  occupied 
 the  promised  land  (<!en.  xv.  19-21),  the  Hivites 
 are  omitted  from  the  Hebrew  text.  The  name  is 
 also  absent  in  the  report  of  the  spies  (Num.  xlii. 
 29).  Perhaps  this  is  owing  to  the  then  insignifi- 
 cance of  the  Hivites.  We  Ki-st  encounter  tTie  actual 
 jieople  of  the  Hivites  at  the  time  of  .Jacob's  return 
 to  Canaan.  Shechcm  was  then  in  their  jxjssession, 
 Hamor  the  Hivite  being  the  "  prince  of  the  land  " 
 ((Jen.  x.xxiv.  2).  They  were  at  this  time,  to  judge 
 of  them  by  their  rulers,  a  warm  and  impetuous 
 peo]ile,  credulous  and  easily  deceived  by  the  crafly 
 and  cruel  sons  of  Jacob.  The  narrative  further 
 exhibits  them  as  peaceful  and  commercial,  given  fo 
 "  trade  "  ( 10,  21),  and  to  the  acquiring  ot  "  )M)ssrs- 
 sions''  of  cjittle  and  other  "wealth"  (10,  2.'5,  28, 
 29).  We  next  meet  with  the  Hivlte-s  during  the 
 conquest  of  Can:um  (Josh.  ix.  7,  xi.  19).  Their 
 character  is  now  in  .some  resjjects  materially  altered. 
 They  are  .still  evidently  averse  to  fighting,  but  thev 
 have  acquireU— ]«)ssibly  by  long  exjierience  in  ti.iflic 
 —an  aniiiunt  ot'  cral't  wliiili  tlu'y  did  not  before 
 jwn-scs-s,  and  which  enables  them  to  turn  the  tables 
 ou    Uie  Israelite:)   in    a    highly  bucces.stiil    manner 
 
 HOHAM 
 
 (Josh.  IX.  3-27).  The  main  botiy  of  the  Hi>ile8, 
 however,  were  at  this  time  living  on  the  noithem 
 confines  of  western  Palestine — "under  Ilermon,  in 
 the  land  of  Jlizp'h"  (.losh.  xi.  3 — "in  Mount 
 Lebanon,  from  Monnt  Baal-Hermon  to  the  enter- 
 ing in  of  Hamath"  (Judg.  iii.  3,  comp.  2  Sam. 
 xxiv.  7). 
 
 Hizki'ah,  an  ancestor  of  Zephaniah  the  prophet 
 
 (Zeph.  i.   1). 
 
 HizM'jah,  according  to  the  A.  V.  a  man  who 
 sealed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  17). 
 But  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  name  should  be 
 taken  with  that  preceding  it,  as  "  Ater-Hizkijah." 
 
 Ho'bab.  This  name  is  found  in  two  phice-s  only 
 (Num.  X.  29;  Judg.  iv.  11  ,  and  it  seems  doubtful 
 whether  it  denotes  the  father-in-law  of  Moses,  or 
 his  .son.  (1.)  In  favour  of  the  latter  are  (a.)  the 
 express  statement  that  Hobab  was  "  the  son  of 
 Riiguel "  (Num.  x.  29;;  Riguel  or  Reuel— the 
 Hebrew  word  in  both  cases  is  the  fame — being 
 identified  with  Jethro,  not  only  in  Ex.  ii.  18^(conip. 
 iii.  1,  &c.),  but  also  by  .losephus.  (6.)  The  tai-t 
 that  Ji'thro  had  some  time  previously  let't  the 
 Israelite  camp  to  retuiii  to  his  own  country  (Ex. 
 xviii.  27).  (2.)  In  favour  of  Hobab's  identity  wMh 
 Jethro  are  {a.)  the  words  of  Judg.  iv.  11  ;  but  it 
 should  be  remembered  that  this  is,  ostensildy,  of 
 later  date  than  the  other,  and  altogether  a  more 
 casual  statement.  (/>.)  Josephus  in  speaking  of 
 llaguel  remarks  that  he  "  had  lothor  (i.  e.  Jethro) 
 for  a  surname."  The  Mahometan  traditions  are 
 certainly  in  favour  of  the  identity  of  Hobab  with 
 Jethro.  But  whether  Hnbab  was  the  father-in-law 
 of  Jloses  or  not,  the  notice  of  him  in  Num.  x. 
 29-32,  though  biief,  is  full  of  point  and  interest. 
 While  Jethro  is  preserved  to  us  as  the  wise  and 
 practised  administrator,  Hobab  a]i|:e;»rs  as  the  ex- 
 perienced Bedouin  .sheikh,  to  whom  Mo.s<s  looketl 
 for  the  mateiial  safety  of  his  cumbrous  caravan  in 
 the  new  and  dilHcult  ground  before  them. 
 
 Ho'bah,  the  place  to  which  Abraham  pursued 
 the  kings  who  had  pillage<l  Sodom  (Gen.  xiv.  15). 
 It  was  situated  "  to  the  noith  of  Damascus."  The 
 .lews  of  Damascus  affirm  that  the  village  of  Jdiiar, 
 not  far  from  Burzeh,  is  the  Hobah  of  Sciipture. 
 
 Hod,  one  of  the  sons  of  Zophidi,  among  the 
 descendants  of  Asher  (1  Chr.  vii.  .37). 
 
 Hodai'ah,  son  of  Elioenai,  of  the  royal  line  of 
 Judali  I  1  Clir.  iii.  24). 
 
 Hodavi'ah.  1.  .\  man  of  Manasseh,  one  of  the 
 heads  of  the  half-tribe  on  the  ea.st  of  Jordan  (1  Chr. 
 V.  24  .^2.  A  man  of  Benjamin,  .son  of  Has->enuah 
 (I  Chr.  ix.  7;.— 3.  .^  I  evite,  who  se«-ms  to  have 
 given  his  name  to  an  imjKjrtant  timiily  in  the  tiilw 
 (Ezr.  ii.  40). 
 
 Ho'desh,  a  woman  named  in  the  genc.-dogies  of 
 Benjimin  (1  ("hi.  viii.  9)  as  the  wife  of  Shaharaim. 
 
 Ho'devah,  Neh.  vii.  43.     [IIodaviah,  3.] 
 
 Hodiah;  one  of  the  two  wives  of  Ezia.  a  man 
 of  Jiulaii  (I  Chr.  iv.  19).  She  is  doubtless  the 
 same  person  as  .lehudijah  in  verse  IM. 
 
 Hodi'jah.  1.  A  Levite  in  the  time  of  Ezni  and 
 .Nehen)i:ifi  (Neh.  viii.  7;  and  pi-oluibly  al>o  i.\.  5; 
 X.  lu). — 2.  Another  Levite  at  the  same  time  (Neh. 
 X.  1.1).— 3.  .■X  layman;  one  ot'  the  "heads"  ol 
 the  peo|)le  at  the  .siime  time  (Neh.  x.  18). 
 
 Hog  lab,  the  thiul  of  the  five  daughtei-s  of  Zelo- 
 pheliMil  (^Num.  xxvi.  33,  xxvii.  1,  xxxvi.  11,  .losh. 
 xvii.  .'i  . 
 
 Ho'ham,  king  of  Hebron  at  the  time  of  the  cim- 
 quest  of  Caiiiuui  (^Jush.  x.  3'. 
 
HOLM-TREE 
 
 Holm-Tree  occurs  only  in  the  apocryphal  stoiy 
 of  Susanna  (yer.  58).  The  passage  contains  a  cha- 
 racteristic play  on  the  names  of  the  two  trees  men- 
 tioned by  the  elders  in  their  evidence.  The  -rrptvos 
 of  Theophrastus  and  Dioscorides  denotes,  there  can 
 be  no  doubt,  the  Qnercus  coccifera.  The  Lat. 
 itex  was  applied  both  to  the  holm-oak  (Q.  ilex) 
 and  to  the  Kermes-oak  (Q.  coccifera). 
 
 Holofer'nes,  or,  more  correctly,  Olofernes, 
 wa-s,  accordinsj  to  the  book  of  Judith,  a  general  of 
 Kebuchadiiezzar,  king  of  the  Assyrians  (.lud.  li.  4), 
 who  was  slain  by  the  Jewibh  heroine  Judith  during 
 the  siege  of  Bethulia. 
 
 Ho'lon.  1.  A  town  in  the  mountains  of  Judah  ; 
 one  of  tlie  fiist  group,  of  which  Debii-  was  appa- 
 lently  the  most  considerable  (Josh.  xv.  51,  xxi.  15). 
 [HiLEN.]— 2.  A  city  of  Moab  (Jer.  xlviii.  21, 
 only).     No  identification  of  it  has  yet  taken  place. 
 
 Ho'mam,  the  form  under  which,  in  1  Chr.  i.  39, 
 an  Eilomite  name  appears,  which  in  Gen.  xxxn.  is 
 given  Hemam. 
 
 Homer.     [Measures.] 
 
 Honey.  The  Hebrew  debash,  in  the  first  place, 
 ap]ilies  to  the  product  of  the  bee,  to  which  we  ex- 
 clusively give  the  name  of  honey.  All  travelle]s 
 agiee  in  describing  Palestine  as  a  land  "flowing 
 with  milk  and  honey"  (Ex.  iii.  8);  bees  being 
 abundant  even  in  the  remote  parts  of  the  wilder- 
 ness, where  they  deposit  their  honey  in  the  crevices 
 of  the  rocks  or  in  hollow  trees.  In  some  parts  of 
 northern  Aiabia  the  hills  are  so  well  stocked  with 
 bees,  that  no  sooner  are  hives  ])Iaced  than  they  are 
 occupied.  In  the  second  place  the  term  dehash 
 applies  to  a  decoction  of  the  juice  of  the  grape,  which 
 is  still  called  dibs,  and  which  forms  an  article  of 
 commerce  in  the  East ;  it  was  this,  and  not  or- 
 dinary bee-honey,  which  Jacob  sent  to  Joseph  (Gen. 
 xliii.  11),  and  which  the  Tyrians  purchased  from 
 Palestine  (Ez.  xxvii.  17).  A  third  kind  has  been 
 described  by  some  writers  as  "  vegetable  "  honey, 
 by  which  is  meant  the  exudations  of  certain  trees 
 and  shrubs,  such  as  the  Tamarix  mannifera,  found 
 in  the  peninsula  of  Sinai,  or  the  stunted  oaks  of 
 Luristan  and  Mesopotamia.  The  honey,  which 
 Jonathan  ate  in  the  wood  (1  Sarn.  xiv.  25),  and 
 the  "  wild  honey,"  which  supported  St.  John 
 (Matt.  iii.  4),  have  been  referred  to  this  species. 
 But  it  was  probably  the  honey  of  the  wild  bees. 
 A  fourth  kind  is  described  by  Josephus,  as  being 
 manufactured  from  the  juice  of  the  date. 
 
 Hook,  Hooks.  Various  kinds  of  hooks  are 
 noticed  in  the  Bible,  of  which  the  following  are 
 the  most  important.  1.  Fishing-hooks,  (Am.  iv. 
 2;  Job  xli.  2;  Is.  xix.  8;  Hab.  i.  15).  2.  Pro- 
 perly a  rimj  (A.  V.  "  thorn,")  placed  through  the 
 mouth  of  a  large  fish  and  attached  by  a  cord  to  a 
 stake  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  it  alive  in  the 
 water  (Job  xli.  2);  the  word  meaning  the  cord  is 
 rendered  "hook"  in  the  A.  V.  3.  A  ring,  such 
 as  in  our  country  is  placed  through  the  nose  of  a 
 bull,  and  similarly  used  in  the  East  for  leading 
 about  hons  (Ez.  xix.  4,  wheie  the  A.  V.  has  "  with 
 chains"),  camels  and  other  animals.  A  similar 
 method  was  adopted  for  leading  pris-oners,  as  in  the 
 case  of  Manasseh,  who  was  led  with  rings  (2  Chr. 
 sxxiii.  11  ;  A.  V.  "in  the  thorns").  An  illustra- 
 tion of  this  practice  is  found  in  a  bas-relief  dis- 
 covered at  Khorsabad  (Layard,  ii.  376j.  4.  The 
 hooks  of  the  pillars  of  the  Tabernacle.  (Ex.  xxvi. 
 32,  37,  xxvii.  10  ff.,  xxxviii.  13  tf.)  5.  A  vine- 
 dresser's pruning-hook  (Is.  ii.  4,  xviii.  5 ;  Mic.  iv. 
 
 KOR,  MOUNT 
 
 331 
 
 3;  Joel  iii.  10).  6.  A  flesh-hook  foi  getting  up 
 the  joints  of  meat  out  of  the  boiling-pot  (Ex.  xxvii. 
 3;  1  Sam.  ii.  13-14).  7.  Probably  "hooks" 
 used  for  the  pui-pose  of  han^ring  up  animals  to  flay 
 them  (Ez.  xl.  43). 
 
 Hook.    (Layard'a  Nineveh.') 
 
 Hoph'ni  and  Phineas,  the  two  sons  of  Eli, 
 who  lulfiUed  their  hereditary  sacerdotal  duties  at 
 Shiloh.  Their  brutal  rapacity  and  lust,  which 
 sei^med  to  acquire  fresh  violence  with  their  father's 
 increiising  years  (I.Sam,  ii.  22,  12-17),  filled  the 
 people  with  disgust  and  indignation,  and  provoked 
 the  curse  which  was  denounced  against  their  f<ither's 
 house  first  by  an  unknown  prophet  (27-36),  and 
 then  by  Samuel  (1  Sam.  iii.  11-14).  They  were 
 both  cut  off  in  one  day  in  the  flower  of  their  age, 
 and  the  ark  which  they  had  accompanied  to  battle 
 against  the  Philistines  was  lost  on  the  same  occa- 
 sion (1  Sam.  iv.  10,  11). 
 
 Hor,  Mount,  1.  The  mountain  on  which  Aaron 
 died  (Num.  xx.  25,  27).  The  word  Hor  is  re- 
 garded by  the  lexicographers  as  an  archaic  form  of 
 Har,  the  usual  Hebrew  term  for  "  mountain." 
 The  few  facts  given  us  in  the  Bible  regarding 
 Mount  Hor  are  soon  told.  It  was  "  on  the  boundary 
 line"  (Num.  xx.  23)  or  "  at  the  edge"  (xxxiii.  37) 
 of  the  land  of  Edom.  It  was  the  halting-place 
 of  the  people  next  after  Kadesh  (xx.  22,  xxxiii.  37), 
 and  they  quitted  it  for  Zalmonah  (xxxiii.  41)  in 
 the  road  to  the  Red  Sea  (xxi.  4).  It  was  duiing 
 the  encampment  at  Kadesh  that  Aaron  was  gathered 
 to  his  fathers.  It  is  almost  unnecessary  to  st;ite 
 that  it  is  situated  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  great 
 valley  of  the  Aj-abah,  the  highest  and  most  con- 
 spicuous of  the  whole  range  of  the  sandstone 
 mountains  of  Edom,  having  close  beneath  it  on  its 
 eastern  side  the  mysterious  city  of  Petia.  The 
 tradition  has  existed  from  the  earliest  date.  It  is 
 now  the  Jehel  Nehi-Harun,  "the  mountain  of  the 
 Prophet  Aaron."  Of  the  geological  formation  of 
 Jlount  Hor  we  have  no  very  trustworthy  accounts. 
 The  general  structure  of  the  range  of  Edom,  ot 
 which  it  forms  the  most  prominent  feature,  is  new 
 red  sandstone,  displaying  istelf  to  an  enormous 
 thickness.  Mount  Hor  itself  is  said  to  be  entirely 
 sandstone,  in  verv  horizontal  strata.  Its  height, 
 according  to  the  latest  measurements,  is  4800  feet 
 (Eng.)  above  the  Jleditenanean,  that  is  to  say  about 
 170U  feet  above  the  town  of  Petra,  4000  above  the 
 level  of  the  Aiabah,  and  more  than  6000  above 
 the  Dead  Sea.  The  mountain  is  marked  far  and 
 near  by  its  double  top,  which  rises  like  a  huge 
 castellated  building  fiom  a  lower  base,  and  is  sur- 
 mounted by  a  circular  dome  of  the  tomb  of  Aaron, 
 a  distinct  white  spot  on  the  dark  red  surface  of 
 the  mountain.  The  impression  received  on  the 
 spot  is  that  Aaron's  death  took  place  in  the  small 
 basin  between  the  two  peaks,  and  that  the  people 
 were  stationed  either  on  the  plain  at  the  base  of  the 
 peaks,  or  at  that  part  of  the  Wtulij  Abu-Kusheybeli 
 from  which  the  top  is  commanded.  The  chief  in- 
 terest of  Mount  Hor  will  always  consist  in  the 
 prospect  from  its  summit — the  last  view  of  Aaron 
 — that  view  which  was  to  liim  what  Pisgah  was  to 
 
3.'?2 
 
 HORAM 
 
 his  brother.— 2.  A  mouMtaiii,  entirely  distinct  frnm 
 tlie  preceiiiiig,  named  in  Num.  xx.xiv.  7,  ti,  only, 
 as  one  of  the  marks  of  the  northern  hoiindary  ot" 
 the  land  which  the  children  of  Isniel  were  about  to 
 conquer.  The  identification  of  this  mountain  has 
 always  been  one  of  the  puzzles  of  Sacred  (Geography. 
 The  Mediterranean  was  the  western  boundary.  The 
 northern  boundary  ^t;lI■ted  from  the  sea ;  the  first 
 |)oint  m   it  was   Mount  Hor,  and  the  second  the 
 
 HORN 
 
 entrance  of  Ilaniath.  The  entrance  of  Ifamath 
 seems  to  have  bciMi  <ietermined  by  Mr.  Poiter  as 
 the  pass  at  Kfiktt  el-f/usn,  close  to  If  urns,  the  an- 
 cient Hamath — at  tiie  other  end  of  the  range  ol 
 Lebanon.  Surely  "  Mount  Hor  "  I'^en  oui  be 
 nothing  else  than  the  gre-at  chain  of  Lebanon  itself. 
 It  is  so  clearly  the  natural  northern  boundary  of 
 the  country,  that  there  seems  no  reason  to  doubt 
 that  the  wliole  range  is  intended  by  the  tenn  Hor. 
 
 Ho 'ram,  king  of  Gezkr  at  the  time  of  the  con- 
 quest of  tlie  .south-westerp.  part  of  Palestine  (Josh. 
 
 Ho'reb.  Ex.  lii.  1,  xvii.  6,  xxxiii.  6  ;  Deut.  1. 
 2,  ti,  lit,  iv.  10,  1."),  V.  2,  ix.  8,  xviii.  16.  xxix.  1  ; 
 1  K.  viii.  9,  xix.  8;  2  Chr.  v.  U) ;  Ps.  cvi.  19; 
 Mai.  iv.  4;   Hcclus.  xlviii.  7.     [SiNAi.] 
 
 Ho'rem,  one  of  the  fortified  places  in  the  terri- 
 toiy  of  Naphfcili  ;  named  with  Iron  and  Migdal-el 
 (.losh.  xix.  38).  Van  de  Velde  suggests  Ilurah  as 
 the  site  of  Horeni. 
 
 Hor  Hagid'gad,  the  name  of  a  desert  station 
 wheie  the  Isiaclites  encamped  (Num.  xxxiii.  32), 
 ])roijably  the  same  as  (iudgodah  (Deut.  x.  7 ).  On 
 the  west  side  of  the  Arabah  Ifobinson  ha.s  a  Wady 
 G/iiiildi/hiilh,  which  may  bi-ar  the  same  meaning ; 
 but  as  that  meaning  miglit  be  jx-rhaps  applied  to  a 
 great  number  of  localities,  it  wouIU  be  dangerous  to 
 infer  identity. 
 
 Ho'ri.  1.  A  IForite,  son  of  Lotan,  the  .son  of 
 Seir  >(icn.  xxxvi.  22;  I  Ciir.  i.  89;.— 2.  In  (ien. 
 xxxvi.  30,  the  name  has  in  the  oiiginal  the  delinite 
 article  prefixed  "the  llorite;"  and  is  in  flirt  jiie- 
 cisely  the  sjiine  won!  with  that  which  in  the  ))re- 
 ceiling  verse,  and  also  in  21,  is  rendered  in  the 
 A.  V.  "the  Horites."— -3,  A  man  of  Simeon; 
 tiither  of  Shaphat  (Num.  xiii.  .')). 
 
 Ho'rites  and  Ho'rims,  the  aboriginal  inhal>itants 
 of  Mount  .Sir  {Cm.  XIV.  t>i,  and  probalily  allied 
 to  the  ijninis  and  Kephaims.  The  name  I/„rite 
 appears  to  have  bwn  derived  from  tlieir  habits  ns 
 "cave-dwellers."  'I'heir  excnvatwl  ilwellings  aie 
 still  found  in  huiidrc<ls  in  tlie  sandstone  clilis  and 
 Oiountain.s  of  Kiloni,  and  especially  in  IVtra. 
 
 Hor'mah,  or  Zi-pliath,  (.Imlg.  i.  17;,  was  the 
 chief  town  of  n  king  ol"  a  Caiiiuuiitish  tribe  un  tlie 
 
 Laborxle.) 
 
 south  .^f  Palestine,  which  was  reduced  by  Jos'itia, 
 and  becjime  a  city  of  the  territory  of  Jiulah  xv. 
 30;  1  Sam.  xxx.  30),  but  apparently  belongeti  to 
 Simeon  (1  Chr.  iv.  30). 
 
 Horn.  I.  LiTicHAL.  (.losh.  vi.  4,  ."> ;  comp. 
 Kx.  xix.  l;5;  1  Sam.  xvi.  1,  1.3*  1  K.  i.  39;  .I..I. 
 xlii.  14.) — Two  purposes  are  mentioned  in  the 
 ."^criptuie-s  to  which  the  horn  .seems  to  have  l)een 
 applied.  Trnmj>ets  were  proKably  at  lii-st  merely 
 horns  jH>rforated  at  the  tip,  such  as  are  still  used 
 upon  mountain-farms  for  calling  home  the  la- 
 bourers at  meal-time.  The  word  fmni  is  also 
 applied  to  a  Mask,  or  ve.ssel  made  of  horn,  con- 
 taining oil  (1  Sam.  xvi.  1,  13;  I  K.  i.  39),  or 
 used  as  a  kind  of  toilet-bottle,  filled  with  the  prt»- 
 paiation  of  antimony  with  which  women  tinged 
 their  eye-lashes.— II.  .MirrAi'iiOPaCAi..  1.  Fmin 
 similiirUi/  I  if  form. — To  this  use  belongs  the  appli- 
 citioii  of  the  woril  hoiti  to  a  trumpet  of  metal,  its 
 already  mentioned.  The  horns  of  the  altar  (Kx. 
 Kxvii.  2;  are  not  snp]>osed  to  have  Wn  nvid(  ot 
 horn,  but  to  have  been  metallic  projections  from 
 the  lour  corneis.  The  pciik  or  smnmit  of  a  hill 
 was  calle<l  a  horn  (Is.  v.  1  ).  2.  From  simitariti/ 
 of  pisition  (inil  use. — Two  princip-il  applications  of 
 (his  meta]>lior  will  be  found — strciii/th  and  honour. 
 Of  stniii/th  the  horn  of  the  unicorn  was  the  most 
 tVeiiuent  rei>iesent.ative  (Deut.  xxxiii.  17,  &c.),  but 
 not  always;  conip.  1  K.  xxii.  1  1 ,  where  proliably 
 horns  of  iron,  worn  defiantly  and  syinliolicallv  on 
 the  head,  aie  inten<l<Hl.  Among  the  Dru.ses  u|Kin 
 Mount  LeKuioii  the  marne<l  wonien  we;u'  silver 
 horns  on  their  heads.  In  the  .sense  of  honour,  the 
 word  horn  stands  for  the  ultstrait  (m;/  horn,  .lob 
 xvi.  I.'i;  all  the  horns  of  fsnivl.  Lain.  ii.  3),  and 
 .V)  for  the  supreme  authority.    It  also  stands  liir  tlip 
 
HORNET 
 
 concrete,  wlience  it  comes  to  inerin  hitifi,  kingdom 
 (Dan.  viii.  2,  &c.  ;  Zech.  i.  18).  Out  of  either  or 
 both  of  these  two  bist  metaphors  sprang  the  idea  of 
 representing  gods  with  horns. 
 
 HORSE 
 
 333 
 
 Heads  of  modem  Asiatics  ornamented  w  ith  horus. 
 
 Hornet.  'I'hat  the  Hebrew  word  tzir'dh  de- 
 scribes the  hornet,  may  be  taken  for  granted  on  the 
 almost  unanimous  authority  of  the  ancient  ver- 
 sions. Not  only  were  bees  exceedingly  numerous 
 in  Palestine,  but  from  the  name  Zoreah  (Josh.  xv. 
 33)  we  may  infer  that  hornets  in  particular  in- 
 fested some  parts  of  the  country.  In  Scripture  the 
 hornet  is  referred  to  only  as  the  means  which 
 Jehovah  employed  for  the  extirpation  of  the 
 Canaanites  (Ex.  xxiii.  28  ;  Deut.  vii.  20 ;  Josh, 
 xxiv.  12  ;  Wisd.  xii.  8).  Some  comment;itors 
 regard  the  word  as  used  in  its  literal  sense,  but  it 
 more  probably  expresses  under  a  vivid  image  the 
 consternation  with  which  Jehovah  would  inspire 
 the  enemies  of  the  Israelites,  as  declared  in  Deut. 
 ii.  25,  Josh.  ii.  11. 
 
 Horona'im,  a  town  of  l\loab,  possibly  a  sanc- 
 tuary, named  with  Zoar  and  Luhith  (Is.  xv.  5; 
 Jer.  xlviii.  3,  5,  3-t).  No  clue  is  afforded  to  its 
 position,  either  by  the  notices  of  the  Bible  or  by 
 mention  in  other  works.  It  seems  to  have  been 
 on  an  eminence,  and  approached  bj  a  road  which 
 is  styled  the  "  way  "  (Is.  xv.  5),  or  the  "descent  " 
 (Jer,  xlviii.  5). 
 
 Hor'onite,  the,  the  designation  of  Sanballat 
 (Neh.  ii.  10,  19  ;  xiii.  28).  It  is  derived  by  Ge- 
 senius  iiom  Horonaim. 
 
 Horse.  The  most  striking  feature  in  the  Bib- 
 lical notices  of  the  horse  is  the  exclusive  application 
 of  it  to  warlike  operations  ;  in  no  instance  is  that 
 useful  animal  employed  for  the  purposes  of  ordinary 
 locomotion  or  agriculture,  if  we  except  Is.  xxviii. 
 28,  where  we  learn  that  horses  (A.  V.  "  horse- 
 men" )  were  emplo3'ed  in  threshing,  not,  however, 
 in  that  case  put  in  the  gears,  but  simply  driven 
 about  wildly  over  the  strewed  grain.  This  remark 
 will  be  found  to  be  borne  out  by  the  historical  pas- 
 sages hereafter  quoted ;  but  it  is  equally  striking 
 in  the  poetical  parts  of  Scripture.  The  animated 
 description  of  the  horse  in  Job  xxxix.  19-25  applies 
 solely  to  the  war-horse.  The  terms  under  which 
 the  horse  is  described  in  the  Hebrew  language  are 
 usually  sus  and  pdrdsh.  There  is  a  marked  dis- 
 tinction between  the  sus  and  the  pdrdsh ;  the 
 former  were  horses  for  driving  in  the  war  chariot, 
 of  a  heavy  build,  the  latter  were  for  riding,  and 
 yaiticularly  for  cavalry.      This  distinction  is  not 
 
 observed  in  the  A.  V.  from  the  circumstance  that 
 pdrdsh  also  signifies  horseman  ;  the  correct  sense  is 
 essential  in  the  following  passages — 1  K.  iv.  20, 
 "forty  thousand  chariot-hovscs  and  twelve  thou- 
 sand cavalry-horses;"  Ez.  xxvii.  14,  "diiving- 
 horses  and  riding-horses ;  "  Joel  ii.  4,  "  as  ridino-- 
 horses,  so  shall  they  run  :  "  and  Is.  xxi.  7,  "  a  train 
 of  hoi-ses  in  couples."  In  addition  to  these  terms 
 we  have  recesh  to  describe  a  swift  horse,  used  for 
 the  royal  post  (Esth.  viii.  10,  14)  and  similar  pur- 
 poses (1  K.  iv.  28;  A.  V.  "dromedary"  as  also 
 in  Esth.)  or  for  a  rapid  journey  (Mic.  i.  13)  ; 
 rainiiidc,  used  once  for  a  mare  (Esth.  viii.  10)  ; 
 and  susdh  in  Cant.  i.  9,  where  it  is  regarded  in  the 
 A.  v.  as  a  collective  term,  "  company  of  horsv.s;" 
 it  rather  means,  according  to  the  received  punctua- 
 tion, "my  mare,"  but  still  better,  by  a  slight  alte- 
 ration in  the  punctuation,  "mares."  The  Hebrews 
 in  the  patriarchal  age,  as  a  pastoral  race,  did  not 
 stand  in  need  of  the  services  of  the  horse,  and  for  a 
 long  period  after  their  settlement  in  Canaan  they 
 dispensed  with  it,  partly  in  consequence  of  the 
 hilly  nature  of  the  country,  which  only  admitted 
 of  the  use  of  chariots  in  certain  localities  (Judg.  i. 
 19),  and  partly  in  consequence  of  the  pi'ohibition 
 in  Deut.  xvii.  16,  which  would  be  held  to  apply 
 at  all  periods.  David  first  established  a  force  of 
 cavalry  and  chariots  after  the  defeat  of  Hadadezer 
 (2  Sam.  viii.  4).  But  the  great  supply  of  horses 
 was  subsequently  effected  by  Solomon  thi'ough  his 
 connexion  with  Egypt  (1  K.  iv.  21)).  Solomon 
 also  established  a  very  active  trade  in  horses,  which 
 
 Trappings  of  Assyrian  horse.     (Layard.) 
 
 were  brought  by  dealers  out  of  Egypt  and  resold  at 
 a  profit  to  the  Hittites,  who  lived  between  Pales- 
 tine and  the  Euphrates  (1  K,  x,  28,  29).  In  the 
 countries  adjacent  to  Palestine,  the  use  of  the  horse 
 was  much  more  fiequent.  It  was  introduced  into 
 Egypt  probably  by  the  Hyksos,  as  it  is  not  repre- 
 sented on  the  monuments  before  the  18th  dynasty. 
 The  Jewish  kings  sought  the  assistance  of  the 
 Egyptians  against  the  Assyrians  in  this  respect  '  Is, 
 xxxi.  1,  xxxvi.  8  ;  Ez.  xvii.  15).  But  the  cavaliy 
 of  the  Assyrians  and  other  eastern  nations  was  re- 
 garded as  most  foiTOidable;  the  horses  themselves 
 were  highly  bred,  as  the  Assyrian  sculptures  still 
 testify,  and  fully  merited  the  praise  bestowed  on 
 them  by  Habakkuk  (i.  8).  With  regard  to  the 
 trappings  and  management  of  the  horse  we  have 
 little  information;  the  biidle  was  placed  over  the 
 
334 
 
 HORSELEACH 
 
 hoi-se's  nose  (Is.  xxx.  28),  ami  a  bit  or  niib  is  also 
 mentioned  (2  K.  xix.  28 ;  Ps.  xxxii.  9  ;  Prov.  xxvi.  3  ; 
 Is.  x.xxvii.  29  ;  in  the  A.  V.  it  is  incorrectly  given 
 "  bridle,"  with  the  exception  of  Ps.  xxxii.).  The 
 harness  of  the  Assyrian  hoises  was  proi'nselv  deco- 
 rated, the  bits  being  gilt  (I  Esdr.  iii.  G),  and  the 
 bridles  adorned  with  tassels;  on  the  neck  was  a 
 collar  terminating  in  a  bell,  as  deseribiHl  by  Zecha- 
 riah  (xiv.  20).  Saddles  were  not  nsed  until  a  late 
 jjeriod.  The  horses  were  not  shod,  and  therefore 
 iioiifs  as  haid  "as  Hint"  (Is.  v.  28)  were  regarded 
 as  a  great  merit.  The  chariot-horses  were  covered 
 with  embroidered  tra['pings  (Ez.  xxvii.  20).  Horses 
 and  chariots  were  used  also  in  idolatrous  ])ioces- 
 sions,  iis  noticed  in  regard  to  the  sun  (2  K.  xxiii. 
 11). 
 
 Horseleach  (Heb.  'alukdh)  occurs  once  only, 
 viz.  Prov.  XXX.  15.  There  is  little  if  any  doubt 
 that  'aliihah  denotes  some  sj)ecies  of  leech,  or  rather 
 is  the  generic  term  for  any  bloodsucking  annelid, 
 such  as  Ifinido  (the  medicinal  leech),  Ifaeimipis 
 (the  horseleech),  Liinnalis,  Trochetia,  and  Aida- 
 sloma,  if  all  these  genera  are  found  iu  the  marshes 
 .ind  fKiols  of  the  Bible-lands.  The  bloodsucking 
 leeches,  such  as  Hiriido  and  Haemoph,  weie  with- 
 out a  iloubt  known  to  the  ancient  Hebrews,  and  as 
 tiie  leech  has  been  for  ages  the  emblem  of  ra])acity 
 and  cruelty,  there  is  no  reason  to  question  that  this 
 annelid  is  denoted  by  diuhah.  The  Arabs  to  this 
 day  denominate  the  Lininntis  Nilotica,  'alah.  As 
 to  the  expression  "  two  daughters  "  it  is  figurative, 
 and  is  iutended  to  denote  its  bloodthirsty  proijcn- 
 sity. 
 
 Ho'sah,  a  city  of  Asher  (Josh.  xix.  29),  the  next 
 landmark  on  the  bound;uy  to  Tyie. 
 
 Ho'sah,  a  Meinrite  Levite  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  10), 
 chosen  by  David  to  be  one  of  the  first  door- 
 keepers to  the  ark  after  its  airival  in  Jerusalem 
 (1  Chr.  xxvi.  88). 
 
 Hosan'na  ("  Save,  we  pray  "),the  cry  of  the  mul- 
 titudes as  they  thioiiged  ni  our  Lord's  triumphal  pro- 
 cession into  .Ierus:\lcni  (Matt.  xxi.  9,  15  ;  JIar.  xi.  9, 
 10;  John  xii.  \'-'i).  The  P.-alm  from  which  it  was 
 taken,  the  118tli,  was  one  with  which  they  were 
 familiar  from  being  accustomed  to  recite  the  25th 
 and  2(3th  \erses  at  the  Feast  of  'i'abernjicles.  On 
 that  ocwision  the  ILtllcl,  consisting  of  Psalms  cxiii. 
 -cxviii.,  was  chanted  by  one  of  the  priests,  and  at 
 certain  intervals  the  multitudes  joined  in  the  re- 
 S|)onses,  waving  their  blanches  of  willow  and  palm, 
 and  shouting  as  they  waved  them  Hallelujah,  or 
 Hosanna,  or  "  0  Lord,  I  beseech  thee,  send  now 
 prosperity ''  (Ps.  cxviii.  25).  On  each  of  the 
 seven  days  dining  which  the  feast  laste<I  the  people 
 thronged  in  the  court  of  the  Temple,  and  went  iu 
 procession  about  the  altar,  setting  their  boughs 
 bending  towards  it ;  the  trumpets  sounding  as  they 
 shouted  Hosanna.  It  was  not  uncommon  for  the 
 Jews  in  later  times  to  employ  the  observaiK-es  of" 
 this  feast,  which  was  pre-eminently  a  feast  of  glad- 
 ness, to  express  their  feelings  on  other  occasions  of 
 rejoicing  (  1  ,Ma(x'.  xiii.  51  ;  2  Mace.  x.  0,  7). 
 
 Hose'a,  son  of  l'>eeri,  and  first  of  the  Minor  Pro- 
 phets, as  they  appear  in  the  A.  V.  2'imc. — This 
 (luestioii  must  be  settled,  as  far  as  it  can  be  settle<l, 
 partly  by  relisrence  to  the  title,  partly  by  an  inquiry 
 into  the  contents  of  the  l)ook.  For  the  beginning 
 of  Hoseii's  ministry  the  title  give.s  us  the  reign  of 
 U/.ziah,  king  of  Jiiilah,  but  limits  this  vague  de- 
 finition by  referenie  to  Jeroboam  II.  king  of  Israel  ; 
 it  therefore  yields  a  date  not   later  than  n.C.  783. 
 
 HOSHEA 
 
 The  pictures  of  so<-i;d  anil  political  life  which 
 Hosea  draws  so  Ibjcib'.j  are  rather  a]iplicable  to 
 the  interregnum  which  followed  the  diath  of  .lero- 
 boam  (782-772),  and  to  the  reign  of  the  succcedine 
 kings.  It  seems  almost  certain  that  veiv  few 
 of  his  prophecies  were  written  until  alter  the 
 death  of  Jeroboam  (783),  and  probably  the  life,  or 
 rather  the  propnetic  career  of  Hosea,  extended  from 
 784  to  725.  i.  ]>eriod  of  fifty-nine  years.— P/aw. 
 — There  seems  io  be  a  geiieial  consent  among 
 commentators  fli;)t  the  prophecies  of  Hosea  were 
 delivered  in  the  kingdom  of  Israel.— /"n^e  and 
 Parentage. — Tribe  quite  unknown.  The  Pseudo- 
 Kpiphanius,  it  is  iiucei  tain  upon  what  giound,  as- 
 signs Hosea  to  the  tribe  of  Issachar.  Of  his  father 
 Beeri  we  know  absolutely  nothing.— 0/'(/(r  »>»  the 
 Prophetic  series. — Most  ancient  and  mediaval  in- 
 terpreters make  Hosea  the  first  of  the  piojihets. 
 But  by  moderns  he  is  generally  assigned  the  third 
 place.  It  is  jierhaps  more  impoi  taut  to  know  that 
 Hosea  must  have  been  more  or  less  contemj)oiary 
 with  Isaiah,  Amos,  Jonah,  Joel,  and  Nahum.— 
 I>iiision  of  the  Pooh. — It  is  easy  to  recognise  two 
 great  divisions,  which,  accordingly,  have  been  gener- 
 ally a<lopted  :  (1.)  chap.  i.  to  iii.;  (2.)  iv.  to  end. 
 The  subdivision  of  these  several  parts  is  a  work  of 
 greater  dilliculty:  that  of  Kichhorn  will  be  found 
 to  be  based  ujwn  a  highly  subtle,  though  by  no 
 means  precarious  criticism.  (1.)  According  to  him 
 the  first  division  should  be  subdivided  into  three 
 separate  poems,  each  originating  in  a  distinct  aim, 
 and  eai;h  after  its  own  fashion  attempting  to 
 express  the  idolatry  of  Israel  by  imagery  borrowed 
 from  the  matrimonial  relation.  The  first,  and 
 therefore  the  least  elaborate  of  these,  is  containetl  in 
 chap,  iii.,  the  second  in  i.  2-11,  the  third  in  i.  2-9, 
 and  ii.  1-23.  These  three  are  progressively  elabo- 
 i-ate  developments  of  the  same  reitoratetl  idea. 
 Chap.  i.  2-9  is  common  to  the  second  and  thiid 
 poems,  but  not  repeateii  with  each  severally  (iv. 
 273  ff.).  (2.)  Attenij.ts  have  been  made  by  Wells, 
 Kichhorn,  &c.,  to  subdivide  the  second  jiart  of  the 
 book.  These  divisions  are  made  either  according 
 to  reigns  of  contemiHirary  kings,  or  according  to 
 the  subject-matter  of  the  )>oem.  The  former 
 couree  has  been  ado])ted  by  Wells,  who  gets  fve, 
 the  latter  by  ICichhorn,  who  gets  sixtcaijpovm'i  out 
 of  this  jiart  of  the  book.  These  prophecies  were 
 piobablv  collected  by  Hosea  himself  towai'ds  the 
 end  of  his  career. 
 
 Hoshai'ah.  1.  A  man  who  assisted  in  the 
 dediciition  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  after  it  had 
 been  rebuilt  by  Nehemiah  (Neh.  xii.  32).— 2.  The 
 father  of  a  certain  Jezaniah,  or  Azariah,  who  was  a 
 man  of  note  after  the  destruction  of  Jerusjilem  by 
 Nebuchadnezzar  (Jer.  xlii.  1,  xliii.  2). 
 
 Hosh'ama,  one  of  the  sons  of  Jeconiah,  or  .le- 
 hoiachin,  the  hist  king  of  Judah  but  one  (1  Chr.  iii. 
 18i. 
 
 Hoshe'a,  the  nineteenth,  last,  and  best  king  of 
 Israel.  He  succeeded  Pckah,  whom  he  slew  in  a 
 successful  conspiracy,  thereby  fulfilluig  a  pio|>li('cy 
 of  Isaiah  (Is.  vii.  1(3).  Although  Joscpliiks  calls 
 Hoshea  a //■»■<•  ji(/ of  Pekah,  we  have  no  giound  for 
 cilling  this  a  treacherous  murder.  It  took  place 
 n.C.  737,  in  the  20th  year  of  .lotham  (2  K.  iv. 
 30),  I.  e.,  "  in  the  20th  year  after  Jotham  bocanie 
 sole  kin;;,"  for  he  only  reignetl  It!  years  (2  K.  xv. 
 33).  I'.ut  there  must  have  been  an  interregnum  of 
 at  least  eight  yeai-s  befii|-e  Hosliea  came  to  thu 
 throne,  which  was  not  till  ii.C.  729,  in   the   12lh 
 
HOSHEA 
 
 year  of  Ahaz  (2  K.  xvii.  1).  It  is  expiessly  stated 
 (2  Iv.  xvii.  2)  that  Hoshea  was  uot  so  sinful  as  his 
 predecessors.  In  the  tliird  year  of  his  reign  (n.C. 
 726)  Sluilnianeser  cruelly  stormed  the  strong  caves 
 of  Beth-arbel  (Hos.  8.  14),  and  made  Israel  tri- 
 butary (2  K.  xvii.  3)  for  throe  years.  At  the  end 
 of  this  period,  encouraged  perhaps  by  the  revolt  of 
 Hezekiah,  Hoshea  entered  into  a  secret  alliance 
 with  fi^o,  king  of  Egypt,  to  throw  off  the  Assyrian 
 yoke.  The  alliance  did  him  no  good  ;  it  was  re- 
 vealed to  the  court  of  Nineveh  by  the  Assyrian 
 party  in  Ephraim,  and  Hoshea  was  immediately 
 seized  as  a  rebellious  vassal,  shut  up  in  prison,  and 
 ajiparently  treated  with  the  utmost  indignity  (Mic. 
 V.  1).  0(  the  subsequent  fortunes  of  Hoshea  we 
 know  nothing. 
 
 Hoshe'a.  1.  The  son  of  Nun,  i.  e.,  Joshua 
 (Dout.  xxxii.  44  ;  and  also  in  Num.  xiii.  8,  though 
 there  the  A.  V.  has  Osiiea).— 2.  Son  of  .Azaziah 
 (1  Clir.  xxvii.  20)  ;  like  his  great  namesake,  a  man 
 of  Kpliraim,  ruler  of  his  tribe  in  the  time  of  king 
 Havid.— 3.  One  of  the  heads  of  the  people,  who 
 sealed  tho  covenant  with  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  23). 
 
 Hospitality.  Hospitality  was  regarded  by  most 
 nations  of  the  ancient  world  as  one  of  the  chief  vir- 
 tues, and  especially  by  peoples  of  the  Shemitic  stock  ; 
 but  that  it  was  not  characteristic  of  these  alone 
 is  amply  shown  by  the  usages  of  the  Gieeks  and 
 even  the  Romans.  Among  the  Aiabs  we  find  the 
 best  illustrations  of  the  old  Bible  narratives,  and 
 among  them  see  traits  that  might  beseem  their 
 ancestor  Abraham.  The  laws  respecting  strangers 
 (Lev.  xix.  33,  34)  and  the  poor  (Lev.  xxv.  14 
 seq. ;  Deut.  xv.  7),  and  concerning  redemption 
 (Lev.  xxv.  23  seqq.),  &c.,  are  framed  in  accordance 
 with  the  spirit  of  hospitality ;  and  the  strength  of 
 the  national  feeling  regarding  it  is  shown  in  the 
 incidental  mentions  of  its  practice,  in  the  Law, 
 compassion  to  stiangers  is  constantly  enforced  by 
 the  words,  "  for  ye  were  strangers  in  the  land  of 
 Egypt"  (Lev.  xix.  34).  And  before  the  Law, 
 Abraham's  entei fcnnment  of  the  angels  (Gen.  xviii. 
 1  seqq.),  and  Lot's  (xix.  1),  are  in  exact  agreement 
 with  its  precept*,  and  with  modern  usage  (comp. 
 Ex.  ii.  20;  Judg.  xiii.  15,  xix.  17,  20,  21).  in 
 the  N.  T.  hospitality  is  yet  moi-e  markedly  en- 
 joined;  and  in  the  more  civilised  state  of  society 
 which  then  prevailed,  its  exercise  became  more  a 
 social  virtue  than  a  necessity  of  patriarchal  life. 
 The  good  Samaiitan  stands  for  all  ages  as  an 
 example  of  Christian  hospitality,  embodying  the 
 command  to  love  one's  neighbour  as  himself.  The 
 neglect  of  Christ  is  symbolised  by  inhospitality  to 
 our  neighbours  (JIatt.  xxv.  43).  The  Apostles 
 uiged  the  church  to  "  follow  after  hospitality " 
 (Rom.  xii.  13;  cf.  1  Tim.  v.  10);  to  remember 
 Abraham's  example  (Heb.  .xiii.  2)  ;  to  "  use  hospi- 
 tality one  to  another  without  grudging"  (1  Pet. 
 iv.  9) ;  while  a  bishop  must  be  a  "lover  of  hos- 
 pitality "  (Tit.  i.  8,  cf.  1  Tim.  iii.  2).  The  prac- 
 tice of  the  early  Cliristians  was  in  accord  with 
 these  precepts.  They  had  all  things  in  common, 
 and  their  hospitality  w;is  a  characteristic  of  their 
 belief.  Such  having  been  the  usage  of  Biblical 
 times,  it  is  in  the  next  place  important  to  remark 
 how  hospitality  was  shown.  In  the  patriarchal 
 ages  we  may  take  Abiaham's  example  as  the  most 
 fitting,  as  we  have  of  it  the  fullest  account. 
 ■'  Hospitality,"  says  Mr.  Lane,  "  is  a  virtue  for 
 which  the  natives  of  the  East  in  general  aie  highly 
 and  deservedly  admired  ;  and  the  people  of  Egypt 
 
 HOUSE 
 
 •331 
 
 are  well  entitled  to  commendation  on  this  accoimt. 
 .  .  .  There  are  very  few  persons  here  who 
 would  think  of  sitting  down  to  a  meal,  if  there  was 
 a  stranger  in  the  house,  without  inviting  him  to 
 partake  of  it,  unless  the  latter  were  a  menial,  in 
 which  case  he  would  be  invited  to  eat  with  the 
 servants.  .  .  .  The  account  of  Abraham's 
 entertaining  the  three  angels,  related  in  the  Bible, 
 presents  a  perfect  picture  of  the  manner  in  which  a 
 modern  15edawee  sheykh  receives  travellers  arriving 
 at  his  encampment.  He  immediately  orders  his 
 wife  or  women  to  make  bread,  slaughters  a  sheep 
 or  some  other  animal,  and  dresses  it  in  haste,  and 
 bi'inging  milk  and  any  other  provisions  that  he 
 may  have  ready  at  hand,  with  the  bread  and  the 
 meat  which  he  has  diessed,  sets  them  before  his 
 guests.  If  these  be  persons  of  high  rank,  he  stands 
 by  them  while  they  eat,  as  Abraham  did  in  the  case 
 above  alluded  to.  Most  Bedawees  will  sutier 
 almost  any  injury  to  themselves  or  their  families 
 rather  than  allow  their  guests  to  be  ill-treated 
 while  under  their  protection."  The  Oriental 
 respect  for  the  covenant  of  bread  and  salt,  or  salt 
 alone,  certainly  sprang  from  the  high  regai'd  iu 
 which  hospitality  was  held. 
 
 Ho'tham,  a  man  of  Asher ;  son  of  Heber,  of 
 the  tiimily  of  Beriah  (1  Chr.  vii.  32). 
 
 Ho'th.an,  a  man  of  Aroer,  father  of  Shama  and 
 Jehiel  (1  Chr.  xi.  44). 
 
 Ho'tliir,  the  13th  son  of  Hem  an,  "  the  king's 
 seer"  (1  Chr.  xxv.  4,  28),  and  therefore  a  Koha- 
 thite  Levite. 
 
 Hoar.  The  ancient  Hebrews  were  probably  un- 
 acquainted with  the  division  of  the  natural  day 
 into  24  parts.  The  general  distinctions  of  "  morn- 
 ing, evening,  and  noonday  "  (Ps.  Iv.  17)  were  suffi- 
 cient for  them  at  fiist,  as  they  were  for  the  early 
 Greeks  ;  afterwards  the  Hebrews  parcelled  out  the 
 period  between  sunrise  and  sunset  into  a  series  of 
 minute  divisions  distinguished  by  the  sun's  course. 
 The  early  Jews  appear  to  have  divided  the  day 
 into  four  parts  (Neh.  ix.  3);  and  the  night  into 
 three  watches  (Judg.  vii.  19),  and  even  in  the 
 N.  T.  we  find  a  trace  of  this  division  in  Matt.  xx. 
 1-5.  The  Greeks  adopted  the  division  of  the  day 
 into  12  hours  from  the  Babylonians.  At  what 
 period  the  Jews  became  first  acquainted  with  this 
 way  of  reckoning  time  is  unknown,  but  it  is  gene- 
 rally supposed  that  they  too  learnt  it  from  the 
 Babylonians  during  the  captivity.  In  whatever 
 way  originated,  it  was  known  to  the  lilgyptians  at  a 
 very  early  period.  They  had  12  hours  of  the  Jay 
 and  of  the  night.  There  are  two  kinds  of  hours, 
 viz.  (1.)  the  astronomical  or  equinoctial  hour,  j.  e., 
 the  24th  part  of  a  civil  day,  and  (2.)  the  natural 
 hour,  i.e.,  the  12th  part  of  the  natural  day,  or  of 
 the  time  between  sunrise  and  sunset.  These  are 
 the  hours  meant  in  the  N.  T.,  Josephus,  and  the 
 Piabbis  (John  xi,  9,  &c.),  and  it  must  be  remem- 
 bered that  they  perpetually  vary  in  length,  so  as  to 
 be  very  different  at  ditferent  times  of  the  year. 
 What  horologic  contrivances  the  Jews  possessed  in 
 the  time  of  our  Lord  is  uncertain;  but  we  may 
 safely  suppose  that  they  had  gnomons,  dials,  and 
 clepsydrjE,  all  of  which  had  long  been  known  to 
 the  Persians  and  other  nations  with  whom  they 
 had  come  in  contact.  For  the  puiposes  of  prayer 
 the  old  division  of  the  day  into  4  portions  was  con- 
 tinued in  the  Tfemple  service,  as  we  see  from  Acts 
 ii.  15,  iii.  1,  x.  9. 
 
 House,  a  dwelling  in  general,  whether  literally, 
 
B36 
 
 HOUSE 
 
 Hs  house,  tent,  palace,  citailel,  tomlj;  denvativply  a.- 
 tiibernacle,  temple,  heaven  ;  or  metjtphoriailly  as 
 family.  Although  in  Oiieiital  language,  every  tent 
 may  be  regaideU  as  a  house,  yet  the  distinction 
 between  the  permanent  dwelling-house  and  the 
 tent  must  have  t!\ken  rise  fVom  the  moment  of  the 
 division  of  mankind  into  dwellers  in  tents  and 
 builders  of  cities,  i.  e.,  of  permanent  haljit.-itions 
 (Gen.  iv.  17,20;  Is.  xxxviii.  12).  The  Hebrews 
 did  not  become  dwellers  in  cities  till  the  sojourn  in 
 Iv.'vpt  and  after  the  conquest  oY  Canaan  ((Jen. 
 xlv'ii.  3 ;  Kx.  xii.  7  ;  Heb.  xi.  9),  while  the 
 Canaanites  tis  well  as  the  Assyrians  weie  from  an 
 earlier  period  builders  and  inhabitants  of  cities,  and 
 it  was  into  the  houses  and  cities  built  by  the  former 
 that  the  Hebrews  entered  to  t;ike  possession  aftei- 
 the  conquest  (Gen.  x.  11,  19,  xix.  1,  xxiii.  10, 
 xxxiv.  20;  Num.  xi.  27  ;  Deut.  vi.  10,  11).  Tite 
 houses  of  the  rural  poor  in  Kpypt,  as  well  as  in 
 most  parts  of  Syria,  Arabia,  and  I'ersia,  are  for  the 
 most  pait  mere  huts  of  mud,  or  sunburnt  bricks. 
 In  .some  parts  of  Palestine  and  Arabia  stone  is 
 used,  and  in  certain  districts  caves  in  the  rock  arc 
 used  as  dwellings  (Amos  v.  11).  The  houses  are 
 usually  of  one  story  only,  viz.,  the  ground  Hoor, 
 and  sometimes  contain  only  one  apartment.  Some- 
 times a  small  court  tor  the  cattle  is  attached  ;  and 
 in  some  cases  the  cittie  are  housed  in  the  same 
 building,  or  the  people  live  on  a  raised  platfoim, 
 and  tlie  cattle  round  them  on  the  grounil  (1  Sam. 
 xx\  iii.  24j.  The  windows  are  small  apertures  high 
 up  in  the  walls,  sometimes  grated  with  wood.  Tiie 
 loofs  aie  commonly  but  not  always  flat,  and  are 
 usually  formed  of  a  plaster  of  mud  and  straw  laid 
 upon  boughs  or  lafters ;  and  upon  tlie  flat  roofs, 
 tents,  or  "  booths"  of  boughs  or  rusiies  are  often 
 raised  to  be  u»ed  as  sleeping-places  iu  summer      The 
 
 A  NVnlorian  Houi«,  »ith  itiifw  upon  tti«  i\>of  (or  tlccDlng. 
 (Layard.  Mnevtl,,  I.  177.) 
 
 difference  betwi-en  the  poorest  houses  and  tho.se  of 
 the  clii.ss  next  above  them  is  creator  than  between 
 these  and  the  houses  of  the  first  rank.  The  ])re- 
 vailinc;  plan  of  Kastein  houses  of  this  class  presents, 
 as  was  the  c.i.se  in  aiif:ient  F^gypt,  a  front  of  wall, 
 whose  blank  and  mean  app<'araiice  is  usually  ic- 
 lieve>l  only  by  the  door  and  a  few  latticed  and  jiro- 
 jecting  windows.     Within  this  is  a  court  or  courts 
 
 HOUSE 
 
 with  ajiaitments  opening  into  them.  Over  the 
 diior  is  a  projcH-ting  window  with  a  lattice  more  or 
 le.ss  elaborately  wrought,  which,  except  in  times  of 
 public  celel'i- :'!••<-    ■:  "v  ilos.'d  ('•_>  K.  jx.  :50), 
 
 r  cuurt  of  hoUMc  in  Cuiru.  wtlh  MaK  ud. 
 (Lane,  iluttern  Knyiiliani.) 
 
 .\n  awning  is  sometimes  drawn  over  the  couit,  and 
 the  floor  strewed  with  ciiipets  on  festive  occasions. 
 The  stairs  to  the  njiper  apartments  are  in  Syjia 
 usually  in  a  corner  of  the  court.  Around  part,  if 
 not  the  whole,  of  the  court  is  a  verandah,  often 
 nine  or  ten  feet  deep,  over  which,  when  there  is 
 moie  than  one  floor,  runs  a  second  galleiy  of  like 
 depth  with  a  balustiade.  Bearing  in  mind  that 
 the  reception  loom  is  raised  above  the  level  of  the 
 coui-t,  we  may,  in  explaining  the  circumstances  of 
 the  miiacle  of  the  paralytic  (Mark  ii.  3 ;  Luke  v, 
 18),  suppose,  1.  either  that  our  Lord  w:us  standing 
 under  the  verandah,  and  the  people  in  front  in  the 
 court.  The  bearers  of  the  sick  man  a.scended  the 
 stairs  to  the  roof  of  the  house,  and  taking  otl'  a  j)or- 
 tion  of  the  boarded  covering  of  the  verandah,  or 
 removing  the  awning,  in  the  former  case  let  down 
 the  bed  through  the  verandah  roof,  or  in  the  latter, 
 down  by  way  of  the  loof,  and  depositeti  it  before 
 the  Saviour.  2.  Another  explanation  presents  it- 
 self in  considering  the  room  where  the  company 
 were  assembled  as  the  xnrfp^ov,  and  the  roof 
 opened  for  the  bed  to  lie  the  true  roof  of  the  house. 
 '.'t.  And  one  still  more  simple  is  louud  in  regarding 
 the  house  as  one  of  the  rude  dwellings  now  to  he 
 seen  near  the  .-'ea  of  Galilee,  a  mere  room  10  or  12 
 feet  high  and  as  many  or  more  squaie,  with  no 
 opening  except  the  door.  The  roof,  used  jls  a  sleop- 
 ing-place,  is  reached  by  a  la<lder  from  the  outside, 
 and  the  bearers  of  the  paralytic,  unable  to  approach 
 the  door,  would  thus  have  ascendeil  the  roof,  and 
 having  uncovered  it,  let  him  down  into  the  i-oom 
 where  our  Lord  was.  When  there  is  no  second 
 floor,  but  more  tlian  one  court,  the  women's  apart- 
 ments, hareein,  harem  or  hanim.  arc  usually  in 
 the  second  coiut ;  otherwise  they  form  a  sepamte 
 buililing  within  the  general  enclosure,  or  are  ainive 
 on  the  first  floor.  When  there  is  an  upper  story, 
 the  K.Vah  forms  the  most  im]>ortant  apartment, 
 .■u:d     thus    pioljaHy    answers     to    the    inrtpfov. 
 
HOUSE 
 
 wliich  was  often  the  "  gueRt-cliamber  "  (Luke  xxii. 
 12;  Acts  i.  13,  ix.  37,  xx.  8).  The  windows 
 of  the  upper  rooms  often  project  one  or  two  feet, 
 and  form  a  kiosk  or  latticed  <;hamber.  Such  may 
 have  been  the  "  chamber  in  the  wall  "  (2  K.  iv. 
 10,  11).  The  "lattice"  through  which  Ahaziah 
 foil,  perhaps  belonged  to  an  upper  chamber  of 
 this  kind  (2  K.  i.  2),  as  alsro  the  "third  loft," 
 from  which  Eutychus  fell  (Acts  xx.  9  ;  conip.  Jer. 
 xxii.  13).  Tliere  are  usually  no  special  bed-rooms 
 ■n  Eastern  houses.  The  outer  doors  are  closed 
 with  a  wooden  lock,  but  in  some  cases  the  apart- 
 ments are  divided  from  each  other  by  curtains  only. 
 Tliere  are  no  chimneys,  but  fii-e  is  made  when  re- 
 quired with  charcoal  in  a  chafing-dish  ;  or  a  tire 
 of  wood  might  be  kindled  in  the  open  court  of  the 
 house  (Luke  .xxii.  5.5).  Some  houses  in  Cairo  have 
 an  apartment,  open  in  front  to  the  court,  with  two 
 or  more  arches,  and  a  railing  ;  and  a.pillar  to  sup- 
 port the  wall  ibove.  It  was  in  a  chamber  of  this 
 kind,  probably  one  of  the  largest  size  to  be  found  in 
 a  palace,  that  our  Lord  was  being  arraigned  before 
 the  High-priest,  at  the  time  when  the  denial  of 
 Him  by  St.   Peter   took  place.     He  "turned  and 
 
 HUR 
 
 337 
 
 Interiur  of  house  (.h 
 
 looked  "  on  Peter  as  he  stood  by  the  fire  in  the 
 court  (Luke  xxii.  .56,  61;  John  xviii.  24),  whilst 
 He  himself  was  in  the  "  hall  of  Judgment."  In 
 no  point  do  Oriental  domestic  habits  differ  more 
 from  European  than  in  the  use  of  the  roof.  Its 
 fiat  surface  is  made  useful  for  various  household 
 purposes,  as  drying  corn,  hanging  up  linen,  and 
 prepanng  figs  and  raisins.  The  roofs  are  used  as 
 places  of  recreation  in  the  evening,  and  often  as 
 sleeping-places  at  night  (2  Sam.  xi.  2,  xvi.  22  ; 
 Dan.  iv.  29;  1  Sam.  ix.  25,  26;  Job  xxvii.  18; 
 Prov.  xxi.  9;.  They  were  also  used  as  places  for 
 devotion,  and  even  idolatrous  worship  (Jer.  xxxii. 
 29,  six.  l.S;  2  K.  xxiii.  12;  Zeph.  i.  5;  Acts  x. 
 9).  At  the  time  of  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  booths 
 were  erected  by  the  Jews  on  the  tops  of  their 
 houses.  Protection  of  the  roof  by  parapets  was 
 enjoined  by  the  law  (Deut.  xxii.  8).  Special  apart- 
 ments were  devoted  in  larger  houses  to  winter  and 
 summer  uses  (Jer.  xxxvi.  22  ;  Am.  iii.  15j.  The 
 ivory  house  of  Ahab  was  probably  a  palace  largely 
 ornamented  with  inlaid  ivory.  The  circumstance 
 or  oamson's  pulling  down  the  house  by  means  of 
 the  pillars,  may  be  explained  by  the  fact  of  the 
 company  being  assembled  on  tiers  of  balconies  above 
 each  other,  supported  by  central  pillars  on  the 
 basement;  when  these  were  pulled  down  the  whole 
 of  the  upper  fioors  would  fall  also  (Judg.  j;vi.  26). 
 Con.  D.  P,. 
 
 Huk'kok,  a  place  on  the  boundary  of  Naphtali 
 (Josh.  xix.  34)  named  next  to  Aznoth-Tabor.  It 
 lias  been  recovered  in  Yakuk,  a  village  in  the 
 mountains  of  Naphtali,  west  of  the  upper  end  of 
 the  Sea  of  Galilee. 
 
 Hu'kok,  a  name  which  iu  1  Chr.  vi.  75  is  sul>. 
 stituted  for  Helkath  in  Josh.  xxi. 
 
 Hnl,  the  second  son  of  Aram,  and  grandson  of 
 Shem  (Gen.  x.  23).  The  geographical  position  of 
 the  people  whom  he  represents  is  not  well  decided. 
 The  strongest  evidence  is  in  favour  of  the  district 
 about  the  roots  of  Lebanon. 
 
 Hnl'dah,  a  pio]ihetess,  whose  husband  Shallum 
 was  keeper  of  tlie  wardrobe  in  the  time  of  king 
 Josiah.  It  was  to  her  that  Josiah  had  recourse 
 when  Hilkiah  found  a  book  of  the  law,  to  procure 
 an  authoi-itative  opinion  on  it  (2  K.  .xxii.  14  ; 
 2  Chr.  xxxiv.  22). 
 
 Hum'tah,  a  city  of  Judah,  one  of  those  in  the 
 mountain-district,  the  next  to  Hebron  (Josh,  xv 
 54). 
 
 Hunting.  The  objects  for  which  hunting  is 
 practised,  indicate  the  various  conditions  of  societv 
 and  the  progress  of  civilization.  Hunting,  as  a 
 matter  of  necessity,  whether  for  the  extennination 
 nt  dangerous  beasts,  or  for  procuring  sustenance, 
 betokens  a  rude  and  semi-civilized  state ;  as  an 
 amusement,  it  betokens  an  advanced  state.  The 
 Hebrews,  as  a  pastoral  and  agricultural  people, 
 were  not  given  to  the  sports  of  the  field  ;  the  den- 
 sity of  the  population,  the  earnestness  of  their  cha- 
 ncter,  and  the  tendency  of  their  ritual  regulations, 
 particularly  those  affecting  food,  all  combined  to 
 discourage  the  practice  of  hunting.  There  was  no 
 Tck  of  game  in  Palestine ;  on  their  entrance  into 
 the  land,  the  wild  beasts  were  so  numerous  as  to  be 
 lingerous  (Ex.  xxiii.  29).  Some  of  the  fiercer  ani- 
 mals survived  to  a  late  p^iiod,  as  lions.  The  man- 
 ner of  catching  these  animals  was  either  by  digging 
 1  pitfall,  which  was  the  usual  manner  with  the 
 larger  animals,  as  the  lion  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  20;  Ez. 
 xix.  4,  8) ;  or  secondly  by  a  trap,  which  was  set 
 under  ground  (Job  xviii.  10),  in  the  run  of  the 
 animal  (Prov.  xxii.  .5),  and  caught  it  by  the  leg 
 (Job  xviii.  9)  ;  or  lastly  by  the  use  of  the  net,  of 
 which  there  were  various  kinds,  as  for  the  g,izelle 
 (Is.  li.  20,  A.  V.  "wild  bull")  and  other  animals 
 of  that  class.  Birds  formed  an  article  of  food 
 among  the  Hebrews  (Lev.  xvii.  13),  and  much 
 skill  was  exercised  in  catching  them.  The  follow- 
 ing were  the  most  a]iproved  methods: — (I.)  The 
 trap,  which  consisted  of  two  parts,  a  net,  strained 
 over  a  frame,  and  a  stick  to  support  it,  but  so 
 placed  that  it  should  give  wav  at  the  slightest 
 touch  (Am.  iii.  5,  "gin;  ''  Ps.  Ixix.  22,  "trap  "V 
 (2.)  The  snare  (Job  xviii.  9,  A.  V.  "  robber  ";, 
 consisting  of  a  cord  (Job  xviii.  10  ;  comp.  Ps. 
 xviii.  5,  cxvi.  3,  cxI.  5),  so  set  as  to  catch  the  bird 
 by  the  leg.  (3.)  The  net.  (4.)  The  decoy,  to 
 which  reference  is  made  in  Jer.  v.  26,  27. 
 
 Hu'pham,  a  son  of  Benjamin,  founder  of  the 
 family  of  tho  Hcphajiites  (Num.  .xxvi.  39). 
 
 Huphamites,  the,  descendants  of  Hupham  of 
 the  tribe  of  Benjamin  (Num.  xxvi.  39). 
 
 Hup'pah,  a  priest  in  the  time  of  David  (1  Cbr. 
 -xxiv.  13j. 
 
 Hup'pim,  heailof  aBenjamitefamilv.  According 
 to  the  ti-xt  of  the  LXX.  in  Gen.,  a  son  of  Bela,  but 
 1  Chr.  vii.  12,  tells  us  that  he  wa.s  son  of  Ir,  or  Iii. 
 
 Hnr.  1.  A  man  who  is  mentioned  with  Mopr.- 
 .and  Aaron  on  the  occasion  of  the  battle  with  Am- 
 
 Z 
 
338 
 
 HURAI 
 
 uiek  at  n<>plii(lim  (Ex.  xvii.  10),  when  with  Aaron 
 he  st;iyeil  uj)  the  )iands  of  Moses  (12).  He  is  men- 
 tioninl  again  in  xxiv.  14,  as  being,  with  Aaron,  k'fl 
 in  charge  of  the  people  by  Moses  during  his  ascent 
 of  Sinai.  The  Jewish  tradition  is  tnal  he  was  the 
 husband  of  Miriam,  and  that  lie  was  identical  with 
 —2.  The  grandfather  of  Bezaleel,  the  chief  artificer 
 of  the  tabernacle — "son  of  Huri,  son  of  Hur — of 
 the  tribe  of  Judah"  (Ex.  x.x.'d.  2,  xxxv.  30,  xxxviii. 
 22).  In  the  lists  of  the  descendants  of  Judah  in 
 1  Chr.  the  pedigree  is  more  fully  presen'ed.  Hur 
 there  appears  as  one  of  the  great  family  of  Pharez. 
 He  was  the  son  of  Caleb  ben-Hezron,  by  a  second 
 wife,  Ephrath  (ii.  19,  20;  comp.  5,  also  iv.  1), 
 the  first  fruit  of  the  maiTiage  (ii.  50,  iv.  4),  and 
 the  father,  besides  Uri  (ver.  20),  of  three  sons, 
 who  founded  the  towns  of  Kirjath-jearim,  Beth- 
 lehem, and  Beth-gader  (51).  Hur's  connexion  with 
 Bethlehem  would  seem  to  have  been  of  a  closer  na- 
 ture than  with  the  others.— 3.  The  fourth  of  the  five 
 kings  of  Midian,  who  were  slain  with  Bahwm  after 
 the  "  matter  of  Peor  "  (Num.  xxxi.  8).  In  a  later 
 mention  of  them  (Josh.  xiii.  21)  they  are  called 
 princes  of  Midian  and  dukes. ^4.  Father  of  Re- 
 phaiah,  who  was  ruler  of  half  of  the  environs  of 
 Jerusalem,  and  assisted  Nehemiah  in  the  repair 
 of  the  wall  (Neh.  iii.  9).— 5.  The  "  son  of  Hur" — 
 Ben-Hur — was  commissariat  ollicer  for  Solomon  in 
 Jlonnt  Ephraim  (1  K.  iv.  8). 
 
 Hnra'i,  one  of  David's  guard — Hurai  of  the  tor- 
 rents of  Gash — according  to  the  list  of  1  Chr.  xi. 
 
 32.       [HiDDAI.] 
 
 Hn'ram.  1.  A  Benjamite ;  son  of  Bela,  the  fiist- 
 born  of  the  patriarch  (1  Chr.  viii.  5).— 2.  The 
 form  in  which  the  name  of  the  king  of  Tyre  in 
 alliance  with  David  and  Solomon — and  elsewhere 
 given  as  Hiram — appears  in  Chronick3  (1  Chr. 
 xiv.  1  ;  2  Chr.  ii.  3,  11,  12  ;  viii.  2,  18;  ix.  10, 
 21).— 3.  The  same  change  occui-s  in  Chronicles  in 
 the  name  of  Hiram  the  artificer,  which  is  given  as 
 Uuram  in  the  following  places:  2  Chr.  ii.  13;  iv. 
 n,  16. 
 
 Hu'ri,  aGadite ;  father  of  Abihail  (1  Chr.  v.  14). 
 
 Husband.     [Marriage.] 
 
 Hu'shah,  a  name  which  occurs  in  the  genealogies 
 of  the  tribe  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  4)—"  Ezer,  father 
 of  Hushnh ."     It  may  perhaps  be  the  name  of  a  place. 
 
 Hasha'i,  an  Archite,  i.  e.  possibly  an  inhabitant 
 of  a  place  caHed  Erec  (2  Sam.  xv.  32  ft'.,  xvi. 
 16  fT.).  He  is  called  the  "  friend  "  of  David  (2  Sam. 
 XV.  37) ;  in  1  Chr.  xxvii.  33,  the  word  is  rendered 
 "  companion."  To  him  David  confided  the  delicate 
 and  dangeious  part  of  a  pretended  adherence  to  the 
 cause  of  Absalom.  He  was  probably  the  father  of 
 Baana  (1  K.  iv.  16). 
 
 Hu'sham,  one  of  the  early  kings  of  Edom  (Gen. 
 .\xx\i.  :U,  .i");  1  Chr.  i.  45,  46). 
 
 Ha'shathite,  the,  the  designation  of  two  of  the 
 heioes  of  David's  guard.  1,  SiBBKCllAl  (2  Sam. 
 xxi.  18  ;  1  Chr.  xi.  29,  xx.  4,  xxvii.  11).  Josephus, 
 however,c;illshimaHittite.— 2.  Mehunnai  (2  S;im. 
 xxiii.  27  I  a  more  corruption  of  Sidijeciiai. 
 
 Hu'shim.  L  In  Gen.  xlvi.  23,  "  the  children  of 
 D.iu  "  are  said  to  have  been  Hushim.  The  name  is 
 |>lural,;isif  of  a  tribe  rather  than  an  individual.  In 
 Num.  xxvi.  the  name  is  changed  to  Shuiiam.— 2. 
 A  Benjamite  (  I  Chr.  vii.  12)  ;  and  here  again  ap- 
 parently the  plural  nature  of  the  name  is  recognized, 
 and  Hushim  is  stated  to  be  "  the  .sons  of  Aher."— 
 3.  One  of  the  two  wives  of  Shaharaim  (1  Chr. 
 viii   8V 
 
 HYMN 
 
 Husks.  The  word  rendered  in  the  A.  Y.  "  hu.«k<! " 
 (Luke  XV.  16),  describes  really  the  fruit  of  a  parti- 
 cular kind  of  tree,  viz. :  the  carob  or  Ceratonia 
 siliqiia  of  botanists.  This  tree  is  very  commonlj- 
 met  with  in  Syria  and  Egypt;  it  produces  pods, 
 shaped  like  a  horn,  varying  in  length  from  6  to  10 
 inches,  and  about  a  finger's  breadth,  or  rather  more. 
 
 Huz,  the  eldest  son  of  Nahor  and  Milcah  (^Gen. 
 xxii.  21). 
 
 Huz'zab,  according  to  the  general  opinion  of  the 
 Jews,  was  the  queen  of  Nineveh  at  the  time  when 
 Nahum  delivered  his  piophecy  (Nah.  ii.  7).  The 
 moderns  follow  the  lendering  in  the  margin  of  our 
 English  Bible — "  that  which  was  established."  Still 
 it  is  not  improbable  that  after  all  Huzzab  may  really 
 be  a  proper  name.  Huzzah  may  mean  "  the  Zab 
 country,"  or  the  fertile  tract  east  of  the  Tigris, 
 watered  by  the  upper  and  lower  Zab  riveis  {Zab 
 Ala  and  Zab  Asfal),  the  A-diab-eu6  of  the  geo- 
 graphers. 
 
 Hyaena.  Authorities  are  at  vai'iance  as  to 
 whether  the  term  tzdhu'a  in  Jer.  xii.  9  means  a 
 "hyaena"  as  the  I-XX.  has  it,  or  a  "  sj)eckled 
 bird,"  as  in  the  A.  V.  The  etymological  force 
 of  the  word  is  equally  adajjted  to  eithei-,  the 
 hyaena  being  streaked.  The  only  other  instance 
 in  which  it  occurs  is  as  a  proper  name,  Zeboim 
 (1  Sam.  xiii.  18,  "the  valley  of  hyaenas,"  Aquila; 
 is'eh.  xi.  34).  'J"he  hyaena  was  common  in  ancient 
 as  in  modern  Egypt,  and  is  constantly  depicted  on 
 monuments :  it  must  therefore  have  been  well 
 known  to  the  Jews,  if  indeed  not  equiUly  common 
 in  Palestine  (Ecclus.  xiii.  18). 
 
 Hydas'pes,  a  river  noticed  in  Jud.  i.  6,  in  con- 
 nexit.n  with  the  Euphrates  and  Tigris.  It  is  un- 
 certain what  liver  is  referred  to.  We  m.ay  perha{>8 
 identify  it  with  the  Choaspes  of  Susiana. 
 
 Hymenae'us,  the  nauie  of  a  pei-son  occurring 
 twice  in  the  correspondence  between  St.  Paul  and 
 Timothy;  the  first  time  chissed  with  Alexander(lTim. 
 i.  20)  ;  and  the  second  time  cLissed  with  Philetus 
 (2  Tim.  ii.  17,  18).  In  the  error  with  which  he 
 was  charged  he  st;inds  as  one  of  the  earliest  of  the 
 Gnostics.  As  regards  the  sentence  pis-sed  U)x»n 
 him — it  has  been  asserted  by  some  writers  of  emi- 
 nence, that  the  "delivering  to  Satan"  is  a  mere 
 synonym  for  ecclesiastical  excommunication.  Such 
 CiUi  hardly  be  the  case.  As  the  Apostles  healed  all 
 manner  of  bodily  infirmities,  so  they  seem  to  have 
 possessed  and  exeici.setl  the  same  power  in  inflicting 
 them,— a  power  far  too  perilous  to  be  continued 
 when  the  manifold  exigencies  of  the  Apostolical  age 
 had  passed  away  (Acts  v.  5,  10,  ix.  17,  40,  xiii. 
 11).  Even  apart  from  actual  intervention  by  the 
 Apostles,  bodily  visitations  are  .spoken  of  in  the  case 
 of  those  who  approached  the  Lord's  Supper  unwor- 
 thily (1  Cor.  xi.  30).  On  the  other  hand  Siit-in  was 
 held  to  be  the  instrument  or  executioner  of  all  these 
 visitations.  Thus,  wliile  the  "  delivering  to  Satjm  " 
 may  resemble  ecclesiastiail  excommunication  in  some 
 respects,  it  has  its  own  chaiacteristi&»  likewise,  whirh 
 show  plainly  that  one  is  not  to  be  confounded  or 
 jilaced  on  the  same  level  with  the  other. 
 
 Hymn.  Among  the  later  .lews  the  word  hymn 
 was  more  or  less  vague  in  it.s  application,  and  ca- 
 pable of  being  used  as  occasion  should  arise.  To 
 (,;hristians  the  Hymn  has  always  l>i>en  something 
 dilVeient  from  the  Ps.ilu) ;  a  ditlerent  conception  in 
 thought,  a  diJl'MCiit  type  in  composition.  There  it 
 some  dispute  about  tlie  hymn  sung  by  our  Loixl 
 and  his  .\j)Ostles  on  the  occasion  of  the  hvifX  Supper ; 
 
HYSSOP 
 
 Init  even  supposing  it  to  have  been  the  Hallel,  or 
 I'.isrhal  Hymn,  consisting  ot  Pss.  cxiii.-cxviii.,  it  is 
 obvious  that  the  word  Ivjmn  is  in  this  case  applied 
 not  to  an  individual  psalm,  but  to  a  number  of 
 psalms  chanted  successively,  and  altogether  forming 
 a  kind  of  devotional  exercise  which  is  not  unaptly 
 called  a  hymn.  In  the  jail  at  Philippi,  Paul  and 
 Siiiis  "sang  h^tnus"  (A.  V.  "praises")  unto  God, 
 and  so  loud  was  their  song  that  their  fellow-pri- 
 soners heard  them.  This  must  have  been  what 
 we  mean  bj-  singing,  and  not  merely  recitation.  It 
 was  in  fact  a  veritable  singing  of  hymns.  And  it 
 is  remarkable  that  the  noun  hymn  is  only  used  in 
 reference  to  the  services  of  the  Greeks,  and  in  the 
 same  passages  is  clearly  distinguished  from  the 
 psalm  (Eph.  v.  19,  Col.  iii.  16),  "psalms,  and 
 hymns,  and  spiritual  songs."  It  is  worth  while 
 inquiring  what  profane  models  the  Greek  hymno- 
 grapheis  chose  to  work  after.  In  the  old  religion 
 of  Greece  the  word  hymn  had  already  acquired  a 
 sacred  and  liturgical  meaning.  The  special  forms 
 of  the  Greek  hymn  were  various.  The  Homeric 
 and  Orphic  hj'mns  weie  written  in  the  epic  style, 
 and  in  hexameter  verse.  Their  metre  was  not 
 mlapted  for  singing.  In  the  Pindaric  hymns  we 
 find  a  sufficient  variety  of  metre,  and  a  definite 
 rel:ition  to  music.  These  were  sung  to  the  accom- 
 paniment of  the  lyre  ;  and  it  is  very  likely  that 
 they  engaged  the  attention  of  the  early  hymn- 
 writers.  The  first  impulse  of  Christian  devotion 
 was  to  run  into  the  moulds  ordinarily  used  by  the 
 worshippers  of  the  old  religion.  In  1  Cor.  xiv.  26 
 allusion  is  made  to  improvised  hymns,  which  being 
 the  outburst  of  a  passionate  emotion  would  pro- 
 bably assume  the  dithyrarnbic  form.  It  was  in  the 
 Latin  church  that  the  trochaic  and  iambic  metres 
 became  most  deeply  rooted,  and  acquired  the  greatest 
 depth  of  tone  and  grace  of  finish.  The  introduction 
 of  hymns  into  the  Latin  church  is  commonly  re- 
 ferred to  Ambrose.  But  it  is  impossible  to  conceive 
 that  the  West  should  have  been  so  far  behind  the 
 East:  and  it  is  more  likely  that  the  tradition  is  due 
 to  the  very  marked  prominence  of  Ambrose  as  the 
 greatest  of  all  the  Latin  hymnographers. 
 
 Hyssop.  Perhaps  no  plant  mentioned  in  the 
 Scriptures  has  given  rise  to  greater  differences  of 
 opinion  than  this.  The  difficulty  arises  from  the 
 fact  that  in  the  LXX.  the  Greek  vffcranros  is  the 
 uniform  rendering  of  the  Hebrew  ezSb,  and  that 
 this  rendering  is  endorsed  by  the  Apostle  in  the 
 Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  (ix.  19,  21),  when  speaking 
 of  the  ceremonial  observances  of  the  Levitical  law. 
 Whether,  therefore,  the  LXX.  made  use  of  the 
 Gieek  vaaanros  as  the  word  most  nearly  resembling 
 the  Hebrew  in  sound,  as  Stanley  suggests,  or  as  the 
 true  representative  of  the  plant  indicated  by  the 
 latter,  is  a  point  which,  in  all  probability,  will 
 never  be  decided.  Botanists  differ  widely  even  with 
 regard  to  the  identification  of  the  vffcronros  of  Dios- 
 corides.  The  name  has  been  given  to  the  Satiireia 
 Graecn  and  the  S.  Juliana,  to  neither  of  which  it 
 is  appiopiiate.  Kiihn  gives  it  as  his  opinion  that 
 the  Hebrews  used  the  Origanum  Aegyptiacnm  in 
 Egypt,  the  0.  Syriacum  in  Palestine,  and  that  the 
 hyssop  of  Dioscorides  was  the  0.  Smyrnaeum. 
 The  ezob  was  used  to  spi'inkle  the  doorposts  of  the 
 Israelites  in  Egypt  with  the  blood  of  the  paschal 
 lamb  (Ex.  xii.  -!2);  it  was  employed  in  the  puri- 
 fication of  lepers  and  leprous  houses  (Lev.  xiv.  4, 
 51),  and  in  the  sacrifice  of  the  red  heifer  (Num. 
 t'ix.  6).     In  consequence  of  its  detergent  qualities, 
 
 ICONIUM 
 
 339 
 
 or  from  its  being  asso.jiated  with  the  purificatory 
 services,  the  Psalmist  makes  use  of  the  expression, 
 "  purge  me  with  ezob  "  (Ps.  li.  7).  It  is  described 
 in  1  K.  iy.  33  as  giowing  on  or  near  walls.  Bo- 
 chart  decides  in  favour  of  marjoram,  or  some  plant 
 like  it,  and  to  this  conclusion,  it  must  be  admitted, 
 all  ancient  tradition  points.  The  monks  on  Jebel 
 Musa  give  the  name  of  hyssop  to  a  fragrant  plant 
 called  jadeh,  which  grows  in  great  quantities  on 
 that  mountain.  Celsius  concludes  that  we  have  no 
 alternative  but  to  accept  the  Hyssopus  officinalis. 
 An  elaborate  and  interesting  paper  bv  the  late  Dr. 
 J.  Forbes  Royle,  On  the  Hyssop  of ' Scripture,  in 
 the  Journ.  of  the  Boy.  As.  Soc.  viii.  193-212,  goes 
 far  to  tlirow  light  upon  this  difficult  question. 
 Dr.  R.,  aflei'  a  careful  investigation  of  the  subject, 
 arrived  at  the  conclusion  that  the  hjssop  is  no 
 other  than  the  caper-plant,  or  capparis  spinosa  of 
 Linnaeus.  The  Arabic  name  of  this  plant,  asuf, 
 by  which  it  is  sometimes,  though  not  commonlv, 
 described,  bears  considerable  resemblance  to  the 
 Hebrew.  In  the  present  state  of  the  evidence, 
 however,  there  does  not  seem  sufficient  i-eason  for 
 departing  from  the  old  interpretation,  which  identi- 
 fied the  Greek  Saarwiros  with  the  Hebrew  ez6b. 
 
 I'bhar,  one  of  the  sons  of  David  (2  Sam.  v.  15  ; 
 1  Chr.  iii.  6,  xiv.  5)  born  in  Jerusalem. 
 
 Ib'leam,  a  city  of  Manasseh,  with  villages  or 
 towns  dependent  on  it  (Judg.  i.  27).  It  appears  to 
 have  been  situated  in  the  tenitory  of  either  Issachar 
 or  Asher  (Josh.  xvii.  11).  The  ascent  of  GUR  was 
 "at  Ibleam"  (2  K.  ix.  27),  somewhere  near  the 
 present  Jenin,  probably  to  the  north  of  it. 
 
 Ibnei'ah,  son  of  Jehoram,  a  Benjamite  (1  Chr. 
 ix.  8). 
 
 Ibni'jah,  a  Benjamite  (1  Chr.  ix.  8). 
 
 Ib'ri,  a  Merarite  Leviteof  the  familv  of  Jaaziah 
 (1  Chr.  xxiv.  27),  in  the  time  of  David. 
 
 Ib'zan,  a  native  of  Bethlehem  of  Zebulon,  wiio 
 judged  Israel  for  seven  years  after  Jephthah  (JudL'. 
 xii.  8,  10).  He  had  30  sons  and  30  daughters, 
 and  took  home  30  wives  ibr  his  sons,  and  sent  out 
 his  daughters  to  as  many  husbands  abroad.  He  was 
 buried  at  Bethlehem. 
 
 Ich'abod,  the  son  of  Phinehas,  and  grandson  of 
 Eli  (1  SMm.  iv.  21). 
 
 Ico'nium,  the  modern  Konieh,  is  situated  in  the 
 western  part  of  an  extensive  plain,  on  the  cpntial 
 table- land  of  Asia  Minor,  and  not  far  to  the  north 
 of  the  chain  of  Taurus.  This  level  district  was 
 anciently  called  Lycaonia.  Xenophon  reckons 
 Iconium  as  the  most  easterly  town  of  Phrygia  ; 
 but  all  other  writers  speak  of  it  as  being  in  Ly- 
 caonia, of  which  it  was  practically  the  capital.  It 
 was  on  the  great  line  of  communication  between 
 Ephesus  and  the  western  coast  of  the  peninsula  on 
 one  side,  and  Tarsus,  Antioch,  and  the  Euphrates 
 on  the  other.  Iconium  was  a  well  chosen  place  for 
 missionary  operations  (Acts  xiv.  1,  3,  21,  22,  xvi. 
 1,  2,  xviii.  23).  The  Apostle's  first  visit  was  on 
 his  first  circuit,  in  company  with  Barnabas ;  and 
 on  this  occasion  he  approached  it  from  Antioch  in 
 Pisidia,  which  lay  to  the  west.  From  its  position  it 
 could  not  fail  to  be  an  important  centre  of  Christian 
 influence  in  the  early  ages  of  the  church.  In  the  de- 
 clining period  of  the  Roman  erapiie,  Iconium  w:is 
 
 Z  2 
 
340 
 
 IDALAH 
 Konich  is  still  a  town  of  consid- 
 
 made  a  colonia 
 eiablc  size. 
 
 Id'alah,  one  of  the  .-ities  of  the  tribe  of  Zebiilun, 
 named  l)etweeii  Shiimon  and  Bethlehem  (Josli. 
 xix.  I'D. 
 
 Id'bash,  one  of  the  three  sons  of  Abi-litam, 
 anionic  the  families  of  Jiidah  <l  Cbr.  iv.  ;5). 
 
 Id'do.  1.  The  father  of  Abinadab  (1  K.  iv.  14). 
 —2.  A  descendant  of  Gershom,  son  of  Levi  (1  Chr. 
 vi.  21";.— 3.  Son  of  Zecliariah,  ruler  of  the  tribe 
 of  Marjasseh  e-.ist  of  .Ionian  in  the  time  of  David 
 (I  Chr.  x.Tvii.  21).— 4.  A  seer  whose  "visions'" 
 against  Jeroboam  lncident;\lly  contained  some  of  the 
 nets  of  Solomon  (2  Chr.  ix.  29).  He  appeals 
 to  have  written  a  chronicle  or  story  relating  to  the 
 life  and  reign  of  Abijah  f2'Chr.  xiii.  22),  and  also 
 a  hook  "  concerning  genealogies,"  in  which  the  acts 
 of  liehoboam  were  recorded  ixii.  15).  These  books 
 are  lost,  but  they  ma)'  have  formed  part  of  the 
 foundation  of  the  existing  books  of  Chronicles.— 6. 
 The  grandfather  of  tlie  prophet  Zechariah  (Zech.  1. 
 1,  7),  although  in  other  places  Zechaiiah  is  called 
 "  the  son  of  Iddo"  (\v/a:  v.  1  ;  vi.  14).  Iddo  re- 
 turned from  Babylon  with  Zerubbabel  and  Jeshua 
 CNeh.  xii.  4).— 6.  The  chief  of  those  wlio  assem- 
 bled at  Casiphia,  <at  the  time  of  the  second  caravan 
 fiom  Babylon.  He  was  one  of  the  Xethinim  (Ezr. 
 viii.  17  ;  comp.  20). 
 
 Idol,  linage.  As  no  less  than  twentj'-one  diilerent 
 Hebrew  words  have  been  rendered  in  the  A.  V. 
 either  by  idol  or  image,  and  that  by  no  means  uni- 
 formly, it  will  be  of  some  advantage  to  attempt  to 
 discriminate  between  them,  and  assign,  as  nearly  as 
 the  two  languages  will  allow,  the  Knglish  equi- 
 valents for  each.  But,  before  proceeding  to  the 
 discussion  of  those  words  which  in  themselves  indi- 
 cate the  objects  of  false  worship,  it  will  be  necessary 
 to  notice  a  class  of  abstract  terms,  which,  with  a 
 deep  moral  significance,  express  the  degradation  as- 
 sociated with  it,  and  stand  out  as  a  protest  of  the 
 language  against  the  enormities  of  idolatry.  Such 
 are — 1.  Aven,  rendered  elsewhere  "nought,"  '•  va- 
 nity," "iniquity,"  "wickedness,"  " sorrow,"  &c., 
 and  once  only  "  idol"  (Is.  Ixvi.  3).  The  piiniary 
 idea  of  the  root  seems  to  be  emptiness,  nothingues-s, 
 as  of  breath  or  vapour ;  and,  by  a  natural  tiansition, 
 in  a  moral  sense,  wickedness  in  its  active  form  of 
 mischief,  and  then,  as  the  result,  sorrow  and  trouble. 
 Hence  (iccn  denotes  a  vain,  false,  wickoil  thing,  and 
 expresses  at  once  the  essential  nature  of  idols, 
 and  the  consequences  of  their  worship.— 2.  Elit,  is 
 thouglit  by  some  fo  have  a  sense  akin  to  that  of 
 "  falsehood,"  and  would  therefore  much  resemble 
 dven,  as  applied  to  an  idol.  It  is  useil  of  the  idols 
 of  Xoph  or  Menipiiis  [Iv/..  xxx.  l.'f).  In  strong 
 contrast  with  Jehovah  it  appears  in  Ps.  xe.  5, 
 .xcvii.  7.^^;!.  Kindh,  "horror,"  or  "terror,"  and 
 hence  an  object  of  horror  or  terror  (Jer.  1.  3S;,  in 
 reference  either  to  the  hldeousna^s  ot'  the  idols  or  to 
 the  gross  character  of  their  worship.  In  this  re-^pect 
 it  is  closely  connected  with— 4.  Miphlelscth,  a 
 "  fright,"  "  horror,"  applied  fo  the  id(d  of  Maachah, 
 probably  of  wood,  which  .\sa  cut  down  ami  burueit 
 (1  K,  XV.  l.T;  2  Chr.  xv.  16),  and  which  wns  un-  I 
 questionably  the  phallus,  the  syml)ol  of  the  pro- 
 ductive power  of  nature  and  the  natiire-go<ldi'Ss 
 -Ashern.  With  this  must  be  noticed,  though  not  ■ 
 actually  rendered  "image"  or  '*  i<lol, "—.").  Ho-] 
 sheUi,  •'sh.ime,"  or  "  shameful  thing"  (A.  V.  Jer.  | 
 ri.  1  ". ;  Hos.  ix.  KV,  n[iplied  to  Baal  or  Baal-Poor, 
 as  chai-actcrising  the  obscenity  of  his  worship.   With 
 
 IDOL.  IMAGE 
 
 elil  is  found  in  close  connexion- tj.  Gillu/tin,  al.so 
 a  term  of  contemjit,  but  of  uncertain  origin  (Ez. 
 xxx.  13).  The  Kjibhinical  authorities,  referring  tr, 
 such  j)assages  as  Kz.  iv.  2,  Zeph.  i.  17,  have 
 favoured  the  interpretation  given  in  the  margin  of 
 the  A.  V.  to  Deut.  xxix.  17,  "  dungy  gods."  The 
 expression  is  applied,  principally  in  Kzekiel,  to  false 
 gods  and  their  symbols  (Deut.  xxix.  17  ;  Ez.  viii. 
 10,  &c.).  It  stuids  side  by  side  with  other  con- 
 temptuous terms  in  Ez.  xvi,  30,  xx.  8  ;  as  for  ex- 
 ample s/ickets,  "filth,"  "abomination"  (Ez.  viii. 
 10),  and^7.  The  cognate  s/tik/iuts,  "  tilth,"  "  im- 
 purity," especially  applied,  like  shchets,  to  that 
 which  produced  ceremonial  uncleanness  (Ez.  xxxvii. 
 23;  Nail.  iii.  (>).  As  referring  to  the  idols  them- 
 selves, it  primarily  denotes  the  obscene  rites  with 
 which  their  worship  was  associateil,  and  hence,  bv 
 metonymy,  is  applied  lioth  to  the  objects  of  worship 
 and  also  to  their  worshippers.  VVe  now  come  to 
 the  consiileratioa  of  those  woids  which  moie  directly 
 apply  to  the  images  or  idols,  as  the  outward  sym- 
 bols of  the  deity  who  was  worshipped  through  them. 
 —8,  Seinel,  or  semel,  signifies  a  "  likeness,"  "  sem 
 blance"  (Lit.  siinnlacrwn'.  It  occurs  in  2  Chr 
 .xxxiii.  7,  15  (A,  V.  "  iilol") ;  Deut.  iv.  16 
 ("  figure  "),  and  Ez.  viii.  3,  5  ("  image  ").^9.  Tse- 
 lein  (Ch.  id.  and  tsehiin)  is  by  all  lexicographers, 
 ancient  and  modern,  connectal  with  foe/,  "  a  sha- 
 dow." It  is  the  "  image"  of  God  in  which  man 
 was  created  (Gen.  i.  27  ;  cf.  Wisd.  ii.  23),  distin- 
 guished from  cleniuth,  or  "  likeness,"  as  the  "  image  " 
 from  the  "  idea "  which  it  represents,  though  it 
 would  be  rash  to  insist  upon  this  distinction.  But 
 whatever  abstract  term  may  best  define  the  meaning 
 of  tsclem,  it  is  unquestionably  usetl  to  denote  the 
 visible  forms  of  extei  n.il  objects,  and  is  applied  to 
 figures  of  gold  and  silver  (1  Sam.  vi.  5;  Num. 
 xx.xiii.  52;  Dan.  iii.  1),  such  as  the  golden  image 
 of  Nebuchadnezzar,  as  well  as  to  those  paintc<l  upon 
 walls  (Ez.  xxxiii.  14).  "  Image  "  jx'ihaps  mostnearly 
 represents  it  in  all  passages.  Applieil  to  the  human 
 countenance  (Dan.  iii.  19)  it  signifies  the  "  oxpi-cs- 
 sion."— 10.  Teinundlt,  renderal  "image"  in  Job  iv. 
 U5;  elsewhere"similitude"  (Deut.  i.  12),  "  likeness" 
 (Deut.  i.  8) :  "  form,"  or  "  shape  "  would  be  better. 
 —  11.  Itsdb,  12.  'etseb  (Jer.  xxii.  28),  or  13.  'otsch 
 (Is.  xlviii.  5),  "a  figure,"  all  deriveil  from  a  root 
 'dtsab,  "  to  woik,"  or  "  fiishion,"  arc  terms  applietl 
 to  idols  as  expressing  that  their  origin  w.as  due  to 
 the  labour  of  man.— -14.  TVir,  once  only  applieil  to 
 an  idol  (Is.  xlv.  10).  The  word  signifies  "  a  form," 
 or  "mould,"  and  hence  an  "idol."— -15.  Mat' 
 tsehdh,  anything  set  up,  a  "  stitue  "  (Gen.  xxviii. 
 18,  xxxi.  45,  XXXV.  M,  15).  Such  were  the  stones 
 -set  up  by  Joshua  Mosh.  iv.  9)  after  the  passage  of 
 the  Jordan,  and  at  Shechem  (xxiv.  20),  and  by  Sa- 
 muel, when  victorious  over  the  Philistines  (  1  Sam. 
 vii.  12;.  When  solemnly  dcdicjited  they  were 
 anointed  with  oil,  and  libations  were  poure<l  upon 
 them.  The  won!  is  applied  fo  denote  the  obelisks 
 which  .stood  at  the  enti-aiice  to  the  temple  of  the 
 Sun  at  Heliopolis  (Jer.  xliii.  13).  The  Phoenicians 
 consecrated  and  anointed  stones  like  that  at  Bethel, 
 which  were  called,  as  some  think,  from  this  cir- 
 cumstance Bnelijlia.  Many  .such  are  said  to  have 
 been  seen  on  the  Lebanon,  near  Hclioix)lis,  dedicatetl 
 to  various  gods.  The  Palladium  of  Troy,  the  black 
 stone  in  the  K.nba  at  Mecca,  saitl  to  have  been 
 brought  from  heaven  by  the  angel  (labriel.  and  the 
 stone  at  Ephesus  "which  fell  down  from  Jupiter" 
 (  Acts  xix.  .'5-5),  are  examples  of  the  belict',  anciently 
 
IDOL 
 
 so  common,  that  the  gods  seut  down  their  images 
 upon  earth.  Closely  connected  with  these  "sta- 
 tues" of  Baal,  whether  in  the  form  of  obelisks  or 
 otherwise,  were— 16.  Chammamm,  rendered  in  the 
 maigin  of  most  passages  "  sun-images."  The  word 
 has  given  rise  to  much  discussion.  Gesenius  men- 
 tions the  occurrence  of  Chamman  as  a  synonym  of 
 Baal  in  the  Phoenician  and  Palmyrene  inscriptions 
 in  the  sense  of  "  Dominus  Solaris,"  and  its  after 
 a])plication  to  the  statues  or  columns  erected  for 
 iiis  worship.  The  Palmyrene  inscription  at  Oxford 
 has  been  thus  rendered:  "This  column  (C'ham- 
 mdiid  ],  and  this  altar,  tlie  sons  of  JIalchu,  &c.  have 
 erected  and  dedicated  to  the  Sun."  From  the  ex- 
 pressions in  Ez.  vi.  4,  6,  and  Lev.  xxvi.  30,  it  may 
 be  inferred  that  these  columns,  which  perhaps  re- 
 presented a  rising  flame  of  fire  and  stood  upon  the 
 altar  of  Baal  (2  Chr.  xxxiv.  4)  were  of  wood  or 
 stone.— 17.  Mascith,  occurs  in  Lev.  xxvi.  1  ;  Num. 
 xxiii.  52  ;  Ez.  viii.  12  :  "  device,"  most  nearly  suits 
 all  passages  (cf.  Ps.  Ixxiii.  7;  Prov.  xviii.  11,  xxv. 
 11).  The  general  opinion  appears  to  be  that  eben 
 mascith,  signifies  a  stone  with  figures  graven  upon 
 it.  Gesenius  ex})lains  it  as  a  stone  with  the  image 
 of  an  idol,  Baal  or  Astarte,  and  refers  to  his  Moil. 
 Phoen.  21-24  for  otheis  of  similar  character.— 18. 
 Terdphiin.  [Teraphim.]  The  teims  which  follow 
 have  regard  to  the  material  and  workmanship  of 
 the  idol  rather  than  to  its  character  as  an  object  of 
 worship.^  19.  Pesel,  ami  20.  pesilim,  usually 
 translated  in  the  A.  V.  "  graven  or  can-ed  images." 
 In  two  passages  the  latter  is  ambiguously  rendered 
 "quarries"  (Judg.  iii.  19,  26)  following  the  T.ar- 
 giuii,  but  there  seems  no  reason  for  departing  from 
 the  ordinary  significaHon.  These  "  sculptured  " 
 images  were  appaiently  of  wood,  iron,  or  stone,  co- 
 vered with  gold  or  silver  (Deut.  vii.  25;  Is.  xxx. 
 22  ;  Hab.  ii.  19),  the  nioie  costly  being  of  solid 
 metal  (Is.  xl.  19).  The  seveial  stages  of  the  process 
 by  which  the  metal  or  wi/od  became  the  "  graven 
 image"  are  so  vividly  described  in  Is.  xliv.  10-20, 
 that  it  is  only  necessaiy  to  refer  to  that  passage, 
 and  we  are  at  once  introduced  to  the  mysteries  of 
 idol  manufacture,  which,  as  at  Ephesus,  "  brought 
 no  small  gain  unto  the  craftsmen."— 21.  Nesec,  or 
 nescc,  and  22.  masaecah,  are  evidently  synonymous 
 ''Is.  xli.  29,  xlviii.  5;  Jer.  x.  14)  in  later  Hebrew, 
 and  denote  a  "  molten "  image.  Massecdh  is  fre- 
 quently useJ  in  distinction  from  2^esel  or  pesiivn 
 (Deut.  xxvii.  15;  Judg.  xvii.  3,  &c.).  Among  the 
 earliest  objects  of  woiship,  regarded  as  symbols  of 
 deity,  were,  as  has  been  said  above,  the  meteoric 
 stones  which  the  ancients  believed  to  have  been  the 
 images  of  the  gods  sent  down  fiom  heaven.  From 
 these  thev  tiansfened  their  regard  to  rough  unhewn 
 blocks,  to  stone  columns  or  pillars  of  wood,  in 
 which  the  divinity  worshijiped  was  supposed  to 
 dwell,  and  which  were  consecrated,  like  the  sacred 
 stone  at  Delphi,  by  being  anointed  with  oil,  and 
 crowned  with  wool  on  solemn  days.  Such  customs 
 are  remarkable  illustrations  of  the  solemn  consecra- 
 tion by  Jacob  of  the  stone  at  Bethel,  as  showing 
 the  religious  reverence  with  which  these  memorials 
 were  regarded.  Of  the  forms  assumed  by  the  idol- 
 atrous images  we  have  not  many  traces  in  the 
 Bible.  Dagon,  the  fish-god  of  the  Philistines,  was 
 a  numan  figure  terminating  in  a  fish;  and  that  the 
 Syrian  deities  were  rep)esented  in  later  times  in  a 
 symbolical  human  shape  we  know  for  certainty. 
 The  Hebrews  imitated  their  neighbours  in  this  re- 
 spect as  in  othoi's  (Is.  .\liv.   13  ;  Wisd.  xiii.  13), 
 
 IDOLATRY  34 1 
 
 When  the  process  of  adorning  the  image  was  com- 
 pleted, it  was  placed  in  a  temple  or  shrine  appointed 
 for  it  (Epist.  Jer.  12,  19;  Wisd.  xiii.  15;  1  Cor, 
 viii.  10).  From  these  temples  the  idols  were  some- 
 times carried  in  procession  (Epist.  Jer.  4,  26)  on 
 festival  days.  Their  priests  wei'e  maintained  from 
 the  idol  treasury,  and  I'easted  upon  the  meats  which 
 were  appointed  for  the  idols'  use  (Bel  and  the 
 Dragon,  3,  13). 
 
 Idolatry,  strictly  speaking,  denotes  the  worship 
 of  deity  in  a  visible  form,  whether  the  images  to 
 which  homage  is  paid  are  symbolical  representations 
 of  the  true  God,  or  of  the  false  divinities  which  have 
 been  made  the  objects  of  worshij)  in  His  stead.— I. 
 The  first  undoubted  allusion  to  idolatry  or  idolatrous 
 customs  in  the  Bible  is  in  the  account  of  Ilachers 
 stealing  her  father's  lerajihim  (Gen.  xxxi.  19),  a 
 relic  of  the  worship  of  other  gods,  whom  the  an- 
 cestors of  the  Israelites  served  "  on  the  othei-  side  of 
 the  river,  in  old  time"  (Josh.  xxiv.  2).  These  he 
 consulted  as  oracles  (Gen.  xxx.  27,  A.  V.  "  learned 
 by  experience  ")  though  without  entii-ely  losing  sight 
 of  the  God  of  Abraham  and  the  God  of  Nahor,  to 
 whom  he  appealed  when  occasion  offered  (Gen.  xxxi. 
 53),  while  he  was  ready,  in  the  presence  of  Jacob, 
 to  acknowledge  the  benefits  conferred  upon  him  bv 
 Jehovah  (Gen.  xxx.  27).  Such,  indeed,  was  the 
 character  of  most  of  the  idolatrous  worship  of  the 
 Israelites.  Like  the  Cuthean  colonists  in  Samaria, 
 who  "  feared  Jehovah  and  seived  their  own  gods  " 
 (2  K.  xvii.  33),  they  blended  in  a  strange  mruiner 
 a  theoretical  belief  in  the  true  God  with  tJie  external 
 reverence  which,  in  different  stages  of  their  historv, 
 they  were  led  to  pay  to  the  idols  of  the  nations  bv 
 whom  they  were  surrounded.  And  this  marked 
 feature  of  the  Hebrew  character  is  traceable  through- 
 out the  entire  history  of  the  people.  During  their 
 long  residence  in  Egypt,  the  country  of  symbolism, 
 they  defiled  themselves  with  the  idols  of  the  land, 
 and  it  Avas  long  bef'irre  the  taint  was  removed  (,Iosh. 
 xxiv.  14;  Ez.  XX.  7).  To  these  gods  Mose.s,  as  tht 
 hej-ald  of  Jehovah,  Hung  down  the  gauntlet  of  de- 
 fiance, and  the  plagues  of  Egypt  smote  their  s\'m- 
 bols  (Num.  xxxiii.  4).  Yet,  with  the  memory  of 
 their  deliveiance  fresh  in  their  minds,  their  leader 
 absent,  the  Israelites  clamoured  for  some  visible 
 shape  in  which  they  might  worship  the  God  who  IkuI 
 brought  them  up  out  of  Egypt  (Ex.  xxxii.).  Aaron 
 lent  himself  to  the  popular  cry,  and  chose  as  tlie 
 symbol  of  deity  one  with  which  they  had  long  been 
 familiar — the  calf — embodiment  of  Apis,  and  em- 
 blem of  the  productive  power  of  nature.  For  a  while 
 the  erection  of  the  tabernacle,  and  the  establishment 
 of  the  worship  which  accompanied  it,  satisfied  that 
 craving  for  an  outward  sign  which  the  Isiaelitcs 
 constantly  exhibited;  and  for  the  remainder  of  their 
 march  through  the  desert,  with  the  dwelling-place 
 of  Jehovah  in  their  midst,  they  did  not  again  decjen- 
 erate  into  open  apostasy.  But  it  was  only  so  Tong 
 as  their  contact  with  the  nations  was  of  a  hostile 
 chaiacter  that  this  seeming  orthodoxy  was  main- 
 tained. Duiing  the  lives  of  Joshua  and  the  elders 
 who  outlived  him,  they  kept  true  to  their  allegi- 
 ance ;  but  the  generation  following,  who  knew  not 
 Jehovah,  nor  the  works  he  had  done  for  Isiael, 
 swerved  fi-om  the  plain  path  of  their  fathers,  and 
 were  caught  in  the  toils  of  the  foreigner  (Judg.  ii.). 
 From  this  time  forth  their  history  becomes  little 
 more  than  a  chronicle  of  the  inevitable  sequence  of 
 offence  and  punishment  (Judg.  ii.  12,  14).  Bv 
 turns  each  conquering  nation  strove  to  est;djlish  the 
 
342 
 
 IDOLATRY 
 
 worsliip  of  its  national  gcd.  Tlius  far  idolatry  is  a 
 national  sin.  The  episod>>  of  Micali,  in  Judg.  svii. 
 xviii.,  slieils  a  lurid  light  on  the  secret  practices  of 
 individuals,  who  without  fomially  renouncing  Je- 
 hovah, though  ceasing  to  recognise  Him  as  the  theo- 
 cmtic  King  (xvii.  6),  linked  with  His  woi-ship  the 
 symbols  of  ancient  idolatiy.  'I'he  house  of  God,  or 
 sanctuary,  which  Jlicah  made  in  iniifcition  of  that 
 at  Shiloh,  was  decorated  with  an  ephod  andteraphira 
 dedicated  to  God,  and  with  a  giaven  and  molten 
 image  consecrated  to  some  inferior  deities.  It  is  a 
 significant  fact,  showing  how  deeply  rooted  in  the 
 people  was  the  tendency  to  idolatiy,  that  a  Levite, 
 who,  of  all  others,  should  have  been  most  sedulous 
 to  maintiin  Jehovah's  worship  in  its  puiity,  was 
 found  to  assume  the  oflice  of  priest  to  the  images  of 
 Micah  ;  and  that  this  Levite,  priest  afterwards  to 
 the  idols  of  Dan,  was  no  other  than  Jonathan,  the 
 son  of  Gershom,  the  son  of  Jluses.  In  later  times 
 the  ]iractice  of  seciet  idolatry  was  carried  to  greater 
 lengths.  Images  were  set  up  on  the  coni-Hoors,  in 
 the  wine- vats,  and  behind  the  doors  of  private  houses 
 (Is.  Ivii.  8  ;  Hos.  is.  1,2);  and  to  check  this  tend- 
 ency the  statute  in  Deut.  xxvii.  15  was  oiiginally 
 jiromulgated.  Under  Samuel's  administiation  a  fast 
 was  held,  and  purificatory  rites  jwrformed,  to  mark 
 (he  public  renunciation  of  idolatry  (1  Sam.  vii.  3-6;. 
 But  in  the  leign  of  Solomon  all  'this  was  forgotten. 
 Each  of  his  many  foreign  wives  brought  with  her  the 
 gods  of  her  own  nation  ;  and  the  gods  of  Ammon, 
 Jloab,  and  Zidon,  were  openly  woishippeJ.  Keho- 
 boam,  the  son  of  an  Ammonite  mother,  peipetuated 
 the  woist  features  of  Solomon's  idolatry  (1  K.  xiv. 
 22-24) ;  and  in  his  leign  was  made  the  great  schism 
 in  the  national  religion  :  when  Jeioboam,  fresh  from 
 his  recollections  of  the  Apis  worship  of  Egypt, 
 erected  golden  calves  at  Bethel  and  at  Dan,  and  b}' 
 this  crafty  state-policy  severed  forever  the  kingdoms 
 of  Judah  and  Israel  (1  K.  xii.  2G-3;3).  The  suc- 
 ccesois  of  Jeroboam  followed  in  his  steps,  till  Ahab, 
 who  married  a  Zidouian  princess,  at  her  instigation 
 (1  K.  xxi.  25)  built  a  temple  and  altar  to  Biuil,  and 
 revived  all  the  abominations  of  the  Amorites  ( 1  K. 
 xxi.  20).  Compared  with  the  worship  of  Ba;il,  the 
 worship  of  the  calves  was  a  venial  offence,  probably 
 because  it  was  morally  less  detestable  and  also  less 
 anti-national  (I  K.  xii.  28  ;  2  K.  x.  28-31).  Hence- 
 foith  Biuil-worship  became  so  completely  identified 
 with  the  northern  kingdom  that  it  is  described  as 
 walking  in  the  way  or  statutes  of  the  kings  of  Israel 
 (2  K.xvi.  3,  xvii.  8;,  as  distinguished  from  the  sin 
 of  Jeioboam.  The  conquest  of  the  ten  tribes  by 
 Shalmaneser  was  for  them  the  l.xst  scene  of  the 
 drama  of  abominations  which  had  been  enacted  un- 
 interruptedly lor  upwards  of  250  years.  In  the 
 northern  kingdom  no  reformer  arose  to  vary  the 
 long  line  of  royal  apostates :  whatever  was  eflected 
 in  the  way  of  reformation,  was  done  b\-  the  hands 
 of  tiie  jx-ople  (2  Chr.  xxxi.  1).  The  fii-st  act  of 
 Hezekiah  on  ascending  the  throne  was  the  restora- 
 tion and  purilication  of  the  temple  which  had  been 
 dismantled  and  closed  during  the  latter  put  of  his 
 father's  life  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  24,  xxix.  ','>}.  The  icono- 
 cl.iktic  spirit  was  not  conliiied  to  Judah  and  Benja- 
 min, but  spread  throughout  Ephraim  and  Manasseh 
 (2  Chr.  xxxi.  1),  and  to  all  external  ap))eaiance 
 idolatry  wa-s  extirjxiti'd.  But  the  reform  extended 
 little  liflow  the  surface  (Is.  xxix.  l;>).  With  the 
 (leaih  of.losiah  ended  the  last  eli'ort  to  revive  among 
 the  jieople  a  purer  ritual,  if  not  a  purer  faith.  'I'lie 
 lamp  ot  D:ivid,  which  liad  long  shed  but  a  strug- 
 
 IDOLATRY 
 
 gling  itiy,  flickered  for  a  while  and  then  went  out 
 in  the  darkness  of  Babylonian  aiptivity.  But  Ibreigu 
 exile  was  powerless  to  eradicate  the  deep  inbred 
 tendency  to  idolatry.  One  of  the  first  difficulties 
 with  which  Ezra  had  to  contend,  and  which 
 brought  him  well  nigh  to  despair,  was  the  haste 
 with  which  his  couutiymen  took  them  foreign 
 wives  of  the  people  of  the  land,  and  followed 
 them  in  all  their  abominations  (Ezr.  ix.).  The 
 conquests  of  Alexander  in  Asia  caused  Greek  in- 
 liuence  to  be  extensively  felt,  and  Greek  idolatry 
 to  be  first  tolerated,  and  then  practised,  by  the 
 Jews  (1  Mace.  i.  43-50,  54).  The  attempt  of  An- 
 tiochus  to  establish  this  form  of  woi'ship  was  vi- 
 gorously resisted  by  Mattathias  (1  Wacc.  ii.  23-26). 
 The  erection  of  synagogues  has  been  assigned  as  a 
 rciisou  for  tlie  comparative  puiity  of  the  Jewish 
 worship  after  the  captivity,  while  another  cause  lias 
 been  discovered  in  the  hatred  for  images  acquired 
 by  the  Jews  in  their  uitercourse  witli  the  Persians. 
 It  has  been  a  question  much  delxited  whether  the 
 Israelites  were  ever  so  far  given  up  to  idolatry  as  to 
 lose  all  knowledge  of  the  true  God.  It  would  1« 
 hard  to  assert  this  of  any  nation,  and  still  more  diffi- 
 cult to  prove.  But  there  is  still  room  for  grave 
 suspicion  that  among  the  masses  of  the  peoj)le, 
 though  the  idea  of  a  supreme  Being — of  whom  tlie 
 images  they  worshipped  were  but  the  distorted  re- 
 presentatives— was  not  entirely  lost,  it  wa-s  so  ob- 
 scured as  to  be  but  dimly  apprehended  (2  Chr.  xv, 
 3).— II.  The  old  religion  of  the  Shemitic  itices  con- 
 sisted, in  the  opinion  of  Movers,  in  the  deification  of 
 the  poweis  and  laws  of  nature;  these  powers  being 
 considered  either  as  distinct  and  independent,  or  as 
 manifestations  of  one  supreme  and  .ill-ruling  being. 
 In  most  instinces  the  two  ideas  were  co-existent. 
 The  deity  following  human  analogy,  was  conceived 
 of  as  male  and  female :  the  one  representing  the 
 active,  the  other  the  passive  principle  of  nature  ; 
 the  former  the  source  of  spiritual,  the  latter  of  phy- 
 sical life.  The  sun  and  moon  were  early  selected  as 
 outwaid  symbols  of  this  all-pervading  power,  iuul 
 the  worshi])  of  the  heavenly  bodies  Wiu  not  only  the 
 most  ancient  but  the  most  prevalent  system  of  idol- 
 atry, 'faking  its  rise  in  the  plains  of  Chaldea,  it 
 s[)read  through  Egypt,  Greece,  Scythia,  and  even 
 Jlexico  and  Ceylon  (comp.  Deut.  iv.  19,  xvii.  S  ; 
 Job  xxxi.  26-28).  It  is  probable  that  the  Israelites 
 learnt  their  first  lessons  in  sun-worship  from  the 
 Kgyptians,  in  whose  religious  system  that  luminary, 
 as  Osiris,  held  a  prominent  place.  The  Phoenicians 
 worshipped  him  under  the  title  of  "'  Lord  of  heaven." 
 As  Molech  or  Milcom,  the  sun  was  worshipjx'd  by 
 the  Ammonites,  and  as  Chemosh  by  the  Jloabites. 
 The  Hadad  of  the  Syrians  is  the  same  deity.  The 
 Assyrian  Bel  or  Belus,  is  another  tbnn  of  Baal. 
 By  the  later  kings  of  Jud.ih,  sjicied  horses  and  cha- 
 riots were  dedicated  to  the  sun- god,  as  by  the  Per- 
 sians (2  K.  xxiii.  11).  The  moon,  worshippwl  by 
 the  Phoenicians  under  the  name  of  Astarte  or  Baal- 
 tis,  the  ]ia.-«ive  power  of  nature,  as  Biuil  was  the 
 active,  and  known  to  the  Hebrews  as  Ashtaroth  or 
 Ashtoretli,  the  tutelary  ginldess  of  the  Zidoniuns, 
 appears  early  among  the  objects  of  Israelitish  idol- 
 atry. But,  though  we  have  no  positive  historical 
 account  of  star-woi-ship  before  the  Assyrian  penod, 
 we  may  infer  that  it  was  early  practised  in  a  con- 
 crete form  among  the  Israelites  from  the  allusions 
 in  Amos  v.  26,  and  Acts  vii.  42,43.  lloweverthis 
 may  be.  Movers  contends  tliat  the  later  star-worshiji, 
 introduced  by  Ahaz  and  followed  by  Manasseh,  wac 
 
IDOLATRY 
 
 purer  and  more  spiritual  in  its  nature  than  the 
 Israelito-Phoenician  worship  of  the  heavenly  bodies 
 under  symbolical  forms  as  Baal  and  Asherah  ;  and 
 that  it  was  not  idolatry  in  the  same  sense  that  the 
 latter  was,  but  of  a  simply  contemplative  character. 
 But  theie  is  no  reason  to  believe  that  the  divine 
 honours  paid  to  the  "  Queen  of  Heaven  "  (or  as 
 others  render  "the  frame"  or  "structure  of  the 
 heavens'')  were  equally  dissociated  fiom  image 
 worship.  The  allusions  in  Job  xxxviii.  31,  32,  are 
 too  obscure  to  allow  any  mference  to  be  drawn  as 
 to  the  mysterious  influences  which  were  held  by 
 the  old  astiologers  to  be  exercised  by  the  stars  over 
 human  destiny,  nor  is  there  sufficient  evidence  to 
 connect  them  with  anything  more  recondite  than 
 the  astronomical  knowledge  of  the  period.  The 
 same  may  be  said  of  the  poetical  figure  in  Deborah's 
 chant  of  triumph,  "  the  stars  from  their  highways 
 warred  with  Sisera"  (Judg.  v.  20).  In  the  later 
 times  of  the  monarchy,  Wazzaloth,  the  planets,  or 
 the  zodiacal  signs,  received,  nest  to  the  sun  and 
 moon,  their  share  of  popular  adoration  (2  K.  xxiii. 
 5).  Beast-worship,  as  exemplified  in  the  calves  of 
 Jeroboam  and  the  dark  hints  which  seem  to  point 
 to  the  goat  of  Mendes,  has  already  been  alluded  to. 
 There  is  no  actual  proof  that  the  Israelites  ever 
 joined  in  the  service  of  D;igon,  the  fish-god  of  the 
 Philistines,  though  Ahaziah  sent  stealthily  to  Baal- 
 zebub,  the  fly-god  of  Ekron  (2  K.  i.),  and  in  later 
 times  the  brazen  serpent  became  the  object  of  idola- 
 trous homage  (2  K.  xviii.  4).  Of  pure  hero-wor- 
 ship among  the  Shemitic  i-aces  we  find  no  trace. 
 The  reference  in  Wisd.  xiv.  15  is  to  a  later  practice 
 introduced  by  the  Greeks.  The  singular  reverence 
 with  which  trees  have  been  honouied  is  not  without 
 example  in  the  history  of  the  Hebrews.  The  tere- 
 binth at  Mamre,  beneath  which  Abraham  built  an 
 altar  (Gen.  xii.  7,  xiii.  18),  and  the  memorial  grove 
 planted  by  him  at  Beersheba  (Gen.  xxi.  33),  were 
 intimately  connected  with  patriarchal  worship. 
 Mountains  and  high  places  were  chosen  spots  for 
 ofTering  sacrifice  and  incense  to  idols  (1  K.  xi.  7, 
 xiv.  23) ;  and  the  retirement  of  gardens  and  the 
 thick  shade  of  woods  offered  great  attractions  to 
 their  worshippers  (2  K.  xvi.  4 ;  Is.  i.  29  ;  Hos.  iv. 
 13).  The  host  of  heaven  was  worshipped  on  the 
 house-top)  2  K.  xxiii.  12;  Jer.  xix.  3,  xxxii.  29; 
 Zeph.  i.  5).  The  priests  of  the  false  worslup  are 
 sometimes  designated  Chemarim,  a  word  of  Syriac 
 origin,  to  which  different  meanings  have  been  as- 
 signed. It  is  applied  to  the  nou-Levitical  priests 
 who  burnt  incense  on  the  high  places  (2  K.  xxiii.  5) 
 as  well  .as  to  the  priests  of  the  adves  (Hos.  x.  5). 
 In  addition  to  the  priests  there  were  other  persons 
 iutimately  connected  with  idolatrous  lites,  and  the 
 impurities  from  which  they  were  inseparable.  Both 
 men  and  women  consecrated  themselves  to  the  ser- 
 vice of  idols :  the  former  as  kedeskiin,  for  which 
 there  is  leason  to  believe  the  .\.  V.  (Deut.  xxiii.  17, 
 &c.)  has  not  given  too  harsh  an  equivalent;  the 
 latter  as  kedeshoth,  who  wove  shiines  for  Astarte 
 (2  K.  xxiii.  7).  The  same  class  of  women  existed 
 among  the  Phtenicians,  Armenians,  Lydians,  and 
 Babylonians  (Epist.  of  Jerem.  ver.  43).  They  are 
 distinguished  from  tlie  public  prostitutes  (Hos.  iv. 
 14)  and  associated  with  the  pei-formances  of  sacred 
 rites.  Besides  these  accessories  there  were  the  ord- 
 inary rites  of  worship  which  idolatrous  systems 
 had  in  common  with  the  leligion  of  the  Hebrews. 
 Offering  burnt  sacrifices  to  the  idol  gods  (2  K. 
 V.  17),  burning  incense  in  their  hor»ur  (1  K.  xi. 
 
 IDOLATRY 
 
 343 
 
 8),  and  bowmg  down  in  worship  before  their  images 
 (1  K.  xix.  18)  were  the  chief  parts  of  their  ritual  ; 
 and  from  their  very  analogy  with  the  ceremonies 
 of  true  worship  were  more  seductive  than  the 
 grosser  forms.  Nothing  can  be  stronger  or  more 
 positive  than  the  language  in  which  these  ceremonies 
 were  denounced  by  Hebrew  law.  Everj  detail  of 
 idol-worship  was  made  the  subject  of  a  separate  en- 
 actment, and  many  of  the  laws,  which  in  themselves 
 seem  trivial  and  almost  absurd,  receive  from  this 
 point  of  view  their  true  significance.  We  are  told 
 by  Maimonides  that  the  prohibitions  against  sowin"' 
 a  field  with  mingled  seed,  and  wearing  garments  of 
 mixed  material,  were  directed  against  the  practices 
 of  idolaters,  who  attributed  a  kind  of  magical  influ- 
 ence to  the  mixture  (Lev.  xix.  19).  Such  too  were 
 the  precepts  which  forbade  that  the  garments  of  the 
 sexes  should  be  interchanged  (Deut.  xxiii.  5).  There 
 are  supposed  to  be  allusions  to  the  practice  of  necro- 
 mancy in  Is.  Ixv.  4,  or  at  any  rate  to  superstitious 
 rites  in  connexion  with  the  dead.  Cutting  the  flesh 
 for  the  dead  (Lev.  xix.  28 ;  1  K.  xviii.  28),  and 
 making  a  baldness  between  the  eyes  (Deut.  xiv.  1) 
 were  associated  with  idolatrous  rites:  the  latter 
 being  a  custom  among  the  Syrians.  The  law  which 
 regulated  clean  and  unclean  meats  (Lev.  xx.  23-26) 
 may  be  considered  both  as  a  sanitary  regulation 
 and  also  as  having  a  tendency  to  separate  the 
 Israelites  from  the  surrounding  idolatrous  nations. 
 The  mouse,  one  of  the  unclean  animals  of  Leviticus 
 (xi.  29),  was  Kicrificed  by  the  ancient  Jlagi  (Is. 
 Ixvi.  17).  Eating  of  the  things  offered  was  a  neces- 
 sary appendage  to  the  saciiflce  (comp.  Ex.  xviii.  12, 
 xxxii.  6;  xxxiv.  15;  Num.  xxv.  2,  &c.).  The  Is- 
 raelites were  forbidden  "  to  print  any  mark  upon 
 them"  (Lev.  xix.  28),  because  it  was  a  custom  of 
 idolaters  to  brand  upon  their  flesh  some  symbol 
 of  the  deity  they  woi-shipped,  as  the  ivy-leaf  of 
 Bacchus  (3  Mace.  ii.  29).  Many  other  practices 
 of  false  worship  are  alluded  to,  and  made  the  sub- 
 jects of  rigorous  prohibition,  but  none  are  more 
 frequently  or  more  severely  denounced  than  those 
 which  peculiarly  distinguished  the  worship  of  Mo- 
 lech.  It  has  been  attempted  to  deny  that  the  wor- 
 ship of  this  idol  was  polluted  by  the  foul  stain  of 
 human  sacrifice,  but  the  allusions  are  too  plain  and 
 too  pointed  to  admit  of  reasonable  doubt  (Deut.  xii. 
 31 ;  2  K.  iii.  27;  Jer.  vii.  31  ;  Ps.  cvi.  37  ;  Ez. 
 -txhi.  29).  Noi"  was  this  practice  confined  to  the 
 I'ites  of  Molech  ;  it  extended  to  those  of  Baal  (Jer. 
 xix.  5),  and  the  king  of  Moab  (2  K.  iii.  27)  offered 
 his  son  as  a  burnt-offering  to  his  god  Chemosh. 
 Kissing  the  images  of  the  gods  (I  K.  xix.  18;  Hos. 
 xiii.  2),  hanging  votive  offerings  in  their  temples 
 (1  Sam.  xxxi.  10),  and  carrying  them  to  battle 
 (2  Sam.  V.  21),  as  the  Jews  of  Maccabaeus'  arm}' 
 did  with  the  things  consecrated  to  the  idols  of  the 
 Jamnites  (2  Mace.  xii.  40),  are  usages  connected 
 with  idolatry  which  are  casually  mentioned,  thougii 
 not  made  the  objects  of  express  legislation.  But 
 soothsaying,  interpretation  of  dreairf  necromancy, 
 witchcraft,  magic,  and  other  forms  of  divination,  are 
 alike  forbidden  (Deut.  xviii.  9 ;  2  K.  :.  2  ;  Is.  Ixv. 
 4;  Ez.  xxi.  21).— III.  It  remains  now  briefly  to 
 consider  the  light  in  which  idolatry  was  regarded  in 
 the  Mosaic  code,  and  the  penalties  with  which  it 
 was  visited.  If  one  main  object  of  the  Hebiew 
 polity  was  to  teach  the  unity  of  God,  the  extei-min- 
 atiou  of  idolatiy  was  but  a  subordinate  end.  Je- 
 hovah, the  God  of  the  Israelites,  was  the  civil  head 
 of  the  State.     He  was  the  theocratic  king  of  the 
 
344 
 
 IDOLATRY 
 
 pc'diile,  who  liad  delivereJ  them  from  bondage,  and  I 
 to  whom  they  luul  takea  a  willing  onth  of  allegi- 
 ance. Molatrv,  therefore,  to  an  Israelite  was  a 
 stite  ofieuce  (1  Sam.  xv.  2'i),  apolitical  crime  of 
 the  gravest  character,  hi;j;h  tre;\son  a;::ainst  the  ma- 
 jesty of  his  king.  But  it  was  much  more  than  all 
 this.  While  the  idolatry  of  foreign  nations  is  stig- 
 matised merely  as  an  aliomination  in  the  sight  of 
 God,  which  called  for  his  vengeance,  the  sin  of  the 
 Israelites  is  regarded  as  of  more  glaring  enojmity 
 and  greater  moral  guilt.  In  the  figurative  language 
 of  the  j)rophets,  the  relation  between  Jehovah  and 
 his  )ieoj)le  is  represented  as  a  marriage  bond  ( Is.  liv. 
 5  ;  .lei'.  iii.  14),  and  the  worship  of  false  gods  with 
 all  its  accompaniment.s  (Lev.  .\x.  50)  beconies  then 
 the  greatest  of  social  wrongs  ( Hos.  ii. ;  Jer.  iii.,  &c.). 
 liegaided  in  a  moral  as])Oct,  fake  gods  are  allied 
 "  stumbling  blocks"  (Ez.  .\iv.  3),  "lies"  (Am. 
 ii.  4;  Kom.  i.  2.5),"  horrors"  or  "  frights"  (1  K. 
 vx.  13;  Jer.  1.  38),  "abominations"  (Deut.  xxix. 
 17,  xxxii.  16;  IK.  xi.  5;  2  K.  xxiii.  13),  "  guilt" 
 (abstract  lor  concrete.  Am.  viii.  14,  ashinah,  comp. 
 2  Chi-,  xxix.  18,  perhaps  with  a  play  on  Ashinia, 
 2  K.  xvii.  30),  and  with  a  profound  sense  of  the 
 degradation  conseiiuent  upon  their  woiship,  they  are 
 chai acterised  by  the  prophets,  whose  mission  it  was 
 to  warn  the  people  against  them  (Jer.  xliv.  4),  ;us 
 "shame  "  (Jer.  si.  13  ;  Hos.  ix.  10).  As  considered 
 with  refeience  to  Jehovah,  they  are  "other  gods" 
 (Josh.  xxiv.  2,  IG),  "stiange  gods".  (Deut.  xxxii. 
 1(3),  "  new  gods"  (Jmlg.  v.  8),  "  devils, — notGoii  " 
 (Deut.  xxxii.  17  ;  1  Cor.  x.  20,  21);  and,  as  de- 
 noting their  foreign  origin,  "gods  of  the  foreigner" 
 (.Josh.  .xxiv.  14,  15).  Idolatry,  therefore,  being 
 from  one  point  of  view  a  political  offence,  could  bo 
 punished  without  infringement  of  civil  lights.  No 
 penalties  were  attached  to  mere  opinions.  For 
 iiught  we  know,  theological  speculation  may  have 
 been  as  rife  among  the  Hebrews  as  in  modern  times, 
 though  such  was  not  the  tendency  of  the  Shemitic 
 mind.  It  was  not,  however,  such  speculations, 
 heterodox  though  they  might  be,  but  overt  acts  of 
 idolatry,  which  weie  made  the  subjects  of  legis- 
 lation. The  first  and  second  commandments  are 
 directed  against  idolatry  of  every  form.  Indivi- 
 duals and  communities  were  equally  amenable  to 
 the  rig?>i;ovis  code.  The  individual  olllender  was  de- 
 vot-ed  td 'destruction  (Ex.  xxii.  20);  his  nearest 
 relatives  were  not  only  bound  to  dulounce  him  and 
 deliver  him  up  to  punishment  (Deut.  .xiii.  2-10), 
 but  their  hands  w'cre  to  strike  the  first  blow  when, 
 on  the  evidence  of  two  witnesses  at  l<ast,  he  was 
 stoned  (Deut.  xvii.  2-5).  To  attempt  to  .seduce 
 others  to  false  woiship  w;»s  a  crime  of  equal 
 enormity  (Deut.  xiii.  6-10).  An  idolatrous  nation 
 shaiel  a  similar  fate.— I V.  Much  indirect  evidence 
 on  this  subject  might  be  supplied  by  an  investiga- 
 tion of  proper  names.  Traces  of  the  sun-wor>hip  of 
 the  ancient  Canaanites  remain  in  the  nomrmlatuie 
 of  their  country.  IJefh-Shemesh,  "  house  of  the 
 sun,"  En-Shemesh,  "  spring  of  the  sun,"  and  Ir- 
 Shemesii,  "  city  of  the  sun,'  whetlicr  they  be  the 
 original  Caiiaanitish  names  or  their  Hebrew  render- 
 ings, attest  the  reverence  paid  to  the  souice  of  li-lit 
 and  heat,  the  symliol  of  the  (eitilising  jmwer  of 
 nature.  Sam.son,  the  Hebrew  national  hero,  took 
 his  name  from  the  sime  lumin;iiy,  and  was  boni  in 
 a  moiihtiiin-village  above  the  niodern  'Ain  S/ieins 
 (En-Siiemeshj.  The  name  of  liaal,  the  sun-god,  is 
 one  of  the  most  ((immoii  occurrence  in  c:omj>ound 
 words,  and  is  often  associated  with  p. ace*  conse- 
 
 IMMANUEL 
 
 crated  to  his  worship.  The  Jloou,  Astirte  or.Ash- 
 taroth,  gave  her  name  to  a  city  of  Bashaii  (.losh. 
 xiii.  12,  31).  Nebo  enters  into  many  compounds: 
 Nebu-zaradan,  Samgar-nebo,  aiid  the  like.  Bel  i» 
 found  in  Belshazzar,  Belte-shazzar,  and  others 
 Chemosh,  the  fire-god  of  Aleab,  R;>pears  in  Carche 
 mish,  and  I'eor  in  Beth-Peor.  Malcom,  a  name 
 which  occurs  but  once,  and  then  of  a  Moaoite  by 
 birth,  may  have  been  connected  with  Molech  and 
 Milcom.  A  glimpse  of  star-worship  may  be  seen 
 in  the  name  of  the  city  Chesil.  It  is  impossible  to 
 pursue  this  investigation  to  any  length:  the  hints 
 whii  h  have  been  thrown  out  may  prove  suggestive. 
 
 Id'uel,  1  Esd.  viii.  43.     [AiiliCL,  1."] 
 
 Idume'a,  Is.  xxxiv.  5,  6  ;  Ez.  xxxv.  15,  xxxvi. 
 5;  1  Mace.  iv.  15,  20,  61,  v.  3,  vi,  31  ;  2  Mace. 
 xii.  32;  Mark  iii.  8.     [Edom.] 
 
 Idume'ans,  2  Mace.  x.  15,  16.     [ICdo.m.] 
 
 I'gal.  1,  One  of  the  spies,  son  of  .losi'ph,  of  the 
 tribe  of  Issachar  (Num.  xiii.  7 ).— 2.  One  of  the 
 heroes  of  David's  guard,  son  of  Nathan  of  Zobah 
 (2  Sam.  xxiii.  36). 
 
 Igdali'ah,  a  proj)het  or  holy  man — "  the  man 
 of  Ciod  " — named  once  only  (Jer.  sxxv.  4),  as  the 
 fiithor  of  Hanan. 
 
 I'geal,  a  son  of  Shemaiah  ;  a  descendant  of  the 
 royal  house  of  .(iidah  (1  Chr.  iii.  22). 
 
 I'im.  1.  The  partial  or  contracted  form  of  the 
 name  IjE-Ar..\Ri5l  (Num.  xxxiii.  45)  —2.  .-\  town 
 in  the  extreme  south  of  Judali  (Josh.  xv.  28). 
 
 I'je-Ab'arim,  oie  of  the  later  halting  places  of 
 the  children  of  Is>  el  (Num.  xxi.  11,  x.\xiii.  44). 
 It  was  on  the  boundary — the  S.E.  boundary — -'of  the 
 ter.iitorv  of  Moab  ;  not  on  the  ])asture-downs  of 
 the  Jli.shor,  the  modern  Belhn,  but  in  the  midbar, 
 the  waste  uncultivated  "  wilderness '' on  its  skirts 
 (xxi.  11).  No  identification  of  its  situation  has 
 been  attempted. 
 
 I'jon,  a  town  in  the  north  of  Palestine,  belonging 
 to  the  tribe  of  Na])htali.  It  was  taken  and  plun- 
 dered by  the  captains  of  licnhadad  ( 1  K.  -Xv.  20 ; 
 2  Chr.  xvi.  4),  and  a  second  time  by  Tiglath-pileser 
 (2  Iv.  XV.  29).  At  the  base  of  the  inoiintaiiis  of 
 Naphtali,  a  few  miles  N.W.  of  the  site  of  Dan,  is 
 a  fertile  and  beautiful  little  jilain  called  Merj  'Aijun. 
 This,  in  all  probability,  is  the  site  of  the  long-lost 
 Ijon. 
 
 Iklcesh,  the  father  of  Ira  the  Tekoite  (2  tam. 
 xxiii.  2f)  ;    1  Chi-,  xi.  28,  xxvii.  9). 
 
 I'lai,  an  Aholiite,  one  of  the  heroes  of  David's 
 guar.l  (1  <"hr.  xi.  29). 
 
 Illyr'ictun,  an  extensive  district  lying  along  the 
 eastern  coabt  of  tlic  Adriatic  from  the  boundaiy  of 
 Italy  on  the  north  to  Epirus  on  the  south,  iiiid 
 contiguous  to  Jloesia  and  Macedonia  ou  the  east 
 i\{om.  XV.  19). 
 
 Image.     [Idoi..] 
 
 Im'la,  father  or  progenitor  of  Micaiah  the  pro- 
 |.h(  t  (2  Chr.  xviii.  7,  8).     The  form 
 
 Im'lah,  is  employeil  in  tlje  parallel  narrative 
 (1  K.  .xxii.  8.9). 
 
 Imman'uol,  the  symbolical  name  given  by  the 
 projihet  Isaiah  to  the  child  who  was  announcetl  to 
 Aliaz  and  the  people  of  Judah,  as  the  sign  which 
 Cio<l  would  give  of  their  deliverani-o  fiom  their 
 enemies  (Is.  vii.  14).  It  is  a))plicd  by  the  Apostle 
 Matthew  to  the  Me.ssiah,  born  of  the  Viii;in  (Matt 
 i.  23).  Ill  the  early  jiait  of  the  reign  of  Aliaz  the 
 kin'^lom  of  Judah  was  threatened  with  annihilation 
 by  the  (-oml)ined  armies  of  Syria  and  Israel.  Jeru- 
 salem was  menacevi  with  a  siege.     The  king  had 
 
IMMER 
 
 gone  to  "  the  conduit  of  the  tijiper  pool,"  when  the 
 propliet  met  him  with  the  message  of  consolation. 
 Not  only  were  the  designs  of  tlie  hostile  armies  to 
 fail,  but  within  sixty-tive  years  the  kingdom  of 
 Israel  would  be  overthrown.  In  confirmation  of  his 
 words,  the  prophet  bids  Ahaz  ask  a  sign  of  Jehovah, 
 which  the  king,  with  pretended  humility,  refused 
 to  do.  After  administering  a  seveie  rebuke  to  Ahaz 
 for  his  obstinacy,  Isaiah  announces  the  sign  which 
 Jehovali  H  imself  would  give  unasked  :  "  behold  ! 
 the  vii'gin  is  with  child  and  beareth  a  son,  and  she 
 shall  call  his  name  Iinmanuel."  The  interpreters 
 of  this  jiassage  are  naturally  divided  into  three 
 classes.  The  first  class  consists  of  those  who  refer 
 the  fulfilment  of  the  prophecy  to  a  historiciil  event, 
 which  followed  immediately  upon  its  delivery.  Tiie 
 majority  of  Christian  writers,  till  within  the  last 
 fitty  years,  form  a  secon<l  class,  and  apply  the  pro- 
 j>hecy  exclusively  to  the  Messiah,  while  a  third  class, 
 almost  equally  numerous,  agree  in  considering  both 
 these  explanations  true,  and  hold  that  the  prophecy 
 had  an  immediate  and  literal  fulfilment,  but  was 
 completely  accomplished  in  the  miraculous  concep- 
 tion and  birth  of  Christ.  Among  the  first  are 
 numbered  the  Jewish  writers  of  all  ages,  without 
 exception.  Some,  a.s  Jarchi  and  Aben  Ezia,  refer 
 the  prophecy  to  a  son  of  Isaiah  himself,  others  to 
 Hezekiah,  and  others  to  a  son  of  Ahaz  by  another 
 wite,  as  Kimchi  and  Abarbanel.  Interpreters  of 
 the  second  class,  who  refer  the  prophecy  solely  to 
 the  Messiah,  of  course  understand  by  the  'alindh 
 the  Virgin  Mary.  Against  this  hypothesis  of  a 
 solely  Messianic  reference,  it  is  objected  that  the 
 birth  of  the  Messiah  could  not  be  a  sign  of  deliver- 
 ance to  the  people  of  Judah  in  the  time  of  Ahaz. 
 Vitriuga  explains  it  tlius :  as  surely  as  Messiah  wuld 
 be  born  of  the» virgin,  so  surely  would  God  deliver 
 the  Jews  from  the  thi'eatened  evil.  But  this  ex- 
 planation involves  another  difiiculty.  Before  the 
 child  shall  arrive  at  years  of  discretion  the  prophet 
 announces  the  desolation  of  the  laud  whose  kings 
 threatened  Ahaz.  In  view  of  the  difficulties  which 
 attend  these  explanations  of  the  prophecv,  the 
 third  class  of  interpreters  above  alluded  to  have 
 recourse  to  a  theory  which  combines  the  two  pre- 
 ceding, viz.,  the  hypothesis  of  the  double  sense. 
 They  suppose  that  the  immediate  reference  of  the 
 prophet  was  to  some  contemporary  occurrence,  but 
 that  his  words  leceived  their  true  and  full  accom- 
 plishment in  the  birth  of  the  Messiah.  From  the 
 manner  in  which  the  quotation  occuis  in  Matt.  i. 
 23,  theie  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  Evangelist  did 
 not  use  it  by  way  of  accommodation,  but  as  having 
 in  view  its  actual  accomplishment.  Whatever  may 
 have  been  his  opinion  as  to  any  contemporary  or 
 immediate  reference  it  might  contiin,  this  was 
 completely  obscured  by  the  full  conviction  that 
 burst  upon  him  when  he  realized  its  completion  in 
 the  Messiah.  The  hypothesis  of  the  double  sense 
 satisfies  most  of  the  requirements  of  the  problem, 
 and  as  it  is  at  the  same  time  supported  by 
 the  analogy  of  the  Apostle's  quotations  from  the 
 O.  T.  (Matt.  ii.  lo,  18,  23;  iv.  15),  we  accept 
 it  as  approximating  most  nearly  to  the  true 
 solution. 
 
 Im'mer,  the  founder  of  an  important  family  of 
 priests  (1  Chr.  ix.  12  ;  Neh.  .\i.  13).  This  family 
 had  chaige  of,  and  gave  its  name  to,  the  sixteenth 
 course  of  the  service  (1  Chr.  .\xiv.  14).— 2.  Appa- 
 rently the  name  of  a  place  in  Babylonia  (Ezr.  ii. 
 59;  Neh.  vii.  61). 
 
 INCENSE 
 
 345 
 
 Im'na,  a  descendant  of  Asher,  son  of  Hclem 
 (1  Chr.  vii.  3');  comp.  4u;. 
 
 Im'uah.  1.  The  first-born  of  Asher  (1  Chr. 
 vii.  30  I. — 2.  Kore  ben-lmnah,  the  Levite,  assisted 
 in  the  reforms  of  Hezekiah  (2  Chr.  xxxi.  14). 
 
 Im'rah,  a  descendant  of  Asher,  of  the  family  of 
 Zoi'HAii  (1  Chr.  vii.  36). 
 
 Im'ri.  1.  A  man  of  Judah  of  the  great  familv 
 of  Phaiez  (1  Chr.  ix.  4).— 2,  Father  or  progenitor 
 of  Zaccur  (Neh.  iii.  2). 
 
 Incense.  The  incense  employed  in  the  service 
 of  the  tabernacle  was  compounded  of  the  perfumts 
 stacle,  onycha,  galbannm,  and  pure  frankincense. 
 All  incense  which  wa.s  not  made  of  these  ingiedients 
 was  forbidden  to  be  otlered  (Ex.  .\xx.  9).  According 
 to  Kashi  on  Ex.  xxx.  34,  the  abovemeniioned  per- 
 fumes were  mixed  in  equal  proportions,  seventy 
 manehs  being  taken  of  each.  In  addition  to  the 
 four  ingredients  already  mentioned  Rashi  enumerates 
 seven  others.  Josephus  mentions  thirteen.  Tlie 
 proportions  of  the  additional  spices  are  given  by 
 Maimonides  as  follows.  Of  mvrih,  cassia,  sjiike- 
 nard,  and  salTion,  sixteen  manehs  each.  Of  cost  us 
 tvvelve  manehs,  cinnamon  nine  manehs,  sweet  bark 
 three  manehs.  The  weight  of  the  whole  confection 
 was  368  manehs.  To  these  was  added  the  fourth 
 pait  of  a  cab  of  salt  of  Sodom,  with  amber  of 
 Jordan,  and  a  herb  called  "  the  smoke -raiser," 
 known  only  to  the  cunning  in  such  matters,  to 
 whom  the  secret  descended  by  tradition.  In  the 
 ordinary  daily  service  one  marfWi.  was  used,  half  in 
 the  morning  and  half  in  the  evening.  Allowing 
 then  one  maiieh  of  incense  for  each  day  of  the  solar 
 year,  the  three  manehs  which  remained  were  again 
 pounded,  and  used  by  the  high-priest  on  the  day  of 
 atonement  (Lev.  xvi.  12).  A  store  of  it  was  con- 
 stantly kept  in  the  temple.  The  incense  possessed 
 the  tiireetbld  characteristic  of  being  -salted  (not 
 ^^  tempered "  as  in  A.  V.),  pure  and  holy.  Salt 
 was  the  symbol  of  incorruptness,  and  nothing, 
 says  Maimonides,  was  oflered  without  it,  except  the 
 wine  of  the  drink-ofl(?rings,  the  blood,  and  tlie 
 wood  (cf.  Lev.  ii.  13).  Aaron,  as  high-priest,  was 
 originally  appointed  to  offer  incense,  but  in  the 
 daily  sei'vice  of  the  second  temple  the  office  devolved 
 upon  the  inferior  priests,  from  among  whom  one 
 v,';\s  chosen  by  lot  (Luke  i.  9),  each  morning  and 
 evening.  The  officiating  priest  appointed  another, 
 whose  office  it  was  to  take  the  fire  from  the  brazen 
 altar.  The  times  of  oftering  incense  were  specified 
 in  the  instructions  first  given  to  Moses  (Ex.  xxx.  7, 
 8).  The  morning  incense  was  oflered  when  the 
 lamps  were  trimmed  in  the  Holy  place,  and  before 
 the  sacrifice,  when  the  watchman  set  for  the  pur- 
 pose announced  the  break  of  day.  When  the  lamps 
 were  lighted  "  between  the  evenings,"  after  the 
 evening  sacrifice  and  before  the  drink-ofiei  ings  were 
 offered,  incense  was  again  burnt  on  the  golden  altar, 
 which  "belonged  to  the  oracle"  (1  K.  vi.  22),  and 
 stood  before  the  veil  which  separated  the  Holy 
 place  from  the  Holy  of  Holies,  the  throne  of  God 
 (Rev.  viii.  4i.  When  the  priest  entered  the  Holy 
 place  with  the  incense,  all  the  people  were  removed 
 from  the  temple,  and  from  between  the  poich  and 
 the  altar  (cf.  Luke  i.  10).  Profound  silence  was 
 observed  among  the  congregation  who  were  praying 
 without  (cf.  Rev.  viii.  1),  and  at  a  signal  from  the 
 prefect  the  priest  cast  the  incense  on  the  fire,  and 
 bowing  reverently  towards  the  Holy  of  Holies  re- 
 tired slowly  backwards,  not  prolonging  his  prayer 
 that  ne. might  not  alarm  the  congregation,  or  cause 
 
346  INDIA 
 
 them  to  fear  that  he  had  been  struck  dead  for 
 orti'iiiig  utuvoithily  (Lev.  xvi.  13;  Luke  i.  21). 
 Oil  the  day  of  atonement  the  service  was  different. 
 'I'he  offering  of  incense  has  formed  a  part  of  the 
 religious  ceremonies  of  most  ancient  nations.  It 
 was  an  element  in  the  idolatrous  \vor>hip  of  the 
 Israelites  (Jer.  xi.  12,  17,  .\lviii.  35;  2  Chr.  xxxiv. 
 25).  With  regard  to  the  symbolical  meaning  of 
 incense,  opinions  have  been  many  and  widely  differ- 
 ing. Looking  upon  incense  in  connexion  with  the 
 other  ceremonial  observances  of  the  Mosaic  ritual, 
 it  would  rather  seem  to  be  symbolical,  not  of  prayer 
 it-^elf,  but  of  tiiat  which  makes  prayer  acceptable, 
 tlie  intercession  of  Christ.  In  Kev.  viii.  3,  4,  the 
 incense  is  s])oken  of  as  something  distinct  from, 
 though  otl'ered  with,  the  prayers  of  all  the  saints 
 (cf.  Luke  i.  10; ;  and  in  Kev.  v.  8  it  is  the  golden 
 vials,  and  not  the  odo\irs  or  incense,  which  are  said 
 to  be  the  prayers  of  saints. 
 
 India.  The  name  of  India  does  not  occur  in  the 
 Bible  before  the  book  of  Esther,  where  it  is  noticed 
 ;us  the  limit  of  the  territories  of  Ahasuerus  in  the 
 east,  as  Ethiopia  was  in  the  west  (i.  1  ;  viii.  9). 
 The  India  of  the  book  of  Esther  is  not  the  peain- 
 sula  of  Hindostan,  but  the  country  surrounding 
 the  Indus,  the  Punjab  and  perhaps  Scinde.  In 
 1  Mace.  viii.  8,  India  is  reckoned  among  the  coun- 
 tries which  Eumeiies,  king  of  Pergamus,  received 
 out  of  the  former  possessions  of  Antiochus  the  Great. 
 A  more  autiientic  notice  of  the  countiy  occurs  in 
 1  Mace.  xi.  37.  But  though  the  ruirne  of  India 
 occurs  so  si'Mom,  the  people  and  productions  of  tiiat 
 country  must  have  been  tolerably  well  known  to 
 the  Jews.  There  is  undoubted  evidence  that  an 
 active  trade  was  carried  on  between  India  and 
 Western  Asia.  The  trade  opened  by  .Solomon  with 
 Ophir  through  the  lied  Sea  chiefly  consisted  of  Indian 
 articles.  The  coiniexion  thus  established  with  India 
 led  to  the  opinion  that  tiie  Indians  were  included 
 under  the  ethnological  title  of  Cush  (Gen.  x.  6). 
 
 Inheritance.     [Hkir.] 
 
 Ink,  Inkhom.     [Writing.] 
 
 Inn.  Tiie  IK'brew  woid  (mdlon)  thus  rendered 
 litei ally  signifies  "a  lodging-place  for  the  night." 
 Inns,  ill  our  sense  of  the  term,  were,  as  they  still 
 are,  unknown  in  the  E;ist  where  hospitality  is  reli- 
 giously practised.  The  khans,  or  caravanserais, 
 are  the  representatives  of  Emopean  inns,  and  these 
 were  esUiblished  hut  gradually.  It  is  doubtful 
 whether  there  is  any  allusion  to  them  in  the  Old 
 Testament.  The  halting-place  of  a  airavan  was 
 selected  originally  on  account  of  its  proximity  to 
 water  or  pasture,  by  which  the  travellers  pitched 
 tiu'ir  tents  and  ji:t-ised  the  night.  Such  Wius  un- 
 doubtedly the  "  inn  "  at  whicli  occurred  the  incid- 
 ent in  the  life  of  Moses,  narrated  in  Ex.  iv.  24 
 (comp.  Gen.  xlii.  27).  On  the  more  frequented 
 routes,  remote  from  towns  (Jer.  ix.  2),  caravan- 
 serais were  in  course  of  time  erected,  often  at  the 
 expense  of  the  wealthy.  The  following  description 
 of  one  of  those  on  the  road  from  Bagdad  to  Babylon 
 will  suffice  tor  all : — "  It  is  a  large  and  substmtial 
 square  building,  in  the  distance  resembling  a  fortress, 
 being  surrounded  with  a  lofty  wall,  and  tLuiked  by 
 round  towers  to  defend  the  inmates  in  case  of  attack. 
 I'ii-ssiiig  through  a  strong  gateway,  the  guest  enters 
 a  large  court,  the  sides  ot'  which  are  divided  into 
 numerous  arched  compartments,  open  in  front,  for 
 the  accommodation  of  separate  pirties  and  for  tlin 
 reception  of  goods.  In  the  centie  is  a  s)>:u:ious 
 raised  plattbrm,  used  fur  ftleeping  upon  at  night,  or 
 
 IR-HA-HEHES 
 
 for  the  devotions  of  the  faithful  during  the  d.ir. 
 Between  the  outer  wall  and  the  compartments  are 
 wide  vaulted  arciides,  extending  round  the  entire 
 building,  where  the  beasts  of  burden  are  placed. 
 Upon  the  roof  of  the  arcades  is  an  excellent  terrace, 
 and  over  the  gateway  an  elevated  tower  containing 
 two  rooms — one  of  which  js  open  at  the  sides,  per- 
 mitting the  occupiuits  to  enjoy  every  breath  of  air 
 that  passes  across  the  heatei  plain.  The  terrace  is 
 tolerably  clean ;  but  the  court  and  stabling  below 
 are  ankle-deep  in  chopped  straw  and  filth  ''  (Lol'tus, 
 Chaldea,  p.  13).  The  7ro;'5oxe'^<»'  (Luke  x.  34) 
 probably  differed  from  the  KaraXv/xa  (Luke  ii.  7) 
 in  having  a  "  host"  or  "innkeeper"  (Luke  x.  35), 
 who  supplied  some  few  of  the  necessary  piovisions, 
 and  attended  to  the  wants  of  travellei"s  left  to  his 
 chaige. 
 
 Instant,  Instantly.  Urgent,  urgently,  or  fer- 
 vently, as  will  be  M'en  from  the  following  [uissages 
 (Lukevii.  4,  xxiii.  23;  Acts  xxvi.  7;  llom.  xii.  12). 
 In  2  Tim.  iv.  2  we  find  "  be  insbmt  in  se-ison  and 
 out  of  season."  The  literal  sense  is  "stand  ready" 
 — "  be  alert  "  for  whatever  may  happen. 
 
 lo'nia.  The  substitution  of  this  word  lor  "  I  ndia  " 
 in  1  Mace.  viii.  8  is  a  conjecture  of  Grotius  without 
 any  authority  of  M.SS.  The  name  was  given  in 
 early  times  to  that  part  of  the  western  coast  of  .Asia 
 Minor  which  lay  between  Aeolis  on  the  noith  and 
 Horis  on  the  south.  In  Roman  times  Ionia  ceased 
 to  have  any  political  signific^ance,  being  absorbed  iu 
 the  province  of  Asia. 
 
 Iphedei'ah,  a  descendant  of  Benjamin,  one  of  the 
 r.en._-Sh;i^hak  (1  Chr.  viii.  25). 
 
 Ir,  1  Chr.  vii.  12.     [Int.] 
 
 I'ra.  1.  "  The  Jairite,"  named  in  the  aita- 
 logue  of  David's  great  officei-s  (2  Sam.  xx.  26). 
 —2.  One  of  the  heroes  of  David's  ^uard  (2  Sam. 
 xxiii.  38;  1  Chr.  xi.  40).— 3.  Another  of  David's 
 guard,  a  Tekoite,  son  of  Ikkesh  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  26; 
 I  Chr.  xi.  28). 
 
 I'rad.  Son  of  Enoch  ;  grandson  of  Cain,  and 
 father  of  Mehujael  (Gen.  iv.  18). 
 
 I'ram,  a  le;«ler  of  the  Edomites  (Gen.  xxxvi.  43  ; 
 1  Chr.  i.  54),  i.  e.,  the  chief  of  a  family  or  tribe. 
 No  identification  of  him  has  been  found. 
 
 Ir-ha-he'res,  in  A.  V.  Tin:  Crrv  ok  Dicsikuc- 
 TION,  the  name  or  an  ajipellation  of  a  city  in  Egypt, 
 mentioned  only  in  Is.  xix.  18.  There  are  various 
 explaiiatii>iis.  1.  "The  city  of  the  sun,"  a  trans- 
 lation of  the  Egyptian  sicred  name  of  Heliopv^lis. 
 2.  "The  city  Heres,"  a  transcription  in  the 
 second  woid  of  the  Egyptian  sacred  name  of  Heli<»- 
 polis,  Ha-RA,  "the  abotie  (lit.  "house"),  of  the 
 sun."  3.  "  A  city  destroyed,"  lit.  "a  city  of  de- 
 struction," mejuiing  that  one  of  the  live  cities  men- 
 tioned should  be  destroyed,  according  to  Isjilah's 
 idiom.  4.  "  A  city  preserved,"  me;uiing  that  one 
 of  the  five  cities  mentioned  should  be  preserve'). 
 The  fii-st  of  these  explanations  is  highly  improbabb, 
 for  we  find  elsewhere  both  the  siicied  and  the  civi^ 
 names  of  Ileliojwlis,  so  that  a  thiixl  name  nieidy  a 
 variety  of  the  Hebrew  rendering  of  tlie  s.acreil  name 
 is  very  unlikely.  The  second  explanation,  which 
 we  believe  has  not  been  hitherto  put  loith,  is  .lable 
 to  the  same  oljijection  :us  the  pnceding  one,  besides 
 that  it  necessitates  the  exclusion  of  the  .article. 
 The  fourth  explanation  wotiM  not  have  Iteen  noticed 
 had  it  not  been  supjxn  ted  by  the  name  of  Gesenius. 
 The  common  reading  and  old  rendering  remains, 
 which  certainly  present  no  critical  difficulties.  A 
 very  Ciueful   exaiuiuation  of  the  sixth  chapter  ot 
 
IRI 
 
 Isaiah,  and  of  the  xviiith  and  xxth,  which  are  con- 
 iiectei  with  it,  lias  inclined  us  to  preler  it. 
 
 I'ri,  1  ICsdr.  viii.  02.     [Uriah.] 
 
 I'ri  or  Ir,  a  Beujiunite,  son  of  Bela  (1  Chr.  vii. 
 7,  1-2 ). 
 
 Iri'jah,  son  of  Shelemiah,  a  captain  of  the  ward, 
 who  met  Jeremiah  in  the  gate  of  Jerusalem  cjilled 
 the  "gate  of  Benjamin,"  accused  him  of  being 
 about  to  desert  to  the  Chaldeans,  and  led  him  back 
 to  the  princes  (Jer.  x.xxvii.  13,  14). 
 
 Ir'-nahash.  A  name  which,  like  many  other 
 names  of  places,  occurs  in  tht»  genealogical  lists  of 
 Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  12).  Ko  trace  of  the  name 
 of  Ir-nahash  attached  to  any  site  has  been  dis- 
 covered. 
 
 I'ron,  one  of  the  cities  of  iS'aphtali  (Josh.  xix. 
 38);  hitheito  totally  unknown. 
 
 Iron  (Heb.  ban  el ;  Ch.  parz'ld),  mentioned 
 with  brass  ;us  the  earliest  of  known  metals  (Gen.  iv. 
 22).  As  it  is  rarely  found  in  its  native  state,  but 
 generally  in  combination  with  oxygen,  the  know- 
 ledge of  the  art  of  Ibrging  iron,  which  is  attributed 
 to  Tubal  Cain,  argues  an  acquaintance  with  the 
 difficulties  which  attend  the  smelting  of  this  metal. 
 A  method  is  employed  by  the  natives  of  India, 
 extremely  simple  and  of  great  antiquity,  which 
 though  rude  is  very  efiective,  and  suggests  the 
 possibility  of  similar  knowledge  in  an  early  stage  of 
 civilization.  JIalleable  iron  was  in  common  use, 
 but  it  is  doubtful  wliether  the  ancients  were 
 acquainted  with  aist-iron.  The  natural  wealth  of 
 the  soil  of  Canaan  is  indicated  by  describing  it  as 
 "a  land  whose  stones  are  iron"  (Deut.  viii.  9). 
 The  book  of  Job  contains  passages  which  indicate 
 that  iion  was  a  metal  well  known.  Of  the  manner 
 of  procuiing  it,  we  learn  that  "  iron  is  taken  from 
 dust"  (xxviii.  2).  The  "furnace  of  iron"  (Deut. 
 iv.  28  ;  1  K.  viii.  51)  is  a  figure  which  vividly 
 expresses  haid  bondage,  as  represented  by  the  severe 
 labour  which  attended  the  operation  of  smelting. 
 Sheet-iron  was  used  for  cooking  utensils  (Ez.  iv.  3  ; 
 of.  Lev.  vii.  9).  That  it  was  plentiful  in  the  time 
 of  David  appears  from  1  Chr.  xxii.  3.  The  market 
 of  Tyie  was  supplied  with  bright  or  polished  iron 
 by  the  merchants  of  Dan  and  Javan  (Ez.  sxvii. 
 19).  The  Chalybes  of  the  Pontus  were  celebrated 
 as  workers  in  iron  in  very  ancient  times.  The  pro- 
 duce of  their  Libour  is  supposed  to  be  alluded  to  in 
 Jer.  x^'.  12,  as  being  of  superior  quality.  It  was 
 for  a  long  time  supposed  that  the  Egyptians  were 
 ignorant  of  the  use  of  iron,  and  that  the  allusions 
 in  the  Pentateuch  were  anachronisms,  as  no  traces 
 of  it  have  been  found  in  their  monuments;  but  in 
 the  sepulchres  at  Thebes  butchers  are  represented 
 as  sharpening  their  knives  on  a  round  bar  of  metal 
 attached  to  their  aprons,  which  from  its  blue  coloui- 
 is  presumed  to  be  steel.  One  iron  mine  only  has 
 been  discovered  in  Egypt,  which  was  woiked  by  the 
 ancients.  It  is  at  Hammarai  between  the  Kile  and 
 the  Ked  Sea ;  the  iion  found  by  Mr.  Burton  was 
 in  the  form  of  specular  and  led  ore.  That  no 
 articles  of  iron  should  have  been  found  is  easily 
 accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  it  is  easily  destroyed 
 by  moisture  and  exposure  to  the  aii\  The  Egyptians 
 obtained  their  iron  almost  exclusively  from  Assyria 
 Proper  in  the  form  of  bricks  or  pigs,  specimens  of 
 Assyrian  iron-work  oveilaid  with  bronze  were  dis- 
 covered by  Mr.  Layard,  and  are  now  in  the  British 
 Museum.  Iron  weapons  of  various  kinds  were 
 found  at  Nimroud,  but  fell  to  pieces  on  exposure  to 
 the  ai)'.     There  is  considerable  doubt  whethei'  the 
 
 ISAAC 
 
 347 
 
 ancients  were  acquainted  with  cast-iron.  The  ren- 
 dering given  by  the  LXX.  of  Job  xl.  18  seems  to 
 imply  that  some  method  nearly  like  that  of  casting 
 was  known,  and  is  supported  by  a  passatje  in  Dio- 
 dorus  (v.  13).  In  Ecclus.  xxxviii.  28,  we  have  a 
 picture  of  the  interior  of  an  iron-smith's  (Is.  xliv. 
 12)  workshop. 
 
 Ir'peel,  one  of  the  cities  of  Benjamin  (Josh,  xviii. 
 21 ).  Ko  trace  has  yet  been  discovered  of  its  situa- 
 tion. 
 
 Ir'-sliem'esli,  a  city  of  the  Danites  (Josh.  xix. 
 41),  probably  identical  with  Beth-SHEmesh,  and, 
 if  not  identical,  at  least  connected  with  MopNT 
 Hekes  (Judg.  i.  35). 
 
 I'm,  the  eldest  son  of  the  great  Caleb  son  of 
 Jojihunneh  (1  Chr.  iv.  15). 
 
 Isaac,  the  son  whom  Sarah,  in  accordance  with 
 the  I^ivine  jn-omise,  bore  to  Abiaham  in  the  hun- 
 dredth year  of  his  age,  at  Gerar.  In  his  infancy  he 
 became  the  object  of  Ishmael's  jealousy ;  and  in  his 
 youth  (when  twenty-five  years  old,  according  to 
 Joseph.  Ant.  i.  13,  §  2)  the  victim,  in  intention,  of 
 Abraham's  great  sacrificial  act  of  faith.  When  forty 
 years  old  he  married  Kebelvah  his  cousin,  by  whom, 
 when  he  was  sixty,  he  had  two  sons,  Esau  and  Jacob. 
 In  his  seventy- fifth  year  he  and  his  bi other  Ishmael 
 buried  their  father  Abraham  in  the  cave  of  Mach- 
 pelah.  From  his  abode  by  the  well  Lahai-roi,  in 
 the  South  Country — a  barren  tract,  comprising  a 
 itjw  pastures  and  wells,  between  the  hills  of  Judaea 
 and  the  Arabian  deseit,  touching  at  its  western  end 
 Philistia,  and  on  the  north  Hebron — Isaac  was 
 driven  by  a  famine  to  Gerar.  Here  Jehovah 
 appeared  to  him  and  bade  him  dwell  there  and 
 not  go  over  into  Egypt,  and  I'enewed  to  him  the 
 promises  made  to  Abraham.  Here  he  subjected 
 himself,  like  Abiaham  in  the  same  place  and 
 under  like  circumstances  (Gen.  xx.  2),  to  a  rebuke 
 from  Abimelech  the  Philistine  king  for  an  equivoc- 
 ation. Here  he  acquired  great  wealth  by  his 
 flocks ;  but  was  repeatedly  dispossessed  by  the 
 Philistines  of  the  wells  which  he  sunk  at  con- 
 venient stations.  At  Beersheba  Jehovah  appeared 
 to  him  by  night  and  blessed  him,  and  he  budt  an 
 altar  theie:  there,  too,  like  Abraham,  he  received 
 a  visit  from  the  Philistine  king  Abimelech,  with 
 whom  he  made  a  covenant  of  peace.  After  the 
 deceit  by  which  Jacob  acquired  his  father's  bless- 
 ing, Isaac  sent  his  son  to  seek  a  wife  in  Padan- 
 aram  ;  and  all  that  we  know  of  him  during  the 
 last  forty-three  years  of  his  life  is  that  he  saw 
 that  son,  with  a  large  and  prosperous  family,  leturn 
 to  him  at  Hebron  (xxxv.  27)  before  he  died  there  at 
 the  age  of  180  years.  He  was  buried  by  his  two 
 Suns  in  the  cave  of  Machpelah.  In  the  N.T.  refer- 
 ence is  made  to  the  offering  of  Isaac  (Heb.  xi.  17; 
 and  James  ii.  21j  and  to  his  blessing  his  sons  (Heb. 
 xi.  20).  As  the  child  of  the  promise,  and  as  the 
 progenitor  of  the  children  of  the  promise,  he  is 
 contrasted  with  Ishmael  (Rom.  ix.  7,  10;  Gal.  iv. 
 28  ;  Heb.  xi.  18 :.  In  our  Lord's  remarkable 
 argument  with  the  Sadducees,  his  history  is  cai'ried 
 beyond  the  point  at  which  it  is  left  in  the  0.  T., 
 and  beyond  the  grave.  Isaac,  of  whom  it  was  said 
 (Gen.  xxxv.  29)  that  he  was  gathered  to  his  people, 
 is  represented  as  still  living  to  God  (Luke  xs.  38, 
 &c.)  ;  and  by  the  same  Divine  authority  he  is  pro- 
 claimed as  an  acknowledged  heir  of  future  glory 
 (Matt.  viii.  11,  &c.).  It  has  been  asked  what  are 
 the  persecutions  sustained  by  Isaac  from  Ishmael  to 
 which  St.  Paul  refers  (Gal.  iv.  29)?     I\ashi  relates 
 
348 
 
 ISMAH. 
 
 a  Jewish  ti-anition  of  Isaac  suflering  pei-sonal  vio- 
 lence fVom  Ishmael,  a  tnnlition  which,  as  Mr. 
 Elhcott  thinks,  was  adopted  by  St.  I'aiii.  I'ut 
 Origen  and  Augustine  seem  to  doubt  whether  the 
 passage  in  Geii.  xxi.  9  bears  the  construction 
 apparently  put  upon  it.  The  otleriiig  up  of  Isaac 
 by  Abiaham  has  been  viewed  in  various  lights. 
 liy  Bishop  Warburton  {Div.  Le;/.  h.  vi.  §5)  the 
 whole  trans-action  Wiis  regai'ded  as  "  merely  an 
 inibimatiou  by  action,  i^^tead  of  words,  of  the  great 
 sai-ri lice  of  Christ  for  the  redemption  of  mankind, 
 given  at  the  earnest  request  of  Abraham,  who 
 longed  impatiently  to  see  Christ's  day."  Jlr. 
 Maui  ice  (Futnarc/is  ami  La>ajivers,  iv.)  draws 
 attention  to  the  ofl'ering  of  Isaac  <ts  the  last  and 
 culminating  point  in  the  divine  eduaition  of  Abra- 
 ham, that  which  taught  him  the  meaning  and 
 ground  of  self-sacrifice.  The  typical  view  of  Isaac 
 is  barely  referred  to  in  the  X.  T. ;  but  it  is  drawn 
 out  with  minute  particularity  by  Philo  and  those 
 interpreters  of  Scripture,  who  were  influenced  by 
 Alexandrian  philos(i])hy. 
 
 Isai'ah,  the  prophet,  son  of  Amoz.  The  Hebrew 
 name,  our  shoitened  foim  of  which  occurs  of  other 
 pei-sons  [see  JKSAIAII,  Jesiiaiah],  signifies  Salva- 
 tion of  Jafiu  (a  shortened  form  oi' Jehovah).  Refer- 
 ence is  plainly  made  by  the  jirophet  himself,  Is. 
 viii.  18,  to  the  significance  of  his  own  name  as  well 
 as  of  those  of  his  two  sons.  Kimchi  ( A.D.  1 230)  says 
 in  his  commentiry  on  Is.  i.  1,  "  We  know  not  his 
 race,  nor  of  what  tribe  he  was."  I.  The  first  veise 
 of  his  book  runs  thus :  "  The  vision  of  Isaiah  the 
 son  of  Amoz,  which  he  saw  concerning  Judah  and 
 .lerusalem  in  the  days  of  Uzziah,  Jotham,  Ahaz, 
 and  Hezekiah,  kings  of  Judah."  A  few  remarks 
 on  this  verse  will  open  the  way  to  the  solution  of 
 fcveial  euquiiies  relative  to  the  picphet  and  his 
 writings.  1.  This  verse  plainly  prefaces  at  le;ist 
 tlie  first  part  of  the  lx)ok  (chs.  i.-.xxxix.),  which 
 leaves  off  in  Hezekiah's  reign.  2.  We  are  authorized 
 to  infer,  that  no  part  of  the  vision,  the  fruits  of 
 which  are  recorded  in  this  book,  belongs  to  the  reign 
 of  Manasseh.  3.  Isaiah  must  have  been  an  old 
 man  at  the  close  of  Hezekiah's  leign.  The  ordinary 
 chronology  gives  758  B.C.  for  the  date  of  Jotham's 
 accession,  and  698  for  that  of  Hezekiah's  death. 
 This  gives  us  a  jieriod  of  (30  years.  And  since  his 
 ministry  commenced  before  Uzziah's  death  (how 
 long  we  know  not),  su})po.sing  him  to  have  been  no 
 more  than  20  years  old  when  he  began  to  prophesy, 
 he  would  have  been  80  or  90  at  jian;i.sseh's  acces- 
 sion. 4.  If  we  compare  the  contents  of  the  book 
 with  the  desciiption  here  given  of  it,  we  recogni.-* 
 prophesyings  which  arc  certiiinly  to  be  assigne<l  to 
 the  reigns  of  Uzziah,  Ahaz,  and  Hezekiah  ;  but  we 
 cannot  so  certainly  find  any  belonging  to  the  reign 
 of  Jotham.  5.  We  naturally  ask,  Who  was  the 
 compiler  of  the  book  ?  The  obvious  answer  is,  that 
 it  was  Isaiah  himself  aided  by  a  scribe  ('comp.  Jer. 
 XXX vi.  1-5).  Isaiah  we  know  was  otherwi.se  an 
 author  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  22). — II.  In  order  to  realise 
 the  relation  of  Isaiah's  proi)lietic  ministry  to  his 
 own  contemporaries,  we  npe<l  to  take  account  both 
 of  the  foreign  relations  of  Ju<iah  at  the  time,  and 
 internally  of  its  social  and  religious  aspects.  Our 
 materials  are  scuity,  and  are  to  be  collecttnl  partly 
 out  of  2  K.  and  2  Chr.,  and  partly  out  of  the 
 lemaining  writings  of  contemporary  prophet.s,  Jool 
 'i.roiuibly),  OUidiah,  and  Micah,  "in  Judah;  and 
 Hasea,  Amos,  and  .lonah,  in  Isi-iel.  Of  tlu-.^-  the 
 most  assistance  is  obtained  from  Micah.     1.  Under 
 
 ISAIAH 
 
 Uzziah  the  ])olitici\l  position  of  Judah  had  giie:ifl_r 
 recovere<J  from  the  blows  suffered  under  Amaziah  ; 
 the  fortifications  of  Jeiusalem  itself  were  restorcil ; 
 ca.--tles  were  built  in  the  country  ;  new  arrange- 
 ineiiti  in  the  army  and  equipments  of  defensive 
 artilleiy  were  established ;  and  considerable  suc- 
 cesses in  war  gained  against  the  Philistine.-^,  the 
 Arabians,  and  the  Ammonites.  This  prosperity 
 continued  during  the  reign  of  Jotham,  except  that 
 towards  the  clo-^c  of  this  latter  reign,  troiibles 
 threatened  from  the  alliance  of  Israel  and  Syria. 
 The  consecjuence  of  this  prosperity  w.as  an  influx 
 of  wealth,  and  this  with  the  increased  means  of 
 military  strength  withdiew  men's  confidence  fi-om 
 Jehovah,  and  led  them  to  trust  in  worldly  lesources. 
 Moreover  gieat  disorder  existetl  in  the  internal 
 administration,  all  of  which,  whether  moral  or 
 religious,  were,  by  the  very  nature  of  the  common- 
 wealth, as  theocratic,  alike  amenable  to  prophetic 
 rebuke.^2.  Now  what  is  the  tenor  of  Isaiah's  mes- 
 sage in  the  time  of  Uzziah  and  Jotham  ?  This  we 
 read  in  chs.  i.-v.  Chap.  i.  is  very  general  in  its  con- 
 tents. The  Seer  stands  (perhaps;  in  the  Court  of 
 the  Israelites  denouncing  to  nobles  and  pople,  then 
 a.ssembling  for  divine  worship,  the  whole  estimate 
 of  their  character  formed  by  Jehovah,  and  his 
 approaching  chastisements.  This  discourse  suital>ly 
 heads  the  book;  it  sounds  the  keynote  of  the  whole; 
 fires  of  judgment  destroying,  but  purifying  a  rem- 
 nant,— such  was  the  burden  all  along  of  Isaiah'r. 
 l)rophesyings.  Of  the  other  public  utterances  be- 
 longing to  this  period,  chs.  ii.-iv.  are  by  almost  all 
 critics  considered  to  be  one  prophesying, — the  lead- 
 ing thought  of  v.-liich  is  that  the  piesent  piosj)erity 
 of  Judah  should  be  destioyed  for  her  sins,  to  iwike 
 room  for  the  real  glory  of  pietij  and  virtue  ;  while 
 ch.  V.  forms  a  distinct  discourse,  whose  main  pui- 
 jxjrt  is  that  Israel,  God's  vineyard,  shall  be  brought 
 to  desolation.  At  fii'st  he  invites  attention  by  re- 
 citing a  parable  (of  the  vineyard;  in  calm  and  com- 
 jiosed  accents  (ch.  v.).  But  as  he  interprets  the 
 parable  his  note  changes,  and  a  sixfold  "woe"  is 
 poured  forth  with  terrible  invective.  It  is  levelled 
 against  the  covetous  amassers  of  laud  ;  against 
 luxurious  revellers  ;  against  bold  sinners  who  defied 
 God's  works  of  judgment ;  against  those  who  con- 
 founded moial  distinctions;  against  selt-conceitetl 
 sceptics  ;  and  against  profligate  perverters  of  judi- 
 cial justice.  In  fury  of  wrath  Jehovah  stietchcs 
 forth  His  hmid.  Here  there  is  an  awful  vagueness 
 in  the  images  of  terror  which  tlie  piophet  accumul- 
 ates, till  at  length  out  of  the  cloud  and  mist  of 
 wrath  we  hear  Jehovah  hiss  for  the  stern  ami 
 irresistible  warriors  (the  As.syrian.s),  who  fiom 
 the  end  of  the  earth  -should  crow<l  forward  to  sjwil, 
 — after  which  all  distinctne.ss  of  desciiption  iiiraiii 
 fades  away  in  vague  images  of  soitow  and  desjviir. 
 ^3.  Ill  the  year  ot'  Uzziah's  death  an  ecstatic  vision 
 fell  ujKjn  the  prophet.  In  this  vision  he  .saw  Je- 
 hovah, in  the  Second  Person  of  the  Godliejid  (.lohn 
 xii.  41 ;  comp.  Mai.  iii.  I),  enthroned  aloll  in  His 
 own  eaithly  tjibernacle,  attended  by  seraphim,  whose 
 j>raise  filled  the  KHictuary  as  it  were  with  the 
 I  smoke  of  incense.  As  John  at  Patmos,  so  Is^iiah 
 w.'is  overwhelmed  witli  awe  :  he  felt  his  own  sinl'ul- 
 I  ncss  and  tliat  of  all  with  whom  he  was  connected, 
 I  and  cried  "  woe  "  uimhi  himself  as  if  brought  before 
 Jehovah  to  ie<.-eive  the  reward  of  his  decils.  But, 
 as  at  Patmos  the  Son  of  Man  laid  his  liainl  ujxm 
 I  .loliii  saying  "  Kear  not!"  so,  in  olK-dience  evitlcntly 
 I  <i>  the  will  of  .fciiovah,  a  .stM'aph  with  a  hot  stouc 
 
ISAIAH 
 
 t.iken  from  tho  altar  touched  his  lips,  the  principal 
 oigan  of  i^ood  and  evil  in  man,  and  thereby  re- 
 moving his  sinfulness,  qiialitii-d  him  to  join  the 
 seraphim  in  vi-hatever  service  he  might  he  called  to. 
 This  vision  in  the  main  was  another  mode  of  repre- 
 senting what,  both  iu  previous  and  in  subsequent 
 prophesvings,  is  so  continually  denounced — the 
 almost  utter  destruction  of  the  Hebrew  people,  with 
 vet  a  purified  remnant.  It  is  a  touching  trait, 
 illustrating  the  prophet's  own  feelings,  that  when 
 he  next  appears  before  us,  some  years  later,  he  has 
 a  son  named  Shearjashub,  "  Remnant-shali-retarn." 
 The  name  was  evidently  given  with  significance; 
 and  the  fact  discovers  alike  the  sorrow  which  ate 
 his  heart,  and  the  hope  in  which  he  found  solace.— 
 4.  Some  years  el:ipse  between  chs.  vi.  and  vii., 
 and  the  political  scenery  has  greatly  altered.  The 
 Assyrian  power  ofXineveh  now  threatens  the  He- 
 brew nation ;  Tiglatli-pileser  has  alieady  spoiled 
 Pekah  of  some  of  the  fairest  parts  of  his  dominions. 
 After  the  Assyrian  army  was  withdrawn,  the  Syrian 
 kingdom  of  Damascus  rises  into  notice  ;  its  monarch, 
 Itezin,  combines  with  the  now  weakened  king  of 
 Israel,  and  probably  with  other  small  states  around, 
 to  consolidate  tit  has  been  conjectured)  a  powei- 
 which  shall  confront  Asshiir.  Ahaz  keeps  aloof, 
 and  becomes  the  object  of  attack  to  the  allies ;  he 
 has  been  already  twice  defeated  (2  Chr.  .\,\viii.  5, 
 6)  ;  and  now  the  allies  are  threatening  him  witii  a 
 combined  invasion  (741).  The  news  that  "Aram 
 is  encamped  in  Ephraim  "  (Is.  vii.  2)  fills  both  king 
 anil  people  with  consternation,  and  the  king  is  gone 
 forth  from  the  city  to  take  measures,  as  it  would 
 seem,  to  prevent  the  upper  reservoir  of  water  from 
 falling  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  Under  Jeho- 
 vah's direction  Isaiah  goes  foith  to  meet  the  king, 
 surrounded  no  doubt  by  a  considerable  company  of 
 his  ofBcers  and  of  spectators.  The  prophet  is  di- 
 rected to  take  with  him  the  child  whose  name, 
 Shearjashub,  was  so  full  of  mystical  promise,  to  add 
 greater  emphasis  to  his  message.  As  a  sign  that 
 Judah  was  not  yet  to  perish,  he  announces  the  birth 
 of  the  child  Immanuel,  who  should  not  "  know  to 
 refuse  the  evil  and  choose  the  good,"  before  the 
 land  of  tlie  two  hostile  kings  should  be  left  desolate. 
 But  here  the  threat  which  mingles  with  the  pro- 
 mise in  Shearjashub  appears,  and  again  Isaiah  pre- 
 dicts the  Assyrian  invasion.— 5.  As  the  Assyrian 
 empire  began  more  and  more  to  threaten  the  He- 
 brew commonwealth  with  utter  overthrow,  it  is 
 now  that  the  piediction  of  the  Jlessiah,  the  Restorer 
 of  Israel,  becomes  more  positive  and  clear.  The 
 king  was  bent  upon  an  alliance  with  Assyria.  This 
 Isaiah  stedfastly  opposes  (comp.  x.  20).  "Neither 
 fear  Aram  and  Israel,  for  they  will  soon  perish  ; 
 nor  trust  in  Asshur,  for  she  will  be  !hy  direst 
 oppressor."  Such  is  Isaiah's  strain.  And  by  divine 
 direction  he  employs  various  e.xpedients  to  make 
 his  testimony  the  more  impressive.  He  procured 
 a  large  tablet  (viii.  1),  and  with  witnesses  he  wrote 
 thereon  in  large  characters  suited  for  a  public  notice 
 the  words  Hastesbooty  Speedspoil  ;  which 
 tablet  was  no  doubt  to  be  hung  up  for  public 
 view,  in  the  entrance  (we  may  suppose)  to  the 
 Temple.  And  further:  his  wife — who,  by  the 
 way,  appeal's  to  have  been  herself  possessed  of  pro- 
 phetic gifts,  just  as  this  time  gave  birth  to  a  son. 
 Jehovah  bids  the  prophet  give  him  the  name  Ifas- 
 teribooty  Speedspoil,  adding,  that  before  the  child 
 should  be  able  to  talk,  the  wealth  of  Damascus  and 
 the  booty  of  Samaria  should  be  carried  away  before 
 
 ISAIAH 
 
 349 
 
 the  king  of  Assyria.  The  people  of  Judah  w;us 
 split  into  political  fictions.  The  court  was  for 
 Assyria,  and  indeed  formed  an  alliance  with  Tig- 
 lath-pileser  ;  but  a  popular  party  was  for  the  Syro- 
 Ephraimitic  connexion  fomied  to  resist  Assyria. 
 "  i'>ar  none  but  Jehovah  only !  fear  Him,  trust 
 Him ;  He  will  be  your  safety."  Such  is  the  pur- 
 port of  the  discourse  viii.  5-ix.  7.-6.  A  Prophecy 
 was  delivered  at  this  time  against  the  kingdom  of 
 Israel  (ix.  8-x.  4).  As  Isaiah's  message  was  only 
 to  Judah,  we  may  infer  that  the  object  of  this  utter- 
 ance was  to  check  the  disposition  shown  by  many 
 to  connect  Judah  with  the  policy  of  the  sister  king- 
 dom.—7.  The  utteiance  recorded  in  x.  5-xii.  6, 
 one  of  the  most  highly  wrought  jiassages  in  the 
 whole  book,  was  probably  one  single  outpouring  of 
 inspiration.  It  stands  wholly  disconnected  with 
 the  preceding  in  the  circumstances  which  it  pre- 
 supposes ;  and  to  what  period  to  assign  it,  is  not 
 easy  to  determine.— 8.  The  next  eleven  '•hapters, 
 xiii.-xxiii.,  contain  chiefly  a  collection  of  utterances, 
 each  of  which  is  styled  a  "  burden."  (a.)  The  first 
 (siii.  1-xiv.  27)  is  against  Babylon  ;  placed  first, 
 either  because  it  was  first  in  point  of  utterance,  or 
 because  Babylon  in  prophetic  vision,  particularly 
 when  Isaiah  compiled  his  book,  headed  in  import- 
 ance all  the  earthly  powers  opposed  to  God"s  people, 
 and  therefore  was  to  be  first  struck  down  by  the 
 shaft  of  prophecy.  The  ode  of  triumph  (xiv.  3-23) 
 in  this  burden  is  among  the  most  poetical  passages 
 in  all  literature.  (6.)  The  short  and  pregnant 
 "  burden"  against  Phiiistia  (xiv.  29-32)  in  the  year 
 that  Ahaz  died,  was  occasioned  bv  the  revolt  of  the 
 Philistines  from  Judah,  and  their  successful  inroad 
 recorded  2  Chr.  xxviii.  18.  (c.)  The  "  burden  of 
 i\Ioab"  (.\v.  xvi.)  is  remarkable  for  the  elecrian 
 stvain  in  which  the  prophet  bewails  the  di.sastere  of 
 Moab,  and  for  the  dramatic  character  of  xvi.  1-6. 
 {d.)  Chapters  xvii.  xviji.  This  prophecy  is  headed 
 "  the  burden  of  Damascus  ;"  and  yet  after  ver.  3 
 the  attention  is  withdrawn  from  Damascus  and 
 turned  to  Israel,  and  then  to  Ethiopia.  Israel 
 appears  as  closely  associated  with  Damascus.  This 
 brings  us  to  the  time  of  the  Syro-Ephraimitic  alli- 
 ance ;  at  all  events  Ephraim  has  not  yet  ceased  to 
 exjs-.  Chap.  xvii.  12-14,  as  well  as  xviii.  1-7,  point 
 ag.Hiu  to  the  event  of  xxxvii.  But  why  this  here  ? 
 The  solution  seems  to  be  that,  though  Assyria 
 would  be  the  ruin  both  of  Aram  and  of  Israel,  and 
 though  it  would  even  threaten  Judah  ("  us,"  ver. 
 14i,  it  should  not  then  conquer  Judah  (comp.  turn 
 of  xiv.  31,32).  {e.)  In  the  "burden  of  Egypt" 
 (xix.)  the  prophet  seems  to  be  pursuing  the  same 
 object.  Both  Israel  (2  K.  xvii.  4)  and  Judah  (Is. 
 xxxi.")  were  naturally  disposed  to  look  towards  Egypt 
 for  succour  against  Assyria.  Probably  it  was  to 
 counteract  this  tendency  that  the  prophet  is  here 
 directed  to  prophesy  the  utter  helplessness  of  Egypt 
 under  God's  judgments.  But  the  result  .should  be 
 that  numerous  cities  of  Egypt  should  own  Jehovah 
 for  their  God.  (/.)  In  the  midst  of  these  "bur- 
 dens "  stands  a  passage  which  presents  Isaiah  in  a 
 new  aspect,  an  aspect  in  which  he  appears  in  this 
 instance  only.  The  more  emphatically  to  enforce 
 the  warning  already  conveyed  in  the  "  burden  of 
 Egypt,"  Isaiah  was  commanded  to  appear  in  the 
 streets  and  temple  of  Jerusalem  stripped  of  his 
 sackcloth  mantle,  and  wearing  his  vest  only,  with 
 his  feet  also  bare,  (g.)  In  "the  burden  of  the 
 desert  of  the  sea,"  a  poetical  designation  of  Baby- 
 lonia (.\xi.  1-10),  the  images  in  which  the  fall  "of 
 
350 
 
 ISAIAH 
 
 Babylon  is  indicated  are  sliotched  with  Aoschyloan 
 nipidity,  and  cert-iinly  not  less  than  Aeschylean  a\v- 
 fuhiess  and  grandeur,  (/i.)  "The  burden  of  l)n- 
 mah,"  and  "  of  Arabia"  (xxi.  11-17),  relate  appa- 
 rently to  some  Assyrian  invasion.  (/.)  In  "  the 
 burden  of  the  val/ei/  of  visio7i"  (.xxii.  1-14)  it  is 
 doubtless  Jerusalem  that  is  thus  designated.  The 
 scene  presented  is  that  of  .Jerusalem  during  an  in- 
 vasion; in  the  hostile  army  are  named  Klam  and 
 Kir,  nations  which  no  doubt  contiibuted  troops  both 
 to  the  Ninevite  and  to  the  Babylonian  armies.  The 
 latter  is  probably  here  contemplated,  {k.)  The 
 passage  xxii.  15-'-'5  is  singular  in  Isaiah  as  a  pro- 
 phesying against  an  individual.  Siiebna  was  one 
 of  the  king's  highest  functionaries,  and  seems  to 
 have  been  leader  of  a  ])arty  opposed  to  Jehovah 
 (ver.  25).  Perhaps  he  wa<  disgraced  and  exiled  by 
 Hezekiah,  after  the  event  of  xxxvii.  If  his  fall  was 
 the  consequence  of  the  Assyi-ian  overthrow,  we  can 
 better  understiiid  both  the  denunciation  against  the 
 individual  and  the  position  it  occupies  in  the  record. 
 (/.)  The  last  "burden"  is  against  Tyre  (xxiii.). 
 Her  utter  destruction  is  not  predicted  by  Isaiah  as 
 it  afteiwards  w.ts  bj'  Kzekiel.— 9.  The  next  four 
 chapters,  xxiv.-xxvii.,  form  one  prophecy  essentially 
 connected  with  the  preceding  ten  "  burdens"  (xiii.- 
 xxiii.),  of  which  it  is  in  etlect  a  general  summary. 
 The  elegy  of  xxiv.  is  interrupted  at  ver.  13  by  a 
 glimpse  at  the  happy  remnant,  but  is  resumed  at 
 ver.  It),  till  at  ver.  21  the  dark  night  passes  away 
 altogether  to  usher  in  an  ine.xpressibly  glorious  day. 
 In  XXV.,  after  commemorating  the  destruction  of 
 all  oppressors,  the  prophet  gives  us  in  vers.  6-9  a 
 most  glowing  description  of  Messianic  blessings, 
 which  connects  itself  with  the  N.  T.  by  numberless 
 links,  indicating  the  oneness  of  the  prophetic  Spirit 
 ("the  Spirit  of  Christ,"  1  I'et.  i.  11),  with  that 
 which  dwells  in  the  later  revelation.  In  xxvi., 
 vers.  lJ-18  describe  the  new,  happy  state  of  God's 
 [leople  as  God's  work  wholly.  In  xxvii.  1,  "  Le- 
 viathan the  Heeing  serpent,  and  Leviathan  the 
 twisting  serpent,  and  the  dragon  in  the  sea,"  are 
 perhaps  Nineveh  and  Babylon — two  phases  of  the 
 .same  Asshur — and  Egypt  (comp.  ver.  loj  ;  all, 
 however,  symbolizing  adverse  powers  of  evil.— 10. 
 Chs.  xxviii.-xxxv.  The  fbi  nier  part  of  this  section 
 seems  to  be  of  a  fragmentary  character,  being  pro- 
 bably the  subsfcinces  of  discourses  not  fully  com- 
 municated, and  s])olcen  at  ditleient  times,  xxviii. 
 1-6  is  clearly  predictive;  it  therefore  preceded  Shal- 
 maneser's  invasion,  when  Samaria  was  destroyed. 
 And  here  we  have  a  picture  given  us  of  the  way  in 
 wiiich  Jehovah's  word  was  received  by  Isaiah's 
 contemporaries.  Priest  and  prophet  were  diunk 
 with  a  spirit  of  infatuation, — "they  erred  in  vision, 
 thoy  stuml)]ed  in  judgment,"  and  therefore  only 
 scolled  at  his  ministrations. — Ch.  xxix.  Jerusalem 
 was  to  be  visited  with  extreme  danger  and  terror, 
 and  then  sudilen  deliverance,  vers.  1-8.  But  the 
 threatening  and  promise  seemed  very  em'gmatical ; 
 firoi)hef.s,  and  rulers,  and  scholars,  could  make  no- 
 thing of  the  riddle  (9-12).  Alas  !  the  people  them- 
 selves will  only  he;irkeii  to  the  prophets  and  priests 
 speaking  out  of  their  own  heart ;  even  their  so-called 
 piety  to  Jehovah  is  regulated,  not  by  His  true 
 oigans,  but  by  pretended  ones  (ver.  13);  but  all 
 their  vaunted  policy  shall  be  confounded  ;  the  wild 
 wwjd  shall  become  a  fruitful  Held,  and  the  fruitful 
 /iehi  a  wild  wood  ; — the  hinuble  pujiils  of  Jehovah 
 and  these  self-wise  leaders  slinll  inteicliangc  their 
 place-:  of  dishonour  and  prosperi.y  (vei-s.  13-24). 
 
 ISAIAH 
 
 One  inst.ance  of  the  liilse  leading  of  these  prophet* 
 and  priests  (.\xx.  1)  in  opposition  to  the  true  jiro- 
 phets  (vers.  10,  11),  was  the  policy  of  courting 
 the  help  of  Egypt  against  Assyria.  Against  this, 
 Isaiah  is  commanded  to  protest,  which  he  does  both 
 in  XXX.  1-17,  and  in  xxxi.  1-3,  pointing  out  at  the 
 same  time  the  fruitlessness  of  all  me:isures  of  hu- 
 man policy  and  the  necessity  of  tiustiug  in  Jehovah 
 alone  for  deliverance.  In  xxx.  18-33,  and  xxxi. 
 4-9,  there  is  added  to  each  address  the  prediction 
 of  the  Assyrian's  overthrow  and  its  consequences, 
 xxx.  19-24.  As  the  time  approaches,  the  spirit  of 
 prophecy  becomes  more  and  more  glowing ;  that 
 marvellous  deliverance  from  Asshur,  wherein  God's 
 "  Name  "  (xxx.  27)  so  gloriously  came  near,  opens 
 even  clearer  glimpses  into  the  time  when  Cod  should 
 indeed  come  and  reign,  in  the  Anointed  One,  and 
 when  virtue  and  righteousness  should  everywhere 
 prevail  fxxxii.  1-8,  15-20);  then  the  mighty  Je- 
 hovah should  be  a  king  dwelling  amongst  His  people 
 (xxxiii.  17,  22).  The  sinnei-s  in  Zion  should  be 
 filled  with  dismay,  dreading  lest  His  terrible  judg- 
 ment -should  alight  upon  themselves  also  (xxxiii. 
 14).  With  these  glorious  predictions  are  blendi-d 
 also  descriptions  of  the  grief  and  despair  which 
 should  precede  that  hour,  xxxii.  9-14  and  xxxiii. 
 7-9,  and  the  earnest  prayer  then  to  be  ollered  by 
 the  pious  (xxxiii.  2).  In  ch.  xxxiv.  the  prediction 
 must  certainly  be  taken  with  a  particular  reference 
 to  Idumea  ;  we  are  however  led  both  by  the  placing 
 of  the  prophecy  and  bv  Ixiii.  2,  to  take  it  in  a  ge- 
 neral as  well  as  typical  sense.  As  xxxiv.  has  a 
 general  sense,  so  xxxv.  indicates  in  general  teinis 
 the  deliverance  of  Isiael  as  if  out  of  captivity,  re- 
 joicing in  their  secure  and  happy  march  through  the 
 wilderness.^11.  xxxvii. -xxxi.K.  At  length  the  se;i- 
 son  .so  often,  though  no  doubt  obscurelj  foretold, 
 arrived.  The  Assyrian  was  near  with  forces  appar- 
 ently irresistible.  In  the  universal  consternation 
 which  ensued,  all  the  hope  of  the  state  centre<l 
 upon  Isaiah  ;  the  highest  functionaiiesof  the  state, — 
 Shebna  too, — wait  upon  him  in  the  name  of  their 
 sovereign.  The  short  answer  which  Jehovah  gave 
 through  him  was,  that  the  Assyrian  king  should 
 hear  intelligence  which  should  send  him  back  to  his 
 own  land,  there  to  perish.  How  the  deliverance 
 was  to  be  effected,  Isaiah  was  not  commissioned  to 
 tell ;  but  the  very  next  night  (2  K.  xix.  35)  brought 
 the  appalling  fulfilment.  A  divine  inteiposition  so 
 maivellous,  so  evidently  miraculous,  was  in  its 
 magnificence  worthy  of  being  the  kernel  of  Isaiah's 
 whole  book. — Cits,  xxxviii.,  xxxix.  chronologically 
 precede  the  two  previous  ones.— 12.  The  last  27 
 chapters  form  a  prophecy,  whose  coherence  of  struc- 
 tuie  and  unify  of  authoi-ship  are  generally  admitted 
 even  by  those  who  deny  that  it  was  written  by 
 Isaiah.  The  jioint  of  time  and  situation  from  which 
 the  prophet  here  s|ieaks,  is  for  the  most  part  that 
 of  the  captivity  in  Babylon  (comp.  e.  7.,  Ixiv.  lu, 
 11).  But  this  is  adopted  on  a  principle  which 
 ii])pears  to  characterise  "  vision,"  viz.,  that  the 
 piophet  .sees  the  futuie  as  if  present.  This  second 
 I)art  falls  into  three  .sivtions,  each,  as  it  happens, 
 consisting  of  nine  chaptere;  the  two  tiist  end  with 
 the  rcfmin.  "  There  is  no  peace,  saith  .lehovah  {or 
 "  my  God  "),  to  the  wicked  ;"  and  the  third  with 
 the  .same  thought  amidified.  (1.)  The  first  section 
 (xl.-xlviii.)  h.is  for  its  main  topic  the  comforting 
 issurance  of  the  deliverance  from  Babylon  by  Koresli 
 (Cvrus)  who  is  even  named  twice  ^\li.  2,  3,  25, 
 xliv.  28,  xlv.  1-4.  l:;.  vivi.  11,  xlviii.  14,  1.5).    It 
 
ISCAH 
 
 iS  characteristic  of  sacred  prophecy  in  general  that 
 the  "  vision  "  of  a  gi'eat  deliverance  leads  the  seer 
 to  £!;lance  at  the  great  deliverance  to  come  through 
 Jesus  Christ.  This  principle  of  association  prevails 
 in  the  second  part  taken  as  a  whole ;  but  in  the 
 first  section,  taken  apart,  it  appears  as  yet  imper- 
 fectly. (2.)  The  second  section  (xlix.-lvii.)  is  dis- 
 tinguished fiom  the  first  by  several  features.  The 
 person  of  Cyrus  as  well  as  his  name,  and  the  speci- 
 fication of  Babylon  disappear  altogether.  Return 
 from  exile  is  indeed  repeatedly  spoken  of  and  at 
 lengtli  (xiix.  9-26,  li.  9-lii.  12,  Iv.  12,  13,  Ivii. 
 14) ;  but  in  such  general  terms  as  admit  of  being 
 applied  to  the  spiritual  and  Messianic,  as  well  as  to 
 the  literal  restoration.  (3.)  In  the  third  section 
 (Iviii.-lxvi.)  as  Cyrus  nowhere  appears,  so  neithei' 
 does  "  Jeliovah's  servant "  occur  so  frequently  to 
 view  as  in  the  second.  The  only  delineation  of  the 
 latter  is  in  Ixi.  1-3  and  in  Ixiii.  1-6,  9.  He  no 
 longer  appears  as  suffering,  but  only  as  saving 
 and  avenging  Zion.  The  section  is  mainly  occu- 
 pied with  various  practical  exhoi-tations  foimded 
 upon  the  views  of  the  future  already  set  forth. 
 ^III.  Numberlrss  attacks  have  been  made  upon 
 the  integrity  of  the  whole  book,  different  critics  pro- 
 nouncing different  portions  of  the  first  part  spurious, 
 an<i  many  concurring  to  i-eject  the  second  part  alto- 
 gether (the  last  27  chapters).  A  few  observations, 
 particularly  on  this  latter  point,  appear  therefore 
 to  be  necessaiy.  The  circumstance  mainly  urged 
 by  them  is  the  unquestionable  fact  that  the  author 
 takes  his  stand-point  at  the  close  of  the  Babvlonish 
 Captivity,  as  if  that  were  his  present,  and  from 
 thence  looks  forward  into  his  subsequent  future. 
 Other  grounds  which  are  alleged  are  confessedly 
 secondary  and  external,  and  are  really  of  no  great 
 weight.  The  most  important  of  these  is  founded 
 upon  the  difference  of  style.  On  the  other  hand, 
 tor  the  authenticity  of  the  second  part  the  following 
 reasons  may  be  advanced.  (a)  The  unanimous 
 testimony  of  Jewish  and  Christian  tiadition  (comp. 
 Kcclus.  xlviii.  24)  ;  and  the  evidence  of  the  N.  T. 
 quotations  (Matt.  iii.  3  ;  Luke  iv.  17  ;  Acts  viii.  28 ; 
 Kom.  X.  16,  20).  (6)  The  unity  of  design  which 
 connects  these  last  27  chapters  with  the  preceding. 
 The  oneness  of  diction  which  pervades  the  whole 
 book.  The  peculiar  elevation  and  grandeur  of  style, 
 which  characterize  the  second  part  as  well  as  the 
 first.  The  absence  of  any  other  name  than  Isaiah's 
 claiming  the  authorship.  Lastly,  the  Messianic  pre- 
 dictions which  mark  its  inspiration,  and  remove  the 
 chief  ground  of  objection  against  its  having  been 
 written  by  Isaiah.  In  point  of  style  we  can  find 
 no  difficulty  in  recognising  in  the  second  part  the 
 pi'esence  of  the  same  plastic  genius  as  we  discover 
 ih  the  first.  And,  altogether,  the  aesthetic  criticism 
 of  all  the  ditl'erent  parts  of  tlie  book  brings  us  to 
 the  conclusion  that  the  whole  of  the  book  origin- 
 ated in  one  mind,  and  that  mind  one  of  the  most 
 sublime  and  variously  gifted  instruments  which  tlie 
 Spirit  of  God  has  ever  employed  to  pour  forth  Its 
 Voice  upon  the  world. 
 
 Is'cai,  daughter  of  Haran  the  brother  of  Abram, 
 and  sister  of  Milcah  and  of  Lot  (Gen.  xi.  29).     In 
 the  Jewish  traditions  she  is  identified  with  Sae.\i. 
 Iscar'iot    [Judas  Iscariot.] 
 Is'dael,  1  Esd.  v.  33.     [Giddel,  2. 
 Ish'bah,  a  man  in  the  line  of  Judah,  commemo- 
 rated as  the  "  father  of  Eshtemoa  "  (1  Chr.  iv.  17). 
 Ish'bak,  a  son  of  Abraham  and  Keturah  (Gen. 
 «xv.  2 ;   1  Chr.  i.  32),  and  the  progenitor  of  a  tril* 
 
 ISHMAEL 
 
 351 
 
 I  of  northern  Arabia.  The  settlements  of  this  people 
 1  are  very  obscure,  and  we  can  only  suggest  as  pos- 
 sible that  they  may  be  recovered  in  the'name  of  the 
 valley  called  Sabak,  or,  it  is  said,  Sibak,  in  the 
 Dahnb,,  a  feitile  and  extensive  tract,  belonging  to 
 the  Bence-Temeem,  in  Nejd,  or  the  highland,  of 
 Arabia,  on  the  north-east  of  it.  There  is^  however 
 another  Dahna,  nearer  to  the  Euphrates,  and  some 
 confusion  may  exist  regaiding  the  true  position  of 
 Sab^k  ;  but  either  Dahna  is  suitable  tor  the  settle- 
 ments of  Ishbak.  The  first-mentioned  Dahna  lies  in 
 a  favourable  portion  of  the  widely-stretcliing  countrv 
 known  to  have  been  peopled  by  the  Keturahites. 
 
 Ish'bi-Beno'b,  son  of  Rapha,  one  of  the  race  of 
 Philistine  giants,  who  attacked  David  in  battle,  but 
 was  slain  by  Abishai  (2  Sam.  xxi.  16,  17). 
 
 Isli-bo'slietli,  the  youngest  of  Saul's  four  sons, 
 and  his  legitimate  successor.  His  name  appears 
 (1  Chr.  viii.  33,  ix.  39)  to  have  been  originally 
 Esh-baal,  "  the  man  of  Baal."  He  was  35  years 
 of  age  at  the  time  of  the  battle  of  Gilboa,  but  for 
 five  years  Abner  was  engaged  in  restoring  the  ilo- 
 miuion  of  the  house  of  Saul  over  all  Israel.  Ishbo- 
 sheth  was  then  "  40  years  old  when  he  began  to 
 reign  over  Israel,  and  reigned  two  years"  (2  Sam. 
 iii.  10).  During  these  two  years  he  reigned  at 
 Mahanaim,  tiiough  only  in  name.  The  wars  and 
 negotiations  with  David  were  entirely  carried  on  bv 
 Abner  (2  Sam.  ii.  12,  iii.  6,  12).  The  death  of 
 Abner  deprived  the  house  of  Saul  of  their  last  re- 
 maining support.  When  Ishbosheth  heard  of  it, 
 "  his  hands  were  feeble  and  all  the  Israelites  were 
 troubled "  (2  Sam.  iv.  1).  In  this  extremity  of 
 weakness  he  fell  a  victim,  probably,  to  revenge  for 
 a  crime  of  his  father.  Two  Beerothites,  Baana  and 
 Rech?b,  in  remembrance,  it  has  been  conjectured,  of 
 Saul's  slaughter  of  their  kinsmen  the  Gibeonites,  de- 
 termined to  take  advantage  of  the  helplessness  of  the 
 loyal  house  to  destroy  the  only  representative  that 
 was  left,  excepting  the  child  Mephiboshetli  (2  Sam. 
 iv.  4).  After  assassinating  Ishbosheth,  they  took  his 
 head  to  David  as  a  welcome  present.  They  met  with 
 a  stern  reception.  David  rebuked  them  for  the  cold- 
 blooded murder  of  an  innocent  man,  and  ordered 
 them  to  be  executed.  The  head  of  Ishbosheth  was 
 carefully  buried  in  the  sepulchre  of  his  great  kins- 
 man Abner,  at  the  same  place  (2  S.am.  iv.  9-12). 
 
 Ish'i.  1.  A  man  of  the  descendants  of  Judah, 
 son  of  Appaim  (1  Chr.  ii.  31);  one  of  the  great 
 house  of  Hezron.— 2.  In  a  subsequent  genealogy  of 
 Judah  we  find  another  Ishi,  with  a  son  Zoheth 
 (1  Chr.  iv.  20).— 3.  Head  of  a  family  of  the  tribe 
 of  Simeon  (1  Chr.  iv.  42).— 4.  One  of  the  heads  of 
 the  tribe  of  Manasseh  on  the  east  of  Jordan  (1  Chr. 
 V.  24). 
 
 Isb'i.  This  woid  occurs  in  Hos.  ii.  16,  and 
 signifies  "my  man,"  "my  husband."  It  is  the 
 Israelite  term,  in  opposition  to  Baali,  the  Canaan- 
 ite  term,  with  the  same  meaning,  though  with  a 
 significance  of  its  own. 
 
 Ishi'ah,  the  fifth  of  the  five  sons  oflzrahiah; 
 one  of  the  heads  of  the  tribe  of  Issachar  in  the  time 
 of  David  (1  Chr.  vii.  3). 
 
 IsM'jah,  a  lay  Israelite  of  the  Bene-Harim,  who 
 had  married  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  31). 
 
 Ish'ma,  a  name  in  the  genealogy  of  Judah  ( 1 
 Chr.  iv.  o). 
 
 Ish'mael,  the  son  of  Abraham  by  Hagar  the 
 Egyjjtian,  his  conculjine ;  born  when  Abraham  was 
 fouiscore  and  six  years  old  (Gen.  xvi.  15,  16).  Ish- 
 mael   was  the  first-born   of   his  father.      He    was 
 
352 
 
 ISHMAEL 
 
 born  in  Alu-ahnm's  house,  wIumi  he  dwelt  in  the 
 |.l:iin  of  Mamre;  and  on  tlie  institution  of  the 
 coven.tnt  of  circumcision,  was  circumcised,  he  heing 
 then  thirteen  yeare  old  (xvii.  25).  With  the 
 institution  of  the  covenant,  (<o<\  renewed  his  pro- 
 mise respc'i'tinj;  Islmiael.  He  does  not  again  appear 
 in  the  narrative  until  the  weaning  of  Isaac.  The 
 latter  was  bora  when  Abraiiam  was  a  hundred 
 veal's  old  (  xxi.  5),  and  as  the  weaning,  according  to 
 Kastern  usage,  piohably  took  place  when  the  child 
 was  iietween  two  and  three  years  oM,  Ishmael  hmi- 
 self  must  have  been  then  between  fifti'en  and  six- 
 teen years  old.  At  the  great  feast  made  in  cele- 
 bration of  the  weaning,  "  Sarah  saw  the  son  of 
 Hagar  the  Egyptian,  which  she  had  born  unto 
 Abraham,  moci\iiig."  and  urged  Abraham  to  cast 
 out  him  and  his  mother.  The  patriarch,  comforted 
 by  (Jod's  renewed  promise  that  of  Ishmael  He  would 
 make  a  nation,  sent  them  both  away,  and  they  dc- 
 ]>aitcd  and  wandered  in  the  wiMerness  of  Heersheha. 
 It  is  doubtful  whether  the  wanderers  halted  by  the 
 well,  or  at  once  continued  their  way  to  the  "  .vil- 
 derness  of  Paran,''  where,  we  are  told  in  the  next 
 verse  to  that  just  quoteil,  ho  dwelt,  and  where  "  his 
 mother  took  him  a  wife  out  ot  the  land  of  Egypt" 
 (Gen.  xxi.  9-21).  This  wife  of  Ishmael  is  not  else- 
 where mentioned  ;  she  was,  we  must  infer,  an  Eg3'p- 
 tian.  No  record  is  made  of  any  other  wife  of 
 Ishm.ael,  and  failing  such  record,  tbe  P^gyptian  was 
 the  mother  of  his  twelve  sons,  and  daughter.  Of 
 the  later  life  of  Ishmael  we  know  little.  He  was 
 present  with  Isaac  at  the  burial  of  Abraham ;  and 
 Ks;»u  contracted  an  alliance  with  him  when  he 
 "  took  unto  the  wives  which  he  had  JIahalath  [or 
 P.ASiiEMATif  or  Basmatii,  Gen.  xxxi.  3]  the 
 daughter  of  Ishmael  Abraham's  son,  the  sister  of 
 Nebajoth,  to  be  his  wife."  The  death  of  Ishmael 
 is  recorded  in  a  previous  chapter,  after  the  enume- 
 ration of  his  sons,  as  having  Uiken  place  at  the  age 
 of  a  hundred  and  thirty-seven  yeai-s  (xxv.  17,  18). 
 It  remains  tor  us  to  consider,  1,  the  place  of  Ishmael's 
 dwelling;  and,  2,  the  names  of  his  children,  with 
 their  settlements,  and  the  nation  sprung  from  Ijiem. 
 — 1.  From  the  narrative  ol'  his  oxpnlsion,  we  learn 
 that  Ishmael  first  went  into  the  wilderness  of  Beor- 
 sheba,  and  thence,  but  at  what  interval  of  time  is 
 uncertain,  removed  to  that  of  I'aran.  His  continu- 
 ance in  these  or  the  neighbouring  places  seems  to  be 
 proved  by  his  having  been  ])resent  at  the  burial  of 
 .•\braham;  for  it  must  bo  rememliered  that  in  the 
 Kiist  sepulture  follows  death  after  a  few  houis' 
 space ;  and  tiy  Ksau's  marrying  his  daughter  at  a 
 time  when  he  Hvsau)  dwelt  at  Beersheba.  There 
 .are,  however,  other  pa,ssages  which  must  be  taken 
 into  accoinif.  He  was  the  first  Abrahamic  settler 
 in  the  east  countiy  (xxv.  6).  The  "  ciust  country" 
 perhaps  was  restricted  in  early  times  to  the  wilder- 
 nesses of  Beersheba  and  Paran  ;  or  Ishmael  removed 
 to  that  east  country,  northwards,  without  being  dis- 
 tant from  his  father  and  liis  l>rethren  ;  eacli  case 
 being  agreeable  with  (^icn.  xxv.  6. — '2.  The  sons  of 
 Ishmael  were.  Nebajoth  (expressly  stated  to  be  his 
 lirst-born  1,  Kodar,  Adlxjel,  Mibsjuu,  Mishma.  Du- 
 niah,  Massa,  lladar,  Tema,  .letnr,  Naphish,  I\e<le- 
 mah  (Gen.  xxv.  l;i-l.')):  and  ho  liad  a  daughter 
 nameil  Mahalath  (xxviii.  9),  cl.sowhere  written 
 Biishcmath  (or  P.asmath,  Gen.  xxxvi.  .'5),  the  sister 
 of  Nebajoth,  l>eforo  mentioned.  Thov  peopled  the 
 .north  and  west  of  the  .\raliian  peninsula,  and  event- 
 ually formed  the  chief  element  of  the  Arab  nation. 
 Their  language,  which  is  geneiiilly  acknowledged  to 
 
 ISHMAEL 
 
 liave  been  the  Arabic  commonly  so  called,  h,as  been 
 <ailo])ted  with  insignitic;mt  exceptions  thi-oughcut 
 Arabia.  The  term  Isiimaelitk  occure  on  three 
 occasions.  Gen.  xxxvii.  '_'5,  27,  28,  xxxix.  1  ;  Judg. 
 vili.  24;  Ps.  Ixxxiii.  G.  From  the  context  of  the 
 first  two  instances,  it  seems  to  have  been  a  general 
 name  for  the  Abrahamic  ])eoples  of  the  east  country, 
 the  Bene-Kedem  :  but  the  second  .admits  also  of  a 
 closer  meaning.  In  the  third  instance  the  name  is 
 applied  in  its  strit't  sense  to  the  Ishm.aelites.  The 
 notions  of  the  Arabs  iesjiecting  Ishmael  are  p.artly 
 derived  from  the  Piible,  partly  from  the  Jewish 
 Riibbins,  and  partly  from  native  traditions.  They 
 believe  that  Ishmael  w.as  the  fii-st-born  of  .Vbrah.am, 
 and  the  majority  of  the  doctoi's  assert  that  this  son, 
 and  not  Is.a.ac,  was  olleied  liy  Abraham  in  sacrifice. 
 Ishmael,  say  the  Arat>s,  dwelt  with  his  mother  at 
 Mekkeh,  and  both  are  Imiied  in  the  place  called  the 
 "  Hejr,"  on  the  north-west  (termed  by  the  Arabs 
 the  north)  side  of  the  Kaalieh,  and  inclosed  by  a 
 curved  wall  called  the  "  H.ateem."— 2.  One  of  the 
 sons  of  Azel,  a  descendant  of  .*^aul  through  Merib- 
 b:x.al,  or  Jlephiboslieth  ( 1  Chr.  viii.  ;j8,  ix.  44).— 
 3.  A  man  of  Jndali,  father  of  Zfkadiah  (2  Chr. 
 xix.  11). ^4.  Another  man  of  Judah,  son  of  .lehn- 
 hanan  ;  one  of  the  ciptains  of  hundreds  who  as- 
 sisted .lehoiada  in  restoring  Joash  to  the  throne  (2 
 <'-lir.  xxiiu  ,1).— 5.  A  priest,  of  the  Bene-Pashur, 
 who  was  forced  by  Kzra  to  ndinquish  his  foreign 
 wife  (Ezr.  X.  22).— 6.  The  son  of  Nethaniah  ;  a 
 fiorfcct  marvel  of  cialt  and  villany,  whose  tre.achery 
 forms  one  of  the  chief  ei)isodes  of  the  history  of  the 
 period  immediately  succeeding  the  first  fall  of  .Jeru- 
 salem. His  exploits  are  lelated  in  Jer.  xl.  7-xli. 
 1.'),  with  a  sliort  summary  in  2  K.  xxv.  2:)-2.">. 
 His  full  description  is  "  Ishmael,  the  son  of  Nethan- 
 iah, the  son  of  Elishama,  of  the  seed  royal  "  of 
 Judah  (.Jer.  xli.  1  ;  2  K'.  xxv.  2.'3).-  During  the 
 siege  of  the  city  he  had,  like  many  others  of  his 
 countrymen  (Jer.  xl.  11),  fletl  across  the  Joivlan, 
 where  he  Ibnnd  a  refuge  at  the  court  of  Baalis,  the 
 then  king  of  the  Bene-Ammon.  After  the  depar- 
 ture of  the  Chaldeans,  Ishmael  made  no  secret  of 
 his  intention  to  kill  the  superintendent  left  by  the 
 king  of  Babylon,  and  usurp  his  position.  Of  this 
 Godaliah  was  warned  in  express  terms  by  Johan.an 
 and  his  companions.  Thirty  days  after,  in  the 
 seventh  month  (xli.  1),  on  the  third  day  of  the 
 month,  Ishmael  again  appeared  at  Mizpah,  this 
 time  acconi]ianied  by  ten  men.  (Jedaliah  entertaineil 
 them  at  a  feast  (xli.  Ij.  Before  its  close  Ishmael 
 and  his  followei's  had  murdered  Cie<laliah  ami  all  his 
 atten<lants  with  such  secresy  that  no  alarm  was 
 given  outside  the  room.  The  s;unt  night  he  killed 
 all  Gedaliah's  establishment,  including  some  Chal- 
 dean soldieiT)  who  wore  there.  For  two  days  the 
 ni:iss.acre  remained  perfectly  unknown  to  the  ]w'opie 
 of  the  town.  On  the  second  day  Ishmael  ]M'rceive<l 
 from  his  elevated  position  a  large  party  coming 
 southward  along  the  main  ro.ad  from  ."shcchem  and 
 .Simaria.  Ho  went  o\it  to  meet  them.  They  [irovetl 
 to  be  eighty  devotees,  who  witli  rent  clotlies,  and 
 w'ith  shaven  beards,  mutilate<l  bodies,  and  with 
 other  marks  of  heathen  ilevotion,  and  wet-pin}!;  as 
 thev  went,  were  bringing  incense  and  otVerings  to 
 the  ruins  of  the  Temple.  At  his  invitation  they 
 turned  aside  fo  the  residence  of  the  su])erintendent. 
 As  the  unsuspecting  pilgrims  pj\ssed  into  the  coint- 
 yard  ho  closed  the  entrances  behind  them,  and  there 
 lie  and  his  Imnd  butchered  the  whole  numlier :  tea 
 only  escaped  by  the  oiler  of  heavy  ransom   for  'hw 
 
ISHMAELil'E 
 
 liv€6.     The  seventy  corpses  weie  then  thrown  into  I 
 the  well  which,  as  at  Cawnpore,  was  within  the  j 
 precincts  of  the  house,  and  which  was  completely  ! 
 tilled  with  the  bodies.     This  done  ho  descended  to  ! 
 the  town,  surprised  and   carried  off  the  daughters  [ 
 of  kino-   Zedekiah,    who    had    been    sent  there  by 
 Nebuchadnezzar  for  safety,  with  their  eunuchs  and 
 their   Chaldean    guard   (xli.    10,   16),  and  all   the 
 people  of  the  town,  and  made  *tr  with  his  prisoners 
 to  the  country  of  the  Ammonites.     The  news  of 
 the  massacre  had  by  this  time  got  abroad,  and  Ish- 
 niael  was  quickly  pursued  by  .lohanan  and  his  com- 
 jvinions.    He  was  attacked,  two  of  his  bravoes  slain, 
 the  whole  of  the  prey  recovered  ;    and  Ishmael  iiini- 
 8elf,  with  the  remaining  eight  of  his  people,  escaped 
 to  the  Ammonites. 
 
 Ishmaelite.    [Ishmael.] 
 
 Ishma'iah,  son  of  Obadiah :  the  ruler  of  the 
 tribe  of  Zebulun  in  the  time  of  king  David  (1  Chi', 
 xxvii.  19). 
 
 Ish'meelite  (1  Chr.  ii.  17)  and  Ish'meelites 
 (Gen.  xxxvii.  25,  27,  28,  xxxix.  1),  the  form  in 
 which  the  descendants  of  Ishmael  are  given  in  a  few 
 places  in  the  A.  V. 
 
 Ishmera'i,  a  Benjamite;  one  of  the  family  of 
 Klp.ial  (  1  Chr.  viii.  18). 
 
 Ish'od,  one  ol'  tlie  trilje  of  Manasseh  on  the  cast 
 of  .lordan,  son  of  Hammoleketh  (1  Ciu\  vii.  18j. 
 
 Ish-Pan,  a  Benjamite,  one  of  the  family  of  Sha- 
 shak  (  1  Chr.  viii. '22). 
 
 Ish'tob,  apparently  one  of  the  small  kingdoms  or 
 states  which  foi'med  part  of  the  general  country  of 
 Aram,  named  with  Zobah,  Rehob,  and  Maacah 
 (2  Sam.  X.  6.  8).  It  is  probable  that  the  real 
 signiHcation  is  "  the  men  of  Tois." 
 
 Ish'uah,  the  second  son  of  Asher  (Gen.  xlvi.  17). 
 
 Ish'uai,  tiie  third  son  of  Asher  (1  Chr.  vii.  HO), 
 founder  of  a  family  bearing  his  name  (Num.  xxvi. 
 44;  A.  V.  "  Jesuites"). 
 
 Ish'ui,  the  second  son  of  Saul  by  his  wife  Ahi- 
 Hv/am  (1  Sam.  xiv.  49,  com  p.  50). 
 
 Isle.  The  radical  sense  of  the  Hebrew  word 
 seems  to  be  "  habitable  places,"  as  opposed  to  wafer, 
 and  in  this  sense  it  occurs  in  Is.  xlii.  15.  Hence 
 it  means  secondarily  any  maritime  district,  whether 
 belonging  to  a  continent  or  to  an  island :  thus  it  is 
 used  of  the  shore  of  the  Mediterranean  (Is.  xx.  6, 
 xxiii.  2,  6),  and  of  the  coasts  of  Elishah  (Ez.  xxvii. 
 7),  i.e.  of  Greece  and  Asia  Minor.  In  this  sense  it 
 is  more  particularly  restricted  to  the  shores  of  the 
 Mediterranean,  sometimes  in  the  fuller  expression 
 "  islands  of  the  sea  "  (Is.  xi.  11).  Occa-sionally  the 
 word  is  specirically  used  of  an  island,  as  of  Caphtor 
 or  Crete  (Jer.  xlvii.  4).  But  more  generally  it  is 
 applied  to  any  region  separated  from  Palestine  by 
 water,  as  fully  described  in  Jer.  xxv.  22.. 
 
 IsnxacM'ah,  a  Levite  who  was  one  of  the  over- 
 seers of  offerings  during  the  revival  under  king 
 Hezekiah  (2  Chr.  xxxi.  13). 
 
 Is'mael.  1.  Jud.  ii.  Another  form  for  the 
 name  Ishmael,  sou  of  Abraham.— 2.  1  Esd.  ix.  29. 
 [Ishmael.  5.] 
 
 Ismai'ah,  a  Gibeonite,  one  of  the  chiefs  of  those 
 warriors  who  joined  David  at  Ziklag  (1  Chi.  xii.  4). 
 
 Is'pah,  a  Benjamite,  of  the  family  of  Beriah ; 
 one  of  the  heads  of  his  tribe  (1  Chr.  viii.  16). 
 
 Is'rael.  1.  The  name  given  (Gen.  xxxii.  28) 
 to  Jacob  after  his  wrestling  with  the  Angel  (Hos. 
 xii.  4)  at  Penid.  Gesenius  interprets  Israel  "  sol- 
 dier of  God."— 2.  It  became  the  national  name  of 
 lie  twelve  tiibes  collectively.     They  are  so  called 
 
 Con.  D.  B. 
 
 ISRAEL,  KINGDOM  OF         353 
 
 in  Ex.  iii.  16  and  afterwards.— S.  It  is  used  in  a 
 narrower  sense,  excluding  Judah,  in  1  Sam.  xi.  8  ; 
 2  Sam.  XX.  1;  IK.  xii.  16.  Thenceforth  it  was 
 assumed  and  accepted  as  the  name  of  the  Northern 
 Kingdom.— 4.  Atter  the  Babylonian  captivity,  the 
 returned  exiles  resumed  the  name  Israel  as  the  de- 
 signation of  their  nation.  The  name  Israel  is  also 
 used  to  denote  laymen,  as  distinguished  from  Priests, 
 Levites,  and  other  ministeis  (Ezr.  vi.  16,  ix.  1,  x. 
 25,  Neh.  xi.  3,  &c.). 
 
 Israel,  Kingdom  of.  1 .  The  prophet  Ahijah  of 
 Shiloh,  who  was  commissioned  in  the  latter  days  of 
 Solomon  to  announce  the  division  of  the  kingdom, 
 left  one  tribe  (Judah)  to  the  house  of  David,  and 
 assigned  ten  to  Jeroboam  (1  K.  xi.  S5,  31).  These 
 were  probably  Joseph  (  =  Ephraim  and  Jlanasseh), 
 Issachar,  Zebulun,  Asher,  Naphtali,  Benjamin,  Dan, 
 Simeon,  Gad,  and  Keuben  ;  Levi  being  intentionally 
 omitted.  Eventually  the  greater  part  of  Benjamin, 
 and  probably  the  wliole  of  Simeon  and  Dan,  were 
 included  as  if  by  common  consent  in  the  kingdom 
 of  Judah.  With  respect  to  the  conquests  of  David, 
 Jloab  appears  to  have  been  attached  to  the  kingdom 
 of  Israel  (2  K.  iii.  4);  so  much  of  Syria  as  re- 
 mained subject  to  Solomon  (see  1  K.  xi.  24)  would 
 probably  be  claimed  by  his  successor  in  the  northern 
 kingdom  ;  and  Amnion,  though  connected  with  Reho- 
 boam  as  his  mother's  native  land  (2  Chr.  xii.  13), 
 and  though  afterwards  tributary  to  Judah  (2  Chr. 
 xxvii.  5),  was  at  one  time  allied  (2  Chr.  xx.  1),  we 
 know  not  how  closely  or  how  early,  with  Moab. 
 The  sea-coast  between  Accho  and  Japho  remained  in 
 the  possession  of  Israel.— 2.  The  population  of  the 
 kingdom  is  not  expressly  stated ;  and  in  drawing 
 any  inference  from  the  numbers  of  fighting  men, 
 we  must  bear  in  mind  that  the  numbers  in  the 
 Hebrew  text  are  stiongly  suspected  to  have 
 been  subjected  to  extensive,  perhaps  systematic, 
 corruption.  Jeioboam  brought  into  the  field  an 
 :u-my  of  800,000  men  (2  Chr.  xiii.  3).  If  in 
 B.C.  957  there  were  actually  under  arms  800,000 
 men  of  that  age  in  Israel,  the  whole  population  may 
 peihaps  have  amounted  to  at  least  three  millions 
 and  a  half.— 3.  Shechem  was  the  first  capital  of 
 the  new  kingdom  (1  K.  xii.  25),  venerable  for  its 
 traditions,  and  beautiful  in  its  situation.  Subse- 
 quently Tirzah  became  the  royal  residence,  if  not 
 the  capitid,  of  Jeroboam  (1  K.  xiv.  17)  and  of  his 
 successors  (xv.  33,  xvi.  8,  17,  23).  Samaria, 
 uniting  in  itself  the  qualities  of  beauty  and  fertility, 
 and  a  commanding  position,  was  chosen  by  Omri 
 (1  K.  xvi.  24),  and  remained  the  capital  of  tiie 
 kingdom  until  it  had  given  the  last  proof  of  its 
 strength  by  sustaining  for  three  years  the  onset  of 
 the  hosts  of  Assyria.  Jezreel  was  probably  only  a 
 royal  residence  of  some  of  the  Israelitish  kings.— 
 
 4.  The  disaffection  of  Ephraim  and  the  northern 
 tribes  having  grown  in  secret  under  the  prosperous 
 but  burdensome  reign  of  Solomon,  broke  out  at  the 
 critical  moment  of  that  monarch's  death.  It  was 
 just  then  that  Ephi-aim,  the  centi-e  of  the  move^ 
 ment,  found  in  Jeroboam  an  instrument  prepared 
 to  give  expression   to  the  rivalry  of  centuries.— 
 
 5.  The  kingdom  of  Israel  developed  no  new  power. 
 It  was  but  a  portion  of  David's  kingdom  deprived 
 of  many  elements  of  strength.  Its  frontier  was 
 as  open  and  as  widely  extended  as  before ;  but  it 
 wanted  a  cajjital  for  the  seat  of  organised  power. 
 Its  territory  was  as  fertile  and  as  tempting  to  tht 
 spoiler,  but  its  people  were  less  united  and  patriotic. 
 A  corrupt  religion  poisoned  the  source  of  national 
 
 2  A 
 
354        ISRAEL,  KINGDOM  OF 
 
 life.  Thi'so  causes  tenddl  to  iiicn-asi'  the  inisfor- 
 tiines,  and  to  accelerate  the  early  end  of  the  king- 
 dom of  Israel.  It  lasted  254  yeai-s,  fi-oin  n.C.  075 
 to  li.c.  721,  about  two-thirds  of  the  duration  of  its 
 thore  compact  neii,'hbour  Judah.  But  it  may  be 
 doubted  wliether  the  division  into  two  kingdoms 
 greatly  shortened  the  independent  existence  of  the 
 Hebrew  race,  or  inteifered  with  the  purposes  which, 
 •t  is  thought,  may  be  traced  in  the  establishment 
 of  David's  monarchy.— 6.  The  detailed  history  of 
 the  kingdom  of  Israel  will  be  found  under  the  names 
 of  its  nineteen  kings.  A  summary  view  may  be 
 taken  in  four  periods: — (a.)  n.C.  975-929.  Jero- 
 boam had  not  sulhcient  force  of  character  in  himself 
 to  make  a  lasting  impression  on  his  j)eople.  A 
 king,  but  not  a  founder  of  a  dynasty,  he  aim.ed  at 
 nothing  beyond  securing  his  present  elevation.  The 
 army  soon  learned  its  power  to  dictate  to  the  iso- 
 lated monarch  anil  disunited  people.  Baasha,  in 
 the  midst  of  the  amiy  at  Gibbethon,  slew  the  son 
 and  successor  of  Jeroboam  ;  Zimri,  a  captain  of 
 chariots,  slew  the  son  and  successor  of  Baasha ; 
 Oniri,  the  ca])tain  of  the  host,  was  chosen  to  punish 
 Zimri ;  and  after  a  civil  war  of  four  years  he  pre- 
 vailed over  Tibni,  the  choice  of  h.ilf  the  people. — 
 (6.)  li.C.  929-884.  For  tbrty-five  years  Israel  was 
 govenied  by  the  house  of  Oniri.  That  sagacious 
 king  pitched  on  the  strong  hill  of  .Samaiia  as  the 
 site  of  his  ca])ital.  The  princes  of  his  house  culti- 
 vated an  alliance  with  the  kings  of  Judah,  which 
 w.as  cementeil  by  the  marriage  of  Jehoi-am  and 
 Athaliah.  The  adoption  of  Baal-worship  led  to  a 
 Inaction  in  the  nation,  to  the  moral  triumph  of  the 
 prophets  in  the  person  of  Klijah,  and  to  the  extinc- 
 tion of  the  house  of  Ahab  in  obedience  to  the  bidding 
 of  Elisha.— (c.)  B.C.  884-772.  Unparalleled  tii- 
 umphs,  but  deeper  humiliation,  awaite<l  the  king- 
 dom of  Israel  under  the  dynasty  of  .lehii.  Hazael, 
 the  ablest  king  of  Damascus,  reduced  Johoahaz  to 
 the  condition  of  a  vassal,  and  triumphed  for  a 
 time  over  both  the  disunited  Hebrew  kingdoms. 
 Almost  the  firet  sign  of  the  restoration  of  their 
 strength  wor  a  war  between  them  ;  and  Jehoash, 
 the  grandson  of  Jehu,  entijred  Jerusalem  as  the 
 conqueror  of  .Amaziah.  Jehoash  also  turned  the 
 tide  of  war  against  the  Syrians  ;  and  Jeroboam  II., 
 the  most  powerful  of  all  the  kings  of  Israel,  caji- 
 tuied  Dama-scus,  and  recovered  the  whole  ancient 
 fi-ontioi-  from  Hamath  to  the  Dead  Sea.  This  -short- 
 lived greatness  expired  with  the  last  king  of  Jehu's 
 line. — (d.)  B.C. 772-721.  Military  violence,  itwould 
 seem,  broke  otf  the  hereditary  succession  after  the 
 obscure  and  probably  convulsed  reign  of  Zachariah. 
 An  unsuccessful  usui-per,  Shallum,  is  followed  by 
 the  cruel  Menahem,  who,  being  unable  to  make  head 
 against  the  first  attack  of  Assyria  under  I'ul,  1k?- 
 came  the  agent  of  that  monarch  for  the  oppressive 
 taxation  of  his  subjects.  Yet  his  power  at  home 
 was  sufHcient  to  insure  for  his  son  and  successor 
 I'ekahiah  a  ten  years'  reign,  cut  short  by  a  bold 
 usurper,  Pekah.  Abandoning  the  northern  and 
 transjordanir  regions  to  the  encroaching  power  of 
 Assyria  under  Tiglath-I'ileser,  he  was  very  near 
 subjugating  Judah,  with  the  help  of  Damascus, 
 now  the  coequal  ally  of  Israel.  But  Assyiia  inter- 
 posing summarily  put  an  end  to  the  imlependence 
 of  Damascus,  and  perhaps  w.ts  the  indirect  cause 
 of  the  a-ssassination  of  the  baffled  I'ekah.  The  irre- 
 solute Hoshea,  the  next  and  last  usurper,  became 
 tributary  to  hJ!)  invader,  .Shalmaneser,  lletraycd  the 
 Assyrian  to  the  rival  monarchy  of  Kgypt.  and  was 
 
 ISSACHAR 
 
 puni.shed  by  the  loss  of  his  liberty,  and  by  the  rap. 
 turc,  affer  a  three  years'  siege,  of  his  strong  cjipital, 
 Samaria.  Some  gleanings  of  the  ten  tribes  yet  re- 
 mained in  the  land  after  so  many  years  of  religious 
 decline,  moral  deliiusement,  national  degradation, 
 anarchy,  blooilshed,  and  deportation.  Even  these 
 were  gathered  up  by  the  conqueror  and  can-ietl  to 
 As,syria,  never  again,  as  a  distinct  people,  to  occupy 
 their  portion  of  that  g»odly  and  ])!a-isant  land  which 
 their  foiefathei-s  won  under  Joshua  from  the  heathen. 
 
 Is'raelite.  In  2  i^am.xvii.  25,  Ithi-a,  the  father 
 of  Amas;i,  is  called  "  an  Israelite,"  or  more  correctly 
 "  the  Israelite,"  while  in  1  Chr.  ii.  17  he  appears 
 as  "  Jethor  the  l.-hni.aelite."  The  latter  is  un- 
 doubtedly the  true  reading. 
 
 Is'sachar,  the  ninth  son  of  Jacob  and  the  fifth 
 of  Leah  ;  the  firstborn  to  Leah  after  the  inteiTal 
 whicii  occurred  in  the  births  of  her  children  (fJen. 
 XXX.  17  ;  comp.  xxix.  85).  Of  Issachar  the  indi- 
 vidual wo  know  nothing.  At  the  ilescent  into 
 Egypt  four  sons  are  ascribed  to  him,  who  founded 
 the  four  chief  families  of  the  tribe  (Gen.  xlvi.  13  ; 
 Num.  xxvi.  23,  25;  1  Chr.  vii.  1).  Issachar's 
 place  during  the  journey  to  Canaan  was  on  the 
 east  of  the  Tabernacle,  with  his  brotheis  Judah  and 
 Zebulun  (Num.  ii.  5),  the  group  moving  foremost 
 in  the  march  (x.  15).  Issachar  was  one  of  the  six 
 tribes  who  were  to  stand  on  Mount  Gerizim  during 
 the  ceremony  of  blessing  and  cursing  (l)eut.  xxvii. 
 12).  He  was  still  in  company  with  .Judah,  Zebulun 
 being  opposite  on  Ebal.  The  number  of  the  fight- 
 ing men  of  Issachar,  when  taken  in  the  census  at 
 Sinai,  was  54,400.  During  the  jonrnoy  they  seem 
 to  have  steadily  increased.  "I'hc  allotment  of  Issa- 
 char lay  above  that  of  JIanasseh  (Josh.  xix.  17-23). 
 In  the  words  of  Josephus,  "it  extende<l  in  length 
 from  CaiTnel  to  the  Jordan,  in  breadth  to  Mount 
 Tabor."  This  territory  was,  as  it  still  is,  among 
 the  richest  land  in  Palestine.  Westward  was  the 
 famous  plain  which  derived  its  name  from  its  fer- 
 tility. On  the  north  is  Tabor,  which  even  undei 
 the  buniing  sun  of  that  climate  is  said  to  retain 
 the  glades  and  dells  of  an  English  wood.  On  the 
 ea.st,  behind  .lezreel,  is  the  opi-ning  which  conducts 
 to  the  plain  of  the  Jordan — to  that  Beth-shean 
 which  was  proverbially  among  the  Halibis  the  gjite 
 of  I'aradise  for  its  fruitfulness.  It  is  this  a.-<pect 
 of  the  territory  of  Issachar  which  appeal's  to  be 
 alluded  to  in  the  Blessing  of  Jacol».— One  among 
 the  Judges  of  Israel  was  from  I^^acllal■ — TOLA 
 (Judg.  X.  1  ] — but  beyond  the  length  of  his  sway 
 we  have  only  the  fact  recorded  that  he  resided  out 
 of  the  limits  of  his  own  tribe,  at  Shamir  in  Mount 
 Ephraim.  The  census  of  the  tiilie  taken  in  the 
 reign  of  David  has  already  been  alluded  to.  It  is 
 contained  in  1  Chr.  vii.  1-5,  and  ai\  expression 
 occurs  in  it  which  testifies  to  the  nomadic  ten- 
 dencies above  noticed.  Out  of  the  whole  number 
 of  the  tril)e  no  less  than  3fi,000  were  marauding 
 mercenary  troops — "  IkuuIs," — a  term  ajiplied  to  no 
 other  tribe  in  this  enumeration,  though  elsewhere 
 to  Gad,  and  uniformly  to  the  irregular  Vxidii-s  of 
 the  Bedouin  nations  i-oiuui  Israel.— Baasha.  the 
 son  of  Ahijah,  of  the  house  of  Issachar,  a  member 
 of  the  armv  with  which  .Nadab  and  all  Israel  were 
 besieging  Gilibethon,  apparently  not  of  any  sf;uid- 
 ing  in  the  tiibe  'comp.  1  K.  xvi.  2),  slew  the  king, 
 and  himself  monnteii  the  throne  ( 1  K.  xv.  27,  kc). 
 He  W.TS  evidently  a  fierce  anil  warlike  man  (xvi. 
 29;  2  Chr.  xvi.  1),  and  an  idolater  like  Jeroboam. 
 The  l.ssnrharitc  dynasty  Insteil  during  the  24  yoars 
 
ISSHIAH 
 
 of  his  reign  and  the  two  of  his  son  Elah.— One  more 
 notice  of  Issachar  lemains  to  be  added  to  the  meagre 
 iiifoiniatiou  already  collected,  and  distant  as  Jezreel 
 was  fiom  Jerusalem,  they  took  pait  in  the  pass- 
 over  with  which  Hezekiah  sanctified  the  opening  of 
 his  reign  (2  Chr.  xxxi.  1).^— 2.  A  Korhite  Levite, 
 one  of  the  doorkeepers  of  the  house  of  Jehovah, 
 seventh  son  of  Obed-edom  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  5). 
 
 IssM'ah.  1.  A  descendant  of  Moses  by  his 
 younger  son  Eliezer  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  21 ;  comp,  xxiii. 
 17,  xxvi.  25).— 2.  A  Levite  of  the  house  of  Kohath 
 and  family  of  Uzziel  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  25). 
 
 Issue,  Roiining.  The  texts  Lev.  xv.  2,  3,  xxii. 
 4,  Num.  V.  2,  and  Sam.  iii.  29,  are  probably  to  be 
 interpieted  of  gonorrhoea.  In  Lev.  xv.  3  a  distinc- 
 tion is  introduced,  which  merely  means  that  the 
 cessation  of  the  actual  flux  does  not  constitute  cere- 
 monial cleanness,  but  that  the  patient  must  bide 
 the  legal  time,  seven  days  (ver.  13),  and  peiform 
 the  prescribed  purifications  and  sacrifice  (ver.  14). 
 
 Istalcu'rus.  In  1  Esd.  viii.  40,  the  •'  son  of 
 Istalcurus  "  is  substituted  for  "  and  Zabbud  "  of 
 the  corresponding  list  in  Ezra  viii.  14. 
 
 Is'iiah,  second  son  of  Asher  (1  Chr.  vii.  30). 
 
 Is'ui,  third  son  of  Asher  (Gen.  xivi.  17),  founder 
 of  a  family  called  after  him,  though  in  the  A.  V, 
 appearing  as  THE  Jesuites  (Num.  xxvi.  44). 
 
 It'aly,  This  word  is  used  in  the  N.  T.  in  the 
 usual  sense  of  the  period,  i.  c.  in  its  true  geogra- 
 phii'al  sense,  as  denoting  the  whole  natural  penin- 
 sula between  the  Alps  and  the  Straits  of  Messina. 
 
 Itlxa'i,  a  Benjamite,  son  of  Uibai  of  Gibe;ih,  one 
 of  the  heroes  of  David's  guard  (1  Chr.  xi.  31). 
 
 Ith'amar,  the  youngest  son  of  Aaron  (Ex.  vi.  23). 
 After  the  deaths  of  Nadab  and  Abihu  (Lev.  x.  1), 
 Eleazar  and  Ithamar  were  aj)pointed  to  succeed  to 
 their  places  in  the  priestly  office  (Ex.  xxrai.  1,  40, 
 43  ;  Num.  iii.  3,  4;  1  Chr.  xxiv.  2).  In  the  dis- 
 tribution of  sen'ices  belonging  to  the  Tabernacle, 
 and  its  transport  on  the  march  of  the  Israelites,  the 
 Gershonites  and  the  Merarites  were  placed  under 
 the  superintendence  of  Ithamar  (Ex.  xxxviii.  21  ; 
 Num.  iv.  21-33).  The  high-priesthood  passed  into 
 the  family  of  Ithamar  in  the  person  of  Eli,  but  for 
 what  reason  we  aie  not  informed. 
 
 Ith'iel.  1.  A  Benjamite,  son  of  Jesaiah  (Neh. 
 xi.  1 ). — 2.  One  of  two  pei-sons — Ithiel  and  Uciil — 
 to  whom  Agur  ben-Jakeh  delivered  his  discourse 
 (Piov.  xxx.  1). 
 
 Ith'mali,  a  Moabite,  one  of  the  heroes  of  David's 
 guard  ( 1  Chr.  xi.  46). 
 
 Itta.'iiaii,  one  of  the  towns  in  the  extreme  south 
 «f  Judah  (Josh.  XV.  23).  No  trace  of  its  existence 
 has  yet  been  discovered. 
 
 Ith'ra,  an  Israelite  (2  Sam.  xvii.  25)  or  Ish- 
 maelite  (1  Chr.  ii.  17),  the  father  of  Amasa  by 
 Abigail,  David's  sister. 
 
 Ith'ran.  1.  A  son  of  Dishon,  a  Horite  (Gen. 
 xxxi.  26  ;  1  Chr.  i.  41) :  and  probably  a  phylarch 
 of  a  tribe  of  the  Horim  (Gen.  sxxvi.  30).— 2.  A 
 descendant  of  Asher  (1  Chr.  vii.  30-40). 
 
 Ith.'reani,  son  of  David,  born  to  him  in  Hebron, 
 and  distinctly  specified  as  the  sixth,  and  as  the  child 
 of  Eglah,  David's  wife  (2  Sam.  iii.  5  ;  1  Chr.  iii.  3). 
 
 Ith'rite,  the.  The  designation  of  two  of  the 
 members  of  David's  guard,  Ira  and  Gareb  (2  Sam. 
 xxiii.  3b  ;  1  Chr.  xi.  40).  They  may  have  come 
 from  Jattir,  in  the  mountains  of  Judah. 
 
 It'tah-ka'zm,  one  of  the  landmarks  of  the 
 boundary  of  Zebulun  (Josh.  xix.  13;.  It  has  not 
 been  ideutitied. 
 
 IVORY 
 
 355 
 
 Ittai.  1.  *' Ittai  the  Gittite,"  i.e.  the 
 native  of  Gath,  a  Philistine  in  the  army  of  King 
 David.  He  appears  only  during  the  revolution  of 
 Absalom.  We  first  discern  him  on  the  morning 
 of  David's  flight.  Last  in  the  procession  came  the 
 600  heroes  who  had  formed  David's  band  during 
 his  wanderings  in  Judah,  and  had  been  with  him 
 at  Gath  (2  Sam.  xv.  18;  comp.  1  Sam.  xxiii.  l.S, 
 xxvii.  2,  xxx.  9,  10).  Amongst  these,  apparently 
 commanding  them,  was  Ittai  the  Gittite  (ver.  19). 
 He  caught  the  eye  of  the  king,  who  at  once  ad- 
 dressed him  and  besought  him  not  to  attach  himself 
 to  a  doubtful  cause,  but  to  return  "  with  his 
 brethren"  and  abide  with  the  king  (19,  20).  But 
 Ittai  is  firm  ;  he  is  the  king's  slave,  and  wherever 
 his  master  goes  he  will  go.  Accordingly  he  is 
 allowed  by  David  to  proceed.  When  the  army 
 was  numbered  and  organised  by  David  at  Maha- 
 naim,  Ittai  again  appears,  now  in  command  of  a 
 third  part  of  the  force  (2  Sam.  xviii.  2,  5,  12).— 
 2.  Son  of  Ribai,  from  Gibeah  of  Benjamin  ;  one  of  the 
 thirty  heroes  of  David's  guard  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  29). 
 
 Iturae'a,  a  small  province  on  the  north-western 
 border  of  Palestine,  lying  along  the  base  of 
 Mount  Hermon,  only  mentioned  m  Luke  iii.  1. 
 Jetur  the  son  of  Ishmael  gave  his  name,  like  the 
 rest  of  his  brethren,  to  the  little  province  he 
 colonised  (Gen.  xxv.  15,  16).  Ituraea,  with  the 
 adjoining  provinces,  fell  into  the  hands  of  a  chief 
 called  Zenodorus;  but  about  B.C.  20,  they  were 
 taken  from  him  by  the  Roman  emperor,  and  given 
 to  Herod  the  Great,  who  bequeathed  them  to  his 
 son  Philip  (Luke  iii.  1).  Pliny  i-ightly  ]ilaces 
 Ituraea  north  of  Bashan  and  near  Damascus  (v.  23) ; 
 and  J.  de  Vitry  describes  it  as  adjoining  Trachonitis, 
 and  lying  along  the  base  of  Lilsanus  between  Tibe- 
 rias and  Damascus.  At  the  place  indicated  is 
 situated  the  modern  province  of  Jedur,  whicii  is 
 just  the  Arabic  form  of  the  Hebrew  Jetm-.  It 
 is  bounded  on  the  east  by  Trachonitis,  on  the  south 
 by  Gaulanitis,  on  the  west  by  Hermon,  and  on  the 
 north  by  the  plain  of  Damascus.  It  is  table-land 
 with  an  undulating  suiiace,  and  has  little  conical 
 and  cup-shaped  hills  at  iutei-vals.  The  surface  of 
 the  ground  is  covered  with  jagged  rocks.  The 
 rock  is  all  basalt,  and  the  formation  similar  to  that 
 of  the  Lejah.  [Argob.]  Jedur  contains  thirty- 
 eight  towns  and  villages,  ten  of  which  are  now 
 entirely  desolate,  aud  all  the  rest  contain  only  a 
 ie^  families  of  poor  peasants,  living  in  wretched 
 hovels  amid  heaps  of  ruins. 
 
 iVah,  or  Ava,  which  is  mentioned  in  Scriptuie 
 twice  (2  K.  xviii.  34,  xix.  13;  cump.  Is.  xxxvii. 
 13)  in  connexion  with  Hena  and  Sepharvaim,  and 
 once  (2  K.  xvii.  24)  in  connexion  with  Babylon  and 
 Cuthah,  must  be  sought  in  Babylonia,  ard  is  pro- 
 bably identical  with  the  modern  Hit.  This  town 
 lay  on  the  Euphrates,  between  Sippara  (Sephar- 
 vaim) aud  Anah  (Hena),  with  which  it  seems  to 
 have  been  politically  united  shortly  before  the  time 
 of  Sennacherib  (2  K.  xix.  13).  It  is  probably  the 
 Ahava  of  Ezra  (viii.  15). 
 
 Ivory  (Heb.  shen,  in  all  passages,  except  1  K.  x.  22, 
 and  2  (Jhr.  ix.  21,  where  shenhabbim  is  so  rendered). 
 The  word  slten  literally  signifies  the  "  tooth  "  of 
 any  animal,  and  hence  more  especially  denotes  the 
 substance  of  the  projecting  tusks  of  elephants,  it 
 is  remarkable  that  no  word  in  Biblical  Hebrew 
 denotes  an  elephant,  unless  the  latter  portion  of  the 
 compound  shenhabbim  be  supposed  to  have  this 
 meaning.      Gesenius  derives  it  from   the  .Sanscrit 
 
 2  A  2 
 
350 
 
 IVY 
 
 ibhax,  "an  elepliant."  The  Assyrians  appear  io 
 have  carried  on  a  trreat  trallic  iii  ivory.  Their 
 early  conquests  in  India  had  made  them  familiar 
 with  it,  and  (accoi-ding  to  one  rendering  of  the 
 p:u>;s;ige)  their  artists  supplied  the  luxurious  Tyrians 
 with  auviugs  in  ivory  from  the  isles  of  Chittim 
 (Kz.  xxvii.  G).  On  the  oheli.sk  in  the  British 
 Museum  the  captives  oi-  tribute-heaiers  are  )epic- 
 seiited  as  carrying  tusks.  Among  the  merchandise 
 of  Babylon,  enunrciated  in  Rev.  xviii.  12,  are  in- 
 cluded "all  marnier  vessels  of  ivory."  The  skilled 
 workmen  of  Hiram,  king  of  Tyre,  fashioned  the 
 great  ivory  throne  of  Solomon,  and  overlaid  it  with 
 jnn-e  gold  (1  K.  x.  18;  2  Chr.  ix.  17).  The  ivory 
 thus  employed  was  sup])lied  by  the  caravans  of 
 I)edan  (Is.  xxi.  K^  ;  Kz.  xxvii.  15),  or  was  brought 
 with  apes  and  peacocks  by  the  navy  of  Tharshish 
 (1  K.  X.  22).  The  Kgyptians,  at  a  very  early 
 period,  made  use  of  this  material  in  decoration. 
 The  ivory  used  by  the  Egyptians  was  principally 
 brought  from  Ethiopia  (Herod,  iii.  114),  thouu'h 
 tlu'ir  elephants  were  originally  from  Asia.  The 
 Ethiopians,  according  to  Diodorus  Siculus  (i.  55), 
 brought  to  Sesostris  "  ebony  and  gold,  and  the  teeth 
 of  elephants."  According  to  Pliny  (viii.  10),  ivory 
 was  so  plentiful  on  the  bordere  of  Ethiopia  that  the 
 natives  made  door-posts  of  it,  and  even  fences  and 
 .stalls  for  their  cattle.  The  Egyptian  merchants 
 traded  for  ivory  and  onyx  stones  to  Barygaza,  the 
 poit  to  which  was  earned  down  the  commerce  of 
 Western  India  from  Ozene  {Peripl.  c.  49).  In  the 
 early  ages  of  Greece  ivory  was  frequently  employed 
 for  purjm.ses  of  ornament.  The  "ivory  house"  of 
 Ahab  (I  K.  xxii.  39)  was  probably  a  palace,  the 
 walls  of  which  were  panelle<l  with  ivoiy,  like  the 
 palace  of  Alenelaus  described  by  Homer  (C'i^s.  iv. 
 78).  Beds  inlaid  or  veneered  with  ivory  were  in 
 use  among  the  Hebrews  (Am.  vi.  4),  as  also  among 
 the  ICjiyptians.  'J"he  great  ivory  throne  of  Solomon, 
 the  work  of  the  Tyiian  craftsmen,  has  been  already 
 mentioned  (cf.  Ilev.  xx.  11);  but  it  is  dillicult  to 
 determine  whether  the  "  tower  of  ivory  "  of  Cant, 
 vii.  4  is  merely  a  figure  of  speech,  or  whether  it 
 had  its  original  among  the  things  that  were.  By 
 the  luxurious  Phoenicians  ivory  was  employed  to 
 ornament  the  boxwood  rowing  benches  (or  "hatches  " 
 according  to  some^  of  their  galleys  (Ez.  xxvii.  6). 
 
 Ivy,  the  common  lledcra  helix,  of  which  the 
 ancient  (i reeks  and  Romans  describe  two  or  three 
 kinds,  which  apjjear  to  be  only  varieties.  Mention 
 of  this  plant  is  made  only  in  2  Mace.  vi.  7. 
 
 Iz'ehar.  The  form  in  which  the  name  Izhar  is 
 given  in  the  A.  V.  of  Num.  iii.  19  oidy. 
 
 Iz'ehantes,  the.  A  family  of  Kohathite  Levites. 
 desceiidi'ii  from  Izhar  the  son  of  Kohath  (Num.  iii. 
 27) :  called  also  in  the  A.  V.  "  Izharitcs." 
 
 IzTiar,  son  of  Kohath,  grandson  of  Levi,  uncle  of 
 Aaron  and  Moses,  and  father  of  Korah  (Ex.  vi.  18, 
 21  ;  Num.  iii.  19,  xvi.  1  ;  1  Chr.  vi.  2,  18).  Izhar 
 was  the  head  of  the  family  of  the  Iziiaritks  or 
 I/i;iiAiUTi;3  'Num.  iii.  27  ;  1  Chr.  xxvi.  2H,  29). 
 Izharites,  the.  Tiie  s.ime  as  the  preceding  (1 
 Cin.  XXIV.  22,  xxvi.  2.i,  30). 
 
 Izrahi'ah,  a  man  of  Issacliar,  one  of  the  Bene- 
 l!zzi  '  1  Chr.  vii.  :!  i. 
 
 Iz'rahite,  the,  the  designation  of  Shamhuth 
 (\  t  hr.  xxvii.Hj.  Its  real  force  is  probably  Zerahite, 
 that  is,  from  the  gi-eat  .Fudaic  family  of  Zerah. 
 
 Iz'rl,  a  Levite  leader  of  the  fointh  course  or 
 ward  in  the  senice  of  the  hou.se  of  <iod  fl  Chr. 
 XIV.  11).     In  ver.  3  he  is  called  Zeri. 
 
 JABAL 
 
 Ja'akan,  the  .same  a.s  .I.\kax,  the  forefather  of 
 th"  P.ciit-.biakan  (Dent.  x.  ti ). 
 
 Jaako'bah,  one  of  the  princes  of  the  families  of 
 SiniH,,!!  (  1  Clir.  iv.  SC). 
 
 Ja'ala.  I>ene-.Iaala  were  among  the  de.scemlants 
 of"  Solomon's  slaves"  who  returned  from  Baliylon 
 with  Zerubbabel  (Neh.  vii.  58).  The  name  also 
 occurs  as 
 
 Ja'alah,  Ezr.  ii.  56. 
 
 Ja'alam,  a  son  of  lusan  (Gen.  xxxvi.  5,  14,  18; 
 comp.  1  Chr.  i.  35),  and  a  jdiylarch  (A.  V. 
 "  duke  ")  or  head  of  a  tribe  of  Eilom. 
 
 Jaana'i.  A  chief  man  in  the  tiibe  of  Gad  (1 
 Chr.  V.  12). 
 
 Ja'are-Or'egim,  acronling  to  the  present  text  of 
 2  Sam.  xxi.  11»,  a  I'ethlilicniitf,  and  the  father  of 
 Ellianan  who  slew  (Joliath.  in  the  parallel  pas-sjige, 
 1  Chr.  XX.  5,  besides  other  ditlijrences,  .Fair  is  found 
 instead  of  Jaare,  and  Oregim  is  omitted.  The  con- 
 clusion of  Kennicott  ap]>ears  a  just  one — that  in 
 the  latter  place  it  has  been  interpolated  from  the 
 formei',  and  that  Jair  or  Jaor  is  the  correct  reading 
 instead  of  .laare. 
 
 Jaasa'u,  one  of  the  Bene-Bani  who  had  married 
 a  foreign  wife,  and  had  to  put  her  awav  (Ezr.  x. 
 37). 
 
 Jaa'siel,  son  of  the  great  Abner  (1  Chr.  xxvii. 
 21). 
 
 Jaazani'ah.  1.  One  of  the  captains  of  the 
 foices  who  accom])anied  Johanan  ben-Kareah  to 
 pay  his  resj)ects  to  Gedaliah  at  Mizpah  (2  K.  xxv. 
 23),  and  who  appears  afterwaiils  to  have  assisted 
 in  recovering  Ishmael's  prey  from  his  clutches 
 (comp.  .Fer.  xli.  11).  After  that  he  piobably  went 
 to  Egypt  with  the  rest  (Jer.  xliii.  4,  5). ^2.  Son 
 of  Shaphan  (Ez.  viii.  11).  It  is  |x)ssible  that  he 
 is  identical  with— 3.  Son  of  Azur;  one  of  the 
 princes  of  the  people  against  whom  Ezekiel  was 
 directed  to  jirophesy  (Ez.  xi.  1).— 4.  A  Kechabite, 
 son  of  Jeremiah  (.Fer.  xxxv.  3). 
 
 Ja'azer  or  Ja'zer.  A  town  on  the  east  of 
 .Foidaii,  in  or  near  to  Gilead  (Num.  xxxii.  1,  3; 
 1  Chr.  xxvi.  31).  We  first  hear  of  it  in  jmssession 
 of  the  Amorites,  and  as  taken  by  Israel  after 
 Heshbon,  and  on  their  way  from  thence  to  Bashan 
 (Num.  xxi.  32).  It  seems  to  have  given  its  name 
 to  a  district  of  dependent  or  "  daughter "  towns 
 (Num.  xxi.  32,  A.  V.  "  villages  ;"  I  Mace.  v.  S), 
 the  "  land  of  .Fazer  "  (Num.  xxxii.  1).  Jazer  was 
 known  to  Eusebius  an<i  .Ferome,  and  its  position  is 
 laid  down  with  minuteness  in  the  Onomasticon  as 
 10  (or  8)  Roman  miles  west  of  Philadelphia 
 (Amman),  and  15  from  Heshbon,  and  as  the  source 
 of  a  river  which  falls  into  the  .Fnrdan.  Szir,  or 
 Scir,  is  bhown  on  the  map  of  Van  de  Velde  as 
 9  Roman  miles  VV.  of  Amman,  and  about  12  fVom 
 Heshbon.  And  here,  until  further  investigation, 
 we  must  be  content  to  place  Jiuer. 
 
 Jaaziah,  apparently  a  third  .son,  or  a  descendant, 
 of  Mcjari  tiie  Levite  (1  Chr.  ixiv.  21),  27). 
 
 Jaa'ziel,  one  of  the  Levites  of  the  second  order 
 who  weie  appointeil  by  Uavid  to  j^erform  the 
 music.il  seivice  before  the  ark  (1  Chr.  xv.  18). 
 
 Ja'bal,  the  son  of  l.amcch  and  Adah  (Gen.  ir. 
 20)  and  brother  of  .Fiiljal.  He  is  descrilwi  as  the 
 father  of  such  as  dwell  in  tents  and  have  cattle. 
 
JABBOK 
 
 Jab'bok,  a  stream  which  intersects  the  moiin- 
 tain-iangc  of  Gilead  (comp.  Josh.  xii.  2,  and  5), 
 and  falls  into  the  Jordan  about  midway  between 
 the  sea  of  Galilee  and  the  Dead  Sea.  It  was  an- 
 ciently the  border  of  the  children  of  Amnion  (Num. 
 xxi.  24;  Dent.  ii.  37,  iii.  16).  When  the  Am- 
 monites were  driven  out  by  Sihon  from  their  an- 
 cient territory,  they  took  possession  of  the  eastern 
 plain,  and  of  a  considerable  section  of  the  eastern 
 defiles  of  Gilead,  around  the  sources  and  upper 
 blanches  of  the  Jabbok.  It  was  on  the  south  bank 
 of  the  Jabbok  the  interview  took  place  between 
 Jacob  and  Esau  (Gen.  xxxii.  22)  ;  and  this  river 
 afterwards  became,  towards  its  western  part,  the 
 boundary  between  the  kingdoms  of  Sihon  and  Og 
 (Josh.  xii.  2,  5).  Its  modern  name  is  Wady 
 Ziu-ka. 
 
 Ja'besh.  1.  Father  of  Shallum,  the  15th  king 
 of  Israel  (2  K.  xv.  10,  13,  14).— 2.  The  short 
 form  of  the  name  jAiiESll-GiLEAD  (1  Chr.  x.  12 
 only). 
 
 Jab'esh-Gil'ead,  or  Jabesh  in  the  territory  of 
 Gilead.  In  its  widest  sense  Gilead  included  the 
 half  tribe  of  Manasseh  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  21)  as  well 
 as  the  tribes  of  (iad  and  Reuben  (Num.  xxxii.  1-42) 
 east  of  the  Jordan — and  of  the  cities  of  Gilead, 
 Jabesh  was  the  chief.  It  is  first  mentioned  in 
 Judg.  xxi.  8-14.  Being  attacked  subsequently  by 
 Nahash  tiie  Ammonite,  it  gave  Saul  an  opportunity 
 of  displaying  his  prowess  in  its  defence  (I  Sam.  xi. 
 1-15).  As  to  the  site  of  the  city,  it  is  not  defined 
 in  the  0.  T.,  but  Eusebius  places  it  beyond  Jordan, 
 6  miles  from  Peila  on  the  mountain-ioad  to  Gerasa ; 
 where  its  name  is  probably  preserved  in  the  Wad'i 
 Yabss,  which,  flowing  from  the  east,  enters  the 
 Jordan  below  Bethshan  or  Scythopolis.  According 
 to  Dr.  Robinson,  the  ruin  ed-Deir,  on  the  S.  side 
 of  the  Wady,  still  maiks  its  site. 
 
 Ja'bez,  apparently  a  place  at  which  the  families 
 of  the  sci'ibes  resided,  who  belonged  to  the  fami- 
 lies of  the  Kenites  (1  Chr.  ii.  55).— 2.  The  name 
 occurs  again  in  the  genealogies  of  Judah  (1  Chr. 
 iv.  9,  10),  in  a  passage  of  remarkable  detail  in- 
 .seited  in  a  genealogy  again  connected  with  Bethle- 
 hem (ver.  4).  Jabez  was  "  moie  honourable  than 
 his  brethren,"  though  who  they  were  is  not  ascer- 
 tainable. 
 
 Ja'bin.  1,  King  of  Hazor,  who  organised  a  con- 
 federacy of  the  northern  princes  against  the  Israelites 
 (Josh.  xi.  1-3).  He  atsembled  an  army,  which  the 
 Scripture  narrative  merely  compares  to  the  sands 
 for  multitude  (ver.  4).  Joshua  surprised  this  vast 
 host  of  allied  forces  by  the  waters  of  Merom  (ver. 
 7)  and  utterly  routed  them.  During  the  ensuing 
 wars,  Joshua  again  attacked  Jabin  and  burnt  his 
 city  (xi.  1-14).— 2.  A  king  of  Hazor,  who.se  general 
 Sisera  was  defeated  by  Barak,  whose  army  is  de- 
 s('ribed  in  much  the  same  terms  as  that  of  his 
 predecessor  (Judg.  iv.  3,  13),  and  who  suffered 
 precisely  the  same  fate.  Independent  considera- 
 tions tend  to  piove  that  those  two  chiefs  were  con- 
 temporaries ;  and  we  are  theiefore  led  to  regard 
 the  two  accounts  of  the  destruction  of  Hazor  and 
 Jabin  as  really  applying  to  the  same  monarch, 
 and  the  same  event. 
 
 Jab'neel.  1.  One  of  the  poir.ts  on  the  northern 
 boundary  of  Judah,  not  quite  at  the  sea,  though 
 near  it  (Josh.  xv.  11).  There  is  no  sign,  however, 
 of  its  ever  having  been  occupied  by  Judah.  Jose- 
 phus  aftiibutes  it  to  the  Danites.  There  was  a 
 constant  struggle  going  on  between  that  tribe  and 
 
 JACOB 
 
 367 
 
 the  Philistines  for  the  possession  of  all  the  places  in 
 the  lowland  plains,  and  it  is  not  surpiismg  that 
 the  next  time  we  meet  with  .labneel  it  should  be 
 in  the  hands  of  the  latter  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  6).  Uzziali 
 dispossessed  them  of  it,  and  demolished  its  fortifica- 
 tions. Here  it  is  in  the  shorter  form  of  Jaunmch, 
 In  its  Greek  garb,  Iamnia,  it  is  frequently  men- 
 tioned in  the  Maccabees  (1  Mace.  iv.  15,  v.  58,  x. 
 
 09,  XV.  40),  in  whose  time  it  was  again  a  strong 
 place.  At  this  time  there  was  a  harbour  on  the 
 coast,  to  which,  and  the  vessels  lying  theie,  Jurlas 
 set  tire  (2  Mace.  xii.  9).  At  the  time  of  the  fiUl 
 of  Jerusalem,  Jabneh  was  one  of  the  most  populous 
 places  of  Judaea.  The  modern  village  of  Yebnn, 
 more  accurately  Ihna,  stands  about  two  miles  fiom 
 tiie  sea  on  a  slight  eminence  just  south  of  the  Nahi- 
 Rnbin.  It  is  about  11  miles  south  of  Jaifa,  7  from 
 Raialeh,  and  4  from  Akir  (Ekron).  It  probably 
 occupies  its  ancient  site.^2.  One  of  the  landmarks 
 on  the  boundary  of  Naphtali  (Josh.  xix.  33  only). 
 Little  or  no  clue  can  be  got  to  its  situation.  Doubt- 
 less it  is  the  same  place  which,  as  Iamnia  and- 
 lamnith,  is  mentioned  by  Josephus  among  the 
 villages  in  Upper  Galilee. 
 
 Jab'neh,  2  Chr.  xxvi.  6.     [Jabneel.] 
 
 Ja'cban,  one  of  seven  chief'  men  of  the  tribe  of 
 Gad  (1  Chr.  v.  13). 
 
 Ja'cbin,  one  of  the  two  pillars  which  were  set 
 up  "in  the  porch"  (1  K.  vii.  21)  or  before  the 
 temple  (2  Chr.  iii.  17)  of  Solomon. 
 
 Ja'cbin.  1.  Fourth  son  of  Simeon  (Gen.  xlvi. 
 10;  Ex.  V).  15);  foundei-  of  the  family  of  the 
 Jaciiinites  (Num.  xxvi.  12). — 2.  Head  of  the 
 21st  course  of  priests  in  the  time  of  David.  Some 
 of  the  course  returned  fiom  Babylon  (1  Chr.  ix. 
 
 10,  xxiv.  17;  Neh.  xi.  10). 
 
 Ja'chinites,  the.  The  family  founded  by 
 Jachin,  son  of  Simeon  (Num.  xxvi.  12). 
 
 Jacintb,  a  precious  stone,  forming  one  of  the 
 foiuidatious  of  the  walls  of  the  new  Jei'usalem 
 (Rev.  xxi.  20).  It  seems  to  be  identical  with  the 
 Hebrew  leshem  (A.  V.  "  ligure,"  Ex.  xxviii.  19). 
 The  jacinth  or  hyacinth  is  a  red  variety  of  zircon, 
 which  is  found  in  square  prisms,  of  a  white,  grey, 
 red,  reildish-brown,  yellow,  or  pale-green  colour. 
 The  expression  in  Kev.  ix.  17,  "of  jacinth,"  applied 
 to  the  bi east-plate,  is  descriptive  simply  of  a  %«- 
 clnlliine^  i.e.  dark-purple  colour. 
 
 Ja'cob,  the  second  son  of  Isaac  and  Rebekah. 
 He  was  born  with  Esau,  when  I.'aac  was  59  and 
 Abraham  159  years  old,  piobably  at  the  well 
 Lahai-roi.  His  history  is  related  in  the  latter  half 
 of  the  book  of  Genesis.  He  bought  the  birthright 
 from  his  brother  Esau;  and  afterwaids,  at  his 
 mother's  instigation,  acquired  the  blessing  intended 
 for  Esau,  by  practising  a  well-known  deceit  on 
 Isaac.  Hitherto  the  two  sons  shared  the  wander- 
 ings of  Isaac  in  the  South  Country  ;  but  now  Jacob 
 in  his  78th  yeir  was  sent  from  the  family  home, 
 to  avoid  his  brother,  and  to  seek  a  wife  among  his 
 kindred  in  I'adan-aram.  As  he  passed  through 
 Bethel,  God  apjieared  to  him.  After  the  lapse  of 
 21  years  he  returned  from  Padan-aram  with  two 
 wives,  two  concubines,  eleven  sons,  and  a  daughter, 
 and  large  property.  He  escaped  from  the  angry 
 pursuit  of  Laban,  from  a  nieetmg  with  Esau,  and 
 from  the  vengeance  of  the  Canaanites  provoked  by 
 the  murder  of  Shechem  ;  and  in  each  of  those  three 
 emeigencies  he  was  aided  and  strengthened  by  the 
 inteiposition  of  God,  and  in  sign  of  the  grace  won 
 by  a  night  of  wrestling  with  God  his  name  was 
 
358 
 
 JACUBUS 
 
 chan(;e<l  at  Jabbok  into  Israel.  E)eborah  and  Rachel 
 died  Ipct'ore  he  reached  Hebron  ;  ainl  it  was  at  Hebron, 
 in  tlic  122ii(i  year  of  liis  age,  tliat  he  and  Esau 
 buried  their  father  Is;\ac.  Joseph,  the  favourite 
 s<m  of  Jacob,  was  solil  into  Kgypt  eleven  years  be- 
 foi-e  the  death  of  Isaac ;  and  Jacob  had  probably 
 exceeded  his  loUth  year  when  he  went  thither, 
 iwing  encourageti  in  a  ilivine  vision  as  he  passed  for 
 the  last  time  through  IVersheba.  He  was  pi-e- 
 sontiMJ  to  Pharaoh,  and  dwelt  for  seventeen  years  in 
 IL-inieses  and  Goshen.  After  giving  his  solemn 
 blessing  to  Ephraini  and  Mannsseh,  and  his  own 
 sons  one  by  one,  and  charging  the  ten  to  complete 
 their  reconciliation  with  Joseph,  he  died  in  his 
 147th  year.  His  body  was  embalmed,  carried 
 with  great  care  and  pomp  into  the  land  of  Canaan, 
 and  deposited  with  his  fathers,  and  his  wife  Leah, 
 in  the  cave  of  Machjielah.— The  example  of  Jacob  is 
 quotwl  by  the  (irst  and  tlic  last  of  the  minor  pro- 
 l>hets.  Hosea,  in  the  latter  days  of  the  kingdom, 
 seeks  (.\ri.  3,  4,  I'J)  to  convert  the  descendants  of 
 Jacob  from  their  state  of  alienation  from  God,  by 
 recalling  to  their  memory  the  repeated  acts  of 
 fiod's  favour  shown  to  their  ancestor.  And  Malachi 
 (i.  2)  strengthens  the  des])oniling  hearts  of  the  re- 
 turneil  exiles  by  assuring  them  that  the  love  which 
 tiod  bestowed  u])i)n  Jacob  was  not  withheld  from 
 them.  Hesides  the  frequent  mention  of  his  name 
 in  conjunction  with  those  of  the  otlier  two  I'atii- 
 archs,  there  are  distinct  references  to  events  in  the 
 life  of  Jacob  in  four  books  of  the  N.  T.  In  l!om. 
 ix.  ll-l;-i,  iSt.  I'aul  ailduces  the  history  of  Jacob's 
 birth  to  prove  that  the  favour  of  God  is  independent 
 of  the  order  of  natural  descent.  In  Heb.  xii.  16, 
 and  xi.  21,  the  transfer  of  the  birthright  and  Jacob's 
 dying  bcnedii-tion  are  leferred  to.  His  vision  at 
 Bethel,  and  his  possession  of  land  at  Shechem  are 
 cited  in  St.  John  i.  51,  and  iv.  5,  12.  Ami  St. 
 Stephen,  in  his  speech  (Acts  vii.  12,  1(J),  mentions 
 the  famine  which  was  the  means  of  restoring  Jacob 
 to  his  lost  son  in  Kgypt,  and  the  burial  of  the 
 jwtriarch  in  Shechem.  Such  are  the  events  of 
 Jacob's  life  recorded  in  Scripture. 
 
 Jacu'bus,  1  Kstl.  ix.  48.     [Akkub,  4.] 
 
 Ja'da,  son  of  Onam,  and  brother  of  Shammai,  in 
 the  genealogy  of  the  sons  of  Jerahmeel  by  his  wite 
 Atarah  fl  Chr.  ii.  28,  .■52). 
 
 Jada'a,  one  of  the  liene-Nebo  who  had  taken  a 
 l'i)ici<.'ii  wife  (Kzr.  x.  48). 
 
 Jaddu'a,  son,  and  successor  in  the  high-priest- 
 hood, of  Jonathan  or  Johanan.  He  is  the  last  of 
 the  high-piiests  mentioned  in  the  0.  T.,  and  pro- 
 bably altogether  the  latest  name  in  the  canon  (Neh. 
 xii.  11,22).  All  that  we  learn  concerning  him  in 
 Scripture  is  the  fact  of  his  being  the  son  of  Jona- 
 than, and  high-priest.  We  gather  also  pretty  cer- 
 tainly that  he  was  priest  in  the  reign  of  the  h\st 
 Persian  king  Darius,  and  that  he  was  still  high- 
 priest  alter  the  Persian  dynasty  was  overthrown, 
 I.  c.  ill  the  reign  of  Alexander  the  (ireat. 
 
 Jaddu'a,  one  of  the  chief  of  the  |)CopIe,  i.e.  of 
 the  laymen,  who  sealed  the  covenant  with  Nehe- 
 miah  (  N.-h.  x.  21). 
 
 Ja'don,  the  Meronothitc,  who  assisted  to  repah- 
 III.'  w.ill  of  Jerusdem  (Neh.  iii.  7). 
 
 Ja'el,  the  wife  of  Ilelter  the  Kenite.  In  the 
 headlong  rout  which  followed  the  defeat  of  the 
 Ciinnanites  by  Harak,  Si>era,  abandoning  his  chariot 
 the  more  easdy  to  avoid  notice,  lliil  luiattended,  and 
 in  an  op|Mi.siti'  direction  from  that  taken  by  his 
 army,  0)  the  tent  of  the  Kenite  chieflaine'^j).     He 
 
 JAHAZ 
 
 accepted  Jael's  invitation  to  enter,  and  she  flung  a 
 mantle  over  him  as  he  lay  wearily  on  the  tloor. 
 When  thirst  preventtnl  sleep,  and  he  asked  for  water, 
 she  brought  him  butteimilk  in  her  choicest  vessel, 
 thus  ratifying  with  the  semblance  of  otficions  zesil 
 the  sjicred  bond  of  Eastern  hospitality.  At  l;ust, 
 with  a  feeling  of  peifect  security,  the  weary  general 
 resigned  himself  to  the  deep  sleep  of  misery  and 
 fatigue.  Then  it  was  that  Jael  took  in  her  left 
 hand  one  of  the  great  wooden  pins  which  thstenwl 
 down  the  cords  of  the  tent,  and  in  her  right  hand 
 the  mallet  used  to  drive  it  into  the  ground,  an;! 
 with  one  terrible  blow  d;islied  it  through  Sisera's 
 temples  deep  into  the  earth.  With  one  sjiasm  of 
 fruitless  agony,  "at  her  feet  he  bowed,  he  ("ell 
 dead"  (Judg.  v.  27).  She  then  waited  to  meet  the 
 pui-suing  Barak,  and  led  him  into  her  tent  that  she 
 might  in  his  presence  claim  the  gloiy  of  the  deed  ! 
 Many  have  supposed  that  by  this  act  she  fulfilled 
 the  saying  of  Deborah,  that  God  would  sell  Sisera 
 into  the  hand  of  a  woman  (Judg.  iv.  9;  Joseph.  Ant. 
 V.  5,  §4) ;  and  hence  they  have  suppose<l  that  Jael 
 was  actuated  by  some  divine  and  hidden  influence. 
 But  the  Bible  gives  no  hint  of  such  an  inspiration. 
 If  therefore  we  eliminate  the  still  more  monstrous 
 supposition  of  the  Ilabbis  that  Sisera  was  slain  by 
 .Iiul  because  he  attempted  to  otl'er  her  violence,  the 
 murder  will  apjiear  in  all  its  atrocity, 
 
 Ja'gnr,  a  town  of.ludah,  one  of  those  furthest 
 to  the  south,  on  the  frontier  of  Edom  (Josh.  xv. 
 21). 
 
 Jah,  the  abbreviated  foi-m  of  "  Jehovah,"  used 
 only  in  poetry.  It  occurs  frequently  in  the  He- 
 brew, but  with  a  single  exception  (Ps.  Ixviii.  4) 
 is  rendered  "  Lord"  in  the  A.  V.  The  identity  of 
 Jah  and  Jehovah  is  stiongly  marked  in  two  pas- 
 sages of  Isaiah  (xii.  2,  xxvi.  4),  the  force  of  which 
 is  greatly  weakened  by  the  English  rendering  "  the 
 Lord."  The  former  of  these  should  be  translated 
 "  for  my  strength  and  song  is  Jah  Jichovah  " 
 (comp.  Ex.  XV.  2) ;  and  the  latter,  "  trust  ye  in 
 Jehovah  for  ever,  tor  in  Jah  Jichovah  is  the  rock 
 of  ages."  "  Praise  ye  the  Lord,"  or  Hallelujah, 
 should  be  in  all  cases  "  ])raise  ye  J.ah."  In  Ps. 
 Ixxxix.  8  [9]  Jah  stands  in  a  parallelism  with 
 "  Jehovah  the  (iod  of  hosts"  in  a  pass;\ge  which  is 
 wrongly  translateil  in  our  veision.  It  should  be 
 "  Oh  Jehovah,  God  of  hosts,  who  like  thee  is 
 strong,   O  Jah  ! " 
 
 Ja'hath.  1.  Son  of  Libni,  the  son  of  Gerslmm, 
 the  son  of  Levi  (1  Chr.  vi.  2(i).— 2.  Head  of  a 
 Later  house  in  the  famdy  of  liei>hom,  being  the 
 eldest  son  of  Shiinei,  the  son  of  Laadan  (I  Chr. 
 xxiii.  10,  11).— 8.  A  man  in  the  genadogy  of  J  udah 
 (1  Chr.  iv.  2),  son  of  IJeaiah  ben-Sluibal.— 4.  A 
 Levite,  st)n  of  Shelomoth  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  22).— 6. 
 A  Meraiite  Levite  in  the  reign  of  Josiah  C-  Chr. 
 xxxiv.  12). 
 
 Ja'has,  also  Jaha'za,  Jahazah,  and  Jah'zah. 
 
 Under  these  t'our  loinis  are  given  in  the  A.  \' .  the 
 name  of  a  place  which  in  the  llelircw  ap]»eai-s  as 
 }'(i/kiIs  and  Vdhtsdh.  ■  At  Jahaz  the  dirisive  battle 
 w.xs  fought  between  the  children  of  Israel  and  Mhon 
 king  of  the  Amorites,  which  endetl  in  the  overthrow 
 of  the  latter,  and  in  the  occujiation  by  Israel  of  the 
 whole  pastoral  country  incliide<l  between  the  Amon 
 and  the  Jabbok,  the  lielka  of  the  modern  Arabs 
 (Num.  x.vi.  2.{ ;  Dent.  ii.  ,".2;  Judg.  xi.  20).  it 
 w;\s  in  the  allotment  of  IJeuben  (.bish.  xiii.  18). 
 Like  many  otheis  relating  to  the  places  East  of  tlie 
 Dead  Se>i,  this  ijuustiun  must  await  fuither  rescau'li. 
 
JAHAZA 
 
 Ja'haza,  Josh.  xiii.  18.     [Jaiiaz.] 
 
 Ja'hazah,  Josh.  xxi.  36 ;  Jer.  xlviii.  21.     [Ja- 
 
 IIA/,.| 
 
 Jahazi'ah,  son  of  Tikvah,  appareutly  a  priest 
 (Kzr.  X.  l.")i. 
 
 Jaha'ziel.  1.  One  of  the  'heroes  of  Benjamin 
 wiio  joined  David  at  Ziklag  (1  Chr.  xii.  4). "—2.  A 
 ]p-.iest  in  the  reign  of  David  (1  Chr.  xvi.  6).^ 
 3.  A  Koliathite  I.evite,  third  son  of  Hebron  (1  Chr. 
 xxiii.  19  ;  xxiv.  23). — 4.  Son  of  Zechariah,  a  Levite 
 of  the  Bene-Asaph  in  the  reign  of  Jehoshaphat 
 (2  Chr.  XX.  14).— 5.  'J'he  "  son  of  Jahaziei  "  was 
 the  chief  of  the  Bene-Shecaniah  who  returned  from 
 Babylon  with  Ezra  (Ezr.  viii.  5). 
 
 Jahda'i,  a  man  who  appears  to  be  thrust  ab- 
 ruptly into  the  genealogy  of  Caleb,  as  the  father  of 
 six  sons  (]  Chr.  ii.  47). 
 
 Jah'diel,  a  chieftain  of  JIanasseh  on  the  east  of 
 Jordan  (1  Chr.  v.  24). 
 
 Jah'do,  a  Cadite  (1  Chr.  v.  14),  son  of  Buz  and 
 fathei-  of  Jeshishai. 
 
 Jah'leel,  the  third  of  the  three  sons  of  Zebulun 
 (Gen.  xlvi.  14  ;  Num.  xxvi.  26),  founder  of  the 
 family  of  the  Jahlkelites. 
 
 Jah'leelites^  the.  A  branch  of  the  tribe  of 
 Zebulim,  descendants  of  Jahleel  (Num.  xxvi.  26). 
 
 Jahma'i,  a  man  of  Issachar,  one  of  the  heads  of 
 the  house  of  Tolah  (1  Chr.  vii.  2). 
 
 Jah'zah,  1  Chr.  vi.  78.     [Jauaz.] 
 
 Jah  zeel,  the  first  of  the  four  sons  of  Naphtali 
 (Gen.  xivi.  24),  founder  of  the  family  of  the 
 Jaiizeelitks  (Num.  xxvi,  48). 
 
 Jah'zeelites,  the.  A  branch  of  the  Naphtalites, 
 iV:-c'(>nded  from  Jahzeel  (Num.  xxvi.  48). 
 
 Jahze'rah,  a  priest  of  the  house  of  Immer  (1 
 Chr.  ix.  12). 
 '    Jah'ziel,  the  same  as  Jahzeel  (1  Chr.  vii.  13). 
 
 Ja'ir.  1.  A  man  who  on  his  father's  side  was 
 descended  from  Judah,  and  on  his  mother's  from 
 Manasseh.  During  the  conquest  he  performed  one 
 of  the  chief  feats  recorded.  He  took  the  whole  of 
 tlie  tract  of  Argou  (Deut.  iii.  14),  and  in  addition 
 possessed  himself  of  some  nomad  villages  in  Gilead, 
 which  he  called  after  his  own  name,  Havvoth- 
 Jaiu  (Num.  xxxii.  41  ;  1  Chr,  ii.  23).— 2.  "  Jair 
 THE  GiLEADiTE,"  who  judged  Israel  for  two-and- 
 tvventy  years  (Judg.  x.  3-5).  He  had  thirty  sons 
 who  rode  thirty  asses,  and  possessed  thirty  cities  in 
 the  land  of  Gilead,  which,  like  those  of  their  name- 
 sake, were  called  Havvoth-Jair.  Possibly  the  ori- 
 ginal twenty-three  formed  pail  of  these.— 3.  A  Ben- 
 jamite,  son  of  Kish  and  father  of  Mordecai  (Esth. 
 ii.  5).— 4.  The  father  of  Elhanan,  one  of  the  heroes 
 of  David's  army  (1  Chr.  xx.  5). 
 
 Ja'irite,  the.  Ira  the  Jairite  was  a  priest  (A.  V. 
 "  chief  I'uler")  to  David  (2  Sam.  xx.  26). 
 
 Jai'rus.  1.  A  ruler  of  a  synagogue,  probably  in 
 some  town  near  the  western  shore  of  the  sea  of 
 Galilee  (Matt.  ix.  18  ;  Mark  v.  22  ;  Luke  viii.  41). 
 —2.  Esth.  xi.  2.     [Jair,  3.] 
 
 Ja'kan,  son  of  Ezer  the  Horite  (1  Chr.  i.  42). 
 The  same  as  Jaakan.     And  see  Akan. 
 
 Ja'keh.  The  A.  V.  of  Prov.  xxx.  1  has  repre- 
 sented this  as  the  pioper  name  of  the  father  of 
 Agur,  whose  sayings  are  collected  in  Prov.  xxx., 
 and  such  is  the  natural  interpretation.  But  beyond 
 this  we  have  no  clue  to  the  existence  of  either 
 Agur  or  Jakeh.  Of  course  if  Agur  be  Solomon,  it 
 follows  that  Jakeh  was  a  name  of  David  of  some 
 mystical  significance ;  but  for  this  there  is  not  a 
 sliadow  of  support.      If  Jakeh  be  the  name  of  a 
 
 JAMES 
 
 359 
 
 person,  as  there  is  e\ery  reason  to  believe,  we  know 
 nothing  more  about  him;  if  not,  there  is  no  limit 
 to  the  symbolical  meanings  which  may  be  extiiicteJ 
 from  the  clause  in  which  it  occurs,  and  which  cliange 
 with  the  ever-shitting  ground  of  the  critic's  point 
 of  view.  Hitzig  makes  Agur  and  Lemuel  brothers, 
 both  sons  of  a  queen  of  Massa,  the  latter  being  the 
 reigning  monarch  (Prov.  xxxi.  1).  The  Heb. 
 massa,  "  prophecy"  or  "  burden,"  is  considered  as 
 a  pioper  name,  and  identical  with  the  region  named 
 Massa  in  Arabia. 
 
 Ja'kim.  1.  Head  of  the  12th  course  of  priests 
 in  the  reign  of  David  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  12).— 2.  A 
 Benjamite,  one  of  the  Bene-Shimhi  (1  Chr.  viii. 
 19). 
 
 Ja'Ion,  one  of  the  sons  of  Ezra  (1  Chr.  iv.  17). 
 
 Jam'bres.     [See  Jannes  and  Jambres.] 
 
 Jam'bri.  Shoitly  after  the  death  of  Judas  Mac- 
 cabaeus  (B.C.  161),  "  the  children  of  Jambri"  are 
 said  to  have  made  a  predatory  attack  on  a  detach- 
 ment of  the  Maccabaean  forces  (1  Mace.  ix.  36-41), 
 The  name  does  not  occur  elsewhere.  It  has  been 
 conjectured  that  the  original  text  was  "  the  sons 
 of  the  Amorites." 
 
 James.  1.  James  the  Son  of  Zebedee.  This 
 is  the  only  one  of  the  Apostles  of  whose  life  and 
 death  we  can  write  with  certainty.  Of  his  early 
 life  we  know  nothing.  We  first  hear  of  him  A.D. 
 27,  when  he  was  called  to  be  our  Lord's  disciple ; 
 and  he  disappears  from  view  A.D.  44,  when  he  suf- 
 fered maityrdom  at  the  hands  of  Herod  Agrippa  I.— 
 I.  His  history. — In  the  spring  or  summer  of  the 
 year  27,  Zebedee,  a  fisherman  (Mark  i.  20),  was 
 out  on  the  Sea  of  Galilee  with  his  two  sons,  James 
 and  John,  and  some  boatmen.  He  was  engaged  in 
 his  customary  occupation  of  fishing,  and  near  him 
 was  another  boat  belonging  to  Simon  and  Andrew, 
 with  whom  he  and  his  sons  were  in  partnership. 
 Finding  themselves  unsuccessful,  the  occupants  of 
 both  boats  came  ashore,  and  began  to  wash  their 
 nets.  At  this  time  the  new  Teacher  appeared  upon 
 the  beach.  At  His  call  they  left  all,  and  became, 
 once  and  for  ever,  His  disciples,  hereafter  to  catch 
 men.  For  a  full  year  we  lose  sight  of  St.  James. 
 He  is  then,  in  the  spnng  of  28,  called  to  the  apostle- 
 ship  with  his  eleven  brethren  (Matt.  x.  2  ;  Mark  iii. 
 14;  Luke  vi.  13;  Acts  i.  13).  In  the  list  of  the 
 Apostles  given  us  by  St.  Mark,  and  in  the  book  of 
 Acts,  his  name  occurs  next  to  that  of  Simon  Peter  : 
 in  the  Gospels  of  St.  Matthew  and  St.  Luke  it 
 comes  third.  It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  with  one 
 exception  (Luke  ix.  28),  the  name  of  James  is  put 
 before  that  of  John,  and  that  John  is  twice  de- 
 scribed as  "the  brother  of  James"  (Mark  v.  37; 
 Matt.  xvii.  1).  This  would  appear  to  imply  that 
 at  this  time  James,  either  from  age  or  character, 
 took  a  higher  position  tlian  his  brother.  It  would 
 seem  to  have  been  at  the  time  of  the  appointment 
 of  the  twelve  Apostles  that  the  name  of  Boanerges 
 was  given  to  the  sons  of  Zebedee.  The  "  Sons  ot 
 Thunder"  had  a  burning  and  impetuous  spirit, 
 which  twice  exhibits  itself  in  its  unchasteued  form 
 (Luke  ix.  54;  Mark  x.  37).  The  first  occasion  on 
 which  this  natural  character  manifests  itself  in  St. 
 James  and  his  brother  is  at  the  commencement  of 
 our  Lord's  last  journey  to  Jerusalem  in  the  year  30. 
 He  was  passing  through  Samaria,  and  "  sent  mes- 
 sengers before  his  face"  into  a  certain  village,  "  to 
 make  ready  for  him "  (Luke  ix.  52),  i.  e.  in  aU 
 probability  to  announce  him  as  the  Messiah.  The 
 Samaritims,   with   their  old  jealousy  strong  upon 
 
;;60 
 
 JAMES 
 
 them,  refused  to  ieceiv«  him  ;  and  in  their  exaspe- 
 ration James  and  John  enti^ited  tlieir  Master  to 
 follow  the  example  of  Elijah,  and  call  down  tire  to 
 consume  them.  At  the  end  of  the  s;unp  journey  a 
 similar  spirit  apjiears  again  (Mark  x.  oa).  From 
 the  time  of  the  Agony  in  the  Garden,  A.o.  30,  to 
 the  time  of  his  martyrdom,  A.D.  44,  we  know 
 nothing  of  St.  James,  except  that  after  the  Ascension 
 he  perseveral  in  pniyer  with  the  other  Apostles, 
 and  the  women,  and  the  Lord's  brethren  (Acts  i. 
 i:i).  In  the  ye;u-  44  Herod  Aeripjia  I.,  son  of 
 Aristobulus,  was  ruler  of  all  the  dominions  which 
 at  the  death  of  his  gi-andfather,  Herod  the  Great, 
 had  been  divided  between  Archelaus,  Antipas, 
 •  riiilip,  and  I.ysaiiias.  Policy  and  inclination  would 
 alilce  lead  such  a  monarch  "to  lay  hands"  (Acts 
 xii.  1)  "on  certiiiti  of  the  church;"  and  accord- 
 ingly, when  tiie  I'assover  of  the  year  44  had 
 hi  ought  St.  James  and  St.  Peter  to  Jerusalem,  he 
 hcized  tiiem  both.— H.  C/ironolo(jical  recnpitiUa- 
 tioH. — In  the  spring  or  summer  of  the  year  27 
 James  was  called  to  be  a  disciple  of  Christ.  In 
 the  spring  of  2S  he  was  appointed  one  of  the  Twelve 
 Apostles,  and  at  that  time  probably  received,  with 
 his  brother,  the  title  of  Boanerges.  In  tlie  autumn 
 of  the  same  year  he  was  admitted  to  the  miraculous 
 raising  of  Jairus's  daughter.  In  the  spring  of  the 
 year  '-'9  he  witnessed  the  Transfiguration.  Very 
 early  in  the  year  3U  he  urged  his  Lord  to  call  down 
 tire  from  heaven  to  consume  the  .Samaritan  village. 
 Al)out  three  months  later  in  the  Fame  year,  just 
 before  the  final  arrival  in  Jerusalem,  he  and  his 
 brother  made  their  ambitious  request  through  their 
 mother  Salome.  On  the  night  before  the  Cruci- 
 fixion he  was  present  at  the  Agony  in  the  Garden. 
 On  the  day  of  the  Ascension  he  is  mentioned  as 
 persevering  with  the  rest  of  the  Apostles  and  dis- 
 ciples in  prayer.  .Shortly  befoi'e  the  day  of  the 
 P.ussover,  in  the  year  44,  he  was  put  to  death. 
 Thus  during  fourteen  out  of  the  seventeen  years 
 that  elapsed  between  his  cill  and  his  death  we  do 
 not  even  catch  a  glimpse  of  him.— 2.  James  tiiI': 
 Son  of  Ali'HAKUS.  j\Iatt.  x.  3;  Mark  iii.  IS;  Luke 
 vi.  15;  Acts  i.  13. — 3.  .Iamks  tmk  Bhothkh  of 
 THK  Loud.  Matt.  xiii.  oo  ;  Mark  vi.  3;  Gal.  i. 
 19.-4.  .IAMK.S  TIIK  Son  of  Mar  v.  Matt,  .\xvii. 
 .Mi ;  Luke  xxiv.  10.  Also  called  THE  Little. 
 Mark  xv.  40. — 6.  Jamks  the  Brother  of  Jude. 
 Jude  1. — 6.  Jamks  the  Brother  (?)  of  Jude. 
 Luke  vi.  IG;  Acts  i.  13.— 7.  Jamks.  Acts  xii. 
 17,  XV.  13,  xxi.  18;  1  Cor.  .\v.  7;  Gal.  ii.  9,  12.— 
 8.  Ja.mks  the  Skkv'ant  of  God  and  of  the 
 Lord  Jesus  Chris r.  James  i.  1.  St.  Paul 
 identifies  for  us  Nos.  .3.  and  7,  (see  Gal.  ii.  9  and  12 
 <om|iared  with  i.  19).  If  we  may  translate  'lovSas 
 'laKci^ov,  Judas  the  brother,  rather  than  the  son  of 
 .lames,  we  may  conclude  that  5.  and  (3.  arc  identiail. 
 \Vc  may  identify  ."».  and  G.  with  3.,  because  we 
 know  that  James  the  Loid's  brother  had  a  brother 
 named  Jude.  We  may  identify  4.  with  3.,  because 
 we  know  James  the  .son  of  Mary  had  a  brother 
 n.imed  Joscs,  and  so  .also  had  James  the  Lord's 
 brother.  Thus  there  remain  two  only,  .lames  the 
 son  of  Alphaeus  (2.),  and  James  the  brother  of  the 
 Lord  (3.).  Can  we,  or  can  we  not,  identify  them? 
 This  requires  a  longer  consideration.  By  rom- 
 parinc  Matt,  xxvii.  t)tj  and  Mark  xv.  40,  with  John 
 lix.  2.">.  wo  find  that  the  Virgin  Maiy  had  a  sister 
 nainiij  like  her.sell,  M.iry,  wlio  was  the  wife  of 
 Clopas,  and  who  had  two  sons,  .laino  the  Little 
 and  Joses.    liv  referrini:  tu  Mutt.  uii.  05  and  Mark 
 
 JAMES 
 
 vi.  3,  we  find  that  a  James  and  a  Joses,  with  two 
 other  brethren  calleii  Jude  and  .Simon,  and  at  least 
 three  sisters,  were  living  with  the  Virgin  Mary  at 
 Nazareth.  By  refening  to  Luke  vi.  16  and  .Acts  i. 
 13,  we  find  that  there  were  two  brethren  nameil 
 James  and  Jude  among  the  Apostles.  It  would 
 ceitainly  bo  natural  to  think  that  we  had  here  but 
 one  family  of  four  brothei-s  and  three  or  more 
 sistei-s,  the  children  of  Clojas  and  M.ary,  nephews 
 and  nieces  of  the  Virgin  Mary.  There  are  ditK- 
 culties,  however,  in  the  way  of  this  conclusion. 
 For,  1.  the  four  brethren  in  Matt.  xiii.  bb  are  de- 
 scribed as  the  brothel's  of  Jesus,  not  as  His  cousins; 
 2.  they  are  found  living  as  at  their  home  with  the 
 Virgin  Maiy,  which  seems  unnatural  if  she  were 
 their  aunt,  their  mother  being,  as  we  know,  still 
 alive;  3.  the  James  of  Luke  vi.  l.j  is  described  as 
 the  son  not  of  Clopas,  but  of  Alphaeus;  4.  the 
 "  brethren  of  the  Lord  "  apj)ear  to  be  excluded  from 
 the  Apostolic  band  by  their  declared  unbelief  in  his 
 Messiahship  (John  vii.  3-5),  and  by  being  formally 
 distinguished  from  the  disciples  by  the  Gospel- 
 writers  (Matt.  xii.  48;  Mark  iii.  33;  John  ii.  12  ; 
 Acts  i.  14) ;  5.  James  and  Jude  are  not  de.signated 
 as  the  Lord's  brethren  in  the  list  of  the  Apostles; 
 6.  Mary  is  designated  as  the  mother  of  James  and 
 Joses,  whereas  she  would  have  been  called  mother  of 
 .lames  and  Jude,  had  James  and  Jude  been  Ajx).->tles, 
 and  .loses  not  an  Apostle  (Matt,  xxvii.  46).  The 
 following  answers  may  be  given: — Objection  1. — 
 "  They  are  called  brethren."  Now  it  is  clearly  not 
 necessary  to  understand  aSeXcpol  as  "brothers'' 
 in  the  nearest  sense  of  brotherhood.  It  need  not 
 mean  more  than  relative.  But  peihaps  the  cir- 
 cutnstances  of  the  case  would  lead  us  to  tjanslate  it 
 brethren  ?  On  the  contrary,  such  a  translation 
 appeal's  to  produce  very  grave  dilliculties.  For, 
 Hist,  it  introduces  two  sets  of  four  first-cousins, 
 bearing  the  same  names  of  James,  Joses,  Jude,  and 
 Simon ;  and,  secondly,  it  drives  us  to  take  our 
 choice  between  three  doubtful  and  impiobable  hypo- 
 theses as  to  the  parentage  of  this  second  set  of 
 James,  Joses,  Jude,  and  Simon.  There  are  three 
 such  hypothe-ses : — (a.)  The  Fastern  hypothesis, 
 that  they  were  the  children  of  Joseph  by  a  former 
 wife.  (6.)  The  Helviiiian  hyjothosis,  that  James, 
 Joses,  Jude,  Simon,  and  the  three  sisters,  were 
 children  of  Joseph  and  Mary,  (c.)  The  Levitate 
 hypothesis,  that  Joseph  and  Clopas  were  brothers, 
 and  that  Joseph  laiseil  up  seed  to  his  dead  biother. 
 Objection  2. — "The  four  brothel's  and  their  sisters 
 are  always  found  living  .iiid  moving  about  with  the 
 Virgin  Mary."  If  they  were  the  children  of  Clopas, 
 the  Virgin  Mary  was  their  aunt.  Her  own  huslumd 
 would  appear  without  doubt  to  have  died  at  some 
 time  between  A.n.  8  and  A.D.  26.  Nor  have  we 
 any  reason  for  believing  Clojias  to  have  been  alive 
 during  our  Lord's  ministry.  What  diiruulty  is 
 there  in  supposing  that  the  two  widoweil  sisters 
 should  have  lived  together,  the  more  so  ns  one 
 of  them  had  but  one  son.  and  he  was  orteu  tiikcc 
 from  her  by  his  niinistcriid  duties?  Objectiun  3. — 
 "  James  the  Apostle  is  s;iid  to  lie  the  son  of  Alphaeus, 
 not  of  Clopas."  But  Alphaeus  ami  CIoikis  are  the 
 .same  name.  Objection  4. — Dejui  Alfonl  considei-s 
 John  vii.  .5,  compared  with  vi.  67-70,  to  d<x-ide 
 that  none  of  the  brolhei-s  of  the  Lord  were  of  the 
 number  of  the  Twelve.  If  this  vei-se,  as  ho  states, 
 makes  "  the  crowning  difficulty  "  to  tlie  hyiHithesis 
 of  the  identity  of  .Limes  the  son  of  .Miihaeiis.  the 
 Ajfostle,  witli  James  Uie  brother  of  the   Loid,  the 
 
JAMES 
 
 difTlcultH's  aie  not  so  formidable  to  be  overcome. 
 It  is  not  at  all  necessary  to  suppose  that  St.  John  is 
 here  speaking  of  all  the  biethren.  It'  Joses,  Simon, 
 and  the  three  sisters  disbelieved,  it  would  be  quite 
 sufficient  ground  for  the  statement  of  the  Evan- 
 gelist. ISor  does  it  necessarily  follow  that  the  dis- 
 belief of  the  brethren  was  of  such  a  nature  that 
 James  and  Jude  could  have  had  no  share  in  it. 
 Ubjection  5. — The  omission  of  a  title  is  so  slight  a 
 ground  for  an  argument  that  we  may  pass  thi;j 
 by.  Objection  6. — There  is  no  improbability  in 
 this  objection,  if  Joses  w-as,  as  would  seem  likely, 
 an  elder  brother  of  Jude,  and  next  in  order  to 
 James.  Had  we  not  iiientitied  James  the  son  of 
 Alphaeus  with  the  brother  of  the  Lord,  we  should 
 have  but  little  to  write  of  him.  Of  his  father, 
 Alphaeus  or  Clopas,  we  know  nothing,  except  that 
 he  man-ied  Mary,  the  sister  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  and 
 had  by  her  four  sons  and  three  or  more  daughters. 
 It  is  probable  that  these  cousins,  or,  as  they  weie 
 usually  called,  biothers  and  sisters,  of  the  Lord 
 weie  older  than  Himself.  Of  James  individually 
 we  know  nothing  till  the  spring  of  the  year  28, 
 when  we  find  him,  together  with  his  younger 
 brother  Jude,  called  to  the  Apostolate.  It  is  not 
 likely  (^thou^h  far  from  impossible)  that  James  and 
 Jude  took  part  with  their  brothers  and  sisters,  and 
 the  Virgin  Mary,  in  trying  "  to  lay  hold  on " 
 Jesus  in  the  autumn  of  the  same  year  (Mark  iii. 
 21)  ;  and  it  is  likely,  though  not  certain,  that  it  is 
 of  the  other  brothers  and  sisters,  without  these  two, 
 that  St.  John  says,  "  Neither  did  His  brethren  be- 
 lieve on  Him "  (John  vii.  5),  in  the  autumn  of 
 A.D.  29.  We  hear  no  more  of  James  till  after  the 
 Crucifixion  and  the  Kesunection.  At  some  time 
 in  the  forty  days  that  intervened  betvreen  the 
 Resurrection  and  the  Ascension  the  Lord  appeared 
 to  him.  This  is  not  related  by  the  Evangelists, 
 but  it  is  mentioned  by  St.  Paul  (1  Cor.  xv.  7). 
 We  cannot  fix  the  date  of  this  appearance.  It  was 
 probably  only  a  few  days  befbie  the  Ascension. 
 Again  we  lose  sight  of  James  foi'  ten  years,  and 
 when  he  appears  once  more  it  is  in  a  far  higher 
 position  than  any  that  he  has  yet  held.  In  the 
 year  37  occurred  the  conversion  of  Saul.  Three 
 years  after  his  conversion  he  paid  his  first  visit  to 
 Jerusalem,  but  the  Christians  lecoUected  what  they 
 had  suffered  at  his  hands,  and  feared  to  have  any- 
 thing to  do  with  him.  Barnabas,  at  this  time  of 
 far  higher  reputation  than  himself,  took  him  by 
 the  hand,  and  introduced  him  to  Peter  and  James 
 (Acts  ix.  27  ;  Gal.  i.  18,  19),  and  by  their  au- 
 thoi-ity  he  was  admitted  into  the  society  of  the 
 Christians,  and  allowed  to  associate  freely  with 
 them  during  the  fifteen  days  of  his  stay.  Here  we 
 find  James  on  a  level  with  Peter,  and  with  him 
 deciding  on  the  admission  of  St.  Paul  into  fellow- 
 ship with  the  Chuich  at  Jerusalem ;  and  from 
 henceforth  we  always  find  him  equal,  or  in  his  own 
 department  supeiior,  to  the  very  chiefest  Apostles, 
 Peter,  John,  and  Paul.  For  by  this  time  he  had 
 been  appointed  (at  what  exact  date  we  know  not) 
 to  preside  over  the  infant  Church  in  its  most  im- 
 portant centre,  in  a  position  equivalent  to  that  of 
 Bishop.  This  pre-eminence  is  evident  throughout 
 the  after  history  of  the  Apostles,  whether  we  I'ead 
 it  in  the  Acts,  in  the  Epistles,  or  in  Ecclesiastical 
 writers  (Acts  xii.  17,  xv.  13,  19,  xxi.  18;  Gal. 
 ii.  9).  The  account  of  his  martyrdom  is  given  by 
 Hegesippus.  According  to  the  tradition  thus  re- 
 corded, he  wiis  thiown  down  liom  the  Temple  by 
 
 JAMES    GENERAL  EPISTLE  OF     361 
 
 the  Sci-ibes  and  Pharisees ;  he  was  then  stoned  and 
 his  brains  dashed  out  by  a  fuller's  club. 
 
 James,  the  General  Epistle  of.  I.  Its  Gen- 
 uineness and  Canonicitii.  —  In  the  third  book  of 
 his  Ecclesiastical  Histoiy,  Eusebi us  places  the  Epistle 
 of  St.  James,  the  Second  and  Third  Epistles  of  St. 
 John,  and  the  Epistle  of  St.  Jude  among  the  dis- 
 puteil  books  of  the  N.  T.  Elsewhere  he  refeis  the 
 Epistle  to  the  class  of  "  -spurious."  It  is  found  in 
 the  Syriac  version,  and  appears  to  be  refhred  to  by 
 Clement  of  Rome,  Hernias,  and  Iienaeus,  and  is 
 quoted  by  almost  all  the  Fathers  of  the 4th  centuiy, 
 e.  g.  Athanasius,  Cyril,  Gregory  Nazianzen,  Epi- 
 phauius,  and  Chrysostom.  In  397  the  Council  of 
 Carthage  accepted  it  as  canonical,  and  from  that 
 time  there  has  been  no  further  question  of  its  gen- 
 uineness on  the  score  of  external  testimony.  But 
 at  the  time  of  the  Reformation  the  question  of  its 
 authenticity  was  again  raised,  and  now  upon  the 
 ground  of  internal  evidence ;  the  chief  objection 
 being  a  supposed  opposition  between  St.  Paul  and 
 St.  James,  on  the  doctrine  of  Justification.— II.  Its 
 Author. — The  author  of  the  Epistle  must  be  either 
 James  the  son  of  Zebedee,  according  to  the  sub- 
 scription of  the  Syriac  version  ;  or  James  the  son  of 
 Alphaeus  ;  or  James  the  brother  of  the  Lord,  which 
 is  the  geneial  opinion ;  or  an  unknown  James.  In- 
 ternal evidence  points  unmistakeably  to  James  the 
 Just  as  the  writer,  and  we  have  already  identified 
 James  the  Just  with  the  son  of  Alphaeus.  It  was 
 written  from  Jerusalem,  which  St.  James  does  nut 
 seem  to  have  ever  left.  The  time  at  which  lie 
 wrote  it  has  been  fixed  as  late  as  62,  and  as  «irly 
 as  45.  Those  who  see  in  its  writer  a  desire  to 
 counteract  the  effects  of  a  misconstruction  of  St. 
 Paul's  doctrine  of  Justification  by  Faith,  in  ii.  14- 
 26,  and  those  who  see  a  reference  to  the  immediate 
 destruction  of  Jerusalem  in  v.  1,  and  an  allusion  to 
 the  name  Christians  in  ii.  7,  argue  in  favour  of  the 
 later  date.  The  earlier  date  is  advocated  chiefly  on 
 the  ground  that  the  Epistle  could  not  have  been 
 written  by  St.  James  after  the  Council  in  Jeru- 
 salem, without  some  allusion  to  what  was  there 
 decided,  and  because  the  Gentile  Christian  does  not 
 yet  appear  to  be  recognised.— III.  Its  object. — The 
 main  object  of  the  Epistle  is  not  to  teach  doctrine, 
 but  to  improve  morality.  St.  James  is  the  moral 
 teacher  of  the  N.  T.  There  are  two  ways  of  ex- 
 plaining this  characteristic  of  the  Epistle.  Some 
 commentatore  and  writers  see  in  St.  James  a  man 
 who  had  not  realised  the  essential  principles  and  pe- 
 culiarities of  Christianity,  but  was  in  a  transition 
 state,  half-Jew  and  half-Christian.  But  there  is 
 another  and  much  more  natural  way  of  accounting 
 for  the  fact.  St.  James  was  writing  for  a  special 
 class  of  persons,  and  knew  what  that  class  especially 
 needed.  Those  for  whom  he  wrote  were  the  Jewish 
 Christians  whether  in  Jerusalem  or  abroad.  The 
 two  objects  of  the  Epistle  are — 1.  to  warn  against 
 the  sins  to  which  .is  Jews  they  were  most  liable ; 
 2.  to  console  and  exhort  them  under  the  sufferings 
 to  which  as  Christians  they  were  most  exposed.— 
 IV.  There  are  two  points  in  the  Epistle  wliich 
 demand  a  somewhat  more  lengthened  notice.  Thete 
 are  (a.)  ii.  14-26,  which  has  been  represented  as  a 
 formal  opposition  to  St.  Paul's  doctrine  of  Justifica- 
 tion by  Faith,  and  (6.)  v.  14,  15,  which  is  quoted 
 as  the  authority  for  the  Sacrament  of  Extiemc 
 Unction,  (a.)  If  we  consider  the  meaning  of  the 
 two  Apostles,  we  see  at  once  that  there  is  no  con- 
 i  tradictiou  either  intended  or  possible.    St.  Paul  was 
 
362 
 
 JAMIN 
 
 ojjpasing  the  Judaiziiicr  |):irty,  wlnrh  claimed  to 
 e;uii  acce]itai)ce  by  good  works,  whether  the  woiks 
 of  the  Mosaic  law,  or  works  of  piety  <Joiie  by  tliem- 
 selves.  In  opposition  to  tliese,  St.  Paul  lays  down 
 the  great  truth  that  acceptance  cannot  be  earned 
 by  man  at  all,  but  is  the  free  gift  of  (JOD  to  the 
 Christian  man,  for  the  sake  of  the  mei  its  of  Jesus 
 Christ,  appropriated  by  each  individual,  and  made 
 his  own  by  the  instrument-ility  of  faith. — ."^t.  .James, 
 on  the  other  hand,  was  o])posing  the  old  Jewish 
 tenet  that  to  be  a  child  of  Abraham  was  all 
 in  all ;  that  godliness  w.'us  not  necessary,  so  that 
 the  belief  was  correct.  (6.)  With  respect  to 
 V.  14,  15,  it  is  enough  to  say  that  the  ceremony 
 of  Extreme  Unction  and  the  ceremony  described  by 
 St.  James  difier  both  in  their  subject  and  in  their 
 objpct. 
 
 Ja'min.  1.  Second  son  of  Simeon  (fien.  xlvi. 
 10;  I'^x.  vi.  15;  1  Chr.  iv.  24),  founder  of  the 
 family  of  the  Jaminites  (Num.  .xxvi.  12).— 2.  A 
 man  of  Judah,  second  son  of  Ham  the  Jerahmeelite 
 (1  Chr.  ii.  27).— 3.  One  of  the  Levites  who  under 
 I'^zra  and  Nehemiah  read  and  expounded  the  law  to 
 the  peojile  (Neh.  viii.  7). 
 
 Ja'minites,  the,  the  descendants  of  Jamin  the 
 SOP.  of  Sinieon  (Num.  xxvi.  12). 
 
 Jam'lech,  one  of  the  chief  men  of  the  tribe  of 
 Sini.'c.n  ( 1  Chr.  iv.  34). 
 
 Jam'nia,  1  Mace.  iv.  15,  v.  58,  x.  fi9,  xv.  40. 
 [jAi;Nr,i;i..] 
 
 Jam'mtes,  the,  2  Mace.  xii.  8,  9,  40.     [Jau- 
 
 NKKL.] 
 
 Jan'na,  son  of  Joseph,  and  father  of  Melchi,  in 
 the  sjetuMJogy  of  Christ  O.uke  iii.  24). 
 
 Jan'nes  and  Jam'bres,  the  names  of  two  Egyp- 
 tian magicians  wlio  opposed  Moses.  St.  Paul  alone 
 of  the  sacreil  writers  mentions  them  by  name,  and 
 bays  no  more  than  that  they  "  withstood  Moses," 
 and  that  their  folly  in  doing  so  became  manifest 
 (2  Tim.  iii.  8,  9).  It  appeai-s  from  the  Jewish 
 commentators  that  these  names  were  held  to  be 
 those  of  the  magicians  who  opposed  Moses  and 
 Aaron,  spoken  of  in  Exodus.  We  have  been  unable 
 to  discover  an  Egyptian  name  resembling  Jambres 
 or  Manibres,  which  is  another  form.  Jannes  appears 
 to  be  a  transcription  of  the  Egyptian  name  A  AN, 
 probably  j)ronounced  Ian.  The  signification  of  Aiin 
 is  doubtful :  the  cognate  word  Aiiiit  means  a  valley 
 or  plain.  Whether  Jannes  and  Jambres  were  men- 
 tioned in  some  long-lost  book  relating  to  the  early 
 history  of  the  Israelites,  or  whether  there  were  a 
 veritable  oral  tradition  respecting  them  ainnot  now 
 be  dotenuined. 
 
 Jano'ah,  a  place  apparently  in  the  north  of  (ia- 
 lilce,  or  the  "land  of  Naphtali  " — one  of  those 
 taken  by  Tiglath-Pileser  in  his  first  incursion  into 
 Palestine  (2  K.  XV.  29).  No  trace  of  it  appears 
 elsewhere. 
 
 Jano'hah,  a  place  on  the  boundaiy  of  Ephraim 
 (Josh.  xvi.  t),  7).  Eusebius  gives  it  as  twelve  miles 
 ejLst  of  Xeapolis.  A  little  less  than  that  distance 
 from  A'dWi/s,  and  about  S.E.  indirection,  two  miles 
 from  Ahnibch,  is  the  village  of  Yan&n,  doubtless 
 identical  with  the  ancient  Janohah. 
 
 Ja'num,  a  t<iwn  of  Judah  in  the  mountain  dis- 
 trii.t,  ajipaicntly  not  far  from  Hebron  (Josh.  xv. 
 5;<. ) 
 
 Ja'pheth,  one  of  the  three  sons  of  Noah.  From 
 the  oidrr  in  which  their  names  invariably  occur 
 ((!f>ii.  v.  .'52,  vi.  1(J;  we  should  naturally  infer  that 
 Japheth   was  tlie  yuuugest,  but  we  learn  from  ix. 
 
 JARHA 
 
 24  that  Ilam  held  that  position.  It  has  been  ge- 
 nerally SMpposed  from  x.  21  that  Japheth  was  the 
 eldest;  but  the  word  "elder"  in  that  passjige  is 
 better  connecte"!  with  "  brother."  We  infer  there- 
 fore that  Japheth  was  the  second  son  of  Noali. 
 The  descendants  of  Japheth  occuj)ied  the  "  isles  o< 
 the  Gentiles "  (Gen.  x.  5),  t.  e.  the  coast-huids 
 of  the  Mediteri'anean  Sea  in  Europe  and  Asia 
 Minor,  whence  they  spread  northwards  over  the 
 whole  continent  of  Europe  and  a  considerable  por- 
 tion of  .\sia. 
 
 4^aphi'a.  The  boundary  of  Zebulun  ascended 
 from  l):iliorath  to  Japhia,  and  thence  paxsetl  to 
 Gath-lxpher  (Josh.  xix.  12).  Vofa,  2  miloe  S.  of 
 Nazareth,  is  not  unlikely  to  be  identical  witli 
 Japhia. 
 
 Japhi'a.  1.  King  of  Lachish  at  the  time  of  the 
 coiniucst  of  Canaan  by  the  Israelites  (Josh.  x.  3).— 
 2.  One  of  the  sons  of  David  bom  to  him  in  Jem- 
 saiem  '2  Sam.  v.  15;  1  Chr.  iii.  7,  xiv.  6). 
 
 Japh  let,  a  descendant  of  Asher  through  Beviah 
 (1  Chr.  vii.  32,  33). 
 
 Japh'leti.  The  boundaiy  of  the  "  Japhlef  ite  "  is 
 one  of  the  landmarks  on  the  south  boundary-line 
 of  Ephraim  (Josh.  xvi.  3).  Possibly  the  name 
 preserves  the  memory  of  some  ancient  tribe  who  at 
 a  remote  age  dwelt  on  these  hills. 
 
 Ja'pho  (Josh.  xix.  40).  The  Heb.  form  of  the 
 bi'tter  known  JOPPA  (2  Chr.  ii.  IG  ;  Ezr.  iii.  7; 
 Jon.  i.  3).     In  its  modern  garb  it  is  Vafa. 
 
 Ja'rah,  a  descendant  of  Saul ;  son  of  Micah,  and 
 great-gi-andson  of  Mephibosheth  (1  Chr.  ix.  42, 
 comp.  4(i). 
 
 Ja'reb  is  either  to  be  explained  as  the  proper 
 name  of  a  country  or  person,  as  a  noun  in  apposi- 
 tion, or  as  a  verb  from  a  root,  rnh,  "to  contend, 
 plead."  All  these  senses  ai'e  represented  in  the 
 A.  V.  and  the  marginal  readings  (Hos.  v.  13,  x.  6), 
 and  the  least  preferable  has  been  inserted  in  the  text. 
 Kimchi  explained  Jareb  as  the  name  of  some  city 
 of  Assyria,  or  as  another  name  of  the  country  itself. 
 The  clause  in  which  it  occuis  i^  suppose*!  by  many 
 to  refer  to  Judah,  in  order  to  make  the  parallelism 
 complete  ;  and  with  this  in  view  llashi  interprets 
 it  of  Ahaz,  who  sent  to  Tiglath-Pileser  (2  K.  xvi. 
 8)  to  aid  him  against  the  combined  forces  of  Syria 
 and  Israel.  But  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that 
 the  two  clauses  do  not  both  refer  to  Ephraim,  and 
 the  allusion  would  then  Vie,  as  explained  by  Jerome, 
 to  Pul,  who  was  subsidized  by  Menahcni  (2  K.  xv. 
 19),  and  Judah  would  be  indirectly  inc!ude<I.  If 
 it  be  a  Hebrew  woid,  it  is  most  probably  a  noun 
 formed  fiom  the  above-mentioned  root,  and  is 
 applied  to  the  land  of  Assyria,  or  to  its  king,  not 
 in  the  sense  in  which  it  is  understood  in  theTargum, 
 but  as  indicating  their  iletermined  hostility  to  Israel, 
 and  their  genenilly  aggressive  chai-acter.  That  it 
 is  rather  to  be  a]iplie<l  to  the  country  than  to  the 
 king  may  Iw  inferred  from  its  standing  in  jiaral- 
 lelism  with  Asshur. 
 
 Ja'red,  one  of  the  antediluvian  patriai-chs,  the 
 flttli  from  .\dam  ;  son  of  Mahalaleel,  and  father  of 
 Enoch  (Gen.  v.  15,  IC,  18,  li»,  20;  Luke  iii.  37). 
 In  the  lists  of  Chronicles  the  name  is  given  in  the 
 A.  V.  Ji;ni:n. 
 
 Jaresi'ah,  a  Benjamite,  one  of  the  Benc-Jehonim 
 (1  Chr.  viii.  27). 
 
 Jar'ha,   the  l'"gyptinn  servant  of  Sheshan,  about 
 
 the  time  of  Kli,    to  whom   his    ma.ster  gave    his 
 
 daughter  and  heir  in  marriage  (1  Chr.  ii.  31).     It 
 
 I  is  a  matter  of  somewhat  curious  inquiry  what  was 
 
JAUrB 
 
 the  name  of  Jnrlia's  wife.  In  ver.  31  we  read 
 "  the  children  of  Sheshan,  Ahlai,"  and  in  ver.  34, 
 *  .Sheshan  had  no  sons  but  daughters."  Hence 
 some  have  imagined  that  Jarha  on  his  marriage 
 with  Sheshan's  daughter  had  the  name  of  Ahlai 
 given  him  by  Sheshan,  to  signify  his  adoption  into 
 Israel.  But  the  view  which  the  A.  V.  adopts  is 
 undoubtedly  the  right  one,  viz.  that  Ahlai  is  the 
 name  of  Sheshan's  daughter. 
 
 Ja'rib.  1.  Named  in  the  list  of  1  Chr.  iv.  24 
 only,  as  a  son  of  Simeon.  Perhaps  the  same  as 
 Jachin  (Gen.  xlvi.,  Ex.  vi.,  and  Num.  xxvi.).— 
 2.  One  of  the  "  chief  men  "  who  accompanied  Ezra 
 on  his  journey  from  Babylon  to  Jerusalem  (Ezr. 
 viii.  16). ^3.  A  priest  of  the  house  of  Jeshua  the 
 son  of  Jozadak,  who  had  married  a  foreign  wife, 
 and  was  compelled  by  Ezra  to  put  her  away  (Ezr. 
 X.  18).— 4.  (1  Mace.  xiv.  29).  A  contraction  or 
 corruption  of  the  name  Joarib  (ii.  1). 
 
 Jar'imoth,   1  ElsJ.  ix.  28.     [Jeremoth.] 
 
 Jar'muth,  1.  A  town  in  the  Shefelah  or  low 
 country  of  Judah,  named  with  Adullam,  Socoh, 
 and  others  (Josh.  xv.  35).  Its  king,  Firam,  was 
 one  of  the  five  who  conspired  to  punish  Gibeon  for 
 having  made  alliance  with  Israel  (Josh.  x.  3,  5), 
 and  who  were  routed  at  Bethhoron  and  put  to  death 
 by  Joshua  at  Makkedah  (23).  A  site  named  Tar- 
 muk,  which  may  represent  Jarmuth,  with  a  conti- 
 guous eminence  called  Tell-Ennud,  was  visited  by 
 Robinson.  It  is  about  1^  mile  from  Beit-netif, 
 which  again  is  some  8  miles  from  Beit-gihrin,  on 
 the  left  of  the  road  to  Jerusalem. — 2.  A  city  of 
 Issachar,  allotted  with  its  suburbs  to  tJie  Gershonite 
 Levites  (Josh.  sxi.  29). 
 
 Jaro'ah,  a  chief  man  of  the  tribe  of  Gad  (1  Chr. 
 V.  14). 
 
 Ja'sael,  1  Esd.  ix.  30.    [Sheal.] 
 
 Ja'&hen.  Bene-Jashen — "  sons  of  Jashen  " — are 
 named  in  the  catalogue  of  the  heroes  of  David's 
 guard  in  2  Sam.  xxiii.  32.  Kennicott  has  shown 
 good  cause  for  believing  that  the  genuine  text 
 was,  "of  the  Bene-Hashem,  Gouni ;  Jonathan  ben- 
 Shaniha." 
 
 Ja'sher,  Book  of,  or,  as  the  margin  of  the  A.  V. 
 gives  it,  "  the  book  of  the  upright,"  a  record  alluded 
 to  in  two  passages  only  of  the  0.  T.  (Josh.  x.  13, 
 and  2  Sam.  i.  18),  and  consequently  the  subject  of 
 much  dispute.  The  Targum  inteiprets  it  "  the 
 book  of  the  law,"  and  this  is  followed  by  Rashi. 
 The  same  Rabbi,  in  his  commentary  on  Samuel, 
 refers  to  Genesis  "  the  book  of  the  upright,  Abra- 
 ham, Isaac,  and  Jacob,"  to  explain  the  allusion  to 
 the  book  of  Jasher.  R.  Eliezer  thought  that  by 
 the  book  of  Jasher  was  signified  the  book  of 
 Deuteronomy  from  the  expressions  in  Deut.  vi.  18, 
 xxxiii.  7,  the  latter  being  quoted  in  proof  of  the 
 skill  of  the  Hebrews  in  archery.  In  the  opinion  of 
 R.  Samuel  ben  Nachman,  the  book  of  Judges  was 
 alluded  to  as  tlie  book  of  Jasher.  Jerome,  or  rather 
 the  author  of  the  Qiuiestiones  Hebraicae,  understood 
 hj  the  book  of  Jasher  the  books  of  Sanuiel  them- 
 selves, inasmuch  as  they  contained  the  history  of 
 the  just  prophets,  Samuel,  Gad,  Nathan.  That  the 
 book  of  Jasher  was  one  of  the  writings  which  pe- 
 rished in  the  captivity  was  held  by  R.  Levi  ben 
 (5ershom,  though  he  gives  the  traditional  explana- 
 tion above  mentioned.  Sanctius  conjectured  that 
 it  was  a  collection  of  pious  hymns  written  by  dif- 
 ferent authors  and  sung  on  various  occasions.  That 
 it  w.is  written  in  verse  may  reasonably  be  inferred 
 from  the  only  specimens  extant,  which  exhibit  un- 
 
 JASON 
 
 363 
 
 mistakeable  signs  of  metrical  rhythm.  Gesenius 
 conjectui-ed  that  it  was  an  anthology  of  ancient 
 songs,  which  acquired  its  name,  "  the  book  of  the 
 just  or  upright,"  from  being  written  in  praise  of 
 upright  men.  Abicht,  taking  the  lament  of  David 
 as  a  sample  of  the  whole,  maintained  that  the  frag- 
 ment quoted  in  the  book  of  Joshua  was  part  of  a 
 funeral  ode  composed  upon  the  death  of  that  hero, 
 and  narrating  his  achievements.  Dr.  Donaldson, 
 more  recently,  attempts  not  only  to  decide  what 
 the  book  of  Jasher  was  in  itself,  but  to  reconstruct 
 it  from  the  fragments  which,  according  to  his 
 theory,  he  traces  throughout  the  several  books  of 
 the  O.  T.  In  the  preface  to  his  Jashar,  or  Frag- 
 menta  Archetypa  Carminum  Hehraicorum  in  Ma- 
 sorethico  Veteris  Testamenti  textu  passim  tessel- 
 lata.  Dr.  Donaldson  advances  a  scheme  for  the 
 restoration  of  this  ancient  record,  in  accordance 
 with  his  own  idea  of  its  scope  and  contents.  He 
 supposes  the  compiler  of  the  book  to  have  been  pro- 
 bably Nathan  the  prophet,  assisted  perhaps  by  Gad 
 the  seer.  But  his  scheme  is  purely  conjectural, 
 and  is  recommended  by  no  internal  probability.— 
 There  aie  also  extant,  under  the  title  of  "the  Book 
 of  Jasher,"  two  Rabbinical  works,  one  a  moral 
 treatise,  written  in  A.D.  1394  by  R.  Shabbatai 
 Carmuz  Levita ;  the  other,  by  R.  Tham,  treats  of 
 the  laws  of  the  Jews  in  eighteen  chapters,  and  was 
 printed  in  Italy  in  1544,  and  at  Cracow  in  1586. 
 An  anonymous  work,  printed  at  Venice  and  Prague 
 in  1625,  and  said  to  have  made  its  first  appearance 
 at  Naples,  was  believed  by  some  Jews  to  be  the 
 record  alluded  to  in  Joshua.  It  contains  the  his- 
 torical narratives  of  the  Pentateuch,  Joshua,  and 
 Judges,  with  many  fabulous  additions.  A  clumsy 
 forgery  in  English,  which  first  appeared  in  1751 
 under  the  title  of  "  the  Book  of  Jasher,"  deserves 
 notice  solely  for  the  unmerited  success  with  which 
 it  was  palmed  off  upon  the  public. 
 
 Jasho'beam.  Possibly  one  and  the  same  follower 
 of  David,  bearing  this  name,  is  described  as  a  Hach- 
 monite  (1  Chr.  xi.  11),  a  Korhite  (1  Chr.  sii.  6), 
 and  son  of  Zabdiel  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  2).  He  came  to 
 David  at  Ziklag.  His  distinguishing  exploit  was 
 that  he  slew  300  (or  800,  2  Sam.  xxiii.  8)  men  at 
 one  time.  He  is  named  first  among  the  chief  of  the 
 mighty  men  of  David  (1  Chr.  xi.  11\ 
 
 Ja'shab.  1.  The  third  son  of  Issachar,  and 
 founder  of  the  family  of  the  Jashubites  (Num.  xxvi. 
 24  ;  1  Chr.  vii.  1).— 2.  One  of  the  sons  of  Bani,  a 
 layman  in  the  time  of  Ezra  who  had  to  put  away 
 his  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  29). 
 
 Jasha'bi-leliem,  a  person  or  a  place  namal 
 among  the  descendants  of  Shelah,  the  son  of  Judah 
 by  Bath-shua  the  Canaanitess  (1  Chr.  iv.  22).  It 
 is  probably  a  place,  and  we  should  infer  that  it  lay 
 on  the  western  side  of  the  tribe,  in  or  near  the 
 Shefelah. 
 
 Jash'ubites,  the.  The  family  founded  by  Jashub 
 the  son  of  Issachar  (Num.  xxvi,  24). 
 
 Ja'siel,  the  last  named  on  the  list  of  David's 
 heroes  in  1  Chr.  xi.  47. 
 
 Ja'son.  1.  Jason  the  son  of  Eleazer  w.ts 
 one  of  the  commissioners  sent  by  Judas  Maccabaeus 
 to  conclude  a  treaty  with  the  Romans  B.C.  161 
 (1  Mace.  viii.  17). ^2.  Jason  the  father  of 
 AntipaTER,  who  was  an  envoy  to  Rome  at  a  later 
 period  (1  Mace.  xii.  16,  xiv.  22),  is  piobably  the 
 same  person  as  No.  1.— 8.  Jason  of  Cvrene,  a 
 Jewish  historian  who  wrote  "  in  five  books  "  a  his- 
 tory of  tlie  Jewish  war  of  liberation,  which  supplied 
 
364 
 
 JASPER 
 
 the  chii'f  materials  for  the  second  book  of  the  Mac- 
 cabees. [2  Maccaukks.]  His  naiiic  and  the  i)lace 
 of  his  residence  seem  to  mark  Jason  as  a  Hellenistic 
 Jew,  but  nothing  more  is  known  of  him  than  can 
 be  gatheretl  from  2  Mace.  ii.  19-2:5. —4.  Jason 
 TIIK  HiGH-PRiEST,  the  second  son  of  Simon  II., 
 and  brother  of  Onias  HI.,  who  sncceedeti  in  obtain- 
 ing the  high-priesthootl  fiom  Antiochns  Epiphanes 
 (c.  175  it.C.)  to  the  exclusion  of  his  elder  brother 
 (2  Maw.  iv.  7-2t>).  He  laboured  in  ever}'  way  to 
 introiluce  (Jreek  customs  among  the  ])i'ople,  and 
 that  with  great  success  (2  Maco.  iv.).  After  tln-ee 
 years  (cir.  H.C.  172;  he  was  in  turn  supplanted  in 
 the  king's  favoui-  by  his  own  emissary  Meuelaus, 
 and  was  forced  to  take  lefiige  among  the  Ammonites 
 {2  Mace.  iv.  2(5).  On  a  re])ort  of  the  death  of  An- 
 tiociuis  (c.  170  IJ.C.)  he  made  a  violent  attemjit  to 
 iwover  his  power  (2  Mace.  v.  5-7),  but  was  re- 
 pulsed, and  again  fled  to  the  Ammonites.  After- 
 wards he  was  compelled  to  retire  to  E<:ypt,  and 
 thence  to  Spaita  (2  Mace.  v.  9),  and  there  "pe- 
 rished in  a  sti-ange  laml"  (2  Mace.  /.  c. ;  cf.  Dan. 
 xii.  oO  II.;  1  Mace.  i.  12  ff.)-— 5.  Jason  tiik 
 TiiESSALOMAN,  who  entertained  Paul  and  .Silas, 
 and  was  in  consequence  attacked  by  the  Jewish 
 mob  (Acts  xvii.  5,  6,  7,  9).  He  is  piobably  the 
 siime  as  the  J;uson  mentioned  in  Rom.  xvi.  21,  as  a 
 companion  of  the  apostle,  and  one  of  his  kinsmen  or 
 fellow-tribesmen.  Lightfoot  conjectured  that  Jason 
 and  .S?cundus  (Acts  xx.  4)  were  the  same. 
 
 Jasper,  a  precious  stone  frequently  noticed  in 
 Scripture.  It  was  the  last  of  the  twelve  inseited  in 
 the  high-priest's  breastplate  (Ex.  xxviii.  20,  xxxix. 
 1'5),  and  the  tiist  of  the  twelve  used  in  the  tbunda- 
 tions  of  the  new  Jerusalem  (Rev.  xxi.  19).  The 
 characteristics  of  the  stone,  as  far  <is  they  are  sjie- 
 cilied  in  Scripture  (Rev.  x.\i.  11),  are  that  it  was 
 "  most  precious,"  and  "  like  crystal :"  we  may  also 
 infer  from  Rev.  iv.  3,  that  it  was  a  stone  of  bril- 
 liant and  transparent  light.  The  stone  which  we 
 name  "jasper"  does  not  accord  with  this  descri])- 
 tion.  Theie  cm  be  no  doubt  that  the  dimnoud 
 would  more  adequately  answer  to  the  description  in 
 the  lioi.k  of  Revelation. 
 
 Jasu'bus,  1  Esd.  ix.  30.     [Jashub,  2.] 
 
 Ja'tal,  1  Esd.  V.  28.     [Atkr,  1.] 
 
 Jath'niel,  a  Koihite  Levite,  the  fourth  of  the 
 laniily  of  Meshelcmiah  (1  C"hr.  xxvi.  2). 
 
 Jat'tir,  a  town  of  Judah  in  the  mountain  district 
 (Josh.  XV.  48),  one  of  the  gioiii>  containing  Socho, 
 Eshtemoa,  &c.  (See  also  Josh.  xxi.  14  ;  1  Sam.  xxx. 
 27  ;  1  Chr.  vi.  57.)  By  Robinson  it  is  identified 
 with  'Attir,  G  miles  N.  of  Molada,  and  10  miles  S. 
 of  Hi'liron. 
 
 Ja'van.  1.  A  son  of  Japheth,  and  the  father  of 
 Eli.shah  and  Taishisli,  Kiftim  and  Dodanim  ((!en. 
 X.  2,  4).  The  name  ajijieai-s  in  Is.  Ixvi.  19,  where 
 it  is  cou|)lcd  with  Tarshish,  I'ul,  and  Lud,  and 
 more  particularly  with  Tubal  and  the  "  isles  afar 
 off,"  :us  lepresenfatives  of  the  Gentile  wo)lil :  again 
 in  Kz.  xxvii.  1.'5,  where  it  is  coupled  with  Tubal  and 
 Meshech,  as  jurying  on  considerable  commeice  with 
 the  Tyrians,  who  importetl  from  the.se  countries 
 slaves  and  brazen  vessels:  in  Dan.  viii.  21,  x.  20, 
 xi.  2,  in  reference  to  the  Macedonian  empire ;  and 
 ktstly  in  Zech.  ix.  13,  in  reference  to  the  finieco- 
 Syrian  emj)ii  e.  From  a  comjiarison  of  these  various 
 jiassages  tlicre  <mii  be  no  doubt  that  .lavan  was  re- 
 garded as  the  representative  of  the  (ireek  race.  Tiie 
 name  was  prolvdily  intnKluced  into  Asia  bv  the 
 I'hoeniciuns,  tu  whom  the  luniaus  were  naturally  I 
 
 JECHONIAS 
 
 I  Ijettcr  known  than  ,niy  other  of  the  Hellenic  rai-en, 
 on  account  of  their  commercial  activitv  and  tliehigli 
 prosperity   of  theii-   towns  on   tiie  western  i  oast  of 
 Asia  Minor.— 2.   A    town   in   the  southern   jiart  of 
 .'\iabia  (  )'c}iie)i),  whither  the  I'lioeuician-s  traded 
 (Ez.  xxvii.  19). 
 Javelin.    [Arms.] 
 Ja'zar,   1  Mace.  v.  8.     [Jaazer.j 
 Ja'zer  (Nimi.  xxxii.  1,3;  Josh.  sxi.  39  ;  2  .Sim. 
 xxiv.  5 ;  1  Chr.  vi.  81,  xxvi.  31  ;  Is.  xxi.  8,9 ;  Jer. 
 xlviii.  32).     [.Faazkr.] 
 
 Ja'ziz,  a  llagaiite  who  had  charge  of  the  flocks, 
 the  sheep  and  goats  of  king  David  (1  Chr.  xxvii. 
 31).       _ 
 
 Je'arim,  Mount,  a  place  named  in  specifying  the 
 northern  bouinlaiv  of  .Indah  Mo.sh.  xv.  10).  The 
 Ixjiindaiy  lan  fnim  Mount  Seir  to  '•  the  .shoulder 
 of  Mount  Jearim,  which  is  Cesalon  " — that  is,  Ce- 
 salon  was  the  laiulmaik  on  the  mountain.  Kesln. 
 stands,  7  miles  due  west  of  .leriisalem,  on  a  hii{h 
 point  on  the  north  slope  of  the  lofty  ridge  between 
 Wad<i  dhurab  and  W.  IsiimU.  This  lidge  is  pro- 
 bably Mount  Jearim. 
 
 Jeatera'i,  a  Gershonite  Levite,  son  of  Zerah 
 (1  Chr.  vi.  21). 
 
 JeberecM'ah,  father  of  a  certain  Ze<-liariah,  in 
 the  reign  of  Ahaz,  mentioned  Is.  viii.  2.  As  this 
 form  occurs  nowhere  else,  and  both  the  LXX.  and 
 Vulgate  have  Bcrecliiah,  it  is  piobably  only  an  acci- 
 dental ciirru])tion. 
 
 Je'bns,  one  of  the  names  of  Jeru.salem,  the  city 
 of  the  Jebusites,  also  called  Jeuusi.  It  occurs 
 only  twice  (Judg.  xix.  10,  11  ;  1  Chr.  xi.  4,  5). 
 Jebus  is  interpreted  by  .some  to  mean  a  place  dry 
 or  down-trodden  like  a  thre.shiiig-Hooi-;  au  interpre- 
 tation which  by  Ewald  and  Stanley  is  taken  to  prove 
 that  .lebus  nmst  have  been  the  south-we.-;tern  hill. 
 
 Jeb'usi,  the  name  emphiyed  for  the  city  of 
 Jei'.is  (Josh.  XV.  S.  xviii.  Ui,"28). 
 
 Jeb'usite,  Jeb'asites,  the.  1 .  According  to  the 
 fable  in  Genesis  x.  "  the  Jebusite"  is  the  thiid  son 
 ofCaiia.an.  His  place  in  the  list  is  between  Helli 
 and  the  Amorites  (Gen.  x.  16  ;  1  Chr.  i.  14).  lint 
 in  the  fonnula,  by  which  the  Promised  Land  is  .so 
 often  designated,  the  Jebusites  are  uniformly  placed 
 last.  2.  Our  first  glimp.se  of  the  actual  people  is 
 in  the  invaluable  rei>ort  of  the  spies  (Num.  xiii. 
 29).  When  Jabin  organised  his  ri.sing  against 
 .lo.shua  he  sent  amongst  others  "  to  the  .Vmorite,  the 
 Hittite,  the  Pcrizzite,  and  the  .lebiisite  in  the  moun- 
 tain "  (Josh.  xi.  3).  A  mountain-tril>e  they  were, 
 and  a  mountain-tribe  they  remainetl.  "  Jebus, 
 which  is  Jerusalem,"  lost  its  king  in  the  slaiigliter 
 of  Bethhoron  (Josh.  x.  1,  h,  2(5;  comp.  xii.  10) — 
 was  sacketl  and  burned  by  the  menof  Jud.ih  (Judg. 
 i.  21),  and  its  citidel  finally  scideJ  and  occupied  by 
 David  (2  Sam.  v.  (5).  Alter  this  they  emei-ge  limn 
 the  darkness  but  once,  in  the  jtei-son  of  Aniuii:ih 
 the  Jebusite,  "  Aniunah  the  king,"  who  ap]iears 
 before  us  in  true  kingly  dignity  in  his  well-known 
 transaction  with  I>avid  (2  Sam.  xxiv.  23;  1  Chr. 
 xix.  23). 
 
 Jecami'ah,  one  of  seven,  including  Salalhiel  and 
 Pe<laiah,  who  weie  introduceti  into  the  royal  line, 
 on  the  tiiilure  of  it  in  the  p«'rson  uf  Jehoiaciim 
 (1  Chr.  iii.  18). 
 
 Jecholi'ah,  wife  of  .Amaziah  king  of  Judah,  and 
 mother  of  Azaiiah  or  Uzzinh  his  successor  (2  K. 
 XV.  2). 
 
 Jechoni'as,  1.  The  (ireek  Ibini  ofthen.-imcof 
 king  JiiCiiuMAU,   followed  by  our  translators  ill 
 
JECHOLIAH 
 
 the  books  remlovod  fiom  the  Greek,  viz.,  Esth.  xi. 
 4;  r.ar.  i.  3,  9;  Matt.  i.  11,  12.— 2.  1  Esd.  viii. 
 22.    [Shechaniah.] 
 
 Jecholi'ah.  The  same  as  Jecoliah  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  3). 
 
 Jeconi'ah,  an  altered  foitn  of  the  name  of  Ji> 
 HOiACHiN  (1  Chr.  iii.  16,  17;  Jer.  xxiv.  1,  xxvii. 
 2U,  xxviii.  4,  xxix.  1  ;  Esth.  ii.  tJ). 
 
 Jeconi'as,  1  Esd.  i.  9.     [Conaniah]. 
 
 Jedai'ah.  1.  Head  of  the  second  coarse  of 
 priests,  as  they  were  divided  in  the  time  of  David 
 '  1  Chr.  xxiv.  7).  Some  of  them  survived  to  return 
 to  .Jerusalem  after  the  Babylonish  captivity,  as  ap- 
 jiears  from  Ezr.  ii.  36 ;  Neh.  vii.  39.-2.  A  priest 
 in  the  time  of  Jeshua  the  high-priest  (Zech.  vi. 
 10,  14). 
 
 Jedai'ah,  1.  A  Simoonite,  forefather  of  Ziza 
 (1  (,'hr.  iv.  37).— 2.  Son  of  Harnmaph  ;  a  man  who 
 did  his  part  in  the  rebuilding  of  the  wall  of  Jeru- 
 siilem  fNeh.  iii.  10). 
 
 Jed'du,   1  Esd.  v.  24.     [Jedaiah,  1.] 
 
 Jede'us,   1  Esd.  ix.  30.     [Adaiah,  5.] 
 
 Jed'iael.  1.  A  chief  patriarch  of  the  tribe  of 
 Benjamin  (1  Chr.  vii.  6,  11).  It  is  usually  as- 
 sumed that  Jediael  is  the  same  as  Ashbel  (Gen. 
 xlvi.  21  ;  Num.  xxvi.  38  ;  1  Chr.  viii.  1).  But  this 
 is  not  certain. ^2.  Second  son  of  Meshelemiah,  a 
 I.evite  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  1,  2).— 3.  Son  of  Shimri;  one 
 of  the  heroes  of  David's  guard  (1  Chr.  xi.  45).— 
 4.  One  of  the  chiefs  of  the  thousands  of  Manasseh 
 who  joined  David  on  his  march  to  Ziklag  (1  Chr. 
 xii.  20;  comp.  1  Sam.  xxix.,  x.xx.). 
 
 Jed'idah,  queen  of  Amon,  and  mother  of  the 
 good  kintc  Josiah  (2  K.  xxii.  1). 
 
 Jedidi'ah.,  the  name  bestowed,  through  Nathan 
 the  prophet,  on  David's  son  Solomon  (2  Sam.  xii. 
 25).  Bathsheba's  first  child  had  died — "  Jehovah 
 struck  it"  (ver.  15).  A  second  son  was  born, 
 David  called  his  name  Shelomoh  ("  Peaceful ") ; 
 and  Jehovah  loved  the  child,  i.  e.  allowed  him  to 
 live.  And  David  sent  by  the  hand  of  Nathan,  to 
 obtain  through  him  some  oracle  or  token  of  the 
 Divine  favour  on  the  babe,  and  the  babe's  name  was 
 called  Jedid-Jah.  To  David  himself,  the  "darl- 
 ing "  of  his  family  and  his  people,  no  more  precious 
 seal  of  his  restoration  to  the  Divine  favour  after  his 
 late  fall,  could  have  been  atibrded  than  this  an- 
 nouncement by  the  prophet,  that  the  name  of  his 
 child  was  to  combine  his  own  name  with  that  of 
 Jehovah — Jedid-Jah,  "  darling  of  Jehovah." 
 
 Jed'uthTUi,  a  Levite,  of  the  family  of  Merari, 
 who  was  associated  with  Heman  the  Kohathite,  and 
 Asaph  the  Gershonite,  in  the  conduct  of  the  musical 
 service  of  the  Tabernacle,  in  the  time  of  David ; 
 according  to  what  is  said  1  Chr.  xxiii.  6.  He  is 
 probably  the  same  as  Ethan,  and  therefore  a  Me- 
 rarite  (comp.  1  Chr.  xv.  17,  19,  with  1  Chr.  xvi. 
 41,  42,  XXV.  1,  3,  6 ;  2  Chr.  xxxv.  15).  His  office 
 was  generally  to  preside  over  the  music  of  the 
 temple  sen-ice,  consisting  of  the  nehel,  or  nablium, 
 the  vinnor,  or  hai-p,  and  the  cymbals,  together  with 
 the  human  voice.  But  his  peculiar  part,  as  well  as 
 that  of  his  two  colleagues  Heman  and  Asaph,  was 
 "  to  sound  with  cymbals  of  brass,"  while  the  others 
 played  on  the  nablium  and  the  harp.  After  the 
 ark  was  taken  to  Jerusalem,  Jeduthun  and  Heman 
 were  left  with  Zadok  the  priest,  to  give  thanks 
 "  before  the  tabernacle  of  the  Lord  in  the  high  place 
 that  was  at  Gibeon."  Jeduthun's  name  stands  at 
 the  head  of  the  39th,  62nd,  and  77th  Tsalms,  indi- 
 cating probably  that  they  were  to  be  sung  by  his 
 choir. 
 
 JEHOADDAN 
 
 366 
 
 Je'eli,  1  Esd.  V.  33.     [Jaalaii.] 
 
 Jee'lus,  1  Esd.  viii.  92.     [Jkiiikl.] 
 
 Jee'zer,  the  form  assumetl  in  the  list  in  Num- 
 bers (xxvi.  30)  by  the  name  of  a  descendant  of 
 Manasseh.  In  parallel  lists  the  name  is  given  as 
 Abi-ezeh. 
 
 Jee'zerites,  the,  the  family  of  the  foregoing 
 (Num.  xxvi.  30). 
 
 Jega'r  Sahadu'tha  C"  heap  of  testimony  "j,  the 
 Aramaean  name  given  by  Laban  the  Syrian  to  the 
 lieap  of  stones  which  he  erected  as  a  memorial  of 
 the  compact  between  Jacob  and  himself,  while  Jacob 
 commemorated  the  same  by  setting  up  a  pillar  (Gen. 
 .xxxi.,47),  as  was  his  custom  on  several  other  occa- 
 sions. Galeed,  a  "  witness  heap,"  which  is  given  as 
 the  Hebrew  equivalent,  does  not  exactly  represent 
 Jegar-sahadutha. 
 
 Jehal'eleel.  Four  men  of  the  Bene-Jehalleleel 
 aie  introduced  abruptly  into  the  genealogies  of 
 Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  16). 
 
 Jehal'elel,  a  Merarite  Levite,  father  of  Azariah 
 (2  Chr.  xxix.  12). 
 
 Jehdei'ah.  1.  The  representative  of  the  Bene- 
 Shubael,  in  the  time  of  David  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  20\— 
 2.  A  Meronothite  who  had  chaige  of  the  she-nsses 
 of  David  fl  Chr.  .xxvii.  30). 
 
 Jehez'ekel,  a  priest  to  whom  was  given  by  David 
 the  charge  of  the  twentieth  of  the  twenty-four 
 courses  in  the  service  of  the  house  of  Jehovah 
 (1  Chr.  xxiv.  16). 
 
 Jehi'ah  and  Obed-edom  weie  "  doorkeepers  for 
 the  ark  "  at  the  time  of  its  establishment  in  Jeru- 
 salem fl  Chr.  XV.  24). 
 
 Jehi'el.  1.  One  of  the  Levites  appointed  by 
 David  to  assist  in  the  service  of  the  house  of  God 
 (1  Chr.  XV.  18,  20,  xvi.  4).— 2.  One  of  the  sons  of 
 Jehoshaphat  king  of  Judah,  put  to  death  by  his 
 brother  Jehoram  (2  Chr.  xxi.  2). — 3.  One  of  the 
 rulers  of  the  house  of  God  at  the  time  of  the  re- 
 forms of  Josiah  (2  Chr.  xxxv.  8).— 4.  A  Ger-shonite 
 Levite,  head  of  the  Bene-Laadan  in  the  time  of 
 David  (1  Chr.  xxiii.  8),  who  had  charge  of  the 
 treasures  (xxix.  8).— 5.  Son  of  Hachmoni,  or  of  a 
 Hachmonite,  named  in  the  list  of  L)avid's  officers 
 (1  Chr.  xxvii.  32)  as  "  with  the  king's  sons,"  what- 
 ever that  may  mean.— 6.  A  Levite  of  the  Bene- 
 Heman,  who  took  part  in  the  restorations  of  king 
 Hezekiah  (2  Chr.  xxix.  14). — 7.  Another  Levite  a"t 
 the  same  period  (2  Chr.  xxxi.  13).— 8.  Father  of 
 Obadiah,  of  the  Bene-Joab  (Ezr.  viii.  9).— 9.  One 
 of  the  Bene-Elam,  father  of  Shechaniah  (Ezr.  x.  2). 
 —10.  A  member  of  the  same  family,  who  had 
 himself  to  part  with  his  wife  (Ezr.  x.  26).— 11.  A 
 priest,  one  of  the  Bene-Harim,  who  also  had  to  put 
 away  his  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  21). 
 
 Jehi'el,  a  perfectly  distinct  name  from  the  last. 
 1,  A  man  described  as  father  of  Gibeon ,  a  fore- 
 father of  king  Saul  (1  Chr.  ix.  35).— 2.  One  of  the 
 sons  of  Hotham  the  Aroei-ite  ;  a  member  of  David's 
 guard  (1  Chr.  .vi.  44). 
 
 Jehi'eli,  according  to  the  A.  V.  a  Gei-shonite 
 Levite  of  the  family  of  Laadan  (1  Chr.  xxvi. 
 21,  22). 
 
 Jehizld'all,  son  of  Shall  um,  one  of  the  heads  of 
 the  tribe  of  Ephraim  in  the  time  of  Ahaz  (2  Chr. 
 xxviii.  12;  comp.  8,  13,  15). 
 
 Jeho'adah,  one  of  the  descendants  of  Saul  (1  Chr. 
 viii.  36) ;  great  grandson  to  Meribaal,  i.  e.  Mephi- 
 bosheth. 
 
 Jehoad'dan,  queen  to  king  Joash,  and  mother  of 
 Amaziah  of  Judah  (2  K.  xiv.  2  ;  2  Clir.  .\xv.  1). 
 
3fi6  JEHOAHAZ 
 
 Jeho'ahaz.  1.  Tin;  son  ami  successor  of  Jehu, 
 leigiieJ  17  ywirs  u.c.  8o<>-840  over  Israel  in  S;i- 
 inaria.  His  inglorious  history  is  given  in  2  Iv.  xiii. 
 -9.  Throughout  his  reign  (ver.  2'J)  he  was  kept 
 in  subjection  by  Hazael  king  of  Diunascus.  Jeho- 
 ah;iz  maintained  the  idolatry  of  Jeroboam  ;  but  in 
 the  extremity  of  his  humiliation  he  besought  Je- 
 hovah ;  and  Jehovah  gave  Israel  a  deliverer — pro- 
 bably either  Jehoash  (vv.  23  and  25),  or  Jero- 
 boam II.  (2.  K.  xiv.  24,  25).— 2.  Jehoahaz,  other- 
 wise called  SiiAlXL'M,  the  fourth  (ace.  to  1  C'hr. 
 iii.  15),  or  third,  if  Zedekiah's  age  be  correctly 
 stated  (2  Chr.  xxxvi.  1 1 ),  son  of  Josiiih,  whom  he 
 succeeded  aa  king  of  Judah.  He  was  chosen  by 
 the  people  in  preference  to  his  elder  (comp.  2  K. 
 xxiii.  31  and  36)  brother,  U.C.  610,  and  he  reigned 
 throe  mouths  in  Jerusiilem.  Pharaoh-necho  on  his 
 return  fioin  ("archemish,  |>erhaps  resenting  the  elec- 
 tion of  Jehoahaz  sent  to  Jerusiilem  to  depose  him, 
 and  to  il'tch  him  to  Kiblah.  There  he  was  ca.-t 
 into  chains,  .^nd  from  thence  he  was  taken  into 
 K^-ypt,  whert  he  died. ^3.  The  name  given  <2  Chr. 
 xxi.  17)  to  .Ahaziah,  the  youngest  sou  of  Jehoraui 
 king  of  Judah. 
 
 jeho'ash,  the  uncoiitracte<J  form  of  JoASii.— 
 1.  Tlie  eighth  king  of  Judah;  sou  of  Ahaziah 
 (2  K.  xi.^2I,  xii.  1,  2,  4,  6,  7,  18,  xiv.  13;. 
 [JOASII,  1.] — 2.  The  twelfth  king  of  Israel;  sou 
 of  jKiioAiiAZ  (2  K.  xiii.  10,  25,  xiv.  8,  9,  11,  13, 
 15,  16,  17).     [JOASii,  2.] 
 
 Jeho'liaiian.  1.  A  Korhite  Levite,  one  of  the 
 doorkeejjers  to  the  house  of  Jehovah,  i.  e.  the  Ta- 
 bernacle, according  to  the  appointment  of  David 
 (I  Chr.  xxvi,  3  ;  comp.  xxv.  I).  He  was  the  sixth  of 
 the  seven  lions  of  Meshelemiah.— 2.  One  of  the  prin- 
 cipal men  of  Judah,  under  king  Jehoshaphat  (2  Chr. 
 xvii.  15;  comp.  13  and  19).— 3,  Father  of  Isli- 
 mael,  one  of  the  "  captains  of  hundreds "  whom 
 .Jehoiada  the  priest  took  into  his  contideuce  about 
 the  restoiation  of  the  line  of  Judah  (2  Chr.  xxiii. 
 1).—^.  One  of  the  Bene-Iiebai,  a  lay  Israelite  who 
 was  forced  by  Kzra  to  put  away  his  foreign  wite 
 fKzr.  X.  28). — 5.  A  priest  (Neh.  xii.  13)  ;  the  re- 
 presentative of  the  house  of  Amariah  (comp.  2), 
 during  the  high-priesthood  of  Joiakim  (ver.  12).— 
 6.  A  p'iest  who  took  part  in  the  dedication  of  the 
 wall  of  Jerusalem  CNch.  xii.  42). 
 
 Jehoi'achiu,  son  of  Jehoiakim  and  Nehushta,  and 
 for  three  months  and  ten  days  king  of  Judah.  Je- 
 hoiachiu  amie  to  the  throne  at  a  time  when  Kgyi)t 
 xvas  still  prostrate  in  conseiiueuce  of  the  victory  at 
 <'archemish.  Jerusalem  at  this  time  w:is  i|uite 
 defeJH-eless,  and  unable  to  oiler  any  resistance  to 
 the  regular  army  which  Nebuchadnezzar  sent  to  be- 
 sicje  it  in  the  8th  year  of  his  reign,  and  which  he 
 seems  to  have  joined  in  jierson  after  the  siege  was 
 cnnunenced  (2  K.  xxiv.  10,  11).  In  a  very  short 
 time,  apparently,  Jehoiachiii  surreudere<l  at  discre- 
 tion ;  and  he,  and  the  queen-mother,  and  all  his 
 W!rvant.s,  c;iptains,  ami  ollicers,  came  out  and  gave 
 thomstlves  up  to  Nebuchadnezzar,  whoau-rieil  them, 
 with  the  harem  and  the  eunuchs,  to  Babylon  (Jer. 
 xxix.  2;  Kzek.  xvii.  12,  xix.  9).  There  he  re- 
 maine<!  a  prisoner,  actually  in  [uison,  and  wearing 
 prison  garment.s,  for  tiiirty-six  yeai-s,  viz.  till  the 
 death  of  .Nebuchadnezzar,  when  iivil-MeKxlacli  sue- 
 ci-eiiing  to  the  throne  of  Iial)ylou,  trealeii  him  with 
 much  kindness,  lirought  him  out  of  pri.^on,  ciianged 
 his  garmenfj,  rai^ed  him  above  the  other  subject  or 
 captive  kings',  and  ni.ide  him  sit  nt  his  own  table. 
 Whether  Jehoiachiu  outlived  tb.e  two  years  of  Kvil- 
 
 JEHOIAKIM 
 
 Merodach's  reign  oi-  not  does  not  ajjpear,  nor  hare 
 we  any  particulars  of  his  life  at  Babylon.  The 
 histoiy  of  Susanna  and  the  Kldeis  ajiparently  mak<« 
 Jehoiachiu  an  imporfcuit  personage  ;  for,  aawding 
 to  the  author,  the  husband  of  Susanna  was  Joacim, 
 a  man  of  great  wealth,  and  the  chief  person  among 
 the  captives,  to  whose  house  all  the  {)eople  resoited 
 for  judgment,  a  description  which  suits  Jehoiachin. 
 Africanus  expressly  wills  Su.sanna's  husband  king 
 and  says  that  the  king  of  Babylon  had  made  him 
 his  royal  compaifton.  It  does  not  appear  certainly 
 from  Scripture,  whetl'.er  Jehoiachin  was  mairied  or 
 had  any  children.  That  Zedekiah,  who  iu  1  Chr. 
 iii.  16  is  called  "  his  son,"  is  the  siune  as  Zedekiah 
 his  uucle  'called  "  his  brother,"  2  Chr.  xxx\i. 
 10),  who  was  liis  successor  on  the  throne,  seems 
 certain. 
 
 Jehoi'ada.  1.  Father  of  Benaiah,  David's  well- 
 known  warrior  (2  Sam.  viii.  18,  1  K.  i.  and  ii. 
 passim,  1  Chr.  xviii.  17,  &c.).  From  1  Chr.  xxvii. 
 5,  we  learn  that  Benaiah's  father  was  the  chief 
 piiest,  and  he  is  therefore  doubtless  identicd  with 
 —2.  Leader  of  the  Aaionites,  i.e.  the  priests;  who 
 joineil  David  at  Hebron  (1  Chr.  xii.  27). — 3.  Ac- 
 cording to  1  Chr.  xxvii.  34,  son  of  Benaiah.  But 
 in  ;dl  probability  Benaiah  the  son  of  Jehoiada  is 
 meant,  by  a  confusion  similar  to  that  which  has 
 ari.sen  with  regard  to  Ahimelech  ;uid  .Abiathar,  1 
 Chr.  xviii.  16,  2  .Sam.  viii.  17.-4.  High-]iiiest  at 
 the  time  of  Athaliah's  usurpation  of  the  tin  one  of 
 Judah  (IJ.  C.  884-878),  and  during  the  gre«iter 
 poition  of  the  40  ye;ns'  reign  of  Joash.  He  pro- 
 bably succeeded  Amariah.  He  married  Jkiio- 
 SiiKliA,  or  Jelioshabeath,  daughter  of  king  Jt-horam, 
 and  sister  of  king  Ahaziah  (2  Chr.  xxii.  11);  ;uid 
 when  Athaliah  slew  all  the  seed  royal  of  Judah 
 alter  Ahaziah  had  been  put  to  death  by  Jehu,  he 
 and  his  wife  stole  Joash  from  among  the  king's  sons, 
 and  hid  him  for  six  year.s  in  the  Temple,  and  event- 
 ually replaced  him  on  the  tiuone  of  his  ancestors. 
 Having  divided  the  priests  and  Levites  into  three 
 bands,  which  were  posted  at  the  princi^xil  eutranctt;, 
 and  filled  the  courts  with  people  favourable  to  the 
 cause,  he  produced  the  young  king  before  the  whole 
 assembly,  and  crowned  and  anointed  him,  and  pre- 
 sented to  him  a  copy  of  the  Law  according  to  L)eut. 
 xvii.  18-20.  The  excitement  of  the  moment  di<l 
 not  make  him  forget  the  sanctity  of  God's  house. 
 None  but  the  priests  and  ministering  Levites  were 
 permitted  by  him  to  enter  the  Temple ;  and  he 
 gave  strict  oidei-s  that  .\thaliah  should  be  oirried 
 without  its  jiiecincts  before  she  was  put  to  death. 
 The  destruction  of  Baal  woish.ip  and  tlie  restoration 
 of  the  Temple  wore  among  the  great  works  ellected 
 by  Jehoiada.  He  died  li.O.  834,  and  though  far 
 advanced  in  years,  too  soon  for  the  welfare  of  his 
 country,  and  the  we;ik  un.stable  diaracter  of  Joash. 
 The  text  of  2  Chr.  .\xiv.  15,  su}ipoited  by  thel.X.K. 
 and  Jost'phus,  m:ikes  him  130  years  old  at  his 
 death;  but  it  is  evidently  corrupt.— 6.  Second 
 priest,  or  sag;m,  to  f^erai.ah  the  high-priest  (Jer. 
 xxix.  25-29;  2  K.  xxv.  18).— 6.  Son  of  I'aseadi. 
 who  assisted  to  repair  the  old  gate  of  JerusiUem 
 (Neh.  iii.  (i». 
 
 Jehoi'akim,  18th  (or,  counting  Jehojdiiu,  19th) 
 kmg  of  Judah  fiom  David  inclusive — 25  years  old 
 at  his  airession,  and  originally  called  hll.lAKlM. 
 He  Wiis  the  son  of  Josiah  and  Zebudah,  daughter  of 
 IVlaiah  of  Rumali.  Alter  drowsing  Jehoahaz,  I'ha- 
 nioh  Necho  set  Kliakim,  hi.s  elder  brother,  upon  the 
 throne,  and  changed  his  name  to  Jehoiakim.    k^gypt 
 
JEHOIARIB 
 
 played  no  part  in  Jewish  politics  during  the  seven 
 or  eight  yeare  of  Jehoiakim's  leign.  After  the 
 battle  of  Carchemish  Nebuchadnezzar  came  into 
 Palestine  as  one  of  the  Egyptian  tributary  king- 
 doms, the  capture  of  which  was  the  natural  fruit 
 of  his  victoiy  over  Necho.  He  found  Jehoiakim 
 quite  defenceless.  After  a  shoit  siege  he  entered 
 Jerusalem,  took  the  king  prisoner,  bound  him  in 
 fetters  to  cany  him  to  Babylon,  and  took  also  some 
 of  the  precious  vessels  of  the  Temple  and  carried 
 them  to  the  land  of  Shinar.  But  he  seems  to  have 
 changed  his  purpose  as  regarded  Jehoiakim,  and  to 
 have  accepted  his  submission,  and  reinstated  him 
 on  the  thione,  perhaps  in  remembrance  of  the 
 fidelity  of  his  father  Josiah.  What  is  certain  is, 
 that  Jehoiakim  became  tributary  to  Nebuchadnezzar 
 after  his  invasion  of  Judah,  and  continued  so  for 
 three  years,  but  at  the  end  of  that  time  broke  his 
 oftth  of  allegiance  and  rebelled  against  him  (2  K. 
 xxiv.  1).  What  moved  or  encouraged  Jehoiakim 
 to  this  rebellion  it  is  difficult  to  say,  for  there  is 
 nothing  to  bear  out  Josephus's  assertion,  that  there 
 was  anything  in  the  attitude  of  Egypt  at  this  time 
 to  account  tor  such  a  step.  Though  Nebuchad- 
 nezzar was  not  able  at  that  time  to  come  in  person 
 to  chastise  his  rebellious  vassal  he  sent  against  him 
 numerous  bands  of  Chaldeans,  with  Syrians,  Moab- 
 ites,  and  Anmionites,  who  were  all  now  subject  to 
 Babylon  (2  K.  xxiv.  7),  and  who  cruelly  harassed 
 the  whole  country.  We  are  not  acquainted  with 
 the  details  of  the  close  of  the  reign.  Probably  as 
 the  time  approached  for  Nebuchadnezzar  himself 
 to  come  against  Judea  the  desultory  attacks  and 
 invasions  of  his  troops  became  more  concentrated. 
 Eithei-  in  an  engagement  with  some  of  these  forces, 
 or  else  by  the  hand  of  his  own  oppressed  subjects, 
 who  thought  to  conciliate  the  Babylonians  by  the 
 murder  of  their  king,  Jehoiakim  came  to  a  violeirt 
 end  in  the  11th  year  of  his  reign.  His  body  was 
 cast  out  ignominiously  on  the  ground  ;  and  then, 
 aftei'  being  left  exposed  for  some  time,  was  dragged 
 away  and  buried  "  with  the  burial  of  an  ass,"  with- 
 out pomp  or  lamentation ,  "  beyond  the  gates  of 
 Jei-usalem  "  (Jer.  xxii.  18,  19,  xxxvi.  30).  All 
 the  accounts  we  have  of  Jehoiakim  concur  in  ascrib- 
 ing to  hira  a  vicious  and  irreligious  character.  The 
 writer  of  2  K.  xxiii.  37,  tells  us  that  "  he  did 
 that  which  was  evil  in  the  sight  of  Jehovah,"  a 
 stiitement  which  is  repeated  xxiv.  9,  and  2  Chr. 
 xxxvi.  5.  But  it  is  in  the  writings  of  Jeremiah 
 that  we  have  the  fullest  portraiture  of  him.  The 
 reign  of  Jehoiakim  extends  from  B.C.  609  to  B.C. 
 598,  or  as  some  reckon  .599. 
 
 Jehoi'arib,  nead  of  the  first  of  the  24  courses  of 
 priests,  according  to  the  arrangement  of  king  David 
 (1  Chr.  xxiv.  7).  Some  of  his  descendants  returned 
 from  the  Babylonish  captivity,  as  we  learn  from 
 1  Chr.  ix.  10,  Neh.  xi.  10.  Their  chief  in  the  days 
 of  Joiakini  the  son  of  Jeshua  was  Mattenai  (Neh. 
 xii.  6,  19).  They  were  probably  of  the  house  of 
 Eleazar.  To  the  course  of  Jehoiarib  belonged  the 
 Asmonjan  family  (I  Mace.  ii.  1),  and  Josephus,  as 
 he  iiifomis  us. 
 
 Jeho'nadab,  and  Jo'nadab,  the  son  of  Rechab, 
 founder  of  the  llechabites.  It  appears  from  1  Chr. 
 ii.  55,  that  his  father  or  ancestor  Rechab  belonged 
 to  a  branch  of  the  Kenites  ;  the  Arabian  tribe  which 
 entered  Palestine  with  the  Israelites.  One  settle- 
 ment of  them  was  established,  under  a  fourfold 
 division  at  or  near  the  town  of  Jabez  in  Judah 
 (I  Chr.  ii.  55).     To  these  last  belonged  Rechab  and 
 
 JEHORAM 
 
 367 
 
 his  son  Jehonadab.  The  Bedouin  habits,  which 
 were  kept  up  by  the  othei-  branches  of  the  Kenite 
 tribe,  were  inculcated  by  Jehonadab  with  the  utmost 
 minuteness  on  his  descendants  (Jer.  xxxv.  6).  Bear- 
 ing in  mind  this  general  character  of  .Fehonadab  as 
 an  Arab  chief,  and  the  founder  of  a  half-religious 
 sect,  we  are  the  better  able  to  understand  the  single 
 occasion  on  which  he  appears  before  us  in  the  his- 
 toriciil  narrative.  Jehu  w.as  advancing,  alter  the 
 slaughter  of  Betheked,  on  the  city  of  Samaria,  when 
 he  suddenly  met  the  austere  Bedouin  coming  to- 
 wards him  (2  K.  x.  15).  The  king  was  in  his  cha- 
 riot ;  the  Arab  was  on  foot.  According  to  the 
 Hebrew  text  the  king  blessed  Jehonadab.  The 
 hand,  whether  of  Jehonadab  or  Jehu,  was  offered 
 and  grasped.  The  king  lifted  him  up  to  the  edge  of 
 the  chariot,  apparently  that  he  might  whisper  his 
 secret  into  his  ear,  and  said,  "  Come  with  me,  ai:d 
 see  my  zeal  for  Jehovah."  Having  entrusted  him 
 with  the  secret,  he  (LXX.)  or  his  attendants  (Heb. 
 and  A.  V.)  caused  Jehonadab  to  proceed  with  him 
 to  Samaria  in  the  i  oyal  chariot.  No  doubt  he  actea 
 in  concert  with  ,Iehu  throughout ;  the  only  occasion 
 on  which  he  is  expressly  mentioned  is  when  he  went 
 with  Jehu  through  the  temple  of  Baal  to  turn  out 
 any  that  there  might  happen  to  be  in  the  mass  of 
 Pagan  worshippers  (2  K.  x.  23).  This  is  the  last 
 we  hear  of  him. 
 
 Jehon'athan.  1.  Son  of  Uzziah  ;  superintend- 
 ent of  certain  of  king  David's  storehouses  (1  Chr. 
 xxvii.  25).— 2.  One  of  the  Levites  who  were  sent 
 by  Jehoshaphat  tJirough  the  cities  of  Judah,  vpith  a 
 book  of  the  Law,  to  teach  the  people  (2  Chr.  xvii. 
 8).— 3.  A  priest  (Neh.  xii.  18)  ;  the  representative 
 of  the  family  of  Shemaiah  (ver.  6),  when  Joiakim 
 was  high-priest. 
 
 Jeho'ram.  1,  Son  of  Ahab  king  of  Israel,  who 
 succeeded  his  brother  Ahaziah,  B.C.  896,  and  died 
 B.C.  884.  The  alliance  between  the  kingdoms  of 
 Isiael  and  Judah,  commenced  by  his  father  and 
 Jehoshaphat,  was  very  close  throughout  his  reign. 
 We  first  find  him  associated  with  Jehoshaphat  and 
 the  king  of  Edom,  at  that  time  a  tributary  of  the 
 kingdom  of  Judah,  in  a  war  against  the  Moabites. 
 Mesha,  their  king,  on  the  death  of  Ahab,  had  re- 
 volted from  Israel,  and  refused  to  pay  the  custom- 
 ary tribute  of  100,000  lambs  and  100,000  rams. 
 Joram  asked  and  obtained  Jehoshaphat's  help  to 
 reduce  him  to  his  obedience,  and  accordingly  the  three 
 kings,  of  Israel,  Judah,  and  Edom,  marched  through 
 the  wilderness  of  Edom  to  attack  hira.  The  three 
 armies  weie  in  the  utmost  danger  of  perishing  for 
 want  of  water.  The  piety  of  Jehoshaphat  sug- 
 gested an  inquiry  of  some  prophet  of  Jehovah,  and 
 Elisha  the  son  of  Shaphat,  at  that  time  and  since 
 the  latter  part  of  Ahab's  reign  Elijah's  attendant 
 (2  K.  iii.  11;  1  K.  .xix.  19-21),  was  found  with 
 the  host.  From  him  Jehoram  received  a  severe  re- 
 buke, and  was  bid  to  inquire  of  the  prophets  of  his 
 father  and  mother,  the  prophets  of  Baal.  Never- 
 theless for  Jehoshaphat's  sake  Elisha  inquired  of 
 Jehovah,  and  received  the  promise  of  an  abundant 
 supply  of  water,  and  of  a  great  victory  over  the 
 Moabites:  a  promise  which  was  immediately  ful- 
 filled. The  Moabites  were  put  to  the  rout.  The 
 allies  pursued  them  with  great  slaughter  into  their 
 own  land,  which  they  utterly  ravaged  and  de- 
 stroyed with  all  its  cities.  Kirharaseth  alone  re- 
 mained, and  there  the  king  of  Moab  made  his  last 
 stand.  An  attempt  to  break  through  the  besieging 
 army  having  failed,  he  resorted  to  the  desperate  ex- 
 
368 
 
 JEHORAM 
 
 jK-ilipiit  of  ofToring  up  his  eldest  son,  the  heir  to 
 his  throne,  ns  a  buiut-olierinj^,  upon  the  wall  of 
 the  city,  iu  the  sight  of  the  enemy.  Upon  this  the 
 Israelites  retiied  and  returned  to  their  own  land 
 (2  K.  iii.)  A  little  later,  whi-n  wnr  broke  out  be- 
 tween Syria  and  Israel,  we  find  Elislia  befriending 
 Jehorani.  What  happened  after  this  to  change  the 
 relations  between  the  king  and  the  prophet  we  can 
 only  conjectuie.  But  it  seems  p)obable  that  when 
 the  Syrian  inroads  ce;used,  and  he  felt  less  dependent 
 upon  the  aid  of  the  prophet,  he  relapsed  into  idol- 
 atry, and  was  rebuked  by  Elisha,  and  threatened 
 with  a  return  of  the  calamities  from  which  he  had 
 escajted.  Refusing  to  repent,  a  fresh  invasion  by 
 the  Syrians,  and  a  close  siege  of  Samaria,  actually 
 Gime  to  pass,  according  probably  to  the  word  of  the 
 prophet.  Hence,  when  the  terrible  incident  arose, 
 in  consequence  of  the  famine,  of  a  woman  boiling 
 and  eating  her  own  child,  the  king  immediately 
 attributed  the  evil  to  Elisha  the  son  of  Shaphat, 
 and  determined  to  take  away  his  life.  The  provi- 
 dential interposition  by  which  both  Elisha's  life  was 
 Nived  and  the  city  delivered,  is  narrated  2  K.  vii,, 
 and  Jehoram  appears  to  have  returned  to  friendly 
 feeling  towards  Elisha  (2  K.  viii.  4).  It  was  very 
 soon  after  the  above  events  that  Elisha  went  to 
 I)am;uscns,  and  predicted  the  revolt  of  Hazael,  and 
 his  accession  to  the  throne  of  Syria  in  the  room  of 
 Ben-hadad.  Jehoram  seems  to  have  thought  the 
 revolution  in  Syria,  which  immediately  followed 
 Elisha's  prediction,  a  good  op|.ortunity  to  ])ursue 
 his  tiither's  favourite  project  of  recovering  Riimoth- 
 (jilead  from  the  Syrians.  He  accnrdiuiiy  made  an 
 alliance  with  his  nephew  Ahaziah,  who  had  just 
 succeeded  Joram  on  the  throne  of  Judah,  anil  the 
 two  kings  proceeded  to  occupy  Ramoth-Gilead  by 
 force.  The  expedition  was  an  unfortunate  one. 
 Jehoram  was  wounded  in  battle,  and  obliged  to 
 return  to  Jezreel  to  be  healed  of  his  wounds  (2  K. 
 viii.  29,  i.x.  14,  15),  leaving  his  army  under  Jehu 
 to  hold  liamoth-Gilead  against  Hazael.  Jehu,  how- 
 ever, and  the  anny  under  his  command,  levolted 
 from  their  allegiance  to  Jehoram  (2  K.  ix.),  and, 
 ha-stily  marching  to  Jezreel,  surprised  Jehoram, 
 wounded  and  defenceless  as  he  w;us.  Jehoram, 
 going  out  to  meet  him,  fell  pierced  by  an  arrow 
 from  Jehu's  bow  on  the  very  plat  of  ground 
 which  Ahab  had  wrested  from  Nal.oth  the  Jezreel- 
 ite  ;  thus  fiilrillin<;  to  the  letter  the  prophecy  of 
 Elijah  (1  K.  xxi.  21-29).  With  the  life  of  Je- 
 horam ended  the  dynasty  of  Omri.— 2.  Eldest  son 
 of  Jehoshaphat,  succeeded  his  father  on  the  throne 
 of  Judah  at  the  age  of  32,  and  reigned  eight  yeai-s, 
 from  H.c.  893-2  to  885-4.  Jehosheba  his  daughter 
 w;is  wile  to  the  high-priest  Jehoiada.  As  soon  as 
 he  was  fixe<I  on  the  throne,  he  put  his  six  brothers 
 to  death,  with  many  of  tlie  chief  nobles  of  the  land. 
 Hi'  tlii'n  prol«ibly  at  the  instance  of  his  wife  Atha- 
 Hah  the  daughter  of  Ahab,  proceeded  to  establish 
 the  worship  of  liaal.  A  prophetic  writing  from 
 the  aged  projihet  Elijah  '2  Chr.  xxi.  12),  failed  to 
 produce  any  goo<i  effect  upon  him.  This  was  in  the 
 first  or  second  year  of  his  reign.  The  remainder 
 of  it  was  a  series  of  calamitii-s.  First  the  Edomites, 
 who  had  been  tributary  to  Jehoshaphat,  revolted 
 from  Ills  dominion,  and  esfablishwl  their  permanent 
 inilepfiiiieiice.  Next  I.it)nah,  one  of  the  strongest 
 fortilie<l  cities  in  Judah  (2  K.  xix.  8),  rebelled 
 against  him.  'I'hen  follnwiMl  invasions  of  arnie<l 
 bands  of  I'liilistincs  and  of  .Arabians,  who  stormc<l 
 the  king's  palace,  put  his  wives  and  all  his  chilJieu, 
 
 JEHOSHAPHAT,  VALLEY  OF 
 
 except  his  youngest  son  Ahaziah,  to  death  (2  Chr. 
 xxii.  l),or  earned  them  into  captivity,  and  jdun- 
 dered  all  his  treasures.  He  died  of  a  terrible  disease 
 (2  Chr.  xxi.  19,  20)  early  in  the  twelfth  year  of 
 his  brother-in-law  Jehoram's  reign  over  Israel. 
 
 Jehoshabeath,  the  form  in  which  the  name  of 
 Jkiuisiiijia  is  given  in  2  Chr.  xxii.  11. 
 
 Jehosh'apliat.  1.  The  son  of  Asa  and  Azubah, 
 succeeded  to  the  throne  H.C.  914,  when  he  was  35 
 yeai's  old,  and  reigned  25  yeai's.  His  history  is  to 
 be  found  among  the  events  recorded  in  1  K.  xv. 
 24  ;  2  K.  viii.  16,  or  in  a  continuous  narrative  In 
 2  Chr.  xvii.  1-xxi.  3.  He  was  contemporiiry  with 
 Ahab,  Ahaziah,  and  Jehoram.  At  first  he  strength- 
 ened himself  against  Israel  by  foilifying  and  g:u'- 
 risoiiing  the  cities  of  Judah  and  the  Ephraimite 
 conquests  of  Asa.  But  soon  afterwards  the  two 
 Hebrew  kings,  perhaps  appreciating  their  com- 
 mon danger  from  Damascus  and  the  trilws  on  their 
 eastern  frontier,  formed  an  alliance.  Jelioshaphat's 
 eldest  son  Jehoram  married  Athaliah,  the  daughter 
 of  Ahab  and  Jezebel.  In  his  own  kingdom  Jehosh- 
 aphat  ever  showed  himself  a  zealous  follower  of  the 
 commandments  of  God :  he  tried,  it  would  seem 
 not  quite  successfully,  to  put  down  the  high  ])lares 
 and  groves  in  which  the  people  of  Judah  burnt 
 incense.  In  his  third  year  he  sent  out  ceiliiin 
 princes,  priests,  and  Levites,  to  go  through  the 
 cities  of  Judah,  teaching  the  people  out  of  the  Book 
 of  the  T,aw.  Riches  and  honotus  increased  around 
 him.  He  received  tribute  from  the  Philistines  .and 
 Arabians  ;  and  kept  up  a  laige  standing  army  iu 
 Jerusalem.  It  Wiis  probably  about  the  16th  year 
 of  his  reign  (B.C.  898)  when  he  went  to  Samaria 
 to  visit  Ahab  and  to  become  his  ally  in  the  great 
 battle  of  l.'amoth-gilead.  From  thence  Jehoshaphat 
 retuined  to  Jerusalem  in  peace;  and  went  himself 
 through  the  people  "  from  Beersheba  to  Mount 
 Ephraim,"  reclaiming  them  to  the  law  of  God. 
 Tuining  his  attention  to  foreign  commerce,  he  built 
 at  Ezion-geber,  with  the  help  of  Ahaziah,  a  navy 
 designetl  to  go  to  Tarshish  ;  but  it  was  wrecked  at 
 Ezion-gebei-.  Before  the  close  of  his  leign  he  was 
 engaged  in  two  additional  ware.  He  was  miracu- 
 lously delivered  from  a  threatened  attack  of  the 
 j)eople  of  Amnion,  Jloab,  and  Seir.  .After  this, 
 perhaps,  must  be  dated  the  war  which  Jehoshaphat, 
 in  conjunction  with  Jehoram  king  of  Israel  and  the 
 king  of  Edom,  carried  on  against  the  rebellious  king 
 of  iMoab  (2  K.  iii.).  In  his  declining  years  the  ad- 
 ministration of  affairs  was  placed  (probably  B.C. 
 891)  in  the  Imnds  of  his  son  Jehoram.— 2.  Son  of 
 Ahilud,  who  filled  the  office  of  recorder  or  annalist 
 in  the  courts  of  David  (2  Sam.  viii.  16,  &c.),  and 
 Solomon  (1  K.  iv.  3).— 3.  One  of  the  priests,  who 
 (1  Chr.  XV.  24)  were  ajijiointed  to  blow  trumpets 
 before  the  ark  when  it  was  carried  from  the  house 
 of  Obed-edom  to  Jerus;\lem.— 4.  Son  of  Pariiah ; 
 one  of  the  twelve  purveyors  of  king  Solomon  (1  K. 
 iv.  17).— 5.  Son  of  Nimshi,  and  father  of  king 
 Jehu  '•_'  l\.  ix.  •_',  \-i). 
 
 Jehosh'apliat,  Valley  of,  a  valley  mentioned  by 
 Joel  oiilv,  as  the  sj>ot  in  which,  after  the  i-eturn  of 
 Judah  and  Jcrus;ilem  f'mni  captivity,  Jehovah  would 
 g;»ther  all  the  heathen  (Joel  iii.  2  ;  hebr.  iv.  2),  and 
 would  there  sit  to  judge  them  for  their  misdeoils 
 to  Israel  (iii.  12;  hebr.  v.  4).  The  prophet  seems 
 to  have  glanced  Kick  to  that  triumphant  day  when 
 king  Jehoshaphat,  the  greatest  king  the  nation  had 
 seen  .--ince  Solomon,  K'd  out  his  i>eople  to  a  valley  in 
 the  wilderuess  of  Tekualt,  and  was  there  blessed  with 
 
JTEHOSHEBA 
 
 sucli  a  victory  over  the  liordes  of  his  enemies  as  was 
 without  a  parallel  in  the  national  lecoids  (2  Chr. 
 XX.).  But  though  such  a  reference  to  Jehoshaphat 
 iS  both  natural  and  characteristic,  it  is  not  certain 
 that  it  is  intended.  The  name  may  only  be  an 
 imaginary  one  conferred  on  a  spot  which  existed 
 noAvhere  but  in  the  vision  of  the  prophet.  Such 
 was  the  view  of  some  of  the  ancient  translators. 
 By  others,  however,  the  prophet  has  been  supposed 
 to  have  had  the  end  of  the  world  in  view.  And 
 not  only  this,  but  the  scene  of  "  Jehovah's  judg- 
 ment "  has  been  localised,  and  the  name  has  come 
 down  to  us  attached  to  the  deep  ravine  which 
 separates  Jerusalem  from  the  Mount  of  Olives, 
 through  which  at  one  time  the  Kedron  forced  its 
 stream.  At  what  peiiod  the  name  was  first  applied 
 to  this  spot  is  not  known.  There  is  no  trace  of  it 
 in  the  Bible  or  in  Josephus.  In  both  the  only  name 
 used  for  this  gorge  is  KiDRON  (N.  T.  Cedron). 
 We  first  encounter  its  new  title  in  the  middle  of 
 the  4th  century  in  the  Onomasticon  of  Eusebius 
 and  Jerome,  and  in  the  Commentary  of  the  latter 
 Father  on  Joel.  Since  that  time  the  name  has  been 
 recognised  and  adopted  by  travellers  of  all  ages  and 
 all  faiths.  Both  Moslems  and  Jews  believe  that  the 
 last  judgment  is  to  take  place  there.  The  steep 
 sides  of  the  ravine,  wherever  a  level  strip  affords 
 the  opportunity,  are  crowded — in  places  almost 
 paved — by  the  sepulchres  of  the  Moslems,  or  the 
 simpler  slabs  of  the  Jewish  tombs,  alike  awaiting 
 the  assembly  of  the  last  Judgment.  The  name 
 would  seem  to  be  generally  confined  by  travellers  to 
 the  upper  part  of  the  glen,  from  about  the  "  Tomb 
 of  the  Virgin"  to  the  south-east  corner  of  the  wall 
 of  Jerusalem. 
 
 Jehoshe'ba,  daughter  of  Joram  king  of  Israel, 
 and  wife  of  Jehoiada  the  high-priest  (2  K.  xi.  2). 
 Her  name  in  the  Chronicles  is  given  Jehosha- 
 BEAmH.  As  she  is  called,  2  K.  xi.  2,  "  the  daughter 
 of  Joram,  sister  of  Ahaziah,"  it  has  been  con- 
 jectured that  she  was  the  daughter,  not  of  Athaliah, 
 but  of  Joram  by  another  wife.  This  may  be  ;  but 
 it  is  also  possible  that  the  omission  of  Athaliah's 
 name  may  have  been  occasioned  by  the  detestation 
 in  which  it  was  held.  She  is  the  only  recorded  in- 
 stance of  the  marriage  of  a  princess  of  the  royal 
 liouse  with  a  high-priest.  On  this  occasion  it  was 
 a  providential  circumstance  (2  Chr.  xxii.  11),  as  in- 
 ducing and  probably  enabling  her  to  rescue  the 
 infant  Joash  from  the  massacre  of  his  brothei's. 
 
 Jehosh'ua.  In  this  form  is  given  the  name  of 
 Joshua  in  Num.  xiii.  16,  on  the  occasion  of  its  be- 
 stowal by  Moses.  Once  more  only  the  name  ap- 
 pears in  its  full  form  in  the  A.  V. — as 
 
 Jehosh'uali,  in  the  genealogy  of  Ephraim  (1  Chr. 
 vii.  27). 
 
 Jehovah.  The  true  pronunciation  of  this  name, 
 by  which  God  was  known  to  the  Hebrews,  has  been 
 entirely  lost,  the  Jews  themselves  scrupulously 
 avoiding  every  mention  of  it,  and  substituting  in  its 
 stead  one  or  otner  of  the  words  with  whose  proper 
 vowel-points  it  may  happen  to  be  written.  This 
 custom,  which  had  its  origin  in  reverence,  and  has 
 almost  degenerated  into  a  superstition,  was  founded 
 upon  an  erroneous  rendering  of  Lev.  xxiv.  16,  from 
 which  it  was  inferred  that  the  mere  utterance  of 
 the  name  constituted  a  capital  offence.  According  to 
 Jewish  tradition,  it  was  pronounced  but  once  a 
 year  by  the  high-priest  on  the  day  of  Atonement 
 when  he  entered  the  Holy  of  Holies ;  but  on  this 
 point  there  is  some  doubt.     On  the  authority  of 
 
 Con.  I).  B. 
 
 JEHOVAH 
 
 309 
 
 Maimonides  we  learn  that  it  ceased  with  Simeon  the 
 Just.  But  even  after  the  destruction  of  the  second 
 Temple  inst^uices  are  met  with  of  individuals  who 
 were  in  possession  of  the  mysterious  secret.  Von 
 Bohlen  asserts  that  beyond  all  doubt  the  word  Je- 
 hovah is  not  Shemitic  in  its  origin.  He  connects  it 
 with  the  Sanscrit  devas,  devo,  the  Gieek  A.t6s,  and 
 Latin  Jovis  or  Diovis.  That  the  Hebrews  learned 
 the  word  from  the  Egyptians  is  a  theory  which  has 
 found  some  advocates.  There  can  be  but  little 
 doubt  that  the  process  in  reality  was  reversed,  and 
 that  in  this  case  the  Hebrews  weie,  not  the  bor- 
 rov/ers,  but  the  lenders.  We  have  indisputable 
 evidence  that  it  existed  among  them,  whatever  may 
 have  been  its  origin,  many  centuries  before  it  is 
 found  in  other  records;  of  the  contraiy  we  have  no 
 evidence  whatevei'.  One  argument  for  the  Egyp- 
 tian origin  of  Jehovah  may  be  noticed.  It  is  foun.l 
 in  the  circumstance  that  Pharaoh  changed  the  name 
 of  Eliakim  to  Jeho\ak\m  (2  K.  xxiii.  34),  which  it 
 is  asserted  is  not  in  accordance  with  the  practice  of 
 conquerors  towards  the  conquered,  unless  the  Egyp- 
 tian king  imposed  upon  the  king  of  Judah  the  name 
 of  one  of  his  own  gods.  But  the  same  reasoning 
 would  prove  that  the  origin  of  the  word  was  Ba- 
 bylonian, for  the  king  of  Babylon  changed  the  name 
 of  Mattaniah  to  ZedekjaA  (2  K.  xxiv.  17).  But 
 many,  abandoning  as  untenable  the  tiieory  of  an 
 Egyptian  origin,  have  sought  to  tiace  the  name 
 among  the  Phoenicians  and  Canaanitish  tribes.  From 
 the  occurrence  of  Jehovah  as  a  compound  in  the 
 proper  names  of  many  who  were  not  Hebrews,  Ha- 
 maker  contends  that  it  must  have  been  known 
 among  heathen  people.  But  such  knowledge,  if  it 
 existed,  was  no  moie  than  might  have  ueen  obtained 
 by  their  necessary  contact  with  the  Hel)i-ews.  The 
 names  of  \]riah  the  Hittite,  of  Araunah  or  A\-<\njali 
 the  Jebusite,  of  Tohiah  the  Ammonite,  and  of  the 
 Canaanitish  town  Bizjoth^aA,  may  be  all  explained 
 without  having  recourse  to  Hamaker's  hypothesis. 
 Most  of  the  authorities  on  the  opposite  side  have 
 taken  for  the  basis  of  their  explanations,  and  the 
 different  methods  of  punctuation  which  they  pro- 
 pose, the  passage  in  f]x.  iii.  14,  to  which  we  must 
 naturally  look  for  a  solution  of  the  question.  When 
 Jloses  received  his  commission  to  be  the  deliverer  of 
 Isi'ael,  the  Almighty,  who  appeared  in  the  burning 
 bush,  communicated  to  him  the  name  which  he 
 should  give  as  the  credentials  of  his  mission  :  "  And 
 God  said  unto  Moses,  I  am  that  I  am  (IK'N  ^^^N 
 '^.''.n^'    <^hy^^  asher  eJiyeh) ;    and  he  said,    Thus 
 
 shalt  thou  say  unto  the  children  of  Israel,  I 
 AM  hath  sent  me  unto  you."  That  this  passage  is 
 intended  to  indicate  the  etymology  of  Jehovah,  as 
 undei-stood  by  the  Hebrews,  no  one  has  ventured  to 
 doubt :  it  is  in  fact  the  key  to  the  whole  mystery. 
 But,  though  it  certainly  supplies  the  etymolog-y, 
 the  interpretafjon  must  be  determined  from  other 
 considerations.  According  to  this  view  then,  mM' 
 must  be  the  3rd  sing.  masc.  fut.  of  the  substantive 
 verb  T\''t\,  the  older  form  of  which  was  rilil.  Of 
 the  many  punctuations  which  have  been  proposed, 
 the  most  correct  appear  to  be  T\W  or  niiT,  and 
 
 we  accept  the  former,  i.  e.  Tahaveh,  as  the  more 
 probable,  continuing  at  the  same  time  for  the  sake 
 of  convenience  to  adopt  the  form  "  Jehovah  "  in 
 what  follows,  on  account  of  its  familiarity  to  Eng- 
 lish readers.  The  next  point  for  consideration  is 
 of  vastly  more  importance :  what  is  the  meaning  of 
 
 2  B 
 
■370 
 
 JEHOVAH 
 
 JEHOVAH 
 
 Jelioviil),  anii  what  d(x>s  it  express  of  the  Ix'iiig  and  |  is  to  tlie  New  Testaraoiit.     Jehovah  \?as  no  absti-act 
 nature  of  Cod,  more  than  or  in  distinction  from  the  '  '-'  *'-  "-'"         '■-' 
 
 other  names  applied  to  the  deity  in  the  0.  T.  ? 
 tlohim  is  used  in  many  cases  of  tlie  gods  of  the 
 heathen,  wlio  inchided  in  the  same  title  the  C,o<\  of 
 tlie  Hebrews,  and  denotetl  geneially  the  Deity  when 
 s])okeu  of  a  supernatural  Ix-iiiEC,  and  when  no  na- 
 tional feelincr  inHuenci-il  the  speaker.     But,  althou<;h 
 
 name,  but  thorouirhly  piwtical,  and  stood  in  inti- 
 mate connexion  with  the  religious  lite  of  the  people. 
 While  Elohim  represents  God  only  in  his  most  out- 
 waixl  relation  to  man,  and  distinguishes  him  as 
 recognised  in  his  omnipotence,  Jehovah  de.-cribes 
 him  acroniini:  to  his  innermost  being.  In  Jehovah 
 the  moral  attributes  are  presented  as  constituting 
 
 the  distinction  hetwe-n  Elohim.  as  the  genei-al  ap-    the  essence  of  his  nature;   whereas  in  Elohim  there 
 
 pollation  of  Heity,  and  Jehovah,  the  national  God 
 of  the   Israelites,'  contains  some  superficial    truth, 
 the  red  nature  of  their  difterence  must  be  sought 
 for  for  deejier,  an<l  as  a  foundation  for  the  argu- 
 ments which  will  be  adduced  recourse  must  again 
 be  had  to  etymology.     With  regard  to  the  deriva- 
 tion of  Elohim,  etymologists  are  divided  in   their 
 opinions;   some  connecting  it  with  el,  and  the  un- 
 used root,  6!,   "to  be  strong."     From   whatever 
 root,  however,  the  word  may  be  derived,  most  arc 
 of  opinion  that  the  jirim.iry  idea  contained  in  it  is 
 that  of  strength,    [.ower;    so  that   Elohim  is   the 
 proper  appellation  of  the  Deity,  as  manifested  in 
 His  creative  and  univei-sally  sustaining  agency,  and 
 in  the  general  divine  guidance  and  government  of 
 the  world.     The  question  now  arises,  What  is  the 
 meaning  to  be  attached  to  the  plural  form  of  the 
 word  ?     Some  have  discovered  therein  the  mysti-iy 
 of  the  Trinity,  while  others  maiiitjiin  that  it  points 
 to  polytheism.     It  is  probable  that  the  plural  tbrm 
 Elohim,  instead  of  pointing  to  polytheism,  is  applied 
 to  (jod  as  comprehending  in  Himself  the  fulness  of 
 all   power,  and  uniting  in  a  perfect  degree  all  that 
 which   tho  name  signifies,   and   all   the  attributes 
 which  the  heathen  ascribe  to  the  several  divinities 
 of  their  pantheon.     The  singular  eloah,  with   few 
 exceptions  (Neh.  ix.  17  ;  2  Chr.  xxxii.  15),  occurs 
 onlv  in  poetry.     It  will   be  tbund,  upon  examina- 
 tion of  the  passages  in  which  Elohim  occurs,  that  it 
 is  chielly  in  jilaces  where  God  is  exhibited  only  in 
 bhe  plenitude  of  his  power,  and  where  no  especial 
 reference  is  made  to  his  unity,  pei-sonality,  or  ho- 
 liness, or  to  his  relation  to  Israel  and  the  theocracy. 
 But  while   Elohim   exhibits  God  displayed  in   his 
 power  iis  the  creator  and  governor  of  the  |)hysical 
 universe,   the  name  Jehovah  designates  his  nature 
 as    He    stands    in   relation    to   man,   as    the   only 
 almighty,  true,  personal,  holy  Being,  a  spirit,  ;lnd 
 "the  father  of  spirits"  (Num.  xvi.  '2'2  ;  comp.  John 
 iv.  24),  who  reveale<l  himself  to  his  jwople,  made  a 
 covenant  with  them,  and  l^came  tlieir   lawgiver, 
 anil  to  whom  all  honour  and   worship  are  due.     If 
 the  etymology  above  given    be  accepted,  and    the 
 name  be  derived  from  tiie  future  tense  of  the  sub- 
 stuitivc  verb,  it  would  denote,  in  accordance  with 
 the  general  analogy  of  proper  names  of  a  similar 
 form,    '*  He  that    is,"  "  the   Being,"    whose  chief 
 attribute   is   eternal    existence.     As   the   Israelites 
 were  in  a  remarkable  niMuner  distinguished  ius  the 
 people  of  J('liovah,  who  became  tiieir  lawgiver  and 
 nupreme  ruler,  it  is  not  strange  that  He  should  be 
 put  in  strong  contrast  with  Chemo.sh  (Judg.   xi. 
 24),  Ashtnroth  (Judg.  x.  6)  and  the  Baalim  (Judg. 
 iii.  7  I,  the  national  deities  of  the  sunounding  na- 
 tions, and  thus  be  pie-cminently  distinguished  in 
 one  asjx'ct  of  his  character  as  the  tutelary  deity  of 
 the  Hebrews.     Such  and  no  more  w.ns  Ho  to  the 
 heathen  ( 1  K.  xx.  23) ;  but  all  this  and  much  more 
 to  the  liinelites,  to  whom  Jehovah  was  a  distinct 
 ncr&oiial  subsistence, — the  living  (mmI,  who  reveals 
 himself  to  ninn  by  word   and  elect,  helps,  guides, 
 Mvoi,  luid  delivers,  and  is  to  the  Old  what  Christ 
 
 is  no  reference  to  person.ility  or  moral  chanicter. 
 That  Jehovah  is  identical  with  Elohim.  and  not  a 
 sepai-ate  being,  is  indii'ated  by  tho  joint  use  ot 
 the  names  Jeliovah-Elohim.  'I'he  antiquity  of  the 
 name  Jehovah  among  the  Hebrews  has  fonned  the 
 subject  of  mu(;h  discussion.  That  it  was  not 
 known  before  the  age  of  Moses  has  been  inferred 
 from  Ex.  vi.  3;  while  Von  Bohlen  .assigns  to  it  a 
 much  moie  recent  date.  But,  on  the  other  hand, 
 it  would  seem  from  the  etymology  of  the  word  that 
 it  originated  in  an  age  long  prior  to  that  of  Moses, 
 in  whose  time  the  root  nin  =  iTn  was  already  an- 
 
 tiquated.    At  the  s-ime  time  it  is  distinctly  stated 
 in  Ex.  vi.  3,  that  to  the  patriarchs  God   w.ns  not 
 known  by  the  name  Jehovah.     If,  therefore,  this 
 passiig?  has  reference  to  the  fii'st  revelation  of  Je- 
 hovah simply  as  a  name  and  title  of  God,  there  is 
 clearly  a  discrepancy  which  requires  to  be  explained. 
 In  renewing  his  piomise  of  deliverance  from  Egypt, 
 "  God  spake  unto  Moses  and  said  unto  him,  I  am 
 Jehovah ;    and    I   a]ij>eaied    unto    Abraham,    unto 
 Isaar,  and  unto  .lacob,  (by  the  name  of)  God  Al- 
 mighty (El  Sfniddai),  but  by  my  n.ame  Jehovah 
 was  I  not  known  to  them."     It  follows  then  that, 
 if  the  reference  were  merely  to  the  name  as  a  name, 
 the  passage  in  question  would  prove  equally  that 
 before  this  time  Elohim  was  unknown  as  an  appel- 
 lation of  the    Deity,  and  God  would  appear  uni- 
 formly as   El  Shaddai  in  the   ])atriarchal  history. 
 Calvin  saw  at  once  that  the  knowledge  there  spoken 
 of  could  not  refer  to  the  syllables  and  lettei-s,  but 
 to  the  ivcognition  of  God's  glory  and  majesty.     It 
 was  not  the  name,  but  the  true  <le]ith  of  its  signi- 
 ficance which  was  unknown  to  and  uncomprehended 
 bv   the  jiatriarchs.     They  had   known   (jod  as  the 
 omnipotent,  El  ShoilcUii  ((ien.  xvii.  1,  xxviii.  3), 
 the  ruler  of  the  physical  universe,  and  of  m.an  as 
 one  of  his  cre.atuifs ;   as  a  God  eternal,   immutable, 
 and  true  to  his  promises  he  w.as  yet  to  he  revealed. 
 In  the  character  expiesse<l  by  the  name  Jehovah  he 
 had  not  hitherto  been  fully  known  ;   his  true  attri- 
 butes had    not  been   recoLinised  in  his  working  and 
 acts    for    Israel.      Keferring    to    other    passages    in 
 which  the  phrase  "  the  name  of  God"  occurs,  it  is 
 clear  that  .something  more  is  intended  by  it  than  a 
 mere  appellation,  and  that  the  proclamation  of  the 
 name  of  God  is  a  revelation  of  his  moral  attributes, 
 and  of  his  true  character  as  Jehovah  (Ex.  xxxiii. 
 19,  xxxiv.  (>,  7)  the  God  of  the  covenant.     Great 
 stress   hivs   been   laid,  by  those  who  deny  the  an- 
 tiquity of  the  name  Jehovah,  upon  the  fact  that 
 proper  names  compounded  with  it  occur  but  seldom 
 before   the  ago   of  Samuel   and   David.      It    is   un- 
 doubtedly true  that,  after  the  revival  of  the  true 
 faith  among  tho  Israelites,  proper  names  .so  com- 
 pounded did  bet-ome  more  fVoiticnt,  but  if  it  can  be 
 shown  that  prior  to  the   time  of  Mo.ses  any  such 
 names  existed,  it  will  besufhcient  to  prove  that  the 
 name  .lehovah  was  not  entirely  unknown.     Among 
 those  which  have  been  quote<l  for  this  jun-pose  are 
 Jochebed  the  mother  of  Moses,    and  (laughter  of 
 
JEHOVAH-JIREH 
 
 Levi,  and  Rioriah,  the  mountnin  on  which  Abraham 
 was  commanded  to  otVcr  up  Isaac.  Against  the 
 former  it  is  urged  that  Moses  miglit  have  clianged 
 her  name  to  .lochebed  after  tlie  name  Jehovah  had 
 been  coramniiicated  by  God  ;  but  this  is  very  im- 
 probable, as  he  was  at  this  time  eighty  years  old, 
 and  his  mother  in  all  probability  dead.  If  this  only 
 be  admitted  as  a  genuine  instance  of  a  name  com- 
 pounded with  Jehovah,  it  takes  us  at  once  back 
 into  tlie  ]iatriarchal  age,  and  pi'oves  that  a  word 
 which  was  employed  in  forming  tlie  proper  name 
 of  .Jacob's  granddaughter  could  not  have  been  un- 
 known to  that  patiiaich  himself.  The  name  Mo- 
 riah  is  of  more  importance,  for  ia  one  passage  in 
 which  it  occurs  it  is  accompanied  by  an  etymology 
 intended  to  indicate  what  was  then  understood  by 
 it  (2  Chr.  iii.  1). 
 
 Jeho'vah-Ji'reh,  i.e.  "Jehovah  will  see,"  or 
 "  provide,"  the  name  given  by  Abraham  to  the  place 
 on  which  he  had  been  commanded  to  ofl'er  Isaac,  to 
 commemorate  the  interposition  of  the  angel  of  Je- 
 hovah, who  appeared  to  prevent  the  sacrifice  (Gen. 
 xxii.  14)  and  provided  another  victim. 
 
 Jeho'vah-nis'si,  i.  e.  "  Jehovah  my  banner," 
 the  name  given  by  Moses  to  the  altar  which  he 
 built  in  commemoration  of  the  discomfiture  of  the 
 Amalekites  by  Joshua  and  his  chosen  warriors  at 
 Rephidim  (Ex.  xvii.  15).  The  significance  of  the 
 name  is  probably  contained  in  the  allusion  to  the 
 stafT  which  Moses  held  in  his  hand  as  a  banner 
 during  the  engagement. 
 
 Jeho'vah-shalom,  i.  e.  "  Jehovah  (is)  peace," 
 or,  with  an  ellipsis,  "  Jehovah,  the  God  of 
 peace,"  the  altar  erected  by  Gideon  in  Ophrah  was 
 so  called  in  memory  of  the  salutation  addressed  to 
 him  by  the  angel  of  Jehovah,  "  Peace  be  unto 
 thee"  (Judg.  vi.  24). 
 
 Jeho'zabad.  1.  A  Korahite  Levite,  second  son 
 of  Obed-edom,  and  one  of  the  porters  of  the  south 
 gate  of  the  Temple,  and  of  the  stoiehouse  there  in 
 the  time  of  David  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  4,  15,  compared 
 with  Neh.  xii.  25).— 2.  A  Benjamite,  captain  of 
 180,000  armed  men,  in  the  days  of  king  Jeho- 
 shaphat  (2  Chr.  xvii.  18). — 3.  ^-on  of  Shomer  or 
 Shimrith,  a  Bloabitish  woman,  who  with  another 
 conspired  against  king  Joash  and  slew  him  in  his 
 bed  (2  K.  xii.  21 ;  2  Chr.  xxiv.  26). 
 
 Jeho'zadak,  son  of  the  high-priest  Seraiah 
 (1  Chr.  vi.  14,  15)  in  the  reign  of  ZedekiaJi.  When 
 his  father  was  slain  at  lliblah  by  order  of  Nebu- 
 chadnezzar, in  the  11th  of  Zedekiah  (2  K.  xxv.  18, 
 21),  Jehozadak  was  led  away  captive  to  Babylon 
 (1  Chr.  vi.  15),  whore  he  doubtless  spent  the  re- 
 mainder of  his  days.  He  himself  never  attained 
 the  high-priesthood,  but  he  was  the  father  of  Je- 
 SHUA  the  high-priest— who  with  Zerubbabel  headed 
 the  Iieturn  from  Captivity — and  of  all  his  suc- 
 cessors till  the  pontificate  of  Alcimus  (Ezr.  iii.  2  ; 
 Neh.  xii.  26,  &c.).  Nothing  more  is  known  about 
 him. 
 
 Je'htl.  1.  The  founder  of  the  fifth  dynasty  of 
 uhe  kingdom  of  Israel.  His  history  was  told  in  the 
 lost  "Chronicles  of  the  Kings  of  Israel"  (2  K.  x. 
 34).  His  father's  name  was  Jehoshaphat  (2  K. 
 ix.  2)  ;  his  grandfather's  was  Nimshi.  In  his  youth 
 he  had  been  one  of  the  guards  of  Ahab.  His  first 
 appearance  in  history  is  when,  with  a  comrade  iu 
 arms,  Bidkar,  he  rode  behind  Ahab  on  the  fabil 
 journey  from  Samaria  to  Jezreel,  and  heard,  and 
 laid  up  in  his  heart,  the  warning  of  Elijah  against 
 the  murderer  of  Naboth  (2  K.  ix.  25).    But  he  had 
 
 JEHU 
 
 371 
 
 already,  as  it  would  seem,  been  known  to  Elijah  as 
 a  youth  of  promise,  and,  accordingly,  in  the  vision 
 at  Horeb  he  is  mentioned  as  the  future  king  of 
 Israel,  whom  Elijah  is  to  anoint  as  the  minister  of 
 vengeance  on  Israel  (1  K.  xix.  16,  17).  This  in- 
 junction, for  reasons  unknown  to  us,  Elijah  never 
 fulfilled.  It  was  resei'ved  long  afterwanls  for  his 
 successor  Elisha.  Jehu  meantime,  in  the  reigns  of 
 Ahaziah  and  Jehoram,  had  risen  to  importance. 
 He  was,  under  the  last-named  king,  captain  of  the 
 host  in  the  siege  of  Riimoth-Gilead.  Whilst  in 
 the  midst  of  the  officers  of  the  besieging  army  a 
 youth  suddenly  entered,  of  wild  appearance  (2  K. 
 ix.  11),  and  insisted  on  a  private  interview  with 
 Jehu.  They  retired  into  a  secret  chamber.  The 
 3'outh  uncoveied  a  vial  of  the  sacred  oil  which  he 
 had  brought  with  him,  poured  it  over  Jehu's  head, 
 and  after  announcing  to  him  the  message  from 
 Elisha,  that  he  was  appointed  to  be  king  of  Israel 
 and  destroyer  of  the  house  of  Ahab,  rushed  out  of 
 the  house  and  disappeared.  Jehu's  countenance,  as 
 he  re-entered  the  assembly  of  officers,  showed  that 
 some  strange  tidings  had  reached  him.  He  tried  at 
 first  to  evade  their  questions,  but  then  revealed  the 
 situation  in  which  he  found  himself  placed  by  the 
 jirophetic  call.  In  a  moment  the  enthusiasm  of 
 the  aimy  took  fire.  They  threw  their  garments 
 under  his  feet,  so  as  to  form  a  rough  cai-pet  of  state, 
 placed  him  on  the  top  of  the  staiis,  as  on  an  ex- 
 tempore throne,  blew  the  royal  salute  on  their 
 trumpets,  and  thus  ordained  him  king.  He  then 
 cut  off  all  communication  between  Ramoth-Gilead 
 and  Jezreel,  and  set  off,  full  speed,  with  his  ancient 
 comrade,  Biiikar,  whom  he  had  made  captain  of  the 
 host  i-n  his  place,  and  a  band  of  horsemen.  From 
 the  tower  of  Jezreel  a  watchman  saw  the  cloud  of 
 dust  (A.  V.  "  company  ")  and  announced  his  coming 
 (2  K.  ix.  17).  The  messengers  that  were  sent  out 
 to  him  he  detained,  on  the  same  principle  of  secrecy 
 which  had  guided  all  his  movements.  It  was  not 
 till  he  had  almost  reached  the  city,  and  was  iden- 
 tified by  the  watchman,  that  alarm  was  taken.  But 
 it  was  not  till,  iu  answer  to  Jehoram's  question, 
 "  Is  it  peace,  Jehu  ?"  that  Jehu's  fierce  denuncia- 
 tion of  Jezebel  at  once  revealed  the  danger.  Jehu 
 seized  his  opportunity,  and  shot  Iiim  through  the 
 heart  (ix.  24).  The  body  was  thrown  out  on  the 
 fatal  field,  and  whilst  his  soldiers  pursued  and  killed 
 the  kingof  Judah  at  Beth-gan  (A.  V.  "the  garden- 
 house"),  probably  Engannim,  Jehu  himself  ad- 
 vanced to  the  gates  of  Jezreel  and  fulfilled  the 
 divine  warning  on  Jezebel  as  already  on  Jehoram. 
 He  then  enteied  on  a  work  of  extermination  hitherto 
 unparalleled  in  the  liistory  of  the  Jewish  monaichy. 
 All  the  descendants  of  Ahab  that  remained  in  Jezreel, 
 together  with  the  officers  of  the  court,  and  hierarchy 
 of  Astarte,  were  swept  away.  His  next  step  was 
 to  secure  Samaria.  I'^very  stage  of  his  progress 
 was  marked  with  blood.  At  the  gates  of  Jezreel 
 he  found  the  heads  of  seventy  princes  of  the  house 
 of  Ahnb,  ranged  in  two  heaps.  Next,  at  "the 
 shearing-house  "  (or  Beth-eked)  between  Jezreel  and 
 Samaria  he  encountered  forty-two  sons  or  nephews 
 (2  Chr.  XX.  8)  of  the  late  king  of  Judah.  These 
 also  were  put  to  the  sword  at  the  fatal  well.  As 
 he  drove  on  he  encountered  a  strange  figure,  such  as 
 miglit  have  reminded  him  of  tlie  great  Elijah.  It 
 was  .lehonadab,  the  austere  Arabian  secretary,  the 
 son  of  Rechalj.  In  him  his  keen  eye  discovered  a 
 ready  ally.  He  took  him  into  his  chariot,  and  they 
 concocted   their  schemes  as  they  entered  Samaria 
 
 2  B  2 
 
372 
 
 JEHUBBAH 
 
 (x.  I'),  10).  Up  to  tliis  ninmeht  there  was  notliincr 
 which  showed  anythiiis;  beyon<i  a  iletpiiniiiation  to 
 exterminate  in  nil  its  blanches  the  personal  ad- 
 herents of  Aliab.  Theie  was  to  be  a  new  inaugura- 
 tion of  tlie  worship  of  H;uil.  A  solemn  assembly, 
 sacred  vestments,  innumeinble  victims,  weie  leady. 
 The  vast  temple  at  Samaria  rais<>d  by  Ahab  (1  K. 
 xvi.  32)  was  crowded  from  end  to  end.  The  thief 
 sacriHce  was  oH'ered,  as  if  in  the  excess  of  his  ze;»l, 
 by  Jehu  himself,  .lehonadab  joined  in  the  decep- 
 tion. Theie  wiis  some  appiehension  lest  woi-ship- 
 pers  of  Jehovah  mi>;lit  be  found  in  the  temple; 
 sucn,  It  «e^?,  had  bieii  the  infemiixture  of  the 
 two  religions.  As  soon,  however,  as  it  was  ascer- 
 tained that  all,  and  none  but,  the  idolaters  were 
 there,  the  signal  was  given  to  eighty  trusted  guards, 
 and  a  sweejiing  massacie  removed  at  one  blow  the 
 whole  heathen  population  of  the  kiiigdtim  of  Israel. 
 This  is  the  last  public  act  recorded  of  Jehu.  The 
 remaining  twenty-seven  years  of  his  long  reign  are 
 piissed  over  in  a  few  woids,  in  which  two  points 
 only  are  material : — He  diil  not  destroy  the  calf- 
 worship  of  Jeroboam: — The  Trans-Jonlanic  tiibes 
 sufleied  much  -fiom  the  ravages  of  llazael  (2  K.  x. 
 29-3;:!).  lie  was  buried  in  state  in  Samaria,  and 
 was  succeeded  by  his  son  Jkhoahaz  (2  K.  x.  35). 
 His  name  is  the  first  of  the  Israelite  kings  which 
 appears  in  the  .Assyrian  monuments.— 2.  .lehu,  son 
 of  Hanaiii ;  a  pi  opliet  of  Jiidah,  but  whose  minis- 
 trations were  cliieliy  directed  to  Israel.  His  father 
 w;is  probably  the  seer  who  attacked  Asa  (2  Chr. 
 xvi.  7).  He  must  have  begun  his  career  as  a  pro- 
 phet when  very  young.  He  first  denounced  Ba-isha 
 (1  K.  xvi.  1,  7),  and  then,  after  an  interval  of 
 thirty  years,  reappears  to  denounce  Jehoshaphat  for 
 his  alliance  with  Ahab  (2  Chr.  xix.  2,  :>).  He  sur- 
 vived Jehoshaphat  and  wrote  his  life  (xx.  3-t).— 
 3.  -A  man  of  Jiulah  of  the  house  of  Hezron  (1  Chr. 
 ii.  38).— 4.  A  Simeonite,  son  of  Josibiah  (1  Chr.  iv. 
 .1.5). —6,  Jehu  the  .Antothite  was  one  of  the  chief 
 of  the  heroes  of  Benjamin,  who  joined  David  at 
 Zik'ag  ( 1  Chr.  xii.  3}. 
 
 Jehub  bah,  a  man  of  Asher ;  son  of  Shamer  or 
 Shoiicr,  i.f'  the  house  of  Beriah  (1  Chr.  vii.  34). 
 
 Je'hucal,  son  of  Shelemiah  ;  one  of  two  persons 
 sent  by  king  Zedekiah  to  Jeremiah,  to  entreat  his 
 prayis  and  ailvice  I'Jer.  xxxvii.  3). 
 
 Je'hud,  one  of  the  towns  of  the  tribe  of  Dan 
 {■Josh.  xix.  45),  named  between  Baalath  and  Bene- 
 berak.  .\  ])lace  calle<l  el-Ychndiijch,  inseited  on 
 Van  de  Velile's  map  at  7  miles  east  oi  Jaffa  and  5 
 noith  of  Fji,dd. 
 
 Je'hudi,  son  of  Xethaniah,  a  man  employed  by 
 the  piinces  of  Jehoiakim's  court  to  fetch  Baiuch  to 
 read  Jeremiah's  ilenun(;iation  (Jer.  xxxvi.  14),  and 
 then  bv  the  king  to  fetch  the  volume  itself  and  read 
 
 it  to  ii'iii  (-n,  23). 
 
 Jehudijah.  There  is  really  no  such  name  in  the 
 Heh.  Bible  as  that  which  our  A.  V.  exhibits  at 
 I  Chr.  iv.  18.  If  it  is  a  proper  name  at  all  it  is 
 Ha-jehudij.ih,  like  Ham-melech,  Hak-knz,  &c. ;  and 
 it  seems  to  be  rather  an  appellative,  "  the  Jewess." 
 As  far  as  an  ojiinion  can  be  foimed  of  so  obscure 
 and  a[)parent!y  corrupt  a  pissage,  Merc<l  married 
 two  wives — one  a  Jewess,  the  other  an  I'.gyiitlan,  a 
 daughter. of  I'haraoh.  The  Jewe.ss  w;»s  sister  of 
 Naham,  the  father  of  the  cities  of  Keilah  and  lish- 
 teiniKi. 
 
 Jeha'sh,  .son  of  Kshek,  a  remote  ilescendant  of 
 '^ard  f  I  Chr.  viii.  39). 
 
 Jeiel.      1.    .\    l:eubrnite   of  the    ho.ise   of   Joel 
 
 JEPHTHAH 
 
 (1  Chr.  v.  7). — 2.  A  Meiarite  l.eviie,  one  of  the 
 gate-keepers  to  the  sacied  tent  (1  Chr.  xv.  18). 
 His  duty  was  also  to  play  the  harp  Tver.  2l>,  or 
 the  psaltery  and  liaip  '^xvi.  5),  in  the  sen'ice  before 
 the  Ark.— 3.  .\  (iershonite  l.evite,  one  of  the  Bene- 
 Asaph,  forefather  Oi  Jaii.-vzikl  in  the  time  of  king 
 Jehoshaphat  (2  Chr.  xx.  14).— 4.  The  Scribe  who 
 kept  the  account  of  the  numbers  of  king  Uzziah's 
 irregular  predatory  warriors  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  11).— 
 5.  \  Oershonite  l-evite,  one  of  the  Bene-Klizaphan 
 (2  Chr.  xxi.x.  13).— 6.  One  of  the  chiefs  of  the  I.e 
 vites  ill  the  time  of  Josiah  (2  Chr.  xxxv.  9).— 
 7.  One  of  the  IVne-Adonikam  who  foimed  part  of 
 the  caravan  of  Kzra  from  Babylon  to  Jerusalem 
 (Kzr,  viii.  13).— 8.  A  layman,  of  the  Bene-Nelo, 
 who  had  taken  a  (bieigu  wife  and  had  to  relinquish 
 her  (Kzr.  X.  4.3,. 
 
 Jekab'zeel,  a  fuller  foim  of  the  name  of  Kad- 
 ZKKI.,  the  most  remote  city  of  Judah  on  the  southern 
 frontier  (Neh.  xi.  25). 
 
 Jekame'am,  a  I.evite  in  the  time  of  King  David  : 
 tbiiifli  nf  the  sons  of  Hebron,  the  son  of  Kohath 
 (1  Chr.  xxiii.  19,  xxiv.  23). 
 
 Jekami'ah,  sou  of  Shallum,  in  the  line  of  Ahlai 
 (1  Clir.  ii.  41). 
 
 Jeku'thiel,  a  man  recorded  in  the  genealogies  of 
 Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  18)  as  the  son  of  a  certain  Kzra 
 or  Mered,  by  his  Jewish  wife  (A.  V.  .lehudijah), 
 and  in  his  turn  the  father,  or  founder,  of  the  town 
 of  Zaiioah. 
 
 Jemi'ma,  the  eldest  of  the  thiee  daughtei's  born 
 to  Job  alter  the  restoration  of  his  prosperity  (Job 
 xlii.  14). 
 
 Jemnaan  rjud.  ii.  28).  No  doubt  Jabneel — 
 generally  called  Jamnia  by  the  Greek  wiitei« — is 
 iiiteii'led. 
 
 Jemu'el,  the  eldest  son  of  Simeon  (Gen.  xlvi, 
 lU  ;   Kx.  vi.  1.')). 
 
 Jeph'thae  (Heb.  xi.  32).  The  Greek  fomi  of 
 the  ii.ime  .1  KI'irrilAH. 
 
 Jeph  thah,  a  judge,  about  B.C.  1 143-1137.  His 
 history  is  contiined  in  ,Iudg.  xi.  1-xii.  7.  He 
 was  a  Gileailite,  the  son  of  Gilead  and  a  concubine. 
 Driven  by  the  legitimate  sons  from  his  lather's  in- 
 heritance, he  went  to  Tob,  and  became  the  head  of 
 a  company  of  freebootei's  in  a  dcbate.ible  land  pro- 
 bably lielonging  to  Amnion  (2  Sam.  x.  G).  His 
 fame  as  a  bold  anil  successful  captain  was  uirried 
 back  to  his  native  (Jilead  ;  and  when  the  time  was 
 ripe  i'oy  throwing  od"  the  yoke  of  .\mmon,  Jephthah 
 consented  to  become  their  cjiptain,  on  the  condition 
 (solemnly  ratified  before  the  l.oid  in  .Miz|ieh)  that 
 in  the  event  of  his  success  .ngaiiist  Ainmon  he 
 should  still  remain  as  their  acknowledged  he.ad. 
 He  collected  warriors  thioughout  (iilead  and  .Ma- 
 nas.s<h,  the  provinces  which  acknowlcilged  his  autho- 
 rity ;  and  then  he  vowed  his  vow  unto  the  Lord. 
 The  Ammonites  were  routed  with  great  .slaughter. 
 Twenty  cities,  from  Aroer  on  the  Anion  to  Miiuiith 
 and  to  Abel  Keiamim,  were  taken  from  them.  But 
 as  the  coiKjueror  returned  to  Mi/peh  there  came 
 out  to  meet  him  a  procession  of  damsels  with  dances 
 anil  timbrels,  ami  among  iliem — the  lii^it  pei.son 
 from  his  own  house — his  daughter  and  only  child. 
 "Ala.s!  my  daughter,  thou  hast  brought  me  very 
 low,"  was  the  greeting  of  the  heart -stricken  tiither. 
 But  ttie  high-minde.i  maiden  is  ready  (or  any  ihm- 
 souid  sullering  in  the  hour  of  her  father's  triumph. 
 Only  she  asks  for  a  respite  of  two  months  to  wiLli- 
 draw  to  her  native  mountains,  and  in  their  recesses 
 to  weep  with  her  virgin-friends  over  the  e.-wly  dis- 
 
JEPHUNNE 
 
 appointment  of  her  life.  When  that  time  was  ended 
 she  retiirued  to  her  father,  and  "  he  did  unto  her 
 his  vow."  But  Jephthah  had  not  long  leisure,  even 
 if  he  were  disposed,  for  the  indulgence  of  domestic 
 grief.  The  proud  tribe  of  Ephi-aim  challenged  his 
 right  to  go  to  war,  as  he  had  done  without  their 
 concurrence,  against  Ammon.  He  first  defeated 
 them,  then  intercepted  the  fugitives  at  the  fords  of 
 Jordan,  and  there  put  forty-two  thousand  men  to 
 the  sword.  He  judged  Israel  six  years  and  died. 
 It  is  generall}'  conjectured  that  his  jurisdiction  was 
 limited  to  tiie  traus-Jordanic  region.  That  the 
 daughter  of  Jephthah  was  really  oHered  up  to  God 
 in  sacrifice — slain  by  the  hand  of  her  father  and 
 then  bunit  —is  a  horrible  conclusion,  but  one  which 
 it  seems  impossible  to  avoid.  Joseph  Kimchi  sup- 
 posed that,  instead  of  being  sacrificed,  she  was  shut 
 up  in  a  house  which  her  father  built  for  the  pur- 
 ])ose,  and  tliat  she  was  there  visited  by  the  daughters 
 of  Israel  four  days  in  each  year  so  long  as  she  lived. 
 This  inteipretation  has  been  adopted  by  many  emi- 
 nent men. 
 
 Jephtm'ne  (Ecclus.  xlvi.  7).     [Jephunneh.] 
 
 Jephun  neh.  1.  Father  of  Caleb  the  spy.  He 
 appears  to  have  belonged  to  an  Edomitish  tribe  called 
 Kenezites,  from  Kenaz  their  founder.  (See  Num. 
 siii.  6,  &c.,  xxxii.  12,  &c.  ;  Josh.  xiv.  14,  &c. ; 
 1  Chr.  iv.  15.)— 2.  A  descendant  of  A,-;her,  eldest 
 of  the  three  sons  of  Jether  (1  Chr.  vii.  38). 
 
 Je'rah,  the  fourth  in  order  of  the  sons  of  Joktan 
 (Gen.  X.  26 :  1  Chr.  i.  20),  and  the  progenitor  of  a 
 tribe  of  southern  Arabia.  He  has  not  been  satis- 
 factorily identified  with  the  name  of  any  Arabian 
 place  or  tribe,  though  a  foi-tress  named  Yerakh  is 
 mentioned  as  belonging  to  the  district  of  the  Nijjad, 
 which  is  in  Mahreh,  at  the  extremity  of  the  Yemen. 
 A  very  diH'erent  identification  has  been  proposed  by 
 Boehart.  He  translates  Jerah  =  "  the  moon''  into 
 Arabic,  and  finds  the  descendants  of  Jerah  in  the 
 Alilaei,  a  people  dwelling  near  the  Red  Sea,  on  the 
 strength  of  a  passage  in  Herodotus  (iii.  8),  in  which 
 he  says  of  the  Arabs,  "Bacchus  they  call  in  their 
 language  Orotal ;  and  Urania,  Alilat." 
 
 Jerah'meel.  1.  Fiist-born  son  of  Hezron,  the 
 son  of  Pharez,  the  son  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  ii.  9,  25- 
 27,  33,  42;.— 2.  A  ]\Ierarite  Levite,  the  lepre- 
 sentative  of  the  family  of  Kish,  the  son  of  JIahli 
 (1  Chr.  xxiv.  29;  comp.  xxiii.  21).— 3.  Son  of 
 Hammelech,  who  was  employed  by  Jehoiakim  to 
 make  Jeremiah  and  Baruch  prisoners,  after  he  had 
 buiTit  the  roll  of  Jeremiah's  prophecy  (Jer.  xsxvi. 
 26). 
 
 Jerah 'meelites,  the.  The  tribe  descended  from 
 the  first  of  the  foregoing  persons  (1  Sam.  xxvii.  10). 
 They  dwelt  in  the  south  of  Judah. 
 
 Jer'echus  (1  Esd.  v.  22 j.     [Jericho.] 
 
 Je'red.  1.  Sou  of  Mahalaleel  and  father  of 
 Knoch  (1  Chr.  i.  2).— 2.  One  of  the  descendants  of 
 Judah  signalised  as  the  "  father — i.  e.  the  founder — 
 o*"(iedor"  (1  Chr.  iv.  18). 
 
 Jerema'i,  a  lavman  ;  one  of  the  Bene-Hashum, 
 who  was  compelled  by  Ezra  to  put  away  his  foreign 
 wife  (Ezr.  x.  o3). 
 
 Jeremi'ah.  I.  Life. —  It  will  be  convenient  to 
 arrange  what  is  known  as  to  the  life  and  work  of  this 
 Prophet  in  sections  corresponding  to  its  chief  periods. 
 (1.)  Under  Josiah,  B.C.  638-t)08.— In  the  loth 
 vear  of  the  reign  of  Josiah,  the  Prophet  speaks  of 
 himself  as  still  "a  child"  (i.  6).  We  cannot  rely 
 indeed  on  this  word  as  a  chronological  datum.  We 
 ■nav  at  least  infer,  however,  as  we  can  trace  his  life 
 
 JEREMIAH 
 
 373 
 
 in  liill  activity  for  upwards  of  forty  yeai-s  from  this 
 period,  that  at  the  commencement  of  that  reign  he 
 could  not  have  passed  out  of  actual  childhood.  He 
 is  described  as  "  the  son  of  Hilkiah  of  the  priests 
 that  were  in  Anathoth  "  (i.  1).  Some  have  identi- 
 fied this  Hilkiah  with  the  high-priest  who  bore  so 
 large  a  share  in  Josiah's  work  of  reformation,  but 
 of  this  there  is  no  evidence.  The  boy  would  hear 
 among  the  priests  of  his  native  town,  not  three 
 miles  di^tant  from  Jemsalem,  of  the  idolatries  and 
 cruelties  of  iManasseh  and  his  son  Amon.  He  would 
 be  trained  in  the  traditional  piecepts  and  orduianceg 
 of  the  Law.  He  would  become  acquainted  with 
 the  names  and  writings  of  older  pi  ophets.  As  he 
 gi'ew  up  towards  manhood,  he  would  hear  also  of 
 the  work  which  the  king  and  his  counsellors  were 
 carrying  on,  and  of  the  teaching  of  the  woman, 
 who  aldue,  or  nearly  so,  in  the  midst  of  that 
 religious  revival,  was  looked  upon  as  speaking 
 from  direct  prophetic  inspiration.  In  all  likeli- 
 hood he  came  into  actual  contact  with  them.  Pos- 
 sibly, too,  to  this  period  of  his  life  we  may  trace 
 the  commencement  of  tliat  friendship  with  the 
 family  of  Neiiah  which  was  afterwards  so  fruitful 
 in  results.  As  the  issue  of  all  these  influences  we 
 find  in  him  all  the  conspicuous  features  of  the  dt- 
 vout  ascetic  character :  intense  consciousness  of  his 
 own  weakness,  gieat  susceptibility  to  varying  emo- 
 tions, a  spirit  easily  bowed  down.  Left  to  himself, 
 he  might  have  borne  his  part  among  the  reforming 
 priests  of  Josiah's  reign,  tree  from  their  foniialism 
 and  hyjx)crisy.  But  "  the  word  of  Jehovah  came 
 to  him  "  (i.  2)  ;  and  by  that  divine  voice  the  secret 
 of  his  luture  life  was  revealed  to  him,  at  the  very 
 time  when  the  work  of  lefoimatiou  was  going  on 
 with  fresh  vigour  (2  Chr.  xxxiv.  3),  when  he  him- 
 self was  beginning  to  have  the  thoughts  and  feelings 
 of  a  man.  A  life-long  martyrdom  was  set  before 
 him,  a  struggle  against  kings  and  priests  and  people 
 (i.  18).  For  a  time,  it  would  seem  he  held  aloof 
 from  the  work  which  was  going  on  throughout  the 
 nation.  His  name  is  nowhere  mentioned  in  the 
 history  of  the  memorable  eighteenth  year  of  Josiah. 
 Though  five  years  had  passed  since  he  had  entered 
 on  the  work  of  a  prophet,  it  is  from  HulJah,  not 
 from  him,  that  the  king  and  his  princes  seek  ibr 
 counsel.  The  discovery  of  the  Book  of  the  Law, 
 however,  could  not  firil  to  exercise  an  influence  on  a 
 mind  like  Jt'i  emiah's:  his  later  wiitings  show  abund- 
 ant traces  of  it ;  and  the  result  apparently  was, 
 that  he  could  not  share  the  hopes  which  others 
 cherished.  He  saw  that  the  refojiiiation  was  but  a 
 surface  one.  Israel  had  gone  into  captivity,  and 
 Judah  was  worse  than  Israel  (iii.  11;.  It  was  as 
 hard  for  him,  as  it  had  been  for  Isaiah,  to  find 
 among  the  princes  and  people  who  worshipped  in 
 the  Temple,  one  just,  truth-seeking  man  {v.  1,  28j. 
 His  own  work,  as  a  priest  and  prophet,  led  him 
 to  disceiu  the  falsehood  and  lust  of  rule  which 
 were  at  work  under  the  form  of  zeal  (v.  31).  The 
 strange  visions  which  had  Ibllowed  upon  his  call 
 (i.  11-16)  taught  him  that  Jehovah  would 
 "  hasten  "  the  performance  of  His  word.  Hence, 
 though  we  have  hardly  any  mention  of  special  incid- 
 ents in  the  life  of  Jeremiah  during  the  eighteen 
 yeais  between  his  call  and  Josiah's  death,  the  main 
 features  of  his  life  come  distinctly  enough  before  us. 
 He  had  even  tlien  his  experience  of  the  bitterness  of 
 the  lot  to  which  God  h.ad  called  him.  The  duties 
 of  the  priest,  even  if  he  continued  to  discharge 
 them,  were  merged  in  those  of  the  new  and  special 
 
374 
 
 JEREMIAH 
 
 offiw.  Towai'ds  the  close  of"  the  reign,  however, 
 lie  appears  to  have  taken  some  pait  in  the  great 
 iiatioual  questions  then  at  issue.  Josiah,  piobably 
 following  the  ailvice  of  Jeremiah,  chose  to  atUicli 
 himself  to  the  new  Chaldacau  kiiii;ilom,  and  lost 
 his  life  in  the  vain  attempt  to  stop, the  piogress  of 
 the  Egyptian  kins;.  We  may  think  of  this  as  one 
 of  the  first  great  sorrows  of  Jeremiah's  life.— 
 '2.)  Under  Jehoahaz  (  =  Shallum).  B.C.  608. — The 
 >hort  reign  of  this. prince  (chosen  by  the  people  on 
 hearing  of  Josiah's  death,  and  alter  three  months 
 dejwsed  by  I'liaraoh-Necho)  gave  little  scope  for 
 direct  prophetic  action.  The  fact  of  his  deposition, 
 howevei',  shows  that  he  had  been  set  up  against 
 Egypt,  and  tlierefore  as  representing  the  policy  of 
 which  Jeremiah  had  been  the  advocate ;  and  this 
 may  account  for  the  tenderness  and  pity  with  which 
 he  speaks  ot  him  in  his  Egyptian  exile  (xxii.  11, 
 12).^(3.)  Under  Jehoiakim,  B.C.  007-597. — In 
 the  Weakness  and  disorder  which  characterised  this 
 leign,  the  work  of  Jeremiah  became  daily  more  pro- 
 minent. The  king  had  (!ome  to  the  throne  as  the 
 viussal  of  Egypt,  and  for  a  time  the  Egyptian  party 
 was  dominant  in  Jerusalem.  Otheis,  however,  held 
 that  the  only  way  of  safety  lay  in  accejrting  the 
 ■iupiemacy  of  the  Chaldaeans.  Jeremiah  appeared 
 as  the  chief  representiitive  of  this  party.  He  had 
 learnt  to  discern  the  signs  of  the  times ;  the  evils 
 of  the  nation  were  not  to  be  cured  by  any  half- 
 measures  of  leform,  or  by  i'oreign  alliances.  The 
 king  of  Babylon  was  God's  servant  (xxv.  9,  xxvii. 
 6)  doing  His  woik,  and  was  for  a  time  to  prevail 
 over  all  resistance.  Hard  as  it  was  for  one  who 
 sympathised  so  deeply  with  all  the  suflerings  of  his 
 country,  this  was  the  conviction  to  which  he  had 
 to  bring  himself.  He  had  to  expose  himself  to  the 
 suspicion  of  treachery  by  declaring  it.  Jlen  claim- 
 ing to  be  prophets  had  their  "  word  of  JeLovah  " 
 to  set  against  his  (xiv.  13,  xxiii.  7),  and  all  that 
 he  could  do  was  to  commit  hi.s  («use  to  God,  and 
 wait  for  the  result.  Some  of  the  most  striking 
 scenes  in  this  contiict  are  brought  before  us  witii 
 great  vividness  (xxvi.).  If  .(eremiah  was  not  at 
 once  hunted  to  death,  like  Urijah  (xxvi.  23),  it 
 was  only  because  his  friend  Ahikam  was  povveif'ul 
 enough  to  protect  him.  The  fourth  year  of  Je- 
 hoiakim was  yet  more  memorable.  The  battle  of 
 Carchemish  overthrew  the  hopes  of  the  Egj-ptian 
 party  (xlvi.  2;,  and  the  armies  of  Nebuchadnezzar 
 drove  those  who  had  no  defenccd  cities  to  take 
 refuge  in  Jerusalem  (xxxv.  11).  As  one  of  the 
 consequences  of  this,  we  have  the  interesting  epi- 
 sode of  the  Itechabites.  In  this  year  too  came 
 another  solemn  message  to  the  king :  prophecies 
 which  had  been  uttered,  hern  and  there  at  intervals, 
 were  now  to  be  gathered  together,  written  in  a 
 book,  and  road  na  a  whole  in  the  hearing  of  the 
 people.  Harnch,  alreaily  known  as  the  Prophet's 
 disciple,  acted  as  scribe;  and  in  the  following  year, 
 when  a  solemr,  fist-day  calleil  the  whole  people 
 together  in  tin  Temple  (xxxvi.  1-0),  Jeremiah — 
 hindered  himself,  we  know  not  how — sent  him  to 
 proclaim  them.  'I'he  lesult  was  ■  as  it  had  been 
 before:  the  prini-es  of  .ludah  connivi-d  at  the  esra|ie 
 of  the  I'rophet  and  his  scribe  (xxxvi.  19>  Tlie 
 king  vented  his  imjmtent  r.-\ge  upon  the  scroll  which 
 Jereiniali  had  written.  Jeremiah  and  liaruch,  in 
 their  reliiement,  re-wrote  it  with  many  added  pro- 
 phecies; among  them,  piobalily,  the  special  predif- 
 tion  that  the  king  should  die  by  the  swonl,  and  be 
 Cftst  out  unburictl  and  dishouunrcit  (xxii.  3(1).     In 
 
 JEREMIAH 
 
 ch.  xlv.,  which  belongs  to  this  period,  we  have  a 
 glimjKie  into  the  lelations  which  existed  between 
 the  master  and  the  scholar,  and  into  what  at  that 
 time  were  the  thoughts  of  each  of  them.  In  the 
 absence  of  sj^cial  dates  for  other  events  in  the  reign 
 of  Jehoiakim,  we  may  bring  together  into  one  pic- 
 ture some  of  the  most  striking  features  of  this 
 period  of  Jeremiah's  life.  As  the  danger  from  the 
 Chaldaeans  beciune  more  thi-eiitening,  tlie  [jei-secution 
 against  him  grew  hotter,  his  own  thoughts  were 
 more  bitter  and  desponding  (xviii.).  The  people 
 sought  his  life:  his  voice  rose  up  in  the  prayer 
 that  God  would  deliver  and  avenge  him.  That 
 thought  he  soon  reproduced  in  act  as  well  as  word. 
 Standing  in  the  valley  of  Ben-Hinnom,  he  broke 
 the  earthen  vessel  he  carried  in  his  hands,  and  pro- 
 phesied to  the  people  that  the  whole  city  should 
 be  defiled  with  the  dead,  as  that  valley  had  been, 
 within  their  memory,  by  Josiah  (six.  10-13).  The 
 boldness  of  the  speech  and  act  drew  upon  him  im- 
 mediate punishment.  The  years  that  followed 
 brought  no  change  for  the  better.  Famine  and 
 drought  were  added  to  the  miseries  of  the  people 
 (xiv.  1),  but  false  prophets  still  deceived  them  with 
 iissurances  of  plenty ;  and  Jeremiah  was  lookal  on 
 with  dislike,  as  "a  prophet  of  evil,"  and  "every 
 onecui-sed"  him  (xv.  10).  He  was  set,  however, 
 "as  a  fenced  brazen  wall"  (xv.  20),  and  went  on 
 with  his  work,  reproving  king  and  nobles  and 
 people.— i(4.)  Under  Jehoiachin  (  =  Jeconiah),  B.C. 
 597. — The  danger  which  Jeremiah  had  so  long  fore- 
 told at  last  ciime  near.  Kii-st  Jehoiakim,  and  after- 
 wards his  successor,  were  carried  into  exile  (2  K. 
 xxiv.).  Of  the  work  of  the  pro])het  in  this  short 
 reign  we  have  but  the  fiagmentaiy  record  of  xxii. 
 24-30.— (,').)  Under  Zedekiah,  B.C.  507-586.— In 
 this  prince  (probably,  as  having  been  appointed 
 by  Nebuchadnezzar),  we  do  not  find  the  same 
 obstinate  resistance  to  the  propliet's  counsels  as  in 
 Jehoiakim.  He  respects  him,  feai-s  him,  seeks  his 
 counsel ;  but  he  is  a  mere  shadow  of  a  king,  power- 
 less even  against  his  own  counsellors,  and  in  his 
 leign,  accordingly,  the  sulferiags  of  Jeremiah  were 
 sharper  than  they  had  been  before.  His  counsel  to 
 the  exiles  was  that  they  should  submit  to  their  lot, 
 prepare  for  a  long  captivity,  and  wait  quietly  foi 
 the  ultimate  restoration,  'fhe  king  at  first  seemed 
 willing  to  be  guided  by  him,  and  sent  to  ask  for 
 his  intercession  (xxxvii.  3).  He  ajipears  in  the 
 streets  of  the  city  with  bonds  and  yokes  upon  his 
 neck  (xxvii.  2),  announcing  that  they  were  meant 
 for  Judah  and  its  allies.  'I'he  approach  of  an  Kgyp- 
 tian  army,  however,  and  the  consequent  departuie 
 of  the  Chaldaejuis,  m.ade  the  position  of  Jeremiah  full 
 of  danger;  and  he  sought  to  ell'ect  his  e^cape  from 
 a  city  in  which,  it  seemed,  he  could  no  longer  do 
 good,  and  to  tiike  refuge  iu  his  own  town  of  Anathoth 
 or  its  neighbourhooil  (xxxvii.  12).  The  discovery 
 of  this  ]>ian  led,  not  unnaturally  |)erhaps,  to  the 
 charge  of  desertion  :  it  was  thought  that  he  too 
 Wiis  '•  falling  away  to  the  Chaldaeans,"  as  others 
 were  doing  (.xsxviii.  19),  and,  in  .spite  of  his  denial, 
 he  was  thrown  into  a  (lungeon  (xxxvii.  16).  Tiie 
 interposition  of  the  king,  who  still  resjiect^sl  and 
 consulted  him,  led  to  some  mitigation  of  the  rigour 
 of  his  confinement  (xxxvii.  21)  ;  but,  as  this  did  not 
 hinder  him  from  sjieaking  to  the  people,  the  princes 
 of  Judah,  bent  on  an  alliance  wilii  I'^gvpt,  and 
 calculating  on  the  king's  b.'ing  unable  to  resist 
 them  (xxxviii.  5),  threw  him  into  the  prison-pit, 
 to  dio  there.     Krom  this  honible  fate  he  was  agaiu 
 
JEREMIAH 
 
 delivered,  by  the  friendship  of  the  Ethiopian  eu- 
 nuch, Ebed-i\Iclech,  and  the  king's  regard  for  him  ; 
 and  was  restored  to  the  milder  custody  in  which 
 he  had  been  kept  previously,  where  we  find  (xxxii. 
 16)  he  had  the  companionship  of  Baruch.  The 
 return  of  the  Chaldaean  army  tilled  both  king  and 
 people  with  dismay  (xxxii.  1);  and  the  risk  now 
 was  that  they  would  pass  from  their  presumptuous 
 i-onfidenoe  to  the  opposite  extreme  and  sink  down  in 
 despair,  with  no  faith  in  God  and  no  hope  for  the 
 I'uture.  The  piophet  was  taught  how  to  meet  that 
 ''anger  also.  In  his  prison,  while  tiie  Chaldaeaus 
 were  ravaging  the  country,  he  bought,  with  all  le- 
 quisite  formalities,  the  field  at  Anathoth  which  his 
 kinsman  Hanameel  wished  to  get  rid  of  (xxxii.  6-9). 
 His  faith  in  the  promises  of  God  did  not  fail  him. 
 At  last  the  blow  came.  The  city  was  taken,  the 
 Temple  burnt.  The  king  and  his  princes  shared  the 
 fate  of  Jehoiachin.  The  prophet  gave  utterance  to 
 his  sorrow  in  the  Lamentations.— ;  6).  After  the 
 capture  of  Jerusalem,  u.c.  586-(?). — The  Chaldaean 
 jiarty  in  Judah  had  now  the  prospect  of  better 
 things.  We  find  a  special  charge  given  to  Nebu- 
 zaradan  (xxxix.  11)  to  protect  the  person  of  Jere- 
 miah ;  and,  after  being  carried  as  far  as  Uamah  with 
 the  crowd  of  captives  (xl.  1),  he  was  set  free,  and 
 Gedaliah,  the  son  of  his  stedfast  hiend  Ahikam, 
 made  governor  over  the  cities  of  Judah.  The  feel- 
 ing of  the  Chaldaeaus  towards  him  was  shown  yet 
 more  stiongly  in  the  ofier  made  him  by  Kebu- 
 zaradan  (xl.  4,  5).  For  a  short  time  there  was  an 
 uiterval  of  jieace  (xl.  9-12),  soon  broken,  however, 
 by  the  murder  of  Gedaliah  by  'Ishniael  and  his 
 associates.  We  are  left  to  conjecture  in  what  way 
 the  j)iophet  escaped  from  a  massacie  which  was 
 apparently  intended  to  include  all  the  adherents  of 
 Gedaliah.  The  fulness  witli  which  the  history  of 
 the  massacre  is  narrated  in  chap.  xli.  makes  it, 
 however,  probable  that  he  was  among  the  prisoners 
 whom  Ishniael  was  carrying  off  to  the  Ammonites, 
 and  who  were  released  by  the  arrival  of  Johanan. 
 One  of  Jeremiali's  friends  was  thus  cut  off,  but 
 Baruch  still  )-emained  vvitli  him  ;  and  the  people, 
 under  Johanan,  who  had  tiiken  the  command  ou 
 the  death  of  Gedaliah,  turned  to  him  for  counsel. 
 His  warnings  and  assurances  were  in  vain,  and  did 
 but  draw  on  him  and  Baiucli  the  old  charge  of 
 treachery  (xliii.  3).  The  pe(iple  followed  their  own 
 counsel,  and — lest  the  two  whom  they  suspected 
 should  betray  or  counteract  it — took  them  also  by 
 force  to  Egypt.  There,  in  the  city  of  Tahpanhes, 
 we  have  the  last  clear  glimpses  of  the  Prophet's 
 life.  His  woids  are  sharper  and  stixmger  than  evei'. 
 He  does  not  shiink,  even  theie,  from  s])eaking  of 
 the  Chaldaean  king  once  moie  as  the  "servant  of 
 Jehovah"  (xliii.  lOV  He  declares  that  they  should 
 see  the  thione  of  the  conqueior  set  up  in  the  very 
 place  whii;h  they  had  chosen  as  the  secuiest  refuge, 
 lie  utteis  a  final  pi otest  (xliv.)  against  the  idolatiies 
 of  which  they  and  their  fathers  had  been  guilty, 
 and  which  they  were  even  then  lenewing.  After 
 this  all  is  uncertain.  It  we  could  assume  that  lii. 
 31  >Tas  written  by  Jeiemiah  himself,  it  would  show 
 that  ne  reached  an  extreme  old  age,  but  this  is  so 
 doubtful  that  we  are  left  to  other  sources.  On  the 
 one  hand  there  is  the  Christian  tradition,  resting 
 doubtless  on  some  earlier  belief,  that  the  Jews  at 
 Tahpanhes,  irritated  by  his  rebukes,  at  last  stoned 
 him  to  death.  An  AlexandiiiUi  tradition  reported 
 that  his  bones  liad  been  brought  to  that  city  by 
 Alexander  the  Great.     On  the  other  side  tliere  is 
 
 JEREMIAH 
 
 375 
 
 the  Jewish  statement  that  on  the  conquest  of  Egypt 
 by  Nebuchadnezzar,  he,  with  Baruch,  made  his 
 escape  to  Babylon  or  Judaea,  and  died  in  peace. 
 As  it  is,  the  daikness  and  doubt  that  brood  ovet- 
 the  last  days  of  the  prophet's  life  are  more  signific- 
 ant than  either  of  the  issues  which  presented  them- 
 selves to  men's  imaginations  as  the  winding-up  of 
 his  career.  He  did  not  need  a  death  by  violence 
 to  make  him  a  true  martyr.— 11.  Character  and 
 style. — It  will  have  been  sien  from  this  narrative 
 that  there  fell  to  the  lot  o';  Jei-emiah  sharper  suf- 
 fering than  any  previous  prophet  had  experienced. 
 In  every  page  of  his  prophecies  we  recognise  the 
 temperament  which,  while  it  does  not  lead  the  man 
 who  has  it  to  shrink  from  doing  God's  work,  how- 
 ever painful,  makes  the  pain  of  doing  it  infinitely- 
 more  acute,  and  gives  to  the  whole  character  the 
 impress  of  a  deeper  and  more  lasting  melancholy. 
 He  has  to  appear,  Cassandra-like,  as  a  prophet  of 
 evil,  dashing  to  the  ground  the  false  hopes  with 
 which  the  people  are  buoying  themselves  up. 
 Other  prophets — Samuel,  Elisha,  Isaiah — had  been 
 sent  to  rouse  the  people  to  resistance.  He  (like 
 Bhoeion  in  the  parallel  crisis  of  Athenian  historj-) 
 has  been  biought  to  the  conclusion,  bitter  as  it  is, 
 that  the  only  safety  for  his  countrymen  lies  in  their 
 accepting  that  against  whicli  they  are  contending 
 as  the  worst  of  evils ;  ;uid  this  brings  on  him  the 
 chai-ge  of  treachery  and  desertion.  If  it  were  not 
 for  his  trust  in  the  God  of  Israel,  for  his  hope  of  a 
 better  future  to  be  brought  out  of  all  this  chaos 
 and  darkness,  his  heart  would  fail  within  him 
 But  that  vision  is  clear  and  bright,  and  it  gives  to 
 him,  almost  as  fully  as  to  Isaiah,  the  character  of  a 
 prophet  of  the  Gospel.  The  prophet's  hopes  are 
 not  merely  vague  visions  of  a  better  future:  they 
 gather  round  the  person  of  a  Christ,  and  are  essen- 
 tially Messianic.  In  much  of  all  this,  in  their 
 personal  chai-acter,  in  their  sufferings,  in  the  view 
 they  took  of  the  great  questions  of  their  time, 
 tiiere  is  a  lesemblance,  at  once  significant  and  inter- 
 esting, between  the  prophet  of  Anathoth  and  the 
 poet  of  the  Livina  Coinmedia.  What  Egypt  and 
 Babylon  were  to  the  kingdom  of  Judah,  France  and 
 the  Empire  were  to  the  Florentine  republic.  A  yet 
 higher  ]iarallel,  howevei',  piesents  itself.  In  a  deepei" 
 sense  than  that  of  the  patristic  divines,  the  life  of 
 the  projihet  was  a  type  of  that  of  Christ.  Tlie  cha- 
 lacter  of  the  man  impiessed  itself  with  more  or  less 
 force  upon  the  language  of  the  writer.  As  might 
 be  expected  in  oue  who  lived  in  the  last  days  of  the 
 kingdom,  and  had  therefore  the  works  of  the  earlier 
 prophets  to  look  back  upon,  we  find  in  him  reminis- 
 cences and  reproductions  of  what  they  had  written, 
 which  indicate  the  way  in  which  his  own  spirit 
 had  been  educated.  Tiaces  of  the  influence  of  the 
 newly-discovered  Book  of  the  Law,  and  in  parti- 
 cular of  Deuteronomy,  ajipear  repeatedly  in  his,  as 
 in  other  writings  of  the  same  period.  Throughout, 
 too,  there  are  the  tokens  of  his  individual  tem- 
 peiament:  a  gieater  promJnence  of  the  subjective, 
 elegiac  element  than  in  other  prophets,  a  less  sus- 
 tained eneigy,  a  less  ordeily  and  comjileted  rhythm, 
 —III.  Arrangement.- — The  absence  of  any  chrono- 
 logical order  in  the  present  structui'e  of  the  col- 
 lection of  Jeremiah's  prophecies  is  obvious  at  the 
 first  glance.  Confining  ouiselves,  for  the  present, 
 to  the  Hebrew  order  (I'eproduced  in  the  A.  ^^),  we 
 have  two  great  divisions: — (1.)  Ch.  i.-xlv.  I'ro- 
 phecies  dolivcrcd  at  various  times,  directed  mainly 
 to  Judah,  or  connected  with  Jeiemiah's  peieonal 
 
.'570 
 
 JEREMIAH. 
 
 lii.story.  ('J.)  Ch.  xlvi.-li.  Piopliecies  conncctetl 
 with  other  nations.  Ch.  lii.,  taken  largely,  though 
 not  entirely,  from  2  K.  xxv.,  may  be  taken  either 
 as  a.  supplement  to  the  prophecy,  or  as  an  intro- 
 duction to  the  Lamentations.  Looking  more  closely 
 into  each  of  these  divisions,  we  have  the  following 
 sections: — 1.  Ch.  i.-x.\i.  Containing  ])iobably  the 
 .substance  of  the  book  of  xxxvi.  31,  and  including 
 prophecies  from  the  115th  ye.ir  of  .losiah  to  the  4th 
 of  Jehoiakim ;  i.  ,S,  however,  indicates  a  later  re- 
 vision, and  the  whole  of  ch.  i.  may  possibly  have 
 been  adde<l  on  the  prophet's  retrospect  of  his  whole 
 work  fioni  this  its  first  beginning.  Ch.  .\si.  be- 
 longs to  a  hiter  peiioil,  but  ha.s  probalily  tbiind  its 
 place  here  as  connected,  by  the  recunence  of  the 
 name  Pashur,  with  ch.  xx.  2.  Ch.  xxii.-.wv. 
 Shorter  piophecies,  delivered  at  dilierent  tim.^s, 
 against  the  kings  of  Judah  and  the  false  prophets. 
 xxv.  13,  14,  evidently  marks  the  conclusion  of 
 a  series  of  prophecies  ;  and  that  which  follows. 
 XIV.  15-.i8,  the  gemi  of  the  fuller  jiredictions  in 
 xlvi.-xlix.,  has  been  placed  here  as  a  kind  of  com- 
 pletion to  the  prophecy  of  the  Seventy  Years  and 
 the  subsequent  fall  of  Babylon.  3.  Ch.  xxvi.— 
 xxviii.  The  two  great  prophecies  of  the  fall  of 
 Jerusalem,  and  the  history  connected  with  them. 
 Ch.  xxvi.  belongs  to  the  eailier,  ch.  xxvii.  and 
 xxviii.  to  the  later  period  of  the  prophet's  work. 
 Jehoiakim,  in  xxvii.  1,  is  evidently  (comp.  ver.  :-!) 
 a  mistake  for  Zedekiah.  4.  Ch.  xxix.-xxxi.  The 
 mess;ige  of  comfort  for  the  exiles  in  Babylon. 
 5.  Ch.  xxxii.-xliv.  The  history  of  the  last  two 
 years  before  the  caj)ture  of  Jerusalem,  and  of  Jere- 
 miah's work  in  them  and  in  the  i)ericd  that  fol- 
 lowed. The  position  of  ch.  xlv.,  unconnected  with 
 anything  before  or  after  it,  may  be  accounted  for 
 on  the  hypothesis  that  Baiuch  desired  to  place  on 
 record  so  memorable  a  passage  in  his  own  life,  and 
 inserted  it  wheie  the  direct  nairative  of  his  master's 
 life  ended.  The  same  explanation  applies  in  part  to 
 ch.  xxxvi.  6.  Ch.  xlvi.— li.  The  prophecies  against 
 foreign  nations,  ending  with  the  great  prediction 
 against  Babylon.  7.  The  supplementary  naiTative 
 of  ch.  lii.^lV.  Text. — The  translation  of  the  LXX. 
 presents  many  remarkable  vaiiations  in  the  order 
 of  the  several  parts.  The  two  agree  as  far  as  xxv. 
 13.  Krom  that  point  all  is  diflerent,  and  the  fol- 
 lowing table  indicates  the  extent  of  the  divergency  : 
 
 LX.\.  Hebrew. 
 
 xxv.  14-18  =  xlix.  34-39. 
 
 xxvi.  =  xlvi. 
 
 xxvil.-xxviii.  =  l.-li. 
 
 xxlx.  1-7  =  xlvii.  1-7. 
 
 7-22  =  xlix.  7-22. 
 
 XXX.  1-5  ==  xlix.  1-6. 
 
 6-11  =           28-33. 
 
 12-16  =           23-27. 
 
 xxxi.  =  xlvili. 
 
 xxxil.  =  xxv.  lS-39. 
 
 xxxiii.-ll.  =  xxvi.-xlv. 
 
 Hi.  =  111. 
 
 Jeremiah.  Seven  other  persons  bearing  the 
 same  name  as  the  prophet  are  mentioned  in  the 
 O.  T.  1.  Jeremiah  of  Libnah  father  of  Hamutid 
 wile  of  Josiah  (2  K.  xxiii.  31).— 2,  3,  4.  Three 
 waniors-twu  of  the  tribe  of  (!ad — in  David's 
 armyX'  On-,  xii.  4,  10,  13).— 5.  One  of  the 
 ''mighty  men  of  valour"  of  the  tians-Jordanic 
 half-tiibe  of  .Manassch  (1  Chr.  v.  24).— 6.  A  priest 
 of  liigli  laiik,  head  of  tlie  second  or  third  of  the  21 
 courses  which  arc  app.ircntly  enumerated  in  Neh. 
 X.  2-8,  xii.  1,  12.  This  coui-se,  or  its  chief,  took 
 |>art  ill   the  dedicntion  of  the   wall   of  Jeruitulcm 
 
 JERICHO. 
 
 (Neh.  xii.  34). — 7.  The  father  of  Jaazaniali  the 
 Kechabite  (Jer.  xxxv.  3). 
 
 Jereml'as.  L  The  Greek  form  of  the  name  of 
 Jeremiah  the  prophet  (Kcclus.  xlix.  6  ;  2  ^iscc. 
 XV.    14;     Matt.    xvi.    14;.— 2.   I    Esd.    ix.    34. 
 
 [.Ir.ltKMAI.] 
 
 Jeremy,  the  prophet  Jeremiah  (1  Esd.  i,  28, 
 32,  47,  .^7  ;  ii.  1 ;  2  Ksd.  ii.  18  ;  2  Wacc.  ii.  1,  5, 
 7;   M.itt.  ii.  17,  xxvii.  9). 
 
 Jeriba'i,  one  of  the  Bene-Klna;in,  named  among 
 the  lieiois  of  David's  guard  (1  Chr.  xi.  40). 
 
 Jer'icho,  a  city  of  high  antiquity,  and  of  con- 
 siderable iiniioi-tuue,  situated  in  a  plain  travei-sed 
 by  the  Jordan,  and  exactly  over  against  where  that 
 river  was  ciossed  by  the  Israidites  under  Josliua 
 (Josh.  iii.  16;.  (iilgal,  which  formed  their  primary 
 encampment,  stood  in  its  east  border  (iv.  19).  It 
 had  a  king.  Its  walls  were  so  considerable  tliat 
 houses  were  built  upon  them  (ii.  15;,  and  its  gates 
 were  shut,  as  throughout  tlie  Ka.st  still,  "  when  it 
 was  dark  "  (v.  Ii).  The  spod  that  was  found  in  it 
 betokeuoil  its  affluence.  Jericho  is  first  mentioned 
 as  the  city  to  which  the  two  spies  were  sent  by 
 Joshua  from  Shittim :  they  weie  lodged  in  tlie 
 house  of  Riliab  the  hailut  upon  the  wall,  and 
 depaited,  having  first  promised  to  save  her  and  all 
 that  were  found  in  her  house  from  destruction 
 (ii.  1-21).  In  the  annihilation  of  the  city  that 
 piisueii  this  piomise  was  i  el igiously  observed.  As 
 it  had  been  left  by  Joshua  it  was  bestowed  by  hin> 
 upon  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  (Josh,  xviii.  21),  and 
 from  this  time  a  long  interval  elapses  before  Jericho 
 ap])ears  again  upon  the  scene.  It  is  only  incid- 
 entally mentioned  in  the  life  of  David  in  con- 
 nexion with  his  embassy  to  the  Ammonite  king 
 (2  Sam.  X.  5).  And  the  solemn  manner  in  which 
 its  second  foundation  under  Hiel  the  Bethelitc  i.s 
 recorded  (1  K.  xvi.  34)  would  certainly  seem  to 
 imply  that  up  to  that  time  its  site  hail  been  unin- 
 habited. It  is  true  that  mention  is  made  of  "a 
 city  of  palm-trees"  (Jndg.  i.  10,  and  iii.  13)  in 
 existence  apparently  at  the  time  when  spoken  of. 
 However,  once  actually  rebuilt,  Jericho  rose  agaiu 
 slowly  into  consequence.  In  its  immediate  vicinity 
 the  sons  of  the  prophets  soUi;ht  retirement  fiom 
 the  world  :  Elisha  "  healed  the  spring  of  the 
 waters;"  and  over  against  it,  beyond  Jordan, 
 Elijah  ''went  uji  by  awliiiUviiid  into  heaven" 
 (2  K.  ii.  1-22).  In  its  plains  Zedekiah  fell  into 
 the  hands  of  the  Chaldeans  (2  K.  xxv.  b ;  Jer. 
 .\xxix.  5).  In  the  return  under  Zerubbabel  the 
 "  children  of  Jericho,"  345  in  number,  are  com- 
 prised (  Ez.  iii.  34  ;  Neh.  vii.  36)  ;  and  it  is  even 
 implied  that  they  removed  thither  again,  tor  the 
 "  men  of  Jericho  "  assisted  Nehemialt  in  lebuilding 
 that  part  of  the  wall  of  Jerusiileni  that  was  next 
 to  the  sheepgate  (Neh.  iii.  2).  The  Jeiicho  of  the 
 days  of  .losephus  was  distuit  150  st.idia  fiom  Jeru- 
 salem, and  50  from  the  Jordan.  It  lay  in  a  plain, 
 overhung  by  a  barren  mountain  whose  roots  ran 
 northwards  towards  Scythopolis,  and  southwardii 
 in  the  direction  of  Sodum  and  the  Deiid  Sea.  Tlicse 
 formed  the  western  boundaries  of  flu-  plain,  tjist- 
 wards,  its  barriers  were  the  mountains  of  .Moab, 
 which  ran  paiallei  to  the  former.  In  the  midst 
 of  the  ])lain — the  great  plain  as  it  was  adleil — 
 riowcd  the  Jordan,  and  .it  the  top  and  bottom  of  it 
 were  two  lakes :  Tiberias,  jiioverbial  for  its  sweet- 
 ness, and  Asphnltites  for  its  bitterness.  Away 
 from  the  Joinjiin  it  was  paiche«l  and  unhealthy 
 during  summer;  but  during  winter,  even  when  it 
 
JERIEL 
 
 suowed  at  Jerusalem,  the  inhabitants  here  wore 
 linen  garments.  Hard  by  Jericho,  bursting  forth 
 close  to  the  site  of  tlie  old  city,  which  Joshua  took 
 on  his  entrance  into  Canaan,  was  a  most  exuberant 
 fountiin,  whose  waters,  before  noted  for  tlieir  con- 
 trary properties,  had  leceived,  proceeds  Josephus, 
 through  Klisha's  prayers,  their  then  wonderfully 
 salufciry  and  prolific  efficacy.  Jericho  was  once 
 more  "  a  city  of  palms "  when  oui'  Lord  visited 
 it  ;  such  as  Herod  the  Great  and  Archelaus 
 had  left  it,  such  He  saw  it.  Here  He  restored 
 sight  to  the  blind  (two  certainly,  perhaps  three, 
 St.  Matt.  XX.  30  ;  St.  Mark  x.  46  :  this  was  in 
 leavimj  Jericho.  St.  l^uke  says  "as  He  was  come 
 nigh  unto  Jericho,"  &c.,  xviii.  35).  Here  the 
 descendant  of  Kahab  did  not  disdain  the  hospitality 
 of  Zacchaeus  tlie  publican  —  whose  oliice  was 
 likely  to  be  lucrative  enough  in  so  rich  a  city. 
 Finally,  between  Jerusalem  and  Jericho  was  laid 
 
 JEROBOAM 
 
 377 
 
 the  scene  of  His  stoiy  of  the  goo  1  Samaritan. 
 Posterior  to  the  Gospels  the  chronicle  of  Jericho 
 may  be  briefly  told.  Vespasian  found  it  one  of  the 
 toparchies  of  Judaea,  but  deserted  by  its  inhabitants 
 in  a  great  measure  when  he  encamped  there.  He 
 left  a  garrison  on  his  departure — not  necessarily  the 
 10th  legion,  which  is  only  stated  to  have  marched 
 through  Jericho— which  was  still  there  when  Titus 
 advanced  upon  Jerusalem.  Is  it  asked  how  Jericho 
 was  destroyed  ?  E  v-idently  by  Vespasian.  The 
 city  pillaged  and  burnt  in  Bell.  Jud.  iv.  9,  §1, 
 was  clearly  Jericho  with  its  aiijacent  villages. 
 The  sight  of  ancient  (the  first)  Jericho  is  with 
 reason  placed  by  Dr.  Robinson  in  the  immediate 
 neighbourhood  of  the  fountain  of  Elisha  ;  and  that 
 of  the  second  (the  city  of  the  N.T.  and  of  Josephus) 
 at  the  opening  of  the  Wady  Kelt  (Cherith),  half  an 
 hour  from  the  fountain.  These  are  precisely  the 
 sites  that  one  would  infer  from  Josephus. 
 
 Jer'iel,  a  man  of  Issachar,  one  of  the  six  heads 
 of  the  house  of  Tola  at  the  time  of  the  census  in 
 the  time  of  David  (1  Chr.  vii.  2). 
 
 Jer'emoth.  1.  A  Benjamite  chief,  a  son  of  the 
 house  of  Beriah  of  Elpaal  (1  Ghr.  viii.  14;  comp. 
 12  and  18).  His  family  dwelt  at  Jerusalem.— 2.  A 
 Merarite  Levite,  son  of  Mushi  (1  Chr.  xxiii.  23).— 
 8.  Son  of  Heman  ;  head  of  the  13th  course  of  musi- 
 cians in  the  Divine  service  (1  Chr.  xxv.  22).— 
 4.  Oneof  thesons  of  Elam,  and— 5.  One  of  the  sons 
 of  Zattu,  who  had  taken  strange  wives  (Ezr.  x.  26, 
 27).— 6.  The  name  which  appears  in  the  same  list 
 as  "and  Raiioth  "  (ver.  29  .. 
 
 Jeri'ah,  a  Kohathite  Levite,  chief  of  the  great 
 house  of  Hebron  when  David  organised  the  service 
 (1  Chr.  xxiii.  19,  xxiv.  23).  The  same  man  is 
 mentioned  again  as 
 
 Jeri'jah,  in  1  Chr.  sxvi.  31. 
 
 Jer'imoth.  1,  Son  or  descendant  of  Bela  ( I 
 Chr.  vii.  7).  He  is  perhaps  the  same  as — 2.  who 
 joined  David  at  Ziklag  (1  Chr.  xii.  5).— 3.  A  son  of 
 Becher  (1  Chr.  vii.  8),  and  head  of  another  Ben- 
 jamite house. ^4.  Son  of  Mushi,  the  son  of  Merari 
 (1  Chr.  xxiv.  30).— 5.  Son  of  Heman,  head  of  the 
 15th  ward  of  musicians  (1  Chr.  xxv.  4,  22). 
 —6.  Son  of  Azriel,  ruler  of  the  tribe  of  JS'aphtali 
 in  the  reign  of  David  (1  Clir.  xxvii.  19). — 7.  Son 
 of  king  David,  whose  daughter  Mahalath  was  one 
 of  the  wives  of  Rehoboam,  her  cousin  Abihail  being 
 the  other  (2  Chr.  xi.  18).— 8.  A  Levite  in  the 
 reign  ot  Hezekiah  (2  Chr.  xxxl.  13). 
 
 Jer'ioth,  one  of  the  elder  Caleb's  wives  (1  Chr. 
 ii.  18)  ;  but  according  to  the  Vulgate  she  was  his 
 daughter  by  his  first  wife  Azubah. 
 I      Jerobo'am.  1.  The  first  king  of  the  divided  king- 
 I  dom  of  Israel.     He  was  the  son  of  an  Ephraimite  of 
 
378 
 
 JEROBOAM 
 
 the  name  of  Nebat  ;  his  father  had  dieil  whilst  he 
 was  young.  At  tlie  time  wlien  Solomon  was  con- 
 btnicting  tile  tbrtificxitious  of  Millo  underueath  the 
 citadel  of  Zion,  his  sagacious  eye  discovei«d  the 
 strength  and  activity  of  a  young  Ephraimite  who 
 was  employed  on  tln^  works,  and  he  laiscd  liim  to 
 tlie  lank  of  superinteiuiaut  over  tlie  taxes  and 
 labours  exacted  from  the  trihe  of  Kphraim  (1  K. 
 x\.  28).  'i"his  was  Ji-roboam.  He  maije  the  most 
 of  his  position.  He  conii)leted  the  fortifications, 
 and  was  long  afterwards  known  iis  tlie  man  who 
 had  "enclosed  the  city  of  David"  (1  K.  xi.  24; 
 I. XX.).  He  then  aspired  to  royal  state,  and  at 
 last  was  jierceivcd  by  tn-lomon  to  lie  aiming  at  the 
 monarchy.  'I'hese  ambitious  designs  were  proba- 
 bly fostered  by  the  sight  of  tlie  growing  disatlec- 
 tioii  of  the  great  tribe  over  which  he  presided, 
 as  well  as  by  the  alienation  of  the  Prophetic  order 
 from  the  house  of  Solomon.  He  was  leaving 
 Jerusalem,  and  he  encountered  on  one  of  the  black- 
 jwved  roads  which  ran  out  of  the  city,  Aliijah, 
 "  the  prophet  "  of  the  ancient  sanctuary  of  Shiloli. 
 Aliijah  drew  him  aside  from  the  road  into  the 
 field  (LXX.),  and,  as  soon  as  they  found  them- 
 selves alone,  the  Prophet,  who  was  dressed  in  a 
 new  outer  garment,  strijiiied  it  off,  and  tore  it  into 
 12  shreds;  10  of  ivhicli  he  gave  to  .Jeroboam,  with 
 the  a.ssurance  that  on  condition  of  his  obedience  to 
 His  laws,  God  would  establish  for  him  a  Idugdom 
 and  dj-nasty  equal  to  that  of  David  fl  K.  xi.  29- 
 40).  The  attempts  of  Solomon  to  cut  short  Jero- 
 boam's designs  occasioned  his  flight  into  I'-gypt. 
 There  he  remained  during  the  rest  of  Solomon's 
 reign.  On  Solomon's  death,  he  demanded  Shishak's 
 permission  to  return.  The  Egyjjtian  king  seems, 
 in  his  leluctiiiice,  to  have  ofleied  any  gift  which 
 Jeroboam  cliosc,  as  a  ie;ison  for  his  remaining,  and 
 the  consequence  was  the  marriage  with  Ano,  the 
 elder  sister  of  the  Egyptian  queen,  Tahjienes,  and 
 of  another  princess  who  hail  married  the  Edomite 
 chief,  Hadad.  A  year  elap-ed,  and  a  son,  Abijali 
 (or  Abijam),  was  boni.  Then  Jeroboam  again 
 requested  jiemii-sion  to  depart,  which  w;is  granteil ; 
 and  he  letuincd  with  his  wife  and  child  to  his 
 native  place,  Saiiia,  or  Zeicda,  wlrcli  he  fortilied, 
 and  which  in  consequence  becjime  a  centre  for  his 
 ftilow  tribesmen  (1  K.  xi.  41,  xii.  24,  LXX.). 
 Still  there  was  no  ojien  act  of  insurrection,  and  it 
 was  in  this  jieriod  of  suspense  (.iccording  to  the 
 LXX.)  that  a  ])athetic  incident  darkened  his  domes- 
 tic history.  His  inliint  son  fell  sick.  The  anxious 
 father  sent  his  wile  to  imiuiie  of  Ahijali  concerning 
 him.  She  brought  such  gifts  as  were  thought 
 likely  to  be  acceptable,  and  had  disguised  herself  to 
 avoid  recognition.  But  the  blind  ))iopliet  knew 
 who  was  coming ;  and  bade  his  boy  go  out  to 
 meet  her,  and  invite  her  to  his  hou.se  without 
 delay.  There  he  warned  her  of  the  useles-snoss  of 
 her  gifts.  There  w;u>  a  doom  on  the  house  of 
 Jeroboam,  not  to  be  averted.  This  child  alone 
 would  die  before  the  calamities  of  the  house  arrived. 
 The  mother  rctunied.  As  .she  re-entered  the  town 
 of  Sarim  (lieb.  Tirzah,  1  K.  xiv.  17),  the  ciiild 
 died.  This  incident,  if  it  really  occurrwl  at  this 
 time,  .seems  to  have  been  the  turning  point  in 
 .leroboam's  career.  It  drove  him  fmiu  his  ances- 
 tral home,  and  it  gatlieied  the  .>.yuii>athles  of  the 
 tribe  of  E|)hiaim  round  him.  He  Icfl  .Sarira  and 
 cmie  to  siiecliem.  Tln'ii,  tor  the  second  time,  and 
 III  a  like  manner,  the  Divine  intimation  of  his 
 future  gieutncbii  is  conveyed  to  him.     The  prophet 
 
 JEROHAM 
 
 Sliemaiah,  the  Enlamite,  addressed  to  him  the  same 
 •icted  parable,  in  the  ten  shreds  of  a  now  unwashed 
 garment.  Then  took  jilace  the  confereii(;e  with 
 Kehoboam,  and  the  final  revolt;  which  ended  in 
 the  elevation  of  Jeroboam  to  the  throne  of  the 
 northern  kingdom.  From  this  moment  one  fatal 
 error  crept,  not  unnaturally,  into  his  j>olicy,  wliicli 
 undermined  his  dyn;Lsty  and  tarnished  his  name  as 
 the  liist  king  of  Israel.  The  political  disru]>tion  of 
 the  kiiigduni  was  conijilete;  but  its  religious  unity 
 was  as  yet  unimpaired.  He  feared  that  the  yearly 
 pilgrimages  to  Jerusalem  would  undo  all  the  work 
 which  he  eliir'ctcd,  and  he  took  the  bold  8te]i  o' 
 rending  it  asunder.  Two  sanctuaries  of  venerable 
 antiquity  existed  already,  one  at  the  southern,  the 
 other  at  the  northern  extiemity  of  his  dominions. 
 These  he  elevated  into  .seats  of  tlie  national  woi'ship, 
 which  should  rival  the  newly  established  Tenijile 
 at  Jerusiilem.  But  he  was  not  .satisfied  without 
 anothei-  deviation  fiom  the  Mosaic  idea  of  the 
 national  unity.  His  long  stay  in  Egypt  had 
 familiarised  him  with  the  outward  fbnns  uiidei 
 which  the  Divinity  was  there  represented.  A 
 golden  figure  of  JInevis,  the  sacred  calf  of  Helio- 
 jiolis,  was  set  up  at  earh  sanctuary,  with  the  ad- 
 dress, "  Behold  thy  <iod  wiiich  brought  thee  up 
 out  of  the  land  of  Egyjit."  The  sanctuary  at  Dan, 
 as  the  most  remote  from  Jeru>alem,  w;is  established 
 first  (1  K.  xii.  30).  The  more  imjiortant  one,  ;is 
 nearer  the  aipital  and  in  the  heart  of  the  kingdom, 
 was  Bethel.  The  worship  and  the  sanctuary 
 continued  till  the  end  of  the  northern  kingdom.  It 
 was  while  dedicating  the  altar  at  Bethel  that  a 
 prophet  from  Judah  suddenly  appeared,  who  de- 
 nounced the  altar,  and  foretold  its  desecration  by 
 Josiah,  and  violent  overthrow.  The  king  .stretch- 
 ing out  his  hand  to  arre>t  the  jiiophet,  felt  it 
 withered  and  paralyzed,  and  only  at  the  jiiophet's 
 piayer  saw  it  restored,  and  acknowlcvlged  his  divine 
 mission.  Jeroboam  was  at  constant  war  with  the 
 house  of  Judah,  but  the  only  act  distinctly  re- 
 corded is  a  battle  with  Abijali,  sor.  of  Kehoboimi  ; 
 in  which  he  was  defeated.  The  calamity  was 
 severely  felt ;  he  never  recovered  the  blow,  and 
 soon  afler  died,  in  the  22nd  year  of  his  reign 
 (2  Chr.  xiii.  20),  and  was  buiie<l  in  his  ancestral 
 sepulchre  (1  K.  xiv.  20..— 2.  Ji:i:o!!OA.M  II.,  tht 
 son  of  Joash,  the  4th  of  the  dynasty  of  .lehu.  The 
 most  prosperous  of  the  kings  of  Israel.  He  rei>elled 
 the  Syrian  invaders,  took  their  capital  city  Damascus 
 (2  l\.  xiv.  23;  Am.  i.  M-5),  and  recoveied  the  whole  of 
 the  ancient  dominion  from  Hamath  to  the  Dead  Sea 
 fxiv.  25  ;  Am.  vi.  14).  Ammon  and  Jloab  were 
 reconquered  (.\m.  i.  13,  ii.  1-3);  the  Traiisjordanic 
 tribes  were  restored  to  their  territory  (2  K.  xiii. 
 5;  1  Chr.  v.  17-22).  But  it  was  merely  an  out- 
 ward restoration.  Amos  was  charged  by  .Amaziali 
 with  prophesyii-g  the  ilestrucfion  of  Jeroboam  and 
 his  house  by  the  sword  (.\m.  vii.  0,  17). 
 
 Jer'oham.  1.  Father  of  Elkanah,  the  father  ol 
 Samuel,  of  the  hou.se  of  Kohath  ( 1  Chr.  vi.  27,  34  ; 
 1  Sam.  i.  1)..— 2.  A  Benjaiiiite,  and  the  founder  ol 
 a  family  of  I'ene-Joioham  (I  Chr.  viii.  27).  Pi-u- 
 bablv  the  same  as— 3.  Father  or  progenitor)  cl 
 Ibneiah  (1  Chr.  ix.  8;  comp.  3  and  it).— 4.  A 
 descendant  of  Aaron,  of  the  house  of  Inimer,  the 
 leader  of  the  sixteenth  course  of  priests ;  son  ol 
 I'.isluir  and  faiher  of  Adaiah  (I  Chr.  ix.  12).  He 
 apjieai*  to  l)e  mentioned  again  in  Neh.  xi.  12.— 
 5.  Jeroham  of  (iedor,  .viine  of  whose  sons  joined 
 David  at   Ziklag  (1   Chr.   xii.   7.-6.   A   Ihinitc, 
 
r-^-^^.. 
 
 JKRlJSALEiM. 
 
 AIOUNT  (Jl'   (>I.1\L.S  AMJ  JEliUSALLM. 
 
 Tnfacep    r.T9. 
 
JERUBBAAL 
 
 whose  son  or  descendant  Azareel  was  head  of  his 
 tribe  in  the  time  of  David  (I  Chr.  sxvii.  22).— 
 7.  Father  of  Azaiiah,  one  of  the  "  captains  of 
 hundreds"  in  the  time  of  Athaliah  (2  Chr. 
 xxiii.  I). 
 
 Jembba'al,  the  surname  of  Gideon  which  lie 
 acquired  in  consequence  of  destroying  the  altar  of 
 I'aal,  when  his  father  defended  him  fiom  the  ven- 
 geance of  the  Abi-ezirifes  (Judg.  vi.  32). 
 
 Jerubbesh'eth.,  a  name  of  Gideon  (2  Sam.  xi. 
 21). 
 
 Jer'uel,  th.e  Wilderness  of,  the  place  in  which 
 Jehoshaphat  was  iiitbrmed  by  Jahaziel  the  Levite 
 that  he  should  encounter  tlie  hordes  of  Ammon, 
 Moab,  and  the  Wehunims  (2  Chr.  xx.  16).  The 
 name  has  not  been  met  with. 
 
 Jem'salem.  The  subject  of  Jerusalem  naturally 
 divides  itself  into  three  heads: — I.  The  place  itself: 
 its  origin,  position,  and  physical  characteristics. 
 II.  The  annals  of  the  city.  ill.  The  topography 
 ot'  the  town  ;  the  relative  localities  of  its  various 
 parts  ;  the  sites  of  the  "  Holy  Places  "  ancient  and 
 modern,  &c. 
 
 I.  The  place  itself. — The  arguments — if 
 ai-guments  they  can  be  called — for  and  against  the 
 identity  of  the  "  8alem"  of  Melchizedek  (Gen.  xiv. 
 18)  with  Jerusalem  —  the  "Salem"  of  a  late 
 Psalmist  (Ps.  Ixxvi.  2) — are  almost  equally  ba- 
 lanced. This  question  will  be  discussed  under  the  ! 
 head  of  Salem.  It  is  during  the  conquest  of  the 
 country  that  Jerusalem  first  appeals  in  definite  I 
 tbrm  on  the  scene  in  which  it  was  destined  to 
 occupy  so  prominent  a  position.  The  earliest  j 
 notice  is  probably  that  in  Josh.  xv.  8  and  xviii.  16, 
 28,  describing  the  landmarks  of  the  boundarie-  of] 
 Judah,  and  Benjamin.  Heie  it  is  styled  Ha-Jebusi,  1 
 J.  e.  "  the  Jebusite"  (A.  V.  Jebusi),  after  the  name  j 
 of  its  occupiers,  just  as  is  the  case  with  other 
 pUices  in  these  lists.  Next,  we  find  the  form  Jeuus 
 (Judg.  xi.x.  10,  11) — "  Jcbas,  which  is  Jerusalem 
 ....  the  city  of  the  Jebusites  ; "  and  lastly,  in 
 documents  which  profess  to  be  of  the  same  age  as 
 the  foregoing — we  have  Jerusalem  (Josh.  x.  1,  &c., 
 xii.  10;  Judg.  i.  7,  &c.).  Jerusalem  stands  in 
 latitude  31='  46'  35"  North,  and  longitude  35° 
 18'  30"  East  of  Greenwich.  It  is  32  miles  dis- 
 tant from  the  sea,  and  18  from  the  Jordan;  20 
 from  Hebron,  and  36  fiom  Samaiia.  Tiie  western 
 ridge  of  the  city,  which  forms  its  highest  point,  is 
 about  2600  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea.  The 
 Mount  of  Olives  rises  slightly  above  this — 2724 
 feet.  The  situation  of  the  city  in  reference  to  the 
 rest  of  Palestine,  h;is  been  described  by  Dr.  Uobin- 
 son  in  a  well-known  passage,  which  is  so  complete 
 and  graphic  a  statement  of  the  case,  that  we  take 
 the  liberty  of  giving  it  entire.  "  Jerusalem  lies 
 near  the  summit  of  a  broad  mountain  ridge.  This 
 ridge  or  mountainous  tract  extends,  without  inter- 
 ruption, from  the  plain  of  Esdraelon  to  a  line 
 drawn  between  the  south  end  of  the  Dead  Sea  and 
 the  S.E.  corner  of  the  Mediterranean  :  or  more 
 properly,  perhaps,  it  may  be  regarded  as  extending 
 as  far  south  as  to  Jebel  'Ardif  in  the  desert ;  where 
 it  sinks  down  at  once  to  the  level  of  the  great 
 western  plateau.  This  tract,  which  is  every- 
 where not  less  than  from  twenty  to  tweiitv-five 
 geographicjil  miles  in  breadtii,  is  in  fact  high  un- 
 even table-land.  It  everywhere  forms  the  preci- 
 pitous western  wall  of  the  great  valley  of  the 
 Jordan  and  the  Dead  Sea;  while  towards  t!ie  west 
 it  sinks  down  by  an  otiset  into  a  range  of  lower 
 
 JERUSALEM 
 
 379 
 
 hills,  which  lie  between  it  and  the  gi-eat  plain 
 along  the  coast  of  the  Mediterranean.  The  surface 
 of  this  upper  region  is  everywhere  rocky,  uneven, 
 and  mountainous  ;  and  is  moreover  cut  up  by  deep 
 valleys  which  run  east  or  west  on  either  side  to- 
 wards the  Jordan  or  the  Mediterranean.  The  line 
 of  division,  or  water-shed,  between  the  waters  of 
 these  valleys, — a  term  which  here  applies  almost 
 exclusively  to  the  waters  of  the  rainy  season, — 
 Ibllows  for  the  most  pait  the  height  of  land  along 
 the  ridge ;  yet  not  so  but  that  the  heads  of  the 
 valleys,  which  run  off  in  different  directions,  often 
 iuteilap  tbi'  a  considerable  distance.  Thus,  for 
 example,  a  valley  which  descends  to  the  Jordan 
 often  has  its  head  a  mile  or  two  westward  of  the 
 commencement  of  otiier  valleys  which  run  to  the 
 western  sea.  From  the  great  plain  of  Esdraelon 
 onwards  towards  the  south,  the  mountainous  coun- 
 try rises  gradually,  forming  the  tract  anciently 
 known  as  the  mountains  of  Ephraim  and  Judah; 
 until  in  the  vicinity  of  Hebron  it  attains  an  eleva- 
 tion of  nearly  3000  Paris  feet  above  the  level  of 
 the  Mediterranean  Sea.  Further  north,  on  a  line 
 drawn  from  the  north  end  of  the  Dciid  Sea  towards 
 the  true  west,  the  ridge  has  an  elevation  of  only 
 about  2500  Paris  feet;  and  here,  close  upon  the 
 water-shed,  lies  the  city  of  Jerusalem.  Six  or 
 seven  miles  N.  and  N.W.  of  the  city  is  spread 
 out  the  open  plain  or  basin  round  about  el-Jib 
 (Gibeon),  also  extending  towards  el-Btreh  (Beeroth); 
 the  waters  of  which  flow  oft" at  its  S.E.  part  through 
 the  deep  valley  here  called  by  the  Arabs  Wady  Beit 
 Haiiina  ;  but  to  which  the  monks  and  travellers 
 have  usually  given  the  name  of  the  Valley  of  Tur- 
 pentine, or  of  the  Terebinth,  on  the  mistaken  sup- 
 position that  it  is  the  ancient  Valley  of  Elah.  This 
 great  valley  passes  along  in  a  S.W.  direction  an 
 hour  or  more  west  of  Jerusalem  ;  and  finally  opens 
 out  from  the  mountains  into  the  western  plain, 
 at  the  distance  of  six  or  eight  hours  S.W.  from  the 
 city,  under  the  name  of  Wachj  es-Surdr.  The 
 traveller,  on  his  way  from  Ranileh  to  Jerusalem, 
 descends  into  and  ciosses  this  deep  valley  at  thi 
 village  of  A'ulomeh  on  its  western  side,  an  houi 
 and  a  half  from  the  latter  city.  On  again  reaching 
 the  high  ground  on  its  eastern  side,  he  enters  upon 
 an  open  tract  sloping  gradually  downwards  towards 
 the  south  and  east ;  and  sees  before  him,  at  the 
 distance  of  a  mile  and  a  half,  the  walls  and  domes 
 of  the  Holy  City,  and  beyond  them  the  higher 
 ridge  or  summit  of  the  Mount  of  Olives.  The 
 ti'aveller  now  descends  gradually  towards  the  city 
 along  a  broad  swell  of  ground,  having  at  some  dis- 
 tance on  his  left  the  shallow  nortiiern  part  of  the 
 Valley  of  Jehoshaphat ;  and  close  at  hand  on  his 
 right  the  basin  which  forms  the  beginning  of  the 
 Valley  of  Hinnora.  Upon  the  broad  and  elevated 
 promontory  witliin  the  fork  of  these  two  valleys, 
 lies  the  Holy  City.  All  aroimd  are  higher  hills  ; 
 on  the  east,  the  Mount  of  Olives;  on  the  south, 
 the  Hill  of  Evil  Counsel,  so  called,  rising  directly 
 fiom  the  Vale  of  Hinnom;  on  the  west,  the  ground 
 rises  gently,  as  above  described,  to  the  borders  of 
 the  great  Wady;  while  on  the  north,  a  bend  of  the 
 ridge  connected  with  the  Blount  of  Olives  bounds 
 the  prospect  at  the  distance  of  more  than  a  mile. 
 Towards  the  S.W.  the  view  is  somewhat  more 
 open ;  for  here  lies  the  plain  of  Rephaim,  alreadv 
 described,  commencing  just  at  the  southern  brink 
 of  the  Valley  of  Hinnom,  and  stretching  off"  S.W.. 
 where  it  runs  to  the  western  sea.     In  the  N.W. 
 
380 
 
 JERUSALEM 
 
 too,  the  eye  I'eaches  up  uloiig  tlie  upper  part  of  tlie 
 Valley  of  Jelioshaphat;  and  from  many  points,  tan 
 discern  the  mosque  of  Neby  Saiivril,  situated  on  a 
 lofty  ridge  beyond  the  great  Wady,  at  the  distance 
 of  two  houi-s "  (Robinson's  Bibl.  Researches,  i. 
 258-2t)0).  The  heiglits  of  tlie  principal  points  in 
 and  round  the  city,  above  the  Siediterranean  Sea, 
 as  given  by  Lt.  Van  de  Velde,  in  the  Memoir 
 accompanying  his  Map,  1858,  are  as  follow: — 
 
 Feet. 
 N.W.  comer  of  the  city  (^(wrJ^aZud)     ....     2610 
 
 Mount  Zi<in  C'KndcuiMni) 2.'>37 
 
 Mimnt  Moriati  (//u;<im  ct/i  .SAfriJ) 2429 
 
 BridKo  over  ilie  Kedron,  near  Gethsemane  .     .      .     22H1 
 
 Pool  of  Siloani 2114 
 
 Hir-ayub,  at  the  conllupnce  of  Hinnom  and  Kedron  1996 
 JVIoiuit  ol  Olives,  Church  of  Ascension  on  summit  .     2724 
 
 —Roads. — There  ajifiear  to  have  been  but  two  main 
 approaches  to  the  city.  1.  Kiom  the  Jordan  valley 
 by  Jericho  and  the  iMount  of  Olives.  This  was  the 
 route  commonly  t<il<en  from  the  north  and  east  of  the 
 (country — as  from  Galilee  by  our  Loid  (Luke  xvii. 
 11,  xviii.  .35,  xix.  1,  29,  45,  &c.),  from  Damascus 
 by  Pompey,  to  Maliannim  by  David  (2  Sam.  xv.  .\vi.) 
 It  was  also  the  route  from  places  in  the  central  dis- 
 tricts of  the  country,  as  Samaria  (2  Chr.  .xxviii.  15). 
 The  latter  part  of  the  approach,  over  the  Mount  of 
 Olives,  as  generally  followed  at  the  present  day,  is 
 identical  with  what  it  was,  at  least  in  one  memor- 
 able instance,  in  the  time  of  Christ.  2.  From  the 
 great  maritime  plain  of  Philistia  and  Sharon.  This 
 ro:id  led  by  the  t«'o  Bethhoroiis  up  to  the  higli 
 ground  at  Gibeun,  whence  it  turned  south,  and 
 came  to  Jerusalem  by  Ramah  ;ind  Gibeah,  and 
 over  the  riiige  north  of  the  city.  3.  The  commun- 
 ication with  the  mountainous  districts  of  the  south 
 is  less  distinct. ^Gates. — The  situation  of  the  various 
 ^ati's  of  the  city  is  examined  in  Section  HI.  It 
 may,  however,  be  desirable  to  supjiiy  here  a  com- 
 plete list  of  those  which  are  named  in  the  Bible  and 
 .losephus,  with  the  leferences  to  their  occurrences: — 
 
 I.  Gate  of  Epiuaim.  2  Chr.  xxv.  23;  Is'eh.  viii. 
 16,  xii.  39.  This  is  probably  the  same  as  the— 2. 
 Gate  of  Benjamin.  Jer.  xx.  2,  xxxvii.  13;  Zech. 
 xiv.  10.  If  so,  it  was  400  cubits  distant  from  the 
 — 3.  Corner  gate.  2  Chr.  xxv.  2;(,  xxvi.  9  ;  Jer. 
 xxxi.  38;  Zech.  xiv.  10.  4.  Gate  of  Joshua,  go- 
 vernor of  the  city.  2  K.  xxiii.  8.  5.  Gate  be- 
 tween the  two  walls.  2  K.  xxv.  4  ;  Jer.  xxxix.  4. 
 6.  Horse  gate.  Neh.  iii.  38;  2  Chr.  xxiii.  15; 
 Jer.  xxxi.  40.  7.  Ravine  gate  (t.  e.  openinjj  on 
 ravine  of  Hinnom).  2  Chi-,  xxvi.  9;  Neh.  ii.  13. 
 15,  iii.  13.  8.  Kisli  gate.  1  Chr.  xxxiii.  14;  Neh. 
 iii.  1  ;  Zeph.  i.  16,  9.  Duu;j  gate.  Neh.  ii.  13, 
 iii.  13.      10.  Sheep  gate.     Neh.  iii.  1,  32,  xii.  39. 
 
 II.  East  gate.  Neh.  iii.  29.  12.  Miphkad.  Neh. 
 iii.  31.  13.  Fountain  gate  (Siloam  ?).  Neh.  xii. 
 37.  14.  Water  gate.  Neh.  xii.  37.  15.  Old 
 gate.  Neh.  xii.  39.  16.  Prison  jrafe.  Neh.  xii. 
 H9.  17.  Gate  Harsith  (perhaps  the  .-iun  ;  A.  V. 
 l-^ast  gate).  Jer.  xix.  2.  18.  First  gate.  Zech. 
 xiv.  10.  19.  Gate  Gennath  (gaulcns).  Joseph. 
 B.  J.  V.  4,  §4.  20.  Esscnes'  uate.  Jos.  B.  J.  4, 
 §2. — To  fhc.-.<'  slioidd  be  added  the  following  gates 
 >f  the  Temple: — (iale  Sur.  2  K.  xi.  6.  "Calleil 
 sJso  Gate  of  foundation.  2  Chr.  xxiii.  5.  Gate  of 
 the  guard,  or  behind  the  guard.  2  l\.  xi.  6,  19. 
 Called  the  High  gate.  2  Chr.  xxiii.  20,  xxvii.  3; 
 2  K.  XV.  35.  (iate  .■^haileclieth.  1  Chr.  xxvi.  16 
 ^^Burial-grounds. — The  main  cemetery  of  the  city 
 seems  from  an  caily  dale  to  have  \tvcn  where  it  is 
 ^till — oil  the  stirp  slo)ie8  of  the  valley  of  the  Kidron. 
 
 JERUSALEM 
 
 The  tombs  of  the  kings  were  in  the  city  of  Ilavid, 
 that  is.  Mount  Zion.  The  royal  sepulchres  were 
 probably  chambers  containing  separate  recesses  tor 
 the  successive  kings.  Other  spots  also  were  used 
 for  burial.— TVoorf;  Gardens. — The  king's  gardens 
 of  David  and  Solomon  seem  to  have  been  in  the 
 bottom  formed  by  the  confluence  of  the  Kedron  and 
 Hinnom  (Neh.  iii.  15).  The  Mount  of  Olives,  as  its 
 name  and  those  of  various  places  upon  it  seem  to 
 imply,  was  a  fruitful  s]K>t.  At  its  foot  was  situated 
 the  (iarden  of  Getlisemane.  At  the  time  of  the  final 
 siege  the  space  north  of  the  wall  of  Agrippa  was 
 covered  with  gardens,  groves,  and  plantations  of 
 fiuit^trees,  inclosed  by  hedges  and  walls;  and  to 
 level  these  was  one  of  Titu.s's  first  operations.  We 
 know  that  the  gate  Gennath  {i.e.  "of  gardens") 
 opened  on  this  side  of  the  city.^  Water. — How  the 
 gardens  just  mentioned  on  the  north  of  the  city 
 were  watered  it  is  difficult  to  understand,  since  at 
 j)resent  no  water  exists  in  tliat  iliiection.  At  the 
 time  of  the  siege  there  was  a  reservoir  in  that 
 neighbourhood  called  the  .Serpent's  Pool ;  but  it  ha^ 
 not  been  discovered  in  modern  times.  The  subject 
 of  the  watcis  is  more  particularly  discussed  in  the 
 third  section,  and  rea.sons  are  shown  for  believing 
 that  at  one  time  a  very  copious  source  existed  some- 
 where north  of  the  town,  the  outflow  of  which  was 
 stopped,  possibly  by  Hezekiah,  and  the  water  led 
 underground  to  reseiToirs  in  the  city  and  below 
 the  Temple.— iSfr^ffs,  Houses,  4'c. — Of  the  nature 
 of  these  in  the  ancient  city  we  have  only  the  inost 
 scattered  notices.  The  "  East  street"  (2  Chr.  xxix. 
 4)  ;  the  "  street  of  the  city  " — i  e.  the  city  of  David 
 (xxxii.  6)  ;  the  "  street  facing  the  water  gate  "  ( Neh. 
 viii.  1,  3) — or,  according  to  the  par<illel  account  in 
 1  Esdr.  ix.  38,  the  "  broad  place  of  the  Temple 
 towards  the  East ;"  the  street  of  the  house  of  God 
 (  Ezr.  X.  9)  ;  the  "  street  of  the  gate  of  Ephraini  " 
 (Neh.  viii.  16);  and  the  "open  jdace  of  the  first 
 gate  towards  the  East  "  in  list  have  been  not 
 "streets"  in  our  sense  qf  the  woid,  so  much  iis 
 the  open  .spaces  found  in  eastern  towns  round  the 
 inside  of  the  gates.  Streets,  proj.)erly  so  called, 
 there  were  i.Iei.  v.  1,  xi.  l.'i,  kc,);  but  the  name 
 of  only  one,  "  the  bakers'  stieet  "  (.ler.  xxxvii.  21 ), 
 IS  preserved  to  us.  To  the  houses  we  have  even 
 less  clue ;  but  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  in 
 either  houses  or  streets  the  ancient  Jerusalem  dif- 
 fered very  materially  from  the  iiiode'ii.  No  doubt 
 the  ancient  city  did  not  exhibit  that  air  of  mouldei-- 
 ing  dila])lilati(in  which  is  now  so  prominfnt  there. 
 The  whole  of  the  slojics  south  of  the  llaiain  area 
 (the  ancient  0|)hel).  and  the  modern  Zion,  anil  the 
 west  side  of  the  valley  of  Jehoslia)ihat,  jnesent  the 
 appearance  of  gigantic  mounds  of  rulibi.sh.  In  this 
 point  at  least  the  ancient  city  stood  in  favourable 
 contrast  with  the  modern,  but  in  m;uiy  othei-s  the 
 resemblance  must  have  been  strong.— /.'nriVons  </ 
 tUe  at;/. — The  various  spots  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
 the  city  will  be  described  at  length  under  their  own 
 names,  ami  to  them  the  reader  is  aci-ordingly  referred. 
 II.  Tin;  Annai-s  of  tiik  ('ity. — In  considering 
 the  annals  of  the  city  of  Jerusalem,  nothing  striki's 
 one  so  forcibly  as  the  number  and  severity  of  the 
 sieges  whicli  it  underwent.  We  catch  our  earliest 
 gliinpse  of  it  in  the  brief  notice  of  the  1st  chapter 
 of  .hidges,  which  de-scribes  how  the  "children  of 
 .ludah  smote  it  with  the  edge  of  the  sword,  and  set 
 the  city  on  liie  ;"  and  almost  the  latest  mention  of 
 it  in  the  New  Testament  is  contained  in  the  soleinn 
 waiiiiiisTi  ill  which  Chiist  foretold  how  Jcrusiilcin 
 
JERUSALEM 
 
 should  be  "  compassed  with  armies  "  (Luke  xxi.  20), 
 and  the  nbominntion  ot"  desolation  be  seen  standing 
 in  the  Holy  I 'lace  (Matt,  xxi  v.  15).  In  the  fifteen 
 centuries  which  elapsed  between  those  two  points 
 the  city  was  besiegeil  no  fewer  than  seventeen  times  ; 
 twice  it  was  razed  to  the  ground ;  and  on  two  other 
 occasions  its  walls  were  levelled.  In  this  respect  it 
 stands  without  a  parallel  in  any  city  ancient  or  mo- 
 dern. The  fact  is  one  of  great  significance.  The 
 first  siege  appears  to  have  taken  place  almost  im- 
 mediately alter  the  death  of  Joshua  (cir.  1400  B.C.). 
 .ludah  and  Simeon  "  fought  against  it  and  took  it, 
 and  smote  it  with  the  edge  of  the  swoi-d,  and  set 
 the  city  on  tire  "  (Judg.  i.  8).  To  this  brief  notice 
 •losephus  makes  a  material  addition.  He  tells  us 
 that  the  part  which  was  taken  at  last,  and  in  which 
 the  slaughter  was  made,  was  the  lower  city ;  but 
 that  the  upper  city  was  so  strong,  that  they  relin- 
 quished the  attempt  and  moved  off  to  Hebron.  As 
 long  as  the  upper  city  remained  in  the  hands  of  the 
 Jebusites  they  practically  had  possession  of  the 
 whole,  and  a  .lebusite  city  in  fact  it  remained  for 
 a  long  period  after  this.  The  Benjamites  followed 
 the  men  of  Judah  to  Jerusalem,  but  with  no  better 
 result  (Judg.  i.  21).  And  this  lasted  during  the 
 whole  period  of  the  Judges,  the  reign  of  Saul,  and 
 the  reign  of  David  at  Hebron.  David  advanced  to 
 the  siege  at  the  head  of  the  men-of-war  of  all  the 
 tribes  who  had  come  to  Hebron  "  to  turn  the  king- 
 dom of  Saul  to  him."  They  are  stated  as  280,000 
 men,  choice  warriors  of  the  flower  of  Israel  (1  Chr. 
 xii.  23-39).  No  doubt  they  approached  the  city 
 from  the  south.  As  before,  the  lower  city  was 
 immediately  taken,  and  as  before,  the  citad-;!  held 
 out.  The  undaunted  Jebusites,  believing  in  the 
 impi'egnability  of  their  fortress,  manned  the  battle- 
 ments "  with  lame  and  blind."  David's  anger  was 
 roused  by  the  insult,  and  he  proclaimed  to  his  host 
 that  the  first  who  would  scale  the  rocky  side  of  the 
 fortress  and  kill  a  Jebusite  should  be  made  chief 
 captain  of  the  host.  A  crowd  of  warriors  rushed 
 forward  to  the  attempt,  but  Joab's  superior  agility 
 gained  him  the  day,  and  the  citadel,  the  fastness  of 
 ZiON,  was  taken  (cir.  1046  B.C.).  David  at  once 
 proceeded  to  secure  himself  in  his  new  acquisition. 
 He  inclosed  the  whole  of  the  city  with  a  wall,  and 
 connected  it  with  the  citadel.  The  sensation  caused 
 by  the  fall  of  this  impregnable  fortress  must  have 
 been  enormous.  It  reached  even  to  the  distant 
 Tyre,  and  before  long  an  embassy  arrived  from 
 Hiram,  the  king  of  Phoenicia,  with  the  character- 
 istic oflerings  of  artificers  and  materials  to  erect  a 
 palace  tor  David  in  his  new  abode.  The  palace  was 
 built,  and  occupied  by  the  fresh  establishment  of 
 wives  and  concubines  which  David  acquired.  The 
 arrival  of  the  Ark  was  an  event  of  great  import- 
 ance. It  was  deposited  with  the  most  impressive 
 ceremonies,  and  Zion  became  at  once  the  gre;it  sanc- 
 tuary of  the  nation.  In  the  fortress  of  Zion,  too, 
 was  the  sepulchre  of  David.  The  only  works  of 
 ornament  which  we  can  ascribe  to  him  are  the 
 "  royal  gardens,"  which  appear  to  have  been  formed 
 by  him  in  the  level  space  south-east  of  the  city, 
 foiTned  by  the  cnntlueuce  of  the  valleys  of  Kedron 
 and  Hinnom.  Until  the  time  of  Solomon  we  hear 
 of  no  additions  to  the  city.  His  three  great  works 
 were  the  Temple,  with  its  east  wall  and  cloister, 
 his  own  Palace,  and  the  Wall  of  Jerusalem.  One 
 of  the  first  acts  of  the  new  king  was  to  make  the 
 walls  larger.  But  on  the  completion  of  the  Temple 
 he  again  turned  his  attention  to  the  walls,  and  both 
 
 JERUSALEM 
 
 381 
 
 increased  their  height  and  constructed  very  large 
 towers  along  them.  Another  work  of  his  in  Jeru- 
 salem was  the  repair  or  fortification  of  Jlillo  (I  K. 
 ix.  15,  24).  His  care  of  the  roads  leading  to  the 
 city  is  the  subject  of  a  special  panegyric  t'rom  Jo- 
 sephus.  Rehoboam  had  only  been  on  the  throne 
 four  years  (cir.  970  B.C.)  when  Shishak,  king  of 
 Egypt,  invaded  Judah  with  an  enormous  host,  took 
 the  fortified  places  and  advanced  to  the  capital.  Re- 
 hoboam did  not  attempt  resistance  (2  Chr.  xii.  9). 
 Jerusalem  was  again  thieatened  in  the  reign  of  Asa, 
 when  Zerah  the  Cushite,  or  king  of  Ethiopia,  in- 
 vaded the  country  with  an  enormous  horde  of  fol- 
 lowers (2  Chr.  xiv.  9).  He  came  by  the  load 
 through  the  low  countiy  of  Philistia,  where  his 
 chariots  could  find  level  ground.  But  Asa  was 
 more  faithful  and  more  valiant  than  Rehoboam  had 
 been.  He  did  not  remain  to  be  blockaded  in  Jeru- 
 salem, but  went  firth  and  met  the  enemy  at  Ma- 
 reshah,  and  repidsed  him  with  great  slaughter  (cir. 
 940).  The  reign  of  his  son  Jehoshaphat,  though 
 of  great  prosperity  and  splendour,  is  not  remarkable 
 as  regards  the  city  of  Jerusalem.  We  hear  of  a 
 "new  court"  to  the  Temple,  but  have  no  clue  to 
 its  situation  or  its  builder  (2  Chr.  xx.  5).  Jeho- 
 shaphat's  son  Jehoram  was  a  prince  of  a  different 
 temper.  He  began  his  reign  i  cir.  887)  by  a  mas- 
 sacre of  his  brethren  and  of  tlie  chief  men  of  the 
 kingdom.  The  Philistines  and  Arabians  attacked 
 Jerusalem,  broke  into  the  palace,  spoiled  it  of  all  its 
 treasures,  sacked  the  royal  harem,  killed  or  carried 
 off  the  king's  wives,  and  all  his  sons  but  one.  This 
 was  the  fourth  siege.  The  next  events  in  Jeru- 
 salem were  the  massacre  of  the  royal  children  by 
 Joram's  widow  Athaliah, and  the  six  years'  reign  of 
 that  queen.  But  with  the  increasing  years  of  Joash, 
 the  spirit  of  the  adherents  of  Jehovah  returned. 
 The  king  was  crowned  and  proclaimed  in  the  Temple 
 by  Jehoiada.  Athaliah  herself  was  hurried  out  to 
 execution  from  the  sacred  precincts  into  the  valley 
 of  the  Kedron.  But  this  zeal  tor  Jehovah  soon  ex- 
 pired. The  burial  of  the  good  priest  in  the  royal 
 tombs  can  hardly  have  been  forgotten  before  a  ge- 
 neral relapse  into  idolatry  took  place,  and  his  son 
 Zechariah  was  stoned  with  his  family  in  the  very 
 court  of  the  Temple  for  protesting.  The  retribu- 
 tion invoked  by  the  dying  martyr  quickly  followed. 
 Before  the  end  of  the  year  (cir.  838),  Hazael  king 
 of  Syria,  after  possessing  himself  of  Gath,  marched 
 against  the  miich  richer  prize  of  Jerusalem.  The 
 visit  was  averted  by  a  timely  offering  of  treasure 
 from  the  Temple  and  the  royal  palace  (2  K.  xii. 
 18;  2  Chr.  xxiv.  23).  The  predicted  danger  to  the 
 city  was  however  only  postponed.  After  the  defeat 
 of  Amaziah  by  Joash,  the  gates  were  thrown  open, 
 the  treasures 'of  the  Temple  and  the  king's  private 
 treasures  were  pillaged,  and  for  the  first  time  ibc 
 walls  of  the  city  weie  injured.  A  clear  breach  was 
 made  in  them  of  400  cubits  in  length  "  from  'he 
 gate  of  Ephraim  to  the  corner  gate,"  and  throuo'h 
 this  Joash  drove  in  triumph,  with  his  captive  in 
 the  chariot,  into  the  city.  This  must  have  been 
 on  the  north  side,  and  probably  at  the  present  north- 
 west corner  of  the  walls.  The  long  reign  of  Uzziah 
 (2  K.  XV.  1-7  ;  2  Chr.  xxvi.)  brought  about  a  ma- 
 terial improvement  in  the  fortunes  of  Jerusalem. 
 The  walls  wei-e  thoroughly  repaired  and  furnished 
 for  the  first  time  with  machines,  then  expressly  in- 
 vented for  shooting  stones  and  arrows  against  be- 
 siegers. Later  in  this  reign  happened  the  great 
 earthquake  described  by  Josephus  {Ant.  ix.  10,  §4), 
 
382 
 
 JERUSALEM 
 
 anil  .•illudel  to  by  tlio  Propliets  as  a  kiaJ  of  era  (sec 
 Stanley,  S.  §■  J'.  184,  125).  A  serious  hrciifh  was 
 m;ulL'  ia  the  Temple  itself,  and  below  the  city  a 
 lar;,'o  fragment  was  detached  from  the  hill  at  kn- 
 roi;el,  and  rolling  down  the  slope,  overwhelmed  the 
 king's  gardens  at  the  junction  of  the  Valleys  of 
 Hinnom  and  Kedron,  and  rested  against  the  bottom 
 of  the  slope  of  Olivet.  Jothani  (cir.  Ibti)  inheiited 
 his  father's  sagacity,  as  well  ;is  his  tastes  for  archi- 
 tectuie  and  warfare.  His  works  in  Jerusalem  were 
 building  the  upper  gateway  to  the  Temple — appa- 
 rently a  g;ite  communicating  with  the  palace  (2  (Jhr. 
 xxiii.  2U) — and  porticoes  leading  to  the  same.  He 
 also  built  much  on  ()phel  (2  K.  xv.  35 ;  2  Chi-. 
 xxvii.  3),  repaired  tlie  walls  wherever  they  were 
 dilapidated,  and  strengthened  them  by  very  large 
 and  strong  towel's.  Before  the  death  of  Jotham 
 (B.C.  740)  the  clouds  of  the  .Syrian  invasion  began 
 to  gather.  They  broke  on  the  head  of  Ahaz  his 
 successor ;  Kezin  king  of  Syria  and  Pekah  king  of 
 Israel  joined  their  armies  and  invested  Jerusalem 
 (2  1\.  xvi.  5).  'fhe  fortifiaitions  of  the  two  pre- 
 vious kings  enaliled  the  city  to  hold  out  during  a 
 siege  of  great  length.  In  tlie  fight  which  followed 
 the  men  of  Judali  lost  severely,  but  there  is  no 
 mention  of  the  city  having  been  plundered.  To 
 o])po.s*  the  confederacy  which  had  so  injured  him, 
 .Ahaz  had  recourse  to  .Assyria.  To  collect  presents 
 he  went  so  far  as  to  lay  hands  on  part  of  the  per- 
 manent woiks  of  the  Temple  (2  K.  xvi.  17,  18). 
 Whether  the  application  to  Assyria  relieved  Ahaz 
 from  one  or  both  of  his  enemies,  is  notcleai-.  From 
 one  passage  it  would  seem  that  Tiglath  I'ilescr  ac- 
 tually came  to  Jerusalem  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  20).  At 
 anv  rate  the  intercouise  resulted  in  fresh  idolatries, 
 and  fresh  insults  in  theTenii)le.  The  very  first  act 
 of  llezekiah  (li.C.  724-;  was  to  restore  what  his 
 father  had  desecrated  '^2  Chr.  xxix.  3  ;  and  see  36, 
 "suddenly").  High-places,  altars,  the  mysterious 
 and  obscene  symbols  of  Ba;d  and  .Xsherah,  the  ve- 
 nerable brazen  seijient  of  Moses  itself,  were  torn 
 down,  broken  to  pieces,  and  the  fiagments  cast 
 into  the  valley  of  the  Kednm  (2  Chr.  xxx.  14;  2  K. 
 xviii.  4).  It  wiis  piobably  at  this  time  that  the 
 decorations  of  the  Temple  were  renewed.  And  now 
 a]i])i  cached  the  greatest  crisis  which  hml  yet  occurred 
 in  the  history  of  the  city :  the  dreaded  Assyrian 
 aiiny  wa.s  to  appear  uiuler  its  walls.  Hezekiah  pre- 
 ))aied  for  the  siege.  The  springs  round  Jerus;dem 
 were  stopped — that  is,  their  outtlow  w;is  prevented, 
 and  the  water  diverted  underground  to  the  interior 
 of  the  city  (2  K.  xx.  20;  2  Chr.  xxxii.  4).  This 
 done,  he  ciirefuUy  rcpiired  the  walls  of  the  city, 
 furni.shed  them  with  additional  towers,  and  built  a 
 second  wall  '2  Chr.  xxxii.  5;  Is.  xxii.  10).  He 
 strengthened  the  fortifications  of  the  citadel  (2  Chr. 
 xxxii.  5,  "  Millo  ;"  Is.  xxii.  9),  and  prepared  abund- 
 ance of  ammunition.  At  the  time  of  Titus's  siege 
 the  name  of  "  the  Assynan  Camp  "  was  still  attached 
 to  a  spot  north  of  the  city  in  remembrance  either 
 of  this  or  the  subsequent  visit  of  Nebuchadnezzar. 
 The  reign  ot' Manasiieh  (B.C.  tiilOi  must  have  been 
 ail  eventful  one  in  the  annals  of  Jerusjilem,  though 
 onlv  meagre  indications  of  its  events  are  to  he  tbund 
 ill  fhe  documents.  He  built  n  fresh  wall  to  the 
 citadel,  "  t'roin  the  west  side  of  Ciihon-iii-the- valley 
 to  the  (ish-gate."  i.  e.  apparently  along  the  east  side 
 of  the  ceiitnil  valley,  which  parts  the  upper  and 
 lower  cities  from  S.  to  N.  He  also  continued  the 
 works  which  had  been  begun  l)y  Jolliam  at  Ophel, 
 aui   rnised   that   (oitrcss  or   structure    to  a  great 
 
 JERUSALEM 
 
 Iwight.  The  reign  of  Jn^iah  'u.c.  6.\9)  wasmaiKed 
 by  a  more  .strenuous  ze;il  for  Jehovah  than  even 
 that  of  Hezekiah  had  been.  He  began  his  reign  at 
 eight  years  of  age,  and  by  his  20th  year  fl2th  of 
 his  reign— 2  Chr.  xxxiv.  3^  commenced  a  thorough 
 remo\al  of  the  idolatious  aouses  of  Maiiasseh  and 
 Amon,  and  even  some  ot  Ahaz,  which  mu.st  have 
 escaped  the  purgations  of  Hezekiah  (2  K.  xxviii.  12), 
 His  rash  opposition  to  Pharaoh  Necho  cost  him  hie 
 life,  his  son  his  throne,  and  Jerusalefn  much  snfler- 
 ing.  Hetbre  Jehoahaz  (n.C.  608)  had  been  reigning 
 three  months,  the  Egyptian  king  found  opportunity 
 to  send  to  Jerusalem,  from  lliblah  where  he  was 
 then  encamped,  a  force  sutticient  to  depose  and  take 
 him  prisonei-,  to  put  his  brother  Kliakim  on  the 
 throne,  and  to  exact  a  he;ivy  fine  from  the  city  and 
 countiy,  which  was  paid  in  advance  by  the  new  king, 
 and  afterwards  extorted  by  taxation  (2  K.  xxiii.  1-33, 
 35).  The  fall  of  the  city  was  now  ra]iiilly  approach- 
 ing. During  the  reign  of  Jehoiakim  Jerusalem  was 
 visited  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  with  the  Babylonian  army 
 hitely  victorious  over  the  Egyptians  at  Carchemish. 
 The  visit  was  possibly  repeated  once,  or  even  twice. 
 A  siege  there  must  have  been ;  but  of  this  we  have 
 no  account.  Jehoiakim  was  succeede<l  by  his  son  Je- 
 hoiachin  (B.C.  597).  Hardly  had  his  short  reign 
 begun  befoie  the  teirible  aimy  of  Babylon  re- 
 appeared before  the  city,  again  commanded  by  Ne- 
 buchadnezzar (2  K.  xxiv.  10,  11).  Jehoiachin 
 surreiuleied  in  the  third  month  of  his  reign.  The 
 treasuies  of  the  pialace  and  Tem]ile  were  pillaged, 
 cert;uii  golden  articles  of  Solomon's  original  esta- 
 blishment, which  had  escaped  the  plunder  and  dese- 
 ci-ations  of  the  previous  reigns,  were  cut  up  (2  K. 
 xxiv.  13),  and  the  more  desirable  objects  out  of  the 
 Temple  auried  oil'  (Jer.  xxvii.  19).  The  uncle  of 
 Jehoiachin  was  made  king  in  his  stead,  by  the  name 
 of  Zedekiah  (2  Chr.  xxxvi.  13;  Ezek.  xvii.  13,  14, 
 18).  He  applied  to  Pharaoh-Hophra  for  assistance 
 (Ezek.  xvii.  15).  Upon  this  Nebuchadnezzar 
 marched  in  person  to  Jerusalem  (B.C.  588),  and  at 
 once  began  a  regular  siege,  at  the  same  time  wasting 
 the  country  far  and  near  (Jer.  xxxiv.  7:.  The  siege 
 was  conducted  by  erecting  forts  on  lofty  mounds 
 round  the  city,  fiom  which  on  the  usual  As.syrian 
 plan,  missiles  were  discharged  into  the  town,  and 
 the  walls  and  houses  in  them  battered  by  rams 
 (Jer.  xxxii.  24,  xxxiii.  4,  lii.  4;  Ezek.  xxi.  22). 
 'Vh-e  city  wiis  also  surrounded  with  troops  (Jei'. 
 lii.  7).  The  siege  was  once  abandone<i,  owing  to 
 the  approach  of  the  Egyptian  army  (Jer.  sxxvii. 
 5,  11).  But  the  relief  was  only  temporary,  and  in 
 the  11th  of  Zedekiah  (B.C.  586),  on  the  9th  day  of 
 the  4th  month  (Jer.  lii.  6),  being  just  a  year  and  a 
 half  from  the  /iist  investment,  the  city  wjis  taken. 
 It  was  at  midnight.  The  whole  city  was  wi-apt  in 
 the  pitchy  darkness  ch.iracteristic  of  an  eitstern  town, 
 and  nothing  was  known  by  the  Jews  of  what  had 
 hap])ened  till  the  generals  of  the  army  entered  the 
 Temple  (Joseph.)  and  took  their  seats  in  the  middle 
 court  (Jer.  xxxix.  3;  Jos.  Ant.  x.  8,  §2).  Then 
 the  alarm  was  given  to  Ze<lekiah.  :uid  colU'cting  his 
 remaining  warriors,  he  stole  out  of  the  city  by  a 
 gate  at  the  south  side,  .somewhere  near  the  present 
 liab-cl-MuglMribch,  cro.ssed  the  Kedron  alwve  the 
 royal  gardens  ami  made  his  way  over  the  Mount 
 of  Olives  to  the  Jordan  valley.  .At  break  of  day 
 information  of  the  flight  wiU!  brought  to  the  Clnd- 
 deans  bv  some  deicrtei's.  \  mpiil  pursuit  was 
 made :  Zedekiah  wius  overtaken  near  Jericho,  his 
 jieo])|e  were  dispersed,  and  he  him.solf  captured  and 
 
JERUSALEM 
 
 rtKcvved  for  a  miserable  fate  at  Riblah.  Meantime 
 the  wretclial  inhabitants  suffered  all  the  horrors  of 
 assault  and  sack :  the  men  were  slaughtered,  old 
 and  young,  prince  and  peasant ;  the  women  violated 
 ill  Mount  Zion  itself  (Lain.  ii.  4,  v.  11,  12).  On 
 the  seventh  day  of  the  following  month  (2  K.  xxv. 
 8  j,  Nebuzaradan,  the  commander  of  the  king's  bod)'- 
 guard,  who  seems  to  have  been  chaiged  with  Ne- 
 buchadnezzar's instructions  as  to  what  should  be 
 done  with  the  city,  arrived.  Two  days  were  passed, 
 probably  in  collecting  the  captives  and  booty;  and 
 on  the  tenth  (Jer.  lii.  12)  the  Temple,  the  royal 
 palace,  and  all  the  more  important  buildings  of  the 
 city,  were  set  on  fire,  and  the  walls  thrown  down 
 and  left  as  heaps  of  disordered  rubbish  on  the  ground 
 (Nell.  iv.  2;.  The  previous  deportations,  and  the 
 sufferings  endured  in  the  siege,  must  to  a  great 
 e.vteiit  have  drained  the  place  of  its  able-bodied 
 people,  and  thus  the  captives,  on  this  occasion, 
 were  but  tew  and  unimportant.  The  land  was  piac- 
 tically  deserted  of  all  but  the  very  poorest  class. 
 five  years  afterwards — the  23rd  of  Nebuchad- 
 nezzar's reign — the  insatiable  Nebuzaradan,  on  liis 
 way  to  Egypt,  again  visited  the  ruins,  and  swept 
 off  74.5  more  of  the  wretched  peasants  (Jer.  lii.  .30). 
 Tims  Jerusalem  at  hibt  had  fallen,  jyid  the  Temple, 
 set  up  under  such  fair  auspices,  was  a  heap  of  black- 
 ened ruins.  The  spot,  however,  was  none  the  less 
 sacied  because  the  edifice  was  destroyed.  It  was 
 still  the  centre  of  hope  to  the  people  in  captivity, 
 and  the  time  soon  arrived  for  their  return  to  it. 
 T lie  decree  of  Cyrus  authoiizing  the  lebuildiiig  ol 
 the  "  house  of  Jehovah,  God  of  Israel,  which  is  in 
 Jerusalem,"  was  issued  B.C.  53(3.  In  consequence 
 thereof  a  very  large  caravan  of  Jews  arrived  in  the 
 country.  A  short  lime  was  occupied  in  .settling  in 
 their  former  cities,  but  on  the  first  day  of  the  7th 
 month  (Ezr.  iii.  6)  a  genera!  assembly  was  called 
 together  at  Jerusalem  in  •'  the  open  place  of  the 
 first  gate  towards  tlie  east"  (I  lisd.  v.  47)  ;  the 
 altar  was  set  up,  and  the  daily  morning  and  evening 
 sacrifices  commenced.  Arrangements  were  made  (or 
 stone  and  timber  for  the  fabric,  and  in  the  2iid  year 
 alter  their  return  (B.C.  534),  on  the  1st  day  of  the 
 2nd  moiitli  (1  Esd.  v.  57),  the  foundation  of  the 
 Temple  was  laid.  But  the  work  was  destined  to 
 suller  material  interruptions.  The  chiefs  of  the 
 people  by  whom  Samaria  had  been  colonized,  an- 
 noyed and  hindered  them  in  every  possible  way  ; 
 but  ultimately  the  Temple  was  finished  and  dedi- 
 cated in  the  6th  year  of  Darius  (B.C.  516),  on  the 
 3id  Cor  23rd,  l"  Esdr.  vii.  5)  of  Adar — the  last 
 month,  and  on  the  14th  day  of  the  new  year  the 
 first  Passover  was  celebrated.  All  this  time  the 
 walls  of  the  city  remained  as  the  Assyrians  had  left 
 them  (Nell.  ii.  12,  &c.).  A  period  of  58  years 
 now  passed,  of  which  no  accounts  are  preserved  to  us  ; 
 but  at  the  end  of  that  time,  in  the  year  457,  Ezra 
 arrived  from  Babylon  with  a  caravan  of  Priests, 
 I.evites,  Nethinims,  and  lay  people.  He  left  Ba- 
 bylon on  the  1st  day  of  the  year  and  reached  Jeru- 
 salem on  the  1st  of  the  5th  month  (Ezr.  vii.  9, 
 viii.  32).  We  now  pass  another  period  of  eleven 
 years  until  the  ariival  of  Nehemiah,  about  B.C.  445. 
 After  three  days  he  collected  the  chief  people  an.l 
 proposed  the  immediate  rebuilding  of  the  walls. 
 One  spiiit  seized  them,  and  notwithstanding  the 
 taunts  and  threats  of  Sanballat,  the  ruler  of  the 
 Samaritans,  and  Tobiah  the  Ammonite,  in  conse- 
 quence of  which  one-half  of  the  people  had  to  remain 
 armed  while  the  other  half  built,  the  work  was 
 completed  in  52  days,  on  the  25th  of  Elul.     The 
 
 JERUSALEM 
 
 38.^ 
 
 wall  tlius  rebuilt  was  that  of  the  city  of  Jerusalem 
 as  well  as  the  city  of  David  or  Zion.  Neherciah 
 remained  in  the  city  for  twelve  years  (v.  14,  xiii. 
 6),  during  which  time  he  held  the  office  and  main- 
 tiiined  the  state  of  governor  of  the  province  (v.  14) 
 from  his  own  private  resources  (v.  15).  The 
 foreign  tendencies  of  the  high-priest  Eliashib  and  his 
 family  had  already  given  Nehemiah  some  concern 
 (.\iii.  4,  28).  Eliasliih's  son  Joiada,  who  succeeded 
 him  in  the  high-priesthood,  had  two  sons,  the  one 
 Jonathan  (Neh.  .\ii.  11)  or  Johanan  (Neh.  xii.  22), 
 the  other  Joshua  (Jos.).  The  two  quarrelled,  and 
 Joshua  was  killed  by  Johanan  in  the  Temple  (b.c. 
 cir.  366).  Johanan  in  his  turn  had  two  sons, 
 Jaddua  (Neh.  xii.  11,  22)  and  Manasseh  (Jos.  A)it. 
 xi.  7,  §2).  Manasseh  married  the  daughter  of  San- 
 ballat the  Horonite,  and  eventually  became  the  first 
 priest  of  the  Samaritan  temple  on  Gerizim.  During 
 the  high-priesthood  of  Jaddua  occurred  the  famous 
 visit  of  Alexander  the  Great  to  Jerusalem.  The 
 result  to  the  Jews  of  the  visit  was  an  exemption 
 from  tribute  in  the  Sabbatical  year:  a  privilege 
 which  they  retained  for  long.  We  hear  nothing 
 more  of  Jerusalem  until  it  was  taken  by  Ptolemy 
 Soter,  about  B.C.  320,  during  his  incursion  into 
 Syria.  A  stormy  period  succeeded — that  of  the 
 struggles  between  Autigonus  and  Ptolemy  for  the 
 possession  of  Syria,  which  lasted  until  the  defeat  of 
 the  tbrmer  at  Ipsus  (B.C.  301),  after  which  the 
 countiy  came  into  the  possession  of  Ptolemy.  Simon 
 the  Just,  who  fullowed  his  father  Onias  in  the  high- 
 priesthood  (cir.  B.C.  300),  is  one  of  the  favourite 
 heroes  of  the  Jews.  Under  his  care  the  sanctuary 
 was  repaired,  and  some  foundations  of  great  depth 
 added  round  the  'J'emple,  possibly  to  gain  a  larger 
 surface  on  the  top  of  the  hill  (Ecclus.  1.  1,  2).  The 
 large  cistern  or  "  sea"  of  the  principal  court  of  the 
 Temple,  which  hitherto  would  seem  to  have  been 
 but  temporarily  or  rouglily  constructed,  was  sheathed 
 in  brass  fibid.  3)  ;  the  walls  of  the  city  were  more 
 strongly  fortified  to  guard  against  such  attacks  as 
 those  of  Ptolemy  (ib.  4)  ;  and  the  Temple  service 
 was  maintained  with  great  pomp  and  ceremonial 
 (ib.  11-21).  His  death  was  marked  by  evil  omens 
 of  various  kinds  presaging  disasters.  The  inter- 
 course with  Greeks  was  fast  eradicating  the  national 
 character,  but  it  was  at  any  rate  a  peaceful  in- 
 tercourse during  the  reigns  of  the  Ptolemies  who 
 succeeded  Soter,  viz.,  Philadelphus  (B.C.  285),  and 
 Euergetes  (b.c.  247).  A  description  of  Jerusalem 
 at  this  period  under  the  name  of  Aristeas  still  sur- 
 vives, which.supplies  a  lively  picture  of  both  Temple 
 and  city.  The  Temple  was  "  enclosed  with  three 
 walls  70  cubits  high,  and  of  proportionate  thick- 
 ness ....  The  spacious  courts  were  paved  with 
 marble,  and  beneath  them  lay  immense  reservoirs 
 of  water,  which  by  mechanical  contrivance  was  made 
 to  rush  forth,  and  thus  wash  away  the  blood  of  the 
 sacrifices."  The  city  occupied  the  summit  and 
 the  eastern  slopes  of  the  opposite  hill — the  modern 
 Zion.  The  main  streets  appear  to  have  run  north 
 and  south ;  some  "  along  the  bi  ow  ....  others 
 lower  down  but  parallel,  following  the  course  of  the 
 valley,  with  cross  streets  connecting  them."  They 
 were  "  furnished  with  raised  pavements,"  either 
 due  to  the  slope  of  the  gi'ound,  or  possibly  adopted 
 for  the  reason  given  by  Aristeas,  viz.  to  enable  the 
 passengers  to  avoid  contact  with  persons  or  things 
 ceremonially  unclean.  The  bazaars  were  then,  as 
 now,  a  prominent  feature  of  the  city.  During  the 
 struggle  between  Ptolemy  Philopator  and  Antiocluis 
 the  Great,    .lerusalem    became   alternately   a   prey 
 
384 
 
 JERUSALEM 
 
 to  ejich  of  the  cont«?ndins  parties.  In  L'Oo  it  was 
 taken  by  Antioi-luis.  In  199  it  was  retaken  by 
 Scopas  the  Alexandrian  general,  who  left  a  garrison 
 in  the  citadel.  In  the  following  year  Antiochus 
 again  beat  the  Egyptians,  and  then  the  Jews,  who 
 had  sullered  most  from  the  latter,  gladly  opened 
 their  gates  to  his  army,  and  assisted  them  in  re- 
 ducing the  Kg)'ptian  garrison.  In  the  reign  of 
 Seleucus  Soter  .lerusalem  was  in  much  apparent 
 prosjierity.  But  the  city  .soon  began  to  be  much 
 disturbed  by  the  disputes  between  Hyrcanus,  the 
 illegitimate  son  of  Joseph  the  collector,  and  his 
 elder  and  legitimate  brothers.  In  175  Seleucus 
 Soter  died,  and  the  kingdom  of  Syria  came  to  his 
 brother,  the  infamous  Antiochus  Epiphanes.  His 
 iii'St  act  towards  Jerusalem  was  to  sell  the  office  of 
 high-jiriest— still  filled  by  the  good  Onias  III. — to 
 Ouias'  brother  Joshua,  who  changed  his  name  to 
 Jason  '2  JIacc.  iv.  7).  In  172  Jerusalem  was 
 visited  by  Antiochus.  He  entered  the  city  at  night 
 by  toich-light  and  amid  the  acclamations  of  Jasoii 
 and  iiis  party,  and  after  a  short  stay  returned 
 (2  Maco.  iv.  22).  During  the  absence  of  Antiochus 
 in  Egypt,  Jason,  who  had  been  driven  out  by  Me- 
 nelaus,  suddenly  ajipeaied  before  Jerusalem  with  a 
 thousand  men,  drove  Menelaus  into  the  citadel,  and 
 slaughtered  the  citizens  without  mercy.  The  news 
 cf  tliese  tumults  reaching  Antiochus  on  his  way 
 from  Egyj)t  brought  him  again  to  Jerusalem  (B.C. 
 170).  He  appears  to  have  entered  the  city  without 
 much  difficulty.  An  indisciiminate  massacre  of  the 
 adherents  of  Ptolemy  followed,  and  then  a  general 
 pillage  of  the  contents  of  the  Temple.  The  total 
 extermination  of  the  Jews  was  resolved  on,  and  in 
 two  years  (B.C.  168)  an  army  was  sent  under  Apol- 
 lonius  to  cany  the  resolve  into  effect.  Another 
 great  slaughter  took  j)lace  on  the  sabbath,  the  city 
 was  now  in  its  turn  pillaged  and  burnt,  and  the 
 walls  destroyed.  Antiochus  next  issued  an  edict  to 
 compel  heathen  worship  in  all  his  dominions.  The 
 Tem))le  was  reconsecrated  to  ZeusOlympius  (2  Mace. 
 vi.  2).  And  while  the  Jews  were  compelled  not 
 only  to  tolerate  but  to  take  an  active  part  in  these 
 foreign  abominations,  the  observance  of  their  own 
 rites  and  ceremonies — sacrifice,  the  sabbath,  cir- 
 cumcision— was  absolutely  forbidden.  The  battles 
 of  the  Maccabees  were  (ought  on  the  outskirts  of 
 the  country,  and  it  was  not  till  the  deteat  of  Lysias 
 at  Bethzur  that  they  thought  it  safe  to  venture  into 
 the  recesses  of  the  central  hills.  Then  they  imme- 
 diately turned  their  steps  to  Jenisalem.  The  pre- 
 cin(ts  of  the  Temple  were  .at  once  cleansed,  the 
 polluted  altar  put  aside,  a  new  one  constructed, 
 and  the  holy  vessels  of  the  sanctuary  replaced,  and 
 on  the  third  anniversary  of  the  desecration — the 
 2.5th  of  the  month  Ciiisleu,  in  the  year  n.c.  Ifi.j, 
 the  Temple  was  dedicated  with  a  least  which  lasted 
 (or  eight  days.  After  this  the  outer  wall  of  the 
 Temple  was  very  much  strengthened  (1  Mace.  iv. 
 60  ,  and  it  was  in  fact  converted  into  a  fortress 
 (comp.  vi.  26,  6i,  62;,  and  occn|)ie<i  by  a  garrison 
 (iv.  61).  The  Acra  was  still  licld  by  the  soldiei-s 
 of  Antio(-hus.  Two  yeai's  later  (B.C.  163)  Judas 
 collected  his  people  to  take  it,  and  began  a  siege 
 with  banks  and  engines.  In  the  mean  time  .Anti- 
 ochus had  died  fu.c.  Iii4),  and  was  succeeded  by 
 his  son  Antiochus  Eiip.itor,  a  youth.  The  gan-ison 
 in  tiie  Ana,  finding  tliems<'lvcs  pressed  by  Judas, 
 man;iged  tocommunic;ite  with  the  king,  who  brought 
 nn  army  from  Antioch  and  attacked  Bethzur,  one 
 of  tlie  key-j)ositions  of  the  Maccabees.  This  obliged 
 Judas  t"  give  up  thr  siege  of  the  Aci-a,  anci  to  march 
 
 JERUSALEM 
 
 southwards  against  the  intruder  d  Mace.  vi.  22). 
 Antiochus's  antiy  proved  too  much  for  his  little 
 force,  his  brother  Eieazar  was  killed,  and  he  was 
 coni{)elled  to  fall  l)ack  on  Jerusalem  and  shut  himself 
 up  in  the  Tem|>Ie.  Thither  Lysias,  Antiochus's 
 general — and  later,  Antiochus  himself — followed 
 him  (vi.  48,  51,  57,  62)  and  commenced  an  active 
 siege.  The  death  of  Judas  took  place  in  161.  After 
 it  Bacchides  and  Alcimus  again  established  them- 
 selves at  Jerusalem  in  the  Acra  (Jos.  Ant.  xiii.  1, 
 §3),  and  in  the  intervals  of  their  contests  with  Jo- 
 nathan and  Simon,  added  much  to  its  fortifications. 
 In  the  second  month  (May)  of  160  the  high-priest 
 Alcimus  began  to  make  some  alterations  in  the 
 Temple,  apparently  doing  away  with  the  inclosure 
 between  one  court  and  another,  and  in  particular 
 demolishing  some  wall  or  building,  to  which  peculiar 
 sanctity  was  att.iched  as  "  the  work  of  the  prophets" 
 (1  Mace.  ix.  54).  Bacchides  returned  to  Antioch, 
 and  Jerusalem  lemained  without  molestation  for  a 
 period  of  seven  years.  All  this  time  the  Acra  was 
 held  by  the  Macedonian  garrison  (Ant.  xiii.  4,  §92) 
 and  the  malcontent  Jews,  who  still  held  the  hostages 
 taken  from  the  other  part  of  the  community  ( 1  Mace. 
 X.  6).  In  the  year  153  Jonathan  was  made  high- 
 priest.  In  145,  he  began  to  invest  the  Acra  (xi. 
 20  ;  Ant.  .xiii.  4,  §9),  but,  owing  |iartly  to  the 
 strength  of  the  place,  and  partly  to  the  constant 
 dissensions  abroad,  the  siege  made  little  progress 
 during  fully  two  years.  In  the  mean  time  Jonathan 
 was  killed  at  Ptolemais,  and  Simon  succeeded  him 
 both  as  chief  and  as  high  priest  (xiii.  8,  42).  The 
 investment  of  the  Acra  proved  successful,  but  three 
 years  still  elapsed  before  this  enormously  strong 
 place  could  be  reduced,  and  at  last  the  g;u'rison 
 capitulated  only  from  famine  (xiii.  49;  comp.  21). 
 Simon  entered  it  on  the  23rd  of  the  2nd  month 
 B.C.  142.  The  fortress  was  then  entirely  demo- 
 lished, and  the  eminence  on  which  it  had  stood 
 lowered,  until  it  was  reduced  below  the  height  of 
 the  Temple  hill  beside  it.  Tiie  valley  north  of 
 Moriah  was  probably  filled  up  at  this  time.  A 
 fort  was  then  built  on  the  north  side  of  the 
 Temjile  hill,  apparently  against  the  wall,  so  as  di- 
 rectly to  command  the  site  of  the  Acra,  and  here 
 Simon  and  his  immediate  fbllowei-s  resided  (xiii.  52). 
 One  of  the  first  ste])s  of  his  son  John  Hvrcanus  was 
 to  secure  both  the  city  and  the  Temiile,  Shortly 
 after  this,  Antiochus  Sidetes,  king  of  Syiia,  attacked 
 Jei-usalem.  To  invest  the  city,  and  cut  ofl'  all 
 chance  of  escape,  it  was  encircled  bj'  a  girdle  of 
 seven  camps.  The  active  operations  of  the  siege 
 were  carried  on  as  usual  at  the  north,  where  the 
 level  ground  comes  up  to  the  wall-;.  The  siege 
 was  ultimately  lelinquished.  Antiochus  wished  to 
 place  a  garrison  in  the  city,  but  this  the  late  expe- 
 rience of  the  Jews  foibade,  and  hostages  and  a  pay- 
 ment were  substituted.  After  Antiochus's  de- 
 j)arture,  Hyrcanus  carefully  repaired  the  damage 
 done  to  the  walls  (5  Mace.  xxi.  18).  During  tlie 
 rest  of  his  long  and  successful  reign  John  Hyr- 
 cajius  resided  at  Jerusalem,  ably  administering 
 the  government  from  thence,  and  regularly  fulfill- 
 ing the  duties  of  the  high-priest  (see  5  Mace,  xxiii. 
 3).  He  wits  succeeded  (n.c.  107-)  by  his  son 
 Aristobulus.  Like  his  predecessors  he  w.is  high- 
 priest;  but  unlike  them  he  assumed  the  title  .is 
 well  .-us  the  power  of  a  king  (5  Mace,  xxvii.  1). 
 His  brother  Alexander  .lanneas  (B.C.  105),  who 
 succeedi-d  him,  was  mainly  engage<I  ic  wars  at  a 
 distance  from  Jerus-nlem.  About  the  year  95  the 
 animosities  oi  tfie  Pharisees  and  .Sidd>  cees  ciiiie  to 
 
JERUSALEM 
 
 an  alarming  explosion.  Alexnndei's  severities  made  ; 
 him  extremely  unpopular  with  both  parties,  and  i 
 led  to  their  inviting  the  aid  of  Demetrius  Eu-  [ 
 chaerus,  king  of  Syria,  against  him.  The  actions  , 
 between  them  were  fought  at  a  distance  from  Jeru-  i 
 salem  ;  but  the  city  did  not  escape  a  share  in.  the 
 horrors  of  war;  for  when,  after  some  fluctuations, 
 Alexander  returned  successful,  he  crncitied  publicly 
 
 ,  800  of  his  opponents,  and  had  their  wives  and 
 children  butchered  before  their  eyes,  while  he  and 
 his  concubines  feasted  in  sight  of  the  whole  scene 
 {Ant.  xiii.  14,  §  2).  Such  an  iron  sway  as  this 
 was  enouo'h  to  crush  all  opposition,  and  Alexander  i 
 reigned  till  the  year  79  without  further  disturb-  i 
 ances.  The  "  monument  of  king  Alexander"  was  I 
 doubtless  his  tomb.  In  spite  of  opposition  the 
 Pharisees  were  now  by  far  the  most  powerful  party 
 in  Jerusalem,  and  Alexander  had  therefore  before 
 his  death  instructed  his  queen,  Alexandra — whom 
 he  left  to  succeed  him  with  two  sons — to  commit 
 herself  to  them.  The  elder  of  the  two  sons,  Hyr- 
 canus,  was  made  high-priest,  and  Aristobulus  had 
 the  command  of  the  army.  The  queen  lived  till 
 the  year  70.  On  her  death,  Hyrcanus  attempted 
 to  take  the  crown,  but  was  opposed  by  his  brother, 
 to  whom  in  three  months  he  \'ielded  its  possession, 
 Aristobulus  becommg  king  in  the  year  69.  The 
 brothers  soon  quarrelled  again,  when  Hyrcanus 
 called  to  his  assistance  Aretas,  king  of  Damascus. 
 Before  this  new  enemy  Aristobulus  fled  to  Jeru- 
 salem, and  took  refuge  within  the  fortifications  of 
 the  Temple.     The  siege   is  interrupted  and  even- 
 
 ■  tually  laised  by  the  interference  of  Scaurus,  one  of 
 Pompey's    lieutenants,  to   whom  Aristobulus  paid 
 400  talents  for  the  relief.     This  was  in  the  year 
 65.     Pompey  advanced  from   Damascus  by  way  of 
 Jeiicho.     As  he  approached  Jerusalem,  Aristobulus, 
 who  found  the  city  too  much  divided  for  etlectual 
 resistance,  met  him  and    offered    a  large  sum  of 
 money  and  surrender.      Pompey  sent  forward  Gabi- 
 nius  to  take  possession  of  the  place ;  but  the  bolder 
 party   among   the    adherents   of  Aristobulus    had 
 meantime  gained  the  ascendancy,  and  he  found  the 
 gates  closed.      Pompey  on  this  threw  the  king  into 
 chains,    and   advanced    on    Jerusalem.      Hyrcanus 
 was  in  possession  of  the  city,  and  received  the  in- 
 vader with  open  arms.     The  Temple  on  the  other 
 hand  was  held  by  the  party  of  Aiistobulus,  which 
 included  the  priests.      Pompey  appears  to  have  sta- 
 tioned some  part  of  his  force  on  the  high  gi-ound 
 west  of  the  city,  but  he  hmiself  commanded  in  per- 
 son at  the  north.     The  first  eflbrts  of  his  soldiers 
 were  devoted  to  filling  up  the  ditch  and  the  vallev, 
 and  to  constructing  the  banks  on  which  to  place 
 the  military  engines,  for'  which  purpose  they  cut 
 down  all  the  timber  in  the  environs.     Pompey  re- 
 marked that  on  the  seventh  day  the  Jews  regularly 
 desisted  from,  fighting,  and  this  afibrded  the  Romans 
 a  great  advantage,  for  it  gave  them  the  opportunity  ; 
 of  moving  the  engines  and  towers  nearer  the  walls.  ' 
 At  the  end  of  three  months  the  besiegers  had  ap- 
 pioached  so  close  to  the  wall  that  the  battering-  \ 
 rams  could  be  worked,  and  a  breach  was  effected  in  ' 
 the   largest   of    the    towers,    through    which    the 
 Romans  entered,  and  after  an  obstinate  resistance 
 and  loss  of  life,  remained  masters  of  the  Temple,  i 
 Hyrcanus   was   continued    in    his   high-pnesthood,  I 
 but  without  the  title  of  king ;  a  tribute  was  laid  1 
 upon  the  city,  the  walls  were  entirely  demolished. 
 The  Temple  was  taken  in  the  year  63,  in  the  third  I 
 month  (Si van),  on  the  dav  of  a  great  fast;  pro- 
 Cox.  1).  ];. 
 
 JERUSALEM 
 
 38{ 
 
 bahly  that  for  Jeroboam,  which  was  held  on  the 
 2ord  of  that  month.  During  the  next  few  years 
 nothing  occurred  to  affect  Jerusalem.  In  56  it 
 was  made  the  seat  of  one  of  the  five  senates  or  San- 
 hedrim. Two  years  afterwards  (b.c.  54)  the  rapa- 
 cious Crassus  plundered  the  city  not  only  of  the 
 money  which  Pompey  had  spared,  but  of  a  con- 
 siderable treasure  accimiulated  from  the  contri- 
 butions of  Jews  throughout  the  world,  in  all  a  sum 
 of  10,000  talents,  or  about  2,000,000/.  sterling. 
 During  this  time  Hyrcanus  remained  at  Jerusalem, 
 acting  under  the  advice  of  Antipater  the  Idumean, 
 his  chief  minister.  The  year  47  is  memorable  for 
 the  first  appearance  of  Antipatei's  son  Herod  in 
 Jerusalem.  Antigonus,  the  younger  and  only  sur- 
 viving son  of  Aristobulus,  suddenly  appeared  in  the 
 country  supported  by  a  Parthian  army.  So  sudden 
 was  his  approach,  that  he  got  into  the  city  and 
 reached  the  palace  in  the  upper  market-place — the 
 modern  Zion — without  resistance.  Here,  how- 
 ever, he  was  met  by  Hyrcanus  and  PhasaeUis  with 
 a  strong  party  of  soldiers  and  driven  into  the  Tem- 
 ple. Pacoius,  the  Parthian  general,  was  lying  out 
 side  the  walls,  and  at  the  earnest  I'equest  of  Anti- 
 gonus, he  and  500  horse  weie  admitted,  ostensibly 
 to  mediate.  The  result  was,  that  Phasaelus  and 
 Hyrcanus  were  outwitted,  and  Herod  overpowered, 
 the  Parthians  got  possession  of  the  place,  and  Anti- 
 gonus vi^as  made  king.  Thus  did  Jerusalem  (B.C. 
 40)  find  itself  in  the  hands  of  the  Parthians.  In 
 three  months  Herod  returned  from  Rome  king  of 
 Judaea,  and  in  the  beginning  of  o9  appeared  before 
 Jerusalem  with  a  force  of  Romans,  commanded  by 
 Silo,  and  pitched  his  camp  on  the  west  side  of  the 
 city.  Other  occurrences,  however,  called  him 
 away  from  the  siege  at  this  time.  In  37  Herod 
 appeared  again.  He  came,  as  Pompey  had  done, 
 from  Jericho,  and,  like  Pompey,  he  pitched  his 
 camp  and  made  his  attack  on  the  north  .side  of  the 
 Temple.  For  a  short  time  after  the  commence- 
 ment of  the  operations  Herod  absented  himself  for 
 his  marriage  at  Samaria  with  Mariamne.  On  his 
 return  he  was  joined  by  Sosius,  the  Roman  go- 
 vernor of  Syria,  with  a  force  of  from  50,000  to 
 60,000  men,  and  the  siege  was  then  resumed  in 
 earnest.  The  first  of  the  two  walls  was  taken  in 
 forty  days,  and  the  second  in  fifteen  more.  The 
 siege  is  said  to  have  occupied  in  all  five  months. 
 Herod's  first  care  was  to  put  down  the  Asmonean 
 party.  The  appointment  of  the  high-priest  was 
 the  next  consideration.  Herod  therefore  bestowed 
 the  office  (B.C.  36)  on  one  Ananel,  a  former  adhe- 
 rent of  his,  and  a  Babylonian  Jew.  Ananel  w;is 
 soon  displaced  through  the  machinations  of  Alex- 
 andra, mother  of  Herod's  wife  Mariamne,  who  pre- 
 vailed on  him  to  appoint  her  son  Aristobulus,  a 
 youth  of  sixteen.  But  he  was  soon  after  murdeied 
 at  Jericho,  and  then  Ananel  resumed  the  office. 
 The  intrigues  and  tragedies  of  the  next  thiity  years 
 are  too  complicated  and  too  long  to  be  treated  of 
 here.  In  the  year  34  the  city  was  visited  by  Cleo- 
 patra. In  the  spring  of  31,  the  year  of  the  battle 
 of  Actium,  Judaea  was  visited  by  an  earthquake, 
 the  effects  of  which  appear  to  have  been  indeed  tre- 
 mendous. The  panic  at  Jerusalem  was  very  severe. 
 The  following  year  was  distinguished  by  the  death 
 of  Hyrcanus,  who,  though  more  than  eighty  years 
 old,  was  killed  by  Herod,  to  remove  the  last  rem- 
 nant of  the  Asmonean  race.  Herod  now  began  to 
 encourage  foreign  practices  and  usages.  Amongst 
 his  acts  of  this  description  was  the  buildinsr  of  a 
 
 2  C  " 
 
386  JERUSALEM 
 
 theatre  at  Jenisiilein.  Of  its  situation  no  iii- 
 tbnuatioii  is  ifiveii,  nor  liave  any  traces  yei  been 
 discovered.  The  zealous  Jews  took  fire  at  these 
 innovations,  and  Herod  only  narrowly  escaped 
 assassination.  At  this  time  he  occupied  the  old 
 palace  ot"  the  Asmoneans.  He  had  now  al>o  com- 
 pleted the  improvements  of  the  Antonia,  the  for- 
 tress built  by  John  Hvrumiis  on  the  tbundations  ot' 
 Simon  Maccalieus.  A  description  of  this  cflebrated 
 fortress  will  be  given  in  treatiu;^  of  the  TlCMl'LE. 
 The  year  25 — the  ne.xt  after  tlie  attempt  on 
 Herod's  life  in  the  theatre — was  one  of  great  mis- 
 fortunes. In  this  year  or  the  next  Herod  took 
 another  wife,  the  daughter  of  an  obscure  prie.--t  of 
 Jerusalem  named  Simon.  It  was  probably  on  the 
 occiision  of  this  marriage  that  he  built  a  new  and 
 extensive  palace  immediately  adjoining  the  old  wall, 
 at  the  north-west  corner  of  the  upper  city,  about 
 the  spot  now  occupied  by  the  Latin  convent.  But 
 ail  Herod's  works  in  Jerusalem  were  eclipsed  by 
 the  rebuilding  of  the  Temple  in  moje  than  its  for- 
 mer extent  and  magnilicence.  He  announced  his 
 intention  in  the  year  19,  probably  when  the  people 
 were  collected  in  Jerusjilem  at  the  Passover.  The 
 completion  of  the  sanctuary  itself  on  the  anniver- 
 sary of  Herod's  inauguration,  B.C.  16,  was  cele- 
 brated by  lavish  sacrifices  and  a  great  feast.  About 
 u.C.  9 — eight  years  from  the  commencement — the 
 coujt  and  cloisters  of  the  Temple  were  finished. 
 At  this  tin)e  equally  magnificent  works  were  bein§ 
 cjirried  on  in  another  part  of  the  city,  viz.,  in  the 
 old  wall  at  the  noi  th-west  corner.  In  or  about  the 
 year  7  Herod  had  fixed  a  large  golden  eagle,  the 
 symbol  of  the  liomnn  empire  f  Judaea  was  now  a 
 province),  over  the  entrance  to  the  Sanctuary.  This 
 had  excited  the  indignation  of  the  Jews,  and  espe- 
 cially of  two  of  the  chief  rabbis,  who  instigated 
 their  disciples  to  tear  it  down.  Being  tiken  before 
 Herod  the  raljbis  defended  their  conduct  and  were 
 bui'nt  alive.  The  high-jiriest  Matthias  Wiis  de- 
 posed, and  Joazar  took  his  place.  'I'his  was  the 
 st;ite  of  things  in  Jerusalem  when  Herod  died. 
 The  government  of  Judaea,  and  therefore  of  Jeru- 
 salem, had  by  the  will  of  Heiod  been  bequeatlied 
 to  .\ii-helaus.  During  Archelaus'  absence  at  Rome, 
 Jerusalem  was  in  charge  of  Sabinus,  the  Roman 
 procurator  of  the  province,  and  the  tumults  were 
 renewed  with  woise  results.  In  the  year  3  is.C. 
 Archelaus  returned  from  Kome  ethnarch  of  tiie 
 southern  province.  He  innnediafely  dis])laced 
 Joazar,  whom  his  father  had  made  high-priest  after 
 tlie  alliiir  of  the  Eagle,  and  put  .lo'i/ar's  brother 
 I'JciUar  ill  his  stead.  Judaea  Wits  now  reduceil  to 
 an  ordinary  lioman  piovince;  the  piocui-ator  of 
 which  residetl,  not  at  Jerusalem,  but  at  Caesarea 
 on  the  coast.  The  first  a])pointed  was  Coponius, 
 wlio  acconipanieil  Quirinus  to  the  country  immed- 
 iately on  the  disgiace  of  Aicholaiis.  Two  incid- 
 ents at  once  most  opjKJ-iite  in  their  character,  and 
 in  their  significance  to  that  age  and  to  ourselves, 
 occuried  during  the  piocuratorship  of  Coponius. 
 P'n-ht,  in  the  ye;tr  8,  the  finding  ot  Christ  in  the 
 Temple.  The  sccoml  was  nothing  less  than  tlie 
 pollution  of  the  Teinjile  by  some  .'^aniaiitans,  who 
 secietly  brought  human  bonrs  and  strewed  them 
 about  the  cloisters  during  the  niglit  of  the  Pass- 
 oVer.  Jn  or  about  a.d.  10,  ("oponius  was  suc- 
 ceeded by  M.  Ambivius,  and  he  by  Annius  Uufus. 
 In  14  Augustus  died,  and  with  Tik-rius  cjiinc  a 
 ii.'W  procuiHtor — Val.  Cratus,  who  held  otVue  till 
 J'i,   when   he   was   replaced    by   Pontius  Pila'o.— 
 
 JERUSALEM 
 
 \.D.  29.  At  the  P;Lss()vi-r  of  this  ye:u-  our  I.ord 
 made  His  first  recorded  visit  to  the  city  since  Hie 
 boyhoci  (John  ii.  13).— a.d.  33.  At  the  V.is>- 
 over  of  this  year  occurred  His  crucifixion  and  resur- 
 rection. In  A.D.  37,  Pilate  having  been  recjilled  to 
 Kome,  Jeiusalem  was  visited  by  Vitellius,  tlie  pre- 
 fect of  Syria,  at  the  time  of  the  P;issover.  In  the 
 following  year  Stephen  was  stoned.  The  Chris- 
 tians were  greatly  persecuted,  and  all,  except  the 
 A])Ostles,  driven  out  of  Jerusalem  (Acts  viii.  I,  xi. 
 !9).  In  A.D.  40,  \'itellius  was  superseded  by  ['. 
 Pet loni us,  who  arrived  in  Palestine  with  an  order 
 to  pi.-ice  in  the  Temple  a  statue  of  Caligula.  This 
 order  was  ultimately  countermanded.  With  the 
 accession  of  Claudius  in  41  aime  an  edict  of  tolera- 
 tion to  the  Jews.  Agrippa  resided  veiy  much  at 
 Jerusalem,  and  added  materially  to  its  piosperitv 
 and  convenience.  The  city  had  for  some  time  been 
 extending  itself  towards  the  north,  and  a  huge 
 suburb  had  come  into  existence  on  the  high  ground 
 north  of  the  Temple,  and  outside  of  the  "  second 
 wall  ''  which  enclosed  the  northern  part  of  the 
 great  central  valley  of  the  city.  Hitherto  the 
 outer  portion  of  this  suburb — which  was  called 
 Bezetha,  or  "  New  Town,"  and  h.ad  grown  up  very 
 rapidly — was  unprotected  by  any  formal  wall,  and 
 practically  lay  oj)en  to  attack.  This  defenceless 
 condition  attracted  the  attention  of  Agrippa,  who, 
 like  the  first  Hero<l,  was  a  great  builder,  and  he 
 commenced  enclosing  it  in  so  substantial  and  mag- 
 nificent a  manner  as  to  excite  the  suspicions  of  the 
 Prefect,  at  whose  instance  it  was  stopped  by  Clau- 
 dius. Subsequently  the  Jews  seem  to  have  pur- 
 chased permission  to  complete  the  work.  The  year 
 43  is  memorable  as  that  of  St.  Paul's  first  visit  to 
 Jerusalem  after  his  I'onversion.  The  year  44  began 
 with  the  murder  of  St.  James  by  Agrippa  (.Acts 
 xii.  1),  followed  .it  the  Passover  by  the  imprison- 
 ment and  escape  of  St.  Peter.  Shortly  after 
 .'\grippa  himself  died.  Cuspius  Kadus  arrived  from 
 Kome  as  procurator,  and  Longinus  as  piefect  of 
 Syria.  In  45  commenced  a  .severe  famine,  which 
 lasted  two  yejiis.  At  the  end  of  this  year  St.  Paul 
 arrived  in  Jeiusalem  for  the  second  time.— A. U.  48. 
 Fadus  was  succeeded  by  Ventidius  Cunuuius.  A 
 frightful  tumult  happened  at  the  Passover  of  this 
 year,  caused,  as  on  fbmier  occasions,  by  the  pie- 
 sence  of  the  Koman  soldiers  in  the  Antonia  and  in 
 the  courts  and  cloisters  of  the  Temple  during  the 
 festival.  Cumaiius  was  recalled,  and  Felix  aj)- 
 pointed  in  his  room.  A  set  of  ferocious  fanatics, 
 wliom  Joseiiluis  calls  Sicarii,  had  lately  begun  to 
 make  their  ajipearance  in  the  city.  In  fact,  not 
 only  Jerusalem,  but  the  whole  country  far  and 
 wide,  was  in  the  most  frightful  confusion  and  in- 
 security. At  lenirth  a  liot  at  Caesaie<j  of  the  most 
 serious  description  auised  the  leaill  of  Felix,  and  in 
 the  end  of  60  or  the  beginning  of  61,  PoilCU'S 
 Festl'S  succeeded  him  ;vs  piocui-itor.  Festiis  was 
 an  able  and  upright  ollicer  B.  J.  ii.  14,  §  1),  and 
 at  the  same  time  conciliatory  towards  the  .lews 
 (.Acts  XXV.  9).  In  the  brief  period  of  his  admi- 
 nistration he  kept  down  the  robl)ei-s  with  a  strong 
 hand,  and  gave  the  province  a  short  bi-eathing  time. 
 His  interview  with  St.  Paul  (Acts  xxv.,  xxvi.) 
 took  place,  not  at  Jerusalem,  but  at  Caesai-ca.  In 
 62  (piokibly)  Festiis  died,  and  was  succeeded  by 
 Albiiius.  He  began  his  rule  by  endeavouring  to 
 keep  down  the  Sicarii  and  other  distuibere  of  the 
 peace  ;  and  indeeil  he  pi^eserved  throughout  n  ^how 
 ot  justioR  and  vigour,  though   in   secret   greedy  and 
 
JERUSALEM 
 
 lapacious.  Bad  as  Albinus  had  been,  Gessius 
 Florus,  who  succeeded  him  in  65,  was  worse.  At 
 the  Passover,  probably  iu  66,  when  Cestius  Gallus, 
 the  prefect  of  Syiia,  visited  Jerusalem,  the  whole 
 assembled  people  besought  him  for  redress;  but 
 without  eliect.  Florus'  next  attempt  was  to  obtain 
 some  of  the  treasure  from  the  Temple.  He  de- 
 manded 17  talents  in  the  name  of  the  emperor. 
 The  demand  produced  a  frantic  disturbance.  That 
 night  Florus  took  up  his  quarters  in  the  royal 
 palace — that  of  Herod  at  the  N.W.  corner  of  the 
 city.  On  the  following  morning  he  demanded  that 
 the  leaders  of  the  late  riot  should  be  given  up.  On 
 their  refusal  he  ordered  his  soldiers  to  plunder  the 
 upper  city.  This  order  was  but  too  faithfully  car- 
 ried out.  Foiled  in  his  attempt  to  press  through 
 the  old  city  up  into  the  Antonia,  he  relinquished 
 the  attempt,  and  withdrew  to  Caesarea.  Cestius 
 Gallus,  the  prefect,  now  found  it  necessary  for  him 
 to  visit  the  city  in  person.  Agrippa  had  shortly 
 before  returned  fiom  Alexandria,  and  had  done 
 much  to  calm  tke  people.  The  seditious  party  in 
 the  Temple  led  by  young  lileazar,  son  of  Ananias, 
 rejected  the  offerings  of  the  Roman  emperor,  which 
 since  the  time  of  Julius  Casar  had  been  regularly 
 made.  This,  as  a  direct  renunciation  of  allegiance, 
 was  the  true  beginning  of  the  war  with  Rome. 
 Hostilities  at  once  began.  The  peace  party,  headed 
 by  the  high-piiest,  and  fortified  by  Agrippa's  sol- 
 diers, threw  themselves  into  the  upper  city.  The 
 insurgents  held  the  Temple  and  the  lower  city.  In 
 the  Antonia  was  a  small  Roman  garnson.  Fierce 
 contests  lasted  for  seven  days,  each  side  endeavour- 
 ing to  take  possession  of  the  pait  held  by  the  other. 
 At  last  the  msurgents  became  masters  of  both  city 
 and  temple.  But  they  were  not  to  remain  so  long. 
 Cestius  Gallus  advanced  from  .Scopus  on  the  city. 
 He  encamped  opposite  the  palace  at  the  foot  of  the 
 second  wall.  The  Jews  retired  to  the  upper  city 
 and  to  the  Temple.  For  five  days  Cestius  assaulted 
 the  wall  without  success ;  on  the  sixth  he  resolved 
 to  make  one  moi'e  attempt.  He  could  efl'ect 
 nothing,  and  when  night  came  he  drew  off  to  his 
 camp  at  Scopus.  Thither  the  insurgents  followed 
 him,  and  in  three  days  gave  him  one  of  the  most 
 complete  defeats  that  a  Roman  army  had  ever 
 undergone.  War  with  Rome  was  now  inevitable. 
 I'he  walls  were  repaired,  arms  and  warlike  instru- 
 ments and  machines  of  all  kinds  fabricated,  and 
 other  preparations  made.  In  this  atfitude  of  ex- 
 pectation the  city  remained  while  Vespasian  was 
 1  educing  the  north  of  the  country,  and  till  the  fall 
 of  Giscala  (Oct.  or  Nov.  67).  Two  years  and 
 a  half  elapsed  till  Titus  appeared  before  the  walls 
 of  Jerusalem.  The  whole  of  that  time  was  occu- 
 pied in  contests  between  the  moderate  i)arty  and 
 the  Zealots  or  fanatics.  At  the  beginning  of  70, 
 when  Titus  made  his  appearance,  the  Zealots  them- 
 selves weie  divided  into  two  parties — that  of  John 
 of  Giscala  and  Eleazar,  who  held  the  Temple  and 
 its  comts  and  the  Antonia — 8400  men  ;  that  of 
 Simon  Bar-Gioras,  whose  head-quai'teis  weie  in 
 the  tower  Rhasaelus,  and  who  held  the  upper  city, 
 the  lower  city  in  the  valley,  and  the  distiict  where 
 the  old  Acra  had  formerly  stood,  north  of  the 
 Temple— 10,000  men,  and  5,000  Idumeans,  in  all 
 a  force  of  between  23,000  and  24,000  soldiers 
 trained  iu  the  civil  encounteis  of  the  last  two  years 
 to  gieit  skill  and  thorough  recklessness.  The 
 numbers  of  the  other  inhabitants  it  is  extremely 
 difficult  to  decide.     Titus's  foice  consisted  of  four 
 
 JERUSALEM 
 
 387 
 
 legions  and  some  auxiliaries — at  the  outside  30,000 
 men.  These  were  disposed  on  their  first  arrival  in 
 three  camps — the  12th  and  1.5th  legions  on  the 
 ridge  of  Scopus,  about  a  mile  north  of  the  city ; 
 the  5th  a  little  in  the  rear,  and  the  10th  on  the 
 top  of  the  Mount  of  Olives,  to  guard  the  road  to 
 the  Jordan  valley.  The  first  operation  was  to 
 clear  the  ground  between  Scopus  and  the  north 
 wall  of  the  city.  This  occupied  four  days.  The 
 next  step  was  to  get  possession  of  the  outer  wall. 
 The  point  of  attack  chosen  was  in  Simon's  portion 
 of  the  city,  at  a  low  and  comparatively  weak  place 
 near  the  monument  of  John  Hyrcanus.  Round 
 this  spot  the  three  legions  erected  banks,  from 
 which  they  opened  batteiies,  pushing  up  the  rams 
 and  other  engines  of  attack  to  the  foot  of  the  wall. 
 Meantime  from  their  camp  on  the  Mount  of  Olives 
 the  10th  legion  hattered  the  Temple  and  the  east 
 side  of  the  city.  A  breach  was  made  on  the  7th 
 Artemisius  fcir.  April  15);  and  here  the  Romans 
 entered,  driving  the  Jews  before  them  to  the 
 second  wall.  Titus  now  lay  with  the  second  wall 
 of  the  city  close  to  him  on  his  right.  He  pre- 
 ferred, befoi'e  advancing,  to  get  possession  of  the 
 second  wall.  In  five  days  a  breach  was  again 
 effected.  The  district  into  which  the  Romans  had 
 now  penetrated  was  the  great  Valley  which  lay 
 between  the  two  main  hills  of  the  city.  Before 
 attacking  the  Antonia,  Titus  resolved  to  give  his 
 troops  a  few  days'  rest.  He  therefore  called  in  the 
 10th  legion  from  the  Mount  of  Olives,  and  held  an 
 inspection  of  the  whole  army  on  the  gi-ound  north 
 of  tlie  Temple.  But  the  opportunity  was  thrown 
 away  upon  the  Jews,  and  after  four  days  orders 
 were  given  to  recommence  the  attack.  Hitherto 
 the  assault  had  been  almost  entirely  on  the  city :  it 
 was  now  to  be  simultaneous  on  city  and  Temple. 
 Accordingly  two  pairs  of  large  batteries  were  con- 
 structed, the  one  pair  in  front  of  Antonia,  the  other 
 at  the  old  point  of  attack — the  monument  of  John 
 Hyrcanus.  They  absorbed  the  incessant  labour  of 
 seventeen  days,  and  were  completed  on  the  29th 
 Artemisius  (cir.  May  7).  But  the  Jews  under- 
 mined the  banks,  and  the  labour  of  the  Romans  was 
 totally  destroyed.  At  the  other  point  Simon  had 
 maintained  a  lesistance  with  all  his  former  intre- 
 pidity, and  more  than  his  former  success.  It  now 
 became  plain  to  Titus  that  some  other  measures 
 for  the  reduction  of  the  place  must  be  adopted.  A 
 council  of  war  was  therefore  held,  and  it  was 
 resolved  to  encompass  the  whole  place  with  a  wall, 
 and  then  recommence  the  assault.  Its  entire  length 
 was  39  furlongs, — very  near  5  miles  ;  and  it  con- 
 tained 1 3  stations  ur  guard-houses.  The  whole 
 strength  of  the  army  was  employed  on  the  work, 
 and  it  was  completed  in  the  short  space  of  three 
 days.  The  siege  was  then  vigorously  pressed.  The 
 north  attack  was  relinquished,  and  the  whole  force 
 concentrated  on  the  Antonia.  On  the  5th  Panemus 
 (June  11)  the  Antonia  was  in  the  hands  of  the 
 Romans  (vi.  1,  §  7).  Another  week  was  occupied 
 in  breaking  down  the  outer  walls  of  the  fortress  for 
 the  passage  of  the  machines,  and  a  further  delay 
 took  place  in  erecting  new  banks,  on  the  fresh 
 level,  for  the  bombardment  and  battery  of  the 
 Temple.  But  the  Romans  gradually  gained 
 giouud.  At  length,  on  the  tenth  day  of  Ab 
 (July  15),  by  the  wanton  act  of  a  soldier,  contrary 
 to  the  intention  of  Titus,  and  in  spite  of  every  exei'- 
 tion  he  could  make  to  stop  it,  the  sanctuary  itself 
 was  fired.     It  was,  by  one  of  those  rare  coinci- 
 
 2  C  2 
 
388 
 
 JERUSALEM 
 
 deuces  that  sometimes  occur,  the  very  same  month 
 and  dav  cf  the   month   that  tlie   fii-st    Temple  l)ad 
 been  burnt  by  Nebucliadnezzar.     The  wliole  uf  the 
 cloisters  that  had  hitherto  esi^ped  were  now   all 
 burnt  and  demolished.      Only   the   editice   of  the 
 s:inctuary  itself  still   remained.     The  Temple  was 
 at  last  f;ained ;  but  it  seemed  as  if  half  tlie  work 
 remained  to  be  done.     The  upper  city  was  still  to 
 !«  tiiken.     Titus  first  trieil  a  jjarley.     His  terms, 
 however,  were  rejected,  and  no  alternative  was  left 
 him  but  to  force  on  the  siege.     The  whole  of  the 
 low  part  of  the  town  w:us  burnt.     It  took  18  days 
 to  erect  the  necessary  works  for  the  sietre  ;  the  four 
 legions  were  once  more  statioufd  at   the  west  or 
 north-west  corner  where  Herod's  pjilace  abutted  on 
 the  wall,  and  where  the  three  magnificent  and  im- 
 pi-egnable    towers    of    Hippicus,     Phasaelus,    and 
 Mariamne  rose  conspicuous.     This   was  the  main 
 attack.      It  was  commenced  on  the  7th   of  Gor- 
 piaeus   (cir.  Sept.    11),  and    by    the   next   day   a 
 breach  was  made  in  the  wall,  and  the   Romans  at 
 last  entered  the  city.     The  city  being  taken,  such 
 p;»rts  !is  had  escaped  the  former  conflagrations  were 
 burned,  and  the  whole  of  both  city  and  Temple  was 
 oidered  to  be  domolished,  cxcejiting  the  west  wall 
 of  the  upper  city,  and  Herod's  three  great  towers  at 
 the  north-wost  corner,  which  were  left  stiindmg  as 
 memoiials  of  the  massive  nature  of  the   tbrtiHca- 
 tioits.— From  its  destruction  bi/  Titus  to  the  pre- 
 sent time.  —  For  more  than  fifty  yeais  after  its 
 destiuction  by  Titus  JeruNilem  disappears  from  his- 
 tory.    During  the   revolts  of  the   Jews   in  Cyre- 
 naica,    Ku'vpt,    Cyprus,    and    Mcsopdtamia,    which 
 disturbed  the  latter  years  of  Trajan,  the  recovery  of 
 their  <-ity  was  never  attempted.     But  in  the  reign 
 of   Hadrian   it  again   emerged   from   its  obscurity, 
 and  became  the  centre  of  an  insurrection,  which 
 the  best  blood  of  Home  was  shed  to  subdue.     In 
 despair  of  keeping  the  Jews  m  sulyection  by  other 
 means,  the  Kmperor  had  formed  a  design  to  restore 
 Jerusiilem,  and  thus  prevent  it  from  ever  becoming 
 a  rallying  point  for  this  turbulent  race.     In  fur- 
 therance of  his  plan  he  had  sent  thither  a  colony  of 
 veterans,  in  numliers  sullicient  for  the  defence  of  a  ! 
 position   so   strong    by    natuie    against    the   then 
 known  modes  of  attack,      fhe  embers  of  revolt,  | 
 loui;  smouldering,   burst    into   a   flame  soon  after  i 
 Hadrian's  departure  from  the  Kast  in   A.D,    132. 
 -Vt  an  early  perioil  in  the  revolt  the  Jews  under  i 
 Bar  Cocheba  bewime  mastere  ot  Jerusalem,  and  at- 
 tempted to  rebuild  the  Temple.     Hadiian,  alarmed 
 at  tiie  ia|)iil  spiead  of  the  insunectiou,  and  the  in-  | 
 elicctual   ellbrts   of  his   trooiw   to   repress   it,  sum-  [ 
 moned   from    Britain   Julius  ."^everus,  the  greatest! 
 ,  general  of  his  time,  to  bike   the  command  of  tlie  1 
 armv  of  Judaea.     Two  years  were  spent  in  a  (ieice 
 gueiilla  warfare  before  Jerusalem  was  Uiken,  after 
 a  desperate  defence  in  which  Bar  Cochelia  perished. 
 But  the  war  diil  not  end  with  the  captuie  of  the 
 city.      The  Jews  in  great  Ibrce   had  occupied  the 
 Ibrtress  of  Bether,  and  there  maintained  a  struggle 
 with  nil  the  tenacity  of  desj)air  against  fhe  lepeiited 
 onsets  of  the    Komaiis.      At    length,  worn   out  by 
 famine  and  di.seiuse,  they  yielded  on  the  9th   of  the 
 month  .\b,  A.D.  13.').      Bar  ("ocheba  has  left  traces 
 of  his  (K!cii]i:ilioii  <.f  JeruHolem  in  conis  which  weie 
 •truck   iluring    the    lir.si    two   years   of   the    war. 
 Hadrian's  first  jwlicy,  alter   tlie  suppression  of  the 
 revolt,  was  to  oblitei.ite  the  existence  of  Jerusalem 
 .IS  a  city.     The  ruins  which   Titus  luul   left  weie 
 I  ize.1   ti)  the  ground,  and  the  plough  p.isj.ed  over 
 
 JERUSALEM 
 
 the  foundations  of  the  Temple.  A  colony  of  Roman 
 citizens  occupii'd  the  new  city,  which  rose  from  the 
 ashes  of  Jerusalem,  and  their  number  was  after- 
 wards augmenteii  by  the  Kmperor's  veteran  legion- 
 aries. It  was  not,  however,  till  the  following  vear, 
 A.D.  1C6,  that  Hadrian,  on  celebiating  his  \'icen- 
 nalia,  bestow<'d  upon  the  new  city  the  name  ot 
 .\elia  Capitolina,  combining  with  his  own  timiily 
 title  the  name  of  .lupiter  of  the  Capitol,  the  s;uar- 
 dian  deity  of  tlie  colony.  Jews  were  forbidden  to 
 enter  on  pain  of  de.ith.  .\bout  the  middle  of  the 
 4th  century  the  Jews  were  allowed  to  visit  the 
 neighbourhood,  and  afterwards,  once  a  year,  to 
 enter  the  city  itself,  and  weep  over  it  on  the  anni- 
 versary td'  its  c'lptuie.  ."so  comjiletcly  were  all 
 traces  of  the  ancient  city  obliterated,  that  its  very 
 name  was  in  process  of  time  forgotten.  It  was 
 not  till  atter  Constantine  built  the  MartijrioH  on 
 the  site  ot'  the  crucifixion,  that  its  ancient  appella- 
 tion was  revived.— After  the  inauguration  of  the 
 new  colony  of  .^elia  the  annals  of  the  city  again 
 relapse  into  obscurity.  The  aged  Kmpress  Helena, 
 mother  of  Constantine,  visited  Palestine  in  A.D.  3'J6, 
 and,  according  to  tradition,  erected  magnificent 
 churches  at  Bethlehem,  and  on  the  Mount  ol 
 Olives.  Her  .son,  fire<l  with  the  same  zeal,  swept 
 away  the  shiiiie  of  .-Vstiii'te,  which  occupied  tlie 
 site  of  the  resunection,  and  founded  in  its  stead  a 
 chapel  or  oiatory.  In  the  reign  of  Julian  (A.D. 
 36'2)  the  Jews,  with  the  permission  and  at  the 
 instigation  of  the  Kmperor,  made  an  abortive 
 attempt  to  lay  the  foundations  of  a  temple. 
 —During  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries  .lerusaiem 
 became  the  centre  of  attraction  for  pilgrims  from 
 all  regions,  and  its  bishops  contended  with  those  of 
 Caesjirea  for  the  supremacy ;  but  it  was  not  till 
 after  the  council  of  Chalcedou  (4.")  1-4.53)  that  it 
 was  made  an  independent  patriaiciiate.  In  5J9 
 the  Kmperor  Justinian  tbunded  at  Jerus;dcm  a 
 splendid  church  in  honour  of  the  Virgin,  which 
 has  been  iiieutified  by  mo.st  writers  with  the  build- 
 ing known  in  modern  times  as  the  Mosque  el-Aksa, 
 but  of  which  probably  no  remains  now  exi.-t.  For 
 nearly  live  centuries  the  city  had  been  tree  from 
 the  horrors  of  war.  P>ut  this  rest  was  roughly 
 broken  by  the  invadin"  Persian  army  under  Cho.s- 
 loes  II.  The  city  was  invested,  and  biken  by 
 assault  in  June,  614.  Atter  a  struggle  of  fonrttH-n 
 yea's  the  imperial  arms  were  again  victorious,  and 
 in  (328  Heradiiis  entered  Jei'u.salem  on  foot.  The 
 dominion  of  the  Chri>tians  in  the  Holy  City  was 
 now  ra])idiy  drawing  to  a  close.  .\t'ter  an  obstinate 
 defence  of  four  innuths,  in  the  depth  of  winter, 
 against  the  impetuous  attacks  of  the  .^rabs,  the 
 patriarch  Sophroniiis  surrendered  to  the  Khalit 
 Omar  in  person  A.D.  637.  With  the  fall  of  the 
 .\bassides  the  Holy  City  passed  into  the  hands  of 
 the  Fatimite  conqueror  Muez,  who  fixed  the  .seat  ot 
 his  empire  at  Musr  el-Kiiliirah.  the  mo<lern  Cairo 
 (a.d.  y69  I.  Under  the  Fatimite  dynasty  the  suf- 
 tering.s  of  the  Christians  in  Jerusalem  reached  their 
 height,  when  El-Hakem,  the  third  of  his  line, 
 :ts*-ended  the  throne  Ca.D.  i>9()).  About  fhe  year 
 Ui84  it  was  bestowed  by  Tntii.-h,  the  brother  ol 
 Melek  .Shah,  upon  Ortok,  chief  of  a  Turkman 
 lioide  miller  his  commanil.  From  this  time  till 
 1091  Oitok  was  emir  of  the  city,  ami  on  his  death 
 it  was  held  as  a  kind  of  lief  by  his  sons  llehazy 
 and  Sukman,  whose  severity  to  the  Chli^li:uls 
 liecame  fhe  proximate  cause  of  the  Crussniles.  On 
 tl-.e   7th  of  June,    1099,   the  crusading  .iriny  ap- 
 
JERUSALEM 
 
 ppaixtt  before  the  walls.  Their  cnmp  exti'mied 
 fiom  the  gate  of  St.  Stephen  1<j  that  beneath  the 
 tower  of  David.  On  the  fifth  day  after  their 
 arrival  the  criisadeis  attacked  the  city,  and  at  throe 
 o'clock  on  Friday  the  15th  of  July  Jerusalem  was 
 in  the  hands  of  the  orusadei's.  Churches  were 
 established,  and  for  eiglitv-eight  years  Jerusalem  re- 
 mained in  the  hands  of  the  Christians.  In  1187 
 it  was  retaken  by  Saladin  after  a  siege  of  sevcial 
 weeks.  In  1277  Jerusalem  was  nominally  annexed 
 to  the  kingdom  of  Sicily.  In  1517  it  passed  under 
 the  sway  of  the  Ottoman  Sultan  Selim  1.,  whose 
 successor  Suliman  built  the  present  walls  of  the 
 city  in  1542.  Mohammed  Aly,  tiie  I'asha  of 
 I'^gypt,  took  possession  of  it  in  18.32.  In  18.'54-  it 
 was  seized  and  held  for  a  time  by  the  Kellahin 
 daring  the  insurrection, 
 and  in  1S40,  after  th 
 iionibardment  of  .-\cie 
 was  again  restore!  to 
 the  Sultan. 
 
 111.  TorOGUAi  n^ 
 OF  THK  City. — 'Ih  c 
 are  at  present  bttoiL 
 the  public  three  distn  <  t 
 views  of  the  topograpl  y 
 of  .lerusaiem,  so  di  le 
 I)ant  from  one  anothei 
 in  their  most  assent  i 
 features,  that  a  di»  n 
 terestei  person  might 
 fairly  feel  himself  jus 
 titled  in  a.ssuming  thit 
 there  existed  no  itil 
 data  for  the  deteimi- 
 nation  of  the  points  at 
 issLip,  an<l  that  the  dis- 
 puted questions  must 
 for  ever  remain  in  the 
 same  unsatisfactory 
 state  as  at  present.— 
 1.   The   first   of  these 
 
 theories  consists  in  the 
 belief  that  all  the  saci-e  1 
 
 localities  were  correctly 
 
 ascertained  in  the  eai-ly 
 
 ages    of  Christiauitv  ; 
 
 and,  what  is  still  more 
 
 important,    that    none 
 
 have      been      changed 
 
 during   the  dark   ages 
 
 that  followed,  or  in  the 
 
 nnmei'ous    revolutions 
 
 to  which  the  city  has 
 
 been  exposed.   The  Hrst 
 
 person    who    ventured 
 
 publicly  to  express  his 
 
 dissent  fiom  this  view 
 
 was   Korte,   a  German 
 
 printer,  who  travelled 
 
 in  Palestine  about   the 
 
 year  1728,  and  on  his 
 
 return  home  published 
 
 a    work    denying    the 
 
 authenticity  of  the  so- 
 called  sacred  localities. 
 
 The  arguments   in  fa- 
 vour   of    the    present 
 
 localities      being       the 
 
 correct  ones,   are  well 
 
 .•Jummed     up    bv     the 
 
 JERUSALEM 
 
 389 
 
 Kev.  (ieorge  Williams  in  his  woik  on  the  Holv  City, 
 and  with  flie  assistance  of  Piofpssor  Willis  all  hiis  been 
 said  that  can  be  urged  in  favour  of  their  authenti- 
 city.—2.  Professor  Robinson,  on  the  other  hand,  in 
 his  elaboi'ate  works  on  Palestine,  has  brought  to- 
 gethei-  all  the  arguments  which  from  the  time  of 
 Korte  have  been  accumulating  against  the  anthen- 
 ticity  of  the  mediaeval  sites  and  tiaditions.— 3.  The 
 thiirl  theory  is  that  put  forward  by  Mi-.  FertiLissog 
 in  his  "  Essay  on  the  Ancient  Topography  of  Jeru- 
 salem." It  agrees  generally  with  the  views  urged 
 by  all  those  from  Korte  to  h'obinson,  who  doubt  the 
 authenticity  of  the  piesent  site  of  the  sepulchre; 
 but  goes  on  to  asseil  that  the  building  now  known 
 to  Christians  as  the  i\losque  of  Omar,  but  by  Mos- 
 lems called  the  Dome  of  the  Hock,  is  the  identical 
 
 ul    JliKUSALl^ii. 
 
 Aftmttt  7Mt 
 7.  liezetha 
 roffel.  1:.' 
 u(  OliveK. 
 
 2    Mnriab.     3.  The  Ti^mple      4.  Antonia.      5.  Pi-ohal>Ie  sifp  of  C.nlgoilia.      il.  (iplu.l. 
 8.  Chu'cli  nf  the  Holy  Sepiildne.     9,  10.  The  Upper  aiitl  Lower  Pools  of  (iilioii.      11.  K;i- 
 Pool  of  Hezokiah.      13.  1'ouiUuih  of  the  Virgin.      14.  Siloam.      15.  Belliestla.      1(5.  JIchimi 
 17.  <  iot.hK9Q)Ane. 
 
390 
 
 JERUSALEM 
 
 church  which  Coustinitiiie  erected  over  the  Itock 
 wliich  cDiitaiiied  the  'I'omb  of  Clirist.  Our  chiet' 
 authority  for  the  toimcji-apliy  ot  Jerusalem  is  of 
 course  Joseplius.  lu  attemptiiiti  to  follow  his  de- 
 scription there  are  two  points  which  it  is  necessary 
 should  1*  fixed  in  order  to  undei-stand  what  follows. 
 The  fii-st  of  those  is  the  position  and  dimensions  of 
 the  Temple  ;  the  second  the  jwsition  of  the  Tower 
 Hippicus.— I.  Site  of  the  Temple. — Without  any 
 exception,  all  tojx)£;i'aj>hers  are  now  agreed  that 
 the  Temple  stood  within  the  limits  of  the  great  area 
 now  known  as  the  Harain,  though  few  are  agreed 
 as  to  the  fMirtion  of  that  space  which  it  covered ; 
 and  at  least  one  autiior  places  it  in  the  centre,  and 
 not  at  the  southern  extremity  of  the  enclosuie. 
 With  this  exception  all  topographers  are  agi-eed  that 
 the  south-western  angle  of  the  Haram  area  was  one 
 of  the  angles  of  the  ancient  Jewish  Temple.  The 
 extent  of  the  Temple  northwards  and  eastwards 
 from  this  point  is  a  (|uestion  on  which  theie  is 
 much  less  agreement  than  with  regard  to  the  fixa- 
 tion of  its  south-western  angle,  though  the  evidence, 
 both  written  and  local,  points  inevitably  to  the  con- 
 clusion that  Josephus  was  literally  correct  when  he 
 s;iid  that  the  Temjile  was  an  exact  square  of  a 
 stadium,  or  600  Greek  feet,  on  each  side.  There 
 is  no  other  written  authority  on  this  subject  exce])t 
 the  Talmud,  whicli  asserts  that  the  Temple  was  a 
 square  of  500  cubits  each  side  ;  but  the  Kabbis,  as 
 if  aware  that  this  asseiiion  did  not  coincide  with 
 the  localities,  imme<iiateJy  correct  themselves  by 
 explaining  tliat  it  was  the  cubit  of  15  inches  which 
 was  meant,  which  would  make  the  side  625  feet. 
 The  instunlia  crncm,  however,  is  the  existing  re- 
 mains, and  these  conlimi  the  desciiption  of  Josephus 
 to  the  fullest  possible  extent.  Proceeding  eastward 
 along  the  southern  wall  from  the  south-western 
 angle  we  find  the  whole  Haram  area  filled  up  per- 
 fectly solid,  with  the  exception  of  the  great  tmmel- 
 like  entrance  under  the  mosque  El  Aksa,  until,  at 
 the  distance  of  600  feet  from  the  angle,  we  a.n-ive 
 at  a  wall  running  northwards  at  right  angles  to  the 
 southern  wall,  and  bounding  the  solid  space.  Be- 
 yond this  point  the  Haram  area  is  filled  u])  with  a 
 series  of  light  arches  supported  on  square  piei-s;  the 
 whole  being  of  so  slight  a  construction  that  it  may 
 be  aflirmed  with  absolute  ceitainty  that  neither  the 
 Stoa  Basilica,  nor  any  of  the  larger  buildings  of 
 the  Temple,  ever  stood  on  them.  In  so  far  there- 
 fore as  the  southern  wall  is  concerned,  we  may  )est 
 peifectly  satisfied  with  Josej)hus'  description  that 
 the  Tem|)le  extended  east  and  west  600  feet.  The 
 position  of  the  northern  wall  is  ;is  easily  fixed.  If 
 the  Temple  was  square  it  must  have  commenced  at 
 a  point  600  feet  from  the  .south-west  angle,  and  in 
 fact  the  southern  wall  of  the  platform  which  now 
 surrounds  the  so-called  Mosque  of  Omar  runs  par- 
 allel to  the  southern  wall  of  the  inclosure,  at  a  dis- 
 tance of  exactly  600  feet,  while  westward  it  is 
 continued  in  a  causeway  which  crosses  the  valley 
 just  600  feet  from  the  south-western  angle.  More- 
 over the  south  wall  of  wh.it  is  now  the  platform  of 
 the  i)ome  of  the  Hock  runs  eastward  from  the 
 western  wall  for  just  COU  feet  ;  whii-li  again  gives 
 the  same  dimension  for  the  north  wall  of  the 
 Temfilc  as  was  found  (or  the  southern  wall  by  the 
 limitjition  of  the  .--olid  space  before  the  commence- 
 ment of  the  vaults.— II.  JlippicHs.—0{  all  the 
 towers  that  once  adorneil  the  city  of  Jerusalem  only 
 one  now  pxi.sts  in  anything  like  a  state  of  perfection, 
 that,  namely,  in   the   (Piifre  of  the  citadr],  which 
 
 JERUSALEM 
 
 from  its  prommence  now,  and  the  importau't 
 which  Josephus  asi-ribes  to  the  tower,  has  been 
 somewhat  hastily  assumeii  to  be  the  tower  Hippicus. 
 The  reasons,  however,  against  this  assumption  ai* 
 too  cogent  to  allow  of  the  identity  being  admitted. 
 But  at  the  north-western  angle  of  the  present  city 
 there  are  the  lemains  of  an  ancient  building  ot 
 bevelled  masonry  and  large  stones,  whose  po.-.ition 
 answers  so  completely  every  point  of  the  locjdity  of 
 Hippicus  as  described  by  .lo.sephus,  as  to  leave  no 
 re;isonable  doubt  that  it  marks  the  site  of  this  cele- 
 brated edifice.— 111.  Walls. — .Assuming  therefore 
 for  the  ])re.sent  that  the  Kasr  Jnl'td,  as  these  ruins 
 are  now  ]Mipularly  called,  is  the  remains  of  the 
 Hippicus,  we  have  no  ditliculty  in  determining 
 either  the  direction  or  the  extent  of  the  w.dls  of 
 Jerusalem,  as  described  by  Josephus. — The  first  or 
 old  wall  began  on  the  north  at  the  tower  c;dled 
 Hippicus,  and,  extending  to  the  Xy.stus,  joineil  the 
 council  house,  and  ended  at  the  west  cloi.-ter  of  the 
 Ten?|)Ie.  Its  southern  direction  is  descrilied  as  pas.s- 
 ing  the  gate  of  the  Essones  (probably  the  modei'ii 
 Jatlh  gate),  and,  bending  above  the  fountain  of 
 Siloam,  it  I'eached  Ophel,  and  was  jomed  to  the 
 eastern  cloister  of  the  Temple.  The  .second  wall 
 began  at  the  gate  (lennath,  in  the  old  wall,  ]>ro- 
 bably  near  the  Hi))piius,  and  passed  round  the 
 nortliern  quarter  of  the  city,  enclosing  the  gie:it 
 valley  of  the  Tyropoeon,  which  leads  up  to  the 
 Damascus  gate  ;  and  then,  pi-oceeding  southward, 
 joined  the  fbi'tress  Antoiiia.  The  third  wall  was  built 
 by  king  I  lei  od  Agrippa  ;  and  w;is  intended  to  enclose 
 the  suburbs  which  had  grown  out  on  the  northern 
 side<  of  the  city,  which  before  this  had  been  left 
 exposed.  It  began  at  the  Hippicus,  and  reached  as 
 far  as  the  tower  Psephinus,  till  it  came  opposite  the 
 monument  of  Queen  Helena  of  Adiabene;  it  then 
 passed  by  the  sepulchral  monuments  of  the  kings — 
 a  well-known  loadity — and  turning  south  at  the 
 monumi'ut  of  the  Euller,  joined  the  old  trail  ot  t/ie 
 viilki/  ended  the  vallei/  of  Kedron.  After  describ- 
 ing these  walls,  Jo.sephus  adds  that  the  whole  cir- 
 cumference of  the  city  was  3'j  stadia,  or  nearly  lour 
 English  miles,  whch  is  as  near  as  may  be  tlie  ex- 
 tent indicated  by  the  localities.  He  then  adds  that 
 the  number  of  towei-s  in  the  old  wall  was  60,  the 
 middle  wall  40,  and  the  new  wall  99.— IV.  An- 
 tonii. — Before  leaving  the  subject  of  the  walls,  it 
 may  be  well  to  fix  the  situation  of  the  Tun-is 
 Anto7iia,  as  far  as  the  data  at  our  command  will 
 admit.  It  certaiidy  was  attached  to  the  temple 
 buildings,  and  on  the  northern  side  of  them  ;  but 
 whether  covering  the  whole  space,  or  only  a  por- 
 tion, has  been  much  disputed.  Af'ter  stilting  that 
 the  Temple  was  fourequaie,  and  a  stiuliimi  on  ea<-h 
 side,  Josephus  goes  on  to  say  that  with  Antonia  it 
 was  six  stadia  in  circumference.  The  most  obvious 
 conclusion  from  this  wouhl  lie  that  the  Antonia 
 occupied  practicjilly  the  ])l;itl'orm  on  which  the  so- 
 called  Mosque  of  Omar  now  stands.  But  froin 
 certain  facts  connected  with  the  siege,  we  are  foi-ced 
 to  adopt  the  alternative,  which  the  words  of  Jose- 
 phus equally  justify,  that  the  Antonia  was  a  tower 
 or  keep  attacheil  to  the  north-western  angle  of  the 
 temple. ^V.  //ills  <i)uJ  Vaitei/s. — Topographers  are 
 still  at  i.ssue  as  to  the  true  direction  of  the  uji|>er 
 part  of  the  Tyro|xieon  valley,  juid,  consequently,  as 
 to  the  position  of  Acra.  'i"he  difliculty  of  deter- 
 mining the  true  course  of  the  up|)er  pait  of  the 
 Tyropoeon  valley  is  caused  by  the  doubt  whether 
 Josephus,  in  deciibing  the  city,  limits  Lib  debcrip- 
 
JERUSALEM 
 
 lion  to  the  city  of  Jerusalem,  piopevly  so  called,  ;is 
 circumsciibed  by  the  firet  or  old  wall,  or  whether 
 he  includes  the  city  of  David  also,  and  speaks  of  the 
 whole  city  as  enclosed  by  the  third  or  great  wall  of 
 Agiippa.  In  the  fii-st  case  the  Tyropoeon  must 
 have  been  the  depression  leading  from  a  spot  oppo- 
 site the  north-west  angle  of  the  Temple  towaids  the 
 Jalla  gate  ;  in  the  second  it  was  the  great  valley 
 leading  from  the  same  point  northwards  towards 
 the  Damascus  gate.  The  principal  reason  for 
 adopting  the  first  hypothesis  arises  from  the  words 
 of  Josephus  himself,  who  describes  the  Tyropoeon 
 as  an  ojten  space  or  depression  within  the  city,  at 
 •'  which  the  corresponding  rows  of  houses  on  both 
 hillh  end."  In  all  the  transactions  mentioned  in 
 the  I'ith  and  13th  books  of  the  Antiquities,  Jose- 
 phus commonly  uses  the  word  ''AKpa  when  speak- 
 ing of  the  fortress  which  adjoined  the  Temple  in  the 
 noi  th  ;  and  if  we  might  assume  that  the  hill  Acra 
 and  the  tower  Acra  were  one  and  the  same  place, 
 the  question  might  be  considered  as  settled.  The 
 great  pnjionderance  of  evidence  seems  to  be  in 
 favour  of  this  view.  That  Acra  was  situated  on 
 the  northern  side  of  the  Temple,  on  the  same  hill, 
 and  probably  on  the  same  spot,  originally  occupied 
 by  David  as  the  stronghold  of  Zion  (2  Sam.  v.  7-9), 
 and  near  wheie  Baris  and  Antonia  afterwards 
 stood ;  and  consequently  that  the  great  northern 
 depression  running  towards  the  Dama-scus  gate  is 
 the  Tyropoeon  valley,  and  that  the  valley  of  the 
 Asamoneans  was  a  transverse  cut,  separating  the 
 hill  Bezetha  from  the  Acra  oi'  citadel  on  the  Temple 
 hill.  If  this  view  of  the  internal  topography  of 
 the  city  be  granted,  the  remaining  hills  and  valleys 
 fall  into  their  places  easily  and  as  a  matter  of 
 course.  Tiie  citadel,  or  upper  market-place  of 
 .Josephus,  was  the  modem  Zion,  or  the  city  enclosed 
 within  the  old  wall  ;  Acra  was  the  ancient  Zion, 
 or  the  hill  on  which  the  Temple,  the  City  of  David, 
 Baris,  Acra,  and  Antonia,  stood.  Bezetha  was  the 
 well-defined  hill  to  the  north  of  the  Temple.— VI. 
 Population. — There  is  no  point  in  which  the  ex- 
 aggeration in  which  Josephus  occasionally  indulges 
 is  more  apparent  than  in  speaking  of  the  population 
 of  the  city.  Still  the  assertions  that  three  millions 
 were  collected  at  the  Passover;  that  a  million  of 
 people  perished  in  the  siege;  that  100,000  escaped, 
 &c.,  are  so  childish,  that  it  is  surprising  any  one 
 could  ever  have  repeated  them.  Even  the  more 
 moderate  calculation  of  Tacitus  of  600,000  inhabi- 
 tants, is  far  beyond  the  limits  of  probability.  The 
 area  within  the  old  walls  never  could  have  exceedefl 
 180  acres.  Taking  the  area  of  the  city  enclosed  by 
 the  two  old  walls  at  750,000  yards,  and  that  en- 
 closed by  the  wall  of  Agrippa  at  1,500,000,  we 
 have  2,250,000  for  the  whole.  Taking  the  popu- 
 lation of  the  old  city  at  the  probable  number  of  one 
 person  to  50  yards  we  have  15,000,  and  at  the 
 extreme  limit  of  30  yards  we  should  have  25,000 
 inhabitants  for  the  old  city.  And  at  100  yards  to 
 each  individual  in  the  new  city  about  15,000  more; 
 so  that  the  population  of  Jerusalem,  in  its  days  of 
 greatest  prosperity,  may  have  amounted  to  from 
 30,000  to  45,000  souls,  but  could  hardly  ever 
 have  reached  50,000  ;  and  assuming  that  in  times 
 of  festival  one-half  wei-e  added  to  this  amount, 
 which  is  an  extreme  estimate,  there  may  have  been 
 G0,000  or  70,000  m  the  city  when  Titus  came  up 
 against  it.— VII.  Zion. — It  c;mnot  be  di.sputed  that 
 from  the  time  of  Gonstantine  downwards  to  the 
 present  day,  this  name   has   been  applied  to  the 
 
 JERUSALEM 
 
 591 
 
 western  hill  on  which  the  city  of  Jerusalem  now 
 stands,  and  in  fact  always  stood.  Notwithstanding 
 this  it  seems  equally  certain  that  up  to  the  time  of 
 the  destruction  of  the  city  by  Titus,  the  name  was 
 applied  exclusively  to  the  eastern  hill,  or  that  on 
 which  the  Temple  stood.  From  the  passages  m 
 2  Sam.  V.  7,  and  I  Chr.  xi.  5-8,  it  is  quite  clear 
 that  Zion  and  the  city  of  David  were  identical,  for 
 it  is  there  said,  "  David  took  the  castle  of  Zion, 
 which  is  the  city  of  David."  "  And  David  dwelt 
 in  the  castle,  therefore  they  called  it  the  city  of 
 David.  And  he  built  the  city  round  about,  even 
 from  JliUo  round  about,  and  Joab  repaired  the  rest 
 of  the  city."  There  are  numberless  passages  in 
 which  Zion  is  spoken  of  as  a  Holy  place  in  such 
 terms  as  are  never  applied  to  Jerusalem  ;ind  which 
 can  only  be  understood  as  applied  to  the  Holy 
 Temple  Mount  (Ps.  ii.  6,  Ixxxvii.  2,  &c.").  When 
 from  the  Old  Test,  we  turn  to  the  Books  of  the  Mac- 
 cabees, we  come  to  some  passages  written  by  persons 
 who  certainly  were  acquainted  with  the  loailities, 
 which  seem  to  fix  the  site  of  Zion  with  a  considei- 
 able  amount  of  certainty  (1  Mace.  iv.  37  and  GO, 
 vii.  33j.— VIII. —  Topoijraplvi  of  the  Book  of  Ne- 
 hemiah. — The  only  description  of  the  ancient  city 
 of  Jerusalem  which  exists  in  the  Bible,  so  extensive 
 in  form  as  to  enable  us  to  follow  it  as  a  tojio- 
 graphical  description,  is  that  found  in  the  Book  ot 
 Neliemiah,  and  although  it  is  hardly  sufficientlv 
 distinct  to  enable  us  to  settle  all  the  moot  points,  it 
 contains  such  valuable  indications  that  it  is  well 
 worthy  of  the  most  attentive  examination.  The 
 easiest  way  to  arrive  at  any  correct  conclusion  re- 
 gaiding  it,  is  to  take  first  the  desciiption  of  the 
 Dsdication  of  the  Walls  in  ch.  xii.  (31-40),  and 
 drawing  sucli  a  diagram  as  this,  we  easily  get  at 
 the  main  features  of  the  old  wall  at  least.     If  from 
 
 fif  places  mentioiieii  in  dedii-utlon  of  w.tH' 
 
 this  we  turn  to  the  third  cliapter,  which  gives  a 
 description  of  the  repairs  of  the  wall,  we  iiave  no 
 difficulty  in  identifying  all  the  places  mentioned  in 
 the  first  sixteen  verses,  with  those  enumerated  in 
 tlie  12th  chapter.  The  first  16  verses  refer  to  the 
 walls  of  .Jerusalem,  and  the  remaining  16  to  those 
 of  the  city  of  David.— IX.  Waters  of  Jerusalem. 
 — The  principal  source  of  water  supply  seems  to 
 have  been  situated  to  the  north.  The  earliest  Uis- 
 tuict  mention  of  these  springs  is  in  2  Chr.  xxxii.  4, 
 30  (comp.  Ecclus.  xlviii.  17).  Great  rock-cut 
 \  veservoirs  have  been  found  under  the  Temple  aicj, 
 
392 
 
 JERUSALEM 
 
 aiiii  chiinnels  connecting  them  with  tlie  foiint;iiii  of 
 tlie  Virgin,  and  that  again  with  tlie  pool  of  Siloam  ; 
 and  many  otheis  may  probahly  yet  be  discovered. 
 A  considerable  portion  of  these  waters  was  at  one 
 time  diverted  to  the  eastwaixl  to  the  great  reservoir 
 known  sometimes  as  the  pool  of  Bethesda,  which, 
 (Vom  the  curiously  elaborate  character  of  its 
 hydraulic  masonry,  must  always  have  been  in- 
 tended as  a  reservoir  of  water,  and  never  could 
 have  been  the  ditch  of  a  fortitication.  It  seems, 
 however,  that  in  very  ancient  times  this  northern 
 supply  was  not  deemed  sutlicient,  even  with  all 
 these  precautions,  for  the  supply  of  the  city  ;  and 
 consequently  large  reservoii"s  were  excavated 
 from  tiie  rock,  at  a  phce  near  Htham,  now 
 known  as  Solomon's  pouls,  and  the  water  brought 
 tiom  them  by  a  long  ciinal  which  enters  the  city 
 above  Siloam.— X.  Site  of  IJol;/  Sepulchre. — As 
 the  question  now  stands,  the  fi.\ation  of  the  site 
 depends  mainly  on  the  answers  that  may  be  given 
 to  two  questions  : — First,  did  '  'onstantine  and  those 
 who  acteil  with  him  possess  sulncient  iniormation 
 In  enable  them  to  ascertain  e.xactly  the  precise 
 locidities  of  the  crucifi.tion  and  burial  of  Christ? 
 Secondly,  is  the  present  church  of  the  Holy  Sepul- 
 ciire  that  wiiich  he  built,  or  does  it  stand  on  the 
 same  spot?  In  the  first  place,  though  the  city  was 
 destroj-ed  by  Titus,  and  the  Jews  were  at  one 
 time  prohibited  from  approaching  it,  it  can  almost 
 certainly  be  ])roved  that  there  were  Christians 
 always  present  on  the  spot,  and  the  succession  of 
 Christian  bishops  can  be  made  out  with  very  toler- 
 able certainty  and  completeness  ;  so  that  it  is  more 
 thfin  pi  obable  they  would  retain  the  memory  of  the 
 sacred  sites  in  unbroken  continuity  of  tradition. 
 The  account  given  by  Kusebius  of  the  uncovcrmj  of 
 the  lock,  expresses  no  doubt  or  uncertaintv  about 
 the  matter.  It  is  minutely  descriptive  of  the  site 
 of  the  building  now  known  as  the  Alosqne  of  Omar, 
 but  wholly  inapplicable  to  the  site  of  the  present 
 church.  Of  the  buildings  which  Consfantine  or  his 
 mother,  Helena,  erected,  Mr.  Fergusson  maintains 
 that  two  of  them  now  remain — the  one  the  Ana- 
 stasis,  a  circular  building  erected  over  the  tomb  it- 
 self; the  other  the  "  (iolden  Gateway,"  which  was 
 the  propylea  described  by  Eusebius  as  leading  to 
 the  atrium  of  the  basilica.  In  order  to  prove  tiiese 
 ;issertions,  there  are  three  classes  of  evidence  which 
 may  be  appealed  to,  and  which  must  coincide,  or 
 the  question  must  remain  still  in  doubt: — First,  it 
 is  necessary  that  the  circum.stances  of  the  locality 
 should  accord  with  those  of  the  Bible  narrative. 
 Secondly,  the  incidental  notices  furnished  by  those 
 tmvelleis  who  visited  .Jerusalem  lietween  the  time 
 nf  Constaiitine  and  that  of  the  Crusades  must  be 
 de.scri|.tive  of  these  localities;  and.  Thirdly,  the 
 aichitertural  evidence  of  the  buildings  themselves 
 must  be  that  of  the  age  to  which  they  are  assigncil. 
 Taking  the  last  fii-st,  no  one  who  is  familiar  with 
 the  gradation  of  styles  that  took  place  between  the 
 time  of  Iladiian  and  that  of  .lustiiiian  can  fail  to 
 see  that  the  (Iolden  Gateway  and  Dome  of  the  Ilock 
 wt  about  half-way  in  the  .series,  and  are  in  fact 
 buiidinjrs  which  must  have  been  erected  within  the 
 century  in  wiiich  Constaiitine  flourislicHl.  With 
 regard  to  the  (Jolden  Gateway,  which  is  ])iacticallv 
 uiinlteroi,  this  is  undoubted.  Although  in  tlie 
 outer  wail,  it  is  a  festal,  not  a  fortified  entrance, 
 and  never  could  have  been  intended  as  a  citv  gate, 
 but  must  have  led  to  some  sacre<i  or  jKdatial  e<lifice. 
 It  is  dilliciilt.  indeed,  to  suggest   what   that   could 
 
 JERUSALEM 
 
 have  been,  e.xcept  the  Basilica  d(Sicribid  by  KubO- 
 bius.  The  exterior  of  the  other  building  (the  Ana- 
 stasis)  has  been  repaired  and  covered  with  coloured 
 tiles  and  inscriptions  in  more  modern  times ;  but 
 the  interior  is  nearly  unaltered,  and  even  extei-nally, 
 wherever  this  coating  of  tiles  has  peeled  off,  the  oil 
 Roman  round  arch  appears  in  lieu  of  its  pointed 
 substitute.  It  must  also  be  adde<i  that  it  is  essen- 
 tially a  tomb-builiiing,  similar  in  form  and  arrange- 
 ment, a.s  it  is  in  detail,  to  the  'i'omb  of  the  Km{)eror 
 Constaiitine  at  Rome,  or  of  his  daughter  I'oustantia, 
 outside  the  walls,  and  indeeil  more  or  le.ss  like  all 
 the  tonili-buildings  of  that  age.  We  have  therefore 
 the  ])eitinent  question,  which  still  remains  un- 
 answered. What  tomb-like  building  did  (Consfantine 
 or  any  one  in  his  age  erect  at  Jerusalem,  over  a 
 mass  of  the  living  rock,  rising  eight  or  nine  feet 
 above  the  b.Tses  of  the  columns,  and  extending  over 
 tiie  whole  central  area  of  the  church,  with  a  sacred 
 cave  in  it,  unless  it  were  the  church  of  the  Holy 
 Aiiiustasis,  described  by  Kusebius?  Supposing  it 
 were  possible  to  put  this  evidence  aside,  the  most 
 plausible  suggestion  is  to  ajipeal  to  the  presume<i 
 historical  fact  that  it  w<is  built  by  Omar,  or  bv  the 
 
 ,^'f?; vt  ■;'  •  •"'7  ■  ':: /-  ;;■■ :  -"^^ii 
 
 liitcriur  of  (ioldeii  Gateway,     i  I'r.'in  a  Pliotograpli.) 
 
 Moslems  at  all  events.  There  is,  however,  no  proof 
 whatever  of  this  assumption.  What  (3mai'  did 
 build  is  the  small  n-<osque  on  the  east  of  the  Aksa, 
 overhanging  the  southern  wall,  and  which  still 
 beai's  his  name ;  and  no  Mohammedan  writer  of 
 any  sort,  anterior  to  the  recovery  of  the  city 
 from  the  Christians  by  Saladin,  veutures  to  assert 
 that  his  countrymen  built  the  Dome  of  the  Hock. 
 Irrefragable  as  this  evidence  appe;»rs  to  be,  it 
 would  be  impossible  to  maintain  it  otherwise 
 than  by  .issiimiiig  that  Constiuitine  blindly  adopted 
 a  wrong  locality,  if  the  sites  now  asMinied  to 
 be  true  were  such  as  did  not  a<x-oid  with  the 
 details  of  the  Bible  nariatives  :  fortunately,  how- 
 ever, they  agree  with  them  to  the  minutest  detail. 
 To  understand  this  it  is  neces.saiy  to  bear  in  mind 
 that  at  the  time  of  the  crucifixion  the  thiiil  wall, 
 or  that  of  Agrij'pa,  did  not  exist,  but  was  com- 
 menced twelve  years  afterwards :  the  spot  whei-e 
 the  Dome  of  the  Hock  therefine  now  stands  was 
 at  that  time  outside  the  walls,  and  open  to  the 
 country.  It  wa.s  also  a  plact-  where  cei tiinly  tombs 
 did  exist.  The  I'laetorium  whei*  Christ  was 
 judge<l  wail  most  proliably  the  Autonia,  which  at 
 that  time,  as  befoic  and  hIUm  wards,  w.-w  the  cit."vlrl 
 
JERUSALEM 
 
 of  Jerusalem  and  the  residence  of  the  governors, 
 and  the  Xystus  and  Council-house  were  certainly, 
 as  shown  above,  in  this  neighbourliood.  Leaving 
 these  localities  the  Saviour,  hearing  his  cross,  must 
 certainly  have  gone  towards  the  country,  and  raiglit 
 well  meet  iSimon  or  anv  one  coming  towards  the 
 city ;  thus  every  detail  of  the  description  is  satisfied, 
 and  none  oHended  by  the  locality  now  assumed. 
 The  third  class  of  evidence  is  from  its  nature  by 
 no  means  so  clear,  but  tliere  is  nothing  whatever 
 in  it  to  contradict,  and  a  great  deal  that  dirertly 
 confirms  the  above  statements.  Architecturally, 
 there  is  literally  no  feature  and  no  detail  which 
 would  induce  us  to  believe  that  any  part  of  the 
 present  church  is  older  than  the  time  of  the  Cru- 
 sades. The  only  things  about  it  of  more  ancient 
 date  are  the  fragments  of  an  old  classiciil  cornice, 
 which  are  worked  in  as  string  courses  with  the 
 Gothic  details  of  the  e.xtenial  fa9ade,  and  singularly 
 enough  this  cornice  is  identical  in  style  with,  and 
 certainly  belongs  to  the  age  of,  the  Golden  Gate- 
 way, and  Dome  of  the  Rock,  and  consequently  can 
 scarcely  be  anything  else  than  a  fragment  of  the 
 old  basilica,  which  El  Hakeem  had  destroyed  in  the 
 previous  century,  and  the  remains  of  which  must 
 still  have  been  scattered  about  when  the  Crusaders 
 arrived.  Nothing,  however,  can  be  more  remark- 
 able than  the  ditlerent  ways  in  which  the  Ci'usaders 
 treated  the  Dome  of  the  Hock  and  the  Mosque  El 
 Aksa.  The  latter  they  always  called  the  "  Tern- 
 plum  seu  palatium  ^olomonis,"  and  treated  it  with 
 the  contempt  always  applied  by  Christians  to  any- 
 thing Jewish.  The  ilosque  was  turned  into  a 
 stable,  the  buildings  into  dwellings  for  knights, 
 who  took  the  title  of  Knights  Templars,  from  their 
 residence  in  the  Temple.  But  the  Dome  of  the 
 Hock  they  called  "  Templum  Domini."— XI.  Re- 
 hailding  of  the  Temple  by  Jiilian. — Before  leaving 
 the  subject,  it  is  necessary  to  revert  to  the  at- 
 tempt of  Julian  the  Apostate  to  rebuild  the  Temple 
 of  the  Jews.  Even  if  we  have  not  historical  evi- 
 dence of  these  facts,  the  appearance  of  the  south 
 wall  of  the  Haram  would  lead  us  to  expect  that 
 something  of  the  sort  had  been  attempted  at  this 
 period.  The  great  tunnel-like  vault  under  the 
 Mosque  VA  Aksa,  with  its  four-domed  vestibule,  is 
 almost  certainly  part  of  the  temple  of  Hei'od,  and 
 coeval  with  his  period  ;  but  externally  to  this,  cer- 
 t-iiin  architectural  decorations  have  been  added,  and 
 that  so  slightly  that  daylight  can  be  perceived  be- 
 tween the  old  walls  and  the  subsequent  decorations, 
 ejLcept  at  the  points  of  attachment.  It  is  not  diffi- 
 cult to  ascertain,  approximately  at  least,  the  age  of 
 these  adjuncts.  'I'hey  may  with  very  tolerable  cer- 
 tainty be  ascribed  to  the  age  of  Julian,  wliile,  from 
 the  historical  aucoLuits,  they  are  just  such  as  we 
 should  expect  to  find  them.  The  principal  bearing 
 of  Julian's  attempt  on  the  topography  of  Jerusalem 
 consists  in  the  fact  of  its  pioving  not  only  that  tlie 
 site  of  the  Jewish  temple  was  perfectly  well  known 
 at  this  period  (a.d.  362),  but  that  the  spot  was 
 then,  as  always,  held  accursed  by  the  Christians, 
 and  as  doomed  hj  the  denunciation  of  Christ  Him- 
 self never  to  be  re-established ;  and  this  conse- 
 quently makes  it  as  absurd  to  sujipose  that  the 
 Aksa  is  a  building  of  Justinian  as  that  the  Dome 
 of  the  Rock  or  the  (Joiden  (jateway,  if  Chiistian 
 buildings,  ever  stood  within  its  precincts. ^XII. 
 Church  of  Justiniiin. — Nearly  two  centuries  after 
 the  attempt  of  Julian,  Justinian  erected  a  church 
 ;\t    Jerusalem  ;  of  which,   fortunately,   we  have  so 
 
 JESHIMON  393 
 
 '  full  and  detailed  an  account  ia  the  woiks  of  Fro- 
 copius  that  we  can  have  little  difficulty  in  fixing 
 j  its  site,  though  no  remains  (at  least  above  ground^ 
 I  exist  to  verify  our  conjectures.  Almost  all  topo- 
 graphers have  jumped  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
 Mosque  El  Aksa  is  the  identical  church  referred  to, 
 but  the  architecture  of  that  building  is  alone  suffi- 
 cient to  refute  any  such  idea.  Notwithstanding 
 this  there  is  no  difficulty  in  fixing  on  the  site  of 
 this  church,  inasmuch  as  the  vaults  that  fill  up  the 
 south-eastern  angle  of  the  Haram  area  are  almost 
 ceitainly  of  the  age  of  Justinian,  and  are  just  such 
 as  Procopius  describes;  so  that  if  it  were  situated 
 at  the  northern  extremity  of  the  vaults,  all  the 
 arguments  that  apply  to  the  Aksa  equally  apply  to 
 this  .situation,  but  whether  we  assume  the  Aksa, 
 or  a  church  outside  the  Temple,  on  these  vaults,  to 
 tiave  been  the  Mary-church  of  Justinian,  how  comes 
 it  that  Justinian  chose  this  remote  corner  of  the 
 city,  and  so  difficult  a  site,  for  the  erection  of  his 
 chuich?  The  answer  seems  inevitiible:  that  it  was 
 because  in  those  times  the  Sepulchre  and  Golgotha 
 were  Aere,  and  not  on  the  spot  to  uhich  the  Sepid- 
 chre  with  his  Mary-church  have  siitnequently  been 
 transferred.  Having  now  gone  through  the  main 
 outlines  of  the  topography  of  .lerusalem,  in  so  far 
 as  the  limits  of  this  article  woidd  admit,  or  as 
 seems  necessary  for  the  eluciilation  of  the  subject, 
 the  many  details  which  remain  will  be  given 
 under  their  separate  titles,  as  Tkjii'Le,  Tomu, 
 Palace,  &c. 
 
 Jer'usha,  daughter  of  Zadok,  and  queen  of  (Jzziah 
 (2  K.  XV.  ;>J> 
 
 Jer'usliah  (2  Chr.  xxvii.  1 ).  The  same  as  the 
 preceding. 
 
 Jssai'ah.  1.  Son  of  Hananiah,  brother  of  Fela- 
 tiah,  and  grandson  of  Zerubbabel  (1  Chr.  iii.  2  0. 
 — 2.   A  Benjamite  (Neh.  xi.  7). 
 
 Jeshai'ah..  1.  One  of  the  six  sons  of  Jeduthun 
 (1  Chr.  XXV.  3,  15). "^2.  A  Levite  in  the  reign  of 
 Daviil,  eldest  son  of  Rehabiah,  a  descendant  of  Amnmi 
 through  Moses  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  25).  [IsSHiAH.] — 
 3.  The  son  of  Athaliah,  and  chief  of  the  house  of 
 the  Bene  Elara  who  returnal  with  Ezra  (Ezr.  viii. 
 7).  [JosiAS.]— 4.  A  ]\leraiite  who  returned  with 
 I'^zia  (  Ezr.  viii.  19). 
 
 Jesh'anah.,  a  town  which,  with  its  dependent 
 vilkrges,  was  one  of  the  thiee  taken  from  Jeioboam 
 by  Abijali  (2  Chr.  xiii.  1£).  Its  site  has  not 
 been  identified  in  modern  times,  save  by  Schwarz 
 (158),  who  places  it  at  "Al-Sanim,  a  village  two 
 miles  W.  of  Bethel;"  but  it  is  not  marked  on  any 
 map. 
 
 Jeshare'Iah,  son  of  Asaph,  and  head  of  the 
 seventh  of  the  24-  wards  into  which  the  musicians 
 of  the    Levites    were    divided    (1    Chr.    xxv.    14;. 
 
 [ASARELAII.] 
 
 Jesheb'eab,  head  of  the  14th  course  of  priests 
 (1  Chr.  x.\iv.  13).     [JEHOIARIB.] 
 
 Jesh'er,  one  of  the  sons  of  Caleb  the 
 son  of  Hezron  by  his  wit'e  Azubah  (1  Chr.  ii. 
 18!. 
 
 Jesh'imon,  "  the  waste,"  a  name  which  occur." 
 in  Num.  xxi.  2((  and  xxiii.  28,  in  designating  the 
 position  of  I'isgah  and  Peor :  both  described  as 
 "  facing  the  Je.■^himnll."  Perhaps  the  drearv,  bar- 
 ren waste  of  hills  lying  immeiliatelv  on  the  west 
 of  the  Dead  Sea.  But  it  is  not  safe  to  lay  much 
 stress  on  the  Hebrew  sense  of  the  word.  The 
 ])assages  in  which  it  is  first  mentioned  are  in- 
 disputably of  very  early  date,  and   it  is  quite  pos- 
 
394 
 
 JESHISHAI 
 
 sible  tliat  it  is  an  archiiic  name  found  and  ailopte<'. 
 by  the  IsraL'lites. 
 
 Jeshisha'i,  one  of  the  antestoi-s  of  the  Gadile> 
 who  ilw.lt  ill  Cilead  (1  Chr.  v.  14^. 
 
 Jeshoha  iah,  a  chief  of  tiie  Siinconites,  descended 
 from  ^l^inlei  (1  Chr.  iv.  oCi,. 
 
 Jesh  na.  1.  Josluia,  the  son  of  Nun  (Xeh.  viii. 
 17).  [Josiii;.\.]— -2.  A  priest  in  the  reign  of 
 David,  to  whom  the  niiitii  coiir.se  fell  bv  lot  (1 
 Chr.  xxiv.  11).— 3.  Ont-  of  tlie  Levites  in  the  leign 
 of  Hezekiah  ('2  Chr.  xxsi.  l.")).^4.  >on  of  Jehoza- 
 dak,  tir.st  high-priest  of  the  third  series,  viz.,  of 
 those  alter  the  Babylonish  captivity,  and  ancestor 
 of  the  fourteen  high-pi  icsts  his  successoi's  down  to 
 .Joshua  or  Jason,  and  Onias  or  Menelaus,  inclusive. 
 [HiGii-i'iiiKST.]  Jcshiia,  like  his  contemporary 
 Zerubbabel,  was  piobably  born  in  l^abylon,  whither 
 his  father  .lehozadak  had  been  taken  ciiptive  while 
 young  (1  Chr.  vi.  15,  A.  V.).  He  came  up  from 
 lialn-lon  in  the  first  year  of  Cyrus  with  Zerubbabel, 
 and  took  a  leading  part  with  him  in  the  rebuildinc;of 
 the  Temple,  and  the  lestoration  of  the  Jewish  com- 
 monwealth. Besides  the  great  importance  of  Jeshua 
 as  a  histoiical  chai-acter,  fiom  the  critical  times  in 
 which  he  lived,  and  the  great  work  which  he  ac- 
 complished, Ills  name  Jesus,  his  restoiation  of  the 
 'I'emplo,  his  ollice  as  high-piiest,  and  especially  the 
 two  prophecies  concerning  him  in  Zecli.  iii.  and  vi. 
 9-15,  point  him  out  as  an  eminent  ly])e  of  Christ.— 
 5.  Head  of  a  Levitical  house,  one  of  those  which 
 returned  from  tlie  Babylonish  laptivity,  and  took 
 an  active  jiart  under  Zerubbabel,  Kzia,  and  Nehe- 
 miah.  The  name  is  used  to  designate  either  the 
 whole  family  or  the  successive  chiels  of  it  (Ezi-.  ii. 
 40.  iii.  9;  Neh.  iii.  19,  viii.  7,  ix.  4,5,  .\ii.  8,  &c. ). 
 — 6.  A  branch  of  the  family  of  I'ahath-Moab,  one 
 of  the  cliief  families,  probably,  of  the  tribe  of  Judah 
 (Xeh.  X.  14,  vii.  11,  &.C. ;  Kzr.  x.  30). 
 
 Jesll'lia,  one  of  the  towns  re-inhabited  by 
 the  people  of  Jii.Jah  atler  the  return  from 
 captivity  (Neh.  xi.  2(3).  It  is  not  mentioned 
 elsewhere. 
 
 Jesh'uah,  a  priest  in  the  reign  of  David  (1  Chr. 
 x.\iv.  I  I  ),  the  sjune  ius  .IicsiiUA,  No.  2. 
 
 Jeshurun,    and    once    by   mistake    in    A.  V. 
 Jes'uron    (Is.   xliv.    2),   a   symbolical    name    foi- 
 Israel  in  l)eiit.  xxxii.  15,  x.xxiii.  5,  2*5;   Is.  xliv.  2, 
 for  which  various  etymologies  have  been  suggested. 
 Of  its  application  to  Israel  there  seems  to  be  no 
 division  of  opinion.     It   is  most  probably  deriveil 
 from  a  root  signifying  "  to  be  blessed."     With  the 
 intensive  teiinination  Jeshurun  would  then  denote 
 Israel  as  supiemely   ha)i])y  nr  ))iiisperous,  and  to 
 this  signification  it  must  be  allowed  the  context  in  \ 
 Deut.  xxxii,    15  point.s.      .Michaelis  considers   it  as  ! 
 a  diminutive  of  J.srael  i/isreeiun.     Such  too  was  the 
 o|iinion  of  (liotins  and  Vitringa,  and  of  the  author  I 
 id     the    Veneto-C reek    version,    who     rendei's     it 
 '\(rpaf\l(TKos;  but  for  this  there  is  not  the  smallest  i 
 foundation. 
 
 Jesi'ali.  1,  A  Korhite,  one  ot'  the  niightv  men 
 who  joined  I^avid's  standard  at  Ziklag  (1  Chr.  xii. 
 •3). — 2.  The  second  sou  of  L'zziel,  the  son  of  Kohath 
 I,  I  Chr.  xxiii.  20).     [Jr.siliAil.] 
 
 Jesim'iel,  a  .Simeonite  ciiief  of  the  tiimily  of 
 .•shiniei  I  1  (Jhr.  iv.  ;(•>). 
 
 Jesse,  'file  fiitlier  of  David.  He  wa.s  the  son  of 
 Oiii;»,  whoa'.;ain  waa  the  fruit  of  the  union  of  Boaz 
 and  the  .Moabitess  Ruth.  Nor  Wius  Kuth's  the  only 
 foreign  bioiKJ  that  ran  in  his  veins ;  for  his  great- 
 grandiuotlur  was  no  less  u   j)erson   than  Ivaliab  t:ie 
 
 JESUS  CHRIST 
 
 Canajinite,  of  Jericho  (Matt.  i.  5).  Jesse's  genealogv 
 is  twii'e  given  in  lull  in  the  O.T.,  viz.  Ituth  iv.  18-22, 
 and  1  Chr.  ii.  5-12.  He  is  commonly  designateil  iu 
 •'  Jesse  the  Bethlehemite"  ( 1  Sam.  xvi.  1,18).  So 
 he  is  called  by  his  son  David,  then  fresh  fiom  home 
 (xvii.  58) ;  but  his  full  title  is  "  the  Kphrathite 
 of  Bethlehem  Judah"  (xvii.  12).  He  is  an  "old 
 man"  when  we  lii-st  meet  with  him  (1  Sam.  xvii. 
 12  ),  with  eight  sons  (xvi.  lu,  xvii.  12),  residing  at 
 Bethlehem  (xvi.  4,  5.)  Jesse's  wealth  seems  to 
 have  consisted  i.f  a  flock  of  sheep  and  goats,  which 
 were  under  the  care  of  David  'xvi.  11,  xrii.  j4, 
 35).  When  David's  rupture  with  .'^aul  had  finally 
 diiven  him  from  the  court,  and  he  was  in  the  cave 
 of  Adullam,  "  his  brethren  and  all  his  father's 
 house"  .joined  him  (xxii.  1).  Anxious  for  their 
 safety,  he  took  his  father  and  his  mother  into  the 
 country  of  Moab,  and  deposited  them  with  the  king, 
 and  there  they  disappear  from  our  view  in  the  re- 
 coids  of  Scripture.  Who  the  wilt?  of  Jesse  was  we 
 are  not  told.  His  eight  sons  will  be  found  dis- 
 played under  David. 
 
 Jes'sue,  a  Levite,  the  same  a*  Jeshua  (1  Esd.  v. 
 2G:   conip.  Ezr.  ii.  40). 
 
 Je'su,  the  same  as  Jeshua  the  Levite,  the  father 
 of  .Jdzahad  (1  Esd.  viii.  t>;5 ;  see  Ezr.  viii.  33),  also 
 called  .lessiie,  and  Jesus. 
 
 Jes'ui,  the  son  of  Aslier,  whose  descendants  THK 
 Jksli  rKS  were  numbered  in  the  plains  of  Moab  at 
 the  Jordan  of  .Jericho  (.Sum.  xxvi.  44).  He  is 
 elsewhere  called  Isui  (Cen.  xlvi.  17)  and  Ishuai 
 (1  Chr.  vii.  30). 
 
 Jes'uites,  the.  A  family  of  the  tribe  of  Ashei- 
 (Num.  xxvi.  44). 
 
 Jes'urun.     [JesiiukI'N.] 
 
 Je'sus,  the  Greek  fbini  of  the  name  Joshua  or 
 Jeshua,  a  contraction  of  Jehoshiia,  that  is,  "help  of 
 Jehovah"  or  "Saviour"  (Num.  xiii.  IG).  [Jli- 
 iiosiiL'A.]  1.  Joshua  the  i)riest,  the  son  of  .leho- 
 zadak (1  Esd.  V.  5.  8,  24,  48,  50,  (58,  70,  vi.  2, 
 ix.  19  ;  Ecclus.  xlix.  12).  Also  calleit  Jeshua. 
 [Jksiiua,  No.  4.]— 2.  Jeshua  the  Levite  (1  l-:sd. 
 V.  58,  iv.  48;.— 3.  Joshua  the  son  of  Nun  (2  Esd. 
 vii.  37;  hxclus.  xlvi.  1;  I  Mace.  ii.  55;  -Acts  vii. 
 45;  Heb.  iv.  8).     [Josiuja.] 
 
 Jesus  the  Father  of  Sirach,  and  grandfather  of 
 the  foUnwiii-  I  l-.nliis.  i-rol.). 
 
 Jesus  the  Son  of  Siiach  is  described  in  the  text 
 of  Eccicsiiusticus  ( I.  27;  as  the  author  of  that  book, 
 which  in  the  I. XX.,  and  geneially,  except  in  the 
 Western  Church,  is  ciilled  by  his  name  the  Wisdom 
 of  Jesus  t/w  Son  of  Sirach,  or  simply  the  Wisdom  of 
 Sirach.  The  same  pas.sage  sjieaks  of  him  as  a  native 
 of  .Jerusalem  (Ecclus.  I,  c.)  ;  and  the  internal  cha- 
 racter of  the  book  confirms  its  Palestinian  origin. 
 Among  the  later  Jews  the  "  Son  of  Sirach  "  was 
 celebrated  under  the  name  of  Ben  Siia  as  a  write- 
 of  proverbs. 
 
 Je'sus,  called  JustUS,  .1  Christian  who  was  with 
 St.  I'aul  at  Kome  M'ol.  iv.  1  1). 
 
 Jesus  Christ,  'fhe  name  Jesus  signifies  Saviour. 
 The  name  ot'  (."hrist  signifies  Anointed.  i'riesta 
 were  anointed  among  the  Jews,  a.s  their  inuugur.!- 
 tion  to  their  ollice  (I  Chr.  xvi.  22;  I's.  cv.  15), 
 and  kings  also  (2  Mace.  i.  24;  Ecclus.  xlvi.  19). 
 In  the  New  'festament  the  name  Christ  is  used  as 
 e(inivalent  to  Messiah  (.John  i.  41),  the  name  given 
 to  the  lung  piximised  I'rophet  and  King  whom  the 
 Jews  h:ul  l^een  taught  by  their  prophets  to  expect 
 ( :\\,lr.  \ix.  4  ;  Matt.  xi.  3j.  The  u.-*  of  this  name, 
 as  a]iplied  lo  the  Lord,  has  always  a  retercnce  U> 
 
JESUS  CHRIST 
 
 the  promises  of  the  Prophets.  The  name  of  Jfsus 
 is  the  proper  name  of  our  Lord,  and  that  of  Christ 
 is  added  to  identify  Him  with  the  promised  Messiah. 
 The  Life,  the  Person,  and  the  Work  of  our  Lord 
 and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ  occupy  the  whole  of  the 
 New  Testament.  Of  this  threefold  subject  the  pre- 
 sent article  includes  the  first  part,  namely,  the  Life 
 and  Teaching.  According  to  the  received  chrono- 
 logy, which  is  in  fact  that  of  Dionysius  Exiguus  in 
 the  6th  century,  the  Birth  of  Christ  occurred  in  the 
 year  of  Row.e  754  ;  but  from  other  considerations 
 it  is  probable  that  the  Nativity  took  place  some  time 
 before  the  mouth  of  April  75U,  and  if  it  happened 
 only  a  few  months  before  Herod's  death,  then  its 
 date  would  be  four  years  earlier  than  the  Dionysian 
 reckoning.  The  salutation  addressed  by  the  Angel 
 to  JLary  His  mother,  "  Hail  !  Thou  that  art  highly 
 favoured,"  was  the  prelude  to  a  new  act  of  divine 
 creation.  Mary  received  the  announcement  of  a 
 miracle,  the  full  import  of  which  she  could  not 
 have  understood,  with  the  submission  of  one  who 
 knew  that  the  message  came  from  God ;  and  the 
 Angel  departed  from  her.  The  piophet  Micah  had 
 foretold  (v.  2)  that  the  future  king  should  be  born 
 in  Bethlehem  of  Jucftiea,  the  place  where  the  house  of 
 David  had  its  origin  ;  but  Mary  dwelt  in  Nazareth. 
 Augustus,  however,  had  ordered  a  general  census 
 of  the  Roman  empire.  From  the  well-known  and 
 much-canvassed  passage  of  St.  Luke  (ii.  2)  it  ap- 
 jjears  that  the  taxing  was  not  completed  till  the 
 time  of  Quirinus  (Cyrenius),  some  years  later;  and 
 how  tar  it  was  can'ied  now,  cannot  be  deteimined : 
 all  that  we  learn  is  that  it  brought  Joseph,  who 
 was  of  the  house  of  David,  from  his  home  to  Beth- 
 lehem, where  the  Lord  was  born.  As  there  was 
 no  room  in  the  inn,  a  manger  w%ns  the  cradle  in 
 which  Christ  the  Lord  was  laid.  But  signs  weie 
 not  wanting  of  the  greatness  of  the  event  that 
 seemed  so  unimportant.  Lowly  shepiierds  were 
 the  witnesses  of  the  wonder  that  accompanied  the 
 lowly  Saviour's  birth;  an  angel  proclaimed  to  them 
 "  good  tidings  of  great  joy;"  and  then  the  exceeding 
 joy  that  was  in  heaven  amongst  the  augels  alx)ut 
 this  mystery  of  love  broke  through  the  silence  of 
 night  with  the  words,  "  Glory  to  God  in  the  highest, 
 and  on  earth  peace,  good  will  towards  men  "  (Luke 
 ii.  8-20).  The  child  Jesus  is  circumcised  in  due 
 time,  is  brought  to  the  Temple,  and  the  mother 
 makes  the  otiering  for  her  purification.  Simeon 
 and  Anna,  taught  from  God  that  the  object  of  their 
 earnest  longings  was  before  them,  pjophesied  of  His 
 divine  work :  the  one  rejoicing  that  his  eyes  had 
 seen  the  salvation  of  God,  and  the  other  speaking 
 of  Him  "  to  all  that  looked  for  redemption  in  Jeru- 
 salem" (Luke  ii.  28-38).  Thus  recognised  amongst 
 His  own  people,  the  Saviour  was  not  without  wit- 
 ness amongst  the  heathen.  "  Wise  men  fi-om  the 
 East" — that  is,  Persian  magi  of  the  Zend  religion, 
 in  which  the  idea  of  a  Zoziosh  or  Kedeemer  was 
 clearly  known — guided  miraculously  by  a  star  or 
 meteor  created  for  the  pui'pose,  came  and  sought 
 out  the  Saviour  to  pay  hmi  homage.  A  little  child 
 made  the  great  Herod  quake  upon  his  throne. 
 When  he  knew  that  the  magi  were  come  to  hail 
 their  King  and  Lord,  and  did  not  stop  at  his  palace, 
 but  passed  on  to  a  humbler  roof,  and  when  he  found 
 that  they  would  not  return  to  betray  this  child  to 
 him,  he  put  to  death  all  the  children  in  Bethlehem 
 tiiat  weie  under  two  years  old.  The  crime  was 
 great;  but  the  number  of  tlie  victims,  in  a  little 
 place  like  Bethlehem,  was  small  oiough  to  csciipe 
 
 JESUS  CHRIST 
 
 395 
 
 special  record  amongst  the  wicker!  acts  of  Heiod 
 from  Josephus  and  other  iiistoriaus,  as  it  had  no 
 politicil  interest.  Joseph,  warned  by  a  dream,  flees 
 to  Egypt  with  the  young  child,  beyond  the  reach 
 of  Herod's  arm.  After  the  death  of  Herod,  in  less 
 than  a  year,  Jesus  returned  with  his  parents  to 
 their  own  land,  and  went  to  Nazareth,  where  they 
 abode.  Except  as  to  one  event,  the  Evangelists 
 are  silent  upon  the  succeeding  years  of  our  Lord's 
 life  down  to  the  commencement  of  His  ministry. 
 When  He  was  twelve  years  old  He  vf.xs  found  in 
 the  Temple,  hearing  the  doctors  and  asking  them 
 questions  (Luke  ii.  40-52).  We  are  shown  this 
 one  fact  that  we  may  know  that  at  the  time  when 
 the  Jews  considered  childhood  to  be  passing  into 
 youth,  Jesus  was  already  aware  of  His  mission, 
 and  consciously  preparing  for  it,  although  years 
 passed  before  its  actual  commencement.  Thirty 
 years  had  elapsed  from  the  birth  of  our  Lord  to  the 
 opening  of  His  ministry.  In  that  time  great  changes 
 had  come  over  the  chosen  people.  Herod  the  Great 
 had  united  under  him  almost  all  the  original  king- 
 dom of  David  ;  after  the  death  of  that  prince  it  was 
 dismembered  for  ever.  It  was  in  the  fifteenth  year 
 of  Tiberius  the  Emperor,  reckoning  from  his  joint 
 rule  with  Augustus  (Jan.  u.C.  765),  and  not  tiom 
 his  sole  rule  (Aug.  u.C.  767),  that  .lohn  the  Bap- 
 tist began  to  teach.  He  w;is  the  last  representative 
 of  the  prophets  of  the  old  covenant ;  and  his  work 
 was  twofold — to  enforce  repentance  and  the  terrors 
 of  the  old  law,  and  to  revive  the  almost  forgotten 
 expectation  of  the  Messiah  (Matt.  iii.  1-10  ;  M;uk  i. 
 1-8  ;  Luke  iii.  1-18).  The  career  of  John  seems  to 
 have  been  veiy  short.  Jesus  came  to  Jordan  with 
 the  rest  to  receive  baptism  at  John's  hands :  fii>t, 
 in  order  that  the  sacrament  by  which  all  were 
 hereafter  to  be  admitted  into  His  kingdom  might 
 not  want  His  example  to  justify  its  use  (Matt.  iii. 
 15)  ;  next,  that  John  might  have  an  Jissurance  that 
 his  course  as  the  heiald  of  Christ  was  now  com- 
 pleted by  His  appearance  (John  i.  33)  ;  and  last, 
 that  some  public  token  might  be  given  that  He  was 
 indeed  the  Anointed  of  God  (Heb.  v.  5).  Immedi- 
 ately after  this  inauguration  of  His  ministry  Jesus 
 was  led  up  of  the  Spirit  into  the  wilderness  to  be 
 tempted  of  the  devil  (Matt.  iv.  1-11  ;  Jlark  i.  li', 
 13;  Luke  iv.  1-13).  As  the  baptism  of  our  Lord 
 caimot  have  been  for  Him  the  token  of  repentance 
 and  intended  reformation  which  it  was  for  sinful 
 men,  so  does  our  Lord's  sinlessness  affect  the  nature 
 of  His  temptation  ;  for  it  was  the  trial  of  One  Who 
 could  not  possibly  have  fallen.  The  three  tempta- 
 tions are  addressed  to  the  three  forms  in  which  the 
 disease  of  sin  makes  its  appearance  on  the  soul — to 
 the  solace  of  sense,  and  the  love  of  praise,  and  the 
 desire  of  gain  (1  John  ii.  16).  But  there  is  one 
 element  common  to  them  all — they  are  attempts  to 
 call  up  a  wilful  and  wayward  spirit  in  contr;ist  U)  a 
 patient  self-denying  one.  Deserting  for  a  time  the 
 histoiical  order,  we  shall  find  that  the  recoids  of 
 this  first  portion  of  His  ministry,  from  the  tempta- 
 tion to  the  transfiguration,  consist  mainly — ,  l)of 
 miracles,  which  prove  His  divine  commission  ;  (2) 
 of  discourses  and  parables  on  the  doctrine  of  "  the 
 kingdom  of  heaven  ;"  (3)  of  incidents  showing  the 
 behaviour  of  various  persons  when  bi'ought  into 
 contact  with  our  Lo;d.— 1.  ITie  Miracles. — Tlie 
 expectation  that  Messiah  would  work  miracles  ex- 
 isted amongst  the  people,  and  was  founded  on  the 
 l.'iiiguage  of  prophecy.  Our  Lord's  miracles  are 
 described  in  the  New  Te.itaineiit  by  seveial  rv^mc.'-  ; 
 
3i)6 
 
 JESUS  CHRIST 
 
 they  lire  signs,  woikIims,  works  (most  tieijuentlv 
 in  St.  John),  and  niiglit_v  works,  according  T" 
 the  point  of  view  tVom  which  they  are  regarded. 
 They  are  indeed  astonishing  works,  wrought  as 
 signs  of  the  might  and  presence  of  God  ;  and  they 
 are  powers  or  mighty  woiks  because  they  are  such 
 :is  no  power  short  of  the  divine  could  liave  effected. 
 But  if  the  object  liad  been  merely  to  work  wonders, 
 without  any  other  aim  than  to  astonish  the  minds 
 of  the  witnes>es,  tlu-  miracles  of  our  Lord  would 
 not  have  been  tlie  best  means  of  producing  the 
 ert'ect,  since  many  of  them  were  wiought  tor  tlie 
 good  of  obscure  people,  before  witnesses  cliiefly  of 
 the  humble  and  uueducatetl  class,  and  in  the  course 
 of  the  ordinary  life  of  our  Lord,  which  lay  not 
 amongst  those  who  made  it  their  special  business 
 to  imiuire  into  the  claims  of  a  prophet.  The  mira- 
 cles of  our  Lord  were  to  be  not  wonders  merely,  but 
 signs  ;  and  not  merely  signs  of  preternatural  power, 
 but  of  the  scope  and  character  of  His  ministry,  and 
 of  the  divine  nature  of  liis  Person.  This  will  be 
 evident  fioiu  an  e.samination  of  those  which  are 
 nioie  particularly  described  in  the  Gospels.  There 
 are  about  seventeen  lecorded  cases  of  the  cure  of 
 lioilily  sickness,  including  lever,  leprosy,  palsy,  in- 
 veteiate  weakness,  the  maimed  limb,  the  issue  of 
 blood  of  twelve  years'  standing,  dropsy,  blindness, 
 deafness,  and  dumliness  (.John  iv.  47  ;  Matt.  viii. 
 'J.,  J4,  i.\.  li ;  John  v.  5;  Matt.  xii.  10,  viii.  5,  i.x. 
 20,  27  ;  Mark  viii.  22  ;  John  ix.  1  ;  Luke  xiii.  10, 
 .wii.  1 1,  xviii.  :^5,  xxii.  51).  Most  of  the  miracles 
 peifain  to  one  class :  they  brouglit  help  to  the  suf- 
 teiing  or  sorrowing,  and  pioclaimed  what  love  the 
 Man  that  did  them  bore  towards  the  children  of 
 men.  Tlieie  is  another  class,  showing  a  complete 
 contiol  over  tlie  j)owers  of  nature:  fiist  by  acts  of 
 cieative  power ;  secondly  by  setting  aside  natural 
 laws  and  conditions.  Jn  a  thiid  class  of  these 
 miracles  we  find  our  Lord  ovei awing  the  wills  of 
 men;  .is  when  He  twice  cleared  the  Temple  of  the 
 tiaders  (John  ii.  13;  Matt.  xxi.  12);  and  when 
 His  look  staggered  the  otiicere  that  came  to  take 
 Him  (John  xviii.  G).  And  in  a  tburth  subdivision 
 will  stand  one  miracle  only,  where  His  power  was 
 used  for  destruction — the  c;ise  of  the  barren  fig- 
 tree  (Matt.  xxi.  18).  Cn  reviewing  all  the  re- 
 corded miiacles,  we  see  at  once  that  they  are  signs 
 of  the  nature  of  Chiist's  Person  and  mission.  TlicT 
 show  how  active  and  unwearied  Wiis  His  love; 
 they  also  show  the  diversity  of  its  opeiation.  The 
 nnracles  weie  intended  to  attract  the  witnesses  of 
 lliem  to  become  followers  of  Je.--us  and  niemljers  of 
 the  kingdom  of  heaven.  They  have  tlien  two  pur- 
 poses, tiie  pioximate  and  subordinate  purpose  of 
 doing  a  work  of  love  to  them  that  need  it,  and  the 
 higher  purpose  of  revealing  Christ  in  His  own 
 Person  and  nature  as  the  Son  of  God  and  .^aviour 
 "«f  men.^2.  Tlu;  Pitnthlcs. — .Nearly  lifty  parables 
 aie  pre>erved  in  the  (iospels,  and  tlicy  are  only 
 sehcted  fiom  a  larger  number  (.Maik  iv.  :J3).  In 
 ihe  parable  some  story  of  ordinary  iloings  is  made 
 to  convey  a  spiiitual  meaning,  beyond  what  the 
 narrative  itself  contiiins.  In  reference  to  this  kind 
 of  teaching,  some  have  ha-stily  concluded  from  our 
 Lord's  words  (Luke  viii.  10)  that  the  parable  was 
 employed  to  conceal  knowledge  from  those  who 
 weie  not  susceptible  of  it,  and  that  this  was  its 
 iliief  purpo-so.  Dut  it  was  chosen  not  for  this 
 negativo  object,  but  for  itji  psitive  advantages  in 
 the  instruction  of  the  di.sciplos.  11  there  wa.s  any 
 moU''  ot'  teaciiing  better  suited  than  another  to  the 
 
 JESUS  CHRIST 
 
 purjjose  of  preserving  truths  for  the  memoi-j-  th.'it 
 wore  not  accepte<l  by  the  heart,  that  mode  would 
 be  the  best  suited  to  their  peculiar  position. 
 Eastern  teachers  have  made  this  mode  of  instruc- 
 tion familiar;  the  originality  of  the  parables  lay 
 not  in  the  method  of  teaching  by  stories,  but  in  the 
 profound  and  new  truths  which  the  .stories  tauglit 
 so  aptly.  liesides  the  jiaiables,  the  luore  direct 
 teaching  of  our  Lord  is  conveyed  in  many  dis- 
 courses dispersed  through  the  (iospels,  of  which 
 three  may  be  here  selected  as  e.\ami)les:  the  Sermon 
 on  the  Mount  (Matt,  v.-vii.),  the  discourse  after 
 the  feeding  of  the  live  thousand  (John  vi.  22-t>5), 
 and  the  Hnal  discourse  and  prayer  which  preceded 
 the  Passion  (John  xiv.-xvii.).  Nutwithstanding 
 the  endeavour  to  establish  that  the  Sermon  on  tlie 
 Mount  of  St.  Matthew  is  dilierent  from  the  Senium 
 on  the  Plain  of  St.  Luke,  the  evidence  for  their 
 being  one  and  the  siime  discourse  greatly  preponde- 
 rates. If  so,  then  its  historical  position  must  Iw 
 fixed  from  St.  Luke:  and  its  earlier  i)lace  in  St. 
 Matthew's  (Jospel  must  be  owing  to  the  Evan- 
 gelist's wish  to  commence  the  account  of  tiie 
 ministry  of  Jesus  with  a  summary  of  His  teaching. 
 From  Luke  we  learn  that  Jesus' had  gone  up  into  a 
 mountain  to  jiray,  that  on  the  morning  following 
 He  made  u])  the  number  of  His  twelve  A])ostles, 
 and  solemnly  a])puinted  thrni  ;  and  then  descending 
 He  stood  iijion  a  level  place  (Luke  vi.  17),  not 
 necessarily  at  the  bottom  of  the  mountain,  but 
 where  the  multitude  could  stand  round  and  hear; 
 and  there  He  taught  them  in  a  solemn  address  the 
 laws  and  constitution  of  His  new  kingdom,  the 
 kingdom  of  Heaven.  The  dilli.-reiices  between  the 
 reports  of  tlie  two  Evangelists  are  many.  In  the 
 former  tiospel  the  sermon  occupies  one  hundred 
 and  seven  verses;  in  the  latter,  thirty.  The  longer 
 itfiort  includes  the  exposition  of  the  relation  of  the 
 Gospel  to  the  Law :  it  also  draws  together,  as  we 
 have  seen,  some  passages  which  St.  Luke  reports 
 elsewhere  and  in  another  connexion  ;  and  where  the 
 two  contain  the  same  matter,  rhat  of  St.  Luke  is 
 somewhat  moie  compressed.  P>ut  in  taking  account 
 of  this,  the  purpose  of  St.  Matthew  is  to  be  borne 
 in  mind:  the  morality  of  the  Gospel  is  to  be  fully 
 set  forth  at  the  beginning  of  our  Lord's  ministry, 
 and  especially  in  its  bearing  on  the  Law  as  usually 
 received  by  the  Jews,  tor  whose  use  especially  this 
 Gospel  was  designed.  And  when  this  discourse  is 
 compared  with  the  later  examjiles  to  which  we  shall 
 presently  refer,  the  fact  comes  out  more  distinctly, 
 that  we  have  here  the  Code  of  the  Christian  Law- 
 giver, rather  than  the  whole  (iospel.  The  next 
 example  of  the  teaching  of  Jesus  must  be  taken 
 from  a  later  epoch  in  His  ministry.  It  is  probable 
 that  the  great  discourse  in  John  vi.  took  place 
 about  the  time  of  the  Transfiguration.  The  ell'ect  ot 
 His  peiMinal  work  on  the  discijiles  now  becomes  the 
 prominent  subject.  He  had  taught  them  that  He  was 
 the  Christ,  and  had  given  them  His  law,  wider  and 
 deeper  far  than  that  of  Moses.  But  the  objection  to 
 every  law  ai>plies  more  strongly  the  purer  and  higher 
 the  law  is ;  and  "  how  to  perform  that  which  1  will  " 
 is  a  question  that  grows  more  diilicult  to  answer 
 as  the  standard  of  obedii'ive  is  raised.  It  is  that 
 question  which  our  Lord  proceeds  to  answer  here. 
 The  Uedeemer  alludes  to  His  death,  lo  the  body 
 which  shall  auiier  on  the  Cross,  and  to  the  Uoo-.l 
 which  shall  be  (wured  out.  This  great  sacrifice  is 
 not  only  to  be  looked  on,  but  to  be  believed;  and 
 not  only  l)elievcd,  but  appropriate<l  to  the  believi-r, 
 
JESUS  CHRIST 
 
 to  become  part  of  his  very  heart  and  life.  Faith, 
 here  as  elsewhere,  is  the  means  of  apprehending^  it: 
 but  when  it  is  nuee  laid  hold  of,  it  will  be  iis  much 
 a  part  of  tka  bsliever  as  the  food  that  nourishes  the 
 body  becomes  incorporated  with  the  body.  Jiany 
 of  the  disciples  went  back  and  walked  no  more  with 
 Jesus,  because  their  conviction  that  He  was  the 
 Messiah  had  no  real  foundation.  The  rest  remained 
 with  Him  for  the  reason  so  beautifully  expressed  by 
 Peter:  "  Lord,  to  whom  shall  we  go?  Thou  hast 
 the  words  of  eternal  life.  Aud  we  believe  and  are 
 sure  that  Thou  art  that  Christ,  the  Son  of  the  living 
 God"  (John  vi.  68,  69).  The  third  e.xample  of  our 
 Lord's  discourses  which  may  be  selected  is  that 
 whicli  closes  His  ministry.  This  great  discourse, 
 recorded  only  by  St.  John,  extends  from  the  thir- 
 teenth to  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  chapter.  It 
 hardly  admits  of  analysis.  It  announces  the  Sa- 
 viour's departure  in  the  fulfilment  of  His  mission  ; 
 it  imposes  the  new  commandment  on  the  dis- 
 ciples of  a  special  love  towards  each  other  which 
 should  be  the  outward  token  to  the  world  of  their 
 Christian  piofession  ;  it  consoles  them  with  tiie  pro- 
 mise of  the  Comforter  who  should  be  to  them  instead 
 of  the  Saviour  ;  it  tells  them  all  that  He  should  do 
 for  them,  teaching  them,  reminding  them,  reprov- 
 ing the  world  and  guidiui:;  the  disciples  into  all 
 truth.  It  offers  them,  instead  of  the  bodily  pre- 
 sence of  their  beloved  Master,  free  access  to  the 
 throne  of  His  Father,  and  spiritual  blessings  such 
 as  they  had  not  known  before.  Finally,  it  culmin- 
 ates in  that  sublime  prayer  (ch.  xvii.)  by  which 
 the  High-priest  as  it  were  consecrates  Himself  the 
 victim.  These  three  discourses  are  ej:amples  of  the 
 Saviour's  teaching — of  its  progressive  character  from 
 the  opening  of  His  ministry  to  the  close  —The 
 scene  of  the  Lord's  ministry. — As  to  the  scene  of 
 the  ministry  of  Christ,  no  Jess  than  as  to  its  dura- 
 tion, the  three  Evangelists  seem  at  f'lst  sight  to  be 
 at  variance  with  the  fourth.  Matthew,  Mark,  and 
 Luke  record  only  our  Lord's  doings  in  Galilee  ;  if 
 we  put  aside  a  few  days  before  the  Passion,  we  find 
 that  they  never  mention  His  visiting  Jerusalem. 
 John,  on  the  other  hand,  wliilst  he  records  some 
 acts  in  Galilee,  devotes  the  chief  part  of  his  Gospel 
 to  the  transactions  in  Judaea.  But  when  the  sup- 
 plemental character  of  John's  Gospel  is  borne  in 
 mind  there  is  lif.tle  difficulty  in  e.xplaining  this. 
 The  three  Evangelists  do  not  piofess  to  give  a  chro- 
 nology of  the  ministry,  but  rather  a  picture  of  it: 
 notes  of  time  are  not  fiequent  in  their  narrative. 
 And  as  they  chiefly  confined  themselves  to  Galilee, 
 where  the  Redeemer's  chief  acts  were  done,  they 
 might  naturally  omit  to  mention  the  feasts,  which 
 ••oing  passed  by  our  Lord  at  Jerusalem,  added  no- 
 tlimg  to  tne  materials  for  His  Galilean  ministry.— 
 J)uration  of  the  ministry. — It  is  impossible  to  de- 
 termine exactly  from  the  Gospels  the  number  of 
 years  during  which  the  Kedeemer  exercised  His 
 ministry  before  the  Passion:  but  the  doubt  lies  be- 
 tween two  and  three.  The  data  are  to  be  diawn 
 from  St.  John.  This  Evangelist  mentions  six  feasts, 
 at  five  ot  which  Jesus  was  present;  the  Passover 
 that  tbllowed  His  baptism  (ii.  13)  ;  "  a  feast  of 
 the  Jews"  (v.  1),  a  PassO\'er  during  which  Jesus 
 remained  in  Galilee  (vi.  4-) ;  the  feast  of  Tabernacles 
 to  which  the  Lord  went  up  privately  (vii.  2);  the 
 least  of  Dedication  'X.  22)  ;  ind  lastly  the  feast  of 
 Passover,  at  which  he  suH'eied  (xii.  xiii.).  'I'here 
 are  certainly  three  Passovers,  and  it  is  possible  that 
 "  a  fea.st"  [y.  I)  may  be  afouiib.     Upon  this  pos- 
 
 JESUS  CHRIST 
 
 397 
 
 sibihty  the  question  turns.  But  if  this  feast  is  not 
 a  Passover,  then  no  Passover  is  mentioned  by  John 
 between  the  first  (ii.  13),  and  that  which  is  spoken 
 of  in  the  sixth  chapter  ;  and  the  time  between  those 
 two  must  be  assumed  to  be  a  single  year  only.  Now, 
 although  the  record  of  John  of  this  period  contains 
 but  few  facts,  yet  when  all  the  Evangelists  are  com 
 pared,  the  amount  of  labour  compressed  into  this 
 single  year  would  be  too  much  for  its  compass.  It 
 is,  to  say  the  least,  easier  to  suppose  that  the 
 "  feast"  (John  v.  1)  was  a  Passover,  divianig  the 
 time  into  two,  and  throwing  two  of  these  circuits 
 into  the  second  year  of  the  ministrv.  Upon  the 
 whole,  though  there  is  nothing  that  amounts  to 
 proof,  it  is  probable  that  there  were  four  Passovers, 
 and  consequently  that  our  Lord's  ministry  lasted 
 somewhat  more  than  three  years,  the  "  beginning  of 
 miracles"  (.John  ii.)  having  been  wrought  before 
 the  first  passover.  The  year  of  the  first  of  these 
 Passovers  was  U.C.  780,  and  the  Baptism  of  our 
 Lord  took  place  either  in  the  beginning  of  that  year 
 or  the  end  of  the  year  preceding.  Our  Lord  has 
 now  passed  through  the  ordeal  of  temptation,  and 
 His  ministry  is  begun.  At  Bethabara,  to  which 
 He  retui'us,  disciples  begin  to  be  drawn  towards 
 Him;  Andrew  and  another,  probably  John,  the 
 sole  narrator  of  the  fact,  see  Jesus,  and  hear  the 
 Baptist's  testimony  concerning  Him.  Andrew  brings 
 Simon  Peter  to  see  Him  also ;  and  he  receives  from 
 the  Lord  the  name  of  Cephas.  Then  Philip  and 
 Nathanael  are  brought  into  contact  with  our  Lord. 
 The  two  disciples  last  named  saw  Him  as  He  was 
 about  to  set  out  for  Galilee,  on  the  third  day  of  His 
 sojourn  at  Bethabara.  The  third  day  after  this 
 interview  Jesus  is  at  Cana  in  Galilee,  and  works 
 His  first  miracle,  by  making  the  water  wine  (John 
 i.  29,  35,  43;  ii.  1).  He  now  betakes  Himself  to 
 Capernaum,  and  after  a  sojourn  there  of  "  not  many 
 days,"  sets  out  for  Jerusalem  to  the  Passover,  which 
 was  to  be  the  beginning  of  His  ministiy  in  Ju:'iMea 
 (John  ii.  12,  13).  The  cleansing  of  tlie  Temple  is 
 associated  by  St.  John  with  this  first  Passover  v'u. 
 12-22),  and  a  similar  cleansing  is  assigned  to  thy 
 last  Passover  by  the  other  Evangelists.  These  two 
 cannot  be  confounded  without  throwing  discredit  on 
 the  historical  character  of  one  narrative  or  the  other  ; 
 the  notes  of  time  are  too  precise.  The  expulsion  of 
 the  traders  was  not  likely  to  produce  a  permanent 
 eriect,  and  at  the  end  of  three  years  Jesus  found 
 the  tumult  and  the  traffic  defiling  the  court  of  the 
 Temple  as  they  had  done  when  He  visited  it  before. 
 The  visit  of  Nicodemus  to  Jesus  took  place  about 
 this  first  passover.  It  implies  that  our  Loid  had 
 done  more  at  Jerusalem  than  is  recorded  of  Hiui 
 even  by  John :  since  we  have  here  a  Master  of 
 Israel  (John  iii.  10),  a  member  of  the  Sanhedrim 
 (John  vii.  50)  expressing  his  belief  in  Him, although 
 too  timid  at  this  time  to  make  an  open  profession. 
 The  object  of  the  visit,  though  not  directly  stated, 
 is  still  clear :  he  was  one  of  the  better  Pharisees, 
 who  were  expecting  the  kingdom  of  Jlessiah,  and 
 having  seen  the  miiacles  that  .Jesus  did,  he  came  to 
 enquire  more  fully  about  these  signs  of  its  approach. 
 It  has  been  well  said  that  this  discourse  contains 
 the  whole  Gospel  in  epitome.  After  a  sojourn  at 
 Jeru-salem  of  uiicerfeiiu  Jurition,  Jesus  went  to  the 
 Jordan  with  His  disciples;  and  they  there  baptized 
 in  His  name.  The  Baptist  was  now  at  Aenon  near 
 Salim  ;  and  the  jealousy  of  his  disciples  against  Jesus 
 drew  from  John  an  avowal  (d"  his  position,  which  is 
 remarkable  for  its  humility  (John  iii.  27-30).    How 
 
398 
 
 JESUS  CHRIST 
 
 long  this  sojouni  in  .ludaca  la.st<tl  is  uncertain.  But 
 ni  Older  to  reconcile  .lulin  iv.  1  with  Matt.  iv.  12, 
 we  must  suppose  that  it  was  much  longor  than  the 
 "twenty-six  or  twenty-seven"  days,  to  which  Mr. 
 Gieswell  would  limit  it.  In  the  wav  to  G;dilee 
 Jesus  pa.sscd  by  the  shortest  route,  throuijh  Samaria. 
 In  tiie  time  of  our  Lord  the  Samaritans  were  hated 
 l>y  the  Jews  even  more  than  if  they  had  been  Gen- 
 tiles. Vet  even  in  Samai'ia  were  souls  to  be  saved  ; 
 and  Jesus  would  not  shake  oH'  even  that  dust  from 
 His  teet.  He  aime  in  His  journey  to  Sichem, 
 which  the  Jews  in  mockery  had  changed  to  Sychar. 
 Wearied  and  athirst  He  sat  on  the  side  of  Jacob's 
 well.  A  woman  from  the  neighbouiing  town  came 
 to  draw  from  the  well,  and  was  astonished  that  a 
 Jew  should  address  her  as  a  neighbour,  with  a 
 request  tor  water.  The  conversation  that  ensued 
 might  be  taken  for  an  example  of  the  mode  in 
 which  Christ  leads  to  Himself  the  souls  of  men. 
 In  this  remarkable  dialogue  are  many  things  to 
 ponder  over.  The  living  water  which  Cluist  would 
 give;  the  announcement  of  a  change  in  the  wor- 
 ship of  Jew  and  Samaritan ;  lastly,  the  confession 
 that  He  who  speaks  is  truly  the  Messiah,  are  all 
 rioteworthy.  Jesus  now  returned  to  Galilee,  and 
 came  to  Nazareth,  His  own  city.  lu  the  Synagogue 
 He  expounded  to  the  people  a  pa.ssage  from  Isaiah 
 /Ixi.  1),  telling  them  that  its  fullilment  was  now 
 at  hand  in  His  person.  The  same  truth  that  had 
 filled  the  Samaritans  with  gratitude,  wrought  up 
 to  fury  the  men  of  Nazareth,  who  would  have  de- 
 stroyed Him  if  He  had  not  escajjed  out  of  their 
 hands  (Luke  iv.  16-30).  He  came  now  to  Caper- 
 naum. On  his  way  hither,  when  He  had  reached 
 Cana,  He  healed  the  son  of  one  of  the  courtiers  of 
 Hero<I  Antii)as  (.lolin  iv.  46-54-),  who  "  himself  be- 
 lieved, and  his  whole  house."  This  was  the  second 
 Galilean  miracle.  At  Cajieinaum  He  wrought  manv 
 miracles  tor  them  that  needed.  Here  two  disciples 
 who  had  known  him  before,  namely,  Simon  Peter 
 and  Andrew,  were  ciilled  from  their  fishing  to  be- 
 come "  fisheis  of  men  "  (Matt.  iv.  19),  and  the  two 
 sons  of  Zebeiiee  received  the  same  summons.  After 
 heiiling  on  the  S;ibbath  a  demoniac  in  the  Svna- 
 gogue,  a  miracle  which  was  witnessed  bv  manv, 
 and  was  made  known  everywhere,  He  returned  the 
 same  day  to  Simon's  house,  and  healal  the  mother- 
 in-law  of  Simon,  who  was  sick  of  a  fever.  At  sun- 
 set, tlie  multitude,  now  fully  aroused  by  what  they 
 had  heard,  brought  their  sick  to  Simon's  door  to 
 get  them  healeil.  He  did  not  lefuse  His  succour, 
 and  healed  them  all  (Jhirk  i.  29-34).  He  now,  after 
 showering  down  on  Capernaum  so  manv  cures, 
 tiiniod  His  thoughts  to  the  lest  of  Galilee,  where 
 other  "  lost  sheep"  were  scatteied: — "  Let  us  go 
 into  the  next  towns  that  I  may  preach  there  also, 
 for  tlierelbre  cjime  I  foith"  'Mark  i.  oh).  The 
 journey  through  (ialilee,  on  which  He  now  entered, 
 must  have  been  a  general  circuit  of  that  country.— 
 Second  year  of  the  ministrt/. — .lesus  went  up  to 
 JeruMdem  to  "a  fe;f>t  of  the  Jews,"  which  was 
 j)robably  the  I'assover.  At  the  jxhpI  Uetliesda 
 (  =  house  of  mercy),  which  was  near  llic  sheep-i;ate 
 (Neh.  iii.  1)  on  the  north-east  side  of  the  Temjde, 
 Jesus  .«nw  mnnyinlhin  persons  waiting  (heir  turn 
 for  the  healing  virtues  of  the  water  (John  v.  1-18). 
 Among  them  was  a  man  who  had  an  inhnnity 
 thirty-eight  years:  Jesus  made  him  whole  by  a 
 word,  bidding  him  t!\ke  up  his  beil  and  walk.  The 
 miratle  was  done  on  the  .Stibliath  ;  .-uid  the  Jews, 
 who  acteii   against  .lesiis    lebukod  the  man  for  c-ir- 
 
 JESUS  CHRIST 
 
 rying  his  led.  It  was  a  labour,  and  as  such  foi- 
 bidden  (Jer.  xvn.  21).  In  our  Lord's  justiticatioii 
 of  Himself,  "  Jly  Father  worketh  hitherto,  and  I 
 work"  '■John  v.  17),  there  is  an  uue(iuivocal  claim 
 to  the  divine  nature.  Another  discussion  about  the 
 Sabbath  arose  from  the  disciples  plucking  the  eai-s 
 of  corn  as  they  went  through  the  fields  (Matt.  xii. 
 1-8).  The  time  of  this  is  somewhat  uncertain  ; 
 some  would  place  it  a  year  later,  just  after  the  third 
 Piissovei- :  but  its  place  is  much  more  probably 
 here.  Our  Lord  quotes  cases  where  the  law  is 
 supei'seded  or  set  aside,  because  He  is  One  who  h.is 
 power  to  do  the  same.  And  the  i  ise  of  a  new  law 
 is  implied  in  those  words  which  St.  Mark  alone  has 
 recorded  :  "  The  Sabbath  was  made  for  man,  and 
 not  man  for  the  Sabbath."  The  law  upon  the  Sab- 
 bath w.ts  made  in  love  to  men,  to  pieserve  tor  them 
 a  due  measure  of  rest,  to  keep  room  for  the  woi'ship 
 of  (iod.  The  Son  of  Man  has  power  to  le-adjust 
 this  law,  if  its  work  is  done,  or  if  men  are  lit  to 
 receive  a  higher.  This  may  have  taken  plai.e  on 
 the  way  to  Jerusalem  after  the  Passover.  On  an- 
 other Sabbath,  probably  at  Capernaum,  to  which 
 Jesus  had  retinned,  the  Pharisees  gave  a  far  more 
 striking  proof  of  the  way  in  which  their  hard  and 
 narrow  and  unloving  interpretition  would  turn  the 
 beneficence  of  the  Law  into  a  blighting  oppression. 
 Our  Lord  entered  into  the  synagogue,  and  found 
 there  a  man  with  a  withered  hand  —  .«ome  poor 
 artisan  perhaps  whose  handiwork  was  his  meani: 
 of  life.  Jesus  was  about  to  heal  him  —  which 
 would  give  back  life  to  the  sull'erer — which  would 
 give  joy  to  every  beholder  who  had  one  touch  ot 
 pity  in  his  heart.  The  Pharisees  interfere:  "  Is  it 
 lawful  to  heal  on  the  Sabbath-day?"  Their  doctors 
 would  have  allowed  them  to  jmll  a  sheep  out  of  a 
 pit;  but  they  will  not  have  a  man  rescued  from 
 the  depth  of  misery,  liarely  is  that  loving  Teachei 
 wroth,  but  here  His  anger,  mixe^i  with  grict,  showed 
 itself:  He  looked  round  about  njwn  them  "  with 
 anger,  being  grieved  at  the  hardness  of  their  hearts," 
 and  answered  their  cavils  bv  healing  the  man  (Matt, 
 xii.  9-14;  Mark  iii.  1-6;  Luke  vi.  G-11).  In 
 placing  the  ordination  or  calling  of  the  Twelve 
 Apostles  just  before  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount,  we 
 are  under  the  guidance  of  St.  Luke  (vi.  13,  17). 
 liut  this  more  solemn  separation  for  their  work  by 
 no  means  marks  the  time  of  their  first  approach  to 
 Jesus.  That  which  takes  place  here  is  the  ajipt)int- 
 ment  of  twelve  disciples  to  be  a  distinct  body,  under 
 the  name  of  Apostles.  They  are  not  sent  forth  to 
 preach  until  later  in  the  same  year.  The  number 
 twelve  must  have  reference  to  the  number  of  the 
 Jewish  tril)e.s:  it  is  a  number  selected  on  account 
 of  its  symbolical  meaning,  for  the  work  confided' to 
 them  might  have  been  wrought  by  more  or  fewer. 
 In  the  four  lists  of  the  names  of  the  .-Xjwstles  jtie- 
 seived  to  us  (RLatt.  x.,  Mark  iii.,  Lukevi.,  .\cts  i.) 
 there  is  a  certain  order  preserved,  amidst  variations. 
 The  two  pairs  of  brothers,  Simon  and  Andrew,  and 
 the  sons  of  Zebedee.  are  always  named  the  fii-st; 
 and  of  these  Simon  Peter  ever  holds  the  tii-st  place. 
 Philip  and  Partholomew,  Thomas  and  Matthew,  are 
 always  in  the  next  rank  ;  and  of  them  Philip  is 
 always  the  (ir.st.  In  the  third  rank  James  the  son 
 of  .'\lpheus  is  the  first,  as  Jiid.is  Iscariot  is  always 
 the  last,  with  Simon  the  Zealot  and  Th.nddaeus  be- 
 twwn.  Some  of  the  Apo>tles  were  cci-tainly  poor 
 and  uiileaiiied  men  ;  it  is  jirobable  that  the  rest 
 were  of  the  s.imc  kind.  I'our  ■!'  them  were  fisher- 
 men, not  indeed  the  poorest  of  their  class;  and  a 
 
JESUS  CHRIST 
 
 fifth  was  ii  "  publican,''  one  of  the  tax-gatherers, 
 who  collected  the  taxes  faiined  by  Romans  of  highei' 
 rank.  From  henceforth  the  education  of  the  twelve 
 Apostles  will  be  one  of  the  principal  features  of  the 
 Lord's  ministry.  First  He  instructs  them  ;  then 
 He  takes  them  with  Him  as  companions  of  His 
 wayfarinff  ;  then  He  sends  them  forth  to  teach  and 
 heal  for  Him.  The  Sermon  on  the  Mount,  although 
 it  is  meant  for  all  the  disciples,  seems  to  have  a 
 speciiil  refei'ence  to  the  chosen  Twelve  (Matt.  v.  11 ). 
 About  this  time  it  was  that  John  the  Baptist,  long 
 a  prisoner  with  little  hope  of  lelease,  sent  his  dis- 
 ciples to  Jesus  with  the  question,  "  Art  thou  He 
 that  should  come,  or  do  we  look  for  another?" 
 In  all  the  Gospels  there  is  no  more  touching  inci- 
 dent. The  great  ywivilege  of  John's  life  was  that 
 he  was  appointed  to  recognize  and  bear  witness  to 
 the  Messiah  (John  i.  31).  After  languishing  a  year 
 in  a  diuigeon,  after  learning  that  even  yet  Jesus 
 had  made  no  steps  towards  the  establishment  of  His 
 kingdom  of  the  Jews,  and  that  His  following  con- 
 sisted of  only  twelve  poor  Galileans,  doubts  began  to 
 cloud  over  his  spirit.  Was  the  kingdom  of  Messiah 
 as  neai-  as  he  had  thought  ?  Was  Jesus  not  the 
 Messiah,  but  some  foierunner  of  that  Deliverer,  as 
 he  himself  had  been?  There  is  no  unbelief;  he 
 does  not  suppose  that  Jesus  has  deceived ;  when 
 the  doubts  arise,  it  is  to  Jesus  that  he  submits  them. 
 But  it  was  not  without  great  depression  and  per- 
 plexity that  he  put  the  question,  "  Art  thou  He 
 that  should  come?"  The  scope  of  the  answer 
 given  lies  in  its  recalling  John  to  the  grounds  of 
 liis  former  confidence.  Now  commences  the  second 
 circuit  of  Galilee  {J>uke  viii.  1-3),  to  which  bi-long 
 the  parables  in  Matt.  xiii. ;  the  visit  of  our  Lord's 
 mother  and  brethren  (Luke  viii.  19-21),  and  the  ac- 
 count of  His  reception  at  Nazareth  (Mark  vi.  1-6). 
 During  this  time  the  twelve  have  journeyed  with 
 Him.  But  now  a  third  circuit  in  Galilee  is  re- 
 corded, which  probably  occurred  during  the  last 
 thr^e  months  of  this  year  (Matt.  ix.  35-38) ;  and 
 during  this  circuit,  after  reminding  them  how  great 
 IS  the  harvest  and  how  piessing  the  need  of  la- 
 bourers, He  (tarries  the  training  of  the  disciples  one 
 step  further  by  sending  them  forth  by  themselves 
 to  teach  (Matt.  x.  xi.).  They  went  forth  two  and 
 two ;  and  our  Lord  continued  His  own  circuit 
 (Matt.  xi.  1),  with  what  companions  does  not 
 appear.  After  a  journey  of  perhaps  two  months' 
 duration  the  twelve  return  to  Jesus,  and  give  an 
 account  of  their  ministry.  The  third  Passover  was 
 now  diawing  near;  but  the  Lord  did  not  go  up  to 
 it.  He  wished  to  commune  with  His  Apostles  pri- 
 vately u]ion  their  work,  and,  we  may  suppose,  to 
 add  to  the  instruction  they  had  already  received 
 from  Him  (Mark  vi.  30,  31).  He  therefore  went 
 with  them  from  the  neighbourhood  of  Capernaum 
 to  a  mountain  on  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Sea  of 
 Tibei'ias,  near  Bethsaida  Julias,  not  far  from  the 
 head  of  the  sea.  Great  multitudes  pursued  them  ; 
 and  heie  the  Lord,  moved  to  compassion  by  the 
 hunger  and  weariness  of  the  people,  wrought  for 
 them  one  of  His  most  remarkable  miiacles.  Out 
 of  five  bailey  loaves  and  two  small  fishes.  He  pro- 
 duced food  for  five  thousand  men  besides  women 
 and  children.  After  the  miracle  the  disciples  crossed 
 the  sea,  and  Jesus  retired  alone  to  a  mountain  to 
 commune  with  the  Father,  They  were  toiling  at 
 the  oar,  for  the  wind  was  contraiy,  when,  as  the 
 night  drew  towards  morning,  they  saw  Jesus  walk- 
 ing to  them  on  the  sea,  having  passed  the  whole 
 
 JESUS  CHRIST 
 
 899 
 
 night  on  the  mountain.  They  were  amazed  and 
 terrified.  He  came  into  the  ship  and  the  wind 
 ceased.  When  they  reached  the  shore  of  Gennesaret 
 the  whole  people  showeil  their  faith  in  Him  as  a 
 Healer  of  disease  (Mark  vi.  53-5t)) ;  and  He  per- 
 ibrmed  very  many  miracles  on  them.  Yet  on  the 
 next  day  the  great  discourse  just  alluded  to  was 
 uttered,  and  "  from  that  time  many  of  His  disciples 
 went  back  and  walked  no  more  with  Him  "  (John 
 vi.  66).—  T/urd  year  of  the  Ministry. — Hearing 
 perhaps  that  Jesus  was  not  coming  to  the  feast, 
 Scribes  and  Pharisees  from  Jerusalem  went  down 
 to  see  Him  at  Capernaum  (Matt.  xv.  1),  Leaving 
 the  neighbourhood  of  Capernaum  our  Lord  now 
 travels  to  the  north-west  of  Galilee,  to  the  region 
 of  Tyre  and  Sidou.  The  time  is  not  strictly  deter- 
 mined, but  it  was  probably  the  early  summer  of 
 this  year.  It  does  not  appear  that  He  retired  into 
 this  heathen  country  for  the  purpose  of  ministering; 
 more  probably  it  was  a  retreat  from  the  machina- 
 tions of  the  Jews  (Matt,  xv,  21-28;  Mark  vii.  24- 
 30).  Ptturning  thence  He  passed  round  by  the 
 north  of  the  sea  of  Galilee  to  the  region  of  Decapolis 
 on  its  eastern  side  (Mark  vii.  31-37).  In  this  dis- 
 trict He  performed  many  miracles,  and  especially 
 the  restoration  of  a  deaf  man  who  had  an  impedi- 
 ment in  his  speech,  remarkable  for  the  seeming 
 effort  with  which  He  wrought  it.  To  these  suc- 
 ceeded the  feeding  of  the  four  thousand  with  the 
 seven  loaves  (Matt.  xv.  32).  He  now  crossed  the 
 Lake  of  Magdala,  where  the  Pharisees  and  Sadducees 
 asked  and  were  refused  a  "  sign."  After  they  had 
 departed  Jesus  crossed  the  lake  with  his  disciples. 
 At  Bethsaida  Julias,  He  restored  sight  to  a  blind 
 man ;  and  here,  as  in  a  former  case,  the  form  and 
 preparation  which  He  adopted  are  to  be  remarked 
 (Mark  viii.  22-26).  The  ministry  in  Galilee  is 
 now  drawing  to  its  close.  Thiough  the  length  and 
 breadth  of  that  country  Jesus  has  proclaimed  the 
 kingdom  of  Christ,  and  has  shown  by  mighty  works 
 that  He  is  the  Christ  that  was  to  come.  The 
 lengthened  journeys  through  the  land,  the  miracles, 
 far  more  than  are  recorded  in  detail,  had  brought 
 the  Gospel  home  to  all  the  people.  Capernaum  was 
 the  focus  of  His  ministry.  Through  Choiazin  and 
 Bethsaida  He  had  no  doubt  passed  with  crowds  be- 
 hind Him,  drawn  together  by  wonders  that  they 
 had  seen,  and  by  the  hope  of  others  to  follow  thfm. 
 Many  thousands  had  actually  been  bi'nefited  by  the 
 miracles ;  and  yet  of  all  these  there  were  only- 
 twelve  that  le.dly  clave  to  Him,  and  one  of  them 
 was  Judas  the  traitor.  With  this  rejection  an  epoch 
 of  the  history  is  connected.  He  begins  to  unfold 
 now  the  doctrine  of  His  passion  more  fully.  The 
 doctrine  of  a  sufiering  Messiah,  so  plainly  exhibited 
 in  the  prophets,  had  receded  from  sight  in  the  cur- 
 rent religion  of  that  time.  The  announcement  of  it 
 to  the  disciples  was  at  once  new  and  shocking. 
 Turning  now  to  the  whole  body  of  those  who  fol- 
 lowed Him  (Mark,  Luke),  He  published  the  Chris- 
 tian doctrine  of  self-denial.  The  Apostles  had  just 
 shown  that  they  took  the  natural  view  of  sufiering, 
 that  it  was  an  evil  to  be  shunned.  They  shrank 
 from  conflict,  and  pain,  and  death,  as  it  is  natural 
 men  should.  But  Jesus  teaches  that,  in  comparison 
 with  the  higher  life,  the  life  of  the  soul,  the  life  of 
 the  body  is  valueless  (Matt,  xvi,  21-28;  Alark  viii. 
 31-38;  Luke  ix.  22-27).  The  Transfiguration, 
 which  took  place  just  a  week  after  this  conversa- 
 tion, is  to  be  undei-stood  in  connexion  with  it.  The 
 minds  of  the  twelve  were  greatly  disturbed  at  what 
 
400 
 
 JESUS  CHRIST 
 
 they  hail  heard.  Now,  it'cvnr,  tliev  nonled  supjriort  i 
 for  theii"  j)ei|)lexeil  spirits,  anil  this  their  loving  , 
 Master  fiiiled  not  to  give  them.  He  takes  with 
 Him  three  cliosen  disciples,  Peter,  John,  and  James,  [ 
 ,vho  t'omned  as  it  were  a  smaller  circle  nearer  to  | 
 Jesus  than  the  n-st,  into  a  hi;j;h  mouiifaiii  ai>art  | 
 by  themselves.  There  are  no  moans  of  determining  I 
 the  position  of  the  mountain.  The  three  disciples  : 
 were  taken  up  with  Him,  who  sliould  afterwards  | 
 he  the  three  witnesses  of  His  agi>ny  in  the  garden  i 
 of  Oethsemane  :  those  who  saw  His  glory  m  the  I 
 holy  mount  woiiM  be  sustained  by  the  remem- 
 brance ot  it  when  they  beheld  His  lowest  Iiumilia- 
 tion.  The  calmness  and  exactness  oC  the  narrative 
 preclude  all  doubt  as  to  its  historical  character. 
 There  has  been  much  discussion  on  the  purport  of 
 tliis  great  wonder.  But  thus  much  seems  highly 
 probable.  Kiist,  as  it  was  connecced  with  the 
 prayer  of  Jesus,  to  which  it  was  no  doubt  an  an- 
 swer, it  is  to  be  legarded  as  a  kind  of  inauguration 
 of  Him  in  His  new  ofiice  a-s  the  High-piiest  who 
 should  make  atonement  for  the  sins  of  the  people  with 
 His  own  blood.  Secondly,  as  the  witnesses  of  this 
 scene  were  the  same  three  disciples  who  were  with 
 the  Master  in  the  garden  of  Gethsemane,  it  inay  be 
 assumed  that  the  one  was  intended  to  prepare  them 
 for  the  other.  As  they  came  down  fiom  the  moun- 
 tain He  charged  them  to  keep  secret  what  they  had 
 seen  till  after  the  Resurrection  ;  which  shows  that 
 this  miracle  took  place  for  His  use  and  for  tlieirs, 
 rather  than  for  the  i-est  of  the  disciples.  Meantime 
 amongst  the  multituih;  below  a  scene  w'ms  taking 
 place  which  formed  the  strongest  contrast  to  the 
 glory  and  the  peace  which  they  had  witnessed,  and 
 which  seemed  to  justify  Peter's  remark,  "  It  is  good 
 for  us  to  be  here."  A  poor  youth,  lunatic  and  pos- 
 sessed bv  a  devil,  was  brought  to  the  disciples  who 
 were  not  with  Jesus,  to  be  cureil.  They  could  not 
 prevail ;  and  when  Jesus  appeared  amongst  them 
 the  agonized  and  disappointed  father  appealed  to 
 Him,  with  a  kind  of  complaint  of  the  impotence  of 
 the  disciples.  What  the  disciples  had  fiuled  to  do, 
 Jesus  did  at  a  word.  He  then  explained  ta  them 
 that  their  want  of  faith  in  their  own  power  to  heal, 
 iind  in  His  promises  to  bestow  the  power  upon 
 them,  was  the  cause  of  their  inability  'Matt.  xvii. 
 14-21  ;  Mark  ix.  14-29;  Luke  ix.  37-43i.  Once 
 more  did  Jesus  tbretell  His  sufferings  on  their  way 
 back  to  Capernaum  (Mark  ix.  30-32 ).^/'>x)w  tite 
 Feast  of  Tabernacles,  Third  Year. — The  Feast  of 
 Tabernacles  was  now  approaching.  His  brethren 
 set  out  for  the  feast  without  Him.  and  He  abode 
 in  Galilee  (or  a  few  days  longer  (John  vii.  2-10). 
 Afterwards  He  set  out,  taking  the  inore  direct  but 
 less  fifcijuented  loute  by  Samaria.  St.  I.uke  alone 
 re<»rds,  in  connexion  with  this  journey,  the  sending 
 forth  of  the  seventy  di-ciples.  This  event  is  to  be 
 regarded  inadillerent  light  tiom  that  of  the  twelve. 
 The  .seventy  hai\  receive^l  no  special  education  from 
 our  [,ord.and  their  commission  was  of  a  temporary 
 kind.  The  nimiber  has  reference  to  the  Gentiles,  as 
 twelve  had  to  the  lews  ;  and  tlie  scene  of  the  work, 
 Samaria,  reminds  us  that  this  is  a  uiovement  directed  I 
 towards  the  stranger.  After  healing  the  ten  lepers  i 
 in  Samaria,  He  came  about  the  ini<lst  of  the  least  I 
 to  .lerusalem.  The  Pharisees  and  rulei-s  sought  to 
 take  Him  ;  .some  of  the  people,  however,  believ&l 
 in  Him,  but  concealed  their  opinion  for  fear  of  the  ' 
 rulers.  To  this  rlivision  of  opinion  we  may  attri- 
 bute the  failu)e  of  the  re|K?nted  attempts  on  the 
 part  of  the  Sanhedrim  to  t«ke  One  who  wa;.  openly  i 
 
 JESUS  CHRIST 
 
 teaching  .u  the  Templi' (.lohn  vii.  ll-o;!:  see  esp. 
 \ier.  30,  32,44,  4.5,  46  i.  The  officers  were  p;ii-tlv 
 afraid  to  seize  in  the  pi'esence  of  the  peo])le  the  fa- 
 vourite Teacher  ;  and  partly  were  themselves  awe«l 
 aud  attracted  bv  llim.  The  history  of  the  woman 
 taken  in  ailulteiy  belongs  to  this  time.  To  this 
 pla<;e  belongs  the  account,  given  by  John  alone,  of 
 the  healing  of  one  who  was  born  blind,  and  the  con- 
 sequences of  it  'John  ix.  1-41,  x.  1-21).  The  well- 
 known  parable  of  the  good  shepherd  is  an  answer 
 to  the  calunuiy  of  the  Pharisees,  that  He  was  an 
 impostor  and  breaker  of  the  law,  "  This  man  is  not 
 of  God,  because  he  keepth  not  the  Sabbath-day  " 
 (ix.  16;.  We  now  approach  a  difficult  portion  of 
 the  sacred  history.  The  note  of  time  given  us  by 
 John  immediately  afterwards  is  the  Feast  of  the 
 Dedication,  which  was  celebrated  on  the  2.")th  of 
 K'i>leu,  answering  nearly  to  Dei^mber.  According 
 to  this  Kvangelist  our  Lord  docs  not  appear  to  have 
 returned  to  Galilee  between  the  Feast  of  Tabeinacles 
 and  that  of  l)edication,  but  to  have  passed  the  time 
 in  and  near  Jerusalem.  Matthew  and  Mark  do  not 
 allude  to  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles.  Luke  appeai-s 
 to  do  so  in  ix.  .51  :  but  the  words  there  used  would 
 imply  that  this  was  the  last  journey  to  Jei  ii.salem. 
 Now  in  St.  Luke's  Gospel  a  large  section,  fiom  ix. 
 51  to  xviii.  14,  seems  to  belong  to  the  time  pi-e- 
 ceding  the  departure  from  Galilee  ;  and  the  ques- 
 tion is  how  is  this  to  be  arranged,  so  that  it  shall 
 harmonize  with  the  narrative  of  St.  John?  Inmost 
 Harmonies  a  return  of  our  'jord  to  Galilee  has  l>een 
 assumed,  in  oider  to  rind  a  place  for  this  put  of 
 Luke's  Gospel.  Perhaps  this  great  division  of  l.nke 
 (x.  17-xviii.  14)  should  be  inserted  entire  between 
 John  X.  2 1  and  22.  Some  of  the  most  striking  para- 
 bles, preseived  only  by  Luke,  belong  to  this  period. 
 The  jiarables  of  the  good  .Simaritan,  the  prodigal 
 son,  the  unju.st  steward,  the  rich  man  and  Lazarus, 
 and  tlie  Pharisee  an3  publican,  all  j>eculiar  to  this 
 Gospel,  belong  to  the  present  section.  The  in- 
 structive account  of  Mary  aud  Martha  and  the 
 miiacle  of  the  ten  lepers  belong  to  this  portion  of' 
 the  narrative.  Pjcsides  these,  scattere<l  sayings  that 
 occur  in  ."^t.  Matthew  are  here  repeated  in  a  new 
 connexion.  The  account  of  the  bringing  of  young 
 chililren  to  Jesus  unites  again  the  three  livangelisfs 
 (Matt.  xix.  13-15;  Mark  x.  1.3-1  fi  ;  Luke  xviii. 
 15-17',.  On  the  way  to  Jerusalem  through  I'eraea. 
 to  the  Feast  of  Dedication,  Jesus  again  ]Hits  before 
 the  nn'nds  of  the  twelve  what  they  are  never  now 
 to  forget,  the  sulierings  that  await  Him.  They 
 "  understood  none  of  these  things,"  for  they  could 
 not  reconcile  this  foreboding  of  suffering  with  the 
 signs  and  announcements  of  the  coming  of  His  king- 
 dom (Matt.  xx.  17-19  ;  Mark  x.  32-:U  ;  Luke  xviii. 
 31-34).  In  consequence  of  this  new,  though  dark, 
 intimation  of  the  coming  of  the  kingdom,  S;ilome. 
 with  her  two  sf)ns,  James  and  .lohii,  came  to  be- 
 speak the  two  places  of  highest  honour  in  the  king- 
 dom. Jesus  tells  them  that  they  know  not  what 
 they  ask  ;  that  the  jdaces  of  honour  in  the  kingdom 
 shall  be  bestowed,  not  by  Jesus  in  answer  to  a 
 chance  request,  but  tqion  those  for  whom  they  are 
 prepared  by  the  Father.  -As  sin  ever  provokes  sin, 
 the  ambition  of  the  ten  was  now  aroused,  and  they 
 began  to  be  much  displeased  with  James  and  John. 
 Jesus  once  more  recalls  the  principle  that  the  child- 
 like disfKisition  is  that  which  He  approves  ''Matt. 
 XX.  20-28;  Mark  x.  35-4.")).  The  healing  of  ihe 
 two  blind  men  at  Jericho  is  chiefly  remarkil)k 
 among  the  miracles  from  the  difficulty  which  has 
 
JESUS  CHRIST 
 
 aiisrn  in  harmonizing  the  accounts.  JIatthew  speaics 
 of  t'co  blind  men,  and  of  tlie  occasion  as  the  de- 
 parture from  Jericho ;  iMarlc  of  one,  whom  lie 
 names,  and  of  their  arrival  at  Jericho;  and  Luke 
 agrees  with  him.  This  point  lias  received  much 
 discussion  ;  but  the  view  of  Lighttbot  linds  favour 
 with  many  eminent  expositors,  that  there  were 
 two  blind  men,  and  both  were  healed  under  similar 
 circumstances,  except  that  Baitimaeus  was  on  one 
 side  of  the  city,  and  was  healed  by  Jesus  as  He 
 entered,  and  the  other  was  healed  on  the  other  side 
 iis  they  departed  (Matt.  xx.  29-o4- ;  IMai  k  x.  46-52  ; 
 Luke  xviii.  35-43).  The  calling  of  Zacchaeus  iias 
 more  than  a  mere  personal  interest.  He  was  a 
 publican,  one  of  a  class  hated  and  despised  by  the 
 .Jews.  But  he  was  one  who  sought  to  serve  Ood. 
 From  such  did  Jesus  wish  to  call  His  disciples, 
 whether  they  were  publicans  or  not  (Luke  xix. 
 1-10).  We  have  reached  now  the  Feast  of  Dedi- 
 cation ;  but,  as  has  been  said,  the  exact  place  of 
 the  events  in  St.  Luke  about  this  part  of  the  minis- 
 try has  not  been  conclusively  determined.  After 
 being  present  at  the  feast,  Jesus  returned  to  Beth- 
 abara  beyond  Jordan,  where  John  had  formerly 
 baptised,  and  abode  there.  How  long  He  remained 
 heie  does  not  appear.  It  was  probably  for  some 
 weeks.  The  sore  need  of  a  family  in  Bethany,  who 
 were  what  men  call  the  intimate  friends  of  our 
 Lord,  called  Him  thence.  Lazarus  was  sick,  and 
 his  sisters  sent  word  of  it  to  Jesus,  whose  power 
 they  well  knew.  It  was  not  till  Lazarus  had  been 
 four  days  in  the  grave  that  the  Saviour  appeared 
 on  the  scene.  But  with  the  power  of  God  he 
 breaks  the  fetters  of  brass  in  which  Lazarus  was 
 held  by  death,  and  at  His  word  the  man  on  whom 
 corruption  had  already  begun  to  do  its  work,  came 
 forth  alive  and  whole  (John  xi.  1-45).  A  miracle 
 so  public,  for  Bethany  was  close  to  Jerusalem,  and 
 the  family  of  Lazarus  well  known  to  many  people 
 in  the  mother-city,  could  not  escape  the  notice  of 
 the  Sanhedrim.  A  meeting  of  this  Council  was 
 called  without  loss  of  time,  and  the  matter  dis- 
 cussed. We  now  approach  the  final  stage  of  the 
 liistory,  and  every  word  and  act  tend  towards  the 
 gieat  act  of  suH'ering.  Each  day  is  marked  by  its 
 own  events  or  instructions.  Our  Lord  entered  into 
 Bethany  on  Friday  the  8th  of  Nisan,  the  eve  of  the 
 Sabbath,  and  remained  over  the  Sabbath.— iS'af(er- 
 dai/  the  9th  of  Nisan  (April  1st). — As  he  was  at 
 supper  in  the  house  of  one  Simon,  surnanied  "  the 
 leper,"  a  relation  of  Lazarus,  who  was  at  table  with 
 Him,  Mary,  full  of  gratitude  for  the  wonderful  i 
 raising  of  her  brother  from  the  dead,  took  a  vessel 
 containing  a  quantity  of  pure  ointment  of  spikenard,  ! 
 and  anointed  the  feet  of  Jesus,  and  wiped  His  feet 
 with  her  hair,  and  anointed  His  head  likewise.^ 
 Passion  Week.  Sunday  the  10th  day  of  Nisan 
 (April  2nd). — When  He  arrives  at  the  Mount  of 
 Olives  He  commands  two  of  His  disciples  to  go  into 
 the  village  near  at  hand,  where  they  would  find  an 
 ass,  and  a  colt  tied  with  her.  With  these  beasts, 
 impressed  as  for  the  service  of  a  king.  He  was  to 
 ent*r  into  Jerusalem.  The  disciples  spread  upon 
 the  ass  their  ragged  cloaks  for  Him  to  sit  on.  And 
 the  multitudes  cried  aloud  before  Him,  in  the  words 
 of  the  118th  Psalm,  "  Hosanna,  Save  now  !  blessed 
 is  He  that  cometh  in  the  name  of  the  Lord."  All 
 th"  city  was  moved.  Blind  and  lame  came  to  the 
 'J'emple  wlien  He  an-ived  thei-e  and  were  healed. 
 After  working  miracles  in  the  Temple  He  returned 
 t/i  Bethany.     The   10th  of  Nisan  was  the  day  for  , 
 
 i:oN.  a  B.  "       ' 
 
 JESUS  CHRIST 
 
 401 
 
 the  separation  of  the  paschal  lamb  (Ex.  xii.  3), 
 Jesus,  the  Lamb  of  God,  entered  Jerusalem  and 
 the  Temple  on  this  day,  and  although  none  but  He 
 knew  that  He  was  the  Paschal  Lainb,  the  coinci- 
 dence is  not  undesigneil  (Matt.  xxi.  1-11,  14-17- 
 Mark  xi.  1-11;  Lukexix.  29-44  ;  John  xii!  12-19)! 
 —Mondctii  the  llth  of  Nisan  (April  Zrd).—'nw. 
 next  day  Jesus  returned  to  Jerusalem,  ngain  to  take 
 advantage  of  the  mood  of  the  people  to  instruct 
 them.  On  the  way  he  approached  one  of  the  many 
 fig-trees  which  grew  in  that  quarter,  and  found 
 that  it  was  full  of  foliage,  but  without  fruit.  He 
 said,  "  No  man  eat  fruit  of  thee  hereafter  for 
 ever!"  and  the  fig-tree  withered  away  (JIatt.  xxi. 
 18,  19;  Mark  xi.  12-14).  Proceeding  now  to  the 
 Temple,  He  cleared  its  court  of  the  crowd  of  traders 
 that  gathered  there  (Matt.  xxi.  12,  13;  Mark  xi. 
 15-19;  Luke  xix.  45-48).  In  the  evening  he  re- 
 turned again  to  Bethany. —  Tuesday  the  Vlth  cf 
 Nisan  (April  4:th). — On  this  the  third  day  of  Pas- 
 sion week  Jesus  went  into  Jerusalem  as  before,  and 
 visited  the  Temple.  The  Sanhedrim  came  to  Hlni 
 to  call  Him  to  account  for  the  clearing  of  the 
 Temple.  "  By  what  authority  doest  thou  these 
 things?"  The  Lord  answeied  their  question  by 
 another.  They  refused  to  answer,  and  Jesus  refused 
 in  like  manner  to  answer  them.  To  this  time  belong 
 the  parables  of  the  two  sons  (Matt.  xxi.  23-32; 
 Mark  xi.  27-33  ;  Luke  xx.  1-8),  of  the  wicked  hus- 
 bandman, and  of  the  wedding  garment  (Matt.  xxi. 
 33-46,  xxii.  1-14  ;  Mark  xii.  1-12  ;  Luke  xx.  9-19). 
 Another  great  discourse  belongs  to  this  day,  which, 
 more  than  any  other,  presents  Jesus  as  the  great 
 Prophet  of  His  people.  On  leaving  the  Temple 
 His  disciples  drew  attention  to  the  beauty  of  its 
 structure,  its  " goodly  stones  and  gifts,"  their  re- 
 marks probably  arising  fi-om  the  threats  of  destruc- 
 tion which  had  so  lately  been  uttered  by  Jesus. 
 Their  ]\Iaster  answered  that  not  one  stone  of  the 
 noble  pile  should  be  left  upon  another.  When 
 they  reached  the  Mount  of  Olives  the  disciples, 
 or  rather  the  first  four  (Mark),  speaking  for  the 
 rest,  asked  him  when  this  destruction  should  be 
 accomplished.  To  understand  the  answer  it  must 
 be  borne  in  mind  that  Jesus  warned  them  that 
 He  was  not  giving  them  an  histoiical  account  such 
 as  would  enable  them  to  anticipate  the  events. 
 ■'  Of  that  day  and  hour  knoweth  no  man,  no,  not 
 the  angels  of  heaven,  but  my  Father  only."  Exact 
 data  of  time  are  to  be  purposely  withheld  from 
 them.  Accordingly  two  events,  analogous  in  cha- 
 racter but  widely  sundered  by  time,  are  so  treatal 
 in  the  prophecy  that  it  is  almost  impossible  to 
 disentangle  them.  The  destruction  of  Jerusalem 
 and  the  day  of  judgment — the  national  and  the 
 universal  days  of  account — arc  spoken  of  together 
 or  alternately  without  hint  of  the  great  interval  of 
 time  that  separates  them.  The  conclusion  which 
 Jesus  drew  from  his  own  awful  warning  was,  that 
 they  were  not  to  attempt  to  fix  the  date  of  his 
 return.  The  lesson  of  the  parable  of  the  Ten 
 ^'irgins  is  the  same  (Matt.  xxiv.  44,  xxv.  13). 
 And  the  parable  of  the  Talents,  here  repeated  in  a 
 modified  form,  teaches  how  precious  to  souls  are 
 the  uses  of  time  (xxv.  14-30).  In  concluding  this 
 momentous  discourse,  our  Lord  puts  aside  the  de- 
 struction of  Jerusalem,  and  displays  to  our  eyes 
 the  picture  of  the  final  judgment  (Matt.  xxv.  31- 
 46).  With  these  weighty  words  ends  the  third 
 ddj.— Wednesday  the  loth  of  Nisan  (April  bth). 
 — This  day   v/as   passed   in    retirement  with    thtt 
 
 2  I) 
 
402 
 
 JESUS  CHRIST 
 
 Apostles.  Sat<\ii  h:v\  put  it  into  the  mind  ot  one 
 of  tliem  to  Iwtniy  Him  ;  and  Jiulas  Iscariot  made  a 
 covenant  to  betray  Him  to  the  chief  piiests  for 
 thirty  pieces  of  silver  (Matt.  xxvi.  14-16;  Mark 
 xiv.  10,  11  ;  Luke  xxii.  l-G). —  T/iurS(1a>/  the  Uth 
 of  Nisan  (April  iith). — On  "the  first  day  of  un- 
 leavened bread,"  tiie  disciples  asked  their  JIaster 
 where  they  were  to  eat  the  Passover.  He  directed 
 I'eter  and  John  to  go  into  Jerusalem,  and  to  follow 
 a  man  whom  they  should  see  bearing;  a  pitcher  of 
 water,  and  to  demand  of  him,  in  their  Master's 
 name,  the  use  of  the  gucstchamber  in  his  house  for 
 this  jHirj)osc.  All  happened  as  Jesus  had  told 
 them,  and  in  the  evening  they  assembled  to  cele- 
 brate, for  the  last  time,  the  piu^chal  meal.  The 
 sequence  of  the  events  is  not  quite  clear  from  a 
 compaiison  of  the  Evangelists.  The  order  seems 
 to  be  as  follows.  When  they  had  taken  their 
 places  at  table  and  the  supper  had  begun,  Jesus 
 ijave  them  the  first  cup  to  divide  amongst  them- 
 selvjs  (Luki').  It  was  customaiy  to  diink  at  the 
 paschal  su])per  four  cups  of  wine  mixed  with 
 water;  and  this  answered  to  the  first  of  them. 
 There  now  arose  a  contention  among  the  disciples 
 which  of  them  should  be  the  greatest;  peihaps  in 
 connexion  with  the  places  whicli  they  had  taken  at 
 this  feast  (I.uke).  After  a  solemn  warning  against 
 pride  ;ind  ambition  Jesus  performed  an  act  which, 
 .as  one  of  the  last  of  His  life,  must  ever  have  been 
 rememljered  by  the  witnesses  as  a  great  lesson  of 
 humility.  He  rose  from  the  table,  poured  water 
 into  a  basin,  girded  himself  with  a  towel,  and  pro- 
 ceeded to  wash  the  disciples'  feet  (John).  After 
 all  had  been  washed,  the  Saviour  expiaineit  to  them 
 the  meaning  of  what  He  had  done.  "  If  I,  your 
 Lord  and  Master,  have  washed  your  feet,  ye  also 
 ought  to  wash  one  another's  feet.  For  I  have 
 given  you  an  ex.nmple,  that  ye  should  do  as  I 
 have  done  to  you"  (Matt.  xxvi.  17-20;  Mark  xiv. 
 12-17;  Luke  xxii.  7-30;  John  xiii.  1-20).  From 
 this  act  of  love  it  does  not  seem  tliat  even  the 
 traitor  Judas  was  excluded.  But  his  treason  was 
 thoroughly  known  ;  and  now  Jesus  denounces  it. 
 One  of  them  should  betray  Him.  The  traitor 
 having  gone  straight  to  his  wicked  object,  the  end 
 of  the  .^'aviour's  ministry  seemed  already  at  hand. 
 He  gave  them  the  new  commandment,  to  love  one 
 another,  as  though  it  were  a  kv^t  bequest  to  them 
 (Matt.  xxvi.  21-25;  Mark  xiv.  18-21  ;  Luke  xxii. 
 21-23;  John  xiii.  21-35).  Towards  the  close  of 
 the  meal  Jesus  instituted  the  sacrament  of  the 
 Lord's  Supper  (Matt.  xxvi.  2(5-29  ;  Mark  xiv.  22- 
 25;  Luke  xxii.  19,  2U ;  1  Cor.  xi.  23-25).  The 
 denial  of  Peter  is  now  foretold,  and  to  no  one 
 would  such  an  announcement  be  more  incredible 
 than  to  Peter  himself  (Matt.  xxvi.  31-35;  Mark 
 xiv.  27-31  ;  Luke  xxii.  31-38;  John  xiii.  36-38). 
 That  great  final  di.scourse,  which  John  alone  has 
 recorded,  is  now  delivered.  Although  in  the  middle 
 of  it  there  is  a  mention  of  departure  (John  xiv.  31), 
 this  |)erhaps  only  implies  that  they  prejwreil  to  go  ; 
 and  then  the  whole  discourse  was  fleli\'ere<i  in  the 
 house  L>et<iie  they  proceeded  to  Oethsemane  f  John 
 xiv.-xvii.j.— AV)(/<ii/  t/ie  Iblh  of  Xisan  (Apn'nth), 
 mclwliii'/  part  if  tlic  eve  of  it. — "  When  they  had 
 sung  a  hymn,"  which  perhaps  moans,  when  they 
 had  sung  the  second  paitof  the  Hallel,  or  song  of 
 praise,  which  ronsi>te<l  of  P.-ialms  riv.-cxviii.,  the 
 former  part  (Psdms  cxiii.-cxiv.)  having  been  sung 
 at  an  earlier  jurt  of  (he  su|>per,  they  went  out 
 into  Uie   Moimt  of  Olives.     Jesus  fakes  only  his 
 
 JESUS  CHRIST 
 
 three  proved  companions,  Peter,  .lames,  and  .Tohn 
 and  parses  with  them  farther  into  the  garden, 
 leaving  the  rest  seated,  probably  near  the  entrance. 
 No  pen  can  attempt  to  descriW  what  pa.ssed  that 
 night  in  that  secluded  spot.  He  tells  them  "  my 
 soul  is  exceeding  soriowful,  even  unto  death  :  tarry 
 ye  here  and  watch  with  me."  and  then  leaving  even 
 the  three  He  goes  further,  and  in  solitude  wrestles 
 with  an  inconceiv.ablc  trial.  The  wonis  of  Mark 
 are  still  more  expressive — "  He  began  to  be  sore 
 amazed,  and  to  be  very  heavy "  (xiv.  33).  The 
 former  wonl  means  that  he  was  struck  with  a 
 gieat  dread  ;  not  from  the  fear  of  physical  suf- 
 fering, however  excruciating,  we  may  well  belieA^e, 
 but  from  the  contact  with  the  sins  of  the  world,  of 
 which,  in  some  inconceivable  way.  He  (islt  the 
 bitterness  and  the  weight.  He  did  not  merely  con- 
 temjilate  them,  but  be.ar  and  feel  them.  It  is  im- 
 possible to  explain  this  scene  in  Gethsemane  in  any 
 other  way.  The  disciples  have  sunk  to  sleep.  It 
 was  in  search  of  consolation  that  He  came  back  to 
 them.  The  disciple  who  had  been  so  ready  to  ask 
 "  Why  cannot  1  follov/  thee  now  ? "  must  hear 
 another  question,  that  )ebukes  his  fonner  confi- 
 dence— "Couldest  not  thou  watch  one  hour?"  A 
 second  time  He  departs  and  wrestles  in  prayer  with 
 the  Father.  A  second  time  He  returns  and  finds 
 them  sleeping.  The  same  scene  is  repated  yet 
 a  third  time;  and  then  all  is  concluded.  Hence- 
 forth they  may  sleep  and  take  their  rest ;  nevei' 
 more  shall  they  be  asked  to  watch  one  hour  with 
 Jesus,  for  His  ministry  in  the  flesh  is  at  an  end. 
 This  scene  is  in  complete  contrast  to  the  Trans- 
 figuration (Matt.  xxvi.  36-46;  Mark  xiv.  32-42; 
 Luke  xxii.  39-46;  John  xviii.  1).  Judas  now 
 appeared  to  complete  his  work.  In  the  doubtful 
 light  of  torches,  a  kiss  from  him  was  the  sign  to 
 the  ofTlcers  whom  they  should  take.  Peter,  whose 
 name  is  first  given  in  John's  Gospel,  drew  a  sword 
 and  smote  a  servant  of  the  high-priest  and  cut  off 
 his  ear  ;  but  his  Lord  refused  such  succour,  and 
 healed  the  woundeil  man.  All  the  disciples  foi-sook 
 Him  and  fled  (Matt.  xxvi.  47-56  ;  M.irk  xiv. 
 43-52  ;  Luke  rxii.  47-53  ;  John  xviii.  2-12). 
 There  is  some  difficulty  in  arranging  the  events 
 that  immeiliately  follow,  so  as  to  embiace  all  the 
 four  accounts.  On  the  capture  of  Jesus  He  was 
 first  taken  to  the  house  of  Annas,  the  tiither-in-law 
 of  Caiaph.is  the  high-priest.  It  might  appear  from 
 the  coui-se  of  John's  narrative  that  the  examination 
 of  our  Lord,  and  the  first  denial  of  Peter,  took 
 place  in  the  house  of  Annas  (John  xviii.  13,  14). 
 liut  the  24th  verse  is  retrospective;  and  probably 
 all  that  occurreil  after  vei-se  14  took  place  not  at 
 the  house  of  Annas,  but  at  that  of  Caiaphas.  The 
 house  of  the  high-priest  consisted  probably,  like 
 other  Eastein  houses,  of  an  open  central  court  with 
 chambei-s  round  it.  Into  this  court  a  gale  admitte<l 
 them,  at  which  a  woman  stocxl  to  open.  As  Peter 
 passeil  in,  the  portress  took  note  of  him  ;  ajid  aflor- 
 wards,  at  the  fire  which  had  been  lighted,  a^kell 
 him,  "  .\rt  not  thou  also  one  of  this  iiuui's  dis- 
 ciples?" (John).  All  the  zeal  and  boldness  of 
 Peter  seems  to  have  deserted  him.  He  had  cume 
 as  in  secret ;  he  is  determined  so  to  remain,  ai'.d  he 
 denies  his  M.aster  I  Feeling  now  the  danger  of  his 
 situation,  he  went  out  into  the  jorch,  and  there 
 some  one,  or,  looking  at  all  the  .accounts,  probably 
 several  persons,  .tsked  him  the  question  a  second 
 time,  and  he  deniwi  more  strongly.  About  an 
 hour  after,  when  he  had  returneil  into  the  court 
 
JESUS  CHRIST 
 
 th«  same  question  was  put  to  him  a  third  time, 
 with  the  same  result.  Then  the  cock  crew ;  and 
 Jesus  wlio  was  within  sight,  probably  in  some 
 open  room  communicating  with  the  court,  "  turned 
 and  looked  ujxin  Peter.  And  Peter  remembered  the 
 word  of  the  Lord,  how  He  had  said  unto  Him, 
 Before  the  cock  crow,  thou  sh.ilt  deny  Me  thrice. 
 And  Peter  went  out  and  wept  bitterly"  (Matt. 
 x.-cvi.  57,  58,  69-75 ;  Mark  xiv.  53,  54,  66-72  ; 
 Luke  xxii.  54-62  ;  John  xviii.  13-18,  24-27). 
 The  first  interrogatory  to  which  our  Lord  was 
 subject  (John  xviii.  19-24)  wa.s  addressed  to  Him 
 by  Caiaphas,  probably  before  the  Sanhedrim  had 
 time  to  assemble.  It  was  the  questioning  of  an 
 inquisitive  person  who  had  an  important  criminal 
 in  his  presence,  rather  than  a  formal  examination. 
 The  Lord's  refusal  to  answer  is  thus  explained  and 
 justified.  When  the  more  regular  proceedings  begin 
 He  is  ready  to  answer.  A  seiTant  of  the  high- 
 priest,  knowing  that  he  should  thereby  please  his  mas- 
 ter, smote  the  cheek  of  the  Son  of  God  with  the  palm 
 of  his  hand.  But  this  was  only  the  beginning  of 
 horrois.  At  the  dawn  of  day  the  Sanhedrim, 
 summoned  by  the  high-priest  in  the  course  of  the 
 night,  assembled,  and  brought  their  band  of  false 
 witnesses,  whom  they  must  have  had  ready  before. 
 These  gave  their  testimony,  but  even  before  this 
 luijust  tribunal  it  could  not  stand  ;  it  was  so  full 
 of  contradictions.  At  last  two  false  witnesses  came, 
 and  their  testimony  was  very  like  the  truth.  Even 
 these  two  fell  into  contradictions.  The  high-priest 
 now  with  a  solemn  adjuration  asks  Him  whether 
 He  is  the  Christ  the  Son  of  God.  He  answers  that 
 He  is,  and  foretells  His  return  in  glory  and  power 
 at  the  last  day.  This  is  enough  for  their  purpose. 
 They  pronounce  Him  guilty  of  a  crime  for  which 
 death  should  be  the  punishment  (John  xviii.  19-24; 
 Luke  xxii.  63-71  ;  Matt.  xxvi.  59-68  ;  Mark  xiv. 
 55-65).  Although  they  had  pronounced  Jesus  to 
 be  guilty  of  death,  the  Sanhedrim  possessed  no  power 
 to  caiTV  out  such  a  sentence.  As  soon  as  it  was 
 day  they  took  Him  to  Pilate,  the  Roman  procurator. 
 The  hall  of  judgment,  or  praetorium,  was  probably 
 a  part  of  the  tower  of  Antonia  near  the  Temple, 
 where  the  Roman  garrison  was.  Pilate  hearing 
 that  Jesus  was  an  offender  under  their  law,  was 
 about  to  give  them  leave  to  treat  him  accordingly; 
 and  this  would  have  made  it  quite  safe  to  execute 
 Him.  From  the  first  Jesus  found  favour  in  the 
 eyes  of  Pilate,  and  he  pronounced  that  he  found 
 no  fault  in  Him.  Not  so  easily  were  the  Jews  to 
 be  cheated  of  their  prey.  They  heaped  up  accusa- 
 tions against  Him  as  a  disturber  of  the  public  peace 
 (Luke  xxiii.  5).  Pilate  was  no  match  for  their 
 vehemence.  Finding  that  Jesus  was  a  Galilean,  he 
 sent  Him  to  Herod  to  be  dealt  with;  but  Herod, 
 after  cruel  mockeiy  and  persecution,  sent  Him  back 
 to  Pilate.  Now  commenced  the  fearful  struggle 
 between  the  Roman  piocurator,  a  weak  as  well  as 
 cruel  man,  and  the  Jews.  The  well-known  incid- 
 ents of  the  second  interview  are  soon  recalled. 
 After  the  examination  by  Herod,  and  the  return  of 
 .Jesus,  Pilate  proposed  to  release  Him,  as  it  was 
 usual  on  the  feast-day  to  release  a  prisonei-  to  the 
 Jews  out  of  grace.  Pilate  knew  well  that  the 
 priests  and  rulers  would  object  to  this  ;  but  it  was 
 a  covert  appeal  to  the  people.  Tlie  multitude, 
 persuaded  by  the  priests,  preferred  another  piisoner, 
 called  Barabbas.  Now  came  the  scourging,  and 
 the  blows  and  insults  of  the  soldiers,  who,  uttering 
 truth  when  they  thought  they  were  only  reviling, 
 
 JESUS  CHRIST 
 
 4o;^ 
 
 crowned  Him  and  addressed  Him  as  King  of  the 
 Jews.  According  to  John,  Pilate  now  made  one 
 more  effort  for  His  release.  He  still  sought  to 
 release  Jesus :  but  the  last  argument,  which  had 
 been  in  the  minds  of  both  sides  all  along,  was  now 
 openly  applied  to  him  :  "  If  thou  let  this  man  go, 
 thou  art  not  Caesar's  friend."  This  decided  the 
 question.  He  delivered  Jesus  to  be  crucified  (Matt. 
 .xxvii.  15-30;  Mark  xv.  6-19;  Luke  xxiii.  17-25; 
 John  xviii.  39,  40,  xix.  1-16).  John  mentions 
 that  this  occurred  about  the  sixth  hour,  reck- 
 oning probably  from  midnight.  In  Mark  the 
 Jewish  reckoning  from  six  in  the  morning  is 
 followed.  One  Person  alone  has  been  calm  amidst 
 the  excitements  of  that  night  of  horrors.  On  Him 
 is  now  laid  the  weight  of  His  cross,  or  at  least 
 of  the  transverse  beam  of  it ;  and,  with  this  press- 
 ing Him  down,  they  proceed  out  of  the  city  to 
 Golgotha  or  Calvary,  a  place  the  site  of  whica 
 is  now  uncertain.  As  He  began  to  droop.  His 
 persecutors,  unwilling  to  defile  themselves  with  the 
 accursed  burden,  lay  hold  of  Simon  of  Cyrene 
 and  compel  him  to  carry  the  cioss  tifter  Jesus. 
 After  offering  Him  wine  and  m)-ivrh,  they  crucified 
 Him  between  two  thieves.  Notiiing  was  wanting 
 to  His  humiliation  ;  a  thief  had  been  preferred  be- 
 fore Him,  and  two  thieves  share  His  punishment. 
 Pilate  set  over  Him  in  three  languages  the  inscrip- 
 tion, "  Jesus,  the  King  of  the  Jews."  The  chiet- 
 priests  took  exception  to  this  that  it  did  not  de- 
 nounce Him  as  falsely  calling  Himself  by  that 
 name,  but  Pilate  refused  to  alter  it.  One  of  the 
 two  thieves  underwent  a  change  of  heart  even  on 
 the  cross:  he  reviled  at  first  (Matt.);  and  then, 
 at  the  sight  of  the  constancy  of  Jesus,  repented 
 (Luke)  (Matt,  xxvii. ;  Mark  xv. ;  Luke  xxiii. ;  John 
 xix.).  In  the  depths  of  His  bodily  suffering,  Jesus 
 calmly  commended  to  John  (?),  who  stood  near, 
 the  care  of  Mary  his  mother.  "  Behold  thy  son  ! 
 behold  thy  mother."  From  the  sixth  hour  to  the 
 ninth  there  was  darkness  over  the  whole  land.  At 
 the  ninth  hour  (3  P.M.)  Jesus  uttered  with  a 
 loud  voice  the  opening  words  of  the  22nd  Psalm, 
 all  the  inspired  words  of  which  referied  to  the 
 suffering  Messiah.  One  of  those  present  dipped 
 a  sponge  in  the  common  sour  wine  of  the  soldiers 
 and  put  it  on  a  reed  to  moisten  the  sufferer's 
 lips.  Again  He  cried  with  a  loud  voice,  "  It  is 
 finished  "  (John),  "  Father,  into  thy  hands  I  com- 
 mend my  spirit  "  (Luke)  ;  and  gave  up  the  ghost 
 (Matt,  xxvii.  31-56  ;  Mark  xv.  20-41 ;  Luke  xxiii. 
 33-49  ;  John  xix.  17-30).  On  the  death  of  Jesus 
 the  veil  which  covered  the  most  Holy  Place  of  the 
 Temple,  the  place  of  the  moie  especial  presence  of 
 Jehovah,  was  rent  in  twain.  There  was  a  great 
 earthquake.  Many  who  were  dead  rose  from  their 
 graves,  although  they  returned  to  the  dust  again 
 after  this  great  token  of  Christ's  quickening  power 
 had  been  given  to  many  (Matt.).  The  Jews,  very 
 zealous  for  the  Sabbatii  in  the  midst  of  their  mur- 
 dej-ous  work,  begged  Pilate  that  he  would  put  an 
 end  to  the  punishment  by  breaking  the  legs  of  the 
 criminals  that  they  might  be  taken  down  and 
 buried  before  the  Sabbath,  for  which  they  were 
 preparing  (Deut.  xxi.  23;  Joseph.,  J5.  J.  iv.  5, 
 §  2).  Those  who  were  to  execute  this  duty  found 
 that  Jesus  was  dead  and  the  thieves  still  living. 
 The  death  of  the  Loixi  before  the  others  was,  no 
 doubt,  partly  the  consequence  of  the  pi-evious 
 mental  suffering  which  He  had  undergone,  and 
 partly  because  His  will  to  die  lessened  the  natural 
 
 2  D  2 
 
404 
 
 JESUS  CHRIST 
 
 resistance  of  the  frame  to  dissolution.     Joseph  of 
 Aiimathea,  a  member  of  the  Council  but  a  secret 
 disciple  of  Jesus,  came  to  Pilate  to  beo;  the  body  of 
 Jesus,  that  he  might  bury  it.     Nicodomus  assisted 
 in  this   work  of  love,  and  they  anointed  the  body 
 and    laid   it    in   Joseph's  new   tomb  (Matt,    xxvii. 
 .50-61  ;  JIark  xv.  37-47  ;  Luke  xxiii.  46-56;  John 
 six.  30-42 j.—Satnrda}/  the  IGth  of  Nhan  (April 
 8th). — The  chief  priests  and  I'harisees,  with  Pilate's 
 pennission,  set  a  watch  over  the  tomb,  "  lest  His 
 disciples  come  by  night  and  steal  Him  away,  and 
 say  unto  the  people  He  is  risen  from  the  dead  " 
 (Matt,  xxvii.  62-66).— Snnda;/  the  \lth  of  Nisan 
 (April  9th). — The   Sabb.ith    ended  at  six' on   the 
 evening  of  Nisan  16th.     Early  the  next  morning 
 the  resuiTection   of  Jesus  took  place.     The  exact 
 hour  of  the  resurrection  is  not  mentioned  by  any  of 
 the  Evangelists.     Of  the  great  mystery  itself,  the 
 resumption  of  life  by  Him  who  was  truly  dead,  we 
 see  but  little.     The  women,  who  had  stood  by  the 
 cross  of  .lesus,  had  prepared  spices  on  the  evening 
 before,  perhaps  to  complete  the  embalming  of  our 
 Lord's  body,  already  performed  iji  haste  by  Joseph 
 and  Nicodemus.     They  came  very  early  on  the  first 
 day   of  the  week   to  the  sepulchre.      When    they 
 arrive  they  find  the  stone  rolled  away,  and  Jesus 
 no  longer  in  the  Sepulchre.     He  had  risen  from  the 
 dead.     j\Liry  Magdalene  at  this  point  goes  back  in 
 haste;    and  at  once,  believing  that  the  body  has 
 been   removed  by  men,  tells  I'eter  and  John  that 
 the  Lord  has  been  taken  away.     The  other  women, 
 however,  go  into  the  Sepulchre,  and   they  see  an 
 angel  (Matt.  JIark).     The  two  angels,  mentioned 
 by  St.  Luke,  are  probably  two  separate  appearances 
 to  different  members  of  the  group  ;   for  he  alone 
 mentions  an  indefinite  number  of  women.    They  now 
 leave  the  sepulchre,  and  go  in  haste  to  make  known 
 the   news  to  the  Apostles.     As  they  were  going, 
 "  Jesus  met  them,  saying.  All  hail."    The  eleven  do 
 not  believe  the  account  when  they  receive  it.    In  the 
 mean  time  Peter  and  John  came  to  tiie  Sepulchre. 
 They  ran,  in  their  eagerness,  and  John  arrived  first 
 and  looked  in ;   Peter  aftenvards  came  up,  and  it  is 
 characteristic  that  the  awe  which  had  prevented  the 
 othei'  disciple  from  going  in  appears  to  have  been 
 unfelt  by  Peter,  who  entei'ed  at  once,  and  found  the 
 gi-ave-clothcs  lying,  but  not  Him  who  had  worn 
 them.     This   fact  must   have   suggested    that    the 
 removal  was  not  the  work  of  human  hands.     They 
 then   returned,  wondering  at   what  they  had  seen. 
 M.uy   Magdalene,  however,   remained   weeping   at 
 the  tomb,  and  she  too  saw  the  two  angels  in  the 
 tomb,  though   Peter  and  John  did  not.     They  ad- 
 dress her,  and  she  answere,  still,  however,  without 
 any  suspicion  that  the  Lord  is  lisen.     As  she  turns 
 away    she  sees  Jesus,  but    in    the   tumult  of  her 
 feelings  does  not  even  recognise  Him  at  His  first 
 address.     Hut    He   calls    her    by  name,    and  then 
 she  joyfully    recognises    her    Master.       The   third 
 appearance  of  our  Lord  was  to  Peter  (Luke,  Paul) ; 
 the  fourth  to  the  two  disciples  going  to  Emmaus 
 in    the   evening  (Mark,   Luko) ;    the   fifth   in  the 
 same  evening  to  the  eleven  as  they  sat  at  meat 
 (Mark,    Luke,  John).     Ail    of  these  occurred   on 
 the    first    day    of    the    week,    the    very   day   of 
 the  Rcsiinection.     Ex.actly  a  week  after.  He  ap- 
 |»aifd   to  the   Apostles,  and  gave  Thomas  a  con- 
 vincing proof  of  His  Uesunection  (John);  this  wa-s 
 the  sixth  appcai-ance.     The  seventh  was  in  CJalilee, 
 whcie  .seven  of  the  Apostles  were  assembled,  some 
 of  them  probnbly  about  to  return  to  their  old  trade 
 
 JETHER 
 
 of  fishing  (JohnV  The  ('iL,'hth  was  to  the  eleven 
 (Matt.),  and  probably  to  five  hundied  brethren  as- 
 sembled with  them  (Paul)  on  a  mountain  in  fialilee. 
 The  ninth  was  to  James  (Paul);  and  the  last  to 
 the  Apostles  at  Jerusalem  just  before  the  Ascen- 
 sion TActs).— ("HKONOLOGY. —  Year  of  the  hii-tk  of 
 Christ. — It  is  certain  that  our  lyord  was  born  be- 
 fore the  death  of  Herod  the  (oeat.  The  death  of 
 Herod  took  jilace  in  A.U.C.  750.  It  follows,  there- 
 fore, that  the  Dionysian  era,  which  corresponds  to 
 A.U.C.  754,  is  at  least  four  yeare  too  late.  Many 
 have  thought  that  the  star  seen  by  the  wise  men 
 gives  grounds  for  an  exact  calculation  of  the  time 
 of  our  Lord's  birth.  It  will  be  finuid,  however, 
 that  this  is  not  the  case.  [Stah  i.\  the  East.] 
 The  census  taken  by  Augustus  Caesar,  which  led  to 
 the  journey  of  JIary  f'l'om  Nazaieth  just  before  the 
 birth  of  the  Lord,  has  also  been  looked  on  as  an  im- 
 portant note  of  time,  in  lefeience  to  the  chronology 
 of  the  life  of  Jesus.  The  value  of  this  census,  as  a 
 flict  in  the  chronology  of  the  life  of  Christ,  depends 
 on  the  connexion  which  is  sought  to  be  established 
 between  it  and  the  insun-ection  which  broke  out 
 umler  Matthias  and  Judas,  the  son  of  Sariphaeus, 
 in  the  last  illness  of  Herod.  If  the  insuirection 
 arose  out  of  the  census,  a  point  of  connexion  be- 
 tween the  sacred  history  and  that  of  Josephiis  is 
 made  out.  Such  a  connexion,  however,  has  not 
 been  clearly  made  out.  The  age  of  Jesus  at  His 
 baptism  (Luke  iii.  23)  affords  an  element  of  calcu- 
 lation. "  And  Jesus  Himself  began  to  be  about 
 thirty  years  of  age."  Born  in  the  beginning  of 
 A.U.C.  750  (or  tlie  end  of  740),  Jesus  would  be 
 thiity  in  the  beginning  of  A.U.C.  780  (A.D.  27). 
 To  the  first  Passover  after  tiie  baptism  attaches  a 
 note  of  time  which  will  confirm  the  calculations 
 already  made.  "  Then  said  the  Jews,  Forty  and 
 six  years  was  this  Temple  in  building,  and  wilt 
 thou  rear  it  up  in  three  days  ?  "  There  can  be  no 
 doubt  that  this  refers  to  the  rebuilding  of  the 
 Temple  by  Herod.  It  is  inferred  from  Josephus  {A7it. 
 XV.  11,  §  5  &  6)  that  it  w.as  begun  in  the  month 
 Cisleu,  A.U.C.  734.  And  if  the  Passover  at  which 
 this  remark  was  made  was  that  of  A.U.C.  780, 
 then  forty-five  years  and  some  months  have  elapsed, 
 which,  according  to  the  Jewish  mode  of  i-eckoning 
 would  be  spoken  of  as  "  forty  and  six  years." 
 One  datum  rem.ains :  the  commencement  of  the 
 preaching  of  John  the  IJapfist  is  connected  with 
 the  fifteenth  year  of  the  reign  of  Tiberius 
 C.Tsar  (Luke  iii.  1).  The  rule  of  Tiberius  may  be 
 calcul.ated  either  fiom  the  beginning  of  his  sole 
 reign,  after  the  drath  of  Augustus,  A.i;.C.  767, 
 or  fiom  his  joint  government  with  Augustus,  i.e. 
 from  the  beginning  of  A.U.C.  765.  In  the  latter 
 ca.se  the  fifteenth  year  would  correspond  with 
 A.U.C.  779,  which  goes  to  confiim  the  rest  of  the 
 calculations  rcliiMl  on  in  this  article. 
 
 Jeth'er.  1.  .Irthm,  the  father-in-law  of  Moses  (Ex. 
 iv.  18.^2.  The  firstborn  of  Gideon's  .seventy  sons 
 i.ludg.  viii.  20). ^3.  The  father  of .\ma.sa,  capt.aiu- 
 geneml  of  Absalom's  army.  Jether  is  merely  another 
 form  of  Ithra  (2  Sam.  xvii.  25 1,  the  latter  being  pro- 
 b.ibly  a  corruption.  He  is(Ie.scril)cd  in  1  Chr.  li.  17 
 as  an  Ishm.ielite,  which  again  is  more  likely  to  !« 
 correct  than  the  "  Israelite"  of  the  Ileb.  in  2  .Sam. 
 xvii.,  or  the  "  Jezreelife"  of  the  L.XX.  and  Vulg. 
 in  the  same  passjige.— 4.  The  son  of  Jada,  a  de- 
 scendant of  Hezron,  of  the  tribe  of  Judah  (I  Chr. 
 ii.  32).— 6.  The  son  of  Ezra,  whose  name  occurs 
 in  a  dislocated  passage   in  the  genealogy  of  .Indnh 
 
JETHETH 
 
 (1  Chr.  iv.  17).— 6.  The  chief  of  a  family  of  war- 
 riors of  the  line  of  Asher,  and  father  of  Jephunneh 
 (1  Clir.  vii.  38).  He  is  probably  the  same  as 
 Ithmn  ill  the  preceding  veree. 
 
 Jeth'eth,  oae  of  the  phylarchs  (A.  V.  "  dukes  ") 
 who  came  of  Esau  (Gen.  xxxvi.  40  ;  1  Ghr.  i.  51). 
 This  record  of  the  Edomite  phylarchs  may  point 
 specially  to  the  places  and  habitations,  or  towns, 
 named  after,  or  occupied  by,  them.  El-Wetideh, 
 which  is  etymologicaliy  connected  with  Jetheth,  is 
 a  place  in  Nejd ;  there  is  also  a  place  called  El- 
 Wetid  ;  and  El-Wetidat,  which  is  the  name  of  moun- 
 tiins  belonging  to  Benee  'Abd-Allah  Ibn  (ihatfan. 
 
 Jeth'lah,  one  of  the  cities  of  the  tribe  of  Dan 
 (Josh.  xix.  42). 
 
 Jeth'ro  was  priest  or  prince  of  Midian,  both 
 offices  probably  being  combined  in  one  person. 
 Moses  spent  the  forty  years  of  his  exile  from  Egypt 
 with  him,  and  married  his  daughter  Zipporah.  By 
 the  advice  of  Jethro,  Moses  appointed  deputies  to 
 judge  the  congregation  and  share  the  burden  of 
 government  with  himself  (Ex.  xviii.).  On  account 
 of  his  local  knowledge  he  was  entreated  to  remain 
 with  the  Israelites  throughout  their  journey  to 
 Canaan  (Num.  x.  31,  33).  It  is  said  in  Ex.  ii.  18 
 that  the  priest  of  Midian  whose  daughter  Moses 
 married  was  Reuel ;  afterwards  at  ch.  iii.  1,  he  is 
 called  Jethio,  as  also  in  ch.  xviii.  ;  but  in  Num.  x. 
 29  "  Hobab  the  son  of  Haguel  the  Midianite  "  is 
 apparently  called  Moses'  father-in-law  fcomp.  Judg. 
 iv.  1 1).  Some  commentators  take  Jethro  and  Keuel 
 to  be  identical,  and  ciiU  Hobab  the  brother-in-law 
 of  Moses.  The  present  punctuation  of  our  Hebrew 
 Bibles  does  not  warrant  this. 
 
 Je'tur,  Gen.  xxv.  15;  1  Chr.  i,  31,  v.  19. 
 [Ituraea.] 
 
 Jeu'el.  1.  A  chief  man  of  Judah,  one  of  the 
 Bene-Zerah  (1  Chr.  ix.  6;  comp.  2).— S.  One  of 
 the  Bene-Adonikam  who  returned  to  Jerusalem 
 with  Esdras  (1  Esdr.  viii.  39).     [Jeiel.] 
 
 Je'ush.  1.  Son  of  Esau,  by  Aholibamah,  the 
 daughter  of  Anah,  the  son  of  Zebeou  the  Hivite 
 (Gen.  xxxvi.  5,  14,  18  ;  1  Chr.  i.  35).— 2.  A 
 Benjamite,  son  of  Bilhan  (1  Chr.  vii.  10,  11).— 
 3.  A  Gershonite  Levite,  of  the  house  of  Shimei 
 (1  Chr.  xxiii.  10,  11).— 4.  Sou  of  Rehoboam  king 
 of  Judah  (2  Chr.  xi.  18,  18). 
 
 Je'uz,  head  of  a  Benjamite  house,  in  an  obscure 
 genealogy  (1  ('hr.  viii.  10),  apparently  son  of  Sha- 
 haraini  and  Hodesh  his  third  wife,  and  born  in 
 Mo.ib. 
 
 Jew.  This  name  was  properly  applied  to  a  mem- 
 ber of  the  kingdom  of  Judah  after  the  separation 
 of  the  ten  tribes.  In  this  sense  it  occurs  twice  in 
 the  second  book  of  Kings,  2  K.  xvi.  6,  xxv.  25,  and 
 seven  times  in  the  later  chapters  of  Jeremiah :  Jer. 
 xxxii.  12,  xxxiv.  9  (in  connexion  with  Hebrew), 
 xxxviii.  19,  xl.  12,  xli.  3,  xhv.  1,  Iii.  28.  The 
 term  first  makes  its  appeaiance  just  before  the 
 captivity  of  the  ten  tribes,  and  then  is  used  to 
 denote  the  men  of  Judah  who  held  Elath,  and  were 
 driven  out  by  Kezin  king  of  Syria  (2  K.  xvi.  6). 
 The  fugitives  in  Egypt  (Jer.  xliv.  1)  belonged  to 
 the  two  tribes,  and  were  distinguished  by  the  name 
 of  the  more  important.  After  the  lieturn  the 
 word  received  a  larger  application.  Partly  from 
 t.  he  predominance  of  the  members  of  the  old 
 kingdom  of  Judah  among  those  who  returned 
 to  Palestine,  partly  from  the  identification  of 
 .ludah  with  the  religious  ideas  and  hopes  of  the 
 jieople,   all    the   members   of  the  new  stat(?  were 
 
 JEZEBEL 
 
 40.') 
 
 called  Jews  fJudaeans),  and  the  name  was  extended 
 to  the  remnants  of  the  race  scattered  throughout 
 the  nations  (Dan.  iii.  8,  12  ;  Ezr.  iv.  12,  23,  &c. ; 
 Neh.  i.  2,  ii.  10,  v.  1,  &c.  ;  Esth.  iii.  4  ff.,  &c.j! 
 Under  the  name  of  "  Judaeans,"  the  people  of  Israel 
 were  known  to  classical  writers  (Tac.  H.  v.  2,  &c.). 
 The  force  of  the  title  "  Jew  "  is  seen  particularly  in 
 the  Gospel  of  St.  John,  who  very  rarely  uses  any 
 other  term  to  describe  the  opponents  of  our  Lord. 
 The  name,  indeed,  appeared  at  the  close  of  the 
 apostle's  life  to  be  the  true  antithesis  to  Chris- 
 tianity, as  describing  the  limited  and  definite  form 
 of  a  national  religion  ;  but  at  an  earlier  stage  of  the 
 progiess  of  the  faith,  it  was  contrasted  with  Greek 
 as  implying  an  outward  covenant  with  God  (Rom. 
 i.  16,  ii.  9,  10;  Col.  iii.  11,  &c.),  which  was  the 
 correlative  oi Hellenist  [Hellenist],  and  marked 
 a  division  of  language  subsisting  within  the  entire 
 body,  and  at  the  same  time  less  expressive  than 
 Israelite,  which  brought  out  with  especial  clearness 
 the  privileges  and  hopes  of  the  children  of  Jacob 
 (2  Cor.  xi.  22  ;  John  i.  47;  1  Mace.  i.  43,  53,  and 
 often).  The  history  of  Judaism  is  divided  by  Jost 
 — the  most  profound  writer  who  has  investigated 
 it — into  two  great  eras,  the  first  extending  to  the 
 close  of  the  collections  of  the  oial  laws,  536 
 B.C. — 600  A.D. :  the  second  reaching  to  the  pie»ent 
 time. 
 
 Jews'  Language,  in  the.  Literally  "Jew- 
 ishly:"  for  the  Hebrew  must  be  taken  adverbially. 
 It  denotes  as  well  the  pure  Hebrew  as  the  dialect 
 acquired  during  the  Captivity,  which  was  charac- 
 terized by  Aramaic  forms  and  idioms. 
 
 Jew'el.     [Precious  Stones.] 
 
 Jew'ess,  a  woman  of  Hebrew  birth,  without  dis- 
 tinction of  tribe  (Acts  xvi.  1,  xxiv.  24). 
 
 Jew'ish,  of  or  belonging  to  Jews  ;  an  epitliet 
 applied  to  their  Rabbinical  legends  (Tit.  i.  14). 
 
 Jew'ry,  the  same  word  elsewhere  rendered  Judah 
 and  Judaea.  It  occurs  several  times  in  the  Apoc. 
 and  N.  T.,  but  once  only  in  the  O.  T.  (Dan.  v. 
 13).  Jewry  comes  to  us  through  the  Noiman- 
 French,  and  is  of  frequent  occun-ence  in  OKI 
 English. 
 
 Jezani'all,  the  son  of  Hoshaiah,  theMaachathitr, 
 and  one  of  the  captains  of  the  forces,  who  had 
 escaped  from  Jerusalem  during  the  final  attack  of 
 the  beleaguering  army  of  the  Chaldaeans.  When 
 the  Babylonians  had  departed,  Jezaniah,  with  the 
 men  under  his  command,  was  one  of  the  first  who 
 returned  to  Gedaliah  at  Mizpah.  In  the  events 
 which  followed  the  assassination  of  that  officer 
 Jezaniah  took  a  prominent  part  (2  K.  xxv.  23  ; 
 Jer.  xl.  8,  xlii.  1,  xliii.  2). 
 
 Jei'ebel,  wife  of  Ahab,  king  of  Israel,  and 
 mother  of  Athaliah,  queen  of  Judah,  and  Ahaziah 
 and  Joram,  kings  of  Israel.  She  was  a  Phoenician 
 princess,  daughter  of  "  Ethbaal  king  of  the  Zido- 
 nians."  Her  marriage  with  Ahab  was  a  turning 
 point  in  the  history  of  Israel.  She  was  a  woman 
 in  whom,  with  the  reckless  and  licentious  habits  of 
 an  Oiiental  queen,  weie  united  the  steinest  and 
 fiercest  qualities  inherent  in  the  Phoenician  people. 
 In  her  hands  her  husband  became  a  mere  piipjjet 
 (1  K.  xxi.  25).  The  first  effect  of  her  influence 
 was  the  immediate  establishment  of  the  Phoenician 
 worship  on  a  grand  scale  in  the  court  of  Ahab.  At 
 her  table  were  supported  no  less  than  450  prophets 
 of  Baal,  and  400  of  Astarte  (1  K.  xvi.  31,  32, 
 xviii.  19).  The  prophets  of  Jehovah,  wiio  up  te 
 this   time   had   found    their    chief  refuge   in   the 
 
400 
 
 JEZELUS 
 
 in'itlieni  kingdom,  were  attacked  by  her  ordei-s 
 ami  put  to  the  sword  (1  K.  xviii.  13;  2  K.  ix.  7). 
 When  at  hist  the  people,  at  the  instigation  of  Elijah, 
 rose  ag-.iinst  lier  ministers,  and  slaiightered  them  at 
 the  loot  of  Carmel,  and  when  Ahab  was  terrified 
 into  submission,  she  alone  retained  her  presence  of 
 mind ;  and  when  she  received  in  the  palace  of 
 Jezreel  the  tidings  that  her  religion  was  all  but 
 destroyed  (1  K.  jcix.  1),  her  only  answer  was  one 
 of  those  fearful  vows  which  have  made  the  leaders 
 of  Sheinitic  nations  so  terrible  whetlier  lor  goud 
 or  evil — expressed  in  a  message  to  the  veiy  man 
 who,  as  it  might  have  seemed  but  an  hour  before, 
 had  her  Tife  in  his  power.  The  next  instance  of  her 
 power  is  still  more  characteristic  and  complete. 
 When  she  found  her  husband  cast  down  by  his 
 disappointment  at  being  thwarted  by  Naboth,  she 
 took  the  matter  into  her  own  hands,  with  a  spiiit 
 which  leminds  us  of  Clytemnestra  or  Lady  Mac- 
 beth (1  K.  x.\i.  7).  She  wrote  a  warrant  in  Ahab's 
 name,  and  sealed  it  with  his  seal.  To  her,  and  not 
 to  .Miab,  was  sent  the  announcement  that  the  royal 
 wishes  were  accomplished  (1  K.  xxi.  14),  and  she 
 bade  her  husband  go  and  fcike  the  vacant  property ; 
 and  on  her  accoi-dingly  fell  the  prophet's  cui-se,  ;is 
 well  as  on  her  husband  (1  K.  xxi.  21^).  We  hear 
 no  more  of  her  for  a  long  period.  But  she  sur- 
 vived .■\hab  for  14  years,  and  still,  as  queen-mother 
 (after  the  Oriental  custom),  was  a  great  pei-sonage 
 in  the  court  of  her  sous,  and,  as  such,  beaime  tlic 
 special  mark  for  the  vengeance  of  Jehu.  But  in  that 
 supreme  hour  of  her  house  the  spirit  of  the  aged 
 queen  rose  within  her,  equal  to  the  dreadful  emer- 
 gency. She  was  in  tlie  pal.ice,  which  stood  by  the 
 gate  of  the  city,  overlooking  the  approach  fiom  the 
 cast.  Beneath  lay  the  open  space  under  the  city 
 walls.  She  determined  to  face  the  destroyer  of  her 
 tamily,  whom  she  saw  rapidly  advancing  in  his 
 chariot.  She  painted  her  eyelids  in  the  Eastern 
 fashion  with  antimony,  so  as  to  give  a  darker 
 boi-der  to  the  eyes,  and  make  them  look  larger  and 
 l)righter,  possibly  in  order  to  induce  Jehu,  after 
 the  manner  of  eiustom  usurpers,  to  take  her,  the 
 widow  of  his  predecessor,  for  his  wife,  but  more 
 probably  as  the  last  act  of  regal  splendour.  She 
 tired  her  head,  and,  looking  down  ujton  him  from 
 the  high  latticed  window  in  the  tower,  she  met 
 liim  by  an  allusion  to  a  former  Jict  of  treason  in  the 
 histoiy  of  her  adopte<l  country.  Jehu  looked  up 
 from  his  chariot.  Two  or  tinee  eunuchs  of  the 
 royal  harem  showed  their  i',\ue!i  at  the  windows,  and 
 at  his  command  dashed  the  ancient  princess  down 
 from  the  i:liamber.  .She  fell  immediately  in  front 
 of  the  conqueror's  chariot.  The  bkxxl  tlew  from 
 her  maugle<l  coi-psc  over  the  ji;daco-wall  behind, 
 and  over  the  advancing  horses  in  front.  The  mer- 
 ciless destriiyer  jwssctl  on  ;  and  the  last  remains  of 
 lite  were  trample<l  out  by  the  hoi-ses'  hoofs.  The 
 body  was  left  in  that  o|>en  s))acc  calie<l  in  modern 
 I'jistern  language  "  the  mounds,"  where  otlal  is 
 thrown  from  the  city-wails.  The  dogs  of  Eastern 
 cities,  which  prowl  around  these  localities,  and 
 which  the  j)resent  writer  met  on  this  vei'y  spot 
 by  the  modern  village  which  occupies  the  site  of 
 .lezreel,  jMiunced  u|K)n  this  unexpected  prey.  No- 
 thing was  left  by  thetn  but  the  hard  |)Ortions  of 
 the  iuiman  skeleton,  the  skull,  the  hajids,  and  the 
 teet. 
 
 Jeie'lai.  L  The  same  as  Jaiia/iix  (1  Esd. 
 viii.  32;.— 2.  .Ii;iiii:i.,  the  father  ofObadiah  (1  Ebd. 
 viii.  35;. 
 
 JEZREEL 
 
 Jeter,  the  third  son  of  Naphtiili  ((Jen.  xlvi.  24; 
 Nuni.  xxvi.  4i>  ;  1  Chr.  vii.  13;,  and  father  of  the 
 family  (■Itiie  .Ikzkrites. 
 
 Jez'erites,  the.  A  family  of  the  tribe  of  Naph- 
 taii,  desci'udants  of  Jezer  f  Num.  xxvi.  49). 
 
 Jez'iah,  a  descendant  of  Parosh,  who  had  mar- 
 ried a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  25). 
 
 Jex'iel,  a  Betijamite  who  joined  David  at  Ziklag 
 (1  Chr.  xii.  o). 
 
 Jez'liah,  a  Benjamite  of  the  sons  of  Elpaol 
 {\  VUv.  viii.  18). 
 
 Jezo'ar,  the  son  of  Helah,  one  of  the  wives  of 
 Asher  (  1  Chr.  iv.  7). 
 
 Jesrah'iah,  a  Levite,  the  leader  of  the  choristers 
 at  the  solemn  dediaitioii  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem 
 under  Neliemiah  (Neh.  ,\ii.  42;. 
 
 Jei'reel,  a  descendant  of  the  father  or  founder  ot 
 Etam,  of  the  line  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  3;.  But  as 
 tiie  verse  now  stands,  we  must  supply  some  such 
 word  as  "  families  ;  "  "  these  (aie  the  families  of) 
 the  father  of  Ktam." 
 
 Jez'reel.  Its  modem  name  is  Zerin.  The  name 
 is  use<i  in  2  .Sam.  ii.  9  and  (?)  iv.  4,  and  Hos.  i.  5, 
 for  the  valley  or  jjlaiu  between  Gilboa  and  Little 
 Hermon ;  ;uid  to  this  plain,  in  its  widest  extent, 
 the  general  form  of  the  name  Esdiaelon  (tii-st  used 
 in  Jud.  i.  8)  has  been  applietl  in  moilern  times.  In 
 its  more  limited  sense,  as  applied  to  the  city,  it 
 first  appeal's  in  Josh.  xix.  18.  But  its  histoiical 
 importance  dates  from  the  reign  of  Ahab;  who 
 chose  it  for  his  chief  residence.  The  situation  of 
 the  modein  village  oi Zerin  still  remains  to  show 
 the  fitness  of  his  choice.  It  is  ou  one  of  the 
 gentle  swells  which  lise  out  of  the  fertile  plain 
 of  Ivsdraelon  ;  but  with  two  jx^culiarities  which 
 mark  it  out  trom  the  rest.  One  is  its  strength. 
 Ou  the  N.E.  the  hill  presents  a  steep  rocky  descent 
 of  at  least  100  feet.  The  other  is  its  central 
 locality.  It  stands  at  the  opening  of  the  middle 
 bi-anch  of  the  three  eastern  tbrks  of  the  plain,  and 
 looks  straight  towards  the  wi<ie  western  level ;  thus 
 commanding  the  view  towards  the  Jordan  on  the 
 cast  (2  K.  ix.  17),  and  visible  from  Carmel  on  the 
 west  (1  K.  xviii.  46).  in  the  neighbouihotKl,  o- 
 within  the  town  probably,  was  a  temple  and  grove 
 of  Astjute,  with  an  estjiblishment  of  400  priests 
 supjwrtttl  by  Jezebel  (1  K.  xvi.  33;  2  K.  x.  11). 
 The  palace  of  .Miab  (1  K.  xxi.  1,  xviii.  46),  pro- 
 bably containing  his  "  ivoiy  house  "  (1  K.  xxii.  39), 
 was  ou  the  eastern  sicle  of  the  city,  torming  (xirt  of 
 the  city  wall  (comp.  1  K.  xxi.  1  ;  2  K.  ix.  25,  30, 
 33).  The  seraglio,  in  which  Jezebel  lived,  was  on 
 the  city  wall,  and  had  a  high  window  facing  east- 
 ward (2  K.  ix.  30 ,.  Close  by,  if  not  forming  part 
 of  this  seraglio,  was  a  watch-tower,  on  which  a 
 sentinel  stood,  to  give  notice  of  arrivals  from  the 
 disturbe<l  di.-«triit  beyond  the  Jordan  ,2  K.  ix.  17). 
 An  ancient  .square  tower  which  stands  among  the 
 hovels  of  the  modern  village  may  be  its  representji- 
 tivc.  The  gateway  of  the  city  on  the  east  was 
 also  the  gateway  of  the  palace  (2  K.  ix.  34). 
 Whether  the  vineyard  of  Nalnith  was  here  or  at 
 Simiaria  is  a  doubtful  question.  Still  in  the  same 
 eastern  dire<'tion  are  two  springs,  one  12  minutes 
 from  the  town,  the  other  20  nunutes.  The  hitter 
 probably  both  fioni  its  size  and  situation,  was 
 known  as  "  nii:  Si'Uing  of  Jezkeicl"  (mis- 
 traaslatetl  .\.  V.  "a  tbuntain,"  1  Siim.  xxix.  1). 
 With  the  fall  of  Uie  house  of  Ahab  the  glory  oi 
 Jezreel  deiarted.— 2.  A  town  in  Judah,  in  the 
 ueighbourhoo<l  of  the  southeni  Carmel  (Josh.  xv. 
 
JEZREELITE 
 
 56).  Here  David  in  his  wanderings  took  Ahinoam 
 the  Israelitess  tor  his  first  wife  (1  Sam.  xxvii.  3, 
 .\.\x.  5). — 3.  The  eldest  son  of  the  prophet  Rosea 
 (Hos.  i.  4). 
 
 Jez'reelite.  An  inhabitiint  of  Jezreel  (1  K,  xxi. 
 1,  4,  Li.  7,  15,  16  ;  2  K.  ix.  21,  25). 
 
 Jezreeli'tess.  A  woman  of  Jezreel  (1  Sam 
 xxvii.  .H,  x.\x.  5  ;  2  Sam.  ii.  2,  iii.  2;  1  Chr.  iii.  1) 
 
 Jib'sam,  one  of  the  sons  of  Tola,  the  son  of 
 Issiirhar  ( 1  Chr.  vii.  2). 
 
 Jid'laph,  a  son  of  Nahor  (Gen.  xxii.  22). 
 
 Jim'na,  the  firstborn  of  Asher  (Num.  xxvi.  44). 
 Ho  is  elsewhere  called  in  the  A.  V.  JxMNAH  (Gen. 
 xlvi.  17)  and  Imnah  (1  Chi',  vii.  30). 
 
 Jim'nah^  Jimna  =  Imnah  (Gen.  xlvi.  17). 
 
 Jim'nites,  the,  descendants  of  the  preceding 
 (Num.  xxvi.  44). 
 
 Jiph'tah,  one  of  the  cities  of  Judah  in  the  ma- 
 ritime lowland,  or  Shefelah  (Josh.  xv.  43).  It  has 
 not  yet  been  met  with. 
 
 Jiph'thah-el,  the  Valley  of,  a  valley  which 
 served  as  one  of  the  laiui-maiks  for  the  boundary 
 both  of  Zebulun  (Josh.  xix.  14)  and  Asher  (27). 
 Dr.  Robinson  suggests  that  Jiphthah-el  was  identical 
 with  Jotapata,  and  that  they  survive  in  the  modern 
 Jefat,  a  village  in  the  mountains  of  Galilee,  half- 
 way between  the  Bay  of  Acre  and  the  Lake  of 
 Gennesareth.  In  this  case  the  valley  is  the  great 
 W^dii-Abilin. 
 
 Jo'ab,  the  most  remarkable,  though  perhaps  not 
 the  eldest  (1  Chr.  ii.  16)  of  the  three  nephews  of 
 David,  the  children  of  Zeruiah,  David's  sister.  Their 
 father  is  unknown,  but  seems  to  have  resided  at 
 Bethlehem,  and  to  have  died  belbie  his  sons,  as  we 
 find  mention  of  his  sepulchie  at  that  place  (2  Sam. 
 ii.  32).  Joab  first  appears  after  David's  accession 
 to  the  throne  at  Hebron.  He  with  his  two  brothers 
 went  out  from  Hebron  at  the  head  of  David's 
 "  servants,"  or  guards,  to  keej)  a  watch  on  the 
 movements  of  Abner.  The  two  parties  sate  opposite 
 each  other,  on  each  side  of  the  tank  by  that  city. 
 Abner's  challenge,  to  which  Joab  assented,  led  to  a 
 desperate  struggle  between  twelve  champions  from 
 either  side.  This  roused  the  blood  of  the  rival 
 tribes  ;  a  general  encounter  ensued  ;  Abner  and  his 
 company  were  defeated,  and  in  his  flight,  being 
 hard  pressed  by  the  swift-footed  Asahel,  he  reluct- 
 antly killed  the  unfortunate  youth.  His  two  bro- 
 thers, on  seeing  the  corpse,  only  hurried  on  with 
 greater  fury  in  the  pursuit.  In  answer  to  the 
 appeal  of  Abner  Joab  withdrew  his  men,  but  his 
 revenge  was  only  jwstponed.  He  hail  Ijeen  on  an- 
 other of  these  predatory  excursions  from  Hebron, 
 when  he  was  inibrmed  on  his  return  that  Abner  hiid 
 ill  his  absence  paid  a  visit  to  David,  and  been  re- 
 ceived into  favour  (2  Sam.  iii.  23).  He  broke  out 
 into  a  violent  remonstrance  with  the  king,  and 
 then,  without  David's  knowledge,  immediately  sent 
 messengers  after  Abner,  who  was  overtaken  by 
 them  at  the  well  of  Sirah.  Abner,  with  the  un- 
 suspecting generosity  of  his  noble  nature,  returned 
 at  once.  Joab  and  Abishai  met  him  in  the  gate- 
 way of  the  town ;  Joab  took  him  aside  (2  Sam.  iii. 
 27),  as  if  with  a  peaceful  intention,  and  then  struck 
 him  a  deadly  blow  "  under  the  fifth  rib."  There 
 was  now  no  rival  left  in  the  wa}'  of  Joab's  advance- 
 ment, and  at  the  siege  of  Jebus  he  was  appointed  for 
 his  prowess  commander-in-chief — "  captain  of  the 
 host" — the  same  office  that  Abner  had  held  under 
 Saul,  the  highest  in  the  state  after  the  king  (1  Chr. 
 xi.  6  ;  2  Saw.  viii,  16).     In  this  post  he  was  con-  I 
 
 JOAB 
 
 407 
 
 tent,  and  served  the  king  with  undeviating  fidelity. 
 In  the  wide  range  of  wars  which  David  undertook, 
 Joab  was  the  acting  general.  He  had  a  chief 
 armour-bearer  of  his  own,  Naharai,  a  Beerothite, 
 (2  Sam.  xxiii.  37;  1  Chr.  xi.  39),  and  fen  attend- 
 ants to  cairy  his  equipment  and  baggage  (2  Sam. 
 xviii.  15).  He  had  the  charge  of  giving  the  signal 
 by  trumpet  for  advance  or  retreat  (2  Sam.  xviii. 
 16).  He  was  called  by  the  almost  regal  title  of 
 "  Lord"  (2  Sam.  xi.  11),  "the  prince  of  the  king's 
 army"  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  34).  His  usual  residence 
 v/as  in  Jerusalem — but  he  had  a  house  and  pro- 
 perty, with  bailey-fields  adjoining,  in  the  country 
 (2  Sam.  xiii.  23;,  in  the  "wilderness"  (1  K,  ii. 
 34),  probably  on  the  N.  E.  of  Jerusalem  (comp. 
 1  Sam.  xiii.  18  ;  Josh.  viii.  15,  20),  near  an  ancient 
 sanctuaiy,  called  from  its  nomadic  village  "  Baalha- 
 zor  "  (2  Sam.  xiii.  23 ;  comp.  with  xiv.  30),  where 
 there  were  extensive  sheepwalks. — 1.  His  great  war 
 was  that  against  Ammon,  which  he  conducted  in  per- 
 son. It  was  divided  into  three  campaigns,  (a)  The 
 first  was  against  the  allied  forces  of  Syria  and  Am- 
 mon. (6)  The  second  was  against  Edom.  The  decisive 
 victory  was  gained  by  David  himself  in  the  "  valley 
 of  salt,"  and  celebrated  by  a  tiiumphal  monument 
 (2  Sam.  viii.  13).  But  Joab  had  the  charge  of 
 carrying  out  the  victory,  and  lemaiued  for  six 
 months,  extirpating  the  male  population,  whom  he 
 then  buried  in  the  tombs  of  Petra  (1  K.  xi.  15, 
 16).  (c)  The  third  was  against  the  Ammonites. 
 They  were  again  left  to  Joab  (2  Sam.  x.  7-1 9  j. 
 At  the  siege  of  Kabbah,  the  ark  was  sent  with  him, 
 and  the  whole  army  was  encamped  in  booths  or 
 huts  round  the  beleaguered  city  (2  Sam.  xi.  1, 
 11).  After  a  sortie  of  the  inhabitants,  which 
 caused  some  loss  to  the  Jewish  army,  Joab  took 
 the  lower  city  on  the  river,  and  then  sent  to  urge 
 David  to  come  and  take  the  citadel  (2  Sam.  xii. 
 26-28). — 2.  The  services  of  Joab  to  the  king  were 
 not  couliiied  to  these  military  achievements.  In 
 the  entangled  relations  which  grew  up  in  David's 
 domestic  life,  he  bore  an  important  part,  (a)  The 
 first  occasion  was  the  unhappy  correspondence  which 
 passed  between  him  and  the  king  during  the  Am- 
 monite war  respecting  Uriah  the  Hittite  (2  Sam. 
 xi.  1-25).  (6)  The  next  occasion  on  which  it  was 
 displayed  was  in  his  successful  endea^■our  to  reinstate 
 Absalom  in  David's  favour,  after  tiie  murder  of 
 Amnon  (2  Sam.  xiv.  1-20).  (c)  The  same  keen 
 sense  of  his  master's  interests  ruled  the  conduct  of 
 Joab  110  less,  when  the  relations  of  the  father  and 
 son  were  reversed  by  the  successful  revolt  of  Ab- 
 salom. His  former  intimacy  with  the  prince  did 
 not  impair  his  fidelity  to  the  king.  He  followed 
 him  beyond  the  Jordan,  and  in  the  final  battle  of 
 Ephraim  assumed  the  responsibility  of  taking  the 
 rebel  prince's  dangerous  life  in  spite  of  David's  in- 
 junction to  spare  him,  and  when  no  one  else  had 
 courage  to  act  so  decisive  a  part  (2  Sam.  xviii.  2, 
 11-15).  The  king  transferred  the  command  to 
 Amasa.  [d)  Nothing  brings  out  more  strongly  the 
 good  and  bad  qualities  of  Joab  than  his  conduct  in 
 this  trying  crisis  of  his  history.  With  his  own 
 guard  and  the  mighty  men  under  Abishai  he  went 
 out  in  pursuit  of  the  remnants  of  the  rebellion.  In 
 the  heat  of  pursuit,  he  encountered  his  rival  Amasa, 
 more  leisurely  engaged  in  the  same  quest.  At  "  the 
 great  stone"  in  Gibeon,  the  cousins  met.  Joab's 
 sword  was  attached  to  his  girdle ;  by  design  or 
 accident  it  protruded  from  the  sheath  ;  Amasa 
 rushed  into  the  treacherous  embrace,  to  which  Joab 
 
40S 
 
 JOACHAZ 
 
 invited  liini,  liolding  fast  his  beard  by  his  own  right 
 Ii-iiid,  wliilst  tiie  unsheathed  sword  in  liis  left  hand 
 plunged  into  Ama>a's  stomach  ;  a  .single  blow  fiom 
 that  pratitised  arm,  as  in  the  cijse  of  Abucr,  sufficed 
 to  do  its  work,  (e)  At  the  moment,  all  were  ab- 
 sorbed in  the  pursuit  of  the  rebels.  Once  moie  a 
 proof  was  given  of  the  wide-spread  confidence  in 
 Joab's  judgment  (2  .Sam.  xx.  16-22).  (/)  His 
 liust  nnionstrance  with  David  was  on  the  announce- 
 ment of  the  king's  desire  to  number  the  people. — 
 o.  There  is  something  mournful  in  the  end  of  Joab, 
 At  the  close  of  his  long  life,  his  loyalty,  so  long 
 unshaken,  at  last  wavered.  "  Though  he  had  not 
 turneii  atb-r  AbN-\lom  he  turned  after  Adonijah" 
 (1  K.  ii.  28).  This  probably  filled  up  the  measure 
 of  the  king's  long  cherished  resentment.  The  re- 
 vival of  the  pretensions  of  Adonijah  after  David's 
 death  was  sufficient  to  awaken  the  suspicious  of 
 Solomon.  Joab  fled  to  the  .shelter  of  the  altar  at 
 GibeoM,  and  was  there  slain  by  Benaiah.— 2.  Sou 
 of  Seraiah,  and  descendant  of  Kenaz  (1  Ciu-.  iv. 
 14).— 3.  The  head  of  a  family,  not  of  piiestly  or 
 Levitical  i-ank,  whose  descendants,  with  those  of 
 Jeshua,  were  the  most  iiumeious  of  all  who  re- 
 turnei!  witli  Zcrubbabel  (Kzr.  ii.  6,  viii.  9  ;  Neh. 
 vii.  1 1  ;  1  Ksil.  viii.  35). 
 
 Jo  achaz  =  Jehoahaz  (1  Esd.  i.  34),  the  son  of 
 Jo>iah. 
 
 Joachim.  L  (Bar.  i.  3)  =  Jehoiakim,  called 
 also  Joacini.— 2.  A  "  high-priost "  at  Jerusalem 
 ui  tin;  time  of  Baruch  "  the  son  of  Chelcias,"  i.  e. 
 Hilkiah  (Bar.  i.  7). 
 
 Jo'acim.  1.  =  Jehoiakim  (1  Esd.  i.  37,  38, 
 39,.  [JOAC1.M,  1.]— 2.  =  Jehoiachin  (1  Esd.  i. 
 43).— -3,  =  Joiakim,  tlio  son  of  Jeshua  (1  Esd.  v.  5). 
 ■—4.  "The  high-priest  wiiich  w.as  in  Jerus;ilem  " 
 (Jud.  iv.  6,  14)  in  the  tiuK-  of  Judith  (xv.  8  ft'.). 
 it  is  impossible  to  identii'y  him  with  any  historical 
 ciiaracter.  —  5.  The  huslxmd  of  Susanna  (Sus. 
 liij. 
 
 Joada'niis,  one  of  the  sons  of  Jeshua,  the  son  of 
 Jozidak  (^1  Esd.  ix.  19). 
 
 Jo'ah.  1.  The  son  of  .\saph,  and  chronicler,  or 
 keeper  of  the  records,  to  Hezekiah  (Is.  xxxvi.  3,  11, 
 22).— 2.  The  son  or  grandson  of  Zimmah,  a  (Jei-sh- 
 onite  (  i  Chr.  vi.  21).— 3.  The  third  son  of  Obed- 
 edom  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  4  .  a  Korhite,  and  one  of  the 
 doorkeepers  appinted  by  David.— 4.  A  (Jershonite, 
 the  son  of  Ziuimah,  and  father  of  l>Men  (2  Chr. 
 xxix.  12).— 5.  The  son  of  Joahaz,  and  keeper  of  the 
 records,  or  annalist  to  Josiah  ( 2  Chr.  xxxiv.  8). 
 
 Jo'ahaz,  the  father  of  Joah,  the  chronicler  or 
 keeper  of  the  records  to  king  Josiah  (2  Chr. 
 xxxiv.  8). 
 
 Jo'anan  =  Joiianan,  the  son  of  Eliashib  (1  Esd. 
 ix.  1). 
 
 Joan'na,  son  of  Rhesa,  according  to  the  text  of 
 Liike  iii.  27,  ami  one  of  the  ancestors  of  Christ. 
 But  according  to  the  view  ex|ilaini'd  in  a  previous 
 ni  tide,  son  of  Zerubbabel,  and  the  s;une  as  Hananiah 
 in  1  Chr.  iii.  19. 
 
 Joan'na,  the  name  of  a  woman,  occun-ing  twice 
 in  Luke  i^viii.  o,  xxiv.  10;,  but  evidently  denoting 
 the  same  jici-son.  In  the  tirst  pass.ige  she  is  ex- 
 j)ressly  stated  to  have  been  "  wife  of  Chnsa,  steward 
 of  Hi;]"d,"  tliat  is,  Antipas,  tctr.irrh  of  Galilee. 
 
 Joan'nan,  surn.imed  Cadilis,  the  eldest  brother 
 of  Jud. IS  .Mac(3ibaen9  (1  Mace.  ii.  2). 
 
 Joarib,  chief  of  the  lii-st  of  the  twenty-four 
 coui*s«s  of  piiests  in  the  reign  of  David,  and  an- 
 caitor  of  tJie  Mucciibces  ( I  Mace.  ii.  1 ). 
 
 JOASH 
 
 Jo'ash,  contr.  from  Jehoash.     1.  Son  of  Abi- 
 
 ziah  king  of  Judah,  and  the  only  one  of  his  children 
 who  escaped  tlie  murderous  hand  of  .^thaliah.  After 
 his  father's  sister  Jehoshabeath,  the  wife  of  Je- 
 hoi.ida,  had  stolen  him  from  among  the  king's  sons, 
 he  was  hid  for  six  years  in  the  chamljers  of  the 
 Temple.  In  the  7th  year  of  his  age  and  of  his  con- 
 cealment, a  successful  revolution  placed  him  on  the 
 throne  of  his  ancestors,  and  freed  the  country  from 
 the  tyranny  and  idolatries  of  Athaliah.  For  at  latst 
 23  yeare,  while  Jehoiada  lived,  this  reign  wjis  veiy 
 prosperous.  Excepting  that  the  high-places  were 
 still  resorted  fo  for  incense  and  sacrifice,  pure  reli- 
 gion was  restoretl,  large  contributions  were  made 
 for  the  repair  of  the  Temple,  which  was  accordingly 
 restored  ;  and  the  countiy  seems  to  have  been  free 
 from  foreign  invasion  and  domestic  disturbance. 
 But,  after  the  death  of  Jehoiada,  Joash  fell  into 
 the  hands  of  bad  advisers,  at  whose  suggestion  he 
 revived  the  worship  of  Baal  and  .'\sht;iroth.  When 
 he  was  rebuked  for  this  by  Zecliariah,  the  son  of 
 Jehoiada,  Joash  aiused  him  to  be  stoned  to  death 
 in  the  very  court  of  the  Lord's  house  (Matt,  xxiii. 
 35).  The  vengeance  imprecated  by  the  murdered 
 high-priest  was  not  long  delayed.  That  veiy  year, 
 Hazael  king  of  .Syria  came  up  against  Jerusalem, 
 and  carried  oft'  a  vast  booty  ;is  the  price  of  his  de- 
 paiture.  Joash  had  scarcely  escaped  this  dangei-, 
 when  he  fell  into  another  and  fat:d  one.  Two  of 
 his  servants,  taking  advantage  of  his  severe  illness, 
 some  think  of  a  wound  received  in  battle,  conspired 
 against  him,  and  slew  him  in  his  bed  in  the  fortress 
 of  Millo.  Joash's  reign  lasted  40  years,  from  873 
 to  838  B.C.— 2.  Son  and  successor  of  Jehoahaz  on 
 the  throne  of  Israel  from  is.C.  840  to  825,  and  for 
 two  full  years  a  contemporary  sovereign  with  the 
 preceding  (2  K.  xiv.  1  ;  comp.  with  xii.  1,  xiii.  10). 
 When  he  succeeded  to  the  crown,  the  kingdom  was 
 in  a  deplorable  state  from  the  devastations  of  ILuael 
 aud  Benhadad,  kings  of  ."^yria.  On  occasion  of  a 
 friendly  visit  paid  by  Joash  to  Elisha  on  his  death- 
 bed, the  prophet  promised  him  deliverance  from  the 
 Syrian  yoke  in  Aphek  (1  K.  xx.  26-30).  He  then 
 bid  him  smite  upon  the  ground,  and  the  king  smote 
 thrice  and  then  stiyed.  The  prophet  rebuked  him 
 for  staying,  and  limited  to  three  his  victories  over 
 Syria.  Accordingly  Jo.ash  did  beat  Benhadad  three 
 times  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  recovered  from  him 
 the  cities  which  Hazael  had  tiken  from  Jehiwhay.. 
 The  other  gre.it  military  event  of  Joash's  reign  was 
 his  suca'sst'ul  war  with  Amaziah  king  of  Jndah. 
 The  groimds  of  this  war  are  given  fully  in  2  Clir. 
 XXV.'  The  two  armies  met  at  Bcth-shemesh,  that 
 of  Joash  was  victorious,  put  the  army  of  Amaziah  to 
 the  rout,  took  him  prisoner,  brouglit  him  to  Jeru- 
 salem, broke  down  the  wall  of  Jerusalem,  and  plun- 
 dered the  city.  He  died  in  the  15th  year  of  Amiv 
 ziah  king  of  Judah.  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son 
 Jeroboam  II.— 3.  The  father  of  GidcHtn,  and  a 
 wealthv  man  among  the  Abie^rites  (Ju<!g.  vi.  11, 
 29,  30",  31,  vii.  14,  viii.  13,29,  32).— 4.  Appir- 
 ently  a  younger  son  of  Ahab,  who  held  a  subordin- 
 ate jurisdiction  in  the  lifetime  of  his  father,  or  was 
 appointed  viceroy  (2  Chr.  xviii.  25)  during  his 
 absence  in  the  attack  on  Iwmioth-Gilftid  (1  K.  xxii. 
 26;  2  Chr.  xviii.  25).  Or  he  m.-iy  have  been 
 merely  a  prince  of  the  blood-royal. ^6.  .\  descend- 
 ant of  Shelah  the  son  of  Judah,  but  whether  his 
 son  or  the  son  of  Jokim,  is  not  clear  (1  Chr.  iv. 
 22).— 6.  A  Benjiimite,  son  of  Shem.uh  of  Gibeah 
 (  1  Chr.  xii.  3),  who  resorted  to  David  at  Ziklag.— 7. 
 
JOASH 
 
 One  of  the  oflicers  of  David's  household  (1  I'hr. 
 xxvii.  28). 
 
 Jo'ash,  son  of  Becher,  and  head  of  a  Benjamite 
 house  (1  Chr.  vii.  8). 
 
 Jo'atham  =  Jotham  the  son  of  Uzziah  (Matt.  i.  9). 
 
 Joazab'du3  =  Jozubad  the  Levite  (1  Esd.  ix.  48  ; 
 comp.  Xeh.  viii.  7). 
 
 Job,  the  thiid  son  of  Issachar  (Gen.  xlvi.  13), 
 c.illed  in  another  sjenealogy  JaSHUB  (1  Chr.  vii.  1). 
 
 Job.  Tills  boolc  consists  of  five  parts  :  the  intro- 
 duction, the  discussion  between  Job  and  his  tliree 
 fiiends,  the  speech  of  Elihu,  the  manifestation  and 
 address  of  Ahnighty  God,  and  the  concluding 
 chapter.— I.  Anali/sis. — 1.  The  introduction  sup- 
 plies all  the  facts  ou  which  the  argument  is  based. 
 Job,  a  chieftain  in  the  land  of  tJz,  of  immense 
 wealth  and  high  rank,  "  the  greatest  of  all  the  men 
 of  the  East,"  is  represented  to  us  ae  a  man  of  perfect 
 integrity,  blameless  in  all  the  relations  of  life,  de- 
 clared indeed  by  the  Lord  Himself  to  be  "  without 
 his  like  in  all  the  earth,"  "  a  perfect,  and  an  up- 
 right man,  one  that  feareth  God,  and  escheweth 
 evil."  One  question  could  be  raised  by  envy  ;  may 
 not  the  goodness  which  secures  such  direct  and 
 tangible  rewards  be  a  refined  form  of  selfishness  ? 
 In  the  world  of  spirits,  where  all  the  mysteries  of 
 existence  are  brought  to  light,  Satan,  the  accusing 
 angel,  suggests  the  doubt,  "  doth  Job  fear  God  for 
 nought  ?"  and  asserts  boldly  that  if  those  external 
 blessings  were  withdrawn  Job  would  cast  off  his 
 allegiance — "  he  will  curse  thee  to  thy  face."  The 
 problem  is  thus  distinctly  propounded  which  this 
 book  is  intended  to  discuss  and  solve.  Can  goodness 
 exist  irrespective  of  reward,  can  the  fear  of  God  be 
 retained  by  man  when  every  inducement  to  selfish- 
 ness is  taken  away?  The  accuser  receives  permis- 
 sion to  make  the  trial.  He  destioys  Job's  property, 
 then  his  childi'en  ;  and  afterwards,  to  lea\'e  no  pos- 
 sible opening  for  a  cavil,  is  allowed  to  inflict  upon 
 him  the  most  terrible  disease  known  in  the  East. 
 Job's  wife  breaks  down  entirely  under  the  trial. 
 Job  remains  steadfast.  He  lepels  his  wife's  sug- 
 gestion with  the  simple  words,  "  What !  shall  we 
 receive  good  at  the  hand  of  the  Lord,  and  shall  we 
 not  receive  evil  ?"  "  In  all  this  Job  did  not  sin 
 with  his  lips."  The  question  raised  by  Satan  was 
 thus  answered. — 2.  Still  it  is  clear  that  many  points 
 of  deep  intoest  would  have  been  left  in  obscurity. 
 Entire  as  w;is  the  submission  of  Job,  he  must  have 
 been  inwardly  perplexed  by  events  to  which  he  had 
 no  clue,  which  were  quite  unaccountable  on  any 
 hypothesis  hitherto  entertained,  and  seemed  repug- 
 nant to  the  ideas  of  justice  engraven  on  man's  heart. 
 An  opportunity  for  the  discussion  of  the  provid- 
 ential government  of  the  world  is  afforded  in  the 
 most  natural  manner  by  the  introduction  of  three 
 men,  representing  the  wisdom  and  experience  of 
 the  age,  who  came  to  condole  with  Job  on  hearing 
 of  his  misfortunes.  The  meeting  is  described  with 
 singular  beauty.  At  a  distance  they  greet  him 
 with  the  wild  demonstrations  of  sympathising  grief 
 usual  in  the  east ;  coming  near  they  are  overpowered 
 by  the  sight  of  his  wretchedness,  and  sit  seven  days 
 and  seven  nights  without  uttering  a  word.  This 
 awful  silence  drew  out  all  his  anguish.  In  an  agony 
 of  desperation  he  curses  the  day  of  his  birth.  With 
 the  answer  to  this  outburst  begins  a  series  of  dis- 
 cussions, continued  probably  with  some  intervals, 
 during  several  successive  days.  The  results  of  the 
 Hist  discussion  (from  c.  iii.-xiv.)  may  be  thus 
 summed  up.     We  have  on  the  part  of  Job's  friends 
 
 JOB 
 
 409 
 
 a  theory  of  the  divine  government  resting  upon  an 
 exact  and  uniform  correlation  between  sin\nd  pun- 
 ishment (iv.  6,  11,  and  throughout).  Afflictions 
 .are  always  penal,  issuing  in  the  destruction  of  those 
 who  are  radically  opposed  to  God,  or  who  do  not 
 submit  to  His  chastisements.  They  lead  of  course' 
 to  correction  and  amendment  of  life  when  the  sufferer 
 repents,  confesses  his  snis,  puts  them  away,  and 
 turns  to  God.  In  that  case  restoration  to  peace, 
 and  even  increased  prosperity  may  be  expected  (v. 
 1 7-27).  Still  the  fact  of  the  suffering  al  ways  prove* 
 the  commission  of  some  .special  sin,  while  the  de- 
 meanour of  the  sufferer  indicates  the  true  internal 
 relation  between  him  and  God.  Tiiese  piinciples 
 are  applied  by  them  to  the  case  of  Job.  In  this 
 pait  of  the  dialogue  the  character  of  the  three 
 friends  is  clearly  developed.  In  order  to  do  justice 
 to  the  position  and  arguments  of  Job,  it  must  be 
 borne  in  mind,  that  the  direct  object  of  the  trial 
 was  to  ascertain  whether  he  would  deny  or  forsake 
 God,  and  that  his  real  integrity  is  asserted  by  God 
 Himself.  He  denies  the  assertion  that  punishment 
 follows  surely  on  guilt,  or  proves  its  commission. 
 In  the  government  of  Providence  he  can  see  but  one 
 point  clearly,  viz.,  that  all  events  and  results  are  ab- 
 solutely in  God's  hand  (xii.  9-25),  but  as  for  the  prin- 
 ciples which  underlie  those  events  he  knows  nothing. 
 In  fiict,  he  is  sure  that  his  friends  are  equally  unin- 
 formed. Still  he  doubts  not  that  God  is  just. 
 There  remains  then  but  one  course  open  to  him,  and 
 that  he  takes.  He  turns  to  supplication,  implores 
 God  to  give  him  a  fair  and  open  trial  (xiii.  18-28). 
 Believing  that  with  death  all  hope  connected  with 
 this  world  ceases,  he  jn-ays  that  he  may  be  hidden 
 in  the  grave  (xiv.  13),  and  there  reserved  for  the 
 day  when  God  will  try  his  cause  and  manifest  Him- 
 self in  love  (ver.  15).  In  the  second  discussion 
 (xv.-xxi.)  there  is  a  more  resolute  elaborate  attem])t 
 on  the  part  of  Job's  friends  to  vindicate  their  theory 
 of  retributive  justice.  This  requires  an  entire  over- 
 throw of  the  position  taken  by  Job.  Kliphaz 
 (xv.),  who,  as  usual,  lays  down  the  basis  of  the 
 argument,  does  not  now  hesitate  to  impute  to  Job 
 the  worst  crimes  of  which  man  could  be  guilty. 
 Bildad  (xviii.)  takes  up  this  suggestion  of  ungod- 
 liness, and  concludes  that  the  special  evils  which 
 had  come  upon  Job,  are  peculiarly  the  penalties  due 
 to  one  who  is  without  God.  Zophar  not  only 
 accounts  for  Job's  present  calamities,  but  menaces 
 him  with  still  greater  evils  (xx.).  In  answer 
 Job  recognises  the  hand  of  God  in  his  afflictions 
 (xvi.  7-16,  and  six.  6-20),  but  rejects  the  charge 
 of  ungodliness  ;  he  has  never  forsaken  his  Maker, 
 and  never  ceased  to  pray.  He  argues  that  since  in 
 this  life  the  righteous  certainly  are  not  saved  from 
 evil,  it  follows  that  their  ways  are  watched  and 
 their  sufferings  recorded,  with  a  view  to  a  future 
 and  perfect  manifestation  of  the  divine  justice.  On 
 the  other  hand,  stung  by  the  harsh  and  narrow- 
 minded  bigotry  of  his  oj)ponents.  Job  draws  out 
 (xxi.)  with  terrible  force  the  undeniable  fact,  that 
 from  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  their  lives  unoodly 
 men,  avowed  atheists  (vers.  14,  15),  persons,  in 
 fact,  guilty  of  the  very  crimes,  imputed,  out  of 
 mere  conjecture,  to  himself,  frequently  enjoy  gi-eat 
 and  unbroken  prosperity.  In  the  thh'd  dialogue 
 (xxii.-xxxi.)  no  real  progress  is  made  by  Jobs  "op- 
 ponents. Eliphaz  (xxii.)  makes  a  last  effort.  The 
 station  in  which  Job  was  formerly  placed  presented 
 temptations  to  certain  crimes ;  the  punishments 
 which  he  undergoes  are  precisely  such  as  might  be 
 
410 
 
 JOB 
 
 expected  had  those  crimes  been  cominitted ;  hence  I 
 he  infers  they  actually  were  committed.     Bildad  ] 
 has  nothin;;  to  add  but  a  lew  solemn  words  on  the 
 incoin])rehensible  majesty  of  (lod  and  the  nothing- 
 ness of  man.     Zophar  is  put  to  silence.     In  his  two 
 last  discoui-ses  Job  does  not  alter  his  position,  nor, 
 properly  speaking,  adduce  any  new  ai-gument,  but 
 he  states  with   incomparable   force  and    eloquence 
 the  chief  points   which   he   regards   as   established 
 (.xxvi.).     He  then  (x.wii. ,  describes  even  more  com- 
 pletely than  his  opponents  had  done  the  destruc- 
 tion which,  as  a  rule,  ultimately   falls  upon  the 
 hypjcrite.     Then  follows    (x.\viii.)  the  grand    de- 
 scription of  Wisdom.     The  remainder  of  this  dis- 
 coui-se  (x.\ix.-x.\xi.)  contains  a  singularly  beautiful 
 d«!scrii)tion  of  his  former  life,  contrasted  with  his 
 actual  misery,   together  with  a  full  vindication  of 
 his  character   from  all   the  charges  made  or  insi- 
 nuated by  his  opponents. — 3.  Thus  ends  the  discus- 
 sion, in  which  it  is  evident  both  parties  had  partially 
 failed.     The   jwints   which    had    been   omitted,    or 
 imperfectly  developed,  are  now  taken  up  by  a  new 
 inteilocutor  (xxxii.-xxxvii.).     Elihu,  a  young  man, 
 descended  fiom  a  collateral  branch  of  the  family  of 
 Abraham,  nas   listened  in  indignant  silence  to  the 
 arguments  of  his  elders  (xxxii.  7),  and,  impelled  by 
 an  inward  inspiration,  he  now  addresses  himself  to 
 both  parties  in  the  discussion,  and  specially  to  Job. 
 He  shews  that  they  had  accused  Job  upon  false  or 
 insurticient  grounds,  and  failed  to  convict  him,  or  to 
 vindiciite  God's  justice.    Job  again  had  assumed  his 
 entire    innocence,    and  had    arraigned  that  justice 
 (xxxiii.  9-11).     These  errors  he  traces  to  their  both 
 overlooking  one  main  olject  of  nil  suH'ering.     God 
 speaks  to  man  by  chastisement.     This  statement 
 does  not  involve  any  charge  of  special  guilt,  such 
 as  the  friends  had  allegeil  and  Job  had  ri'pudiated. 
 .Again,  ICiihu  aigues  (x.\xiv.  10-17)  that  any  charge 
 of  injustxv,  direct  or  ini])licit,  against  God  involves 
 a  contradiction  in  terms.     Goil   is  the  only  source 
 of  justice  ;  the  very  idea  of  justice  is  derived  from 
 His  governance  of  the  universe.     Job  is  silent,  and 
 Klihu  proceeds  (xxxvi.)  to  shew  that  the  Almighti- 
 ness  of  (iod  is  not,  as  Job  seems  to  assert,  associateil 
 with  any  contempt  or  neglect   of  His  creatures. 
 The  re-^t  of  the  discourse  brings  out  forcibly  the 
 lessons  taught  by  the  manifestations  of  goodness,  ;is 
 well  as  greatness  in  creiition.     The  last  words  are 
 evidently  spoken  while  a  violent  storm  is  coming 
 on. — 4.  It  is  olivions  that  m;uiy  weighty  truths 
 liave  been  developed  in  the  cour.se  of  the  discussion 
 — nearlv  every  theory  of  the  objects  and  uses  ot 
 s\ill'cring  has  been  reviewed — while  a  great  adviUice 
 has  been  made  towards  theai)prohension  of  doctrines 
 hereafter  to  be  revealed,  such  as  were  known  only 
 to  God.     But   the   my.>t«ry   is   not  as   yet   ically 
 cleared  up.    Hence  the  necessity  tor  the  Thcophany 
 — from  tlie  midst  of  the  storm  Jehovah  speaks.    In 
 language  of  incomp:irable  grandeur  He  reproves  and 
 silences  the  munnurs  of  .lob.     God  does  not  con- 
 <lc«»nd,  .strictly  sijcaking,  to  argue  with  His  crea- 
 tures.    The  speculative  questions  discussed  in  the 
 colloquy  are  unnoticed,  but  the  declaration  of  (Jod's 
 alinoliitc    jKjwer    is   illustrattxl    by  a  marvellously 
 beautiful  and  comprehensive  survey  of  the  glory  of 
 creation,  and  his  all-embracing  Providence  by  re- 
 ference to  the  phenomena  of  the  animal  kingdom. 
 A  second  addrcsw  completes  the  work.     It  proves 
 that  a  charge  of  injustice  against  God  involves  the 
 coMsi-quencc   that  the  accuser  is   more   competent 
 than  He  to  lulo  the  universe. — 5.  Job's  unreserved 
 
 JOB 
 
 submission    terminates   the    trial.     In   the    rebuke 
 then   .addressed   to  .lob's  op])onents  the  integrity  of 
 his  character  is  distinctly    recognisetl,   while  they 
 are  condemned  for  untruth,  which  is  pardoned  ou 
 the  intercession  of  Job.     The  restoration  of  his  ex 
 tenial   prosperity,  which  is  an  inevitable  result  of 
 God's  ])ersonal  manifestation,  symbolizes  the  ultim- 
 ate compensation  of  the  righteous  for  all  sutVerings 
 undergone  upon  earth.    The  great  object  of  the  book 
 must  surely  be  that  which  is  distinctly  intimated 
 in  the  introduction,  and  confirmed  in  the  conclusion, 
 to  show  the  effects  of  calamity  in  its  worst  and 
 most  awful   form    upon  a  truly  religious  spirit.— 
 n.  Integritij  of  the  book. — Four  paits  of  the  book 
 have    been    most    generally   attacked.      Objections 
 have  been  made  to  the  introductory  and  concluding 
 chapters  (1)  on  account  of  the  style.     Of  course 
 there  is  an  obvious  and  natural  diUerence  between 
 the  prose  of  the  narrative  and  the  highly  poetical 
 language  of  the  colloquy.      Yet  the  best  critics  now 
 acknowledge  that  the  style  of  these  portions  is  quite 
 as  antique  in  its  simple  and  seveie  grandeur,  iis  that 
 of  the  Pentateuch  itself.     It  is  said  again  that  the 
 doctrinal  views  are  not  in  liarniony  with  those  of 
 ,I()b.     This   is   wholly    unfounded.      The    form    of 
 worship  belongs  essentially  to  the  early  patriarchal 
 type.     It  is  moreover  (Uieged  that  there  are  discre- 
 pancies between  the  facts  related  in  the   introduc- 
 tion, and  statements  or  allusions  in  the  dialogue, 
 — 2.  Strong  objections  are  made  to  the  passjige  xxvii. 
 from  ver,  7  to  the  end  of  the  chapter.     Here  Job 
 describes  the  ultimate  fate  of  the  godless  hypocrite 
 in  terms  which   some  critics  hold  to  be  in  direct 
 contradiction  to  the  whole  tenour  of  his  arguments 
 in  other  discourses.     The  £ict  of  the  contradiction 
 is  denied  by  able  writers,  who  have  shown  that  it 
 rests  upon  a   misapprehension    of  the   patriarch's 
 character  and   fundamentil  princijiles.     The  whole 
 chapter  is  thoroughly  coherent:   the  first  part  is 
 admitted  by  all  to  belong  to  Job  ;  nor  can  the  rest 
 be  disjoined  from   it  withmit  injury  to  the  sense. 
 As  for  the  style,  M,  iJcnan,  a  most  competent  au- 
 thority in  a  matter  of  taste,  declares  that  it  is  one 
 of  the   finest  developments  in  the  poem, — I?.  The 
 last  two  chapters  of  the  address  of  the  Almighty 
 have  been  rejected  as  inteipolalions  by  many  writei-s, 
 partly  because  of  an  alleged   infeiiority   of  style, 
 partly  as  not  having  any  bearing  upon  the  argu- 
 ment.— 4.  The   speech  of   Elihu  presents   greater 
 dilliculties,  and  has  been  rejected  by  several,  whose 
 opinion,  however,  is  controverted  not  only  by  ortho- 
 dox writei-s,  but  by  some  of  the  most  sceptical  com- 
 mentatois.    The  foimer  s ui>iK)rt  their  decision  chiefly 
 on  the  manifest,  and   to  a  certain  extent  the  real, 
 diflerence  between  this  and  other  parts  of  the  book 
 in  tone  of  thought,   in  doctrinal  views,  .-uid  more 
 positively  in    language   and  general   stylo.     Much 
 stress  also  is  laiil  ujion  the  facts  that  Klihu   is  not 
 mentioned  in  the  introduction  nor  at  the  end,  and 
 that  his  .speech  is  unanswereil   by  Job,  and  unno- 
 tit-ed  in  the  final  address  of  the  Almighty.  A  candid 
 and    searching    examination,    however,    leads   to   a 
 different   conclusion.     It  is  proved    that  there    is 
 a  close   internal   connexion  between   this  and  other 
 parts  of  the  book  ;  there  are  references  to  numerous 
 pas.sages  in  the  discoui-ses  of  Job  and  his  friends ;  so 
 covert  as  only  to  be  discoverc<l  by  close  inquiry, 
 vet,  when  jwinfed  out,  so  striking  and  natural  as  to 
 leave  no  room   for  doubt.     Elihu  supplies  exactly 
 what  Job  repcateiUy  demands — a  confutation  of  his 
 opinions  by  rational  and  human  arguments,     Thej'e 
 
JOB 
 
 is  no  difficulty  in  accounting  for  the  omission  of 
 Elihu's  name  in  the  introduction.  No  persons  are 
 named  in  the  book  until  they  appear  as  agents,  or 
 as  otherwise  concerned  in  the  events.  Again,  the 
 discourse  being  substantially  true  did  not  need  cor- 
 rection, and  is  therefore  left  unnoticed  in  the  final 
 decision  of  the  Almighty.  More  weight  is  to  be 
 attached  to  the  objection  resting  upon  diversity  of 
 style,  and  dialectic  peculiarities.  It  may  be  ac- 
 counted for  on  the  supposition  that  the  Chaldaic 
 forms  and  idioms,  are  such  as  peculiarly  suit  the 
 style  of  the  young  and  fiery  speaker.— 111.  Histo- 
 rical character  of  the  vorh. — 'I'hree  distinct  theories 
 liave  been  maintained  at  various  times ;  some  be- 
 lieving the  book  to  be  strictly  historical;  others  a 
 religious  fiction ;  others  a  composition  based  upon 
 fiicts.  By  some  the  authorship  of  the  work  was 
 attributed  to  Moses.  The  fact  of  Job's  existence, 
 and  the  substantial  truth  of  the  nanative,  were  not 
 likely  to  be  denied  by  Hebrews  or  Christians,  consi- 
 dering the  terms  in  which  the  patriarch  is  named 
 in  the  14th  of  Ezekiel  and  in  the  Epistle  of  St. 
 James  (v.  11).  It  is,  to  say  the  least,  highly  im- 
 probable that  a  Hebrew,  had  he  invented  such  a 
 character  as  that  of  Job,  should  have  represented 
 him  as  belonging  to  a  race  which,  though  descended 
 from  a  common  ancestor,  was  never  on  friendly, 
 and  generally  on  hostile,  terms  with  his  own  people. 
 To  this  it  must  be  added  that  there  is  a  singular 
 air  of  I'eality  in  the  whole  narrative,  such  as  must 
 either  proceed  naturally  from  a  faithful  adherence 
 to  objective  truth,  or  be  the  result  of  the  most  con- 
 summate art.  Forcible  as  these  arguments  may 
 appear,  many  critics  have  adopted  the  opinion  either 
 tliat  the  whole  work  is  a  moral  or  i-eligious  ajio- 
 logue,  or  that,  ujxjn  a  substratum  of  a  few  rudi- 
 mental  facts  preserved  by  traditien,  the  genius  of 
 an  original  thinker  has  raised  this,  the  most  remark- 
 able monument  of  the  Shemitic  mind.  Samuel 
 Bar  Nachman  declares  his  conviction  "  Job  did  not 
 e.vist,  and  was  not  a  created  man,  but  the  work  is 
 a  parable."  Luther  first  suggested  the  theory, 
 which,  in  some  form  or  other,  is  now  most  gene- 
 rally received.  He  says,  "  I  look  upon  the  book  of 
 Job  as  a  true  history,  yet  I  do  not  believe  that  all 
 took  place  just  as  it  is  written,  but  that  an  inge- 
 nious, pious,  and  learned  man  brought  it  into  its 
 present  form."^lV.  The  probable  age,  country, 
 and  position  of  the  author. — The  language  alone 
 does  not,  as  some  have  asserted,  supply  any  decisive 
 test  as  to  the  date  of  the  composition.  The  fact 
 that  the  language  of  this  work  approaches  far  more 
 nearly  to  the  Arabic  than  any  other  Hebrew  pro- 
 duction was  remarked  by  Jerome,  and  is  recognised 
 by  the  soundest  critics.  On  the  other  hand,  there 
 are  undoubtedly  many  Aiamaic  words,  and  gram- 
 matical forms,  which  some  critics  have  regarded  as 
 strong  proof  that  the  writei's  must  have  lived 
 during,  or  even  after  the  captivity.  At  present 
 this  hypothesis  is  universally  given  up  as  untenable. 
 It  is  proved  that  the  Aramaisms  of  the  book  of  Job 
 aie  such  as  characterise  the  antique  and  highly 
 jjoetic  style.  It  may  be  regarded  as  a  settled  point 
 that  the  book  was  written  long  before  the  exile  ; 
 while  there  is  absolutely  nothing  to  prove  a  later 
 date  than  the  Pentateuch,  or  even  those  parts  of 
 the  Pentateuch  which  appear  to  belong  to  the  pa- 
 triarchal age.  This  impression  is  borne  out  by  the 
 style.  All  critics  have  recognised  its  grand  archaic 
 cha)acter.  The  extent  to  which  the  influence  of 
 this  book  is  perceptible  in  the  later  literature  of  the 
 
 JOB 
 
 411 
 
 Hebrews,  is  a  subject  of  great  interest  and  import- 
 ance ;  but  it  has  not  yet  been  thoroughly  inves- 
 tigated. Considerable  weight  must  be  attached  to 
 the  fact  that  Job  is  far  more  remarkable  for 
 obscurity  than  any  Hebrew  writing.  Theie  is  an 
 obscurity  which  results  from  confusion  of  thought, 
 from  carelessness  and  inaccuracy,  or  from  studied 
 involutions  and  artificial  combination  of  metaphors 
 indicating  a  late  age.  But  when  it  is  owing  to 
 obsolete  words,  intense  concentration  of  thought 
 and  language,  and  incidental  allusions  to  long  for- 
 gotten traditions,  it  is  an  all  but  infallible  proof 
 of  primeval  antiquity.  Such  are  precisely  the 
 difficulties  in  this  book.  We  arrive  at  the  same 
 conclusion  from  considering  the  institutions,  man- 
 ners, and  historical  facts  described  or  alluded  to. 
 Ewald,  whose  judgment  in  this  case  will  not  be 
 questioned,  asserts  very  positively  that  in  all  the 
 descriptions  of  manners  and  customs,  domestic, 
 social,  and  political,  and  even  in  the  indiiect  allu- 
 sions and  illustrations,  the  genuine  coloui'ing  of  the 
 age  of  Job,  that  is  of  the  period  between  Abraham 
 and  Moses,  is  very  faithfully  observed ;  that  all  his- 
 torical examples  and  allusions  are  taken  exclusively 
 from  patriarchal  times,  and  that  there  is  a  com- 
 plete and  successful  avoidance  of  direct  reference  to 
 later  occurrences,  which  in  his  opinion  may  have 
 been  known  to  the  writer.  All  critics  concur  in 
 extolling  the  fresh,  antique  simplicity  of  manners 
 described  in  this  book,  the  genuine  air  of  the  wild, 
 free,  vigorous  lite  of  the  desert,  the  stamp  of  hoar 
 antiquity,  and  the  thorough  consistency  in  the  de- 
 velopment of  characters,  equally  remarkable  for 
 originality  and  force.  IMoreover,  there  is  sufficient 
 reason  to  believe  that  under  favourable  circum- 
 stances a  descendant  of  Abraham,  wlio  was  himself 
 a  warrior,  and  accustomed  to  meet  princes  on  terms 
 of  equality,  would  at  a  very  early  age  acquire  the 
 habits,  position,  and  knowledge,  which  we  admire 
 ui  Job.  No  positive  historical  fact  or  allusion  can 
 be  produced  fiom  the  book  to  prove  that  it  could 
 not  have  been  written  before  the  time  of  Moses. 
 The  single  objection  which  presents  any  difficulty  is 
 the  mention  of  the  Chaldaeans  in  the  introductory 
 chapter.  It  is  certain  that  they  appear  first  in 
 Hebrew  history  about  the  year  B.C.  770.  But  the 
 name  of  Chesed,  the  ancestor  of  the  race,  is  found 
 in  the  genealogical  table  in  Genesis  (x.xii.  22),  a 
 fact  quite  sufficient  to  prove  the  eai  ly  existence  of 
 the  people  as  a  separate  tribe.  The  arguments 
 which  have  induced  the  generality  of  modern  critics 
 to  assign  a  later  date  to  this  book  may  be  reduced 
 to  two  heads -.-^1.  We  are  told  that  the  doctrinal 
 system  is  considerably  in  advance  of  the  Mosaic  ;  in 
 fact  that  it  is  the  result  of  a  recoil  from  the  stern, 
 narrow  dogmatism  ot  the  Pentateuch.  Again  it 
 is  said  that  the  repiesentation  of  angels,  and  still 
 more  specially  of  Satan,  belongs  to  a  latei'  epoch. 
 It  is  also  to  be  remarked  that  no  charge  of  idolatry 
 is  brought  against  Job  by  his  opponents  when  enum- 
 erating all  the  crimes  which  they  can  imagine 
 to  account  for  his  calamities.  The  only  allusion  to 
 the  subject  (xxxi.  26)  refers  to  the  eailiest  form  of 
 false  religion  known  in  the  East.  To  an  Israelite, 
 living  after  the  introduction  of  heathen  rites,  such 
 a  charge  was  the  very  first  which  would  have  sug- 
 gested itself,  nor  can  any  one  satisfactory  reason  be 
 assigned  for  the  omission. — 2.  Nearly  all  modern 
 critics,  even  those  who  admit  the  inspiration  of  the 
 author,  agree  in  the  opinion  that  the  composition 
 of  the  whole  work,  the  highly  systematic  develop- 
 
412 
 
 JOBAB 
 
 inti-nt  of  the  plot,  auJ  the  philosophic  tone  of 
 thought  indicate  a  coiisiJei able  progress  in  mental 
 cultivation  far  beyond  what  can,  with  any  show 
 of  probability,  be  supposed  to  have  existed  before 
 the  age  of  Solomon.  Jt  should,  however,  be  re- 
 niarkfd  that  the  persons  introduced  in  this  book 
 belong  to  a  c>untry  celebrateil  for  wisdom  in  the 
 earliest  times  ;  insomuch  that  the  writer  who  speaks 
 of  tliose  schools  considers  that  the  peculiarities  ot 
 tiie  .Silonionian  writings  weie  derived  from  inter- 
 course with  it.s  inhabitants.  The  book  of  Job  dilfei's 
 from  tliose  writings  chieHy  in  its  greater  earnest- 
 ness, vehemence  of  feeling,  vivacity  of  imagination, 
 and  fiee  indej)endent  inquiry  into  the  principles  of 
 divine  government ;  characteristics  as  it  would  seem 
 of  a  J),  imitive  race,  acquainted  only  with  the  patri- 
 archal form  of  religion,  rather  than  of  a  scholastic 
 age.  There  is  indeed  nothing  in  the  comjxisitiou 
 incompatible  with  the  Mosaic  age,  admitting  the 
 authenticity  and  integrity  of  the  I'entateuch.  These 
 considerations  lead  of  course  to  the  conclusion  that 
 the  book  must  have  been  written  before  the  pro- 
 mulgation of  the  Law,  by  one  speaking  the  Hebrew 
 language,  and  thoroughly  conversant  with  the  tra- 
 ditions preserved  in  the  family  of  Abraham.  One 
 hyix)thesis  which  has  been  lately  brought  forward, 
 and  supported  by  very  ingenious  arguments,  de- 
 serves a  more  special  notice.  That  supposition  is, 
 tliat  Job  may  have  been  written  after  the  settle- 
 ment of  the  Israelites  by  a  dweller  in  the  south  of 
 Judaea,  in  a  district  immediately  bordering  upon 
 the  Idumean  desert.  The  inhabitants  of  that  dis- 
 trict were  to  a  consideiable  extent  isolated  from 
 tiie  rest  of  the  iiafion.  A  resilient  there  would 
 have  ])eculiar  opportunities  of  collecting  the  varied 
 and  extensive  information  which  was  possessed 
 by  the  author  of  Job.  The  local  colouring,  so 
 strikingly  characteristic  of  this  book,  and  so  evid- 
 ently naluial,  is  just  what  might  be  expected  from 
 such  a  writer.  The  people  appear  also  to  ha\e 
 been  noted  for  freshness  and  originality  of  mind  ; 
 qualities  seen  in  the  woman  of  'fekoah,  or  still 
 more  remarkably  in  Amos,  the  poor  and  unlearned 
 herdman,  also  of  Tekoah.  Some  weight  may  also 
 be  attached  to  the  observation  that  the  dialectic 
 peculiarities  of  Southern  Palestine,  espe(-ially  the 
 softening  of  the  aspirates  and  exchanges  of  the 
 sibilants,  resemble  the  lew  divergences  from  pure 
 Hebrew  which  are  notetl  in  the  book  of  Job.  The 
 controversy  about  the  authorship  cimnot  ever  be 
 Ijnally  settled.  From  the  introduction  it  may  cer- 
 tainly be  interred  that  the  writer  lived  many  years 
 alter  the  death  of  Job.  From  the  strongest  internal 
 evidence  it  is  also  clwir  that  he  must  either  have 
 composed  the  work  before  the  I>aw  was  promul- 
 gated, or  under  most  peculiar  circumstances  which 
 exemptetl  him  from  itis  inlluence. 
 
 Jo'bab.  L  'J'he  last  in  order  of  the  sons  of 
 Joktaii  ((jeii.  X.  2'J;  1  Chr.  i.  23).  His  name  has 
 not  been  discovered  among  the  Arab  names  of 
 ])laces  in  Sciuthi-rii  .Arabia,  where  he  ought  to  be 
 liuind  with  the  other  sons  of  Joktan.— 2.  One  of 
 tlie  "  kings"  of  lidom  ((Jen.  xxxvi.  'M,  .'i4;  1  Chr. 
 i.  44,  45j,  enumerated  alter  the  geneidogy  of  Fs^m, 
 and  Seir,  and  belbie  the  ])hylaixhs  descended  from 
 Fsjiii.^3.  King  of  Maimin;  one  of  the  northern 
 chiefUiiiis  who  attemjiled  to  oppose  Joshua's  con- 
 quest, and  were  routed  by  him  at  Meron  (Josh, 
 xi.  I,  only  j.— 4.  Heiid  of  a  lienjamite  house  (1  Chr. 
 viii.  Id. 
 
 Jocheb'ed,  the  wife  vt\<i  at  the  same  time  the 
 
 JOEL 
 
 aunt  of  Amram,  and  the  mother  of  Moses  and 
 Aaron  (Kx.  ii.  1,  vi.  20  ;  Num.  x.vvi.  59). 
 
 Jo'da.  Judah  tlie  Levite,  in  a  p;issage  which  is 
 diliicult  to  uniavel  (1  Fsd.  v.  b>i;  see  Fzr.  iii.  9). 
 
 Jo'ed,  a  lienjamite,  the  son  of  Pedaiali  (Neh. 
 xi.  7). 
 
 Jo'el.  1.  Eldest  son  of  Samuel  the  pro])het 
 (1  Sam.  viii.  2  ;  1  Chr.  vi.  33,  xv.  17),  and  father 
 of  Heman  the  singer.— 2.  In  1  Chr.  vi.  36,  A.  V., 
 Joel  seems  to  be  merely  a  corruption  of  Shaul  in 
 ver.  24.-3.  One  of  the  twelve  minor  prophets ; 
 the  son  of  I'ethuel,  or,  according  to  the  LXX., 
 Bethuel.  Beyond  this  fact  all  is  conjecture  as  to 
 the  personal  liistory  of  Joel.  P»eudo-l';]iiphanins 
 (ii.  245)  records  a  tradition  that  he  was  of  the 
 tribe  of  lieuben,  boni  and  buried  at  liethhoron,  be- 
 tween Jerusalem  and  Caesaiea.  It  is  most  likely 
 that  he  lived  in  Judaea.  Jlany  ditleient  opinions 
 have  been  expressed  about  the  date  of  Joel's  pio- 
 phecy.  Creilner  has  placed  it  in  the  leigu  of  Joash, 
 liertholdt  of  Hezekiah,  Kimchi,  Jahii,  &c.,  of  Ma- 
 iiiisseh,  and  Calinet  of  Josiah.  'fhe  majority  ot 
 critics  and  commentators  Hx  upon  the  reign  of 
 U zzinh.^ 'The  nature,  style,  and  contents  of  the 
 prophecy. — We  find,  what  we  should  e.\j)ect  on  the 
 supposition  of  Joel  being  the  first  jnophet  to  Judah, 
 only  a  grand  outline  of  the  whole  terrible  scene, 
 which  was  to  be  depicted  moie  and  more  in  detail 
 by  subsequent  prophets.  The  scope,  theret'oie,  is 
 not  any  particular  invasion,  but  the  wholi;  day  of 
 the  Lord.  The  proximate  event  to  which  the  pro- 
 phecy related  w;is  a  public  calamity,  then  impending 
 on  Judaea,  of  a  twofold  character:  want  of  water, 
 and  a  j)lague  of  locusts,  continuing  for  several 
 yeai-s.  'fhe  prophet  exhorts  the  i)eople  to  turn  to 
 God  with  penitence,  fasting,  and  prayer ;  and  then 
 (he  says^  the  plague  shall  cease,  and  the  rain  descend 
 in  its  season,  and  the  land  yield  her  accustomed 
 fruit.  Nay,  the  time  will  be  a  most  joyful  one; 
 for  (joJ,  by  the  outpouring  of  His  Spirit,  will  im- 
 part to  His  worshippers  increased  knowledge  of 
 Himself,  and  alter  the  excision  of  the  enemies  of 
 His  people,  will  extend  through  them  the  blessings 
 of  true  religion  to  heathen  lands.  This  is  the 
 simjjle  argument  of  the  book  ;  only  that  it  is  beau- 
 tified and  enriched  with  vaiicty  of  ornament  and 
 pictorial  description.  Tlie  style  of  the  original  is 
 perspicuous  (except  towards  the  endj  and  elegant, 
 surpiissing  that  of  jdl  other  prophets,  except  L-<\iah 
 and  Habakkuk,  in  sublimity,  'fhe  locusts  of  ch.  ii. 
 were  legardetl  by  many  interpreters  of  the  last  cent- 
 ury (Lowth,  Shaw,  &c.)  as  ligui-ative,  and  intro- 
 duced by  way  of  comparis^)n  to  a  hostile  army  of 
 men  from  the  north  country,  'fills  view  is  now 
 generally  abandoned.  Maurice  strongly  maintains 
 the  literal  interpretation.  And  yet  the  plague  con- 
 tained a  parable  in  it,  which  it  was  the  piophet's 
 mission  to  untold.  The  "afterwards"  ch.  li.  27 
 ot  the  .\.  v.,  raises  us  to  a  higher  level  of  vision, 
 and  brings  into  view  Messianic  times  and  .scenes. 
 Here,  says  Steudel,  we  have  a  Messiiuiic  prophe<:y 
 altogether.  If  this  prediction  has  ever  yet  been  ful- 
 lilled,  we  must  certiiinly  reler  the  event  to  Acts  ii. 
 Lastly,  the  accompanying  iH)rtents  and  judgments 
 iijwn  the  enemies  of  Ciod  lind  their  various  solu- 
 tions, acconling  to  the  interpreters,  in  the  rej>eati'd 
 ileiMirtations  of  the  Jews  by  neighbouring  luerchanui. 
 and  sale  to  the  Macedonians  (1  Mace,  iii,  41,  and 
 Fzek.  xxvii.  13),  followed  by  the  sweeping  away  *it 
 the  neighbouring  nations  (Maurice);  in  the  events 
 accomjianying  the  crucifixion,  in  the  fall  of  Jcrusii- 
 
JOELAH 
 
 !em,  in  the  breaking  up  of  all  human  polities.  But 
 here  again  the  idea  includes  all  manifestations  of 
 judgment,  ending  with  the  last. ■^4.  A  Simeonite 
 chief  (1  Chr.  iv.  35). — 5.  A  descendant  of  Reuben. 
 Junius  and  Tremellius  mal<e  him  the  son  of  Hanoch, 
 while  others  trace  his  descent  through  Carmi  (I 
 Chr.  V.  4).— 6.  Chief  of  the  Gadites,  who  dwelt  in 
 the  land  of  Bashan  (1  Chr.  v.  12).— 7.  The  son 
 of  Izrahiah,  of  the  tribe  of  Issachar(l  Chr.  vii.  3). 
 —8.  The  brother  of  Nathan  of  Zobah  (1  Chr.  si. 
 38),  and  one  of  David's  guard. — 9.  The  chief  of 
 the  Gershomites  in  the  reign  of  David  (1  Chr.  .\v. 
 7,  11). — 10.  A  Gershonite  Levite  in  the  reign  of 
 David,  son  of  Jehiel,  a  descendant  of  Laadan,  and 
 probably  the  same  as  the  preceding  (1  Chr,  xxiii.  8, 
 xxvi.  22).— 11.  The  son  of  Pedaiah,  and  a  chief  of 
 the  half- tribe  of  Manasseh,  west  of  Jordan,  in  the 
 reign  of  David  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  20).— 12.  A  Kohath- 
 ite  Levite  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah  (2  Chr.  xxix. 
 12).— 13.  One  of  the  sons  of  Nebo,  who  returned 
 with  Ezra,  and  had  married  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr. 
 X.  43).— 14.  The  son  of  Zichri,  a  Benjamite  (Neh. 
 xi.  9). 
 
 Jo'elah,  son  of  Jeroham  of  Gedor  (1  Chr.  xii. 
 
 7). 
 
 Joe'zer,  a  Korhite,  one  of  David's  captains  (1 
 Chr.  xii.  6). 
 
 Jog'behah,  one  of  the  cities  on  the  east  of  Jordan 
 which  were  built  and  tbrtified  by  the  tribe  of  Gad 
 when  they  took  possession  of  their  territory  (Num. 
 xxxii.  35). 
 
 Jog'li,  the  father  of  Bukki,  a  Danite  chief  (Num. 
 xxxiv.  22). 
 
 Jo'Iia.  1.  One  of  the  sons  of  Beriah,  the  Ben- 
 jjimite  (I  Chr.  viii.  16).— 2.  The  Tizite,  one  of 
 David's  guard  (1  Chr.  xi.  45). 
 
 Jo'haaan,  a  shortened  form  ot  Jeliotiaiiaii=: 
 "  Jeiiovjih's  gift."  It  is  the  same  as  "John." — 
 1.  Son  of  Azariah,  and  grandson  of  Ahimaazthe  son 
 of  Zadok,  and  father  of  Azariah,  3  (1  Chr.  vi.  9, 10, 
 A.  v.).  Johanan's  pontificate  probnbly  fell  in  the 
 reign  of  Rehoboam.— 2.  Son  ofElioenai,  in  the  line 
 of  Zerubbabel's  heirs  (1  Chr.  iii.  24).— 3.  The  son  of 
 Kareah,  and  one  of  the  captains  of  the  scattered 
 remnants  of  the  army  of  Judah,  who  escaped  in  the 
 final  attack  upon  Jerusalem  by  the  Chaldeans.  He 
 warned  Gedaliah  against  the  plot  of  Ishmael,  but  in 
 vain.  After  the  murder  of  Gedaliah,  Johanan  was 
 one  of  the  foremost  in  the  pursuit  of  his  assassin, 
 and  rescued  the  captives  he  had  auried  off  from 
 Mizpah  (Jer,  xii.  11-16).  Fearing  the  vengeance 
 of  the  Chaldeans,  the  captains,  with  Johanan  at 
 their  head,  notwithstanding  the  warnings  of  Jere- 
 miah, retired  into  Egypt.— 4.  The  firstborn  son  of 
 Josiah  king  of  Judah  ( 1  Chr.  iii.  15).— 5.  A  valiant 
 Benjamite  who  joiiifil  I);ivid  .-.t  Ziklag  (1  Chr.  xii. 
 4).— 6.  A  Gadite  wairior,  who  followed  David 
 (1  Chr.  .^ii.  12).— 7.  The  flither  of  Azariah,  an 
 Ephraimite  in  the  time  of  Ahaz  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  12). 
 —8.  The  son  of  Hakkatan,  and  chief  of  the  Bene- 
 Azgad  who  returned  with  Ezra  (Ezr.  viii.  12).^ 
 9.  The  son  of  Eliashib,  one  of  the  chief  Levites 
 (Neh.  xii.  23  ;  Ezr.  x.  6>— 10.  The  son  of  Tobiah 
 the  Ammonite  (Neh.  vi.  18). 
 
 Johan'nes  =  Jehohanan  son  of  Bebai  (1  Esd,  ix. 
 29  :  comp.  Ezr.  x.  28). 
 
 John.  1.  The  father  of  Jlattathias,  and  grand- 
 father of  the  Maccabaean  family  (1  Mace.  ii.  1).— 
 2.  The  eldest  son  of  Mattathias  surnamed  Caddis, 
 who  was  slain  bv  "the  children  of  Jambri "  (1 
 Mace.  ii.  2,  ix.   36-38).— 3.  The  father  of  Eupo- 
 
 JOHN  THE  APOSTLE 
 
 413 
 
 lemus,  one  of  the  envoys  whom  Judas  JIaccabaous 
 sent  to  Rome  (1  Mace.  viii.  17;  2  Mace.  iv.  11). 
 — 4.  The  son  of  Simon,  the  brother  of  Juda»  Mac- 
 c;ibaeus  (1  Mace.  xiii.  53,  xvi.  1).— 5.  An  envoy 
 from  the  Jews  to  Lysias  (2  Mace.  xi.  17). 
 
 John.  1.  One  of  the  high-priest's  family,  who, 
 with  Annas  and  Caiaphas,  sat  in  judgment  upon  the 
 Apostles  Peter  and  John  (Acts  iv.  6).  Lightfoot 
 identifies  him  with  R.  Johanan  ben  Zaccai.— 2. 
 The  Hebrew  name  of  the  Evangelist  Mark  (Acts 
 xii.  12,  25,  xiii.  5,  13,  xv.  37). 
 
 John  the  Apostle,  It  will  be  convenient  to 
 divide  the  life  which  is  the  subject  of  the  present 
 article  into  periods  corresponding  both  io  the  great 
 critical  epochs  which  separate  one  part  of  it  trcm 
 another,  and  to  marked  differences  in  the  trust- 
 worthiness of  the  sources  from  which  our  materials 
 are  derived.  In  no  instance,  peihaps,  is  such  a 
 division  more  necessary  than  in  this.  One  portion 
 of  the  Apostle's  life  and  work  stands  out  before  us 
 as  in  the  clearness  of  broad  daylight.  Over  those 
 which  precede  and  follow  it  there  brood  tlie  shadows 
 of  darkness  and  uncertainty.— I.  Before  the  call  to 
 the  disciplcship. — We  have  no  data  for  settling 
 with  any  exactitude  the  time  of  the  Apostle's  birth. 
 The  general  impression  left  on  us  by  the  Gospel- 
 narrative  is  that  he  was  younger  than  the  brother 
 whose  name  commonfy  precedes  his  (Matt,  iv.  2], 
 X.  3,  xvii.  1,  &c. ;  but  comp.  Luke  ix,  28,  where 
 the  order  is  inverted),  younger  than  his  friend 
 Peter,  possibly  also  than  his  Master.  The  Gospels 
 give  us  the  name  of  his  father  Zebedaeus  (Matt.  iv. 
 21)  and  his  mother  Salome  (Matt,  xxvii.  50,  com- 
 pared with  Mark  xv.  40,  xvi.  I).  They  lived,  it 
 may  be  inferred  fi-om  John  i.  44,  in  or  near  the 
 same  town  as  those  who  were  afterwards  the  com- 
 panions and  partners  of  their  cliildren.  Theie  on 
 the  shores  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee  the  Apostle  and  his 
 brother  grew  up.  The  mention  of  the  "hired 
 servants "  (Mark  i.  20),  of  his  mother's  "  sub- 
 stance" (Luke  viii.  3),  of  "his  own  house"  (John 
 six.  27),  implies  a  position  removed  by  at  least 
 some  steps  from  absolute  poverty.  Of  the  character 
 of  Zebedaeus  we  have  hardly  the  slightest  trace. 
 We  are  led  to  infer  that  he  had  died  before  his  wife 
 followed  her  children  in  their  work  of  ministration. 
 Her  character  meets  us  as  presenting  the  same 
 marked  featuies  as  those  which  were  conspicuous  in 
 her  son.— II.  From  the  call  to  the  discipleship  to 
 the  departure  from  Jerusalem. — The  ordinary  life 
 of  the  fisherman  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee  was  at  last 
 broken  in  upon  by  the  news  that  a  Prophet  had 
 once  more  appeared.  The  voice  of  John  the  Baptist 
 was  heard  in  the  wilderness  of  Judaea,  and  the 
 publicans,  peasants,  soldiers,  and  fishermen  of 
 Galilee  gathered  round  him.  Among  these  were 
 the  two  sons  of  Zebedaeus  and  their  fiiends.  With 
 them  perhaps  was  One  whom  as  yet  they  knew  not. 
 Assuming  that  the  unnamed  disciple  of  John  i.  37- 
 40  was  the  evangelist  himself,  we  are  led  to  think 
 of  that  meeting,  of  the  lengthened  interview  that 
 followed  it  as  the  starting-point  of  the  entire  devo- 
 tion of  heart  and  soul  which  lasted  through  his 
 whole  life.  Then  Jesus  loved  him  as  he  loved  all 
 earnest  seekers  after  righteousness  and  truth  (comp, 
 Mark  x.  21).  The  words  of  that  evening,  though 
 unrecorded,  were  mighty  in  their  effect.  The  dis- 
 ciples (John  apparently  among  them)  followed  their 
 new  teacher  to  Galilee  (John  i.  44),  were  with 
 him,  as  such,  at  the  man-iage-feast  of  Cana  (ii.  2), 
 journeyed  with   him  to  Capernaum,  and  thence  to 
 
414 
 
 JOHN  THE  APOSTLE 
 
 Jerusalem  (ii.  I'i,  '22),  caine  liack  thnuigli  Saranria 
 (iv.  8),  aiifl  tlien,  for  some  uncertain  interval  of 
 time,  returned  to  their  former  occupations.  I'rom 
 this  time  they  take  their  place  among  the  company 
 of  disciples.  They  come  within  the  innermost 
 circle  of  their  Lord's  friends.  The  three,  Peter, 
 .lames,  and  John,  are  with  him  when  none  else  are, 
 in  the  chamber  of  death  (Mark  v.  37),  in  the  glory 
 of  the  transtieuraticn  (Matt,  xvii.  1),  when  he 
 foi-ewarns  them  of  the  destruction  of  the  Holy  City 
 (Mark  xiii.  3,  Andrew,  in  this  instajice  with  them), 
 in  the  a2;ony  of  Gethsemane.  Peter  is  through- 
 out the  leader  of  that  band  ;  to  John  belongs  the 
 vet  more  memorable  distinction  of  being  the  dis- 
 ciple whom  Jesus  loved.  They  liarJly  sustain  the 
 popular  notion,  fostered  by  the  received  types  ot 
 Christian  art,  of  a  nature  gentle,  yielding,  feminine. 
 The  name  Boanerges  'Mark  iii.  17)  implies  a  vehem- 
 ence, zeal,  intensity,  which  gave  to  those  who  had 
 it  the  might  of  Sons  of  Thunder.  Through  his 
 mother,  we  may  well  believe,  John  first  came 
 to  know  that  Mary  Magdalene  whose  character  he 
 depict-s  with  such  a  life-like  touch,  and  that  other 
 Mary  to  whom  he  was  aftorwaids  to  stand  in  so 
 close  and  special  a  relation.  The  fulness  of  his 
 narrative  of  what  the  other  evangelists  omit  (John 
 xi.)  leads  to  the  conclusion  that  he  was  united  also 
 by  some  special  ties  of  intimacy  to  the  fiimily  of 
 P>ethaiiy.  It  is  not  necessary  to  dwell  at  length  on 
 the  familiar  history  of  the  Last  Supper.  As  they 
 go  out  to  the  Mount  of  Olives  the  chosen  three  are 
 n&'uest  to  their  ALister.  They  only  arc  within 
 sight  or  hearing  of  the  conflict  in  Gethsemane  (Matt. 
 xxvi.  37).  When  the  betrayal  is  accomplished, 
 Peter  and  John,  after  the  first  moment  of  confusion, 
 follow  afar  oft',  while  the  others  simply  seek  safety 
 in  a  hasty  flight  (John  xviii.  \b).  'I'he  personal 
 acquaintance  which  existed  between  John  and 
 Caiaphas  enabled  him  to  gain  access  both  for  him- 
 self and  Peter,  but  the  latter  remains  in  the  porch, 
 with  the  officers  and  servants,  while  John  himself 
 apparently  is  admitted  to  the  council-chamber,  and 
 follows  Je-sus  thence,  even  to  the  praetorium  of  the 
 Koman  Piocurator  (John  xviii.  IG,  19,  28).  'I'hence, 
 as  if  the  desire  to  see  the  end,  and  the  love  which 
 was  stronger  than  death,  sustained  him  thiough  all 
 the  terrors  and  sorrows  of  that  day,  he  followed, 
 .accompanied  probably  by  his  own  mother,  Mary 
 the  mother  of  Jesus,  and  Mary  Magdalene,  to  the 
 place  of  crucifixion.  The  teacher  who  h.ad  been  to 
 him  as  a  biother  leaves  to  iiim  a  brother's  duty. 
 He  is  to  1)6  as  a  son  to  the  mother  who  is  left 
 <lesolate  (John  xix.*26-27).  'I'he  Sabbath  that  fol- 
 lowed was  s[jent,  it  would  api)oar,  in  the  same  com- 
 pany. He  receives  Peter,  in  spite  of  his  denial,  on 
 the  old  terms  of  friendship.  It  is  to  them  that 
 Mary  Magdalene  first  runs  with  the  tiding-;  of  the 
 emptied  sepulchre  (John  xx.  2) ;  they  are  the  first 
 to  go  together  to  see  whit  the  strange  words  meant. 
 Not  without  some  bearing  on  their  respective 
 ch.aracters  is  the  fact  that  John  is  the  more  im- 
 |ietu<)Ms,  running  on  most  eagerly  to  the  rock-tomb  ; 
 Peter,  the  Ic.-ist  restrained  Ly  awe,  the  flrst  to  enter 
 in  and  look  (John  xx.  4-()).  For  at  least  eight 
 days  thev  continueil  in  Jerusalem  (.(ohn  xx.  2(3). 
 Then,  in  the  inten-al  between  the  resurrection  and 
 the  :iiH'ensi()ii,  we  find  them  still  together  on  the 
 hoa  of  (lalilec  (John  xxi.  1  ,  as  though  they  would 
 calm  Uio  eager  suspense  of  that  jierioil  of  exiXM'ta- 
 tion  by  a  retuni  to  their  old  <-alling  iiid  their  old 
 familiar  naunUs.     Here  too  fhci-e  is  a  chnritcteristic 
 
 JOHN  THE  APOSTLE 
 
 dilTerence.  .lolui  is  the  fust  to  recognise  in  the  dim 
 fiirm  seen  in  the  morning  twilight  the  pre.sence  of 
 his  risen  Lonl ;  Peter  the  first  to  plunge  into  the 
 water  and  swim  towards  the  shore  wheie  He  stood 
 calling  to  them  (.lohn  xxi.  7).  The  last  words  of 
 the  (iospel  reveal  to  us  the  deep  affection  which 
 united  the  two  friends.  It  is  not  enough  for  Peter 
 to  know  his  own  future.  That  at  once  suggests  the 
 question,  "  And  wiiat  shall  this  man  do  ?  "  (John 
 xxi.  21).  The  history  of  the  Acts  shows  the  same 
 union.  '  They  are  of  course  toget-liei'  nt  the  ascension 
 and  on  the  d.ay  of  Pentecost.  Together  they  entei- 
 the  'femple  as  woi-shippers  (Acts  iii.  1 )  and  protest 
 against  the  threats  of  the  .S:\nhedrim  (iv.  13). 
 They  are  fellow-workers  in  the  fii-st  great  step  of 
 the  Church's  expansion.  The  a]iostle  whose  wrath 
 had  been  roused  by  the  unbelief  of  tlie  Samaritans 
 overcomes  his  national  exclusiveness,  and  receives 
 them  as  his  brethren  (viii.  14).  The  pei"secution 
 which  was  pushed  on  by  Saul  of  Taisus  did  not 
 drive  him  or  any  of  the  apostles  from  their  ])ost 
 (viii.  1).  When  the  pei-secutor  came  back  as  the 
 convei't,  he,  it  is  true,  did  not  see  him  ((iai.  i.  19), 
 but  this  of  course  does  not  involve  the  interence 
 that  he  had  left  Jerusalem.  The  sharjier  though 
 shorter  persecution  which  followed  under  Herod 
 Agrippa  biought  a  great  sorrow  to  him  in  the 
 martyrdom  of  his  brother  (Acts  xii.  2).  His  friend 
 was  driven  to  seek  safety  in  flight.  Fifteen  years 
 after  St.  Paul's  fust  visit  he  was  still  at  Jerusalem 
 and  helped  to  take  part  in  the  settlement  of  the 
 great  controversy  between  the  Jewish  and  the  Gentile 
 Christians  (.Acts  xv.  6).  His  position  and  reputa- 
 tion there  weie  those  of  one  ranking  among  the 
 chief  "pillars"  of  the  Church  (Gal.  ii.  9).  Of 
 the  work  of  the  Apostle  during  this  period  we  have 
 hardly  the  slightest  trace.— -HI.  From  //is  (/<•- 
 pnrture  from  Jerus<ik'in  to  his  death. — The  tradi- 
 tions of  a  later  age  come  in,  with  more  or  less  show 
 of  likelihood,  to  fill  up  the  great  gap  which  -separ- 
 •ates  the  Apostle  of  Jerusalem  from  the  Bishop  of 
 Ephesus.  It  was  a  natural  conjecture  to  suppose 
 that  he  remained  in  Judaea  till  the  death  of  the 
 Virgin  released  i)im  from  his  trust.  When  this 
 took  place  we  can  onlv  conjecture.  'I'heie  are  no 
 signs  of  his  being  at  Jerusalem  at  the  time  of  St. 
 Paul's  last  visit  (Acts  xxi.).  The  pastoral  epistles 
 set  aside  the  notion  that  he  had  come  to  Fphesus 
 l>efoie  the  work  of  the  Apostle  of  the  Gentiles  was 
 brought  to  its  conclusion.  Out  of  many  contra- 
 dictory statements,  fixing  his  departure  undi'r 
 Claudius,  oi-  Nero,  or  as  late  even  as  Domitian,  we 
 have  hardly  any  data  for  doing  more  than  rejecting 
 the  two  extiemes.  Nor  is  it  certain  that  his  work 
 as  an  Apostle  was  transferred  at  once  from  Jeru- 
 salem to  Ephesus.  The  pictuic  which  tradition 
 tills  up  for  us  h;us  the  merit  of  being  full  and  vivid. 
 l)ut  it  blends  toL;ether,  without  much  regaixl  to 
 harmony,  tilings  probable  and  impiobiible.  He  is 
 sliipwrecked  olf  E])hesus,  and  arrives  there  in  time 
 to  check  the  progiess  of  the  heiesies  which  sprang 
 U])  after  St.  Paul's  de}iarture.  In  the  persecution 
 under  Domitian  he  is  taken  tt)  Home,  and  there,  by 
 his  boldness,  though  not  by  death,  gains  the  crown  of 
 martyrdom.  The  boiling  oil  info  which  he  is 
 thrown  has  no  power  to  hurt  him.  He  is  then 
 sent  to  labour  in  the  mines,  and  I'atmos  is  the 
 place  of  his  exile.  'I'he  .'Accession  of  Nervn  (riH-s 
 him  from  danger,  and  he  returns  to  Ephesus. 
 There  he  settles  the  canon  of  the  <;ospel-hisloiy  by 
 formallv    aftestini;    the    truth    of    the    first    throe 
 
JOHN  THE  BAPTIST 
 
 Gospels,  and  writing  his  own  to  supply  what  they 
 left  wan+iiii!;.  Heresies  continue  to  show  them- 
 selves, hut  he  meets  them  with  the  strongest  pos- 
 sible protest.  Through  his  agency  the  great  temple 
 of  Artemis  is  at  last  reft  of  its  magnificence,  and 
 even  levelled  with  the  ground.  He  introduces  and 
 perpetuates  the  Jewish  mode  of  celebrating  the 
 Easter  feast.  At  Ephesus,  he  appears  as  one 
 who  was  a  true  priest  of  the  Lord,  bearing  on  his 
 brow  the  plate  of  gold,  with  the  sacred  name  en- 
 graved on  it.  The  very  time  of  his  death  lies 
 within  the  region  of  conjecture  rather  than  of  his- 
 tory, and  the  dates  that  have  been  assigned  for  it 
 range  from  A.D.  89  to  A.D.  120.  The  result  of 
 •all  this  accumulation  of  apocryphal  materials  is, 
 from  one  point  of  view,  disappointing  enough. 
 We  find  it  better  and  more  satisfying  to  turn  again, 
 for  all  our  conceptions  of  the  Apostle's  mind  and 
 character,  to  the  scanty  records  of  the  N.  T.,  and 
 the  writings  which  he  himself  has  left.  The  truest 
 thought  that  we  can  attain  to  is  still  that  he  was 
 "  the  disciple  whom  Jesus  loved  "  ;  returning  that 
 love  with  a  deep,  absorbing,  unwavering  devotion. 
 Ho  s  the  Apostle  of  Love,  not  because  he  starts 
 from  the  easy  temper  of  a  genei'al  benevolence,  nor 
 again  as  being  of  a  cliaracter  soft,  yielding,  feminine, 
 but  because  he  has  grown,  ever  more  and  more, 
 into  the  likeness  of  Him  whom  he  loved  so  truly. 
 
 John  the  Baptist  was  of  the  priestly  race  by 
 both  parents,  for  his  father  Zacharias  was  himself 
 a  priest  of  the  couise  of  Abia,  or  Abijah  (1  Chr. 
 xxiv.  10),  offering  incense  at  the  very  time  when  a 
 son  was  promised  to  him  ;  and  Elizabeth  was  of 
 the  daughters  of  Aaron  (Luke  i.  5).  The  divine 
 mission  of  John  was  the  subject  of  prophecy  many 
 centuries  before  his  birth.  His  birth — a  birth  not 
 according  to  the  ordinary  laws  of  nature,  but 
 through  the  miraculous  interposition  of  almighty 
 power — was  foretold  by  an  angel  sent  from  God, 
 who  proclaimed  the  character  and  office  of  this 
 wonderful  child.  These  marvellous  revelations  as 
 to  the  character  and  career  of  the  son,  for  whom 
 he  had  so  long  prayed  in  vain,  were  too  much  for 
 the  faith  of  the  aged  Zacharias.  And  now  the 
 Lord's  gracious  promise  tarried  not  :  Elizabeth,  for 
 greater  privacy,  retired  into  the  hill-country, 
 whither  she  was  soon  afterwards  followed  by  her 
 kinswoman  Mary.  Three  months  after  this,  and 
 while  Mary  still  remained  with  her,  Elizabeth  was 
 delivered  of  a  son.  The  birth  of  John  preceded  by 
 six  months  that  of  our  Lord.  On  the  eighth  day 
 the  child  of  promise  was,  in  conformity  with  the 
 law  of  Moses  (Lev.  xii.  3),  brought  to  the  priest 
 for  circumcision,  and  as  the  performance  of  this 
 rite  was  the  accustomed  time  for  naming  a  child, 
 the  friends  of  the  family  proposed  to  call  him 
 Zacharias  after  the  name  of  his  father.  The  mother, 
 however,  required  that  he  should  be  called  John  ; 
 a  decision  which  Zacharias,  still  speechless,  con- 
 firmed by  writing  on  a  tablet,  '*  his  name  is  John." 
 The  judgment  on  his  want  of  taith  was  then  at 
 once  withdrawn.  God's  wonderful  interposition  in 
 the  birth  of  John  had  impressed  the  minds  of  many 
 with  a  cei^tain  solemn  awe  and  expectation  (Luke 
 iii.  15).  A  single  verse  contains  all  that  we  know 
 of  John's  history  for  a  space  of  thirty  years ;  the 
 whole  period  which  elapsed  between  his  birth  and 
 the  commencement  of  his  public  ministry.  "  The 
 child  grew  and  waxed  strong  in  spirit,  and  was  in 
 the  deserts  till  the  day  of  his  showing  unto  Israel  " 
 (Luke  i.  80\     John  was  ordained  to  be  a  Nazarite 
 
 JOHN  THE  BAPTIST 
 
 415 
 
 from  his  birth  (Luke  i.  15).  Dwelling  by  himself 
 in  the  wild  and  thinly  peopled  region  westward  of 
 the  Dead  Sea,  he  prepared  himself  by  self-discipline, 
 and  by  constant  communion  with  God,  for  the 
 wonderful  office  to  which  he  had  been  divinely 
 called.  The  very  appearance  of  the  holy  Baptist 
 was  of  itself  a  lesson  to  his  countrymen  ;  his  dress 
 was  that  of  the  old  prophets — a  garment  woven  of 
 camel's  hair  (2  K.  i.  8),  attached  to  the  body  bv  a 
 leathern  girdle.  His  food  was  such  as  the  desert 
 afforded— locusts  (Lev.  xi.  22)  and  will  honey 
 (Ps.  Ixxxi.  16).  And  now  the  long  secluded  hermit 
 came  forth  to  the  discharge  of  his  office.  His 
 supernatural  birth — his  hard  ascetic  life — his  re- 
 putation for  extraordinary  sanctity — and  the  gener- 
 ally prevailing  expectation  that  some  great  one  was 
 about  to  appear — these  causes,  without  the  aid  of 
 miiaculous  power,  for  "John  did  no  miracle" 
 (John  X.  41),  were  sufficient  to  attract  to  him  a 
 great  multitude  from  "  every  quarter  "  (Matt.  iii. 
 5).  Biief  and  startling  was  his  first  exhortation 
 to  them ;  "  Repent  ye  for  the  kingdom  of  heaven 
 is  at  hand."  Some  score  of  verses  contain  all  that  is 
 recorded  of  John's  preaching,  and  the  sum  of  it  all 
 is  repentance;  not  mere  legal  ablution  or  expiation, 
 but  a  change  of  heart  and  life.  Many  of  every 
 class  pressed  forward  to  confess  their  sins  and  to  be 
 baptised.  The  preparatory  baptism  of  John  was  a 
 visible  sign  to  the  people,  and  a  distinct  acicnow- 
 ledgment  by  them,  that  a  hearty  renunciation  of 
 sin  and  a  real  amendment  of  life  were  necessary  for 
 admission  into  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  which  the 
 Baptist  proclaimed  to  be  at  hand.  But  the  funda- 
 mental distinction  between  John's  baptism  unto 
 repentance,  and  that  baptism  accompanied  with  the 
 gift  of  the  Holy  Spirit  which  our  Loi-d  afterwards 
 ordained,  is  clearly  marked  by  John  himself  (Matt, 
 iii.  11,  12).  As  a  preacher,  John  was  eminently 
 practical  and  discriminating.  The  mission  of  the 
 Baptist — an  extraordinary  one  for  an  extraordinary 
 purpose — was  not  limited  to  those  who  had  openly 
 forsaken  the  covenant  of  God,  and  so  forfeited  its 
 principles.  It  was  to  the  whole  people  alike. 
 Jesus  Himself  came  from  Galilee  to  .Fordan  to  be 
 baptised  of  John.  But  here  a  difficult  question 
 arises — How  is  John's  acknowledgment  of  Jesus  at 
 the  moment  of  His  presenting  Himself  for  baptism 
 compatible  with  his  subsequent  assertion  that  he 
 knew  Him  not,  save  by  the  descent  of  the  Holy 
 Spirit  upon  Him,  which  took  place  after  His 
 baptism  ?  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  their 
 places  of  residence  were  at  the  two  extremities  of 
 the  country  with  but  little  means  of  communication 
 between  them.  It  is  possible  therefore  that  the 
 Saviour  and  the  Baptist  had  never  before  met.  It 
 was  certainly  of  the  utmost  importance  that  there 
 should  be  no  suspicion  of  concert  or  collusion  be- 
 tween them.  With  the  baptism  of  Jesus  John's 
 more  especial  office  ceased.  He  still  continued, 
 however,  to  present  himself  to  his  countrymen  in 
 the  capacity  of  witness  to  Jesus.  From  incidental 
 notices  in  Scripture  we  learn  that  John  and  his 
 disciples  continued  to  baptise  some  time  after  our 
 Lord  entered  u[ion  his  ministry  (see  John  iii.  23, 
 iv.  1;  Acts  xix.  3).  We  gather  also  that  John 
 instructed  his  disciples  in  certain  moral  and  reli- 
 gious duties,  as  fasting  (Matt.  ix.  14  ;  Luke  v.  33) 
 and  prayer  (Luke  xi.  1).  But  shortly  after  he 
 had  given  his  testimony  to  the  Messiah,  John's 
 public  ministry  was  brought  to  a  close.  lu  daring 
 disregard  of  the  divine   laws,  Hciod  Antiy  is   had 
 
416 
 
 JOHN,  GOSPEL  OF 
 
 taken  to  hiinsolf  tln^  wifo  of  his  biothcr  Thilip; 
 and  when  Joliu  reproved  him  for  this,  as  well  ;is 
 for  other  sins  (Luke  iii.  19),  Herod  cast  him  into 
 prison.  The  place  of  his  confinement  wan  the 
 castle  of  Machaerus — a  fortress  on  the  eastern  shore 
 of  the  Dead  Sea.  It  was  here  that  rejwrts  reached 
 him  of  the  miracles  which  our  Lord  was  workins:; 
 in  ludaea.  With  a  view  therefore  to  overcome  the 
 scruples  of  his  disciples,  John  sent  two  of  them  to 
 Jesus  himself  to  ask  the  question,  "  Art  Thou  He 
 that  should  come  ?  "  They  were  answered  not  by 
 words,  but  bv  a  series  of  miracles  wroufjht  before 
 their  eyes ;  and  while  Jesus  bade  the  two  mes- 
 sencrei-s  carry  back  to  John  as  his  only  answer  the 
 report  of  what  they  hail  seen  and  heai'd.  He  took 
 occasion  to  guard  the  multitude  who  surrounded 
 Him,  ac^ainst  supposing  that  the  Baptist  liimself 
 was  shaken  in  mind,  by  a  direct  appeal  to  their  own 
 knowledge  of  his  life  and  character.  Jesus  further 
 proceeds  to  declare  that  John  was,  according  to  the 
 true  meaning  of  the  prophecy,  the  Kiijah  of  the 
 new  covenant,  foretold  by  Malachi  (iii.  4).  The 
 event  indeed  proved  that  John  was  to  Herod  what 
 Elijah  had  bctm  to  Ahab.  Kothing  but  the  death 
 of  the  Baptist  would  satisfy  the  resentment  of 
 Herodias.  A  comt  festival  was  kept  at  Machaerus 
 jn  honour  of  tlie  king's  biithtlay.  ,  After  supper, 
 the  daughter  of  Herodias  came  in  and  danced  before 
 the  company,  and  so  charmed  was  the  king  by  her 
 gcice  that  he  promised  with  an  oath  to  give  her 
 whatsoever  she  should  ask.  Salome,  prompted  by 
 her  abandoned  motiier,  demanded  the  head  of  John 
 the  Baptist.  Herod  gave  instructions  to  an  officer 
 of  his  guard,  who  went  and  executed  John  in  the 
 prison,  and  his  heail  was  brought  to  fe:ist  the  eyes 
 of  the  adulteress  whose  sins  he  had  denounced.  His 
 death  is  supposed  to  liave  occurred  just  befoie  the 
 third  jiassover,  in  the  course  of  the  Lord's  ministry. 
 John,  Gospel  of.  1 .  Authoriti/. — No  douljt  has 
 been  entertained  at  any  time  in  the  Chuich,  either 
 of  the  cmonical  authority^  of  thi^lJospel,  or  of  its 
 being  written  by  St.  John.  No  other  book  of  the 
 N.  T.  is  autJienticated  by  testimony  of  so  early  a 
 date  as  that  of  the  disciples  which  is  emhotlied  in 
 the  Gospel  itself  (xxi.  24-,  25).  .\mong  the  .Apos- 
 tolic Fatheis,  Ignatius  appeai-s  to  have  known  and 
 recognised  this  Gospel.  The  fact  that  this  Gospel 
 is  not  quoted  by  Clement  of  Rome  (a.D.  68  or  96 ) 
 sei"ves  merely  to  confirm  the  statement  that  it  is  a 
 veiy  late  pioduction  of  the  .Apostolic  age.  I'oly- 
 carp  in  his  short  epistle.  Hennas,  and  Barnabas  do 
 not  refer  to  it.  l>ut  its  phraseology  may  be  cleaily 
 traeil  in  the  Epistle  to  Diognetus,  and  in  .lustin 
 -Martyr,  A.D.  150.  Tatian,  A.D.  170,  wrote  a 
 harmony  of  the  four  Gos]iels  ;  and  he  quotes  St. 
 John's  Gospel  in  his  only  extiuit  work;  so  do  his  con- 
 U'mporaries  Aj)ollinaris  of  Hiera])olis,  Atlienagoras, 
 and  the  writer  of  the  Epistle  of  tlie  churches  of 
 V'ienne  and  Lyons.  The  Valentinians  made  groat 
 use  of  it;  and  one  of  their  sect,  Heracleon,  wrote  a 
 commentary  on  it.  And,  to  close  the  list  of  writers 
 of  the  second  century,  the  numerous  and  full  testi- 
 monies of  Ircnaeus  in  (iaul  and  Tertullian  at  Car- 
 Uwge,  with  the  obscure  but  weighty  testimonv  of 
 the  {Ionian  writer  of  ihe  Muratorian  Kragmcnt  on 
 the  Canon,  sufliciently  show  the  authority  attii- 
 buted  in  the  Western  Church  to  this  Gospel. 
 Ccrtlon,  Mariion,  the  Montaiiists,  and  other  ancient 
 heretics,  did  not  deny  that  St.  John  was  the  author 
 of  the  Gospcd,  but  they  held  that  the  Apostle  was 
 inistnken,  or  that  his  (jospcl  had  been  intci^lnte<i 
 
 JOHN,  GOSPEL  OF 
 
 in  those  passages  whicli  are  opposed  to  their  tenets. 
 The  Alogi,  a  sect  in  the  beginning  of  the  third  cen- 
 tury, were  singular  in  rejecting  the  writings  of  St. 
 John.  Guerike  enumerates  later  opponents  of  the 
 Gospel.— 2.  Place  and  tiine  at  whicU  it  was  written. 
 — Ephesus  an<l  Fatmos  are  the  two  places  men- 
 tioned by  early  writers  ;  and  the  weight  of  evidence 
 seems  to  preponderate  in  favour  of  ICphesns.  Tiie 
 Apostle's  siijouin  at  Ephesus  probably  began  al^er 
 St.  Paul's  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians  was  written,  i.e. 
 after  A.D.  02.  Eusebius  specifics  the  fourteenth 
 ye;ir  of  Domitian,  i.  e.  A.D.  95,  as  the  year  of  his 
 banishment  to  I'atmos.  Piobably  the  date  of  the 
 Gospel  may  lie  aliout  miclway  Ijetween  these  two, 
 about  A.D.  78.-3.  Occasion  awl  scope. — .After  the 
 destruction  of  Jerusalem,  a.d.  00,  Ephesus  probably 
 became  the  centre  of  the  active  life  of  Eastern 
 Christendom.  This  half-Greek,  halt-Oriental  cily, 
 contained  a  large  church  of  t'aithfid  Christians,  a 
 multitude  of  zealous  Jews,  an  indigenous  po])ulation 
 devoted  to  the  woiship  of  a  strange  idol  whose 
 image  was  borrowed  from  the  l^.ust,  its  name  from 
 the  West.  It  w;us  the  place  to  which  Cerinthus 
 chose  to  bring  the  doctrines  which  he  devised  oi 
 learned  at  Alexandria.  The  Gospel  was  obvionsly 
 aldressed  primarily  to  Christians,  not  to  heathens. 
 The  object  of  the  writer,  according  to  some,  was  to 
 supplement  the  earlier  Gosjjels;  according  to  others, 
 to  confute  the  Nicolaitiins  <ind  Cerinthus;  according 
 to  others,  to  state  the  true  doctrine  of  the  divinity 
 of  Olu'ist.  Jt  has  indeed  been  pronouncml  by  high 
 critical  authority  that  the  supplementary  theory  is 
 entirely  untenable;  and  so  it  becomes  if  put  fbith 
 in  its  most  rigid  form.  But  though  St.  John  may 
 not  have  written  with  direct  reference  to  the  e;irlier 
 throe  Evangelists,  he  did  not  write  wiiliout  any 
 reference  to  them.  There  is  no  intiinsic  improb;i- 
 bility  in  the  early  tradition  as  to  the  o<.'casion  and 
 scope  of  tiiis  Gosix-l,  which  is  most  fiillv  rclatetl  in 
 the  commentary  of  Theodore  of  Moiisiiestia.— 4.  Con- 
 tents anJ  /titeiiriti/. — The  following  is  .on  abridg- 
 ment of  LamiHj's  svnopsis  of  its  contents: — .\.  TiiE 
 Prologuk,  i.  1-18. — B.  Tiiic  History,  I.  19-xx. 
 29.  a.  Various  events  relating  to  our  Loitl's 
 iniiiistry,  narratel  in  connexion  with  seven  journeys, 
 i.  19-xii.  50: — 1.  First  journey,  into  Judaea  juid 
 beginning  of  His  ministry,  i.  19— ii.  12.  2.  Second 
 journey,  at  the  Passover  in  the  first  year  of  His 
 ministry,  ii.  13-iv.  3.  Third  journey,  in  the 
 second  year  of  His  ministry,  about  the  Piissover,  v. 
 •4-.  Fourth  journey,  .about  the  Pas<over,  in  the  thinl 
 year  of'  his  ministry,  beyond  .Ionian,  vi.  5.  Fifth 
 joiuney,  six  months  before  His  death,  begun  at  the 
 Feast  of  Tabern.acles,  vii.-x.  21.  G.  Sixth  journey, 
 about  the  Feast  of  Dedication,  x.  22-42.  7.  .Seventh 
 journey  in  .ludaea  towards  Bethany,  xi.  1-54.  8. 
 Eighth  journey,  befoie  His  last  I'.assover,  xi.  55— xii. 
 b.  History  of  "the  death  of  Christ,  xiii.-xx.  29.  1. 
 I'leparation  for  His  Passion,  xiii.-xvii.  2.  The 
 cii-cimistances  of  His  Pa.ssion  and  Death,  xviii.  xix, 
 .'i.  His  Kesurrection,  and  the  proofs  of  it,  xx.  1-29. 
 — C.  Tin;  Coxci.L'SiO.N,  XX.  oO-xxi.: — 1.  Scope  of 
 the  foregoing  history,  xx.  30^  ;51.  2.  Confirma- 
 tion of  the  authority  of  the  Evangelist  by  additional 
 historicid  facts,  and  liy  the  testimony  of  the  eldei-s. 
 of  the  Church,  ixi.  1-24,  3.  Hea-soii  of  the  ter- 
 mination of  the  history,  xxi.  25.  Some  ]M)rtion$  of 
 the  Gospel  have  lieeii  reganled  by  certiin  critics  as 
 interiKilations,  The  25ih  verse  and  the  latter  h.ilf 
 of  the  24th  of  ch.  xxi.  are  generally  received  as  nn 
 uiidi.sguiseil  arldition,  prol>ab'v  by  the  eUierg  of  tlie 
 
JOHN,  FIRST  EPISTLE   GENERAL  OF 
 
 Ephesian  Cbuich,  where  the  Gospel  was  first,  pub- 
 lished. There  is  a  tradition  that  this  Gospel  was 
 written  many  years  before  the  Apostle  permitted  its 
 general  circulation.  This  fact — rather  impiobable 
 in  itself — is  rendered  less  so  by  the  obviously  sup- 
 plementary character  of  the  latter  part,  or  perhaps 
 the  whole  of  ch.  xxi. 
 
 John,  the  First  Epistle  General  of.  Its  Au- 
 ihenticitij. — Tiie  external  evidence  is  of  the  most 
 satisfactory  nature.  Eusebius  places  it  in  his  list 
 of  '  acknowledged '  books,  and  we  have  ample  proof 
 that  it  was  received  as  the  production  of  the  Apostle 
 John  in  the  writings  of  Polycarp,  Papia-s,  Irenaeus, 
 Oiigen,  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Tertullian,  Cyprian, 
 and  there  is  no  voice  in  antiquity  raised  to  the 
 contrary.  On  the  other  hand  the  internal  evidence 
 for  its  being  the  work  of  St.  John  from  its  simi- 
 larity in  style,  language,  and  doctrine  to  the  Gospel 
 is  overwhelming.  The  allusion  again  of  the  writer 
 to  himself  is  such  as  would  suit  St.  John  the 
 Apostle,  and  very  few  but  St.  John  (1  Ep.  i.  1). 
 With  regard  to  the  time  at  which  St.  John  wrote 
 the  Epistle  there  is  considerable  diversity  of  opinion. 
 It  was  most  likely  written  at  the  close  of  the  first 
 century.  Like  the  Gospel  it  was  probably  written 
 from  flphesus.  Lardner  is  clearly  right  when  he 
 says  that  it  was  primarily  meant  for  the  Churches 
 of  Asia  under  St.  John's  inspection,  to  whom  he 
 had  already  orally  delivered  his  doctrine  (i.  3, 
 ii.  7).  The  main  object  of  the  Epistle  does 
 not  appear  to  be  that  of  opposing  the  errors  of  the 
 Docetae,  or  of  the  Gnostics,  or  of  the  Nicolaitans, 
 or  of  the  Cerinthiaus,  or  of  all  of  them  together,  or 
 of  the  Sabians,  or  of  Judaizers,  or  of  apostates  to 
 Judaism  :  the  leading  purpose  of  the  Apostle  ap- 
 pears to  be  rather  constructive  than  j)oleniical.  In 
 the  introduction  (i.  1-4)  the  Apostle  states  the  pur- 
 jiose  of  his  Epistle.  It  is  to  declare  the  Word  of 
 lite  to  those  whom  he  is  addressing,  in  order  that 
 he  and  they  might  be  united  in  true  communion 
 with  each  other,  and  with  God  the  Father,  and  His 
 Son  Jesus  Christ.  The  first  part  of  the  Epistle 
 may  be  considered  to  end  at  ii.  28.  The  Apostle 
 begins  afresh  with  the  doctrine  of  sonship  or  com- 
 munion at  ii.  29,  and  returns  to  the  .same  theme  at 
 iv.  7.  His  lesson  throughout  is,  that  the  means 
 of  union  with  God  are,  on  the  pait  of  Christ,  his 
 atoning  blood  (i.  7,  ii.  2,  iii.  5,  iv.  10,  14,  v.  6) 
 and  advocacy  (ii.  1) — on  the  part  of  man,  holi- 
 ness (i.  6),  obedience  (ii.  3),  purity  (iii.  3),  faith 
 (iii,  23,  iv.  3,  v.  5),  and  above  all  love  (ii.  7,  iii. 
 14,  iv.  7,  V.  1).  There  are  two  doubtful  passages 
 in  this  Epistle,  ii.  23,  "  but  he  that  acknowledgeth 
 the  Son  hath  the  Father  also,"  and  v.  7,  "  For 
 there  are  three  that  bear  record  in  heaven,  the 
 Father,  the  Word,  and  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  these 
 three  are  one."  It  would  appear  without  doubt 
 that  they  are  not  genuine.  The  latter  passage  is 
 contained  in  four  only  of  the  150  MSS.  of  the 
 Epistle,  the  Codex  Guelpherbytanus  of  the  17th 
 century,  the  Codex  Kavianus,  a  forgery  subsequent 
 to  the  3Tr.r  1514,  the  Codex  Biitannicus  or  JMon- 
 fortii  of  the  fifteenth  or  sixteenth  century,  and  the 
 Codex  Ottobonianus  of  the  15th  century.  It  is 
 not  found  in  any  ancient  version  except  the  Latin  ; 
 and  the  best  editions  of  even  the  Latin  version  omit 
 it.  It  was  not  quoted  by  one  Greek  Father,  or 
 writer  pre\-ious  to  the  14th  centurv. 
 
 John,  the  Second  and  Third  Epistles  of. 
 Tkeir  Authenticity. — These  two  Epistles  are  placed 
 bv  Eusebius  in  the  class  of  "disputed  "  books,  and 
 
 Con.  D.  B. 
 
 JOKMEAM 
 
 417 
 
 ho  appears  himself  to  be  doubtful  whether  they 
 were  written  by  the  Evangelist,  or  by  some  other 
 John.  The  evidence  of  antiquity  in  their  favour  is  not 
 very  strong,  but  yet  it  is  considerable.  Clement  of 
 Alexandria  speaks  of  the  first  Epistle  as  "  the  larger  " 
 {St)-0)n.  lib.  ii.).  Origen  appears  to  liave  had  the 
 same  doubts  as  Eusebius.  Dionysius  and  Alexander 
 of  Alexandria  attribute  them  to  St.  John.  So  does 
 Irenaeus.  In  the  5th  century  they  are  almost  uni- 
 versally received.  If  the  external  testimony  is  not 
 as  decisive  as  we  might  wish,  the  internal  evidence 
 is  peculiarly  strong.  Mill  has  pointed  out  that  of 
 the  13  verses  which  compose  the  Second  Epistle,  8 
 are  to  be  found  in  the  First  Epistle.  The  title  and 
 contents  of  the  Epistles  are  strong  arguments  against 
 a  fabricjitor,  whereas  they  would  account  for  their 
 non-universal  reception  in  early  times.  The  Second 
 Epistle  is  addressed  sKAeKT'p  Kvpia.  An  individual 
 woman  who  had  children,  and  a  sister  and  nieces, 
 is  clearly  indicated.  Whether  her  name  is  given, 
 and  if  so,  what  it  is,  has  been  doubted.  According 
 to  one  interpretation  she  is  "  the  Lady  Electa,"  to 
 another,  "  the  elect  Kyria,"  to  a  third,  "  the  elect 
 Lady."  The  l^nglish  version  is  probably  right, 
 though  here  too  we  should  have  expected  the 
 article.  The  Third  Epistle  is  addressed  to  Gains 
 or  Caius.  We  have  no  reason  for  identifying  him 
 with  Caius  of  Macedonia  (Acts  xix.  29),  or  with 
 Caius  of  Derbe  (Acts  xx.  4),  or  with  Caius  of 
 Corinth  (Rom.  xvi.  23;  1  Cor.  i.  14),  or  with 
 Caius  Bishop  of  Ephesus,  or  with  Caius  Bishop  of 
 Thessalonica,  or  with  Caius  Bishop  of  Pergamos. 
 He  was  probably  a  convert  of  .St.  John  (Ep.  iii.  4), 
 and  a  layman  of  wealth  and  distinction  (Ep.  iii.  5), 
 in  some  city  near  Ephesus.  The  object  of  St.  John 
 in  writing  the  Second  Epistle  was  to  warn  the  lady, 
 to  whom  he  wrote,  against  abetting  the  teaching 
 known  as  that  of  Basilides  and  his  followers,  by 
 perhaps  an  undue  kindness  displayed  by  her  towards 
 the  preachers  of  the  false  doctrine.  The  Third 
 Epistle  was  written  for  the  purpose  of  commending 
 to  the  kindness  and  hospitality  of  Caius  some 
 Christians  who  were  strangers  in  the  place  whei'e 
 he  lived.  It  is  probable  that  these  Christians 
 carried  this  letter  with  them  to  Caius  as  their  in- 
 troduction. We  may  conjecture  that  the  two 
 Epistles  were  written  shortly  after  the  First  Epistle 
 from  Ephesus.  They  both  apply  to  individual  cases 
 of  conduct  the  principles  which  had  been  laid  down 
 in  their  fulness  in  tlie  First  Epistle.  The  title 
 "  Catholic  "  does  not  properly  belong  to  the  Second 
 and  Third  Epistles, 
 
 Joi'ada,  high-priest  after  his  father  Eliashib 
 (Neh.  xiii.  28). 
 
 Joi'akim,  a  high-priest,  son  of  the  renowned 
 Jeshua  (Neh.  xii.  10). 
 
 Joi'arih.  1.  A  layman  who  returned  fiom 
 Babylon  with  Ezra  (Ezr.  viii.  16). — 2.  The 
 founder  of  one  of  the  courses  of  priests,  elsewhere 
 called  in  full  Jehoiartb  (Neh.  xii.  6,  19). — 3.  A 
 Shilonite — i.  e.  probably  a  descendant  of  Shelau 
 the  son  of  Judah  (Neh.  xi.  5). 
 
 Jok'deam,  a  city  of  Judah,  in  the  mountains 
 (Josh.  XV.  5G),  apparently  south  of  Hebron. 
 
 Jo  Mm,  one  of  the  sons  of  Shelah  the  son  ol 
 Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  22),  of  whom  nothing  further  is 
 known. 
 
 Jok'meam,  a  city  of  Ephraim,  given  with  its 
 suburbs  to  the  Kohathite  Levites  (1  Chr.  vi.  68), 
 In  the  parallel  list  of  Levitical  cities  in  Josh,  xxi., 
 KiBZAiM  occupies  the  place  of  Jokmeam  (ver.  22; 
 
 2  £ 
 
418 
 
 JOKNEAM 
 
 The  situation  of  Joknieain  is  to  a  cortaiii  extent 
 iiidi(«t(.>d  in  1  K.  iv.  12.  wheie  it  is  named  with 
 plnres  which  we  ivnow  to  have  been  in  the  .Jordan 
 v.illi'-y  at  the  extreme  east  boundary-  of  the  tribe. 
 
 Jok'neam,  a  cit_vof'  the  tribe  of  Zebulnn,  allotted 
 with  its  subuibs  to  the  Merarite  Levites  (Josli. 
 xxi.  'M),  bnt  entirely  omitted  in  1  Chr.  vi.  (comp. 
 ver.  77).  It  is  the  moilern  site  Tell  Kaimon,  an 
 eminence  which  stands  just  below  the  eastern  ter- 
 mination of  Carmel. 
 
 Jok'shan,  a  son  of  Abrah.-\m  and  Keturah  (Hen. 
 XXV.  •_',  :> ;  1  Chr.  i.  .^),  whose  sons  were  Sheba 
 and  Dedan.  While  the  settlements  of  his  two  sons 
 are  presumjitively  placed  on  the  borders  of  Pales- 
 tine, those  of  Joi;shan  are  not  known.  Arab 
 writei-s  mention  a  dialect  of  Jokshan  as  having 
 been  formei  ly  spoken  near  'Aden  and  Kl-Jened,  in 
 So-.ithern  Arabia;  but  that  iMidianites  penetrated  so 
 far  into  the  peninsula  we  hold  to  be  highly  improb- 
 able. 
 
 Jok'tan,  son  of  Eber  (Gen.  x.  25  ;  1  Chr.  i. 
 19j;  and  the  father  of  the  Joktanite  Arabs. 
 Scholars  ai'e  agreed  in  placing  the  settlements  of 
 Joktan  in  the  south  of  the  peninsula.  The  original 
 limits  are  stated  in  the  Bible,  "  their  dwelling  was 
 fiom  Jleslia,  as  thou  goest  unto  Sephar,  a  mount  of 
 the  East"  (Gen.  x.  30).  The  native  traditions 
 respecting  Joktan  commence  with  a  ditliculty.  The 
 ancestor  of  the  gi-eat  southern  peoples  was  called 
 K'ahtan,  who,  say  the  Aiabs,  was  the  same  as 
 .loktan.  To  this  some  European  critics  have  ob- 
 jected that  there  is  no  good  reason  to  account  for 
 the  change  of  name,  and  that  the  identification  of 
 Kahtan  with  Joktan  is  evidently  a  Jewish  tra- 
 dition adopted  by  Mohammad  or  his  followei-s,  and 
 consequently  at  or  after  the  piomulgation  of  El- 
 isliim.  A  passage  in  the  Mir-dt  ez-Zemdn,  hitherto 
 unpublished,  throws  new  light  on  the  point.  It  is 
 as  follows: — "  Ibn-El-K'elbee  says,  Yuktan  [whose 
 name  is  also  written  Yuktan]  is  the  same  as  K'ah- 
 tan son  of  A'bir,"  i.e.  Eber,  and  so  say  the  gener- 
 ality of  the  Arabs.  If  the  traditions  of  Kahtan  be 
 rejected  (and  in  this  rejection  we  cannot  agree), 
 they  are,  it  must  be  remembered,  immaterial  to 
 the  fact  that  the  peoples  called  by  the  Arabs  de- 
 scendants of  Kahtdn,  are  certainly  joktanites.  His 
 suns'  colonisation  of  Southern  Arabia  is  proved  by 
 in<iisputable,  and  undisputed,  identifications,  and 
 the  great  kingdom,  which  there  existed  for  many 
 ages  before  our  era,  and  in  its  later  days  was  re- 
 nowned in  the  world  of  classical  antiquity,  was  as 
 surely  Joktanite. 
 
 Jok'theel.  1.  A  city  in  the  low  coimtry  of 
 Juiiah  (Josh.  XV.  88),  named  next  to  Lachish.— 2. 
 "  (jod-subdued,"  the  title  given  by  Ama^^iah  to  the 
 clilffA.  V.  .Sel.ah) — the  stronghohl  of  the  Kdomites 
 — after  he  had  captured  it  from  them  (2  K.xiv.  7). 
 The  parallel  narrative  of  2  Chr.  xxv.  11-13  sujv 
 piies  tuller  details. 
 
 Jona,  the  father  of  the  Apostle  Peter  (John  i. 
 42),  who  is  hence  afldrcssed  as  Simon  Barjona  in 
 .Matt.  xvi.  17. 
 
 Jon'adab.     1.    Son  of  Shime.ah  and  nephew  of 
 Pavid.       lie   is   <lescnbed    as    "very   subtil"    (2  j 
 Sam.   xili.   3).     Ilia  ag.-  naturally  made  him  the  ; 
 friend   of  his    cou.sin   Amnon,   heir  to   the  throne 
 (2  Sam.  xiii.  3).     He  gave  him  the  fat-d  advice  for 
 ensnaring  hi.i  si.ster  Tamar  (5,  6).     Again,  when,  in  ! 
 a  later  stage  of  the  same  tiagedy,  Amnon  Wius  mur-  j 
 derf.1    by    Absalom,    and    the    oxaggerate<l    report 
 roached  David  that  all  the  prin  :cs  were  slaughtered,  | 
 
 JONAS 
 
 Jona  lab  w.xs  already  aware  of  the  real  state  of  tlic 
 c^se  f2  Sam.  xiii.  32,  33).— 2.  Jer.  xxxv.  6,  8, 
 in,  14,  16,  18,  19.     [Jkhoxadab.] 
 
 Jo'nah,  a  prophet,  son  of  Amittai.  We  leam 
 from  2  K.  xiv.  25,  he  was  of  Gathhepher,  a  town 
 of  lower  Galilee,  in  Zebulun.  He  lived  .after  tha 
 reign  of  Jehu,  when  the  losses  of  Israel  (2  K. 
 X.  32)  began  ;  and  probably  not  till  the  latter  part 
 ofthe  reign  of  Jeroboam  II.  The  general  opinion 
 is  that  Jonah  was  the  first  of  the  ])rophets.  The 
 king  of  Nineveh  at  this  time  is  supposed  to  have 
 been  Pul,  who  is  placed  B.C.  75' >  ;  but  an  earlier 
 king,  .Xdrammelech  II.,  B.C.  840,  is  regarded  more 
 probable  b)'  Drake.  Our  English  Bible  gives  B.C. 
 862.  The  personal  hi.story  of  Jonah  is  brief,  and 
 well-known ;  but  is  of  such  an  exceptional  and 
 extraordinary  character,  as  to  have  been  set  down 
 by  many  German  critics  to  fiction,  either  in  whole 
 or  in  ))art.  The  book,  say  they,  w.as  composed,  or 
 compounded,  some  time  after  the  death  of  the  pro- 
 phet, perhaps  at  the  latter  part  of  the  Jewish  king- 
 dom, during  the  reign  of  Josiah,  or  even  later. 
 The  supposed  improbabilities  are  accounted  tor  by 
 them  in  a  variety  of  ways;  e.g.  as  meiely  fabu- 
 lous, or  fanciful  ornaments  to  a  true  history,  or 
 allegorical,  or  parabolical  and  moral,  both  in  their 
 origin  and  design.  We  feel  ourselves  precluded 
 from  any  doubt  of  the  reality  of  the  transactions 
 recorded  in  this  book,  by  the  simplicity  of  the  lan- 
 guage itself;  by  the  accordance  with  other  autho- 
 rities of  the  historical  and  geographiGil  notices; 
 above  all,  by  the  explicit  words  and  teaching  of  our 
 blessed  Lord  Himself  (Matt.  xii.  39,  41,  xvi.4; 
 Luke  xi.  29).  We  shall  derive  additional  argu- 
 ments tor  the  s,ame  conclusion  from  the  history  and 
 meaning  of  the  prophet's  mission.  Having  already, 
 as  it  seems,  prophesied  to  Israel,  lie  was  sent  to 
 Nineveh.  The  time  was  one  of  political  revival  in 
 Israel ;  but  ere  long  the  .•\ssyri.ans  were  to  l)e  em- 
 ployed by  God  as  a  scourge  ujion  them.  The  pro- 
 phet shrank  from  a  commission  which  he  felt  sure 
 woulii  result  (iv.  2)  in  the  sparing  of  a  hostile  city. 
 He  attempted  therefore  to  escape  to  Tai-shish.  The 
 providence  of  God,  however,  watched  over  him, 
 first  in  a  storm,  <and  then  in  his  being  swallowed  by 
 a  large  fish  for  the  space  of  three  days  aiid  three 
 nights.  After  his  deliverance,  Jonah  executed  his 
 commission  ;  and  the  king,  "  believing  him  to  be  a 
 minister  from  the  supreme  deity  of  the  nation," 
 and  having  heard  of  his  miraculous  deliverance, 
 ordered  a  general  fast,  and  averteil  the  thieatened 
 judgment.  But  the  prophet,  not  from  personal 
 but  national  feelings,  grudged  the  mercy  shown  to 
 a  heathen  nation.  He  was  therefore  taught,  by 
 the  significant  lesson  ofthe  "  gourd,"  whose  growth 
 and  decay  brought  the  truth  at  once  home  to  him, 
 that  he  was  sent  to  testify  by  ileed,  as  other  pro- 
 phets would  afterwaixls  testify  by  woid,  the  cap.i- 
 city  of  Gentiles  for  s;dvation,  and  the  design  of 
 God  to  make  them  ])arfakei-s  of  it.  This  was  "  the 
 sign  of  the  prophet  Jon.as "  (Luke  xi.  29,  30). 
 But  the  resurrection  of  Christ  itself  w.as  also  sha- 
 dowed forth  in  the  history  of  the  prophet.  The 
 mission  of  Jonah  was  highly  symbolical.  The 
 facts  contained  a  concealed  ]>rophecy.  The  old 
 tiadition  m.ajle  the  iiurial-place  of  Jonah  to  be 
 Gathhepher  :  the  nuMlcrn  tr.adjtion  places  it  at 
 Ncbi-Yunus,  op]>osite  Mosul. 
 
 Jo'nan,  son  of  Eliakim,  in  the  genealogy  of 
 Christ  (Luke  iii.  30). 
 
 Jo'nas.     1.  This  name  occupies  the  samf  posi* 
 
JONATHAN 
 
 tion  in  1  E«J.  ix.  2:i,  as  Kliezer  in  the  correspond- 
 ing list  in  Ezr.  x.  23.-2.  The  prophet  Jon.ah  (2 
 KsiJ.  i.  39  ;  'J'ob.  xiv.  4,  8  ;  Miitt.  xii.  39,  40,  41, 
 xvi.4).— 3.  John  xxi.  15-17.     [JoNA.] 
 
 Jon'athan,  tiie  eldest  son  of  king  Saul.  The 
 name  ("  the  gilt  of  Jehovah,")  seems  to  have  been 
 coinnion  at  that  period.  He  first  appears  some 
 time  after  his  father's  accession  (1  Sara.  xiii.  2). 
 If  his  younger  brother  Ishbosheth  was  40  at  the 
 time  of  Saul's  death  (2  Sam.  ii.  8),  Jonathan  must 
 have  been  at  least  30  when  he  is  first  mentioned. 
 Of  his  own  family  we  know  nothing,  except  the 
 birth  of  one  son,  5  yeai's  before  his  death  (2  Sam. 
 iv.  4).  He  was  regarded  in  his  father's  lifetime  as 
 heir  to  the  throne.  Like  Saul,  he  was  a  man  of 
 great  strength  and  activity  (2  Sam.  i.  23),  of 
 which  the  exploit  at  Michmash  was  a  proof.  He 
 was  also  famous  for  the  peculiar  martial  exercises 
 in  which  his  tribe  excelled — archery  and  slinging 
 (1  Chr.  xii.  2).  His  bow  was  to  him  what  the 
 -spear  was  to  his  father:  "  the  bow  of  Jonathan 
 turned  not  back  "  (2  Sam.  i.  22).  It  was  always 
 about  him  (1  Sam.  xviii.  4,  xs.  35).  It  is  through 
 his  relation  with  David  that  he  is  chiefly  known  to 
 us,  probably  as  related  by  his  descendants  at  David's 
 court.  But  there  is  a  background,  not  so  clearly 
 given,  of  his  relation  with  his  father.  Fiom  the 
 time  that  he  first  appears  he  is  Saul's  constant 
 companion.  He  was  always  present  at  his  father's 
 meals.  The  whole  story  implies,  without  express- 
 ing, the  deep  attachment  of  the  father  and  son. 
 1'heir  mutual  affection  was  indeed  ir,  '^srrupted  by 
 the  growth  of  Saul's  insanity.  But  1  e  cast  his  lot 
 with  his  father's  decline,  not  with  his  friend's  rise, 
 and  "in  death  they  were  not  divided  "  (2  Sam.  i. 
 23;  1  Sam.  xxiii.  16).  His  life  maybe  divided 
 into  two  main  parts. — 1.  The  war  with  the  Philis- 
 tines ;  commonly  called,  from  its  locality,  "  the 
 war  of  Michmash"  (1  Sam.  xiii.  21).  In  the  pre- 
 vious war  with  the  Ammonites  (1  Sam.  xi.  4-15; 
 there  is  no  mention  of  him.  He  is  already  of  gi'eat 
 importance  in  the  State.  Of  the  3000  men  of 
 whom  Saul's  standing  army  was  formed  (xiii.  2, 
 xxiv.  2,  xxvi.  1,2),  loOO  were  under  the  command 
 of  Jonathan  at  Gibeah.  The  Philistines  were  still 
 in  the  general  command  of  the  country  ;  an  officer 
 was  stationed  at  Geba,  either  the  same  as  Jona- 
 than's position  or  close  to  it.  in  a  sudden  act  of 
 youthful  daring  Jonathan  slew  this  officer,  and 
 thus  gave  the  signal  for  a  genei-al  revolt.  Saul 
 took  advantage  of  it,  and  the  whole  population 
 lose.  But  it  was  a  premature  attempt.  The  Phi- 
 listines poured  in  from  the  plain,  and  the  tyranny 
 became  more  deeply  rooted  than  ever.  From  this 
 oppression,  as  Jonathan  by  his  former  act  hud 
 lieen  the  first  to  provoke  it,  so  now  he  was  the 
 first  to  deliver  his  peojjle.  Without  communicating 
 his  project  to  any  one,  except  the  young  man, 
 whom,  like  all  the  chiefs  of  that  age,  he  retained  as 
 his  armour-bearer,  he  sallied  forth  from  Gibeah  to 
 attack  the  garrison  of  the  Philistines  stationed  on 
 the  other  side  of  the  steep  defile  of  Michmash  (xiv. 
 1;.  A  panic  seized  the  garrison,  thence  spread  to 
 the  camp,  and  thence  to  the  surrounding  hordes  of 
 marauders ;  an  earthquake  combined  with  the 
 tenor  of  the  moment ;  the  confusion  increased  ; 
 the  Israelites  who  had  been  taken  slaves  by  the 
 Philistines  during  the  last  3  days  (LXX.)  rose  in 
 mutiny  ;  the  Israelites  who  lay  hid  in  the  numerous 
 caverns  and  deep  boles  in  which  the  rocks  of  the 
 ueighbourhood  abound,  sprang  out  of  their  subter- 
 
 JONATHAN 
 
 411) 
 
 ranean  dwellings.  Saul  and  his  little  band  had 
 watched  in  astonishment  the  wild  retreat  from  the 
 heights  of  Gibeah  :  he  now  joined  in  the  pursuit. 
 Jonathan  had  not  heard  of  the  rash  curse  (xiv.  24) 
 which  Saul  invoked  on  any  one  who  ate  before  the 
 evening.  In  the  dizziness  and  darkness  (see  Heb. 
 1  Sam.  xiv.  27)  that  came  on  after  his  desperate 
 exertions,  he  put  forth  the  staff  which  apparently 
 had  (with  his  sling  and  bow)  been  his  chief  weapon, 
 and  tasted  the  honey  which  lay  on  the  ground  as 
 they  passed  through  the  forest.  Jephthah's  dread- 
 ful sacrifice  would  have  been  repeated  ;  but  the 
 people  interposed  in  behalf  of  the  hero  of  that  great 
 day;  and  Jonathan  was  saved  (xiv.  24-46). — 2. 
 This  ib  the  only  great  exploit  of  Jonathan's  life. 
 But  the  chief  interest  of  his  career  is  derived  from 
 the  friendship  with  David,  which  began  on  the  day 
 of  David's  return  from  the  victory  over  the  cham- 
 pion of  Gath,  and  continued  till  his  death.  Their 
 l;ist  meeting  was  in  the  forest  of  Ziph,  during  Saul's 
 pursuit  of  David  (1  Sam.  xxiii.  16-18.)  From 
 this  time  forth  we  hear, no  more  till  the  battle  of 
 Gilboa.  In  that  battle  he  fell,  with  his  two  bro- 
 thers and  his  father,  and  his  corpse  shared  their 
 fate  (1  Sam.  xxxi.  2,  8).  His  ashes  were  buried 
 first  at  Jabesh-Gilead  (ib.  13),  but  afterwards  re- 
 moved with  those  of  his  father  to  Zeiah  in  Ben- 
 jamin (2  Sam.  xxi.  12).  The  news  of  his  death 
 occasioned  the  celebrated  elegy  of  David.— 2.  Sor 
 of  Shimeah,  brother  of  Jonailab,  and  nephew  of 
 David  (2  Sam.  xxi.  21 ;  1  Chr.  xx.  7).  He  inher- 
 ited the  union  of  civil  and  military  gifts,  so  con- 
 spicuous in  his  uncle.  Like  David,  he  engaged  in 
 a  single  combat  and  slew  a  gigantic  Philistine  of 
 Gath  (2  Sam.  xxi.  21).  Perhaps  he  is  the  same  as 
 Jonathan  in  1  Chr.  xxvii.  32.-3.  The  son  of 
 Abiathar,  the  high-priest.  He  is  the  last  descend- 
 ant of  Eli,  of  whom  we  hear  anything.  He  ap- 
 pears on  two  occasions.  1.  On  the  day  of  David's 
 flight  from  Absalom  (2  Sam.  xv.  36,  xvii.  15-21) 
 2.  On  the  day  of  Solomon's  inauguration  (1  K.  i. 
 42,  43).— 4.  The  son  of  Shage  the  Hararite  (1 
 Chr.  xi.  34.;  2  Sam.  xxiii.  32).  He  was  one  of 
 David's  heroes.— 5.  The  son,  or  descendant,  of 
 Gershom  the  son  of  Moses  (Judg.  xviii.  30).  While 
 wandering  through  the  country  in  search  of  a 
 home,  the  young  Levite  of  Bethlehem-Judah  came 
 to  the  house  of  Micah,  the  rich  Ephraimite,  and 
 was  by  him  appointed  to  be  a  kind  of  ])rivate 
 chaplain.  When  the  Danites  went  northwards  to 
 found  a  city,  Jonathan  went  with  them,  stole  the 
 ephod  and  teraphim  of  Micah,  and  became  priest  of 
 the  Danites  at  Laish  or  Dan  (Judg.  xviii.). — 6. 
 One  of  the  Bene-Adin  (Ezr.  viii.  6).— 7.  A  priest, 
 the  son  of  Asahel,  in  the  time  of  Ezra  (Ezr.  x.  15j. 
 —8.  A  priest  of  the  family  of  Melicu,  in  the  days 
 of  Joiakim,  son  of  Jeshua  (Neh.  xii.  14).— 9.  One 
 of  the  sons  of  Kareah,  and  brother  of  Johaiian  (Jer. 
 xl.  8).  He  was  one  of  the  captains  of  the  army 
 who  had  escaped  from  Jerusalem  in  the  final  assault 
 by  the  Chaldeans,  and  with  his  brother  Johanan 
 resorted  to  Gedaliah  at  Mizpah:  from  that  time 
 we  hear  nothing  more  of  him. ^10.  Son  of  Joiada, 
 and  his  successor  in  the  high-priesthood.  The  only 
 fact  connected  with  his  poiitilicate  recorded  in 
 Scripture,  is  that  the  genealogical  records  of  the 
 priests  and  Levites  were  kept  in  his  day  (Neh.  xii. 
 11,  22),  and  that  the  chronicles  of  the  state  were 
 continued  to  his  time  (ib.  23).  Josephus  relates 
 that  he  murdered  his  own  brother  .lesus  in  the 
 Temple,  because  Jesus  was  endeavouring  to  get  tl>e 
 
 2  K  i 
 
420 
 
 JONATHAS 
 
 high-priesthooil  tVom  liini  thiMiiirh  the  influence  of 
 liiiljiises  the  Persian  <;eneral.— 11.  Katiier  of  ZiNriia- 
 nali,  11  priest  wlio  blew  the  trinn]iet  at  the  dedica- 
 tion of  the  wall  fNeh.  .\ii.  35).— 12.  1  Ksdr.  viii. 
 :V2.  [See  No.  ti.]— 13.  A  son  of  Mattathias,  and 
 Ijiother  of  Judas  .Maccabaeus  (1  Macu.  ix.  19  tt'.). 
 —14.  A  son  of  Absalom  (I  Mace.  xiii.  ll'ljSent 
 l)y  Simon  with  a  force  to  occupy  Jop}>a,  which  was 
 already  in  the  hands  of  the  .lews  (I  Mace.  xii.  'i.S). 
 Jonathan  was  probably  a  brother  of  Mattathi.as 
 '2  (I  Mace.  xi.  70).— 15.  A  ])riest  who  is  said  to 
 iiave  oH'ered  up  a  solemn  prayer  on  the  occasion  of 
 the  saci'lHce  made  bv  Nehemiah  alter  the  recovei'y 
 of  the  sacred  liie  C'  Ma(;c.  i.  23  tf). 
 
 Jonathas,  the  Latin  form  of  the  name  Jonathan 
 
 (Tob.  V.   l::!l. 
 
 Jo'nath-£'lem-Se  chokim,  "a  dumb  dove  of  (in) 
 distant  places,"  a  phrase  found  once  only  in  the 
 Bible  as  a  heading  to  the  56th  psalm.  Critics  and 
 commentators  are  very  fiu'  from  being  ajn"eed  on  its 
 meaning.  Rashi  considers  that  David  empluyed  the 
 phrase  to  describe  his  own  unhappy  condition  when, 
 exiled  from  the  land  of  Israel,  he  was  living  with 
 Achish.  Aben  Kzia,  who  regards  Jonntli  Ekm 
 licchokim  as  meiely  indicating  the  modulation  or 
 the  rhythm  of  the  psalm,  a])pears  to  come  the 
 nearest  to  the  meaning  of  the  pa.ssage  in  his  explan- 
 ation, "after  the  melody  of  the  air  which  begins 
 Jonath  Elem  Ixechokim."  In  the  commentary  to 
 Mendelssohn's  version  of  the  I'salnis  Jonath  Elem 
 Eechokim  is  mentioned  as  a  musiciU  instrument 
 wliicli  [irodiiced  dull,  mournful  sounds. 
 
 Jop'pa,  a  town  on  the  S.W.  coast  of  Palestine, 
 the  ])()rt  ot'  .Jerusalem  in  the  days  of  Solomon,  as  it 
 has  been  ever  since.  According  to  Jo.sephus,  it 
 originally  belonged  to  the  Phoenicians  {Ant.  xiii. 
 15,  §  4).  Here,  writes  Strabo,  some  say  Andro- 
 meda was  expo.sed  to  the  whale.  Japho  or  Joppa 
 was  situated  in  the  poition  of  Dan  (.Josh.  xix.  46) 
 on  the  coast  towards  the  south.  Having  a  harbour 
 attached  to  it — though  always,  as  .still,  a  dangerous 
 one — it  became  the  port  of  Jerusalem,  when  .leru- 
 s,'ileni  becjime  metropolis  of  the  kingdom  of  the 
 house  of  David,  and  certainly  never  did  port  and 
 metropolis  more  stiikingly  resemble  each  other  in 
 dithculty  of  approach  both  by  sea  and  land. 
 Hence,  e.\cc])t  in  journeys  to  and  from  Jeru.salem, 
 it  was  not  much  used.  But  Joppa  was  the  |)l.ici' 
 fixed  ir]ioii  for  the  cedar  and  pine-wood,  from 
 Mount  Lebanon,  to  be  landed  by  (he  servants  of 
 Hiram  king  of  Tyre.  It  was  by  way  of  Joppa, 
 similarly,  that  like  materials  were  conveyed  from 
 the  s.ime  locality,  by  permission  of  t'yrus,  for  the 
 rebuilding  of  tlie  2nd  Temple  under  Zerubbabel 
 (1  K.  V.  9;  2  Chr.  ii.  16;  Kzr.  iii.  7).  Here 
 Jonah,  whenever  and  wherever  he  may  have  lived 
 (2  K.  xiv.  25),  "  took  ship  to  flee  from  the  presence 
 of  hi.s  Maker."  Here,  la.stly,  on  the  house-top  of 
 Simon  the  tanner,  "by  the  seaside,"  St.  I'eter  had 
 his  vision  of  tolerance.  These  are  the  great  ViWt- 
 \m\\  events  of  which  Jopjia  has  been  the  .scene.  In 
 the  interval  that  elapsed  between  the  Old  and  New 
 Dispensations  it  ex|)erienccd  many  vicissitudes,  it 
 had  sideil  with  Apollonius,  and  was  attacked  and 
 cai>tiirod  by  Jonathan  Maccabaeus  (1  Mace.  x.  76). 
 it  witnessed  the  meeting  between  the  latter  and 
 i'tolemy  (ibid.  xi.  ti).  Simon  had  his  suspicions  of 
 its  iidiabituits,  and  .set  a  gairison  there  (ibid.  xii. 
 3t),  which  he  afterwards  strengthened  considerably 
 (ibid.  xiii.  11).  But  when  jieace  was  restored,  he 
 ru-estjiblished  it  once  more  as  a  haven  (Ibid.  xiv.  5). 
 
 JORAM 
 
 Ho  likewise  rebuilt  the  fortifications  (Ibid.  v.  114) 
 'i'liis  occupation  of  Joppa  was  one  of  the  grounds  o. 
 complaint  uiged  by  Antiuchus,  son  of  Demetrius, 
 against  Simon  ;  but  the  latter  alleged  in  excuse  the 
 mischief  which  h.id  ijeen  done  by  its  inhabitants  to 
 his  fellow-citizens  (Ibid.  xv.  oO  and  35).  It  would 
 appear  that  Judas  Maccabaeus  had  burnt  their 
 haven  some  time  back  for  a  gross  act  of  barbarity 
 (2  Mace.  xii.  6).  Tribute  was  subsequently 
 exacted  for  its  possession  from  Hyrcanus  bv  Antio- 
 chus  Sidetes.  By  I^mpey  it  was  once  more  made 
 independent,  and  comprehended  under  Syria ;  but 
 by  Caesar  it  was  not  only  restored  to  the  Jews,  but 
 its  revenues,  whether  from  land  or  from  export- 
 duties,  were  bestowed  upon  the  2nd  Hvrcanus 
 and  his  heirs.  When  Hfod  the  Gieat  commenced 
 o]ierations,  it  wius  seizeil  by  him,  lest  he  should 
 leave  a  hostile  strong-hold  in  his  rear,  when  he 
 marched  upon  Jerusalem,  and  Augustus  confirmed 
 him  in  its  possession.  It  was  afterwards  assigned 
 to  Arclielaus,  when  constituted  ethnarch,  and 
 passed  with  Syria  under  Cyienius,  when  Archelaus 
 had  been  deposed.  Under  Ce-stius  (i'.  e.  Gessius 
 Horns)  it  was  destroyed  amidst  great  slaughter  of 
 its  inhabitants ;  and  such  a  ne.st  of  pirates  had  it 
 become,  when  Vespasian  aiTived  in  those  parts, 
 that  it  underwent  a  second  and  entire  destruction, 
 together  with  the  adjacent  villages,  at  his  hands. 
 Thus  it  appears  that  this  port  had  alre.ady  begun 
 to  be  the  den  of  robbers  and  outcasts  which 
 it  was  in  Strabo's  time.  When  Joppa  first  liecame 
 the  seat  of  a  Christian  bishop  is  unknown.  It  was 
 taken  possession  of  by  the  forces  of  Godfrey  de 
 Bouillon  previously  to  the  capture  of  Jeru.salem. 
 Saladin,  in  a.d.  1188,  destroyed  its  fortifications; 
 but  Richard  of  England,  who  was  confined  here  by 
 sickness,  rebuilt  them.  its  last  occupation  by 
 Christians  was  that  of  St.  Louis,  a.d.  1253,  and 
 when  he  came,  it  was  still  a  city  and  governed  by 
 a  count.  Alter  this  it  came  into  the  h.-inds  of  the 
 Sultans  of  Kgypt,  together  with  the  rest  of  I'ales- 
 tine,  by  whom  it  was  once  more  laid  in  ruins. 
 Kinally,  Jaflii  fell  under  the  Turks,  in  whase  posses- 
 sion it  still  is.  The  existing  town  contains  in  round 
 numbers  about  4000  inhabitants.  Its  chief  manu- 
 facture is  soap.  The  oranges  of  Jafl'a  aie  the  finest 
 in  all  Palestine  and  Syria,  ami  its  giudens  and  orange 
 and  citron-groves  deliciously  fragrant  and  fertile. 
 
 Jo  ppe,  1  Ksd.  V.  55 ;  1  Mace.  .x.  75,  76  ;  xi. 
 6;  xii.  33;  xiii.  II;  xiv.  5,  34;  xv.  28,  35; 
 2  Mace.  iv.  21  ;  xii.  3,  7.     [JofPA.] 
 
 Jo'rah,  the  ancestor  of  a  frimily  of  112  who  re- 
 tiiiiRMl  from  Babylon  with  Kzia  (Ezr.  ii.  18).  In 
 Neh.  vii.  24  he  appears  under  the  name  Hariph,  or 
 more  correctly  tlie  same  family  are  lepresented  as 
 the  Bcne-ilaiiph,  the  variation  of  name  originating 
 probably  in  a  very  slight  confusion  of  the  iett«i's 
 which  compose  it. 
 
 Jora'i.  One  of  the  Gadites  dwelling  in  Giiead 
 in  Bashan,  in  the  reign  of  Jotham  king  of  Judah 
 (1  Chr.  V.  13). 
 
 Jo'ram.  1.  Sonof  Ahab;  king  of  Israel  (2  K. 
 viii.  16,  25,  28,  29;  ix.  14,  i".  21-23,  29). 
 [Ji'.llOKA.M,  1.] — 2.  Son  of  Jehoshaphat ;  king  of 
 Judah  (2  K.  viii.  21.  23,  24;  1  Chr.  iii.  II  ; 
 2  Chr.  xxii.  5,  7;  Matt.  i.  «).  [Jkiiouam.  2.] 
 — S.  A  priest  in  the  reign  of  Jehoshaphat  (1  Chr. 
 xvii.  8).— 4.  A  Levite,  ancestor  of  Shelomith  in 
 the  time  of  David  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  25  .—6.  Son  of 
 Toi,  king  of  Hamath  (2  Sam.  viii.  10).     [ilADO- 
 
 ICAM.]— 8.    I    i;.sd.  i.  9.       [JOZAIIAD,  3.] 
 
OORDAN 
 
 Jor'dan,  a  river  that  has  never  been  navigable 
 flowing  into  a  sea  that  has  never  i<nown  a 
 port.  It  winds  through  scenery  )emarl<able 
 rather  for  sameness  and  tameness  than  for  bold 
 outline.  Its  couree  is  not  much  above  200  miles 
 from  first  to  last — from  the  roots  of  Anti-Leba- 
 non to  the  head  of  the  Dead  8ea.  Such  is  the 
 river  of  the  "  great  plain  "  of  Palestine — the  "  De- 
 scender " — if  not  "the  river  of  God"  in  the  book 
 of  Psalms,  at  least  that  of  His  chosen  people 
 throughout  their  history.  The  earliest  allusion  to 
 it  is  not  so  much  to  the  river  itself  as  to  the  plain 
 or  plains  which  it  traversed  (Gen.  xiii.  10).  We 
 must  anticipate  events  slightly  to  be  able  to  speak 
 of  the  fords  or  passages  of  the  Jordan.  There  weie 
 fords  over  against  Jericho,  to  which  point  the  men 
 of  Jericho  pursued  the  spies  (Josh.  ii.  7  ;  comp. 
 Judg.  iii.  28).  Higher  up,  perhaps  over  against 
 Succoth,  some  way  above  where  the  little  liver 
 Jabbok  (Zerka)  enters  the  Jordan,  were  the  fords 
 or  passages  of  Bethbarah  (probably  the  Bethabara 
 of  the  Gospel),  where  Gideon  lay  in  wait  for  the 
 Midianites  (Judg.  vii.  24),  and  where  the  men  of 
 Gilead  slew  the  Ephraimites  (xii.  6).  These  fords 
 undoubtedly  witnessed  the  first  lecorded  passage  of 
 the  Jordan  in  the  0.  T.  (Gen.  xxxii.  10).  And 
 Jordan  was  next  crossed,  over  against  Jericho,  by 
 Joshua  the  son  of  Nun,  at  the  head  of  the  descend- 
 ants of  the  twelve  sons  of  him  who  signalized  the 
 first  passage  (Josh.  iv.  12  and  13).  Fiom  their 
 vicinity  to  Jerusalem  the  lower  fords  were  much 
 used  ;  David,  it  is  probable,  passed  over  them  in 
 one  instance  to  fight  the  fciyrians  (2  Sam.  x.  17); 
 and  subsequently,  when  a  fugitive  himself,  in  his 
 way  to  Jlahanaim  (xvii.  22)  on  the  east  bank. 
 Thus  there  were  two  customary  places,  at  which 
 the  Jordan  was  fordable,  though  there  may  have 
 been  more,  particularly  during  the  summer,  which 
 are  not  mentioned.  And  it  must  have  been  at  one 
 of  these,  if  not  at  both,  that  baptism  was  after- 
 wards administered  by  St.  John,  and  by  the  dis- 
 ciples of  our  Lord.  Where  our  Lord  was  baptised 
 is  not  stated  expres>ly  ;  but  it  was  probably  at  the 
 upper  ford.  These  fords — and  more  light  will  oe 
 thrown  upon  their  exact  site  presently — were  ren- 
 dered so  much  the  more  precious  in  those  days 
 from  two  circumstances.  First,  it  does  not  appear 
 that  there  were  then  any  bridges  thrown  over,  or 
 boats  regularly  established  on,  the  Jordan.  And 
 secondly,  because,  in  the  language  of  the  author  of 
 the  book  of  Joshua  (iii,  15),  "  Jordan  overflowed 
 all  his  banks  all  the  time  of  harvest,"  The  channel 
 or  bed  of  the  river  became  brimful,  so  that  the 
 level  of  the  water  and  of  the  banks  was  then  the 
 same.  Dr.  Robinson  seems  to  have  good  reason  for 
 saying  that  the  ancient  rise  of  the  river  has  been 
 greatly  exaggerated.  The  last  feature  which 
 remains  to  be  noticed  in  the  Sciiptural  account  of 
 the  Jordan  is  its  frequent  mention  as  a  boundary : 
 ■'  over  Jordan,"  "  this,"  and  "  the  other  side,"  or 
 "  beyond  Jordan,"  were  expressions  as  familiar  to 
 the  Israelites  as  "  across  the  water,"  "  this,"  and 
 "  the  other  side  of  the  Channel,"  are  to  English  ears. 
 In  one  sense  indeed,  that  is,  in  so  far  as  it  was  the 
 eastern  boundary  of  the  land  of  Canaan,  it  was  the 
 eastern  boundary  of  the  promised  land  (Num. 
 xxxiv.  12).  Panium,  says  Josephus,  appears  to  be 
 the  source  of  the  Jordan ;  whe:eas  it  has  a  secret 
 passage  hither  under  ground  from  Phiala,  as  it  is 
 called,  about  120  stadia  distant  from  Caesarea,  on 
 the  road  to  Trachonitis,  and  on  the  right  hand  side 
 
 JORDAN 
 
 421 
 
 of,  and  not  far  from  the  road.     That  this  is  tiic 
 ti'ue  source  of  the  Jordan  was  fiist  discovered  by 
 Philip,   tetrarch  of  Trachonitis.      It  is  from  this 
 cave  at  all  events  that  the  Jordan  commences  its 
 ostensible   course    above    ground ;    traversing    the 
 marshes  and  fens    of  Semechonitis  (L.  Merom  or 
 Huleh),   and   then,  after   a  course  of   120  stadia, 
 passing  by  the  town  Julias,  and  intersecting  the 
 lake  of  Genesareth,  winds  its  way  thiough  a  con- 
 siderable wilderness,  till  it  finds  its  exit  in  the  lake 
 Asphaltites  {B.  J.  iii.   10,  §7).     While   Josephus 
 dilates  upon  its  sources,  Pausauias,  who  had  visited 
 the  Jordan,  dilates  upon   its  extraordinary  disap- 
 pearance.    Not  one  of  the  earlier  or  later  travellers 
 dwells  upon  the  phenomenon  that  from  the  village 
 of  Hashbeii/a  on  the  N.W.  to  the  village  of  Shih'a 
 on  the  N.E.  of  Banias,  the  entire  slope  of  Anti- 
 Lebanon  is  alive  u  ith  bursting  fountains  and  gush- 
 ing streams,  every  one  of  which,  great  or  small, 
 finds    its   way    sooner    or   later    into    the   swamp 
 between  Banias  and   lake   Huleh,  and   eventually 
 becomes  part  of  the  Jordan.     Far  be  it  from  us  to 
 depreciate  those  time-honoured  parent  springs — the 
 noble  fountain  ''of  Daphne)   under  the  Tell,  or  hill 
 of  Dan  {Tell-el-A'ddi/),  which  "gushes  out  all  at 
 once  a  beautiful   river  of  delicious  water "  in  the 
 midst  of  verdure   and   welcome   shade ;  still    less, 
 that  magnificent  "  burst  of  water  out  of  the  low 
 slope"  in  fiont  of  the  pictuiesque  cave  of  Banias 
 inscriptions  in  the  niches  of  which  still  testify  to 
 the  deity  that  was  once  worshipped  there,  and  to 
 the    royal    munificence   that    adorned    his   shrine. 
 But  what  shall  we  say  to  "  the  bold  perpendicular 
 rock  "  near  Hashbeiya,  "  from  beneath  which,"  we 
 are  told,  "  the  river  gushes  copious,  translucent, 
 and  cool,  in  two  rectangular  streams,  one  to  the 
 N.E.,   and    the    other   to   the    N.W.?"     Captain 
 Newbold  has  detected  a  4th  source,  which  according 
 to  the  Arabs,  is  never  dry,  in  the  Wady  el-Kid, 
 which  the  Captain  appears  to  have  followed  to  the 
 springs  called  Esh-Skar,  though  we  must  add,  that 
 its  sources,  according  to  our  impression,  lie  con- 
 sideiably  more  to  the  N.     It  runs  past  the  ruined 
 walls  and  forts  of  Banias  on  the  S.E.     Again,  the 
 Phiala   of  Josephus    has   not   yet  been   identified. 
 Any  lake  would  have   been  called  Phiala   oy  the 
 Gieeks  that  bore  that  shajje.     But  Birhet  er  Ram, 
 or  the  alleged  Phiala,  lies  to  the  S.E.  of,  and  at  some 
 distance  from,  the  cave  of  Banias.     The  direction 
 of  Shib'a — to  the  N.  E.  of  Banias — is  beyond  doubt 
 the  true  one.     The  actual  description  given  by  Cap- 
 tain Newbold  of  the  lake  Merj  el  Man,  "  3  hrs.  E. 
 10°  N.  from  Banias,"  leads  to  the  supposition  that  it 
 is  the  true  Phiala.     Once  more,  according  to   Mr. 
 Thompson,  "  the  Hashbeiya,  when  it  reaches  the 
 L.   Hiileh,  has    been    immensely   enlarged    by   the 
 waters  from  the  great  fountains  of  Banias,  Tell-el 
 Kady,    el   Melldhah,   Derakit  or    Beldt,  and  in- 
 numerable   other   springs."      The    junction    takes 
 place  one-third  of  a  mile  N.  of   Tell  Sheikh  Yusnf. 
 The   Jordan    enters   Genesareth    about    two    miles 
 below  the  ruins  of  the  ancient  city  Julias,  or  the 
 Bethsaida  of  Gaulanitis,  which  lay  upon  its  eastern 
 bank.     At  its  mouth  it  is  about  70  feet  wide,  a 
 lazy  turbid  stream,  flowing  between  low  alluvial 
 banks.      There  are  several  bars  not   far  from   its 
 mouth  where  it  can  be  forded.  ,  .  .  From  the  site 
 of  Bethsaida  to   hir  Bendt    Yahob   is  about  six 
 miles.     The  Jordan  here   rushes  along,  a  foaming 
 torrent  (much  of  course  depending  on  the  season 
 when    it   is    visited),  through    a    nanow   winding 
 
122 
 
 JORIBAS 
 
 ravine,  shut  in  hy  high  precipitous  banks.  Ahdve 
 the  bridge  the  current  is  less  vapid  and  the  l);nilvs 
 are  lower.  The  whole  distance  from  the  lake 
 el-IIQloh  to  the  sea  of  Tiberi:is  is  nearly  nine  miles, 
 and  the  fall  of  the  river  is  about  600  feet  ( Porter's 
 Handltouli,  part.  ii.  p.  A'1C)-1 ).  The  two  principal 
 .'eatures  in  the  course  of  the  Jordan  are  its  descent 
 and  its  windings.  From  its  fountain-heads  to  the 
 point  where  it  is  lost  to  nature,  it  rushes  down  one 
 continuous  inclined  plane,  only  broken  by  a  series 
 of  rapids  or  precipitous  falls.  Between  the  lake  of 
 Tiberias  and  the  IX'ad  Sea  Lieutenant  I-ynch  passed 
 down  '11  rapids  ;  the  depression  of  the  lake  of  Tiberias 
 below  the  level  of  the  JIeditei.Tanean  was  653'3  feet; 
 and  that  of  tiie  |)ead  Sea  1810-7  feet.  Its  sinuosity 
 is  not  so  remarkable  in  the  upper  part  of  its  course. 
 Lieutenant  Lynch  would  regard  the  two  phenomena 
 in  the  light  of  cause  and  efl'ect.  "  The  great 
 secret,"  he  says,  "  of  the  depression  between  lake 
 Tiberias  and  the  Dead  Sea  is  solved  by  the  tor- 
 tuous course  of  the  Jordan.  In  a  space  of  60  miles 
 of  latitude  and  4  or  5  miles  of  longitude,  the  Jordan 
 traverses  at  least  200  miles."  The  gieatest  width 
 mentioned  was  180  yards,  the  point  where  it  enters 
 the  Dead  Sea.  Here  it  was  only  3  feet  deep.  The 
 only  living  tributaries  to  the  Jordan  noticed  par- 
 ticularly below  Genesareth  were  the  Yarmuk 
 (^Hiei'omax)  and  the  Zerha  iJabbok).  There  are 
 no  bridges  over  Jordan  to  which  an  earlier  date  has 
 been  assigned  than  that  of  the  lionian  occupation. 
 In  the  folds,  we  find  a  lemaikable,  yet  perfectly 
 independent  concurrence  between  the  narrative  of 
 Lieutenant  Lynch  and  what  has  been  asserted  pre- 
 viously respecting  the  fords  or  passages  of  the  Bible. 
 Yet  still  it  is  no  slight  coincidence  that  no  more 
 than  three,  or  at  most  four  regular  fords  should 
 nave  been  set  down  by  the  chronicleis  of  the  Ame- 
 rican expeilition.  The  two  first  occur  on  the  s;une 
 Jay  within  a  few  horn's  of  each  other,  and  are 
 called  resjiectively  Wacabes  and  StVnoa.  The  next 
 ford  is  the  ford  of  l)amieh,  as  it  is  called,  opposite 
 to  the  commencement  of  the  Witdij  Zerka,  some 
 miles  above  the  junction  of  that  river  with  tlie 
 Jordan.  The  ford  el-Mashra'a  over  against  Jericho 
 w;us  the  last  ford  to  put  upon  record,  and  it  is  too 
 well  known  to  neetl  any  lengthened  notice.  Here 
 tradition  has  chosen  to  combine  the  passage  of  the 
 Isiaelites  under  Joshua  with  the  baptism  of  our 
 Lord.  Not  a  single  city  ever  crowned  the  banks  of 
 the  Jordan.  Still  Bethshan  and  Jericho  to  the  W., 
 (Jerasa,  I'ella,  and  G.adara  to  the  E.  of  it,  were  im- 
 portant cities,  and  caused  a  go(Ml  deal  of  traliic 
 between  the  two  opposite  banks.  The  jihvsical 
 features  of  the  Joidan,  or  of  the  filior,  will  be 
 treated  of  more  at  large  under  the  general  head  of 
 Palestine. 
 Jo'ribas  =  Jaiuh  (  I  Ksd.  viii.  44  ;  comp.  V./.r. 
 
 viii.  Hi  I. 
 
 Joribus  =  Jauir  (1    Ksd.  ix.  19;  comp.  Kzr. 
 
 X.    IH). 
 
 Jo'rim,  son  of  Matthat,  in  the  genealogv  of 
 Cliii.-t  (Luke  iii.  29). 
 
 Jor'koam,  cither  a  descendant  of  Caleb,  the  .son 
 of  lle/.Kiii,  iir  the  name  of  a  place  in  the  tribe  of 
 Judiih  (  1  Chr.  ii.  44). 
 
 Josabad.  1.  Properly  JozAnAD,  the  Gedeia- 
 thite,  oni'  of  the  warrioi-s  of  Benjamin  who  joined 
 David  at  Ziklag  (1  Chr.  xii.  4). — 2.  Jozabad,  son 
 of  Jeshua  the  Lovitc  (1  Ksd.  viii.  tj3;  romp.  K/.r. 
 viii.  33).— 3.  One  of  the  sons  of  P.ebai  (1  LmI.  \x. 
 
 29).      [/.AKUAI.j 
 
 JOSEPH 
 
 To'saphat  =  Jehoshaphat  king  of  Judah  (Mat*,, 
 i.  S  . 
 
 Josaph'ias  =  JosiPHiAH  (1  Esd.  viii.  36;  comp. 
 F^zr.  viii.  10;. 
 
 Jo'se,  son  of  Eliezer,  in  the  genealogy  of  Jesus 
 Christ  (Luke  iii.  29). 
 
 Jo'sedec,  1  Estl.  v.  5,  48,  56;  vi.  2;  ix.  19: 
 Ecclus.  xlix.  12  =  Jehozadak  or  Jozadak,  the 
 father  of  .leshua,  whose  name  also  appears  as  JoSK- 
 ni;cii  (Hag.  i.  1). 
 
 Jo'sedech  =  jKtiozADAK  the  son  of  Seraiah 
 ^Hag.  i.  1,  12,  14,  ii.  2,  4;  Zech.  vi.  11). 
 
 Jo'seph.  1.  The  elder  of  the  two  sons  of  Jacob 
 by  Hacliol.  The  date  of  Joseph's  birth  relatively  to 
 that  of  the  coming  of  Jacob  into  Egypt  is  fixed  by 
 the  mention  that  he  was  thirty  years  old  when  he 
 became  governor  of  Egypt  (xli.  46),  which  agrees 
 with  the  statement  that  he  was  "  seventeen  years 
 old"  (xxxvii.  2)  .about  the  time  that  his  brethren 
 sold  him.  He  was  therefore  born  about  39  yeai's 
 before  Jacob  came  into  Egypt,  and,  according  to  the 
 most  probable  chronology,  B.C.  cir.  1906.  After 
 Joseph  s  birth  he  is  first  mentioned  when  a  youth, 
 jeventeen  years  old.  As  the  child  of  liachel,  and 
 "  son  of  his  old  age  "  (xxxvii.  3),  and  doubtless  also 
 for  his  excellence  of  character,  he  was  beloved  by 
 his  father  above  all  his  brethren.  Probably  at  this 
 time  liachel  was  already  dead  and  Pjeiijamin  but  an 
 infant.  Jacob  had  now  two  small  jiieces  of  land  in 
 Canaan,  Abraham's  burying-place  at  Hebron  in  the 
 south,  and  the  "  parcel  of  a  field,  where  he  [Jacob] 
 had  spread  his  tent"  (Gen.xxxiii.  19),  at  Shecliem 
 in  the  north,  the  latter  being  probably,  from  its 
 price,  the  smaller  of  the  two.  He  seems  then  to  have 
 stayed  at  Hebron  with  the  aged  Isaac,  while  his 
 sons  kept  his  flocks.  Joseph,  we  read,  brought  the 
 evil  report  of  his  brethren  to  his  father,  and  they 
 hated  him  because  his  father  loved  him  more  than 
 them,  and  had  shown  his  preference  by  making  him 
 a  dress,  which  appeai-s  to  have  been  a  long  tunic 
 with  sleeves,  worn  by  youths  and  maidens  of  the 
 richer  cl.iss.  The  hatred  of  .Io~eph's  brethren  was 
 increased  by  his  telling  of  a  dream  foreshowing  that 
 they  would  bow  down  to  him,  which  w.as  followed 
 by  another  of  the  same  import.  They  had  gone  to 
 Shechem  to  feed  the  flock  ;  and  Joseph  was  sent 
 thither  from  the  vale  of  Hebron  by  his  father  to 
 bring  him  word  of  their  welfare  and  that  of  the 
 Hock.  They  were  not  at  Shechem,  but  were  gone 
 to  Dothan,  which  appe:us  to  have  been  not  very  fai 
 distant,  pa>turing  their  flock  like  the  Arabs  of  the 
 ])resent  day,  wherever  the  v/ild  country  (ver.  22) 
 was  unowned.  On  Joseph's  appioach,  his  brethren, 
 except  Keuben,  resolved  to  kill  hini  ;  but  l.'euben 
 saved  him,  persuading  tliem  to  citst  liim  into  a  dry 
 pit,  to  the  intent  that  he  might  restore  him  to 
 his  father.  Accordingly,  when  Joseph  was  come, 
 they  strippeil  him  of  his  tunic  and  cast  him  into 
 the  pit,  "  and  they  s<it  down  to  eat  bread  :  and  they 
 lifted  up  tlicir  eyes  and  lookcnl,  and,  liehold,  a  com- 
 pany of  Ishmeelites  came  tVom  Gilead  with  their 
 c;unels."  Judah  suggested  to  his  biethreu  to  sell 
 Jo.seph  to  the  Ishmeelites,  a]>pealing  at  once  to  their 
 covetousness  and,  in  proposing  a  less  cruel  cour.se 
 than  that  on  which  they  were  pioliably  still  resolveil. 
 to  what  remnant  of  brotherly  feeling  they  may  .still 
 have  had.  Accordingly  they  took  Joseph  out  of  the 
 pit  and  sold  him  "  tor  twenty  [.shekels]  of  silver" 
 (ver.  28).  Keuben  w;ts  absent,  and  on  his  return 
 to  the  pit  was  greitly  distre.s-seil  at  not  finding  .lo- 
 s«'j>h.     His  brethren  pretended  to  .lacob  that  Jorcph 
 
JOSEPH 
 
 had  lieen  killed  by  some  wild  beast,  taking  to  him 
 the  tunic  stained  with  a  kid's  blood,  while  even 
 Heuben  tbi-bore  to  tell  him  the  truth,  all  speaking 
 constantly  of  the  lost  brother  as  tliough  tliey  knew 
 not  what  had  befallen  him,  and  even  as  dead.  "  And 
 .Jacob  rent  his  clothes,  and  put  sackcloth  upon  his 
 loins,  and  mourned  for  his  son  many  days"  (Gen. 
 .\.\xvii.  34).  The  JMlAianites  sold  Joseph  in  Egypt 
 to  Potiphar,  "  an  officer  of  Pharaoh,  captain  of  the 
 executioners,  an  Egyptian  "  (xxxix.  1  ;  comp.  xxxvii. 
 86).  It  is  important  to  observe  that  a  careful  com- 
 parison of  evidence  has  led  us  to  the  conclusion  that, 
 at  the  time  that  Joseph  was  sold  into  Egypt,  the 
 country  was  not  united  under  the  rule  of  a  single 
 native  line,  but  governed  by  several  dynasties,  of 
 which  the  Fifteenth  Dynasty,  of  Shepherd  Kings, 
 was  the  predominant  line,  the  rest  being  tributary 
 to  it.  The  absolute  dominions  of  this  dynasty  lay 
 in  Lower  Egypt,  and  it  would  therefore  always  be 
 most  connected  with  Palestine.  The  manners  de- 
 scribed are  Egyptian,  although  there  is  apparently 
 an  occasional  slight  tinge  of  Shemitism.  The  date 
 of  Joseph's  ai-rival  we  should  consider  B.C.  cir.  1890. 
 In  Egypt,  the  second  period  of  Joseph's  life  begins. 
 As  a  child  he  had  been  a  true  son,  and  withstood 
 the  evil  example  of  his  brethren.  He  is  now  to 
 serve  a  strange  master  in  the  hard  state  of  slavery, 
 and  his  virtue  will  be  put  to  a  severer  proof  than  it 
 had  yet  sustained.  Joseph  prospered  in  the  house 
 of  the  Egyptian,  who,  seeing  that  God  blessed  him, 
 and  pleased  with  his  good  service,  "  set  him  over 
 his  house,  and  all  [that]  he  had  he  gave  into  his 
 hand  "  (xxxix.  4,  comp.  5).  He  was  placed  over 
 all  his  master's  property  with  perfect  trust,  and 
 "  the  Lord  blessed  the  Egyptian's  house  for  Josepli's 
 sake  "  (ver.  5).  The  sculptures  and  paintings  of 
 the  ancient  Egyptian  tombs  bring  vividly  before  us 
 the  daily  life  and  duties  of  Joseph.  His  master's 
 wife,  with  the  well-kuown  profligacy  of  the  Egyp- 
 tian women,  tempted  him,  and  failing,  charged  him 
 with  the  crime  she  would  have  made  him  commit. 
 I'otiphar,  incensed  against  Joseph,  cast  him  into 
 prison.  The  punishment  of  adulteiers  was  severe, 
 and  a  moral  fcile  recently  interpreted  "  The  Tko 
 Brothers"  is  foimded  ujion  a  case  nearly  resem- 
 bling that  of  Joseph.  It  has,  indeed,  been  imagined 
 that  this  story  was  based  upon  the  tiial  of  Joseph. 
 The  prison  is  described  as  "  a  place  where  the  king's 
 prisoners  [were]  bound "  (xxxix.  20).  Here  the 
 hardest  time  of  Joseph's  period  of  pi'obation  began. 
 He  was  cast  into  prison  on  a  fidse  accusation,  to 
 I'emain  there  for  at  least  two  years,  and  perhaps  for 
 a  much  longer  time.  In  the  prison,  as  in  Poti- 
 phar's  house,  Joseph  was  found  worthy  of  complete 
 trust,  and  the  keeper  of  the  prison  placed  everything 
 under  his  controL  After  a  while,  Pharaoh  was  in- 
 censed against  two  of  his  officers,  "the  chief  of  the 
 cupbearers"  and  the  "chief  of  the  bakers,"  and 
 c?.st  them  into  the  prison  were  Joseph  was.  Here 
 the  chief  of  the  executioners,  doubtless  a  successor 
 of  Potiphar,  charged  Joseph  to  serve  these  prisoners. 
 Each  dre;mied  a  prophetic  dream,  which  Joseph  in- 
 terpreted, disclaiming  human  skill  and  acknowledg- 
 ing that  inteipretations  were  of  God.  "  After 
 two  years,"  Joseph's  deliverance  came.  Pharaoh 
 dreamed  two  prophetic  dreams.  "  He  stood  by 
 the  j-iver  [the  Nile].  And,  behold,  coming  up  out 
 of  tlie  river  seven  kine  [or  'heifers'],  beautiful 
 in  appearance  and  fat-fleshed ;  and  they  ted  in  the 
 marsh-s:rass.  And,  behold,  seven  other  kine  coming 
 up  after  them  out  of  the  river,  evil  in  appearance, 
 
 JOSEPH 
 
 423 
 
 and  lean-fleshed  "  (xli.  1-3).  These,  afterwards  de- 
 scribed still  more  strongly,  ate  up  the  first  seven, 
 and  yet,  as  is  said  in  the  second  account,  when  they 
 had  eaten  them  remained  as  lean  as  before  (xli.  1-4 
 17-21).  Then  Pharaoh  had  a  second  dream, — 
 "  Behold,  seven  ears  of  corn  coming  up  on  one 
 stalk,  fat  [or  '  full,'  ver.  22]  and  good.  And,  be- 
 hold, seven  ears,  thin  and  blasted  with  the  east 
 wind,  sprouting  forth  after  them "  (ver.  5,  6). 
 These,  also  described  more  strongly  in  the  second 
 account,  devoured  the  first  seven  ears  (ver.  5-7, 
 22-24).  In  the  morning  Pharaoh  sent  for  the 
 "  scribes  "  and  the  "  wise  men,"  and  they  were  un- 
 able to  give  him  an  interpretation.  Then  the  chief 
 of  the  cupbearers  remembered  Joseph,  and  told 
 Pharaoh  how  a  young  Hebrew,  "  servant  to  thi; 
 captain  of  the  executioners,"  had  inteipreted  his 
 and  his  fiillow-prisoner's  dreams.  "  Then  Pharaoh 
 sent  and  called  Joseph,  and  they  made  him  hasten 
 out  of  the  prison  :  and  he  shaved  [himself],  and 
 changed  his  raiment,  and  came  unto  Pharaoh '" 
 (ver.  14).  The  king  then  related  his  dreams,  and 
 Joseph,  when  he  had  disclaimed  human  wisdom, 
 declared  to  him  that  they  were  sent  of  God  to  fore- 
 warn Pharaoh.  There  was  essentially  but  one 
 dream.  Both  kine  and  ears  symbolized  years. 
 There  were  to  be  seven  years  of  great  plenty  in 
 Egypt,  and  after  them  seven  years  of  consuming 
 and  "  very  heavy  famine."  The  doubling  of  the 
 dream  denoted  that  the  events  it  foreshadowed  were 
 certain  and  imminent.  On  the  interpretation  it 
 may  be  remarked,  that  it  seems  evident  that  the 
 kine  represented  the  animal  products,  and  the  ears 
 of  corn  the  vegetable  products,  the  most  important 
 object  in  each  class  representing  the  whole  class. 
 The  perfectly  Egyptian  colour  of  the  whole  narra- 
 tive is  very  noticeable,  and  nowhere  more  so  than 
 in  the  particulars  of  the  first  dream.  Having  inter- 
 preted the  dream,  Joseph  counselled  Pharaoh  to 
 choose  a  wise  man  and  set  him  over  the  coiuitry,  in 
 order  that  he  should  take  the  fifth  part  of  the  pro- 
 duce of  the  seven  years  of  plenty  against  the  years 
 of  famine.  To  this  high  post  the  king  appointed 
 Joseph.  Thus,  when  he  was  thirty  years  of  age, 
 was  he  at  last  released  from  his  state  of  sufTering, 
 and  placed  in  a  position  of  the  greatest  honoui". 
 The  Pharaoh  here  mentioned  was  probably  Assa, 
 Manetho's  Assis  or  Asses,  whose  reign  we  suppose 
 to  have  about  occupied  the  fiist  half  of  the  nine- 
 teenth century  B.C.  Pharaoh,  seeing  the  wisdom 
 of  giving  Joseph,  whom  he  perceived  to  be  uudei' 
 God's  guidance,  greater  powers  than  he  had  advised 
 should  be  given  to  the  officer  set  over  the  country, 
 made  him  not  only  governor  of  I'gypt,  but  second 
 only  to  the  sovereign.  He  also  "gave  him  to 
 wife  Asenath  daughter  of  Poti-pherah,  priest  [or 
 'prince']  of  On"  (ver.  45).  Joseph's  first  act 
 was  to  go  throughout  all  the  land  of  Egypt  (ver. 
 46).  During  the  seven  plenteous  years  there  was 
 a  very  abundant  produce,  and  he  gathered  the  fifth 
 part,  as  he  had  advised  Pharaoh,  and  laid  it  up. 
 Before  the  year  of  famine  Asenath  bare  Joseph  two 
 sons.  When  the  seven  good  years  had  passed,  the 
 famine  began  (Gen.  xli.  54-57).  The  expressions 
 here  used  do  not  require  us  to  suppose  that  the 
 famine  extended  beyond  the  countries  around  Egypt, 
 such  as  Palestine,  Syria,  and  Arabia,  as  well  as  some 
 part  of  Africa.  It  must  also  be  recollected  that 
 Egypt  was  anciently  the  granary  of  neighbouring 
 countries.  Famines  are  not  very  unfrequent  in  the 
 history  of  Egypt.    [Famine.]     After  the  famiiir 
 
424 
 
 JOSEPH 
 
 had  lasted  for  a  time,  apparently  two  years,  Joseph 
 gathen'il  up  all  the  money  that  was  louiid  in  the 
 laud  of  E;iypt,  and  in  the  land  of  Canaan,  for  the 
 corn  which  they  bought:  and  Joseph  brought  the 
 money  into  Pharaoh's  house  (xlvii.  13,  14).  When 
 all  the  money  of  Kgypt  and  Canaan  was  exhausted, 
 barter  became  necessary.  Joseph  then  obtained  all 
 the  cattle  of  Kgypt,  and  in  the  next  year,  all  the 
 land,  except  that  of  the  piiests,  and  ap]«rently,  as 
 a  consequence,  the  Egyjitians  themselves.  He  de- 
 manded, however,  only  a  fifth  part  of  the  produce 
 as  I'haraoh's  right.  It  has  been  attempted  to  trace 
 this  enactment  of  Josepli  in  the  fragments  of  Kgyp- 
 tian  history  preserved  by  profane  writers,  but  the 
 result  has  not  been  satisfactory.  The  evidence  of 
 the  narrative  in  Genesis  seems  favourable  to  the 
 theoiy  we  suj)poit  that  Joseph  ruled  Egypt  under  a 
 shi-pherd-king.  There  is  a  notice,  in  an  ancient 
 Egyptian  inscription,  of  a  fiimine  which  has  been 
 supjxjsed  to  be  that  of  Joseph.  The  inscription  is 
 in  a  tomb  at  Bene-thisan,  and  records  of  Ainenee,  a 
 governor  of  a  district  of  Upper  Egypt,  that  when 
 there  were  years  of  famine,  his  district  was  supplied 
 with  food.  This  was  in  the  time  of  Sesertesen  I., 
 of  the  xiith  Dynjusty.  It  has  been  supposed  that 
 this  must  be  Jcseph's  famine,  but  not  only  are  the 
 particulars  of  the  record  inapplic;ible  to  that  in- 
 stance, but  the  calamity  it  relates  was  never  un- 
 usual in  Egypt,  as  its  ancient  inscriptions  and  modern 
 history  equally  testify.  Joseph's  policy  towards  the 
 subjects  of  I'haraoh  is  important  in  reference  to  the 
 torming  an  estimate  of  his  character.  It  displavs 
 the  resolution  and  breadth  of  view  that  mark  his 
 whole  careei'.  He  peiceived  a  great  advant^ige  to 
 be  gained,  and  he  lost  no  part  of  it.  Earlv  in  the 
 time  of  famine,  which  prevailed  equally  in  Canaan 
 and  Egypt,  Jacob  reproved  his  helpless  sons  and 
 sent  tliem  to  Egypt,  where  he  knew  there  was  corn 
 to  be  bought.  Benjamin  alone  he  kept  with  him. 
 Joseph  wa.s  now  governor,  an  Egyptian  in  habits 
 and  si)eech,  for  like  all  men  of  large  mind  he  had 
 BUtlered  no  scruples  of  prejudice  to  make  him  a 
 stranger  to  the  people  he  ruled.  His  brethren  did 
 not  know  him,  grown  from  the  boy  they  had  sold 
 into  a  man,  and  to  their  eyes  an  Egyptian,  while 
 they  must  have  been  scarcely  changed.  Joseph  re- 
 membered his  dreams,  and  behaved  to  them  a-s  a 
 stranger,  using,  as  we  afterwards  le;un,  an  inter- 
 preter, and  spoke  haid  words  to  them,  and  accused 
 them  of  being  s])ies.  In  defending  themselves  they 
 spoke  of  their  household.  The  whole  story  of  Jo- 
 seph's tre;itment  of  his  brethren  is  so  gi-aphicallv 
 told  in  Cen.  xlii.-xlv.,  and  is  so  familiar  that  it  is 
 unnecessaiy  here  to  n-peat  it.  Alter  the  removal 
 of  his  family  into  Egypt,  Jacob  and  his  house  abode 
 in  the  land  of  (ioshen,  Jos.'ph  still  ruling  the  country. 
 Here  Jacob,  when  near  his  end,  gave  Jose])h  a  por- 
 tion above  his  biethi'en,  doubtless  including  the 
 "  parcel  of  ground  "  at  Shechem,  his  future  burv- 
 ing-place  (com]i.  John  iv.  5).  Then  he  blesseil  liis 
 sons,  Joseph  most  earnestly  of  all,  and  died  in 
 Egypt.  "  And  Joseph  tell  uj)on  his  face,  and  wept 
 U{X)n  him,  and  kissed  him"  (I.  1).  When  he  had 
 caused  him  to  be  embalmed  by  "  his  servants  the 
 physicians  "  lie  carried  him  to  Canaan,  and  laid  him 
 in  the  c;ive  of  iMachpi-lah,  the  burying-place  of  Ins 
 fathers.  Then  it  was  that  his  brethren  feared  that, 
 their  father  being  dtad,  Joseph  wonhl  punish  them, 
 and  that  he  strove  to  remove  their  lisars.  Erom 
 his  being  able  to  make  t\te  journey  into  Canaan  with 
 "a  very  great  comj>any  "  (•>,,  as  well   as  from  his 
 
 JOSEPH 
 
 livicg  apart  from  Lis  brethren  and  from  their  feai 
 of  him,  Joseph  seems  to  have  been  still  governor 
 of  Egypt.  We  know  no  more  than  that  lie  lived 
 "  a  hundred  and  ten  yeuis  "  (22,  26),  having  been 
 moiethan  ninety  in  Egy|)t ;  that  he  "saw  Ephraira's 
 children  of  the  third  "  [generation],  and  that  "the 
 children  also  of  Machir  the  son  of  JIanasseh  were 
 borne  upon  Joseph's  knees"  (23)  ;  and  that  dying 
 he  took  an  oath  of  his  brethren  that  they  should 
 carry  up  his  bones  to  the  land  of  piomise:  thus 
 showing  in  his  latest  action  the  faith  (Heb.  xi.  22) 
 which  had  guided  his  whole  life.  Like  his  father 
 he  was  embalmed,  "  and  he  was  put  in  a  coffin  in 
 ''-gypt  "  (1-  -fi)-  His  trust  Moses  kept,  and  laid 
 the  bones  of  Joseph  in  his  inheritance  in  Shechem, 
 in  the  territory  of  Ephraim  his  offspring.— ^2.  Father 
 of  Igal  who  represented  the  tribe  of  Issachar  among 
 the  spies  (Num.  xiii.  7).— 3.  A  lay  Israelite  of  the 
 family  of  Bini  who  was  compelled  by  Ezra  to  put 
 away  his  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  42).^4.  Represent- 
 ative of  the  priestly  fomily  of  .Shebaniah,  in  the 
 next  generation  after  the  Keturn  t'lom  Captivity 
 (Neh.  xii.  14).— 5.  A  Jewish  officer  defeated  by 
 Gorgiasc.  1G4  B.C.  (1  Mace.  v.  8,  50,  60).— 6.  In 
 2  Mace.  viii.  22,  x.  19,  Joseph  is  named  among  the 
 brethren  of  .ludas  Maccabaeus  apparently  in  place 
 of  John. —7.  An  ancestor  of  Judith  (Jud.  viii.  I). 
 —8.  <>iie  of  the  ancestors  of  Christ  (Luke  iii.  30), 
 son  ol"  .lonan.— 9.  Another  ancestor  of  Christ,  son 
 of  Judah  (Luke  iii.  26). —10.  Another,  son  of 
 Matt;ithias  (Luke  iii.  24). — 11.  .^n  of  Heli,  and 
 reputed  father  of  Jesus  Christ.  All  that  is  told  us 
 of  Joseph  in  the  N.  T.  may  be  summed  up  in  a  few 
 words.  He  was  a  just  man,  and  of  the  house  and 
 lineage  of  David.  The  public  registers  also  con- 
 taintd  his  name  under  the  reckoning  of  the  hou.se 
 of  David  (John  i.  4.5  ;  Luke  iii.  23  ;  Matt.  i.  20  ; 
 Luke  ii.  4).  He  lived  at  Nazareth  in  Galilee,  and 
 it  is  probable  that  his  family  had  been  settled  there 
 for  at  least  two  preceding  generations,  possibly  from 
 the  time  of  Matthat,  the  common  gi-andtiither  of 
 .loseph  and  Mary,  since  Mary  lived  there  too  (Luke 
 i.  26,  27).  He  espoused  Mary,  the  daughter  and 
 heir  of  his  uncle  Jacob,  and  before  he  took  her  home 
 as  his  wife  received  the  angelic  communii-ation  re- 
 corded in  Matt.  i.  20.  It  must  have  been  within  a 
 very  short  time  of  his  taking  her  to  his  home,  that 
 the  decree  went  forth  from  Augustus  Caesar  which 
 obliged  him  to  leave  Naaiieth  with  his  wife  and  go 
 to  Bethlehem.  He  was  there  with  Mary  and  her 
 first-born,  when  the  shepherds  cime  to  see  the  babe 
 in  the  manger,  and  he  went  with  them  to  the  temple 
 to  present  the  infant  according  to  the  law,  and  there 
 heard  the  prophetic  words  of  Simeon,  as  he  held 
 him  in  his  arms.  When  the  wise  men  from  the 
 East  came  to  Bethlehem  to  woi-ship  Christ,  .Joseph 
 was  there;  and  he  went  down  to  Egypt  with  them 
 by  night,  when  warned  by  an  angel  of  the  danger 
 which  thieatenetl  them ;  and  on  a  sei-ond  me.ssage 
 he  returned  with  them  to  the  land  of  Isi-.iel,  in- 
 tending to  reside  at  Bethlehem  the  city  of  Daviil ; 
 but  being  afraid  of  Archelaus  he  took  up  his  abode, 
 as  before  his  marriage,  at  Nazareth,  where  lie  carried 
 on  his  tiaile  as  a  carpenter.  When  .lesus  was  12 
 years  old  Joseph  and  Mary  took  him  with  them  to 
 keep  the  Passover  at  .lerusalcm,  and  when  they  ie» 
 turned  to  Nazareth  he  (t)ntinued  to  act  as  a  f  ither 
 to  the  child  Jesus,  and  was  reputed  to  be  so  indeeil. 
 But  here  our  knowli>ilge  of  .Joseph  ends.  That  !ie 
 died  l)«lbre  our  Lord's  crucilixion,  is  indeed  tolerably 
 certain,  by  what   is  rclatcl,  John  xix.  27,  anditr- 
 
JOSEPH  OF  ARIMATHAEA 
 
 naps  Mark  vi.  3  may  imply  that  hf  was  then  dead. 
 But  wheio,  when,  or  how  he  died,  we  know  not. 
 
 Joseph,  of  Arimathaea,  a  rich  and  pious  Israelite 
 who  had  tlie  privilege  <)f  pert'onning  the  last  oflices 
 of  duty  and  atiection  to  tlie  body  of  our  Lord.  He 
 ■3  distinguished  from  other  persons  of  the  same  name 
 by  the  addition  of  his  birth-place  Arimathaea.  Jo- 
 sqih  is  denominated  by  Mark  (xv.  43),  an  ho- 
 nourable counsellor,  by  which  we  are  probably  to 
 understand  that  he  was  a  member  of  the  Great 
 Council,  or  Sanhedrim.  He  is  further  characterised 
 as  "a  good  man  and  a  just"  (Lukexxiii.  50),  one 
 of  those  who,  bearing  in  their  hearts  the  words  of 
 their  old  prophets,  were  waiting  for  the  kingdom  of 
 God  (Mark  xv.  43  ;  Luke  ii.  25,  38,  xxiii.  51).  We 
 are  expressly  told  that  he  did  not  "  couseut  to  the 
 counsel  and  deed  "  of  his  colleagues  in  conspiring  to 
 bring  about  the  death  of  J^us  ;  but  he  seems  to 
 have  lacked  the  courage  to  protest  against  their 
 judgment.  At  all  events  we  know  that  he  shrank, 
 through  fear  of  his  countrymen,  from  professing 
 himself  openly  a  disciple  of  our  Lord.  The  cruci- 
 fixion seems  to  have  wrought  in  him  the  same  clear 
 conviction  that  it  wrought  in  the  Centurion  who 
 stood  by  the  cross ;  for  on  the  very  evening  of  that 
 dreadful  day,  when  the  triumph  of  the  chief  priests 
 and  rulers  seemed  complete,  Joseph  "  went  in  boldly 
 unto  Pilate  and  craved  the  body  of  Jesus."  Pilate 
 consented.  Joseph  and  Nicodemus  then  having  en- 
 folded the  sacred  body  in  the  linen  shroud  which 
 Joseph  had  bought,  consigned  it  to  a  tomb  liewn  in 
 a  rock,  a  tomb  where  no  human  corpse  had  ever  yet 
 been  laid.  Tlie  tomb  was  in  a  garden  belonging  to 
 .Joseph,  and  close  to  the  place  of  crucifixion.  There 
 is  a  tradition  that  he  was  one  of  the  seventy  dis- 
 ciples. Another,  whether  authentic  or  not,  deserves 
 to  be  mentioned  as  generally  current,  namely,  that 
 Josejrh  being  sent  to  Great  Britain  by  the  Apostle 
 !"t.  Philip,  about  the  year  63,  settled  with  his 
 brother  disciples  at  Glastonbury. 
 
 Jo'seph,  called  Bar'sabas,  and  surnamed  Justus ; 
 one  of  the  two  )jersons  chosen  by  the  assembled 
 church  (Acts  i.  23)  as  worthy  to  fill  the  place  in 
 the  Apostolic  company  from  which  Judas  had  fallen. 
 Eusebius  states  that  he  was  one  of  the  seventy  dis- 
 ciples. 
 
 Jose'phus,  1  Esdr.  ix.  34.     [Joseph,  3.] 
 
 Jo'ses.  1.  Son  of  Eliezer,  in  the  genealogy  of 
 Christ  (Luke  iii.  29).— 2.  One  of  the  Lord's  breth- 
 ren (Matt.  xiii.  55;  Mark  vi.  3).— 3.  JoSES  Bar- 
 NAUAs  (Acts  iv.  36).     [Barnabas.] 
 
 Jo'shah,  a  prince  of  the  house  of  Snneon,  son  of 
 Amazi;ih,  in  the  days  of  Hezekiah  (1  Chr.  iv.  34, 
 38-41). 
 
 Jo'shaphat,  the  Mithnite,  one  of  David's  guard 
 (1  Chr.  xi.  43). 
 
 Joshaviah.,  the  son  of  Elnaam,  and  one  of  Da- 
 vid's ;:uai(ls  ( 1  Chr.  xi.  46). 
 
 Joshbeka'shah,  son  of  Heman,  head  of  the 
 17th  course  of  musicians  (1  Chr.  xxv.  4,  24). 
 
 Josll'ua.  His  name  appears  in  the  various  forms  of 
 HosuEA,  OsiiEA,  Jehoshua,  Jeshua,  and  Jesus. 
 1.  The  son  of  Nun,  of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim  (1  Chr. 
 vii.  27).  The  future  captain  of  invading  hosts  grew 
 up  a  slave  in  the  brick-fieids  of  Egypt.  Born  about 
 tlie  time  when  Moses  fled  into  Midian,  he  was  a 
 man  of  nearly  forty  years  when  he  saw  the  ten 
 plagues,  and  shared  in  the  hurried  triumph  of  the 
 Exodus.  He  is  mentioned  first  in  connexion  with 
 the  fight  agauist  Amalek  at  Kephidim,  when  he  wiis 
 choseu  ( Ex.  xvii.  9)  by  Moses  to  lead  the  Israelites. 
 
 JOSHUA,  BOOK  OF 
 
 425 
 
 When  Moses  ascended  Mount  Sinai  to  receive  for  the 
 first  time  (compare  Ex.  xxiv.  13,  and  xxxiii.  11) 
 the  two  Tables,  Joshua,  who  is  called  his  minister 
 or  servant,  accompanied  him  part  of  the  way,  and 
 was  the  first  to  accost  him  in  his  descent  (Ex.  xx.xii. 
 17).  Soon  afterwards  he  was  one  of  the  twelve 
 chiefs  who  were  sent  (Num.  xiii.  17)  to  explore  the 
 land  of  Canaan,  and  one  of  the  two  (xiv.  6)  who 
 gave  an  encouiaging  report  of  their  journey.  The 
 40  years  of  wandering  weie  almost  passed,  and 
 Joshua  was  one  of  the  few  survivors,  when  Moses, 
 shortly  before  his  death,  was  directed  (Num.  xxvii. 
 18)  to  invest  Joshua  solemnly  and  publicly  with 
 definite  authority  in  connexion  with  Eleazar  the 
 priest,  over  the  people.  And  after  this  was  done, 
 God  Himself  gave  Joshua  a  charge  by  the  mouth  of 
 the  dying  Lawgiver  (Deut.  xxxi.  14,23).  Under 
 the  direction  of  God  again  renewed  (Josh.  i.  1), 
 Joshua,  now  in  his  85th  year  (Joseph.  Ant.Y.  1, 
 §29)  assumed  the  command  of  the  j)eople  at  Shit- 
 tim,  sent  spies  into  Jericho,  crossed  the  Jordan, 
 fortified  a  camp  at  Gilgal,  circumcised  the  people, 
 kept  the  passover,  and  was  visited  by  the  Captain  of 
 the  Lord's  Host.  A  miracle  made  the  fall  of  Jeri- 
 cho more  terrible  to  the  Canaanites.  In  the  first 
 attack  upon  Ai  the  Israelites  were  repulsed :  it  fell 
 at  the  second  assault,  and  the  invaders  marched  to 
 the  relief  of  Gibeon.  In  the  gieat  battle  of  Beth- 
 horon  the  Amorites  were  signally  routed,  and  the 
 south  country  was  open  to  the  Israelites.  Joshua 
 returned  to  the  camp  at  Gilgal,  master  of  half  of 
 Palestine.  In  the  north,  at  the  waters  of  Merom, 
 he  defeated  the  Canaanites  under  Jabin  king  of 
 Hazor ;  and  pursued  his  success  to  the  gates  of 
 Zidon  and  into  the  valley  of  Lebanon  under  Hermon. 
 In  six  years,  six  tribes  with  thirty-one  petty  chiefs 
 were  conquered  ;  amongst  others  the  Anakim — the 
 old  terror  of  Israel — are  especially  recorded  as  de- 
 stroyed everywhere  except  in  Philistia.  Joshua, 
 now  stricken  in  years,  pioceeded  in  conjunction 
 with  Eleazar  and  the  heads  of  the  tribes  to  com- 
 plete the  division  of  the  conquered  land  ;  and  when 
 all  was  allotted,  Timnatli-serah  in  Mount  Ephraim 
 was  assigned  by  the  people  as  Joshua's  peculiar  in- 
 heritance. The  Tabernacle  of  the  congregation  was 
 established  at  Shiloh,  six  cities  of  refuge  were  ap- 
 pointed, forty-eight  cities  assigned  to  the  Levites, 
 and  the  warriors  of  the  trans-Jordanic  tribes  dis- 
 missed in  peace  to  their  homes.  After  an  interval 
 of  rest,  Joshua  convoked  an  assembly  from  all  Israel, 
 He  delivered  two  solemn  addresses  reminding  them 
 of  the  marvellous  fulfilment  of  God's  promises  to 
 their  fathers,  and  warning  them  of  the  conditions 
 on  which  their  prosperity  depended  ;  and  lastly, 
 he  caused  them  to  renew  their  covenant  with  God, 
 at  Shechem,  a  place  already  famous  in  connexiot'. 
 with  Jacob  (Gen.  xxxv.  4),  and  .Joseph  (Josh, 
 xxiv.  32 J.  He  died  at  the  age  of  110  years,  and 
 was  buried  in  his  own  city,  Timnath-serah.  —  2. 
 An  inhabitant  of  Bethshemesh,  in  whose  land  wau 
 the  stone  at  which  the  milch-kine  stopped,  when 
 they  drew  the  ark  of  God  with  the  oHerings  of  the 
 Philistines  from  Ekron  to  Bethshemesh  ( 1  Sam.  vi. 
 14,  18).— 3.  A  governor  of  the  city  who  gave  bis 
 name  to  a  gate  of  Jerusalem  (2  K.  xxiii.  8).— 4, 
 Jeshua  the  son  of  Jozadak  (Hag.  i.  14,  ii.  1  ; 
 Zech.  iii.  1,  &c.). 
 
 Josh'ua,  Book  of.  1.  Authority. — The  claim 
 of  the  book  of  Joshua  to  a  place  in  the  Canon  of 
 the  0.  T.  has  never  been  disputed.  Its  authority 
 is  confirmed   by  the   references,  in  other  books  of 
 
426 
 
 JOSIAH 
 
 Holy  Scripture,  to  the  pvcuts  which  are  lelatai  in 
 it;  as  Ps.  Ixxviii.  5r>-<)5  ;  Is.  xxviii.  21  ;  Hab.  iii. 
 11-13;  Actsvii.  4o;  Heli.  iv.  8,  xi.  30-32  ;  James 
 ii.  '2r).  The  miracles  which  it  lelafes,  and  paiticii- 
 larly  that  of  the  pioloiujjatioii  of  the  day  of  the 
 battle  of  Makkedah  ha\e  led  some  critics  to  enter- 
 tain a  siisj>icion  of  the  credibility  of  the  book  as  a 
 history.  The  treatment  of  the  Caiiaanites  which 
 is  siinctioned  in  this  book  has  been  denounced  for 
 its  severity  by  Eiihliorn  and  earlier  writers.  But 
 there  is  nothing  in  it  inconsistent  with  the  divine 
 attribute  of  justice,  or  with  God's  ordinary  way  of 
 jjoverning  the  world.  Some  discrepancies  are  al- 
 leged by  I)e  U'ettc  and  Haul)'  to  ex-ist  within  the 
 book  it.>elf,  and  have  been  described  as  material  dif- 
 ferences and  contradictions.  But  they  disappear 
 when  the  words  of  the  text  are  accurately  stated 
 and  weighed,  and  they  do  not  affect  the  general  credi- 
 bility of  the  book.  Other  discrepancies  have  been 
 alleged  by  Dr.  l)avids(iii,  with  the  view  not  of  dis- 
 paraging the  credibility  of  the  book,  liut  of  sup- 
 porting the  theory  that  it  is  a  compilation  from  two 
 distinct  documents.  These  are  not  sutiicient  either 
 to  imi>ai)'  the  authority  of  the  book,  or  to  prove  that 
 it  was  not  substantially  the  composition  of  one  au- 
 thor.—2.  Scope  and  contents. — The  book  of  Joshua 
 is  a  distinct  whole  in  itself.  There  is  not  sutiicient 
 ground  for  treating  it  as  a  part  of  the  Penta- 
 teuch, or  a  compilation  from  the  same  documents 
 as  foiiHied  the  gr'^undwork  of  the  I'entateuch.  Per- 
 haps no  part  of  the  Holy  Scri|)tuie  is  more  injured 
 than  the  first  lialf  of  this  book  by  being  printed  in 
 chapters  and  verses.  The  first  twelve  chapters 
 foim  a  continuous  narrative,  which  seems  never  to 
 halt  or  flag.  And  the  description  is  frequently  so 
 minute  as  to  show  the  hand  not  merely  of  a  con- 
 temporary, but  of  an  eye-witness.  Step  by  step 
 we  are  led  on  through  the  solemn  preparation,  the 
 arduous  struggle,  the  crowning  triumph.  The 
 se<Hind  part  of  the  book  (ch.  xiii.-xxi.)  has  been 
 aptly  coin[)ared  to  the  l)omesday-book  of  the  Nor- 
 man conquerors  of  Kngland.  The  documents  of 
 which  it  consists  were  doubtless  the  abstiact  of 
 such  repoits  as  were  supplied  by  the  men  whom 
 Joshua  sent  out  (xviii.  8)  to  describe  the  land. 
 'I'he  book  may  be  I'egarded  as  consisting  of  three 
 )mrts:  [a)  the  conquest  of  Canasm  (i.-xii.);  (6) 
 the  partition  of  Canaan  (xiii.— xxii.)  ;  (c)  Joshua's 
 faiewell  (xxiii.-xxiv.).  The  events  related  in  this 
 l)f)ok  extend  over  a  period  of  alwut  25  years  from 
 II.  (;.  1451  to  142G.  —  3.  Author.  —  Nothing  is 
 I  rally  known  as  to  the  authorship  of  the  Imok. 
 Joshua  himself  is  generally  named  as  the  author 
 by  the  Jewish  writers  and  the  Christian  Kath.'rs. 
 Others  have  conjectured  I'hinehas,  ICIcazar,  Samuel, 
 Jeiemiah.  Von  l.engerke  thinks  it  was  written  liy 
 some  one  in  the  time  of  Josiiih  ;  Davidson  by  some 
 one  in  the  time  of>aul.  or  somewhat  later ;  Mjusjus, 
 Le  Clerc,  Maurer,  and  others  by  some  one  who  lived 
 after  the  l'>aby|oni>h  captivity.  It  has  been  sup- 
 ])osed  that  the  liook  as  it  now  stands  is  a  compilation 
 from  two  earlier  documents,  one,  the  original,  called 
 Klohistic,  the  other  supplementjuy,  called  Jeho- 
 vistic.  The  last  verses  (xxiv.  29-33)  were  obvi- 
 ously ailded  by  st)ine  later  hand.  The  account  of 
 some  other  event.s  may  have  been  inserted  in  the 
 book  of  .loshua  by  a  late  transcril^er.— 4.  Theie  is 
 *xtaiit  a  .S:iniaritan  Hook  of  Joshua  in  the  Arabic 
 language,  written  in  tin;  l.'lth  centurv. 
 
 josi'ah.    1.  The  son  of  /\inon  and  .ledidah,  suc- 
 ceeded his  father  B.C.  041,  in  the  eighth  year  of  his 
 
 JOZABAD 
 
 age,  and  reigned  31  years.  His  history  is  contained 
 in  2  K.  xxii. -xxiv.  30  ;  2  Chr.  xxxiv.,  xxxv. ;  and 
 the  first  twelve  chapters  of  Jeremiah  throw  much 
 light  upon  the  general  character  of  the  Jews  in  his 
 days.  He  began  in  the  eighth  year  of  his  reign  to 
 seek  the  Lord  ;  and  in  his  twelfth  year,  and  for  six 
 yeai-s  afterwaids,  in  a  jiei-sonal  progress  throughout 
 all  the  land  of  Judah  and  Israel,  he  destroyed  every- 
 where high  places,  groves,  images,  and  all  outward 
 signs  and  relics  of  idolatry.  The  temple  was  re- 
 stored under  a  special  commission ;  and  in  the 
 course  of  the  repairs  Hilkiah  the  priest  found  that 
 book  of  the  Law  of  the  Lord  which  quickened  so 
 remarkably  the  ardent  zeal  of  the  king.  The  great 
 day  of  Josiah's  life  was  the  day  of  the  Passover  in 
 the  eighteenth  year  of  his  reign.  After  this,  his 
 endeavours  to  abolish  every  trace  of  idolatry  and 
 superstition  were  still  carried  on.  But  the  time 
 drew  near  which  had  been  indicated  by  Huldah 
 (2  K.  xxii.  20).  When  Pharaoh-Necho  went  from 
 Egypt  to  Carchemish  to  rarry  on  his  war  against 
 Assyria  (comp.  Herodotus,  ii.  159),  Josiah,  possibly 
 in  a  sjjirit  of  loyalty  to  the  .^ssyrian  king,  to  whom 
 he  may  have  been  bound,  opposed  his  march  along 
 the  sea-coast.  Necho  reluctantly  paused  and  gave 
 him  battle  in  the  valley  of  Esdraelou.  Josiah  was 
 moitally  wounded,  .and  died  before  he  could  reach 
 Jerusalem.  He  was  buried  with  extraor<linary  ho- 
 nours. It  was  in  the  reign  of  Josiah  that  a  no- 
 madic horde  of  Scythians  overran  Asia  (Herodotus, 
 i.  104-106).  Kwald  conjectuies  that  the  59th 
 Psalm  was  composed  by  king  Josiah  duiing  a  siege 
 of  Jeru.salem  by  these  ."^cythians.  The  town  ot 
 Bethshan  is  said  to  derive  its  (Jreek  name  .'^cytho- 
 polis,  from  these  invaders.— 2.  The  son  of  Zepha- 
 niah,  at  whose  house  the  jirophot  Zechariah  was 
 commanded  to  assemble  the  chief  men  of  the  axp- 
 tivity,  to  witness  the  solemn  and  symbolical  crown- 
 ing of  Joshua  the  high-priest  (Zech.  vi.  9). 
 
 Josi'aa.  L  Josiah,  king  of  Judah  (1  Ksd.  i.  I, 
 7,  18,  21-23,  25,  28,  29,32-34;  Ecclus.  xlix.  1, 
 4;  Bar.  i.  8;  Matt.  i.  10,  11).— 2.  Jeshaiah  the 
 son  of  ,\thaliah  (1  Esd.  viii.  33  ;  comp.  Ezr.  viii.  7). 
 
 Josib'iah,  the  father  of  Jehu,  a  .Simeonite  (1 
 Chr.  IV.  :',:,}. 
 
 Josiph  iah,  the  father  or  ancestor  of  Shelomith, 
 who  returned  with  Ezra  (Ezr.  viii.  10 1.  A  word 
 is  evidently  omitted  in  the  tiist  part  of  the  vei-se. 
 It  should  probably  read,  "  of  the  sons  of  Baui,  .^he- 
 lomith,  the  son  of  Josi]ihiah." 
 
 Jot'Tjah,  the  native  place  of  MesliuUemeth,  the 
 quern  ,,t  Maiiasseh  (2  K.  xxi.  19). 
 
 Jot  bath,  or  Jotbathah  (Deut.  x.  7;  Num. 
 xxxiii.  .'!:!),  a  desert  slatiun  of  the  Israelites. 
 
 Jo  tham.  1.  The  youngest  son  of  Gideon 
 rjudg.  ix.  5),  who  esca]K'd  fiom  the  massacre  ol 
 his  brethren.  His  paralile  of  the  reign  of  the 
 bramble  is  the  earliest  example  of  the  kind.  Nothing 
 is  known  of  him  .■itterwards,  except  that  he  dwelt 
 at  Beer.- 2.  The  sou  of  king  Uzziah  or  .A/.ariah  and 
 Jeriishah.  After  .idininistering  the  kingdom  ti^r 
 .some  yeai-s  during  his  father's  le|)rosy,  he  succeeded 
 to  the  throne  n.c.  758,  when  he  wjls  25  years  old, 
 and  reigned  lii  years  in  Jerusalem.  He  w.is  con- 
 temporary with  Pekah  and  with  the  inophet  isjiiah. 
 His  history  is  contained  in  2  K.  xv.  and  2  Chr. 
 xxvil.— 3.  -V  desceixiant  oi'  Judah,  son  of  Jahdai 
 (1  Chr.  ii.  47). 
 
 Jo'lMtbad.  1.  A  caiitain  of  the  thouswndsof  Mn- 
 na.sseh,  who  deserted  to  David  before  the  battle  of 
 <:ilboa(l  Chr.  xii.  20).— 2.   A  hero  of  Mai:asseh. 
 
JOZACHAK 
 
 like  the  preceding  (1  Chr.  xii.  20).— 3.  A  I.evlte 
 in  the  reign  of  Hezel<iah  (2  Chr.  .xxxi.  13).— 4.  A 
 chief  I.evite  in  the  reign  of  Josiah  (2  Chr.  xx.xv.  9 ). 
 —5.  A  Levite,  son  of  Jeshua,  in  the  days  ofEzra 
 (Kzr.  viii.  33).  Probably  identical  with  7.-6. 
 A  priest  of  the  sons  of  Pashur,  who  had  married  a 
 foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  2_'i.— 7.  A  Levite  among 
 those  who  retuined  with  Ezra  and  had  married  fo- 
 reign wives.  He  is  probably  identical  with  Jozabad 
 the  Levite  (Neh.  viii.  7);  and  with  Jozabad,  who 
 presided  over  the  outer  work  of  the  Temple  (Neh. 
 xi.  16i. 
 
 Jo'zachar,  the  son  of  Shimeath  the  Ammonitess, 
 and  one  of  the  murderers  of  Joash  king  of  Judah 
 (2  K.  xii.  21).  The  writer  of  the  Chronicles  (2 
 Chr.  xxiv.  26)  calls  him  Zabad,  which  is  nothing 
 more  than  a  clerical  eri-or  for  Jozachar. 
 
 Jo'zadak,  Ezr.  iii.  2,  8;  v.  2;  x.  18;  Neh.  xii. 
 26.     The  contracted  form  of  Jehozadak. 
 
 Ju'bal,  a  son  of  Lamech  by  Adah,  and  the  in- 
 ventor of  the  "harp  and  organ"  (Gen.  iv.  21), 
 probably  general  terms  for  stringed  and  wind  in- 
 struments. 
 
 Jubilee,  the  Year  of,  the  fiftieth  yeai-  after  the 
 succession  of  seven  Sabbatical  yeare,  in  which  all 
 the  land  which  had  been  alienated  returned  to  the 
 families  of  those  to  whom  it  had  been  allotted  in 
 the  original  distribution,  and  all  bondmen  of  Hebrew 
 blood  were  liberated.  The  relation  in  which  it 
 stood  to  the  Sabbatical  year  and  the  general  direc- 
 tions for  its  observance  are  given  Lev.  xxv.  8-16 
 and  23-55.  Its  bearing  on  lands  dedicated  to  Je- 
 hovah is  stated  Lev.  xxvii.  16-25.  There  is  no 
 mention  of  the  Jubilee  in  the  book  of  Deuterononiv, 
 and  the  only  other  reference  to  it  in  the  Pentateucli 
 is  in  Num.  xxxvi.  4.^11.  The  year  was  inaugurated 
 on  the  Day  of  Atonement  with  the  blowing  of 
 trumpets  throughout  the  land,  and  by  a  proclama- 
 tion of  universal  liberty. —  1.  The  soil  was  kept 
 under  the  same  condition  of  rest  as  had  existed  dur- 
 ing the  preceding  Sabbatical  year.  There  was  to 
 be  neither  ploughing,  sowing,  nor  reaping ;  but  the 
 chance  produce  was  to  be  left  for  the  use  of  all 
 comers. — 2.  Every  Isiaelite  returned  to  '■  his  pos- 
 session and  to  his  family  ;"  that  is,  he  recovered  his 
 right  in  the  land  originally  allotted  to  the  family 
 of  which  he  was  a  member,  if  he,  or  his  ancestor, 
 had  parted  with  it.  (k)  A  strict  rule  to  prevent 
 fraud  and  injustice  in  such  transactions  is  laid 
 down  : — if  a  Hebrew  urged  by  poverty,  had  to  dis- 
 pose of  a  field,  the  price  was  determined  according 
 to  the  time  of  the  sale  in  reference  to  the  approach 
 of  the  next  Jubilee.  (6)  The  possession  of  the 
 field  could,  at  any  time,  be  recovered  b}'  the  original 
 proprietor,  if  his  circumstances  improved,  or  by  his 
 next  of  kin.  (c)  Houses  in  walled  cities  were  not 
 hubject  to  the  law  of  Jubilee.  (d)  Houses  and 
 buildings  in  villages,  or  in  the  country,  being  re- 
 garded as  essentially  connected  with  the  cultivation 
 of  the  laud,  were  not  excepted,  but  returned  in  the 
 Jubilee  with  the  land  on  which  they  stood,  (e) 
 The  Levitical  cities  were  not,  in  respect  to  this  law, 
 leckoned  with  walled  towns.  (f )  If  a  man  had 
 sanctified  a  field  of  his  patrimony  unto  the  Lord,  it 
 could  be  redeemed  at  any  time  befoi'e  the  next  year 
 of  Jubilee,  ou  his  paying  one-fifth  in  addition  to 
 the  worth  of  the  crops,  rated  at  a  stated  valiiaticn 
 (Lev.  xxvii.  19).  If  not  so  redeemed,  it  became,  at 
 the  Jubilee,  devoted  for  ever,  (g)  If  he  who  had 
 purchased  the  usufiuict  of  a  field  sanctified  it,  he 
 coidd  redeem  it  till  the  next  Jubilee,  that  is,  as  long 
 
 JUBILEE,  THE  YEAR  OF       427 
 
 as  his  claim  lasted  ;  but  it  then,  as  justice  required, 
 returned  to  the  original  fnoprietor  (ver.  22-24). — 
 3.  All  Israelites  wlio  had  become  bondmen,  either 
 to  their  countrymen,  or  to  lesident  foreigners,  were 
 set  free  in  the  Jubilee  (Lev.  xxv.  40,  41),  when  it 
 happened  to  occur  before  their  seventh  year  of  servi- 
 tude, in  which  they  became  free  by  the  operation 
 of  another  law  (Ex.  xxi.  2).  Such  was  the  law  of 
 the  year  of  Jubilee,  as  it  is  given  in  the  Penta- 
 teuch.—III.  Josephus  (Ant.  iii.  12,  §3)  states  that 
 all  debts  were  remitted  in  the  year  of  Jubilee,  w  hile 
 the  Scripture  speaks  of  the  remission  of  debts  only 
 in  connexion  with  the  Sabbatical  Year  (Deut.  xv. 
 1,  2).  He  also  describes  the  terms  on  which  the 
 holder  of  a  piece  of  land  resigned  it  in  the  Jubilee 
 to  the  original  proprietor.  Philo  gives  an  account 
 of  the  Jubilee  agreeing  with  that  in  Leviticus,  and 
 says  nothing  of  the  remission  of  debts.— IV.  There 
 are  several  very  difficult  questions  connected  with 
 the  Jubilee,  of  which  we  now  proceed  to  give  a 
 brief  view: — 1.  Origin  of  the  xcord  Jubilee. — The 
 doubt  on  this  point  appears  to  be  a  very  old  one. 
 Uncertainty  respecting  the  word  must  have  been 
 felt  when  the  most  ancient  versions  of  the  0.  T. 
 were  made.  Nearly  all  of  the  many  conjectures 
 which  have  been  hazarded  on  the  subject  are  di- 
 rected to  explain  the  word  exclusively  in  its  bear- 
 ing on  the  year  of  Jubilee.  Now  in  all  such  at- 
 tempts at  explanation  there  must  be  an  anachron- 
 ism, as  the  word  yohel  is  used  in  Ex.  xix.  13, 
 before  the  institution  of  the  Law,  where  it  can 
 have  nothing  to  do  with   the  Year  of  Jubilee,   or 
 
 its  obsei-vances.     The  question  really  is,  can  "?31' 
 
 heie  mean  the  peculiar  sound,  or  the  instrument  for 
 producing  the  sound?  The  meaning  of  Jubilee 
 would  seem  to  be,  a  rushiiig,  penetrating  sound. 
 But  in  the  uncertainty,  which,  it  must  be  allowed, 
 exists,  our  translators  have  t^ken  a  safer  course  by 
 retaining  the  original  word  in  Lev.  xxv.  and  xxvii., 
 than  that  which  was  taken  by  Luther,  who  has 
 rendered  it  by  ffalljahr.^2.  Was  the  Jubilee  every 
 49th  or  50th  yenrl — If  the  plain  words  of  Lev. 
 xxv.  10  are  to  be  followed,  this  question  need  not  be 
 asked.  The  statement  that  the  Jubilee  was  the  50th 
 year,  after  the  succession  of  seven  weeks  of  years, 
 and  that  it  was  distinguished  from,  not  identicil 
 with,  the  seventh  Sabbatical  year,  is  as  evident  as 
 language  can  make  it.  The  simplest  view,  and 
 the  only  one  which  accords  with  the  sacred  text, 
 is,  that  the  year  which  followed  the  seventh  Sab- 
 batical year  was  the  Jubilee,  which  was  intercalated 
 between  two  series  of  Sabbatical  years,  so  that  the 
 next  year  was  the  first  of  a  new  half  century,  ant 
 the  seventh  year  after  that  was  the  first  Sabbatical 
 year  of  the  other  series.— 3.  Were  debts  remitted 
 in  the  Jubilee"? — Not  a  word  is  said  of  this  in 
 the  0.  T.,  or  in  Philo.  The  affirmative  rests  en- 
 tirely on  the  authority  of  Josephus.  Mainitmides 
 says  expressly  that  tlie  remission  of  debts  was  a 
 point  of  distinction  between  the  Sabbatical  yeai 
 and  the  Jubilee.  The  Jlishna  is  to  the  same  effect. 
 — V.  Maimonides,  and  the  Jewish  writers  in  gene- 
 ral, consiiler  that  the  Jubilee  was  observed  till  the 
 destruction  of  the  fii-st  temple.  But  there  is  no 
 direct  historical  notice  of  its  observance  on  any  one 
 occasion,  either  in  the  books  of  the  0.  T.,  or  in  any 
 other  records.  Tht  only  passages  in  the  Prophets 
 which  can  be  regarded  with  much  confidence,  as 
 referring  to  the  Jubilee  in  any  way,  are  Is.  v.  7, 
 8,    9,    10,     Ixi.    1,    2;     Ez.    vii.    12,    13,    .vlvi. 
 
428 
 
 JUCAL 
 
 lij,  17,  18. ^VI.  The  Jubilee  is  to  be  rcsanled  as 
 the  outer  ciivle  of  tliat  great  .Sabbatiual  system 
 wiiich  comprises  within  it  tiie  sabbatical  year,  the 
 <wibbatieal  month,  and  the  sabbath  day.  But  the 
 Jubilee  is  more  immediately  connected  with  the 
 body  politic  ;  and  it  was  only  as  a  member  of  the 
 sU\te  that  each  person  concerned  could  ]»articipate 
 in  its  provisions.  It  was  not  distinguished  by  any 
 prescribed  relii;ious  observance  peculiar  to  itselt', 
 like  the  rites  of  the  sabbath  liay  and  of  the  sabbatical 
 month ;  or  even  by  anything  like  the  reading  of 
 the  law  in  the  sabbatical  year.  l>ut  in  the  Hebrew 
 state,  polity  anil  religion  were  never  separated,  nor 
 was  their  essential  connexion  ever  diopped  out  of 
 sight.  As  fiir  as  legislation  could  go,  its  provisions 
 tended  to  restore  th.it  equality  in  outward  circum- 
 stances which  was  instituted  in  the  first  settlement 
 of  the  land  by  Joshua.  But  if  we  look  upon  it  in 
 its  more  special  character,  as  a  part  of  the  divine  law 
 ap|K)inted  for  the  chosen  people,  its  practical  bearing 
 was  to  vindicate  the  right  of  each  Israelite  to  liis 
 ]i:irt  in  the  covenant  which  Jehovah  had  made  with 
 his  lathers  respecting  the  land  of  promise. 
 
 Ju'cal,  son  of  Slielemiah  (Jer.  xxxviii.  1). 
 
 Ju'da.  1.  Son  of  Joseph  in  the  genealogy  of 
 Christ  (Luke  iii.  30).— 2.  Son  of  Joanna,  or  Ilana- 
 iiiah  [Haxaniaii,  8]  (Luke  iii.  26).  He  seems  to 
 be  cert.iinly  the  same  person  as  Abiud  in  Matt.  i. 
 K).— 3.  One  of  the  Lord's  brothien,  enumerated  in 
 Mark  vi.  3. — 4.  The  patriarch  Judah  (Su.s.  56; 
 Luke  iii.  X];  Heb.  vii.  14;   l.'ev.  v.  5,  vii.  5). 
 
 Judae'a,  oi-  Jude'a,  a  territorial  division  which 
 succeeded  to  tiie  oveilluow  of  the  ancient  land- 
 marks of  the  tribes  of  Isiael  and  Judali  in  tlieir  re- 
 spective captivities.  The  word  Hist  occurs  Dan.  v. 
 1.'5  {A.  V.  "  Jewry"),  and  the  first  mention  of  the 
 "  province  of  Judaea"  is  in  the  book  of  Ezra  (v.  8); 
 it  is  alluded  to  in  Neh.  xi.  3  'Hebr.  and  A.  V. 
 "Judah";,  and  was  the  result  of  the  division  of 
 the  I'ersian  empire  mentioned  by  Herodotus  (iii. 
 89-97),  under  Darius  (comp.  Kstli.  viii.  9;  Dan.  vi. 
 1 ).  In  the  Apocryphal  Books  the  word  "  province" 
 is  dropped,  and  throughout  the  books  of  Ksdras, 
 Tobit,  Judith,  and  Maccabees,  the  expressions  are 
 the  "  land  of  Judaea,"  "Judaea"  (A.V.  frequently 
 "  Jewry  "),  and  throughout  the  N.  T.  In  the 
 wonls  vt'  .I<)S(  pluis,  "  The  Jews  made  preparations 
 for  the  work  (of  rebuilding  tlie  walls  under  Nehe- 
 niiah) — a  name  which  they  received  forthwith  on 
 their  return  from  Baliylon,  from  the  tribe  of  Jud;di, 
 which  being  the  first  to  arrive  in  those  parts,  gave 
 name  both  to  the  inhabitants  and  the  territory " 
 (Ant.  xi.  .5,  §7).  In  a  wide  juid  more  improper 
 sense,  the  term  Judaea  was  sometimes  extended  to 
 the  whole  ('ountry  of  the  Canaanites,  its  ancient  in- 
 habit^mts  (Joseph.  Ant.  i.  6,  §'2)  ;  and  even  in  the 
 (iospels  we  .seem  to  re:id  of  the  coa.sts  of  Jud.iea 
 '■beyond  .loidan"  (Matt.  xix.  1;  Mark  x.  1). 
 With  I'tolemy,  moreover,  and  Dion  Cassins,  Judaea 
 is  synonymous  with  I'aiestine-.'^yria.  Judaea  w;us,  in 
 ftrii  t  language,  the  name  of  tiie  third  di.^trict,  west 
 of' the  Jordan,  and  south  of  .Samaria.  Its  northein 
 boundary,  accordiiij/  to  Josephus,  was  a  village  ctilled 
 Amiath,  its  soulhern  another  village  i..".med  Jardas. 
 Itsgeneial  breadth  w;is  from  the  Jordan  to  Joppa. 
 't  was  made  a  portion  of  the  Konian  province  of 
 Syiia  uiH>n  the  deposition  of  Anhelaus,  the  eth- 
 n;uch  of  Judra  in  A.I).  6,  and  was  governed  by  a 
 procurator,  who  was  subject  to  the  governor  of 
 Syria. 
 
 Jn'dab,    the  torn th  son  of  Jacob  and   thefouith 
 
 JUDAH 
 
 o(  I  e;ih,  the  last  before  the  temporaiy  cessation 
 in  the  births  of  her  cliildren.  His  whole-brotheis 
 wei'e  Heuben,  Simeon,  and  Levi,  elder  than  himself 
 — Issachar  and  Zebulun  younger  (see  Gen.  xxxv.  23). 
 Of  Judair.s  peisonal  character  moie  traits  are  pre- 
 served than  of  any  other  of  the  patriarchs,  with 
 the  exception  of  Joseph.  In  the  matter  of  the  s;ile 
 of  Jo;;e])h,  he  and  Keul>en  stand  out  in  favourable 
 contr.ast  to  the  rest  of  the  brothers.  Wlien  a  second 
 visit  to  Kgyjit  for  corn  had  become  inevitable,  it 
 was  Judah  who,  as  the  mouthpiece  of  the  rest, 
 headed  the  remonstrance  against  the  detention  oi 
 Benjamin  by  Jacob,  and  finally  undertook  to  be  re- 
 sponsible for  the  safety  of  tlie  lad  (xliii.  3-10). 
 And  when,  through  Joseph's  artifice,  the  brothei-s 
 were  brought  back  to  tlie  ])alace,  he  is  again  the 
 leader  and  spokesman  of  the  band.  So  too  it  is 
 Judah  who  is  sent  before  Jacob  to  smooth  the  way 
 for  liim  in  the  land  of  Goshen  (xlvi.  28).  This 
 ascendancy  over  his  brethren  is  reHecfed  in  the  last 
 words  addressed  to  him  by  his  father.  His  sons 
 weie  five.  Of  these,  three  were  by  his  Canaanite 
 wife  Bafh-shua.  They  are  all  insignificant:  two 
 ilied  early;  and  the  third,  Shklaii,  does  not  come 
 piominently  forward,  either  in  his  jiersoii  or  his 
 family.  The  other  two,  PiiARKZ  and  Zicraii,  were 
 illegitimate  sons  by  the  widow  of  Kr,  the  eldest  of 
 the  former  family.  As  is  not  unlrequently  the 
 case,  the  illegitimate  sons  surpassed  the  legitimate, 
 and  from  Fharez,  the  elder,  were  descended  the 
 royal  and  other  illustrious  families  of  Judah.  These 
 sons  were  born  to  Judah  while  he  was  living  in  the 
 same  district  of  Palestine  which,  centuries  aiW, 
 was  repossessed  by  his  descendants,  amongst  vil- 
 lages which  retain  their  names  unaltered  in  the 
 catalogues  of  the  time  of  the  conquest.  The  three 
 sons  went  with  their  father  into  Kgypt  at  the  time 
 of  the  fir.al  removal  thither  (Gen.  xlVi.  12  ;  Kx.  i.  2). 
 When  we  again  meet  with  the  families  of  Judah 
 they  occupy  a  position  among  the  tribes  similar  to 
 that  which  their  progenitor  had  taken  amongst  the 
 patriarchs.  The  numbei-s  of  the  tribe  at  the  census 
 at  Sinai  were  74,600  (Num.  i.  26,  27),  consider- 
 ably in  advance  of  any  of  the  others,  the  largest  of 
 which — l>an — numbered  62,700.  Ou  the  bordera 
 of  the  I'lomised  Land  they  were  76,.'HK')  (xxvi.  22), 
 Dan  being  still  the  nearest.  During  the  m.arch 
 through  the  ileseit  Judah's  jilace  was  in  the  van  of 
 the  host,  on  the  e.ist  side  of  the  Tabernacle,  with 
 his  kinsmen  Issachar  and  Zebulun  (ii.  3-9,  x.  14). 
 During  the  conquest  of  the  country  the  only  inci- 
 dents specially  altecting  the  tribe  of  Judah  are — 
 (1)  the  misdeed  of  Achan,  who  was  of  the  great 
 house  of  Zeiah  CJosh.  vii.  1,  16-18j;  and  (2)  the 
 conquest  of  tht  mountain  district  of  Hebron  by 
 Caleb,  and  of  the  strong  city  Debir,  in  the  same 
 locality,  by  his  nephew  and  .'on-in-law  Othniel 
 (Josh.  xiv.  6-1."),  XV.  13-19).  The  l)ounilaries  and 
 contents  of  tlie  territory  allotted  to  .hidah  ai"e  nar- 
 rated at  great  length,  and  with  greater  minuteness 
 than  the  others,  in  Josh.  xv.  2ii-6.'t.  The  north 
 boundary,  for  the  most  part  coincident  with  the 
 south  boundary  of  Benjanfin,  began  at  tlie  em- 
 bouchure of  the  Jonlan.  entered  the  hills  apparently 
 at  or  about  the  present  road  f\om  Jerii'lio,  ran  west- 
 ward to  l'",n-shemesli,  probably  the  ])iesent  Aiii- 
 /faiid,  btlow  Bethany,  theiiw  over  the  Mount  of 
 Olives  to  L'nro<icl,  in  the  \-al ley  beneath  Jerusalem; 
 went  along  (he  niviiie  of  Hinnom,  under  the  preci- 
 jiices  of  the  city,  climbed  the  hill  in  a  N.VV.  ilirec- 
 lion  to  the  water  of  the  Nephto;d\  (prolKibly  Lifto), 
 
JUDAH,  KINGDOM  OF 
 
 and  thouce  by  Kirjath-Jeaiim  (jirobably  Kuriet  el- 
 Ena')),  Betlishemesh  (Ain-Shems),  Timnath,  and 
 Ekion  to  Jabneel  on  the  /ea-coast.  On  the  east 
 the  Dead  Sea,  and  on  thf.  west  the  Mediteiianean 
 formed  the  boundaries.  The  southern  line  is  hard 
 to  determine,  since  it  '.s  denoted  by  places  many  ot 
 whicii  have  not  been  identified.  It  left  the  Dead 
 Sea  at  its  extreme  south  end,  and  joined  the  Medi- 
 terranean at  the  Wadi/  el-Arish.  This  territory, 
 in  average  length  about  45  miles,  and  in  average 
 breadth  about  50,  was  from  a  very  early  date  di- 
 vided into  tour  main  regions.  (1.)  The  South — 
 the  undulating  pasture  country  which  intervened 
 between  the  hills,  the  proper  possession  of  the  tribe, 
 and  the  deserts  which  encompass  the  lowei'  part  of 
 Palestine  (Josh.  xv.  21).— (2.)  The  Lowland  (xv. 
 33  ;  A.V.  "  valley"),  or,  to  give  it  its  own  proper 
 and  constant  appellation,  the  Shefelah,  the 
 broad  belt  or  strip  lying  between  the  central  high- 
 lands, "  the  mountain",  and  the  Mediterranean 
 Sea ;  the  lower  portion  of  that  maritime  plain, 
 which  extends  through  the  whole  of  the  sea-board 
 of  Palestine,  from  Sidon  in  the  north  to  Khinocolura 
 at  the  south.  This  tract  was  tlie  garden  and  the 
 granary  of  the  tribe.  From  the  edge  of  the  sandy 
 tract,  which  fringes  the  immediate  shore  right  up  to 
 the  very  wall  of  the  hills  of  Juiiah,  stretches  the 
 immense  plain  of  corn-fields.^(3.)  The  third  region 
 of  the  tribe — the  Mountain,  the  "  hill-countiy 
 of  Judah " — though  not  the  richest,  was  at  once 
 the  largest  and  the  most  important  of  the  tour. 
 Beginning  a  few  miles  below  Hebron,  where  it 
 attains  its  highest  level  it  stretches  eastward  to 
 the  Dead  Sea,  and  westward  to  the  Shefelah,  and 
 forms  an  elevated  district  or  plateau,  which,  though 
 thrown  into  considerable  undulations,  yet  preserves 
 a  general  level  in  both  directions.  The  surface  of 
 this  region,  which  is  of  limestone,  is  monotonous 
 enough.— i(4.)  The  fourth  district  is  THE  Wilder- 
 ness (Midbar^,  which  here  and  here  only  appears 
 to  be  synonymous  with  A7-dhdh,  and  to  signify  the 
 sunken  district  immediately  adjoining  the  Dead  Sea. 
 In  the  partition  of  the  territory  by  Joshua  and 
 Eleazar  (Josh.  xix.  51),  Judah  had  the  first  allot- 
 ment (xv.  1).  The  most  striking  circumstance  in 
 the  early  history  of  the  tribe  is  the  determined 
 manner  in  which  it  keeps  aloof  from  the  rest — 
 neither  offering  its  aid  nor  asking  that  of  others. 
 The  same  independent  mode  of  action  marks 
 the  foundation  of  the  monarchy  after  the  death  of 
 Saul.  Their  conduct  later,  when  brought  into  col- 
 lision with  Ephraim  on  the  matter  of  the  restora- 
 tion of  David,  shows  that  the  men  of  Judah  had 
 pi  eserved  their  original  character.  The  same  inde- 
 pendent temper  will  be  found  to  characterise  the 
 tribe  throughout  its  existence  as  a  kingdom. ^2.  A 
 Levite  ancestor  of  Kadmiel  (Ezr.  iii.  9).  Lord 
 A.  Hervey  has  shown  cause  for  belieTing  that  the 
 name  is  the  same  as  Hodaviah  and  Hodevah.— 
 3.  A  Levite  who  was  obliged  by  Ezra  to  put  away 
 his  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  23).  Probably  the  same 
 person  is  intended  in  Neh.  xii.  8,  36.-4.  A  Ben- 
 jamite,  son  of  Senuah  (Neh.  xi.  9). 
 
 Judah,  Kingdom  of.  When  the  disruption  of 
 Solomon's  kingdom  took  place  at  Shechem,  only  the 
 tribe  of  Judah  followed  the  house  of  David.  But 
 almost  immediately  afterwards,  when  Kehoboam 
 conceived  the  design  of  establishing  his  authority 
 over  Israel  by  force  of  arms,  the  tribe  of  Benjamin 
 also  is  recorded  as  obeying  his  summons,  and  con- 
 tiibuting  its  warriors  to  make  up  his  army.     Two 
 
 JUDAH,  KINGDOM  OF 
 
 429 
 
 Benjamite  towns.  Bethel  and  .lericho,  were  included 
 in  the  northern  kingdom.  A  part,  if  not  all,  oi 
 the  territory  of  Simeon  (1  Sam.  x.wii.  6;  IK.  xix. 
 3;  comp.  Josh.  xix.  1)  and  of  Dan  (2  Chr.  xi.  10  ; 
 comp.  .Josh.  XLX.  41 ,  42)  was  i  ecognised  as  belonging 
 to  Judah  ;  and  in  the  reigns  of  Abijah  and  Asa  the 
 southern  kingdom  was  enlarged  by  some  additions 
 taken  out  of  the  territory  of  Ephiaim  (2  Chr,  xiii. 
 19,  XV.  8,  xvii.  2).  A  singular  gauge  of  the  growth 
 of  the  kingdom  of  Judah  is  supplied  by  the  pro- 
 gressive augmentation  of  the  army  under  successive 
 kings.  It  would  be  out  of  place  here  to  discuss 
 the  question  which  has  been  raised  as  to  the  accuracy 
 of  these  numbers.  So  fiir  as  they  are  authentic,  it 
 may  be  safely  reckoned  that  the  population  subject 
 to  each  king  was  about  four  times  the  number  of 
 the  fighting  men  in  his  dominions.  Unless  Judah 
 had  some  other  means  besides  pasture  and  tillage 
 of  acquiring  wealth — as  by  maritime  commerce  from 
 the  lied  Sea  ports,  or  (less  probably)  from  Joppa, 
 or  by  keeping  up  the  old  trade  (1  K.  x.  28)  with 
 Egypt — it  seems  ditiicult  to  account  for  that  ability 
 to  accumulate  wealth  which  supplied  the  Temple 
 treasury  with  sufficient  store  to  invite  so  frequently 
 the  hand  of  the  spoiler.  Egypt,  Damascus,  Samaria, 
 Nineveh,  and  Babylon,  had  each  m  succession  a 
 share  of  the  pillage.  The  treasury  was  emptied  by 
 Shishak  (1  K.  xiv.  26),  again  by  Asa  ( 1  K.  xv.  18], 
 by  Jehoash  of  Judah  (2  K.  xii.  18),  by  Jehoash  of 
 Israel  (2  K.  xiv.  14),  by  Ahaz  (2  K.  xvi.  8),  by 
 Ilezekiah  (2  K.  xviii.  15),  and  by  Nebuchadnezzar 
 (2  K.  xxiv.  13).  The  kingdom  of  Judah  possessed 
 many  advantages  whi(.-h  secured  for  it  a  longer 
 continuance  than  that  of  Israel.  A  frontier  less 
 exposed  to  powerful  enemies,  a  soil  less  fertile,  a 
 population  hardier  and  more  united,  a  fixed  and 
 venerated  centre  of  administration  and  religion,  an 
 hereditary  aristocracy  in  the  sacerdotal  caste,  an 
 army  always  subordinate,  a  succession  of  kings 
 which  no  revolution  interrupted  : — to  these  and 
 other  secondary  causes  is  to  be  attributed  the  fact 
 that  Judah  survived  her  more  populous  and  more 
 powerful  sister  kingdom  by  135  years,  and  lasted 
 from  B.C.  975  to  B.C.  536.  (a.)  The  first  three 
 kings  of  Judah  seem  to  have  cherished  the  hope  of 
 re-establishing  their  authority  over  the  Ten  Tribes; 
 for  sixty  years  there  was  war  between  them  and 
 the  kings  of  Israel.  The  victory  achieved  by  the 
 daring  Abijah  brought  to  Judah  a  teni^orary  acces- 
 .'•.ion  of  territory.  Asa  appears  to  have  enlarged  it 
 still  farther.  (6.)  Hanani's  remonstrance  (2  Chr. 
 xvi.  7)  prepares  us  for  the  reversal  by  Jehoshaphat 
 of  the  policy  which  Asa  pursued  towards  Israel  and 
 Damascus.  A  close  alliance  sprang  up  with  strange 
 rapidity  between  Judah  and  Israel.  Jehoshaphat, 
 active  and  prosperous,  repelled  nomad  invaders  from 
 the  desert,  curbed  the  aggressive  spirit  of  his  nearer 
 neighbours,  and  made  his  influence  felt  even  among 
 the  Philistines  and  Arabians.  Amaziah,  flushed 
 with  the  recovery  of  Edorn,  provoked  a  wai  with 
 his  more  powerful  contemporary  Jehoash  the  con- 
 queror of  the  Syiians;  and  Jerusalem  was  entered 
 and  plundered  by  the  Israelites.  Under  Uzziah 
 and  Jotham,  Judah  long  enjoyed  political  and  reli- 
 gious prosperity,  till  Ahaz  became  the  tiibutary 
 and  vassal  of  Tiglath-Pileser.  (c.)  Already  in  the 
 fatal  grasp  of  Assyria,  Judah  was  yet  spared  for  a 
 chequered  existence  of  almost  another  century  and  a 
 half  after  the  termination  of  the  kingdom  of  Israel. 
 The  consummation  of  the  ruin  came  upon  them 
 in  the  destruction  of  the  Temple  by  the  hajid  oi 
 
430 
 
 JUDAS 
 
 Nehuzjiradan,  amiti  tlie  wailinsjs  of  prophets,  ami 
 the  tniints  of  htatheii  tribes  releasai  at  length  fi-om 
 the  voke  of  David. 
 
 Ja'd&8,  tlie  Greek  form  of  the  Hebrew  name 
 JUDAil,  occurring  in  tlie  1. XX.  and  N.T.  1.  1  Esd. 
 ix.  2:>.  [JUDAII,  3.]— 2.  The  third  son  of  Matta- 
 tliias  (1  Mace.  ii.  4).  [Maccahk.ks.] — 3.  The  son 
 of  Ciiiphi,  a  Jewish  general  under  Jonathan  (1  Mace. 
 xi.  70 1.— 4.  A  Jew  occupying  a  conspicuous  posi- 
 tion at  Jerusalem  at  tlie  time  of  the  mission  to 
 Aristobulus[ARiSTOUULts]  and  the  Egyptian  Jews 
 (2  Mace.  i.  10).— 6.  A  sou  of  Simon,  and  biother  of 
 Joannes  Hyrcanus  (1  Mace.  xvi.  2),  miirdeied  by 
 I'tolemaeus  the  usurper,  either  at  the  same  time 
 ^c.  1.15  li.c.)  with  his  father  (1  Mace.  .xvi.  15  tl'.), 
 or  shortly  afterwards.— 6.  The  patriarch  Judah 
 (Matt.  i.  2,  8). — 7.  A  man  residing  at  Damascus, 
 in  "  the  street  which  is  billed  Straight,"  in  whose 
 house  Saul  of  Tarsus  lodged  after  his  miraculous 
 conversion  (Acts  ix.  11). 
 
 Ju'daa,  surnamed  Bar'sabas,  a  leading  member 
 of  tlie  Apostolic  church  at  Jerusalem  (Acts  xv.  22), 
 endued  with  the  gift  of  prophecy  (ver.  32),  chosen 
 witii  Silas  to  accompany  Paul  and  Barnabas 
 as  delegates  to  the  church  at  Antioch,  to  make 
 known  the  decree  concerning  the  terms  of  admis- 
 sion of  the  Gentile  converts  (ver.  27).  After  em- 
 ploying their  prophetical  gifts  for  the  confirmation 
 of  the  Syrian  Ciuistians  in  the  faith,  Judas  went 
 back  to  Jerusalem.  Nothing  further  is  recorded  of 
 him. 
 
 Ju'das  of  Galilee,  the  leader  of  a  popular  revolt 
 "  in  the  days  of  the  taxing"  {i.e.  the  census,  under 
 the  prefecture  of  V.  Snip.  Quirinus,  a.d.  6,  A.U.C. 
 759),  referred  to  by  Gamaliel  in  his  speech  before 
 the  .Sanhedrim  (Acts  v.  37).  According  to  Josephus 
 (Ant.  xviii.  1,  §1),  Judas  was  a  Gaulonite  of  the 
 rity  of  Gamala,  probably  taking  his  name  of  Gali- 
 laean  from  his  insurrection  having  had  its  rise  in 
 (ialilee.  His  revolt  had  a  theocratic  character,  the 
 watchword  of  which  was,  "  We  have  no  Lord  or 
 master  but  God."  Judas  himself  perished,  and  his 
 followers  were  dispei-sed.  With  his  fellow-insurgent 
 .Nidoc,  a  Phaiisee,  Judas  is  represented  by  Josephus 
 as  the  (bunder  of  a  fourth  sect,  in  addition  to  the 
 Pharisees,  Sadducees,  and  Hssenes.  The  Gaulonites, 
 as  his  followers  were  called,  may  be  regarded  as 
 the  doctrinal  ancestoj-s  of  the  Zealots  and  Siearii 
 ol  hiter  days. 
 
 Ju'das  Iscar'iot.  He  is  sometimes  called  "  the 
 son  of  .Simon  ''  (John  vi.  71,  xiii.  2,  2G),  but  more 
 vommonly  (the  three  Synoptic  Gospels  give  no  other 
 name)  Iseariotes  (Matt.  x.  4;  Mark  iii.  19;  Luke 
 vi.  16,  &e.).  In  the  fliiee  lists  of  the  Twelve 
 thcie  is  added  in  each  ca.se  the  fact  that  he  was  the 
 Ijetrnvcr.  The  name  Iscariot  has  received  many 
 interpretations  more  or  less  conjectural.  The  most 
 probable  are — (1)  From  Kerioth  (Josh.  xv.  25),  in 
 the  tribe  of  Judah.  On  this  hypothesis  his  position 
 among  the  Twelve,  the  rest  of  whom  belonged  to 
 (ialilee  fActs  ii.  7),  would  be  exceptional;  and  this 
 ha.s  led  to — (2)  From  Kaitha  in  Galilee  (Kartan, 
 A.  v.,  Josh.  \x\.  32 ).  (3)  From  scortca,  a  leathern 
 .tpron,  the  name  being  ai>plied  to  him  as  the  bearer 
 of  the  bag,  and  =  .Iudas  will)  the  apron.  Of  the 
 life  of  Judas,  before  the  api>earance  of  his  name 
 in  the  lists  of  the  Ajwstlc.s,  we  know  absolutely 
 nothing.  What  that  ai)|>earaiice  implies,  however, 
 IS  that  he  had  previously  declared  himself  a  disciple, 
 lie  wiUi  drawn,  aa  the  others  were,  by  the  prtnching 
 of  the  Baptist,  or  his  own  Messianic  \w\^s,  or  the 
 
 JUDAS  ISCARIOT 
 
 "  gracious  words  "  of  the  new  Teacher,  to  le.ive  his 
 former  life,  and  to  obey  the  call  of  the  Prophet  o( 
 Nazareth.  The  choice  was  not  m.ade,  we  must 
 remember,  without  a  prevision  of  its  issue  (John 
 vi.  (34).  We  ein  h<irdly  expect  to  .solve  the  ques- 
 tion why  such  a  man  was  chosen  for  such  an  otRce. 
 Tlie  germs  of  the  evil,  ni  all  likelihood,  unfulded 
 themselves  gradually.  The  rules  to  which  the 
 Twelve  were  subject  in  their  first  journey  (Matt. 
 X.  9,  10)  sheltered  him  froin  the  temptation  that 
 would  have  been  most  dangerous  to  him.  The 
 new  form  of  life,  of  which  we  find  the  first  traces 
 in  Luke  viii.  3,  brought  that  temptation  with  it. 
 As  soon  as  tlie  Twelve  were  recognised  as  a  l»dy, 
 travelling  hither  and  thither  with  their  Master, 
 receiving  money  and  other  oflerings,  and  ledi.stn- 
 buting  what  they  received  to  the  ]X)or,  it  became 
 necessary  that  some  one  should  act  as  the  steward 
 and  almoner  of  the  small  society,  and  this  fell  to 
 Judas  (John  xii.  6,  xiii.  29),  either,  as  having  the 
 gifts  that  qualified  him  for  it,  or,  as  we  may  con- 
 jecture, from  his  character,  because  he  sought  it,  or 
 as  some  have  imagined,  in  rot;\tion  from  time  to 
 time.  The  Galilean  or  Judaean  peasant  found 
 himself  entrusted  with  larger  sums  of  money  than 
 Ijefore,  and  with  this  there  came  covetousness, 
 unfaithfulness,  einbezzlemeiit.  It  was  impossible 
 after  this  that  he  could  feel  at  ease  with  One  who 
 asserted  so  clearly  and  sharply  the  laws  of  laithful- 
 ness,  duty,  unselfishness.  The  narrative  of  Matt, 
 xxvi.,  Mark  xiv.  places  this  history  in  close  con- 
 nexion with  the  fact  of  the  betrayal.  It  leaves 
 the  motives  of  the  betrayer  to  conjecture.  The 
 mere  love  of  money  may  have  been  strong  enough 
 to  make  him  clutch  at  the  bribe  oil'ered  him. 
 Mingled  with  this  there  may  have  been  some  feeling 
 of  vindictiveuess,  a  vague,  confused  desire  to  show 
 that  he  had  power  to  stop  the  career  of  the  teacher 
 who  had  reproved  him.  There  may  hnve  been  the 
 .bought  that,  after  all,  the  betrayal  could  do  no 
 lianii,  that  his  Master  would  prove  his  innocenoe,  or 
 by  some  supernatural  manifestation  effect  his  escaf«. 
 Another  motive  has  been  suggested  of  an  entirely 
 different  kind,  altering  altogether  the  character  of 
 the  act.  Not  the  love  of  money,  nor  revenge,  nor 
 fear,  nor  disappointment,  but  policy,  a  subtle  plan 
 to  force  on  the  hour  of  the  triumph  of  the  Messianic 
 kingdom,  the  belief  that  for  this  service  he  would 
 receive  as  high  a  place  as  Peter,  or  James,  or  John  ; 
 this  it  was  that  niaue  him  the  traitor.  Ingenious 
 as  this  hypothesis  is,  it  fails  for  that  very  rea.son. 
 Of  the  other  motives  that  have  been  as.signed  wo 
 need  not  care  to  fix  on  any  one,  as  that  which 
 singly  led  him  on.  During  the  days  that  inter- 
 vened between  the  supper  at  Bethany  and  the 
 Pa-schal  or  quasi-Paschal  garnering,  he  appejired  to 
 have  concealed  his  treachery.  At  the  last  Supper 
 he  is  present,  looking  forward  to  the  coiiNummafion 
 of  his  guilt  .as  drawing  nearer  eveiy  hour.  Then 
 come  the  sorrowful  words  which  showetl  him  that 
 his  <le.sign  was  known.  "One  ot"  you  shall  betray 
 me."  After  this  thoi-e  comes  on  him  that  jiaioxysm 
 and  insanity  of  guilt  as  ofoiiewho.se  human  m>uI 
 was  pos.sessed  by  the  Spirit  of  Evil — "  Sat;in  en- 
 tered into  him"  (John  xiii.  27  i.  He  knows  tli.at 
 garden  in  which  his  Ma.ster  and  his  companions 
 lia<l  so  often  rested  after  the  w<-ary  work  of  the 
 day.  He  comes,  accomjianied  by  a  band  of  oificers 
 and  servants  (John  xviii.  3),  with  the  kiss  which 
 was  prolwibly  the  usual  salutation  of  the  disciples. 
 The    wor<ls   of  .lesus,    calm    ind    gentle    as    they 
 
JUDE,  OR,  JUDAS 
 
 wore,  showed  th:it  tins  was  what  embittered  the 
 treachery,  and  made  tlie  suffering  it  inflicted  more 
 riciite  (Luke  xxii.  48).  What  followed  in  the 
 contusion  ot'  that  night  the  Gospels  do  not  record. 
 The  fever  of  the  crime  jiassed  away.  There  came 
 back  on  him  the  recollection  of  the  sinless  righteous- 
 ness of  the  Master  he  had  wronged  (Matt,  xxvii.  3). 
 He  repented,  and  his  guilt  and  all  that  had  tempted 
 him  to  it  became  hateful.  He  hurls  the  money, 
 which  the  piiests  refused  to  take,  into  the  sanctuary 
 where  they  were  assembled.  For  him  there  is  no 
 longer  sacrifice  or  propitiation.  He  is  "  the  son  of 
 perdition  "  (John  xvii.  12).  "  He  departed  and 
 went  and  hanged  himself"  (Matt,  xxvii.  5),  He 
 went  "  unto  his  own  place  "'  (Acts  i.  25).  We 
 have  in  Acts  i.  another  account  of  the  circum- 
 stances of  his  death,  which  it  is  not  easy  to  har- 
 monise with  that  given  by  St.  Matthew.  There  it 
 is  stated — (1)  That  instead  of  throwing  the  money 
 into  the  temple,  he  bought  a  field  with  it. 
 (2)  That,  instead  of  hanging  himself,  "  falling 
 headlong,  he  burst  asunder  in  the  midst,  and  all 
 his  bowels  gushed  out."  (3)  That  for  this  reason, 
 and  not  because  the  priests  had  bought  it  with  the 
 price  of  blood,  the  field  was  called  Aceldama.  Re- 
 ceiving both  as  authentic,  we  are  yet  led  to  the 
 conclusion  that  the  explanation  is  to  be  found  in 
 some  unknown  series  of  facts,  of  which  we  have 
 but  two  fragmentary  narratives. 
 
 Jude,  or  Judas,  Lebbe'as  and  Thadde'as 
 (A.' V.  "  Judas  the  brother  of  James"),  one  of  the 
 Twelve  Apostles ;  a  member,  together  with  his 
 namesake  "  Iscariot,"  James  the  son  of  Alphaeus, 
 and  Simon  Zelotes,  of  the  last  of  the  three  sections 
 of  the  Apostolic  body.  The  name  Judas  only, 
 without  any  distinguishing  mark,  occurs  in  the 
 lists  given  by  St.  Luke  vi.  16;  Acts  i.  13;  and 
 in  John  xiv.  22  (where  we  find  "  Judas  not 
 Iscariot "  among  the  Apostles),  but  the  Apostle 
 has  been  generally  identitied  with  "  Lebbeus  whose 
 surname  was  Thaddeus "  (Matt.  x.  3  ;  Mark  iii. 
 18).  Much  difference  of  opinion  has  existed  from 
 the  earliest  times  as  to  the  right  interpi-etation  of 
 the  words  'lovSas  'laKii^ov.  The  generally  re- 
 ceived opinion  is  that  the  A.  V.  is  right  in  trans- 
 lating "Judas  the  brother  of  James."  But  we 
 prefer  to  follow  nearly  all  the  most  eminent  critical 
 authorities,  and  render  the  words  "  Judas  i/ie  son 
 of  James."  The  name  of  Jude  only  occurs  once  in 
 tlie  Gospel  narrative  (John  xiv.  22).  Nothing  is 
 certainly  known  of  the  later  history  of  the  Apostle. 
 Tradition  connects  him  with  the  foundation  of  the 
 church  at  Edessa. 
 
 Ju'das,  the  Lord's  brother.  Among  the  bre- 
 thren of  our  Lord  mentioned  by  the  people  of 
 Nazareth  (Matt.  xiii.  55 ;  Mark  vi.  3)  occurs  a 
 "  Judas,"  who  has  been  sometimes  identified  with 
 the  Apostle  of  the  same  name.  It  has  been  con- 
 sidered with  more  probability  that  he  was  the 
 writer  of  the  Epistle  which  bears  the  name  of 
 "  Jude  the  brother  of  James."  Eusebius  gives  us 
 an  interesting  tradition  {H.  E.  iii.  20,  32)  of  two 
 grandsons  of  Jude. 
 
 Jude,  Epistle  of.  I.  Its  authorship.  —  The 
 writer  of  this  Epistle  styles  himself,  ver.  I,  "Jude 
 the  brother  of  James,"  and  has  been  usually  iden- 
 tified with  the  Apostle  Juda.s  Lebbaeus  or  Thad- 
 daeus  (Luke  vi.  16).  But  there  are  strong  reasons 
 for  rendering  the  words  "  Judas  the  son  of  James:" 
 and  inasmuch  as  the  author  appears,  ver.  17,  to 
 distinguish   himself  from   the    Apostles,    we    may 
 
 JUDE,  EPISTLE  OF 
 
 431 
 
 ajjrce  with  eminent  critics  in  attributing  the  Epistle 
 to  another  author.  The  most  probable  conclusion 
 is  that  the  author  was  Jude,  one  of  the  biethien  of 
 Jesus,  and  brother  of  James,  not  tne  Apostle  the 
 son  of  Alphaeus,  but  the  Bishop  of  Jerusalem.^ 
 II.  Genuineness  and  canonicity.  —  Althouo-h  the 
 Epistle  of  Jude  is  one  of  the  so-called  Antilego- 
 mena,  and  its  canonicity  was  questioned  in  the 
 earliest  ages  of  the  Church,  theie  never  was  any 
 doubt  of  its  genuineness  among  those  by  whom  it 
 was  known.  The  question  was  never  whether 
 it  was  the  work  of  an  impostor,  but  whether  its 
 author  was  of  sufficient  weight  to  warrant  its 
 admission  into  the  Canon.  This  question  was 
 gradually  decided  in  its  tavour.  It  is  wanting  in 
 the  Peshitu,  nor  is  theie  any  trace  of  its  use  by  the 
 Asiatic  Churches  up  to  the  commencement  of 
 the  4th  century;  but  it  is  quoted  as  Apostolic  by 
 Ephiem  Syrus.  The  earliest  notice  of  the  Epistle 
 is  in  the  famous  Muratorian  Fragment  (circa  A.D. 
 170).  Clement  of  Alexandria  is  the  first  father  of 
 the  Church  by  whom  it  is  recognised.  Eusebius 
 also  informs  us  {H.  E.  vi.  14)  that  it  was  among 
 the  books  of  Canonical  Scripture,  of  which  explana- 
 tions were  given  in  the  Hypoti/poses  of  Clement. 
 Origen  refers  to  it  exjn-essly  as  the  work  of  the 
 Lord's  brother.  Of  the  Latin  Fatheis,  Tertullian 
 once  expressly  cites  this  Epistle  as  the  work  of  an 
 Apostle,  as  does  Jerome.  The  Epistle  is  also 
 quoted  by  Malchian,  a  presbyter  of  Antioch,  and 
 by  Palladius,  and  is  contained  in  the  Laodicene 
 (A.D.  363),  Carthaginian  (397),  and  so-called  Apos- 
 tolic Catalogues,  as  well  as  in  those  emanatinc" 
 from  the  churches  of  the  East  and  West,  with  the 
 exception  of  the  Synopsis  of  Chrysostom,  and  those 
 of  Cassiodorus  and  Ebed  Jesu. — HI.  Time  and 
 place  of  writing. — Here  all  is  conjecture.  The 
 author  being  not  absolutely  certain,  there  are  no 
 external  grounds  for  deciding  the  point;  and  the 
 internal  evidence  is  but  small.  Lardner  places  it 
 between  A.D.  64  and  66,  Davidson  before  A.D.  70, 
 Credner  A.D.  80,  Calmet,  Estius,  Witsius,  and 
 Neander,  after  the  death  of  all  the  Apostles  but 
 John,  and  p)erhaps  after  the  fall  of  Jerusalem. 
 There  are  no  data  from  which  to  determine  the 
 place  of  writing. — IV.  For  what  readers  designed. 
 — The  readers  are  nowhere  expressly  defined. 
 The  address  (ver.  1)  is  applicable  to  Christians 
 generally,  and  there  is  nothing  in  the  body  of  the 
 Epistle  to  limit  its  reference.— V.  Its  object  and 
 contents. — The  object  of  the  Epistle  is  plainly  enough 
 announced,  ver.  3  :  the  reason  for  this  exhortation 
 is  given  ver.  4.  The  remainder  of  the  Epistle  is 
 almost  entirely  occupied  by  a  minute  depiction  of 
 the  adversaries  of  the  faith.  The  Epistle  close."? 
 by  briefly  reminding  the  readers  of  the  oft-repeated 
 prediction  of  the  Apostles  —  among  whom  the 
 writer  seems  not  to  rank  himself — that  the  faith 
 would  be  assailed  by  such  enemies  as  he  has  de» 
 picted  (ver.  17-19),  exhorting  them  to  maintain 
 their  own  steadfastness  in  the  faith  (ver.  20,21), 
 while  they  earnestly  sought  to  rescue  others  from 
 the  corrupt  example  of  tho;e  licentious  livers  (ver. 
 22,  23),  and  commending  them  to  the  power  of 
 God  in  language  which  forcibly  recalls  the  closing 
 benediction  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans  (ver.  24, 
 25  ;  cf  Rom.  xvi.  25-27).  This  Epistle  presents 
 one  }ieculiarity,  which,  as  we  learn  from  St 
 Jerome,  caused  its  authority  to  be  impugned  in 
 very  early  times — the  supposed  citation  of  apocry- 
 phal writings  (ver.   9,    14,   15),     The    foimer  o,' 
 
4S2 
 
 JUDGES 
 
 these  p;issrtges,  contaiuin^  tlie  reference  to  llic  •■on- 
 test  of'the  archangel  Michael  and  the 'levil  "  abont 
 tlie  body  of  Moses,"  was  snppnseJ  by  Ori<;en  to 
 have  been  founded  on  a  Jewi^h  work  callixl  the 
 "  Assumption  of  Sloses."  As  rep;ards  the  snpitused 
 quotation  from  tlie  I'ook  of  I'jjoch,  the  i]nestion  is 
 not  so  clear  whether  St.  Juile  is  making  a  citation 
 from  a  work  already  in  the  hands  of  his  readers,  or 
 is  employing  a  traditionary  prophecy  not  at  that  time 
 committed  to  wiitiug.— VI.  Relation  between  the 
 Epistles  of  Jude  aiid  "2  I'eter. — It  is  fiimiliar  to  all 
 that  the  larger  portion  of  this  Epistle  (ver.  3-1 G) 
 is  almost  ideiitiail  in  language  and  subject  with  a 
 part  of  the  .Second  Kpistle  of  Peter  (2  I'et.  ii.  1-19). 
 This   question  is   examined  in  the  article  Pktkk, 
 
 Si:C0N[)  Kl'ISlLK  OK. 
 
 Judges.  The  administration  of  justice  in  all 
 early  Ka.stern  uationt,  as  amongst  the  Arabs  of  the 
 desert  to  this  day,  rests  with  the  patriarcha 
 seniors;  the  judges  being  the  heads  of  tribes,  or  of 
 chief  houses  in  a  tribe.  Thus  in  the  Book  of  Job 
 (x.xi.v.  7,  8,  9)  the  patriarchal  magnate  is  repre- 
 sented as  going  forth  "  to  the  gate "  amidst  the 
 respectful  silence  of  elders,  princes,  and  nobles 
 fcomp.  x.wii.  9  I.  During  the  oppression  of  Kgypt 
 the  nascent  people  would  necessarily  have  i'ew 
 questions  at  law  to  plead.  When  they  emerged 
 from  this  oppression  into  national  existence,  the  want 
 of  a  mac'hinery  of  judiciituie  began  to  press.  The 
 {wtriarchal  seniors  did  not  instantly  assume  the 
 liinction,  having  probably  been  depressed  by  bond- 
 age till  rendered  unlit  for  it.  Perhaps  for  the>e 
 reasons  Moses  at  first  took  the  whole  burden  of 
 judicature  \\\to\\  himself,  then  at  the  suggestion 
 of  Jethro  (Kx.  xviii.  14-24-)  instituted  judges  over 
 numerically  graduated  sections  of  the  people.  These 
 were  chosen  for  their  moral  fitness,  but  from  Deut. 
 i.  15,  IG,  we  may  infer  that  they  we'-e  taken  from 
 amongst  those  to  whom  primogeniture  would  have 
 assigned  it.  The  judge  was  reckoned  a  sjicred  per- 
 son, and  secured  even  from  verbal  injuries.  Seeking 
 a  decision  at  law  is  called  "  inquiring  of  God " 
 (Ex.  xviii.  15).  The  term  "gods"  is  actually 
 ap])lied  to  judges  (Ex.  xxi.  6  ;  com]).  Ps.  Ixxxii.  1, 
 G).  But  besides  the  sacred  dignity  thus  given  to 
 the  only  royal  function,  which,  under  the  Theo- 
 cracy, lay  in  human  hands,  it  was  made  jmpular 
 by  heing  vested  in  those  who  led  public  t'eoling. 
 The  ju<lges  were  disciplined  in  smaller  matters,  and 
 under  Moses'  own  eye,  for  greater  ones.  When, 
 nowever,  the  commandment,  "judges  anil  ollicei-s 
 shalt  thou  make  thee  in  all  thy  gates"  (Deut.  xvi. 
 18),  came  to  be  fulfilled  in  Canaan,  there  were  the 
 following  sources  from  which  those  otiicials  might 
 be  supplied: — 1st,  the  ex  officio  judges,  or  their 
 successoi's,  as  chosen  by  Mose.s;  2ndly,  any  surplus 
 left  of  patriarchal  seniors  when  tlwy  were  tiken 
 out  (as  has  Ix-en  shown  from  Deut.  i.  15,  1(1)  from 
 that  cla-is;  and  .'Jrdly,  the  Levites.  The  Hebrews 
 were  sensitive  as  regards  the  administi-atioii  of 
 iiistice.  The  fact  that  justice  reposed  on  a  popular 
 kasis  of  administration  largely  contributed  to  keep 
 up  that  spirit  of  independence,  which  is  the  ultim- 
 ate cherk  on  all  peiveiiiions  of  the  tribunal.  The 
 popular  aristocracy  of  heads  of  tribes,  sections  of 
 trilics,  or  liimilies,  is  found  to  fidl  into  two  main 
 oiilers  of  v.arying  nomenclature.  The  more  com- 
 mon name  for  the  higher  order  is  "  princes,"  and 
 for  the  lower  "elders"  (Judg.  viii.  14;  Ex.  ii. 
 14;  Job  xxix.  7,  8,  9 ;  Ezr.  x.  8).  These  onlers 
 were  the  jwpular  clement  of  judiciiture.     On  the 
 
 JUDGES 
 
 other  h.and  the  Leritiad  Ixxly  w;is  imbued  with  a 
 keen   sense  of  allegiance  to  God  as  the  Author  of 
 I,aw,    and    to    the    Covenant   aj«   His   embodiment 
 of  it,  and  soon  gained  whatever  forensic  experience 
 ainl    erudition    those   simiile    times    could    yield  ; 
 hence  they  brought  to  th<»  judicial  task  the  legal 
 acumen  and  sense  of  general  piinciples  which  com- 
 plenuiited   the   ruder  lay  element.     To  return   to 
 the  first  or  popular  branch,  tliere  is  reason  to  think, 
 from  the  general  concurrence  of  phrijseology  amidst 
 much  diversity,  that  in  every  city  the.-e  two  ranks 
 of  "  jirinces "  and   "elders"   had  their   analogies. 
 The   Levites  also  weg-e  apportioned   on  the  whole 
 equally  among  the  ti-ibes  ;    and   if  they  preserved 
 their   limits,    there    were    probably    fiew    pai'ts   of 
 Palestine  beyond  a  days  journey  from  a  Levitical 
 city.     One  gre;it  hold  which  the  priesthood  had, 
 in  their  jurisdiction,  upon  men's  ordinary  life  was 
 the    custody    in    the    Sanctuary   of  the    standard 
 weights  and   measures,   to  which,  in  cases  of  dis- 
 pute,  reference   was  doubtless  made.      Ab<n'e   all 
 these,  the  high-priest  in  the  ante-regal  jwriod  was 
 the  resort  in  dithcult  cases  (Deut.  xvii.  12),  ;u>  the 
 chief  jurist  of  the  nation,  who  would  in  case  of 
 need   be  perhaps  oracnlaily  directed  ;  yet  we  hear 
 of  none  acting  as  judge  save  Eli.     It  is  also  a  fact 
 of  some  weight,  negatively,  that  none  of  the  special 
 deliverers  called  Judges,  w;is  of  priestly  lineage,  or 
 even  became  iis  much  noted  as  Deborah,  a  woman. 
 This  seems  to  show  that  any  central  action  of  the 
 high-priest  on  national  unity  was  null,  and  of  this 
 supremacy,  had  it  existed  in  force,  the  judicial  pre- 
 rogative was  the  main  element.     This  fiuiction  of 
 the  priesthood,  being,  it  may  be  presumed,  in  abey- 
 ance during  the  period  of  the  Judges,  seems  to  have 
 merged  in   the  monarchy.     The  kingdom   of  Saul 
 suffered   too  severely  from  external  foes  to  allow 
 civil  matters  much  prominence.     In  David's  reign 
 it  was  evidently  the  rule    for   the    king    to  hear 
 ciiuses  in  person.     The  sjime  class  of  crises  which 
 were  reserved  for  Moses  would  probably  (idl  to  his 
 lot ;    and  the  high-priest  was  of  course  ready  to 
 assist  the  monarch.      This  is  further  presumable 
 from  the   fact  that  no  officer  analogous  to  a  chief 
 justice  ever  ajipears  under  the  kings.     Perhaps  the 
 arrangements,  mentioned  in  1  Chr.  xxiii.  4,   xxvi. 
 29,  may  have  been  made  to  meet  the  need  of  suitoi-s. 
 In  Solomon's  character,  whose  reign  of  j)eace  would 
 surely  be  fertile  in  civil  questions,  the  *'  wisdom  to 
 judge"  was  the  fitting  first  quality  (1   K.  iii.  9; 
 comp.  Ps.  Ixxii.  1-4^.     As  a  judge  Solomon  shines 
 "  in  all  his  glory  "  (1   K.  iii.  16,  &c.).      It  is  likely 
 that  royalty  in  Israel  was  ultimately  unfavourable 
 to  the  local  indei>endence  connected  with  the  judi- 
 cjiture  of  the  "princes  "  and  "  elders"  in  the  terri- 
 tory  and    cities   of    each    tribe,    and    the    Levites 
 generally  snpei-seded  the   local  eldei-s  in  the  admi- 
 nistration of  justice.     But  subsecpicntly,  when  the 
 Levites  withdrew    from    the   kingdom    of  the  ten 
 tribes,  judicial  elders  piobaldy  again  lille<l  the  gap. 
 One  more  change  is  noticeable  in  the  pre-P.abylouiiui 
 period.       The   "  ])rinces "    constantly    appear  as  a 
 powerful  politicjd  body,  increasing  in  influence  and 
 privileges,  ami   having  a   lixetl  centre  of  action  at 
 Jerus;ilem  ;    till,   in   the   reign    of  Zedekiidi,  the) 
 seem    to   exercise  some  of  the  duties   of  a   privy 
 council  ;    and    especially    a   collective  jurisdiction 
 (2   Chr.  x.\viii.  21  ;    Jer.  xxvi.    10,    16).      Still, 
 although  far  changed  from  )t.s  broail  and   simple 
 Ixisis  in  the  earlier  ])erio<l,   the  administration  of 
 justice    h:ul    little    resembling   the    set   and    rigid 
 
JUDGES,  BOOK  OF 
 
 system  of  the  Sanhedrim  of  later  times.  This  last  1 
 change  arose  from  the  fact  that  the  patriarchal 
 seniority,  degenerate  and  corrupted  as  it  became 
 before  the  captivity,  was  by  that  event  broken  up, 
 and  a  new  basis  of  judicature  had  to  be  sought  for. 
 With  regard  to  the  forms  of  procedure  little  more 
 is  known  than  may  be  gathered  from  the  two 
 examples,  Ruth  iv.  2,  of  a  civil,  and  1  K.  xxi.  8-14, 
 of  a  ciiminal  character;  to  which,  as  a  specimen 
 of  roval  summary  jurisdiction,  may  be  added  the 
 well-known  "judgment"  of  Solomon.  There  is 
 no  mention  of  any  distinctive  dress  or  badge  as 
 pel  taining  to  the  judicial  officer.  The  use  of  the 
 "white  asses"  (Judg.  v.  10),  by  those  who  "sit 
 in  judgment,"  was  perhaps  a  convenient  distinctive 
 mai  k  for  them  when  journeying  where  they  would 
 not  usually  be  personally  known. 
 
 Judges,  book  of.  I.  Title. — As  the  history  of 
 the  Judges  occupies  by  far  the  greater  part  of  the 
 narrative,  and  is  at  the  same  time  the  history  of 
 the  people,  the  title  of  the  whole  book  is  derived 
 tiom  that  portion.— I r.  Arrangement. — The  book 
 at  first  siglit  may  be  divided  into  two  parts — 
 i.-xvi.  and  xvii.-xxi.  A.  i.-svi. — The  subdivisions 
 aie — (a)  i.-ii.  5,  which  may  be  considered  as  a 
 first  introduction,  giving  a  summary  of  the  results 
 of  the  war  carried  on  against  the  Canaanites  by  the 
 several  tribes  on  the  west  of  Jordan  after  Joshua's 
 death,    and  forming   a   continuation   of  Josh.    xii. 
 
 (b)  ii.  6-iii.  6. — This  is  a  second  introduction, 
 standing  in  nearer  relation  to  the  following  history. 
 
 (c)  iii.  7-xvi. — The  words,  "and  the  children  of 
 Israel  did  evil  in  the  sight  of  the  Lord,"  which  had 
 been  already  used  in  ii.  11,  are  employed  to  intro- 
 duce the  history  of  the  13  Judges  comprised  in  this 
 book.  An  account  of  six  of  these  13  is  given  at 
 greater  or  less  length.  The  account  of  the  remain- 
 ing seven  is  very  short,  and  merely  attached  to  the 
 longer  narratives.  We  may  observe  in  general  on 
 this  portion  of  the  book,  that  it  is  almost  entirely  a 
 history  of  the  wars  of  deliverance.  B.  rvii.-xxi. — 
 This  part  has  no  formal  connexion  with  the  pre- 
 ceding, and  is  often  called  an  appendix.  No  men- 
 tion of  the  Judges  occurs  in  it.  It  contains  allusions 
 to  '•  the  house  of  God,"  theflrk,  and  the  high-priest. 
 The  period  to  which  the  narrative  lelates  is  simply 
 maiked  by  the  expression,  "  when  there  was  no 
 king  in  Israel  "  (xix.  1 ;  cf.  xviii.  1).  It  records 
 (a)  the  conquest  of  Laish  by  a  portion  of  the  tribe 
 of  Dan,  and  the  establishment  there  of  the  idolatrous 
 worship  of  Jehovah  already  instituted  by  Micah  iu 
 Mount  Ephraim.  (6)  The  almost  total  extinction 
 of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin.  The  date  is  marked  by 
 the  mention  of  Phinehas,  the  grandson  of  Aaron 
 (xx.  28).— III.  Design. — There  is  an  unity  of 
 plan  in  i.-xvi.,  the  clue  to  which  is  stated  in 
 ii.  16-19.  There  can  be  little  doubt  of  the  design 
 to  enforce  the  view  there  expressed.  But  the 
 words  of  that  passage  must  not  be  pressed  too 
 closely.  It  is  a  geneial  review  of  the  collective 
 history  of  Israel  during  the  time  of  the  Judges, 
 the  details  of  which,  in  their  varying  aspects,  are 
 given  liiithfully  as  the  narrative  proceeds.  The 
 existence  of  this  design  may  lead  us  to  suspect  that 
 we  have  not  a  complete  history  of  the  times,  a 
 fact  which  is  clear  from  the  book  itself.  We  have 
 only  accounts  of  parts  of  the  nation  at  any  one 
 time.^IV.  Materials. — The  author  must  have 
 found  certain  parts  of  his  book  in  a  definite  .shape  : 
 t.g.  the  words  of  the  prophet  (ii.  1-5),  the  song  of 
 Deborah  (v.),  Jotham's  parable  (ix.  7-20  :  see  also 
 
 Con.  D.  B. 
 
 JUDGES,  BOOK  OF 
 
 433 
 
 xiv.  14.  18,  XV.  7,  IG).  How  far  these  and  the 
 rest  of  his  mateiials  came  to  him  alread)'  written 
 is  a  matter  of  doubt.  Havernick  only  recognises 
 the  use  of  documents  in  the  appendix.  Other 
 critics,  however,  trace  them  th.roughout.  Beitheau 
 says  that  the  difference  of  the  diction  in  the  prin- 
 cipal nan-ntives,  coupled  with  the  fact  that  they 
 are  united  in  one  plan,  points  to  the  incoipoiation  of 
 parts  of  previous  histories.— V.  I?elation  to  other 
 Books.— {A)  to  Joshua. — Josh,  xv.-xxi.  must  lie 
 compared  with  Judg.  i.  in  order  to  understand 
 fully  how  far  the  several  tribes  failed  in  expelling 
 the  people  of  Canaan.  The  book  begins  with  a 
 reference  to  Joshua's  death,  and  ii.  6-9  resumes  the 
 narrative,  suspended  by  i.-ii.  5,  with  the  same 
 words  as  are  used  in  concluding  the  history  of 
 Joshua  (xxiv.  28-31).  In  addition  to  this  the 
 following  passages  appear  to  be  ('ommon  to  the  two 
 books -.—compare  Judg.  i.  10-15,  20,  21,  27,29, 
 with  Josh.  XV.  14-19,  13,  63,  xvii.  12,  xvi.  10. 
 A  reference  to  the  conquest  of  Laish  (Judg.  xviii.) 
 occurs  in  Josh.  xix.  4',  (B)  to  the  books  of 
 Samuel  and  Kings. — We  find  in  i.  28,  30,  33,  35, 
 a  number  of  towns  upon  which,  "  when  Israel  was 
 strong,"  a  tribute  of  bond-service  was  levied :  this 
 is  supposed  by  some  to  refer  to  the  time  of  Solomon 
 (1  K.  ix.  13-22).  The  conduct  of  Saa)  towards 
 the  Kenites  (1  Sam.  xv.  6),  and  that  of  David 
 (1  Sam.  XXX.  29\  is  explained  by  i.  16.  A  refer- 
 ence to  the  continuance  of  the  Philistine  wars  is 
 implied  in  xiii.  5.  The  allusion  to  Abimelech 
 (2  Sam.  xi.  21)  is  explained  by  ch.  ix.  Chapters 
 xvii.-xxi.  and  the  book  of  Ruth  are  more  independ- 
 ent, but  they  have  a  general  reference  to  the  sub- 
 sequent history.  The  question  now  arises  whether 
 this  book  foiTus  one  link  in  an  historical  series,  or 
 whether  it  has  a  closer  connexion  cither  with  those 
 that  precede  or  follow  it.  Its  form  would  lead  to 
 the  conclusion  that  it  was  not  an  independent  book 
 originally.  The  history  ceases  with  Samson,  ex- 
 cluding Eli  and  Samuel ;  and  then  at  this  point 
 two  historical  pieces  are  added,  xvii.-xxi.  and  the 
 book  of  Ruth,  independent  of  the  general  plan  and 
 of  each  other.— VI.  Date. — The  only  guide  to  the 
 date  of  this  book  which  we  find  in  ii.  6-xvi.  is  the 
 expression  "  unto  this  day,"  the  last  occurrence  of 
 which  (xv.  19)  implies  some  distance  from  the  time 
 of  Samson.  But  i.  21,  according  to  the  most 
 natural  explanation,  would  indicate  a  date,  for  this 
 chapter  at  least,  previous  to  the  taking  of  Jebus  by 
 David  (2  Sam.  v.  6-9).  Again,  we  should  at  firrt 
 sight  suppose  i.  28,  30,  33,  35,  to  belong  to  the 
 time  of  the  Judges ;  but  these  passages  are  taken 
 bv  most  modern  critics  as  pointing  to  the  time  of 
 Solomon  (cf.  1  K.  ix.  21).  i.-xvi.  may  therefore 
 have  been  originally,  as  Ewald  thinks,  the  com- 
 mencement of  a  larger  work  reaching  down  to 
 above  a  century  after  Solomon.  Again,  the  writer 
 of  the  appendix  lived  when  Shiloh  was  no  longer  a 
 religious  centre  (xviii.  31);  he  was  acquainted 
 with  tlie  regal  form  of  govemment  fxvii.  6,  xviii. 
 1).  There  is  some  doubt  as  to  xviii  30.  It  is 
 thought  by  some  to  refer  to  the  Philistine  oppres- 
 sion. But  it  seems  more  probable  that  the  Assyrian 
 captivity  is  intended,  in  which  case  the  writer  must 
 liave  lived  after  721  B.C.  The  whole  book  therefore 
 must  have  taken  its  present  shape  after  that  date. 
 And  if  we  adopt  Ewald's  view,  that  Judges  to 
 2  Kings  form  one  book,  the  final  airangemcnt  of 
 the  whole  must  have  been  after  the  thirty-seventh 
 year  of  Jehoiachiu's  captivity,  or  B.C.  562  (2  K, 
 
 2    F 
 
434 
 
 JUDGIVTENT-HALL 
 
 ixv.  27).— V"  1 1 .  Chronoloiji/.  — The  timp  commonly 
 assigiieil  to  the  period  containel  in  this  book  is  299 
 ye;irs.  The  dates  which  are  given  amoiiiit  to 
 410  years  when  reckoned  consecutively  ;  and  Acts 
 xiii.  'Ju  would  show  that  this  was  the  computation 
 commonly  adopted,  as  tlie  450  years  seem  to  result 
 from  adding  40  yeara  for  Kli  to  the  410  ot  this 
 book.  But  a  difficulty  is  creatcnl  bv  xi.  26,  and  in 
 a  still  p-eafer  des^ree  by  1  K.  vi.  1,  where  the  wliole 
 period  from  the  H\o<ius  to  the  building  of  ti)e  tem- 
 ple is  stilted  as  480  years  (440,  LXX.).  On  the 
 whole,  it  seems  safer  to  give  up  the  attempt  to 
 ascertain  the  chronology  e.xactly.  The  successive 
 narmtives  give  ns  the  histoiy  of  only  parts  of  the 
 country,  and  some  of  the  occurrences  may  have 
 been  contemporarv  (x.  7). 
 
 Judgment-Hall.  The  word  Praetorinm  is  so 
 translated  live  times  in  the  A.  V.  of  the  N.  T. ; 
 and  in  those  five  passages  it  denotes  two  different 
 places.  1.  In  John  xviii.  28,  3S,  xxix.  9,  it  is  the 
 residence  which  Pilate  occupied  when  he  visited 
 .Jerusalem.  The  site  of  Pilate's  praetorium  in  .Jeru- 
 salem has  given  rise  to  much  dispute,  some  sup- 
 posing it  to  be  the  palace  of  king  Herod,  others 
 the  tower  of  Antonia ;  but  it  has  been  shown  else- 
 where that  the  latter  was  probably  the  Prastorium, 
 which  was  then  and  long  afterwards  the  citadel  of 
 .Jerusalem.  2.  In  Acts  xxiii.  35  Herod's  judgment- 
 hall  or  ])raetorium  in  Caesarea  was  doubtless  a  part 
 of  that  magnificent  range  of  buildings,  the  election 
 of  which  by  king  Herod  is  described  in  Josephus. 
 —The  word  "  palace,"  or  "  Caesar's  court,"  in  the 
 A.  V.  of  Phil.  i.  13,  is  a  translation  of  the  same 
 word  praetorium.  It  may  here  have  denoted  the 
 qtiaiter  of  that  detachment  of  the  Praetorian  Guards 
 which  was  in  immediate  attendance  upon  the  em- 
 peror, and  had  barracks  in  Mount  Palatine. 
 
 Ju'dith.  1.  The  daughter  of  Beeri  the  Hittite, 
 and  wife  of  Esau  (Gen.  xxvi,  34). ^2.  The  heroine 
 of  the  apocryphal  book  which  bears  her  name,  who 
 appeal's  as  an  ideal  tyi*  of  piety  (Jud.  viii.  0), 
 beauty  (xi.  21),  courage,  and  cha.stity  (xvi.  22  fl'.). 
 Her  supposed  descent  from  Simeon  (ix.  2),  and  the 
 manner  in  which  she  refers  to  his  cruel  deed  (Gen. 
 xxxiv.  25  ff.),  mark  the  conception  of  the  character, 
 which  evidently  lielongs  to  a  period  of  stern  and 
 perilous  conflict. 
 
 Judith,  the  book  of,  like  that  of  Tobit,  belongs 
 to  the  earliest  spnimens  of  historical  fiction.  The 
 n.arrative  of  the  reign  of  "  Nebuchadnezzar  king  of 
 Nineveh"  (i.  1),  of  the  campaign  of  Holofernes, 
 and  the  deliverance  of  Bethulia,  tiirough  the  stra- 
 tagem and  courage  of  the  Jewish  heroine,  contains 
 too  many  and  too  serious  difliculties,  both  historical 
 and  geographical,  to  allow  of  the  siip]X)sition  that  it 
 is  either  literally  true,  or  even  carefully  moulded 
 on  truth.  2.  The  value  of  the  book  is  not,  how- 
 ever, lessened  by  its  fictitious  character.  On  the 
 contrary  it  becomes  even  more  valuable  as  exhi- 
 biting an  ideal  type  of  heroism,  which  w.xs  out- 
 wardly emlwdied  in  the  wars  of  iiKiependence.  It 
 cannot  be  wrong  to  refer  its  origin  to  the  Macca- 
 l)aean  [)criod,  which  it  reflects  not  only  in  its 
 general  .spirit  but  even  in  smaller  traits.  But 
 while  it  seems  certain  that  the  book  is  to  be 
 rcleiTed  to  the  .second  century  B.C.  (175-100  li.c), 
 the  attempts  which  have  been  made  to  fix  its  date 
 within  narrower  limits,  either  to  the  time  of  the 
 war  of  Ale.\;uider  Jannaeus  (10.5-4  U.C,  Movers) 
 or  of  Demetrius  II.  (129  ti.c,  Kwald),  rast  on  very 
 inaccurate  lati.     It  might  seem  more  mitural  (as 
 
 JUPITER 
 
 a  mere  conjecture)  to  refer  it  to  an  earlier  tim*, 
 c.  170  B.C.,  when  Antiochus  Kpiphanes  made  his 
 first  assault  iiiwii  the  Temple.  3.  In  accordance 
 with  the  view  which  has  been  given  of  the  cha- 
 racter and  date  of  the  book,  it  is  probable  that  the 
 several  parts  may  have  a  distinct  symbolic  mean- 
 ing. 4.  Two  conflicting  statements  have  been  pre- 
 served as  to  the  original  language  of  the  book. 
 Origen  speaks  of  it  together  with  Tobit  as  "not 
 existing  in  Hebrew  even  among  the  Apocryjiha"  in 
 the  Hebrew  collection.  .Jerome,  on  the  other  hand, 
 says  that  "  among  the  Hebrews  the  book  of  Judith 
 .  .  .  lioing  written  in  the  Chaldee  language  is 
 reckoned  among  the  histories."  There  can  Jw  little 
 doubt  that  the  book  was  written  in  Palestine  in  the 
 national  dialect  (Syro-Chaldaic).  5.  The  text  exists 
 at  present  in  two  distinct  recensions,  the  Greek 
 (followed  l>y  the  Syriac)  and  the  Latin.  The 
 former  evidently  is  the  truer  representative  of  the 
 original,  and  it  seems  certain  that  the  Latin  was 
 derived,  in  the  main,  from  the  Greek  by  a  series  of 
 successive  alterations.  The  Latin  text  contains 
 many  curious  errors.  At  present  it  is  impossible 
 to  determine  the  authentic  text.  6.  The  existence 
 of  these  various  recensions  of  the  book  is  a  proof  of 
 its  popularity  and  wide  circulation,  but  the  external 
 evidence  of  its  use  is  very  .scanty.  The  first  refer- 
 ence to  its  contents  occurs  in  Clem.  L'om.,  and  it 
 is  quoted  with  marked  respect  by  Oiigen,  Hilary, 
 and  Lucifer.  Jerome  speaks  of  it  as  "  reckoneil 
 among  the  Sacred  Scriptures  by  the  Synod  of  Nice." 
 It  has  been  wronglv  inserted  in  the  catalogue  at  the 
 dose  of  the  Apostolic  Canons. 
 
 Ju'el.  1.  1  Esd.  ix.  34.  [Uel.]  2.  1  Esd. 
 ix.  35.      [.JOKL,  13.] 
 
 Ju'lia,  a  Christian  woman  at  Rome,  probably 
 the  wife,  or  perhaps  the  sister,  of  Philologus,  in 
 connexion  with  whom  she  is  saluted  by  St.  Paul 
 (Hom.  xvi.  15). 
 
 Julius,  the  centurion  of  "  Augustus'  band,"  to 
 wliose  charge  St.  Paul  w.is  delivered  when  he  w.ns 
 sent  prisoner  from  Caesarea  to  Rome  (Acts  xxvii. 
 1,  3). 
 
 Jn'nia,  a  Christian  at  Rome,  mentioned  by  St. 
 Paul  as  one  of  his  kinsfolk  and  fellow-prisonci-s,  of 
 note  among  the  Apostles,  and  in  Christ  before  St. 
 Paul  (Hom.  xvi.  7).  Origen  conjectures  that  he 
 w;us  possilily  one  of  the  seventy  disciples. 
 
 Juniper  (1  K.  xix.  4,  5  ;  Ps.  cxx.  4  ;  Job 
 XXX.  4).  The  word  which  is  rendered  in  A.  V.  juniper 
 is  l)oyond  doubt  a  .«ort  of  broom,  Genisti  mono- 
 spernia,  (!.  raetam  of  Forsksil,  answering  to  the 
 Arabic  liethem,  which  is  also  found  in  the  desert  of 
 Sinai  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  true  juniper 
 (llobinson,  ii.  124).  It  is  very  abundant  in  the 
 desert  of  Sinai,  and  .afibrds  shade  and  pi-ote<'tion, 
 both  in  heat  and  storm,  to  travellers.  The  K'othem 
 is  a  leguminous  plant,  and  bears  a  white  flower. 
 It  is  found  also  in  Spain,  Portugal,  and  Palestine. 
 
 Jupiter.  Antiochus  KjMphanes  dedicateil  the 
 Temple  at  Jemsalem  to  the  service  of  Zeus  Olym- 
 pius  (2  Mace.  vi.  2),  and  at  the  8.ime  time  the 
 rival  temple  on  Geiizim  was  devoted  to  Zeus  Xenins 
 (Jupiter  hosj)it(Uis,  Vulg.).  The  Olympian  Zeus 
 was  the  national  god  of  the  Hellenic  race,  as  well 
 !is  the  supreme  ruler  <>f  the  heathen  world,  and  ns 
 such  formed  the  true  opjx^site  to  Jehovah.  The 
 application  of  the  snond  epithet,  "  the  (iod  of  hos- 
 pitdity,"  is  more  ob.scure.  Jupiter  or  Zeus  i« 
 mentionetl  in  one  jin.ss.age  of  the  N.  T.,  on  the  o<x«- 
 sicn  of  St.  Paul's  visit  U>  Lj-stra  (Acts  xiv.  12,  13), 
 
JUSHAB-HESED 
 
 where  the  expression  "  ,Iii])iter,  which  was  before 
 their  city,"  means  that  his  temple  was  outside  the 
 city. 
 
 Ju'shab-He'sed,  sou  of  Zerubbabel  (1  Chr.  iii. 
 201. 
 
 Just'us.  1.  A  surname  of  Joseph  called  Barsa- 
 bas  (Acts  i.  23).— 2.  A  Christiiin  at  Corinth,  with 
 whom  St.  Paul  lodged  (Acts  .wiii.  7j.^3.  A  sur- 
 name of  .Jesus,  a  friend  of  St.  Paul  (Col.  iv.  11). 
 
 Jut'tah,  a  city  in  the  mountain  region  of  Judah, 
 in  the  neiglibourhood  of  Maon  and  Carmel  (Josh. 
 XV.  55).  .-^  village  called  Vtctta  was  visited  by 
 Robinson,  close  to  Main  and  Kurmul,  which  doubt- 
 less represents  the  ancient  town. 
 
 K 
 
 Kabzee'l,  one  of  the  "  cities "  of  the  tribe  of 
 Judah,  and  apparently  the  tarthest  south  (Josh. 
 XV.  21).  It  was  the  native  place  of  the  great  hero 
 BENAlAH-ben-Jehoi.ida  (2  Sam.  x.xiii.  20 ;  1  Chr. 
 xi.  22).  After  the  captivity  it  was  reinhabited  by 
 the  .lews,  and  appears  as  Jekabzkel.  No  trace 
 of  it  appears  to  have  been  discovered  in  modern 
 times. 
 
 Ka'desh,  Ka'desh  Bame'a.  This  place,  the 
 scene  ot"  Miiiam's  death,  was  the  farthest  point 
 which  the  Israelites  leached  in  their  direct  road  to 
 Canaan  ;  it  was  also  that  whence  the  spies  were 
 sent,  and  where,  on  their  return,  the  people  broke 
 out  into  murmuring,  upon  which  their  strictly 
 penal  term  of  wandering  began  (Num.  xiii.  3,  26, 
 xiv.  29-33,  XX.  1;  Deut.  ii.  14).  It  is  probable 
 that  the  term  "  Kadesh,"  though  applied  to  signify 
 a  "  city,"  yet  had  also  a  wider  application  to  a 
 region,  in  which  Kadesh-Meribah  certainly,  and 
 Kadesh-Barnea  probably,  indicates  a  precise  spot. 
 Thus  Kadesh  appears  as  a  limit  eastward  of  the 
 same  tract  which  was  limited  westward  by  Shur 
 (Gen.  XX.  1).  Shur  is  possibly  the  same  as  Sihor, 
 "  which  is  before  Egypt"  (xxv.  18  ;  Josh.  xiii.  3  ; 
 Jer.  ii.  18),  and  was  the  tirst  portion  of  the  wilder- 
 ness on  which  the  people  emerged  from  the  passage 
 of  the  Red  Sea.  [Shdr.]  "Between  Kadesh  and 
 Bered  "  is  another  indication  of  the  site  of  Kadesh 
 as  an  eastcm  limit  (Gen.  xvi.  14),  for  the  point  so 
 fixed  is  "  the  fountain  on  the  way  to  Shur  "  (ver.  7), 
 and  the  range  of  limits  is  narrowed  by  selecting  the 
 western  one  not  so  far  to  the  west,  while  the  eastern 
 one,  Kadesh,  is  unchanged.  Again,  we  have  Kadesh 
 as  the  point  to  which  the  foray  of  Chedorlaomei- 
 "  leturned."  In  Gen.  xiv.  7  Kadesh  is  identified 
 with  En-Mishpat,  the  "  fountain  of  judgment,"  and 
 is  connected  with  Tamar  or  Hazazon  Tamar.  Pre- 
 cisely thus  stands  Kadesh-Barnea  in  the  books  of 
 Numbers  and  Joshua  (comp.  Ezek.  xlvii.  19,  xlviii. 
 28  ;  Num.  xxxiv.  4;  Josh.  xv.  3).  For  there  is  an 
 identity  about  all  the  connexions  of  the  two,  which, 
 if  not  conclusive,  will  compel  us  to  abandon  all 
 possible  inquiries.  This  holds  especially  as  regards 
 Paran  and  Tamar,  and  in  respect  of  its  being  the 
 eastern  limit  of  a  region,  and  also  of  being  the  first 
 point  of  importance  found  by  Chedorlaomer  on 
 passing  round  the  southern  extiemity  of  the  Dead 
 Sea.  In  a  strikingly  similar  manner  we  have  the 
 limits  of  a  route,  apparently  a  well-known  one  at 
 i,he  time,  indioated  by  three  points,  Horeb,  Mount 
 Seir,  Kadesh-Barnea,  in  Deut.  i.  2  the  distance 
 netween   the  extremes  being    fi.xed  at    "11  days' 
 
 KADESH 
 
 435 
 
 journey,"  or  about  165  miles,  allowing  15  miles  to 
 an  avei-age  day's  journey.  This  is  one  element  for 
 determining  the  site  of  Kadesh,  assuming  of  course 
 the  position  ot  Horeb  to  be  ascei'tained.  The  name  of 
 the  place  to  which  the  spies  returned  is  "  Kadesh  " 
 simply,  in  Num.  xiii.  26,  and  is  there  closely  con- 
 nected with  the  "wilderness  of  Paran;"  yet  the 
 "  wilderness  of  Zin  "  stands  in  near  conjunction,  as 
 the  point  whence  the  "  search  "  of  the  spies  com- 
 menced (ver.  21).  Again,  in  Num.  xxxii.  8,  we 
 find  that  it  was  from  Kadesh-Barnea  that  the  mis- 
 sion of  the  spies  commenced,  and  in  the  rehearsed 
 narrative  of  the  same  event  in  Deut.  i.  19,  and  ix. 
 23,  the  name  "Barnea"  is  also  added.  Thus  far 
 there  seems  no  reasonable  doubt  of  the  identity  of 
 this  Kadesh  with  that  of  Genesis.  Again,  in  Num. 
 XX.,  we  find  the  people  encamped  in  Kadesh  after 
 reaching  the  wilderness  of  Zin.  Jerome  clearly 
 knows  of  but  one  and  the  same  Kadesh — "  where 
 Moses  smote  the  rock,"  where  "  Miriam's  monu- 
 ment," he  says,  "  was  still  shown,  and  where  Che- 
 dorlaomer smote  the  rulers  of  Amalek."  The  ap- 
 parent ambiguity  of  the  position,  first,  in  the  wil- 
 derness of  Paran,  or  in  Paran  ;  and  secondly  in  that 
 of  Zin,  is  no  real  increase  to  the  ditficulty.  For 
 whether  these  tracts  were  contiguous,  and  Kadesh 
 on  their  common  border,  or  ran  into  each  other,  and 
 embraced  a  common  territoiy,  to  which  the  name 
 "  Kadesh,"  in  an  extended  sense,  might  be  given, 
 is  comparatively  unimportant.  One  site  fixed  on 
 for  Kadesh  is  the  Ain  cs  Sheijubeh  on  the  south  side 
 of  the  "  mountain  of  the  Amorites,"  and  therefore 
 too  near  Horeb  to  fulfil  the  conditions  of  Deut.  i.  2. 
 Messrs.  Rowlands  and  Williams  argue  strongly  in 
 favour  of  a  site  for  Kadesh  on  the  west  side  of  this 
 whole  mountain  region,  towards  Jehel  Helal.  In 
 the  map  to  Robinson's  last  edition,  a  Jchel  el  Kvdeis 
 is  given  on  the  authority  of  Abeken.  But  this  spot 
 would  be  too  far  to  the  west  for  the  fixed  point  in- 
 tended in  Deut.  i.  2  as  Kadesh  Barnea.  The  indic- 
 ations of  locality  strongly  pomt  to  a  site  near 
 where  the  mountain  of  the  Amorites  descends  to  the 
 low  region  of  the  Arabah  and  Dead  Sea.  The  nearest 
 approximation  which  can  be  given  to  a  site  for  the 
 city  of  Kadesh,  may  be  probably  attained  by  draw 
 ing  a  circle,  from  the  pass  Es-Sufa,  at  the  radius 
 of  about  a  day's  journey  ;  its  south-western  quad- 
 rant will  intersect  the  "  wildeniess  of  Paran,"  or 
 Et-Tih,  which  is  there  overhung  by  the  superim- 
 posed plateau  of  the  mountain  of  the  Amorites; 
 while  its  south-eastern  one  will  cross  what  has  been 
 designated  as  the  "  wilderness  of  Zin."  This  seems 
 to  satisfy  all  the  conditions  of  the  passages  of  Ge- 
 nesis, Numbers,  and  Deuteronomy,  which  refer  to 
 it.  The  nearest  site  in  harmony  with  this  view, 
 which  has  yet  been  suggested  (Robinson,  ii.  176), 
 is  undoubtedly  the  Ain  el-Wcibch.  To  this,  how- 
 ever, is  opposed  the  lemark  of  a  traveller  (Stanley, 
 S.  and  P.  95)  who  went  probably  with  a  deliber«<e 
 intention  of  testing  the  local  features  in  reference 
 to  this  suggestion,  that  it  does  not  afford  among  its 
 "stony  shelves  of  three  or  four  feet  high"  any 
 proper  "clitf,"  such  as  is  the  word  speciall}'  de- 
 .scribing  that  "  rock  "  (A.  V.)  from  which  the  water 
 gushed.  Notice  is  due  to  the  attempt  to  discover 
 K'adesh  in  Petra,  the  metropolis  of  the  Nabathaeans 
 (Stanley,  S.  and  P.  94),  embedded  in  the  mount,ains 
 to  which  the  name  of  Mount  Seir  is  admitted  by 
 all  authorities  to  apply,  and  almost  overhung  by 
 Mount  Hor.  A  paper  in  tlie  Journal  of  Sacred  Z»- 
 terature,  April,  1860,  entitled  A  Critical  Enquiry 
 
 ?  F  2 
 
436 
 
 KADMIBL 
 
 into  the  Route  of  the  Exodus,  disi'arJs  all  tlie  re- 
 ceived sites  for  Sinai,  even  that  of  Mount  lior,  ami 
 fixes  on  Klusa  {El  Kalesah)  as  that  of  Kadesh. 
 
 Kad'miel,  one  of  the  Levites  wlio  with  his  family 
 returned  trono  Babylon  with  Zeiubbabel,  and  fi\\\y.\- 
 rently  a  representative  of  the  descendants  of  Hoda- 
 viah,  or,  as  he  is  elsewhere  called,  Hodaveh  or 
 Judah  (Kzr.  ii.  40;  Neh.  vii.  43).  He  and  his 
 house  are  prnniinent  in  history  on  three  occasions 
 (Kzr.  iii.  9;  Neh.  ix.  4,  5,  x.  H). 
 
 Kad  monites,  the,  a  people  named  in  Gen.  xv. 
 1 9  only ;  one  of  the  nations  who  at  that  time  occu- 
 pied the  land  promised  to  the  descendants  of  Ahiam. 
 Bochart  derives  the  Kadniouites  from  (,'adnius,  and 
 further  identifies  them  with  the  Hivites.  It  is 
 more  probable  that  the  name  Kadmonite  in  its  one 
 occurrence  is  a  synonym  for  the  BliNii-KEDEM — 
 the  "children  of  the  Kast." 
 
 Kalla'i,  a  priest  in  the  days  of  Joiakim  the  son 
 of  Jeshua.  He  represented  the  family  of  Sallai 
 (Neh.  xii.  20). 
 
 Ka'nah,  one  of  the  places  which  formed  the  land- 
 marks of  the  boundary  of  Asher ;  apparently  next 
 to  Zidon-i-abbah,  or  "  great  Zidon  "  (Josh.  xix.  28 
 only).  If  this  inference  is  correct,  then  Kanah  c;ui 
 hardly  be  identified  in  the  modern  vill.iije  Nana, 
 six  miles  inland,  not  from  Zidon,  but  from  Tyre, 
 nearlv  20  miles  south  thereof.  An  Ain-Kiina  is 
 marked  in  the  map  of  Van  de  Velde,  about  8  miles 
 S.K.  of  Saida  (Zidon),  close  to  the  conspicuous 
 village  Jurjua,  at  which  latter  place  Zidon  lies  full 
 in  view  (Van  de  Velde,  ii.  437).  This  at  least 
 answers  more  nearly  the  requirements  of  the  text. 
 
 Ka'nah,  the  Eiver,  a  stream  fallin,2;  into  the 
 Mediterranean,  which  formed  the  division  between 
 the  territories  of  Ephraim  and  Manasseh,  the  former 
 on  the  south,  the  latter  on  the  north  (Josh.  xvi. 
 8,  xvii.  9).  Dr.  Kobiuson  (iii.  13.j)  identifies  it 
 "without  doubt"  with  a  wady,  which  taking  its 
 rise  in  the  central  mountains  of  Ephraim,  near 
 Akrubeh,  some  7  miles  S.E.  of  Nablus,  enters  the 
 sea  just  above  Jaffa  as  Nakr-el-Aujch ;  bearing 
 during  part  uf  its  course  the  name  of  Wndj^  Kaiiah. 
 The  conjecture  of  Schwarz  (51)  is  more  plausible — 
 that  it  is  a  wady  which  commences  west  of  and 
 close  to  Nahlits,  at  Ain-el-Kliassub,  and  falls  into 
 the  sea  as  Nnhr  Faltik,  and  which  bears  also  the 
 name  of  Wndii  al-Khnssdh — the  ret!<ly  stream. 
 
 Eare'ah,  the  father  of  Johanan  and  Jonathan, 
 who  su|)poitod  Gedaliah's  authority  and  avenged 
 his  murder  (Jer.  xl.  8,  13,  15,  IG,  xli.  11,  13,  14, 
 It;,  xlii.  1.  8,  xliii.  2,4,  5). 
 
 Karka'a,  one  of  the  landmarks  on  the  south 
 boundary  of  the  tribe  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  3).  Its 
 site  is  Miiknown. 
 
 Kar  kor,  the  place  in  which  Zebah  and  Zal- 
 munna  were  again  routed  by  Gideon  (Judg.  viii. 
 10).  It  must  have  been  on  the  east  of  the  Jordan, 
 beyond  the  district  of  the  towns,  in  the  open  wastes 
 inhabited  by  the  nomad  tribes.  But  it  is  dillicult 
 to  believe  that  it  can  have  been  so  far  to  the  south 
 a.H  it  is  placed  by  Eusebius  and  Jerome,  namely  one 
 day's  journey  (ab<jut  15  miles)  north  ol'  Petra. 
 
 Kar  tab,  a  town  of  Zebulun,  iillottcd  to  the  Mc- 
 rariie  l.eviies  (.lo>h.  xxi.  .34). 
 
 Kar'ton.  a  city  of  Naphtali,  allotted  to  the 
 Gershonite  I.cvites  (Josh.  xxi.  32).  In  the  )Kirallei 
 liht  of  I  Chr.  vi.  the  name  appears  in  the  more  ex- 
 jandeil  form  of  KllUATHAIM  (ver.  76). 
 
 Katt'ath,  one  of  the  cities  of  the  tribe  of  Ze- 
 bulun (Josh.  xix.  15).     Si'hwarz  swks  to   iilentify 
 
 KEHELATHAH 
 
 it  with  Kana  el-Jelit, — most  ))robably  the  Can  A 
 OK  (lAi.ii.Ki':  of  the  N.  T. 
 
 Ee'dar,  the  second  in  oi-der  of  the  sons  of  Isli- 
 mael  ((jen.  xxv.  13  ;  1  Chr.  i.  29),  and  the  name  of 
 a  gre.it  tribe  of  the  Ai-abs,  settled  on  the  north-west 
 of  the  peninsula  an<l  the  confines  of  Palestine.  This 
 tribe  seems  to  have  been,  with  Tema,  tlie  chief  re- 
 presentative of  Ishmael's  sons  in  the  western  portion 
 of  the  land  they  originally  peopled.  The  "glory 
 of  Kedar  "  is  recorded  by  the  prophet  Isi^iah  (xxi. 
 13-17)  in  the  burden  upon  Arabia;  and  its  im- 
 portance may  also  be  inferred  from  the  "  princes  of 
 Kedar,"  mentioned  by  Ez.  (xxvii.  21),  as  well  as  the 
 pastoral  character  of  the  tiibe.  They  appear  also 
 to  have  been,  like  the  wandenng  triljes  of  the  pre- 
 sent day,  "archers"  and  "mighty  men"  (Is.  xxi. 
 17;  comp.  Ps.  cxx.  5).  That  they  also  settled  in 
 villages  or  towns,  we  find  from  Isaiah  (xlii.  11). 
 The  tribe  seems  to  have  been  one  of  the  most  con- 
 spicuous of  all  the  Ishmaelite  trilies,  and  hence  the 
 Riibbins  call  the  Arabians  univers;illy  by  this  name. 
 .\s  a  link  between  Bible  history  and  Mohammadan 
 traditions,  the  tribe  of  Kedar  is  probably  found  in 
 the  people  called  the  Cedrei  by  Pliny,  on  the  con- 
 fines of  A  labia  Petraea  to  the  south. 
 
 Ke'demah,  the  voungest  of  the  sons  of  Ishmael 
 (Gen.  xxv.  15;  1  Chr.  i^il). 
 
 Ke'demoth,  one  of  the  towns  in  the  district  e.ast 
 of  the  Dead  Sea  allotted  to  tlie  tribe  of  Reulien 
 f.Iosh.  xiii.  18);  given  to  the  Merarit*  Levites 
 (Josh.  xxi.  37  ;  1  Chr.  vi.  79).  It  possibly  con- 
 ferred its  name  on  the  "  wilderness,"  or  uncultivated 
 pasture  land,  "  of  Kedemoth,"  (Num.  xxi.  23  ;  Deut. 
 ii.  26,  27,  &c.).  As  in  other  cases  we  must  await 
 further  investigation  on  the  east  of  the  Dead  Sea. 
 
 Ke'desh.  1.  In  the  extreme  south  of  Judah 
 (Josh.  XV.  23).— 2.  A  city  of  Issachar,  which  ac- 
 cording to  the  catalogue  of  1  Chr.  vi.  was  allotted 
 to  the  Gershonite  Levites  (ver.  72).  The  Kedesh 
 mentioned  among  the  cities  whose  kings  were  slain 
 by  Joshua  (Josh.  xii.  22),  in  company  with  Me- 
 giddo  and  Joknwim  of  Carniel,  would  seem  to  have 
 been  this  city  of  Issiichar.^S.  Kedesii  :  also  Kl-> 
 DESii  IN  Galilee:  and  once,  ,Iudg.  iv.  6,  Kedesm- 
 Napii  rALi.  One  of  the  fortified  cities  of  the  tribe 
 of  Naphtali,  named  between  Hazor  and  h^lrei  (Josh, 
 xix.  37) ;  appointed  as  a  city  of  refuge,  and  allotted 
 with  its  "suburbs"  to  the  Gershonite  Levites  (xx. 
 7,  x.\i.  32;  1  Chr.  vi,  76).  It  was  the  residence  of 
 Barak  (Judg.  iv.  6),  and  there  he  and  Deborah 
 assembled  the  tribes  of  Zebulun  and  Naphtili  before 
 the  conflict  (9,  10),  being  probably,  as  it^i  name 
 implies,  a  "  holy  place  "  of  great  antiquity.  It  was 
 t;iken  by  Tiglath-Pileser  in  the  reign  of  Pekah  (2  K. 
 XV.  29).  Its  next  and  last  apiKarance  in  the  Bible 
 is  .as  the  .scene  of  a  battle  between  Jonathan  Mac- 
 cabaeus  and  the  forces  of  Demetrius  (1  Mace.  xi. 
 63,  73,  A.  V.  Caoics).  After  this  time  it  is  spoken 
 of  by  Josephus  as  in  the  ]X)s.session  of  theTyrians — 
 "a  strong  inland  village,"  well  tbrtitied.  Dr.  Lo- 
 binson  lias  with  great  ])iobability  identified  the 
 spot  at  Kades,  a  village  situatnl  on  the  we.stern 
 eilge  of  the  basin  of  the  Ard-el-Ilideh,  the  great  de- 
 pres8e«i  basin  or  tract  throuiih  whii:h  the  Jordan 
 makes  its  way  into  the  .S>.i  of  Meroni.  A''i(/t's  lies 
 10  English  niiles  N.  of  Safed,  4  to  the  N.W.  of  the 
 upper  part  of  tlie  Sea  ol'  Meroro,  and  12  or  13  S. 
 of  H(inii(s. 
 
 Kehela'thah,  a  desert  cncam]>mpnt  of  the 
 Isjaeliii'^  Num.  xxxiii.  22j,  of  which  nothing  u 
 known. 
 
KEILAH 
 
 Ke'ilah,  a  city  of  the  Shefelah  or  lowland  district  I 
 of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  44).  Its  main  interest  consists  | 
 m  its  connexion  with  David.  He  rescued  it  from 
 au  attack  of  the  Philistines,  who  had  fallen  upon 
 the  town  at  the  beginning  of  the  harvest.  It  was 
 then  a  Ibrtificd  place,  with  walls,  gates,  and  bars 
 (1  Sam.  xxiii.  7).  During  this  time  the  massacre 
 of  Nob  was  perpetrated,  and  Keilah  became  the  re- 
 pository of  the  sacred  Ephod,  which  Abiathar  the 
 piiest,  the  sole  survivor,  had  carried  oH'  with  him 
 (ver.  6).  The  inhabitiints  soon  plotted  David's  be- 
 trayal to  Saul,  then  on  his  road  to  besiege  the  place. 
 Of  this  intention  David  was  warned  by  Divine  intim- 
 ation. He  therefore  left  (1  Sam.  xxiii.  7-13).  In 
 the  map  of  Lieut.  Van  de  Velde  (1858),  the  name 
 Kila  occurs  attached  to  a  site  with  ruins,  on  the 
 lower  road  from  Beit  Jihrin  to  Hebron,  at  very 
 nearly  the  right  distance  from  B.  Jihrin  (almost 
 certainly  Eleutheropolis),  and  in  the  neighbourhood 
 of  Beit  NHsib  (Nezib)  and  Maresa  (Mareshah). 
 
 Ke'ilah  the  Garmite,  apparently  a  descendant 
 of  the  great  Caleb  (1  Chr.  iv.  19  ).  There  is  no  ap- 
 parent connexion  with  the  town  Keilah. 
 
 Kelai'ah  =  Kelita  (Ezr.  x.  23). 
 
 Ke'lita,  one  of  the  Levites  who  returned  with 
 Ezra  (Ezr.  x.  23).  He  assisted  in  expounding  the 
 law  (Neh.  viii.  7),  and  signed  the  covenant  with 
 Nehemlah  (Neh.  x.  10). 
 
 Kem'uel.  1.  The  son  of  Nahor  by  Milcah,  and 
 father  of  Aram  (Gen.  xxii.  21).— 2.  The  son  of 
 Shiphtan,  and  prince  of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim  ;  one 
 of  the  twelve  men  appointed  by  Closes  to  divide 
 the  land  of  Canaan  (Num.  xxsiv.  24).— 3.  A 
 Levite,  father  of  Hashabiah,  prince  of  the  tribe  in 
 the  reign  of  David  (1  Clir.  xxvii.  17). 
 
 Ee'nan  =  Cainan  the  son  of  Enos  (1  Chi-,  i. 
 2),  whose  name  is  also  correctly  given  in  this  form 
 in  the  margin  of  Gen.  v.  9. 
 
 Ke'nath,  one  of  the  cities  on  the  east  of  Jordan, 
 with  its  "daughter-towns"  (A.  V.  "villages") 
 taken  possession  of  by  a  ceiiain  NoBAH,  who  then 
 called  it  by  his  own  name  (Num.  xxxii.  42).  Its 
 site  has  been  recovered  with  tolerable  certainty  in 
 our  own  times  at  Kenawat,  a  ruined  town  at  the 
 southern  extremity  of  the  Lejah,  about  20  miles 
 N.  of  Bfisrah. 
 
 Ee'naz.  1.  Son  of  Ehphaz,  the  son  of  Esau, 
 He  was  one  of  the  dukes  of  Edom  (Gen.  xxxvi.  15. 
 42  ;  1  Chr.  i.  53). ^2.  One  of  the  same  family,  a 
 granason  on^aleb,  according  to  1  Chr.  iv.  15,  where, 
 however,  the  Hebrew  text  is  corrupt.  Anothei' 
 name  has  possibly  fallen  out  before  Kenaz. 
 
 Ke'nezite  (written  Kenizzite,  A.  V.  Gen.  xv. 
 19), an  Edoniitish  tribe  (Num.  xxxii.  12  ;  Josh.  xiv. 
 'i,  14).  Ii  is  ditficuJl  t«  a.-x)ouiit  foi  the  Kccc/iros 
 existing  as  a  tiihe  so  early  as  before  the  birth  of 
 Isaac,  as  they  appear  to  have  done  from  Gen.  xv. 
 19.  But  the  enumeration  may  be  a  later  explan- 
 atory addition  by  Moses  or  some  later  editor. 
 
 Ke'nite,  the,  and  Ke'nites,  the,  a  tribe  or 
 nation  whose  history  is  strangely  interwoven  with 
 that  of  the  chosen  people.  The  fiist  mention  of 
 them  is  in  company  with  the  Kenizzites  and  Kad- 
 monites  (Gen.  xv.  19).  Their  origin  is  hidden 
 from  us.  But  we  may  fairly  infer  that  they  weie 
 a  branch  of  the  lai-ger  nation  of  Midian — from  the 
 fact  that  Jethro,  who  in  Exodus  (see  ii.  15,  16,  iv. 
 19,  &c.)  is  repiesented  as  dwelling  in  the  land  of 
 Midian,  and  as  priest  or  prince  of  that  nation  is  in 
 Judges  (i.  16,  iv.  11)  as  distinctly  said  to  have 
 bfen  a  Kenite.     The  important  services  rendered 
 
 KETURAH 
 
 437 
 
 by  the  sheikh  of  the  Kenites  to  Jloses  during  a 
 lime  of  great  pressure  and  difficulty,  were  rewarded 
 by  the  latter  with  a  promise  of  firm  friendship 
 between  the  two  peoples.  The  connexion  then 
 commenced  lasted  as  firmly  as  a  connexion  could 
 last  between'  a  settled  people  like  Israel  and  one 
 whose  tendencies  were  so  ineradicably  nomadic  as 
 the  Kenites.  They  seem  to  have  accompanied  the 
 Hebrews  during  their  wanderings  (Num.  xxiv.  21, 
 22;  Judg.  i.  16;  comp.  2  Chr.  xxviii.  15).  But 
 the  wanderings  of  Israel  over,  they  forsook  the 
 neighbourhood  of  the  towns,  and  betook  themselves 
 to  freer  air — to  "the  wilderness  of  Judah,  which 
 is  to  the  south  of  Arad  "  (Judg.  i.  16).  But  one 
 of  the  sheikhs  of  the  tribe,  Heber  by  name,  had 
 wandered  north  instead  of  south  (Judg.  iv.  11). 
 The  most  remarkable  development  of  this  people  is  to 
 be  found  in  the  sect  or  family  of  the  Rechabites. 
 
 Ke'nizzite.    Gen.  xv.  19.     [Kenezite.] 
 
 Ke'ren-Hap'puch,  the  youngest  of  the  daugh- 
 ters of  Job,  born  to  him  during  the  period  of  his 
 reviving  prosperity  (Job  xlii.  14). 
 
 Ke'rioth,  1.  A  name  which  occurs  among  the 
 lists  of  the  towns  in  the  southern  district  of  Judah 
 (Josh.  XV.  25).  According  to  the  A.  V.  ("Kerioth, 
 and  Hezron")  it  denotes  a  distinct  place  from  the 
 name  which  follows  it ;  but  this  separation  is  not  in 
 accordance  with  the  accentuation  of  the  Rec.  He- 
 brew text,  and  is  now  generally  abandoned,  and  the 
 name  taken  as  "  Keriyoth-Hezron,  which  is  Hazor." 
 Dr.  Robinson  and  Lieut.  Van  de  Velde  propose  to 
 identify  it  with  Kuryetein  ("  the  two  cities  "),  a 
 ruined  site  which  stands  about  10  miles  S.  from 
 Hebron,  and  3  fiom  Main  (Maon).— 2.  A  city  of 
 Moab,  named  by  Jeremiah  only  (Jer.  xlviii.  24).  By 
 Mr.  Porter  it  is  unhesitatingly  identified  with  Ku- 
 ■reiyeh,  a  ruined  town  of  some  extent  lying  between 
 Busrah  and  Sulkhad,  in  the  southern  part  of  the 
 Hauran.  The  chief  argument  in  favour  of  this  is 
 the  proximity  of  Kureiyeh  to  Busrah,  which  Mr. 
 Porter  accepts  as  identical  with  the  BOZRAH  of  the 
 same  passage  of  Jeremiah. 
 
 Ke'ros,  one  of  the  Nethinim,  whose  descendants 
 returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  44 ;  Neh. 
 vu.  47). 
 
 Kettle,  a  vessel  for  culinary  or  saciificial  pur- 
 poses (1  Sam.  ii.  14).  The  Hebrew  word  is  also 
 rendered  "  basket"  in  Jer.  xxiv.  2,  "caldron"  in 
 2  Chr.  xxxv.  13,  and  "pot"  in  Job  xli.  20. 
 
 Ketu'rah,  the  wife  whom  Abraham  "added  aid 
 took  "  (A.  V.  "  again  took  ")  besides,  or  after  the 
 death  of,  Sarah  (Gen.  xxv.  1 ;  1  Chr.  i,  32).  Ge- 
 senius  and  others  adopt  the  theory  that  Abraham 
 took  Keturah  after  Sarah's  death  ;  but  probability 
 seems  against  it  (compare  Gen.  xvii.  17,  xviii.  11 ; 
 Rom.  iv.  19;  and  Heb.  xi.  12),  and  we  incline  to 
 the  belief  that  the  passage  commencing  with  xxv. 
 1,  and  comprising  perhaps  the  whole  chapter,  or  at 
 least  as  far  as  ver.  10,  is  placed  out  of  its  chrono- 
 logical sequence  in  order  not  to  break  the  main  nar- 
 rative ;  and  that  Abraham  took  Keturah  dui'ing 
 Sarah's  lifetime.  That  she  was  strictly  speaking 
 his  wife  is  also  very  unceitain.  In  the  record  in 
 1  Chr.  i.  32,  she  is  called  a  "concubine"  (comp. 
 Gen.  xxv.  5,  6).  Keturah  herself  is  by  Arab 
 waiters  mentioned  veiy  rarely  and  vaguely,  and 
 evidently  only  in  quoting  from  a  rabbinical  writer. 
 M.  Caussin  de  Perceval  {Essai,  i.  179)  has  endea- 
 vomed  to  identify  her  with  the  name  of  a  tribe  of 
 the  Amalekites  called  Katoora,  but  his  argument.' 
 are  not  of  anv  weight. 
 
438 
 
 KEY 
 
 Key.  The  key  of  a  native  Oriental  lock  is  a  pie<-e 
 of  wooil,  from  7  inches  to  '2  feet  in  length,  litteii 
 with  wires  or  sluiil  nails,  which,  being  inserteil 
 laterally  into  the  hollow  bolt  which  serves  as  a 
 W-k,  raises  other  pins  within  the  staple  so  as  to 
 allow  the  bolt  to  be  drawn  back.  15ut  it  is  not 
 difhcult  to  open  a  lock  of  this  kind  even  without  a 
 key,  viz.  with  the  Hnger  dipped  in  paste  or  other 
 adhesive  substance.  The  p;i8sage  Cant,  v.  4,  5,  is 
 thus  probably  e.xplained. 
 
 Irou  Krj'.    (Prom  Thebee.) 
 
 Kezi'a,  the  second  of  the  daiightere  of  Job,  born 
 to  tiim  after  his  recoviM y  (Job  .\lii.  14). 
 
 Kezi'z,  the  Valley  of,  one  of  the  "  cities "  of 
 Uenj.imin  (Josh,  xviii.  21)  and  the  eastern  border 
 of  the  trilie. 
 
 Kib'roth  -  Hatta'avah,  Num.  xi,  34 ;  marg. 
 "  tlio  sciaves  of  lust"  (comp.  xxxiii.  17).  From 
 there  being  no  change  of  spot  mentioned  between  it 
 and  Taberah  in  xi.  3,  it  is  jjrobably,  like  the  latter, 
 about  three  days'  journey  from  Sinai  (x.  33),  and 
 near  the  sea  (xi.  22,  31 ).  If  Hiklheru  be  Hazeroth, 
 then  "  the  gi-aves  of  lust"  may  be  perhaps  within 
 a  day's  jnuiney  thence  in  the  direction  of  Sinai. 
 
 Kibza^im,  a  city  of  Mount-Kpliraim,  given  up 
 with  its  "  suburbs"  to  the  Kohatliite  Levites  (xxi. 
 22).  In  the  parallel  list  of  1  Chr.  vi.  JoKJiEAil 
 is  substituted  foi   Ivibzaim  (ver.  68). 
 
 Kid.     [Coat.] 
 
 Kid'ron,  the  Brook,  a  tonent  or  valley — not  a 
 "  brook,"  as  in  the  A.  V. — close  to  Jerusalem.  It 
 l.iy  between  the  city  and  the  Mount  of  Olives,  and 
 was  crossed  by  David  in  his  flight  (2  Sam.  xv.  23, 
 comp.  3(t),  and  by  our  Lord  on  His  way  to  <ieth- 
 semane  (John  xviii.  1  ;  comp.  Mark  xiv.  26 ;  Luke 
 xxii.  39).  Its  connexion  with  these  two  occur- 
 rences is  alone  sullicient  to  leave  no  doubt  that  the 
 Nachal-Kidron  is  the  deep  ravine  on  the  east  of 
 Jerusalem,  now  commoidy  known  as  the  "  Valley 
 of  Jehoshaphat."  But  it  would  seem  as  if  the  name 
 were  formerly  applied  also  to  the  ravines  suiTound- 
 ing  other  portions  of  Jeru.salem — the  south  or  the 
 west;  since  Solomon's  prohibition  to  Shimei  to 
 "pass  over  the  toirent  Kidron"  (1  K,  ii.  37)  is 
 said  to  have  been  broken  by  the  latter  when  he 
 went  in  the  direction  of  Gath  to  seek  his  fugitive 
 slaves  (41,  42).  But  there  is  no  evidence  of  the 
 name  Kidrou  having  been  applied  to  the  southern 
 or  western  ravines  of  the  city.  The  distinguishing 
 j>eculiarity  of  the  Kidron  valley — that  in  respect  to 
 which  it  is  most  frei|uently  mc-ntioned  in  the  O.  T. — 
 is  the  impurity  which  appeal's  tn  have  been  ascribed 
 to  it.  In  the  time  of  Josiah  it  was  the  common 
 cemetery  of  the  city  (2  K,  xxiii.  6  ;  comp.  Jer. 
 xxvi.  23,  "  graves  of  the  common  ])i'ople").  How 
 'ong  the  valley  contininxl  to  1*  used  for  a  burying- 
 jilace  it  is  very  hard  to  asrertain.  To  the  date  of 
 tiie  monuments  at  the  fnof  nf  Olivet  we  have  at 
 present  no  clue;  but  even  if  tliry  are  of  pre-Chris- 
 tian times  there  is  no  proof  that  they  are  tombs. 
 At  present  it  is  the  favoinite  resting-place  of  Mos- 
 lems and  Ji'ws,  the  Ibrnier  on  the  west,  the  latter 
 on  the  east  of  the  valley.  The  following  descrip- 
 tion ol'fhe  valley  of  Kidron  in  its  nxHlrrn  st;ife  is 
 liikcn  iron*  Dr.   Ilubinsun: — From  the  head  of  the 
 
 KIDRON,  THE  BEOOK 
 
 valley  the  dome  of  the  Holy  .S<  pulcln^e  benrs  S. 
 by  K.  The  tract  around  this  s]X)t  is  very  ro<-ky. 
 The  valley  runs  for  15  minut«>  directly  towards 
 the  city  ;  it  is  here  shallow  and  bi'oad,  and  in  some 
 parts  tilled,  though  very  stony.  It  now  turns 
 nearly  east,  almost  at  a  right  angle,  and  passes  to 
 the  northward  of  the  Tombs  of  the  Kings.  Here  it 
 is  about  200  rods  distant  from  the  city ;  and  the 
 tract  between  is  tolerably  level  ground,  plantetl 
 with  olive-trei'S.  The  valley  is  still  shallow,  and 
 runs  in  the  same  direction  tor  about  10  minutes. 
 It  then  bends  again  to  the  south,  and,  following 
 this  general  course,  passes  between  the  city  and  the 
 Mount  of  Olives.  Before  reaching  the  city,  and 
 also  opposite  its  northern  [laii,  the  valley  .spreads 
 out  into  a  basin  of  some  breadth,  which  is  tille<l, 
 and  coDt;iins  plantations  of  olive  and  other  fruit- 
 trees.  As  the  valley  descends,  the  steep  side  upon 
 the  right  becomes  more  and  more  elevated  above  it; 
 until,  at  the  gate  of  St.  Stephen,  the  height  of  this 
 brow  is  about  100  feet.  Here  a  path  winds  down 
 from  the  gate  on  a  course  S.H.  by  E.,  and  crosses 
 the  valley  by  a  bridge.  Below  the  bridge  the  valley 
 contracts  gradually,  and  sinks  more  rapidly.  At 
 the  distance  of  1000  feet  from  the  bridge  on  a 
 coui-se  S.  10^  W.  the  bottom  of  the  valley  has 
 become  merely  a  deep  gully,  the  narrow  bed  of  a 
 torrent,  from  which  the  hills  rise  directly  on  each 
 side.  Here  another  bridge  is  thrown  acioss  it  on 
 an  ,irch.  The  valley  now  continues  of  the  same 
 character,  and  follows  the  same  course  (S.  10°  W.) 
 for  550  feet  furtlier;  where  it  makes  a  sharp  tum 
 for  a  moment  towards  the  I'iglit.  This  portion  is  the 
 naiTOwest  of  all ;  it  is  here  a  mere  ravine  Ix-tween 
 high  mountains.  Below  the  short  turn  above 
 mentioned,  a  line  of  1025  feet  on  a  coui-se  S.W. 
 brings  us  to  the  Fount;»iu  of  the  Virgin,  lying  deej> 
 under  the  western  hill.  The  valley  Iuls  now  openixl 
 a  little;  but  its  bottom  is  still  occupied  only  by  the 
 befl  of  the  torrent.  From  here  a  course  .S.  2(»°  \V. 
 carried  us  along  the  village  of  Siloam  (A't/r  Scltrdn) 
 on  the  eastern  side,  and  at  1 1 70  feet  we  were  op- 
 ])osite  the  mouth  of  the  Tyropoeon  and  the  pool  of 
 Siloam,  which  lies  -55  feet  within  it.  Further 
 down,  the  valley  opens  more  and  is  tilled.  .\  line 
 of  685  feet  on  the  same  course  fS.  2(.i°  VV.)  brought 
 us  to  a  rocky  ]ioint  of  the  eastern  hill,  here  calle<l 
 the  Mount  of  Otlinice,  over  against  tlie  entrance  of 
 the  Valley  of  Hinnom.  Thence  to  the  well  of  Job 
 or  Nehemiah  is  275  ftn't  due  south.  Bdow  the  well 
 of  Nehemiah  the  Valley  of  Jehoshaphat  continuts 
 to  run  S.S.W.  between  the  Mount  of  Olience  and 
 the  Ildl  of  Kvil  Coun.sel,  so  ciUeil.  At  alwut 
 1500  feet  or  500  yards  Wow  the  well  the  valley 
 bends  off  S.  75^  E.  for  half  a  mile  or  more,  and 
 then  turns  again  more  to  the  south,  and  pui-suos  its 
 way  to  the  Dead  Sea.  The  width  of  the  main 
 valley  below  the  well,  jis  far  as  to  the  tum,  varies 
 from  50  to  100  yards;  it  is  full  of  olive  and  lig- 
 trees,  and  is  in  most  pjirts  ploughed  and  sown  with 
 grain.  Further  down  it  takes  the  name  among  the 
 Aiabs  of  Wild;/  cr-Ri\hib,  '  Monks'  N'alley,'  fnun 
 the  convent  of  St.  .Siba  situattnl  on  it  ;  and  still 
 nearer  to  the  Dwid  Sea  it  is  also  c;dlwl  U'lit///  <,•«- 
 iV<ir,  '  Fire  Valley.'  The  channel  of  the  Valley  of 
 Jehoshaphat,  the  Brook  Kidion  of  the  Scriptuivs, 
 is  nothing  more  than  the  dry  bed  of  a  wintiy  torrent, 
 bearing  marks  of  being  occasionally  swept  over  by 
 a  large  volume  of  water.  One  point  is  unnoticetl 
 in  Dr.  Robinson's  dewription,  sutlicicntly  curious 
 and  wcll-att»fcted  to  merit  further  careful  iiivesiix- 
 
KINAH 
 
 Btion — the  possibility  that  the  Kidroc  flows  below 
 the  present  surface  of  the  ground.  Dr.  Barclay 
 mentions  "  a  fountain  that  bursts  forth  during  the 
 winter  in  a  valley  entering  the  Kidron  from  the 
 north,  and  flows  several  hundied  yards  before  it 
 sinks ;"  and  again  he  testifies  that  at  a  point  in 
 the  valley  about  two  miles  below  the  city  the  mur- 
 murings  of  a  stream  deep  below  the  ground  may 
 be  distinctly  heard,  which  stream,  on  excavation, 
 he  actually  discovered.  His  inference  is  that  between 
 the  two  points  the  brook  is  flowing  in  a  subterra- 
 neous channel,  as  is  "  not  at  all  unfrequent  in  Pa- 
 lestine." 
 
 Ki'nali,  a  city  of  Judah,  one  of  those  which  lay 
 on  the  extreme  south  boundary  of  the  tribe,  next  to 
 Edom  (Josh.  xv.  22).  The  "town  Cinah  situated 
 near  the  wilderness  of  Zin  "  with  which  Schwarz 
 would  identify  it,  is  not  to  be  found  in  his  own  or 
 any  other  map. 
 
 Kindred.  I.  Of  the  special  names  denoting  re- 
 lation by  consanguinity,  the  principal  will  be  found 
 explained  under  their  proper  heads.  Father,  Bro- 
 ther, &c.  It  will  be  there  seen  that  the  words 
 which  denote  near  relation  in  the  direct  line  are 
 used  also  for  the  other  superior  or  inferior  degiees 
 in  that  line,  as  grandfather,  grandson,  &c. — II.  The 
 words  which  expiess  collateral  consanguinity  are — 
 1.  uncle;  2.  aunt;  3.  nephew;  4.  niece  (not  in 
 A.  v.);  5.  cousin. — III.  The  terms  of  affinity  are 
 — 1.  (a)  father-in-law,  (6)  mother-in-law ;  2.  (a) 
 son-in-law,  (6)  daugbter-iu-law ;  3.  (a)  brother-in- 
 law,  (b)  sister-in-law.  The  domestic  and  econom- 
 ical questions  arising  out  of  kindred  may  be  classed 
 under  the  three  heads  of  Marriage,  Inherit- 
 ance, and  Blood-Revenge,  and  the  reader  is 
 referred  to  the  articles  on  those  subjects  for  inform- 
 ation theieon. 
 
 Kine.     [Cow.] 
 
 King,  the  name  of  the  Supreme  Ruler  of  the 
 Hebrews  during  a  period  of  about  500  years  pre- 
 vious to  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  B.C.  586. 
 The  immediate  occasion  of  the  substitution  of  a 
 regal  form  of  government  for  that  of  the  Judges, 
 seems  to  have  been  the  siege  of  Jabesh-Gilead  by 
 Nahash,  king  of  the  Ammonites  (1  Sam.  xi.  1,  xii. 
 12),  and  the  refusal  to  allow  the  inhabitants  of  that 
 city  to  capitulate,  except  on  humiliating  and  cruel 
 conditions  (1  Sam.  xi.  2,  4-6).  The  conviction 
 leems  to  have  forced  itself  on  the  Israelites  that 
 they  could  not  resist  their  fonnidable  neighbour 
 unless  they  placed  themselves  under  the  sway  of  a 
 king,  like  surrounding  nations.  Concurrently  with 
 this  conviction,  disgust  had  been  excited  by  the 
 corrupt  administration  of  justice  under  the  sons  of 
 Snranel,  and  a  radical  change  was  desired  by  them 
 in  this  respect  also  (1  Sam.  viii.  3-5).  Accord- 
 ingly the  original  idea  of  a  Hebrew  king  was  two- 
 fold :  first,  that  he  should  lead  the  people  to  battle 
 in  time  of  war ;  and,  2ndly,  that  he  should  execute 
 judgment  and  justice  to  them  in  war  and  in  peace 
 (1  Sam.  viii.  20).  In  both  respects  the  desired  end 
 was  attained.  To  form  a  correct  idea  of  a  Hebrew 
 king,  we  must  abstract  ourselves  from  the  notions 
 of  modern  Europe,  and  realise  the  position  of  Oriental 
 sovereigns.  The  following  passage  of  Sir  John 
 Malcolm  respecting  the  Shfihs  of  Persia,  may,  with 
 some  slight  modifications,  be  regarded  as  fairly  ap- 
 plicable to  the  Hebrew  monarchy  under  David  and 
 Solomon : — "  The  monarch  of  Persia  has  been  pro- 
 nounced to  be  one  of  the  most  absolute  in  the 
 world.     His  word  has  ever  been  deemed  a  law : 
 
 KING 
 
 439 
 
 and  he  has  piobably  never  had  any  further  restraint 
 upon  the  fiee  exercise  of  his  vast  authority  than 
 has  arisen  from  his  regwd  for  religion,  his  respect 
 for  established  usages,  his  desire  of  reputation,  and 
 his  fear  of  exciting  an  opposition  that  might  be 
 dangerous  to  his  power,  or  to  his  life"  (Malcolm's 
 Persia,  vol.  ii.  303).  Besides  being  commander- 
 in-chief  of  the  army,  supreme  judge,  and  absolute 
 master,  as  it  were,  of  the  lives  of  his  subjects,  the 
 king  exercised  the  power  of  imposing  taxes  on  them, 
 and  of  exacting  fiom  them  personal  service  and 
 labour.  And  the  degree  to  which  the  exaction  of 
 personal  labour  might  be  carried  on  a  special  occa- 
 sion is  illustrated  by  King  Solomon's  requirements 
 for  building  the  temple.  In  addition  to  these 
 earthly  powers,  the  King  of  Israel  had  a  more  awful 
 claim  to  respect  and  obedience.  He  was  the  vice- 
 gerent of  Jehovah  (1  Sam.  x.  1,  xvi.  13),  and  as  it 
 were  His  son,  if  just  and  holy  (2  Sam.  vii.  14^  Ps. 
 Ixxxix.  26,  27,  ii.  6,  7).  He  had  been  set  apart 
 as  a  consecrated  ruler.  Upon  his  head  had  been 
 poured  the  holy  anointing  oil,  composed  of  olive-oil, 
 myrrh,  cinnamon,  sweet  calamus,  and  cassia,  which 
 had  hitherto  been  reserved  exclusively  for  the  priests 
 of  Jehovah,  especially  the  high-priest,  or  had  been 
 solely  used  to  anoint  the  Tabernacle  of  the  Congreg- 
 ation, the  Ark  of  the  Testimony,  and  the  vessels 
 of  the  Tabernacle  (Ex.  xxx.  23-33,  xl.  9 ;  Lev.  xxi. 
 10  ;  1  K.  i.  39).  He  had  become,  in  fact,  emphat- 
 ically "  the  Lord's  Anointed."  A  ruler  in  whoir 
 so  much  authority,  human  and  divine,  was  em 
 bodied,  was  naturally  distinguished  by  outward 
 honours  and  luxuries.  He  had  a  court  of  Oriental 
 magnificence.  When  the  power  of  the  kingdom 
 was  at  its  height,  he  sat  on  a  throne  of  ivoiy, 
 covered  with  pure  gold,  at  the  feet  of  which  were 
 two  figures  of  lions.  The  king  was  dressed  in 
 royal  robes  (1  K.  xxii.  10 ;  2  Chr.  xviii.  9)  ;  his 
 insignia  were,  a  ci"own  or  diadem  of  pure  gold,  or 
 perhaps  radiant  with  precious  gems  (2  Sam.  i.  10, 
 xii.  30;  2  K.  xi.  12;  Ps.  xxi.  3),  and  a  royal 
 sceptre.  Those  who  approached  him  did  him  obeis- 
 ance, bowing  down  and  touching  the  ground  with 
 their  foreheads  (1  Sam.  xxiv.  8 ;  2  Sam,  xix.  24)  ; 
 and  this  was  done  even  by  a  king's  wife,  the  mother 
 of  Solomon  (IK.  i.  16).  Their  officers  and  subjects 
 called  themselves  his  servants  or  slaves,  though  they 
 do  not  seem  habitually  to  have  given  way  to  such 
 extravagant  salutations  as  in  the  Chaldaean  and 
 Persian  courts  (1  Sam.  xvii.  32,  34,  36,  xx.  8; 
 2  Sam.  vi.  20;  Dan.  ii.  4).  As  in  the  East  to 
 this  day,  a  kiss  was  a  sign  of  respect  and  homage 
 (1  Sam.  X.  1,  perhaps  Ps.  ii.  12).  He  lived  in  a 
 splendid  palace,  with  porches  and  columns  (IK. 
 vii.  2-7).  All  his  drinking  vessels  were  of  gold 
 (1  K.  X.  21).  He  had  a  large  harem,  which  in  the 
 time  of  Solomon  must  have  been  the  source  of 
 enormous  expense.  As  is  invariably  the  case  in 
 the  great  eastern  monarchies  at  present,  his  harem 
 was  guarded  by  eunuchs  ;  translated  "  officers  "  in 
 the  A.  V.  for  the  most  pai't  (1  Sam.  viii.  15 ;  2  K. 
 xxiv.  12,  15 ;  1  K.  xxii.  9  ;  2  K.  viii.  6,  ix.  32,  33, 
 XX.  18,  xxiii.  11 ;  Jer.  xrxviii.  7).  The  law  of  suc- 
 cession to  the  throne  is  somewhat  obscure,  but  i*^ 
 seems  most  probable  that  the  king  during  his  life 
 time  named  his  successor.  This  was  certainly  thv 
 case  with  David  (1  K.  i.  30,  ii.  22)  ;  and  'with 
 Rehoboam  (2  Chr.  xi.  21,  22).  At  the  same  time, 
 if  no  partiality  for  a  favourite  wife  or  son  inter- 
 vened, there  would  always  be  a  natural  bias  ol 
 affection  in  favour  of  the  eldest  son.     The  following 
 
140 
 
 KINGS.  FIRST  AND  SECOND  BOOKS  OP 
 
 IS  a  list  of  some  of  the  officers  of  the  kiug  : — 1.  The 
 |{ecoidoi-  or  ChroiiicU'i-,  who  wa<  i)eilia]>s  analogous 
 to  the  Historiogiaplior  whom  Sir  John  Malcolm 
 mentions  as  an  odicer  of  the  Persian  court,  whose 
 duty  it  is  towiite  the  annals  of  the  king's  reign  {His- 
 tory of  Persia,  c.  '2.'5).  2.  'i'he  Scrilie  or  Secietary 
 {2  Sam.  viii.  17,  xx.  25;  2  K.  xii.  10,  xix.  2,  xxii. 
 8).  3.  The  otlicer  who  w;is  "  over  the  house  "  (Is. 
 xrxii.  15,  x.\xvi,  3).  His  duties  would  be  those  of 
 chief  steward  of  tlie  household,  and  would  embrace 
 all  the  internal  economical  arrangements  of  the 
 palace.  4.  The  king's  friend  (1  K.  iv.  5),  called 
 likewise  the  king's  companion.  5.  The  keeper  of 
 the  vestry  or  wardrobe  (2  K.  x.  22).  6.  The  cap- 
 tain of  the  body-guard  ( 2  Sam.  xx.  2.5).  7.  Distinct 
 oilicers  over  the  king's  treasures,  his  storehouses, 
 labourers,  vineyaids,  olive-trees,  and  syaunore-trees, 
 hei-ds,  camels,  and  flocks  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  25-31).  8. 
 The  officer  over  all  ti)e  host  or  army  of  Israel,  the 
 commander-in-cliief  of  the  army  (2  Sam.  xx.  23  ; 
 
 1  Chr.  xxvii.  34;  2  Sam.  xi.  1).  9.  The  royal 
 counsellors  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  32  ;  Is.  iii.  3,  xix.  11,  13). 
 The  following  is  a  statement  of  the  soiuxes  of  the 
 royal  revenues:  —  1.  The  royal  demesnes,  cora- 
 fields,  vineyards,  and  olive-gardens.  2.  The  produce 
 of  the  royal  flocks  (1  Sam.  xxi.  7  ;  2  Sam.  xiii.  23  ; 
 
 2  Chr.  xxvi.  10 ;  1  Chr.  xxvii.  25).  3.  A  nominal 
 tenth  of  the  produce  of  corn-land  and  vineyards  and 
 of  sheep  (I  Sam.  viii.  15,  17).  4.  A  tribute  from 
 merchants  who  passed  through  the  Hebrew  ter- 
 ritory (1  K.  X.  14).  5.  Presents  made  by  his 
 subjects  (1  Sam.  x.  27,  xvi.  20;  1  K.  x.  25;  Ps. 
 Ixxii.  10).  6.  lu  the  time  of  Solomon,  the  king 
 had  trading  vessels  of  his  own  at  sea  (1  K.  x.  22). 
 It  is  probable  that  Solomon  and  some  other  kings 
 may  have  derived  some  revenue  from  commercial 
 ventures  ( 1  K.  ix.  28).  7.  The  spoils  of  wai-  taken 
 from  conqueied  nations  and  the  tribute  paid  by 
 them  (2  Sam.  viii.  2,  7,  8,  10 ;  1  K.  iv.  21  ;  2  Chr. 
 xxvii.  5).  8.  Lastly,  an  undetined  power  of  exact- 
 ing compulsory  labour,  to  which  reference  h,is  been 
 already  made  (1  .Sam.  viii.  12.  i:l,  IG). 
 
 Kings,  First  and  Second  Books  of,  originally 
 only  one  book  in  the  Hebrew  Canon,  and  first  edited 
 in  Hebiew  as  two  by  Bomberg,  after  the  model 
 of  the  L.\.\.  and  the  Vulgate.  They  arf  called 
 by  the  LXX.,  Origen,  &c.,  Bo(ri\€tai»'  rpiTrj  and 
 T€TapTTj,  third  and  fourth  of  the  Kiu'/Joins  (the 
 books  of  Samuel  being  the  first  and  second),  but  by 
 the  Latins,  with  few  exceptions,  teitius  et  quartus 
 Regum  liber.  The  division  into  two  books,  being 
 purely  artificial  and  as  it  were  mechanical,  may  be 
 overlooked  in  speaking  of  them;  and  it  must  also 
 be  remembered  that  the  ilivi-^ion  betwen  the  books 
 of  Kings  and  Samuel  is  e(iually  artificial,  and  that 
 in  point  of  fact  the  historical  books  commencing 
 with  .Judges  and  ending  with  2  Kings  present  the 
 aiipearancc  of  one  work.  Hut  to  confine  ourselves 
 to  the  books  of  Kings.  We  shall  consider — I.  Their 
 historical  and  chronological  range ;^II.  'I'heir  jie- 
 culiaritics  of  diction,  and  other  fieatures  in  their 
 literary  asjxict; — HI.  Their  authorship,  and  the 
 source.")  of  the  author's  information ;— IV.  Their 
 relation  to  the  books  of  ( 'hronicles ; — V.  Their  ])lace 
 in  the  canon,  and  the  references  to  them  in  the  .New 
 Testjimcnt.— I.  The  books  of  Kings  range  from 
 David's  death  imd  Solomon'-s  acce,ssion  to  the  throne 
 of  Israel,  commonly  reckoned  as  B.C.  1015,  but  ac- 
 cording to  l.ej»sius  Ji.c.  OO.'i,  to  the  destruction  of 
 the  kingdom  of"  .Fuilaii  and  the  dc.olation  of  .lerii- 
 wilem,  and  the  burning  of  the  Temple,  according  to 
 
 the  same  leckoning  B.C.  .588,  (it.C.  58(),  Le|)8iii:i 
 — a  pi'iiod   of  427  (or  405)  yeare  :   with  a  sup^ 
 jilcmental   notice  of  an  event   that  occiirreil   after 
 an  interval  of  2H  yeai-s,  viz.  the  libemtion  of  Je- 
 hoiachin   from   his   pri.^on  at  IJabylon,  and  a  still 
 further  extt^nsion  to  Jehoiachin's  death,  the  time  of 
 which  is  not  known,  but  which  was  probably  not 
 long   after    his  liberation.     The  history   therefore 
 comprehends  the  whole  time  of  the  Israelitish  nm- 
 narcliy,  exclusive  of  the  reigns  of  Saul  and  David. 
 As  regarils  the  atiairs  of  foreign  nations,  and  the 
 relation  of  Israel  to  them,  the  historical  notices  in 
 these  books,  though  in  the  earlier  times  sc;uity,  are 
 most  valuable,  and  in  striking  accordance  with  the 
 latest  additions  to  our  kn<)wle<ige  of  contemjiorary 
 profane  history.     The  names  of  Omri,  Jehu,  Me- 
 nahem,  Hoshea,  Hezekiah,  &c.,  are  believed  to  have 
 been  deciphered  in  the  cuneiform  inscriptions,  which 
 also  (-ontain  pietty  full  accounts  of  the  cam|)aigns 
 of  Tiglath-Pileser,  Sargon,  Sennacheiib,  and  Ks;ir- 
 haddon  :  Shalmaneser's  name  has  not  yet  been  dis- 
 covered,   though    two  inscriptions    in    the    British 
 Museum  are  thought  to  refer  to  his  reign.    Another 
 most  im])ortant  aid  to  a  right  understanding  of  tlie 
 history  in  these  books,  and  to  the  Ailing  up  of  its 
 outline,  is  to  be  found  in  the  prophet^,  and  esj)ec- 
 ially  in   Isaiah  an<l  Jeremiah.     It  must,  howevei-, 
 be  admittetl  that  the  chronological  details  expressly 
 given  in  the  books  of  Kings  form  a  remarkable  con- 
 trast with  their  striking  historic-al  accuracy.    These 
 details  are  inexjjlicable,  and  frequently  entirely  con- 
 tradictory.    The    very    first   date  of  a   decidedly 
 chronological  character  which  is  given,  that  of  the 
 foundation  of  Solomon's  temple  (1  K.  vi.  1),  is  ma- 
 nifestly erroneous,  as  being  irreconcileable  with  any 
 view  of  the  chronology  of  the  times  of  the  Judges, 
 or  with  St.  Paul's  calculation.  Acts  xiii.  20.     It  is 
 in  fact  abandoned  by  almost  all   chronologists,  to 
 wh-Mtever  school    they  belong,  whether  ancient  or 
 modern,  and  is  utterly  ignore<l  by  Josephus.     As 
 regards,  however,  these  chronological  difiiculties,  it 
 must  be  observed  they  are  of  two  essentially  diflerent 
 kinds.     One  kind  is  merely   the  want  of  the  data 
 necessai  v  for  chionologiati  exactness.    But  the  other 
 kind  of  ditiiculty  is  of  a  totally  different  character, 
 and   embmces  dates  which  are  very  exact  in  their 
 mode  of  exjiression,  but  are  erroneous  and  contra- 
 dictory.    (1.)  When  we  sum   up  the  years  of  all 
 the  reigns  of  the   kings  of  Israel  as  given  in  the 
 books  of  Kings,  and  fiien  all  the  years  of  the  reigns 
 of  the  kings  of  Judah  from  the  1st  of  Kehoboam  to 
 the  tUh  of  Hezekiah,   we  find  that,   insteail  of  the 
 two  sums  agreeing,  there  is  an  e.\cess  of  19  or  2(1 
 years  in  Judah  ;  the  reigns  of  the  latter  amounting 
 to  2()1  years,  while  tlie  ti:mner  make  u]>  only  242. 
 But  we  aie  able  to  get  somewhat  nearer  to  the  seat 
 of  tills  disagreement.  bec:iu>c  it  so  hapjwns  that  the 
 parallel  histories  of  Israel  and  Judah  touch  in  four 
 or  live  point.s  where  the  synchionisms  are  precisely 
 maikcnl.     These  points  arc   ( 1)  at  the  .simultaneous 
 accessions  of  Jeroboam  and   Kehoboam;   (2)  at  the 
 simultaneous  deaths  of  Jehoram  and  Ah.T7.iah,  or, 
 which  is  the  sjime  thing,  the  simult.ineous  accei>- 
 .sions  of  Jehu  and  Athaliah;   (3)  at  the  l.Mh  year 
 of  Amaziah.   which   was   the   1st  of  Jeroboiun    11. 
 (2  K.  xiv.  17);  (4)  in  the   reign  of  Ahaz,   whirh 
 was  contemporary  with  some  part  of  Pekah's,  viz. 
 according   to    the   text  of  2   K.  xvi.    1,   the  thn-e 
 fii-st  years  of  Ahaz  with  the  three  last  of  Pekah  ; 
 and  (5)  at  the  lUh  of  Hezekiah,  which  was  the  t»lh 
 of  Hoshea.     lieginning  with  the  subjicriod  whicij 
 
KINGS,  FIRST  AND  SECOND  BOOKS  OF 
 
 441 
 
 commences  with  the  double  accession  of  Ii'ehoboani 
 and  Jeroboam,  and  closes  with  the  double  death  of 
 Ahaziah  and  Jehoram,  we  find  that  the  six  reigns 
 in  Jiidah  make  up  95  years,  and  the  eight  reigns  in 
 Israel  make  up  98  years.  Here  there  is  an  excess 
 of  3  years  in  the  kingdom  of  Israel,  which  may, 
 however,  be  readily  accounted  for  by  the  frequent 
 changes  of  dynasty  there,  and  the  probability  of 
 fragments  of  years  being  reckoned  as  whole  years, 
 thus  causing  the  same  year  to  be  reckoned  twice  over. 
 Beginning,  again,  at  the  double  accession  of  Atiia- 
 liali  and  Jehu,  we  have  in  Judah  7-|--l0  +  14-  first 
 years  of  Amaziah  =  6l,  to  correspond  with  28+17 
 +  16  =  61,  ending  with  the  last  year  of  Jehoash  in 
 Israel.  Starting  again  with  the  15th  of  Amaziah  = 
 1  Jeroboam  II.,  we  have  15  +  52  +  16  +  3  =  86  (to 
 the  3rd  year  of  Ahaz),  to  correspond  with  41  +  1  + 
 10  +  2  +  20  =  74  (to  the  close  of  Pekah's  reign), 
 where  we  at  once  detect  a  deticiency  on  the  part  of 
 Israel  of  (86  —  74  =  )  12  years,  if  at  least  the  3rd  of 
 Ahaz  really  corresponded  with  the  20th  of  Pekah. 
 And  lastly,  starting  with  the  year  following  that 
 last  named,  we  have  13  last  yeare  of  Ahaz+7  first 
 of  Hpzekiah  =  20,  to  correspond  with  the  9  years  of 
 Hoshea,  where  we  find  another  deticiency  in  Israel 
 of  11  years.  The  discrepance  of  12  years  first 
 occurs  in  the  third  period.  We  are  told  in  2  K. 
 IV.  8  tliat  Zachariah  began  to  reign  in  the  38th  of 
 Uzziah,  and  (xiv.  23)  that  his  father  Jeroboam 
 beiran  to  reign  in  the  15th  of  Amaziah.  Jeroboam 
 must  therefoie  have  reigned  52  or  53  yeare,  not 
 41  :  fur  the  idea  of  an  intenegnum  of  11  or  12 
 years  between  Jeroboam  and  his  son  Zachariah  is 
 absuid.  But  the  addition  of  these  12  years  to 
 Jeroboam's  reign  exactly  equalizes  the  period  in  the 
 two  kingdoms,  which  would  thus  contain  86  years. 
 As  j-egards  the  discrepance  of  11  years  in  the  last 
 period,  nothing  can  in  itself  be  more  probable  than 
 that  either  during  some  part  of  Pekah's  lifetime, 
 or  after  his  death,  a  period,  not  included  in  the 
 regnal  years  of  either  Pekah  or  Hoshea,  should  have 
 elapsed,  when  there  was  either  a  state  of  anarchy, 
 or  the  government  was  administered  by  an  Assyr- 
 ian officer.  (2.)  Turning  next  to  the  other  class 
 of  difficulties  mentioned  above,  the  following  in- 
 stances will  jierhaps  be  thought  to  justify  the  opinion 
 that  the  dates  in  these  books  which  are  intended 
 to  establish  a  precise  chronology  are  the  work  of  a 
 much  later  hand  or  hands  than  the  books  them- 
 selves. The  date  in  1  K.  vi.  1  is  one  which  is  ob- 
 viously intended  for  strictly  chronological  purposes. 
 If  correct,  it  would,  taken  in  conjunction  with  the 
 subsequent  notes  of  tiine  in  the  books  of  Kings, 
 nipfposing  them  to  be  correct  also,  give  to  a  year 
 the  length  of  the  time  from  the  Exodus  to  the  Ba- 
 bylonian captivity,  and  establish  a  perfect  connexion 
 between  sacred  and  profane  history.  But  so  little 
 is  this  the  case,  that  this  date  is  quite  irrecoucileable 
 with  Egii-j^tian  history,  and  is,  as  stated  above,  by 
 almost  univeisal  consent  rejected  by  chronologists, 
 even  on  purely  Scriptural  giounds.  This  date  is 
 followed  by  precise  synchronistic  definitions  of  the 
 parallel  leigns  of  Israel  and  Judah,  the  effect  of 
 which  would  be,  and  must  have  been  designed  to 
 bo,  to  supply  the  want  of  accuracy  in  stating  the 
 length  of  the  reigns  without  reference  to  the  odd 
 months.  But  these  synchionistic  definitions  are  in 
 continual  discord  with  the  statement  of  the  length 
 of  reigns.  According  to  1  K.  xxii.  51  Ahaziah  suc- 
 ceeded Ah.ab  in  the  17th  year  of  .Iehoshaj)hat.  But 
 nccordintr  to  the  statement  of  the  Icnsrth  of  Ahab's 
 
 reign  in  xvi.  29,  Ahab  died  in  the  IStli  of  Jeho- 
 shaphat ;  while  according  to  2  K.  i.  17,  Jehoram 
 the  son  of  Ahnziah  succeeded  his  brother  (after  his 
 2  years'  reign)  in  the  second  year  of  Jehoiam  the 
 son  of  Jehoshaphat,  though,  according  to  the  length 
 of  the  reigns,  he  must  have  succeeded  in  the  1 8th 
 or  19th  of  Jehoshaphat  (see  2  K.  iii.  1),  who 
 reigned  in  all  25  years  (xxii.  42).  [Jehoram.] 
 As  regards  Jehoram  the  son  of  Jehoshaphat,  the 
 statements  are  so  contradictory  that  Archbishop 
 Usher  actually  makes  three  distinct  beginnings  to 
 his  regnal  era.  From  the  length  of  Amaziah's 
 reign,  as  given  2  K.  xiv.  2,  17,  23,  it  is  manifest 
 that  Jeroboam  II.  began  to  reign  in  the  15th  year 
 of  Amaziah,  and  that  Uzziah  began  to  reign  in  the 
 16th  of  Jeroboam.  But  2  K.  sv.  1  places  the  com- 
 mencement of  Uzziah's  reign  in  the  27th  of  Jero- 
 boam, and  the  accession  of  Zachariah  =  the  close  of 
 Jeroboam's  reign,  in  the  38th  of  Uzziah,  state- 
 ments utterly  contradictory  and  iireconcileable. 
 Other  grave  chronological  difficulties  seem  to  have 
 their  source  in  the  same  erroneous  calculations  on 
 the  part  of  the  Jewish  chronologist.— II.  The  pecul- 
 iarities of  diction  in  the  books  of  Kings  and  other 
 features  in  their  literary  history,  mav  be  briefly 
 disposed  of.  On  the  whole  the  peculiarities  of  di(- 
 tion  in  these  books  do  not  indicate  a  time  after  the 
 captivity,  or  towards  tlie  close  of  it,  but  on  the 
 contrary  point  pretty  distinctly  to  the  age  of  Jere- 
 miah. The  general  character  of  the  languao'e  is, 
 most  distinctly,  that  of  the  time  before  the  Baby- 
 lonish captivity.  But  it  is  worth  consideration 
 whether  some  traces  of  dialectic  varieties  in  Judah 
 and  Israel,  and  of  an  earlier  admixture  of  Syriasms 
 in  the  language  of  Israel,  may  not  be  discovered 
 in  those  poitions  of  these  books  which  refer  to 
 the  kingdom  of  Israel.  As  regards  the  text,  it 
 is  far  from  being  perfect.  Besides  the  eiTors  in 
 numeials,  some  of  which  are  probably  to  be  traced 
 to  this  source,  such  passages  as  1  K.  xv.  6  ;  v.  10, 
 compared  with  v.  2  ;  2  K.  xv.  30,  viii.  16,  xvii. 
 34,  are  manifest  corruptions  of  transcribers.  In 
 connexion  with  these  literary  peculiai-ities  may  be 
 mentioned  also  some  remarkable  variations  in  the 
 version  of  the  LXX.  These  consist  of  trmispositious, 
 0)7iissions,  and  some  consideiable  additions.  The 
 most  important  transpositions  are  the  history  of 
 Shimei's  death,  1  K.  ii.  36-46,  which  in  the  LXX, 
 (Cod.  Vat.)  comes  after  iii.  1,  and  divers  scraps 
 from  chs.  iv.,  v.,  and  ix.,  accompanied  by  one  or 
 two  remarks  of  the  translators.  The  sections  1  K. 
 iv.  20-25,  2-6,  26,  21,  1,  are  strung  together  and 
 precede  1  K.  iii.  2-28,  but  are  many  of  them  re- 
 peated again  in  their  proper  places.  The  sections 
 1  K.  iii.  1,  ix.  16,  17,  aie  strung  togethei-,  and 
 placed  between  iv.  34  and  v.  1.  The  section  1  K. 
 vii.  1-12  is  placed  after  vii.  51.  Section  viii.  12, 
 13,  is  placed  after  53.  Section  ix.  15-22  is  placed 
 after  x.  22.  Section  xi.  43,  xii.  1,  2,  3,  is  raucli 
 transposed  and  confused  in  LXX.  xi.  43,  44,  xii. 
 1-3.  Section  xiv.  1-21  is  placed  in  the  midst  of 
 the  long  addition  to  ch.  xii.  mentioned  below. 
 Section  xxii.  42-50  is  placed  after  xvi.  28.  Chaps. 
 XX.  and  xxi.  are  transposed.  Section  2  K.  iii.  1-3 
 is  placed  after  2  K.  i.  18.  The  omissions  are  few. 
 Section  1  K.  vi.  11-14  is  entirely  omitted,  and  37, 
 38,  are  only  slightly  alluded  to  at  the  opening  of 
 ch.  iii.  The  erroneous  clause  1  K.  xv.  6  is  omitted  ; 
 and  so  are  the  dates  of  Asa's  reign  in  xvi.  S  and  15  ; 
 and  there  are  a  few  verbal  omissions  of  no  conse- 
 quence.    The  chief  interest  lies  in  the  acklitions,  o) 
 
44*2 
 
 KINGS.  FIRST  AND  SECOND  BOOKS  OF 
 
 which  the  pnncipal  are  the  CoUowiug.  'J'lie  siip- 
 p<«e<l  mention  oi'  a  fountain  as  amons;  Solomon's 
 woiks  in  the  Ti-nipln  in  tilt-  fxissiiije  al'ier  1  K.  ii. 
 35;  of  a  paved  causeway  on  Lebanon,  iii.  40  ;  of 
 Solomon  pointing  to  the  sun  at  the  dedication  of  the 
 Temple,  before  he  uttered  the  prayer,  "  The  Lord 
 said  he  would  dwell  in  the  thick  darkness,"  &c., 
 viii.  12,  13  (after  53,  LXX.),  the  information  tiiat 
 "  Joram  his  Lrctlier"  perishtnl  with  Tibin,  xvi.  22  ; 
 an  additional  date  "  in  the  24th  year  of  Jeroboam," 
 XV.  8 ;  numerous  verbal  additions,  as  xi.  29,  xvii. 
 1,  &c. ;  and  lastlv,  the  long  pa.ssage  concerning  Je- 
 roboam the  son  of  Nebat,  inserted  between  xii.  24 
 and  25.  Of  the  other  additions  the  mention  of 
 Tibni's  brother  Joram  is  the  one  which  has  most  the 
 semblance  of  an  historical  fact,  or  makes  the  exist- 
 ence of  any  other  source  of  history  probable.  See 
 too  1  K.  XX.  19,  2  K.  XV.  2").  There  remains  only 
 the  long  passage  about  .Jeroboam.  It  appears  evid- 
 ent that  this  account  is  oidy  an  apocryphal  version 
 made  up  of  the  existing  materials  in  the  Hebrew 
 ix;riptures,  after  the  manner  of  1  Esdras,  Bel  and 
 the  Di-agon,  the  apocryphal  Esther,  and  the  Targums. 
 Another  feature  in  the  literary  condition  of  our 
 books  must  just  be  noticed,  viz.  that  the  compiler, 
 in  arranging  his  materials,  and  adopting  the  very 
 words  of  the  documents  used  by  him,  has  not  always 
 been  careful  to  avoid  the  appearance  of  contradic- 
 tion.—IIL  As  regards  the  autlvorship  of  these  books, 
 but  little  ditliculty  presents  itself.  The  Jewish 
 tradition  which  ascribes  them  to  Jeremiah,  is  liome 
 out  by  the  strongest  internal  evidence,  in  addition 
 to  that  of  the  language.  The  last  chapter,  espec- 
 ially as  compared  with  the  last  chapter  of  the 
 Chronicles,  beais  distinct  traces  of  having  been 
 written  by  one  who  did  not  go  into  captivity,  but 
 leniained  in  Judna,  after  the  destruction  of  the 
 Temple.  This  suits  Jeremiah.  The  events  singled 
 out  for  mention  in  the  concise  narrative,  are  pre- 
 cisely those  of  which  he  had  personal  knowledge, 
 and  ill  which  he  took  spcial  interest.  The  wiiter 
 in  Kings  has  nothing  more  to  tell  us  concerning  the 
 .lews  or  Chaldees  in  the  landof  Judah,  which  ex- 
 actly agiees  with  the  hypothesis  that  he  is  Jeremiah, 
 who  we  know  was  carrieil  down  to  Egypt  with  the 
 fugitives.  In  fact,  the  date  of  the  writing  and  the 
 ]iosition  of  the  writer,  seem  as  clearly  marked  by 
 the  termination  of  the  nairative  at  xxv.  26,  a-s  in 
 the  ca.se  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles.  'J'he  annexa- 
 tion of  this  chapter  to  the  writings  of  Jeremiah  so 
 as  to  Ibrm  Jer.  Iii.  (with  the  additional  clause  con- 
 tained 28-30)  is  an  evidence  of  a  very  ancient,  if 
 not  a  contemporary  belief,  that  Jeremiah  was  the 
 author  of  it.  Going  bai'k  to  the  xxivth  chapter, 
 we  find  in  ver.  14  an  enumeration  of  the  captives 
 taken  with  Jehoiacliin  identical  with  that  in  .ler. 
 XXIV.  I  ;  in  ver.  13,  a  reference  to  the  vessels  of  the 
 Temple  ])reciscly  similar  to  that  in  Jer.  xxvii.  18- 
 20,  xxviii.  3,  6.  Brief  as  the  nan-ative  is,  it  brings 
 out  all  the  chief  points  in  the  poliliad  events  of 
 the  time  whiih  we  know  were  much  in  Jeremiah's 
 mind  ;  and  yet,  which  is  exceedingly  remarkable, 
 .leieniiah  is  never  once  named  (:us  he  is  in  2  Chr. 
 x.xxvi.  12,  21),  although  the  manner  of  the  writer 
 is  frciiuently  to  connect  the  sulTeiings  of  Judah 
 with  their  sins  aiul  their  neglect  of  the  Word  of 
 (io.i,  2  K.  xvii.  13,  seq.,  xxiv.  2,  3,  &c.  And  this 
 leads  to  another  striking  coincidence  between  that 
 jiortion  of  the  hi^lory  which  belongs  to  Jeremiah's 
 limes,  and  the  writings  of  Jeremiah  himsell.  I)c 
 VVotte  »|iealu  of  the  NU])erficinl    character  of   the 
 
 history  of  Jeremiah's  times  as  hostile  to  the  theory 
 of  Jeremiah's  authorship.  Now,  consideiing  the 
 nature  of  these  annals,  and  their  conciseness,  this 
 criticism  seems  very  unfounded  as  legiirds  the  reigns 
 of  Josiah,  Jehoahax,  Jehoiachin,  and  Zedekiah.  It 
 must,  however,  be  Jicknowletlged  that  as  regards 
 Jehoiakim's  reign,  and  esiiecially  the  latter  j)ait  of 
 it,  and  the  way  in  which  he  came  by  his  de:tth,  the 
 narrative  is  much  more  meagre  than  one  would 
 have  expected  from  a  contemiwraiy  writer,  living 
 on  the  spot.  But  exactly  the  same  paucity  of  in- 
 foiination  is  found  in  those  otherwi>e  copious  notices 
 of  contemporary  events  with  which  Jeremiah's  pro- 
 phecies are  intersperse<l.  When  it  is  borne  in  mind 
 tliat  the  writer  of  2  K.  was  a  contemporary  writer, 
 and,  if  not  Jeremiah,  must  have  had  indefMjndent 
 means  of  information,  this  coincidence  will  have 
 great  weight.  Going  back  to  the  reign  of  Josiah, 
 in  the  xxiii.  and  xxii.  chaptei's,  the  connexion  of  the 
 destruction  of  Jerusalem  with  Manasseh's  trans- 
 gressions, and  the  comparison  of  it  to  the  destruc- 
 tion of  Ssimaria,  ver.  26,  27,  lead  us  back  to  xxi. 
 10-13,  and  that  passage  leads  us  to  Jer.  vii.  15,  xv. 
 4,  xix.  3,  4,  &c.  The  particular  .iccount  of  Josiah's 
 passover,  and  his  other  goml  works,  the  reference  in 
 ver.  24,  25  to  the  law  of  Mose.-,  and  the  finding  cf 
 the  Book  by  Hilkiah  the  priest,  with  the  fuller 
 account  of  that  discovery  in  ch.  xxii.,  exactly  suf; 
 Jeremiah,  who  began  his  prophetic  office  in  the 
 ll)th  of  Josiah;  whose  xith  chap,  refei-s  repeatedly 
 to  the  book  thus  found  ;  who  showed  his  attach- 
 ment to  Josiah  by  wiiting  a  lamentation  on  his 
 death  (2  Chr.  xxxv.  25),  and  whose  writings  show 
 how  much  he  made  use  of  the  copy  of  Deuteronomy 
 so  found.  With  Josiah's  reign  necessarily  cease  all 
 strongly  marked  characters  of  Jeremiah's  author- 
 ship. For  though  the  general  unity  and  continuity 
 of  plan  lead  us  to  assign  the  whole  history  in  a 
 certain  sense  to  one  author,  and  enable  us  to  caiTV 
 to  the  account  of  the  whole  book  the  proofs  derived 
 from  the  closing  chapters,  yet  it  must  be  borne  in 
 mind  that  the  authorship  of  those  parts  of  the  his- 
 tory of  which  Jeremiah  was  not  an  eye-witness, 
 that  is,  of  all  before  the  reign  of  Josiah,  would 
 have  consisted  merely  in  selecting,  arranging,  in- 
 serting the  connecting  phrases,  and,  when  necessary, 
 slightly  modernising  the  old  histories  which  had 
 been  drawn  up  by  contemporary  prophets  through 
 the  whole  period  of  time.  See  c.  ;/.  1  K.  xiii.  32. 
 Kor,  as  regards  the  sources  of  information,  it  may 
 truly  be  said  that  we  have  the  narrative  of  contom- 
 porary  writei-s  throughout.  It  has  already  been 
 observed  [CliUONiCl.ios]  that  there  was  a  regular 
 series  of  state-annals  both  for  the  kingdom  of  Jildah 
 and  for  that  of  Ismel,  which  embraced  the  whole 
 time  com|)rehendeil  in  the  books  of  Kings,  or  at 
 lea-st  to  the  end  of  the  reign  of  .lehoiakim,  2  K. 
 xxiv.  5.  These  annals  are  constantly  cited  by  name 
 as  "  the  Book  of  the  Acts  of  Solomon,"  1  K.  xi. 
 41  ;  and,  after  Solomon,  "the  Book  of  the  Chro- 
 ni(;los  of  the  Kings  of  Judah,  or,  Israel,"  e.  g.  1  K. 
 xiv.  29,  XV.  7,  xvi.  5,  14,  2(i ;  2  K.  x.  .34,  xxiv. 
 5.  &c..  and  it  is  manifest  that  the  author  of  Kings 
 had  them  both  before  him,  while  he  drew  up  his 
 historv,  in  which  the  leigns  of  the  two  kingdoms 
 are  harmonise*!,  and  these  annnis  constantly  ajip'nled 
 to.  But  in  adilition  to  these  national  annals,  there 
 were  also  extnnt,  at  the  time  that  the  Books  of 
 Kin>;s  were  compili-d,  sejiarate  wDrks  of  the  several 
 projihi'ts  who  hail  lived  in  Judah  and  Israel.  Thus 
 the  acts  of  L'z/iah,   wiitteii  by  L>i';il',  were  very 
 
KINGS,  FIRST  AND  SECOND  BOOKS  OP 
 
 448 
 
 likely  identical  with  the  history  of  his  reign  in  the 
 national  chronicles  ;  and  part  of  the  history  of  He- 
 zekiah  we  know  is  identical  in  the  chronicles  and 
 in  the  prophet.  The  chapter  in  Jeremiah  relating 
 to  the  destruction  of  the  Temple  (lii.)  is  identical 
 with  that  in  2  K.  xxiv.,  xxv.  In  later  times  we 
 have  supposed  that  a  chapter  in  the  prophecies  of 
 Daniel  was  used  for  the  national  chronicles,  and 
 appears  as  Ezr.  ch.  i.  These  other  works,  then,  as 
 far  as  the  memory  of  them  has  been  preserved  to 
 us,  were  as  follows.  For  the  time  of  David,  the 
 book  of  Samuel  the  seei-,  the  book  of  Nathan  the 
 prophet,  and  the  book  of  Cad  the  seer  (2  Sam. 
 xxi.-xxiv.  with  1  K.  i.  being  probably  extracted 
 from  Nathan's  book),  which  seem  to  have  been 
 collected — at  least  that  portion  of  them  relating 
 to  David — into  one  work  called  "  the  Acts  of 
 David  the  King,"  1  Chr.  xxix.  29.  For  the  time 
 of  Solomon,  "  the  Book  of  the  Acts  of  Solomon," 
 
 1  K.  xi.  41,  consisting  probably  of  parts  of  the 
 "  Book  of  Nathan  the  prophet,  the  prophecy  of 
 Ahijah  the  Shilonite,  and  the  visions  of  Iddo  the 
 seer,"  2  Chr.  is.  29.  For  the  time  of  Rehoboam, 
 "  the  words  of  Shemaiah  the  prophet,  and  of  Iddo 
 the  seer  concerning  genealogies,"  2  Chr.  xii.  15. 
 For  the  time  of  Abijah,  "  the  stoiy  of  the  prophet 
 Iddo,"  2  Chr.  xiii.  22.  For  the  time  of  Jehosha- 
 phat,   ".  the  words  of  Jehu   the  son   of   Hanani," 
 
 2  Chr.  XX.  34.  For  the  time  of  Uzziah,  "  the 
 writings  of  Isaiah  the  prophet,"  2  Chr.  xxvi.  22. 
 For  the  time  of  Hezekiah,  "  the  vision  of  Isaiah  the 
 prophet,  the  son  of  Amoz,"  2  Chr.  xxxii.  32.  For 
 the  time  of  Manasseh,  a  book  called  "  the  sayings 
 of  the  seers."  For  the  time  of  Jeroboam  II.,  a  pro- 
 phecy of  "  Jonah,  the  son  of  Amittai,  the  prophet, 
 of  Gath-hepher,"  is  cited,  2  K.  xiv.  25  ;  and  it 
 seems  likely  that  there  were  books  containing  special 
 histories  of  the  acts  of  Elijah  and  Elisha,  seeing 
 that  the  times  of  these  prophets  are  described  with 
 such  copiousness.  Of  the  latter  Gehazi  might  well 
 have  been  the  author,  to  judge  from  2  K.  viii.  4,  5, 
 as  Elisha  himself  might  have  been  of  the  former. 
 Possibly  too  the  prophecies  of  Azariah  the  son  of 
 Oded,  in  Asa's  reign,  2  Chr.  xv.  1,  and  of  Hanani 
 (2  Chr.  xvi.  7),  and  Micaiah  the  son  of  Imlah,  in 
 Ahab's  reign ;  and  Eliezer  the  son  of  Dodavah, 
 in  Jehoshaphat's ;  and  Zechariah  the  son  of  Je- 
 hoiada,  in  Jehoash's  ;  and  Oded,  in  Pekah's ;  and 
 Zechariah,  in  Uzziah's  reign ;  of  the  prophetess 
 Huldah,  in  Josiah's,  and  others,  may  have  been 
 preserved  in  writing,  some  or  all  of  them.  With 
 regard  to  the  work  so  often  citel  in  the  chronicles 
 as  "  the  Book  of  the  Kings  of  Israel  and  Judah," 
 1  Chr.  ix.  1  ;  2  Chr.  xvi.  11,  xxvii.  7,  xxviii.  26, 
 xxxii.  32,  XXXV.  27,  xxxvi.  8,  it  has  been  thought 
 by  some  that  it  was  a  separate  collection  containing 
 the  joint  histories  of  the  two  kingdoms  ;  by  others 
 that  it  is  our  Books  of  Kings  which  answer  to  this 
 description ;  but  by  Eichhorn,  that  it  is  the  same  as 
 the  Chronicles  of  the  Kings  of  Judah  so  constantly 
 cited  in  the  Books  of  Kings ;  and  this  last  opinion 
 seems  the  best  founded. ^IV.  As  regards  the  rela- 
 tion of  the  Books  of  Kings  to  those  of  Chronicles, 
 it  is  manifest,  and  is  universally  admitted,  that  the 
 former  is  by  far  the  older  work.  The  language, 
 (vliich  is  quite  free  from  the  Peisicisms  of  the  Chro- 
 nicles and  their  late  orthography,  and  is  not  at  all 
 moie  Aramaic  than  the  language  of  Jeremiah, 
 clearly  points  out  its  relative  superiority  in  regard 
 to  age.  Its  subject  also,  embracing  the  kingdom  of 
 Israel  as  well  as  Judah,  is  another  indication  of  its 
 
 composition  before  the  kingdom  of  Israel  was  for- 
 gotten, and  before  the  Jewish  enmity  to  Samaria, 
 which  is  apparent  in  such  passages  as  2  Chr.  xx. 
 37,  XXV.,  and  in  those  chapters  of  Ezra  (i.-vi.) 
 which  belong  to  Chronicles,  was  brought  to  ma- 
 turity. While  the  Books  of  Chronicles  therefore 
 were  written  especially  for  the  Jews  after  their 
 return  from  Babylon,  the  Book  of  Kings  was 
 written  for  the  whole  of  Israel,  before  their  common 
 national  existence  was  hopelessly  quenched.  Another 
 comparison  of  considerable  interest  between  the  two 
 histories  may  be  drawn  in  respect  to  the  main  de- 
 sign, that  design  having  a  marked  relation  both  to 
 the  individual  stiition  of  the  supposed  writers,  and 
 the  peculiar  circumstances  of  their  country  at  the 
 times  of  their  writing.  Jeremiah  was  himself  a 
 prophet.  He  lived  while  the  prophetic  office  was 
 in  full  vigour,  in  his  own  person,  in  Ezekiel,  and 
 Daniel,  and  many  others,  both  true  and  fiilse.  Ac- 
 cordingly, we  Hnd  in  the  Books  of  Kings  great  pro- 
 minence given  to  the  prophetic  office.  Ezra,  on 
 the  contrary,  was  only  a  priest.  In  his  days  the 
 prophetic  othce  had  wholly  fal.en  into  abeyance. 
 That  evidence  of  the  Jews  being  the  people  of  God, 
 which  consisted  in  the  presence  of  prophets  among 
 them,  was  no  more.  But  to  the  men  of  his  gener- 
 ation, the  distinctive  mai'k  of  the  continuance  of 
 God's  favour  to  their  race  was  the  I'ebuilding  of  the 
 Temple  at  Jerusalem,  the  restoration  of  the  daily 
 sacrifice  and  the  Levitical  woisliip,  and  the  won- 
 derful and  providential  renewal  of  the  Mosaic  insti- 
 tutions. Moreover,  upon  the  principle  that  the 
 sacred  writers  were  influenced  by  natural  feelings 
 in  their  .selection  of  their  materials,  it  seems  most 
 appropriate  that  while  the  prophetical  writer  in 
 Kings  deals  very  fully  with  the  kingdom  of  Israel, 
 in  which  the  prophets  were  much  more  illustrious 
 than  in  Judah,  the  Levitical  writer,  on  the  contrary, 
 should  concentrate  all  his  thoughts  round  Jeru- 
 salem where  alone  the  Levitical  caste  had  all  its 
 powers  and  functions,  and  should  dwell  upon  all 
 the  instances  preserved  in  existing  muniments  of 
 the  deeds  and  even  the  minutest  ministrations  of 
 the  priests  and  Levites,  as  well  as  of  their  faithful- 
 ness and  sufferings  in  the  cause  of  truth.  From 
 the  comparison  of  parallel  narratives  in  the  two 
 books,  it  appears  that  the  results  are  precisely 
 what  would  naturally  arise  from  the  circumstances 
 of  the  case.  The  writer  of  Chronicles,  having  the 
 books  of  Kings  before  him,  and  to  a  great  extent 
 making  those  books  the  basis  of  his  own,  but  also 
 having  his  own  personal  views,  predilections,  and 
 motives  in  writing,  wiiting  for  a  different  age,  and 
 for  people  undei'  very  different  circumstances  ;  and, 
 moreover,  having  before  him  the  original  authori- 
 ties from  which  the  books  of  Kings  were  compiled, 
 as  well  as  some  otheis,  natuially  learranged  the 
 older  nari'ative  as  suited  his  purpose,  and  his  tastes: 
 gave  in  full  passages  which  the  other  had  abridwd, 
 inserted  what  had  been  wholly  omitted,  omitted 
 some  things  which  the  other  had  inserted,  including 
 everything  relating  to  the  kingdom  of  Israel,  and 
 showed  the  colour  of  his  own  mind,  not  only  in  the 
 natui-e  of  the  passages  which  he  selected  from  the 
 ancient  ilocuments,  liut  in  the  reflections  which  he 
 frequently  adds  upon  the  events  which  he  relates, 
 and  possibly  also  in  the  turn  given  to  some  of  the 
 speeches  which  he  records.  But  to  say,  as  has  been 
 said  or  insinuated,  that  a  different  view  of  super- 
 natural agency  and  Divine  intei]>osition,  or  of  the 
 Mosaic  institutions   and  the  Levitical   worship,  is 
 
444 
 
 KINGS,  BOOKS  OF 
 
 given  iu  the  two  books,  or  that  a  less  historical 
 character  belon<;s  to  one  than  to  the  other,  is  to  say 
 what  has  not  the  least  foundation  in  fact.  Super- 
 natural agency,  as  in  the  cloud  which  filled  the 
 temple  of  Solomon,  I  K.  viii.  10,  11,  the  a])pear- 
 ance  of  the  Lord  to  Solomon,  iii.  5,  11,  ix.  2,  seq.  ; 
 the  witheriiit;  of  Jp.roboam's  hand,  xiii.  3-6  ;  the 
 fue  from  heaven  which  consumed  Elijah's  sacrifice, 
 jcviii.  38,  and  numerous  other  incidents  in  the  lives 
 of  Elijah  and  Klisha ;  the  smiting  of  Sennacherib's 
 army,  2  K.  xix.  35  ;  the  going  back  of  the  shadow 
 on  the  dial  of  Ah;iz,  xx.  11,  and  in  the  very  fre- 
 quent prophecies  uttei-ed  and  fulfilled,  is  really  more 
 often  adduced  in  these  books  than  in  the  Chronicles. 
 The  selection  therefore  of  one  or  two  instances  of 
 miraculous  agency  whicii  happen  to  be  mentioned 
 in  Chronicles,  and  not  in  Kings,  as  indications  of  the 
 superstitions  credulous  disposition  of  the  Jews  after 
 the  c:i|)tivity,  am  have  uo  efTect  but  to  mislead. 
 The  same  may  be  said  of  a  selection  of  passages  in 
 Chronicles  in  which  the  mention  of  Jewish  idolatry 
 is  omitted.  It  conveys  a  false  inference,  because 
 the  truth  is  that  the  Chronicler  does  expose  the 
 idolatry  of  Judah  as  severely  as  the  author  of  Kings, 
 and  traces  the  destruction  of  Judah  to  such  idolatry 
 i|uite  asclearly  and  tbrcibly  (2  Chr.  xxxvi.  liySeq.). 
 The  author  of  Kings  again  is  quite  as  explicit  in  his 
 references  to  the  law  of  Moses,  and  has  many  allu- 
 sions to  the  LeviticiU  ritual,  though  he  does  not 
 dwell  so  copiously  upon  the  details.  See  e.g.  1  K. 
 ii.  3,  iii.  14,  viii'.  2,  4,  9,  5^,  56,  ix.  9,  20,  x.  12, 
 xi.  2,xii.  31,32;  2  K.  xi.  .5-7,  12,xii.  5,  11,  13,  16, 
 xiv.  6,xvi.  13,  1-5,  xvii.  7-12,  13-15,  34-39,  xviii. 
 4,  6,  xxii.  4,  5,  8,  seq.,  xxiii.  21,  &c.,  besides  the 
 constant  refeiences  to  the  Tem))le,  and  to  the  ille- 
 gality of  highplace  woiship.  So  that  remaiks  on 
 the  I.eviticil  tone  of  Chronicles,  when  made  for  the 
 purpose  of  supporting  the  notion  that  the  law  of 
 Moses  Wiis  a  late  invention,  and  that  the  Levitical 
 woiship  was  of  post-Babylonian  growth,  are  made 
 in  the  teeth  of  the  testimony  of  the  books  of  Kings, 
 as  well  as  those  of  Joshua,  Judges,  and  Samuel. 
 The  opinion  that  these  books  were  compiled  "  to- 
 wards the  end  of  the  Babylonian  exile,"  is  doubtless 
 also  adopted  in  order  to  weaken  iis  much  as  possible 
 the  force  of  this  testimony.— V.  The  last  point  for 
 our  consideration  is  the  place  of  these  b(X)ks  in  the 
 Canon,  and  the  references  to  them  in  the  N.  T. 
 Their  canouiail  authority  having  never  been  dis- 
 puted, it  is  needless  to  bring  Ibiward  the  testimonies 
 to  their  authenticity  which  may  be  found  in  Jose- 
 phus,  Eusebius,  Jerome,  Augustine,  &c.  They 
 are  reckoned  among  the  Piophets,  in  the  thiee- 
 fold  division  of  the  Holy  Scriptures;  a  position 
 ■n  accordance  with  the  su|ii)nsition  that  they  were 
 compiled  by  Jeremiah,  and  contain  the  narratives 
 of  the  dilferent  prophets  in  succession.  They  are 
 frequently  cited  by  our  Lord  and  by  the  .\posties. 
 Thus  the  allusions  to  Solomon's  glory  (Matt.  vi. 
 29j ;  to  the  queen  of  Sheba's  visit  to  Solomon 
 to  hear  his  wisilom  I'xii.  42)  ;  to  the  Temple 
 (Acts  vii.  47,  48;;  to  the  git?at  drought  in  the 
 days  of  Elijah,  and  the  widow  of  Sarepta  (Luke 
 iv.  25,  26)  ;  to  the  cleansing  of  -Naaman  the 
 Syrian  (ver.  27) ;  to  the  charge  of  Elisha  to  <ieh;ai 
 (2  K.  iv.  29,  conip.  with  Luke  x.  4)  ;  to  the  divss 
 of  Elijjih  (Mark  i.  6,  comp.  with  2  K.  i.  8) ;  to  the 
 complaint  of  Elijah,  and  (iral'g  answer  to  him  (L'om. 
 xi.  .3,  4);  and  to  the  raising  of  the  Sh;inamniit4-'s 
 Kiiii  IVom  the  dead  (Heb.  xi.  35)  ;  to  the  giving  and 
 withiiuliling   the  i-ain  in  uiihwrr  to  Elijah's  prayer 
 
 KIRJATHAIM 
 
 (Jam.  V.  17,  18  ;  liev.  xi.  6)  ;  to  Jezebel  (Rev.  ii, 
 20) ;  are  all  deiived  fiom  the  Books  of  Kings,  and, 
 with  the  statement  of  Elijah's  presence  at  the  Transr 
 figuration,  are  a  striking  testimony  to  their  value 
 for  the  pui-pose  of  religious  teaching,  and  to  their 
 authenticity  ivs  a  portion  of  the  Word  of  God. 
 
 Kir  is  mentioned  by  Amos  (ix.  7)  as  the  land 
 from  which  the  Syrians  (Aramaeans)  were  once 
 "brought  up;"  i.e.  apparently,  as  the  country 
 where  they  liad  dwelt  befoie  migrating  to  the  re* 
 gion  north  of  Palestine.  It  w;is  also  the  land  to 
 which  tlie  captive  Syrians  of  l)amascKS  were  re- 
 moved by  Tiglath-Pileser  on  his  conquest  of  that 
 city  (2  K.  xvi.  9;  comp.  Am.  i.  5).  Isaiah  joins 
 it  with  Elam  in  a  pa-ssage  wliere  Jerusalem  is 
 threatened  with  an  att.ack  from  a  foreign  army 
 (xxii.  6).  The  common  opinion  among  recent  com- 
 mentiitor$  has  been  that  a  tiact  on  the  river  A'ur  or 
 Ci/rus  is  intended.  May  not  A'»V  be  a  variant  for 
 Kish  or  A'ush  (Cush),  and  represent  the  e;istein 
 Ethiopia,  the  Cissia  of  Herodotus? 
 
 Kir-Hara'seth,  2  K.  iii.  25. 
 
 Kir-Ha'resh,  Is.  xvi.  11. 
 
 Kir-Hare'setli,  Is.  xvi.  7. 
 
 Kir-He'res,  Jer.  xlviii.  31,  36.  This  name  and 
 the  three  preceding,  all  slight  variations  of  it, 
 are  all  applied  to  one  place,  probably  KiR-MOAB. 
 Whether  Heres  retei-s  to  a  worship  of  the  sun 
 carried  on  there  is  uncertain ;  we  are  without  clue 
 to  the  meaning  of  the  name. 
 
 Eir'iah,  apparently  an  ancient  or  arcliaic  woid, 
 meaning  a  city  or  town.  The  grounds  for  con- 
 sidering it  a  more  ancient  word  than  1r  or  Ar  are 
 — (1.)  Its  more  frequeut  occurience  in  the  names 
 of  places  existing  in  the  country  at  the  time  of  the 
 conquest.  These  will  be  found  below,  (2.)  Its 
 rare  occurrence  as  a  mere  a})pellative,  e.xcept  in 
 poetry.  Kiriah  may  j)eihaps  be  compared  to  the 
 word  "burg"  or  '■  bury,"  in  our  own  language. 
 Closely  related  to  Kiriah  is  Kereth,  apparently  a 
 Phoenician  form,  which  occurs  occasionally  (Job 
 xxix,  7;  Prov.  viii.  3).  This  is  familiar  to  us  in 
 the  Latin  garb  of  Carthago,  and  in  the  Parthian 
 and  Armenian  names  Cirta,  Tigrano-(.'tr<(j.  As  a 
 proper  name  it  a])peai-s  in  the  Bible  under  the  forms 
 of  kerioth,  Kai  tah,  Kai'tan  ;  besides  those  imme- 
 diately following. 
 
 Kiriatha'im,  one  of  the  towns  of  Jloab  which 
 were  the  "  glory  of  the  country  ;"  named  amongst 
 the  denunciations  of  Jeremiah  (xlviii.  1,  23)  and 
 Ezekiel  (xxv.  9).  It  is  the  same  place  as  KlR- 
 .JATiiAiJi,  in  which  form  the  name  elsewhere  occurs 
 in  the  A.  V. 
 
 Kiriathia'rius,  1  Esd,  v.   19.    [Kuuath-jk 
 
 AlilM,   ailii  K.   .VlUM.] 
 
 Kir'ioth,  a  place  in  Moab,  the  palaces  of  which 
 were  threatened  by  Amos  with  de.struction  by  fii-e 
 (Am.  ii.  2);  unless  iiideisl  the  word  me.-ins  simply 
 "  the  cities  " — which  is  probably  the  cjlsc  also  in 
 Jer.  xlviii.  41. 
 
 Kir'jath,  the  last  of  the  cities  enumerated  as  be- 
 longing to  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  (Josh,  xviii.  28). 
 It  is  named  with  <!ibealh,  but  without  any  copul- 
 ative— "  (iibe.nth,  Kiijath."  Whether  there  is  any 
 connexion  between  these  two  names  or  not,  there 
 seems  a  strong  probability  that  Kiijath  is  identical 
 with  the  better  known  pl.ice  KiiUArii-Jl';AHlM,  ami 
 that  the  latter  ])art  ot'  the  name  has  been  omitted 
 by  copyists  at  soine  very  early  ]H'rio<l. 
 
 Kirjatha'im.— 1.  (»ii  the  e.ist  ofthe.lordHu.one 
 of  the  places  which  weie  taken  possessiun  of  and  re- 
 
KIRJATH-ABBA 
 
 nuilt  by  the  Reubenites,  and  had  fresh  names  con- 
 ferred on  thera  (Num.  xxxii.  37,  and  see  38),  the 
 fii-st  and  last  ot  which  are  known  with  some  toler- 
 able degree  of  certainty  (Josh.  xii.  19).  It  is  pos- 
 sibly the  same  place  as  that  which  gave  its  name  to 
 the  ancient  Shaveh-Kiriathaim,  though  this  is  mere 
 conjecture.  It  existed  in  the  time  of  Jeremiah 
 (xlviii.  1,  23)  and  Ezekiel  (xxv.  9 — in  these  three 
 passages  the  A.  V.  gives  the  name  Kiriathaim). 
 By  Eusebius  it  appeals  to  have  been  well  known. 
 He  describes  it  as  a  village  entirely  of  Christians, 
 10  miles  west  of  Medeba,  "  close  to  the  Baris." 
 Burckhardt  (p.  367,  July  13)  when  at  Aladeba 
 (Medeba)  was  told  by  his  guide  of  a  place,  et-Teym, 
 about  half  an  hour  (1§  mile  English,  or  barely 
 2  miles  Roman)  therefrom,  which  he  suggests  was 
 identical  with  Kirjathaim.  But  it  must  be  ad- 
 mitted that  the  evidence  for  the  identity  of  the  two 
 is  not  very  convincing.  Porter  pronounces  confid- 
 ently for  Kiireiyat,  under  the  southern  side  of 
 Jehel  Attaras,  as  being  identical  both  with  Kir- 
 jathaim and  Kirjath-Huzoth  ;  but  he  adduces  no 
 arguments  in  support  of  his  conclusion,  which  is 
 entirely  at  variance  with  Eusebius ;  while  the  name, 
 or  a  similar  one,  having  been  a  common  one  east  of 
 the  Jordan,  as  it  still  is,  Kureiyut  may  be  the 
 lepresentative  of  some  other  place. ^2.  A  town  in 
 l>!aphtali  not  mentioned  in  the  original  lists  of  the 
 possession  allotted  to  the  tribe  (see  Josh.  xix.  32- 
 39),  but  inserted  in  the  list  of  cities  given  to  the 
 Gershonite  Levites,  in  1  Clir.  (vi.  76),iti  place  of 
 Kartan  in  the  parallel  catalogue,  Kartan  being 
 probably  only  a  contraction  thereof. 
 
 Kir'jath-Ar'ba,  an  early  name  ot  the  city  which 
 after  the  conquest  is  generally  known  as  Hebron 
 (Josh.  xiv.  15  ;  Judg.  i.  10).  The  identity  of 
 Kirjath-Arba  with  Hebron  is  constantly  asserted 
 ''Gen.  xxiii.  2,  xxxv.  27  ;  Josh.  xiv.  15,  xv.  13,  54, 
 XX.  7,  xxi.  11). 
 
 Kir'jath-A'rim,  an  abbreviated  form  of  the  name 
 Kirjath-jearim,  which  occui-s  only  in  Ezr.  ii.  25. 
 
 Kir'jath-Ba'al,  an  alternative  name  of  the  place 
 usually  called  Kirjath-jearim  (Josh.  xv.  60,  xviii.  14), 
 but  also  BAALAH,and  once  Baale-of-Judah. 
 
 Kir'jath-Hu'zoth,  a  place  to  which  Balak  ac- 
 companied Balaam  immediately  after  his  arrival  in 
 Moab  (Num.  ,xxii.  39;,  and  which  is  nowhere  else 
 mentioned.  It  appears  to  have  lain  between  the 
 Arnon  {Wadj  Mojeh)  and  Bamoth-Baal  (comp. 
 ver.  36  and  41),  probably  north  of  the  former.  No 
 trace  of  the  name  has  been  discovered  in  later  times. 
 
 £ir  jath-Je'arim,  a  city  which  played  a  not  un- 
 important part  in  the  history  of  the  Hebrews.  We 
 first  encounter  it  as  one  of  the  four  cities  of  the 
 Gibeonites  (Josh.  ix.  17):  it  next  occurs  as  one  of 
 the  landmarks  of  the  northern  boundary  of  Judah 
 (xv.  9)  and  as  the  point  at  which  the  western  and 
 southein  boundaries  of  Benjamin  coincided  (xviii. 
 14,  15)  ;  and  in  the  two  last  passages  we  find  that 
 it  bore  another,  perhaps  earlier,  name — that  of  the 
 great  Canaanite  deity  Baal,  namely  Baalaii  and 
 Kirjath-Baal.  It  is  reckoned  among  the  towns 
 of  Judah  (xv.  60).  It  is  included  in  the  genea- 
 logies of  Judah  (1  Chr.  ii.  50,  52)  as  founded  by, 
 or  descended  from,  Shobal,  the  son  of  Caleb-ben- 
 Hur.  "  Behind  Kirjath-jearim "  the  band  of 
 Danites  pitched  their  camp  before  their  expedition 
 to  Mount  Ephraim  and  Laish,  leaving  their  name 
 attached  to  the  spot  for  long  after  (Judg.  xviii. 
 12).  [Mahaneh-DAN.]  Hitherto  beyond  the 
 eaily   sanctity  implied   in  its  bearing  the  name  of 
 
 EISH 
 
 445 
 
 Baal,  there  is  nothing  remarkable  in  Kirjath-jearim. 
 It  was  no  doubt  this  reputation  for  sanctity  which 
 made  the  people  of  Beth-shemesh  appeal  to  its 
 inhabitants  to  relieve  them  of  the  Ark  of  Jehovah, 
 which  was  bringing  such  calamities  on  their  un- 
 tutored inexperience  (1  Sam.  vi.  20,  21).  In  this 
 high  place  the  ark  remained  for  twenty  years  (vii. 
 2).  At  the  close  of  that  time  Kirjath-jearim  lost 
 its  sacred  treasure,  on  its  removal  by  David  to  the 
 house  of  Obed-edom  the  Gittite  (1  Chr.  xiii.  5,  6  ; 
 2  Chr.  i.  4;  2  Sam.  vi.  2,  &c.).  It  is  very 
 remarkable  and  suggestive  that  in  the  account  of 
 this  transaction  the  ancient  and  heathen  name  Baal 
 is  retained.  To  Eusebius  and  Jerome  it  appears 
 to  have  been  well  known.  They  describe  it  as  a 
 village  at  the  ninth  mile  between  Jerusalem  and 
 Diospolis  (Lydda).  It  was  reserved  for  Dr.  Robin- 
 son to  disco\'er  that  these  requirements  are  exactly 
 fulfilled  in  the  modern  village  of  Kuriet-el-Enah — 
 now  usually  known  as  Abu  Gosh,  from  the  robber- 
 chief  whose  head-quarters  it  was — at  the  eastern 
 end  of  the  Wady  Aly,  on  the  road  from  Jaffa  to 
 Jerusalem. 
 
 Kir'jath-San'nah,  a  name  which  occurs  once 
 only  (Josh.  xv.  49 ),  as  another,  and  probably  an 
 earlier,  appellation  for  Debir.  Whence  the  name 
 is  derived  we  have  no  clue,  and  its  meaning  has 
 given  rise  to  a  variety  of  conjectures. 
 
 Kil'Jatli-Se'plier,  the  early  name  of  the  city 
 Debir,  which  further  had  the  name — doubtless 
 also  an  early  one — of  KiRjath-Sannah.  Kirjath- 
 sepher  occurs  only  in  Josh.  xv.  15,  16  ;  and  in  the 
 exact  repetition  of  the  narrative,  Judg.  i.  11,  12. 
 Ewald  conjectures  that  the  new  name  was  given  it 
 by  the  conquerors  an  account  of  its  retired  position 
 on  the  back — the  south  or  south-western  slopes — 
 of  the  mountains,  possibly  at  or  about  the  modern 
 ei-Bti)-j,  a  fi'w  miles  W.  of  cd-Dhoheriyeh. 
 
 Kir  of  Moab,  one  of  the  two  chief  strongholds 
 of  Moab,  the  other  being  Ar  of  Moab.  The  name 
 occurs  only  in  Is.  xv.  1 ,  though  the  place  is  prob- 
 ably referred  to  under  the  names  of  Eir-iieres, 
 Kiit-HARASETH,  &c.  The  clue  to  its  identification 
 is  given  us  by  the  Targum  on  Isaiah  and  Jeremiah, 
 which  for  the  above  names  has  C'racca,  Crew, 
 almost  identical  with  the  name  Kerak,  by  which 
 the  site  of  an  important  city  in  a  high  and  veiy 
 strong  position  at  the  S.E.  of  the  Dead  Sea  is 
 known  at  this  day.  It  lies  about  6  miles  S.  of 
 the  modern  Rabha,  and  some  10  miles  from  the 
 Dead  Sea,  upon  the  plateau  of  highlands  which 
 forms  this  pait  of  the  country,  not  far  from  the 
 western  edge  of  the  plateau.  Its  situation  is  truly 
 remarkable.  It  is  built  upon  the  top  of  a  sleep 
 hill,  surrounded  on  all  sides  by  a  deep  and  narrow 
 valley,  which  again  is  completely  inclased  by  moun- 
 tains rising  higher  than  the  town,  and  overlooking 
 it  on  all  sides.  The  elevation  of  the  town  can 
 hardly  be  less  than  3000  feet  above  the  sea. 
 
 Kish.  1.  The  father  of  Saul :  a  Benjamite  of 
 the  family  of  Matri,  according  to  1  Sam.  x.  21, 
 though  descended  from  Beclier  according  to  1  Chr. 
 vii.  8,  compared  with  1  Sam.  ix.  1.^2,  Son  of 
 Jehiel,  and  uncle  to  the  preceding  (1  Chr.  ix.  36). 
 — 3.  A  Benjamite,  great  grandfiither  of  Mordecai 
 fEsth.  ii.  5).— 4.  A  Meraiite,  of  the  house  of 
 Mahli,  of  the  tribe  of  Levi.  His  sons  married 
 the  daughters  of  his  brother  Eleazar  (1  Chr.  xxiii. 
 21,  22,  xxiv.  28,  29),  apparently  about  the  time  of 
 King  Saul,  or  early  in  the  reign  of  David,  siiic* 
 Jeduthun   the  singer  was  the  son  of  Kish  (1  (^hr. 
 
446 
 
 KISHI 
 
 vi.  44,  A.  v.,  rompaml  with  2  Chr.  xxix.  12% 
 In  the  last  cited  )ilacp,  "  Kish  the  son  of  Abili,"  ii) 
 the  reign  of  Hezekiah,  must  denote  the  l.evitiiiil 
 lioiise  or  division,  under  its  chief,  rather  than  an 
 individual. 
 
 Kish'i,  a  Merarite,  and  father  or  ancestor  of 
 Ethim  tlip  minstrel  (1  Chr.  vi.  44). 
 
 Kish'ion,  one  of  the  towns  on  the  boundary  of 
 the  triLe  of  Iss.ichar  f.losh.  xix.  2o),  which  with 
 its  suburbs  was  allotted  to  the  Hershonite  I.evites 
 (xxi.  28;  A.  V.  Kisiion).  No  trace  of  the  situa- 
 tion of  Kishion  exists. 
 
 Ki'shon  =  Kish'ion  (Josh.  xxi.  28). 
 Ki'shon,  the  Kiver,  a  torrent  or  winter  stmani 
 of  ciMitial  i'.ilr^liiie,  the  scene  of  two  of  tlie 
 p-.andest  acliipvenicnts  of  Israelite  history — the 
 defeat  of  Sisera,  and  the  destruction  of  the  pro- 
 phets of  Baal  hy  Elijah.  The  Nahr  Muk&tta,  the 
 modern  representative  of  the  Kishou,  is  the  drain 
 by  which  the  watei-s  of  the  plain  of  Ksdi-aelon,  and 
 of  the  mountains  which  enclose  that  i)lain,  namely, 
 Carmel  and  the  Samaria  range  o;i  tlie  south,  the 
 mountains  of  Galilee  on  the  north,  and  Gilboa, 
 "  Little  Hermon"  (so  called),  and  Tabor  on  the 
 east,  find  their  way  to  the  .Mediterranean.  Its 
 course  is  in  a  dirc('tion  nearly  due  N.W.  It  has 
 two  i)rincipal  feeders  :  the  iirst  fiom  Debwic/t 
 (Dabei-ath),  on  Mount  Tabor,  the  N.E.  angle  of 
 the  plain;  and  secondly,  from  ,/e//'j2«  (Gilboa)  and 
 Jcnin  (Engannim)  on  the  S.E.  It  is  also  fed  by 
 the  copious  .spring  of  Lejjun.  But  like  most  of 
 the  so-called  "rivers"  of  Palestine,  the  perennial 
 stream  forms  but  a  small  part  of  the  Kishon. 
 During  the  greater  part  of  the  year  its  upper 
 portion  is  di-y,  and  the  stream  confined  to  a  few 
 miles  next  the  sea.  The  sources  of  this  perennial 
 portion  pioceed  from  the  roots  of  Carmel — the 
 "  vast  fountains  called  Sa'adii/ch,  about  three  miles 
 east  of  Chaifa "  and  those,  apparently  still  more 
 copious,  described  by  .Shaw,  as  bursting  forth  from 
 Iwneath  the  eastern  brow  of  Carmel,  and  dis- 
 ch.irging  of  themselves  "a  river  half  as  big  as  the 
 Isis."  ^It  enters  the  sea  at  the  lower  part  of 
 the  bar  of  Akka,  about  two  miles  east  of  Chaifa 
 "  in  a  "deep  tortuous  bed  between  banks  of  loamy 
 soil  some  15  feet  high,  and  15  to  20  yards  apart" 
 (Porter,  Handbook,  .383,4).  The  part  of  the  Kishon 
 at  which  the  prophets  of  Ba.al  were  slaughtered  by 
 Elijah  was  doubtless  close  below  the  spot  on  Cai-mel 
 where  the  sacrifice  had  taken  place.  This  spot  is 
 now  fixed  with  all  but  certainty,  as  at  the  extreme 
 east  end  of  the  mountain,  to  which  the  name  is  still 
 attached  of  El-Mahrnhah,  "  the  burning."  Of  the 
 i<lcntity  of  the  Kishon  with  the  present  Nahr 
 Mohiitta  thi-re  can  bo  no  question. 
 
 Ki'son,  an  inaccurate  mode  of  representing  the 
 name  elsewhere  correctly  given  in  the  A.  V. 
 KisiiON  (Ps.  Ixxxiii.  9  only). 
 
 Kiss.  Kissing  the  lips  by  way  of  atfoctionate 
 salutation  was  customary  amongst  near  relatives  of 
 both  sexes,  both  in  Patriarchal  an<l  in  later  times 
 (Gen.  xxix.  11  ;  Cant.  viii.  1).  P.etween  indivi- 
 duals of  the  same  sex,  and  in  a  limited  degree 
 between  those  of  different  sexes,  the  kiss  on  the 
 check  .as  a  maik  of  respect  or  an  act  of  salutation 
 ha.<  at  all  times  been  customary  in  the  l-jtst,  and 
 can  hanlly  l*  sjiiil  to  be  extinct  even  in  Eurojie. 
 Ill  the  Christian  Church  the  kiss  of  charity  was 
 practised  not  only  as  a  friendly  s.alut;ition,  but  .-us 
 an  net  syn)l)olif:il  of  love  and  Christian  brother- 
 liood  (Rom.   .xvi.   ir> ;   1  Gor.  xvi.  2<»  ;  2  Cor.  xiii. 
 
 KITE 
 
 12;  1  Thess.  V.  2(>;  1  Pet.  v.  14).  It  was  em- 
 bodied ill  the  earlier  Christian  otficfs,  and  has  beer 
 continued  in  some  of  those  now  in  use.  Anioiig 
 the  Arabs  the  women  and  children  kiss  the  beani» 
 of  their  husbands  oi-  fathers.  The  superior  returns 
 the  salute  by  a  kiss  on  the  forehead.  In  Egypt  an 
 inferior  kisses  the  hand  of  a  superior,  generally  on 
 the  b.ack,  but  sometimes,  as  a  special  favour,  on 
 the  palm  also.  To  testify  abject  submission,  and 
 in  asking  favoui-s,  the  feet  are  o(\en  kissed  instead 
 of  the  hand.  The  wiitten  decrees  of  a  sovereign 
 are  kissed  in  token  of  respect ;  even  the  ground  is 
 sometimes  kissed  by  Orientals  in  the  fulness  of 
 their  submission  (Gen.  xli.  40;  1  .Sam.  xxiv.  8; 
 Ps.  Ixxii.  9  ;  &c.).  Kissing  is  spoken  of  in  Sa-ipt- 
 ure  as  a  mark  of  resjiect  or  adoration  to  idols 
 (1  K.  xix.  18;  Hos.  xiii.  2). 
 
 Kite.  The  Hebrew  word  thus  rendered  occurs 
 in  three  passages,  Lev.  xi.  14,  Dent.  xiv.  18.  anrt 
 .Job  xxviii.  7 :  in  the  two  former  it  is  tmnslatet. 
 "  kite"  in  the  A.  V.,  in  the  latter  "vulture."  It 
 is  enumeiatod  among  the  twenty  names  of  birds 
 mentioned  in  I)eut.  xiv.  (belonging  for  the  most 
 part  to  the  order  Raptures),  which  were  considered 
 unclean  by  the  Mosiiic  Law,  and  forbidden  to  lie 
 ur.cd  as  food  by  the  Lsraelites.     The  allusion  in  .Inb 
 
 alone  aflbrds  a  clue  to  its  identification.  The  deep 
 mines  in  the  recesses  of  the  mountains  from  which 
 the  labour  of  man  extracts  the  treasures  of  tlu 
 earth  are  there  described  as  "a  ti-ack.whicll  th« 
 bird  of  prev  hath  not  known,  nor  hath  the  eye  of 
 the  "yiinh  looked  upon  it."  Among  all  birds  of 
 prey,  which  are  proverbially  clearsighteil,  the  aiiyiih 
 is  thus  distinguished  as  possesse<l  of  peculiar  keen- 
 ness rf  vision,  and  by  this  attribute  alone  is  it 
 marked.  Translaton?  have  f)een  singularly  at 
 variance  with  regard  to  tliis  bird.  Itoherlson 
 {Clmis  Pentate'ichi)  derives  ayynh  from  an  o\t- 
 solete  root,  which  he  connects  with  an  Ambic 
 woi-d,  the  priniaiy  meaning  of  which,  accoi-ding  to 
 .Schultens,  is  "  to  turn."  If  this  deiivation  be  the 
 true  one,  it  is  not  im]>robable  that  *■  kite  "  is  the 
 correct  rendering.  The  habit  which  binls  of  this 
 Cjenus  have  of  "sjiiling  in  circles,  with  the  ru<ider- 
 Hke  t.iil  by  it.<i  inclination  governing  the  curve."  ns 
 Yarrell  says,  ncconls  with  the  Arabic  <lerivntion. 
 It  must  be  confessed,  however,  that  the  grounds 
 for  identifying  the  aiji/nh  with  any  inlividiial 
 species  arc  "too  slight  to  enable  us  to  rcgaitl  witli 
 
KITHLISH 
 
 confidence  any  conclusions  which  may  be  Dased 
 upon  them  ;  and  from  the  expression  which  follows 
 in  Lev.  and  Dent.,  "  after  its  kind,"  it  is  evidpnt 
 that  the  term  is  generic. 
 
 Eith'lish,  one  of  the  towns  of  Judah,  in  the 
 Sliefelali  or  lowland  (Josh.  xv.  40). 
 
 Kit'ron,  one  of  the  towns  from  which  Zebulun 
 did  not  expel  the  Canaanites  (Judg.  i.  30).  In 
 the  Talmud  it  is  identified  with  "  Zippori,"  i.e. 
 Sepjihoris.  now  Seffurieh. 
 
 Kit'tim.  Twice  written  in  the  A.  V.  for  Chit- 
 TIM  (Gen.  X.  4  ;   1  Chr.  i.  7). 
 
 Kneading-troughs.    [Bread.] 
 
 Knife.  1.  The  knives  of  the  Egyptians,  and  of 
 other  nations  in  early  times,  were  probably  only 
 of  hard  stone,  and  tlie  use  of  the  flint  or  stone  knife 
 was  sometimes  retained  for  sacred  purposes  after 
 the  introduction  of  iron  and  steel.  Herodotus  (ii. 
 86)  mentions  knives  both  of  iron  and  of  stone  in 
 difierent  stages  of  the  same  process  of  embalming. 
 The  same  may  perhaps  be  said  to  some  extent  of 
 the  Hebiews.  2.  In  their  meals  the  Jews,  like 
 other  Orientals,  made  little  use  of  knives,  but  they 
 were  required  both  for  slaughtering  animals  either 
 for  food  or  sacrifice,  as  well  as  cutting  up  the 
 carcase  (Lev.  vii.  33,  34,  viii.  15,  20,  25,  ix.  13  ; 
 Num.  xviii.  18  ;  1  .Sam.  ix.  24,  &c.).  3.  Smaller 
 knives  were  in  use  for  paring  fruit  (Joseph.)  and 
 for   sharpening    pens    (Jer.    xxxvi.    23).      4.  Th* 
 
 KOEAH 
 
 44-; 
 
 I,  2.  Egyptian  Flint  Knives  in  Mu!ieuin  at  Berlin. 
 3.  Kgyptian  Knife  represented  in  Ilioroglypliics. 
 
 razor  was  often  used  for  Nazaritic  purposes,  for 
 which  a  special  chamber  was  reserved  in  the  Tem- 
 ple (Num.  vi.  5,  9,  19  ;  Ez.  v.  1  ;  &c.),  5.  The 
 pruning-hooks  of  Is.  xviii.  5  were  probably  curved 
 knives.  6.  The  lancets  of  the  priests  of  Baal  were 
 doubtless  pointed  knives  (1  K.  xviii.  28). 
 
 Enop.  A  word  employed  in  the  A.  V.  to  trans- 
 late two  terms,  of  the  real  meaning  of  which  all 
 that  we  can  say  with  cert<ainty  is  that  they  refer 
 to  some  ai'chitectural  or  ornamental  object,  and 
 that  they  have  nothing  in  common.  1.  Caphfor. 
 This  occurs  in  the  description  of  the  candlestick  of 
 the  sacred  tent  in  Ex.  xxv.  31-36,  and  xxxvii. 
 17-22,  the  two  passages  being  identical.  In  an- 
 other part  of  tlie  work  they  appear  to  form  a  boss, 
 from  which  the  branches  are  to  spring  out  fiom 
 the  main  stem.  2.  The  second  term,  Peka'iin,  is 
 found  only  in  1  K.  vi.  18  and  vii.  24.  The  word 
 no  doubt  signifies  some  globular  thing  resembling  a 
 Miiall  gourd,  or  an  egg,  though  as  to  the  character 
 
 of  the  ornament  we  are  quite  in  the  dark.  The 
 following  woodcut  of  a  portion  of  a  richly  orna- 
 mented door-step  or  slab  from  Kouyunjik,  prob.ably 
 represents  something  approximating  to  the  "  knop 
 and  the  flower  "  of  Solomon's  Temple. 
 
 Border  of  a  Slab  from  Konyunjik.    (Fergusson's  Architecture.) 
 
 Ko'a  is  a  word  which  occurs  only  in  Ez.  xxiii. 
 23.  It  may  perhaps  designate  a  place  otherwise 
 unknown,  which  we  must  suppose  to  have  been  a 
 city  or  district  of  Babylonia.  Or  It  may  be  a  com- 
 mon noun,  signifying  "prince"  or  "nobleman." 
 as  the  Vulgate  takes  it,  and  some  of  the  Jewish  in- 
 ter))reters. 
 
 Eo'h.p.th,  second  of  the  three  sons  of  Levi,  from 
 whom  the  three  principal  divisions  of  the  Levites 
 derived  their  origin  and  their  name  (Gen.  xlvi.  11  ; 
 Exod.  vi.  16,  18;  Num.  iii.  17;  2  Chr.  xxxiv. 
 12,  &c.).  Kohath  was  the  father  of  Amram,  and 
 he  of  Moses  and  Aaron.  From  him,  therefore, 
 were  descended  all  the  p.iests;  and  hence  those  of 
 the  Kohathites  who  were  not  priests  were  of  the 
 highest  rank  of  the  Levites,  though  not  the  sons  of 
 Levi's  first-born.  In  the  journeyings  of  the  Taber- 
 nacle the  sons  of  Kohath  had  charge  of  the  most 
 holy  portion  of  the  vessels.  (Num.  iv.)  These 
 were  all  previously  covered  by  the  piicNts,  the  sons 
 of  Aaron.  It  appears  from  Ex.  vi.  18 — 22,  com- 
 pared with  1  Chr.  xxiii.  12,  xxvi.  23-32,  that  there 
 were  four  families  of  sons  of  Kohath — Amiamites, 
 Izhai'ites,  Hebronites,  and  Uzzielites.  The  verses 
 already  cited  from  1  Chr.  xxvi.;  Num.  iii.  19,  27; 
 1  Chr.  xxiii.  12,  disclose  the  wealth  and  promin- 
 ence of  the  Kohathites,  and  the  important  offices 
 filled  by  them  as  keepers  of  the  dedicated  treasures, 
 as  judges,  officers,  and  rulei's,  both  secular  and 
 sacred.  In  2  Chr.  xx.  19,  they  appear  as  singers, 
 with  the  Koi-hites.  The  number  of  the  sons  of 
 Kohath  between  the  ages  of  30  and  50,  at  the  first 
 census  in  the  wilderness,  was  2750,  and  the  whole 
 number  of  males  from  a  month  old  was  8600 
 (Num.  iii.  28,  iv.  36).  Their  place  in  marching 
 and  encampment  was  south  of  the  Tabernacle 
 (Num.  iii.  29),  which  was  also  the  situation  of  the 
 Reubenites.  Of  the  peisonal  history  of  K'ohath  we 
 know  nothing,  except  that  he  came  down  to  Egypt 
 with  Levi  and  Jacob  (Gen.  xlvi.  11),  that  his  sister 
 was  Jochebed  (Ex.  vi.  20),  and  that  he  lived  to 
 tlie  age  of  133  years  (Ex.  vi.  18). 
 
 Kolai'ah.  1.  A  Benjamite  whose  descendants 
 settled  in  Jerusalem  after  the  return  from  the  cap- 
 tivity (Neh.  xi.  7).— 2.  The  father  of  Ahab  the 
 false  prophet,  who  was  burnt  by  the  kino-  of 
 Babylon  (Jer.  xxix.  21). 
 
 Ko'rah.  1.  Thiid  son  of  Ksau  by  Aholibamah 
 (Gen.  xxxvi.  5,  14,  18;  1  Chr.  i.  35).  He  was 
 born  in  Canaan  before  Esau  migrated  to  Mount 
 Seir  (xxxvi.  5-9;,  and  was  one  of  the  "  dukes  "  ot 
 Edom.— 2.  Another  Edomitish  duke  of  this  name, 
 sprung  from  Eliphaz,  Esau's  son  by  Adah  (Gen. 
 xxxvi.  16).— R    '>ne  of  the  "  sons  of  Hebron  "  in 
 
448 
 
 KORAHITE 
 
 1  Chr.  ii.  43. — 4.  .'vm  of  Izhar,  the  son  of  Kohath, 
 tlie  son  of  Levi.  He  was  leader  of  the  famous 
 rebellion  against  his  cousins  Moses  ami  Aaron  iu 
 the  wilderness,  for  which  he  paid  the  [leiiaity  of 
 jieiishing  with  his  followers  by  an  earth<|uake  and 
 riames  of  fire  (Num.  xvi.  x.\vi.  9-11).  The  par- 
 ticular grievance  which  rankled  in  the  mind  of 
 Korah  and  his  company  was  their  exclusion  from 
 the  ofTice  of  the  priesthood,  and  their  being  con- 
 fined— those  among  them  who  were  Levites — to 
 the  inferior  service  of  the  t;ibernacle.  The  appoint- 
 ment of  Klizaphan  to  be  chief  of  the  Kohathites 
 (Num.  iii.  3u)  may  have  further  inflamed  his  jea- 
 lousy. Korah's  position  as  leaikr  in  this  relx'llimi 
 was  evidently  the  result  of  his  personal  character, 
 which  was  that  of  a  l)old,  haughty,  and  ambitious 
 man.  From  some  cause  which  does  not  clearly 
 appear,  the  children  of  Korah  were  not  involved  iu 
 the  destruction  of  their  father  (Num.  xxvi.  11). 
 Perhaps  the  fissure  of  the  ground  which  swallowed 
 up  the  tents  of  Dathan  and  Abiram  did  not  extend 
 beyond  those  of  the  IJeubeuites.  Krom  vei-.  27  it 
 seems  clear  that  Korah  himself  was  not  with 
 Dathan  and  Abiram  at  the  moment.  lie  himself 
 Wiis  doubtless  with  the  250  men  who  bai-e  censers 
 nearer  the  tabernacle  (ver.  19),  and  perishe<i  with 
 them  by  the  "fire  from  Jehovah"  which  accom- 
 panied the  earthquake.  In  the  N.T.  (.Judo  11) 
 Korah  is  coupled  with  Cain  and  Balaam. 
 
 Kor'aMte  (1  Chr.  ix.  19,  31),  Kor'Mte,  or 
 Kor'athite,  that  portion  of  the  Kohathites  who 
 wiTo  descended  from  Korah,  and  are  frequently 
 styled  by  the  synonymous  phrase  Sons  of  Korah. 
 'J'lie  offices  filled  by  the  sons  of  Korah,  as  far  as  we 
 are  informed,  are  the  following.  They  were  an 
 importmt  branch  of  the  singers  in  the  Kohathite 
 division,  Heman  himself  being  a  Koiahite  (1  Chr. 
 vi.  33),  and  the  Korahites  being  among  those  who, 
 in  Jehoshaphat's  reign,  ".stood  up  to  praise  the 
 Lord  God  of  Israel  with  a  loud  voice  on  high  " 
 (2  Chr.  XX.  19).  Hence  we  find  eleven  I'salms  (or 
 twelve,  if  Ps.  43  is  included  under  the  same  title  as 
 Ps.  42)  dedicated  or  assigned  to  the  sons  of  Korah, 
 viz.  Ps.  42, 44-49,  84,  85,  87,  88.  Others,  again,  of 
 the  sons  of  Korah  were  "  porters,"  i.e.  doorkeepers, 
 in  the  temple,  an  olKce  of  considerable  dignity. 
 
 Kor'athites,  the,  Num.  xxvi.  58.    [Koraiiitk.] 
 
 Kor'hites,  the,  Kx.  vi.  24,  xxvi.  1;  1  Chr,  xii. 
 0  ;  ■-' Chi.  .\x.  19.     [Koraiiitk.] 
 
 Eo're.  1.  A  Korahite,  ancestor  of  Shallum 
 and  Me^helemiah,  chief  porters  in  the  reign  of 
 David  (1  Chr.  ix.  19,  xxvi.  1).— 2.  Son  of  Ininali, 
 a  l.evite  in  the  reign  of  llezekiah  (2  f'hr.  xxxi.  14  . 
 — 3.  In  the  A.  V.  of  1  Chr.  xxvi.  19,  "  the  sons 
 of  Koitio  "  following  the  Vulg.  Core),  should  pro- 
 peily  be  "  the  sons  of  the  Korhite." 
 
 Koz  (l>,r.  ii.  (31-  Neh.  iii.   4,  21)  =  AcC02i  = 
 
 Co/,  =  H  \KKOZ. 
 
 Kushai'ah.  The  .same  as  Kisit  or  KisHi,  the 
 father  of  Kthan  the  Merarite  (1  Chr.  xv.  17). 
 
 La'adah,  the  son  of  Shelah,  and  grand.-'«n  of 
 J.i.i.di    I  Chr.  iv.  21). 
 
 La'adan.  1.  An  Kphi-aimitc,  ancestor  of  .loshua 
 (he  son  of  .Nun  (1  Chr.  vii.  2G).^2.  'I'he  son  of 
 llei-shom,  I'lsewhere  cjdled  LiBNl  (1  Chr.  xxiii.  7, 
 S,  9;  xxvi.  21). 
 
 liACHISH 
 
 La'ban,  son  of  Bethuel,  brother  of  Rel;ekah, 
 and  father  of  Leah  and  Itachel.  The  elder  branch 
 of  the  family  remained  at  Haran  when  Abi-aham 
 removed  to  th"  land  c.f  Canaan,  ami  it  is  there  that, 
 we  fii-st  meet  with  Laban,  as  taking  the  leadinf 
 part  in  the  betrothal  of  his  sister  Hebekah  to  her 
 cousin  Isaac  (Gen.  xxiv.  10,  29-60,  xxvii.  43, 
 xxix.  4).  The  next  time  Laban  appears  in  the 
 sacred  narrative  it  is  as  the  ho.st  of  his  nephew 
 Jacob  at  Haran  (Gen.  xxix.  13,  14).  The  sub- 
 sequent transactions  by  which  he  secureii  the 
 valuable  services  of  his  nephew  for  fourteen  yeare 
 in  return  for  his  two  daugliters,  and  for  six  years 
 as  the  price  of  his  cattle,  together  with  the  dis- 
 graceful artifice  by  which  he  jialmed  off  his  elder 
 and  less  attractive  daughter  on  the  unsuspecting 
 Jacob,  are  familiar  to  all  (Gen.  xxix.  xxx).  Laban 
 was  absent  shearing  his  sheep,  when  Jacob,  having 
 gathered  together  all  his  possessions,  started  with 
 his  wives  and  children  for  his  native  land  ;  and 
 it  was  not  till  the  thir<l  day  that  he  heard  of  their 
 stealthy  departure.  In  hot  haste  he  sets  off  in 
 pursuit.  Jacob  and  his  family  had  crossed  the 
 Euphrates,  and  were  already  some  day.s'  march  in 
 advance  of  their  pui-suers  ;  but  so  large  a  caravan, 
 encumbered  with  women  and  children,  and  cattle, 
 would  travel  but  slowly  (comp.  Gen.  xxxiii.  13), 
 and  Laban  and  his  kinsmen  came  up  with  the 
 retreating  party  on  the  east  side  of  the  Jordan, 
 among  the  mountains  of  Gilead.  Alter  .some 
 shaip  mutual  recrimination,  and  an  unsuccessful 
 search  for  the  teraphim,  which  Rachel,  with  the 
 cunning  which  characterized  the  whole  fiimily, 
 knew  well  how  to  hide,  a  covenant  of  peace  was 
 entered  into  between  the  two  parties,  and  a  c;tirn 
 raised  about  a  pillar-stone  set  up  by  Jacob,  both  as 
 a  7iieinorial  of  the  covenant,  and  a  boundaiy  which 
 the  contracting  parties  pledged  themselves  not  to 
 p;»ss  with  hostile  intentions.  After  this,  in  the 
 simple  and  beautiful  words  of  Scripture,  "  Laban 
 rose  up  and  kisied  his  sons  and  his  daughters,  ami 
 blessed  them,  and  departed,  and  returned  to  his 
 place  ;  "  and  he  thenceforward  disappeai-s  from  the 
 liiblical  narrative. 
 
 La'ban,  one  of  the  landmarks  named  in  the 
 obscure  and  disputed  passage,  Dent.  i.  1.  The 
 mention  of  Hazeroth  has  jierhaps  led  to  the  only 
 conjecture  regarding  Laban  of  which  the  writer  is 
 aware,  namely,  that  it  is  identical  with  Lih.n'AH 
 (Num.  xxxiii.  20).  The  Syriac  Peshifo  under- 
 stands the  name  as  Lebanon. 
 
 lab'ana,  1  Ksd.  v.  29.     [Lkhana.] 
 
 Lacedemo'niaiis,  the  inhabitants  of  Sparta  or 
 I.acedaenion,  with  whom  the  Jews  claimed  kindred 
 (1  Mace.  .xii.  2,  5,  6,  20,  21  ;  xiv.  20,  23;  xv. 
 23 :  2  Mace.  v.  9). 
 
 La'chish,  a  city  of  the  Amorites,  the  king  of 
 which  joined  with  four  othei-s,  at  the  invitation  of 
 .Adonizeiiek  king  of  Jerusalem,  to  chasti>e  the 
 (iibeonites  for  their  league  with  Israel  (.losh.  x. 
 3,  b\  They  were  routed  by  .loslina  at  l$eth- 
 hoion,  and  the  king  of  Lachish  fi-ll  a  victim  with 
 the  (.thers  under  the  trees  at  Makkedah  (ver.  26). 
 The  destruction  of  the  town  seems  to  have  shortly 
 f(dlowed  the  death  of  the  king:  it  was  attacked  in 
 its  turn,  immediately  afler  the  fall  of  Libnah,  and 
 notwitlistinding  an  effort  to  relieve  it  by  Hoi-am 
 king  of  Gc/.ur,  was  taken,  and  every  .soul  put  to 
 the  sword  (ver.  31-3.!).  In  the  .special  statement 
 that  the  attack  lasted  two  days,  in  contradistinc- 
 tion  to  the  other  cilirs  which  were  taken  in  one 
 
LACUNUS 
 
 fseo  ver.  35),  we  gain  our  first  glimpse  of  that 
 stitngth  of  position  lor  which  Lachish  was  after- 
 wards remaikable.  It  should  not  be  overlooked 
 that,  though  included  in  the  lowland  district  (Josh. 
 XV.  39),  Lachish  was  a  town  of  the  Aniorites,  who 
 appear  to  have  been  essentially  mountaineers.  Its 
 proximity  to  Libnah  is  implied  many  centuries 
 later  (2  K.  xix.  8).  Lachish  was  one  of  the  cities 
 foitified  and  garrisoned  by  Rehoboam  at'ter  the  re- 
 volt of  the  northern  kingdom  (2  Chr.  xi.  9).  It 
 was  chosen  as  a  refuge  by  Amaziah  from  the  con- 
 spirators who  threatened  him  in  Jerusalem,  and  to 
 whom  he  at  last  fell  a  victim  at  Lachish  (2  K.  xiv. 
 19  ;  2  Chr.  x\v.  27).  Later  still,  in  the  reign  of 
 Hezekiah,  it  ^ha  one  of  the  cities  taken  by  Sen- 
 nacherib when  on  his  way  from  Phoenicia  to  Egypt. 
 This  siege  is  considered  by  Layard  and  Hincks  to  be 
 depicted  or.  the  slabs  tbund  by  the  fonner  in  one  of 
 the  chambers  of  the  palace  at  Kouyunjik.    Another 
 
 LAISH 
 
 449 
 
 slab  seems  to  show  the  ground-plan  of  the  same 
 city  after  its  occupation  by  the  conquerors — the 
 Assyiian  tents  pitched  within  the  walls,  and  the 
 foreign  worship  going  on.  But  though  the  Assy- 
 rian records  thus  appear  to  assert  the  capture  m 
 Lachish,  no  st;Uement  is  to  be  found  either  in  th« 
 Bible  or  Josephus  that  it  was  taken.  After  the 
 return  from  captivity,  Lachish  with  its  surround- 
 ing ''  fields "  was  re-occupied  by  the  Jews  (Neh. 
 xi.  30).  By  Eusebius  and  Jerome,  in  the  Onomas- 
 ticon,  Lachish  is  mentioned  as  "  7  miles  from 
 Eleutheropolis,  towards  Daioma,"  t.  e,  towards  the 
 south.  No  trace  of  the  name  has  yet  been  found 
 in  any  position  at  all  correspoiniing  to  this.  A 
 site  called  Uin-Ldkis,  is  found  between  Gaza  and 
 Beit-Jibrin,  at  the  distance  of  11  miles  (14  Roman 
 miles),  and  in  a  direction  not  S.,  but  about  W.S.W. 
 from  the  latter,  but  its  remains  are  not  those  of  a 
 fortified  city  able  to  brave  an  Assyi'i&a  army. 
 
 "^^^^^^^^^^^^  tf:^^ 
 
 Plan  of  Lachish  C ''  •''«■'  'Is 
 
 From  Layaid's  Monur.ieutB  of  Nineveh,  iud  Series,  plate  24 
 
 Lacu  nus,  one  of  the  sons  of  Addi,  who  returned 
 with  Ezra,  and  had  marned  a  foreign  wife  (1  Esd. 
 ix.  31). 
 
 La'dan,  1  Esd.  v.  37.    [Delaiah,  2.] 
 
 Ladder  of  Tyms,  the,  one  of  the  extremities 
 \the  northern)  of  the  district  over  which  Simon 
 Maccabaeus  was  made  captain  by  Antiochus  VI.  (or 
 Theos)  (1  Iilacc.  xi.  59).  The  Ladder  of  Tyre,  or 
 of  the  Tyrians,  was  the  local  name  for  a  high 
 mountain,  the  highest  in  that  neighbourhood,  a 
 hundred  stadia  north  of  Ptolemais,  the  modern 
 Akka  or  Acre.  The  position  of  the  Ras-en- 
 Nakhurah  agrees  veiy  nearly  with  this,  as  it  lies 
 10  miles  from  Akka,  and  is  characterized  by  tra- 
 vellers fiom  Parchi  downwards  as  very  high  and 
 steep. 
 
 La'el,  the  father  of  Eliasaph  (Num.  m.  24). 
 
 La'had,  son  of  Jahath,  one  of  the  descendants  of 
 Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  2). 
 
 Laha'i-Eo'i,  the  Well.  In  this  form  is  given 
 in  the  A.  V.  of  Gen.  xxiv.  62,  and  xxv.  11,  the 
 aame  of  the  famous  well  of  Hagar's  relief,  in  the 
 
 Con.  D.  B. 
 
 oasis  of  verdure  round  which  Isaac  afterwards  n-- 
 sided. 
 
 Lahmam,  a  town  in  the  lowland  district  oi 
 Judah  (Josh.  xv.  40).  It  is  not  mentioned  in  tlie 
 Onomasticon,  nor  does  it  appear  that  iuny  travellei 
 has  sought  for  or  discovered  its  site. 
 
 Lah'mi,  the  brother  of  Goliath  the  Gittite,  slain 
 by  Elhanan  the  son  of  Jair,  or  Jaor  (1  Chr.  xx.  5). 
 
 La'ish,  the  city  which  was  taken  by  the  Danites, 
 and  under  its  new  name  of  Dan  became  famous  as 
 the  northern  limit  of  the  nation,  and  as  the  de- 
 pository first  of  the  graven  image  of  Micah  (Judg. 
 xviii.  7,  14,  27,  29),  and  subsequently  of  one  of 
 the  calves  of  Jeroboam.  There  is  no  reason  to 
 doubt  that  the  situation  of  the  place  was  at  or  very 
 near  that  of  the  modern  Banias.  In  the  A.  V. 
 Laish  is  again  mentioned  in  the  graphic  account  by 
 Isaiah  of  Sennacherib's  march  on  Jerusalem  (Is.  x. 
 30).  On  the  whole  it  seems  more  consonant  with 
 the  tenor  of  the  whole  passage  to  take  it  as  the 
 name  of  a  small  village,  Laishah,  lying  between 
 Gallim   and  Anathoth,  and   of  which  hitherto  nc 
 
 2  G 
 
400 
 
 LAISH 
 
 traces  have  been  fouiiil.  In  1  Marc.  ix.  5  a  villnge 
 nanii-d  Alasa  (A.  V.  Klea>a)  is  mentioned  as  tlie 
 scene  of  the  battle  in  wliich  Judas  was  killed.  In 
 the  Vul'.:ate  it  is  given  as  Laisa.  The  two  names 
 m:iy  possibly  indicate  one  and  the  sjmie  place,  and 
 that  the  I.aishah  of  Isaiah. 
 
 La'ish,  father  of  I'haltiel,  to  whom  Saul  had 
 given  iMichal,  David's  wife  (1  Sam.  x.xv.  44; 
 2  Sam.  iii.  15), 
 
 Lakes.     [Palestine.] 
 
 Lalniin  properly  Lakkum,  one  of  the  places 
 ■which  lormcd  the  landm;irks  of  the  boundary  of 
 Naphtali  (Josh.  xix.  'X\}.  Lakkum  is  but  casually 
 named  in  the  Onomasticon,  and  no  one  since  has 
 discovered  its  situation. 
 
 Lamb.  1.  Immar,  is  the  Chaldee  equivalent 
 of  the  Hebrew  cebes.  See  below.  No.  3  (Kzr.  vi. 
 9,  17;  vii.  17).  2.  Takh  (I  Sam.  vii.  9;  Is. 
 Ixv.  25),  a  vouns;  sucking  lamb ;  originally  the 
 young  of  any  animal.  3.  Cebes,  ceseh,  and  the 
 i'eminines  cibsdh,  or  cabsdh,  and  cishah,  respec- 
 tively denote  a  male  and  female  Iamb  from  the 
 first  to  the  third  year.  The  former  perhaps  more 
 nearly  coincide  with  the  provincial  term  lto(]  or 
 horjget,  which  is  applied  to  a  young  ram  before  he 
 is  shorn.  Young  rams  of  this  age  formed  an  im- 
 portant part  of  almost  every  sacrifice.  4.  Ctir,  a 
 fat  ram,  or  more  probably  "  wether,"  as  the  word 
 is  geneially  employed  in  opposition  to  ayil,  which 
 strictly  denotes  a  "ram"  (Dent,  xxxii.  14;  2  Iv. 
 iii.  4  ;  Is.  xxxiv.  6).  The  Tyrians  obtained  their 
 suppl}'  fioin  Arabia  and  Kedar  (Kz.  xxvii.  21), 
 and  the  pastures  of  Bashnn  were  famous  as  grazing 
 grounds  (Kz.  xxxix.  18).  5.  Tkou,  rendered 
 "lamb"  in  Kx.  xii.  21,  is  pi'ojierlv  a  collective 
 temi  denoting  a  "  flock  "  of  small  cattle,  sheep  and 
 goats,  in  distinction  from  herds  of  the  laiger 
 animals  (Eccl.  ii.  7;  Ez.  xlv.  15).  In  opposition 
 to  this  collective  term  the  word  6.  Seh  is  ajiplie*! 
 to  denote  the  individuals  of  a  Hock,  whether  sheep 
 or  goats  fOen.  xxii.  7,  8;   Ex.  xii.  3,  xxii.  1,  &c.). 
 
 On  the  Paschal  Lamb  see  Passovf.u. 
 
 La'mech.,  ]>r.^perly  Leniech,  the  name  of  two 
 persons  in  antediluvian  history.  —  1.  The  fifth 
 lineal  rlescendant  from  Cain  (Gen.  iv.  18-24).  He 
 is  the  only  one  except  Enoch,  of  the  posterity  of 
 Cain,  whose  history  is  related  with  some  detail. 
 His  two  wives,  Adah  and  ZiUah,  and  his  daughter 
 Naamah,  aie,  with  Eve,  the  only  antediluvian 
 women  whose  names  are  mentioned  by  Moses. 
 His  three  sons — Jaisal,  Jl'iial,  and  Tubal-cain, 
 are  celebrated  in  Scripture  as  authors  of  usetul  in- 
 ventions. The  remarkable  poem  which  Lamech 
 uttered  has  not  yet  been  explained  quite  satisfact- 
 orily. It  is  the  only  extant  s])ecimen  of  ante- 
 diluvian poetiy;  it  came  down,  perhaps  as  a 
 popular  song,  to  the  generation  for  whom  Moses 
 wrote,  and  he  inserts  it  in  its  proper  place  in  his 
 history.     It  may  be  rendered: — 
 
 Adah  and  Zlllnh  !  hear  my  voice, 
 
 Ye  wives  of  l.nniech  !  Rive  ear  nnto  my  speech; 
 For  a  mmi  (mil  1  slain  for  smiling  me, 
 
 And  a  youth  for  woiindiiiR  me  ; 
 Surely  itevenfold  shall  Cain  l)e  avenged. 
 
 But  Lamech  ueveiity  and  Beven. 
 
 Jerome  iclates  an  a  tradition  of  his  predecessors 
 nml  of  the  .lews,  that  Cain  was  accidentally  slain 
 by  Lamech  in  the  seventh  genei-ation  fiom  Adam. 
 Luther  considers  the  occasion  of  the  poem  to  bo 
 the  deliberate  mur.ler  of  Csiin  by  Lamech.  Herder 
 regni-d«  it  as  L\mich's  song  of  exultation   on  the 
 
 LAMENTATIONS 
 
 invention  of  the  sword  by  his  son  'I'ubal-cain,  in 
 the  possession  ot'  which  he  foi-esiiw  a  uieat  advan- 
 tage to  himself  and  his  familv  over  anv  enemies, 
 This  interpretation  appears,  on  the  whole,  to  be 
 the  best  that  has  been  suggested. ^2.  The  father 
 ot  Noah  (Cen.  v.  29). 
 ^  Lamentations.  The  Hebrew  title  of  this  Book, 
 Ecah,  IS  taken,  like  those  of  the  five  Books  of 
 Moses,  from  the  Hebrew  word  with  which  it  opens, 
 and  which  appears  to  have  been  almost  a  received 
 formula  for  the  commencement  of  a  song  of  walling 
 (comi>.  2  Sam.  i.  19-27).  The  j)oems  included  in 
 this  collection  appear  in  the  Hebrew  canon  with  no 
 name  attached  to  them,  and  there  is  no  direct  ex- 
 ternal evidence  that  they  were  written  by  the 
 prophet  Jeremiah  earlier  than  the  date  given  in 
 the  piefatory  verse  which  appears  in  the  Septua- 
 eiut.  This  represents,  however,  the  esbiblished 
 belief  of  the  Jews  after  the  completion  of  the 
 canon.  The  poems  belong  unmistakeably  to  the 
 last  days  of  the  kingdom,  or  the  commencement 
 of  the  exile.  They  are  written  by  one  who  speaks, 
 with  the  vividness  and  intensity  of  an  eye-witness, 
 of  the  misery  which  he  bewails.  It  might  almost 
 be  enough  to  ask  who  else  then  living  could  have 
 written  with  that  union  of  strong  passionate  feeling 
 and  entire  submission  to  Jehovah  which  charact- 
 erises both  the  Lamenfcitions  and  the  Prophecy  of 
 Jeremiah.  The  evidences  of  identitv  are,  however, 
 stronger  and  more  minute.  Assuming  this  as  suf- 
 ficiently established,  there  come  the  questions — 
 (1.)  When,  and  on  what  occasion  did  he  write  it? 
 (2.)  In  what  relation  di<l  it  stand  to  his  other 
 writings?  (3.)  What  light  does  it  throw  on  his 
 personal  history,  or  on  that  of  the  time  in  which 
 he  lived?  I.  The  earliest  statement  on  this  point 
 is  that  of  Josephus  (Aut.  x.  5,  §1).  He  fiiuls 
 among  the  books  which  were  extant  in  his  own 
 time  the  lamentations  on  the  death  of  Josiah, 
 which  are  mentioned  in  2  Chr.  xxxv.  25.  As 
 there  are  no  tiaces  of  any  other  poem  of  this  kind 
 in  the  later  Jewish  liter.iture,  it  has  been  inferred, 
 naturally  enough,  that  lie  speaks  of  this.  It  does 
 not  appear,  however,  to  rest  on  any  better  grounds 
 than  a  hasty  conjecture.  And  against  it  we  have 
 to  set  (ly  the  tradition  on  the  other  side  emlxxlied 
 in  the  preface  of  the  Septuagint,  (2  )  the  contents  of 
 the  book  itself.  We  look  in  vain  for  a  single  won! 
 distinctive  of  a  funeral  dirge  over  a  devout  and 
 zealot's  relbrmer  like  .losiah,  while  we  find,  step  by 
 step,  the  closest  possible  likeness  between  the  pic- 
 tures of  misery  in  the  Lamentations  and  the  events 
 of  the  closing  years  of  the  reign  of  Zeilekiah.  Un- 
 less we  adopt  the  strained  hypothesis  that  the  whole 
 jioem  is  prophetic  in  the  sense  of  being  pn-dictive, 
 the  writer  seeing  the  future  as  if  it  were  actually 
 present,  or  the  still  wilder  conjecture  of  IJashi,  that 
 this  was  the  roll  which  Jehoiachin  destn^yed,  and 
 which  was  re-written  by  Baruch  or  Jeieniiah,  we 
 aie  compelled  to  come  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
 coincidence  is  not  accidental,  and  to  a<lopt  the  later, 
 not  the  earlier  of  the  dates.  At  what  jx'riod  after 
 the  («|>ture  of  the  city  the  prophet  gave  this  utter- 
 ance to  his  sorrow  we  can  only  conjectui*,  and  the 
 materials  for  doing  so  with  any  prolialiility  are  but 
 scanty.  He  may  have  written  it  imme<liately  after 
 the  attack  was  over,  oi-  when  he  was  with  Gedaliah 
 at  Mizpeh,  or  when  ho  was  with  his  couiitivmen 
 at  Tahpanhes.  II.  It  is  well,  however,  to  be  le- 
 mindcil  by  these  conjectuies  that  we  have  before 
 us,  not  a  book  in  five  chapters,  but  {\\e  sep:iiate 
 
LAMENTATIONS 
 
 poems,  each  complete  in  itself,  each  having  a  dis- 
 tinct subject,  yet  brought  at  the  same  time  inider  a 
 plan  which  includes  them  all.  It  is  clear,  before 
 entering  on  any  other  characteristics,  that  we  find, 
 .'n  full  predominance,  that  stioiig  personal  emotion 
 which  mingled  itself,  in  gi  eater  or  less  measure, 
 with  the  whole  prophetic  work  of  Jeiemiah.  Other 
 differences  between  the  two  books  that  bear  the 
 prophet's  name  grew  out  of  this.  Here  there  is 
 more  attention  to  form,  more  elaboration.  The 
 rhythm  is  more  uniform  than  in  the  prophecies. 
 A  complicated  alphabetic  structure  per\ades 
 nearly  the  whole  book.  (1.)  Ch.  i.,  ii.,  and  iv. 
 contain  22  verses  each,  arranged  in  alphaberic 
 order,  each  verse  falling  into  three  nearly  balanced 
 clauses ;  ii.  19  forms  an  exception  as  having  a 
 fourth  clause.  (2.)  Ch.  iii.  contains  three  short 
 vei'ses  under  each  letter  of  the  alphabet,  the  initial 
 letter  being  three  times  repeated.  (3.)  Ch.  v.  con- 
 fciins  the  same  number  of  verses  as  ch.  i.,  ii., 
 iv.,  but  without  the  alphabetic  order.  III.  The 
 power  of  entering  into  the  spirit  and  meaning  of 
 poems  such  as  these  depends  on  two  distinct  condi- 
 tions. We  must  seek  to  see,  as  with  our  own  eyes, 
 the  desolation,  misery,  confusion,  which  came  be- 
 fore those  of  the  prophet.  We  must  endeavour 
 also  to  feel  as  he  felt  when  he  looked  on  them. 
 Ana  the  last  is  the  more  difficult  of  the  two. 
 .Jeremiah  was  not  merely  a  patriot-poet,  weeping 
 over  the  ruin  of  his  country.  He  was  a  prophet 
 who  had  seen  all  this  coming,  and  had  foretold  it 
 as  inevitable.  He  had  urged  submission  to  the 
 Clialdaeans  as  the  only  mode  of  diminishing  the 
 tenors  of  that  "  day  of  the  Lord."  And  now 
 the  Chaldaeans  were  come,  irritated  by  the  perfidy 
 and  rebellion  of  the  king  and  princes  of  Judah  ;  and 
 the  actual  horrors  that  he  saw,  surpassed,  though 
 he  had  predicted  them,  all  that  he  had  been  able  to 
 imagine.  All  feeling  of  exultation  in  which,  as 
 mere  prophet  of  evil,  he  might  have  indulged  at  the 
 fulfilment  of  his  forebodings,  was  swallowed  up  in 
 deep  overwhelming  sorrow.  Yet  sorrow,  not  h'ss 
 than  other  emotions,  works  on  men  according  to 
 their  characters,  and  a  man  with  Jeremiah's  gifts 
 of  utterance  could  not  sit  down  in  the  mere  silence 
 and  stupor  of  a  hopeless  grief.  He  was  compelled 
 to  give  expression  to  that  which  was  devouring 
 his  heart  and  the  heart  of  his  people.  The  act 
 itself  was  a  relief  to  him.  It  led  him  on  (as  will 
 be  seen  hereafter)  to  a  calmer  and  serener  state.  It 
 revived  the  faith  and  hope  which  had  been  nearly 
 crushed  out.  An  examination  of  the  five  poems 
 will  enable  us  to  judge  how  far  each  stands  by 
 itself,  how  far  they  aie  connected  as  parts  forming  a 
 whole.  I.  The  opening  verse  strikes  the  key-note  of 
 the  whole  poem.  That  which  haunts  the  piophet's 
 mind  is  the  solitude  in  which  he  finds  himself. 
 She  that  was  "princess  among  the  nations"  (1) 
 sits,  "  solitary,"  "as  a  widovkf."  After  the  manner 
 no  characteristic  of  Hebrew  poetry,  the  personality 
 of  the  writer  now  recedes  and  now  advances,  and 
 blends  by  hardly  perceptible  transitions  with  that 
 of  the  city  which  he  personifies,  and  with  which 
 he,  as  it  were,  identifies  himself.  Mingling  with 
 this  outburst  of  sorrow  there  are  two  thoughts 
 characteristic  both  of  the  man  and  the  time.  The 
 calamities  which  the  nation  suliers  are  the  conse- 
 quences of  its  sins.  There  must  be  the  confession 
 of  those  sins.  There  is  also,  at  any  late,  this  gleam 
 of  consolation  that  Judah  is  not  alone  in  her  suffer- 
 ings.    II.  As  the  solitude  of  the  city  was  the  sub-  | 
 
 LAMENTATIONS 
 
 4r,i 
 
 ject  of  the  first  lamentation,  so  the  destruction  that 
 had  laid  it  waste  is  that  which  is  most  conspicuous 
 in  the  second.  Added  to  all  this,  there  was  the 
 remembrance  of  that  which  had  been  all  along 
 the  great  trial  of  Jeremiah's  life,  against  wliich  he 
 had  to  wage  continual  war.  The  prophets  of  Jeru- 
 salem had  seen  vain  and  foolish  things,  false  bur- 
 dens, and  causes  of  banishment  (14).  A  righteous 
 judgment  had  fallen  on  them.  The  prophets  found 
 no  vision  of  Jehovah  (9).  The  king  and  the  piiiues 
 who  had  listened  to  them  were  captive  among  the 
 Gentiles.  III.  The  diflerence  in  the  structure  of 
 this  poem  which  has  been  already  noticed,  indicates 
 a  corresponding  difference  in  its  substince.  In  the 
 two  preceding  poems,  .leremiah  had  spoken  of  the 
 misery  and  destruction  of  Jerusalem.  In  the  third 
 he  speaks  chiefly,  though  not  exclusively,  of  his 
 own.  Here,  as  in  the  prophecies,  we  find  a  Gospel 
 for  tne  weary  and  heavy-laden,  a  trust,  not  to  be 
 shaken,  in  the  mercy  and  righteousness  of  Jehovah. 
 IV,  It  might  seem,  at  first,  as  if  the  fourth  poem 
 did  but  reproduce  the  pictures  and  the  thoughts  of 
 the  first  and  second.  There  come  before  us,  once 
 again,  the  flimine,  the  misery,  the  desolation,  tlirrt 
 had  fallen  on  the  holy  city,  making  all  faces  gather 
 blackness.  One  new  element  in  the  picture  is 
 found  in  the  contrast  between  the  past  glory  of 
 the  consecratetl  families  of  the  kingly  and  priestly 
 stocks  (Nazarites  in  A.  V.)  and  their  later  misery 
 and  shame.  Some  changes  there  are,  however,  not 
 without  interest  in  their  relation  to  the  poet's  own 
 life  and  to  the  history  of  his  time.  All  the  facts 
 gain  a  new  significance  by  being  seen  in  the  light  of 
 the  personal  experience  of  the  third  poem.  V.  One 
 great  difference  in  the  fifth  and  last  section  of  the 
 poem  has  been  already  pointed  out.  It  obviously 
 indicates  either  a  deliberate  abandonment  of  the 
 alphabetic  structure,  or  the  unfinished  character  of 
 the  concluding  elegy.  There  are  signs  also  of  a 
 later  date  than  that  of  the  preceding  poems. 
 Though  the  horrors  of  the  famine  are  ineffaceable, 
 yet  that  which  he  has  before  him  is  rather  the 
 continued  protracted  suffering  of  the  rule  of  the 
 Chaldaeans.  There  are  perhaps  few  portions  of 
 the  0.  T.  which  appear  to  have  done  the  work 
 they  were  meant  to  do  more  effectually  than  this. 
 It  has  supplied  thousands  with  the  fullest  utter- 
 ance for  their  sorrows  in  the  critical  jieriods  of 
 national  or  individual  suffering.  We  may  well 
 believe  that  it  soothed  the  weary  years  of  the 
 Babylonian  exile.  On  the  ninth  day  of  the  month 
 of  Ab  (July),  the  Lamentations  of  Jeremiah  were 
 read,  year  by  year,  with  fasting  and  weeping,  to 
 commemorate  the  misery  out  of  which  the  people 
 had  been  delivered.  It  has  come  to  be  connected 
 with  the  thoughts  of  a  later  devastation,  and  its 
 words  enter,  sometimes  at  least,  into  the  prayers 
 of  the  pilgrim  Jews  who  meet  at  the  "  place  of 
 wading"  to  mourn  over  the  depai-ted  glory  of  their 
 city.  It  enters  largely  into  the  nobly-constructed 
 order  of  the  Latin  Church  for  the  services  of 
 P;ussion-week.  A  few  facts  connected  with  the 
 external  history  of  the  Book  remain  to  be  stated. 
 The  position  which  it  has  occupied  in  the  canon  of 
 the  0.  T.  has  varied  from  time  to  time.  In  the 
 received  Hebrew  arrangement  it  is  placed  amonf 
 the  Hagiographa,  between  Kuth  and  Ecclesiastes. 
 In  the  Bombei'g  Bible  of  1521,  it  stands  among 
 the  five  Megilloth  after  the  books  of  Moses.  The 
 LXX.  group  the  writings  connected  with  the  name 
 of  Jeremiah   together,    but   the   Book    of  Baruch 
 
 2  G  2 
 
462 
 
 LAMP 
 
 Egjpiian  Lamp. 
 
 coitiPS  Wtwe^n  the  proi>liecy  and  the  Lamentation. 
 On  the  hypothesis  of  some  writei-s  that  Jer.  Hi.  was 
 originally  the  introduction  to  the  poem,  it  would 
 follow  that  the  arrangement  of  the  Vulg.  and  the 
 A,  V.  corresponds  mdre  closely  than  any  other  to 
 that  which  we  mu^t  look  on  as  the  original  one. 
 Lamp.  1.  That  part  of  the  golden  candlestick 
 belonging  to  the  Talternacie  which  bore  the  light ; 
 also  of  each  of  the  ten  candlesticks  placed  by 
 Solomon  in  the  Temple  before  the  Holy  of  Holies 
 (Ex.  XXV.  37  ;  1  K.  vii.  49;  2  Chr.  iv.  20,  xiii. 
 1 1  ;  Zech.  iv.  2).  The  lamf)s  were  lighted  every 
 evening,  and  cleansed  eveiy  morning  (Kx.  xxx.  7, 
 8).  2.  A  torch  or  flanibean,  such  as  was  carried 
 by  the  soldiei-s  of  Gideon  (Judg.  vii.  16,  20;  comp. 
 XV.  4).  The  use  of  lamps  fed  with  oil  in  marriage 
 processions  is  alluded  to  in  the  parable  of  the  ten 
 virgins  (Matt.  xxv.  1).  Modern  Egyptian  lam]« 
 consist  of  small  g!a.ss 
 vessels  with  a  tube 
 at  the  bottom  con- 
 taining a  cotton-wick 
 twisted  round  a  piece 
 of  straw.  For  night- 
 travelling,  a  lantern 
 composed  of  waxed 
 cloth  strained  over  a 
 sort  of  cylinder  o(' 
 wire-rings,  and  a  top  and  bottom  of  perfoiated 
 cnp]ier.  This  would,  in  Ibrm  at  least,  answer  to 
 the  lamps  within  pitchers  of  Gideon. 
 
 Lancet.  This  woid  is  found  in  1  K.  xviii.  28 
 only.  The  Hebrew  term  is  liomach,  which  is 
 elsewhere  rendered,  and  appears  to  mean  a  javelin, 
 or  light  spear.  In  the  original  edition  of  the  A.  V. 
 (IGll)  the  word  is  "  lancers." 
 Language.  [Tongues,  Confusion  of.] 
 Lantern  occurs  only  in  John  iviii.  3.  See  Diet. 
 of  Ant.  art.  Latekna. 
 
 Laodice'a.  A  town  of  some  consequence  in  the 
 Roman  province  of  Asia  ;  and  it  was  situated  in 
 the  valley  of  the  Maeander,  on  a  small  river  called 
 the  Lycus,  with  Colossae  and  HiKKArotjs  a  few 
 miles  distnnt  to  the  west.  Built,  <ir  rather  rebuilt, 
 by  one  of  the  .':^eleucid  monar<'hs,  and  nanied  in 
 honour  of  his  ■Wife,  Laodicea  became  under  the 
 Woman  government  a  place  of  some  importance. 
 Its  trade  was  considerable :  it  lay  on  the  line  of  a 
 great  road  ;  and  it  was  the  seat  of  a  conventus. 
 From  Ilev.  iii.  17,  we  should  gather  it  was  a  place 
 of  great  wealth.  It  w;is  soon  jifter  this  occurrence 
 that  Chiistianity  was  introduced  info  Laodicea,  not 
 however,  as  it  would  seem,  thiough  the  direct 
 agency  of  St.  Paul.  We  have  good  reason  for 
 believing  that  when,  in  writing  from  Home  to  the 
 Christians  of  Colos.sae,  he  sent  a  greeting  to  those  of 
 L.aodicea,  he  had  not  personally  visited  either  jilace. 
 But  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel  at  Ephesus  (Acts 
 xviii.  19-xix.  41)  must  inevitably  have  resulted  in 
 the  tbrmation  of  churches  in  the  neighbouring 
 cities,  especially  where  Jews  were  .settled  :  and 
 there  w«rc  Jews  in  Laofiioea.  In  subsequent 
 times  it  becjime  a  Christian  city  of  eminence,  the 
 see  of  a  bishop,  and  a  meotii«;-])lace  of  councils. 
 The  Mohammedan  invaders  destroyed  it  ;  and  it  is 
 now  a  srene  of  utter  desolation :  but  the  extensive 
 ruins  near  Dcnisln  justify  all  that  we  re.ad  of 
 Lao<iicea  in  Greek  and  Roni.Tii  writers.  One 
 I'.iblical  subject  of  inteiest  is  connected  with 
 Laudii-ea.  From  Col.  iv.  16  it  appeals  that  .'■^t. 
 I'aiil  wrote  -i  letter  to  this  place  when  he  wrote 
 
 LASAEA 
 
 the  letter  to  Colossae.  The  question  anses  whethei 
 we  can  give  any  awount  of  this  Laodicean  epistle. 
 Wieseler's  theory  is  that  the  Epistle  to  Philemon  is 
 meant.  Another  view,  maintained  t)y  Paley  and 
 others,  is  that  the  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians  is  in- 
 tended. Ussher's  view  is  that  this  last  epistle  was 
 a  circular  letter  .sent  to  Laoilicea  among  other 
 places.  The  apo<'ryphal  EpisU  la  ad  Luodicensa 
 is  a  late  and  clumsy  tbrgery. 
 
 Laodice'ans,  the  inhabitants  of  Laodicea  (Col. 
 iv.  ItJ:   i;.-v.  iii.  14). 
 
 Lap'idoth,  the  husband  of  Deboi-ah  the  pro- 
 phetess (.Iiiiig.  iv.  4  only). 
 
 Lapwing  <  Heb.  durtphath')  occui-s  only  in  Lev. 
 xi.  19,  and  in  the  parallel  pa.ssage  of  Ueut.  xiv.  18, 
 amongst  the  list  of  those  birds  which  weie  for- 
 bidden by  the  law  of  Moses  to  be  eaten  by  the 
 Israelites.  Commentators  generally  agree  with  the 
 LX.\.  and  Vulg.  that  the  Hoopoe  is  the  bii-d  in- 
 tended. According  to  Bochart,  these  four  diflerent 
 interpretations  have  been  assigned  to  ductphath : — 
 1.  The  Sadducees  supposed  the  bird  intended  to  be 
 the  common  hen,  which  they  therefore  refused  to 
 eat.  2.  Another  interpretition  understands  the 
 cock  of  the  voods  (tetrao  urogallus).  3.  Other 
 interpreters  think  the  attagen  is  meant.  4.  The 
 last  interpretation  is  that  which  gives  the  Hoopoe 
 as    the    rendering  of  the   Hebrew    word.     Many, 
 
 The  Hoopoe  (r>iij.a  Ki'-t^). 
 
 and  cnnous  ni  some  instances,  are  the  derivations 
 proposed  for  the  Hebrew  word,  but  the  most  pro- 
 bable one  is  the  mount ain-coch.  It  must,  however, 
 !«  remarked  that  tlie  obsirvations  of  the  habits  of 
 the  ho(>]i(ie  recorded  by  modern  zoologists  do  not 
 appear  to  warrant  the  assertion  that  it  is  so  pre- 
 eniinentlv  a  mountain-bird  as  has  been  implied 
 above.  Marshy  ground,  ploughed  land,  wooded 
 districts,  such  as  are  near  to  waler,  are  more  esjic- 
 ci;illy  its  favouiite  haunts.  The  hoo|ioe  was 
 accounted  an  unclean  bird  by  the  Mos;iic  la'v 
 nor  i>  it  now  e.aten  except  occasionally  in  those 
 countries  where  it  is  abundantly  found — Egypt, 
 France,  Spniii,  &c.,  &c.  The  //oxpoe  is  an  o<va- 
 sional  visitor  to  this  countiy.  arriving  for  tiie  most 
 part  in  the  autumn,  but  instances  ait)  on  recoi-d  cf 
 its  having  been  seen  In  the  spring.  It  is  about  the 
 size  of  the  7nvsscl-thntsh  (  Turdus  viscivonts).  Its 
 crest  is  very  elegant,  the  long  feathers  forming  it 
 are  each  of  Ihem  ti|>|ied  with  black.  It  belongs  tc 
 the  family  Upupidtu;  sub-order  Tir,uirostres,  and 
 oi^der  /''isscirs. 
 
 Lasae'a  ("Acts  xxvii.  8"i.  Four  or  five  yeai-s  ago 
 it  would  have  been  impossible  to  give  any  informa- 
 tion i-egarding  this  Cretan  city,  exi-ept  indo<Nl  that 
 
'-^ 
 
IxASHA 
 
 it  niiglit  be  presumed  to  be  identical  with  the 
 "  Lisia  "  mentioued  in  the  Peutiiyer  Tnhlo  as  16 
 miles  to  the  east  of  Gortyna.  The  wliole  matter, 
 however,  has  been  recently  cleared  up.  In  the 
 month  of  January,  1856,  a  yachting  party  made 
 inquiries  at  Fair  Havens,  and  were  told  that  the 
 name  Lasaea  was  still  given  to  some  ruins  a  few 
 miles  to  the  eastward.  A  short  search  sufficed  to 
 discover  these  ruins,  and  independent  testimony 
 confimied  the  name. 
 
 La'sha,  a  place  noticed  in  Gen.  x.  19  only,  as 
 mari<ing  the  limit  of  the  country  of  the  Can;uinites. 
 From  the  order  in  which  the  names  occur  we 
 should  infer  that  it  lay  somewhere  in  the  south- 
 east of  Palestine.  Its  exact  position  cannot,  in  the 
 absence  of  any  subsequent  notice  of  it,  be  satis- 
 factorily ascertained.  Jerome  and  other  writere 
 identify  it  with  Callirhoe,  a  spot  famous  for  hot 
 springs  near  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Dead  Sea. 
 
 Lash'aron,  one  of  the  Canaanite  towns  whose 
 kings  were  killed  by  Joshua  (Josh.  xii.  18). 
 
 Las'thenes,  an  officer  who  stood  high  in  the 
 favour  of  Demetrius  II.  Nicator.  He  is  described 
 as  "cousin"  (1  Mace.  xi.  31),  and  "father" 
 (1  JIacc.  xi.  32)  of  the  king.  Both  words  may 
 be  taken  as  titles  of  high  nobility.  It  appears 
 from  Josephus  (^Ant.  xiii.  4,  §3)  that  he  was  a 
 Cietan,  to  whom  Demetrius  was  indebted  for  a 
 large  body  of  mercenaries  (cf.  1  Mace.  x.  67). 
 
 Latchet,  the  thong  or  fastening  by  which  the 
 sandal  was  attached  to  the  foot.  It  Occurs  in 
 the  proverbial  expression  in  Gen.  xiv.  23,  and  is 
 there  used  to  denote  something  trivial  or  worth- 
 less. Another  semi-proverbial  expression  in  Luke 
 iii.  16  points  to  the  fact  that  the  office  of  bearing 
 and  unfastening  the  shoes  of  great  personages  fell 
 to  the  meanest  slaves. 
 
 Latin,  the  language  spoken  by  the  Romans,  is 
 mentioned  only  in  John  xix.  20,  and  Luke  xxiii.  38. 
 
 Lattice.  The  rendering  in  A.  V.  of  three  He- 
 brew words.  1.  Eshndb,  which  occurs  but  twice, 
 Judg.  V.  28,  and  Prov.  vii.  6,  and  in  the  latter 
 passage  is  translated  "  casement "  in  the  A.  V. 
 In  both  instances  it  stands  in  parallelism  with 
 "  window."  2.  Khdraccim  (Cant.  ii.  9),  is  ap- 
 parently synonymous  with  the  preceding,  though 
 a  word  of  later  date.  3.  Sebdcdh,  is  simply  "  a 
 network "  placed  before  a  window  or  balcony. 
 Perhaps  the  network  through  which  Ahaziah  fell 
 and  received  his  mortal  injury  was  on  tlie  parapet 
 of  his  palace  (2  K.  i.  2). 
 
 Laver,  1 .  In  the  Tabernacle,  a  vessel  of  brass 
 containing  water  for  the  priests  to  wash  their 
 hands  and  feet  before  offering  sacrifice.  It  stood 
 in  the  court  between  the  altar  and  the  door  of  the 
 Tabernacle,  and,  according  to  Jewish  tradition,  a 
 little  to  the  south  (Ex.  xxx.  19,  21  ;  Relaud,  Ant. 
 Hehr,  pt.  i.  ch.  iv.  9).  It  rested  on  a  basis, 
 »".  e,  a  foot,  though  by  some  explained  to  be  a 
 cover  of  copper  or  brass,  which,  as  well  as '  the 
 laver  itself,  was  made  from  the  mirrore  of  the 
 women  who  assembled  at  the  door  of  the  Taber- 
 nacle-court (Ex.  xxxviii.  8).  The  form  of  the 
 laver  is  not  specified,  but  may  be  assumed  to  have 
 been  circular.  Like  the  other  vessels  belonging 
 to  the  Tabernacle,  it  was,  together  with  its  "  foot," 
 consecrated  with  oil  (Lev.  viii.  10,  11^.  As  no 
 mention  is  made  of  any  vessel  for  washing  the 
 flesh  of  the  sacrificial  victims,  it  is  possible  that 
 the  laver  may  have  been  used  for  this  purpose 
 also   (lieland.  Ant.  He.br,  i.  iv.  9).     2.  In  Solo- 
 
 LAW  OF  MOSES 
 
 453 
 
 mon's  Temple,  besides  the  great  molten  sea,  then 
 were  ten  lavers  of  brass,  raised  on  bases  (1  K.  vii. 
 27,  39),  five  on  the  N.  and  S.  sides  respectively 
 of  the  court  of  the  priests.  Each  laver  contained 
 40  of  the  measures  called  "  bath."  They  were 
 used  for  washing  the  animals  to  be  offered  in  burnt- 
 offerings  (2  Chr.  iv.  6),  The  dimensions  of  the 
 bases  with  the  lavers,  as  given  in  the  Hebrew  text, 
 are  4  cubits  in  length  and  breadth,  and  3  in  height. 
 The  LXX.  gives  4x4x6  in  height.  Josephus, 
 who  appears  to  have  followed  a  var.  reading  of  the 
 LXX.,  makes  them  5  in  length,  4  in  width,  and 
 6  in  height  (1  K.  vii.  28;  Thenius,  ad  toe; 
 Joseph.  Ant.  viii.  3,  §3).  There  were  to  each 
 4  wheels  of  \^  cubit  in  diameter,  with  spokes, 
 &c.,  all  cast  in  one  piece.  The  principal  parts 
 requiring  explanation  may  be  thus  enumerated: — 
 {a)  "Borders,"  probably  panels.  Gesenius  f  T/rs-. 
 938)  supposes  these  to  have  been  ornaments  like 
 square  shields  with  engraved  work.  (6)  "Ledges," 
 joints  in  corners  of  bases  or  fillets  coveiing 
 joints.  (c)  "  Additions,"  probably  festoons  ; 
 Lightfoot  translates,  "  margiues  oblique  de-scen- 
 dentes."  {d)  Plates,  probably  axles,  cast  in  the 
 same  piece  as  the  wheels,  (e)  Undersetters,  either 
 the  naves  of  the  wheels,  or  a  sort  of  handles  for 
 moving  the  whole  machine  ;  Lightfoot  renders 
 "columnae  fulcientes  lavacrum."  (/)  Naves. 
 (^)  Spokes.  (A)  Felloes,  (t)  Chapiter,  perhaps 
 the  rim  of  the  circular  opening  ("  mouth,"  ver.  31) 
 in  the  convex  top.  {kj  A  round  compass,  perhaps 
 the  convex  roof  of  the  base.  To  these  parts  Jose- 
 phus adds  chains,  which  may  probably  be  the  fes- 
 toons above  mentioned  (^Ant.  viii.  3,  §6). 
 
 Law.  The  word  is  properly  used,  in  Scripture 
 as  elsewhere,  to  express  a  definite  commandment 
 laid  down  by  any  recognised  authority.  The  com- 
 mandment may  be  general,  or  (as  in  Lev.  vi.  9,  14, 
 &c.,  "  the  law  of  the  burnt-offering,"  &c.)  parti- 
 cular in  its  bearing ;  the  authority  either  human 
 or  divine.  But  when  the  word  is  used  with  the 
 ai'ticle,  and  without  any  words  of  limitation,  it 
 refers  to  the  expressed  will  of  God,  and,  in  nine 
 cases  out  of  ten,  to  the  Mosaic  Law,  or  to  the 
 Pentateuch,  of  which  it  forms  the  chief  portion. 
 The  Hebrew  word,  tordh,  lays  more  stress  on  its 
 moral  authority,  as  teaching  the  truth,  and  guiding 
 in  the  right  way;  the  Greek  Nrf/ios,  on  its  con- 
 straining power,  as  imposed  and  enforced  by  a 
 recognised  authority.  The  sense  of  the  woi-d, 
 however,  extends  its  scope,  and  assumes  a  more 
 abstract  character  in  the  writings  of  St.  Paul. 
 NofjLOS,  when  used  by  him  with  the  article,  still 
 refers  in  general  to  the  Law  of  Moses;  but  when 
 used  without  the  article,  so  as  to  embrace  any 
 manifestation  of  "  law,"  it  includes  all  powers 
 which  act  on  the  will  of  man  by  compulsion,  or 
 by  the  pressure  of  external  motives,  whether  their 
 commands  be  or  be  not  expiessed  in  definite  forms. 
 The  occasional  use  of  the  word  "  law  "  (as  in  Rom. 
 iii.  27,  "  law  of  faith  ;"  &c.)  to  denote  an  intemal 
 principle  of  action,  does  not  really  militate  against 
 the  general  rule.  It  should  also  be  noticed  that 
 the  title  "  the  Law  "  is  occasionally  used  loosely  to 
 refer  to  the  whole  of  the  Old  Testament  (as  in 
 John  x.  34,  referring  to  Ps.  Ixxxii.  6  ;  in  John  xv. 
 25,  referring  to  Ps.  xxxv.  19;  and  in  1  Cor.  xiv. 
 21,  leferring  to  Is.  xxviii.  11,  12). 
 
 Law  of  Moses.  It  will  be  the  object  of  this 
 article  to  give  a  brief  analysis  of  its  substance,  to 
 point  out  its  main  principles,  and  to  explain  the 
 
454 
 
 LAW  OF  MOSES 
 
 position  which  it  (xcupies  in  the  progress  of  Divine 
 Revehition.  In  oriit-r  to  do  this  tlip  more  clwirlj, 
 it  seems  best  to  s[>eak  of  the  Law,  1st,  in  rehilion 
 to  the  past;  2ndly,  in  its  own  intrinsic  character; 
 and,  3rdiy,  in  its  relation  to  the  future.  (1.)  (a.)  In 
 i-efeience  to  the  pa.st,  it  is  all  important,  for  the 
 proper  understanding  of  the  I-aw,  to  remember  its 
 entire  dependence  on  t/ie  Ahrahainic  Covenant, 
 and  its  adaptation  theieto  (see  Cial.  iii.  17-24). 
 That  covenant  had  a  twofold  character.  It  con- 
 tained the  "  spiritual  promise "  of  the  Messiah, 
 which  was  given  to  the  Jews  as  representatives  of 
 the  whole  human  race.  But  it  contained  also  the 
 tempoiai  promises  subsidiaiy  to  the  former.  These 
 promi-ves  were  special,  given  distinctively  to  the  Jews 
 as  a  nation.  It  folic ws  that  there  should  be  in  the 
 Law  a  corresponding  duality  of  nature.  (6.)  The 
 nature  of  this  relation  of  the  Law  to  the  promise 
 is  clearly  pointed  out.  The  belief  in  God  as  the 
 Redeemer  of  man,  and  the  lio]ie  of  His  mani('e.-.ta- 
 tion  as  such  in  the  person  of  the  Messiah,  involved 
 the  belief  tliat  the  Spiritual  Power  must  be  sujie- 
 rior  to  all  carnal  obstructions,  and  that  tlieie  was 
 in  man  a  spiritual  element  which  could  rule  his 
 lite  by  communion  with  a  S])iiit  from  above.  But 
 it  involved  also  the  idea  of  an  antagonistic  I'ower 
 uf  Kvil,  from  which  man  was  to  be  redeemed, 
 e.xisting  in  each  individual,  and  existing  also  in  the 
 world  at  lai-ge.  (c.)  Nor  is  it  less  essential  to 
 lemark  the  period  of  the  history  at  which  it  was 
 j;iven.  It  marked  and  determined  the  transition  of 
 Israel  from  the  condition  of  a  tribe  to  that  of  a 
 nation,  and  its  definite  assumption  of  a  distinct 
 ))()sition  and  oflice  in  the  history  of  the  world. 
 (d.)  Vet,  though  new  in  its  general  conception, 
 it  was  probably  not  irhollij  new  in  its  materials. 
 There  must  necessarily  have  been,  before  the  Liw, 
 commandments  and  revelatious  of  a  fragmenfcirv 
 character,  under  which  Israel  had  hitherto  grown 
 up.  It  is  the  j)eciiliar  niark  of  legislative  genius 
 to  mould  by  fundamental  piincijjles,  and  animate 
 by  a  higher  inspiration,  mateiials  previously  exist- 
 ing in  a  cruder  state.  So  far  therefore  as  they 
 were  'lonsistent  with  the  objects  of  the  Jewish  law, 
 the  customs  of  Palestine  and  the  laws  of  Egyjit 
 would  doubtless  be  traceable  in  the  M()s;iic  system, 
 (e.)  In  close  connexion  with  and  almost  in  con- 
 sequence of  this  refeience  to  antiquity  we  find  an 
 accommodation  of  the  Law  to  the  temper  an<l  cir- 
 cumstances of  the  Israelites,  to  which  our  Lord 
 refers  in  the  wise  of  divorce  (JIatt.  .\ix.  7,  8)  as 
 necessjuily  interfering  with  its  absolute  perfection. 
 In  many  cases  it  rather  should  be  said  to  guide  and 
 iiuKlit'y  existing  usages  than  actually  to  .sanction 
 them ;  and  the  ignorance  of  their  existence  may 
 leaii  to  a  conception  of  its  ordinances  not  only 
 erroneous,  but  actually  the  reverse  of  the  truth. 
 Nor  is  it  less  noticeable  that  the  degree  of  ]>iomin- 
 ence,  given  to  each  i)ait  of  the  Mosaic  system,  has 
 a  similai-  refi'reiice  to  the  period  at  which  tiie 
 nation  had  arrived.  The  ceremonial  jwition  is 
 maiked  out  distinctly  ami  with  elaboration;  the 
 moral  and  ciiminal  law  is  clearly  and  sternly 
 decisive;  even  the  civil  law,  so  fu-  as  it  relates  to 
 individual <,  is  systematic;  because  all  these  were 
 cilled  for  by  the  past  growth  of  the  nation, 
 and  neeiied  in  ordei-  to  settle  and  develo])e  it.s 
 icsource.s.  But  the  jmlitical  and  constitutional 
 law  in  coni|i;iiatively  imi)erl'ect ;  a  few  leading 
 principles  are  laid  down,  to  Ix*  drvelo|ie<i  hereafter 
 but    liie    law    i.s  diiected    rather    to   siUiction    the 
 
 LAW  OF  MOSES 
 
 various  powei-s  of  the  state,  than  to  define  ■•ut\ 
 balance  their  operations.  (/.)  In  close  connexion 
 with  this  subject  we  obseiTe  also  the  gradual  pro- 
 cess hij  which  the  Law  was  revealed  to  the  Israelites. 
 In  Ex.  xx.-xxiii.,  in  direct  connexion  with  the  re- 
 velation from  Mount  Sinai,  that  which  may  be 
 ^:alled  the  rough  outline  of  the  Mosaic  Law  is  given 
 by  God,  solemnly  recorded  by  Moses,  and  aci:epted 
 by  the  people.  In  Ex.  xxv.-xxxi.  there  is  a  similar 
 outline  of  the  Mosiic  ceremonial.  On  the  b:isis  of 
 these  it  may  be  conceived  that  the  fabric  of  the 
 Mosaic  system  gradually  grew  up  under  the  retjuire- 
 meiits  of  the  time.  The  Hrst  revelation  of  the  Law 
 in  anything  like  a  perfect  form  is  found  in  the  bt>ok 
 of  Deuteronomy.  Yet  even  then  the  revelation 
 was  not  final ;  it  was  the  duty  of  the  prophets  to 
 amend  and  explain  it  in  special  points  (Ez.  xviii.), 
 and  to  bring  out  more  clearly  its  great  principles, 
 (ii.)  in  giving  an  analysis  of  the  substance  of  tht 
 Law,  it  will  probably  be  better  to  treat  it,  as  any 
 other  system  of  laws  is  usually  treated,  by  dividing 
 it  into — (I.)  Laws  Civil;  (II.)  Laws  Criminal; 
 (III.)  Laws  Judicial  and  Constitutional;  (IV.)  Laws 
 Ecclesiastical  and  Ceremonial. 
 
 (I.)  Laws  Civil. 
 (A)  Of  I'ERSOXs. 
 
 'a)  Father  andSon.— r/ie  power  of  a  Father  to  be 
 fielj  sacred;  cursing,  or  smiting  (Kx.  xxi.  15,  17;  Lev. 
 XX.  9),  or  stubborn  and  wilful  disobrdience,  to  be  consi- 
 dered capital  crimes.  But  unconirollcd  power  of  life  and 
 death  was  apparently  refused  to  the  father,  and  vested 
 only  In  the  congregation  (Heut.  xxl.  18-'J1).  Jiight  of  the 
 first-bom  to  a  double  portion  of  the  Inheritance  not  to  be 
 set  aside  by  partiality  (l)eiiL  xxl.  15-17).  Jnheritance  by 
 Daughters  to  be  allowed  in  default  of  sons,  provided  (Num. 
 xxvil.  6-S,  cump.  xxxvl.)  that  heiresses  married  in  their 
 own  tribe.  Daughters  unviarried  to  be  entirely  dependent 
 on  their  father  (Num.  xxx.  3-5). 
 
 {b)  Husband  and  Wife. —  The  power  of  a  Uuiband 
 to  be  so  great  that  a  wife  could  never  be  sui  juris,  or 
 enter  independently  Into  any  engagement,  even  before 
 Gixl  (Num.  xxx.  6-15).  A  widow  or  divorced  wife  became 
 Independent,  and  did  not  again  fall  under  her  fallicr's  power 
 (ver.  9).  Divoixe  (for  nncleanness)  allowed,  but  lo  be 
 formal  and  iiTevocable  (I)eut.  xxiv.  1-4).  Marriage  within 
 certain  degrees  forbidden  (Lev.  xviil.  kc).  A  Slave  ^yife, 
 wh(  ther  bought  or  captive,  not  to  be  actual  property,  nor 
 to  be  sold ;  If  ill-treated,  to  be  ipso  facto  free  (Kx.  xxl.  7-9 ; 
 Dent.  xxl.  lO-l-l).  ^Vant/ef  against  a  wife's  virginity,  to 
 be  punished  by  fine,  and  by  deprlval  of  power  of  divorce; 
 on  tlie  other  hand,  aiitc-coniiubial  utu:leamiess  In  her  tq 
 be  punished  by  death  (l)cut.  xxil.  13-21).  The  raising  vp 
 of  seed  (U?vlrate  law)  a  formal  right  lo  be  claimed  by  the 
 widow,  under  [laln  of  inlauiy,  with  a  view  to  preservation 
 of  fanillles  (l)eut.  xxv.  5-10). 
 
 (c)  Mastkr andSlavk. -/■oMero/.l/a«terso/or/imi7<d, 
 that  death  under  actual  chastisement  was  punishable  (Kx. 
 xxi.  20) ;  and  maiming  was  lo  give  iilxirty  ipso  facto  (ver. 
 ■it),  27).  The  Hebrew  .s'faee  to  l>e  freed  al  Ihe  sahballcal 
 year,"  and  provided  with  necessaries  (bis  wile  and  dilldren 
 to  gi)  with  only  if  they  came  to  his  niasler  with  hint), 
 'inless  by  his  <iwn  formal  act  he  consent*-*!  to  l>e  a  [XT- 
 pelual  slave  (Kx.  xxl.  1-6;  IVnl.  xv.  12-lS).  In  any  case, 
 It  would  siem,  lo  be  fre.d  at  the  Jubilee  (l.cv.  xxv.  10). 
 with  his  children.  If  sold  lo  a  rei-iilent  alien,  to  br  always 
 redeemable,  al  a  price  proportional  to  Ihe  distance  of  the 
 jubilee  (Ixv.  XXV.  47-5-)).  Foreiipi  Slaves  to  be  held  and 
 Inherited  as  properly  for  ever  (Ix-v.  xxv.  45,  A6) ;  and 
 fuglllvc  slaves  from  foreign  nation*  not  to  be  given  up 
 (l)euU  xxlli.  16). 
 
 •  The  dllHcully  of  cnl'oicing  this  law  la  scon  in  Jcr 
 xxxiv.  s-ltt 
 
LAW  OF  MOSES 
 
 (d)  Strangers. — 'I'bey  seem  never  to  have  been  sui 
 juris,  or  able  to  protect  themselves,  and  accordingly  pro- 
 tection and  kindness  towards  them  are  enjoined  as  a  sacred 
 duty  (Ex.  xxii.  '^1 ;  Lev.  six.  33,  34). 
 
 (B)  Law  of  Things. 
 
 (a)  Laws  of  Land  (akd  Propf.htt). — (1)  Ml  Land  to 
 be  the  property  of  God  alo^ie,  and  its  holders  to  be  deemed 
 His  tenants  (Lev.  xxv.  23).  (2)  All  sold  Land  therefore 
 to  return  to  its  original  owners  at  the  Jubilee,  and  the 
 price  of  sale  to  be  calculated  accordingly ;  and  redemption 
 on  equitable  terms  to  be  allowed  at  all  times  (xxv.  25-27). 
 A  Eoiise  sold  to  be  redeemable  within  a  year;  and,  if 
 not  redeemed,  to  pass  away  altogether  (xxv.  29,  30). 
 Jiut  the  Houses  of  the  Levites,  or  those  in  unwalled  vjllagps 
 to  be  redeemable  at  all  times,  in  the  same  way  as  land  ; 
 and  the  Levitical  suburbs  to  be  inalienable  (xxv.  31-34). 
 (3)  iMnd  or  Bouses  sanctified,  or  tithes,  or  unclean 
 firstlings  to  be  capable  of  being  redeemed,  at  |  value 
 (calculated  according  to  the  distance  from  the  Jubilee-year 
 by  the  priest) ;  if  devoted  by  the  owner  and  unredeemed, 
 to  be  hallowed  at  the  jubilee  for  ever,  and  given  to  the 
 priests ;  if  only  by  a  possessor,  to  return  to  the  owner  at 
 the  Jubilee  (Lev.  xxvii.  14-3-)). 
 (4)  Inheritance. 
 
 (1)  Swi.  I 
 
 (2)  Daughters.^ 
 
 (3)  Brothers. 
 
 (4)  Uncles  on  the  Father's  side. 
 
 (5)  Aext  Kinsmen,  generally. 
 
 (b)  Laws  OF  Pebt. — (1)  All  Debts  (to  an  Israelite)  to 
 be  released  at  the  Vth  (sabbatical)  year;  a  blessing  pro- 
 mised to  obedience,  and  a  curse  on  refusal  to  lend  (Deut. 
 XV.  1-11).  (2)  Usury  (from  Israelites)  not  to  be  taken 
 (Ex.  xxii.  25-27 ;  Deut.  xxiii.  19,  20).  (3)  Pledges  not  to 
 be  Insolently  or  ruinously  exacted  (Deul.  xxiv.  6,  10-13, 
 17,  18). 
 
 (c)  Taxation.— (1)  Censu ':-mo7?ei/,  a  poll-tax  (of  a  half- 
 shekel),  to  be  paid  for  the  service  of  the  tabe)~nacle  (Ex. 
 XXX.  12-16).  All  spoil  in  war  to  be  halved  ;  of  the  com- 
 batant's half,  j^ijth,  of  the  people's,  J^th,  to  be  paid  for  a 
 "  heave-offering  "  to  Jehovah. 
 
 (2)  Tithes,  (a)  Tithes  of  all  produce  to  be  given  for 
 maintenance  of  the  Levites  (Num.  xviii.  20-21).  (Of  this 
 Xth  to  be  paid  as  a  heave-offering  for  maintenance  of  the 
 priests ....  24-32.  (fi)  Second  Tithe  to  be  bestowed  in 
 religious  feasting  and  charity,  either  at  the  Holy  Place,  or 
 every  3rd  year  at  home  (.')  (Deut.  xiv.  22-28).  (y)  First 
 Fi-uits  of  com,  wine,  and  oil  (at  least  ^th,  generally  Xth, 
 for  the  priests)  to  be  offered  at  Jerusalem,  with  a  solemn 
 declaration  of  dependence  on  God  the  King  of  Israel  (Deut. 
 xxvi.  1-15;  ^um.  xviii.  12,  13).  Firstlings  of  clean 
 beasts;  the  rodemptioii-money  (5  shekels)  of  man,  and 
 (+  shekel,  or  1  shekel)  of  unclean  beasts,  to  be  given  to 
 the  priests  after  sacrifice  (Num.  xviii.  15-18). 
 
 (3)  Poor  Lau-s.  (a)  Gleanings  (in  field  or  vineyard) 
 to  be  a  legal  right  ot  the  poor  (Lev.  xix.  9,  10;  Deut. 
 xxiv.  19-22).  (/3)  Slight  Trespass  (eating  on  the  spot)  to 
 be  allowed  as  legal  (Deui.  xxiii.  24,  25).  (7)  Second  Tithe 
 (see  2  /3)  to  be  given  in  charity.  (5)  Wages  to  be  paid 
 day  by  day  (Deut.  xxiv.  15). 
 
 (4)  Maintenance  of  Priests  (Num.  xviii.  8-32^.  (o) 
 Tenth  of  Levites'  Tithe.  (See  2  a).  (/3)  The  heave  and 
 waie-offerings  (breust  and  right  shoulder  of  all  peace- 
 ofTering.s).  (y)  The  meat  avd  sin-offerings,  to  be  eaten 
 solemnly,  and  only  in  the  holy  place.  (5)  First  Fruits 
 and  redemption  money.  (See  a  7).  (e)  Price  of  all  de- 
 voted things,  unless  specially  given  for  a  sacied  service. 
 A  man's  service,  or  that  of  his  household,  to  be  redeemed 
 at  50  shekels  for  man,  30  for  woman,  20  for  boy,  and  10 
 for  girl. 
 
 t  Heiresses  to  many  in  their  own  tnbe  (Num.  xxvii. 
 6-8,  xxxvl.). 
 
 LAW  OF  MOSES 
 (II.)  Laws  Crijiinal. 
 
 455 
 
 (A)  Offences  against  God  (of  the  nature  of  treason). 
 
 1st  Command.  Acknowledgment  of  false  gods  (Ex. 
 xxii.  20),  as  e.  g.  Molech  (Lev.  xx.  1-5),  and  generally  all 
 idolatry  (Deut.  xiii.,  xvii.  2-5). 
 
 2iid  Command.  Witchcraft  and  false  prophecy  (Ex- 
 xxii.  IH;  Deut.  xviii.  9-22;  Lev.  xix.  31). 
 
 3rd  Command.    Blasphemy  (Lev.  xxiv.  15,  16). 
 
 4th  Command.     Sabbath-breaking  (Num.  xv.  32-36). 
 
 Punishment  in  all  cases,  death  by  stoning.  Idolatrous 
 cities  to  be  utterly  destroyed. 
 
 (B)  Offences  against  Man. 
 
 5th  Command.  Disobedience  to  or  cursing  or  smiting 
 oi parents  (Ex.  xxi.  15,  17;  Lev.  xx.  9;  Deut.  xxi.  18-21), 
 to  be  punished  by  death  bj- stoning,  publicly  adjudged  and 
 inflicted  ;  so  also  of  disobedience  to  the  priests  (as  judges) 
 or  Supreme  Judge.  Comp.  1  K.  xxi.  10-14  (Nabolh); 
 2  Chr.  xxiv.  21  (Zechariah). 
 
 6th  Command.  (1)  Murder,  to  be  punished  by  death 
 without  sanctuary  or  reprieve,  or  satisfaction  (Ex.  xxi.  12, 
 14;  Deut.  xix.  11-13).  Death  of  a  slave,  actually  under 
 the  rod,  to  be  punished  (Ex.  xxi.  20,  21).  (2)  Death  by 
 negligence,  to  be  punished  by  death  (Ex.  xxi.  28-30). 
 (3)  Accidental  Homicide  :  the  avenger  of  blood  to  be 
 escaped  by  flight  to  the  cities  of  refuge  till  the  death  of 
 the  high-priest  (Num.  xxxv.  9-28  ;  Deut.  iv.  41-43  ;  xix. 
 4-10).  (4)  Uncertain  Murder,  to  be  expiated  by  formal 
 disavowal  and  sacrifice  by  the  elders  of  the  nearest  city 
 (Deut.  xxi.  1-9).  (5)  Assault  to  be  punished  by  lex  talionis, 
 or  damages  (Ex.  x,\i.  18,  19,  22-25 ;  Lev.  xxiv.  19,  20). 
 
 7th  Command.  (1)  Adultery  to  be  punished  by  death 
 of  both  offenders ;  the  rape  of  a  married  or  betrothed 
 woman,  by  death   of  the   offender  (Deut.  xxii.  13-27). 
 
 (2)  Rape  09'  Seduction  of  an  unbetrotlied  virgin,  to  be 
 compensated  by  maiTiage,  with  dowry  (50  shekels),  and 
 without  power  of  divorce;  or.  If  she  be  refused,  by  pay- 
 ment of  full  dowry  (Ex.  xxii.  16,  17;  Deut.  xxii.  28,  29). 
 
 (3)  Unlawful  Marriages  (incestuous,  &c.),  to  be  punished, 
 some  by  death,  some  by  childlessness  (Lev.  xx.). 
 
 8th  Command.  (1)  Theft  to  be  punished  by  fourfold 
 or  double  restitution ;  a  nocturnal  robber  might  be  slain 
 as  an  outlaw  (Ex.  xxii.  1-4).  (2)  Trespass  and  Injury  of 
 things  lent  to  be  compensated  (Ex.  xxii.  5-15).  (3)  Per- 
 version of  Justice  (by  bribes,  threats,  &c.).  and  especially 
 oppressionof  strangers,  strictly  forbidden  (Ex.  xxiii.  9,&c.). 
 
 (4)  Kidnapping  to  be  punished  by  death  (Deut.  xxiv.  7). 
 9th  Conunand.     Fahe  Witness,   to  be  punished  by  lex 
 
 talionis  (Ex.  xxiii.  1-3;  Deut.  xix.  16-21).  Slander  of  a 
 wile's  chastity,  by  fine  and  loss  of  power  of  divorce 
 (Deut.  xxii.  18,  19). 
 
 A  fuUei  consideration  of  the  tables  of  the  Ten  Com 
 mandments  is  given  elsewhere.     [Ten  Cojimandmknts.] 
 
 (III.)  Laws  Jcdiciai.  and  CoNsimiTioNAL. 
 (A)  Jurisdiction. 
 
 (a)  Local  Judges  (generally  Levites,  as  more  skilled  ia 
 the  Law)  appointed,  for  ordinary  matters,  probably  by 
 the  people  with  approbation  of  the  supreme  authority  (as 
 of  Moses  in  tne  wilderness)  (Ex.  xviii.  25  ;  Deut.  i.  15-18), 
 through  all  the  land  (Deut.  xvi.  18).  (6)  Appeal  to  tlu 
 Priests  (at  the  holy  place),  or  to  the  judge;  their  sentenct 
 final,  and  to  be  accepted  under  pain  of  death.  See  Deut 
 xvii.  8-13  (comp.  appeal  to  Jloses,  Ex.  xviii.  26).  (c)  Tao 
 witnesses  (at  least)  required  In  capital  matters  (Num. 
 xxxv.  30;  Deut.  xvii.  6,  7).  (d)  Punishment  (except  by 
 special  command),  to  be  personal,  and  not  to  extend  to  the 
 family  (Deut. xxiv.  16).  Stripes  allowed  and  limited  (l)eut, 
 xxv.  1-3),  so  as  to  avoid  outrage  on  the  human  frame. 
 
 All  this  Mould  be  to  a  great  extent  set  aside — 1st.  By 
 the  summary  Jllri^diction  of  the  king  (see  1  Sam.  xxii. 
 11-19  (Saul);  2  Sam.  xii.  1-5,  .xiv.  4-11;  -1  K.  iii.  16-28). 
 which  extended  even  to  the  deposition  of  the  high-priest 
 (1  Sam.  xxii.  17,  18 ;  1  K.  ii.  26,  27).  The  practical  difli- 
 cully  of  its  being  carried  out  is  seen  In  2  Sara.  xv.  2-6,  and 
 would  lead  of  course  to  a  certain  delegation  of  his  power 
 2nd.  By  the  appointment  of  the  Seventy  (Num.  xi.  24-30J 
 
45G 
 
 LAW  OF  MOSES 
 
 wilh  a  solemn  rellBliuis  sanctioi).  In  lat<>r  times  there 
 was  a  local  Saiibedrliii  of  '23  in  each  city,  aiid  two  such  In 
 Jerusalem,  as  well  as  the  Great  Sanheilrlm,  consisting  of 
 7U  members,  besides  the  president,  who  was  to  I*  the 
 high-priest  if  duly  qualified,  and  controlling  even  the 
 klinf  and  high-priest.  The  members  were  priests,  scribes 
 (l/Bvltes),  and  elders  (of  other  tribes).  A  court  of  exactly 
 this  nature  is  noticed,  as  appointed  to  supreme  power  by 
 Jehoshaphat.  (See  2  Cbr.  xi:^.  8-11). 
 (B)  KOTAL  Power. 
 
 T7i«  Kivg't  Pou-er  limiltd  by  the  I,aw,  as  written  and 
 fonnally  accepted  by  the  king:  and  directly  forbidden  to 
 be  dfupotic*-'  (IX'Ut.  J  ..  14-20 ;  conip.  1  Siim.  x.  25).  Yet 
 he  had  power  of  ta.\ation  (to  y^th) ;  and  of  compulsory 
 service  (1  8am.  vill.  10-18);  the  declaration  of  war  (I  Sam. 
 xi.),  &c.  There  are  distinct  traces  of  a  "  mutual  contract" 
 (2  Sum.  V.  3 ;  a  "league,"  2  K.  xi.  17);  the  remon- 
 strance with  Ktholxjam  being  clearly  not  extraordinary 
 (1  K.  xii.  1-6). 
 
 The  Frihcts  of  the  Congregation.  The  heads  of  the 
 tribes  (see  Josh.  ix.  15)  seem  to  have  had  auCliorlty  under 
 Joshua  to  act  for  the  people  (comp.  1  Chr.  xxvii.  16-22); 
 and  In  the  lati-r  times  "the  princes  of  J  udah"  seem  to 
 have  bad  power  to  control  both  the  king  and  the  priests 
 (ste  Jer.  xxvi.  10-24,  xxxviii.  4,  5,  &c.). 
 
 (C)    IvOTAL  REVEKtTE. 
 
 (I)  Tenth  of  produce.  (2)  Domain  land  (1  Chr.  x«vli. 
 26-29).  Note  confiscation  of  criminal's  land  (1  K.  xxi.  15). 
 (3)  liond  service  (1  K.  v.  17,  18),  chiefly  on  foreigners 
 (I  K.  i.x.  20-22;  2  Chr.  ii.  16,  17).  (4)  Flecks  and  herds 
 (1  Chr.  xxvii.  29-31).  (5)  Tributes  (gift.s)  from  foreign 
 kings.  (6)  Commerce;  especially  in  Solomon's  time 
 (1  K.  X.  22,  29,  be). 
 
 (IV.)  Ecclesiastical  and  Cbkemonial  Law. 
 (A)  Law  OF  Sacrifice  (considered  as  the  sign  and  the 
 appointed  means  of  the  imlon  with  God,  on  which  the 
 holiness  of  the  people  depended). 
 
 (1)  OltDfNARY  SaCUIFICES 
 
 (a)  The  whole  Burnt-Offering  (Lev.  1.)  of  the  herd 
 
 or  the  flock;  to  be  offered  continually  (Ex.  xxix. 
 
 38-42);  and  the  fire  on  the  altar  never  to  be  exlin- 
 
 guislied  (I>ev.  vi.  8-13). 
 (fi)  The  Meat-offering  (Lev.  il.,  vi.  14-23)  of  flour, 
 
 oil,   and  frankincense,  unleavened,  and  seasoned 
 
 with  salt. 
 (y)  The  I'eace-Offering  (Lev.  Hi.,  vii.  11-21)  of  the 
 
 herd  or  the  flock;    cither  a  thauk-oQcring,  or  a 
 
 vow,  or  freewill  offering. 
 (J)  The  Sin-offering,  or  Trespass- Offering  (Lev.  iv., 
 
 v..  vi.). 
 
 (a)  For  sins  committed  in  ignorance  (Lev.  iv.). 
 
 (b)  For  vows  unwittingly  made  and  broken,  or 
 \inclpanness  unwittingly  contracted  ^Lev  v.). 
 
 (c)  For  sins  wittingly  committed  (Lev.  vi.  1-7). 
 
 (2)  E.NTUAORDINARY  SACRIFICES. 
 
 (o)  At  the  Consecration  of  I'riestt  (T^v.  vlii.,  i.\.). 
 (8)  At  the  I'urif  cation  of  Women  (l.,ev.  xli.). 
 (y)  At  the  Cleansing  nf  l.e}Krs  (Lev.  xiii.,  xlv.). 
 (6)  On  the  Great  Datj  of  Atonement  (Lev.  xvi.). 
 (f)   On  the  gri-at  Festivals  (I.,ev.  xxiU.). 
 
 (It)  Law  OF  HoLlNF.ss  (ari^^ing  from  the  union  with  God 
 through  sacrifice). 
 
 ',r    HoLINUSS  OP  rKRSONS. 
 
 (a)  Ifolineti  oj  the  whole  people  as  "  children  of  (iod  " 
 
 (Kx.  xlx.  5,  6;  licv.  xi.-xv.,  xvll..  xviii.;  DeuU  xlv. 
 
 1-21),  shown  in 
 
 (a)  Thr  l>edication  of  the  flrst-lxjrn  (Ex.  xiil.  2, 
 
 12,  l:i,  xxll.  29,  30,  Ac);  and  ihe  offering  of  all 
 
 Urstllngs  and  tirst-fruUs  (l)eul.  xxvl.,  Ac). 
 
 '  Milltiiry  conquest  discouraged  oy  the  prohibition  of 
 the  use  ol  horses.  (S<'eJ<i8h.  xl.  6.)  For  an  example  i.l  ob.- 
 dlencc  to  thin  law  sec  2  Sum.  vlll.  4,  ami  of  dlholH<liencc 
 to  It  In  1  K.  X.  2U-2)). 
 
 LAW  OF  MOSES 
 
 (b)  Distinction  of  clean  and  uucleon  food  (I/;v. 
 xi. ;  DeuU  xlv.). 
 
 (c)  l*rovision  for  purificatioa  (Lev.  xll.,  xiil.,  xiv, 
 XV.;  I)eut.  xxiii.  1-14). 
 
 (d)  Laws  against  disfigurement  (Lev.  xix.  27 , 
 DeuL  xiv.  1 ;  comp.  L)eut.  xxv.  3,  against  ex- 
 cessive scourging). 
 
 (e)  Laws  against  unnatural  marriages  and  lustd 
 (Lev.  xviil.,  xx.). 
 
 OS)  Jluliness  of  the  /'ri*sts  (and  Leviles). 
 
 (a)  Their  oinsecration  ( Lev.  vili.,  ix. ;  Ex.  xxIx.). 
 
 (b)  Their  special  quulitications  and  restrictions 
 (I^v.  xxi.,  xxil.  1-9). 
 
 (c)  Tlielr  rights  (Deut.  xvill.  1-6;  Num.  xviii.) 
 and  authority  (Deut.  xvii.  8-13). 
 
 (2)  Holiness  of  Places  and  Things. 
 
 (a)  The  Tabeniack  with  the  ark,  the  vail,  the  altars, 
 ,    the  laver,  the  priestly  robes,  &c.  (Ex.  xxv.-xxviii., 
 
 XXX.). 
 
 (j3)  The  Holy  Place  chosen  for  the  permanent  erection 
 of  the  tabernacle  (Deut.  xli.,  xiv.  22-29),  where  only 
 all  sacrifia-s  were  to  be  offered,  and  all  tithes,  first- 
 fruits,  vows,  &c.,  to  be  given  or  eaten. 
 
 (3)  Holiness  op  Times. 
 
 (o)  The  Sabbath  (Ex.  xx.  9-11,  xxiii.  12,  4c.). 
 
 (fi)  7Vn;.S'abbu<icai  l'ear(Ex.  xxiii.  10,  11 ;  Lev.  xxv. 
 
 1-7,  &:c.). 
 (7)  The  Tear  of  Jubilee  (Lev.  xxv.  8-16,  *c.). 
 (6)  The  Passover  (Ex.  xii.  3-27 .  Lev.  xxiii.  4-14). 
 (t)   The  Feoit  of  Weeks (^I'entecost)  (Lev.xxill.  15,&c.). 
 (V)  The  Feast  of  Tabernacles  (Lev.  xxiii.  33-43). 
 (t))  The  Feast  of  Trumpets  (lx;v.  xxiii.  23-25). 
 (9)  The  Day  of  Atonement  (Lev.  xxiii.  26-32,  4c.> 
 
 Such  is  the  substance  of  the  Mosaic  Law.  The 
 leading  principle  of  the  whole  i.s  its  Thkocratic 
 CHAR.\CTER,  its  reference  (that  is)  of  all  action  and 
 thoughts  of  men  directly  and  immediatelij  to  the 
 will  of  God.  It  follows  from  this,  that  it  is  to  be 
 regarded  not  merely  as  a  law,  that  is,  a  rule  of  con- 
 duct, based  on  known  truth  and  acknowledged  au- 
 thority, but  also  as  a  Revelation  of  God's  n'lture 
 and  His  dispensations.  But  this  theocratic  cha- 
 racter of  the  law  depends  necessarily  on  the  belief 
 in  God,  as  not  only  the  Creator  and  sustainer  of  the 
 world,  but  as,  by  special  covenant  the  head  of  the 
 Jewish  nation.  This  immediate  reference  to  God 
 as  their  king,  is  clearly  seen  as  the  groiiudwork  01 
 their  whole  polity.  From  this  theocratic  nature 
 of  the  law  follow  important  deductions  with  legaid 
 to  (a)  the  view  which  it  takes  of  political  society  ; 
 (6)  the  extent  of  the  scope  of  the  law;  (c)  the 
 penalties  by  which  it  is  enforced ;  and  (</)  tlie  cha- 
 racter which  it  -seeks  to  impress  on  the  people. 
 (a.)  The  Mosaic  Law  seiks  the  basis  of  its  {x)lity, 
 first,  in  the  absolute  sovereignty  of  Goil,  next  in 
 the  relationship  of  each  iiidiviilual  to  God,  and 
 through  God  to  his  countrymen.  It  is  clear  that 
 such  a  doctrine,  while  it  contradicts  none  of  the 
 common  theories,  yet  lies  beneath  them  all.  (ft.)  The 
 law,  as  proceeding  directly  fiom  God,  and  referring 
 directly  to  Him,  is  neccs-sarily  absolute  in  its  sit- 
 preinricy  and  unlimited  in  its  scope.  It  is  supreme 
 over  the  governoi-s,  as  In-iiig  only  the  delegates  of 
 the  Lord,  and  therefore  it  is  incomii;itible  with  any 
 desjiotic  authority  in  them.  On  the  other  hand,  it 
 is  supreme  over  the  governed,  recogni.sing  no  in- 
 herent rights  in  the  indivitlual,  as  prevailing  against, 
 or  limiting  the  law.  It  regulated  the  while  life 
 of  an  Isiaelite.  His  actions  were  rewarded  and 
 puni.^lusl  with  great  minuteness  and  strictness;  and 
 that  accoixiing  to  the  stiindaixl,  not  of  their  con.«e- 
 quenccs,  but  of  their  intiinsic  morality.     ILt  I'e- 
 
LAW  OP  MOSES 
 
 ligious  woisliip  was  defined  and  enforced  in  an 
 elaborate  and  unceasing  ceremonial,  (c.)  The  pe- 
 nalties and  rewards  by  which  the  law  is  enforced 
 are  such  as  depend  on  the  direct  theocracy.  With 
 regard  to  individual  actions,  it  may  be  noticed  that, 
 as  generally  some  penalties  are  inflicted  by  the  sub- 
 ordinate, and  some  only  by  the  supreme  authority, 
 so  among  the  Israelites  some  penalties  came  from 
 the  hand  of  man,  some  directly  from  the  Providence 
 of  God.  The  bearing  of  this  principle  on  the  in- 
 quiry as  to  the  revelation  of  a  future  Ife,  in  the 
 Pentateuch,  is  easily  seen.  The  sphere  of  moral 
 and  religious  action  and  thought  to  which  the  law 
 extends  is  beyond  the  cognizance  of  human  laws, 
 and  the  scope  of  their  ordinary  penalties,  and  is 
 therefore  left  by  them  to  the  retribution  of  God's 
 inscrutable  justice,  which,  being  but  imperfectly 
 seen  here,  is  contemplated  especially  as  exercised  in 
 a  future  state.  Hence  arises  the  expectation  of  a 
 direct  i-evelation  of  this  future  state  in  the  Mosaic 
 Law.  Such  a  revelation  is  certainly  not  given. 
 The  truth  seems  to  be  that,  in  a  law  which  appeals 
 directly  to  God  himself  for  its  authority  and  its 
 sanction,  there  cannot  be  that  broad  line  of  demarca- 
 tion between  this  life  and  the  next,  which  is  drawn 
 for  those  whose  power  is  limited  by  the  grave. 
 (d.)  But  perhaps  the  most  important  consequence 
 of  the  theocratic  nature  of  the  law  was  the  pecic- 
 l tar  character  of  goodness  which  it  sought  to  im- 
 press on  the  people.  The  Mosaic  Law,  beginning 
 with  piety,  as  its  first  object,  enforces  most  emphat- 
 ically the  puiity  essential  to  those  who,  by  their 
 union  with  God,  have  recovered  the  hope  of  intrinsic 
 goodness,  while  it  views  righteousness  and  love 
 rather  as  deductions  from  these  than  as  independent 
 objects.  The  appeal  is  not  to  any  dignity  of  human 
 nature,  but  to  the  obligations  of  communion  with  a 
 Holy  God.  The  subordination,  therefore,  of  this 
 idea  also  to  the  religious  idea  is  enforced ;  and  so 
 long  as  the  due  supremacy  of  the  latter  was  pre- 
 served, all  other  duties  would  find  their  places  in 
 proper  harmony.  But  the  usurpation  of  that  su- 
 premacy in  practice  by  the  idea  of  personal  and 
 national  sanctity  was  that  which  gave  its  peculiar 
 colour  to  the  Jewish  character.  It  is  evident  that 
 this  characteristic  of  the  Israelites  would  tend  to 
 pieserve  the  seclusion  which,  under  God's  provid- 
 ence, was  intended  for  them,  and  would  in  its 
 turn  be  fostered  by  it.— III.  In  considering  the  re- 
 lation of  the  Law  to  the  future,  it  is  important  to 
 be  guided  by  the  general  principle  laid  down  in 
 Heb.  vii.  19,  "  The  Law  made  nothing  perfect." 
 This  principle  will  be  applied  in  different  degiees 
 to  its  bearing  (a)  on  the  after-history  of  the  Jewish 
 commonwealth  before  the  coming  of  Christ;  (6)  on 
 the  coming  of  our  Lord  Himself;  and  (c)  on  the 
 dispensation  of  the  Gospel,  (a.)  To  that  after- 
 history  the  Law  was,  to  a  great  extent,  the  key. 
 It  was  indeed  often  neglected,  and  even  forgotten  ; 
 yet  still  it  formed  the  standard  from  which  the 
 people  knowingly  departed,  and  to  which  they 
 constant!}'  returned  ;  and  to  it  therefore  all  which 
 was  peculiar  in  their  national  and  individual  cha- 
 racter was  due.  Its  direct  influence  was  probably 
 greatest  in  the  periods  before  the  establishment  of 
 the  kingdom,  and  after  the  Babylonish  captivity. 
 The  last  act  of  Joshua  was  to  bind  the  Israelites  to 
 it  as  the  charter  of  their  occupation  of  the  con- 
 quered land  (Josh.  xxiv.  24-27)  ;  and,  in  the  semi- 
 anarchical  period  of  the  Judges,  the  Law  and  the 
 Tabernacle   were  the  only  centres  of  anything  like 
 
 LAW  OF  MOSES 
 
 457 
 
 national  unity.  The  establishment  of  the  kingdotu 
 was  due  to  an  impatience  of  this  position,  and  a 
 desire  for  a  visible  and  personal  centi'e  of  authority, 
 much  the  same  in  nature  as  that  which  plunged 
 them  so  often  in  idolatry.  In  the  kingdom  of  Israel, 
 after  the  separation,  the  deliberate  rejection  of  the 
 leading  principles  of  the  Law  by  Jeroboam  and  his 
 successoi-s  was  the  beginning  of  a  gradual  declension 
 into  idolatry  and  heathenism.  But  in  the  kingdom 
 of  Judah  the  very  division  of  the  monarchy  and 
 consequent  diminution  of  its  splendour,  and  the 
 need  of  a  principle  to  assert  against  the  superior 
 material  power  of  Israel,  brought',  it  the  Law  once 
 more  in  increased  honour  and  influence.  Far  more 
 was  this  the  case  after  the  captivity.  The  loss  of 
 the  independent  monarchy,  and  the  cessation  of 
 prophecy,  both  combined  to  throw  the  Jews  back 
 upon  the  Law  alone,  as  their  only  distinctive  pledge 
 of  nationality,  and  sure  guide  to  truth.  This  love 
 for  the  Law,  rather  than  any  abstract  patriotism, 
 was  the  strength  of  the  Maccabean  struggle  against 
 the  Syrians,  and  the  success  of  that  struggle,  en- 
 throning a  Levitical  power,  deepened  the  feeling 
 from  which  it  sprang.  The  Law  thus  became  the 
 moulding  influence  of  the  Jewish  character.  The 
 Pharisees,  truly  repiesenting  the  chief  strength  of 
 the  people,  systematized  this  feeling.  Against  this 
 idolatry  of  the  Law  there  were  two  reactions.  The 
 first  was  that  of  the  Sadducees;  one  which  had 
 its  basis  in  the  idea  of  a  higher  love  and  serv  ice  of 
 God,  independent  of  the  Law  and  its  sanctions.  The 
 other,  that  of  the  EssENES,  was  an  attempt  to 
 burst  the  bonds  of  the  formal  law,  and  assert  its 
 ideas  In  all  fulness,  freedom,  and  puiity.  (6.)  The 
 relation  of  the  Law  to  the  advent  of  Christ  is  also  laid 
 down  clearly  by  St.  Paul,  The  Law  was  the  IlaiSo- 
 yuyhs  els  Xpia'T6v,  the  servant  (that  is),  whose 
 task  it  was  to  guide  the  child  to  the  true  teacher 
 (Gal.  iii.  24)  ;  and  Christ  was  "  the  end  "  or  object 
 "of  the  Law"  (Rom.  x.  4).  As  being  subsidiary 
 to  the  promise,  it  had  accomplished  its  purpose 
 when  the  promise  was  fulfilled.  In  its  national 
 aspect  it  had  existed  to  guard  the  faith  in  the  theo- 
 cracy. The  chief  hindrance  to  that  faith  had  been 
 the  difficulty  of  realising  the  invisible  presence  of 
 God,  and  of  conceiving  a  communion  with  the  in- 
 finite Godhead  which  should  not  crush  or  absorb 
 the  finite  creature.  This  difficulty  was  now  to 
 pass  away  for  ever,  in  the  Incarnation  of  the  God- 
 head in  One  truly  and  visibly  man.  In  its  indi- 
 vidual, or  what  is  usually  called  its  "  moral "  aspect, 
 the  Law  bore  equally  the  stamp  of  tran^itoriness 
 and  insufficiency.  It  had  declared  the  authority  of 
 truth  and  goodness  over  man's  will,  and  taken  for 
 granted  in  man  the  existence  of  a  spirit  which  could 
 recognise  that  authority ;  but  it  had  done  no  more. 
 Its  presence  had  therefore  detected  the  existence  and 
 the  sinfulness  of  sin,  as  alien  alike  to  God's  will  and 
 man's  true  nature ;  but  it  had  also  brought  out 
 with  more  vehement  and  desperate  antagonism  the 
 power  of  sin  dwelling  in  man  as  fallen  (Rom.  vii. 
 7-25),  The  relation  of  tlie  Law  to  Christ  in 
 its  sacrificial  and  ceremonial  aspect,  will  be  more 
 fully  considered  elsewhere.  [Sacrifick.J  (c.)  It 
 remains  to  consider  how  far  it  has  any  obligation 
 or  existence  under  the  dispensation  of  the  Gospel. 
 As  a  means  of  justification  or  salvation,  it  ought 
 never  to  have  been  regarded,  even  before  Christ:  it 
 needs  no  proof  to  show  that  sstill  less  can  this  be  so 
 since  He  has  come.  But  yet  the  que;tion  remains 
 whether  it  is  binding  on  Christians,  evtn  when  they 
 
458 
 
 LAWYER 
 
 do  not  depend  on  it  for  salvation.  It  seems  clear 
 enou'^h,  tliat  its  ibrnial  coercive  atithority  as  a  wliolu 
 ended  with  the  close  of  the  Jewish  dispensation.  It 
 referred  throughout  to  the  Jewish  covenant,  and  In 
 many  jioints  to  the  constitution,  the  customs,  and 
 even  the  load  circimistanc'es  of  the  j)eo|ile.  That 
 covenant  was  preparatory  to  the  Chri.itian,  in  which 
 it  is  now  absorbc-d ;  those  customs  and  observances 
 have  passed  away.  It  follows,  by  the  very  nature 
 of  the  case,  that  the  fomial  obligation  to  the  Law 
 must  have  ci'ased  with  the  basis  on  which  it  is 
 grounded.  But  what  then  becomes  of  tlie  declara- 
 tion of  our  Lord,  that  lie  ciinie  "not  to  destioy  the 
 J.aw,  but  to  jH-if.'ct  it,"  and  that  "  not  one  jot  or 
 one  tittle  of  it  shall  i)ass  away?"  what  of  the  tact, 
 consequent  upon  it,  that  the  Law  has  been  reve- 
 renced in  all  Chri>tian  churches,  and  had  an  im- 
 jiortant  "intJuence  on  much  Christian  legislation? 
 'J'he  explanation  of  the  apparent  contradiction  lies 
 in  the  dilference  between  jiositivc  and  moral  obliga- 
 tion. To  apply  this  principle  practically  there  is 
 need  of  much  study  and  discretion,  in  order  to  <Iis- 
 tniguish  what  is  local  and  temporary  fiom  what  is 
 universal,  and  what  is  mere  external  tbim  from  what 
 is  the  essence  of  an  ordinance. 
 
 Lawyer.  The  title  "lawyer"  is  generally  sup- 
 posed to  be  equivalent  to  the  title  ''scribe,"  both 
 on  account  of  its  etymological  meaning,  and  also 
 because  the  man,  who  is  also  called  a  "  lawyer"  in 
 Alatt.  ,\xii.  .35  and  Luke  x.  2.5,  is  called  '-one  of 
 tlie  scribes"  in  Mark  xii.  28.  If  the  common 
 reading  in  Luke  xi.  44,  45,  46,  be  coirect,  it  will 
 be  decisive  against  this.  By  the  use  of  the  word 
 fOfiiKSs  (Tit.  iii.  9)  as  a  simple  adjective,  it 
 eeeins  more  ])robable  that  the  title  "scribe"  was  ;i 
 legal  and  othcial  designation,  but  that  the  name 
 vuuik6s  was  piojwrly  a  mere  epithet  signifying  one 
 "learned  in  the  law,"  and  only  used  as  a  title  in 
 common  pailance  'cdinp.  the  use  of  it  in  Tit.  iii. 
 ];'.,  '•Z.'iias  till-  lawyei"). 
 
 Laying  on  of  hands.  [Baptism.] 
 Laz'aras.  In  this  name,  which  meets  us  as  be- 
 longing to  two  chaiacters  in  the  N.  T„  we  may 
 recognize  an  abbreviated  form  of  the  old  Hebiew 
 Kleazai-.  1.  L;iz.uus  of  Bethany,  the  brother  of 
 Martha  and  Mary  (Jolin  xi.  1;.  ,\11  that  we  know 
 of  him  is  derived  from  the  Gospel  of  St.  John,  and 
 that  reconls  little  more  than  the  facts  of  his  death 
 and  resunection.  We  are  able,  however,  without 
 doing  violence  to  the  principles  of  a  true  historicil 
 criticism,  to  arrive  at  some  conclusions  heljiing  us, 
 with  at  least  some  measure  of  probability,  to  (ill 
 lip  these  scanty  outlines.  (1.)  The  language  of 
 John  xi.  1,  implirs  that  the  sisters  were  the  better 
 known.  Lazarus  is  "of  Bethany,  of  tlie  village 
 of  Mary  and  her  sister  Martha."  From  this, 
 and  from  the  order  of  the  three  names  in  John 
 xi.  5,  we  may  reasonably  infer  that  Lazarus  was 
 the  youngest  of  the  family.  (2.)  The  liouse  in 
 which  the  feast  is  held  ap|)ears,  from  John  xii.  2, 
 to  be  that  of  the  sisters.  ^lartha  "  serves,"  as  in 
 Luke  X.  H8.  Mary  bikes  ii|)on  herself  that  which 
 was  the  special  duty  of  a  hostess  towards  an  ho- 
 nouieil  guest  (coini>.  Luke  vii.  4G).  The  impres- 
 sion left  on  our  minds  by  this  account,  if  it  stood 
 alone,  would  be  that  they  were  the  givers  of  the 
 feast.  In  Matt.  xxvi.  G,  Mark  xiv,  3,  the  same 
 fuel  appe.irs  a-i  occuriing  in  "  the  house  of  .Simon 
 the  lepi-r:"  but  a  lepr,  as  such,  would  have  bet^n 
 colnp»■lll^l  to  Ifjul  a  M'paiale  lile,  and  ceitninly  could 
 not  have  given  a  feast  and  received  a  mullitiide  of 
 
 LAZARUS 
 
 guests.  Among  the  conjectural  ex]>lanations  wliicn 
 have  been  given  of  this  ditierence,  the  hy|)othesis 
 that  this  .'>imon  was  the  father  of  the  two  sisters 
 and  of  Lazanis,  that  he  had  been  smitten  with 
 leprosy,  and  that  actual  death,  or  the  civil  death 
 that  tblloweti  on  his  dise:ise,  had  left  his  children 
 free  to  act  for  themselves,  is  at  least  ;us  probable  as 
 any  other,  and  h;us  some  support  in  early  ecclesi:i.s- 
 tiud  traditions.  (.3.)  All  the  circumst-inces  of  John 
 xi.  and  xii.,  point  to  wealth  and  social  jwsition  al)ove 
 the  average.  (4.)  A  comparison  of  Matt.  xxvi.  t>, 
 Mark  xiv.  3,  with  Luke  vii.  36,  44,  suggests  an- 
 other conjecture  that  harmonises  with  and  in  ]>art 
 explains  the  foregoing.  If  Simon  the  lejier  were 
 also  the  Phari.see,  it  would  explain  the  tact  just 
 noticed  of  the  friendship  between  the  sisters  of  La- 
 zarus and  the  members  of  that  party  in  Jerusalem. 
 It  would  follow  on  this  assumption  that  the  Pha- 
 risee, whom  we  thus  far  identify  with  the  lather 
 of  Lazarus,  was  probably  one  of  the  membei-s  of 
 that  sect,  sent  down  from  Jerusalem  to  watch  the 
 new  teacher.  (5.)  One  other  conjecture,  bolder 
 perhaps  than  the  others,  may  j-et  be  hazarded. 
 Admitting,  as  must  be  admitted,  the  absence  at 
 once  of  all  direct  evidence  and  of  traditional  au- 
 thority, theie  are  yet  some  coincidences,  at  least 
 remarkable  enorgh  to  deserve  attention,  and  which 
 suggest  the  identification  of  Lazarus  with  the  young 
 ruler  that  h.ad  great  possessions,  of  Matt,  xix.,  JIark 
 X.,  Luke  xviii.  The  age  (Matt.  xix.  20,  22)  agrees 
 with  what  has  been  before  inferred  (see  above,  1), 
 as  does  the  fiict  of  wealth  above  the  average  with 
 what  we  know  of  the  condition  of  the  family  at 
 Bethany  (see  2).  If  the  father  were  an  intiuential 
 Pharisee,  if  there  were  ties  of  some  kiml  uniting  the 
 family  with  that  body,  it  would  be  natuml  enough 
 that  tlie  son,  even  in  comparative  youth,  should 
 occupy  the  position  of  a  "  ruler."  But  further,  it 
 is  of  this  rich  young  man  that  St.  Mark  uses  the 
 emphatic  word  ("  Jesus,  behoMing  him,  iored 
 him")  which  is  used  of  no  othera  in  the  Gospel- 
 history,  save  of  the  l)eloved  apo.-tle  and  of  Lazarus 
 and  his  sisters  (John  xi.  5).  Combining  these  in- 
 ferences then,  we  get,  with  some  nuasure  of  likeli- 
 hood, an  insight  into  one  aspect  of  the  life  of  the 
 Divine  Teacher  and  Fiiend,  full  of  the  mo.st  living 
 interest.  The  \ill.-\ge  of  Bethany  and  its  neigh- 
 bourhood were  a  frequent  retreat  from  the  contro- 
 versies and  tumults  of  Jerusalem  (.lohn  xviii.  2  ; 
 Luke  xxi.  37,  xxii.  39).  .^t  some  time  or  other 
 one  household,  wealthy,  honourable,  belonging  to 
 the  better  or  Nicodemus  section  of  the  Pharisees 
 (see  above,  1 ,  2,  3)  learns  to  know  and  reverence 
 him.  Di-se-xse  or  death  removes  the  father  tVom  the 
 scene,  and  the  two  sistei^  are  left  with  their  yonngi-r 
 brother  to  do  as  they  think  right.  In  them  and 
 in  the  brother  over  whom  they  watch,  lie  liii(fs 
 that  which  is  worthy  of  His  love.  But  two  at  least 
 need  an  education  in  the  spiritual  life.  A  few 
 weeks  p.iss  away,  and  then  comes  the  sickness  of 
 John  xi.  One  of  the  sharp  malignant  fevei-s  of  Pa- 
 lestine cuts  oH"  the  life  that  was  so  piHH;ious.  The 
 sisfei-s  know  how  truly  the  Ilivine  Friend  has  loved 
 him  on  whom  their  love  and  their  hopes  centeied. 
 They  send  to  iiini  in  the  belief  that  the  tidir.gs  of 
 the  sickness  will  at  once  draw  llim  to  them  (.lohn 
 XI.  3).  Slowly,  and  in  words  which  (though  after- 
 wards understood  otherwise)  must  at  the  time  have 
 seemed  to  the  disci])les  those  of  one  upon  whom  the 
 truth  came  not  at  once  hut  by  degrees,  he  jirepaies 
 them  for  the   woi-st,     "  This  sickncsti  is  not  unto 
 
LAZARUS 
 
 death  " — "  Our  friend  Lazarus  sleeijeth  " — "  Laza 
 nis  is  dead."  The  work  which  he  was  doing  as  a 
 toat'lier  or  a  healer  (John  x.  41,  42  j  in  Bethabara, 
 or  the  other  Bethany  (John  x.  40  and  i.  28),  was 
 not  interrupted,  and  continues  for  two  days  after 
 the  message  leaehes  him.  Then  comes  tlie  journey, 
 occupying  two  days  more.  When  He  and  His 
 di.-'Cijiles  come,  three  days  have  passed  since  tlie 
 buiial.  The  hiends  from  Jerusalem,  chiefly  of  the 
 Pharisee  and  luler  class,  are  there  with  tiieir  con- 
 solations. The  sisters  receive  the  Fiophet,  eacii 
 accoiding  to  her  character.  His  synii)athy  with 
 their  sorrow  leads  Him  also  to  weep.  Then  comes 
 the  work  of  might  as  the  answer  of  the  prayer 
 which  the  Sou  offers  to  the  Father  (John  xi.  41, 
 42).  The  stone  is  rolled  away  from  the  nioutli  of 
 the  rock-chamber  in  which  the  body  had  been  placed. 
 "  He  that  was  dead  came  fbith,  bound  hand  and 
 foot  with  grave-clothes ;  and  his  lace  was  bound 
 about  with  a  napkin."  It  is  well  not  to  break  in 
 upon  the  silence  which  hangs  over  tlie  interval  of 
 that  ''  four  days'  sleep."  One  scene  more  meets 
 us,  and  then  the  life  of  the  family  which  has  come 
 before  us  with  such  daylight  clearness  lapses  again 
 into  obscurity.  In  the  house  which,  though  it  still 
 bore  the  father's  name  (sup.  1 ),  was  the  dwelling 
 of  the  sisters  and  the  brother,  there  is  a  supper, 
 and  Lazai-us  is  there,  and  Maltha  serves,  no  longer 
 jealously,  and  Mary  pours  out  her  love  iu  the  costly 
 offering  of  the  spikenard  ointment,  and  finds  herself 
 ouce  again  misjudged  and  hastily  condemned.  After 
 this  all  direct  knowledge  of  Lazarus  ceases.  It 
 would  be  as  plausible  an  explanation  of  the  strange 
 fact  recorded  by  St.  Jlark  alone  (xiv.  51)  as  any 
 other,  if  we  were  to  suppose  that  Lazarus,  whose 
 home  was  near,  who  must  have  known  the  place  to 
 which  the  Loid  "  oftentimes  resoi  ted,"  was  diawn 
 lo  the  garden  of  Gethsemane  by  the  approach  of  the 
 officers  "  with  their  torches  and  lanterns  and 
 weapons"  (John  xviii.  3),  and  in  the  haste  of  the 
 uight-alarm,  ruslied  eagerly  "  with  the  linen  cloth 
 cast  about  his  naked  body,"  to  see  whether  he  was 
 in  time  to  render  any  help.  Apocryphal  tjaditions 
 even  are  singularly  scanty  and  jejune,  as  if  the 
 silence  which  "sealed  the  lips  of  the  Evangelists  " 
 had  restrained  others  also.  They  have  nothing  more 
 to  tell  of  Lazarus  than  the  meagre  tale  that  follows : 
 — He  lived  for  thirty  years  after  his  resurrection, 
 and  died  at  the  age  of  sixty.  When  he  came  forth 
 from  the  tomb,  it  was  with  the  bloom  and  fragrance 
 as  of  a  bridegroom.  He  and  hissisteis,  with  Mary 
 the  wife  of  Cieophas,  and  other  disciples,  weie  sent 
 out  to  sea  by  the  Jews  in  a  leaky  boat,  but  miracu- 
 lously escaped  destruction,  and  were  brought  safely 
 to  Marseilles.  There  he  preached  the  Gospel,  and 
 founded  a  church,  and  became  its  l)isho]).  After 
 many  years,  he  sutl'eied  martyrdom,  and  was  buried, 
 some  said,  theie ;  others,  at  Citium  in  Cyprus. 
 Finally  his  bones  and  those  of  j\Iary  Magdalene 
 were  brought  fiom  Cyprus  to  Constantinople  by 
 the  Emperor  Leo  the  Philosopher,  and  a  church 
 erected  to  his  honour.  Some  apocryphal  books  were 
 extant  bearing  his  name.  The  question  why  the 
 fiist  three  Gospels  omit  all  mention  of  so  wonderful 
 a  fact  as  the  resurrection  of  Lazarus,  has  from  a 
 comparatively  early  period  forced  itself  upon  inter- 
 pretei's  and  apologi.-.ts.  The  explanations  given  of 
 the  perplexing  phenomenon  are  briefly  these : — 
 (1)  That  fear  of  di awing  down  peisccution  on  one 
 already  singled  out  for  it,  kept  the  three  Evan- 
 Celicts   writing  during  the  lifetime  of  Lazarus,  from 
 
 LAZARUS 
 
 450 
 
 all  mention  of  him  ;  and  that,  this  reason  for  silence 
 being  removed  by  his  death,  St.  John  could  write 
 freely.  (2)  That  the  wiiters  of  the  first  three 
 Gospels  confine  themselves,  as  by  a  deliberate  plan, 
 to  the  miracles  wrought  in  Galilee  (that  of  the 
 blind  man  at  Jericho  being  the  only  exception),  and 
 that  they  therefore  abstained  from  all  mention  of 
 any  fact,  however  mteresting,  that  lay  outside  that 
 limit.  ( •{)  That  the  narrative,  in  its  beauty  and 
 simplicity,  its  human  sympathies  and  marvellous 
 transparency,  carries  with  it  the  evidence  of  its  own 
 truthfulness.  (4)  Another  explanation,  suggested 
 by  the  attempt  to  represent  to  one's-self  what  must 
 have  been  the  sequel  of  such  a  fact  as  that  now  in 
 question  upon  the-life  of  him  who  had  been  afl'ected 
 by  it,  may  perhaps  be  added.  The  history  of  mo- 
 nastic oiders,  of  sudden  conversions  after  great 
 critical  deliverances  from  disease  or  danger,  offers 
 an  analogy  which  may  help  to  guide  us.  In  such 
 cases  it  has  happened,  in  a  thousand  instances,  that 
 the  man  has  felt  as  if  the  thread  of  his  life  was 
 broken,  the  past  buried  for  ever,  old  things  vanished 
 away.  He  retires  from  the  world,  changes  his 
 name,  speaks  to  no  one,  or  speaks  only  in  hints,  of 
 all  that  belongs  to  his  former  life,  shrinks  above  all 
 from  making  his  conversion,  his  resuriection  from 
 the  death  of  sin,  the  subject  of  common  talk.  Assume 
 only  that  the  laws  of  the  spiritual  life  worked  in 
 some  such  way  on  Lazarus,  and  it  will  seem  hardly 
 wondeiful  that  such  a  man  should  shrink  from 
 publicity,  and  should  wish  to  take  his  place  as  the 
 last  and  lowest  in  the  company  of  believers.  The 
 facts  of  the  case  are,  at  any  rate,  singularly  in  har- 
 mony with  this  last  explanation.  Matthew  and 
 Mark  omit  equally  all  mention  of  the  three  names. 
 John,  writing  long  afterwards,  when  all  three  had 
 "  fallen  asleep,"  feels  that  the  restraint  is  no  longer 
 necessary,  and  puts  on  record,  as  the  Spirit  brings 
 all  tilings  to  his  remembrance,  the  whole  of  the 
 wonderful  history.  The  ciicumstances  of  his  life, 
 too,  all  indicate  that  he  more  than  any  other  Evan- 
 gelist was  likely  to  have  lived  in  that  inmost  circle 
 of  disciples,  where  these  things  would  be  most 
 lovingly  and  reverently  remembered.— 2.  The  name 
 Lazarus  occurs  also  in  the  well-known  parable  of 
 Luke  xvi.  19-31.  What  is  there  chiefly  remarkable 
 is,  that  in  this  parable  alone  we  meet  with  a  proper 
 name.  Were  the  thoughts  of  men  called  to  the 
 etymology  of  the  name,  as  signifying  that  he  who 
 bore  it  had  in  his  poverty  no  help  but  God,  or  as 
 meaning  in  the  shortened  form,  one  who  had  become 
 altogether  "  helpless"  ?  Oi'  was  it  again  not  a  pa- 
 rable but,  in  its  starting-point  at  least,  a  history, 
 so  that  Lazarus  was  some  actual  beggar,  like  him 
 who  lay  at  the  beautiful  gate  of  the  Temple,  familiar 
 therefore  both  to  the  discijiles  and  the  Pharisees? 
 Whatever  the  merit  of  either  of  these  suggestions, 
 no  one  of  thein  can  be  accepted  as  quite  satisfactory, 
 and  it  adds  something  to  the  force  of  the  hypothesis 
 ventured  on  above,  to  find  that  it  connects  itself 
 with  this  question  also.  If  we  assume  the  identity 
 suggested  in  (5),  or  if,  leaving  that  as  unproved, 
 we  remember  only  that  the  historic  Lazarus  be- 
 longed by  birth  to  the  class  of  the  wealthy  and 
 influential  Pharisees,  as  in  (3),  could  anvthing  be 
 more  significant  than  the  introduction  of  this  name 
 into  sucii  a  parable?  Not  Eleazar  the  Pharisee, 
 rich,  honoured,  blameless  among  men,  but  Eleazar 
 the  beggar,  full  of  leprous  sores,  lying  at  the  rich 
 man's  gate,  was  the  true  heir  of  ble.>isedne^s,  for 
 whom  was  reserved  the  glory  of  being  in  Abraham's 
 
4fi0 
 
 LEAD 
 
 bosom.  Very  striking  too,  it  must  be  added,  is 
 the  coincidence  between  tlie  teacliing  of  the  parable 
 and  of  the  history  in  another  point.  The  Lazarus 
 of  the  one  remains  in  Abraham's  bosom  because  "  if 
 men  hear  not  Moses  ami  tlie  propliets,  neither  will  they 
 be  pei'suaded,  though  one  rose  from  the  dead."  The 
 Lazarus  of  the  otiier  returned  from  it,  and  yet  bears 
 uo  witness  to  the  unbelieving  Jews  of  the  wonders  or 
 the  terroi-s  of  Hades.  In  this  instance  also  the  name  ot 
 L:izarus  has  been  perpetuated  in  an  institution  of  the 
 Christian  Church.  The  leper  of  the  iMiddle  Agesap- 
 peais  as  a  Lazzaro.  Among  the  orders,  half-milifcuy 
 and  half-raonjuitic,  of  the  12th  centuiy,  was  one 
 which  bore  the  title  of  the  Knights  of  St.  Lazarus 
 (a.D.  1 119j,  whose  special  work  it  was  to  minister  to 
 the  lepers,  first  of  Syria,  and  afterwards  of  Europe. 
 The  use  of  lazaretto  and  lazar-house  for  the  leper- 
 hospitals  then  founded  in  all  parts  of  Western  Chris- 
 tendom, no  less  than  that  of  lazzarone  for  the  men- 
 dicants of  Italian  towns,  are  indications  of  the  eHect 
 of  the  parable  upon  the  mind  of  Europe  in  the 
 Middle  Ages,  and  thence  upon  its  later  sj^eech. 
 
 Lead,  one  of  the  most  common  of  metals,  found 
 generally  in  veins  of  rocks,  tiiough  seldom  in  a  me- 
 tallic sfcite,  and  most  commonly  in  combination 
 with  sulphur.  It  was  early  known  to  the  ancients, 
 and  the  allusions  to  it  in  Scripture  indicate  that 
 the  Hebrews  were  well  acquainted  with  its  uses. 
 The  rocks  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Sinai  yielded  it 
 in  large  (luantities,  and  it  was  found  in  Egypt.  That 
 it  was  common  in  Palestine  is  shown  by  the  expres- 
 sion in  Ecclus.  xlvii.  18  (comp.  1  K.  x.  27).  It  was 
 among  the  spoils  of  the  Midianites  which  the  chil- 
 dren of  Israel  brought  with  them  to  the  plains  of 
 Moab,  after  their  return  from  the  slaughter  of  the 
 tribe  (Num.  xxxi.  22).  The  ships  of  Tarshish  suj)- 
 plied  the  market  of  Tyre  with  lead,  as  with  other 
 metals  (Ez.  xxvii.  12).  Its  heaviness,  to  which 
 allusion  is  made  in  Ex.  xv.  lU,  and  Ecclus.  xxii. 
 14,  caused  it  to  be  used  for  weights,  which  were 
 either  in  the  fomi  of  a  round  flat  ciike  (Zech.  v.  7), 
 or  a  rough  unf;i.shioned  lump  or  "  stone  "  (ver.  8) ; 
 stones  having  in  ancient  times  served  the  purpose 
 of  weights  (comp.  I'rov.  xvi.  11).  In  modern  me- 
 tallurgy lead  is  used  with  tin  in  the  composition  of 
 solder  for  fastening  metals  together.  That  the 
 ancient  Hebrews  were  acquainted  with  the  use  of 
 solder  is  evident  from  Isaiah  xli.  7.  No  hint  is 
 given  as  to  the  composition  of  the  solder,  but  in  all 
 probability  lead  was  one  of  the  materials  employed,  its 
 usage  for  such  a  purjwse  being  of  gieat  antiquity. 
 The  ancient  Egyptians  used  it  for  fastening  stones 
 together  in  the  rough  parts  of  a  building,  and  it 
 was  found  by  Mr.  Layard  among  the  ruins  at  Nim- 
 roud.  In  Job  xix.  24  the  allusion  is  sui)pose<l  to  be 
 to  the  practice  of  carving  inscriptifins  upon  stone,  and 
 pouring  molten  le:id  into  the  cavities  of  the  letters, 
 to  render  them  legible,  and  at  the  s;ime  time  pre- 
 serve them  from  the  action  of  the  air.  In  modern 
 met;illurgy  lead  is  emjiloyed  for  the  pui-pose  of  pu- 
 rifying silver  fiom  other  mineral  products.  The 
 alloy  is  mixcil  with  lead,  ex]>osed  to  fusion  upon  an 
 earthen  vessel,  and  submitted  to  a  blast  of  air.  By 
 this  means  the  dross  is  consumed.  This  process  is 
 adled  the  ciifwlling  operation,  with  whicli  the  de- 
 scription in  Ez.  xxii.  18-22,  in  the  opinion  of  Mr. 
 N'lpier,  accurately  coincides. 
 
 Leb'ana,  one  of  the  Ncthinim  whose  desoendants 
 returncii  from  Babylon  with  Zi-i-ubbabcl  (Neh.  vii. 
 4Si.  \\p  is  c.illc<l  I.AUANA  in  the  parallel  list  of 
 1  k>-(rns,  unci 
 
 LEAVEN 
 
 Leb'anah  in  Ezi-.  ii.  45. 
 
 Leaf,  Leaves.  The  woid  occurs  in  the  A.  V. 
 eitlier  in  the  singular  or  plural  number  in  tinee 
 ditleient  senses — (ij  Leaf  or  /eai-es  of  tiecs.  (2) 
 Leaves  of  the  dooi-s  of  the  Temple.  (3)  Leaves  of 
 the  roll  of  a  book.  1.  Lkaf  of  a  tree  {aleh,  tereph, 
 aphi).  The  olive-leaf  is  mentioned  in  (ien.  viii.  11. 
 Fig-leaves  formed  the  fii-st  covering  of  our  parents 
 in  Eden.  The  bairen  fig-tree  (Matt.  xxi.  19;  Mark 
 xi.  13)  on  the  road  between  Bethany  and  Jerusalem 
 "  had  on  it  nothing  but  leaves."  The  oak-leaf  is 
 mentioned  in  Is.  i.  30,  and  vi.  13.  The  righteous 
 are  often  compared  to  green  leaves  (Jer.  xvii,  8). 
 The  ungodly  on  the  other  hand  are  as  "  an  oak 
 whose  le;if  fiideth"  (Is.  i.  30).  In  Ez.  xlvii.  12  ; 
 liev.  xxii.  1,  2,  there  is  probably  an  allusion  to  some 
 tree  wluise  leaves  were  used  by  the  Jews  ns  a  medi- 
 cine or  ointment;  indeed,  it  is  very  likely  that  many 
 plants  and  leaves  were  thus  made  use  of  by  thtm, 
 as  by  the  old  English  heibalists.  2.  Leavi:s  ot 
 doors  {tscldiin,  delcth).  The  Hebiew  woid,  which 
 occui-s  very  many  times  in  the  Bible,  and  which  in 
 1  K.  vi.  32  (margin)  and  34  is  translated  "  leaves" 
 in  the  A.  V.,  signifies  beams,  ribs,  sides,  &c.  In  H/.. 
 xli.  24,  the  Hebrew  word  deleth  is  the  repiesenUitive 
 of  both  doors  and  leaves.  3.  Leaves  of  a  book  or 
 I'oll  [di-kth)  occurs  in  this  sense  only  in  Jer.  xxxvi. 
 23.  The  Hebrew  word  (literally  doors)  would  per- 
 haps be  more  correctly  tiTinsiated  columns. 
 
 Le'ah,  the  daughter  of  Laban  (Gen.  xxix.  16). 
 The  dulness  or  weakness  of  her  eyes  was  so  notable, 
 that  it  is  mentioned  as  a  contrast  to  the  beautiful 
 form  and  aj'pearance  of  her  younger  sister  Kachel. 
 Her  father  took  advanUige  of  the  opportunity  which 
 tlie  local  marriage-rite  afforded  to  pass  hei'  off  in 
 her  sister's  stead  on  the  unconscious  bridegroom, 
 and  excused  himself  to  Jacob  by  alleging  that  the 
 custom  of  the  country  forbade  the  younger  sister 
 to  be  given  first  in  marriage.  Jacob's  preference  of 
 Ivachel  giew  into  hatred  of  Leah,  after  he  had 
 married  both  sistei-s.  Leah,  however,  bore  to  him 
 in  quick  succession  Heuben,  Simeon,  Levi,  Judah, 
 then  Issachar,  Zebiilun,  and  Dinah,  belbre  l^ichel 
 had  a  child.  She  died  some  time  alter  Jacob  reached 
 the  south  country  in  which  his  father  Isaac  lived. 
 She  was  buried  in  the  family  grave  in  Machpi!lah 
 (cli.  xlix.  31). 
 
 Leasing,  "  falsehood,"  This  woi-d  is  retained  iu 
 the  A.  V.  of  Ps.  iv.  2,  v.  6,  fiom  the  older  English 
 versions ;  but  the  Hebiew  word  of  which  it  is  the 
 rendering  is  elsewhere  almost  unitbriuly  translated 
 "lies"  (I's.  xl.  4,  Iviii.  3,  &c.). 
 
 Leather.  The  notices  of  leather  in  the  Bible  are 
 singularly  few ;  indeed  the  word  occuis  but  twice 
 m  the  A.  V .,  and  in  each  instance  in  reference  to 
 the  s;ime  object,  a  girdle  (2  K.  i.  8  ;  Matt.  iii.  4.) 
 There  are,  however,  other  instances  in  which  the 
 word  "leather"  might  with  piopriety  be  substi- 
 tuted for  "skin"  (Lev.  xi.  32,  xiii,  48;  Num. 
 xxxi.  20). 
 
 Leaven.  Various  substances  were  known  to  h.ive 
 fermenting  qualities;  but  the  ordinary  leaven  con- 
 sisteil  of  a  lump  of  old  dough  in  a  high  state  offer- 
 mentation,  which  WHS  in>erted  into  the  mass  of 
 dough  prepjired  for  baking.  The  use  of  leaven  was 
 strictly  forbidden  iu  all  ollerings  niivle  to  the  Lord 
 by  fire.  It  is  in  reference  to  these  prohibitions 
 that  Amos  (iv.  5)  ironiadly  bids  the  Jews  of  his 
 day  to  "  ofTer  a  sacrifice  of  thanksgiving  icith 
 li'itren."  In  other  instances,  where  the  otiering 
 was  to  be  consumed  by  the  priests,  and  not  on  th" 
 
LEBANON 
 
 altai',  leaven  might  be  used.  Various  ideas  were  asso- 
 ciated with  the  prohibition  of  leaven  in  the  instances 
 above  quoted.  But  the  most  prominent  idea,  and 
 the  one  which  ajiplies  equally  to  al!  the  cases  of 
 prohibition,  is  connected  with  the  corruption  which 
 leaven  itself  had  undergone,  and  which  it  commu- 
 nicated to  bread  in  the  process  of  fermentation.  It 
 is  to  this  property  of  leaven  that  our  Saviour  points 
 when  he  speaks  of  the  "  leaven  («'.  e.  the  corrupt 
 doctrine)  of  the  Pharisees  and  of  the  Sadducees " 
 (Matt.  xvi.  6)  ;  and  St.  Paul,  when  he  speaks  of  the 
 "  oM  leaven"  (1  Cor.  v.  7). 
 
 Leb'anon,  a  mountain  range  in  the  north  of 
 Palestine.  The  name  Lebanon  signifies  "  white," 
 and  was  applied  either  on  account  of  the  snow, 
 which,  during  a  gi'eat  part  of  the  year,  covers  its 
 whole  summit,  or  on  account  of  the  white  colour 
 of  its  limestone  cliffs  and  peaks.  It  is  the  "white 
 mountain  " — the  3font  Blanc  of  Palestine.  Lebanon 
 is  represented  in  Scripture  as  lying  upon  the  northern 
 border  of  the  land  of  Israel  (Dent.  i.  7,  xi.  24; 
 Josh.  i.  4),  Two  distinct  ranges  bear  this  name. 
 They  both  begin  in  lat.  33°  20',  and  run  in  parallel 
 lines  from  S.VV.  to  N.E.  for  about  90  geog.  miles, 
 enclosing  between  them  a  long  fertile  valley  from  5 
 to  8  miles  wide,  anciently  called  Coele-Syria,  The 
 western  range  is  the  "  Libanus "  of  the  old  geo- 
 graphers, and  the  Lebanon  of  Scripture.  The  eastern 
 range  was  called  "  Anti-Libanus  "  by  geographers, 
 and  "  Lebanon  toward  the  sun-rising  "  by  the  sacred 
 writers  (Josh.  xiii.  5).  A  deep  valley  called  Wady 
 et-Teim  separates  the  southern  section  of  Anti- 
 Libanus  from  both  Lebanon  and  the  hills  of  Galilee. 
 Lebanon — the  western  range — commences  on  the 
 south  at  the  deep  ravine  of  the  Litany,  the  ancient 
 liver  Leontes,  which  drains  the  valley  of  Coele- 
 Syria,  and  fails  into  the  Mediterranean  five  miles 
 north  of  Tyre.  It  runs  N.E.  in  a  straight  line 
 parallel  to  the  coast,  to  the  opening  from  the  Mcdi- 
 
 LEEANON 
 
 461 
 
 terranean  into  the  plain  of  Emesa,  called  in  Scrip- 
 ture the  "  Entrance  of  Hamath  "  (Num.  xxxiv.  8). 
 Here  Nahr  el-Kebir — the  ancient  river  Eleutherus — 
 sweeps  round  its  northern  end,  as  the  Leontes  does 
 round  its  southern.  The  average  elevation  of  the 
 range  is  from  6000  to  8000  ft. ;  but  two  peaks  rise 
 considerably  higher.  On  the  summits  of  both  these 
 peaks  the  snow  remains  in  patches  during  the  whole 
 summer.  The  central  ridge  or  backbone  of  Lebanon 
 has  smooth,  barren  sides,  and  gray  roundeil  sum- 
 mits. It  is  entirely  destitute  of  verdure,  and  is 
 coveied  with  small  fragments  of  limestone,  from 
 which  white  crowns  and  jagged  points  of  naked 
 rock  shoot  up  at  intervals.  Here  and  there  a  few 
 stunted  pine-trees  or  dwarf  oaks  are  met  with.  The 
 line  of  cultivation  runs  along  at  the  height  of  about 
 6000  ft. ;  and  below  this  the  features  of  the  western 
 slopes  are  entirely  different.  The  descent  is  gradual ; 
 but  is  evervwhere  broken  by  precipices  and  tower- 
 ing rocks  which  time  and  the  elements  have  chiselled 
 into  strange,  fantastic  shapes.  Ravines  of  singular 
 wildness  and  grandeur  furrow  the  whole  mountain 
 side,  booking  in  many  places  like  huge  rents.  Here 
 and  there,  too,  bold  promontories  shoot  out,  and 
 dip  perpendicularly  into  the  bosom  of  the  Mediter- 
 ranean. The  rugged  limestone  banks  are  scantily 
 clothed  with  the  eveigreen  oak,  and  the  sandstone 
 with  pines  ;  while  every  available  spot  is  carefully 
 cultivated.  The  cultivation  is  wonderful,  and  shows 
 what  all  Syria  might  be  if  under  a  good  govern- 
 ment. Fig-trees  cling  to  the  naked  rock ;  vines 
 are  trained  along  narrow  leiiges ;  long  ranges  of 
 mulberries,  on  terraces  like  steps  of  stairs,  cover  the 
 more  gentle  declivities ;  and  dense  gi-oves  of  olives 
 fill  up  the  bottoms  of  the  glens.  Hundreds  of  vil- 
 lages are  seen — here  built  amid  labyrinths  of  rocks  ; 
 there  clinging  like  swallows'  nests  to  the  sides  of 
 cliffs  ;  while  convents,  no  less  numerous,  are  perched 
 on  the  top  of  eveiy  peak.     The  vme  is  still  largely 
 
 The  KTand  range  of  Lebanoo. 
 
462 
 
 LEBAOTH 
 
 cultivated  in  eveiT  pait  I'I'tliP  inoiintnin.  I.eli.inoii 
 also  abounds  in  olives,  fit;s,  and  mulbonies;  »yhile 
 same  remnants  exist  of  tlu^  forpst-i  of  pine,  oak,  and 
 cedar,  which  foimerly  cove)ed  it  (1  K.  v.  6;  I's. 
 xxix.  5;  Is.  xiv.  8;  Ezr.  in.  7\  Considerable  num- 
 bers of  wild  beasts  still  inhabit  its  retired  glens  and 
 higher  jieaks ;  the  writer  has  seen  jackals,  hyenas, 
 wolves,  bears,  and  i)anthei-s  (2  K.  xiv.  9;  Cant.  iv. 
 8  ;  Hab.  ii.  17).  Some  noble  sti earns  of  cl.assic 
 celebrity  have  their  sources  hisjh  up  in  Lebanon, 
 and  ru>h  down  in  sheets  of  foam  thiough  sublime 
 glens,  to  stain  with  their  ruddy  waters  tiie  trans- 
 pircnt  bosom  of  the  Me<iiterranean.  Along  the  base 
 of  Lebanon  runs  the  irregular  plain  of  Thoenicia ; 
 nowhere  more  than  two  miles  wide,  and  often  in- 
 terrupted by  bold  locky  spurs,  that  dip  into  the 
 sea.  The  main  ridge  of  Lebanon  is  composed  of 
 Jura  limestone,  and  abounds  in  fossils.  Long  belts 
 of  more  recent  s;uidstone  run  along  the  westoiii 
 slopes,  which  is  in  jilaces  largely  impi-egnated  with 
 iron.  Lebanon  was  originally  inhabited  by  the 
 Hivites  and  Giblites  (Judg.  iii.  3  ;  Josh.  xiii.  5,  6). 
 The  whole  mountain  range  was  assigned  to  the 
 Israelites,  but  was  never  conqueied  by  them  (Josh, 
 xiii.  2-6  ;  .hidg.  iii.  l-:i).  During  the  Jewisli  mo- 
 narchy it  appears  to  have  been  subject  to  the  Phoe- 
 nicians (1  K.  V.  2-6  ;  Ezr.  iii.  7).  From  the  Greek 
 conquest  until  modern  times  Lebanon  had  no  sepa- 
 rate history .^Ayiti-Libanns. — 'I'he  main  chain  of 
 -Anti-Libanus  commences  in  the  plateau  of  Bashan, 
 near  the  parallel  of  Caesaren-l'hilippi,  runs  north 
 to  Hermon,  and  then  north-east  in  a  stiaight  line 
 till  it  sinks  down  into  the  great  plain  of  Emesa,  not 
 far  from  the  site  of  l.'ildah.  Hkumon  is  the  luftiest 
 jieak  ;  the  next  highest  is  a  few  miles  north  of  the 
 site  of  Abila,  besiiie  the  village  of  I>/ud<in,  and  has 
 an  elevation  of  about  700O  ft.  The  rest  of  tlie 
 lidge  averages  about  .5000  ft. ;  it  is  in  general  bleak 
 !uid  barren,  with  shelving  gray  declivities,  gray 
 clitl's,  and  gray  roun<Ied  sununits.  Here  and  there 
 we  meet  with  thin  t'orests  of  dwarf  oak  and  juni])er. 
 'I'he  western  slopes  descend  abruptly  into  the  J!n- 
 haa  ;  but  the  features  of  the  eastern  are  entirely 
 different.  Three  side-ridges  here  nidiate  from  Her- 
 mon, like  the  ribs  of  an  open  fan,  and  form  the 
 suppoi-ting  walls  of  three  great  terraces.  Anti- 
 Libanus  is  only  once  distinctly  mentioned  in  Scrip- 
 ture, where  it  is  accurately  described  ;is  "  Lebanon 
 toward  the  sun-rising"  (.Fosh.  xiii.  .5).  "  The  tower 
 of  Lebanon  which  looketh  toward  Damascus"  (Ouit. 
 vii.  4)  is  doubtless  Heimon,  which  forms  the  most 
 striking  feature  in  the  whole  panorama  round  that 
 city. 
 
 Leb'aoth,  a  town  which  foims  one  of  the  last 
 group  of  the  cities  of  "  the  South  "  in  the  enumera- 
 tion of  the  possessions  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  o2), 
 pK.b.il.ly  identical  with  liinil-I-EBAOTII. 
 
 Lebbae'us.  'I'his  name  occurs  in  Matt.  x.  3, 
 according  to  Codex  D  (Bezae)  of  the  sixth  century, 
 an!  in  the  received  Text.  In  Mai  k  iii.  18.  it  is  sub- 
 stitiiti'd  in  a  few  unimportant  MSS.  for  Tliaddeus. 
 
 Leb'onah,  a  place  named  in  Judg.  xxi.  lit  only. 
 Li-boiiali  has  survive<l  to  our  times  un<ler  the  almost 
 ideiiticjil  form  ofcl-l.tMan.  It  lies  to  the  west  of, 
 and  close  to,  the  Aablus  road,  about  eight  miles  north 
 of  /Irilln  nVthel),  and  two  fiom  Sci/un  (Shiloh). 
 
 Le'cah,  a  name  mentioned  in  the  genealogies  of 
 Judah  I  1  ("hr.  iv.  21  only)  as  one  of  the  descend- 
 ants of  Shelah,  the  third  son  of  Judah  by  tlie 
 Caniuiiite.ss  I'.alh-shiia. 
 
 Leech.     [nni{.si:-Li:i:cii.] 
 
 LEEKS 
 
 Leeks  (Heb.  chdtstr).  The  word  didtsir,  which 
 in  Num.  xi.  .'>  is  translated  kehs,  occurs  twenty 
 times  in  the  Hebrew  text.  The  Hebrew  term, 
 wtiich  properly  denotes  grass,  is  derived  from  a 
 root  sijjiiifylng  "  to  be  green,  nnd  may  therefore 
 stand   in   this  passage  for  any  green  food,  lettuce. 
 
 Common  leek  f^AUium  ]>^>Tum). 
 
 endive,  &.c.,  as  Ludolf  and  Maillet  have  conjec- 
 tured ;  it  would  thus  be  applied  somewhat  in  the 
 same  manner  as  we  use  the  term  "  greens  ;"  yet 
 as  the  chdtsir  is  mentioned  together  with  onions 
 and  garlick  in  the  text,  and  as  the  most  ancient 
 versions  inianimously  undei-stand  Icehs  by  the  He- 
 brew word,  we  may  be  satisiied  with  our  own 
 translation.  There  is,  however,  another  and  a  very 
 ingenious  interpretation  of  chdtsir,  first  proiwsed 
 by  Ilengstenbcrg,  and  received  by  Dr.  Kitto  ( I'ictor, 
 Bible,  Num.  xi.  5),  which  adopts  a  more  liter.al 
 translation  of  the  original  word,  tor,  says  Dr. 
 Kitto,  "  among  the  wonders  in  the  natural  history 
 
 TriBonrll.T  (•H'liuin-KTBCCum. 
 
 of  Egypt,  it  is  mentioneil  by  travellei-s  that  the 
 common  jieople  there  eat  with  special  relish  a  kind 
 of  qrass  similar  to  clorrr."  Mayer  says  of  this 
 plant  (whose  .srirntific  name  is  Triijonctla focnnin 
 ilraeciim,  lielonging  to  the  natural  order  Lrjitmiii' 
 osac),   that   it  is  similar  to  clover,   but  its  leaves 
 
LEES 
 
 more  pointeil,  and  that  gieat  quantities  of  it  aie 
 eaten  by  the  people.  The  leek  is  too  well-known 
 to  need  description.  Its  botanical  name  is  Allium 
 porruin  ;  it  belongs  to  the  order  Liliaceae. 
 
 Lees.  The  Hebrew  shcmer  bears  the  radical 
 sense  of  preservation,  and  was  applied  to  "  lees  " 
 from  the  custom  of  allowing  the  wine  to  stand  on 
 the  lees  in  order  that  its  colour  and  body  might  be 
 better  preserved.  Hence  the  expression  "  wine  on  the 
 lees,"  as  meaning  a  generous  full-bodied  liquor 
 (Is.  xxv.  6).  Before  the  wine  was  consumed,  it 
 was  necessary  to  strain  off  the  lees;  such  wine 
 was  tlien  termed  "well  refined"  (Is.  xxv.  6).  To 
 drink  the  lees,  or  "  dregs,"  was  an  expression  for 
 the  endurance  of  extreme  punishment  (Ps.  Ixxv.  8). 
 
 Legion,  the  chief  sub-division  of  the  Roman 
 army,  containing  about  6000  infantry,  with  a  con- 
 tingent of  cavalry.  The  term  does  not  occur  in 
 the  Bible  ni  its  primary  sense,  but  appears  to  have 
 been  adopted  in  order  to  exjn'ess  any  large  number, 
 with  the  accessory  ideas  of  order  and  subordination 
 (Matt.  XX vi.  53  ;'Mark  v.  9.) 
 
 Le'habini,  occurring  only  in  Gen.  x.  13,  the 
 name  of  a  Mizraite  people  or  tribe.  There  can  be 
 no  doubt  that  they  are  the  same  as  the  ReBU  or 
 LeBU  of  the  Egyptian  inscriptions,  and  that  from 
 them  Libya  and  the  Libyans  derived  their  name. 
 These  primitive  Libyans  appear  to  have  inhabited 
 the  northein  part  of  Africa  to  the  west  of  Egypt, 
 though  latterly  driven  from  the  coast  by  the  Greek 
 colonists  of  the  Cyrenaica,  as  is  more  fully  shown 
 under  LuBiM. 
 
 Lelli,  a  place  in  Judah,  probably  on  the  confines 
 of  tiie  Philistines'  country,  between  it  and  the  cliH' 
 Etam  ;  the  scene  of  Samson's  well-known  exploit 
 with  the  jawbone  (Judg.  xv.  9,  14,  19).  It  con- 
 tained an  eminence — Kamath-lehi,  and  a  spring  of 
 great  and  lasting  repute — En  hak-kore.  Whether 
 the  name  existed  before  the  exploit  or  the  exploit 
 originated  the  name  cannot  now  be  determined 
 from  the  narrative.  On  the  one  hand,  in  vers.  9 
 and  19,  Lehi  is  named  as  if  existing  before  this 
 occurrence ;  while  on  the  other  the  play  of  tiie 
 story  and  the  statement  of  the  bestowal  of 
 the  name  Rjimath-lehi  look  as  if  the  I'everse  were 
 intended.  The  analogy  of  similar  names  in  other 
 countries  is  in  favour  of  its  having  existed  pre- 
 viously. A  similar  discrepancy  in  the  case  of 
 Beer  Lahai-roi,  and  a  great  similarity  between  the 
 two  names  in  the  original,  has  led  to  the  supposi- 
 tion that  that  place  was  the  same  as  Lehi.  But 
 the  situations  do  not  suit.  The  same  consideration 
 would  also  appear  fatal  to  the  identification  pro- 
 posed by  M.  Van  de  Velde  at  Tell  el-Lekldijeh,  in 
 the  extreme  south  of  Palestine.  As  far  as  the 
 name  goes,  a  more  probable  suggestion  would  be 
 Beit-Lildyeh,  a  village  on  the  northern  slojies  of 
 the  great  Wadij  Suleiman,  about  two  miles  below 
 tlie  upper  Beth-horon. 
 
 Lem'uel,  the  name  of  an  unknown  king  to 
 whom  his  mother  addiessed  the  prudential  maxims 
 contained  in  Prov.  xxxi.  1-9.  The  Rabbinical 
 commentators  identify  Lemuel  with  Solomon. 
 Grotius,  adopting  a  fanciful  etymology  from  the 
 Arabic,  makes  Lemuel  the  same  as  Hezekiah. 
 Hitzig  and  others  regard  him  as  king  or  chief 
 ot  an  Arab  tribe  dwelling  on  the  borders  of  Pales- 
 tine, and  elder  brother  of  Agur,  whose  name  stands 
 at  the  head  of  Prov.  xxx. 
 
 Lentiles  (Heb.  ^uddshim).  There  cannot  be  the 
 leiist  doubt  that  the  A.  V.  is  correct  in  its  trans- 
 
 LEOPARD 
 
 463 
 
 lation  of  the  Hebrew  word  which  occurs  in  the 
 four  following  pa^^sages : — Gen.  xxv.  ;i-l-,  2  Sam. 
 xvii.  28,  xxiii.  11,  and  Ez.  iv.  9.  There  are 
 three  or  four  kinds  of  lentiles,  all  of  which  are 
 still  much  esteemed  in  those  countries  where  they 
 
 Lenlile  (.LVumu  kits). 
 
 are  grown,  viz.  the  South  of  Europe,  Asia,  and 
 North  Africa:  the  red  lentile  is  still  a  favourite 
 article  of  food  in  the  East ;  it  is  a  small  kind,  the 
 seeds  of  which  after  being  decorticated,  aie  com- 
 monly sold  in  the  bazaars  of  India.  The  modern 
 Arabic  name  of  this  plant  is  identical  with  the 
 Hebiew  ;  it  is  known  in  Egypt  and  Arabia,  Syria, 
 &c.,  by  the  name  ' A<las,  as  we  learn  from  the 
 testimony  of  several  travellers.  Lentile  bread  is 
 still  ejiten  L>y  tlie  poor  of  Egypt. 
 
 Leopard  (Heb.  namer)  is  invariably  given  by 
 the  A.  V.  as  the  translation  of  the  Hebrew  word, 
 which  occurs  in  the  seven  following  passages, — 
 Is.  xi.  6  ;  Jer.  v.  6,  xiii.  23  ;  Dan.  vii.  (3  ;  Hos. 
 xiii.  7  ;  Cant.  iv.  8  ;  Hab.  i.  8.  Leopard  occurs 
 also   in  Ecckis.    xxviii.    23,    and    in   Rev.   xiii.  2. 
 
 Leopard  {Leopnrdut  vunuR). 
 
 From  the  passage  of  Canticles,  quoted  above,  we 
 learn  that  the  hilly  ranges  of  Lebanon  were  in 
 ancient  times  frequented  by  these  animals,  and  it 
 is  now  not  uncommonly  seen  in  and  about  Lebanon, 
 and  the  southern  maritime  mount;uns  of  Syria. 
 Burckhardt  mentions  that  leopards  have  sometimes 
 been  killed  in  "  the  low  and  rocky  chain  of  the 
 Richel  mountain,"  but  he  calls  them  ounces. 
 Under  the  name  ndiiKr,  which  me.ans  "•^potted." 
 
464 
 
 LEPER 
 
 it  is  not  improbable  that  another  animal,  namely 
 the  cheetah  (Gucparda jubata),  may  be  included; 
 which  is  tamed  by  the  Mahometans  of  Syria,  who 
 em})loy  it  in  hunting  the  gazelle. 
 
 Leper,  Leprosy.  The  predominant  and  cha- 
 racteristic Ibim  of  leprosy  in  Scripture  is  a  white 
 variety,  coverins;  either  the  entire  body  or  a  large 
 tract  of  its  surface ;  which  has  obtained  the  name 
 of  lepra  ^foS(lica.  Such  were  the  cases  of  Moses, 
 Miriam,  Naaman,  and  (iehazi  (Kx.  iv.  6;  Num. 
 xii.  10;  2  K.  v.  1,  27;  comp.  Lev.  xiii.  13). 
 But,  remarkably  enous;h,  in  tiie  Mosaic  litual- 
 diagnosis  of  the  disease  (Lev.  xiii.,  xiv.),  this  Kind, 
 when  overepreading  the  whole  surface,  appears  to 
 be  regarded  as  "clean"  (xiii.  12,  13,  IG,  17). 
 The  Egyptian  Iwndage,  with  its  studied  degi-ada- 
 tions  and  privations,  and  especially  the  work  of  the 
 kiln  under  an  Egyptian  sun,  must  have  had  a 
 frightful  tendency  to  generate  this  class  of  dis- 
 ordei's ;  hence  Manetho  asseiis  that  the  Egyptians 
 drove  out  the  Israelites  as  infected  with  leprosy — 
 a  strange  reflex,  perhaps,  of  the  Mosaic  uan-ative 
 of  the  "plagues"  of  Egypt,  j-et  probably  also 
 containing  a  geiTn  of  truth.  The  sudden  and 
 total  change  of  food,  air,  dwelling,  and  mode  of 
 life,  caused  by  the  Exodus,  to  this  nation  of  newly- 
 emancipated  slaves  may  possibly  have  had  a  fur- 
 ther tendency  to  produce  skin-disorders,  and 
 severe  repressive  measures  may  have  been  required 
 in  the  desert-moving  camp  to  secure  the  public 
 health,  or  to  allay  the  panic  of  infection.  Hence 
 it  is  possible  that  many,  perhaps  most  of  this 
 repertory  of  symptoms  may  have  disappeared  with 
 the  period  of  the  Exodus,  and  the  snow-white 
 form,  which  had  pre-existed,  may  alone  linve 
 ordinarily  continued  in  a  later  age.  But  it  is 
 observable  that,  amongst  these  Levitii  nl  symptoms, 
 the  scaling,  or  peeling  off  of  the  surface,  is  nowhere 
 mentioned,  nor  is  there  any  expression  in  the 
 Hebrew  text  which  points  to  exfoliation  of  the 
 cuticle.  The  principal  morbid  features  are  a 
 rising  or  swelling,  a  sciib  or  baldness,  and  a  bright 
 or  white  spot  (xiii.  2).  But  especially  a  white 
 swelling  in  the  skin,  with  a  change  of  the  hair 
 of  the  part  from  the  natural  black  to  white  or 
 yellow  (3,  10,  4,  20,  25,  30),  or  an  appeaiance  of 
 a  taint  going  "deeper  than  the  skin,"  or  again, 
 "raw  ffesh"  appearing  in  the  swelling  (10,  14, 
 15),  were  critical  signs  of  pollution.  The  mere 
 swelling,  or  scab,  or  bright  spot,  was  remanded  for 
 a  week  as  doubtful  (4,  21,  26,  31),  and  for  a 
 second  such  jieriod,  if  it  had  not  yet  pronounced 
 (5).  If  it  then  spread  (7,  22,  27,  35),  it  was 
 decide<l  as  polluting.  But  if  after  the  second 
 period  of  quarantine  the  trace  died  away  and 
 showed  no  symptom  of  spreading,  it  was  a  mere 
 scab,  and  tlic  patient  was  adjudged  clean  (6,  23, 
 34).  This  tendency  to  spread  seems  especially 
 to  have  been  relied  on.  A  spot  most  innocent 
 in  all  other  respects,  if  it  "spread  much  abroad," 
 was  unclean;  whereas,  as  fjefore  remarked,  the 
 man  so  wholly  overspread  with  the  evil  that  it 
 KiuM  (ind  no  farther  range,  w.-us  on  the  contrary 
 "clean"  (12,  13).  These  two  op|)osite  criteria 
 seem  to  show,  that  whilst  the  disease  manifested 
 activity,  the  Mosaic  law  imputed  pollution  to  and 
 imposed  segregation  on  the  sufferer,  but  that  the 
 point  at  which  it  might  lie  viewed  as  having  run 
 iU  course  was  the  signal  for  liig  readmission  to 
 communion.  It  is  clear  that  the  leprosy  of  Lev. 
 Kill.,  xiv.  mean.s  any  severe  disear^  spreading  on  the 
 
 LEPER 
 
 surface  of  the  body  in  the  way  described,  and  so 
 shocking  of  aspect,  or  so  generally  suspected  ot 
 infection,  that  public  feeling  called  for  separation. 
 It  is  now  undoubteti  that  the  "  leprosy  "  of  modern 
 Syria,  and  which  has  a  wide  range  in  Sfiain,  Greece, 
 and  Nonvay,  is  the  Elephantiasis  Graecontm.  It 
 is  said  to  have  been  brought  home  by  the  cru- 
 siiders  into  the  various  countries  of  Western  and 
 Northern  Europe.  It  certainly  was  not  tlie  dis- 
 tinctive white  leprosy,  nor  do  any  of  the  described 
 symptoms  in  Lev.  xiii.  point  to  elephantiasis. 
 "White  as  snow"  (2  K.  v.  27)  would  be  as  in- 
 applicable to  elephantiasis  as  to  small-pox.  Fur- 
 ther, the  most  striking  and  fearful  results  of  this 
 modern  so-called  "leprosy"  are  wanting  in  the 
 Mosaic  description.  Whether  we  regard  Lev.  xiii, 
 as  speaking  of  a  group  of  diseases  having  mutually 
 a  mere  superficial  resemblance,  or  a  real  aliinity,  it 
 need  not  perplex  us  that  they  do  not  correspond  with 
 the  threefolil  leprosy  of  Hippocrates  (the  aX<pus, 
 \fVK7i,  and  fxtXas),  which  are  said  by  Bateman 
 (Skin  Diseases,  Plates  vii,  and  viii.)  to  prevail 
 still  respectively  as  lepra  alphoides,  lepra  vulgaris, 
 and  lepra  niijricans.  The  first  has  more  minute 
 and  whiter  scales,  and  the  circular  patches  in 
 which  they  form  are  smaller  than  those  of  the 
 vulgaris,  which  appears  in  scaly  discs  of  dilferent 
 sizes,  having  nearly  always  a  circular  form,  first 
 presenting  small  distinct  red  shining  elevations  of 
 the  cuticle,  then  wliite  scales  which  accumulate 
 sometimes  into  a  thick  crust ;  or,  as  Dr.  Mason 
 Good  describes  its  appearance  (vol.  iv.  p,  451)  as 
 having  a  spreading  scde  upon  an  elevated  base ; 
 the  elevations  depressed  in  the  middle,  but  without 
 a  change  of  colour  ;  the  black  hair  on  the  patches, 
 which  is  the  prevailing  colour  of  the  hair  in  Pales- 
 tine, participating  in  the  whiteness,  and  the  patches 
 themselves  perpetually  widening  in  their  outline. 
 A  phosphate  of  lime  is  probably  what  gives  their 
 bright  glossy  colour  to  the  scaly  patches,  and  this 
 in  the  kindred  disease  of  icthyosis  is  dejiosited  in 
 great  abundance  on  the  surface.  The  third  nigri- 
 caiis,  or  rather  stt^ifusca,  is  lai'er,  in  form  and  dis- 
 tribution, resembling  the  second,  but  differing  in 
 the  dark  livid  colour  of  the  patches.  The  scaly 
 incrustations  of  the  first  species  infest  the  flat  of  the 
 fore-arm,  knee,  and  elbow  joints,  but  on  the  face 
 seldom  extend  beyond  the  forehead  and  temples-, 
 comp.  2  Chr.  xxri.  19:  "  the  leprosy  rose  up  in 
 his  forehead."  The  cure  of  this  is  not  difficult; 
 the  second  scarcely  ever  heals  ^^Celsus,  Dc  Med.  v. 
 28,  §19).  The  third  is  always  accompanied  by  a 
 cachectic  condition  of  body.  Further,  elejih.intiasis 
 itself  has  also  passed  current  under  the  name  of  the 
 "  black  lepros)-."  It  is  possible  that  the  "  freckle*! 
 spot"  of  the  A.  V.  Lev.  xiii.  39  may  correspond 
 with  the  harmless  lepra  alplioides,  since  it  is 
 note<l  as  "  clean."  There  is  a  remarkable  concu^^• 
 rence  between  the  Aeschylean  (Choeph.  271-274) 
 description  of  the  disease  which  was  to  produce 
 "  lichens  coui-sing  over  the  flesh,  eitxling  with 
 fierce  voracity  the  former  natural  structure,  and 
 white  hail's  shooting  up  over  the  part  diseased," 
 and  some  of  the  Mosaic  symptoms  ;  the  spreading 
 energy  of  the  evil  is  dwelt  upon  lioth  by  Moses 
 and  by  Aeschylus,  as  vindicating  its  character  as  a 
 scourge  of  God.  But  the  symptoms  of  "  white 
 hairs"  is  a  curious  and  exact  confirmation  of  the 
 genuineness  of  the  detail  in  the  Mosaic  account, 
 es|iecially  as  the  (Kiel's  language  would  rather 
 imply  that    the  dise.i8e   spoken   of  was   not    then 
 
LESHEM 
 
 domesticated  in  Greece,  but  tlie  stiange  liovior 
 of  some  other  land.  There  remains  a  curious 
 question,  befoie  we  quit  Leviticus,  as  regards  the 
 leprosy  of  garments  and  houses.  Some  have 
 thought  garments  worn  by  leprous  patients  in- 
 tended. This  classing  of  garments  and  house- 
 walls  with  tiie  human  epidermis,  as  leprous,  hns 
 moved  the  mirth  of  some,  and  the  wonder  of 
 others.  Yet  modern  science  has  estal>lished  what 
 goes  far  to  vindicate  the  Mosaic  classification  as 
 .more  philosophical  than  such  cavils.  It  is  now 
 known  that  there  are  some  skin- diseases  which 
 originate  in  an  acarus,  and  others  which  proceed 
 from  a  fungus.  In  these  we  may  probably  find 
 the  solution  of  the  paradox.  The  analogy  between 
 the  insect  which  fiets  the  human  skin  and  that 
 which  frets  the  garment  that  covers  it,  between 
 the  fungous  growth  that  Inies  the  crevices  of  the 
 epidermis  and  that  which  creeps  in  the  interstices 
 of  masonry,  is  close  enough  for  the  purposes  of  a 
 ceremonial  law,  to  which  it  is  essential  that  there 
 should  be  an  arbitrary  element  intermingled  with 
 provisions  manifestly  reasonable.  Michaelis  has 
 suggested  a  nitrous  efflorescence  on  the  surface  of 
 the  stone,  produced  by  saltpetre,  or  rather  an  acid 
 containing  it,  and  issuing  in  red  spots,  and  cites 
 the  example  of  a  house  in  Lubeck  ;  he  mentions 
 also  exfoliation  of  the  stone  from  other  causes ;  but 
 probably  these  appearances  would  not  be  developed 
 without  a  greater  degree  of  damp  than  is  common 
 in  Palestine  and  Arabia.  It  is  manifest  also  that 
 a  disease  in  the  human  subject  caused  by  an  acarus 
 01'  b}'  a  fungus  would  be  certainly  contagious,  since 
 the  propagative  cause  could  be  tiansferred  from 
 person  to  person.  The  lepers  of  the  New  Testa- 
 ment do  not  seem  to  offer  occasion  for  special 
 remark,  save  that  by  the  N.  T.  period  the  disease, 
 as  known  in  Palestine,  probably  did  not  differ 
 materially  from  the  Hippocratic  record  of  it. 
 
 Le'shem,  a  variation  in  the  form  of  the  name  of 
 Laish,  afterwards  Dan,  occurring  only  in  Josh, 
 xix.  47  (twice). 
 
 Lethech  (Hos.  iii.  2,  margin).     [Measures.] 
 
 Lett'us,  the  same  as  Hattush  (1  Esd.viii.  29). 
 
 Let  ushim,  the  name  of  the  second  of  the  sons  of 
 Dedan,  son  of  Jokshan,  Gen.  xxv.  3  (and  1  Chr.  i. 
 32,  Vulg.).  Fresnel  identifies  it  with  Tasm,  one 
 of  the  ancient  and  extinct  tribes  of  Arabia,  like  as 
 he  compares  Leummim  with  Umeiyim. 
 
 Le'uminim,  the  name  of  the  third  of  the  de- 
 scendants of  Dedan,  son  of  Jokshan,  Gen.  xxv.  3 
 (1  Chr.  i.  32,  Vulg.),  being  in  the  plural  form  like 
 his  brethren,  Asshurim  and  Letushim.  It  evidently 
 refers  to  a  tribe  or  people  sprung  fiom  Dedan. 
 Leummim  has  been  identified  with  the  'aXa.oi;- 
 fxaLTUTai  of  Ptolemy,  and  by  Fresnel  with  an  Aiab 
 tribe  called  Uineiijim.  The  latter  was  one  of  the 
 very  ancient  tribes  of  Arabia  of  which  no  genealogy 
 is  given  by  the  Arabs,  and  who  appear  to  have 
 been  ante-Abrahamic,  and  possibly  aboriginal  in- 
 habitants of  the  country. 
 
 Le'vi.  1.  The  name  of  the  third  son  of  Jacob 
 by  his  wife  Leah.  This,  like  most  other  names  in 
 the  patriarchal  history,  was  connected  with  the 
 thoughts  and  feelings  that  gathered  i-ouud  the  child's 
 birth.  As  derived  fiom  lavdh  "  to  adhere,"  it  gave 
 utterance  to  the  hope  of  the  mother  tiiat  the  affec- 
 tions of  her  husband,  which  had  hitherto  rested  on 
 the  favoured  Rachel,  would  at  last  be  drawn  to  hei'. 
 "This  time  will  my  husband  be  joined  unto  me, 
 because  I  have  borne  him  three  sons  "  (Gen.  xxix. 
 
 Con.  D.  B  . 
 
 LEVIATHAN 
 
 46r) 
 
 34).  The  new-born  child  was  to  be  a  fresh  link 
 binding  the  parents  to  each  other  more  closely  than 
 before.  One  fact  alone  is  recorded  in  which  he  ap- 
 pears prominent.  The  sons  of  Jacob  have  come 
 from  Padan-Aram  to  Canaan  with  their  father,  and 
 are  with  him  "at  Shalem,  a  city  of  Shechem." 
 Their  sister  Dinah  goes  out  "  to  see  the  daughters 
 of  the  land  "  (Gen.  xxxiv.  1),  i.  c.  ns  the  words  pro- 
 bably indicate,  and  as  Josephus  distinctly  states 
 {Ant.  i.  21),  to  be  present  at  one  of  their  great 
 annual  gatherings  for  some  festival  of  nature- 
 worship,  analogous  to  that  which  we  meet  with 
 afterwards  among  the  Midianites  (Num.  xxv.  2), 
 The  license  ot  the  time  or  the  absence  of  her  natural 
 guardians  exposes  her,  though  yet  in  earliest  youth, 
 to  lust  and  outrage.  A  stain  is  left,  not  only  on 
 her,  but  on  the  honour  of  her  kindred,  which, 
 according  to  the  rougli  justice  of  the  time,  nothing 
 but  blood  could  wash  out.  The  duty  of  extorting 
 that  revenge  fell,  as  in  the  case  of  Amnon  and 
 Tamar  (2  >Sam.  xiii.  22),  on  the  brothers  rather 
 than  the  father,  just  as,  in  the  case  of  Rebekah,  it 
 belonged  to  the  brother  to  conduct  the  negotiations 
 for  the  marriage.  Simeon  and  Levi  take  the  task 
 upon  themselves.  The  history  that  follows  is  that 
 of  a  cowardly  and  repulsive  crime.  Foi-  the  offence 
 of  one  man,  they  destroy  and  plunder  a  whole  city. 
 They  cover  their  murderous  schemes  with  fair 
 words  and  professions  of  friendship.  They  make 
 the  very  token  of  their  religion  the  instrument  of 
 their  perfidy  and  revenge.  Their  "■  father,  timid 
 and  anxious  as  ever,  utters  a  feeble  lamentation. 
 Of  other  facts  in  the  life  of  Levi,  there  are  none  in 
 which  he  takes,  as  in  this,  a  prominent  and  dis- 
 tinct part.  He  shares  in  the  hatred  which  his 
 brothers  bear  to  Joseph,  and  joins  in  the  plots 
 against  him  (Gen.  xxxvii.  4).  Simeon  appears  to 
 have  been  foremost  in  this  attack  on  the  favoured 
 son  of  Rachel ;  and  it  is  at  least  probable  that  in 
 this,  as  in  their  former  guilt,  Simeon  and  Levi 
 were  brethren.  After  this  we  trac«  Levi  as  joining 
 in  the  migration  of  the  tribe  tl.at  owned  Jacob  as 
 its  patriarch.  He,  with  his  three  sons,  Gershon, 
 Kohath,  Merari,  went  down  into  Egypt  (Gen.  xlvi. 
 11).  As  one  of  the  four  eldest  sons  we  may  think 
 of  him  as  among  the  five  (Gen.  xlvii.  2)  that  were 
 specially  presented  before  Pharaoh.  Then  comes 
 the  last  scene  in  which  his  name  appears.  When 
 his  father's  death  draws  near,  and  the  sons  are 
 gathered  round  him,  he  hears  the  old  crime  brought 
 up  again  to  receive  its  sentence  from  the  lips  tint 
 ai-e  no  longer  feeble  and  hesitating.  They,  uo  less 
 than  the  incestuous  first-born,  had  forfeited  the 
 privileges  of  their  birthright.— 2.  Son  of  Melchi, 
 one  of  the  near  ancestors  of  our  Lord,  in  fact  the 
 great-grandfiUher  of  Joseph  (Luke  iii.  24).— 3.  A 
 more  i-emote  ancestor  of  Christ,  son  of  Simeon 
 (Luke  iii.  29).— 4.  Jiark  ii.  14;  Luke  v.  27,  29. 
 [Matthew.] 
 
 Levi'athan  occurs  five  times  in  the  text  of  the 
 A.  v.,  and  once  in  the  margin  of  Job  iii.  8,  where 
 the  text  has  "  mourning."  In  the  Hebrew  Bible 
 the  word  livyathan,  which  is,  with  the  foregoing 
 exception,  alwa3's  left  untranslated  in  the  A.  V.,  is 
 found  only  in  the  following  passages:  Job  iii.  8, 
 xl.  25  (xli.  1,  A.  V.)  ;  Ps.  Ixxiv.  14,  civ.  26 ;  Is. 
 xxvii.  1.  In  the  margin  of  Job  iii.  8,  and  text  of 
 Job  xli.  1,  the  crocodile  is  most  clearly  the  animal 
 denoted  by  the  Hebrew  word.  Ps.  Ixxiv.  14  aisu 
 clearly  points  to  this  same  saurian.  The  context 
 of  Ps.  civ.  26  seems  to  show  that  in  this  passage 
 
 2  H 
 
466 
 
 LEVIS 
 
 the  name  represents  some  animal  of  the  whale 
 tribe;  but  it  is  somewhat  uncertain  what  animal 
 is  denoted  in  Is.  xxvii.  1.  The  pissaije  in  Job  iii.  8  is 
 beset  with  dilFKrulties.  There  cjiii  however  be  little 
 doubt  that  the  margin  is  the  conet't  renderins;.  Thei e 
 appeal's  to  be  some  reference  to  those  who  practised 
 enchantments.  The  detailed  description  of  levia- 
 ^lan  given  in  .lob  .\li.  indispufcibly  belongs  to  the 
 trocodile.  The  Egyptian  crocoiiile  also  is  certainly 
 the  animal  denoted  by  leviathan  is  Ps.  Ixxiv.  14. 
 
 Crocodile  of  the  Nile  i  C.  <,ilganM\ 
 
 The  leviathan  of  Ps.  civ.  26  seems  clearly  enough 
 to  allude  to  some  great  cetacean.  The  Orca  gla- 
 diator (Gray),  the  Physahis  antiquoriim  (Gray), 
 or  the  Rorqual  de  la  Mediteiranee  (Cuvier),  are 
 not  uncommon  in  the  Mediterranean,  and  in  an- 
 cient times  the  species  may  have  been  more 
 numerous.  There  is  some  uuceitaiiity  iibout  the 
 leviathan  of  Is.  xxvii.  1.  As  the  term  teviathari  is 
 evidently  iisetl  in  no  limited  sense,  it  is  not  impro- 
 bable that  the  "  leviathan  the  piercing  serpent,"  or 
 "leviathan  the  crooked  serj)ent,"  may  denote  some 
 species  of  the  great  rock-snakes  ( Boidne)  which  aie 
 common  in  South  and  West  Africa,  peihaps  the 
 Jlortulia  Sebac,  which  Schneider  {Amph.  ii.  -06), 
 under  the  synonym  Boa  hierogli/phica,  ap[x;ai-s  to 
 identify  with  the  huge  serpent  represented  on  the 
 Egyptian  monuments. 
 
 Le'vis,  improperly  given  as  a  proper  name  in 
 1  Ksd.  ix.  J-l.  It  is  simply  a  corruption  of  "  the 
 Levite  "  in  Ezr.  x.  15. 
 
 Le'vites.  The  analogy  of  the  names  of  the  other 
 tiibes  of  Israel  would  lead  us  to  include  under  these 
 titles  the  whole  tribe  that  traced  its  descent  from 
 Levi.  The  existence  of  anotlier  division,  however, 
 within  the  tribe  itself,  in  the  hi^lier  oilice  of  the 
 ])rieslhood  as  limited  to  ''  the  sons  of  Aaion,"  gave 
 to  the  common  form,  in  this  instance,  a  peculiar 
 meaning.  Most  frequently  the  Levites  are  dis- 
 tinguislied,  as  such,  from  the  priests  (1  K.  viii.  4; 
 Ezr.  ii.  70  ;  .John  i.  10,  &c.),  and  this  is  the  mean- 
 ing which  has  perpetuated  itself.  Sometimes  the 
 word  extends  to  the  whole  tribe,  the  priests  in- 
 cluded (Num.  XXXV.  2;  Josh.  xxi.  3,  41  ;  Ex.  vi. 
 25 ;  Lev.  xxv.  32,  &c.).  Sometimes  agjiin  it  is 
 adde<l  as  an  epithet  of  the  smaller  portion  of  the 
 tribe,  aiicl  we  reiid  of  "  the  priests  the  Levites " 
 (Jo>h.  iii.  .1 ;  Ez.  iliv.  15).  The  history  of  the 
 trilje,  and  of  the  fniictioiis  attached  to  its  several 
 oitlere,  is  obviously  essential  to  any  right  apprehen- 
 sion of  the  history  of  Israel  as  a  people.  It  will 
 fiill  natunilly  into  tour  gieat  |)eriod8.  I.  The  time 
 of  the  l',xi>lns.  II.  Tlie  periwi  of  the  Judges, 
 III.  'i'hat  of  the  Monarchy.  IV.  That  fiom  the 
 Captivity  to  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem.— I.  The 
 
 LEVITES 
 
 absence  of  all  reference  to  the  consecrated  charactir 
 of  the  Levites  in  the  book  of  Genesis  is  noticeable 
 enough.  The  only  occasion  on  which  the  p.ntriarch 
 of  the  tribe  appears — the  massacre  of  the  She- 
 chemites  —  may  indeed  have  contributed  to  in- 
 fluence the  history  of  his  descendants,  by  fostering 
 in  them  the  s;\me  fierce  wild  zeal  against  all  that 
 threatened  to  violate  the  purity  of  their  race;  but 
 generally  what  strikes  us  is  the  absence  of  all  re- 
 cognition of  the  later  character.  In  the  genealogy 
 of  Gen.  xlvi.  11,  in  like  manner,  the  list  does  not 
 go  lower  down  than  the  three  sons  of  Levi,  and 
 they  are  given  in  the  order  of  their  birth,  not  in 
 that  which  would  have  corresponded  to  the  ollicial 
 superiority  of  the  Koliathites.  There  are  no 
 signs,  agjiiii,  that  the  tribe  of  Levi  had  any  special 
 pre-eminence  over  the  others  during  the  Egyptian 
 l)ondage.  Within  the  tribe  itself  there  are  some 
 slight  tokens  that  the  Koliathites  are  gaining  the 
 (iret  place.  But  as  yet  there  are  no  traces  of  a 
 caste-character,  no  signs  of  any  intention  to  esta- 
 blish an  hereditary  priesthood.  Up  to  this  time 
 the  Ismelites  had  woi-shipped  the  God  of  their 
 fathers  after  their  fathers'  manner.  It  was  ap- 
 parently with  this  as  their  ancestral  worship 
 that  they  cane  up  out  of  Egypt.  The  "young 
 men''  of  the  sons  of  Israel  oiler  sacrifices  (Ex. 
 xxiv.  5).  They,  we  may  infer,  are  the  priests 
 who  remain  with  the  people  while  Moses  ascends 
 the  heights  of  Sinai  (xix.  22-24).  They  repre- 
 sented the  truth  that  the  whole  people  were  "  a 
 kingdom  of  priests"  (xix.  6).  Neither  they  nor 
 the  "  olFjcere  and  judges  "  appointed  to  assist  Jloses 
 in  administering  justice  (xviii.  25)  are  connected 
 in  any  special  manner  with  the  tribe  of  Levi.  The 
 fii-st  step  towards  a  change  was  made  in  the  insti- 
 tution of  an  hereditary  piiesthood  in  the  family  of 
 Aaron,  during  the  Hist  withdrawal  of  Moses  to 
 the  solitude  of  Sinai  (xxviii.  1).  Tlie  next  exten- 
 sion of  the  idea  of  the  priesthood  grew  out  of  the 
 terrible  crisis  of  Ex.  xxxii.  The  tribe  stood  forth, 
 separate  and  apart,  recognising  even  in  this  stern 
 work  the  spiritual  as  higher  than  the  natural,  and 
 therefore  counted  worthy  to  be  the  representative 
 of  the  ideal  life  of  the  jveojile,  "  an  Israel  within  an 
 Israel."  Prom  this  time  accordingly  they  occupied 
 a  distinct  position.  The  tribe  of  Levi  was  to  take 
 the  place  of  that  earlier  priesthood  of  the  first-born 
 MS  reprefent;itives  of  the  holiness  of  the  people. 
 The  minds  of  the  peo|ile  were  to  be  drawn  to  the 
 fact  of  the  substitution  by  the  close  numerical  cor- 
 res]iondeiice  of  the  consecrated  tribe  with  that  of 
 those  whom  they  replaced.  As  the  Tabernacle  was 
 the  sign  of  the  preseiux!  among  the  people  of  their 
 unseen  King,  so  the  Levites  were,  among  the  other 
 tribes  of  Israel,  as  the  royal  guard  that  waited 
 exclusively  on  Him.  When  the  jx'ople  weie  at  rest 
 thev  encamped  as  guardians  round  the  siicre<l  tent 
 (Num.  i.  51,  xviii.  22).  The  Levites  might  come 
 nearer  than  the  other  tribes  ;  but  they  might  not 
 sacrifice,  nor  burn  incense,  nor  see  the  "  holy 
 tilings"  of  the  sanctuary  till  they  were  covereil 
 CNum.  iv.  15).  When  on  the  march  no  hamls 
 but  theirs  might  strike  the  tent  at  the  commence- 
 ment of  the  (lay's  journey,  or  cany  the  ])aits  of  its 
 structure  during  it,  or  jiitch  the  tent  once  again 
 when  they  halte<l  (Num.  i.  51).  It  was  obviously 
 essential  for  such  a  work  that  tiieie  sliould  be  a 
 (ixe<l  assignment  of  duties;  and  now  acconlingly 
 we  meet  with  the  first  outlines  of  the  organization 
 which  afterwards  became  permanent.     The  division 
 
LEVITES 
 
 of  the  tribe  into  the  tliree  sections  that  traced  their 
 descent  from  the  sons  of  Levi,  formed  the  ground- 
 work of  it.  The  work  which  tliey  all  had  to  do 
 requiied  a  man's  full  strength,  and  therefore, 
 though  twenty  was  the  starting-point  for  military 
 service  (Num.  i.),  they  were  not  to  enter  on  their 
 active  service  till  they  were  thirty  (Num.  iv.  23, 
 30,  35).  At  fifty  they  were  to  be  free  from  all 
 duties  but  those  of  superintendence  (Num.  viii.  25, 
 26).  The  result  of  this  limitation  gave  to  the 
 Kohathitfts  2750  on  active  service  out  of  8600  ;  to 
 the  sons  of  Gershon  2630  out  of  7500  ;  to  those  of 
 Merari  3200  out  of  6200  (Num.  iv.).  Of  these 
 the  Kohathites,  as  nearest  of  kin  to  the  priests,  held 
 from  the  first  the  highest  oHices.  They  were  to 
 bear  all  the  vessels  of  the  sanctuary,  the  ark  itself 
 included  (Num.  iii.  31,  iv.  15;  Deut.  xxxi.  25), 
 after  the  priests  had  covered  them  with  the  daik- 
 bhie  cloth  which  was  to  hide  them  from  all  pro- 
 fane gaze ;  and  thus  they  became  also  the  guardians 
 of  all  the  sacred  tieasures  which  the  people  had  so 
 freely  offered.  The  Geishonites  had  to  carry  the 
 tent-hangings  and  curtains  (Num.  iv.  22-26).  The 
 lieavier  burden  of  the  boards,  bars,  and  pillars  of 
 the  tabernacle  fell  on  the  sons  of  Mei  ari.  Before  the 
 march  began  tlie  whole  tribe  was  once  again  solemnly 
 set  apart.  The  new  institution  was,  however,  to 
 receive  a  severe  shock  from  those  who  were  most 
 interested  in  it.  The  section  of  the  Levites  whose 
 position  brought  them  into  contact  with  the  tribe 
 of  Keuben  conspired  with  it  to  reassert  the  old 
 patriarchal  system  of  a  household  priesthood  (Num. 
 svi.).  When  their  self-willed  amljition  had  been 
 punished  it  was  time  also  to  provide  more  de- 
 finitely for  them,  and  this  involved  a  permanent 
 organisation  for  the  future  as  well  as  for  the  pre- 
 sent. Jehovah  was  to  be  their  inheritance  (Num. 
 .wiii.  20;  Deut.  x.  9,  xviii.  2).  They  were  to 
 have  no  teiritorial  possessions.  In  place  of  them 
 they  were  to  receive  from  the  others  the  tithes  of 
 the  produce  of  the  land,  from  which  they,  in  their 
 turn,  offered  a  tithe  to  the  priests,  as  a  recognition 
 of  their  higher  consecration  (Num.  xviii.  21,  24, 
 26;  Neh.  x.  37).  When  the  wanderings  of  the 
 people  should  be  over  and  the  tabernacle  have  a 
 settled  place,  great  part  of  the  labour  that  had 
 fallen  on  them  would  come  to  an  end,  and  they  too 
 would  need  a  fixed  abode.  Distinctness  and  diffu- 
 sion were  both  to  be  secured  by  the  assignment  to 
 the  whole  tribe  of  forty-eight  cities,  with  an  out- 
 lying "suburb"  (Num.  xxxv.  2j  of  meadow-land 
 for  the  pasturage  of  their  flocks  and  herds.  The 
 reverence  of  the  people  for  them  was  to  be 
 heightened  by  the  selection  of  six  of  these  as  cities 
 of  refuge.  Thi-ough  the  whole  land  the  Levites 
 were  to  take  the  place  of  the  old  household  priests, 
 sharing  in  all  festivals  and  rejoicings  (Deut.  xii.  19, 
 xiv.  26,  27,  xxvi.  11).  Every  third  year  they 
 were  to  have  an  additional  share  in  the  produce 
 of  the  land  (Deut.  xiv.  28,  xxvi.  12).  To  "the 
 priests  the  Levites"  was  to  belong  the  office  of 
 preseiTing,  transcribing,  and  interpreting  the  law 
 (Deut.  xvii.  9-12;  xxxi.  26).  Such,  if  one  may 
 50  speak,  was  the  ideal  of  the  religious  organisation 
 which  was  present  to  the  mind  of  the  lawgiver. 
 The  great  principle  was,  that  the  warrior-c-aste 
 who  had  guarded  the  tent  of  the  captain  of  the 
 hosts  of  Israel,  should  be  throughout  the  land  as 
 witnesses  that  the  people  still  owed  allegiance  to 
 Him.  As  yet,  no  traces  appear  of  their  character 
 as  a  learned  caste,  and  of  the  work  which  after- 
 
 LEVITES 
 
 467 
 
 wards  belonged  to  them  as  hymn-writer..  an<l 
 musicians. ^11.  The  successor  of  Moses,  though  be- 
 longing to  another  tribe,  did  faithfully  all  that 
 could  be  done  to  conveit  this  idea  into  a  reality. 
 The  submission  of  the  Gibeonites,  after  they  had 
 obtained  a  promise  that  their  lives  should  be  spared, 
 enabled  him  to  relieve  the  tribe-divisions  of  Ger- 
 shon and  Merari  of  the  most  burdensome  of  their 
 duties.  The  conquered  Hivites  becahie  "  hewers 
 of  wood  and  draweis  of  water  "  for  the  house  of 
 Jehovah  and  for  the  congregation  (Josh.  ix.  27). 
 As  soon  as  the  conquerors  had  advanced  tar  enough 
 to  proceed  to  a  partition  of  the  country,  the  forty- 
 eight  cities  were  assigned  to  them.  The  scanty 
 memorials  that  are  left  us  in  the  book  of  Judges 
 fail  to  show  how  far,  for  any  length  of  time,  the 
 reality  answered  to  the  idea.  The  tendency  of 
 the  people  to  fall  into  the  idolatry  of  the  neigh- 
 bouring nations  showed  eitlier  that  the  Levites 
 failed  to  bear  tlieir  witness  to  the  truth  or  had 
 no  power  to  enforce  it.  The  old  household  j)riest- 
 hood  revives,  and  there  is  the  nsk  of  the  national 
 worship  bieaking  up  into  individualism  (Judg.  xvi.). 
 The  shameless  license  of  the  sons  of  Eli  may  be 
 looked  upon  as  the  result  of  a  long  period  of  decay, 
 affecting  the  whole  oider.  The  work  of  Samuel 
 was  the  starting-point  of  a  better  time.  Himself  a 
 Levite,  and,  though  not  a  priest,  belonging  to  that 
 section  of  the  Levites  which  was  nearest  to  the 
 priesthood  (1  Chr.  A'i.  28),  adopted  as  it  were,  by  a 
 special  dedication  into  the  priestly  line  and  trained 
 for  its  offices  (1  Sam.  ii.  18),  he  appears  as  in- 
 fusing a  fresh  life,  the  author  of  a  new  organisa- 
 tion. There  is  no  reason  to  think,  indeed,  that 
 the  companies  or  schools  of  the  sons  of  the  pro- 
 phets which  appear  in  his  time  (1  Sam.  x.  5),  and 
 are  traditionally  said  to  have  been  founded  by  him, 
 consisted  exclusively  of  Levites;  but  there  am 
 many  signs  that  the  members  of  that  tribe  formed 
 a  large  element  in  the  new  order,  and  received  new 
 strength  from  it.— 111.  The  capture  of  the  Ark  by 
 the  Philistines  did  not  entirely  interrupt  the  wor- 
 ship of  the  Israelites,  and  the  ministrations  of  the 
 Levites  went  on,  first  at  Shiloh  (1  Sam.  xiv,  3), 
 then  for  a  time  at  Nob  (1  Sam.  xxii.  1 1),  after- 
 wards at  Gibeon  (1  K.  iii.  2;  1  Chr.  xvi.  39). 
 The  history  of  the  return  of  the  ark  to  Beth- 
 shemesh  after  its  capture  by  the  Philistines,  and  its 
 subsequent  removal  to  Kirjath-jearim,  points  appa- 
 rently to  some  strange  complications,  rising  out  of 
 the  anomalies  of  this  period,  and  afl'ecting,  in  some 
 measure,  the  position  of  the  tribe  of  Levi.  The 
 rule  of  Samuel  and  his  sons,  and  the  prophetical 
 character  now  connected  with  the  tribe,  tended  to 
 give  them  the  position  of  a  ruling  caste.  In  the 
 strong  desire  of  the  people  for  a  king,  we  may 
 perhaps  trace  a  protest  against  the  assumption  by 
 the  Levites  of  a  higher  position  than  that  originally 
 assigned.  The  leigu  of  Saul,  in  its  later  period, 
 was  at  any  rate  the  assertion  of  a  self-willed  power 
 against  the  priestly  order.  The  reign  of  David, 
 however,  wrought  the  change  from  persecution  to 
 honour.  When  his  kingdom  was  established,  there 
 came  a  fuller  organisation  of  the  whole  tribe.  Their 
 position  in  relation  to  the  priesthood  was  once  again 
 definitely  recognised.  When  the  ark  was  carried 
 up  to  its  new  resting-place  in  Jerusalem,  their 
 claim  to  be  the  bearers  of  it  was  publicly  acknow- 
 ledged (1  Chr.  XV.  2).  In  the  procession  which 
 attended  the  ultimate  conveyance  of  the  aik  to  its 
 new  resting-pl;ice    the    Levites    w;re   conspicuous. 
 
 2  H  2 
 
468 
 
 LEVITES 
 
 wearing  their  liuen  ephods,  and  npjtearinf;  in  their 
 new  (.'liaracter  as  minstrels  (1  Chr.  xv.  27,  28). 
 In  tiie  worsliip  of  tiie  tabernacle  umler  I)avid,  as 
 afterwards  in  that  of  the  Temple,  we  may  trace  a 
 development  of  the  simpler  arrangenipnts  of  the 
 wilderness  and  of  Shiloh.  The  I-evites  were 
 the  gatekeejjei-s,  vergerF,  sacristans,  choristers  of  the 
 central  sanctuary  of  the  nation.  They  were,  in 
 the  language  of  1  Chr.  xxiii.  24-32,  to  which  we 
 may  refer  as  almost  the  locus  clussions  on  tliis  sub- 
 ject, "  to  wait  on  the  sons  of  Aaron  for  the  service 
 of  tlie  house  of  Jehovah,  in  the  courts,  and  the 
 chambers,  and  the  purifying  of  all  holy  things." 
 This  included  the  duty  of  providing  "  for  the  shew- 
 bread,  and  the  fine  Hour  for  meat-otlering,  and  for 
 the  unleavened  bread."  They  were,  besides  this,  "  to 
 stand  every  morning  to  thank  and  piaise  Jehovah, 
 and  likewise  at  even."  They  were  lastly  "  to 
 ofTer  " — »'.  e.  to  assist  the  priests  in  offering — "  all 
 burnt-sa(Mifices  to  Jehovah  in  the  sabbaths  and  on 
 the  set  feasts."  They  lived  for  tlie  greater  part 
 of  the  year  in  their  own  cities,  and  came  up  at 
 fixed  periods  to  take  their  turn  of  work  (1  Chr. 
 XXV.,  xxvi.).  How  long  it  lasted  we  have  no  suffi- 
 cient data  for  determining.  The  eiluciition  which 
 the  Levites  received  for  their  peculiar  duties,  no 
 less  than  their  connexion,  more  or  less  intimate, 
 with  the  schools  of  the  prophets,  would  tend 
 to  make  them,  so  far  as  there  was  any  etlucation 
 at  ail,  the  teachers  of  the  others,  the  transcribers 
 and  interpreters  of  the  Law,  the  chroniclers  of 
 the  times  in  which  they  lived.  We  have  some 
 striking  instances  of  their  appearance  m  this  new 
 character.  The  two  books  of  Chronicles  bear  uii- 
 mistakeable  marks  of  having  lieen  written  by  men 
 whose  interests  were  all  gathered  round  the  serv- 
 icH?s  of  the  Temple,  and  who  were  familiar  with 
 its  records.  The  former  subdivisions  of  the  tribe 
 were  recognised  in  the  assignment  of  the  new 
 duties,  and  the  Kohatliites  retained  their  old  pre- 
 eminence. As  in  the  old  days  of  the  Exodus,  so  in 
 the  organisation  under  David,  the  Levites  were  not 
 )nclude<l  in  the  general  census  of  the  people  (1  Chr. 
 xxi.  6),  and  formed  accordingly  no  jwrtion  of  its 
 military  strength.  A  separate  census,  made  appar- 
 ently before  tiie  change  of  age  just  mentioned 
 ( 1  Chr.  xxiii.  S),  gives — 24,000  over  the  work  of 
 the  Temple,  6000  officers  and  judges,  4000 
 porters,  »'.  e.  gate-keepei's,  and,  as  such,  bearing 
 arms  (I  Chr.  ix.  19;  2  Chr.  xxxi.  2),  4000 
 |)raising  Jehovah  with  instruments.  The  latter 
 number,  however,  must  have  included  the  full 
 choruses  of  the  Temple.  The  more  skilled  musi- 
 cians among  the  sons  of  Heman,  Asaph,  and  Jeilu- 
 thnn  are  numbered  at  288,  in  24  .sections  of  12 
 each.  The  revolt  of  the  ten  tribes,  and  the  policy 
 pni-sued  by  .leroljoam,  led  to  a  great  change  in  the 
 position  of  the  Levites.  They  were  the  witnesses 
 of  a[i  M|>|)oiiit«l  order  and  of  a  cential  worslii]!. 
 He  wished  to  make  the  priests  the  creatures  and 
 instruments  of  the  king,  and  to  establish  a  provin- 
 cial and  dividu<l  worship.  The  natiu'al  i«sult  w<xs, 
 that  they  left  the  cities  assigneii  to  them  in  the 
 teiTitory  of  Israel,  and  gathered  round  the  metro- 
 polis of  Judah  (2  Chr.  xi.  i:i,  14).  In  the  kingdom 
 of  Judah  they  were,  from  this  time  forward,  a 
 jmwerful  Iwdy,  politically,  sis  well  as  ecclesias- 
 tically. We  find  them  prominent  in  the  war  of 
 Abijah  against  Jeroboam  (2  (Jhr.  xiii.  10-12). 
 They  arc  »ent  out  by  Jehoshaphat  to  instnict  and 
 judge  the  people  (2  Chr.  xix.  8-10).     The  apostasy 
 
 LEVITES 
 
 that  followed  on  the  marria<:e  of  Jehoram  and 
 .Mhaliah  exjwseil  them  for  a  time  to  the  dominance 
 of  a  hostile  system  ;  but  the  services  of  the  Temple 
 ap|iear  to  have  gone  on,  and  the  Levites  were  again 
 conspicuous  in  the  counter-revolution  eH'ected  by 
 Jehoiada  (2  Chr.  xxiii.),  and  in  restoring  the 
 'femple  to  its  former  stateliness  under  Joash 
 (2  Chr.  xxiv.  5).  The  closing  of  the  Temple  under 
 Ahaz  involved  the  cessation  at  once  of  their  work 
 and  of  their  privileges  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  24j.  Under 
 Hezekiah  they  again  became  prominent,  as  conse- 
 ciating  themselves  to  the  special  work  of  cleansing 
 and  repairing  the  Temple  (2  Chr.  xxix.  12-15);  and 
 the  hymns  of  David  and  of  Asaph  were  again  i-e- 
 newed.  Their  old  privileges  were  lestored,  they 
 were  put  forward  as  teachers  (2  Chr.  xxx.  22), 
 and  the  payment  of  tithes,  which  had  probably 
 been  discontinued  under  Ahaz  was  renewed  (2  Chr. 
 xxxi.  4).  The  genealogies  of  the  tribe  were  revised 
 (ver.  17),  and  the  old  classification  kept  its  gi-ound. 
 The  reign  of  Manasseh  was  for  tliem,  during  the 
 greater  part  of  it,  a  period  of  depression.  That  of 
 Josiah  witnessed  a  fresh  revival  and  reorganisation 
 (2  Chr.  xxxiv.  8-13).  In  the  gi-eat  passover  of  his 
 eighteenth  year  they  took  their  place  as  teachere  of 
 the  people,  as  well  as  leadei-s  of  their  worship 
 (2  Chr.  XXXV.  3,  15).  Then  came  the  Egyptian 
 and  Chaldaean  invasions,  and  the  rule  of  cowardly 
 and  apostate  kings.  The  sacied  tribe  itself  showed 
 itself  unfaithful.  They  had,  as  the  yienalty  of  their 
 sin,  to  witness  the  destruction  of  the  Temple,  and 
 to  taste  the  bitterness  of  exile.— IV.  After  the 
 Ca|)tivity.  The  position  taken  by  the  Levites  in 
 the  fii'st  movements  of  the  return  fVom  Babylon 
 indicates  that  they  had  cherished  the  traditions  and 
 maintained  the  practices  of  their  tribe.  They,  we 
 may  believe,  were  those  who  were  specially  called 
 on  to  sing  to  their  conquerors  one  of  the  songs  of 
 Zion.  It  is  notiwable,  however,  that  in  the  first 
 body  of  leturning  exiles  they  are  present  in  a  dis- 
 projx)rtionately  small  number  (Ezr.  ii.  o6-42). 
 Those  who  do  come  take  their  old  jiarts  at  the 
 foundation  and  dedicjition  of  the  second  Temple 
 (Ezr.  iii.  10,  vi.  18).  In  the  next  movement 
 undei'  Ezra  their  reluctance  (whatever  may  have 
 been  its  origin)  was  even  more  strongly  marked. 
 None  of  them  presented  themselves  at  the  fiist 
 great  gathering  (Ezr.  viii.  15).  The  special  efforts 
 of  Ezra  did  not  succeed  in  bringing  together  more 
 than  38,  and  their  place  had  to  I*  filled  by  220  of 
 the  Nethinim  (ib.  20).  Those  who  returned  with 
 him  resumed  their  functions  at  the  feast  of  Taber- 
 nacles as  teachers  and  interpretei-s  (Neh.  viii.  7), 
 and  those  who  were  most  active  in  that  work  were 
 foremost  also  in  chanting  the  hymn-like  prayer 
 which  appears  in  Neh.  ix.  as  the  last  great  ellbrt 
 of  Jewish  ps;\lmo<ly.  They  are  recognised  in  the 
 great  national  covenant,  and  the  offerings  and 
 tithes  which  were  their  due  are  once  more  solemidy 
 secured  to  them  (Neh.  x.  37-39  .  They  take  their 
 old  places  in  the  Temple  and  m  the  villages  near 
 Jerusiilem  (Neh.  xii.  29),  and  are  present  in  full 
 array  at  the  givat  fiiv-t  of  the  l>e<lication  of  the 
 Wall.  The  two  prophets  who  were  active  nt  the 
 time  of  the  Heturri,  Haggai  and  Zechariah,  if  they 
 did  not  Iwlong  to  the  tiilie.  heljwd  it  forward  in 
 the  work  of  restoration.  'I'he  strongest  measures 
 are  adopted  by  Neheuiiah,  as  before  by  Ezra,  to 
 guai-d  the  purity  of  their  blood  from  the  contami- 
 nation of  mixcil  marriages  fEzr.  s.  23)  ;  and  they 
 arc  made  the  special  guardians  of  the  holiness  of 
 
LEVITICUS 
 
 the  Sabbath  (Neh.  xiii.  22).  The  last  prophet 
 of  the  0.  T.  sees,  as  part  of  liis  visioa  of  the  latter 
 days,  the  time  when  the  Lord  "  sliall  purify  the 
 sons  of  Levi  "  (Mai.  iii.  3).  The  guidance  of 
 the  0.  T.  fails  us  at  this  point,  and  the  history 
 of  the  Levites  in  relation  to  the  national  life  be- 
 comes consequently  a  mattei-  of  inference  and  con- 
 jecture. The  synagogue  worship,  then  originated, 
 or  receiving  a  new  development,  was  oiganised 
 irrespectively  of  them,  and  thus  throughout  the 
 whole  of  Palestine  there  were  means  of  instruction 
 in  the  Law  with  which  they  were  not  connected. 
 During  the  period  that  followed  the  Captivity  they 
 contributed  to  the  Ibrmation  of  the  so-called  Great 
 Synagogue.  They,  with  tlie  priests,  tlieoretically 
 constituted  and  practically  ibrmed  the  majority  of 
 the  permanent  Sanhedrim,  and  as  such  had  a  large 
 share  in  the  administration  of  justice  even  in  aipital 
 cases.  The}-  take  no  prominent  part  in  the  Macca- 
 baean  struggles,  though  they  must  have  been  present 
 at  the  great  purification  of  the  Temple.  They 
 appear  but  seldom  in  the  history  of  the  N.  T. 
 Where  we  meet  with  their  names  it  is  as  the  type 
 of  a  formal  heartless  worship,  without  sympathy 
 and  without  love  (Luke  .x.  32).  The  mention  of 
 a  Levite  of  Cyprus  in  Acts  iv.  36  shows  that 
 the  changes  of  the  jirevious  century  had  carrial 
 that  tribe  also  into  "  the  dispersed  among  the 
 Gentiles."  Later  on  in  the  history  of  the  first 
 century,  when  the  Temple  had  received  its  final 
 completion  under  the  younger  Agrippa,  we  find 
 one  section  of  the  tribe  engaged  in  a  new  move- 
 ment. With  that  strange  unconsciousness  of  a 
 coming  doom  which  so  often  marks  the  last  stage 
 of  a  decaying  system,  the  singers  of  the  Temple 
 thought  it  a  fitting  time  to  apply  for  the  right 
 of  wearing  the  same  linen  garment  as  the  priests, 
 and  persuaded  the  king  that  the  concession  of  this 
 privilege  would  be  the  glory  of  his  I'eign  (Joseph. 
 Ant.  XX.  8,  §6).  The  other  Levites  at  the  same 
 time  asked  for  and  obtained  the  privilege  of  joining 
 in  the  Temple  choru.ses,  from  which  hitherto  they 
 had  been  excluded.  The  destruction  of  the  Temple 
 so  soon  after  they  had  attained  the  object  of  their 
 desires  came  as  with  a  gi-im  irony  to  sweep  away 
 their  occupation,  and  so  to  deprive  them  of  every 
 vestige  of  that  which  had  distinguished  them  from 
 other  Israelites.  They  were  merged  in  the  crowd 
 of  captives  that  were  sciittered  over  the  Koman 
 world,  and  disappear  from  the  stage  of  history. 
 Looking  at  the  long  history  of  which  the  outline 
 has  been  here  ti'aced,  we  find  in  it  the  light  and 
 darkness,  the  good  and  evil,  which  mingle  in  the 
 character  of  most  corpoi-ate  or  caste  societies.  On 
 the  one  hand,  the  Levites,  as  a  tribe,  tended  to  fall 
 into  a  formal  worship,  a  narrow  and  exclusive 
 exaltation  of  themselves  and  of  their  countiy.  On 
 the  other  hand,  we  must  not  forget  that  they  were 
 chosen,  together  with  the  priesthood,  to  bear  wit- 
 ness of  great  truths  which  might  otherwise  ha\  e 
 perished  tiom  remembrance,  and  that  they  bore  it 
 well  through  a  long  succession  of  centuries.  It  is 
 not  often,  in  the  history  of  the  world,  that  a  reli- 
 gious caste  or  order  has  passed  away  with  moie 
 claims  to  the  respect  and  gratitude  of  mankind 
 tlian  the  tribe  of  Levi. 
 
 Leviticus.  Contents. — The  Book  consists  of 
 the  Ibllowing  principal  sections:  —  I.  'I'he  laws 
 touching  sacrifices  (chap,  i.-vii.).  IL  An  his- 
 trirical  section  containing,  first,  the  consecration 
 of  Aaron  and  his  sons  (chap,  viii.);  next,  his  first 
 offering  for  himself  and  his  people  ''chap.  ix. ) ;  and 
 
 LEVITICUS 
 
 469 
 
 lastly,  the  destruction  of  Nadab  and  Abihu,  the  sons 
 of  Aaron,  for  their  presumptuous  ofience  (chap.  x.). 
 III.  The  laws  concerning  purity  and  impurity,  and 
 the  appropriate  sacrifices  and  ordinances  for  putting 
 away  impurity  (chap,  xi.-xvi.).  IV.  Laws  chiefiy 
 intended  to  mark  the  separation  between  Israel  and 
 the  heathen  nations  (chap,  xvii.-xx.).  V.  Laws 
 concerning  the  priests  (xxi.,  xxii.j;  and  certain 
 holy  days  and  festivals  (xxiii.,  xxv.),  together  with 
 an  episode  (xxi v.).  The  section  extends  from  chap, 
 xxi.  1  to  xxvi.  2.  VI.  Promises  and  threats  (xxvi. 
 2-46).  VII.  An  appendix  containing  the  laws 
 concerning  vows  (xxvii.).— I.  The  book  of  Exodus 
 concludes  with  the  account  of  the  completion  of 
 the  tabernacle.  From  the  tabernacle,  thus  rendered 
 glorious  by  the  Divine  Presence,  issues  the  legisla- 
 tion contained  in  the  book  of  Leviticus.  As  Jeho- 
 vah draws  near  to  the  people  in  the  tabernacle,  so 
 the  people  draw  near  to  Jehovah  in  the  oflering. 
 Without  offerings  none  may  approach  Him.  The 
 regulations  respecting  the  sacrifices  iiiU  into  three 
 groups,  and  each  of  these  groups  again  consists  of  a 
 decalogue  of  instructions.  1.  The  first  gioup  of 
 regulations  (chap,  i.-iii.)  deals  with  three  kinds 
 of  oflerings:  the  burnt-offering,  the  meat-offeiing, 
 and  the  thank-offering,  i.  The  burnt-offering  (chap. 
 i.)  in  three  sections.  It  might  be  either  (1)  a  male 
 without  blemish  from  the  herds,  ver.  3-9  ;  or  (2)  a 
 male  without  blemish  from  the  flocks,  or  lesser 
 cattle,  ver.  10-13;  or  (3)  it  might  be  fowls,  an 
 offering  of  turtle-doves  or  young  pigeons,  ver. 
 14-17.  The  next  group  (chap,  ii.)  presents  many 
 more  difficulties,  ii.  The  meat-ofl'ering,  or  blood- 
 less offering  in  four  sections:  (1)  in  its  uncooked 
 form,  consisting  of  fine  flour  with  oil  and  frank- 
 incense, ver.  1-3  ;  (2)  m  its  cooked  form,  of  which 
 three  different  kinds  are  specified  —  baked  in  the 
 oven,  fried,  or  boiled,  ver.  4-10  ;  (3)  the  prohibi- 
 tion of  leaven,  and  the  direction  to  use  salt  in  all 
 the  meat-otierings,  11-13;  (4)  the  oblation  of  first- 
 fruits,  14-16.  This  at  least  seems  on  the  whole  to 
 be  the  best  arrangement  of  the  group.  The 
 Masoretic  arrangement  is  in  five  sections  :  vers. 
 1-3  ;  4  ;  5,  6  ;  7-13  ;  14-16.  iii.  The  She- 
 lamim — "peace-offering"  (A.  V.),  or  "thank- 
 offering  "  (Ewald),  (chap,  iii.)  in  three  sections. 
 Strictly  speaking  this  falls  under  two  heads  :  first, 
 when  it  is  of  the  herd;  and  secondly,  when  it  is 
 of  the  flock.  But  this  last  has  again  its  .subdivi- 
 sion ;  lor  the  offering  when  of  the  flock  may  be 
 either  a  lamb  or  a  goat.  Accordingly  the  three 
 sections  are,  vers.  1-5;  7-11  ;  12-16;  and  ver.  17 
 a  general  conclusion.  This  concludes  the  first 
 Decalogue  of  the  book.  2.  Chap,  iv.,  v.  The 
 laws  concerning  the  sin-offering  and  the  trespass-  (or 
 guilt-)  offering.  The  sin-offering  (chap,  iv.)  is 
 treated  of  under  four  specified  cases,  after  a  short 
 introduction  to  the  whole  in  ver.  1,  2:  (1)  the 
 sin-offering  lor  the  priest,  3-12  ;  (2)  for  the  whole 
 congregation,  13-21;  (3)  for  a  ruler,  22-26 ;  (4) 
 for  one  of  the  common  people,  27-35.  After  these 
 four  cases,  in  which  the  otiering  is  to  be  made  for 
 four  different  classes,  there  follow  provisions  re- 
 specting three  several  kinds  of  transgression  for 
 which  atonement  must  be  made  (v.  1-4).  We 
 may  follow  Bertheau,  Baumgarten,  and  Knobel, 
 in  regaiding  them  as  special  instances  in  which 
 a  sm-offering  was  to  be  brought.  The  Decalogue 
 is  then  completed  by  the  three  regulations  respect- 
 ing the  guilt-offering  (or  trespass-ofi'ering)  :  first, 
 when  any  one  sins  "  through  ignorance  in  the  holy 
 things   of   Jehovah"    (ver.    14-26).       As    in    the 
 
470 
 
 LEVITICUS 
 
 loiiner  Oecalogue,  the  nature  of  the  oflerings, 
 so  in  tliis  the  jiei-son  and  the  nature  of  the 
 ofleiite  are  the  chief  features  in  the  several  sta- 
 tutes. ;-{.  Chap,  vi.,  vii.  Natunilly  u])ou  the 
 law  of  sacrific'es  follows  the  law  of  the  priests' 
 duties  when  they  ofl'er  the  sacrifices.  In  this 
 pioiip  the  diderent  kinds  of  oll'erini;s  are  named 
 in  nearly  the  same  order  as  in  the  two  preced- 
 ing Decalogues,  except  that  the  offering  at  the 
 consecration  of  a  priest  follows,  instead  of  the 
 thank-offering,  immediately  after  the  meat-ollering, 
 which  it  resembles ;  and  the  thank-ollering  now 
 appars  after  the  trespass-offering  (vi.  ^-18). 
 4.  'I'he  next  Decalogue  is  contiiineil  in  ver.  I9r'i0. 
 .").  The  third  Deadogue  is  contained  in  chap,  vii, 
 1-lU,  the  laws  of  the  trespjuss-otlering.  6.  The 
 fourth  Deaiiogue,  after  an  introductory  verse  (ver. 
 11),  is  contiined  in  ten  vei-ses  (r2-21).  7.  The 
 last  Decilogue  consists  of  certain  general  laws  about 
 the  fat,  the  blood,  tlie  wave-breast,  &c.,  and  is 
 comprised  again  in  ten  vei-ses  ("20-33^,  the  vei-ses 
 as  before  marking  the  divisions.  The  chapter  closes 
 with  a  brief  historiaU  notice  of  the  fact  that  these 
 several  commands  were  given  to  Moses  on  Mount 
 .Sinai  (ver.  35-38).— II.  Chap,  viii.,  ix.,  x.  This 
 section  is  entirely  historical.  In  chapter  viii.  we 
 Jiave  the  account  of  the  consecration  of  Aaron  and 
 liis  sons  by  Moses  before  the  whole  congregation. 
 In  chap.  ix.  Aaron  offers,  eight  days  after  his  con- 
 (iecration,  his  first  offering  for  himself  and  the 
 people.  Chap.  x.  tells  how  Nadab  and  Abihu 
 j)erished  beuiuse  of  their  presumption. ^III.  Chap. 
 .\i.-xvi.  The  fii-st  seven  Dea\logues  had  reference 
 to  the  putting  away  o( guilt.  The  next  seven  con- 
 cern themselves  with  the  putting  nway  o(  impurity. 
 That  chaptei-s  xi.-xv.  hang  together  so  as  to  fbiTO 
 one  series  of  laws  there  can  be  no  doubt.  The  only 
 question  is  about  chap,  xvi.,  which  by  its  opening 
 is  connected  immediately  with  the  occun'ence  re- 
 lateil  in  chap.  x.  HistoriciUy  it  would  seem  there- 
 fore that  chap.  xvi.  ought  to  have  followed  chap. 
 X.  And  as  this  order  is  neglected,  it  would  lead  us 
 to  suspect  that  some  other  principle  of  airangement 
 than  that  of  historiail  sequence  has  been  adopted. 
 This  we  find  in  the  solemn  significance  of  the  Great 
 Day  of  Atonement.  1.  The  first  Decalogue  in  this 
 group  retiers  to  clean  and  unclean  flesh.  Five 
 classes  of  animals  are  pronounced  undeiui.  The 
 first  four  enactments  declare  what  animals  may  and 
 may  not  be  eaten,  whether  (1)  be;vsts  of  the  earth 
 (2-8),  or  (2)  fishes  (9-12),  or  (3j  birds  (13-20 y, 
 or  (4)  creeping  things  with  wings.  The  next  four 
 are  intended  to  guard  against  jwUution  by  contact 
 with  the  carcase  of  any  of  the.-ie  animals  :  (5)  ver. 
 24-26  ;  (6)  ver.  27,  28  ;  (7)  ver.  29-38  ;  (8)  ver. 
 39,  40.  The  ninth  and  tenth  sj)ccify  the  l.ast  class 
 of  animals  which  are  unclean  for  food,  (0)  41,  42, 
 and  forbid  any  other  kind  of  pollution  by  means  of 
 them,  (lOj  43-4.5.  Ver.  40  and  47  nve  merely  a 
 concluding  summary.  2.  Chap.  xii.  Women's 
 purification  in  childbed.  The  whole  of  this  chapter, 
 ancording  to  liertheau,  constitutes  the  fii>t  law  of 
 this  Decalogue.  The  remaining  nine  are  to  be 
 found  in  the  next  chapter,  which  tiBiits  of  the  signs 
 of  le|>rosy  in  man  and  in  garments.  (2)  ver.  1-8; 
 f3)ver.  9-17;  (4)  ver.  18-23;  (j)  ver.  24-28; 
 (6)  ver.  29-37  ;  (7)  ver.  38,  39  ;  (8)  ver.  40,  41 ; 
 19,  ver.  42-4ii;  (10)  ver.  47-59.  3.  Chap.  xiv. 
 l-">2.  "The  law  of  the  leper  in  tiie  day  of  his 
 clesinsing,"  i.  /7.  the  law  which  the  jiricst  is  to  ob- 
 serve in  purifying  the  lijjer.  4.  Cliap.  xiv.  33-57. 
 The  U'piasy  in  a  house,      licrthesiu's  division  is  as 
 
 LEVITICUS 
 
 follows:  (1)  ver.  34,  35;  (2)  ver.  36,  37;  (3)  ver. 
 38;  (4)  ver.  39;  (5)  ver.  40;  (6)  ver.  41,  42; 
 (7)  ver.  43-45.  Then  as  usual  follows  a  shon 
 summary  which  closes  the  statute  concerning 
 leprosy,  ver.  54-57.  5.  Chap.  xv.  1-15.  6.  Chap. 
 XV.  16-31.  The  law  of  uncleanness  by  issue,  &'C., 
 in  two  decalogues.  (1)  ver.  13-15;  [2)  ver. 
 28-30.  We  again  give  Berthciiu's  arrangement, 
 though  we  do  not  profess  to  regard  it  as  in  all 
 respects  satisfactory.  6.  (1)  ver.  2,  3;  (2)  ver. 
 4;  (3)  ver.  5;  (4)  ver.  6;  (5)  ver.  7;  (6)  ver. 
 8;  (7)  ver.  9;  (8)  ver.  10;  (9)  ver.  11,  12; 
 — these  liertheau  considers  as  one  enactment — 
 (10)  ver.  13-15.  6.  (1)  ver.  16;  (2)  ver.  17; 
 (3)  ver.  18;  (4)  ver.  19;  (5)  ver.  20;  '6)  ver. 
 21;  (7)  ver.  22;  (8)  ver.  23;  (9)  ver.  24; 
 (10)  ver.  28-30.  In  order  tn  complete  this 
 arrangement,  he  considei-s  vei-ses  2.")-27  .^s  a  kind 
 of  supplementary  enactment  piovideil  for  an  irre- 
 gular uncleanness,  leaving  it  as  quite  uncertain 
 however  whether  this  was  a  later  a.ldition  or  not. 
 Verses  32  and  33  form  merely  the  s;inie  general 
 conclusion  which  we  have  had  before  in  xiv.  54-57. 
 The  last  Decalogue  of  the  second  group  of  seven 
 Decalogues  is  to  be  found  in  chap,  xvi.,  which 
 treats  of  the  Great  Day  of  Atonement.  The  Law 
 itself  is  contained  in  ver.  1-28.  The  remaining 
 verse."?;  29-34,  consist  of  an  exhortation  to  its  careful 
 obser\'ance.  In  the  act  of  atonement  three  pei-sons 
 are  concerned.  The  high-priest, — in  this  instance 
 Aaron ;  the  man  who  leads  away  the  go<»t  for 
 Azazel  into  the  wilderness;  and  he  who  bums  the 
 skin,  Hash,  and  dung  of  the  bullock  and  goat  of 
 the  sin-offering  without  the  camp.  The  two  last 
 have  special  puiitications  assigned  them.  The  9th 
 and  10th  enactments  prescribe  what  these  purifica- 
 tions are.  The  duties  of  Aaron  consequently  ought, 
 if  the  division  into  decads  is  correct,  to  be  com- 
 prised in  eight  enactments.  Accoixling  to  this  the 
 Decalogue  will  stand  thus: — (1)  ver.  2;  (2)  ver. 
 3-5;  (3)  ver.  6,  7  ;  i  4)  ver.  8;  (5)  ver.  9,  10; 
 (6)  ver.  11-19  ;  (7)  ver.  20-22  ;  (8)  ver.  23-25  ; 
 (9)  ver.  26;  (10)  ver.  27,  28.  We  have  now 
 reached  the  great  central  point  of  the  book.  Two 
 great  truths  have  been  established  ;  first,  that  God 
 can  only  be  approache«.l  by  means  of  appointed 
 saciifices;  next,  that  man  in  nature  and  life  is  full 
 of  pollution,  which  must  be  cleansed.  And  now  a 
 third  is  taught,  viz.  that  not  by  several  cleansings 
 for  several  sins  and  pollutions  can  guilt  be  put 
 away.  The  several  acts  of  sin  are  but  so  many 
 manifestjitions  of  the  sinful  nature.  For  this,  there- 
 fore, also  must  atonement  be  made.— IV.  Chap, 
 xvii.-xx.  And  now  Israel  is  reminded  th.at  it  is 
 the  holy  nation.  The  great  atonement  otVered.  it 
 is  to  enter  upon  a  new  lite.  It  is  a  sejxirate 
 nation,  sanctified  and  set  apart  for  the  service  of 
 God.  Here  again  we  may  trace,  as  before,  a  group 
 of  seven  decalogues.  15ut  the  .several  decalogues 
 are  not  so  clearly  marked ;  nor  are  the  charact- 
 eristic phrases  .nnd  the  intixxluctions  and  conclu- 
 sions so  common.  In  chap,  xviii.  there  are  twenty 
 enactments,  and  in  chap.  xix.  thirty.  In  ch.np. 
 xvii.,  on  the  other  hainl,  there  are  only  six,  and  in 
 chap.  XX.  there  are  fourteen.  liertheau,  in  order 
 to  preserve  the  usual  arrangement  of  the  laws  in 
 decalogues,  would  ti-ansjKise  chapter  xviil.,  and 
 place  it  after  chapter  xix.  There  is,  however,  a 
 [Miint  of  connexion  U'tween  ch.nj«.  xvii.  and  xviii, 
 which  must  not  1*  overlookol,  and  which  .••eems  to 
 indicate  tliat  their  [Hisition  in  <>ur  |>reseMt  text  is 
 the   ri;^ht  one.     All  the  six  euiictments   in   diap. 
 
LEVITICUS 
 
 ivii.  (ver.  3-5,  ver.  6,  7,  vei-.  8,  9,  ver.  10-12, 
 ver.  13,  14,  ver.  lb)  bear  upon  the  nature  and 
 meaning  of  the  saciiHce  to  Jeliovah  as  comparod 
 with  the  sacrifices  ofleied  to  t\\he  gods.  It  would 
 seem  too  that  it  w;is  necessary  to  guaid  against 
 any  license  to  idolatrous  practices,  which  might 
 possibly  be  drawn  from  tiie  sending  of  the  goat 
 for  Azazel  into  the  wilderness,  especially  perhaps 
 against  the  Egyptian  custom  of  appeasing  the  Evil 
 8pirit  of  the  wilderness  and  aveiting  his  malice. 
 To  this  there  may  be  an  allusion  in  ver.  7.  Per- 
 haps however  it  is  better  and  more  simple  to  regard 
 the  enactments  in  these  two  chapters  as  directed 
 against  two  prevalent  heathen  practices,  the  eiiting 
 of  blood  and  forniaition.  In  chap,  xviii.,  after  the 
 introduction,  ver.  1-5,  there  follow  twenty  enact- 
 ments concerning  unlawful  marriages  and  unna- 
 tuial  lustij.  The  first  ten  are  contained  one  in 
 eiich  verse,  ver.  6-15.  The  next  ten  range  them- 
 selves in  like  manner  with  the  verses,  except  that 
 ver.  17  and  23  contain  each  two.  Chap.  xix. 
 Three  Decalogues,  introduced  by  the  words,  "  Ye 
 shall  be  holy,  for  I  Jehovah  your  God  am  holy," 
 and  ending  with,  "  Ye  shall  observe  all  my  statutes, 
 and  all  my  judgments,  and  do  them.  I  am  Jeho- 
 vah." The  laws  here  are  of  a  very  mixed  cha- 
 racter, and  many  of  them  merely  a  repetition  of 
 previous  laws.^V.  We  come  now  to  the  last 
 group  of  decalogues — that  contained  in  eh.  xxi.- 
 xxvi.  2.  The  subjects  comprised  in  these  enact- 
 ments are — First,  the  personal  purity  of  the  priests. 
 Tliey  mav  not  detile  themselves  for  the  dead ;  their 
 wives  and  daughters  must  be  pure,  and  they  them- 
 selves must  be  free  from  all  personal  blemish  (ch. 
 xxi.).  Next,  the  eating  of  the  holy  things  is  per- 
 mitted only  to  priests  who  are  free  from  all  un- 
 cleainiess:  they  and  their  household  only  may  eat 
 them  (xxii.  1-16).  Thirdly,  the  offerings  of  Israel 
 are  to  be  pure  and  without  blemish  (xxii.  17-33). 
 The  fourth  series  provides  for  the  due  celebration  of 
 the  great  festivals  when  priests  and  people  were  to 
 be  gathered  together  before  Jehovah  in  holy  con- 
 vocation. We  will  again  briefly  indicate  Bertheau's 
 groups.     1.  Chap.  xs.i.     Ten  laws,  as  follows: — 
 
 (1)  ver.  1-3;  (2)  ver.  4;  (3)  ver.  5,  6;  (4)  ver. 
 7,  8;  (5)  ver.  9;  (6)  ver.  10,  11  ;  (7)  ver.  12; 
 {8)  ver.  13,  14  ;  (9)  ver.  17-21  ;  (10)  ver.  22,  23. 
 2.  Chap.   xxii.    1-16.     (1)  ver.   2;  (2)   ver.    3; 
 
 (3)  ver.  4;  (4)  ver.  5-7  ;  (5)  ver.  8,  9;  (6)  ver. 
 10;  (7)  ver.  11;  (8j  ver.  12;  (9)  ver.  13;  (10) 
 ver.  14-16.  3.  Chap.  xxii.  17^33.  (1)  ver.  18- 
 20;  (2)  ver.  21;  (3)  ver.  22;  (4)  ver.  23;  (5) 
 ver.  24;  (6)  ver.  25;  (7)  ver.  27  ;  (8)  ver.  28; 
 (9;  ver.  29;  (10)  ver.  30;  and  a  general  conclu- 
 sion in  ver.   31-33.     4-.  Chap,  xxiii.     (1)  ver.  3; 
 
 (2)  ver.  5-7;  (3)  ver.  8;  (4)  ver.  9-14;  (5)  ver. 
 15-21;  (6)  ver.  22;  (7)  ver.  24,  25;  (8)  ver. 
 27-32;  (9)  ver.  34,  35;  (10)  ver.  36;  ver.  37, 
 38  contain  the  conclusion  or  general  summing  up 
 of  the  Decalogue.  On  the  remainder  of  the  chapter, 
 as  well  as  chap,  xxiv.,  see  below.  5.  Chap.  xxv. 
 1-22.     (1)  ver.  2;    (2)  ver.   3,  4;    (3)  ver.  5; 
 
 (4)  ver.  6;  (5)  ver.  8-10;  (6j  ver.  11,  12;  (7) 
 ver.  13  ;  (8)  ver.  14;  (9)  ver.  15  ;  (10)  ver.  16: 
 with  a  concluding  formula  in  ver.  18-22.  6.  Chap. 
 xxv.  23-38.  (1)  ver.  23,  24;  (2)  ver.  25;  (3) 
 ver.  26,  27  ;  (4)  ver.  28;  (5)  ver.  29;  (6)  ver. 
 30;  (7)  ver.  31  ;  (8)  ver.  32,  33;  (9)  ver.  34; 
 (10)  ver.  35-37 :  the  conclusion  to  the  whole  in 
 ver.  38.  7.  Chap.  xxv.  39-xxvi.  2.  (1)  ver.  39; 
 '2)  ver.  40-42 ;  (3)  ver.  43  ;  (4)  ver.  44,  45 ; 
 
 LIBERTINES 
 
 471 
 
 (5)  ver.  46;  (6)  ver.  47-49;  (7)  ver.  50;  (8; 
 ver.  51,  52;  (9)  ver.  53;  {W ,  ver.  .54.  It  will 
 be  observed  that  the  above  arrangement  is  only  com- 
 pleted by  omitting  the  latter  part  of  chap,  xxiii. 
 and  the  whole  of  chap.  xxiv.  But  it  is  clear  that 
 chap,  xxiii.  39-44  is  a  kiter  addition,  containinof 
 furtlier  instructions  respecting  the  Feast  of  Taber- 
 nacles. Chap,  xxiv.,  again,  has  a  peculiar  cha- 
 racter of  its  own. i— VI.  Tlie  seven  decalogues  are 
 now  fitly  closed  by  words  of  promise  and  threat — 
 promise  of  largest,  richest  blessing  to  those  that 
 hearken  unto  and  do  these  commandments  ;  threats 
 of  utter  destruction  to  those  that  break  the  covenant 
 of  their  God.^VII.  The  legislation  is  evidently 
 completed  in  the  last  words  of  the  preceding  chap- 
 ter:— "These  are  the  statutes  and  judgments  and 
 laws  which  Jehovah  made  between  Him  and  the 
 children  of  Israel  in  Mount  Sinai  by  the  hand  of 
 Moses."  Chap,  xxvii.  is  a  later  appendix.  Inte- 
 griti/. — This  is  very  geneially  admitted.  Those 
 critics  even  who  are  in  favour  of  difierent  docu- 
 ments in  the  Pentateuch  assign  nearly  the  whole  of 
 this  book  to  one  writer,  the  Elohist,  or  author  of  the 
 original  document.  Accoi-ding  to  Knobel  the  only 
 portions  which  are  not  to  be  referred  to  the  Elohist 
 are — Moses'  I'ebuke  of  Aaron  because  the  goat  of 
 the  sin-offering  had  been  burnt  (x.  16-20);  the 
 group  of  laws  in  chap,  xvii.-xx. ;  certain  additional 
 enactments  respecting  the  Sabbath  and  the  Feast  of 
 Weeks  and  of  Tabernacles  (xxiii.,  part  of  ver.  2, 
 and  ver.  3,  ver.  18,  19,  22,  39-44);  the  punish- 
 ments ordained  for  bla.sphemy,  murder,  &c.  (xxiv. 
 10-23) ;  the  directions  respecting  the  Sabbatical 
 year  (xxv.  18-22),  and  the  promises  and  warnings 
 contained  in  chap.  xxvi.  We  must  not  quit  this 
 book  without  a  word  on  what  may  be  called  its 
 spiritual  meaning.  That  so  elaborate  a  ritual 
 looked  beyond  itself  we  cannot  doubt.  It  was 
 a  prophecy  of  things  to  come ;  a  shadow  whereof 
 the  substance  was  Christ  and  His  kingdom.  We 
 may  not  always  be  able  to  say  what  the  exact 
 relation  is  between  the  type  and  the  antitype.  But 
 we  cannot  read  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  and  not 
 acknowledge  that  the  Levitical  priests  "  served  the 
 pattern  and  type  of  heavenly  things  " — that  the 
 sacrifices  of  the  Law  pointed  to  and  found  their 
 interpretation  in  the  Lamb  of  God — that  the  ordin- 
 ances of  outward  purification  signified  the  tiue 
 inner  cleansing  of  the  heart  and  conscience  from 
 dead  works  to  serve  the  living  God.  One  idea 
 moreover  penetrates  the  whole  of  this  vast  and 
 burdensome  ceremonial,  and  gives  it  a  real  glory 
 even  apart  from  any  prophetic  significance.  Holi- 
 ness is  its  character. 
 
 Lib'anus,  the  Greek  form  of  the  name  Lebanon 
 (1  Esd.  iv.  48,  v.  55;  2  Esd.  xv.  20;  Jud,  i.  7; 
 Ecclus.  jcxiv.  13,  1.  12)).  Anti-libanus  occurs 
 only  in  Jud.  i.  7. 
 
 Libertines.  This  word  occurs  once  only  in  the 
 N.  T.  (Acts  vi.  9).  The  question  is,  who  were 
 these  "  Libertines,"  and  in  what  relation  did  they 
 stand  to  the  others  who  are  mentioned  with  them  ? 
 Of  the  name  itself  there  have  been  several  explana- 
 tions. (1.)  The  other  names  being  local,  this  also 
 has  been  referred  to  a  town  of  Libertum  in  the 
 pro-consular  province  of  Africa. — (2.)  Conjectural 
 readings  have  been  proposed,  but  every  rule  of 
 textual  criticism  is  against  the  reception  of  a  read- 
 ing unsupported  by  a  single  MS.  or  version. — 
 (3.)  Taking  the  word  in  its  received  meining  as 
 =  freedmen,  Lightfbot  finds  iu  it  a  description  of 
 
472 
 
 LIBNAH 
 
 natives  of  Palestine,  who,  li;iviiig  fallen  iuto  slavery, 
 had  been  uiammiitted  by  Jewish  inxsteis. — (4.) 
 (irotius  ami  \'itriiiga  explain  the  word  as  describ- 
 ing Italian  freednien  who  had  become  converts  to 
 Judaism. — (5.)  The  earliest  explication  of  the  word 
 (Chrysost.)  is  also  that  which  lias  lieen  adopted  by 
 the  most  recent  authorities.  The  lAbertini  are 
 Jews  who,  having  been  taken  piisoners  by  Poinpey 
 and  other  Itoman  generals  in  the  Syrian  wars,  had 
 beea  leduced  to  slavery,  and  had  afterwards  been 
 emancipateil,  and  returned,  permanently  or  for  a 
 time,  to  the  country  of  their  fathers. 
 
 Lib'nah,  a  city  whicii  lay  in  tlie  south-west 
 \a\l  of  tiie  Holy  Land.  It  was  taken  by  Joshua 
 immediately  atter  the  rout  of  Beth-horon.  Libnah 
 belonged  to  the  .iistrict  of  the  Shetelali,  the  mari- 
 time lowland  of  Judah,  among  the  cities  of  which 
 district  it  is  enumerated  (Josh.  xv.  42).  Libnah 
 was  appropriated  with  its  "suburbs"  to  the  priests 
 (Josh.  .\xi.  VA\  1  Chr.  vi.  57).  In  the  reign  of 
 Jehorani  the  son  of  Jehoshai)hat  it  "  revolted"  from 
 Judah  at  the  same  time  witii  Kdom  (2  K.  viii.  22  ; 
 2  Chr.  xxi.  10) ;  but,  beyond  the  tiict  of  their  simul- 
 taneous occurrence,  thei'e  is  no  apparent  connexion 
 between  the  two  events.  On  completing  or  relin- 
 quishing the  siege  of  Lachish — which  of  the  two 
 is  not  (piite  certain  —  Sennacherib  laid  siege  to 
 Libnah  (2  K.  xix.  8  ;  Is.  xxxvii.  8).  It  was  the 
 native  place  of  Hamutal,  or  Hamital,  the  queen  of 
 Josiiih,  and  mother  of  Jehoahaz  (2  K.  xxiii.  ;31) 
 and  Zedekiah  (xxiv.  18;  Jer.  lii.  I).  Libnah  is 
 described  by  Kusebius  and  Jerome  in  the  Ono- 
 lUfUslioM  merely  as  a  village  of  the  di>trict  of 
 Eleutheropolis.  Its  site  h;»s  hitherto  escaped  not 
 only  discovery,  but,  until  lately,  even  conjecture. 
 Professor  Stanley,  on  the  ground  of  the  accordance 
 of  the  name  Libnah  (white)  with  the  "Blanche- 
 garde"  of  the  Crusaders,  and  of  both  with  the 
 appearance  of  the  place,  wouM  locate  it  at  Tell 
 es-Safieh,  a  white-lined  hill  5  miles  N.W.  of  Jleit- 
 jibrin.  Van  de  Velde  places  it  with  confidence  at 
 Ard/i  el-Mtnshiijeh,  4  miles  W.  of  Beit.jibnn;  but 
 the  conjecture  must  be  left  for  further  exploration. 
 
 Lib'nah,  one  of  the  stations  at  which  the  Israel- 
 ites encamped,  on  their  journey  between  the  wilder* 
 ness  of  Sinai  and  Kadesh  (Num.  xxxiii.  20,  21). 
 But  no  trace  of  the  name  hiis  yet  been  discovered ; 
 and  the  only  conjecture  which  appears  to  have  been 
 made  (oncerning  it  is  that  it  was  identical  with 
 Laban,  nientione<l  in  Deut.  1.  1. 
 
 Lib'ni.  1.  The  eldest  son  of  Gershom,  the  son 
 of  Levi  (Kx.  vi.  17;  Num.  iii.  18;  1  Chr.  vi.  17, 
 20),  and  ancestor  of  the  tamilyof  the  Liiimtks.— 
 2.  The  son  of  Mahli,  or  Mahali,  son  of  Merari 
 (1  Chr.  vi.  29),  as  the  Text  at  present  stands.  It 
 is  probable,  however,  that  he  is  the  same  with  the 
 preceding,  aixl  that  something  hiis  been  omitted 
 (couip.  v.M-.  21)  with  20,  42). 
 
 Lib'nites,  the,  the  descendants  of  Libni,  eldest 
 son  of  <iershom  (Num.  iii.  21,  xxvi.  58). 
 
 Lib'ya  occms  only  in  Acts  ii.  10,  in  the  peri- 
 jiliiasis  "  the  jiarts  of  Libya  about  Cyrene,"  whicli 
 obviously  means  the  Cyrenaica.  The  name  Libya 
 is  appliod  by  the  Greek  and  Roman  writers  to 
 the  .\fricaii  continent,  generally  however  excluding 
 Egypt. 
 
 Lice  (Hcb.  cintiim,  rinyiam).  This  word  occure 
 in  the  A.  V.  ordy  in  Kx.  viii.  l(j-18,  and  in  Ps. 
 cv.  31  ;  both  of  which  passages  have  reference  to 
 the  third  creat  plygue  of  Kgypt.  The  Hebrew 
 vsord — which,  with   bonic  slight  variation,  occurs 
 
 LIGURE 
 
 only  in  Ex.  viii.  10-18,  and  in  Ps.  cv.  31-  has 
 given  occasion  to  whole  pages  of  discussion.  Some 
 commentitors,  and  indeed  modern  writers  gene- 
 rally, suppose  that  gnats  are  the  animals  intended 
 by  the  original  word  ;  while,  on  the  other  hand, 
 the  Jewish  iCabbis,  Josephus  and  others,  are  in 
 tiivour  of  the  translation.  The  old  versions  are 
 claimed  by  Bochart  as  supporting  the  opinion  that 
 lice  are  here  intended.  Another  writer  believes 
 he  can  identify  the  cinniin  with  some  woim-like 
 crciitures  (peihaps  some  kind  of  Scolopendridae) 
 called  tarrentes,  mentioned  in  Vinisauf's  account 
 of  the  expedition  of  liichard  I.  into  the  Holy  Land, 
 and  which  by  their  bites  during  the  night-time 
 occasion  extreme  |iain.  Oedmanu  is  of  opinion  that 
 the  species  of  mosquito  denoted  by  the  cinnim  is 
 prolxibly  some  minute  kind  allied  to  the  Culex 
 reptans,  s.  pulicoris  of  Linnaeus  ;  but  no  pi-oof 
 at  all  ciin  be  brought  forward  in  support  of  this 
 theory.  On  the  whole  this  much  apiiears  ceilaiii, 
 that  those  commentators  who  jissert  that  ciiinim 
 means  i/nats  have  arrived  at  this  conclusion  with- 
 out surticient  authority ;  they  have  based  their 
 aiguments  solely  on  the  evidence  of  the  LXX., 
 though  it  is  by  no  means  proved  that  the  Greek 
 word  used  by  these  tnuislators  has  any  reference  to 
 (jnats.  It  appe;u-s  therefore  that  there  is  not  suHi- 
 cient  authority  for  departing  from  the  translation 
 of  the  A.  v.,  which  rendei-s  the  Hebrew  word  by 
 lice. 
 
 Lieutenanto.  The  Hebrew  achashdarpan  was 
 the  odicial  title  of  the  satraps  or  viceroys  who 
 governed  the  provinces  of  the  Persian  empire ;  it 
 is  rendered  "lieutenant"  in  Esth.  iii.  12,  viii.  9, 
 ix.  3;  Ezr.  viii.  3(5,  and  "prince"  in  Dan.  iii.  2, 
 vi.  1,  &c. 
 
 Lign  Aloes.    [Aloi;s.] 
 
 Ligure  (lleb.  Ics/win).  A  precious  stone  men- 
 tioned in  Ex.  xxviii.  19,  xxxix.  12,  as  the  firet  in 
 the  third  row  of  the  higli-priest's  bieastplate.  It 
 is  impossible  to  say,  witli  any  certainty,  what 
 stone  is  denoted  by  the  Heb.  term.  The  LXX. 
 version  generally,  the  Vulgate  and  Josephus,  under- 
 stand the  h/itcunnm  or  li(jiiriiim ;  but  it  is  a  matter 
 of  considerable  ditliculty  to  identify  the  liijwium  of 
 the  ancients  with  any  known  piecituis  stone.  Dr. 
 Woodward  and  some  old  commentators  have  suj^ 
 posed  that  it  was  some  kind  o(  bclcmnite.  Others 
 have  imagined  that  amber  is  deuoteil  by  this  word. 
 Others  again,  without  reason,  suppose  the  opal  to 
 be  meant.  Dr.  Watson  identifies  it  with  the  tour- 
 maline. Beckmann  believes  that  the  description  of 
 the  li/ncuriiim  agrees  well  with  the  /ii/ucinth  stoi\ie 
 of  modern  mineralogists.  But  there  is  the  follow- 
 ing ditliculty  in  the  identification  of  the  li/ncurium 
 with  the  hi/acitith,  Theophrastus,  speaking  of  the 
 properties  of  the  li/ncurimn,  says  that  it  attmcta 
 not  only  light  particles  of  wood,  but  fragments  of 
 iron  ami  briiss.  Now  there  is  no  peculiar  attractive 
 power  in  the  hyacinth  ;  nor  is  Beckmann's  explana- 
 tion of  this  point  sutlicient.  More  probable,  though 
 still  inconclusive,  appeal's  the  opinion  of  those  who 
 identify  the  lifncnrium  with  the  tonnnaline,  or 
 more  definitely  with  the  red  variety  known  as 
 riibellitc,  which  is  a  hard  stone  and  used  as  a  gem, 
 and  sometimes  ^old  for  red  sapf>/tire.  Tourmaline 
 becomes,  as  is  well  known,  electiically  polar  when 
 heated.  It  is  a  mineral  found  in  many  parts  of  the 
 world.  The  fine  sjK^cimen  of  rubdlite  now  in  the 
 British  Museum  belonged  formerly  to  the  King  of 
 Ava.      The  word   Injure  is  unknown  in   modeni 
 
LIKHI 
 
 minei-alogy.  The  claim  of  ruhellite  to  be  the 
 leshem  ot"  Scripture  is  veiy  uncertain,  but  it  is  per- 
 haps better  than  that  of  the  other  minerals  which 
 writers  have  from  time  to  time  endeavoured  to 
 identify  with  it. 
 
 Liklli,  a  Manassite,  son  of  Shemida,  the  son  of 
 Jlanasseh  (1  Chr.  vii.  19). 
 
 Lily  (Heb.  shushdn,  shSshanndh).  The  Hebrew 
 word  is  i-endered  "  rose  "  in  the  Chaldee  Tar<j;um, 
 and  by  Maimonides  and  other  rabbinical  writers, 
 with  the  exception  of  Kimchi  and  Ben  IMelech,  who 
 in  1  K.  vii.  19,  translated  it  by  "violet."  But 
 Kplvov,  or  "  lily,"  is  the  unifomi  rendering  of  the 
 LXX.,  and  is  in  all  probability  the  true  one,  as  it 
 is  supported  by  the  analogy  of  the  Arabic  and 
 Persiiui  susan,  which  has  the  same  meaning  to  this 
 day,  and  by  tlie  existence  of  the  same  word  in 
 Syriac  and  Coptic.  But  although  there  is  little 
 doubt  that  the  word  denotes  some  plant  of  tht,  lily 
 species,  it  is  by  no  means  certain  what  individual 
 of  this  class  it  especially  designates.  Father  Souciet 
 laboured  to  prove  that  the  lily  of  Scripture  is  the 
 •'  crown-imperial."  But  there  is  no  proof  that  it 
 was  at  any  time  common  in  Palestine.  Dioscorides 
 (i.  62)  beare  witness  to  the  beauty  of  the  lilies  of 
 Syria  and  Pisidia,  from  which  tiie  best  perfume  was 
 made.  If  the  shushdn  or  shoshanndh  of  the  0.  T. 
 and  the  Kpivov  of  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount  be 
 identical,  which  there  seems  no  reason  to  douot, 
 the  plant  designated  by  these  terms  must  have  been 
 a  conspicuous  object  on  the  shores  of  the  Lake  of 
 Geiuiesaiet  (Matt.  vi.  28;  Luke  xii.  27);  it  must 
 liave  flourished  in  the  deep  broad  valleys  of  Pales- 
 tine (Cant.  ii.  1),  among  tlie  thorny  shrubs  {ib,  ii. 
 2)  and  pastures  of  tlie  desert  {^ih.  ii.  16,  iv.  5,  vi.  3;, 
 and  must  have  been  remarkable  for  its  rapid  and 
 luxuriant  growth  (Hos.  xiv.  5 ;  Ecclus.  xxxix.  14). 
 Tliat  its  flowers  were  brilliant  in  colour  would 
 seem  to  be  iudiatted  in  JIatt.  vi.  28,  where  it  is 
 compared  wich  the  gorgeous  robes  of  Solomon  ;  and 
 that  this  colour  was  satrlet  or  purple  is  implied  in 
 Cant.  v.  13.  There  appeius  to  be  no  species  of  lily 
 which  so  completely  answers  all  these  requirements 
 as  the  Lilium  C'halcedunicuni,  or  Sairlet  Martagon, 
 which  grows  in  profusion  in  the  Levant.  But 
 direct  evidence  on  the  point  is  still  to  be  desired 
 from  the  obseivation  of  travellers.  Other  plants 
 have  been  identified  with  the  shushdn.     Gesenius 
 
 LINEN 
 
 473 
 
 Lilium  Chalcedon: 
 
 derives  the  word  from  a  root  signifying  "  to  be 
 white,"  and  it  has  hence  been  inferred  that  the 
 sfn'ishdnis  the  white  lily.  Dr.  lioyle  identified  the 
 "  lily"  of  the  Canticles  with  the  lotas  of  Egypt,  in 
 spite  of  the  many  allusions  to  "  feeding  among  tlie 
 lilies."  The  purple  flowers  of  the  /c/iob,  or  wild 
 artichoke,  which  abounds  in  the  plain  north  of 
 'I'abor  and  in  the  valley  of  Esdraelon,  have  been 
 thought  by  some  to  be  the  "  lilies  of  the  field " 
 alluded  to  in  Matt.  vi.  28.  A  recent  traveller 
 mentions  a  plant,  with  lilac  flowers  like  the  hya- 
 cinth, and  Cixlled  by  the  Arabs  usiceih,  which  he 
 considered  to  be  of  the  species  denominated  lily  in 
 Scripture.  Dr.  Stanley  suggests  that  the  name 
 "  lily"  "  may  include  the  numerous  flowers  of  the 
 tulip  or  amaryllis  kind,  which  appear  in  the  early 
 summer,  or  the  autumn  of  Palestine."  The  Phoe- 
 nician architects  of  Solomon's  temple  decorated  the 
 capitals  of  the  columns  with  *'  lily-work,"  that  is, 
 with  leaves  and  flowers  of  the  lily  (1  K.  vii.),  cor- 
 responding to  the  lotus-headed  capitals  of  Egyptian 
 architecture.  The  vim  of  the  "  brazen  sea "  was 
 possibly  wrought  in  the  form  of  the  recui-ved 
 margin  of  a  lily  flower  (1  K.  vii.  26). 
 
 Lime.  This  substance  is  noticed  only  three 
 times  in  the  Bible,  viz.  in  Deut.  xxvii.  2,  4  (A.  V. 
 "  plaister"),  in  Is.  xxxiii.  12,  and  in  Am.  ii.  1. 
 
 Linen.  Five  different  Hebrew  words  are  thus 
 rendered,  and  it  is  difficult  to  assign  to  each  its  pre- 
 cise significance.  With  regard  to  the  Greek  words 
 so  translated  in  the  N.  T.  there  is  little  ambiguity. 
 1.  As  Egypt  was  the  great  centre  of  the  linen 
 manufacture  of  antiquity,  it  is  in  connexion  with 
 that  country  that  we  find  the  first  allusion  to  it  in 
 the  Bible.  Joseph,  when  promoted  to  the  dignity 
 of  ruler  of  the  land  of  Egypt,  w;ts  arrayed  "  in 
 vestures  o(  fine  linen"  (s/ies/j,  marg.  "  silk,"  Gen. 
 xli.  42),  and  among  the  ofierings  for  the  tabernacle 
 of  the  things  which  the  Israelites  had  brought  out 
 of  Egypt  were  "  blue,  and  purple,  and  scarlet,  and 
 fine  linen  "  (Ex.  xxv.  4,  .\xxv.  6). — 2.  But  in  Ex. 
 xxviii.  42,  and  Lev.  vi.  lU,  the  drawers  of  the 
 priests  and  their  flowing  robes  are  said  to  be  of 
 linen  (bad) ;  and  the  tunic  of  the  high-priest,  his 
 girdle  and  mitre,  which  he  wore  on  the  day  of 
 atonement,  were  made  of  the  same  material  (Lev. 
 xvi.  4).  From  a  comparison  of  Ex.  xxviii.  42  with 
 xxxix.  28  it  seems  clear  that  bad  and  shesh  were 
 synonymous  ;  or,  if  there  be  any  difi'erence  between 
 tliem,  the  latter  probably  denotes  the  spun  threads, 
 while  the  former  is  the  linen  woven  from  them. 
 The  wise-hearted  among  the  women  of  the  congre- 
 gation spun  the  flax  which  was  used  by  Bezaleel 
 and  Aholiab  for  the  hangings  of  the  tabernacle  (Ex, 
 XXXV.  25) ;  and  the  making  of  linen  was  one  of  the 
 occupations  of  women,  of  whose  dress  it  formed  a 
 conspicuous  part  (Prov.  xxxi.  22,  A.  V.  "silk;" 
 Ez.  xvi.  10,  13;  comp.  liev.  xviii.  16).  In  Ez. 
 xxvii.  7  shesh  is  enumeiated  among  the  products  of 
 Egypt,  which  the  Tyrians  imported  and  used  for 
 the  sails  of  their  ships;  and  the  vessel  constructed 
 for  Ptolemy  Philopator  is  said  by  Athenaeus  to 
 have  had  a  sail  of  bi/ssus.  In  no  case  is  bad  used 
 for  other  than  a  dress  worn  in  religious  ceremonies, 
 though  the  other  terms  rendered  "  linen  "  are  applied 
 to  the  ordinaiy  dress  of  women  and  persons  in  high 
 rank. — 3.  Buts,  always  translated  "  fine  linen," 
 except  2  Chr.  v.  12,  is  apparently  a  late  word,  and 
 probably  the  same  with  the  Gieek  /Succroj,  by  which 
 it  is  rej)resented  by  the  LXX.  It  was  used  for  the 
 dresses  of  the  Levite  choir  in  the  temple  ''2  Chr. 
 
474 
 
 LINTEL 
 
 V.  ^2),  for  the  loose  u|)|K'r  traimcnt  worn  by  kings 
 over  the  close- littini;  tunic  (1  Clir.  xv.  "27),  anil  Cor 
 tlie  vail  of  tlie  teiui)ie,  eml)roiilereU  liy  thi-  skill  of 
 the  Tyrian  artiticcrs  (2  Chr.  iii.  14).  Monlecai 
 w:l<i  arrayeti  in  robes  oi fine  linen  (bits)  and  purple 
 (Ksth.  viii.  15)  when  honoured  by  the  Persian  kin;^, 
 and  the  dress  of  the  ricli  nian  in  the  parable  was 
 purple  and  fine  linen  (jBucrtros,  Luke  xvi.  19). 
 "  Fine  linen,"  with  purple  and  silk,  are  enume- 
 rated in  Uev.  xviii.  12  as  amons;  the  merchandise  of 
 the  mystical  Babylon. — 4.  J-Jlun  occurs  but  once 
 (Frov.  vii.  16),  and  there  in  connexion  with  Kgypt. 
 It  was  prokibly  a  kind  of  thnad,  made  of  tine 
 Egyptian  liax,  and  used  for  ornanieuting  the  cover- 
 ings of  beds  with  tapestry-work.  Schultens  (Prov. 
 vii.  U>)  suffgests  that  the  Greek  (TivSwu  is  derived 
 from  the  Helirew  sddtn,  which  is  used  of  the  thirty 
 linen  garments  which  Samsou  promised  to  his  com- 
 pjHiions  Mudg.  xiv.  12,  I'.i).  It  was  made  by 
 women  (Piov.  xxxi.  24),  and  used  for  girdles  and 
 under-garnients  (Is.  iii.  2'^,;  comp.  Mark  xiv.  51  j. 
 J^inen  was  used  for  the  winding-sheets  of  the  dead 
 by  the  Hebrews  as  well  as  by  the  Greeks  (Matt, 
 xxvii.  59;  Mark  xv.  46;  Luke  xxiii.  oii ;  Ilom. 
 //.  xviii.  '.ib:\,  xxiii. '254;  comp.  Eur.  Bacch.  819). 
 Towels  were  made  of  it  (John  xiii.  4,  5),  and 
 napkins  (John  xi.  44),  like  the  coarse  liiieu  of  the 
 Egyptians,  'fhe  dress  of  the  poor  (Ecclus.  xl.  4) 
 was  piobably  unbleached  tlax,  such  as  w;is  used  tor 
 barbers'  towels.  The  general  term  which  included 
 all  those  already  mentioned  was  jnshteh,  which  was 
 employed — like  our  "  cotton" — to  denote  not  only 
 the  tlax  (Judg.  xv.  14)  or  raw  material  fiom  which 
 the  linen  was  made,  but  also  tin-  plant  itself  (Josh, 
 ii.  6),  and  the  manufacture  from  it.  Jt  is  gene- 
 rally opposed  to  wool,  as  a  vegetable  product  to  an 
 animal  (Lev.  xiii.  47,  48,  52,  59;  Deut.  xxii.  11  ; 
 Prov.  xxxi.  lo;  Hos.  ii.  5,  9),  and  w;is  used  for 
 nets  (Is.  xix.  9),  girdles  (.ler.  xiii.  1),  and  measuring- 
 lines  (  Ez.  xl.  31,  ai  well  as  for  the  dress  of  the  priests 
 (Ez.  xliv.  17,  18).  Eroni  a  comparison  of  the  last- 
 quoted  passiges  with  IJc.  xxviii.  42,  and  Lev.  vi.  10 
 (3),  xvi.  4,  23,  it  is  evident  that  bad  and  pishteh 
 denote  the  same  material,  the  latter  being  the  more 
 general  term.  It  is  e(tuaUy  apparent,  from  a  com- 
 parison of  Kev.  XV.  0  with  xix.  8,  14,  that  \lvov 
 anil  ^vaaivov  are  essentially  the  same.  One  word 
 lemauis  to  be  noticed,  which  our  A.  V.  has  trans- 
 lated "linen  yarn"  (1  K.  x.  28;  2  Chr.  i.  16), 
 brought  out  of  Egypt  by  Solomon's  merchants. 
 Tlie  Hebrew  mihvili,  or  viihve,  is  explained  by  some 
 as  the  name  of  a  place.  In  translating  the  word 
 "  linen  yaiu"  the  A.  V.  followed  Junius  and  Tre- 
 mellius.  From  time  immemorial  Egypt  was  cele- 
 brated for  its  linen  (Ez.  xxvii.  7).  It  was  the  dress 
 of  the  Egyptian  priests  (Her.  ii.  37,  81 ).  Pano])olis 
 or  Chenimis  (the  modern  A/chnim)  was  anciently 
 inhabited  by  linen-weavers  (Strabo,  xvii.  41,  p. 
 K13).  According  to  llermlotns  (ii.  86)  the  mummy- 
 cloths  were  of  In/ssus.  Combining  the  testimony  of 
 HeriMlotns  as  to  the  mummy-cloths  with  the  re- 
 sults of  microscopic  -examination,  it  seems  clciir  that 
 bi/ssiis  was  linen,  and  not  cotton. 
 
 Lintel.  The  beam  which  forms  the  upper  fart 
 of  the  tiamework  of  a  door.  In  the  A.  V.  "  lintel" 
 is  the  rendering  of  three  Hebrew  words.  1.  Ai/il 
 (1  K.  vi.  31);  translated  "jwst"  throughout  Ez, 
 xl.,  xli.  The  true  meaning  of  this  word  is  ex- 
 tremely ilonbtfni.  In  the  L.X.X.  it  is  left  untrans- 
 lat«d  ;  and  in  the  Chaldee  vci-si<in  it  is  represented 
 by  a  luodification  of  itself.     The  A.  V.  of  1  K.  vi. 
 
 LION 
 
 31.  "  lintel,"  is  supjxjrted  by  the  versions  of  Aquila, 
 Symmachus.  and  Tlieodotion  of  Ez.  xl.  21 ;  while 
 Kimchi  explains  it  generally  by  "  post."  J.  I). 
 Michaelis  considei-s  it  to  be  the  tyrap;>num  or  tri- 
 angular area  of  the  pediment  above  a  gate,  sup- 
 jwrted  by  columns.  Gesenius  arrives  at  the  con- 
 clusion that  in  the  singular  it  denotes  the  whole 
 projecting  framework  of  a  door  or  gateway.  In  the 
 ]>lural  it  is  applied  to  denote  the  projettions  along 
 the  front  of  an  edilice  ornamented  with  columns  oi 
 jialm-trees,  and  with  recesses  or  intercolumniations 
 between  them  sometimes  filled  up  by  windows. 
 -Another  explanation  still  is  that  of  Boettcher,  who 
 s;iys  that  ai/il  is  the  projecting  entrance-  and  pa.s- 
 s;ige-wall — which  might  appropiiately  be  divided 
 into  coin]>artments  by  panelling ;  and  this  view  is 
 ad(i]ifed  by  Fiirst. — 2.  CaphtariAnuts  ix.  1  ;  Zeph. 
 ii.  14).  The  marginal  rendering,  "  cha])iter  or 
 kuo]),"  of  both  these  passages  is  undoubtedly  the 
 more  correct. — 3.  Mashhoph  (Ex.  xii.  22,  23); 
 also  rendercnl  "  upper  door-post"  in  V.\.  xii.  7. 
 That  this  is  the  true  rendering  is  admitted  by  all 
 moderu  philologists. 
 
 Li'nns,  a  Christian  at  Rome,  known  to  St.  Paul 
 and  to  Timothy  (2  Tim.  iv.  21).  That  the  lirst 
 bish(>i>  of  l.'ome  after  the  a]'ostles  was  naminl  Linus 
 is  a  statement  in  which  all  ancient  writers  agree. 
 The  early  and  unequivocid  assertion  of  Irenaeus, 
 coiroborated  by  Eusebius  and  Theodoiet  is  sulK- 
 cient  to  ])rove  the  identity  of  the  bishop  with  St. 
 Paul's  friend.  The  date  of  his  ap|)ointment,  the 
 duration  of  his  e))iscopate,  and  the  limits  to  which 
 his  episcopal  authority  extended,  are  points  which 
 cannot  be  regarded  as  absolutely  settled,  although 
 they  have  been  discussed  at  great  length.  Eusebius 
 and  Theodoret,  followed  by  Baronius  and  Tillemont, 
 state  that  he  became  bishop  of  Kome  after  the  death 
 of  St.  Peter.  On  the  other  hand,  the  words  of 
 Irenaeus — -'[Peter  aud  Paul]  when  they  founded 
 and  built  up  the  church  [of  Kome]  conmiittwl  the 
 otlice  of  its  episcopate  to  Linus" — certainly  admit, 
 or  rather  imply  the  meaning,  that  he  held  that 
 ollice  before  the  death  of  St.  Peter.  The  duration 
 of  his  episcojiate  is  given  bv  Eusebius  ;is  a.I>.  t'S- 
 80;  by  Tillemont  as  6<3-78  ;  by  Baronius  .as  67- 
 78  ;  and  by  Pearson  as  55-67.  This  point  has  Uvn 
 subseijuently  considered  by  Baraterius,  who  gives 
 A.D.  56-67  as  the  date  of  the  episcop:ite  of  Linus. 
 The  statement  of  liullinus,  that  Linus  and  Cletus 
 were  bi>lu)ps  in  Kome  whilst  St.  Peter  was  alive, 
 has  been  quoted  in  support  of  a  theoiy  which  sjirnng 
 up  in  the  17th  century,  and  has  been  recently  re- 
 vived. It  is  sujiposed  that  Linus  was  bishop  in 
 Kome  only  of  the  Christians  of  Gentile  origin,  while 
 at  the  same  time  another  bishop  exercised  the  .s;ime 
 authority  over  the  Jewish  Christians  there.  Linns 
 is  leckoned  by  Pseudo-llippolytus,  and  in  the  Greek 
 Mcniica,  among  the  seventy  disciples. 
 
 Lion.  Kabbinical  writere  discover  in  the  0.  T. 
 seven  names  of  the  lion,  which  they  a-sign  to  the 
 animal  at  seven  periods  of  its  life.  1.  O'lJr,  or  G6i', 
 a  cub  (Gen.  xlix.  9;  Deut.  xxxiii.  22  ;  Jer.  Ii.  38; 
 NaJi.  ii.  12).  2.  Ccp/iir,  a  young  lion  (Judg.  xiv. 
 5;  Job  iv.  10;  Kz.  xix.  2,  &c.).  3.  Art,  or 
 Ari/i/i,  a  full-grown  lion  {C>en.  xlix.  9;  Judg.  xiv. 
 5,  8,  &c.y.  4.  S/uilihtil,  a  lion  more  advanced  in 
 nge  and  strength  (Job  iv.  10;  Ps.  xci.  13,  &c.). 
 5.  S/ui/ihats,  n  lion  in  full  vigour  (Job  xxviii.  8). 
 ().  I.abi,  or  Lehiijijd,  an  old  lion  'Gen.  xlix.  9  ;  Job 
 iv.  Il.&c.').  7  J.iiish,  a  lion  decrepit  with  ago 
 (Job   iv.    II-    Is.  XIX.   6,  &c.).      liocliart  diilera 
 
LION 
 
 from  this  aiTangcment  in  every  point  but  the 
 second.  In  the  first  place,  (/t'lr  is  applied  to  tlie 
 young  of  other  animals  besides  the  lion  ;  tor  in- 
 stance, the  sea  monsters  in  Lam.  iv.  3.  Secondly, 
 cephir  diH'ers  from  gur,  as  jnvencus  ti'om  vitnlm. 
 Aii  or  ariieh  is  a  generic  term,  applied  to  all  lions 
 without  regard  to  age.  Bochart  is  palpably  wrong 
 in  rendering  shakhal  "  a  black  lion."  Skakhats 
 does  not  denote  a  lion  at  all.  Labi  is  properly  a 
 "  lioness,"  and  is  connected  with  the  Coptic  labai, 
 which  has  the  same  signification.  Laish  is  another 
 poetic  name.  So  fai'  from  being  applied  to  a  lion 
 weak  with  age,  it  denotes  one  in  full  vigour  (Job 
 iv.  11  ;  I'rnv.  xxx.  oO).  At  present  lions  do  not 
 exist  in  Palestine,  though  they  are  said  to  be  found 
 in  the  desert  on  the  road  to  Egypt  (Schwarz, 
 Desc.  of  Pul. :  see  Is.  x.xx.  6).  They  abound  on 
 the  banks  of  the  Euphrates  between  Bussorah  and 
 Bagdad,  and  in  the  marshes  and  jungles  near  the ' 
 rivers  of  Babylonia.  This  species,  according  to 
 Layard,  is  without  the  dark  and  shaggy  mane  of 
 the  African  lion,  though  he  adds  in  a  note  that  he 
 had  seen  lions  on  the  river  Karoon  with  a  long  black 
 inane.  But,  though  lions  have  now  disappeared 
 from  Palestine,  they  must  in  ancient  times  have 
 been  numerous.  The  names  Lebaoth  (Josh.  xv.  32), 
 Beth-Lebaoth  (Josh.  xix.  6),  Arieh  (2  K.  xv.  2b), 
 and  Laish  (Judg.  xviii.  7;  1  Sam.  xxv.  44),  were 
 probably  derived  from  the  presence  of  or  connexion 
 with  lions,  and  point  to  tlie  fact  that  they  were  at 
 one  time  common.  They  had  their  lairs  in  the 
 forests  which  have  vanished  with  them  (Jer.  v.  6, 
 xii.  8  ;  Am.  iii.  4),  in  the  tangled  bnishwood  (Jer. 
 iv.  7,  xxv.  38;  Job  xxxviii.  40),  and  in  the  c<aves 
 of  the  mountains  (Cant.  iv.  8;  Ez.  xix.  9;  Nah. 
 ii.  12).  The  caue-brake  on  the  banks  of  the  Jordan, 
 the  "  pride "  of  the  river,  was  their  favourite 
 haunt  (Jer.  xlix.  19,  1.  44;  Zech.  xi.  3):  The 
 lion  of  Palestine  was  in  all  probability  the  Asiatic 
 variety,  described  by  Aristotle  and  Pliny  as  distin- 
 guished by  its  short  curly  mane,  and  by  being 
 shorter  and  rounder  in  shape,  like  the  sculptured 
 lion  found  at  Aiban.  It  was  less  daring  than  the 
 longer  nianed  species,  but  when  diiven  by  hunger 
 it  not  only  ventured  to  attack  the  Hocks  in  the 
 desert  in  presence  of  the  shepherd  (Is.  xxsi.  4; 
 1  Sam.  xvii.34),  but  laid  waste  towns  and  villages 
 (2  K.  xvii.  25,  26;  Prov.  xxii.  13,  xxvi.  13),  and 
 devoured  men  (1  K.  xiii.  24,  xx.  36 ;  2  K.  xvii. 
 25  ;  Ez.  xix.  3,  6).  The  shepherds  sometimes  ven- 
 tured to  encounter  the  lion  single-handed  (1  Sam. 
 xvii.  34)  ;  and  the  vivid  figure  employed  by  Amos 
 (iii.  12),  the  heidsman  of  Tekoa,  was  but  the  tran- 
 script of  a  scene  which  he  must  have  often  wit- 
 nessed. At  other  times  they  pursued  the  animal 
 in  huge  bands,  raising  loud  shouts  to  intimidate 
 him  (Is.  xxxi.  4),  and  drive  him  into  the  net  oi- 
 pit  they  had  prepared  to  catch  him  (Ez.  xix.  4,  8). 
 Benaiah,  one  ot  David's  heroic  bodj'-guaid,  had 
 distinguished  himself  by  slaying  a  lion  iu  his  den 
 (2  Sam.  xxiii.  20).  The  kings  of  Persia  had  a 
 menagerie  of  lions  {gob,  Dan.  vi.  7,  &c.).  When 
 captured  alive  they  were  put  in  a  cage  (Ez.  xix.  9), 
 but  it  does  not  appear  that  they  were  tamed.  The 
 strength  (Judg.  xiv.  18;  Prov.  xxx.  30;  2  Sam. 
 i.  23),  courage  (2  Sam.  xvii.  10;  Prov.  xxviii.  1  ; 
 Is.  xxxi.  9;  Nah.  ii.  11),  and  ferocity  (Gen.  xlix.  9  ; 
 Num.  xxiv.  4)  of  the  lion  were  proverbial.  The 
 "  lion-faced"  warriors  of  Gad  were  among  David's 
 most  valiant  troops  (1  Chr.  xii.  8)  ;  and  the  hero 
 Judas  Maccabeus  is  described  as  "  like  a  lion,  and 
 
 LIZARD 
 
 475 
 
 like  a  lion's  whelp  roaring  for  his  prey  "  (1  Mace, 
 iii.  4).  Among  the  Hebrews,  and  throughout  the 
 0.  T.,  the  lion  was  the  achievement  of  the  [irincely 
 tribe  of  Judah,  while  in  the  closing  book  of  the 
 canon  it  received  a  deeper  signiticance  as  the  emblem 
 of  him  who  "  pievailed  to  open  the  book  and  loose 
 the  seven  seals  thereof"  (Kev.  v.  5).  On  the 
 other  hand  its  fierceness  and  cruelty  rendered  it  an 
 appropriate  metaphor  for  a  fierce  and  raahgnant 
 enemy  (Ps.  vii.  2,  .xxii.  21,  Ivii.  4;  2  Tim.  iv.  17), 
 and  hence  for  the  arch-fiend  himself  (1  Pet.  v.  8). 
 The  figuie  of  the  lion  was  employed  as  an  orna- 
 ment both  in  architecture  and  sculpture. 
 
 Persian  Lion.    (From  specimen  m  the  Zoolo^cal  Gardens.) 
 
 Liz'ard  (Heb.  letddh).  The  Hebrew  word,  which 
 with  its  English  rendering  occurs  only  in  Lev.  xi. 
 30,  appears  to  be  correctly  translated  in  the  A.V . 
 Lizards  of  various  kinds  abound  in  Egypt,  Pales- 
 tine, and  Arabia.  All  the  old  versions  agree  in 
 identifying  the  letddh  with  some  saurian,  and  some 
 concur  as  to  the  particular  genus  indicated.  The 
 LXX.,  the  Vulg.,  the  Targ.  of  Jonathan,  with  the 
 Arabic  versions,  understand  a  lizaid  by  the  Hebrew 
 woid.  The  Syriac  has  a  word  which  is  generally 
 tianslated  salamander,  but  probably  this  name  was 
 applied  also  to  the  lizard.  The  Greek  word,  with 
 its  slight  variations,  which  the  LXX.  use  to  express 
 the  letddh,  appears  from  what  may  be  gathered  from 
 Aiistotle,  and  perhaps  also  from  its  derivation,  to 
 point  to  some  lizard  belonging  to  the  Geckotidae. 
 Bochart  has  successfully  argued  that  the  lizard  de- 
 noted by  the  Hebrew  word  is  that  kind  which  the 
 Arabs  call  tachara,  the  translation  of  which  term 
 is  thus  given  by  Golius:  "  An  animal  like  a  lizard, 
 of  a  red  colour,  and  adhering  to  the  ground,  cibo 
 potuive  venenum  iiispirat  qncincunqne  continent." 
 This  description  will  be  found  to  agree  with  the 
 character  of  the  Ean-Foot  Lizard  (^Ptijodactybis 
 Gecko),  which  is  common  in  Egypt  and  in  parts  of 
 
 Ttie  Fan-Foot  LizarJ.     {riyodaclyhis  Gecko.} 
 
476 
 
 LO-AMMI 
 
 Arabia,  and  perhaps  is  also  found  in  Palestine.  It 
 is  reddish  brown  spotted  with  wliite.  'I'he  (leckos 
 live  on  insects  and  worms,  which  they  swallow 
 whole.  They  derive  their  name  IVom  the  peculiar 
 sound  which  some  of  the  species  utter.  They  be- 
 long to  the  sub-oi\ler  Pachyglossae,  onier  Saura. 
 They  are  oviparous,  pioducing  a  round  egg  with  a 
 hard  calcjireous  shell. 
 
 Lo-am'mi,  t'.  e.  "  not  my  people,"  the  figurative 
 name  given  by  the  prophet  Hosea  to  his  second  son 
 by  Corner,  the  daughter  of  Diblaim  (Hos.  i.  9),  to 
 denote  the  rejection  of  the  kingdom  of  Israel  by 
 Jehovah.  its  siguiliamce  is  explained  in  ver. 
 9,  10. 
 
 Loan.  The  law  of  Moses  did  not  contemplate 
 any  laising  of  loans  for  the  jiuipose  of  obtaining 
 capital,  a  condition  perhaps  alluded  to  in  the  pa- 
 rables of  the  "pearl"  suid  "hidden  treasuje" 
 (Matt.  .\iii.  44,  45).  Such  persons  iis  bankers  and 
 sureties,  iu  the  commercial  sense  (Prov.  xxii.  26  ; 
 Nell.  V.  o).  were  unknown  to  the  earlier  ages  of  the 
 Hebrew  commonwealth,  'i'he  Law  strictly  forbade 
 any  interest  to  be  taken  tor  a  loan  to  any  poor 
 person,  and  at  first,  as  it  seems,  even  iu  the  case  of 
 a  foreigner;  but  this  prohibition  was  afterwards 
 limited  fo  the  Hebrews  only,  from  whom,  of  what- 
 ever lank,  not  only  w.'ls  no  usury  on  any  pretence 
 to  be  e.\acted,  but  relief  to  the  poor  by  way  of  l(jau 
 was  enjoined,  and  excuses  for  evading  this  duty 
 were  forbidden  (Ex.  xxii.  25;  Lev.  xxv.  35,  37  ; 
 Deut.  XV.  3,  7-10,  xxiii.  19,  20).  As  commerce 
 increased,  the  practice  of  usury,  and  so  also  of 
 suretyship,  grew  up  ;  but  the  exaction  of  it  from  a 
 Hebrew  a|>pears  to  have  been  regarded  to  a  late 
 period  as  discreditable  (Prov,  vi.  1,  4,  xi.  1.1,  xvii. 
 18,  XX.  16,  xxii.  26;  Ps.  xv.  5,  xxvii.  13  ;  Jer,  xv. 
 10  ;  Ez.  xviii.  13,  xxii.  12).  Systematic  bre.ich  of 
 the  law  in  this  respect  was  corrected  by  Nehemiah 
 after  the  return  from  captivity  (Neh.  v.  1,  13). 
 The  money-changers,  who  had  seats  and  tables  in 
 the  Temple,  were  tiaders  whose  piofits  arose  chiefly 
 from  the  exchange  of  money  with  those  wlio  came 
 to  pay  their  annual  half-shekel.  In  making  loans 
 no  prohibition  is  pronounced  iu  the  Law  .igainst 
 taking  a  pledge  of  the  borrower,  but  certain  limita- 
 tions are  prescribed  in  favour  of  the  poor.  1,  The 
 outer  garment,  if  taken  in  pledge,  was  to  be  re- 
 turned before  sunset.  2.  The  proliibition  was  abso- 
 lute in  the  Ciise  of  («)  the  widow's  garment  (Deut. 
 xxiv.  17),  and  (6)  a  millstone  of  either  kind 
 (Deut.  xxiv.  6).  3.  A  creditor  was  forbidden 
 to  enter  a  house  to  reclaim  a  pledge,  but  was 
 to  stand  outside  till  tlie  borrower  should  come 
 forth  to  return  it  (Deut.  xxiv.  10,  11).  4.  The 
 original  Human  law  of  debt  permitted  the  debtor 
 to  be  enslaved  by  his  creditor  until  the  debt  was 
 diwharged  ;  and  he  mii,'ht  even  be  put  to  death 
 by  him.  The  Jewish  law,  as  it  did  not  forbid 
 temporary  bondage  in  the  csise  of  debtors,  .^o  it 
 fbrliade  a  Hebrew  <ie!)tor  to  be  detaineil  as  a  bonds- 
 nian  longer  than  the  7th  year,  or  at  farthest 
 the  year  of  Jubilee  (Ex.  xxi.  2  ;  i>ev.  xxv.  39,  42  ; 
 Ivu't.  XV.  9). 
 
 Loaves.     [Brkad.] 
 
 Lock.  Where  European  locks  have  not  been 
 intioluced,  the  locks  of  E.istern  houses  aie 
 \isu:illy  of  wood,  and  consist  of  a  partly  hollow 
 bolt  IVoni  14  inches  to  2  feet  long  for  external 
 doors  or  gates,  or  from  7  to  9  inches  for  interior 
 doors.  Tlie  bolt  passes  through  a  groove  in  a 
 piece  attached   to  the  door  into  a  socket  in  the 
 
 LOCUST 
 
 door-post.  In  the  groove-piei_-e  are  from  4  to  9 
 small  iron  or  wooden  sliding-pins  or  wires,  which 
 drop  into  corresponding  holes  in  the  bolt,  and  fix 
 it  in  it.s  place. 
 
 Locust,  a  well-known  insect,  which  commits 
 terrible  ravages  on  vegetation  in  the  countries 
 which  it  visits.  In  the  Bible  there  are  frequent 
 allusions  to  locusts;  and  there  are  nine  or  ten  He- 
 brew words  which  are  supposed  to  denote  different 
 varieties  or  species  of  this  destructive  family.  They 
 belong  to  that  order  of  insects  known  by  tiie  term 
 Orthoptera.  This  order  is  divided  into  two  large 
 groups  or  divisions,  viz.   Cnrsoria  and  Saltatona, 
 
 Oedipoda  migratoria. 
 
 From  Lev.  xi.  21,  22,  we  learn  the  Hebrew  names 
 of  four  different  kinds  of  Saitatorial  Orthoptera. 
 "  These  may  ye  eat  of  every  flying  creeping  thing 
 that  goeth  upon  all  four,  which  have  legs  above 
 their  feet  to  leap  withal  upon  the  earth  ;  even  those 
 of  them  ye  may  eat,  the  arbeli  after  his  kind,  and 
 the  sdlam  after  his  kind,  and  the  chargol  (wrongly 
 translated  beetle  by  the  A.  V.,  an  insect  which 
 would  be  included  amongst  the  flying  creeping 
 things  forbidden  as  food  in  vei-s.  23  and  42)  after 
 his  kind,  and  the  chaijdb  after  his  kind."  Besides 
 the  names  mentioned  in  this  passage,  there  occur 
 five  others  in  the  Bible,  all  of  which  Bochart  (iii. 
 251,  &c.)  considers  to  represent  so  many  distinct 
 species  of  locusts  viz.  gob,  gdtain,  cItasU,  yelek,  and 
 tseldtsdl.  (I.)  Arbeh  ("locust,"  "grasshopper") 
 is  the  most  common  name  for  locust,  the  woi-d 
 occurring  about  twenty  times  in  the  Hebrew  Bible. 
 The  A.  V.  in  the  four  following  jmssjiges  h;is  grass- 
 hopper, Judg.  vi.  5,  vii.  12;  Job  xxxix.  20;  and 
 Jer.  xlvi.  23:  in  all  the  other  places  it  has  locust. 
 
 >~-^ 
 
 Arlidluin  I.iiirala 
 
 The  word  arbch,  which  is  derived  from  a  root  sig- 
 nifViiig  "  to  be  nuuK-rous,"  is  probably  sometimes 
 used  in  a  wide  sense  to  express  any  of  the  larger 
 devastating  species.  It  is  the  locust  of  the  l''gy])tian 
 plague.  In  almost  every  passage  where  arbeh  occure 
 reference  is  made  to  its  terribly  destructive  jmwers. 
 It  is  one  of  the  flying  creeping  creatures  that  weit> 
 
LOCUST 
 
 allowed  ;ts  food  by  the  law  of  Moses  (Lev.  xi.  21). 
 Ill  this  passage  it  is  clearly  the  repiesentative  ot 
 some  species  of  winged  saltatorial  ortlioptera.  It  is 
 probable  that  either  the  Acridium  peregnnum,  or 
 the  Oedipoda  migratorin  is  tlie  insect  denoted  by 
 the  Hebrew  word  arbeh,  tor  these  two  species  are 
 the  most  destructive  of  the  family.     Of  the  former 
 
 LOCUST 
 
 477 
 
 Acridium  rere;^rinum. 
 
 species  JI.  Olivier  (  Voi/age  dans  I'Empire  Otho- 
 nian,  ii.  424)  thus  wiites:  "With  the  buining 
 south  winds  (of  Syria)  there  come  from  the  interior  of 
 Arabia  and  from  the  most  southern  parts  of  Persia 
 clouds  of  locusts  (^Acridium  peregrinum),  whose 
 ravages  to  these  countries  are  as  grievous  and 
 nearly  as  sudden  as  those  of  the  heaviest  hail  in 
 Europe.  We  witnessed  them  twice.  It  is  difficult 
 to  express  the  effect  produced  on  us  by  the  sight  of 
 the  whole  atmosphere  filled  on  all  sides  and  to  a 
 great  height  by  an  innumerable  quantity  of  these 
 insects,  whose  flight  was  slow  and  uniform,  and 
 whose  noise  resembled  that  of  rain :  the  sky  was 
 darkened,  and  the  light  of  the  sun  considerably 
 weakened.  In  a  moment  the  terraces  of  the  houses, 
 the  streets,  and  all  the  fields  were  covered  by  these 
 insects,  and  in  two  days  they  had  nearly  devoured 
 all  the  leaves  of  the  phuits.  Happily  they  lived  but 
 a  short  time,  and  seemed  to  have  migrated  only  to 
 reproduce  themselves  and  die  ;  in  fact,  nearly  all 
 those  we  saw  the  next  day  had  paired,  and  the  day 
 following  the  fields  were  covered  with  their  dead 
 bodies."  This  species  is  found  in  Arabia,  l^^gvpt, 
 Mesopotiunia,  and  Persia.  (2.)  Chagab.  In  2  Chr. 
 vii.  13  the  A.  V.  reads  "locust,"  in  the  other  pas- 
 sages "grasshopper."  In  the  Talmud  c/ia(/d6  is  a 
 collective  name  for  many  of  the  locust  tribe,  no  less 
 than  eight  hundred  kinds  of  cliagdbiin  being  sup- 
 posed by  the  Talmud  to  exist !  (i5.)  Chitrgol.  The 
 A.  V.  is  clearly  in  error  in  translating  this  word 
 "beetle;"  it  occurs  only  in  Lev.  xi.  22,  but  it  is 
 clear  from  the  context  that  it  denotes  some  species 
 of  winged  Saltatorial  orthopterous  insect  which 
 the  Israelites  were  allowed  to  use  as  food.  The  Rev. 
 J.  F.  Denham,  in  Cyclop.  Bib.  Lit.  (arts.  Chargol 
 and  Locust),  endeavours  to  shew  that  the  Gieek 
 word  ophiomachiis  denotes  some  species  of  Truxalis, 
 peihajis  T.  Nasutus.  The  Jews,  however,  inter- 
 pret chargol  to  mean  a  species  of  grasshopper,  Ger- 
 man, hcuschrecke,  which  M,  Lewysohn  identities 
 with  Lociista  viridissiina.  (4.)  Sdldin  (A.  V. 
 "bald  locust")  occurs  only  in  Lev.  xi.  22,  as  one 
 of  the  four  edible  kinds  of  leaping  insects.    All  that 
 
 Truxalis  Nasata. 
 
 can  possibly  be  known  of  it  is  that  it  is  some  kind 
 of  Saltatorial  orthopteroics  insect,  winged,  and  good 
 for  food.  Tychsen,  however,  arguing  from  what  is 
 said  of  the  sdldin  in  the  Talmud  (Tract,  Cholin), 
 viz.  that  "  this  insect  has  a  smooth  iiead,  and  that 
 the  female  is  without  the  sword-sliaped  tail,"  con- 
 jectures that  the  species  here  intended  is  Gryllus 
 eversor  (Asso),  a  synonym  that  it  is  difficult  to 
 identify  with  any  recorded  species.  (5.)  Gdzdin.  See 
 Palmer-worm.  (6.)  Gob,  (A.  V.  in  Nah.  iii.  17; 
 "great  grasshoppei-s ;"  "grasshoppers;"  margin 
 "  green  worms,"  in  Am.  vii.  1).  This  word  is  found 
 only  in  Is.  xxxiii.  4.  and  in  the  two  places  cited  above. 
 There  is  nothing  in  any  of  these  passages  that  will 
 help  to  point  out  the  species  denoted.  That  some 
 kind  of  locust  is  intended  seems  probable  from  the 
 passage  in  Nahum.  Some  writers  led  by  this- pass- 
 age, have  believed  that  the  gobai  represent  the  larva 
 state  of  some  of  the  large  locusts.  It  is  quite  pos- 
 sible that  the  gob  may  represent  the  larva  or 
 w/mpha  state  of  the  insect,  for  the  last  stages  of 
 the  larva  dilfer  but  slightly  from  the  nympha,  both 
 which  states  may  therefore  be  comprehended  under 
 one  name;  the  gobai  of  Nah.  iii.  17  may  easily 
 have  been  the  nympjhae  (which  in  all  the  Ameta- 
 bola  continue  to  feed  as  in  their  larva  condition) 
 encamping  at  night  under  the  hedges,  and,  obtaining 
 their  wings  as  the  sun  arose,  are  then  represented*^ 
 flying   away.     (7.)   Chandmdl,  (A.   V.    "  frost."' 
 
 Locust  flying. 
 
 Some  writers  have  supposed  that  this  word,  which 
 occurs  only  in  Ps.  Ixxviii.  47,  denotes  some  kind  of 
 locust ;  but  the  concurrent  testimony  of  the  old 
 versions,  which  interpiet  the  word  chandmdl  to  sig- 
 nify hail  or  frost,  ought  to  forbid  the  conjecture. 
 (8.)  Yelek,  occurs  in  Ps.  cv.  34;  Nah.  iii.  15, 
 16  ;  Joel  i.  4,  ii.  25 ;  Jer.  li.  14,  27  ;  it  is  rendered 
 by  the  A.  V.  cankerworin  in  four  of  these  places, 
 and  caterpillar  in  the  two  remaining.  From  the 
 epithet  of  "  rough,"  which  is  applied  to  the  word 
 in  Jeremiah,  some  have  supposed  the  yelek  to  be 
 the  larva  of  some  of  the  destructive  Lepidoptera: 
 the  epithet  sainar,  however  (Jer.  li.  27),  more  pro- 
 perly means  having  spines,  which  agrees  with  the 
 Vulgate,  aculeatus.  Jlichaelis  believes  the  yelek 
 to  be  the  cockchafer.  Oedmann  identifies  the  word 
 with  the  Gryllus  cristatus,  Linn.,  a  species,  how- 
 ever, which  is  found  only  in  S.  America.  Tychsen, 
 arguing  from  the  epithet  rough,  bulieves  that  the 
 yelek  is  represented  by  the  G.  haematopus,  Linn. 
 {Calliptamus  haemat.  Aud.  Serv.)  a  species  found 
 in  S.  Africa.     The  term  spined  may  refer  not  to 
 
478 
 
 LOD 
 
 any  particular  speeies,  but  to  tfie  veiy  spinous 
 nature  of  tlie  tibiae  in  ail  the  locust  tribe,  and 
 yelek,  the  ovppinij,  Uchinij  off  insect  (Num.  sxii. 
 4),  may  be  a  synonym  of  some  of  the  names  alrcaiiy 
 mentioned,  or  the  word  may  denote  the  larvae  or 
 pupae  of  the  locust,  wliiih,  iVom  Joel  i.  4,  seems 
 not  improbable.  (9.)  Ch(hU.  See  Catkrpillak. 
 (10.  J  7'st'W/sa/,  «' locust."  The  derivation  of  this 
 woid  seems  to  imply  that  some  kind  of  locust  is 
 indiaited  by  it.  It  occurs  only  in  this  sense  in 
 Deut.  xxviii.  42,  "  All  thy  trees  and  fruit  of  thy 
 land  shall  the  locust  consume."  In  the  other  pas- 
 sages where  the  Hebrew  word  occurs,  it  represents 
 some  kind  of  tinkling  musical  instrument,  and  is 
 generally  translated  c;/in'jiii's  by  the  A.  V.  The 
 word  is  evidently  onomati)])oietic,  and  is  here  per- 
 haps a  synonym  for  some  of  the  other  names  for 
 locust.  All  that  can  be  positively  known  respect- 
 ing the  tsclatsi'd  is,  that  it  is  some  kind  of  insect 
 injurious  to  trees  and  crops.  The  most  destructive 
 of  the  locust  trilfe  that  occur  in  the  Bible  lands  are 
 the  Oi'dipodi  iniijratoria  and  the  Acridium  pere- 
 (ffintini,  and  as  both  these  species  occur  in  Syria 
 and  Arabia,  &c..  it  is  most  probable  that  one  or 
 other  is  denoted  in  those  passages  which  speak  of 
 the  dreadful  devastations  conuiiitted  by  these  insects. 
 Locusts  occur  in  great  numbers,  and  sometimes 
 obscure  the  sun  (Ex.  x.  15;  Jer.  xlvi.  23;  Juds;. 
 vi.  5,  vii.  12;  Joel  ii.  10;  Nah.  iii.  15).  Their 
 voracity  is  alluded  to  in  Ex.  x.  12,  15;  Joel  i.  4, 
 7,  12,  and  ii.  :5 ;  Deut.  xxviii.  38  ;  Ps.  Ixxviii.  46, 
 ex.  34 ;  Is.  xxxiii.  4.  They  are  compared  to  horses 
 — Joel  ii.  4;  Mev.  ix.  7.  They  make  a  fearful 
 noise  in  their  fliijht  (Joel  ii.  5  ;  Kev.  ix.  9).  They 
 have  no  king  (Prov.  xxx.  27).  Their  irresistible 
 progress  is  refened  to  in  Joel  ii.  8,  9.  They  enter 
 dwellings,  and  devour  even  the  woodwork  of  houses 
 (Ex.  x.  6;  Joel  ii.  9,  10).  They  do  not  fly  in  the 
 night  (Nah.  iii.  17).  The  sea  destroys  the  greater 
 number  (Ex.  x.  19  ;  Joel  ii.  20).  Theiidead  bodies 
 taint  the  air  (Joel  ii.  20).  They  are  used  as  food 
 (Lev.  xi.  21,  22  ;  Matt.  iii.  4 ;  Mark  i.  6).  There 
 are  diHerent  ways  of  preparing  locusts  for  food : 
 sometimes  they  are  ground  and  pounded,  and  then 
 mixed  with  (lour  and  water  and  made  into  cakes,  or 
 they  are  salted  and  then  eaten;  sometimes  smoked  ; 
 boiled  or  loasted;  stewed,  or  fried  in  butter. 
 
 Lod,  a  town  of  Benjamin,  stated  to  have  been 
 founded  by  Shamed  or  Shamer  (1  Chr.  viii.  12  ;  Ezr. 
 ii.  33;  Neh.  vii.  37,  xi.  35).  Lod  has  retained  its 
 name  almost  unaltered  to  the  present  day;  it  is 
 now  called  Ludd  ;  but  is  most  familiar  to  us  fioui 
 its  occurrence  in  its  (ueek  garb,  as  Lvdda,  in  the 
 Arts  of'tlie  A]X)stles. 
 
 Lo'-debar,  a  )ilace  named  with  M.ihanaim,  I!o- 
 gelim,  ami  other  trans-Jordanic  towns  (2  Sam. 
 xvii.  27),  and  fherefoie  no  doubt  on  the  eastern 
 side  of  the  Jordan.  It  was  the  native  place  of 
 Machir-ben-Ammiel  (ix.  4,  5).  I.o-ilebar  receives 
 a  bare  mention  in  the  Onoinastkan,  nor  has  any 
 trace  of  the  name  been  encountered  by  any  later 
 traveller.  Indeed  it  hjus  probably  never  been  soucfht 
 fi.r. 
 
 Lodge,  to.  This  word  in  the  A.  V.— with  one 
 exc.')itiiin  only,  to  he  noticed  Ijelow — is  useil  to 
 translate  tho  Ik-brew  verb  lun  or  Ua,  which  h.is,  at 
 least  in  the  narrative  portions  of  the  Bible,  almost 
 invariably  the  force  of  "  passing  the  night."  The 
 same  Hebrew  word  is  otherwise  translated  in  the 
 A.  V.  by  "  lie  all  night"  (2  &im.  xii.  IG  ;  Cant.  i.  l.H  ; 
 Jobxxix.  19);  "  tarry  the  night "  (fJen.  xix.2;Jn<lg. 
 
 LORD'S  DAY,  THE 
 
 xix.  li);  Jer.  xiv.  8);  "remain,"'  i.e.  until  tho 
 morning  (Ex.  xxiii.  18).  The  one  exception  above- 
 named  occurs  in  Josh.  ii.  1,  where  the  word  in  the 
 original  is  a  woid  elsewhere  rendered  "  to  lie,"  ge- 
 nerallv  in  allusion  to  sexual  intercourse. 
 
 Loft.     [Hofsi:.] 
 
 Log.     [Weights  akd  Measures.] 
 
 Lo'is,  the  grandmother  of  TisiOTHV.  and  doubt- 
 less the  mother  of  his  mother  Eunice  (2  Tim.  i.  5). 
 It  seems  likely  that  Lois  had  resided  long  at  Lystra  ; 
 and  almost  certain  that  from  hei',  as  well  as  from 
 Eunice,  Timothy  obtained  his  intimate  knowledge 
 of  the  .lewish  Scriptures  (2  Tim.  iii.  15). 
 
 Looking-glasses.     [Mirrors.] 
 
 Lord,  as  .ijijilied  to  the  Deity,  is  the  almost  uni- 
 form rendering  in  the  A.  Y.  of  the  0.  T.  of  the 
 Heb.  Jehovah,  which  would  be  more  pioperly  re- 
 presented as  a  proper  name.  The  leverence  which 
 the  Jews  entertained  for  the  sjicied  name  of  God 
 forbade  them  to  pronounce  it,  and  in  leading  they 
 substituted  for  it  either  Adonai,  "  Lord,"  or  Elohim, 
 "  God,"  according  to  the  vowel-points  by  which  it 
 was  accompanied.  The  title  Adonai  is  also  len- 
 dered  "  Lord  "  in  the  A.  V.,  though  this,  as  applied 
 to  God,  is  of  infiequent  occurrence  in  the  historical 
 books.  But  in  the  poetical  and  historical  books  it 
 is  more  frequent,  excepting  Job,  where  it  occurs 
 only  in  xxviii.  28,  and  the  Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes, 
 and  Song  of  Songs,  where  it  is  not  once  found.  The 
 difference  between  Jehovah  and  Adonai  (or  Adon) 
 is  generally  marked  in  the  A.  V.  by  printing  the 
 word  in  small  capitals  (Lord)  when  it  represents 
 the  former  (Gen.  xv.  4,  &c.),  and  with  an  initial 
 capitiil  only  when  it  is  the  translation  of  the  latter 
 (I's.  xcvii.  5 ;  Is.  i.  24,  x.  16) ;  except  in  Ex.  x.xiii. 
 17,  xxxiv.  23,  where  "  the  LoRD  God  "  should  be 
 more  roMsi>tentlv  "the  Lord  Jehovah." 
 
 Lord's  Day,  the.  It  has  been  questioned,  though 
 not  seiiou>lv  until  of  late  years,  what  is  the  mean- 
 ing of  the  phra.'^e  rj  KvpiaK^  'Hfxfpa,  which  occurs 
 in  one  passage  only  of  the  Holy  Scripture,  Rev.  i. 
 10,  and  is,  in  our  English  version,  translatal  "  the 
 Lord's  Day."  The  general  consent  both  of  Christian 
 antiquity  and  of  modern  divines  h:»s  referreil  it  to 
 the  weekly  festival  of  our  Lord's  resurrection,  and 
 identified  it  with  "  the  first  day  of  the  week,"  or 
 "  Sunday,"  of  every  age  of  the  Church.  But  the 
 views  antagonistic  to  this  general  consent  deserve 
 at  least  a  passing  notice.  1.  Some  have  snpposeil 
 St.  John  to  be  speaking,  in  the  pas.sage  above  re- 
 ferred to,  of  the  Sabbath,  becau.se  that  institution  is 
 calle<l  in  Isninli  Iviii.  13,  by  the  Almighty  Himself, 
 "  My  holy  day."  To  this  it  is  replied— if  St.  John 
 had  intended  to  specify  the  sabbath,  he  would  surely 
 have  used  that  word  which  was  by  no  means  obso- 
 lete, or  even  obsolescent,  at  the  time  of  his  com- 
 posing the  book  of  the  l.'evelation.  2.  Another 
 theory  is,  that  by  "the  Lord's  Day,"  St.  John  in- 
 tended "  the  (lav  of  judgment,"  to  which  a  large 
 portion  of  the  book  of  Kevelation  may  1h?  conceive! 
 to  refer.  3.  A  third  opinion  is,  that  St.  John 
 intended  by  the  "  Loixl's  Day,"  that  on  which  the 
 Lord's  resurrection  was  anwiidli/  celebnted,  or,  as 
 we  now  ti-rni  it,  Eiister-<lay.  Su)>])osing  that  ■^  Kv- 
 piaKi]  'Hju«pa  of  St.  Jolui  is  the  Lord's  Day, — 
 What  di)  we  gather  from  Holy  .^cripture  contvining 
 that  institution?  How  is  it  spoken  of  bj'  early 
 writers  up  to  the  time  of  Constantine?  What 
 change,  if  any,  was  wi ought  u])ou  it  by  the  cele- 
 brated edict  of  that  emperor,  whom  some  have  ile- 
 clared   to  have  been  its  originator?      !.  Scripture 
 
LORD'S  DAY,  THE 
 
 says  very  little  concerning  it.  But  that  little  seems 
 to  indicate  that  the  divinely  inspired  apostles,  by 
 their  practice  and  by  their  precepts,  marked  the 
 fiist  day  of  the  week  as  a  day  for  meeting  together 
 to  break  bread,  for  commuuicating  and  receiving 
 instruction,  for  laying  up  offerings  in  store  for  cha- 
 ritiiblo  purposes,  for  occupation  in  holy  thought  and 
 prayer.  'I'he  fiist  dav  of  the  week  so  devoted  seems 
 also  to  have  been  the  day  of  the  Lord's  Resurrec- 
 tion. The  Lord  rose  on  the  first  day  of  the  week, 
 and  apjieared,  on  the  very  day  of  His  rising,  to  His 
 followers  on  five  distinct  occasions — to  Mary  Mag- 
 dalene, to  the  other  women,  to  the  two  disciples  on 
 the  road  to  Emmaus,  to  St.  Peter  separately,  to 
 ten  Apostles  collected  together.  After  eight  days, 
 that  is,  according  to  the  ordinary  reckoning,  on  the 
 first  day  of  the  next  week.  He  appeared  to  the 
 eleven.  On  the  dav  of  Pentecost,  which  in  that 
 year  fell  on  the  first  day  of  the  week  "  they  were 
 all  with  one  accord  in  one  place,"  had  spiritual 
 gifts  conferied  on  them,  and  in  their  turn  began  to 
 communicate  those  gifts,  as  accompaniments  of  in- 
 struction, to  others.  At  Troas  (Acts  xx.  7),  many 
 years  atler  the  occurrence  at  Pentecost,  when  Chris- 
 tianity had  begun  to  assume  something  like  a  settled 
 form,  St.  Luke  records  the  following  circumstances. 
 St.  Paul  and  his  companions  arrived  there,  and 
 "abode  seven  days,  and  upon  the  first  day  of  the 
 week  when  the  disciples  came  together  to  break 
 bread,  Paul  preached  unto  them."  In  1  Cor.  xvi. 
 1,  2,  that  same  St.  Paul  writes  thus:  "Now  con- 
 cerning the  collection  for  the  saint.-*,  as  I  have  given 
 order  to  the  churches  in  Galatia,  even  so  do  ye. 
 Upon  the  first  day  of  the  week,  let  every  one  of 
 you  lay  by  him  in  store,  as  God  hath  prospered 
 him,  that  there  be  no  gatherings  when  I  come." 
 In  Heb.  x.  25,  the  correspondents  of  the  writer  are 
 desired  "not  to  forsake  the  assembling  of  themselves 
 together,  as  the  manner  of  some  is,  but  to  exhort 
 one  anothei-,"  an  injunction  which  seems  to  imply 
 that  a  regular  day  for  such  assembling  existed,  and 
 was  well  known  ;  for  otherwise  no  rebuke  would  lie. 
 And  lastly,  in  the  passage  given  above,  St.  John 
 describes  himself  as  being  in  the  Spirit  "  on  the 
 Lord's  Day."  Taken  separately,  perhaps,  and  even 
 all  together,  these  passages  seem  scarcely  adequate 
 to  prove  that  the  dedication  of  the  first  day  of  the 
 week  to  the  puiposes  above  mentioned  was  a  matter 
 of  apostolic  institution,  or  even  of  apostolic  practice. 
 But,  it  may  be  observed,  that  it  is  at  any  rate  an 
 extraordinary  coincidence,  that  almost  immediately 
 we  emerge  from  Scripture,  we  find  the  same  day 
 mentioned  in  a  similar  manner,  and  directly  asso- 
 ciated with  the  Lord's  Resurrection ;  that  it  is  an 
 extraordinaiy  fact  that  we  never  find  its  dedication 
 questioned  or  aigued  about,  but  accepted  as  some- 
 thing equally  apostolic  with  Confirmation,  with 
 Infant  Baptism,  with  Ordination,  or  at  least  spoken 
 of  in  the  same  way.  The  results  of  our  examina- 
 tion of  the  principal  writers  of  the  two  centuries 
 after  the  death  of  St.  John  aie  as  follows.  The 
 Lord's  Day  (a  name  which  has  now  come  out  more 
 prominently,  and  is  connected  more  explicitly  with 
 our  Lord's  resurrection  than  before)  existed  during 
 these  two  centuries  as  a  pait  and  parcel  of  apostol- 
 ical, and  so  of  Scriptural  Christianity.  It  was 
 never  defended,  for  it  was  never  impugned,  or  at 
 least  only  impugned  as  other  things  received  from 
 the  apostles  were.  It  was  never  confounded  with 
 the  Sabbath,  but  caiefuUy  distinguished  from  it 
 ftbough  we  have  not  quoted  ne<irly  all  the  passages 
 
 LORD'S  SUPPER 
 
 479 
 
 by  which  this  point  might  bo  proved).  It  was  not 
 an  institution  of  severe  Sabbatical  character,  but  a 
 day  of  joy  and  cheerfulness,  rather  encouraging 
 than  forbidding  relaxation.  Religiously  regarded, 
 it  was  a  day  of  solemn  meeting  for  the  Holy  Eu- 
 charist, for  united  prayer,  for  instruction,  for  alms- 
 giving;  and  though,  being  an  institution  under  the 
 law  of  liberty,  work  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
 formally  interdicted,  or  rest  formally  enjoined,  Ter- 
 tullian  seems  to  indicate  that  the  character  of  the 
 day  was  opposed  to  worldly  business.  Finally, 
 whatever  analogy  may  be  supposed  to  exist  between 
 the  Lord's  Day  and  the  Sabbath,  in  no  passage  that 
 has  come  down  to  us  is  the  Fourth  Commandment 
 appealed  to  as  the  ground  of  the  obligation  to 
 observe  the  Lord's  Day.  But  on  whatever  grounds 
 "  The  Lord's  Day  "  may  be  supposed  to  rest,  it  is  a 
 great  and  indisputable  fact  that  four  years  before 
 the  Oecumenical  Council  of  Nicaea,  it  was  recog- 
 nised by  Constantine  in  his  celebrated  edict,  as  "  the 
 venerable  Day  of  the  Sun."  The  terms  of  the  do- 
 cument are  these : — 
 
 "  Imperator  Constantimis  Aug.  Helpidio. 
 "  Omnes  judices  urbanaeque  plebes  et  cuiictarum  artium 
 officla  venerabili  Die  Solis  quiescant.  Rurl  tanien  posit! 
 agronim  culturae  llberfe  licenterque  inserviant,  quoniam 
 frequenter  evenit  ut  non  aptius  alio  die  frumenta  sulcis 
 ant  vineae  scrobibus  mandentur,  ne  occasione  momenti 
 pereat  commoditas  coelesti  provisione  concessa." — Dot. 
 Non.  Mart.  Crispo  II.  et  Constantino  II.  Cass. 
 
 Some  have  endeavoured  to  explain  away  this 
 document  by  alleging — 1st,  that  "Solis  Dies"  is 
 not  the  Christian  name  of  the  Lord's  Day,  and  that 
 Constantine  did  not  theiefore  intend  to  acknowledge 
 it  as  a  Christian  institution.  2nd.  That,  before  his 
 conversion,  Constantine  had  professed  himself  to  be 
 especially  under  the  guardianship  of  the  sun,  and 
 that,  at  the  very  best,  he  intended  to  make  a  religious 
 compromise  between  sun-worshippers,  propei'ly  so 
 called,  and  the  worshippers  of  the  "Sun  of  Right- 
 eousness," i.  e.  Christians.  3rdly.  That  Constan- 
 tine's  edict  was  purely  a  kalendarial  one,  and  in- 
 tended to  reduce  the  number  of  public  holidays. 
 4thly.  That  Constantine  then  instituted  Sunday  for 
 the  first  time  as  a  religious  day  for  Christians. 
 The  fourth  of  these  statements  is  absolutely  refuted, 
 both  by  the  quotations  made  above  from  writeis  of 
 the  second  and  third  centuries,  and  by  the  teims 
 of  the  edict  itself.  The  three  other  statements  con- 
 cern themselves  rather  with  what  Constantine  meant 
 than  with  what  he  did.  But  with  such  considera- 
 tions we  have  little  or  nothing  to  do.  It  is  a  fact, 
 that  in  the  year  A.D.  321,  in  a  public  edict,  which 
 was  to  apply  to  Christians  as  well  as  to  Pagans,  he 
 put  especial  honour  upon  a  day  already  honoured 
 by  the  former — judiciously  calling  it  by  a  name 
 which  Christians  had  long  employed  without  scruple, 
 and  to  which,  as  it  was  in  ordinary  use,  the  Pagans 
 could  scarcely  object.  What  he  did  for  it  was  to 
 insist  that  worldly  business,  whether  by  the  func- 
 tionaries of  the  law  or  by  private  citizens,  should 
 be  intermitted  during  its  continuance.  Were  any 
 other  testimony  wanting  to  the  existence  of  Sunday 
 as  a  day  of  Christian  worship  at  this  ]*riod,  it  might 
 be  supplied  by  the  Council  of  Nicaea,  A.D.  325. 
 The  Fathers  there  and  then  assembled  assume  it  a.-: 
 an  existing  fact,  and  only  notice  it  incidentally  in 
 order  to  regulate  an  inditJ'erent  matter,  the  posture 
 of  Christian  worshippers  upon  it. 
 
 Lord's  Supper.     The  words  which  thus  describe 
 
480 
 
 LORD'S  SUPPER 
 
 the  great  central  act  of  tlie  woi-sliip  of  the  Christian 
 Church    occur   but    in    one  simple    passage  of  the 
 N.  T.  (1  Cor.  xi.  20).    Of  the  fact  which  lies  under 
 the  name  we  have  several  notices,  and  fi'om  these, 
 incidental  and  frasuientiry  as  they  are,  it  is  possible 
 to  form  a  toleiably  distinct  picture.     To  examine 
 these  notices  in   their   relation   1o  the   life  of  the 
 Christian  society  in  the  first  sfciges  of  its  growth,  and 
 so  to  learn  what  "  the  Supper  of  the  Lord  "  actu- 
 ally was.  will  be  the  object  of  this  article. — I.  The 
 starting  point  of  this  inquiry  i-;  found  in  the  history 
 of  that  night  when  Jesus  and  his  disciples  met  to- 
 gether to  eat  the  i'assover  '.Matt.  xxvi.  19;  Mark 
 xiv.  16  ;  Luke  xxii.  l.'i).    The  manner  in  which  the 
 Piischal  feast  was  ki'pt  by  tlie  Jews  of  that  period 
 differed   in  many  details  from  that  originally  pre- 
 .sci'ibed  by  the  rules  of  Kx.  xii.     The  ceremonies  of 
 the  feast  took  place  in  the  following  order.    (1 )  The 
 members  of  the  company  that  were  joined  for  this 
 purpose  met  in  the  evening  and  reclined  on  couches 
 (comp.  Matt.  xxvi.  20;   Luke  xxii.  14;   and  John 
 xiii.  23,  25).     The  head  of  the  household,  or  cele- 
 b)ant,  began  by  a  form  of  blessing  "  for  tlie  day 
 and  for  the  wine,"  pronounced  over  a  cup,  of  which 
 he  and  the  othere  then  drank.     (2)  All  who  were 
 present  then  wiished  their  hands;  this  also  haviitg 
 a  special  benediction,     (o)  The  table  was  then  set 
 out  with  the  paschal  lamb,  unleavened  bread,  bitter 
 herbs,  and  the  dish  known  as  Charoseth,  a  s;uice 
 made  of  dates,  figs,  raisins,  and  vinegar,   and  de- 
 signed to  commenioi'ate  the  mortar  of  their  bondage 
 in  I-gypt.     (4-)  The  celebrant  first,  and  then   the 
 otliers,  dipped   a  portion   of  the  bitter  herbs  into 
 the  Charoseth  and  ate  thena.     (5)  The  dishes  were 
 then  removed,  and  a  cup  of  wine  again   brought. 
 Then  followed  an  inteiTal  which  was  allowed  theor- 
 etically for  the  questions  that  might  t)e  asked  bj 
 children  or  proselytes,  who  were  astonished  at  such 
 a  strange   beginning  of  a  fea^t,  and  the  cup  was 
 passed  roinid  and  drunk  at  the  close  of  it.     (6)  The 
 dishes  being  brought  on  again,    the  celebrant  re- 
 jieated    the   commemorative    words    which    opened 
 what  was  strictly  the   paschal    supper,   and   pro- 
 nounce<l   a  solemn   thanksgiving,   followed  by  Ps. 
 cxiii.  and  cxiv.     (7)  Then  came  a  second  washing 
 of  the  hands,  with  a  short  form  of  blessing  as  before, 
 and  the  celebrant  broke  one  of  the  two  loaves  or 
 cakes  of  unleavened  bread,  and  gave  thanks  over  it. 
 All  then  took  portions  of  the  bread  and  dip]ied  them, 
 together  with  the  bitter  herbs,  into  the  Charoseth, 
 and  so  ate  them.     (8)  After  this  they  ate  the  flesh 
 of  the  paschal  lamb,  with  bread,  &c.,  as  they  liked; 
 and    after   another   blessing,   a  third  cup,  known 
 especially  as  the    "cup  of  blessing,"  was  handed 
 round.     (9)  This  was  succeeded  by  a  fourth  cup, 
 and  the  recital  of  Ps.  cxv.-cxviii.  followed   by  a 
 prayer,  and  this  was  accordingly  known  as  the  cup 
 of  the  Halle),  or  of  the  Song.     (10)  There  might 
 be,  in  conclusion,  a  filth   cup,   provi<led  that  the 
 "great  Hallel"  (^ possibly  Psiilms  cxx.-cxxxviii.)  was 
 sung  over  it. — Comparing  the  ritual  thus  gathered 
 from  lijibbinic  writers  with  the  N.  T.,  and  assum- 
 ing (1)  thai  it  represents  substantially  the  common 
 practice  of  our  Lord's  time;  and  (2)  that  the  meal 
 of  which  lie  and  His  disciples  ]«rtook,  was  either 
 the  paviover  itself,  or  an  anticipation  of  it,  con- 
 ducted acconling  to  the  same  rules,  we  ar^  able  to 
 point,  though  not  with  absolute  certainty,  to  the 
 points  of  departure  which  the  old  practice  presented 
 for  the  institution  of  the  new.     To  (1)  or  (It),  or 
 even  to  '8),  we  may  refer  the  fii^st  words  and  the 
 
 LORD'S  SUPPER 
 
 first  distribution  of  the  cup  fLuke  xxii.  17,  18); 
 to  (2)  or  (7),  the  dipping  of  the  sop  of  John  xiii. 
 26  ;  to  (7),  or  to  an  inteival  during  or  after  (8), 
 the   distribution    of  the    bread    (Matt.   xxvi.   26; 
 Mark  xiv.  22  ;  Luke  xxii.  19;  1  Cor.  xi.  2H,  24); 
 to  (9)  or  (10)  ("  after  supper,"  Luke  xxii.  20)  the 
 thanksgiving,  and  disti-ibution  of  the  cup,  and  the 
 hymn  with  which  the  whole  was  ended. — The  nar- 
 i-atives  of  the  Gospels  show  bow  strongly  the  dis- 
 ciples were  impressed  with   the  wonls  which  hail 
 given  a  new  meaning  to  the  old  familiar  acts.  They 
 leave  unnoticed  all  the  ceremonies  of  the  I'assover, 
 except  those  which   had  thus  been   transferred  to 
 the  Christian  Church  and  i)erpetuated  in  it.     Old 
 things  were  passing  away,  and  all  things  becoming 
 new.     They  had  looked  on  the  bread  and  the  wine 
 as  memorials  of  the  deliverance  from  Kgypt.     They 
 were  now  told   to   i)aitake  of  them    "  in   remem- 
 brance" of  their  JLaster  and  Lord.     The  festival 
 had  been  annual.     No  rule  was  given  as  to  the  time 
 and  frequency  of  the  new  feast  that  thus  sujiervened 
 on  the  old,  but  the  command  "  Do  this  as  oft  as 
 ye  drink  it"  (1  Cor.  xi.  25),  suggeste<l  the  more 
 continual  recurrence  of  that  which  was  to  be  their 
 memorial  of  one  whom  they  would  wish  never  to 
 forget.     The  words,  "  This  is  my  body,"  gave  to 
 the  unleavened  bread  a  new  chaiacter.     Thev  had 
 been   prepared  for  language  that  would  otherwi.se 
 have  been  so  startling,  by  the  teaching  of  John  (vi. 
 32-58),  and  they  were  thus  taught  to  see  in  the 
 bread  that  was  broken   the  witness  of  the  closest 
 possible  union  and  incorporation  with  their  Loiil. 
 The  cup  which  was  "  the  new   testament  in   His 
 blood,"  would  remind  them,  in  like  maimer,  of  the 
 wonderful   prophecy  in  which  that  new  covenant 
 had  been  foretold  (,Jer.  xxxi.  31-34).     It  is  possible 
 that  there  mar  have  been  yet  another  thought  con- 
 nected with  these  symbolic  acts.  The  funeial  customs 
 of  the  Jews  involved,  at  or  after  the  burial,  the 
 administration  to  the  mourners  of  bread  (comp.  Jer. 
 xvi.  7  ;  Ez.  xxiv.  17  ;  Hos.  ix.  4  ;  Tob.  iv.  17),  and 
 of  wine,  known,  when  thus  given,  as  "  the  cup  of 
 consolation."     May  not  the  bread  and  the  wine  of 
 the  Last  Supper  have  had  something  of  that  cha- 
 racter, preparing  the  minds  of  Christ's  disciples  for 
 His    departure    by    treating   it  as  already  accom- 
 plished ?     May  we  not  conjecture,  without  leaving 
 the  region  of  history  for  that  of  controvei-sy,  that 
 the  thoughts,   desires,    emotions,  of  that  hour  ov 
 divine  sorrow  and  communion  would  be  such  as  tt 
 lead  the  disciples  to  crave  earnestly  to  renew  them  ? 
 Would  it  not  be  natural  that  tliey  should  seek  that 
 renewal  in  the  way  which  their  Master  had  pointed 
 out  to  them  ?     From  this  time,   acconlingly,   the 
 words  "to  break  brcad,"  appear  to  have  had  for 
 the  disciples  a  new  significance.     It  may  not  have 
 assumed  indeed,  as  yet,  the  character  of  a  distinct 
 litui'gii'al   act  ;   but  when  they  met  to  bieak  bread, 
 it  was  with  new  thoughts  and  hopes,  and  with  the 
 memories  of  that  evening  fresh  on  fheni.^lL  In 
 the  account  given  by  the  writer  of  the  Acts  of  the 
 lif'e  of  the  first  disciples  at  Jeiusalem,  a  prominent 
 place  is  given  to  this  act,  and  to  the  phrase  which 
 indicated  it.     Writing,  we  must  remember,   with 
 the  dcHnife  asstniations   that  had   gathered   round 
 tlie   woids  during  the  thirty  years  that  followe«l 
 the  events    he   records,  he   describes  the  Knptized 
 members  of  the  Church  as  continuing  steadfast  in 
 or  to  the  teaching  of  the  apostles,    in   fellowship 
 with  them  and  with  each  other,  and  in  hi-eaking 
 of  bread  and  in   prayers  (.Acts  ii.  42).     Taken  in 
 
LORD'S  SUPPER 
 
 ^>Ilnexioll  with  thi^  rucoLint.  given  in  the  piiecedino 
 verses  of  the  love  wliich  made  thom  live  as  having 
 all  things  common,  we  cm\  scarcely  doubt  that  this 
 mi]ilies  that  the  ihief  actual  meal  of  each  day  was 
 one  in  which  they  met  as  brothers,  and  which  was 
 either  preceded  or  followed  by  the  more  solemn 
 commemorative  acts  of  the  breaking  of  the  biead 
 and  the  drinking  of  the  cup.  It  will  be  convenient 
 to  anticipate  the  language  and  the  thoughts  of  a 
 somewhat  later  date,  and  to  say  that,  apparently, 
 tliey  tluis  united  every  day  the  Agape  or  feast  of 
 Love  with  the  celebration  of  the  Eucharist.  It 
 would  be  natural  that  in  a  society  consisting  of 
 many  thousand  membeis  there  should  be  many 
 places  of  meeting.  The  congregation  assembling  in 
 each  place  would  come  to  be  known  as  "  the  Church" 
 in  this  or  that  man's  house  (Rom.  xvi.  5,  23  ;  1 
 Cor.  xvi.  19;  Col.  iv.  15  ;  Philem.  ver.  2).  When 
 they  met,  the  place  of  honour  would  naturally  be 
 taken  by  one  of  tiie  apostles,  or  some  elder  repre- 
 senting him.  It  would  belong  to  him  to  pronounce 
 the  blessing  and  thanksgiving,  with  which  the 
 meals  of  devout  Jews  always  began  and  ended.  The 
 materials  for  the  meal  would  be  provided  out  of 
 the  common  funds  of  the  Church,  or  the  liberality 
 of  individual  members.  The  bread  (unless  the  con- 
 verted Jews  were  to  think  of  themselves  as  keeping 
 a  perpetual  passover)  would  be  such  as  they  habit- 
 ually used.  The  wine  (probably  the  common  red 
 wuie  of  Palestine,  Prov.  xxiii.  31)  would,  according 
 to  their  usual  practice,  be  mixed  with  water.  But 
 if  this  was  to  be  more  than  a  comiBon  meal  after 
 the  pattern  of  the  Essenes,  it  would  be  necessary  to 
 introduce  words  tliat  would  show  that  what  was 
 done  was  in  remeuibiance  of  their  Master.  At  some 
 time,  before  or  alter  the  meal  of  which  they  partook 
 as  such,  the  bread  ard  the  wine  would  be  giveu  with 
 some  special  form  of  words  or  acts,  to  indicate  its 
 character.  New  converts  would  need  some  explan- 
 ation of  the  meaning  and  origin  of  the  observance. 
 What  would  be  so  fitting  and  so  much  in  harmony 
 with  the  precedents  of  the  Paschal  feast  as  the  nar- 
 rative of  what  had  passed  on  the  night  of  its  insti- 
 tution (1  Cor.  xi.  23-27)?  With  this  there  would 
 naturally  be  associated  (as  in  Acts  ii.  42)  prayers 
 for  themselves  and  others.  Their  gladness  would 
 show  itself  in  the  psalms  and  hymns  with  which 
 they  praised  God  (Heb.  ii.  46,  47  ;  James  v.  13). 
 The  analogy  of  the  Passover,  the  general  feeling  of 
 the  Jews,  and  the  practice  of  the  Essenes  may  pos- 
 sibly have  suggested  ablutions,  partial  or  entire,  as 
 a  preparation  for  the  feast  (Heb.  x.  22;  John  xiii. 
 1-15).  At  some  point  in  the  feast  those  who  were 
 present,  men  and  women  sitting  apart,  would  rise 
 to  salute  each  other  with  the  "  holy  kiss"  (1  Cor. 
 xvi.  20 ;  2  Cor.  xiii.  12).  The  next  tiaces  that 
 meet  us  are  in  1  Cor.,  and  the  fact  that  we  find 
 them  is  in  itself  significant.  The  commemorative 
 feast  lias  not  been  confined  to  the  personal  disciples 
 of  Christ,  or  the  Jewish  converts  whom  they  ga- 
 theral  round  them  at  Jeiusalem.  The  title  of  the 
 "  cup  of  blessing  "  (1  Cor.  x.  16),  has  been  imported 
 into  the  Greek  Church.  The  synonym  of  "  the  cup 
 of  the  Lord"  (1  Cor.  x.  21)  distinguishes  it  from 
 the  other  cups  that  belonged  to  the  Agap§.  The 
 word  "  fellowship  "  is  passing  by  degrees  into  the 
 special  significatioit  of  "  Communion."  The  apostle 
 refei-s  to  his  own  office  as  breaking  the  biead  and 
 Messing  the  cuj)  (1  Coi-.  x.  IG).  The  table  on 
 which  the  bread  was  placed  was  the  Lord's  Table. 
 But  the  practice  of  the  Agapfe,  as  well  as  the  ob- 
 CON.  D.  B. 
 
 LOT 
 
 481 
 
 servance  of  the  commemorative  feast,  had  been 
 transferred  to  Corinth,  and  this  called  for  a  special 
 notice.  Evils  had  sprung  up  which  had  to  be 
 checked  at  once.  The  meeting  of  friends  for  a 
 social  meal,  to  which  all  contributeil,  was  a  suffi- 
 ciently familiar  practice  in  the  common  life  ol 
 Greeks  of  this  period;  and  the  club-feasts  were 
 associated  with  plans  of  mutual  lelief  or  charity  to 
 the  poor.  The  Agap6  of  the  new  society  would 
 seem  to  them  to  be  such  a  feast,  and  hence  came  a 
 disorder  that  altogether  frustrated  the  object  of  the 
 Church  in  instituting  it.  What  was  to  be  the  re- 
 medy for  this  terrible  and  gi-owing  evil  St.  Paul 
 does  not  state  explicitly.  He  reserves  formal  regul- 
 ations for  a  later  personal  visit.  In  the  mean  time 
 he  gives  a  rule  which  would  make  the  union  of  thfe 
 Agap6  and  the  Lord's  Supper  possible  without 
 the  risk  of  profanation.  They  weie  not  to  coma 
 even  to  the  former  with  the  keen  edge  of  appetite. 
 They  were  to  wait  till  all  were  met,  instead  of 
 scrambling  tumultuously  to  help  themselves  (1  Cor. 
 xi.  33,  34).  In  one  point,  however,  the  custom  o( 
 the  Church  of  Corinth  differed  apparently  from  that 
 of  Jerusalem.  The  meeting  for  the  Lord's  Suppei 
 was  no  longer  daily  (1  Cor.  xi.  20,  33).  The  direc- 
 tions given  in  1  Cor.  xvi.  2,  suggest  the  constitution 
 of  a  celebration  on  the  first  day  of  the  week.  The 
 meeting  at  Troas  is  on  the  same  day  (Acts  xx.  7). 
 The  tendency  of  this  language,  and  therefore  pro- 
 bably of  the  order  subsequently  est;iblished,  was  to 
 separate  what  had  hitherto  been  united.  We  stand 
 as  it  were  at  the  dividing  point  of  the  history  of 
 the  two  institutions,  and  henceforth  each  takes  its 
 own  course.  One,  as  belonging  to  a  transient  phase 
 of  the  Christian  life,  and  varying  in  its  effects  with 
 changes  in  national  char,icter  or  forms  of  civilisation, 
 passes  through  many  stages,  and  finally  dies  out. 
 'I"he  other  also  has  its  changes.  The  morning  cele- 
 bration takes  the  place  of  the  evening.  In  Acts  xx. 
 11  we  have  an  e.xample  of  the  way  in  which  the 
 transition  may  have  been  effected.  The  disci])les  at 
 Tioas  meet  together  to  break  biead.  The  hour  is 
 not  definitely  stated,  but  the  fact  that  St.  Paul's 
 discourse  was  protracted  till  past  midnight,  and  the 
 mention  of  the  many  lamps  indicate  a  later  time 
 than  that  commonly  fixed  for  the  Greek  SflTrvov. 
 Then  came  the  teaching  and  the  prayers,  and  then, 
 towards  early  dawn,  the  breaking  of  bread,  which 
 constituted  the  Loid's  Suppei-,  and  for  which  they 
 were  gathered  together.  If  this  midnight  meeting 
 may  be  taken  as  indicating  a  common  practice,  ori- 
 ginating in  reverence  for  an  ordinance  which  Christ 
 had  enjoined,  we  can  easily  understand  how  the 
 next  step  would  be  to  transfer  the  celebration  of 
 the  Eucharist  permanently  to  the  morning  hour,  to 
 which  it  had  gradually  been  approximating.  The 
 recurrence  of  the  same  liturgical  words  in  Acts 
 xxvii.  35  makes  it  probable,  though  not  certain, 
 tJiat  the  food  of  which  St.  Paul  thus  paitook  was 
 intended  to  have,  for  himself  and  his  Christian  com- 
 panions, the  character  at  once  of  the  Agape  and  the 
 Eucharist. 
 
 Lo-ruha'mali,  i.  e.  "  the  uncompassionated,"  the 
 name  of  the  daughter  of  Hosea  the  prophet,  given 
 to  denote  the  utterly  ruined  and  hopeless  condition 
 of  the  kingdom  of  Israel,  on  whom  Jehovah  would 
 no  more  have  mercy  (Hos.  i.  6). 
 
 Lot,  the  son  of  Haran,  and  therefore  the  nephew 
 of  Abraham  (Gen.  xi.  27,  31).  His  sisters  weie 
 MiLCAU  the  wife  of  Nahor,  and  IsCAH,  by  noma 
 identified  with  Sarah.     Haian  died  before  the  emi- 
 
 2   I 
 
482  LOT 
 
 pndion  of  Terah  and  his  family  fi-om  Vr  of  t.hfc 
 Chaldees  (ver.  28),  ami  Lot  was  thorefoie  born 
 there.  He  removed  with  the  rest  oC  his  kindred 
 to  Charan,  and  again  subsequently  with  Abraham 
 and  Sarai  to  Canaan  (xii.  4,  5).  With  them  he 
 took  refuge  in  Kgypt  from  a  famine,  and  witii 
 them  returned,  first  to  the  "South"  (xiii.  1), 
 and  then  to  their  original  settlement  between  Bethel 
 and  Ai  (ver.  3,  4).  But  the  ])astures  of  the  hills 
 of  Bethel,  which  had  with  ease  contained  the  two 
 strangei-s  on  their  first  arrival,  were  not  able  any 
 longer  to  bear  them,  so  much  had  their  possessions 
 of  sheep,  goats,  and  cattle  increased  since  that  time. 
 It  was  not  any  disagreement  between  Abraham  and 
 Lot — their  relations  continued  good  to  the  last ; 
 but  between  the  slaves  who  tended  their  countless 
 heids  disputes  arose,  and  a  ])arting  was  necessary. 
 From  some  one  of  the  round  swelling  hills  which 
 surround  Bethel — from  none  more  likely  than  that 
 which  stands  immediately  on  its  east — the  two 
 Hebrews  looked  over  the  comparatively  empty 
 land,  in  the  direction  of  Sodom,  Gomorrah,  and 
 Zoar  (xiii.  10).  And  Lot  lifted  up  his  eyes  towards 
 the  left,  and  beheld  all  the  precinct  of  the  Jordan 
 that  it  w;is  well  watered  eveiy where ;  like  a  garden 
 of  Jehovah  ;  like  that  unutterably  green  and  fertile 
 land  of  Kgypt  he  had  only  lately  quitted.  It  was 
 exactly  the  piospect  to  tempt  a  man  who  liad  no 
 fixed  purpose  of  his  own,  who  had  not  like  Abram 
 obeyed  a  stern  inward  c;ill  of  duty.  So  Lot  left  his 
 uncle  on  the  barren  hills  of  Bethel,  and  he  "  chose 
 all  the  jirecinct  of  the  Jordan,  and  journeyed  east," 
 <lown  the  ravines  which  give  access  to  the  Joidan 
 valley:  and  then  when  he  reached  it  turned  again 
 southward  and  advanced  as  far  as  Sodom  (11,  12). 
 
 2.  The  next  occurrence  in  the  life  of  Lot  is  his 
 capture  by  the  tour  kings  of  the  East,  and  his 
 icscue  by  Abnim  (Gen.  xiv.).  Whatever  may  be 
 the  age  of  this  chapter  in  relation  to  those  before 
 .■uid  after  it,  there  is  no  doubt  that,  as  far  as  the 
 liistoiy  of  Lot  is  concerned,  it  is  in  its  right  posi- 
 tion in  the  narrative.  The  events  which  it  narrates 
 must  have  occuired  aftei-  those  of  ch.  xiii.,  and 
 befoie  those  of  xviii.,  and  xix.  3.  The  htsl  scene 
 preserved  to  us  in  the  history  of  Lot  is  too  well 
 known  to  need  repetition.  He  is  still  living  in 
 .Sodom  (<!en.  xix.).  Some  yeai's  have  passed.  But 
 in  the  midst  of  the  licentious  corruption  of  Sodom 
 he  .still  preserves  some  of  the  delightful  charac- 
 teristics of  his  wandering  life,  his  fervent  and 
 chivalrous  hospit-dity  (xix.  2,  8),  the  unleavened 
 bread  of  the  tent  of  the  wilderness  (ver.  3),  the 
 water  for  the  feet  of  the  wayfarers  (ver.  2)  afford- 
 ing his  guests  a  reception  identical  with  that  which 
 they  had  exjiericnced  that  very  morning  in  Abra- 
 ham's tent  on  the  heights  of  Hebron  (comp.  xviii. 
 
 3,  (j).  His  deliverance  from  the  guilty  and  con- 
 demned city  points  the  allusion  of  St.  I'etei-  {'2  I'et. 
 ii.  6-9).  VV'hei'c  Zoar  was  situated,  in  which  he 
 found  a  temporary  refuge  during  the  destruction 
 of  the  other  cities  of  the  plain,  we  do  not  know 
 with  absolute  certiinty.  But  this  will  be  l>est 
 examined  under  ZoAU.  The  end  of  Lot's  wife  is 
 iommonly  treated  as  one  of  the  dilliculties  of  the 
 Bible.  But  it  surely  need  not  be  so.  It  cannot  be 
 ne(»is;uy,  as  some  have  done,  to  create  the  details 
 ol  thf  story  where  none  are  given.  On  these  points 
 the  record  is  silent.  The  value  and  the  signiticance 
 of  thf  story  to  us  are  ooulaiiied  in  the  allusion  of 
 Christ  I.  Luke  xvii,  32).  Later  ages  have  not  been 
 Mtistied    sfi    to   l.save    the   ntitter,    but    have    in- 
 
 LOVE-FEASTS 
 
 Kisted  on  identifying  the  •' jiillar  "  with  someone 
 of  the  fleeting  forms  which  the  pei'ishable  rock  ol 
 the  south  end  of  the  Dead  Sea  is  constantly  assuming 
 in  its  process  of  decomposition  ami  liqiietiiction. 
 The  story  of  the  origin  of  the  nations  of  Aloab  and 
 Ammoii  from  the  incestuous  intercourse  between 
 Lot  and  his  two  daughtei-s,  with  which  his  history 
 abruptly  concludes,  has  been  often  treated  as  if  it 
 were  a  Hebrew  legend  which  owed  its  origin  to  the 
 bitter  hatred  existing  from  the  earliest  to  the  latest 
 times  between  the  "  Ciiildren  of  Lot"  and  the 
 Children  of  Israel.  But  even  the  most  destructive 
 critics  allow  that  the  narrative  is  a  continuation 
 without  a  break  of  that  which  precedes  it,  while 
 they  fail  to  point  out  any  marks  of  later  date  in 
 the  language  of  this  portion ;  and  it  cimnot  be 
 questioned  that  the  writer  records  it  as  an  historical 
 tact.  Even  if  the  legendary  theory  were  admissible, 
 there  is  no  doubt  of  the  fact  that  Amnion  and 
 Moab  sprang  from  Lot. 
 
 Lot.  The  custom  of  deciding  doubtful  questions 
 by  lot  is  one  of  great  extent  and  high  antiquity, 
 recommending  itself  as  a  sort  of  appeal  to  the 
 Almighty,  secure  from  all  influence  of  passion  or 
 bi;is,  and  is  a  sort  of  divination  employed  even  by 
 the  gods  themselves  (Horn.  //.  xxii.  2U9  :  Cic.  de 
 Div.  i.  34,  ii.  41).  Among  the  Jews  also  the  use 
 of  lots,  with  a  religious  intention,  direct  or  indirect, 
 prevailed  extensively.  The  religious  estimate  of 
 them  may  be  gathered  from  Prov.  xvi.  '.i'j.  'l"he 
 tbllowing  historical  orritual  instances  are — 1.  Choice 
 of  men  for  an  invading  force  (Judg.  i.  1,xx.  lU). 
 2.  Partition  (a)  of  the  soil  of  Palestine  among  the 
 tribes  (Num.  xsvi.  5.");  Josh,  xviii.  10;  Acts  xiii. 
 19).  (6)  of  Jerusalem  ;  i.  e.  probably  its  spoil  or 
 Ciiptives  among  captors  (Obad.  11);  of  the  land 
 itself  in  a  similar  way  (1  Mace,  iii.  30).  (c-)  Ap- 
 portionment  of  possessions,  or  spoil,  or  of  prisonere, 
 tr>  foreigners  or  captoi-s  (Joel  iii.  o;  Nali.  iii.  10; 
 JIatt.  xxvii.  35).  3.  ((()  Settlement  of  dunbtfid 
 questions  (Prov.  xvi.  33,  xviii.  18).  (6)  A  mode 
 ot  divination  among  heathens  by  means  of  arrows, 
 two  inscribed,  and  one  without  mark  (Hos.  iv.  12  ; 
 Ez.  xxi.  21).  [cj  Detection  of  a  criminal  (Josh, 
 vii.  14,  18).  [d)  Appointment  of  pei-sons  to 
 offices  or  duties,  as  above  in  Achan's  uise.  (c)  Se- 
 lection of  the  scape-goat  on  the  Day  of  Atonement 
 (Lev.  xvi.  8,  10).  4.  The  use  of  woixis  heard  or 
 passages  chosen  at  random  from  Scrijiture. 
 
 Lo'tan,  the  eldest  son  of  Seir  the  Horite  (Gen. 
 xxxvi.  20,  22,  29  ;  1  Chr.  i.  38,  39). 
 
 Lothasu'bufl  (1  Esd.  ix.  44),  a  corruption  of 
 II ASill  .M  ill  Nell.  viii.  A. 
 
 Lots,  Feast  of.     [Pi-iini.] 
 
 Love-Feasts  .lude  12,  ami  2  Pet.  ii.  13),  an 
 enteitainnieiit  in  which  the  poorer  memlM?rs  of  the 
 Church  i)artook,  furnished  fioui  the  contributions 
 of  Christians  lesorting  to  the  Eucharistic  celebra- 
 tion, but  whether  before  or  after  it  may  be  doubted. 
 The  true  account  of  the  matter  is  probably  that 
 given  by  Chrysostom,  who  says  that  after  the 
 early  community  of  goods  had  ce^ised,  the  richer 
 members  brought  to  the  Church  contributions  ok 
 food  and  drink,  of  which,  ni'ter  the  conclusion 
 of  the  services  and  the  celebration  of  the  Euchari.st, 
 all  partook  together,  l>y  this  means  heljiing  to  j>i<>- 
 mote  the  iJiinciple  of'  love  among  Christians.  The 
 almost  universal  custom  to  receive  the  Euchai-ist 
 fasting  i)roves  that  in  later  times  the  love-least» 
 must  have  followed,  not  preceded,  the  Euchaiist. 
 The  love-feasts  were  forbid<len  to  be  held  in  churches 
 
LOZON 
 
 hv  the  Oouncil  of  Laodicea,  A.u.  320,  Cone.  Quini- 
 bcxi.,  A.D.  692,  c.  74,  Aix-la-Chapelle,  A.D.  816; 
 Ijut  in  some  form  or  other  they  continued  to  a 
 niucli  Inter  period. 
 
 Loz'on,  one  of  the  sous  of  "  Solomon's  servants  " 
 who  ]eturned  with  Zorobabel  (1  Esd.  v.  33). 
 
 Lu'bim,  a  nation  mentioned  as  contributing, 
 together  with  Cushites  and  Sukkiim,  to  Shishaii's 
 army  (2  Chr.  xii.  o) ;  and  apparently  as  forming 
 with  Cushites  tlie  bulk  of  Zerah's  army  (xvi.  8), 
 spolcen  of  by  Nahum  (iii.  9)  with  Put  or  Phut, 
 as  helping  No-Amon  (Thebes),  of  which  Cush  and 
 Egypt  were  tlie  strength  ;  and  by  Daniel  (xi.  43) 
 as  paying  court  with  the  Cushites  to  a  conqueror 
 of  Egypt  01-  the  Egyptians.  For  more  precise 
 information  we  look  to  the  Egyptian  monuments, 
 upon  which  we  tind  representations  of  a  people 
 called  Keuu,  or  Li:iiU,  who  cannot  be  doubted  to 
 correspond  to  the  Labim.  These  Hebu  were  a 
 warlike  people,  witli  whom  Menptah  and  liameses 
 HI.,  who  both  ruled  in  the  13th  century  B.C., 
 waged  successful  wars.  The  latter  king  routed 
 them  with  much  slaughter.  The  sculptures  of  the 
 great  temple  he  raised  at  Thebes,  now  called  that 
 of  Medeenet  Haboo,  give  us  i-epresentations  of  the 
 llebu,  showing  that  they  were  fair,  and  of  what  is 
 called  a  Shemitic  type,  like  the  Berbers  and  Kabyles. 
 'J'hey  are  distinguished  as  northern,  that  is,  as 
 ))arailel  to,  or  nortli  of,  Lower  Egypt.  Of  their 
 being  African  there  can  be  no  reasonable  doubt. 
 The  Lubim  are  probably  the  Mizraite  Lehaiuh. 
 The  historical  indications  of  the  Egyptian  monu- 
 ments thus  lead  us  to  place  the  seat  of  the  Lubim, 
 or  primitive  Libyans,  on  the  African  coast  to  the 
 westward  of  Egypt,  perhaps  extending  far  beyond 
 the  Cyrenaica. 
 
 Lu'cas,  a  friend  and  companion  of  St.  Paul 
 (luring  his  imprisonment  at  Rome  (Philem.  24). 
 }\l'  is  the  same  as  Luke,  the  beloved  physician  (Col. 
 ir.  14;  2  Tun.  iv,  11). 
 
 Lu'cifer.  The  name  is  found  in  Is.  xiv.  12, 
 coupled  with  the  epithet  "  son  of  the  morning," 
 and  clearly  signifies  a  "  bright  star,"  and  probably 
 what  we  call  the  morning  star.  In  this  passage 
 it  is  a  symbolical  representation  of  the  king  of 
 Babylon,  in  his  splendour  and  in  his  fall.  Its 
 application,  from  St.  Jerome  downwards,  to  Satan 
 in  his  fall  from  heaven,  arises  probably  from  the 
 fact  that  the  Babylonian  Empire  is  in  Sciipture 
 represented  as  the  type  of  tyrannical  and  self- 
 idolising  power,  and  especially  connected  with  the 
 empire  of  the  Evil  One  in  the  Apocalypse. 
 
 Lu'cius,  a  Roman  consul,  who  is  said  to  have 
 written  the  letter  to  Ptolemy  (Euergetes),  which 
 assuied  Simon  I.  of  the  protection  of  Rome  (cir. 
 B.C.  139-8;  1  Mace.  xv.  10,  15-24).  The  whole 
 form  of  the  letter — the  mention  of  one  consul  only, 
 the  description  of  the  consul  by  the  praenomen,  the 
 omission  of  the  senate  and  of  the  date  shows  that  it 
 cannot  be  an  accurate  copy  of  the  original  docu- 
 ment ;  but  there  is  nothing  in  the  substance  of  the 
 letter  which  is  open  to  just  suspicion.  The  im- 
 perfect transcription  of  the  name  has  led  to  the 
 identification  of  Lucius  with  three  distinct  persons 
 — (1.)  [Lucius]  Furius  Philus,  who  was  not  consul 
 till  B.C.  136,  and  is  tlieiefore  at  once  excludi-d. 
 (2.)  Lucius  Caecilius  Metellus  Calvus,  who  was 
 consul  in  B.C.  142.  (3.)  But  the  third  identifica- 
 tion with  Lucius  Calpurnius  Piso,  who  was  consul 
 B.C.  139,  is  most  jirobably  correct. 
 
 Lu'citlS,    a  kinsman  or  fellow-tribestuan  of  St. 
 
 LUDIM 
 
 483 
 
 Paul  (Rom.  xvi.  21),  by  whom  he  is  said  by  tradi- 
 tion to  have  been  oidained  bishop  of  the  church  of 
 Cenchreae.  He  is  thought  by  some  to  be  the  same 
 with  Lucius  of  Cyrene. 
 
 Lu'cius  of  Cyre'ne.  Lucius,  thus  distinguished 
 by  the  name  of  his  city,  is  first  mentioned  in  the 
 N.  T.  in  company  with  Barnabas,  Simeon,  called 
 Niger,  Manaen,  and  Saul,  who  are  described  as  pro- 
 phets and  teachers  of  the  church  at  Antioch  (.Acts 
 xiii.  1).  Whether  Lucius  was  one  of  the  seventv 
 disciples,  as  stated  by  Pseudo-Hippolytus,  is  quite  a 
 matter  of  conjecture,  but  it  is  highly  probable  that 
 he  formed  one  of  the  congregation  to  whom  St. 
 Peter  preached  on  the  day  of  Pentecost  (Acts  ii. 
 10);  and  there  caa  hardly  be  a  doubt  that  he  was 
 one  of  "  the  men  of  Cyrene  "  who,  being  "  .sc;it- 
 tered  abroad  upon  the  persecution  that  arose  about 
 Stephen,"  went  to  Antioch  preaching  the  Lord 
 Jesus  (Acts  si.  19,  20).  It  is  commonly  supposed 
 that  Lucius  is  the  kinsman  of  St.  Paul,  mentioned 
 by  that  apostle  as  joining  with  him  in  his  saluta- 
 tion to  the  Roman  brethren  (Kom.  xvi.  21).  There 
 is  certainly  no  sufficient  reason  for  regarding  him 
 as  identical  with  St.  Luke  the  Evangelist. 
 
 Lud,  the  fourth  name  in  the  list  of  the  children 
 of  Shem  (Gen.  x.  22  ;  comp.  1  Chr.  i.  17),  that  of 
 a  pel  son  or  tribe,  or  both,  descended  from  him. 
 It  has  been  supposed  that  Lud  was  the  ancpstor  of 
 the  Lydi.uis  ( Jos.  Aut.  i.  6,  §4),  and  thus  lepre- 
 sented  by  the  Lydus  ot'  their  mythical  period 
 (Herod,  i.  7).  But  the  Egyptian  monuments  show 
 us  in  the  13th,  14th,  and  loth  centuries  B.C.  a 
 powerful  people  called  Huten  or  Luden,  probablv 
 seated  near  Slesopotamia,  and  a])iiarpntly  north  of 
 Palestine,  whom  some,  however,  make  the  Assy- 
 rians. 
 
 Lu'dim  (Gen.  x.  13;  1  Chr.  i.  11),  a  Mizraite 
 people  or  tribe.  From  their  position  at  the  head 
 of  the  list  of  the  Mizraites,  it  is  ])robable  that  the 
 Ludim  were  settled  to  the  west  of  Egypt,  peihaps 
 furthej-  than  any  other  Mizraite  tribe.  Lud  and 
 the  Ludim  are  mentioned  in  four  passages  of  the 
 prophets  (Is.  Ixvi.  19  ;  Jer.  xlvi.  9;  Ez.  xxvii.  10, 
 xxxviii.  5).  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  but  one 
 nation  is  intended  in  these  jiassages,  and  it  seems 
 that  thus  far  the  preponderance  of  evidence  is  in 
 favour  of  the  Mizraite  Ludim.  We  have  still  to 
 inquire  how  the  evidence  of  the  Egyptian  monu- 
 ments and  of  profane  history  may  afi'ect  our  sup- 
 position. From  tlie  former  we  learn  that  several 
 foreign  nations  contributed  allies  or  meicenaries  to 
 the  Egyptian  armies.  Among  them  we  identify 
 the  Rebu  with  the  Lubim,  and  the  Shauvatana 
 with  the  Cheiethim,  who  also  served  in  David's 
 army.  The  lest  of  these  foreign  troops  seem  to 
 have  been  of  African  nations,  but  this  is  not 
 certain.  From  the  Greek  writers  we  leam  that 
 Ionian, Caiian,  and  other  Greek  mercenaries,  formed 
 an  importiuit  element  in  the  Egyptian  army  in  all 
 times  when  the  country  was  independent,  from  the 
 reign  of  Psammetichus  until  the  final  conquest  by 
 Ochus.  These  meicenaries  weie  even  settled  in 
 Egvpt  by  Psammetichus.  There  does  not  seem  to 
 be  any  mention  of  them  in  the  Bible,  excepting  thev 
 be  intended  by  hud  and  the  Ludim  in  the  passages 
 that  have  been  considered.  It  must  be  recollected 
 that  it  is  leasonable  to  comiect  the  Shemite  Lud 
 with  the  Lydians,  and  that  at  tlie  time  of  the  pro- 
 phets by  whom  Lud  and  the  Ludim  are  mentioned, 
 the  Lydian  kingdom  generally  or  alw.iys  included 
 the  uioie  western   pait  of  Asia  Winoi,  .^o  that  the 
 
484     LUHITH,  THE  ASCENT  OF 
 
 terms  I.ikI  and  Ludim  might  well  :ipi)ly  to  tlie 
 luiiian  aud  Cariaii  meiceiiaries  drawn  tVom  this 
 territory.  We  must  therefore  liesitate  before  ab- 
 solutely concluding  that  this  importjuit  portion  of 
 the  Kgyptian  mercenaries  is  not  mentioned  in  the 
 I'.ible,  ujwn  the  prima  facie  evidence  that  the  onl)' 
 name  which  could  stand  for  it  would  seem  to  be 
 that  of  iM  African  nation. 
 
 Lu'hith,  the  Ascent  ofj  a  place  in  Moab  ;  ap- 
 parently tlie  ascvnt  to  a  sanctuary  or  holy  spot  on 
 an  eminence.  It  occurs  only  in  Is.  xv.  5,  and 
 the  parallel  passage  of  Jeremiah  (xlviii,  5).  In 
 the  liays  of  Eusebius  and  Jerome  {Oiwinasticon, 
 "Luith")  it  w;is  still  known  and  stood  between 
 Areo])olis  (Rabbath-iMoab)  and  Zoar.  M.  de  Saulcy 
 places  it  at  "  Kharbet-Nouehin  ;  "  but  this  is  north 
 of  Areopolis,  and  amnot  be  said  to  lie  between  it 
 and  Zoar. 
 
 Luke.  The  name  Luke  is  an  abbreviated  form  of 
 Luc;uius  or  of  Lucilius.  It  is  not  to  be  confounded 
 with  Lucius  (Acts  .\iii.  1  ;  liom.  xvi.  21),  which 
 belongs  to  a  dillereiit  person.  The  name  Luke 
 occui-s  three  times  in  the  New  Testament  (Col.  iv. 
 14;  2  Tim.  iv.  11  ;  Philem.  24),  and  probably  in 
 all  throi',  the  third  evangelist  is  the  person  spoken 
 of.  Combining  the  traditional  element  with  tlie 
 sciiptural,  the  uncertain  with  the  certain,  we  are 
 able  to  trace  the  following  dim  outline  of  the  Evan- 
 gelist's life.  He  was  born  at  Antioch  in  Syria 
 (Eusebius,  Hist.  iii.  4);  in  what  condition  of  life 
 is  uncertain.  That  he  was  taught  the  science  of 
 medicine  does  not  prove  that  he  wiis  of  higher  birth 
 than  the  rest  of  the  disciples.  The  well-known 
 tr.idition  that  Luke  was  also  a  painter,  and  of  no 
 mean  skill,  rests  on  the  authoiity  of  Nicephorus 
 Cii.  43),  and  of  other  late  writers.  He  was  not 
 born  a  Jew,  for  lie  is  not  reckoned  among  them 
 "  of  the  circumcision  "  by  St.  Paul  (comp.  Col.  iv. 
 11  with  ver.  14).  The  date  of  his  conversion  is 
 uncertain.  The  statement  of  Epiphaiiius  and  othei-s, 
 that  ho  was  one  of  the  seventy  disciples,  has  nothing 
 very  improbable  in  it;  whilst  that  which  Theo- 
 phylact  adopts  (on  Luke  xxiv.)  that  he  was  one  of 
 the  two  who  journeyed  to  Emmaus  with  the  risen 
 Redeemer,  has  found  modern  defeinlors.  The  first 
 ray  of  historiail  light  falfs  on  the  Evangelist  when 
 he  joins  St.  Paul  at  Troas,  and  bhares  his  journey 
 into  Macedonia.  The  sudden  transition  to  the  first 
 person  plural  in  Acts  xvi.  9,  is  most  naturally 
 explained,  after  all  the  objections  that  have  been 
 urged,  by  supposing  that  Luke,  the  writer  of  the 
 Acts,  formed  one  of  St.  Paul's  company  from  this 
 point.  As  far  as  Philippi  the  Evangelist  journeyed 
 with  the  Apostle.  The  resumption  of  the  third 
 person  on  Paul's  (lei)arture  from  that  place  (xvii.  1) 
 would  show  that  Luke  wius  now  left  behin(L 
 During  the  rest  of  St.  Paul's  second  missionary 
 journey  we  hear  of  I^uke  no  more.  But  on  the 
 tliiid  journey  the  same  indic^ition  reminds  us  that 
 Luke  is  again  of  the  company  (.\cts  xx.  5),  liaving 
 joined  it  apparently  at  Philippi,  where  he  had  been 
 left.  With  the  Apostle  he  piussed  through  Miletus, 
 Tyre,  and  Caesarea  to  Jerusalem  (xx.  .'),  xxi.  18). 
 Between  the  two  visits  of  Paul  to  Philippi  seven 
 yftu-s  hacl  elapsed  (a.D.  .51  to  a.D.  o8j,  which  the 
 Evangelist  may  have  spent  in  Philippi  and  its 
 neighbourhood,  preaching  the  Gospel.  There  w- 
 mains  one  passige,  wliicli,  if  it  refei-s  to  St.  Luke, 
 must  belong  to  this  jwriod.  "  We  have  .sent  with 
 him  "  (i.  c.  Titus)  "  the  brother  whose  pnu.se  is  in 
 the  gospel  tlioughout  all   the  churches  "  (2  Cor. 
 
 LUKE,  GOSPEL  OF 
 
 viii.  18).  The  subscription  of  the  epistle  sets  forth 
 that  it  was  "  written  I'mui  Philippi,  a  city  «l 
 .Macedonia,  by  Titus  and  Lnois,"  and  it  is  an 
 old  opinion  that  Luke  was  the  companion  of  Titus, 
 although  he  is  not  named  in  the  body  of  the  Epistle. 
 If  this  be  so,  we  are  to  suppose  that  during  the 
 "  three  months  "  of  Paul's  sojourn  at  Philipjn 
 (Acts  XX.  .3)  Luke  was  sent  fiom  that  place  to 
 Corinth  on  this  errand.  He  again  ai^pears  in  the 
 company  of  Paul  in  the  memorable  journey  to 
 Home  (Acts  xxvii.  1).  He  remained  at  his  side 
 during  his  first  imprisonment  'Col.  iv.  14;  Philem. 
 24) ;  and  if  it  is  to  be  supposed  that  the  Second 
 Epistle  to  Timothy  was  written  during  the  second 
 impri.sonmtnt,  then  the  testimony  ot'  that  Epistle 
 (iv.  11)  shows  that  he  continuetl  tititliful  to  the 
 Apostle  to  the  end  of  his  alllictions.  After  the 
 deatli  of  St.  Paul,  the  acts  of  his  faitht'ul  companion 
 are  hopelessly  obscure  to  us.  In  the  well-known 
 passage  of  Epiphanius,  we  find  that  receiving  the 
 commission  to  preach  the  Oospel,  [Luke]  ])reaches 
 first  in  Dalmatia  and  Callia.  As  to  the  age  and 
 death  of  the  Evangelist  there  is  the  utmost  uncer- 
 taintv.  That  he  died  a  martyr,  between  A.D  7.') 
 and  A.n.  100,  would  seem  to  have  the  balance  of 
 sutl'rages  in  its  favour. 
 
 Lake,  Gospel  of.  The  third  Gospel  is  ascribed, 
 by  the  general  consent  of  ancient  Christendom,  to 
 "  the  belovwl  physician,"  Luke,  the  friend  ami 
 comiianion  of  the  Apostle  Paul.  It  has  been  shown 
 already  [(iosPKl^]  that  the  Gospels  were  in  use  as 
 one  collection,  and  were  spoken  of  undoubtingly 
 as  the  work  of  those  whose  names  they  bear, 
 towards  the  end  of  the  second  century.  But  as 
 regards  the  genuineness  of  St.  Luke  any  discussion 
 is  entangled  with  a  somewhat  dillicult  question, 
 namelv,  what  is  the  relation  of  the  Gospel  we 
 possess  to  that  which  was  used  by  the  heretic 
 Marcion  ?  The  case  may  be  briefly  stated.  The 
 religion  of  Jesus  Christ  aiuiouncecl  salvation  to  Jew 
 and  Gentile,  through  Him  who  w:vs  born  a  Jew, 
 of  the  seed  of  David.  The  two  sides  of  this  fact 
 produced  very  early  two  opposite  tendencies  in  the 
 Church.  One  party  thought  of  Christ  as  the 
 Messiah  of  the  Jews ;  the  other  as  the  Redeemer 
 of  the  human  race.  Marcion  of  Sinope,  who 
 flourished  in  the  first  half  of  the  second  century, 
 expressed  strongly  the  tendency  opposed  to  Juilaism. 
 He  views  the  O.T.,  not  as  a  preparation  for  the 
 coming  of  the  Lord,  but  as  something  hostile  in 
 spirit  to  the  Gos])el.  This  divorcement  of  the 
 N.  T.  from  the  Old  w:us  at  the  root  ol"  .Marcion's 
 doctrine.  In  his  strange  system  the  God  of  the 
 0.  T.  was  a  lower  being,  engaged  in  a  constant 
 conriict  with  matter,  over  which  he  did  not  gain  a 
 complete  victory.  But  the  holy  and  eternal  God, 
 perfect  in  goodness  and  love,  conies  not  in  contact 
 with  matter,  and  creates  only  what  is  like  to 
 and  cognate  with  himself.  .Marcion  admitted  the 
 Epistles  of  St.  Paul,  and  a  (iospel  which  he  I'e- 
 garded  as  Paidine,  and  rejected  the  rest  of  the 
 X.  T.,  not  from  any  idea  that  the  books  were  not 
 genuine,  but  because  they  were,  as  he  alleged, 
 the  genuine  works  of  men  who  were  not  faithl'ul 
 teachers  of  the  Gosjxd  they  had  received.  But 
 what  was  the  Gospel  which  Marcion  used  ?  The 
 ancient  testimony  is  very  .strong  on  this  point ; 
 it  wa-s  the  (ios|)el  of  St.  Luke,  altered  to  suit  his 
 jjcculiar  tenets.  He  did  not,  however,  ascriln.'  to 
 Luke  by  name  the  Gospel  thus  corrupted,  cdling 
 it  simply  the  <^iospel  of  Christ.     The  opinion  that 
 
LUKE,  QOSPEL  OF 
 
 he  formed  for  himself  a  Gospel,  on  the  principle  of 
 rejecting  all  that  savoured  of  Judaism  in  an  existing 
 narrative,  and  that  he  selected  the  Oospel  of  St. 
 Luke  as  needing  the  least  alteration,  seems  to  have 
 been  held  universally  in  the  Church,  until  Semler 
 started  a  doubt,  the  prolific  seed  of  a  large  con- 
 troversy; fiom  the  whole  result  of  which,  how- 
 ever, the  cause  of  truth  has  little  to  regret.  His 
 opinion  was  that  the  Gospel  of  St.  Luke  and  that 
 used  by  Mmcion  were  drawn  from  one  and  the 
 same  original  source,  neither  being  altered  from 
 the  other.  From  this  controvei'sy  we  gain  the 
 following  result : — Marcion  was  in  the  height  of 
 his  activity  about  A.D.  138,  soon  after  which 
 Justin  Martyr  wrote  his  Apology;  and  he  had 
 probably  given  forth  his  Gospel  some  years  before, 
 «.  e.  about  A.D.  130.  At  the  time  when  he  com- 
 posed it  he  found  the  Gospel  of  St.  Luke  so  far 
 diffused  and  accepted  that  he  based  his  own  Gospel 
 upon  it,  altering  and  omitting.  Therefore  we  may 
 assume  that,  about  A.D.  120,  the  Gospel  of  St. 
 Luke  which  we  possess  was  in  use,  and  was 
 familiarly  known.  The  theory  that  it  was  com- 
 posed about  the  middle  or  end  of  the  2nd  century 
 is  thus  overthrown  ;  and  there  is  no  positive  evid- 
 ence of  any  kind  to  set  against  the  harmonious 
 assertion  of  all  the  ancient  Church  that  this  Gospel 
 is  the  genuine  production  of  St.  Luke.— II.  Date 
 of  the  Gospel  of  Luke. — We  have  seen  that  this 
 Gospel  was  in  use  befoi'e  the  year  120.  From 
 internal  evidence  the  date  can  be  more  nearly  fixed. 
 From  Acts  i.  1,  it  is  clear  that  it  was  written 
 before  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles.  The  latest  time 
 actually  mentioned  in  the  Acts  is  the  term  of  two 
 years  during  whicn  Paul  dwelt  at  Kome  "  in  his 
 own  hired  house,  and  received  all  that  came  in 
 unto  him  "  (xxviii.  30,  31).  The  book  of  the  Acts 
 was  probably  completed  about  the  end  of  the  second 
 year  of  St.  Paul's  imprisonment,  that  is,  about 
 A.D.  63.  How  much  earlier  the  Gospel,  described 
 as  "the  former  treatise"  (Acts  i.  1),  may  have 
 been  written  is  uncertain.  Perhaps  it  was  written 
 at  Caesarea  during  St.  Paul's  imprisonment  there, 
 A.D.  58-60.— III.  Place  where  the  Gospel  was 
 written. — If  the  time  has  been  rightly  indicated, 
 the  place  would  be  Caesarea.  Other  suppositions 
 are — that  it  was  composed  in  Achaia  and  the 
 region  of  Boeotia  (Jerome),  in  Alexandria  (Syriac 
 version),  in  Rome  (Ewald,  &c.j,  in  Achaia  and 
 Macedonia  (Hilgenfeldi,  and  Asia  Minor  (Kostlin). 
 It  is  impossible  to  verify  these  traditions  and  con- 
 jectures.—IV.  Origin  of  the  Gospel. — The  preface, 
 contained  in  the  first  four  verses  of  the  Gospel, 
 describes  the  object  of  its  writer.  Here  are  several 
 facts  to  be  observed.  There  were  many  narratives 
 of  the  life  of  our  Lord  current  at  the  early  time 
 when  Luke  wrote  his  Gospel.  The  ground  of 
 fltness  for  the  task  St.  Luke  places  in  his  having 
 carefully  followed  out  the  whole  course  of  events 
 from  the  beginning.  He  does  not  claim  the  cha- 
 racter of  an  eye-witness  from  the  first ;  but  possibly 
 he  may  have  been  a  witness  of  some  part  of  our 
 Lord's  doings.  The  ancient  opinion,  that  Luke 
 wrote  his  Gospel  under  the  influence  of  Paul,  rests 
 on  the  authority  of  Irenaeus,  TertuUian,  Origen, 
 and  Eusebius.  The  two  first  assert  that  we  have 
 in  Luke  the  Gospel  preached  by  Paul ;  Origen  calls 
 it  "the  Gospel  quoted  by  Paul,"  alluding  to  Rom. 
 ii.  16  ;  and  Eusebius  refers  Paul's  words,  "  accord- 
 ing to  my  Gospel  "  (2  Tim.  ii.  8),  to  that  of  Luke, 
 in  wliich  Jerome  concurs.      The  language  of  the 
 
 LUKE,  GOSPEL  OF 
 
 485 
 
 preface  is  against  the  notion  of  any  exclusive  in- 
 fluence of  St.  Paul.  The  four  verses  could  not 
 have  been  put  at  the  head  of  a  history  composed 
 under  the  exclusive  guidance  of  Paul  or  of  any  one 
 apostle,  and  as  little  could  they  have  introduced  a 
 gospel  simply  communicated  by  another.  The 
 truth  seems  to  be  that  St.  Luke,  seeking  informa- 
 tion from  every  quarter,  sought  it  from  the  preach- 
 ing of  his  beloved  master,  St.  Paul  ;  and  the 
 apostle  in  his  turn  employed  the  knowledge  ac- 
 quired from  other  sources  by  his  disciple.  Upon 
 the  question  whether  Luke  made  use  of  the  Gospels 
 of  Matthew  and  Mark,  no  opinion  given  here  could 
 be  conclusive.  [Gospels.]  Each  reader  should 
 examine  it  for  himself,  with  the  aid  of  a  Greek 
 Harmony.  It  is  probable  that  Matthew  and  Luke 
 wrote  independently,  and  about  the  same  time.— 
 
 V.  Purpose  for  which  the  Gospel  was  written. — 
 The  Evangelist  professes  to  write  that  Theophilus 
 "  might  know  the  certainty  of  those  things  wherein 
 he  had  been  instructed"  (i.  4).  Who  was  this 
 Theophilus  ?  Some  have  supposed  that  it  is  a 
 significant  name,  applicable  not  to  one  man,  but  the 
 addition  of  KpaTiirros,  a  term  of  honour  which 
 would  be  used  towards  a  man  of  station,  or  some- 
 times towards  a  personal  friend,  seems  against  this. 
 Some  indications  are  given  in  the  Gospel  about 
 him,  and  beyond  them  we  do  not  propose  to  go. 
 He  was  not  an  inhabitant  of  Palestine,  for  the 
 Evangelist  minutely  describes  the  position  of  place* 
 which  to  such  a  one  would  be  well  known.  By 
 the  same  test  he  probably  was  not  a  Jlacedonian 
 (Acts  xvi.  12),  nor  an  Athenian  (Acts  xvii.  21), 
 nor  a  Cretan  (Acts  xxvii.  8,  12).  But  that  he 
 was  a  native  of  Italy,  and  perhaps  an  inhabifcint 
 of  Rome,  is  probable  from  similar  data.  In  tracing 
 St.  Paul's  journey  to  Rome,  places  which  an  Italian 
 might  be  supposed  not  to  know  are  described  min- 
 utely (Acts  xxvii.  8,  12,  16) ;  but  when  he  comes 
 to  Sicil)'  and  Italy  this  is  neglected.  All  that 
 emerges  from  this  argument  is,  that  the  person  for 
 whom  Luke  wrote  in  the  flrst  instance  was  a  Gen- 
 tile reader.  We  must  admit,  but  with  great 
 caution,  on  account  of  the  abuses  to  which  the 
 notion  has  led,  that  there  are  traces  in  the  Gospel 
 of  a  leaning  towards  Gentile  rather  than  Jewish 
 converts.  As  each  Gospel  has  within  certain 
 limits  its  own  character  and  mode  of  treatment, 
 we  shall  recognise  with  Olshausen  that  "  St.  Luke 
 has  the  peculiar  power  of  exhibiting  with  great 
 cleai-ness  of  conception  and  truth,  not  so  much  the 
 discourees  of  Jesus  as  His  conversations,  with  all 
 the  incidents  that  gave  rise  to  them,  with  the 
 remarks  of  those  who  were  present,  and  with 
 the  final  results."  Some  have  endeavoured  to  see 
 in  Luke's  Gospel  an  attempt  to  engraft  the  teaching 
 of  St.  Paul  on  the  Jewish  representations  of  the 
 Messiah,  and  to  elevate  the  doctrine  of  universal 
 salvation,  of  which  Paul  was  the. most  prominent 
 preacher,  over  the  Judaizing  tendencies,  and  XAi 
 put  St.  Paul  higher  than  the  twelve  Apostles.— 
 
 VI.  Language  and  style  of  the  Gospel. — It  hai 
 never  been  doubted  that  the  Evangelist  wrote  his 
 Gospel  in  Greek.  Whilst  Hebraisms  are  frequent, 
 classical  idioms  and  Greek  compound  words  abound. 
 The  number  of  words  used  by  Luke  only  is  un- 
 usually great,  and  many  of  them  are  compound 
 words  for  which  there  is  classical  authority.  On 
 comparing*  the  Gospel  with  the  Acts  it  is  found 
 that  the  style  of  the  latter  is  more  pure  and  free 
 from  Hebrew  idioms  ;    and  the  style  of  the  latci 
 
480 
 
 LUNATICS 
 
 jioition  of  the  Acts  is  more  jiuil-  tli:iii  that  uf  jh.- 
 loimcr.  Where  Luke  us<>(l  the  materials  he  de- 
 rived tVom  others,  oral  or  written,  or  lK)th,  his 
 >ityle  reflects  tlie  Hebrew  iiiionis  of  them  ;  l)ut 
 when  he  comes  to  sienes  of  which  he  was  an  eye- 
 witness and  desciibes  entirely  in  his  own  words, 
 these  disappear.— Vll.  (Jnotiiiums  from  tlie  Old 
 Testament. — hi  the  citations  t'roni  the  0.  '1'.,  of 
 the  princi{)al  of  which  the  following  is  a  list,  there 
 are  plain  niaiks  of  the  use  of  the  Septuagint  ver- 
 sion : — 
 
 Luke  \.  IT. 
 
 Mai.  Iv.  4,  5. 
 
 „ 
 
 II.  23. 
 
 Ex.  xiil.  2. 
 
 „ 
 
 li.  24. 
 
 Lev.  xll.  8. 
 
 ,^ 
 
 lit.  4,  5,  6. 
 
 Js.  xl.  3,  4,  5. 
 
 „ 
 
 iv.  4. 
 
 Dcut.  vlli.  3. 
 
 „ 
 
 IV.  8. 
 
 Deut.  vi.  13. 
 
 „ 
 
 Iv.  10,11. 
 
 Ps.  xci.  11,  12. 
 
 „ 
 
 Iv.  12. 
 
 Deut.  vl.  14. 
 
 „ 
 
 iv.  18. 
 
 Ls.  Ixi.  1.2. 
 
 „ 
 
 vii.  27. 
 
 Mai.  iii.  1. 
 
 ,^ 
 
 viii.  10. 
 
 Is.  vi.  9. 
 
 „ 
 
 X.  27. 
 
 IVut.  vi.  5;  Lev.  xix.  18 
 
 „ 
 
 xvili.  20. 
 
 Kx.  XX.  12. 
 
 ^ 
 
 xix.  46. 
 
 is.  Ivi.  7;  Jer.  vill.  11. 
 
 „ 
 
 XX.  17. 
 
 Ps.  cxviil.  22,  23. 
 
 „ 
 
 XX.  2H. 
 
 J)eut.  XXV.  6. 
 
 „ 
 
 XX.  42,  43. 
 
 Ps.  ex.  J. 
 
 ,, 
 
 xxil.  37. 
 
 Is   iiii.  12. 
 
 „ 
 
 xxiil.  46. 
 
 Ps.  xxxi.  6. 
 
 —VIII.  Integrity  of  the  Gospel — the  first  two 
 Chapters. — The  (iospe!  of  Luke  is  ((noted  by  Justin 
 .Martyr  and  by  tlie  author  of  the  Clementine  Homi- 
 lies. The  silence  of  the  Apostolic  fathers  only 
 nidicates  that  it  was  admitted  into  the  Canon  some- 
 what late,  whicli  was  probably  the  caae.  The 
 result  of  the  Marcion  controveisy  is,  as  we  have 
 seen,  that  our  Gos|>el  was  in  use  betbre  A.n.  120. 
 A  .special  question,  however,  has  l)een  raised  about 
 the  first  two  chapters.  But  there  is  no  real 
 ground  for  distinguishing  between  the  first  two 
 chapters  and  the  rest. 
 
 Lunatics.  This  word  is  used  twice  in  the  N.  T. 
 l^Mati.  IV.  j-t,  xvii.  I.t).  It  is  evident  that  the  word 
 Itself  refers  to  some  disease,  atiecting  both  the  body 
 ,11, d  the  mind,  which  might  or  nught  not  l)€  a  sign  of 
 possession.  liy  the  description  of  Mark  i.x.  17-26, 
 it  is  concluded  that  this  disea.se  was  ei>ilei)sy. 
 
 Loz.  The  uncertainty  which  attends  the  name 
 attaches  in  a  greater  degree  to  the  place  it-self.  It 
 seems  impossible  to  discover  with  precision  whether 
 Lnz  and  j'etliel  represent  one  and  the  same  town — 
 the  former  the  Canaanite,  the  latter  the  Hebrew 
 name — or  whether  they  were  distinct  places,  though 
 ill  close  pioximity.  'I'he  latter  is  the  natural  iii- 
 terence  fmm  two  of  the  piussages  in  which  Liiz  is 
 spoken  of  ((ien.  xxviii.  19  ;  Josh.  xvi.  2,  xviii.  1.4). 
 <  )tlier  pa.ssages,  liowever,  seem  to  .speak  of  the  two 
 as  identiciil  (<ien.  xxxv.  (j  ;  .liidg.  i.  2H).  The  con- 
 clusion of  the  writer  is  that  the  two  places  were, 
 during  the  times  jirecediiig  the  conquest,  distinct, 
 l,nz  being  the  city  and  iJethcl  the  pillar  and  altar 
 of  .lacob :  that  after  tho  destruction  of  Liiz  by 
 the  trilx-  of  Ephraim  the  town  of  liefhel  arose.— 
 2.  When  the  original  Luz  Wius  destroyed,  through 
 the  treacliei-y  of  one  of  its  inhabitants,  the  man 
 who  had  introduced  the  Israelites  into  the  town 
 went  into  the  "  land  of  the  Ilittites"  and  built 
 a  city,  which  he  named  after  the  former  one. 
 This  city  was  standing  at  the  date  of  the  record 
 (JiKlg.  i.  2(;)  ;  Imt  its  .situation,  as  well  as  that 
 of  the  "  land  of  the  Ilittites,"  hits  never  been  dis- 
 covered since,  and  is  one  of  tho  favourite  puzzles  of 
 Scripture  geographers. 
 
 LYDDA 
 
 Lycao'nia.  I'liis  is  one  of  tliose  districts  of  -Asia 
 Minor,  which,  as  mentioned  in  the  N.  T.,  are  to  be 
 iiiiileistoud  lather  in  an  ethnologicid  than  a  strictly 
 political  sense.  From  what  is  said  in  Acts  xiv.  II 
 of  "  the  speech  of  Lycaonia,"  it  is  evident  that 
 the  inhabitants  of  the  district,  in  St.  Paul's  day, 
 spoke  .something  very  ditl'erent  from  ordinal  y  (ireek. 
 Whether  this  language  was  some  Syrian  dialect,  or 
 a  corrupt  form  of  Greek,  has  been  much  debatiHl. 
 The  fact  that  the  Lycuonians  were  tiuniliar  with 
 the  Greek  mythology  is  consistent  witii  either  su|)- 
 positioii.  Lycaonia  is  for  the  most  part  a  dreary 
 plain,  bare  of  trees,  destitute  of  fresh  water,  and 
 with  several  salt  lakes.  It  is,  however,  very 
 favourable  to  sheep- farming.  In  the  first  notices  of 
 this  district,  which  occur  in  connexion  with  Roman 
 history,  we  find  it  under  the  rule  of  robber-chief- 
 tains. After  the  provincial  system  had  embraced 
 the  whole  of  Asia  Minor,  the  tioundaries  of  the  pro- 
 vinces were  variable;  and  Lycaonia  was,  politically, 
 sometimes  in  Cappadocia,  sometimes  in  (iaiatia. 
 
 Lycia  is  the  name  of  that  south-western  region 
 of  the  peninsula  of  Asia  Minor  which  is  imme- 
 diately opposite  the  island  of  Rhodes.  It  is  a  re- 
 markable district,  both  physiciUly  and  historically. 
 The  last  eminences  of  the  range  of  Tauiiis  come 
 down  here  in  majestic  masses  to  the  sea,  forming 
 the  heights  of  Cragus  and  Anticragus,  with  the 
 river  Xanthus  winding  between  them,  and  ending 
 in  the  long  series  of  promontories  c-iUed  by  modern 
 .sailors  the  "  seven  capes,"  among  which  are  deep 
 inlets  favourable  to  se;ifaring  and  piracy.  The 
 Lycians  were  iiicoriiorated  in  the  Persian  empire, 
 and  their  ships  were  conspicuous  in  the  great  war 
 against  the  (jieeks  (Herod,  vii.  91,  92).  After  the 
 death  of  Alexander  the  Great,  Lycia  was  included 
 in  the  Greek  .Seleucid  kingdom,  and  was  a  \k\y\.  of 
 the  territory  which  the  Romans  forceil  -Antiochus  to 
 cede.  It  wius  not  till  the  reign  of'  Claudius  that 
 Lycia  became  part  of  the  Roman  provincial  system. 
 .'\t  first  it  was  combined  with  l'am])hylia.  .\t  a 
 later  period  of  the  Roman  empire  it  \v:us  a  sepu'ate 
 province,  with  Myra  for  its  capital. 
 
 Lyd'da,  the  Greek  foim  of  the  name  which  ori- 
 ginally ap|ie;us  in  the  Hebiew  lecords  as  LoD 
 (Actsix.  32,  35,  38).  Quite  in  accordance  with 
 these  and  the  other  scattered  indications  of  Srii>- 
 ture  is  the  situation  of  the  modein  town,  which 
 ex.actly  retains  its  name,  and  probably  its  position. 
 Lidd,  or  Ludd,  stands  in  the  Mc/j,  or  meadow,  of 
 ihn  Oincir,  part  of  the  great  maritime  jilain  which 
 anciently  bore  the  name  of  Siiauon.  It  is  9  mili-s 
 from  Joppa,  and  is  the  first  town  on  the  northern- 
 most of  the  two  roads  Iwtween  that  place  and  Jeru- 
 .salem.  The  watercourse  outside  the  town  is  said 
 still  to  bear  the  nnme  of  Abi-IUitnts  il'eten,  in 
 memorv  of  the  Apostle.  It  was  in  the  time  of 
 Josephus  a  place  of  considerable  size.  A  century 
 later  (li.C.  cir.  40)  Lydda,  with  Gophna,  Kmmaiis, 
 and  Thamna,  became  the  prey  of  the  ins;\liable 
 <.'assius.  From  this  they  were,  it  is  true,  soon  re- 
 leasctl  by  Antony  :  but  a  few  years  only  elapsed 
 beliire  their  city  (A.I).  66)  was  burnt  by  Cestius 
 <ialliis  on  his  wav  from  Caesjiiea  to  Jerusidem.  In 
 les^  than  two  yeare,  early  in  A.l>.  6S,  it  was  in  u 
 condition  to  be  .igain  taken  by  Vesjiasian,  then  on 
 his  way  to  his  cnmjiaign  in  the  .>;outh  of  .liuhiea. 
 It  wis  probably  not  rebuilt  till  the  time  of  Hadrian, 
 when  it  receiv«l  the  name  of  Uiosixilis.  When 
 Kiisebius  wrote  (a.I>.  32H-3.'Ui)  Diosjmlis  was  a 
 well-known  and  much-fieaueutcd   town,  to  which 
 
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 ^^^^^^^^H^^^^  ■' 
 
 4 
 
 ^^w 
 
LYDIA 
 
 he  often  refers,  though  the  names  of  neither  it  nor 
 Lydda  occur  in  the  actual  catalogue  of  his  Oiw- 
 masticon.  In  Jerome's  time,  a.d.  404,  it  was  an 
 episcopal  see.  St.  George,  the  patron  saiut  of  Eng- 
 land,  was  a  native  of  Lydda.  After  his  martyrdom 
 his  remains  were  buried  there,  and  over  them  a 
 church  was  afterwards  built  and  dedicated  to  his 
 honour.  When  the  country  was  taken  possession 
 of  by  the  S;iracens,  in  the  early  pait  of  the  8th 
 century,  the  church  was  destroyed  ;  and  in  this 
 ruined  condition  it  was  found  by  the  Crusaders  in 
 A.D.  1099,  who  reJnstituted  the  see,  and  added  to 
 its  endowment  the  neighbouring  city  and  lands  of 
 Ramleh.  Again  destioyed  by  Saladiu  after  the 
 battle  of  Hattin  in  1191,  the  church  was  again 
 rebuilt  by  Richard  Coeur-de-Lion.  The  town  is,  for 
 a  JJohammedan  place,  busy  and  prosperous.  Lydda 
 was,  for  some  time  previous  to  the  destruction  of 
 Jerusalem,  the  seat  of  a  veiy  famous  Jewish  school, 
 scaicely  second  to  that  of  Jabneh. 
 
 Lyd'ia,  a  maritime  province  in  the  west  of  Asia 
 Minor,  bounded  by  Mysia  on  the  N.,  Fhrygia  on 
 the  E.,  and  Caria  on  the  S.  The  name  occurs  only 
 in  1  Mace.  viii.  8  (the  rendering  of  the  A.  V.  in 
 Ez.  x.\'x.  5  being  for  Ludim) ;  it  is  there  enumer- 
 ated among  the  districts  which  the  Romans  took 
 away  fiom  Antiochus  the  Great  after  the  battle  of 
 Magnesia  in  B.C.  190,  and  transferred  to  Eumenes 
 II.,  king  of  Pergamus.  For  the  connexion  between 
 Lydia  and  the  Lud  and  Ludim  of  the  0.  T.,  see 
 LuDiM.  Lydia  is  included  in  the  "Asia"  of  the 
 N.  T. 
 
 Lyd'ia,  the  first  European  convert  of  St.  Paul, 
 and  afterwards  his  hostess  during  his  fii-st  stay 
 at  Philippi  (Acts  xvi.  14,  15,  also  40).  She  wa.s 
 a  Jewish  proselyte  at  the  time  of  the  Apostle's 
 coming  ;  and  it  was  at  the  Jewish  Sabbath- worship 
 by  the  side  of  a  stream  (ver.  13)  tiiat  the  preaching 
 of  the  Gospel  reached  her  heart.  Her  native  place 
 was  Thyatiba,  in  the  province  of  Asia  (ver.  14; 
 Rev.  ii,  18).  Thyatii'a  was  famous  for  its  dyeing- 
 works;  and  Lydia  was  connected  with  this  trade, 
 either  as  a  seller  of  dye,  or  of  dyed  goods.  We 
 infer  that  she  was  a  person  of  considerable  wealth. 
 
 Lysa'nias,  mentioned  by  St.  Luke  in  one  of  his 
 chronological  passages  (iii.  1)  as  being  tetrarch  of 
 Abilene  (».  e.  the  district  round  Abila)  in  the 
 15th  year  of  Tiberius,  at  the  time  when  Herod 
 Antipas  was  tetrarch  of  Galilee,  and  Herod  Philip 
 tetrarch  of  Ituraea  and  Trachonitis.  It  happens 
 that  Josephus  speaks  of  a  prince  named  Lvsanias 
 who  ruled  over  a  territory  in  the  neighbouihood  of 
 Lebanon  in  the  time  of  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  and 
 that  he  also  mentions  Abilene  as  associated  with 
 the  name  of  a  teti  arch  Lysanias,  while  recounting 
 events  of  the  reigns  of  Caligula  and  Claudius.  In 
 the  first  case  Abila  is  not  specified  here  at  all,  and 
 Lysanias  is  not  called  tetrarch.  But  it  is  probable 
 that  the  Lysanias  mentioned  by  Josephus  in  the 
 second  instance  is  actually  the  prince  referred  to  by 
 St.  Luke. 
 
 Lys'ias,  a  nobleman  of  the  blood-royal  (1  Mace, 
 iii.  52;  2  Mace.  xi.  1),  who  was  entrusted  by 
 Antiochus  Epiphanes  (cir.  B.C.  16G)  with  the 
 government  of  southern  Syria,  anil  the  guardian- 
 ship of  his  son  Antiochus  Eupator  (1  Mace.  iii. 
 32  ;  2  Slacc.  x.  11).  In  the  execution  of  his  office 
 Lysias  aimed  a  very  considerable  force  against  Judas 
 Maccabaeus.  Two  detachments  of  this  army  under 
 Nicauor  (2  Mace,  viii.)  and  Gorgias  were  defeated 
 by  the  Jews  near  Emmaus  (1  Mace,  iv.) ;  and  in 
 
 MAACAH  487 
 
 the  following  year  Lysias  himself  met  with  a  serious 
 reverse  at  Bethsura  (B.C.  165 j.  After  the  death  of 
 Antiochus  Epiphanes  (B.C.  164),  Lysias  assumed 
 the  government  as  guardian  of  his  son,  who  was  yet 
 a  child  (I  Mace.  vi.  17).  The  war  against  the 
 Jews  was  renewed  ;  and  Lysias  was  besieging  Jeru- 
 salem when  he  received  tidings  of  the  approach  of 
 Philip,  to  whom  Antiochus  had  transferred  the 
 guardianship  of  the  prince.  He  defeated  Philip 
 (B.C.  163),  and  was  supported  at  Rome  ;  but  in  the 
 next  year,  together  with  his  ward,  fell  into  the  hands 
 of  Demetrius  Soter,  who  put  them  both  to  death 
 (1   Mace.  vii.  2-4  ;  '2  Mace.  xiv.  2). 
 
 Ly'sias,  Clau'dius,  "  chief  captain  of  the  band," 
 that  is,  tribune  of  the  Roman  cohort,  who  rescued 
 St.  Paul  from  the  hands  of  the  hif'uriated  mob  at 
 JeiusiiiHin.     (Acts  xxi.  31,  xxiii.  26,  xxiv.  7). 
 
 Lysim'achus.  1.  "  A  son  of  Ptolemaeus  of 
 Jerusalem,"  the  Greek  translator  of  the  book  of 
 Esther  (comp.  Esth.  ix.  20).— 2.  A  brother  of  the 
 high-priest  Meuelaus,  who  was  left  by  him  as  his 
 deputy  during  his  absence  at  the  court  of  Antio- 
 chus. He  fell  a  victim  to  the  fury  of  the  people, 
 cir.  B.C.  170  (2  Mace.  iv.  29-42). 
 
 Lys'tra  has  two  points  of  extreme  interest  in 
 connexion  respectively  with  St.  Paul's  fiist  and 
 second  missionary  journeys — (1)  as  the  place  where 
 divine  honours  were  offered  to  him,  and  where 
 he  was  presently  stoned  (Acts  xiv.);  (2)  as  the 
 home  of  his  chosen  companion  and  fellow-mis- 
 sionary TiMOTHEDS  (Acts  xvi.  1).  The  first  set- 
 tlement of  Jews  in  Lystra,  and  the  ancestors  of 
 Timotheus  among  them,  may  very  probably  be 
 traced  to  the  establishment  of  Babylonian  Jews  in 
 Phrygia  by  Antiochus  three  centuries  before.  Still 
 it  is  evident  that  there  was  no  influential  Jewish 
 population  at  Lystra ;  no  mention  is  made  of  any 
 synagogue  ;  and  the  whole  aspect  of  the  scene  de- 
 scribed by  St.  Luke  (Acts  xiv.)  is  thoroughly 
 heathen.  Lystra  was  undoubtedly  in  the  eastern 
 part  of  the  great  plain  of  Lycaonia ;  and  there  are 
 very  strong  reasons  for  identifying  its  site  with 
 the  ruins  called  Bin-ltir-Kilisseh,  at  the  base  of  a 
 conical  mountain  of  volcanic  structuie,  named  the 
 Karadajh.  Pliny  places  this  town  in  Galatia,  and 
 Ptolemy  in  Isauria  ;  but  these  statements  are  quite 
 consistent  with  its  being  placed  in  Lyciionla  by  St. 
 Luke,  as  it  is  by  Hierocles. 
 
 M 
 
 Ma'acah.  1.  The  mother  of  Absalom  =  Ma  achau 
 5  (2  Sam.  iii.  3).— 2.  Maacaii,  and  (in  Chron.) 
 Maachaii.  A  ^mall  kingdom  in  close  proximity 
 to  Palestine,  which  appears  to  have  lain  outside 
 Argub  (Deut.  iii.  14)  and  Bashan  (.losh.  xii.  b). 
 These  districts,  probably  answering  to  the  Lejnh 
 and  Jauldn  of  modern  Syria,  occupied  the  space 
 from  the  Jordan  on  the  west  to  S;ilcah  {Sidkhad) 
 on  the  e<ist  and  Mount  Hermon  on  the  north. 
 There  is  therefore  no  alternative  but  to  place 
 Maacah  somewhere  to  the  east  of  the  Lejah. 
 It  is  sometimes  assumed  to  have  been  situated  about 
 AbeL-betii-Maacaii,  but  this  is  hardly  probable. 
 Ttie  Ammonite  war  was  the  only  occasion  on  wliich 
 the  Maacathites  cauic  into  contact  with  Israel,  when 
 their  king  assisted  the  P>ene-Ammon  against  Joab 
 with  a  force  which  he  led  himself  (2  S;im.  x.  6, 
 8;    1  Chr.  xix.   7).     To  the  connexion  which  ia 
 
488 
 
 MAACHAH 
 
 always  implied  between  Maacah  and  Geslnir  we 
 have  no  clue. 
 
 Ma'achah.  1.  The  daii<:;hter  of  N'ahor  by  his 
 coiicid)iiie  ileumah  ((len.  xxii.  24-). —2.  The  father 
 of  Ac'hish,  who  was  king  of  Gath  at  the  beginning 
 of  Solomon's  leitjn  (1  K.  ii.  .'i9).— 3.  The  daughter, 
 or  more  probably  grand-daughter,  of  Absalom, 
 named  after  his  mother  ;  the  third  and  favourite 
 wit'e  of  Kehoboam,  and  mother  of  Abijah  ( 1  K.  xv. 
 2;  2  Chr.  xi.  20-22).  According  to  Josephus  her 
 tnother  was  Tamar,  Absalom's  daughter.  But  the 
 mother  of  Abijah  is  elsewhere  called  "  Michaiah, 
 tlie  daughter  of  Uriel  of  Gibeah"  (2  Chr.  xiii.  2). 
 It  is  more  proliable  that  "  Michaiah  ''  is  the  enor 
 of  a  transcribe],  and  that  "  Jhuichah  "  is  the  true 
 reading  in  all  cases.  During  the  reign  of  her  grand- 
 son Asa  she  occupied  at  the  court  of  Judah  the  high 
 position  of  "  King's  Mother  "  (comp.  1  K.  ii.  19), 
 which  has  been  compared  with  that  of  the  SultaiKi 
 Valide  ill  Turkey.  It  may  be  that  at  Abijah's 
 death,  after  a  shoi  t  reign  of  three  years,  Asa  was 
 left  a  minor,  and  Maacliah  acted  as  regent,  like 
 -Athaliah  under  similar  circumstances.  If  this  con- 
 jecture be  correct,  it  would  serve  to  explain  the 
 influence  by  which  she  piomoted  the  practice  of 
 idolatrous  worship.— 4.  The  concubine  of  Caleb  the 
 son  of  Hezron  (1  Chr.  ii.  48). — 5.  The  daughter  of 
 Talmai  king  of  Geshur,  and  mother  of  Absalom 
 (I  Chr.  iii.  2):  also  calleil  Maacah  in  A.  V.  of 
 2  Sam.  iii.  8.-6.  The  wife  <d'  Machir  the  Manas- 
 site  (1  Chr.  vii,  15,  U5).— 7.  The  wife  of  Jehiel, 
 tiither  or  founder  cd"  (iibeon  (1  Chr.  viii.  29,  ix. 
 .■J5).— 8.  The  father  of  Hanan,  one  of  the  heroes 
 of  David's  body-guard  (L  Chr,  xi.  4;5^.— 9.  A 
 Simeouite,  tatlier  of  Shtphatiah,  prince  of  his  tiibe 
 in  tlie  rei','n  of  David  (1  Clir.  xxvii.  1(3). 
 
 Maa'chathi,  and  Maa'chathites,  the.  Two 
 words  which  ilenote  the  inhabitants  of  tlie  smad 
 kingdom  of  Maacifaii  (Dent.  iii.  14;  Josh.  xii.  5, 
 xiii.  11,  13).  Individual  Maachathites  weie  not 
 unknown  among  the  warnoi-s  of  Israel  (2  Sam. 
 xxiii.  34  ;  .Jer.  xl.  8;   2  K.  xxv.  23). 
 
 Maada'i,  one  of  the  sons  of  Bani  who  had  mar- 
 lied  a  t'oreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  34). 
 
 Maadi'ah,  one  of  the  priests,  or  families  of 
 priests,  wiio  returaeil  with  Zerubbabel  and  Jeshua 
 (Neh.  xii.  5);  elsewhere  (ver.  17)  called  Moadiaii. 
 
 Maa'i,  one  of  the  Bene-Asaph  who  took  jiart  in 
 the  solium  musical  service  by  which  the  wall  of 
 .lerusaieiu  was  dedicated  after  it  liad  been  rebuilt 
 by  Nchi-miali  'Neh.  xii.  3(5). 
 
 Ma'aleh-Acrab'bim,  the  full  foi-m  of  the  name 
 (Josh.  XV.  3)  which  in  its  other  occurrences  is  given 
 in  the  A.  \'.  as  "  the  ascent  of,  or  the  going  up  to, 
 Akrabbim."     [Akhaijblm.] 
 
 Ma'ani  ( 1  Ks<l.  ix.  34\  identical  with  Bani,  4. 
 
 Ma'arath,  one  ot  the  towns  of  Judah,  in  the 
 listrict  of  the  moiintiins  (J<ish.  xv.  ;")8).  The 
 places  which  occur  in  comp.uiy  with  it  have  been 
 identitied  at  a  few  miles  to  tiie  north  of  Hebron, 
 but  Maanith  h.-i-s  hitherto  eluded  observation. 
 
 Maasei'ah.  The  name  of  tour  pcr.s(ins  who  had 
 married  foreign  wives  in  the  time  of  Kzra,  1.  A 
 descendant   of  .lesliua   the    priest   (Kzr.    x.    18)— 
 
 2.  A  piicst,  of  the  sons  of  Harim  { Kzr.  x.  21).— 
 
 3.  A  priest,  of  the  sons  of  I'ashur  (Kzr.  x.  22).— 
 
 4.  One  of  the  laymen,  a  descendant  of  I'ahath- 
 Moab  (Kzr.  x.  :r>^.— 5.  The  father  of  Az.Triah,  one 
 of  the  priests  from  the  oa.sis  of  the  .lordan,  who 
 a.s.Histed  .N'eheiiiiah  in  lelMnMing  the  wall  of  Jeru- 
 vilcm   (Nell.  iii.  2.S\ — 6.  < 'ne  of  tlio.se  who  sto<i<l 
 
 MACCABEES,  THE 
 
 on  the  right  hand  of  Ezra  when  he  read  the  law  to 
 the  people  (Neh.  viii.  4). — 7.  A  Levite  who  assisted 
 on  the  same  occa.sion  (Neh.  viii.  7). — 8.  One  of  the 
 heails  of  the  people  whose  descendants  signed  the 
 covenant  with  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  25). — 9.  .^on  of 
 Baruch  and  descendant  of  I'haiez,  the  son  of  Judah 
 (Neh.  xi.  5).— 10.  A  Henjamite,  ancestor  of  Sallu 
 (Neh.  xi.  7).— 11,  Two  priests  of  this  name  aie 
 mentioned  (Neh.  xii.  41,  42)  as  taking  part  in  the 
 musical  .service  which  accompanie<l  the  dedication 
 of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  vmder  Ezra.  One  of  them 
 is  probably  the  same  as  (J.— 12.  Eather  of  Zepha- 
 niah,  who  was  a  priest  iu  the  reign  of  Zedekiah 
 (Jer.  xxi.  1,  xxix.  25,  xxxvii.  3j.— 13.  The  father 
 of  Zedeki.ah  the  false  prophet  (Jer.  xxix.  2 1  ).^ 
 14.  One  of  the  Levites  of  the  second  rank,  appointe<l 
 by  David  to  sound  "with  psalteries  on  Alainoth" 
 (1  Chr.  XV.  18,  20).— 15.  The  son  of  Adaiah,  and 
 one  of  the  captains  of  hundreds  in  the  reign  of 
 Joash  king  of  Judah  (2  Chr.  xxiii.  1).— 18.  An 
 officer  of  high  rank  in  the  reign  of  Uzziah  (2  Chr. 
 xxvi.  11).  He  was  probably  a  Levite  (comp.  1  Chr. 
 xxiii.  4),  and  engaged  in  a  semi-militaiy  capacity, 
 ^17.  The  "  king's  son,"  killed  by  Zichri  the 
 Ephraimitish  hero  in  the  invasion  of  Judah  by 
 I'ekah  king  of  Israel,  during  the  reign  of  .Ahaz 
 (2  Chr.  xxviii.  7). ^18.  The  governor  of  Jeru.sa- 
 lem  in  the  reign  of  Josiah  (2  Chr.  xxxiv.  8).^ 
 19.  The  son  of  Shallum,  a  Levite  of  high  rank  in 
 the  reign  of  Jehoiakim  (  Jer.  xxxv.  4  ;  comp.  1  Chr. 
 ix.  1 9). — 20.  A  priest ;  ancestor  of  Baruch  and 
 Seraiah,  the  sons  of  Neriah  (Jer.  xxxii.  12,  Ii.  59). 
 
 Maasia'i,  a  priest  who  after  the  return  from 
 Babylon  dwelt  in  Jeiu.salem  (1  Chr.  ix.  12). 
 
 Maasias,  Bar.  i.  1.     [Maaseiaii,  20.] 
 
 Ma'ath,  son  of  JIattathias  in  the  genealogy  of 
 Jesus  Christ  (Luke  iii.  26). 
 
 Ma'az,  son  of  Kam,  the  fii-stborn  of  Jeiahmeel 
 (1  Chr.  ii.  27). 
 
 Maazi'ah.  1.  One  of  the  priests  wlio  signed 
 the  covenant  with  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  8). ^2.  A 
 priest  in  the  reign  of  David,  head  of  the  twenty- 
 fourth  course  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  18). 
 
 Mabda'i.    The  .same  as  Bk.naiaii  (I  Esd.  ix.  34). 
 
 Mac'alon  (1  Esd.  v.  21).  This  name  is  the 
 eipiivalint  of  MiCllMASll  in  the  li>ts  of  Ezra  and 
 Nehemiah. 
 
 Maccabaes,  the.  This  title,  which  was  ori- 
 ginally the  surnaine  of  Judas,  one  of  the  sous  of 
 Mattathias,  was  afterwards  extended  to  the  heroic 
 family  of  which  he  was  one  of  the  noble-st  re])rc- 
 .sentatives,  and  in  a  still  wider  sense  to  the  Fales- 
 tin'an  martyrs  in  the  jK>r.secution  of  Antiochiis 
 Epiphane.s,  and  even  to  the  .Mcxandrine  .lews  who 
 sutlereil  for  their  fiuth  at  an  earlier  time.  The 
 original  term  Macathi  has  been  variously  derivt>d. 
 Some  have  maintained  that  it  was  tbrined  fiom  the 
 combination  of  the  initial  letters  of  the  Iltlnew 
 sentence,  "Who  among  the  gods  is  like  unto  thcv, 
 Jehovah?"  (Ex.  xv.  II),  which  is  su|ipo.s«|  to 
 have  lieen  inscrilied  ui>on  the  banner  of  the  patriots. 
 Another  clerivation  hits  been  pi(i|)Ose«l,  which,  al- 
 though direct  evidence  is  wanting,  .seems  satis- 
 facloiy.  According  to  this,  the  word  is  formed 
 tiom  .)/((/.•/. a ''m/i,  "a  hammer,"  giving  a  sense  not 
 altegether  unlike  that  in  which  Chailes  JAiWc/ de- 
 rived a  surnanie  from  his  favourite  weapon.  Al- 
 though the  name  Miucuhccs  has  gaini-d  the  widest 
 cuiiency,  that  of  Asiiuiuticnus,  or  JfusiiunniCKna,  is 
 the  proper  name  «i  the  family.  The  origin  of 
 ilii^  name  al.-o  h.-w  been  ilisputol,  but  the  obvious 
 
MACCABEES,  THE 
 
 leri ration  from  Chashmon,  great-giniiil lather  of 
 Mattathias,  seems  certainly  coviect.  The  original 
 authorities  for  the  history  of  the  Maccabees  are 
 extremely  scanty  ;  but  for  the  course  of  the  war 
 itself  the  first  book  of  Maccabees  is  a  mo?t  trust- 
 worthy, if  an  incomplete  witness.  The  second 
 book  adds  some  important  details  to  the  history  of 
 the  earlier  part  of  the  struggle,  and  of  the  events 
 which  immediately  preceded  it ;  but  all  the  state- 
 ments which  it  contains  require  close  examination, 
 and  must  be  received  with  caution.  Josephus  fol- 
 lows 1  Mace,  for  the  period  which  it  embraces, 
 very  closely  ;  but  slight  additions  of  names  and 
 minute  particulars  indicate  that  he  was  in  posses- 
 sion of  other  materials,  probably  oral  traditions, 
 which  have  not  been  elsewhere  preserved.  On  the 
 other  hand  there  are  cases  in  which,  from  haste  or 
 carelessness,  he  has  misinterpreted  his  authority. 
 From  other  sources  little  can  be  gleaned.  1.  The 
 essential  causes  of  the  Maccabaean  War  have  been 
 already  pointed  out  [Antiociius  IV'.].  The  annals 
 of  the  Maccabaean  firmily,  "  by  whose  hand  de- 
 liverance was  given  unto  Isriiel"  (I  Maoc.  v.  62), 
 present  the  record  of  its  progress.  The  standard  of 
 independence  was  first  raised  by  MattathiaS,  a 
 priest  of  the  course  of  Joarib,  which  was  the  first 
 of  the  twenty-four  courses  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  7),  and 
 consequently  of  the  noblest  blood.  He  seems,  how- 
 ever, to  have  been  already  advanced  in  years  when 
 the  rising  was  made,  and  he  did  not  long  survive 
 the  fatigues  of  active  service.  He  died  B.C.  166, 
 and  "  was  buried  in  the  sepulchre  cf  his  fathers  at 
 Modin." — 2.  Mattathias  himself  named  JuDAS — 
 apparently  his  third  son — as  his  successor  in  direct- 
 ing the  war  of  independence  (1  Mace.  ii.  66).  The 
 energy  and  skill  of  "  THE  Maccabee,"  as  Judas  is 
 often  called  in  2  Jlacc,  fully  justified  his  father's 
 preference.  It  appears  that  he  had  already  taken 
 a  prominent  part  in  the  first  secession  to  the  moun- 
 tains (2  Mace.  V.  27),  where  Mattathias  is  not  men- 
 tioned. His  first  enterprises  were  night  attacks 
 and  sudden  surprises  (2  Mace,  viii,  6,  7) ;  and  when 
 his  men  were  encouraged  by  these  means,  he  ven- 
 tured on  more  important  operations,  and  defeated 
 Apolloniiis  (1  Mace.  iii.  10-12)  and  Seron  (1  Mace, 
 iii.  13-24)  at  Bethhoron.  Shortly  afterwards  Anti- 
 ochus  Epiphanes,  whose  resources  had  been  im- 
 poveri.shed  by  the  war  (1  Mace.  iii.  27-31),  left  the 
 government  of  the  Palestinian  provinces  to  Lysias. 
 Lysias  organised  an  expedition  against  Judas ;  but 
 his  army,  a  part  of  which  had  been  separated  from 
 the  main  body  to  effect  a  siuprise,  was  defeated  by 
 Judas  at  Emmaus  with  great  loss,  B.C.  166  (1  Mace, 
 iii.  46-53)  ;  and  in  the  next  year  Lysias  himself 
 was  routed  at  Bethsura.  After  this  success  Judas 
 was  able  to  occupy  Jerusalem,  except  the  "  tower  " 
 (1  Mace.  vi.  18,  19),  and  he  puiified  the  Temple 
 (1  Mace.  iv.  36,  41-53)  on  the  25th  of  Ci^leu,  ex- 
 actly three  j'ears  after  its  profanation  (1  Mace, 
 i.  59).  The  next  year  w;is  spent  in  wars  with 
 frontier  nations  (1  Mace,  v.)  ;  but  in  spite  of  con- 
 tinued triumphs  the  position  of  Judas  was  still 
 precarious.  In  B.C.  163  Lysijis  laid  siege  to  Jeru- 
 salem. The  accession  of  Demetrius  brought  with 
 it  fi-esh  troubles  to  the  patriot  Jews.  A  large 
 party  of  their  countrymen,  with  Alcimus  at  their 
 head,  gained  the  ear  of  the  king,  and  he  sent 
 Nicanor  against  Judas.  Nicanor  was  defeated,  first 
 at  Caph.u-salama,  and  again  in  a  decisive  battle  at 
 Adasa,  near  to  the  glorious  field  of  Bethhoron  (r..C. 
 161)  on  the  13th  Adar  (1  Mace.  vii.  49;  2  Mace. 
 
 MACCABEES,  THE 
 
 489 
 
 XV.  36),  where  he  was  slain.  Thi."!  vic!ory  was 
 the  greatest  of  Judas's  successes,  and  practically 
 decided  the  question  of  Jewish  independence,  but  it 
 was  followed  by  an  unexpected  reverse.  A  new 
 invasion  under  Bacchides  took  place.  Judas  was 
 able  only  to  sather  a  small  force  to  meet  the  sudden 
 danger.  Of  this  a  large  part  deserted  him  on  the 
 eve  of  the  battle ;  but  the  courage  of  Judas  was 
 unshaken,  and  he  fell  at  Eleasa,  the  Jewish  Ther- 
 mopylae, fighting  at  desperate  odds  against  the  in- 
 vaders. His  body  was  recovered  by  his  brothers, 
 and  buried  at  Modin  "  in  the  sepulchre  of  his 
 fathei-s"  (B.C.  161).— 3.  After  the  death  of  Judas 
 the  patriotic  party  seems  to  have  been  for  a  short 
 time  wholly  disorganised,  and  it  was  only  by  the 
 pressure  of  unparalleled  sufferings  that  they  were 
 driven  to  renew  the  conflict.  For  this  purpose 
 they  offered  the  command  to  Jonathan,  sur- 
 named  Apphus  (^the  warij),  the  youngest  son  of 
 Mattathias.  He  retired  to  the  lowlands  of  the 
 Jordan  (1  Mace.  ix.  42),  where  he  gained  some 
 advantage  over  Bacchides  (B.C.  161),  who  made 
 an  attempt  to  hem  in  and  destroy  his  whole  force. 
 After  two  years  Bacchides  again  took  the  field 
 against  Jonathan  (B.C.  158).  This  time  he  seems 
 to  have  been  but  feebly  supported,  and  after  an 
 unsuccessful  campaign  he  accepted  terms  which 
 Jonathan  proposed  ;  and  after  his  departure  Jona- 
 than "judged  the  people  at  Michmash "  (I  Mace, 
 ix.  73),  and  gradually  extended  his  power.  The 
 claim  of  Alexander  Balas  to  the  -Syrian  crown  gave 
 a  new  importance  to  Jonathan  and  his  adherents. 
 The  success  of  Alexander  led  to  the  elevation  of 
 Jonathan,  who  assumed  the  high-priestly  office 
 (1  JIaec.  X.  21);  and  not  long  after  he  placed 
 the  king  under  fresh  obligations  by  the  defeat  of 
 Apollonius,  a  general  of  the  younger  Demetrius 
 (1  Mace.  X.).  After  the  death  of  Alexander, 
 Jonathan  attached  himself  to  Antiochus  VI.  He 
 at  last  fell  a  victim  to  the  treachery  of  Tryphon, 
 B.C.  144  CI  JIacc.  xi.  8-xii.  4i. — 4.  As  soon  as 
 Simon,  the  last  remaining  brother  of  the  Macca- 
 baean fiimily,  heard  of  the  detention  of  Jonathan 
 in  Ptolemais  by  Tryphon,  he  placeii  himself  at  the 
 head  of  the  patriot  party.  His  skill  in  war  had 
 been  proved  in  the  lifetime  of  Judas  ( 1  Mace.  v. 
 17-23),  and  he  had  taken  an  active  share  in  the 
 campaigns  of  Jonathan  (1  Mace.  xi.  59).  Tryphon, 
 after  canying  Jonathan  about  as  a  prisoner  foi' 
 some  little  time,  put  him  to  death ;  and  then, 
 having  murdered  Antiochus,  seized  the  throne.  On 
 this  Simon  made  overtures  to  Demetrius  II.  (B.C. 
 143j,  which  were  favourably  received,  and  the  in- 
 dependence of  the  Jews  was  at  length  formally  re- 
 cognised. The  long  struggle  was  now  triumphantly 
 ended,  and  it  remained  only  to  reap  the  fruits  of 
 victory.  This  Simon  hastened  to  do.  The  pru- 
 dence and  wisdom  for  which  he  was  already  distin- 
 guished at  the  time  of  his  father's  death  (1  Mace, 
 ii.  65),  gained  for  the  Jews  the  active  support  of 
 noiTie(l  Mace.  xv.  16-21),  in  addition  to  the  con- 
 firmation of  earlier  treaties.  After  settling  the 
 external  relations  of  the  new  state  upon  a  sure 
 basis,  Simon  regulated  its  internal  administration. 
 With  two  of  his  sons  he  was  murdered  at  Dok 
 by  Ptoleraaeus,  B.C.  135  (1  Mace.  xvi.  11-16). — 
 5.  The  treason  of  Ptolemaeus  failed  in  its  object. 
 Johannes  Hyrcanus,  one  of  the  sons  of  Simon, 
 escaped  from  the  plot  by  which  his  life  was 
 threatened,  and  at  once  assumed  the  government 
 (B.C.    135).       At   first    he    was    hard    jiressed  l)y 
 
490  MACCABEES,  THE 
 
 Antioclius  Sidetes,  and  only  able  to  preserve  Jeru- 
 salem ou  conditiwi  of  dismantling  the  fortifica- 
 tions and  submitting  to  a  tribiiti",  n.c.  \'S.i.  He 
 leduced  Idumat'a,  confirmed  the  alliance  with  Home, 
 and  at  length  succeeded  in  destroying  Samaria,  the 
 hated  rival  of  Jerus;ilem,  n.c.  1U9.  The  external 
 splendour  of  his  government  was  maried  by  the 
 growth  of  internal  divisions;  but  John  escaped  the 
 late  of  all  the  older  members  of  his  family,  and 
 died  in  peace,  b.C.  lOG-5.  His  eldest  sou  Aris- 
 tobulus  I.,  who  succeeded,  was  the  first  who 
 assumed  the  kingly  title,  though  Simon  h:'.d  en- 
 joyed the  fulness  of  the  kingly  power. — 6.  Two  of 
 the  first  generation  of  the  Maccabaeau  family  still 
 remain  to  be  mentioned.  These,  though  they  did 
 not  attain  to  the  leadership  of  their  eountrymeu 
 like  their  brothere,  shared  their  fate — Eleazer  by  a 
 noble  act  of  self-devotion,  John,  apparently  tlie 
 eldest  brother,  by  treachery. — 7.  The  great  out- 
 lines of  the  Maccabaean  contest,  which  are  some- 
 what hidden  in  the  annals  thus  brietly  epitomised, 
 admit  of  being  traced  with  fair  distinctness.  The 
 disputed  succession  to  tiie  Syrian  tlirone  (u.C.  15o) 
 was  the  politiail  turning-point  of  the  struggle, 
 which  may  thus  be  divided  iuto  two  great  periods. 
 During  the  first  period  (B.C.  lt)8-15o)  the  patriots 
 maintained  their  cause  with  varying  success  against 
 tiie  whole  strengtli  of  Syria :  during  the  second 
 (u.C.  153-139)  they  were  courted  by  rival  factions, 
 and  their  independence  was  acknowledged  from 
 time  to  time,  though  pledges  given  in  times  of 
 danger  were  often  broken  when  the  danger  was 
 over.  The  paramount  importance  of  Jerusalem  is 
 conspicuous  throughout  the  whole  war.  The  occu- 
 pation of  Jerusalem  closed  the  first  act  of  the  war 
 (i!.C.  165).  On  the  death  of  Judas  the  patriots 
 were  reduced  to  as  great  distress  as  at  their  first 
 rising.  So  far  it  seemed  that  little  had  been  gained 
 when  the  contest  between  Alexander  Bahis  and 
 Uemetrius  I.  opened  a  new  period  (u.C.  153j.  The 
 former  unfruitful  confiicts  at  length  produced  their 
 full  harvest.  When  the  Jewish  leaders  had  once 
 obtained  legitimate  power  they  proved  able  to 
 maintain  it,  though  tiieir  general  success  was 
 chequered  by  some  leverses.  The  solid  power  of 
 the  national  party  was  seen  by  the  slight  effect 
 which  wiis  produced  by  the  treacherous  murder  of 
 Jonathan.  Simon  was  able  at  once  to  occupy  his 
 place,  and  ciirry  out  his  plans. — 8.  The  war,  thus 
 brought  to  a  noble  issue,  if  less  famous  is  not  less 
 glorious  than  any  of  those  in  which  a  few  brave 
 men  have  successfully  maintained  tiie  cause  of  free- 
 dom or  religion  against  overpowering  might.  For 
 it  is  not  only  in  their  victory  over  external  diffi- 
 culties that  the  heroism  of  tlie  Maccabees  is  con- 
 spicuous: their  real  success  was  as  much  imperilled 
 by  internal  divisions  as  by  foreign  force. — 9.  The 
 view  of  the  Maccabaean  war  which  regards  it  only 
 as  a  civil  and  not  as  a  religious  conflict,  is  essen- 
 tially one-sided.  If  there  were  no  other  evidence 
 than  the  book  of  Daniel — whatever  opinion  be  held 
 as  to  the  date  of  it — that  alone  wouhl  show  how 
 depj]!y  the  noblest  hopes  of  the  theocracy  were 
 centred  in  the  success  of  the  struggle  When  the 
 feelings  of  the  nation  were  thus  again  turned  with 
 fresh  power  to  their  ancient  faith,  we  might  expect 
 that  there  would  be  a  new  creative  epoch  in  the 
 national  literature  ;  or,  if  the  form  of  Hebrew  coin- 
 jiosition  w-iis  already  fixed  by  sacied  types,  a  pro- 
 l>hct  or  jteidmist  would  express  the  thoughts  of  the 
 new  a;;e  alter  the  models  of  old  time.      Yet  in  part 
 
 MACCABEES.  THE 
 
 I  at  least  the  leaders  of  Maccabaean  times  felt  that 
 they  were  sepjirated  by  a  real  chasm  from  the  tunes 
 of  the  kingdom  or  of  the  exile.  If  they  looked  for 
 a  prophet  iu  the  future,  they  acknowledged  that 
 the  spirit  of  prophecy  was  not  among  them.  The 
 volume  of  the  prophetic  writings  was  completed, 
 and,  as  far  as  appears,  no  one  ventured  to  imiUtte 
 its  contents.  But  the  Hagiographa,  though  they 
 were  already  long  fixed  as  a  definite  collection, 
 were  not  equally  tar  removed  from  imitation.  The 
 apocalyptic  visions  of  Daniel  served  ;is  a  pattern 
 lor  the  visions  incoiporated  in  the  book  of  Enoch ; 
 and  it  has  been  commonly  supposed  that  the  Psalter 
 contains  compositions  of  the  Maccabaean  date.  This 
 supposition,  which  is  at  variance  with  the  best 
 evidence  which  can  be  obtained  on  the  history  of 
 the  Canon,  can  only  be  received  upon  the  clearest 
 internal  proof;  and  it  may  well  be  questioned 
 whether  the  hypothesis  is  not  as  much  at  variance 
 with  sound  interpretation  as  with  the  history  of 
 the  Can«n. — 10.  The  collection  of  the  so-called 
 I'snlms  of  Svlom<jn  furnishes  a  strong  confirmation 
 of  the  belief  that  all  the  canonical  Psalms  are  earlier 
 tlian  the  Maccabaean  era.  This  collection,  which 
 bears  the  dearest  traces  of  unity  of  authorship,  is, 
 almost  beyond  question,  a  true  Maccab.iean  work. 
 There  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  the  book  was 
 originally  composed  in  Hebrew;  and  it  presents 
 exactly  those  characteristics  which  are  wanting 
 in  the  other  (conjectural)   Maccabaeau  Psalms. — 
 
 11.  Elsewhere  there  is  little  which  marks  the  dis- 
 tinguishing religious  duuacter  of  the  era.  The 
 notice  of  the  Maccabaean  heroes  in  the  book  of. 
 Daniel  is  much  more  geneial  and  brief  than  the 
 corresponding  notice  of  their  great  advers;u-y  ;  but 
 it  is  not  on  that  account  less  imijoitaut  as  illus- 
 trating the  relation  of  the  famous  chapter  to  the 
 simple  history  of  the  period  which  it  embraces. — 
 
 12.  The  history  of  the  Maccabees  does  not  con- 
 tain much  which  illustrates  iu  detail  the  religious 
 or  social  progress  of  tlie  Jews.  It  is  obvious  that 
 the  period  must  not  only  have  intensified  old  beliefs, 
 but  also  have  ciilled  out  elements  which  were  latent 
 in  them.  One  doctrine  at  least,  that  of  a  resurrec- 
 tion, and  even  of- a  material  resurrection  (2  Mace, 
 xiv.  4ti),  was  brought  out  into  the  most  distinct 
 apprehension  by  sufl'ering.  And  as  it  was  believed 
 that  an  interval  elajised  between  death  and  judg- 
 ment, the  dead  were  supposed  to  be  in  some  mea- 
 sure still  capable  of  profiting  by  the  intercession  of 
 the  living.  Thus  much  is  certainly  expressed  in 
 the  famous  pass;ige,  2  Mace.  xii.  43-45,  though  the 
 secondary  notion  of  a  purgatorial  state  is  in  no  way 
 implied  in  it.  On  the  other  hand  it  is  not  very 
 clear  how  far  the  future  judgment  wivs  supposed  to 
 extend.  The  firm  faith  in  the  lighteous  provid- 
 ence of  God,  shown  in  the  chastening  of  His 
 people,  as  contrasted  with  his  neglect  of  other 
 nations,  is  another  proof  of  the  widening  view  of 
 the  spiritual  world,  which  is  characteristic  of  the 
 epoch  (2  Mace.  iv.  16,  17,  v.  17-2(1,  vi.  12-16,  &c.). 
 — 13.  The  various  gliuiiises  of  national  life  which 
 c;ul  be  gained  duiiiig  the  period,  show  on  the  whole 
 a  sttady  adheience  to  the  Mosjiic  law.  Probably 
 the  law  was  never  moie  rigorously  fulfilled.  The 
 importance  of  the  Antiochian  persecution  in  fixing 
 the  Canon  of  the  Old  Testament  has  been  already 
 noticed.  [Caso.v.J  The  interruption  of  the  suc- 
 cession to  the  higli-priesthood  was  the  most  im- 
 portant innovation  which  wius  made,  and  one  which 
 inepared  the  way  for  the  dissolution  of  the  state. 
 
MACCABEES,  BOOKS  OP 
 
 After  vaiious  aibitraiy  changes  tlie  olTice  was  left 
 vacant  for  seven  years  upon  the  death  of  Alcimus. 
 The  last  descendant  of  Jozadak  (Onias),  in  wliose 
 family  it  had  been  for  nearly  four  centuries,  fled 
 to  Egypt,  and  established  a  schismatic  worship; 
 and  at  last,  when  the  support  of  the  Jews  became 
 important,  the  Jlaccabaean  leader,  Jonathan,  of"  the 
 family  of  Joarib,  was  elected  to  the  dignity  by 
 the  nomination  of  the  Syrian  king  (I  Mace.  x. 
 20),  whose  will  was  conHmied,  as  it  appears,  by 
 the  voice  of  the  people  (comp.  1  Mace.  xiv.  35j. — 
 14.  Little  am  be  said  of  the  condition  of  litera- 
 ture and  the  arts  which  has  not  been  already  anti- 
 cipated. In  common  intercourse  the  Jews  used  the 
 Aramaic  dialect  which  was  established  after  the 
 return:  this  was  "  their  own  language"  (2  Mace, 
 vii.  8,  21,  27,  xii.  37) ;  but  it  is  evident  from  the 
 narrative  quoted  tliat  they  understood  Greek,  which 
 must  have  spread  widely  through  the  influence  of 
 Syrian  officers.  There  is  not,  however,  the  slightest 
 evidence  that  Greek  was  employed  in  I'alestinian 
 literature  till  a  much  later  date.  The  description 
 of  the  monument  which  was  erected  by  Simon  at 
 Modin  in  memory  of  his  family  (I  Mace.  xiii. 
 27-30),  is  the  only  record  of  the  architecture  of 
 the  time. — 15.  The  only  recognised  relics  of  the 
 time  are  the  coins  which  bear  the  name  of  "  Simon," 
 or  "Simon  Prince  (Nasi)  of  Israel"  in  Samaritan 
 letters.  The  privilege  of  a  national  coinage  was 
 granted  to  Simon  by  Antiochus  VII.  Sidetes  (1 
 Mace.  XV.  6)  ;  and  numerous  examples  occur  which 
 have  the  dates  of  the  flrst,  second,  third,  and 
 fourth  years  of  the  liberation  of  Jerusalem  (Israel, 
 Zion). 
 
 Maccabees,  Books  of.  Four  books  which  bear 
 the  common  title  of  "  Maccabees,"  are  found  in 
 some  MSS.  of  the  LXX.  Two  of  these  were  in- 
 cluded in  the  early  current  L;itin  versions  of  the 
 Bible,  and  thence  passed  into  the  Vulgate.  As 
 forming  part  of  the  Vulgate  they  were  received  as 
 canonical  by  the  council  of  Tient,  and  retained 
 among  the  apocri/pha  by  the  reformed  churches. 
 The  two  other  books  obtained  no  such  wide  circu- 
 lation, and  have  only  a  secondary  connexion  with 
 the  Maccabaean  history.  But  all  the  books,  though 
 they  differ  most  widely  in  character  and  date  and 
 worth,  possess  points  of  interest  which  make  them 
 a  fruitful  field  for  study.  If  the  historic  order 
 were  observed,  the  so-called  third  book  would  come 
 first,  the  fourth  would  be  an  appendix  to  the  second, 
 which  would  retain  its  place,  and  the  first  would 
 come  last ;  but  it  will  be  more  convenient  to  ex- 
 amine the  books  in  the  order  in  which  they  are 
 found  in  the  MSS.,  which  was  probably  decided  by 
 some  vague  tradition  of  their  relative  antiquity.— 
 I.  The  First  Book  of  Maccabees. — 1.  The 
 first  book  of  Maccabees  contains  a  history  of  the 
 patriotic  struggle,  fiom  the  first  resistance  of  Matta- 
 thias  to  the  settled  sovereignty  and  death  of  Simon, 
 a  period  of  thirty-three  years  (B.C.  168-135). 
 The  opening  chapter  gives  a  short  summary  of  the 
 conquests  of  Alexander  the  Great,  and  describes  at 
 greater  length  the  oppression  of  Antiochus  Epi- 
 phanes.  The  great  subject  of  the  book  beginti  with 
 the  enumeration  of  the  Maccabaean  family  (ii.  1-5), 
 •jrhich  is  followed  by  an  account  of  the  j)art  which 
 the  aged  Mattathias  took  in  rousing  and  guiding 
 the  spirit  of  his  countrymen  (ii.  6-70).  The  re- 
 mainder of  the  nariative  is  occupied  with  the  ex- 
 ploits of  his  five  sons.  Each  of  the  three  divisions, 
 into  which    the   main  portion   of  the    book   thus 
 
 MACCABEES,  BOOKS  OP         491 
 
 naturally  falls,  is  stamped  with  au  individual 
 character  derived  from  its  special  hero.  The  his- 
 tory, in  this  aspect,  presents  a  kind  of  epic  unity. 
 2.  While  the  grandeur  .and  unity  of  the  subject 
 invest  the  book  with  almost  an  epic  beauty,  it 
 ne^'er  loses  the  character  of  history.  The  earlier 
 ])art  of  the  narrative,  including  the  exploits  of 
 Judas,  is  cast  in  a  more  poetic  mould  than  any 
 other  part,  except  the  brief  eulogy  of  Simon  (xiv. 
 4-15)  ;  but  when  the  style  is  most  poetical  (i.  37- 
 40,  ii.  7-13,  49-68,  iii.  3-9,  18-22,  iv.  8-11,  30- 
 33,  38,  vi.  10-13,  vii.  37,  38,  41,  42)— and  this 
 poetical  fonn  is  chiefly  observable  in  the  speeches — 
 it  seems  to  be  true  in  spirit.  The  great  marks  of 
 trustworthiness  are  everywhere  conspicuous.  Vio 
 tory  and  failure  and  despondency  are,  on  the  whole, 
 chronicled  with  the  same  candour.  There  is  no 
 attempt  to  bring  into  open  display  the  working  of 
 providence.  3.  There  are,  however,  some  points 
 in  which  the  writer  appears  to  have  been  imper- 
 fectly informed,  especially  in  the  history  of  foreign 
 nations  ;  and  some,  agam,  in  which  he  has  been 
 supposed  to  have  magnified  the  difllculties  and  suc- 
 cesses of  his  countrymen.  Of  the  former  class  of 
 objections  two,  which  turn  upon  the  description 
 given  of  the  foundation  of  the  Greek  kingdoms  of 
 the  East  (1  Mace.  i.  5-9),  and  of  the  power  of 
 Home(viii.  1-16),  deserve  notice  from  their  intrinsic 
 interest.  After  giving  a  rapid  summary  of  the 
 exploits  of  Alexander,  the  writer  states  that  the 
 king,  conscious  of  approaching  death  "  divided  his 
 kingdom  among  his  servants  who  had  been  brought 
 up  with  him  from  his  youth"  (1  Mace.  i.  6). 
 In  this  instance  the  author  has  probably  accepted 
 without  inquiry  the  opinion  of  his  countrymen  ;  in 
 the  other  it  is  distinctly  said  that  the  account  of  the 
 greatness  of  Home  was  brought  to  Judas  by  com- 
 mon report  (1  Mace.  viii.  1,  2).  The  errors  in 
 detail  are  only  such  as  might  be  expected  in  oral 
 accounts.  The  veiy  imperfection  of  the  writer's 
 knowledge  is  instructive.  4.  Jluch  has  been 
 written  as  to  the  sources  from  which  the  nariative 
 was  derived,  but  there  does  not  seem  to  be  evidence 
 sufficient  to  indicate  them  with  any  certainty.  In 
 one  passage  (ix.  22)  the  author  implies  that  written 
 accounts  of  some  of  the  actions  of  Judas  were  in 
 existence.  It  appears,  again,  to  be  a  reasonable 
 conclusion  from  the  mention  of  the  official  records 
 of  the  life  of  Hyrcanus  (xvi.  24),  that  similar 
 records  existed  at  least  for  the  high-priesthood  ol 
 Simon.  Many  documents  are  inserted  in  the  text 
 of  the  history,  but  even  when  they  are  described  as 
 "  copies "  it  is  questionable  whether  the  writer 
 designed  to  give  more  than  the  substance  of  the 
 originals.  But  whatever  were  the  s-ources  of  differ- 
 ent parts  of  the  book,  and  in  whatever  way  written, 
 oral  and  personal  infoimation  were  combined  in  its 
 structure,  the  writer  made  the  materials  which  he 
 used  truly  his  own;  and  the  minute  exactness  ot 
 the  geogiaphical  details  carries  the  conviction  that 
 the  wiiole  finally  rests  upon  the  evidence  of  eye- 
 witnesses. 5.  The  language  of  the  book  does  nut 
 present  any  striking  peculiarities.  Both  in  diction 
 and  stracture  it  is  generally  simple  and  uuafiected, 
 with  a  marked  and  yet  not  harsh  hebraistic  cha- 
 racter. The  number  of  peculiar  words  is  not  very 
 considerable,  especially  when  compared  with  those 
 in  2  Mace.  6.  The  testimony  of  antiquity  leaves 
 no  doubt  but  that  the  book  was  first  written  in 
 Hebrew.  Origen,  in  his  iiamous  catalogue  of  the 
 books  of  Scripture,  after  enumerating  the  contents 
 
4<)2         MACCABEES,  BOOKS  OP 
 
 of  the  0.  T.  iicconliiii;  to  Ihe  IU>l)rew  cinon,  adds: 
 "  But  without  [i.  e.  excluded  t'lnin  tho  number  of) 
 these  is  the  M;iccabae;m  history,  which  is  entitled 
 Sarbetli  Sahaiiaiel."     The  statement  of  .l.nome  is 
 quite  explicit: — "  The  first  book  of  iMiiccabees,"  he 
 says,  "  I  found  in   Hebrew;   the  second  is  Creek, 
 as  can  be  shown  in  fact  from  its  style  alone."     A 
 question,  however,  might    be   raised   whether    the 
 book  was  written  in  biblical  Hebrew,  or  in  the  later 
 Aramaic   ((.'haldee);    but  it  seems  almost  certain 
 that  the  writer  took  the  canonical  histories  as  his 
 model.      Yet  it  is  by  no  means  unlikely  that  tlie 
 Hebrew  wiis  corrupted  by  later  idioms,  as  in  the 
 most   recent  books   of  the  0.  T.     7.  The  whole 
 structure   of  1    Mace,   points   to   Palestine  as  the 
 place   of  its   composition.     This    fiict   itself   is   a 
 strong  proof  for  a  Hebrew  oricjinal,  (or  there  is  no 
 trace  of  a  Greek   Palestinian  literature  durinrr  the 
 Hasmonaean  dynasty,  though  tho  wide  use  of  the 
 LXX.  towards  the  close  of  the  jjeiiod,  prepared  tiie 
 way  for  the  apostolic  writings.     But  though  the 
 country  of  the  writer  aui    be   tlius  lixed  with  cer- 
 tainty, there  is  considerable  doubt  as  to  his  date. 
 From  xvi.  215,  24,  it  has  been   concluded  that  he 
 must  liave  written  after  tlie  death   of  Hyrcanus, 
 B.C.  106.     It  auinot  certainly  have  been  comjinsed 
 long  after  his  death.     Perhaps  we  may  place  the 
 date  of  the  original   book  between   B.C.   120-100. 
 The  date  and   person  of  the  Gieek  translator  are 
 wholly  undetermined.     8.  In  a  religious  aspect  the 
 book  is  more  remarkable  negatively  than  positively. 
 The  historical  instinct  of  the  writer  confines  him  to 
 the  bare  recital  of  fact-s,  and  were  it  not  for  the 
 words  of  others  which  lie  recoids,  it  might   seem 
 that  the  true  theocratic  a.spect  of  national  life  h.id 
 been  lost.     Not  only  does  he  relate  no  miracle,  such 
 as  occur  in  2  Mace,  but  he  does  not  even  refer  the 
 triumphant  successes  of  the  Jews  to  divine  inter- 
 po.sition.     It  is  a  characteristic  of  the  same  kind 
 that  he  passes  over  without  any  clear  notice  the 
 Messianic  hopes,  which,  as  appears  from  the  Psalms 
 of  Solomon  and  the  Book  of  Enoch,  were  raise*!  to 
 the    highest  pitch   by  tho  successfid   struggle   for 
 independence.     9.  Tlie  book  does  not  seem  to  have 
 been  much  used  in  early  times.     Eusebius  assumes 
 an  acquaintance  with  the  two  books ;  and  scanty 
 notices  of  the  first  book,  but  more  of  the  second, 
 occur  in  later  writers.     10.  The  books  of  Macca- 
 bees were  not  included  by  .Jerome  in  his  translation 
 of  the  Bible.     The  version  of  the  two  books  which 
 has  lieen   incorporated  in  the  K'omisli  X'ul^ate  was 
 consequently  derived  from   the   old   Latin,  current 
 before  Jerome's  time.     This  version  was  obviouslv 
 made  fi'om  the  Greek,  and   in  the  main   follows  it 
 closely.     The  Syriac  version  given  in  the  Polyglotts 
 is,  like  the  Latin,  a  close  rendering  of  the  (ireek. 
 —II.   The  Second  Book  of  Maccaheks.— l. 
 The  history  of  the  Second  Book  of  the  Maccabees 
 begins  some  yciii-s  earlier  than   t''at  of  the   Firet 
 Book,  and  closes  with  the  vic'toiy  of  Judas   Mac- 
 cabaeus  over  Niciinor.     It  thiLS  embraces  a  period 
 of  twenty  years,  from   n.C.  180   (?)   to  It.c  KJI. 
 For  the  few  events  noticed  during  the  earlier  years 
 it  is  the  <hief  authority  ;  during  the  reniaiiuler  of 
 the  time  the  narrative  goes  over  the  same  giound 
 .18   1   Mai-c.,  liut  with  very  considcraI)le  ditreteiu-es. 
 The  lii-st  two  <-liaptor8  are  taken   u])   by  two  letters 
 siijiposed  to  bo  ad<lresscd   by  the   Palestinian   to  the 
 Alexandrine  .lews,  and  by  a  .skct.h  of  the  author's 
 plan,  which  iufxo.tls  without  any  porccittiiile  break 
 from  tlie  close  of  the  second  letter.     The  main  nar- 
 
 MACCABEES,  BOOKS  OP 
 
 rative  occupies  the  remainder  of  the  bix>k.     Tliis 
 presents  several  natural  divisions,  wliicli  apj)car  to 
 coincide  with  the  "  live  books  "  of  Jason  on  which 
 it  was  based.    The  first  (c.  iii.)  contains  the  history 
 of  Heliodorus  (cir.  B.C.  180j.    The  .second  (iv.— vii.) 
 gives  varied  details  of  the  beginning  and  course  of 
 the  gieat  persecution  (b,C.   175-167).     The  third 
 (viii.-x.  9)  follows  the   fortunes   of  Judiis  to  the 
 tiiumphant  restoration  of  the  Temple  service  (B.C. 
 166,  165).     The  fourth  (x.  10-.\iii.)  includes  the 
 reign  of  Antiocluis  Eupator  (B.C.  164-1(>2).     The 
 fifth  (xiv.,  XV.)  records  the  treachery  of  Alcimus, 
 the  mission  of  Nicanor,  and  the  crowning  success  of 
 Judas  (B.C.    162,   161).     2.  The    relation  of  the 
 letters  with  which  the  book  opens  to  the  substance 
 of  the  book  is  extremely  obscure.    The  first  (i.  1-9) 
 is  a  solemn   invitation  to    the    Egy])tian    Jews  to 
 celebiate  "  the  tiast  of  tabernacles   in  the  month 
 Casleu."     The  -second  (i.  10-ii.  18),  which  bears  a 
 formal  salutation  from  "the  council  and  Judas"  to 
 "  Aristobulus  .  .  .  and  the  Jews  in  Egypt,"  is  a 
 strange,  rambling  collection  of  legendary  stories  of 
 the  death  of  "  Antiochus,"  of  the  preseiTation  of 
 the  sacred  fire  and  its  recovery  by  Nehemiah,  of 
 the  hiding  of  the  vessels  of  the  siinctuary  by  Jere- 
 miah, ending — if  indeed   the  letter  can   be  said  to 
 liave  any  end — with  the  same  exhortation  to  observe 
 the  feast  of  dedication  (ii.  10-18).     For  it  is  im- 
 possible to  point  out  any  break  in  the  construction 
 or  stylo  after  ver.   19,  so  that  the  writer  passes 
 insensibly  from   the  epistolary  form  in  ver.   16   to 
 that  of  the  epitomator  in  ver.  29.     For  this  reason 
 some  critics,  both    in  ancient  and  modern  times, 
 have  consiilered  that  the  whole  book  is  intended  to 
 be  included  in  the  letter.     It  seems  more  natui'al  to 
 suppose  that  the  author  found  the  letters  already 
 in  existence  when  he  undertook  to  abridge  the  work 
 of  Jason,  and  attached  his  own  introduction  to  the 
 -second  letter  for  the  convenience  of  transition,  with- 
 out considering  that  this  would  necessarily  make 
 the  whole  aj)pear  to  be  a  letter.     The  lettei-s  them- 
 selves can   lay  no  claims  to   authenticity.     Some 
 have  supposed  that  tlie  oi-iginal  language  of  one,  or 
 of  both  the  letters  was  Hebrew,  but  this  cannot  be 
 made  out  by  any  conclusive  arguments.     3.  The 
 wiiter  himself  distinctly  indicates  the  source  of  his 
 narrative — "the  five  books  of  Jason   of  Cyrene  " 
 (ii.  23),  of  which   he  designed   to  furnish  a  short 
 and  agreeable  epitome  for  the  benefit  of  tho-se  who 
 would  be  detened  from  studying  the  larger  work. 
 His  own  labour,  which  he  describes  in  strong  terms 
 (ii.  26,  27  ;  comp.  xv.  38,  39),  was  entirely  confinwl 
 to  conden.sition  and  selection  ;  all  investigation  of 
 detail   he  declares  to  be  the  peculiar  duty  of  tho 
 oiiginal  historian.     Of  Jason  himself  nothing  more 
 is  known  than  may  be  gleaned  from   this  mention 
 of  him.     There  are  certainly  many  details  in  tho 
 book  which  show  a  close  and  accurate  knowledge 
 (iv.  21,  29  if.,  viii.  1  ff.,  ix.  29,  x.  12,  l.i,  xiv.  1), 
 and  the  errors  in  the  order  of  events  may  bo  due 
 wholly,  or  in    part,  to  the    epitomator.     4.  The 
 district  of  Cyrene  was  most   closely   luiited   with 
 that  of  .VJexandiia.      In   both   the  predomin^uice  of 
 tireek  literature  and  the  (!i-eek  language  was  abso- 
 lute.    The  work  of  Jason — like  the  poems  of  C'alli- 
 machus — must  therefore   have    been    comjiosetl    in 
 Greek;  and    the  style   of  the  epitome,  as   Jerome 
 reniaiked,  jiioves  beyoinl  doubt  that  the  (ireek  \rs\ 
 is    the  original.      It    is    sciircely    less    certain    that 
 2  Marc,  wxs  compiled  at  Alexandria.     5.  The  style 
 of  tliu   book   is  extremely  uneven.     At  times  it  in 
 
MACCABEES,  BOOKS  OF 
 
 elaborately  ornate  (iii.  15-39,  v.  20,  vi.  12-16, 
 23-28,  vii.  &c.) ;  and  again,  it  is  so  rude  and 
 broken,  as  to  seem  more  like  notes  for  an  epitome 
 thaji  a  finished  composition  (xiii.  19-26)  ;  but  it 
 nowhere  a:ttains  to  the  simple  energy  and  pathos  of 
 the  fiist  book.  The  vocabulary  conesponds  to  the 
 style.  It  abounds  in  new  or  unusual  words.  He- 
 braisms are  very  rare  (viii.  15,  ix.  5,  xiv.  24-). 
 Idiomatic  Greek  phr;iscs  are  much  more  common 
 (iv.  40,  xii.  22,  xv.  12,  &c.)  ;  and  the  writer 
 evidently  had  a  considerable  command  over  the 
 Greek  language.  6.  In  the  absence  of  all  evidence 
 as  to  the  person  of  Jason  tlieie  are  no  data  which 
 fix  the  time  of  the  composition  of  his  original  work, 
 or  of  the  epitome  given  in  2  Mace,  within  very 
 narrow  limits.  The  superior  limit  of  the  age  of 
 the  epitome,  though  not  of  Jason's  w^ork,  is  deter- 
 mined by  the  year  124  B.C.,  which  is  mentioned  in 
 one  of  the  introductory  letters  (i.  10)  ;  but  there 
 is  no  ground  for  assigning  so  great  an  antiquity  to 
 the  present  book.  If  a  conjecture  be  admissible, 
 we  sliould  be  inclined  to  place  the  original  work  of 
 Jason  not  later  than  100  B.C.,  and  the  epitome  half 
 a  century  later.  7.  In  order  to  estimate  the  his- 
 torical worth  of  the  book  it  is  necessaiy  to  consider 
 separately  the  two  divisions  into  which  it  falls. 
 The  narrative  in  iii,— vii.  is  in  part  anterior  (iii.-iv. 
 6)  and  in  part  (iv.  7-vii.)  supplementary  to  the 
 brief  summary  in  1  Mace.  i.  10-64:  that  in  viii.— 
 XV.  is,  as  a  whole,  parallel  with  1  Mace,  iii.-vii. 
 In  the  first  section  the  book  itself  is,  in  the  main, 
 the  sole  source  of  information :  in  the  second,  its 
 contents  can  be  tested  by  the  trustworthy  records 
 of  the  fii'st  book.  The  chief  ditT'erences  between  the 
 first  and  second  books  lie  in  the  account  of  the  cam- 
 paigns of  Lysias  and  Timotheus.  Differences  of 
 detail  will  always  arise  where  the  means  of  inform- 
 ation are  partial  and  separate  ;  but  the  differences 
 alleged  to  exist  as  to  these  events  are  more  serious. 
 The  relation  between  the  two  books  may  be  not 
 inaptly  represented  by  that  existing  between  the 
 books  of  Kings  and  Chronicles.  In  each  case  the 
 later  book  was  composed  with  a  special  design, 
 which  regulated  the  chaiacter  of  the  materials 
 employed  for  its  construction.  But  as  the  design 
 in  2  Mace,  is  ojienly  avowed  by  the  compiler,  so  it 
 seems  to  have  been  carried  out  with  considerable 
 license.  The  groundwork  of  facts  is  true,  but  the 
 dress  in  which  the  facts  are  presented  is  due  in  part 
 at  lea^t  to  the  narrator.  It  is  not  at  ail  improbable 
 that  the  error  with  regard  to  the  first  campaign  of 
 Lysias  aiose  from  the  mode  in  which  it  was  in- 
 troduced by  Jason  as  a  prelude  to  the  more  im- 
 portant measures  of  Lysias  in  the  reign  of  Anti- 
 ochus  Eupator.  In  other  places  (as  very  obviously 
 in  xiii.  19  f^'.)  the  compiler  may  have  disregarded 
 the  historical  dependence  of  events  while  selecting 
 those  which  were  best  suited  for  tlie  support  of  his 
 theme.  If  these  remarks  are  true,  it  follows  that 
 2  Mace,  viii.-xv.  is  to  be  i-egarded  not  as  a  con- 
 nected and  complete  history,  but  sis  a  series  of 
 special  incidents  from  the  lite  of  Judas,  illustrating 
 the  providential  interference  of  God  in  behalf  of  His 
 people,  true  in  substance,  but  embellished  in  form  ; 
 and  this  view  of  the  book  is  supported  by  the 
 character  of  the  earlier  chapters,  in  which  the 
 :iarrative  is  unchecked  by  independent  evidence. 
 8.  Besides  the  diffi^rences  which  exis*  between  the 
 two  books  of  Maccabees  as  to  the  sequence  and 
 details  of  common  events,  there  is  considerable  diffi- 
 culty as  to  the  chronological  data  which  they  give. 
 
 MACCABEES,  BOOKS  OF         493 
 
 Both  follow  the  Seleucian  era  ("  the  era  of  con- 
 tracts;" "of  the  Greek  kingdom  ;"  1  Mace.  i.  10), 
 but  in  some  cases  in  which  the  two  books  give  the 
 date  of  the  same  event,  the  first  book  gives  a  date 
 one  year  later  than  the  second  (1  Mace.  vi.  16  || 
 2  Mace.  xi.  21,  33  ;  1  Mace.  \n.  20  ||  2  Mace.  xiii. 
 1)  ;  yet  on  the  other  hand  they  agree  in  1  Mace, 
 vii.  1  II  2  Mace.  xiv.  4.  This  discrepancy  seems  to 
 be  due  not  to  a  mere  error,  but  to  a  difference  of 
 reckoning;  for  all  attempts  to  explain  away  the 
 discrepancy  are  untenable.  The  true  era  of  the 
 Seleucidje  began  in  October  (Dius)  B.C.  312;  but 
 there  is  evidence  that  considerable  variations  existed 
 in  Syria  in  the  reckoning  by  it.  A  very  probable 
 mode  of  explaining  (at  least  in  part)  the  origin  of 
 the  difference  has  been  supported  by  most  of  the 
 best  chronologers.  Though  the  Jews  may  have 
 reckoned  two  beginnings  to  the  year  from  the  time 
 of  the  Exodus,  yet  it  appears  that  the  biblical  dates 
 are  always  reckoned  by  the  so-called  ecclesiastical 
 year,  which  began  with  Nisan  (April),  and  not  by 
 the  civil  year,  which  was  afterwards  in  common  use, 
 which  began  with  Tisri  (October).  Now  since  the 
 writer  of  1  Mace,  was  a  Palestinian  Jew,  and  fol- 
 lowed the  ecclesiastical  year  in  his  reckoning  of 
 months  (1  Mace.  iv.  52),  it  is  probable  that  he 
 may  have  commenced  the  Seleucian  year  not  in 
 autumn  {Tisri),  but  in  spring  {Nisan).  If  the 
 year  began  in  Nisan  (reckoning  fiom  spring  312 
 B.C.),  the  events  which  fell  in  the  last  half  of  the 
 true  Seleucian  year  would  be  dated  a  year  forward, 
 while  the  true  and  the  Jewish  dates  would  agree 
 in  the  first  half  of  the  year.  On  other  grounds, 
 indeed,  it  is  not  unlikely  that  the  difference  in  the 
 reckoning  of  the  two  books  is  still  greater  than  is 
 thus  accounted  for.  The  Chaldaeans  dated  their 
 Seleucian  era  one  year  later  than  the  true  time  from 
 311  B.C.,  and  probably  from  October  {Dius  ;  comp. 
 2  Mace.  xi.  21,  33).  If,  as  is  quite  possible,  the 
 writer  of  2  Mace. — or  rather  Jason  of  Gyrene, 
 whom  he  epitomized — used  the  Chaldaean  dates, 
 there  may  be  a  maximum  difference  between  the 
 two  books  of  a  year  and  a  half,  which  is  sufficient 
 to  explain  the  difficulties  of  the  chronology  of  the 
 events  connected  with  the  death  of  Antiochus 
 Epiphanes.  9.  The  most  interesting  feature  in 
 2  Mace,  is  its  marked  religious  character,  by  which 
 it  is  clearly  distinguished  from  the  first  book. 
 "  The  manifestations  made  fiom  heaven  on  belialf 
 of  those  who  were  zealous  to  behave  manfully  in 
 defence  of  Judaism"  (2  Mace.  ii.  21).  'J'he  events 
 which  are  related  historically  in  the  former  book 
 are  in  this  regarded  theocratically,  if  the  word  may 
 be  used.  The  doctrine  of  Providence  is  carrietl 
 out  in  a  most  minute  parallelism  of  great  crimes 
 and  their  punishment.  On  a  larger  scale  the  same 
 idea  is  presented  in  the  contrasted  relations  of  Israel 
 and  the  heathen  to  the  Divine  Power.  10.  The 
 history  of  the  book,  as  has  been  already  noticed 
 (§6),  is  extremely  obscure.  It  is  first  mentioned 
 by  Clement  of  Alexandria  ;  and  Origen,  in  a  Gieek 
 fragment  of  his  commentaries  on  Exodus,  quotes  vi. 
 12-16,  with  very  considerable  variations  of  text, 
 from  "the  Maccabaean  history."  At  a  later  time 
 the  history  of  the  martyred  brothers  was  a  favouiite 
 subject  with  Christian  writers  ;  and  in  the  time  of 
 Jeiome  and  Augustine  the  book  was  in  common 
 and  public  use  in  the  Westei'n  Chuich,  where  it 
 maintained  its  position  till  it  was  at  last  definitely 
 declared  to  be  canonical  at  the  council  of  Trent. 
 11.  The  Latin  version  adopted  in  the  Vulgate,  ai 
 
494        MACCABEES,  BOOKS  OF 
 
 in  the  case  of  the  first  book,  is  that  current  before 
 Jerome's  time,  which  Jerome  left  wholly  uutouclK'<l 
 ill  the  apocryphal  books,  with  the  exception  of 
 Judith  and  Tobit.  It  is  much  less  close  to  the 
 Greek  than  in  the  former  book.  The  Syriac  version 
 is  of  still  less  value.  'I'he  Arabic  so-called  version 
 of  2  JIacc.  is  really  an  indei)endent  work.— 111. 
 The  Tiiikd  Book  ok  tiik  Maccaiikks  contains 
 the  history  of  events  which  precedeil  the  gieiit 
 Maccabaean  struggle.  After  the  decisive  battle  of 
 Raphia  (B.C.  217),  envoys  from  Jerusalem,  follow- 
 ing the  example  of  other  cities,  hastened  to  Ptolemy 
 Philopator  to  congratulate  him  on  his  success. 
 After  receiving  them  the  king  resolved  to  visit  the 
 holy  city.  He  ollered  sacrifice  in  the  Temple,  and 
 was  so  much  struck  by  its  majesty  that  he  urgently 
 sought  permission  to  enter  the  sanctuary.  When 
 this  was  refuseil  he  resolved  to  gratify  his  curiosity 
 by  force,  regardless  of  the  consternation  with  which 
 his  design  was  received  (ch.  i.).  On  this  Simon 
 the  high-priest,  after  the  people  had  been  with 
 difficulty  restrained  from  violence,  kneeling  in  front 
 of  the  Temple  implored  divine  help.  At  the  con- 
 clusion of  the  prayer  the  king  fell  paralysed  into 
 the  arms  of  his  attendants,  and  on  his  recoveiy 
 returned  at  once  to  Egypt  without  prosecuting  his 
 intention.  But  angry  at  his  failuie  he  turned  his 
 vengeance  on  the  Alexandrine  Jews.  How  this 
 vengeance  was  frustrated  is  told  in  the  rest  of  the 
 book.  2.  The  form  of  the  nariative  sufficiently 
 shows  that  the  object  of  the  book  has  modiried  the 
 facts  which  it  records.  The  writer,  in  his  zeal  to 
 bring  out  the  action  of  Providence,  has  coloured  his 
 history,  so  that  it  has  lost  all  semblance  of  truth. 
 In  tliis  respect  the  book  oilers  an  instructive  con- 
 tract to  the  book  of  Esther.  3.  But  while  it  is 
 impossible  to  accept  the  details  of  the  book  as 
 historical,  some  basis  of  truth  must  be  supposed  to 
 lie  beneath  them.  The  yearly  festival  (vi.  36; 
 vii.  19)  can  hardly  have  been  a  mere  fmcy  of  the 
 writei-;  and  the  i)illar  and  synagogue  at  Ptolemais 
 (vii.  2u)  must  have  been  connected  in  some  way 
 with  a  signal  deliverance.  Besides  this,  Josephus 
 lelates  a  very  similar  occurrence  which  took  place 
 in  the  reign  of  Ptolemy  VII.  CPhyscon).  4.  A.s- 
 suming  rightly  that  the  book  is  an  aiiaptation  of 
 history,  Ewald  and  (at  gre.Uer  length)  Grimm  have 
 endeavoured  to  fi.t  exactly  the  circunistimces  by 
 which  it  was  called  foith.  It  is  argued  that  the 
 writer  designed  to  portray  Caligula  under  the  name 
 of  the  sensual  tyrant  who  had  in  earlier  times  held 
 Egypt  and  Syria,  while  he  sought  to  neive  his 
 countrymen  for  their  struggle  with  heathen  juiwer, 
 by  reminding  them  of  earlier  deliverances.  It  is 
 unnecessary  to  urge  the  various  details  in  which 
 the  parallel  between  the  acts  of  Caligula  and  the 
 narrative  fail.  5.  The  language  of  the  book  betrays 
 most  clearly  its  Alexandrine  origin.  Both  in  voca- 
 bulary and  construction  it  is  rich,  affected,  and 
 e.\aggeratei.I.  The  Ibrm  of  the  sentences  is  strained 
 U.  g.  i.  15,  17,  ii.  31,  iii.  23,  iv.  11,  vii.  7,  19, 
 &c.),  and  eveiy  description  is  loaded  with  rhetoriail 
 ornament  (e.  (/.  iv.  2,  5;  vi.  45).  As  a  natural 
 consequence  the  meaning  is  often  obscuie  (c.  7.  i.  9, 
 14,  19,  iv.  5,  14),  and  the  writer  is  led  into  exag- 
 gerations which  are  historically  incorrect  (vii.  2, 
 20,  V.  2).  G.  Erorn  the  abruptness  of  the  com- 
 mencement it  h;is  Ijcen  tlionght  that  the  book  is  a 
 mere  fragment  of  a  larger  work.  It  is  possible 
 that  the  nanatirc  may  have  iornu'il  the  setjuel  to 
 an  earlier  history,  or  that  the  introductory  chajiter 
 
 MACEDONIA 
 
 j  has  been  lost.  7.  The  evidence  of  language,  which 
 is  (juite  suflicient  to  Hx  the  place  of  the  composition 
 of  the  bciok  at  Alexandria,  is  not  equally  decisive  as 
 to  the  date.  It  might,  indeed,  seem  to  belong  to 
 the  early  period  of  the  empire  (B.C.  40-70  1.  But 
 such  a  date  is  purely  conjectural.  8.  The  un- 
 certainty of  the  date  of  the  composition  of  the  book 
 corresponds  with  the  uncertainty  of  its  history. 
 In  the  Apostolical  Canons  "  three  books  of  the 
 Maccabees''  aie  mentioned,  of  which  this  is  pro- 
 bably the  third,  as  it  occupies  the  third  place  in  the 
 oldest  Gieek  MSS.,  which  contain  also  the  so-called 
 fourth  book.  It  is  found  in  a  Syriac  translation, 
 and  is  quoted  with  marked  respect  by  Theodoret  of 
 Antioch  (died  cir.  A.D.  457).  No  ancient  Latin 
 version  of  it  occurs  ;  and  as  it  is  not  contained  in 
 the  \'^ulgate  it  has  been  excluded  from  the  canon  of 
 the  liomish  church. — IV.  The  Fourth  Book  of 
 Maccabees  contains  a  rhetorical  narrative  of  the 
 martyrdom  of  Eleazer  and  of  the  "  Maccabaean 
 family,"  following  in  the  main  the  same  outline  :xs 
 2  Mace.  The  second  title  of  the  book,  On  the 
 Supreme  Sovereignty  of  Reason,  explains  the  moral 
 use  which  is  made  of  the  history.  2.  The  book 
 was  ascribed  in  early  times  to  Josephus.  Eusebius 
 and  Jerome,  following  him,  also  Photius,  give  this 
 opinion  without  leserve  ;  and  it  is  found  under  his 
 name  in  many  MSS.  of  the  great  Jewish  historian. 
 In  the  Alexandrine  and  Siuaitic  MSS.  it  is  called 
 simply  "  the  fourth  of  Maccabees."  The  internal 
 evidence  against  the  authorship  by  Josephus  is  so 
 great  as  to  outweigh  the  testimony  of  Eusebius, 
 from  whom  it  is  probable  that  the  later  statements 
 were  derived,  3.  If  we  may  assume  that  the 
 authorshij)  was  attributed  to  Josephus  only  by 
 error,  no  evidence  remains  to  fix  the  date  of  the 
 book.  It  is  only  certain  that  it  was  written  before 
 the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  and  probably  after 
 2  Mace.  It  might  be  referred  not  unnaturally,  to 
 the  tioubled  times  which  immediately  pieceded  the 
 war  with  Vespasian  (cir.  A.D.  67).  4.  As  a  his- 
 toricid  document  the  narrative  is  of  no  value.  Its 
 interest  centres  in  the  fact  that  it  is  a  unique 
 example  of  the  didactic  use  which  the  Jews  maiie 
 of  their  history.  The  style  is  very  ornate  and 
 laboured  ;  but  it  is  correct  and  vigorous,  and  truly 
 Greek.  The  richness  and  boldness  of  the  voca- 
 bulary is  surpiising.  5.  The  philosophical  tone  of 
 the  book  is  essentially  stoicid ;  but  the  stoicism  is 
 that  of  a  stern  legalist.  The  dictates  of  reason  are 
 su])porteil  by  the  remembrance  of  noble  traditions, 
 and  by  the  hope  of  a  glorious  future.  The  Jew 
 stands  alone,  isolated  by  character  and  by  blessing. 
 6.  The  original  (ireek  is  the  only  ancient  text  in 
 which  the  book  has  been  published,  but  a  Syriac 
 version  is  preserved  in  several  MSS. — V.  TliK 
 Fifth  Book  of  Maccabees  may  oil  for  a  very 
 brief  notice.  It  is  jirinttnl  in  Arabic  in  the  Paris 
 and  London  Polyglotts;  and  contains  a  history  of 
 the  Jews  from  the  attempt  of  Heliodorus  to  the 
 birth  of  our  Loitl.  The  writer  made  use  of  the 
 first  two  books  of  Maccabees  and  of  Josephus, 
 and  has  no  claim  to  !«  considered  m\  indeiwndent 
 authority.  It  has  been  supposed  that  the  book 
 was  originally  written  in  Hebrew,  or  at  luiist  that 
 the  Greek  was  strongly  modified  by  Hebrew  in- 
 flueme. 
 
 Macedo'nia,  the  fii>t  jiart  of  Europe  which  ny- 
 ceived  the  (io.>i)el  directly  from  St.  Paul,  and  an 
 important  scene  of  his  subsequent  missionaiy  labours 
 and  the  labours  of  his  companions.     In  a  rough  and 
 
MACEDONIA 
 
 popular  description  it  is  enough  to  say  that  Mace- 
 donia is  the  region  bounded  inland  by  the  ran2;e  of 
 Haemus  or  the  Balkan  northwards,  and  the  chain 
 of  Piudus  westwards,  bevond  which  the  streams 
 flow  respectively  to  the  Danube  and  the  Adriatic; 
 that  it  is  separated  from  Thessaly  on  the  south  by 
 the  Cambunian  hills,  running  easterly  from  Pindus 
 to  Olympus  and  the  Aegean  ;  and  that  it  is  divided 
 on  the  east  from  Thrace  by  a  less  definite  mountain- 
 boundary  I'unning  southwards  from  Haemus.  Of 
 the  space  thus  enclosed,  two  of  the  most  remarkable 
 physical  featuies  are  two  great  plains,  one  watered 
 by  the  Axius,  which  comes  to  the  sea  at  the  Ther- 
 maic  gulf,  not  far  from  Thessalonica  ;  the  other  by 
 the  Strymon,  which,  after  passing  near  Philippi, 
 flows  out  below  Amphipolis.  Between  the  mouths 
 of  these  two  liveis  a  i-emarkable  peninsula  projects, 
 dividing  itself  into  three  points,  on  the  farthest  of 
 which  Mount  Athos  rises  nearly  into  the  region 
 of  perpetual  snow.  Across  the  neck  of  this  penin- 
 sula St.  Paul  travelled  more  than  once  with  his 
 companions.  This  general  sketch  would  sufficiently 
 describe  the  Jlacedonia  which  was  niled  over  by 
 Philip  and  Alexander,  and  which  the  Romans  con- 
 quered from  Perseus.  At  first  the  conqueied 
 country  was  divided  by  Aemilius  Paulus  into  four 
 districts.  This  division  was  only  temporary.  The 
 whole  of  Macedonia,  along  with  Thessaly  and  a 
 large  tract  along  the  Adriatic,  was  made  one  pro- 
 vince and  centralised  under  the  jurisdiction  of  a 
 proconsul,  who  resided  at  Thessalonica.  We  have 
 now  leached  the  definition  which  coiTesponds  with 
 the  usage  of  the  term  in  the  N.  T.  (Acts  xvi.  9,  10, 
 12,  &c.).  Three  Roman  provinces,  all  very  familial 
 to  us  ill  the  writings  of  St.  Paul,  divided  the  whole 
 space  between  the  bitsin  of  the  Danube  and  Cape 
 Matapan.  The  border-town  of  Illyiucom  was 
 Lissus  on  the  Adriatic.  The  boundary-line  of 
 ACHAIA  nearly  coincided,  except  in  the  western 
 portion,  with  that  of  the  kingdom  of  modern  Greece, 
 and  ran  in  an  irregular  line  from  the  Acroceraunian 
 piomoiitory  to  the  bay  of  Thermopylae  and  the 
 north  of  Euboea.  By  subtracting  these  two  pro- 
 vinces, we  define  Macedonia.  The  history  of  Mace- 
 donia in  the  period  between  the  Persian  wars  and 
 the  consolidation  of  the  Roman  provinces  in  the 
 Levant  is  touched  in  a  very  interesting  manner  by 
 passages  in  the  Apocrypha.  In  Esth.  xvi.  10,  Ha- 
 man  is  described  as  a  Macedonian,  and  in  xvi.  14 
 is  said  to  have  contrived  his  plot  for  the  purpose  of 
 transferring  the  kingdom  of  the  Persians  to  the 
 Macedonians.  This  sufficiently  betrays  the  late 
 date  and  spmious  character  of  these  apocryphal 
 chapteis :  but  it  is  curious  thus  to  have  our  atten- 
 tion turned  to  the  early  struggle  of  Persia  and 
 Greece.  The  account  of  St.  Paul's  first  journey 
 through  Macedonia  (Acts  xvi.  10-xvii.  15)  is  marked 
 by  copious  detail  and  well-defined  incidents.  At 
 the  close  of  this  journey  he  returned  from  Corinth 
 to  Syria  by  sea.  On  the  next  occasion  of  visiting 
 Europe,  though  he  both  went  and  returned  through 
 Macedonia  (Acts  xx.  1-6),  the  narrative  is  a  very 
 slight  sketch,  and  the  route  is  left  uncertain,  except 
 as  regards  Philippi.  The  character  of  the  Mace- 
 donian Christians  is  set  before  us  in  Scripture  in 
 a  very  favourable  light.  The  candour  of  the  Be- 
 reans  is  highly  commended  (Acts  xvii.  11);  the 
 Tliessalonians  were  evidently  objects  of  St.  Paul's 
 peculiar  affection  (1  Thess.  ii.  8,  17-20,  iii.  10); 
 and  the  Philippians,  besides  their  general  freedom 
 from  blame,  are  noted  as  remarkable  for  their  liber- 
 
 MACHPELAH 
 
 495 
 
 ality  and  self-denial  (Phil,  iv.  10, 14-19  ;  see  2  Cor. 
 ix.  2,  .\i.  9  . 
 
 Macedonian  occurs  in  A.  V.  onh'  in  Acts  xxvii. 
 2;  Esth.  xvi.  lU,  14.  In  the  other  cases  (Acts  xvi. 
 9,  xix.  29,  2  Cor.  ix.  2,  4)  our  translators  render  it 
 "  of  Macedonia." 
 
 Machbana'i,  one  of  the  lion-faced  warriors  of 
 Gad  who  joined  the  fortunes  of  David  when  living 
 in  retreat  at  Ziklng  (1  Chr.  xii.  13). 
 
 Mach'benall  {Maxanvvi.  Machhena).  Shova, 
 the  father  of  Machbena,  is  named  in  the  genea- 
 logical list  of  Judah  as  the  otfspriug  of  Maachah, 
 the  concubine  of  Caleb  ben-Hezron  (1  Chr.  ii.  49). 
 Perhaps  Machbena  was  founded  or  colonized  by  the 
 family  of  Maachah.  To  the  position  of  the  town 
 we  possess  no  clue. 
 
 Ma'cM,  the  father  of  Geuel  the  Gadite,  who 
 went  with  Caleb  and  Jo.shua  to  spy  out  the  land  of 
 Canaan  (Num.  xiii.  15), 
 
 Mach'ir,  the  eldest  Eon  (Josh.  xvii.  1)  of  the 
 patriarch  Manasseh  by  an  Aramite  or  Syrian  con- 
 cubine (1  Chr.  vii.  14,  and  the  LXX.  of  Gen.  xlvi. 
 20).  His  children  are  commemorated  as  having 
 been  caressed  by  Joseph  before  his  death  (Gen.  1. 
 23).  His  wife's  name  is  not  presei-ved,  but  she 
 was  a  Benjamite,  the  "  sister  of  Huppim  and  Shup- 
 pim  "  (1  Chr.  vii.  1.5).  The  connexion  with  Ben- 
 jamin may  perhaps  have  led  to  the  selection  by 
 Abner  of  Slahanaim,  as  the  residence  of  Ishbosheth 
 (2  Sam.  ii.  8) ;  and  that  with  Judah  may  have  also 
 influenced  David  to  go  so  far  north  when  driven 
 out  of  his  kingdom.  At  the  time  of  the  conquest 
 the  family  of  JJachir  had  become  very  powerful, 
 and  a  large  part  of  the  country  ou  the  east  of 
 Jordan  wiis  subdued  by  them  (Num.  xxxii.  39  ; 
 Deut.  iii.  15).  So  great  was  their  power  that  the 
 name  of  Machir  occ;isionally  supersedes  that  of  Ma- 
 nasseh.—2.  The  son  of  Ammiel,  a  powerful  sheykh 
 of  one  of  the  trans- Jordanic  tribes,  but  whether  of 
 Manasseh — the  tribe  of  his  namesake — or  of  Gad, 
 must  lemain  uncertain  till  we  know  where  Lo- 
 dcbar,  to  which  place  he  belonged,  was  situated. 
 His  name  occurs  but  twice,  but  the  part  which  he 
 played  was  by  no  means  an  insignificimt  one.  It 
 was  his  fortune  to  render  essential  service  to  the 
 cause  of  Saul  and  of  David  successively — in  each 
 case  when  they  were  in  difficulty  (2  Sam.  ix.  4,  5, 
 xvii.  27-29). 
 
 Ma'chirites,  the.  The  descendants  of  Machir  the 
 father  of  (iilead  (  Num.  xxvi.  29). 
 
 Mach'mas,  1  Mace,  ix,  73.     [Michmash.] 
 
 Maclmadeba'i,  one  of  the  sons  of  Bani  who  put 
 awny  his  foreion  wife  at  Ezra's  command  ( Ezr.  x.  40). 
 
 Mach'pelah,  the  spot  containing  the  wooded 
 field,  in  the  end  of  which  was  the  cave  which  Abra- 
 ham purchased  from  the  Bene-Heth,  and  which  be- 
 came the  burial  place  of  Sarah,  Abraham  hiraselfj 
 Isaac,  Rebekah,  Leah,  and  Jacob.  Its  position  is — 
 with  one  exception  uniformly — specified  as  "  facing 
 Mamie  "  (Gen.  xxiii.  17,19,  .xxv.  9,  xli.x.  30,  1. 13). 
 What  the  meaning  of  this  ancient  name — not  met 
 with  beyond  the  book  of  Genesis — may  be,  appears 
 quite  uncertain.  The  older  interpreters  explain  it  as 
 meaning  "  double" — the  double  cave  or  the  double 
 field — but  the  modern  lexicographers  interpret  it 
 an  allotted  or  separated  place  ;  or  again,  the  undu- 
 lating spot.  Beyond  the  passages  alreadj'  cited,  the 
 Bible  contains  no  mention  either  of  the  name  I\Iach- 
 jielah  or  of  the  sepulchre  of  the  Patriarchs.  But 
 there  are  few,  if  any,  of  the  imcient  sites  of  Palestine 
 of  whose  genuineness  we  can  feel  more  assured  than 
 
496 
 
 MACHPELAH 
 
 MADMENAH 
 
 Mosuue  at  lleU.) 
 
 Miiulijieliih.  The  ti<ulitio:ial  spot  at  Hebron  h:is 
 everj'tliing  in  its  favour  as  far  as  position  goes  ; 
 wliiie  the  wall  which  encloses  the  Haram,  or  saciea 
 precinct  in  whicli  the  sepulchres  themselves  are  re- 
 ported, and  j)iiihably  with  truth,  still  to  lie,  is  a 
 monument  certainly  equal,  and  ))iobably  superior 
 in  age  to  anytliing  remaining  in  Palestine.  It  is  a 
 quadrangular  building  of  about  200  feet  in  length 
 by  115  feet  in  width,  its  dark  grey  walls  rising  50 
 or  GO  in  height,  without  window  or  opening  of  any 
 description,  except  two  small  entrances  at  the  S.E. 
 and  S.W.  corners.  It  stands  nearly  on  the  crest  of 
 the  hill  which  forms  tlie  eastein  side  of  the  valley 
 on  the  slopes  and  bottom  of  which  the  town  is 
 strewn.  The  ancient  Jewish  tradition  ascribes  its 
 election  to  David  ;  but,  whatever  the  worth  of  this 
 tradition,  it  may  well  be  of  the  age  of  Solomon. 
 The  date  must  always  remain  a  mystery,  but  there 
 are  two  considerations  which  may  weigh  in  fiivour 
 of  li.xing  it  very  early.  1.  That  often  as  the  town 
 of  Hebron  may  have  been  destroyed,  this,  being  a 
 tomb,  would  always  be  spared.  2.  It  cannot  on 
 architectural  grounds  be  later  than  Herod's  time, 
 while  on  the  other  haml  it  is  omitted  from  the 
 catalogue  given  by  Joscphus  of  the  places  which  he 
 rebuilt  or  adorned.  Of  the  contents  of  this  enclo- 
 sure we  have  only  the  most  meagre  and  confused 
 accounts.  A  great  part  of  the  areii  is  o<«upied  by 
 a  building  which  is  now  a  mosque,  and  was  pro- 
 balily  originally  a  chmch,  but  of  its  date  or  style 
 nothing  is  known.  The  sepulchres  of  .\hraham  and 
 Sarah,  Isjiac  aii<l  IJebekah,  Jacob  and  Leah,  are 
 shown  on  the  floor  of  the  mostjuc,  covered  in  the 
 usual  Mohammedan  style  with  rich  carpets  ;  but 
 the  real  .sepulchres  aie,  as  they  were  in  the  12th 
 and  IGth  centuries,  in  a  cave  below  the  floor. 
 
 Macron,  the  surname  of  Ptolemeus,  or  Ptolomee, 
 the  .son  of'  Dorymenes  ( 1  Mace.  iii.  38)  and  governor 
 of  Cvprus  under  I'tolemv  I'hilonieter  (2  Mace.  x. 
 12).' 
 
 Mada'i,  which  occurs  in  Gen.  x.  2,  among  the 
 list  of  the  sons  of  Japhet,  has  been  commonly  i-e- 
 garded  as  a  personal  ap])eilation  ;  and  most  com- 
 mentators call  Madai  the  third  son  of  Japhet,  and 
 the  progenitor  of  the  Medes.  But  it  is  extremely 
 <ioubtfiil  whether,  in  the  mind  of  the  writer  of  Gen. 
 X.,  the  term  Madai  was  regarded  as  representing 
 a  person.  Probably  all  that  the  writer  intends  to 
 as>ert  in  Gen.  x.  2  is,  that  the  Medes,  as  well  as 
 the  Gomerites,  Greeks,  Tibareni,  Moschi.  &c.,  de- 
 scended fioni  Japhtt. 
 
 Mad'iabun.  The  sons  of  Jladiabun^  according 
 to  1  IvmI.  were  among  the  I.evites  who  supeiiu- 
 tentli'd  the  lestxjration  of  the  Temple  under  Zoro 
 babel. 
 
 Ma'dian,  Jud.  ii.  26  ;  Acts  vii.  29.    [Midi an.] 
 
 Mad'mannah,  one  of  the  towns  in  the  south 
 district  of  .ludali  (Josh.  XV.  31).  To  Ku.sebius  and 
 .Jeioine  it  appears  to  have  been  well  known.  It 
 was  called  in  their  time  Menois,  and  was  not  l;u- 
 fiom  (iaza.  The  first  stage  southward  from  (.iaza 
 is  now  cl-Miniidij,  which,  in  ilefault  of  a  better,  is 
 suijgested  by  Kiepert,  as  the  modern  repre.>^entati\e 
 of  Men<  is,  and  therefore  of  Madmannah. 
 
 Mad'men,  a  place  in  Moab.  thrcatenetl  with  de- 
 struciion  in  the  denunciations  of  Jeremiah  (xlviii.  2  , 
 but  not  elsewhere  named,  and  of  which  nothing  is 
 yet  known. 
 
 Mad'menah,  one  of  the  lienjamite  villages  north 
 ol' .lerii.s,ilein,  the  inhabitiuits  of  which  were  fright- 
 ened away  by  the  approach  of  ."N>nnacherib  along 
 the  northern  ro.id  (Is.  x.  III).     Like  others  of  the 
 
MADNESS 
 
 placps  mentioned  in  this  list,  Madmenab  is  not 
 elsewhere  nameii. 
 
 Madness.  In  Scripture  "  madness  "  is  recog- 
 nised as  a  derangement,  proceeding  oitlier  from  \veai<- 
 ness  and  misdirection  of  intellect,  or  from  ungovern- 
 able violence  of  ))i\ssion ;  and  in  both  cases  it  is 
 spoken  of,  sometimes  as  arising  from  the  will  and 
 action  of  man  himself,  sometimes  as  inflicted  jn- 
 <licially  by  the  hand  of  God.  In  one  p;issage  alone 
 (John  X.  20)  is  madness  expressly  connected  with 
 demoniacal  possession  by  the  Jews  in  their  cavil 
 against  our  Lord  ;  in  none  is  it  referred  to  any 
 pliysical  Giuses. 
 
 Ma'don,  one  of  the  principal  cities  of  Canaan 
 before  the  conquest,  probably  in  the  north.  Its 
 king  joined  Jabin  and  bis  confederates  in  their  at- 
 tempt against  Joshua  at  the  waters  of  Merom,  and 
 like  the  rest  was  killed  (Josh.  xi.  1,  xii.  19). 
 Schwarz  on  very  slight  grounds  proposes  to  discover 
 Madon  at  Kcfr  Menda,  a  village  with  extensive 
 ancient  remains,  at  the  western  end  of  the  Plain  of 
 Bidtauf,  4  or  5  miles  N.  of  Sepphoris. 
 
 Mae'lus,  for  Miamin  (1  Esd.  ix.  26  ;  comp. 
 Ezr.  X.  25). 
 
 Mag'bish.  A  proper  name  in  Ezr.  ii.  .30,  but 
 whether  of  a  man  or  of  a  place  is  do-ubted  by  some  ; 
 it  is  probably  the  latter,  as  all  the  names  from  Ezi'. 
 ii.  20  to  34,  except  Elam  and  Harim,  are  names  of 
 places.  From  the  position  of  Magbish  in  the  list  in 
 Ezr.  ii.,  it  would  seem  to  be  in  the  tribe  of  Benjamin. 
 
 Mag'dala.  The  name  Magdala  does  not  really 
 exist  in  the  Bible.  It  is  found  in  the  leceived  Greek 
 text  and  the  A.  V.  of  Matt.  xv.  39  only;  but  the 
 chief  MSS.  and  versions  exhibit  the  name  as  '  Maga- 
 dan.' Into  the  limits  of  Magadan  Christ  came  by 
 boat,  over  the  lake  of  Gennesareth,  after  His  miracle 
 of  feeding  the  four  thousand  on  the  mountain  of 
 the  eastern  side  (Matt.  xv.  39);  and  from  thence, 
 after  a  short  encounter  with  the  Pharisees  and 
 Saddiicees,  He  returned  in  the  same  boat  to  the 
 opposite  shore.  In  the  present  text  of  the  parallel 
 narrative  of  St,  Mark  (viii.  10)  we  find  the  •'  parts 
 of  Dalmanutha."  Dalmanutha  was  probably  at  or 
 near  Ain  el-Barideh.  about  a  mile  below  el-Mejdcl, 
 on  the  western  edge  of  the  lake  of  Gennesareth. 
 The  Magdala,  which  conferred  her  name  on  "  Mary 
 the  Magdal-ene,"  one  of  the  numerous  Migdols, 
 i.  e.  towers,  which  stood  in  Palestine,  was  pro- 
 bably the  place  of  that  name  which  is  mentioned  in 
 the  Jerusalem  Talmud  as  near  Tiberias,  and  this 
 again  is  as  probably  the  modern  el-Mejdel.  "  a  mi- 
 serable little  Muslim  village,"  rather  more  than  an 
 hour,  or  about  three  miles,  above  Tahiriyeh,  lying 
 on  the  water's  edge  at  the  south-east  corner  of  the 
 plain  of  Gennesareth.  Jerome,  although  he  plays 
 upon  the  name  Magdalene,  does  not  appear  to  con- 
 nect it  with  the  place  in  question.  By  the  Jews 
 the  word  megaddeld  is  used  to  denote  a  person  who 
 platted  or  twisted  hair,  a  practice  then  much  in  use 
 amongst  women  of  loose  character.  A  certain  "Mi- 
 riam Magdala"  is  mentioned  by  the  Talmudists, 
 who  is  probably  intended  for  St.  Mary.  Magdalum 
 is  mentioned  as  between  Tiberias  and  Capernaum, 
 as  early  as  by  Willibald,  A.D.  722. 
 
 Mag'diel.  One  of  the  "dukes"  of  Edom,  de- 
 scended from  Esau  (Gen.xx.xvi.  43;  1  Chr.  i.  54). 
 The  name  does  not  yet  appear  to  have  been  met 
 with,  as  home  by  either  tribe  or  place. 
 
 Ma'ged,  the  form  in  which  the  name  Maked 
 appears  in  the  A.  V.  on  its  seconf"  occurrence 
 (I  Mace.  V.  36). 
 
 Con.  D.  B. 
 
 MAGI 
 
 497 
 
 Kagi  (A.V.  "wise  men").  It  does  not  fali 
 within  the  scope  of  this  article  to  enter  fully  intc 
 the  history  of  the  Magi  as  an  order,  and  of  the  reli> 
 tion  in  which  they  stood  to  the  religion  of  Zoroaster 
 What  has  to  be  said  will  be  best  arranged  under 
 the  four  following  heads: — I.  The  position  occu- 
 pied by  the  Magi  in  the  history  of  the  0.  T.— Ii. 
 The  transition-stages  in  the  history  of  the  word  and 
 of  the  order  between  the  close  of  tlie  O.  T.  and  the 
 time  of  the  N.  T.,  so  far  as  they  affect  the  latter.^ 
 111.  The  Magi  as  they  appear  in  the  N.  T.— IV. 
 The  later  traditions  which  have  gathered  ronnd  the 
 Magi  of  Matt,  ii.— I.  In  the  Hebrew  text  of  the 
 0.  T.  the  word  occurs  but  twice,  and  then  only  in- 
 cidentally. In  Jer.  xxxix.  3  and  13  we  meet, 
 among  the  Chaldaean  officers  sent  by  Nebuchad- 
 nezzar to  .lerusalem,  one  with  the  name  or  title  of 
 Rab-Mag.  This  word  is  interpreted,  as  equivalent 
 to  chief  of  the  Magi.  Historically  the  Magi  are 
 conspicuous  chi-efly  as  a  Persian  religious  caste. 
 Herodotus  connects  them  with  another  people  by 
 reckoning  them  among  the  six  tribes  of  the  Jdedes 
 (i.  iOl).  They  appear  in  his  history  of  Astyages 
 as  interpreters  of  dreams  (i.  120),  the  name  having 
 apparently  lost  its  ethnological  and  acquired  a  caste 
 significance.  But  in  Jeremiah  they  appear  at  a  still 
 earlier  period  among  the  i-etinue  of  the  Chaldaean 
 king.  The  very  word  Rab-]\Iag  (if  the  received 
 etymology  of  Magi  be  correct)  presents  a  hybi'id 
 formation.  The  first  syllable  is  unquestionably. 
 Shemitic,  the  last  is  all  but  unquestionably  Aryan. 
 The  problem  thus  presented  admits  of  two  solu- 
 tions:— (1)  If  we  believe  the  Chaldaeans  to  have 
 been  a  Hamitic  people,  closely  connected  with  the 
 Babylonians,  we  must  then  suppose  that  the  colossal 
 schemes  of  greatness  which  showed  themselves  in 
 Nebuchadnezzar's  conquests  led  him  to  gather  round 
 him  the  wise  men  and  religions  teachers  of  the 
 nations  which  he  subdued,  and  that  thus  the  sacred 
 tribe  of  the  Medes  rose  under  his  rule  to  favour  and 
 power.  (2)  If,  on  the  other  hand,  with  Renan, 
 we  look  on  the  Chaldaeans  as  themselves  belonging 
 to  the  Aryan  family,  there  is  even  less  difficulty  in 
 explaining  the  presence  among  the  one  people  of  the 
 religious  teachers  of  the  other.  The  Magi  took 
 their  places  among  "  the  astrologers  and  star-gazeis 
 and  monthly  prognosticators."  It  is  with  such 
 men  that  we  have  to  think  of  Daniel  and  his  fellow- 
 exiles  as  associated.  They  are  described  as  "  ten. 
 times  wiser  than  all  the  magicians  and  astrologers  '" 
 (Dan.  i.  20).  The  office  which  Daniel  accepted 
 ( Dan.  V.  11)  was  probably  identical  with  that  of 
 tlie  Rab-Mag  who  first  came  before  us.  The  name 
 of  the  Magi  does  not  meet  us  in  the  Biblical  ac- 
 count of  the  Medo-Persian  kings.  If,  however,  we 
 identify  the  Artaxerxes  who  stops  the  building  of 
 the  Temple  (Ezr.  iv.  17-22)  with  the  Pseudo- 
 Smerdis  of  Herodotus  and  the  Gomates  of  the  Be- 
 histun  inscription,  we  may  see  here  also  another  point 
 of  contact.  The  Magian  attempt  to  reassert  Median 
 supremacy,  and  with  it  probably  a  corrupted  Chal- 
 daized  form  of  Magianism,  in  place  of  the  purer 
 faith  in  Ormuzd  of  which  Cyrus  had  been  the  pro- 
 pagator, would  naturally  be  accompanied  by  aiita,- 
 gonism  to  the  people  whom  the  Persians  had  pro- 
 tected and  supported.  The  immediate  renewal  of 
 the  suspended  work  on  the  triumph  of  Darius  (Ezr. 
 iv.  24,  V.  1,2,  vi.  7,  8)  falls  in,  it  need  hai-dlj  be 
 added,  with  this  hypothesis.  Under  Xerxes,  the 
 Magi  occupy  a  position  which  indicates  that  th^y 
 had  recovered  from  their  temporary  depressioa. 
 '  2   Iv 
 
498 
 
 MAGI 
 
 No  great  change  is  traceahle  in  their  position  dur- 
 ing the  decline  of  thi-  Persian  monarchy.  As  an 
 order  they  per]ietiiatod  themselves  under  the  Par- 
 thian kings.  The  name  rose  to  fresh  honour  under 
 tbeSass;»nidae.— II.  In  the  mean  time  the  woi-d  was 
 aitquiring  a  new  and  wider  signification.  It  pre- 
 sented itself  to  the  Greeks  as  connecter!  with  a  fo- 
 reisn  system  of  divination,  and  the  religion  of  a  foe 
 whom  they  had  conquered,  and  it  soon  became  a 
 by-word  for  tlie  worst  form  of  imposture.  The 
 rapid  giowth  of  this  feeling  is  traceable  perhaps  in 
 tlie  meanings  attached  to  the  word  by  the  two  great 
 tragedians.  In  Aeschylus  [Persae,  291)  it  retains 
 its  old  significance  as  denoting  simply  a  ti-ibe.  In 
 Sophocles  {Oed.  Tyr.  387)  it  appears  among  the 
 epithets  of  reproach  which  the  king  heaps  upon 
 Teiresias.  It  is  interesting  to  notice  how  at  one 
 time  the  good,  and  at  another  the  bad,  side  of  the 
 word  is  uppermost.  P>oth  meanings  appear  in  the 
 later  lexicographei-s.  The  word  thus  passed  into 
 the  hands  of  the  I-XX.,  and  from  them  into  those  of 
 the  wiitei-s  of  the  N.  T.,  oscillating  between  the 
 two  meanings,  capable  of  being  used  in  either.  The 
 relations  which  had  existed  between  the  Jews  and 
 Pereians  would  ])erha))s  tend  to  give  a  prominence 
 to  the  more  favourable  associations  in  their  use  of 
 it.  In  Daniel  (i.  20,  ii.  2,  lU,  27,  v.  11)  it  is 
 used,  as  has  been  noticed,  for  the  priestly  diviners 
 with  whom  the  prophet  was  associated.  There  were, 
 however,  other  influences  at  work  tending  to  (hag 
 it  down.  The  swai-ms  of  impostors  that  weie  to 
 be  met  with  in  every  part  of  the  Roman  empire, 
 known  as  "  C'haldaei,"  "  JIathematici,"  and  the 
 like,  bore  this  name  also.— III.  We  necil  not  wonder 
 accordingly  to  fiml  that  this  is  the  pretiominaut 
 moaning  of  the  word  as  it  appears  in  the  N.  T. 
 The  noun  and  the  verb  derived  t'rom  it  are  used  by 
 .St.  Luke  in  describing  the  impostor,  who  is  there- 
 fore known  distinctively  as  Simon  Magus  (Acts  viii. 
 9).  Another  of  the  satiie  cla^s  (Bai-jesus)  is  de- 
 scribed (Acts  xiii.  8)  as  having,  in  his  cognomen 
 Klymas,  a  title  which  was  equivalent  to  Magus.  In 
 one  memorable  instance,  however,  the  word  letain- 
 (probably,  at  lea-st)  its  better  meaning.  In  the 
 fiospel  of  St.  Matthew,  written  (according  to  the 
 general  belief  of  early  Christian  writers)  for  the 
 Mnbrew  Christians  of  Palestine,  we  find  it.  not  a~ 
 embodying  the  contempt  which  the  fiauds  cif  im- 
 postors had  brought  upon  it  through  the  whole 
 Koman  empire,  but  in  the  sense  which  it  had  had, 
 of  old,  as  associated  with  a  religion  which  they  re- 
 spected, and  an  order  of  which  one  of  their  own 
 prophets  had  been  the  head.  The  vagueness  of  the 
 description  leaves  their  countiy  undefined,  and  im- 
 plies that  probably  the  Kvangelist  himself  had  no 
 certain  information.  We  cannot  wonder  that  there 
 should  have  been  very  varying  interpretations  given 
 of  words  that  allowetl  so  wide  a  field  lor  conjecture. 
 Some  of  these  are,  for  various  reasons,  worth  notii;ing. 
 ( 1 )  The  feeling  of  some  early  writers  that  the  coming 
 of  the  wise  men  was  the  fullllment  of  the  piopliecy 
 which  spoke  of  the  gifts  of  the  men  of  Sheba  and 
 Seba  (Ps.  Ixxii.  10,  15;  comp.  Is.  Ix.  6)  led  thcni 
 to  fix  on  Arabia  as  the  coiuitry  of  the  Magi.  (2) 
 Others  have  conjectured  Mes()])(itamia  as  the  great 
 seat  of  Chaldaean  astrology,  or  Kgypt  as  the  country 
 in  which  magic  was  most  prevalent.  (3)  The  his- 
 torical associations  of  the  woid  led  others  again, 
 with  greater  probability,  to  fix  on  Pei-sia,  while 
 Hyde  suggests  Parthia.  It  is  perhaps  a  legitimnte 
 inference  from  Matt.  ii.  that  in  these  Magi  we  may 
 
 MAGI 
 
 recognise,  as  the  Church  has  done  frotT)  a  very  early 
 pei'iod,  the  first  Oentile  worshippers  of  the  Christ. 
 The  narrative  supplies  us  with  an  outline  which  we 
 may  legitimately  endeavour  to  till  up,  as  far  as  oiu' 
 knowledge  enables  us,  with  inference  and  illustra- 
 tion. Some  time  after  the  birth  of  Jesus  there  ap- 
 peared among  the  strangers  who  visited  Jerusalem 
 these  men  from  the  far  East.  They  were  not  idol- 
 ators.  Their  fonn  of  w-orship  was  looked  upon  by 
 the  Jews  with  greater  tolerance  and  sympathy  than 
 that  of  any  other  Gentiles  (comp.  Wisd.  xiii.  6,  7). 
 Whatever  may  have  been  their  country,  their  name 
 indicates  that  they  would  be  watchers  of  the  stars, 
 seeking  to  read  in  them  the  destinies  of  nations. 
 They  say  that  they  have  seen  a  star  in  which  they 
 recognise  such  a  prognostic,  'fhey  are  sure  that  one 
 is  born  King  of  the  Jesvs,  and  they  come  to  pay 
 their  homage.  It  may  have  been  simply  that  the 
 quarter  of  the  heavens  in  which  the  star  apjjeared 
 indicated  the  direction  of  Judaea.  It  may  have  beei- 
 that  some  foiin  of  the  prophecy  of  Balaam  that  a 
 "star  should  rise  out  of  Jacob  "  I'Num.  xxiv.  17) 
 had  reached  them,  either  through  the  Jews  of  the 
 l)ispeision,  or  through  traditions  running  parallel 
 with  the  0.  T.,  and  that  this  led  them  to  recognise 
 its  fulfilment.  It  may  have  been,  lastly,  that  th« 
 traditional  predictions  ascribed  to  their  own  prophet 
 Zoroaster,  led  them  to  expect  a  succession  of  three 
 deliverei-s,  two  working  as  prophets  to  reform  the 
 world  and  raise  up  a  kingdom ;  the  third  (Zo- 
 siosh),  the  greatest  of  the  three,  coming  to  be  the 
 head  of  the  kingdom,  to  conquer  Ahiiman  and  to 
 raise  the  dead.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  they  ap- 
 peared, occup\'ing  the  position  of  Destur-Mobeds  in 
 the  later  Zoroastrian  hierarchy,  as  the  representa- 
 tives of  many  others  who  shared  the  same  feeling. 
 They  came,  at  any  rate,  to  pay  their  homage  to  the 
 king  whose  birth  was  thus  indicifed  (comp.  Gen. 
 xliii.  11  ;  Ps.  Ixxii.  15;  1  K.  x.  2,  10;  2  Chr.  ix. 
 24  ;  Cant.  iii.  6.  iv.  14).  The  arrival  of  such  a  com- 
 ])nny,  bound  on  so  strange  an  eirand,  in  the  last  veal's 
 of  the  tyrannous  and  distrustful  Heiod,  could  hardly 
 fail  to  attract  notice  .and  excite  a  peo])le,  among 
 whom  Messianic  expectations  had  alreaily  begun  to 
 show  themselves  (Luke  ii.  25,  38).  The  Sanhedrim 
 was  convened,  and  the  question  where  the  Messiah 
 was  to  be  born  was  formally  placed  before  them. 
 The  answer  given,  based  upon  the  trailitional  infer- 
 jiretation  of  Mic.  v.  2,  that  Bethlehem  was  to  be  the 
 birthplace  of  the  Christ,  determined  the  king's  plans. 
 He  had  found  out  the  locality.  It  remained  to  de- 
 termine the  time:  with  what  was  jnobably  a  real 
 belief  in  astrologv,  he  inquired  ol'  them  diligently, 
 when  they  had  first  seen  the  '-tar.  If  he  assiiine.1 
 that  that  was  contemporaneous  with  the  birth,  he 
 <ould  not  be  fiir  wrong.  The  Magi  accordingly  aie 
 sent  on  to  Bethlehem,  as  if  they  were  but  the  iore- 
 runneis  of  the  king's  own  homage.  As  they  joiir- 
 iieved  tliev  again  saw  the  star,  which  for  a  time,  it 
 would  seem,  they  had  lost  sight  of,  and  it  guidwi 
 them  on  theii  way.  The  pressure  of  the  crowds, 
 which  a  fortnight,  or  four  months,  or  well-nigh 
 two  years  before,  had  driven  Mary  and  .loseph  to 
 the  rude  stable  of  the  caravanserai  of  Bethlehem, 
 had  apparently  abated,  and  the  M.-igi  entering  "  the 
 house"  (Matt.  ii.  11)  fell  <lown  and  paiil  their 
 homage  and  olfeieil  their  gitls.  Once  more  they 
 receive  guidance  through  the  channel  which  their 
 work  and  their  studies  bad  maile  familiar  to  them. 
 From  first  to  last,  in  Media,  in  Babylon,  in  Persia, 
 the   Magi  had   been   I'anious  as  the  interprete«  ol 
 
MAGIC 
 
 dreams.  That  which  they  received  now  need  not 
 have  involved  a  disclosure  of  the  plans  of  Herod  to 
 them.  It  was  enough  that  it  directed  them  to 
 "  return  to  their  own  country  another  way."  With 
 this  their  history,  so  far  us  the  N.  T.  carries  us, 
 comes  to  an  end.  It  need  hardly  he  said  that  tiiis 
 part  of  the  Gospel  narrative  has  had  to  bear  the 
 brunt  of  the  attacks  of  a  hostile  criticism.  The 
 omission  of  all  mention  of  the  Magi  in  a  gospel 
 which  enters  so  fully  into  all  the  circumsbinces  of 
 the  infancy  of  Christ  as  that  of  St.  Luke,  and  the 
 difficulty  of  harmonising  this  incident  with  those 
 which  he  narrates,  have  been  urged  as  at  least 
 throwing  suspicion  on  what  St.  Matthew  alone  has 
 recorded.  So  fiir  as  we  cannot  e.xplain  it,  our  igno- 
 lance  of  all,  or  nearly  all,  the  circumstances  of  the 
 composition  of  the  Gospels  is  a  suHicient  answer.  It 
 is,  however,  at  least  possible  that  St.  Luke,  knowing 
 that  the  facts  reiiited  by  St.  Matthew  were  already 
 current  among  the  churches,  sought  rather  to  add 
 what  was  not  yet  recorded.  Something  too  may 
 have  been  due  to  the  leading  thouglits  of  the  two 
 Gospels.— IV.  In  this  instance,  as  in  others,  what 
 is  told  by  the  Gospel-writers  in  plain  simple  words, 
 has  become  the  nucleus  for  a  whole  cycle  of  le- 
 gends. A  Christian  mythology  has  overshadowed 
 that  which   itself  had  nothing  in  common  with  it. 
 
 (1)  The  Magi  are  no  longer  thought  of  as  simply 
 "  wise  men,"  members  of  a  sacred  order.  The  pro- 
 phecies of  Ps.  Ixxii.  ;  Is.  xlix.  7,  23,  Ix.  16,  must 
 be   fulfilled   in    them,    and    they    become  princes. 
 
 (2)  The  number  of  the  VV^ise  Men,  which  St.  Mat- 
 thew leaves  altogether  undefined,  was  arbitrarily 
 Hxed.  They  were  three.  (3)  Symbolic  meanings 
 were  foinid  tor  e.ich  of  the  three  gifts.  (4)  Later 
 on,  in  a  tradition  which,  though  ajipearirig  '"^  a 
 Western  writer,  is  traceable  probably  to  reporcs 
 brought  back  by  pilgrims  fiom  Italy  or  the  East, 
 the  names  are  added,  and  Caspar,  Melchior,  and 
 Baltha^iar,  take  their  place  among  the  objects  of 
 Christian  reverence,  and  aie  honoured  as  the  patron 
 saints  of  travellers.  In  the  Eastern  Church,  where, 
 it  would  seem,  there  was  le.-s  desire  to  find  sym- 
 bolic meanings  than  to  magnify  the  circumstances 
 of  the  history,  the  traditions  assume  a  different 
 character.  The  Magi  airive  at  Jerusalem  with  a 
 retinue  of  1000  men,  having  left  behind  them,  on 
 the  further  bank  of  the  Euphrates,  an  aimv  of  7000. 
 Among  other  relics  supplied  to  meet  the  demands 
 of  the  market  which  the  devotion  of  Helena  had 
 created,  the  bodies  of  the  Magi  are  disco veied  some- 
 where in  the  East,  aie  brought  to  Constantinople, 
 and  placed  in  the  great  church  which,  as  the  Mosque 
 of  St.  Sophia,  still  bears  in  its  name  the  witness  of 
 its  original  dedication  to  the  Divine  Wisdom.  The 
 favour  with  which  the  people  of  Milan  received  the 
 enij)c?oi's  prefect  Eustorgius  called  for  some  special 
 mark  of  favour,  and  on  his  consecration  as  bishop  of 
 that  city,  he  obtained  for  it  the  privilege  of  being 
 the  resting-place  of  the  precious  relics.  When 
 Milan  fell  into  the  hands  of  Frederick  Barbarossa 
 (a.D.  1162)  the  influence  of  the  archbishop  of  Co- 
 logne prevailed  on  the  emperor  to  transfer  them  to 
 that  city.  In  that  proud  cathedral  which  is  the 
 glory  of  Teutonic  art  the  shrine  of  the  Three  Kings 
 has  for  six  centuries  been  shown  as  the  greatest 
 of  its  many  treasures. 
 
 Magic,  Magicians.  The  magical  arts  spoken 
 of  in  the  Bible  are  those  practised  by  the  Egyptians, 
 the  Canaanites,  and  their  neighbours,  the  Hebrews, 
 the  Chaldaeans,  and  probably  the  Greek's.     With 
 
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 499 
 
 the  lowest  race  magic  is  the  chief  part  of  religion. 
 The  Nigritians,  or  blacks  of  this  race,  show  this  in 
 their  extreme  use  of  amulets  and  their  worship  of 
 objects  which  have  no  other  value  in  their  eves  bn* 
 as  having  a  supposed  magical  character  throucjh  the 
 influence  of  supernatural  agents.  With  the  Turan- 
 ians, or  corresponding  whites  of  the  same  gieat 
 family, — we  use  the  word  white  for  a  group  of 
 nations  mainly  yellow,  in  contradistinction  to  black, 
 — incantations  and  witchcraft  occupy  the  same  place, 
 shamanism  characterizing  their  tribes  in  both  hemi- 
 spheies.  The  ancient  Egyptians  show  then-  partlv- 
 Nigritian  origin  not  alone  in  their  physical  charac- 
 teristics and  language  but  in  their  religion.  With 
 the  Shemites  magic  takes  a  lower  place.  Nowhere 
 is  it  even  part  of  religion  ;  yet  it  is  looked  upon  as 
 a  powerful  engine,  and  generally  unlawful  or  lawful 
 according  to  the  aid  invoked.  Among  many  of  the 
 Shemite  peoples  there  linger  the  remnants  of  a  pri- 
 mitive fetishism.  Sacred  trees  and  stones  are  reve- 
 renced from  an  old  superstition,  of  which  they  do 
 not  always  know  the  meaning,  derived  fiom  the 
 nations  whose  place  they  have  taken.  Thus  fetishism 
 I'emains,  although  in  a  kind  of  fossil  state.  The 
 importance  of  astrology  with  the  Shemites  has 
 feuded  to  raise  the  character  of  their  magic,  which 
 deals  lather  with  the  discovery  of  supposed  existing 
 intiuences  than  with  the  production  of  new  influ- 
 ences. The  only  direct  association  of  magic  with 
 religion  is  where  the  priests,  as  the  educated  class, 
 have  taken  the  functions  of  magicians  ;  but  this  is 
 far  different  from  the  case  of  the  Nigritians,  where 
 the  magicians  are  the  only  priests.  The  Iranians 
 assign  to  magic  a  still  less  important  position.  It 
 can  scarcely  be  traced  in  the  relics  of  old-nature- 
 worship,  which  they  with  greater  skill  than  the 
 Egyptians  interwove  with  their  more  intellectual 
 beliefs.  Magic  always  maintained  some  hold  on 
 men's  minds ;  but  the  stronger  intellects  despised 
 it.  The  Hebrews  had  no  magic  of  their  own.  It 
 was  so  strictly  forbidden  by  the  Law  that  it  could 
 never  afterwards  have  had  any  recognised  existence, 
 save  in  times  of  general  heresy  or  apostasy,  and  the 
 same  was  doubtless  the  case  in  the  patriarchal  ages. 
 The  magical  practices  which  obtained  among  the 
 Hebrews  were  therefore  borrowed  from  the  nation;- 
 around.  The  hold  they  gained  was  such  as  we 
 should  have  expected  with  a  Shemite  race,  making 
 allowance  for  the  discredit  thrown  upon  tbem  by 
 the  prohibitions  of  the  Law.  Erom  the  first  en- 
 ti-ance  into  the  Land  of  Promise  until  the  destruc- 
 tion of  Jerusalem  we  have  constant  glimpses  of 
 magic  practised  in  secret,  or  resorted  to,  not  aloni" 
 by  the  common  but  also  by  the  great.  The  Talmud 
 abounds  in  notices  of  contemporai  y  magic  among 
 the  Jews,  showing  that  it  survived  idolatry  notwith- 
 standing their  oiiginal  connexion,  and  was  supposed 
 to  produce  real  effects.  The  Kur-an  in  like  manner 
 treats  charms  and  incantations  as  capable  of  pro- 
 ducing evil  consequences  when  used  against  a  man. 
 It  is  a  di^tinctiv^e  characteristic  of  the  Bible  that 
 li'om  first  to  last  it  warrants  no  such  trustor  dreaa 
 lu  examining  the  mentions  of  magic  in  the  Bible, 
 we  must  keep  in  view  the  curious  inquiry  whether 
 there  be  any  reality  in  the  art.  We  would  at  the 
 outset  protest  against  the  idea,  once  very  prevalent, 
 that  the  conviction  that  the  seen  and  unseen  worlds 
 were  often  more  manifestly  in  cont.w;t  in  the  Bib- 
 lical ages  than  now  necessitates  a  belief  in  the 
 reality  of  the  magic  spoken  of  in  the  Scriptures. 
 The  theft  and  carrying  away  of  Laban's  feraphim 
 
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500 
 
 MAGIC 
 
 by  Rachel,  seems  to  indicate  the  practice  of  mnf;ic 
 in  Padan-aram  at  this  early  time.  It  appeals  that 
 Laban  attached  great  value  to  these  objects,  from 
 what  he  said  as  to  the  theft  and  his  detenniued 
 search  for  them  (Gen.  xxxi.  19,  SO,  32-35).  The 
 most  important  point  is  that  Laban  calls  them  his 
 "  gods"  (ibid.  30,  3'2^,  althongh  he  was  not  with- 
 out belief  in  the  true  God  (24,49-53);  for  this 
 makes  it  almost  certain  that  we  have  here  not  an 
 indication  of  the  worship  of  strange  gods,  but  the 
 first  notice  of  a  supeistition  that  afterwards  ob- 
 tained among  those  Israelites  who  added  corrupt 
 practices  to  the  true  religion.  The  derivation  of 
 the  name  terapliim  is  extremely  obscure.  We 
 should  prefer,  if  no  other  etymology  be  found,  to 
 suppose  that  the  name  might  mean  "  dancers " 
 or  "  causers  of  dancing,"  with  reference  either  to 
 primitive  nature-woiship  or  its  magical  rites  of 
 the  character  of  shamnnism,  rather  than  that  it 
 .signifies,  as  Gesenius  suggests,  "  givers  of  plea- 
 sant life."  There  seems,  however,  to  be  a  cognate 
 word,  unconnected  with  the  unused  root  just 
 mentioned,  in  ancient  Egyptian,  whence  we  may 
 obtain  a  conjectural  derivation.  We  do  not  of  course 
 trace  the  worship  of  teraphim  to  the  sojourn  in 
 Kgypt.  But  there  is  great  reason  for  supposing  a 
 close  connexion  between  the  oldest  language  and 
 religion  of  Chaldaea,  and  the  ancient  Kgyjttian  lan- 
 guage and  religion.  There  is  no  description  of 
 these  images ;  but  from  the  account  of  Michnl's 
 stratagem  to  deceive  Saul's  messengers,  it  is  evi- 
 dent, if  only  one  image  be  there  meant,  as  is  very 
 probable,  that  they  were  at  least  sometimes  of  the 
 size  of  a  man,  and  perhaps  in  the  head  and  shoulders, 
 if  not  lower,  of  human  sha])e,  or  of  a  similar  Ibrni 
 (1  Sam.  xix.  13-16).  The  worship  or  use  of  tera- 
 phim after  the  occupation  of  the  I'loniised  Land 
 cannot  be  doubted  to  have  been  one  of  the  corrupt 
 practices  of  those  Hebrews  who  leant  to  idolatry, 
 but  did  not  abandon  their  belief  in  the  God  of 
 Israel.  The  accoinitof  Micah's  images  in  the  Book 
 of  Judges,  compared  with  a  passage  in  Hosea  (iii. 
 4,  5),  shows  our  conclusion  to  be  correct.  We  pass 
 to  the  magiciil  use  of  teraphim.  By  the  Israelites 
 they  were  consulted  for  oracular  answers.  This  was 
 apparently  done  by  the  Danites  who  asked  Micah's 
 Levite  to  inquire  as  to  the  success  of  their  spying 
 expedition  (.ludg.  xviii.  5,  6).  In  later  times  this 
 is  distinctly  stated  of  the  Israelites  where  Zechariah 
 says,  "  For  the  teraphim  have  spoken  vanity,  and 
 the  divinere  have  seen  a  lie,  and  have  told  false 
 dreams "  (x.  2).  It  cannot  be  supposed  that,  as 
 this  first  positive  mention  of  the  use  of  tera])him 
 for  divination  by  the  Israelites  is  after  the  return 
 from  Babylon,  and  as  that  use  obtained  with  the 
 Babylonians  in  the  time  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  there- 
 fore the  Israelites  borrowed  it  from  their  con- 
 queroi^s  ;  for  these  objects  are  mentioned  in  earlier 
 places  in  such  a  manner  that  their  connexion  with 
 divination  must  be  intended,  if  we  bear  in  mind 
 that  this  connexion  is  undoubted  in  a  suKsequent 
 period  (conip.  1  Sam.  xv.  22,  23;  2  K.  xxiii.  24;. 
 The  only  account  of  the  act  of  divining  by  tera- 
 phim is  in  a  remarkable  pas.sage  of  Kzekiel  relating 
 to  Nebuchadnezzar's  advance  against  Jcru.salem. 
 "  Aho  thou  son  of  man,  appoint  thee  two  ways, 
 that  the  swoid  of  the  king  of  Babylon  may  come: 
 both  twain  [two  swords]  shall  come  forth  oi;t  of 
 one  land:  and  choo.se  thou  a  place,  choose  [if]  at 
 tlie  head  of  the  way  to  the  city.  Appoint  a  way. 
 th»t   file   sword   may   lonif  to   Nabbafh  ol  the  .\ni- 
 
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 monitts,  and  to  Judah  in  .lerusalem  thedefenced. 
 For  the  king  of  Babylon  stood  at  the  parting  of  the 
 way,  at  the  head  of  the  two  ways,  to  use  divina- 
 tion: he  shuflled  ariows,  he  consulted  with  tera- 
 phim, he  looked  in  the  liver.  At  his  right  haiiu 
 was  the  divination  for  Jerusalem"  (xxi.  19-22 1. 
 The  mention  together  of  consulting  teraphim  and 
 looking  into  the  liver,  may  not  indicate  that  the 
 victim  was  offered  to  tera])him  and  its  liver  then 
 looked  into,  but  may  mean  two  separate  acts  o» 
 divining.  Before  speaking  of  the  notices  of  the 
 Egyptian  magicians  in  (lenesis  and  Exodus,  there 
 is  one  passage  that  may  be  examined  out  of  the 
 regular  order.  Joseph,  when  his  brethren  left  after 
 fheir  second  visit  to  buy  corn,  ordered  his  steward 
 to  hide  his  silver  cup  in  Benjamin's  sack,  and  after- 
 wards sent  him  after  them,  ordering  him  to  claim 
 it,  thus:  "  [Is]  not  this  [it]  in  which  my  loid 
 driuketh,  and  whereby  indeed  he  divineth?"  (Gen. 
 xliv.  5).  Two  uses  of  cups  or  the  like  for  magical 
 purposes  have  obtained  in  the  East  from  ancient 
 times.  In  one  use  either  the  cup  itself  bears  en- 
 graved inscriptions,  supposed  to  have  a  magical 
 influence,  or  it  is  plain  and  such  inscriptions  are 
 written  on  its  inner  surface  in  ink.  In  boih  cases 
 water  poured  into  the  cup  is  drunk  by  those  wish- 
 ing to  derive  benefit,  as,  for  instance,  the  cure  of 
 diseases,  from  the  inscriptions,  which,  if  written, 
 are  dissolved.  This  u.se,  in  both  its  Ibrnis,  obtains 
 among  the  Arabs  in  the  present  day.  In  the  other 
 use  the  cup  or  bowl  was  of  very  secondary  import- 
 ance. It  was  merely  the  receptacle  for  water,  in 
 which,  after  the  performance  of  magical  rites,  a 
 boy  looked  to  see  what  the  magician  desired.  This 
 is  precisely  the  same  as  the  practice  of  the  modern 
 Egy[)tiaii  magicians,  where  the  difference  that  ink  is 
 employed  and  is  poured  into  the  palm  of  the  boy's 
 hand  is  merely  accidental.  As  this  latter  use  only 
 is  of  the  nature  of  divination,  it  is  probiible  that  to 
 it  .Joseph  referred.  The  magicians  of  Egypt  are 
 spoken  of  as  a  class  in  the  histories  of  Jo.seph  and 
 ISIo.ses.  When  Pfiiuaoh's  ollicers  were  troubled  by 
 their  dreams,  being  in  prison  they  were  at  a  loss 
 for  an  interpreter.  Before  .Joseph  explained  the 
 dreams  he  disclaimed  the  power  of  interpreting  save 
 by  the  Divine  aid,  saying  "  [Do]  not  interpretations 
 [belong]  to  God?  tell  me  [them],  I  pray  you" 
 (Gen.  xl.  8).  In  like  manner  when  Pharaoh  had 
 his  two  dreams  we  find  that  he  had  recourse  to 
 those  who  professed  to  interjiret  dreams.  Joseph, 
 being  sent  for  on  the  report  of  the  chief  of  the  cup. 
 bearers,  was  told  by  Phaiaoh  that  he  had  heard 
 that  he  could  interpret  a  dream.  From  the  expect- 
 ations of  the  Egyptians  and  Joseph's  disavowals, 
 we  see  that  the  iiiteipretation  of  dreams  was  a 
 branch  of  the  knowledge  to  which  the  ancient  Egypt- 
 ian magicians  pretended.  We  again  hear  of  the 
 magicians  of  Egypt  in  the  narrative  of  the  events 
 Jjefore  the  Exodus.  They  were  summoned  by  Pha- 
 raoh to  oppose  Moses.  The  account  of  what  they 
 ellected  requires  to  be  corefully  e.\aminod,  from  its 
 bearing  on  the  question  whether  magic  be  an  iin- 
 ])osture.  We  read:  "And  the  Loid  s])ake  unto 
 Motes  and  unto  Aaron,  saying,  When  Pharaoh  shall 
 speak  unto  you,  saying,  .^how  a  miracle  for  you : 
 then  thou  shait  say  unto  Aaron,  Take  thy  rod,  and 
 cast  [it]  bcfoie  Pharaoh,  [and]  it  shall  become  a 
 serpent."  It  is  then  relate<l  that  Aaron  did  thus., 
 and  ;ii terwards :  "  Then  Pharaoh  idso  called  the 
 wise  men  and  the  enchanters:  now  they,  the  scrilies 
 ul'  Eeypt,  «lid  so  by  tiri'ir  x'crct  arts:   Ibr  they  cist 
 
MAGIC 
 
 dowrt  every  man  his  rod,  and  they  became  serpents, 
 but  Aaron's  rod  swallowed  up  their  rods"  (Ex.  vii. 
 8-12).  The  rods  were  probably  long  staves  like 
 those  represented  on  the  Egyptian  monuments,  not 
 much  less  than  the  height  of  a  man.  If  the  word 
 used  mean  here  a  scipent,  the  Egyptian  magicians 
 may  have  feigned  a  change :  if  it  signify  a  crocudile 
 they  could  scarcely  have  done  so.  The  names  by 
 which  the  magicians  are  designated  are  to  be  noted. 
 That  which  we  render  "  scribes"  seems  here  to  have 
 a  general  signification,  including  wise  men  and  en- 
 chantei-s.  The  last  term  is  more  definite  in  its 
 meaning,  denoting  users  of  incantations.  On  the 
 occasion  of  the  first  plague,  the  turning  the  rivers 
 and  waters  of  Egypt  into  blood,  the  opposition  of 
 the  magicians  again  occurs.  "  And  the  scribes 
 of  Egypt  did  so  by  their  seciet  arts"  (vii,  22). 
 When  the  second  plague,  that  of  frogs,  was  sent, 
 the  magicians  again  made  the  same  opposition 
 (viii.  7).  Once  more  they  appear  in  the  history. 
 The  plague  of  lice  came,  and  we  read  that  when 
 Aaron  had  worked  the  wonder  the  magicians  opposed 
 him  :  "  And  the  scribes  did  so  by  their  secret  arts 
 to  bring  forth  the  lice,  but  they  could  not:  so  there 
 were  Lee  upon  man  and  upon  beast.  And  the 
 scribes  said  unto  Pharaoh,  This  [is]  the  finger  of 
 God:  but  Phaiaoh's  heart  was  hardened,  and  he 
 hearkened  not  unto  them,  as  the  Lord  had  said  " 
 (viii.  18,  19,  Heb.  14,  15).  After  this  we  hear 
 no  more  of  the  magicians.  All  we  can  gather  from 
 the  narrative  is  that  the  appearances  produced  by 
 them  were  sufficient  to  deceive  Pharaoh  on  three 
 occasions.  We  turn  to  the  Egyptian  illustrations 
 of  this  part  of  the  subject.  Magic,  as  we  have 
 before  remarked,  was  inherent  in  the  ancient  Egyp- 
 tian religion.  The  Ritual  is  a  system  of  incanta- 
 tions and  directions  for  making  amulets,  with  tlie 
 object  of  sp'^uiing  the  future  happiness  of  the  dis- 
 embodied soul.  However  obscure  the  belief  of  the 
 Egyptians  as  to  tlie  actual  character  of  the  state 
 ot  the  soul  after  death  may  be  to  us,  it  cannot  be 
 doubted  that  the  knowledge  and  use  of  the  magical 
 amulets  and  incantations  treated  of  in  the  llitual 
 was  held  to  be  necessary  for  future  happiness, 
 although  it  was  not  believed  that  they  alone  could 
 ensure  it,  since  to  liave  done  good  works,  or,  more 
 stiictly,  not  to  have  committed  certain  sins,  was  an 
 essential  condition  of  the  acquittal  of  the  soul  in 
 the  great  tiial  in  Hades.  Besides  the  Ritual  the 
 ancient  Egyptians  had  books  of  a  purely  magical 
 character.  The  main  source  of  then'  belief  in  the 
 efficacy  of  magic  appears  to  have  been  the  idea  that 
 the  souls  of  the  dead,  whether  justified  or  con- 
 demned, had  tlie  power  of  revisiting  the  earth  and 
 taking  various  forms.  Bearing  in  mind  the  Nigrit- 
 ian  nature  of  Egyptian  magic,  we  may  look  for  the 
 source  of  these  ideas  in  primitive  Africa.  Like  all 
 nations  who  have  practised  magic  generally,  the 
 Egyptians  separated  it  into  a  lawful  kind  and  an 
 unlawful.  A  belief  in  unlucky  and  lucky  days,  in 
 actions  to  be  avoided  or  done  on  certain  days,  and 
 in  the  fortune  attending  birth  on  certain  d:iys,  was 
 e.ttremely  strong.  Astrology  was  also  held  in  high 
 honour.  The  belief  in  omens  probably  did  not  taUe 
 an  important  place  in  Egyptian  magic,  if  we  may 
 judge  fiom  the  absence  of  direct  mention  of  them. 
 The  superstition  as  to  "the  evil  eye"  appears  to 
 have  been  known,  but  there  is  nothing  else  that  we 
 can  class  with  phenomena  of  the  nature  of  animal 
 magnetism,  'i'wo  classes  of  learned  men  bad  the 
 charge  of  the  magical  books  :  one  of  these,  the  name 
 
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 601 
 
 of  which  nas  not  been  read  phonetically,  would 
 seem  to  correspond  to  the  "  scribes,"  as  we  render 
 the  word,  spoken  of  in  the  history  of  Joseph ; 
 whereas  the  other  has  the  general  sense  of  "  wise 
 men,"  like  the  other  class  there  mentioned.  The 
 Law  contains  very  distinct  prohibitions  of  all  ma- 
 gical arts.  Besides  several  passages  condemning 
 them,  in  one  place  there  is  a  specification  which  is 
 so  full  that  it  seems  evident  that  its  object  is  to 
 include  every  kind  of  magical  art.  The  Israelites 
 are  commanded  in  the  place  refeiTed  to  not  to  learn 
 the  abominations  of  the  peoples  of  the  Promised 
 Land.  Then  follows  this  prohibition:  "There  shall 
 not  be  found  with  thee  one  who  offereth  his  son  or  his 
 daughter  by  fire,  a  practiser  of  divinations  {/tosem 
 kesdmiui),  a  worker  of  hidden  aits  {me'onen),  an 
 augurer  (menachesh),  an  enchanter  {tnecdssheph), 
 or  a  fabricator  of  charms  (cheber  chaber),  or  an  in- 
 quirer by  a  familiar  spirit  {shoel  6b),  or  a  wizard 
 (yidde  6ni),  or  a  consulter  of  the  dead  (doresh  el- 
 haininethiiti)."  It  is  added  that  these  are  abomina- 
 tions, and  that  on  account  of  their  practice  the 
 nations  of  Canaan  were  to  be  driven  out  (Deut. 
 xviii.  9-14,  esp.  10,  11).  It  is  remarkable  that 
 the  offering  of  children  should  be  mentioned  in  con- 
 nexion with  magical  arts.  The  terms  which  follow 
 appear  to  refer  properly  to  eight  different  kinds  of 
 magic,  but  some  of  them  are  elsewhere  used  in  a 
 general  sense.  1.  Kosem  hesdinim  is  literally  "a 
 diviner  of  diA-inations."  2.  Me'onen  conveys  the 
 idea  of  "  one  who  acts  covertly,"  and  so  "  a  worker 
 of  hidden  arts."  3.  Menachesh,  which  we  render 
 "  an  augurer,"  is  from  ndohash,  which  is  literally 
 "  he  or  it  hissed  or  whispered,"  and  in  Piel  is 
 applied  to  the  practice  of  enchantments,  but  also  to 
 divining  generally.  4.  Mecassheph  signifies  "  an 
 enchanter:"  the  original  meaning  of  the  verb  was 
 probably  "he  prayed,"  and  the  strict  sense  of  this 
 wo:d  "one  who  uses  incantations."  5.  Chober 
 chaber  seems  to  mean  "  a  fabricator  of  material 
 charms  or  amulets."  6.  Shoel  6b  is  "  an  inquirer 
 by  a  familiar  spirit."  The  second  term  signifies  a 
 bottle,  a  familiar  spirit  consulted  by  a  soothsayei', 
 and  a  soothsayer  having  a  familiar  spirit.  7.  Yid- 
 de'6ni,  which  we  render  "a  wizard,"  is  properly 
 "a  wise  man,"  but  is  always  applied  to  wizards 
 and  false  prophets.  8.  The  last  term,  doresh  el- 
 hammethim,  is  very  explicit,  meaning  "  a  consulter 
 of  the  dead :"  necromancer  is  an  exact  translation 
 if  the  original  signification  of  the  latter  is  retained, 
 instead  of  the  more  general  one  it  now  usually 
 bears.  The  history  of  Balaam  shows  the  belief  of 
 some  ancient  nations  in  the  powers  of  soothsayers. 
 When  the  Israelites  had  begun  to  conquer  the  Land 
 of  Promise,  Balak  the  kingof  Moab  and  the  elders 
 of  Midian,  resorting  to  Pharaoh's  expedient,  sent 
 by  messengers  with  "  the  rewards  of  divination  in 
 their  hands"  (Num.  xxii.  7)  for  Balaam  the  diviner 
 (Josh.  xiii.  22),  whose  fame  was  known  to  them 
 though  he  dwelt  in  Aram.  Balak's  message  shows 
 what  he  believed  Balaam's  powers  to  be  (Num. 
 xxii.  5,  6).  We  are  told,  hov.'ever,  that  Balaam, 
 warned  of  God,  first  said  that  he  could  not  speak 
 of  himself,  and  then  by  inspiration  blessed-  those 
 whom  he  had  been  sent  for  to  curse.  He  appears 
 to  have  received  inspiration  in  a  vision  or  a  trance. 
 From  xxiv.  1  it  would  seem  that  it  was  his  wont 
 to  use  enchantments,  and  that  when  on  other  occa- 
 sions he  went  away  after  the  sacrifices  had  been 
 offered,  he  hoped  tliat  he  could  prevail  to  obtain 
 the  wish  of  those  who  had  sent  for  him,  but  v.'as 
 
502  MAGIC 
 
 constantly  dfteated.  The  building  new  altars  of 
 the  mvotiu  number  of  seven,  and  the  oHei'ing  of 
 seven  oxen  and  seven  rams,  seem  to  show  that 
 Balaam  had  >ome  such  idea.  The  account  of  Sauls 
 consulting  the  witch  of  Kndor  is  the  foremost  place 
 in  Scriptu)e  of  those  which  refer  to  magic.  The 
 supernatural  tenor  with  which  it  is  full  cannot 
 however  be  proved  to  be  due  to  this  art,  for  it  has 
 always  been  held  by  sober  critics  that  the  appearing 
 of  Samuel  was  permitted  for  the  purpose  of  de- 
 claring the  doom  of  Saul,  and  not  that  it  was  caused 
 by  the  incjuitations  of  a  sorceress.  As,  however, 
 the  narrative  is  allowed  to  be  very  difficult,  we  may 
 look  for  a  moment  at  the  evidence  of  its  authen- 
 ticity. Tiie  details  are  strictly  in  accordance  with 
 the  age :  there  is  a  simplicity  in  the  manners  de- 
 scribed that  is  foreign  to  a  later  time.  The  cir- 
 cumst;inces  are  agreeable  with  the  rest  of  the  history, 
 and  especially  with  all  we  know  of  Saul's  chaiacter. 
 Here,  as  ever,  he  is  seen  lesolved  to  gain  his  ends 
 without  caring  what  wiong  he  does:  he  wishes  to 
 consult  a  ])rophet,  and  asks  a  witch  to  call  up  his 
 shade.  Most  of  all  the  vigour  of  the  narrative, 
 showing  us  the  scene  in  a  few  words,  proves  its 
 antiquity  and  genuineness.  We  can  see  no  reason 
 whatever  for  soipiiosing  that  it  is  an  interpolation. 
 Kroin  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  this  strange  history 
 we  have  no  warrant  for  attributing  supeinatural 
 power  to  magicians.  Viewed  reasonably,  it  refers 
 to  the  question  of  apparitions  of  the  dead  as  to 
 which  other  places  in  the  Bible  leave  no  doubt. 
 The  connexion  with  magic  seems  puiely  accidental. 
 The  witch  is  no  more  tiian  a  bystamler  after  the 
 (irst:  she  sees  Samuel,  and  that  is  all.  The  appa- 
 rition may  have  been  a  teirible  fulfilment  of  Saul's 
 desire,  but  this  does  not  prove  that  the  me;isnres  he 
 used  were  of  any  power.  We  have  examined  the 
 narrative  very  carefully,  from  its  detail  and  its  le- 
 niarkable  character:  tlie  result  leaves  the  main 
 question  unanswered.  In  the  later  days  of  the  two 
 kingdoms  ni.agical  ])ractices  of  many  kinds  prevailed 
 among  the  Hebrews,  as  we  especially  learn  from  the 
 condemnation  of  them  by  the  prophets.  Every 
 form  of  idolatry  which  the  people  had  adopted  in 
 succession  doubtless  brongiit  witli  it  its  magic, 
 which  ftems  always  to  have  i  eniaineil  with  a  strange 
 tenacity  that  piobably  made  it  outlive  the  false 
 worship  witii  which  it  was  connected.  In  the  his- 
 torical books  of  Scripture  theie  is  little  notice  of 
 magic,  excepting  that  wheiever  the  tiil.se  prophets 
 are  mentioned  we  have  no  doubt  an  indication  of 
 the  prevalence  of  magical  jiractices.  But  in  the 
 prophets  we  find  .seveial  notices  of  the  magic  of 
 the  Hebrews  in  their  times,  and  some  of  the  magic 
 of  foreign  nations.  Isaiah  says  that  the  people  had 
 become  "  workersof  hidden _arts  like  the  Philistines," 
 and  apparently  alludes  in  the  same  place  to  the 
 piactice  of  magic  by  the  Bene-Kedem  (ii.  6).  In 
 another  place  the  prophet  rej)roves  the  people  for 
 seeking  "  unto  them  that  have  familiar  spirits,  and 
 unto  the  wiairds  that  chirp,  and  that  mutter" 
 (viii.  19).  The  practices  of  one  cla.ss  of  magicians 
 are  still  more  distinctly  described  (xxix.  3,  4). 
 U-iiah  alludes  to  the  magic  of  the  Kgyjitians  when 
 lie  Mys  that  in  their  calamity  "  they  shall  seek  to 
 the  idols,  and  to  the  ch;umei-s,  and  to  them  that 
 have  familiar  spirit."*,  and  to  the  wizards"  (xix.  3). 
 In  xlvii.  12,  13  the  magic  of  Babylon  is  cha- 
 racterize<l  by  the  prominence  given  to  astrology,  no 
 magicians  being  mentioned  excepting  practisei-s  of 
 this  art;   unlike  the  case  of  the   Kgyptian-s  with 
 
 MAGIC 
 
 whom  astrology  seems  always  to  have  held  a  lowej 
 jilace  than  with  the  Ohaldaean  nation.  In  both  in- 
 stances the  folly  of  those  who  seek  the  aid  of  magic 
 is  shown.  Micah,  declaring  the  judgments  coming 
 for  the  crimes  of  his  time,  speaks  of  the  prevalence 
 of  divination  among  prophets  who  most  probablv 
 were  such  pretended  pio]>hets  as  the  o]iponents  of 
 Jeremiah,  not  avowed  prophet-s  of  idols,  as  Ahab's 
 seem  to  have  been  (iii.  6,  7,  11).  These  prophets 
 seein  to  have  pnactised  unlawful  arts,  and  yet  to 
 have  expecfal  revelations,  .leremiali  was  constantly 
 o])j)osed  by  fal.se  ))iophets,  who  pieten<led  to  speak 
 in  the  name  of  the  Lord,  saying  that  they  had 
 dreamt,  when  they  told  false  visions,  and  who  prac- 
 tised various  magical  arts  (xiv.  14,  xxiii.  25,  adjin., 
 xjtvii.  9,  10 — wheie  the  several  designations  applied 
 to  those  who  counselled  the  people  not  to  serve  the 
 king  of  Bal)ylon  may  be  used  in  contempt  of  the 
 false  piopliets — xxix.  8,  9/.  Ezekiel,  as  we  sliould 
 have  expected,  aHords  some  lemarkable  details  of 
 the  magic  of  his  time,  in  the  clear  and  foicible  de- 
 scriptions of  his  visions.  From  him  we  learn  that 
 fetisliism  was  among  the  idolatries  which  the  He- 
 brews, in  the  latest  days  of  the  kingdom  of  Judali, 
 had  adopteil  tiom  their  neighbours,  like  the  Romans 
 in  the  age  of  general  corruption  that  caused  the 
 decline  ot'  their  empire  (viii.  7-12).  This  idolatry 
 was  probably  borrowed  from  Egypt,  for  the  descrip- 
 tion i)erfectly  answcis  to  that  of  the  dark  sanc- 
 tuaries of  Egyptian  temples,  with  the  sacred  animals 
 ))ouitrayed  upon  their  walls,  and  does  not  accord 
 with  the  character  of  the  A&;yrian  sculptuies,  where 
 creeping  things  are  not  represented  as  objects  of 
 worship.  With  thi>  low  form  of  idolatry  an  equally 
 low  kind  of  magic  obtained,  practisetl  by  j)rophetes.ses 
 who  for  small  rewards  made  amulets  by  which  the 
 people  weie  tieceived  (xiii.  17  ad  fin.).  The  passage 
 must  be  allowe<l  to  be  very  difficult,  but  it  can 
 .sc;ircely  be  doubteil  that  amulets  are  referred  to 
 which  were  made  and  .--old  by  these  women,  and 
 |ierhaps  also  worn  by  them.  If  so,  we  have  .-i 
 practice  analogous  to  that  of  the  modern  Egyptians, 
 who  hang  amulets  of  the  kind  called  hegab  upon 
 the  right  side,  and  of  the  Nubians,  who  hang  them 
 on  the  upper  part  of  the  arm.  The  notice  of  Ne- 
 buchadnezzar's i.livination  by  arrows,  where  it  is 
 -said  "  he  shullled  arrows"  (xxi.  21),  must  refer  to 
 a  pi  actice  the  same  as  or  similar  to  the  kind  of  divin- 
 ation by  ariows  called  El-Mey.sar,  in  use  among 
 the  pagan  Arabs,  and  forbidden  in  the  Kur-an.  The 
 references  to  magic  in  the  book  of  Daniel  relate 
 wholly  to  that  of  Babylon,  and  not  so  much  to  the 
 art  as  to  those  who  used  it.  Daniel,  when  taken 
 captive,  was  instructed  in  the  learning  of  the  Chal- 
 d.ieaiis  and  placed  among  the  wise  men  of  Babylon 
 (ii.  18),  by  whom  we  are  to  understmd  the  Magi, 
 for  the  term  is  used  ;is  including  magicians,  sor- 
 cerers, enchanters,  astrologers,  ami  ChaMaeans,  the 
 htst  Ijeing  appaieiiflv  the  most  important  class  (ii. 
 2,  4,  5,  id,  12,  14,  'l8,  24,  27  ;  comp.  i.  20,.  As 
 in  other  cjises  the  true  prophet  w.is  put  to  thj 
 test  with  the  magicians,  and  he  succeeded  where 
 they  utterly  failed.  After  the  Captivity  it  is 
 probable  that  the  Jews  griulually  abandoned  the 
 practice  of  magic.  Zechariah  sjK\iks  indeed  of  the 
 deieit  of  tcra]ihim  and  divinei-s  (x.  2),  and  fore- 
 tells a  time  when  the  very  names  of' idols  should  be 
 forgotten  and  false  ]>iopliets  have  virtually  cea.sed 
 (xiii.  1-4),  yet  in  neither  case  does  it  seem  cert;iiii 
 that  he  is  alluding  to  the  usages  of  his  own  day. 
 In  the  .\pocryj'ha  we  find  indications  that  in  th« 
 
MAGIDDO 
 
 later  cciitiiiies  preceding  the  Clnisl'..in  era  magic 
 W!is  no  longer  practised  by  tlic  eJuaited  Jews.  In 
 the  Wisdom  of  Solomon  the  writer,  speaking  of  the 
 Eg^'ptian  magicians,  treats  their  art  as  an  impos- 
 ture (xvii.  7).  The  book  of  Tobit  is  an  exfeptional 
 case.  If  we  hold  that  it  was  written  in  J'eisia  or 
 a  neighbouring  country,  and,  with  Kwald,  date  its 
 composition  not  lonsj  after  the  tidl  of  the  Peisiau 
 empire,  it  is  obvious  that  it  relates  to  a  dirt'erent 
 state  of  society  to  that  of  the  Jews  of  Egypt  and 
 Palestine.  If,  however,  it  was  written  in  Palestine 
 about  the  time  of  the  Maccabees,  as  others  suppose, 
 we  must  still  recollect  that  it  refers  rather  to  the 
 sujJerstitions  of  the  common  people  than  to  those  of 
 the  learned.  In  tlie  N.  T.  we  lead  very  little  of 
 magic.  Our  Lord  is  not  said  to  have  been  opposed 
 by  magicians,  and  the  Apostles  and  other  eaily 
 teachers  of  the  Gospel  seem  to  have  larely  encoun- 
 tered them.  Philip  the  deacon,  when  he  preached 
 at  Samaria,  found  there  Simon  a  famous  magician, 
 commonly  known  as  Simon  Magus,  who  had  had 
 gi-eat  power  over  the  people ;  but  he  is  not  said  to 
 have  been  able  to  work  wonders,  nor,  had  it  been 
 so,  is  it  likely  that  he  would  have  soon  been  admitted 
 into  the  Church  (viii.  9-24).  When  St.  Barnabas 
 and  St.  Paul  were  at  Paphos,  as  they  preached  to 
 the  proconsul  Seigius  Paulus,  Elymas,  a  Jewisii 
 sorcerer  and  false  jirophet  withstood  them,  and  was 
 struck  blind  for  a  time  at  tno  word  of  St.  Paul 
 (xiii.  6-12).  At  Ejihi'sus,  certain  Jewish  exorcists 
 signally  failing,  both  Jews  and  Greeks  were  afraid, 
 and  abandoned  their  practice  of  magical  arts.  We 
 have  besides  the  remarkable  case  of  the  "damsel 
 having  a  spirit  of  divination  which  brought  her 
 masters  much  gain  by  foretelling,"  from  whom  St. 
 Paul  Ciist  out  the  spirit  of  divination  (xvi.  16-18). 
 This  is  a  matter  belonging  to  another  subject  than 
 that  of  magic.  Our  examination  of  the  various 
 notices  of  magic  in  the  Bible  gives  us  this  general 
 lesult : — They  do  not,  as  far  as  we  can  undei stiind, 
 once  state  positively  that  any  but  illusive  results 
 were  produced  by  magical  I'ites.  They  therefore 
 alifbrd  no  evidence  that  man  can  gain  supernatuial 
 powers  to  use  at  his  will.  This  consequence  goes 
 some  way  towaids  shovk'ing  that  we  may  conclude 
 that  there  is  no  such  thing  as  real  magic;  for 
 although  it  is  dangerous  to  reason  on  negative  evi- 
 dence, yet  in  a  case  of  this  kind  it  is  especially 
 strong. 
 
 Magid'do,  the  Greek  form  of  the  name  Me- 
 Ginno.     It  occurs  only  in  1  Esd.  i.  29. 
 
 Ma'gOg.  The  name  Magog  is  applied  in  Scrip- 
 ture both  to  a  person  and  to  a  land  or  people.  In 
 Gen.  X.  2  Magog  apjiears  as  the  second  son  of  Ja- 
 pheth  in  connexiou  with  Gomer  (the  Cimmerians) 
 and  Madai  (the  Bledes)  :  in  Ez.xxxviii.  2,  xxxix.  1, 
 6,  it  appears  as  a  countiy  or  people  of  \vhich  Gog 
 was  the  prince,  in  conjunction  with  Meshech  (the 
 Moschici),  Tubal  (the  Tibaieni),  and  Rosh  (the 
 Roxolani).  In  the  latter  of  these  senses  there  :s 
 evidently  implied  an  etymological  connexion  between 
 Gog  and  j\Ia-gog,  the  il/a  being  regarded  by 
 Ezekiel  as  a  prefix  significant  of  a  country.  In 
 this  case  Gog  contains  the  original  element  of  the 
 name,  which  may  possibly  have  its  origin  in  some 
 Persian  root.  The  notices  of  Magog  would  lead  us 
 to  fix  a  northern  locality :  not  only  did  all  the 
 tribes  mentioned  in  connexion  with  it  belong  to 
 that  quarter,  but  it  is  expressly  stated  by  Ezekiel 
 that  he  was  to  come  up  from  "  the  sides  of  the 
 north  "  'xxxix.  '2),  from  a  country  adjacent  to  that 
 
 MAHALATH 
 
 503 
 
 of  Togarmah  or  Armenia  (xxxviii.  0),  and  not  fai 
 from  "the  isles"  or  maritime  regions  of  Europe 
 (xxxix.  6).  The  people  of  Magog  furthe-  appear 
 as  having  a  force  of  cavaliy  (xxxviii.  15),  and  a» 
 armed  with  the  bow  (xxxix.  3).  From  the  above 
 data,  combined  with  the  consideration  of  the  time 
 at  which  Ezekiel  lived,  the  conclusion  has  been 
 drawn  that  Magog  lepresents  the  important  race  of 
 the  Scythians.  In  identifying  .Magog  with  the 
 Scythians,  however,  we  must  not  be  understood  as 
 using  the  latter  term  in  a  strictly  ethnogi-aphical 
 sense,  but  as  a  general  expression  for  the  tribes 
 living  north  of  the  Caucasus.  We  regard  Magog 
 as  essentially  a  geographical  term,  just  as  it  was 
 applied  by  the  Syrians  of  the  middle  ages  to  Asiatic 
 Tartary,  and  by  the  Arabians  to  the  district  be- 
 tween the  Caspian  and  Euxine  seas.  The  inhabitants 
 of  this  district  in  the  time  of  Ezekiel  were  un- 
 doubtedly the  people  generally  known  by  the 
 classical  name  of  Scythians.  In  the  latter  part  of 
 the  7th  centuiy  B.C.  they  had  become  well  known 
 as  a  formidable  power  through  the  whole  of  western 
 Asia.  As  far  as  the  Biblical  notices  are  concerned, 
 it  is  sufficient  to  slate  that  the  Scythians  of  Ezekiel's 
 age — the  Scythi;ms  of  Herodotus — were  in  all  prob- 
 ability a  Japhetic  I'ace. 
 
 Ma'gor-mis'sabib,  literally,  "terror  on  every 
 side  :  "  the  name  giveu  by  Jeremiah  to  Pashur  the 
 priest,  when  he  smote  him  and  put  liim  in  the 
 stocks  for  prophesying  against  the  idolatry  of  Jeru- 
 salem (Jer.  XX.  3). 
 
 Mag'piash,  one  of  the  heads  of  the  people  who 
 signed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  20). 
 The  same  as  Magbish  in  Ezr.  ii.  30. 
 
 Mah'alah.,  one  of  the  three  children  of  Ham- 
 moleketh,  the  sister  of  Gilead  (1  Chr.  vii.  18). 
 
 Maha'laleel.  1.  The  fourth  in  descent  from 
 Adam,  according  to  the  Sethite  genealogy,  and  son 
 of  Cainan  (Gen.  v.  12,  13,  15-17;  1  Chr.  i.  2).— 
 2.  A  descendant  of  Perez,  or  Pharez,  the  son  of 
 Judah  (Xeh.  xi.  4). 
 
 Mah'alath,  the  daughter  of  Ishmael,  and  one  of 
 the  wives  of  Esau  (Gen.  xxviii.  9). 
 
 Mah'alath.,  one  of  the  eighteen  wives  of  king 
 Rehoboam,  apparently  his  first  (2  Chr.  xi.  18  only). 
 She  was  her  husband's  cousin,  being  the  daughter 
 of  king  David's  son  Jerimoth. 
 
 Mah'alatb..  The  title  of  Ps.  liii.,  in  which  this 
 rare  word  occurs,  was  lendered  in  the  Geneva  ver- 
 sion, "  To  him  that  excelleth  on  Mahalath  ; "  which 
 was  explained  in  the  margin  to  be  "  an  instrument 
 or  kind  of  note."  This  ex-presses  in  short  the 
 opinions  of  most  commentators.  Connecting  the 
 Word  with  mnchol  fEx.  xv.  20  ;  Ps.  cl.  4),  rendered 
 "dance"  in  the  A.  V.,  but  supposed  by  many  from 
 its  connexion  with  instruments  of  music  to  be  one 
 itself,  Jerome  renders  the  phrase  "  on  Mahalath," 
 by  "per  chonim."  The  title  of  Ps.  liii.  in  the 
 Chaldee  and  Syriac  versions  contains  no  trace  of  the 
 word,  which  is  also  omitted  in  the  almost  identical 
 Ps.  xiv.  From  this  fact  alone  it  might  be  inferred 
 that  it  was  not  intended  to  point  enigmatically  to 
 the  contents  of  the  psalm.  Aben  Ezra  uudersbinds 
 by  it  the  name  of  a  melody  to  which  the  Psalm 
 was  sung,  and  Rashi  explains  it  as  "  the  name 
 of  a  musical  instrument,"  adding,  however  im- 
 mediately, with  a  play  upon  the  word,  "  another 
 discourse  on  the  sickness  (machalali)  of  Israel 
 when  the  Temple  was  laid  waste."  But  the 
 most  probable  of'  all  conjectures,  and  one  which 
 (iesenius  approves,  is  that  of  Lndolf.  who  quot«« 
 
:o4 
 
 MAHALI 
 
 tlie  Ethiopic  mackl.et,  by  which  the  KiBdpa  of  the 
 LXX.  is  rendL>reJ  in  (Jen.  iv.  21.  Kiii-st  (  Handw. 
 s.  V.)  explains  Mahalath  as  the  name  of  a  musicjil 
 corps  dwelling  at  \hiA-Meliolah,  just  as  by  Gittith 
 he  undersfcmcis  the  band  of  Levite  minstrels  at  Gatk 
 Kimmon.  A  third  theory  is  that  of  Delitzsch, 
 who  consider  Mahalath  as  indicating  to  tlie  choir 
 the  manner  in  which  the  Fsalm  was  to  be  sung, 
 and  compares  tlie  modern  teiins  mesto,  andante 
 7m:ito. 
 
 Mah'alath  Lean'noth.  The  Oeneva  veision  of 
 Vs.  Ixxwiii.,  in  the  title  of  wliich  ti-.ese  words  occur, 
 has  "  upon  Jlalath  Leaiiimtli,"  and  in  the  margin, 
 "  that  is,  to  hvmible.  It  was  the  I)eginning  of  a 
 song,  by  the  tune  wliereof  tliis  Psalm  was  sung." 
 It  is  a  remarkable  proof  of  the  obscurity  wliicii 
 envelops  the  former  of  the  two  words  that  the 
 same  commentator  explains  it  differently  in  each  of 
 the  pass;iges  in  which  it  oanirs.  In  De  Wette's 
 tianslation  it  is  a  "  flute  "  in  Ps.  liii.,  a  "  guitar" 
 in  Ps.  l.xx.wiii. ;  and  while  Rashi  in  the  former 
 paiisage  explains  it  as  a  musical  instrument,  he 
 describes  the  latter  as  referring  to  "one  sick  of  love 
 and  aflliction  who  was  afflicted  with  the  punish- 
 ments of  the  captivity."  Augustine  and  Theodoret 
 both  understand  leannoth  of  responsive  singing. 
 There  is  nothing,  however,  in  the  construction  of 
 the  Psalm  to  show  that  it  was  adapted  for  respon- 
 sive singing;  and  if /t'a/i/io^A  be  simply  "  to  sing," 
 it  would  seem  almost  unnecessary.  It  has  lel'er- 
 ence,  more  probably,  to  the  character  of  the  psalm, 
 and  might  be  rendered  "  to  humble,  or  afflict,"  in 
 which  sense  the  root  occurs  in  vei-se  7.  In  support 
 of  this  may  be  compared,  "  to  bring  to  remem- 
 brance,'' ill  the  titles  of  Pss.  xxxviii.  and  Ixx. ;  and 
 "to  th;uik,"  1  Chr.  xvi.  7. 
 
 Mah'ali;  Maiili,  the  son  of  Merari.  His  mime 
 occurs  in  the  A.  V.  but  once  in  this  form  (Ex. 
 VI.  19,. 
 
 Mahana'im,  a  town  on  the  east  of  the  Jordan, 
 intimately  (onnected  with  the  early  ami  middle 
 histoiy  of  the  nation  of  Israel.  It  pniports  to 
 have  received  its  name  at  the  most  imi>ortaiit  crisis 
 of  the  life  of  .Jacob.  He  had  ])aited  from  l.aban 
 in  peace  after  their  hazardous  encounter  on  Jlouiit 
 <;ilead  ((ien.  x.\.\i.),  and  the  next  step  in  the 
 journev  to  Canaan  brings  him  to  Mahanaim : 
 "  Jacob  went  on  his  way  ;  and  he  lifted  up  his  eyes 
 and  saw  the  camp  of  (iod  encam|»d  ;  and  the  angels 
 ^or  me>seiigers)  of  God  met  him.  And  when  he 
 saw  them  he  said.  This  is  (iud's  host  (innhaneh), 
 and  he  called  the  name  (}f  that  place  Mahanaim." 
 How  or  when  the  town  of  Mahanaim  arose  on  the 
 spot  thus  signalized  we  are  not  told.  VV'e  next 
 meet  with  it  in  the  records  of  the  conquest.  The 
 line  separating  <iad  from  Manasseh  would  apjiear 
 tf)  have  run  through  or  dose  to  it,  since  it  is  named 
 in  the  ."iiecificxition  of  the  frontier  of  each  tribe 
 (Josh.  xiii.  2(J  and  29).  It  was  also  on  the  southrin 
 boundary  of  the  district  of  liashan  (ver.  30).  But 
 it  wait  certainly  within  the  territory  of  (Jad  (Josh. 
 xxi.  38,  39  ,  and  therefore  on  the  south  side  of  the 
 torrent  Jabbok,  as  indeinl  we  should  infer  from  the 
 history  of  Genesis,  in  which  it  lies  Ijetwccn  Gilead — 
 piobably  the  modem  Jehel  J  Had — and  the  torrent. 
 The  town  with  its  "suburbs"  was  allotted  to  the 
 •ervice  of  the  Merarite  Levites  (Josh.  xxi.  39 ; 
 1  Cliron.  vi.  80).  From  some  cause — the  sanctity 
 of  its  original  foundation,  or  the  strengtli  of  its 
 poiiitlon — .Mahanaim  had  become  in  the  time  of  the 
 ajonanliy  a  place  of  mark  (J  .Sim.  ii.  9,  12,  iv.  6). 
 
 MAHI.I 
 
 The  same  causes  which  letl  Abner  to  lix  Ishbo>hetli*.'5 
 residence  at  Mahanaim  probably  induced  David  to 
 take  refuge  there  when  driven  out  of  the  westeni 
 part  of  his  kingdom  by  Absalom  (2  Sam.  xvii.  24  ; 
 1  K.  ii.  8).  It  was  then  a  walled  town,  capacious 
 enough  to  contain  the  "  hundreds  "  and  the  "  thou- 
 sands''  of  David's  followers  (2  Sam.  xviii.  1,4 
 comp.  "ten  thousand,"  ver.  3);  with  gates  and  the 
 usual  provision  for  the  watchman  of  a  fortified 
 town.  Mahanaim  was  the  seat  of  one  of  Solomon's 
 commissariat  officers  (1  K.  iv.  14);  and  it  i» 
 alluded  to  in  the  Song  which  bears  his  name  (vI. 
 13).  On  the  monument  of  Sheshonk  (Shishak)  at 
 K'arnak,  in  the  22nd  cartouche — one  of  those  which 
 are  l)elieved  to  contain  the  names  of  Israelite  eitie.; 
 conquered  by  that  king — a  name  ai)i)eais  which  is 
 read  as  M'-hu-H-m'^,  that  is,  Mahanaim.  If  this 
 interpretation  may  be  relied  on  it  shows  that  the 
 invasion  of  Shishak  was  more  extensive  than  we 
 should  gather  from  the  records  of  the  Bible  (2  Chr. 
 xii.),  which  are  occupied  mainly  with  occurrences 
 at  the  metropolis  As  to  the  identificition  of  Ma- 
 hanaim with  any  modern  site  or  remains  little  can 
 be  said.  To  Eusebius  and  Jerome  it  apjiears  to 
 have  been  unknown.  A  place  allied  Maltnek  does 
 certainly  exist  among  the  villages  of  the  east  of 
 Jordan,  though  its  exact  position  is  not  so  certain. 
 Its  identity  with  Mali-uiaim  is  upheld  by  Porter. 
 But  the  distance  of  Mitknch  from  the  Jordan  and 
 from  both  the  Wadfi  Zurkn  and  the  Yurmuk — each 
 oi  which  has  claims  to  represent  the  torrent  Jabbok 
 — spenis  til  forbid  this  conclusion. 
 
 Mah'aneh-dan  (the  "  Camp-of-Dan  :"),  a  name 
 which  cuiuiiieinoiated  the  last  encampment  of  the 
 band  of  six  hundred  Danite  warriors  belore  setting 
 out  on  their  expedition  to  Laish.  The  position  of 
 the  spot  is  specified  with  great  precision,  as  "  l»e- 
 liiud  Kirjith-jeaiim "  (Jiidg.  xviii.  12),  and  as 
 "between  Zorah  and  Eshtaol  "  (xiii.  25).  Mr. 
 Williams  {Ilulij  Citij,  i.  12  iiott')  was  shewn  a  .site 
 on  the  north  side  of  the  Wiul;/  fsnuiil,  N.N.E. 
 from  Deir  el-Houa,  which  bore  the  name  of  Beit 
 Mahanem,  and  which  he  suggests  inay  be  identical 
 with  Mahaiieh  Dan.  The  position  is  certainly  very 
 suitable;  but  the  name  does  not  occur  in  the  lists 
 or  maps  of  other  tiavellers. 
 
 Mahara'i  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  28;  1  Chr.  xi.  30. 
 xxvii.  l.i),  an  inhabitant  of  Ketopliah  in  the  tribe 
 of  .luilah,  and  one  of  David's  captains. 
 
 Ma'hath.  1.  The  son  of  Amasai,  a  Kohalhite 
 of  the  hou.se  of  Koiah  (1  Chr.  vi.  35).— 2.  Al>o 
 a  Kohathite,  son  of  Amasai,  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah 
 (2  Chr.  xxix.  12).  He  was  appjirently  the  same 
 who  is  nieiitioiie.l  2  Chr.  xxxi.  13. 
 
 Mah'avite,  The,  the  designation  of  Eliel,  one  of 
 the  warriors  of  king  David's  guard,  w  hose  name  is 
 preserved  in  the  catalogue  of  1  Chron.only  (xi.  4G). 
 The  word  is  ))lural  in  the  Hebrew  text. 
 
 Mahaz'ioth,  one  of  the  14  sons  of  Heman  the 
 Kcliallntc-  (  1  Chr.  xxv.  4.  30). 
 
 Ma'her-sha'lal-hash-ba«,  son  of  l.sjiiah,  of  whom 
 nothing  more  is  known  than  that  his  name  was 
 given  bv  Divine  diie<tion,  to  indicate  that  Damascus 
 and  Samaria  were  soon  to  be  plundered  by  the  king 
 of  Assviia  (Is.  viii.  1-4). 
 
 Mah'lah,  the  ehiest  of  the  five  daughters  of 
 Zelophehad,  the  giaiuisoii  of  Manasseh  (Num.  xxvii. 
 Ml 
 
 Mahli.  1.  The  son  of  Meniri,  the  son  of  Levi, 
 and  ancestor  of  the  familvof  the  MAHLirr.s  (Num. 
 iii.  20;   1  Chr.  vi.  19,  29,  xxiv.  W  .      In  the  last 
 
MAHLITES 
 
 q«ot(!d  verse  there  is  apparently  a  gap  in  the  text, 
 Libni  and  Shimei  belonging  to  the  family  of  Ger- 
 shom  (comp.  ver.  20,  42),  and  Eleazar  and  Kish 
 being  afterwards  described  as  the  sons  of  Mahli 
 (1  Chr.  xxiii.  21,  xxiv.  28).— 2.  The  son  of  Mnshi. 
 and  grandson  of  Merari  (1  Chr,  vi.  47,  xxlii.  23, 
 xxiv.  30). 
 
 Mah'lites,  The,  the  descendants  of  Mahli  the 
 son  iif  .Merari  (Num.  iii.  33,  xxvi.  58). 
 
 Mah'lon,  the  first  husband  of  Kuth.  He  and 
 his  brother  Chilion  were  sons  of  Elimelech  and 
 Naomi,  and  are  described  as  "  Ephrathites  of  Beth- 
 k'hem-judali"  (Kuth  i.  2,  5;  iv.  9,  10;  comp. 
 1  Sam.  xvii.  12). 
 
 Ma'hol.  The  father  of  Ethan  the  Ezrahite,  and 
 Heman,  Chalcol,  and  Darda,  tlie  four  men  most 
 famous  for  wisdom  next  to  Solomon  himself  (1  K. 
 iv.  31),  who  in  1  Chr.  ii.  6  are  the  sons  and  im- 
 mediate descendants  of  Zerah. 
 
 Maia'neas  =  Maaseiah,  7  (1  Esd.  ix.  48). 
 
 Mak'az,  a  place,  apparently  a  town,  named  once 
 only  (1  K.  iv.  9),  in  the  specification  of  the  juris- 
 diction of  Solomon's  commissariat  officer,  Ben- 
 Dekar.     Makaz  has  not  been  discovered. 
 
 Ma'ked  or  Ma'ged,  one  of  the  "  strong  and 
 great"  cities  of  Giiead  into  which  the  Jews  were 
 driven  by  the  Ammonites  under  Timotheus  (1  Mace. 
 v.  26,  36). 
 
 Makheloth,  a  place  only  mentioned  in  Num. 
 xxxiii.  25  as  that  of  a  desert  encampment  of  the 
 Israelites. 
 
 Mak'kedah,  a  place  memorable  in  the  annals  of 
 the  conquest  of  Canaan  as  the  scene  of  the  execution 
 by  .loshua  of  the  five  confederate  kings  (Josh.  x. 
 10-30).  It  unquestionably  occurred  in  the  after- 
 noon of  that  tremendous  day,  which  "  was  like  no 
 day  before  or  after  it."  After  the  execution  of  the 
 cliiefs  Joshua  turns  to  tlie  town  itself.  To  force 
 the  walls,  to  put  the  king  and  all  the  inhabitants 
 to  the  swor<l  (ver.  28),  is  to  that  indomitable  energy, 
 still  fresh  after  the  gigantic  labours  and  excitements 
 of  the  last  twenty-four  hours,  the  work  of  an  hour 
 or  two.  And  now  the  evening  has  arrived,  the  sun 
 is  at  last  sinking—  the  first  sun  that  has  set  since 
 the  departure  from  Gilgal, — and  the  tragedy  is 
 terminated  by  cutting  down  the  five  bodies  from 
 the  trees,  and  restoring  them  to  the  cave,  which  is 
 then  so  blocked  up  with  stones  as  henceforth  never 
 again  to  become  refuge  for  friend  or  foe  of  Isiael. 
 The  taking  of  Makkedah  was  the  first  in  that  series 
 of  sieges  and  destructions  by  which  the  Great  C'aptain 
 possessed  himself  of  the  main  points  of  defence 
 throughout  this  portion  of  the  country.  Its  situa- 
 tion has  hitherto  eluded  discovery.  The  report  of 
 Eusebius  and  Jerome  is  that  it  lay  8  miles  to  the 
 east  of  Eleutherojnlis,  Beit-Jibrin,  a  position  irre- 
 concileable  with  every  requirement  of  the  narrative. 
 Porter  suggests  a  ruin  on  the  northern  slope  ot"  the 
 Wadi^  es  Siimt,  bearing  the  somewhat  similar  name 
 of  el-Klediak.  \;m  de  Velde  would  place  it  at 
 .SVtmejY,  a  village  standing  on  a  low  hill  6  or  7  miles 
 N.W.  of  Bcit-Jibrin. 
 
 Mak'tesh,  a  place,  evidently  m  Jeiusalem,  the 
 inhabitants  of  which  are  denounced  by  Zephaniah 
 (i.  11).  Ewald  conjectures  that  it  was  the  "  Phoe- 
 nician qua'ter "  of  the  city.  The  meanina;  of 
 "  Maktesh  "  is  probably  a  deep  hollow,  literallv  a 
 "  mortar."  This  the  Targum  identifies  with  tlie  | 
 torrent  Kedron.  But  may  it  not  have  been  the 
 deep  valley  which  separated  the  Temple  from  the 
 ujiper  city,  and  which   at  the  time  of  Titus's  siege, 
 
 MALACHI 
 
 605 
 
 was,  as  it  still  is,  crowded  with  the  "  bazaars  "  of 
 the  merchants  ? 
 
 Mal'achi,  the  last,  and  therefore  called  "  the 
 seal  "  of  the  prophets,  as  his  prophecies  constitute 
 the  closing  book  of  the  canon.  Of  his  personal 
 history  nothing  is  known.  A  tradition  pre- 
 seived  in  Pseudo-Ej)iphanius  relates  that  Malachi 
 was  of  the  tribe  of  Zebulun,  and  born  after 
 the  captivity  at  Snpha  in  the  territory  of  that 
 tribe.  According  to  the  same  apocryphal  story 
 he  died  young,  and  was  buried  with  his  fathers 
 in  his  own  country.  Jerome,  in  the  preface 
 to  his  Commentary  on  Malachi,  mentions  a 
 belief  "which  was  current  among  the  Jews,  that 
 Malachi  was  identical  with  Ezia  the  priest. 
 With  equal  probability  Malachi  has  been  identified 
 with  Mordecai,  Nehemiah,  and  Zerubbabel.  The 
 LXX.  render  "by  Malachi"  (Mai.  i.  1),  "by  the 
 hand  of  his  angel ;"  and  this  translation  appears  to 
 have  given  rise  to  the  idea  that  Malachi,  as  well  as 
 Haggai  and  John  the  Baptist,  was  an  angel  in  human 
 shape  (comp.  Mai.  iii.  1 ;  2  Esd.  i.  40).  The  time 
 at  which  his  prophecies  were  delivered  is  not  diffi- 
 cult to  ascertain.  Cyril  makes  him  contemporary 
 with  Haggai  and  Zechariah,  or  a  little  latei'.  Syn- 
 cellus  (p.  240  B)  places  these  three  prophets  under 
 Joshua  the  son  of  Josedec.  That  Malachi  was  con- 
 temporary with  Nehemiah  is  rendeied  probable  by 
 a  comparison  of  ii.  8  with  Neh.  xiii.  15  ;  ii.  10-16 
 with  Neh.  xiii.  23,  &c. ;  and  iii.  7-12  with  Neh. 
 xiii.  10,  &c.  That  he  prophesied  after  the  times 
 of  Haggai  and  Zechariah  is  inferred  from  his  omit- 
 ting to  mention  the  restoration  of  tlie  Temple,  and 
 from  no  allusion  being  made  to  him  by  Ezra.  The 
 captivity  was  already  a  thing  of  the  long  past,  and 
 is  not  refen-ed  to.  The  existence  of  the  Temple- 
 service  is  presupposed  in  i.  10,  iii.  1,  10.  The 
 Jewish  nation  had  still  a  political  chief  (i.  8),  dis- 
 tinguished by  the  same  title  as  that  borne  by  Nehe- 
 miah (Neh.  xii.  26),  to  which  Gesenius  assigns  a 
 Persian  origin.  Hence  Vitringa  concludes  that 
 Malachi  delivered  his  prophecies  after  the  second 
 return  of  Nehemiah  from  Persia  (Neh.  xiii.  6),  and 
 subsequently  to  the  32nd  year  of  Artaxerxes  Longi- 
 maniis  (cir.  B.C.  420),  which  is  the  date  adopted 
 by  Kennicott,  Hales,  and  Davidson.  From  the 
 striking  parallelism  between  the  sta'e  of  things 
 indicated  in  Malachi's  prophecies  and  that  actually 
 existing  on  Nehemiah's  return  from  the  court  of 
 Arta.\erxes,  it  is  on  all  accounts  highly  probable 
 that  the  efforts  of  the  secular  governor  were  on 
 this  occasion  seconded  by  the  preaching  of  "  Jeho- 
 vah's messenger,"  and  that  Malachi  occupied  the 
 same  position  with  regard  to  the  reformation  under 
 Nehemiah,  which  Isaiah  held  in  the  time  of  Heze- 
 kiah,  and  Jeremiah  in  that  of  Josiah.  The  last 
 chapter  of  canonical  Jewish  history  is  the  key  to 
 the  last  chapter  of  its  prophecy.  The  book  of 
 Malachi  is  contained  in  four  chapters  in  our  version, 
 as  in  the  LXX.,  Vulgate,  and  Peshito-Syriac.  In 
 the  Hebrew  the  3rd  and  4th  form  but  one  chapter. 
 The  whole  prophecy  natuially  divides  itself  into 
 three  sections,  in  the  first  of  which  Jehovah  is 
 represented  as  the  loving  father  and  ruler  of  His 
 people  (i.  2-ii.  9)  ;  in  the  second,  as  the  supreme 
 (jod  and  father  of  all  (ii.  10-16) ;  and  in  the  third, 
 as  their  righteous  and  final  judge  (ii.  17-end). 
 These  may  be  again  subdivided  into  smaller  sec- 
 tions, each  of  which  follows  a  certain  order :  fii-st, 
 a  short  sentence ;  then  the  scepticid  questions 
 which  might  be  raised  by  the  peo|ile  ;  ami,  (iiially, 
 
506 
 
 MALACHY 
 
 their  lull  and  tiiumphiuit  ivrutiitioii.    The  prophecy 
 of  MaliU'hi  is  alluded  to  in  the  N.  T.,  aiui  its  can- 
 onical authority  thereby  established  (comp.    Mark 
 i.  -2,  ix.  11,  12';    Luke  i.  17;  Rom.  ix.  13). 
 Mal'achy,  the  proph.-t  Malachi  (2  Ksd.  i.  40). 
 
 Mal'cliani.  1.  One  of  the  heads  of  the  tathei's 
 of  Benjamin,  and  son  of  ^hahaiaini  hy  his  wife 
 Hodesh  (1  Chi-,  viii.  9).— 2.  The  idol  Molcch,  as 
 some  suppose  (Zeph.  i.  5).  The  woid  literally 
 signifies  "their  kint;,"  as  the  marjjin  of  our  version 
 gives  it,  and  is  referi'ed  by  Gesenius  to  an  idol 
 geneially,  as  invested  with  regal  honours  by  its 
 worshi])|)ers. 
 
 MalcM'ah.  1.  A  descendant  of  Gershoto,  the 
 son  of  Levi,  and  ancestor  of  Asaph  the  minstrel 
 (1  Chr.  vi.  40).— 2.  One  of  the  sons  of  I'arosh, 
 who  had  married  a  foieigii  wife  {E7a\  x.  25).— 3. 
 Knumeiated  among  the  sons  of  Harim,  who  lived 
 in  the  time  of  Kzra  ( Kzr.  x.  ril).- 4.  Son  of 
 li'«^:hab,  and  ruler  of  the  circuit  or  environs  of 
 Bethhaccerem  (Neh.  iii.  14).— 5.  "The  goldsmith's 
 sou,"  who  assisted  Nehemiah  in  lebuildiiig  the  wall 
 of  Jerusalem  (Neh.  iii.  31).— 6.  One  of  the  piiests 
 who  stood  at  the  left  hand  of  Ezra  when  he  rend 
 the  law  to  the  )ieople  in  the  stieet  before  the  water- 
 gate  (Neh.  viii.  4). — 7.  A  priest,  the  father  of 
 i'iishur  =  .MALCHiJAH  1  (Neh.xi.  12;  .Jer.  xxxviii. 
 1).— 8.  The  son  of  Ham-melech  (or  "the  king's 
 son,"  as  it  is  translated  in  1  K.  xxii.  26;  2  (,'hr. 
 xxviii.  7),  into  whose  diuigeon  or  cistern  Jeremiah 
 was  cast  (Jer.  xxxviii.  o  .  It  would  seem  that  the 
 title  "  king's  son  "  was  ollicial,  like  that  of  "  king's 
 mother,"  and  applied  to  one  of  the  royal  family, 
 who  exercised  functions  somewhat  similar  to  those 
 of  Poti]ih.\r  in  the  court  of  I'haraoh. 
 
 Mal'chiel  iGen.  xlvi.  17).  the  son  of  Beriah,  the 
 son  of  -Ashei-,  and  ance>tor  of  the  family  of  the  Mal- 
 CiiiKLiTis  (.Num.  xxvi.  4.5,.  In  1  Chr.  vii.  31  he 
 is  oalleii  the  father,  that  is  founder,  of  Birzavith. 
 
 Mal'cMelites,  The,  the  descendants  of  Malchiel, 
 the  granil,-.on  cit'  .Asher  (Num.  xxvi.  45). 
 
 Bialchi'jah.  1.  A  piiest,  the  lather  of  Pashur 
 (1  Chr.  ix.  12);  the  siime  as  Malchiaii  7,  and 
 MiCLCiiiAii.— 2.  A  pi  ie.st,  chief  of  the  lifth  of  the 
 twenty-four  courses  ajipointed  by  David  (1  Chr. 
 xxiv.  9).— 3.  A  layman  of  the  sons  of  Parosh,  who 
 put  away  his  foreign  wife  (Kzr.  x.  25). — 4.  Son, 
 that  is,  dftscendant  of  Harim  (Neh.  iii.  11:.— 
 5.  One  of  the  ])iiests  who  sealed  the  covenant  with 
 Nehemiah  Neh.  x.  3).— 6.  One  of  the  priests  who 
 a.s^istcd  in  tlie  solemn  dedication  of  the  wall  of 
 Jerusalem  uuiler  Iv.ia  and  Nehemiah  1  Neh.  xii.  42). 
 
 Ualch'iram,  one  of  the  sons  of  Jeconiah.  or 
 J.'hniachin  I  1  Chr.  iii.  18). 
 
 Mal'chi-shu'a,  one  of  the  .sons  of  king  Saul 
 (1  Sam.  xiv.  49,  .\xxi.  2  ;  1  Chr.  viii.  33,  ix.  39). 
 His  position  in  the  family  cuniot  be  exactly  detei-- 
 mined.  Nothing  is  known  of  him  beyond  the  tiict 
 that  he  fell,  w^th  his  two  brothers,  and  before  his 
 father,  in  the  e.n  ly  part  of  the  battle  of  Gillioa. 
 
 Mal'chus  is  the  name  of  the  seivantof  the  high- 
 priest,  whose  right  ear  Peter  cut  oil'  at  the  time  of 
 the  .Sivioui's  apprehension  in  the  garden.  See  the 
 narrative  in  Matt.  xxvi.  51  ;  .Mark  xiv.  47;  Luke 
 xxii.  49-,')  1  ;  John  xviii.  10.  He  w.is  the  personal 
 bcrvant  of  the  higli-prie-t,and  not  one  of  the  bailills 
 or  ai)]iaritoi>i  of  the  .Sanhediim.  It  is  noticeable 
 that  Luke  the  physician  is  the  only  one  of  the 
 writers  who  mentions  the  act  of  healing. 
 
 Mal'eleeL  MAiiAi,At,i,ici.,  the  son  of  Cain.-m 
 ■  I.nke  iii.  37;   Gen.  v.  12,  marg.). 
 
 MAMMON 
 
 Mal'lOB,  They  of,  who,  with  the  people  of 
 Taisus,  revolted  from  Antiochus  Epiphanes  becaus* 
 he  had  tiestowed  them  on  one  of  his  concubine- 
 (2  Mace.  iv.  30;.  Mallos  was  an  important  city 
 of  Cilicia,  lying  .it  the  mouth  of  the  Pyramus 
 (Seihun),  on  the  shore  of  the  Mediterranean,  N.L. 
 of  Cyprus,  and  about  20  miles  from  Taisus 
 {Tcrsih). 
 
 Mallo'thi,  a  Kohathite,  one  of  the  fourteen  sons 
 of  Neman  the  singer  (1  Chr.  xxv.  4,  26). 
 
 Mallows.  P>y  the  Hebrew  word  mnll&och  we 
 are  no  doubt  to  undei-stand  some  species  of  Oruclie. 
 and  in  all  probability  the  Atriplex  haliimts  of 
 botanists.  It  occurs  only  in  Job  xxx.  4.  .Some 
 writers,  as  R.  Levi  (Job  xxx.)  and  Luther,  with  the 
 Swedi.sh  and  the  old  Danish  versions,  hence  under- 
 stood "  nettles  "  to  be  denoted  by  Malluach.  Othei-s 
 have  conjectureii  that  some  species  of  "  mallow  " 
 (malva)  is  inteinlal.  Spiengel  identifies  the  "  Jew's 
 mallow  "  [Corcharus  olitorius)  with  the  Malluach. 
 'fheie  is  no  doubt  that  this  same  mallow  is  still 
 eaten  in  Arabia  and  Palestine,  the  leaves  and  pods 
 being  used  as  a  pot-herb.  But  the  Atriplex 
 httlimns  has  undoubtedly  the  be>t  cLiim  to  represent 
 the  M,  dinar Ji. 
 
 Alriplat  haHmtu. 
 
 Mal'Iucb.  1.  A  Levite  of  the  family  of  Mei.iii, 
 and  ancestor  of  Ethan  the  singer  (1  Chr.  vi.  44^. 
 —2.  One  of  the  sons  of  Bani  (Ezr.  x.  29\  and  3. 
 one  of  the  descendants  of  Harim  (Ezr.  x.  ■!2),  who 
 had  married  foreign  wives. — 4.  .A  priest  or  family 
 of  priests  (Neh.  x.  4\  and  6.  (Mie  of  the  "heads" 
 of  the  ))eople  who  sigiieil  the  covenant  with  Nehe- 
 miah (Neh.  X.  27).— 6.  One  of  the  families  ol 
 priests  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Neh.sii.  2)  ; 
 jiiohalily  the  siime  as  No.  4. 
 
 Mamai'as,  apparently  the  sjime  with  SiiKMAiAri 
 ill  l>.r.  viii.  111. 
 
 Mammon  (Matt.  vi.  24;  Luke  xvi.  9),  «  word 
 whicii  oftin  occurs    in    the  Ch.ildec   Targums   ol 
 
MAMNITANAIMUS 
 
 Onkelos,  and  later  writers,  and  i'.i  the  Syriac  Ver- 
 sion, and  which  signlHes  "  riches."  It  is  used  in 
 St.  MatthL'w  as  a  personification  of  riches. 
 
 Mamnitanai'mus,  a  name  which  appears  in  the 
 lists  of  1  Ksdr.  ix.  34,  and  occupies  the  place  of 
 "  Mattaniah,  Mattenai,"  in  Ezr.  x.  37,  of  which  it 
 is  a  corruption. 
 
 Mam're,  an  ancient  Amorite,  who  with  his 
 brothers  Eshchol  and  Aner  was  in  alliance  with 
 Abram  (Gen.  xiv.  13,  24),  and  under  the  shade  of 
 whose  oak-grove  the  patriarch  dwelt  in  the  intei  val 
 between  his  residence  at  Bethel  and  at  Beersheba 
 (xiii.  18,  xviii.  I).  The  personality  of  this  ancient 
 cliieftaiu,  unmistakeably  though  slightly  brought 
 out  in  the  narrative  just  cited,  is  lost  in  the  sub- 
 sequent chaptei's.  ]\Iannre  is  thei'e  a  mere  local 
 appellation  (.xxiii.  17,  19,  xxv.  9,  xlix.  :'.0,  1.  13). 
 it  does  not  appear  beyond  the  book  of  Genesis. 
 
 Mamu'chus,  the  same  as  Mallucu  2  (1  Esdr. 
 ix.  3(1). 
 
 Man,  Fdur  Hebrew  terms  are  rendered  "  man  " 
 in  the  A.  V.  1.  Adaia.  (.\)  The  name  of  the 
 man  created  in  the  image  of  God.  It  appears  to  be 
 derived  fiom  ddavi,  "  he  or  it  was  red  or  ruddy," 
 like  Edom.  The  epithet  rendered  by  ns  "  red"  has 
 a  very  wide  signitication  in  the  Shemitic  languages, 
 uud  must  not  be  limited  to  the  English  sense.  When 
 the  Arabs  apply  the  term  "  red "  to  man,  they 
 always  mean  by  it  "  f;dr."  (B)  The  name  of  Adam 
 and  his  wife  (v.  1,  2:  comp.  i.  27,  in  which  case 
 theie  is  nothing  to  shew  that  more  than  one  pair 
 is  intended'.  {G)  A  collective  noun,  indeclinable, 
 having  neither  construct  state,  pluial,  nor  feminine 
 fonn,  used  to  designate  any  or  all  of  the  descendants 
 of  Adam.  2.  Ish,  apparently  sottened  fiom  a  form 
 unused  in  the  singular  by  the  Helirews,  enesh, 
 "man,''  "woman,"  "men."'  It  coiiesjionds  to 
 the  Arabic  ins,  "  man,"  insdn,  softened  fbim  eesdn, 
 "a  man,"  "a  woman,"  and  "man"  collectively 
 like  i)is  ;  and  perhaps  to  the  ancient  Egyptian  as, 
 '•  a  noble."  The  variant  Enosh  occurs  as  the 
 proper  name  of  a  son  of  Seth  and  grandson  of 
 Adam  (Gen.  iv.  26;  1  Chr.  i.  1).  In  the  A.  V. 
 it  is  written  Enos.  3.  Geber,  "a  man,"  from 
 ydbar,  "  to  be  strong,"  generally  with  icference  to 
 his  strength,  corresponding  to  vir  and  aviip,  4. 
 Methiiii,  "men,"  always  masculine.  The  singular 
 is  to  be  traced  in  the  antediluvian  proper  names 
 Methusael  and  Methuselah.  Perhaps  it  may  be 
 derived  from  the  root  midh,  "  he  died,"  in  which 
 (•a>e  its  use  would  be  very  appropriate  in  Is.  xli.  14. 
 If  this  conjecture  be  admitted,  this  word  would 
 correspond  to  /3poT($s  and  might  be  read  "mortal." 
 
 Mau'aen  is  mentioned  in  Acts  xiii.  1  as  one  of 
 the  teachers  and  prophets  in  the  church  at  Antioch 
 at  the  time  of  the  appointment  of  Saul  and  Bar- 
 nabas as  missionaries  to  the  heathen.  He  is  not 
 known  out  of  this  passage.  The  name  sign! lies 
 consoler ;  and  both  that  and  his  relation  to  Heiod 
 render  it  quite  certain  that  he  was  a  Jew.  The 
 Herod  with  wiiom  he  is  said  to  have  been  brought 
 up  [<Tvvrpo(pos)  must  have  been  Heiod  Antipas. 
 Since  this  Antipas  was  older  than  Archelaus,  who 
 succeeded  Herod  the  Gieat  soon  after  the  birth  of 
 Christ,  Wanaen  must  have  been  somewhat  ad- 
 vanced in  years  in  a.d.  44,  when  he  appears 
 before  us  in  Luke's  history.  The  two  following 
 aie  the  piiucijjal  views  with  regard  to  avVTpo(pos 
 that  have  been  advanced,  and  have  si-ill  their 
 advocates.  One  is  thit  it  means  comrade,  associate, 
 Dr,  moie  strictly,  one  brought  up,  educated  with 
 
 MANASSEH 
 
 oO< 
 
 another.  This  is  the  more  frequent  sense  of  the 
 word.  The  other  view  is  that  it  denotes  fostor- 
 biother,  brought  up  at  the  same  breast,  and  as  so 
 taken  Manaen's  mother,  or  the  woman  who  reared 
 him,  would  have  been  also  Herod's  nurse.  Walch's 
 conclusion  (not  correctly  lepresented  by  some  recent 
 writers),  combines  in  a  measure  these  two  explana- 
 tions. He  thinks  that  Manaen  was  educated  in 
 Heiod's  family  along  with  Antipas  and  some  of  his 
 other  children,  and  at  the  same  time  tiuit  he  stood 
 in  the  stricter  relation  of  foster-biother  to  Antipas. 
 He  lays  particular  stiess  on  the  statement  of  Jose- 
 ph us  {Ant.  xvii.  1,  §3)  that  the  brothers  Aiitip;is 
 and  Archelaus  weie  educated  in  a  private  way  at 
 Rome.  It  is  a  singular  circum^tance,  to  say  the 
 least,  that  Josephus  {Ant.  xv.  10,  §5)  mentions  a 
 certain  Manaem,  who  was  in  high  repute  among 
 the  Essenes  for  wisdom  and  sanctity,  and  who 
 foretold  to  Heiod  the  Great,  in  early  lile,  that  he 
 was  destined  to  atUiin  )oyal  honours.  Lightfoot 
 surmises  that  the  Manaem  of  Josephus  may  be  the 
 one  mentioned  in  the  .Acts ;  but  the  disparity  be- 
 tween his  age  and  that  of  Herod  the  Great,  to  sav 
 nothing  of  other  difficulties,  puts  that  sujiposition 
 out  of  the  question. 
 
 Mana'h.atll,  a  place  named  in  1  Chr.  viii.  6 
 only,  in  connexion  with  the  genealogies  of  the 
 tribe  of  Benjamin.  Of  the  situation  of  Manahath 
 we  know  little  or  nothing.  It  is  tempting  to  believe 
 it  identical  with  the  Menuchah  mentioned,  accord- 
 ing to  many  interpreters,  in  .Judg.  xx.  43.  Mana- 
 hath is  usually  identified  with  a  place  of  similar 
 name  in  Judah,  but  this  identification  is  difficult  to 
 receive. 
 
 Mana'hath,  one  of  the  sons  of  Shobal,  and 
 descendant  of  Seir  the  Horite  (Gen.  xxxvi.  23 ; 
 1  Chr.  i.  40). 
 
 Mana'hetMtes,  the.  "  Half  the  Manahethites  " 
 are  named  in  the  genealogies  of  Judah  as  descended 
 from  Shobal,  the  tatiier  of  Kirjath-jearim  (1  Chr. 
 ii.  52),  and  half  from  Salma,  the  founder  of  Beth- 
 lehem (ver.  54).  It  seems  to  be  generally  accepted 
 that  the  same  place  is  referred  to  in  each  passage. 
 Of  -the  situation  or  nature  of  the  place  or  places 
 we  have  as  yet  no  knowledge.  It  is  probably 
 identical  with  Manocho,  one  of  the  eleven  cities 
 which  in  the  LXX.  text  are  inserted  between 
 verses  59  and  60  of  Jo^h.  xv. 
 
 Manas'seas  =  Manasseh  3,  of  the  sons  ot 
 Paliath  Moab  (I  Esd.  ix.  31  ;  comp.  Ezr.  x.  30). 
 
 Manas'seh,  the  eldest  son  of  Joseph  by  his 
 wife  Asenath  the  Egyptian  (Gen.  xli.  51,  xlvi.  20). 
 The  birth  of  the  child  was  the  first  tiling  which 
 had  occurred  since  Joseph's  banishment  from  Camuui 
 to  alleviate  his  sorrows  and  fill  the  void  left  by  the 
 father  and  the  brother  he  so  longed  to  behold,  and 
 it  was  natural  that  he  should  commemorate  his 
 acquisition  in  the  name  Manassku,  "Forgetting" 
 — •'  For  (iod  hath-made-me-forget  (nassluuii,  all 
 my  toil  and  all  my  father's  house."  Both  he  and 
 Ephraim  were  born  before  the  commencement  of  the 
 famine.  Whether  the  elder  of  the  two  sons  was 
 inferior  in  form  or  promise  to  the  younger,  or 
 whether  there  was  any  external  i'e;ison  to  justify 
 the  preference  of  Jacob,  we  are  nut  told.  It  is 
 only  certain  that  when  the  youths  were  brought 
 before  their  aged  grandfathei'  to  receive  his  blessing 
 and  his  name,  and  be  adojited  as  foreigners  into  his 
 family,  Manasseh  was  degraded,  in  spite  of  the 
 efforts  of  Joseph,  into  the  second  place.  It  is 
 the    fiist    indication   of  the    inferior    rank    in    the 
 
508 
 
 MANASSEH 
 
 iintioD  wliii-li  the  tribe  descended  from  him  after- 
 wards held,  in  relation  to  that  of  his  more  Ibr- 
 tunate  brother.  But  though,  like  his  grand-unde 
 Ksiiu,  Mauasseh  had  lost  his  birtiiright  in  favour 
 of  his  younger  brotiier,  he  received,  as  Esau  had, 
 a  blessing  only  inferior  to  the  birthright  itself. 
 At  the  time  of  this  interview  Maiiasseli  seems  to 
 have  been  about  22  yeai's  of  age.  Whether  he 
 married  in  Egypt  we  are  not  told.  It  is  recordal 
 that  the  ciiildren  of  Maciiir  were  embraced  by 
 Josi'ph  before  his  death,  but  of  the  personal  his- 
 tory of  the  patiiarch  Mauasseh  himself  no  trait 
 whatever  is  given  in  the  Bible,  either  in  the  Pen- 
 tateuch or  in  the  curious  records  preserved  in 
 1  Chronicles.  The  position  of  the  tribe  of  Ma- 
 uasseh during  the  march  to  Canaan  was  with 
 Ephraim  and  Benjamin  on  the  west  side  of  tb" 
 Kicred  Tent.  The  Chief  of  the  tribe  at  the  time 
 ofthecetisus  at  Sinai  was  Gamaliel  ben-Pedahzur, 
 and  its  numbers  were  thea  32,200  (Num.  i.  10, 
 35,  ii.  20,  21,  vii.  54-59).  Of  the  three  tribes 
 who  had  elected  to  remain  on  that  side  of  the 
 Jordan,  Reuljen  and  Gad  had  chosen  their  lot 
 because  the  country  was  suitable  to  their  pastoral 
 possessions  and  tendencies.  But  Wachir,  Jair,  and 
 Nobah,  the  sons  of  Mauasseh,  were  no  shepherds. 
 They  were  pure  warriois  (Num.  xxxii.  39;  Deut. 
 iii.  13,  14,  15).  'I'he  district  which  these  ancient 
 warriois  conquered  was  among  the  most  difficult, 
 il  not  the  most  ditlicult,  in  the  whole  country. 
 Jt  embraced  the  hills  of  Ciilead  with  their  inaccessi- 
 ble heights  and  impassable  ravines,  and  the  almost 
 impregnable  tract  of  Aigob,  which  derives  its 
 modem  name  of  Lcjah  from  the  secure  "asylum  " 
 it  aflbnis  to  those  who  take  refuee  within  its  natural 
 fortiticiitions.  The  few  personages  of  eminence 
 whom  we  can  with  certainty  identify  as  Manassites, 
 such  as  Gideon  and  Jephthah — for  Elijah  and  others 
 may  with  equal  piobability  have  belonged  to  the 
 neighbouring  tribe  of  Gad — were  among  the  most 
 remarkable  characteis  that  Israel  p-.oducetl.  But 
 with  the  one  exception  of  Gideon  the  warlike  ten- 
 dencies of  Mauasseh  seem  to  have  been  confined  to 
 the  east  of  the  .Ionian.  There  they  throve  ex- 
 ceedingly, j)ushing  their  way  northward  over  the 
 rich  plains  of  Jaiilun  and  Jcdur  to  the  foot  of 
 Mount  Ilermon  (1  Chr.  v.  23).  At  the  time 
 of  the  coronation  of  David  at  Hebron,  while  the 
 western  Mauasseh  sent  18,000,  and  Ephraim  itself 
 20,800,  the  eastern  Mauasseh,  with  Gad  and  Reuben, 
 mustered  to  the  number  of  120,000.  But,  though 
 thus  outwardly  piosperous,  a  similar  fate  awaited 
 tiiem  in  the  end  to  that  which  befel  Gad  and 
 Keuben;  they  gradually  assimilated  themselves  to 
 the  old  inhabitants  of  the  couutiy  (ib.  25).  They 
 i-elinquished  too  the  settled  mode  of  life  and  the 
 defined  limits  which  befitted  the  members  of  a 
 federal  nation,  and  gradually  became  Bedouins  of 
 the  wihieruess  (I  Chr.  v.  19,  22 j.  On  them  liist 
 descended  the  ))uni:ihment  which  was  oidained  to 
 be  the  inevitiible  con.sequence  of  such  misdoing. 
 'I'hey,  fust  of  all  Israel,  were  carried  away  by  Pul 
 and  Tiglaih-Pileser,  and  stfttled  in  the  Assyrian 
 teriitoiies  (i\>.  2H).  The  connexion,  however,  be- 
 tween ciixt  and  west  iiad  been  kept  up  to  a  certain 
 degree.  In  Betlishean,  the  most  easterly  city  of 
 the  cis-Joi-d.uu'c  Maii.ixseh,  the  two  portiims  all  but 
 loincd,  David  iiad  judges  or  otlicers  there  for  nil 
 matteiB  sacred  and  secular  fl  Chr.  xxvi.  32);  and 
 Solomon's  commis-sariat  officer,  Ben-Gebei-,  ruled 
 over  the  towns  of  .lair  and  the  whole  (li.-.trict  of 
 
 MANASSEH 
 
 Argob  (1  K.  IV.  13).  The  genealogies  of  the  tiib* 
 are  preserved  in  Num.  xxvi.  28-34;  Josh.  xvii.  1, 
 &c. ;  and  1  Chr.  vii.  14-19.  But  it  seems  im- 
 possible to  unravel  these  so  as  to  ascertain  for 
 instance  which  of  the  families  remained  east  of 
 Jordan,  and  which  advanced  to  the  west.  Nor 
 is  it  less  difficult  to  fix  the  exact  position  of  the 
 tenitory  allotted  to  the  western  half.  In  Josh, 
 xvii.  14-18  we  find  the  two  tribes  of  Joseph  com- 
 plaining that  oidy  one  portion  had  been  allotted 
 to  them,  viz.  Mount  Ephiaim  (ver.  15).  In  reply 
 Joshua  advises  them  to  go  up  into  the  forest  (ver. 
 15,  A.  V.  "  wood"),  into  the  mountain  which  is  a 
 forest  (rer.  18).  This  mountain  clothed  with 
 forest  can  surely  be  nothing  but  Carmkl.  The 
 majority  of  the  towns  of  Manasseh  wei-e  actually 
 n>i  the  slopes  either  of  Carmel  itself  or  of  the 
 contiguous  ranges.  From  the  absence  of  any 
 attempt  to  define  a  limit  to  the  possessions  of 
 the  tribe  on  tlie  north,  it  looks  as  if  no  boundary- 
 line  had  existed  on  that  side.  On  the  south  side 
 the  boundary  between  Manasseh  and  E])hraim  is 
 more  definitely  described,  and  may  be  generally 
 traced  with  tolerable  certainty.  It  began  on  the 
 east  in  the  territory  of  Issachar  (xvii.  10)  at  a 
 jilace  called  ASHKR,  (ver.  7)  now  I'asir,  12  miles 
 N.E.  of  Nablus.  Thence  it  ran  to  Michmethah, 
 described  as  facing  Sheohem  (Nablus),  though  now 
 unknown  ;  then  went  to  the  right,  i.  e.  apparently 
 northward,  to  the  spring  of  'fappuah,  also  un- 
 known ;  there  it  fell  in  with  the  watercourses 
 of  the  torrent  Kanah — probably  the  iWir  Falaik — 
 along  which  it  ran  to  the  Mediterranean.  From 
 the  indications  of  the  history  it  would  appear  that 
 Manasseh  took  very  little  part  in  public  affairs. 
 They  either  left  all  that  to  Ephraim,  or  were  so 
 fill'  lemoved  from  the  centre  of  the  nation  as  to 
 have  little  interest  in  what  was  taking  place. 
 That  they  attended  David's  coronation  at  Hebron 
 has  alreadv  been  mentioned.  When  his  rule  was 
 established  over  all  Isiael,  each  half  had  its  distinct 
 ruler — the  western,  Joel  ben-Petlaiah,  the  eastern, 
 Iddo  ben-Zechariah  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  20,  21).  From 
 this  time  the  eastern  Manasseh  fades  entirely  from 
 our  view,  and  the  western  is  hardly  kept  before  us 
 by  an  occasional  mention. 
 
 Manas'seh,  the  thirteenth  king  of  Judah.  The 
 reign  of  this  monarch  is  longer  th.in  that  of 
 any  oiher  of  the  house  of  David.  There  is  none 
 of  which  we  know  so  little.  In  part,  it  may  be, 
 this  was  the  direct  lesult  of  the  character  and 
 policy  of  the  man.  In  piU't,  doulitless,  it  is  to  be 
 traced  to  the  abhorrence  with  which  the  follow- 
 ing generation  looked  back  upon  it  as  the  period 
 of  lowest  degradation  to  which  their  counti-y 
 had  ever  fallen.  The  birth  of  Manasseh  is  fixwl 
 twelve  years  Wf'ore  the  death  of  Hezekinh,  H.C. 
 710  (2  K.  xxi.  1).  We  must,  therefore,  infer 
 either  that  theie  had  been  no  heir  to  the  throne  u]) 
 to  that  comparatively  late  period  in  his  reign,  or 
 that  any  that  had  been  boin  had  die>l,  or  that,  as 
 sometimes  happened  in  the  succession  of  Jewish 
 an<i  other  Eastern  kings,  the  elder  son  was  pns."5ed 
 over  for  the  younger.  There  are  leasons  which 
 make  the  fornier  the  more  probable  alternative. 
 He/.ekiah,  it  would  seem,  recovering  from  his  sick- 
 ness, anxious  to  avoid  the  danger  that  had  threatened 
 him  of  leavnig  his  kingdom  without  an  heir,  mar- 
 lies,  at  or  about  this  time,  Heph/.ibah  (2  K.  xxi.  1), 
 the  daughter  of  one  of  the  citizens  or  princes  o< 
 Jerusidem.     The  child  that  is  born  from  this  union 
 
MANASSEH 
 
 is  Gilled  Manasseh.  This  name  too  is  strangely 
 signilicant.  It  appears  nowhere  else  in  the  history 
 of  the  kingdom  of  Judah.  How  are  we  to  account 
 for  so  singular  and  unlikely  a  choice?  'i'he  answer 
 is,  that  the  name  embodied  what  had  been  for 
 years  the  cherished  object  of  Hezekiah's  policy  and 
 hope.  To  take  advantage  of  the  overthrow  of  the 
 rival  kingdom  by  Shalmaneser,  and  the  anarchy 
 in  which  its  provinces  had  been  left,  to  gather 
 round  him  the  remnant  of  the  population,  to  bring 
 them  back  to  the  worship  and  faith  of  their  fathers, 
 this  had  been  the  second  step  in  his  great  national 
 reformation  (2  Chr.  xxx.  6).  It  was  at  least  par- 
 tially successful.  "  Divers  of  Asher,  Manasseh,  and 
 Zobulun,  humbled  themselves  and  came  to  Jeru- 
 salem." They  were  theie  at  the  gieat  passover. 
 The  work  of  destroying  idols  went  on  in  Ephraim 
 and  Manasseh  as  well  as  in  Judah  (2  Chr.  xxxi.  1). 
 The  last  twelve  years  of  Hezekiah's  reign  were  not, 
 however,  it  will  be  remembered,  those  which  were 
 likely  to  influence  for  good  the  character  of  his 
 successor.  His  policy  had  succeeded.  He  had 
 thrown  off  the  yoke  of  the  king  of  Assyria,  and 
 had  made  himself  the  head  of  an  independent 
 kingdom.  But  he  goes  a  step  further.  The 
 ambition  of  being  a  great  potentate  continued, 
 and  it  was  to  the  results  of  this  ambition  that 
 the  boy  Manasseh  succeeded  at  the  age  of  twelve. 
 His  accession  appears  to  have  been  the  signal  for 
 an  entire  change,  if  not  in  the  foreign  policy, 
 at  any  rate  in  the  religious  administration  of 
 the  kingdom.  The  change  which  the  king's  mea- 
 sures brought  about  was  after  all,  superficial. 
 The  idolatry  which  was  publicly  discounten;tticed, 
 was  practised  privately  (Is.  i.  29,  ii.  20,  Ixv.  3). 
 It  was,  moreover,  the  traditional  policy  of  "  the 
 princes  of  Judah  "  (comp.  2  Chr.  xxiv.  17),  to 
 favour  foreign  alliances  and  the  toleration  of  foreign 
 worship,  as  it  was  that  of  the  true  priests  and 
 prophets  to  protest  against  it.  It  would  seem, 
 accordingly,  as  if  they  ui-ged  upon  the  young  king 
 that  scheme  of  a  close  alliance  v;ith  Babylon  which 
 Isaiah  had  condemned,  and  as  the  natural  conse- 
 quence of  this,  the  adoption,  as  far  as  possible,  of 
 its  worship,  and  that  of  other  nations  whom  it  was 
 desirable  to  conciliate.  The  result  was  a  debase- 
 ment which  had  not  been  equalled  even  in  the 
 reign  of  Ahaz,  uniting  in  one  centre  the  abomina- 
 tions which  elsewhere  existed  sep;fi'ately.  Not 
 content  with  sanctioning  their  presence  in  the  Holy 
 City,  as  Solomon  and  Rrhoboam  had  done,  he  defiled 
 with  it  the  Sanctuary  itself  (2  Chr.  xxxiii.  4).  The 
 woiship  thus  introduced  was  predominantly  Baby- 
 lonian in  its  character.  With  this,  however,  there 
 was  associated  the  old  Molech  worship  of  the 
 Ammonites.  The  fires  were  rekindled  in  the  valley 
 of  Ben-Hinnom.  The  Baal  and  Ashtaroth  ritual, 
 which  had  been  imported  under  Solomon  from  the 
 Phoenicians,  was  revived  with  fresh  splendour.  All 
 this  was  aaompanied  by  the  extremest  moral  de- 
 gradation. Every  taith  was  tolerated  but  the  old 
 faith  of  Israel.  This  was  abandoned  and  proscribed. 
 It  is  easy  to  imagine  the  bitter  grief  and  burning 
 indignation  of  those  who  continued  faithful.  They 
 spoke  out  in  words  of  corresponding  strength. 
 Evil  was  coming  on  Jerusalem  which  should  make 
 the  ears  of  men  to  tingle  (2  K.  xxi.  12).  The  line 
 of  Samaria  and  the  plummet  of  the  house  of  Ahab 
 should  be  the  doom  of  the  Holy  City.  Like  a  vessel 
 that  had  once  been  full  of  precious  ointment,  but 
 had  afterwards;  become  foul,  Jerusalem  should  be 
 
 MANASSEH 
 
 509 
 
 emptied  and  wiped  out,  and  exposed  to  the  winds 
 of  Heaven  till  it  was  cleansed.  Foremost,  we  may 
 well  believe,  among  those  who  thus  bore  their 
 witness  was  the  ol<l  prophet,  now  bent  with  the 
 weight  of  fourscore  years,  who  had  in  his  earlier 
 days  protested  with  equal  courage  against  the 
 Climes  of  the  king's  grandfather.  On  him  too, 
 according  to  the  old  Jewish  tradition,  came  the 
 first  shock  of  the  persecution.  But  the  persecution 
 did  not  stop  there.  It  attacked  the  whole  order 
 of  the  true  prophets,  and  those  who  followed 
 them.  The  heart  and  the  intellect  of  the  nation 
 were  crushed  out,  and  there  would  seem  to  have 
 been  no  chroniclers  left  to  record  this  portion  of  its 
 history.  Retribution  came  soon  in  the  natural 
 sequence  of  events.  There  are  indications  that  the 
 neighbouring  nations — Phi'listines,  Moabites,  Am- 
 monites— who  had  been  tributary  under  Hezekiah, 
 revolted  at  some  period  in  the  reign  of  Manasseh, 
 and  asserted  their  independence  (Zeph.  ii.  4-19  ; 
 Jer.  xlvii.  xlviii.  xlix.).  The  Babylonian  alliance 
 bore  the  fruits  which  had  been  piedicted.  The 
 rebellion  of  Merodach-Baladan  was  crushed,'  and 
 then  the  wrath  of  the  Assyrian  king  fell  on  those 
 who  had  supported  him.  Judaea  was  again  over- 
 run by  the  Assyrian  armies,  and  this  time  the  inva- 
 sion was  more  successful  than  that  of  Sennacherib. 
 The  city  apparently  was  taken.  The  king  himself 
 was  made  prisoner  and  carried  off  to  Babylon. 
 There  his  eyes  were  opened,  and  he  repented,  and 
 his  prayer  was  heard,  and  the  Lord  delivered  him 
 (2  Chr.  xxxiii.  12,  lo).  Two  questions  meet  us 
 at  this  point.  (1)  Have  we  satisfactory  grounds 
 for  believing  that  this  statement  is  historically 
 true?  (2)  If  we  accept  it,  to  what  period  in  the 
 reign  of  Manasseh  is  it  to  be  assigned  ?  It  has  been 
 urged  in  regard  to  ( 1 )  that  the  silence  of  the 
 writer  of  the  books  of  Kings  is  conclusive  against 
 the  trustworthiness  of  the  narrative  of  2  Chronicles. 
 It  is  believed  that  that  answer  is  not  far  to  seek. 
 (1)  The  silence  of  a  writer  who  sums  up  the  his- 
 tory of  a  reign  of  55  years  in  19  verses  as  to  one 
 alleged  event  in  it  is  surely  a  weak  ground  for 
 refusing  to  accept  that  event  on  the  authority  of 
 another  historian.  (2)  The  omission  is  in  part 
 explained  by  the  character  of  the  narrative  of 
 2  K.  xxi.  The  writer  deliberatelj'  turns  away 
 from  the  history  of  the  days  of  shame,  and  not 
 less  from  ihe  personal  biography  of  the  king. 
 (3)  The  character  of  the  writer  of  2  Chronicles, 
 obviously  a  Levite,  and  looking  at  the  facts  of  the 
 history  from  the  Levite  point  of  view,  would  lead 
 him  to  attach  greater  importance  to  a  partial  rein- 
 statement of  the  old  ritual  and  to  the  cessation 
 of  persecution.  (4)  There  is  one  peculiarity  in  the 
 history  which  is,  in  some  measure,  of  the  nature  c( 
 an  undesigned  coincidence,  and  so  confirms  it.  The 
 captains  of  the  host  of  Assyria  take  Manasseh  to 
 Babylon.  The  nan-ative  fits  in,  with  the  utmost 
 accuracy,  to  the  facts  of  Oriental  history.  The 
 first  attempt  of  Babylon  to  assert  its  independence 
 of  Nineveh  failed.  It  was  crushed  by  Esaihaddon, 
 and  for  a  time  the  Assyiian  king  held  his  court 
 at  Babylon,  so  as  to  effect  more  completely  the 
 reduction  of  the  rebellious  province.  There  is 
 (5)  the  fact  of  agreement  with  the  iutei-vention  of 
 the  Assyrian  king  in  2  K.  xvii.  24,  just  at  the 
 same  time.  The  circumstance  just  noticed  enables 
 us  to  return  an  approximate  answer  to  the  other 
 question.  The  duration  of  Esarhaddon's  Baby- 
 lonian reign  is  calculated  as  from  B.C.  680-667  ; 
 
510 
 
 MANASSEH 
 
 and  Mnnas-seh's  (-aptivity  must,  therefore  liave  fallen 
 within  those  limits.  A  .lewisli  tradition  fixes  the 
 '22iid  yeiir  of  his  reign  as  the  exact  date  ;  and  this, 
 accordinf;  as  we  adopt  the  earlier  or  the  Inter  elate 
 of  his  accession,  would  give  B.C.  676  or  673.  The 
 period  that  followed  is  dwelt  upon  by  the  writer 
 of  2  Chr.  its  one  of  a  pait  change  for  the  better. 
 The  compassion  or  death  of  Ksarhaddon  led  to  his 
 relcjise,  and  he  returned  after  some  uneertiiin  in- 
 terval of  time  to  Jerusalem.  The  old  faith  of 
 Israel  was  no  longer  jiersecuted.  Foieign  idolatries 
 were  no  longer  thrust,  In  all  their  foulne.ss.  into 
 the  Sanctuary  itself.  The  altar  of  the  Lord  w^\s 
 again  restored,  and  peace-offerings  and  thank- 
 otlerings  sacrificed  to  .Ichovah  (2  Chr.  x.xxiii.  lo, 
 16).  But  beyonil  this  the  reformation  did  not  go. 
 The  other  facts  known  of  Manasseh's  loign  connect 
 them.selves  with  the  state  of  the  world  round  him. 
 The  Assyiian  monarchy  was  totteiing  to  its  fall, 
 and  the  king  of  Judah  seems  to  have  thought  that 
 it  was  still  possible  for  him  to  rule  as  the  head  of 
 a  strong  and  independent  kingdom.  He  foitified 
 Jeru.salem  (2  Chr.  xxvii.  .J),  and  ])ut  captains  of 
 war  in  all  the  fenced  cities  of  .ludah.  Theie  was, 
 it  must  be  remembered,  a  special  reason.  Egypt 
 was  become  stiong  and  aggressive  under  P.sammi- 
 tichns.  About  this  time  we  find  the  thought  of 
 an  Kgyptian  alliance  again  beginning  to  gain  favour. 
 The  very  name  of  Manasseh's  son.  Anion,  identical 
 m  form  and  sound  with  that  of  the  great  sun-god 
 of  Kgypf,  is  probably  an  indication  of  the  gladness 
 with  which  the  alliance  of  Psammitichus  was 
 welcomed.  As  one  of  its  consequences,  it  involved 
 probably  the  supply  of  tioops  from  .ludah  to  serve 
 in  the  anxiies  of  the  Kgyptian  king.  In  return  for 
 this  Manasseh,  we  may  believe,  received  the  help 
 of  the  chariots  and  lior.ses  for  which  Egypt  was 
 always  famous  ^Is.  .x.xxi.  n.  If  this  was  the  clo.se 
 of  Manasseh's  reign,  we  uw  nndei-stand  how  it  was 
 that  on  his  death  he  was  biuicd  a.s  Ahaz  had  been, 
 not  with  ihe  burial  of  a  king,  in  the  sepulchres  of 
 the  house  of  L)avid,  but  in  the  garden  of  Uzzn 
 (2  K.  xxi.  26;,  and  that,  long  afterwards,  in  spite 
 of  his  repent.-uice,  the  Jews  held  his  name  in  abhor- 
 rence. The  habits  of  a  sensuous  and  debased 
 woi ship  had  eaten  into  the  lite  of  the  people  ;  and 
 though  tliey  might  be  repressed  lor  a  time  by 
 force,  as  in  the  icfoimation  of  Josiah,  they  burst 
 out  again,  when  the  pressure  was  removetl,  with 
 fresh  violence,  and  rendeied  even  the  zeal  of  the 
 Ijcst  of  the  Jewish  kings  fruitful  chiefly  in  hypo- 
 crisy and  unreality.  'I'lie  intellectual  life  of  the 
 people  suffered  in  the  same  degree.  The  persecu- 
 tion cut  oil'  all  who,  trained  in  the  schools  of  the 
 l)ropliets,  wcie  the  thinkers  and  teachers  of  the 
 people.  Hut  little  is  addeil  by  later  tradition  to 
 the  0.  T.  narrative  of  Manasseh's  reign.  The 
 piayer  that  beais  his  name  among  the  apocryphal 
 books  can  hardly,  in  the  absence  of  any  Ilebiew 
 original,  be  considered  as  identii-.il  with  that  re- 
 ferred to  in  2  Chr.  xxxiii.,  and  is  probably  rather 
 the  result  of  an  attem]>t  to  work  out  the  hint  there 
 .supplied  than  the  repioduition  of  an  older  docu- 
 ment. There  aie  rea-sons,  however,  for  believing 
 that  there  existed  at  .some  time  or  other,  a  fuller 
 histoiy,  more  or  less  legendary,  of  Manasseh  and 
 his  conversion,  from  w  hich  the  prayer  may  possibly 
 have  been  an  excerpt  prescrveil  for  devotional  pui-- 
 posfs  rit  apin'ars  tor  the  first  time  in  the  Ajwstolical 
 (..'onstitiitions)  when  the  rest  wa.s  rejected  as  worth- 
 las.     Scattered  here  and  tliere,  we  find  the  disjecta 
 
 MANASSES,  THE  PRAYER  OF 
 
 membra  of  such  a  work. — 2.  One  of  the  descendant<: 
 of  Pabiitli-iMoab,  who  in  the  davs  of  Fizra  had 
 married  a  fornign  wife  (Kzr.  x.  HO).— -3.  One  of 
 the  laymen,  of  the  family  of  Hashum,  who  put 
 away  his  foreign  wife  at  Ezra's  command  (Ezr.  x. 
 3:5). — 4.  In  the  Hebrew  text  of  .ludg.  xviii.  30. 
 the  name  of  the  priest  of  the  giaven  image  of  the 
 Danites  is  given  as  "Jonathan,  the  son  of  (iei-shom, 
 the  son  of  Manasseh  ;"  the  last  word  being  written 
 HK'^D'  •''"''  '^  Masoretic  note  calling  attention  to 
 the  *'  nun  suspended."  liashi's  note  u])on  the 
 pa.s.sage  is  as  follows : — "  On  account  of  the  honour 
 of  Moses  he  wrote  Ntm  to  change  the  name ;  and 
 it  is  written  suspended  to  siirnify  that  it  was  not 
 Alana.s.seh  but  Moses."  The  LX.\.,  IVshito-.^yri.ic, 
 and  Chaldee  all  read  "  Manasseh,"  but  the  Vulgate 
 letains  the  original  and  uixloubtedly  the  true  read- 
 ing, Moyscs.  Kennicott  attributes  the  presence  of 
 the  Nun  to  the  corruption  of  MSS.  by  .lewish 
 transcribei's.  With  regard  to  the  chronological 
 dilficulty  of  accounting  for  the  presence  of  a  grand- 
 son ot'  Aloses  at  an  apparently  late  [lerioii,  there  is 
 every  reason  to  believe  that  the  last  five  chaptei-s 
 of  Judges  refer  to  earlier  events  than  tho.se  after 
 which  they  are  j)laced.  In  xx.  28  Phinehas  the  sou 
 of  Eleazar,  and  theietbre  the  grandson  of  Aaron,  is 
 said  to  have  stood  belbre  the  ark,  and  there  is 
 therefore  no  difliculty  in  supposing  that  a  grandson 
 of  Moses  might  be  alive  at  the  same  time,  which 
 was  not  long  after  the  death  of  Joshua. 
 
 Manas'ses.  1.  Manasskii  4,  of  the  sons  of 
 Ilashuni  (1  Esd.  ix.  33).— 2.  Manas-SKII,  king 
 of  .ludah,  (Matt.  i.  10),  to  whom  the  apocryphal 
 piayer  is  attributed. — 3.  Manasseh,  the  .son  ot 
 .Io.se]>h  (Hev.  vii.  6  .^4.  A  wealthy  inhabitant 
 of  hethulia,  and  husbaml  of  Juditli,  according 
 to    the    legend    (Jud.   viii.   2,    7,    x.    3,    xvi.    22, 
 
 2.;.  2+). 
 
 Manas'ses,  the  Prayer  of.     1 .  The  repentance 
 
 and  restoration  of  Manasseh  '2  Chr.  xxxiii.  12  H'. ) 
 furnished  the  subject  of  many  legendary  stoiies. 
 "  His  prayer  unto  his  Go  1  "  was  still  preserved 
 "  in  the  book  of  the  kings  of  Israel "  when  the 
 Chronicles  weie  compiled  (2  Chr.  xxxiii.  18"),  and, 
 after  this  record  was  lost,  the  subject  was  likely 
 to  attract  the  notice  of  later  writers.  "  The  Pr.iyer 
 of  .Manasseh,"  which  is  found  in  some  MSJ>.  of  the 
 LXX.,  is  the  work  of  one  who  has  endeavoured  to 
 express,  not  without  true  feeling,  the  thoughts  of 
 the  repentant  king.  2.  The  (Jieek  text  is  un- 
 doubtedly original,  and  not  a  mere  translation  from 
 the  Hebrew.  The  writei-  w.as  well  acquainted  with 
 the  LXX.  But  beyoml  this  there  is  nothing  to 
 determine  the  date  at  which  he  lived.  The  allu- 
 sion to  the  patriarchs  (1,  8)  appeal's  to  fix  the 
 authorship  on  a  Jew  ;  but  the  clear  teaching  on 
 repentance  points  to  a  time  certainly  not  long 
 before  the  Christian  eia.  There  is  no  indication 
 of  the  place  at  which  the  Prayer  was  written. 
 3.  The  earliest  reference  to  the  Prayer  is  contained 
 in  a  fragment  of  Julius  Africanus  (cir.  221  A.D.). 
 but  it  may  be  doubted  whether  the  woiils  in  their 
 original  form  clearly  referred  to  the  present  com- 
 position (Jul.  Afric.  fr.  40).  It  is,  however, 
 given  at  length  in  the  .\postolical  Constitutions 
 (ii.  22).  The  Prayer  is  foiuid  in  the  Alexandrine 
 M.S.  4.  The  Prayer  was  never  di.stinctly  recognised 
 as  a  canonical  writins:.  though  it  was  included  in 
 many  M.S.S.  of  the  I. XX.  and  of  the  Latin  version, 
 and  has  been  dcservedlv  ret.ained  among  the  a|x>- 
 cjypha    M    A.    V.    and    by    Lvither.      The    Latin 
 
MANASSITES 
 
 tnuislation  which  occurs  in  Vulgate  MSS.  is  not 
 by  the  liaiid  of  Jeiome. 
 
 Manass'ites,  the,  that  is,  the  members  of  the 
 tribe  of  Manasseh.  The  word  occurs  but  thrice 
 in  the  A.  V.  viz.  Deut.  iv.  43  ;  Juds;.  xii.  4 ;  and 
 2  K.  X.  33. 
 
 Man 'drakes  (Heb.  duddim).  The  <f»cfrt?/n  ("the 
 word  occurs  only  iu  the  ]ilural  number)  are  men- 
 tioned ill  Gen.  .\xx.  14,  15,  16,  and  in  Cant.  vii. 
 13.  From  the  former  passage  we  leani  that  they 
 were  found  in  the  fields  of  Mesopotamia,  where 
 J:icob  and  his  wives  were  at  one  time  living,  and 
 that  the  fruit  was  gathered  "  in  the  days  of  wheat- 
 harvest,"  i.e.  m  May.  Fiom  Cant.  vii.  13  we 
 learn  that  the  plant  in  question  was  strong-scented, 
 and  that  it  giow  in  Palestine.  Various  attempts 
 have  been  made  to  identify  the  duddim.  The  most 
 satisfactory  is  certainly  that  which  supposes  the 
 mandrake  (Atropa  rnandragora)   to  be  the  plant 
 
 MANNA 
 
 511 
 
 The  Jlandrnke  (^(i-oj/n  Mnndracora). 
 
 denoted  by  the  Hebrew  word.  The  LXX.,  the 
 Vulg.,  the  Syriac,  and  the  Arabic  versions,  the 
 Targums,  the  most  learned  of  the  Rabbis,  and 
 many  later  comnientatoi's,  are  in  favour  of  the 
 translation  of  the  A.  V.  It  is  well  known  that 
 the  mandrake  is  far  from  odoi'iferous,  the  whole 
 plant  being,  in  European  estimation  at  all  events, 
 very  fetid.  But  Oedmann,  after  quoting  a  number 
 of  authorities  to  show  that  the  mandrakes  were 
 prized  by  the  Arabs  foi-  their  odour,  makes  the 
 following  just  remark : — "  It  is  known  that  Orientals 
 set  an  especial  value  on  sti'ongly  smelling  things 
 that  to  more  delicate  European  senses  are  un- 
 pleasing  ....  The  intoxicating  qualities  of  the 
 mandrake,  far  from  le--sening  its  value,  would 
 rather  add  to  it,  for  every  one  knows  with  what 
 relish  the  Oiientals  use  all   kinds  of  preparations 
 
 to  produce  intoxication."  That  the  frait  wa.s  fit  t« 
 be  gathered  at  the  time  of  wheat-hai-vest  is  clear 
 from  the  testimony  of  several  travellers.  Schultze 
 found  mandrake-apples  on  tlie  15th  of  May.  Has- 
 selquist  saw  them  at  Nazareth  earlv  in  May.  Dr 
 Thomson  found  mandrakes  lipe  on  the  lower  rani^es 
 of  Lebanon  and  Hermon  towards  the  end  of  April. 
 The  mandrake  {Atropa  rnandragora)  is  closely  allied 
 to  the  well-known  deadly  nightshade  {a1  bella- 
 donna), and  belongs  to  the  order  Solanoceae. 
 
 Ma'neh.     [Weights  and  Measures.] 
 
 Manger.  This  word  occui-s  only  in  connexior 
 with  the  birth  of  Christ,  in  Luke  ii.  7,  12,  16. 
 The  original  term  is  (pdrvi},  which  is  found  but 
 once  besides  in  the  N.  T.,  viz.  Luke  xiii.  15, 
 where  it  is  rendered  by  "stall."  The  word  in 
 classical  Greek  undoubtedly  means  a  manger,  crib, 
 or  feeding  trough  ;  but  according  to  Schleusner  its 
 real  signification  in  the  N.  T.  is  the  open  court- 
 yard, attached  to  the  inn  oi-  khan,  and  enclosed  by 
 a  rough  fence  of  stones,  wattle,  or  other  slight 
 miterial,  into  which  the  cattle  would  be  shut  at 
 night,  and  where  the  poorer  travellers  might 
 unpack  their  animals  and  take  up  their  lodging, 
 v  "len  they  were  either  by  want  of  room  or  want 
 ot  means  excluded  fioin  the  house.  The  above 
 interpretation  is  of  course  at  variance  with  the 
 tnditional  belief  that  the  Nativity  took  place  in  a 
 cive.  Professor  Stanley  has  however  shown  how 
 destitute  of  foundation  tiiis  tradition  is. 
 
 Ma'ni.  The  same  as  Bani,  4  (1  Esl.  ix.  30; 
 comp.  Ezr.  x.  29  i. 
 
 Man'liiis,  T.  In  the  account  of  the  conclusion  of 
 the  campaign  of  Lysas  (n.c.  163)  against  the 
 Jews  given  in  2  Mace,  xi.,  four  letters  are  intro- 
 duced, of  which  the  last  purports  to  be  fiom 
 "  L.  Memmius  and  T.  Manlius,  ambassadors  of 
 the  liomans"  (ver.  34-38),  confirming  the  conces- 
 sions made  by  Lysias.  There  can  he  but  little 
 doubt  that  the  letter  is  a  fabrication.  No  such 
 names  occur  among  the  many  legates  to  Syria 
 noticed  fjy  Polybius;  and  there  is  no  room  for 
 the  mission  of  another  embassy  between  two  re- 
 corded shortly  before  and  after  the  death  of  An- 
 tJochus  Epiphaiies.  If,  as  seems  likely,  the  true 
 reading  is  T.  Manius  (not  Manlius),  the  writer  was 
 probably  thinking  of  the  former  embassy  when 
 C.  Sulpiciiis  and  Manius  Sergius  were  sent  to 
 Syria. 
 
 Man'na  (Heb.  man).  The  most  impoi-tnnt  passages 
 of  the  0.  T.  on  this  topic  are  tiie  following  : — Ex. 
 xvi.  14-36  :  Num.  xi.  7-9  ;  Deut.  viii.  3,  16  ;  Josh 
 v.  12  ;  Ps.  ixxviii.  24,  25  ;  Wisd.  xvi.  20,  21.  From 
 these  passages  we  learn  that  the  manna  came  every 
 morning  except  the  Sabbath,  in  the  form  of  a  small 
 round  seed  resembling  the  hoar  frost;  that  it  must 
 be  gathered  early,  before  the  sun  became  so  hot  as  to 
 melt  it;  that  it  must  be  gathered  every  day  except 
 the  Sabbath  ;  that  the  attempt  to  ky  aside  for  a 
 succeeding  day,  except  on  the  day  immediately  pre- 
 cedmg  the  Sabbath,  failed  by  the  substance  becoming 
 wormy  and  offensive ;  that  it  was  prepared  for  food 
 by  giinding  and  baking ;  that  its  taste  was  like  fresh 
 oil,  and  like  wafers  made  with  honey,  equally  agi'ee- 
 able  to  all  palates  ;  that  the  whole  nation  subsisted 
 upon  it  for  forty  years ;  that  it  suddenly  ceased 
 when  they  first  got  the  new  corn  of  the  land  of 
 Canaan  ;  and  that  it  was  always  regarded  as  a 
 miraculous  gift  directly  from  God,  and  n(t  as  a 
 product  of  nature.  The  natural  products  of  the 
 Arabian  deserts  and  other  Oriental  regions,  wliich 
 
512 
 
 MANNA 
 
 hear  the  name  of  manna,  have  not  tiie  qualities  or 
 lines  iisci  ibetl  to  the  manna  of  Scii])ture.  The  manna 
 of  .*>cii|>tiiie  we  )eg;ud  as  wholly  miracnious,  anil 
 not  in  any  respect  a  jiroiluct  of  nature.  The  etymo- 
 logy and  meaning  of  the  word  innnna  are  best  given 
 by  the  old  authorities,  the  Sc'))tnagint,  the  Vulgate, 
 and  Josephus.  According  to  ail  these  authorities, 
 with  which  the  Syriac  also  agries,  the  Hebrew  word 
 7ndii,  by  which  this  substance  is  always  designated 
 in  the  Hebn-w  Scriptures,  is  the  neuter  init-iioira- 
 tive  jironoun  (what  ?)  ;  and  the  name  is  derived 
 from  the  inqiiiiy  (man  /in,  what  is  this?),  which 
 the  Hebrews  made  wlien  tliey  first  saw  it  upon  the 
 ground.  The  Arabian  ])liysician  Avicenna  gives 
 the  following  description  of  the  manna  which  in  his 
 time  was  used  as  a  medicine : — "  Manna  is  a  dew 
 which  dills  on  stones  or  bushes,  becomes  thick  like 
 honey,  and  can  be  hardened  so  as  to  be  like  grains 
 of  corn."     The  substance  now  called  manna  in  the 
 
 TiiriiU'i'r  Goilica 
 
 Arabian  desert  through  which  the  Israelites  passed, 
 is  collected  in  the  month  of  Juno  from  the  tnrfn 
 or  tamarisk  shrub  f  Tamnrix  fiallica).  According 
 to  Hurckhardt  it  drops  from  the  thorns  on  the  sticks 
 and  leaves  with  which  the  ground  is  covered,  and 
 must  be  gathered  early  in  the  ilay,  or  it  will  be 
 meltfii  by  the  sun.  The  Arabs  cleanse  and  boil  it, 
 strain  it  through  a  cloth,  and  put  it  in  leathern 
 l>oftles  ;  and  in  this  way  it  can  be  kept  uninjured 
 for  several  years.  They  u.se  it  like  honey  or  butter 
 with  their  unleavened  bread,  but  never  make  it 
 into  rakes  or  ent  it  bv  itself.     Knuwolf  and  some 
 
 MANSLAYER 
 
 more  recent  travellers  have  observe<l  that  the  dried 
 grains  of  the  oriental  manna  were  like  thecoriander- 
 si'f'd  Nieiiuhr  observed  that  at  Manlin  ip  IMeso. 
 jiiitamia,  the  manna  lies  like  meal  on  the  leaves  of 
 a  tree  called  in  the  Kast  ballot  and  ofs  or  as,  which 
 he  legards  as  a  species  of  oak.  The  harvest  is  in 
 July  and  August,  and  much  more  plentil'ul  in  wet 
 than  diy  seasons.  In  the  valley  of  the  Jordan 
 Hurckhardt  found  manna  like  gum  on  the  leaves 
 and  branches  of  the  tree  gharrob,  which  is  as  large 
 as  the  olive-tree,  having  a  leaf  like  the  p)])lar, 
 though  somewhat  broader.  Two  other  shrubs 
 which  have  been  supposed  to  yield  the  manna  of 
 Scripture,  are  the  Alhafii  mauromm,  or  Persian 
 manna,  and  ihe  Al/mgi dcsertorum, — thoiny  plants 
 common  in  Syria.  The  manna  of  European  com- 
 merce comes  mostly  from  Calabria  and  Sicily.  It 
 is  gathered  during  the  months  of  June  and  July 
 from  some  species  of  ash  ( Ornus  Europaea  and 
 Onius  rotundifolia),  from  which  it  drops  in  con- 
 sequence of  a  piuictuie  by  an  insect  resembling  the 
 locust,  but  distinguished  from  it  fiy  having  a  sting 
 under  its  body.  The  substance  is  fluid  at  night, 
 and  resembles  the  dew,  but  in  the  morning  it  begins 
 10  harden. 
 
 Mano'ah,  the  father  of  Samson  ;  a  Danite,  native 
 of  the  town  of  Zorah  (Judg.  xiii.  2).  The  narra- 
 tive of  the  Bible  (xiii.  1-2:;),  of  the  circumstances 
 which  preceded  the  birth  of  Samson,  supplies  us 
 with  very  few  and  faint  traits  of  Manoah's  charac- 
 ter or  habits.  He  seems  to  have  had  some  occu- 
 pation which  separated  him  during  part  of  the  day 
 from  his  wife,  though  that  was  not  field  work,  be- 
 cause it  was  in  the  field  that  his  wife  was  found  by 
 the  aiiirel  duiing  his  absence.  He  was  hospitable, 
 as  his  tiiietiither  Abram  had  been  before  him;  he 
 was  a  worshipper  of  Jehovah,  and  reverent  to  a 
 great  degree  of  liear.  These  fiint  lineaments  are 
 brought  into  somewhat  grejiter  distinctness  by  Jo- 
 sephus  (Ant.  v.  8,  §2,  .'i),  on  what  authority  we 
 have  no  means  of  judging,  though  his  account  is 
 doubtless  founded  on  some  ancient  .lewish  tradition 
 or  record.  We  hear  of  Manoah  once  again  in  con- 
 nexion with  the  marriage  of  Samson  to  the  Philis- 
 tine of  Timnath.  His  fither  and  his  mother  re- 
 monstrated with  him  thereon,  but  to  no  purpose 
 (xiv.  2,  '^).  They  thc>n  accompanieil  him  to  Tim- 
 nath, both  on  the  preliminary  visit  (vei-s.  5,  6), 
 and  to  the  marriage  itself  9,  10 1.  Manoah  ai>. 
 peais  not  to  have  survived  his  son. 
 
 Manslayer.  The  cases  of  manslaughter  men- 
 tioned appear  to  be  a  sufficient  sample  of  the  inten- 
 tion of  the  lawgiver,  a.  Death  by  a  blow  in  a 
 sudden  quarrel  (Num.  xxxv.  22).  I>.  Heath  by  a 
 stone  or  missile  thrown  at  random  ( i'>.  22,  23; 
 c.  By  the  blade  of  an  axe  flying  from  its  handle 
 flWt.  xix.  h).  d.  Whether  the  case  of  a  pei-son 
 killed  by  falling  from  a  roof  unprovidinl  with  a 
 parapet  involved  the  guilt  of  manslaughter  on  the 
 owner,  is  not  clear;  but  the  law  seems  intende.1  to 
 prevent  the  itnputation  of  malice  in  any  such  case, 
 by  preventintr  as  tar  as  possible  the  occurrence  of 
 the  tact  itself  (IVut.  xxii.  8).  In  nil  these  and  tr.^ 
 like  cases  the  manslayer  was  allowed  to  retiie  to  a 
 city  of  refuge.  Besides  these  the  following  may  be 
 mentioned  as  cases  of  homicide,  a.  An  animal,  not 
 known  to  be  vicious,  causing  death  to  a  b\iman 
 i)ein<;,  was  to  be  put  to  death,  and  re;jarde<l  as 
 unclean.  But  if  it  was  known  to  be  vicious,  the 
 owner  also  was  liable  to  fine,  and  even  de»th  (E«, 
 xxi.    2ft,   :'l).      b.    .A    thii'f  overtaken   Ml   Dign".   '0 
 
MANTLE 
 
 the  act  might  lawfully  be  put  to  death,  but  if  the 
 sun  had  risen  the  act  of  killing  him  was  to  be  re- 
 garded i\s  murder  (Ex.  xxii.  2,  3). 
 
 Mantle.  The  word  employed  in  the  A.  V.  to 
 Iranslate  no  less  than  four  Hebrew  teims,  entirely 
 distinct  and  independent  both  in  derivation  and 
 ine;ming.  1,  S'micah.  This  word  occurs  but  once, 
 viz.  Judg.  iv.  18,  where  it  denotes  the  thing  with 
 which  Jael  covered  Sisera.  It  may  be  inferred  that 
 11  was  some  part  of  the  regular  furniture  of  the  tent. 
 'i"he  clue  to  a  more  exact  signiricatioo  is  given  by 
 the  Arabic  version  of  the  Polyglott,  which  renders 
 it  by  alcatifah,  a  word  which  is  explained  by  Dozy 
 to  mean  certain  articles  of  a  thick  fabric,  in  shape 
 like  a  plaid  or  shawl,  which  are  commonly  used  tor 
 beds  by  the  Arabs.— 2.  Meil.  (Rendered  "  manile" 
 in  1  Sam.  xv.  27,  xxviii.  14;  Ezr.  ix.  3,  5  ;  Job  i. 
 20,  ii.  12  ;  and  Ps.  cix.  29.)  This  word  is  in  other 
 passages  of  the  A.  V.  rendered  "coat,"  "cloak," 
 and  "robe."  This  inconsistency  is  undesirable  ;  but 
 in  one  case  only — that  of  Samuel — is  it  of  import- 
 ance. It  is  interesting  to  know  that  the  garment 
 which  his  mother  made  and  brought  to  the  infant 
 prophet  at  her  annual  visit  to  the  Holy  Tent  at 
 Shiloh  was  a  miniature  of  the  official  priestly  tunic 
 or  robe ;  the  same  that  the  great  Prophet  wore  in 
 mature  years  (1  Sam.  xv.  27),  and  by  which  he  was 
 on  one  occasion  actually  identified  (xxviii.  14). ^3. 
 Ma'atdphdh  (the  Hebrew  word  is  I'ound  in  Is.  iii.  22 
 only).  Apparently  some  article  of  a  lady's  dress; 
 probably  an  exterior  tunic,  longer  and  ampler  than 
 the  internal  one,  and  provided  with  sleeves.  But 
 the  most  remarkable  of  the  four  is:— 4.  Addereth 
 (rendered  "mantle"  in  1  K.  xix.  13,  19;  2  K.  ii. 
 8,  13,  14 ;  elsewhere  "  gaiment  "  and  "  robe  ")  ; 
 since  by  it,  and  it  only,  is  denoted  the  cape  or 
 wrapper  which,  with  the  exception  of  a  strip  of 
 skin  or  leather  round  his  loins,  formed,  as  we  have 
 every  reason  to  believe,  the  sole  garment  of  the 
 prophet  Elijah.  It  was  probably  of  sheepskin,  such 
 as  is  woin  by  the  modern  dervishes, 
 
 Ma'ocll,  the  father  of  Achish,  king  of  Oath,  with 
 whom  David  took  refuge  (1  Sam.  xxvii.  2). 
 
 Ma'on,  one  of  the  cities  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  in 
 the  district  of  the  mountains ;  a  member  of  the 
 .iiime  group  which  contains  also  the  names  of  Car- 
 mel  and  Ziph  (Josh.  xv.  55 j.  Its  interest  for  us 
 lies  in  its  connexion  with  David  (1  Sam.  xxiii.  24, 
 25).  The  name  of  Maon  still  exists  all  but  un- 
 changed in  the  mouths  of  the  Arab  herdsmen  and 
 peasants  in  the  south  of  Palestine.  Main  is  a  lofty 
 conical  hill,  south  of,  and  about  7  miles  distant 
 from,  Hebron.  In  the  genealogical  records  of  the 
 tribe  of  Judah  in  1  Chronicles,  Maon  appears  as  a 
 descendant  of  Hebron.  It  should  not  however  be 
 overlooked  that  in  the  original  the  name  of  Maon  is 
 identical  with  that  of  the  Mehunim,  and  it  is  tiuite 
 possible  that  before  the  conquest  it  may  have  been 
 one  of  their  towns. 
 
 Ma'onites.  the,  a  people  mentioned  in  one  of  the 
 addresses  of  Jehovah  to  the  ref«ntant  Israelites  (Judg. 
 X.  12).  The  name  agrees  with  that  of  a  people  re- 
 siding in  the  desert  far  south  of  Palestine,  elsewhere 
 in  the  A.  V.  called  Mehunim  ;  but,  as  no  invajiion  of 
 Israel  by  this  people  is  related  before  the  date  of  the 
 ]iassage  in  question,  various  explanations  and  con- 
 ji'ctures  have  been  offered.  The  reading  of  the 
 LXX. — "Midian" — is  remarkable  as  being  found 
 in  both  the  grei.t  MSS.,  and  having  on  that  account 
 a  strong  claim  to  be  coirsidered  as  the  reading  of  the 
 ancient  Hebrew  text. 
 
 Con.  D.  D. 
 
 MARESHAH 
 
 513 
 
 Ma'ra,  the  name  wnich  Naomi  adopted  in  the 
 exclamation  forced  from  her  by  the  recognition  of 
 her  fellow-citizens  at  Bethlehem  (Kuth  i.  20). 
 "  Call  me  not  Naomi  (pleasant),  but  call  me  Mara 
 (bitter),  for  Shaddai  hath  dealt-very-bitteily  (ha* 
 mer)  with  me." 
 
 Ma'rah,  a  place  which  lay  in  the  wilderness  of 
 Shur  or  Etham,  three  days' jounicy  distjuit  (Ex. 
 XT.  22-24,  Num.  xxxiii.  8)  from  the  place  at  which 
 the  Israelites  crossed  the  Ked  Sea,  and  wheie  was  a 
 spring  of  bitter  water,  sweetened  subsequently  by 
 the  casting  in  of  a  tree  which  "  the  Lord  showed  " 
 to  Moses.  It  luis  been  suggested  that  Moses  made 
 use  of  the  berries  of  the  plant  Ghurkud,  and  which 
 still  it  is  implied  would  be  found  similarly  to  ope- 
 rate. Howarah,  distant  16^  hours  fiom  Ayoun 
 Mousa,  has  been  by  Hobinson,  as  also  by  Burck- 
 hardt,  Schubert,  and  Wellsted,  identified  with  it, 
 apparently  becaust  it  is  the  bitterest  water  in  the 
 neighbourhood.  Winer  says  that  a  still  bitterer 
 well  lies  east  of  Marah,  the  claims  of  which  Tisch- 
 eiidorf,  it  appears,  has  supported.  Lepsius  prefers 
 Wady  Ghurundel.  Prof.  Stanley  thinks  that  the 
 claims  may  be  left  between  this  and  Eouoarali. 
 
 Mar'alah,  one  of  the  landmarks  on  the  boundary 
 of  tlietrilie  of  Zebulun  (Josh.  xix.  11). 
 
 Maranatha,  an  expression  used  by  St.  Paul  at 
 the  conclusion  of  his  first  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians 
 (xvi.  22).  It  is  a  Grecised  fonn  of  the  Aramaic 
 words  maran  athd,  "  our  Lord  cometh." 
 
 Marble.  Like  the  Greek  fxapfxapos,  the  Heb. 
 sliesh,  the  generic  term  for  marble,  may  piobably  be 
 taken  to  mean  almost  any  shining  stone.  The  so- 
 called  marble  of  Solomon's  architectural  works, 
 which  Josephus  calls  Kidos  \evK6s,  may  thus  have 
 been  limestone — (a)  from  near  Jerusalem  ;  (6)  from 
 Lebanon  (Jura  limestone),  identical  with  the  ma- 
 terial of  the  Sun  Temple  at  Baalbec ;  or  (c)  white 
 marble  from  Arabia  or  elsewhere.  There  can  be  no 
 doubt  that  Herod,  both  in  the  Temple  and  elsewhere, 
 employed  Parian  or  other  marble.  The  marble  pillars 
 and  tesserae  of  various  colours  of  the  palace  at  Sus;i 
 came  doubtless  from  Persia  itself  (Esth.  i.  6). 
 
 Marcheshvan.    [Months.] 
 
 Mar'cus.  The  Evangelist  Mark,  who  was  cousin 
 to  Barnabas  (Col.  iv.  10),  and  the  companion  and 
 fellow-labourer  of  the  apostles  Paul  (Philem.  24) 
 and  Peter  ( 1  Pet.  v.  13). 
 
 Mardoche'as.  1.  Mordecai,  the  uncle  of 
 Esther,  in  the  apocrj'phal  additions  (Esth.  x.  1,  xi. 
 2,  12,  xii.  1-6,  xvi.  13  ;  2  Mace.  xv.  36).— 2.  = 
 Mordecai,  who  retained  with  Zerubbabel  and 
 Joshua  (1  Esdr.  v.  8). 
 
 Mar'esliah,  one  of  the  cities  of  Judah  in  the  dis- 
 trict of  the  Shefelah  or  low  country  ;  named  in  the 
 same  group  with  Keilah  and  Nezib  (Josh.  xv. 
 44).  If  we  may  so  interpret  the  notices  of  1  Chr. 
 ii.  42,  Hebron  itself  was  colonized  from  Mareshah. 
 It  was  one  of  the  cities  fortified  and  garrisoned  by 
 Rehoboam  after  the  rupture  with  the  northern 
 kingdom  (2  Chr.  xi.  8).  The  natural  inference 
 is,  that  it  commanded  some  pass  or  position  of 
 approach  (comp.  2  Chr.  xiv.  9).  Mareshah  is 
 mentioned  once  or  twice  in  the  history  of  the  Mac- 
 cabaean  struggles.  Judas  probably  passed  thiough 
 it  on  his  way  from  Hebron  to  avenge  the  defeat  of 
 Joseph  and  Azarias  (1  Mace.  v.  66).  A  few  days 
 later  it  afforded  a  refuge  to  Gorgias  when  severely 
 wounded  in  the  attack  of  Dositheus  (2  Mace.  xii. 
 35).  It  was  burnt  by  Judas  in  his  Idumaean  war, 
 in  passing  fiom  Hebron  to  Azotus.    About  the  veaj 
 
 2  L 
 
514  MARIMOTH 
 
 110  B.C.  it  was  taken  from  the  Idumaeans  by  John 
 Hvrcanus.  It  was  in  ruins  in  the  4th  century, 
 when  Ensebius  and  Jerome  descriljo  it  as  in  the 
 second  mile  from  Eleutheropolis.  S.S.W.  of  Bcit- 
 jihrin  —  in  all  probability  Klenthpropolis  —  and  a 
 little  over  a  Koman  mile  therefrom,  is  a  site  called 
 Miirash,  which  is  very  possibly  tlie  representative 
 of  the  ancient  Maresliah.  On  two  other  occiisions 
 >Iareshah  comes  fiirward  in  the  0.  T.  i2  Chr.  xs. 
 37;  Mic.  i.  15;.— 2.  Father  of  Hebron,  and  appar- 
 «itlv  a  son  or  descendant  of  Caleb  tlie  brother  of 
 Jerahmeel  (I  Chr.  ii.  42),  who  derived  his  descent 
 from  Judah  throu£;h  I'harez.— 3.  In  1  Chr.  iv.  21 
 «•€  find  Mareshah  again  named  as  deriving  his  origin 
 from  SilHLAU,  the  third  son  of  Judah. 
 
 Mar'imoth=  Mkraiotu  the  priest  (2  Esdr.  i.  2  ; 
 oomp.  Kzr.  vii.  3). 
 
 Ka'risa,  Mareshah  (2  oMacc.  xii.  3.3). 
 Mai%.  Mark  tlie  Evancreli>t  is  probably  the 
 same  as  "John  whose  surname  was  Mark"  (Acts 
 xii.  12,  25).  (JrotiusiTideed  mainfciins  tiie  contrary. 
 But  John  was  the  Jewish  name,  and  Mark,  a  name 
 of  frequent  use  amongst  the  Romans,  was  adopted 
 afterwards,  and  gradually  superseded  the  other. 
 John  Mark  was  the  son  of  a  certain  Mary,  who 
 dwelt  at  .Jerusalem,  and  was  therefore  probably 
 born  in  that  city  (A<:ts  xii.  12).  He  was  the  cousin 
 of  Barnabas  (Col.  iv.  10).  It  was  to  Mary's  house, 
 as  to  a  familiar  haunt,  that  I'eter  came  after  his  de- 
 liverance from  prison  (Acts  xii.  12),  and  there 
 found  "many  gathei'ed  together  praying;"  and 
 probably  John  ^lark  w.as  converted  by  Peter  from 
 meeting  him  in  his  mother's  house,  for  he  sjieaks 
 of"  Marcus  my  son"  (1  Pet.  v.  l.'f).  The  theory 
 that  he  was  on«  of  the  seventy  dis('iples  is  without 
 anv  wan-ant.  Another  theory,  that  an  event  of 
 the  nioht  of  our  Lord's  betiayiU,  related  by  Mark 
 alone,  is  one  th.at  befell  himself,  must  not  be  .so 
 promptly  dismisseil  (Mark  xiv.  51,  52).  The  detail 
 of  facts  is  remarkably  minute,  the  name  only  is 
 wanting.  The  most  probable  view  is  that  St.  Mark 
 suppressed  his  own  name,  whilst  telling  a  story 
 which  he  had  the  best  means  of  knowing.  Anxious 
 to  work  for  Christ,  he  went  with  I'aul  and  Barna- 
 bas as  their  "  minister  "  on  their  first  journey  ;  but 
 at  I'ciga,  as  we  have  seen  above,  tun>ed  back  (Acts 
 xii.  25,  xiiu  13).  On  the  second  journey  Paul 
 would  not  accept  him  again  as  a  companion,  but 
 Barnabas  his  kinsman  was  more  indulgent ;  and 
 thus  he  becan've  the  cause  of  the  memorabl*  "  sharp 
 contention"  between  them  (Acts  kv.  3G-40). 
 Whatever  was  the  cause  of  Maik's  v.iciUation,  it 
 did  not  .^epaiat*  him  for  «ver  from  Paul,  for  we 
 find  him  liy  the  side  of  that  Apostl-e  in  his  first 
 imprisonment  at  Home  (Col.  iv.  10 ;  Philem.  24). 
 In  the  former  place  a  j)ossible  journey  of  Mark  to 
 Asia  is  spoken  of.  Somewhat  later  he  is  with  Peter 
 at  Baljylon  (1  Pet.  v.  l.')i.  On  his  return  to  Asia 
 he  sopms  to  have  been  with  Tiirothy  at  Ephesus 
 wlien  Paul  wrote  to  him  during  his  setxjnd  impri- 
 sonment '2  Tim.  iv.  11).  Wl>en  we  de.seit  Scrip- 
 ture we  find  the  facts  doubtful  and  even  imvn- 
 sistent.  Tho  i-elation  of  Maik  to  IVter  is  fA'  givat 
 importance  icir  our  view  of  his  fiospel.  Ancient 
 writers  with  one  consent  make  the  Evangelist  tlie 
 intoi-preter  of  the  Ajmstle  I'eter.  .Some  explain  this 
 wonl  to  mf>an  that  the  office  of  .Mark  wius  to  trans- 
 late into  the  fireck  tongue  the  Aramaic  discourses 
 of  the  Apostle;  whilst  others  adopt  t)«e  more  pro- 
 bable view  that  Mark  wrote  a  (iospel  which  con 
 {itrnMti  mr.Te   exact  Iv    than   the  othen>  to    Peter's 
 
 MARK,  GOSPEL  OF 
 
 preaching,  and  thus  "  interpreted  "  it  to  the  church 
 at  large.  The  report  that  Mark  was  the  companion 
 of  Peter  at  Homo,  is  no  doubt  of  great  antiquity. 
 Sent  on  a  mission  to  Egypt  by  Peter,  Mark  there 
 founded  the  church  of  Alexandria,  and  preached  in 
 various  places,  then  returned  to  .Alexandria,  of  which 
 church  he  was  bi.--hop,  and  suti'ered  a  martyr's  death. 
 But  none  of  the-se  later  details  lest  on  sound  au- 
 thority. 
 
 Mark,  Gospel  of.  The  characteristics  of  this 
 Gospel,  the  shortest  of  the  four  inspired  records, 
 will  appear  fiom  the  di.scussion  of  the  vaiious 
 questions  that  have  lieen  rai.sed  about  it.— I.  Sources 
 of  this  Gospel. — The  tradition  that  it  gives  the 
 teaching  of  Peter  rather  than  of  the  rest  of  the 
 Apostles,  has  been  alluded  to  above.  John  the 
 Pipsbyter  is  spoken  of  by  Papias  as  the  interpreter 
 of  Peter.  Irenaeus  calls  Mark  "  interpres  et  .sectiitor 
 Petri,''  and  cites  the  opening  and  the  concluding 
 words  of  the  (iospel  as  we  now  possess  them  (iii. 
 X.  (J  I.  Eusebius  says,  on  the  authority  of  Clement 
 of  Alexandria,  that  the  hearere  of  Peter  at  Rome 
 desired  Mark,  the  follnwer  of  Peter,  to  leave  with 
 them  a  recmd  of  his  teaching;  upon  which  .Mark 
 wrote  his  Gospel,  which  the  Ajiostle  afterwards 
 sanctioned  with  his  authority,  and  directed  that  it 
 should  be  read  in  the  Churches.  TertuUian  speaks 
 of  the  Gospel  of  Mark  as  being  connected  with 
 Peter,  and  so  having  apostolic  authority.  If  the 
 evidence  of  the  Apostle's  connexion  with  this  Gospel 
 rested  wholly  on  the.se  passages,  it  would  not  be 
 sutBcient,  since  the  witnesses,  though  many  in 
 number,  are  not  all  independent  of  each  other.  But 
 there  are  peculiarities  in  the  Gospel  which  are  be.-t 
 explained  by  the  supposition  that  Peter  in  some 
 wav  superintended  its  composition.  Whilst  there  is 
 haidlvany  part  of  its  narrative  that  is  not  common 
 to  it  and  some  other  Gospel,  in  the  manner  of  the 
 narrative  there  is  often  a  marked  character,  which 
 puts  aside  at  once  the  supposition  that  we  have  here 
 a  mere  e]>itome  of  Matthew  and  Luke,  The  pic- 
 ture of  the  same  events  is  far  more  vivid ;  touches 
 aie  intioduced  such  as  could  only  be  noted  by  a 
 vigilant  eve-witness,  and  such  as  m.tke  us  almost 
 eve-witnes.ses  of  the  liedeemer's  doings.  To  this 
 must  be  added  that  whilst  Mark  goes  over  the  same 
 ground  for  the  most  part  as  the  other  Evange'ist.s, 
 and  especiallv  Matthew,  there  are  many  facts  thiown 
 in  which  piove  that  we  are  listening  to  an  inde- 
 pendent witness.  Thus  the  humble  origin  of  Peter 
 is  made  known  through  him  (i.  16-20),  and.  his 
 connexion  with  Capernaum  li.  29);  he  tel.'s  ns 
 that  Levi  was  "the  son  of  Alph.aeus  "  (ii.  14).  that 
 Peter  was  the  name  given  by  our  Lord  to  Simon 
 (iii.  16).  and  Boanerges  a  sumame  added  by  Him 
 to  the  names  of  two  othei-s  (iii.  17);  he  assumes 
 the  existence  of  another  body  of  disciples  wider  than 
 the  Twelve  (iii.  32,  iv.  10,  36,  viii.  34,  xiv.  51, 
 52)  :  we  owe  to  him  the  name  of  .Jairus  (v.  22), 
 the  word  "c.irpenter"  applied  to  our  Loi-d  (vi.  3), 
 the  nation  of  the  "  Syrophoenician  "  woman  (vii. 
 26)  ;  he  substitutes  Dalmanutha  for  the  "  M.agdala  *" 
 of  Matthew  (viii.  10);  he  names  P>artimaeus  (x 
 46);  he  alone  mentions  that  our  Lord  would  not 
 sulTer  anv  man  to  carry  any  vessel  through  the 
 Temple  (xi.  16);  and  that  Simon  of  Cyrene  was 
 the  father  of  .Alexander  and  Rufus  (xv.  21).  AT. 
 these  are  tokens  of  an  imlependent  writer,  ditTei-ciit 
 from  Matthew  and  Luke,  and  in  the  absence  nt 
 other  traditions  it  is  natural  to  look  to  Peter.  One 
 might  hope  that  much  light  would  be  thrown  m 
 
MARK,  GOSPEL  OF 
 
 Ihis  question  from  tlv  way  ia  which  Peter  is  men- 
 tioned ill  the  Gospel ;  but  the  evidence  is  not  so 
 clear  as  might  have  been  expected.— II.  Relation 
 of  Mark  to  Matthew  and  Luke. — The  results  of 
 criticism  as  to  the  relation  of  the  three  Gospels  are 
 Komewhat  humiliating.  Up  to  this  day  three  views 
 are  maintained  with  equal  ardour  :  [a)  that  Mark's 
 Gospel  is  the  original  Gospel  out  of  which  the  other 
 two  have  been  developed ;  (b)  that  it  was  a  com- 
 pilation from  the  other  two,  and  therefore  was 
 written  last;  and  (c)  that  it  was  copied-frcm  that 
 of  Matthew,  and  forms  a  link  of  transition  between 
 the  other  two.  It  is  obvious  that  thev  refute  one 
 another :  the  same  internal  evidence  suffices  to  prove 
 that  Mark  is  the  first,  and  the  last,  and  the  inter- 
 meiiiate.  Let  us  return  to  the  facts,  and,  taught 
 by  these  contrad'ctions  what  is  the  worth  of  "  in- 
 ternal evidence,"  let  us  carry  our  speculations  no 
 further  than  the  facts.  The  Gospel  of  Mark  con- 
 tains scarcely  any  events  that  are  not  recited  by  the 
 others.  There  are  verbal  coincidences  with  each  of 
 the  others,  and  sometimes  peculiar  words  from  both 
 meet  together  in  the  parallel  place  in  Mark.  On 
 the  other  hand,  there  are  unmistakeable  marks  of 
 independence.  The  hypothesis  which  best  meets 
 these  facts  is,  that  whilst  the  matter  common  to  all 
 three  Evangelists,  or  to  two  of  them,  is  derived 
 from  the  oral  teaching  of  the  Apostles,  which  they 
 haa  purposely  reduced  to  a  common  form,  our 
 Evangelist  writes  as  an  independent  witness  to  the 
 truth,  and  not  as  a  compiler ;  and  that  the  tradition 
 that  the  Gospel  was  written  under  the  sanction  of 
 Peter,  and  its  matter  in  some  degree  derived  fiom 
 him,  is  made  probable  by  the  evident  traces  of  an 
 eye-witness  in  many  of  the  narratives.— III.  This 
 Gospel  written  primarily  for  Gentiles. — The  Evan- 
 gelist scarcely  lefers  to  the  0.  T.  in  his  own  person. 
 The  word  Law  does  not  once  occur.  The  genealogy 
 of  our  Lord  is  likewise  omitted.  Other  matters  in- 
 teresting chiefly  to  the  Jews  are  likewise  omitted  ; 
 such  as  the  references  to  the  0.  T.  and  Law  in 
 Matt.  xii.  5-7,  the  reflexions  on  the  request  of  the 
 Scribes  and  Pharisees  for  a  sign,  Matt.  xii.  38-45 ; 
 the  parable  of  the  king's  son,  Matt.  xxii.  1-14  ;  and 
 the  awful  denunciation  of  the  Scribes  and  Pha- 
 risees in  Matt,  xxiii.  Explanations  are  given  in 
 some  places,  which  Jews  could  not  require :  thus, 
 Jordan  is  a  "  river"  (Mark  i.  5;  Matt.  iii.  6)  ;  the 
 Pharisees,  kc.  "  used  to  fast"  (Mark  ii.  18  ;  Matt, 
 ix.  14),  and  other  customs  of  theirs  are  described 
 (Mark  vii.  1-4 ;  Matt.  xv.  1,2);  "  the  time  of  figs 
 was  not  yet,"  i.  e.  at  the  season  of  the  Passover 
 (Mark  xi.  13 ;  Matt.  xxi.  19)  ;  the  Sadducees'  worst 
 tenet  is  mentioned  (Mark  xii.  18) ;  the  Mount  of 
 Olives  is  "  over  against  the  temple"  (Mark  xiii.  3  ; 
 Matt.  xxiv.  3)  ;  at  the  Passover  men  eat  "  unlea- 
 vened bread"  (Mark  xiv.  1,  1?;  Matt.  xxvi.  2, 
 17),  and  explanations  are  given  which  Jews  would 
 not  need  (Mark  xv.  6,  16,  42:  Matt,  xxvii.  15, 
 27,  57).  From  the  general  testimony  of  these  and 
 other  places,  whatever  may  be  objected  to  an  in- 
 ference from  one  or  other  amongst  them,  there  is 
 little  doubt  but  that  the  Gospel  was  meant  for  use 
 in  the  first  instance  amongst  Gentiles.— IV.  Time 
 when  the  Gospel  was  written. — It  will  be  under- 
 stood from  what  has  been  said,  that  nothing  positive 
 tan  be  asserted  as  to  the  time  when  this  Gospel  was 
 written.  The  traditions  are  contradictory.  Ire- 
 naeus  says  that  it  was  written  after  the  death  of  the 
 apostle  Petei- ;  but  in  other  passages  it  is  supposed 
 to  be  written  during  Peter's  lifetime.     In  the  Bible 
 
 MARK,  GOSPEL  OF 
 
 515 
 
 there  is  nothing  to  decide  the  question.  It  is  not 
 likely  that  it  dates  before  the  reference  to  Mark  in 
 the  epistle  to  the  Colossians  (iv.  10),  where  he  is 
 only  introduced  as  a  relative  of  Barnabas,  as  if  this 
 were  his  greatest  distinction  ;  and  this  epistle  was 
 written  about  A.  D.  62.  On  the  other  hand  it 
 was  written  before  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem 
 (xiii.  13,  24-30,  33,  &c.).  Probably,  therefore,  it 
 was  written  between  A.  D.  63  and  70.— V.  Place 
 where  the  Gospel  was  written. — The  place  is  as 
 uncertain  as  the  time.  Clement,  Eusebius,  Jerome, 
 and  Epiphanius,  pronounce  for  Rome,  and  many 
 moderns  take  the  same  ■view.  Chrysostom  thinks 
 Alexandria  ;  but  this  is  not  confirmed  by  other  tes-- 
 timony.— VI.  Language. — The  Gospel  was  written 
 in  Greek;  of  this  there  can  be  no  doubt  if  ancient 
 testimony  is  to  weigh.  Baronius  indeed,  on  the 
 authoi'ity  of  an  old  Syriac  translation,  asserts  that 
 Latin  was  the  original  language.— VII.  Genuineness 
 of  the  Gospel. — All  ancient  testimony  makes  Mark 
 the  author  of  a  certain  Gospel,  and  that  this  is  the 
 Gospel  which  has  come  down  to  us,  there  is  not 
 the  least  historical  ground  for  doubting.  Owing  to 
 the  very  few  sections  peculiar  to  Mark,  evidence 
 from  patristic  quotation  is  somewhat  difficult  to 
 produce.  Justin  Martyr,  however,  quotes  ch.  ix. 
 44,  46,  48,  xii.  30,  and  iii.  17,  and  Irenaeus  cites 
 both  the  opening  and  closing  words  (iii.  x.  6). 
 An  impoi'tant  testimony  in  any  case,  but  doubly 
 so  from  the  doubt  that  has  been  cast  on  the  closing 
 verses  (xvi.  9-19;.  With  the  exception  of  these 
 few  verses  the  genuineness  of  the  Gospel  is  placed 
 above  the  reach  of  reasonable  doubt. — VIII.  StyU. 
 and  Diction. — The  pui-pose  of  the  Evangelist  seems 
 to  be  to  place  before  us  a  vivid  picture  of  the  earthly 
 acts  of  Jesus.  The  style  is  peculiarly  suitable  to 
 this.  He  uses  the  present  tense  instead  of  the  nar- 
 rative aorist,  almost  in  every  chapter.  Precise  and 
 minute  details  as  to  persons,  places,  and  numbers, 
 abound  in  the  narrative.  All  these  tend  to  give 
 force  and  vividness  to  the  picture  of  the  human  life 
 of  our  Lord.  On  the  other  side,  the  facts  are  not 
 very  exactly  arranged.  Its  conciseness  sometimes 
 makes  this  Gospel  more  obscure  than  the  others 
 (i.  13,  ix.  5,  6,  iv.  10-34).  Many  peculiarities 
 of  diction  may  be  noticed  ;  amongst  them  the  fol- 
 lowing:— ].  Hebrew  (Aramaic)  words  are  used, 
 but  explained  for  Gentile  readers  (iii.  17,  22,  v.  41, 
 vii.  11,  34,  ix.  43,  x.  46,  xiv.  36,  xv.  22,  34). 
 2.  Latin  words  are  very  frequent.  3.  Unusual 
 words  or  phrases  are  found  here.  4.  Diminutives 
 are  fiequent.  5.  The  substantive  is  often  repeated 
 instead  of  the  pronoun  ;  as  (to  cite  from  ch.  ii.  only) 
 ii.  16,  18,  20,  22,  27,  28.  6.  Negatives  are  accu- 
 mulated for  the  sake  of  emphasis  (vii.  12,  ix.  8,  xii. 
 34,  XV.  5,  i.  44).  7.  Words  are  often  added  to  ad- 
 verbs for  the  sake  of  emphasis  (ii.  20,  v.  5,  vi.  25, 
 also  vii.  21,  viii.  4,  x.  20,  xiii.  29,  xiv.  30,  43).  8. 
 The  same  idea  is  often  repeated  under  another  expres- 
 sion, as  i.  42,  ii.  25,  viii.  15,  xiv.  68,  &c.  9.  And 
 sometimes  the  repetition  is  effected  by  means  of  the 
 opposite,  as  in  i.  22,  44,  and  many  other  places. 
 10.  Sometimes  emphasis  is  given  by  simple  reitera- 
 tion, as  in  ii.  15,  19.  11.  The  elliptic  use  oClva, 
 like  that  of  '6ttws  in  classical  writers,  is  found,  v. 
 23.  12.  The  word  iirepwr^v  is  used  twenty-five 
 times  in  this  Gospel.  13.  Instead  of  <rvfA$ov\iov 
 XanPdpeiv  of  Matt.  Mark  has  ffvfxPovKiov  TrojeTr, 
 iii.  6,  XV.  1.  14.  There  are  many  words  peculiar 
 to  Mark.  The  diction  of  Mark  presents  the  di(B- 
 culty  ttat  whilst  it  abounds  in  Latin  word*,  and  iu 
 
 2  L  2 
 
6ie 
 
 MARMOTH 
 
 il.  -25 
 
 Iv.  \2 
 
 Vii.  6 
 
 „  10 
 
 ix.  44 
 
 X.  4 
 
 n  1 
 
 „  19 
 
 xi.  17 
 
 xii.  10 
 
 ,.  19 
 
 »  20 
 
 _  29 
 
 expi-essious  that  le&ill  Latin  equivalents,  it  is  still 
 much  more  akiu  to  the  Hebraistic  diction  of  Mat- 
 thew than  to  the  ])urer  style  of  Luke.— IX.  QwAn- 
 t ions  from  the  Old  Testament. — 'I'he  followiiit;  list 
 of  rcfeiences  to  the  Old  Testament  is  ueailv  or 
 quite  conij)lete : — 
 
 Murki.    2      MaLUL 
 „    3      Is.  xl.  3. 
 
 I>-v.  xlv.  "i. 
 1  .Sum.  xxi.  C. 
 Is.  vi.  10. 
 Is.  xxix.  13. 
 Kx.  XX.  12,  xxi.  17. 
 Is.  Ixvi.  24. 
 iJeut.  x-xiv.  I. 
 Gen.  ii.  24. 
 Kx.  x.\.  12-17. 
 Is.  Ivi.  7  ;  .fer.  vii.  11. 
 I's.  cxviii.  22. 
 l)out.  XXV.  5. 
 I';.\  iii.  6. 
 I)('iit.  \i.  4. 
 „    31       liOv.  xix.  18. 
 „    36      I's.  ex.  1. 
 xiii.    14      Dull.  i\.  27. 
 „      21       i.H.  xiii.  10. 
 xiv.  27      Z('ch.  xiii.  7. 
 „     B2       liuii.  vii.  13. 
 XV.  2s(.=')ls  Uii.  12. 
 „    34       I's.  x.\ii.  1. 
 
 — X.  Contents  af  the  Gospel. — Though  thisnospel 
 has  little  historicsil  matter  which  is  not  shared  with 
 some  other,  it  would  be  a  great  error  to  sMp))ose 
 that  the  voice  of  Mark  could  have  been  silenced 
 without  injury  to  the  divine  harmony.  It  is  the 
 history  of  the  war  of  Jesus  against  sin  ami  evil  in 
 the  world  during  the  time  that  He  dwelt  as  a  Man 
 among  men.  Its  motto  might  well  be,  as  Lauge 
 observes,  those  word^  of  I'eter:  "  How  God  anointed 
 Jesus  of  Nazaivth  with  the  Holy  (ihost  and  with 
 powei' ;  who  went  about  doing  good,  and  healing 
 all  that  weie  oppicssed  of  the  devil;  for  (iod  was 
 with  Him  "  f.Acts  X.  ;i8). 
 
 Mar'motli  =  MEiii:MOTH  the  priest  (1  I-idr.  viii. 
 62;  ioiii|..  Kzr.  viii.  Xi). 
 
 Mar'oth,  one  of  the  towns  of  the  western  low- 
 land ot'.l'idali  whose  names  are  alluded  to  orjilayed 
 upon  by  t\\f  prn])hot  Micah  (i.  12). 
 
 Marriage.  The  topics  which  this  subject  pre- 
 sents to  our  coiisiileration  in  connexion  with  liiblical 
 literature  may  be  most  conveniently  arranged  under 
 the  following  five  heads: — I.  Its  origin  and  hisforv. 
 II.  The  conditions  under  which  it  could  be  legally 
 ellected.  III.  The  modes  by  which  it  was  eilected. 
 IV.  The  social  and  domestic  relations  of  m.rrried 
 life.  V.  The  typical  and  allegorical  references  to 
 marriage.— I.  Tlie  institution  of  mariiage  is  tbunded 
 on  the  leqiiirements  of  man's  nature,  and  dates  from 
 the  time  of  his  original  creation.  It  may  be  said 
 to  have  been  or<buned  by  fiod,  in  as  far  as  man's 
 nature  wa«  ordaiuol  by  Him;  but  its  formal  riji- 
 pointment  was  the  work  of  man,  and  it  has  ever 
 beiMi  in  its  esseni«  a  natural  and  civil  institution, 
 though  admitting  of  the  infusion  of  a  religious 
 eli'inent  into  it.  No  sooner  was  the  formation  of 
 woman  eti'ected,  than  Adam  recognised  in  that  act 
 the  will  of  the  Creiitor  its  to  man's  social  condition. 
 "  Theii'foie  shall  a  man  leave  his  father  and  his 
 mother,  and  shall  cleave  unto  his  wile:  and  they 
 shall  be  one  Hesh  "  (ii.  24).  From  these  words, 
 coiipl.-ii  with  the  circumstiuices  attendant  on  the 
 fonnatiotj  of  the  first  woman,  we  may  evolve  the 
 Ibllowing  principles: — (1  )  The  unity  of  man  and 
 wile,  as  iiiiplie<l  in  her  being  fonned  out  of  man, 
 tuii  as  expressed  in  the  words  "  one  flesh  ;"  (2)  the 
 
 MARRIAGE 
 
 indissoluhleness  of  the  marriage  bond,  exijej>t  on 
 the  strongest  grounds  (comp.  Matt.  xix.  9);  (3) 
 monogamy,  as  the  original  law  of  marriage  ;  (4)  tlie 
 social  equality  of  man  and  wife;  (5)  the  subordin- 
 ation of  the  wife  to  the  husband  (1  Cor.  xi.  8,  9  ; 
 1  Tim.  ii.  IS);  and  (6)  the  respective  duties  of  man 
 and  wife.  The  introduction  of  sin  into  the  worhl 
 modified  to  a  certain  extent  the  mutual  relations  oj 
 man  and  wife.  As  the  blame  of  seduction  to  sin 
 lay  on  the  latter,  the  conuition  of  sulx>ixiination 
 was  turned  into  sulijection,  and  it  was  said  to 
 her  of  her  husband,  "he  shall  rule  over  thee" 
 ((ien.  iii.  16).  In  the  jiost-diluvial  age  the  usages 
 of  mariiage  were  marked  with  the  simplicity  that 
 charactei'i.ses  a  patriai'chal  state  of  society.  The 
 rule  of  monogamy  was  re-established  by  the  ex- 
 ample of  Noah  and  his  soas  (Gen.  vii.  18),  The 
 early  patriarchs  selected  their  wives  from  their  own 
 family  ((!en.  xi.  29,  x.vix.  4,  x.wiii.  2i,  and  the 
 necessity  for  doing  this  on  leligious  grounds  super- 
 seiled  the  prohibitions  that  afterwards  held  good 
 against  such  mamages  on  the  score  of  kindred 
 ((ien.  XX.  12  ;  Kx.  vi.  20  ;  comp.  Lev.  xviii.  9,  12",. 
 Polygamy  prevailed  (Gen.  xvi.  4,  xxv.  1,  6,  xxviii. 
 9,  xxix.  2;5,  28  :  1  Chr.  vii.  14),  but  to  a  great  ex- 
 tent divested  ot  the  degradation  which  in  mo<lern 
 tim&s  attiiclips  to  that  practice.  In  judging  of  it 
 we  must  take  into  regard  the  following  considera- 
 tions:— (1)  that  the  principle  of  monogamy  was 
 retained,  even  in  the  practice  of  polygamy,  by  the 
 distinction  made  between  the  chief  or  original  wife 
 and  the  secondarv  wives.  (2)  that  the  motive 
 wliicJi  led  fo  polygamy  was  that  absorbing  desire 
 of  progeny  which  is  prevalent  throughout  Kastem 
 countries,  and  was  especially  powerful  among  the 
 Hebrews;  and  (3)  that  the  power  of  a  parent  over 
 his  child,  and  of  a  master  over  his  slave,  was  para- 
 mount even  in  matters  of  marriage,  and  le<l  in  many 
 cjises  to  ])hase.s  of  jiolygamy  that  are  otlierwi.se 
 quite  unintelligible,  as,  for  instance,  to  the  cjuses 
 where  it  was  adopted  by  the  husband  at  the  request 
 of  his  trife,  under  the  idea  that  childien  bom  to  a 
 slave  were  in  the  eye  of  the  law  the  children  of  the 
 mi.stress  'Gen.  xvi.  3,  xxx.  4,  9);  or,  again,  to 
 Ciises  where  it  was  adopttni  at  the  instance  of  the 
 father  (Gen.  x.xix.  2S,  28  ;  Kx.  x.\i.  9,  10).  Di- 
 vorce also  prevailed  in  the  patriarchal  age,  though 
 but  one  instance  of  it  is  recorded  ((^en.  xxi.  14). 
 Of  this,  again,  we  must  not  judge  by  our  own 
 standard.  The  Mosaic  law  aimed  at  mitigating 
 rather  than  removing  evils  which  were  insepanible 
 from  the  state  of  .society  in  that  day.  Its  enact- 
 ments wei'e  directed  (  1 )  to  the  discouragement  of 
 polygamy  ;  (2)  to  obviate  the  injustice  frequently 
 consequent  upon  the  exercise  of  the  rights  of  a 
 flither  or  a  master;  {'-h  to  bring  divorce  under 
 some  refltriction ;  ami  (4)  to  enforce  |)nrity  of  life 
 during  the  maintenance  of  the  matrinioni.d  bond. 
 The  pi-actic;il  results  ol' these  regulations  m.iy  have 
 been  very  .salut<u-y,  but  on  this  point  we  have  but 
 small  oiipoitiinities  of  judging.  The  usiges  them- 
 selves, to  which  we  have  referred,  remained  in  full 
 tbic»  to  a  late  jHiriixl.  In  the  jiost-Iiaby Ionian 
 jierichi  monogamv  ap|>ears  to  have  become  more 
 prevalent  than  at  any  previous  time:  indeed  we 
 have  no  instiuice  of  jHilygamy  during  this  |K*i'i(id  on 
 iitord  in  the  Bible,  all  the  marriages  noticed  being 
 with  siiule  wives  (Tob.  i.  9,  ii.  II;  iSusan.  vers. 
 211,  i;:!;  Matt,  xviii.  25;  Luke  i.  h;  Acts  v.  1). 
 During  the  .sime  period  the  theory  of  monogamy  is 
 set  forth  in    tA^ilus.  xxvi.   1-27.     The  piaclice  of 
 
MARRIAGE 
 
 polygSTiT}'  nevertheless  still  existed  r  Herod  the 
 Great  had  no  less  than  nine  wives  atone  time.  The 
 abuse  of  divorce  continued  unabated.  Our  Lord 
 and  His  Apostles  re-established  the  integrity  and 
 sanctity  of  the  marriage-bond  by  the  following  mea- 
 sures:— (1)  by  the  confirmation  of  the  original 
 charter  of  marriage  as  the  basis  on  which  all  regu- 
 lations were  to  be  framed  (Matt.  xix.  4,  5) ;  (2) 
 by  the  restiiction  of  divorce  to  the  case  of  forni- 
 ciition,  and  the  prohibition  of  re-marriage  in  all 
 persons  divorced  on  improper  gi'ounds  (Matt.  v. 
 32,  xix.  9;  Rom.  vii.3;  1  Cor.  vii.  10,  11);  and 
 (3)  by  the  enforcement  of  moral  pun'ty  generally 
 (Heb.  xiii.  4,  &c.),  and  especially  by  the  foi-mal 
 condemnation  of  fornic;ition,  which  appears  to  have 
 been  classed  among  acts  morally  indifterent  by 
 a  certain  party  in  the  Church  (Acts  xv.  20). 
 Shortly  before  the  Christian  era  an  important  change 
 took  place  in  the  views  entertained  on  the  question 
 of  marriage  as  affecting  the  spiritual  and  intellectual 
 parts  of  man's  nature.  Thioughout  the  Old  Tes- 
 tament period  man-iage  was  regarded  as  the  indis- 
 pensable duty  of  every  man,  nor  was  it  surmised 
 that  there  existed  in  it  any  drawback  to  the  attain- 
 ment of  the  highest  degree  of  holiness.  In  the 
 intei-val  that  elapsed  between  the  Old  and  New 
 Testament  periods,  a  spirit  of  asceticism  had  been 
 evolved.  The  Essenes  were  the  first  to  propound 
 any  doubts  as  to  the  propriety  of  marriage :  some 
 of  them  avoided  it  altogether,  others  availed  them- 
 selves of  it  under  restrictions.  Similar  views  were 
 adopted  by  the  Therapeutae,  and  at  a  later  peiiod 
 by  the  Gnostics  ;  thence  they  passed  into  the  Chris- 
 tian Church,  forming  one  of  the  distinctive  tenets 
 of  the  Encratites,  and  finally  developing  into  the 
 system  of  monachism.— U.  The  conditions  of  legal 
 marriage  are  decided  by  the  prohibitions  which  the 
 law  of  any  country  imposi-'S  upon  its  citizens.  In 
 the  Hebrew  commonwealth  these  prohibitions  were 
 of  two  kinds,  according  as  they  regulated  marriage 
 (i.)  between  an  Israelite  and  a  non-Israelite,  and 
 (ii.)  between  an  Israelite  and  one  of  his  own  com- 
 munity, i.  The  prohibitions  relating  to  foreigners 
 were  based  on  that  instinctive  feeling  of  exclusive- 
 ness,  which  forms  one  of  the  bonds  of  every  social 
 body,  and  which  prevails  with  peculiar  strength  in 
 a  rude  state  of  society.  The  only  distinct  prohi- 
 bition in  the  Mosaic  law  refers  to  the  Canaanites, 
 with  whom  the  Israelites  were  not  to  marry  on  the 
 ground  that  it  would  lead  them  into  idolatry  (Ex. 
 xxxiv.  16  ;  Deut.  vii.  3,  4).  But  beyond  this,  the 
 legal  disabilities  to  which  the  Ammonites  and 
 Moabites  were  subjected  (Deut.  xxiii.  3),  acted  as 
 a  virtual  bar  to  intermaiTiage  with  them,  totally 
 preventing  the  marriage  of  Israelitish  women  with 
 Moabites,  but  permitting  that  of  Israelites  with 
 Jloabite  women,  such  as  that  of  Mahlon  with  Ruth. 
 The  prohibition  agamst  marriages  with  the  Edomites 
 or  Egyptians  was  less  stringent,  as  a  male  of  those 
 nations  received  the  right  of  manMage  on  his  admis- 
 sion to  the  full  citizenship  in  the  third  generation 
 of  proselytism  (Deut.  xxiii.  7,8).  Theie  were  thus 
 three  grades  of  prohibition — total  in  regard  to  the 
 Canaanites  on  either  side  ;  total  on  the  side  of  the 
 males  in  regard  of  the  Ammonites  and  Moabites  ; 
 and  temporary  on  the  side  of  the  males  in  regard 
 of  the  Edomites  and  Egyptians,  marriages  with 
 females  in  the  two  latter  instances  being  regarded 
 as  legal.  Marriages  between  Israelite  women  and 
 proselyted  foreigners  were  at  all  times  of  rare  occur- 
 rence.    In  the  reverse  case,  viz.,  the  mariiage  of 
 
 MARRIAGE 
 
 517 
 
 Israelitts  with  foreign  women  it  is,  of  course,  highly 
 jirobable  that  the  wives  became  proselytes  after  theii 
 marriage,  as  instanced  in  the  case  of  Ruth  (i.  16)  ; 
 but  this  was  by  no  means  invariably  the  case.  Pro- 
 selytism does  not  therefore  appear  to  have  been  a 
 sme  qua  non  in  the  case  of  a  wile,  though  it  was  so 
 in  the  case  of  a  husband.  In  the  N.  T.  no  special 
 directions  are  given  on  this  head,  but  the  general 
 precepts  of  separation  between  believers  and  unbe- 
 lievers (2  Cor.  vi.  14,  17)  would  apply  with 
 special  force  to  the  case  of  mairiage.  The  prc^eny 
 of  illegal  marriages  between  Isiaelites  and  non- 
 Israelites  was  described  under  a  peculiar  term, 
 mamzer  (A.  V.  "  bastard " ;  Deut.  xxiii.  2).— 
 ii.  The  regulations  relative  to  marriage  between 
 Israelites  and  Israelites  may  be  divided  into  two 
 classes  :  (1)  general,  and  (2)  special.  1.  The  gen- 
 eral regulations  are  based  on  considerations  of  re- 
 lationship. The  most  important  passage  relating 
 to  these  is  contained  in  Lev.  xviii.  6-18,  wherein  we 
 have  in  the  first  place  a  general  prohibition  against 
 marriages  between  a  man  and  the  "  tlesh  of  his  flesh," 
 and  in  the  second  place  special  prohibitions  against 
 maiTiage  with  a  mother,  stepmother,  sister,  or  half- 
 sister,  whether  "  born  at  home  or  abroad,"  grand- 
 daughter, aunt,  whether  by  consanguinity  on  either 
 side,  or  by  mairiage  on  the  lather's  side,  daughter- 
 in-law,  brother's  wife,  step-daughter,  wife's  mother, 
 step-grand-daughter,  or  wife's  sister  during  the  life- 
 time of  the  wife.  An  exception  is  subsequently 
 made  (Deut.  xxv.  5)  in  favour  of  marriage  with 
 a  brother's  wife  in  the  event  of  his  having  died 
 childless ;  to  this  we  shall  have  occasion  to  refer 
 at  length.  Different  degrees  of  guiltiness  attached 
 to  the  infiingement  of  these  prohibitions.  The 
 gi-ounds  on  which  these  prohibitions  were  enacted 
 are  reducible  to  the  following  three  heads: — (1) 
 moral  propriety  ;  (2)  the  practices  of  heathen  na- 
 tions ;  and  (3)  social  convenience.  The  first  ot 
 these  grounds  comes  prominently  forward  in  the 
 expressions  by  which  the  various  offences  are  cha- 
 racterised, as  well  as  in  the  general  prohibition 
 against  ai)proaching  "  the  flesh  of  his  flesh."  The 
 second  motive  to  laying  down  these  prohibitions  was 
 that  the  Hebrews  might  be  preseiTed  as  a  peculiar 
 people,  with  institutions  distinct  from  those  of  the 
 Egyptians  and  Canaanites  (Lev.  xviii.  3),  as  well  as 
 of  other  heathen  nations  with  whom  they  might 
 come  in  contact  The  third  ground  of  the  prohi- 
 bitions, social  convenience,  comes  forward  solely  in 
 the  case  of  marriage  with  two  sisters  simultaneously, 
 the  effect  of  which  would  be  to  "  vex  "  or  in-itate 
 the  first  wife,  and  produce  domestic  jars.  A  re- 
 markable exception  to  these  prohibitions  existed  in 
 favour  of  marriage  with  a  deceased  brother's  wife, 
 in  the  event  of  his  having  died  childless.  The  law 
 which  regulates  this  has  been  named  the  "  Levirate," 
 fiom  the  Latin  kvir,  "  brother-in-law."  The  first 
 instance  of  this  custom  occurs  in  the  patriarchal 
 period,  where  Onan  is  called  upon  to  marry  his 
 brother  Er's  widow  (Gen.  xxxviii.  8).  It  was  con- 
 firmed by  the  Mosaic  law  (Deut.  xxv.  5-9).  The 
 Levirate  marriage  was  not  peculiar  to  the  Jews  ;  it 
 has  been  found  to  exist  in  many  eastern  countries, 
 particularly  in  Arabia,  and  among  the  tribes  of  the 
 Caucasus.  The  Leviiate  law  offered  numerous  op- 
 portunities for  the  exercise  of  that  spirit  of  casuistry, 
 for  which  the  .Jewish  teachei-s  are  so  conspicuous. 
 One  such  case  is  brought  forward  by  the  Sadducees 
 for  the  sake  of  cnbuigling  our  Lord,  and  turns  upon 
 the  complications  which  would  arise  in  the  world  to 
 
518 
 
 MARRIAGE 
 
 come  (the  existence  of  which  the  Saddiicees  sought 
 to  invalidate)  from  the  circumstances  of  the  same 
 woman  having  been  married  to  several  brothei-s 
 (Matt.  xxii.  23-30 i.  The  Rabbinical  solution  of 
 this  difficulty  was  that  the  wife  would  revert  to 
 the  first  husband  :  our  Lord  on  the  other  hand 
 subverts  the  hyi'othesis  on  which  the  diliiculty 
 was  based,  viz.,  that  the  material  conditions  of 
 the  present  life  were  to  be  carried  on  in  the  world 
 to  come ;  and  thus  He  asserts  the  true  character 
 of  marriage  as  a  temporary  and  merely  human  insti- 
 tution. Numerous  difliculties  are  suggested,  and 
 minute  regulations  laid  down  by  the  Talmudical 
 writers,  the  chief  authority  on  the  subject  being 
 the  book  of  the  Mishna,  entitled  Yel>amoth.  From 
 the  pi'ohibitious  expressed  in  the  Bible,  others  have 
 been  deduceil  by  a  piocess  of  inferential  leasoning. 
 Thus  the  Talmudists  added  to  the  Levitical  relation- 
 ships several  remoter  ones,  which  they  termed 
 second-iry,  such  as  grandmother  and  great-grand- 
 mother, graxt-grandchild,  &c.  :  the  only  points  in 
 which  they  at  all  touched  the  Levitical  degrees 
 weie,  that  they  added  (1)  tlie  wife  of  the  father's 
 uterine  brother  under  the  idea  that  in  the  text  the 
 brother  described  was  only  by  the  same  father,  and 
 (2)  tlie  mother's  brother's  wife,  for  which  they  had 
 no  authority.— 2.  Among  the  special  prohibitions 
 we  have  to  notice  the  following.  (1)  The  high- 
 priest  was  forbiilden  to  marry  any  except  a  virgin 
 selected  from  his  own  people,  i.e.  an  Israelite  (Lev. 
 xxi.  13,  14).  (2)  The  priests  were  less  restricted 
 in  their  choice ;  they  were  only  prohibited  from 
 marrying  prostitutes  and  divorced  women  (Lev.  xxi. 
 7).  (3)  Heiresses  were  prohibited  from  marrying 
 out  of  their  own  tribe  (Num.  xxxvi.  5-9  ;  comp. 
 Tob.  vii.  10).  (4)  Persons  defective  in  physical 
 powers  were  not  to  intermarry  with  Israelites  by 
 virtue  of  the  regulations  in  Deut.  xxiii.  1.  (5)  In 
 the  Christian  Cliurch,  bishops  and  deacons  were 
 prohibited  from  having  more  than  one  wife  (1  Tim. 
 iii.  2,  12),  a  prohibition  of  an  ambiguous  natuie, 
 inasmuch  as  it  may  refer  (1)  to  polygimiy  in  the 
 oi-dinary  sense  of  the  temi,  as  explained  by  Theo- 
 doret,  and  most  of  the  Fathers;  (2)  to  maniage 
 atler  the  decease  of  the  first  wife;  or(3i  to  mar- 
 riage after  divorce  during  the  lifetime  of  the  first 
 wife.  The  probable  sense  is  second  marriage  of  any 
 kind  whatever,  including  all  the  three  cases  alluded 
 to,  but  with  a  special  reference  to  the  two  last, 
 which  were  allowable  in  the  case  of  the  laity,  while 
 the  first  was  equally  forbidden  to  all.  (6)  A  similar 
 prohibition  applied  to  those  who  were  c;»ndidates  for 
 admission  into  the  ecclesiastical  order  of  widows, 
 whatever  that  order  may  have  been  (1  Tim.  v.  9  ) ; 
 in  this  case  the  words  "  wife  of  one  man  "  can  be 
 applied  but  to  two  cases,  ( 1 )  to  re-marriage  after 
 the  decease  of  the  husband,  or  (2)  atler  divorce. 
 That  divorce  was  obtained  sometimes  at  the  instance 
 of  the  wifi',  is  implied  in  Mark  x.  12,  and  1  Cor. 
 vii.  11,  and  is  alluded  to  by  .several  classical  writers. 
 But  St.  Paul  probably  refers  to  the  general  question 
 of  re-marriage.  (7)  With  regard  to  the  general 
 question  of  the  re-marriage  of  divorced  jiei-sons, 
 there  is  .some  diliiculty  in  a.scertaining  the  sense 
 of  !<criptuie.  According  to  the  Mosaic  law,  a  wife 
 divorced  at  the  instance  of  the  husband  might  marry 
 whom  she  lil<ed  ;  but  if  her  second  husband  tiled  or 
 tlivorced  her  she  could  not  revert  to  her  first  hus- 
 Kiiid,  on  the  ground  that,  as  (jir  as  he  wa«  con- 
 cerru»d,  she  was  "  defiled  "  (Deut.  xxiv.  2-4)  ;  we 
 may  infer  from   the  statement  of  the  ground  that 
 
 MARRIAGE 
 
 there  was  no  objection  to  the  re-marriage  of  tho 
 original  parties,  if  the  divorced  wife  had  remained 
 unmarried  in  the  interval.  In  the  N.  T.  there  are 
 no  direct  precepts  on  the  subject  of  the  re-marriage 
 of  divorced  persons.  All  the  remarks  bearing  ujxm 
 the  point  had  a  primary  reference  to  an  eiitirelv 
 (litl'ereut  subject,  viz.  the  abuse  of  divorce.  With 
 regard  to  age,  no  restriction  is  pronounc-ed  in  the 
 Bilile.  Early  marriage  is  spoken  of  with  approval 
 in  several  passages  ( Prov.  ii.  17,  v.  18  ;  Is.  Ixii.  5), 
 and  in  reducing  this  general  statement  to  the 
 more  definite  one  of  years,  we  must  fcike  into  ac- 
 count the  very  eaiiy  age  at  which  peisons  arrive  at 
 puberty  in  Oriental  countries.  In  modern  Fgypt 
 marriage  takes  place  in  general  bet'ore  the  bride 
 has  attained  the  age  of  16,  frequently  when  she 
 is  12  or  13,  and  occiisionally  when  she  is  only  10. 
 The  Talmudists  forbade  marriage  in  the  case  of  a 
 man  under  1 3  years  and  a  day,  and  in  the  case  of 
 a  woman  under  12  years  and  a  day.  The  usual 
 age  appears  to  have  been  higher,  about  18  years. 
 Certain  days  were  fixed  for  the  ceremonies  of  be- 
 trothal and  maniage — the  fourth  day  for  virgins, 
 and  the  fifth  for  widows.  The  more  modem  Jews 
 similarly  ai>point  different  days  for  virgins  and 
 widows,  Wednesday  and  Friday  for  the  former, 
 Thui-sday  for  the  latter  (Picart,  i.  240).— 111.  The 
 customs  of  the  Hebrews  and  of  Oriental  nations 
 generally,  in  regard  to  the  preliminaries  of  marriage, 
 as  well  as  the  ceremonies  attending  the  rite  itself, 
 dilTer  in  many  respects  from  those  with  which  we 
 are  familiar.  In  the  i\r>t  jtlace,  the  choice  of  the 
 bride  devolved  not  on  the  bridegroom  himself,  but 
 on  his  relations  or  on  a  friend  deputed  by  the  bride- 
 groom for  this  purpose.  It  does  not  follow  that 
 the  bridegroom's  wishes  were  not  consulted  in  this 
 arrangement.  As  a  general  rule  the  proposal  orig- 
 inated with  the  family  of  the  bridegroom.  The 
 imaginary  case  of  women  soliciting  husbands  (Is. 
 iv.  1)  was  designed  to  convey  to  the  mind  a  picture 
 of  the  ravages  of  war.  The  consent  of  the  maiden 
 was  sometimes  asked  (Gen.  xxiv.  58);  but  this 
 appears  to  have  been  subordinate  to  the  previous 
 consent  of  the  father  and  the  adult  brothei-s  (Gen. 
 xxiv.  51,  xxxiv.  11).  Occasionally  the  whole  bu- 
 siness of  selecting  the  wife  was  left  in  the  hands  of 
 a  friend.  The  selection  of  the  bride  was  followed 
 by  the  espousal,  which  was  not  altogether  like  our 
 "  engagement,"  but  was  a  formal  proceeding,  under- 
 taken by  a  friend  or  legal  representative  on  the 
 part  of  the  bridegroom,  and  by  the  parents  on 
 the  part  of  the  bride  ;  it  was  conlirnied  by  oaths, 
 and  accompanied  with  presents  to  the  bride.  These 
 presents  were  described  by  different  terms,  that  to 
 the  bride  by  mohar  (.'\.  V.  "dowry"),  and  that 
 to  the  relations  by  mattdn.  Thus  Shechem  ofiei-s 
 "  never  so  much  dowry  and  gift"  (Gen.  xxxiv.  12), 
 the  former  for  the  bride,  the  latter  for  the  relations. 
 It  has  been  supposed  indeed  that  the  rnohar  was  a 
 price  paid  down  to  the  father  for  the  sale  of  his 
 daughter.  Such  a  cu-stom  undoubtolly  prevails  in 
 certain  pai-t8  of  the  Kast  at  the  present  day,  but  it 
 does  not  npp<'ar  to  have  been  the  case  with  free 
 women  in  jxatriarchal  times.  It  wouM  undoubtedly 
 be  expectel  that  the  niohitr  should  be  projwrt'oned 
 to  the  jiosition  of  the  bride,  and  that  a  poor  man 
 could  not  on  that  account  alfonl  to  marry  n  rich 
 wife  (1  ."^am.  xviii.  23).  A  "settlement,"  in  the 
 modem  sen.se  of  the  term,  i.  e.  a  written  document 
 securing  property  to  the  wife,  diil  not  come  into 
 use  until  the  post-Babylonian  period:  the  only  in- 
 
MARRIAGE 
 
 stance  we  have  of  one  is  in  Tob.  vii.  14,  where  it  is 
 desciibed  as  an  "  insti-ument."  The  Talmudists 
 Etyied  it  a  hetnbuh,  and  have  laid  down  minute 
 directions  as  to  the  disposal  of  the  sum  secured,  in 
 a  treati"^  af  the  Mishna  expiessly  on  that  subject. 
 The  act  of  betrothal  was  celebrated  by  a  feast,  and 
 among  the  more  modern  Jews  it  is  the  custom  in 
 some  [larts  for  the  bridegroom  to  place  a  ring  on 
 the  bijde's  finger.  Some  writers  have  endeavouied 
 to  prove  that  the  rings  noticed  in  the  0.  T.  (lix. 
 xxxv.  22  ;  Is.  iii.  21)  were  nuptial  rings,  but  there 
 is  not  the  slightest  evidence  of  this.  The  ring  was 
 nevertheless  legarded  among  the  Hebrews  as  a  token 
 of  fidelity  (Gen.  xli.  42),  and  of  adoption  into  a 
 iamily  (Luke  xv.  22).  lietween  the  betrothal  and 
 the  marriage  an  interval  elapsed,  varying  from  a 
 few  days  in  the  patriarchal  age  (Gen.  xxiv.  55),  to 
 a  full  year  for  virgins  and  a  month  for  widows  in 
 later  times.  During  this  period  the  bride-elect 
 lived  with  her  friends,  and  all  communication  be- 
 tween herself  and  her  I'uture  husband  was  carried 
 on  through  the  medium  of  a  friend  deputed  for  the 
 purpose,  termed  the  "  friend  of  the  bridegroom  " 
 (John  iii.  29).  She  was  now  virtually  regarded  as 
 the  wife  of  her  future  husband.  Hence  faithlessness 
 on  iier  part  wa.s  punishable  with  death  (Dent.  xxii. 
 23,  24),  the  husband  having,  however,  the  option 
 of  "  putting  her  away  ''  (Matt.  i.  19  ;  Deut.  xxiv.  1). 
 We  now  come  to  the  wedding  itself;  and  in  this 
 the  most  observable  point  is,  that  there  were  no 
 detinite  religious  ceremonies  connected  with  it.  It 
 is  probable,  indeed,  that  some  formal  ratification 
 of  the  espousal  with  an  oath  took  place,  as  implied 
 in  some  allusions  to  marriage  (Ez.  xvi.  8  ;  Mai.  ii. 
 14),  particularly  in  the  expression,  "  the  covenant 
 of  her  God"  (Prov.  ii.  17;,  as  applied  to  the  niar- 
 riase  bond,  and  that  a  blessing  was  pronounced 
 (Gen.  xxiv.  60;  Ruth  iv.  11,  12j,  sometimes  by  the 
 parents  (Tob.  vii.  13).  But  the  essence  of  the 
 marriage  ceremony  consisted  in  the  removal  of 
 the  biide  from  her  father's  house  to  that  of  the 
 bridegroom  or  his  father.  The  bridegioom  pre- 
 j)areJ  himself  for  the  occasion  by  putting  on  a  feotive 
 dress,  and  especially  by  placing  on  his  head  the 
 handsome  turban  described  by  the  term  peer  (Is. 
 Ixi.  10;  A.  V.  "ornaments"),  and  a  nuptial  crown 
 or  garland  (Cant.  iii.  11):  he  was  redolent  of  myrrh 
 and  frankincense  and  "  all  powders  of  tlie  merchant" 
 (Cant.  iii.  6).  The  bride  prepared  herself  for  the 
 ceremony  by  taking  a  bath,  generally  on  the  day 
 preceding  the  wedding.  The  notices  of  it  in  the 
 Bible  are  so  few  as  to  have  escaped  general  observa- 
 tion (Ruth  iii.  3;  Ez.  xxiii.  40;  jiph.  v.  26,  27). 
 The  distinctive  feature  of  the  bride's  attiie  was  the 
 tsd'iph,  or  "  veil " — a  light  robe  of  ample  dimen- 
 sions, which  covered  not  only  the  face  but  the  whole 
 person  (Gen.  xxiv.  65  ;  comp.  xxxviii.  14,  15). 
 This  was  regarded  as  the  symbol  of  her  submis- 
 sion to  her  husband  (1  Cor.  xi.  10).  She  also  wore 
 a  peculiar  girdle,  named  kishshurim,  the  "attire" 
 (A.  v.),  which  no  bride  could  forget  (Jer.  ii.  32); 
 and  her  head  was  ciowned  with  a  chaplet,  which 
 was  again  so  distinctive  of  the  bride,  that  the  He- 
 brew teiTn  callah,  "  bride,"  originated  from  it.  If 
 the  bride  were  a  virgin,  she  wore  her  hair  flowing. 
 Her  robes  were  white  (Rev.  xix.  8),  and  sometimes 
 embroidered  with  gold  thread  (Ps.  xlv.  13,  14), 
 and  covered  with  perfumes  (Ps.  xlv.  8):  she  was 
 further  decked  out  with  jewels  (Is.  xlix.  18.  Ixi. 
 10  ;  Rev.  xxi.  2).  When  the  fixed  hour  arrived, 
 which  was  generally  late  in  the  evening,  the  bride- 
 
 MARRIAGE 
 
 519 
 
 groom  set  forth  from  his  house,  attended  by  hia 
 groomsmen  (A.  V.  "companions,"  Judg.  xiv.  11; 
 "children  of  the  bride-chamber;"  Matt.  ix.  15), 
 preceded  by  a  band  of  musicians  or  singers  (Gen, 
 xx.xi.  27  ;  Jer.  vii.  34,  xvi.  9  ;  1  Mace.  ix.  39), 
 and  accompanied  by  peisons  bearmg  flambeaux 
 (2  Esdr.  X.  2;  Matt.  xxv.  7;  compare  Jer.  xxv. 
 10;  Rev.  xviii.  23,  "the  light  of  a  candle"). 
 Having  reached  the  house  of  the  bride,  who  witii 
 her  maidens  anxiously  expected  his  arrival  (Matt. 
 xxv.  6),  he  conducted  the  whole  party  back  to  his 
 own  or  his  father's  house,  with  evei-y  demonstration 
 of  gladness  (Ps.  xlv.  15).  On  their  way  back  they 
 were  joined  by  a  part}'  of  maidens,  friends  of  the 
 bride  and  bridegioom,  who  were  in  waiting  to  catch 
 the  procession  as  it  passed  (Matt.  xxv.  6).  The 
 inhabitants  of  the  place  pressed  out  into  the  streets 
 to  Watch  the  procession  (Cant.  iii.  11).  At  the 
 house  a  feast  was  piepared,  to  which  all  the  friends 
 and  neighbours  were  invited  fGen.  xxix.  22  ;  Jlatt. 
 xxii.  1-10  ;  Luke  xiv.  8;  John  ii.  2),  and  the  festi- 
 vities were  protracted  for  seven,  or  even  fourteen 
 days  (Judg.  xiv.  12;  Tob.  viii.  19).  The  guests 
 were  provided  by  the  host  with  fitting  robes  (Matt. 
 xxii.  11),  and  the  feast  was  enlivened  with  riddles 
 (Judg.  xiv.  12)  and  other  amusements.  The  bride- 
 groom now  entered  into  direct  communication  with 
 the  bride,  and  the  joy  of  the  friend  was  "  fulfilled" 
 at  hearing  the  voice  of  the  bridegroom  (John  iii.  29) 
 conversing  with  her,  which  he  regarded  as  a  satis- 
 factory testimony  of  the  success  of  his  share  in  the 
 work.  The  last  act  in  the  ceremonial  was  the  con- 
 ducting of  the  bride  to  the  bridal  chamber,  cheder 
 (Judg.  XV.  1  ;  Joel  il.  16;,  where  a  canopy,  named 
 chuppdh,  was  prepared  (Ps.  xix.  5;  Joel  ii.  16). 
 The  bride  was  still  completely  veiled,  so  that  the 
 deception  practised  on  Jacob  (Geu.  xxix.  23)  was 
 very  possible.  A  newly  married  man  was  exempt 
 from  military  service,  or  from  any  public  business 
 which  might  draw  him  away  from  his  home,  foi- 
 the  space  of  a  year  (Deut.  xxiv.  5)  :  a  similar  pri- 
 vilege was  granted  to  him  who  was  betrothed 
 (Deut.  XX.  7).^IV.  In  considering  the  social  and 
 domestic  conditions  of  married  life  among  the  He- 
 brews, we  must  in  the  first  place  take  into  account 
 the  position  assigned  to  women  geneialiy  in  their 
 social  scale.  There  is  abundant  evidence  that  wo- 
 men, whether  married  or  unmarried,  went  about 
 with  their  faces  unveiled  (Gen.  xii.  14,  xxiv.  16, 
 65,  xxix.  11  ;  1  Sam.  i.  13),  Women  not  unfre- 
 quently  held  important  oHices.  They  took  their 
 part  in  matters  of  public  interest  (Ex.  xv.  20; 
 1  Sam.  xviii.  6,  7)  :  in  short,  they  enjoyed  as  much 
 freedom  in  ordinary  life  as  the  women  of  our  own 
 country.  If  such  was  her  general  position,  it  is 
 certain  that  the  wife  must  have  exercised  an  im- 
 portant influence  in  her  own  home.  She  appears 
 to  have  taken  her  part  in  family  affairs,  and  even  to 
 have  enjoyed  a  considerable  amount  of  independence 
 f2  K.  iv.  8;  Judg.  iv.  18;  1  Sam.  xxv.  14,  &c.). 
 The  relations  of  husband  and  wife  appear  to  have 
 been  characterised  by  affection  and  tenderness.  At 
 the  same  time  we  cannot  but  think  that  the  eicep- 
 tions  to  this  state  of  affairs  were  more  numerous 
 than  is  consistent  with  our  ideas  of  matrimonial 
 happiness.  One  of  the  evils  inseparable  from  poly- 
 gamy is  the  discomfort  arising  from  the  jealousies 
 and  quarrels  of  the  several  wives  (Geu.  xxi.  1 1  ; 
 1  Sam.  i.  6).  The  purchase  of  wives,  and  the 
 small  amount'  of  liberty  allowed  to  daughters  in 
 the  choice  of'  husbands,  must  inevitablv  have  led  tf 
 
520 
 
 MARS'  HILL 
 
 unhappy  unions.  In  tlu-  N.  T,  the  mutual  relations 
 of  husbanil  and  wife  are  a  subjei:t  of  frequent  ex- 
 hortation (Eph.  V.  2-2,  '2:^;  Col.  iii.  18,  19;  Tit. 
 ii.  4,  5 ;  1  Pet.  iii.  1-7).  The  duties  of  the  wife  in 
 the  Hebrew  household  were  multifarious  :  in  addi- 
 tion to  the  general  superintendence  of  the  domestic 
 arrangements,  such  as  cooking,  from  which  even 
 women  of  rank  were  not  exempted  (Oen.  xviii.  d* 
 2  Sam.  xiii.  8),  and  the  distribution  of  food  at  meal- 
 times (Prov,  xxxi.  15),  the  manufacture  of  the  cloth- 
 ing and  the  various  textures  required  in  an  Eastern 
 establishment  devolved  upon  her  (Prov.  xxxi.  13,  21, 
 22),  and  if  she  were  a  model  of  activity  and  skill,  she 
 produced  a  surplus  of  tine  linen  shirts  and  girdles, 
 which  she  sold,  and  so,  like  a  well-freighted  merchant- 
 ship,  brought  in  wealth  to  her  husband  from  atar 
 (Prov.  xxxi.  14,  24).  The  legal  rights  of  the  wife 
 are  noticed  in  Ex.  xxi.  10,  under  the  three  heads  of 
 food,  raiment,  and  duty  of  marriage  or  conjugal 
 right.— V.  The  allegorical  and  typical  allusions  to 
 marriage  have  exclusive  reference  to  one  subject, 
 viz.,  to  exhibit  the  spiritual  relationship  between 
 God  and  his  people.  The  earliest  form,  in  which 
 the  image  is  implied,  is  in  the  expi-essions  "  to  go  a 
 whoring,"  and  "  whoredom,"  as  descriptive  of  the 
 i-npture  of  that  relationship  by  acts  of  idolatry. 
 These  expressions  have  by  some  writers  been  taken 
 in  their  primary  and  literal  sense,  as  pointing  to 
 the  licentious  practices  of  idolaters.  But  this  de- 
 stroys the  whole  point  of  the  comparison,  and  is 
 opposed  to  the  plain  language  of  Scripture.  The 
 direct  comparison  with  marriage  is  confined  in 
 the  0.  T.  to  the  prophetic  writings,  unless  we  re- 
 gard the  Canticles  as  an  allegorical  work.  In  the 
 N.  T.  the  image  of  the  bridegroom  is  transfened 
 from  Jehovah  to  Christ  (Matt.  ix.  15  ;  John  iii. 
 29),  and  that  of  the  bride  to  the  Church  (2  Cor. 
 xi.  2  ;  Kev.  xi.x.  7,  xxi.  2,  9,  xxii.  17),  and  the  com- 
 p.irison  thus  esbiblished  is  converted  by  St.  Paul 
 into  an  illustration  of  the  position  and  mutual  duties 
 of  man  and  wife  (Eph.  v.  23-32).  The  breach  of 
 the  union  is,  as  before,  described  as  fornication  or 
 whoredom  in  reference  to  the  mystical  Babylon 
 (Uev.  xvii.  1.  2,  5). 
 
 Mars'  Hill,  the  Hill  of  Mars  or  Ares,  better 
 known  by  the  name  of  Areopagus,  of  which  the  Hill 
 of  Mars  or  Ares  is  a  translation.  The  Areopagus 
 was  a  locky  height  in  Athens,  opposite  the  western 
 end  of  tlie  Acropolis,  from  which  it  is  separated 
 only  by  an  elevated  valley.  The  spot  is  memorable 
 as  the  place  of  meeting  of  the  Council  of  Areopagus, 
 frequently  called  the  Upper  Council,  to  distinguish 
 it  from  the  Council  of  Five  Hundred,  which  held  ita 
 sittings  in  the  valley  below  the  hill.  It  existed  as 
 a  criminal  tribunal  before  the  time  of  Solon,  and  1 
 was  the  most  ancient  .and  vener.able  of  all  the  .Athe- 
 nian courts.  It  consisted  of  all  persons  who  had 
 held  the  olfice  of  Archon,  and  who  were  members  of 
 it  for  life,  unless  expelled  for  misconduct.  It  en- 
 joyed a  high  reputation,  not  only  in  Athens,  but  ] 
 triiroughout  Greece.  Before  the  time  of  Solon  the 
 court  tried  only  c;vses  of  wilful  murder,  wounding, 
 poison,  and  arson ;  but  he  jjave  it  e.xtensive  poweis 
 of  a  censorial  and  political  nature.  The  Council 
 '•'oitinued  to  exist  even  under  the  Roman  emperors. 
 Us  meetings  were  held  on  thcsoiit,h-e;ustern  summit 
 of  the  rock.  There  are  still  sixteen  .stone  steps  cut 
 in  the  rock,  leading  up  to  the  hill  from  the  valley 
 of  the  Agor.i  below;  .and  immediately  above  the 
 steps  is  a  IxmicIi  of  stones  excavated  in  the  rock, 
 forming  tliiec  aidca  of  a  quadrangle,  and  facing  the 
 
 MARY  OF  CLEOPHAS 
 
 south.  Here  the  Areop,agites  sat  as  judges  in  the 
 open  air.  On  the  eastern  and  western  side  is  a  raised 
 block.  The  Areopagus  possesses  peculiar  interest 
 to  the  Christian,  as  the  spot  from  which  St.  Paul 
 delivered  his  memorable  address  to  the  men  of  .Athens 
 (.'Acts  xvii.  22-31).  It  h:is  been  supposed  uy  some 
 commentators  that  St.  Paul  was  brought  before  the 
 Council  of  Areopagus  ;  but  there  is  no  trace  in  the 
 narrative  of  any  judicial  proceedings.  St.  Paul 
 "  disputed  daily  "  in  the  "  market"  or  Agora  (xvii. 
 17),  which  was  situated  south  of  the  Areopagus  in 
 the  valley  lying  between  this  hill  and  those  of  the 
 .Acropolis,  the  Pnyx  and  the  Museum.  Attracting 
 more  and  moie  attention,  "  certain  philosophers  of 
 the  Epicureans  and  Stoicks"  brought  him  up  from 
 the  valley,  probably  by  the  stone  steps  already 
 mentioned,  to  the  Areopagus  above,  that  they  might 
 listen  to  him  more  conveniently.  Here  the  philoso- 
 phers probably  took  their  seats  on  the  stone  benches 
 usually  occupied  by  the  members  of  the  Council, 
 while  the  multitude  .stood  upon  tne  steps  and  in  the 
 valley  below. 
 
 Mar'sena,  one  of  the  seven  princes  of  Persia, 
 which  sat  first  in  the  kingdom  (Esth.  i.  14). 
 
 Martha,  the  sister  of  Lazarus  and  Mary  [Laza- 
 rus]. The  facts  recorded  in  Luke  x.  and  John  xi. 
 indicate  a  character  devout  after  the  customary 
 Jewish  type  of  devotion,  sharing  in  Messianic  hopes 
 and  accepting  Jesus  as  the  Christ.  When  she  first 
 comes  before  us  in  Luke  x.  38,  as  receiving  her  Loid 
 into  her  house,  she  loses  the  calmness  of  her  spirit,  is 
 "cumliered  with  much  serving,"  is  "  aireful  and 
 troubled  about  many  things."  She  needs  the  reproof 
 "  one  thing  is  needful ;"  but  her  love,  tliough  im- 
 perfect in  its  form,  is  yet  recognised  as  true,  and  she 
 too,  no  less  than  Lazarus  and  iMary,  h;is  the  dis- 
 tinction of  being  one  whom  Jesus  loved  (John  xi.  3). 
 Her  position  here,  it  may  be  noticed,  is  obviously 
 that  of  the  elder  sister,  the  head  and  man.agerof  the 
 household.  It  has  been  conjectured  that  she  was 
 the  wife  or  widow  of  "Simon  the  leper"  of  M.att. 
 xxvi.  6  and  Mark  xiv.  3.  The  same  character 
 shows  itself  in  the  history  of  .John  xi.  Her  name 
 appears  once  again  in  the  N.  T.  She  is  present  at 
 the  supper  at  Bethany  as  "  serving"  (John  xii.  2). 
 The  old  chanicter  shows  itself  still,  but  it  h;is  been 
 freed  from  evil.  She  is  no  longer  "cumbered,"  no 
 longer  impatient.  Activity  has  been  calmed  by  trust. 
 When  other  voices  are  raised  against  her  sister's 
 overflowing  love,  hers  is  not  heard  among  them. 
 
 Mary  of  Cleophas.  So  in  A.  V.,  but  accurately 
 "ol' Cloi'AS."  In  >t.  John's  Gospel  we  re.ad  that 
 "  there  stood  by  the  cross  of  Jesus  His  mother,  and 
 His  mother's  sister,  Mary  of  Clopas,  and  Mary 
 Magdalene"  (John  xix.  25).  The  same  group  of 
 women  is  described  by  St.  Matthew  as  consisting  of 
 "  Mary  Magdalene,  and  Mary  of  James  and  Joses, 
 .and  the  mother  ofZebedee's  children"  (Matt,  .xxvii. 
 56) ;  and  l)y  St.  Mark,  as  "  Mary  M.ag  ialone,  and 
 Mary  of  .lames  the  Little  and  of  Joses,  and  Salome" 
 (Mark  XV.  40).  From  a  compansoti  of  these  p.is- 
 sages,  it  appears  that  Mary  of  Clopas,  and  Mary  of 
 .Lamefl  the  Little  and  of  Jo.ses,  are  tlie  sjinie  person, 
 and  that  she  was  the  si.ster  of  St.  Mary  the  Virgin. 
 Mary  of  Clop-is  w.is  probably  the  elder  sister  of 
 the  Lord's  mother.  It  woulil  seem  that  she  h.ad 
 married  (Mojias  or  Alphaeus  while  her  sister  was 
 still  a  girl.  She  had  four  sons,  anil  .at  least  three 
 daughters.  The  n.ames  of  the  daughters  are  un- 
 known to  Us;  tho.se  of  the  sons  are  James,  Joses, 
 Judc,  Simon,  two  of  whom  became  enrolled  amon^ 
 
MARY  MAGDALENE 
 
 the  twelve  apostles  [James],  and  a  third  (Simon), 
 may  have  succeeded  his  brother  in  the  chai  ge  of  the 
 Church  of  Jerusalem.  OfJosesand  the  daughters 
 we  know  nothing.  Mary  herself  is  brought  before 
 us  for  the  first  time  on  the  day  of  the  Ciucifixion 
 — in  the  parallel  passages  already  quoted  from  St. 
 Matthew,  St.  Mark,  and  t-t.  John.  In  the  evening 
 of  the  same  day  we  find  her  sitting  desolately  at 
 the  tomb  with  Mary  Magdalene  (Matt,  xxvii.  61  ; 
 Mark  xv.  47),  and  at  the  dawn  of  Easter  morning 
 she  was  again  there  with  sweet  spice<,  which  she  had 
 prepared  on  the  Friday  night  (Matt,  xxviii.  1  ;  Mark 
 xvi.  1  ;  Luke  xxiii.  56),  and  was  one  of  those  who 
 had  "  a  vision  of  angels,  which  said  that  He  was 
 alive"  (Luke  xxiv.  23).  'i'hese  are  all  the  glimpses 
 that  we  have  of  her.  Chipas  or  Alphaeus  is  not 
 mentioned  at  all,  except  as  designating  Mary  and 
 J.imes.  It  is  probable  that  he  was  dead  before  the 
 ministry  of  our  Lord  commenced. 
 
 Mary  Magdale'ne.  Different  explanations 
 have  been  given  of  this  name;  but  the  most 
 natural  is,  that  she  came  from  the  town  of  Mag- 
 dala. — 1.  She  comes  before  us  tor  the  first  time 
 in  Luke  viii.  2,  among  the  women  who  "  minis- 
 teied  unto  him  of  their  substance."  All  appear 
 to  have  occupied  a  position  of  comparative 
 wealth.  With  all  the  chief  motive  was  that  of 
 gratitude  tor  their  deliverance  from  "  evil  spirits 
 and  infirmities."  Of  Mary  it  is  said  specially  that 
 "  seven  devils  went  out  of  her,"  and  the  number 
 indiciites,  as  in  Matt.  xii.  45,  and  the  "Legion"  of 
 the  (jladarene  demoniac  (Mark  v.  9),  a  possession 
 of  more  than  ordinary  malignity.  We  must  think 
 of  her  accordingly,  as  having  had,  in  their  most 
 aggi-;ivated  forms,  some  of  the  phenomena  of  mental 
 and  spiritual  disease  which  we  meet  with  in  other 
 demoniacs,  the  wretchedness  of  despair,  the  divided 
 consciousness,  the  preternatural  frenzy,  the  long- 
 continued  fits  of  silence.  From  that  state  of  misery 
 she  had  been  set  free  by  the  presence  of  the  Healer, 
 and,  in  the  absence,  as  we  may  infer,  of  other  ties 
 and  duties,  she  found  her  safety  and  her  blessedness 
 in  following  Him.  It  will  explain  much  that  follows 
 if  we  remember  that  this  life  of  ministration  must 
 have  brought  Mary  Magdalene  into  companionship 
 of  the  closest  nature  with  Salome  the  mother  of 
 James  and  John  (Mark  xv.  40),  and  even  also  with 
 Mary  the  mother  of  the  Lord  (John  six.  25).  The 
 women  who  thus  devoted  themselves  are  not  pro- 
 minent in  the  history :  we  have  no  record  of  their 
 mode  of  life,  or  abode,  or  hopes  or  fears  during  the 
 few  momentous  days  that  preceded  the  crucifixion. 
 'I'hey  "  stood  afar  oti',  beholding  these  things  "  (Luke 
 xxiii.  49)  during  the  closing  hours  of  the  Agony  on 
 the  Cross.  The  same  close  association  which  drew 
 tnem  together  there  is  seen  afterwards.  She  remains 
 by  the  cross  till  all  is  over,  waits  till  the  body  is 
 taken  down,  and  wrapped  in  the  linen-cloth  and 
 placed  in  the  garden-sepulchre  of  Joseph  of  Arima- 
 thea  (Matt,  .\xvii.  61  ;  Mark  xv.  47  ;  Luke  xxiii. 
 55).  The  siibbath  that  followed  brought  an  en- 
 forced rest,  but  no  sooner  is  the  sunset  over  than 
 she,  with  Salome  and  Mary  the  mother  of  James, 
 "  brought  sweet  spices  that  they  might  come  and 
 anoint  "  the  body  (Mark  xvi.  1).  The  next  morn- 
 ing accordingly,  in  the  earliest  dawn  (Matt,  xxviii. 
 1  ;  Mark  xvi.  2)  they  come  with  Mary  the  mother 
 of  James,  to  the  sepulchre.  Mary  Magdalene  had 
 been  to  the  tomb  and  had  found  it  empty,  had  seen 
 the  "vision  of  angels"  (Matt,  xxviii.  5;  Mark 
 xvi.  5).     She  went  with  her  07  of  sorrow  to  Peter 
 
 MARY  MAGDALENE 
 
 521 
 
 and  John  (John  xx.  1,  2).  But  she  returns  there. 
 She  follows  Peter  and  John,  and  remains  when 
 they  go  back.  The  one  thought  that  fills  her  mind 
 is  still  that  the  body  is  not  there  (John  xx.  13). 
 This  intense  brooding  over  one  fixed  thought  was, 
 we  may  venture  to  say,  to  one  who  had  sufl'ered  as 
 she  had  suffered,  full  of  special  danger,  and  called 
 for  a  special  discipline.  The  utter  stupor  of  grief 
 is  shown  in  her  want  of  power  to  recognise  at  firet 
 either  the  voice  or  the  form  of  the  Lord  to  whom 
 she  had  ministered  (John  xx.  14,  15).  At  last  her 
 own  name  uttered  by  that  voice  as  she  had  heaid  it 
 uttered,  it  may  be,  in  the  hour  of  her  deepest  misery, 
 recalls  her  to  consciousness ;  and  then  follows  the 
 cry  of  recognition,  with  the  strongest  woid  of  re- 
 verence which  a  woman  of  Israel  could  use,  "  Rib- 
 boni,"  and  the  rush  forward  to  cling  to  His  feet. 
 That,  however,  is  not  the  discipline  she  needs.  Her 
 love  had  been  too  dependent  on  the  visible  presence 
 of  her  Master.  She  had  the  same  lesson  to  learr. 
 as  the  other  disciples.  Though  they  had  "  known 
 Ch)ist  after  the  flesh,"  they  were  "  hencefoith  to 
 know  Him  so  no  more."  She  was  to  hear  that 
 truth  in  its  highest  and  shai-pest  form.  "  Touch 
 me  not,  foi'  I  am  not  yet  ascended  to  my  Father."— 
 II.  What  follows  will  show  how  great  a  contrast 
 there  is  between  the  spirit  in  which  the  Evangelist 
 wrote  and  that  which  shows  itself  in  the  later  tra 
 ditions.  Out  of  these  few  facts  there  rise  a  mul- 
 titude of  wild  conjectures ;  and  with  these  there 
 has  been  constructed  a  whole  romance  of  hagiology. 
 The  questions  which  meet  us  connect  themselves 
 with  the  narratives  in  the  four  Gospels  of  women 
 who  came  with  precious  ointment  to  anoint  the  feet 
 or  the  head  of  Jesus.  Although  the  opinion  seems 
 to  have  been  at  one  time  maintained,  few  would 
 now  hold  that  Matt.  xxvi.  and  Mark  xiv.  are  reports 
 of  two  distinct  events.  The  supposition  that  there 
 were  three  anointings  has  found  favour  with  Origen 
 and  Lightfoot.  We  are  left  to  the  conclusion  adopted 
 by  the  great  majority  of  interpreters,  that  the  Gos- 
 pels record  two  anointings,  one  in  some  city  un- 
 named during  our  Loid's  Galilean  ministry  (Luke 
 vii.),  the  other  at  Bethany,  before  the  last  entry 
 into  Jerusalem  (Matt.  xxvi.  ;  Mark  xiv. ;  John  xii. J. 
 We  come,  then,  to  the  question  whether  in  these 
 two  narratives  we  meet  with  one  woman  or  with  two. 
 The  one  passage  adduced  for  the  former  conclusion 
 is  John  xi.  2.  There  is  but  slender  evidence  for 
 the  assumption  that  the  two  anointings  were  the 
 acts  of  one  and  the  same  woman,  and  that  woman 
 the  sister  of  Lazarus.  There  is,  if  possible,  still 
 less  for  the  identification  of  Mary  Magdalene  with 
 the  chief  actor  in  either  history.  (1.)  When  her 
 name  appears  in  Luke  viii.  3  there  is  not  one  word 
 to  connect  it  with  the  history  that  immediately 
 precedes.  (2.)  The  belief  that  Mary  of  Bethany 
 and  Mary  Magdalene  are  identical  is  yet  more  start- 
 ling. Not  one  single  circumstance,  except  that  of 
 love  and  reverence  for  their  Master,  is  common. 
 The  epithet  Magdalene,  whatever  may  be  its  mean- 
 ing, seems  chosen  for  the  express  puipose  of  distin- 
 guishing her  from  all  other  Maries.  No  one  Evan- 
 gelist gives  the  slightest  hint  of  identity.  Nor  is 
 this  lack  of  evidence  in  the  N.  T.  itself  compensated 
 by  any  such  weight  of  authority  as  would  indicate 
 a  really  trustworthy  tradition.  Two  of  the  earliest 
 writers  who  allude  to  the  histories  of  the  anoint- 
 ing— Clement  of  Alexandria  and  TertuUian — say 
 nothing  to  imply  that  they  accepted  it.  The  lan- 
 guage of  Irenaeus  is  against  it.     Origen  discusses 
 
D22     MART,  MOTHER  OF  MARK 
 
 the  question  fully,  nnd  lejfcts  it.  He  is  followed 
 by  the  whole  succession  of  the  expositors  of  the 
 Eastern  Church.  In  the  Western  Church,  how- 
 ever, the  other  belief  began  to  sjiread.  The  seivices 
 of  the  feast  of  St.  Marv  Magdalene  were  constructed 
 on  the  assumption  of  its  truth.  The  translators 
 undar  James  I.  ado|ited  the  rect-ived  tradition.  Since 
 that  piriod  theie  has  been  a  giadually  accumulating 
 coiiS'HS'is  against  it. 
 
 Hary,  mother  of  Mark.  The  woman  known 
 by  this  description  must  have  been  among  the 
 earliest  disciples.  We  learn  from  Col.  iv.  10  that 
 she  was  sister  to  Barnabas,  and  it  would  appear 
 from  Acts  iv.  S7,  xii.  12,  that,  while  the  brother 
 gave  U])  his  land  and  brought  the  proceeds  of  the 
 sale  into  the  common  treasury  of  the  Church, 
 the  sister  gave  up  her  house  to  be  used  as  one  of 
 its  chief  pLices  of  meeting.  The  feet  that  Peter 
 goes  to  that  house  on  his  release  from  prison,  indi- 
 cates that  there  was  some  special  intimacy  (Acts 
 xii.  12)  between  them,  and  this  is  confirmed  by  the 
 language  which  he  uses  towards  Mark  as  being  his 
 "son"  (1  Pet.  V.  18).  She,  it  may  be  added, 
 must  have  been  like  Barnabas  of  the  tiibe  of  Levi, 
 and  may  have  been  connected,  as  he  was,  with 
 Cvprus  (Acts  iv.  36). 
 
 Mary,  sister  of  Lazarus.  The  facts  strictly 
 personal  to  her  are  but  tcnv.  She  and  her  sister 
 .Martha  appear  in  Luke  x.  40,  as  receiving  Christ 
 in  their  house.  Mary  sat  listening  eagerly  for 
 every  word  that  fell  from  the  Divine  Teacher.  She 
 had  chosen  the  good  part,  the  life  that  has  found  its 
 unity,  the  "one  thing  needful,"  in  rising  from  the 
 eaithly  to  the  heavenly,  no  longei  distracted  by 
 the  "many  things"  of  earth.  The  same  character 
 shows  itself  in  the  history  of  John  xi.  Her  grief  is 
 deeper  but  less  active.  Her  first  thought  when 
 she  sees  the  Tcicher  in  whose  ])ower  and  love  she 
 liad  trusted,  is  one  of  complaint.  But  the  great 
 joy  and  love  which  lier  bi other's  return  to  life  aills 
 up  in  in  hei-,  pour  themselves  out  in  larger  measure 
 than  had  been  seen  before.  The  treasuied  alab.ister- 
 bo.x  of  ointment  is  brought  forth  at  the  final  feast 
 of  Bethany,  John  xii.  ."3. 
 
 Mary  the  Virgin.  There  is  no  pei-son  perhaps 
 in  sacred  or  in  ])rotane  literature,  around  whom 
 so  many  legends  have  been  grouped  as  the  Virgin 
 Wary  ;  and  there  are  few  whose  authentic  history 
 is  more  concise.  We  shall  divide  her  life  into  three 
 periods.  L  The  period  of  her  childhood,  up  to  the 
 time  of  the  birth  of  our  Lord.  U.  The  period  of 
 her  middle  age  contemporary  with  the  Bible  record. 
 IlL  The  period  subsequent  to  the  Ascension.— 
 L  The  childhood  of  Mitrj/,  whollij  leijendari/. — 
 Joachim  and  Anna  were  both  of  the  lace  of  David. 
 The  abode  of  the  former  was  Nazareth  ;  the  latter 
 passed  her  early  years  at  Bethlehem.  They  lived 
 piously  ill  the  sight  of  God,  and  faultlessly  before 
 tnan,  dividing  their  substance  into  three  portions, 
 one  oi'  which  they  devoted  to  the  service  of  the 
 temple,  another  to  the  poor,  and  the  third  to  their 
 own  wants.  And  so  twenty  yeiu's  of  their  lives 
 passed  silently  away.  But  they  were  childless. 
 At  the  end  of  this  periocl  Joachim  went  to  Jeru- 
 Siileni  with  some  others  of  his  tribe,  to  make  his 
 usual  olliering  at  the  Feiist  of  the  l)edic;ition.  And 
 the  liigh-priest  scorned  Joachim,  and  drove  him 
 roughly  away,  .isking  how  he  dared  to  pre.siMit  him- 
 self in  compjiny  willi  those  who  had  children,  while 
 he  hail  none.  And  Joachim  was  shamed  before 
 his  fi lends  and  neighbours,  and  he  retired  into  the 
 
 MARY  THE  VIRGIN 
 
 wilderness  and  fixed  his  tent  there,  and  fasted  foity 
 days  and  forty  nights.  And  at  the  end  of  this 
 period  an  angel  appeared  to  him,  and  told  him  that 
 his  wife  should  conceive,  and  should  biing  forth  a 
 daughter,  and  he  should  call  her  name  Maiy.  Anna 
 meantime  was  much  distressed  at  her  husband's 
 absence,  and  being  reproached  by  her  maid  Judith 
 with  her  barienness,  she  was  overcome  with  grief 
 of  spirit.  And  two  angels  a]>peared  to  lier,  and 
 promised  her  that  she  should  have  a  child  who 
 should  be  spoken  of  in  all  the  world.  And  .loachim 
 returned  joyfully  to  his  home,  and  when  the  time 
 was  accomplished  Anna  brought  forth  a  daughter, 
 and  they  called  her  name  Mary.  Now  the  cliild 
 Maiy  increased  in  strength  day  by  day,  and  at  nine 
 months  of  age  she  walked  nine  steps.  And  when 
 she  was  three  years  old  her  parents  brought  her  to 
 the  Temple,  to  dedicate  her  to  the  Lord.  Then 
 Mary  remained  at  the  Temple  until  she  was  twelve 
 or  fourteen  years  old,  ministered  to  by  the  angels, 
 and  advancing  in  perfection  as  in  years.  At  this 
 time  the  high-priest  commanded  all  the  virgins  that 
 were  in  the  Temple  to  return  to  their  homes  and  to 
 be  married.  The  legend  now  begins  to  attach  itself 
 to  the  history,  and  tells  of  the  unwilling  betrothal 
 of  Josejih  to  JIary,  the  Annunciation,  the  marriage, 
 and  the  birth  of  Jesus  in  a  form  distorted  from  the 
 simple  narrative  of  the  first  Gospel. ^IL  The  real 
 history  of  Mary. — We  are  wholly  ignorant  of  tiie 
 name  and  occupation  of  St.  Mary's  parents.  The 
 evangelist  does  not  tell  us,  and  we  lannot  know. 
 She  was,  like  Joseph,  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  and  of 
 the  lineage  of  David  (Ps.  cx.xxii.  11  ;  Luke  i.  .'i2  ; 
 Horn.  i.  .'ij.  She  had  a  sister,  named  j)robably  like 
 her.self,  ALiry  (John  six.  25),  and  she  was  con- 
 nected by  marriage  (Luke  i.  36)  with  Elisabeth, 
 who  was  of  the  tiibe  of  Levi  and  of  the  lineage 
 of  Aaron.  This  is  all  that  we  know  of  her  ante- 
 cedents. In  the  summer  of  the  year  which  is 
 known  as  B.C.  5,  Mary  was  living  at  Kazaieth, 
 probably  at  her  parents' — po.ssibly  at  her  elder 
 sister's — liouse,  not  having  yet  been  t-iken  by 
 .losi'ph  to  his  home.  She  was  at  this  time  be- 
 trothed to  Joseph,  and  was  theietbre  regaidcd  by 
 the  Jewish  law  and  custom  as  his  wife,  though  he 
 had  not  yet  a  husband's  rights  over  her.  At  this 
 time  the  angel  Gabriel  came  to  her  with  a  message 
 from  God,  and  announced  to  her  that  she  was  to 
 be  the  mother  of  the  long- expected  Messiah.  The 
 scene  as  well  as  the  salutation  is  very  similar  to 
 that  recounted  in  the  Book  of  Daniel  (x.  18,  \'J). 
 Gabriel  proceeds  to  in.-tnict  Mary  that  by  the  oper- 
 ation of  the  Holy  Ghost  the  everlasting  Son  of  the 
 l-'ather  should  be  born  of  her.  He  further  informs 
 her,  perhaps  as  a  sign  by  which  she  might  convince 
 herself  that  his  prediction  with  regard  to  herself 
 would  come  true,  tliat  her  relative  Klis:ibeth  was 
 within  three  months  of  being  delivered  of  a  child. 
 The  antrel  left  Maiy,  and  she  .set  otl'  to  visit  Llisa- 
 beth  either  .at  Hebron  or  Juttali  (Luke  i.  39), 
 where  the  latter  lived  with  her  husband  Zacharias, 
 about  20  miles  to  the  south  of  Jerusalem,  nnd 
 therefore  at  a  veiy  considerable  distance  from 
 Nazareth.  Immediately  on  her  entrance  into  the 
 house  she  was  saluted  by  Klisabeth  as  the  mother 
 of  her  Lord,  and  had  evidence  of  the  truth  of  the 
 angel's  saying  with  regard  to  her  cousin.  She  em- 
 bodied her  feelings  of  ex  ul  tit  ion  and  thankfulness  in 
 the  hymn  known  under  the  name  of  the  Maiinificiit. 
 The  hymn  is  founded  on  Hannah's  song  of  thank- 
 fulness (1  Siim.  ii.  1-10).    Mary  returned  to  Naza- 
 
MARY  THE  VIRGIN 
 
 reth  shortly  before  the  birth  of  John  the  Baptist, 
 and  continued  living  at  her  own  home.  In  the 
 course  of  a  fow  months  Joseph  became  aware  that 
 she  was  with  child,  and  determined  on  giving  her  a 
 bill  of  divorcement,  instead  of  yielding  her  up  to 
 tlie  law  to  suHer  the  penalty  which  he  supposed 
 that  she  had  incurred.  Being,  however,  warned 
 and  satisfied  by  an  angel  who  appeared  to  him  in  a 
 dream,  he  took  her  to  his  own  house.  It  was  soon 
 after  this,  as  it  would  seem,  that  Augustus'  decree 
 was  promulgated,  and  Joseph  and  Mary  travelled 
 to  Bethlehem  to  have  their  names  enrolled  in  fhe 
 registers  (B.C.  4)  by  way  of  preparation  for  the 
 taxing,  which  however-was  not  completed  till  ten 
 years  afterwards  (a.d.  6),  in  the  goveinorship  of 
 Quirinus.  They  reached  Bethlehem,  and  there 
 Mary  brought  fbith  the  Saviour  of  the  world,  and 
 humbly  laid  him  in  a  manger.  The  visit  of  the 
 shepherds,  the  circumcision,  the  adoration  of  the 
 wise  men,  and  the  presentation  in  the  Temple,  are 
 rather  scenes  in  the  life  of  Christ  than  in  that  of 
 his  mothei'.  The  presentation  in  the  Temple  might 
 not  take  place  till  forty  days  after  the  birth  of  the 
 child.  The  poverty  of  St.  Mary  and  Joseph,  it 
 may  be  noted,  is  shown  by  their  making  the  oftier- 
 ing  of  the  poor.  The  song  of  Simeon  and  the 
 thanksgiving  of  Anna,  like  the  wonder  of  the  shep- 
 herds and  the  adoration  of  the  magi,  only  in- 
 cidentally refer  to  Mary.  One  passage  alone  in 
 Simeon's  addiess  is  specially  directed  to  her,  "  Yea 
 a  sword  shall  pierce  through  thy  own  soul  also." 
 The  exact  purport  of  these  words  is  doubtful.  In 
 the  flight  into  Egypt,  Mary  and  the  babe  had  the 
 support  and  protection  of  Joseph,  as  well  as  in 
 their  return  from  thence,  in  the  following  year,  on 
 the  death  of  Herod  the  Great  (B.C.  3).  It  may  be 
 tliat  the  holy  family  at  this  time  took  up  their 
 residence  in  the  house  of  Mary's  sister,  the  wife  of 
 Clopas.  Henceforward,  until  the  beginning  of  our 
 Lord's  ministry — i.  e.  from  B.C.  3  to  A.D.  26 — we 
 may  picture  St.  Marj^  to  ourselves  as  living  in 
 Kazareth,  in  a  humble  sphere  of  life.  Two  cir- 
 cumstances alone,  so  far  as  we  know,  broke  in  on 
 the  otherwise  even  flow  of  her  life.  One  of  these 
 was  the  temjxii'ary  loss  of  her  Son  when  he  re- 
 mained behind  in  Jerusalem,  A.D.  8.  The  other 
 was  the  death  of  Joseph.  The  e.\act  date  of  this 
 last  event  we  cannot  determine,  but  it  was  pro- 
 bably not  long  after  the  other.  From  the  time  at 
 which  our  Lord's  ministry  commenced,  St.  Mary  is 
 withdrawn  almost  wholly  from  sight.  Four  times 
 only  is  the  veil  removed,  which,  not  surely  without 
 a  reason,  is  thrown  over  her.  These  four  occasions 
 are, — 1.  The  marriage  at  Cana  of  Galilee  (John  ii.). 
 2.  The  attempt  which  she  and  his  brethren  made 
 "to  speak  with  him"  (Matt.  xii.  4(5;  Mark  iii. 
 21  and  31;  Luke  viii.  19).  3.  The  Crucifi.\ion. 
 4.  The  days  succeeding  the  Ascension  (Acts  i.  14). 
 If  to  these  we  add  two  references  to  her,  the  first 
 by  her  Nazarene  fellow-citizens  (Matt.  xiii.  64,  55  ; 
 Mark  vi.  l-3j,  the  second  by  a  woman  in  the  mul- 
 titude (Luke  xi.  27),  we  have  specified  every  event 
 known  to  us  in  lier  life.  It  is  noticeable  that,  on 
 every  occasion  of  our  Lord's  addressing  her,  or 
 speakinii  of  her,  there  is  a  sound  of  reproof  in  His 
 words,  with  tlie  exception  of  the  last  words  spoken 
 to  her  from  the  cross. — 1.  The  marriage  at  Cana 
 in  Galilee  took  place  in  the  three  months  which 
 intervened  between  the  baptism  of  Christ  and  the 
 passover  of  the  year  27.  When  Jesus  was  found  by 
 his  mother  and  Joseph  in  the  Temple  in  the  year  8, 
 
 MARY  THE  VIRGIN 
 
 523 
 
 we  find  h.m  repudiating  the  name  of  "father" 
 as  applied  to  Joseph  (Luke  ii.  48,  49).  Kow,  in 
 like  manner,  at  His  first  miracle  which  inaugurates 
 His  ministry,  He  solemnly  withdraws  himself  from 
 the  authority  of  His  earthly  mother. — 2.  Capernaum 
 (John  ii.  12)  and  Nazareth  (Matt.  iv.  13,  xiii.  54; 
 Mark  vi.  1)  appear  to  have  been  the  residence  of 
 St.  Mary  for  a  considerable  period.  The  next  time 
 that  she  is  brought  before  us  we  find  her  at  Caper- 
 naum. It  is  the  autumn  of  the  yeai-  28,  more  than 
 a  year  and  a  half  after  the  miracle  wrought  at  tlie 
 marriage-feast  in  Cana.  Mary  was  still  living  u  itli 
 her  sister,  and  her  nephews  and  nieces,  James, 
 Joses,  Simon,  Jude,  and  their  three  sisters  (Matt, 
 xiii.  55)  ;  and  she  and  they  heard  of  the  toils  which 
 He  was  undergoing,  and  they  understood  that  He 
 was  denying  himself  every  relaxation  from  His 
 labours.  Their  human  afl'ection  conquced  their 
 faith.  They  therefore  sent  a  message,  begging  lifm 
 to  allow  them  to  speak  to  Him.  Again  He  re- 
 proves. Again  He  refuses  to  admit  any  authority 
 on  the  part  of  his  relatives,  or  emy  privilege  on 
 account  of  their  relationship. — 3.  The  next  scene 
 in  St.  Mary's  life  brings  us  to  the  foot  of  the  cross. 
 She  was  standing  there  with  her  sister  Mary  and 
 Mary  Magdalene,  and  Salome,  and  other  women, 
 having  no  doubt  followed  her  Son  as  she  was  able 
 throughout  the  terrible  morning  of  Good  Friday. 
 It  was  about  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  and  He 
 was  about  to  give  up  His  spirit.  Standing  neai 
 the  company  of  the  women  was  St.  John  ;  and, 
 with  almost  His  last  words,  Christ  commended  His 
 mother  to  the  care  of  him  who  had  borne  the  name 
 of  the  disciple  whom  Jesus  loved.  "  Woman,  be- 
 hold thy  son."  And  from  that  hour  St.  John 
 assures  us  that  he  took  her  to  his  own  abode. — 
 4.  A  veil  is  drawn  over  her  sorrow  and  over  her 
 joy  which  succeeded  that  sorrow.  Mediaeval  ima- 
 gination has  supposed,  but  Scripture  does  not  state, 
 that  her  Son  appeared  to  Mary  after  His  lesurrec- 
 tion  from  the  dead.  She  was  doubtless  living  at 
 Jerusalem  with  John,  cherished  with  the  tender- 
 ness which  her  tender  soul  would  have  specially 
 needed,  and  which  midoubtedly  she  found  pre- 
 eminently in  St.  John.  We  have  no  record  of  her 
 presence  at  the  Ascension,  or  at  the  descent  of  the 
 Holy  Spirit  on  the  day  of  Pentecost.  What  we 
 do  i-ead  of  her  is,  that  she  remained  stedfast  in 
 prayer  in  the  upper  room  at  Jerusalem  with  Mary 
 Magdalene  and  Salome,  and  those  known  as  the 
 Lord's  brothers  and  the  apostles.  This  is  the  last 
 view  that  we  have  of  her.  Holy  Scripture  leaves 
 her  engaged  in  prayer.  Fiom  this  point  forwards 
 we  know  nothing  of  her.  It  is  probable  that  the 
 rest  of  her  life  was  speut  in  Jerusalem  with  St. 
 John  (see  Epiph.  Haer.  78).  According  to  one 
 tradition  the  beloved  disciple  would  not  leave 
 Palestine  until  she  had  expired  in  his  arms.  Other 
 traditions  make  her  journey  with  St.  John  to 
 Ephesus,  and  tliere  die  in  extreme  old  age. — 5.  The 
 character  of  St.  Mary  is  not  drawn  by  any  of  the 
 Evangelists,  hut  some  of  its  lineaments  are  inci- 
 dentally manifested  in  the  fragmentary  record  which 
 is  given  of  her.  It  is  clear  from  St.  Luke's  ac- 
 count, though  without  any  such  intimation  we 
 might  rest  assured  of  the  tact,  that  her  youth  had 
 been  spent  in  tlie  study  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and 
 that  she  had  set  before  her  the  example  of  the  holy 
 women  of  the  Old  Testament  as  her  model.  This 
 would  appear  from  the  Magnificat  (Luke  i.  46). 
 Her  laitli  and  humility  exhibit  themselves  in  her 
 
524 
 
 MARY  THE  VTRGIN 
 
 immeiliafe  suvrender  of  lierself  to  the  Divine  will, 
 though  itrnoi-mit  how  that  will  should  be  accom- 
 plished \_Luke  i.  38);  her  energy  and  earnestness, 
 iu  her  journey  fiom  Nazareth  to  Hebron  (Luke  i. 
 39") ;  her  hnppy  thankfulness,  in  her  song  of  joy 
 (Luke  i.  48 ) ;  her  silent  musing  thoughtfulness,  in 
 her  pondering  over  the  shepheids'  visit  (Luke  ii. 
 19),  and  in  her  keeping  her  Son's  words  in  her 
 heart  (Luke  ii.  51 ),  though  she  could  not  fully 
 understand  their  import.  In  a  word,  so  far  as 
 St.  Maiy  is  portrayed  to  us  in  Sciipture,  she  is, 
 as  we  should  have  expected,  the  most  tender,  the 
 most  faitiiful,  humble,  patient,  and  loving  of 
 women,  but  a  woman  still.— IIL  Her  after  life, 
 rrholly  legendiir;/. — We  pass  again  into  tiie  region 
 of  free  and  joyous  legend  which  we  quitted  for  that 
 of  true  history  at  the  period  of  the  Annunciation. 
 The  Gospel  record  confined  the  play  of  imagination, 
 and  as  soon  as  this  check  is  withdrawn  the  legend 
 bui-sts  out  afiesh.  The  legends  of  St.  Mary's  child- 
 hood may  be  traced  back  as  fai-  as  the  thiid  or  even 
 the  second  century.  Those  of  her  death  are  pro- 
 bably of  a  later  date.  The  chief  legend  was  for  a 
 length  of  time  considered  to  be  a  veritable  history, 
 written  by  Melito  Bishop  of  Sardis  in  the  2nd 
 century..  When  the  apostles  separated  in  order  to 
 evangelise  the  world,  Mary  continued  to  live  with 
 St.  John's  parents  in  their  house  near  the  Mount  of 
 Olives,  and  every  day  she  went  out  to  pray  at  the 
 tomb  of  Christ,  and  at  Golgotha.  And  in  the 
 twenty-second  year  after  the  ascension  of  the  Lord, 
 Mary  felt  her  heart  burn  with  an  inexpressible 
 longing  to  be  with  her  Son;  and  behold  an  angel 
 appeared  to  her,  iind  announced  to  her  that  hei- 
 soul  should  be  taken  up  from  her  body  on  the  third 
 day,  and  he  placed  a  palm-branch  from  paradise 
 in  her  hands,  and  desired  that  it  should  be  car- 
 ried before  her  bier.  And  Mary  besought  that  the 
 apostles  might  be  gatheied  round  her  before  she 
 died,  and  the  angel  leplieil  that  they  should  come. 
 And  the  people  of  Bethlehem  brought  their  sick  to 
 the  house,  ami  they  were  all  healed.  Then,  on  the 
 sixth  day  of  the  week,  the  Holy  Spirit  commanded 
 the  apostles  to  t;\ke  up  Maiy,  and  to  carry  her 
 fiom  Jerusalem  to  Gethsemane.  And  the  angel 
 Gabriel  announced  that  on  the  first  day  of  the 
 week  Maiy's  soul  should  be  removed  from  this 
 world.  And  on  the  morning  of  that  day  there 
 came  Kve  and  Anne  .and  Elisalieth,  and  they  kissed 
 Mary  and  told  her  who  they  were:  came  Adam, 
 Seth,  Shem,  Noah,  Abraham,  Isaac,  Jacob,  David, 
 and  the  rest  of  the  old  fathers :  came  Enoch  and 
 Klias  and  IMoses;  came  twelve  chariots  of  angels 
 innumerable:  and  then  appeared  the  Lord  Christ 
 in  his  humanity.  And  Mary  prayed.  And  after 
 her  prayer  w;us  finished  her  fiice  shone  with  mar- 
 vellous brightness,  and  she  stretched  out  her  hands 
 and  blessed  them  all  ;  and  her  Son  put  foith  his 
 hands  and  received  her  pure  soul,  and  bore  it  into 
 his  Father's  treasure-house.  And  the  ajmstles  car- 
 ried her  body  to  the  valley  of  Jehosliapliat,  to  a 
 place  which  the  Lord  had  told  them  of,  and  John 
 went  liefore  and  carried  the  palm-branch  And 
 thoy  placed  her  in  a  new  tomb.  And  suddenly 
 there  apjH-ared  the  Lord  (Christ,  surroundcil  by  a 
 multitude  of  angels.  And  he  commanded  Michael 
 the  archangel  to  bring  down  the  soul  of  Mary. 
 .And  Gabriel  rolled  away  the  stone,  and  the  Lord 
 laid,  "  Ki.se  up,  my  belovtHl,  thy  l«)dy  shall  not 
 Bufler  corruption  in  the  tomb."  And  imnuNliafcly 
 Wary  arose  and  bowed  herself  at  his  feet  anil  woi- 
 
 MARY  THE  ■VIRGIN 
 
 shipped  ;  and  the  Lord  kissed  her  and  gave  her  tc 
 the  angels  to  carry  her  to  paradise.  But  Thomaa 
 was  not  present  with  the  rest.  And  he  arrived  just 
 after  all  these  things  were  .accomplished,  and  he 
 demanded  to  see  the  sepulchre  in  which  they  had 
 laid  his  Lady:  "For  ye  know,"  said  he,  "that 
 I  .am  Thomjus,  and  unless  I  see  I  will  not  believe." 
 Then  Peter  arose  in  ha.ste  and  wrath,  and  the  other 
 disciples  with  him,  and  they  opened  the  sepulchre 
 and  went  in  ;  but  they  found  nothing  therein  save 
 that  in  which  her  body  had  been  wrapped.^ 
 IV.  Jewish  traditions  respecting  her. — These  are 
 of  a  very  diliierent  nature  from  the  light-heaited 
 fairy-tale-like  stories  which  we  have  recounted 
 above.  The  most  definite  and  outspoken  of  these 
 slanders  is  that  which  is  contained  in  the  book 
 called  Tolduih  Jesu.  It  is  proved  by  Ammon  to 
 be  a  conijiosition  of  the  13th  centuiy.  In  the 
 Gospel  of  Nicodemus,  otherwise  called  the  Acts  of 
 Pilate,  we  find  the  Jews  represented  as  charging 
 our  Lord  with  illegitimate  birth  (c.  2).  The  dat« 
 of  this  Gospel  is  about  the  end  of  the  3rd  century. 
 Stories  to  the  same  effect  \j)ay  be  found  in  the 
 Talmud — not  in  the  Mishna,  which  dates  from  the 
 2nd  century,  but  in  the  Gemara,  which  is  of  the 
 5th  or  6th. ^V.  AlaJiometnn  traditions. — These  are 
 again  cast  in  a  totally  different  mould  from  those 
 of  the  Jews.  Mahomet  and  his  followers  appear 
 to  have  gathered  up  the  floating  Oriental  traditions 
 which  originated  in  the  legends  of  St.  Mary's  early 
 years,  given  above,  and  to  have  drawn  from  them 
 and  from  the  Bible  indifferently.  He  is  leported  tc 
 have  said  that  many  men  liave  arrived  at  peitiec- 
 tion,  but  only  four  women  ;  and  that  these  are, 
 Asia  the  wife  of  Pharaoh,  Mary  the  daughter  of 
 Amram,  his  first  wife  Khadljah,  and  his  daughter 
 Fatima.— VI.  Emblems. — There  was  a  time  in  the 
 history  of  the  Church  when  all  the  expressions  used 
 in  the  book  of  Canticles  were  applied  at  once  to  St. 
 Mary.  Consequently  all  the  Eastern  metaphore  ot 
 king  Solomon  have  been  hardened  into  symbols,  and 
 represented  in  pictures  or  sculpture,  and  attached 
 to  her  in  popular  litinies.— VII.  C'ultus  of  the 
 Blessed  Virgin. — We  do  not  enter  into  the  theo- 
 logical bearings  of  the  worehip  of  St.  Mary;  but  we 
 shall  have  left  our  task  incomplete  if  we  do  not  add 
 a  short  historical  sketch  of  the  origin,  progress,  and 
 pi'esent  siate  of  the  devotion  to  her.  What  was 
 its  origin  ?  Certainly  not  the  Bible.  There  is  not 
 a  woid  there  from  which  it  could  be  inferred ;  nor 
 in  the  Creeds ;  nor  in  the  Fathers  of  the  first  five 
 centuries.  Whence,  then,  did  it  arise?  There  is 
 not  a  shadow  of  doubt  that  the  origin  of  the  woi- 
 sliip  of  St.  Mary  is  to  be  found  in  the  ;ipticryi)hal 
 legends  of  her  birth  and  of  her  death  which  we  have 
 given  above,  There  we  find  the  geim  of  what 
 afterwards  expanded  into  its  present  portentous 
 projjortions.  Some  of  the  legends  of  her  birth  .are 
 as  early  as  the  2nd  or  3rd  century.  Thoy  were  the 
 production  of  the  Gnostics,  ami  were  unanimously 
 and  firmly  rej«-ted  by  the  Church  of  the  firet  live 
 centinies  as  fabulous  and  hei^etical.  Down  to  the 
 time  of  the  Nestorian  controversy  the  adlus  of  th" 
 Blessed  N'irgin  wouM  apjioar  to  have  been  wlinby 
 external  to  the  Church,  and  to  have  been  regarded 
 as  hercti<'al.  But  the  Nestorian  controversies  pro- 
 duced a  great  change  of  sentiment  in  men's  minds. 
 Nestorius  had  maintained,  or  at  le;ist  it  was  the 
 tendency  of  Neslorianism  to  maintain,  not  only  that 
 our  Lord  had  two  natures,  the  divine  and  the  human 
 (which  was  right),  but  also  that  He  was  two  jier- 
 
MARY  THE  VIRGIN 
 
 sous,  in  such  sort  that  the  child  born  of  Mary  was 
 not  dix  ine,  but  mei-ely  an  ordinary  human  being, 
 until  the  divinity  subsequently  united  itself  to  Him. 
 This  was  condemned  by  the  Council  of  Ephesus  in 
 tiie  year  431 ;  and  the  title  @e6roKos,  loosely  trans- 
 lated  "  Mother  of  God,"    was  sanctioned.      The 
 object  of  the  Council  and  of  the  Anti-Nestorians 
 was  in  no  sense  to  add  honour  to  the  mother,  but 
 to  maintain  the  true  doctrine  with  respect  to  the 
 Son.     Nevertheless  the  result  was  to  magnify  the 
 mother,  and,  after  a  time,  at  the  expense  of  the 
 Son.     The  legends  too  were  no  longer  treated  so 
 roughly  as   before.      The  Gnostics  were  not  now 
 objects  of  dread.    Nestorians,  and  afterwards  Icono- 
 clasts, were  objects  of  hatred.     From  this  time  the 
 worship  of  St.  Mary  grew  apace.     We  learn  the 
 present  state  of  the  leligious  regard  in  which  she 
 is  held  throughout  the  south  of  Europe  from  St. 
 Alfonso  de'  Liguoii   whose  every  word  is  vouched 
 for  by  the  whole  weight  of  his  Church's  authority. 
 Thus  in  the  worship  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  theie 
 are  two  distinctly-marked   periods.      The  first  is 
 that  which  commences  with  the  apostolic  times, 
 and  brings  us  down  to  the  close  of  the  century 
 in  which  the  Council  of  Ephesus  was  held,  during 
 which  time  the  worship  of  St.  Mai-y  was  wholly 
 extemal  to  the  Church,  and  was  regarded  by  the 
 Church  as  heretical,  and  confined  to  Gnostic  and 
 Collyridian  heretics.    The  second  period  commences 
 with  the   6th  century,   when  it  began  to  spread 
 within  the  Church ;    and,  in  spite  of  the   shock 
 given   it   by   the    Reformation,    has   continued  to 
 spread,  and  is  spreading  still.— VIII.  ffer  Assump- 
 tion.— Not  only   religious    sentiments,    but    facts 
 grew  up  in  exactly  the  same  way.     The  Assump- 
 tion of  St.  Mary  is  a  fact,  or  an  alleged  fact.    How 
 has  it  come  to  be  accepted?     At  the  end  of  the 
 5th  century  we  find  that  there  existed  a  book,  De 
 Transitu  Virginis  Mariae,  which  was  condemned 
 by  Pope  Gelasius  as   apocryphal.      This  book  is 
 without    doubt   the    oldest   form   of  the   legend. 
 Down  to  the  end  of  the  5th  centuiy  the  story  of 
 the  Assumption  was  external  to  the  Church,  and 
 distinctly  looked  upon  by  the  Church  as  belonging 
 to  the  heretics  and  not  to  her.     But  then  came  the 
 change  of  sentiment  already  referred  to,  consequent 
 on  the  Nestorian  controversy.      About  the  same 
 time,  probably,  or  rather  later,  an  insertion  (now 
 recognised  on  all  hands  to  be  a  forgery)  was  made 
 in  Eusebius'  Chronicle,  to  the  effect  that  "  in  the 
 year  a.d.  48  Mary  the  Virgin  was  taken  up  into 
 heaven,  as  some  wrote  that  they  had  had  it  re- 
 vealed to  them."      The  fii'st  writers   within    the 
 Church,    in  whose   extant  writings   we   find   the 
 Assumption  asserted,  are  Gregory  of  Tours  in  the 
 Gth  century,  who  has  merely  copied  Melito's  book, 
 De  Transitu  {De  Glor.  Mart.  lib.  i.  c.  4;  Migne, 
 71,  p.  708) ;  Andrew  of  Crete,  who  probably  lived 
 in  the  7th  century ;  and  John  of  Damascus,  who 
 lived  at  the  beginning  of  the  8th  century.     The 
 last  of  these  authors  refers  to  the  Euthymiac  his- 
 tory as  stating  that  Marcian  and  Pulcheria  being 
 in  search  of  the  body  of  St.  Mary,  sent  to  Juvenal 
 of  Jerusalem  to  inquire  for  it.     Juvenal  tells  them 
 the  legend.     Here  again  we  see  a  legend  originated 
 by  heretics,  and  remaining  external  to  the  Church 
 till  the  close  of  the  5th  century,  creeping  into  the 
 Church   during  the    6th  and    7th   centuries,  and 
 finally  ratified  by  the  authority  both  of  Rome  and 
 Constantinople.— IX.  Her  Immaculate  Conception. 
 — Similarly  with  regard  to  the  sinlessness  of  St. 
 
 MASH 
 
 526 
 
 Mary,  which  has  issued  in  the  dogma  of  the  Imma- 
 culate Conception.  Down  to  the  close  of  the  5th 
 century  the  sentiment  with  respect  to  her  was 
 identical  with  that  which  is  expressed  by  theo- 
 logians of  the  Church  of  England.  At  this  time 
 the  change  of  mind  before  referred  to,  as  originated 
 by  the  Nestorian  controversies,  was  spreading  within 
 the  Church  ;  and  it  became  more  and  more  the 
 general  belief  that  St.  Mary  was  preserved  from 
 actual  sin  by  the  grace  of  God.  This  opinion  had 
 become  almost  universal  in  the  12th  century.  And 
 now  a  further  step  was  taken.  It  was  maintaineil 
 by  St.  Bernard  that  St.  Mary  was  conceived  in 
 original  sin,  but  that  before  her  birth  she  was 
 cleansed  fi-om  it,  like  John  the  Baptist  and  Jeremiah. 
 This  was  the  sentiment  of  the  13th  century.  Early 
 in  the  14th  century  died  J.  Duns  Scotus,  and  he  is 
 the  first  theologian  or  schoolman  who  threw  out 
 as  a  possibility  the  idea  of  an  Immaculate  Concep- 
 tion, which  would  e.xempt  St.  Slary  from  original 
 as  well  as  actual  sin.  From  this  time  forward 
 there  was  a  straggle  between  the  maculate  and 
 immaculate  conceptionists,  which  has  led  at  length 
 to  the  decree  of  Dec.  8,  1854,  but  which  has  not 
 ceased  with  that  decree. 
 
 Mary,  a  Roman  Christian  who  is  greeted  by 
 St.  Paul  in  his  Epistle  to  the  Romans  (xvi.  6) 
 as  having  toiled  hard  for  him.  Nothing  more  is 
 known  of  her. 
 
 Mas'aloth,  a  place  in  Arbela,  which  Bacchides 
 and  Alcimus,  the  two  generals  of  Demetrius,  be- 
 sieged and  took  with  great  slaughter  on  their  way 
 from  the  north  to  Gilgal  (1  Mace.  is.  2).  The 
 name  Mesaloth  is  omitted  by  Josephus,  nor  has 
 any  trace  of  it  been  since  discovered ;  but  the 
 word  may,  as  Robinson  suggests,  have  originally 
 signified  the  "  steps  "  or  "  terraces."  In  that  case 
 it  was  probably  a  name  given  to  the  remarkable 
 caverns  still  existing  on  the  northern  side  of  the 
 same  Wady,  and  now  called  Kula'at  Ibn  Ma'an. 
 
 Mas'cMl.  The  title  of  thirteen  Psalms;  xxxii., 
 xlii.,  xliv.,  slv.,  lii.-lv.,  Ixxiv.,  Ixxviii.,  Ixxxviii., 
 Ixxxix.,  cxlii.  In  the  Psalm  in  which  it  fiist 
 occurs  as  a  title,  the  root  of  the  woid  is  found  in 
 another  form  (Ps.  xxxii.  8),  "I  will  instruct  thee," 
 from  which  circumstance,  it  has  been  inferred,  the 
 title  was  applied  to  the  whole  Psalm  as  didactic. 
 But  since  "  Maschil  "  is  affixed  to  many  Psalms 
 which  would  scarcely  be  classed  as  didactic,  Gese- 
 nius  (or  rather  Roediger)  explains  it  as  denoting 
 "  any  sacred  song,  relating  to  divine  things,  whose 
 end  it  was  to  promote  wisdom  and  piety."  Ewald 
 regards  Ps.  xlvii.  7  (A.  V.  "  sing  ye  praises  with 
 understandiiui ;"  Heb.  maschil),  as  the  key  to  the 
 meaning  of  Maschil,  which  in  his  opinion  is  a 
 musical  term,  denoting  a  melody  requiiing  gi-eat 
 skill  in  its  execution.  The  objection  to  the  ex- 
 planation of  Roediger  is,  that  it  is  wanting  in 
 precision,  and  would  allow  the  term  "Maschil  "  tc 
 be  applied  to  every  Psalm  in  the  Psalter.  The 
 suggestion  of  Ewald  has  most  to  commend  it. 
 
 Mash,  one  of  the  sons  of  Aram  ''Gen.  x.  23). 
 In  1  Chr.  i.  17  the  name  appears  as  Meshech.  As 
 to  the  geographical  position  of  Mash,  Josephus 
 connects  the  name  with  Mesene  in  lower  Babylonia, 
 on  the  shores  of  the  Persian  Gulf.  The  more  pro- 
 bable opinion  is  that  which  has  been  adopted  by 
 Bochart  and  others,  that  the  name  Mash  is  repre- 
 sented by  the  Mons  Masius  of  classical  writers, 
 a  range  which  foi-ms  the  northern  boundary  of 
 ,  Mesopotamia,  between  the   Tigris  and  Euphrates. 
 
520 
 
 MASHAL 
 
 Kalisch  connects  the  names  of  Mash  and  Mvsia: 
 this  IS,  to  say  the  least,  extremely  doubtful. 
 
 Iffash'al.  Tlie  Siime  as  Misheal  or  Mishal  (1 
 Chr.  vi.  74). 
 
 Masi'as,  one  of  the  servants  of  Solomon,  whose 
 dosiPiidants  returned  with  Zorobabel  (1  Esdr.  v.  34). 
 
 Mas'man.  Tliis  name  occurs  for  Shemaiah  in 
 1  Ksd.  VI ii.  43  (comp.  Kzr.  viii.  16). 
 
 Masora.     [Old  Tf.stamekt.] 
 
 Mas'pha.  1.  A  place  opposite  to  Jerusalem,  at 
 which  Judns  Maccabaeus  and  his  followers  assem- 
 bled themselves  to  bewail  the  desolation  of  the  city 
 and  the  sanctuary  (1  Mace.  iii.  46).  There  is  no 
 doubt  that  it  isidentii-al  with  MizPEH  of  Ben- 
 jamin.^2.  One  of  the  cities  which  were  taken 
 from  the  Ammonites  by  Judas  Maccabaeus  in  his 
 caiiipaigu  on  the  east  of  Jordan  (1  Mace.  v.  35). 
 Jt  is  jirobably  the  ancient  city  of  Mizpeh  of(Jilead. 
 
 Mas'rekail,  an  ancient  place,  the  native  spot  of 
 Sauilaii,  one  of  the  old  kings  of  the  Edomites  (Gen. 
 xxxvi.  30;  1  Chr.  i.  47.).  Schwarz  (215)  men- 
 lions  a  site  Ciilled  En-Musrak,  a  few  miles  south  of 
 I'etra.  He  probalily  refers  to  the  place  markt'd 
 Ain  Mafrali  in  Palmer's  Map,  and  Ain  el-Usdaha 
 in  Kiepert's. 
 
 Mas'sa,  a  son  of  Ishmael  (Gen.  xxv.  14;  1  Chr. 
 i.  •>()).  His  descendants  were  not  improbably  the 
 Masani,  who  are  placed  by  Ptolemy  in  the  east  of 
 Arabia,  near  the  borders  of  Babylonia. 
 
 Mas'sah,  »'.  e.  "  temptation,"  a  name  given  to 
 the  sjint,  also  called  MEiunAH,  where  the  Israelites 
 tempted  Jehovah  (Ex.  xvi.  7  ;  Ps.  xcv.  8,  9;  Heb. 
 iii.  8  I. 
 
 Massi'as  =  Maaseiah  3  (1  Esd.  ix.  22  ;  comp. 
 Ezr.  X.  JJi. 
 
 Massi'as.  The  same  as  Masseiah,  20,  the 
 ancestor  of  Banich  (Bai-.  i.  1). 
 
 Mastich-Tree  occurs  only  in  the  Apoci-ypha 
 (Susan,  ver.  54),  where  the  margin  of  the  A.  V. 
 has  lentisk.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  Greek 
 word  is  correctly  rendeied,  as  is  evident  from  the 
 description  of  it  by  Theophrastus,  Pliny,  Dioscorides, 
 and  other  writers.  The  fragrant  resin  known  in 
 the  arts  as  "  mastich,"  and  whiih  is  obtained  by 
 incisions  maile  in  the  trunk  in  the  month  of 
 August,  is  the  produce  ot  this  tree,  whose  scientific 
 
 MuUch  (/><f<u 
 
 MATTANIAH 
 
 name  is  Piatnchia  lentiscus.  It  is  used  with  tis  ti 
 strengthen  tlie  teeth  and  gums,  and  was  so  applie<l 
 by  the  ancients,  by  whom  it  was  much  prized  on 
 this  account,  and  for  its  many  supposed  medical 
 virtues.  Both  Pliny  and  Dioscorides  sbite  that  th? 
 best  mastich  cmies  from  Chios.  Tounii-fort  has 
 given  a  full  and  vei'v  interesting  account  of  the 
 Lentisks  or  Mastich  plants  of  Scio  ( Chios).  The 
 Pistachia  lentiscus  is  common  on  the  shores  of 
 the  Mediterranean.  Accoiding  to  Strand  (/'/or, 
 Paldest.  No.  559)  it  has  been  observed  at  Joppa, 
 both  by  Rauwolf  and  Pococke.  The  M;istich-tiee 
 belongs  to  the  natural  order  Anacardiaccae. 
 
 Mathan'ias  =  Mattaniah,  a  descendant  of 
 Pahath-Moab  (1  Esd.  ix.  31  ;  comp.  Ezr.  x.  30). 
 
 Mathu'sala  =  Methuselah,  the  sou  of  Enoch 
 (Luke  iii.  'M ). 
 
 Mat'red,  a  daughter  of  Mezahab,  and  mother  of 
 Mehetaliel,  who  was  wife  of  Hadar  (or  Hadad) 
 of  Pan,  king  of  Edom  (Gen.  xxxvi.  39  ;  1  Chr. 
 i.  50). 
 
 Mat'ri,  a  family  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin,  to 
 which  Saul  the  king:  of  Israel  belonged  (1  Sam. 
 X.  21). 
 
 Mat'tan.  1.  The  priest  of  Baal  slain  before  his 
 altars  in  the  idol  temple  at  Jerusalem  (2  K.  xi.  18 ; 
 2  Chi',  xxiii.  17).  He  probably  acconipiuiied  Atha- 
 liah  from  Samaria.— 2.  The  father  of  Shephatiah 
 (Jer.  xxxviii.  1). 
 
 Mat'tanah,  a  station  in  the  latter  part  of  the 
 wanderings  of  the  Israelites  (Num.  xxi.  18,  19). 
 It  lay  next  beyond  the  well,  or  Beer,  and  between 
 it  and  Nahaliel  ;  Nahaliel  again  being  but  one 
 day's  journey  from  the  Bamoth  or  heights  of  Moab. 
 Mattanah  was  therefore  probably  situated  to  the 
 S.E.  of  the  Dead  Sea,  but  no  name  like  it  appears 
 to  have  been  vet  discovered. 
 
 Mattani'ah.  1.  The  original  name  of  Zedekiah 
 king  ot  ,)udah,  which  was  changed  when  Nebuchad- 
 nezzar placed  him  on  the  throne  instead  of  his 
 nephew  Jehoiachin  (2  K.  xxiv.  17).— 2.  A  Levite 
 singer  of  the  sons  of  Asaph  (1  Chr.  ix.  15).  He 
 is  described  as  the  son  of  Micah,  Micha  (Neh. 
 xi.  17),  or  Michaiah  (Neh.  xii.  35),  and  after  the 
 return  from  Babylon  lived  in  the  villages  of  the 
 Netophathites  (1  Chr.  ix.  16)  or  Netophathi  (Neh. 
 xii.  28),  which  the  singei-s  had  built  in  the  neigh- 
 bourhood of  Jerusalem  (Neh.  xii.  29).  As  leader  of 
 the  Temple  choir  atler  its  restoration  (Neh.  xi.  17, 
 xii.  8)  in  the  time  of  Nehemiah,  he  took  part  in 
 the  musical  service  which  accompanied  the  dedi- 
 cation of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (Neh.  xii,  25,  35). 
 We  find  him  among  the  Levites  of  the  second  rank, 
 "  keepers  of  the  thresholds,"  an  office  which  fell 
 to  the  singers  (comp.  1  Chr.  xv.  18,  21).— 3.  A 
 descendant  of  Asaph,  and  ancestor  of  Jahazicl  the 
 Levite  in  the  reign  of  Jehoshaphat  (2  Chr.  xx. 
 14).— 4.  One  of  the  sons  of  Elam  (Ezr.  x.  26).— 
 
 6.  One  of  the  .sons  of  Zattu  (Ezr.  i.  27).— 6.  \ 
 descendant  of  Pahath-Moab   (Ezr.   x.   30). — And 
 
 7.  One  of  the  sons  of  Bani  (Ezr.  x.  37),  who  all 
 put  away  their  foreign  wives  at  Eira's  command.— 
 
 8.  A  Levite,  father  of  Zaccur,  and  ancestor  of 
 Hanan  the  under-tiwusui-er  who  had  charge  of  the 
 olferings  for  the  Levites  in  the  time  of  Nehemiah 
 (Neh.  xiii.  13).— 9.  One  of  the  fourteen  sons  of 
 Heman,  whose  office  it  was  to  blow  the  horns  in  the 
 Tein])lc  service  as  appointed  by  David  (1  Chr.  xjrv. 
 
 1,  16).— 10.  A  descendant  of  Asaph,  the  Levit<> 
 minstrel,  who  assisted  in  the  purification  of  tho 
 Tenip'.e  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah  (2  Chr.  xxix.  13V 
 
MATTATHA 
 
 Mat'tatha,  the  sou  of  Nathan,  and  grandson  of 
 [)avid  ill  the  o;enealogy  of  our  Lord  (Luke  iii,  31). 
 
 Mat'tathah,  a  descendant  of  Hashum,  wlio  put 
 awav  liis  fnreiiiu  wife  in  the  time  of  Ezra  (Ezr,  x.  33). 
 
 Mattathi'as.  1.  =  Mattithi.vh,  who  stood 
 at  Ezra's  riglit  hand  when  he  read  the  \a\v  to  the 
 people  (1  Esdr.  ix.  43;  comp.  Neh.  viii.  4).— 
 2.  The  father  of  the  Maccabees  (1  Mace.  ii.  1,  14, 
 16,  17,  19,  24,  27,  39,  43,  49,  .\iv.  29).— 3.  The 
 son  of  Absalom,  and  brother  of  Jonathan  14 
 (1  Mace.  xi.  70,  xiii.  11).— 4.  'I'he  son  of  Simon 
 Maccabeus,  who  was  treacherously  murdered,  to- 
 gether with  his  father  and  brother,  in  the  fortress 
 of  Docus,  by  Ptolomeus  the  son  of  Abubus  (1  Mace. 
 xvi.  14). — 5.  One  of  the  three  envoys  sent  by 
 Nicanor  to  treat  with  Judas  Maccabeus  (2  Mace, 
 xiv.  19).— 6.  Son  of  Amos,  in  Lhe  genealogy  of 
 Jesus  Christ  (Luke  iii,  2.51.-7.  Son  of  Semei,  in 
 the  same  catalogue  (Luke  iii.  26). 
 
 Mattena'i.  1.  One  of  the  family  of  Hashum, 
 who  in  the  time  of  Ezra  had  married  a  foreign  wife 
 (Ezr.  X.  33\— 2.  A  descendant  of  Bani,  who  put 
 away  his  foreign  wife  at  Ezra's  command  (Ezr.  x. 
 ."7).— 3.  A  priest  in  the  days  of  Joiakim  the  son  of 
 Jeshua  (Neh.  xii.  19). 
 
 Mat'than,  the  son  of  Eleazar,  and  gi-andfather 
 of  Joseph  "the  husband  of  Mary"  (Matt.  i.  1.5). 
 He  occupies  the  same  place  in  the  genealogy  as 
 Matthat  in  Luke  iii.  24,  with  whom  indeed  he 
 is  probably  identical. 
 
 Matthani'as  =  MATTANiAH,oneofthe  descend- 
 ants ot  Elam  [1  Esdr.  is.  27  ;  comp.  Ezr.  x.  26). 
 
 Mat'that.  1.  Son  of  Levi  and  grandfather  of 
 Joseph,  according  to  the  genealogy  of  Luke  (iii. 
 24).— 2.  Also  the  son  of  a  Levi,  and  a  progenitor 
 of  Joseph  (Luke  iii.  29). 
 
 Matthe'las  =  Maaseiah  1  (1  Esd.  ix.  19;  comp. 
 
 Ezr.  X.  18). 
 
 Mat'thew.  Matthew  the  Apostle  and  Evan- 
 gelist is  the  same  as  Levi  (Luke  v.  27-29)  the  son 
 of  a  certain  Alphaeus  (Mark  ii.  14).  His  call  to 
 be  an  Apostle  is  related  by  all  three  Evangelists  in 
 the  same  words,  except  that  Matthew  (ix.  9)  gives 
 the  former,  and  Mark  (ii.  14)  and  Luke  (v.  27) 
 the  latter  name.  The  publicans,  properly  so  called 
 [pnhlicani),  were  persons  who  farmed  the  Roman 
 taxes,  and  they  were  usually,  in  later  times,  Roman 
 knights,  and  persons  of  wealth  and  credit.  They 
 employed  under  them  inferior  officers,  natives  of 
 the  province  where  the  taxes  were  collected,  called 
 properly  portitores,  to  which  class  Matthew  no 
 doubt  belonged.  Eusebius  mentions  that  after  our 
 Lord's  ascension  Matthew  preached  in  Judaea  (some 
 add  for  fifteen  years),  and  then  went  to  foreign 
 nations.  To  the  lot  of  Matthew  it  fell  to  visit 
 Aethiopia,  says  Socrates  Scholasticus.  But  Am- 
 brose says  that  God  opened  to  him  the  country  of 
 the  Persians  ;  Isidore  the  Macedonians  ;  and  others 
 the  Parthians,  the  Medes,  the  Persians  of  the 
 Euphrates.  Nothing  whatever  is  really  known. 
 Heraclcon,  the  disciple  of  Valentinus,  describes  him 
 as  dying  a  natural  death,  which  Clement,  Origen, 
 -and  Tertullian  seem  to  accept:  the  tradition  that  he 
 died  a  martyr,  he  it  true  or  false,  came  in  afterwards. 
 
 Matthew,  Gospel  ofc  The  Gospel  whicli  bears 
 the  name  of  St.  Matthew  was  written  by  the 
 Apostle,  according  to  the  testimony  of  all  antiquity. 
 r.  Lanqiiage  in  which  it  was  first  written. — We 
 are  told  on  the  authority  of  Papias,  Irenaeus,  Pan- 
 taenus,  Origen,  Eusebius,  Epiphanius,  Jerome,  and 
 many  other  Fathers,  that  the  Gospel  was  first 
 written  in  Hebrew,  j.  e.  in  the  vernacular  language 
 
 MATTHEW,  GOSPEL  OF      527 
 
 of  Palestine,  the  Aramaic,  a.  Papias  of  Hierapoli.s 
 (who  flourished  in  the  first  half  of  the  2nd  cen- 
 tmy)  says,  "  Matthew  wrote  the  divine  oracles  in 
 the  Hebrew  dialect ;  and  each  interpreted  them  as 
 he  was  able."  b.  Irenaeus  says  (iii.  1),  that 
 "  whilst  Peter  and  Paul  were  preaching  at  Rome 
 and  feunding  the  Church,  Matthew  put  forth  his 
 written  Gospel  amongst  the  Hebrews  in  their  own 
 dialect."  c.  -According  to  Eusebius,  Pantaeuus  "  is 
 reported  to  have  gone  to  the  Indians,  where  it  is 
 said  that  he  found  the  Gospel  of  Matthew  alieady 
 among  some  who  had  the  knowledge  of  Christ  there, 
 to  whom  Bartholomew,  one  of  the  apostles,  had 
 preached,  and  left  them  the  Gospel  of  Matthew 
 written  in  Hebrew,  which  was  preserved  till  the 
 time  referred  to."  This  story  reappears  in  two  d li- 
 ferent forms: — Jerome  and  Kutlinus  say  that  Pan- 
 taeuus brought  back  with  him  this  Hebrew  Gospel ; 
 and  Nicephorus  asserts  that  Bartholomew  dictnted 
 the  Gospel  of  JIatthew  to  the  inhabitants  of  that 
 country,  d.  Origen  says,  "  As  I  have  learnt  by 
 tradition  concerning  the  four  Gospels,  which  alone 
 are  received  without  dispute  by  the  Church  of  God 
 under  heaven :  the  first  was  written  by  .'^t.  i\Iatthew, 
 once  a  tax-gatherer,  afterwards  an  apostle  of  .fes  us 
 Christ,  who  published  it  for  the  benefit  of  the 
 Jewish  converts,  composed  in  the  Hebrew  lan- 
 guage." e.  Eusebius  \H.  E.  iii.  24)  gives  as  his 
 own  opinion  the  tbllowing  :  "  Matthew  having  first 
 preached  to  the  Hebrews,  delivered  to  them,  when 
 he  was  preparing  to  depart  to  other  countries,  his 
 Gospel,  composed  in  their  native  language."  Other 
 passages  to  the  same  effect  occur  in  Cyril,  Epi- 
 phanius, Hieronymus,  who  mentions  the  Hebrew 
 original  in  seven  places  at  least  of  his  works,  and 
 from  Gregoryof  Nazianzus,Chiysostom,  Augustine, 
 and  other  later  writers.  From  all  these  there  is  nc 
 doubt  that  the  old  opinion  was  that  Matthew  wiot« 
 in  the  Hebrew  language.  So  far  all  the  testimony 
 is  for  a  Hebrew  original.  But  there  are  arguments 
 of  no  mean  weight  in  favour  of  the  Greek.  1.  The 
 quotations  from  the  0.  T.  in  this  Gospel  are  of  two 
 kinds:  those  introduced  into  the  narrative  to  point 
 out  the  fulfilment  of  prophecies,  &c.  ;  and  those 
 where  in  the  course  of  the  narrative  the  persons 
 introduced,  and  especially  our  Lord  Himself,  make 
 use  of  0.  T.  quotations.  Between  these  two  classes 
 a  diflerence  of  treatment  is  observable.  •  In  the  latter 
 class,  where  the  citations  occur  in  discourses,  the 
 Septuagint  version  is  followed.  The  quotations  in 
 the  narrative,  however,  do  not  follow  the  Septua- 
 gint, but  appear  to  be  a  translation  from  the  Hebrew 
 text.  A  mere  translator  could  not  have  done  this. 
 But  an  independent  writer,  using  the  Greek  tongue, 
 and  wishing  to  conform  his  narrative  to  the  oral 
 teaching  of  the  Apostles,  might  have  used  for  the 
 quotations  the  well-known  Greek  0.  T.  used  by  his 
 colleagues.  2.  But  this  difficulty  is  to  be  got  over 
 by  assuming  a  high  authority  tor  this  translation, 
 as  though  made  by  an  inspired  writer;  and  it  has 
 been  suggested  that  this  writer  was  Matthew  hin)- 
 self,  or  at  least  that  he  directed  it,  or  that  it  was 
 some  other  Apostle,  or  James  the  brother  of  the 
 Lord,  or  John,  or  the  general  body  of  the  Apostles, 
 or  that  two  disciples  of  St.  Matthew  wrote,  from 
 him,  the  one  in  Aramaic  and  the  other  in  Greek ! 
 3.  The  original  Hebrew,  of  which  so  many  speak, 
 no  one  of  the  witnesses  ever  saw  (Jerome  is  no  ex- 
 ception) ;  and  so  little  store  has  the  Church  set 
 upon  it  that  it  has  utterly  perished.  4.  It  is  cer- 
 tain that  a  gospel,  not  the  same  as  our  canonical 
 Matthew,  sometimes  usurped  the  Apostle's  namo; 
 
528    MATTHEW,  GOSPEL  OF 
 
 and  some  of  the  witnesses  we  have  quoted  appear 
 to  have  referred  to  this  in  one  or  other  of  its 
 various  forms  or  names.  The  Nazareaes  and  Ebi- 
 onites  possessed  each  a  modification  of  the  same 
 gospel,  which  no  doubt  each  altered  more  and  more 
 as  tiieir  tenets  diverged,  and  which  bore  various 
 names — the  Gospel  of  the  twelve  Apostles,  the 
 Gospel  according  to  the  Hebrews,  the  Gospel  of 
 Peter,  or  the  Gospel  according  to  Matthew.  Enough 
 is  known  to  decide  that  the  Gospel  according  to  the 
 Hebrews  was  not  identical  with  our  Gospel  of  Mat- 
 thew ;  but  it  had  many  points  of  resemblance  to 
 the  synoptical  gospels,  and  especially  to  Matthew. 
 Is  it  impossible  that  when  the  Hebrew  Matthew  is 
 spoken  of,  this  questionable  document,  the  Gospel 
 of  the  Hebrews,  was  really  referred  to  ?  All  that 
 is  certain  is,  that  Nazarenes  or  Ebiouites,  or  both, 
 boasted  that  they  possessed  the  original  Gospel  of 
 Matthew.  Jerome  is  the  exception  ;  and  him  we 
 Gin  convict  of  the  very  mistake  of  confounding  the 
 two,  and  almost  on  his  own  confession. ^H."  Style 
 and  Diction.  —  1.  Matthew  uses  the  expression, 
 "  that  it  might  be  fulfilled  which  was  spoken  of 
 the  Lord  by  the  prophet"  (i.  22,  ii.  15).  In  ii.  5, 
 and  in  later  passages  of  Matt,  it  is  abbreviated  (ii. 
 17,  iii.  3,  iv.  14,  viii.  17,  xii.  17,  xiii.  14,  35,  xxi. 
 4,  xxvi.  56,  sxvii.  9).  2.  The  reference  to  the 
 Messiah  under  the  name  "Son  of  David,"  occurs 
 in  Matthew  eight  times;  and  three  times  each  in 
 Maik  and  Luke.  3.  Jerusalem  is  called  "  the  holy 
 city,"  "the  holy  place"  (iv.  5,  xxiv.  15,  xxvii.  55). 
 4.  The  expression  ffvyreKeia  tov  aiUvos  is  used 
 five  times;  in  the  rest  of  the  N.  T.  only  once,  in 
 Ep.  to  Hebrews.  5.  The  phrase  "  kingdom  of 
 heaven,"  about  thirty-three  times  ;  other  writers 
 use  "  kingdom  of  God,"  which  is  found  also  in 
 Matthew.  6.  "  Heavenly  Father,"  used  about  six 
 times  ;  and  "  Father  in  heaven  "  about  sixteen,  and 
 without  exjilanation,  point  to  the  Jewish  mode  of 
 speaking  in  this  Gospel.  For  other  more  minute 
 verbal  peculiarities,  see  Credxer.— III.  Citations 
 from  0.  T. — The  following  list  is  nearly  complete : 
 
 Matt 
 
 Matt. 
 
 i.  23. 
 
 Is.  vii.  14. 
 
 xvii.    2. 
 
 Ex.  xxxiv.  29. 
 
 u.    6. 
 
 aiic.  V.  2. 
 
 11. 
 
 Mai.  iii.  1,  iv.  5. 
 
 15. 
 
 Il03.  xi.  1. 
 
 xvuL  15. 
 
 l/ev.  xix.  17  (.') 
 
 1«. 
 
 Jer.  xxxi.  15 
 
 xix.  4. 
 
 Gen.  i.  27. 
 
 iii.    3. 
 
 Is   xl.  3. 
 
 5. 
 
 Gen.  ii.  24. 
 
 Iv.    4. 
 
 I)eut.  viii.  3. 
 
 7. 
 
 Dcut.  xxiv.  1. 
 
 6. 
 
 I's.  xci.  11. 
 
 18. 
 
 Ex.  XX.  12,  IjCV. 
 
 7. 
 
 iJeuL  vi.  16. 
 
 xix.  18. 
 
 10. 
 
 l>eut.  vi.  13. 
 
 xxi.    5. 
 
 Zech.  ix.  9. 
 
 15. 
 
 Is.  viiL  23,  ix. 
 
 1. 
 
 9. 
 
 Ps.  cxviii.  25. 
 
 V.    6. 
 
 Ps.  xxxvii.  11 
 
 13. 
 
 Is.  Ivi.  7,  Jer.  vii. 
 
 21. 
 
 Ex.  XX.  13. 
 
 11. 
 
 27. 
 
 Kx.  XX.  14. 
 
 16. 
 
 Ps.  viii.  2. 
 
 31. 
 
 Dful.  x.\iv.  1. 
 
 42. 
 
 Ps.  cxviii.  22. 
 
 33. 
 
 Lev.xix.l2,Deut. 
 
 44. 
 
 Is.  viii.  14. 
 
 xxiii.  23. 
 
 xxli.   21. 
 
 l)eut.  XXV.  5. 
 
 3S. 
 
 Ex.  xxi.  24. 
 
 32. 
 
 Ex.  iii.  6. 
 
 43. 
 
 Lev.  xix.  18. 
 
 37. 
 
 I)eut.  vi.  6. 
 
 ▼lU.    4. 
 
 Lev.  xiv.  2. 
 
 39. 
 
 Lev.  xix.  18. 
 
 17. 
 
 Is.  liii.  4. 
 
 44. 
 
 Ps.  ex.  1. 
 
 Ix.  13. 
 
 Ho.s.  vi.  6. 
 
 XXiiL  35. 
 
 Gen.  iv.  8, 2  Chr 
 
 X.  35. 
 
 Mic.  vii.  6. 
 
 xxiv.  21. 
 
 xi.    6. 
 
 Is.  XXXV.  5,  xxix. 
 
 38. 
 
 Ps.  Ixix.  25  (?) 
 
 18. 
 
 Jer.  xii.  7,  xxli 
 
 10. 
 
 Wal.  iii.  1. 
 
 5(?) 
 
 14. 
 
 Mul.  iv.  5. 
 
 39. 
 
 Ps  cxviii.  26. 
 
 Xll.3. 
 
 1  .Sum.  xxi.  6. 
 
 xxlv.  16. 
 
 Dun.  ix.  27. 
 
 &. 
 
 Num.  xxviil. 
 
 J(?J 
 
 29. 
 
 Is.  xiii.  10. 
 
 7. 
 
 Hos.  vi.  6. 
 
 37. 
 
 Gen.  vl.  11. 
 
 18. 
 
 Is.  xlii.  I. 
 
 XX vi.  31. 
 
 Zech.  xiii.  7. 
 
 40. 
 
 Jon.  1.  17. 
 
 52. 
 
 Gen.  ix.  6  (.') 
 
 42. 
 
 1  K.  X.  1. 
 
 61. 
 
 r>an.  vii.  V.i. 
 
 Sill.  14. 
 
 Is.  vl.  9. 
 
 xxvU.   9. 
 
 Zech.  xi.  13. 
 
 35. 
 
 r».  Ixxviil.  2. 
 
 3J. 
 
 Pb.  xxil.  18. 
 
 XV.    4. 
 
 Kx.  XX.  12,x.\l 
 
 17. 
 
 43. 
 
 Ps.  xxii.  8. 
 
 XV,     8. 
 
 lb.  XlLx.   13. 
 
 46. 
 
 Ps.  xxii   1. 
 
 MATTHIAS. 
 
 ^IV.  Genuineness  of  the  Gospel. — Some  critics, 
 admitting  the  apostolic  antiquity  of  a  p<irt  of  tiic 
 Gospel,  apply  to  St.  Jlatthew  as  they  do  to  St. 
 Luke,  the  gratuitous  supposition  of  a  later  editor 
 or  compiler,  who  by  augmenting  and  altering  the 
 earlier  document  produced  our  present  Gos|iel  We 
 are  asked  to  believe  th.it  in  the  2nd  century  for 
 two  or  more  of  the  Gospels,  new  works,  ditleriiig 
 from  them  both  in  matter  and  compass,  were  sub- 
 stituted for  the  old,  and  that  about  the  end  of  the 
 2nd  century  our  pieseut  Gospels  were  adopted  by 
 authority  to  the  exclusion  of  all  others,  and  that 
 henceforth  the  copies  of  the  older  works  entirely 
 disappeared.  l^assjiges  from  St.  Matthew  aie 
 quoted  by  Justin  Martyr,  by  the  author  of  the 
 letter  to  Diognetus,  by  Hegesippus,  Irenaeus, 
 Tatian,  Athenagoras,  Theophilus,  Clement,  Ter- 
 tullian,  and  Origen.  It  is  not  merely  from  the 
 matter  but  the  manner  of  the  quotations,  from  the 
 calm  appeal  as  to  a  settled  authority,  from  the 
 absence  of  ail  hints  of  doubt,  that  we  regard  it  as 
 pioved  that  the  book  we  possess  had  not  l)eeu  the 
 subject  of  any  sudden  change.  The  citations  of 
 Justin  Martyr,  very  impoiUmt  for  this  subject, 
 have  been  thought  to  indicate  a  source  diflerent 
 from  the  Gospels  which  we  now  possess ;  and  by 
 the  word  a.TrofivriiJ.oi'evfiara  (memoirs),  he  has 
 been  supposed  to  indicate  that  lost  work.  Sjxice 
 is  not  given  iiere  to  show  that  the  lemains  referred 
 to  are  the  Gospels  which  we  pos.sess,  and  not  any 
 one  book;  and  that  though  Justin  quotes  the 
 Gospels  very  loosely,  so  that  his  words  often  bear 
 but  a  slight  resemblance  to  the  originid,  the  same 
 is  true  of  his  quotations  from  the  Septuagint.  The 
 genuineness  of  the  two  first  chapteis  of  the  Gosj)el 
 has  been  questioned,  but  is  esUiblished  on  satis- 
 factory grounds,  i.  All  the  old  JISS.  and  versions 
 contain  them  ;  and  they  are  quoted  by  the  Fathers 
 of  the  2nd  and  3rd  centuries.  Celsus  also  knew 
 ch.  ii.  ii.  Their  contents  would  naturally  form 
 part  of  a  Gospel  intended  primarily  for  the  Jews, 
 iii.  The  commencement  of  ch.  iii.  is  dependent  on 
 ii.  23;  and  in  iv.  13  there  is  a  reference  to  ii.  23. 
 iv.  In  constructions  and  expressions  they  are  similm* 
 to  tlie  rest  of  the  Gosj)el.  Protessor  Norton  dis- 
 putes the  genuineness  of  these  chapters  upon  the 
 ground  of  the  diliiculty  of  harmonising  them  witli 
 St.  Luke's  narrative,  and  upon  the  ground  that  a 
 large  number  of  the  Jewish  Chiistians  did  not  pos- 
 sess them  in  their  version  of  the  Gos])el.— V.  Time 
 alien  the  Gospel  teas  written. — Nothing  can  be  said 
 on  this  point  with  certainty.  Some  of  the  ancients 
 think  that  it  w;is  written  in  the  eighth  year  after 
 the  Ascension  ( Theophylact  and  Euthymius)  ;  others 
 in  the  fifteenth  (Nicephorus)  ;  whilst  Irenaeus  says 
 (iii.  1)  that  it  was  written  "  when  Peter  and  Paul 
 were  preaching  in  Rome,"  and  Eusebius  at  the  time 
 when  Matthew  w;is  about  to  le;ive  Palestine.  The 
 most  proUible  supjwsition  is  that  it  was  written 
 between  50  and  00  ;  the  ex;»ct  year  cmnot  even  be 
 guessed  at.^VI.  I'ltice  where  it  was  written. — 
 There  is  not  much  doubt  that  the  Gos|>el  wa« 
 written  in  Pidestine.— VII.  J'urpose  of  the  Gospel. 
 — The  (;os})el  itself  tells  us  by  j)lain  internal  evid- 
 ence that  it  was  written  for  Jewish  converts,  to 
 sliow  them  in  Jesus  of  Nazareth  the  Messiali  of  the 
 0.  T.  whom  they  exjioctcd.  Jewish  converts  over 
 all  the  world  seem  to  have  been  intcudeil,  and  not 
 merely  Jews  in  Palestine.  It  is  pervaded  by  one 
 principle,  the  fulfilment  of  the  Law  and  of  the 
 Me.'Jsiani''  prophecies  in  the  jierson  of  Jesus. 
 Matthias,  the  Apostle  elected  to  fill  tlie  })lac2 
 
MATTHIAS 
 
 of  the  tr:iitor  Judas  (Acts  i.  26).  All  beyond  this 
 that  we  know  of  him  for  certainty  is  that  he  had 
 been  a  constant  attendant  upon  the  Lord  Jesns 
 during  the  whole  course  of  His  ministry;  for  such 
 was  declared  by  St.  Pet«r  to  be  the  necessary  quali- 
 fication of  one  who  was  to  be  a  witness  of  the  re- 
 surrection. It  is  said  that  he  preached  the  Gospel 
 and  suffered  martyrdom  in  Ethiopia.  The  election 
 of  Matthias  is  discussed  by  Bishop  Beveridge, 
 W^"'/.s,  vol.  i.  serm.  2. 
 
 MattM'as  =  Mattathah,  of  the  descendants  of 
 Hasliinii    1  Hsdr.  is.  33;  comp.  Ezr.  x.  33). 
 
 Mattithi'ah.  1.  A  Levite,  the  first-born  of 
 Shallum  the  Korhite,  who  presided  over  the  offer- 
 ings made  in  the  pans  (1  Chr.  ix.  31  ;  comp.  Lev. 
 vi.  20  [12],  &c.).— 2.  One  of  the  Levites  of  the 
 second  rank  under  Asaph,  appointed  by  David  to 
 minister  before  the  ark  in  the  musical  service 
 (1  Chr.  xvi.  5),  "with  harps  upon  Sheminith" 
 (comp.  1  Chr.  xv.  21),  to  lead  the  choir.— 3.  One 
 of  ihe  family  of  Nebo,  who  had  married  a  foreign 
 wife  in  the  days  of  Ezra  (Ezr.  x.  43).— 4.  Pro- 
 bably a  priest,  who  stood  at  the  right  hand  of  Ezra 
 when  he  read  the  law  to  the  people  (Ezr.  viii. 
 4). — 5.  The  same  as  2,  the  Hebrew  being  in  the 
 lengthened  form  (1  Chr.  xv.  18,  21).  He  was  one 
 of  the  six  sons  of  Jeduthun  (1  Chr.  xxv.  3,  21). 
 
 Mattock  (Is.  vii.  25).  The  tool  used  in  Arabia 
 for  loosening  the  ground,  described  by  Niebuhr, 
 answers  generally  to  our  mattock  or  grubbing-axe, 
 t.  e.  a  single-headed  pickaxe,  the  sarcidus  simplex, 
 as  opposed  to  bicornis,  of  Palladius.  The  ancient 
 Egyptian  hoe  was  of  wood,  and  answered  for  hoe, 
 sp«ide,  and  pick. 
 
 Egyptian  hoes.    (Prom  Wilkinson.) 
 
 Maul  {i.e.  a  hammer;  a  variation  of  mall,  from 
 malleus),  a  word  employed  by  our  translators  to 
 ren  Jer  the  Hebrew  term  mephits.  The  Hebrew  and 
 English  alike  occur  in  Prov.  xxv.  18  only.  But  a 
 derivative  from  the  same  root,  and  differing  but 
 slightly  in  form,  viz.  mappets,  is  found  in  Jer.  li. 
 20,  and  is  there  translated  by  "  battle-ax." 
 
 ManE'zim.  The  marginal  note  to  the  A.  V.  of 
 Dan.  xi.  38,  "  the  God  of  forces,"  gives,  as  the 
 equivalent  of  the  last  word,  "  JIauzzim,  or  gods 
 protectors,  or  munitions."  The  Geneva  version 
 renders  the  Hebrew  as  a  proper  name  both  in  Dan, 
 
 Con.  D.  B, 
 
 MEAH.  THE  TOWER  OF     529 
 
 xi.  38  and  39,  where  the  word  occuis  again  (marg. 
 of  A.V.  "munitions").  In  the  Greek  version  ot 
 Theodotion  it  is  treated  as  a  proper  name,  as  well 
 as  in  the  Vulgate.  There  can  be  little  doubt  that 
 "  Mauzzim  "  is  to  be  taken  in  its  literal  sense  ot 
 "  fortresses,"  ju.st  as  in  Dan.  xi.  19,  39  ;  "  the  god 
 of  fortresses  "  being  then  the  deity  who  presided 
 over  strongholds.  But  beyond  this  it  is  scarcely 
 possible  to  connect  an  appellation  so  general  with 
 any  special  object  of  idolatrous  worship.  Calvm 
 suggested  that  it  denoted  "  money,"  the  strongest 
 of  all  powers.  By  others  it  has  been  supposed  to 
 be  Mars.  The  opinion  of  Gesenius  is  more  pro- 
 bable, that  "the  god  of  fortresses"  was  Jupiter 
 Capitolinus,  for  whom  Antiochus  built  a  temple  at 
 Antioch  (Liv.  xli.  20).  A  suggest'on  made  by 
 Mr.  Layard  (Aln.  ii.  456,  rwie]  \i  worthy  of  being 
 recorded.  After  de-cribing  Hera,  the  Assyrian 
 Venus,  as  "  standing  erect  on  a  lion,  and  crowned 
 with  a  tower  or  mural  coronet,  which,  we  learn 
 tiom  Lucian,  was  peculiar  to  the  .Semitic  figure  of 
 the  goddess,"  he  adds  in  a  note,  "  May  she  be  con- 
 nected with  the  '  El  Maozem,'  the  deity  presidins; 
 over  bulwarks  and  fortresses,  the  'god  of  forces' 
 of  Dan.  xi.  38  ?  " 
 
 Maziti'as  =  Mattithiah  3  (1  Esd.  ix.  35 ; 
 comp.  Ezr.  x.  43). 
 
 Mazzaroth.  The  margin  of  the  A.  V.  of  Job 
 xxxviii,  32  gives  "the  twelve  signs''  as  the  equi- 
 valent of  "  Mazzai-Oth,"  and  this  is  in  all  probabil- 
 ity its  true  meaning.  The  Peshito-Syriac  renders 
 it  by  "  the  wain  "  or  "Great  Bear."  Fiirst  under- 
 stands by  Mazzaroth  the  planet  Jupiter,  the  same 
 as  the  "  .star "  of  Amos  v.  26.  On  referring  to 
 2  K.  .vxiii,  5,  we  find  the  word  mazzdloth  (A.  V. 
 "  the  planets  "),  differing  only  from  JIazzaroth  in 
 having  the  liquid  I  for  ;•,  and  rendered  in  the  mar- 
 gin "the  twelve  signs,"  as  in  the  Vulgate.  In 
 later  Jewish  writings  mazzdloth  are  the  signs  of 
 the  Zodiac.  In  consequence  of  this,  IJashi,  and 
 the  Hebrew  commentators  generally,  identify  maz- 
 zaroth and  mazzaloth,  though  their  interpretations 
 vary. 
 
 Meadow.  This  word,  so  peculiarly  English,  is 
 used  in  the  A.  V,  to  translate  two  words  which 
 are  entirely  distinct  and  independent  of  each  other. 
 1.  Gen.  xli.  2  and  18.  Here  the  woid  in  the 
 original  is  ha-ArJm.  It  appears  to  be  an  Egyptian 
 term.  The  same  form  is  retained  by  the  Coptic 
 version.  Its  use  in  Job  viii.  11  (A.  V.  "flag") 
 seems  to  show  that  it  is  not  a  "meadow,  but  some 
 kind  of  reed  or  water-plant.  But  as  during  high 
 inundations  of  the  Nile — such  inundations  as  are 
 the  cause  of  fruitful  years — the  whole  of  the  land 
 on  either  side  is  a  marsh,  and  as  the  cultivation 
 extends  up  to  the  very  lip  of  the  river,  is  it  not 
 possible  that  Achu  may  denote  the  herbage  of  the 
 growing  crops?  2,  Judg,  xx,  33  only:  "the 
 meadows  of  Gibeah."  Here  the  word  is  Maareh, 
 which  occurs  nowhere  else  with  the  same  vowels 
 attached  to  it.  The  sense  is  thus  doubly  uncer- 
 tain. The  most  plausible  interpretation  is  that  ot 
 the  Peshito-.Syriac,  which  by  a  slight  difference  in 
 the  vowel-points  makes  the  word  mearah  "  the 
 cave." 
 
 Me'ah,  the  Tower  of,  one  of  the  towers  of  the 
 wall  of  Jerusalem  when  rebuilt  by  Nehemiah  (iii. 
 1,  xii.  39).  It  stood  between  the  tower  of  Hana- 
 neel  and  the  sheep-gate,  and  appears  to  have  becu 
 situated  somewhere  at  the  north-east  part  of  the 
 citv,  outside  of  the  walls  of  Zion, 
 
 2  iAI 
 
530 
 
 MEALS 
 
 Meals.     Our  in  formation  on  this  snbipct  is  but 
 scanty  :  the  early   Hebrews  do  not  seem  to  have 
 given  special    names   to    their    several    meals,   tor 
 the    terms    reuileied     "dine"   and    "fjiniier"    in 
 the   A.   V.   (Gen.    .xliii.    16;    Frov.  xv.    17)   are 
 in  reality  general  expressions,  which  mici;ht  more 
 correctly  be'rendered  "  eat  "  and  "  portion  of  food." 
 Ill  the   N.  T.   We  have  the  Greek  terms  &ptffTov 
 and  Sf7irvoy,  which  the  A.  V.  render.'  respectively 
 "dinner"  and  "supi>er"  (Luke  xiv.    12;    John 
 xxi.   12),  but  which  are   moie  properly   "  break- 
 fa.st "  and   "  dinner."     There  is  some  uncertiiinty 
 as  to  the  hours  at  which  the  meals  were  taken; 
 the    Egyptians    luidoulitedly    took    their   principal 
 meal  at  noon   (f!eu.   xliii.   IG)  :  lal)Ourers  took  a 
 light  meal  at  that  time  (liuth  ii.  14;  comp.  verse 
 17);  and  occasionally  that  early  hour  was  devoted 
 to  excess  and  revelling  (1  K.  xx.  16).     It  has  been 
 inferred  from  those  passages  (somewhat  too  ha.'^tily, 
 we  think)  that  the  principal  meal  generally  took 
 place  at  noon :  the  Egyptians  do  indeed  still  make 
 a  substantial  meal  at  that  time;  but  there  are  indic- 
 ations that  the  Jews  rather   followed  the  custom 
 that  prevails  among  the  Bedouins,  and  made  their 
 principal  meal  after  sun.set,  and  a  lighter  meal  at 
 about  9  or  10  A.M.     The  posture  at  meals  varied 
 at  various  periods:  there  is  sulficient  evidence  that 
 the  old  Hebrews  were  in  the  liabit  ot  sitting  (Gen. 
 xxvii.  19;  Judg.  xix.  6;  1  Sam.  xx.  5,  24;   1  K. 
 xiii.  20),  but  it  does  not  hence  follow   that  they 
 sat  on   chairs;    they  may  have  squatted    on    the 
 ground,  as  was  the  occasional,  though  not  perhaf)s 
 the  general  custom  of  the  ancient  Egyptians.    The 
 table  was  in  this  case  but  slightly  elevated  above 
 the  ground,  as    is  still   the  case    in    Egypt.      As 
 luxury   increased,   the  practice  of  sitting  was  ex- 
 changed for  that  of  reclining:  the  first  intimation 
 of  this  occurs  in  the  prophecies  of  Amos  (iii.  12, 
 vi,  4).     The  custom  may  have  been  borrowed   in 
 the  first  instau'-e  from  the  Babylonians  and  Syrians, 
 among  whom  it  prevailed  at  an  early  period  (Esth. 
 i.  6,  vii.  8).     lu  the  time  of  our  Saviour  reclining 
 was  the  universal  custom,   as  is   implied    in   the 
 terms  used   for  "sitting  at  meat,"  as  the  A.  V. 
 incorrectly  h.is  it.     The  couch  itself  is  oidv  once 
 
 MEALfc 
 
 j  mentioned  (^lark  vii.  4;  A.  V.  "tables"),  but 
 ■  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  Homan  triclinium 
 had  tieen  introduced,  and  that  the  arrangements  of  the 
 table  resembled  those  described  by  classical  writers. 
 Generally  speaking,  only  three  persons  leclined  on 
 each  couch,  but  occasionally  four  or  even  five.  The 
 couches  weie  provided  with  cushions  on  which  the 
 left  elbow  rested  in  support  of  ihe  upper  part  of  the 
 body,  while  the  right  arm  remained  free:  a  room 
 provideil  with  these  was  described  as  iarpciifj.fvoi', 
 lit.  "spread  "  (Mark  xiv.  15;  A.  V,  "  furni>hed  "). 
 As  several  guests  reclined  on  the  same  couch,  each 
 overlapped  his  neighbour,  as  it  were,  and  rested  his 
 head  on  or  near  the  breast  of  the  one  who  lav 
 behind  him  :  he  was  theji  said  to  "  lean  on  tlie 
 bosom"  of  his  neighbour  (John  xiii.  23,  xxi.  20). 
 The  ordinary  arrangement  of  the  couches  was  iu 
 three  sides  of  a  scjuare,  the  fourth  being  left  o[>en 
 for  the  servants  to  bring  up  the  dishes.  Some 
 doubt  attends  the  question  whether  the  females 
 took  their  meals  along  with  the  n:ales.  The  ca.ses 
 of  Ruth  amid  the  reapers  (Kuth  ii.  14),  of 
 Elkanah  with  his  wives  (1  Sam.  i.  4),  of  Job's 
 sons  and  daughters  (Job  i.  4),  and  the  geneiTil 
 intermixture  of  the  se.xes  in  daily  lite,  make  it 
 more  than  piobable  that  they  did  so  join  ;  at  the 
 same  time,  as  the  duty  of  attending  upon  the 
 guests  devolved  upon  them  (Luke  x.  40),  they 
 probably  took  a  somewhat  irregular  and  briefer 
 repast.  Before  commencing  the  meal,  the  guests 
 washed  their  hands.  This  custom  was  founded  on 
 natural  decorum  ;  not  only  was  the  hand  the  sub- 
 stitute for  our  knife  and  fork,  but  the  hands  of  all 
 the  guests  were  dipped  into  one  and  the  s;\me  dish. 
 Another  preliminary  step  was  the  grace  or  blessing, 
 of  which  we  have  but  one  instance  in  the  0.  T. 
 (1  Sam.  ix.  13),  and  m.'-.re  than  one  pronounced  by 
 our  Lord  Himself  in  the  N.  T.  (Matt.  xv.  .36*; 
 Luke  ix.  16;  John  vi.  11).  The  mode  of  taking 
 the  food  difleied  in  no  material  point  from  the 
 modern  usages  of  the  East ;  generally  there  was 
 a  single  dish  into  which  each  guest  dipped  his 
 hand  (Matt.  xxvi.  2.3);  occasionally  separate  por- 
 tions were  served  o.nt  to  each  (Gen.  xliii.  34 ; 
 Ruth  ii.   14  ;    1  Sam.    i.  4).      A  piece  of  bread 
 
 <,  r.  TublM  with  vnriaiis  ilUliei. 
 riir.  4  liold>  •  loint  or  mvol. 
 
 An  ancinnt  Kpyptian  iliiintir  piirty.     (WllkluKOii.) 
 
 ''.  p.  FJK*.  ■).  r,  n.  niid  >    IlntkoK  of  gTn\K».  Fig.  .1  la  lakini;  u  wliijt  I 
 
 FlfiL  U  «uu  7  ars  eating  lUh.  Vig.  6  U  about  lu  driiik  watur  from  sii  ourUiaii 
 
MEANI 
 
 v/as  iieid  between  the  thumb  and  two  Angel's  of 
 the  right  hand,  and  was  dipped  either  into  a  bowl 
 of  melted  grease  (in  which  case  it  was  termed 
 v/uuLOw,  "  a  sop,"  John  xiii.  26),  or  into  the  dish 
 of  meat,  whence  a  piece  was  conveyed  to  the  mouth 
 between  the  layers  of  bread.  At  the  conclusion  of 
 the  meal,  grace  was  again  said  in  conformity  with 
 Deut.  viii.  10,  and  the  hands  were  again  washed. 
 Thus  far  we  have  described  the  ordinary  meal  : 
 on  state  occasions  more  ceremotiy  was  used,  and 
 the  meal  was  enlivened  in  various  ways.  Such 
 occasions  were  numerous,  in  connexion  partly  with 
 public,  paitly  with  private  events.  On  these 
 occasions  a  sumptuous  repast  was  prepared ;  the 
 guests  were  previously  invited  (Esth.  v.  8  ;  Matt. 
 xxii.  3),  and  on  the  day  of  the  feast  a  second  invi- 
 tation was  issued  to  those  that  were  bidden  (Esth. 
 vi.  14 ;  Prov.  ix.  3  ;  Matt.  xxii.  3).  The  visitors 
 were  received  with  a  kiss  (Tob.  vii.  6 ;  Luke  vii. 
 45)  ;  water  was  produced  for  them  to  wash  tlieir 
 feet  with  (Luke  vii.  44) ;  the  head,  the  beard,  the 
 feet,  and  sometimes  the  clothes,  were  perfumed 
 with  ointment  (Ps.  xxiii.  5  ;  Am.  vi.  6 ;  Luke  vii. 
 38;  John  xii.  3);  on  special  occasions  robes  were 
 provided  (Matt.  xii.  11);  and  the  head  was  de- 
 corated with  wreaths  (Is.  xxviii.  1 ;  Wisd.  ii.  7,  8  ; 
 Joseph,  ^nf.  xix.  9,  §1).  The  regulation  of  the 
 feast  was  under  the  superintendence  of  a  special 
 officer,  named  apxirpiKXivos  (John  ii.  8;  A.  V. 
 "governor  of  the  feast"),  whose  business  it  was 
 to  taste  the  food  and  the  liquors  before  they  were 
 placed  on  the  table,  and  to  settle  about  the  toasts 
 and  amusements ;  he  was  generally  one  of  the 
 guests  (Ecclus.  xxxii.  1,  2),  and  might  therefore 
 take  part  in  the  conversation.  The  places  of  the 
 guests  were  settled  according  to  their  respective 
 rank  (Gen.  sliii.  33  ;  1  Sam.  ix.  22  ;  Luke  xiv. 
 8  ;  Mark  xii.  39 ;  John  xiii.  23) ;  portions  of  food 
 were  placed  before  each  (1  Sam.  i.  4 ;  2  Sam.  vi. 
 19 ;  1  Chr.  xvi.  3),  the  most  honoured  guests 
 receiving  either  larger  (Gen.  xliii.  34  ;  comp. 
 Hei'od.  vi.  57)  or  more  choice  (1  Sam.  ix.  24 ; 
 comp.  II.  vii.  321)  portions  than  the  rest.  The 
 meal  was  enlivened  with  music,  singing,  and 
 dancing  (2  Sam.  xix.  35  ;  Ps.  Ixix.  12;  Is.  v.  12  ; 
 Am.  vi.  5),  or  with  riddles  (Judg.  xiv.  12) ;  and 
 amid  these  entertainments  the  festival  was  pro- 
 longed for  seveial  days  (Esth.  i.  3,  4). 
 
 Me'ani.  The  same  as  Mehunim  (1  Esd.  v.  31  ; 
 comp.  Ezr.  ii.  50). 
 
 Me'arah,  a  place  named  in  Josh.  xiii.  4  only. 
 Its  description  is  "  Mearah,  which  is  to  the  Zido- 
 nians."  The  word  mearah  means  in  Hebrew  a 
 cave,  and  it  is  commonly  assumed  that  the  refer- 
 ence is  to  some  remarkable  cavern  in  the  neigh- 
 bourhood of  Zidon.  But  there  is  danger  in  inter- 
 preting these  very  ancient  names  by  the  significations 
 which  they  bore  in  later  Hebrew.  Pieland  suggests 
 that  Mearah  may  be  the  same  with  Meroth,  a 
 village  named  by  Josephus.  The  identification 
 is  not  improbable,  though  there  is  no  means  of 
 ascertaining  the  fact.  A  village  called  el-MugMr 
 is  found  in  the  mountains  of  Naphtali,  some  ten 
 miles  \V.  of  the  northern  extremity  of  the  sea  of 
 Galilee,  which  may  possibly  represent  an  ancient 
 Mearah. 
 
 Measures.    [Weights  and  Measuees.  1 
 Meat.     It  does  not  appeal*  that  the  word  **  meat " 
 is  used  in  any  one  instance  in  the  Authorized  Ver- 
 sion of  either  the  0.  or  N.  Testament,  in  the  sense 
 which  it  now  almost  exclusively  bears  of  animal 
 
 MEDAN 
 
 531 
 
 food.  The  latter  is  denoted  uniformly  by  "  tlesli.'' 
 1.  The  only  possible  exceptions  to  this  assertion  in 
 the  0.  T.  are  : — (a.)  Gen.  xxvii.  4,  kc,  "  savoury 
 meat."  (6.)  lb,  xiv.  23,  "corn  and  bread  and 
 meat,"  2.  The  only  real  and  niconvenient  ambi- 
 guity caused  by  the  change  which  has  taken  place 
 in  the  meaning  of  the  word  is  in  the  case  of  the 
 "  meat-offering,"  which  consisted  solely  of  flour,  to 
 corn,  and  oil,  sacrifices  of  ilesh  being  coiitinod  or 
 the  other  two.  3.  There  are  several  other  words, 
 which  though  entirely  distinct  in  the  original,  are 
 all  translated  in  the  A.  V,  by  "  meat ;"  but  none 
 of  them  present  any  special  interest  except  tereph. 
 This  word  would  be  perhaps  more  accurately 
 rendered  "  prey  "  or  "  booty,"  Its  use  in  Ps.  cxi. 
 5,  especially  when  taken  in  connexion  with  the 
 word  rendered  "good  understanding"  in  ver.  10, 
 which  would  rather  be,  as  in  the  margin,  "  good 
 success,"  throws  a  new  and  unexpected  light  over 
 the  familiar  phrases  of  that  beautiful  Psalm. 
 4.  In  the  N.  T.  the  variety  of  the  Greek  words 
 thus  rendered  is  equally  great. 
 
 Meat-offering^.  The  word  minchdh  signifies 
 originally  a  gift  of  any  kind ;  and  appears  to  be 
 used  geneially  of  a  gift  fiom  an  infeiior  to  a 
 superior,  whether  God  or  man.  Afterwards  this 
 general  sense  became  attached  to  the  word  "  Cor- 
 ban  ;"  and  the  word  minchah  restiicted  to  an 
 "  unbloody  offering."  The  law  or  ceremonial  or 
 the  meat-offering  is  described  in  Lev.  ii.  and  vi. 
 14-23,  It  was  to  be  composed  of  fine  flour,  sea- 
 soned with  salt,  and  mixed  with  oil  and  frankin- 
 cense, but  without  leaven  ;  and  it  was  generally 
 accompanied  by  a  diink-offering  of  wine.  A  por- 
 tion of  it,  including  all  the  frankincense,  was  to  be 
 burnt  on  the  altar  as  "  a  memorial ;''  the  rest 
 belonged  to  the  priest  ;  but  the  meat-offerings 
 offered  by  the  priests  themselves  were  to  be  wholly 
 burnt.  Its  meaning  appeal's  to  be  exactly  ex- 
 pressed in  the  words  of  David  (1  Chr.  xxix.  10-14). 
 It  will  be  seen  that  this  meaning  involves  neither 
 of  the  main  ideas  of  sacrifice — the  atonement  for 
 sin  and  self-dedication  to  God.  It  takes  them  for 
 granted,  and  is  based  on  them.  Accordingly,  the 
 meat-offering,  pioperly  so-called,  seems  always  to 
 have  been  a  subsidiary  offering,  needing  to  be  in- 
 troduced by  the  sin-otiering,  which  represented  tlie 
 one  idea,  and  forming  an  appendage  to  the  burnt- 
 offering  which  represented  the  other.  The  un- 
 bloody offerings  offered  alone  did  not  properly 
 belong  to  the  regular  meat-offering.  They  were 
 usually  substitutes  for  other  offerings  (comp.  Lev 
 V.  11  ;  Num.  v,  15). 
 
 Mebtmna'i.  In  this  foi-m  appears,  in  one  pas- 
 sage only  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  27),  the  name  of  one  of 
 David's  guard,  who  is  elsewhere  called  SibbeCHAI 
 (2  Sam,  xxi.  18  ;  1  Chr.  xx.  4)  or  Sibbecai 
 (1  Chr.  xi.  29,  xxvii.  11)  in  the  A.  V.  The 
 reading;  "  Sibbechai  "  is  evidently  the  true  one. 
 
 Meche'ratMte,  The,  that  is,  the  native  or  in- 
 habitant of  a  place  called  Mecherah  (1  Chr.  xi.  3G). 
 In  the  parallel  list  of  2  Sam.  xxiii.  the  name 
 appears,  with  other  variations,  as  "  the  Maacha- 
 thite "  (ver.  34).  Kennicott  concludes  that  the 
 latter  is  the  more  correct. 
 
 Me'daba,  the  Greek  form  of  the  name  Medeba 
 (1  Mace.  ix.  36  . 
 
 Me'dad.     [Eldad  and  Mkpad.] 
 
 Me'dan,  a  son  of  Abraham  and  Keturah  (Gen. 
 XXV.  2  ;  1  Chi-,  i.  32),  whose  name  and  descendants 
 have  not  been  traced  bevond  this  record.     It  hag 
 
 2  M  2 
 
532 
 
 MEDEBA 
 
 been  Bupposed,  from  the  similarity  of  the  name, 
 that  the  tribe  de-ceiided  fiom  Mcdaii  was  more 
 closely  allied  to  Mtdian  than  by  mere  blood-rela- 
 tion, and  that  it  was  the  same  as,  or  a  portion  of, 
 the  latter.  There  is,  however,  no  ground  for  this 
 theory  beyond  its  plausibility.  The  mention  of 
 "  ishmnelite "  as  a  convertible  teim  with  "  Mi- 
 dianite,"  in  Gen.  .xx.wii.  28,  36,  is  remarkable; 
 but  the  Midianite  of  the  A.  V.  in  ver.  36  is 
 Medanite  in  the  Hebrew. 
 
 Me'deba,  a  town  on  the  eastern  side  of  Jordan. 
 Medebii  is  first  alluded  to  in  the  fiagmeut  of  a 
 popular  .sone;  of  the  time  of  the  conquest,  pre- 
 served in  Num.  xxi.  (see  ver.  30).  Here  it  seems 
 to  denote  the  limit  of  the  territory  of  Heshbon. 
 It  next  occurs  in  the  enumeration  of  the  country 
 divided  amongst  the  'fransjordanic  tribes  (Josh. 
 .\iii.  9',  as  giving  its  name  to  a  district  of  level 
 downs  CiiUed  "  the  Mishor  of  Medeba,"  or  "  the 
 Mishov  on  Medeba."  This  district  fell  within  tiie 
 allotment  of  Reuben  (ver.  16).  At  the  time  of 
 Hie  conquest  Jledeba  belonged  to  the  .\morites, 
 apparently  one  of  the  towns  taken  from  Moab  by 
 them.  When  we  next  encounter  it,  four  centuries 
 later,  it  is  again  in  the  hands  of  the  Moabites,  or 
 which  is  nearly  the  same  thing,  of  the  Ammonites 
 (I  Chr.  xix.  7).  In  the  time  of  Ahaz  Medeba  was 
 a  sanctuary  of  Moab  (Is.  xv.  2).  In  the  Macca- 
 baean  times  it  had  returned  into  the  hands  of  the 
 Amorites,  who  seem  most  probably  intended  by 
 the  obscure  word  Jambui  in  1  Mace.  ix.  36. 
 About  110  B.C.  it  was  taken  after  a  long  siege  by 
 .)ohn  Hyrcanus.  Jledeba  has  retained  its  name  down 
 to  our  own  times.  'J'o  Eusebius  and  Jerome  it  was 
 evidently  known.  In  Christian  times  it  was  a 
 noted  bishopric  of  the  patriarchate  of  "  Becerra,  or 
 Bitira  .Arabiae."  It  is  in  the  pastoral  distiict  of 
 the  Belha,  which  probably  answers  to  the  Mishor 
 of  the  Hebrews,  4  miles  S.E.  of  Heshbon,  and 
 like  it  lying  on  a  rounded  but  rocky  hill. 
 
 Medes  (Heb.  madai),  one  of  the  most  powerful 
 nations  of  Western  Asia  in  the  times  anterior  to 
 the  establishment  of  the  kingdom  of  Cyrus,  and 
 one  of  the  most  important  tribes  composing  that 
 kingdom.  The  title  by  which  they  appear  to  have 
 known  themselves  was  il/nc/a.— 1.  Primitive  His- 
 tori/. — It  may  be  gathered  from  the  mention  of  the 
 Medes,  by  Moses,  among  the  races  descended  from 
 Japhet,  that  they  were  a  nation  of  very  high 
 antiquity ;  and  it  is  in  accordance  with  this  view 
 that  we  find  a  notice  of  them  in  the  primitive 
 Babylonian  history  of  Berosus,  who  says  that  the 
 Medes  conquered  Babylon  at  a  very  i-emote  period 
 (circ.  li.C.  2458),  and  that  eight  Median  monarchs 
 reigned  there  consecutively,  over  a  space  of  224 
 years.  There  are  inde|)endent  grounds  Ibr  thinking 
 that  an  Aryan  element  existed  in  the  populutiou  of 
 the  Meswpotamian  valley,  side  by  side  with  the 
 Cushite  and  Shemitic  elements,  at  a  veiy  early 
 date.  It  is  therefore  not  at  all  inqmssible  that  the 
 Medes  may  have  been  the  predominant  race  there 
 for  a  time,  as  Berosus  states,  and  may  afterwards 
 have  been  overpowered  and  driven  to  the  moun- 
 tains.—2.  Connexion  v:ith  Assi/ria. — The  deepest 
 obscurity  hangs,  however,  over  the  whole  history 
 of  the  Medes  from  the  time  of  their  bearing  sway 
 in  Babylonia  (ii.c.  2458-2234)  to  their  first  appear- 
 ance in  the  cuneiform  inscriptions  among  the  enemies 
 of  Assyria,  about  u.C.  88(3.  They  then  inhabit  a 
 portion  of  the  region  which  bore  their  name  down 
 to  the  Mahcmetiui  conquest  of  I'ensia;  but  whether 
 
 MEDES 
 
 they  were  recent  immigrants  into  it.  or  had  held  it 
 from  a  remote  antiquity,  is  uncertain.  However 
 this  w.as,  it  is  ceitain  that  at  first,  and  for  a  long 
 series  of  years,  they  were  very  inferior  in  power  to 
 the  great  empire  established  upon  their  Hank. 
 They  were  under  no  general  or  centralif-eJ  govern- 
 ment, but  consisted  of  various  petty  tribes,  each 
 ruled  by  its  chief,  whose  dominion  w.is  over  a 
 single  small  town  and  perhaps  a  tew  villages.  The 
 Assyrian  monaiehs  ravaged  their  lands  at  pleasure, 
 and  took  tribute  from  their  chief's ;  while  the 
 Medes  could  in  no  way  retaliate  upon  their  anta- 
 gonists. Media,  however,  was  sliong  enough, 
 and  stubborn  enough,  to  maintain  her  nation.-ility 
 throughout  the  whole  period  of  tiie  Assyrian  sway, 
 and  was  nevei'  absorbed  into  the  empire.— 3.  Me- 
 dian Ifistorii  of  Herodotus. — Herodotus  represents 
 the  decadence  of  A.ssyria  as  greatly  accelerated  by 
 a  formal  levolt  of  the  Medes,  following  upon  a 
 period  of  contented  subjection,  and  places  this 
 revolt  more  than  218  years  before  the  battle  of 
 Marathon,  or  a  little  befoi-e  B.C.  708.  Ctesias 
 placed  the  commencement  of  Median  independence 
 as  far  back  as  B.C.  875.  No  one  now  defends  this 
 latter  statement,  which  alike  contradicts  the  He- 
 brew lecords  and  the  native  documents.  According 
 to  Herodotus  the  Jledes,  when  they  fiist  shook  otf 
 the  yoke,  established  no  government.  Quanels 
 were  settled  by  arbitration,  and  a  certain  Deioce.s, 
 having  obtained  a  reputation  in  this  way,  con- 
 trived after  a  while  to  get  himself  elected  sovereign. 
 He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Phraortes,  an  ambi- 
 tious prince,  who  directly  after  his  acce.ssion  began 
 a  career  of  conquest,  reduced  nation  after  nation, 
 and  finally  perished  in  an  expedition  against 
 Assyiia,  after  he  had  reigned  22  3-ears.  Cya.\ares, 
 the  son  of  Phraortes,  then  mounted  the  throne. 
 After  a  desperate  struggle  during  eight-and-twenty 
 years  with  the  8cythians,  Cyaxares  succeeded  in 
 recovering  his  former  empire,  wherenjion  he  re- 
 sumed the  piojects  which  their  invasion  h.ad  made 
 him  temporarily  abandon.  He  conquered  the 
 As.syrian.s,  and  engaged  in  a  war  with  Alyatte.s, 
 king  of  Lydia,  the  tiither  of  Croesus,  with  whom 
 he  long  maintained  a  stubborn  contest.  This  war 
 was  terminated  at  length  by  the  formation  of  aii 
 alliance  between  the  two  powers.  Cyaxares,  soon 
 alter  this,  died,  having  reigned  in  all  40  years. 
 He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Astyages.^4.  Its 
 imperfections. — Such  is,  in  outline,  the  Median 
 History  of  Herodotus.  It  has  been  accepted  as 
 authentic  bv  most  modern  writers.  That  the 
 story  of  Deioces  is  a  romance  has  been  acknow- 
 ledged. That  the  chronological  dates  are  improb- 
 able, and  even  contrndictory,  has  been  a  frojuent 
 subject  of  complaint.  Recently  it  has  been  shown 
 that  the  whole  scheme  of  dates  is  artificial,  and 
 that  the  very  names  of  the  kings,  except  in  a 
 single  instiuice,  are  nnhisforical.  The  cuneiform 
 records  of  Saigon,  Sennacherib,  and  H--ar-liaddon 
 clearly  show  that  the  Jledian  kingdom  did  not 
 commence  so  early  as  Heroilotus  imagined.  These 
 three  princes,  who.se  reigns  cpver  ihe  sjiace  ex- 
 tending from  B.C.  720  to  B.C.  660,  all  KU-ried 
 their  aims  deep  into  Media,  and  found  it,  not 
 under  the  dominion  of  a  single  jKiwertul  monai-ch, 
 but  under  the  rule  of  a  vast  number  of  petty 
 chieftains.  It  cannot  have  been  till  near  the  middle 
 of  the  7lh  century  B.C.  that  the  Median  kingdom 
 was  consolidate*!,  and  became  formidable  to  its 
 ueii^hboui-s.     How  this  change  was  accomplished  is 
 
MEDES 
 
 nncertain:  the  most  probable  supposition  would 
 seem  to  be,  that  about  this  time  a  fresh  Aryan  im- 
 migration took  place  from  the  countries  east  of  the 
 Caspian,  and  that  the  leader  of  the  immigrants 
 established  his  authority  over  the  scattered  tribes 
 of  his  race,  who  had  been  settled  previously  in  the 
 district  between  the  Caspian  and  Mount  Zagros. 
 There  is  good  reason  to  believe  that  this  leader  was 
 the  great  Cyaxares.  The  Pei'oces  and  Phraortes  of 
 Heiodotus  are  thus  removed  from  the  list  of  histor- 
 ical pei-sonages  altogether.— 5.  Development  of 
 Median  power,  and  formation  of  the  Empire. — It 
 is  evident  that  the  development  of  Median  power 
 proceeded  pari  passu  v^'ith  the  decline  of  Assyria, 
 of  which  it  was  in  part  an  efi'ect,  in  part  a  cause. 
 Cyaxares  must  have  been  contemporary  with  the 
 later  years  of  that  Assyrian  monaich  who  passed 
 the  greater  portion  of  his  time  in  hunting  expedi- 
 tions in  Susiana.  In  order  to  consolidate  a  powerful 
 kingdom  in  the  district  east  of  Assyria,  it  was 
 necessary  to  bring  into  subjection  a  number  of 
 Scythic  ti'ibes.  The  struggle  with  these  tribes 
 may  be  the  real  event  represented  in  Herodotus  by 
 the  Scythic  war  of  Cyaxares,  or  possibly  his  nar- 
 rative may  contain  a  still  lai'ger  amount  of  truth. 
 His  capture  of  Nineveh  and  conquest  of  Assyria 
 are  facts  which  no  scepticism  can  doubt ;  and  the 
 date  of  the  capture  may  be  fixed  with  tolerable 
 certainty  to  the  year  B.C.  625.  It  was  undoubtedly 
 after  this  that  Cyaxares  endeavoured  to  conquer 
 Lydia.  It  is  surprising  tha'  he  failed,  more  espe- 
 cially as  he  seems  to  have  be  n  accompanied  by  the 
 forces  of  the  Babylonians,  w  iio  were  perhaps  com- 
 manded by  Nebuchadnezzar  on  the  occasion.^ 
 6.  Extent  of  the  Empire.  —  The  limits  of  the 
 Median  Empire  cannot  be  definitely  fixed.  From 
 north  to  south  its  extent  was  in  no  place  great, 
 since  it  was  certainly  confined  between  the  Persian 
 Gulf  and  the  Euphrates  on  the  one  side,  the  Black 
 and  Caspian  ^^eas  on  the  other.  From  east  to  west 
 it  had,  however,  a  wide  expansion,  since  it  reached 
 from  the  Halys  at  least  as  far  as  the  Caspian  Gates, 
 and  possibly  further.  It  was  separated  from  Baby- 
 lonia either  by  the  Tigris,  or  more  jirobably  by  a 
 line  running  about  half-way  between  that  river  and 
 the  Euphrates.  Its  greatest  length  may  be  reckoned 
 at  150U  miles  from  N.W.  to  t^.E.,  and  its  average 
 bi'eadth  at  400  or  450  miles.  Its  area  would  thus 
 be  about  600,000  square  miles,  or  somewhat 
 greater  than  that  of  modern  Persia.— 7.  Its  cha- 
 racter.— With  regard  to  the  nature  of  the  govern- 
 ment established- by  the  Medes  over  the  conquered 
 nations,  we  possess  but  little  trustworthy  evidence. 
 Herodotus  in  one  place  compares,  somewhat  vaguely, 
 the  Median  with  the  Persian  system  (i.  134) ;  but 
 on  the  whole  it  is  perhaps  most  probable  that  the 
 Assyiiau  organization  was  continued  by  the  Medes, 
 the  subject-nations  I'etaining  their  native  monarchs, 
 and  merely  acknowledging  subjection  by  the  pay- 
 ment of  an  annual  tribute.  This  seems  certainly 
 to  have  been  the  case  in  Persia.  The  satrapial 
 organization  was  apparently  a  Persian  invention, 
 begun  by  Cyrus,  continued  by  Cambyses,  his  .son, 
 but  first  adopted  as  the  regular  governmental 
 system  by  Darius  Hystaspis.— 8.  Its  duration. — 
 Of  all  the  ancient  Oriental  monarchies  the  Median 
 was  the  shortest  in  duration.  It  commenced,  as 
 we  have  seen,  after  the  middle  of  the  7th  century 
 B.C.,  and  it  terminated  B.C.  558.-9.  Its  final 
 overthrow. — The  conquest  of  the  Medes  by  a 
 sister-Iranic  lace,  the  Persians,  under  their  native 
 
 MEDES 
 
 }33 
 
 monarch  Cyrus,  is  another  of  those  indisputable 
 facts  of  remote  history,  which  make  the  inquirer 
 feel  that  he  sometimes  attains  to  solid  ground  in 
 these  difficult  investigations.  After  many  partial 
 engagements,  a  great  battle  was  fought  between 
 the  two  armies,  and  the  result  was  the  complete 
 defeat  of  the  Medes,  and  the  capture  of  tlieir  king, 
 Astyages,  by  Cyrus.— 10.  Position  of  Media  under 
 Persia. — The  tieatment  of  the  Medes  by  the  vic- 
 torious Persians  was  not  that  of  an  ordinary  con- 
 qneied  nation.  According  to  some  writers  (as 
 Herodotus  and  Xenophon)  there  was  a  close  rela- 
 tionship between  Cyrus  and  the  la.st  Median  mo- 
 narch, who  was  therefore  naturally  treated  with 
 more  than  common  tenderness.  The  two  nations 
 wei-e  closely  akin ;  they  had  the  same  Aryan  or 
 Iranic  origin,  the  same  early  traditions,  the  same 
 language,  nearly  the  same  religion,  and  ultimately 
 the  same  manners  and  customs,  dress,  and  general 
 mode  of  life.  Medes  were  advanced  to  stations  of 
 high  honour  and  importance  under  Cyrus  and  his 
 successors.  The  Median  capital  was  at  first  the 
 chief  royal  residence.  On  the  first  convenient 
 opportunity  Media  rebelled,  elevating  to  the  throne 
 a  certain  Phraortes  (Frawartish).  Darius  IIystas|iis, 
 in  whose  reign  this  rebellion  took  place,  had  great 
 difficulty  in  suppressing  it.— 11.  Internal  divisions. 
 According  to  Herodotus  the  Median  nation  was 
 divided  into  six  tribes,  called  Busae,  the  Pare- 
 taceni,  the  Struchates,  the  Arizanti,  the  Budii,  and 
 the  Magi.  It  is  doubtful,  however,  in  what  sense 
 these  are  to  be  considered  as  ethnic  divisions.  We 
 may  perhaps  assume,  fi'om  the  order  of  Herodotus' 
 list,  that  the  Busae,  Paretaceni,  Struchates,  and 
 Arizanti  were  true  Medes,  of  genuine  Arj-an  de- 
 scent, while  the  Budii  and  Magi  were  foreigners 
 admitted  into  the  nation.— 12.  Religion.  —  The 
 original  religion  of  the  Medes  must  undoubtedly 
 have  been  that  simple  creed  which  is  placed  befoie 
 us  in  the  earlier  portions  of  the  Zendavesla.  Its 
 peculiar  characteristic  was  Dualism,  the  belief  in 
 the  existence  of  two  opposite  principles  of  good  and 
 evil,  nearly  if  not  quite  on  a  par  with  one  another. 
 Ormazd  and  Ahrimau  were  both  self-caused  and 
 self-existent,  both  indestructible,  both  potent  to 
 work  their  will.  Besides  Ormazd,  the  Aryans 
 worshipped  the  Sun  and  Moon,  under  the  names 
 of  Mithra  and  Homa ;  and  they  believed  in  the 
 existence  of  numerous  spirits  or  genii,  some  good, 
 some  bad,  the  subjects  and  ministers  respectively  ot 
 the  two  powers  of  Good  and  Evil.  Their  migra- 
 tion brought  them  into  contact  with  the  fire- 
 worshippers  of  Armenia  and  Mount  Zagros,  among 
 whom  Magism  had  been  established  from  a  remote 
 antiquity.  The  result  was  either  a  combination 
 of  the  two  religions,  or  in  some  cases  an  actual  con- 
 version of  the  conquerors  to  the  faith  and  worshio 
 of  the  conquered.  So  far  as  can  be  gatheied  from 
 the  scanty  materials  in  our  possession,  the  latter 
 was  the  case  with  the  Medes.  —  13.  Manners, 
 customs,  and  national  character. — The  customs  ot 
 the  Medes  are  said  to  have  nearly  resembled  those 
 of  their  neighbours,  the  Armenians  and  the  Per- 
 sians; but  they  were  regarded  as  the  inventors, 
 their  neighbours  as  the  copyists.  They  were  brave 
 and  warlike,  excellent  riders,  and  remarkably  skilful 
 with  the  bow.  The  flowing  robe,  so  well  known 
 from  the  Persepolitan  sculptures,  was  their  native 
 diess,  and  was  cei-tainly  among  the  points  for  which 
 the  Persians  were  beliolden  '.o  them.  As  troops 
 they  were  considered  little  inferior  to  the  natire 
 
534 
 
 MEDIA 
 
 ML-Uiun  Dress. 
 (Froin  MunmiienU.) 
 
 Pei^ians,  next  to  whom  they  were  usually  ranged 
 in  the  b;ittle-Held.— 14.  Jieferences  to  the  Medes 
 in  Scripture. — The  references  to  the  Medes  in  the 
 ainoniail  Scriptures  are  not  very  numerous,  but  they 
 are  stiiking.  We  first 
 liear  of  certain  "cities 
 of  tlie  Medes,"  in  which 
 the  ciiptive  Israelites 
 were  placed  by  "  the 
 king  of  Assyria "  on 
 the  destruction  of  Sa- 
 maria, B.C.  721  (2  K. 
 xvii.  6, xviii.  1 1).  This 
 implies  the  subjection 
 of  Media  to  Assyria  at 
 the  time  of  Shalmaneser, 
 or  of  Sargon,  his  suc- 
 cessoi',  and  accords  veiy 
 closely  with  the  account 
 given  by  the  latter  of 
 cert;iin  military  colonies 
 which  he  planted  in  the 
 Median  country,  .^oon 
 afterwards  Isaiah  pro- 
 phecies the  part  which 
 the  Medes  shall  take  in 
 the  destruction  of  Ba- 
 bylon (Is.  xiii.  17,  xx\. 
 2  j ;  which  is  again  still 
 more  distinctly  declared 
 by  Jeremiah  (li.  11  and 
 28),  who  sutiiciently  in- 
 dicates the  independence 
 of  Media  in  his  day  f  xxv. 
 25).  Daniel  relates  the 
 fact  of  the  Medo-Persic  conquest  (v.  28,  31),  giving 
 an  account  of  the  reign  ot  Darius  the  Mede,  who 
 appears  to  have  been  made  viceroy  by  Cyrus  (vi. 
 1-28).  In  Ezra  we  have  a  mention  of  Achnietha 
 (ICcbatiuia),  "the  palace  in  tlie  province  of  the 
 Medes,"  where  the  decree  of  Cyrus  was  found  (vi. 
 2-."))— a  notice  which  accords  with  the  known  facts 
 that  the  Median  capital  was  the  seat  of  government 
 under  Cyrus,  but  a  royal  residence  only  and  not 
 the  seat  of  government  under  Darius  Hystaspis. 
 Kinally,  in  Ksther,  the  high  rank  of  Media  under 
 the  Persian  kings,  yet  at  the  same  time  its  subord- 
 inate position,  are  marked  by  the  frequent  com- 
 bination of  the  two  names  in  phi-ases  of  honour, 
 the  preceder.cy  being  in  eveiy  case  a.ssigned  to  the 
 Persians.  In  the  Apocrypha  the  Medes  occupy 
 a  more  prominent  place.  The  chief  scene  of  one 
 whole  book  (Tobit)  is  Media  ;  and  in  another 
 Mmlith)  a  very  striking  portion  of  the  narrative 
 belongs  to  the  same  countiy.  The  mention  of 
 Khages  in  both  narratives  as  a  Meilian  town  and 
 region  of  importance  is  geographically  coriect ; 
 and  it  is  histoHcally  hue  that  I'hraortcs  suffered 
 his  overthrow  in  the  Hliagian  district. 
 
 Me'dia,  a  comitry  the  general  situation  of  which 
 is  abundantly  clear,  though  its  limits  may  not  be 
 ca]able  of  being  precisely  determined.  Media  lay 
 north-west  of  Persia  Pro|)er,  south  and  south-west 
 of  the  Caspian,  ea.st  of  Armenia  and  As-syria,  west 
 and  north-west  of  the  gieat  salt  desert  of  Irani.  Its 
 greatest  length  was  from  north  to  south,  and  in 
 this  direction  it  e.\tended  from  tlie  .■!2nd  to  the  4ntli 
 parallel,  a  distance  of  o.')0  miles.  In  width  it 
 reached  fiom  about  long.  45^  to  5;P;  but  its 
 Weragp  l>rcailth  was  not  more  than  from  2on  to 
 300  miles.     Its  area   mav   Ix;   rcckouLd  at  about 
 
 MEDICINE 
 
 150,000  square  miles,  or  three-fourths  of  that  of 
 modern  France.  It  comprised  the  modern  provinces 
 of  Irak  Ajemi,  Persian  Kurdistun,  part  of  Lit' 
 ristan,  Azerbijan,  perhaps  Talish  and  Ghilan,  but 
 not  Mazanderan  or  Asterahad.  The  division  of 
 Media  commonly  recognised  by  the  Greeks  and  Ro- 
 mans was  that  into  Media  Magna,  and  Media  Atro- 
 patene.  1.  Media  Atropatene  coiTesponded  nearly 
 to  the  modern  Azerbijan,  being  the  tract  situated 
 between  the  Ca.spian  and  the  mountains  which  run 
 north  from  Zagros,  and  consisting  mainly  of  ths 
 lich  and  tertile  basin  of  Lake  Urumii/eh,  with  the 
 valleys  of  the  Aras  and  the  Sejid  Bud.  The  ancient 
 Atropatene  may  have  included  also  the  countries  of 
 Ghilan  and  Talish,  together  with  the  plain  of 
 Mogliun  at  the  mouth  of  the  combined  Kur  and 
 Aras  rivers.  2.  Metlia  Magna  lay  .>^outh  and  ea.st 
 of  Atropatene.  It  contained  gieat  part  oi  Kurd- 
 istan and  Luridan,  with  all  Ardelttn  and  Irak 
 Ajemi.  The  character  of  this  tract  is  very  varied. 
 It  is  indicative  of  the  division,  that  there  were  two 
 Ecbatanas — one,  the  northern,  at  Takhl-i-Sulciinan  : 
 the  other,  the  southern,  at  Hatiiadan,  on  the  Hanks 
 of  Mount  Orontes  {Eluandj — resjiectively  the  oi- 
 pitais  of  the  two  districts.  Next  to  the  two  Ecba- 
 tanas. the  chief  town  in  Media  was  undoubtedly 
 Khages — the  Ilaga  of  the  inscriptions.  The  only 
 other  place  of  much  note  was  Iiagist<uia,  the  modern 
 Behistim,  which  guarded  the  chief  pass  connecting 
 Media  with  the  Mcsopotamian  jjlain. 
 
 Me'dian.  li.uius,  "  the  .son  of  Ahasuerus,  of 
 the  seed  of  the  Medes"  (Dan.  ix.  1)  or  "  the  Mede" 
 (xi.  1 ;,  is  thus  described  in  Dan.  v.  31. 
 
 Medicine.  I.  Next  to  care  for  food,  clothing, 
 and  shelter,  the  curing  of  hurts  takes  precedence 
 even  amongst  savage  nations.  At  a  later  period 
 comes  the  treatment  of  sickness,  and  recognition  of 
 states  of  disease;  and  these  mark  a  n.a.scent  civiliza- 
 tion. From  the  most  ancient  testimonies,  sacred 
 and  secular,  Egvpt,  fiom  whatever  cause,  though 
 peihaps  from  necessity,  was  foremost  among  the 
 nations  in  this  most  human  of  studies  purely  phy- 
 siail.  Egypt  w:is  the  earliest  home  of  medical  ana 
 other  skill  for  the  region  of  the  Mediterranean  basin, 
 and  every  Egyptian  mummy  of  the  more  expensive 
 and  elaborate  sort,  involved  a  proce.ss  of  anatomy. 
 Still  we  have  no  trace  of  any  philo.sophical  or  ra- 
 tional system  of  Egyptian  origin  ;  and  medicine  in 
 Egvpt  was  a  mere  art  or  piofession.  Of  science 
 the  Asclepiadae  of  (ireece  were  the  true  originators. 
 Hip|X)crates,  who  wrote  a  book  on  "  Ancient  Medi- 
 cine," and  who  seems  to  have  had  many  oj>j)ortu- 
 ni ties  of  access  to  foreign  sources,  gives  no  promi- 
 nence to  I'^gypt.  Compared  with  the  wild  countrie? 
 aroiiml  them,  at  any  rate,  the  Egyjitians  must  have 
 .seemed  ii'caUulably  advanced,  liepresen  tat  ions  of 
 e;\rly  Egyptian  surgery  apjiarently  occur  on  some 
 of  the  monuments  of  I'leni-Hassan.  Flint  knives 
 used  for  embalming  have  been  recovered — the  "  Ethi- 
 opic  stone"  of  Herodotus  (ii.  86;  comp.  Ex.  iv.  25) 
 was  probably  either  black  flint  or  agate  ;  and  those 
 who  have  a.ssisted  at  the  oi>ciiing  of  a  mummy  have 
 noticed  that  the  teeth  exhibited  a  dentistiy  not 
 inferior  in  execution  to  the  work  of  the  Ijest  modern 
 experts.  This  confirms  the  statement  of  Herodotus 
 that  every  part  of  the  body  was  studies!  by  a  distinct 
 pi-actitioner.  (Pliny  vii.  57)  a.s-seits  that  the  Egyp- 
 tians claimed  the  invention  of  the  healing  art,  and 
 (x\y\.  1 )  thinks  them  .subject  to  many  dison.ses. 
 Their  "  many  meiliiines"  arc  mentioned  (.ler.  xlvi. 
 1 1 ).    Atholhmo  II..  king  «(  the  comitry.  is  said  to 
 
MEDICINE 
 
 lifvve  wiitten  on  the  subject  of  anatomy.  The 
 various  recipes  known  to  have  been  beneficial  were 
 recorded,  witii  their  peculiar  cases,  in  thememoiisof 
 physic,  insciibed  among  the  laws,  aud  deposited  in 
 the  principal  temples  of  the  place  (Wilkinson,  iii. 
 396,  397).  The  reputation  of  its  practitioners  in 
 historical  times  was  such  that  both  Cyrus  and 
 Dai'ius  sent  to  Egypt  for  physicians  or  surgeons. 
 Of  midwifery  we  have  a  distinct  notice  (Ex.  i.  15), 
 and  of  women  as  it^  practitioners,  which  fact  may 
 also  be  verified  from  the  sculptures.  The  physicians 
 had  salaiies  from  the  public  treasury,  and  treated 
 always  according  to  established  precedents,  or  de- 
 viated from  these  at  their  peril,  in  case  of  a  fabil 
 termination;  if,  however,  the  patient  died  under 
 accredited  treatment  no  blame  was  attached.  The 
 Egyptians  ■who  lived  in  the  corn-growing  region 
 are  said  by  Herodotus  (ii.  77)  to  have  been  specially 
 attentive  to  health.  The  practice  of  circumcision  is 
 traceable  on  monuments  certainly  anterior  to  the  age 
 of  Joseph.  Its  beneficial  eflects  in  the  tempei'ature 
 of  Egypt  and  Syria  have  often  been  noticed,  espe- 
 cially as  a  preservative  of  cleanliness,  &c.  The 
 scrupulous  attention  paid  to  the  dead  was  favour- 
 able to  the  health  of  the  living.  But,  to  pursue  to 
 later  times  this  merely  general  question,  it  appears 
 that  the  Ptolemies  themselves  practised  dissection, 
 and  that,  at  a  period,  when  Jewish  intercourse  with 
 Egypt  was  complete  and  reciprocal,  there  e.xisted 
 in  Alexandria  a  great  zeal  for  anatomical  study. 
 In  comparing  the  growth  of  medicine  in  the  rest  of 
 the  ancient  world,  the  high  rank  of  its  practitioners 
 — princes  and  heroes — settles  at  once  the  question 
 as  to  the  esteem  in  which  it  was  held  in  the  Ho- 
 meric and  pre-Homeric  period.  To  descend  to  the 
 historical,  the  story  of  Democedes  at  the  court  of 
 Darius  illustrates  the  practice  of  Greek  surgery 
 before  the  period  of  Hippocrates.  The  Dogmatic 
 school  was  founded  after  the  time  of  Hippocrates 
 by  his  disciples,  who  departed  from  his  eminently 
 practical  and  inductive  method.  The  empiiical 
 school,  which  arose  in  the  third  century  B.C.,  under 
 the  guidance  of  Acron  of  Agrigentum,  Serapion  of 
 Alexandria,  and  Philinus  of  Cos,  waited  for  the 
 symptoms  of  every  case,  disregarding  the  rules  of 
 practice  based  on  dogmatic  principles.  This  school 
 was  opposed  by  another,  known  as  the  Methodic, 
 which  had  arisen  under  the  lending  of  Themison, 
 also  of  Laodicea,  about  the  period  of  Pompey  the 
 (jreiit.  Asclepiades  paved  the  way  for  the  "  method" 
 in  question,  finding  a  theoretic  basis  in  the  corpus- 
 cular or  atomic  theory  of  physics  which  he  borrowed 
 from  Heraclides  of  Pontus.  He  was  a  transitional 
 link  between  the  Dogmatic  and  Empiric  schools 
 and  this  later  or  Methodic,  which  sought  to  rescue 
 medicine  from  the  bewildering  mass  of  particulars 
 in  which  empiricism  had  plunged  it.  It  is  clear 
 that  all  these  schools  may  easily  have  contributed 
 to  form  the  medical  opinions  current  at  the  period  of 
 the  N.  T.,  and  that  the  two  earlier  among  them  may 
 have  influenced  Rabbinical  teaching  on  that  subject 
 at  a  much  earlier  period.— II.  Having  thus  de- 
 sciibed  the  external  influences  which,  if  any,  were 
 probably  most  influential  in  forming  the  medical 
 practice  of  the  Hebrews,  we  may  trace  next  its  in- 
 ternal growth.  The  cabalistic  legends  mix  up  the 
 names  of  Shem  and  Heber  in  their  fables  about 
 healing,  and  a.scribe  to  those  patriarclis  a  knowledge 
 of  simples  und  rare  roots,  with,  of  course,  magic 
 spells  and  occult  powers.  So  to  Abiaham  is  ascribed 
 a  talisman,  the  touch  of  which  healel  all  disease. 
 
 MEDICINE  ',di> 
 
 The  only  notices  which  Scripture  affords  in  con- 
 nexion with  the  subject  are  the  cases  of  difficult 
 midwifery  in  the  successive  households  of  Isaac, 
 Jacob,  and  Judah  (Gen.  xxv.  26,  xxxv.  17,  xxxviii. 
 27),  and  so,  later,  in  that  of  Phinehas  (1  Sam.  iv. 
 19).  The  traditional  value  ascribed  to  the  man- 
 drake, in  regard  to  generative  functions,  relates  to 
 the  same  branch  of  natural  medicine ;  but  through- 
 out this  period  occurs  no  trace  of  any  attempt  to 
 study,  digest,  and  systematise  the  subject.  As 
 Israel  grew  and  multiplied  in  Egypt,  they  derived 
 doubtless  a  large  mental  cultivation  from  their  po- 
 sition until  cruel  policy  turned  it  into  bondage. 
 But,  if  we  admit  P^gyptian  learning  as  an  ingre- 
 dient, we  should  also  notice  how  far  exalted  above 
 it  is  the  standard  of  the  whole  Jewish  legislative 
 fabric,  in  its  exemption  from  the  blemishes  of 
 sorcery  and  juggling  pi-etences.  We  have  no  occult 
 practices  reserved  in  the  hands  of  the  sacred  caste. 
 Nor  was  the  practice  of  physic  a  privilege  of  the 
 Jewish  priesthood.  Any  one  might  practise  it,  and 
 this  publicity  must  have  kept  it  pure.  Nay,  there 
 was  no  scriptural  bar  to  its  practice  by  resident 
 aliens.  We  read  of  "  physicians,"  "  healuicj,"  &c., 
 in  Ex.  xxi.  19;  2  K.  viii.  29;  2  Chr.  .xvi.  12; 
 Jerem.  viii.  22.  At  the  same  time  the  greater 
 leisure  of  the  Levites  and  their  other  advant;iges 
 would  make  them  the  students  of  the  nation,  as  a 
 rule,  in  all  science,  and  their  constant  residence  iu 
 cities  would  give  them  the  opportunity,  if  carried 
 out  in  fact,  of  a  far  wider  field  of  observation.  The 
 reign  of  peace  of  Solomon's  days  must  have  opened, 
 especially  with  renewed  Egyptian  intercouise,  new 
 facilities  for  the  study.  He  himself  seems  to  have 
 included  in  his  favourite  natural  history  some  know- 
 ledge of  the  medicinal  uses  of  the  creatures.  His 
 works  show  him  conversant  with  the  notion  of  re- 
 medial treatment  (Prov.  iii.  8,  vi.  15,  xii.  18,  xvii. 
 22,  XX.  30,  xxix.  1  ;  Eccles„  iii.  3)  ;  and  one  passage 
 indicates  consideiable  knowledge  of  anatomy.  His 
 repute  in  magic  is  the  universal  theme  of  eastern 
 story.  The  dealings  of  various  prophets  with  quasi- 
 medical  agency  cannot  be  I'egarded  as  other  than 
 the  mere  accidental  form  which  their  miraculous 
 gifts  took  (1  K.  xiii.  6,  xiv.  12,  xvii.  17  ;  2  K.  i.  4, 
 XX.  7;  Is.  xxxviii.  21).  Jewish  tradition  has  in- 
 vested Elisha,  it  would  seem,  with  a  function  more 
 lai'gely  medicinal  than  that  of  the  other  servants  of 
 God ;  but  the  Scriptural  evidence  on  the  point  is 
 scanty,  save  that  he  appears  to  have  known  at  once 
 the  proper  means  to  a])ply  to  heal  the  waters,  and 
 temper  the  noxious  pottage  (2  K.  *i.  21,  iv.  39-1-1). 
 The  sickness  of  Benhadad  is  certainly  so  described 
 as  to  imply  treachery  on  the  part  of  Hazael  (2  K. 
 viii.  15).  Yet  the  observation  of  Bruce,  upon  a 
 "cold-water  cure"  practised  among  the  people  near 
 the  Red  Sea,  has  suggesteda  view  somewhat  different. 
 The  bed-clothes  are  soaked  with  cold  water,  and 
 kept  thoroughly  wet,  and  the  patient  drinks  cold 
 water  freely.  But  the  crisis,  it  seems,  occurs  oi 
 the  third  day,  and  not  till  the  fifth  is  it  there  usual 
 to  apply  this  treatment.  If  the  chamberlain,  through 
 carelessness,  ignorance,  or  ti'eacheiy,  precipitated 
 the  application,  a  fatal  issue  may  have  suddenly 
 resulted.  The  statement  that  King  Asa  (2  Chr. 
 xvi.  12)  "sought  tiot  to  Jehovah  but  to  the  phy- 
 sicians," may  seem  to  countenance  the  notion  that 
 a  rivalry  of  actual  worship,  based  on  some  medical 
 fancies,  had  been  set  up.  The  captivity  at  Babylon 
 brought  the  Jews  in  contact  with  a  new  sphere  o£ 
 thought.     We  know  too  little  of  the  precise  sUitc 
 
536 
 
 MEDICINE 
 
 of  medicine  in  Babylon,  Susa,  and  the  "  cities  of 
 the  Medes,"  to  determine  the  diivction  in  wliich  the 
 impulse  so  derived  would  have  led  the  exiles.  The 
 book  of  Ecclesiasticus  shows  the  increifsed  regard 
 given  to  the  distinct  study  of  medicine,  by  the  re- 
 peated mention  of  physicians,  &c.,  whicli  it  con- 
 tains, and  which,  as  jnobably  belonging  to  the  period 
 of  the  I'toleniies,  it  might  be  expected  to  show. 
 The  wisdom  of  prevention  is  recognised  in  Ev;clus. 
 xviii.  19,  perhaps  also  in  x.  10.  Kank  and  honour 
 are  s;»id  to  be  the  portion  of  the  physician,  and  his 
 office  to  be  from  the  Lord  (xxxviii.  1,  3,  I'J).  The 
 repeated  allusions  to  sickness  in  vii.  35,  xxx.  17, 
 xxxi.  22,  xxxvii.  30,  xxxviii.  9,  coupled  with  the 
 former  rec()<;iiitiou  of  merit,  have  caused  some  to 
 suppose  that  this  author  was  himself  a  physician. 
 In  Wisd.  xvi.  12,  plaister  is  spoken  of;  anointing, 
 as  a  means  of  healing,  in  Tob.  vi.  8.  To  bring 
 Jown  the  subject  to  the  period  of  the  N.  T.  St. 
 1-uke,  "  the  beloved  physician,"  who  practised  at 
 Antioch  wliijst  the  body  was  his  care,  could  hardly 
 have  tailed  to  be  conver.sant  with  all  the  leading 
 opinions  cunent  down  to  his  own  time.  .Situated 
 between  the  great  schools  of  Alexandria  and  C'ili<.ia, 
 within  an  easy  sea-transit  of  both,  as  well  as  of  the 
 western  homes  of  science,  Antioch  enj(.yed  a  more 
 central  position  than  any  great  city  of  the  ancient 
 woild,  and  in  it  accordingly  all  the  stieanis  of  con- 
 temj)orary  medical  learning  may  have  ])robably 
 found  a  point  of  conHuence.  The  medicine  and 
 surgery  of  St.  Luke  were  probably  not  inferior  to 
 those  commonly  in  demand  among  educated  Asiatic 
 Greeks,  and  must  have  been,  as  legards  their 
 basis,  Greek  and  not  .Jewish.  Hence  a  staiidaid 
 Gentile  me<lical  writer,  if  any  is  to  be  found  o(  that 
 jieriod,  would  best  lepresent  the  profession  to  which 
 the  evangelist  belonged.  Without  absolute  cer- 
 tainty as  to  date,  we  seem  to  have  such  a  writer  in 
 Aretiieus,  commonly  called  "  the  t'appadocian,"  who 
 wrote  certaiidy  after  Nero's  reign  began,  and  pro- 
 bably nourished  shortly  before  and  after  the  decade 
 in  which  St.  Paul  reached  Rome  and  Jerusalem 
 fell.  If  he  were  of  St.  Luke's  age,  it  is  striking 
 that  he  should  also  be  perhaps  the  only  ancient 
 medical  authority  in  favour  of  demoniacal  posses- 
 sion as  a  jiossible  account  of  ej)ilepsy.  Assuming 
 the  date  above  indic;ite<,i,  he  may  be  taken  its  ex- 
 pounding the  mediud  practice  of  the  Asiatic  Greeks 
 in  the  latter  half  of  the  first  century.  There  is, 
 however,  much  of  strongly  marked  individuality  in 
 his  work,  more  especially  in  the  minute  verbal  por- 
 traiture of  disease.  As  the  general  science  of  me- 
 dicine and  surgery  of  this  period  may  be  rejjresenfed 
 by  Aretaeus,  so  we  have  nearly  a  representation  of 
 Its  Materia  Medica  by  Dioscorides.  Ke  too  was 
 of  the  same  general  region — a  Cilician  Greek — and 
 his  tirst  lessons  were  probably  learnt  at  Tarsus. 
 His  jieriod  is  tinged  by  the  same  uncertainty  as 
 that  of  Aietaeus  ;  but  he  has  usually  been  assigned 
 to  the  end  of  the  1st  or  beginning  of  the  2nd  cen- 
 tury, before  proceeding  to  the  examination  of  dis- 
 eases in  detail,  it  may  be  well  to  observe  that  the 
 ijue.stion  of  identity  between  any  ancient  malady 
 known  by  description,  and  any  modein  one  known 
 by  experience,  is  often  doui)tful.  Scjme  diseases, 
 just  as  some  phuits  and  some  animals,  will  exist  j 
 alnaost  anywliere ;  others  can  only  be  produced  : 
 within  narrow  limif.s  depending  on  the  conditions  ] 
 of  climate,  habit,  &c.  Eruj)tivc  diseases  of  the  , 
 scute  kind  are  more  prevalent  in  the  East  than  in 
 colder  climes.     Thry  al.-o  run   their  course   moio 
 
 MEDICINE 
 
 rapidly.  Disease  of  various  kinds  is  commonly  re- 
 garded as  a  divine  infliction,  or  denounced  as  a 
 penalty  for  transgression ;  "  the  evil  diseases  of 
 Egyi)t"  are  especially  so  characterised  (Gen.  xx. 
 18;  Ex.  XV.  26;  Lev.  xxvi.  16;  Dent.  vii.  15, 
 xxviii.  60;  1  Cor.  xi.  30);  so  the  emerods  of  the 
 Philistines  (1  Sam.  v.  G; ;  the  severe  dysentery 
 {2  Chr.  xxi.  15,  19)  of  Jehoram,  which  was  also 
 epidemic;  so  the  sudden  deaths  of  Er,  Unan  (Gen. 
 xxxviii.  7,  10  I,  the  Egyptian  first-born  (Ex,  xi.  4, 
 5),  Kabal,  Bathsheba's  son,  and  Jeroboam's  (I  Sam. 
 XXV.  38;  2  Simi.  xii.  15;  1  K.  xiv.  1,  5),  are 
 ascribed  to  the  action  of  Jehovah  immeiliately,  or 
 through  a  prophet.  Pestilence  f  Hab.  iii.  5)  attends 
 His  |iath  (comp.  2  Sam.  xxiv.  15),  and  is  innoxious 
 to  those  whom  He  shelters  (Ps.  xci.  3-10).  It  is 
 by  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  and  Amos  associated  (as  his- 
 torically in  2  Sam.  xxiv.  13)  with  "the  sword" 
 and  "  famine"  (Jer.  xiv.  12,  xv.  2,  xxi.  7,  9,  &c. ; 
 Ez.  v.  12,  17,  vi.  11,  12,  &c.;  Am.  iv.  6,  10). 
 The  sicknesses  of  the  widow's  son  of  Zaie])hath,  of 
 Ahnziah,  Benhadad,  the  leprosy  of  Uzziah,  the  boil 
 of  Hezekiah,  are  also  noticed  as  disejtses  sent  by  Je- 
 hovah, or  in  which  He  inteiposed,  1  K.  xvii.  17, 
 20  ;  2  K.  i.  3,  xx.  1.  In  2  Sam.  iii.  29,  disease  is 
 invoked  as  a  curse,  and  in  Solomon's  prayer,  1  K. 
 viii.  37  (comp.  2  Chr.  xx.  9),  anticipated  as  a  chas- 
 tisement. Satanic  agency  appears  also  as  procuring 
 disease  (Job  ii.  7  ;  Luke  xiii.  11, 10).  Diseases  are 
 also  mentioned  as  ordinary  calamities.  Among 
 special  diseases  named  in  the  0.  T.  are,  ophthalmia 
 (Gen.  xxix.  17),  which  is  ])erhaps  moie  connnon  iu 
 Syria  and  Egvj)!  than  anywhere  else  in  the  world 
 especially  in  the  fig  season,  the  juice  of  the  newly- 
 ripe  fruit  having  the  jiower  of  giving  it.  It  may 
 occasion  paitial  or  total  blindness  (2  K.  vi.  18j. 
 The  eye-salve  (Itev.  iii,  18),  was  a  remedy  common 
 to  Orientals,  Greeks,  and  Romans.  Other  diseases 
 are — barrenness  of  women,  which  mandrakes  were 
 su])])Osed  to  have  the  power  of  correcting  (Gen.  xx. 
 18;  comp.  xii.  17,  xxx.  1,  2,  14-16) — "consump- 
 tion," and  several,  the  names  of  which  are  derived 
 fiwn  various  words,  signifying  to  burn  or  to  be  hot 
 (Lev.  xxvi.  16  ;  Dent,  xxviii.  22).  The  "  burning 
 boil,"  or  "  of  a  boil  "  (Lev.  xiii.  23)  is  again  merely 
 marked  bv  the  notion  of  an  etiect  resembling  that 
 of  fire,  like  our  '"carbuncle;"  it  may  possibly  find 
 an  eiiuivalent  in  the  Damascus  boil  ot  the  present 
 time.  The  "  botch  (shec/tin)  of  Egypt "  (Deut. 
 xxviii.  27),  is  so  vague  a  term  as  to  yield  a  mo>t 
 uncertain  sense;  the  jilague,  as  known  by  its  attend- 
 ant liiilio,  has  been  suggested  by  Scheuchzer.  It  is 
 possible  that  the  Klepltantiasis  Graeconim  may  be 
 intended  by  s/iechin.  Of  this  disease  some  further 
 notice  will  be  taken  below  ;  at  present  it  is  obien*- 
 able  that  the  same  word  is  used  to  express  the 
 "  boil  "  of  Hezekiah.  Dr.  Me.nd  sup]X)ses  it  to  have 
 been  a  fever  teiminating  in  an  abscess.  The  diseases 
 rendeicd  "scab"  and  "scurvy"  in  Lev.  xxi.  2U, 
 xxii.  22,  Deut.  xxviii.  27,  may  be  almost  any  skin 
 disease.  Some  of  these  may  be  said  to  approach 
 the  type  of  leprosy.  The  "  issue"  of  xv.  19,  may 
 be  tlie  metiorrhatjia,  or  uterine  hemorrhage  from 
 other  causes.  In  Deut.  xxviii.  35,  is  mentioned  a 
 disease  attacking  the  "  knees  and  legs,"  consisting 
 in  a  "soie  Ijotih  which  cannot  be  healfd,"  but  ex- 
 tended, in  the  sequel  of  the  verse,  from  (lie  "  sole 
 of  the  foot  to  the  top  of  tiic  head."  The  latter 
 part  of  the  quotation  would  certainly  accord  with 
 FIcfhontiaxis  (imecnrnm.  On  the  other  hand,  h 
 disease  which  aflccts  the  knees  and  legs,  or  mon 
 
MEDICINE 
 
 commouly  one  of  them  only — is  by  a  mere  accident 
 of  language  known  as  Elephantiasis  j4./'a6!(m,  Bucne- 
 mia  Tropica,  or  "  Barba>loes  Leg,"  fiom  being  well 
 known  in  that  island.  Tiie  Elephantiasis  Graeconim 
 is  what  now  passes  under  the  name  of  "  leprosy" 
 — the  lepers  e.  g.  of  the  huts  near  the  Zion  gate  of 
 modern  Jerusalem  are  elephantiasiacs.  It  has  been 
 asserted  that  there  are  two  kinds,  one  painfuj,  the 
 other  painless ;  but  as  regards  Syria  and  the  East 
 this  is  contiadicted.  There  the  parts  affected  are 
 quite  benumbed  and  lose  sensation.  It  is  classed  as 
 a  tubercular  disease,  not  conKned  to  the  skin,  but 
 ])ervading  the  tissues  and  destroying  the  bones.  It 
 is  not  confined  to  any  age  or  either  sex.  It  first 
 appeals  in  general,  but  not  always,  about  the  face, 
 as  an  indmated  nodule  (hence  it  is  improperly  called 
 tubercular;,  which  gradually  enlarges,  inflames,  and 
 ulcerates.  If  a  joint  be  attacked,  the  ulceration 
 ■will  go  on  till  its  destruction  is  complete,  the  joints 
 uf  finger,  toe,  &c.,  dropping  off  one  by  one.  If  the 
 face  be  the  chief  seat  of  the  disease,  it  assumes  a 
 leonine  aspect,  loathsome  and  hideous;  the  skin  be- 
 comes thick,  rugose,  and  livid;  the  eyes  are  fierce 
 and  staring,  and  the  hair  generally  ialls  off  from  all 
 tiie  parts  atlected.  When  the  throat  is  attacked 
 tiie  voice  shares  the  afi'ection,  and  sinks  to  a  hoarse, 
 husky  whisper.  These  two  symptoms  are  emin- 
 ently characteristic.  It  is  hereditary,  and  may  be 
 inoculated,  but  does  not  propagate  itself  by  the 
 closest  contact.  This  favours  the  correspondence 
 of  this  disease  with  one  of  those  evil  diseases  of 
 Egvpt,  possibly  its  "  botch,"  threatened  Dent, 
 xxviii.  27,  35.  This  "  botch,"  however,  seems 
 more  ]>robably  to  mean  the  foul  ulcer  mentioned 
 by  Aretaeus.  It  has  been  asserted  that  this,  which 
 is  jjeihaps  the  most  dreadful  disease  of  the  East,  was 
 Job's  malady.  Oiigen  mentions,  that  one  of  the 
 Greek  versions  gives  if  as  the  afiliction  which  befel 
 him.  Wunderbar  supposes  it  to  have  been  the 
 Tyrian  leprosy,  resting  chiefly  on  tlie  itching  implied, 
 as  he  supposes,  by  Job  ii.  7,  8.  Schmidt  thinks 
 the  "sore  boil"  may  indicate  some  graver  disease, 
 or  concurrence  of  diseases.  But  there  is  no  need  to 
 go  beyond  the  statement  of  Scripture.  The  disease 
 of  king  Antiochus  (2  Mace.  ix.  5-10,  &c.)  is  that 
 of  a  boil  breeding  worms.  Theie  is  some  doubt 
 whether  this  disease  be  not  allied  to  phthiriasis,  in 
 which  lice  ai-e  bred,  and  cause  idcers.  In  Deut. 
 xxviii.  65,  it  is  possible  that  a  palpitation  of  the 
 heart  is  intended  to  be  spoken  of  (comp.  Gen.  xlv. 
 26).  In  Maik  xi.  17  (compare  Luke  ix.  38)  we  have 
 an  apparent  cjise  of  epilepsy.  Besides  the  common 
 injui ies  of  wounding,  bruising,  stiiking  out  the  eye, 
 tooth,  &c.,  we  have  in  Ex.  xxi.  22,  the  case  of  mis- 
 carriage produced  by  a  blow,  push,  &c.,  <lamaging 
 the  fetus.  The  plague  of  "  boils  and  blains "  is 
 not  said  to  have  been  fatal  to  man,  as  the  murrain 
 pieceduig  was  to  cattle;  this  alone  would  seem  to 
 contradict  the  notion  of  Shajiter,  that  the  disoider 
 in  question  was  smallpox.  Tlie  expiession  of  Ex. 
 ix.  10,  a  "boil"  flourishing,  or  ebullient  with 
 blains,  may  perhaps  be  a  disease  analogous  to 
 phlegmonous  eiysipelas,  or  even  common  erysipelas. 
 The  "  withered  hand  "  of  Jeroboam  (1  K.  xiii.  4-6), 
 and  of  the  man,  Matt.  xii.  10-13  (comp.  Luke  vi. 
 10,,  is  such  an  effect  as  is  known  to  follow  from 
 the  obliteration  of  the  main  artery  of  any  member, 
 or  from  paralysis  of  the  principal  nerve,  either 
 through  disease  or  through  injury.  The  case  of 
 the  widow's  son  restored  by  Elisha  (2  K.  iv.  19), 
 was  probably  one  of  sunstroke.     The  di.->case  of  Asa 
 
 MEDICINE 
 
 >37 
 
 "in  his  feet"  which  attacked  him  in  his  old  age 
 (1  K.  XV.  23;  2  Chr.  xvi.  12;  and  became  exceeding 
 great,  may  have  been  either  oedema,  swelling,  or 
 podagra,  gout.  In  1  Mace.  vi.  8,  occurs  a  mention 
 of  "  sickness  of  grief;"  in  Ecclus.  xxxvii.  30,  of 
 sickness  caused  by  excess,  which  require  only  a 
 passing  n-.ention.  The  disease  of  Nebuchadnezzar 
 has  been  viewed  by  Jahn  as  a  mental  and  purely 
 subjective  malady.  It  is  not  easy  to  see  how  this 
 satisfies  the  plain  emphatic  statement  of  Dan.  iv. 
 33,  which  seems  to  include,  it  is  true,  mental  de- 
 rangement, but  to  assert  a  degiaded  bodily  state  to 
 some  extent,  and  a  corresponding  change  of  habits. 
 We  may  legard  it  as  Mead,  following  Burton's 
 Anatomy  of  Melancholy,  does,  as  a  species  of  the 
 melancholy  known  as  Lycanthropia.  Persons  so 
 affected  wander  like  wolves  in  sepulchres  by  night, 
 and  imitate  the  howling  of  a  wolf  or  a  dog.  Here 
 should  be  noticed  the  mental  malady  of  Saul.  His 
 melancholy  seems  to  have  had  its  origin  in  his  sin. 
 Jlusic,  which  soothed  him  for  a  while,  has  entered 
 largely  into  the  milder  modern  treatment  of  lunacy. 
 The  palsy  meets  us  in  the  N,  T.  only,  and  in  fea- 
 tures too  familiar  to  need  special  remark.  Gan- 
 grene, or  mortification  in  its  vaiious  forms,  is  a 
 totally  different  disorder  from  the  "  canker  "  of  the 
 A.  V.  in  2  Tim.  ii.  17.  Both  gangrene  and  cancer 
 were  common  in  all  the  countries  familiar  to  the 
 Sciiptural  writers,  and  neither  diflers  from  the 
 modern  disease  of  the  same  name.  In  Is.  xxvi. 
 18  ;  Ps.  vii.  14,  there  seems  an  allusion  to  false 
 conception.  Poison,  as  a  means  of  destroying  life, 
 hardly  occurs  in  the  Bible,  save  as  applied  to  arrows 
 (Job  vi.  4).  In  the  annals  of  the  Herods  poisons 
 occur  as  the  resource  of  stealthy  murder.  The 
 bite  or  sting  of  venomous  beasts  can  hardly  be 
 treated  as  a  disease ;  but  in  connexion  with  the 
 "fiery  (i.  e.  venomous)  serj^ents"  of  Num.  xxi.  6, 
 and  the  deliverance  from  death  of  those  bitten,  it 
 deserves  a  notice.  The  brazen  figure  was  symbolical 
 only.  It  was  customary  to  consecrate  the  image 
 of  the  affliction,  either  in  its  cause  or  in  its  effect, 
 as  in  the  golden  emerods,  golden  mice,  of  1  Sam. 
 vi.  4,  8,  and  in  the  ex-votos  common  in  Egypt  even 
 before  the  exodus;  and  these  may  be  compared  with 
 this  setting  up  of  the  bi-azen  serpent.  The  scorpion 
 and  centipede  are  natives  of  the  Levant  (Rev.  ix.  5, 
 10),  and,  with  a  large  variety  of  serpents,  swaim 
 there.  To  these,  according  to  Lichtenstein,  should 
 be  added  a  venomous  solpuga,  or  large  sjiider, 
 similar  to  the  Calabrian  Tarantula.  The  disease  of 
 old  age  has  acquired  a  place  in  Biblical  nosology 
 chiefly  owing  to  the  elegant  allegory  into  which 
 "  The  Preacher "  throws  the  successive  tokens  of 
 the  ravage  of  time  on  man  (Eccl.  xii.).  The  course 
 of  decline  is  marked  in  metaphor  by  the  darkening 
 of  the  great  lights  of  nature,  and  the  ensuing  peiiod 
 of  life  is  compared  to  the  broken  weather  of  the 
 wet  season,  setting  in  when  summer  is  gone,  when 
 after  every  shower  fresh  clouds  are  in  the  sky,  as 
 contrasted  with  the  showers  of  other  seasons,  which 
 pass  aw.'.y  into  clearness.  The  "  keepers  of  the 
 house"  are  perhaps  the  ribs  which  support  the 
 fiame,  or  the  arms  and  shoulders  which  enwiap  and 
 protect  it.  The  "strong  men"  ai'e  its  supporteis, 
 the  lower  limbs  "  bowing  themselves "  under  the 
 weight  they  once  so  lightly  bore.  The  "  grinding  " 
 hardly  needs  to  be  explained  of  the  teeth  now  be- 
 come "few."  The  "lookers  from  the  windows ' 
 are  the  pupils  of  the  eyes,  now  "darkened."  The 
 "doors  shut"  represent  the  dulness  of  those  other 
 
53S 
 
 MEDICINE 
 
 tenses  which  are  the  portals  of  kuowletlge.  The 
 "  lising  up  at  the  voice  of  a  bird"  portrays  the 
 light,  soon-fleeting,  easily-broken  slumber  of  the 
 aged  man ;  or  possibly,  and  moie  literally,  actual 
 waking  in  the  early  mornint^,  when  first  the  cock 
 crows,  may  be  intended.  The  "  daughters  of  music 
 brought  low,"  suggest  the 
 
 "  big  manly  voice 
 
 Now  tum'd  again  to  childish  treble;" 
 and  also,  as  illustrated  by  Barzillai,  the  failure 
 in  the  discernment  and  the  utterance  of  musical 
 notes.  The  teal's  of  old  age  are  ne.\t  noticed ; 
 "  They  shall  be  afraid  of  that  which  is  high  ;"  an 
 obscure  expression,  perhaps,  tor  what  are  popularly 
 called  "  nervous"  tejiors,  exaggerating  and  magnify- 
 ing every  oliject  of  alarm.  "  Fear  in  the  way  "  is 
 at  Hrst  loss  obvious;  but  we  observe  that  nothing 
 unnerves  and  agitates  an  old  person  more  than  the 
 prospect  of  a  long  journey.  Thus  regarded,  it  be- 
 comes a  line  and  subtile  touch  in  the  description  of 
 decrepitude.  All  readiness  to  haste  is  arrested  and 
 a  numb  desponiiency  succeeds.  The  "flourishing" 
 of  "  the  almond-tree  "  is  still  more  obscure  ;  but  we 
 observe  tiiis  tree  in  Palestine  blossoming  when  others 
 sliow  no  sign  of  vegetation,  and  when  it  is  dead 
 winter  all  around — no  ill  tyjie,  pel  haps,  of  the  old 
 man  who  has  survived  his  own  contem|X)raries  and 
 many  of  his  juniors.  Youthful  lusts  die  out,  and 
 their  organs,  of  which  "  the  grasshopper  "  is  per- 
 liajjs  a  figure,  are  relaxed.  The  "  silver  cord  "  may 
 be  that  of  nervous  sensation,  or  motion,  or  even  the 
 spinal  marrow  itself.  Perhaps  some  incapacity  of 
 retention  may  be  signified  by  the  "golden  bowl 
 broken  ;"  the  "  pitcher  broken  at  the  well  "  suggests 
 some  vital  supply  stopping  at  the  usual  source — 
 derangement  perhaps  of  the  digestion  or  of  the 
 respiration ;  the  "  wheel  shivered  at  the  cistern," 
 conveys,  thiongh  the  image  of  the  watei-lifting 
 process  familiar  in  irrigation,  the  notion  of  the 
 blood,  pumped  as  it  were,  through  the  vessels,  and 
 fertilising  the  whole  system ;  for  "  the  blood  is  the 
 life."  This  careful  register  of  the  tokens  of  decline 
 might  lead  us  to  expect  great  care  for  the  preserva- 
 tion of  health  and  strength  ;  and  this  indeed  is  found 
 to  mark  the  Mosaic  system,  in  the  regulations  con- 
 cerning diet,  the  "divers  Wirshings,*'  and  the  pollu- 
 tion imputed  to  a  corpse — nay,  even  in  circumcision 
 itself.  These  served  not  only  the  ceremonial  pur- 
 pose of  imparting  self-consciousness  to  the  Hebrew, 
 and  keeping  him  distinct  from  alien  adnaixture,  but 
 had  a  sanitary  aspect  of  rare  wisdom,  when  we 
 regard  the  country,  the  climate,  and  the  age.  The 
 rile  of  circum<;ision,  besides  its  special  surgical  opera- 
 tion, deserves  some  notice  in  connexion  with  the 
 geneml  question  of  the  health,  longevity,  and  fecund- 
 ity of  the  race  with  whose  history  it  is  identiried. 
 Besides  being  a  mark  of  the  covenant  and  a  symbol 
 of  purity,  it  was  |K'rhaps  also  a  protest  against  the 
 phallus-worship,  which  has  a  remote  antiquity  in 
 the  corruption  of  mankind,  and  of  which  we  have 
 some  trace  in  the  Egyptian  myth  of  Osiris.  Its 
 beneficial  ell'ects  in  such  a  climate  as  that  of  Kgypt 
 and  Syria  have  been  the  subject  of  comment  to 
 various  writers  on  hygiene.  The  ojieration  itself 
 consisted  originally  of  a  mere  incision  ;  to  which  a 
 further  8fri]iping  oil'  the  skin  from  the  pait,  and  a 
 custom  of  sucking  the  blood  from  the  wound  was 
 in  a  later  ]ieriod  added,  owing  to  the  attempts  of 
 Jews  of  the  Maccabcan  |)erioil,  ami  later  ( 1  Mace. 
 i.  15;  comp.  1  Cor.  vii.  8)  to  cultivate  heathen 
 |»actiiTS.      No  surgic.d  operation  Ijcyoiiil  this  finds 
 
 MEGIDDO 
 
 a  place  in  Holy  Scripture,  unless  indeed  that  ad- 
 verted to  under  the  article  Eunuch.  The  Talmudist' 
 speak  of  two  operations  to  assist  birth.  Wunderbar 
 enumerates  from  the  Mishna  and  Talmud  fifty-six 
 surgical  instruments  or  pieces  of  apparatus ;  of  tliese, 
 however,  the  following  only  are  at  all  alluded  to 
 in  Scripture.  A  cutting  instrument,  supposed  a 
 "  sharp-stone"  (Ex.  iv.  25).  The  "  knife"  of  Josh. 
 V.  2  was  probably  a  more  refined  instrument  for 
 the  same  purpose.  An  "  awl "  is  mentioned  (Ex. 
 xxi.  (3)  as  used  to  bore  through  the  ear  of  the  bond- 
 man who  refused  release,  and  is  supposed  to  have 
 been  a  surgical  instrument.  A  seat  of  delivery 
 called  in  Scripture  obnaijim,  Fix.  i.  16,  "  the 
 stools."  The  "  roller  to  bind  "  of  Ez.  x.\x.  21  was  for 
 a  broken  limb,  as  still  used.  A  scraper,  for  which 
 the  "  potsherd  "  of  Job  was  a  substitute  (Job 
 ii.  8).  Ex.  XXX.  23-2.5  is  a  prescription  in  form.  An 
 occasional  trace  occurs  of  some  chemical  knowledge, 
 e.  g.  the  calcination  of  the  gold  by  Moses  ;  the  oliiect 
 of  "  vinegar  upon  natrum  "  (Ex.  xxxii.  20  ;  Prov. 
 XXV.  20  ;  comp.  Jer.  ii.  22) ;  the  mention  of  "  the 
 apothecary"  (Ex.  xxx.  35  ;  Eccl.  x.  1),  and  of  the 
 merchant  in  "  ])owders  "  (Cant.  iii.  C), shows  fliata 
 distinct  and  imporfcmt  branch  of  trade  was  set  up  in 
 these  wares,  in  which,  as  at  a  modern  druggist's,  arti- 
 cles of  luxury,  &c.,  are  combined  with  the  remedies 
 of  sickness.  Among  the  most  favourite  of  external 
 remedies  has  always  been  the  bath.  Besides  the 
 significance  of  moral  purity  which  it  carried,  the 
 use  of  the  bath  checked  the  ten<lency  to  become 
 unclean  by  violent  perspirations  from  within  and 
 efiluvia  from  without ;  it  kept  the  jwrous  system 
 in  play,  and  stopped  the  outset  of  much  disea.se.  In 
 order  to  make  the  sanction  of  health  more  solemn, 
 most  oriental  nations  have  enforced  purificatory  rites 
 by  religious  mandates — and  so  the  Jews.  There 
 were  special  occasions  on  which  the  bath  w;is  ceremon- 
 ially enjoined.  The  Pharisees  and  Esseiies  aimed 
 at  scrupulous  strictness  of  all  such  rules  (Matt. 
 XV.  2;  Maik  vii.  5  ;  Luke  xi.  38).  Hiver-hathing 
 was  common,  but  houses  soon  began  to  include  a 
 bath-room  'Lev.  xv.  13;  2  K.  v.  10  ;  2  Sam.  xi.  2  ; 
 Susanna  15).  Vapour-baths,  as  among  the  Ro- 
 mans, were  latterly  included  in  tliese,  as  well  as 
 hot  and  cold-bath  apparatus,  and  the  use  of  per- 
 fumes and  oils  after  quitting  it  was  everywhere 
 diffused. 
 
 Me'eda  =  Mehida  (1  Esdr.  v.  32). 
 
 Megid'do  was  in  a  very  marked  position  on  the 
 southern  rim  of  the  plain  of  EsDiiAiCLO.v,  on  the 
 frontier-line,  speaking  generally,  of  the  territories  of 
 the  tribes  of  IssAciiAR  and  Manasskii,  and  com- 
 manding one  of  those  passes  from  the  north  into 
 the  hill-country  which  were  of  such  critical  import- 
 ance on  various  occasions  in  the  history  of  Judaea 
 (Judith  iv.  7).  The  first  mention  occurs  in  Josh, 
 xii.  21,  where  Megiddo  a|)peais  as  the  city  of  one 
 of  the  "  thirty  and  one  kings,"  or  petty  cliieltains, 
 whom  Joshua  defeated  on  the  west  of  the  Jordan. 
 The  song  of  Deborah  brings  the  place  vividly  before 
 us,  a-s  the  scene  of  the  great  conflict  between  Siseia 
 and  Barak.  The  chariots  of  Sisera  were  gathered 
 "  unto  the  rivorof  Kisiion"  (Judg.  iv.  13);  Barak 
 went  down  with  his  men  "  from  Mount  Tahou" 
 into  the  jilain  (iv.  14)  ;  "  then  fought  the  kings  o( 
 Canaan  in  Taaimch  by  the  waters  of  Megiddo " 
 (v.  19).  Still  we  do  not  read  of  Megi.ldo  l)eiiig 
 firmly  in  the  oct'U]iati(iii  ol'  the  Israelites,  and  per 
 haps  it  was  not  leally  so  till  the  time  of  Solomon. 
 But  the  chirf  hi>toric.d  interest  of  Megiddo  is  cou- 
 
MEGIDDON,  THE  VALLEY  OF 
 
 centrated  in  Josiah's  death.  When  Pharaoh-Necho 
 came  from  Egypt  against  the  king  of  Assyria,  Josiah 
 joined  the  hitter,  and  was  slain  at  Megiddo  (2  K. 
 xxiii.  29),  and  his  body  was  carried  from  thence  to 
 Jerusalem  (ib.  30).  The  story  is  told  in  the  Chio- 
 nicles  in  more  detail  (2  Chr.  xx.w.  22-24).  There 
 the  fatal  action  is  said  to  have  taken  place  "  in  the 
 valley  of  Megiddo."  This  calamity  made  a  deep  and 
 peimanent  impression  on  the  Jews.  Thus,  in  the 
 language  of  the  prophets  (Zech.  xii.  11),  "the 
 mourning  of  Hadadrimmon  in  the  valley  of  Megid- 
 don  "  becomes  a  poetical  expression  for  the  deepest 
 and  most  despairing  grief;  as  in  the  Apocalypse 
 'Kev.  xvi.  16)  Armageddon,  in  continuance  of 
 ihe  same  imagery,  is  piesented  as  the  scene  of  terrible 
 and  final  conflict.  The  site  thus  associated  with 
 critical  passages  of  Jewish  history  from  Joshua  to 
 Josiah  has  been  identified  beyond  any  reasonable 
 doubt.  Kobinson  did  not  visit  this  corner  of  the 
 plain  on  his  first  journey,  but  he  was  brought  con- 
 fidently to  the  conclusion  that  Megiddo  was  the 
 modern  el-Lejjun,  which  is  inidoubtedly  the  Legio 
 of  Eu>ebius  and  Jerome.  There  can  be  no  doubt 
 that  the  identification  is  substantially  correct.  El- 
 Lejjun  is  on  the  caravan-route  from  Egypt  to  Da- 
 mascus, and  traces  of  a  lioman  road  are  found  near 
 the  village.  Van  de  Velde  describes  the  view  of 
 the  plain  as  seen  from  the  highest  point  between  it 
 and  the  sea,  and  the  huge  tells  which  mark  the 
 positions  of  the  "key-fortresses"  of  the  hills  and 
 the  plain,  Tdanuk  and  cl-Lejjiin,  the  latter  being 
 the  most  considerable,  and  having  another  called 
 Tell-Metzellim,  half  an  nour  lo  the  N.W.  About 
 a  month  later  in  the  same  year  Dr.  Kobinson  was 
 there.  Both  writers  mention  a  copious  stream 
 flowing  down  this  gorge  (March  and  April)  and 
 turning  some  mills  before  joining  the  Kishon.  Here 
 are  probably  the  "  waters  of  Megiddo  "  of  Judg. 
 V.  19,  tliough  it  should  be  added  that  by  Dr. 
 Stanley  tliey  are  supposed  rather  to  be  "  the  pools 
 in  the  bed  of  the  Kishon"  itself.  The  same  author 
 regards  the  "  plain  for  valley)  of  Megddo  "  as  de- 
 noting not  the  whole  of  the  Esdiaelon  level,  but 
 that  broadest  pait  of  it  which  is  immediately  oppo- 
 site the  place  we  are  describing. 
 
 Megid'don,  The  Valley  of.  The  extended  form 
 of  the  preceding  name.  It  occurs  only  in  Zech. 
 xii.  n. 
 
 Mehe'taheel.  Another  and  less  correct  form  of 
 MicfiETABEL.  The  ancestor  of  .'^hemaiah  the  pro- 
 phet who  was  hired  against  Nehemiah  by  Tobiah 
 and  Sanballat  ^Neh.  vi.  10). 
 
 Mehe'tabel,  the  daughter  of  Hatred,  and  wife  of 
 Hadad,  or  Hadar,  the  eighth  and  last-mentioned  king 
 of  Edom  (Gen.  xxxvi.  39). 
 
 Me'hida,  a  family  of  Nethinim,  the  descendants 
 of  JMehida,  returned  t'lom  Babylon  with  Zerubbabel 
 (Ezr.  ii.  .52;  Neh.  vii.  54). 
 
 MeM'r,  the  son  of  Chelub,  the  brother  of  Shuah 
 (1  Chr.  iv."ll). 
 
 Mehol'atliite,  The,  a  word  occurring  once  only 
 (1  Sam.  xviii.  19).  It  no  doubt  denotes  that  Adi-iel 
 belonged  lO  a  place  called  Meholah,  but  whether 
 that  was  Abel-jNIeholah  afterwards  the  native  place 
 of  Elisha,  or  another,  is  uncotain. 
 
 Mehu'jael,  the  son  of  Irad,  and  fourth  in  de- 
 scent fiom  Cain  (Gen.  iv.  18). 
 
 MeTmman,  one  of  the  seven  emnichs  (A.V. 
 "chamberlains")  of  Ahasuerus  (Esth.i.  10). 
 
 Me'hunim,  P>.r.  ii.  fiO.  Elsewhcic  called  Me- 
 M  UNI  lis  and  Mel'nim. 
 
 MELCHIZEDEK 
 
 53i) 
 
 Melnmims,  The,  a  people  against  whom  king 
 Uzziah  waged  a  successful  war  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  7). 
 Although  so  different  in  its  English  dress,  yet  the 
 name  is  in  the  original  merely  the  plural  of  Maon. 
 Maon,  or  the  Maonites,  probably  inhabited  the 
 country  at  the  back  of  the  great  range  of  Seir, 
 the  modern  esh-Shcrah,  which  forms  the  eastern 
 side  of  the  Wady  el-Arabah,  where  at  the  present 
 day  there  is  still  a  town  of  the  same  name.  An- 
 other notice  of  the  Mehunims  in  the  reign  of  Heze- 
 kiah  (cir.  B.C.  726-697)  is  found  in  1  Chr.  iv.  41. 
 Here  they  are  spoken  of  as  a  pastoral  people,  either 
 themselves  Hamites,  or  in  alliance  with  Hamites, 
 quiet  and  peaceable,  dwelling  in  tents.  Here,  how- 
 ever, the  A.  V.  treats  the  word  as  an  ordinary  noun, 
 and  lenders  it  "  habitations."  A  third  notice  of 
 the  Mehunim,  corroborative  of  those  already  men- 
 tioned, is  found  in  the  narrative  of  2  Chr.  xx. 
 There  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  in  ver.  1  "  the 
 Ammonites"  .should  be  read  as  "the  Maonites," 
 who  in  that  case  are  the  "  men  of  Mount  Seir  " 
 mentioned  later  in  the  narrative  (ver.  10,  22). 
 In  all  these  passages,  including  the  last,  the  LXX. 
 render  the  name  by  oi  yieivaloi — the  Minaeans — 
 a  nation  of  Arabia  renowned  for  their  tialfic  in 
 spices,  who  are  named  by  Strabo,  Ptolemy,  and 
 other  ancient  geographers,  and  whose  seat  is  now 
 ascertained  to  have  been  the  S.W.  portion  of  tlie 
 great  Arabian  peninsula,  the  western  half  of  the  mo- 
 dern Hadramaut.  The  latest  appearance  of  the 
 name  Mehunims  in  the  Bible  is  in  the  lists  of  those 
 who  returned  from  the  Captivity  with  Zerubbabel 
 (Ezr.  ii.  50,  A.  V.  "  Mehunim ;"  Neh.  vii.  52, 
 A.  V.  "  Meunim  "). 
 
 Me-Jar'kon,  a  town  in  the  territory  of  Dan 
 (Josh.  xix.  46  only)  ;  named  next  in  order  to  Gath- 
 liinmon,  and  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Joppa  or 
 Japlio. 
 
 Me'konah,  one  of  the  towns  which  were  re-inha- 
 bited after  the  captivity  by  the  men  of  Judah  (Neh. 
 xi.  28).  It  is  not  mentioned  elsewheie,  and  it 
 does  not  appear  that  any  name  corresponding  with 
 it  has  yet  been  discovered. 
 
 Melati'ah,  a  Gibeonite,  who  assisted  in  rebuild- 
 ing the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (Neh.  iii.  7), 
 
 Mel'chi,  1.  The  son  of  Janna,  and  ancestor  of 
 Joseph  in  the  genealogy  of  Jesus  Christ  (Luke  iii. 
 24).— 2.  The  sou  of  Addi  in  the  same  genealogy 
 (Luke  iii.  21). 
 
 Melchi'ah,  a  priest,  the  father  of  Pashur  (Jer. 
 xxi.  1 ). 
 
 Melchi'as.  1.  The  same  as  Malchiaii  2  (I 
 Esdr.  ix.  26). — 2.  =  Malciiiah  3  andMALCHUAH 
 4  (1  Esdr.  ix.  32).^— 3.  The  same  as  Malchiah  6 
 (1  Esdr.  ix.  44). 
 
 Merchiel.  Charmis,  the  son  of  Mekhiel,  was 
 one  of  the  three  governors  of  Bethulia  (Jud.  vi. 
 15). 
 
 Melchis'edec,  the  form  of  the  name  Melchi- 
 zedek  adopted  in  the  A.  V.  of  the  Ntw  Testament 
 (Heb.  V.  vi.  vii.). 
 
 Mel'chi-Shti'a,  a  son  of  Saul  (1  Sam.  xiv.  49, 
 xxxi.  2).     Elsfwhere  correctly  given  Malchisiiija. 
 
 Meichiz'edek,  king  of  Salem  and  priest  of  the 
 Most  High  God,  who  met  Abram  in  the  valley  oi 
 Shaveh,  which  is  the  king's  valley,  brought  out 
 bread  and  wine,  blessed  Abram,  and  received  tithes 
 from  him  (Gen.  xiv.  18-20).  The  other  places  in 
 which  Jlelchizedek  is  mentioned  are  Ps.  ex.  4, 
 where  Messiah  is  described  as  a  priest  for  ever, 
 "  after  the  order  of  Meluhizedek,"  and  Heb.  v.,  vi„ 
 
640 
 
 MEIiCHIZEDEK 
 
 vii.,  where  tlu'se  two  passiges  of  the  0.  T.  are 
 quoted,  and  tlie  typiail  relation  of  Melchizekek  to 
 our  Lord  is  stated  at  great  length.  Tliero  is  some- 
 thing surpri>ing  and  mysterious  iu  the  first  a])pi-ai- 
 ance  of  MelchizeJcij,  and  in  the  subsequent  relerente 
 to  him.  Bearing  a  title  wiiich  Jews  ni  after  ages 
 would  recognize  as  designating  their  own  sovereign, 
 bearing  gifts  which  reiall  to  Chiistians  the  Lord's 
 Supper,  this  Canaanite  crosses  for  a  moment  tlie 
 path  of  Abram,  and  is  unhesitatingly  recognized  as 
 a  j>ei-son  of  iiiglior  spiritual  rani;  tiian  the  friend  of 
 God.  Disajipearing  as  suddenly  as  he  came  in,  he 
 is  lost  to  the  sacred  writings  for  a  tliousaud  years. 
 'J'iie  tliith  of  early  ages  ventuied  to  invest  his  jiersou 
 with  supt?r>titious  awe.  Jewish  tradition  pro- 
 nounces Jleicliizedelc  to  be  a  survivor  of  the  Deluge, 
 tiie  patriarcii  bliem.  It  should  be  noted  that  this 
 supposition  does  not  appear  in  the  Targum  of 
 Onkelos, — a  jiresumption  tliat  it  was  not  received 
 bv  the  Jews  till  after  the  Christian  era — nor  has 
 it  found  t'avour  with  the  Fathers.  Equally  old, 
 perhaps,  but  less  widely  dillused,  is  the  supposition 
 not  unknown  to  Augustine,  and  iiscribed  by  Jerome 
 (/.  c.)  to  Oiigen  and  Didymus,  that  Melchizedek 
 was  an  angel.  The  Fathei-s  of  the  fourth  and  fifth 
 centuries  record  with  reprobation  the  tenet  of  the 
 Melchizedekians  that  he  was  a  Power,  Virtue,  or 
 Inriuence  of  God,  and  the  not  less  daring  conjecture 
 of  Hieiauis  and  his  followers  that  Jlelciiizedek  was 
 the  Holy  Ghost.  Epiphauius  mentions  some  meni- 
 bcis  of  the  church  as  holding  the  erioneous  opinion 
 that  Melchizedek  was  the  Son  of  God  ai)pearing  in 
 iumian  form.  Similar  to  this  was  a  Jewish  opinion 
 tiiat  he  Wiis  the  Messiah.  The  way  in  whicli  he  is 
 mentioned  in  Genesis  would  rather  lead  to  the  im- 
 mediate inference  that  Melchizedek  was  of  one  blood 
 with  the  childien  of  Ham,  among  whom  he  lived, 
 chief  (like  the  King  of  Sodom)  of  a  settled  Canaan- 
 it  isli  tribe.  And  as  Balaam  was  a  prophet,  so 
 Melchizedek  was  a  priest  among  the  corrupted 
 heathen,  not  self-appointed,  but  constituted  by  a 
 s])ecial  gilt  from  God,  and  recognised  as  such  by 
 Him.  The  "order  of  Melchizedek,"  in  I's.  ex.  4, 
 is  explained  by  Gesenius  and  Roseumiiller  to  mean 
 "  manner  "=  likeness  in  otHcial  dignity  =  a  king 
 and  priest.  The  lelation  between  ^Melchizedek  and 
 Christ  as  type  and  antityjH!  is  made  in  the  Ep. 
 to  the  Hebrews  to  consist  in  the  following  parti- 
 culars. Each  was  a  priest,  (I)  not  of  tlie  I,e\itical 
 tribe;  {2;  superior  to  Abraham  ;  (3)  whose  begin- 
 ning and  end  are  unknown  ;  (4)  who  is  not  only  a 
 priest,  but  also  a  king  of  lighteousness  and  peace. 
 Another  fruitful  source  of  discussion  has  been  found 
 in  the  site  of  Salem  and  Shaveh,  which  certainly 
 lay  in  Abram's  road  from  Hobah  to  the  plain  of 
 Mamie,  and  which  are  assumed  to  be  near  to  each 
 other.  The  various  theorifS  may  be  briefly  enumer- 
 ated as  follows: — (1)  Salem  is  sujiposed  to  have 
 occupied  in  Abraham's  time  the  ground  on  which 
 atfcrwards  Jehus  and  then  Jerusalem  stood;  and 
 Shaveh  to  l)e  the  valley  east  of  Jerusalem  through 
 wiiich  th«l\'idion  flows.  (2)  Jerome  denies  that 
 Sal'-m  is  Jerusalem,  and  asserts  that  it  is  identic-il 
 with  a  town  near  Scythopolis  or  Bethshaii.  (3) 
 I'rol'e.^sor  Staiilev  is  ol'  opinion  that  there  Is  every 
 jHobability  that  Mount  Gerizim  is  tiie  |ilnce  where 
 Melchizedek,  the  priest  of  the  Most  Higii,  met 
 Abiarn.  (4i  Kwald  deiiie-s  positively  that  it  is 
 Joriisilein,  and  savs  that  it  must  be  north  of  .leru- 
 sileni  on  the  other  sicje  of  Jordan  ;  un  opinion 
 wh:  li  libdigcr  condemns. 
 
 MELITA 
 
 Mel'ea.  The  son  of  Menan,  an.l  ancestor  of  Jo- 
 sejili  in  the  genealogy  of  Jesus  Christ  ( Luke  iii.  31 ). 
 
 Mel'ecli.  The  second  son  of  Micah,  the  son  of 
 Meiib-baal  or  Mejihibosheth  (1  Chr.  viii.  35,  ix.41). 
 
 Mel'icu.  The  same  as  Mallcch  6  (Neh.  xi\. 
 14  :   coinp.  ver.  2). 
 
 Mel'ita,  the  modern  Malta.  This  island  haa 
 an  illustrious  place  in  Scripture,  as  the  scene  of 
 that  siiipwreck  of  St.  I'aul  which  is  described  in 
 such  minute  detail    in   the  Acts  of  the  Ajwstles. 
 
 (1.)  We  take  St.  Paul's  sliip  m  the  condition  in 
 which  we  find  her  about  a  day  alter  leaving  Faiu 
 Havkns,  I.  e.  when  she  was  under  the  lee  of 
 Clauda  (Acts  xxvii,  16),  laid-to  Oil  the  starboard 
 tack,  and  strengthened  witii  "  undcrgiidci-s."  tiie 
 boat  being  just  Uiken  on  board,  and  the  gale  blow- 
 ing hard  from  the  E.N.E.  (2.)  Assuming  (what 
 every  practised  sjiilor  would  allow)  that  the  ships 
 direction  of  diit'f  wmihl  be  aUnit  \V.  by  N.,  iind 
 iier  rate  of  drill  aijout  a  mile  and  a  half  an  hour, 
 we  come  at   once  to  the  conclusion,  by  mcnsui'ing 
 
MELONS 
 
 the  distance  on  the  chart,  that  she  would  be  broaglit 
 to  the  coast  of  Malta  on  the  thiiteenth.  day  (.-ee 
 ver.  27).  (3.)  A  ship  diitting  in  this  direction  to 
 the  place  traditionally  known  as  St.  Paul's  Bay 
 would  come  to  that  spot  on  the  const  without 
 touching  any  other-  part  of  the  island  previously. 
 Tlie  coa^t,  in  fact,  trend:!  fiom  this  bay  to  the  S.E. 
 Tills  may  be  seen  on  consulting  any  map  or  chart 
 of  Malta.  (4.)  On  Koara  Point,  which  is  the 
 south-easterly  extermity  of  the  bay,  there  must  in- 
 fallibly have  been  breakers,  with  the  wini.1  blowing 
 from  the  N.E.  isovf  the  alarm  was  certainly 
 caused  by  breakers,  for  it  took  place  in  the  night 
 (ver.  27 ),  and  it  does  not  appear  that  the  passengers 
 were  at  tirst  aware  of  the  danger  which  became 
 sensible  to  the  quick  ear  of  the  "sailors."  (5.) 
 Yet  the  vessel  did  not  strike:  and  this  corresponds 
 with  the  position  of  the  point,  which  would  be 
 some  little  distance  on  the  port  side,  or  to  the  left, 
 of  the  vessel.  (6.)  Ofi' this  point  of  the  coast  the 
 soundings  are  20  fathoms  (ver.  28),  and  a  little 
 further,  in  the  direction  of  the  supposed  drift,  they 
 are  15  fathoms  Mb.).  (7.)  Though  the  danger  was 
 imminent,  we  shall  fiuil  from  examining  the  chart 
 that  there  would  still  be  time  to  anchor  (ver.  29) 
 before  striking  on  the  rocks  ahead.  (8.)  With  bad 
 liolding  ground  there  would  have  been  great  risk 
 of  the  ship  dragging  her  anchors.  The  bottom  of 
 St.  Paul's  Bay  is  remarkably  tenacious.  (9.)  The 
 other  geological  ciiaracteristics  of  the  place  are  in 
 harmony  with  the  narrative,  which  describes  the 
 creek  as  having  in  one  place  a  sandy  or  muddy 
 beach  (ver.  39),  and  which  states  that  the  bow  of 
 the  ship  was  held  fast  in  the  shore,  while  the  stern 
 was  exposed  to  the  action  of  the  waves  (ver.  41). 
 (10.)  Another  point  of  local  detail  is  of  considerable 
 interest — viz.  that  as  the  ship  took  the  ground,  the 
 place  was  observed  to  be  SidaKdfftros,  i.  e.  a  con- 
 nexion was  noticed  between  two  apparently  separate 
 pieces  of  water.  We  shall  see,  on  looking  at  the 
 chart,  that  this  would  be  the  case.  (H.)  Malta  is 
 in  the  track  of  ships  between  Alexandria  and  Puteoli : 
 and  this  corresponds  with  the  fact  that  the  "Castor 
 and  Pollux,"  an  Alexandi-ian  vessel  which  ultimately 
 conveyed  St.  Paul  to  Italy,  had  wintered  in  the  island 
 (Acts  xxviii.  11).  (12.)  Finally,  the  course  pursued 
 in  this  conclusion  of  the  voj-nge,  first  to  Syracuse, 
 and  then  to  Rhegiuni,  contributes  a  last  link  to  the 
 chain  of  arguments  by  which  we  prove  that  Melita 
 is  Malta.  The  question  has  been  set  at  rest  for 
 ever  by  Mr.  Smith  of  Jordan  Hill,  in  his  Voyage 
 and  Shipwreck  of  St.  Paul,  the  first  published  work 
 in  which  it  was  thoroughly  investigated  from  a 
 sailor's  point  of  view.  As  regards  the  condition  of 
 the  island  of  Melita,  when  St.  Paul  was  there,  it 
 was  a  dependency  of  the  Roman  province  of  Sicily. 
 Its  chief' officer  (under  the  governor  of  Sicily)  ap- 
 pears from  inscriptions  to  have  had  the  title  of 
 TrpdiTos  MeAiTaicov,  or  Primus  Melitensium,  and 
 this  is  the  verv  phrase  which  St.  Luke  uses  (xxviii. 
 7).  Melita,  from  its  position  in  the  Mediterranean, 
 and  the  excellence  of  its  harbours,  has  always  been 
 importiint  both  in  commerce  and  war.  It  was  a 
 settlement  of  the  Phoenicians  at  an  early  period, 
 and  their  language,  in  a  coiTupted  form,  continued 
 to  be  spoken  there  in  St.  Pauls  day. 
 
 Melons  (Heb.  ahattichim)  are  mentioned  only  in 
 Num.  xi.  5.  By  the  Hebrew  word  we  aie  pro- 
 batily  to  understand  both  the  Melon  {Cucumis  inelo) 
 and  the  water  Melon  (  Cucurbita  citrullus),  for  the 
 Arabic  noun  singular,  hatehh,  which  is  identcal  with 
 
 MEMPHIS 
 
 Ml 
 
 the  Hebiew  word,  is  used  generii:illy.  The  water 
 melon  is  by  some  considered  to  le'indigenous  to 
 India,  from  which  country  it  may  have  been  intro- 
 duced into  Egypt  in  very  early  times.  The  com- 
 mon melon  {C'ncninis  melo)  is  cultivated  in  the 
 same  places  and  I'ipens  at  the  same  time  with  the 
 water-melon ;  but  the  fruit  in  Egypt  is  not  so  de- 
 licious as  in  this  country.  The  water-melon,  which 
 is  now  extensively  cultivated  all  over  India  and  the 
 tropical  parts  of  Africa  and  America,  and  indeed  in 
 hot  coiuitries  generally,  is  a  fruit  not  unlike  the 
 common  melon,  but  the  leaves  are  deeply  lobed  and 
 gashed,  the  ilesh  is  pink  or  white,  and  contains  a 
 large  quantity  of  cold  watery  juice  without  much 
 flavour  ;  the  seeds  are  black. 
 
 Cueurbita  citrulcus. 
 
 Meraar.  The  A.  V.  is  wrong  in  regarding 
 Melzar  as  a  proper  name  ;  it  is  rather  an  official 
 title,  as  is  implied  in  the  addition  of  the  article  in 
 each  case  wheie  the  name  occurs  (Dan.  i.  11,  16); 
 the  marginal  reading,  "the  steward"  is  therefore 
 more  conect. 
 
 Mem'mius,  Quintus  (2  Mace.  xi.  34).  [JIax- 
 Liijs,  T.] 
 
 Mem 'phis,  a  city  of  ancient  Egypt,  situated  on 
 the  western  bank  of  the  Nile,  in  latitude  30°  6'  N. 
 It  is  mentioned  by  Isaiah  (xix.  13),  Jeremiah  (ii. 
 Ifi.  xlvi.  14,  19),  and  Ezekiel  (xxx.  13,  16),  under 
 the  name  of  Noph  ;  and  by  Hosea  (ix.  6)  under  the 
 name  of  Moph  in  Hebrew,  and  Memphis  in  our 
 English  veision.  Though  some  )'egard  Thebes  as 
 the  more  ancient  city,  the  monuments  of  Memphis 
 are  of  higher  antiquity  than  those  of  Thebes.  He- 
 rodotus dates  its  foundation  from  Menes,  the  first 
 really  historical  king  of  Egypt.  The  era  of  Menes 
 is  not  satisfactorily  determined.  But,  mdeterniinate 
 and  conjectural  as  the  earl}'  chronology  of  Egvpt 
 yet  is,  all  agree  that  the  known  history  of  the 
 empire  begins  with  Menes,  who  founded  Memphis. 
 The  city  belongs  to  the  earliest  periods  ofauthentic 
 history.  The  building  of  Memphis  is  associated  by 
 tradition  with  a  stupendous  work  of  art  which  has 
 permanently  changed  the  course  of  the  Nile  and 
 the  face  of  the  Delta.  Before  the  time  of  Menes  the 
 river  emerging  from  the  upper  valley  into  the  neck 
 of  the  Delta,  bent  its  course  westward  toward  the 
 hills  of  the  Libyan  desert,  or  at  least  discharged  s 
 large  portion  of  its  waters  through  ;ui  aim  in  tnat 
 
542 
 
 MSMPHIS 
 
 (liiertion.  Here  the  goneroiis  flood  whose  yeiirlv 
 inundation  gives  life  auJ  fertility  to  I'^gypt,  \v;is 
 largely  absorbed  in  the  sands  of  the  desert,  or  \v;usted 
 in  stagnant  morasses.  It  is  even  conjectured  that 
 up  to  the  time  of  Menes  the  whole  Delta  was  an 
 uninhabitible  marsh.  The  rivers  of  Damascus,  the 
 Barada  and  'Awaj,  now  lose  themselves  in  the  same 
 way  in  the  marshy  lakes  of  the  great  de>ert  plain 
 south-eiist  of  the  city.  Herodotus  int'orms  us,  upon 
 tlie  authority  of  the  Egyptian  priests  of  his  time, 
 that  Menes  "  by  banking  up  the  river  at  the  bend 
 wliich  it  forms  about  a  hundred  furlongs  south  of 
 Memphis,  laid  the  ancient  channel  dry,  while  he 
 dug  a  new  course  for  tlie  stream  halfway  between 
 the  two  lines  of  hills."  Fiom  his  description  it 
 appears  that  Mompliis  was  created  upon  a  marsh 
 iC'-lainied  by  the  dyke  of  Menes  and  drained  by  his 
 artificial  lake.  The  dyke  of  Menes  began  12  miles 
 south  of  Memphis,  and  deflected  the  main  channel 
 of  the  river  about  two  miles  to  the  eastward.  Upon 
 the  rise  of  the  Nile,  a  canal  still  conducted  a  portion 
 of  its  waters  westward  througii  the  old  channel, 
 thus  irrigating  the  plain  beyond  the  city  in  that 
 direction,  while  an  inundation  was  guarded  against 
 on  that  side  by  a  large  artificial  lake  or  jeservoir 
 at  Abousir.  The  skill  in  engineering  which  these 
 works  required,  and  which  their  remains  still 
 indicate,  argues  a  high  degree  of  material  civil- 
 isation, at  least  in  the  mechanic  arts,  in  the 
 earliest  known  period  of  Egyptian  history.  The 
 city  is  said  to  have  had  a  circumference  of  about  1 9 
 miles.  Herodotus  states,  on  the  authority  of  the 
 priests,  that  Menes  "  built  the  temple  of  Hephaestus, 
 which  stands  within  the  city,  a  vast  edifice,  well 
 worthy  of  mention  "  (ii.  99).  The  divinity  whom 
 Herodotus  identifies  with  Hephae.^tus  was  Ftah. 
 "  the  cre<itive  power,  the  maker  of  all  material 
 things."  The  temple  of  Apis  was  one  of  the  most 
 noted  structures  of  Memphis.  It  stood  opposite 
 the  southern  portico  of  the  temple  of  Ptah ;  and 
 rsjinimetichus,  who  built  that  gateway,  also  ere(;ted 
 in  front  of  the  sanctuary  of  Apis  a  magnificent 
 colonnade,  supported  by  colossal  statues  or  Osiride 
 pillars,  such  as  may  still  be  seen  at  the  temple 
 of  Medeenet  Habou  at  Thebes  (Herod,  ii.  163). 
 Through  this  colonnade  the  Apis  was  led  with 
 great  jiomp  upon  state  occiisions.  At  Jlemphis  was 
 the  reputed  burial  place  of  Isis;  it  had  also  a 
 temple  to  that  "  myriad-nameil  "  divinity.  Mem- 
 jihis  had  also  its  Serapeium,  which  probably  stood 
 in  the  western  quarter  of  the  city.  The  sacred 
 cubit,  and  other  symbols  used  in  me;isnring  the  rise 
 of  the  Nile,  were  deposited  in  the  temple  of  Serapis. 
 The  Necropolis,  adjacent  to  Memphis,  was  on  a 
 .scale  of  grandeur  corresponding  with  the  city  itself. 
 Tiie  *'  city  of  the  pyiamids  "  is  a  title  of  Memphis  in 
 the  hieroglyphics  u])on  the  monuments.  The  great 
 field  or  plain  of  the  Pyramids  lies  wholly  upon  the 
 western  bank  of  the  Nile,  and  extends  from  Ahoo- 
 J.'idsh,  a  little  to  the  noith-west  of  Cairo,  to 
 Meijdoom,  about  40  miles  to  the  south,  and  thence 
 in  a  south-westerly  direction  about  25  miles  farther, 
 to  the  pyramids  of  Howara  and  of  Biahinu  in  the 
 Fai/oura.  But  the  principal  seat  of  the  pyiamids, 
 the  iMemphite  Necropolis,  was  in  a  range  of  about 
 15  miles  from  Sakkara  to  Gizeh,  and  in  the  groups 
 licic  remaining  nearly  thirty  are  probably  tombs  of 
 tlie  imperial  .sovereigns  of  Memphis.  Memphis  long 
 held  its  place  as  a  capital ;  and  for  centuries  a 
 M.'inphite  dynasty  ruled  over  all  Egypt.  I.epsius, 
 liunseii,  ;uid  lirugsch,  agree  iu  regarding  the  3rd, 
 
 MENELAUS 
 
 4th,  tV.h.  7th,  and  Stli  .lyna^ties  of  the  Old  Empire 
 ;\s  Memphite,  reaching  through  a  ])eriod  of  about  a 
 thousand  years.  During  a  portion  of  this  peiiod, 
 however,  the  chain  was  broken,  or  there  were  con 
 temporaneous  dynasties  in  other  ])arts  of  Egvpt. 
 The  overthrow  of  Memphis  w;is  distinctly  predicted 
 by  the  Hebrew  prophets  (Is.  xi.v.  13;  Jer.  xlvi. 
 19).  The  latest  of  these  predictions  was  uttered 
 nearly  600  yeai-s  before  Christ,  and  half  a  century 
 before  the  invasion  of  Egypt  by  Cambyses  (cir.  B.C. 
 525).  Herodotus  informs  us  that  Cambyses,  en- 
 raged at  the  ojiposition  he  encountered  at  Memphis, 
 committed  many  outrages  u^>on  the  city.  The  city 
 never  recovered  from  the  blow  inflicted  by  Cam- 
 byses. The  rise  of  Alexandiia  hastened  its  decline. 
 The  Caliph  conquerors  founded  Fostat  (Old  Cairo) 
 upon  the  opposite  bank  of  the  Nile,  a  few  miles 
 north  of  Memphis,  and  biought  materials  from  the 
 old  city  to  build  their  new  c;\)iitil  (a.  D.  638).  At 
 length  so  complete  was  the  luin  of  Memphis,  that 
 for  a  lung  time  its  veiy  site  was  lost.  I'ococke 
 could  find  iro  trace  of  it.  Recent  explorations,  espe- 
 cially those  of  Mftisi's.  Mariette  and  Linant,  have 
 brought  to  light  many  of  its  anticpiities,  which  have 
 been  dispersed  to  the  museums  of  Europe  and 
 America. 
 
 Uem'ucail.  One  of  the  seven  princes  of  Pei'sia 
 in  the  reign  of  Ahasuerus,  who  "  s;iw  the  king's 
 face,"  and  .sat  first  in  the  kingdom  (Esth.  i.  14, 
 16,  21).  They  were  "wise  men  who  knew  the 
 times"  (skilled  in  the  planets,  according  to  Aben 
 Ezia),  and  appear  to  have  formed  a  council  of  state  ; 
 Josephus  says  that  one  of  their  offices  was  that  of 
 interi)reting  the  laws  (Ant.  .ti.  6,  §1). 
 
 Men'ahem,  sou  of  (ladi,  who  slew  the  usurper 
 Shall um  and  seized  the  vacant  throne  of  Israel, 
 15.C.  772.  His  reign,  which  lasted  ten  yeais,  is 
 briefly  lecoided  in  2  K.  xv.  14-22.  It  has  been 
 inferred  from  the  expression  in  verse  14,  "from 
 Tirzah,"  that  Menahem  was  a  general  under Zeclia- 
 riah  stitioned  at  Tirzah,  and  that  he  brought  up 
 his  troops  to  Samaria  and  avenged  the  murder  ot 
 his  master  by  Shallum.  He  maintained  the  call- 
 worship  of  .Jeroboam.  The  contemi>orary  prophets, 
 Hosea  and  Amos,  have  left  a  melancholy  pictme 
 of  the  imgodliness,  demoralisation,  and  feebleness  of 
 Israel.  In  the  brief  history  of  Menahem,  his  fero- 
 cious treatment  of  Tiplisah  occupies  a  conspicuous 
 place.  The  time  of  the  occurrence,  and  the  site  ot 
 the  town  have  been  doubted.  The  act,  whether 
 perpetrated  at  the  beginning  of  Menahem 's  reign 
 or  somewhat  later,  was  doul>tless  intended  to  strike 
 terror  into  the  heaits  of  reluctant  subjects.  But 
 the  most  remarkable  event  in  Menahem's  I'eign  is 
 the  first  appeai'ance  of  a  hostile  tone  of  .■\ssyrian8 
 on  the  north-east  frontier  of  Israel.  King  Pul, 
 however,  withdrew,  having  been  converted  from  an 
 enemy  into  an  ally  by  a  timely  gift  of  1000  tdentji 
 of  silver,  h'awlinson  says  that  in  an  inscri|)tion 
 the  name  of  Menahem  is  given,  prohibly  by  mistake 
 of  the  stonecutter,  as  a  tributaiy  of  Tiglathpilc.ser. 
 
 Men'an.  The  son  of  Mattatha,  one  of  the  an- 
 cestors of  .Joseph  in  tlic  gcneiilogv  of  Jesus  Christ 
 (I.ukeiii.  31). 
 
 Uene'  (lit.  "numbered").  The  firet  woitl  o( 
 the  mysterious  inscription  written  ujKin  the  wall 
 of  Belsh.azzar's  palace,  in  which  Daniel  raid  the  doom 
 of  the  king  and  his  dynasty  (l>an.  v.  25,  26). 
 
 Menela'us,  a  usurping  high-priest  who  oLtainetl 
 the  ollico  from  .Vntiochus  Epiphanes  (c.  n.C.  172) 
 by  a  large  bribe  (2  Mace.  iv.  23-25),  and  drcve  out 
 
MENESTHEUS 
 
 Jasmi,  who  had  obt:uiied  it  not  long  before  by 
 similar  means.  He  met  with  a  violent  death  at  the 
 hands  of  Antiochiis  Eiipator  (cir.  B.C.  163),  which 
 seemed  in  a  peculiar  manner  a  providential  punish- 
 ment of  his  sacrilege  (xiii.  3,  4).  Accoi-ding  to 
 Josephns  he  was  a  younger  brother  of  ,Jason  and 
 Onias,  and,  like  Jason,  changed  his  proper  name 
 Onias,  for  a  Greek  name.  In  2  Maccabees,  on  tlie 
 other  hand,  he  is  called  a  brother  of  Simon  the  Ben- 
 jamite  (2  Mace.  iv.  23). 
 
 Menes'theus.  The  father  of  Apollonius  3 
 (2  M.Hx.  iv.  21). 
 
 Meni'.  The  last  clause  of  Is.  Ixv.  1 1  is  rendered 
 in  tiie  A.  V.  "  and  that  furnish  the  drink-oifering 
 unto  that  number,"  the  marginal  reading  for  the 
 last  word  being  "  Meni."  That  the  word  so  ren- 
 liered  is  a  proper  name,  and  also  the  propei'  name 
 of  an  object  of  idolatrous  worship  cultivated  by  tlie 
 .lews  in  Babylon,  is  a  supposition  which  theie  seems 
 no  reason  to  question,  as  it  is  in  accoidance  with 
 the  context,  and  h;w  every  probability  to  recommend 
 it.  But  the  identification  of  Meni  with  any  known 
 heathen  god  is  still  uncertain.  The  versions  are 
 at  variance.  In  the  LXX.  the  word  is  rendered 
 "  fiirtune  "  or  "luck."  The  judgments  of  the  com- 
 mentators are  equally  conflicting.  The  majority 
 conclude  that  Meni  is  the  Moon  god  or  goddess,  the 
 Dens  Lumis,  or  Dea  Luna  of  the  Romans ;  mascu- 
 line as  regards  the  earth  which  she  illumines  {terrae 
 iiiantus),  feminine  with  respect  to  the  sun  {Solis 
 uxor),  from  whom  she  receives  her  light.  Among 
 those  who  have  inteipreted  the  word  literally 
 "  number,"  may  be  reckoned  Rashi  and  Abrabanel, 
 who  understand  by  it  the  "  number"  of  the  priests 
 who  formed  the  company  of  revellers  at  the  feast. 
 Kimchi,  in  his  note  on  Is.  Ixv.  11,  says  of  Meni, 
 "  it  is  a  star,  and  some  interpret  it  of  the  stars 
 which  are  numbered,  and  they  are  the  seven  stars 
 of  motion,"  i.  e.  the  planets.  But  Gesenius,  with 
 more  probability,  while  admitting  the  same  origin 
 of  tlie  word,  gives  to  the  root  mandh  the  sense  of 
 assigning,  or  distributing,  and  connects  it  with 
 mandh,  one  of  the  three  idols  worshipped  by  the 
 Arabs  before  the  time  of  Mohammad,  to  which  re- 
 ference is  made  in  the  Koran  (Sura  53),  "  What 
 think  ye  of  Allat,  and  Al  Uzzah,  and  Manah,  that 
 other  third  goddess  ?  "  Manah  was  the  object  of 
 worship  of  "  the  tribes  of  Hudheijl  ^.nA  Khuzd'ah, 
 who  dwelt  between  Mekkeh  and  El-Medeeneh,  and 
 as  some  say,  of  the  tribes  of  Ows,  El-Khazraj,  and 
 Thakeek  also.  This  idol  was  a  large  stone,  demo- 
 lished by  one  Saad,  in  the  8th  year  of  the  Flight,  a 
 year  so  fatal  to  the  idols  of  Arabia."  The  etymo- 
 logy given  by  Gesenius  is  more  probable  ;  and  Meni 
 would  then  be  the  personification  of  fate  or  destiny, 
 under  whatever  form  it  was  worshipped.  Whether 
 this  form,  as  Gesenius  maintains,  was  the  planet 
 Venus,  which  was  known  to  Arabic  astrologers  as 
 "  the  lesser  good  fortune  "  (the  planet  Jupiter  being 
 the  "greater"),  it  is  impossible  to  say  with  cer- 
 tainty ;  nor  is  it  safe  to  reason  from  the  worship  of 
 Manah  by  the  Arabs  in  the  times  before  Moham- 
 mad to  that  of  Meni  by  the  Jews  more  than  a 
 thousand  years  eai  lier. 
 
 Meo'nenim,  the  Plain  of,  an  oak,  or  terebinth, 
 or  other  great  tree — for  the  translation  of  the 
 Hebrew  Elon  by  "  plain  "  is  most  probably  incor- 
 rect, as  will  be  shown  under  the  head  of  Plain — 
 which  formed  a  well-known  object  in  central  Pales- 
 tine in  the  days  of  the  Judges.  It  is  mentioned — 
 at  least  under  this  name — only  in  Judg.  ix.  37.    In 
 
 MEPHIBOSHETH 
 
 54y 
 
 wTiat  direction  it  stood  with  regard  to  Shechem  we 
 are  not  told.  The  meaning  of  Meonenim,  if  inter- 
 preted as  a  Hebrew  woid,  is  enchantei-s  or  "  ob- 
 servers of  times,"  as  it  is  elsewhere  lendered  (Deut. 
 xviii.  10,  14;  in  Mic.  v.  12  it  is  "soothsayers"). 
 This  connexion  of  the  name  with  magical  arts  hai> 
 led  to  the  suggestion  that  the  tree  in  question  is 
 identical  with  that  beneath  which  Jacob  hid  the 
 foreign  idols  and  amulets  of  his  household,  before 
 going  into  the  presence  of  God  at  the  consecrated 
 ground  of  Bethel  (Gen.  xxxv.  4).  But  the  inference 
 seems  hardly  a  sound  one,  for  meonenim  does  not 
 mean  "  enchantme?iis"  but  "enchanters,"  nor  is 
 there  any  ground  for  connecting  it  in  any  way  with 
 amulets  or  images  ;  and  there  is  the  positive  reason 
 against  the  identification  that  while  this  tree  seems 
 to  have  been  at  a  distance  from  the  town  of  She- 
 chem, that  of  Jacob  was  in  it,  or  in  very  close 
 proximity  to  it.  Five  trees  are  mentioned  in  con- 
 nexion with  Shechem: — 1.  The  oak  (not  "  plain" 
 as  in  A.  V.)  of  Moreh,  where  Abram  made  his  Hrst 
 halt  and  built  his  first  altar  in  the  Promised  Land 
 (Geu.  .\ii.  6).  2.  That  of  Jacob,  already  spoken 
 of.  3.  "  The  oak  which  was  in  the  holy  place  of 
 Jehovah  "  (Josh.  xxiv.  26).  4.  The  Elon-Muttsab, 
 or  "  oak  (not  "  plain,"  as  in  A.  V.)  of  the  pillar  in 
 Shechem,"  beneath  which  Abimelech  was  made 
 king  (Judg.  ix.  6).  5.  The  Elon-Meonenim. 
 While  four  of  these  were  probably  one  and  the  same 
 tree,  the  oak  of  Meonenim  seems  to  have  been  a 
 distinct  one.  It  is  perhaps  possible  that  Meonenim 
 may  have  originally  been  Maonim,  that  is  Maonites 
 or  Mehunim ;  a  tribe  or  nation  of  non-Israelites 
 elsewhere  mentioned. 
 
 Meonotha'i.  One  of  the  sons  of  Othniel,  the 
 younger  brother  of  Caleb  (1  Chr.  iv.  14). 
 
 Mepha'ath,  a  city  of  the  Reubenites,  one  of  the 
 towns  dependent  on  Heshbon  (Josh.  xiii.  18),  lying 
 in  the  district  of  the  Mishor  (comp.  17,  and  Jer. 
 xlviii.  21,  A.V.  "  plain  "),  which  probably  answeied 
 to  the  modein  Belka.  It  was  one  of  the  cities 
 allotted  with  their  suburbs  to  the  Merarite  Levites 
 (Josh.  xxi.  37  ;  1  Chr.  vi.  79).  Mephaath  is  named 
 in  the  above  passages  with  Dibon,  Jahazah,  Kir- 
 jathaim,  and  other  towns,  which  have  been  identified 
 with  tolerable  certainty  on  the  noith  of  the  Anion 
 (  Wady  Mojeb)  ;  but  no  one  appears  yet  to  have 
 discovered  any  name  at  all  resembling  it.  In  the 
 time  of  l'!usebius  it  was  used  as  a  military  post. 
 
 Mephibo'shetll,  the  name  borne  by  two  members 
 of  the  family  of  Saul — his  son  and  his  grandson.— 
 1.  Saul's  son  by  Rizpali  the  daughter  of  Aian,  his 
 concubine  (2  Sam.  xxi.  8).  He  and  his  brother 
 Armoni  were  among  the  seven  victims  who  wei-e 
 surrendered  by  David  to  the  Gibeonites,  and  by  them 
 crucified  in  sacrifice  to  Jehovah,  to  avert  a  famine 
 from  which  the  country  was  sufiering.— 2.  The  son 
 of  Jonathan,  grandson  of  Saul,  and  nephew  of  the 
 preceding.  ].  His  life  seems  to  have  been,  from 
 beginning  to  end,  one  of  trial  and  discomfort.  The 
 name  of  his  mother  is  unknown.  When  his  father 
 and  grandfather  were  slain  on  Gilboa  he  was  an 
 infant  but  five  years  old.  He  was  then  living  under 
 the  charge  of  his  nurse,  probably  at  Gibeah,  the 
 regular  residence  of  Saul.  The  tidings  that  the 
 army  was  destroyed,  the  king  and  his  sons  slain, 
 and  that  the  Philistines,  spreading  from  hill  to  hill 
 of  the  country,  were  sweeping  all  before  them, 
 reached  the  royal  household.  The  nurse  fled,  car- 
 rying the  child  on  her  shoulder.  But  in  her  panic 
 and    hurry  she   stumbled  and   Mephibosheth    was 
 
544 
 
 MEPHIBOSHETH 
 
 piecipitafed  to  the  ground  with  such  fbi-ce  as  to 
 deprive  him  for  life  of  the  use  of  both  feet  (2  S;im. 
 iv.  4).  2.  After  the  accident  which  thus  embit- 
 tered his  whole  existence,  Mephibosheth  was  carried 
 with  the  rest  of  his  family  beyond  the  Jordan  to 
 the  mountains  of  (iilead,  where  he  found  a  refuge 
 iu  the  house  of  Machir  ben-Ammiel,  a  powerful 
 fiadite  or  Maivissite  sheykh  at  Lo-debar,  not  tar 
 from  Mahanaim,  whicli  during  tlie  reign  of  his 
 uncle  Ishbosheth  w;\s  the  head  -  quartei's  of  his 
 family,  hj  Machir  he  was  brought  up,  there  he 
 married,  and  there  he  wiis  living  at  a  later  period, 
 when  David  having  completed  the  subjugation  of 
 the  adversaiies  of  Israel  on  every  side,  had  leisure 
 to  turn  his  attention  to  claims  of  other  and  hardly 
 less  pressing  descriptions.  So  completely  had  the 
 family  of  the  late  king  vanished  from  the  western 
 side  of  Jordan,  that  the  only  person  to  be  met  with 
 in  any  way  related  to  them  was  one  Ziba.  From 
 this  man  David  learnt  of  the  existence  of  Mephibo- 
 sheth.  iioyal  messengeis  were  sent  to  the  house  of 
 Machir  at  Lo-debar  in  the  mountains  of  (jlilead,  and 
 by  them  the  prince  and  his  infant  son  MiCiiA  were 
 brought  to  Jerusalem,  The  interview  with  David 
 was  marked  by  extreme  kindness  on  the  pait  of  the 
 king,  and  on  tiiat  of  Mephibosheth  by  the  fear  and 
 humility  which  have  been  pointed  out  as  chaiacter- 
 istic  of  him.  He  leaves  the  royal  presence  with  all 
 the  property  of  his  grandfather  lestored  to  him, 
 and  with  the  whole  family  and  establishment  of 
 Ziba  as  his  slaves,  to  cultivate  the  land  and  harve'^t 
 the  produce.  He  himself  is  to  be  a  daily  guest  at 
 David's  table.  From  this  time  forward  he  resided 
 at  Jerusalem.  3.  An  interval  of  about  seventeen 
 years  now  passes,  and  the  crisis  of  David's  life  ar- 
 rives. Of  Mephil)osheth's  behaviour  on  this  occasion 
 we  possess  two  accounts — his  own  (2  Sam.  six.  24- 
 .SO),  and  that  of  Ziba  (xvi.  1-4).  They  are  natur- 
 ally at  variance  with  each  other.  In  consequence 
 of  the  story  of  Ziba,  his  loyalty  and  thoughtful 
 courtesy  are  I'ewarded  by  the  possessions  of  his  mas- 
 ter, thus  once  more  reinstating  him  in  the  position 
 from  which  he  had  Ijeen  so  rudely  thrust  on  Mephi- 
 bosheth's  airival  in  Judah.  Mfphibosheth's  story 
 — which,  however,  he  had  not  the  opportunity  of 
 telling  until  several  daj's  later,  when  he  met  David 
 returning  to  his  kingdom  at  the  western  bank  of 
 .lordan — was  very  dillerent  to  Ziba's.  Th;it  David 
 did  not  disbelieve  it  is  shown  by  his  revoking  the 
 judgment  he  had  previously  given.  That  he  did 
 not  entirely  rever.-e  his  decision,  but  allowe<l  Zil>a 
 to  retain  possession  of  half  the  lands  of  Mephibosheth, 
 is  probably  due  partly  to  weariness  at  the  whole 
 transaction,  but  maiidy  to  the  conciliatory  frame 
 of  mind  in  which  he  was  at  that  moment.  "Shall 
 then  any  man  be  put  to  death  this  day?"  is  the 
 key-note  of  the  whole  proceeding.  4.  The  writer 
 is  aware  that  this  is  not  the  view  generally  taken 
 of  Mephibosheth's  conduct,  and  in  paiticular  the 
 opposite  side  has  been  maintain!^  with  much  cogency 
 arid  ingenuity  by  the  late  Professor  Blunt  in  his 
 Uiuk'sigiud  Coincidences.  But  when  the  circum- 
 stances on  both  sides  are  weighed,  there  seems  to 
 be  no  esc.'pe  from  the  conclusion  come  to  above. 
 Me)>lnliosl  eth  could  have  had  nothing  to  hope  for 
 from  the  n  volution.  Ziba,  on  the  other  hand,  had 
 everythini:  to  gain  and  nothing  to  lose  by  any  turn 
 atl'airs  nii).ht  take.  With  regard  to  the  absence  of 
 the  name  of  MephiVK)sheth  from  the  dying  words 
 of  [)avi.l,  which  is  the  main  occasion  of  Mr.  Blunt's 
 strictuns,   it  is   most   natural — at  any   rate  it  is 
 
 MERARl 
 
 quite  allowable — to  suppose  that,  in  the  interval  of 
 eight  years  which  elapsed  between  David's  return 
 to  Jerusalem  and  his  death,  Mephilx)sheth's  painful 
 lit'e  had  come  to  an  end.  We  may  witliout  ditli- 
 culty  believe  that  he  did  not  long  survive  tiie 
 anxieties  and  annoyances  wliich  Ziba's  treachery 
 had  brought  upon  him. 
 
 Me'rab,  the  eldest  daughter,  possibly  the  eldest 
 child,  of  king  Saul  (I  Sam.  xiv.  49).  She  first 
 appciirs  after  the  victory  over  Goliath  and  the  Phi- 
 listines, when  David  had  become  an  inmate  in  Saul's 
 house  'i  Sam.  xviii.  2),  and  immediately  after  the 
 commencement  of  his  friendship  with  Jonathan.  In 
 accordance  with  the  promise  which  he  made  before 
 the  engagement  with  Goliath  (xvii.  25),  Saul  be- 
 trothed Me  rab  to  David  (xviii.  17).  David's  hesit- 
 ation looks  as  if  he  did  not  much  value  the  honour 
 — at  any  late  before  the  marriage  Merab's  younger 
 sister  Michal  had  displayed  her  attachment  for 
 David,  and  Merab  w;vs  then  married  to  Adriel  the 
 Meholathite,  to  whom  she  bore  five  sons  (2  Sam. 
 xxi.  8).  The  Authorized  Version  of  this  last  passage 
 is  an  accommodation.  The  Hebrew  text  has  "  the 
 live  sons  of  Michal,  daughter  of  Saul,  which  she 
 bare  to  Adriel."  The  most  probable  solution  of 
 the  difficulty  is  that  "Michal  "  is  the  mistake  of  a 
 transcriber  for  "  Merab."  But  the  error  is  one  of 
 very  ancient  date. 
 
 Merai'ah.  A  priest  in  the  days  of  Joiakim,  the 
 son  of  .leshua,  and  representative  of  the  priestly 
 family  of  Seraiah  (Xeh.  xii.  12). 
 
 Merai'oth.  L  A  descendant  of  Eleazar  the  son 
 of  Aaron,  and  bend  of  a  priestly  house.  (1  Chr. 
 vi.  6,  7,  52.)  He  was  perhaps  the  immediate  pre- 
 decessor of  Kli  in  tlie  office  of  high-piiest.  It  is 
 apparently  another  Meraioth  who  comes  in  between 
 iidok  and  Ahitiib  in  the  genealogy  of  Azariah 
 (1  Chr.  i\.  11,  Neh.  xi.  11),  unless  the  names 
 Aliitub  and  Meraioth  are  transposed,  which  is  not 
 improbable.— 2.  The  head  of  one  of  the  houses 
 of  priests,  which  in  the  time  of  Joiakim  the  son  of 
 Jeshiia  was  represented  by  Helkai(Neh.  xii.  15). 
 
 Mer'an.  The  merchants  of  Mei-an  and  Theman 
 are  mentioned  with  the  Hagnrenes  (Bar.  iii.  2.3)  as 
 "  searchers  out  of  undei-standiug."  The  name  does 
 not  o<t:ur  elsewheie.  and  is  probably  a  corruption 
 of  "  Medau  ''  or  "  Midian." 
 
 Mer'ari,  third  son  of  Levi,  and  head  of  the  third 
 great  division  of  the  l.evites,  TIIE  MkiiaritI'3, 
 whose  designation  in  Hebrew  is  the  same  as  that  of 
 their  progenitor,  only  with  the  article  prefixed. 
 Of  Meiaii's  personal  history,  beyond  the  fact  of  his 
 birth  before  the  ilescent  of  Jacob  into  Egypt,  and 
 of  his  lieing  one  of  the  seventy  who  accompanied 
 Jacob  thither,  wo  know  nothing  whatever  (Gen. 
 xlvi.  8,  II).  At  the  time  of  the  Kxodus,  and  the 
 numbering  in  the  wildeiness,  the  Merarites  con- 
 sisted of  two  families,  the  Mahlites  and  the  Mush- 
 ites,  Malili  and  Mushi  being  either  the  two  sons, 
 or  the  son  and  grandson,  of  Meiari  (1  Chr.  vi.  19, 
 47).  Their  chief  at  that  time  w.as  Zuriel,  and  the 
 whole  number  of  the  family,  from  a  month  old  and 
 upwards,  W.1S  6200;  those  from  :;0  years  old  to  50 
 were  ^i200.  Their  charge  was  the  boards,  bars, 
 pillars,  sockets,  pins,  and  cords  of  the  tjibeniacle 
 and  the  court,  and  all  the  tools  connected  with  set- 
 ting them  up.  In  the  encampment  their  place  vm 
 to  the  north  of  the  tabemacie  ;  and  both  they  and 
 the  Gershonitrs  were  "  under  the  hand  "  of  Ithamar 
 the  son  of  Aaron.  Owing  to  the  heavy  nature  of 
 the  materials  wh'vh  they  had  to  «\ny,  four  waggon* 
 
MEBATHAIM,  THE  LAND  OF 
 
 uud  eight  oxen  wei'°  assigneil  to  them  ;  Kiid  in  the 
 march  both  they  and  the  Geislionites  t'ollowed  im- 
 mediately nt'ter  ths  standard  of  Judah,  and  before 
 that  of  Reuben,  that  they  might  set  up  the  taber- 
 nacle against  the  arrival  of  the  Kohathites  (Num.  iii. 
 20,  3^-37,  iv.  29-33,  42-45,  vii.  8,  x.  17,  21). 
 In  the  division  of  the  land  by  Joshua,  the  Merarites 
 had  twelve  cities  assigned  to  them,  out  of  Reuben, 
 Gad,  and  Zebulun,  of  which  one  was  Ramoth-Gilead, 
 a  citv  of  refuge,  and  in  later  times  a  frequent  sub- 
 ject of  war  between  Israel  and  Syria  (Jush.  xxi.  7, 
 34-40;  1  Chr.  vi.  (53,  77-81).  In  the  time  of 
 David,  Asaiah  was  their  chief,  and  assisted  with  220 
 of  his  family  in  bringing  up  the  ark  (1  Chr.  xv.  6). 
 Afterwards  we  find  the  Merarites  still  sharing  with 
 the  two  other  Levitical  families  the  various  func- 
 tions of  their  caste  (1  Chr.  xxiii.  6,  21-23).  In 
 the  days  of  Hezekiah  the  Merarites  weie  still  tlou- 
 rishing.  and  Kish  the  son  of  Abdi,  and  Azariah  the 
 son  of  Jehalelel,  took  their  pait  with  their  brethren 
 of  the  two  other  Levitical  families  in  promoting  the 
 reformation,  and  purifying  the  house  of  the  Lord 
 (2  Chr.  xxix.  12,  15).  After  the  return  from  cap- 
 tivity Shemaiah  lepresent?  the  soiis  of  Meraii,  in 
 1  Chr.  ix.  14,  Neh.  xi.  15.  There  were  also  at 
 that  time  sons  of  Jeduthun  under  Obadiah  or  Abda, 
 the  son  of  Shemaiah  (1  Chr.  ix.  16  ;  Neh.  xi.  17). 
 A  little  later  again,  in  the  time  of  Ezra,  when  he 
 was  in  gieat  want  of  I.evites  to  accompany  him  on 
 his  jouiuey  from  Babylon  to  Jeiusalem,  "a  man 
 of  good  understanding  ot'  the  sons  of  j\Iahli  *'  was 
 found,  whose  name,  if  the  text  here  and  at  ver.  24 
 is  cori'ect,  is  not  given.  "  Jeshaiah  also  of  the  sons 
 of  Merari,"  with  twenty  of  his  sons  and  brethren, 
 came  with  him  at  the  same  time  I'Ezr.  viii.  18,  19). 
 But  it  seems  pretty  certain  that  Sherebiah,  in  ver. 
 18,  is  the  name  of  the  Mahlite,  and  that  both  he 
 and  Hashabiah,  as  well  as  Jeshaiah,  in  ver.  19,  were 
 Levites  of  the  family  of  Merari,  and  not,  as  the 
 actual  text  of  ver.  24  indicates,  priests.— 2.  The 
 father  of  Judith  (Jud.  viii.  1.  xvi.  7). 
 
 Meratha'im,  the  Land  of,  that  is  "of  double 
 rebellion,"  alluding  to  the  country  of  the  Chaldeans, 
 and  to  the  double  captivity  which  it  had  inflicted 
 on  the  nation  of  Isi-ael  (Jer.  1.  21). 
 
 Mercu'rius,  properly  Hermes,  the  Greek  deity, 
 whom  the  Romans  identified  with  their  Mercury 
 the  god  of  commerce  and  bargains.  Hermes  was 
 the  son  of  Zeus  and  Maia  the  daughter  of  Atlas, 
 and  is  constantly  represented  as  the  companion  of 
 his  father  in  his  wanderings  \i)ion  earth.  The  episode 
 of  Baucis  and  Philemon  (Ovid,  Mctam.  viii.  620- 
 724)  appears  to  have  formed  part  of  the  folk-lore 
 of  Asia  Minor,  and  strikingly  illustrates  the  readi- 
 ness with  which  the  simple  people  of  Lystra  recog- 
 nized in  Barnabas  and  Raul  the  gods  who,  according 
 to  their  wont,  had  come  down  in  the  likeness  of 
 men  (Acts  xiv.  11).  They  called  Paul  "Hermes, 
 because  he  was  the  chief  speaker;"  identifying  in 
 him  as  they  supposed  by  this  characteristic,  the 
 herald  of  the  gods  and  of  Zclis,  the  eloquent  orator, 
 inventor  of  letters,  music,  and  the  arts. 
 
 Mercy-seat  (Lx.  xxv.  17,  xxxvii.  6  ;  Ileb.  is. 
 5).  This  appears  to  have  been  the  lid  of  the  Ark 
 of  the  Covenant,  not  another  surface  affixed  thereto. 
 It  was  that  whereon  the  blood  of  the  yearly  atone- 
 ment was  sprinkled  by  the  high-priest ;  and  in  this 
 relation  it  is  doubtful  wliether  the  sense  of  the  word 
 in  the  Heb.  is  based  on  the  nnateiial  tact  of  its  "  cover- 
 ing'' the  Ark,  or  derived  from  this  notion  of  its  re- 
 ference to  the  "  covering"  (j.  e.  atonement)  of  sin. 
 
 Con.  D.  B. 
 
 MERODACH-BALADAN 
 
 545 
 
 Mer'ed.  This  name  occurs  in  a  fragmentary 
 genealogy  in  1  Chr.  iv.  17,  18,  as  that  of  one  of 
 the  sons  of  Ezra.  Tradition  identifies  him  with 
 Caleb  and  Moses. 
 
 Mer'emoth.  1.  Son  of  Uriah,  or  Urijah,  the 
 priest,  of  the  family  of  Koz  or  Hakkoz,  the  head 
 of  the  seventh  course  of  priests  as  established  by 
 David.  In  Ezr.  viii.  33,  Meremoth  is  appointed  to 
 weigh  and  register  tlie  gold  and  silver  vessels  be- 
 longing to  the  Temple.  In  the  rebuilding  of  the 
 wall  of  Jerusalem  under  Nehemiah  we  find  Mer- 
 emoth taking  an  active  part,  working  between 
 Me^hullam  and  the  sous  of  Hassenaah  who  restored 
 the  fish-gate  (Neh.  iii.  4),  and  himself  restoring  the 
 portion  of  the  Temple  wall  on  which  abutted  the 
 house  of  the  high-priest  Eliashib  (Neh.  iii.  21).— 
 2.  A  layman  of  the  sons  of  Bani,  who  had  married 
 a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  36). — 3.  A  priest,  or  more 
 probably  a  tiimily  of  priests,  who  sealed  the  covenant 
 with  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  5).  The  latter  supposi- 
 tion is  more  probable,  because  in  Neh.  xii.  3  the 
 name  occurs,  with  many  others  of  the  same  list, 
 among  those  who  went  up  with  Zerubbabel  a  cen- 
 tury before. 
 
 Mer'es.  One  of  the  seven  counsellors  of  Aha- 
 suerus  king  of  Persia,  "  wise  men  which  knew  the 
 times"  (Esth.  i.  14). 
 
 Mer'ibah.  In  Ex.  xvii.  7  we  read,  "  he  called 
 the  name  of  the  place  Massah  and  Meribah,"  where 
 the  people  murmured,  and  the  rock  was  smitten. 
 I  For  the  situation  see  Rkphidiji.]  The  name  is  also 
 given  to  Kadesh  (Num.  xx.  13,  24,  xxvii.  14; 
 Deut.  xxii.  51  "  Meribah-kadesh  "),  because  there 
 also  the  people,  when  in  want  of  water,  strove  with 
 God. 
 
 Dferib-ba'al,  son  of  Jonathan  the  son  of  Saul 
 (1  Clir.  viii.  34,  ix.  40),  doubtless  the  same  peisoii 
 who  in  the  narrative  of  2  Samuel  is  called  Mephi- 
 
 BOSHETH. 
 
 Mer'odach.  is  mentioned  once  only  in  Scripture, 
 namely  in  Jer.  1.  2.  It  has  been  commonly  con- 
 cluded from  this  passage  that  Bel  and  Jlerodach 
 were  separate  gods ;  but  from  the  Assyrian  and 
 Babylonian  inscriptions  it  appears  that  this  was  not 
 exactly  the  case.  Merodach  was  really  identical 
 with  the  famous  Babylonian  Bel  or  Belus,  the  word 
 being  probably  at  first  a  mere  epithet  of  the  god, 
 which  by  degrees  supeiseded  his  proper  appellation. 
 Still  a  certain  distinction  appears  to  liave  been 
 maintained  between  the  names.  The  golden  image 
 in  the  great  temple  at  Babylon  seems  to  have  been 
 worshipped  distinctly  as  Bel  rather  than  Merodach, 
 while  other  idols  of  the  god  "nay  have  represented 
 him  as  Merodach  rather  than  Bel. 
 
 Mer'odach-Baradail  is  mentioned  as  king  of 
 Babylon  in  the  days  of  Hezekiah,  both  in  the 
 second  book  of  Kings  fxx.  12)  and  in  Isaiah  (xxxix. 
 1).  In  the  former  place  he  is  called  Berodach-Ba- 
 ladan.  The  orthogi'aphy  "  Merodach  "  is,  however, 
 to  be  preferred.  The  name  of  Merodach-Baladan 
 has  been  clearly  recognised  in  the  Assyiian  inscrip- 
 tions. The  Canon  gives  Jlerodach-Baladan  [Mar-^ 
 docempaf)  a  reign  of  12  years — from  B.C.  721  to 
 B.C.  709 — and  makes  him  then  succeeded  by  a 
 certain  Arceanus.  Polyhistor  assigns  him  a  six 
 months'  reign,  immediately  before  Elibus,  or  Be- 
 libus,  who  (according  to  the  Canon)  ascended  the 
 throne  B.C.  702.  It  has  commonly  been  seen  that 
 these  must  be  two  different  reigns,  and  that  Mer- 
 odach-Baladan must  therefore  have  been  deposed  ia 
 B.C.  709.  and  have  recovered  his  throne  in  B.C. 
 
 2  N 
 
546   MEROM.  THE  WATERS  OF 
 
 702.  wlien  he  hail  a  seconil  pt-iiod  of  dominion 
 lasting  half  a  year.  The  inscrijjtions  contain  express 
 mention  of  both  leifjns.  Saij^on  states  that  in  tlie 
 twelfth  year  of  his  own  reign  he  diove  Merodai.-h- 
 Balndan  out  of  Babylon,  aftei'  ho  hail  ruled  over  it 
 for  twelve  yeai"s ;  and  Scniiaiherib  tolls  us  that  in 
 his  first  year  he  defeatdl  and  e.\|M'l]ed  the  same 
 monarch,  setting  up  in  his  ]]l:ice  "a  man  named 
 Bolib."  Putting  all  our  nofiics  together,  it  be- 
 comes apparent  tiiat  MeifKlach-Baladan  was  the 
 head  of  the  jiopular  party,  whii^li  resisted  the  .Assyr- 
 ian monarchs,  and  strove  to  maintiin  the  inde- 
 pendence of  the  cDuntry.  It  is  uncertain  whether 
 he  was  selt-raised  or  was  tlie  son  of  a  former  king. 
 In  the  second  Book  of  Kings  he  is  styled  "the  son 
 of  Baladan;"  but  the  inscriptions  call  him  "the 
 .<;on  of  Y'aijxn  ;"  whenite  it  is  to  be  presumed  that 
 Baladan  was  a  more  lemote  ancestor.  There  is 
 some  doubt  as  to  the  time  at  which  Merodach- 
 Baladan  sent  his  amb;issadors  to  Hezekiah,  for  the 
 purpose  of  enquiring  as  to  the  astronomical  marvel 
 of  which  Judaea  had  been  the  scene  (2  Chr.  .\xxii. 
 ;il).  We  piefer  to  assign  the  embassy  to  Merodach- 
 Baladan's  eailier  reign,  and  bring  it  within  the 
 period,  B.C.  721-709,  which  the  Canon  assigns  to 
 him.  Now  the  14th  year  of  Mezekiah,  in  which 
 the  embassy  sliould  fall  (2  K.  x.\.  6  ;  Is.  x.vwiii.  5), 
 appears  to  have  been  B.C.  71o.  This  was  tlie  year 
 lit  Merodach-BaladiUi's  first  veign.  The  real  object 
 of  the  mission  was  most  likely  to  eHi>ct  a  league 
 between  Babylon,  Judaea,  nnd  Egi/pt  (Is.  xx.  5,  6), 
 in  order  to  check  the  growing  power  of  the  Assyr- 
 ians. The  league,  however,  though  designed,  does 
 not  seem  to  have  taken  elVect.  Saigon  sent  expedi- 
 tions both  into  Syria  and  Baliylonia — seized  the 
 stronghold  of  Ashdod  in  the  one,  and  completely 
 defeated  Merodach-Baladan  in  the  other.  That 
 monarch  sought  safety  in  flight,  and  lived  for  eight 
 ye;irs  in  exile.  At  last  he  found  an  opportunity  to 
 return.  In  B.C.  703  or  702,  Babylonia  w;is  plunged 
 in  anarchy — the  Assyrian  yoke  was  thrown  oil,  and 
 various  native  leaders  struggled  for  the  mastery. 
 Under  these  circumstances  the  exiled  monarch  seems 
 to  have  retumed,  and  recovered  his  throne.  Jler- 
 odach-Baladan  had  obtained  a  body  of  tioops  fioni 
 his  ally,  the  king  of  Susiana  ;  but  Sennacherib  de- 
 feated the  combined  army  in  a  jjitched  battle. 
 Merodach-Baladan  (led  to  "  the  islands  at  the  mouth 
 <if  the  Euphiatcs."  He  lost  his  recovered  crown 
 after  wearing  it  for  about  six  months,  and  spent  the 
 remainder  of  his  davs  in  exile  and  obsi'urity. 
 
 Ue'rom,  the  Waters  of,  a  place  memorable  in 
 the  history  ot'  the  conquest  of  Palestine.  Here, 
 after  Joshua  had  gained  possession  of  the  southern 
 jwrtions  jf  the  countiy,  a  confederacy  of  the  north- 
 ern chiefs  a,?sembleil  under  the  leadeiship  of  Jabin, 
 king  of  Hazor  (Josh.  xi.  5  ,  and  here  they  were 
 encountered  bv  Joshua,  and  completely  routed 
 fver.  7).  The  name  of  Meiom  occurs  nowhere  in 
 the  Bible  but  in  this  passage,  nor  is  it  found  in 
 Josephus.  In  the  Onornasttcon  of  Kusebius  the 
 name  is  given  as  "  Merran,"  and  it  is  stilted  to  be 
 "  a  village  twelve  miles  distant  from  Sebaste  (Sa- 
 maria), and  near  Dothaim."  It  is  a  remarkable 
 fnc^  ihat  though  by  common  consent  the  "  waters 
 of  Merom  "  aie  iclentitied  with  the  lake  thioiigli 
 which  the  .Ionian  runs  ln-tween  Banias  and  the  Sea 
 of  fialilee — tlie  Senief:honitis  of  Jose|)hus,  and  IlaJir 
 el-ll&lch  of  the  modein  Aiabs — yet  that  identity 
 cannot  be  proved  by  any  ancient  recoixl.  The  region 
 to  which  the  name  of  Ilulch  is  attachel — the  Ard 
 
 MEROZ 
 
 el-IIiilch — is  a  depresseil  ])lain  or  basin,  commenc- 
 ing on  the  north  of  the  toot  of-the  sIojjos  which  lead 
 up  to  the  Merj  Atjun  an<i  Tell  el-h'udi/,  and  ex- 
 tending southwards  to  the  Ijottom  of  the  lake  which 
 bears  the  same  name — Ti<thr  el-Hulck.  On  the  east 
 and  west  it  is  enclosed  between  two  parallel  ranges 
 of  liills;  on  the  west  the  highlands  of  Upper  Galilee 
 — the  Jcbcl  Safnt ;  and  on  the  east  a  broad  ridge  or 
 table-land  of  basalt,  thrown  off  by  the  M)utliern 
 bii.se  of  Hermoii,  and  extending  downwards  beyond 
 the  Huleh  \\\\  lost  in  the  high  ground  east  of  the 
 lake  of  Tiberias.  The  latter  rises  abru|)tiy  tVom 
 the  low  ground,  but  the  hills  on  the  western  side 
 break  down  more  gradually,  :uid  leave  a  tract  of 
 uiKlulating  table-land  of  varying  breadth  between 
 them  and  the  plain.  This  basin  is  in  all  about  15 
 miles  long  and  4  to  5  wide,  and  thus  occupies  an 
 area  about  equal  to  that  of  the  lake  of  Tiberias.  |t 
 is  the  receptacle  for  the  drainage  of  the  highlands 
 on  e.-ich  side,  but  more  esj)ecialiy  for  the  watei-s  of 
 the  Merj  Ai/Hn,  an  elevated  ])lattau  which  lies 
 above  it  amongst  the  roots  of  the  great  northern 
 mountiiins  of  Palestine.  In  form  the  lake  is  not 
 far  from  a  triangle,  the  base  being  at  the  north  and 
 the  a[)ex  at  the  south.  It  measures  about  .H  miles 
 in  each  direction.  Its  level  is  placeil  by  Van  de 
 Velde  at  120  feet  above  the  Jlediterranean.  The 
 water  of  the  lake  is  clear  and  sweet ;  it  is  covereil 
 in  ])arts  by  a  broad-leaved  plant,  and  abounds  in 
 watei-fowl.  Owing  to  its  triangular  fomi  a  consi- 
 deiiible  space  is  left  between  the  lake  and  the  moun- 
 tains at  its  lower  end.  This  appeai-s  to  be  more 
 the  case  on  the  west  than  on  the  east,  and  the  roll- 
 ing plain  thus  formed  is  very  fertile,  and  cultivatinl 
 to  the  water's  edge.  Sujiposing  the  lake  to  be 
 identical  with  the  "  waters  of  Merom,"  the  plain 
 just  spoken  of  on  its  south-western  margin  is  the 
 only  spot  which  could  have  Ijeen  the  site  of  Joshua's 
 victory,  though,  .as  the  Canaanites  chose  their  own 
 ground,  it  is  dillicult  to  imagine  that  they  would 
 have  encamped  in  a  jwsition  from  which  there  w.as 
 literally  no  escape.  But  this  only  sticngthens  the 
 dilliculty  already  expressed  as  to  the  identification. 
 Still  the  district  of  the  Huleh  will  always  possess 
 an  intere.-.t  for  the  Biblicid  student,  I'lom  its  con- 
 nexion with  the  Jordan,  and  from  the  cities  of 
 ancient  fame  which  stand  on  its  border — Kedesh, 
 Hazor,  Dan,  I.aish,  Cae-sarea,  Philippi,  &c. 
 
 Mero'nothite,  the,  that  is.  the  native  of  a  place 
 called  prub.ibly  Meroiioth,  of  which,  however  no 
 further  traces  have  yet  been  discovered.  Two 
 Meionothites  ,ire  named  in  the  Bible: — I.  Jkii- 
 DiciAH,  who  had  the  charge  of  the  royal  assi-s  of 
 King  Pavid  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  30);  and  2.  Jadon,  one 
 of  those  who  assisted  in  the  repair  of  the  wall  of 
 Jerusalem  after  the  return  from  the  captivity  (Neh. 
 iii.  7). 
 
 Ue'roi,  a  place  mentioned  only  in  the  Song  ol" 
 Delioi-ah  and  I'.aiak  in  Judg.  v.  23,  and  there  ile- 
 nounced  because  its  inhabitants  h.id  refused  to  take 
 any  j>art  in  the  struggle  with  Si.s«>ra.  Meroz  must 
 have  been  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Kishon,  hut 
 its  real  jwsition  is  not  known  :  po.-sibly  it  was  de- 
 stroyed in  obedience  to  the  curse.  A  place  nameii 
 Meirus  (but  Kuscbius  Mf/5(i<ir),  is  named  by  .l.-ionie 
 [Ononi.  "Merrom"/  as  12  miles  north  of  Selmste, 
 near  Dothnin,  but  this  is  too  far  south  to  nave  ln-en 
 neiu-  the  si«iie  of  the  conflict.  Far  more  lea-sible  is 
 the  conjecture  of  Schwarz  that  Meroz  is  to  be 
 found  at  Mcrasas — more  correctly  el-.ifnriLt.ius — 
 a  ruined  site  about  4  miles  N.W.  of  Bcisan,  on  th* 
 
MERUTH 
 
 southern  slopes  of  the  hills,  which  are  the  conti- 
 nuation of  the  so-called  "  Little  Hermon,"  and  form 
 the  northern  side  of  the  valley  ( Wady  JalM) 
 which  leads  directly  fioni  the  plain  of  Jezreel  to 
 the  Jordan. 
 
 Me 'ruth.  A  corruption  of  Immer  1,  in  Ezr. 
 ii.  .37  (1  Esd.  V.  24). 
 
 Me'sech,  Me'shech,  a  son  of  Japheth  (Gen.  x. 
 2  ;  1  Chr.  i.  5),  and  the  progenitor  of  a  race  fre- 
 quently noticed  in  Scripture  in  connexion  with 
 Tubal,  Jlasjog,  and  other  northern  nations.  They 
 appear  as  allies  of  Gog  (Ez.  xx.wiii.  2,  .3,  xxxix.  1), 
 and  as  supplying  the  Tyrians  with  copper  and 
 slaves  (Ez.  xxvii.  13)  ;  in  Ps.  cxx.  5,  they  are  no- 
 ticed as  one  of  the  remotest,  and  at  the  same  time 
 rudest  nations  of  the  world.  Both  the  name  and 
 the  associations  are  in  favour  of  the  identitication 
 of  Meshech  with  the  Moschi :  the  form  of  the  name 
 adopted  by  the  LXX.  and  the  Vulg.  approaches 
 most  nearly  to  the  cLussical  designation.  The  posi- 
 tion of  the  Moschi  in  the  age  of  Ezekiel  was  pro- 
 bably the  same  as  is  described  by  Herodotus  (iii. 
 94),  viz.  on  the  borders  of  Colchis  and  Armenia, 
 where  a  mountain  chain  connecting  Anti-Taurus 
 with  Caucasus,  was  named  after  them  the  Moschici 
 Monies,  and  where  was  also  a  district  named  by 
 Strabo  (xi.  497-499)  Moschice,  In  the  Assyiian 
 inscriptions  the  name  appears  under  the  form  of 
 Muskai. 
 
 Me'sha,  the  name  of  one  of  the  geographieil 
 limits  of  the  Joktanites  when  they  first  settled  in 
 Arabia  (Gen.  x.  30).  Without  putting  too  precise 
 a  limitation  on  the  possible  situation  of  5Iesha  and 
 Sephar,  we  may  suppose  that  these  places  must 
 have  fallen  within  the  south-western  quarter  of  the 
 peninsula  ;  including  the  modern  Yemen  on  the  west, 
 and  the  distiicts  of  'Oman,  Mahreh,  Shihr,  &c.,  as 
 far  as  Hadramawt,  on  the  east.  In  Sephar  we 
 believe  we  have  seen  the  eastern  limit  of  the  early 
 settlers,  whether  its  site  be  the  seaport  or  the  in- 
 land city.  If  Mesha  was  the  western  limit  of  the 
 Joktanites,  it  must  be  sought  for  in  north-western 
 Yemen.  But  the  identifications  that  have  been 
 proposed  aie  not  satisfactory.  The  seaport  called 
 MoOcro  or  Mou^a,  mentioned  by  Ptolemy,  Pliny, 
 Arrian,  and  others  (see  the  Dictionary  of  Geo- 
 graphy, s.  V.  Muza)  presents  the  most  probable  site. 
 It  was  a  town  of  note  in  classical  times,  but  has 
 since  fallen  into  decay,  if  the  modem  Moosa.  be  the 
 same  place.  Mesha  may  possibly  have  lain  inland, 
 and  more  to  the  north-west  of  Sephar  than  the 
 position  of  Moosa  would  indicate ;  but  this  is  scarcely 
 to  be  assumed. 
 
 Me'sha.  1.  The  king  of  Jloab  in  the  reigns  of 
 Ahab  and  his  sons  Ahaziah  and  Jehoram,  kings 
 of  Israel  (2  K.  iii.  4),  and  tributary  to  the  first. 
 When  Ahab  had  fallen  in  battle  at  It;mioth  Gilead, 
 Mesha  seized  the  opportunity  afforded  by  the  con- 
 fusion consequent  upon  this  disaster,  and  the  feeble 
 reign  of  Ahaziah,  to  shake  off  the  yoke  of  Isiael 
 and  free  himself  from  the  burdensome  tribute  of 
 "a  hundred  thousand  wethers  and  a  hundred  thou- 
 sand rams  with  their  wool."  The  country  ea.st  of 
 the  Jordan  was  rich  in  pasture  for  cattle  (Num. 
 xxxii.  1),  the  chief  wealth  of  the  Moabites  con- 
 sisted in  their  large  flocks  of  sheep,  and  the  l<ing  of 
 this  pastoral  people  is  described  as  nohed,  "  a  sheep- 
 master,"  or  owner  of  herds.  When  Jehoram  suc- 
 ceeded to  the  throne  of  Israel,  one  of  his  first  acts 
 was  to  secure  the  assistance  of  Jehoshaphat,  his 
 father's  ally,   in  reducing    the    Moabites    to    their 
 
 MESHULLAM 
 
 547 
 
 former  condition  of  tributaries.  The  united  armies 
 of  the  two  kings  marched  by  a  circuitous  route 
 round  the  Dead  Sea,  and  were  joined  by  the  forces 
 of  the  king  of  Edom.  The  Mpnbites  were  defeated, 
 and  the  king  took  refuge  in  his  last  stronghold  and 
 defended  himself  with  the  energy  of  despair.  With 
 700  fighting  men  he  made  a  vigorous  attempt  to 
 cut  his  way  through  the  beleaguering  army,  and 
 when  beaten  back  he  withdiew  to  the  wall  of  his 
 city,  and  theie,  in  sight  of  the  allied  host,  oflered 
 his  first-born  son,  his  successor  in  the  kingdom,  as 
 a  burnt-ofl'ering  to  Chemosh,  the  ruthless  fire-god 
 ofMoab.  His  bloody  sacrifice  had  so  far  the  de- 
 sired effect  that  the  besiegers  retired  from  him  to 
 their  own  land.  There  appears  to  be  no  loason  for 
 supposing  that  the  son  of  the  king  of  Edom  was  the 
 victim  on  this  occasion.  It  is  more  natural,  and 
 renders  the  narrative  more  vivid  and  consistent,  to 
 suppose  that  the  king  of  Moab,  finding  his  last  re- 
 source fail  him,  endeavoured  to  avert  the  wrath 
 and  obtain  the  aid  of  his  god  by  the  most  costly 
 sacrifice  in  his  power.— 2.  The  eldest  son  of  Caleb 
 the  son  of  Hezron  by  his  wife  Azubah,  as  Kimchi 
 conjectui-es  '1  Chr.  ii.  42).— 3.  A  Benjamite,  son 
 of  Shaharaim,  by  his  wife  Hodesh,  who  bare  him  in 
 the  land  of  Moab  (1  Chr.  viii.  9). 
 
 Me'shach.  The  name  given  to  Mishael,  one  of 
 the  companions  of  Daniel,  and  like  him  of  the 
 blood-royal  of  Judah,  who  with  three  others  wa> 
 chosen  from  among  the  captives  to  be  taught  "  the 
 learning  and  the  tongue  of  the  Chaldaeans  "  (Dan. 
 i.  4),  so  that  they  might  be  qualified  to  "  stand 
 before"  king  Nebuchadnezzar  (Dan.  i.  5)  as  his 
 personal  attendants  and  advisers  (i.  20).  But,  not- 
 withstanding their  Chaldaean  education,  these  three 
 young  Hebiews  were  strongly  attached  to  the  reli- 
 gion of  their  fathers ;  and  their  refusal  to  join  in 
 the  v/orship  of  the  image  on  the  plain  of  Duia  gave 
 a  handle  of  accusation  to  the  Chaldaeans.  The  lage 
 of  the  king,  the  swift  sentence  of  condemnation 
 passed  upon  the  three  offenders,  their  miraculous 
 preservation  from  the  fiery  funiace  heated  seven 
 times  hotter  than  usual,  the  king's  acknowledg- 
 ment of  the  God  of  Shadrach,  Meshach,  and  Abed- 
 nego,  with  their  restoration  to  office,  are  written  in 
 the  3rd  chapter  of  Daniel,  and  there  the  history 
 leaves  them. 
 
 Meshelemi'ah.  A  Korhite,  son  of  Kore,  of  the 
 sons  of  Asaph,  who  with  his  seven  sons  and  his 
 bi-ethren,  "  sons  of  might,"  were  porters  or  gate- 
 keepers of  the  house  of  Jehovah  in  the  reign  ol 
 David  (1  Chr.  ix.  21,  x.xvi.  1,  2,  9). 
 
 Meshezabe'el.  1.  Ancestor  of  Meshullam,  who 
 assisted  Nehemiah  in  rebuilding  the  wall  of  Jeru- 
 salem (Neh.  iii.  4).— 2.  One  of  the  "heads  of  the 
 [leople,"  probably  a  family,  who  sealed  the  cove- 
 nant with  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  21).«— 3.  The  father 
 of  Pethahiah,  and  descendant  of  Zerah  the  son  of 
 Judah  (Neh.  xi.  24). 
 
 MesMl'lemith.  The  son  of  Immer,  a  piiest,  and 
 ancestor  of  Amashai  or  Maasiai,  according  to  Neh. 
 .xi.  13,  and  ot  Pashur  and  Adaiah,  according  to 
 I  Chr.  ix.  12. 
 
 Meshil'lemoth.  An  Ephiaimite,  ancestor  of  Be- 
 rechiah,  one  of  the  chiefs  of  the  tribe  in  the  reign 
 of  Pekah  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  12).— 2.  Neh.  xi.  13.  the 
 same  as  Mkshillemith. 
 
 Meshul'lam.  1.  Ancestor  of  Shaphan  the  scribe 
 (2  K.  xxii.  3}.— 2.  The  son  of  Zerubbabel  (1  Chr. 
 iii.  19). — 3.  A  Gadite,  one  of  the  chief  men  of  the 
 tribe,  who  dwelt  in  Bashan  at  the  time  the  orencii- 
 
 2  N  2   ■ 
 
548 
 
 MESHULLEMETH 
 
 logies  were  reconleil  in  the  ri»ii:ii  of  Jotli.un  king  of 
 Jii'lah  (1  Chr.  v.  1:5). — 4.  A  I'l'MJMniitc,  of  the  s<ins 
 of  Elpaal  (1  Chr.  viii.  17).— 5.  A  Bi-iijamite,  the 
 son  of  Hodaviah  or  Joed,  and  lather  of  Sallii  (1 
 Clir.  ix.  7;  Neh.  xi.  7V— 6.  A  Benjainite,  son  of 
 Shephathiah,  who  lived  at  .leiusalem  ai'ter  the  cap- 
 tivity (1  Chr.  ix.  8).— 7.  The  same  as  SiiaI.I.CM, 
 wlio  was  hi^h-priest  piobahly  in  the  reign  of  Anion, 
 and  father  of  Hilkiah  (1  Clir.  ix.  11  ;  Neh.  xi.  11). 
 —8.  A  priest,  son  of  Meshilleinith,  or  Meshil- 
 lemotli,  the  son  of  Innmer,  and  ancestor  of  Maasiai 
 or  Amashai  (1  Chr.  ix.  12;  coinp.  Neh.  xi.  13).— 
 9.  A  Kohathit«,  or  family  of  Kohathite  Levites,  in 
 the  reisjn  of  Josiah  ('2  Cln-.  xxxiv.  12).— 10.  One 
 of  the  "  heads  "  (A.  V.  "  cliief  men  ")  sent  by  Ezra 
 to  Iddo  "  tlie  liead,"  to  <:;atlier  tognther  the  Levites 
 to  join  the  caravan  about  to  return  to  .lerusaleni 
 (Kzr.  viii.  16).— 11.  A  (hief  man  in  the  time  of 
 Kzra,  probably  a  Levite,  who  assisted  Jonathan  and 
 Jahaziah  in  abolishing  the  marriages  which  some 
 of  the  people  had  contracted  with  foreign  wives 
 (Kzr.  X.  lo).— 12.  One  of  the  descendants  of  Bani, 
 wlio  had  married  a  foreign  wife  and  put  her  awav 
 (Ezr.  X.  29).— 13.  (Neh.  iii.  30.  vi.  18).  The  soil 
 of  Berechiah,  who  assisted  in  rebuilih'ng  the  wall  of 
 Jerusalem  (Neh.  iii.  4j,  as  well  as  the  Temple  wall, 
 adjoining  which  he  had  his  "chamber"  (Neh.  iii. 
 .30).  He  was  probablv  a  priest,  and  his  daughter 
 was  married  to  Joh.anan  tlie  son  of  Tobiah  the  Am- 
 monite (Neh.  vi.  18).— 14.  Tlie  son  of  Besodeiah  : 
 lie  a.ssisted  Jehoiada  the  son  of  Paseah  in  restoring 
 the  old  gate  of  Jerusalem  (Neh.  iii.  6).— 15.  One 
 of  those  who  stood  at  the  left  hand  of  Ezra  when 
 he  lead  tlie  law  to  the  jieople  {Neh.  viii.  4).— 16. 
 A  priest,  or  family  of  priests,  who  sealed  the  cove- 
 nant with  Neliemiah  (Neh.  x.  7). — 17.  One  of  the 
 heads  of  the  people  who  sealed  tlie  covenant  with 
 Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  20).— 18.  A  priest  in  the  days 
 of  Joiakim  the  son  of  Jeshua,  and  lepiesentative 
 of  the  house  of  Ezra  (Neh.  xii.  13).— 19.  Likewise 
 a  priest  at  the  same  time  as  the  pieceiling,  and  head 
 of  the  priestly  family  of  Ginnethon  (Neh.  xii.  16). 
 — 20.  A  tiimily  of  porters,  descendants  of  Meshul- 
 1am  (Neh.  xii.  2.5),  who  is  also  called  Meshelemiah 
 (1  Chr.  xxvi.  1),  Shelemiah  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  14),  and 
 .Shallum  (Neh.  vii.  45).— 21.  One  of  the  f>rinces  of 
 Judah  at  the  dediuition  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem 
 (Nob.  xii.  :r:iv 
 
 Meshullem'eth.  The  d.anghter  of  Haruz  of  Jot- 
 bah,  wile  of  Manasseh  king  of  Judah,  and  mother 
 of  his  successor  .\mon  (2  l\.  xxi.  19). 
 
 Mesoljaite,  the,  a  title  which  occure  only  once, 
 and  then  attached  to  the  name  of  Jasiei,  (I  Chr. 
 xi.  47j.  The  word  retiiins  strong  traces  of  ZOBAII, 
 one  of  the  potty  Araniite  kingdoms.  But  on  this  it 
 is  ini[inssil.l.'  to  pronounce  with  any  ceitainty. 
 
 Mesopota'mia,  is  the  oidinary  (iieek  rendering 
 of  the  Hebrew  Ariun-Naharaim,  or  "  Syria  of  the 
 two  rivers,"  whereof  we  have  frequent  mention  in 
 the  earlier  books  of  Scripture  (Gen.  xxiv.  10;  Deut. 
 xxiii.  4;  .ludg.  iii.  8,  10).  If  we  look  to  the  signi- 
 fication of  the  name,  we  must  regard  Mesopotamia 
 a.s  the  entire  country  between  the  two  rivei-s — the 
 Tigi-is  .and  the  Euphrates.  This  is  a  tract  nearly 
 700  miles  long,  and  from  20  to  S.'iO  miles  broad, 
 extending  in  a  south-e.ast^^rly  dimaion  from  Tclch 
 (U.  .38^  23'.  long.  .39^  18';  to  Knrnnh  (lat.  .".lO. 
 long.  47^30').  The  Arabian  geogra]thers  term  it 
 "  the  Island,"  a  name  which  is  almost  literally 
 correct,  since  a  few  miles  only  intervene  between 
 the  source  of  the  Tigris  and  the  Eni>hnite.s  at  Tck':. 
 
 MESOPOTAMIA 
 
 It  is  for  the  most  part  a  vast  plain,  but  is  oropse.l 
 about  its  centre  by  the  range  of  the  Sinjnr  hills: 
 running  nearly  cast  aiid  west  from  about  Mosul  to 
 a  little  below  Rakhch  ;  and  in  its  northern  poition 
 it  is  even  mountainous,  the  upper  Tigris  valley 
 being  separated  from  the  Mescjiotamian  plain  bv  an 
 important  lange,  the  Mons  Masius  of  Strabo,  which 
 runs  from  Birehjik  to  Jciireh.  To  this  description 
 of  Mesopotamia  in  tlie  most  extended  sense  of  the 
 term,  it  seems  projier  to  append  a  more  particul.ar 
 account  of  that  region,  which  bears  the  name  pair 
 excellence,  both  in  Scriptuie,  and  in  the  classical 
 writers.  This  is  the  north-western  portion  of  the 
 tract  already  descrit)ed,  or  the  country  between  the 
 great  bend  of  tlie  Euphrates  (lat.  3."i'o  to  37'^  30') 
 and  the  upper  Tigris.  It  consists  of  the  inountain 
 country  extending  from  Birclijik  to  Jczireh  upon 
 the  north;  and,  upon  the  south,  of  the  gi'eat  un- 
 dulating Mesopotamian  pl.iin,  as  tar  as  the  Sinjar 
 hills,  and  the  river  KhahOnr.  The  northern  lange, 
 called  by  the  Arabs  Kurajah  Dogh  towards  the 
 west  and  Jehel  Ttir  towards  the  east,  does  not 
 attain  to  any  great  elevation.  The  sti  earns  from 
 the  north  side  of  this  range  are  short,  and  fall  mostly 
 into  the  Tigris.  Those  fiom  the  south  are  more 
 important.  They  How  down  at  very  moderate  in- 
 tervals along  the  whole  course  of  the  range,  and 
 gi'adually  collect  into  two  considerable  rivers — the 
 Bdik  (ancient  Biliihus),  and  the  Khuhour  (Habor 
 or  Chaboras) — which  empty  themselves  into  the 
 Euphiates.  .'^outh  rf  the  mountains  is  the  great 
 plain  already  described,  which  between  the  Khnbour 
 and  the  Tigris  is  interrupted  only  by  the  Sinjar 
 range,  b'lt  west  of  the  Khabour  is  broken  by  several 
 sjjurs  from  the  Karajah  Dagh,  having  a  general 
 direction  from  north  to  south.  Besides  Orfa  and 
 Narrim,  the  chief  cities  of  modern  Mesopotamia  are 
 Mardin  and  Nisibin,  south  of  the  Jebel  Tnr,  and 
 Diarbekr,  north  of  that  range,  upon  the  Tigris.  Of 
 these  places  two,  Nisibin  and  Diurbekr,  were  im- 
 portant from  a  remote  antiquity,  Ainibin  being  then 
 Nisibis,  and  Diarbekr  Amida.  We  lirst  hear  of 
 Mesopotamia  in  Scripture  as  the  country  where 
 Nahor  and  his  family  settled  after  quitting  Ur  of 
 the  Chaldees  (Gen.  xxiv.  10).  Here  lived  Bethuel 
 and  Laban ;  and  hither  Abrah.am  sent  his  servant, 
 to  fetch  Isaac  a  wife  "of  his  own  kindred"  (ib. 
 ver.  38).  Hither  too.  a  century  later,  came  .Lacob  on 
 the  same  errand ;  and  heme  he  returned  with  his  two 
 wives  after  an  absence  of  21  years.  Al'tei'  this  we 
 have  no  mention  of  Mesopotamia,  till  the  close  of  the 
 wanderings  in  the  wilderness  (Deut.  xxiii.  4).  About 
 half  a  century  later,  we  lind,  for  the  Hrst  and  last 
 time,  Me.sopotamia  the  seat  of  a  powerful  monarchy 
 (Judg.  iii.).  Finallj',  the  children  of  Ammon, 
 having  provoked  a  war  with  David,  "  sent  a  thou- 
 sand talents  of  silver  to  hire  them  chariots  and 
 horsemen  out  of  Mesopotamia,  and  out  of  Syria 
 Ma.achah,  and  out  of  Zobah  "  ( I  Chr.  xix.  6).  Ac- 
 cording to  the  Assyrian  inscri))tions,  Mesopotamia 
 was  inhabited  in  the  early  times  of  the  enijiire 
 (B.C.  1200-1 100)  by  a  vast  numlier  of  jiefty  tribes, 
 each  under  its  own  jirince,  and  all  quite  indejiendent 
 of  one  anothei'.  The  A.s.syrian  monarchs  contended 
 with  these  chiefs  at  great  advantage,  and  by  the 
 timn  of  Jehu  (i).C.  88o)  had  fully  e>tablished  their 
 dominion  over  them.  The  tribes  were  all  cdled 
 "  trilies  of  the  Nairi,''  a  term  which  .some  compare 
 with  the  Niihiiraim  of  the  Jews,  and  translate 
 "  tribes  of  tlic  .?/rt'((»/t-/rt«fZs."  But  this  identifica- 
 tion is  \ery  luiceitaiu.     On  the  destruction  of  tlu^ 
 
MESSIAH 
 
 Assyrian  empire,  Mesopotamia  seems  to  have  been 
 (Uvided  between  tlie  MeJes  and  the  Babylonians. 
 The  conquests  ot  Cyrus  brought  it  wholly  under 
 tlie  Persian  yoke ;  and  thus  it  continued  to  the  time 
 of  Alexander. 
 
 Messi'ah.  This  word  (MasliiacK)  which  answers 
 to  the  word  KpiffTSs  in  the  N.  '1'.,  vaeans,  anointed ; 
 and  is  applicable  in  its  first  sense  to  any  one  anointed 
 with  the  holy  oil.  It  is  applied  to  the  high-priest 
 in  Lev.  iv.  3,  5,  16.  Tlie  kings  of  Israel  were 
 called  anointed,  from  the  mode  of  their  consecration 
 (1  Sam.  ii.  10,  35,  xii.  3,  5,  &c.).  This  word  also 
 )-efers  to  the  expected  Prince  of  the  chosen  people 
 who  was  to  complete  God's  purposes  for  them,  and 
 to  redeem  them,  and  of  whose  coming  the  prophets 
 of  the  old  covenant  in  all  time  spoke.  It  is  twice 
 used  in  the  N.  T.  of  Jesus  (John  i.  41,  iv.  25, 
 A.  V.  "Messias");  but  the  Greek  equivalent  the 
 Christ,  is  constantly  applied,  at  first  with  the  article 
 as  a  title,  exactly  the  Anointed  One,  but  later 
 without  the  article,  as  a  proper  name,  Jesus  Christ. 
 This  article  contains  a  lapid  survey  of  the  e.^pecta- 
 tion  of  a  Messiah  among  the  Jews.  The  earliest 
 gleam  of  the  Gospel  is  found  in  the  account  of 
 the  fall  (Gen.  iii.  15).  Many  interpreters  would 
 understand  by  the  .seed  of  the  woman,  the  Messiah 
 only ;  but  it  is  easier  to  think  with  Calvin  that 
 mankind,  after  they  are  gathered  into  one  army  by 
 Jesus  the  Christ,  the  Head  of  the  Church,  are  to 
 achieve  a  victory  over  evil.  The  blessings  in  stoie 
 for  the  children  of  Sheni  aie  remarkably  indiaited 
 in  the  words  of  Noah,  "  Blessed  be  Jehovah  the 
 God  of  Sliem "  (Gen.  ix.  26).  Next  follows  the 
 promise  to  Abraham,  wherein  the  blessings  to 
 8hem  are  turned  into  the  narrower  channel  of  one 
 family  (Geu.  xii.  2,  3).  The  promise  is  still  in- 
 definite ;  but  it  tends  to  the  undoing  of  the  curse 
 of  Adam,  by  a  blessing  to  all  the  earth  through  the 
 seed  of  Abraham,  as  death  had  come  on  the  whole 
 earth  through  Adam.  A  great  step  is  made  in 
 Gen.  xlix.  10,  "The  sceptre  shall  not  depart  from 
 Judah,  nor  a  lawgiver  fjom  between  his  feet,  until 
 Shiloh  come ;  and  unto  him  shall  the  gathering  of 
 the  people  be."  This  is  the  first  case  in  which  the 
 promises  distinctly  centre  in  one  person.  The  next 
 passage  usually  quoted  is  the  prophecy  of  Balaam 
 (Num.  xxiv.  17-19).  The  star  points  indeed  to 
 the  glory,  as  the  sceptre  denotes  the  power  of  a 
 king.  But  it  is  doubtful  whether  the  prophecy  is 
 not  fulfilled  in  David  (2  Sam.  v'lii.  2,  14)  ;  and 
 though  David  is  himself  a  type  of  Christ,  the  direct 
 Messianic  application  of  this  place  is  by  no  means 
 cert;iin.  The  prophecy  of  Moses  (Deut.  xviii.  18) 
 claims  attention.  Does  this  refer  to  the  Messiah  ? 
 The  reteience  to  Moses  in  John  v.  45-47,  "  He 
 wrote  of  me,"  seems  to  point  to  this  passage.  The 
 passages  in  the  Pentateuch  which  relate  to  "  the 
 Angel  of  the  Lord  "  have  been  thought  by  many  to 
 bear  reference  to  the  Messiah.  The  second  pei.iod 
 of  Messianic  prophecy  would  include  the  time  of 
 David,  Passages  in  the  Psalms  are  numerous  which 
 are  applied  to  the  Messiah  in  the  N.  T. :  such  as 
 Ps,  ii.,  xv;.,  xxii.,  xi,,  ex.  The  advance  in  clearness 
 in  this  period  is  great.  The  name  of  Anointed,  )'.  e. 
 King,  comes  in,  and  the  Messiah  is  to  come  of  the 
 lineage  of  David.  He  is  desciibed  in  His  exaltation, 
 with  His  great  kingdom  that  shall  be  spiritual 
 rather  than  tempoial,  Ps.  ii.,  xxi.,  xl.,  ex.  lu  other 
 places  He  is  seen  m  sutiering  and  humiliation,  Ps. 
 xxii.,  xvi.,  xl.  A  iter  the  time  of  David  the  pre- 
 dictious  of  the  Messiah  ceased  lor  a  time;   until 
 
 METALS 
 
 b-i\) 
 
 those  prophets  arose  whoso  works  we  possess  in  the 
 canon  of  Scriptuie.  The  Messiah  is  a  king  and 
 Huler  of  David's  house,  who  should  come  to  leform 
 and  restore  the  Jewish  nation  and  purify  the  church, 
 as  in  Is.  xi.,  xl.-lxvi.  The  blessings  ot  the  restora- 
 tion, however,  will  not  be  confined  to  Jews ;  the 
 heathen  are  made  to  share  them  fully  (Is.  ii.  Ixvi.j. 
 The  passage  of  Micah  v.  2  (comp.  Matt.  ii.  6)  left 
 no  doubt  in  the  mind  of  the  Sanhedrim  as  to  the 
 birthplace  of  the  Messiah.  The  lineage  of  David  is 
 again  alluded  to  in  Zechariah  xii.  10-14.  Tlie  time 
 ot  the  second  Temple  is  fixed  by  Haggai  ii.  9  for 
 Messiah's  coming ;  and  the  coming  of  the  Fore- 
 runner and  of  the  Anointed  are  clearly  revealed  ip 
 Mai.  iii.  1,  iv.  5,  6.  The  fourth  period  after  the 
 close  of  the  canon  of  the  0.  T.  is  known  to  us  in  a 
 great  measure  from  allusions  in  the  N.  T.  to  the 
 expectation  of  the  Jews.  The  Pharisees  and  those 
 of  the  Jews  who  expected  Messiah  at  all,  looked  tor 
 a  tempoial  prince  only.  The  Apostles  themselves 
 were  infected  with  this  opinion,  till  atfer  the  Resui- 
 rection,  Matt.  xx.  20,  21  ;  Luke  xxiv.  21 ;  Acts  i.  6. 
 Gleams  of  a  purer  faith  appear,  Luke  ii.  30,  xxiii. 
 42  ;  John  iv.  25.  On  the  other  hand  there  was  a 
 sceptical  school  which  had  disa\rded  the  expectation 
 altogether.  The  expectation  of  a  golden  age  that 
 should  return  upon  the  earth,  w;u;  common  in 
 heathen  nations.  This  hope  the  Jews  also  shared ; 
 but  with  them  it  was  associated  with  the  coming  of 
 a  particular  Person,  the  Messiah.  It  has  been 
 asserted  that  in  Him  the  Jews  looked  for  an  earthly 
 king,  and  that  the  existence  of  the  hope  of  a  Messiah 
 may  thus  be  accounted  for  on  natural  grounds  and 
 without  a  divine  revelation.  But  the  prophecies 
 refute  this  :  they  hold  out  not  a  Prophet  only,  but 
 a  King  and  a  Priest,  who.-e  business  it  should  be  to 
 set  the  people  free  from  sin,  and  to  teach  them  the 
 ways  of  God,  as  in  Ps.  xxii.,  xl.,  ex. ;  Is.  ii.,  xi.,  liii. 
 In  these  and  other  places  too  the  power  of  the 
 coming  One  reaches  beyond  the  Jews  and  embraces 
 all  the  Gentiles,  which  is  contrary  to  the  exclusive 
 notions  of  Judaism.  A  fair  consideration  of  all  the 
 passages  will  convince  that  the  growth  of  the  Mes- 
 sianic idea  in  the  prophecies  is  owing  to  revelation 
 from  God. 
 
 Messi'as,  the  Greek  form  of  Messiah  (John  i. 
 41  ;  iv.  25). 
 
 Metals.  The  Hebrews,  in  common  with  other 
 ancient  nations,  were  acquainted  with  nearly  all 
 the  metals  known  to  modern  metallurgy,  whether 
 as  the  products  of  their  own  soil  or  the  results  of 
 intercourse  with  foreigners.  One  of  the  earliest 
 geographical  deHuitions  is  that  which  describes  the 
 country  of  Havilah  as  the  land  which  abounded  in 
 gold,  and  the  gold  of  which  was  good  (Gen.  ii.  11, 
 12).  The  first  artist  in  metals  was  a  Cainite, 
 Tubal  Cain,  the  son  of  Lamech,  the  forger  or 
 sharpener  of  every  instrument  of  copper  (A.  V. 
 "brass")  and  iron  (Gen.  iv.  22).  "  Abram  was 
 very  rich  in  cattle,  in  silver,  and  in  gold"  (Gen. 
 x'iii.  2);  silver,_as  will  be  shown  hereafter,  being 
 the  medium  of  commerce,  while  gold  existed  in  the 
 shape  of  ornaments,  during  the  patriarchal  ages. 
 Tin  is  first  mentioned  among  the  spoils  of  the 
 Midianites  which  were  taken  when  Balaam  was 
 slain  (Num.  xxxi.  2'^j,  and  lead  is  used  to  heighten 
 the  imageiy  of  Moses'  triumphal  song  (Ex.  xv.  10). 
 Whether  the  ancient  Hebrews  were  acquainted  with 
 steel,  properly  so  called,  is  uncertiiin  ;  the  words  so 
 rendered  in  the  A.  V.  (2  Sam.  xxii.  35 ;  Job  xx.  24 ; 
 Ps.  xviii.  3  I  ;   Jcr.  xv.  12)  are  in  all  other  passage.-; 
 
550 
 
 METALS 
 
 translated  brass,  aiid  would  l)e  more  correctly 
 ciifpci:  The  "northern  iron"  of  Jer.  xv.  I'J  is 
 believe<l  by  comment;iturs  to  be  iion  hardened  and 
 tempered  by  some  peculiar  process,  so  as  more 
 nearly  to  corresjxMid  to  what  we  call  steel  [Sti:kl]  ; 
 !ind  the  "  flaming  torches"  of  Nah.  ii.  H  are  pro- 
 bably the  flashing  steel  scythes  of  the  war-chaiiots 
 which  should  come  asjainst  Nineveh.  Besides  the 
 6ini])le  metals,  it  is  snjiposed  that  the  Hebrews  used 
 the  mixture  of  cojiperand  tin  known  ns  bronze,  and 
 probably  in  all  c;ises  in  which  copper  is  mentioned 
 as  in  any  way  manufactured,  l>ronze  is  to  be  under- 
 stood as  the  metal  indicated.  With  the  exception  of 
 iron,  gold  is  tiie  most  widely  dill'used  of  all  metals. 
 Almost  every  country  in  the  world  lias  in  its  turn 
 yielded  a  certain  supply,  and  as  it  is  found  most 
 frequently  in  alluvial  soil,  among  the  ddbris  of" 
 rocks  washed  down  by  the  torrents,  it  was  known 
 at  a  very  early  period,  and  was  procured  with  little 
 dilficulty.  We  have  no  indiaitions  of  gold  streams 
 or  mines  in  Palestine.  The  Hebrews  obtained  their 
 principal  supply  from  the  south  of  Arabia,  and  the 
 commerce  of  the  Persian  Gulf.  It  was  probably 
 Drought  in  fonn  of  ingots  (Josh.  vii.  21  ;  A.  V. 
 "wedge,"  lit.  "tongue"),  and  was  rapidly  con- 
 verted into  articles  of  ornament  and  use.  The  great 
 abundance  of  gold  in  early  times  is  indicated  by  its 
 entering  into  the  composition  of  every  article  of 
 ornament  and  almost  all  of  domestic  use.  Among 
 the  spoils  of  the  Midianites  taken  by  the  Israelites  in 
 their  bloodless  victory  when  Balaam  was  slain,  were 
 ear-lings  and  jewels  to  the  amount  of  lfi,750  shekels 
 of  gold  (Num.  x.xxi.  48-54),  equal  in  value  to  more 
 than  30,U()0/.  of  our  present  money.  1700  shekels 
 of  gold  (worth  more  than  3000/.)  in  nose  jewels 
 (A.  V.  "ear-rings")  alone  weie  taken  by  Gideon's 
 army  from  the  slaughtered  Midianites  (Judg.  viii. 
 26).  These  numbers,  though  large,  are  not  inci-ed- 
 ibly  great,  when  we  consider  that  the  countiy  of 
 the  Midianites  was  at  that  time  rich  in  gold  streams 
 which  have  been  since  exhausted,  and  that  like  the 
 Malays  of  the  ;>resent  day,  and  the  Peruvians  of 
 the  time  of  Pizarro,  they  carried  most  of  their 
 wealth  about  them.  I'lut  the  amount  of  tioasuie 
 accumulated  by  l)avid  from  spoils  taken  in  war,  is 
 so  enoiTOous,  that  we  are  tenijitcd  to  conclude  the 
 numbei's  exaggerated.  Thougii  gold  was  thus  com- 
 mon, silver  appears  to  have  been  the  ordinary  me- 
 dium of  commerce.  The  first  commercial  trans- 
 action of  which  we  possess  the  details  was  the 
 purchase  of  Ephron's  field  by  Abraham  for  400 
 shekels  of  si7wr(()en.  xxiii.  16) ;  slaves  were  bought 
 with  silver  (Gen.  xvii.  12)  ;  sih-er  was  the  money; 
 paid  by  Abimelech  as  a  compensation  to  Abraham 
 (Gen.  XX.  1(5);  .Joseph  Wivs  sold  to  the  Ishmaelite 
 merchants  for  twenty  pieces  of  siYrer  (Gen.  xxxvii. 
 28) ;  and  generally  in  the  Old  Testament  "  money" 
 in  the  A.  V.  is  liteially  silver.  The  first  payment 
 in  gold  is  nn'ntioneil  in  1  Ghr.  xxi.  2."i,  where  Uivid 
 buys  the  threshing-floor  of  Oman,  or  Araunah,  the 
 .Febusite,  lor  six  hundred  shekels  oi gold  by  weight. 
 But  in  the  parallel  narrative  of  the  transaction  in 
 2  Sam.  xxiv.  24,  the  price  paid  tor  the  threshing- 
 floor  an<l  oxen  is  fifty  shekels  of  silver.  With  this 
 one  exception  there  is  no  case  in  the  O.  T.  in  which 
 gold  IS  alluded  to  as  a  medium  of  commeice;  the 
 Hebrew  coinage  may  have  been  i)ai  tly  gold,  but  we 
 have  no  proof  of  it.  Silver  was  brought  into  Pa- 
 lestine in  the  form  of  jjlates  fi-om  Tar.shish,  with 
 ^o\\\  and  ivory  (I  K.  x.  22;  2  C'hr.  ix.  21;  .ler. 
 X.  9).     'I'lie  iiccumulatiun  of  wealth  in  the  I'lign  of 
 
 METHUSAEL 
 
 Solomon  was  so  great  that  silver  was  but  little 
 esteemed  ;  "  the  king  made  silver  to  be  in  .!(  rii- 
 salem  as  stones"  (1  K.  x.  21,  27).  With  the 
 treasuies  which  weie  brought  out  of  Kgvpt,  not 
 only  the  ornaments  but  the  ordinary  metal-work 
 of  the  tabernacle  were  made.  From  a  comfiarison  of 
 the  dilleient  amounts  of  gold  and  silver  collected 
 by  David,  it  appears  that  the  pro]iortioii  of  the 
 Ibi-mer  to  the  latter  was  1  to  9  nearly.  Brass,  or 
 more  pioperly  copper,  was  a  native  product  of  Pa- 
 lestine, "a  land  whose  stones  are  iron,  and  out  of 
 whose  hills  thou  mayest  dig  copper"  (Deut.  viii. 
 9  ;  Job  xxviii.  2).  It  was  so  plentiful  in  the  days 
 of  Solomon  that  the  quantity  employed  in  the 
 Temple  could  not  be  estimated,  it  was  so  great 
 (1  K.  vii.  47).  There  is  strong  reason  to  believe 
 that  brass,  a  mixture  of  copper  and  zinc,  was  un- 
 known to  the  ancients.  To  the  latter  metal  no 
 allusion  is  found.  But  tin  was  well  known,  and 
 from  the  difficulty  which  attends  the  toughening 
 pure  copper  t^o  as  to  render  it  fit  for  hammering,  it 
 is  probable  that  the  mode  of  deoxidising  copj)er  by 
 the  admixture  of  small  quantities  of  tin  had  been 
 early  discovered.  Anns  (2  ."^am.  xxi.  16;  Job  xx. 
 24;  Ps.  xviii.  34)  and  armour  (1  Sam.  xvii.  ,">,  6, 
 38)  were  made  of  this  metal,  which  was  capable  of 
 being  so  wrought  as  to  admit  of  a  keen  and  hard 
 edge.  The  Egyptians  employed  it  in  cutting  the 
 hardest  granite.  Iron,  like  cojiper,  was  tbund  in 
 the  hills  of  Palestine.  The  "  iron  mountain"  in  the 
 trans-Jordanic  region  is  described  by  Josephus,  and 
 was  remarkable  for  producing  a  particular  kind  of 
 palm.  Iron-mines  are  still  worked  by  the  inha- 
 bitants of  Kcfr  Hunch  in  the  S.  of  the  vallev  Za- 
 harani.  Tin  and  lead  were  both  known  at  a  very 
 early  period,  though  there  is  no  distinct  trace  of 
 them  in  Palestine.  The  former  was  among  the 
 spoils  of  the  Jlidianites  (Num.  xxxi.  22),  who  might 
 have  obtained  it  in  their  intercourse  with  the  Phoe- 
 nician merchants  (comp.  (ien.  .xxxvii.  25,  36),  who 
 themselves  procured  it  from  Tarshish  (Kz.  xxvii. 
 12)  and  the  tin  countries  of  the  west.  Antimony 
 (2  K.  ix.  30;  Jer.  iv.  30,  A.  V.  "painting"),  in 
 the  form  of  powder,  was  used  by  the  Hebrew  women, 
 like  the  kohl  of  the  Arabs,  for  colouring  their  eye- 
 lids and  eyebrows.  Further  information  will  be 
 found  in  the  articles  upon  the  several  metals,  and 
 whatever  is  known  of  the  metalluigy  of  the  Hebrews 
 will  be  discussed  under  MINING. 
 
 Mete'ms.  According  to  the  list  in  1  Ksd. 
 V.  17,  "the  sons  of  Meterus "  returned  with 
 Zorobaliel. 
 
 Meth'eg-Am'mah,  a  place  which  David  took 
 from  the  I'liilistines,  apparently  in  his  last  war 
 with  them  (2  Sam.  viii.  1).  In  the  jvii-allel  jms- 
 sage  of  the  Chronicles  (1  Chr.  xviii.  1),  "IJath  and 
 her  daughter-towns "  is  substitute*!  for  Metheg 
 ha-Ammah.  The  renderings  are  legion,  but  the 
 interpretations  may  be  lediiced  to  two: — 1.  That 
 adopted  by  Gesenius  and  Fiirst,  in  which  Amniah 
 is  taken  as  meaning  "  mother-city  "  or  "  metro- 
 polis*' (comp.  2  Sam.  xx.  19),  and  Meth^g-ha- 
 .Aminali  "  the  bridle  of  the  mother-city" — viz.  of 
 Gath,  the  chief  town  of  the  Philistines.  2.  That 
 of  Kwald,  who,  taking  Ammah  jus  meaning  the 
 "  fbre.irm,"  treats  the  words  .is  a  metaphor  to 
 express  the  peifect  manner  in  which  David  h.id 
 smitten  ami  humbleil  his  foes. 
 
 Mcthu'sael,  the  son  of  Mehujael,  fourth  in 
 descent  I'joni  Cain,  and  father  of  Lamech  ((ien. 
 iv.  18). 
 
METHUSELAH 
 
 Methu'selah,  the  son  of  Enoch,  sixtli  in  (iescttnt 
 fiorn  .-ctli,  aiiJ  fiither  of  Lamech.    ((^Jcn.  v.  2.^-27.) 
 
 Me'unim,  Neh.  vii.  52.  Elsewhere  given  in 
 A.  V.  a.^  Mkhl'nim  and  Mkhunims. 
 
 Ueuzal,    Kz.  xxvii,  19  marg.     [UzAL.] 
 
 Me'zahab.  The  father  of  Matred  and  tpand- 
 father  of  Mehetabel,  who  was  wife  of  Hadar  or 
 Hada<J,  the  lait-nanied  king  of  Edom  (fien.  xxxvi. 
 39;  1  Chr.  i.  oOj.  His  name,  which,  if  it  be 
 Hfcbrew,  signifies  "waters  of  gold,"  has  given  rise 
 to  much  s]n.'culation. 
 
 Miamin.  1,  A  layman  of  Israel  of  the  sons  of 
 Paiobh,  wliQ  had  married  a  foreign  wife  and  put 
 her  away  at  the  bidding  of  Ezra  (Ezr.  x.  25).— 
 2.  A  priest  or  family  of  priests  who  went  up  from 
 Babylon  with  Zerubbabel  (Xeh.  zii.  .5). 
 
 Mib'-har.  "  Mibhar  the  son  of  Haggeri  "  is  the 
 name  of  one  of  David's  heroes  in  the  list  given  in 
 
 1  Chr.  xi.  The  verse  (38)  in  which  it  occurs  appears 
 to  be  corrupt,  for  in  the  coiTesponding  ciitalogue  of 
 
 2  Sam.  xxiii.  '.'>H  we  find,  instead  of  "  Mibhar  the 
 son  of  Haggeri,"  "of  Zobah,  Bani  the  Gadite."  It 
 is  easy  to  see,  if  the  latter  be  the  true  reading, 
 how  Bani  hagf/adi,  could  be  corrupted  into  hen- 
 kwjgeri.  But  that  "  Mibhar"  is  a  corruption  of 
 mitstsobah,  "  of  Zobah,"  is  not  so  clear,  though 
 not  absolutely  impossible.  It  would  seem  from  the 
 LXX.  of  2  .Sam.,  that  both  leadings  originally 
 co-''xist«J. 
 
 Mibsam.  1,  A  son  of  I.shmael  (Gen.  xxv.  13; 
 1  Gill',  i.  29),  not  elsewhere  mentioned.  Thesigni- 
 ficition  of  his  name  has  led  some  to  [iropose  an 
 identification  of  the  tribe  sprung  from  him  with 
 some  one  of  the  .Vbiahamic  tiibes  settled  in  Arabia 
 aromatifera.— 2.  A  wjn  of  Simeon  (1  Chr.  iv.  25^, 
 pf.-rhaps  named  after  the  Ishmaelite  Mibsani. 
 
 Mib'zar.  One  of  the  phylarchs  or  "dukes"  of 
 Eiioni  I  1.  Chr.  i.  53)  or  Esau  (Gen.  xxxvi.  43)  alter 
 the  death  of  Hadail  or  Hadar. 
 
 Mic'ah,  an  Israelite  whose  familiar  story  is  pre- 
 sei  ved  in  the  xviith  and  xviiith  chapteiu  of  .Judges, 
 furnishing  us  with  a  picture  of  the  interior  of 
 a  private  Israelite  family  of  the  rural  districts, 
 which  in  many  respects  stands  quite  alone  in  the 
 sacred  records,  and  has  piobably  no  parallel  in  any 
 literature  of  equal  age.  But  apart  from  this  the 
 narrative  has  several  points  of  special  interest  to 
 students  of  biblical  history  in  the  information  which 
 it  aflfbrds  as  to  the  condition  of  the  nation.  We  see 
 (1.)  how  completely  some  of  the  most  solemn  and 
 characteristic  en;ictments  of  the  Law  had  become  a 
 dead  letter.  Micah  was  evidently  a  devout  believer 
 in  Jehovah.  His  one  anxiety  is  to  enjoy  the  iiavour 
 of  .Jehovah  (xvii.  13)  ;  the  formula  of  blessing  used 
 by  his  mother  and  his  priest  invokes  the  .same  awful 
 name  (xvii,  2,  xviii.  6) ;  and  yet  so  completely  ij;- 
 iiorant  is  he  of  the  Law  of  Jehovah,  that  the  mofle 
 which  he  aflopts  of  honouring  Him  is  to  make  a 
 niolt«n  and  graven  image,  teniphim  or  images  of 
 domestic  go'Ls,  and  to  set  up  an  unauthorised  priest- 
 hoo<J,  Hrst  ill  his  own  family  ("xvii.  5j,  and  then  in 
 the  person  of  a  Levite  not  of  the  priestly  line  f  ver. 
 12).  (2.)  The  story  also  throws  a  light  on  the 
 condition  of  the  Levites.  Heie  we  have  a  Levite 
 Ixilonging  to  Bethlehem-jud.ah,  a  town  not  allotted 
 iit  his  tribe;  next  wandering  forth  to  take  up  iiis 
 alx)'ie  wlie:ever  he  could  tiiid  ■  a  residence;  then 
 undertaking;  the  charge  of  Micah's  idol-<;liajx;l  ;  and 
 Ifuvfly,  cjiiryjng  off  the  property  of  his  master 
 and  benefactor,  and  becoming  the  first  priest  t^i 
 another  system  of  false  worship.     But  the  trans- 
 
 MICAH  551 
 
 action  becomes  stiH  more  remarkable  when  we  con- 
 sider (3.)  th.'it  this  was  no  obscure  or  ordinary 
 Levite.  He  belonged  to  the  chief  liimily  in  the 
 triije,  nay,  we  may  say  to  the  chief  family  of  the 
 nation,  for  though  not  himself  a  priest,  he  iva 
 closely  allied  to  the  piiestly  hon^e,  and  was  the 
 grandson  of  no  less  a  person  than  the  great  Moses 
 himself.  [Manassich,  No.  4.]  (4.j  The  narrative 
 gives  IIS  a  most  vivid  idea  of  the  terrible  anarchy  in 
 which  the  country  w<is  placed,  when  "there  wiis  no 
 king  in  Israel,  and  every  man  did  what  was  right 
 in  his  own  eyes,"  and  shows  how  urgently  iiecessarv 
 a  central  authority  had  become.  A  body  of  six 
 hundred  men  completely  armed,  besides  the  train 
 of  their  fiimilies  and  cattle,  traverses  the  length  and 
 breadth  of  the  land,  not  on  any  mi.ssion  for  the 
 ruler  or  the  nation,  as  on  later  occasions  (2  Sam.  ii. 
 12,  &c.,  XX.  7,  14;,  but  simply  for  their  private 
 ends.  Entirely  disregarding  the  rights  of  private 
 property,  they  burst  in  wherever  they  please  along 
 their  route,  and  jdundering  the  valuables  and  carry- 
 ing off  persons,  reply  to  all  remonstrances  byt'iunts 
 and  threats.  As  to  the  date  of  these  interesting 
 events,  the  nariJitive  gives  us  no  diiect  infonnation 
 beyond  the  fact  that  it  was  before  the  beginning  of 
 the  monarchy  ;  but  we  may  at  least  infer  that  it 
 was  also  before  the  time  of  Samson,  because  in  this 
 narrative  rxviii.  12;  we  meet  with  the  origin  of 
 the  name  Mahaneh-dan,  a  plare  which  alrea<]y 
 bore  that  name  in  Samson's  childhood  (xiii.  25). 
 The  date  of  the  lecoid  itself  may  perhaps  be 
 more  nearly  arrived  at.  That,  on  the  one  hand, 
 it  was  after  the  beginning  of  the  monarchy  is 
 evident  from  the  references  to  the  ante-monarchical 
 times  (xviii.  1,  xix.  l,xxi.  25;.  The  reference  to 
 the  establishment  of  the  house  of  God  in  .Shiloh 
 (xviii.  31;  seems  also  to  point  to  the  early  part  of 
 Saul's  reign. 
 
 UicaJl.  The  sixth  in  order  of  the  minor  pro- 
 phets, according  to  the  arrangement  in  our  pre- 
 sent canon ;  in  the  LXX.  he  is  placed  third,  after 
 Hosea  and  Amos.  To  distinguish  him  from  .Mi- 
 caiah  the  son  of  Imlah,  the  contemporary  of  Elijah, 
 he  is  called  the  MciitASniiTK,  that  is  a  native  of 
 Moiesheth,  or  some  place  of  similar  name,  which 
 Jerome  and  Eiisebliis  call  Morasthi  and  identify 
 with  a  small  village  near  Eleutheropolis  to  the  east, 
 where  formerly  the  projthet's  tomb  was  shown, 
 though  in  the  days  of  .Jerome  it  had  Jjeen  succeeded 
 by  a  church  {Kpit.  I'au.lae,  c.  6;.  As  little  is  known 
 of  the  circumstances  of  Micah's  lifij  as  of  many 
 of  the  other  prophets.  I'seudo-Epiphaniug  makes 
 him,  contrary  to  all  probability,  of  the  tribe  of 
 Ephraini.  For  rebuking  Jehoram  for  his  impieties, 
 Micah,  according  U)  the  same  autlioiity,  was  thrown 
 from  a  precipice,  and  buried  at  Morathi  in  his  own 
 •xiuntry,  hard  by  the  cemetery  of  Enaklin,  where 
 ills  sepulchie  was  still  to  be  seen.  The  period 
 during  which  .Miciih  exercised  the  prophetical  office 
 is  st'ited,  in  the  siipers^-ription  to  his  iirophecies,  to 
 have  extended  over  the  reigns  of  Jotliam,  Ahaz, 
 and  Mezekiah,  kings  of  Judah,  giving  thus  a  maxi- 
 mum limit  of  59  years  (B.C.  750-097),  from  the 
 accession  of  Jotham  Xn)  the  death  of  Hezekiah,  and 
 a  minimum  limit  of  10  years  (b.C.  742-720),  from 
 the  di-ath  of  Jotliarn  to  the  aicession  of  Hezekiah. 
 In  either  case  lie  would  be  contempoiaiy  with 
 Hosea  and  Amos  during  [lait  of  their  ministry  in 
 Israel,  and  with  Isaiah  in  Judah.  Witli  respect  to 
 one  of  his  prophecies  (iii.  12)  it  is  distinctly  itssigned 
 to  the  icign  of  ilc/tkiali  (Jer.  xxvi.  1«),  and  was 
 
552 
 
 MICAH 
 
 probably  delivered  before  the  great  passover  which 
 inaugurated  the  reformation  in  .ludali.  Tlie  date 
 of  the  others  must  be  detemiined,  if  at  all,  by  in- 
 ternal evidence,  and  the  periods  to  which  they  are 
 assigned  are  therefore  necessaiily  conjectural.  The 
 time  assigned  to  the  prophecies  by  the  only  diiect 
 ev.dence  which  we  possess,  agrees  so  well  with 
 their  contents  that  it  may  faiily  be  ticcepted  as  cor- 
 rect. A  confusion  appears  to  have  existed  in  the 
 minds  of  those  who  see  in  the  piopliecy  in  its  pie- 
 sent  form  a  connected  whole,  between  the  actual 
 delivery  of  the  seveial  portions  of  it,  and  their  col- 
 lection and  transcription  into  one  book.  It  is  con- 
 ceivable, to  say  the  least,  tliat  certain  portions  of 
 Alicah's  prophecy  may  have  been  uttered  in  the 
 reigns  of  Jotham  and  Ahaz,  and  tor  the  probability 
 of  this  there  is  strong  internal  evidence,  while  they 
 were  collected  as  a  whole  in  the  reign  of  Ilezekiah 
 and  committed  to  writing.  The  book  thus  written 
 mny  have  been  read  in  the  presence  of  the  king  and 
 the  whole  people,  on  some  great  fast  or  festival  day. 
 It  is  impossible  in  dealing  with  internal  evidence  to 
 assert  positively  that  the  intiL'rences  deduced  from 
 it  are  correct;  but  in  the  present  instance  they  at 
 least  establish  a  probability,  that  in  placing  the 
 period  of  Wicah's  prophetical  activity  between  the 
 times  of  Jotham  and  Hezekiah  the  su])erscription  is 
 correct.  In  the  iirst  years  of  Ilezekiah's  reign  the 
 idolatry  which  prevailed  in  the  time  of  Ahaz  was 
 not  eradicated,  and  in  assigning  the  date  of  Micah's 
 prophecy  to  this  period  there  is  no  anachronism  in 
 the  allusions  to  idolatrous  practices.  In  the  ar- 
 rangement adopted  by  Wells  (pref.  to  Micah,  §  iv. 
 — vi.)  ch.  i.  was  delivered  in  the  contemporary 
 reigns  of  Jotham  king  of  Judah  and  of  Pekali  king 
 of  Israel  ;  ii.  1 — iv.  8  in  those  of  Ahaz,  Pekah,  an<l 
 Hosea;  iii,  12  being  assigned  to  the  last  year  of 
 Ahaz,  and  the  remainder  of  the  book  to  tlie  reign 
 of  Hezekiah.  But,  at  whatever  time  the  several 
 prophecies  were  first  delivered,  they  appear  in  their 
 present  fonn  as  an  organic  whole,  maiked  by  a 
 certain  regularity  of  development.  Tliree  sections, 
 omitting  the  superscri])tion,  are  introduced  by  the 
 same  phrase,  "  hear  ye,"  and  represent  three  natural 
 divisions  of  the  projihecy — i.,  ii.,  iii.-v.,  vi.-vii. — 
 each  (Mmmencing  with  rebukes  and  threatenings  and 
 closing  with  a  promise.  The  first  section  opens 
 with  a  magnificent  desciij)tion  of  the  coming  of 
 Jehovah  to  judgment  for  the  sins  and  idolatries 
 of  Israel  and  Judah  (i.  2-4),  and  the  sentence  pro- 
 nounced upon  Samaria  (.'>-9)  by  the  Judge  Himself. 
 The  prophet  sees  the  danger  which  threatens  his 
 country,  and  traces  in  imagination  the  devastating 
 march  of  the  Assyrian  conquerors  (i.  8-lG).  The 
 impending  punishment  suggests  its  cause,  and  the 
 prophet  denounces  a  woe  upon  the  peojjle  generally 
 for  the  corruption  and  violence  which  were  rife 
 among  them,  and  upon  the  false  prophets  who  led 
 tliem  astray  by  pandi-ring  to  their  apjjetitcs  and 
 luxury  (ii.  1-ilj.  The  sentence  of  captivity  is 
 passed  upon  them  (10),  but  is  (bllowed  instaiitly 
 by  a  promise  of  restoration  and  triumphant  return 
 (ii.  12,  i;-i}.  The  second  section  is  addressed  espec- 
 ially to  the  princes  and  heads  of  the  people;  their 
 avarice  and  lapacity  are  rebuked  in  strong  terms. 
 But  the  threatening  is  again  succeeded  by  a  promise 
 of  restoration,  and  in  the  glories  of  the  Messianic 
 kingdoin  the  prophet  loses  sight  of  the  desolation 
 which  should  beCill  his  country.  The  predictions 
 in  this  section  form  the  climax  of  the  book,  and 
 Ewald  arranges  them  in  four  strophes,  consisting 
 
 MICAIAH 
 
 of  from  seven  to  eight  verses  each  (iv.  1-8,  iv.  9- 
 V.  2,  V.  3-9,  v.  Id- 15), with  the  exception  of  the 
 last,  which  is  shorter.  In  the  last  section  (vi.  vii.) 
 Jehovah,  by  a  bold  poetical  figure,  is  represented 
 as  holding  a  controversy  with  His  people,  pleading 
 with  them  in  justification  of  His  conduct  towaids 
 tiicm  and  the  leasonableness  of  His  requirements. 
 The  dialogue  form  in  which  chap.  vi.  is  cast  renders 
 the  j)icture  very  diamatic  and  striking.  The  whole 
 concludes  with  a  triumplial  song  of  joy  at  tlie  great 
 deliverance,  like  that  fioin  Kgypt,  which  Jehovah 
 will  achieve,  and  a  full  acknowledgment  of  His 
 mercy  and  faithfulness  to  His  promises  (lG-20), 
 The  last  verse  is  reproduced  in  the  song  ofZacharias 
 (Luke  i.  72,  7o).  The  predictions  uttered  by  Micah 
 relate  to  the  invasions  of  Shalmaneser  (i.  6-8  ;  2  K. 
 xvii.  4,  G)  and  Sennacherib  (i.  9-16  ;  2  K.  xviii. 
 13),  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  (iii.  12,  vii.  13), 
 the  captivity  in  Babylon  (iv.  10),  the  return  (iv. 
 1-8,  vii.  11),  the  establishment  of  a  theocratic 
 kingdom  in  Jerusalem  (iv.  8),  and  the  Kuler  who 
 should  spring  from  Bethlehem  (v.  2).  The  de- 
 struction of  Assyria  and  Babylon  is  supjiosed  to  be 
 referred  to  in  v.  5,  6,  vii.  8,  10.  it  is  remarkable 
 that  the  ])rophecies  commence  with  the  last  words 
 recorded  of  the  prophet's  namesake,  Micaiah  the  son 
 of  Imlah,  "  Hearken,  0  peo]ile,  eveiy  one  of  you  " 
 (1  K.  xxii.  28).  '1  he  style  of  Micah  has  been  com- 
 pared with  that  of  Hosea  and  Isaiah.  His  diction  is 
 vigorous  and  forcible,  sometimes  obscure  from  the 
 abruptness  of  its  transitions,  but  vaiied  and  rich  in 
 figures  derived  from  the  jiastoral  (i.  8,  ii.  12,  v.  4, 
 5,  7,  8,  vii.  14)  and  rural  life  of  the  lowland 
 country  (i.  6,  iii.  12,  iv.  3,  J  2,  13,  vi.  15),  whose 
 vines  and  olives  and  fig-trees  were  celebrated  (1  Chr. 
 xxvii.  27,  28),  and  supply  the  jirophet  with  so 
 many  striking  allusions  (i.  G,  iv.  3,  4,  vi.  15,  vii. 
 1,4)  as  to  suggest  that,  like  Amos,  he  may  have 
 been  either  a  herdsman  or  a  vine-dresser,  who  had 
 heard  the  h(jwling  of  the  jackals  (i.  8,  A.  V. 
 "dragons")  as  he  watched  his  flocks  or  his  vines 
 by  night,  and  had  seen  the  lions  slaughtering  the 
 sheep  (v.  8).  The  language  of  Micah  is  quoted  in 
 Matt.  ii.  5,  G,  and  his  prophecies  are  alluded  to 
 in  Matt,  x.  35,  36  ;  Mark  xiii.  12  ;  Luke  xii. 
 53  ;  John  vii.  42.-2.  A  descendant  of  Joel  the 
 Reubenite  (1  Chr.  v.  5j.— 3.  The  .son  of  Merib- 
 baal,  or  Mephibosheth,  the  son  of  Jonathan  (1  Chr. 
 viii.  34,  35,  ix.  40,  41).— 4.  A  Kohathite  Levite, 
 eldest  son  of  Uzziel  the  brother  of  Amram  (1  Chr. 
 xxiii.  20).— 5.  The  father  of  Abdon,  a  man  of 
 high  station  in  the  reign  of  Josiah  (2  Chr.  xxxiv. 
 2()). 
 
 Micaiah.  There  are  seven  persons  of  this  name 
 in  the  O.  T.  besides  Micah  the  Levite,  to  whom  the 
 name  is  twice  given  in  the  Hebrew  (Judg.  xvii.  1,4); 
 Micah  and  Micaiah  meaning  the  s-ime  thing,  "  Who 
 like  Jehovah  ?"  In  the  A.  V.  however,  with  the  one 
 exception  following,  the  name  is  given  as  MiCii.viah. 
 'I'he  son  of  Imlah,  a  prophet  of  S;\maria.  who,  in  the 
 last  vear  of  the  reign  of  .Miab,  king  of  Jsrad,  pre- 
 dictetl  his  defeat  and  death,  n.C.  897.  Thecircum- 
 stiUiccs  were  as  follows : — Three  years  after  the  gi  eat 
 battle  with  15enhadad,  Ahab  proposed  to  Jehoshaphat 
 that  tlicy  should  jointly  go  up  to  battle  against 
 liiuiioth  (Jilead.  Jehoshaphat  assentt>d  in  cordial 
 word.^  to  the  profwsal ;  but  suggested  that  they 
 should  first  ''  enquire  at  the  word  of  Jehovah." 
 Accordingly,  Ahab  a-<sembled  400  prophets,  while, 
 in  an  open  sjiace  at  the  gate  of  the  city  of  Samaria, 
 he  and  Jehoshaphat  sat  in  royal  robes  to  meet  aud 
 
MICHA 
 
 tonsu't  them.  The  prophets  unanimously  gave  a 
 favourable  response ;  and  among  them,  Zedekiah 
 the  son  of  Clienaanah,  made  hoins  of  iron  as  a 
 symljol,  and  announced,  from  Jehovah,  that  with 
 tliose  horns  Ahab  would  push  the  Assyrians  till  he 
 consumed  them.  Jehoshajih.it  was  dissatisfied  with 
 the  answer,  and  asked  if  there  was  no  other  prophet 
 of  Jehovah,  at  Samaria  ?  Ahab  replied  that  there 
 was  yet  one — Micaiah  the  son  of  Imlah  ;  but,  he 
 added,  "  I  hate  him,  for  he  does  not  prophesy  good 
 concerning  me,  but  evil."  Micaiah  was,  neverthe- 
 less, sent  for ;  and  after  an  attempt  had  in  vain 
 been  made  to  tamjjer  with  him,  he  first  expressed 
 an  ironical  concurrence  with  the  400  prophets,  and 
 then  openly  foretold  the  defeat  of  Ahab's  army 
 and  the  death  of  Ahab  himself.  And  in  opposition 
 to  the  other  piopiiets,  he  said,  that  he  had  seen 
 Jehovah  sitting  on  His  throne,  and  all  the  host  of 
 Heaven  stuiding  by  Him,  on  His  right  hand  and  on 
 His  left :  that  Jehovah  said,  Who  shall  persuade 
 Ahab  to  go  up  and  fall  at  Kamoth  Gilead?  that 
 a  Spii'it  came  ibrth  and  said  that  he  would  do  so ; 
 and  on  being  asked,  Wherewith  ?  he  answered,  that 
 he  would  go  forth  and  be  a  lying  spirit  in  the 
 mouth  of  all  the  prophets.  Iriitated  by  the  ac- 
 count of  the  vision,  Zedekiah  struck  Micaiah  on 
 the  cheek,  and  Ahab  ordered  Micaiah  to  be  taken 
 to  prison,  and  fed  on  bread  and  water  till  his  return 
 to  Samaiia  (1  K.  xxii.  1-35;  2  Chr.  xviii.).  Jo- 
 .sephus  relates  several  details  not  contained  in  the 
 Bible,  some  of  which  are  probable,  while  others  are 
 very  unlikely  ;  but  for  none  of  which  does  he  give 
 any  authority.  Thus,  he  says,  Micaiah  was  already 
 in  prison,  when  sent  for  to  prophesy  before  Ahab 
 and  Jehoshaphat,  and  that  it  was  Micaiah  who  had 
 predicted  death  by  a  lion  to  the  son  of  a  prophet, 
 under  the  circumstances  mentioned  in  1  K.  xx.  35, 
 36  ;  and  had  rebuked  Ahab  after  his  brilliant  vic- 
 tory over  the  Syrians  for  not  putting  Benhadad  to 
 death.  The  histoiy  of  Micaiah  is  an  exemplification 
 in  practice,  of  contradictoiy  predictions  being  made 
 by  diifeient  piophets.  The  only  rule  bearing  on 
 the  judgment  to  be  formed  under  .such  circum- 
 stances seems  to  have  been  a  negative  one.  It  is 
 laid  down  in  Deut.  xviii.  21,  22,  where  the  ques- 
 tion is  asked,  How  the  children  of  Israel  were  to 
 biOH'  the  word  which  Jehovah  had  not  spoken  ? 
 And  the  solution  is,  that  "  if  the  thing  follow  not, 
 nor  come  to  pass,  that  is  the  thing  which  Jehovah 
 has  not  sjioken." 
 
 Micha.  1.  The  son  of  Mephibosheth  (2  Sam. 
 is.  12).— 2.  A  Levite,  or  family  of  Levites,  who 
 signed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  11). 
 —3.  The  father  of  Jlattaniah,  a  Gershonite  Levite 
 and  descendant  of  Asaph  (Neh.  xi.  17,  22).— 4. 
 A  Simeonite,  fother  of  Ozias,  one  of  the  three 
 governors  of  the  city  of  Bethulia  in  the  time  of 
 Judith  fJud.  vi.  15). 
 
 Tffii'chael.  1.  An  Asherite,  father  of  Sethur,  one 
 of  the  twelve  spies  (Num.  xiii.  13).— 2.  The  son 
 of  Abihail,  one  of  the  Gadites  who  settled  in  the 
 land  of  Bashan  (1  Chr.  v.  13).— -3.  Another  Gadite, 
 ancestor  of  Abihail  (1  Chr.  v.  14).— 4.  A  Gershon- 
 ite Levite,  ancestor  of  Asaph  (1  Chr.  vi.  40).— 
 5.  One  of  the  five  sons  of  Izrahiah  of  the  tribe  of 
 Issachar  (1  Chr.  vii.  3).— 6.  A  Benjamite  of  the 
 sons  ofBeriah  (1  Chr.  viii.  16). — 7.  One  of  the  cap- 
 tains of  the  "thousands''  of  Manasseh  who  joined 
 David  at  Ziklag  (IChr.  xii.  20).— 8.  The  father, 
 or  ancestor  of  Omri,  chief  of  the  ti'ibe  cf  Issachar 
 in  the  reign  of  David  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  18). ^9.  One 
 
 MICHAL 
 
 553 
 
 of  the  sons  of  Jehoshaphat  who  were  murdered  by 
 their  elder  brother  Jehoram   (2Clir.'xxi.  2,4).— 
 
 10.  The  father  or  ancestor  of  Zebadiah  of  the  sons 
 of  Sheuhatiah    (Ezr.  viii.   8;   1    Esdr.  viii.  34).— 
 
 11.  "  One,"  or  "  the  first  of  the  chief  princes"  or 
 arciiangels  (Dan.  x.  13 ;  comp.  Jude  9),  described 
 in  Dan.  x.  21  as  the  "  prince"  of  Israel,  and  in  xii. 
 1  as  "  the  great  piince  which  standeth "  in  time 
 of  conflict  "  for  the  children  of  thy  people."  All 
 these  passages  in  the  0.  T.  belong  to  that  late  period 
 of  its  Revelation,  when,  to  the  general  declaration 
 of  the  angelic  office,  was  added  the  division  of  that 
 office  into  parts,  and  the  assignment  of  them  to 
 individual  angels.  As  Gabriel  lepresents  the  minis- 
 tration of  the  angels  towards  man,  so  Michael  is  the 
 type  and  leader  of  their  strife,  in  God's  name  and 
 His  strength,  against  the  power  of  Satan.  In  the 
 0.  T.  therefore  he  is  the  guardian  of  the  Jewisli 
 people  in  their  antagonism  to  godless-,  power  and 
 heathenism.  In  the  N.  T.  (see  Rev.  xii.  7)  he 
 fights  in  heaven  against  the  dragon — "  that  o'd 
 serpent  called  the  Devil  and  Satan,  which  deceiveth 
 the  whole  icorld;"  and  so  takes  pait  in  that  struggle, 
 which  is  the  work  of  the  Chui-ch  on  earth.  There 
 remains  still  one  passage  (Jude  9  ;  comp.  2  Pet. 
 ii.  11)  in  which  we  are  told  that  "Michael  the 
 archangel,  when  contending  with  the  devil  he  dis- 
 puted about  the  body  of  Mosos,  durst  not  bring 
 against  him  a  railing  accusation,  but  said,  The  Lord 
 rebuke  thee."  The  allusion  seems  to  be  to  a  Jewish 
 legend  attached  to  Deut.  xxxiv.  6.  The  Rabbinical 
 traditions  about  Michael  are  very  numerous. 
 
 Mi'chah,  eldest  son  of  Uzziel,  the  son  of  Kohath 
 (1  Chr.  xxiv.  24,  25),  elsewhere  (1  Chr.  xxiii.  20) 
 called  MiCAH. 
 
 Michai'ah.  1.  The  father  of  Achbor,  a  man  of 
 high  rank  in  the  reign  of  Josiah  (2  1\.  xxii.  12). 
 He  is  the  same  as  Mic.\H  the  father  of  Abdon 
 (2  Chr.  xxxiv.  20).— 2,  The  son  of  Zaccur,  a  de- 
 scendant of  Asaph  (^Neh.  xii.  35).  He  is  the  same 
 as  MiCAH  the  son  of  Zichri  (1  Chr.  ix.  15)  and 
 MiCiiA  the  son  of  Zabdi  (Neh.  xi.  17).— 3.  One  or 
 the  priests  at  the  dedication  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem 
 (Neh.  xii.  41).— 4.  The  daughter  of  (Jri»l  of  Gibeah, 
 wife  of  Rehoboam,  and  mother  of  Abijah  king  of 
 Judah  (2  Chr.  xiii.  2).  [Maachah,  3.]— 6.  One 
 of  the  princes  of  Jehoshaphat  whom  he  sent  to 
 teach  the  law  of  Jehovah  in  the  cities  of  Judah 
 (2  Chr.  xvii.  7). ^6.  The  son  of  Gemariah.  He 
 is  only  mentioned  on  one  occasion.  After  Baruch 
 had  read,  in  public,  prophecies  of  Jeremiah  an- 
 noimcing  imminent  calamities,  Slichaiah  went  and 
 declared  them  to  all  the  princes  assembled  in  king 
 Jehoiakim's  house  ;  and  the  princes  forthwith  sent 
 for  Barach  to  read  the  prophecies  to  them  (Jer. 
 xxxvi.  11-14). 
 
 Mich'al,  the  younger  of  Saul's  two  daughters 
 (1  Sam.  XIV.  49).  The  king  had  proposed  to  be- 
 stow on  David  his  eldest  daughter  Merab  ;  but 
 before  the  mai-riage  could  be  arranged  an  unexpected 
 turn  was  given  to  the  matter  by  the  behaviour  of 
 Michal,  who  fell  violently  in  love  with  the  young 
 hero.  The  mani-iage  with  her  elder  sister  was  at 
 once  put  aside.  Saul  eageily  caught  at  the  oppor- 
 tunity which  the  change  afforded  him  of  exposing 
 his  lival  to  the  risk  of  death.  The  price  fixed  on 
 Michal's  hand  was  no  less  than  the  slaughter  of  a 
 hundi  ed  Philistines.  For  these  the  usual  "  dowry  " 
 by  wliich,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  East, 
 fiom  the  time  of  Jacob  down  )o  the  present  day, 
 the  father  is  paid  for  his  daughter,  was  relinquished. 
 
554 
 
 MICHAL 
 
 David  by  a  brilliant  t'e.it  iloubletl  the  tale  of  victims, 
 and  Jliclial  liocame  his  wife.  It  was  not  loni;  be- 
 fore the  strength  of  her  atl'ection  was  put  to  the 
 proof.  Thi'y  seem  to  have  been  living  at  Gibeah. 
 j\fter  one  of  Saul's  attacks  of  frenzy.  Michal  learned 
 that  the  house  was  being  watcheil  by  the  myrmi- 
 dons of  Saul,  and  that  it  was  intended  on  the  next 
 morning  to  attack  her  husband  as  he  left  his  door 
 (.\ix.  11).  Like  a  true  soldier's  wife,  she  meets 
 stratagem  by  stratagem.  She  lirst  provided  for 
 David's  safety  by  lowering  him  out  of  the  window; 
 to  gain  time  for  him  to  reach  the  residence  of  Samuel 
 she  next  dressed  up  the  bed  as  if  still  occupied  by 
 him  :  the  terajjiiim,  or  household  god,  was  laid  in 
 bed,  its  head  envelo)'ed,  like  that  of  a  sleeper,  in  the 
 usual  net  of  goat's  hair  for  piotection  from  gnats, 
 the  rest  of  the  figure  coveied  with  the  wide  begcd 
 or  plaid.  Saul's  messengers  force  their  way  into 
 the  inmost  apartment  and  there  discover  the  decep- 
 tion which  ha>i  been  playeil  off  upon  them  with  such 
 success.  Saul's  rage  may  be  imaLjined:  his  fury 
 was  such  that  Michal  was  obliged  to  fabric;xte  a 
 story  of.  David's  having  attempted  to  kill  her. 
 This  was  the  last  time  she  saw  her  husband  for 
 manyj'ears;  and  when  the  rupture  between  Saul 
 and  David  had  become  open  ami  incuialjie,  Michal 
 was  married  to  another  man,  I'halti  or  I'haltiel  of 
 Caliim  (1  Sam.  xxv.  44;  2  Sam.  iii.  15).  After 
 the  death  of  her  father  and  brothers  at  Gilboa, 
 Michal  and  her  new  husband  appeaj-  to  have  be- 
 taken themselves  with  the  rest  of  the  family  of 
 Said  to  the  eastein  side  of  the  .lordan.  It  is  on 
 the  road  leading  up  from  the  Jordan  valley  to  the 
 Mount  of  Olives  that  we  first  encounter  her  with 
 her  husband. —  Michal  under  the  joint  escort  of 
 David's  messengers  and  Abner's  twenty  men,  en 
 route  to  David  at  Hebron,  the  submissive  Plialtiel 
 behind,  bewailing  the  wife  thus  torn  from  him. 
 It  was  at  least  fourteen  yeiu's  since  havid  and  she 
 had  jiarted  at  f!il)eah,  since  she  had  watched  him 
 disapjiear  down  the  cord  into  the  daikness  and  had 
 perilled  her  own  lile  for  his  against  the  rage  of  her 
 insane  father.  That  David's  love  for  his  absent 
 wile  h.nd  undergone  no  change  in  the  interval  seems 
 certain  from  the  eagerness  with  which  he  reclaims 
 her  as  soon  as  the  opportunity  isallorded  him.  The 
 meeting  took  place  at  Hebron.  How  Michal  com- 
 ported herself  in  the  altered  circumstances  of  [)avid's 
 household  we  are  not  told  ;  but  it  is  plain  from  the 
 subsequent  occurrences  that  something  had  hap- 
 pened to  alter  the  relations  of  herself  and  David. 
 It  was  the  day  of  David's  greatest  triumph,  when 
 he  brou;;ht  the  Ark  of  ,Iehov:ih  from  its  temporaiy 
 resting-place  to  its  home  in  the  newly-accjuiied  city. 
 Michal  watched  the  [)rocession  approach  from  the 
 win<low  of  her  apaitments  in  the  royal  harom  ;  the 
 motions  of  her  husband  shocked  her  as  undignified 
 aiicl  indecent,  '•  she  despised  him  in  her  lieart." 
 After  the  e.xertions  of  tiie  long  day  weie  over,  the 
 kini:  was  received  by  his  wife  witii  a  bitter  taunt 
 whicli  showed  how  incajiable  she  was  of  appreciating 
 either  her  husband's  temjier  or  the  service  in  which 
 he  iiail  been  engaged.  David's  retort  w:us  a  tre- 
 mendous one,  conveyed  in  words  which  once  spoken 
 could  never  be  recalled.  It  gathfied  up  all  the 
 diflerences  between  them  which  made  sympathy  no 
 longer  iK)ssible,  and  we  do  not  nee<l  the  assurance 
 of  the  s;i(ned  writer  that  "  Michal  had  no  child 
 unto  the  clay  of  her  death,"  to  feel  quite  certain 
 that  all  intercourse  between  her  and  David  must 
 have  cenbcd   fioni   that  date.     Ilei-  name   appears 
 
 MICHTAM 
 
 but  once  again  (2  Sam.  xxi.  8)  as  the  mother  ol 
 five  of  the  grandchildren  of  Saul.  But  it  is  pro- 
 bably moie  correct  to  substitute  Merab  for  Michal 
 in  tliis  |)l.u(=. 
 
 Miche'as,  the  prophet  Micah  the  Morasthite 
 {■>  l-;>.i.  i.  :;u). 
 
 Mich 'mas,  a  variation,  probably  a  later  form,  ol 
 the  uini.'  MiciiMASH  (Ezr.  ii.  27;   Neh.  vii.  :U). 
 
 Mich'mash,  a  town  which  is  known  to  us  almost 
 solely  by  its  connexion  with  the  Philistine  war  of 
 Saul  and  Jcjnathan  (1  Sam.  xiii.  xiv.).  It  has  Iteen 
 identified  with  great  probability  in  a  village  which 
 still  bear;  the  name  of  Miihhmas,  and  stands  at 
 about  7  miles  north  of  Jerusalem,  on  the  northern 
 edge  of  the  great  Wadij  Suweinit — in  some  Maps 
 W.  Fuicar — wiiich  forms  the  main  pass  of  commu- 
 nication between  the  central  highlands  on  which 
 the  village  stands,  and  the  Jordan  valley  at  Jericho. 
 The  place  was  thus  situated  in  the  very  middle  of 
 the  tribe  of  Benjamin.  But  though  in  the  heart  of 
 Benjamin,  it  is  not  named  in  the  list  of  the  towns 
 of  that  tribe  (comp.  Josh,  xviii.),  but  first  appears 
 as  one  of  the  chief  points  of  Saul's  position  at  the 
 outbreak  of  the  war  (1  Sam.  xiii.  xiv.).  Unless 
 MaIvAZ  be  Michmash — an  i<lentification  for  which 
 we  have  only  the  authority  of  the  LXX. — we  hear 
 nothing  of  the  place  from  this  time  till  the  invasion 
 of  Juiiah  by  Seniiacheiib  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah, 
 when  it  is  mentioned  by  Isaiah  (x.  28).  After  the 
 captivity  the  men  of  the  place  returned,  122  in 
 number  (Ezr.  ii.  27;  Neh.  vii.  31).  At  a  later 
 date  it  became  the  residence  of  Jonathan  Macca- 
 baeus,  and  the  seat  of  his  government  (1  Mace.  ix. 
 7.'5).  In  the  time  of  Kusebius  and  Jerome  {Ono- 
 mnsticon,  "  Machmas")  it  was  "a  very  large 
 village  retaining  its  ancient  name,  and  lying  near 
 IJamnh  in  the  district  of  Aelia  (Jerusalem)  at  9 
 miles  distance  therefrom."  Immediately  below  the 
 village  the  great  wady  spreads  out  to  a  considerable 
 width — perhaps  half  a  mile;  and  its  bed  is  broken 
 up  into  an  intiicate  mass  of  hummocks  and  mounds, 
 some  two  of  which,  before  the  torrents  of  3()00 
 winters  h.id  i educed  and  rounded  their  fonns,  were 
 probably  the  two  "  teeth  of  cliff" — the  Bozez  and 
 Seneh  of  Jonathan's  adventure.  Hight  opposite  is 
 Jcfid  '(ioba)  (in  acuiioiisly  terraced  hill. 
 
 Micli' methah,  a  place  which  formed  one  of  the 
 landmarks  ot'  the  boundary  of  the  territories  of 
 Ephiaim  and  Manasseh  on  the  western  side  of 
 Jordan.  (1.)  It  lay  "  tiicing  Shechem  ;"  it  also 
 was  the  next  place  on  the  boundary  west  of  AsHiiK 
 (Josh.  xvii.  7),  if  indeed  the  two  are  not  one  and 
 the  same  place — ham-.Micinethath  a  distinguishing 
 atlix  to  tlie  commoner  name  of  Asher.  The  posi- 
 tion of  the  place  must  lie  somewhere  on  the  east 
 of  and  not  far  distant  from  Shechem.  But  tl.en 
 (2.)  this  a))peais  (piite  inconsistent  with  the  men- 
 lion  of  the  same  name  in  the  specification  of  a 
 former  boundary  (Josh.  xvi.  6).  The  only  escjijM? 
 from  such  hopelis.-.  contra<iictions  is  the  Ijelief  that 
 the  statements  of  chap.  xvi.  have  suffered  very 
 great  iiuitilation,  and  that  a  gap  exists  between 
 verses  5  and  6.  The  place  has  nut  lieen  met  with 
 nor  the  name  discovered  by  travel lei-s,  ancient  or 
 modern. 
 
 Mich'ri,  ancestor  of  Elah,  one  of  the  heads  of 
 the  fathers  of  Bcnjnmin  (1  Chr.  ix.  8)  after  the  ciip- 
 tivitv. 
 
 Uich'tam.  Tliis  worcl  occurs  in  the  titles  of  six 
 I's^dms  (xvi.  Ivi.-lx.  I,  all  of  which  are  ascribed  to 
 David.     The  marginal   le.adin;:  of  our  .A.  V.  is  '•  « 
 
MIDDIN 
 
 joMen  Psalm,"  while  in  the  Geneva  version  it  is 
 described  as  "  a  certain  tune."  Vvoxn  the  position 
 which  it  occupies  in  the  title  wc  may  infer  that 
 inicht'im  is  a  term  applied  to  these  Hsalms  to  denote 
 their  musical  character,  but  beyond  this  everything 
 is  obscure.  The  very  etymology  of  the  word  is  un- 
 certain. 1.  Kimchi  and  Aben  Ezra  trace  it  to  the 
 root  catham,  as  it  appears  in  cethern,  which  is  ren- 
 dered in  the  A.  V.  "  gold"  (Job  x.wiii.  16),  "  pure 
 gold  "  (Job  x.wiii.  19j,  "  fine  gold  "  (Job  xxxi.  24) ; 
 because  the  Psalm  was  to  David  precious  as  fine 
 gold.  They  have  been  followed  by  the  translators 
 in  the  margin  of  our  version. — 2.  In  Syriac  the 
 root  in  conj.  Pad,  cnthem,  signifies  "  to  stain," 
 hence  "  to  defile,"  the  primary  meaning  in  Peal 
 being  probably  "  to  spot,  mark  with  spots,"  whence 
 the  substantive  is  in  common  use  in  Rabbinical 
 Hebrew  in  the  sense  of  "  spot"  oi'  "  mark."  From 
 this  etymology  the  meanings  have  been  given  to 
 Michtam  of  "  a  noted  song,"  or  a  song  which  was 
 graven  or  carved  upon  stone,  a  monumental  in- 
 scription.— 3.  The  corres])onding  Arabic  katama, 
 "to  conceal,  repress,"  is  also  resorted  to  for  the 
 explanation  of  Michtam,  which  was  a  title  given  to 
 certain  Psalms  according  to  Hezel,  because  they 
 were  written  while  l)avid  was  in  concealment. 
 From  the  same  root  Hengstenberg  attributes  to 
 them  a  hidden,  mystical  import.  Apparently  re- 
 feri'iug  the  word  to  the  same  origin,  Ewald  sug- 
 gests that  it  may  designate  a  song  accompanied  by 
 bass  instruments. — 4.  But  the  explanation  which 
 is  most  approved  by  Rosenmiiller  and  Geseuius,  is 
 that  which  finds  in  Michtam  the  equivalent  of 
 mictdb;  a  word  which  occurs  in  Is.  sxxviii.  9 
 (A.  V.  "  writing").  P>eyond  the  general  probability 
 that  it  is  a  musical  term,  tha  origin  of  which  is 
 uncertain  and  the  application  lost,  nothing  is  known. 
 Hupfeld  has  collected  all  the  evidence  bearing  upon 
 it,  and  adheres  to  the  rendering  kleinod  (jewel, 
 treasure),  which  Luther  also  gives,  and  which  is 
 adopted  by  Hitzig  and  Mendelssohn. 
 
 Mid'din,  acity  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  61),  one  of 
 the  six  specified  as  situated  in  the  district  of  "  the 
 midbar"  (A.  V.  "wilderness").  It  is  not  men- 
 tioned by  Eusebius  or  Jerome,  nor  has  it  been 
 identified  or  perhaps  sought  for  by  later  tiavellers. 
 
 Mid'ian,  a  son  of  Abraham  and  Keturah  (Gen. 
 XXV.  2  ;  1  Chr.  i.  32) ;  progenitor  of  the  Midian- 
 ites,  or  Arabians  dwelling  principally  in  the  desert 
 north  of  the  peninsula  of  Arabia.  Southwards  they 
 extended  along  the  eastern  shore  ot'  the  Gulf  of 
 Eyleh  {Sinus  Aelaniticus) ;  and  northwards  they 
 stretched  along  the  ea-stern  frontier  of  Palestine. 
 Midian  is  first  mentioned,  as  a  people,  when  Moses 
 fled,  having  killed  the  Egyptian,  to  the  "  land  of 
 Midian"  (Ex.  ii.  15),  and  married  a  daughter  of  a 
 priest  of  Midian  (21).  The  "  land  of  Midian,"  or 
 the  portion  of  it  specially  referred  to,  was  probably 
 the  peninsula  of  .Sinai.  It  should,  however,  be  re- 
 membered that  the  name  of  ]\Ii(lian  (and  hence  the 
 "  land  of  Jlidian'  )  was  perhaps  often  :ii)plied,  as 
 that  of  the  most  powerful  of  the  northern  Arab 
 tribes,  to  the  northern  Arabs  generally.  The 
 Jlidianites  were  mostly  dwellers  in  tents,' not 
 towns ;  and  ^inai  has  not  sufficient  pasture  to  sup- 
 port more  than  a  small,  or  a  moving  people.  But 
 it  must  be  remembered  that  peihaps  (or  we  may 
 say  probably)  the  Peninsula  of  Sinai  has  consider- 
 ably changed  in  its  physical  character  since  the 
 time  of  Moses.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  posi- 
 tion of  Midian  in  the  Sinaitic  peninsula,  if  we  may 
 
 MIDIAN 
 
 55^ 
 
 believe  the  Arabian  historians  and  geogi'aphers, 
 backed  as  their  testimony  is  by  the  Greek  geo- 
 graphers, the  city  of  Midian  was  situate  on  the 
 opposite,  or  Arabian,  shore  of  the  Arabian  Gulf, 
 and  thence  northwaids  and  spreading  east  and 
 west  we  have  the  true  country  of  the  wandering 
 Midianites.  The  next  occurrence  of  the  name  of 
 this  people  in  the  sacred  hi.^toiy  maiks  their 
 northern  settlement  on  the  border  of  the  Promised 
 Land,  "  on  this  side  Jordan  [by]  Jericho  "  in  the 
 plains  of  Moab  (Num.  xxii.  1-4),  when  Balak  said, 
 of  Israel,  to  the  elders  of  Midian,  "  Now  shall  this 
 company  lick  up  all  [that  are]  round  about  us,  as 
 the  ox  licketh  up  the  grass  of  the  field."  The  spoil 
 taken  in  the  war  that  soon  followed,  and  more 
 especially  the  mention  of  the  dwellings  of  Midian, 
 render  this  suggestion  very  doubtful,  and  point 
 rather  to  a  considerable  pastoral  settlement  of 
 Midian  m  the  trans-Jo rdanic  countiy.  In  this  ciise 
 the  Midianites  were  evidently  tributary  to  the 
 Amorites,  being  "  dukes  of  Sihon,  dwelling  in 
 the  country:"  this  inferior  position  explains  their 
 omission  from  Balaam's  prophecy.  It  was  here, 
 "on  this  side  Jordan,"  that  the  chief  doings  of 
 the  Midianites  with  the  Israelites  took  place.  The 
 influence  of  the  Midianites  on  the  Israelites  was 
 clearly  most  evil,  and  directly  tended  to  lead  therei 
 from  the  injunctions  of  Moses.  JMuch  of  the  dan- 
 gerous character  of  their  influence  may  probably 
 be  ascribed  to  the  common  descent  from  Abraham. 
 While  the  Canaanitish  tribes  were  abhoned,  Jlidian 
 might  claim  consanguinity,  and  more  readily  seduce 
 Israel  from  their  allegiance.  The  events  at  Shittim 
 occasioned  the  injunction  to  vex  Midian  and  smite 
 them.  Twelve  thousand  men,  a  thousand  from 
 each  tribe,  went  up  to  this  war,  a  war  in  which  all 
 the  males  of  tlie  enemy  were  slain.  After  a  lapse 
 ot'  some  yoars,  the  Midianites  appear  again  as  the 
 enemies  of  the  Israelites.  They  had  recovered  from 
 the  devastation  of  the  former  war,  probably  by  the 
 arrival  of  fresh  colonists  from  the  Lfcsert  tracts  over 
 which  their  tribes  wandered  ;  and  they  now  were 
 sufllciently  powerful  to  become  the  oppressors  of 
 the  children  of  Israel.  Allied  with  the  Amalekites, 
 and  the  Bene-Kedem,  they  drove  them  to  make 
 dens  in  the  mountains  and  caves  and  strongholds, 
 and  wasted  their  crops  even  to  Gaza,  on  the  Jledi- 
 terranean  coast,  in  the  land  of  Simeon.  Midian 
 had  oppressed  Israel  tor  seven  years.  As  a  number- 
 less eastern  horde  they  entered  the  land  with  their 
 cattle  and  their  camels.  The  imagination  shows 
 us  the  green  plains  of  Palestine  sprinkled  with  the 
 black  goats'-hair  tents  of  this  great  Aiab  tribe, 
 their  flocks  and  herds  and  camels  let  loose  in  the 
 standing  corn,  and  foraging  parties  of  horsemen 
 diiving  betbre  them  the  possessions  of  the  Israelites. 
 The  descent  of  Gideon  and  his  servant  into  the 
 camp,  and  the  conversation  of  the  Midianite  watch, 
 form  a  vivid  picture  of  Arab  life.  It  does  more  : 
 it  proves  that  as  Gideon,  or  Phurah  his  servant, 
 or  both,  understood  the  language  of  Midian,  the 
 Shemitic  languages  difiered  much  less  in  the  14th 
 or  13th  century  B.C.  than  they  did  in  after  times. 
 The  stratagem  of  Gideon  receives  an  illustrat'on 
 from  modern  Orient;tl  life.  Until  lately  the  police 
 in  Cairo  were  accustomed  to  go  their  rounds  with  a 
 lighted  torch  thrust  into  a  ])itcher,  and  the  pitcher 
 was  suddenly  withdrawn  when  light  was  required — 
 a  custom  affording  an  exact  parallel  to  the  ancient 
 expeaieut  adopted  by  Gideon.  The  consequent  panic 
 of  the  great  multitude  in  the  valley,  if  it  has  no 
 
656 
 
 MIDIAN 
 
 pnrallols  in  mod(?rn  Kuri)|>eaii  tiistorv,  is  consistent 
 with  Oriental  chai-acter.  At  tiie  sight  of  the  300 
 torclaa,  suiMenly  blaziii;;  loiiinl  ahoiit  the  camp  in 
 the  bei;inninf;  of  the  middle  watch,  with  the  con- 
 fused din  of  the  tiunn)ets,  "all  the  host  lan,  and 
 cried,  and  fled  "  (21).  Tlie  loiit  was  complete. 
 The  flight  of  so  great  a  host,  encumbered  with  slow- 
 moving  cjunels,  baggage,  and  cattle,  was  calamitous. 
 All  the  men  of  Israel,  out  of  Naphtali,  and  Asher, 
 and  Manas^eh,  joined  in  the  puisuit ;  and  Gideon 
 roused  tiic  men  of  Mount  Kphraim  to  "  take 
 before"  the  Miiiianites  "the  wateis  unto  Beth- 
 barah  and  .Ionian"  (28,  24).  Thus  cut  off,  two 
 princes,  Oreb  and  Zeeb  (the  ''  laven,"  or,  more  cor- 
 rectly "ciow,"  and  the  ''wolf"),  fell  into  the 
 hands  of  Kphraim.  But  though  many  joined  in  a 
 desultory  pursuit  of  the  rabble  of  the  Midianites, 
 only  the  300  men  who  had  blown  the  trumpets  in 
 the  valley  of  Jezreel  crossed  Jordan  with  (iideon, 
 "faint  yet  pursuing"  (viii.  4).  With  this  force 
 it  remained  tor  the  liberator  to  attack  the  enemy 
 on  his  own  ground.  Kilteen  thousand  men,  under 
 the  "kings"  of  Midian,  Zebah  and  Zalmunna,  were 
 at  Karkor,  the  sole  remains  of  135,000  'viii.  10). 
 The  assurance  of  God's  help  cncnuraged  the  weary 
 three  hundred,  and  they  ascended,  from  the  plain 
 (or  ghor)  to  the  higher  country  by  a  ravine  or 
 torrent-bed  in  the  hills,  "  and  smote  the  host,  for 
 tiiR  host  was  secuie"  (viii.  11) — secure  in  that 
 wild  country,  on  their  own  ground,  and  away  from 
 the  frequent  haunts  of  man.  A  sharp  pursuit 
 seems  to  have  followed  this  fresh  victory,  ending  in 
 the  cajiturc  of  the  kings  and  the  final  discomfiture 
 of  the  Midianites.  Having  traced  the  history  of 
 Midian,  it  remains  to  show  what  is  known  of  their 
 condition  and  customs.  The  whole  account  of  their 
 doings  with  Israel  ])lainly  marks  them  as  charac- 
 teristically Arab.  They  are  described  as  true 
 Arabs — now  Bedawees,  or  '•  people  of  the  desert ;" 
 anon  pastoral,  or  settled  Arabs — tlie  "flock"  of 
 Jethro  ;  the  cattle  and  flocks  of  Midian,  in  the 
 later  days  of  Moses;  their  camels  without  numliei', 
 as  the  sand  of  the  sea-side  for  multitude  when  they 
 oppressed  Israel  in  the  days  of  the  Judges — all 
 agree  with  such  a  description.  Like  Arabs,  who 
 are  predominantly  a  nomadic  peojile,  the\'  seem 
 to  have  partially  settled  in  the  land  of  Moab. 
 The  only  glimjjse  of  their  habits  is  found  in  the 
 \igorons  pictuie  of  the  camp  in  the  valley  of  Jez- 
 reel (.Indg.  vii.  13).  The  spoil  taken  in  both  the 
 war  of  Moses  and  that  of  Gideon  is  remaikable. 
 The  gold,  silver,  brass,  iron,  tin,  and  lead  (Num. 
 xx.xi.  22),  the  "jewels  of  gold,  chains,  and  brace- 
 lets, rings,  earrings,  and  tablets"  (50)  taken  by 
 Moses,  is  especially  noteworthy;  and  it  is  con- 
 firmed by  the  booty  taken  by  (iideon  (Judg.  viii. 
 21,  24-26).  We  have  here  a  wealthy  Arab  nation, 
 living  by  plumler,  delighting  in  (inery  ;  anil,  where 
 fe)ravs  were  impossible,  c;\iTying  on  the  tiafhc 
 southwaids  into  Aiabia,  the  land  of  goM — it'  not 
 natuialljr,  by  trade — and  across  to  t'haldaea;  or 
 into  the  rich  plains  of  Kgypt.  Midian  is  named 
 authentically  only  in  the  Bible.  It  has  no  history 
 elsewhere.  The  city  of  "  Medyen  [say  the  Aiabs] 
 is  the  city  of  the  pei)|)le  of  ."^lureyb,  and  is  opposite 
 Tabook,  on  the  shore  of  B.ihr  cl-Kul;;um  [the 
 lleil  Sea]  :  between  these  is  six  days'  journey.  It 
 [Medyen]  is  larger  than  Tabook  ;  and  in  it  is 
 the  well  from  whii-h  Moses  waterwl  the  flock  of 
 Shu'eyl)"  (jifiiidm'd,  n.  v.).  Ki-Makiwzee  (in  his 
 biltitat)  enters  into  considerable  detail    respecting 
 
 MIGDOL 
 
 this  city  and  people.  He  tells  us  that  in  the  land 
 of  Midian  were  many  cities,  of  which  the  people 
 had  dlsap])eared,  anil  the  cities  themselves  had 
 fallen  to  ruin;  that  when  he  wrote  (in  the  year 
 825  of  the  Flight)  forty  cities  remained,  the  names 
 of  some  being  known,  and  of  others,  lost. 
 
 Midwife.  Parturition  in  the  Kast  is  usually 
 easv.  The  ollice  of  a  midwife  is  thus,  in  many 
 eastern  countries,  in  little  use,  but  is  performed, 
 when  neces.sary,  by  relatives.  In  the  description 
 of  the  transaction  mentioned  in  Kx.  i.  one  expres- 
 sion "upon  the  stools"  receives  lemarkable  illus- 
 tration from  modern  usage.  The  Hgyptiau  prac- 
 tice, as  desciibed  by  Mr.  Lane,  exactly  answers  to 
 that  indicated  in  the  book  of  Ivxodus.  "  Two  or 
 three  days  before  the  expected  time  of  delivery,  the 
 Lat/eh  (midwifej  conveys  to  the  house  the  kursee 
 elwiladeh,  a  chair  of  a  peculiar  form,  n])on  which 
 the  ]>atient  is  to  be  .seated  during  the  birth." 
 
 Mig'dal-el,  one  of  the  fbrtifieil  towns  of  the 
 possession  of  Napht;di  (Josh.  xix.  38  only),  jwssibly 
 deriving  its  name  from  some  ancient  tower — the 
 "  tower  of  El,  or  God."  In  the  jiresent  unexplored 
 condition  of  the  part  of  Palestine  allotted  to  Naph- 
 tali, it  is  dangerous  to  hazard  conjectures  as  to  the 
 situations  of  the  towns ;  but  if  it  be  jwssible  that 
 Hurah  is  Horem  and  Yariin  Iron,  the  possibility 
 is  strengthened  by  finding  a  Mnjeidel  at  no  great 
 distance  from  them,  namely,  on  the  left  bank  of  the 
 W(.uhi  Kerkcrah,  8  miles  due  e;ist  of  the  P.as  en- 
 Nakura/i,  6  miles  west  of  Hurah  and  8  of  Yarun. 
 By  Eusebiiis  it  is  spoken  of  as  a  luge  village  lying 
 between  lion  {Tantura)  and  I'tolemais  (.fl/,7i;a j,  at 
 9  miles  from  the  former.  tH;hwarz  (184),  reading 
 Migdal-el  and  Horem  as  one  word,  )iroposes  to 
 identify  it  with  Mcjdel  el-Kenim,  a  place  about 
 12  miles  east  of  i4/Aa. 
 
 Mig'dal-gad,  a  city  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  37)  iu 
 the  district  of  the  S/iefclah,  or  maritime  lowland. 
 Bv  Eusebius  and  Jerome  in  the  Onoiiuisticon,  it 
 appears  to  be  mentioned  as  "  Magdala."  A  vil- 
 lage called  cl-Mcdjdd  lies  in  the  maritime  plain, 
 a  couple  of  miles  inland  from  Ascalon,  9  from  Urn 
 Lakhi';,  and  1 1  from  Ajlun.  Sj  far  this  is  in  sup- 
 port of  Van  de  Velde's  identifiaition  of  the  place 
 with  Jligdal-gJid.  Migdal-gad  was  probably  dedic- 
 ated to  or  associated  with  the  woi-ship  of  the  an- 
 cient deity  Gad. 
 
 Mig'dol,  proper  name  of  one  or  two  places  on 
 the  eastern  frontier  of  Egypt,  cognate  to  Mujdd, 
 which  appears  properly  to  signify  a  military  watch- 
 tower,  or  a  shepherd's  lonk-iuit.  This  liirm  occurs 
 only  in  Egy)>tian  geography,  and  it  has  theiefore 
 been  supposed  by  t'hampollion  to  be  substituted 
 for  an  Egyi)tian  name  of  similar  sound,  Mcslitol  or 
 Mejtol.  'I'he  ancient  Egyi)tian  form  of  Migdol 
 having,  however,  been  found,  written  in  a  manner 
 rendering  it  not  improbable  that  it  w.as  a  foreign 
 word,  MAKTUI;  or  MAKfelJlJ,  as  well  as  .so  used 
 that  it  must  be  of  similar  meaning  to  the  Hebrew 
 Miiid'd,  the  idea  of  the  I'igyptian  origin  and  etymo- 
 logy of  the  latter  must  lie  given  up.  1.  .\  Migdol 
 is  mentioned  in  the  acccuint  of  the  Exodus  (Ex. 
 xiv.*2;  Num.  xxxiii.  7,  8).  We  suppose  that  the 
 position  of  the  eiicampnieiit  \v:\s  l>eliire  or  at  Pi- 
 hahiroth,  behind  which  was  .Migdol, and  on  the  other 
 hand  B.xjl-zephon  and  the  sea,  these  places  beinfj 
 near  together.  The  place  of  the  enc;impmeiit  and 
 of  the  pas.s;ige  of"  the  sea  we  believe  lo  have  U't'u 
 not  fiir  from  the  I'ei-se|)olitiui  monument,  which  is 
 made  in   I.inant's   m.ip  the  site  of  the  Seraj)fuin. 
 
MIGRON 
 
 2.  A  i\Ii2;dol  is  spoken  of  by  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel. 
 The  hitter  prophet  mentions  it  as  a  boundary-town, 
 evidsntly  on  the  eastern  border,  conesponding  to 
 Seveneh,  or  Syciie,  on  the  southern  (xxix.  iO,  xxx. 
 6).  In  the  propliecy  of  Jeremiah  the  Jews  in 
 Egypt  are  spoken  of  as  dwelling  at  Migdol,  Tah- 
 panhes,  and  Noph,  and  in  the  countiy  of  Pathros 
 (xliv.  1);  and  in  that  foretelling,  apparently,  an 
 invasio  i  of  Kgvpt  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  Migdol, 
 Noph,  and  Tahpanhes  are  again  mentioned  together 
 (xlvi.  14).  It  seems  plain,  from  its  being  sjioken 
 of  with  Memphis,  and  from  Jews  dwelling  there, 
 that  this  Migdol  was  an  important  town,  and  not  a 
 more  fort,  or  even  military  settlement.  After  this 
 time  there  is  no  notice  of  any  place  of  this  name 
 in  Egypt,  excepting  of  Magdolus,  by  Hecataeus  of 
 Miletus,  and  in  the  It'merarij  of  Antoninus,  in 
 wliich  Mngdolo  is  ]ilaced  twelve  Roman  miles  to 
 the  southward  of  Pelusium,  in  the  route  from  the 
 Serapeum  to  that  town.  This  latter  place  most  prob- 
 ably represents  the  Migdol  mentioned  by  Jeremiah 
 and  Ezekiel.  Its  position  on  the  route  to  Palestine 
 would  make  it  both  strategically  important  and 
 populous,  neither  of  which  would  be  the  case  with 
 a  town  in  the  position  of  the  Migdol  of  the  Penta- 
 teuch. Gesenius,  however,  holds  that  there  is  but 
 one  Migdol  mentioned  in  the  Bible  {Lex.  s.  v.). 
 Lepsius  distinguishes  two  Migdols,  and  considers 
 Magdolo  to  be  the  same  as  the  Migdol  of  Jeremiah 
 and  Ezekiel. 
 
 Mig'ron,  a  town,  or  a  spot — for  there  is  nothing 
 to  indicate  which — in  the  neighbourhood  of  Saul's 
 city,  Gibeah,  on  the  very  edge  of  the  district  be- 
 longing to  it  (1  Sam.  xiv.  2);  distinguished  by  a 
 pomegranate-tree,  uniler  which  on  the  eve  of  a 
 memorable  event  we  discover  Saul  and  Ahiah  sur- 
 rounded by  the  poor  remnants  of  their  force. 
 Migron  is  presented  to  our  view  only  once  again, 
 viz.  in  the  invaluable  list  of  the  places  disturbed 
 by  Sennacheiib's  approach  to  Jerusalem  (Is.  x.  28). 
 But  here  its  position  seems  a  little  further  north 
 than  that  indicated  in  the  formei'  passage.  It  here 
 occurs  between  Aiath — that  is  Ai — and  Michmash, 
 in  other  words  was  on  the  noitli  of  the  great  ravine 
 of  the  Wathj-Suueinit,  while  Gibeah  was  more 
 than  2  miles  to  the  south  theieof.  In  Hebrew, 
 Migron  may  mean  a  "  precipice,"  and  it  is  not  im- 
 possible, therefore,  that  two  places  of  the  same  name 
 are  intended. 
 
 Mi'jamin.  1.  The  chief  of  the  sixth  of  the  24 
 courses  of  priests  established  by  David  ( 1  Chr.  xxiv. 
 9).— 2.  A  family  of  priests  who  sitrned  the  covenant 
 with  Nehemiah  ;  probably  the  descendants  of  the 
 preceding  (Neii.  x.  7). 
 
 Mik'loth.  1.  One  of  the  sons  of  Jehiel,  the 
 father  or  prince  of  (libeon,  bv  his  wife  Maachah 
 a  Chr.  viii.  32,  ix.  37,  38).— 2.  The  leader  of  the 
 second  division  of  David's  army  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  4). 
 
 Miknei'ah.  One  of  the  Levites  of  the  second 
 rank,  gatekeepers  of  the  ark,  appointed  by  David  to 
 plav  in  the  Temple  band  "  with  harps  upon  Shem- 
 inith"  ri  Chr.  xv.  18,  21). 
 
 Milala'i.  Probably  a  Gershonite  Levite  of  the 
 sons  of  Asaph,  who  assisted  at  the  dedication  of 
 the  walls  of  Jerusalem  (Neh.xii.  36). 
 
 Mil'cah.  1.  Daughter  of  Haran  and  wife  of  her 
 luicle  Naho]-,  Abraham's  brother,  to  whom  she  bare 
 eight  childien  (Gen.  xi.  29,  xxii.  20,  23,  xxiv.  15, 
 24,  47). — 2.  The  fourth  daughter  of  Zelophehad 
 (Num.  xxvi.  0.3,  xxvii.  1,  xxxvi.  11  ;  Josh.xvii.  3). 
 
 Mil'com.     The  "  abomination  "  of  the  children 
 
 MILK 
 
 557 
 
 of  Ammon,  elsewhere  called  Molech  (1  K,  xi.  7, 
 &c.)  and  Malciiam  (Zeph.  i.  5  marg.  "their 
 king"),  of  the  latter  of  which  it  is  probably  a  dia- 
 lectical variation. 
 
 Mile,  a  Roman  measure  of  length  equal  to  1618 
 English  yards.  It  is  only  once  noticed  in  the  Bible 
 (Matt.  V.  41),  the  usual  method  of  reckoning  both 
 in  the  N.  T.  and  in  Josephus  being  by  the  stadium. 
 The  Roman  system  of  measurement  was  fully  in- 
 troduced into  Palestine,  though  probably  at  a  later 
 date.  The  mile  of  the  Jews  is  said  to  have  been 
 of  two  kinds,  long  or  short,  dependent  on  the  length 
 of  the  pace,  which  varied  in  ditterent  parts,  the  long 
 pace  being  double  the  length  of  the  short  one. 
 
 Iffiletns,  Acts  xx.  15,  17,  less  correctly  called 
 MiLETUM  in  2  Tim.  iv.  20.  In  the  context  of 
 Acts  XX,  6  we  have  the  geoga'aphical  relations 
 of  Miletus  brought  out  as  distinctly  as  if  it  were 
 St.  Luke's  purpose  to  state  them.  In  the  first  place 
 it  lay  on  the  coast  to  the  S.  of  Ephesus.  Next,  it 
 was  a  day's  sail  from  Trogyllium  (ver.  15).  More- 
 over, to  those  who  are  sailing  from  the  north,  it  is 
 in  the  direct  line  for  Cos.  All  these  details  corre- 
 spond with  the  geographical  facts  of  the  case.  The 
 site  of  Miletus  has  now  receded  ten  miles  from  the 
 coast,  and  even  in  the  Apostle's  time  it  must  have 
 lost  its  strictly  maritime  position.  The  passage  in 
 the  second  Epistle  to  Timothy,  where  Miletus  is 
 mentioned,  presents  a  very  serious  difficulty  to  the 
 theory  that  there  was  only  one  Roman  imprison- 
 ment. As  to  the  history  of  Miletus  itself,  it  was 
 far  more  famous  five  hundred  years  before  St.  Paul's 
 day,  than  it  ever  became  afterwards.  In  early 
 times  it  was  the  most  flourishing  city  of  the  Ionian 
 Greeks.  In  the  natural  order  of  events,  it  was  ab- 
 sorbed in  the  Persian  empire.  After  a  biief  period 
 of  spiiited  independence,  it  received  a  blow  fiom 
 which  it  never  recovered,  in  the  siege  conducted  by 
 Alexander,  when  on  his  Eastern  campaign.  But 
 still  it  held,  even  through  the  Roman  period,  the 
 rank  of  a  second-rate  trading  town,  and  Strabo  men- 
 tions its  four  harbours.  At  this  time  it  was  politic- 
 ally in  the  province  of  Asia,  though  Caria  was 
 the  old  ethnological  name  of  the  district  in  which  it 
 was  situated. 
 
 Milk.  As  an  article  of  diet,  milk  holds  a  more 
 important  position  in  Eastern  countries  than  with 
 us.  It  is  not  a  mere  adjunct  in  cookery,  or  re- 
 stricted to  the  use  of  the  young,  although  it  is 
 naturally  the  characteristic  tbod  of  childhood,  both 
 from  its  simple  and  nutritive  qualities  (1  Pet.  ii.  2) 
 and  particularly  as  contrasted  with  meat  (1  Cor. 
 iii.  2;  Heb.  v.  12):  but  beyond  this  it  is  regarded 
 as  substantial  food  adapted  alike  to  all  ages  and 
 classes.  Not  only  the  milk  of  cows,  but  of  sfccep 
 (Deut.  xxxii.  14),  of  camels  (Gen.  xxxii.  15),  and 
 of  goats  (Prov.  xx^'ii.  27)  was  used;  the  latter 
 appears  to  have  been  most  highly  prized.  Milk 
 was  used  sometimes  in  its  natural  state,  and  some- 
 times in  a  sour  coagulated  state :  the  formei'  wa.s 
 named  ckdldb,  and  the  latter  cheinah.  In  the  A.  V. 
 the  latter  is  rendered  "  butter,"  but  there  can  be 
 DO  question  that  in  every  case  (except  perhaps  Prov. 
 XXX.  33;  the  term  refers  to  a  preparation  of  milk 
 well  known  in  Eastern  countries  under  the  name 
 of  leben.  The  method  now  pursued  in  its  prepar- 
 ation is  to  boil  the  milk  over  a  slow  fire,  adding  to 
 it  a  small  piece  of  old  lehcn  or  some  other  acid  in 
 order  to  make  it  coagulate.  The  refreshing  draught 
 wliich  Jael  offered  "*  in  a  lordly  dish  "  to  Sisera 
 (Judg.  V.  25)  was  leben.     Leben  is  still  extensively 
 
558 
 
 MILL 
 
 Used  in  the  East:  at  certain  seasons  of  the  year  the 
 poor  almost  live  upon  it,  while  the  upper  classes 
 #at  it  with  salad  or  meat.  Jt  is  still  offered  in  hos- 
 pitality to  the  pass.iny;  stranger,  exactly  as  of  old  in 
 Abraham's  tent  (Gen.  xvlii/S). 
 
 Mill.  The  mills  [rechaim]  of  the  ancient  He- 
 brews probably  diriined  bnt  little  from  those  at 
 preseui.  in  use  in  the  I'^ast.  These  consist  of  two 
 circnlar  stones,  about  18  inches  or  two  feet  in  dia- 
 meter, the  lower  of  which  is  ti.\ed,  and  has  its 
 upper  surface  slightly  convex,  fitting  into  a  corre- 
 sponding concavity  in  the  upper  stone.  The  latter, 
 called  by  the  Hebrews  receb,  "  chariot,"  and  by 
 the  Arabs  rehkab,  "  rider,"  has  a  hole  in  it  through 
 which  the  grain  passes,  immediately  above  a  pivot 
 or  shaft  which  rises  from  the  centre  of  the  lower 
 stone,  and  about  which  the  upper  stone  is  turned  by 
 means  of  an  upright  haiuih-  lixed  near  the  edge.  It 
 is  worked  by  women,  sometimes  singly  and  some- 
 timeti  two  together,  who  are  usually  seated  on  the 
 bare  ground  (Is.  xlvii.  1,  2)  "  liicing  each  other; 
 both  have  hold  of  the  handle  by  which  the  upper  is 
 turned  round  on  the  '  nether '  millstone.  The  one 
 whose  right  hand  is  disengaged  throws  in  the  grain 
 as  occasion  requires  through  the  hole  in  the  upper 
 stone.  It  is  not  correct  to  say  that  one  pushes 
 it  half  round,  and  then  the  other  seizes  the  handle. 
 This  would  be  slow  work,  and  would  give  a  spas- 
 modic motion  to  the  stone.  Both  retain  their  hold, 
 and  pull  to  or  push  from,  as  men  do  with  the  whip 
 or  crosscut  saw.  The  proverb  of  our  Savioui-  (Matt, 
 xxiv.  41)  is  true  to  life,  for  women  only  grind.  I 
 cannot  recall  an  instance  in  which  men  were  at  the 
 mill."  (Thomson,  The  Land  and  the  Bixil;,  c.Z'^.) 
 The  labour  is  very  hard,  and  the  task  of  grinding  in 
 consequence  performed  only  by  the  lowest  servants 
 (Ex.  xi.  5),  and  captives  ( Judg.  xvi.  21 ;  Job  x-xxi. 
 10;  Is.  xlvii.  1,  2;  Lam.  v.  13).  So  essential 
 were  mill-stones  for  daily  domestic  use,  that  they 
 were  forbiilden  to  betaken  in  jiledge  (Deut.  ixiv. 
 6  ;  Jus.  Ant.  iv.  8,  §26),  in  order  that  a  man's 
 family  might  not  be  dejirivcd  of  the  means  of  pre- 
 paring their  food.  The  hand-mills  of  the  ancient 
 Kgyptians  appear  to  have  been  of  the  same  character 
 as  those  of  their  descendants,  and  like  them  were 
 worked  by  women  (Wilkinson,  Anc.  E<j.  ii.  p. 
 118,  &c.).  "  They  had  also  a  large  mill  on  a  very 
 similar  principle;  but  the  stones  were  of  far  greater 
 power  and  dimensions;  and  this  could  only  have 
 been  turned  by  cattle  or  asses,  like  those  of  the 
 ancient  Momans,  and  of  the  modon  Cairenes."  It 
 was  the  millstone  of  a  mill  of  this  kind,  driven  by 
 an  ass,  which  is  alluded  to  in  Watt,  xviii.  G.  With 
 the  nioveiible  upper  millstone  of  the  hand-mill  the 
 weman  of  Thebez  broke  Abimelech's  skull  (Judg. 
 
 ix.  r,:i). 
 
 liiUet  (Heb.  dochm),  in  all  probability  the 
 grains  of  I'anicum  miliaccniri  and  italicum,  and 
 of  the  Jfolcus  son/hum,  Linn,  (the  Sonjhuin  vnlijare 
 of  modern  writers),  may  all  be  comprehended  by 
 the  Hebrew  word.  Mention  of  millet  occurs  only 
 in  Hz.  iv.  9.  Dr.  Ivoyle  maintaiiK<  that  the  true 
 dulih'in  of  Arab  authors  is  the  I'anicum  miliacetim, 
 which  is  universally  cultivated  in  the  Last.  The 
 Puniciun  miliuceum  is  cultivated  in  Kuro])e  and  in 
 tropiuil  coiuitries.  it  is  probable  that  both  the 
 Utrghum  vnlijare,  and  the  I'anicum  niiliaceum, 
 were  used  by  the  ancient  Hebrews  and  Egyptians, 
 nnd  that  the  Heb.  dSchan  may  denote  either  of 
 tlicM-  plants. 
 
 Uillo,  a  place  in  ancient  .lerusjdem.    Both  name 
 
 MINES 
 
 and  thing  seem  to  have  been  already  in  existence 
 when  the  city  was  taken  from  the  Jebusites  bv 
 iMvid  (2  Sam.  v.  9  ;  1  Chr.  xi.  8).  its  rej)aii-  or 
 restoration  was  one  of  the  great  works  for  which 
 Solomon  laised  his  "levy"(l  K.  ix.  15,  24-,  xi. 
 27)  ;  and  it  formed  a  piominent  part  of  the  fortifi- 
 catiofis  by  which  Hezekiah  jirejiared  for  the  approach 
 of  the  Assyrians  (2  Chr.  .\xxii.  5 ).  The  hist  passage 
 seems  to  show  that  "  the  Millo  "  was  jiart  of  the 
 "city  of  David,"  that  is  of  Zion  (comp.  2  K.  xii. 
 20).  If  "Millo"  betaken  as  a  Hebrew  word,  it 
 would  be  derived  from  a  root  which  has  the  force 
 of  "  filling."  This  notion  has  been  applied  by  the 
 inteipreters  after  their  custom  in  the  must  various 
 and  opjxjsite  ways  : — a  rampart  (ag(jer)  ;  a  mound  ; 
 an  open  space  used  for  ;u>semblies,  ami  therefore 
 often  filled  with  people;  a  ditch  oi-  valley;  even  a 
 trench  filled  with  water.  But  none  of  these  guesses 
 enable  us  to  ascertain  what  Millo  really  was,  and  it 
 would  probably  be  neaier  the  truth — it  is  certainly 
 safer — to  look  on  the  name  as  an  ancient  or  archaic 
 term,  Jebusite,  or  possibly  even  still  older,  adopted 
 by  the  Israelites  when  they  took  the  town,  and 
 incorporated  into  their  own  nomenclature.  The 
 only  ray  of  light  which  we  c;ui  obtain  is  from  the 
 LXX.  Their  rendering  in  every  case  (e.xcepting 
 only  2  Chr.  xxxii.  5)  is  i]  &Kpa.  a  word  which  they 
 employ  nowhere  else  in  the  0.  T.  Mow  t]  &Kpa 
 means  ''  the  citadel,"  and  it  is  remarkable  that 
 it  is  the  word  used  with  unvaiying  persistence 
 throughout  the  Books  of  Maccabees  for  the  fortiess 
 on  Mount  Zion.  It  is  theiefore  perha])S  not  too 
 much  to  assume  that  the  woid  7nillo  was  employeii 
 in  the  Hebrew  original  of  1  Maccabees. 
 
 Millo,  the  House  of.  1.  A])parently  a  family 
 or  clan,  mentioned  in  Judg.  ix.  0,  20  only,  in  con- 
 nexion with  the  men  or  lords  of  ."shechem.— 2.  The 
 "house  of  Millo  that  goeth  down  to  Silla  "  was 
 the  spot  at  which  king  .loash  was  murdered  by  his 
 slaves  (2  K.  xii.  20 ).  There  is  nothing  to  lead  us 
 to  sLippose  that  the  murder  was  not  committeil  in 
 Jerusalem,  and  in  that  case  the  spot  must  be  con- 
 nected with  the  ancient  Millo  (see  preceding  article]. 
 
 Mines,  Mining.  "  Surely  there  is  a  source  for 
 the  silrcr,  and  a  jilace  (or  the  (jold  which  they 
 refine.  Iron  is  taken  out  of  the  soil,  and  stone  man 
 melts  (for)  copper.  He  hath  put  :ui  end  to  dark- 
 ness, and  to  all  perfection  (j.  c,  most  thoroughly) 
 he  searcheth  the  stone  of  thick  daikness  and  ol' the 
 shadow  of  death.  He  hath  sunk  a  shaft  far  from 
 the  wanderer  ;  they  that  are  foigotten  of  the  fool 
 are  susi)pnded,  away  from  man  they  wavei  to  and 
 fro.  (As  for)  the  earth,  from  her  cometh  forth 
 bread,  yet  her  nethenuost  parts  are  upturned  as 
 (by;  fire.  The  ])lace  of  sapphire  (are)  her  stones, 
 and  dust  of  gold  is  his.  A  ti-ack  which  the  bird 
 of  prey  hath  not  known,  nor  the  eye  of  the  thlcon 
 glared  upon;  which  the  .sons  of  pride  {i.e.  wild 
 be;ists)  have  not  trodden,  nor  tlie  roaring  linn  gone 
 over;  in  the  Hint  man  hath  thrust  his  hand,  he 
 hath  overtrirned  mountains  from  the  root;  in  the 
 rocks  he  hath  cleft  chaiuiels,  and  every  rare  thing 
 hafh  his  eye  .seen  :  the  streams  hath  he  bound  that 
 they  weep  not,  and  that  which  is  hid  he  bringelh 
 forth  to  light"  (Job  xxviii.  l-ll).  Such  is  the 
 highly  iK)etiail  description  given  by  the  author  o( 
 the.  book  of  Job  of  the  operatiiHis  ot'  mining  as 
 known  in  his  day,  the  oidy  record  of  the  kind  which 
 we  inherit  fiom  the  ancient  Hebrews.  It  may 
 be  fairly  inferred  fiom  the  de.scription  that  a  dis- 
 tinction   is  made    between    gold    obtained    in    the 
 
MINES 
 
 manner  indicated,  and  that  which  is  found  in 
 the  natural  state  in  the  alluvial  soil,  among;  the 
 debris  washed  down  by  the  torrents.  This  appears 
 to  be  implied  in  the  expression  "  the  gold  they 
 refine,"  which  presupposes  a  process  by  which  the 
 pure  gold  is  extracted  from  the  ore,  and  sepai-atcd 
 from  the  silver  or  <^opper  with  which  it  may  have 
 been  mixed.  What  is  said  of  gold  may  be  equally 
 applied  to  silver,  for  in  almost  every  allusion  to  the 
 process  of  refining  the  two  metals  are  associated. 
 Jn  the  passaij;e  of  Job  which  has  been  quoted,  so  far 
 as  can  be  made  out  from  the  obscurities  with  which 
 it  is  beset,  the  natural  order  of  mining  operations  is 
 observed  in  the  description.  The  poet  might  have 
 liad  before  him  the  copper-mines  of  the  Sinaitic 
 peninsula.  In  the  Wady  Magharah,  "  the  valley 
 of  the  Cavfe,"  are  still  ti-aces  of  the  Egyptian  colony 
 of  miners  who  settled  there  for  the  purpose  of  ex- 
 tracting copper  fi'om  the  freestone  rocks,  and  left 
 their  hieroglyphic  inscriptions  upon  tlie  face  of  the 
 cliff.  The  ancient  furnaces  are  still  to  be  seen,  and 
 on  the  coast  of  the  Red  Sea  are  found  the  piers 
 and  wharves  whence  the  miners  shipped  their  metal 
 in  the  harbour  of  Abu  Zelimeh.  The  copper-mines 
 of  Phaeno  in  Idumaea,  according  to  Jerome,  were 
 between  Zoar  and  Petra :  in  the  persecution  of  Dio- 
 cletian the  Christians  were  condemned  to  work 
 them.  The  gold-mines  of  Egypt  in  the  Bisharee 
 desert,  the  principal  station  of  which  was  Eshur- 
 anib,  about  three  days' journey  be3'ond  WadyAllaga, 
 have  been  discovered  within  the  last  few  years  by 
 M.  Linant  and  Mr.  Bimomi.  Ruins  of  the  miners' 
 huts  still  remain  as  at  Surabit  el-Khadim.  Accord- 
 ing to  the  account  given  by  Diodorus  Siculus  (iii. 
 12-14),  the  mines  were  worked  by  gangs  of  convicts 
 and  captives  in  fetters,  who  were  kept  day  and 
 night  to  their  task  by  the  soldiers  set  to  guard 
 them.  The  work  was  superintended  by  an  en- 
 gineer, who  selected  the  stone  and  pointed  it  out 
 to  the  miners.  The  harder  rock  was  split  by  the 
 application  of  fire,  but  the  softer  was  broken  up 
 with  picks  and  chisels.  The  miners  were  quite 
 naked,  their  bodies  being  painted  according  to  the 
 colour  of  the  rock  they  were  working,  and  in  order 
 to  see  in  the  dark  passages  of  the  mine  they  carried 
 lamps  upon  their  heads.  The  stone  as  it  fell  was 
 carried  off  by  boys,  it  was  then  pounded  in  stone 
 mortars  with  iron  pestles  by  those  who  were  over 
 39  years  of  age  till  it  was  reduced  to  the  size  of  a 
 lentil  Tlie  women  and  old  men  afterwards  ground 
 it  in  mills  to  a  fine  powder.  The  final  process  of 
 separating  the  gold  from  the  pounded  stone  was 
 entrusted  to  the  engineers  who  supei'intended  the 
 work.  They  s'pread  this  powder  upon  a  broad 
 slightly-inclined  table,  and  rubbed  it  gently  with 
 the  hand,  pouring  water  upon  it  from  time  to  time 
 so  as  to  carry  away  all  the  earthy  matter,  leaving 
 the  heavier  particles  upon  the  board.  This  was 
 repeated  several  times  ;  at  first  with  the  hand  and 
 afterwards  with  fine  sponges  gently  pressed  upon 
 the  eai-thy  substance,  till  notliiug  but  the  gold  was 
 left.  It  was  then  collected  by  other  workmen,  and 
 placed  in  earthen  crucibles  with  a  mixtuie  of  lead 
 and  salt  in  certain  pioportions,  together  with  a 
 little  tin  and  some  barley  bran.  The  crucibles 
 were  covered  and  carefully  closed  with  clay,  and 
 in  this  condition  baked  in  a'furnace  for  five  days 
 and  nights  without  intermission.  Of  the  three 
 methods  which  have  been  employed  for  refining 
 gold  and  silver,  1.  by  exposing  the  fused  metal  to 
 a  curi-ent  of  air  ;  2.  by  keeping  the  alloy  in  .i  state 
 
 MINES 
 
 659 
 
 of  fusion  and  throwing  nitre  upon  it ;  and  3.  by 
 mixing  the  alloy  with  lead,  exposing  the  whole  to 
 fusion  upon  a  vessel  of  bone-ashes  or  earth,  and 
 blowing  upon  it  with  bellows  or  other  blast:  the 
 latter  appears  most  nearly  to  coincide  with  the 
 descrijition  of  Diodorus.  To  this  process,  known 
 as  the  cupelling  process,  there  seems  to  be  a  refer- 
 ence in  Ps.  xii.  6  ;  Jer.  vi.  28-3(j ;  Kz.  xxii.  18-22. 
 Silver-mines  are  mentioned  by  Diodorus  (i.  33) 
 with  those  of  gold,  iron,  and  copper,  in  the  island 
 of  Meroe,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Nile.  But  the  chief 
 supply  of  silver  in  the  ancient  world  appears  to 
 have  been  brought  from  Spain.  The  mines  of  that 
 country  were  celebiated  (1  Wacc.  viii.  3).  Mt. 
 Orospeda,  from  which  tlie  Guadalquivir,  the  ancient 
 Bakes,  takes  its  rise,  was  formerly  called  "  the 
 silver  mountain,"  from  the  silver-mines  which  were 
 in  it  (Strabo,  iii.  p.  148).  But  the  largest  silver- 
 mines  in  Spain  weve  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Carthago 
 Nova.  The  piocess  of  separating  the  silver  from 
 the  lead  is  abridged  by  Strabo  from  Polybius.  The 
 lumps  of  ore  were  first  pounded,  and  then  sifted 
 through  sieves  into  water.  The  sediment  was  again 
 pounded,  and  again  filtered,  and  after  this  process 
 had  been  repeated  five  times  the  water  was  drawn 
 off,  the  remainder  of  the  ore  melted,  the  lead  poured 
 away  and  the  silver  left  pure.  If  Taitessus  be  the 
 Tarshish  of  Scripture,  the  metal  workers  of  Spain 
 in  those  days  must  liave  possessed  the  art  of  ham- 
 mering silver  into  sheets,  for  we  find  in  Jer.  x.  9, 
 "  silver  spread  into  plates  is  brought  from  Tarshish, 
 and  gold  from  Uphaz."  We  have  no  means  of 
 knowing  whether  the  gold  of  Ophir  was  obtained- 
 from  mines  or  from  the  washing  of  gold-streams. 
 In  all  probability  the  greater  part  of  tlie  gold  which 
 came  into  the  hands  of  the  Phoenicians  and  Hebrews 
 was  obtained  from  streams  ;  its  great  abundance 
 seems  to  indicate  this.  As  gold  is  seldom  if  ever 
 found  entirely  free  from  silver,  the  quantity  of  the 
 latter  varying  from  2  per  cent,  to  30  per  cent.,  it 
 has  been  supposed  that  the  ancient  metallurgists 
 were  acquainted  with  some  means  of  parting  them, 
 an  operation  performed  in  modern  times  by  boiling 
 the  metal  in  nitric  or  sulphuric  acid.  To  some 
 process  of  this  kind  it  has  been  imagineil  that  refer- 
 ence is  made  in  Prov.  xvii.  3,  "  The  fining-pot  is 
 for  silver,  and  the  furnace  for  gold ;"  and  again  in 
 xxvii.  21.  A  strong  proof  of  the  acquaintance  pos- 
 sessed by  the  ancient  Hebrews  witli  the  manipu- 
 lation of  metals  is  found  by  some  in  the  destruction 
 of  the  golden  calf  in  the  desert  by  Mo^es.  "  And 
 ne  took  the  calf  which  they  had  made,  and  burnt 
 it  in  fire,  and  ground  it  to  jiowder,  and  strawed 
 it  upon  the  water,  and  made  the  children  of  Israel 
 drink  "  (Ex.  xxxii.  20).  As  the  highly  malleable 
 character  of  gold  would  render  an  operation  like 
 that  which  is  described  in  the  text  almost  impos- 
 sible, an  explanation  has  been  sought  in  the  sup- 
 position that  we  have  here  an  indication  that  Moses 
 was  a  proficient  in  the  process  known  in  modern 
 times  as  calcination.  The  whole  difficulty  appeiiis 
 to  have  arisen  from  a  desire  to  find  too  much  in  the 
 text.  The  main  object  of  tlie  destruction  of  the  calf 
 was  to  prove  its  worthlessness  and  to  throw  con- 
 tempt upon  idolatry,  and  all  this  might  have  been 
 done  without  any  refined  chemical  process  like  that 
 referred  to.  How  far  the  ancient  Hebrews  were 
 acquainted  with  the  processes  at  jireseut  in  use  foi 
 extracting  copper  from  the  ore  it  is  impossible  tc 
 assert,  as  there  are  no  references  in  Scripture  to  any- 
 thing of  the  kind  except  m  the  passage  of  Job  already 
 
)C0 
 
 MINGLED  PEOPLE 
 
 quoted.  Co|)jior-smelting,  liowever,  is  in  jome  cases 
 attended  with  comparatively  small  didiculties,  which 
 the  ancients  had  evidently  the  skill  to  overcome. 
 Some  means  of  tm.icjhenino;  the  metal  so  a»  to  render 
 it  Ht  lor  maniifiiciure  must  have  been  known  to 
 the  Hebrews  as  to  other  ancient  nations.  The 
 Kgyptians  evidently  possessed  the  art  of  workinjc 
 bronze  in  jjreat  jierfection  at  a  very  early  time,  and 
 much  of  the  knowledge  of  metals  which  the  Israelites 
 had  must  have  been  acquired  during  their  residence 
 among  them.  Of  tin  there  appears  to  have  been  no 
 trace  in  Palestine.  That  the  Phoenicians  obtained 
 their  supplies  from  the  mines  of  Spain  and  Cornwall 
 theie  can  be  no  doubt.  The  lead-mines  of  Cebel 
 e'  Kossass,  near  the  coast  of  the  IJed  Sea,  about  lialf- 
 way  between  Berenice  and  Kossayr,  may  have  sup- 
 plie<l  the  Hebrews  with  that  met^il,  of  which  there 
 were  no  mines  in  their  own  country,  or  it  may  have 
 been  obtained  from  the  rocks  in  the  neighbourhood 
 of  Sinai.  The  hills  of  Palestine  are  rich  in  iron, 
 and  the  mines  are  still  workeil  there  though  in  a 
 very  simple  rude  manner,  like  that  of  the  ancient 
 Samothracians :  of  the  method  employed  by  the 
 Kgyptians  and  Hebrews  we  have  no  certain  inform- 
 ation. It  may  have  bi'en  similar  to  that  in  use 
 throughout  the  whole  of  India  from  very  early 
 times,  which  is  thus  described  by  Dr.  Ure  : — "  The 
 furnace  or  bloomery  in  which  the  ore  is  smelted  is 
 from  four  to  five  feet  high  ;  it  is  somewhat  pear- 
 shaped,  being  about  five  feet  wide  at  bottom  and 
 one  foot  at  top.  It  is  built  entirely  of  clay  .... 
 There  is  an  opening  in  front  about  a  foot  or  more 
 in  height,  which  is  built  up  with  clsiy  at  the  com- 
 mencement and  broken  down  at  the  end  of  each 
 smelting  operation.  The  bellows  are  usually  made 
 of  goat's  skin  ....  The  bamboo  nozzles  of  the 
 bellows  are  inseited  into  tubes  of  clay,  which  pass 
 into  the  furnace  ....  The  furnace  is  filled  with 
 charcoal,  and  a  lighted  coal  being  introduced  before 
 the  nozzles,  the  mass  in  the  interior  is  soon  kindled. 
 As  soon  as  this  is  accomplished,  a  small  portion  of 
 the  ore,  previously  moistened  with  water  to  prevent 
 it  from  running  through  the  charcoal,  but  without 
 anv  flux  whatever,  is  laid  on  the  top  of  the  coals 
 and  coveied  with  charcoal  to  till  up  the  furnace. 
 In  this  manner  ore  and  fuel  are  supplied,  and  the 
 bellows  are  urged  for  three  or  four  hours.  When 
 the  process  is  stopped  and  the  temporary  wall  in 
 front  broken  down,  the  bloom  is  removed  with  a 
 pair  of  tongs  from  the  bottom  of  the  furnace."  It 
 has  Seemed  neces.sjiry  to  give  this  account  of  a  very 
 ancient  method  of  iron-smelting,  because,  from  the 
 ditliculties  which  attend  it,  and  the  intense  heat 
 which  is  required  to  separate  the  metal  from  the 
 ore,  it  has  been  asseited  that  the  allusions  to  iron 
 and  iron  manufactiuv  in  the  Old  Testament  are 
 anachronisms.  But  if  it  were  po.ssiblc  among  the 
 ancient  Indians  in  a  very  primitive  state  of  civil- 
 ization, it  might  have  been  known  to  the  Hebrews, 
 who  may  have  acquired  their  knowledge  by  work- 
 ing as  slaves  in  the  iron  furnaces  of  Egypt  (comp. 
 Dent.  iv.  '.'0). 
 
 Mingled  People.  This  phrase  (Jid'creb),  like 
 'hat  lit  ■•  the  mixed  multitude,"  which  the  Hebrew 
 closely  i''.-euil)les,  is  a])plied  in  Jer.  x.w.  20,  and 
 Kz.  x.NX.  5,  to  denote  the  miscellaneous  foieign 
 ]iopulation  of  Kgypt  and  its  frontier- trilxjs,  includ- 
 ing every  one,  says  Jerome,  who  was  not  a  native 
 Fgypfian,  but  was  resident  there.  It  is  difficult  to 
 attach  to  it  anyprecise  meaning,  or  to  ii^eutity  with 
 th«  mingled    people  any  race  of  which    wc  have 
 
 MINSTREL 
 
 knowdedge.  "  The  kings  of  the  mingled  people  that 
 rlwell  in  the  desert,"  are  the  same  apparently  a."; 
 the  tributary  kings  (A.  V.  "  kings  of  Arabia")  who 
 brought  presents  to  Solomon  (l  K.  x.  15);  the 
 Hebrew  in  the  two  cases  is  identical.  The  "  mingled 
 people"  in  the  miilst  of  Babylon  (.Jer.  1.  37),  were 
 probably  the  foreign  soldiei-s  or  mercenary  troops, 
 who  lived  among  the  native  population,  as  the 
 Targum  takes  it. 
 
 Min'iamin.  1,  A  Levite  in  the  reign  of  Heze» 
 kiah  (2  Chr.  .\xxi.  1.")).— 2.  The  tame  as  MiAMiN  2 
 and  .MiJAMiN  2  (Neh.  xii.  17  i. — 3.  One  of  the 
 priests  at  the  dedication  of  the  wall  of  Jerus.ilem 
 (Neh.  xii.  41). 
 
 Min'ni,  a  country  mentioned  in  conncTion  with 
 Ararat  and  Ashchcnaz  (Jer.  li.  27).  It  has  been 
 already   noticed  as  a   portion  of  Armenia.      [Ak- 
 
 JIF.XIA.] 
 
 Minister.  This  term  is  used  in  the  A.  V.  to 
 describe  various  officials  of  a  religious  and  civil 
 character.  In  the  0.  T.  it  answers  to  the  Hebrew 
 meshdreth,  which  is  applied,  (1)  to  an  attendant 
 upon  a  person  of  high  rank  (Ex.  .xxiv.  13;  Josh.  i. 
 
 I  ;  2  K.  iv.  43') ;  (2)  to  the  attaches  of  a  royal 
 court  (1  K.  X.  5  ;  2  Chr.  xxii.  8  ;  comp.  Ps.  civ. 
 4),  where,  it  may  be  observed,  they  are  distinguished 
 from  the  "  servants "  or  officials  of  higher  rank  ; 
 (3)  to  the  Piiests  and  Levites  (Is.  Ixi.  6  ;   Ez.  xliv. 
 
 II  ;  Joel  i.  9, 13  ;  Ezr.  viii.  17  ;  Neh.  x.  36).  In 
 the  N.  T.  we  have  three  teims,  each  with  its 
 distinctive  meaning — KeirovpySs,  vw-qpeTris,  and 
 SidKOvos.  The  first  answers  most  nearly  to  the 
 Hebrew  meshdreth  and  is  usually  employed  in 
 the  LXX.  as  its  equivalent.  It  betokens  a  subor- 
 dinate public  administrator  (Rom.  xiii.  6,  xv.  16  ; 
 Ileb.  viii.  2).  In  all  these  instances  the  original 
 and  s])ccial  meaning  of  the  word,  as  used  by  the 
 Athenians  of  one  who  perfonns  certain  gratuitous 
 public  services,  is  preserved.  The  second  term, 
 uTTTjpeTTjy,  differs  from  the  two  others  in  that  it 
 contains  the  idea  of  actual  and  personal  attendance 
 upon  a  sujierior.  Thus  it  is  used  of  the  attendant 
 in  the  synagogue,  the  chazan  of  the  Talmudisfs 
 (Luke  iv.  20),  whose  duty  it  was  to  o])en  and  close 
 the  building,  *o  produce  and  i-eplace  the  books  em- 
 ploved  in  the  service,  and  generally  to  wait  on  the 
 officiating  priest  or  teacher.  The  idea  of  personal 
 attendance  comes  prominently  forward  in  Luke  i.  2  ; 
 Actsxxvi.  16.  In  all  these  c;ises  the  etymological 
 sense  of  the  word  {itirh  ipirr)s,  literally  a  "  su6- 
 rower"  one  who  rows  under  command  of  the  steeis- 
 man)  comes  out.  The  third  term,  SiaKovos,  is  the 
 one  usually  employecl  in  relation  to  the  ministry  of 
 the  Gospel  :  its  application  is  twofold,  in  a  general 
 sense  to  indicate  ministei-s  of  any  onler,  whether 
 superior  or  inferior,  and  in  a  special  sense  to  indicate 
 an  oidei'  of  interior  ministers. 
 
 Min'nith,  a  place  on  the  east  of  the  Jordan, 
 named  as  the  point  to  which  Jcphthah's  slaughter 
 of  the  Ammonites  extended  (Judg.  xi.  33).  Min- 
 nith  was  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Abel-Ceramim, 
 the  "  meadow  of  vineyards."  A  site  bearing  the 
 name  Mrnjuh,  is  mai  ked  in  Van  de  Velde's  Map 
 at  7  Iloman  miles  cast  of  Ileshbon,  on  a  road  to 
 Amman,  though  not  on  the  tVequented  track.  The 
 "  wheat  of  Minnith  "  is  mentioned  in  Ez.  xxv.i.  17, 
 as  being  supplied  by  Judah  and  Israel  to  Tyre;  but 
 there  is  nothing  to  indicate  that  the  same  place  is 
 intended,  and  indeed  the  word  is  thought  by  some 
 not  to  be  a  proper  name. 
 
 MinetreL     The    Hebrew    word   in   2  K.  iii.  II< 
 
MINT 
 
 [menaggSn)  properly  signiries  a  plaver  upon  ;i 
 sti-inged  instrument  like  the  harp  or  ^i»nor  [Harp], 
 whatevei'  its  ]irecise  character  may  have  been,  on 
 which  David  played  before  ShuI  (1  >Mni.  xvi.  {(,, 
 xviil.  10.  six.  9i,  and  which  the  harlots  of  the  gre;\t 
 cities  used  to  carry  with  them  as  they  walked  to 
 attract  notice  (Is.  xsiii.  16).  The  passage  in  which 
 it  occurs  has  given  rise  to  much  conjecture  ;  Elisha, 
 upon  being  consulted  by  Jehoram  as  to  the  issue  of 
 the  war  with  Moab,  at  first  indignantly  refuses  to 
 answer,  and  is  only  induced  to  do  so  by  the  presence 
 of  .lehoshaphat.  He  calls  for  a  harper,  apparentlv 
 a  camp  followei' ;  "and  it  came  to  pass  as  the 
 liai))er  harped  that  the  hand  of  Jehovah  was  on 
 him."  Other  instances  of  the  same  divine  influence 
 or  impulse  connected  with  music,  are  seen  in  the 
 3ase  of  Saul  and  the  young  prophets  in  1  Sam.  x. 
 5,  6,  10,  11.  In  the  present  passage  the  reason  of 
 Klislia's  appeal  is  variously  explained.  According 
 to  Keil,  "  Elisha  calls  for  a  minstrel,  in  order  to 
 gather  in  his  thoughts  by  the  soft  tones  of  music 
 from  the  impression  of  the  outer  world  and  by  re- 
 pressing the  life  of  self  and  of  the  world  to  be 
 transferred  into  the  state  of  internal  vision,  bv 
 which  his  spirit  would  be  prepared  to  receive  the 
 Divine  revelation."  This  in  etlect  is  the  view  taken 
 by  Josephus,  and  the  same  is  expi'essed  by  Mai- 
 monides  in  a  passage  which  embodies  the  opinion  of 
 the  Jews  of  the  Middle  Ages.  The  "  minstrels  "  in 
 Matt.  ix.  23,  were  the  flute- players  who  were  em- 
 ployed as  professional  mournere  to  whom  frequent 
 allusion  is  made  (Eccl.  xii.  5;  2  Chr.  xxxv.  25; 
 Jei-.  ix.  17-20). 
 
 Uiat  occurs  only  in  Matt,  xxiii.  2.S,  and  Luke 
 xi.  42,  as  one  of  those  herbs,  the  tithe  of  which 
 the  Jews  were  most  scrupulously  exact  in  pavincr. 
 There  cannot  be  the  slightest  doubt  that  the  A.  V. 
 is  correct  in  the  translation  of  the  Greek  word,  and 
 all  the  old  versions  are  agreed  in  understanding 
 some  species  of  mint  (Mentha)  by  it.  Mint  was 
 used  by  the  Greeks  and  Romans  both  as  a  carmin- 
 ative in  medicine  and  a  condiment  in  cookery.  The 
 woodcut  represents  the  horse  mint  (M.  sylvcstris) 
 which  is  common  in  Syria,  and  according  to  Russell 
 found  in  the  gardens  at  Aleppo  ;  M.  sativa  is  gene- 
 i-ally  supposed  to  be  only  a  variety  of  M.  arvensis, 
 
 MIRACLES 
 
 o61 
 
 OON.  D.  B. 
 
 another  species  of  mint ;  pcrliaps  all  these  weie 
 known  to  the  ancients.  Tlie  mints  belong  to  the 
 large  natural  order  Lahiatae. 
 
 Miph'kad,  the  Gate,  one  of  the  gates  of  Jeiii- 
 salem  at  the  time  of  the  rebuilding  of  the  wall  after 
 the  leturn  from  captivity  (Neh.  iii.  ol).  It  was 
 probably  not  in  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  proper,  but 
 in  that  of  the  city  of  David,  or  Zion,  and  some- 
 where near  to  the  junction  of  the  two  on  the  north 
 side. 
 
 Miracles.  The  word  "  miracle  "  is  the  ordinary 
 translation,  in  our  Authorized  English  vei-sion,  of 
 the  Greek  a-rj/j.eTot'.  Oui-  translators  did  not  borrow 
 it.  from  the  Vulgate,  but,  apparently,  from  their 
 English  piedecessors,  Tyndale,  Coverdale,  &c.  ;  and 
 it  had,  probably  befoie  theii-  time,  acquired  a  fixed 
 technical  import  in  theological  language,  which  is 
 not  directly  suggested  by  its  etymology.  It  will 
 perhaps  be  found  that  the  habitual  use  "of  the  term 
 "miracle"  has  tended  to  fix  attention  too  much  on 
 the  physical  strangeness  of  the  facts  thus  desciibed, 
 and  to  diveit  attention  from  what  may  be  called 
 their  signality.  In  reality,  the  practiail  import- 
 ance of  the  strangeness  of  miraculous  facts  consists 
 in  this,  that  it  is  one  of  the  circumstances  which, 
 taken  together,  make  it  reasonable  to  understand 
 the  phenomenon  as  a  mark,  seal,  or  attestation  of 
 the  Divine  sanction  to  something  else.  And  if  we 
 suppose  the  Divine  intention  established  that  a 
 given  phenomenon  is  to  be  biken  as  a  mark  or  sign 
 of  Divine  attestation,  theories  concerning  the  mud'3 
 in  which  that  phenomenon  was  produced  become 
 of  comparatively  little  practical  value,  and  are  only 
 serviceable  as  helping  oui-  conceptions.  In  manv 
 cases  the  phenomenon  which  constitutes  a  Divine 
 sign  may  be  one  not,  in  itself,  at  all  varying  from 
 the  known  course  of  nature.  This  is  the  common 
 case  of  prophecy :  in  which  the  fulfilment  of  the 
 prophecy,  which  constitutes  the  sign  of  the  pio- 
 phet's  commission,  may  be  the  result  of  ordinary 
 causes,  and  yet,  from  being  incapable  of  havinir 
 been  anticipated  by  human  sagacity,  it  may  be  an 
 adequate  mark  or  sign  of  the  Divine  sanction.  In 
 such  cases,  the  miraculous  or  wonderful  element  is 
 to  be  sought  not  in  the  fulfilment,  but  in  the  pre- 
 diction. It  would  appear,  indeed,  that  in  almost 
 all  cases  of  signs  or  evidential  miracles  somethinor 
 prophetic  is  involved.  In  the  common  case,  for 
 example,  of  healing  sickness  by  a  woid  or  touch, 
 the  word  or  gesture  may  be  regarded  as  a  pre- 
 diction of  the  cure  ;  and  then,  if  the  whole  circum- 
 stances be  such  as  to  exclude  just  suspicion  of  (Ij  a 
 natural  anticipation  of  the  event,  and  [2)  a  casual 
 coincidence,  it  will  be  inditleient  to  the  signality  of 
 the  cure  whether  we  regard  it  as  effected  by  the 
 operation  of  oidinary  aiuses,  or  by  an  immediate 
 interposition  of  the  Deity  reversing  the  course  of 
 nature.  Hypotheses  by  which  such  cures  are  at- 
 tempted to  be  accounted  for  by  ordinary  causes  are 
 indeed  generally  wild,  improbable,  and  arbitrary, 
 and  are,  on  that  ground,  justly  open  to  objection ; 
 but,  if  the  miraculous  character  of  the  predictive 
 antecedent  be  admitted,  they  do  not  tend  to  depri\-e 
 the  phenomenon  of  its  signality  :  and  thoi'e  are 
 minds  who,  from  particular  associations,  find  it 
 easier  to  conceive  a  miraculous  agency  operating  in 
 the  region  of  mind,  than  one  operating  in  the  reeion 
 of  matter.  The  peculiar  improbability  of  Miracles 
 is  resolved  by  Hume,  in  his  flimous  Essay,  into  the 
 circumstance  that  they  are  "contrary  to  experi- 
 ence."   This  expression  is,  as  has  often  been  pointed 
 
 2  O 
 
562 
 
 MIRACLES 
 
 out,  strictly  R))oakiiic;,  iiiconect.  In  strictness,  that 
 only  axil  be  said  to  be  contraiy  to  experience,  which 
 is  contradicted  by  tJie  immediate  perceptions  of 
 persons  present  at  the  time  when  the  tiact  is  alleged 
 to  have  occurred.  But  the  terms  "  contrary  to 
 ex|)erience  "  are  used  for  "  contrary  to  the  ana- 
 logy of  our  experience  ;"  and  it  must  be  admitte<l 
 that,  in  this  latter,  less  strict  sense,  miracles  arc 
 contrary  to  general  experience,  so  far  as  their  mere 
 physical  circntnstanccs,  visible  to  vs,  are  concerned. 
 This  should  not  only  be  admitted,  but  strongly  in- 
 sisted up<n,  by  the  maintenance  of  miracles,  because 
 it  is  an  essential  element  of  their  signal  character. 
 And  this  leads  us  to  notice  one  grand  dilTerence  be- 
 tween Divine  Miiades  and  other  alleged  facts  that 
 seem  to  vary  from  the  ordinary  course  of  nature. 
 It  is  manifest  that  there  is  an  essential  ditlerence 
 between  alleging  a  atse  in  which,  all  the  real  ante- 
 cedents or  causes  being  similar  to  those  which  we 
 have  daily  opjwrtunities  of  observing,  a  consequence 
 is  said  to  have  ensued  quite  dillerent  from  that 
 which  general  experience  finds  to  be  unifoinily  con- 
 joined with  them,  and  .-illeging  a  CJise  in  which  tliere 
 is  sui)posed  and  indicated  hij  all  the  circntnstanccs, 
 the  inteiTention  of  an  invisible  antecedent,  or  Ciiuse, 
 which  we  know  to  exist,  and  to  be  adequate  to  the 
 production  of  such  result ;  for  the  special  operation 
 of  which,  in  this  case,  we  can  assign  probable  reasons, 
 and  also  for  its  not  generally  operating  in  a  similar 
 manner.  This  latter  is  the  case  of  the  Scripture- 
 miracles.  Even  if  we  do  not  regard  the  existence 
 of  God,  in  the  proper  sense  of  that  term,  as  proved 
 by  the  coui-se  of  nature,  still  if  we  admit  His  exist- 
 ence to  be  in  any  degi'ee  probable,  or  even  jwssible, 
 the  occurrence  of  miracles  will  not  be  incredible. 
 For  it  is  surely  going  too  far  to  say,  that,  because 
 the  ordinary  course  of  nature  leaves  us  in  doubt 
 whether  the  author  of  it  be  able  or  unable  to  alter 
 it,  or  of  such  a  chaiacter  as  to  be  disposed  to  alter 
 it  for  some  great  purpose,  it  is  therefore  incredible 
 that  He  should  ever  have  actually  altered  it.  It 
 will  be  pro{>er  to  say  a  few  words  here  upon  some 
 pojjular  foims  of  expression  which  tend  greatly  to 
 increase,  in  many  minds,  the  natural  prejudice 
 against  miracles.  One  of  these  is  the  usual  de- 
 scription of  a  miiticle,  as,  "  a  violation  of  the  laws 
 of  nature."  This  metaphorical  expression  suggests 
 directly  the  idea  of  natural  agents  breaking,  of  their 
 own  accord,  some  loile  which  has  the  authority  and 
 sanctity  of  a  law  to  them.  Such  a  figure  can  only 
 Ije  apjiliaible  to  the  case  of  a  supposed  causeless 
 and  arbitrary  variation  from  the  uniform  order  of 
 sequence  in  natural  things,  and  is  wholly  inappli- 
 cable to  a  change  in  that  oider  caused  by  God  Him- 
 self. The  word  "  l.iw,"  when  applied  to  material 
 things,  ought  only  to  be  understood  as  denoting  a 
 number  of  observed  and  anticipated  sequences  of 
 phenomena,  tiking  place  with  such  a  resemblance 
 or  analogy  to  each  other  as  if  a  rule  had  been  laid 
 down,  fthich  those  phenomena  were  constantly  ob- 
 serving. But  the  rtde,  in  this  case,  is  nothing 
 ilillerent  from  the  actual  order  itself;  and  there  is 
 no  cause  of  these  sequences  but  the  will  of  God 
 chiMising  to  produce  thot*  phenomena,  and  choosing 
 to  produce  thi'm  in  a  certain  oitier.  Again,  the 
 term  "  nature"  suggests  to  many  pei-sons  the  idea 
 of  n  great  system  of  t'lings  endowed  with  powers 
 and  forces  of  its  own — a  sort  of  machine,  srt  a-going 
 originally  by  a  first  cai.sc,  but  continuing  it.s  mo- 
 tions cf  itself.  Hence  we  are  apt  to  imagine  that 
 a  change  in  the  motion  or  operation  of  any  part  of 
 
 MIBACLES 
 
 it  by  God,  would  produce  the  same  disturbance 
 of  the  other  parts,  as  such  a  change  would  be  likely 
 to  produce  in  them,  if  made  by  us,  or  any  other 
 natural  agent.  But  if  the  motions  and  operations 
 of  material  things  be  pro<luced  really  by  the  Divine 
 will,  then  His  choosing  to  change,  for  a  special  pur- 
 pose, the  ordinary  motion  of  one  part,  does  not 
 necessarily,  or  probably,  infer  His  choosing  to 
 chiinge  the  ordinary  motions  of  other  parts  in  a  way 
 not  at  all  i-equisite  for  the  accomplishment  of  that 
 special  purpose.  It  is  as  easy  for  Him  to  continue 
 the  ordinary  coui-se  of  the  rest,  with  the  change  of 
 one  part,  iis  of  all  the  phenomena  without  any  change 
 at  all.  Thus,  though  the  stoppage  of  the  motion  of 
 the  earth  m  the  ordinary  course  of  nature  would  be 
 attended  with  terrible  convulsions,  the  stoppage  of 
 the  eiirth  miracnluusti/,  for  a  s]jecial  purpose  to  be 
 served  by  that  only,  would  not  of  itself,  be  followed 
 by  any  such  consequences.  From  the  same  con- 
 ception of  nature,  as  a  machine,  we  are  apt  to  think 
 of  interferences  with  the  ordinary  coui-se  of  nature 
 as  implying  some  imperfection  in  it.  But  it  is 
 manifest  that  this  is  a  false  analogy;  for,  the  reason 
 why  machines  are  made  is,  to  save  us  trouble;  and, 
 therefore,  they  are  more  perfect  in  pioportion  as 
 they  answer  this  purpose.  But  no  one  c;m  seriously 
 imagine  that  the  universe  is  a  machine  for  the  pur- 
 pose of  saving  trouble  to  the  Almighty.  Again, 
 when  miracles  are  described  as  "  interferences  with 
 the  laws  of  nature,"  this  description  makes  them 
 appear  improbable  to  many  minds,  from  their  not 
 sudiciently  considering  that  the  laws  of  nature 
 interfei'p  with  one  another  ;  and  that  we  cannot  get 
 rid  of  "  interferences "  upon  any  hypothesis  con- 
 sistent with  exjierience.  Furtheimore,  whatever 
 ends  may  be  contemplated  by  the  Deity  for  the 
 laws  of  nature  in  leference  to  the  rest  of  the  uni- 
 verse— (in  which  question  we  have  as  little  inform- 
 ation as  interest) — we  know  that,  in  respect  of  us, 
 they  answer  discernible  moiid  ends — that  they  place 
 us,  jnactically,  under  government,  conducted  in  the 
 way  of  rewards  and  punishment — a  government  of 
 which  the  tendency  is  to  encourage  virtue  and  re- 
 press vice — and  to  form  in  us  a  certain  charactei' 
 by  discipline ;  which  character  our  moral  nature 
 compels  us  to  consider  as  the  highest  and  worthiest 
 object  which  we  can  pui-sue.  Since,  tlierefore,  the 
 laws  of  nature  have,  in  reference  to  us,  moral 
 purposes  to  answer,  which,  as  far  as  we  can  judge. 
 they  have  not  to  serve  in  other  respects,  it  seems  not 
 incredible  that  these  peculiar  purposes  should  occa- 
 sionally require  modificjitions  of  those  laws  in  rela- 
 tion to  us,  which  are  not  necessary  in  relation  to 
 other  parts  of  the  universe.  .Xfter  .all  deductions 
 and  abatements  have  been  made,  however,  it  nuist 
 be  allowed  that  a  certain  antecedent  improbability 
 must  always  attach  to  miracles,  considered  as  events 
 varying  from  the  ordinary  experience  of  mankind  as 
 known  to  us ;  because  likelihood,  rcrisiiuilitude,  or 
 resemblance  to  what  we  know  to  have  occuri-etl,  is, 
 by  the  constitution  of  om-  minds,  the  very  groui:<i 
 of  prob.ability  ;  and,  though  we  can  ]>ereeive  i-easoas, 
 from  the  moral  chaiacter  of  God,  tor  thinking  it 
 likely  that  He  may  have  wrought  miracles,  yet  we 
 know  tof)  little  of  His  ultimate  designs,  and  of  th<» 
 best  mo<le  of  ac<'om]>lishiiig  them,  to  argue  con- 
 fidently from  His  character  to  His  act.s,  exi-ept 
 where  the  ronnexion  betw<vn  the  chanjcter  and  the 
 ai:t.s  is  cii'ini'iistrably  imlissoluble,  .as  in  the  c;usi'  of 
 acts  rendered  ncixssai y  by  the  attributes  of  verucity 
 and   justice.     Miracli>s   are,  imleed,  in  the   notion 
 
MIRACLES 
 
 of  them,  CO  breach  of  the  high  generalization  that 
 "  similar  antecedents  have  similar  consequents ;" 
 nor,  necessarily,  of  the  maxim  that  "  God  works 
 by  general  laws  ;"  because  we  can  see  some  laws 
 of  miracles  (as  e.  q.  that  they  are  infi'equent,  and 
 that  they  are  used  as  attesting  signs  of,  or  in  con- 
 junction with,  revelations)  and  may  suppose  more ; 
 but  they  do  vary,  when  taken  apart  from  their 
 proper  evidence,  from  this  rule,  that  "  what  a 
 general  experience  would  lead  us  to  regard  as  similar 
 antecedents  are  similar  antecedents  ;"  because  the 
 only  assignable  specific  difference  observable  by  us 
 in  the  antecedents  in  the  case  of  miracles,  and  in 
 the  case  of  the  experiments  from  the  analogy  of 
 which  they  vary  in  their  physical  phenomena,  con- 
 sists in  the  moral  antecedents ;  and  these,  in  cases 
 of  physical  phenomena,  we  generally  throw  out  of 
 the  account ;  nor  have  we  grounds  a  priori  for  con- 
 cluding witli  confidence  that  these  are  not  to  be 
 thrown  out  of  the  account  b.ere  also,  although  we 
 can  see  that  the  moral  antecedents  here  (such  as  the 
 fitness  for  attesting  a  revelation  like  the  Christian) 
 are,  in  many  important  respects,  different  from 
 those  which  the  analogy  of  experience  teaches  us  to 
 disregard  in  estimating  the  probability  of  physical 
 events.  But,  in  order  to  form  a  fair  judgment,  we 
 must  take  in  all  the  circumstances  of  the  case, 
 and,  amongst  the  rest,  the  testimony  on  which  the 
 miracle  is  reported  to  us.  Our  belief,  indeed,  in 
 human  testimony  seems  to  rest  upon  the  same  sort 
 of  instinct  on  which  our  belief  in  the  testimony  (as 
 it  may  be  called)  of  nature  is  built,  and  is  to  be 
 checked,  modified,  and  confirmed  by  a  process  of 
 experience  similar  to  that  which  is  applied  in  the 
 other  case.  As  we  learn,  by  extended  observation  of 
 nature  and  the  comparison  of  analogies,  to  distin- 
 guish the  real  laws  of  physical  sequences  from  the 
 casual  conjunctions  of  phenomena,  so  are  we  taught 
 in  the  same  manner  to  distinguish  the  circumstances 
 under  which  human  testimony  is  certain  or  incred- 
 ible, probable  or  suspicious.  The  circumstances  of 
 our  condition  force  us  daily  to  make  continual  ob- 
 servations upon  the  phenomena  of  human  testi- 
 mony ;  and  it  is  a  matter  upon  which  we  can  make 
 such  experiments  with  peculiar  advantage,  because 
 every  man  carries  within  his  own  breast  the  whole 
 sum  of  the  ultimate  motives  which  can  influence 
 human  testimony.  Hence  arises  the  aptitude  of 
 human  testimony  for  overcoming,  and  more  than 
 overcoming,  almost  any  antecedent  improbability 
 in  the  thing  reported.  So  manifest,  indeed,  is  this 
 inherent  power  of  testimony  to  overcome  antecedent 
 improbabilities,  that  Hume  is  obliged  to  allow  that 
 testimony  may  be  so  circumstanced  as  to  require  us 
 to  believe,  in  some  cases,  the  occurrence  of  things 
 quite  at  variance  with  general  experience;  but  he 
 pretends  to  show  that  testimony  to  such  facts  when 
 connected  v:ith  religion  can  never  be  so  circum- 
 stanced. Over  and  above  the  direct  testimony  of 
 human  witnesses  to  the  Bible-miracles,  we  have 
 also  what  may  be  called  the  indirect  testimony  of 
 events  confirming  the  former,  and  raising  a  distinct 
 presumption  that  some  such  miracles  must  have 
 been  wrought.  Thus,  for  example,  we  know,  by  a 
 copious  induction,  that,  in  no  nation  of  the  ancient 
 world,  and  in  no  nation  of  the  modern  world  unac- 
 quainted with  the  Jewish  or  Christian  revelation, 
 has  the  knowledge  of  the  one  true  God  as  the  Cre- 
 ator and  Governor  of  the  world,  and  the  public 
 worship  of  Him,  been  kept  up  by  the  mere  light 
 of  nature,  or  formed  the  groundwork  of  such  re- 
 
 MIRACLES 
 
 5fnl 
 
 ligions  as  men  have  devised  for  themselves.  Yet 
 we  do  find  that,  in  the  Jewish  people,  though  no 
 way  distinguished  above  others  by  mental  power  or 
 high  C'vilization,  and  with  as  strong  natural  tend- 
 encies to  idolatry  as  others,  this  knowledge  and 
 worship  was  kept  up  from  a  very  early  period  of 
 their  history,  and,  according  to  their  uniform  his- 
 torical tradition,  kept  up  by  revelation  attested  by 
 undeniable  miracles.  Again,  the  existence  of  the 
 Christian  religion,  as  the  belief  of  the  most  con- 
 sidei-able  and  intelligent  part  of  the  world,  is  an 
 undisjiuted  fact;  and  it  is  also  certain  that  this 
 religion  originated  (as  far  as  human  means  are 
 concerned)  with  a  handful  of  Jewish  peasants,  who 
 went  about  preaching,  on  the  very  spot  where 
 Jesus  was  crucified,  that  He  had  risen  from  the 
 dead,  and  had  been  seen  by,  and  had  conversed  with 
 them,  and  afterwaids  ascended  into  heaven.  This 
 miracle,  attested  by  them  as  eyewitnesses,  was  the 
 very  ground  and  foundation  of  the  religion  which 
 they  preached,  and  it  was  plainly  one  so  circum- 
 stanced that,  if  it  had  been  false,  it  could  easily 
 have  boon  proved  to  be  false.  Yet,  though  the 
 preachers  of  it  were  everywhere  persecuted,  they 
 had  gathered,  before  they  <Iied,  large  churches  in 
 the  country  where  the  facts  were  best  known,  and 
 through  Asia  Minor,  Greece,  Kgypt,  and  Italy  ;  and 
 these  churches,  notwithstanding  the  severest  perse- 
 cutions, went  on  increasing  till,  in  about  300  years , 
 alter,  this  religion — i.e.  a  religion  which  taught 
 the  worship  of  a  Jewish  peasant  who  had  been 
 ignominiously  executed  as  a  malefactor — became 
 the  established  religion  of  the  Roman  empire  ;  and 
 has  ever  since  continued  to  be  the  prevailing  reli» 
 gion  of  the  civilized  world.  It  is  manifest  that,  if 
 the  miraculous  facts  of  Christianity  did  not  really 
 occur,  the  stories  about  them  must  have  originated 
 either  in  fraud,  or  in  fancy.  The  coarse  explanation 
 of  them  by  the  hypothesis  of  unlimited  fraud,  has 
 been  generally  abandoned  in  modern  times:  but,  in 
 Germany  especially,  many  persons  of  gieat  acute- 
 ness  have  long  laboured  to  account  for  them  by 
 referring  them  to  fancy.  Of  these  there  have  been 
 two  principal  schools — the  Naturalistic,  and  the 
 Mythic.  1.  The  Naturalists  suppose  the  miracles 
 to  have  been  natui'al  events,  more  or  less  unusual, 
 that  were  mistaken  for  miracles,  through  ignorance 
 or  enthusiastic  excitement.  But  the  result  of  their 
 labours  in  detail  has  been  (as  Strauss  has  shown  in 
 his  Lehen  Jesu)  to  turn  the  iSew  Testament,  as 
 interpreted  by  them,  into  a  narrative  far  less  credible 
 than  any  narrative  of  miracles  could  be.  2.  The 
 Mythic  theorysupposes  the  N.T.  Scripture-narratives 
 to  have  been  legends,  not  stating  the  grounds  of  men's 
 belief  in  Christianity,  but  spnnging  out  of  that 
 belief,  and  embodying  the  idea  of  what  Jesus,  if  he 
 were  the  Messiah,  must  have  been  conceived  to 
 have  done  in  order  to  fulfil  that  character,  and  was 
 therefore  supposed  to  have  done.  But  it  is  obvious 
 that  this  leaves  the  origin  of  the  belief,  that  a  man, 
 who  did-  iwt  fulfil  the  idea  of  the  Messiah  in  any 
 one  remarkable  paiticular,  was  the  Messiah, 
 wholly  unaccounted  for.  It  is  obvious,  also,  that 
 all  the  arguments  for  the  genuineness  and  authen- 
 ticity of  the  writings  of  the  N.  T.  bring  them  up 
 to  a  date  when  the  memory  of  Christ's  real  history 
 was  so  recent,  as  to  make  the  substitution  of  a  set 
 of  mere  legends  in  its  place  utterly  incredible;  and 
 it  is  obvious,  also,  that  the  gravity,  simplicity, 
 historical  decorum,  and  consistency  with  what  we 
 know  of  the  circumstances  of  the  times  in  which 
 
 2  0  2 
 
JG4 
 
 MIRACLES 
 
 the  events  are  said  to  liavc  occurred,  observable 
 ill  the  naiTatives  of  the  N.  T.,  make  it  impossible 
 reasonably  to  accept  them  as  mere  tni/ths.  It  is 
 observable  th\t,  in  the  early  ages,  the  tact  that 
 extraordinary  miracles  were  wrought  by  Jesus  and 
 His  apostles,  loes  not  seem  to  have  been  generally 
 denied  by  the  opponents  of  Christianity.  They  seem 
 always  to  have  preferred  adopting  the  expedient  of 
 asciibing  them  to  art  magic  and  the  power  of  evil 
 spirits.  We  know  that  ;n  two  instances,  in  the 
 Gospel  narrative,  the  cure  of  the  man  born  blind 
 and  the  Resurrection,  the  Jewish  priests  were  un- 
 able to  pretend  such  a  solution  and  were  driven  to 
 maintain  unsuccessfully  a  charge  of  fraud  ;  and  the 
 circumstances  of  the  Christian  miracles  were,  in 
 almost  all  respects,  so  utterly  unlike  those  of  any 
 pretended  instances  of  magical  wonders,  that  the 
 apologists  have  little  difficulty  in  refuting  this  plea. 
 This  they  do  generally  from  the  following  consider- 
 ationd.  (1.)  The  gi-eatness,  number,  completeness, 
 and  publicity  of  the  mir.icles.  (2.)  The  natural 
 beneficial  tendency  of  the  doctrine  they  attested. 
 (3.)  The  connexion  of  them  with  a  whole  scheme 
 of  revelation  extending  from  the  fiist  origin  of  the 
 human  race  to  the  time  of  Christ.  This  evasion  of  the 
 force  of  the  Christian  miracles,  by  referring  them  to 
 the  power  of  evil  spirits,  has  seldom  been  seriously 
 recurred  to  in  modern  times ;  but  the  English  in- 
 fidels of  the  last  century  employed  it  as  a  kind  ot 
 argumcrdum  ad  hominem,  to  tease  and  embaiTass 
 their  opponents  —  contending  that,  as  the  Bible 
 speaks  of  "  lying  wonders"  of  Antichrist,  and  re- 
 lates a  long  contest  of  apparent  miracles  between 
 Moses  and  the  Egyptian  magicians.  Christians  could 
 not  on  their  ou-n  principles,  have  any  certainty  that 
 miracles  were  not  wrought  by  evil  spirits.  Par- 
 ticular theories  as  to  the  manner  in  which  miracles 
 have  been  wrought  are  matters  rather  cuiious  than 
 jiractically  useful.  In  all  such  cases  we  must  bear 
 in  mind  the  great  maxim  Sdbtilitas  Naturae 
 
 LONGE     SUPERAT    SUUTILITATEM      iME.NTIS    Hu- 
 
 MANAE.  Another  question  more  curious  than  prac- 
 tical, is  that  respecting  the  precise  period  when 
 miracles  ceased  in  the  Christian  Church.  It  is 
 plain,  that  whenever  tliey  ceased  in  point  of  fact, 
 they  ceased  relatively  to  tts  whenever  a  sufficient 
 attestation  of  them  to  our  faith  fails  to  be  supplied. 
 In  the  case  of  the  Scripture  miracles,  we  must  be 
 careful  to  distinguish  the  pariiVa/ar  occasions  upon 
 which  they  were  wrought,  fiom  their  general  j^ur- 
 fose  and  design  ;  yet  not  so  as  to  overlook  khe  con- 
 nexion between  these  two  things.  There  are  but 
 few  miracles  recorded  in  Scripture  of  which  the 
 whole  character  was  merely  evidential — few,  that  is, 
 that  were  merely  displays  of  a  supernatural  power 
 made  for  the  sole  purpose  of  attesting  a  Divine 
 Revelation.  Of  this  character  were  the  change  of 
 Moses'  rod  into  a  serpent  at  the  buiTiing  bush,  the 
 burning  bush  itself,  the  going  down  of  the  shadow 
 upon  the  sun-dial  of  Ahaz,  and  some  othei-s.  In 
 general,  however,  the  miracles  recorded  in  Sciipture 
 have,  l;esides  the  ultimate  purpose  of  affording  evid- 
 ence of  a  Divine  intevposition,  some  immediate 
 temporary  purposes  which  they  were  apparently 
 Wrought  to  serve, — such  as  the  curing  of  disea.ses, 
 the  feeding  of  the  hungry,  the  relief  of  innocent,  or 
 the  punishment  of  guilty  persons.  These  immeiliate 
 t*injH)i-ary  ends  are  not  without  value  in  lef'ercnce 
 to  the  ultimate  and  goneml  de.sign  of  miracies,  as 
 providing  evidence  of  the  truth  of  revelation.  And, 
 ill   »omi'   cast's    it   would    appear    that    miraculous 
 
 MIRACLES 
 
 wiirks  of  a  particular  kind  were  selected  as  eitt- 
 blematic  or  typical  of  some  characteristic  of  the 
 revelation  which  they  were  intended  to  attest.  In 
 this  point  of  view,  Christian  miracles  may  be  fitly 
 legarded  as  specimens  of  a  Divine  Power,  alleged 
 to  be  present.  In  this  sense,  they  seem  to  be  called 
 the  manifestation  or  exhibition  of  the  Spirit.  In 
 the  case  of  the  Old  Testament  miracles,  again,  in 
 order  fully  to  undei-stand  their  evidential  character, 
 we  must  consider  the  general  nature  and  design  of 
 the  dispensation  with  which  they  weie  connected. 
 The  general  design  of  that  dispensation  appears  to 
 have  been  to  keep  up  in  one  particular  rai-e  a  know- 
 ledge of  the  one  true  God,  and  of  the  promise  of  a 
 Messiah  in  whom  "all  the  families  of  the  earth" 
 should  be  "  blessed."  And  in  order  to  this  end,  it 
 appears  to  have  been  nec&^sary  that,  tor  some  time, 
 God  should  have  assumed  the  character  of  the  local 
 tutelaiy  Deity  and  Prince  of  that  particular  people. 
 And  from  this  peculiar  relation  in  which  He  stood 
 to  the  Jewish  people  (aptly  called  by  Josephus 
 a  Theocracy)  resultetl  the  necessity  of  frequent 
 miracles,  to  nianitest  and  make  sensibly  perceptil)le 
 His  actual  presence  among  and  government  over 
 them.  The  miracles,  therefore,  of  the  Old  Testa- 
 ment are  to  be  regarded  as  evidential  of  the  theo- 
 cratic government ;  and  this  again  is  to  be  conceived 
 of  as  subordinate  to  the  further  purpose  of  preparini' 
 the  way  for  Christianity,  by  keeping  up  in  the 
 world  a  knowledge  of  the  true  God  and  of  His 
 promise  of  a  Reileemer.  With  respect  to  th«  cha- 
 racter of  the  Old  Testament  miracles,  we  must  al.-o 
 remember  that  the  whole  structure  of  the  Jewish 
 economy  had  reference  to  the  peculiar  e.xigency  of 
 the  circumstances  of  a  peojile  imperfectly  civilized, 
 and  is  so  distinctly  described  in  the  New  Testament, 
 as  dealing  with  men  according  to  the  "  hardness  of 
 their  hearts,"  and  being  a  system  of "  weak  and 
 beggarly  elements,"  and  a  rudimentary  instruction 
 for  "  children "  who  were  in  the  condition  of 
 "  slaves."  It  has  been  often  made  a  topic  of  com- 
 plaint against  Hume  that,  in  dealing  with  testimony 
 as  a  medium  for  proving  miracles,  he  has  resolved 
 its  force  entirely  into  our  experience  o{'  its  veracity, 
 and  omitted  to  notice  that,  antecedently  to  all  ex- 
 perience, we  are  predisposed  to  give  it  credit  by  a 
 kind  of  natural  instinct.  The  argument,  indee<1, 
 in  Hume's  celebrated  Essay  on  Miracles,  was  very 
 far  from  being  a  new  one.  The  restatement  of  it, 
 however,  by  a  pei-son  of  Hume's  abilities,  w.is  of 
 service  in  putting  men  upon  a  moie  .iccurate  ex- 
 amination of  the  true  nature  and  measui-e  of  proba- 
 bility. Bishop  Butler  set-ms  to  have  been  very 
 sensible  of  the  imperfect  state,  in  his  own  time,  of 
 the  logic  of  Probability  ;  and,  though  he  ajijiears  to 
 have  formed  a  more  accurate  conception  ot  it  than 
 the  .Scotch  school  of  Philosophers  who  succeeded 
 and  undertook  to  refute  Hume,  yet  there  is  one 
 passage  in  which  we  m.ay  ])erhaps  detect  a  miscon- 
 ception of  the  subject  in  the  piges  of  even  this 
 great  writer.  "There  is,"  he  observes,  "a  veiy 
 strong  presumption  apiinst  common  speculative 
 tiuths,  and  against  the  most  ordinary  facts,  betbi-e 
 the  proof  of  thein,  which  yet  is  overcome  by  almost 
 any  proof.  There  is  a  presumption  of  millions  to 
 one  against  the  story  of  Caesar  or  any  other  nxin. 
 For,  Mi|)pose  a  nunil>er  of  common  facts  so  and  so 
 circumst-anceil,  of  which  one  had  no  kind  of  proof, 
 should  happen  to  come  into  one's  thoughts ;  evei-y 
 one  would,  without  any  possible  doulit,  conclude 
 them  *>  i^  false.      And  tiic  like  may  be  said  <^  M 
 
MIRACLES 
 
 smjle  comtnon  fact.  And  from  hence  it  appears 
 that  the  question  ot"  importance,  as  to  the  matter 
 before  us,  is  concerning  tlie  degree  of  the  peculi;ir 
 presumption  against  miiacles  :  not,  whether  there 
 be  any  peculiar  presumption  at  all  against  them. 
 For  if  there  be  a  presumption  of  millions  to  one 
 against  the  most  common  facts,  what  can  a  small 
 presumption,  additional  to  this,  amount  to,  though 
 it  be  peculiar  ?  It  cannot  be  estimated,  and  is 
 (IS  nothing  "  {Analogij,  part  2,  c.  ii.).  It  is  plain 
 that,  in  this  passage,  Butler  lays  no  stress  upon  the 
 pecuiiitrities  of  the  story  of  Caesar,  which  he  casually 
 mentions.  For  he  expressly  adds  "  or  of  any  other 
 man  ;"  and  repeatedly  explains  that  what  he  says 
 applies  equally  to  any  ordinary  facts,  or  to  a  single 
 fact.  And  this  becomes  still  more  evident,  when 
 we  consider  the  extraordinary  medium  by  which  he 
 endeavours  to  show  that  there  is  a  presumption  of 
 millions  to  one  against  such  "  common  ordinary 
 tacts"  as  he  is  speaking  of.  For  the  way  in  which 
 he  proposes  to  estim,'vte  the  presumption  against 
 ordinary  facts  is,  by  consideiing  the  likelihood  of 
 their  being  anticipated  beforehand  by  a  person  ^r^f^ss- 
 ing  at  random.  But,  surely,  this  is  not  a'measure 
 of  the  likelihood  of  the  facts  considered  in  them- 
 selves, but  of  the  likelihood  of  the  coincidence  of 
 the  facts  with  a  rash  and  arbitiary  anticipation. 
 The  case  of  a  person  guessing  beforehand,  and  the 
 case  of  a  witness  reporting  what  has  occurred,  are 
 essentially  different.  The  truth  is,  that  the  clumces 
 to  which  Butler  seems  to  refer  as  a  presumption 
 against  ordinary  events,  are  not  in  ordinary  aises 
 oveicome  by  testimony  at  all.  The  testimony  has 
 nothing  to  do  with  them  ;  because  they  are  chances 
 against  the  event  considered  as  the  subject  of  a 
 random  vaticination,  not  as  the  subject  of  a  report 
 made  by  an  actual  observer.  But  it  should  be  ob- 
 served that  what  we  commonly  call  the  chances 
 against  an  ordinary  event  are  not  specific,  but  par- 
 ticular. They  are  chances  against  this  event,  not 
 against  this  kind  of  event.  The  chances,  in  the 
 case  of  a  die,  are  the  chances  against  a  particular 
 face;  not  against  the  coming  up  of  some  face.  The 
 Ecclesiastical  Miracles  are  not  delivered  to  us  by 
 inspired  historians ;  nor  do  they  seem  to  form  any 
 part  of  the  same  series  of  events  as  the  miracles  of 
 the  New  Test;mient.  The  miracles  of  the  New 
 Testament  (setting  aside  those  wrought  by  Christ 
 Himselfj  appear  to  have  been  worked  by  a  power 
 conferred  upon  particular  persons  according  to  a 
 regular  law,  in  virtue  of  which  that  power  was 
 ordinarily  transmitted  from  one  person  to  another, 
 and  the  only  persons  privileged  thus  to  transmit 
 \liat  power  were  the  Apostles.  The  only  exceptions 
 to  this  rule  were,  (1.)  the  Apostles  themselves,  and 
 (2.)  the  family  of  Cornelius,  who  were  the  first- 
 fruits  of  the  Gentiles.  In  all  other  cases,  miraculous 
 gifts  were  conferred  only  by  the  laying  on  of  the 
 Apostles'  hands.  By  this  arrangement,  it  is  evident 
 that  a  provision  was  made  for  the  total  ceasing 
 of  that  miraculous  dispensation  within  a  limited 
 peiiod :  because,  on  the  death  of  the  last  of  the 
 Apostles,  the  ordinary  channels  would  be  all  stopped 
 through  which  such  gifts  were  transmitted  in  the 
 Church.  One  passage  has,  indeed,  been  appealed 
 to  as  seeming  to  indicate  the  peimanent  residence 
 of  miraculous  powers  in  the  Christian  Church 
 through  all  ages,  Mark  xvi.  17,  18.  But — (1.) 
 That  passage  itself  is  of  doubtful  authority,  since 
 we  know  that  it  was  omitted  in  most  of  the  Greek 
 MSS.  which  Eusebius  was  able  to  exaraiu'^  iu  the 
 
 MIRACLES 
 
 505 
 
 4th  century  ;  and  it  is  still  wanting  in  some  of  the 
 most  important  that  remain  to  us.  [2.)  It  does 
 not  necessarily  imply  more  than  a  promise  that 
 such  miraculous  powers  shoidd  exhibit  themselves 
 among  the  immediate  converts  of  the  Apostles. 
 And  (3.)  this  latter  interpretation  is  supported  by 
 what  follows — "  And  they  went  forth,  and  preached 
 everywhere,  the  Lord  working  with  them,  and  con- 
 firming the  word  icith  the  accompanying  signs." 
 It  is,  indeed,  confessed  by  the  latest  and  ablest  de- 
 fenders of  the  ecclesiastical  miracles  that  the  great 
 mass  of  them  were  essentially  a  new  dispensation; 
 but  it  is  contended,  that  by  those  who  believe  in 
 the  Scripture  mii-acles,  no  strong  antecedent  impro- 
 bability against  such  a  dispensation  can  .be  reason- 
 ably entertained  ;  because,  for  them,  the  Scripture 
 miracles  have  already  "  borne  the  brunt "  of  the 
 infidel  objection,  and  "  broken  the  ice."  But  this 
 is  wholly  to  mistake  the  matter.  If  the  only  ob- 
 jection antecedently  to  proof  against  the  ecclesiastical 
 miracles  were  a  presumption  of  their  impossibility 
 or  incredibility — simply  as  miracles,  this  allegation 
 might  be  pertinent ;  because  he  that  admits  that  a 
 miracle  has  taken  place,  cannot  consistently  hold 
 that  a  miracle  as  such  is  impossible  or  incredible. 
 But  the  antecedent  presumption  against  the  ecclesi- 
 astical miracles  rises  upon  four  distinct  grounds,  no 
 one  of  which  can  be  properly  called  a  ground  of 
 infidel  objection.  (1.)  It  arises  from  the  very  na- 
 ture of  pi'obability,  and  the  constitution  of  the 
 human  mind,  which  compels  us  to  take  the  analogj 
 of  general  experience  as  a  measure  of  likelihood. 
 And  this  presumption  it  is  manifest  is  neither  re-- 
 ligious  nor  irreligious,  but  antecedent  to,  and  in- 
 volved in,  all  probable  reasoning.  (2.)  This  gene- 
 ral antecedent  presumption  against  miracles,  as 
 varying  from  the  analogy  of  general  experience,  is 
 (as  we  have  said)  neither  religious  nor  irreligious — 
 neither  rational  nor  inational — but  springs  from 
 the  very  nature  of  probability;  and  it  cannot  hi 
 denied  without  shaking  the  basis  of  all  probable 
 evidence,  whether  for  or  against  religion.  Nor  does 
 the  admission  of  the  existence  of  the  Deity,  or  the 
 admission  of  the  actual  occurrence  of  the  Christian 
 miracles,  tend  to  remove  this  antecedent  improba- 
 bility against  miracles  circumstanced  as  the  ecclesi- 
 astical miracles  generally  are.  If,  indeed,  the  only 
 presumption  against  miracles  were  one  against  their 
 possibility,  this  might  be  truly  desci'ibed  as  an 
 atheistic  presumption.  But  the  true  presumption 
 against  miracles  is  not  against  their  possibility,  but 
 ihm-  probability.  Nor  can  the  admission  that  God 
 has  actually  wrought  such  miracles  as  attest  the 
 Christian  religion,  remove  the  general  presumptioi; 
 against  miracles  as  impiobable  occurrences.  It  is 
 indeed  quite  true  that  Christianity  has  levealed  to 
 us  the  pei-manent  ope)ation  of  a  supernatural  order 
 of  things,  actually  going  on  around  us.  But  there 
 is  nothing  in  the  notion  of  such  a  supernatural 
 system  as  the  Christian  dispensation  is,  to  lead  us 
 to  expect  continual  interferences  with  the  common 
 course  of  natui^e.  (3.)  It  is  acknowledged  by  the 
 ablest  defenders  of  the  ecclesiastical  miracles  that, 
 for  the  most  part,  they  belong  to  those  classes  of 
 miracles  which  are  described  as  ambiguous  and 
 tentative  ;  i.  e.  they  are  cases  in  which  the  effect, 
 if  it  occurred  at  all,  may  have  been  the  result  of 
 natural  causes,  and  where,  upon  the  ajiplicatiou 
 of  the  same  means,  the  desired  effect  was  only 
 sometimes  produced.  (4.)  Though  it  is  not  true 
 that  the  Scripture  miracles   have  so    "  borne  the 
 
500 
 
 MIRIAM 
 
 brunt "  of  the  a  priori  olyection  to  miiucles  as  to 
 remove  all  peculiar  piesumptioii  against  thi'm  as 
 improbable  events,  there  is  a  sense  in  which  they 
 may  be  truly  said  to  have  prepared  the  way  for 
 those  of  the  ecclesiiistiail  legends.  But  it  is  one 
 which  aggi-avates,  instead  of  extenuating,  their 
 impiobiibility.  The  narratives  of  the  Scripture 
 miracles  may  very  piobably  have  tended  to  raise 
 an  expectation  of  miracles  in  the  minds  of  \ve;ik 
 and  credulous  peraons,  and  tu  encourage  design- 
 ing men  to  attempt  an  imitation  of  them.  In 
 this  sense  it  may  be  said  that  the  Scripture 
 narratives  "  bioke  the  ice,"  and  prepared  the  way 
 for  a  whole  succession  of  legends.  On  the  whole, 
 we  may  conclude  that  the  mass  of  the  ecclesiastical 
 miracles  do  not  foi'ni  any  pirt  of  the  same  series 
 as  those  related  in  Scripture,  which  latter  are, 
 therefore,  unatl'ected  by  any  decision  we  may  come 
 to  with  respect  to  the  former  ;  and  that  they  aie 
 jiressed  by  the  weight  of  three  distinct  presump- 
 tions against  them — being  improbable  (1)  as  vary- 
 ing fron)  the  analogy  of  nature ;  (2)  as  varying 
 from  the  analogy  of  the  Scripture  mii'acles ;  (3) 
 as  resembling  those  legemlary  stories  which  are 
 the  known  product  of  the  credulity  or  imposture 
 of  mankind. 
 
 Mir'iam.  1.  Miuiam,  the  sister  of  Moses,  was 
 the  eldest  ot'that  sacied  family  ;  and  she  first  appeai-s, 
 probably  as  a  young  girl,  watcliing  her  infant  bro- 
 ther's cradle  in  the  Nile  (Ex.  ii.  4),  and  suggesting 
 her  mother  as  a  nurse  fib.  7).  The  independent 
 and  high  position  given  by  her  superiority  of  age 
 she  never  lost.  "  The  sister  of  Aaron "  is  her 
 bibliuil  distinction  (Ex.  xv.  20).  In  Num.  xii.  1 
 she  is  placed  before  Aaron ;  and  in  Mic.  vi.  4  reck- 
 oned as  amongst  the  Three  Deliverers.  She  is  the 
 firsit  pei'sonage  in  that  household  to  whom  the  pro- 
 phetic gifts  are  directly  ascribed — "Miriam  the 
 Prophetess"  is  her  acknowledged  title  {Ex.  xv.  20). 
 The  i)i-ophetic  power  showed  itself  in  her  under  the 
 same  form  as  that  which  it  assumed  in  the  days  of 
 Samuel  and  David, — poeliy,  accompanied  with 
 music  and  processions  (Ex.  xv.  1-19).  She  took 
 the  lead,  with  Aaron,  in  the  comj)laint  against 
 Moses  for  his  marriage  with  a  Cushite.  "  Hath 
 JiOHOVAil  spoken  by  Moses?  Hath  He  not  also 
 spoken  by  us?"  (Num.  xii.  1,  2).  A  stern  rebuke 
 was  administered  in  front  of  the  sacred  Tent  to 
 both  Aaron  and  Miriam.  lint  the  punishment  fell 
 on  Miriam,  as  the  chief  ollendcr.  The  hateful 
 Egyptian  lepi'osy,  of  which  tor  a  moment  the  sign 
 had  been  seen  on  the  hand  of  her  younger  biother, 
 broke  out  over  the  whole  pei-son  of  the  proud  pro- 
 phetess. How  grand  was  her  position,  and  how 
 heavy  the  blow,  is  imi>lie'l  in  the  cry  of  anguish 
 which  goes  up  fiorn  both  her  brothcis.  And  it  is 
 not  less  evident  in  the  silent  grief  of  the  nation 
 (Num.  xii.  10-15).  This  stroke,  and  its  removal, 
 which  took  place  at  Hazeroth,  form  the  last  public 
 event  of  Miriam's  life.  She  died  towards  the  close 
 of  the  wainierings  at  Kadesh,  and  was  buried  there 
 (Num.  XX.  1).  Her  tomb  was  shown  nea)-  Petra  in 
 the  <lays  of  JeTOine.  According  to  Josejihus,  she 
 was  marriel  to  the  famous  Hl'R,  and,  through  him, 
 was  gnindmother  of  the  aichitect  Bi;zali:ki,.— - 
 2.  A  pci-son — whether  man  or  woman  does  not 
 appear — mentioned  in  the  genealogies  of  the  tribe  of 
 Juilah  and  house  of  Caleb  (1  Chr.  iv.  17). 
 
 Mir'nxa.  A  Henjamite,  "chief  of  the  tathers," 
 son  of  Shaharaim  by  his  wife  Hodcsh ;  born  in  the 
 Iind  of  Moab  (1  Chr.  viii.  10). 
 
 MISHAEIi 
 
 nirror.     The  two  woi-ds,  mardh  (Ex.  xxxviiL 
 
 8),  and  r£i  (Job  xzxvii.  18),  are  rendered  "  looking 
 gliiss"  in  the  A.  V.,  but  from  the  context  evidently 
 denote  a  minor  of  polished  metal.  The  Hebrew 
 women  on  coming  out  of  Egypt  probably  brought 
 with  them  mirrors  like  those  which  were  used  by 
 the  Egyptians,  and  were  made  of  a  mixed  metal, 
 chiefly  copper,  wrought  with  such  admirable  skill, 
 says  Sir  G.  Wilkinson  {Anc.  Eg.  iii.  384),  that 
 they  were  'susceptible  of  a  lustre,  which  has  even 
 been  partially  revived  at  the  present  day,  in  some 
 of  those  discovered  at  Thebes,  though  buiied  in  the 
 earth  lor  many  centuries.  The  mirror  it-^elf  was 
 nearly  it)und,  inserted  into  a  handle  of  wood,  stone, 
 or  metal,  whose  form  varied  according  to  the  taste 
 of  the  owner.  Some  presented  the  figure  of  a 
 female,  a  tiower,  a  column,  or  a  rod  ornamented 
 with  the  head  of  Athor,  a  bird,  or  a  fancy  device; 
 and  sometimes  the  face  of  a  Typhonian  monster  was 
 introduced  to  supjx)i-t  the  mirror,  serving  as  a  con- 
 trast to  the  features  whose  beauty  was  displayed 
 within  it."  The  metal  of  which  the  mirrors  were 
 composed,  being  liable  to  rust  and  tirnisli,  lequired 
 to  be  (-oitstantly  kept  bright  (Wisd.  vii.  26  ;  Ecclus. 
 xii.  11).  This  was  done  by  means  of  ]}ounded 
 pumice-stone,  rubbed  on  with  a  sponge,  which  was 
 generally  susjjended  from  the  minor.  The  obscure 
 image  produced  by  a  t;irnished  or  imperfect  miiTor, 
 appears  to  be  alluded  to  in  1  Cor.  xiii.  12.  The 
 ob>ciire  word  gili/onvn  (Is.  iii.  23),  rendered 
 "glasses"  in  the  A.  V.  after  the  Vulgate  specula, 
 is  explained  by  Schroeder  to  signify  "  transparent 
 dressas"  of  fine  linen. 
 
 Eltyptian  Ulrixir.     (FYom  Jlr.  8uU'»  cullnliuii.) 
 
 Mis'ael.  1.  The  same  as  Misiiaim.  2  (1  Ksd. 
 ix.  44;  comp.  Neh.  viii.  4).— 2.  =Misiiai:l  o, 
 the  Hebr.^w  name  of  Meshach  (Song  of  the  Three 
 Child,  ar,). 
 
 Mifl'gab,  a  place  in  Moab  nam^d  in  <'omi>im7 
 with  Ni;i;o  and  KiuiATilAiM  in  the  denunciation 
 of  Jeremiah  (xlviii.  1).  It  app'ars  to  be  men- 
 tioned also  in  Is.  Xxv.  12,  though  there  icndei-ed  in 
 the  A.  V,  "  high  fort."  It  is  possibly  identical 
 with  Mizi'i;ii  OK  Moab,  named  only  in  1  Snro. 
 xxiii.  3. 
 
 Mish'aeL  1.  One  of  the  sons  of  Uzziel,  t)ic 
 unile  ot'  Aaron  and  Moses  (Ex.  vi.  22).  Wlion 
 Nudab  and  Abihu  were  struck   dead   for  offei'iint 
 
MISHAL 
 
 tttange  fire,  Mishael  and  his  brother  Elzaphan,  at 
 •.he  command  of  Moses,  removed  their  bodies  from 
 the  sanctuary,  and  buried  them  without  the  camp, 
 their  loose  fitting  tanics  serving  for  winding-sheets 
 (Lev.  X.  4,  5).— 2.  One  of  those  who  stood  at  Ezra's 
 left  hand  when  he  read  the  law  to  the  people  (Neh. 
 viii,  4). — 3.  One  of  Daniel's  three  companions  in 
 captivity,  and  of  the  blood-royal  of  Judah  (Dan. 
 i.  rt,  7,  11,  19,  ii.  17). 
 
 Mish'al,  and  Mish'eal,  one  of  the  towns  in  the 
 territory  of  Asher  (Josh.  xix.  26),  allotted  to  the 
 Gershonite  Levites  (xxi.  30). 
 
 Mish'am.  A  Benjamite,  son  of  Elpaal,  and  de- 
 scendant of  Shaharaim  (1  Chr.  viii.  12). 
 
 Mish'ma.  1.  A  son  of  Ishmael  and  brother  of 
 MiBSAM  (Gen.  xxv.  14  ;  1  Chr.  i.  30).  The  Ma- 
 samani  of  Ptolemy  may  represent  the  tribe  of 
 Mishma.— 2.  A  son  of  Simeon  (1  Chr.  iv.  25), 
 orother  of  Mibsam.  These  brothei-s  were  per- 
 haps named  after  the  older  brothers,  Mishma  and 
 Mibsam. 
 
 Mishman'nah.  The  fourth  of  the  twelve  lion- 
 faced  Gadites  who  joined  David  at  Ziklag  (1  Chr. 
 xii.  10). 
 
 Mish'raites,  the,  the  fourth  of  the  four  "  families 
 of  Kirjath-jearim,"  i.  e.  colonies  proceeding  there- 
 from and  founding  towns  ( 1  Chr.  ii.  53). 
 
 Hisper'etll.  One  of  those  who  returned  with 
 Zerubbabel  and  Jeshua  from  Babylon  (Neh. 
 vii.  7). 
 
 ]([is'reph.oth-ma'Iin,  a  place  in  northern  Pales- 
 tine, in  close  connexion  with  Zidan-rabbah,  i.  e. 
 Sidon  (Josh.  xi.  8).  The  name  occurs  once  again 
 in  the  enumeration  of  the  distiicts  remaining  to  be 
 conquered  (xiii.  6).  Taken  as  Hebrew,  the  literal 
 meaning  of  the  name  is  "  burnings  of  waters,"  and 
 accordingly  it  is  taken  by  the  old  intei-preters  to 
 mean  "  warm  waters,"  whether  natural,  t.  e.  hot 
 baths  or  springs — or  artificial,  i.  e.  salt,  glass,  or 
 smelting  works.  The  jnobability  here,  as  in  so 
 many  other  cases,  is,  that  a  meaning  has  been  foiceJ 
 on  a  name  originally  belonging  to  another  language, 
 and  therefore  unintelligible  to  the  later  occupies  of 
 the  country.  Dr.  Thomson  treats  Misrephoth- 
 maim  as,  identical  with  a  collection  of  springs  called 
 Ain-Musheirifeh,  on  the  sea-shore,  close  undei'  the 
 has  en-Nakhura ;  but  this  has  the  disadvantage  of 
 being  veiy  far  from  yidon.  May  it  not  rather  be 
 the  place  with  which  we  are  familiar  in  the  later 
 history  as  Zarephath  ? 
 
 Mite,  a  coin  current  in  Palestine  in  the  time  of 
 our  Lord  (Maik  xii.  41-44;  Luke  xxi.  1-4).  It 
 seems  in  Palestine  to  have  been  the  snialle>t  piece  of 
 money,  being  the  half  of  the  failhing,  which  was  a 
 coin  of  very  low  value.  Fiom  St.  Mark's  explana- 
 tion, "two  mites,  which  make  a  farthing"  (ver. 
 42),  it  may  perhaps  be  inferred  that  the  farthing 
 was  the  commoner  coin.  In  the  Giacco-Roman 
 coinage  of  Palestine,  the  two  smallest  coins,  of  which 
 the  assarion  is  the  mere  common,  seem  to  corie- 
 spond  to  the  farthing  and  the  mite,  the  larger 
 weighing  about  twice  as  much  as  the  smaller. 
 
 Mitli'cah,  the  name  of  an  unknown  desert  en- 
 campment of  the  Israelites,  meaning,  perhaps, 
 "place  of  sweetness"  (Num.  xxxiii.  28,  29). 
 
 Mith'nite,  the,  the  designation  of  Joshaphat, 
 one  of  David's  guard  in  the  catalogue  of  1  Chr.  xi. 
 'ver.  43). 
 
 mth'redath.  1.  The  treasui-er  of  Cyrus  king 
 of  Persia,  to  wiiom  th3  king  gave  the  vessels  of  the 
 Temple,  to  be  by  him  transferred  to  the  hands  of 
 
 MIZPAH 
 
 5t57 
 
 Siieshbazzar  (Ez.  i.  8). — 2.  A  I'ersian  oflicer  sta- 
 tioned at  Samaria,  in  the  reign  of  Artaxerxcs,  or 
 Smerdis  the  Magian  (Ezr.  iv.  7). 
 
 Mithridates.     1.  (1   Esilr.  ii.  11)  =  Mithre- 
 DATH  1. — 2.  (1  Esdr.  ii.  16)  =  Mithuedath  2. 
 Mitre.     [Crown.] 
 
 Mityle'ne,  the  chief  town  of  Lesbos,  and  situ- 
 ated on  the  east  coast  of  the  island.  Mitylene  '% 
 the  intermediate  place  where  St.  Paul  stopped  fo. 
 the  night  between  Assos  and  Chios  (Acts  xx.  14, 
 15).  It  may  be  gatheied  from  the  circumstances 
 of  this  voyage  that  the  wind  was  blowing  fiom  the 
 N.W. ;  and  it  is  worth  while  to  notice  that  in 
 the  harbour  or  in  the  roadstead  of  Mitylene  the 
 ship  would  be  shelteied  from  that  wind.  Tlie 
 town  itself  was  celebrated  in  Roman  times  for 
 the  beauty  of  its  buildings,  in  St.  Paul's  day  it 
 had  the  privileges  of  a  free  city.  It  is  one  of  the 
 few  cities  of  the  Aegean  which  have  continued 
 without  intermission  to  flourish  till  the  present 
 day.  It  has  given  its  name  to  the  whole  island, 
 and  is  itself  now  called  sometimes  Castro,  sometimes 
 Mitfilen. 
 
 Mixed  Multitude.  With  the  Israelites  who 
 journeyed  from  R;mieses  to  Succoth,  the  first  stage 
 of  the  Exodus  from  Egypt,  theie  went  up  (Ex.  xii. 
 38)  "  a  mixed  multitude,"  who  have  not  hitherto 
 been  identified.  A  ben  Ezia  says  it  signifies  the 
 Egyptians  who  were  mixed  with  them,  Kashi  on 
 Num.  xi.  4  identifies  the  "  mi.>.ei  multitude"  of 
 Num.  and  Exodus.  During  their  lesidence  in  Egypt 
 maiTiages  were  natuially  contracted  between  the 
 Israelites  and  the  natives.  This  hybrid  race  is  evi- 
 dently alluded  to  by  Kashi  and  Aben  Ezra,  and  is 
 most  probably  that  to  which  reference  is  made  in 
 Exodus.  That  the  "  mixeil  multitude  "  is  a  general 
 term  including  all  those  who  were  not  of  pure 
 Israelite  blood  is  evident;  more  than  this  cannot  be 
 positively  asserted.  In  Exodus  and  Numbers  it 
 probably  denoted  the  mi>cellaneous  hangers-on  of 
 the  Hebrew  camp,  whether  they  were  the  issue 
 of  spurious  marriages  with  Egyptians,  or  were 
 themselves  Egypti;ms  or  belonging  to  other  na- 
 tions. The  same  happened  on  the  return  from 
 Babylon,  and  in  Neh.  xiii.  3  (comp.  23-30)  a 
 slight  clue  is  given  by  which  the  meaning  of  the 
 "  mixed  multitude  "  may  be  more  definitely  ascer- 
 tained. 
 
 Mi'zar,  the  Hill,  a  mountain  appaieutly  in  the 
 nortliern  part  of  trans- Jordanic  Palestine,  from 
 which  the  author  of  Psalm  xiii.  utters  his  pa- 
 thetic appeal  (^ver.  6).  The  name  appejiis  nowhere 
 else. 
 
 Miz'pah,  and  Mizpeh.  The  name  borne  by 
 several  places  in  ancient  Palestine.i^l.  Mizi'AU. 
 The  eai'liest  of  all,  in  order  of  the  naiTative,  is  the 
 heap  of  stones  piled  up  by  Jacob  aud  Laban  (Gen. . 
 xxxi.  48)  on  Mount  (iilead  (ver.  25  ,,  to  serve  both 
 as  a  witness  to  the  covenant  then  entered  into,  and 
 also  as  a  landmark  of  the  boundary  between  them 
 (ver.  52).  This  heap  received  a  name  from  each 
 of  the  two  chief  actois  in  the  transaction — Galeed 
 and  Jegar  Sahadutha.  But  it  had  also  a  third, 
 viz.  MiZPAH,  which  it  seems  from  the  terms  of  the 
 naiTative  to  have  derived  from  neither  paity,  but 
 to  have  possessed  already.  The  name  renrained 
 attached  to  the  ancient  meeting-place  of  Jacob  and 
 Laban,  and  the  spot  where  their  conference  had 
 been  held  became  a  sanctuary  of  Jehovah,  and  a 
 place  for  solemn  conclave  and  deliberation  in  tiniis 
 of  difficulty  long  after.     On  this  natural  "  v/atc'i- 
 
568 
 
 MIZPAH 
 
 towei',"  wlipu  the  la.sl  touch  had  been  put  to 
 their  miseiy  by  the  threatened  attack  of  the  Bene- 
 Ammon,  did  the  children  of  Israel  assemble  for  the 
 choice  of  a  leader  (Judg.  x.  17,  comp.  ver,  16);  and 
 when  tlie  outlawed  Jephthah  had  been  prevailed  on 
 to  leave  his  exile  and  take  tlie  head  of  his  people, 
 his  first  act  was  to  go  to  "  the  Mizpah,"  and  ou  that 
 consecrated  ground  utter  all  his  words  "before  Je- 
 liovah."  At  Mizpah  he  seems  to  have  henceforward 
 resided ;  there  the  fatal  meeting  took  place  with  his 
 daughter  on  iii^  return  from  the  war  (xi.  34),  and 
 we  c;in  hardly  doubt  that  on  the  altar  of  that  sanc- 
 tuary tlie  father's  terrible  vow  was  cousunmiated. 
 It  seem>  most  probable  that  the  •' Mizpeli-Ciilead" 
 which  is  mentioned  here,  and  heie  only,  is  the  same 
 as  the  ham-Mizpah  of  the  other  parts  of  the  nar- 
 rative; and  both,  as  we  shall  see  afterwards,  are 
 probably  identical  with  the  Kamatii-JIizpkh  and 
 Kamoth-Gii.KAD,  so  famous  in  the  later  histoiy. 
 It  is  still  more  difficult  to  determine  whether  this 
 was  not  also  the  place  at  which  the  great  assembly 
 of  the  people  was  held  to  deiide  on  the  measures  to 
 be  taken  against  Gibeah  after  the  outrage  on  the 
 Levite  and  his  concubine  (Judg.  xx.  1,  3,  xxi.  1, 
 5,  8).  Mizpah  is  probably  the  same  as  Kamath- 
 Mizi'Kii,  mentioned  Josh.  xiii.  '2(3  only.  Hamath 
 ham-Mizpeh  was  most  probably  identical  also  with 
 liunoth-Gilead.  Mizpah  still  retained  its  name  in 
 the  days  of  the  JIaccabees,  by  whom  it  was  besieged 
 ami  taken  with  the  other  cities  of  Gilead  (1  Mace. 
 V.  3j).^2.  A  second  Mizpeh,  on  the  ejist  of  Jordan, 
 was  the  MiZi'Kii-MOAli,  where  the  king  of  that 
 nation  was  living  when  David  committed  his  paients 
 to  his  oiire  '  1  Sam.  .x.xii.  3).  The  name  does  not  occur 
 •igain,  nor  is  there  any  clue  to  the  situation  of  the 
 place.  It  may  have  been  KiR-MOA»,  the  modern 
 Kerak,  or  even  the  great  Moimt  Pisgah.— 3.  A 
 third  was  TiiE  Land  of  Mizi'iiii,  or  more  accui-- 
 ately  "of  MizI'AK,"  the  lesideiice  of  the  Hivitcs 
 who  joined  the  northein  confederacy  against  Israel, 
 headed  by  Jabin  king  of  Hazor  (Josh.  xi.  3.)  No 
 other  mention  is  foiuid  of  this  district  in  the  Bible, 
 unless  it  be  identical  with — 4.  Tiui  Valley  of 
 MiZPEH,  to  which  the  discomfited  hosts  of  the 
 same  confeileracy  were  chased  b)'  Joshua  (xi.  8). 
 It  lay  eastward  iioni  MiSREi'llOTH-ilAlM  ;  but  this 
 atfoi'ds  us  no  a.ssistance,  as  the  situation  of  the 
 latter  place  is  by  no  means  certain.  If  we  may 
 rely  on  the  peculiar  term  here  rendered  "  valley," 
 then  we  may  accept  the  "  land  of  Mizpah  "  or  "  the 
 valley  of  Mizpeh"  as  identical  with  that  enonnoiis 
 tiact,  the  great  country  of  Coelf- Syria,  the  Bukaa 
 alike  of  th:  moilern  Arabs  <ind  of  the  ancient  Ile- 
 biews.  But  this  must  not  be  Uiken  for  more  than 
 a  probable  inference.— 5.  MiZi'Eil,  a  city  of  Judah 
 (Josh.  XV.  38);  in  the  district  of  the  .Shefelah  or 
 maritime  lowland.  Van  de  Velde  suggests  its 
 identity  with  the  pre.sent  Tell  cs-SaJii/ch  —  the 
 Blanchegarde  of  the  Crusadei-s.— 6.  Slv/A'Eil,  in 
 Josh,  and  Samuel ;  elsewhere  Mizpah,  a  "city" 
 of  Benjamin,  named  in  the  list  of  the  allotment 
 between  Bi-eroth  and  Chephirah,  and  in  apparent 
 proximity  to  Kamah  and  Gilieon  ("Josh,  xviii.  '26). 
 Its  connnxioii  with  the  two  la.st-nanied  towns  is  also 
 implied  in  the  later  histoiy  (1  K.  xv.  2J  ;  2  Chr. 
 xvi.  0;  Nell.  iii.  7).  It  was  one  of  the  places 
 fortiticd  by  As-i  again.st  the  incursions  of  the  kings 
 of  the  northern  Israel  (1  K,  xv.  '22  ;  2  Chr.  xvi.  6  ; 
 .ler.  xli.  '■))•,  and  after  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem 
 it  beci'ine  the  residence  of  the  su]ierintendent  ap- 
 i">iut«i   by  the  king  of  Babylon  (.ler.  xl.  7,  &c.), 
 
 MIZRAIM 
 
 and  the  scene  of  his  murder  and  of  the  ronr.intic 
 incidents  connected  with  the  name  of  I.-.hm:i>-l  the 
 son  of  Nethaniah.  But  Mizpah  was  more  than  this. 
 In  the  earlier  periotls  of  the  history  of  Isi-ael,  at  the 
 first  Ibuudation  of  the  monarchy,  it  was  the  great 
 sanctuary  of  Jehovah,  the  special  resort  of  the  jicople 
 in  tiniftsof  difficulty  and  solemn  deliberation,  it  was 
 one  of  the  three  holy  cities  which  Samuel  visited  in 
 turn  as  judge  of  the  people  (vii.  6,  16),  the  other  two 
 being  Bethel  and  Gilgal.  But,  unlike  Bethel  and 
 Gilgal,  no  record  is  preserved  of  the  cause  or  origin 
 of  a  sanctity  so  abruptly  announced,  and  yet  so  fully 
 asserted.  We  have  seen  that  there  is  at  lea.-t  some 
 ground  for  believing  that  the  Mizpah  spoken  of  in 
 the  transactions  of  the  early  part  of  the  j>ei  iotl  of 
 the  judges,  was  the  ancient  sanctuary  in  the  moun- 
 tains of  Gilead.  Is  it  possible  that  :is  the  old  Mizpah 
 became  inaccessible,  an  eminence  nearer  at  hand  w;is 
 chosen  and  invested  with  the  sanctity  of  the  original 
 spot  and  used  for  the  same  puiposes  ?  With  the 
 conquest  of  Jerusalem  and  the  establishment  theit 
 of  the  Ark,  the  sanctity  of  Mizpah,  or  at  least  its 
 reputition,  seems  to  have  declined.  We  hear  of  no 
 religious  act  in  connexion  with  it  till  that  atiecting 
 assembly  called  togethei-  thither,  as  to  the  ancient 
 sanctuary  of  their  forefathei's,  by  Judas  Maccabaeus, 
 "  when  the  Israelites  assembled  themselves  together 
 and  came  to  Massepha  over  against  Jel•u.^alen1 ;  for 
 in  Ma--pha  was  there  aforetime  a  place  of  pi  aver 
 for  Israel"  (1  Mace.  iii.  46).  The  expression 
 "  over  against,"  no  less  than  the  circumstances  of 
 the  story,  seems  to  require  that  from  Mizjiah  the 
 City  or  the  Temple  was  visible.  These  conditions 
 are  satisfied  by  the  ])osition  of  Scopus,  the  broad 
 ridge  which  forms  the  continuation  of  the  Mount  of 
 Olives  to  the  north  and  east,  from  which  the  tra- 
 veller gains,  like  Titus,  his  fii>t  view,  and  takes  his 
 last  farewell,  of  the  domes,  walls,  and  towers  ot'  the 
 Holy  City. 
 
 Miz'par.  Properly  Mispar,  as  in  the  A.  V.  of 
 1011  and  the  Geneva  version;  the  same  as  MlS- 
 PKUKTH  I  Kzr.  ii.  2  . 
 
 Mizpeh.     [Mizpah.] 
 
 Miz'raim,  the  usual  name  of  Egypt  in  the  O.  T., 
 the  dual  of  Mazor,  which  is  less  frequently  employed. 
 If  the  etymology  of  Mazor  be  sought  in  Hebrew  it 
 might  signify  a  "  mound,"  "  bulwark,!'  or  "  citadel," 
 or  again  "  distress  ;"  but  no  one  of  these  meanings  is 
 apposite.  We  prefer,  with  Gesenius,  to  look  to  the 
 Aiabic.  In  the  Kdtnoos,  one  of  the  meanings  given 
 to  Mizr  is  "  red  earth  or  mud,"  and  this  we  believe 
 is  the  true  one,  from  its  corre>pondence  to  the  Kgyj>- 
 tian  name  of  the  country,  KEM,  which  signifies 
 "black,"  and  was  given  to  it  for  the  bhickness  of 
 its  alluvial  soil.  Mizrat.M  first  occurs  in  the  account 
 of  the  llamites  in  Gen.  x.,  where  we  lead,  "  And 
 the  sons  of  Ham  ;  Cush,  and  Miziaim,  and  Phut, 
 and  Canaan"  (ver.  6;  comp.  1  Chr.  i.  8).  If  the 
 ii.-uiies  be  in  an  order  of  seniority,  we  am  t'ovm  no 
 theory  IIS  to  their  settlements  from  their  places  ; 
 but  if  the  arrangement  be  geogmjihicnl,  the  placing 
 may  atloi-d  a  clue  to  the  jiositions  of  the  Hani'te 
 lands.  Cush  would  .stand  first  as  the  mo>t  widely 
 spread  of  these  peoples,  extending  from  BaKylon  to 
 the  upfwr  Nile,  the  territory  of  Mizraini  would  be 
 the  next  to  the  north,  embi-acing  Egyi>t  and  its 
 colonies  on  the  north-west  and  north-east.  Phut 
 iLs  dejiendent  on  Egypt  might  follow  Mizraini, 
 and  Caiia:m  as  the  northernmost  would  end  the 
 list.  Egypt,  tlie  '•  land  of  Ham,"  may  have  Uen 
 the  primitive  scat  of  these  four  stocks.      In  th« 
 
MIZZAH 
 
 Oiir.neration  of  the  Miziaites,  tliough  we  have  tribes 
 extending  tar  beyond  Egypt,  we  may  suppose  that 
 they  all  had  their  first  seat  in  Mizraim,  and  spread 
 tlience,  as  is  distinctly  said  of  the  Philistines.  Here 
 the  order  seems  to  be  geographical,  though  the 
 same  is  not  so  clear  of  the  Canaauites.  Mizraim, 
 theiefore,  like  Cush,  and  perhaps  Ham,  geograpliic- 
 ally  represents  a  centre  whence  colonies  went  forth 
 in  the  )-emotest  period  of  post-diluvian  history.  We 
 legard  the  distribution  of  the  Mizraites  as  showing 
 that  their  colonies  were  but  a  part  of  the  great 
 migration  that  gave  the  Cushites  the  command  of 
 the  Indian  Ocean,  and  which  explains  the  affinity 
 the  Egyptian  monuments  show  us  between  the  pre- 
 Hellenic  Cretans  and  Carians  (the  latter  no  doubt 
 the  Leleges  of  the  Greek  writers)  and  the  Philis- 
 tines. In  the  use  of  the  names  Mazor  and  Mizraim 
 fur  Egypt  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  dual  in- 
 dicates the  two  regions  into  which  the  country  has 
 always  been  divided  by  nature  as  well  as  by  its 
 inhabitants.  It  has  been  supposed  that  ilazor,  as 
 distinct  from  Mizraim,  signifies  Lower  Egypt ;  but 
 this  conjecture  cannot  be  maintained. 
 
 Mizzah.  Son  of  Reuel  and  grandson  of  Esau 
 (Gen.  xxxvi.  13,  17  ;  1  Chr.  i.  37). 
 
 Una'son  is  honourably  mentioned  in  Scripture, 
 like  Gaius,  Lydia,  and  others,  as  one  of  the  hosts  of 
 the  Apostle  Paul  (Acts  xxi.  16).  It  is  most  likely, 
 in  the  first  place,  that  his  residence  at  this  time 
 was  not  Caesarea,  but  Jerusalem.  He  was  a  Cyprian 
 by  birth,  and  may  have  been  a  fiiend  of  Barnabas 
 (Acts  iv.  36),  and  possibly  brought  to  the  know- 
 ledge of  Christianity  by  him. 
 
 Slo'ab,  the  name  of  the  son  of  Lot's  eldest 
 daughter,  the  elder  brother  of  Ben-Ammi,  the  pro- 
 genitor of  the  Ammonites  (Gen.  xix.  37)  ;  also  of 
 the  nation  descended  fiom  him.  Zoar  was  the 
 cradle  of  the  race  of  Lot.  From  this  centre  the 
 bi'other-tribes  spread  themselves.  Ammon,  whose 
 disposition  seems  throughout  to  have  been  more 
 roving  and  unsettled,  went  to  the  north-east.  MOAB, 
 whose  habits  were  more  settled  and  peaceful,  re- 
 mained nearer  their  original  seat.  The  rich  high- 
 lands which  crown  the  eastein  side  of  the  chasm  of 
 the  Deiid  Sea,  and  extend  northwards  as  far  as  the 
 foot  of  the  mountains  of  Gilead,  appear  at  that  early 
 date  to  have  boiue  a  name,  which  in  its  Hebrew 
 form  is  presented  to  us  as  Shaveh-Kiriathaim,  and 
 to  have  been  inhabited  by  a  branch  of  the  great 
 race  of  the  Kephaim.  This  ancient  people,  the 
 Emim,  gradually  became  extinct  before  the  Moabites, 
 who  thus  obtained  possession  of  the  whole  of  the  rich 
 elevated  tract  referred  to.  With  the  highlands 
 they  occupied  also  the  lowlands  at  their  feet.  Of 
 the  valuable  district  of  the  highlands  they  were  not 
 allowed  to  retain  entire  possession.  The  wailike 
 Amorites  crossed  the  Jordan  and  overran  the  richer 
 portion  of  the  territory  on  the  north,  driving  Moab 
 back  to  his  original  position  behind  the  natural  bul- 
 wark of  the  Arnou.  The  plain  of  the  Jordan- 
 valley  aj)pears  to  have  remained  in  the  power  of 
 JNloab.  When  Israel  reached  the  boundary  of  the 
 countiy,  this  contest  had  only  very  recently  oc- 
 curred. Sihon,  the  Amorite  king  under  whose  com- 
 mand Heshbon  had  been  taken,  was  still  reigning 
 there:  the  ballads  commemorating  the  event  were 
 still  fresh  in  the  popular  mouth  (Num.  xxi.  27-30). 
 Of  these  events  we  obtain  the  above  outline  only 
 from  the  fragments  of  ancient  documents,  which 
 nre  found  embedded  in  the  records  of  Numbers 
 and  Deuteronomy    (Num.    sxi.    26-30;    Deut.    ii. 
 
 MOAB 
 
 5()9 
 
 10,   11).     The  position   into   which  the  Moabites 
 were   driven    by    the    incursion   of  the   Amorites 
 was  a  very   circumscribed  one,    in  extent   not  so 
 much  as   half  that  which    they  had    lost.      But 
 on    the   other    hand    it   was   much    more   secure, 
 and    was    well    suited    for    the    occupation  of   a 
 {leople   whose    disposition   was   not   so  warlike   as 
 that   of  their    neighbours.      The    territory    occu- 
 pied by  Moab  at  the  period  of  its  greatest  extent, 
 before  the  invasion  of  the  Amorites^  divided  itself 
 naturally  into  three  distinct  and  independent  por- 
 tions.    Each  of  these  portions  appears  to  have  had 
 its  name  by   v,'hich  it  is  almost  invariably  desig- 
 nated.    (1)  The  enclosed  corner  or  canton  south  of 
 the  Anion  was  the  "field  of  Moab"   (Ruth  i.  1,  2, 
 6,(Sic.).     (2)  The  more  open  rolling  countiy ^lorth 
 of  the  Arnou,  opjiosite  Jericho,  and  up  to  the  hills 
 of  Gilead,   was  the   "land  of  Moab"  (Deut.  i.  5, 
 xxxii.  49,  &c.).     (3)  The  sunk  district  in  the  tro- 
 pical depths  of  the  Jordan  valley,  taking  its  name 
 from  that  of  the  great  valley  itself— the  Arabah — 
 was    the  Arboth-Moab,   the   dry   regions — in    the 
 A.  V.  very  incorrectly    rendered    the    "  plains   of 
 Moab"  (Num.  xxii.  1,  &c.).     Outside  of  the  hills, 
 which    enclosed    the    "field    of  Moab"    or   Moab 
 proper,   on   the   south-east,   lay   the  vast  pastuie 
 grounds  of  the  waste  uncultivated  country  or  "  Mid- 
 bar"  which  is  described  as  "  facing  Moab  "  on  the 
 east  (Num.  xxi.  11).     Through  this  latter  district 
 Israel  appears  to    have   approached    the    Promised 
 Land.     Some  communication  had  evidently  taken 
 place,  though  of  what  nature  it  is  impossible  clearly 
 to   ascertain.     But   whatever    the   communication 
 may  have  been,  the  result  was  that  Israel  did  not 
 traverse  Moab,  but  turning  to  the  right  passed  out- 
 side the  mountains  through  the  "  wilderness,"  by 
 the  east  side  of  the  territory  above  described  (Deut. 
 ii.  8  ;  Judg.  xi.  18),  and  finally  took  up  their  posi- 
 tion in  the  country  north  of  the  Arnon,  from  wliich 
 Moab  had  so  lately  been  ejected.     Here  the  head- 
 quartei-s  of  the  nation  remained  for  a  considerable 
 time  while  the  conquest  of  Bashan  was  being  eflected. 
 It  was  during  this  period  that  the  visit  of  Balaam 
 took  place.     The  «  hole  of  the  counti  y  east  of  the 
 Jordan,  with  the  exception  of  the  one  little  corner 
 occupied  by  Moab,  was  in  possession  of  the  invaders, 
 and  although  at    the  period   in  question  the  main 
 body  had  descended  from   the    upper  level  to   the 
 plains  of  Shittim,  the  Arboth-jMoab,  in  the  Jordan 
 valley,  yet  a  great  number  must  have  remained  on 
 the  upper  level,  and  the  towns  up  to  the  very  edge 
 of  the  ravine  of  the  Arnon  were  still  occupied   by 
 their  settlements  (Num.  xxi.  24  ;  Judg.  xi.  l'6;.    It 
 was  a  situation  full  of  alarm  for  a  nation  which  had 
 already  suffered  so  severely.     The  account  of  the 
 whole  of  these  transactions  in  the  Book  of  Numbers, 
 perhaps  hardly  conveys  an  adequate  idea  of  the  ex- 
 tremity in  which  Balak  found  himself  in  his  unex- 
 pected encounter  with   the  new   nation  and    thei'- 
 mighty  Divinity.     The  connexion    of  Moab    with 
 Midian,  and  the  comparatively  inoHensive  ch.aracter 
 of  the  former,  are  shown  in  the  narrative  of  the 
 events   which   followed  the  departure  of  Balaam. 
 The  latest  date  at  which  the  two  names  appear  ir 
 conjunction,  is  found  in  the  notice  of  the  defeat  of 
 JSIidLiu  "in  the  field  of  Moab"    by  the  Edcmite 
 king  Hadad-ben-Bedad,  which  occurred  five  genera- 
 tions before  the  establishment  of  the  monarchy  of 
 Israel  (Gen.  xxxvi.  35;   1  Chr.  i.  46).     After  the 
 conquest   of  Canaan   the  relations  of  Jloab   with 
 Israel  were  of  a  mixed  character.     With  the  tribe 
 
570 
 
 MOAB 
 
 of  Benjamin,  wliose  possessions  at  their  eastern  end 
 were  separated  fioni  those  of  Moab  only  by  the 
 Jordan, "they  had  at  leiust  one  severe  struggle,  in 
 union  with  their  kindred  the  Ammonites,  and  also, 
 tor  this  time  only,  the  wild  Anialekifes  from  the 
 south  (.ludg.  iii.  12-30).  The  feud  continued  with 
 true  Oriental  pertinacity  to  the  time  of  Saul.  Of 
 his  slaughter  of  the  Ammonites  we  have  full  detiils 
 in  1  Sam.  xi.,  and  amongst  his  other  conquests 
 Moab  is  esjiecially  mentioned  (1  Sam.  xiv.  47).  But 
 while  such  were  their  relations  to  the  tribe  of  Ben- 
 jamin, the  story  of  Ruth,  on  the  other  hand,  testifies 
 to  the  existence  of  a  friendly  interooui-se  betwoen 
 Moab  and  Bethlehem,  one  of  the  towns  of  Judah. 
 By  his  descent  from  Kuth,  Lhivid  may  be  s;tid  to 
 have  had  Moabite  blood  in  his  veins.  The  rela- 
 tionship was  sufficient,  especially  when  combined 
 (viih  the  blood-feud  between  Moab  and  Benjamin, 
 Alie;idy  alluded  to,  to  warrant  his  visiting  the  land 
 of  his  ancestress,  and  committing  his  parents  to 
 the  protection  of  the  king  of  Moab,  when  hard 
 pressed  by  Saul  (1  Sam.  x.xii.  3,  4).  But  here  all 
 friendly  relation  stops  for  ever.  The  next  time  the 
 name  is  mentioned  is  in  the  account  of  David's  war, 
 at  least  twenty  yeare  after  the  last  mentioned  event 
 (2  Sam.  viii.  2 ;  1  Chr.  xviii.  2).  So  signal  a 
 vengeance  can  only  have  been  occasioned  by  some 
 act  of  perfidy  or  "insult,  like  that  which  brought 
 down  a  similar  treatment  on  the  Ammonites  (2  Sam. 
 X.).  It  has  been  conjectured  that  the  king  of  Moab 
 betrayed  the  trust  which  David  reposed  in  him,  and 
 either  himself  killed  Jesse  and  his  wife,  or  sur- 
 rendereil  them  to  Saul.  But  this,  though  not  im- 
 prol)able,  is  nothing  more  than  conjecture.  It  must 
 have  been  a  considerable  time  before  Moab  recovered 
 from  so  severe  a  blow.  At  the  disruption  of  the  king- 
 dom, Moab  seems  to  have  fallen  to  the  northern 
 realm.  At  the  death  of  Alial),  eighty  years  later, 
 we  find  Moab  paying  him  the  enormous  tribute, 
 appaientlv  annual,  of  IdU.OOU  rams,  and  the  same 
 uumber  of  wethci-s  with  their  fieeces.  It  is  not 
 sui-prisiug  that  the  Moabitcs  should  have  seized  the 
 moment  of  .\hab's  death  to  throw  olf  so  burden- 
 some a  yoke;  but  it  is  surprising,  that  notwith- 
 standing such  a  drain  ou  their  resources,  they  were 
 readv  to  incur  the  risk  and  exi)ense  of  a  war  with  a 
 st-ite  in  eveiy  respect  far  their  su))erior.  Their  first 
 step,  after  :isserting  their  inde))endence,  was  to 
 atU-ick  the  kingdom  of  Judah  (2  Chr.  xx.).  The 
 army  was  a  huge  heterogeneous  horde  of  ill-assoited 
 elements,  and  the  expedition  contained  within  itself 
 the  elements  ot'  its  own  destruction.  As  a  natural 
 conseiiuence  of  the  late  events,  Isniel,  Judah,  and 
 Edom  united  in  an  attack  ou  Moab.  The  three 
 fontederate  armies  approached  not  iis  usual  by  the 
 north,  but  round  the  southern  end  of  the  Dead  Sea, 
 through  the  parched  valleys  of  upper  Kdom.  As 
 the  host  came  near,  the  kins;  of  Moab,  doubtless  the 
 same  Mesha  who  threw  oil'  the  yoke  of  Ahab,  as- 
 sembled the  whole  of  his  j^ople  on  the  boundary  of 
 his  territory.  Here  they  remained  all  night  on  the 
 wat<:h.  With  the  a|i]iroach  of  morning  the  sun 
 rose  suddenly  above  the  horizon  of  the  rolling  plain, 
 and  shone  with  a  bloiKl-ied  glare  on  a  multitude  of 
 j>ools  in  the  beil  of  the  wady  at  their  feet.  To 
 them  the  loncliision  was  iuevit.'ible.  The  aimy 
 had,  like  their  own  on  the  late  occasion,  fallen  out 
 in  the  night ;  these  red  ]m)o1s  were  the  blood  of  the 
 ■lain;  those  who  were  not  killed  hivl  fled,  and  no- 
 tiling  stood  between  them  and  the  pillage  of  the 
 camp.     The  cry  "  Moab  lo  the  sjioil  I  "  was  raised. 
 
 MOAB 
 
 Down  the  slopes  they  inshed  in  lieadlong  disorder. 
 Then  occurred  one  of  those  scenes  of  carnage  which 
 CM\  happen  but  once  or  twic*  in  the  existence  of  a 
 nation.  'I"he  Moabites  fled  back  in  confusion,  fol- 
 lowed and  cut  down  at  every  step  by  their  enemies. 
 Far  inwards  did  the  pursuit  reach,  among  the  cities 
 and  fanns  and  orchards  of  that  rich  district:  nor 
 when  the  slaughter  was  over  was  the  horrid  woik 
 of  destruction  done.  At  last  the  struggle  collected 
 itself  at  KiK-HARASETH.  Here  Mesha  took  refuge 
 with  his  family  and  with  the  remnants  of  his  army. 
 The  heights  around  were  covered  with  slingere, 
 who  discharged  their  volleys  of  stones  on  the  town. 
 .^t  length  the  annoyance  could  be  borne  no  longer. 
 Then  Mesha,  collecting  round  him  a  forlorn  hope 
 of  700  of  his  best  wairiors,  made  a  desjierate  sally, 
 with  the  intention  of  cutting  his  way  through  to 
 his  special  foe  the  king  of  Edom.  But  the  enemy 
 were  too  strong  for  him,  and  he  was  driven  back. 
 And  then  came  a  fitting  crown  to  a  trageily  already 
 so  terrible.  An  awful  spectacle  amazed  and  hor- 
 lilied  the  besiegei's.  The  king  and  his  eldest  son, 
 the  heir  to  the  throne,  mounted  the  wall,  and,  in 
 the  sight  of  the  thousands  who  covered  the  sides  of 
 that  vast  amphitheatre,  the  father  killed  and  burnt 
 his  child  as  a  propitiatory  sacrifice  to  the  cruel  gods 
 of  his  country.  In  the  "  Burden  of  Moab  "  pro- 
 nounced by  Isaiah  (chaps,  xv.,  xvi.),  we  possess  a 
 ilocument  full  of  interesting  details  as  to  the  condi- 
 tion of  the  n.ation,  at  the  time  of  the  death  of  Ahaz 
 king  of  Judah,  B.C.  726.  This  passage  of  Isaiah 
 amnot  be  considered  apart  from  that  of  Jeremiah, 
 chap,  xlviii.  The  lattei-  was  pronounced  more  than 
 a  century  later,  about  the  year  600,  ten  or  twelve 
 years  before  the  invasion  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  by 
 which  Jerusalem  was  destroyed.  The  difficulty  of 
 so  many  of  the  towns  of  Keuben  being  mentione<l, 
 as  already  in  the  possession  of  Moab,  may  perhaj>s 
 be  explained  by  remembering  that  the  idolatry  of 
 the  neighliouring  nations — and  therefore  of  Moab, 
 had  been  adopted  by  the  trans-Joixianic  tribes  for 
 some  time  previously  to  the  final  deportjitioii  by 
 Tiglath-pileser  (see  1  Chr.  v.  25),  and  that  many 
 of  the  sanctuaries  were  probably  even  at  the  date 
 of  the  onginal  delivery  of  the  denunciation  in  the 
 hands  of  the  priests  of  Chemosh  and  Milcom.  On 
 the  other  hand,  the  calamities  which  Jeremiah  de- 
 scribes, may  have  been  inflicted  in  any  one  of  the 
 numerous  visitations  from  the  .\ssyrian  army,  under 
 which  these  uiihapjiy  countries  suffere*!  at  the 
 period  of  his  projiliecy  in  rapid  succession.  But 
 the  uncertainty  of  the  exact  dates  referred  to  iD 
 these  several  denunciations,  does  not  in  the  leasl 
 allect  the  interest  or  the  value  <if  the  allusions  they 
 contain  to  the  condition  of  Moab.  They  bear  the 
 evident  st-mip  of  portraiture  by  artists  who  knew 
 their  sulject  thoroughly.  The  nation  a])peai-s  in 
 them  ;is  high-spirited,  wealthy,  populous,  and  even 
 to  a  ceitiin  ext<'nt,  civiliseil,  enjoying  a  wide  rejnit- 
 ation  and  popularity.  And  since  the  discriptions 
 we  arc  considering  are  adoptetl  by  certainly  two, 
 and  probably  three  prophets,  Jeremiah,  ls.ai:ih,  and 
 the  older  seer,  extending  over  a  period  of  nearly 
 iUO  yeai-s,  we  may  saliely  conclude  that  lliey  are 
 not  merely  temix>iaiy  civcumstauces,  but  were  the 
 enduring  characteristics  of  the  jieople.  In  this  case 
 there  cnn  be  no  doubt  that  amongst  the  (lastoral 
 p(K)ple  of  Syria,  Moab  stood  next  to  Israel  in  all 
 matters  of  mati-rial  wailth  and  civilis;itioii.  Half 
 the  allusions  of  l.saiiih  and  Jeiemiah  in  the  itassogea 
 lefcrixKl  to  must  (or  ever  I'cmain  obscure.     Maiijr 
 
MOAB 
 
 expressions,  also,  such  as  the  "weeping  of  Jazer," 
 the  "  heifer  of  three  years  old,"  the  "  shadow  of 
 Heshbon,"  the  "  Hons,"  mast  be  unintelligible.  But 
 nothing  can  obscure  or  render  obsolete  the  tone  of 
 teudemess  and  aHection  which  makes  itself  felt  in  a 
 hundred  expressions  throughout  these  precious  docu- 
 ments. Isaiah  recurs  to  the  subject  in  another 
 passage  of  e.\traordiuary  force,  and  of  fiercer  cha- 
 racter than  before,  viz.,  xxv.  10-12,  Here  the 
 extei-minatiou,  the  utter  annihilation,  of  Moab,  is 
 contemplated  by  the  Prophet  with  triumph,  as  one 
 of  the  first  results  of  the  re  establishment  of  Jehovah 
 on  Mount  Zion.  Between  the  time  of  Isaiah's  de- 
 nunciation and  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  we 
 have  hardly  a  reference  to  Moab.  Zephaniah,  writ- 
 nig  in  the  reign  of  Josiah,  reproaches  them  (ii.  8-10 ) 
 tor  their  taunts  against  the  people  of  Jehovah,  but 
 no  acts  of  hostility  are  recorded  either  on  the  one 
 «ide  or  the  other.  From  one  passage  in  Jeremiah 
 (xxv.  9-21)  delivered  in  the  fourth  year  of  Je- 
 hoiakim,  just  before  the  first  appearance  of  Nebu- 
 chadnezzar, it  is  apparent  that  it  was  the  belief  of 
 the  Prophet  that  the  nations  surrounding  Israel — 
 and  Moab  among  the  rest — were  on  the  eve  of  de- 
 vastation by  the  Chaldaeans  and  of  a  captivity  for 
 seventy  years  (see  ver.  11),  from  which  however, 
 they  should  eventually  be  restored  to  their  own 
 country  (ver.  12,  and  xlviii.  47).  From  another 
 record  of  the  events  of  the  same  period  or  of  one 
 only  just  subsequent  (2  K.  xxiv.  2),  it  would  appear, 
 however,  that  Moab  made  terms  with  the  Chal- 
 daeans, and  for  the  time  acted  in  concert  with  them 
 in  harassing  aud  plundering  the  kingdom  of  Je- 
 hoiakim.  Four  or  five  years  later,  in  the  first  year 
 of  Zedekiah  ( Jer.  sxvii.  1 ),  these  hostilities  must 
 have  ceased,  for  there  was  then  a  regular  inter- 
 course between  Moab  and  the  court  at  Jerusalem 
 (ver.  3),  possibly,  as  Bunsen  suggests  negotiating  a 
 combined  resistance  to  the  common  enemy.  The 
 biuut  of  the  storm  must  have  fallen  on  Judah  and 
 Jerusalem.  In  the  time  of  Ezekiel,  the  cities  of 
 Moab  were  still  fiourishing,  "  the  glory  of  the 
 country,"  destined  to  become  at  a  future  day  a 
 prey  to  the  Bene-kedem,  the  "  men  of  the  East " — 
 the  Bedouins  of  the  great  desert  of  the  Euphrates 
 (Ez.  xxv.  8-11).  After  the  return  from  the  cap- 
 tivity it  was  a  Moabite,  Sanballat  of  Horonaim,  who 
 took  the  chief  part  in  annoying  and  endeavouring  to 
 hinder  the  operations  of  the  rebuilders  of  Jerusalem 
 (Neh.  ii.  19,  iv.  1,  vi,  1,  &c.).  During  the  in- 
 terval since  the  return  of  the  fiist  caravan  from 
 Babylon  the  illegal  practice  of  marriages  between 
 the  Jews  and  the  other  people  around,  Moab  amongst 
 the  rest,  had  become  frequent.  Even  among  the 
 families  of  Israel  who  returned  from  the  capti\nty 
 was  one  bearing  the  name  of  Pahath-Moab  (Ezr. 
 ii.  6,  viii.  4;  Neh.  iii.  11,  &c.),  a  name  which 
 must  certainly  denote  a  Moabite  connexion.  In  the 
 book  of  Judith,  the  scene  of  which  is  laid  shortly 
 after  the  return  from  captivity  (iv.  3),  Moabites 
 and  Ammonites  are  represented  as  dwelling  in  theii 
 ancient  seats  and  as  obeying  the  call  of  the  Assyiian 
 general.  In  the  time  of  Eusebius,  ».  e.  cu'.  a.d. 
 380,  the  name  appears  to  have  been  attached  to  the 
 district,  as  well  as  to  the  town  of  R;\bbath,  both 
 of  which  were  called  Moab.  It  also  lingered  for 
 some  time  in  the  name  of  the  ancient  Kir-Moab, 
 arhich,  as  Charakmoba,  is  mentioned  by  Ptolemy, 
 and  as  late  as  the  Council  of  Jerusalem,  A.D.  536, 
 formed  the  see  of  a  bishop  under  the  same  title. 
 Since  that  time  the  modern  name  Kerak  has  super- 
 
 MODIN 
 
 571 
 
 seded  the  older  one,  and  no  trace  of  Moab  has 
 been  found  either  in  records  or  in  the  country 
 itself.  Like  the  other  countries  east  of  Jordan, 
 Moab  has  been  very  little  visited  by  Europeans,  and 
 beyond  its  general  characteristics  hardly  anything 
 is  known  of  it.  In  one  thing  all  agree,  the  extra- 
 oidinary  number  of  ruins  which  ai  e  scattei-ed  ovei 
 the  country.  The  whole  country  is  undulating, 
 and,  after  the  general  level  of  the  plateau  is  leached, 
 without  any  serious  inequalities ;  and  iu  this  and 
 the  absence  of  conspicuous  vegetation  has  a  certain 
 resemblance  to  the  downs  of  our  own  southern 
 counties.  Of  the  language  of  the  Moabites  we  know 
 nothing  or  next  to  nothing.  In  the  few  communi- 
 cations recorded  as  taking  place  between  them  and 
 Israelites  no  interpreter  is  mentioned  (see  Ruth ; 
 1  Sam.  xxii,  3,  4,  &c.).  For  the  religion  of  the 
 Moabites  see  Chemosh,  Molech,  Peor.  Of  their 
 habits  and  customs  we  have  hardly  a  trace. 
 
 Moadi'ah.  A  priest,  or  family  of  priests,  who 
 returned  with  Zerubbabel.  The  chief  of  the  house 
 in  the  time  of  Joiakim  the  son  of  Jeshua  wa-*  Filtai 
 (Neh.  xii.  17).  Elsewhere  (Neh.  xii.  5)  called 
 Maadiah. 
 
 Mochmur,  the  Brook,  a  torrent,  i.  e.  a  vadij, 
 mentioned  only  in  Jud.  vii.  18.  The  torrent  Moch- 
 mur may  be  either  the  Wacly  Makfuriyeh,  on  the 
 northern  slopes  of  which  Akraheh  stands,  or  the 
 Wady  Ahmar,  which  is  the  continuation  of  the 
 foi-mer  eastwards. 
 
 Mo'din,  a  place  not  mentioned  in  either  Old  or 
 New  Testament,  tkough  rendeied  immortal  by  its 
 connexion  with  the  history  of  the  Jews  in  the  in- 
 terval between  the  two.  It  was  the  native  city  of 
 the  Maccabaean  family  (1  Mace.  xiii.  2.5),  and  as 
 a  necessary  consequence  contained  their  ancestral 
 sepulchre  (ii.  70,  ix.  19).  It  was  heje  that  Mat- 
 tathias  struck  the  first  blow  of  resistance.  Mattathias 
 himself,  and  subsequently  his  sons  Judas  and  Jo- 
 nathan, were  buried  in  the  family  tomb,  and  over 
 them  Simon  erected  a  structure  which  is  minutely 
 described  in  the  book  of  Maccabees  (xiii.  25-30j, 
 and,  with  less  detail,  by  Josephus.  At  Modiu  the 
 Maccabaean  armies  encamped  on  the  eves  of  two 
 of  their  most  memorable  victories — that  of  Judas 
 over  Antiochus  Eupator  (2  Mace.  xiii.  14),  and 
 that  of  Simon  over  Cendebeus  (1  Mace.  xvi.  4), 
 the  last  battle  of  the  veteran  chief  before  his  assas- 
 sination. The  only  indication  of  the  position  of 
 the  place  to  be  gathered  from  the  above  notices  is 
 contaiued  in  the  last,  from  which  we  may  infer 
 that  it  was  near  "  the  plain  "  i.  e.  the  great  mari- 
 time lowland  of  Philistia  (ver.  5).  By  Eusebius 
 and  Jerome  it  is  specified  as  near  Diospolis,  j.  e. 
 Lydda ;  while  the  notice  in  the  Mishna  [Pesacldm, 
 ix.  2),  and  the  comments  of  Bartenora  and  Mai- 
 mouides,  state  that  it  was  15  (Roman)  miles  from 
 Jerusalem.  At  the  same  time  the  description  of 
 the  monument  seems  to  imply  that  the  spot  was  so 
 lofty  as  to  be  visible  from  the  sea,  aud  so  near  that 
 even  the  details  of  the  sculpture  were  discernible 
 therefrom.  All  these  conditions,  excepting  the  last, 
 are  tolerably  fulfilled  in  eithei-  of  the  two  sites 
 called  Latrun  and  Kuhdh.  The  mediaeval  and 
 modem  tradition  places  Modin  at  Sola,  an  eminence 
 south  of  Kurietel-enah ;  but  this  being  not  more 
 than  7  miles  from  Jerusalem,  while  it  is  as  much 
 as  25  from  Lydda  and  30  from  the  sea,  aud  also  far 
 removed  from  the  plain  of  Philistia,  is  at  variance 
 with  every  one  of  the  conditions  implied  in  the 
 records.     The  monuments  are  said  by  Eusebius  to 
 
572  MOETH 
 
 hare  been  still  shown  whet)  lie  wrote — a.d.  circa 
 320.  Any  restoration  of  the  structure  tVom  so  im- 
 perfect an  account  as  that  given  in  the  book  of  Mac- 
 cabees and  by  Josephus  can  never  be  anything 
 more  than  conjecture.  But  in  its  absence  one  or 
 two  quest  ions  present  themselves.  (1.)  Tlie  "sliips" 
 [irKola,  /laces).  The  sea  and  its  pursuits  weie  so 
 alien  to  the  ancient  Jews,  and  the  life  of  the  Macca- 
 baean  heroes  wiio  preceded  Simon  w;is  so  unconnected 
 therewitii,  tliat  it  is  dilRcult  not  to  suppose  that 
 the  word  is  corrupted  fiom  what  it  originally  was. 
 It  is  perhaps  more  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the 
 sculptures  were  intended  to  be  symbolical  of  the 
 departed  heroes.  (2.)  The  distince  at  which  the 
 "  ships  "  were  to  be  seen.  De  Saulcy  ingeniously 
 sucfgests  that  the  true  meaning  is,  not  that  the 
 sculptui^es  could  be  discerned  from  the  vessels  in 
 the  Mediterranean,  but  that  they  were  worthy  to 
 he  inspected  by  those  who  were  sailors  by  pro- 
 fession. 
 
 Mo'eth.  In  1  Esd.  ^iii.  63,  "  Noadiah  the 
 son  of  Binnui "  (Ezr.  viii.  'S3),  a  Levite,  is  called 
 "  Moeth  the  son  of  Subban." 
 
 Uo'ladah,  a  city  of  Judah,  one  of  those  which 
 lay  in  the  district  of  "  the  south,"  next  to  Edom 
 (Josh.  XV.  26,  xix.  2).  In  the  latter  tribe  it  re- 
 mained at  any  nite  till  the  reign  of  David  (1  Chr. 
 iv.  28),  but  by  the  time  of  the  captivity  it  seems 
 to  have  come  back  into  the  hands  of  Judah,  by 
 whom  it  was  reinhabited  after  the  captivity  (Neh. 
 xi.  26).  In  the  Onomasticon  a  place  named  Jlala- 
 tha  is  spoken  of  as  in  the  interior  of  Daroma  ;  and 
 further  it  is  mentioned  as  4  miles  from  .-^rad  and 
 20  from  Hebron.  Ptolemy  also  sjjeaks  of  a  Mali- 
 attha  as  near  Elusa.  The  requiiements  of  these 
 notices  ai-e  all  very  fairly  answered  by  the  position 
 of  the  modern  el-Milk.  El-Milli  is  about  4  Eng- 
 lish miles  from  Tell  Arad,  17  or  18  from  Hebron, 
 and  9  or  10  due  e;ut  of  Beersheba. 
 
 Molo.  1.  Tinshemeth.  This  word  occurs  in 
 the  list  of  uncle;\n  birds  in  Lev.  xi.  18;  Deut.  xiv. 
 16  (A.V.  "swan"),  and  in  Lev.  xi.  30  (A.  V. 
 "  mole").  Bochart  has  argued  with  much  force 
 in  behalf  of  the  "  chameleon  **  being  the  tinshemeth. 
 The  only  clue  to  an  ideutidcatwn  of  iinshemeth  is 
 to  be  found  in  its  etymology,  and  in  the  context  in 
 which  the  word  occurs.  Bochart  conjectures  that 
 the  root  from  which  the  Heb.  name  of  this  creature 
 is  derived,  has  leference  to  a  vulgar  opinion  amongst 
 the  ancients  that  the  chameleon  lived  on  air.  It  is 
 probable  that  the  animals  mentioned  with  the  tin- 
 shemeth (Lev.  xi.  30)  denote  dili'erent  kinds  of 
 lizards ;  perhaps  therefore,  since  the  etymology  of 
 the  word  is  favourable  to  that  view,  the  chameleon 
 may  be  the  aniraal  intended  by  tinshemeth  in  Lev. 
 xi.  30.  The  chameleon  belongs  to  the  tribe  Demlro- 
 snwa,  order  Saiira ;  the  fiimily  inhabits  Asia  and 
 AlVica,  and  the  south  of  Europe ;  the  C.  vulgaris  is 
 the  sjiecies  mentioned  in  the  Bible. — 2.  C'hiphdr 
 jicioth  is  rendered  "  molrs"  by  the  A.  V.  in  1».  ii. 
 
 Tho  CbamoteOk    (CAaaadip  iniJ|fnrw.| 
 
 MOLECH 
 
 20.  Perhaps  no  reference  is  macle  by  the  Hebrew 
 words  to  any  particular  animal,  but  to  the  holes 
 and  burrows  of  rats,  mice,  &c.,  which  we  know 
 frequent  ruins  and  deserted  places. 
 
 Dio'ledi.  The  fire-god  Molech  was  the  tutelarj 
 deity  of  the  children  of  Amraon,  and  essentially 
 identical  with  the  Moabitish  Choinosh.  Fire-gods 
 appear  to  have  been  common  to  all  the  Canaanite, 
 Syrian,  and  Arab  tribes,  who  worshipped  the  de- 
 structive element  under  an  outward  symbol,  with 
 the  most  inhuman  rites.  Among  these  were  human 
 sacrifices,  puntications  and  ordeals  by  fire,  devoting 
 of  the  fii-st-born,  inutilation,  and  vows  of  perpetual 
 celibacy  and  virginity.  To  this  class  of  divinities 
 belonged  the  old  Canaanitish  Molech.  The  root  of 
 the  word  Molech  is  the  same  ;;s  that  of  metcc,  or 
 "  king,"  and  hence  he  is  identified  with  Malcham 
 ("  their  king")  in  2  Sam.  xii.  30,  Zeph.  i.  5,  the 
 title  by  which  he  was  known  to  the  Israelites,  as 
 being  invested  with  regal  honours  in  his  character 
 as  a  tutelary  deity,  the  lord  and  m;ister  of  his 
 people.  Our  translators  luive  recognizetl  this  ident- 
 ity in  their  rendering  of  Am.  v.  26  (where  "  your 
 Moloch"  is  literally  "  your  king,"  as  it  is  given  in 
 the  margin),  following  the  Greek  in  the  speech  of 
 Stephen,  in  Acts  vii.  43.  The  first  direct  histoiical 
 allusion  to  Molech-worship  is  in  the  description  of 
 Solomon's  idolatry  in  his  old  age  (IK.  xi.  7;.  Two 
 verses  before,  the  same  deity  is  called  Milcom. 
 Most  of  the  Jewish  interpreters  say  that  in  the 
 worship  of  Molech  the  children  weie  not  burnt, 
 but  made  to  pass  between  two  burning  pyres,  as  a 
 purificatory  rite.  But  the  allusions  to  the  actual 
 slaughter  are  too  plain  to  be  mistaken ;  and  Aben 
 Ezra,  in  his  note  on  Lev.  xviii.  21,  says  that  "  to 
 cause  to  pass  through"  is  the  same  as  "  to  bum." 
 Comjiaie  Deut.  xii.  31  ;  Ps.  cvi.  37,  38;  Jer.  vii. 
 31,  xix.  5;  Ez.  xvi.  20,  21,  xxiii.  37.  The  wor- 
 ship of  Molech  is  evidently  alluded  to,  though  not 
 expressly  mentioned,  in  connexion  with  star-worship 
 and  the  worship  of  Baal  in  2  K.  xvii.  10,  17,  xxi. 
 5,  G,  which  seems  to  show  that  Molech,  the  flame- 
 god,  and  BcUil,  the  sun-god,  whatever  their  dis- 
 tinctive attributes,  and  whether  or  not  the  latter 
 is  a  general  appellation  including  the  former,  were 
 worsliipped  with  the  same  rites.  The  Siiciifice  of 
 children  is  said  by  Movers  to  have  been  not  so 
 much  an  expiatory  as  a  purificatory  rite,  by  which 
 the  victims  were  purged  from  the  dross  of  the  body 
 and  att'iined  union  with  the  deity.  But  the  sacri- 
 fice of  Mesha  king  of  Moab,  when,  in  despair  a' 
 failing  to  cut  his  way  through  the  overwhelming 
 forces  of  Judah.  Isiael,  and  Edom,  he  ofl'ered  up  his 
 eldest  son  a  bunit-oll'ering,  jnobably  to  Chemosh, 
 his  national  divinity,  has  more  of  the  character  of 
 an  expiatory  rite  to  apjx'ase  an  angry  deity  than  of 
 a  ceremonial  purification.  Accx)rdiiig  to  Jewish 
 tradition,  from  what  source  we  know  not,  the 
 image  of  Molech  was  of  brass,  hollow  within,  and 
 w;is  situated  without  Jerusalcin.  Kimchi  (on  2  K. 
 x.xiii.  Ill)  describes  it  as  "  set  within  seven  chapels, 
 and  whoso  otlered  fine  flour  they  open  to  him 
 (iiie  of  them  ;  (whoso  oH'ored';  turtle-doves  or  young 
 pigeons  they  open  to  him  two  ;  a  lamb,  they  open 
 to  him  three;  a  ram,  they  open  to  him  four;  a 
 calf,  they  open  to  him  live ;  an  ox,  they  o])en  to 
 him  six ;  and  so  whoever  ofl'ered  his  son  they  ojnni 
 to  him  seven.  And  his  face  was  (that)  of  n  calf, 
 and  his  hands  stietched  tbrth  like  a  man  who  ojh'ii.' 
 his  haiias  to  receive  (.something)  of  his  neighbour. 
 And  they  kindled  it  with  fire,  mid  tiie  priests  took 
 
MOLI 
 
 iho  babe  and  put  it  into  tbe  hands  of  Molech,  and 
 the  babe  gave  up  the  ghost.  And  why  was  it 
 called  Tophet  and  Hinnom  ?  Because  they  used 
 to  make  a  noise  with  drums  (tophini)  that  the 
 father  might  not  hear  the  cry  of  his  child  and  have 
 pity  upon  him,  and  return  to  him.  H'nnom,  be- 
 cause the  babe  wailed  {menahem),  ard  the  noise  of 
 his  wailing  went  up.  Another  opinion  (is  that  it 
 was  called)  Hinnom  because  the  priests  used  to 
 say,  '  5Iay  it  profit  thee !  may  it  be  sweet  to  thee ! 
 may  it  be  of  sweet  savonv  to  thee!'"  All  this 
 detail  is  probably  as  fictitious  as  the  etymologies 
 are  unsound,  but  we  have  nothing  to  supply  its 
 place.  By  these  chapels  Lightfoot  explains  the 
 allusion  in  Am.  v.  26,  Acts  vii.  43,  to  "  the  taber- 
 nacle of  ^loloch."  It  was  more  probably  a  shrine 
 or  ark  in  which  the  figure  of  the  god  was  canied 
 in  processions,  or  which  contained,  as  Jlovers  con- 
 jectures, the  bones  of  children  who  had  been  sacri- 
 ficed and  were  used  for  magical  purposes.  Many 
 instances  of  human  sacrifices  are  found  in  ancient 
 writers,  which  may  be  compared  with  the  descrip- 
 tions in  the  Old  Testament  of  the  manner  in  which 
 Molech  was  worshipped.  The  Carthaginians,  ac- 
 cording to  Augustine,  offered  children  to  Saturn. 
 Among  the  lihodians  a  man  was  offered  to  Kronos 
 on  the  6th  July.  According  to  Manetho,  Amosis 
 abolished  the  same  practice  in  Egypt  at  Heliopolis 
 sacred  to  Juno.  t>ancnoniatho  relates  that  the 
 Phoenicians,  on  the  occasion  of  any  great  calamity, 
 sacrificed  to  Saturn  one  of  their  relatives.  Diodorus 
 Siculus  (xx.  14)  records  that  the  Carthaginians, 
 when  besieged  byAgathocles  tyrant  of  ."^icily,  offered 
 in  public  sacrifice  to  Saturn  200  of  their  noblest 
 children,  while  others  voluntarily  devoted  them- 
 selves to  the  number  of  300.  His  description  of 
 the  statue  of  the  god  differs  but  slightly  from  that 
 of  Molech,  which  has  been  quoted.  Molech,  "  the 
 king,"  was  the  lord  and  master  of  the  Ammonites  ; 
 their  country  was  his  possession  (Jer.  slix.  1),  as 
 Moab  was  the  heritage  of  Chemosh  ;  the  princes  of 
 the  land  were  the  princes  of  Malcham  (Jer.  xlix.  3  ; 
 Am.  i.  15).  His  priests  were  men  of  rank  (Jer. 
 xlix.  3),  taking  precedence  of  the  princes.  So  the 
 priest  of  Hercules  at  Tyre  was  second  to  the  king 
 (Justin,  sviii.  4,  §5),  and  like  Molech,  the  god 
 himself,  Baal  Chamman,  is  Melkart,  "  the  king  ot 
 the  city."  The  priests  of  Molech,  like  those  of 
 other  idols,  were  called  Chemarim  (2  K.  xxiii.  5 ; 
 Hos.  x.  5;  Zeph.  i.  4). 
 
 Mo '11.  Mahli,  the  son  of  Merari  (1  Esdr.  viii. 
 47;   coinp.  Ezr.  viii.  18). 
 
 Mo'lid,  the  son  of  Abishur  by  his  wife  Abihail, 
 and  descendant  of  Jerahmeel  (1  Chr.  ii.  29). 
 
 Moloch.  The  Hebrew  corresponding  to  "  your 
 Moloch"  in  the  A.  V.  of  Amos  v.  26  is  inalhchem, 
 "  your  king,"  as  in  the  margin.  In  accordance 
 with  the  Greek  of  Acts  vii.  43,  which  followed  the 
 LXX.  of  Amos,  our  translators  have  adopted  a  form 
 of  the  name  Molech  which  does  not  exist  in 
 Hebrew.  Gesenius  compares  with  the  ''  taber- 
 nacle" of  Moloch  the  sacred  tent  of  the  Car- 
 thaginians mentioned  by  Diodorus  fxs.  65).  It 
 was  more  probably  a  kind  of  palanquin  in  which 
 the  image  was  carried  in  processions,  a  custom 
 which  is  alluded  to  in  Is.  xlvi.  1  ;  Epist.  of  Jer.  4. 
 Mom'dis.  Maadai,  of  the  sons  of  Bani  (1  Esdr. 
 ix.  34;  comp.  Ezr.  x.  34). 
 
 Money.  This  article  treats  of  two  principal 
 matters,  the  uncoined  money  and  the  coined  money 
 mentioned  in  the  Bible.     I.  Uncoined  Money. 
 
 MONEY 
 
 678 
 
 1 .  Uncoined  Money  in  general. — It  is  well  known 
 that  ancient  nations  that  were  without  a  coinage 
 weighed  the  precious  metals,  a  practice  representat 
 on  the  Egyptian  monuments,  on  which  gold  and 
 silver  are  shown  to  have  been  kept  in  the  form  of 
 rings.  The  gold  rings  found  in  the  Celtic  countries 
 have  been  held  to  have  had  the  same  use.  We 
 have  no  certain  record  of  the  use  of  ring-monev  or 
 other  uncoined  money  in  antiquity  excepting  among 
 the  Egyptians.  It  can  scarcely  be  doubted  that  the 
 Assyrians  and  Babylonians  adopted,  if  they  did  not 
 originate,  this  custom.— 2.  The  Antiquity  of  Coined 
 Money. —  Respecting  the  origin  of  coinage  there  are 
 two  accounts  seemingly  at  variance :  some  saying 
 that  Phidon  king  of  Argos  first  struck  money,  and 
 according  to  Ephorus,  in  Aegina;  but  Herodotus 
 ascribing  its  invention  to  the  Lydians.  The  former 
 statement  probably  refers  to  the  origin  of  the  coinage 
 of  European  Greece,  the  latter  to  that  of  Asiatic 
 Greece.  On  the  whole  it  seems  reasonable  to  carry 
 up  Greek  coinage  to  the  8th  century  B.C.  Purely 
 Asiatic  coinage  cannot  be  taken  up  to  so  early  a 
 date.  The  more  archaic  Persian  coins  seem  to  be 
 of  the  time  of  Darius  Hystaspis,  or  possibly  Cyius, 
 and  certainly  not  much  older ;  and  there  is  no 
 Asiatic  money,  not  of  Greek  cities,  that  can  be  rea- 
 sonably assigned  to  an  earlier  period. ^3.  Notices 
 of  Uncoined  Money  in  the  0.  T. — There  is  no  dis- 
 tinct mention  of  coined  money  in  the  books  of  the 
 0.  T.  written  before  the  return  from  Babylon.  In 
 the  history  of  Abraham  we  read  that  Abimelech 
 gave  the  patriarch  "  a  thousand  [pieces]  of  silver," 
 apparently  to  purchase  veils  for  Sarah  and  her 
 attendants  ;  but  the  passage  is  extremel)'  difficult 
 (Gen.  XX.  16).  The  narrative  of  the  purchase  of 
 the  burial-place  from  Ephron  gives  us  further  in- 
 sight into  the  use  of  money  at  that  time  (Gen. 
 xxiii.  3,  9,  16).  Here  a  currency  is  clearly  indi- 
 cated like  that  which  the  monuments  of  Egypt 
 show  to  have  been  there  used  in  a  very  remote 
 age.  A  similar  purchase  is  recorded  of  Jacob,  who 
 bought  a  parcel  of  a  field  at  Shalem  for  a  hundi'ed 
 kesitahs  (xxxiii.  18,  19).  But  what  is  the  kesitah? 
 The  old  interpreters  supposed  it  to  mean  a  lamb, 
 and  it  has  been  imagined  to  have  been  a  coin  bear- 
 ing the  figure  of  a  lamb.  Throughout  the  history 
 of  Joseph  we  find  evidence  of  the  constant  use  of 
 money  in  preference  to  barter  (Gen.  xliii.  21,  xlvii. 
 13-16).  At  the  time  of  the  Exodus  money  seems 
 to  have  been  still  weighed  (Ex.  xxx.  13j.  Here 
 the  shekel  is  evidently  a  weight,  and  of  a  special 
 system  of  which  the  standard  examples  were  prob- 
 ably kept  by  the  priests.  Throughout  the  Law 
 money  is  spoken  of  as  in  ordinary  use  ;  but  only 
 silver  money,  gold  being  mentioned  as  valuable, 
 but  not  clearly  as  used  in  the  same  manner.  We 
 may  thus  sum  up  our  results  respecting  the  money 
 mcnti'»ued  in  the  books  of  Scripture  written  before 
 the  reluin  from  Babylon.  From  the  time  of  .'\ bra- 
 ham  si'ver  money  appears  to  have  been  in  general 
 use  in  Egypt  and  Canaan.  This  money  was  weighed 
 when  its  value  had  to  be  determined,  and  we  may 
 therefor^!  conclude  that  it  was  not  of  a  settled 
 system  of  weights.  Since  the  money  of  Egypt  and 
 that  of  Canaan  are  spolven  of  together,  we  may  rea- 
 sonably suppose  they  were  of  the  same  kind.  It  is 
 even  probable  that  the  form  in  both  cases  was 
 similar  or  the  same,  since  the  ring-money  of  Esypt 
 resembles  the  ordinary  ring-money  of  the  Celts, 
 among  whom  it  was  probably  first  introduced  by 
 I  the  Phoenician  tr  aders.     We  find  no  evidence  m  ilw 
 
574 
 
 MONEY 
 
 Bible  of  the  use  of  coine<l  ninney  by  the  Jews  before 
 the  time  of  Ezra.— II.  Coinkd  Monky.  1.  The 
 Principal  Afonettry  Systems  of  Antiquity. — Some 
 notice  of  the  principal  monetary  systems  of  an- 
 tiquity, as  determined  by  the  joint  evidence  of  the 
 coins  and  of  ancient  writers,  is  necessaiy  to  render 
 the  next  section  comprehensible.  The  earliest  Greek 
 coins,  by  which  we  here  intend  those  struck  in  the 
 afje  before  the  Persian  War,  are  of  three  talents  or 
 standards :  the  Attic,  the  Aeginetan,  and  the  iJace- 
 donian  or  earlier  Phoenician.  'Die  oldest  coins  of 
 Athens,  of  Aegina,  and  of  Macedon  and  Thrace, 
 we  should  select  as  typical  respectively  of  these 
 standards ;  obtaining  as  the  weight  of  the  Attic 
 drachm  about  67*5  grains  troy  ;  of  the  Aeginetan, 
 about  9(5 ;  and  of  the  Macedonian,  about  58,  or 
 116,  if  its  drachm  be  what  is  now  generally  held  to 
 l)e  the  didrachm.  The  electrum  coinage  of  Asia 
 Minor  probably  affords  examples  of  the  use  by  the 
 fi  reeks  of  a  fourth  talent,  which  may  be  called  the 
 later  Phoenician,  if  we  hold  the  staters  to  have 
 been  tetradrachms,  for  their  full  weight  is  about 
 248  grs.  ;  but  it  is  possible  that  tlie  pure  gold 
 whicJr  they  contain,  about  185  gi-s.,  should  alone 
 he  taken  into  account,  in  which  c;ise  they  would  be 
 (li(h'achms  on  the  Aeginetan  standard.  The  Eubolc 
 talent  of  the  writers  we  recognize  nowhere  in  the 
 coiuage.  We  must  now  briefiy  trace  the  histoiy  of 
 these  talents,  (a.)  The  Attic  talent  was  from  a 
 very  early  period  the  standard  of  Athens.  If  Solon 
 reiilly  reduced  the  weight,  we  have  no  money  of  the 
 city  of  the  older  currency.  Corinth  followed  the 
 same  system;  and  its  use  was  diffused  by  the  great 
 mffuence  of  these  two  leading  cities.  In  Sicily  and 
 Italy,  after,  in  the  case  of  the  former,  a  limited  use 
 of  the  Aeginetan  talent,  the  Attic  weight  became 
 universal.  After  Alexander's  time  the  other  talents 
 wore  partly  restored,  but  the  Attic  always  re- 
 mainai  the  chief.  (6.)  The  Aeginetan  talent  was 
 mainly  used  in  Greece  Proper  and  the  islands,  and 
 seems  to  have  been  annihilated  by  Alexander,  or  by 
 the  general  issue  of  a  coin  equally  assignable  to  it  or 
 the  Attic  standard  as  a  himidrachm  or  a  tetroholon. 
 (c.)  The  Macedonian  talent,  besides  being  used  in 
 Macedon  and  in  some  Thracian  cities  betbre  Alex- 
 ander, was  the  standard  of  the  great  Phoenician 
 cities  under  Persian  rule,  and  was  afterwards  re- 
 stored in  most  of  them,  (d.)  The  later  Phoenician 
 talent  was  always  used  for  the  oHicial  coinage  of 
 the  Persian  kings  and  commanders,  and  alter  the 
 earliest  period  w;is  very  general  in  the  Persian  em- 
 pire. Hesjiecting  the  Uoman  coinage  it  is  only  ne- 
 cessary here  to  stite  that  the  origin  of  the  weights 
 of  its  cold  and  silver  money  is  undoubte<lly  Greek. 
 ^2.  Coined  Money  mentioned  in  the  Bible. — The 
 earliest  distinct  mention  of  coins  in  the  Bible  is 
 held  to  refer  to  the  Persian  money.  In  Ezra  (ii. 
 f)9,  viii.  27)  and  Nehemiah  (vii.  70-72)  cuiTcnt 
 gold  coins  aie  spoken  of  under  the  name  dardmon 
 aJarcon,  which  only  occui's  in  the  plural,  and 
 appears  to  correspond  to  the  Dane.  The  Apocryjiha 
 contains  the  e;uliest  distinct  allusion  to  the  coining 
 of  Jewish  money,  where  it  is  narrated,  in  the  First 
 
 MONEY 
 
 Book  of  Maccabees,  that  .\ntiochus  VII.  gi-anted  to 
 Simon  the  Macivibee  jiermission  to  coin  money  with 
 his  own  st;imp,  as  well  as  other  privileges  (xv.  6", 
 This  wiis  in  the  fourth  year  of  .Simon's  pontificate, 
 B.C.  140.  The  eailiest  Jewish  coins  were  until 
 lately  considereii  to  have  been  struck  by  Simon 
 on   receiving    the    permission   of   Antiochus    VII. 
 
 Ptile.     Obv. :  King  of  iVisia  to  Uie  riKhl,  kiiti-inK.  li.'iulnu  Iww 
 end  JavvUii.    Iter. :  Irrt-gutar  iiiciiHi  nquare.    (Jlritliili  MiiMuni  ) 
 
 ^NltJ'*  bp^-  "^holtfl  of  Israil."  Vase,  above  which  ^ 
 [Year]  1.  IJ  HC'lp  DX'IT.  "  Jeruss'cm  the  holT." 
 llrancb  bearing  three  flowers.    JR. 
 
 The  average  weight  of  the  silver  coins  is  about  220 
 grains  troy  for  the  shekel,  .and  110  lor  the  half- 
 shekel.  The  shekel  corresponds  almost  exactly  to 
 the  tetradrachm  or  didraclim  of  the  e;irlier  Phoe- 
 nician talent  in  use  in  the  cities  of  Phoenicia  under 
 Persian  rule,  and  after  Alexander's  time  at  Tyre, 
 Sidon,  and  Berytus,  as  weU  as  in  Egyi>t.  It  is  re- 
 presented in  the  L.\X.  by  didrachm,  a  rendering 
 which  has  occasional  great  difficulty  to  numis- 
 matists. The  natural  explanation  seems  to  us  to 
 be  that  the  Alexandrian  Jews  adopte<l  for  the 
 shekel  the  term  didrachm  as  the  common  name  of 
 the  coin  corresponding  in  weight  to  it,  and  that  it 
 thus  became  in  Hebraistic  Greek  the  equivalent  of 
 shekel.  There  is  no  ground  li>r  siipjxjsing  a  dif- 
 ference in  use  in  the  L.\X.  and  .\.T.  The  fiibric 
 of  the  silver  coins  ;tbove  described  is  so  different 
 from  that  of  any  other  ancient  money,  that  it  is 
 extremely  hard  to  b.tse  any  argument  on  it  alone, 
 and  the  ca.ses  of  other  special  cl.-isses,  as  the  an- 
 cient money  of  Cyprus,  show  the  danger  of  such 
 leasoning.  Some  have  been  disposed  to  consider 
 that  it  proves  that  these  coins  cannot  be  later  than 
 the  time  of  Nehemiah,  others  will  not  admit  it  to 
 be  later  than  Alex.ander's  time,  while  some  still  hold 
 that  it  is  not  too  archaic  for  the  Maccabean  jieriod. 
 The  inscriptions  of  these  coins,  .and  all  the  other 
 Hebrew  inscrij)tions  of  Jewish  coins,  are  in  a  cha- 
 racter of  whicii  tliero  are  few  other  examples.  As 
 Gesenius  has  observed,  it  bears  a  strong  resemblance 
 to  the  Samaritan  and  Phoenician,  and  we  may  add 
 to  the  .^^amcan  of  coins  which  must  be  cai^efully 
 distinguished  from  the  Aramean  of  the  papyri 
 found  in  Egvpt.  The  mi-aiung  of  the  inscriptions 
 does  not  offer  matter  tor  controvei-sy.  Their  nature 
 would  indicate  a  ^leriod  of  Jewish  freedom  from 
 (ircek  influence  as  well  as  indepemleuce,  and  the 
 use  of  an  era  dating  from  its  commencement.  The 
 old  explanation  of  the  meaning  of  the  fy|ies  of  the 
 shekels  an<l  half-shekels,  that  they  iepiesi>nt  the 
 pot  of  manna  and  .Aaron's  rod  that  buddtsl,  seems 
 to  us  remarkably  consistent  with  the  inscriptions 
 and  with  what  we  should  expect.  Cavetloni  has 
 suggested,  however,  that  the  one  type  is  simply  a 
 v.ase  of  the  Temple,  and  the  other  a  lily,  arguing 
 against  the  old  explanation  of  the  former  that  the 
 pot  of  manna  had  a  cover,  which  this  vase  h.as  not. 
 Upon  th«'  copper  coins  we  have  especially  to  olweiTe 
 that  they  form  an  imjiortaiit  guide  in  judging  of 
 the  age  of  the  silver.     That  they  rejilly  belong  to 
 
MONEY 
 
 the  same  time  is  not  to  be  doubted.  From  this 
 iuquiiy  we  may  lay  down  the  following  particulars 
 as  a  biisis  for  the  attribution  of  this  class  : — 1.  The 
 shekels,  half-shekels,  and  corresponding  copper 
 coins,  may  be  on  the  evidence  of  fabric  and  inscrip- 
 tions of  any  age  from  Alexander's  time  until  the 
 earlier  period  of  the  Maccabees.  2.  They  must  be- 
 long to  a  time  of  independence,  and  one  at  which 
 Greek  influence  was  excluded.  3.  They  date  from 
 an  era  of  Jewish  independence.  M.  de  Pauley, 
 struck  by  the  ancient  appearance  of  the  silver 
 coins,  and  disregarding  the  difference  in  style  of  the 
 copper,  has  conjectured  that  the  whole  class  was 
 struck  at  some  early  period  of  prosperity.  He 
 fixes  upon  the  pontificate  of  Jaddua,  and  supposes 
 them  to  have  been  first  issued  when  Alexander 
 granted  great  privileges  to  the  Jews ;  but  there  are 
 many  difficulties  in  the  way  of  this  supposition. 
 The  basis  we  have  laid  down  is  in  entire  accordance 
 with  the  old  theory,  that  this  class  of  coins  was 
 issued  by  »Simon  the  Maccabee.  M.  de  Saulcy  would, 
 however,  urge  agaiust  our  conclusion  the  circum- 
 stance that  he  has  attributed  small  copper  coins  all 
 of  one  and  the  same  class  to  Judas  the  Maccabee, 
 Jonathan,  and  John  Hyrcanus,  and  that  the  very 
 dissimilar  coins  hitheito  attributed  to  Simon,  must 
 therefore  be  of  another  period.  If  these  attribu- 
 tions be  correct,  his  deduction  is  perfectly  sound ; 
 but  the  circumstance  that  Simon  alone  is  unrepre- 
 sented in  the  series,  whereas  we  have  most  reason 
 to  look  for  coins  of  him,  is  extremely  suspicious. 
 We  shall,  however,  show  in  discussing  this  class, 
 that  we  have  discovered  evidence  which  seems  to  us 
 sufficient  to  induce  us  to  abandon  M.  de  Saulcy's 
 classification  of  copper  coins  to  Judas  and  Jonathan, 
 and  to  commence  the  series  with  those  of  John  Hyr- 
 canus. For  the  present  therefore  we  adhere  to 
 the  old  attribution  of  the  shekels,  half-shekels,  and 
 similar  copper  coins,  to  Simon  the  Maccabee.  We 
 now  give  a  list  of  all  the  principal  copper  coins  of 
 a  later  date  than  those  of  the  class  described  above 
 and  anterior  to  Herod,  according  to  M.  de  Saulcy's 
 arrangement: — Coppeu  Coins.  1.  Judas  Macca- 
 baeics.  2.  Jonathan.  3.  Simon  (wanting).  4. 
 John  Hyrcanus.  5.  Jijdas-Aristobulus  and  Anti- 
 gonus.  6.  Alexander  Jannaeiis.  Alexandra. 
 Hfircanxis  (no  coins).  Artstobuhts  (no  coins). 
 Hyrcanus  [no  coins).  Oligarchy  (no  coins).  Aris- 
 tobulus  and  Alexander  (no  coins).  Hyrcanus  again 
 i-estored  (no  coins).  Antigonus.  This  arrange- 
 ment is  certainly  the  most  satisfactoiy  that  has 
 been  yet  proposed,  but  it  presents  serious  diffi- 
 culties. The  most  obvious  of  these  is  the  absence 
 of  coins  of  Simon,  for  whose  money  we  have  more 
 reason  to  look  than  for  that  of  any  other  Jewish 
 ruler.  A  second  difficulty  is  that  the  series  of 
 small  copper  coins,  having  the  same,  or  essentially 
 the  same,  reverse-type,  commences  with  Judas,  and 
 should  rather  commence  with  Simon.  A  third 
 difficulty  is  that  Judas  bears  the  title  of  priest,  and 
 probably  of  high-priest.  These  objections  are,  how- 
 ever, all  trifling  in  comparison  with  one  that  seems 
 never  to  have  struck  any  inquirer.  These  small 
 copper  coins  have  for  the  main  part  of  their  reverse- 
 type  a  Greek  symbol,  the  united  eornua  copiae,  and 
 they  therefore  distinctly  belong  to  a  period  of  Greek 
 influence.  Is  it  possible  that  Judas  the  Jlaccabee, 
 the  restorer  of  tbe  Jewish  worship,  and  the  sworn 
 enemy  of  all  heathen  customs,  could  have  struck 
 money  with  a  type  derived  from  the  heathen  ?  It 
 seems  to  us  that  this  is  an  impossibility,  and  that 
 
 MONEY 
 
 bit 
 
 the  use  of  such  a  type  points  to  the  time  when 
 prosperity  had  corrupted  the  ruling  family,  and 
 Greek  usages  once  more  were  powerful  in  their  in 
 fluence.  This  period  may  be  considered  to  com- 
 mence in  the  rule  of  John  Hyrcanus.  Thus  far 
 there  is  high  probability  that  M.  de  Saulcy's  attri' 
 butions  before  John  Hyrcanus  are  extremely  doubt- 
 ful. On  these  and  other  grounds  we  maintain 
 Bayer's  opinion  that  the  Jewish  coinage  begins 
 with  Simon,  we  transfer  the  coins  of  Jonathan  the 
 high-priest  to  Alexander  Jannaeus,  and  propose  the 
 following  arrangement  of  the  known  money  of  the 
 princes  of  the  period  we  have  been  just  consider- 
 ing : — John  Hyrcanus,  B.C.  135-106. — Copper 
 coins,  with  Hebrew  inscription,  "  John  the  high- 
 priest  ;"  on  some  A,  marking  alliance  with  Anti- 
 ochus  VII.,  SiAeies. —Aribtobulus  and  Antigonus, 
 B.C.  106-105  (probable  attribution). — Copper  coins 
 with  Hebrew  inscription,  "  Judah  the  high  (?) 
 priest;"  copper  coins  with  Greek  inscription, 
 "  Judah  the  king,"  and  A.  for  Antigonus  (?).  M. 
 de  Saulcy  supposes  that  Aristobuliis  bore  the  Heb. 
 name  Judah,  and  there  is  certainly  some  probab- 
 ility in  the  conjecture,  though  the  classification 
 of  these  coins  cannot  be  regarded  as  more  than 
 tentative.'— Alexander  Jannaeus,  B.C.  105-78. — 
 First  coinage :  copper  coins  with  bilingual  inscrip- 
 tions— Greek,  "  Alexander  the  king  ;"  Hebrew, 
 "  Jonathan  the  king."  Second  coinage  :  copper 
 coins  with  Hebrew  inscription,  "  Jonathan  the 
 high-priest ;"  and  copper  coins  with  Greek  inscrip- 
 tion, "  Alexander  the  king."  (The  assigning  of 
 these  latter  two  to  the  same  ruler  is  confirmed  by 
 the  occurrence  of  Hebrew  coins  of  "  Judah  the 
 high-priest,"  and  Greek  ones  of  "  Judas  the  king," 
 which  there  is  good  reason  to  attribute  to  one  and 
 the  same  person.)— Alexandra,  n.c.  78-69. — The 
 coin  assigned  to  Alexandra  by  M.  de  Saulcy  may 
 be  of  this  sovereign,  but  those  of  Alexander  are  so 
 frequently  blundered  that  we  are  not  certain  that 
 it  was  not  struck  by  him.— Hyrcanus,  B.C.  69-66 
 (no  coins).  Aristobulus,  B.C.  66-63  (no  coins). 
 Hyrcanus  restored,  B.C.  63-57  (no  coins).  Oli- 
 garchy, B.C.  57-47  (no  coins).  Aristobulus  and 
 Alexander,  B.C.  49  (no  coins).  Hyrcanus  a^ain, 
 B.C.  47-40  (no  coins).  Antigonus,  B.C.  40-37. — 
 Copper  coins  with  bilingual  inscriptions.  It  is  not 
 necessary  to  describe  in  detail  the  money  of  the 
 time  commencing  with  the  reign  of  Herod  and 
 closing  under  Hadrian.  The  money  of  Herod  is 
 abundant,  but  of  inferior  interest  to  the  earlier 
 coinage,  from  its  generally  having  a  thoroughly 
 Greek  character.  It  is  of  copper  only,  and  seems 
 to  be  of  three  denominations,  the  smallest  being 
 apparently  a  piece  of  brass,  the  next  larger  its 
 double,  and  the  largest  its  triple,  as  M.  de  Saulcy 
 has  ingeniously  suggested.  The  smallest  is  the 
 commonest,  and  appears  to  be  the  farthing  of  tlie 
 N.  T.  The  com  engraved  below  is  of  the  smallest 
 denomination    of    tlie.se.      The    money   of  Herod 
 
 HPbiA  BACl.     Anchor.    B.  Two  comua  copiae,  within  wliu-l 
 a  osduceuB  (degraded  from  pomegranoto).     M.  W 
 
57r. 
 
 MONEY-CHANGERS 
 
 Aicni'iaus,  and  of  tlic  similar  coinage  of  the 
 Greek  Imperial  class,  of  lioman  rulers  with 
 Greek  inscriptions,  present  no  remarkable  peculi- 
 arities. There  are  several  passajjes  in  the  Gospels 
 which  throw  light  upon  the  coinage  of  the  time. 
 When  the  twelve  wei-e  sent  forth  our  Lord  thus 
 commanded  them,  "  Provide  neither  gnld.  nor 
 silver,  nor  brass  in  your  pui-ses"  (lit.  "girdles"). 
 Matt.  X.  9.  In  the  parallel  passages,  in  St.  Mark 
 (vi.  8),  copper  alone  is  mentioneil  for  money,  the 
 Palestinian  cuirency  being  mainly  of  this  metal, 
 although  silver  was  coined  by  some  cities  of  Phoe- 
 nicia and  -Syria,  and  gold  and  silver  Roman  money 
 was  also  in  use.  St.  Luke,  however,  uses  the  term 
 "  money  "  (ix.  3),  which  may  be  accounted  for  by 
 his  less  Hebraistic  style.  The  coins  mentioned  by 
 the  Evangelists,  and  first  those  of  silver,  are  the 
 following : — The  stater  is  spoken  of  in  the  account 
 of  the  miracle  of  the  tiibnte-money.  The  receivers 
 of  dldrachms  demanded  the  tribute,  but  St.  Peter 
 found  in  the  fish  a  stater,  which  he  paid  for  our 
 Lord  and  himself  (Matt.  xvii.  24-27).  This  stater 
 was  therefore  a  tctradrachm,  and  it  is  very  note- 
 worthy that  at  this  period  almost  the  only  Greek 
 Imperial  silver  coin  in  the  East  was  a  tetradrachm, 
 the  didrachm  being  probably  unknown,  or  very 
 little  coined.  The  didniclun  is  mentioned  as  a 
 money  of  account  in  the  passage  above  cited,  as  the 
 equivalent  of  the  Hebrew  shekel.  The  denarius,  or 
 Roman  penny,  as  well  as  the  Greek  drachm,  then 
 of  about  the  same  weight,  are  spoken  of  ;is  current 
 coins  (Matt.  xxii.  15-21;  Luke  xx.  19-2o).  Of 
 copper  coins  the  farthing  and  its  half,  the  mite, 
 are  spoken  of,  and  the>e  i)robably  fonned  the  chief 
 native  currency.  The  pro))Ci'  Jewish  series  closes 
 with  the  money  of  the  famous  P>arkobab,  who 
 headed  the  revolt  in  the  time  of  Hadrian.  His 
 most  important  coins  are  shekels,  of  which  we  here 
 engiave  one. 
 
 Money-changers  (Matt.  xx\.  12;  Mark  xi.  15; 
 John  ii.  15).  Accoiding  to  Ex.  x.\x.  18-15,  everv 
 Isiaelite  who  had  reached  or  passed  the  age  of 
 twenty  must  pay  into  the  sacrcid  treasury,  when- 
 ever the  nation  was  numbered,  a  half-shekel  as  an 
 (itferiiig  to  Jehovah.  Tlie  money-changers  whom 
 rhiist,  for  their  impiety,  avarice,  and  fiaudulent 
 dealing,  expelled  from  the  Temple,  were  the  dealers 
 »vho  supplied  half-shekels,  for  such  a  premium  as 
 Miey  might  be  able  to  exact,  to  the  Jews  from  all 
 parts  of  the  world,  who  jussenibled  at  .lerusiilem 
 during  the  great  festiv.ils,  and  weic  required  to  piy 
 their  tribute  or  ransom  money  in  the  Hebrew  coin. 
 'J'he  woid  rpa-ir((iT7is,  in  Matt.  xxv.  27,  is  a  general 
 feiip  i.ir  l);ink('r  or  broker. 
 
 Month.  The  terms  for  "  month  "  and  "  moon  " 
 have  tlio  .sime  close  connexion  in  the  Hebrew  lan- 
 Ruag*-,  as  in  our  own  and  in  the  Indo-lMiitipan 
 langnnges  generally.      The  most    important  point 
 
 MONTH 
 
 in  connexion  with  the  month  of  the  Hebrews  is  itJ 
 length,  and  the  mode  by  which  it  was  calculate*!. 
 The  difficulties  attending  this  enquiry  are  consider- 
 able in  consequence  of  the  scantiness  of  the  data. 
 Though  it  may  fairly  be  presumed  from  the  terms 
 iiswl  that  the  month  originally  corresponded  to  a 
 lunation,  no  reliance  can  be  placed  on  the  mere 
 verbal  argument  to  prove  the  exact  length  of  the 
 month  in  historical  times.  The  word  appears  even 
 in  the  earliest  times  to  have  passed  into  its  second- 
 ary sense,  as  describing  a  period  approaching  to  a 
 lunation;  for,  in  Gen.  vii.  11,viii.  4,  where  we 
 first  meet  with  it,  equal  peiiods  of  30  days  aie 
 described,  the  interval  between  the  1 7th  days  of 
 the  second  and  the  seventh  months  being  equal  to 
 150  days  (Gen.  vii.  1 1,  viii.  3,  4],  We  have  there- 
 fore in  this  instance  an  approximation  to  the  solar 
 month.  From  the  time  of  the  institution  of  the 
 Mosaic  law  downwards  the  month  ajipcars  to  have 
 been  a  lunar  one.  The  cycle  of  religious  feasts  com- 
 mencing with  the  Passover,  depended  not  simply 
 on  the  month,  but  on  the  moon  ;  the  14th  of  Abib 
 was  coincident  with  the  full  moon  ;  and  the  new 
 moons  themselves  were  the  occasions  of  regular 
 festivals  (Num.  x.  10,  xxviii.  11-14).  The  com- 
 mencement of  the  month  was  generally  decided  by 
 observation  of  the  new  moon,  which  may  be  de- 
 tected about  forty  houi-s  after  the  period  of  its  con- 
 junction with  the  sun.  According  to  the  llabbiiiical 
 rule,  however,  there  must  at  all  times  have  been  a 
 little  uncertainty  beforehand  as  to  the  exact  day  on 
 which  the  month  would  begin  ;  for  it  depended  not 
 only  on  the  appearance,  but  on  the  announcement; 
 if  the  important  word  Mckuddash  weie  not  pi'o- 
 nounced  until  after  dark,  the  following  day  was 
 the  first  of  the  month;  if  before  dark,  then  that 
 day  {liosh  hash.  3,  §1).  But  we  can  hardly  sup- 
 pose that  such  a  strict  rule  of  observation  prevailed 
 in  early  times,  nor  was  it  in  any  waj'  necessarv  ; 
 the  recurrence  of  the  new  moon  can  be  predicted 
 with  considerable  accuracy.  The  length  of  the 
 month  by  observation  would  be  alternately  29  and 
 30  days,  nor  was  it  allowed  by  the  Talmudists 
 that  a  month  should  (all  shoit  of  the  former  or 
 e.xceed  the  latter  number,  whatever  might  be  the 
 state  of  the  weather.  The  usual  number  of  months 
 in  a  year  was  twelve,  as  implied  in  1  K.  iv.  7  ; 
 1  Chr.  xxvii.  1-15;  but  inasmuch  as  the  Hebrew 
 months  coincided,  as  we  shall  presently  show,  with 
 the  seasons,  it  follows  as  a  matter  of  course  that 
 an  additional  month  must  have  been  inserted  about 
 every  third  year,  which  would  bring  the  number 
 up  to  thirteen.  No  notice,  however,  is  taken  of 
 this  month  in  the  Bible.  In  the  modern  Jewish 
 calendar  the  intercalaiy  month  is  introduced  seven 
 times  in  every  19  years,  accoi-ding  to  the  Metonic 
 cycle,  which  was  adopted  by  the  Jews  about  A.n. 
 360.  The  usual  method  of  designating  tlie  months 
 was  by  their  numerical  oixler,  e.  (j.  "the  second 
 month"  (Gen.  vii.  11),  "  the  (burth  month  "  (2  K. 
 xxv.  3);  and  this  was  generally  retained  even  when 
 the  names  were  given,  e.g.  ''in  the  month  Zit, 
 which  is  the  second  mouth  "  (1  K.  vi.  1),  "in  the 
 third  montli,  that  is,  the  month  Sivan "  (Enfh. 
 viii.  9).  An  exception  occui-s,  however,  in  i-egard 
 to  Abib  in  the  early  portion  of  the  Bible  (Ex.  xiii. 
 4,  xxiii.  15;  Deut.  xvi.  1),  which  is  always  men- 
 tioned by  name  alone.  The  practice  of  tiie  writers 
 of  the  ])ost-Iinbyloiiian  peiiod  in  this  respect  varie<i : 
 Ezra,  Esther,  and  Zei  h.uiah  spe<-ify  both  the  names 
 and    the    numerical    order  ;     Neheniiah    only    iIk 
 
MOON 
 
 foimer;  Daniel  and  Haggai  only  the  latter.  The 
 names  of  the  months  belong  to  two  distinct  periods  ; 
 lu  the  first  place  we  have  those  peculiar  lo  the 
 period  of  Jewish  independence,  of  which  four  only, 
 even  including  Abib,  which  we  hardly  regard  as  a 
 proper  name,  are  mentioned,  viz. :  Abib,  in  which 
 the  Passover  fell  (Ex.  xiii.  4,  xxiii.  15,  xxxiv.  18  ; 
 Deut.  xvi.  1),  and  which  was  established  as  the 
 first  month  in  commemoration  of  the  exodus  (Ex. 
 xii.  2);  Zif,  the  second  month  (1  K.  vi.  1,  37); 
 Bui,  the  eighth  (1  K.  vi.  38) ;  and  Ethanim,  the 
 seventh  (1  K.  viii.  2).  In  the  second  place  we 
 have  the  names  which  prevailed  subsequently  to 
 the  Babylonish  captivity  ;  of  these  the  following 
 seven  appear  in  the  Bible: — Nisan,  the  first,  in 
 which  the  passover  was  held  (Noh.  ii.  1  ;  Esth.  iii. 
 7)  ;  Sivan,  the  third  (Esth.  viii.  9  ;  Bar.  i.  8) ;  Elul, 
 the  sixth  (Xeh.  vi.  15  ;  1  Mace.  xiv.  27) ;  Chisleu, 
 the  ninth  (Neh.  i.  1  ;  Zech.  vii.  1  ;  1  Mace.  i.  54) ; 
 Tebeth,the  tenth  (Esth.  ii.  16)  ;  Sebat,  the  eleventh 
 (Zech.  i.  7  ;  1  Mace.  xvi.  14) ;  and  Adar,  the 
 twelfth  (Esth.  iii.  7,  viii.  12;  2  Mace.  xv.  56). 
 The  names  of  the  remaining  five  occur  in  the  Tal- 
 mud and  other  works ;  they  were  lyar,  the  second 
 (Targum,  2  Chr.  xxx.  2);  Tammuz,  the  fourth; 
 Ab,  the  firth,  and  Tisri,  the  seventh ;  and  Mar- 
 cheshvan,  the  eighth.  The  name  of  the  intercalary 
 month  w;\s  Veadar,  i.  e.  the  additional  Adar. 
 Subsequently  to  the  establishment  of  the  Syro- 
 Macedonian  empire,  the  use  of  the  Macedonian 
 calendar  was  gradually  adopted  for  purposes  of 
 literature  or  intercommunication  with  other  coun- 
 tries. The  only  instance  in  which  the  Macedonian 
 names  appear  in  the  Bible  is  in  2  Mace.  xi.  30,  33, 
 38,  where  we  have  notice  of  Xanthicus  in  combina- 
 tion with  another  named  Dioscorinthius  (ver.  21), 
 which  does  not  appear  in  the  JNlacedonian  calendar. 
 It  is  most  probable  that  the  author  of  2  Mace,  or 
 a  copyist  was  familiar  with  the  Cretan  calendar, 
 wlw:h  contained  a  month  named  Dioscurus,  holding 
 thc^ame  place  in  the  calendar  as  the  Macedonian 
 Dystrus,  i.  e.  immediately  before  Xanthicus,  and 
 that  he  substituted  one  for  the  other.  The  identi- 
 fication of  the  Jewish  months  with  our  own  cannot 
 be  etfected  with  precision  on  account  of  the  varia- 
 tions that  must  inevitably  exist  between  the  lunar 
 and  the  solar  month.  At  present  Nisan  answers 
 to  March,  but  in  early  times  it  coincided  with 
 April.  Zif  or  lyar  would  correspond  with  May, 
 Sivan  with  June,  Tammuz  with  July,  Ab  with 
 August,  Elul  with  Septembei'.  Ethanim  or  Tisri 
 with  October,  Bui  or  Marcheshvan  with  November, 
 Chisleu  with  December,  Tebeth  with  January, 
 Sebat  with  February,  and  Adar  with  March. 
 
 Koon.  It  is  worthy  of  observation  that  neither 
 of  the  teiTiis  by  which  the  Hebrews  designated  the 
 moon  contains  any  reference  to  its  otfice  or  essential 
 character  ;  they  simply  describe  it  by  the  accidental 
 quality  of  colour,  yareach,  signifying  "  pale,"  or 
 "  yellow,"  lebdnah,  "  white."  The  moon  held  an 
 important  place  in  the  kingdom  of  nature,  as  known 
 to  the  Hebrews.  In  the  history  of  the  creation 
 (Gen.  i.  14-10),  it  appears  simultaneously  with  the 
 sun,  and  is  described  in  terms  which  imply  its 
 independence  of  that  body  as  tar  as  its  light  is  con- 
 cerned. Conjointly  with  the  sun,  it  was  appuinted 
 "  for  signs  and  for  seasons,  and  for  days  and  years  ;" 
 though  in  this  respect  it  exercised  a  more  important 
 influence,  if  by  the  "seasons"  we  understand  the 
 great  religious  festivals  of  the  Jews,  as  is  parti- 
 cularly stated  in  Ps.  civ.   19,  and  moie  at  length 
 
 Co-v.  D.  B.  ' 
 
 MORDECAI 
 
 577 
 
 in  Ecclus.  xliii.  6,  7.  Besides  this,  it  had  its 
 special  office  in  the  distribution  of  light;  it  was 
 appointed  "  to  rule  over  the  night,"  as  the  sun  over 
 the  day,  and  thus  the  appearance  of  the  two  founts 
 of  light  served  "  to  divide  between  the  day  and 
 between  the  night."  The  inferiority  of  its  light  is 
 occasionally  noticed,  ;is  in  Gen.  i.  16  ;  in  Cant.  vi. 
 10,  and  in  Is.  xxx.  26.  The  coldness  of  the  night- 
 dews  is  prejudicial  to  the  health,  and  particularly 
 to  the  eyes  of  those  who  are  expused  to  it,  and  the 
 idea  expressed  in  Ps.  cxxi.  6  may  have  reference 
 to  the  general  or  the  particular  evil  eHect.  The 
 worship  of  the  moon  was  extensively  practised  by 
 tha  nations  of  the  East,  and  under  a  variety  of 
 aspects.  In  Egypt  it  was  honoured  under  the  form 
 of  Isis,  and  was  one  of  the  only  two  deities  which 
 commanded  the  reverence  of  all  the  Egyptians. 
 In  Syria  it  was  represented  by  that  one  of  the 
 Ashtaroth,  surnamed  "  Karnaim,"  from  the  horns  of 
 the  crescent  moon  by  which  she  was  distinguished. 
 There  are  indications  of  a  very  early  introduction 
 into  the  countries  adjacent  to  Palestine  of  a  species 
 of  worship  distinct  from  any  that  we  have  hitherto 
 noticed,  viz.  of  the  direct  homage  of  the  heavenly 
 bodies,  sun,  moon  and  stars,  which  is  the  charactei- 
 istic  of  Sabianism.  The  first  notice  we  have  of  this 
 is  in  Job  (xxxi.  26,  27),  and  it  is  observable  that 
 the  warning  of  Moses  (Deut.  iv.  19)  is  directed 
 against  this  nature-worship,  rather  than  against 
 the  form  of  moon-worship,  which  the  Israelites 
 must  have  witnessed  in  Egypt.  At  a  later  period, 
 however,  the  worship  of  the  moon  in  its  grosser 
 form  of  idol-worship  was  introduced  from  Syria. 
 In  the  figurative  language  of  Scripture  the  moon 
 is  fiequently  noticed  as  presaging  events  of  the 
 greatest  importance  through  the  temporary  or  per- 
 manent withdrawal  of  its  light  (Is.  xiii.  10  ;  Joel 
 ii.  :U  ;   Matt.  xxiv.  29  ;  Maik  xiii.  24). 
 
 Moon,  New.     [New  Moon.] 
 
 Moosi'as.  Apparently  the  same  as  Maaseiah  4 
 (1  Esdr.  ix.  31  ;  comp.  Ezr.  x.  30). 
 
 IXorasthite,  The,  that  is,  the  native  of  a  place 
 named  Moriisheth.  It  occurs  twice  (Jer.  xxvi. 
 18  ;  Mic.  i.  1),  each  time  as  the  description  of  the 
 prophet  MiCAii. 
 
 Mor'decai,  the  deliverer,  under  Divine  Provi- 
 dence, of  the  Jews  from  the  destruction  plotted 
 against  them  by  Haman  the  chief  minister  of 
 Xerxes  ;  the  insti  tutor  of  the  feast  of  Purim.  He 
 was  a  Benjamite,  aud  one  of  the  captivity,  residing 
 in  Shushau.  From  the  time  of  Esther  being  queen 
 he  was  one  of  those  ''  who  sat  in  the  king's  gate." 
 In  this  situation  he  saved  the  king's  life  by  di.'<- 
 covering  the  conspiiacy  of  two  of  the  eunuchs  to 
 kill  him.  When  the  decree  for  the  massacie  of  ail 
 the  Jews  in  the  empire  was  known,  it  was  at  his 
 earnest  advice  and  exhortation  that  Esther  under* 
 took  the  perilous  task  of  interceding  with  the  kinj; 
 on  their  behalf.  Whether,  as  some  think,  his  re- 
 fusal to  bow  before  Haman  arose  from  religious 
 scruples,  as  if  such  salutation  as  was  practised  in 
 Persia,  were  akin  to  idolatry,  or  whether,  as  seems 
 far  more  probable,  he  refused  from  a  stern  un- 
 willingness as  a  Jew  to  bow  before  an  Amalekite, 
 in  either  case  the  affront  put  by  him  upon  Haman 
 was  the  immediate  cause  of  the  fatal  decree.  Any 
 how,  he  and  Esther  were  the  instruments  in  the 
 hand  of  God  of  averting  the  threatened  ruin.  The 
 incidents  of  his  history  are  too  well  known  to  neei^ 
 to  be  further  dwelt  upon.  It  will  be  more  useful, 
 inobiiblv,   to  add   such   remarks   as    may  tend    to 
 
 2  P 
 
578 
 
 MORDECAI 
 
 }X)int  out  Mordecai's  place  in  sacred,  profane,  ar.d 
 rabbinic^il  history  respectively.  The  first  thing  is 
 to  tix  his  (late.  This  is  pointed  out  with  triont 
 particularity  by  the  writer  himsell',  not  only  by  the 
 yeais  of  tiie  king's  reign,  but  by  his  own  genCMlotjy  in 
 ch.  ii.  5,  6.  'I'hiee  things  are  predicated  of  Mordecai : 
 1 1 ;  that  he  lived  in  Shushan;  (2)  tliat  his  name 
 was  Mordecai,  son  of  Jair,  son  of  .Shimei,  son  of 
 Kish  the  Benjamite  wlio  was  taken  captive  witli 
 Jehoiachin  ;  (3j  that  he  brought  u]>  Esther.  This 
 genealogy  does  then  fix  with  great  certainty  the 
 age  of  Moidecai.  He  was  great  grandson  of  a  con- 
 temporary of  Jehoiachin.  Now  four  generations 
 cover  120  years — and  120  years  from  I$.C.  59'J 
 bring  us  to  B.C.  479,  »'.  e.  to  the  Gth  year  of  the 
 reign  of  Xerxes.  And  now  it  would  seem  both 
 possible  anci  probable  that  the  Mordeaii  mentioned 
 in  the  duiilicate  j)assage,  Ezr.  ii.  2  ;  Neh.  vii.  7,  ;is 
 one  of  the  leadeis  of  the  captives  who  retuined  from 
 time  to  time  from  Babylon  to  Judaea,  was  the 
 same  as  Mordecai  of  the  book  of  Estlier.  As 
 regards  his  place  in  profane  histoiy,  the  domestic 
 annals  of  the  reign  of  Xerxes  are  so  scanty,  that  it 
 would  not  surprise  us  to  find  no  mention  of  Mor- 
 decai. But  there  is  a  person  named  by  Ctesias, 
 who  probably  saw  the  very  chronicles  of  the  kings 
 of  Media  and  Persia  referred  to  in  Esth.  x.  2, 
 whose  naino  and  character  present  some  points  of 
 resemblance  with  Jlordecai,  viz.  Matiicas,  or  Na- 
 tacas,  whom  he  describes  as  Xerxes'  chief  favourite, 
 and  the  most  powerful  of  them  all.  He  relates  of 
 him,  that  when  Xei-xes  after  his  return  from  Oreoce 
 had  commissioned  Megabyzus  to  go  and  plunder 
 the  temple  of  Apollo  at  Delphi,  upon  his  refusal, 
 he  sent  Matacns  the  eunuch,  to  insult  the  god, 
 rtnd  to  piundei-  his  property,  which  Matacas  did, 
 and  returned  to  Xerxes.  The  known  hatred  of 
 Xerxes  to  idol-worship  makes  his  selection  of  a 
 Jew  for  his  prime  minister  very  probable,  and 
 there  are  strong  points  of  resemblance  in  what  is 
 thus  related  of  Mat;\(:as,  and  what  we  know  from 
 Scripture  of  Mordecai.  Again,  that  Mordecai  was, 
 what  Matacas  is  related  to  have  been,  a  eunuch, 
 seems  not  improbable  from  his  having  iieithei-  wife 
 nor  child,  from  his  bringing  up  his  cousin  Esther 
 in  his  own  house,  from  his  situation  in  the  king's 
 gate,  from  his  access  to  the  court  of  the  women, 
 and  from  his  being  raised  to  the  highest  j)ost  of 
 power  by  the  king,  which  we  know  from  Persian 
 history  was  so  often  the  case  with  the  king's 
 eunuchs.  The  most  plausible  etymology  usually 
 given  for  the  name  Mordecai  is  that  favoured  by 
 Gesenius,  who  connects  it  with  Merodach  the  Ba- 
 bylonian idol,  called  Mardok  in  the  cuneiform  in- 
 scriptions. But  it  is  highly  improliable  that  the 
 name  of  a  Babylonian  idol  should  have  l)een  given 
 to  him  under  the  Pei"sian  dynasty.  If  then  we 
 suppose  the  original  form  of  tlie  name  to  have  been 
 Mafacai,ib  would  easily  in  the  Chalilee  orthography 
 become  Mordecai.  As  regards  his  place  in  Jtah- 
 hinicnl  estimation,  Mordead,  as  is  natural,  stands 
 veiy  high.  The  interpolations  in  the  (ireek  i)o()k 
 of  Esther  are  one  indication  of  his  popidarity  with 
 his  countrymen.  The  Targum  f  of  late  date)  shows 
 that  this  incrciised  rather  than  diminished  with  the 
 lapse  of  centuries.  It  is  said  of  Mordecai  that  he 
 knew  the  aevcntij  languages,  i.e.  the  languages  of 
 all  the  nations  mentioneil  in  fien.  x.,  which  the 
 Jews  count  a.s  seventy  nations,  auci  that  his  a(;e 
 exceeded  4O0  years.  He  is  continually  designated 
 ty    the   apjell.ition    "  the    Just."       Benjamin    of 
 
 MORIAH 
 
 'I'udela  places  the  tomb  of  Mordecai  and  Esther  at 
 Hamadan,  or  Ecbatana.  Others,  however,  placo 
 the  tomb  of  Mordecai  in  Susa. 
 
 Moreh. — 1.  Thk  plain,  or  plains  (or,  as  it 
 should  lather  be  rendered,  the  OAK  or  OAKS;,  OK 
 MOREH.  The  Oak  of  Moreh  was  the  first  recorded 
 halting  place  of  Abram  after  his  entrance  info 
 the  land  of  Canaan  (Gen.  xii.  6).  Jt  was  at  the 
 "jilace  of  Shechem  "  (xii.  6),  close  to  the  moun- 
 tains of  El)al  and  Clerizini  ("Deut.  xi.  .'JOj.  There 
 is  reason  for  believing  that  this  place,  the  scene  of 
 so  important  an  occurrence  in  Abram's  early  resid- 
 ence in  Canaan,  may  have  been  also  that  of  one 
 even  more  iinportant,  the  crisis  of  his  later  life, 
 the  oflering  of  Is;iac,  on  a  mountain  in  "  the  land 
 of  Moriah."  Whether  the  oaks  of  Moreh  h.ad  any 
 coiuiexion  with — 2.  TnK  HiLL  OF  I^Ioreii,  at  the 
 foot  of  which  the  Midianites  and  Amalekites  were 
 encamped  before  Gideon's  attack  upon  them  (Judg. 
 vii.  1),  seems,  to  say  the  least,  most  uncertain. 
 Copious  as  are  the  details  furnished  of  that  great 
 event  of  Jewish  history,  those  which  enaljle  us  to 
 judge  of  its  piecise  situation  are  very  scantv.  But 
 a  comparison  of  Judg.  vi.  33  with  vii.  1  makes  it 
 evident  that  it  lay  in  the  valley  of  Jezieel,  rather 
 on  the  north  side  of  the  valley,  and  north  also  of 
 the  eminence  on  which  Gideon's  little  band  of 
 heroes  was  clustered.  These  conditions  are  most 
 accurately  fulfilled  if  we  assume  Jchel  cd-Dithg, 
 the  "  Little  Hermon"  of  the  modern  travellers,  to 
 be  Moreh,  the  Ain-Jalood  to  be  the  spring  of 
 Harod,  and  Gideon's  position  to  have  been  on  the 
 nnrth-east  slojie  of  Jebcl  Fukua  (Mount  Gilboa), 
 between  the  village  of  Nuris  and  the  last-mentioned 
 spring. 
 
 Moresh'eth-Gath,  a  place  named  by  the  propliet 
 Micah  oidv  (Mic.  i.  14),  in  company  with  I.achish, 
 Achzib,  Jlareshah,  and  other  towns  of  the  lowland 
 district  of  Judah.  Micah  was  himself  the  native  of 
 a  place  called  Moresheth.  Eusebius  and  Jerome, 
 in  the  Onomnsticon,  describe  Morasthi  as  a  moder- 
 ate-sized village  near  Eleutheropolis,  to  the  east. 
 Supposing  Beit-jihrin  to  be  Eleutheropolis,  no 
 traces  of  the  name  of  Moresheth-gath  have  been  yet 
 discovered  in  this  direction. 
 
 Moriah.— 1.  The  Land  of  Mohiah.  On 
 "one  of  tiie  mountains"  in  this  district  took  place 
 the  sacrifice  of  Isaac  ((!en.  xxii.  2).  What  the 
 name  of  the  mountain  was  we  are  not  told  ;  but 
 it  wiis  a  cons])icuous  one,  visible  from  "  atiir  oil"" 
 (ver.  4).  Nor  does  the  narrative  afford  any  data 
 for  ascertaining  its  position.  After  the  deliverance 
 of  Isaac,  Abraham,  with  a  play  on  the  name  of 
 Moriah  impossible  to  convey  in  English,  called  the 
 spot  Jehovah-jireh,  "  Jehovah  sees  "  ( i.  e.  provides), 
 and  thus  originated  a  proverb  refeniug  to  the  pro- 
 vidential and  o]iportune  interference  of  (iod.  "  In 
 the  mount  of  Jehovah,  He  will  be  seen."  It  is 
 most  natural  to  take  the  "  land  of  Mori.ah  "  as  the 
 same  district  with  that  in  which  the  "Oak  (A.  V. 
 "  jilain  ")  of  Moreh  "  was  situated,  and  not  as  that 
 which  contains  .lerusalem.  as  the  modern  tradition, 
 which  would  identify  the  Moriah  of  Gen.  xxii.  and 
 that  of  2  Chr.  iii.  l.allirms. — 2.  MoUNT  MoniAii. 
 The  name  ascrilied,  in  2  Chr.  iii.  1  only,  to  the 
 eminence  on  which  Solomon  built  the  Temple: 
 '•where  He  appeared  to  Oavid  his  father,  in  a 
 place  which  David  ))iepared  in  the  threshing-floor 
 of  Arnunah  the  Jebusite.''  Kiom  the  mention  of 
 .\rauMah,  the  int'erence  is  natur.il  that  the  "  ap- 
 iiearance"  ;illuded  to  occurred  at   the  tim"   ol    th." 
 
MORTAR 
 
 purchase  of  tha  thieshiug-ftoor  by  David,  and  his 
 erection  thereon  of  the  altar  (2  Sam.  xxiv. ;  1  Chr. 
 sxi.)  But  it  will  be  observed  that  nothing  is  said 
 in  the  narratives  of  that  event  of  any  "appearance" 
 of  Jehovah.  A  tradition  which  first  appears  in  a 
 definite  shape  in  Josephus,  and  is  now  almost  uni- 
 versally accepted,  asserts  that  the  "  Mount  Moriah" 
 of  the  Chronicles  is  identical  with  the  "  mountain  " 
 in  "  the  land  of  Moriah  "  of  Genesis,  and  that  the 
 spot  on  which  Jehovah  appeared  to  David,  and  on 
 which  the  Temple  was  built,  was  the  very  spot  of 
 the  sacrifice  of  Isaac.  But  the  single  occurrence  of 
 the  name  in  this  one  passage  of  Chronicles  is  surely 
 not  enough  to  establish  a  coincidence,  which  if  we 
 consider  it  is  little  short  of  miraculous.  Except  in 
 the  case  of  Salem,  and  that  is  by  no  means  ascer- 
 tained— the  name  of  Abraham  does  not  appear  once 
 in  connexion  with  Jerusalem  or  the  later  joyal  or 
 ecclesiastical  gloiies  of  Israel,  .lerusalem  lies  out 
 of  the  path  of  the  patiiarchs,  and  has  no  part  in 
 the  history  of  Israel  till  the  establishment  of  the 
 monarchy.  But  in  addition  to  this,  Jeiusalem  is 
 incompatible  with  the  circumstances  of  the  narrative 
 of  Gen.  xxii.  To  name  only  two  instances — (1.) 
 The  Temple  mount  cannot  be  spoken  of  as  a 
 conspicuous  eminence.  It  is  not  visible  till  the 
 traveller  is  close  upon  it  at  the  southern  erige  of 
 the  valley  of  Hinnom,  from  whence  he  looks  down 
 upon  it  as  on  a  lower  eminence.  (2.)  If  Salem 
 was  Jerusalem,  then  the  trial  of  Abraham's  faith, 
 instead  of  taking  place  in  the  lonely  and  desolate 
 spot  implied  by  the  narrative,  where  not  even  fire 
 was  to  be  obtained,  and  where  no  help  but  that  of 
 the  Almighty  was  nigh,  actually  took  place  under 
 the  very  walls  of  the  city  of  Melchizedek.  But, 
 while  there  is  no  trace  except  in  the  single  passage 
 quoted  of  Moriah  being  attached  to  any  part  of 
 Jerusalem  —  on  the  other  hand  in  the  slightly 
 different  form  of  Moreh  it  did  exist  attached  to 
 the  town  and  the  neighbourhood  of  Shechem,  the 
 spot  of  Abram's  first  residence  in  Palestine. 
 
 Mortar.  The  simplest  and  probably  most 
 ancient  method  of  preparing  corn  for  food  was  by 
 pounding  it  between  two  stones.  Convenience 
 suggested  that  the  lower  of  the  two  stones  should 
 be  hollowed,  that  the  corn  might  not  escape, 
 and  that  the  upper  should  be  shaped  so  as 
 to  be  convenient  for  holding.  The  pestle  and 
 mortar  must  have  existed  from  a  very  early 
 period.  The  Israelites  in  the  desert  appear 
 to  have  possessed  mortars  and  handraills  among 
 their  necessary  domestic  utensils.  When  the  manna 
 fell  they  gathered  it,  and  either  ground  it  in  the 
 mill  or  pounded  it  in  the  mortar  (Heb.  medocah) 
 till  it  was  fit  for  use  (Num.  xi.  8).  So  in  the 
 present  day  stone  mortars  are  used  by  the  Arabs 
 to  pound  wheat  for  their  national  dish  kihhy. 
 Another  word  mactesh  (Prov.  xxvii.  22),  probably 
 denotes  a  mortar  of  a  larger  kind  in  which  coin 
 was  pounded.  "  Though  thou  bray  the  fool  in  the 
 mortar  among  the  bruised  corn  with  the  pestle, 
 yet  will  not  his  folly  depai-t  from  him."  Corn 
 may  be  separated  from  its  husk  and  all  its  good 
 properties  preserved  by  such  an  operation,  but  the 
 tool's  folly  is  so  essential  a  part  of  himself  that  no 
 analogous  process  can  remove  it  from  him.  Such 
 seems  the  natural  interpietation  of  this  remarkable 
 provei'b.  The  language  is  intentionally  exaggerated, 
 and  there  is  no  necessity  for  supposing  an  allusion 
 to  a  mode  of  punishment  by  which  criminals  weie 
 put  to  death,  by  being  pounded  in  a  mortar,     A 
 
 MOSES 
 
 5711 
 
 custom  of  this  kind  existed  among  the  Turks,  but 
 there  is  no  distinct  trace  of  it  among  the  Hebrews. 
 Such,  however,  is  supposed  to  be  the  reference  in 
 the  proverb  by  Mr.  Koberts,  who  illustrates  it  from 
 his  Indian  experience. 
 
 Morter  (Gen.  si.  3;  Ex.  i.  14;  Lev.  xiv.  42, 
 45;  Is.  xli.  25  ;  Ez.  xiii.  10,  11,  J  !•,  1.5,  xxii.  28  , 
 Nah.  iii.  14).  The  various  compacting  substances 
 used  in  Oriental  buildings  appear  to  be — 1.  bitu- 
 men, as  in  the  Babylonian  structuies ;  2.  common 
 mud  or  moistened  clay ;  3.  a  very  firm  cement 
 compounded  of  sand,  ashes,  and  lime,  in  the  pro- 
 portions respectively  of  1,  2,  3,  well  pounded, 
 sometimes  mixed  and  sometimes  coated  with  oil,  so 
 as  to  form  a  surface  almost  impenetrable  to  wet  or 
 tlie  weather.  In  Assyrian,  and  also  Egyptian  brick 
 buildings  stubble  or  straw,  as  hair  or  wool  among 
 ourselves,  was  added  to  increase  the  tenacity. 
 
 Mo'serah,  Deut.  x.  6,  apparently  the  same  as 
 Moseroth,  Num.  x.vxiii.  30,  its  plural  form,  the 
 name  of  a  place  near  Mount  Hoi'.  Hengstenberg 
 thinks  it  lay  in  the  Arabah,  where  that  mountain 
 oveihangs  it.  Burckhardt  suggests  that  possibly 
 Wadij  Mousa,  near  Petra  and  Mount  Hor,  may 
 contain  a  corruption  of  Mosera.  This  does  not 
 seem  likely. 
 
 Mo'ses  (Heb.  Moshch  =  "  drawn  ").  The  legis- 
 lator of  the  Jewish  people,  and  in  a  certain  sense 
 the  founder  of  the  Jewish  religion.  The  materials 
 for  his  life  are — I.  The  details  preserved  in  the 
 Pentateuch.  II.  The  allusions  in  the  Prophets  and 
 Psalms.  III.  The  Jewish  traditions  preserved  in 
 the  N.  T.  (Acts  vii.  20-38 ;  2  Tim.  iii.  8,9;  Heb. 
 xi.  23-28;  Jude9i;  and  in  Josephus,  Philo,  and 
 Clemens  Alex.  IV.  The  heathen  traditions  of 
 Manetho,  Lysimaclius,  and  Chaeremon,  jireserved 
 in  Josephus,  of  Artixpanns  and  others  in  Eusebius, 
 and  of  Hecataeus.  V.  The  Mussulman  traditions 
 in  the  Koran,  and  the  Arabian  legends.  VI. 
 Apocryphal  Books  of  Moses: — (1)  Prayere  of 
 Moses.  (2)  Apocalypse  of  Moses.  (3)  Ascension 
 of  Moses.  VII.  In  modein  times  his  career  and 
 legislation  have  been  treated  by  Warburton, 
 Michaelis,  Ewald,  -and  Bunsen.  His  life,  in  the 
 later  period  of  the  Jewish  history,  was  divided  into 
 three  equal  portions  of  forty  years  each  (Acts  vii. 
 23,  30,  36).  I.  His  birth  and  education.  The 
 immediate  pedigi'ee  of  Moses  is  as  follows  : — 
 
 Kohath 
 Amram  =  Jocliebed 
 
 Hut  =  Miriam       Anion  =  Elisbeba       Mosia  =  Zipporab. 
 
 Eleftau- 
 
 I 
 Phineas 
 
 Gersliom 
 
 I 
 Jonathan 
 
 The  fact  that  he  was  of  the  tanbe  of  Levi  no  doubt 
 contributed  to  the  selection  of  that  tribe  as  the 
 sacred  caste.  The  Levitical  parentage  and  the 
 Egyptian  origin  both  appear  in  the  family  names. 
 Gershom,  Eleazar,  are  both  )epeated  in  the 
 younger  geneiations.  Moses  and  Phmehas  are 
 Egvptian.  Moses  was  born  according  to  Manetho 
 at  Heliopolis,  at  the  time  of  the  deepest  depression 
 of  his  nation  in  the  Egyptian  servitude.  His  birth 
 (according  to  Josephus)  had  been  foretold  to 
 Pharaoh  by  the  Egyptian  magicians,  and  to  his 
 father  Ami  am  by  a  dream.     The  story  of  his  birth 
 
 2  P  2 
 
680 
 
 MOSES 
 
 is  tlioroiiglily  Egyptian  in  its  scene.  The  beauty 
 of  the  new-born  b;ibe — in  the  later  versions  of  the 
 Btory  amjilitied  into  a  beauty  anil  si^.e  almost 
 divine — induced  the  nioth(;r  to  malce  extiaordin;u y 
 etl'orts  for  its  preservation  fiom  the  general  <Iestriic- 
 tifin  of  the  male  children  of  Israel.  Kor  thiee 
 months  the  child  was  concealed  in  the  house. 
 Then  his  mother  placed  him  in  a  small  boat  or 
 basket  of  papyrus,  closed  against  the  wi'ter  by 
 bitumen.  This  was  ]>laced  among  the  aquatic 
 vegetation  by  the  side  of  one  of  the  canals  of  I  he 
 Nile.  The  mother  depaitcd  as  if  unable  to  bear 
 (he  sight.  The  sister  lingered  to  watch  her 
 brother's  fate.  The  ICgyptian  piincess  cinne  down, 
 after  the  Homeric  smiplicity  of  the  age,  to  bathe 
 in  the  sacred  river,  or  (Jos.  Ant.  ii.  9,  ^b)  to  play 
 by  its  side.  Her  attendant  slaves  followed  her. 
 Slie  saw  the  basket  in  the  flags,  or  (Jos.  Ibid.) 
 borne  down  the  stream,  and  ilospatihed  diveis  after 
 it.  The  divers,  or  one  of  the  female  slaves, 
 brought  it.  It  was  opened,  and  the  cry  of  the 
 child  moved  the  princess  to  compassion.  She 
 determined  to  rear  it  as  her  own.  The  child  (.Jos. 
 /bid.)  icfused  the  milk  of  Egyptian  nuises.  The 
 sister  was  then  at  hand  to  recommend  a  Hebrew 
 nurse.  'Ihe  child  was  brought  up  as  the  princess's 
 son,  and  the  memoiy  of  the  incident  was  long 
 cherished  in  the  name  given  to  the  foundling  of 
 the  water's  side — whether  accoiding  to  its  Hebrew 
 or  Egyptian  form.  Its  Hebiew  foini  is  Moslich, 
 from  Mdshdh,  "to  draw  out" — "because  I  have 
 draun  him  out  of  the  water."  But  this  is  pro- 
 bably the  Hebrew  form  given  to  a  foreign  word. 
 In  Coptic,  mo  =  water,  and  nshe  — saved.  This  is 
 the  explanation  given  by  Josephus.  The  child  was 
 adopted  by  the  princess.  Tradition  describes  its 
 beauty  as  so  gi-eat  that  passers-by  stood  fixed  to 
 look  at  it,  and  labourers  left  their  woik  to  steal  a 
 glance  (Jos.  Ant.  ii.  9,  §6).  From  this  time  tor 
 many  years  Moses  must  be  consideied  as  an 
 Egyptian.  In  the  Pentateuch  this  peiiod  is  a 
 blank,  but  in  the  N.  T.  he  is  represented  as 
 "educated  in  all  the  wisdom  of  the  Egy])tians," 
 and  as  "  mighty  in  words  and  deeds"  (.Acts  vii. 
 22).  The  following  is  a  brief  summary  of  the 
 .lewish  and  Egy])tiaii  traditions  which  fill  up  tlie 
 silence  of  the  sjicied  writer.  He  was  educated  at 
 Heliopolis  (conip.  Strabo,  xvii.  1),  and  grew  up 
 there  as  a  priest,  luuler  his  Egyptian  name  of 
 Osarsiph  or  Tisithen.  He  was  taught  the  whole 
 range  of  Greek,  Chaldee,  and  Assyrian  literature. 
 Erom  the  Egyptians  especially  he  learned  mathein- 
 atics,  to  train  his  mind  for  the  unprejudiced  re- 
 ception of  truth  (Philo,  V.  M.  i.  5).  He  taught 
 Orpheus,  and  was  hence  called  by  the  Gieeks 
 Musaeus  <ib.),  and  by  the  Egyptians  Hermes  (j6.). 
 He  taught  granunar  to  the  Jews,  whence  it  si)re.ad 
 to  Phoenicia  and  Giecce.  He  was  sent  on  an 
 pxpedition  against  the  Ethiopians.  He  got  rid  of 
 the  sei-pents  of  the  cotuitiy  to  be  traversed  bv 
 turning  baskets  full  of  ibises  upon  them  (.)os.  Ant. 
 ii.  KJ,  §2;,  and  founded  the  city  of  Ileimopolis  to 
 commemoiate  his  victoiy.  He  advanccMt  tr)  Siiba, 
 the  capital  of  Ethiopia,  and  gave  it  the  name  of 
 Meroe,  from  his  a<lopted  mother  Merrhis,  whom  he 
 buried  there  (Hi.).  Tiiarbis,  the  daughter  of  the 
 king  of  Ethiopia,  fell  in  love  with  him,  and  he 
 returned  in  tnuniph  to  Egyi)t  with  her  .-is  his  wife 
 (.los.  Ibxd.).  II.  The  nurture  r,f  his  mother  is 
 probal)ly  sjKiken  of  as  the  link  which  bfiiuid  him  to 
 hi8  own  peoj.le,  and  the  tin;e  had   at  last  arrived 
 
 MOSES 
 
 when  he  was  resolved  to  reclaim  his  nationality. 
 Here  again  the  N.  T.  preserves  the  tradition  in  a 
 distincter  form  than  the  account  in  tl  e  Penti>teuch 
 (Heb.  xi.  24-2G).  According  to  the  Egyptian 
 tra<lition,  altliough  a  priest  of  Heliopolis,  he  always 
 performed  his  prayers  according  to  the  custom  of 
 his  fathers,  outside  the  walls  of  the  city,  in  the 
 open  air,  turning  towards  the  sun-rising  (Jos. 
 c.  Apion.  ii.  2).  Vaiious  plots  of  assassination 
 were  contrived  against  him,  which  failed.  The  last 
 was  after  he  ha<l  already  esaiped  across  the  Nile 
 from  Memphis,  warned  by  his  brother  Aaion,  and 
 when  puisued  by  the  assassin  he  killed  him  («6.). 
 The  same  general  account  of  conspiracies  against  his 
 life  appears  in  Josephus  {Ant.  ii.  10).  All  that 
 remains  of  these  traditions  in  the  sacred  narrative 
 is  the  simple  and  natural  incident,  that  seeing  an 
 Isiaelite  suHisring  the  bastinado  fioni  an  Egyptian, 
 and  thinking  that  they  were  alone,  he  slew  the 
 Egyptian,  and  buried  the  corpse  in  the  sand.  The 
 fire  of  patriotism  which  thus  turned  him  into  a 
 deliverer  from  the  oppressors,  turns  him  in  the 
 same  story  into  the  peace-maker  of  the  oppressed. 
 It  is  chai  act  eristic  of  the  taithfulness  of  the  Jewish 
 records  that  his  flight  is  there  occasioned  lather  by 
 the  malignity  of  his  countrymen  than  ly  the  enmity 
 of  the  Egyptians.  He  fled  into  Midian.  Beyond 
 the  fact  that  it  was  in  or  near  the  jieninsula  of 
 .Sinai,  its  precise  situation  is  unknown.  There  was 
 a  famous  well  ('•  the  well,"  Ex.  ii.  15)  surrounded 
 by  tanks  for  the  watering  of  the  flocks  of  the 
 Bedouin  herdsmen.  By  this  well  the  fugitive 
 seated  himself,  and  watched  the  gathering  of  the 
 sheep.  There  were  the  Arabian  shepherds,  and 
 theie  were  also  seven  maidens,  whom  the  shep- 
 herds rudely  drove  away  from  the  water.  The 
 chivalrous  s[)irit  which  had  already  bioken  forth  in 
 behalf  of  his  oppressed  i  ountrynun,  broke  forth 
 again  in  behalf  of  the  distressed  maidens.  They 
 returned  imusually  soon  to  their  tiither,  and  told 
 him  of  their  adventure.  Moses,  who  up  to  this 
 time  had  been  "an  Egyptian"  (Ex.  ii.  19),  now 
 became  for  an  unknown  period,  extended  by  the 
 later  tradition  over  forty  years  (Acts  vii.  3l(),  an 
 .Arabian.  He  inarne<l  Zipporah,  daughter  of  his 
 host,  to  whom  he  also  became  the  slave  and  shep- 
 herd (Ex.  ii.  21,iii.  1).  But  the  chief  effect  ot 
 this  stay  in  Arabia  is  on  Moses  himself".  It  was  in 
 the  seclusion  and  simplicity  of  his  shepherd-life  that 
 he  received  his  call  as  a  prophet.  'I'he  traditional 
 scene  of  this  great  event  is  in  the  valley  of  S^hoiyb, 
 or  Hobab,  on  tlie  N.  side  of  Jebel  Milsa.  The 
 original  indications  are  too  slight  to  enable  us  to 
 fix  the  spot  with  any  certainty.  It  was  at  "the 
 back  "  of  the  "  wilderness"  at  Hoieb  (Ex.  iii.  1): 
 to  which  the  Hebrew  adds,  whilst  the  LXX.  omits, 
 "the  mount:iin  ot'  (iod."  Upon  the  mountiiin  w:is 
 a  well-known  acacia,  the  thorn-tree  of  the  desert, 
 s]>reading  out  its  tangled  branches,  thick  set  with 
 white  thorns,  over  the  rocky  ground.  It  was  this 
 tree  which  became  the  symbol  of  the  Uivine 
 Presence:  a  tiame  of  fire  in  the  midst  of  it,  in 
 which  the  diy  branches  would  naturally  have 
 crackle<l  and  burnt  in  a  moment,  but  which  played 
 round  it  without  consuming  it.  The  rocky  grouml 
 at  once  became  "holy,"  and  the  shepherd's  siindal 
 was  to  lie  taken  off  no  less  than  on  the  threshold 
 of  a  palace  or  a  t<>m|)le.  The  call  or  revelation 
 was  twofold — 1.  The  declaration  of  the  .Sacied 
 N.ame  expressi's  the  eternal  self-existence  of  the 
 One  (>od.     2.  'i'he  mission  was  given  to  Moses  to 
 
MOSES 
 
 ieliver  his  people.  The  two  signs  are  characteristic 
 —  the  one  of  his  past  Egyptian  life — the  other  of 
 his  active  shepherd  life.  In  the  rush  of  leprosy  into 
 his  hand  is  the  link  between  him  and  the  people 
 whom  the  P]g:yptians  called  a  nation  of  lepers.  In 
 the  transtbrmation  of  his  shepherd's  staff  is  the 
 gioritication  of  the  simple  pastoral  life,  of  which 
 that  statf  was  the  symbol,  into  the  great  career 
 which  lay  before  it.  He  returns  to  Egypt  from 
 his  exile.  His  Arabian  wife  and  her  two  infant 
 sons  are  with  him.  She  is  seated  with  them  on 
 the  ass.  He  apparently  walks  by  their  side  with 
 his  shepherd's  staS'.  On  the  journey  back  to  Egypt 
 a  mysterious  incident  occurred  in  the  family.  The 
 most  probable  explanation  seems  to  be,  that  at  the 
 caravanserai  either  Moses  or  Gershom  was  struck 
 with  what  seemed  to  be  a  mortal  illness.  In  some 
 way  this  illness  was  connected  by  Zipporah  with 
 the  fact  that  her  son  had  not  been  circumcised. 
 She  instantly  performed  the  i-ite,  and  threw  the 
 sharp  instrument,  stained  with  the  fresh  blood,  at 
 the  feet  of  her  husband,  exclaiming  in  the  agony  of 
 a  mother's  anxiety  for  the  lite  of  her  child — "  A 
 bloody  husband  thou  art,  to  cause  the  death  of  my 
 son."  Then,  when  the  recovery  from  the  illness 
 took  place,  she  exclaims  again,  "  A  bloody  husband 
 still  thou  art,  but  not  so  as  to  cause  the  child's 
 death,  but  only  to  bring  about  his  circumcision." 
 It  would  seem  to  have  been  in  consequence  of  this 
 event,  whatever  it  was,  that  the  wife  and  her  children 
 were  sent  back  to  Jethro,  and  remained  with  him 
 till  Moses  joined  them  at  Kepliidim  (Ex.  xviii.  2-6). 
 After  this  parting  he  advanced  into  the  desei't,  and 
 at  tlie  same  spot  where  he  had  had  his  vision  en- 
 countered Aaron  (Ex.  iv.  27).  From  that  meeting 
 and  cooperation  we  have  the  first  distinct  indica- 
 tion of  his  personal  appearance  and  character.  But 
 beyond  the  slight  glance  at  his  infantine  beauty,  no 
 hint  of  this  grand  personality  is  given  in  the  Bil)le. 
 What  is  described  is  rather  the  reverse.  The  only 
 point  there  brought  out  is  a  singular  and  unlocked 
 for  infirmity.  "  I  am  slow  of  speech  and  of  a  slow 
 tongue."  In  the  solution  of  this  difficulty  which 
 Moses  ofFei's,  wo  read  both  the  disinterestedness, 
 which  is  the  most  distinct  trait  of  his  personal 
 character,  and  the  future  relation  of  the  two 
 brothers.  Aaron  spoke  and  acted  for  Jloses,  and 
 was  the  permanent  inheritor  of  the  sacred  staff  of 
 power.  But  Moses  was  the  inspiring  soul  behind. 
 111.  The  history  of  Moses  henceforth  is  the  history 
 of  Israel  for  forty  years.  It  is  important  to  trace 
 his  relation  to  his  immediate  circle  of  followers. 
 In  the  Exodus,  he  takes  the  decisive  lead  on  the 
 night  of  the  flight.  Up  to  that  point  he  and  Aaron 
 appear  almost  on  an  equality.  But  after  that, 
 Moses  is  usually  mentioned  alone.  Aaron  still  held 
 the  second  place.  Another,  nearly  equal  to  Aaron, 
 is  HuR,  of  the  tribe  of  Judah.  Mipjam  always 
 held  the  independent  position  to  which  her  age 
 entitled  her.  Her  part  was  to  supply  the  voice 
 and  song  to  her  biother's  prophetic  power.  But 
 Moses  is  incontestably  the  chief  personage  of  the 
 history,  in  a  sense  in  which  no  one  else  is  described 
 •before  or  since.  In  the  traditions  of  the  desert, 
 whether  late  or  early,  his  name  predominates  over 
 that  of  every  one  else.  "  The  Books  of  Moses " 
 aie  so  called  fas  afterwards  the  Books  of  Samuel), 
 in  all  probability  fiom  his  being  tlie  chief  subject 
 of  them.  It  has  sometimes  been  attempted  to 
 reduce  this  gieat  character  into  a  mere  passive 
 instiument  of  the  Divine  Will,  as  though  he  had 
 himself  borne  no  conscious  part  in  the  actions  in 
 
 MOSES 
 
 581 
 
 which  he  figures,  or  the  messages  which  lie  delivers. 
 This,  however,  is  as  incompatible  with  the  gerwral 
 tenor  of  the  Scriptural  account,  as  it  is  with  the 
 common  language  in  which  he  has  been  described 
 by  the  Church  in  all  ages.  He  must  be  considered, 
 like  all  the  saints  and  heroes  '>f  the  Bible,  as  a 
 man,  of  marvellous  gifts,  raised  up  bv  Divine 
 Providence,  for  a  special  pui-pose;  but  led  into  a 
 closer  communion  with  the  invisible  world  than 
 was  vouchsafed  to  any  other  in  the  Old  'I'estament. 
 'I'here  are  two  main  characters  in  which  he  appears, 
 as  a  Leader  and  as  a  Prophet,  (a.)  As  a  Leader, 
 his  life  divides  itself  into  the  three  epochs— of  the 
 march  to  Sinai ;  the  march  from  Sinai  to  Kadesh  ; 
 and  the  conquest  of  the  Transjordanic  kingdoms. 
 Of  his  natural  gifts  in  this  cai)acity,  we  have  but 
 few  means  of  judging.  The  two  main  difficulties 
 which  he  encountered  were  the  reluctance  of  the 
 people  to  submit  to  his  guidance,  and  the  impractic- 
 able nature  of  the  country  which  they  had  to 
 traverse.  The  incidents  with  which  his  name  was 
 specially  connected  both  in  the  sacred  narrative, 
 and  in  the  Jewish,  Arabian,  and  heathen  traditions, 
 were  those  of  supplying  water,  when  most  wanted. 
 In  the  Pentateuch  these  supplies  of  water  t^ike  place 
 at  Marah,  at  Horeb,  at  Kadesh,  and  in  the  laud  of 
 Moab.  Of  the  three  first  of  these  incidents,  tradi- 
 tional sites,  bearing  his  name,  are  shown  in  the 
 desert  at  the  present  day,  though  most  of  them  are 
 rejected  by  modern  travellei-s.  The  route  through 
 the  wilderness  is  described  as  having  been  made 
 under  his  guidance.  The  particular  spot  of  the 
 encampment  is  fixed  by  the  cloudy  pillar.  But  the 
 direction  of  the  people  first  to  the  Ked  Sea,  and 
 then  to  Mount  Sinai,  is  communic<ited  through 
 Moses,  or  given  by  him.  On  approaching  Palestine 
 the  office  of  the  leader  becomes  blended  with  that 
 of  the  general  or  the  conqueror.  By  Moses  the 
 spies  were  sent  to  explore  the  countiy.  Against 
 his  advice  took  place  the  fii'st  disastrous  battle  at 
 Hormah.  To  his  guidance  is  ascribed  the  circuit- 
 ous route  by  which  the  nation  approached  Palestine 
 from  the  East,  and  to  his  generalship  the  two 
 successful  camj)aigns  in  which  .SinON  and  Og  were 
 defeated.  The  narrative  is  told  so  shortly,  that  we 
 are  in  danger  of  forgetting  that  at  this  last  stage  ot 
 his  life  Moses  must  have  been  as  much  a  conqueror 
 and  victorious  soldier  as  Joshua.  (6.)  His  cha- 
 racter as  a  Prophet  is,  fiom  the  nature  of  the  case, 
 more  distinctly  brought  out.  He  is  the  first  as  he 
 is  the  greatest  example  of  a  Prophet  in  the  O,  T. 
 In  a  certain  sense,  he  appeal's  as  the  centre  of  a 
 prophetic  circle,  now  for  the  first  time  named.  His 
 brother  and  si.ster  were  both  endowed  with  pro- 
 phetic gifts.  The  seventy  elders,  and  Eldad  and 
 Medad  also,  all  "prophesied"  (Num.  xi.  25-27). 
 But  Moses  rose  high  above  all  these.  With  him 
 the  Divine  revelations  were  made,  "  mouth  to 
 mouth,  even  apparently,  and  not  in  dark  speeches, 
 and  the  similitude  of  Jehovah  shall  he  behold" 
 (Num.  xii.  8).  Of  the  especial  modes  of  this  more 
 direct  communication,  four  great  exam.ples  are  given, 
 corresponding  to  four  critical  epochs  in  his  historical 
 career.  (1.)  The  appearance  of  the  Divine  presence 
 in  the  flaming  acacia-tree  has  been  already  noticed. 
 No  form  is  described.  "  The  Angel,"  or  "  Jlessen- 
 ger,"  is  spoken  of  as  being  "  in  the  flame  "  (Ex.  iii. 
 2-G).  (2.)  In  the  giving  of  the  Law  from  Mount 
 Sinai,  the  outward  form  of  the  revelation  was  a 
 thick  darkness  as  of  a  thunder-cloud,  out  of  which 
 proceeded  a  voice  (Ex.  xix.  19,  xx.  21).  The  re- 
 velation on  this  occasion  was  especially  of  the  Nam-i 
 
582 
 
 MOSES 
 
 of  Jehovah.  On  two  oicasioiis  be  is  Jescribed  aa 
 liaving  peiu-trated  within  the  darkness,  and  re- 
 mained there,  sut-cessiveiy,  for  two  periods  of  forty 
 days,  of  which  the  second  was  spent  in  absolute 
 seclusion  and  fasting  (Ex.  xxiv.  18,  xxxiv.  28). 
 (3.)  It_was  nearly  at  the  close  of  those  communi- 
 cations in  the  mountains  of  Sinai  that  an  especial 
 revelation  was  made  to  him  personally.  In  the 
 desjiondency  produced  by  the  aposUisy  of  the  molten 
 calf,  he  besought  .Jehovah  to  show  him  "  His 
 glory."  The  wish  was  thoroughlv  Egyptian. 
 But  the  Divine  answer  is  thoroughly  Biblical.  It 
 annotuiced  that  an  actual  vision  of  God  was  im- 
 possible. "  Thou  canst  not  see  my  face  ;  for  there 
 shall  no  man  see  my  face  and  live."  He  was 
 commanded  to  hew  two  blocks  of  stone,  like 
 those  which  he  had  destroyed.  He  was  to  come 
 absolutely  alone.  He  took  his  place  on  a  well- 
 KiicTvn  or  prominent  rock  ("the  rock")  (xx.\iii. 
 lil).  The  cloud  ])assed  by  (xxxiv.  5,  xxxiii.  22j. 
 A  voice  pioclaimed  the  two  immut;ible  attributes 
 of  (lod,  Justice  and  Love — in  words  which  became 
 liart  of  the  religious  creed  of  Israel  and  of  the  world 
 (xxxiv.  6,  7).  (4.)  The  fourth  mode  of  Divine 
 manifestation  was  that  which  is  described  as  com- 
 mencing at  this  juncture,  and  which  continued  with 
 more  or  less  continuity  through  the  rest  of  his 
 career.  Immediately  after  the  catastrophe  of  the 
 woi-ship  of  the  calf,  and  appaiently  in  consequence 
 of  it,  Moses  removed  the  chief  tent  outside  the 
 camj),  and  invested  it  with  a  sacred  character  under 
 the  name  of  "  the  Tent  or  Tabernacle  of  the  Con- 
 gregation "  (xxxiii.  7),  This  tent  became  hence- 
 forth the  chief  scene  of  his  communications  with 
 (lod.  It  was  during  these  communications  that  a 
 peculiarity  is  mentioned  which  apparently  had  not 
 iwcn  seen  before.  It  was  on  his  final  descent  from 
 iMount  .Sinai,  after  his  second  long  seclusion,  that  a 
 splendour  shone  on  his  face,  as  if  from  the  glory  of 
 the  Divine  Presence.  Theie  is  another  form  of  the 
 prophetic  gift,  in  which  Moses  more  nearly  le- 
 sembles  the  later  pro])hets.  It  is  clear  that  the 
 prophetiad  office,  as  represented  in  the  history  of 
 Moses,  included  the  poetical  form  of  composition 
 which  characterizes  the  Jewish  prophecy  geneially. 
 These  poetical  utterances,  whetiier  connected  with 
 Jloses  by  ascription  or  by  actual  authoiship,  enter 
 so  largely  into  the  full  Biblical  conception  of  his 
 character,  that  they  must  be  here  mentioned. 
 1.  "The  song  which  Moses  and  the  children  of 
 Israel  sung"  (after  the  passage  of  the  Red  .Sea, 
 Ex.  XV.  1-19).  2.  A  fragment  of  a  war-song 
 against  Amalek  (Ex.  xvii.  16).  3.  A  fragment  of 
 a  lyrical  burst  of  indignation  (Ex.  xxxii.  18;.  4. 
 I'rolmbly,  either  from  him  or  his  immediate  pro- 
 p'letic  followers,  the  fragments  of  war-songs  in 
 Num.  xxi.  14,  15,  27-30,  preserved  in  the  "  book 
 of  the  wars  of  Jehovah,"  Num.  xxi.  14;  and  the 
 address  to  the  well,  xxi.  16,  17,  18.  5.  The  song 
 of  Moses  (Deut.  xxxii.  l-4,'5),  setting  forth  the 
 greatness  and  the  failings  of  Israel.  6.  The  bless- 
 ing of  Mo.s&s  on  the  tribes  (Deut.  xxxiii.  1-29). 
 7.  The  9Ulh  Psalm,  "  A  prayer  of  Moses,  the  man 
 of  Cod."  The  title,  like  all  tlie  titles  of  the  Psjilms, 
 is  of  doubtful  authority,  and  the  Psalm  has  often 
 been  lefeired  to  a  later  author.  How  far  the 
 gr.idual  devel()]»mcnt  of  these  revelations  or  pro- 
 phetic utterances  had  any  connexion  with  his  own 
 character  and  history,  the  materials  are  not  such  as 
 to  justify  any  diiisive  judgment.  His  Egyjitian 
 ^lllc;lti<)^  must,  on  the  one  hand,  liave  supplied  him 
 with  niii(h  of  Mir  riiii:il   o(    the  hriiehte  woi.sliip. 
 
 MOSES 
 
 The  coincidences  between  the  ari-angements  of  the 
 priesthood,  the  dress,  the  s;icrif)ces,  the  ark,  in  the 
 two  countries,  are  decisive.  On  the  other  hand, 
 the  proclamation  of  the  Unity  of  God,  implies 
 distinct  ant.ngonism,  almost  a  conscious  recoil 
 against  the  Egyptian  system.  And  the  absence  ol 
 the  doctrine  of  a  future  state  proves  at  least  a 
 remarkable  independence  of  the  Egyptian  theologv, 
 in  which  that  great  doctrine  held  so  prominent  a 
 place.  The  prophetic  office  of  Moses  can  only  be 
 fully  considered  in  connexion  with  his  whole 
 character  and  appearance  (Hos.  xii.  13).  He  was 
 in  a  sense  peculiar  to  himself  the  founder  and  le- 
 present;\tive  of  his  people.  And,  in  accordanc? 
 with  this  complete  identification  of  himself  with  his 
 nation,  is  the  only  strong  personal  trait  which  we 
 are  able  to  gather  from  his  history  (Num.  xii.  3). 
 The  word  "  meek  "  is  haidly  an  adequate  reading 
 of  the  Hebrew  term,  which  should  be  rather  "much 
 enduring."  It  represents  what  we  should  now 
 designate  by  the  word  "disinterested."  All  that 
 is  told  of  him  indicates  a  withdrawal  of  himself,  a 
 preference  of  the  cause  of  his  nation  to  his  own 
 interests,  which  makes  him  the  most  complete 
 example  of  Jewish  patriotism.  In  exact  conformity 
 with  his  life  is  the  account  of  his  end.  The  Book 
 of  Deuteronomy  describes,  and  is,  the  long  last 
 farewell  of  the  pro])liet  to  his  people.  It  takes 
 place  on  the  first  day  of  the  eleventh  month  of  the 
 fortieth  year  of  the  wanderings,  in  the  plains  of 
 Moab  (Deut.  i.  3,  5).  He  is  described  as  120 
 years  of  age,  but  with  his  sight  and  his  freshness 
 of  strength  unabated  (Deut.  xxxiv,  7).  The  ad- 
 dress from  ch.  i,  to  ch.  xxx.  contains  the  recapitula- 
 tion of  the  Law.  Joshua  is  then  appointed  his 
 successor.  The  Law  is  written  out,  and  ordered 
 to  be  deposited  in  the  Ark  (ch.  xxxi.).  The  song 
 and  the  blessing  of  the  tribes  conclude  the  farewell 
 (ch.  xxxii.  xxxiii.).  And  then  comes  the  mysterious 
 close.  As  if  to  carry  out  to  the  last  the  idea  that 
 the  jirophet  was  to  live  not  for  himself,  but  for  his 
 people,  he  is  told  that  he  is  to  see  the  good  land 
 beyond  the  Jordan,  but  not  to  possess  it  himself'. 
 The  sin  for  which  this  penalty  was  imposed  on  the 
 prophet  is  difficult  to  ascertun  clearly.  He  ascends 
 a  mountain  in  the  range  which  rises  above  the 
 Jordan  valley.  The  mountain  tract  was  known  by 
 the  general  name  of  THE  nscjAii.  Its  summits 
 ajiparently  were  dedicated  to  different  divinities 
 (Num.  xxiii.  14).  On  one  of  these,  consecrateil  to 
 Nebo,  Moses  took  his  stand,  and  surveyetl  the  four 
 great  m;isses  of  Palestine  west  of  the  Jordan — so 
 far  as  it  could  be  discerned  from  that  height.  The 
 view  has  passed  into  a  pioverb  for  all  nations. 
 "  So  Moses  the  servant  of  Jehovah  died  there  in 
 the  land  of  Moal),  according  to  the  word  of  Jehovah, 
 and  He  buried  him  in  a  'ravine'  in  the  land  of 
 Moab, '  belbre  '  Beth-peor — but  no  man  knoweth  of 
 his  sepulchre  unto  this  day  .  .  .  And  the  childreu 
 of  Isiael  wept  tor  Moses  in  the  plains  of  Moab  thirty 
 days"  (Deut.  xxxiv.  5-8).  This  is  all  that  is  saift 
 in  the  sacied  recoixl.  Jewish,  Aiabian,  and  Chris- 
 tian traditions  have  laboured  to  fill  up  the  detail. 
 His  grave,  though  studiously  concealed  in  the 
 sacietl  narrative,  is  shown  by  the  Mussulmans  on 
 the  ucst  (and  therefore  the  wriiiig)  side  of  the  Jordan, 
 between  the  Dead  .S.'a  :ind  St.  Saba.  In  the  0.  T. 
 the  name  of  Moses  docs  not  occur  so  frequently, 
 after  the  close  of  the  Pentateuch,  as  might  be 
 exjiectcd.  In  the  Psalms  and  the  Prophets,  how- 
 ex  er,  he  is  fiei|iicntly  named  as  the  thief  of  the 
 piophcUs.      In  the  N.  T.  he  is  referred  to  jiarlly  nf 
 
MOSOLLAM 
 
 \h<^  lepiesentafive  of  the  Law — as  in  the  numerous 
 passages  cited  above — and  in  the  vision  of  the 
 'rraiisriguration,  where  he  appears  side  by  side  with 
 Klijah.  As  the  author  of  the  Law  he  is  contrasted 
 with  Christ,  the  Author  of  the  Gospel :  "  The  hiw 
 was  given  by  Moses"  (John  i.  17).  The  ambi- 
 guity and  trtinsitory  nature  of  liis  glory  is  set 
 against  the  permanence  and  clearness  of  Christianity 
 (2  Cor.  iii.  13-18),  and  liis  mediatorial  character 
 against  the  unbroken  communication  of  God  in 
 (;hrist  (Gal.  iii.  19).  His  "service"  of  God  is 
 contrasted  with  Christ's  sonship  (Heb.  iii.  5,  6). 
 But  he  is  also  spoken  of  as  a  likeness  of  Christ ; 
 and,  as  this  is  a  point  of  view  which  has  been 
 almost  lost  in  the  Church,  compared  with  the  more 
 familiar  comparisons  of  ('hrist  to  Adam,  David, 
 Joshua,  and  yet  has  as  firm  a  basis  in  fact  as  any 
 of  them,  it  may  be  well  to  draw  it  out  in  detail. 
 1.  Moses  is,  as  it  would  seem,  the  only  character  of 
 the  0.  T.  to  whom  Christ  expressly  likens  Himself, 
 — "Moses  wrote  of  me"  (John  v.  46).  It  sug- 
 gests three  main  points  of  likeness: — (<«.)  Christ 
 was,  like  Moses,  the  great  Prophet  of  the  people — 
 the  last,  as  Moses  was  the  first.  (6.)  Christ,  like 
 Moses,  is  a  Lawgiver :  "  Him  shall  ye  hear," 
 (c.)  Christ,  like  Moses,  was  a  Prophet  out  of  the 
 midst  of  the  nation — "  fiom  their  brethren."  As 
 Moses  wa.s  the  entire  representative  of  his  people, 
 feeling  tor  them  more  than  for  himself,  absoibed 
 in  their  interests,  hopes,  and  fears,  so,  with  re- 
 verence be  it  said,  was  Christ.  2.  In  Heb.  iii. 
 1-19,  xii.  24-29,  Acts  vii.  '67,  Christ  is  described, 
 though  more  obscurely,  as  the  Moses  of  the  new 
 disjjeusation — as  the  Apostle,  or  Messenger,  or 
 Itlediator,  of  God  to  the  people — as  the  Controller 
 and  Leader  of  the  flock  or  household  of  God.  3. 
 The  details  of  their  lives  are  sometimes,  though 
 not  often,  compared  (Acts  vii.  24-28,  35).  In 
 Jude  9  is  an  allusion  to  an  altercation  between 
 Michael  and  Satan  over  the  body  of  Moses.  It 
 ])robably  refers  to  a  lost  apocryphal  book,  men- 
 tioned by  Origen,  called  the  '  Ascension,  or  As- 
 sumption, of  Moses.' 
 
 Mosonani  =  MESHULLAM  11  (1  Esdr.  ix.  14; 
 conip.  Kzr.  X.  lb). 
 
 Mosoriamon=  JIkshullam  10  (1  Esdr.  viii. 
 44:  cdinp.  Ezr.  viii.  16). 
 
 Moth  (Heb.  'ash),  P>y  the  Hebrew  word  we 
 are  certainly  to  understand  some  species  of  clothes- 
 moth  {tinea).  Keference  to  the  destructive  habits 
 of  the  clothes-moth  is  miide  in  Job  iv.  19,  xiii.  28  ; 
 I's.  xxxix.  11,  &c.  In  Job  xxvii.  18,  "  He  buildeth 
 his  house  as  a  moth,"  it  is  clear  that  allusion  is 
 made  either  to  the  well-known  case  of  the  Tinea 
 pellionella,  or  some  allied  species,  or  else  to  the 
 leaf-building  larvae  of  some  other  member  of  the 
 I.epiduptera.  The  clothes-moths  belong  to  the 
 group  Tineina,  order  Lepidoptera. 
 
 Mother.  The  superiority  of  the  Hebrew  over 
 all  contemporaneous  systems  of  legislation  and  of 
 morals  is  strongly  shown  in  the  higher  estimation 
 of  the  mother  in  the  Jewish  family,  as  contrasted 
 with  modern  Oriental,  as  weU  as  ancient  Oriental 
 and  classical  usage.  The  king's  mother,  as  appeals 
 in  the  case  of  Bathsheba,  was  treated  with  especial 
 honour  (1  K.  ii.  19  ;  Ex.  xx.  12  ;  Lev.  xix.  3  ; 
 Deut.  V.  16,  xxi.  18,  21  ;  Piw.  x.  1,  xv.  20,  xvii. 
 25,  xxix.  15,  xxxi.  1,  30). 
 
 Mount,  Mountain.  In  the  0.  T.  our  trans - 
 liitdis  have  em)>luyed  this  word  to  represent  the 
 following  terms  only  of  the  original ;  (1)  the  Heb. 
 
 MOURNING 
 
 583 
 
 har,  with  its  derivative  or  kindred  harar  or  herer; 
 and  (2)  the  Chaldee  h'lr:  this  last  occurs  only  lu 
 Dan.  ii.  35,  45.  In  the  New  Testament  it  is  con- 
 fined almost  exclusively  to  representing  opos.  The 
 Hebrew  word  har,  like  the  English  "  mountain," 
 is  employed  both  for  single  eminences  more  or  less 
 isolated,  such  as  Siiiai,  Gerizira,  Ebal,  Zion,  and 
 Olivet,  and  for  ranges,  such  as  Lebanon.  It  is  also 
 applied  to  a  mountainous  country  or  district.  The 
 various  eminences  or  mountain-districts  to  which 
 the  word  har  is  applied  in  the  0.  T.  are  as  follow  : 
 Abarim  ;  Amana  ;  of  the  Amalekites  ;  of 
 THE  Amorites  ;  Ararat  ;  Baalah  ;  Baal- 
 Hermox  ;  Bashan ;  Bethel ;  Bether ;  Car- 
 mel;  Ebal;  Epuraim  ;  Ephron;  Esau;  Gaash; 
 GicRiziM;  Gilboa  ;  (iiLEAD;  Halak;  Heres  ; 
 Hermon  ;  Hor  (2)  ;  Horeb  ;  of  Israel;  Je-  • 
 arim;  Jldah;  Olivet,  or  of  Olives  ;  Mizar; 
 Moriah;  Naphtali;  Nebo;  Paran;  Perazim  ; 
 Samaria;  Seir;  Sephar;  Sinai;  Siox,  Sirion, 
 or  Shenir  (all  names  for  Hermon;;  Shapher; 
 Tabor  ;  Zaljion  ;  Zemaraim  ;  Zion.  The 
 Mount  of  the  Valley  was  a  district  on  the  east 
 of  Jordan,  within  the  territory  allotted  to  Reuben 
 (.losh.  xiii.  19),  containing  a  number  of  towns. 
 The  frequent  occurrence  throughout  the  Scriptures 
 of  personifi«Uiun  of  the  natural  features  of  the 
 country  is  very  remarkable.  The  following  are,  it 
 is  believed,  all  the  words  used  with  this  object  in 
 relation  to  mount;iins  or  hills: — 1.  Head,  Bosk, 
 Gen.  viii.  5;  Ex.  xix.  20;  Deut.  xxxiv.  1;  IK. 
 xviii.  42  ;  (A.  V.  "top").  2.  Ears,  Aznoth. 
 Aznoth-Tabor,  Josh.  xix.  34:  possibly  in  allusion 
 to  some  projection  on  the  top  of  the  mountain. 
 3.  Shoulder,  Catheph.  Deut.  xxxiii.  12  ;  Josh. 
 XV.  8,  and  xviii.  16  ("side").  4.  Side,  Tsad. 
 Used  in  leference  to  a  mountain  in  1  Sam.  xxiii. 
 26 ;  2  Sam.  xiii.  34.  5.  Loins  or  Flanks, 
 Cisloth.  Chisloth-Tabor,  Josh.  xix.  12.  It  occurs 
 also  in  the  name  of  a  village,  probably  situated  on 
 this  part  of  the  mountain,  Ila-Cesulloth,  i.  e.  the 
 "loins"  (Josh.  xix.  18j.  6.  HiB,  Tseld.  Only 
 used  once,  in  speaking  of  the  Mount  of  Olives, 
 2    Sam.    xvi.    13,    and    there    translated    "side." 
 
 7.  Back,  Shecem.  Possibly  the  root  of  the  name 
 of  the  town  Shechem,  which  may  be  derived  from 
 its  situation,  as  it  were  on  the  back  of  Geiizim. 
 
 8.  Thigh,  Jarcak.  Applied  to  Mount  Ephraim, 
 Judg.  xix.  1,  18;  and  to  Lebanon,  2  K.  xix.  23; 
 Is.  xxxvii.  24.  Used  also  for  the  "sides"  of  a 
 cave,  1  Sam.  xxiv.  3.  9.  The  word  translated 
 "  covert"  in  1  Sam.x.w.  20  is  Sether,  from  sdthar 
 "  to  hide,"  and  probably  refers  to  the  shrubbery  or 
 thicket  through  which  Abigail's  path  lay.  In  this 
 passage  •'  hill  "  should  be  "  mountain."  The 
 Chaldee  tur  is  the  name  still  given  to  the  Mount 
 of  Olives,  the  Jchel  et-Tur. 
 
 Mount  (Is.  xxi>:.  3;  Jer.  vi.  6,  &c.).  [Siege.] 
 Mountain  of  the  Amorites,  specifically  men- 
 tioned Deut.  i.  19,  2U  (comp.  44;.  It  seems  to  be 
 the  range  which  rises  abruptly  from  the  plateau  jf 
 ct-Tih,  running  from  a  little  S.  of  W.  to  the  N.  of 
 E.,  and  of  which  the  extremities  are  the  Jehel  Araif 
 cn-Nakah  westwaid,  and  Jehel  el-Mukrah  east- 
 ward, and  from  which  line  the  country  continues 
 mountainous  all  the  way  to  Hebron. 
 
 Mourning.  The  uumerous  list  of  words  em- 
 ployed in  Scripture  to  express  the  various  actious 
 which  ars  characteristic  of  mourning,  shows  in  a 
 great  degree  the  nature  of  the  Jewish  customs  in 
 this  respect.     They  appear  to  have  consisted  chiefly 
 
584 
 
 MOURNING 
 
 ill  the  following  p:\i-ticiilais: — 1.  Bfating  the  breast 
 or  other  parts  of  the  boily.  2.  Weppiiig  and  scrcani- 
 inL;  ill  an  exces>iive  ilo.jroe.  3.  Woaiing  sad-coliiuie<l 
 garments.  4.  Songs  of  lamentation.  5.  Kiineial 
 feasts.  G.  Employment  of  pei-sons,  especiallv  women, 
 to  lament.  (1,)  One  marked  feature  of  Oriental 
 mourning  is  what  may  be  called  its  studied  pub- 
 -icity,  and  the  careful  observance  of  the  prescribed 
 ceremonies  ((ien.  xxiii.  2  ;  Job  j.  20,  ii.  8  ;  Is.  xv. 
 .'?,  &r, ).  (2.)  Among  the  particular  forms  observed 
 the  following  may  be  mentioned  : — a.  Fiending 
 the  clothes  ((Jen.  .\xxvii.  29,  34,  xliv.  13,  &c.). 
 6.  Dressing  in  sackcloth  (Gen.  xxxvii.  34;  2  Sam. 
 iii.  31,  xxi.  10,  &c.).  c.  Ashes,  dust,  or  earth 
 .sprinkled  on  the  person  (2  Sam.  xiii.  19,  xv.  32, 
 &c.).  d.  Black  or  sad-coloured  garments  (2  Sam. 
 xiv.  2  ;  Jer.  viii.  21,  &o.).  e.  Removal  of  orna- 
 ments or  neglect  of  pei-son  (Dent.  xxi.  12,  13,  &c.). 
 /.  Shaving  the  head,  plucking  out  the  hair  of  the 
 he;id  or  beard  (Lev.  x.  6  ;  2  Sam.  xix.  24,  &c.). 
 g.  Laying  bare  some  i)art  of  the  body  (Is.  xx.  2, 
 xlvii.  2,  &c.).  /(.  Fa-sting  or  abstinence  in  meat 
 and  drink  (2  Sam.  i.  ]2,1ii.  35,  xii.  16,  22,  &c.). 
 1.  In  the  same  direction  may  be  mentioned  dimin- 
 ution in  olierings  to  Cod,  and  piohibition  to  par- 
 take in  s;icrificial  food  (Lev.  vii.  20;  I)eut.  xxvi. 
 14).  /.'.  Covering  the  "  upper  lip,"  »'.  e.  the  lower 
 part  of  the  face,  and  sometimes  the  head,  in  token 
 of  silence  (Lev.  xiii.  45;  2  Sam.  xv.  30,  xi\.  4). 
 /.  Cutting  the  liesh  (Jei-.  xvi.  6,  7,  xii.  5).  Beat- 
 ing the  body  (Kz.  xxi.  12;  Jer.  xx.\i.  19).  m.  Em- 
 I'loyment  of  peisons  hired  for  the  ]>urpose  of 
 mourning  (Eccl.  xii.  5;  Jer.  i.x.  17;  Am.  v.  16; 
 Matt.  ix.  23).  n.  Akin  to  this  usage  the  custom 
 tor  friends  or  passers-by  to  join  in  the  lamentations 
 of  bereaved  or  afflicted  jiersoiis  (Gen.  1.  3;  Judg. 
 xi.  4U;  Job  ii.  11,  xxx.  25,  &c.).  o.  The  sitting 
 or  lying  posture  in  silence  indicative  of  grief  (Gen. 
 xxiii.  3 ;  Judg.  xx.  26,  &c.).  p.  Mourning  fea.st 
 and  cup  of  consolation  (Jer.  xvi.  7,  8).  The  period 
 of  mourning  varied.  In  the  case  of  .Jacob  it  was 
 seventy  days  ((ien.  I.  ,".)  ;  of  Aaron  (Num.  xx.  29), 
 and  Moses  (Ueut.  xxxiv.  8),  thirty.  A  further 
 period  of  seven  days  in  .Lncob's  case.  Gen.  1.  10. 
 Seven  days  for  Saul,  which  may  have  been  an 
 abridged  period  in  time  of  national  danger,  1  Sam. 
 .vxxi.  13.  (3.)  Similar  practices  are  noticed  in  the 
 Apocryiihal  books.  (4.)  In  Jewish  writings  not 
 Scriptmal,  these  notices  are  in  the  main  conlirmed, 
 and  in  some  cases  enlai-ged.  (5.)  In  the  last  ])lace 
 we  may  mention — n.  the  idolatrous  "  mourning 
 for  Tammu/;,"  Ez.  viii.  14,  as  indicating  identity 
 of  jiractice  in  ceit-iin  cases  among  Jews  and 
 heathens;  and  the  custom  in  later  days  of  olierings 
 of  food  at  graves.  Eclus.  xxx.  18.  h.  The  pro- 
 liibition,  bf>th  to  the  high-priest  and  to  Nazariles, 
 against  going  into  mourning  even  for  a  fiither 
 or  mother,  Lev.  xxi.  lo,  11  ;  Num.  vi.  7.  The 
 infeiior  priests  were  limited  to  the  ca.ses  of  their 
 near  relatives.  Lev.  xxi.  1,  2,  4.  c.  The  food  eaten 
 dining  the  time  of  mourning  was  resjarded  as  im- 
 pure, Dout.  xxvi.  14;  Jer.  xvi.  5.  7;  Ez.  xxiv. 
 17;  Hos.  ix.  4.  (ti.)  When  we  turn  to  heathen 
 writers  we  (ind  similar  usiiges  prevailing  among 
 various  nations  of  antiquity.  (7.)  With  the  prac- 
 tices alK>ve  mentionefl,  (jrientil  and  other  cus- 
 toms, ancient  and  modern,  in  gieat  measure  agree. 
 D'Arvieiix  says,  Arab  men  are  silent  in  grief,  but 
 the  women  scream,  teai-  tlieir  hair,  liandsi  and  face, 
 and  throw  eartli  or  sand  on  their  heads.  The  older 
 women  wear  a  blue  veil  and  an  ol«i  abba  by  way  of 
 
 MOZAH 
 
 mouining  garments.  They  al.so  sing  the  pi3ises  of 
 the  deceased.  Niebuhr  says  both  Mahomet.aus  and 
 Cluistiaiis  in  Egypt  hire  wailing  women,  and  wail 
 at  stated  times.  Burckhaidt  says  the  women  of 
 Atbara  in  Nubia  shave  their  heails  on  the  death  of 
 their  nearest  relatives — a  custom  prevalent  also 
 among  several  of  the  peasant  tiibes  of  L'pfier  Egypt. 
 He  also  mentions  wailing  women,  and  a  man  in 
 distress  besmearing  his  lace  with  dirt  and  dust  in 
 token  of  grief.  In  tlie  Arabian  Nights  are  fiecjuent 
 allusions  to  similar  practices.  They  also  mention 
 ten  days  and  forty  days  as  periods  of  mourning. 
 Lane,  sjjeaking  of  the  modern  Egyptians,  says, 
 "  After  death  the  women  of  the  family  raise  cries 
 of  lamentation  called  welwel<5h  or  wilwiil,  uttering 
 the  most  piercing  shrieks,  and  calling  upon  the 
 name  of  tiie  deceased,  '  0,  my  master !  0,  my 
 resource!  0,  my  misfortune!  O,  my  glory!'  (see 
 Jer.  xxii.  18j.  The  females  of  the  neighbourhood 
 come  to  join  with  them  in  this  conclamation  :  gene- 
 i-ally,  also,  the  family  send  (or  two  or  more  neddd- 
 belis,o\-  public  wailing  women.  Each  brings  a  tam- 
 bourine, and  beating  them  they  exclaim,  '  Ala.s  lor 
 him  !'  Tlie  female  relatives,  domestics,  and  fiiejids, 
 with  their  hair  dishevelled,  and  sometimes  with 
 rent  clothes,  beating  their  faces,  cry  in  like  manner, 
 'Alas  for  him!'  These  make  no  alteration  in 
 dress,  but  women,  in  some  ctses,  dye  their  shirt.s, 
 head-veils,  and  handkerchiefs  of  a  dark-blue  colour. 
 They  visit  tlie  tombs  at  stated  j^riods"  (J/o(/.  E(j. 
 iii.  152,  171,  195). 
 
 Mouse  (Heb.  'acbtir)  occurs  in  Lev.  xi.  29; 
 1  Sam.  vi.  4,  5;  Is.  Ixvi.  17.  The  Hebrew  word 
 is  in  all  probability  generic,  and  is  not  inttMideil  to 
 denote  any  particular  species  of  mouse.  The  oii- 
 ginal  word  denotes  a  lield-ravager,  .ind  may  there- 
 fore (•om])rehend  any  destructive  rodent.  It  is  ]>ro- 
 bailie,  however,  that  in  1  Sam.  vi.  5,  "  the  mii* 
 that  mar  the  land "  may  include  and  more  parti- 
 cularly refer  to  the  short-tailed  Held-mice  (Aiticola 
 ai/rcstis,  Flem.),  which  Dr.  Kitto  says  cause  great 
 destruction  to  the  corn-lands  of  Syria. 
 
 Mowing.  As  the  great  lieat  of  the  climate  in 
 I'alistine  and  other  similarly  situated  countries 
 soon  dries  up  the  herbage  itself,  hay-making  in  our 
 .sense  of  the  term  is  not  in  use.  The  term  "  hay," 
 theietbre,  in  P.  B.  version  of  Ps.  cvi.  20,  is  in- 
 correct. .So  aKo  I'rov.  xxvii.  25,  and  Is.  xv.  6. 
 The  "king's  mowings"  (Am.  vii.  1),  i.  <?.  mown 
 grass  I  Ps.  Ixxii.  6  !,  may  peihai)s  refer  to  some  royal 
 right  of  early  ])astiiiage  for  the  use  of  the  cavalry. 
 
 Moza.  1.  Son  of  Caleb  the  son  of  Hezron  (I  Chr. 
 ii.  4()j.  2.  Son  of  Zimri,  and  descendiuit  of  Saul 
 (1  Chr.  viii.  36,  37,  ix.  42,  43). 
 
 Mo'zah,  one  of  the  cities  in  the  allotment  •of 
 ReiiJ:iniiii  (Josh,  xviii.  26  only),  n.iineil  between 
 hac-Cepliir.ih  and  Kekem.  No  trace  of  any  name 
 resembling  Mozah  has  hitherto  been  discovereil. 
 Inteipieting  the  name  according  to  its  Hebrew  di- 
 rivatioii,  it  may  signify  "  the  spring-head  " — the 
 place  at  which  the  water  of  a  spring  gushes  out. 
 A  place  of  this  name  is  mentioned  in  the  Mislina 
 as  follows: — "There  w;is  a  place  below  Jerusdem 
 named  Motsa  ;  thither  they  descended  and  gathereil 
 willow-branches,"  i.  e.  for  the  "  Feast  of  Taliei- 
 naclcs  "  so  called.  To  this  the  Gemara  adds,  "  the 
 place  was  a  Colonia,  that  is,  exempt  from  the  king's 
 tribute."  Schwarz  (127)  would  identify  Mozah 
 with  Ihe  present  Kulonich,  a  village  about  4  miles 
 west  of  Jerusalem  on  the  .lalla  road,  at  the  entrance 
 oflhcgir.it  Wady  /A'l'i  Ihininuh. 
 
MULBERRY-TREES 
 
 Mulberry-trees  (Heb.  becdim)  occurs  only  in 
 2  Sam.  V.  23  and  24,  and  1  Chr.  xiv.  14.  We  are 
 quite  unable  to  determine  what  kind  of  tree  is  de- 
 noted by  the  Hebrew  bdcd.  The  Jewish  Kabbis, 
 with  several  modern  versions,  understand  the  mul- 
 berry-tree ;  others  retain  the  Hebrew  word.  Celsius 
 {Hieroh,  i.  335)  bel:eves  the  Hebrew  baca  is  iden- 
 tical with  a  tree  of  similar  name  mentioned  in  a 
 MS.  work  of  tire  Arabic  botanical  writei'  Abu'l 
 Fadli,  namely,  some  species  of  A/nyris  or  llaisamo- 
 dendrun.  Dr.  Royle  refers  the  Hebrew  bdcu  to  the 
 Arabic  Shajrat-al-bak,  "  the  gnat-tree,"  which  he 
 identities  with  some  species  of  poplar,  itesenniiiller 
 follows  the  1,XX.  of  1  Chr.  xiv.  14,  and  believes 
 "  pear-trees  "  are  signified.  As  to  the  claim  of  the 
 mulberry-t'ree  to  represent  the  becdim  of  Scripture, 
 it  is  difficult  to  see  any  foundation  for  such  an  in- 
 terpretation. As  to  the  tree  of  which  Abu'l  Fadli 
 speaks,  and  which  Sprengel  identifies  with  Ami/ris 
 gilcadensis,  Lin.,  it  is  impossible  that  it  can  denote 
 the  bdcd  of  the  Hebiew  Bible  ;  for  the  Ainyridaceae 
 are  tropical  shrubs,  and  never  could  have  grown  in 
 the  valley  of  Kephaim.  The  explanation  given  by 
 Royle,  that  some  poplar  is  signified,  is  untenable; 
 for  the  Hebrew  bdcd  and  the  Arabic  baka  are 
 clearly  distinct  both  in  form  and  signification,  as 
 is  evident  from  the  diflerence  of  the  second  radical 
 letter  in  each  word.  Though  there  is  no  evidence 
 to  show  that  the  mulbcny-tree  occurs  in  the  He- 
 brew Bible,  yet  the  tiuit  of  this  tree  is  mentioned 
 in  1  Mace.  vi.  34. 
 
 Mole,  the  representative  in  the  A.  V.  of  the  fol- 
 lowing Hebiew  words: — 1.  Fered,  Pirddli,  the 
 common  and  feminine  Hebrew  nouns  to  express  the 
 "  mule  ;"  the  first  of  which  occurs  in  numerous 
 passages  of  the  Bible,  the  latter  only  in  1  K.  i.  33, 
 38,  44.  It  is  an  interesting  fact  that  we  do  not 
 read  of  mules  till  the  time  of  David,  just  at  the 
 time  when  the  Israelites  were  becoming  well  ac- 
 quainted with  horses.  After  this  time  horses  and 
 mules  are  in  Scripture  often  mentioned  together. 
 Michaelis  conjectures  that  the  Israelites  first  be- 
 came acquainted  with  mules  in  the  war  which 
 David  carried  on  with  the  king  of  Nisibis  (Zobah) 
 (2  Sam.  viii.  3,  4),  la  Solomon's  time  it  is  pos- 
 sible that  mules  from  Egypt  occasionally  accom- 
 panied the  horses  which  we  know  the  king  of 
 Israel  obtained  from  that  country  ;  for  though  the 
 mule  is  not  of  frequent  occurrence  in  the  monu- 
 ments of  E2;ypt,  yet  it  is  not  easy  to  believe  that 
 the  Egyptians  were  not  well  acquainted  with  this 
 animal.  It  would  appear  that  kings  and  great 
 men  only  rode  on  mules.  We  do  not  read  of  mules 
 at  all  in  the  N.  T.,  perhaps  therefore  they  had 
 ceased  to  be  imported.  2.  Recesh  [Dromedary.] 
 3.  Yemiin  is  found  only  in  Gen.  xxxvi.  24,  where 
 the  A.  V.  has  "mules"  as  the  rendering  of  the 
 word.  The  passage  where  the  Hebrew  name  occurs 
 is  one  concerning  which  various  explanations  have 
 been  attempted.  Whatever  may  be  the  proper 
 translation  of  the  passage,  it  is  quite  certain  that 
 the  A.  V.  is  incorrect  in  its  rendering: — "  This  was 
 that  Anah  th.at  found  the  mules  in  the  wilderness 
 as  he  fed  the  asses  of  Zibeon  his  father."  The  most 
 probable  explanation  is  that  which  inteipiets  ?/mm 
 to  mean  "  warm  springs,"  as  the  V^ulg.  has  it. 
 
 Mup'pim,  a  Beujamite,  and  one  of  the  fourteen 
 descendants  of  Rachel  who  belonged  to  the  original 
 colony  of  the  sons  of  Jacob  in  Egypt  (Gen.  xlvi. 
 21).  In  Num.  xxvi.  39  the  name  is  written 
 Shupham.     In  1  Chr.  vii.  12,  15,  it  is  Shuppim 
 
 MUSIC 
 
 685 
 
 (the  same  as  xxvi.  16),  and  viii.  5  Shephuphan. 
 Hence  it  is  probable  that  Muppim  is  a  corruption 
 of  the  text,  and  that  Shupham  is  the  true  form. 
 
 Murder.  The  principle  on  which  the  act  of 
 taking  the  life  of  a  human  being  was  regarded  by 
 the  Almighty  as  a  capital  oHence  is  stated  on  its 
 highest  ground  as  an  outrage  on  the  likeness  of 
 God  in  man,  to  be  punished  even  when  caused  by 
 an  animal  (Gen.  ix.  5,  6;  see  also  John  viii.  44  ; 
 1  John  iii.  12,  15).  Its  secondary  or  social  ground 
 appears  to  be  implied  in  the  direction  to  rejilenish 
 the  earth  which  immediately  follows  (Gen.  ix.  7). 
 The  postdiluvian  command  was  limited  by  the  Law 
 of  ]\loses,  which,  while  it  protected  the  accidental 
 homicide,  defined  with  additional  strictness  the 
 crime  of  murder.  It  proliibited  compensation  or 
 reprieve  of  the  murderer,  or  his  protection  if  he 
 took  refuge  in  the  refuge-city,  or  even  at  the  altar 
 of  Jehovah  (Ex.  xxi.  12,  14;  Lev,  xxiv.  17,  21  ; 
 1  K.  ii.  5,  G,  31).  Bloodshed  even  in  warfare  was 
 held  to  involve  pollution  (Num.  xxxv.  33,  34; 
 Deut.  xxi.  1,  9;  1  Chr.  xxviii.  3).  It  is  not  cer- 
 tain whether  a  master  who  killed  his  slave  was 
 punished  with  death  (Ex.  xxi.  20).  No  punish- 
 ment is  mentioned  for  suicide  attempted,  nor  does 
 any  special  restriction  appear  to  have  attached 
 to  the  property  of  the  suicide  (2  Sam.  xvii.23). 
 Striking  a  pregnant  woman  so  as  to  cause  her  death 
 was  punishable  with  death  (Ex.  xxi.  23).  If  an 
 animal  known  to  be  vicious  caused  the  death  of  any 
 one,  not  only  was  the  animal  destroyed,  but  the 
 owner  also,  if  he  had  t;iken  no  steps  to  restrain  it, 
 was  held  guilty  of  murder  (Kx.  xxi.  29,  31).  The 
 duty  of  executing  punishment  on  the  murderer  is  in 
 the  Law  expressly  laid  on  the  "  revenger  of  blood  ;" 
 but  the  question  of  guilt  was  to  be  previously  de- 
 cided by  the  Levitical  tribunal.  In  regal  times  the 
 duty  of  execution  of  justice  on  a  murderer  seems  to 
 have  been  assumed  to  some  extent  by  the  sover- 
 eign, as  well  as  the  privilege  of  pardon  (2  Sam. 
 xiii.  39,  xiv.  7,  11  ;  IK.  ii.  34).  It  was  lawful 
 to  kill  a  burglar  taken  at  night  in  the  act,  but  un- 
 lawful to  do  so  after  sunrise  (Ex.  xxii.  2,  3). 
 
 Mu'shi,  the  son  of  Meiari  the  son  of  Kohath 
 (Ex.  vi.  19;  Num.  iii.  20;  1  Chr.  vi.  19,  47, 
 xxiii.  21,  23,  xxiv.  26,  30). 
 
 Music.  The  inventor  of  musical  instruments, 
 like  the  first  poet  and  the  first  forger  of  metals, 
 was  a  Caiuite.  According  to  the  narrative  of  Gen. 
 iv.,  Jubal  the  son  of  Lamech  was  "  the  father  of 
 all  such  as  handle  the  harp  and  organ,"  that  is  of 
 all  players  upon  stringed  and  wind  instruments. 
 The  first  mention  of  music  in  the  times  after  the 
 E)eluge  is  in  the  narrative  of  Laban's  interview  with 
 Jacob  (Gen.  xxxi.  27).  So  that,  in  whatever  way 
 it  was  preserved,  the  practice  of  music  existed  in 
 the  upland  country  of  Syria,  and  of  the  three  pos- 
 sible kinds  of  musical  instruments,  two  were  known 
 and  employed  to  accompany  the  song.  The  thr'=e 
 kinds  are  alluded  to  in  Job  xxi.  12.  On  the  banks 
 of  the  Red  Sea  sang  Moses  and  the  children  of 
 Israel  their  triumphal  song  of  deliverance  from  the 
 hobts  of  Egypt ;  and  Miriam,  in  celebration  of 
 the  same  event,  exercised  one  of  her  functions  as  a 
 prophetess  by  leading  a  procession  of  the  women  of 
 the  camp,  chanting  in  chorus  the  burden  to  the 
 song  of  Moses,  "  Sing  ye  to  Jehovah,  for  He  hath 
 triumphed  gloriously;  the  horse  and  his  rider  hath 
 He  thrown  into  the  seii."  The  triumphal  hymn  of 
 Moses  had  unquestionably  a  religious  character  about 
 it,  but  the  employment  of  music  in  religious  service. 
 
586 
 
 MUSIC 
 
 though  idolatrous,  is  more  distinctly  maiked  in  the 
 festivities  which  attciult-d  the  erection  of  the  golden 
 calf.  The  silver  trumpets  made  by  the  metal 
 workers  of  the  tabernacle,  which  were  used  to  direct 
 the  movements  of  the  camp,  point  to  music  of  a 
 very  simple  kind  (Num.  x.  1-10).  The  song  of 
 Deborah  and  Barak  is  cast  in  a  distinctly  metnc;d 
 form,  and  was  probably  intended  to  be  sung  with  a 
 nuisii-al  accomiKUiiment  as  one  of  the  j)eople's  songs. 
 The  simpler  impromptu  with  which  the  women  from 
 the  cities  of  Israel  gieeted  David  after  the  slaughter 
 of  the  Philistine,  w;»s  apparently  struck  off  on  the 
 spin-  of  the  moment,  umler  the  influence  of  the  wild 
 joy  with  which  they  welcomed  their  national  cham- 
 pion, "  the  darling  of  the  songs  of  Isiael  "  (1  Sam. 
 .xviii.  6,  7).  Up  to  this  time  we  meet  with  nothing 
 like  a  systematic  cultivation  of  music  among  the 
 Hebrews,  but  the  establishment  of  the  schools  of  the 
 ])rophets  apjiears  to  have  supplied  this  want.  What- 
 ever the  students  of  these  schools  may  have  been 
 taught,  music  was  an  essential  part  of  their  practice. 
 l')ofessional  musicians  soon  became  attached  to  the 
 court.  David  seems  to  have  gathered  round  him 
 "singing  men  and  singing  women"  (2  Sam.  xi.x. 
 3.o).  Solomon  did  the  same  (Eccl.  ii.  8),  adding  to 
 the  luxury  of  his  court  by  his  patronage  of  art,  and 
 obtaining  a  reputation  himself  ;is  no  mean  composer 
 (1  K.  iv.  32).  But  the  Temple  w;is  the  great 
 school  of  music,  and  it  was  consecrated  to  its  highest 
 service  in  the  worship  of  Jehovah.  Before,  how- 
 ever, the  elaborate  aiTangements  had  been  made  by 
 David  for  the  temple  choir,  there  must  have  been 
 a  considerable  body  of  musicians  throughout  the 
 country  (2  Sam.  vi.  5),  and  in  the  procession  which 
 accompanied  the  ark  from  the  house  of  Obedaloni, 
 the  Levites,  with  Chenaniah  at  their  head,  who  had 
 acquired  skill  from  previous  training,  played  on 
 psalteries,  harjis,  and  cymbals,  to  the  words  of  the 
 l)salm  of  thanksgiving  which  David  liad  composed 
 for  the  occasion  (1  Chr.  xv.  xvi.).  It  is  not  im- 
 probable that  the  Levites  all  along  had  practised 
 music  and  that  some  musical  service  was  part  of 
 the  woi-ship  of  the  tabernacle.  The  position  which 
 they  occupied  among  the  otlier  tribes  naturally 
 favoured  the  cultivation  of  an  art  which  is  essen- 
 tially characteristic  of  a  leisurelj'  and  peaceful  life. 
 The  three  great  divisions  of  the  tribe  had  each  a 
 reprcseuiative  family  in  the  choir.  Asaph  himself 
 aj)pears  to  have  played  on  the  cymbals  (1  Chr. 
 xvi.  5),  and  this  was  the  case  with  the  other  leaders 
 (1  Chr.  XV.  19),  perhaps  to  mark  the  time  more 
 distinctly,  while  the  rest  of  the  band  plaved  on 
 psalteries  and  har])s.  The  singers  were  distinct 
 from  both,  as  is  evident  in  I's,  Ixviii.  2r),  "  the 
 singers  went  before,  the  players  on  instruments  fol- 
 lowed after,  in  the  midst  of  the  damsels  playing 
 with  timbrels."  The  "  players  on  instruments " 
 were  the  perfoimers  upon  stringeil  instruments,  like 
 the  psaltery  and  harp.  The  "  playei's  on  instru- 
 ments" ill  I's.  hxxvii.  7,  were  different  from  these 
 last,  and  were  pio|>erly  pipers  or  performers  on 
 perforated  wind-instruments  (see  1  K.  i.  40). 
 "The  damsels  playing  with  timbrels"  (iximp.  1 
 ("hr.  xiii.  8)  seem  to  indi(r:ite  that  women  took  ]iiirt 
 \n  tlip  temf>le  choir.  The  trum|)et-s,  which  are 
 m'-nlioned  among  the  instruments  j)layed  before  the 
 ark  (1  Chr.  xiii.  8).  np[)«ir  to  have  been  reserved 
 for  the  priest,s  alone  ( I  Chr.  xv.  24,  xvi.  6).  As 
 Ihey  were  also  used  in  royal  proclamations  (2  K. 
 xi.  14),  they  were  probably  intended  to  .set  forth 
 by    way   of  symbol   the  royalty  of  Jehovah,  the 
 
 MUSIC 
 
 theocratic  king  of  his  ]ieo|(le,  ;us  well  as  to  sound 
 the  alaim  against  His  enemies  (2  Chr.  ,\iii.  12). 
 The  altar  was  the  table  ot  .lehovah  (Mai.  i.  7),  ami 
 the  sacrifices  were  His  feasts  ( Kx.  xxiii.  18),  so  the 
 solemn  music  of  the  Levites  corresponded  to  the 
 melody  by  which  the  baiKpiets  of  earthly  monarchs 
 were  accompanied.  The  Temple  was  His  |>alace, 
 and  as  the  Levite  sentries  watched  the  gates  by 
 night  they  chantai  the  songs  of  Zion  ;  one  of  these 
 it  has  been  conjectured  with  probability  is  Ps.  cxxxiv. 
 In  the  private  ;is  well  as  in  the  religious  life  of  the 
 Hebrews  music  held  a  prominent  place.  The  kings 
 had  their  court  musicians  (Keel.  ii.  8)  who  bewailed 
 their  death  (2  Chr.  xxxv.  25),  and  in  the  luxurious 
 times  of  the  later  monarchy  the  effieminate  gallantf 
 of  Israel,  reeking  with  ])erfumes  and  stretched  upon 
 their  couches  of  ivory,  were  wont  at  their  banquets 
 to  accompany  the  song  with  the  tinkling  of  the 
 psaltery  or  guitar  (Am.  vi.  4-6),  and  amused  them- 
 selves with  devising  musical  instrument.s  while 
 their  nation  was  perishing.  But  while  music  was 
 thus  made  to  minister  to  debauchery  and  excess,  it 
 was  the  legitimate  expression  of  niiith  and  gladness, 
 and  the  indication  of  peace  and  prosperity.  It  was 
 only  when  a  curse  was  ujxin  the  land  that  the  pro- 
 phet could  say,  "  the  mirth  of  tablets  ceaseth,  the 
 noise  of  them  that  rejoice  eiideth,  the  joy  ot  the 
 harp  ceaseth,  they  shall  not  drink  wine  with  a 
 song"  (Is.  xxiv.  8,  9).  The  bridal  processioi»s  as 
 they  passed  through  the  streets  were  accompanied 
 with  music  and  song  (Jer.  vii.  34),  and  these 
 ceased  only  when  the  land  was  desolate  ( Kz.  xxvi. 
 l.'l).  'fhe  niusic  of  the  banquets  was  accompanied 
 with  songs  and  dancing  (Luke  xv.  25).  The  tri- 
 umphal processions  which  celebrated  a  victory  were 
 enlivened  by  minstrels  and  singers  (Ex.  xv.  1,  20; 
 Judg.  V.  1,  xi.  34  ;  1  Sam.  xviii.  6,  xxi.  1 1  ;  2  Chr. 
 XX.  28;  Jud.  XV.  12,  13),  and  on  extraordinary 
 occasions  they  even  accomjianied  armies  to  battle. 
 Besides  songs  of  triumph  there  were  also  religious 
 songs  (Is.  x.i^x.  29  ;  Am.  v.  23 ;  Jam.  v.  13), 
 "stings  of  the  temple"  (Am.  viii.  3),  and  songs 
 which  were  sung  in  idolatrous  worship  (Ex.  xxxii. 
 18).  Love  songs  are  alluded  to  in  Ps.  xlv.  title, 
 and  Is.  v.  1.  There  were  also  the  doleful  songs  of 
 the  funeral  procession,  and  the  wailing  chant  of  the 
 mourners  who  went  about  the  streets,  the  profes- 
 sional "keening"  of  those  who  weie  skill'ul  in 
 lamentation  (2  <.'hr.  x\xv.  25  ;  Eccl.  xii.  5  ;  Jer. 
 ix.  17-20;  Am.  A'.  16).  The  grape  gatherers  sang 
 fis  they  gathered  in  the  vintage,  and  the  wine- 
 presses were  trodden  with  the  slioiit  ofas<)ng(Is. 
 xvi.  10  ;  Jer.  xlviii.  33);  the  women  sang  as  they 
 toiled  at  the  mill,  and  on  every  occasion  the  land 
 of  the  Hebrews  during  their  national  prosperity 
 was  a  land  of  music  and  melody.  There  is  one 
 class  of  musicians  to  which  allusion  is  casually  made 
 (Ktvlus.  ix.  4),  and  who  were  probably  foieignere, 
 the  harlots  who  fiopieiited  the  streets  of  great 
 cities  and  attracted  notice  by  singing  and  playing 
 the  guitar  (Is.  xxiii.  15,  16).  There  are  two  as|)ecls 
 in  which  music  appears,  and  about  which  little 
 satisfactory  c;in  be  said  :  the  nly^terious  influence 
 which  it  had  in  <lriviiig  out  the  evil  spirit  from 
 Saul,  and  it.s  intimate  cuuiiexion  witli  ]>rophecy  and 
 prophetical  inspiration.  I'rom  the  instamvs  in 
 which  it  occurs,  it  is  evident  that  the  s;»me  Hebrew 
 root  is  used  to  denote  the  inspiration  under  which 
 the  prophcLs  spoke  luid  the  minstrels  sang.  All 
 that  can  )m>  safely  concludoil  is  that  in  their  external 
 muni  festal  tions  the  effect  of  music  in  exciting  the 
 
MUSICAL  INSTRUMENTS 
 
 emotions  of  the  s-etisitive  Hebrews,  the  frenzy  of 
 Saul's  madness  (1  Sam.  xviii.  10),  and  the  religious 
 entfuisiasm  of  the  prophets,  whether  of  Baal  or  Je- 
 hovah, were  so  nearly  alike  as  to  be  described  by 
 the  same  word.  The  case  of  Saul  is  more  difficult 
 still.  We  cannot  be  admitted  to  the  secret  of  his 
 dark  malady.  Two  turning  points  in  his  history 
 are  the  two  interviews  with  Samuel,  the  first 
 (1  Sam.  X.  5)  and  the  last,  if  we  except  that  dread 
 encounter  which  the  despairing  monarch  challenged 
 before  the  fatal  day  of  Gil  boa.  The  last  occasion 
 of  their  meeti.ig  was  the  disobedience  of  Saul  in 
 sparing  the  4»alekites,  for  which  he  was  rejected 
 from  being  king  (I  Sam.  xv.  26).  Immediately 
 after  this  we  are  told  the  Spirit  of  Jehovah  departed 
 from  Saul,  and  an  "  evil  spirit  from  Jehovah  trou- 
 bled him"  (1  Sam.  xvi.  14);  and  his  attendants, 
 who  had  perhaps  witnessed  the  strange  transforma- 
 tion wrought  upon  him  by  the  music  of  the  pro- 
 phets, sugijested  that  the  same  means  should  be 
 employed  for  his  restoration  (1  Sam.  xvi.  16,  23). 
 But  on  two  occasions,  when  anger  and  jealousy  su- 
 pervened, the  remedy  which  had  soothed  the  frenzy 
 of  insanitv  had  lost  its  charm  (1  Sam.  xviii.  10, 
 11,  xix.  9,"  10). 
 
 Musical  Instraments.  In  addition  to  the  in- 
 strunit-nts  ut'  music  which  have  been  represented  in 
 our  version  by  some  modern  word,  and  are  treated 
 under  their  respective  titles,  there  are  other  terms 
 which  are  vaguely  or  generally  rendered.  These 
 are-l.  Dac/idLdn,  Chald.,  rendered  "instruments 
 of  musick"  in  Dan.  vi.  18.  The  margin  gives 
 "or  table,  perhaps  lit.  concubi7ies."  The  last-men- 
 tioned rendering  is  that  approved  by  Gesenius,  and 
 seems  most  probable. — 2.  Minnim,  rendered  with 
 great  probability  "stringed-instruments''  in  Ps.  cl. 
 4.  It  apj^iears  to  be  a  geneial  tenri,  but  beyond  this 
 nothing  is  known  of  it. — 3.  'Asor,  "an  instrument 
 of  ten  sti  ings,"  Ps.  xcii.  3.  The  full  phrase  is  nebel 
 'dsSr,  '•  a  ten-stringed  psaltery,"  as  in  Ps.  xxxiii.  2, 
 cxliv.  9 ;  and  the  true  rendering  of  the  first-men- 
 tioned passage  would  be  "  upon  an  instrument  of 
 ten  strings,  even  ujwn  the  psaltery." — 4.  Shiddah, 
 in  Eccl.  ii.  8  only,  "  1  gat  me  men-singers  and 
 women-singers,  and  the  delights  of  the  sons  of  men, 
 musical  instruments,  and  that  of  all  sorts."  The 
 woids  thus  rendered  have  received  a  great  variety 
 of  meanings.  But  the  most  probable  intei-pretation 
 to  be  put  upon  them  is  that  suggested  by  a  usage 
 of  the  Talmud,  where  shiddh  denotes  a  "  palan- 
 quin" or  "litter"  for  women.— 5.  Shdlishini,  ren- 
 dered "  instruments  of  musick  "  in  the  A.  V.  of 
 1  Sam.  xviii.  6,  and  in  the  margin  "three-stringed 
 instruments."  Koediger  translates  "  triangles," 
 which  are  said  to  have  been  invented  in  Syria, 
 from  the  same  root.  We  have  no  means  of  deciding 
 which  is  the  more  cori'ect. 
 
 Mustard  occurs  in  Matt.  xiii.  31,  xvii.  20 ;  Mark 
 iv.  31  ;  Luke  xiii.  19,  xvii.  6.  The  subject  of  the 
 mustard-tree  of  Sciipture  has  of  late  years  been  a 
 matter  of  considerable  controversy,  the  common 
 mustard-plant  being  supposed  unable  to  fulfil  the 
 demands  of  the  Biblical  allusion.  In  a  paper  by 
 the  late  Dr.  Royle,  read  before  the  Royal  Asiatic 
 Society,  and  published  in  No.  xv.  of  their  Journal 
 (1844),  entitled,  "On  the  Identification  of  the 
 Mustard-tree  of  Scriptuie,"  the  author  concludes 
 that  the  Salvadora  persica  is  the  tiee  in  question. 
 Ho  supposes  the  Salvadora  persica  to  be  the  same 
 as  the  tree  called  Khnrdal  f  the  Aiabic  for  mustard), 
 swds  of  which  are  employed  throughout  Syria  as  a 
 
 MUSTARD 
 
 587 
 
 substitute  for  musfcird,  of  which  thev  have  the 
 taste  and  propeities.  This  tree,  according  to  the 
 sfcitement  of  Mr.  Ameuny,  a  Syrian,  quoted  by  Dr. 
 Royle,  is  found  all  along  the  banks  of  the  Jordan, 
 near  the  lake  of  Tiberias,  and  near  Damascus,  and 
 is  said  to  be  generally  recognised  Jn  Syria  as  the 
 mustard-tree  of  Scripture.  Notwithstanding  all 
 that  has  been  adduced  by  Dr.  Koyle  in  supjwrt  of 
 his  argument,  we  confess  ourselves  unable  to  believe 
 that  the  subject  of  the  must;ud-tree  of  Scripture  is 
 thus  finally  settled.  But,  before  the  claims  of  the 
 Salvadora  persica  are  discussed,  it  will  be  well  to 
 consider  whether  some  mustard -plant  [Sinapis) 
 may  not  after  all  be  the  mustard-ti  ee  of  the  parable. 
 
 Sinapis  Nigra. 
 
 The  objection  ctiiumonly  made  against  any  Sinapis 
 being  the  plant  of  the  parable  is,  that  the  seed 
 grew  into  "a  tree,"  or,  as  St.  Luke  has  it,  "a 
 great  tree,"  in  the  branches  of  which  the  fowls  of 
 the  air  are  sniil  to  come  and  lodge.  Now  in  answer 
 to  the  above  ohjcctiou  it  is  urged  with  great  truth, 
 that  the  expression  is  figurative  and  Oriental,  and 
 that  in  a  proverbial  simile  no  literal  accuracy  is  to 
 be  expected.  It  is  an  error,  for  which  the  language 
 of  Scripture  is  not  accounfcible,  to  assert,  as  Dr. 
 Royle  and  some  others  have  done,  that  the  passage 
 implies  that  birds  "  built  their  nests"  in  the  tree, 
 tl;e  Greek  word  has  no  such  meaning,  the  word 
 merely  means  "  to  settle  or  rest  upon  "  any  thing 
 for  a  longer  or  shorter  time ;  nor  is  there  any  occa- 
 sion to  suppose  that  the  expression  "  fowls  of  the 
 air  "  denotes  any  other  than  the  smaller  insessorial 
 kinds,  linnets,  finches,  &c.  Killer's  explanation  is 
 probably  the  correct  one ;  that  the  birds  came  and 
 settled  on  the  mustard -plant  for  the  sake  of  the 
 seed,  of  which  they  are  very  fond.  Again,  what- 
 ever the  Sinapis  may  be,  it  is  expressly  said  to  be  a 
 herb,  or  more  properly  "  a  garden  herb."  Irby  and 
 Mangles  mention  the  large  size  which  the  mustard- 
 plant  attains  in  Palestine.  In  their  journey  from 
 Bysjui  to  Adjeloun,  in  the  Jordan  valley,  they 
 crossed  a  smjJl   plain    very  thickly  covered  wit'u 
 
588 
 
 MUTH-LABBEN 
 
 herbage,  particularly  the  mustard-plant,  which 
 reiii-hed  as  high  as  their  horses'  heads.  Dr.  Thom- 
 son also  says  he  has  seen  tlie  Wihl  Mustard  on  the 
 rich  plain  of  Akkar  as  tiili  as  the  hoise  and  the 
 rider.  It'  then,  the  wild  plant  on  the  rick  plain  of 
 Akkar  grows  as  high  as  a  man  on  horseback,  it 
 might  attain  to  the  same  or  a  greater  height  when 
 in  a  cultivated  garden.  The  e.xpression  "  which  is 
 indeed  the  least  of  all  seeds,"  is  in  all  probability 
 hyperbolical,  to  denote  a  very  small  seed  indeed,  as 
 there  are  many  seeds  which  are  smaller  than  mus- 
 tard. "  The  Lord  in  his  popular  teaching,"  says 
 Trench  {Notes  on  Parables,  108),  "  adhered  to 
 the  popular  language;"  and  the  mustard-seed  was 
 uspil  jMOverbially  to  denote  anything  very  minute. 
 
 Muth-lab'bea.  "  To  the  chief  musician  upon 
 Mutli-laMien,"  is  the  title  of  Ps.  ix.,  which  has 
 given  rise  to  infinite  conjecture.  'I' wo  difficulties 
 in  conne.xion  with  it  have  to  be  resolved  ;  first,  to 
 determine  the  true  reading  of  the  Hebrew,  and  then 
 to  ascertain  it?  meaning.  Neither  of  these  points 
 has  been  satisfactorily  explained.  If  the  reading  of 
 Vulgate  and  LXX.  be  correct  with  regard  to  the 
 consonants,    the   words    might    be    pointed    thus, 
 
 TWu^V  ^y,  '«'  aldinoth,  "  upon  Alamoth,"  as  in  the 
 
 title  of  Ps.  xlvi,,  and  J3?  is  possibly  a  fragment  of 
 
 mp  \337,  lihne  Korach,  "  for  the  sons  of  Korah," 
 
 which  appears  in  the  same  title.  But  if  the  Ma- 
 soretic  reading  be  the  true  one,  it  is  hard  to  attach 
 any  meaning  to  it.  The  Targuni  rendei-s  the  title 
 of  the  jisalm, — "  on  the  death  of  tiie  man  who  came 
 forth  tioin  between  the  camps,"  alluding  to  Goliath, 
 the  Philistine  champion  (1  Sam.  xvii.  4).  Others 
 render  it  "  on  the  death  of  the  son,"  and  applj'  it 
 to  Absalom,  h'ashi's  words  are — "  but  1  say  that 
 this  song  is  of  the  future  to  come,  when  the  child- 
 hood and  youth  of  Israel  shall  be  made  white,  and 
 their  righteousness  be  revealed  and  their  salvation 
 draw  nigh,  when  Ksau  and  his  seed  shall  be  blotted 
 out."  Uone.'-h  supposes  that  lubben  was  the  name 
 of  a  man  who  warred  with  Uavid  in  those  days, 
 and  to  whom  lefeience  is  made  as  "  the  wicked  "  in 
 vei-se  5.  Arama  (quoted  by  Dr.  Gill  in  his  Expo- 
 sition) identifies  him  with  Saul.  As  a  last  resource 
 Kimchi  suggests  tiiat  the  title  was  intended  to  con- 
 vey instructions  to  the  Levite  minstrel  Ben  (1  Clir. 
 XV.  18).  There  is  reason,  however,  to  suspect  that 
 the  reading  in  this  verse  is  corrupt,  as  the  name  is 
 not  rejicated  with  the  others  in  verse  20.  There 
 st»ill  remain  to  bo  noticed  the  conjectui'es  of  Delitzsch 
 that  Muth-labben  denotes  the  tone  or  melody  with 
 the  words  of  the  song  associated  with  it,  of  otliers 
 that  it  was  a  musicjil  instrument,  and  of  Hupfeld 
 that  it  was  the  comniencenient  of  an  old  song, 
 either  signitying  "die  foi- the  son,"  or  "  death  to 
 the  son."  On  all  accounts  it  seems  extremely  pro- 
 bable that  the  title  in  its  present  form  is  only  a 
 fragment  of  the  original,  which  may  have  been  in 
 lull  whiil,  has  been  suggested  above. 
 
 Myn'dus,  a  town  on  the  coast  of  Caria,  between 
 MiLKTUs  and  Hamcau.na.s.sus.  We  find  in  1  Mace. 
 XV.  23  that  it  was  the  residence  of  a  .Jewish  popu- 
 lation. The  name  still  lingers  in  the  modern  Mcfi- 
 trschc,  though  the  remains  of  the  city  arc  probably 
 at  Oumis/ilit. 
 
 My'ra,  an  ini[)ortant  town  in  I.VCIA,  and  inte- 
 rc.itirig  to  us  as  the  place  where  St.  Paul,  on  his 
 voy:ige  to  liouie  (Acts  xxvii.  5),  was  removetl  from 
 thu  Admmyttian  ship  whidi  had  brought  him  from 
 
 MYRRH 
 
 Caesarea,  and  entered  the  Alexandrian  ship  in  which 
 he  was  wrecked  on  the  coast  of  Malta.  Mvra 
 (called  Dembra  by  the  Greeks)  is  remarkable  still 
 for  its  remains  of  various  periods  of  history.  The 
 tombs,  enriched  with  ornament,  and  manv  of  them 
 having  inscriptions  in  the  ancient  Lvcian  character, 
 show  that  it  must  have  been  wealth v  in  earlv  times. 
 Its  enormous  theatre  attests  its  considerable  popul- 
 ation in  what  may  be  allied  its  Greek  age.  In  the 
 deep  gorge  which  leads  into  the  mountains  is  a 
 large  Byzantine  church,  a  relic  of  the  Christianity 
 which  may  have  begun  with  St.  Paul's  visit. 
 
 BalB&niodendrou  Myrrha. 
 
 Myrrh,  the  representative  in  the  A.  \.  of  the 
 Hebrew  words  Mor  and  Lot. — 1.  Mor  is  men- 
 tioned in  Ex.  XXX.  23,  as  one  of  the  ingredients  ot 
 the  "oil  of  holy  ointment;"  in  Esth.  ii.  12,  as  one 
 of  the  substances  used  in  the  purification  of  women  ; 
 in  Ps.  xlv.  8,  Prov.  vii.  17,  and  in  several  passages 
 in  Canticles,  as  a  perfume.  The  Greek  occurs  in 
 Matt.  ii.  11  amongst  the  gifts  brought  by  the  wise 
 men  to  the  infant  Jesus,  and  in  Mark  xv.  2H,  it  is 
 said  that  "  wine  mingled  with  myrrh  "  was  ofleieil 
 to,  but  refused  by,  our  Lord  on  the  cross.  Myrrh 
 was  also  used  fur  embalming  (see  John  xix.  39,  and 
 Herod,  ii.  8G).  Various  conjectures  have  been 
 made  as  to  the  real  natui'e  of  the  substance  denoted 
 by  the  Hebrew  vior  (see  Celsius,  Hierob.  i.  .'i22), 
 and  much  doubt  has  existed  as  to  the  countries  in 
 which  it  is  pro<iuced.  According  to  the  testimony 
 of  Heroilotus  (iii.  107),  Dioscorides  (i.  77),  Thco- 
 phiastus  (ix.  4,  §1),  Diodorus  Siculus  (ii.  49), 
 Stral)o,  Plinv,  &c.,  the  tiee  which  produces  myrrh 
 grows  in  Arabia.  Forsk&l  mentions  two  myrrh- 
 pioducing  trees,  Ainijris  Kataf  and  Ami/ris  Kafal, 
 as  occurring  near  Hacs  in  Aralna  Felix.  The  myrrli- 
 tree  which  Ehreubeig  and  Heniprich  found  in  the 
 borders  of  Arabia  Kelix,  and  that  which  Mr.  John- 
 son saw  in  Aby.ssinia  are  believed  to  he  identical ; 
 the  tiw  is  the  JialsmiuxJendron  tni/rrha,  "  a  low 
 fhornv  ragged -looking  tree,  with  bright  trifoliato 
 leaves:"  it  is  probably  the  Murr  of  Abu  'I  Eadli, 
 of  which  he  nivs  "murr  is  the  Arabic  name  of  a 
 tiiorny  tree  like  an  .icacia,  from  which  flows  a  while 
 
MYRTLE 
 
 bquiJ,  which  thickens  and  becomes  a  gum."  The 
 Balsamodendron  myrrha,  which  produces  the  myrrh 
 of  commerce,  has  a  wood  and  bark  which  emit  a 
 strong  odour ;  the  gum  which  exudes  from  the  bark 
 is  at  first  oily,  but  becomes  hard  by  exposure  to 
 the  air:  it  belongs  to  the  natural  order  Terc- 
 hinthaceae.  For  the  "wine  mingled  with  myrrh," 
 see  Gall. — 2.  Lot,  erroneously  translated  "  myrrh  " 
 in  the  A.  V.  in  Gen.  xxxvii.  25,  xliii.  1 1,  the  only 
 cwo  passages  where  the  word  is  found,  is  generally 
 considered  to  denote  the  odorous  resin  which  exudes 
 from  the  branches  of  the  Cistus  creticus,  known  by 
 the  name  of  ladanitm  or  lahdanum.  It  is  clear  that 
 lot  cannot  signify  "  myrrh,"  which  is  not  produced 
 in  Palestine,  yet  the  Scriptural  passages  in  Genesis 
 speak  of  this  substance  as  being  exported  from 
 Gilead  into  Egypt.  There  are  several  s|ie<'ies  of 
 Cistus,  all  of  which  are  believed  to  yield  the  gum 
 ladanum  dut  the  species  mentioned  by  Dioscorides 
 is  in  all  pi  o Lability  identical  with  the  one  which  is 
 found  in  Palestine,  viz.,  the  Cistus  creticus.  There 
 can  be  no  doubt  that  the  Hebrew  lot,  the  Arabic 
 ladan,  the  Greek  Xridavov,  the  Latin  ami  English 
 ladanum,  are  identiail.  'I'he  Cistus  belongs  to  the 
 Natural  order  Cistaceae,  the  Rock-rose  family. 
 
 Myrtle  (Heb,  hadas).  There  is  no  doubt  that 
 the  A.  V.  is  correct  in  its  translation  of  the  Hebrew 
 word,  for  all  the  old  versions  are  agreed  upon  the 
 point,  and  the  identical  noun  oci-urs  in  Aiabic  as 
 the  name  of  the  "myrtle."  Mention  of  the  myrtle 
 is  made  in  Neh.  viii.  15  ;  Is.  xli.  19,  Iv.  13  ;  Zech. 
 i.  8,  10,  11.  The  modern  Jews  still  adorn  with 
 myrtle  the  booths  and  sheds  at  the  Fe;ist  of  Ta- 
 bernacles. Formerly,  as  we  learn  from  Nehemiah 
 (viii.  15),  myrtles  grew  on  the  hills  about  Jeru- 
 salem. "  On  Olivet,"  says  Dean  Stanley,  "  nothing 
 is  now  to  be  seen  but  the  olive  and  the  fig  tree:" 
 on  some  of  the  hills,  however,  near  Jerusalem, 
 Hasselquist  observed  the  myrtle.  Dr,  Hooker  says 
 it  is  not  uncommon  in  Samaria  and  Galilee.  There 
 are  several  of  the  species  of  the  genus  Myrtus,  but 
 theMyrtiis  communis  is  the  only  kind  denoted  by  the 
 Hebrew  Hadas :  it  belongs  to  the  natural  order  Myr- 
 taceae,  and  is  too  well  known  to  need  description. 
 
 NAAMAN 
 
 589 
 
 MjTtus  comniuni& 
 
 My'sia.  If  we  were  required  to  fix  the  exact 
 limits  of  this  noi  th-western  district  of  Asia  Jlinor, 
 a  long  discussion  might  be  necessaiy.  But  it  fs 
 mentioned  only  once  in  the  N.  T.  (Acts  xvi.  7,  8), 
 and  that  cursorily  and  in  refeience  to  a  passiiii' 
 journey.  The  best  description  that  can  be  given 
 of  Mysia  at  this  time  is  that  it  was  the  region  about 
 the  frontier  of  the  provinces  of  Asia  and  Bithynia. 
 The  term  is  evidently  used  in  an  ethnological,  not 
 a  political  sense. 
 
 N 
 
 Na'am.     One  of  the  sons  of  Caleb  the  son  of 
 
 Jephiinneh  (1  Chr.  iv.  15). 
 
 Na'amah.  1.  One  of  the  four  women  whose 
 names  are  preserved  in  the  records  of  the  world 
 before  the  Flood;  all  except  Eve  being  Cainites. 
 Slie  was  daughter  of  Lamech  by  his  wife  Zillah, 
 and  sister,  as  is  e.xpressly  mentioned,  to  Tubalcain 
 (Gen.  iv.  22  only).--2.  Mother  of  king  Rehoboam 
 (I  K.  xiv.  21,  ol  ;  2  Chr.  xii.  13).  On  each  occa- 
 sion she  is  distinguished  by  the  title  "  the  (not 
 'an,'  as  in  A.  V.)  Ammonite."  She  was  theretbie 
 one  of  the  foreign  women  whom  Solomon  took  into 
 his  e>tirblishmeut  (1  K.  xi.  1).  In  the  LXX.  (1  K. 
 xii.  24,  answeiing  to  xiv.  31  of  tlie  Hebrew  text) 
 she  is  stated  to  have  been  the  "  daughter  of  Ana 
 [i.  e.  Ilanun)  the  son  of  N'ahash." 
 
 Na'amah,  one  of  the  towns  of  Judah  in  the 
 district  of  the  lowland  or  Shefelah  (Josh.  xv.  41). 
 Nothing  more  is  known  of  it. 
 
 Na'aman — or  to  give  him  the  title  conferred  on 
 him  by  our  Lord,  "  Naamau  the  Syrian."  An 
 Aianiite  warrior,  a  remarkable  incident  in  whose 
 life  is  preserved  to  us  through  hi.,  connexion  with 
 the  prophet  Elisha.  The  narrative  is  given  in 
 2  K.  V.  Of  Naaman  the  Syrian  there  is  no  men- 
 tion in  the  Bible  except  in  this  connexion.  But  a 
 Jewish  tradition,  at  least  as  old  as  the  time  of 
 Josephus  {Ant.  viii.  15,  §5),  and  which  may  very 
 well  be  a  genuine  one,  identifies  him  with  the 
 archer  whose  arrow,  whether  at  random  or  not, 
 struck  Ahab  with  his  mortal  wound,  and  thus 
 "  gave  deliverance  to  Syria."  The  expression  is 
 remarkable — "  because  that  by  him  Jehovah  had 
 given  deliverance  to  Syria."  The  moj.t  natural 
 explanation  perhaps  is  that  Naaman,  in  delivering 
 his  country,  had  killed  one  who  was  the  enemy  of 
 Jeho\ah  not  less  than  he  was  of  Syria.  Whatever 
 the  particular  exploit  referred  to  was,  it  had  given 
 Naaman  a  great  position  at  the  court  of  Benhadad. 
 He  was  commander-in-chief  of  the  army,  and  was 
 nearest  to  the  person  of  the  king,  whom  he  accom- 
 panied officially,  and  supported,  when  he  went  to 
 worship  in  the  temple  of  Himmon  (ver.  18).  He 
 was  afflicted  with  a  leprosy  of  the  white  kind  (ver. 
 27),  which  had  hitherto  defied  cure.  The  circum- 
 stances of  his  visit  to  Elisha  have  been  drawn  out 
 under  the  latter  head,  and  need  not  be  repeated 
 heie.  His  request  to  be  allowed  to  take  away  two 
 mules'  burthen  of  earth  is  not  easj'  to  understand. 
 The  natural  explanation  is  that,  with  a  feeling  akin 
 to  that  which  prompted  the  Pisan  invaders  to  take 
 away  the  earth  of  Aceldama  for  the  Canipo  Santo 
 at  Pisa,  the  grateful  convert  to  Jehovah  wished  to 
 take  away  some  of  the  earth  of  His  country,  to 
 form  an  altar.  But  in  the  nai-rative  there  is  no 
 mention  of  an  altar.     How  long  Naaman  lived  Vj 
 
590 
 
 NAAMAN 
 
 oontinue  a  wi)rslii|ipor  of  .leliovah  while  assisting 
 olfiiially  at  Hie  wm-ship  of  liinmioii,  we  aio  not  told. 
 
 Na'aman.  Oiieot'tlietamilyofBenjamin  wlioc;ime 
 down  to  Kuypt  with  Jacob,  as  read  in  Gcu.  xlvi.  21. 
 According  to  the  LX.X.  version  of  that  passaje  he  was 
 the  son  of  licla,  which  is  the  parentii^e  assigneil  to  him 
 in  Num.  xxvi.  4U,  where,  in  the  enumeration  of  the 
 sons  of  Benjamin,  he  is  sjiid  to  be  the  son  of  Bela, 
 and  head  of  the  family  of  the  Naamites.  He  is  also 
 reckoned  among  the  sons  of  Behi  in  1  Chr.  viii.  3,  4. 
 
 Naam'athite,  the  gentilic  name  of  one  of  Job's 
 friends,  Zcphai  the  Naamathite  (Job  ii.  11,  xi.  1, 
 nx.  1,  xlii.  9,.  There  is  no  other  ti-ace  of  this 
 name  in  the  Bible,  and  the  town  whence  it  is  de- 
 rived, is  unknown.  If  we  may  judge  from  modern 
 usage,  several  places  so  called  probably  existed  on 
 tiie  -•Vi'abiaii  borders  of  Syria. 
 
 Na'amites,  the,  thefamily  descended  from  Naa- 
 MAN,  thi- .;  I  all' l>on  of  Benjamin  i  Num.  .\xri.  40  only  j. 
 
 Naarah,  the  second  wife  of  Ashur,  a  descendant 
 of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  5,  G). 
 
 Nasira'L  One  of  the  valiant  men  of  David's 
 armies  ()  Chr.  xi.  ,'j7).  In  1  Chr.  he  is  called  the 
 son  of  I'Izbai,  but  in  'J  Sam.  xxiii.  35  he  appeal's  .-us 
 "  Paarai  the  Arbite."  Keunicott  decides  that  the 
 former  is  correct. 
 
 Na'aran,  a  city  of  Kphraim,  which  in  a  veiy 
 ancient  record  (1  Chr.  vii.  28j  is  mentioned  as  the 
 eastern  limit  of  the  tiibe.  It  is  very  probably  iden- 
 tical with  Naarath,  or  more  accurately  Naanih. 
 
 Na'arath  (the  Heb.  is  =  to  Naarah,  which  is 
 thertluie  the  real  form  of  the  name),  a  place  named 
 (Josh.  xvi.  7,  only)  as  one  of  the  liuidmarks  on  the 
 (southern)  boundary  of  Ephrnim.  It  appears  to 
 iiave  lain  between  Atiroth  and  Jericho.  If  Ataroth 
 tie  the  present  Atura,  then  Najirah  was  probably 
 ■somewhere  lower  down  the  wady.  Kusebius  and 
 Jerome  speak  of  it  as  if  well  known  to  them — 
 "  Naorath,  a  small  village  of  the  Jews  five  miles 
 from  Jericho."  .Schwarz  147)  fixes  it  at  "  Neama," 
 also  "  five  miles  from  Jericho,"  meaning  perhajis 
 Niiiineh,  the  name  of  the  lower  part  of  the  great 
 i^'id/'/  Miiti/(i/i  or  cl-A»is. 
 
 Naash'on.    [Naiisiion.] 
 
 Naasson.  The  <!reek  form  of  the  name  Naii- 
 SliiiN     Malt.  i.  4;  I.uke  iii.  3'2  only). 
 
 Na'athua.  One  of  the  family  of  Addi  (1  Esdr. 
 ix.  :;i  . 
 
 Naljal,  one  of  the  characters  introduced  to  us  in 
 |).ivid's  waiiderini;s,  apparently  to  give  one  detailed 
 glimpse  of  his  whole  state  of  lite  at  that  time 
 (I  Sam.  XXV.).  He  was  a  sheepmaster  on  the  con- 
 fines of  Judaea  and  the  desert,  in  that  j)art  of  the 
 country  which  bore  fiom  its  great  conqueror  the 
 name  of  Calkij  (1  Sam.  xxx.  14,  xxv.  3).  He  was 
 himself,  according  to  Josephiis,  a  Zi]ihite,  and  his 
 residence  Kmniaus,  a  pl;u;e  of  that  name  not  other- 
 wise known,  on  the  southern  Carmel,  in  the  jvistiire 
 lands  of  Maon.  His  wealth,  as  might  be  expected 
 from  his  al)ode,  consisted  chiefly  of  sheep  and  goats, 
 which,  an  in  Palestine  at  the  time  of  the  Christian 
 era  (Matt,  xxv.)  and  at  the  present  day,  fed  together. 
 The  triulition  presen-ed  in  this  ca.se  the  exact  numl)er 
 of  e.-ich — 30(H)  of  tlie  fomier,  IdOO  of  the  latter. 
 It  was  the  custom  of  the  shepherd-s  to  drive  them 
 into  the  wild  downs  on  the  slopes  of  Carmel ;  and 
 it  was  whilst  they  were  on  one  of  these  pastoral  ex- 
 cursions, that  tlipy  met  a  band  of  outlaws,  who 
 ^howtsl  iheni  iinexiiected  kiiiilness,  protecting  them 
 by  day  and  night,  and  never  thetnselves  commit- 
 tuig   any  depi.-dations    'xiv.   7,    15,    IG).      Once 
 
 NABOTH 
 
 a  year  there  was  a  granil  l-aiHiiiet,  on  Carmel,  "  liks 
 the  feiWt  of  a  king"  (xxv.  2,  4,  3G).  It  was  on 
 one  of  these  occasions  that  Nabal  came  across  the 
 path  of  the  man  to  whom  he  owes  his  place  in  hiv 
 toiy.  Ten  youths  from  the  chief  of  the  freebooters 
 approached  him  with  a  triple  salutation — enumer- 
 ated the  services  of  their  mjister,  and  eni'.ed  by 
 claiming,  with  a  mixture  of  coiiilesy  and  defiance, 
 characteristic  of  the  Kast,  "  whatsoever  cometli  into 
 thy  hand  for  thy  servants  and  for  t/ii/  ifon  David." 
 The  great  shet[imaster  was  not  disposetl  to  recognise 
 this  unexpected  parental  relation.  On  hearing  the 
 demand  of  the  ten  jx?titioners,  he  sprang  up  (I.XX.), 
 and  broke  out  into  fury,  "  Who  is  David  ?  and  who 
 is  the  son  of  Jesse  ?" — "What  runaway  slaves  are 
 these  to  interfere  with  my  own  domestic  arrange- 
 ments ?"  ^xxv.  10,  11).  The  moment  that  the 
 me.ssengei's  were  gone,  the  shepherds  that  stood  by 
 perceived  the  danger  that  their  master  and  them- 
 selves would  incur.  To  Nabal  himself  they  durst 
 not  sj)eak  (xxv.  17).  To  his  wife,  as  to  the  good 
 angel  of  the  household,  one  of  the  shepherds  told 
 the  state  of  affairs.  She,  with  the  oli'erings  usual 
 on  such  occasions  (xxv.  18,  comp.  xxx.  11  ;  2  Sjini. 
 xvi.  1  ;  1  Chr.  xii.  40),  loaded  the  asses  of  Xabal's 
 large  establishment — herself  mounted  one  of  them, 
 and,  with  her  attendants  running  before  her,  rode 
 down  tlie  hill  towards  David's  encampment.  David 
 had  alieady  made  the  fatal  vow  of  exteiTninatiou 
 (.\xv.  22).  At  this  moment,  as  it  would  seem, 
 Abigail  appeare<l,  threw  herself  on  her  face  betbre 
 him,  and  poured  forth  her  petition  in  language 
 which  both  in  fbnn  and  expression  almost  assumes 
 the  tone  of  poetry.  She  returns  with  the  news  of 
 David's  recantation  of  his  vow.  Nabal  is  then  in 
 at  the  height  of  his  orgies,  and  his  wife  dared  not 
 comiminicate  to  him  either  his  danger  or  his  escaj* 
 (xxv.  30).  At  break  of  day  she  told  him  both. 
 The  stupid  reveller  w:ts  suddenly  roused  to  a  sen.se 
 of  that  which  impended  over  him.  ''  His  heart  die<i 
 within  him,  and  he  becaino  as  a  stone."  It  wivs  as 
 if  a  stroke  of  apoplexy  or  paralysis  had  fallen  upon 
 him.  Ten  days  he  lingeixHl,  "and  the  Lord  smote 
 Nabal.  and  he'died  "  (.\xv.  37,  38). 
 
 Nabari'as.  Ajiparently  a  corruption  of  Zechii- 
 riah  (1   Ksdr.  x.  44;  conip.  Nell.  viii.  4). 
 
 Na'bathites,  the,  1  Mace  v.  25  ;  ix.  35.  [Ne- 
 iiAiorii.] 
 
 Na'both,  victim  of  Ahab  and  Jezebel.  He  was 
 a  Jezieelite,  and  the  owner  of  a  small  [wrtion  of 
 ground  (2  K.  ix.  25,  2G)  that  lay  on  the  eastern 
 slope  of  the  hill  of  Jezreel.  He  had  also  a  vineyai-d, 
 of  which  the  situation  is  not  quite  certain.  According 
 to  the  Hebrew  text  (1  K.  xxi.  1)  it  was  in  Jezreel, 
 but  the  LXX.  render  the  whole  clause  ditVerenfly. 
 The  royal  palace  of  Ahab  was  close  ujH)n  the  city 
 wall  at  Jezreel.  According  to  both  texts  it  immeJ- 
 iately  ailjoined  the  vineyard  (1  K.  xxi.  1,  2,  Heb.; 
 1  K.  xxi.  2,  LXX. ;  2  K.  ix.  30,  3tj).  and  it  thus 
 l)e<-ame  an  object  of  desire  to  the  king  who  ofleied 
 an  equivalent  in  money,  or  another  vineyard,  in  ex- 
 change for  this.  Naboth,  in  the  independent  spirit 
 of  a  Jewish  landholder,  refu.sod.  *' Jehnvah  forbid 
 it  to  me  that  I  should  give  the  inheritance  of  my 
 tilt  hers  unto  thee."  Ahab  was  cowed  by  this  reply  ; 
 but  the  proud  spirit  of  Jezebel  was  roused.  She 
 took  the  matter  into  her  own  hands.  A  solemn 
 fast  was  jiim'laimeil  as  on  the  announcement  of  some 
 great  calamity.  Naboth  w.xs  "  set  on  high  "  in  tho 
 public  place  of  .Sam.-uia  :  two  men  of  worthless  cha- 
 racter accu.sed  him  of  baring  "  cursed  God  and  tbi> 
 
NABUCHODONOSOB 
 
 king.''  He  and  his  cliildreii  ('2  K.  ix.  26)  were 
 dragged  out  of  the  city  and  despatched  the  same 
 night.  The  place  of  execution  tiieie,  was  by  the 
 large  tank  or  reservoir,  which  still  remains  on  the 
 slope  of  the  hill  of  Samaria,  immediately  outNide 
 the  walls.  The  usual  punishment  for  blasphemy 
 was  enforced.  Naboth  and  his  sons  were  stoned  ; 
 and  the  blood  from  their  wounds  ran  down  into  the 
 waters  of  the  tank  below. 
 
 Nabuchodono'sor.  Nebuchadnezzar  king  of 
 I'.abvlon  (1  l->dr.  i.  40,  41,  45,  48  ;  Tob.  xiv.  15; 
 Jud."  i.  1,  5,  7,  11,  12,  ii.  1,  4,  19,  iii.  2,  8,  iv.  1, 
 vi.  2,  4,  y.\.  7,  2:i,  xii.  13,  xiii.  18). 
 
 Na'chon's  Threshing-Floor,  the  place  at  which 
 the  ark  had  arrived  in  its  progress  from  Kirjath- 
 jearim  to  Jerusalem,  when  Uzzah  lost  his  life  in 
 his  too  hasty  zeal  for  its  safety  (2  Sam.  vi.  6). 
 
 Na'chor.  1.  The  brother  of  Abraham  (Josh, 
 xxiv.  2).  [Xahor  1.]  —  2.  The  grandfather  of 
 Abraham  (Luke  iii.  34).     [Nahor  2.] 
 
 Na'dab.  1.  The  eldest  son  of  Aaron  and  Eli- 
 sheba,  Ex.  vi.  23;  Num.  iii.  2.  He,  his  father 
 and  brother,  and  seventv  old  men  of  Israel  were  led 
 out  from  the  midst  of  the  assembled  people  (Ex. 
 xxiv.  1),  and  were  commanded  to  stay  and  worship 
 God  "  afar  ofl,"  below  the  lofty  summit  of  Sinai, 
 where  Moses  alone  was  to  come  near  to  the  Lord. 
 Subsi^quently  (Lev.  x.  1)  Nadab  and  his  brother 
 were  struck  dead  before  the  sanctuary  by  fire  from 
 the  Lord.  Their  offence  was  kindling  the  incense 
 in  their  censei-s  with  "  strange  "  fire,  i.  e.,  not  taken 
 from  that  which  buined  perpetually  (Lev.  vi.  13) 
 on  the  alt;ir.^2.  King  Jeroboam's  son,  who  suc- 
 ceeded to  the  throne  of  Israel  B.C.  954,  and  reigned 
 two  years  (1  K.  xv.  25-31).  At  the  siege  of  Gib- 
 bethon  a  conspiracy  broke  out  in  the  midst  of  the 
 army,  and  the  king  was  slain  by  Baasha,  a  man  of 
 Issachar.— 3.  A  son  of  Shammai  (1  Clir.  ii.  28), 
 of  the  tribe  of  Judah.— 4.  A  son  of  Gibeon  (1  Chr. 
 viii.  30,  ix.  36)  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin. 
 
 Nadab'atha,  a  place  from  which  the  bride  was 
 being  conducted  by  the  children  of  Jambri,  when 
 Jonathan  and  Simon  attacked  them  (1  Mace.  ix.  c'l  j. 
 That  Madabatha  was  on  the  east  of  Jordan  is  most 
 probable.  On  the  east  of  Jordan  the  only  two  names 
 that  occur  as  possible  are  Nebo  and  Nabathaea. 
 
 Na^'ge,  one  of  the  ancestoi-s  of  Christ  I'Luke 
 iii.  25).  It  represents  the  Heb.  Nogah  (1  Chr.  iii. 
 7).  Nagge  must  have  lived  about  the  time  of 
 Onias  1.  and  the  commencement  of  the  Macedonian 
 dynasty. 
 
 Nah'alal,  one  of  the  cities  of  Zebulun,  given 
 with  its  "  suburbs"  to  the  Meiarit«  Levites  (Josh. 
 xxi.  35).  It  is  the  same  which  in  the  list  of  the 
 allotment  of  Zehuluu  f  Josh.  xix.  15;  is  inaccurately 
 given  in  the  A.  V.  as  Nahallal,  the  Hebrew  being 
 in  both  cases  identical.  Elsewhere  it  is  called 
 Nahalol.  The  Jerusalem  Talmud  asserts  that 
 Nahalal  was  in  post-biblical  times  called  Muhlul ; 
 and  this  Schwarz  identifies  with  the  modern  Malul, 
 a  village  in  the  plain  of  Esdraelon  under  the  moun- 
 tains which  eiicli)se  the  plain  on  the  north,  4  miles 
 west  of  Nazareth,  and  2  of  Japhia. 
 
 Nah'allal,  an  inaccurate  mode  of  spelling,  in 
 Josh.  xix.  15,  the  name  which  in  Josh.  xxi.  35,  is 
 accurately  given  as  Nahalal. 
 
 Naha'liel,  one  of  the  halting-places  of  Israel  in 
 the  latter  part  of  their  progress  to  Canaan  (Num. 
 xxi.  19).  It  lay  "  beyond,"  that  is,  noi  th  of  the 
 Arnon  (ver.  13),  and  between  Mattanah  and  Ba- 
 moth,   the  nrxt  after  Bamoth  being  Pisgah.      Its 
 
 NAHBI 
 
 591 
 
 name  seems  to  imply  that  it  wa;i  a  stream  or  wady, 
 and  it  is  not  imfxjssibly  preserved  in  that  of  lhe 
 Wadij  Encheyle,  which  runs  into  the  Mojeh,  the  au- 
 cient  Arnon,  a  short  distance  to  the  east  of  the  place 
 at  which  the  road  between  Rabba  and  Aroer  crosses 
 the  ravine  of  the  latter  river. 
 
 Kah'alol,  a  variation  in  the  mode  of  giving  the 
 name  (both  in  Hebiewand  A.  V.)  of  the  place  else- 
 where named  Nahalal  (Judg.  i.  30). 
 
 Na'ham.  The  brother  of  Hodiah,  or  Jehulijah, 
 wife  of  Ezia  (1  Chr.  iv.  19). 
 
 Nahama'ni.  A  chief  man  among  those  who  re- 
 turned from  Babylon  with  Zerubbabel  and  Jcshua 
 (Xeh.  vii.  7). 
 
 Nahara'i.  The  armour-bearer  of  Joab,  called  in 
 the  A.  V.  of  2  Sam.  xxiii.  37,  Nahaki.  He  was 
 a  native  of  Beeroth  (1  Chr.  xi.  39). 
 
 Na'hari,  The  same  as  Naiiarai  (2  Sam.  xxiii. 
 37).  In  theA.  V.  of  1611  the  name  is  printed 
 "  Naharai  the  Berothite." 
 
 Na'hash.  1.  "  Nahash  the  Ammonite,"  king  of 
 the  Bene-Ammon  at  the  foundation  of  the  mon- 
 archy in  Israel,  who  dictated  to  the  inhabitants  of 
 Jahesh-Gilead  that  cruel  alternative  of  the  loss 
 of  their  right  eyes  or  slavery,  which  roused  the 
 swift  wrath  of  Saul,  and  caused  the  destruction  of 
 the  Ammonite  force  (1  Sam.  si.  1,  2-11).  "Na- 
 hash "  would  seem  to  have  been  the  title  of  the 
 king  of  the  Ammonites  rather  than  the  name  of  an 
 individual.  Nahash  the  father  of  Hanun  had  ren- 
 dered David  some  special  and  valuable  service, 
 which  David  was  anxious  for  an  opportunity  of 
 requiting  (2  Sam.  x.  2).  The  Jewish  traditions 
 affirm  that  it  consisted  in  his  having  afforded  pro- 
 tection to  one  of  David's  brothers,  who  escaped 
 alone  when  his  family  were  massacied  by  the 
 treacherous  king  of  Moab,  to  whose  care  they  had 
 been  entrusted  by  David  (1  Sam.  xxii.  3,  4),  and 
 who  found  an  asylum  with  Nahash.  The  retiibu- 
 tion  exacted  by  David  for  the  annoying  insults  of 
 Hanun  is  related  elsewhere. —2.  A  person  men- 
 tioned once  only  (2  Sam.  xvii.  25)  in  stating  the 
 parentage  of  Amasa,  the  commander-in-chief  of 
 Absalom's  army.  Amasa  is  there  said  to  have 
 been  the  son  of  a  certain  Ithra,  by  Abigail, 
 "  daughter  of  Nahash,  and  sister  to  Zeruiah."  By 
 the  genealogy  of  1  Chr.  ii.  16  it  appears  that 
 Zeruiah  and  Abigail  were  sisters  of  David  and  the 
 other  children  of  Jesse.  The  question  then  arises. 
 How  could  Abigail  have  been  at  the  same  time 
 daughter  of  Nahash  and  sister  to  the  children  of 
 Jesse  ?  To  this  three  answers  may  be  given  : — 
 1.  The  universal  ti-adition  of  the  Rabbis  that  Na- 
 hash and  Jesse  were  identical.  2.  The  ex-planation 
 fii-st  put  forth  by  Dr.  Stanley  in  this  work,  that 
 Nahash  was  the  king  of  the  Ammonites,  and  that 
 the  same  woman  had  first  been  his  wife  or  concu- 
 bine— in  which  capacity  she  had  given  birth  to 
 Abigail  and  Zeruiah — and  afterwards  wife  to  Jesse, 
 and  the  mother  of  his  children.  3.  A  third  pos- 
 sible explanation  is  that  Nahash  was  the  name  not 
 of  .lesse,  nor  of  a  ibrmer  husband  of  his  wife,  but 
 of  his  wife  herself. 
 
 Na'hath.  1.  One  of  the  "  dukes  "  or  phylarchs 
 in  the  land  of  Edom,  eldest  son  of  Reuel  the  son  of 
 Esau  ':Geu.  xxxvi.  13,  17  ;  1  Chr.  i.  37).  —2.  A 
 Kohathite  Levite,  son  of  Zophai  (1  Chr.  vi.  26).— 
 3.  A  Levite  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah  (2  Chr.  xxxi 
 13). 
 
 Nahl)!.  The  son  ofVophsi,  a  Naphtalite,  and 
 one  of  the  twelve  spies  ''Num.  xiii.  14  . 
 
502 
 
 NAHOR 
 
 Na'hor,  the  name  of  two  persons  in  the  family 
 uf  Aliiahnm  ^1.  His  grandfather  :  tlie  son  of  Serug 
 and  fatlier  of  Terah  (Gen.  xi.  22-25).— 2.  Ci-indson 
 of  tlie  preceding,  son  of  Terah  and  brother  of 
 Abraham  and  Haran  (Gen.  xi.  26,  27).  The  onler 
 of  the  ages  of  the  family  of  Terah  is  not  improbably 
 inverted  in  the  nai'rative ;  in  which  case  Nalior, 
 instead  of  being  younger  than  Abraham,  was  really 
 older.  He  married  Milcah,  the  daughter  of  his 
 brother  Hai-an  ;  and  when  Abiaham  and  Lot  mi- 
 grated to  Canaan,  Nahor  remained  behind  in  the 
 land  of  his  birth,  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Eu- 
 phrates— the  boundary  between  the  Old  and  the 
 New  World  of  that  early  age — and  gathered  his 
 family  around  him  at  the  sepulchre  of  his  fathor 
 (comp.  2  .'^am.  xi.t.  87).  Like  Jacob,  and  also  Iii<e 
 Ishm;iel,  Nahor  was  the  father  of  twelve  sons,  and 
 further,  .as  in  the  case  of  Jacob,  eight  of  them  were 
 the  children  of  his  wife,  and  four  of  a  concubine 
 (Gen.xxii.  21-24).  Special  care  is  taken  in  speaking 
 of  the  legitimate  branch  to  specify  its  descent  from 
 Milcah — ''  the  son  of  Milcah,  which  she  baie  unto 
 Nahor."  It  was  to  this  pure  and  unsullied  race 
 tlwt  Abraham  and  Rebekah  in  turn  had  recourse 
 for  wives  for  their  sons.  But  with  Jacob's  flight 
 from  Haran  the  intercourse  ceased. 
 
 Nah'shon,  or  Kaash'on,  son  of  Amminadab, 
 and  prince  of  the  children  of  Jndah  (as  he  is  styled 
 in  the  genealogy  of  Judah,  1  Chr.  ii.  10)  at  the  time 
 of  the  first  numbeiing  in  the  wilderness  (Exod.  vi.  2H ; 
 Num.  i.  7,  &c.).  His  sister,  Elisheba,  was  wife  to 
 Aaron,  and  his  son,  Salmon,  was  husband  to  I\ahab 
 after  the  taking  of  Jericho.  In  the  enaimpment,  in 
 the  offerings  of  the  princes,  and  in  the  order  of  march, 
 the  first  place  is  assigned  to  Nahshou  the  son  of  Am- 
 minadab as  captain  of  the  host  of  Judah.  He  died 
 in  the  wilderness  according  to  Num.  xxvi.  64,  65, 
 but  no  fuither  particulars  of  his  life  are  given. 
 
 Nalmm.  "  The  book  of  the  vision  of  Nahum 
 the  Elkosliite"  stands  seventh  in  order  among  the 
 writings  of  the  minor  prophets  in  the  present  ar- 
 rangement of  the  canon.  Of  the  author  himself  w 
 have  no  more  knowledge  than  is  atibrded  us  by  the 
 scanty  title  of  his  book,  which  gives  no  indication 
 whatever  of  his  date,  and  leaves  his  origin  obscure. 
 The  site  of  Elkosh,  his  native  place,  is  disputeil, 
 some  placing  it  in  fJalilee,  others  in  Assyria.  Those 
 who  niaintiin  the  latter  view  assume  that  the  pro- 
 phet's parents  were  carried  into  captivity  by  Tig- 
 lalh-pileser,  and  that  the  prophet  was  born  at  the 
 village  of  Alkush,  on  the  e:Lst  bank  of  the  Tigris, 
 two  miles  noith  of  Mosul.  Ewald  is  of  opinion 
 that  the  prophecy  was  written  there  at  a  time 
 when  Nineveh  was  threatened  from  without,  'i'he 
 aignments  in  favour  of  an  Assyrian  locality  for  the 
 prophet  are  suppoited  by  the  occunence  of  what 
 are  prcsume<l  to  be  .Assyrian  words.  lint  there  is 
 nothing  in  the  piophecy  of  Nahum  to  indicate  that 
 it  waji  written  in  tlie  immediate  neighlwurhood  of 
 Nineveh,  and  in  full  view  of  the  scu'nes  which  are 
 depicted,  nor  is  the  language  that  of  an  exile  in  an 
 enemy's  country.  No  allusion  is  made  to  the  cap- 
 tivity ;  while,  on  the  othei  hand,  the  imjigeiy  is 
 such  as  would  be  natural  to  an  inhabitant  of  Pales- 
 tine (i.  4j,  to  whom  the  rich  pastures  of  IJashan, 
 the  vineyards  of  Carmel,  and  the  blossom  of  Leba- 
 non, were  emblems  of  all  that  was  luxuriant  and 
 fertile.  The  langu.age  employed  m  i.  15,  ii.  2,  is 
 appropriate  to  one  who  wrote  lor  his  countryroen  in 
 their  native  land.  In  fact,  the  sole  origin  of  '.he 
 theory  that  Nahum  flourished  in  .Assyria  is  the  name 
 
 NAHUM 
 
 of  the  village  Alkush,  which  contains  his  suppos)^! 
 tomb,  and  fiom  its  similarity  to  Elkosh  was  a|ip.u-> 
 eiitly  selected  by  mediaeval  tradition  as  a  shiine  lor 
 pilgrims.  According  to  Pseudo-Epiphanius,  Nahum 
 was  of  the  tribe  of  Simeon.  The  date  of  Nahum'* 
 prophecy  can  be  detei'miiied  with  as  little  precision 
 as  his  birthplace.  In  the  Setler  01am  Rabba  he  is 
 made  cont/?mponiry  with  Joel  and  Habakkuk  in  the 
 reign  of  Manasseh.  .Syncellus  places  him  with 
 Hosea,  Amos  and  Jonah  in  the  reign  of  Joash  king 
 of  Israel,  more  than  a  century  earlier ;  while,  ac- 
 cording to  Eutychius,  he  was  contemporary  with 
 Ilaggai,  Zechariah,  and  Malachi,  and  prophesied  in 
 the  fil'th  year  after  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem. 
 Josephus  mentions  him  as  living  in  the  latter  part 
 of  the  reign  of  Jotham.  Carpzov  concluded  that 
 Nahum  prophesied  in  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of 
 Ahaz,  about  B.C.  742.  Modern  writers  aie  diviiied 
 in  their  suffrages.  Perlholdt  thinks  it  piobable 
 that  the  prophet  escaped  into  Judah  when  the  ten 
 tribes  were  carrie*!  captive,  and  wrote  in  the  reign 
 of  Ilezekiah.  Keil  jilaces  him  in  the  latter  half  of 
 Hezekiah's  reign,  after  the  inviiaion  of  Sennacherib. 
 Vitringa  was  of  the  like  opinion,  and  the  same  view 
 is  tiken  by  De  Wette  and  Knobel.  Junius  and  Tre- 
 mellius  select  the  last  years  of  Josiah  as  the  period 
 at  which  Nahum  prophesied.  The  arguments  by 
 which  Strauss  endeavours  to  prove  that  the  pio- 
 jihecy  belongs  to  the  time  at  which  Klauiusseh  was 
 in  captivity  at  Babylon,  that  is  between  the  years 
 6S0  and  6G7  B.C.,  are  not  convincing.  That  the 
 prophecy  was  written  before  the  final  downfall  of 
 Nineveh,  and  its  capture  by  the  Medes  ;uid  Chal- 
 deans (cir.  u.C.  625),  will  be  admitted.  The 
 allusions  to  the  .Assyrian  power  implv  that  it  w.as 
 still  unbroken  [\.  12,  ii.  1:5,  14,  iii.  l5-17y.  That 
 Palestine  was  suffering  from  the  effects  of  Assyrian 
 invasion  at  the  time  of  Nahum's  writing  seems 
 probable  from  the  allusions  in  i.  11,  12,  l;-l,  ii.2; 
 and  the  vivid  description  of  the  Assyrian  armament 
 in  ii.  3,  4.  At  such  a  time  the  projihecy  wouKI 
 be  appropriate,  and  if  i.  14  refers  to  the  death  of 
 Sennacherib  in  the  house  of  Nisroch,  it  must  have 
 been  written  belbre  that  event.  These  circum- 
 stances seem  to  determine  the  14tli  year  of  llezokiah 
 (B.C.  712)  as  the  period  bet'ore  which  the  jirophecy 
 of  Nahum  could  not  have  been  written.  The  con- 
 dition of  Assyria  in  the  reign  of  Seiinacheiib  \>oi  Id 
 correspond  with  the  state  of  things  implied  in  the 
 prophecy,  and  it  is  on  all  accounts  most  protable 
 that  Nahum  flourished  in  the  latter  halt  of  the 
 reign  of  Ilezekiah,  and  wrote  his  prophecy  .^oon 
 after  the  date  above  mentioned,  either  in  Jerusalem 
 or  its  neighbourhood.  The  subject  of  the  prophecy 
 is,  in  accordance  with  the  supei-scription,  "  the 
 burden  of  Nineveh.'*  The  three  chaptei-s  info 
 which  it  is  divided  form  a  consecutive  whole.  The 
 (irst  chapter  is  introductory.  It  commences  with  a 
 declaration  of  the  chaiacter  of  Jeliov.ih,  "  a  (iod 
 jealous  and  avenging,"  as  exiiibiteti  in  His  dealings 
 with  His  enemies,  and  the  swift  and  terrible  ven- 
 geance with  which  He  pui-snes  them^i.  2-6),  while 
 to  those  that  trust  in  Him  He  is  "good,  a  strong- 
 hold in  the  d.ay  ol  trouble"  (i.  7),  in  c-onti-ast  with 
 the  overwhelming  flooil  which  .shall  swiep  aw.ay 
 His  foes  (i.  8).  The  language  of  the  prophet  now 
 becomes  more  special,  and  jxiints  to  the  destruction 
 which  awaited  the  hosts  of  Assyria  who  had  just 
 gone  up  out  of  Judah  i.  9-11).  In  the  vei-ses 
 that  follow  the  intention  of  Jehov.ah  is  still  moi« 
 fully  declareil,  and  addiesse>l  rtist  to  Judah  l^i.  12, 
 
:;||,.      .11.  ,  1  ,  ,  .l|,^/»»^'/f<.  j^'ii^^^'" 
 
NAIDUS 
 
 13),  and  then  to  the  monarch  of  Assyria  (i.  14). 
 And  now  the  vision  grows  more  distinct.  The 
 messenfjor  oF  glad  tidings,  the  news  of  Nineveli's 
 downfall,  trod  the  mountains  that  were  round  about 
 Jerusalem  (i.  15),  and  proclaimed  to  Judah  the 
 accomplishment  of  her  vows.  But  round  the  doomed 
 city  gathered  the  destroying  armies  ;  "  the  breaker 
 m  pieces  "  had  gone  up,  and  Jehovah  mustered  His 
 hosts  to  the  battle  to  avenge  His  people  (ii.  1,  2). 
 The  prophet's  mind  in  vision  sees  the  burnished 
 bronze  shields  of  the  scarlet-clad  warrioi-s  of  the 
 besieging  aimy,  the  flashing  steel  scythes  of  the 
 war-chariots  as  they  are  drawn  up  in  battle  array, 
 and  the  quivering  cypress-shafts  of  their  spears 
 (ii.  3).  The  Assyrians  hasten  to  the  defence  :  their 
 chariots  rush  madly  through  the  streets,  and  run 
 to  and  fro  like  the  lightning  in  the  broad  ways, 
 which  glare  with  their  bright  armour  like  torches. 
 But  a  panic  has  seized  their  mighty  ones ;  their 
 ranks  are  broken  as  they  march,  and  they  hurry  to 
 the  wall  only  to  see  the  covered  battering-rams  of 
 the  besiegeis  ready  for  the  attack  (ii.  4,  5).  The 
 crisis  hastens  on  with  terrible  rapidity.  The  river- 
 gates  are  broken  in,  and  the  royal  palace  is  in  the 
 hands  of  the  victors  (ii.  6).  And  then  comes 
 the  end  ;  the  city  is  taken  and  carried  captive,  and 
 her  maidens  "  moan  as  with  the  voice  of  doves," 
 beating  their  breasts  with  sorrow  (ii.  7).  The 
 flight  becomes  general,  and  the  leaders  in  vain  en- 
 deavour to  stem  the  torrent  of  fugitives  (ii.  8). 
 The  wealth  of  the  city  and  its  accumulated  trea- 
 sures become  the  spoil  of  the  captors,  and  the  con- 
 quered suffer  all  the  horrors  that  follow  the  assault 
 and  storm  (ii.  9,  10).  Over  the  charred  and  black- 
 ened ruins  the  prophet,  as  the  mouthpiece  of  Je- 
 hovah, exclaims  in  triumph,  "  Where  is  the  lair  of 
 the  lions,  the  feeding  place  of  the  young  lions,  where 
 walked  lion,  lioness,  lion's  whelp,  and  none  made 
 (them)  afraid?"  (ii.  11,  12).  But  for  all  this 
 the  downfall  of  Nineveh  was  certain,  for  "  behold  ! 
 I  am  against  thee,  saith  Jehovah  of  Hosts  "  (ii.  13). 
 The  vision  ends,  and  the  prophet  recalled  from  the 
 scenes  of  the  future  to  the  realities  of  the  present, 
 collects  himself  as  it  w^ere,  for  one  final  outburst 
 of  withering  denunciation  against  the  Assyrian  city, 
 not  now  threatened  by  her  Median  and  Chaldean 
 conquerors,  but  in  the  full  tide  of  prosperity,  the 
 oppressor  and  corrupter  of  nations.  Mingled  with 
 this  woe  there  is  no  touch  of  sadness  or  compassion 
 for  her  fate  ;  she  will  fall  unpitied  and  unlamented, 
 and  with  teirible  calmness  the  prophet  pronounces 
 her  final  doom:  "all  that  hear  the  bruit  of  thee 
 shall  clap  the  hands  over  thee :  for  upon  whom  has 
 not  thy  wickedness  passed  continually?  "  (iii.  19). 
 As  a  poet,  Nahum  occupies  a  high  place  in  the  first 
 rank  of  Hebrew  literature.  In  proof  of  this  it  is 
 only  necessary  to  refer  to  the  opening  verses  of  his 
 prophec)'  (i.  2-6),  and  to  the  magnificent  description 
 of  the  siege  and  destruction  of  Nineveh  in  ch.  ii. 
 His  st3'le  is  clear  and  uuinvolved,  though  pregnant 
 and  forcible ;  his  diction  sonorous  and  rhythmical, 
 the  words  re-echoing  to  the  sense  (comp.  ii.  4,  iii. 
 3).  For  illustrations  of  Nahum's  prophecy,  see  the 
 article  Nixevkh. 
 
 Na'idiis=  Benaiaii  of  the  sons  of  Pahath  Moab 
 (I  Ksdr.  ix.  31  ;  comp.  Ezr.  x.  30). 
 
 Nail.  I.  (of  finger).  —  1.  A  nail  or  claw  of 
 man  or  animal.  2.  A  point  or  style,  e.  g.  for 
 writing  :  see  Jer.  xvii.  1.  Tsipporcn  occurs  in 
 Deut.  xxi.  12,  in  connexion  with  the  verb  'dsdh, 
 "  to  make  "  (A.  V.  "  pare,"  but  in  marg.  "  dress," 
 Con.  D.  B. 
 
 NAOMI 
 
 593 
 
 "suffer  to  grow  ").  Much  controversy  has  arisen 
 on  th«  meaning  of  this  passage;  one  set  of  in- 
 terpreters regarding  the  action  as  indicative  of 
 mourning,  while  others  refer  it  to  the  laying  aside 
 of  mourning.  Some,  who  would  thus  belong  to 
 the  latter  class,  refer  it  to  the  practice  of  staining 
 the  nails  with  henneh.  The  word  'dsdh,  "make," 
 is  used  both  of  "  dressing,"  i.  e.  making  clean  the 
 feet,  and  also  of  "  trimming,"  i.  e.  combing  and 
 making  neat  the  beard,  in  the  case  of  Mephibosheth, 
 2  Sam.  xix.  24.  The  captive's  head  was  probably 
 shaved  at  the  commencement  of  the  month,  and 
 during  that  period  her  nails  were  to  be  allowed 
 to  grow  in  token  of  natural  sorrow  and  consequent 
 personal  neglect. — H. — 1.  A  nail  (Is.  xli.  7),  a 
 stake  (Is.  xxxiii.  20),  also  a  tent-peg.  Tent-pegs  are 
 usually  of  wood  and  of  large  size,  but  sometime?, 
 as  was  the  case  with  those  used  to  fasten  the  cur- 
 tains of  the  Tabernacle,  of  metal  (Ex.  xxvii.  19, 
 .xxxviii.  20).  2.  A  nail,  primarily  a  point.  We 
 are  told  that  David  prepared  iron  for  the  nails  to 
 be  used  in  the  Temple ;  and  as  the  Holy  of  holies 
 was  plated  with  gold,  the  nails  also  for  fastening 
 the  plates  were  probably  of  gold. 
 
 Na'in.  There  are  no  materials  for  a  long  his- 
 tory or  a  detailed  description  of  this  village  of 
 Galilee,  the  gate  of  which  is  made  illustrious  by 
 the  raising  of  the  widow's  son  (Luke  vii.  12). 
 The  site  of  the  village  is  certainly  known  ;  and 
 there  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  approach  by  which 
 our  Saviour  was  coming  when  He  met  the  funeial. 
 The  modern  Nein  is  situated  on  the  north-western 
 edge  of  the  "  Little  Hermon,"  or  Jehel-ed-Duky, 
 where  the  ground  falls  into  the  plain  of  Esdraelon. 
 Again,  the  entrance  to  the  place  must  probably 
 always  have  been  up  the  steep  ascent  from  the 
 plain  ,  and  here,  on  the  west  side  of  the  village, 
 the  rock  is  full  of  sepulchral  caves. 
 
 Na'ioth,  or  more  fully,  "  Naioth  in  Uamah  ;"  a 
 place  in  which  Samuel  and  David  took  lefuge  to- 
 gether, after  the  latter  had  made  his  escape  from 
 the  jealous  fury  of  Saul  (1  Sam.  xix.  18,  19,  22, 
 23,  XX.  1).  It  is  evident  from  ver.  18,  that  Naioth 
 was  not  actually  in  Ramah,  Samuel's  habitual  re- 
 sidence. In  its  corrected  form  the  name  signifies 
 "  habititions,"  and  from  an  early  date  has  been 
 interpreted  to  mean  the  huts  or  dwellings  of  a 
 school  or  college  of  prophets  over  which  Samuel 
 presided,  as  Elisha  did  over  those  at  Gilgal  and 
 Jericho.  This  inteipretation  of  Naioth  is  now 
 generally  accepted  by  the  lexicographers  and  com- 
 mentators. • 
 
 Nane'a.  The  last  act  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes 
 was  his  attempt  to  plunder  the  temple  of  Nanea  at 
 Elymais,  which  had  been  enriched  by  the  gifts  and 
 trophies  of  Alexander  the  Great  (1  Mace.  vi.  1-4; 
 2  Mace.  i.  13-16).  The  Persian  goddess  Nanea  is 
 apparently  the  Moon-goddess,  of  whom  the  Greek 
 Artemis  was  the  nearest  representative  in  Poly- 
 bius,  Elphinstone  in  1811  found  coins  of  the 
 Sassanians  with  the  inscription  NANAFA,  and  on 
 the  reverse  a  figme  with  nimbus  and  lotus-tlowei-. 
 In  consequence  of  a  confusion  between  the  Greek 
 and  Eastern  mythologies,  Nanea  has  been  ident- 
 ified with  Artemis  and  Aphrodite,  the  probability 
 being  that  she  corresponds  with  the  Tauric  or 
 Ephesian  Artemis,  who  was  invested  with  the  at- 
 tributes of  Aphrodite,  and  represented  the  productive 
 povi^er  of  nature. 
 
 Na'omi,  the  wife  of  Elimelech,  and  mother-in- 
 law  of  Ruth  (Huth  i.  2,  &c,,  ii.  1,  &c.,  iii.  1,  iv 
 
 ii  Q 
 
594 
 
 NAPHISH 
 
 3,Si^-.).  The  name  is  ileiivcil  from  a  root  signify- 
 ing sweetness,  or  j)ii';isjintness,  ami  this  bigniHcance 
 cimtiiimtes  to  the  jioint  ot'  the  paionoinasia  in  i. 
 -0,  21,  though  the  juussage  contains  also  a  play  on 
 tlie  uieie  sound  of  tlie  name  : — "  Call  me  not  Naomi 
 (pleasant),  nail  me  Mai-a  (bitter)  .  .  .  .why  call  ye 
 me  Naomi  when  Jehovah  hath  testified  against 
 ine?  " 
 
 Na'phish,  the  last  but  one  of  the  sons  of  Ishmael 
 (tien.  xxv.  Ij  ;  1  Chr.  i.  31).  The  tii be  descended 
 from  Nodab  was  subdued  by  the  Keiibenites,  the 
 Gadites,  and  the  half  of  the  tribe  of  Manasseh,  when 
 "  they  made  war  with  the  Hagarites,  with  Jetui', 
 and  Xcp/iish,  and  Nodab"  (1  Chr.  v.  19).  The 
 tribe  is  not  again  fonnd  in  the  s;icred  records,  nor  is 
 it  mentioned  by  later  writers.  It  has  not  been 
 identified  with  any  Arabian  tribe. 
 Naphisi,  1  Esdr.  v.  31.  [Nkpiiusim.] 
 Naph'tali.  The  fifth  son  of  Jacob;  the  second 
 child  boiii.'  to  him  by  Bilhah,  llachel's  slave.  His 
 birth  and  the  bestowal  of  bis  name  .ire  recoided  in 
 Gen.  xxx.  8  : — "  and  ilachel  said  '  wrestlings  (or 
 contortions  —  naplitt'cle)  of  God  have  I  wrestled 
 (ni]ihtaltij  with  my  sister  and  have  prevailed.' 
 And  she  called  his  name  Naphfctli."  At  the  mi- 
 gration to  E<;vpt  four  sons  are  attributed  to  Naph- 
 tali  (Gen.  xlvi.  24;  Ex.  i.  4;  1  Chr.  vii.  13). 
 When  the  census  was  tiikcn  at  Mount  Sinai  the  tribe 
 numbered  no  less  than  53,400  fighting  men  (Num. 
 i.  43,  ii.  30).  It  thus  held  cvactiy  the  middle  ]X)- 
 sition  in  the  nation,  having  (iveabove  it  in  numbers, 
 and  six  below.  But  when  the  borders  of  tlie  Pro- 
 mised Land  were  readied,  its  niur.bers  were  reduced 
 to  45,400,  with  four  only  below  it  in  the  scale,  one 
 of  the  four  being  Ephraim  (Num.  xxvi.  48-50  ; 
 comp.  37).  During  the  march  through  the  wildei- 
 iiess  Naphtali  occupied  a  position  on  the  north  of 
 the  Sacred  Tent  with  Dan  and  A  slier  (Num.  ii.  2.5- 
 Sl).  In  the  apportionment  of  the  land,  the  lot  of 
 Kaphtali  w;\s  not  drawn  till  the  hist  but  one.  Tlie 
 territory  thus  appropriated  was  enclosed  on  three 
 sides  by  tiiose  of  other  tribes.  On  the  west  lay 
 Asher ;  on  the  south  Zebulun,  and  on  the  east 
 the  trans-jordanic  Manasseh,  The  north  terminated 
 with  the  ravine  of  the  LUdiiji  or  Leontes,  and 
 ojiened  into  the  spl.Midid  valley  which  sejiarates  the 
 two  ranges  of  Lebanon.  The  south  boundary  was 
 probably  very  much  the  same  as  that  which  at  a 
 later  time  separated  Upper  from  Lower  Galilee,  and 
 which  ran  from  or  about  the  town  of  Akha  to  the 
 upper  part  of  the  Sea  of  (ienesaret.  Thus  Naphtali 
 was  cut  (itf  fi'oui  till'  great  plain  of  i■;^dlaclon  by 
 the  mass  of  the  mountains  of  Nazareth  ;  while  on 
 the  east  it  had  a  communication  with  the  Sefi  of 
 Galilee,  the  rich  district  of  the  Ard  cl-Huleh  and 
 the  yferj  A'/i'tn,  and  all  the  splendidly  wateied 
 country  about  Banias  and  Hasbei/n,  the  springs 
 of  Jordan.  But  the  capabilities  of  these  phiins 
 and  of  tiie  access  to  tlie  Lake  were  not  dotined 
 to  be  developeil  while  they  were  in  the  keeping  of 
 the  tril)e  of  Na|ihtali.  It  was  the  mountainous 
 country  (Josh.  xx.  7)  which  foimed  the  chief  part 
 of  their  inheritance,  that  impressed  or  brought  out 
 the  (|Ualities  for  which  Naphtali  was  reniaikalilc 
 at  tlie  one  remarkable  period  of  its  history.  This 
 district,  the  modern  liclad-Ueshanth,  or  "  land  of 
 good  tidings,"  comprises  some  of  the  most  beautiful 
 scenery  ;uid  .some  of  the  most  fertile  soil  in  Palestine, 
 fort-sts  suipassing  tho<o  of  the  renowned  Carmel 
 itiiclf ;  as  rich  in  noble  and  ever-varying  prospe<'fs 
 as  any  country   in  the  world.     Naplitdi    had   its 
 
 NARCISSUS 
 
 share  in  those  incursions  and  niolest.itious  by  the 
 surrounding  heathen,  which  were  the  common  lot  oi 
 all  the  tribes  (Judah  perhaps  alone  e.vcepted)  during 
 the  first  ceiituri&*  after  the  conquest.  One  of  tlie.se, 
 apparently  the  severest  struggle  of  all,  fell  with 
 special  violence  on  the  north  of  the  country,  and 
 the  leader  by  whom  the  invasion  was  repelled— 
 Barak  of  Kede.--h-Naplitali  —  was  the  one  great 
 hero  whom  Naphtiili  is  recorded  to  have  produced. 
 Gilead  and  Reuben  lingered  beyond  the  Jordan 
 ainongst  their  flocks:  Dan  and  Asher  preferred  the 
 luxurious  calm  of  their  hot  lowlands  to  the  free  air 
 and  fierce  strife  of  the  mountains;  Issachar  with 
 characteristic  sluggishness  seems  to  have  moved 
 slowly  if  he  moved  at  all;  but  Zebulun  and  Naph- 
 tiili  on  the  summits  of  their  native  highlands  devoted 
 themselves  to  death,  even  to  an  extravagant  pitch 
 of  heroism  and  self-devotion  (Juilg.  v.  18).  After 
 this  burst  of  heroism,  the  Naplitalites  appear  to 
 have  resigned  themselves  to  the  intercourse  with 
 the  heathen,  which  was  the  bane  of  the  northern 
 tribes  in  general,  and  of  which  there  are  already 
 indications  in  Judg.  i.  33.  At  length  in  the  reign 
 of  Pekah  king  of  Israel  (cir.  B.C.  730),  Tiglath- 
 Pileser  overran  the  whole  of  the  north  of  Israel, 
 swept  ofl"  the  population,  and  bore  them  a  v.  ay  to 
 Assyria.  But  though  the  history  of  the  trilie  of 
 Naphtali  ends  here,  yet  under  the  title  of  (;ai.ili:k 
 the  district  which  they  had  formerly  occupied  was 
 destined  to  become  in  every  way  far  more  import- 
 ant than  it  had  ever  betbre  been. 
 
 Naphtali,  Mount.  The  mountainous  district 
 wliich  formed  the  iiiaiii  part  of  the  inheritance  of 
 Naphtali  (Josh.  xx.  7),  answering  to  "Mount 
 Ephraim  "  in  the  centre  and  "  Mount  Judah  "  in 
 the  south  of  Palestine. 
 
 Naph'thar.  The  name  given  by  Nehemiah  to 
 the  suljstance  which  after  the  Return  fiom  Babylon 
 was  discovered  in  the  dry  pit  in  which  at  the  de- 
 struction of  the  Temple  the  sacred  Fire  of  the  altar 
 had  been  hidden  (2  Mace.  i.  3(;,  comp.  49).  It 
 was  either  the  same  as  or  closely  allied  to  the 
 naphtha  of  modern  commerce  {Petroleum).  The 
 place  from  which  this  combustible  water  w-as  fciken 
 was  enclosed  by  the  "  king  of  Persia"  (.^rtaxerxes 
 Longimanus),  and  converted  into  a  sanctuary.  In 
 modern  times  it  has  been  identilie<l  with  the  large 
 well  called  by  the  Arabs  Bir-ci/uh,  situated  beneath 
 Jerusalem,  at  the  confluence  of  the  valleys  of  Kidron 
 and  llinnom  with  the  Widij  en-Xar  (or  "  valley  ot 
 the  fire  ").  At  present  it  would  be  au  equally  uu- 
 suitable  spot  eitlier  to  store  fire  or  to  seek  for 
 iiapliflia. 
 
 Naph'tuhim,  a  Mizraite  nation  or  tribe,  men- 
 tioned oiilv  in  the  account  of  the  descendants  of 
 Noah  (Geii.  X.  13  ;  IChr.  i.  Hi.  If  we  may  judge 
 from  their  jjosition  in  the  list  of  the  Mizraites,  the 
 Na])htuliim  were  pndiably  settled  at  first,  or  at  the 
 time  when  (ieii.  v.  was  written,  either  in  Egypt  or 
 immediately  to  the  west  of  it.  In  Coptic  the  city 
 Marea  and  the  neighbouring  territory  is  called 
 nip/tniat  or  niphaiaj.  In  hieroglyphics  mention  is 
 made  of  a  nation  or  confeder.ii^  of  tribes  am.pieied 
 bv  the  Egyptians  called  "the  Nine  Bows,"  a  n:ime 
 which  Champollion  read  Napliit,  or,  as  we  should 
 write  it,  NA-PETU.  "  the  bows,"  though  he  callel 
 them  "  the  Nine  Bows."  But  it  is  not  ceitain  that 
 either  of  these  names  can  safely  be  compared  with 
 Naphtuliim. 
 
 Narois'soa.  A  dweller  at  Rome  (Rom.  xvi.  \\\ 
 some  memljcrs  of  whose  liousehnM  were  known  iw 
 
NARD 
 
 Christians  to  St.  Paul.  Some  persons  have  assumed 
 the  identity  of  this  Narcissus  witli  the  secretaiy 
 of  the  Emperor  Claudius.  His  name,  however, 
 was  at  that  time  too  common  in  Rome  to  give  any 
 probabilitv  to  the  guess  that  he  was  the  Narcissus 
 mentioned  by  St.  Paul. 
 
 Nard.     [Spikenard.] 
 
 Nas'bas.  The  nephew  of  Tobit  who  came  with 
 Achiachai  us  to  the  wedding  of  Tobias  (Tob.  xi.  18). 
 
 Na'sith  ~  Neziah  (1  Esdr.  v.  32  ;  comp.  Ezr. 
 ii.  .=^4,. 
 
 Na'sor,  the  Plain  of,  the  scene  of  an  action 
 between  Jonathan  the  Maccabee  and  the  forces  of 
 Demetrius  (1  Mace.  xi.  67,  comp.  63).  It  may  be 
 sat'elv  identified  with  Hazor. 
 
 Na'than,  an  eminent  Hebrew  prophet  in  the 
 reigns  of  David  and  Solomon.  If  the  expression 
 "  Hi-st  and  last,"  in  2  Chr.  ix.  29,  is  to  be  Uiken 
 liteially,  he  must  have  lived  late  into  the  life  of  Solo- 
 mon, in  which  c<ise  he  must  have  been  considerably 
 younger  than  David.  He  first  appears  in  the  con- 
 sultation with  David  about  the  building  of  the 
 Temple  (2  Sam.  vii.  2,  3,  17).  He  next  comes 
 forward  as  the  reprover  of  David  for  the  sin  with 
 Bathsheba ;  and  his  fjimous  npologue  on  the  rich 
 man  and  the  ewe  lamb,  which  is  the  only  direct 
 example  of  his  prophetic  power,  shows  it  to  have 
 been  of  a  very  high  order  (2  Sam.  xii.  1-12).  On 
 the  birth  of  Solomon  he  was  either  specially  charged 
 with  giving  him  his  name,  Jedidiah,  or  else  with 
 his  education  (2  Sam.  xii.  25).  At  any  rate,  in  the 
 last  years  of  David,  it  is  Nathan  who,  by  taking 
 the  side  of  Solomon,  turned  the  scale  in  his  favour. 
 He  advised  Bathsheba ;  he  himself  ventured  to 
 enter  the  royal  presence  with  a  remonstrance  against 
 the  king's  apathy  ;  and  at  David's  request  he  as- 
 .sisted  in  the  inauguration  of  Solomon  fl  K.  i.  8, 
 10,  11,  22,  23,  24,  32,  34,  38,  45).  This  is  the 
 last  time  that  we  hear  directly  of  his  intervention  in 
 the  history.  He  left  two  works  behind  hmi — a 
 Life  of  David  (1  Chr.  xxix.  29),  and  a  Life  of  Solo- 
 mon (2  Chr.  ix.  29).  The  last  of  these  may 
 have  been  incomplete,  as  we  cannot  be  sure  that 
 he  outlived  Solomon.  But  the  biography  of  David 
 by  Nathan  is,  of  all  the  losses  which  antiquity, 
 sacred  or  profane,  has  sustained,  the  most  deplor- 
 able. His  grave  is  shown  at  Halhul  near  Hebion. 
 —2.  A  son  of  David ;  one  of  the  four  who  were 
 born  to  him  by  Bathsheba  (1  Chr.  fii.  5;  comp. 
 xiv.  4,  and  2  Sam.  v.  14).  Nathan  appears  to 
 have  taken  no  part  in  the  events  of  his  father's  or 
 his  brother's  reigns.  He  is  interesting  to  us  from 
 his  appearing  as  one  of  the  forefathei-s  of  Joseph  in 
 the  genealogy  of  St.  Luke  (iii.  31).— 3.  Son,  or 
 brother,  of  one  of  the  members  of  David's  guaid 
 (2  Sam.  xxiii.  36;  1  Chr.  xi.  38).— 4.  One  of  the 
 head  men  who  returned  from  Babylon  with  Ezra 
 on  his  second  expedition  ( Kzr.  viii.  16;  1  Esdr. 
 viii.  44).  It  is  not  impossible  that  he  may  be  the 
 same  with  the  "  son  of  Bani  "  (Ezr.  x.  39  ;. 
 
 Nathan'ael,  a  disciple  of  Jesus  Chi-ist  concern- 
 ing whom,  un<ier  that  name  at  least,  we  learn  from 
 Scripture  little  more  than  his  birthplace,  Cana  of 
 Galilee  (John  xxi.  2),  and  his  simple  truthful  cha- 
 racter (John  i.  47).  The  name  does  not  occur  in 
 the  first  three  Gospels.  St.  John  (i.  46-51 ),  how- 
 ever, tells  us  of  his  first  intei-view  with  Jesus,  in 
 company  with  his  brother  Philip,  on  the  only  occa- 
 sion on  which  he  appears  prominently  in  the  his- 
 tory. On  his  approach  to  Jesus  he  is  saluted  by 
 Hini    as    "  an    Israehte    indeed,   in   whom    is    no 
 
 NAZARETH 
 
 595 
 
 guile" — a  true  child  of  Abraham,  and  not  simply 
 according  to  the  flesh.  The  name  of  Nathanael 
 occurs  but  once  again  in  the  Gospel  narrative,  and 
 then  simply  as  one  of  the  small  company  of  dis- 
 ci])les  to  whom  Jesus  showed  Himself  at  the  Sea  of 
 Tiberias  alter  His  resurrection.  It  is  very  com- 
 monly believed  that  Nathanael  and  Bartholomew 
 are  the  same  person.  The  e\-idence  for  that  belief 
 is  as  follows  : — St.  John,  who  twice  mentions 
 Nathanael,  never  introduces  the  name  of  Bar- 
 tholomew at  all.  St.  Matt.  x.  3  ;  St.  Maik  iii.  18  ; 
 and  St.  Luke  vi,  14,  ail  speak  of  Bartholomew, 
 but  never  of  Nathanael.  It  may  be,  however,  that 
 Nathanael  was  the  proi)er  name,  and  Bartholomew 
 (son  of  Tholmai)  the  surname  of  the  same  disciple, 
 ju.st  as  Simon  was  called  Bar-Jona,  and  Joses,  Bar- 
 nabas. It  was  Philip  wlio  first  brought  Nathanael 
 to  Jesus,  just  as  Andrew  had  brought  his  brother 
 Simon  ;  and  Bartholomew  is  named  by  each  of  the 
 fii'st  three  Evangelists  immeiliately-  after  Philip, 
 while  by  St.  Luke  he  is  coupled  with  Philip  pre- 
 cisely in  the  same  way  as  Simon  with  his  bi  other 
 Andrew,  and  James  with  his  brother  John.^ 
 2.   1  Esdr.  i.  9.     [Nethaneel.] — 3.   1  Ksdr.  ix. 
 
 22.  [Nethaxkel.] — 4.  Son  of  Samael ;  one  ot 
 the  ancestors  of  Judith  (Jud.  viii.  1),  and  therefore 
 a  Simeonite  fix.  2). 
 
 Nathani'as  =  Nathan  of  the  sons  of  Bam 
 (1  E^dr.  ix.  34 ;  comp.  Ezr.  x.  39). 
 
 Na'than-Mel'ech,  a  eunuch  f A.  V.  "chamber- 
 lain") in  the  court  of  Josiah  (2  K.  xxiii.  11). 
 
 Na'um,  son  of  Esli  and  father  of  Amos,  in  the 
 genealogy  of  Christ  (Luke  iii.  25),  about  contem- 
 porary with  the  high-piiesthood  of  Jason  and  the 
 reign  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes. 
 
 Nave.  The  Heb.  gav  conveys  the  notion  of  con- 
 vexity or  protuberance.  It  is  lendered  in  A.  V. 
 boss  of  a  shield,  Job  xv.  26;  the  eyebrow.  Lev. 
 xiv.  9  ;  an  eminent  place,  Ez.  xvi.  31  ;  once  only 
 in  plur.  naves,  1  K.  vii.  33  ;  but  in  Ez.  i.  18  twice, 
 "  rings,"  and  marg.  ''  strakes." 
 
 Na've.  Joshua  the  son  of  ,\un  is  always  called 
 in  tlie  LXX.  "  the  son  of  Nave,"  and  this  form  is 
 retaiuf-d  in  Ecclus.  xlvi.  1. 
 
 Naz'arene,  an  inhabitant  of  Nazareth.  This 
 appellative  is  found  in  the  N.  T.  app)lied  to  Jesus 
 in  many  passages.  Its  application  to  Jesus,  in  con- 
 sequence of  tlie  providential  ariangements  by  whicli 
 His  parents  were  led  to  take  up  their  abode  in 
 Nazal eth,  was  the  filling  out  of  the  predictions  in 
 which  the  promised  Messiah  is  described  as  a  Aetser, 
 I.  e.  3  shoot,  Sftrout,  of  Jesse,  a  humble  and  despised 
 descendant  of  the  decayed  royal  fimilv.  Whenever 
 men  spwke  of  Jesus  as  the  Nazaiene,  they  either 
 consciously  or  unconsciously  pronounced  one  of  the 
 names  of  the  predicted  Messiah  a  name  indicative 
 both  of  his  royal  descent  and  his  humble  condition. 
 Once  (.Acts  xxiv.  5)  the  term  Nazarenes  is  applied 
 to  the  followers  of  Jesus  by  way  of  contempt.  The 
 name  still  exists  in  Arabic  as  the  ordinary  designa- 
 tion of  Christians. 
 
 Naz'areth  is  not  mentioned  in  the  Old  Testa- 
 ment or  in  Josephus,  but  occurs  first  in  Matt.  ii. 
 
 23.  It  derives  its  celebrity  almost  entirely  from  its 
 connexion  with  the  history  of  Christ,  and  in  that 
 respect  has  a  hold  on  the  iinagination  and  feelings 
 of  men  which  it  shares  only  with  Jerusalem  and 
 Bethlehem.  It  is  situated  among  the  hills  which 
 constitute  the  south  ridges  of  Lebanon,  just  before 
 they  sink  down  into  the  Plain  of  Esdraelon.  Of 
 the  identification  of  the  ancient  site  there  can  be 
 
 2  Q  ? 
 
59(^ 
 
 NAZARITE 
 
 no  iloiiht.  The  name  of  tlie  present  village  is 
 eu-.\iiztr(ih,  the  same,  theietbre,  as  of  old ;  it  is 
 formed  on  a  liiU  or  mountain  (lAike  iv.  29);  it  is 
 witliin  tile  limits  of  the  province  of  Galilee  (Mark 
 i.  9)  ;  it  is  near  Cana,  aceoidiiig  to  the  implication 
 ill  John  ii.  1,  2,  11  ;  a  preci(iii!e  exists  in  the  nei;;h- 
 hoiiihood  (Luke  iv.  29j;  and,  finally,  a  series  of 
 testimonies  reach  back  to  Kusebius,  the  father  of 
 Church  history,  which  represent  the  place  as  having 
 occupiat  an  invariable  position.  The  moilern  Naza- 
 reth belongs  to  the  better  cl.i.«s  of  eastern  villages. 
 It  has  a  population  of  3000  or  4000  ;  a  few  are 
 Mohammedans,  the  rest  Latin  and  Greek  Christians. 
 Most  of  the  houses  are  well  built  of  stone,  and  have 
 a  neat  and  comfortable  apiDeaiance.  The  sti'eets  or 
 lanes  are  nairow  and  crooked,  and  after  rain  are 
 so  full  of  mud  and  mire  as  to  be  almost  impassable. 
 The  origin  of  the  disrepute  in  which  Nazareth 
 stoo<l  (John  i.  47  i  is  not  certainly  knov/n.  All  the 
 inhabitants  of  Galilee  were  looked  upon  with  con- 
 tempt by  the  people  of  Judaea  because  they  spoke 
 a  ruder  dialect,  were  less  cultivated,  and  were 
 more  exposed  by  their  position  to  contact  with  the 
 heathen.  But  Nazareth  labouretl  under  a  special 
 O])piobrinm,  for  it  was  a  Galilean  and  not  a  southern 
 •lew  who  asked  the  reproachful  question  whether 
 "any  good  thing"  could  come  fiom  that  source. 
 It  has  been  sui^gested  that  the  inhabitints  of  Naza- 
 reth may  have  had  a  bad  name  amons  their  neigh- 
 bours for  irreligion  or  some  laxity  of  morals.  We 
 pass  over,  as  foreign  to  the  proper  object  of  this 
 notice,  any  particular  account  of  the  "  holy  places" 
 which  the  legends  have  sought  to  connect  with 
 events  in  the  life  of  Christ.  Two  loailities,  how- 
 ever, form  an  e.xception  to  this  statement,  inas- 
 much as  they  possess,  though  in  different  ways,  a 
 certain  interest  which  no  one  will  fail  lo  recognise. 
 One  of  these  is  the  "  Fountain  of  the  Virgin,"  situ- 
 ated at  the  north-eastern  extremity  of  the  town, 
 where,  according  to  one  tradition,  the  mother  of 
 Jesus  received  the  angel's  salutation  (Luke  i.  28). 
 The  other  place  is  that  of  the  attempted  Precipita- 
 tion. A  prevalent  opinion  of  the  country  has  trans- 
 ferred the  event  to  a  hill  about  two  miles  south-east 
 of  the  town,  but  this  is  improbable.  Above  the 
 bulk  of  the  town  are  several  rocky  ledges  over 
 which  a  person  could  not  be  thrown  without  almost 
 certain  destruction.  But  there  is  one  very  remark- 
 able precipice,  almost  perpendicular  and  forty  or 
 fifty  feet  high,  near  the  Maronite  church,  which 
 may  well  be  supposed  to  be  the  identical  one  over 
 which  His  infuriated  townsmen  attempted  to  hurl 
 Jesus. 
 
 Naz'arite,  more  properly  Naz'irite  (Ileb.  ndztr, 
 and  nczir  eloldia),  one  of  either  sex  who  was  bound 
 by  a  vow  of  a  peculiar  kind  to  lie  set  apart  from 
 others  for  the  service  of  God.  The  obligation  was 
 i>ither  for  life  or  for  a  defined  time.  I.  There  is  no 
 notice  in  the  I'entateuth  of  Nazarites  for  life ;  but 
 the  regulations  for  the  vow  of  a  Nazarite  of  days 
 aip  given  Num.  vi.  1-21.  The  Nazarite,  during 
 the  term  of  his  consecration,  was  bound  to  abstain 
 from  wine,  grapes,  with  every  production  of  the 
 vine,  and  from  every  kiml  of  intoxicating  drink. 
 He  was  forbidden  to  cut  the  hair  of  his  head,  or  to 
 appioich  any  dead  bo<ly,  even  that  of  his  nearest 
 iidation.  When  the  })criod  of  his  vow  was  ful- 
 lilled,  he  was  brought  to  the  door  of  the  falxTiiacle  i 
 and  was  ie(Hiired  to  nller  a  he  lamb  for  a  burnt-  I 
 olfering,  a  ewe  lamb  for  a  sin-oflering,  and  a  mra 
 for  a    peace-od'ering,  with   the   usual    aix;onii)niii-  i 
 
 NAZARITE 
 
 ments  of  peace-oU'erings  (Lev.  vii.  12,  13)  and  of 
 the  offering  made  at  the  consecration  of  priests 
 fEx.  xxix.  2),  "a  basket  of  unleavened  bread,  cakes 
 of  line  Hour  mingled  with  oil,  and  wafers  of  un- 
 leavened bread  anointed  with  oil"  (Num.  vi.  15) 
 He  brought  also  a  meat-oft'ering  and  a  drink-ofleriiig, 
 which  appear  to  have  been  presented  by  themselves 
 as  a  distinct  act  of  service  (ver.  17).  He  was  to 
 cut  off  the  hair  of  "  the  head  of  his  separation" 
 (that  is,  the  hair  which  had  grown  during  the 
 period  of  his  consecration)  at  the  door  of  the  taber- 
 nacle, and  to  put  it  into  the  fire  under  the  sacrifice 
 on  the  altar.  The  priest  then  placed  upon  his 
 hands  the  sodden  left  shoulder  of  the  ram,  with  one 
 of  the  unleavened  cakes  an<l  one  of  the  wafers,  and 
 then  took  them  again  and  waved  them  for  a  wave- 
 ollenng.  These,  as  well  as  the  bre;ist  and  the 
 heave,  or  right  shoulder  (to  which  he  was  entitled 
 in  the  case  of  ordinary  peace-offerings.  Lev.  vii. 
 32-34),  were  the  perquisite  of  the  priest.  The 
 Naxarite  also  gave  him  a  present  proportioned  to 
 his  circumstances  (ver.  21).  If  a  Nazarite  incurred 
 defilement  by  accidental!}'  touching  a  dead  body, 
 he  had  to  undergo  certain  rites  of  purification,  and 
 to  recommence  the  full  perioil  of  his  consecration. 
 There  is  nothing  whatever  said  in  the  Old  Testa- 
 ment of  the  duration  of  the  period  of  the  vow  of 
 the  Nazarite  of  days.  According  to  the  Mishna  the 
 usual  time  was  thirty  days,  but  double  vows  for 
 sixty  days,  and  treble  vows  for  a  hundred  days, 
 were  sometimes  made.  There  are  some  other  par- 
 ticulars given  in  the  Mishna,  which  are  curious  as 
 showing  how  the  institution  was  regarded  in  later 
 times.— H.  Of  the  Nazarites  for  lile  three  are  men- 
 tioned in  the  Scriptures  :  Siimson,  Samuel,  and  St. 
 John  the  Baptist.  The  only  one  of  these  actually 
 called  a  Nazarite  is  Samson.  We  are  but  imper- 
 fectly informed  of  the  ditlerence  between  the  ob- 
 servances of  the  Nazarite  for  life  and  those  of  the 
 Nazarite  for  days.  The  later  Ilabbis  slightly  notice 
 tills  point.  We  do  not  know  whether  the  vow  for 
 life  was  ever  voluntarily  t;d;en  by  the  individual. 
 In  all  the  cases  mentioned  in  the  sacred  history, 
 it  was  made  by  the  parents  before  the  birth  of  the 
 Nazarite  himselt".  The  Mishna  makes  a  distinc- 
 tion between  the  ordinary  N;uarite  for  life  and 
 the  Samson-Nazarite.— 111.  The  consecration  of  the 
 Nazarite  bore  a  striking  resemblance  to  that  of  the 
 high-priest  (Lev.  xxi.  10-12).  In  one  particular, 
 this  is  brought  out  more  plainly  in  the  Hebrew 
 text  than  it  is  in  our  version,  in  the  LXX.,  or  in 
 the  Vulgate.  One  word  {nezer),  derived  from  the 
 same  root  as  Nazarite,  is  used  for  the  long  hair  of 
 the  Niizarite  (Num.  vi.  19),  whore  the  A.  V.  has 
 "  hair  of  his  separation,"  and  for  the  anointed  head 
 of  the  high-priest  (Lev.  xxi.  12),  where  it  is  ren- 
 dered "  crown."  rerhai>s  it  would  not  l>e  unrea- 
 sonable to  suppose  that  the  half  saceitiotal  cha- 
 racter of  Siinuiel  might  have  been  connected  with 
 his  prerogative  as  a  Nazarite.— IV.  Of  the  two 
 vows  recordwl  of  St.  I'aul,  that  in  Acts  xviii.  18 
 certainly  cannot  be  regarded  as  a  regular  Nazarite 
 vow.  All  that  we  are  told  cf  it  is  that,  on  his 
 way  from  Corinth  to  Jerusalem,  he  "  shaveil  his 
 head  in  Ceiichreae,  for  he  had  a  vow."  It  is  most 
 likely  that  it  was  a  sort  of  vow,  modifieil  from  the 
 proper  Nazarite  vow,  which  had  come  into  use  at 
 this  time  amongst  the  religious  Jews  who  had  been 
 visited  by  sickness,  or  any  other  calamity.  The 
 other  reference  to  a  vow  taken  by  St.  Paul  is  in 
 .\cts  xxi.  24,  where  w;  find  the  brethren  at  Jeru- 
 
NAZA.RITE 
 
 s-Jem  exhorting  liim  to  tike  part  with  four  Chris- 
 tians who  luul  a  vow  on  tlieni,  to  sanctify  (not 
 imrify,  as  iu  A.  V.)  liimself  with  tliem,  and  to  l)e 
 at  charges  with  them,  that  they  might  shave  their 
 heads,  it  ainnot  be  doubt«ti  that  this  was  a  strictly 
 legal  Nazarite  vow.— V.  That  the  institution  of 
 Nazaritism  existed  and  had  become  a  matter  of 
 course  amongst  the  Hebrews  before  the  time  of 
 Moses  is  beyond  a  doubt.  -The  legislator  appears 
 to  have  done  no  more  than  oixlain  such  legulations 
 for  the  vow  of  the  JN'azarite  of  days  as  brought  it 
 under  the  cognizance  of  the  piiest,  and  into  liar- 
 mouy  with  tiie  general  system  of  religious  ob- 
 servance. It  has  been  assumed,  not  unreasonably, 
 that  the  consecration  of  the  Nazarite  for  life  was 
 of  at  least  equal  antiquity.  But  it  is  doubted  in 
 regard  to  Nazaritism  in  general,  whether  it  was  of 
 native  or  foreign  origin.  Ewald  supposes  that 
 Nazarites  for  life  were  numerous  iu  veiy  early 
 times,  and  that  they  multiplied  iu  periods  of  great 
 political  and  religious  excitement.  The  only  ones, 
 however,  expressly  named  in  the  Old  Testament 
 are  Sanisou  and  Samuel.  When  Amos  wrote,  the 
 Nazarites,  as  well  as  the  prophets,  suffered  from 
 the  persecution  and  contempi  of  the  ungodly  (Am. 
 ii.  11,  12).  In  the  time  of  Judas  Maccabaeus  we 
 find  the  devout  Jews,  when  they  were  bringing 
 their  gifts  to  the  priests,  stirring  up  the  Nazarites 
 of  days  who  had  completed  the  time  of  their  con- 
 secration to  make  the  accustomed  otierings  (1  Mace, 
 iii.  49).  From  this  incident  we  may  inter  that  the 
 number  of  Nazarites  must  have  been  very  con- 
 siderable during  the  two  centuries  and  a  half  which 
 preceded  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem.— VI.  The 
 word  ndsir  occurs  in  three  passages  of  the  Old 
 Testament,  in  which  it  appears  to  mean  one  sepa- 
 rated from  others  as  a  prince.  Two  of  the  passages 
 refer  to  Joseph  :  one  is  in  Jacob's  benediction  of  his 
 sons  (Gen.  xli.\.  26j,  the  other  in  JMoses'  benediction 
 of  the  tribes  (Deut.  xxxiii.  16).  The  third  passage 
 is  that  in  which  the  prophet  is  mourning  over  tlie 
 departed  prosperity  and  beauty  of  Siou  i^Lam.  vi. 
 7,  8).  In  the  A,  V.  the  words  are,  "  Her  Naza- 
 rites were  purer  than  snow,"  &c.  But  Gesenius, 
 De  Wette,  and  other  modern  critics,  think  that  it 
 refers  to  the  young  piinces  of  Israel. — VII.  The 
 vow  of  the  Nazarite  of  days  must  have  been  a  self- 
 imposed  discipline,  undertaken  with  a  specific  pur- 
 pose. The  Jewish  writers  mostly  I'egarded  it  as  a 
 kind  of  penance.  The  Nazaiite  of  days  might  have 
 fulfilled  his  vow  without  attracting  much  notice; 
 but  the  Nazarite  for  life,  on  the  other  hand,  must 
 have  been,  with  his  flowing  hair  and  persistent  re- 
 fusal of  strong  drink,  a  marked  man.  Whether  in 
 any  other  particular  his  daily  life  was  peculiar  is 
 uncertain.  But  without  our  resting  on  anything 
 that  may  be  called  in  question,  he  must  have  been 
 a  public  witness  tor  the  idea  of  legal  strictness  and 
 of  whatever  else  Nazaritism  was  intended  to  ex- 
 press. The  meaning  of  the  Nazarite  vow  has  been 
 regarded  in  different  lights.  Some  consider  it  as  a 
 symbolical  expression  of  the  Divine  nature  working 
 in  man,  and  deny  that  it  involved  anything  of  a 
 strictly  ascetic  character ;  others  see  iu  it  the  prin- 
 ciple of  stoicism,  and  miagine  that  it  was  intended 
 to  cultivate,  and  bear  witness  for,  the  sovereignty 
 of  the  will  over  the  lower  tendencies  of  human 
 natuie ;  while  some  regard  it  wholly  in  the  light 
 of  a  sacrifice  of  the  person  to  God.  Several  of  the 
 Jewish  writers  have  fciken  the  first  view  more  or 
 less    completely.      But    the    philosophical   Jewish 
 
 NEAPOLIS 
 
 597 
 
 doctoiti.  for  the  most  part,  seem  to  have  preferred 
 the  second.  Fhilo  has  taken  the  deeper  view  ot' 
 the  subject.  Ewald,  following  in  the  same  line 
 of  thought,  has  treated  the  vow  of  the  Nazaiite  a.s 
 an  act  ot  self-saciifice.  Tliat  it  was  essentially  a 
 sacrifice  of  the  person  to  the  Lord  is  obviously  in 
 accordance  with  the  terms  of  the  Law  (Num.  vi.  2). 
 As  the  Nazarite  was  a  witness  for  the  straitness  of 
 the  Law,  as  distinguished  from  the  freedom  of  the 
 Gospel,  his  sacrifice  of  himself  was  a  submission  to 
 the  letter  of  a  rule.  Its  outward  manifestations 
 were  restraints  and  eccentricities.  The  man  was 
 separated  from  his  brethren  that  he  might  be  pecu- 
 liarly devoted  to  the  Lord.  This  w;is  consibtent 
 with  the  purpose  of  divine  wisdom  for  the  time  foi 
 which  it  was  ordained. 
 
 Ne'ah,  a  place  which  was  one  of  the  landmarks 
 on  the  boundary  of  Zebulun  (Josh.  xix.  13  only). 
 By  Eusebius  and  Jerome  it  is  mentioned  merely 
 with  a  caution  that  there  is  a  place  of  the  same 
 name,  10  miles  S.  of  Neapolis.  It  has  not  yet  been 
 identified. 
 
 Neapolis  is  the  place  in  northern  Greece  where 
 Paul  and  his  associates  first  landed  in  Europe  (Acts 
 xvi.  11);  where,  no  doubt,  he  landed  also  on  his 
 second  visit  to  Macedonia  (Acts  xx.  1),  and  whence 
 certainly  he  embarked  on  his  last  journey  through 
 that  province  to  Troas  and  Jerusalem  (Acts  xx.  6). 
 Philippi  being  an  inland  town,  Neapolis  was  evid- 
 ently the  port.  It  has  been  made  a  question 
 whether  this  harbour  occupied  the  site  of  the  pre- 
 sent KavaUa,  a  Turkish  town  on  the  coast  of 
 Koumelia,  or  should  be  sought  at  some  other  place. 
 Cousineiy  and  Tafel  maintain,  against  the  common 
 opinion,  that  Luke's  Neapolis  was  not  at  Kavalla, 
 the  inhabited  town  of  that  name,  but  at  a  deserted 
 harbour  ten  or  twelve  miles  further  west,  known  as 
 Eski  or  Old  Kavalla.  It  may  be  well,  therefore, 
 to  mention  the  reasons  which  support  the  claim  ol 
 Kavalla  to  be  regarded  as  the  ancient  Neapolis,  in 
 opposition  to  those  which  are  urged  iu  favour  of 
 the  other  haibour.  First,  the  Roman  and  Greek 
 ruins  at  Kavalla  prove  that  a  port  existed  there  in 
 ancient  times.  Neapolis,  wherever  it  was,  formed 
 the  point  of  contact  between  Northern  Greece  and 
 Asia  Minor,  at  a  period  of  great  commercial  activity, 
 and  would  be  expected  to  have  left  vestiges  of  its 
 former  importimce.  The  antiquities  found  still  at 
 Kavalla  fulfil  entirely  that  presumption.  On  the 
 contrary,  no  ruins  have  been  found  at  Eski  Kavalla, 
 or  Paleopoli,  as  it  is  also  called,  which  can  be  j)ro- 
 nounced  unmistakeably  ancient.  No  remains  of 
 walls,  no  inscriptions,  and  no  indications  of  any 
 thoroughfare  leading  thence  to  Philippi,  are  re- 
 ported to  exist  there.  Secondly,  the  advantages  of 
 the  position  render  Kavalla  the  probable  site  of 
 Neapolis.  It  is  the  first  convenient  h&i'bour  south 
 of  the  Hellespont,  on  coming  from  the  east.  It  lies 
 open  somewhat  to  the  south  and  south-west,  but  is 
 otherwise  well  sheltered.  Thirdly,  the  facility  of 
 inteicourse  between  this  port  and  Philippi  shows 
 that  Kavalla  and  Neapolis  must  be  the  same.  The 
 distance  is  ten  miles,  and  hence  not  greater  than 
 Corinth  was  fiom  Cenchreae,  and  Ostia  from  Home. 
 The  distance  between  Philippi  and  Eski  Kavalla 
 must  be  nearly  twice  as  great.  Fourthly,  the 
 notices  of  the  ancient  writers  lead  us  to  adopt  the 
 same  view.  Thus  Dio  Cassius  says  that  Neapolis 
 was  opposite  Thasos,  and  that  is  the  situation  ot 
 Kavalla.  Finally,  the  ancient  Itineraries  support 
 entirely  the  identification  in  (juestion.      Both  the 
 
598 
 
 NEARIAH 
 
 Aiitoiiiiie  and  the  Jerusalem  Itinemries  show  that 
 tlie  Esjiiatian  Way  passed  th-ougli  Philippi.  They 
 nipiition  Philippi  and  Nenpolis  us  next  to  each  otlier 
 in  the  order  of  suLce.ssioii ;  and  since  the  Hi'.e  of 
 tiavel  which  these  Itineraries  sketcli  was  tlie  one 
 which  led  from  the  west  to  Byzantium,  or  Con- 
 stantinople, it  is  reasonable  to  supjHise  that  tiie 
 road,  after  leaving  i'hilippi,  would  pursue  the  most 
 convenient  and  direct  course  to  tlie  east  which  the 
 nature  of  the  country  allows.  If  the  road,  there- 
 fore, was  constiucted  on  this  obvious  principle,  it 
 would  follow  the  track  of  the  present  Turkish  road, 
 and  the  next  sUition,  consequently,  would  be  Nea- 
 polis,  or  Kavalla,  on  the  coast,  at  the  termination 
 of  the  only  natural  detile  across  the  intervening 
 mountains.  Neapolis,  therefore,  like  the  present 
 Kavalla,  w:is  on  a  high  rocky  promontorv  which 
 juts  out  into  the  Aegean.  The  harbour,  a  mile  and 
 a  half  wide  at  the  entrance,  and  half  a  mile  broad, 
 lies  on  the  west  side. 
 
 Neari'ah.  1.  One  of  the  six  sons  of  Shemaiah 
 m  the  line  of  the  royal  family  of  Judah  after  the 
 captivity  (1  Chr.  iii.  Ti,  2o).— 2.  A  son  of  Ishi, 
 and  one  of  the  cai)tains  of  the  50(J  Sinieonites  who, 
 in  the  days  of  Hezekiah,  drove  out  the  Amalekites 
 from  Mount  Seir  (1  Chr.  iv.  42). 
 
 Neba'i,  a  family  of  the  heads  of  the  people  who 
 signed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  19j. 
 The  LXX.  followed  the  written  text,  while  the 
 Vulgate  adopted  the  reading  of  the  margin. 
 
 Nebai'oth,  Nebaj'otli,  the  "  first-born  of  Ish- 
 mael"  ((ieii.  >:xv.  13;  1  Chr.  i.  29),  and  father  of 
 a  pastoral  tube  named  alter  him,  the  ''  rams  of 
 Nebaioth  "  being  mentioned  by  the  prophet  Isjiiah 
 (Ix.  7)  with  the  flocks  of  Kedar.  From  the  days 
 of  Jerome  this  people  had  been  identified  with  the 
 Naltathaeans,  until  M.  Quatrem^re  first  investig- 
 ated the  origin  of  the  latter,  their  language,  reli- 
 gion, and  history.  It  will  be  convenient  to  reaip- 
 itulate,  briefly,  the  results  of  M.  Quatremfere's 
 labours,  with  those  of  the  later  works  of  M. 
 Chwolson  and  others  on  the  s;ime  subject,  before 
 we  consider  the  grounds  lor  identifying  the  Nabi- 
 thaeaus  with  Nebaioth.  From  the  works  of  Arab 
 authors,  M.  Qiiatrenifere  proved  the  existence  of  a 
 nation  called  Nabat,  or  Nabeet,  pi.  Anbat,  reputed 
 to  be  of  ancient  origin,  of  whom  scattered  remnants 
 existed  in  Arab  times,  after  the  era  of  the  Flight. 
 The  Nabat,  in  the  days  of  their  early  prosperity, 
 inhabited  the  country  chiefly  between  the  Euphrates 
 and  the  Tigris,  14eyn  en  Nahreyn  and  Hl-Iiak  (the 
 Mesopotamia  and  Chaldaea  of  the  classics).  That 
 this  was  their  chief  seat,  and  that  they  were 
 Aramaeans,  or  more  accurately  Syro-Chaldaeaiis, 
 seems,  in  the  present  state  of  the  inquiry,  to  be  a 
 safe  conclusion.  The  -Vrabs  loosely  apply  the  name 
 Nabat  to  the  Syrians,  or  especially  the  eiistern 
 Syrians,  to  the  Syro-Chaldaeans,  &c.  Quatiem6ie 
 introduced  to  the  notice  of  the  learncl  world  the 
 most  impoi-tant  relic  of  that  people's  literature,  a 
 treatise  on  Nabat  agriculture.  A  study  of  an  im- 
 p«M-fcit  <mpy  of  that  work,  which  unlbrtunately 
 wa.s  (ill  he  could  gain  access  to,  induced  him  to  date 
 it  about  the  time  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  or  cir.  B.C. 
 600.  M.  rjiwolson,  proti-sMJi-  of  Oriental  langnases 
 at  St.  Petersburg,  has  since  made  that  b<x)k  a  sub- 
 ject of  .special  study;  and  in  his  lieiiuiins  of  AwiciU 
 Buhi/hliian  Literature  in  Arithio  TratisUilions,  he 
 had  published  the  results  of  his  inquiry.  Those 
 resull.s,  while  they  establish  all  M.  (iuatremfeie  had 
 a«ivance<l   resjiectinL'   the  existence  of  the  Nabat,  go 
 
 NEBAIOTH 
 
 far  beyond  him  both  in  the  antiquity  and  the  im- 
 portance JI.  Chwolson  claims  io\-  that  people.     The 
 remains  of  the  literature  of  the  Nabat  consist  of 
 four  works,  one  of  them  a  fragment :   the  >  Book 
 of  Nabat   Agriculture '   (alieidy   mentioned) ;    the 
 '  Book  of  Poisons ;'  the  '  Book  of  Teiikeloosha  the 
 Babylonian  ;'  and  the  *  Book  of  the  Secrets  cf  the 
 Sun  anil  Moon.'     They  purport  to  have  been  traiis- 
 lateil,  in  the  year  9oi,  by  Aboo-Bekr  Ahmad  Ibu- 
 'Alee  the  Chaldean  of  Kissen,  better  known  as  Ibn- 
 Waksheeijeli.     The  '  Book  of  Nabat  Agriculture ' 
 was,  according  to  the  Arab  translator,  commenced 
 by  Daghreeth,  continued  by  Yanbushadh,  and  com- 
 pleted  by  Kuthamce.     Chwolson,  disregarding  the 
 dates  iussigned  to  these  authors  by  the  translator, 
 thinks  that  the  earliest  liveil  some  25UO  years  B.C., 
 the  second  .some  300  or  4()0  years  later,  and  Ku- 
 thamee,  to  whom  he  ascribes  the  chief  authorship 
 (Ibn-Wahsheeyeh    says   he    was    little    more    thiui 
 editor),   at  the   earliest    under  the  Gth   king  of  a 
 Caiuuinite  dynasty  mentioned   in  the   book,  which 
 dynasty  Chwolson — with  Bunsen — makes  the  same 
 :\s  the  5th  (or  Arabianj  dynasty  of  Berosus,  or  of 
 the  13th  century  B.C.     But  in  examining  the  work 
 we  encounter   formidable   intrinsic  ditKculties.     It 
 coiitiiins    mentions   of  personages    bearing    names 
 closely  resembling   those    of  Adam,   Seth,   Enoch, 
 Noah,    Shein,    Nimrwl,    and    Abraham;    and    M. 
 Chwolson  himself  is  forced  to  confess  that  the  par- 
 ticulars related  of  them  are  in  some  respects  similar 
 to  those  recorded  of  the  Bibliciil  patriarchs.     If  this 
 dilliculty  proves  insurmountable,  it  shows  that  the 
 author  borrowed  from  the  Bible,  or  from  late  Jews, 
 and   destroys  the  claim  of  an  extreme   antiquity. 
 Other  appaient  evidences  of  the  same  kind  are  not 
 wanting.     It  is  even  a  question  whether  the  work 
 should  not  be  dated  several  <;euturies  after  the  com- 
 mencement of  our  era.     Thus,  if  M.  Chwolsou's 
 results  are  aca'pted,  the  Book  of  Nabat  Agriculture 
 exhibits  to  us  an  ancient  civilization,  before  that  of 
 the  Greeks,  and  at  least  as  old  as  that  of  the  Egyp- 
 tians, of  a  great  and  powerful   nation  of  I'emote 
 antiquity.      But    until    the   original    text  of  Ku- 
 lliiimee's  treatise  is  published,  we  must  withhold 
 our  acceptance  of  facts  so  .startling,  and  regard  the 
 antiquity  ascribed  to  it  even  by  Quatremere  as  ex- 
 tremely doubtful.     It  remains  for  us  to  state  the 
 grounds  for   connecting  the   Nakit  with   the  Na- 
 bathaeans.     As  the  Arabs  speak  of  the  NaUit  as 
 .Svrians,    so   conversely    the    (Jreeks   and    Komans 
 knew  the  Nabathaeaus  as  .\ral>s.     The  Nabathaeans 
 bordered  the  well-known  Egyptian  and  .Syrian  pro- 
 vinces.    The  nation  was  famous  lor  its  wealth  and 
 commerce.     Even  when,  by  the  decline  of  its  trade, 
 diverted     through     Egypt,    its    prosperity  waiievl, 
 Petra  is  still  mentioned  as  a  centre  of  the  trade 
 br>th  of  the  Sabacans  of  Southern  Arabia  and  the 
 Gerrhaeaiis  on  the  I'eisian  (julf.     Jo.sephus  speaks 
 of  Nabatiiea   as  embracing  the  country   from  the 
 Euphrates  to  the  lied  Sea — i.'e.  Petraea  and  ail  the 
 desert  cast  of  it.     The  Nabat  ot   the  Arabs,  how- 
 ever, ai'e  described  as  famed   for  agiiculture  and 
 .science;  in  these  rpsj>ccfs  otl'eiing  a  contrast  to  the 
 Naljathaeiins  of  Petra.     We  agree  with  M.  l^uatie- 
 mL>re  that  the  civilization  of  the   Nabiithaeans  ot 
 Peti-a    is   not  easily  exiilained,  except   by  bupposing 
 them  to  be  a  dillerpiit  people  iVom  those  Arabs. 
 A   |-emarknblc  confirmation   of  this  supposition   is 
 found   in   the  character  of  the   buiMings  of  IVtia, 
 which  are  unlike  luiylhing  const rucli^d  by  a  purely 
 Shemitic  race.     Kiirthor,  the  suljt.-cts  of  the  liter- 
 
NEBALLAT 
 
 Rture  of  the  Nabat,  which  are  scientific  aud  in- 
 dustrial, are  not  such  as  are  found  in  the  writings 
 of  pure  Shemites  or  Ar3'ans.  From  most  of  these 
 and  other  considei aliens  we  tliiuk  there  is  no  lea- 
 sonable  doubt  that  the  Nabathaeans  of  Arabia 
 F'etraea  were  the  same  people  .is  the  Nabat  of  Chal- 
 daea,  though  at  what  ancient  epoch  the  we.-itern 
 settlement  was  formed  remains  unknown.  The 
 Nabathaeans  were  allies  of  the  Jews  after  the  Cap- 
 tivity ;  aud  Judas  the  Maccabee,  with  Jonathan, 
 while  at  war  with  the  Kdoniites,  came  on  them 
 three  days  south  of  Jordan  (1  Mace.  v.  3,  24,  &c), 
 and  afterwards  "  Jonathan  had  sent  his  biother 
 John,  a  captain  of  the  people,  to  pray  his  friends 
 the  Nabatiiites  that  they  might  leave  with  them 
 their  carriage,  which  was  much"  {\x.  '6b,  o6). 
 Diod.  Sic.  gives  much  information  regarding  them. 
 Lastly,  did  the  JSabathaeans,  or  Nabat,  derive  their 
 name,  and  were  they  in  pait  descended,  from 
 INebaioth,  son  of  Ishmael  ?  Josephus  says  that 
 Nabataea  was  inhabited  by  the  twelve  sons  of  Ish- 
 mael. The  Arabs  call  Nebaioth  Nabit,  and  do  not 
 connect  him  with  the  Nabat,  to  whom  they  give  a 
 different  descent.  But  we  hesitate  to  deny  a  rela- 
 tionship between  peoples,  whose  names  are  strikingly 
 similar,  dwelling  in  tlie  same  tract.  It  is  possible 
 that  Nebaioth  went  to  the  far  east,  to  the  country 
 of  his  grandfather  Abraham,  intermarried  with  the 
 Chaldaeans,  and  gave  birth  to  a  mixed  race,  the 
 Nabat.  It  is,  however,  safest  to  leave  unsettled 
 the  identification  of  Nebaioth  and  Nabat  until  an- 
 other link  be  added  to  the  chain  that  at  present 
 seems  to  connect  them. 
 
 Nebal'lat,  a  town  of  Benjamin,  one  of  those 
 which  the  Benjamites  reoccupied  after  the  captivity 
 (Neh.  xi.  34).  It  is  here  named  with  Zeboim, 
 LOD,  and  Ono.  Lod  is  Lydda,  the  modern  Ludd, 
 and  Ono  possibly  Kefr  Auna,  four  miles  to  the 
 north  of  it.  East  of  these,  and  forming  nearly  an 
 equilateral  triangle  with  them,  is  Beit  Nebdla, 
 which  may  be  the  locum  tenens  of  the  ancient  vil- 
 lage. Another  place  of  very  nearly  the  same  name, 
 Bir  Nebdla,  lies  to  the  east  ai'  el  Jib  (Gibeon),  and 
 within  half  a  mile  of  it.  This  would  also  be  within 
 the  territory  of  Benjamin. 
 
 Ne'bat.  The  father  of  Jeroboam,  whose  name 
 is  only  preserved  in  connexion  with  that  of  his  dis- 
 tinguished son  (1  K.  xi.  26,  xii.  2,  15,  &c.).  He 
 is  described  as  an  Ephrathite,  or  Ephraimite,  of 
 Zereila. 
 
 Ne'bo,  Mount.  The  mountain  fi-om  which  Moses 
 took  his  lirst  and  last  view  of  the  Pi'omised  Land 
 (Deut.  xxxii.  49,xxxiv.  1).  It  is  so  minutely  de- 
 scribed, that  it  would  seem  impossible  not  to  recog- 
 nise it: — in  the  land  of  Moab;  facmg  Jericho  ;  the 
 head  or  summit  of  a  mountain  called  the  Pisgah, 
 which  again  seems  to  have  formed  a  portion  of  the 
 general  range  of  the  '■  mountains  of  Abarim."  its 
 position  is  further  denoted  by  the  mention  of  the 
 valley  (or  perhaps  more  correctly  the  ravine)  in 
 which  Moses  was  buried,  and  whicli  was  apparently 
 one  of  the  clefts  of  the  mount  itself  (xxxii.  50) — 
 "  the  ravine  in  the  land  of  Moab  facing  Beth-Peor  " 
 (xxxiv.  6).  Aud  yet,  notwithstanding  the  minute- 
 ness of  this  description,  no  one  has  yet  succeeded  in 
 pointing  out  any  spot  which  answers  to  Nebo. 
 Seetzen  seems  to  have  been  the  first  to  suggest 
 the  Jebel  Attarus  (between  the  Wad'j  Zerka-main 
 and  the  Anion,  3  miles  below  the  former,  and  10 
 or  12  south  of  Heshbon)  as  the  Nebo  of  Moses. 
 The  other  elevation  above  the  general  summit  level 
 
 NEBUCHADNEZZAR 
 
 5y;) 
 
 of  these  highlands  is  the  Jebel '  Osha,  or  Ausha',  or 
 Jebel  el-Jil'dd,  the  highest  point  in  all  the  eiistern 
 mountaiits.  But  these  eminences  aie  alike  wanting 
 in  one  main  essential  of  the  Nebo  of  the  Scnptt're, 
 which  is  stilted  to  have  been  "facing  Jericho." 
 Another  requisite  for  the  identiricatiou  is,  that  a 
 view  should  be  obtainable  from  the  summit,  cor- 
 responding to  that  prospect  over  the  whole  land 
 which  Moses  is  said  to  have  had  from  Mount  Nebo. 
 
 Ne'bo,  1.  A  town  on  the  eastern  side  of  Jordan, 
 situated  in  the  jiastoral  country  (Num.  xxxii.  3), 
 one  of  those  which  were  taken  possession  of  and 
 rebuilt  by  the  tribe  of  Reuben  (ver.  3y).  In  these 
 lists  it  IS  associated  with  Kirjathaim  and  Baal- 
 meon  or  Beon  ;  and  in  another  record  (1  Chr.  v.  8; 
 with  Aroer.  In  the  remarkable  prophecy  aiiopted 
 by  Isaiah  (xv.  2)  and  Jeremiah  (xlviii.  1,  22)  con- 
 cerning i^loab,  Nebo  is  mentioned  in  the  same 
 connexion  iis  before,  but  in  the  hands  of  Muab. 
 The  notices  of  Eusebius  and  Jerome  are  conf'used, 
 but  they  at  least  denote  that  Mount  Nebo  and  the 
 town  were  distinct,  aud  distant  fVom  each  other. 
 The  town  they  identify  with  Nobah  or  Kenath, 
 and  place  it  8  miles  south  of  Heshbon,  where  the 
 ruins  of  el-Habis  appear  to  stand  at  present.— 2. 
 The  children  of  Nebo  returned  from  Babylon  with 
 Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  29  ;  Neh.  vii.  33).  Seven  of 
 them  had  foreign  wives,  whom  they  were  com- 
 pi-lled  to  discard  (Ezr.  x.  43).  The  name  occurs 
 between  Bethel  and  Ai,  and  Lydda,  which  implies 
 that  it  was  situated  in  the  territory  of  Benjamin 
 to  the  N.VV.  of  Jerusalem.  This  is  possibly  the 
 modern  Beit-Nuhah,  &ho\xt  12  miles  N.W.  byW. 
 of  Jerusalem,  8  from  Lydda. 
 
 Ne'bo,  which  occurs  both  in  Isaiah  (xlvi.  1)  and 
 Jeremiah  (xlviii.  1)  as  the  name  of  a  Chaldaean 
 god,  is  a  well-known  deity  of  the  Babylonians  and 
 Assyrians.  The  original  native  name  was,  in  Ham- 
 itic  Babylonian,  Nabiu,  in  Shemitic  Babylonian  and 
 Assyrian,  Nnba.  Nebo  was  the  god  who  presided 
 over  learning  aud  letters.  His  general  character  cor- 
 responds to  that  of  the  Egyptian  Thoth,  the  Greek 
 Heimes,  and  the  Latin  Mercury.  Astronomically 
 he  is  identified  with  the  planet  nearest  the  sun, 
 Cidled  Nebo  also  by  the  Mendaeans,  and  Tir  by  the 
 ancient  Persians,  Nebo  was  of  Babylonian  rather 
 than  of  Assyrian  origin.  In  the  early  Assyrian 
 Pantheon  he  occupies  a  very  inferior  pu^ition.  The 
 king  supposed  to  be  Pul  first  brings  him  promin- 
 ently forward  in  Assyria.  A  statue  of  Nebo  was 
 set  up  by  this  monarch  at  Calah  {^Nimntd),  which 
 is  now  in  the  British  Museum.  In  Babylonia  Nebo 
 held  a  prominent  place  from  an  eaily  time.  The 
 ancient  town  of  Borsippa  was  especially  under  his 
 protection,  and  the  great  temple  there  (the  modern 
 Birs-Nimnid)  was  dedicated  to  him  from  a  very 
 remote  age.  He  was  the  tutelar  god  of  the  most 
 important  Babylonian  kings,  in  wliose  names  the 
 woril  Nabu,  or  Nebo,  appears  as  an  element. 
 
 Nebuchadnezzar,  or  Nebuchadrezzar,  was 
 the  greatest  and  most  powerful  of  the  Babylonian 
 kings.  His  name,  according  to  the  native  ortho- 
 graphy, is  read  as  Nabu-kadnri-utsur,  and  is  ex- 
 plained to  mean  "  Nebo  is  the  protector  ao-ainst 
 misfortune."  Nebuchadnezzar  was  the  son  and 
 successor  of  Nabopolassar,  the  founder  of  the  Baby- 
 lonian Empire.  He  appears  to  have  been  of  mar- 
 riageable age  at  the  time  of  his  father's  rebellion 
 against  Assyria,  B.C.  625.  It  is  su.spected,  rather 
 than  proved,  that  he  was  the  leader  of  a  Bal)ylouinu 
 contingent    which    accompanied   Cyaxares    in    his 
 
600 
 
 NEBUCHADNEZZAR 
 
 I-yilian  war,  by  whose  interposition,  on  llie  occasion 
 of  ail  e<;li])st',  tliat  war  was  broui;ht  to  a  close, 
 B.C.  61l).  At  any  rate,  a  lew  years  later,  he  was 
 placed  at  the  head  of  a  Babylonian  army,  and  sent 
 by  his  lather,  who  was  now  old  and  inHiin,  to 
 chastise  the  insolence  of  I'haraoh-Necho,  king  of 
 Egypt.  Nebuchadnezzar  (u.C.  6u5;  led  an  army 
 again.st  him,  (h-feate<i  him  at  Carcheniish  in  a  great 
 bitttle  (Jer.  xlvi.  '.'-TJ  ).  recovered  Coele-syria,  Phoe- 
 nicia, and  Palestine,  took  Jerusalem  (Dan.  i.  1,  2), 
 pressed  forward  to  Egypt,  and  was  eiigJiged  in  that 
 countiy  or  upon  its  borders  when  intelligence  ai- 
 rived  whirh  iecalle<l  him  hastily  to  Babylon.  Nabo- 
 polassar,  alter  reigning  21  years,  had  died,  and  the 
 throne  w;us  vacant,  in  some  alanii  about  the  suc- 
 cession he  hurri(?d  back  to  the  capital,  accompanieti 
 only  by  his  light  troops  ;  and  crossing  the  desert, 
 probably  by  way  of  Tadmor  or  I'almyra,  reached 
 Babvlon  liefore  any  disturbance  had  aiisen,  and  en- 
 tered ])eaceably  on  his  kingdom  (U.C.  604).  Within 
 tliree  years  of  Nebuchadnezzar's  first  expedition 
 into  Syria  and  Palestine,  disatt'ection  ag-ain  showed 
 itself  in  those  countries.  Jehoiakim,  who,  al- 
 though threatened  at  first  witli  ca])tivity  (2  Chr. 
 rxxvi.  6)  had  been  finally  maintained  on  the  throne 
 as  a  Babylonian  vassal,  after  three  years  of  service 
 "  turned  and  lebelled "  against  his  suzerain,  jiro- 
 bably  trusting  to  be  supported  by  Egypt  (2  K.xxiv. 
 1).  Not  long  afterwards  Phoenicia  seems  to  have 
 broken  into  revolt;  and  tlie  Chaldaean  monarih, 
 who  had  previously  endeavoured  to  subdue  the  dis- 
 aliected  by  his  generals  (ib.  ver.  2),  or.co  more  took 
 the  field  in  person,  and  marched  first  of  all  against 
 Tyre.  Having  invested  that  city  in  the  seventh 
 year  of  his  reign  (.loseph.  c.  Ap.  i.  21  j,  and  left  a 
 portion  of  his  army  there  to  continue  the  siege,  he 
 proceeded  against  Jerusalem,  which  submitted  with- 
 out a  struggle.  According  to  Josephus,  who  is  here 
 our  chief  authority,  Nebuchadnezzar  punishe<l  Je- 
 lioiakim  with  deatli  {Ant.  x.  G,  §3 ;  comp.  Jer. 
 xxii.  18,  19,  and  xxxvi.  30),  but  placed  his  son 
 Jshoiachin  upon  the  throne.  Jehoiaehin  reigned 
 only  thiee  montlis  ;  for,  on  his  showing  symptoms 
 of  disalTection,  Nebuciiadnezzar  came  up  against 
 Jerusalem  for  the  third  time,  deposed  the  young 
 prince  (whom  he  carried  to  Babylon,  together  with 
 a  large  portion  of  the  population  of  the  city,  and 
 the  chief  of  the  Temple  treasures),  and  made  his 
 uncle,  Zedekiah,  king  in  his  room.  Tyre  still  held 
 out ;  and  it  was  not  till  the  thirteenth  year  from 
 the  time  of  its  fii-st  investment  that  the  city  of 
 merchants  fell  (it.  c.  .">85).  Ere  this  happened, 
 Jerusalem  had  been  totally  destroyed.  Tliis  con- 
 summation was  owing  to  the  folly  of  Zedekiah, 
 who,  despite  the  warnings  of  Jeremiah,  made  a 
 treaty  with  Apries  (Hophi-a),  king  of  Egypt  (Ez. 
 xvii.  15),  and  on  the  strength  of  this  alliance  re- 
 nounced his  allegiance  to  the  king  of  Babylon. 
 Nebuchadnezzar  commenced  the  final  siege  of  Jeru- 
 salem in  the  ninth  year  of  Zedekiah, — his  own 
 seventeenth  year  (it.C.  .")88),  and  took  it  two  years 
 later  i  It.c.  UW).  One  effort  to  airry  out  the  treaty 
 seems  to  have  l^pii  made  by  Apries.  An  Egyptian 
 army  crosseil  the  frontier,  ami  began  its  march 
 towards  Jerusiilem ;  upon  which  Nebuchadnezz;u- 
 raised  the  .siege,  and  set  off  to  meet  the  new  foe. 
 According  to  Josephus  {Ant.  x.  7,  §:!)  a  battle  was 
 fought,  in  which  .\pries  was  completely  defeaJcil ; 
 but  the  .Sciiptiiral  account  seems  nither  to  inijily 
 that  the  Egyjifians  retired  on  the  advance  of  Nebii- 
 chaiinezzar,  mid  recios-sed  the  frontier  w  ithotit  risk- 
 
 NEBUCHADNEZZAR 
 
 ing  an  engagement  (Jer.  xxxvii.  5-8).  After  an 
 eighteen  months'  siege  Jerusjdem  fell.  Zedekiah 
 escajjed  from  the  city,  but  w.is  captured  near  Jericho 
 Cib.  x.Yxix.  5)  and  brought  to  Nebuchadnezzar  at 
 Kiblah  in  the  territoiy  of  Hamath,  where  lii»  eyes 
 were  ])ut  out  by  the  king's  order,  while  his  sons 
 and  his  chief  nobles  were  slain.  Nebuchadnezzar 
 then  returned  to  Babylon  with  Zedekiah,  whom  he 
 imprisoned  for  the  remainder  of  his  lite;  leaving 
 Nebuzar-adan,  the  c<\ptain  of  his  guard,  to  com- 
 plete the  destruction  of  the  city  and  the  pacification 
 of  Judaea.  Gedaliah,  a  Jew,  wiis  ajjpointed  go- 
 vernor, but  he  was  shortly  muitiered,  and  the  rest 
 of  the  Jews  either  fled  to  Egypt,  or  were  carried  by 
 Nebuzar-adan  to  Babylon.  The  military  successes 
 of  Nebuchadnezzar  cannot  be  traced  minutely  be- 
 yond this  point.  It  may  be  gathered  from  the 
 prophetical  Scriptures  and  from  Josephus,  that 
 the  conquest  of  Jerusalem  was  rapidly  ti)llowed  by 
 the  fall  of  Tyre  and  the  complete  submission  of 
 Phoenicia  (Ez.  xxvi.-xxviii. ;  Joseph,  c.  Ap.  i.  21)  ; 
 after  which  the  Babylonians  carried  their  arms  into 
 Egypt,  and  iufiicted  seveie  injuries  on  that  fertile 
 country  (Jer.  xlvi.  1:5-26  ;  Ez.  xxix.  2-20;  Joseph. 
 Ant.  x.  9,  §7).  But  we  have  no  account,  on 
 which  we  can  depend,  of  these  campaigns.  We  are 
 told  by  Berosus  that  the  first  care  of  Nebucliad- 
 nezzai',  on  obtaining  quiet  possession  of  his  kingdom 
 after  the  first  .Syrian  expedition,  was  to  rebuild  the 
 temple  of  Bel  {Bel-Mtrodackj  at  Babylon  out  of 
 the  spoils  of  the  Syrian  war  (ap.  Joseph.  Ant.  x. 
 11,  §1).  He  next  proceeded  to  strengthen  and 
 beautify  the  city,  which  he  renovated  throughout, 
 and  surrounded  with  several  lines  of  fortification, 
 himself  adding  one  entirely  new  quarter.  Having 
 finished  the  walls  and  adorned  the  gates  magnific- 
 ently, he  constructed  a  new  palace.  In  th-;  grounds 
 of  this  palace  he  formed  the  celebrated  "  lianging 
 garden."  This  complete  lenovat ion  of  Babylon  by 
 Nebuchadnezzar,  whic  h  Berosus  a.ssei  t.s,  is  confirmed 
 to  us  ill  every  possible  way.  But  Nebuchadnezzar 
 did  not  confine  his  efforts  to  the  ornamentation  and 
 improvement  of  his  capital.  Throughout  the  em- 
 pire, at  Borsippa,  Sippara,  Cutha,  Chilmad,  Duraba, 
 Tereilon,  and  a  multitude  of  other  places,  he  built 
 or  rebuilt  cities,  repaired  temples,  constructed  quays, 
 reservoii'S,  canals,  and  aijuediicts,  on  a  scale  ot 
 grandeur  and  magnificence  surjxissing  everything  of 
 the  kind  recorded  in  history,  unless  it  be  the  con- 
 structions of  one  or  two  of  the  greatest  Egyptian 
 monarclis.  The  wealth,  greatness,  :uid  generid  pros- 
 perity of  Nebuchadnezzar  are  strikingly  i>laced 
 befoie  us  in  the  book  of  Daniel,  'i'owards  the  clos4» 
 of  his  reign  the  glory  of  Nebuchadnezzar  sulVereil 
 a  temporary  eclipse.  As  a  punishment  for  his 
 pride  and  vanity,  that  strange  foim  of  madness  w:»a 
 sent  upon  him  which  the  (iieeks  called  l.ycaji- 
 tliropv,  wherein  the  sullerer  imagines  himselt  a 
 beast,  and  quitting  tlie  haunts  of  men,  insists  on 
 leading  the  liti;  of  a  be:>st  (Diui.  iv,  3:5).  Nebu- 
 chadnezzar himself  in  his  great  inscription  appeai-s 
 to  alluile  to  it,  although  in  a  stiidietl  amluguity 
 of  phnuse  which  renders  the  pa.s>age  very  dillicult 
 of  translation.  It  has  often  been  remarkwl  that 
 Herodotus  ascribes  to  a  queen,  Nitocris,  several 
 of  the  iinjMntaiit  works,  which  other  v/iiteis  (Be- 
 i-osus,  Abvdenusj  assign  to  Nebuch.idnezzar,  The 
 conjecture  natunilly  arises  that  Nitocris  wius  Nebu- 
 chadnezzar's queen,  and  that,  as  .she  cariieil  on  his 
 constructions  during  his  inc:ip:icity,  tliey  were  by 
 .«ome  considereii    to  be   lien>.     After  an  interval  ot 
 
NEBUSHASBAN 
 
 four,  or  [lerliaps  seven  years  (Dan.  iv.  16),  Nebu- 
 chadnezzar's malad}'  lett  him.  As  we  are  told  in 
 Scripture  that  "  his  reason  returned,  and  tor  the 
 gloiy  of  liis  kingdom  his  honour  and  biightness 
 retuined ;"  and  he  "  was  established  in  his  king-  j 
 doni,  and  excellent  majesty  was  added  to  him " 
 (Oan.  iv.  36),  so  we  find  in  the  Standard  Inscription 
 that  he  lesumed  his  great  woi-ks  after  a  period  of 
 suspension,  and  added  fresh  "  wonders "  in  his  old 
 age  to  the  marvellous  constructions  of  his  manhood. 
 He  died  in  the  yeav  B.C.  561,  at  an  advanced  age 
 (83  or  84),  having  reigned  43  years.  A  son,  EviL- 
 Merooach,  succeeded  him. 
 
 Nebushas'ban,  one  of  the  officers  of  Nebuchad- 
 nezzar at  tlie  time  of  the  capture  of  Jerusalem. 
 He  was  liiib-saris,  ».  e.  chief  of  the  eunuchs  (Jer. 
 .\xxix.  13)  as  Nebuzaradan  was  Rab-tabbachim  (chief 
 of  the  body-guard),  and  Nergal-sharezer,  Kab-Wag 
 (chief  of  the  magicians),  the  three  being  the  most 
 important  officers  then  present,  probably  the  highest 
 dignitaries  of  the  Babylonian  court,  ^ebu-shasban's 
 office  and  title  were  the  same  as  those  of  Ashpenaz 
 rOan.  i.  3),  whom  he  probably  succeeded. 
 
 Nebnzax'adan,  the  Kab-tabbachim,  «.  e.  chief  of 
 the  slaughterers  (A.  V.  "cajitain  of  the  guard")  a 
 high  officer  iu  the  court  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  appar- 
 ently the  next  to  the  person  of  the  monarch.  He 
 appears  not  to  have  been  present  during  the  siege  of 
 Jerusalem;  probably  he  was  occupied  at  the  more 
 important  operations  at  Tyre,  but  as  soon  as  the 
 city  was  actually  in  the  hands  of  the  Babylonians 
 he  arrived,  and  from  that  moment  everything  was 
 completely  diiected  by  him.  One  act  only  is  re- 
 ferred directly  to  Nebuchadnezzar,  the  appointment 
 of  the  governor  or  superintendent  of  the  conquered 
 district.  All  this  Nebuzaradan  seems  to  have  car- 
 ried out  with  wisdom  and  modeiation.  He  seems 
 to  have  left  Judea  for  this  tim.e  when  he  took  down 
 the  chief  people  of  Jerusalem  to  his  master  at 
 Kiblah  (2  K.  XXV.  18-20).  In  four  yeais  he  again 
 appeared  (Jer.  lii.  30).  Nebuchadnezzar  in  his 
 twenty-third  year  made  a  descent  on  the  regions 
 east  of  Joidan,  including  the  Ammonites  and  Moab- 
 ites,  who  escaped  when  Jerusalem  was  destroyed. 
 Thence  he  proceeded  to  Egypt,  and,  either  on  the 
 way  thither  or  on  the  return,  Nebuzaradan  again 
 passed  through  the  country  and  carried  off  seven 
 hundred  and  forty-five  more  captives  (Jei-.  lii.  30.) 
 
 Ne'cho,  2  Chi-.  XXXV.  20,  22  ;  xxxvi.  4.  [Pha- 
 raoh-Nkcho.] 
 
 Nec'odan  =  Nkkoda  (1  Esdr.  v.  37  ;  comp.  Ezr. 
 ii.  60;. 
 
 Nedabi'ah.  Apparently  one  of  the  sons  of  Je- 
 coniah,  or  Jehoiachiu,  king  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iii. 
 18).  Lord  A.  Hervey,  however,  contends  that  this 
 list  confciins  the  order  of  succession  and  not  of  lineal 
 descent,  and  that  Nedabiah  and  his  brothers  were 
 .sons  of  Xeri. 
 
 Neemias  =  Nehemiah  the  son  of  Hachaliah 
 (Ecclus.  xlix.  13;  2  Mace.  i.  18,  20,  21,  23,  31, 
 36.  ii.  13). 
 
 Neg'inah.,  properly  Ncginath,  as  the  text  now 
 sbuids,  occure  in  the  title  of  Ps.  Ixi.,  "  to  the  chief 
 musician  upon  Neginath."  The  LXX.  and  Vulg. 
 evidently  read  "  Neginoth  "  in  the  plural,  which 
 occurs  in  the  titles  of  five  Psalms,  and  is  perhaps 
 the  true  reading.  Whether  the  word  be  singular 
 or  plural,  it  is  the  geneial  term  by  which  all 
 stringed  instruments  are  described.  In  the  singular 
 it  has  the  derived  sense  of "  a  song  sung  to  the 
 BC'comi>aniineut  of  a  stringed  instrument,"  and  geue- 
 
 NEHEMIAH 
 
 601 
 
 rally  of  a  taunting  character  (Job  xxx.  9  ;  Ps.  Ixis. 
 12:   Lam.  iii.  14).     [Negixoth.] 
 
 Neginoth..  This  word  is  found  in  the  titles  oi 
 Ps.  iv.  vi.  liv.  Iv.  Ixvii.  Ixxvi.,  and  the  margin  of 
 Hab.  iii.  19,  and  there  seems  but  little  d^ubt  that 
 it  is  the  general  term  denoting  all  stringed  instru- 
 ments whatsoever,  whether  played  with  the  hand, 
 like  the  harp  and  guitar,  or  with  a  plectrum. 
 "The  chief  musician  on  Negivotli''  was  therefore 
 the  conductor  of  that  portion  of  the  Temple-choir 
 who  played  upon  the  stringed  instruments,  and  who 
 are  mentioned  in  Ps.  Ixviii.  25. 
 
 Nabelamite,  the.  The  designation  of  a  man 
 named  fehemaiah,  a  fiilse  prophet,  who  went  with 
 the  captivity  to  Babylon  (Jer.  xxix.  24,  31,  32), 
 The  name  is  no  doubt  formed  tiom  that  either  of 
 Shemaiah's  native  place,  or  the  progenitor  of  his 
 famliv  ;  which  of  the  two  is  uncertain. 
 
 Nehemi'ah.  1.  Son  of  Hachaliah,  and  appar- 
 ently of  the  tiibe  of  Judah,  since  his  fathers  were 
 buried  at  Jerusalem,  and  Hanani  his  kinsman  seems 
 to  have  been  of  that  tribe  (i.  2,  ii.  3,  vii.  2).  All 
 that  we  know  certainly  concerning  this  eminent 
 man  is  contained  in  the  book  which  bears  his  name. 
 His  autobiography  first  finds  him  at  Shushan,  the 
 winter  residence  of  the  kings  of  Persia,  in  high 
 office  as  the  cupbearer  of  king  Artaxerxes  Longi- 
 manus.  In  the  20th  year  of  the  king's  reign,  i.  e. 
 B.C.  445,  certain  Jews,  one  of  whom  was  a  near 
 kinsman  of  Nehemiah's,  arrived  from  Judea,  and 
 gave  Nehemiah  a  deplorable  account  of  the  state 
 of  Jerusalem,  and  of  the  residents  in  Judea.  He 
 immediately  conceived  the  idea  of  going  to  Jeru- 
 salem to  endeavour  to  better  their  state.  After 
 three  or  four  months  (from  Chisleu  to  Nisan),  an 
 opportunity  presented  itself  of  obtaining  the  king's 
 oonsent  to  his  mission.  Having  received  his  ap- 
 pointment as  governor  of  Judea,  a  troop  ofaivalry, 
 and  letters  from  the  king  to  the  difi'eient  satraps 
 through  whose  provinces  he  was  to  pass,  as  well  as 
 to  Asaph  the  keeper  of  the  king's  forests,  to  supply 
 him  with  timber,  he  started  upon  his  journey; 
 being  under  promise  to  return  to  Persia  within  a 
 given  time.  Nehemiah's  great  work  was  rebuilding, 
 for  the  first  time  since  their  desti  uction  by  Nebu- 
 zaradan, the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  and  restoring  that 
 city  to  its  foi-mer  state  and  dignity,  as  a  fortified 
 town.  It  is  impossible  to  over-estimate  the  import- 
 ance to  the  future  political  and  ecclesiastical  pros- 
 perity of  the  Jewish  nation  of  this  great  achieve- 
 ment of  their  patriotic  governor.  How  low  the 
 community  of  the  Palestine  Jews  had  fallen,  is  ap- 
 parent from  the  fiict  that  from  the  6th  of  Darius  to 
 the  7th  of  Artaxerxes,  there  is  no  history  of  them 
 whatever.  The  one  step  which  could  resuscitate 
 the  nation,  preserve  the  Mosaic  institutions,  and 
 lay  the  foundation  of  future  independence,  was  the 
 restoration  of  the  city  walls.  To  this  great  object 
 therefore  Nehemiah  directed  his  whole  energies 
 without  an  hour's  unnecessary  delay.  In  a  won- 
 derfully short  time  the  walls  seemed  to  emerge 
 from  the  heaps  of  burnt  rubbish,  and  to  encircle 
 the  city  as  in  the  days  of  old.  The  gateways  also 
 were  rebuilt,  and  ready  lor  the  doors  to  be  hung 
 upon  them.  But  it  soon  became  apparent  how 
 wisely  Nehemiah  had  acted  in  hastening  on  the  work. 
 On  his  very  first  ai-rival,  as  governor,  Sanballat 
 and  Tobiah  had  given  unequivocal  proof  of  their 
 mortification  at  his  appointment.  But  when  the 
 restoration  was  seen  to  be  rapidly  progressing,  their 
 mdignation  knew  no  bounds.     They  made  a  great 
 
60^ 
 
 NEHEMIAH 
 
 conspiracy  to  Call  upon  the  builders  with  an  Hrined 
 tbrco  and  put  a  stop  to  the  undei'taliing.  The  pro- 
 ject was  defeated  by  the  vigilance  and  prudence  of 
 Nehemiah.  Thi-s  amiod  attitude  was  continued  from 
 that  day  forward.  N'arious  stratajrems  were  then 
 resorted  to  to  get  Neliemiah  away  t'rom  Jcrustilem, 
 and  if  possible  to  tike  his  life.  But  that  which 
 most  nearly  succeede<l  was  the  attempt  to  bring 
 him  into  suspicion  with  the  king  of  I'eisia,  as  if  he 
 intended  to  set  himself  up  as  an  independent  king, 
 as  soon  as  the  walls  were  completed.  The  artful 
 letter  of  Sanhallat  so  far  wrought  upon  Artaxerxes, 
 that  he  issued  a  decive  stopping  the  work  till  further 
 orders.  It  is  probable  that  at  the  same  time  he 
 recillcd  Nehemiah.  or  perhaps  Nehemiah's  leave  of 
 absenie  had  previously  expire<l ;  in  either  case  had 
 the  Tirshalha  been  less  upright  and  less  wise,  and 
 had  he  fallen  into  the  trap  laid  for  him,  his  life 
 might  have  been  in  great  danger.  The  sequel, 
 however,  shows  that  his  perfect  integrity  was  aj>- 
 parent  to  the  king.  For  after  a  delay,  ])erhajw 
 of  several  years,  he  was  permitted  to  return  to 
 •Jerusalem,  and  to  crown  his  work  by  repairing 
 the  Ti'mjile,  and  dedicating  the  walls.  Nehemiah 
 does  not  indeed  mention  this  adverse  decree,  which 
 may  have  arrived  during  his  absence,  or  give  us 
 any  clue  to  the  time  of  his  return  ;  nor  should  we 
 have  suspected  his  absence  at  all  from  Jerusalem, 
 but  for  the  incidental  allusion  in  ch.  ii.  6,  xiii.  6, 
 cini])led  with  the  long  interval  of  years  between 
 tiie  earlier  and  later  chapters  of  the  book.  But  the 
 interval  between  the  close  of  ch.  vi.  and  the  begin- 
 ning of  ch.  vii.  is  the  only  place  where  we  can 
 suppose  a  considerable  gap  in  time,  either  from  the 
 apjiearance  of  the  text,  or  the  nature  of  the  events 
 iiairatcd.  It  seems  to  suit  both  well  to  supjwse 
 that  Nehemiah  returned  to  Persia,  and  the  work 
 stopped  inunediately  after  the  events  narrated  in 
 vi.  16-19,  and  that  chiipter  vii.  goes  on  to  relate 
 the  meaNures  adopted  by  him  upon  his  return  with 
 fresh  powei-s.  It  may  have  been  after  another  con- 
 siderable interval  of  time,  and  not  improbably  after 
 another  absence  of  the  Tirshatlia  from  his  govern- 
 ment, that  the  next  event  of  interest  in  Nehemiah's 
 life  occurred,  viz.,  the  dedication  of  the  walls  of 
 Jerusalem,  including,  if  we  may  believe  the  author 
 of  2  Mace,  supported  by  seveial  indicjitions  in  the 
 Book  of  Nehemiah,  that  of  the  Temple  alter  its  le- 
 pair  by  means  of  the  funds  collected  from  the  whole 
 |>opulation.  Returning  to  the  sure  groiuid  of  the 
 sacred  n.ari-ative,  the  other  ])riMcipal  achievements 
 of  this  greiit  and  good  governoi'  mav  be  thus  sig- 
 nalised. He  firmly  repressed  the  exactions  of  the 
 nobles,  and  the  usury  of  the  rich,  and  ies<;ued  the 
 poor  Jews  from  spoliation  and  slavery.  He  refused 
 to  reieive  his  lawful  allowance  as  governor  from  the 
 jeoplc,  in  consideration  of  their  poverty,  during 
 the  whole  twelve  years  that  he  was  in  ollice,  but 
 kept  at  his  own  charge  a  table  for  l.'iOJews,  at 
 which  any  who  returned  from  captivity  were  wel- 
 come. He  m.-ide  most  carct'ul  provision  for  the 
 mainteniuice  of  the  ministering  priests  and  Levites, 
 and  tiir  the  due  and  constant  ci'lcbnition  of  Divine 
 worship.  He  insisted  upon  the  s.uictity  of  the  pre- 
 cincts of  the  Temple  being  preserved  inviohible.  and 
 peremptorily  ejected  the  powerfid  Tobiah  from  one 
 of  the  chamljcrs  which  Klia-shib  had  assigned  to  him. 
 He  then  replaced  the  stores  and  vessels  which  had 
 been  removed  to  make  loom  for  him,  and  appoiiiti'<| 
 pr<i|>fr  Levilical  ollicnis  to  superniU-nd  and  dis- 
 tribute  them.     With  no  less  firmness  and   imjKU- 
 
 NEHEMIAH,  BOOK  OF 
 
 tiality  he  expelled  from  all  sacred  functions  those  of 
 the  high-priest's  tiunily  who  had  contracted  heathen 
 maniages,  and  reb\iked  and  punished  those  of  the 
 common  people  who  had  likewise  iutermanied  witk 
 foreigners  ;  and  lastly,  he  jnovided  tor  Icceping  holy 
 the  S;il>bath  day,  wluch  w;is  shamefully  j)rot;med 
 by  many,  both  Jews  and  foieign  merchants,  and  by 
 his  resolute  comluct  succeeded  in  repiessing  the 
 lawless  traffic  on  the  day  of  rest.  Beyond  the  3"Jnd 
 year  of  Artiixerxes,  to  which  Nehemiah's  own  nar- 
 rative leads  us,  we  have  no  account  of  him  what- 
 ever.^2.  One  of  the  leaders  of  ttie  first  expe<iition 
 from  Babylon  to  Jerusalem  under  Zerubbabel  (tzr. 
 ii.  2;  Neh.  vii.  7).— 3.  f^on  of  Azbuk,  and  ruler 
 of  the  half  p;ut  of  Beth-zur,  who  helped  to  rep;iir 
 the  wall  of  Jerusalem  '  Neh.  iii.  ItJ). 
 
 Nehemiah,  Book  of.  The  latest  of  all  the  his- 
 toiic-il  hooks  of  >cri|)tui-e.  This  book,  like  the  pie- 
 ceding  one  of  V.zvn,  is  clearly  and  ceitainly  not  all 
 by  the  same  hand.  Jiy  far  the  principal  portion, 
 indeed,  is  the  work  of  iSehemiah ;  but  other  poi- 
 tions  are  either  extracts  from  variou's  chronicles  and 
 registers,  or  su|iplementary  narratives  and  reflec- 
 tions, some  ap]>arently  by  Ezra,  others,  perhaps, 
 the  work  of  the  same  peisou  who  inseited  the 
 latest  genealogical  extracts  from  the  public  chronicles. 
 — 1.  The  main  history  contained  in  the  book  of 
 Nehemiah  covei-s  about  12  years,  viz.,  from  the 
 2uth  to  the  32nd  year  of  Arta.xerxes  Longimanus, 
 i.  e.  from  B.C.  445  to  433.  The  whole  narrative 
 gives  us  a  graphic  and  interestiMg  account  of  the 
 state  of  Jerusalem  and  the  returned  aiptives  in 
 the  writer's  timi's,  aud,  incidentally,  of  the  nature 
 of  the  I'ersiau  government  and  the  condition  of  its 
 remote  provinces.  The  documents  appended  to  it 
 also  give  some  further  information  as  to  the  times 
 of  Zerubbabel  on  the  one  han<l,  and  ;is  to  the  con- 
 tinuation of  the  genealogical  registeiis  and  the  suc- 
 cession of  the  high-priesthood  to  the  close  of  the 
 Persian  empire  on  the  othei'.  The  view  given  of 
 the  rise  of  two  factions  among  the  Jews — the  one 
 the  strict  religious  party ;  the  other,  the  gen- 
 tilizing  party,  sets  before  us  the  germ  of  much 
 that  we  meet  with  in  a  mote  develo^ied  stjite 
 in  later  Jewish  history.  Again,  in  this  history 
 as  well  as  in  the  book  of  ICzra,  we  see  the  bitter 
 enmity  between  the  Jews  and  S;imaritans  acquir- 
 ing strength  and  definitive  form  on  both  religious 
 and  political  grounds.  The  book  also  thiows 
 much  light  ujwn  the  domestic  institutions  ot  the 
 Jews.  .Some  of  its  details  give  us  incidentally  in- 
 tbimation  of  great  historical  importance,  (a.)  The 
 account  of  the  building  and  dedication  of  the  wall, 
 iii.,  xii.,  contains  the  most  valuable  materials  tor 
 settling  the  topography  of  Jeiusi\lem  to  be  found  in 
 ."^ripture.  (A.)  The  list  of  I'etiuiied  cjiptives  \/ho 
 came  under  difl'erent  leaders  from  the  lime  of  Ze- 
 rubbabel to  that  of  Nehemiah  (amounting  in  ail  to 
 only  42,3(50  adult  males,  and  7337  servants), 
 which  is  given  in  ch.  vii.,  conveys  a  fiufhtul  picture 
 of  the  jiolitical  weakness  of  the  Jewi.-.h  nation  as 
 compare<l  with  the  times  when  Judah  alone  num- 
 bered 47(.i,0u<i  fighting  men  (1  C^hr.  xxi.  5).  (c.) 
 The  lists  of  leaders,  priests,  Levites,  and  of  those 
 who  signeil  the  covenant,  i-eveal  incidentally  much 
 of  the  national  spirit  as  well  iis  of  the  social  .habits 
 of  the  captives,  derived  from  older  times.  Thus 
 the  fact  that  twelve  leaders  are  named  in  Neh.  vii. 
 7.  indiotes  the  feeling  of  the  captives  that  they 
 iepieseiite<l  the  tirclrc  tribes,  a  leeluig  further  evid- 
 enced  in  the  expression   "  tl>e  men  of  the   peopl* 
 
NEHEMIAH,  BOOK  OF 
 
 »f  Israel."  The  enumeration  of  21  and  22,  or,  if 
 Zidkijah  stands  for  the  head  of  the  house  of  Zadok, 
 23  chief  priests  in  x.  1-8,  xii.  1-7,  of  whom  9  bear 
 the  names  of  those  who  were  heads  of  courses  in 
 David's  time  (1  Chr.  xxiv.)  [Jehoiarib],  shows 
 how,  even  in  their  wasted  and  reduced  numbeis, 
 tliey  struggled  to  preserve  these  ancient  institutions, 
 and  also  supplies  the  reason  of  the  mention  of  these 
 particular  22  or  23  names.  But  it  does  more  than 
 tliis.  Taken  iu  conjunction  with  the  list  of  those 
 who  sealed  (x.  1-27),  it  proves  the  existence  of  a 
 social  custom,  the  knowledge  of  which  is  of  absolute 
 necessity  to  keep  us  from  gi-oss  chronological  error, 
 that,  viz.,  of  calling  chiefs  by  the  name  of  the  clan 
 or  house  of  which  they  were  chiefs,  (d.)  Other 
 miscellaneous  information  contained  in  this  book, 
 embraces  the  hereditary  crafts  practised  by  certain 
 priestly  families,  e.  g.,  the  apothecaries,  or  makers 
 of  the  sacred  ointments  and  incense  (iii.  8),  and 
 the  goldsmiths,  whose  business  it  probably  was  to 
 repair  the  sacred  vessels  (iii.  8),  ajid  who  may  have 
 been  the  ancestors,  so  to  speak,  of  the  money-changers 
 in  ihe  Temple  (John  ii.  14,  15);  the  situation  of 
 the  garden  of  the  kings  of  Judah  by  which  Zede- 
 kiah  escaped  (2  K.  xxv.  4),  as  seen  iii.  15  ;  and 
 statistics,  remindiiig  one  of  Domesday-Book.  The 
 chief,  indeed  the  only  real  historical  difficulty  in 
 the  narrative,  is  to  determine  the  time  of  the  dedic- 
 ation of  the  wall,  whether  in  the  82nd  year  of 
 Artaxerxes  or  befoie.  The  expression  in  Keh.  xiii. 
 1,  "  On  that  day,"  seems  to  fix  the  reading  of  the 
 law  to  the  same  day  as  the  dedication  (see  xii.  43). 
 But  if  so  the  dedication  must  have  been  after  Nehe- 
 miah's  return  from  Babylon  (mentioned  xiii.  7). 
 'i'hen,  if  the  wall  only  took  52  days  to  complete 
 (Neh.  vi.  15),  and  was  begun  immediately  Nehemiah 
 entered  upon  his  government,  how  came  the  dedica- 
 tion to  be  deferred  till  12  years  afterwards?  The 
 answer  to  this  probably  is  that,  in  the  first  place,  the 
 52  days  are  to  be  reckoned  iiom  the  resumption  of 
 the  work  after  iv.  15,  and  a  time  exceeding  two 
 years  may  have  elapsed  from  the  commencement  of 
 the  building.  But  even  then  it  would  not  be  ready 
 for  dedication.  There  were  the  gates  to  be  hung, 
 perhaps  much  rubbish  to  be  removed,  and  the 
 ruined  houses  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the 
 walls  to  be  repaired.  Still  even  these  causes  would 
 not  be  adequate  to  account  tor  a  delay  of  12  years. 
 One  cause  immediately  presents  itself,  viz.,  that 
 Nehemiah's  leave  of  absence  from  the  Persian  court, 
 mentioned  ii.  6,  may  have  drawn  to  a  close  shortly 
 after  the  completion  of  the  wall,  and  before  the 
 other  above-named  works  were  complete.  And  this 
 is  rendered  yet  more  probable  by  the  circumstance, 
 incidentally  brought  to  light,  that,  in  the  32nd  year 
 of  Artaxei-xes,  we  know  he  was  with  the  king  (xiii. 
 6  J.  Other  circumstances,  too,  may  have  concurred 
 to  make  it  imperative  for  him  to  return  to  Persia 
 without  delay.  The  last  words  of  ch.  vi.  point  to 
 some  new  etfort  of  Tobiah  to  interrupt  his  work, 
 and  the  expression  used  seems  to  indicate  that  it 
 was  the  threat  of  being  considered  as  a  rebel  by  the 
 king.  If  he  could  make  it  appear  that  Artaxerxes 
 was  suspicious  of  his  fidelity,  then  Nehemiah  might 
 feel  it  matter  of  necessity  to  go  to  the  Persian  court 
 to  clear  himself  of  the  charge.  And  this  view  both 
 receives  a  remarkable  confirmation  from,  and  throws 
 quite  a  new  light  upon,  the  obscure  passage  in  Kzr. 
 iv.  7-23.  Now,  if  we  compare  Neh.  vi.  6,  7,  with 
 the  letter  of  the  heathen  nations  mentioned  in  Hlzr. 
 IV.,  and  also  recollect  that  the  only  time  wiien,  as 
 
 NEHEMIAH,  BOOK  OF 
 
 G03 
 
 far  as  we  know,  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  were  at- 
 tempted to  be  rebuilt,  was  when  Nehemiah  was 
 governor,  it  is  difficult  to  resist  the  conclusion  that 
 Ezra  iv.  7-23  relates  to  the  time  of  Nehemiah's 
 government,  and  explains  the  otherwise  unaccount- 
 able circumstance  that  1 2  years  elapsed  before  the 
 dedication  of  the  walls  was  completed.  Nehemiah 
 may  have  started  on  his  journey  on  receiving  the 
 letters  from  Persia  (if  such  they  were)  sent  him  by 
 Tobiah,  leaving  his  lieutenants  to  carry  on  the 
 works,  and  after  his  departure  Kehum  and  Shimshai 
 and  their  companions  may  have  come  up  to  Jeru- 
 salem with  the  king's  decree  and  obliged  them  to 
 desist.  It  should  seem,  however,  that  at  Nehe- 
 miah's arrival  in  Persia,  he  was  able  to  satisfy  the 
 king  of  bis  perfect  integrity,  and  that  he  was  per- 
 mitted to  return  to  his  government  in  Judaea.  His 
 leave  of  absence  may  again  have  been  of  limited 
 duration,  and  the  business  of  the  census,  of  re- 
 peopling  Jerusalem,  setting  up  the  city  gates, 
 rebuilding  the  ruined  houses,  and  repairing  the 
 Temple,  may  have  occupied  his  whole  time  till  his 
 second  leturn  to  the  king.  During  this  second  ab- 
 sence another  evil  arose — the  gentilizing  party  re- 
 covered strength,  and  the  intrigues  with  Tobiah  (vi. 
 17),  which  had  already  begun  before  his  first  de- 
 parture, were  more  actively  can'ied  on,  and  led  so 
 far  that  Eliashib  the  high-priest  actually  assigned 
 one  of  the  store-chambers  in  the  Temple  to  Tobiah's 
 use.  This  we  are  not  told  of  till  xiii.  4-7,  when 
 Nehemiah  relates  the  steps  he  took  on  his  return. 
 But  this  very  circumstance  suggests  that  Nehemiah 
 does  not  relate  the  events  which  happened  in  his 
 absence,  and  would  account  for  his  silence  in  regard 
 to  Rehum  and  Shimshai.  We  mav  thus,  then,  ac- 
 count for  10  or  11  years  having  elapsed  before  the 
 dedication  of  the  walls  took  place.  In  fact  it  did 
 not  take  place  till  the  last  year  of  his  government ; 
 and  this  leads  to  the  right  interpretation  of  ch.  xiii. 
 6  and  brings  it  into  perfect  harmony  with  v.  14,  a 
 passage  which  obviously  imports  that  Nehemiah's 
 government  of  Jud.iea  lasted  only  12  years,  viz., 
 tiom  the  20th  to  the  :32nd  of  Artaxerxes.  The  dedic- 
 ation of  the  walls  and  the  other  reforms  named  in 
 ch.  xiii.  were  the  closing  acts  of  his  administiation. 
 It  has  been  already  mentioned  that  Josephus  does 
 not  follow  the  authority  of  the  Book  of  Nehemiah. 
 He  detaches  Neh.  viii.  from  its  context,  and  appends 
 the  narratives  contained  in  it  to  the  times  of  Ezra. 
 He  malvcs  Ezra  die  before  Nehemiah  came  to  Jeru- 
 salem as  governor,  and  consequently  ignores  any 
 part  taken  by  him  in  conjunction  with  Nehemiah. 
 He  makes  no  mention  either  whatever  of  Sanballat 
 in  the  events  of  Nehemiah's  government,  but  places 
 him  in  tne  time  of  Jaddua  and  Alexander  the  Great. 
 All  attempts  to  reconcile  Josephus  with  Nehemiah 
 must  be  lost  labour.  The  only  question  therefore 
 is  what  was  the  cause  of  Josejilius's  variations. 
 Now,  as  regards  the  appending  the  history  in  Neh. 
 viii.  to  the  times  of  Ezra,  we  know  that  he  wao 
 guided  by  the  authority  of  the  Apocrypha;  1  Esdr. 
 as  he  had  been  in  the  whole  story  of  Zerubbabel 
 and  Darius.  From  the  florid  additions  to  his  nar- 
 rative of  Nehemiah's  first  application  to  Artaxerxes, 
 as  well  as  from  the  passage  below  referred  to  in 
 2  Mace.  i.  23,  we  may  be  sure  that  there  were  apo- 
 cryphal versions  of  the  story  of  Nehemiah.  2.  As 
 regards  the  authorship  of  the  book,  it  is  admitted 
 by  all  critics  that  it  is,  as  to  its  main  parts,  the 
 genuine  woik  of  Nehemiah.  But  it  is  no  less  cer- 
 tain that  inteipolatioiis   and  additions   have    been 
 
604 
 
 NEHEMIAH,  BOOK  OP 
 
 mnlu  ill  it  siiit-e  his  time;  and  there  is  considerable 
 diversity  of  opinion  as  to  wiiat  are  the  portions 
 which  have  lieeii  so  added.  From  i.  1  to  vii.  6,  no 
 doubt  or  difficulty  occui-s.  Again,  from  xii.  31, 
 10  the  end  of  the  book  ('except  xii.  44-47),  the 
 narrative  is  continuous,  and  the  use  of  the  first 
 pei-son  singular  const;int  (xii.  30,  .'38,  4U,  xiii.  6,  7, 
 &c.).  It  is  therefore  only  in  the  interme<liate 
 «'haptei-s  (vii.  0  to  xii.  3G,  and  xii.  44-4-7),  that  we 
 have  to  enquire  into  the  question  of  authorship,  and 
 this  we  will  lio  by  sections : — (a.)  The  first  section 
 begins  at  Neh.  vii.  ti,  and  ends  in  the  lirst  lialf  of 
 viii.  1,  at  the  words  "one  man."  It  has  already 
 been  asserted  tiiat  this  section  is  identicjil  with  the 
 paragraph  beginning  Kzr.  ii.  1,  and  ending  iii.  1  j 
 and  it  w;is  there  also  asserted  that  the  p;iiagrai)h 
 originally  belonged  to  the  book  of  Nehemiah,  and 
 w;ls  afti'iwards  inserted  in  the  place  it  occupies  in 
 ICzia.  Both  these  assertions  must  now  be  made 
 good;  and  fii-st  as  to  the  identity  of  the  two 
 passages.  They  are  actually  identical  word  for 
 word,  and  letter  tor  letter,  except  in  two  points. 
 One  that  the  numbers  repeatedly  vary.  The  other 
 that  there  is  a  difterence  in  the  account  of  the  oiYev- 
 ings  made  by  the  governor,  the  nobles,  and  the  people. 
 But  it  c;in  be  proved  that  these  aie  merely  varia- 
 tions of  the  Rime  te.vt.  In  the  first  place  the  two 
 jxissages  are  one  and  the  same.  The  heading,  the 
 contents,  the  narrative  about  the  sons  of  Barzillai, 
 the  fact  of  the  oO'erings,  the  dwelling  in  their  cities, 
 the  coming  of  the  seventh  month,  the  gathering  of 
 all  the  people  to  Jerusalem  as  one  man,  are  in 
 words  and  in  sense  the  very  self-s;ime  passage.  The 
 idea  that  the  very  same  words  extending  to  70 
 verses,  describe  different  events,  is  simply  absurd 
 and  iriational.  The  numbers  therefore  must  origin- 
 ally have  been  the  same  in  both  books.  But  next, 
 when  we  examine  the  varying  numbers,  we  see  the 
 following  particular  jjioofs  tiiat  the  variations  are 
 coiTuptions  of  the  original  text.  Though  the  items 
 rary,  the  sum  total,  42,;3tiO,  is  the  s;ime  (Kzr.  ii. 
 64;  Neh.  vii.  G6).  In  like  manner  the  totals  of 
 the  servants,  the  singing  men  and  women,  the 
 hoi-ses,  mules,  and  asses  are  all  the  same,  except 
 that  Kzra  has  two  hundred,  instead  of  two  hundred 
 and  forty-five,  singing  men  and  women.  The  num- 
 bers of  the  I'riestsand  the  Levites  are  the  same  in 
 both,  except  that  the  singers,  the  sons  of  As.iph,  are 
 1J8  in  Kzra  against  148  in  Nehemiiih,  and  the 
 l)orters  139  iigainst  138.  Then  in  each  particular 
 wise,  when  the  numbers  difler,  we  see  plainly  how 
 the  dill(.'reiu«  might  arise.  To  turn  next  to  the 
 ©Herings.  The  Book  of  Ezra  (ii.  (58,  G9)  merely 
 gives  the  sum  total,  as  follows:  Gl,OUu  drachm's 
 of  gold,  500U  pounds  of  silver,  and  luO  priests* 
 garments.  The  Book  of  Nehemiah  gives  no  siun 
 totil,  but  gives  the  following  items  (vii.  72)  :  The 
 Tirshatha  gave  1200  drachms  of  gold,  50  basons, 
 530  priests'  garments.  The  chief  of  the  fathers  g;ive 
 20,000  drachms  of  gold,  and  22U0  pounds  of  silver. 
 'i'he  rest  of  the  people  gave  20,OU0  drachms  of  gold, 
 201.10  pounds  of  silver,  and  G7  priests'  garments. 
 Here  then  we  learn  that  these  ollerings  were  made 
 ill  three  shares,  by  three  distinct  parties  :  the  gov- 
 ernor, the  chief  fathers,  the  people.  Tlie  sum  total 
 of  drachms  of  gold  we  le;irii  from  Ezra,  was  01,000. 
 The  shares,  we  learn  from  Nehemiah,  were  20,0i.»0 
 iu  two  out  of  the  three  donors,  but  1000  in  the 
 Ciuse  of  the  third  and  chief  donor  I  Is  it  not  quitti 
 evident  that  in  the  ca-e  ol  Nehemiah  tl^ie  20  h;is 
 clipped   out  of    IJie  text    (aa  iu    1   Esdi-.    v.    45, 
 
 NEHEMIAH,  BOOK  OP 
 
 60,000  lias),  and  that  his  re:d  contribution  was 
 21,000?  his  generosity  piompting  him  to  give  in 
 excess  of  his  fair  thii-d.  Next,  as  regards  the 
 pounds  of  silver.  The  sum  total  was,  according 
 to  Ezra,  5000.  The  shares  were,  according  to 
 Nehemiah  2200  jiounds  from  the  chiefs,  and  2000 
 from  the  jjeople.  But  the  LXX.  give  2300  for  the 
 chiefis,  and  2200  for  the  jieople,  making  4500  in 
 all,  and  so  leaving  a  deliciency  of  500  pounds  as 
 compared  with  Ezra's  totil  of  50u0,  and  ascribing 
 no  silver  ofli^ring  to  the  Tirshatha.  As  regards  the 
 l)riests'  garments.  The  sum  tot;il  ;is  given  in  both 
 the  Hebrew  ami  Greek  text  of  Ezra,  and  in  1  E.sdr. 
 is  100.  The  items  as  given  iu  Neh.  vii.  70,  aie 
 530  -I-  G7  =  597.  But  the  LX.\.  give  oO-J-67  = 
 97,  iuid  that  this  is  nearly  correc-t  is  ajiparent  from 
 the  numbei-s  themselves.  Eor  the  total  being  100, 
 33  is  the  nearest  whole  number  to  'J",  and  67  is 
 the  neiirest  whole  number  to  |  X  100.  So  that  we 
 Guiiiot  doubt  that  the  Tirshatha  gave  33  priests' 
 garments,  and  the  lest  of  the  people  gave  C7,  pro- 
 bably in  two  gifts  of  34  and  33,  making  in  all  loO. 
 But  how  came  the  500  to  be  added  on  to  the  Tir- 
 shatha's  tile  of  garments  ?  Clearly  it  is  a  fragment 
 of  the  missing  oOO  pounds  of  silver,  which,  with 
 the  50  bowls,  made  up  the  Tirshatha's  donation 
 of  silver.  So  that  Neh.  vii.  70  ought  to  be  read 
 thus,  "  The  Tirshatha  gave  to  the  treasure  21,000 
 drachms  of  gold,  50  basons,  500  pounds  of  silver, 
 and  33  priests'  garments."  The  offerings  then,  <is 
 well  as  the  numbers  in  the  lists,  were  once  ideiitic;il 
 in  both  books,  and  we  learn  from  Ezr.  ii.  G8,  what 
 w;is  the  purpose  of  this  liberal  contribution,  viz. 
 "  to  set  up  the  House  of  God  in  his  place."  From 
 this  phrase  occurring  in  Ezr.  ii.  just  before  the  ac- 
 count of  the  building  of  the  Temple  by  Zerubbabel, 
 it  has  usually  been  understood  as  referiing  to  the 
 lebiiilding.  But  it  really  means  no  such  thing. 
 The  phrase  properly  implies  restoration  and  pre- 
 servation, it  already  follows,  from  what  h;is  been 
 said,  that  the  se<;tioii  under  consideration  is  in  its 
 right  place  in  the  Book  of  Nehemiah,  and  was  in- 
 serted subsequently  in  the  Book  of  Ezra  out  of  its 
 chronologiciil  order.  But  one  or  two  additional 
 proofs  of  this  must  be  mentioned.  The  most  con- 
 vincing and  pal]>Mble  of  these  is  perhaps  the  mention 
 of  the  Tirshatha  in  Ezr.  li.  63,  Neh.  vii.  65.  An- 
 other proof  is  the  inootioii  of  Ezra  as  t;iking  part  in 
 that  assembly  ofthepeo|)le  of  Jerusjilem  which  is 
 described  in  Ezr.  iii.  I,  Neh.  viii.  1  ;  for  Ezra  did 
 not  come  to  Jerusalem  till  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes 
 (iizr.  vii.).  Another  is  the  mention  of  Nehemiah 
 as  one  of  the  leaders  under  whom  the  aiptives 
 enumerated  in  the  census  came  up,  Ezr.  ii.  2,  Neh. 
 vii.  7  :  in  both  which  pass;iges  the  juxtapo-sitiou 
 of  Nehemiah  with  Seraiah,  when  compiued  with 
 Neh.  X.  1,  2,  greatly  strengthens  the  conclusion  that 
 Nehemiah  the  Tn>hatha  is  meant.  Then  agtiiii, 
 that  Neiieiniah  should  siiinmon  all  the  families  of 
 Israel  to  Jerus.alem  to  take  their  cciusus,  and  that, 
 having  done  so  at  gieat  cost  of  time  and  trouble,  he, 
 or  whoever  Wiis  em])loyed  by  him,  should  merely 
 transcribe  an  old  census  tikeu  nearly  100  year? 
 before,  instead  of  recurding  the  result  of  his  own 
 labours,  is  so  improbable  that  nothing  but  the 
 plainest  necessity  couKl  make  one  believe  it.  From 
 all  which  it  is  abundantly  clear  that  the  section 
 under  consideration  belongs  jnoperly  to  the  Book  of 
 Nehciiiiah.  It  does  not  follow,  however,  that  it 
 wxs  written  in  its  jiresent  I'orm  by  Nehcniiali  him- 
 self,    it  seems  probable  that  ch.  vii.,  from  ver.  7. 
 
NEHEMIAH,  BOOK  OP 
 
 contains  the  substance  of  vvhat  was  found  m  this 
 pmt  of  Nohemiah's  narrative,  but  abridged,  and 
 in  the  form  of  an  abstract,  which  may  account  for 
 the  difficulty  of  separating  Nehemiah's  register  from 
 Zprubbabel's,  and  also  for  the  very  abrupt  mention 
 of  the  gifts  of  the  Tirehatha  and  the  people  at  the 
 end  of  the  chapter.  (6.)  The  next  section  com- 
 mences Nell,  viii.,  latter  part  of  ver.  l,!uid  ends 
 Nell.  xi.  3.  There  is  great  probability  in  the 
 opinion  advocated  by  Hfivernick  and  Kleinert,  that 
 this  section  is  the  work  of  Kzra.  It  is  not  neces- 
 sary to  suppose  that  Ezra  himself  inserted  this  or 
 any  other  pait  of  the  present  book  of  Nchemiah  in 
 the  midst  of  the  Tirshatha's  history.  But  if  there 
 were  extant  an  account  of  these  transactions  by  Ezra, 
 it  may  have  been  thus  incorporated  with  Nehemiah's 
 history  by  the  last  editor  of  Scripture,  (c.)  The 
 third  section  consists  of  ch.  xi.  3-36.  It  contains  a 
 list  of  the  families  of  Judah,  Benjamin,  and  Levi 
 (priests  and  Levites),  who  took  up  their  abode  at 
 Jerusalem,  in  accordance  with  the  resolution  of  the 
 volunteers,  and  the  decision  of  the  lot,  mentioned  in 
 xi.  1,  2.  This  list  forms  a  kind  of  supplement  to 
 that  in  vii.  8-60,  as  appears  by  the  allusion  in  xi.  3 
 to  that  previous  document.  This  list  is  an  extract 
 from  the  official  roll  preserved  in  the  national 
 archives,  only  somewhat  abbreviated,  as  appeals  by 
 a  comparison  with  1  Chr.  ix.,  where  an  abstract  of 
 the  same  roll  is  also  preserved  in  a  fuller  form.  The 
 nature  of  the  information  in  tliis  section,  and  the 
 parallel  passage  in  1  Chr.,  would  rather  indicate  a 
 Levitical  hand.  It  might  or  might  not  have  been 
 the  same  which  inseited  the  preceding  section.  If 
 written  later,  it  is  perhaps  the  work  of  the  same 
 person  who  inserted  xii.  1-30,  44-47.  (d.)  From 
 xii.  1  to  26  is  clearly  and  certainly  an  abstract  from 
 the  official  lists  made  and  inserted  here  long  after 
 Nehemiah's  time,  and  after  the  destruction  of  the 
 Persian  dynasty  by  Alexander  the  Great,  as  is 
 plainly  indicated  by  the  expression  Darius  the  Per- 
 sian, as  well  as  by  the  mention  of  Jaddua.  The 
 allusion  to  .leshua,  and  to  Nehemiah  and  Ezra,  in 
 ver.  26,  is  also  such  as  would  be  made  long  posterior 
 to  their  lifetime,  (e.)  xii.  44-47  is  an  explanatory 
 interpolation,  made  in  later  times,  probably  by  the 
 last  reviser  of  the  book,  whoever  he  was.  That  it 
 is  so  is  evident  not  only  from  the  sudden  change 
 from  the  first  person  to  the  third,  and  the  dropping 
 of  the  personal  narrative  (though  the  matter  is  one  in 
 which  Nehemiah  necessarily  took  the  lead),  but  from 
 the  fact  that  it  describes  the  identical  transaction  de- 
 scribed in  xiii.  10-13  by  Nehemiah  himself.  Though, 
 however,  it  is  not  difficult  thus  to  point  out  those 
 passages  of  the  book  which  were  not  part  of  Nehe- 
 miah's own  woik,  it  is  not  easy,  by  cutting  them 
 out,  to  restore  that  work  to  its  integrity.  For  Neh. 
 xii.  31  does  not  fit  on  well  to  any  part  of  ch.  vii., 
 or,  in  other  words,  the  latter  portion  of  Nehemiah's 
 work  does  not  join  on  to  the  former.  It  should 
 seem  that  we  have  only  the  first  and  last  parts 
 of  Nehemiah's  work,  and  that  for  some  reason  the 
 intermediate  portion  has  been  displaced  to  make 
 room  for  the  narrative  and  documents  fiom  Neh. 
 vii.  7  to  xii.  27.  And  we  are  greatly  confirmed  in 
 this  supposition  by  observing  that  at  the  close  of 
 chap.  vii.  we  have  an  account  of  the  otlerings  made 
 by  the  governor,  the  chiefs,  and  the  people  ;  but  we 
 are  not  even  told  for  what  pui-pose  these  otlerings 
 were  made.  Obviously,  therefore,  the  original  work 
 must  have  contained  an  account  of  some  tian.sactions 
 connected  with  repairing  oi-  beautifying  the  Temple, 
 
 NEHILOTH 
 
 605 
 
 which  led  to  these  contributions  Iveing  made.  The 
 passage  in  2  Mace.  ii.  13  lends  considerable  support 
 to  the  theory  that  the  middle  portion  of  Nehemiah's 
 work  was  cut  out,  and  that  there  was  substituted 
 for  it  partly  an  abridged  alastract,  and  partly  Ezra's 
 narrative  and  other  appended  documents.  We  may 
 then  affirm  with  tolerable  certainty  that  all  the 
 middle  part  of  the  Book  of  Nehemiah  has  been  sup- 
 plied by  other  hands,  and  that  the  first  six  chapters 
 and  part  of  the  seventh,  and  the  last  chapter  and 
 half,  were  alone  written  by  him,  the  intermediate 
 portion  being  inserted  by  those  who  had  authority 
 to  do  so,  in  order  to  complete  the  history  of  the 
 transactions  of  those  times.  As  regards  the  time 
 when  the  Book  of  Nehemiah  was  put  into  its  present 
 form,  we  have  only  the  following  data  to  guide 
 us.  The  latest  high-priest  mentioned,  Jaddua,  was 
 doubtless  still  alive  when  his  name  was  added.  The 
 descriptive  addition  to  the  name  of  Darius  (xii.  22) 
 "  the  Persian."  indicates  that  the  Persian  rule  had 
 ceased,  and  the  Greek  rule  had  begun.  Jaddua's 
 name,  therefore,  and  the  clause  at  the  end  of  ver. 
 22,  were  inserted  each  in  the  reign  of  Alexander  the 
 Great.  But  it  appears  that  the  registers  of  the 
 Levites,  entered  into  the  Chronicles,  did  not  come 
 down  lower  than  the  time  of  Johanan  (ver.  23). 
 So  that  the  close  of  the  Persian  dominion,  and  the 
 beginning  of  the  Greek,  is  the  time  clearly  indicated 
 when  the  latest  additions  were  made.  3.  In  respect 
 to  language  and  style,  this  book  is  very  similar  to 
 the  Chronicles  and  Ezra.  Nehemiah  has,  it  is  true, 
 quite  his  own  manner,  and  certain  phrases  and 
 modes  of  expression  peculiar  to  himself.  He  has 
 also  some  few  words  and  forms  not  found  elsewhere 
 in  Scripture ;  but  the  general  Hebrew  style  is  ex- 
 actly that  of  the  books  purporting  to  be  of  the  same 
 age.  -Some  words  occur  in  Chron.,  Ezr.,  and  Neh., 
 but  nowhere  else.  The  text  of  Nehemiah  is  gener- 
 ally pure  and  free  from  corruption,  except  in  the 
 proper  names,  in  which  there  is  considerable  fluctu- 
 ation in  the  orthography,  both  as  compared  with 
 other  parts  of  the  same  book  and  with  the  same 
 names  in  other  parts  of  Scripture ;  and  also  in 
 numerals.  ]\Iany  various  readings  are  also  indicated 
 by  the  LXX.  version.  4.  The  Book  of  Nehemiah 
 has  always  had  an  undisputed  place  in  the  Canon, 
 being  included  by  the  Hebrews  under  the  general 
 head  of  the  Book  of  Ezra,  and  as  Jerome  tells  us 
 in  the  Prolog.  Gal.  by  the  Greeks  and  Latins  under 
 the  name  of  the  second  Book  of  Ezra.  There  is  no 
 quotation  from  it  in  the  N.  T.,  and  it  has  been 
 comparatively  neglected  by  both  the  Greek  and 
 Latin  fathers. 
 
 Nehemi'as.  1.  Nehemiah,  the  contemporary  of 
 Zerubbabel  and  Jeshua  (1  Esdr.  v.  8).— 2.  Ne- 
 hemiah the  Tii-shatha,  son  of  Hachaliah  (1  Esdr, 
 v.  40). 
 
 Ne'hiloth.  The  title  of  Ps.  v.  in  the  A.  V.  is 
 rendered  "  to  the  chief  musician  upon  Nehiloth."  It 
 is  most  hkely,  as  Gesenius  and  others  explain,  that 
 it  is  derived  from  the  root  chdlal,  to  bore,  perlbrate, 
 whence  chalil,  a  fiute  or  pipe  (1  Sam.  x.  5  ;  1  K. 
 i.  40),  so  that  Nehiloth  is  the  general  term  for  per- 
 forated wind-instruments  of  all  kinds,  as  Neginoth 
 denotes  all  manner  of  stringed  instruments.  The 
 title  of  Ps.  V.  is  therefore  addressed  to  the  con- 
 ductor of  that  portion  of  the  Temple-choir  who 
 played  upon  llut«s  and  the  like,  and  are  directly 
 alluded  to  in  Ps.  Ixxxvii.  7,  where  cholelim,  "  the 
 players  upon  instruments  "  who  are  associated  with 
 the  singers,  are  properly  "  pipers  "  or  "  flute-players.' 
 
606 
 
 NEHUM 
 
 Ne'hum.  One  of  tliose  who  returned  from  Ba- 
 byli'ii  with  Zerubhabel  :  Neh.  vii.  7). 
 
 Nehush'ta.  Tlie  daughter  of  Eluathan  of  Jeru- 
 salem, wife  of  .lehoiakim,  and  mother  ol'  Jclioiachin, 
 kiusrs  of  Judah  (2  K.  xxiv.  8;. 
 
 Nehash'tan.  One  of  the  first  acts  of  Hezekiah, 
 upon  coming  to  the  throne  of  Judah,  was  to  de^troy 
 all  traces  of  tlie  idolatrous  nt«s  which  had  gained 
 such  a  fast  hold  upon  the  people  during  the  reign 
 of  his  father  Ahaz.  Among  other  objects  of  super- 
 stitious reverence  and  w^orship  was  the  brazen  ser[)- 
 eut,  made  by  Moses  in  tjie  wilderneas  (Num.  xxi. 
 ft),  which  was  preserved  throughout  the  wanderings 
 of  the  Israelites,  probably  as  a  memorial  of  their 
 deliverance,  and  according  to  a  late  tradition  was 
 pliiced  in  the  Temple.  The  name  by  which  the 
 biTuen  serpent  was  known  at  this  time,  and  by 
 which  it  had  been  worsliipped,  was  Nehushtan 
 (2  K.  xviii.  4).  It  is  evident  that  our  translators 
 by  their  rendering,  "and  he  allied  it  Nehushtan," 
 understood  with  many  cimimentatoi-s  that  the  subject 
 of  the  sentence  is  Hezekiah.  and  that  when  he  de- 
 stroyed the  brazen  serjient  he  gave  it  the  name  Ne- 
 hnshtiin,  "  a  brazen  thing,"  in  token  of  his  utter 
 contempt,  and  to  impress  upon  the  people  the  idea 
 of  its  worthlessness.  But  it  is  better  to  understmd 
 the  Hebrew  as  leferring  to  the  name  by  which 
 the  serpent  was  generally  known,  the  subject  of  the 
 verb  being  indefinite — "  and  one  called  it  '  Ne- 
 hushtan.'" 
 
 Ne'iel,  a  place  which  formed  one  of  the  land- 
 marks of  the  boundary  of  the  tiibe  of  Asher  (Josh. 
 six.  27  only).  It  occui-s  between  Jumithah-ei, 
 and  Caiiul.  If  the  former  of  these  be  identified 
 with  Jcfut,  and  the  latter  with  Kabul,  8  or  9  miles 
 K.S.E.  of  AUiit,  then  Neiel  may  possil)ly  be  repies- 
 ented  by  Miar,  a  village  conspicuously  placed  on 
 a  lofty  mountain  brow,  just  half-way  between  the 
 two. 
 
 Nek'eb,  one  of  the  towns  on  the  boundary  of 
 Naphtali  (Josh.  xix.  33).  It  lay  between  Adami 
 .ind  Jaunkel.  A  great  number  of  commentators 
 have  taken  this  name  ;u>  being  connected  with  the 
 preceding.  In  the  Talmud  the  post-biblical  name 
 of  Nekeb  is  Tsifidithiili.  Of  this  more  modern 
 name  Schwarz  suggests  that  a  trace  is  to  he 
 found  in  "  Jla^edhi"  3  English  miles  N.  from  al 
 Chatti. 
 
 Nek'oda.  1.  The  descendants  of  Nekoda  re- 
 turned among  the  Nethinim  after  the  captivity 
 (Ezr.  ii.  48  ;  Neh.  vii.  5ii).— 2.  The  sons  of  Nekoda 
 were  among  tho.se  who  went  uji  aft«r  the  captivity 
 from  Tel-melah,  Tel-harsa  and  other  places,  but 
 were  unable  to  prove  their  descent  from  Israel  (Ezr. 
 li.  fill  ;  N<'li.  vii.  t)2). 
 
 Nem'uel.  1.  A  ReuWnite,  son  of  Eliab,  and 
 <ldest  I.Kither  of  Dafhan  and  Abirani  (Num.  xxvi. 
 0).— 2.  The  eldest  .son  of  Simeon  (Num.  xxvi.  12; 
 1  Chr.  iv.  24),  from  whom  were  descended  the 
 family  of  the  Nemuelites.  In  (len.  xlvi.  10  he  is 
 called  .Ikmcki,. 
 
 Nem'uelites.  the.  The  descendants  of  Nemuel 
 til'-  tii'-tl.din  iil'Siirteon  'Num.  xxvi.  12). 
 
 Ne'pheg.  1.  One  ol"  the  sons  of  Izhar  the  son  of 
 Kohath  (Ex.  vi.  21 ).— 2.  One  of  David's  sons  born 
 to  him  in  Jerusalem  (2  .Sam.  v.  15;  1  Chr.  iii.  7, 
 liv.  r,.. 
 
 Ne'phi.  The  name  by  which  the  Naphthau 
 of  Nelicniiah  was  usually  called  (2  Mace.  i.  36). 
 The  A.  V.  has  heie  folbnv.Hl  the  Vidgnte. 
 
 Ne'phifl.      In   the  corrupt  list  of   I  Kudr.  v.  21, 
 
 NERGALi-SHAREZER 
 
 *•  the  sr.iis  of  Nejihis,"  a))))arently  correspond  wifli 
 "  the  children  of  Nebo''  in  Ezr.  ii.  29,  or  else  the 
 name  is  .i  <rorru])fion  of  JiAomsir. 
 
 Ne'phish.  An  inaccmate  vari.-ition  (found  in 
 1  Chr.  v.  I'l  only)  of  the  ii.ime  XaI'HISII. 
 
 Nephish'esim.  The  children  of  Ne])hishesim 
 weie  amoii'.;  the  Nethinim  who  returned  with  Ze- 
 rnbliabel  '  N'eh.  vii.  52). 
 
 Neph'thali,  The  Vulgate  form  of  the  name 
 Nai'HT.m.i  (Tob.  i.  1,  2.  4,  5). 
 
 Neph'thalim.  Another  form  of  the  same  namft 
 as  the  preieding  (Tob.  vii.  3;  Matt.  iv.  13,  l.i; 
 Rev.  vii.  »j  . 
 
 Nephto'ah,  the  water  of.  The  spring  or  source 
 of  the  water  or  (inaccurately)  wateis  of  Nephtoah, 
 was  one  of  the  landmarks  in  the  boundaiy-line 
 which  sepaiated  Judah  from  Benjamin  (Josh.  xv.  9, 
 xviii.  15)).  It  lay  N.W.  of  Jerusalem,  in  which 
 direction  it  seems  to  have  l^een  satisfactorily  idvn- 
 tified  in  Ain  Lifta,  a  spring  situated  a  little  distauc* 
 above  the  village  of  the  same  name.  Nephtoah  was 
 formeily  identitied  with  various  springs — thespiin;:; 
 of  St.  Philip  (Ain  Hanii/e/t)  in  the  Wady  ei  Werd ; 
 the  Ain  Valo  in  the  same  valley,  but  nearer  .Jeru- 
 salem ;  the  Ain  Karim,  or  Fountiiin  of  the  Virgin 
 of  mediaeval  time-s,  and  oven  the  so-called  Well  of 
 .Jol)  at  the  western  end  of  the  Wad'i  Ali/. 
 
 Neph'usim.  The  same  as  Nepihshksim,  of 
 which  name  according  to  Geseuius  it  is  the  projier 
 form  (F.zr.  ii.  50). 
 
 Nor,  .son  of  Jehiel,  according  to  1  Chr.  viii.  Xi, 
 father  of  Kish  and  Abner,  and  grandfather  of  king 
 .Saul.  .Xbner  was,  therefore,  uncle  to  Saul,  ius  is 
 expressly  stated  1  Sam.  xiv.  50. 
 
 Ne'retis.  A  Christian  at  Home,  saluted  by  St. 
 Paid,  li'om.  xvi.  15.  Origen  conjectures  that  he 
 belonge<l  to  the  iiousehold  of  I'hilologus  and  Julia. 
 .\  legend.iiy  .account  of  him  is  given  in  Acta  f!anc- 
 toriiin,  from  which  may  be  gathered  the  ti-adition 
 that  he  was  beheaded  at  Terracina,  piobably  in  the 
 ix'i'sn  of  Nerva. 
 
 Ner'gal,  one  of  the  chief  Assyrian  and  Babyl- 
 onian deities,  seems  to  have  corresponded  closely 
 to  the  classical  Mars.  He  was  of  Babylonian  oi  igin, 
 and  his  name  Mgnifies,  in  the  early  Cushite  dialect 
 of  that  country,  "  the  great  man,"  or  "  the  great 
 hero."  His  monumental  titles  are— "  the  storm- 
 ruler,"  "the  king  of  battle,"  "the  cham]iion  of 
 the  god.s,"  "the  male  principle"  (or  "  the  strong 
 begetter ").  "the  tutelar  god  of  Babylonia,"  and 
 "the  god  of  the  chace."  It  is  conjectured  that  he 
 may  represent  the  deified  Nimrod.  The  only  express 
 mention  of  Nergal  contained  in  sacred  Scripture  is 
 in  2  K.  xvii.  30.  He  appears  to  have  been  wor- 
 shippfl  >mder  the  symbol  of  the  "  Man-Lion." 
 
 Ner'gal-Share'zer  occui-s  only  in  Jeremiah 
 xxxix.  3  and  13.  Tliere  appear  to  have  been  two 
 jiersons  of  the  name  among  the  "  princes  of  the 
 king  of  Babylon,"  who  accompanied  Nebuchadnezzar 
 on  his  last  expedition  against  Jerusalem.  One  of 
 these  is  not  markeil  liy  any  additional  title:  but  the 
 other  has  the  honoumble  distinction  of  Itab-mag, 
 and  it  is  to  him  alone  that  any  particular  intei-e>t 
 attaches.  In  sacred  Scripture  he  ap|)^ars  among 
 the  pi-sons,  who,  by  conunand  of  NVbuohadnezzar, 
 released  Jeremiah  from  prison ;  profane  history 
 gives  us  rea-son  to  believe  that  he  w.as  a  jiersonace 
 of  great  importance,  who  not  long  af>erwards 
 mounte.1  the  Babylonian  throne.  This  identifica- 
 tion .lepnds  in  paii  upon  the  exact  i-csemblanc« 
 of  name,  which   is  found  on  Babylonian  bricks  in 
 
NERI 
 
 the  form  of  Nergal-shar-uzur  ;  but  mainly  it  rests 
 upon  the  title  of  Rnbu-emga,  or  Rab-Mag,  wliich 
 this  king  bears  in  his  inscriptions.  Assuming  on 
 these  grounds  the  identity  of  the  Scriptural  "  Ner- 
 g,al-shaiezer,  Kab-Mag,"  with  the  monumental 
 "  Nergal-shar-uzur,  Eubu-emga,"  we  may  learn 
 something  of  the  history  of  the  prince  in  question 
 from  profane  authors.  There  cannot  be  a  doubt 
 that  he  was  the  monarch  called  Neriglissar  or  Ne- 
 riglissoor  by  Berosus  (Joseph,  c.  Ap.  i.  20),  who 
 murdered  Evil-Merodach,  the  son  of  Nebuchad- 
 nezzar, and  succeeded  him  upon  the  throne.  This 
 prince  was  married  to  a  daughter  of  Nebuchad- 
 nezzar, and  was  thus  the  brother-in-law  of  his  pre- 
 decessor, whom  he  put  to  death.  His  reign  lasted 
 between  three  and  four  years.  He  appears  to  have 
 died  a  natural  death,  and  cerfciinly  left  his  crown 
 to  a  young  son,  Laborosoarchod,  who  was  murdered 
 after  a  reign  of  nine  months.  There  is  abundant 
 reason  to  believe  from  his  name  and  his  office  that 
 he  was  a  native  Babylonian — a  grandee  of  high 
 rank  under  Nebuchadnezzar,  who  regarded  him  as  a 
 fitting  match  for  one  of  his  daughters.  His  reign 
 preceded  that  of  the  Median  Darius  by  17  years. 
 It  lasted  from  B.C.  559  to  B.C.  556. 
 
 Ne'ri,  son  of  Melchi,  and  father  of  Salathiel,  in 
 the  genealogy  of  Christ,  Luke  iii.  27.  Nothing  is 
 known  of  him,  but  his  name  is  very  important  as 
 indicating  the  principle  on  which  the  genealogies  of 
 our  Lord  are  framed.  He  was  of  the  line  of  Nathan  ; 
 but  his  son  Salathiel  became  Solomon's  heir  on  the 
 failure  of  Solomon's  line  in  king  Jeconiah,  and  was 
 therefore  reckoned  in  the  royal  genealogy  among  the 
 sons  of  Jeconiah. 
 
 Neri'ah.  The  son  of  Maaseiah,  and  father  of 
 Baruch  'Jer.  xxxii.  12,  xxxvi.  4,  xliii.  3),  and  Se- 
 raiah  (.ler.  li.  59). 
 
 Neri'as.  The  father  of  Baruch  and  Seraiah 
 (Bar.  i.  1). 
 
 Net.  The  ;-arious  terms  applied  by  the  Hebrews 
 to  nets  had  reference  eithe-r  to  the  construction  of 
 the  article,  or  to  its  use  and  objects.  What  dis- 
 tinction there  may  have  been  between  the  various 
 nets  described  by  the  Hebrew  terms  we  are  unable 
 to  decide.  The  net  was  used  for  the  purposes 
 of  fishing  and  hunting.  The  Egyptians  constructed 
 their  nets  of  tias-striug :  the  netting-needle  was 
 made  of  wnod,  and  in  shape  closely  resembled 
 our  own  (Wilkinson,  ii.  95).  Their  nets  varied 
 in  form  according  to  their  use;  the  accompany- 
 ing sketch  represents  the  landing-net.     As  the  nets 
 
 NETHINIM 
 
 go; 
 
 Egyptian  laudjng-net    (Wilkinson.) 
 
 of  Egypt  were  well  known  to  the  early  Jews  ^ Is. 
 six.  8),  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  material 
 and  form  was  the  same  in  each  country.  The  nets 
 used  for  birds  in  Egypt  were  of  two  kinds,  clap- 
 nets and  traps.  The  latter  consisted  of  network 
 strained  over  a  frame  of  wood,  which  was  so  con- 
 
 structed that  the  sides  would  colhipse  by  pulling  a 
 strmg  and  catch  any  biids  that  may  have  alighted 
 on  them  while  open.  The  foimer  was  made  on 
 the  same  principle,  consisting  of  a  double  frame 
 with  the  network  strained  over  it,  which  might  be 
 caused  to  collapse  by  pulling  a  string. 
 
 Netll'aneel.  1.  The  son  of  Zuar,  and  prince  of 
 the  tribe  of  Issachar  at  the  time  of  the  Exnlus 
 (Num.  i.  8,  ii.  5,  vii.  18,  23,  x.  15).— 2.  The 
 fourth  son  of  Jesse  and  brother  of  David  (1  Chr. 
 ii.  14).— 3.  A  priest  in  the  reign  of  David  (1  Chr. 
 XV.  24).— 4.  A  Levite,  father  of  Shemaiah  the 
 scribe  (1  Chr.  .xxiv.  6).— 5.  The  fifth  son  of  Obed- 
 edom  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  4).— 6.  One  of  the  princes  of 
 Judah,  in  the  reign  of  Jehoshaphat  (2  Chr.  xvii. 
 7).— 7.  A  chief  of  the  Levites  in  the  reign  of  Josiah 
 (2  Chr.  XXXV.  9).— 8.  A  priest  of  the  family  of 
 Pashur  in  the  time  of  Ezra  who  had  married  a 
 foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  22). — ^9.  The  representative 
 of  the  priestly  familv  of  Jedaiah  in  the  time  of 
 Joiakim  the  son  of  Jeshua  (Neli.  xii.  21).^— 10.  A 
 Levite,  of  the  sons  of  Asaph,  who  took  part  in  the 
 dedication  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (Neh.  xii.  36). 
 
 Nethani'ah.  1.  The  son  of  Elishama,  and  father 
 of  Ishmael  who  murdered  Gedaliah  (2  K.  xxv.  23, 
 25;  Jer.  .\1.  8,  14,  15,  xii.  1,  2,  6.  7,  9,  10,  11, 
 12,  15,  16,  18).  He  was  of  the  royal  family  of 
 Judah.— 2.  One  of  the  four  sons  of  Asaph  the 
 minstrel  (1  Chr.  xxv.  2,  12).— 3.  A  Levite  in  the 
 reign  of  Jehoshaphat  (2  Chr.  xvii.  8).— 4.  The 
 father  of  Jehudi  (Jer.  xxxvi.  14). 
 
 Neth'inim.  As  applied  specifically  to  a  distinct 
 body  of  men  connected  with  the  services  of  the 
 Temple,  this  name  first  meets  us  in  the  later  books 
 of  the  0.  T. ;  in  1  Chron.,  Ezra,  and  Nehemiah. 
 The  word,  and  the  ideas  embodied  in  it  may,  how- 
 ever, be  traced  to  a  much  earlier  period.  As  de- 
 rived from  the  verb  ndthan  (  =give,  set  apart,  de- 
 dicate), it  was  applied  to  those  who  were  specially 
 appointed  to  the  liturgiaU  offices  of  the  Tabernacle. 
 We  must  not  forget  that  the  Levites  were  given  to 
 Aaron  and  his  sons,  i.  e.  to  the  piiests  as  an  order, 
 and  were  accordingly  the  first  Nethinim  (Num.  iii. 
 9,  viii.  19).  At  first  they  were  the  only  attendants, 
 and  their  work  must  have  been  laborious  enough. 
 The  first  conquests,  however,  brought  them  their 
 share  of  the  captive  slaves  of  the  Midianites,  and 
 320  were  given  to  them  as  having  charge  of  the 
 Tabernacle  (Num.  xxxi.  47),  while  32  only  were 
 assigned  specially  to  the  priests.  This  disposition 
 to  devolve  the  more  laborious  offices  of  their  ritual 
 upon  slaves  of  another  race  showed  itself  again  in 
 the  treatment  of  the  Gibeonites.  No  addition  to 
 the  number  thus  employed  apjiears  to  have  been 
 made  during  the  period  of  the  Judges,  and  they 
 continued  to  be  known  by  their  old  name  as  the 
 Gibeonites.  Either  the  massacre  at  Nob  had  in- 
 volved the  Gibeonites  as  well  as  the  priests  (1  Sam. 
 xxii.  19),  or  else  they  had  fallen  victims  to  some 
 other  outburst  of  Saul's  fury,  and,  though  there  were 
 survivors  (2  Sam.  xxi.  2),  the  number  was  likely 
 to  be  quite  inadequate  for  the  greater  stateliness  of 
 the  new  worship  at  Jerusalem.  It  is  to  this  period 
 accordingly  that  the  origin  of  the  class  bearing  this 
 name  may  be  traced.  The  Nethinim  were  those 
 "  whom  David  and  the  princes  appointed  (Heb. 
 gave)  for  the  service  of  the  Levites"  (Ezr.  viii.  20). 
 Analogy  would  lead  us  to  conclude  that,  in  this  as 
 in  the  former  instances,  these  were  either  prisoners 
 taken  in  war,  or  else  some  of  the  remnant  of  the 
 Canaanites.    From  this  t'me  the  Nethinim  proliably 
 
608 
 
 NETOPHAH 
 
 live<l  within  tlie  piwincts  of  the  Tomplo,  doinc;  its 
 rou;;lier  work,  aiul  so  eimblin<;  the  Lovifes  to  take 
 a  iiiiiiier  iiosition  as  the  religious  rc|ireseiitativ<'s 
 and  iiistriu'tois  of  the  ]i(>()|)le.  Tlie  e.\ain]ile  set  hy 
 r)av!il  was  followed  by  his  successor.  Assuming, 
 as  is  probable,  tliat  the  later  Riibbinic  teaching  re- 
 presents tlie  traditions  of  an  earlier  period,  the 
 Netliinini  appear  never  to  have  lost  the  stigma  of 
 their  Canaanife  origin.  They  were  ail  along  a 
 servile  and  subject  caste.  The  only  periml  at  which 
 they  rise  into  anything  like  piominence  is  that  of 
 the  return  from  the  cixptivity.  In  that  return  the 
 priests  were  conspicuous  and  numerous,  but  the 
 I.evites,  for  some  resLson  unknown  to  us,  hung  back. 
 The  services  of  the  Nethinini  were  consequently  of 
 more  importance  (Ezr.  viii.  17),  but  in  their  case 
 also,  the  small  number  of  those  that  joined  (o9'J 
 under  Zerubbabel,  '2'20  under  Ezra,  including  "So- 
 lomon's servants")  indicates  that  many  preferred 
 remaining  in  the  land  of  theii-  e.xile  to  leturning  to 
 their  old  service.  Those  that  did  come  were  con- 
 sequently thought  worthy  of  special  mention.  Nei- 
 ther in  the  Apociypha,  nor  in  the  N.  T.,  nor  yet  in 
 the  works  of  the  Jewish  historian,  do  we  iind  any 
 additiounl  information  about  the  Nethinim. 
 
 Net'ophah,  a  town  the  name  of  which  occui's 
 only  in  tiie  uifaiogue  of  those  who  returned  with 
 Zerubbabel  from  the  Captivity  (Ezr.  ii.  22;  Neh. 
 vii.  2ij ;  1  Esdr.  v.  18).  But,  though  not  directly 
 mentioned  till  so  late  a  period,  Netophah  was  really 
 a  much  older  ])iMce.  Two  of  David's  guard,  Ma- 
 JiAUAi  and  IIklki!  or  Heldai  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  18, 
 15),  were  Netophathites,  and  it  was  the  native  place 
 of  at  least  one  of  the  captains  who  remained  under 
 anus  near  Jerusiilem  after  its  destruction  by  Nebu- 
 chadnezzar. The  "villages  of  the  Netophathites" 
 were  the  residence  of  the  Levites  (1  Chr.  ix.  16). 
 From  another  notice  we  learn  that  the  particular 
 Levites  who  inhabited  these  villages  were  singers 
 (Neh.  xii.  2S).  That  Netophah  belongal  to  Jiidah 
 appears  from  the  fact  that  the  two  heroes  above  men- 
 tioned belonged,  the  one  to  the  Zarhites,  and  the 
 other  to  Othniel,  the  son-in-law  of  Caleb.  To  judge 
 fi'om  Neh.  vii.  2G  it  was  in  the  neighbourhood  of, 
 or  closely  connected  with,  Bethlehem.  It  is  not 
 mentioned  by  Eusebius  and  Jerome,  and  although 
 in  the  Mishna  I'efei-ence  is  made  to  the  "  oil  of  Net- 
 ophah," and  to  the  "  valley  of  Beth  Netoi)hah," 
 nothing  is  said  as  to  the  situation  of  the  place. 
 The  latter  may  well  be  the  present  village  of  Heit 
 Netttf,  which  stands  on  the  edge  of  the  great  valley 
 of  the  Wadij  es  Sumt,  but  can  hardly  be  the  Net- 
 ophah of  the  Bible,  since  it  is  not  near  Bethlehem. 
 The  only  name  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Bethlehem 
 suggestive  of  Netophah  is  that  which  apjiears  in 
 Van  <le  N'elde's  maj)  as  AnWich,  and  in  Toblor  as 
 Oiii  Tuha,  attached  to  a  village  about  2  miles  N.l^. 
 of  Bethlehem  and  a  wady  which  falls  therefrom  into 
 the  Wiiili/  c7i-\ar,  or  Kidron. 
 
 Neto'phatM,  Neh.  xii.  28.  Tlie  same  word 
 wliicli  in  other  passiges  is  rendered  "  the  Neto]tlia- 
 thite." 
 
 Neto'phathite,  the,  2  Sam.  xxiii.  28,  29;  2 
 K.  xxv.  ■_':!;  1  Chr.  xi.  lUt,  xxvii.  13,  15;  .ler, 
 xl.  8.  The  pluial  form,  Tiin  Nktophatiiitks 
 (the  Mebiow  word  bi-ing  the  Sfune  as  above)  occuis 
 in  I  <'lir.  ii.  54,  ix.  IG. 
 
 Nettle.  The  representative  in  the  A.  V.  of  the 
 Ilebi.-w  words  diai-ul  and  lAiinnosh  or  /iimds/i .  1 
 C/id»-/(/ OCCUIS  in  Job  xxx.  7;  I'lov.  xxiv.  31.  Tlieic 
 is  very  great  uncertainly  .is  to  the  meaning  of  the 
 
 NEW  TESTAMENT 
 
 word  C'idnV,  and  numerous  are  the  plants  which 
 commentators  have  sought  to  identifv  with  it : 
 brambles,  sea-or.ache,  butchers'  broom,  thistles,  have 
 all  been  proposed.  The  generality  of  critics  and  some 
 modern  versions  are  in  favour  of  the  nettle.  Celsius 
 believes  the  chdrut  is  identical  with  the  Christ- 
 thorn  {Ziziiphus  PdUiirus) — the  Paliunts  aculeatus 
 of  mo<lern  botanists — but  his  opinion  is  bv  no  means 
 well  founde*!.  Dr.  Koyle  has  argued  in  favour  of 
 some  species  of  wild  mustard.  The  Scri))tural  pas- 
 sages would  suit  this  interpretation,  ancl  it  is  quite 
 possible  that  wild  mustaid  may  be  intended  by 
 cluii-ul.  We  are  inclined  to  adopt  Dr.  Koyle's  opi- 
 nion, as  the  following  word  probably  denotes  the 
 nettle.  2.  Kiinmosh  or  kimosk  occui's  in  Is.  x.xxiv. 
 13  ;  and  in  Ilos.  ix.  G.  Another  fonn  of  the  same 
 word,  kimmSshoniiii  ("  thorns,"  A.  V.),  occui-s  in 
 Prov.  xxiv.  31.  Modern  commentatoi-s  are  gener- 
 ally agreed  u])on  the  signiHciition  of  this  term, 
 whith  may  well  be  understood  to  denote  some 
 species  of  nettle  (  Urtica). 
 
 New  Moon.  The  first  day  of  the  lunar  month 
 was  observed  as  a  holy  day.  In  ad<lition  to  the 
 daily  sacririce  there  were  ofl'ered  two  young  bullocks, 
 a  ram  and  seven  iambs  of  the  Hist  year  as  a  burnt- 
 otlering,  with  the  proper  meat-offerings  and  drink- 
 offeiings,  and  a  kid  as  a  sin-olfering  (Num.  xxviii. 
 11-15).  As  on  the  Sabbath,  trade  and  handicraft- 
 work  were  stopped  (Am.  viii.  5),  the  Temple  was 
 ojiened  for  public  worship  (Ez.  xlvi.  3;  Is.  Ixvi.  23). 
 The  trumjiets  were  blown  at  the  olfering  of  the 
 special  sacrifices  for  the  day,  as  on  the  solemn 
 festivals  (Num.  x.  10;  Ps.  Ixxxi.  3).  It  was  an 
 occasion  for  state-banquets  (1  Sam.  xx.  5-24).  In 
 later,  if  not  in  earlier  times,  fasting  wa-s  intermitted 
 at  the  new  moons  (Jud.  viii.  G).  The  new  moons 
 are  generally  mentioned  so  as  to  show  that  they 
 were  regardeil  as  a  peculiar  class  of  holy  days, 
 distinguished  from  the  solemn  feasts  and  the  Sat>- 
 baths  (Ez.  xlv.  17;  1  Chr.  x.xiii.  31  ;  2  Chr.  ii.  4, 
 viii.  13,  xxxi.  3;  Esr.  iii.  5;  Neh.  x.  33).  The 
 seventh  new  moon  of  the  religious  year,  being  that 
 of  Tisii,  commenced  the  civil  year,  and  had  a  signi- 
 ficance and  rites  of  its  own.  It  was  a  day  of  holy 
 convocation.  By  what  method  the  commencement 
 of  the  month  was  ascertained  in  the  time  of  Moses 
 is  uncertain.  The  Mishna  describes  the  manner  in 
 which  it  was  determined  seven  times  in  the  year  by 
 observing  the  first  appearance  of  the  moon,  whi<'h, 
 according  to  Maimonides,  derived  its  origin,  by 
 tradition,  from  Moses,  and  continual  in  use  as  long 
 as  the  Sanhedrim  existed.  On  the  30th  <iay  of  the 
 month  watchmen  were  placed  on  commanding  heights 
 round  Jerusalem  to  watch  the  sky.  As  soon  as 
 each  of  them  detected  the  moon  he  hastened  to  a 
 house  in  the  city,  which  was  kept  for  the  purpose, 
 and  was  there  examined  by  the  president  of  the 
 Sanhedrim.  When  the  cviilence  of  the  appeai-juice 
 was  deemed  s,ifi.-.factory,  the  president  rose  up  and 
 foi-mally  announced  it,  uttering  the  words,  "  It  is 
 consecratetl."  The  intbrmation  was  iuune<liately 
 sent  tliroiigliout  the  land  from  the  Mount  of  (  Hives, 
 by  beacon-tires  on  the  tops  of  the  hills.  The  religious 
 observance  of  the  day  ot' the  new  moon  may  plainly 
 lie  leijarded  as  the  consecration  of  a  natural  division 
 of  time. 
 
 New  Testament.  The  origin,  history,  and  cha- 
 lacteristics  of  the  con>titiient  books  and  (if  the  great 
 vereions  of  the  N.  T.,  the  mutual  relations  of  the 
 Cios|>els,  and  the  lomiation  of  the  Canon,  are  di>- 
 cussed   in  other  articles.     It  is   projwsed    now   to 
 
NEW  TESTAMENT 
 
 considei-  the  Text  of  the  N.  T.  The  subjeci  na- 
 turally divides  itself  into  the  following  heads,  which 
 will  be  examined  in  succession :  — 
 
 L   TllE  HiSTOKV  OF  THE  WlilTTEN  TEXT. 
 
 5^1-11.  The  earliest  bistory  of  the  Text.   Autographs. 
 
 Corruptidns.    The  text  of  Clement  and  Origen. 
 A^12-15.  Theories  of  recensions  of  the  Te.\t. 
 ji5 16-25.  External  characteristics  of  MSS. 
 JJ26-29.  Enumeration  of  MSS.    {28.  Uncial.     }29. 
 
 Cursive. 
 $}3o-40.  Classification  of  various  readings. 
 
 U.  The  HisioBr  of  the  Peikted  Text. 
 
 }1.  The  great  periods. 
 
 J}2-5.  $2.  The  Complutensian  Polyglott.  {3.  The 
 editions  of  Erasmus.  $4.  The  editidus  of  Stephens. 
 $5.  Beza  and  Elzevh  (English  version). 
 
 }}6-10.  }6.  Walton;  Curcellaeus;  Mill  {7.  Bent- 
 ley;  }s.  \i.  V.  Maestricht ;  Wetstein.  $9.  Gries- 
 b;ich;  Matthaei.    $10.  Scholz. 
 
 }}11-13.  Jll.  Lachmann.  $12.  Tischendorf.  $13. 
 Tregelles;  Alford. 
 
 in.  PRiNCirLEs  OF  TEXTn.u,  Ckiticism. 
 Ml-9.  External  evidence. 
 9910-13.  Internal  evidence. 
 
 IV.  The  IjAnguage  of  the  New  Testament. 
 
 NEW  TESTAMENT 
 
 coy 
 
 I.  The  History  of  the  Written  Text. 
 1.  The  early  history  of  the  Apostolic  writings  offers 
 no  points  of  distinguishing  literary  interest.  Ex- 
 ternally, as  far  as  it  can  be  traced,  it  is  the  .same  as 
 that  of  other  contemporary  books,  St.  Paul,  like 
 Cicero  or  Pliny,  often  employed  the  services  of  an 
 amanuensis,  to  whom  he  dictated  his  letters,  affix- 
 ing the  salutation  "with  his  own  hand"  (1  Cor. 
 xvi.  21 ;  2  Thess.  iii.  17  ;  Col.  iv.  18).  In  one 
 case  the  scribe  has  added  a  clause  in  his  own  name 
 (Rom.  xvi.  22).  Once,  in  writing  to  the  Gala- 
 tians,  the  Apostle  appears  to  apologise  for  the  rude- 
 ness of  the  autograph  which  he  addressed  to  them, 
 as  if  from  defective  sight  (Gal.  vi.  11).  If  we  pass 
 onw;uds  one  step,  it  does  not  appear  that  any  special 
 care  was  taken  in  the  first  age  to  preserve  the  books 
 of  the  N.  T.  from  the  various  injuries  of  time,  or 
 to  insure  perfect  accuracy  of  transcription.  They 
 were  given  as  a  heritage  to  man,  and  it  was  some 
 time  before  men  felt  the  full  value  of  the  gift.  The 
 oiiginal  copies  seem  to  have  soon  peiished.  It  is 
 certainly  remarkable  that  in  the  controversies  at 
 the  close  of  the  second  ccntuiy,  which  often  turned 
 upon  disputed  readings  of  Scripture,  no  appeal  was 
 made  to  the  Apostolic  originals.  2.  In  the  natural 
 course  of  things  the  Apostolic  autographs  would  be 
 Ukely  to  perish  soon.  The  material  which  was 
 commonly  used  for  letters,  the  papyrus-paper  to 
 which  St.  John  incidentally  alludes  (2  John  12  ; 
 comp.  3  John  13),  was  singularly  fragile,  and  even 
 the  stouter  kinds,  likely  to  be  used  for  the  historical 
 books,  were  not  fitted  to  bear  constant  use.  The 
 papyrus  fragments  which  have  come  down  to  the 
 present  time  have  been  preserved  under  peculiar 
 circumstances,  as  at  the  Herculaneum  or  in  Egyp- 
 tian tombs.  Parchment  (2  Tim.  iv.  13),  wliich 
 was  more  durable,  was  propoitionately  rarer  and 
 more  costly.  On  all  accounts  it  seems  reasonable 
 to  conclude  that  the  autographs  perishAl  during  that 
 solemn  pause  which  followed  the  Apostolic  age,  in 
 which  the  idea  of  a  Christian  Canon,  parallel  and 
 supplementary  to  the  Jewish  Canon,  was  first  dis- 
 tinctly realized.  3.  In  the  time  of  the  Diocletian 
 persecution  (a.d.  303y  copies  of  the  Christian  Scrip- 
 tures were  sufficiently  numerous  to  furnish  a  special 
 object  for  persecutors,  and  a  characteristic  name  to 
 renegades  who  saved  themselves  by  surrendering 
 
 Con,  D,  B. 
 
 the  sacred  books.  Paitly,  perhaps,  owing  to  the 
 destruction  thu.s  caused,  but  still  more  from  the 
 natural  elfects  of  time,  no  MS.  of  the  N.  T.  of  the 
 fir>t  three  centuries  remains.  Some  of  the  oldest 
 extant  were  certainly  copied  from  others  which 
 dated  from  within  this  period,  but  as  yet  no  one 
 can  be  placed  further  back  than  the  time  of  Con- 
 stantine.  But  thotigh  no  fragment  of  the  N.  T.  of 
 the  first  century  still  remains,  the  Italian  and 
 Egyptian  papyri,  which  are  of  that  date,  give  a 
 clear  notion  of  the  caligraphy  of  the  period.  In 
 these  the  text  is  written  in  columns,  rudely  divided, 
 in  somewhat  awkward  capital  letters  (uncials), 
 without  any  punctuation  or  division  of  words.  Tlie 
 iota,  which  was  afterwards  subscribed,  is  cominouly, 
 but  not  always,  adscribed ;  and  there  is  no  trace  of 
 accents  or  breathing.^.  4.  In  addition  to  the  later 
 MSS.,  the  earliest  versions  and  patriotic  quotations 
 give  very  important  testimony  to  the  chaiacter  and 
 history  of  the  ante-Nicene  text.  Express  state- 
 ments of  readings  which  are  found  in  some  of  the 
 most  ancient  Christian  writers  are,  indeed,  the  first 
 direct  evidence  which  we  have,  and  are  conse- 
 quently of  the  highest  importance.  But  till  the 
 last  quarter  of  the  second  century  this  source  of  in- 
 formation fails  us.  Not  only  are  the  remains  of 
 Chiiitiau  literature  up  to  that  time  extremely 
 samty,  but  the  practice  of  verbal  quotation  from 
 the  N.  T.  was  not  yet  prevalent.  The  evangelic 
 citations  in  the  Apostolic  Fathers  and  in  Justin 
 Martyr  show  that  the  oral  tradition  was  still  as 
 widely  current  as  the  written  Gospels,  and  there  is 
 not  in  those  writers  one  express  verbal  citation  from 
 the  other  Apostolic  books.  This  latter  phenomenon 
 is  in  a  great  mciisure  to  be  explained  by  the  nature 
 of  their  wintings.  As  soon  as  definite  controversies 
 arose  among  Christians,  the  text  of  the  N.  T.  as- 
 sumed its  true  importance.  The  earliest  monu- 
 ments of  these  lemaiu  in  the  works  of  Irenaeus, 
 Hippolytus  (Pseudo-Origen),  and  Tertullian,  who 
 quote  mmiy  of  the  arguments  of  the  leading  advers- 
 aries of  the  Chiu'ch.  Charges  of  corrupting  the 
 sacred  text  aie  urged  on  both  sides  with  great  acri- 
 mony. Wilful  interpolations  or  changes  are  ex- 
 tremely rare,  if  they  exist  at  all,  except  in  the  case 
 of  Marcijn.  His  mode  of  dealing  with  the  writings 
 of  the  N.  T.,  in  which  he  was  followed  ijy  liis 
 school,  was,  as  Tertullian  says,  to  use  the  knife 
 rather  than  subtlety  of  interpretation.  But  alter 
 making  some  fundamental  changes  he  seems  to  have 
 adheied  scrupulously  to  the  text  which  he  found. 
 In  the  isolated  leadings  which  he  is  said  to  have 
 altered,  it  happens  not  unfiequently  that  he  has 
 reUiined  the  right  re;iding,  and  that  his  opponents 
 are  in  eiTor.  5.  Several  very  important  conclu- 
 sions follow  from  this  earliest  appeaiaucc  of  textual 
 critic-ism.  It  is  in  the  first  place  evident  that  va- 
 rious readings  existed  in  the  books  of  the  N.  T.  at 
 a  time  prior  to  all  extant  authorities.  History 
 affords  no  trace  of  the  pure  Apostolic  originals. 
 Again,  from  the  preservation  of  the  first  variations 
 noticed,  which  are  often  extremely  minute,  in  one 
 or  more  of  the  primary  documents  still  left,  we 
 may  be  certain  that  no  important  changes  have 
 been  made  in  the  s;iv;red  text  which  we  cannot  now 
 detect.  6.  Piissing  from  these  isolated  quotations 
 we  find  the  first  great  witnesses  to  the  apostolic 
 text  in  the  early  Syriac  and  Latin  versions,  and  iu 
 the  rich  quotations  of  Clement  of  Alexandria  (fcir. 
 A.D.  220j  and  Origen  (a.d.  184-254).  From  the 
 extant  works  of  Oiigen  alone  no  inconeiderable  poi*- 
 
 2  K 
 
610  NEW  TESTAMENT 
 
 lion  of  tilt;  whole  N.  'I',  misjlit  lie  tnui^^ciibed.     7. 
 The  evaii£;elic  text  of  Clement    is   t\iv  fVom  pure. 
 Two  chief  causes  contiiliiited   esjwcially  to  lorrupt 
 the  text  of  the  Gospels,  the  atteinpt-s  to  harmonize 
 pai-allel  narratives,  and   the  inHiience  of  tradition. 
 The  former  assumed  a  sjiecial  importance  trom  the 
 Di<itessaron  of  Tatian  (cir.  a.D.  170),  and  the  latter, 
 which   was  very  great  in   the  time  of  Justin  M., 
 still  lincjered.     8.  liut  Origeu  stands  as  far  first  of 
 all  the  ante-Nicene  tathei-s  in  critical  authority  as 
 he  does  in  commandiii?  genius,  and  his  writings  aie 
 an  I'most  inexhaustible  storehouse  for  the  history 
 of  ine  text.     9.  In  thiiteen  cases  Origen  has  ex- 
 pressly noticed  varieties  of  reading  in  the  Gosjiels 
 (Matt.  viii.  28,  xvi.  20,  xviii.  1,  xxi.  5,  xxi.  9,  15, 
 xxvii.  17;   Murk   iii.  18;    Luke  i.  46,   ix.  48,   xiv. 
 19,  xxiii.  45  ;  John  i.  3,  4,  28).     In  three  of  these 
 passages  the  variations  which    he  notices  are   no 
 longer  found  in  our  Greek  copies,  llatt.  xxi.  9  or 
 15;  Mark  iii.  18  (ii.  14)  ;  Luke  i.  46 ;  in  seven  our 
 copies  are  still   divided ;   in   two  (Matt.  viii.  28  ; 
 .lohn  i.  28)  the  reading  which  was  only  found  in  a 
 few  JISS.  is  now  widely  spread :   in  the  remaining 
 place  (Matt,  xxvii.  17),  a  few  copies  of  no  great 
 age  retain  the  interpolation  which  was  found  in  his 
 time  "in  very  ancient  copies."     10.  The  evangelic 
 quot;itions  of  Origen  are  not  wholly  free  from  the 
 admixture  of  traditional   glosses  which   have  been 
 noticed  in  Clement,  and  often  present  a  confusion  of 
 parallel  passages.      11.  In  the  Kpi.'tles  Origen  once 
 notices  a  striking  variation   in    Heb.  ii.  9,  X'^P^^ 
 Bfov  for  xcip'Tj  0fov,  whi.ii  is  still  attested  ;  but, 
 apart  from  tiie  specific  reference  to  variations,  it  is 
 evident  that  he  himself  used  MSS.  at  ditlerent  times 
 which  varied  in  many  details.     There  c;in   be  no 
 doul)t  that   in  Origen's  time   the  variations  in  the 
 N.  T.  M.SS.  were  beoinning  to  lead  to  the  formation 
 of  specific  groups  of  copies.      12.  The  most  ancient 
 JISS.  and  versions  now  extant  exhibit  the  charac- 
 teristic differences  which  have  been  found  to  exist  in 
 ditlerent  paits  of  the  works  of  Origen.  These  cannot 
 have  had  their  source   later  than  the  beginning  of 
 the  third  century,  and  probably  were  much  earlier. 
 Bengel  was  the' first  (1734)  who  pointed  out  the 
 allinity  of  certain  groups  of  MSS.,  which,  as  he  re- 
 marks, must  have  arisen  before  the  first  versions 
 were  made.     Originally  he  distinguished  three  fa- 
 milies, ot  which  tiie  Cod.  Alex.  (A.)  the  Graeco- 
 Latin  MS.S..  and  the  mass  of  the  more  recent  MSS. 
 were  respectively  the  types.     At  a  later  time  (1737) 
 he  adopted  the  simpler  division  of  "two  nations," 
 the  Asiatic  and  the  African.     In  the  latter  he  in- 
 cluded   Cod.   Alex.,  the   Graeco-Latin    MSS.,    the 
 Aethiopic,  Coptic  [Memphitic],  and  Latin  versions: 
 the   mass  of  tlie   remaining  authorities  formed  the 
 Asiatic  class.     The  honour  of  carefully  determining 
 the  relations  of  critical  authorities  for  the  N.  T. 
 t<>xt  belongs  to  Griesbach.     According  to  him  two 
 distinct  recensions  of  the  Gospels  existed  at  the  be- 
 girming  of  the  third  century:   the  Alexitiidn'ne,  re- 
 presented by  Ii  C  L,  1,  IS,  33,  CO,  106,  the  Coptic, 
 Aetluiip.,  Arm.,  and  later  Syrian  versions,  and  the 
 quotations  of  Clem.  Alex.,  Origen,   Kusebius,  Cyril. 
 Alex.,  Isid.   Telus.  ;  and  the  Western,  repiesented 
 by  I),  and  in  i)art  by  1,  13,  69,  the  ancient   Latin 
 version  and   Fathers,  and  sometimes  by  the  .Syriac 
 and    Arabic  versions.     Cod.  Alex,   was  to  be    re- 
 garded as  giving  a  moie  recent  (Constantinopolitai! ; 
 UJt   in  the  Gospels. — 13.  The  chief  object  of  Gries- 
 bach  in  jiropounding  his  theory  of  )-ecensions  w:is 
 to  destroy   the  weight  of  niero  numl)crs.     Others 
 
 NEW  TESTAMENT 
 
 carrie<I  on  the  investigation  from  the  point  where 
 he  left  it.  Hug  endeavoured,  with  nuK.'h  inge- 
 nuity, to  place  the  thi.'ory  on  a  historical  basis. 
 According  to  him,  the  text  of  the  N.  T.  fell  into  a 
 state  of  consideiable  corruption  during  the  second 
 century.  To  this  form  he  applied  the  term  koic-.; 
 (kSoctis  {common  edition).  In  the  course  of  the 
 third  century  this  text,  he  Kuppose<l,  underwent  a 
 threefold  revision,  by  Hesychius  in  I'^gypt,  by  Lucian 
 at  Antioch,  and  by  Origen  in  Palestuie.  So  tliat 
 our  existing  documentj>  re|iresent  four  chvsses  :  ( 1 ) 
 The  imrevised,  I).  1,  13,  69  in  the  Gospels;  D  Y^ 
 in  the  Acts;  \\  V\  C,„  in  the  Pauline  Kpistles:  the 
 old  Latin  and  Thebaic,  and  in  p:irt  the  I'eshito 
 Syriac  ;  and  the  quotations  of  Clement  and  Origen. 
 (2)  The  Egyptian  )-ecension  of  llesychius;  I?  C  L 
 in  Gospels;  A  Ii  C  17  in  the  Pauhne  Kpistles; 
 A  P>  C  Acts  and  Catholic  Epistle.";  A  C  in  the 
 Apocalypse:  the  Memphitic  version  ;  and  the  quota- 
 tions of  Cyril.  .Mex.  and  Athanasius.  (3)  The 
 Asiatic  (Antioi'h-Constantinojile)  recension  of  Lu- 
 cian  ;  E  K  G  H  S  V  and  the  recent  MSS.  generally  ; 
 the  (iothic  and  Slavonic  versions  and  the  quotations 
 of  Theophylact.  (4)  The  Palestinian  recension  of 
 Origen  (of  the  Gospels)  ;  A  K  M  ;  the  Philoxenian 
 Syriac;  the  quotations  of  Theodmet  and  Chry- 
 sostom.  Hug  .showed  that  the  line  of  demarcation 
 between  the  Alexandrine  and  Western  families  of 
 Griesb.ach  was  practically  an  imaginary  one.  14. 
 Little  lemains  to  be  said  of  later  theories.  Eich- 
 horn  accepted  the  classi  licit  ion  of  Hug.  Scholz  re- 
 turning to  a  simpler  arrangement  divided  the  autho- 
 rities into  two  classes,  Alexandrine  and  Constanti- 
 no])olitan.  Lachinann,  who  accepted  only  ancient 
 authorities,  simply  divided  them  into  E;istern  (.'Alex- 
 andrine) and  Westein.  Tischendorf,  with  some 
 ro-eive,  proposes  two  great  classes,  each  consisting 
 of  two  pair.s,  the  Alexandrine  and  Latin,  the  .Asiatic 
 and  Byzantine.  Tregelles.  discarding  all  theories  ot 
 recension  as  historic  facts,  insists  on  the  general 
 accordance  of  ancient  autlioiities  as  giving  an  ancient 
 text  in  contrast  with  the  recent  text  of  the  more 
 modern  cojiies.  At  the  same  time  he  i)oiuts  out 
 what  we  may  suppose  to  be  the  "  genealogy  of  thii 
 text."     This  he  exhibits  in  the  following  fonii : 
 
 N  n  z 
 
 C    L   E    1    3.T 
 
 p  g  T  II 
 
 X  (A)  69 
 
 A 
 
 K  M  H 
 
 E   F  G  S  U.  fee. 
 
 15.  The  fundamental  error  of  the  recension  theories 
 is  the  assum])tion  cither  of  an  actual  recension  or  of 
 a  pure  text  of  one  tyjie,  which  was  variously  mo- 
 dified in  later  times,  while  the  fact  seems  to  be 
 exactly  the  converse,  (ii'oups  of  cojiies  spring  not 
 from  the  imperfect  leproduction  of  the  chanicter  of 
 one  typical  exemjilar,  but  from  the  multiplication 
 of  characteristic  variations.  A  pure  Alexandrine 
 or  Western  text  is  simply  a  fiction.  The  tendency 
 at  Alexandria  or  Carthage  was  in  a  certain  direc- 
 tion, and  nere.ssarily  influence<l  the  character  of  the 
 current  text  with  accumulative  force  as  far  as  it 
 was  unchecked  by  other  influences.  This  is  a  general 
 law,  and  the  history  of  the  apostolic  books  is  no  ex- 
 ception to  it.  All  ex]ierience  shows  that  certain 
 types  of  variation  j>ro])agate  and  perjictuate  them- 
 belves.  and  existing  document.s  ]irove  th.it  it  was  so 
 with  the  cjipies  of  the  N.  T.  Many  of  the  links  in 
 the  genealogical  t.-ible  of  our  MSS.  may  be  wanting, 
 but  the  specific  relations  between  the  gioupti,  ami 
 their    comjuirative  aiiti   iiity   of  origin,    arc  clear. 
 
NEW  TESTAMENT 
 
 This  antiquity  is  determined,  not  by  the  demon- 
 stration of  the  immediate  dependence  of  particular 
 copies  upon  one  another,  but  by  reference  to  a  com- 
 mon standard.  The  secondary  uncials  (E  S  U,  &c.) 
 are  not  derived  from  the  earlier  (B  C  A)  by  direct 
 descent,  but  rather  both  are  derived  by  (different 
 processes  from  one  original.  16.  From  the  consi- 
 deration of  the  earliest  history  of  the  N.  T.  text  we 
 now  pass  to  the  aera  of  MSS.  The  quotations  of 
 DiONYSius  Alex,  (f  a.d.  264),  Petrus  Alex. 
 (fc.  A.D.  312),  Methodius  (ja.d.  311),  and 
 EuSEBius  (fA.D.  340),  confirm  the  prevalence  of 
 the  ancient  type  of  text ;  but  the  public  establish- 
 ment of  Christianity  in  the  Roman  empire  neces- 
 sarily led  to  important  changes.  The  nominal  or 
 real  adherence  of  the  higher  ranks  to  the  Christian 
 faith  must  have  largely  increased  the  demand  for 
 costlv  MSS.  As  a  natural  consequence  the  rude 
 Hellenistic  forms  gave  way  before  the  current  Greek, 
 and  at  the  same  time  it  is  reasonable  to  believe  that 
 smoother  and  fuller  constructions  were  substitutetl 
 for  the  rougher  turns  of  the  apostolic  language. 
 In  this  way  the  foundation  of  the  Byzantine  text 
 was  laid.  Meanwhile  the  multiplication  of  copies 
 in  Africa  and  Syria  was  checked  by  Mohammedan 
 conquests.  The  Greek  language  ceased  to  be  current 
 in  the  West.  The  progress  of  the  Alexandrine  and 
 Occidental  families  of  MSS.  was  thus  checked  ;  and 
 the  mass  of  recent  copies  necessarily  represent  the 
 accumulated  results  of  one  tendency.  17.  The 
 appearance  of  the  oldest  MSS.  has  been  already  de- 
 scribed (§3).  The  MSS.  of  the  4th  century,  of 
 which  Cod.  Vatican.  (B)  may  be  taken  as  a  type, 
 present  a  close  resemblance  to  these.  The  writing 
 is  in  elegant  continuous  (capitals)  uncials,  in  three 
 columns,  without  initial  letters  or  iota  subscript, 
 or  asaript.  A  small  interval  serves  as  a  simple 
 punctuation  ;  and  there  are  no  accents  or  breathings 
 by  the  hand  of  the  first  writer,  though  these  have 
 l«'en  added  subsequently.  Uncial  writing  continued 
 in  general  use  till  the  middle  of  the  10th  century. 
 From  the  11th  century  downwards  cursive  writing 
 prevailed.  The  earliest  cursive  Biblical  MS.  is 
 dated  9<54  A.n.  The  MSS.  of  the  14th  and  15th 
 centuries  abound  in  the  contractions  which  after- 
 wards passed  into  the  early  printed  books.  The 
 oldest  MSS.  are  written  on  the  thinnest  and  finest 
 vellum  :  in  later  copies  the  parchment  is  thick  and 
 coarse.  Papyrus  was  very  rarely  used  after  the 
 9th  century.  In  the  10th  century  cotton  paper 
 was  generally  employed  in  Europe  ;  and  one  ex- 
 ample at  least  occurs  of  its  use  in  the  9th  century. 
 In  the  12th  century  the  common  linen  or  rag  paper 
 came  into  use.  One  other  kind  of  material  requires 
 notice,  redressed  parchment.  Even  at  a  very  early 
 period  the  onginal  text  of  a  parchment  MS.  was 
 often  erased,  that  the  material  might  be  used  afresh. 
 In  lapse  of  time  the  oriiiinal  writing  frequently  re- 
 appears in  faint  lines  below  the  later  text,  and  in 
 this  way  many  precious  fragments  of  Biblical  MSS. 
 which  had  been  once  obliterated  for  the  transcrip- 
 tion of  other  works  have  been  recovered.  18.  In 
 uncial  MSS.  the  contractions  are  usually  limited 
 to  a  few  very  common  forms.  A  few  more  oc- 
 cur in  later  uncial  copies,  in  which  there  are  also 
 some  examples  of  the  ascript  iota.  Accents  are  not 
 found  in  MSS.  older  than  the  8th  century.  Breath- 
 ings and  the  apostrophus  occur  somewhat  earlior. 
 The  oldest  punctuation,  after  the  simple  interval, 
 is  a  stop  like  the  modern  Greek  colon.  The  present 
 note  of  interrogation  (;)  came  into  use  in  the  9th 
 
 NEW  TESTAMENT 
 
 Gil 
 
 century.  19.  A  very  ingenious  attempt  was  made 
 to  supply  an  effectual  system  of  punctuation  for 
 public  reading,  by  Euthalius,  who  pulili.shed  an  ai- 
 rangement  of  St.  Paul's  Epistles  in  clauses  (ctti'xoj) 
 in  458,  and  another  of  the  Acts  and  Catholic  Epistles 
 in  490.  The  same  ari'angement  was  applied  to  the 
 Gospels  by  some  unknown  hand,  and  jiroliably  at 
 an  earlier  date.  20.  The  earliest  extant  division  jf 
 the  N.  T.  into  sections  occurs  in  Cod.  B.  This 
 division  is  elsewhere  found  only  in  the  palimpsest 
 fragment  of  St.  Luke,  E.  In  the  Acts  and  the 
 Epistles  there  is  a  double  division  in  B,  one  of 
 which  is  by  a  later  hand.  The  Epistles  of  St.  Paul 
 are  treated  as  one  unbroken  book  divided  into  93 
 sections,  in  which  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  origin- 
 ally stood  between  the  Epistles  to  the  Galatians  and 
 the  Ephesians.  21.  Two  other  divisions  of  the 
 Gospels  must  be  noticed.  The  first  of  these  was  a 
 division  into  "chapters"  (KecpdXaia  tItKoi,  breves), 
 which  correspond  with  distinct  sections  of  the  nar- 
 rative, and  are  on  an  average  a  little  more  than 
 twice  as  long  as  the  sections  in  B.  This  division  is 
 found  in  A,  C,  R,  Z,  and  must  theiefore  have  come 
 into  general  use  some  time  before  the  5th  century. 
 The  other  division  was  constructed  with  a  view  tn 
 a  harmony  of  the  Gospels.  It  owes  its  origin  to 
 Ammonius  of  Alexandria,  a  scholar  of  the  3rd  cen- 
 tury, who  constructed  a  Harmony  of  the  Evan- 
 gelists, taking  St.  Matthew  as  tlie  basis  round  which 
 he  grouped  the  pai'allel  passages  from  the  other 
 Gospels.  Eusebius  of  Caesarea  completed  his  labour 
 with  great  ingenuity,  and  constructed  a  notatinn  and 
 a  series  of  tables,  which  indicate  at  a  glance  the 
 parallels  which  exist  to  any  passage  in  one  or  more 
 of  the  other  Gospels,  and  the  passages  which  are 
 peculiar  to  each.  22.  The  division  of  the  Acts  and 
 Epistles  into  chapters  came  into  use  at  a  later  time. 
 It  is  commonly  referred  to  Euthalius,  who,  how- 
 ever, says  that  he  borrowed  the  divisions  of  the 
 Pauline  Epistles  from  an  earlier  father;  and  there  is 
 reason  to  believe  that  the  division  of  the  Acts  and 
 Catholic  Epistles  which  he  published  was  originally 
 the  work  of  Pamphilus  the  Martyr.  The  Apocalypse 
 was  divided  into  sections  by  Andreas  of  Caesarea 
 about  A.D.  500.  23.  The  titles  of  the  sacreil  books 
 are  from  their  nature  additions  to  the  original  text. 
 The  distinct  names  of  the  Gospels  imply  a  collection, 
 and  the  titles  of  the  Epistles  are  notes  by  the  pos- 
 sessors and  not  addresses  by  the  writers.  In  their 
 earliest  form  they  are  quite  simple,  Accordinrj  to 
 Matthew,  &c. ;  To  the  Romans,  &c. ;  First  of 
 Peter,  &c. ;  Acts  of  Apostles  ;  Apocali/pse.  These 
 headings  were  gradually  amplified.  In  the  same 
 way  the  original  subscriptions,  which  were  merely 
 repetitions  of  the  titles,  gave  way  to  vague  ti'adi- 
 tions  as  to  the  dates,  &c.,  of  the  books.  24.  Very 
 few  MSS.  contain  the  whole  N.  T.,  twenty-seven  in 
 all  out  of  the  vast  mass  of  extant  documents.  Be- 
 sides the  MSS.  of  the  N.  T.,  or  of  parts  of  it,  there 
 are  also  Lectionaries,  which  contain  extracts  arranged 
 for  the  Church-services.  25.  When  a  MS.  was 
 completed  it  was  commonly  submitted,  at  lea=t  in 
 early  times,  to  a  careful  revision.  Two  temas 
 occur  in  describing  this  process,  6  avrifidWoiv 
 and  5iop6a)Tr}s.  It  has  been  suggested  that  the 
 work  of  the  former  answered  to  that  of  the  "  cor- 
 rector of  the  press,"  while  that  of  the  latter  was 
 more  critical.  26.  The  number  of  uncial  MSS. 
 remaining,  though  great  when  compared  with  the 
 ancient  MSS.  extant  of  other  wiitings,  is  inconsi- 
 derable.    Tischendorf  reclcons    40  in   the  Gospels. 
 
 2  R  2 
 
612 
 
 NEW  TESTAMENT 
 
 To  these  must  be  added  K  {Cod.  Sinail.),  which  is 
 entire;  2(?)  a  new  M.S.  of  Tischendorf,  which  is 
 nearly  entire ;  and  E  ( Cod.  Zacj/nth.),  which  con- 
 tains consideiable  fragments  of  St.  Luke.     In  tlie 
 Acts  there  aie  9   (JU  with  N).     In  the  Catholic 
 Kiijstlcs  5.     In  the  Pauline  Epistles  there  are  14. 
 in  the  Apocalypse  3.     To  these  three  liist  classes 
 must  be  added  K,   which  is  entire.     27.  Accordint; 
 to  date  these  JISS.  are  classed  as  follows : — Fourth 
 century.    N  B.     Fifth  century.    A  C,  and    some 
 fragments  including  Q  T.      SUth  century.    D  F  K 
 Z,  Kj,  D,,  Hj,  and  4  smaller  fragments.     Seventh 
 century.    .Some    fragments    including   0.      EujUtU 
 cei'.turv.  E  L  A  E,  B^  and  some  fragments.     Ninth 
 century.    K  K  M  X  T  A,  H^  62  =  !^,  F^  Gj  Kj  M, 
 and  fi-agments.       Tenth  century.  G   H  S  IT  (E3). 
 28,  A  complete  description  of  these  MSS.  is  given 
 in   the  great  critical   editions  of  the  N.  T. :   here 
 those   only  can    be    briefiy    noticed    which  are  of 
 primary  imiK)rt;ince,  the  tirst  place  being  given  to 
 the    latest   discovered   and   most    complete    Codex 
 Sirutiticus. — A  (i.)  Primary  Uncials  of  the  Gospels. 
 K  {Codex  Sinaiticus^Cod.  Frid.  Aug.  of  LXX.). 
 at  St.  Pctersburgh,  obtained  by  Tischendorf  from 
 the  convent  of  St.  Catherine,  Mount  Sinai,  in  1859. 
 The  N.  T.  is  entire,  and  the  Epistle  of  Barnabas 
 and  i)arts  of  the  Shepherd  of  Hermas  are  added,    it 
 is  probably  the  oldest  of  the  MSS.  of  the  N.  T.,  and 
 of  the  4th  century.     A  {Codex  Alexandrinus,  Brit. 
 Mus.),  a  JIS.  of  the  entire  Gieek  Bible,  with  the 
 Epistles  of  Clement  added.     It  was  given  by  Cyril 
 Lucar,  patriarch  of  Constantinoi)le,  to  Charles  I.  in 
 1628,  and  is  now  in  the  British  Museum.     It  con- 
 tains the  whole  of  the  N.  T.  with  some  chivsms.    It 
 was  probably  wiitten  in  the  tirst  half  of  the  5th 
 century.     B  (Codex   Vaticanus,  1209),  a  MS.  of 
 the  entire  Greek  Bible,  which  seems  to  have  been 
 iu  the  Vatican  Libraiy  almost  from  its  commence-  ' 
 ment  (c.  A.D.  1450).     It  contains  tlie  N.  T.  entiie 
 to  Meb.  ix.  14,  KaOa.:  the  rest  of  the  Epistle  to  the 
 Hebrews,  the  Pastoral  Epistles,  and  the  Apoadypse 
 were  added  in  the  15th  century.     The  MS.  is  as- 
 signed to  the  4th  century.     C  {Codex  Ephraemi 
 rescriptus.   Paris,  Bihl.  Imp.  9),  a  palimpsest  MS. 
 which  contains  fragments  of  the  LXX.  and  of  every 
 part  of  the  N.  T.    In  the  12th  centuiy  the  original 
 writing  was  effaced   and  some  Greek  wiitings  of 
 Ephraem  Syrus  were  written  over  it.     The  MS. 
 was  brought  to  Florence  from  the  Eiist  at  the  be- 
 ginning of  the  16th  century,   and   came  thence  to 
 Paris  with  Catherine  de'  Medici.     The  only  entire 
 books  which  have  perished  are  2  Thess.  and  2  John, 
 Ijiit   lacunae   of  greater  or  less  extent   occur  con- 
 stantly.    It  is  of  about  the  same  date  as  Cod.  Alex. 
 1)  {Codex  Bezae.  Univ.  Libr.  Cambiidge),  aGineco- 
 Latin  MS.  of  the  Gosir-Is  and  Acts,  with  a  small 
 fragment  of  3  John,  presented  to  the  University  of 
 Cambridge  by  Beza  in  1581.     The  text  is  very  re- 
 markable, and,  es|)ecially  in  the  Acts,  abounds  in 
 singular  interpolations.     The  MS.  is  referred  to  the 
 Gth  centuiy.     L  {Paris.   Coil.   Imp.   62),  one  of 
 the  most   impoitimt  of  the  late   uncial   MSS.     It 
 contains  the   four  Gospels,    with  the  exception  of 
 Matt.  iv.  22-v.  14,  xxviii.  17-20  ;  Maik  x.  1G-2U, 
 XV.  2-20;  John  xxi.  15-25.     The  text  agrees  in  a 
 remarkable  manner  with  B  and  Origen.     It  is  of 
 the  8lh  century.     K  (Brit.  Mus.  Add.  17,211),  a 
 very   valuable  palimpsest,   brought  to   England   in 
 1847  from  the  convent  of  St.  Maiy  iX'ipaia  in  the 
 Nitriau   desert.     The  original    text  is  cover&i   by 
 Sinian   writing  of  the  9th  or  lOth  century.     It 
 
 NEW  TESTAMENT 
 
 is  assigiKxl  to  the  6th  centuiy.  X  {Codex  Mona- 
 censis),  ill  tlie  Univei-sity  Library  at  Munich.  Of 
 the  luth  century.  Z  {Cod.  Vuhlincnsis  rescriptus, 
 in  the  Library  of  Trin.  Coll.  Dublin),  a  palim- 
 psest confciining  large  portions  of  St.  Matthew,  it 
 is  assigned  to  the  6tli  century.  A  {Codex  Sun- 
 galleiisisi,  a  MS.  of  the  Gospels,  with  an  interlinear 
 Latin  translation,  in  the  Library  of  St.  Gall.  S 
 {Codex  Zacynthius),  a  palimpsest  in  possession  of 
 the  Bible  Society,  London,  coiitiiining  iiii])ort;uit 
 fragments  of  St.  Luke,  it  is  probably  of  the  8tii 
 century,  and  is  accompanied  by  a  Catena.  The  Ibl- 
 lowiug  are  important  fragments: — I  (Tischendorf), 
 various  fragments  of  the  Gosiwls  (Acts,  Pauline 
 Epistles).  N  {Cod.  Cotton.),  (formerly  J  N), 
 twelve  leaves  of  purple  vellum,  the  writing  being  in 
 silver.  Four  leaves  are  in  Brit.  Mus.  (Cotton.  C. 
 XV.)  Saec.  vi.  X"*  (Brit.  ISlus.  Add.  17,  186;,  a 
 jialiinpsest.  Saec.  iv.,  v.  P  Q  {Codd.  Guetpherby- 
 taiii,  Wolfenbiittel),  two  palimpsests,  iesj)ectively  of 
 the  6th  and  5th  centuries.  T  {Cod.  Bonjianus: 
 Propaganda  at  Home),  of  the  5th  centuiy.  T  {Cod. 
 Barberini,  225,  Rome).  Saec.  viii.  0  {Cod.  Tisch- 
 endorf, i.,  Leipsic).  Saec.  vii. — (ii.)  The  Secondary 
 Uncials  are  in  the  Gospels: — E  (Basileensis,  K.  iv. 
 35,  Basle).  Saec.  viii.  F  (liheno-trajectinus. 
 Utrecht,  formerly  Borreeli).  Saec.  ix.  G  (Brit. 
 Mus.  Harl.  5684).  Saec.  ix.  x.  H  (HiUiiburg- 
 ensis.  Seidelii).  Saec.  ix.  K  (Cod.  Cyprius.  Paris, 
 Bibl.  Imp.  63).  Saec.  ix.  Jil  (Cod.  Campianus. 
 Paris,  Bibl.  Imp.  48).  Saec.  x.  S  (Vatiamus, 
 354).  Saec.  x.  U  (Cod.  Navianus.  Venicej.  Saec. 
 X.  V  (Mosquensis).  Saec.  ix.  T  (Bodleianus). 
 Saec.  ix.  A  (Bodleianus).  Saec.  viii.  (?).  Cod. 
 Tischendorf  iii.  (Bodleian).  Saec.  viii.  ix.  2  (St. 
 Petcrsbuigh).  Saec.  viii.  ix.  (?). — B  (i.).  Primary 
 Uncials  of  the  Acts  ;uid  Catholic  Epistles.  N,  A 
 B  C  D.  E^  {Codex  Laudianus,  35),  a  Graeco- 
 Latin  MS.  of  the  Acts,  probably  brought  to  Eng- 
 land by  Theodore  of  Tarsus,  G68,  and  vised  byBede. 
 It  was  given  to  the  University  of  Oxlord  by  Arch- 
 bishop Laud  in  1636.  Saec.  vi.  vii. — (ii.)  The  Se- 
 condary Uncials  are — G^  =  Lj  (Cod.  Angelicus 
 (Passionei)  Itome).  Saec.  ix.  Hj  {Cod.  Muti- 
 \nensis,  Modena),  of  the  Act^.  Saec.  ix.  Kj  (Mos- 
 quensis), of  the  Catholic  Epistles.  S;iec.  ix. — C  (i.). 
 I  Primary  Uncials  of  the  Pauline  Epistles:  N  A  B  C. 
 I)j  (Codex  Claromontiuuis,  1.  e.  from  Clermont,  near 
 Boauvais,  Paris,  Bibl.  imp.  107),  a  Graeco-Latin 
 MS.  of  the  Pauline  Epistles,  once  (like  D^  in  the 
 possession  of  Beza.  It  pa.sswl  to  the  lloyaJ  Library 
 at  I'aris  in  17u7,  where  it  has  since  remained. 
 The  MS.  is  entire  except  Horn.  i.  1-7.  The  pas- 
 sages liom.  i.  27-30  (in  Latin,  i.  24-27)  were 
 added  at  the  close  of  the  Gth  centuiy,  and  1  Cor.  xiv. 
 13-32  by  another  ancient  hand.  The  MS.  is  of  the 
 middle  of  the  6th  century.  F,  {Codex  Aiujiensis, 
 Coll.  SS.  Trill.  Cant.  B,  17,  1),  a  tiraeto-I^tin 
 MS.  of  St.  Paul's  Epistles,  bought  by  Bentley 
 from  the  Monastery  of  Keicheiiau  (Augia  Major)  iu 
 1718,  and  left  to  Trin.  Coll.  by  his  nephew  in  178G. 
 It  is  .-Lssigned  to  the  9th  century,  (i,  {Coiiex 
 Boemerianus.  Dresden), a  (waeco-Latin  MS.,  which 
 originally  formed  a  part  of  the  same  volume  with  A. 
 The  tollowing  fragments  are  of  great  value  : — H, 
 (Codex  Coisliuianus.  Paris,  Bibl.  Imj).  202),  part 
 of  a  .stichometiical  MS.  ot  the  Gth  century,  consist- 
 ing of  twelve  leaves:  two  more  are  at  St.  Peten;- 
 burgh.  M,  (llamlmig  ;  London),  containing  lleb. 
 i.  1-iv.  3;  xii.  20-eMd,  and  1  Cor.  xv.  52-2  Cor.  i. 
 15;  2  Cor.  x.  13-xii.  5,  written  in  bright  red  ink 
 
NEW  TESTAMENT 
 
 in  tlie  10th  century. — (ii.)  The  Secondaiy  Uncials 
 are: — K^,  I'2-  ^2  {Cod.  Sa7igermanensis,  St.  Pe- 
 tersburghj,  a  Giaeco-Latin  MS.,  of  which  the 
 Greek  text  was  badly  copied  from  Dj  after  it  had 
 been  thrice  corrected,  and  is  of  no  value.  The  Latin 
 text  is  of  some  slight  value,  but  has  not  been  well 
 examined. — D  (i.).  The  Primary  Uncials  of  the 
 Apocalypse.  N  A  C.  (ii.).  The  Secondary  Uncial 
 U — Bo     (Codex     Vatici(7ius    (Ba.silianus),    2066). 
 
 29.  The  number  of  the  cursive  MSS.  (fninuscules) 
 in  existence  ainiiot  be  accurately  calcu  ated.  Tisch- 
 endorf  catalogues  about  500  of  the  Gospels,  200  of 
 the  Acts  and  Catholic  Epistles,  250  of  the  Pauline 
 R^pistles,  and  a  little  less  than  100  of  the  Apoca- 
 lypse (exclusive  of  lectionaries) ;  but  this  enumera- 
 tion can  only  be  accepted  as  a  rough  approximation. 
 
 30.  Having  surveyed  in  outline  the  history  of  the 
 transmission  of  the  written  text,  and  the  chief  cha- 
 racteristics of  the  MSS.  in  which  it  is  preserved, 
 we  are  in  a  position  to  consider  the  extent  and 
 nature  of  the  variations  which  exist  in  diti'erent 
 copies.  It  is  impossible  to  estimate  the  number  of 
 these  exactly,  but  they  cannot  be  less  than  120,000 
 in  all,  though  of  these  a  very  large  proportion  con- 
 sist of  diilerences  of  spelling  and  isolated  abeiTations 
 of  scribes,  and  of  the  remainder  comparatively  few 
 alterations  are  sufficiently  well  sujiported  to  create 
 i-easonable  doubt  as  to  the  final  judgment.  Pro- 
 bably there  are  not  more  than  1600-2(j00  places  in 
 which  the  true  reading  is  a  matter  of  unceitainty. 
 HI.  Various  readings  are  due  to  different  causes: 
 some  arose  from  accidental,  others  from  intentional 
 alterations  of  the  original  text,  (i.)  Accidental  va- 
 riations or  errata,  aie  by  far  the  most  numerous 
 class,  and  admit  of  being  referred  to  several  obvious 
 sources,  (o)  Some  aie  errors  oi'  sound.  The  most 
 frequent  form  of  this  error  is  called  Itacism,  a  con- 
 fusion of  ditierent  varieties  of  the  I-sound,  by  which 
 {01,  v)  ii\,  I,  61,  6,  &c.,  are  constantly  interchanged. 
 Other  vowel-changes,  as  of  o  and  to,  ov  and  01,  &c., 
 occur,  but  less  frequently.  Very  few  MSS.  are 
 wholly  fi  ee  from  mistakes  of  this  kind,  but  some 
 abound  in  them.  32.  (;3j  Other  variations  are  due 
 to  errors  of  sight.  These  arise  commonly  from  the 
 confusion  of  similar  letters,  or  from  the  repetition 
 or  omission  of  the  same  letters,  or  liom  the  recur- 
 rence of  a  similar  ending  in  con.secutive  clauses 
 which  often  causes  one  to  be  passed  over  when  the 
 eye  mechanically  returns  to  the  copy.  To  these 
 may  be  added  the  false  division  of  words  in  tran- 
 scribing the  test  from  the  continuous  uncial  writing. 
 
 33.  Other  variations  may  be  described  as  errors 
 of  impression  or  memory.  The  copyist  atter  read- 
 ing a  sentence  from  the  text  before  him  often  failed 
 to  reproduce  it  e.vactly.  He  transposed  the  words, 
 or  substituted  a  synonym  for  some  very  common 
 terni,  or  gave  a  diiect  pereonal  turn  to  what  was 
 objective  before.  Variations  of  order  are  the  most 
 frequent,  and  very  commonly  the  most  puzzling 
 questions  of  textual  criticism.  Examples  occur  in 
 every  page,  almost  in  eveiy  verse  of  the   N.  'J". 
 
 34.  (ii.)  Of  intentional  changes  some  ati'ect  the 
 erpression,  others  the  substance  of  the  passage. 
 {a)  The  intentional  changes  in  language  are  partly 
 changes  of  Hellenistic  tonus  for  those  in  common 
 use,  and  partly  modifications  of  harsh  constructions. 
 Imperfect  constructions  are  completed  in  ditierent 
 ways.  Apparent  solecisms  are  corrected.  V'ai-ia- 
 tions  in  the  orthography  of  proper  names  ought 
 probably  to  be  placed  under  this  head.  35.  (/3) 
 'I'he  changes  introduced  into  the  substance  of  the  text 
 
 NEW  TESTAMENT 
 
 G13 
 
 are  generally  additions,  borrowed  either  from  parallel 
 pa.ssages  or  from  marginal  glosses.  The  first  kind 
 of  addition  is  particulaily  frequent  in  the  Gospels. 
 Glosses  are  of  more  partial  occurrence.  Of  all  Greek 
 MSS.  Cod.  Bezae  (D)  is  the  most  remarkable  for 
 the  variety  and  singularity  of  the  glosses  which  it 
 contains.  36.  (7)  Many  of  the  glosses  which  were 
 introduced  into  the  text  spring  from  the  ecclesiastical 
 use  of  the  N.  T.,  just  as  in  the  Gospels  of  our  own 
 Prayer-Dook  introductory  clauses  have  been  inserted 
 here  aud  there.  These  additions  are  commonly 
 notes  of  person  or  place.  Sometimes  an  emphatic 
 clause  is  added.  But  the  most  remarkable  liturgical 
 insertion  is  the  do.xology  in  the  Lord's  Prayer,  Matt, 
 vi.  1 3 ;  and  it  is  probable  that  the  interpolated 
 verse  Acts  viii.  37  is  due  to  a  similar  cause.  37. 
 I S)  Sometimes,  though  larely,  various  readings 
 noted  on  the  margin  are  incorporated  in  the  text. 
 38.  (e)  The  number  of  readings  which  seem  to 
 have  been  altered  for  distinctly  dogmatic  reasons  is 
 extremely  small.  In  spite  of  the  great  revolutions 
 in  thought,  feeling,  and  practice  through  which  the 
 Christian  Church  passed  in  fifteen  centuries,  the 
 copyists  of  the  N.  T.  faithfully  preserved,  according 
 to  their  ability,  the  sacred  trust  committed  to  them. 
 There  is  not  any  trace  of  intentional  revision  de- 
 signed to  give  support  to  current  opinions  (Matt, 
 xvii.  21  ;  Mark  ix.  29  ;  1  Cor.  vii.  5,  need  scarcely 
 be  noticed).  The  utmost  that  can  be  urged  is  that 
 internal  considerations  may  have  decided  the  choice 
 of  readings.  But  the  geneial  eti'ect  of  these  varia- 
 tions is  scarcely  appreciable,  nor  are  the  corrections 
 of  assumed  historical  and  geographical  errors  much 
 more  numerous.  39.  The  great  mass  of  various 
 readings  are  simply  variations  in  fonri.  There  are, 
 however,  one  or  two  greater  variations  of  a  diifei  ent 
 character.  The  most  important  of  these  are  John 
 vii.  53-viii.  12;  Mark  xvi.  9-end ;  Kom.  xvi. 
 25-27.  The  first  stands  quite  by  itself;  and  there 
 seems  to  be  little  doubt  that  it  contains  an  authentic 
 nai-rative,  but  not  by  the  hand  of  St.  John.  The 
 two  others,  taken  in  connexion  with  the  last  chapter 
 of  St.  John's  Gospel,  suggest  the  possibility  that 
 the  apostolic  writings  may  have  undergone  in  some 
 cases  autliDritative  revision.  40.  Jlanuscripts,  it 
 must  be  remembered,  are  but  one  of  the  three  sources 
 of  textual  criticism.  The  ver.sions  and  patristic  quo- 
 tations are  scarcely  less  important  in  doubtful  cases. 
 11.  The  Histoky  of  thic  Printed  Test. — 
 1.  The  history  of  the  printed  text  of  the  N.  T.  may 
 be  divided  into  three  periods.  The  first  of  these  ex- 
 tends from  the  laboui-s  of  the  Complutensian  editors 
 to  those  of  Mill :  the  second  from  Mill  to  Scholz: 
 the  third  from  ]-achmann  to  the  present  time.  The 
 cj-iticism  of  the  first  period  was  necessarily  tentative 
 and  partial:  the  materials  available  tor  the  con- 
 struction of  the  text  weie  few,  and  imperfectly 
 known.  The  second  period  marks  a  great  piogress  : 
 the  evidence  of  MSS.,  of  versions,  of  fathers,  was 
 collected  with  the  greatest  diligence  and  success: 
 authorities  were  com|)ared  and  classified:  principles 
 of  observation  aiid  judgment  were  laid^own.  But 
 the  influence  of  the  former  period  still  lingered. 
 The  third  period  was  introduced  by  the  declaration 
 of  a  new  and  sounder  law.  It  was  laid  down 
 that  no  right  of  possession  could  be  pleaded  against 
 evidence.  The  "  received  "  text,  as  such,  was  al- 
 lowed no  weight  whatever.  Its  authority,  on  this 
 view,  must  depend  solely  on  critical  worth.  From 
 first  to  last,  in  minute  details  of  order  and  ortho- 
 o-raphy,  as  well  as  in  graver  questions  of  substantial 
 
614  NEW  TESTAMENT 
 
 alteration,  the  text  must  be  foi'iiied  hv  a  Tree  and 
 iintetteie<l  judgment.  Kach  ot"  these  ]*riods  will 
 now  reciiiiie  to  lie  noti(vii  more  in  defail. — (i). 
 From  the  Complutensinn  I'ulinjlott  I"  Mill.  '1.  I'/ic 
 Complntcnsian  Poli/glott.  I'he  l.ntiu  Vul>;ate  and 
 the  Hebrew  text  ot"  the  0.  T.  had  heen  juiblished 
 some  time  lief'oie  any  part  of"  the  original  (ireek  of 
 the  N.  T.  The  Hymns  of  Zacharias  and  the  Virgin 
 ([-uke  i.  42-5t!,  08-80)  were  aj)])ended  to  a  A'eiie- 
 tian  edition  of  a  Psalter  of  148ii.  This  was  the 
 first  part  of  the  N.  T.  which  was  printed  in  (ireek. 
 Kighteen  ye-ars  afterwards  (l,'>04),  the  lir.st  six 
 chapters  of  St.  John's  Gospel  were  added  to  an 
 edition  of  the  poems  of  Giegory  of  Xazianzus,  pub- 
 lished by  -Mdus.  But  the  gloiyot  printing  the 
 first  Creek  Testament  is  due  to  the  princely  Cardinal 
 XiMKNKS.  This  gieat  prelate  as  early  as  1502 
 engaged  the  services  of  a  number  of  s(;holars  to 
 superintend  an  edition  of  the  whole  Bible  in  the 
 original  Hebrew  and  Greek,  with  the  addition  of 
 the  Chaldee  Targiim  of  Onkelos,  the  LXX.  version, 
 and  the  Vulgate.  The  woik  was  executed  at  Alcala 
 I'l'omplutum),  where  he  had  founded  a  university. 
 The  volume  containing  the  N.  T.  was  j)rinte(l  first, 
 and  was  completed  on  .Ian.  Id,  1.514.  The  whole 
 woik  was  not  finished  till  ,)uly  10,  1517,  about 
 (iiur  months  before  the  death  of  the  Cai-dinal.  The 
 most  celebrated  men  who  were  engaged  on  the 
 N'.  T.,  which  fonris  the  filth  volume  of  the  entire 
 work,  were  I.ebrixa  (Nebrissensis)  and  .Stunica. 
 Considerable  discussion  has  been  raised  as  to  the 
 MSS.  which  they  used.  The  editors  describe  these 
 generally  as  "  copies  of  the  greatest  accruacy  and 
 anticpiity,"  sent  from  the  Pajial  Library  at  Kome  ; 
 and  in  the  dedicjition  to  Leo  acknowledgment  is 
 ni.ade  of  his  generosity  in  sending  MSS.  of  both 
 "  the  Old  ami  N.  T."  The  whole  question,  how- 
 ever, is  now  rather  of  bibliographicd  than  of  critical 
 interest.  'I'here  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  copies, 
 from  whatever  source  they  came,  were  of  late  date, 
 and  of  (he  common  type.  The  chief  eilitions  which 
 follow  the  Complutcnsian  in  the  main,  are  those  of 
 (I'lantin)  Antweip,  loO-t-IGl'J;  Geneva,  IfJOO- 
 I6!J2;  Mainz,  17515. — 3.  Tlu;  editions  nf  Krasinns. 
 — The  liistory  of  the  edition  of  Ekasml'S,  which 
 was  the  first  pnhlished  edition  of  the  N.  T.,  is  hap- 
 pily free  from  all  obscurity.  Krasmus  had  paid 
 considerable  attention  to  the  study  of  the  N.  T. 
 when  he  received  an  application  from  Frobcn,  a 
 printer  of  Basle  with  whom  he  was  acquainted,  to 
 prepare  a  (J reek  text  tor  the  pre.ss.  l'')oben  was 
 anxious  to  anticipate  the  publication  of  the  Com- 
 plutensian  edition,  ami  the  haste  with  wiiich  the 
 woik  of  Krasmus  was  completed  shows  that  little 
 consideration  w;us  paid  to  the  exigencies  of  textual 
 criticism.  The  lequest  was  made  on  .\\\y\\  17,  1515, 
 while  Kr.'ismus  w.v;  in  Kngland.  The  detjiils  of  the 
 printing  were  not  settlcil  in  September  in  the  same 
 year,  and  the  whole  work  was  finished  in  February 
 I  51  (J.  The  woik,  as  ICrasmus  afterwards  confessed, 
 was  done  in  reckless  haste,  ami  that  too  in  the  midst 
 •if  olhei'  heavy  literary  labours.  The  MSS.  which 
 Vornicd  the  basis  of  liis  e<lition  are  still,  with  one 
 exception,  preseived  at  Basle;  and  two  which  he 
 Diied  I'or  the  press  contain  the  corrections  of  Krasmus 
 iiid  the  (irintcr's  marks.  The  one  is  a  MS.  of  the 
 ''<5o>pels  of  the  lt5th  century  of  the  ordinaiy  late  type 
 'marked  2  Gosp.)  :  the  other  a  .MS.  of  the  .Acts  and 
 the  Kpislles  (2  Acts.  Kpp.),  somewhat  older  but  of 
 the  same  general  character.  Kr.-Lsmus  also  made 
 loinc  use  of  two  other  Basic  IISS.  (  1  Gosp.  ;  4  Ads. 
 
 NEW  TESTAMENT 
 
 Kpp. );  the  fbnner  of  these  is  of  great  value,  but 
 the  imjiortant  variations  fiom  the  common  text 
 which  it  oilers,  ma<le  him  suspect  that  it  had  been 
 alteicd  tioni  the  l.atiii.  Kor  the  Ajxxal  vpse  he  had 
 only  an  im]ierfect  MS.  which  belonged  to  Ueuchliii. 
 The  last  six  verses  were  wanting,  and  the.se  he  trans- 
 lated from  the  Latin,  a  )iroces.s  which  he  a(loi>ted  in 
 other  places  where  it  was  less  excusable.  The  re- 
 ceived text  contains  two  memorable  instances  of  this 
 bold  interpolation.  But  he  did  not  insert  the  testi- 
 mony of  the  heavenly  witnesses  (1  John  v.  7),  an 
 act  of  critical  faithfulness  which  exposed  him  to 
 the  attacks  of  enemies.  After  his  first  edition  was 
 published  Krasmus  continued  his  lal^ours  on  the 
 N.  T. ;  and  in  March,  1519,  a  second  edition  ap- 
 jieared  which  was  altered  in  about  400  places,  of 
 which  Jlill  reckons  that  .'-i.iO  were  improvements. 
 But  his  chief  labour  seems  to  have  been  spent  upon 
 the  Latin  version,  and  in  ex])osing  the  "solecisms" 
 of  the  common  Vulgate,  the  value  of  which  he 
 completely  misunderstood.  A  third  edition  was 
 recpiired  in  1522,  when  the  Complutensian  I'olyglott 
 also  came  into  circulation.  Li  this  edition  1  John  v. 
 7  was  inserted  for  the  first  time  on  the  authority  of 
 the  "  Codex  Biitannicus  "  (i.  e.  Cod.  Montfortianus), 
 in  a  form  which  obviously  betrays  its  origin  as  a 
 clumsy  translation  from  the  Vulgate.  The  text 
 was  altereil  in  about  118  places.  This  edition  is 
 further  remarkable  as  giving  a  few  (19)  various 
 readings.  Three  other  early  editions  give  a  text 
 formed  fiom  the  second  edition  of  Erasmus  and  the 
 Aldine,  those  of  Hagenau,  1521,  of  Cephalaeus  at 
 Striisburg,  1524,  of  I'ebelius  at  Basle,  1531.  Era.s- 
 mus  at  length  obtained  a  copy  of  the  Com])lutensiau 
 text,  and  in  his  fbuith  edition  in  1527,  gave  some 
 various  readings  from  it  in  addition  to  those  which 
 he  had  already  notetl,  and  used  it  to  correct  his 
 own  text  in  the  .Apocalypse  in  90  jilaces,  while 
 elsewhere  he  introduced  only  IG  changes.  His  fifth 
 anil  last  edition  (1535)  ditt'ers  only  in  4  places  from 
 the  fourth,  and  the  fourth  edition  alterwards  bec;\me 
 the  basis  of  the  received  text. — 4.  The  editions  of 
 Stejihem. — The  .scene  of  our  history  now  changes 
 from  Basle  to  Paris.  Li  1543,  Simon  tie  Colines 
 fCoi.i.MAEUS)  published  a  Greek  text  of  the  N.  T., 
 corrected  in  about  150  places  on  fresh  MS.  au- 
 thority. Not  long  after  it  a])])eared,  K.  listienne 
 (.Stki'HANUS)  ))ubli.-hed  his  fiist  edition  (154G), 
 which  was  liased  on  a  (Millatiou  of  MSS.  in  the  IJoyal 
 Library  with  the  Conijilutensian  text.  He  gives 
 no  detailed  description  of  the  M.SS.  which  he  u.seil, 
 ami  their  character  c;ui  only  be  discovered  by  the 
 quotation  ot  their  readings,  which  is  given  in  the 
 third  edition.  A  second  edition  veiy  closely  resem- 
 bling the  first  both  in  form  and  text,  having  tiic 
 same  ))reface  ami  the  sjinie  number  of  jiages  and 
 lines,  was  published  in  1549;  but  the  great  edition 
 of  Stejihens  is  that  known  as  the /iVi/iu.  published 
 in  1550.  Of  the  authorities  which  he  ipioteil  most 
 have  been  since  identifieil.  They  were  the  Comjilu- 
 tensian  text,  10  MSS.  of  the  Gos]iels,  8  of  the  Acts, 
 7  of  the  Catholic  Epistles,  8  of  the  Pauline  Epistles, 
 2  of  the  ,\pocalyi»e,  in  all  15  ilist.'iict  MSS.  One  ot 
 these  w.as  the  Codex  Ileziie  {ly).  Two  have  not  yet 
 bwn  recognised.  The  collations  were  m.ade  by  his 
 son  Henry  Stephens.  Less  than  thirty  changes  were 
 made  on  MS.  authority;  and  except  in  the  Apoca- 
 Ivp.-i',  which  fiillows  the  (^lm)llutensian  text  most 
 clo.sely,  "  it  hardly  ever  deserts  the  last  e-lition  of 
 Kr.isinus  "  (Tiegelles).  Numerous  inst.-iiices  o<«ur 
 in  which  Stephens  deserts  his  foimcr   text  and  aU 
 
N3GW  TESTAMENT 
 
 his  MSS.  to  restore  an  Eiasmian  reading,  Stephens 
 published  a  fourth  edition  in  1557  (Geneva),  which 
 is  only  remarkable  as  giving  for  the  first  time  the 
 pi'esent  division  into  verses. — 5.  The  editions  of 
 Beza  and  Elzevir. — Nothing  can  illustrate  more 
 clearly  the  deficiency  among  scholars  of  the  first 
 elements  of  the  textual  criticism  of  the  N.  T.  than 
 the  annotations  of  Bkza  (1556).  This  great  divine 
 obtained  fiom  H.  Stephens  a  copy  of  the  N.  T.  in 
 wliicli  he  had  noted  down  various  readings  from 
 about  twenty-five  MSS.  and  from  the  early  editions, 
 but  he  used  the  collection  rather  for  exegetical  than 
 foi'  critical  purposes.  The  Greek  text  of  Beza 
 (dedicated  to.  Queen  Elizabeth)  was  printed  by 
 H.  Stephens  in  1565,  and  again  in  1576  ;  but  his 
 chief  edition  was  the  third,  printed  in  1582,  which 
 contained  readings  from  the  Codices  Bezae  and 
 Claromontanus.  Other  editions  by  Beza  appeared 
 in  1588-9,  1598,  and  his  (third)  text  found  a  wide 
 currency.  Among  other  editions  which  were  wholly 
 or  in  part  based  upon  it,  those  of  the  Elzeviks 
 alone  require  to  be  noticed.  The  first  of  these 
 e<litions,  famous  for  the  beauty  of  their  execution, 
 was  published  at  Leyden  in  1624.  Jt  is  not  known 
 who  acted  as  editor,  but  the  text  is  mainly  that  of 
 the  third  edition  of  Stephens.  Including  every  mi- 
 nute variation  in  orthog)aphy,  it  did'ers  from  this 
 in  278  places.  In  these  cases  it  generally  agrees 
 with  I'eza,  more  rarely  it  differs  from  both,  either 
 by  typographical  erroi's,  or  perhaps  by  manu- 
 script authority.  In  the  second  edition  (Leyden, 
 1633)  it  was  announced  that  the  text  was  that 
 which  was  universally  received.  From  this  time 
 the  Elzevirian  text  was  generally  reprinted  on 
 the  continent,  and  that  of  the  third  edition  of 
 Ste])hens  in  England,  till  quite  recent  times. — ii- 
 Froin  Mill  to  Schoh. — 6.  The  second  peiiod  of 
 the  history  of  the  printed  text  may  be  treated 
 with  less  detail.  The  fiist  important  collection 
 of  various  readings  was  given  by  Walton  in  the 
 6th  volume  of  his  Polyglott.  The  Syriac,  Arabic, 
 Aethiopic,  and  Persian  versions  of  the  N.  T., 
 together  with  the  readings  of  Cod.  Alex.,  were 
 printed  in  the  5th  volume  together  with  the  text 
 of  Stephens.  To  these  were  added  in  the  6th  the 
 leadings  collected  by  Stephens,  others  from  an 
 edition  by  Wechel  at  Frankfort  (1597),  the  read- 
 ings of  the  Codices  Bezae  and  Clai-omont.,  and  of 
 fourteen  other  MSS.  which  had  been  collated  under 
 the  aire  of  Archbp.  Ussher.  A  fijw  more  MS.  read- 
 ings were  given  by  Curcellaeus  (de  Courcelles) 
 in  an  edition  published  at  Amsterdam,  1658,  &c., 
 but  the  great  names  of  this  period  continue  to  be 
 those  of  Englishmen.  The  readings  of  the  Coptic 
 and  Gothic  versions  were  first  given  in  the  edition 
 of  (Bp.  Fell;  0.\ford,  1675;  ed.  Gregory,  1703; 
 but  the  greatest  service  which  Fell  rendered  to  the 
 criticism  of  the  N.  T.  was  the  liberal  encouragement 
 which  he  gave  to  Mill.  The  work  of  Mill  (cf. 
 Oxon.  1707;  Amstelod.  ed.  Kuster,  1710;  other 
 copies  have  on  the  title-page  1723,  1746,  &c.) 
 marks  an  epoch  in  the  history  of  the  N.  T.  text. 
 Tjiere  is  much  in  it  which  will  not  bear  the  test  of 
 hishorical  inquiry,  much  that  is  imperfect  in  the 
 materials,  much  that  is  crude  and  capricious  in 
 criticism,  but  when  every  drawback  has  been  made, 
 the  edition  remains  a  splendid  monument  of  the 
 labours  of  a  life.  The  work  occupied  Mill  about 
 thirty  years,  and  was  finished  only  a  fortnight  be- 
 fore his  death.  One  great  merit  of  Mill  was  tliat 
 he  recognized  the  importance   of  each  element  of 
 
 NEW  TESTAMENT 
 
 Gli 
 
 critical  evidence,  the  testimony  of  MSS.  vei-sioii.'; 
 and  citations,  as  well  as  inteinal  evidence.  In  par- 
 ticular he  asserted  the  claims  of  the  Latin  veision 
 and  maintained,  against  much  opposition,  even  from 
 his  patron  Bp.  Fell,  the  great  value  of  patristic 
 quotations.  He  had  also  a  clear  view  of  the  neces- 
 sity of  forming  a  general  estimate  of  the  character 
 of  each  authority,  and  described  in  detail  those  of 
 which  he  made  use. —  7.  Among  those  who  had 
 known  and  valued  Jlill  was  K.  Bextley,  tli-' 
 greatest  of  English  scholars.  In  his  earliest  work, 
 in  1691,  Bentleyhad  expiessed  geneious  admiration 
 of  the  labours  of  Mill,  and  afteiwards,  in  1713,  in 
 his  Remarks,  triumphantly  refuted  the  charges  of 
 impiety  with  which  they  were  assailed.  But  Mill 
 had  only  "accumulated  various  readings  as  a 
 promptuary  to  the  judicious  and  critical  reader  ;" 
 Bentley  would  "  make  use  of  that  piomptuary  .... 
 and  not  leave  the  reader  in  doubt  and  suspense  " 
 {Answer  to  Bemarhs,  iii.  503).  With  this  view 
 he  announced,  in  1716,  his  intention  of  publishing 
 an  edition  of  the  Greek  Testament  on  the  authority 
 of  the  oldest  Gieek  and  Latin  MSS.,  "  exactly  as  it 
 was  in  the  best  examples  at  the  time  of  the  Council 
 of  Nice,  so  that  there  shall  not  be  twenty  words 
 nor  even  particles'  difference  "  (iii.  477  to  Archbp. 
 Wake).  Bentley  continued  his  labours  till  1729. 
 After  that  time  they  seemed  to  have  ceased.  The 
 tioubles  in  which  he  was  involved  render  it  unne- 
 cessary to  seek  lor  any  other  explanation  of  the 
 suspension  of  his  work.  —  8.  The  conception  ot 
 Bentley  was  in  advance  both  of  the  spirit  of  his  age 
 and  of  the  materials  at  his  command.  Textual 
 criticism  was  forced  to  undergo  a  long  discipline 
 before  it  was  prepared  to  follow  out  his  principles. 
 Huring  this  time  German  scholars  held  the  first 
 place.  Foremost  among  these  was  Bengel  ( 1 687- 
 1752),  who  was  led  to  study  the  variations  of  the 
 N.  T.  from  a  devout  sense  of  the  infinite  value  ot 
 every  divine  word.  His  merit  in  discerning  the 
 existence  of  families  of  documents  has  been  alieady 
 noticed  (\.  §12)  ;  but  the  evidence  befbie  him  was 
 not  sufficient  to  show  the  paramount  authority  ot 
 the  most  ancient  witnesses.  The  labours  of  Wp;t- 
 STEIN  ((1693-1754)  formed  an  impoitant  epoch  in 
 the  history  of  the  N.  T.  His  Greek  Testament  did 
 not  appear  till  1751-2  at  Amsterdam.  The  great 
 service  which  VVetstein  rendered  to  sacred  criticism 
 was  by  the  collection  of  materials.  He  made  nearly 
 ;u3  great  an  advance  on  Mill  as  Mill  had  made  on 
 those  who  preceded  him.  But  in  the  use  of  his 
 materials  he  showed  little  critical  tact. — 9.  It  was 
 the  work  of  Gkiesuach  (1745-1812)  to  place  the 
 comparative  value  of  existing  documents  in  a  clearer 
 light.  His  first  editions  were  based  tor  the  most 
 part  on  the  critical  collections  ot  Wetstein.  Not 
 long  afterwards  Matthaei  published  an  edition 
 based  on  the  accurate  collation  of  Moscow  MSS. 
 These  new  materials  were  fuither  increased  by  the 
 collections  of  Alter  (1786-7),  Birch,  Adler,  and 
 Moldenhawer  (1788-1801),  as  well  <\s  by  the  la- 
 bours of  Griesbach  himself.  And  when  Griesbach 
 published  his  second  edition  (179(5-1806,  2iid  ed.  of 
 vol.  i.  by  D.  Schulz,  1827)  he  made  a  noble  use  of 
 the  materials  thus  placed  in  his  hands.  His  chief 
 error  was  that  he  altered  the  received  text  instead 
 of  constructing  the  trxt  afresh  ;  but  in  acuteness, 
 vigour,  and  candour  he  stands  below  no  editor  of 
 the  N.  T.,  and  his  judgment  will  always  retain  a 
 peculiar  value. — 10.  The  edition  of  Scholz  con- 
 tributed more  in  ajipearance  than  reality  to  the  fur- 
 
GIG 
 
 NEW  TESTAMENT 
 
 therance  ofcritioLsm  (ISoO-lSSG).  This  laborious 
 ;.t.'holar  collected  a  greater  mass  of  various  rea)lin<;.s 
 than  had  been  l)roiit;ht  tosjether  belore,  l)iit  ills 
 work  is  very  inaccurate,  and  his  own  collations 
 sini;uiarly  siiprlicial. — iii.  From  Lnchimmn  to  tlie 
 vnsent  time. — 11.  In  the  year  after  the  )iubii(ation 
 of  the  first  volume  of  Scliol/.'s  N.  T.  a  small  edition 
 ap|)eared  in  a  series  of  clas-^ical  texts  prepare<l  by 
 Laciimaxn  (t  18.">1).  In  this  the  admitted  prin- 
 ciples of  scliolaishiji  were  for  the  first  time  applied 
 throughout  to  the  construction  of  the  text  of  the 
 N.  T.  The  prescriptive  right  of  the  tcrtus  re- 
 ceptus  was  wliolly  set  aside,  and  the  text  in  every 
 )>ait  was  regulated  by  ancient  autliority.  Lach- 
 mann  delighted  to  quote  Beiitley  as  his  great  pre- 
 cursor (§7j;  but  there  w;is  an  important  dlflerence 
 in  their  iniiuediato  aims.  I5eutley  lelioved  tiiat  it 
 would  be  possible  to  obtain  the  true  text  directly  by 
 a  comparison  of  tlie  oldest  Greek  authorities  witii 
 the  oldest  MSS.  of  the  Vulgate.  Afterwards  veiy 
 import-uit  remains  of  the  earlier  Latin  versions  were 
 discovere4,  and  the  whole  question  was  complicated 
 by  the  collection  of  fro''h  documents.  Lachmann 
 therefore  wished  in  the  first  instance  only  to  give 
 the  cui-rent  text  of  the  fourth  century,  which  might 
 then  bei-oine  the  basis  of  further  criticism.  This 
 at  least  was  a  great  step  towards  the  truth,  tliough 
 it  must  not  i)e  accepted  as  a  final  one.  But  Lach- 
 mann's  eiition,  great  as  its  merits  are  as  a  fii-st 
 appeal  to  ancient  evidence,  is  not  without  serious 
 tiiults.  The  materials  on  which  it  was  based 
 were  imperfect.  The  range  of  patristic  citations 
 was  limited  arbitrarily.  The  exclusion  of  the 
 Oiiental  versions,  liowever  neces.saiy  at  the  time, 
 left  a  wide  margin  for  Inter  change.  The  neglect 
 of  primary  cur-ives  often  necessitated  aljsolnte  con- 
 fidence on  .slender  M.S.  authority. — 12.  The  chief 
 defects  of  I.achinann's  edition  arise  from  deficiency 
 of  authoiities.  Another  German  scholar,  TisciiKX- 
 IK)RK,  has  devoted  twenty  years  to  enlarging  our 
 accui-ate  knowledge  of  ancient  MSS.  the  first 
 edition  of  Tiscliendorf  (1841)  has  now  no  special 
 claims  for  notice.  Jn  his  .second  (Leipsic)  edition 
 (1849)  he  fully  accepted  the  great  principle  of 
 I.achmann,  that  the  text  "  must  be  sought  solely 
 from  ancient  authorities,  .and  not  from  the  so-cafled 
 received  edition,"  and  gave  many  of  the  results  of 
 his  own  laborious  and  valuable  collations.  I)uring 
 tP'-  next  few  years  Tiscliendorf  prosecuted  his  la- 
 bours on  M.SS.  with  unwearied  diligenw,  and  in 
 1855-9  he  published  his  third  (seventh)  critical 
 edition,  'i'lie  text,  except  in  details  of  orthography, 
 exhibits  genei-ally  a  retrograde  movement  from  the 
 most  .-uicient  testimony.  The  Prolegomena  are  cojv 
 ious  and  full  of  interest. — 1:5.  Meanwhile  the  .sound 
 stmly  of  .sacrwl  criticism  had  revived  in  Kngland. 
 Ill  1844  TiiKGKLLKS  published  an  edition  of  the 
 A-oca'.ypse  in  Greek  and  English,  and  announced 
 an  edition  of  the  N.  T.  The  first  part.,  containing 
 St.  Matthew  and  St.  Mark.  apiieare<l  in  1857  ;  the 
 .second,  coiiijileting  the  <;os|k'1s  in  IHCl.  Tlii^ 
 edition  of  Tregelles  diU'ei-s  from  that  of  Lachmann 
 by  the  greater  width  of  il«  criti(5il  foundation;  and 
 from  that  of  Ti.schendort'  by  a  more  constant  ad- 
 lieience  to  ancie^it  evidence.  The  editions  of  K'napp 
 (17'.t7,  &<■.;,  Valer  (1824),  Tittmann  (IH20,  &c.), 
 and  Ilaliii  (I84<i,  &c.)  have  no  fieculiar  critical 
 value.  Meyer  ^  1820,  &c.)  paid  greater  attention  to 
 the  revision  of  the  text  which  accom()aiiies  his  great 
 commentaiy  ;  but  his  ('ritical  notes  arc  odeii  arbi- 
 trary an<l  uii.salisfnctoiy.     In  the  Greek  Testament 
 
 NEW  TESTAMENT 
 
 of  Alford,  .as  in  that  of  Meyer,  the  text  is  subsidiary 
 to  the  commentary  ;  but  it  is  im)>06sili]i-  not  to 
 notice  the  important  advance  which  has  bien  made 
 by  the  editor  in  true  principles  of  criticism  duiing 
 the  course  of  its  publication. —  14.  liesides  the 
 critical  editions  of  the  text  of  the  N.  T.  various 
 collections  of  readings  have  been  published  sepa- 
 rately, which  cannot  be  wholly  omitted.  In  ad- 
 dition to  those  already  mentioned  (§9)  the  most 
 important  are  by  Uinck,  Lnathratio  Critica,  1830; 
 Reiche,  Codicum  MSS.  N.  T.  Gr.  aliquot  insigni- 
 oruni  in  JJiljl.  Reg.  .  , .  coUntio  1 847  ;  Scrivener, 
 A  Collttion  of  about  T-rmln  Greek  MSS.  of  Hie 
 Hnl'l  Gospels  ....  1 85-T ;  A  Transcript  of  tlie 
 Cod.  Aug.,  tcith  a  full  Collation  of  Fifty  MSS. 
 18.59;  and  E.  de  Miiralt,  of  Russi.an  MSS.  (N.  T. 
 1848). 
 
 III.  Principi.ks  of  Tr.xTUAL  Criticism. — The 
 work  of  the  critic  can  never  be  slwped  by  definite 
 rules.  The  formal  enunciation  of  principles  is  but 
 the  first  step  in  the  process  of  revision.  Canons  of 
 criticism  are  more  frequently  corollaries  than  laws 
 of  procei-lnre.  Yet  such  canons  are  not  without 
 use  in  marking  the  coui-se  to  lie  followed,  but  they 
 are  intended  only  to  guide  and  not  to  dispense  with 
 the  e.xercise  of  tact  and  .scholarship.  What  appears 
 to  be  the  only  sound  .system  of  criticism  will  be 
 seen  fiom  the  rules  which  follow. — 1.  Tke  text 
 must  tlirougliout  be  detennined  by  evidence  mthont 
 riUoving  any  prescriptive  right  to  printed  editions. 
 The  received  text  may  or  may  not  be  correct  in  any 
 particular  case,  but  this  must  be  determined  solely 
 by  an  appi\al  to  the  original  authorities.  Nor  is  it 
 right  even  to  assume  the  received  text  as  our  basis. 
 The  question  before  us  is  not  W/iat  is  to  be  changed  9 
 but.  What  is  to  be  rcadl — 2.  Every  element  of 
 evidence  mui^  be  taJicn  into  account  before  a  deci- 
 sian  is  m/ide.  Some  uncertainty  must  necessarily 
 remain  ;  for,  when  it  is  said  tliat  the  text  must 
 re.st  iipm  evidence,  it  is  implied  that  it  must  rest 
 on  an  examination  of  the  whole  evidence.  But  it 
 can  never  be  said  that  the  mines  of  criticism  are 
 exhausted.  To  exclude  remote  chances  of  error  it  is 
 necessary  to  take  account  of  every  testimony.  The 
 true  text  m>ist  (as  a  rule)  explain  all  variations, 
 and  the  most  recent  forms  may  illustrate  the  original 
 one. — .T.  The  relative  ucight  of  the  screral  classes 
 of  evidence  is  modified  by  their  generic  character. 
 Alanuscript.s,  vei-sions,  and  citations,  the  three  great 
 classes  of  external  authorities  for  the  text,  are 
 obviou.sly  opmi  to  characteristic  eiToi-s.  The  first 
 are  peculiaily  liable  to  errors  from  tran.scription. 
 The  two  last  aie  liable  to  this  cause  of  conniption 
 and  also  to  others.  The  genius  of  the  language 
 into  which  the  translation  is  made  may  require  the 
 introduction  of  connecting  particles  or  words  of 
 reference,  as  can  l>e  seen  fVom  the  it;dicise<l  words 
 in  the  A.  V.  Glos.ses  or  marginal  additions  are 
 more  likely  to  pass  into  the  text  in  the  process  of 
 translation  than  in  that  of  transcription.  (Quota- 
 tions, on  tln'  other  baud,  are  often  jvirtial  or  fiom 
 memory,  and  long  luse  may  give  a  tmditional  fixity 
 to  a  slight  (-onfiision  or  nilapt.ition  of  p.a.ssages  of 
 Scripture.  These  grounds  of  inaccuracy  .arc,  how- 
 ever, easily  di'tei-miiied,  and  there  is  geiienilly  little 
 dilliculty  in  deciiling  whether  the  rendering  of  a 
 vei-sion  or  the  testimony  of  a  Father  can  1*  taiily 
 quoted.  It  is  a  far  more  serious  obstacle  to  the 
 critioil  use  <.f  these  anlhoritiis  that  the  ti'xts  of  the 
 voisions  anil  l''atlieis  generally  arc  in  a  veiy  im|«r- 
 fcct  btatc.     As  a  general  rule  the  evidence  of  botl. 
 
NEW  TESTAMENT 
 
 may  he.  trusted  where  thej'  difior  from  the  late  text 
 ot"  the  N.  T.,  but  where  they  agree  with  this  against 
 other  early  authorities,  theie  is  reason  to  entertain 
 n  suspicion  of  corruption.  The  evidence  of  versions 
 may  show  at  once  that  a  MS.  reading  is  a  transcrip- 
 tural  eiTor  ;  and  the  absence  of  their  support  throws 
 doubt  upon  readings  otherwise  of  the  hit^hest  proba- 
 bility. The  testimony  iif  an  early  Father  is  again 
 sufficient  to  give  preponderating  weight  to  slight 
 MS.  authority :  and  since  voreions  and  Fathers  go 
 back  to  a  time  anterior  to  any  existing  MSS.,  they 
 furnish  a  standard  by  which  we  may  measure  the 
 conformity  of  any  MS.  with  the  most  ancient  text. 
 — 4-.  T/ie  mere  preponderance  of  numbers  is  in 
 itself  of  no  vrcight.  If  the  multiplication  of  copies 
 of  the  N.  T.  had  been  uniform,  it  is  evident  that 
 the  number  of  later  copies  preserved  from  the 
 accidents  of  time  would  have  far  exceeded  that  of 
 the  earlier,  yet  no  one  would  have  preferred  the 
 fuller  testimony  of  the  loth  to  the  scantier  docu- 
 ments of  the  4  th  century. — 5.  The  more  ancient 
 rcndinc]  is  gcneralb^  preferable.  This  principle 
 seems  to  be  almost  a  truism. — 6.  The  mare  ancient 
 readirifj  is  generally  the  reading  of  the  more  an- 
 cient MSS.  This  proposition  is  fully  established  by 
 a  comparison  of  explicit  early  testimony  with  the 
 text  of  the  oldest  copies.  It  would  he  strange,  indeed, 
 if  it  were  otherwise. — 7.  The  ancient  text  is  often 
 preserved  substantiallg  in  recent  copies.  But  while 
 the  most  ancient  copies,  as  a  whole,  give  the  most 
 ancient  text,  yet  it  is  by  no  means  confined  exclu- 
 sively to  them.  The  text  of  D  in  the  Gospels,  how- 
 ever much  it  has  been  interpolated,  preserves  in 
 several  cases  almost  alone  the  true  reading.  Other 
 MSS.  exist  of  almost  eveiy  date,  which  contain  in 
 the  main  the  oldest  text. — 8.  The  agreement  of 
 ancient  MSS.,  or  of  MSS.  containing  cm  ancient 
 text  with  all  the  earliest  versions  and  citations 
 innrks  a  certain  reading.  The  final  argument  in 
 favour  of  the  text  of  the  most  ancient  copies  lies  in 
 (he  combined  support  which  they  receive  in  charac- 
 teristic passages  from  the  most  ancient  versions  and 
 patristic  citations.  The  reading  of  the  oldest  MSS. 
 is,  as  a  general  rule,  upheld  by  the  true  reading  of 
 Versions  and  the  certain  testimony  of  the  Fathers, 
 where  this  can  be  ascertained.— 9.  The  disagreement 
 of  the  most  ancient  authorities  often  marks  the 
 existence  of  a  corruption  anterior  to  them.  But 
 it  happens  by  no  means  rarely  that  the  most  ancient 
 authorities  are  divided.  In  this  case  it  is  necessaiy 
 to  recognise  an  alternative  reading. — 10.  The  argu- 
 ment from,  internal  evidence  is  alv:ays  precarious. 
 If  a  reading  is  in  accordance  with  the  general  style 
 of  the  wiiter,  it  may  be  said  on  the  one  side  that 
 this  fact  is  in  its  favour,  and  on  the  other  (hat  an 
 acute  copyist  probably  changed  the  exceptional  ex- 
 pression for  the  more  usual  one :  e.  g.  Matt.  i.  24, 
 ii.  14,  vii.  21,  &c.  If  a  leading  is  more  emphatic, 
 it  may  be  urged  that  the  sense  is  improved  by  its 
 .^.doption  :  if  less  emphatic,  that  scnbes  were  habit- 
 ually inclined  to  prefer  stronger  tenns:  e.g.  Matt. 
 V.  13,  vi.  4,  &c. — 11.  The  more  difficult  reading 
 is  preferable  to  the  simpler.  Except  in  cases  of 
 obvious  coiTuption  this  canon  probably  holds  good 
 without  exception,  in  questions  of  language,  con- 
 struction, and  sense. — 12.  The  shorter  reading  is 
 generally  preferable  to  the  longer.  This  canon  is 
 veiy  often  coincident  with  the  foiTnerone;  but  it 
 admits  also  of  a  wider  application.  Except  in  very 
 rare ca'ies  copyists  never  omitted  intentionally,  wiiile 
 th  -y  constantly  introduced  into  the  text  marginal 
 
 NEW  TESTAMENT 
 
 617 
 
 glosses  and  even  various  readings. — 13.  That  read- 
 ing is  preferable  which  explains  the  origin  of  the 
 others.  This  rule  is  chiefly  of  use  in  cases  of  great 
 complit^ition,  and  it  would  be  impossible  to  find  a 
 better  example  than  one  (Mark  ii.  22)  which  has 
 been  brought  forward  by  Tischendorf  for  a  difl'eient 
 purpose  fN.  T.  Praef.  pp.  xxxiii-iv.). 
 
 IV.  The  Language  of  thk  New  Testa- 
 ment.— 1.  The  eastern  conquests  of  Alexander 
 opened  a  new  field  for  the  development  of  the  Greek 
 language.  It  may  be  reasonably  doubted  whether 
 a  specific  Macedonian  dialect  is  not  a  mere  fiction  of 
 grammarians ;  but  increased  freedom,  both  in  form 
 and  construction,  was  a  necessary  consequence  of  the 
 wide  diffusion  of  Greek.  Even  in  Aristotle  there 
 is  a  gj-eat  declension  from  the  ciassiail  standard  of 
 purity,  though  the  Attic  formed  the  basis  of  his 
 language  ;  and  the  rise  of  the  common  or  Grecian 
 dialect  is  dated  from  his  time. — 2.  At  no  place 
 could  the  coiTuption  have  been  greater  or  more 
 rapid  than  at  Alexandria,  where  a  motley  popula- 
 tion, engaged  in  active  commerce,  adopted  Greek  as 
 their  common  medium  of  communication.  And  it 
 is  in  Alexandria  that  we  must  look  for  the  origin  of 
 the  language  of  the  New  Testament.  Two  distinct 
 elements  were  combined  in  this  marvellous  dialect 
 which  was  destined  to  preserve  for  ever  the  fullest 
 tidings  of  the  Gospel.  On  the  one  side  there  was 
 Hebrew  conception,  on  the  other  Greek  expression. 
 The  thoughts  of  the  East  were  wedded  to  the  words 
 of  the  West.  This  was  accomplished  by  the  gi-adual 
 translation  of  the  Hebrew  Scriptures  into  the  ver- 
 nacular Greek.— 3.  The  Greek  of  the  LXX.,  like 
 the  English  of  the  A.  V.  or  the  Gennan  of  Luther, 
 naturally  determined  the  Greek  dialect  of  the  mass 
 of  the  Jews.  It  is  more  correct  to  call  the  N.  T. 
 dialect  Hellenistic  than  Alexandrine,  though  the 
 form  by  which  it  is  characterised  may  have  been 
 peculiarly  Alexandrine  at  first. — 4.  The  po.sition 
 of  Palestine  was  peculiar.  The  Aramaic  fSyi-o- 
 Chaldaic),  which  was  the  national  dialect  after  the 
 Return,  existed  side  by  side  with  the  Greek.  Both 
 languages  seem  to  have  been  generally  understood, 
 though,  if  we  may  judge  from  other  instances  of 
 bilingual  countries,  the  Aramaic  would  be  the 
 chosen  language  for  the  common  intercourse  of 
 Jews  (2  Mace.  vii.  8,  21,  27).  It  was  in  this  lan- 
 guage, we  may  believe,  that  our  Lord  was  accus- 
 tomed to  teach  the  people ;  and  it  appears  that  He 
 used  the  same  in  the  more  private  acts  of  His  life 
 (Mark  iii.  17,  v.  41,  vii.  34;  Matt,  xxvii.  46 ;  John 
 i.  43  ;  cf.  John  xx.  16).  But  the  habitual  use  of 
 the  LXX.  is  a  sufficient  proof  of  the  familiarity  of 
 the  Palestinian  Jews  with  the  Greek  dialect ;  and 
 thejudicial  proceedings  before  Pilate  must  have  been 
 conducted  in  Greek. — 5.  The  Roman  occupation  of 
 Syria  was  not  altogether  without  influence  upon 
 the  language.  A  considerable  number  of  Latin 
 words,  chiefly  referring  to  acts  of  govei-nment, 
 occur  in  the  N.  T.,  and  they  are  probably  only  a 
 sample  of  larger  innovations.  Other  words  in  com- 
 mon use  were  of  Shemitic,  Persian,  or  Eejyptian 
 origin. — 6.  The  language  which  was  moulded  under 
 these  various  influences  presents  many  peculiarities, 
 both  philological  and  exegetical,  which  have  not  yet 
 been  placed  in  a  clear  light.  For  a  long  time'  it 
 has  been  most  strangely  assumed  that  the  linguistic 
 forms  preserved  in  the  oldest  MSS.  are  Alexan- 
 drine and  not  in  the  widest  sense  Hellenistic,  and 
 on  the  other  hand  that  the  Aramaic  modifications 
 of  Ihe  N.  T.  phraseology  remove  it  from  the  sphcro 
 
618 
 
 NEW  TESTAMENT 
 
 of  strict  graniniatical  analysis.  'I'hese  erroi-s  ai-e 
 iiecessaiily  lata)  to  all  real  advance  in  the  accurate 
 study  of  the  words  or  s^nsc  of  the  apostolic  writ- 
 ings. In  detail  coinpaiatively  little  leniains  to  be 
 done,  but  a  piiiiosophical  view  of  the  N.  T.  lansruage 
 as  a  whole  is  yet  to  be  desiro<l. — 7.  The  formal  dif- 
 feiences  of  the  Greek  of  the  N.  T.  from  chissical 
 Greek  are  p;u-tly  ditfereiices  of  vocabulary  and  partly 
 diU'erences  of  construction.  Old  woids  are  changed 
 in  orthorjraphy  or  in  inflet:tion.  new  words  and  rare 
 or  novel  constructions  are  introduced. — 8.  The  i»e- 
 culiaritits  of  the  N.  T.  laiignaj^e  wliich  have  been 
 hitherto  mentioned  have  only  a  rare  and  remote 
 tonne.\iiin  with  intei-)net;Uion.  Thi-y  dlustrate  more 
 or  less  the  general  history  of  the  decay  of  a  lan- 
 guage. Other  peculiarities  have  a  more  important 
 healing  on  the  sense.  These  are  in  part  Hebraisms 
 (.Vraniaisms;  in  (1)  e.\pression  or  {2)  construction, 
 and  in  part  {3)  modifications  of  language  result- 
 ing from  the  subsUmce  of  the  Christian  revelation. 
 ( \)  The  general  characteristic  of  Hebraic  expiession 
 is  vividness,  as  simplicity  is  of  Hobiaic  svntnx. 
 Hence  there  is  found  constantly  in  the  N.  T.  a  per- 
 sonality of  language  (if  the  phrase  may  be  used) 
 which  is  foreign  to  cla-ssical  Greek.  At  one  lime 
 this  occurs  in  the  .substitution  of  a  pregnant  meta- 
 jiiior  (or  a  simple  word  ;  at  another  time  in  the  use 
 of  prepositions  in  place  of  cases ;  at  another  in  the 
 use  of  a  vivid  phrase  for  a  jneposition  ;  and  some- 
 times the  one  personal  act  is  used  to  describe  the 
 whole  spirit  and  temper.  (2)  Tlie  chief  peculiari- 
 ties of  the  syntax  of  tlie  N.  T.  lie  in  the  repro- 
 duction of  Hebrew  forms.  Two  great  feature^  bv 
 which  it  is  distinguished  fiom  classical  syntax  niav 
 be  specially  singleil  out.  It  is  markedly  deticient 
 in  the  use  of  particles  and  of  oblique  and  participial 
 ' onstructions.  Sentences  are  moie  frequently  co- 
 ordinated than  subordinateil.  One  clause  Ibllows 
 ai!other  rather  in  the  way  of  constructive  paral- 
 lelism than  by  distinct  logical  sequence.  Only  the 
 simjilest  words  of  connexion  are  used  in  place  of 
 the  subtle  varieties  of  expression  by  which  Attic 
 writers  exhibit  the  interdependence  of  numerous 
 ideas.  Constructions  which  are  most  distinctly 
 Hebraic  are  not  tliose  which  give  the  deepest  He- 
 brew colouring  to  the  jS.  T.  diction,  but  rather  that 
 j)ervading  monotony  of  form  wliich,  though  cor- 
 rect in  individual  clauses,  is  wholly  foreign  to  the 
 vigour  and  elasticity  of  classical  Greek.  The  cha- 
 racter of  the  style  lies  in  its  total  effect  and  not 
 in  sejiarable  elements.  (.S)  The  purely  Christian 
 tlenuMit  in  the  N.  T.  requires  the  most  aireful 
 handling.  Woids  and  j)hrases  alreadv  partially 
 cuiTcnt  were  transfigured  by  embodying  new  truths, 
 and  (or  ever  consecrated  to  their  service.  To  trace 
 the  history  of  these  is  a  delicate  question  of  lexico- 
 graphy which  has  not  yet  beer,  thoroughly  ex- 
 amined. There  is  a  danger  of  contbunding  the 
 apostolic  usage  on  the  one  side  with  earlier  .lewish 
 usagi^  and  on  the  other  with  later  ecclesiastical 
 teimiijology. — ft.  For  the  language  of  the  N.  T. 
 calls  for  the  cxerci.-e  of  the  most  rigorous  criticism. 
 'I'he  complexity  of  the  elements  which  it  involves 
 makes  the  inquiry  wider  and  deeper,  but  does  not 
 set  it  .iside.  The  overwhelming  imiMirtance.  the 
 manitbld  expression,  the  gradual  develn|>ment  of 
 the  message  wliich  it  conveys,  adl  for  more  intense 
 devotion  in  the  use  of  every  faculty  traine<i  in  other 
 •chools,  but  do  not  suppress  inquiry.  The  literal 
 sense  of  the  apost-.lic  writings  must  be  gained  in  the 
 iaine  way  as  the  lutial  sense  of  any  other  writings,  j 
 
 NICANOR 
 
 by  the  fullest  use  i>f  every  appliance  of  scliolarship, 
 
 i»nd  the  most  comi>leie  conlidence  in  the  necessaiy 
 and  absolute  connexion  of  woids  and  thiiughts. 
 No  variation  of  phrase,  no  peculiaiity  of  idiom, 
 no  change  of  tense,  no  change  of  order,  can  be 
 neglected.  The  truth  lies  in  the  whole  expression, 
 and  no  one  can  presume  to  set  aside  any  jmit  as 
 trivial  or  inditlerent. — 10.  The  importance  of  iii- 
 vestigating  most  patiently  and  most  faithfully  tlie 
 literal  meaning  of  the  siicred  text  must  be  felt  with 
 tenfold  force,  when  it  is  remembered  that  the  literal 
 sense  is  the  outward  emboiiiiiieiit  of  a  sjiiritual 
 sense,  which  lies  beneath  and  quickens  every  part 
 of  Holy  .Scripture. 
 
 New  Year.     [TufMi'iiis,  Kkast  of.] 
 
 Neziah.  The  des<.eiidaiit.sof  Neziah  were  amonof 
 the  ^Nethinim  who  returneil  with  Zerubbabel  {Ezv. 
 ii.  o4^;   Neh.  vii.  .")6j. 
 
 Ne'zib,  a  city  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  4.3  only,,  in 
 the  district  of  the  .Shefelah  or  Lowland,  one  of  the 
 .-ame  group  with  Keilah  and  Maieshali.  To  Kusebiiis 
 and  Jerome  it  was  evidently  known.  Thev  jilace 
 it  on  the  road  between  Kleiitheiopolis  and  llebron, 
 7  or  9  (Kuseb. )  miles  from  the  former,  and  there  it 
 still  stands  under  the  almost  identical  name  ot' Beit 
 Susib,  or  Chirbeh  Nusih,  '_'J  houi-s  trom  licit  Jibrin, 
 on  a  rising  ground  at  the  southern  end  of  the  Wady 
 es-Sur,  and  with  K'eilah  and  AJaieshah  within  easy 
 distance. 
 
 Nib'haz,  a  deity  of  the  Avites,  introduced  by 
 tliciii  into  .Simaria  in  the  time  of  Shalmaneser  (2  K. 
 xvii.  31).  There  is  no  certain  intbrmatioii  as  to 
 the  character  of  the  deity,  or  the  form  of  the  idol 
 so  named.  The  liibbiiis  derived  the  name  from  a 
 Hebrew  root  nabach,  "  to  bark,"  and  hence  assigned 
 to  it  the  figure  of  a  dog,  or  a  ilog-headed  man. 
 There  is  no  ti  priori  improbability  in  this :  the 
 Egyptians  worship])ed  the  dog.  N>me  it.dic;itions 
 of  the  worship  of  the  dog  have  been  found  in  Svria, 
 a  colossal  figure  of  a  dog  having  formerly  existed 
 between  iierytus  and  Tripoiis.  Jt  is  still  nioie  to 
 the  ]K)int  to  observe  that  on  one  of  the  slabs  found 
 at  K'horsabad  and  represented  by  liotta  (j)!.  141), 
 we  have  the  front  of  a  temple  depicted  with  an 
 animal  near  the  entrance,  which  c;in  be  nothing  else 
 than  a  liitch  suckling  a  piqijiy,  the  head  of  the 
 animal  having,  hciwever,  disappi'aied.  According 
 to  another  equally  unsatisfactory  theory,  Nibliaz  is 
 identified  with  the  god  of  the  nether  world  of  the 
 Sabiaii  worshij . 
 
 Nib'shan,  one  of  the  six  cities  of  Judah  (Josh. 
 XV.  iVl)  which  were  in  the  district  of  the  Jlidbar 
 (.\.  V.  "  wilderness").  Under  the  name  of  Nenipsaii 
 or  Nebsaii  it  is  mentioned  by  EuM-tjiiis  and  Jeiome, 
 but  with  no  attempt  to  fix  its  positimi. 
 
 Kica'nor,  the  son  of  Patioclus  (2  Mace.  viii.  9), 
 a  general  who  was  engaged  in  the  Jewish  wars 
 under  .\ntiocliiis  K])iplianes  and  Denietrius  I.  He 
 took  part  in  the  first  expedition  of  I.ysias,  ».C.  I(i6 
 (  1  Mace.  iii.  '■'>'6  ],  and  was  detkited  with  his  fellow- 
 commander  at  Kniniaus  (1  Ma<c.  iv.  ;  cl'.  2  Mace, 
 viii.  9  (1.).  After  the  death  of  .\ntu>ihiis  Kujiatoi 
 and  i.y.sias,  he  stood  high  in  the  favour  of  Deinetiius 
 ( 1  Mace.  vii.  2G),  who  appointetl  him  governor  of 
 .lud.'iea  (2  Mace.  xiv.  12),  a  commaml  which  he 
 readily  undertook  as  one  "  wlio  bare  deadly  hate 
 unto  Israel"  (1  Mncc.  vii.  21!  i.  At  tii>t  he  seems 
 to  have  endeavoured  to  win  the  contideua'  of  .luda--, 
 but  when  his  treacherous  designs  were  discovered  he 
 had  ie«  nurse  to  vinlvnce.  A  battle  took  place  at 
 CapharNilama,  which  was  indecisive  in  its  iciults; 
 
NICODEMUS 
 
 but  shortly  after  Jiuias  met  him  at  Arlasa  (B.C.  161 ), 
 aud  he  fell  "  Hrst  in  the  battle."  A  general  rout 
 followed;  anJ  the  13th  of  .'Xilar,  on  which  the  en- 
 gagement took  place,  "  the  day  befoi'e  Mardocheus' 
 day,"  was  ordained  to  be  kept  for  ever  as  a  festival 
 (1  Mace.  vii.  49;  2  Mace.  .w.  36).  There  are 
 some  discrepancies  between  the  narratives  in  the 
 two  books  of  Maccabees  as  to  Nicanor.  Internal 
 evidence  is  decidedly  in  favour  of  1  Mace.— 2.  One 
 of  the  first  seven  deacons  (Acts  vi.  5). 
 
 Nicode'mus,  a  Tharisee,  a  ruler  of  the  Jews,  and 
 teacjier  of  Isiael  (John  iii.  1,  10),  whose  secret  visit 
 to  our  Lord  was  the  occasion  of  the  discourse  re- 
 corded only  by  St.  John.  The  high  station  of 
 Kicodemus  as  a  member  of  the  .lewish  Sanhedrim, 
 and  the  avowed  scorn  under  wliich  the  rulers  con- 
 cealed theii-  inward  conviction  (John  iii.  2)  that 
 Jesus  was  a  teachei-  sent  fiom  God,  are  sufficient  to 
 account  for  the  secrecy  of  the  inten-iew.  A  con- 
 stitutional timidity  is  discernible  in  the  character  of 
 the  inquiring  Pharisee.  Thus  the  few  words  which 
 he  intei'poscd  against  the  rash  injustice  of  his  col- 
 leagues are  cautiously  lested  on  a  genei'al  principle 
 (John  vii.  50),  and  betray  no  nidication  of  his  faith 
 in  the  Galilean  whom  his  sect  despised.  And  even 
 w  hen  the  power  of  Christ's  love,  manifested  on  the 
 cross,  had  made  the  most  timid  disciples  bold,  Nico- 
 demus  does  not  eome  forward  with  his  splendid 
 gifts  of  affection  until  the  example  had  been  set  by 
 one  of  his  own  rank,  and  wealth,  and  station  in 
 society  (xix.  39).  In  these  three  notices  of  Nico- 
 demus  a  noble  candour  and  a  simple  love  of  truth 
 shine  out  in  the  midst  of  hesitation  aud  fear  of 
 man.  We  can  therefore  easily  believe  the  tradition 
 that  after  the  resurrection  he  became  a  professed 
 disciple  of  Christ,  and  received  baptism  at  the  hands 
 of  Peter  and  John.  All  the  rest  that  is  recorded  of 
 him  is  highly  uncertain.  If  the  Nicodemus  of  St. 
 John's  Gospel  be  identical  with  the  Nicodemus  Ben 
 Gorion  of  the  Talmud,  he  must  have  lived  till  the 
 fall  of  Jerusalem,  which  is  not  impossible,  since  the 
 term  yipciiv,  in  John  iii.  4,  may  not  be  intended  to 
 apply  tu  Nicodemus  himself. 
 
 Nicola'itans.  The  question  how  far  the  sect 
 that  is  mentioned  by  this  name  in  Rev.  ii.  6,  15, 
 was  connected  with  the  l^icolas  of  Acts  vi.  5,  and 
 the  traditions  that  have  gathered  round  his  name, 
 will  be  discussed  belovv.  it  will  here  be  considered 
 how  far  we  can  get  at  any  distinct  notion  of  what 
 the  sect  itself  w;is,  and  in  what  relation  it  stood  to 
 the  life  of  the  Ajiostolic  age.  It  has  been  suggested 
 as  one  step  towards  this  result  that  the  name  before 
 us  was  symbolic  rather  than  historical.  The  Greek 
 NiKoKaos  IS,  it  has  been  said,  an  appro.ximate  equi- 
 valent to  the  Hebrew  Balaam,  the  lord,  or,  ac- 
 cording to  another  derivation,  the  devourer  of  the 
 people.  If  we  accept  this  e.xplanation  we  have  to 
 deal  with  one  sect  insteail  of  two.  We  are  now  in 
 a  position  to  form  a  clearer  judgment  of  the  cha- 
 racteristics of  the  sect.  It  comes  before  us  as  pre- 
 senting the  ultimate  phiise  of  a  great  controversy 
 which  threatened  at  one  time  to  destroy  the  unity 
 of  the  Church,  and  afterwards  to  taint  its  purity. 
 The  controversy  itself  was  inevitable  as  soon  as  the 
 Gentiles  were  admitted  in  any  large  numbers  into 
 the  Church  of  Christ.  Were  the  new  converts  to  be 
 brought  into  subjection  to  the  whole  Mosaic  law? 
 The  apo.stles  and  elders  at  Jerusalem  met  the  ques- 
 tion calmly  and  wisely.  The  burden  of  the  Law 
 was  not  to  be  imposed  on  the  Gentile  disciples. 
 They  were  to  abstain,  among  other  things,  from 
 
 NICOLAS 
 
 619 
 
 "  meats  ofl'eied  to  idols  "  and  from  "  Ibmication  " 
 (Acts  XV.  20,  29),  and  this  decree  was  welcomed  as 
 the  great  charter  of  the  Church's  freedom.  Strange 
 as  the  close  union  of  the  moral  and  the  positive 
 commands  may  seem  to  us,  it  did  not  seem  so  to 
 the  synod  at  Jerusalem.  The  two  sins  were  very 
 closely  allied,  often  even  in  the  closest  proximity  ot 
 time  and  jilace.  The  messages  to  the  Churches  of 
 Asia  and  the  later  Apostolic  Epistles  (2  i'eter  and 
 Jude)  indicate  that  the  two  evils  appeared  at  thai 
 period  also  in  close  alliance.  The  teachers  of  the 
 Church  branded  them  with  a  name  which  e.xpressed 
 their  ti-iie  character.  The  men'  who  did  and  taught 
 such  things  were  followers  of  Balaam  (2  Pet.  ii. 
 15;  Jude  11).  They,  like  the  false  prophet  of 
 I'ethor,  united  brave  words  with  evil  deeds.  In  a 
 time  of  persecution,  when  the  eating  or  not  eating 
 of  things  sacrificed  to  idols  was  more  than  ever  a 
 crucial  test  of  faithfulness,  they  i)ersuaded  men 
 more  than  ever  that  it  was  a  thing  indifferent 
 (l!ev.  ii.  13,  14).  This  was  bad  enough,  but  there 
 was  a  yet  worse  evil.  Mingling  themselves  in  the 
 orgies  of  idolatrous  feasts,  they  brought  the  im- 
 purities of  those  feasts  into  the  meetings  of  the 
 (Jhristian  Church.  And  all  this  was  done,  it  must 
 be  lemembered,  not  simply  as  an  indulgence  ol 
 appetite,  but  as  part  of  a  system,  suppoited  by 
 a  "  doctrine,"  accompanied  by  the  boast  of  a  pro- 
 phetic illumination  (2  Pet.  ii.  1).  These  were  the 
 characteristics  of  the  followers  of  Balaam,  and, 
 worthless  as  most  of  the  traditions  about  Nicolas 
 may  be,  they  point  to  the  same  distinctive  evils. 
 It  confirms  the  view  which  has  been  taken  of  their 
 character  to  find  that  stress  is  laid  iii  tlie  first  in- 
 stance on  the  "  deeds  "  of  the  Nicolaitaua.  To  hate 
 those  deeds  is  a  sign  of  life  in  a  Church  that 
 otheiwise  is  weak  and  faithless  (Rev.  ii.  6).  To 
 tolerate  them  is  well-nigh  to  forfeit  the  glory  of 
 having  been  faithful  under  persecution  i^Rev.  ii. 
 14,  15), 
 
 Nic'olas  (Acts  vi.  5),  a  native  of  Antdoch,  and 
 a  proselyte  to  the  Jewish  faith.  When  tiie  church 
 was  still  confined  to  Jerusalem  he  became  a  con- 
 vert ;  and  being  a  man  of  honest  report,  full  of  the 
 Holy  Ghost  and  of  wisdom,  he  was  chosen  by  the 
 whole  multitude  of  the  disciples  to  be  one  of  the 
 first  seven  deacons,  and  he  was  ordained  by  the 
 apostles,  A.D.  33.  A  sect  of  Nicolaitans  is  men- 
 tioned in  Rev,  ii.  6,  15;  and  it  has  been  questioned 
 whether  this  Nicolas  was  connected  with  them,  and 
 if  so,  how  closely.  The  Nicolaitans  themselves,  at 
 least  as  early  as  the  time  of  Irenaeus,  claimed  him 
 as  their  founder.  Epiphanius,  an  inaccurate  writer, 
 relates  some  details  of  the  life  of  Nicolas  the  deacon, 
 and  describes  him  as  gradually  sinking  into  the 
 grossest  impurity,  and  becoming  the  originator  of 
 the  Nicolaitans  and  other  immoral  sects.  The 
 same  account  is  believed,  at  least  to  some  extent, 
 by  Jerome  and  other  writers  in  the  4th  century ; 
 but  it  is  irieconcileable  with  the  traditionary  ac- 
 count of  the  character  of  Nicolas  given  by  Clement 
 of  Alexandria,  an  earlier  and  more  discriminating 
 writer  than  Epiphanius.  He  states  that  Nicolas  led 
 a  chaste  life  and  brought  up  his  children  in  purity; 
 that  on  a  certain  occasion,  having  been  sharply  re- 
 proved by  the  apostles  as  a  jealous  husband,  he 
 repelled  the  charge  by  offering  to  allow  his  wife  to 
 become  the  wife  of  any  other  person  ;  and  that  ho 
 was  in  the  habit  of  repeating  a  saying  which  is 
 ascribed  to  the  apostle  Matthias  also, — that  it  is  our 
 duty  to  fight  against  (he  flesh  and  to  abuse  it.     Ilif 
 
C20 
 
 NICOPOLIS 
 
 woixls  were  porvei-s<'ly  infcipreted  by  the  Nicolai- 
 t:ins  as  authority  lor  their  immoral  practices. 
 Theodoret,  in  his  account  of  the  sect,  re]>eats  the 
 foregoing  statemrnt  of  Clement ;  ami  charges  the 
 Nicolaitjins  with  false  iJealins;  in  bonowins;  the 
 name  of  the  deacon.  Tillemont  conchules  that  if 
 not  tlie  actual  founder,  he  was  so  unfoitiinate  as  to 
 Cjive  occasion  to  the  formation  of  the  .sect.  Ncander 
 held  that  some  other  Nicolas  was  the  founder. 
 
 Nicop'olis  is  mentioned  in  Tit.  iii.  12,  as  the 
 jilace  where,  at  the  time  of  writino;  the  Epistle,  St. 
 Paul  was  iiitendini;  to  pass  the  coming  winter,  and 
 where  he  wished  Titus  to  meet  him.  Nothing  is 
 to  be  found  in  the  Epistle  itself  to  determine  which 
 Nicopolis  is  here  intended.  There  were  cities  of 
 this  name  in  Asia,  Africa,  and  Europe.  One  Ni- 
 cniiolis  was  in  Tluaco,  near  the  borders  of  Mace- 
 donia. The  subscription  (which,  however,  is  of  no 
 authority)  fixes  on  this  place,  calling  it  the  Mace- 
 donian Nicopolis.  Another  Nicopolis  was  inCilicia; 
 iind  .Schrader  pronounces  for  this  ;  but  this  opinion 
 is  connected  with  a  peculiar  theory  regarding  the 
 Apostle's  journeys.  We  have  little  doubt  that  .le- 
 rome's  view  is  correct,  an<l  that  the  Pauline  Kico- 
 })olis  was  the  celebrated  city  of  Epirus.  This  city 
 (tiie  "City  of  Victory")  was  built  by  Augustus  in 
 memory  of  the  battle  of  Actium.  Ni(0]>olis  was  on 
 a  jieninsula  to  tlie  west  of  the  bav  of  .Actium,  in  a 
 low  and  unhealthy  situation,  and  it  is  now  a  very 
 desolate  place. 
 
 Ni'ger  is  the  additional  or  distinctive  name 
 given  to  the  Simeon  who  was  one  of  the  teacheis 
 and  prophets  in  the  Church  at  Antioch  (Acts  -xiii.  1). 
 He  is  not  known  exco]it  in  that  passage. 
 
 Night.  'I'he  period  of  darkness,  fiom  sunset 
 to  sunrise,  including  the  morning  and  evening  twi- 
 light, was  known  to  the  Hebrews  by  the  term  A(//iY, 
 w  Imjelah.  Itisopjiosed  to  "day,"  the  period  of 
 light  (Gen.  i.  5).  Following  the  Oriental  sunset 
 is  the  brief  evening  twilight  {neskiph,  Job  xxiv. 
 1">,  rendered  "  night"  in  Is.  v.  11,  xxi.  4.  lix.  10), 
 when  the  stars  appeared  (Job  iii.  t').  This  is  also 
 called  "evening"  I'crch,  Prov.  vii.  9,  lendered 
 "night"  in  Gen.  xlix.  '-'7,  Job  vii.  4),  but  the 
 term  which  especially  denotes  the  evening  twilight 
 is  ulatah  (Gen.  xv.  17,  A.  V.  "dark;"  Ez.  xii. 
 <;,  7,  rj).  This  period  of  the  day  must  also  be 
 that  which  is  described  ns  "night"  when  Boaz 
 winnowed  his  barley  in  the  evening  l>reeze  (Muth 
 iii.  2).  'J'he  time  of  midnight  (Kutli  iii.  7;  Ex. 
 xi.  4)  or  greatest  darkness  is  called  in  Prov.  vii.  9 
 "  the  pupil  of  night,"  (A.  V.  "  black  night").  The 
 moniing  twilight  is  denoted  by  the  same  term, 
 nes/icp/i,n!>  the  evening  twilight,  and  is  unmisfake- 
 ably  intended  in  1  Snm.  xxxi.  12;  Job  vii.  4;  I's. 
 cxix.  147;   possibly  also  in  Is.  v.  11. 
 
 Night-Hawk  (Heb.  tichmrh).  Bochart  has  en- 
 deavoured to  prove  that  the  Hebrew  word,  which 
 oi'curs  only  (Lev.  xi.  10;  I")eut.  xiv.  \U)  amongst 
 the  Ii^t  of  imdean  birds,  denotes  the  "  male  ostrich." 
 The  etymology  of  the  word  points  to  .some  bird  o(' 
 prey,  though  there  is  great  uncertainty  as  to  the 
 ))articular  species  indiciited.  The  I, XX.,  Vulg.,  and 
 jwrhaps  Onkelos,  understand  some  kind  of  "  owl ;" 
 most  of  the  Jewish  doctors  indefinitely  render  the 
 word  "a  rapaeio\is  bird."  Mii'haetis  l)elieves  .some 
 kinil  of  swallow  (^//iV-nndo)  is  inti-nded.  The  ren- 
 dering of  thf  A.  V.  rests  on  no  authority.  As  the 
 I.X.X.  nn<l  \'ulg.  nro  agree<l  that  /uc/ijn/i.'i  denotes 
 some  kind  of  owl,  we  b<'lieve  it  is  sid'er  to  follow 
 tl:iaie   veiBions    than   modern   coramcniators.      The 
 
 NILE 
 
 Gi-eek  yAot'l  is  used  by  Aristotle  for  some  common 
 species  of  owl,  in  all  probability  for  the  Stn.t 
 jianimca  (white  owl)  or  the  S//>-niuin  sfridiilt 
 (tawny  owl).  it  is  probable  that  tiichmds  may 
 denote  the  Strix  Jlmnmea  or  the  Atltene  incri- 
 dumalis,  which  is  extremely  common  in  Palestine 
 an<l  Egypt. 
 
 Nile.  1.  Names  of  the  Kile.— The  Hebrew 
 names  of  the  Nile,  e.xcejjting  one  that  is  of  ancient 
 Egyptian  origin,  all  distinguish  it  from  other  rivei-s. 
 They  are  S/iichor,  "  the  black,"  a  name  peihaps  of 
 the  saine  sense  as  Nile  ;  Veor,  "the  rivei,"  a  word 
 originally  Egyptian  ;  "  the  river  of  Egypt ;"  "  the 
 Nachal  of  Egypt;"  and  "  th»  livei-s  of  Cn.sh,"  or 
 "  Ethiopia."  it  must  be  observed  that  the  word 
 Nile  nowhere  occurs  in  the  A.  V.  (ci.)  Shichor, 
 "  the  black."  The  idea  of  blackness  conveyed  by 
 this  word  has,  as  we  should  expect  in  Hehrew,  a 
 wide  sense.  It  seems,  however,  to  be  indicative  of 
 a  very  dark  colour.  'J'hat  the  Nile  is  meant  by 
 Shichor  is  evident  from  its  mention  as  equivalent  to 
 rcor,  "the  river,"  and  as  a  gi-eat  river  (Is.  xxiii. 
 .■3) ;  fiom  its  being  put  as  the  wcstein  boundary  of 
 the  Promised  Land  (Josh.  xiii.  3;  1  Chi-,  xiii.  .5), 
 instead  of  "the  river  of  Egypt"  (Ceu.  xv.  18); 
 and  fiom  its  br-itig  s]ioken  of  as  the  great  stream  of 
 Egypt,  just  as  the  Euphiates  was  of  Ai^syiia  (.ler. 
 ii.  18).  If,  out  this  is  by  no  means  certain,  the 
 name  Nile  be  really  indicative  of  the  colour  of 
 the  river,  it  must  be  compared  with  the  Sanskrit 
 iVj/a/i,  "blue"  especially,  probably  "dark  blue," 
 also  even  "  black,"  and  must  be  considered  to  be 
 the  Indo-European  equivalent  of  Shihor.  ^h.)  Veor 
 is  the  same  as  the  ancient  Egyptian  ATUll,  AUR, 
 and  the  Coptic  cicro  or  iaro.  I'cdr,  in  the  singular, 
 is  used  of  the  Nile  alone,  excepting  in  a  passage  in 
 Daniel  (xii.  .'),  6,  7),  where  another  river,  perhaps 
 the  Tigris  (comp.  x.  4),  is  intended  by  it.  in  tlie 
 ])lural  tliis  name  is  applied  to  the  brandies  and 
 canals  of  the  Nile  (Ps.  Ixxviii.  44;  Ezek.  xxix.  ;i, 
 .sei]q.,  XXX.  12);  but  it  is  also  used  of  streams  or 
 channels,  in  a  general  sense,  when  no  particular  ones 
 are  imlicated  (.see  Is.  xxxiii.  21  ;  ,lob  xxviii.  10).  It 
 is  thus  evident  that  this  name  specially  designates 
 the  Nile,  (c.)  "The  river  of  Egypt"  (Gen.  xv. 
 18).  (rf.)  "  The  Nai-hal  of  Egyjit  "  has  genemlly 
 been  understood  to  mean  "  the  torrent"  or  "  biook 
 of  Egyjit,"  and  to  designate  a  desert  stieam  at 
 Khinoc'orura,  now  El-'Arcesh,  on  the  eastein  border. 
 This  name  must  signify  the  Nile,  for  it  occults  in 
 ca.ses  parallel  to  those  where  Shihor  is  enij)loye<i 
 (Num.  xxxiv.  5;  Josh.  xv.  4,  47  ;  1  K.  viii.  C,"i ; 
 2  K.  xxiv.  7  ;  Is.  xxvii.  12j,  both  ilesignating  the 
 easternmost  or  Pelusiac  branch  of  the  river  as  the 
 border  (d'the  Philistine  territoiy,  where  the  Egvp- 
 tians  equally  put  the  border  of  their  country  to- 
 wards Kanaan  or  Kanana  (Canaan).  It  lemains  for 
 us  to  decide  whether  the  name  signify  the  "  brook 
 of  Egypt,"  or  whether  Nachal  be  a  Hebrew  form  of 
 Nile.  The  Hebrew  word  nachi'l  miiht  have  been 
 adopted  as  very  .similar  in  sound  to  an  original 
 projier  name,  (c.)  "  The  rivers  of  Cush  "  are  alone 
 mentioned  in  the  extremely  diliicult  jiiophecy  con- 
 tjiined  in  Is.  xviii.  From  the  use  of  the  plural  we 
 must  suppose  them  to  \\p  the  contlueiits  or  tri- 
 butaries of  the  Nile.  With  the  ancient  Egyptians 
 the  river  was  sacre«l,  and  liad,  besides  its  onlinary 
 name  alreaily  given,  a  sacnd  name,  under  which  it 
 was  worshiii)ied,  IIAI'r.i:,  or  IIArKi;-JHi,  "  the 
 abyss,"  or  "the  abyss  of  watei-s,"  or  "tin"  hidden." 
 Cone>jK)nding   to  the   two   rcgiuns  of  Egypt,  tli*' 
 
NILE 
 
 Upper  Country  and  the  Lower,  the  Nile  was  oiUeJ 
 HAPEE-RES,  "  the  Southern  Nile,"  and  hai'EE- 
 IIEHEET,  "  the  Northern  Nile,"  the  former  name 
 applying  to  the  river  in  Nubia  as  well  as  in  Upper 
 Egypt.  The  god  Nilus  was  one  of  the  lesser  divini- 
 ties.— 2.  Description  of  the  A'ile. — We  cannot  as 
 yet  determine  the  length  of  the  Nile,  although  recent 
 discoveries  have  narrowed  the  question.  There  is 
 scarcely  a  doubt  that  its  largest  confluent  is  fed  by 
 the  great  lalces  on  and  south  of  the  equator.  It  has 
 been  traced  upwards  for  about  2700  miles,  mea- 
 sured by  its  course,  not  in  a  direct  line,  and  its 
 extent  is  probably  upwards  of  1000  miles  more, 
 making  it  longer  than  even  the  Mississippi,  and  the 
 longest  of  rivers.  To  trace  it  downwards  we  must 
 first  go  to  e(juatorial  Africa,  the  mysterious  half- 
 explored  home  of  the  negroes,  where  animal  and 
 vegetable  life  flouri.--hes  aiound  and  in  the  vast 
 swamp-land  that  waters  the  chief  part  of  the  conti- 
 nent. Here  are  two  great  shallow  lakes,  one  nearer 
 to  the  coast  than  the  other.  From  the  more  eastern 
 (the  Ukerewe,  which  is  on  the  equator),  a  chief 
 tributary  of  the  White  Nile  probably  takes  its 
 rise,  and  the  niuie  western  (the  Ujeejee)  may  feed 
 another  tributary.  Captain  Speke  {Journal,  p.  GIO) 
 concludes  that  '*  the  White  River,  which  issues  from 
 the  N'yanza  at  the  Ripon  Falls,  is  the  true  or  parent 
 Nile."  Great,  however,  as  is  the  body  of  water  of 
 this  the  longer  of  the  two  chief  confluents,  it  is  the 
 shorter  (the  Bahr  el-Azrak,  or  Blue  River)  which 
 bi'ings  down  the  alluvial  soil  that  makes  the  Nile 
 the  great  fertilizer  of  Egypt  and  Nubia.  The  Bahr 
 el-Azrak  rises  in  the  mountains  of  Abyssinia.  The 
 two  streams  form  a  junction  at  Khartoom,  now  the 
 seat  of  government  of  Soodan,  or  the  Black  Country 
 under  Egyptian  rule.  Further  to  the  north  another 
 great  river,  the  Athara,  rising,  like  the  Bahr  el- 
 Azrak,  in  Abyssinia,  falls  into  the  main  stream, 
 which,  for  the  remainder  of  its  course,  does  not  re- 
 ceive one  tributary  more.  Throughout  the  rest  of 
 the  valley  the  Nile  does  not  greatly  vary,  excepting 
 that  in  Lower  Nubia,  through  the  fall  of  its  level 
 by  the  giving  way  of  a  barrier  in  ancient  times,  it 
 does  not  inundate  the  valley  on  either  hand.  From 
 time  to  time  its  course  is  impeded  by  cataracts  or 
 rapids,  sometimes  extending  many  miles,  until,  at 
 the  First  Cataract,  the  boundary  of  Egypt,  it  sur- 
 mounts the  last  obstacle.  After  a  course  of  about 
 550  miles,  at  a  short  distance  below  Cairo  and  the 
 Pyramids,  the  river  parts  into  two  great  branches, 
 which  water  the  Delta,  nearly  forming  its  boundaries 
 to  the  east  and  west,  and  flowing  into  the  shallow 
 Mediterranean.  The  great  annual  phenomenon  of 
 the  Nile  is  the  inundation,  the  foiluie  of  which  pro- 
 duces a  famine,  for  Egypt  is  virtually  without  rain 
 (see  Zech.  xiv.  17,  18).  At  Khartoom  the  increase 
 of  the  river  is  observed  early  in  April,  but  in  Egypt 
 the  first  signs  of  rising  occur  about  the  summer 
 solstice,  and  generally  the  regular  increase  does  not 
 begin  until  some  days  after,  the  inundation  com- 
 mencing about  two  months  after  the  solstice.  The 
 river  then  pours,  through  canals  and  cuttings  in  the 
 bank,  which  are  a  little  higher  than  the  rest  of 
 the  soil,  over  the  valley,  which  it  covers  with  sheets 
 of  water.  It  attains  to  its  greatest  height  about, 
 or  not  long  after,  the  autumnal  equinox,  and  then, 
 falling  more  slowly  than  it  had  risen,  sinks  to  its 
 lowest  point  at  the  end  of  nine  months,  there  re- 
 maining stationary  for  a  few  days  before  it  again 
 begins  to  rise.  The  inundations  are  veiy  various, 
 and  when  they  are  but  a  few  feet  deficient  or  ex- 
 
 NILE 
 
 G21 
 
 cessive  cause  great  damage  and  distress.  The  Nile 
 in  Egypt  is  always  charged  with  alluvium,  espe- 
 cially during  the  inundation  ;  but  the  annual  de- 
 posit, excepting  under  extraordinary  circumstances, 
 is  very  small  in  comparison  with  what  would  be 
 conjectured  by  any  one  unacquainted  with  subjects 
 of  this  nature.  Inquirers  have  come  to  different 
 results  as  to  the  rate,  but  the  discrepancy  does  not 
 generally  exceed  an  inch  in  a  century.  The  ordi- 
 nary average  increase  of  the  soil  in  Egypt  is  about 
 tour  inches  and  a  half  in  a  century.  The  cultivable 
 soil  of  Egypt  is  wholly  the  deposit  of  the  Nile,  but 
 it  is  obviously  impossible  to  adculate,  from  its 
 present  depth,  when  the  river  first  began  to  flow 
 in  the  rocky  bed  now  so  deeply  covered  with  the 
 rich  alluvium.  In  Upper  Egypt  the  Nile  is  a 
 very  broad  stieam,  flowing  rapidly  between  high, 
 steep  mud-banks,  scarped  by  the  constant  rush  of 
 the  water,  which  from  time  to  time  washes  por- 
 tions away,  and  stratified  by  the  regular  deposit. 
 On  either  side  rise  the  bare  yellow  mountains, 
 usually  a  few  hundred  feet  high,  rarely  a  thousand, 
 looking  from  the  river  like  clitis.  Frequently  the 
 mountain  on  either  side  approaches  the  river  in  a 
 rounded  promontory.  Rarely  both  mountains  con- 
 fine the  river  in  a  narrow  bed,  rising  steeply  on 
 either  side  from  a  deep  lock-cut  channel  through 
 which  the  water  pours  with  a  rapid  current.  lu 
 Lower  Egypt  the  chief  difl'erences  are  that  the  view 
 is  spread  out  in  one  rich  plain,  only  bounded  on 
 the  east  and  west  by  the  desert,  of  which  the  edge 
 is  low  and  sandy,  unlike  the  mountains  above, 
 though  essentially  the  same,  and  that  the  two 
 branches  of  the  liver  are  narrower  than  the  un- 
 divided stream.  On  either  bank,  during  Low  Nile, 
 extend  fields  of  corn  and  barley,  and  near  the  river- 
 side stretch  long  groves  of  palm-trees.  The  villages 
 rise  from  the  level  plain,  standing  upon  mounds, 
 often  ancient  sites,  and  surrounded  by  palm-groves, 
 and  yet  higher  dark-brown  mounds  mark  where  ot 
 old  stood  towns,  with  which  often  "  their  memorial 
 is  perished"  (Ps.  ix.  6).  The  banks  of  the  river 
 are  enlivened  by  the  women  who  come  down  to 
 draw  water,  and,  like  Pharaoh's  daughter,  to  bathe, 
 and  the  herds  of  kine  and  buffaloes  which  are  driven 
 down  to  drink  and  wash,  or  to  graze  on  the  grass 
 of  the  swamps,  like  the  good  kine  that  Pharaoh  saw 
 in  his  dream  as  "  he  stood  by  the  river,"  which 
 were  "  coming  up  out  of  the  river,"  and  "  fed  in 
 the  marsh-grass"  (Gen.  xli.  1,  2).  The  riier  itself 
 aboimds  in  fish,  which  anciently  formed  a  chief 
 means  of  sustenance  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 
 country.  The  Israelites  in  the  desert  looked  back 
 with  regret  to  the  fish  of  Egypt :  "  We  remember 
 the  fish,  which  we  did  eat  in  Egypt  freely"  (Num. 
 si.  5).  In  the  Thebais  crocodiles  are  found,  and 
 during  Low  Nile  they  may  be  seen  basking  in  the 
 sun  upon  the  sand-banks.  The  crocoiiile  is  con- 
 stantly spoken  of  in  the  Bible  as  the  emblem  or 
 Pharaoh,  especially  in  the  prophecies  of  Ezekiel. 
 The  great  difference  between  the  Nile  of  Egypt  in 
 the  present  day  and  in  ancient  times  is  caused  by 
 the  failure  of  some  of  its  branches,  and  the  ceasing 
 of  some  of  its  chief  vegetable  products ;  and  the 
 chief  change  in  the  aspect  of  the  cultivable  land,  as 
 dependent  on  the  Nile,  is  the  result  of  the  ruin  of 
 the  fish-pools  and  their  conduits,  and  the  consequent 
 decline  of  the  fisheries.  The  river  was  famous  for 
 its  seven  branches,  and  under  the  Roman  dominion 
 eleven  were  counted,  of  which,  however,  there 
 were  but  seven  principal  ones.     Herodotus  notices 
 
622 
 
 NIMRAH 
 
 that  there  weie  spveii,  ui'  whidi  he  says  that  two, 
 the  present  I):miiettji  and  llosetfu  braiiolies,  were 
 originally  artilicial,  and  he  thcretbre  speakis  of  "  the 
 five  mouths"  (ii.  10).  iNow,  as  t'oi-  a  Ions;  period 
 past,  there  aie  no  navigahjo  ami  uiiobstnicted 
 branches  but  those  two  that  Herodotus  distin- 
 guishes as  in  origin  works  of  man.  Tlie  monu- 
 ments and  the  narratives  of  ancient  writers  show 
 us  in  tiie  Nile  of  Ksjyiit  in  old  times  a  stream  boi- 
 dered  by  flaj^  and  reals,  the  covert  of  abundant 
 wild-fowl,  and  bearing  on  its  waters  the  fragrant 
 flowers  of  the  various-coloured  lotus.  Now  in 
 Kgypt  scarcely  any  reeds  or  water-plant^ — tlie 
 famous  papyrus  Wing  nearly  if  not  quite  e.xtinct, 
 and  the  lotus  almost  unknown — are  to  be  seen,  ex- 
 cepting in  the  marshes  near  the  Mediterranean.  Of 
 old  the  gieat  rivei'  must  have  shown  a  more  fair 
 and  busy  scene  than  now.  Boats  of  many  kinds 
 wei-e  ever  passing  along  it,  by  the  painted  walls  of 
 temples,  and  tiie  gardens  that  extended  around  the 
 light  summer  pavilions,  from  the  pleasure-galley, 
 with  one  great  square  sail,  wiiite  or  with  variegated 
 pattern,  and  many  oars,  to  the  little  papyrus  skiff, 
 dancing  on  the  water,  and  carrying  tiie  seekers  of 
 pleiusure  where  they  could  shoot  with  arrows,  or 
 knock  down  with  the  throw-stick,  the  wild-fowl 
 that  abounded  among  the  reeds,  or  engage  in  the 
 dangerous  chace  of  the  hippopotamus  or  the  croco- 
 *dile.  The  Nile  is  constantly  before  us  in  the  his- 
 toiy  of  Israel  in  Kgypt.  Into  it  the  male  children 
 were  cast;  in  it,  or  rather  in  some  canal  or  pool, 
 was  the  ark  of  Moses  put,  and  found  by  Pharaoh's 
 daughter  when  she  went  down  to  bathe.  When  the 
 plagues  weie  sent,  the  sacred  river — a  main  sup- 
 port of  the  people — and  its  waters  everywhere, 
 well'  tinned  into  blood. 
 
 Nim'rah,  a  place  mentioned,  by  this  name,  in 
 Num.  Axxii.  3  only,  among  those  which  formed 
 the  districts  of  the  ''  land  of  Jazer  and  the  land 
 of  Gilead."  If  it  is  the  same  as  Beth-ximuaii 
 'ver.  36)  it  belonged  to  the  tribe  of  Gad.  By 
 Kusebius,  however,  it  is  cited  as  a  "  city  of  Reuben 
 in  Gilead."  A  wady  and  a  town,  both  called 
 Niinreh,  have  been  met  with  in  Bethenineh,  east  of 
 the  Lejuh,  and  live  miles  north-west  of  Kunaicdt. 
 On  the  other  hand  the  name  of  Nimrin  is  said  to 
 be  att;iched  to  a  watercourse  and  a  site  of  ruins  in 
 the  Jordan  valley,  a  couple  of  miles  east  of  the 
 liver,  at  the  embouchure  of  the  Wady  Shoaib.  It 
 must  be  left  to  futuie  explorers  to  asceitain  which 
 (if  either)  of  the  places  so  named  is  the  Nimrah 
 in  question. 
 
 Nim'rim,  the  Waters  of,  a  stream  or  brook 
 within  tlie  country  of"  Moab,  whi'h  is  mentioned  in 
 the  denunciations  of  that  nation  uttered,  or  ([uoted, 
 by  isjiiah  (xv.  G)  and  Jeremiah  (xlviii.  3+).  We 
 should  perha])s  look  for  the  site  of  Nimrim  in  Moab 
 )iii)per,  t.  e.  on  the  south-exstern  shoulder  of  the 
 head  Sea.  A  name  resembling  Nimrim  still  exists 
 ill  the  Wiidi/  en-Nemcirak  and  liwj  en-Nemcirnh, 
 which  are  situate<l  on  the  beach,  about  half-way 
 between  the  .southern  extremity  and  the  piomoiitory 
 of  el- /.issart.  Kusebius  places  it  noitii  of  t^oora, 
 i.  e.  Zoar.  How  far  the  .situation  of  en-Neineirah 
 (•ones])oiids  with  the  statement  of  Kusebius  cannot 
 I)"'  known  until  that  of  Zoar  is  a.scertained. 
 
 Nim'rod,  a  son  of  Cush  and  grandson  of  Ham. 
 The  events  i>f  his  life  are  recorded  in  a  pjissage  (Gen. 
 X.  8  ff.)  which,  from  the  conciseness  of  its  language, 
 is  involved  in  considerable  uncerfciiuty.  We  may 
 notice,   in  the  fii-»t  place,  the  terms  in  vers.  8,  9, 
 
 NIMROD 
 
 rendereil  in  the  A.  V.  '' miijhty  "  and  "mighty 
 hunter  before  the  l-oni."  The  idea  of  any  moral 
 qualities  being  conveved  by  these  expressions  may 
 be  at  once  rejected.  They  may  be  regarded  as 
 betokening  personal  prowess  with  the  acce.ssoiy 
 notion  of  gigantic  stature.  It  is  somewhat  doubt- 
 ful whether  the  prowe.ss  of  Nimrod  rested  on  his 
 achievements  as  a  hunter  or  as  a  conqueror.  The 
 literal  rendering  of  the  Hebrew  words  would  un- 
 doubtedly apply  to  the  former,  but  they  may  be 
 regarded  as  a  tianslation  of  a  proverbial  expression 
 originally  current  in  the  land  of  Nimrod,  where 
 the  terms  significant  of  "  hunter"  and  "  hunting" 
 appear  to  ha\'e  been  applied  to  the  foraj's  of  the 
 sovereigns  against  the  surrounding  nations.  But 
 the  context  cei-taiiily  favours  the  special  application 
 of  the  term  to  the  case  of  conquest.  Tiie  next  point 
 to  be  noticed  is  the  exjiression  in  ver.  10,  "  The  be- 
 ginning of  his  kingdom,"  taken  in  connexion  with 
 the  commencement  of  ver.  11,  which  admits  of 
 the  double  sense :  "  Out  of  that  land  went  forth 
 Asshiir,"  as  in  the  text  of  the  A.  V^.,  and  "  out 
 of  that  land  he  went  forth  to  Assyria,"  as  in  the 
 margin.  These  two  pa.ssages  mutually  react  on 
 each  other  ;  for  if  the  words  "  beginning  of  his 
 kingdom  "  mean,  as  we  Wieve  to  be  the  case,  "  his 
 first  kingdom,"  or,  as  (iesenius  rendei^s  it,  "the 
 territory  of  which  it  was  at  first  composer!,"  then 
 the  expression  implies  a  subsequent  extension  of  his 
 kiiigilom,  in  other  words,  that  "  he  went  forth  to 
 Assyria."  If,  however,  the  sense  of  ver.  1 1  be, 
 "  out  of  that  land  went  forth  Asshur,"  then  no 
 other  sense  can  be  given  to  ver.  10  than  that  "  the 
 c;q)ital  of  his  kingdom  was  Babylon,"  though  the 
 expression  must  be  equally  applied  to  the  towns 
 subsequently  mentioned.  This  reiuiering  a]i|>ears 
 untenable  in  all  respects,  aiul  the  exiJiession  may 
 therefore  be  cited  in  support  of  the  marginal  ren- 
 dering of  ver.  11.  With  res^rd  to  the  latter  pa.s- 
 sage,  either  sense  is  permissible  in  point  of  gram- 
 matical construction.  Authorities,  both  .incient  and 
 modern,  are  divided  on  the  subject,  but  the  most 
 weighty  names  of  modern  times  sup]iort  the  mars;- 
 inal  rendering,  as  it  seems  best  to  accord  with 
 historiciil  truth.  The  chief  events  in  the  life  of 
 Nimrod,  then,  are  (1)  that  he  was  a  Cushite;  (2) 
 that  he  Rstablished  an  empire  in  Shinar  (the  das- 
 sittd  Babylonia),  the  chief  towns  being  Babel,  Kiech, 
 Accid,  and  Calneh:  and  (.'jt  that  he  extended  this 
 empire  northwards  along  the  course  of  the  Tigris 
 over  Assyria,  where  he  founded  a  second  group 
 of  capitals,  Nineveh,  Kehobolh,  Calah,  and  Hesen. 
 These  events  coriesjiond  to  and  may  be  held  to  re- 
 present the  sjtlieiit  historicjil  tiicts  connectetl  with 
 the  earliest  stiges  of  the  great  Babyloniay  empire. 
 1.  In  the  fii-st  place  there  is  abundant  evidence  that 
 the  racx;  that  first  held  sway  in  the  lower  Babyl- 
 onian ))lain  was  of  Cushite  or  Hamitic  extinction. 
 The  name  Cush  itself  was  j)reserved  in  liahylonia 
 and  the  ailjacent  countries  under  tlie  tbrms  of 
 Cossaei,  Cissia,  ("utliah,  and  Susiana  or  ChnzisUtn. 
 The  earliest  written  language  of  Babylonia,  as 
 known  to  us  from  existing  inscripiioiis,  lieare  a 
 strong  resemblance  to  that  of  Kgypt  and  Kthiojiia. 
 Kven  the  name  Nimrod  appears  in  the  li.st  of  the 
 Kgyptian  kings  of  the  'J'Jnd  dynasty,  but  there  are 
 reasons  for  thinking  lliat  dynasty  to  have  been  of 
 Assyrian  extraction. — 'J.  In  the  second  place,  the 
 earliest  seat  of  empire  was  in  the  south  part  of  the 
 Babvlonian  plain.  The  large  mounds,  which  for  a 
 vast   mimlier  of  centuries  have  covered  the  r'liiic  of 
 
NIMSHI 
 
 ancient  cities,  have  already  yieWed  somo  evidences  of 
 the  dates  and  names  of  their  founders,  and  we  can 
 assign  the  highest  antiquity  to  the  towns  repre- 
 sented by  the  mounds  of  Niffer  Tperhaps  the  eaily 
 Babel,  tiiough  also  identified  with  Calneh).  Warka 
 (the  Biblical  Erech),  Muijheir  (Ur),  and  Senherch 
 (EUasar),  while  the  name  of  Accad  is  preserved 
 in  the  title  Kinzi-Akkad,  by  which  the  founder 
 or  embellisher  of  those  towns  was  distinguished 
 (Rawlinson,  i.  435).  The  date  of  their  foundation 
 may  be  placed  at  about  B.C.  2200. — 3.  In  the  thiid 
 place,  the  Babylonian  empire  extended  its  sway 
 northwards  along  the  course  of  the  Tigris  at  a 
 period  long  anterior  to  the  rise  of  the  Assyrian 
 empire  in  the  13th  century  B.C.  The  existence 
 of  Nineveh  itself  can  be  traced  up  by  the  aid  of 
 Egyptian  monuments  to  about  the  middle  of  the 
 15th  century  n.c.  Our  present  information  does 
 not  permit  us  to  identify  Nimrod  with  any  per- 
 sonage known  to  us  either  from  inscriptions  or  from 
 chissical  writers. 
 
 Nim'sM.  The  grandfather  of  Jehu,  who  is  gene- 
 rally called  "  the  son  of  Nimshi"  (1  K.  xix.  16  ; 
 2  Iv.  ix.  2,  U,  20;  2  Chr.  x.\ii.  7). 
 
 Nin'eveh,  the  capital  of  the  ancient  kingdom 
 and  empire  of  Assyria.  The  name  appears  to  be 
 compounded  from  that  of  an  Assyiian  deity,"  Nin," 
 corresponding,  it  is  conjectured,  with  the  Greek 
 Hercules,  and  occurring  in  the  names  of  several 
 Assyrian  kings,  as  in  "  Ninus,"  the  mythic  founder, 
 according  to  Greek  tradition,  of  the  city.  In  the 
 Assyrian  Inscriptions  Nineveh  is  also  supposed  to 
 be  called  "  the  city  of  Bel."  Nineveh  is  first  men- 
 tioued  in  the  0.  T.  in  connexion  with  the  primitive 
 dispersement  and  migrations  of  the  human  race. 
 Ashur,  or,  according  to  the  marginal  reading  which 
 is  generally  preferred,  Nimrod,  is  there  aescribed 
 (Gen.  X.  11)  as  extending  his  kingdom  from  the 
 land  of  Shinar,  or  Babylonia,  in  the  .south,  to  As- 
 syria in  the  north,  and  founding  four  cities,  of  which 
 the  most  fiimous  was  Nineveh.  Hence  Assyria  was 
 subsequently  known  to  the  Jews  as  "  the  land  of 
 Nimrod  "  (cf.  Mic.  v.  6),  and  was  believed  to  have 
 been  first  peopled  by  a  colony  from  Babylon.  The 
 kingdom  of  Assyria  and  of  the  Assyrians  is  referred 
 to  in  the  0.  T.  as  connected  with  the  Jews  at  a 
 veiy  tai  ly  period  ;  as  in  Num.  xxiv.  22,  24,  and 
 Ps.  Ixxxiii.  8  :  but  after  the  notice  of  the  foundation 
 of  Nineveh  in  Genesis  no  further  mention  is  made 
 ot' the  city  until  the  time  of  the  book  of  Jonah,  or 
 the  8th  century  B.C.,  supposing  we  accept  the 
 earliest  date  for  that  narrative,  which,  however, 
 according  to  some  critics,  must  be  brought  down 
 .300  years  later,  or  to  the  5th  century  B.C.  In 
 this  book  neither  Assyria  nor  the  Assyrians  are 
 mentioned,  the  king  to  whom  the  prophet  was  sent 
 being  termed  the  "king  of  Nineveh,"  and  his  sub- 
 jects "  the  people  of  Nineveh."  Assyria  is  first 
 called  a  kingdom  in  the  time  of  Menahem,  about 
 B.C.  770.  Nahum  (?  B.C.  645)  directs  his  pro- 
 phecies against  Nineveh ;  only  once  against  the 
 king  of  Assyria,  ch.  iii.  18.  In  2  Kings  (xix.  36) 
 and  Isaiah  (xxxvii.  37)  the  city  is  first  distinctly 
 mentioned  as  the  residence  of  the  monarch.  Sen- 
 nacherib was  slain  there  when  worshipping  in  the 
 temple  of  Nisroch  his  god.  In  2  Chronicles  (xxxii. 
 21),  where  the  same  event  is  described,  the  name  of 
 the  place  where  it  occurred  is  omitted.  Zephaniah, 
 about  B.C.  630,  couples  the  capital  and  the  kingdom 
 together  (ii.  13);  and  this  is  the  last  mention  of 
 Ninoveli  as  an  existing  city.     It  has  been  generally 
 
 NINEVEH 
 
 G23 
 
 a.ssumed  that  the  destruction  of  Nineveh  and  the 
 extinction  of  tlie  empire  took  place  between  the 
 time  of  Zephani.iii  and  that  ol'Ezekiel  and  Jeremiah. 
 The  e.\act  period  of  these  events  has  consequently 
 been  fi.xed,  with  a  certain  amount  of  concurrent 
 evidence  derived  from  classical  history,  at  B.C.  606. 
 It  m-y  have  occurred  20  years  earlier.  The  city 
 was  then  laid  waste,  its  monuments  destroyed,  and 
 its  inhabitants  scattered  or  carried  away  into  cap- 
 tivity. It  never  ro.se  again  from  its  ruins.  This 
 total  disappearance  of  Nineveh  is  fully  confirmed  by 
 the  records  of  profane  history.  Herodotus  (i.  1  93  ) 
 sjjeaks  of  the  '1  igiis  as  "  the  river  upon  which  the . 
 town  of  Nineveh  formerly  stood."  The  historians 
 of  Alexander,  with  the  exception  of  Arrian,  do  not 
 even  allude  to  the  city,  over  the  ruins  of  which  the 
 conqueror  must  have  actually  marched.  It  is  evid- 
 ent that  the  later  Greek  and  Konian  writeis,  such 
 as  .Strabo,  Ptolemy,  and  Pliny,  could  only  have 
 derived  any  independent  knowledge  they  possessed 
 of  Nineveh  from  traditions  of  no  authority.  They 
 concur,  however,  in  placing  it  on  the  eastern  bank 
 of  the  Tigris.  During  the  Roman  period,  a  small 
 castle  or  fortified  town,  appears  to  have  stood  on 
 some  part  of  the  site  of  the  ancient  city.  It  appears 
 to  have  boine  the  ancient  traditional  name  of  Nineve, 
 as  well  as  its  corrupted  form  of  Ninos  and  Ninus. 
 The  Roman  settlement  appears  to  have  been  in  its 
 turn  abandoned,  for  there  is  no  mention  of  it  when 
 Heraclius  gained  the  great  victoiy  over  the  Pei'sians 
 in  the  battle  of  Nineveh,  fought  on  the  very  site  of 
 the  ancient  city,  a.d.  627.  After  the  Arab  con- 
 quest, a  fort  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Tigris  bore  the 
 name  of  "Ninawi."  Benjamin  of  Tudela,  in  the 
 12th  century,  mentions  the  site  of  Nineveh  as 
 occupied  by  numerous  inhabited  villages  and  small 
 townships.  The  name  remained  attached  to  the 
 ruins  during  the  Middle  Ages.  After  the  Arab 
 conquest  of  the  west  of  Asia,  Mosul,  at  one  time 
 the  flourishing  capital  of  an  independent  kingdom, 
 rose  on  the  opposite  or  western  bank  of  the  Tigris. 
 Traditions  of  the  unrivalled  size  and  magnificence 
 of  Nineveh  were  equally  familiar  to  the  Greek  and 
 Roman  writeis,  and  to  the  Arab  geographers.  Dio- 
 dorus  Siculus  asserts  (ii.  3)  that  the  city  formed  a 
 quadrangle  of  150  stadia  by  90,  or  altogether  cf 
 480  stadia  (no  less  than  60  miles),  and  was  sur- 
 rounded by  walls  100  feet  high,  broad  enough  for 
 three  chariots  to  drive  abreast  upon  them,  and  de- 
 fended by  1500  towers,  each  200  feet  in  height. 
 According  to  .Strabo  (xvi.  737)  it  was  larger  than 
 Babylon,  which  was  385  stadia  in  circuit.  In  the 
 0.  'f.  we  only  find  vague  allusions  to  the  splendour 
 and  wealth  of  the  city.  It  is  obvious  that  the  ac- 
 counts of  Diodorus  are  for  the  most  part  absurc 
 exagfjerations,  founded  upon  tabulous  traditions,  for 
 which  existing  remains  afford  no  warrant.  The 
 political  history  of  Nineveh  is  that  of  Assyria,  of 
 which  a  sketch  has  already  been  given.  It  has  been 
 observed  that  the  territory  included  within  the 
 boundaries  of  the  kingdom  of  Assyria  proper  was 
 comparatively  limited  in  extent,  and  that  almost 
 within  the  immediate  neighbourhood  of  the  capital 
 petty  kings  appear  to  have  ruled  over  semi-inde- 
 pendent .states,  owning  allegiance  and  paying  tribute 
 to  the  great  Lord  of  the  Empire,  "  the  King  of 
 Kincjs,"  according  to  his  Oriental  title,  who  dwelt 
 at  Nineveh.  The  fall  of  the  capital  was  the  signal 
 for  universal  disruption. —  The  Ruins. —  Previous  to 
 recent  excavations  and  researches,  the  ruins  which 
 oc«i'r'cd  the  pvesumed  site  of  Nineveh  seemed  to  con- 
 
324 
 
 NINEVEH 
 
 NINEVEH 
 
 si.st  of  mere  shajK-lcss  hea|».s  or  inouiids  of  eai"th  :\ud 
 luljbisli.  Unlike  the  va.st  masses  of  brick  iiiasoiiiy 
 NS'hich  iiiaik  ihe  site  of  Babylon,  tliey  tlinweJ  ex- 
 ternally no  sifjns  ot'  aititieijii  consti-uctioii,  i\tept 
 jKjrIiaps  here  ain.1  there  the  traces  of  a  rude  wall 
 ot'  suu-Uried  bricks. 
 
 that  river  with  the  great  Zab,  the  ancient  Lvciis. 
 Kastward  they  extend  to  Khoi-s;ibaii,  about  10  miles 
 N.  by  K.  of  Shereel' Khan,  aud  to  Karamless,  about 
 15  miles  N.K.  of  Niniroud.  Within  the  area  oi 
 this  iiTegular  quaUiangle  aie  to  be  louud,  in  everf 
 Some  of  these  mounds  were  of  direction,  traces  of  ancient  ediKces  aiid  of  foimei 
 
 population.  It  comprise*  vanouf 
 sejiarate  and  distinct  groups  ol 
 ruins,  four  of  which,  if  not  mole, 
 are  the  remains  of  fortified  iii- 
 closures  or  strongholds,  defende<l 
 by  walls  aud  ditches,  towers  and 
 ranipaits.  The  piincipal  are — 
 1,  the  gi-oup  immediately  oppos- 
 ite Mosul,  including  the  great 
 mounds  of  Kouyunjik  (also  called 
 by  the  Arabs,  Armousheeyah)  and 
 Nebbi  Yunus  ;  2,  that  near  the 
 junction  of  the  Tigris  and  5^b, 
 comprising  tlie  mounds  of  Nim- 
 ioud  and  Athur  ;  3,  Khorsabad, 
 about  10  miles  to  the  east  of  the 
 termer  river;  4,  Shereef  Khan, 
 about  5^  miles  to  the  north  of 
 Kouyunjik;  :uid  5,  Selainiyah,  3 
 miles  to  the  north  of  Nimroud. 
 We  will  describe  the  most  in>- 
 portiuit.  The  ruins  opposite  Mo- 
 sul consist  of  an  inclosure  formed 
 by  a  continuous  line  of  mounds, 
 resembling  a  vast  enibiinkmeut  of 
 "*'  earth,  but  marking  the  remains  ot 
 
 a  wall,  the  western  face  of  which 
 is  interrupted  by   the  two  great 
 mounds  of  Kouyunjik  aud  Nebbi 
 Yunus.    To  the  east  of  thit;  iuclos- 
 m'e  are  the  I'eniains  of  an  exten- 
 sive line  of  defences,  consisting  of 
 moats  and  iiimi>arts.     The  inner 
 wall  forms  an  irregular  quadrangle 
 with  very  unequal  sides — the  northern  being  2333 
 yards,  the  western,  or  the  river  face,  45.S3,  the  eastern 
 '  where  tlie  wall  is  almost  the  segment  of  a  circle)  5300 
 yards,  and  the  southern  but  little  more  thiui  1000  ; 
 altogether  13,200  yards,  or  7  English  miles  4  fur- 
 longs.    The  present  height  of  this  earthen  wall  is 
 between  4U  and  .JU  feet.     The  mound  of  Kouyunjik 
 is  of  irregular  form,  being  nearly  square  at  the  S.W. 
 corner,  and  ending  almost  in  a  point  at  the  N.  E. 
 It  is  about  1300  yards  in  leii<rth,   by   500   in  its 
 greatest  widtli ;  its  greatest  height  is  titj  feet,  and  its 
 sides  are  piecipitous,  with  ocuisional  deep  ravines  or 
 watercourses.     The  summit  is  nearly  tiat,  but  tiills 
 from  the  W.  to  the  E.    Nebbi  Vunus  is  considerably 
 smaller  than  Kouyunjik,  being  about  5.10  yaids  by 
 430,  aud  occupying  an  oiea  of  about  4(i.icres.     Jn 
 height    it   is  about 
 the  same.     Lijion  it 
 is  a  Turcoman  vil- 
 lage containing  the 
 apocryphal  tomb  ot 
 Jonah.  It  is  icinark- 
 able  that  within  the 
 inclosure,  with  the 
 exception    of    Kou 
 yuiijik    and    Nebbi 
 Vunus,  no  moundi: 
 or   irregularities   in 
 the   surface   of  the 
 s(.>il  denote  ruins  of 
 Mound  of  .Viiiirou.i.  '"')'  '*"'e     Ninnroui 
 
 Plan  of  Kouyunjik  and  Nobbi  I'luiua. 
 
 eiionnous  dinien>ions — looking  in  the  distance  rather 
 like  natural  elevations  than  the  work  of  men's  hands. 
 Tliey  differ  greatly  in  form,  size  and  height.  Some 
 are  mere  conical  heaps,  varying  from  50  to  150  feet 
 high ;  others  have  a  broad  flat  summit,  :ind  very 
 piecipitous  clitl-like  sides,  furrowed  by  deep  lavines 
 worn  by  the  winter  rains.  Such  mounds  are  espe- 
 cially nmnerous  in  the  region  to  the  east  of  the 
 Tigris,  in  which  Nineveh  stood,  aud  some  of  tliem 
 must  mark  the  ruins  of  the  Assyrian  capital.  The 
 only  dilliculty  is  to  determine  which  ruins  are  to 
 oe  com])rised  within  the  actual  limits  of  the  ancient 
 city.  The  northern  extremity  of  the  principal  col- 
 lection of  mounds  on  the  ea.stern  bank  of  the  Tigris 
 may  \>e.  fixed  at  the  Shereef  Khan,  and  the  southein 
 at  Nimroud,  about  6J  miles  from  the  junction  of 
 
NINEVEH 
 
 consists  of  a  similar  Jiu;losuie  of  consecutive  mounds 
 — the  remains  of  ancient  walls.  The  system  of  de- 
 fences is  however  very  inferior  in  importance  and 
 completeness  to  that  oif  Kouyunjik.  The  indications 
 of  towers  occur  at  regular  intervals  ;  108  may  still 
 be  traced  on  the  N.  and  E.  sides.  The  area  forms 
 an  irregular  square, about  2331  yards  by  2095,  con- 
 taining about  1000  acres.  The  N.  and  E.  sides 
 were  defended  by  moats,  the  W.  and  S.  walls  by 
 tho  river,  which  once  flowed  immediately  beneath 
 them.  On  the  S.W.  face  is  a  great  mound,  700 
 yards  by  400,  and  coveiing  about  60  acres,  with  a 
 cone  or  ]iyramid  of  earth,  about  140  feet  high, 
 rising  in  the  N.W.  corner  of  it.  At  the  S.Ii^.  angle 
 of  the  inclosure  is  a  group  of  lofty  mounds,  called 
 by  the  Arabs,  after  Nimroud's  lieutenant,  Athur 
 (cf.  Gen.  X.  11).  The  inclosure-walls  of  Khorsabad 
 form  a  square  of  about  2000  yards.  They  show  the 
 remains  of  towers  and  gateways.  There  are  appar- 
 ently no  traces  of  moats  or  ditches.  The  mound 
 which  gives  its  name  to  this  group  of  ruius  rises  on 
 the  N.W.  face.  It  may  be  divided  into  two  ])arts  or 
 stages,  the  upper  about  650  ft.  square,  and  30  ft. 
 high,  and  the  lower  adjoining  it,  about  1350  by  300. 
 Shereef  Khan,  so  called  from  a  small  village  in  the 
 neighbourhood,  consists  of  a  group  of  mounds  of  no 
 great  size  when  compared  with  other  Assvriau  ruins, 
 and  without  traces  of  an  outer  wall.  Selamiyah  is 
 an  inclosure  of  irregular  form,  situated  upon  a  high 
 bank  overlooking  the  Tigris,  about  5000  yards  in 
 circuit,  and  containing  an  area  of  about  410  acres, 
 apparently  once  suriouuded  by  a  ditch  or  moat. 
 The  greater  part  of  the  discoveries  which,  of  late 
 years,  have  thrown  so  much  light  upon  the  history 
 and  condition  of  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  Nineveh 
 were  made  in  the  ruins  of  Nimroud,  Kouyunjik,  and 
 Khorsabad.  The  first  traveller  who  carefully  ex- 
 amined the  supposed  site  of  the  city  was  Mr.  Rich, 
 formerly  politiail  agent  for  the  East  India  Company 
 at  Baghdad ;  but  his  investigations  were  almost 
 entirely  confined  to  Kouyunjik  and  the  surrounding 
 mounds,  of  which  he  made  a  survey  in  1820.  He 
 subsequently  visited  the  mound  of  Nimroud,  of 
 which,  however,  he  was  unable  to  make  more  than 
 a  hasty  examination.  Several  travellers  described 
 the  ruins  after  Mr.  Rich,  but  no  attempt  was  made 
 to  explore  them  systematically  until  M.  Botta  was 
 appointed  French  consul  at  Mosul  in  1843.  The 
 French  Government  having  given  the  necessary 
 funds,  the  ruins  were  fully  explored.  They  con- 
 sisted of  the  lower  part  of  a  number  of  halls, 
 rooms,  and  passages,  for  the  most  part  wainscoted 
 with  slabs  of  coarse  gi-ay  alabaster,  sculptured  with 
 figures  in  relief,  the  principal  entrances  being  formed 
 by  colossal  human-headed  winged  bulls.  No  remains 
 of  exterior  architecture  of  any  gi-eat  importance 
 were  discovered.  The  calcined  limestone  and  the 
 great  accumulation  of  charred  wood  and  charcoal 
 showed  that  the  building  had  been  destroyed  by 
 fire.  Its  upper  part  had  entirely  disappeared,  and 
 its  general  plan  could  only  be  restored  by  the  re- 
 mains of  the  lower  story.  The  collection  of  As- 
 syrian sculptures  in  the  Louvre  came  from  these 
 ruius.  M.  Botta's  discoveries  at  Khorsabad  weie 
 followed  by  those  of  Mr.  Layard  at  Nimroud  and 
 Kouyunjik,  made  between  the  years  1845  and  1850. 
 'J  he  mound  of  Nimroud  was  found  to  contain  the 
 rcius  of  several  distinct  edifices,  erected  at  diifei-ent 
 I'.ciiods.  The  most  ancient  stood  at  the  N.W. 
 corner  of  the  platform,  the  most  recent  at  the  S.E. 
 In  general  plan  and  in  construction  thev  resembled 
 Con.  I).  B. 
 
 NINEVEH 
 
 625 
 
 the  ruins  at  Khorsabad — consisting  of  a  number  of 
 halls,  chamlers,  and  galleries,  panelled  with  sculp- 
 tured and  inscribed  alabaster  slabs,  and  opening 
 one  into  the  other  by  doorways  generallv  foi'med 
 by  pairs  of  colossal  human-headed  winged  bulls  or 
 lions.  The  exterior  architecture  could  not  be 
 traced.  The  lofty  cone  or  pyramid  of  earth  ad- 
 joining this  edifice  covered  the  ruins  of  a  building 
 the  basement  of  which  was  a  square  of  165  feet, 
 and  consisted,  to  the  height  of  20  feet,  of  a  solid 
 mass  of  sun-dried  bricks,  faced  on  the  four  sides  by 
 blocks  of  stone  carefully  squared,  bevelled,  and  ad- 
 justed. Upon  this  solid  substructure  there  probably 
 rose,  as  in  the  Babylonian  temples,  a  succession  of 
 platfoi-ms  or  stages,  diminishing  in  size,  the  highest 
 having  a  shrine  or  altar  upon  it.  It  had  evidently 
 been  broken  into  and  rifled  of  its  contents  at  some 
 remote  peiiod,  and  may  have  been  a  royal  sepulchre 
 — the  tomb  of  Ninus,  or  Sardanapalus,  which  stood 
 at  the  entrance  of  Nineveh.  It  appeals  to  have  been 
 raised  by  the  son  of  the  king  who  built  the  N.W. 
 palace,  and  whose  name  in  the  cuneiform  inscriptions 
 is  supposed  to  be  identified  with  that  of  Sardanapalus. 
 Shalmanubar  or  Shalmaneser,  the  builder  of  this 
 tomb  or  tower,  also  erected  in  the  centre  of  the  great 
 mound  a  second  palace,  which  appears  to  have  been 
 destroyed  to  furnish  materials  for  later  buildings. 
 On  the  W.  face  of  the  mound,  and  adjoining  the 
 centre  palace,  are  the  remains  of  a  third  edifice,  built 
 by  the  grandson  of  Shalmanubar,  whose  name  is 
 read  Iva-Lush,  and  who  is  believed  to  be  the  Pul  of 
 the  Hebrew  Scriptures.  Essailiaddou  raised  (about 
 B.C.  680)  at  the  S.W.  corner  of  the  platform  an- 
 other royal  abode  of  considerable  extent,  but  con- 
 structed principally  with  materials  brought  from 
 his  predecessor's  palaces.  In  the  opposite  or  S.E. 
 corner  are  the  ruins  of  a  still  later  palace  built  by  his 
 grandson  Ashur-emit-ili,  very  inferior  in  size  and  in 
 splendour  to  other  Assyrian  edifices.  At  the  S.W. 
 corner  of  the  mound  of  Kouyunjik  stood  a  palace 
 built  by  Sennacherib  (about  B.C.  700),  exceeding 
 in  size  and  in  magnificence  of  decoration  all  others 
 hitherto  explored.  It  occupied  nearly  100  acres. 
 The  entrances  to  the  edifice  and  lo  the  principal 
 chambers  were  flanked  by  groups  of  winged  human- 
 headed  lions  and  bulls  of  colossal  proportions — some 
 nearly  20  feet  in  height ;  27  portals  thus  formed 
 were  e.xcavated  by  Mr.  Layaid.  A  second  palace 
 was  erected  on  the  same  platform  by  the  son  of 
 Essarhaddon,  the  third  king  of  the  name  of  Sarda- 
 napalus. No  propylaea  or  detached  buildings  have 
 as  yet  been  discovered  within  the  inclosure.  At 
 Shereetf  Khan  are  the  ruins  of  a  temple,  but  no 
 sculptured  slabs  have  been  dug  up  tlieie.  It  was 
 founded  by  Sennacherib,  and  added  to  by  his  grand- 
 son. At  Selamiyah  no  remains  of  buildings  nor 
 any  fragments  of  sculpture  or  inscriptions  have 
 been  discovered.  The  Assyrian  edifices  were  so 
 nearly  alike  in  general  plan,  construction,  and  de- 
 coration, that  one  description  will  suffice  for  all. 
 They  were  built  upon  artificial  mounds  or  plat- 
 forms, varying  in  height,  but  generally  from  30  to 
 50  feet  above  the  level  of  the  surrounding  country, 
 and  solidly  constructed  of  regular  layers  of  sun- 
 dried  bricks,  as  at  Nimroud,  or  consisting  merely  of 
 earth  and  rubbish  heaped  up,  as  at  Kouyunjik. 
 This  platform  was  probably  faced  with  stone  ma- 
 sonry, remains  of  which  were  discovered  at  Nim- 
 roud, and  broad  flights  of  steps  or  inclined  ways  led 
 up  to  Hi  summit.  Although  only  the  general  plan 
 of  the  ground-floor  can  now  be  traced,  it  is  evident 
 
 a  S 
 
626  NINEVEH 
 
 that  the  p;ilai-t's  liad  seveinl  stories  built  of  wood 
 and  suiwiricd  bricks,  which,  when  the  buihliiii;  waa 
 deserted  and  allowed   to    tali    to   decay,   gradually 
 buried  the   lower  chambers  with   their  ruins,  and 
 protected    the    sculptured    slabs    from    the    ellects 
 of  the    weather.     The  depth   of   soil   and  rubbish 
 above  the  alabaster  slabs  varied  from  a  few  inches 
 to  about    'M  feet.      It   is  to  this   accumulation   of 
 rubbish   above  them  that  the  bas-ieliets  owe  their 
 exU'aordiuary   preservation.     The   portions    of  the 
 edifices  still   remaining  consist  of  halls,  chambers, 
 andfralleries,  opening  for  the  most  part  into  lar;;e 
 uncovered   courts.     The  paitition   walls  vary  fiom 
 6  to  15  feet  in  thickness,  and   are  solidly  built  of 
 sun-dried  bricks,  against  which  are  placed  the  pan- 
 elluig  or  skirting  of  alabaster  slabs.     No  windows 
 have  hitherto  been   discovered,  and  it  is  probable 
 that  in  most  of  the  smaller  chambers  light  was  only 
 admitteil  through  the  duors.     The  wall,  above  the 
 wainscoting  of  alabaster,  was  plastered,  and  painted 
 with   figuies  and  ornaments.     The  pavement  was 
 forme<l  either  of  inscribed  slabs  of  alabaster,  or  laige 
 Hat  kiln-burnt    bricks.     It  lested  upon    layers  of 
 bitumen  and  tine  sand.    Of  nearly  similar  construc- 
 tion are  the  modern  houses  of  Mosul.     The  upper 
 part  and  the  external  architecture  of  the  Assynan 
 palaces,   both   of  which   have  entirely  disappeared, 
 can  oidy  be  restored  conjecturally,  from  a  compari- 
 son of  monuments  represented  in  the  bas-reliefs,  and 
 of  edifices   built  by  nations,  such  as  the  Persians, 
 who  took  their  ails  from  the  .Assyrians.     By  such 
 means  Mr.  Fergusson   h;is,   with   much    ingenuity, 
 attempted  to  reconstruct  a  palace  of  Nineveh.     The 
 .sculptures,  with  the  exee|)tion  of  the  human-headed 
 lions  and  bulls,  were  tor  tlie  most  part  in  low  relief. 
 The  colossiil   figuies  usually  represent  the  king,  his 
 attendants,  and   the  god-s  ;   the  smaller  sculi)tures, 
 which   either  cover  the  whole  face  of  the  slab,  or 
 are  divided  into  two  compartments  by  bands  of  in- 
 scriptions, lepresent  battles,  sieges,  the  chase,  single 
 combats  with  wild  beast-',  religious  ceremonies,  &c. 
 &,c.     All    refer  to  jiublic  or  national  events  ;   the 
 hunting-scenes  eviileiitly  iecor<iiiig  the  prowess  and 
 personal  valour  of  the  king  as  the  he;ul  of  the  people 
 — "  the   mighty   hunter   Ijetbie   the   Lord."      'I'he 
 ^culptlne.s  appear    to  have   been  painted — remains 
 of  colour   having   been    found  on  most    of  them. 
 Thus  decorated,  without  and  witliin,  the  Assyrian 
 palaces  must  have  ilisplayed  a  barbaric  magniKcence, 
 not  however   devoid    of  a    certain    grandeur   and 
 beauty,    which    no  ancient  or   modern   edifice   h;is 
 probably  exceeded.     These  gre;it  edifices,  the  depo- 
 sitoiies  of  the  national  lecords,  a[)pear  to  have  been 
 at  the   same  time  the  abode  of  the  king  and  the 
 temple  of  the  gmls.      No  building  h;is  yet  been  dis- 
 covered which  jKissosses  any  distinguishing  features 
 to  miu'k  it  specially  as  a  temple.     They  are  all  pre- 
 cisely  similar    in    general    plan   and    construction. 
 Most  probably  a  part  of  the  palace  was  set  apart 
 for  religious  worship  and  cei  cmouies. — 6'«<e  of  the 
 Citij. — Much  diversity  of  opinion  exists  as  to  the 
 identitiaition  of  the  ruins  which  may  be  jjioperly 
 included  within  the  site  of  ancient  Nineveh.     Ac- 
 cording to  Sir  H.   Kawlinson  and  those  who  concur 
 in   his  interpretation   of  the  cuneiform  cliaracteiT>, 
 each  group  of  mounils  we  have  desci  ibod   repreM-nts 
 a  separate  and   distinrt  city.     'I'he  name  applied  in 
 the   iiKv  ri|iti()i)s    Ui   Nimroud  is   supposed    to  rciul 
 *•  Kalkliu,  '  and  the  ruins  are  consiipienlly  identified 
 with  those  of  the  Calah   of  (Jeiiesis  (x.  11 );    Khor- 
 
 NINEVEH 
 
 having  been  retained  in  that  of  .^arghun,  or  Saraoun, 
 by  which  the  ruins  were  known  to  the  Arab  geo- 
 graphers ;  Shereef  Khan  is  Tarbisi.     .Selamiyah  has 
 not  yet  been  identified,  no  inscription  having  been 
 found  in  the  ruins,    'i'he  name  of  .Nineveh  is  limited 
 to  the  mounds  ojjpositc  Mosul,  including  Kouyunjik 
 and    iNeblii  Yunus.     Furthermore,  the  ancient  and 
 primitive  capital  of  Assyria  is  supposed  to  have  been 
 not  Nineveh,  but  a  city  named  A.sshur,  whose  ruins 
 have  been  discovered  at  l\aiali  Sherghat,  a  mound 
 on  the  right  or  \V.  bank  of  the  Tiu'iis,  about  60 
 miles  S.   ol'  Mosul.     It  need  scaicely  be  observed 
 that  this  theory  rests  entiieiy  ujion   the  presumed 
 accuracy  of  the  iiiterpretiition  of  the  cuneilorm  in- 
 scriptions, and  that  it  is  totally  at  variance  with 
 tlie  accounts  and  tritditions  pre.-erved  by  siicred  and 
 classical  history  of  the  antiquity,  size,  and  import- 
 ance of  Nineveh.     On  the  other  hand,  it  h;vs  been 
 conjectured    that    these  groups  of  mounds  are  not 
 ruins  of  separate  cities,  but  of  fortified  royal  resi- 
 dences, each  combining  palaces,  temples,  propylaea, 
 gardens,  and  parks,  and  having  its  peculiar  name; 
 and  that  they   all    formed  part  of  one  great  city 
 built  and  aiided  to  at  diflerent  periods,  and  consist- 
 ing of  distinct  quarters  scattereil  over  a  very  large 
 area,   and    fre(iuently    veiy  distant  one    from   the 
 other.      Nineveh   might    thus    be   compared    with 
 Daniiiscus,  Ispahan,  or  perhaps  more  appropriately 
 with  Delhi.     It  is  thus  alone  that  the  ancient  de- 
 scriptions of  Nineveh,  if  any  value  whatever  is  to  be 
 attached   to  them,  can  be  reconciled  with  existing 
 remains.     As  at  Babylon,  no  great  consecutive  wail 
 of  inclosure  comprising  all  the  ruins,  such  as  that 
 described  by  Diodorus,  has  been  discovered  at  Nine- 
 veh,  and    no    such    wall  ever  existwl.     The   river 
 Gomel,  the  modern  (ihazir-Su,  may  have  formed 
 the  eastern  boundary  or  defence  of  the  city.     As  to 
 the  claims  of  the  mound  of  Kalali  Sherghat  to  repres- 
 ent the  site  of  the  primitive  capitil  of  .Assyria  called 
 .Asshur,  they  must  rest  entirely  on  tlie  inteipretation 
 of  the  inscriptions.    This  city  w:«s  founded,  or  added 
 to,  tliey  are  suppo.sed  to  declare,  by  one  ."shamas- 
 Iva,  the  son  and  viceroy,  or  satrap,  of  Ismi-Dagon, 
 king  of  Babylon,  who  reigned,   it  is  conjectured, 
 about  B.C.  1840.     Assyria  and  its  capital  remained 
 subject  to    Babylonia    until    B.C,   VIT^,  when    an 
 independent  As.syriaii  dyn;isty  was  founded,  of  which 
 fourteen  kings,  or  more,  reigned  at  l\'alah  Shergh.'xt. 
 About  li.C.  9:10  the  .scat  of  govemment,  it  is  as- 
 serted, was  transferred  by  S;irdanapalus  (the  second 
 of  the  name,  and  tlie  .Sardanapalus  of  the  Creeks) 
 to  the  city  of  Kaikhu  or  Calah  (Nimroud),  which 
 had    been  founded    by  an  earlier  monarch   named 
 Shalinanubar.     There  it  continued  about  2.')0  yeai-s, 
 when  Sennacherib  made"  Nineveh  the  capital  of  the 
 empire, —/^ropAt'cics  laUitimj  to  Nineveh  and  fllns- 
 tnitums  of  the   0.   T, — The.ie  aie  <'xclusively  con- 
 tinued in  the  Books  of  Nalium  and  Zephaniah  ;   for 
 although  Isaiah  foretells  the  downfall  of  the  Assyr- 
 ian empire  (ch.  x.  and  xiv."),  he  midces  no  mention 
 of  it.s  c-ipitiil.    Nahiim  threatens  the  entire  destruc- 
 tion of  the  city,  .so  tliat  it  shall  not  rise  again  from 
 its  ruins:  "With    an    overrunning    tloo<l   he  wil! 
 make  :in  utter  end  of  the  place  thereof."     "  He  will 
 make   an    utter   end;    ntlliction  shall   not    rise  up 
 the  second  time"  (1.  8,  9).     "Thy  people  is  scat- 
 tereil upon  the  mountains,  ami   no  one  g.-.thereth 
 them.      There  is  no  healing   of  thy  brui.se"  (iii 
 
 18,  19).     'i"lie  manner  in  whicli  the  city  should  l>» 
 taken  seems  to  be  indicated.     "  The  defence  shall 
 
 sabiid  is  Sargina,  ax  foundcl  by  Saigon,  the  name    be  pi ep:iied  "  ',ii.  •'>)  is  rendered    in   tii»    margioij 
 
NINEVEH 
 
 reading  "  the  coveiiiia;  oi-  coverei'  shall  be  pi'e- 
 pared,"  and  by  Mr.  Vanoe  Smith,  "the  covering 
 machine,"  the  covered  battering-ram  or  tower  sup- 
 posed to  be  represented  in  the  bas-ieliefs  as  being 
 used  in  sieges.  Some  comment^itors  believe  that 
 "  the  ovei running  flood "  leiers  to  the  agency  of 
 water  in  the  destruction  of  the  walls  by  an  extra- 
 ordinary ovei-flow  of  the  Tigris,  and  the  consequent 
 exposure  of  the  city  to  assault  through  a  breach  ; 
 others,  that  it  applies  to  a  large  and  devastating 
 army.  An  allusion  to  the  overflow  of  the  river 
 may  be  contained  in  ii.  6,  "  The  gates  of  the  rivers 
 shall  be  opened,  and  the  palace  shall  be  dissolved," 
 a  prophecy  supposed  to  have  been  fulHlled  when  the 
 Wedo-Babylonian  army  captured  the  city.  Slost 
 of  the  editices  discovered  had  been  destroyed  by  fire, 
 but  no  part  of  the  walls  of  either  Nimroud  or 
 Kouyuiijik  appears  to  have  been  washed  away  by 
 the  river.  The  likening  of  Nineveh  to  "  a  pool  of 
 water"  (ii.  8)  has  been  conjectured  to  refer  to  the 
 moats  and  dams  by  which  a  portion  of  the  country 
 around  Nineveh  could  be  flooded.  The  city  was  to 
 be  partly  destroyed  by  fii'e,  "  The  fire  shall  devour 
 thy  bars,"  "  then  shall  the  fire  devour  thee  "' (iii. 
 13,  15).  The  gateway  in  the  northei'n  wall  of  the 
 Kouyunjik  inclosure  had  been  destroyed  by  fire  as 
 well  as  the  palaces.  The  population  was  to  be 
 .surprised  when  unprepared,  "  while  they  are  drunk 
 iis  drunkards  they  shall  be  devoured  as  stubble 
 fully  dry  "  (i.  10).  Diodorus  states  that  the  last 
 and  fatal  ass;iult  was  made  when  they  were  over- 
 come with  wine.  The  captivity  of  the  inhabitants, 
 and  their  removal  to  distant  provinces,  are  pre- 
 dicted (iii.  18).  The  palace-temples  were  to  be 
 plundered  of  their  idols,  "  out  of  the  house  of 
 thy  gods  will  I  cut  off  the  graven  image  and  the 
 molten  image"  (i.  14),  and  the  city  sacked  of  its 
 wealth :  "  Take  ye  the  spoil  of  silver,  take  the 
 spoil  of  gold  "  (ii.  9).  For  ages  the  Assyrian  edi- 
 fices have  been  despoiled  of  their  sacred  images. 
 Only  one  or  two  fragments  of  the  precious  metals 
 were  found  in  the  ruins.  Nineveh,  after  its  fall,  was 
 to  be  "empty,  and  void,  and  waste"  (ii.  10)  ;  "it 
 shall  come  to  pass,  that  all  they  that  look  upon  thee 
 shall  flee  from  thee,  and  say,  Nineveh  is  laid  waste  " 
 (iii.  7).  These  epithets  describe  the  present  state 
 of  the  site  of  the  city.  But  the  fullest  and  the 
 most  vivid  and  poetical  picture  of  its  ruined  and 
 deserted  condition  is  that  given  by  Zephar.iah,  who 
 probably  lived  to  see  its  tall  (ii.  13,  14,  15).  The 
 canals  which  once  fertiliged  the  soil  are  now  dry. 
 Except  when  the  earth  is  green  after  the  periodical 
 rains  the  site  of  the  city,  as  well  as  the  surround- 
 ing country,  is  an  arid  yellow  waste.  Many  allu- 
 sions in  the  0.  T.  to  the  dress,  arms,  modes  of  war- 
 fare, and  customs  of  the  people  of  Nineveh,  as  well 
 as  of  the  Jews,  are  explained  by  the  Nineveh  monu- 
 ments. Thus  (Nah.  ii.  3),  "the  shield  of  his 
 mighty  men  is  m.ade  red,  the  valiant  men  are  in 
 scarlet."  The  shields  and  the  dresses  of  the  war- 
 riors are  generally  painted  red  in  the  sculptures. 
 The  magnificent  description  of  the  assault  upon  the 
 city  (iii.  1,  2,  3)  is  illustrated  in  almost  every  par- 
 ticular. The  mounds  built  up  against  the  walls  of 
 a  besieged  town  (Is.  xxxvii.  33  ;  2  K.  .xix.  32  ;  Jer. 
 xxxii.  24,  &c.),  the  battering-ram  (Ez.  iv.  2),  the 
 various  kinds  of  armour,  helmets,  shields,  spears, 
 and  swords,  used  in  battle  during  a  siege  ;  the  cha- 
 riots and  horses  (Nah.  iii.  3)  are  all  seen  in  various 
 bas-reliefs.  The  interior  decoration  of  the  Assyiian 
 pala<"es  is  described  by  Ezekiel,  himself  a  captive  in 
 
 NINEVEH 
 
 627 
 
 Assyria  and  an  eye-witness  of  their  magnificence 
 (xxiii.  14,  15)  ;  a  description  strikingly  illustrated 
 by  the  sculptured  likenesses  of  the  Assyrian  kings 
 and  warriors.  The  mystic  figures  seen  by  the 
 prophet  in  his  vision  (ch.  i.),  uniting  the  man,  the 
 lion,  the  ox,  and  the  eagle;  may  have  been  sug- 
 gested by  the  eagle-headed  idols,  and  man-headed 
 bulls  and  lions,  and  the  sacred  emblem  of  the 
 "wheel  within  wheel"  by  the  winged  ciicle  or 
 globe  frequently  represented  in  the  bas-reliefs. — 
 Arts. — The  origin  of  Assyiian  art  is  a  subject  at 
 present  involved  in  mystery,  and  one  which  otiers  a 
 wide  field  for  speculation  and  research.  Those  who 
 derive  the  civilisation  and  political  system  of  the 
 Assyiians  from  Babylonia  would  trace  their  arts  to 
 the  same  source.  One  of  the  principal  features  of 
 their  architecture,  the  artificial  plattbrm  serving  as 
 a  substructure  for  their  national  edifices,  may  have 
 been  taken  from  a  people  inhabiting  plains  perfectly 
 flat,  such  as  those  of  Shinar,  rather  than  an  undul- 
 ating country  in  which  natural  elevations  are  not 
 uncommon,  such  as  Assyria  proper.  But  it  still  re- 
 mains to  be  proved  that  there  are  artificial  mounds  in 
 Babylonia  of  an  earlier  date  than  mounds  on  or  near 
 the  site  of  Nineveh.  Whether  other  leading  features 
 and  the  details  of  Assyrian  architecture  came  from 
 the  same  source,  is  much  more  open  to  doubt.  In 
 none  of  the  arts  of  the  Assyrians  have  any  traces 
 hitherto  been  found  of  progressive  change.  In  the 
 architecture  of  the  most  ancient  known  edifice  all 
 the  characteristics  of  the  style  are  already  fully  de- 
 veloped ;  no  new  features  of  any  importance  seem  to 
 have  been  introduced  at  a  later  period.  In  sculp- 
 ture, as  probably  in  painting  also,  if  we  possessed 
 the  means  of  comparison,  the  same  thing  is  observ- 
 able as  in  the  remains  of  ancient  Egypt.  The 
 earliest  works  hitherto  discovered  show  the  result 
 of  a  lengthened  period  of  gradual  development, 
 which,  judging  from  the  slow  progress  made  by 
 untutored  man  in  the  aiis,  must  have  extended  over 
 a  vast  number  of  years.  They  exhibit  the  arts  of 
 the  Assyrians  at  the  highest  stage  of  excellence  they 
 probably  ever  attained.  The  only  change  we  can 
 trace,  as  in  Egypt,  is  one  of  decline  or  "decadence." 
 The  latest  monuments,  such  as  those  from  the 
 palaces  of  Esarhaddon  and  his  son,  show  perhaps  a 
 closer  imitation  of  nature,  and  a  more  careful  and 
 minute  execution  of  details  than  those  from  the 
 earlier  edifices ;  but  they  are  wanting  in  the  sim- 
 plicity yet  grandeur  of  conception,  in  the  imagina- 
 tion, and  in  the  variety  of  treatment  displayed  in 
 the  most  ancient  sculptures.  This  will  at  once  be 
 perceived  by  a  comparison  of  the  ornamental  details 
 of  the  two  periods.  The  lions  of  the  earlier  period 
 are  a  gi'and,  ideal,  and,  to  a  certain  extent,  conven- 
 tional representation  of  the  beast.  In  the  later  ba.s- 
 reliefs  the  lions  are  more  closely  imitated  from 
 nature  without  any  conventional  elevation ;  but 
 what  is  gained  in  truth  is  lost  in  dignity.  The 
 same  may  be  obsei-ved  in  the  treatment  of  the 
 human  form,  though  in  its  representation  the  As- 
 syrians, like  the  Egyptians,  would  seem  to  have 
 been,  at  all  times,  more  or  less  shackled  by  religious 
 prejudices  or  laws.  No  new  forms  or  combinations 
 appear  to  have  been  introduced  into  Assyrian  art 
 during  the  four  or  five  centuries,  if  not  longer 
 period,  in  which  we  are  acquainted  with  it.  The 
 art  of  the  Nineveh  monuments  must  in  the  present 
 state  of  our  knowledge  be  accepted  as  an  original 
 and  national  art,  peculiar,  if  not  to  the  Assyrians 
 alone  to  the  races  who  at  vai'ious  perio<ls  possessed 
 
 2  .S  2 
 
628 
 
 NINEVEH 
 
 the  country  wMtcivd  by  the  I'ltjiis  ami  Kii|>hrati's. 
 As  it  was  ■.iiuioiibtt'illy  bnuight  to  its  lii>;lR"st  pei- 
 t'eijtioi)  by  the  Assyiiaiis,  and  is  especiallv  charac- 
 teristic of  them,  it  m;iy  well  ami  conveniently  bear 
 their  name,  from  wiience  it  wius  orii;inally  de- 
 rived there  is  nothin;;  as  jret  to  show.  It'  from 
 IJabylon,  as  some  have  conjectured,  tin-re  are  no 
 remains  to  prove  tiie  fact.  Analogies  ni;iy  peihajis 
 be  tbimd  between  it  and  that  of  Ectypt,  but  they 
 are  not  sulHoient  to  convince  us  that  the  one  was 
 the  ort's|)rin<.;  of'the  other.  'I'he  two  may  have  been 
 otl'shoots  from  some  common  trunk  which  })erished 
 ai;es  before  either  Nineveh  or  Thol  es  was  founded  ; 
 or  the  Phoenicians,  as  it  has  been  sujjjgested,  mav 
 have  introduced  into  the  two  countries,  between 
 which  thev  were  placed,  and  between  which  they 
 may  have  formed  a  commercial  link,  the  arts  pe- 
 <.'uliar  to  each  of  them.  Whatever  the  origin,  the 
 development  of'the  arts  of  the  two  countries  appears 
 to  have  been  aliected  and  directed  by  very  opposite 
 conditions  of  national  character,  climate,  geograph- 
 iral  and  geological  position,  politics,  and  religion. 
 At  a  late  peiiod  of  Assyiian  history,  at  the  time  of 
 the  building  of  the  Khoisabad  palace  (about  the 
 8th  centuiy  U.C.),  a  more  intimate  intercourse 
 with  Hgypt  through  war  oi-  dynastic  alliances  than 
 had  previously  existed,  appears  to  have  led  to  the 
 introduction  of  objects  of  Egyptian  manufacture 
 into  Assyria,  and  may  have  influenced  to  a  limited 
 e.xtent  its  arts.  A  precisely  similar  influence  pro- 
 ceeiling  f'lom  Assyria  has  been  remarl<ed  at  the 
 same  period  in  Egypt,  probably  arising  from  the 
 conquest  and  temporary  occu])ation  of  the  latter 
 country  by  the  Assyrians.  The  arts  of  the  Assy- 
 rians, especially  their  architecture,  spread  to  sur- 
 rounding nations,  as  is  usually  the  case  when  one 
 race  is  brought  into  contact  with  another  in  a  lower 
 state  of  civilisation.  They  apjiear  to  have  crossed 
 the  Euphrates,  and  to  have  had  more  or  less  influ- 
 ence on  tlie  countries  between  it  and  the  Mediter- 
 ranean. Monuments  of  an  Assyrian  character  have 
 been  discovered  in  various  parts  of  Syria,  and  further 
 researches  would  probably  disclose  many  more.  The 
 arts  of  the  Phoenicians,  judging  from  the  few  speci- 
 mens preserved,  show  the  same  infiui;nce.  The 
 Assyiian  inscriptions  seem  to  indi«ite  a  direct  dv- 
 ])endence  of  Judaea  upon  Assyria  f'lom  a  very  early 
 period.  From  the  descriptions  of  the  temple  and 
 •' houses  "  of  Solomon  fcf.  1  K.  vi.,  vii. ;  2  Chr, 
 iii.  iv.),  it  would  ai)pi'ar  that  there  was  much  simil- 
 arity between  them  and  the  palaces  of  Nineveh,  if 
 not  in  the  exterior  architecture,  certainly  in  the 
 inteiior  decorations.  The  .Jewish  edifices  were  how- 
 ever very  much  inferior  in  size  to  the  .'\ssyrian. 
 Of  objects  of  art  (if  we  may  use  the  term)  con- 
 t\ined  in  the  Temple  we  have  the  description  of  the 
 ))illars,  of  the  brazen  .s«i,  and  of  various  bionze  or 
 copper  vessels.  The  .^.ssyrian  ch.iracter  ot'  these 
 objects  is  very  remarkable.  The  influence  of  As- 
 syria to  the  eastward  was  even  more  considerable, 
 extending  fiir  mto  Asia.  The  Persians  copied  their 
 archifwture  (with  such  modifications  as  the  climate 
 and  the  building-materials  at  hand  sugi_'e>ted),  their 
 sculpture,  pi'obably  their  painting  nnil  their  mode 
 of  writing,  fiom  the  As.syrians.  The  ruined  ]Kilac«s 
 of  l'ei>ie|Hilis  show  the  same  general  ])lan  of  con- 
 struction as  those  of  Nineveh — the  entrances  forme<l 
 by  human-headed  nnimals,  the  skirting  of  sciil)>- 
 tiired  stone,  and  the  inscribed  slabs.  'I'he  various 
 iTligious  emblems  and  the  ornament;ition  have  the 
 'inie  Assyrian  character.      Amongst  the  .Assyrians, 
 
 NINEVEH 
 
 I  the  art.s  were  principally  employed,  as  amongst  all 
 nations  in  their  earlier  .stages  of  civilisation,  for 
 religious  an<i  national  purposes.  The  colossal  figures 
 I  At  the  doorways  ol'  the  palaces  were  mythic  com- 
 binations to  denote  the  attiibutes  of  a  deity.  The 
 "  Man-Bull  "  and  the  "  Man-Lion,"  are  conjectni'erl 
 to  be  the  go<ls  "Nin"  and  "  Nerval,"  presiding 
 over  war  and  the  chace  ;  the  ea,'le-hfaded  and  Hsh- 
 headed  figures  so  const;mtlv  rej)eated  in  tl:e  sculp- 
 tures, and  iis  ornaments  of  vessels  of  metjil,  or  in 
 embroideries — Nisroch  and  D:igon.  The  b:us-reliefs 
 almost  invariably  record  some  deed  of  the  king,  as 
 head  of  the  nation,  in  war,  and  in  combat  with  wild 
 beasts,  or  his  piety  in  erecting  vast  p;ilace-tem|)les 
 to  the  gods.  Hitherto  no  sculptures  ^ecially  illus- 
 trating the  private  life  of  the  As.syiians  have  been 
 discovered,  except  one  or  two  incidents,  such  as 
 men  baking  bread  or  tending  hoi-ses,  intio<Juccd  as 
 mere  accessories  into  the  historical  bas-reliefs.  This 
 may  be  partly  owing  to  the  fact  that  no  fj-aces 
 whatever  have  yet  been  found  of  their  buiial  places, 
 or  even  of  their  mixle  of  dealing  with  the  dead. 
 Although  the  site  of  Nineveh  afforded  no  special 
 advant;iges  for  commerce,  and  although  she  owed 
 her  gn^atne.ss  rather  to  her  political  position  as  the 
 ciipitid  of  the  empire,  yet,  situated  upon  a  navigable 
 river  communicating  with  the  Euphrates  and  the 
 I'er.simi  (iulf,  .she  must  have  soon  formed  one  ol 
 the  great  trading  stations  between  that  important 
 inland  sea,  and  Syria,  and  the  Mediterranean,  and 
 must  have  become  a  depot  for  the  merchandise  sup- 
 plied to  a  great  part  of  Asia  Jlinor,  Armenia,  and 
 Persia.  Her  merchants  are  described  in  Ezekiel 
 (.\xvii.  24-)  as  trading  in  blue  clothes  and  broidered 
 work  (such  as  is  probably  represented  in  the  sciilj)- 
 tures),  and  in  Nahum  (iii.  16)  as  "multiplied 
 above  the  stare  of  heaven." — Writing  and  Lan- 
 gvaie. — The  ruins  of  Nineveh  have  furnished  a 
 vast  collection  of  inscriptions  partly  carved  on 
 marble  or  stone  slabs,  and  partly  impressed  upon 
 bricks,  and  upon  clay  cylindere,  or  si.\-6ided  and 
 eight-sided  prisms,  bariels,  an<l  t^iblets,  which,  n.sed 
 foi-  the  purpf)se  when  still  moist,  weie  afterwards 
 baked  in  a  furnace  or  kiln.  (Com]).  Ez.  iv.  1.)  The 
 character  emploved  was  the  arrow-headed  or  cunei- 
 tbrm — so  called  from  each  letter  being  f'ormed  by 
 maiks  or  elements  resembling  an  arrow-head  or  a 
 we<lge.  This  mode  of  writing,  believed  by  some  to 
 be  of  Turanian  or  .Scythic  origin,  prevaileil  through- 
 out the  provinces  comprised  in  the  Assyrian.  Bjiby- 
 lonian,  and  the  eastern  porljon  of  the  ancient  Peisian 
 empires,  fVom  the  earliest  times  to  which  any  known 
 record  belongs,  or  at  least  '.^0  centuiies  l)etbre  the 
 Christian  era,  down  to  the  perioil  of  the  conqne.sts 
 of  Ale.\ander ;  atler  which  epoch,  although  oci'a- 
 sionally  employed,  it  seems  to  have  gradually  fallen 
 into  disuse,  it  never  extende<l  into  .Syiia,  Aiabia, 
 or  Asia  Minor,  although  it  Wiis adopted  by  .Vrmenm, 
 A  cursive  writing  resembling  the  ancient  .Syrian  and 
 Phoenician,  appears  to  have  also  Ixen  oc(-isionallv 
 •  mployed  in  As.syria.  The  Assyrian  cuneiform 
 character  was  of  the  same  class  as  the  liabylonian, 
 only  ditl'er'ng  from  it  in  the  less  complicated  nature 
 of  its  t'orins.  The  A.ssyrian  and  lial'ylonian  alphabet' 
 lif  the  term  may  be  applie<i  to  above  "ioO  signs)  is 
 of  the  most  complicateil,  imperfect,  and  arbitrarv 
 nature — some  characters  being  phonetic,  others  syl- 
 labic, others  iileogiuphic — the  s.mho  diameter  being 
 fVeqiienlly  uswi  indillerently.  The  )H>ople  of  Nine- 
 veh spoke  a  ."sliemitic  dialect,  ennnecte<i  with  the 
 Hebi-ew  and  with  the  so-i-alled  C'haldee  of  the  linoki 
 
NINEVEH 
 
 3f  Daniel  and  Ezra.  This  agrees  with  the  testimony 
 of  the  O.  T.  But  it  is  asserted  that  there  existed 
 in  Assyria,  as  well  as  in  Babylonia,  a  more  ancient 
 tongue  belonging  to  a  Turanian  or  t-cythic  race, 
 which  is  supposed  to  have  inhabited  the  plains  wa- 
 tered by  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates  long  befure  the 
 rise  of  the  Assyrian  empire,  and  from  which  the 
 Assyrians  derived  their  civilisation  and  the  greater 
 part  of  their  mythology.  The  Assyrian  inscrip- 
 tions usually  contain  the  chi-onicles  of  the  king  who 
 built  or  restored  the  edifice  in  which  they  are  found, 
 records  of  his  wars  and  exjieditions  into  distant 
 countries,  of  the  amount  of  tribute  and  spoil  taken 
 from  conquered  tribes,  of  tlie  building  of  temples 
 and  palaces,  and  invocations  to  the  gods  of  Assyria. 
 These  inscribed  bricks  are  of  the  greatest  value  in 
 restoring  the  royal  dynasties.  The  most  important 
 inscription  hitherto  discovered  in  connexion  with 
 Biblical  history,  is  that  upon  a  pair  of  colossal 
 human-headed  bulls  fiom  Kouyunjik,  now  in  the 
 British  Museum,  containing  the  records  of  Si^nna- 
 cherib,  and  describing,  amongst  other  events,  his 
 wars  with  Hezekiah.  It  is  accompanied  by  a  series 
 of  bas-reliefs  believed  to  represent  the  siege  and 
 capture  of  Lachish.     A  long  list  might  be  given  of 
 
 NITRE 
 
 629 
 
 hrone  before  Lachish. 
 
 Biblical  names  occuniiig  in  the  Assyrian  inscrij>- 
 tions.  Those  of  three  .Jewish  kings  have  been  read, 
 .Jehu  son  of  Khumri  ("Omri),  on  the  black  obelisk, 
 Menahem  on  a  slab  from  the  S.W.  palace,  Nimroud, 
 i-.^w  m  the  British  IMuseum,  and  Hezekiah  in  the 
 Kouyunjik  records.  The  most  important  inscribed 
 terra-cotta  cylinders  are — those  from  Kalah  Shor- 
 ghat,  with  the  annals  of  a  king,  whose  name  is 
 believed  to  read  Tiglath  Pilrser,  not  the  same  men- 
 
 tioned in  the  2nd  Book  of  Kings,  but  an  earlier 
 monarch,  who  is  supposed  to  have  reigned  about 
 B.C.  1110,  those  from  Khoisaliad  containing  the  ■ 
 annals  of  Sargon  ;  those  from  Kouyunjik,  especially 
 one  known  as  Belliuo's  cylinder,  with  the  chronicles 
 of  Sennacherib  ;  that  from  Nebbi  Yunus  with  the 
 records  of  Esarhaddon,  and  the  fragments  of  three 
 cylinders  with  those  of  his  son.  'fhe  most  impoi't- 
 ant  results  may  be  expected  when  inscriptions  so 
 numerous  and  so  vaiied  in  character  are  deciphered. 
 A  list  of  nineteen  or  twent}'  kings  can  already  be 
 compiled,  and  the  annals  of  the  greater  number  ot 
 them  will  probably  be  restored  to  the  lost  history 
 of  one  of  the  most  powerful  empires  of  the  ancient 
 world,  and  of  one  which  appears  to  have  exercised 
 perhaps  greater  influence  than  any  other  upon  the 
 subsequent  condition  and  development  of  civilised 
 man.  The  only  race  now  found  near  the  ruins  ot 
 Nineveh  or  in  Assyria  which  may  have  any  claim 
 to  be  considered  descendants  from  the  ancient  inhab- 
 itants of  the  country  are  the  so-called  Chaldaean 
 or  Nestoi'ian  tribes,  inhabiting  the  mountains  of 
 Kurdistan,  the  plains  roimd  the  lake  of  Ooroomiyah 
 in  Persia,  and  a  few  villages  in  tlie  neighbourhood 
 of  Mosul.  They  still  spe.ak  a  Shemitic  dialect, 
 almost  identical  with  the  Chaldee  of  the  books  of 
 l)aniel  and  Ezra.  A  resemblance,  which  may  be 
 but  fanciful,  has  been  trnceil  between  them  and  the 
 representations  of  the  Assyrians  in  the  bas-ieliet's. 
 Tlieir  physical  characteristics  at  any  rate  seem  to 
 mark  them  as  of  the  same  race.  A  curse  appears 
 to  hang  over  a  land  naturally  rich  and  ft;rtile,  and 
 capable  of  sustaining  a  vast  number  of  human 
 beings.  Those  who  now  inhabit  it  are  yearly  di- 
 minishing, and  there  seems  no  prospect  that  for 
 geneiations  to  come  this  once-favouied  couutiy 
 sliould  remain  other  than  a  wilderness. 
 
 Nin'evites.  The  inhabitants  of  Nineveh  (Luke 
 xi.  30). 
 
 Nisan.     [Months.] 
 
 Ni'son  =  Nisan.     Esth.  xi.  2. 
 
 Nis'roch.  The  pioper  name  of  an  idol  of 
 Nineveh,  in  whose  temple  Sennacherib  was  wor- 
 shipping when  assassinated  by  his  sons,  Adram- 
 melech  and  Sharezer  (2  K.  six.  37  ;  Is.  xxxvii.  38). 
 Rashi,  in  his  note  on  Is.  xxxvii.  38,  explains  Nis- 
 loch  as  "a  beam,  or  plank,  of  Noah's  ark,"  from 
 the  analysis  which  is  given  of  fhe  word  by  Rab- 
 binical expositors.  What  the  true  etymology  may 
 be  is  extiemely  doubtful.  If  the  origin  of  the 
 word  be  Shemitic,  it  may  be  derived,  as  Gesenius 
 suggests,  from  the  Heb.  nesher,  which  is  in  Arab. 
 nisr,  "  an  eagle,"  with  the  termination  och  or  ach, 
 so  that  Nisioch  would  signify  "  the  great  eagle." 
 But  it  must  be  confessed  that  this  ex()ianation  is 
 far  from  satisfactory.  It  is  adopted,  however,  by 
 Mr.  Layard,  who  identifies  with  Nisroch  the  eagle- 
 headed  human  figure,  which  is  one  of  the  most 
 prominent  on  the  earliest  A.ssyrian  monuments, 
 and  is  always  represented  as  contending  with  and 
 conquering  the  lion  or  the  bull. 
 
 Nitre  (Heb.  nether)  occurs  in  Prov.  xxv.  20,  "and 
 as  vinegar  upon  nether  ;"  and  in  Jer.  ii.  22.  The 
 substance  denoted  is  not  that  which  we  now  under- 
 stand by  the  feim  7iitre,  i.  e.  nitrate  of  potassa — 
 "  saltpetre " — but  the  virpov  or  Kirpov  of  the 
 Greeks,  the  nitrnm  of  the  Latins,  and  the  nntron  or 
 native  carbonate  of  soda  of  modern  chemistry.  The 
 latter  part  of  the  passage  in  Proverbs  is  well  ex- 
 plained by  Shaw,  who  says  (2Vay.  ii.  387),  "the 
 unsuifablencss  of  the  singing  of  songs  to  a  heavy 
 
630 
 
 NO 
 
 heart  is  very  tiinly  coinpareil  to  the  contrariety 
 there  is  oetueeii  vinegar  and  natron."  Natron  is 
 tbiind  abundantly  in  the  well-known  sala  lakes  of 
 Egypt descri lied  l.y  I'liny.and  referred  to  hy  Stiabo, 
 which  ai-e  situateil  in  the  ban  en  valley  of  y>'aA;- 
 bela-Hia  (the  Watei-less  Sea),  about  oO  miles  VV.  of 
 Cairo. 
 
 No.     [No-Amon.] 
 
 Noadi'ah.  1.  A  Levite,  son  of  liinnui,  who 
 with  Mereinoth,  Kleaaar,  and  Joaib.id,  weighed  the 
 vessels  of  t;old  and  silver  belonging  to  the  Tcraple 
 which  were  brought  back  from  Babylon  (Ezr.  viii. 
 'XS).—2.  The  prophetess  Noadiah  joined  Sanballat 
 and  Tubiah  in  their  attempt  to  intimidate  Nehemiah 
 (Neh.  vi.  14). 
 
 No'ah,  the  tenth  in  descent  from  Adam,  in  the 
 line  of  Seth,  was  tiie  son  of  Lamoch,  and  grandson 
 of  Methuselah.  Of  his  father  Lamech  all  that  we 
 know  is  comprised  in  the  words  that  he  uttered  on 
 the  birth  of  his  son,  words  the  more  significant 
 when  we  contrast  them  with  the  saying  of  the 
 other  Lamech  of  the  liice  of  Cain,  which  have  also 
 been  preserved.  In  the  reason  which  Lamech  gives 
 for  calling  his  son  Noah,  there  is  a  play  upon  the 
 name  which  it  is  impossible  to  preserve  in  English. 
 He  called  his  name  Noah  (Noach,  rest),  saying, 
 "  this  same  shall  comfort  us  "  (yenachameufl).  It 
 is  quite  plain  that  the  name  "  rest,"  and  the  verb 
 "comfort,"  are  of  different  roots;  and  we  must 
 not  try  to  make  a  philologist  of  Lamech,  and  sup- 
 pose that  he  was  giving  an  accurate  derivation  of 
 the  name  Noah.  He  merely  plays  upon  the  name, 
 after  a  fashion  common  enough  in  all  ages  and 
 countiies.  Of  Noah  himself  from  this  time  we 
 hear  nothing  nioie  till  he  is  500  years  old,  when  it 
 is  said  he  begat  three  sons,  Shem,  Ham, and  Japhet. 
 Very  remarkable,  however,  is  tiie  glimpse  which 
 we  get  of  the  stite  of  society  in  the  ante-diluvian 
 world.  The  narrative  it  is  true  is  brief,  and  on 
 many  |)oints  obscure  :  a  mysteiy  hangs  over  it 
 which  we  cannot  |)enetrate.  It  stands  thus  :  "  And 
 it  came  to  pass  when  men  (the  Adam)  began  to 
 multiply  on  the  liice  of  the  ground  and  daughters 
 were  born  unto  them  ;  then  the  sons  of  God  (the 
 Elohim)  saw  the  daughters  of  men  (the  Adam) 
 that  they  were  fair,  iuid  they  took  to  them  wives 
 of  all  that  they  chose.  And  Jehovah  said,  My 
 spirit  shall  not  for  ever  rule  (or  be  humbled)  in 
 men,  seeing  that  they  aie  [or,  in  their  enor  they 
 are]  but  flesh,  and  their  days  shall  be  a  hundred 
 and  twenty  years.  The  Nephilim  were  on  the  earth 
 in  those  days  ;  and  also  afterwards  when  the  sons 
 of  Cod  I  the  Elohim)  came  in  unto  the  daughters  of 
 men  (the  Adam  i,  and  children  were  born  to  them, 
 these  were  the  heroes  which  were  of  old,  men  of 
 renown."  Here  a  number  of  prplcxing  questions 
 present  tiiemselves  :  Who  were  the  sons  of  God  ? 
 Who  the  daughters  of  men?  Who  the  Nephilim? 
 What  is  the  meaning  of  "  My  spirit  shall  not  al- 
 ways rule,  or  dwell,  or  lie  Inimblwl  in  men  ;"  and 
 of  the  words  which  follow,  "  lint  their  davs  shall 
 be  an  hundjed  and  twenty  years?"  We  will 
 briefly  review  the  principal  solutions  which  have 
 been  given  of  the.se  dilKculties.  «/.  Sons  of  God 
 and  daughters  of  men.  Three  ditlerent  inteipieta- 
 tions  luive  from  very  early  times  l>een  given  of  this 
 most  singular  piissage.  1.  The  "  sons  of  Elohim  " 
 were  explained  to  mean  sons  of  princes,  or  men  of 
 high  rank  who  degrjufed  tliemselves  by  contracting 
 marriages  with  "  the  daughters  of  men,"  i.  e.  with 
 women  of  inrtrior  i«sition.     2.  A  second  interpicU 
 
 NOAH 
 
 ation,  perhaps  not  less  ancient,  undei'stands  by  the 
 "  sons  of  Elohim,"  angels.  Two  modern  poets 
 Byron  (in  his  drama  of  Cuin)  and  Moore  (in  his 
 Lores  of  the  Amjela),  have  avai!e<l  themseK'es  of 
 this  last  interpretation  for  the  pur|)ose  of  their 
 poems.  3.  The  inter])retation,  however,  which  is 
 now  most  generally  received,  is  that  which  under- 
 stands by  ''the  sons  of  the  Elohim"  the  tiimilv 
 and  descendants  of  Seth,  and  by  "  the  daughters  of 
 man  (Adam),"  the  women  of  the  fiimily  of  Cain. 
 4.  A  fourth  interpretation  has  recently  been  ad- 
 vanced and  maintained  with  considerable  ingenuitv, 
 by  the  author  of  the  Genesis  of  the  Earth  and 
 Man.  He  uuderstixnds  by  "  the  sons  of  the  Elo- 
 him "  the  "  servants  or  worshippers  oi'  false  gods" 
 (taking  Elohim  to  mean  not  God  but  gods],  whom 
 he  supposes  to  liave  lielonged  to  a  distinct  pre- 
 Adamite  race.  "  The  daughters  of  men,"  he  con- 
 tends, should  be  rendered  "  the  daughtei's  of  Adam, 
 or  the  Adamites,"  women,  that  is,  descended  from 
 Adam.  These  last  had  hitherto  remained  true  in 
 their  faith  and  worship,  but  were  now  ])erverted 
 by  the  idolaters  who  intermtirried  with  them.  6. 
 But  who  were  the  Nephilim?  It  should  be  ob- 
 served that  they  are  not  spoken  of  as  the  ofljipring 
 of  the  "sons  of  the  Elohim"  and  "  the  daughtei-s 
 of  men."  The  sjicred  writer  says,  "  the  Nephilim 
 were  on  the  earth  in  those  days,"  before  he  goes  on 
 to  speak  of  the  children  ot'  the  mixed  marriages. 
 The  name,  which  has  been  variously  e.\])lained, 
 only  occurs  once  again  in  Num.  xiii.  '6'.^,  where  the 
 Nephilim  are  said  to  have  been  one  of  the  Can:uui- 
 itish  tribes.  If  it  is  of  Hebrew  origin  (which  how- 
 ever may  be  doubted)  it  must  mean  either  "  lallen," 
 i.  c.  apostate  ones ;  or  those  who  "  fall  upon " 
 otheis,  violent  men,  plunderers,  fieebooters,  &c. 
 It  is  of  far  more  importance  to  observe  that  if  the 
 Nephilim  of  Canaan  were  descendants  of  the  Ne- 
 philim in  Gen.  vi.  4,  we  have  here  a  very  strong 
 argument  lor  the  non-universality  of  the  Deluge, 
 c.  In  consequence  of  the  grievous  and  hopeless 
 wickedness  of  the  world  at  this  time,  God  resolves 
 to  destroy  it.  "  My  spirit,"  He  says,  "sliall  not 
 always  "  dwell  "  or  "  bear  sway  "  m  man — inas- 
 much as  he  is  but  flesh.  The  meaning  of  which 
 seems  to  be  that  whilst  Goil  had  put  His  Spirit  in 
 man,  i.e.  not  only  the  breath  of  lite,  but  a  .-piritual 
 part  C'lpable  of  recognising,  loving,  and  worshipping 
 Him,  man  had  so  much  sunk  down  into  tiie  lowest 
 and  most  debasing  of  fleshly  ple;isures,  as  to  have 
 almost  extinguished  the  higher  light  within  him. 
 Then  follows:  "  But  his  days  shall  be  a  bundled 
 and  twenty  yeai's,"  which  has  been  interprefeil  by 
 some  to  mean,  that  still  a  time  of  grace  shall  be 
 given  for  repentance,  viz.,  120  years  before  the 
 Flood  shall  come;  and  by  othei-s,  that  the  duration 
 of  human  lite  should  in  future  be  limited  to  this 
 term  of  years,  instead  of  extending  over  centuries 
 as  bi'fbre.  This  last  seems  the  most  natural  in- 
 terpretation of  the  Hebit:w  words.  Of  .Nojih's  life 
 during  this  age  of  almost  universal  apostasy  we  aie 
 told  but  littie.  It  is  merely  said,  that  he  w.is  a 
 righteous  man  and  perfect  in  his  generations  (i.  e. 
 amongst  his  contemporaries),  and  that  he.  like 
 Enoch,  walked  with  God.  St.  I'eter  isills  him  "  a 
 preacher  of  righti-ousness."  Besides  this  we  are 
 meicly  told  that  he  had  three  sons,  each  of  whom 
 had  marrietl  a  wife  ;  that  he  built  the  Ark  in  ac- 
 cordance with  Divine  direction  :  and  that  lie  was 
 600  years  old  when  the  Flood  came.  Both  alxnit 
 the  Ark  and  the  Flood  so  many  questions  have  iieen 
 
NOAH 
 
 raised,  that  we  must  consider  each  of  these  separ- 
 ately. The  Ark. — The  pi-ecise  meaning  of  the 
 Hebrew  word  {titdh)  is  uncertain.  The  word  only 
 occurs  here  and  in  Exodus  (ii.  3).  In  all  probab- 
 ility it  is  to  the  old  Egyptian  that  we  are  to  look 
 for  its  original  form.  Bunseu,  in  his  vocabulary, 
 gives  tba,  "  a  chest,"  tpt,  "  a  boat,"  and  in  the 
 Copt.  Vers,  of  Esod.  ii.  3,  5,  thebi  is  the  render- 
 ing of  tebdh.  This  "chest,"  or  "  boat,"  was  to  be 
 made  of  gopher  {i.  e.  cypress)  wood,  a  kind  of 
 timber  which  both  for  its  lightness  and  its  dura- 
 bility was  employed  by  the  Phoenicians  for  building 
 their  vessels.  The  planks  of  the  ark,  after  being 
 put  together, -were  to  be  protected  by  a  coating  of 
 pitch,  or  rather  bitumen,  which  was  to  be  laid  on 
 both  inside  and  outside,  as  the  most  effectual  means 
 of  making  it  water-tight,  and  peihaps  also  as  a 
 ])rotoction  against  the  attacks  of  marine  animals. 
 The  ark  was  to  consist  of  a  number  of  "  nests  "  or 
 small  compartments,  with  a  view  no  doubt  to  the 
 convenient  distribution  of  the  different  animals  and 
 their  food.  These  were  to  be  arranged  in  three 
 tiers,  one  above  another  ;  "  with  lower,  second,  and 
 third  (stories)  shalt  thou  make  it."  Weans  were 
 also  to  be  provided  for  letting  light  into  the  ark. 
 in  the  A.  V.  we  read,  "  A  window  shalt  thou 
 make  to  the  aik,  and  in  a  cubit  shalt  thou  finish  it 
 above:" — words  which  it  must  be  confessed  convey 
 no  very  intelligible  idea.  The  original,  however,  is 
 obscure,  and  has  been  differently  interpreted.  What 
 the  "window,"  or  "light-hole"  was,  is  very 
 puzzling.  It  was  to  be  at  the  top  of  the  ark 
 apparently.  If  the  words  "  unto  a  cubit  shalt 
 thou  finish  it  above"  refer  to  the  window  and  not 
 to  the  ark  itself,  they  seem  to  imply  that  this 
 aperture,  or  skylight,  extended  to  the  breadth  of 
 a  cubit  the  whole  length  of  the  roof.  But  if  so, 
 it  could  not  have  been  merely  an  open  slit,  for  that 
 would  have  admitted  the  rain.  Are  we  then  to 
 suppose  that  some  transparent,  or  at  least  translu- 
 cent, substance  was  employed  ?  It  would  almost 
 seem  so.  A  different  word  is  used  in  chap.  viii.  6, 
 where  it  is  said  that  Noah  opened  the  window  of 
 the  ark.  There  the  word  is  (challdn),  which 
 fi'equently  occurs  elsewhere  in  the  same  sense. 
 Supposing  then  the  tsohar  to  be,  as  we  have  said, 
 a  skylight,  or  series  of  skylights  running  the  whole 
 length  of  the  ark,  the  challdn  might  very  well  be 
 a  single  compartment  of  the  lai'ger  window,  which 
 could  be  opened  at  will.  But  besides  the  window 
 there  was  to  be  a  door.  This  was  to  be  placed  in 
 the  side  of  the  ark.  Of  the  shape  of  the  ark  no- 
 thing is  said  ;  but  its  dimensions  are  given.  It  was 
 to  be  300  cubits  in  length,  50  in  breadth,  and*30  in 
 height.  Taking  21  inches  for  the  cubit,  the  ark 
 would  be  525  feet  in  length,  87  feet  6  inches  in 
 breadth,  and  52  feet  6  inches  in  height.  This  is 
 very  considerably  larger  than  the  largest  British 
 man-of-war.  It  should  be  remembered  that  this 
 huge  structure  was  only  intended  to  float  on  the 
 water,  and  was  not  in  the  proper  sense  of  the  word 
 a  ship.  It  had  neither  mast,  sail,  nor  rudder ;  it 
 was  in  fact  nothing  but  an  enormous  floating  house, 
 or  oblong  box  rather.  Two  objects  only  were  aimed 
 at  in  its  construction:  the  one  was  that  it  should 
 have  ample  stowage,  and  the  other  that  it  should 
 be  able  to  keep  steady  upon  the  water.  After 
 having  given  Noah  the  necessary  instructions  for 
 the  building  of  the  ark,  God  tells  him  the  purpose 
 for  which  it  was  designed.  The  earth  is  to  be 
 destroyed  by  water.     "  And  I,  behold  I  do  bnng 
 
 ^OAH 
 
 631 
 
 the  flood — waters  upon  the  earth — to  destroy  all 
 flesh  wherein  is  the  breath  of  life  .  .  .  but  1  will 
 establish  my  covenant  with  thee,  &c."  (vi.  17,  18). 
 The  inmates  of  the  ark  are  then  specified.  They 
 are  to  be  Noah  and  his  wife,  and  his  three  sons 
 with  their  wives.  Noah  is  also  to  take  a  pair  of 
 each  kind  of  animal  into  the  ark  with  him  that  he 
 may  preserve  them  alive  ;  birds,  domestic  animals, 
 and  creeping  things  are  particularly  mentioneii. 
 He  is  to  provide  for  the  wants  of  each  of  tiicse 
 stores  "  of  every  kind  of  food  that  is  eaten."  It  is 
 added,  "  Thus  did  Noah  ;  according  to  all  that 
 God  (Elohim)  commanded  him,  so  did  he."  A 
 remarkable  addition  to  these  directions  occurs  in 
 the  following  chapter.  The  pairs  of  animals  are 
 now  limited  to  one  of  unclean  animals,  whilst  of 
 clean  animals  and  birds  (ver.  2),  Noah  is  to  fcikp  to 
 him  seven  pairs.  How  is  this  addition  to  be  ac- 
 counted for  ?  May  we  not  suppose  that  we  have 
 here  traces  of  a  separate  document  interwoven  by  a 
 later  writer  with  the  former  history  ?  Are  we 
 then  to  understand  that  Noah  literally  conveyed  a 
 jiair  of  all  the  animals  of  the  world  into  the  ark  ? 
 This  question  virtually  contains  in  it  another,  viz., 
 whether  the  deluge  was  universal,  or  only  partial  ? 
 It'  it  was  only  partial,  then  of  course  it  was  necesfarv 
 to  find  room  but  for  a  comparatively  small  number 
 of  animals ;  and  the  dimensions  of  the  ark  are 
 ample  enough  for  the  required  purpose.  But  it  is 
 not  only  the  inadequate  size  of  the  ark  to  contain 
 all,  or  anything  like  all,  the  progenitors  of  our 
 existing  species  of  animals,  which  is  conclusive 
 against  a  universal  deluge.  Another  fact  points 
 with  still  greater  force,  if  possible,  in  the  same 
 direction,  and  that  is  the  manner  in  which  we  now 
 find  these  animals  distributed  over  the  earth's 
 surlace.  We  now  know  that  every  great  continent 
 has  its  own  peculiar  fauna  ;  that  the  original 
 centres  of  distribution  must  have  been  not  one,  but 
 many  ;  further  that  the  ai-eas  or  circles  around  these 
 centres  must  have  been  occupied  by  their  pristine 
 animals  in  ages  long  anterior  to  that  of  the  Noacliian 
 Deluge.  It  is  quite  plain,  then,  that  if  all  the 
 animals  of  the  world  were  literally  gathered  to- 
 gether in  the  ark  and  so  saved  from  the  wateis  of  a 
 universal  deluge,  this  could  only  have  been  etlected 
 (even  supposing  there  was  space  for  them  in  the 
 ark)  by  a  most  stupendous  miracle.  But  the  nar- 
 rative does  not  compel  us  to  adopt  so  tremendous 
 an  hypothesis.  We  shall  see  more  clearly  w'hen  we 
 come  to  consider  the  language  used  with  leoard  to 
 the  Flood  itself,  that  even  that  language,  strong  as 
 it  undoubtedly  is,  does  not  oblige  us  to  suppose  tliat 
 the  Deluge  was  universal.  2he  Flood. — The  aik 
 was  finished,  and  all  its  living  freight  was  gathered 
 into  it  as  in  a  place  of  safety.  Jehovah  shut  him 
 in,  says  the  clironicler,  speaking  of  Noah.  And 
 then  there  ensued  a  solemn  pause  of  seven  davs 
 before  the  threatened  destruction  was  let  loose.  At 
 last  the  Flood  came  ;  the  waters  were  upon  the 
 earth.  The  narrative  is  vivid  and  forcible,  though 
 entirely  wanting  in  that  sort  of  desciiption  which 
 in  a  modern  historian  or  poet  would  have  occupied 
 the  largest  space.  But  one  impression  is  left  upon 
 the  mind  with  peculiar  vividness,  from  the  very 
 simplicity  of  the  narrative,  and  it  is  that  of  utter 
 desolation.  From  vii.  17  to  the  end  of  the  chapter 
 a  veiy  simple  but  very  powerful  and  impressive 
 description  is  given  of  the  appalling  catastrophe. 
 The  waters  of  the  Flood  increased  for  a  period  of 
 190  days  (40 -(-150,  comparing  vii.  12  and  24) 
 
682 
 
 NOAH 
 
 Ami  tliPii  ''tiiul  ipuK'mlwred  Noiih,"  ami  made  a 
 wind  to  pass  over  the  earth,  so  that  the  waters 
 were  assuaged.  The  ark  vested  on  the  seventeenth  | 
 day  of  the  seventh  month  on  the  mountains  of 
 Ararat.  After  this  the  waters  gradually  decreased 
 till  the  first  day  ot' the  tenth  month,  when  the  tops 
 of  the  mountains  were  seen.  It  was  then  that 
 Noah  sent  forth,  first,  the  raven,  which  flew  hither 
 and  thither,  resting  piobably  on  the  niount;iin-tops, 
 but  not  returning  to  the  aik;  and  next,  after  an 
 interval  of  seven  days  (cf.  ver.  10),  the  dove,  "  to 
 see  if  the  waters  were  abated  finin  the  ground" 
 (j.  e.  the  lower  plain  country).  "  Hut  the  dove 
 found  no  rest  for  the  sole  of  her  foot,  and  she 
 returned  unto  him  into  the  ark."  After  waiting; 
 for  another  seven  days  he  again  .^ent  foi  th  the  dove,  \ 
 which  returned  this  time  with  a  fiesh  olive-leaf  in 
 her  mouth,  a  sign  that  the  waters  were  still  lower.  ' 
 And  once  more,  after  another  interval  of  seven  days, 
 he  sent  forth  the  dove,  and  she  '•  returned  not 
 again  unto  him  any  more,"  having  found  a  home  , 
 for  hei'self  upon  the  eaith.  On  reading  this  nar- 
 rative it  is  dilficult,  it  must  be  confessed,  to  re-  j 
 concile  the  language  employed  with  the  hypothesis  I 
 of  a  paitial  deluge.  The  difhculty  doi's  not  lie  in  ' 
 the  largeness  of  most  of  the  terms  used,  but  rather 
 in  the  precision  of  one  single  expression.  Jt  is 
 natural  to  suppose  that  the  writer,  when  he  speaks 
 of  "  all  fiesh,"  "  all  in  whose  nostrils  was  the  | 
 bieath  of  life,"  refeis  only  to  his  own  loaility.  j 
 'I'liis  sort  of  language  is  common  enough  in  the 
 Bible  when  only  a  small  part  of  the  globe  is  in- 
 tended. The  real  dilhculty  lies  in  the  connecting 
 of  this  statement  witli  the  district  in  which  Noah  i 
 is  supposed  to  have  livet',  and  the  assertion  that  the 
 waters  prevailed  fifteen  cubits  upwaid.  If  the 
 Ararat  on  which  the  aik  rested  be  the  present 
 mountani  of  the  same  name,  the  highest  peak  of 
 which  is  more  than  17,0(10  feet  atmve  the  sea  it 
 would  have  been  ()uite  impossible  for  this  to  have 
 been  covered,  the  water  reaching  l.'S  cubits,  i.e.  26 
 feet  above  it,  unless  the  whole  earth  were  sub- 
 merged. The  plain  meaning  of  the  nari-ative  is, 
 that  far  as  the  eye  could  sweep,  not  a  solitary 
 mountain  reared  its  head  above  the  waste  of  waters, 
 but  there  is  no  necessity  for  assuming  that  the 
 ark  stranded  on  the  high  peaks  of  the  mountain 
 now  called  Ararat,  or  even  that  that  mountain  was 
 visible.  Assuming,  then,  that  the  Ararat  here 
 mentioned  is  not  the  mountain  of  that  name  in 
 Armenia,  we  may  also  assume  the  inundation  to 
 have  been  paitial,  and  mav  suppose  it  to  have  ex- 
 tended over  the  whole  valley  of  the  Kuphrates,  and 
 eastward  as  far  as  the  range  of  mountains  running 
 down  to  the  Persiiui  gulf,  or  further.  As  the 
 inundation  is  said  to  have  l)een  caused  by  the 
 breaking  up  of  the  fountains  of  the  great  deep,  as 
 well  as  by  the  rain,  some  gre.it  and  sudden  sub- 
 sidence of  tJie  land  may  have  taken  place,  accom- 
 panied by  an  inrush  of  the  waters  of  the  Persian 
 gulf,  similar  to  what  occuired  in  the  llunn  of 
 Cutch,  on  the  ea.sfern  arm  of  the  Indus,  in  1819, 
 when  the  sea  flowed  in,  and  in  a  f'l-w  hours  con- 
 verteil  a  tract  of  land,  '2000  sipiarc  miles  in  area, 
 into  an  inland  .sea  or  Ini^oon.  It  lias  st)metimes 
 been  asserted  that  the  facts  of  geology  are  con- 
 clusive against  the  possibility  of  a  universal  deluge. 
 Konneily,  indi'i-d,  the  existence  of  shells  and  coi-als 
 at  the  top  of  high  nioinitaiiis  was  t<ikeii  to  be  no 
 If.ss  conclusive  evidence  the  other  way.  They  were 
 constantly  appealed  to  as  a  proof  of  the  litei-al  truth 
 
 NOAH 
 
 j  of  the  Scripture  narrative.  Even  within  the  last 
 ;  thirty  yeare  geolosjists  like  Cuvier  and  Bucklaiid 
 have  thought  that  the  superficial  deposits  might  be 
 referred  to  the  iieriod  of  the  Noachian  Flood.  Sub- 
 sequent investigation,  however,  showed  that  if  the 
 received  chionoloiry  were  even  approximately  cor- 
 rect, this  was  out  of  the  question,  as  these  deposits 
 must  have  t;iken  place  thousands  of  years  before 
 the  time  of  Noah,  and  indeed  before  the  creation  of 
 man.  So  far  then,  it  is  clear,  there  is  no  evidence 
 now  oil  the  earth's  surface  in  favour  of  a  universal 
 deluge.  But  is  there  any  positive  geological  evidence 
 against  it?  Hugh  Miller  and  other  geologists  have 
 maintained  that  there  is.  They  ap])eal  to  the  fact 
 that  in  vai  ious  parts  of  the  world,  such  as  Auvergne 
 in  France,  and  along  the  flanks  of  Aetna,  there  are 
 cones  of  loose  scoriae  and  ashes  belonging  to  long 
 extinct  volcanoes,  which  must  be  at  least  triple  the 
 antiquity  of  the  Noachian  Deluge,  and  which  yet 
 exhibit  no  traces  of  abrasion  by  tlie  action  of  water. 
 These  loose  cones,  they  argue,  must  have  been  swept 
 away  had  the  water  of  the  Deluge  ever  reached 
 them.  But  this  argument  is  by  no  means  con- 
 clusive. There  is,  however,  other  evidence  con- 
 clusive against  the  hypothesis  of  a  universal  deluge, 
 miracle  apart.  "  The  first  effect  of  the  covering  oi 
 the  whole  globe  with  water  would  be  a  complete 
 change  in  its  climate,  the  geneial  tendency  being  to 
 lower  and  e(jualize  the  temperatuie  of  all  parts  of 
 its  surfiice.  Pari  passu  with  this  process  .... 
 would  ensue  the  destruction  of  the  great  majority  of 
 marine  animals.  And  this  would  t;ike  place,  partly 
 by  reason  of  the  entire  change  in  clim.ital  conditions, 
 too  sudden  and  general  to  be  escaped  by  migration  ; 
 and,  in  still  greater  measure,  in  consequence  of  the 
 sudJ"n  chiuige  in  the  depth  of  the  water,  fireat 
 multitudes  of  marine  animals  can  only  live  between 
 tide-marks,  or  at  depths  less  than  tifty  fathoms  ; 
 and  as  by  the  hyjiothesis  the  laud  had  to  be  de- 
 pressed iTiany  thousjitids  of  feet  in  a  few  months, 
 and  to  be  raised  again  with  equal  celerity,  it  follows 
 that  the  animals  could  not  possibly  have  accom- 
 modated themselves  to  such  vast  and  rajiid  changes. 
 All  the  littoral  animals,  therefore,  woiiM  have  been 
 killed.  The  race  of  acorn-shells  and  periwinkles 
 would  have  been  exterminated,  and  all  the  coi-al- 
 leets  of  the  Pacific  would  at  once  have  Ijeen  con- 
 verted into  dead  coral,  never  to  grow  again.  But 
 so  far  is  this  from  being  the  case,  that  acorn-shells, 
 jieriwinkles,  and  coral  still  survive,  and  there  is 
 good  evi<leiice  that  they  have  continued  to  exi^t  and 
 tiourisli  for  many  thousands  of  years.  On  the  other 
 hand  Noah  was  not  diiei:ted  to  t;ike  marine  animals 
 of  any  kind  into  the  ark,  nor  indeed  is  it  easy  to 
 .see  how  thev  could  have  been  preserved.  Agsiin, 
 had  the  whole  globe  been  subniorge<l,  the  st^a-water 
 covering  the  land  would  at  om-e  have  destroyed 
 ei-ery  fiesh-water  fish,  mollusk,  and  worm;  and  as 
 none  of  these  were  taken  into  the  ark,  the  sevei-a! 
 species  would  have  become  extinct.  Nothing  of  the 
 kind  has  occuire<l.  Lastly,  such  experiments  as 
 have  been  made  with  regard  to  the  action  of  .sew- 
 water  ufion  terrestrial  jilant.s  lejive  veiy  little  doubt 
 that  submergeiu'e  ill  sea-water  fiir  ten  or  eleven 
 months  wouM  have  elli!itu.illy  destroyed  not  only 
 the  great  majority  of  the  pl.-uit.s,  but  their  .seeils  as 
 well.  And  yet  it  is  not  s;\id  that  Noah  took  any 
 stoik  of  plants  with  him  into  the  aik,  or  that  the 
 animals  which  issiie<l  from  it  had  the  slightest 
 dilliciilty  in  obtaining  pasture.  There  are,  thtn,  it 
 must  be  confessiHi,  very  strong  grounds  for  believinp 
 
NOAH 
 
 that  n3  nniversul  deln2;e  ever  occurred.  Suppose 
 the  Flood,  on  the  other  hand,  to  liave  been  local : 
 suppose,  for  instance,  the  valley  of  the  Euphrate- 
 to  have  been  submerged  ;  and  then  the  necessity 
 for  preserving  all  the  species  of  animals  disappears. 
 For,  in  the  first  place,  there  was  nothing  to  prevent 
 the  birds  and  many  of  the  large  mammals  fiom 
 getting  away ;  and  in  the  ne.\t,  the  number  of 
 s-pecics  peculiar  to  that  geographical  area,  and  which 
 would  be  absolutely  destroyed  bv  its  being  flooded, 
 supposing  they  could  not  escape,  is  insignificant." 
 All  these  considerations  point  with  overwhelming 
 force  in  the  same  direction,  and  compel  lis  to  be- 
 lieve, unless  we  suppose  that  a  stupendous  miracle 
 was  wrought,  that  the  Flood  of  Isoah  (like  other 
 deluges  of  which  we  read)  e,\tended  only  over  a 
 limited  area  of  the  globe.  It  now  only  lemains  to 
 notice  the  later  allusions  to  the  catastrophe  occur- 
 ring in  the  Bible,  and  the  traditions  of  it  preserved 
 in  other  nations  besides  the  Jewish.  The  word 
 specially  used  to  designate  the  Flood  of  Noah 
 (hainmabbulj  occurs  in  only  one  other  })assage  of 
 Scripture,  Ps.  .xxix.  10.  In  Is.  liv.  9,  the  Flood  is 
 spoken  of  as  "  the  waters  of  Noah.''  In  the  N.  T. 
 our  Lord  gives'  the  sanction  of  His  own  authority 
 to  the  historical  truth  of  the  narrative.  Matt.  xxiv. 
 37  (cf.  Luke  xvii.  26).  St.  Peter  speaks  of  the 
 "  long  suffering  of  God,"  which  "  waited  in  the 
 days  of  Noah."  And  again,  in  his  Second  Epistle 
 (ii.  5)  he  cites  it  as  an  instance  of  the  righteous 
 judgment  of  God  who  spared  not  the  old  vifoild, 
 &c.  The  traditions  of  many  nations  have  preseived 
 the  memory  of  a  great  and  destructive  flood  from 
 which  but  a  small  part  of  mankind  escaped.  It  is 
 not  always  very  clear  whether  they  point  back  to  a 
 common  centre,  or  whether  they  were  of  national 
 growth.  The  traditions  which  come  nearest  to  the 
 Biblical  account  are  those  of  the  nations  of  Western 
 Asia.  Foremost  amongst  these  is  the  Chaldean.  It 
 is  preserved  in  a  I'ragment  of  Berosus,  and  tells  how 
 Xisuthrus  built  a  vessel  in  which  he  was  saved 
 from  a  great  deluge,  with  difl'erent  animals,  birds, 
 and  quadrupeds.  Other  notices  of  a  Flood  may  be 
 found  (a)  in  the  Phoenician  mythology,  where  the 
 victory  of  Pontus  fthe  sea)  over  Demarous  (the 
 earth)  is  mentioned :  (6)  in  the  Sibylline  Oracles, 
 partly  borrowed  no  doubt  from  the  Biblical  nar- 
 rative, and  partly  perhaps  from  some  Babylonian 
 story.  To  these  must  be  added  (c)  the  Phrygian 
 story  of  king  Annakos  or  Nannakos  (Enoch)  in 
 Icouium,  who  i  cached  an  age  of  more  than  300 
 years,  foretold  the  F'lood,  and  wept  and  piayed  for 
 his  people,  seeing  the  destruction  that  was  coming 
 upon  them.  Very  cuiious,  as  showing  what  deep 
 root  this  tradition  must  have  taken  in  the  country, 
 is  the  fact  that  so  late  as  the  time  of  Septimius 
 Severus,  a  medal  was  struck  at  Apamea,  on  which 
 the  Flood  is  commemorated.  As  belonging  to  this 
 cycle  of  tradition,  must  be  reckoned  also  (1)  the 
 Syrian,  related  by  Lucian,  and  connected  with  a 
 huge  chiism  in  the  earth  near  Hieropolis  into  which 
 the  waters  of  the  Flood  are  supposed  to  have 
 lirained :  and  (2j  the  Armenian  quoted  by  Josephus, 
 A  second  cycle  of  tiaditious  Is  that  of  Eastern  Asia. 
 To  this  belong  the  Persian,  Indian,  and  Chinese. 
 The  Pei-sian  is  mixed  up  with  its  cosmogony,  and 
 hence  loses  anything  like  an  historical  aspect.  The 
 Chinese  story  is,  in  many  i  espects,  singularly  like  the 
 Biblical.  'I  he  Indian  tradition  appears  in  various 
 forms.  Of  tiiese,  the  one  which  most  remaikably 
 agrees  with  the  Biblical  account  is  that  contained  lu 
 
 NOAH 
 
 G33 
 
 the  Mahdbhdrata.  The  account  of  the  Flood  in  the 
 Koran  is  drawn  apparently,  partly  from  Biblical  and 
 paitly  from  Persian  sources.  In  the  main,  no  doubt, 
 it  follows  the  narrative  in  Genesis,  but  dwells  at 
 leugilron  the  testimony  of  Noah  to  the  unbelieving. 
 .^iKither  peculiarity  of  this  version  is,  that  Noah 
 calls  in  vain  to  one  of  his  sons  to  enter  into  the 
 ark  ;  he  refuses,  in  the  hope  of  escaping  to  a  moun- 
 tain, and  is  drowned  before  his  father's  eyes.  A 
 thii'd  cycle  of  ti'aditions  is  to  be  found  among  the 
 American  nations.  These,  as  might  be  expected, 
 show  occasionally  some  maiks  of  resemblance  to  the 
 Asiatic  legends.  "  Of  the  difl'erent  nations  that 
 inhabit  INIexico,"  says  A.  von  Humboldt,  "  the 
 following  had  paintings  resembling  the  deluge  of 
 Coxco.x,  viz.,  the  Aztecs,  the  Mixtecs,  the  Zapotecs, 
 the  Tlascaltecs,  and  the  Mechoacaus.  The  Noah, 
 Xisuthrus,  or  Manu  of  these  nations  is  termed  Cox- 
 cox,  'I'eo-Cipactli,  or  Tezpi.  He  saved  himself  with 
 his  wife  Pochiquetzatl  in  a  bark,  or  according  to 
 other  traditions  on  a  raft."  A  peculiarity  of 
 many  of  these  American  Indian  traditions  must  be 
 noted,  and  that  is,  that  the  Flood,  according  to 
 them,  usually  took  j)lace  in  the  time  of  the  First 
 Man,  who,  together  with  his  family  escape.  It 
 may  not  be  amiss,  before  we  go  on  to  speak  of  the 
 traditions  of  more  cultivated  i-aces,  to  mention  the 
 legend  still  preserved  among  the  inhabitants  of  the 
 Ffgl  islands,  although  not  belonging  to  our  last 
 group.  One  more  cycle  of  tiaditious  we  shall 
 notice — that,  viz.,  of  the  Hellenic  races.  Hellas 
 has  two  versions  of  a  flood,  one  associated  with 
 Ogyges  and  the  other,  in  a  far  more  elaboiate  form, 
 with  Deucalion.  Both,  however,  are  of  late  origin, 
 — they  were  unknown  to  Homer  and  Hesiod. 
 Herodotus,  though  he  mentions  Deucalion  as  one 
 of  tlie  first  kings  of  the  Hellenes,  says  not  a  word 
 about  the  Flood  (i.  56).  Pindar  is  the  first  wiiter 
 who  mentions  it  {Olymp.  is.  37tf.  i.  It  must  be 
 confessed,  that  the  later  the  nanative,  the  more 
 definite  the  form  it  assumes,  and  the  more  nearly 
 it  resembles  the  Mosaic  account.  It  seems  tolerably 
 certain  that  tlie  Egyptians  had  no  recoids  of  the 
 Deluge,  at  least  if  we  are  to  cretlit  Manetho.  Nor 
 has  any  such  record  been  detected  on  the  monu- 
 ments, or  preserved  in  the  mythology  of  Egypt. 
 After  the  Flood. —  Noah's  first  act  atter  he  left  the 
 ark  was  to  build  an  altar,  and  to  ofl'er  .sacrifices. 
 This  is  the  first  altar  of  which  we  read  in  Scripture, 
 and  the  first  burnt  sacrifice.  Jehovah  accepts  the 
 sacrifice  of  Noah  as  the  acknowledgment  on  the 
 part  of  man  that  he  desires  reconciliation  and  com- 
 munion with  God.  Then  follows  the  blessing  of 
 God  (Elohim)  upon  Noah  and  his  sons.  All  living 
 creatures  aie  now  given  to  man  for  food  ;  but  ex- 
 press provision  is  made  that  the  blood  (in  which  is 
 the  life)  should  not  be  eaten.  Next,  God  makes 
 provision  for  the  security  of  himian  life.  The 
 blood  of  man,  in  which  is  his  life,  is  yet  more 
 precious  than  the  blood  of  beasts.  Hence  is  laid 
 the  first  foundation  of  the  civil  power.  Thus  with 
 the  beginning  of  a  new  world  God  gives,  on  the 
 one  hand,  a  promise  which  secures  the  stability  of 
 the  natural  order  of  the  univeise,  and,  on  the 
 other  hand,  consecrates  human  life  with  a  special 
 sanctity  as  resting  upon  these  two  pillars — the 
 brotherhood  of  men,  and  man's  likeness  to  (Jod. 
 Of  the  seven  precepts  of  Noah,  as  they  are  called, 
 the  observance  of  which  was  lequired  of  all  Jewish 
 proselytes,  three  only  are  here  expressly  mentioneil. 
 It  is  iu  the  terms  of  the  blessing  and   the  covenant 
 
6:M 
 
 NOAH 
 
 made  with  Ni>ali  after  tlie  KlooJ  tliat  we  liiij  the 
 stiougest  evidence  that  in  the  sense  of  the  writer  it 
 wxs  universal,  «.  c,  that  it  extended  to  all  the  then 
 known  world.  The  literal  tiuth  of  the  nan-ative 
 obliges  IIS  to  believe  that  the  whole  hninnn'  race, 
 except  eight  ))ersons,  jjerished  by  the  waters  of  tlie 
 tiood.  Noah  is  clearly  the  hciid  of  a  new  human 
 family,  tiie  representitive  ot'  the  whole  race.  It  is 
 as  such  that  (iod  make*  His  covenant  with  him  ; 
 and  hence  selects  a  natural  phenomenon  as  the  sii;n 
 of  that  covenant.  The  bow  in  the  cloud,  seen  by 
 every  nation  under  heaven,  is  an  unfailing  witness 
 to  the  truth  of  Cod.  Was  the  rainbow,  then,  we 
 ask,  never  seen  before  the  Hood?  Wiis  this  "  sicrn 
 in  the  heavens  "  beheld  for  the  first  time  by  the 
 eight  dwellei-s  in  the  ark  when,  after  their  long 
 imprisonment,  they  stood  again  upon  the  green 
 earth,  and  saw  tlie  dark  humid  clouds  spanneil  by 
 its  glorious  arch  ?  Such  seems  the  meaning  of 
 the  nanator.  And  yet  this  implies  that  there  was 
 no  rain  betbre  the  flood,  and  that  the  laws  of  nature 
 were  changed,  at  le;ist  in  that  part  of  the  globe,  by 
 that  event.  Hence,  many  writers  have  supposed 
 that  the  meaning  of  the  passage  is,  not  that  the 
 rainbow  now  appeared  tor  the  first  time,  but  that 
 it  was  now  for  tlie  first  time  invested  with  the 
 sanctity  of  a  sign.  It  must  be  confessed,  however, 
 that  this  is  not  the  natural  interpretation  of  the 
 words.  Noah  now  for  the  rest  of  his  life  betook 
 himself  to  agricultural  pursuitji,  following  in  tins 
 the  tradition  of  his  I'amily.  It  is  j)articularly 
 noticed  that  he  planted  a  vineyard.  Whether  in 
 ignorance  of  its  piopeities  or  otherwise,  we  are  not 
 informed,  but  he  drank  of  the  juice  of  the  grape 
 till  he  became  intoxicated  and  shamefully  exposed 
 himself  in  liis  own  tent.  One  of  his  sons,  Ham, 
 mocked  openly  at  his  father's  disgrace.  The  othei-s, 
 with  dutiful  care  and  reverence,  endeavoured  to 
 hide  it.  When  he  recovered  from  the  etfects  of  his 
 iiitoxittition,  he  declared  that  a  curse  should  rest 
 upon  the  sons  of  Ham.  With  the  curse  on  his 
 youngest  son  was  joined  a  blessing  on  the  other  two. 
 It  is  uncertain  whether  in  the  woids  "  And  let  him 
 dwell  in  the  tents  of  Shcm,"  "  Uod,"  or  "  Japhet," 
 is  the  subject  of  the  verb.  At  first  it  seems  more 
 natural  to  suppose  that  Noah  pravs  that  God 
 would  dwell  theie.  But  the  blessing  'of  Shem  has 
 b  'en  spoken  already.  It  is  better  therefore  to  take 
 .laphot  :is  the  subject.  What  then  is  meant  by  his 
 •  Iwrlling  ill  tiie  tents  of  JShem  ?  Not  of  course 
 that  he  should  so  occupy  them  as  to  thrust  out  the 
 original  possessors;  nor  even  that  they  should 
 melt  into  one  people;  but  as  it  would  seem,  that 
 Japhet  may  enjoy  the  reliijious  privileges  of  Shem. 
 Atier  this  jnophetic  blessiinr  wc  hear  no  more  of 
 the  patriarch  but  the  sum  of  his  ye;iis. 
 
 No'ah.  One  of  the  five  d.iughtei-s  of  Zelo- 
 phehad  (Num.  xxvi.  'io,  xxvii.  1,  ixxvi.  11  ;  Josh, 
 xvii.  3). 
 
 No-a'mon  (Nah.  iii.  8),  No  (Jer.  xlvi.  25;  Kz. 
 XXX.  14,  Ij,  lt>;,  a  city  ot  Kgypt,  ThcbaefThebesi, 
 <.r  l)ios])olis  Magna.  The  second  jwrt  of  the  liist 
 Jiirm  is  the  name  of  AMKN,  the  chief  divinity  of 
 Thebes,  mentioniHl  or  alluded  to  in  connexion  with 
 this  place  in  Jeremiah,  "  lieiiold,  I  will  punish 
 Amoii  in  No,  and  I'haraoh,  and  Kgypt,  with  their 
 Roils,  and  their  kings;"  and  perhaps  also  alluded  to 
 III  Kzekiel  (xxx.  15).  There  is  a  ditliculty  as  to 
 the  meaning  of  No.  It  seems  most  re;isonable  to 
 »uppo<c  that  No  is  a  Shemitic  name,  and  that  Amoii 
 is  added  in  Nahum  (/.  c.)  to  distinguish  Thcbe.s  from 
 
 NODAB 
 
 some  other  plaoe  bc;iring  the  same  name,  or  on  no- 
 count  of  the  connexion  ot  .Amen  with  that  citv. 
 .(erome  supposes  No  to  tje  either  Alexandria  or  Kgypt 
 itself.  Chaiiipollion  takes  it  <o  be  Diospolis  in 
 Lower  Kgypt;  but  Gesenius  (;.  c),  well  observes 
 that  it  would  not  then  be  compared  in  Nahum  to 
 Nineveh.  This  and  the  evidence  of  the  .Assyrian 
 record  leave  no  doubt  that  it  is  Thebes.  The  de- 
 scription of  No-.Amon,  as  "  situate  among  the  rivei-s, 
 the  waters  round  about  it"  (Nah.  /.  c.j,  remarkably 
 characterizes  Thebes. 
 
 Nob  (1  Sam.  xxiii.  11  ;  Neh.  xi.  32)  was  a  ta- 
 ceixtotal  city  in  the  tribe  of  Benjamin,  and  situated 
 on  some  eminence  near  Jerusjilem.  Tliat  it  was 
 on  one  of  the  roads  which  let!  from  the  north  to  the 
 ca])it.il,  and  within  sight  of  it,  is  certain  from  the 
 illustrative  passiige  in  which  Isaiah  (x.  28-S2)  de- 
 scriljes  the  approach  of  the  .Assyrian  annv.  In  this 
 spirited  sketch  the  poet  sees  the  eiiemv  pouring 
 down  ti-oni  the  north.  It  is  imjilied  here  cleailv 
 that  Nob  was  the  last  stiition  in  their  line  of  march, 
 whence  the  invadei-s  could  see  .Jerusalem,  and  whence 
 they  could  be  seen,  as  they  "shook  the  hand"  in 
 proud  derision  of  tlieir  enemies.  Nob  was  one  of  tli(! 
 jilaces  where  the  tabernacle,  or  ark  of  Jehovah,  was 
 kept  lor  a  time  during  the  days  of  its  waiideiiii>:s 
 before  a  home  was  provided  tor  it  on  mount  Zion 
 (2  Sam.  vi.  1,  &c.).  -A  comjiaiiy  of  the  Benjamites 
 settled  here  after  the  return  fiom  the  exile  (Neh. 
 xi.  ;i2).  But  the  event  for  which  Nob  was  most 
 noted  in  the  Scripture  annals,  was  a  frightl'ul  mas- 
 sacre which  occurred  there  in  the  reign  of  Saul 
 (1  Sam.  xxii.  17-19).  -All  trace  of  the  name  has 
 disa]ipeared  from  the  country  long  ago.  Jerome 
 states  that  nothing  remained  in  his  time  to  indicate 
 where  it  had  been.  Geographers  are  not  agreed  as 
 to  the  precise  spot  with  which  we  are  to  identity 
 the  ancient  locality.  Some  of  the  conjectures  on 
 this  point  may  deserve  to  be  mentioned.  Kiepert's 
 Map  places  Nob  at  El-  hdirieh,  not  far  from  Andta, 
 al)out  a  mile  north-west  of  Jerusalem.  But  it 
 must  be  regarded  as  fatal  to  this  identification  that 
 Jerusjilem  is  not  to  be  seen  from  that  point.  Jlr. 
 Porter  expresses  the  contident  belief  that  Nob  is  to 
 be  sought  on  a  low  peaked  tell,  a  little  to  the  right 
 of  the  northern  road  and  opposite  to  Shdjdt.  The 
 Nob  spoken  of  above  is  not  to  be  contbunded  with 
 another  which  Jerome  mentions  in  the  ))lain  ot 
 Shanin,  not  tiir  from  Lydda. 
 
 No'ball.  The  name  conferred  by  the  conqueror 
 of  Kknatii  and  the  villages  in  dependence  on  it  on 
 his  new  acquisition  (Num.  xxxii.  42).  l"or  a  certain 
 jK-riod  after  the  establishment  of  the  Israelite  rule 
 the  new  name  remained,  and  is  used  to  mark  the 
 course  taken  by  Gideon  in  his  chase  alter  Zebah  and 
 Zalmuniia  (Judg.  viii.  1 1  j.  But  it  is  not  again 
 heard  of,  ami  the  original  a]>pellation,  as  is  usual  in 
 such  cases,  appears  to  have  recover&l  its  Imld,  which 
 it  has  since  retained;  for  in  the  slightly  moditied 
 form  of  Kunauat  it  is  the  name  of  the  j)la<:e  to  the 
 liresent  day. 
 
 No'bah.  An  Israelite  warrior  (Num.  xxxii.  42  i, 
 pi(il)ably,  like  ,Iair,  a  Manassite,  who  during  the 
 coiKpiot  of  the  territory  on  the  e;L--t  of  .lordaii  jxis- 
 ses-stnl  himself  of  the  town  of  Kenatli  ami  the  vil- 
 lages or  hamlets  dependent  upon  it  (lleb.  "daugh- 
 ters"), and  gave  thim  his  own  name. 
 
 Nod.     rCAI.N.l 
 
 No'dab,  the  name  of  an  .Arab  fiilie  mentioned 
 only  in  1  Chr.  v.  Hi,  in  the  account  of  the  war  <>( 
 the  Keubcnitcs,  the  Uaditcs,  and  the  half  of  the  liilie 
 
NOE 
 
 of  Manasseh,  against  the  Hagarites  (verses  9-22,  ver. 
 19).  It  has  been  supposed  that  Nodab  was  one  of 
 the  sons  of  Ishmael.  But  we  have  no  other  mention 
 of  Nodab,  and  it  is.  probable  that  he  was  a  grand- 
 son or  other  descendant  of  the  patriarch,  and  that 
 the  name,  in  the  time  of  the  record,  was  that  of  a 
 tribe  sprung  fiom  such  descendant. 
 
 No'e.  The  patriarch  Noah  ('I'ob.  \v.  12;  Matt. 
 -Txiv.  ;;?,  38 ;  Luke  lii.  '66,  xvii.  26,  27). 
 
 No'eba  =  NEKODA  1  (I  Ksdr.  v.  31 ;  comp.  Ezr. 
 ii.  48). 
 
 No'gah.  One  of  the  thirteen  sons  of  David  who 
 were  born  to  him  in  Jerusalem  (1  Chr.  iii.  7, 
 xiv.  6). 
 
 NoTiah.  The  fourth  son  of  Benjamin  (1  Chr. 
 viii.  2). 
 
 Non.     Nun,  the  fiUher  of  Joshua  ( 1  Chr.  vii.  27). 
 
 Noph  (Is.  .xix.  13,  Jer.  ii.  16,  Ez.  xxx.  13,  16), 
 MOPH  (Hos.  ix.  6),  a  city  of  Egypt,  Memphis. 
 These  forms  are  contracted  from  the  ancient 
 Egyptian  common  name,  MEN-NtJFR,  or  MEN- 
 NEKRU,  "  the  good  abode,"  or  perhaps  "the  abode 
 of  the  good  one."  The  Hebrew  forms  are  regarded 
 as  representing  colloquial  forms  of  the  name,  cunent 
 with  the  Shemites,  if  not  with  the  Egyptians  also. 
 It  is  probable  that  the  epithet  "  good  "  refers  to 
 Osiris,  whose  sacred  animal  Apis  was  here  wor- 
 shipped. As  the  great  upper  Egyptian  city  is  cha- 
 racterized in  Nahum  as  "  situate  among  the  rivers" 
 (iii.  8),  so  in  Hosea  the  lower  Egyptian  one  is  dis- 
 tinguished by  its  Necropolis. 
 
 No'phah.,  a  place  mentioned  only  in  Num. 
 xxi.  30,  in  the  remarkable  song  ajjparently  com- 
 jiosed  by  the  Amorites  after  their  conquest  of 
 Heshbon  fiom  the  Moabites,  and  therefore  of  an 
 earlier  date  than  the  Israelite  invasion.  It  is  named 
 with  Dibon  and  Medelin,  and  was  possibly  in  the 
 neighbourhood  of  Heshbon.  A  name  very  similar 
 to  Nophah  is  Nobah,  which  is  twice  mentioned. 
 Ewald  decides  that  Nophah  is  identical  with  the 
 latter  of  these. 
 
 Nose-jewel  (Gen.  xxiv.  22  ;  Ex.  xxxv.  22  "  ear- 
 ring;" Is.  iii.  21  ;  Ez.  xvi.  12,  "jewel  on  the  fore- 
 head ").  A  ring  of  metal,  sometimes  of  gold  or 
 silver,  passed  usually  through  the  i-ight  nostril,  and 
 worn  by  way  of  ornament  by  women  in  the  East. 
 Its  diameter  is  usually  1  in.  or  Ij  in.,  but  some- 
 times as  much  as  3J  in.  Upon  it  are  strung  beads, 
 coinl,  or  jewels.  In  Egypt  it  is  now  almost  con- 
 fined to  the  lower  classes. 
 
 Number.  Like  most  Oriental  nations,  it  is  pro- 
 bable that  the  Hebrews  in  theii-  written  calculations 
 made  use  of  the  letters  of  the  alphabet.  That  they 
 did  so  in  post-Babylonian  times  we  have  conclusive 
 evidence  in  the  Maccabaean  coins ;  and  it  is  highly 
 probable  that  this  was  the  case  also  in  earlier  times. 
 But  though,  on  the  one  hand,  it  is  certain  that  in 
 all  existing  MSS.  of  the  Hebrew  text  of  the  O.  T. 
 the  numerical  expressions  are  written  at  length,  yet, 
 on  the  other,  the  variations  in  the  several  versions 
 between  themselves  and  from  the  Hebrew  text, 
 added  to  the  evident  inconsistencies  in  numerical 
 statement  between  certain  passages  of  that  text 
 itself,  seem  to  prove  that  some  shorter  mode  of 
 writing  was  originally  in  vogue,  liable  to  be  mis- 
 imderstood,  and  in  tact  misunderstood  by  copyists 
 and  translators.  These  variations  appear  to  have 
 proceeded  from  the  alphabetic  method  of  writing 
 numbers.  There  can  be  little  doubt,  however,  that 
 some  at  least  of  the  numliers  mentioned  in  Scripture 
 are  intended  to  be  icpresentative  vather  than  deter- 
 
 NUMBERS 
 
 635 
 
 minative.  Certain  numbers,  as  7,  10,  40,  100. 
 were  regarded  as  giving  the  idea  of  completeness- 
 Without  entering  into  St.  Augustine's  theory  of 
 this  usage,  we  may  remark  that  the  notion  of  re- 
 presentative numbers  in  certain  cases  is  one  ex- 
 tremely common  among  Eastern  nations,  who  have 
 a  prejudice  against  counting  their  possessions  accur- 
 ately ;  that  it  enters  laigely  into  many  ancient 
 systems  of  chionology,  and  that  it  is  found  in  the 
 philosophical  and  metaphysical  speculations  not  only 
 of  the  Pythagorean  and  other  ancient  schools  of  phi- 
 losophy, both  Greek  and  Roman,  but  also  in  those 
 of  the  later  Jewish  writers,  of  the  Gnostics,  and 
 also  of  such  Christian  writers  as  St.  Augustine 
 himself.  We  proceed  to  give  some  instances  of 
 numbers  used  (a),  representatively,  and  thus  pro- 
 bably by  design  indefinitely  or  (6),  definitely,  but, 
 as  we  may  say  preferentially,  i.  e.,  because  some 
 meaning  (which  we  do  not  in  all  cases  understand) 
 was  attacheil  to  them.  1.  Seven,  as  denoting  either 
 plurality  or  completeness,  is  so  frequent  as  to  make 
 a  selection  only  of  instances  necessary,  e.  g.  seven- 
 fold, Gen.  iv.  24;  seven  times,  i.  e.  completely. 
 Lev.  .\xvi.  24;  Ps.  xii.  6;  seven  {i.e.  many)  xcays, 
 Deut.  xxviii.  25.  2.  Ten  as  a  preferential  number 
 is  exemplified  in  the  Ten  Commandments  and  the 
 law  of  Tithe.  3.  Seventy,  as  compounded  of 
 7  X  10,  appears  frequently,  e.g.,  seventy  fold  (Gen. 
 iv.  24;  Matt,  xviii.  22).  Its  definite  use  appears 
 in  the  offerings  of  70  shekels  (Num.  vii.  13,  19, 
 and  foil.) ;  the  70  elders  (xi.  16)  ;  70  years  of  cap- 
 tivity (Jer.  XXV.  11).  4.  Five  appears  in  the  titble 
 of  punishments,  of  legal  requirements  (Ex.  xxii.  1  ; 
 Lev.  v.  16,  xxii.  14,  xxvii.  16;  Num.  v.  7,  xviii. 
 16),  and  in  the  five  empires  of  Daniel  (Dan.  ii.). 
 5.  Four  is  used  in  reference  to  the  4  winds  (Dan. 
 vii.  2)  ;  and  the  so-called  4  corneis  of  the  earth  ; 
 the  4  creatures,  each  with  4  wings  and  4  faces,  of 
 Ezekiel  (i.  5  and  foil.);  4  rivers  of  Paradise  (Gen. 
 ii.  lU);  4  beasts  (Dan.  vii.,  and  Rev.  iv.  6);  the 
 4  equal-sided  Temple-chamber  (Ez.  xl.  47).  6, 
 Three  was  regarded,  both  by  the  Jews  and  other 
 nations,  as  a  specially  complete  and  mystic  number. 
 
 7.  Twelve  (3x4)  appears  in  12  tribes,  12  stones 
 in  the  high-priest's  breast-plate,  12  Apostles,  12 
 foundation-stones,  and  12  gates  (Rev.  xxi.  19-21). 
 
 8.  Forty  appears  in  many  enumerations ;  40  days 
 of  Moses  (Ex.  xxiv.  18);  40  yeai-s  in  the  wilderness 
 (Num.  xiv.  34)  ;  40  days  and  nights  of  Elijah  ( 1  K. 
 xix.  8).  9.  One  hundred. — 100  cubits'  length  of 
 the  Tabernacle-court  (Ex.  xxvii.  18);  lOO"  men, 
 i.  e.  a  large  number  (Lev.  xxvi.  8);  Gideon's  300 
 men  (Judg.  vii.  6) ;  leader  of  100  men  (1  Chr.  xii. 
 14)  ;  100  stripes  (Prov.  xvii.  10,  &:.).  10.  Lastly, 
 the  mystic  number  666  (Rev.  xiii.  18). 
 
 Numbering.     [Census.] 
 
 Numbers,  the  Fourth  Book  of  the  Law  or  Pen- 
 tateuch. It  takes  its  name  in  the  LXX.  and  Vulo-. 
 (whence  our  'Numbei's')  from  the  double  number- 
 ing or  census  of  the  people.  A.  Contents. — The 
 Book  may  be  said  to  contain  generally  the  history 
 of  the  Israelites  fi'om  the  time  of  their  leaving 
 Sinai,  in  the  second  year  after  the  Exodus,  till  their 
 arrival  at  the  borders  of  the  Promised  Land  in  the 
 fortieth  year  of  their  journeyings.  It  consists  of 
 the  following  principal  divisions: — I.  The  prepara- 
 tions for  the  departure  from  Sinai  (i.  1-x.  10). 
 [I.  Tlie  journey  from  Sinai  to  the  borders  of  Canaan 
 (x.  11-xiv.  43).  ill.  A  brief  notice  of  laws  given, 
 and  events  which  transpired,  during  the  thirty-seven 
 years'  wandering  in  the  wilderness  (xv.  1-xix.  22). 
 
63G 
 
 NUMBERS 
 
 IV.  Tlie  history  oi' tlie  hist  year,  tVoiii  the  secoml 
 ,11  rival  of  tlie  Israelites  in  Kadesli  till  they  rpaoli 
 "  the  plains  of  Moab  by  Jordan  near  Jericho"  ^xx. 
 l-x.\.Nvi,  13). — I.  (a.)  The  object  of  the  encamj)- 
 inent  at  Sinai  has  been  accomplished.  It  is  now- 
 time  to  dep.irt  in  order  that  the  object  may  be 
 achieved  fur  which  Israel  has  been  sanctified,  'fhat 
 object  is  the  occupation  of  the  Promised  Land. 
 Therefore  Israel  nui>t  be  or!;anizp<l  as  Jehovah's 
 army:  and  to  this  end  a  mustoriiiij  of  all  who  are 
 capable  of  bearing  arms  is  neces.sary.  Henc-e  the 
 book  opens  with  the  numberins;  of  the  people, 
 chapters  i.-iv.  These  contain,  first,  the  census  of 
 all  the  tribes  or  clans  (chap,  i.);  secondly,  the 
 arrangement  of  the  camp,  and  the  order  of  march 
 (chap,  ii.) ;  thirdly,  the  special  and  separate  census 
 of  the  Levites  ichap.s.  iii.,  iv.).  (6.)  Chapteis  v., 
 vi.  Certain  laws  apparently  supplementary  to  the 
 legislation  in  Leviticus,  (c.)  Chajners  vii.  1-x.  10. 
 Kvents  occurring  at  this  time,  and  regul.-xtions  con- 
 nected with  them. — II.  March  from  Sinai  to  the 
 borders  of  Caiuuin.  (n.)  We  have  here.  Hist,  the 
 order  of  inarch  describeil  (x.  14-28)  ;  the  appeal  of 
 Moses  to  his  father-in-law,  Hobab,  to  accompany 
 them  in  their  journeys ;  and  the  chant  which  ac- 
 com|paiiied  the  moving  and  the  resting  of  the  ark 
 (vers.  .So,  3G).  {0.)  An  account  of  several  of  the 
 stations  and  of  the  events  which  happened  at  them 
 ^x.  11-xii.  1.5)  ;  the  sending  of  the  spies  from  the 
 wilderness  of  I'aran  {et  Tijli),  their  report,  the 
 refusal  of  the  people  to  enter  Canaan,  their  rejection 
 in  consequence,  and  their  rash  attack  upon  the 
 Amalekites,  which  resulted  in  a  defeat  f-vii.  16-.\iv. 
 45). — III.  What  follows  must  be  refi-ried  aj)|iai- 
 ently  to  the  thirty-seven  years  of  wanderings;  but 
 we  have  no  notices  of  time  or  place  (xv.  I-xix.^. — 
 W .  («.)  The  narrative  returns  abruptly  to  the 
 second  CMU-impmoiit  of  the  Israelites  in  Kadesh. 
 Here  Miriam  dies,  and  the  people  murmur  for 
 water,  and  Moses  juid  Aaron  are  not  allowed  to 
 enter  the  Promised  Land  (xx.  1-1.!).  Tlicv  in- 
 tended perhaps,  as  before,  to  enter  Canaan  from  the 
 south.  They  therefore  desired  a  pjissage  thioiigh 
 the  country  of  Edom.  The  Kdoniites  )et'use<l  the 
 request,  and  turned  out  in  amis  to  deleiid  their 
 border.  The  Israelites  abandoned  the  attempt  as 
 hojieless  and  turned  southwards,  k('e])ing  aloinj;  the 
 western  borders  of  Idumaea  till  they  reacheil  Lzioii- 
 geber  (x.x.  14-21).  On  their  way  .southwards  they 
 stop  at  Mount  Hor,  or  rather  at  Moserah,  on  the 
 edge  of  the  Kdomite  territory;  and  from  this  spot 
 it  would  seem  that  .\aion,  acTomjianied  by  his  bro- 
 ther Moses  and  his  sou  Lleazar,  quittwl  the  cam]) 
 in  order  to  ascf-nd  the  mountain.  After  .'Varon's 
 death,  the  march  is  continued  -southward.  The 
 pa.s.sage  'xxi.  1-3)  which  speaks  of  the  Canaanite 
 king  of  Avad  as  coming  out  against  the  Israelites  is 
 clearly  out  of  place,  standing  as  it  does  after  the 
 mention  of  Aaron's  death  on  Mount  Hor.  Arad  is 
 ill  the  south  of  Palestine.  The  attack  therefore  must 
 have  Ijeen  made  whilst  the  ]iooi)le  were  yet  in  the 
 neighliourhood  of  Kadesh.  {!>.)  There  i.s  again  a 
 gap  ill  the  narrative.  We  are  told  nothing  of  the 
 march  along  the  eastern  edge  of  Kdom,  but  sud- 
 denly find  oiir.selves  transported  to  the  lioiders  of 
 Moab.  Here  the  Israelites  sncces.sively  encounter 
 ami  defeat  the  kings  of  the  Amorites  and  of  Haslian 
 (xxi.  lu-:i.j).  Their  succi's.sesalarm  the  king  of  Moab, 
 who,  distrusting  his  .superiority  in  the  field,  sends 
 for  a  magician  to  chit*  his  enemies;  hence  the  epi- 
 K)dc  of  iJahLitii  (x-xii.  1-xxiv. 'J.")).     Othor  aitifiies 
 
 NUMBERS 
 
 ai*  employed  by  the  .Moabites  to  weaken  the  Israel- 
 ites, especiallv  through  the  iriHuence  of  the  Moabitish 
 women  (xxv.  1).  The  book  concludes  with  a  le- 
 capitnlation  of  the  various  encampments  of  the 
 Israelites  in  the  desert  Cx.xxiii.  1-49)  ;  the  command 
 to  destroy  the  C.inaanites  (xxxiii.  .Su-.5i)) ;  the 
 boundaries  of  the  Promised  Land,  and  the  men  Ap- 
 pointed to  divide  it  (xxxiv.) ;  the  appointment  of 
 the  cities  of  the  Levitc>s  and  the  cities  of  refuge 
 (xxxv.);  and  further  directions  respecting  heiresses. 
 B.  Inteijrity. — This,  like  the  other  books  of  the 
 Pentiiteuch,  is  supposed  by  many  critics  to  consist 
 of  a  coin[)ilation  from  two  or  three,  or  more,  earlier 
 liociiinents.  According  to  De  Wette,  the  folli)wing 
 portions  are  the  work  of  the  Elohist : — Cliap.  i. 
 1-x.  28;  xiii.  2-ltJ  (in  its  original,  though  not  in 
 its  present  form);  xv.  ;  xvi.  1,  2-11,  16-23, 
 24(?);  xvii.-xix, ;  xx.  1-13,  22-29;  xxv.-xxxi. 
 fe.xcept  perhaps  xxvi.  8-11);  xxxii.  5,  28-42 
 (vers.  1-4  uncertain) ;  xxxiii.-xxxvi.  The  rest  ol 
 the  book  is,  according  to  him,  by  the  Jehovist  or 
 later  editor.  Vaihinger  finds  traces  of  three  dis- 
 tinct documents,  which  he  ascribes  severally  to  the 
 jiie-Klohist,  the  Elohist,  and  the  Jehovisf.  To  the 
 liist  he  assigns  chap.  x.  29-3G ;  xi.  1-12,  16  (in 
 its  original  form);  xx.  14-21;  x\i.  1-9,  13-35; 
 xxxii.  'SA-42 ;  xxxiii.  55,  56.  To  the  Elohist  be- 
 long chap,  i.  1-x.  28;  xi.  1-xii.  16;  xiii.  1-xx. 
 13;  XX.  22-29;  xxi.  10-12;  xxii.  1  ;  xxv.  l-x.\xi. 
 54;  xxxii.  l-.'-t2  ;  xxxiii.  1-xxxvi.  19.  To  the  Je- 
 hovist, xi.  1-xii.  16  ;  xxii.  2-xxiv.  25  ;  xxxi.  8.  &c. 
 But  the  grounds  on  which  this  distinction  of  docu- 
 ments rests  are  in  every  respect  most  unsatisfactory. 
 The  use  of  the  divine  names,  which  was  the  start- 
 ing-point of  this  criticism,  ceases  to  be  a  criterion  ; 
 and  certain  words  and  phra.ses,  a  particular  manner 
 or  colouring,  the  narrative  of  miracles  or  prophecies, 
 are  supposed  to  decide  whether  a  pass;ige  belongs  to 
 the  earlier  or  the  later  document.  In  cha]).  xii. 
 we  have  a  remarkable  instance  of  the  jealousy  with 
 which  the  authority  of  Moses  was  regarded  even  in 
 his  own  family.  Considering  the  almost  absolute 
 nature  of  that  authority,  this  is  perhaps  hardly  to 
 1)6  wondered  at.  The  pretext  for  the  outburst  of 
 this  feeling  on  the  part  of  Miriam  and  .Aaron  was 
 that  iMo.ses  had  married  an  Ethiojiian  woman  (a 
 woman  of  Cush).  This  w.as  probably,  as  Ewald 
 suggests,  a  second  wili;  married  afier  the  death  of 
 Zipporah.  But  there  is  no  reason  lor  supposing,  as 
 he  does,  that  we, have  heie  a  confusion  of  two  ac- 
 counts. It  is  not  peilia]is  to  be  wondered  at  that 
 the  episode  of  Balaam  <  xxii.  2-xxiv.  25)  should 
 have  been  regarded  as  a  later  addition.  The  lan- 
 guage is  jiecnliar,  as  well  as  the  general  «ist  of  the 
 narrative.  The  pioiihecies  aie  vivid  and  thediction 
 of  them  highly  finished  :  very  dilVerent  from  the 
 rugged,  rigorous  fragments  of  ancient  jtoetry  which 
 meet  us  in  chap.  xxi.  On  these  grounds,  as  well 
 as  oil  the  score  of  the  distinctly  Messianic  character 
 of  Balaam's  prophecies,  Kwald  gives  this  episode  to 
 his  Fifth  Narrator,  or  the  latest  editor  of  the  Peut.i- 
 teuch.  This  writer  he  supposes  to  have  livixl  in 
 the  former  half  of  the  8th  century  H.C.,  and  hence 
 he  accounts  for  the  releroiice  to  Assyria  and  the 
 Cypriotes  (the  Kittini).  The  |iro]>hecies  of  Balaam 
 theiefore,  on  this  hypothesis,  are  rn/irini'i  c.r  evcntu, 
 ])Ut  Into  his  mouth  by  a  clever,  but  not  very  scru- 
 pulous, writer  of  the  time  of  Isaiah.  But  this  sort 
 of  criticism  is  so  purely  arbitrary  that  it  scarcely 
 merits  a  .'•erious  lefiilatioii,  not  to  mention  that  it 
 i-cst.s  entirely  on  tlu-  a.s.iumption  that  in  piophccj 
 
NUMENIUS 
 
 there  is  no  such  thing  as  jirediction.  Even  granting 
 that  tliis  episode  is  not  by  the  same  writer  as  the 
 rest  of  the  bootc  of  Numbers,  there  seems  no  valid 
 reason  to  doubt  its  antiquity,  or  its  rightful  claim 
 to  the  place  which  it  at  present  occupies.  There  is 
 nothing  more  remarkable  in  the  early  histoiy  of 
 Israel  than  Balaam's  appearance.  .Summoned  from 
 his  home  by  the  Euphrates,  he  stands  by  his  red 
 altar-lires,  weaving  his  daik  and  subtle  sorceries, 
 or  goes  to  seek  tinr  enchantment,  hoping,  as  he 
 looked  dow.:s  upon  the  tents  of  Israel  among  the 
 ac<icia-groves  of  the  valley,  to  wither  them  with 
 his  word,  yet  constrained  to  bless,  and  to  foretell 
 tiieir  future  giesttness.  The  Book  of  Numbers  is 
 rirh  in  ft'agments  of  ancient  poetiy,  some  of  them 
 of  great  beauty,  and  all  throwing  an  interesting 
 light  on  the  character  of  tiie  times  in  which  they 
 were  composed.  Such,  for  instance,  is  the  blessing 
 of  the  high-priest  (vi.  ■24-2t)).  Such  too  are  the 
 chants  which  were  the  signal  tor  the  Ark  to  move 
 when  the  people  journeved,  and  for  it  to  rest  when 
 they  were  about  to  encamp.  In  chap.  xxi.  we  have 
 a  passage  cited  from  a  book  called  the  '  Book  of  the 
 Wars  of  Jehovah.'  This  was  probably  a  collectiou 
 of  ballads  and  songs  composed  on  ditterent  occasions 
 by  the  watch-fires  of  the  camp,  and  for  the  most 
 ])art,  though  not  perhaps  exclusively,  in  comme- 
 moration of  the  victories  of  the  Isiaelites  over  their 
 enemies.  The  fragment  quoted  trom  this  collection 
 is  difficult,  because  the  allusions  in  it  are  obscure. 
 The  Israelites  had  reached  the  Arnon,  "which," 
 says  the  historian,  '♦  forms  the  border  of  Moab, 
 and  separates  between  the  Moabites  and  Amorites." 
 "  Wherefore  it  is  said,"  he  continues,  "  in  the  Book 
 of  the  Wars  of  Jehovah, 
 
 '  Valieb  in  Suphah  and  the  toiTent-beds ; 
 Amon  and  the  slope  of  the  torrent  beds 
 Wliich  tuineth  to  where  Ar  lieth. 
 And  which  leanelh  upon  the  border  of  Moab.'  " 
 
 The  next  is  a  song  which  was  sung  on  the  digging 
 of  a  well  at  a  spot  wheie  they  encamped,  and  which 
 from  this  circumstance  was  called  Beer,  or  '  The 
 Well.'     It  runs  as  follows: — 
 
 "  Spring  up,  O  well !  sing  ye  to  it : 
 Well,  which  the  princes  dug. 
 Which  the  nobles  of  the  people  bored 
 ^Vith  the  sceptre-of-office,  with  their  staves." 
 
 This  song,  first  sung  at  the  digging  of  the  well, 
 was  afterwards  no  doubt  commonly  used  by  those 
 who  came  to  draw  water.  The  maidens  of  Israel 
 chanted  it  one  to  another,  verse  by  verse,  as  they 
 toiled  at  the  bucket,  and  tluis  beguiled  their  labour. 
 Immediately  following  this  '  Song  of  the  Well,' 
 comes  a  .song  of  victory,  composed  alter  a  defeat  of 
 the  Moabites  and  the  occupation  of  their  territory. 
 It  is  in  a  taunting,  mocking  strain ;  and  is  com- 
 monly considered  to  have  been  written  'oy  some 
 Israditish  bard  on  the  occupation  of  the  Amorite 
 territory.  Yet  the  manner  in  which  it  is  intro- 
 duced would  rather  lead  to  the  belief  that  we  have 
 hers  the  translation  of  an  old  Amorite  ballad,  com- 
 memorating the  conquest  of  Sihon  tiom  Moab.  If 
 tlie  song  is  of  Hebrew  origin,  then  the  fonner  part 
 of  it  is  a  biting  taunt.  C.  The  alleged  discre- 
 )>an:ie3  between  many  stateinents  in  this  and  the 
 other  books  of  the  Pentateuch,  will  be  found  dis- 
 cu>sed  in  other  articles,  Deuteronomy  ;  Exodus  ; 
 Pextatkl'cii. 
 
 Nume'nius,  son  of  Antiochus,  was  sent  by  Jo- 
 nathan on  an  emb  issy  to  Rome  (I  Mace.  xii.  16) 
 and  Sjiarta   fxii.   17),   to  renew  the   fiiendly  con- 
 
 NUTS 
 
 637 
 
 nexions  between  these  nations  and  the  Jews,  c.  B.C 
 l-i4.  He  was  again  despatched  to  Rome  by  Simon, 
 c.  B.C.  141  (1  Mace.  xiv.  24). 
 
 Ntm.  The  father  of  the  Jewish  captain  Joshua 
 (Ex.  xxxiii.  11,  &c.).  His  gene-alogi&d  descent 
 fi'oni  Ephraira  is  recorded  in  1  Chr.  vii. 
 
 Nurse.  It  is  cleai-,  both  from  Scripture  and 
 fiom  Greek  and  Roman  writers,  that  in  ancient 
 times  the  position  of  the  nurse,  wherever  one  wa^j 
 maintained,  was  one  of  much  honour  and  import- 
 ance. (See  Gen.  xxiv.  .59,  xxxv.  8  ;  2  Sam.  iv.  4; 
 2  K.  xi.  2;  3  Mace.  i.  20.)  The  same  term  is 
 ajiplied  to  a  foster-father  or  mother,  e.g..  Num.  xi. 
 12;  Ruth  iv.  16;  Is.  xlix.  2o.  In  great  families 
 m  de  servants,  probably  eunuchs  in  later  times, 
 were  entrusted  with  the  charge  of  the  boys,  2  K. 
 X.  1.  .i. 
 
 Nuts.  The  representative  in  the  A.  V.  of  tlie 
 words  botnitn  and  egoz.  1.  Botnim.  Among  the 
 good  things  of  the  laud  wliich  the  sons  of  Israel 
 were  to  take  as  a  present  to  Joseph  in  Egypt,  were 
 botnim  (Gen.  xliii.  ilj.  There  can  scarcely  be  a 
 doubt  that  the  botnim  denote  the  fruit  of  tlie  Pis- 
 tachio tree  {I'istacia  vera),  though    most  modem 
 
 versions  are  content  with  the  general  term  nuts. 
 Syria  and  Palestine  have  been  long  famous  for 
 Pistachio-trees.  The  distiict  around  Aleppo  is  espe- 
 cially celebrated  for  the  excellence  of  the  Pistachio 
 nuts ;  the  town  of  Batna  in  the  .'■ame  district  is  be- 
 lieved to  derive  its  name  from  this  circumstance : 
 Betonim,  a  town  of  the  trilie  of  Gad  (Josh.  xiii.  2(j), 
 has  in  all  probability  a  similar  etymology.  There 
 is  scarcely  any  allusion  to  the  occurrence  of  the 
 Pistacia  vera  in  Palestine  amongst  the  writingb  of 
 modern  travellers.  Dr.  Hooker  saw  only  two  or 
 three  pistachio-trees  in  Palestine.  These  were  out- 
 side the  north  gate  of  Jerusalem.  But  ne  says  the 
 tree  is  cultivated  at  Beirut  and  elsewhere  in  Syria. 
 2.  Egoz  occuis  only  in  Cant.  vi.  11.  The  Hebrew 
 word  in  all  probability  is  here  to  be  understood  to 
 refer  to  the  Walnut-tree.     According  to  Josephus 
 
638 
 
 NYMPHAS 
 
 tliu  walnut-tree  was  f.inii(>ily   ciJiiinKin,   and   grew 
 most  liixiniantly  aroiimi  the  lake  of  (Jeimesareth. 
 
 Nym'phas,  a  woalthy  and  zealous  Christian  in 
 Laodicea,  Col.  iv.  15. 
 
 o 
 
 Oak.  The  foilowins;  Hebrew  words,  which  appear 
 to  be  merely  various  forms  of  the  same  root,  occur 
 in  the  0.  T.  ns  the  names  of  some  s]iecies  of  oak, 
 viz.  el,  eldh,  elon,  ilan,  al/dh,  and  allon.  1.  El 
 occurs  only  in  the  sing,  number  in  Gen.  xiv.  6 
 ("  Kl-paran").  It  is  uncertain  whether  e/ should 
 be  joined  witii  Faran  to  form  a  proper  name,  or 
 whether  it  is  to  be  taken  separately,  as  the  "  tere- 
 binth," or  the  "oak,"  or  the  "grove,"  of  Paran. 
 Three  plural  forms  of  el  occur ;  elim,  eloth,  and 
 elath.  Elim,  the  ^eco^d  station  where  the  lsraelit(>s 
 halted  after  thev  had  crossed  the  Red  Sea,  in  all 
 probability  derived  its  name  from  the  seventy  palm- 
 trees  there ;  the  name  el,  which  more  paiticularly 
 signifies  an  ''oak,"  being  here  put  for  any  grove  or 
 plantation.  .Similarly  the  other  plural  form,  eloth 
 eldth,  may  refer,  as  Stanley  conjectures,  to  the 
 palm-grove  at  Akaba.  The  plural  elim  occurs  in 
 Is.  i.  29,  where  probably  "oa'c"  are  intended:  in 
 Is.  Ixi.  3<,  and  Ez.  .xxxi.  14,  any  strong  flourishing 
 trees  may  be  denoted.  2.  Elah  ("oak,"  "  elah," 
 "  teil-tree  "  in  Is.  vi.  13  ;  "elms"  in  IIos.  iv.  13). 
 There  is  much  dilficulty  in  determining  the  exact 
 meanings  of  the  several  varieties  of  the  term  men- 
 tioned above.  Celsius  has  endeavoured  to  shew 
 that  el,  elim,  elon,  eldh,  and  alldh,  all  stand  for  the 
 terebinth-tree  {Pistacia  terehinthus),  while  allon 
 denotes  an  oak.  Hosenmiiller  gives  the  terebinth 
 to  el  and  eldli,  and  the  oak  to  alldh,  allon,  and  elon. 
 That  various  species  of  oak  may  well  have  deserveil 
 the  appellation  of  mighty  trees  is  clear  from  the 
 fact,  that  noble  oaks  are  to  this  day  occasionally 
 seen  in  Palestine  and  Lebanon.  If  we  examine  the 
 claims  of  the  teiebinth  to  represent  the  eldh,  we 
 shall  see  that  in  point  of  size  it  cannot  compete 
 with  some  of  the  oaks  of  Palestine.  Dr.  Thomson 
 (  The  Land  and  the  Book,  p.  243)  remarks  on  this 
 point:  "There  are  more  mighty  oaks  here  in  this 
 immediate  vicinity  {Mejdel  es-Shems)  than  there 
 are  terebinths  in  all  Syria  and  Palestine  together." 
 Two  oaks  [Quercus  pseiido-coccifcra  and  Q.  aegi- 
 laps)  are  well  woithy  of  the  name  of  mighty  trees  ; 
 though  it  is  equally  true  that  over  a  greater  pait 
 of  the  country  the  oaks  of  Palestine  are  at  present 
 merely  bushes.  3.  Elon  occurs  frequently  in  the 
 O.  T.,  and  denotes,  there  can  be  little  doubt,  some 
 kind  of  oak.  4.  fldn  is  found  only  in  Dan.  iv.  as 
 the  tree  which  Nebuchadnezzar  saw  in  his  dream. 
 5.  Allah  occurs  only  in  ,Josh.  xxiv.  26,  and  is  cor- 
 rectly rendered  "oak"  by  the  A.  V.  6.  AllSn  is 
 unilbrmly  rendered  "oak"  by  the  A.  V'.  and  has 
 always  been  so  understood  by  commentators.  It 
 should  be  stated  that  allon  occui-s  in  IIos.  iv.  13, 
 .■>s  distinguished  from  the  other  form  eldh  ;  conse- 
 quently it  is  nece.ssary  to  suppose  that  two  different 
 trees  are  .signified  by  the  terms.  We  believe  that 
 the  difTerence  is  specific,  and  not  geneiic — that  two 
 species  of  oaks  are  denoted  by  the  Hebrew  terms: 
 ull6n  may  st.'uid  tor  an  evergreen  oak,  as  the  Qncr- 
 cus  pseiulo-ooccifura,  and  elah  for  one  of  the  de- 
 riduoiis  kinds.  The  oaks  of  Hashan  belong  in  nil 
 j.roml.ility  tn  the  sjiccies  known  as  Qturctis  aeijilups, 
 
 OATH 
 
 the  Valonia  oak,  which  is  said  to  be  common  in 
 Gilead  and  Bashan.  Another  species  of  oak,  besides 
 those  named  al)ove.  is  the  Quercus  infcctoria,  which 
 is  common  in  (Jaliiee  and  Samaria.  It  is  rather  a 
 small  tree  in  Palestine,  and  seldom  jrrows  above 
 30  feet  higii,  though  in  ancient  times  it  might  have 
 been  a  noble  tree. 
 
 Oath.  I.  The  principle  on  which  an  oath  is  held 
 to  be  binding  is  incidentally  laid  down  in  Heh.  vi. 
 IG,  viz.  as  an  ultimate  appeal  to  divine  authority 
 to  ratify  an  a.ssertion.  There  the  Almighty  is  re- 
 presented as  promising  or  denouncing  with  an  oath, 
 J.  e.  doing  so  in  the  most  positive  and  solemn 
 manner. — 11.  On  the  same  principle,  that  oath  has 
 always  been  held  most  binding  which  appealed  to 
 the  highest  authority,  both  as  regards  individuals 
 anil  communities,  (a)  Thus  believers  in  .Jehovah 
 a])pealed  to  Him,  both  judicially  and  extra-judicially. 
 {b)  Appeals  of  this  kind  to  authoiities  recognised 
 respectively  by  adjuring  parties  were  regarded  as 
 ijonds  of  international  security,  and  their  infraction 
 as  being  not  only  grounds  of  international  com- 
 jilaint,  but  also  offences  against  divine  justice. — 
 III.  As  a  consequence  t)f  this  principle,  (a}  appeals 
 to  God's  name  on  the  one  har,d,  and  to  heathen 
 deities  on  the  other,  are  treated  in  Scripture  as  tests 
 of  allegiance  (Ex.  xxiii.  13,  xxxiv.  6;  Dent.  xxix. 
 12,  &c.).  (6)  So  also  the  sovereign's  name  is 
 sometimes  used  as  a  form  of  oblio;ation  (Gen.  xlii. 
 15;  2  Sam.  xi.  11,  .xiv.  19).— IV.  Other  forms  of 
 oath,  serious  or  fiivolous,  are  nientioneil,  some  of 
 which  are  condemned  by  our  Lord  (Matt.  v.  33, 
 xxiii.  16-22;  and  see  Jam.  v.  12).  As  to  the  sub- 
 ject matter  of  oaths  the  following  cases  may  be 
 mentioned: — 1.  Agreement  or  stipulation  for  per- 
 f'oiTnance  of  certain  acts  (Gen.  xiv.  22,  xxiv.  2,  8, 
 9,  &c.).  2.  Allegiance  to  a  sovereign,  or  obedience 
 from  an  inferior  to  a  superior  (Heel.  viii.  2  ;  2  Chr. 
 xxxvi.  13;  1  K.  xviii.  10).  3.  Promissory  o.ith 
 of  a  ruler  (.Josh.  vi.  26  ;  1  Sam.  xiv.  24,  28,  &c.). 
 Priests  took  no  oath  of  olbce  (Heb.  vii.  21).  4. 
 Vow  maile  in  the  form  of  an  oath  ( Lev.  v.  4). 
 5.  .Judicial  oaths,  (a)  A  man  receiving  a  pledge 
 from  a  neighbour  was  required,  in  case  of  injury 
 happening  to  the  pledge,  to  clear  himself  by  oath 
 of  the  blame  of  damage  (Ex.  xxii.  10,  11  ;  IK. 
 viii.  31 ;  2  Chr.  vi.  22).  lb)  It  appears  that  wit- 
 nesses were  examined  on  oath,  and  that  a  false 
 witness,  or  one  guilty  of  suppression  of  the  truth, 
 was  to  be  severely  punished  (Lev.  v.  1  ;  Prov.  xxix. 
 24;  [)eut.  xix.  16-19).  (c)  A  wife  susj>ected  of 
 incontinence  w;is  re<piired  to  clear  herself  by  oath 
 (Num.  V.  19-22).  The  forms  of  adjuration  men- 
 tioned in  Scripture  are — 1.  Lifting  up  the  hand. 
 Witnesses  laid  their  hands  on  the  head  of  the  ac- 
 cused ((ien.  xiv.  22  ;  Lev.  xxiv.  14 ;  Deut.  xxxiii. 
 40 ;  Is.  iii.  7).  2.  Putting  the  hand  under  the 
 thigh  of  the  ]H'rson  to  whom  the  piomise  was  made 
 (Gen.  xxiv.  2,  xlvii.  29).  It  h;is  been  explained  (n) 
 as  having  reference  to  the  covenant  of  circumcision  ; 
 (6)  as  containing  a  principle  similar  to  that  of  phallic 
 symbolism  ;  (c)  as  referring  to  the  promised  Messiah. 
 3.  Oaths  were  sometimes  taken  before  the  altar,  or, 
 as  some  understind  the  passage,  if  the  persons  were 
 not  in  Jernsalcm,  in  a  position  looking  towards  the 
 Temi.le  ( 1  K.  viii.  3 1  ;  2  Chr.  vi.  22).  4.  Dividing 
 a  victim  and  passing  between  or  distributing  the 
 pieces  (Gen.  xv.  lo,  17;  Jer.  xxxiv.  18).  As  the 
 .sanctity  of  oaths  was  carefully  inculcated  by  the 
 Law,  so  the  crime  of  peijury  was  strongly  con- 
 demned ;  and  to  a  false   witness  the  same  p  uiish- 
 
OBADIAH 
 
 meat  was  assigned  which  was  due  for  the  crime  to 
 which  he  testified  (Ex.  xx.  7  ;  Lev.  xix.  12  ;  Deut. 
 xix.  lG-19;  Ps.  xv.  4;  Jer.  v.  2,  vii.  9;  Kz.  xvi. 
 59;  Hos.  X.  4;  Zech.  viii.  17).  The  Chiistian 
 jiractice  in  the  matter  of  oaths  was  founded  in  great 
 measure  on  the  Jewish.  Thus  the  oath  on  the 
 Gos|iels  was  an  imitation  of  the  Jewish  practice  of 
 placing  the  hands  on  the  book  of  the  Law.  The 
 most  solemn  Mohammedan  oath  is  made  on  the 
 open  Koran.  Bedouin  Arabs  use  various  sorts  of 
 adjuration,  one  of  which  somewhat  resembles  the 
 oath  "  by  the  Temple."  The  person  takes  hold  of 
 the  middle  tent-pole,  and  swears  by  the  life  of  the 
 tent  and  its  owners.  The  stringent  nature  of 
 the  Roman  military  oath,  and  the  penalties  attached 
 to  infraction  of  it,  are  alluded  to,  more  or  less  cer- 
 biinly,  in  several  places  in  N.  T.,  e.  g.  Matt.  viii. 
 9,  Acts  xii.  19,  xvi.  27,  xxvii.  42. 
 
 Obadi'ah.     1.  The  sons  of  Obadiah  are  enumer- 
 ated in  a  corrupt  passage  of  the  genealogy  of  the 
 tribe  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iii.  21).— 2.  According  to 
 the  received  text,  one  of  the  five  sons  of  Izrahiah,  a 
 descendant  of  Issachar  and  a  chief  man  of  his  tribe 
 (1  Chr.  vii.  3).— 3.  One  of  the  six  sons  of  Azel, 
 a  descendant  of  Saul  (1  Chr.  viii.  38,   ix.  44).— 
 4.  A  Levite,  son  of  Shemaiah,  and  descended  from 
 Jeduthun  (1   Chr.  ix.    IP).     He  aupears  to  have 
 been  a  princijial  musician  in  the  Temple  clioir  in 
 the   time   of  Nehemiah    (Neh.    xii.    25).— 5.  The 
 second  of  the  lion-faced  Gadites,  who  joined  David 
 at  Ziklag  (1  Chr.  xii.  9).— 6.  One  of  the  piinces  of 
 Juiiah  in  the  reign  of  Jehoshaphat  (2  Chr.  xvii.  7). 
 —7.  The  son  of  Jehiel,  of  the  sons  of  Joab,  who 
 came  up  in   the   second  caiavan   with   Ezia  (Ezr. 
 viii.  9). — 8.  A   priest,  or  family  of  priests,   who 
 sealed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  5).^ 
 9.  The   prophet   Obadiah.     We  know   nothing  of 
 him  except  what   we  can  gather  from   the  short 
 book  which  bears  his  name.     The  Hebrew  tradition 
 adopted  by  St.  Jerome,  and  maintained  by   Abra- 
 banel   and   Kimchi,   that  Jie  is  the  same  person  as 
 the   Obadiah   of  Ahab's    reign,    is  a&  destitute  of 
 foundation  as  another  account,   also  suggested   by 
 Abrabanel,  which  makes  him  to  have  been  a  con- 
 verted Idumaean.     The  question  of  his  date  must 
 depend  upon  the  interpietation  of  the  11th  verse  of 
 his  prophecy.     He  there  speaks  of  the  conquest  of 
 Jerusalem  and   the  captivity   of  Jacob.     If  he  is 
 referring   to   the  well-known   captivity  by  Nebu- 
 chadnezzar he  must  have  lived  at  the  time  of  the 
 Babylonish  captivity,   and   have  prophesied  subse- 
 quently to  the  year  B.C.  588.     If,  further,  his  pio- 
 phecy  against  Edom  found  its  first  fulfilment  in  the 
 conquest   of  that   country  by    Nebuchadnezzar   in 
 the  year  B.C.  583,   we  have  its  date  fixed.     It  must 
 have  been   uttered  at  some  time  in  the  five  years 
 which  intervened   between  those  two  dates.     The 
 only  argument  of  any  weight  for  the  early  date  of 
 Obadiah  is  his  position  in  the  list  of  the  books  of  the 
 minor   prophets.     Why   should    he  have  been  in- 
 serted between  Amos  and  Jonah  if  his  date  is  about 
 E.C.  585?     Schnurrer  seems  to  answer  this  ques- 
 tion satisfactorily  when  he  says  that  the  prophecy 
 of  Obadiah  is  an  amplification  of  the  last  five  verses 
 of  Amos,  and   w;is  therefoie  placed  next  after  the 
 book  of  Amos.     The  book  of  Obadiah  is  a  sustained 
 denunciation  of  the   Edomites,  melting,  as  is  the 
 wont  of  the  Hebrew  prophets  (of.  Joel  iii..  Am.  ix.), 
 into  a  vision  of  the  future  glories  of  Zion,  when  the 
 arm  of  the  Lord  should  have  wrought  her  deliver- 
 ance   and   have    rejiaid  double   upon   her  eremies. 
 
 OBADIAH 
 
 639 
 
 Previous  to  the  captivity,  the  Edomites  were  in  a 
 similar  relation  to  the  Jews  to  that  which  the  Sa- 
 maritans afterwards  held.     They  were  near  neigh- 
 bours, and  they  were  relatives.     The  Edomites  are 
 the  types  of  those  who  ought  to  be  friends  and  are 
 not — of  those  who  ought  to  be  helpers,  but  in  the 
 day  of  calamity  are  found  "  standing  on  the  other 
 side."     The  prophet  complains  that  they  looked  on 
 and  rejoiced  in  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  ;  that 
 they  triumphed  over  her  and  plundered   her  ;  and 
 that  they  cut  off  the  fugitives  who  were  probably 
 making  their  way  through  Idumaea  to  Egypt.    The 
 last   six    verses   are    the   most   important  part   ot 
 Obadiah's  prophecy.     The  vision  presented  to  the 
 prophet  is  that  of  Zion  triumphant  over  the  Idu- 
 maeans  and  all  her  enemies,  restored  to  her  ancient 
 possessions,  and  extending  her  borders  northward 
 and  southward  and  eastward  and   westward.     He 
 sees  the  house  of  Jacob  and  the  house  of  Joseph 
 consuming  the  house  of  Esau  as  fire  devours  stubble 
 (ver.   18).     The   inhabitants  of  the  city  of  Jeru- 
 salem, now  captive  at  Sepharad,  ai"e  to  return  to^ 
 Jeiusalem,  and  to  occupy  not  only  the  city  itself, 
 but  the  southern  tract  of  Judaea  (ver.  20).     Those 
 who  had  dwelt  in  the  southern  tract  are  to  overrun 
 and   settle  in  Idumaea  (ver.  19).     The  former  in- 
 habitants of  the  plain  country  are  also  to  establish 
 themselves  in   Phiiistia   (ib.).     To  the  north    the 
 tribe  of  Judah  is  to  extend  itself  as  far  as  the  fields 
 of  Ephraim  and  Samaria,  while  Benjamin,  thus  dis- 
 placed, takes  possession  of  Gilead  (ib  ).  The  captives 
 of  the  ten  tribes  are  to  occupy  the  northern  region 
 from  the  borders  of  the  enlaiged  Judah  as  far  as 
 Sarepta   near   Sidon    (ver.    2o).     The   question    is 
 asked,    Have    the   prophet's   denunciations    of   the 
 Edomites  been  fulfilled,  and  has  his  vision  of  Zion's 
 glories    been    realised?      Typically,    partially,    and 
 imperfectly  they  have  been  fulfilled,  but  they  await 
 a  fuller  accomplishment.     'J'he   fii'st  fulfilment  of 
 the  denunciation  on  Edom  in  all  probability  took 
 place  a  few  yeai-s  after  its  utterance.     Five  years 
 after  the  capture  of  Jerusalem  Nebuchadnezzar  re- 
 duced the  Ammonites  and  Moabites,  and  after  their 
 reduction  made  an  expedition  into  Egypt.     This  he 
 could  hardiv  have  done  without  at  the  same  time 
 reducing    Idumaea.     A  more  full,    but  still  only 
 partial  and  typical,  fulfilment   would   have  taken 
 place  in  the  time  of  John  Hyrcanus,  who  utterly 
 reduced  the  Idumaeans.     Similarly  th«  return  from 
 the  Babylonish  captivity  would  typically  and  im- 
 perfectly fulfil  the   promise   of  the  restoration  of 
 Zion   and   the  extension  of  her  borders.     The  full 
 completion  of  the  prophetical  descriptions  of  the 
 glories  of  Jerusalem — the  future  golden  age  towai-ds 
 which    the  seers  stretched   their  hands  with   fond 
 yearnings^is   to  be  looked  for  in   the   Christian, 
 not  in  the  Jewisli  Zion — in  the  antitype  rather  than 
 in  the  type.     The  book  of  Obadiah  is  a  favourite 
 study  of  the  modern  Jews.     It  is  here  especially 
 that  they  read  the  future  fate  of  their  own  nation 
 and  of  the  Christians.     Those    unvei'sed   m    their 
 literature   may  wonder  where  the  Christians   are 
 found   in  tlie  book  of  Obadiah.     But  it  is  a  fixed 
 principle  of  Kabbinical  intei pretation  that  by  Edom- 
 ites are  prophetically  meant  Christians,  and  that  by 
 Edom  is  meant  Rome.     Abrabanel  has  written  a 
 commentaiy  on  Obadiah  resting  on  this  hypothesis 
 as  its  ba.sis.     The  fiist  nine  verses  of  Obadiah  are 
 so   similar  to  Jer.  xlix.  7,  &c.,  that  it  is  evident 
 that  one  of  the  two  prophets  must  have  had  the 
 prophecy  of  the  other  before  him.     Which  of  the 
 
R40 
 
 OBAL 
 
 two  wrote  fii-st  is  doubtful.  Those  who  give  an 
 early  date  to  Obadiah  thereby  settle  the  question. 
 Those  who  place  him  later  leave  the  question  open, 
 as  he  would  in  that  case  be  a  contemporary  of  Je- 
 remiah.— 10.  An  officer  of  high  rank  in  the  court 
 ot  Ahab,  who  is  described  a.s  "over  the  house," 
 mat  is,  a])parently,  lord  high  chambeilain,or  mayor 
 of  the  palace  (1  K.  xviii.  ;5).  His  inHuence  with 
 the  king  must  have  been  great  to  enable  him  to 
 retain  his  position,  though  a  devout  worshipper  of 
 Jehovah,  duiing  the  fierce  persecution  of  the  pro- 
 phets by  Jezebel.  At  the  |>eiil  of  his  life  he  con- 
 cealed a  bundled  of  them  in  caves,  and  fed  them 
 there  with  bread  and  water.  But  he  himself  does 
 not  seem  to  have  been  suspected  f  1  K.  xviii.  4,  13). 
 The  occiision  upon  which  Obadiah  appears  in  the 
 history  shows  the  confidential  nature  of  his  office 
 (1  K.  .xviii.  7-16).  .According  to  the  Jewish  tra- 
 dition preserved  in  Kphrem  Syrus,  Obadiah  the 
 chief  officer  of  Ahab  was  the  same  with  Obadiah 
 the  prophet.  He  was  of  Shechem  in  the  laud  of 
 Kphraim,  and  a  disciple  of  Elijah,  and  was  the  third 
 capt^iin  of  fifty  who  was  sent  by  Ahaziah  (2  K. 
 i.  l.'i).^ll.  'I'he  fitlier  of  Ishiiiaiah,  who  was  chief 
 of  the  tribe  of  Zebulon  in  Uavid's  reign  (1  Chr. 
 ixvii.  19). — 12.  A  Merarite  Levite  in  the  leign  of 
 Josiah,  and  one  of  the  ovei-seers  of  the  workmen  in 
 the  restoration  of  the  Temple  (2  Chr.  xxxiv.  12). 
 
 O'bal.  A  son  of  Joktan,  and,  like  the  i-est  of  his 
 family,  ai)parently  the  founder  of  an  Arab  tribe 
 ((jen.  X.  28),  which  has  not  yet  been  identified. 
 In  1  Chr.  i.  22  the  name  is  written  Ebal,  which 
 has  been  compared  with  the  Avalitae  and  the 
 Gehanitae. 
 
 Obdi'a.  {'robably  a  corruption  of  Obaia,  the 
 foiin  in  which  the  name  Hauaiah  appears  (comp. 
 1  Ksilr.  V.  o8  with  Kzr.  ii.  GI ). 
 
 O'bed.  1.  Son  of  Boaz  and  Ruth  the  Moaliitess 
 MJuth  iv.  17).  The  circumstances  of  his  birth, 
 which  make  up  all  tiiat  we  know  about  him,  are 
 given  witli  much  beauty  in  the  book  of  Kuth,  and 
 form  a  most  interesting  s|)ecimen  of  the  religious 
 and  social  life  of  the  Israelites  in  the  days  of  Eli, 
 which  a  comparison  of  the  genealogies  of  David, 
 Samuel,  and  Abiatliai-  shows  to  have  been  about 
 the  time  of  his  birth.  The  name  of  Obed  occurs 
 only  Ruth  iv.  17,  and  in  the  four  genealogies, 
 Kuth  iv.  21,  22;  1  Chr.  ii.  12;  Matt.'i.  5;  Luke 
 iii.  32.  In  all  th&se  five  passages,  and  in  the  first 
 with  peculiar  emphasis,  he  is  said  to  be  the  father 
 of  Jesse.— 2.  A  descendant  of  Jaiha,  the  F^gyptian 
 slave  of  Sheshan  in  the  line  of  Jerahmeel.  He  was 
 grandson  of  Zabad,  one  of  David's  mighties  (1  Chr. 
 ii.  37,  38).— 8.  One  of  David's  mighty  men 
 n  Chr.  xi.  47).— 4.  One  of  the  gate-keepers  of 
 the  Temple :  son  of  Shemaiah  the  first-born  of 
 Obed-edom  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  7). ^6.  Father  of  .Xzariah, 
 one  of  the  captains  of  hundreds  who  joineil  with 
 Jehoinda  in  the  revolution  by  which  Athaliah  fell 
 f2  Chr.  xxiii.  1). 
 
 Oted-e'dom.  1.  A  I.ovite,  ajiparentiv  of  the 
 fi'.niily  of  Kohath.  He  is  desciibed  a-s  a  Gittite 
 '2  Sjun.  vi.  10,  1  I),  that  is,  piobably,  a  native  of 
 the  [.critical  city  of  (iath-IIinnnon  in  Mauas.seh, 
 wliich  was  assigned  to  the  Koliathites  (Josh.  xxi. 
 4.j).  After  the  dentil  of  LIzzah,  the  ark,  which 
 wn«  being  conducted  from  the  house  of  Abinadab  in 
 flibeah  to  the  city  of  David,  was  caiTiel  aside  into 
 the  house  of  Obecl-e<lom,  where  it  ctjntinued  three 
 months.  It  was  brought  thence  by  D.ivid  (I  Chr. 
 XV.  25;  2  S.-\m.  vi.  I'2).— 2.  "  Obi-d-edom  the  son 
 
 OFFICER 
 
 of  Jeduthun  "  (1  Chr.  xvi.  .'JH),  a  Mera  ite  Levite, 
 Appears  to  !«  a  different  pei-son  from  the  last- 
 mentioned.  He  was  a  Levite  of  the  seccnd  degree 
 and  a  gatekeeper  for  the  ark  fl  Ciir.  xv.  18,  24,, 
 appointed  to  sound  "  with  harps  on  the  Sheminith 
 to  excel"  (1  Chr.  xv.  21,  xvi.  5).  There  is  on* 
 expression,  however,  which  seems  to  imply  that 
 Obed-edom  the  gatekeeper  and  Obed-edom  the 
 Gittite  may  have  been  the  same.  After  enumerat- 
 ing his  .seven  sons  the  chronicler  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  .'>) 
 adds,  "  tor  God  blessed  him,"  referring  appai'ently 
 to  2  Sam.  vi.  11. 
 
 O'beth.  Ebed  the  son  of  Jonathan  (1  Esdr. 
 viii.  32). 
 
 01)11.  An  Ishmaelite  who  was  appropriately 
 appointe<I  keeper  of  the  herds  of  camels  in  the  reign 
 of  David  (I  Chr.  xxvii.  30). 
 
 Oblation.     [Sacrifick.] 
 
 O'both,  one  of  the  encampments  of  the  Israelites, 
 e.^st  of  Moab  (Num.  xxi.  10,  xxxiii.  43).  Its  exr.ct 
 site  is  unknown. 
 
 Ochi'el  =  Jeiel,  1  Esdr.  i.  9  (comp.  2  Chr. 
 XXXV.  9). 
 
 Ocide'lus.  A  corruption  of  Jozabad  in  Ezr.  x. 
 22  ( 1  Ksd.  IV.  22). 
 
 Oci'na.  "  Sour  and  Ocina  "  are  mentioned  (Jun. 
 ii.  28)  among  the  places  on  the  sea-coast  of  Pales- 
 tine, which  were  terrified  at  the  apjiroach  of  Holo- 
 fernes.  Its  position  agrees  with  that  of  the  ancient 
 Aociio. 
 
 Oc'ran.  An  Asherite,  father  of  Pagiel  (Num.  i. 
 13,  ii.  27,  vii.  72,  77,  x.  26). 
 
 O'ded.  1.  The  father  of  ,\zariah  the  prophet  in 
 the  reign  of  Asa  (2  Chr.  xv.  1)^2.  A  prophet  of 
 Jehovah  in  Samaria,  at  the  time  of  Pekah's  in- 
 vasion of  Judah  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  9). 
 
 Odol'Iam.  The  Greek  foini  of  the  name  Anri,- 
 LAM ;  found  in  2  Mace.  xii.  38  only,  .^dullani  is 
 stilted  by  Eusebius  and  Jerome  to  have  been  in 
 their  day  a  large  village,  about  10  miles  east  of 
 Eleutheropolis ;  and  here  (if  Beit-jibrin  be  Eleii- 
 theropolis)  a  village  with  the  name  of  Bet-Dula  or 
 Beit  Ula  now  stands.  The  obstacle  to  this  identi- 
 fication is  that  in  the  catalogue  of  Joshua  xv.  it  is 
 mentioned  with  a  group  of  towns  (Zoieah,  Socoh, 
 &c.)  which  lay  at  the  N.W.  corner  of  Judah,  while 
 Bet  Dfdii  is  found  with  tho.se  (Nezib,  Keilah,  iSic.) 
 of  a  separate  group,  farther  south.  Further  in- 
 vestigation is  requisite  before  we  can  jiositively  say 
 if  there  is  any  cavern  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Bet 
 /^u/'j  answering  to  the  "cave  of  Adullam."  The 
 cavern  at  Khureiiun,  3  miles  south  of  Hethlohem, 
 usually  shown  to  travellers  as  Adullam,  is  so  far 
 ilistaiit  as  to  put  it  out  of  the  question. 
 
 Odonar'kes,  the  chief  of  a  nomad  tribe  slain  by 
 Jcnathan  '  1  iMacc.  ix.  66). 
 
 Offerings.     [Sacrifick.] 
 
 OflBcer.  It  is  obvious  that  most,  if'  not  all,  of 
 the  Hebrew  words  rondci'ed  "officer,"  are  either 
 of  an  indefinite  character,  or  are  synonymous  terms 
 for  functionaries  known  under  other  and  moie 
 specific  names,  as  "scribe,"  "  eunuch,"  &c.  The 
 two  words  so  rendered  in  the  N.  T.  ea<'h  bciir 
 in  onlinaiy  <Jieek  a  special  sense.  In  the  cise  of 
 virripiTi)s  this  is  of  no  very  definite  kind,  but  the 
 word  is  used  to  denote  an  inl'erior  otlicer  of  a  court 
 of  justice,  a  mes.seiiger  or  bailiff,  like  the  l.'oman 
 viator  or  lictor.  UpaKTopn  at  .\thens  were  offi- 
 cers whose  dutv  it  was  to  registei'  and  collect  fines 
 iniiw.ed  by  courts  of  justice;  and  "deliver  to  the 
 officer"   means,  give   i\\    thi'  name  of  the  ilebtor  to 
 
OG 
 
 the  officer  of  the  court.  The  worJ  "  officers  "  is 
 used  (1  Mace.  x.  41,  xiii.  'M)  in  speaking  of  the 
 revenue-officers  of  Demetrius.  In  Ecclus.  x.  2, 
 ilie  meaning  is  clearly  the  subordinates  in  a  general 
 sense  to  a  supreme  authority. 
 
 Og,  an  Amoritish  king  of  Bashan,  whose  rule 
 extended  over  sixty  cities,  of  which  the  two  chief 
 were  Ashtaroth-Karnaim  and  Edrei  (Josh.  xiii.  12). 
 He  was  one  of  the  last  representatives  of  the  giant- 
 race  of  Rephaini.  According  to  Eastern  traditions, 
 he  escaped  the  deluoe  by  wading  beside  the  ark. 
 He  was,  with  liis  children  and  his  people,  defeated 
 Tud  exterminated  by  the  Israelites  at  Edrei,  im- 
 mediately after,  the  conquest  of  Sihon,  who  is  re- 
 presented by  Josephus  as  his  friend  and  ally.  His 
 sixty  proud  fenced  cities  were  taken,  and  his  king- 
 dom assigned  to  the  Reubenites,  Gadites,  and  half 
 the  tribe  of  Manasseh  fDeut.  iii.  1-13;  Num. 
 xxxii.  33.  Also  Deut.  i.  4,  iv.  47,  xxxi.  4 ;  Josh, 
 ii.  10,  ix.  10,  xiii.  12,  30).  The  belief  in  Og's 
 enormous  stature  is  corroboi-ated  by  an  appeal  to 
 a  relic  still  existing  in  the  time  of  the  author  of 
 Deut.  iii.  11.  This  was  an  iron  bedstead,  or  bier, 
 pi-eserved  in  "  llabbath  of  the  children  of  Ammon." 
 Some  have  supposed  that  this  was  one  of  the  com- 
 mon flat  beds  used  sometimes  on  the  housetops  of 
 Eastern  cities,  but  maile  of  iron  instead  of  palm- 
 branches,  which  would  not  have  supported  the 
 giant's  weight.  It  is  more  probable  that  the  words 
 mean  a  "  sarcophagus  of  black  basalt,"  a  rendering 
 of  which  they  undoubtedly  admit. 
 
 Ohad.  One  of  the  six  sons  of  Simeon  (Gen. 
 xlvi.  10;  Ex.  vi.  15). 
 
 O'liel.  As  the  text  now  stands  Ohel  was  one 
 of  the  seven  sons  of  Zerubbabel  (1  Chr.  iii.  20). 
 
 Oil.  i.  Of  the  numerous  substances,  animal 
 and  vegetable,  which  were  known  to  the  ancients 
 as  yielding  oil,  the  olive-berry  is  the  one  of  which 
 most  frequent  mention  is  made  in  the  Scriptures. 
 The  best  oil  is  made  from  fruit  gathered  about 
 November  or  December,  when  it  has  begun  to 
 change  colour,  but  befoie  it  has  become  black.  The 
 beriy  in  the  more  advanced  state  yields  more  oil, 
 but  of  an  inferior  quality.  1.  Gathering. — Great 
 care  is  necessary  in  gathering,  not  to  injure  either 
 the  fruit  itself  or  the  boughs  of  the  tree  ;  and  with 
 this  view  it  was  either  gathered  by  hand  or  shaken 
 otf  carefully  with  a  light  leed  or  stick.  After 
 gathering  and  careful  cleansing,  the  fruit  was 
 either  at  once  carried  to  the  press,  which  is  recom- 
 mended as  the  best  course  ;  or,  if  necessary,  laid 
 on  tables  Vv'ith  hollow  trays  made  sloping,  so  as  to 
 allow  the  first  juice  to  flow  into  other  receptacles 
 beneath,  care  being  taken  not  to  heap  the  fruit  too 
 much,  and  so  prevent  the  free  escape  of  the  juice, 
 which  is  injurious  to  the  oil  though  itself  useful  in 
 other  ways.  2.  Pressing. — In  order  to  make  oil, 
 the  fruit  was  either  bruised  in  a  mortar,  crushed 
 in  a  press  loaded  with  wood  or  stones,  ground  in 
 a  mill,  or  trodden  with  the  feet.  Special  buildings 
 used  for  grape-pressing  were  used  also  for  the  pur- 
 pose of  olive-pressing,  and  contained  both  the  press 
 and  the  leceptacle  for  the  pressed  juice.  The 
 "  beaten  "  oil  of  Ex.  xxvii.  20  ;  Lev.  xxiv.  2,  and 
 Ex.  xxix.  40  ;  Num.  xxviii.  5,  was  probably  made 
 by  bruising  in  a  mortar.  These  processes,  and  also 
 the  place  and  the  machine  for  pressing,  are  men- 
 tioned in  the  Mishna.  Oil-mills  are  often  made  of 
 stone,  and  turned  by  hand.  Others  consist  of 
 cylinder  enclosing  a  be;mi,  which  is  turned  by  a 
 camel  or  other  animal.     3.  Keeping. — Both  olives 
 
 (Jon.  D.  B. 
 
 OIL-TREE 
 
 G41 
 
 and  oil  were  kept  in  jars  ciirefully  cleansed  ;  and 
 oil  was  drawn  out  for  use  in  horns  or  other  small 
 vessels.  Oil  of  Tekoa  was  reckoned  the  best. 
 Tiade  in  oil  was  canied  on  with  the  Tyrians,  by 
 whom  it  was  probably  often  re-exported  to  Ecrypt, 
 whose  olives  do  not  tor  the  most  part  produce  good 
 oil  (2  Chr.  ii.  10).  Direct  trade  in  oil  was  also 
 carried  on  between  Egypt  and  Palestine  (Ezr.  iii. 
 7  ;  Is.  XXX.  6,  Ivii.  9  ;  Ez.  xxvii.  17  ;  Hos.  xii.  1). 
 ii.  Besides  the  use  of  olives  themselves  as  food, 
 common  to  all  olive-producing  countries,  the  prin- 
 cipal uses  of  olive-oil  may  be  thus  stated.  1.  As 
 food. — Di'ied  wheat,  boiled  with  either  butter  or 
 oil,  but  more  commonly  the  former,  is  a  common 
 dish  for  all  classes  in  Syria.  2.  Cosmetic. — As  is 
 the  case  genei'ally  in  hot  climates,  oil  was  used  by 
 the  Jews  for  anointing  the  body,  e.  g.  after  the 
 bath,  and  giving  to  the  skin  and  hair  a  smooth  and 
 comely  appearance,  e.  g.  before  an  entertainment. 
 At  Egyptian  entertainments  it  was  usual  for  a 
 servant  to  anoint  the  head  of  each  guest,  as  he  took 
 his  seat  (Deut.  xxviii.  40 ;  2  Sam.  xiv.  2  ;  Ruth 
 iii.  3  ;  2  Sam.  xii.  20).  3.  Funereal. — The  bodies 
 of  the  dead  were  anointed  with  oil  by  the  Greeks 
 and  Romans,  probably  as  a  partial  antiseptic,  and  a 
 similar  custom  appears  to  have  prevailed  among  the 
 Jews.  4.  Medicinal. — As  oil  is  in  use  in  many 
 cases  in  modern  medicine,  so  it  is  not  surprising 
 that  it  should  have  been  much  used  among  the 
 Jews  and  other  nations  of  antiquity  for  medicinal 
 purposes.  Celsus  repeatedly  speaks  of  the  use  ot 
 oil,  especially  old  oil,  applied  externally  with  fric- 
 tion in  fevers,  and  in  many  other  cases.  Josephus 
 mentions  that  among  the  remedies  employed  in  the 
 case  of  Herod,  he  was  put  into  a  sort  of  oil-bath. 
 The  prophet  Isaiah  (i.  Bj  alludes  to  the  use  of  oil 
 as  ointment  in  medical  treatment  ;  and  it  thus 
 furnished  a  fitting  symbol,  peihaps  also  an  efficient 
 remedy,  when  used  by  our  Lord's  disciples  in  the 
 miiaculous  cures  which  they  were  enabled  to  per- 
 form ('Mark  vi.  13).  With  a  similar  intention,  no 
 doubt,  its  use  was  enjoined  by  St.  James  (v.  14). 
 5.  Oil  for  light. — The  oil  for  "  the  light "  was 
 expressly  ordered  to  be  olive-oil,  beaten,  i.  e.  made 
 from  olives  bruised  in  a  mortar  (Ex.  xxv.  6,  xxvii. 
 20,  21,  XXXV.  8  ;  Lev.  xxiv.  2).  In  the  same 
 manner  the  great  lamps  used  at  the  Feast  of  Taber- 
 nacles were  fed.  6.  Ritual. — a.  Oil  was  poured 
 on,  or  mixed  with  the  flour  or  meal  used  in  offer- 
 ings. On  the  other  hand,  certain  offerings  were  to 
 be  devoid  of  oil;  the  sin-ofi'ei-ing.  Lev.  v.  11,  and 
 the  offering  of  jealousy,  Num.  v.  15.  The  principle 
 on  which  both  the  presence  and  the  absence  of  oil 
 were  prescribed  is  clearly,  that  as  oil  is  indicative  of 
 gladness,  so  its  absence  denoted  sorrow  or  humilia- 
 tion (Is.  Ixi.  3  ;  Joel  ii.  19 ;  Rev.  vi.  6).  b. 
 Kings,  priests,  and  prophets,  were  anointed  with 
 oil  or  ointment.  7.  a.  As  so  important  a  neces- 
 sary of  life,  the  Jew  was  required  to  include  oil 
 among  his  first-fruit  offerings  (Ex.  xxii.  29,  xxiii. 
 16;  Num.  xviii.  12;  Deut.  xviii.  4  ;  2  Chr.  xxxi. 
 5).  b.  Tithes  of  oil  were  also  required  (Deut.  xii. 
 17;  2  Chr.  xxxi.  5,  &c.).  8.  Shields,  if  covered 
 with  hide,  were  anointed  with  oil  or  grease  previous 
 to  use.  Shields  of  metal  weie  perhaps  rubbed  over 
 in  like  manner  to  polish  them.  Of  the  substances 
 which  yield  oil,  besides  the  olive-tree,  myrrh  is  the 
 only  one  specially  mentioned  in  Scripture  (Esth.  ii. 
 12).  Oil  of  myrrh  is  the  juice  which  exudes  from 
 the  tree  Balsamodendiou  Myrrha. 
 [     Oil-tl'ee.     The    Hebrew  words    occur   in    Neh. 
 
 2  T 
 
en 
 
 OINTMENT 
 
 viii.  15  (A.  V.  "  pine-l)iaiiches"j,  1  K.  vi.  23 
 ("olive-tree"),  and  in  Is.  xii.  19  ("  oil-tree  "j. 
 Fiom  the  passage  in  Nehemiali,  where  the  ets 
 sheinen  is  mentioned  as  distinct  from  the  "  olive- 
 tree,"  writers  have  sout;ht  to  identify  it  with  the 
 zackum-tTce  of  the  Arab?,  the  Balanites  Aei/i/ptiaca, 
 a  well-known  and  abundant  shrub  or  small  tree  in 
 the  plain  of  Jordan.  It  is  found  all  the  way  from 
 the  peninsula  of  India  and  the  Ganges  to  Syria, 
 Abyssinia,  and  the  Niger.  The  zackum-oil  is  held 
 in  high  repute  by  the  Arabs  for  its  medicin?.!  pro- 
 perties. It  is  quite  pi'obable  that  the  zackum,  or 
 Balanites  Aegyptiaca,  is  the  ets  shetnen,  or  oil-tree 
 of  Sci-iptuve. 
 
 ^W^: 
 
 Ointment.  The  following  list  will  point  out 
 the  Scriptural  uses  of  ointment: — 1.  Cosmetic. — 
 The  Greek  and  Koman  practice  of  anointing  the 
 hciid  and  clothes  on  festive  oci:asions  prevailed 
 also  among  the  Egyjitians,  and  appears  to  have  had 
 place  among  the  Jews  (Ruth  iii.  3;  Eccl.  vii.  1, 
 i.\.  8  ;  Fiov.  xxvii.  9,  16,  &c.).  Oil  of  myrrh, 
 for  like  purposes,  is  mentioned  Ksth.  ii.  12. 
 Kgyptian  paintings  represent  servant-s  anointmg 
 guests  on  their  arrival  at  their  ent<>itainer's  liousc. 
 and  alabaster  vases  exist  which  retain  the  traws  of 
 the  ointment  which  they  were  used  to  contain. 
 2.  Funereal. — Ointments  as  well  as  oil  were  u.scd 
 to  anoint  dead  bodies  and  the  clothes  in  which 
 tliev  were  wrapped  (Matt.  xxvi.  12  ;  Mark  xiv. 
 .3,  8  ;  Luke  xxiii.  56  ;  John  xii.  3,  7,  xix.  40).  :i. 
 Medicinal. — Ointment  formed  an  important  feature 
 in  ancient  medical  treatment  (Is.  i.  6).  The  men- 
 tion of  balm  of  (iile;id  and  of  eye-salve  (collyrium) 
 jioints  to  the  same  method  (Is.  i.  6  ;  John  ix.  6  ; 
 Jer.  viii.  22;  Rev.  iii.  18,  &c.).  4.  liitical. — Besides 
 the  oil  used  in  many  ceremonial  observances,  a 
 special  ointment  was  appointed  to  be  used  in  conse- 
 cration (Ex.  XXX.  2:i,  ;J3,  xxix.  7,  xxxvii.  29,  xl.  9, 
 1,5).  Strict  pi'ohibition  was  issued  against  using 
 this  unguent   for  any  secular   purpose,   or  on  the 
 
 OLD  TESTAMENT 
 
 person  of  it  foreigner,  and  against  iniitafinj  it  in 
 any  way  whatsoever  (Ex.  xxx.  32,  3:5).  The 
 weight  therefore  of  the  oil  in  the  mixture  would  be 
 12  lbs.  8  oz.  English.  A  question  arises,  in  what 
 form  were  the  other  ingretlients,  and  what  degree 
 of  solidity  did  the  whole  att;iin  ?  According  to 
 Maimouides,  Moses,  having  reduced  the  solid  in- 
 gredients to  powder,  steeped  them  in  water  till  all 
 the  aromatic  qualities  were  drawn  forth.  He  then 
 poured  in  the  oil,  and  boiled  the  whole  till  the 
 water  was  evaporatixl.  The  residuum  thus  obtained 
 was  preserved  in  a  vessel  for  use.  Another  theory 
 supposes  all  the  ingi-edients  to  have  Ijeen  in  the 
 foiTn  of  oil  or  ointment,  and  the  measurement  by 
 weight  of  all,  except  the  oil,  seems  to  imply  that 
 they  were  in  some  solid  form,  but  whether  in  an 
 inictuous  state  or  in  that  of  powder  cannot  be 
 ascertained.  A  process  of  making  ointment,  con- 
 sisting, in  part  at  least,  in  boiling,  is  alluded  to  in 
 Job  xii.  31.  Kings,  and  also  in  some  cases  pro- 
 phets, were,  as  well  as  priests,  anointed  with  oil  or 
 ointment ;  but  Scriptuie  only  mentions  the  fact  as 
 actually  taking  place  in  the  cases  of  Saul,  IMvid, 
 Solomon,  Jehu,  and  Joash.  It  is  evident  that  the 
 sacred  oil  was  used  in  the  case  of  Solomon,  and  pro- 
 bably in  the  cases  of  Saul  and  David.  A  person 
 whose  busine.ss  it  was  to  compound  ointments  in 
 general  was  called  an  "apothecary"  (Neh.  iii.  8  ; 
 Eccl.  X.  1 ;  Ecclus.  xlix.  1).  The  work  was  some- 
 times carried  on  by  women  "  confectionaries " 
 (1  Sam.  viii.  1.'5).  In  the  Christian  Church  the 
 ancient  usage  of  anointing  the  bodies  of  the  dead 
 was  long  retained.  The  ceremony  of  Chrism  or 
 .anointing  was  also  added  to  baptism. 
 
 Ola'mus.      Meshullam    of  the   sons   of  Baui 
 I   Ksd.  ix.  30  ;  oonip.  Ezr.  x.  29). 
 
 Old  Testament.  This  article  will  treat  (A)  of 
 the  Text  ami  (li)  of  the  Inteipretation  of  the  Old 
 Testament.  Some  observations  will  be  subjoined 
 respecting  (C)  the  Quotations  from  the  Old  Testa- 
 ment in  the  New.  —  A. — Text  of  the  Old 
 Testament.  1.  History  of  the  Text. — A  history 
 of  the  text  of  the  0.  T.  should  properly  commence 
 from  the  date  of  the  completion  of  the  Canon  ; 
 from  which  time  we  must  assume  that  no  additions 
 to  any  part  of  it  could  be  legitimately  made,  the 
 sole  object  of  those  who  transmitted  and  watched 
 over  it  being  thenceforth  to  presence  that  which 
 was  alre.idy  written.  Of  the  care,  however,  with 
 which  the  text  w;is  transmitted  we  have  to  judge, 
 almost  entiiely,  by  the  phenomena  which  it  and  the 
 versions  derived  from  it  now  present,  mther  than 
 by  any  recordefl  facts  respecting  it.  As  regards 
 the  form  in  which  the  sacred  writings  were  pre- 
 served, there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  text  was 
 ordinarily  written  on  skins,  rolled  up  into  volumes, 
 like  the  modern  synagogue-rolls  ( I's.  xl.  7  ;  Jer. 
 xxxvi.  14  ;  Zech.  v.  1  ;  Ez.  ii.  9).  The  original 
 character  in  which  the  text  wa:>  expressed  is  that 
 still  preserve*]  to  us,  with  the  exception  of  four 
 letters,  on  the  Maccabe.in  coins,  and  having  a  strong 
 allinity  to  the  Siiniaritan  character.  At  wh:it  ilote 
 this  was  exchanged  for  the  pre.sent  .Xramaic  or 
 .square  char.acter  is  .still  as  undetermined,  as  it  is  at 
 what  date  the  use  of  the  .Aramaic  language  in 
 Palestine  superseded  that  of  the  Hebrew.  The  Old 
 Jewish  tradition,  repeated  by  Oiigcn  and  Jerome, 
 ascribed  the  (hange  to  Ezra.  [WniTINO.]  No 
 vowel  points  were  att;iched  to  the  text:  they  were, 
 througi\  all  tlie  early  |ioriod  of  its  history,  entirely 
 unknown.      (Convenience  had  iudecil,   at   the   tmie 
 
OLD  TESTAMENT 
 
 wh^n  the  later  books  of  the  O.  T.  weie  wiitten, 
 suggested  a  larger  use  of  the  matres  lectionis :  it  is 
 thus  that  in  those  hooks  we  find  them  introduced 
 into  many  words  that  had  been  previously  spelt 
 without  them.  There  is  reason  to  think  that  in 
 the  text  of  the  0.  T.,  as  originally  written,  tlie 
 words  were  generally,  though  not  uniformly, 
 divided.  Of  the  Phoenician  inscriptions,  though 
 the  majority  proceed  continuously,  some  have  a 
 point  after  every  word,  except  when  the  woids  are 
 closely  connected.  The  same  point  is  used  in  the 
 Samaritan  manuscripts.  The  practice  of  separating 
 woids  by  spaces  instead  of  points  probably  came  in 
 with  the  square  writiTig.  Of  ancient  date,  pro- 
 bably, are  also  the  separations  between  the  lesser 
 Parshioth  or  sections  ;  whether  made,  in  the  case  of 
 the  more  important  divisions,  by  the  commence- 
 ment of  a  new  line,  or,  in  the  case  of  the  less  im- 
 portant, by  a  blank  space  within  the  line.  These 
 lesser  and  earliei'  Parshioth,  of  which  there  are  in 
 the  Pentateuch  069,  must  not  be  confounded  with 
 the  greater  and  later  Parshioth,  or  Sabbath-lessons, 
 which  are  first  mentioned  in  the  IMasorah.  'i'he 
 name  Parshioth  is  in  the  Mishna  applied  to  the 
 divisions  in  the  Prophets  as  well  as  to  those  in  the 
 Pentateuch.  Of  their  real  age  we  know  but  little. 
 Hupfeld  has  found  that  they  do  not  always  coincide 
 with  the  capitula  of  Jerome.  That  they  are  never- 
 theless more  ancient  than  his  time  is  shown  by  the 
 mention  of  them  in  the  Mishna.  In  the  absence  of 
 evidence  to  the  contrary,  their  disaccordance  with 
 the  Kazin  of  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch,  which  are 
 966  in  number,  seems  to  indicate  that  they  had  a 
 historical  origin ;  and  it  is  possible  that  they  also 
 may  date  from  the  ]ieriod  when  the  O.  T.  was 
 first  transcribed  in  the  square  character.  Of  any 
 logical  division,  in  the  written  text,  of  the  prose 
 of  the  O.  T.  into  Pesukim,  or  verses,  we  find  in 
 the  Talmud  no  mention  ;  and  even  in  the  existing 
 synagogue-rolls  such  division  is  generally  ignored. 
 In  the'])oetical  books,  the  Pesukim  mentioned  in 
 the  Talmud  correspond  to  the  poetical  lines,  not 
 to  our  modern  verses  ;  and  it  is  probable  both  from 
 some  expressions  of  Jerome,  and  from  the  analog- 
 ous practice  of  other  nations  that  the  poetical 
 test  was  written  stichometrically.  Of  the  docu- 
 ments which  directly  bear  upon  the  history  of  the 
 Hebrew  text,  the  two  earliest  are  the  Samaritan 
 copy  of  the  Pejitateuch,  and  the  Greek  translation 
 of  the  LXX.  [Samaritan  Pentateuch  ;  Sep- 
 TUAGINT.]  In  the  translations  of  Aquila  and  the 
 other  Greek  interpreteis,  the  fragments  of  whose 
 works  remain  to  us  in  the  Hexapla,  we  have  evid- 
 ence of  the  existence  of  a  text  ditFering  but  little 
 from  our  own  :  so  also  in  the  Targtims  of  Onkelos 
 and  Jonathan.  A  few  centuries  later  we  have,  in 
 the  Hexapla,  additional  evidence  to  the  same  effect 
 in  Origen's  transcriptions  of  the  Hebrew  text.  And 
 yet  more  important  are  the  proofs  of  the  firm 
 establishment  of  the  te.xt,  and  of  its  substantial 
 identity  with  our  own,  supjjlied  by  the  translation 
 of  Jerome,  who  was  instructed  by  the  Palestinian 
 Jews,  and  mainly  relied  upon  their  authority  for 
 acquaintance  not  only  with  the  text  itself,  but  also 
 with  the  traditional  unwritten  vocalization  of  it. 
 This  brings  us  to  the  middle  of  the  Talmudic 
 peiiod.  The  learning  of  the  schools  which  had 
 been  fomied  in  Jerusalem  about  the  time  of  our 
 Sa^aour  by  Hillel  and  Shammai  was  preserved, 
 affer  the  destiuction  of  the  city,  in  the  academies 
 of  Jabneh,  Sepphoiis,  Cesarea,  and  Tiberias.     The 
 
 OLD  TESTAMENT 
 
 643 
 
 great  jiillar  of  the  Jewish  literature  of  this  period 
 was  R.  Judah  the  Holy,  to  whom  is  ascribed  the 
 compilation  of  the  Mishna,  the  text  of  the  Talmud, 
 and  who  died  about  a.d.  220.  After  his  death 
 there  grew  into  repute  the  Jewish  academies  of 
 Sura,  Nahardea,  and  Pum-Beditha,  on  the  Euphrates. 
 The  twofold  Geniara,  or  commentary,  was  now  ap- 
 pended to  the  Mishna,  thus  coin])leting  the  Talmud. 
 The  Jerusalem  Gemara  proceeded  from  the  Jews  of 
 Tibei-ias,  probably  towards  the  end  of  the  4th  cen- 
 turv:  the  Babylonian  from  the  academies  on  the 
 Euphrates,  perhaps  by  the  end  of  the  5th.  That 
 along  with  the  task  of  collecting  and  commenting 
 on  their  various  legal  traditions,  the  Jews  of  these 
 several  academies  would  occuj)y  themselves  with 
 the  text  of  the  sacred  writings  is  in  every  way 
 probable  ;  and  is  indeed  shown  by  various  Talmudic 
 notices.  In  these  the  fiist  thing  to  be  remarked 
 is  the  entire  absence  of  allusion  to  any  such  glosses 
 of  interpretation  as  those  which,  from  having  been 
 previouslv  noted  on  the  margins  of  MSS.,  had  pro- 
 bably been  loosely  incoi-porated  into  the  Samaritan 
 Pentateuch  and  the  Septuagint.  Interpretation, 
 properly  so  called,  had  become  the  province  of  the 
 fargumist,  not  of  the  transcriber  ;  and  the  result 
 of  the  entire  divorce  of  the  task  of  interpretation 
 from  that  of  transcription  had  been  to  obtain  greater 
 security  for  the  transmission  of  the  text  in  its  purity. 
 In  place,  however,  of  such  glosses  of  interpretation 
 had  crept  in  the  more  childish  practice  of  reading 
 some  passages  difl'erently  to  the  way  in  which  they 
 were  written,  in  order  to  obtain  a  j'lny  of  words, 
 or  to  fix  them  artificially  in  the  memory.  But 
 these  ti-aditional  and  confessedly  apocryphal  read- 
 ings were  not  allowed  to  aftect  the  written  text. 
 The  care  of  the  Talmudic  doctors  for  the  text  is 
 shown  by  the  pains  with  which  they  counted  up 
 the  number  of  verses  in  the  different  books,  and 
 computed  which  were  the  middle  verses,  words, 
 and  letters  in  the  Pentateuch  and  in  the  Psalms. 
 The  scrupulousness  with  which  the  Talmudists 
 noted  what  they  deemed  the  truer  readings,  and 
 yet  abstained  from  introducing  them  into  the  text, 
 indicates  at  once  both  the  diligence  with  which 
 thev  scrutinized  the  text,  and  also  tie  care  with 
 which,  even  while  acknowledging  its  occasional 
 imperfections,  they  guarded  it.  Critical  procedure 
 is  also  evinced  in  a  mention  of  their  lejection  of 
 manuscripts  which  were  found  not  to  agree  with 
 others  in  their  readings  ;  and  the  rules  given  with 
 reference  to  the  transcription  and  adoption  of  manu- 
 scripts attest  the  care  bestowed  upon  them.  The 
 Talmud  further  makes  mention  of  the  euphemistic 
 Keris,  which  are  still  noted  in  our  Bibles,  e.  c,  at 
 2  K.  vi.  25.  It  also  reckons  six  instances  of  ex- 
 traordinary points  placed  over  certain  words,  e.  g. 
 at  Gen.  xviii.  9  ;  and  of  some  of  them  it  furnishes 
 mystical  explanations.  It  is  after  the  Talmudic 
 period  that  Hupfeld  places  the  introduction  into 
 the  text  of  the  two  laige  points  (in  Hebrew  Soph- 
 pas'ik)  to  mark  the  end  of  each  verse.  They  are 
 manifestly  of  older  date  than  the  accents,  by  which 
 they  are,  in  effect,  supplemented.  Coeval,  peihaps, 
 with  the  use  of  the  Suph-pasuk  is  that  of  thi 
 Mahkeph,  or  hyphen,  to  unite  words  that  are  so 
 closely  conjoined  as  to  have  but  one  accent  between 
 them.  It  must  be  older  than  the  accentual  marks, 
 the  presence  or  absence  of  which  is  determined  by 
 it.  Such  modificiitions  of  the  text  as  these  were 
 the  precursors  of  the  new  method  of  dealing  with  it 
 which  constitutes  the  work  of  the  Jlasorctic-  poriotl. 
 
 2  T  2 
 
644  OLD  TESTAMENT 
 
 It  is  evident.  fVom  tlie  nutices  oi'  tlio  'ralnuiil  that  a 
 number  of  oral  traditions  had  been  p'adually  accu- 
 mulating resiiectini;  both  the  integrity  of  particular 
 passages  ot  the  text  itself,  and  also  the  manner  in 
 which  it  was  to  be  read.  This  vast  heterogeneous 
 mass  of  traditions  and  criticisms,  compiled  and 
 embodied  in  writing,  forms  wliat  is  known  as  the 
 Masorah,  i.  e.  Tradition.  Buxtorf  ranges  its  con- 
 tents under  the  thi-ee  heads  of  observations  respec- 
 ing  the  vei-ses,  words,  and  letters  of  the  sacred  text. 
 In  regard  of  the  verses,  the  Masorets  recorded  how 
 many  there  were  in  each  book,  and  the  middle 
 verse  in  each  ;  also  how  many  verses  began  with 
 ])articular  letters  or  began  and  ended  with  the 
 same  word,  or  contained  a  particular  number  of 
 woids  and  letters,  or  particular  words  a  certjiin 
 number  of  times,  &c.  In  legard  of  the  words, 
 they  recorded  the  Keris  and  Cliethibs,  where  dif- 
 ferent woids  were  to  be  read  from  those  contained 
 in  the  text,  or  where  words  were  to  be  omitted  or 
 sup))lied.  They  noted  that  ceitain  words  were  to 
 lie  fouml  so  many  times  in  the  beginning,  middle, 
 or  end  of  a  verse,  or  with  a  particular  construction 
 or  meaning.  They  noted  also  of  particular  words, 
 and  this  es[)e(jially  in  cases  where  mistakes  in  trans- 
 ciiption  were  likely  to  arise,  whether  they  were  to 
 be  wiitten  pkne  or  defective,  i,  e.  with  or  without 
 the  matres  lectiunis:  also  their  vocalization  and 
 accentuation,  and  how  many  times  they  occurred 
 so  vocalizeii  and  accented.  In  regard  of  the  letters, 
 they  computeil  how  often  each  letter  of  the  alphabet 
 (Hcurred  in  the  0.  T. :  they  noted  fifteen  instances 
 of  letters  stigmatized  with  the  extraordinary  points: 
 they  commented  also  on  all  the  unusual  letters,  viz. 
 the  majitscuhv,  which  they  variously  conijiuted ; 
 the  minuscula;,  of  which  they  reckoned  thirty- 
 three  ;  the  suspensw,  four  in  number ;  and  the 
 inverscc,  of  which  there  are  eight  or  nine.  The 
 most  valuable  feature  of  the  Maso)ah  is  undoubt- 
 edly its  collection  of  Keris.  The  (irst  rudiments  of 
 this  collection  meet  us  in  the  Talmuil.  It  seems 
 clear  that  the  Keris  in  all  eases  represent  the  read- 
 ings which  the  Masorets  themselves  approved  as 
 correct.  The  Masorah  furnishes  also  eighteen  in- 
 stances of  what  it  calls  ''Collection  of  the  scribes." 
 The  real  import  of  this  is  doubtful.  Furthermore 
 the  Masorah  contains  certain  "  Conjectures,"  which 
 it  does  not  raise  to  the  dignity  of  Keris,  ie>pecting 
 the  true  reading  in  dillicult  pa.ssages.  The  Masoiah 
 was  originally  preserved  in  distinct  books  by  itself. 
 A  plan  then  arose  of  transferring  it  to  the  margins 
 (if  the  M>S.  of  the  Bible,  For  this  purpose  large 
 curtailments  were  necessaiy.  The  Wasorah  is  now 
 distinguisheil  into  the  Masora  7nai/na  and  the 
 Mnsora  pawn,  the  latter  being  an  abridgment  of 
 the  former,  and  including  all  the  Keris  anii  other 
 compendious  observations,  and  being  usually  printed 
 in  Hebrew  Bibles  at  the  toot  of  the  page.  The 
 Masorah  itself  was  Itnt  one  ot  the  fjuits  of  the 
 labours  of  the  .Jewish  doctors  in  the  Miusoretic 
 period.  A  far  more  import^uit  work  was  the  fur- 
 nishing of  the  text  with  vowel-marks,  by  which 
 the  traditional  pronunciation  of  it  was  impeiishablv 
 recorded.  That  the  insertion  of  the  Hebrew  vowel- 
 points  was  ]w)st-Talmudic  is  shown  by  the  absence 
 from  the  Talmud  of  all  rrleieiice  to  them.  The 
 vowel-maiks  are  referred  to  in  the  Masorah  ;  and 
 as  they  aie  all  mentioned  by  R.  .ludah  ("hiug,  in 
 the  b»'gMiiiiii<,'  of  the  eleventh  centiny,  they  must 
 nave  biH.'n  iieifected  befi)rc  that  date.  Contemjior- 
 aneous    with    the    written    vocniizatiou    was    tiie 
 
 OLD  TESTAMENT 
 
 accentuation  of  the  text.  The  import  of  th;  af<'ents 
 was,  as  Hupfeld  has  shown,  essentially  rhythmical: 
 hence  they  had  from  the  Hi-st  both  a  logical  and  a 
 musical  significance.  Besides  the  evidences  of 
 various  readings  contained  in  the  Keris  of  the 
 Masorah,  we  have  two  lists  of  difi'erent  re-idings 
 purporting  or  presumed  to  be  those  adopted  by  the 
 Palestinian  and  Babylonian  Jews  respectively.  The 
 first  of  these  was  printe<i  by  K.  .lacob  ben  Chaim 
 in  the  Bomberg  Bible.  The  different  readings  are 
 216  in  number.  They  are  generally  of  but  little 
 importance.  The  other  is  the  result  of  a  collation 
 of  MSS.  made  in  the  eleventh  century  by  two  Jews, 
 U.  Aaron  ben  Asher,  a  I'alestinian,  and  R.  Jacob 
 ben  Naphtali,  a  Babylonian.  The  diflerences,  804 
 in  number,  relate  to  the  vowels,  the  accents,  the 
 Makkeph,  and  in  one  inst;uice  (Cant.  viii.  G)  to  the 
 division  of  one  word  into  two.  From  the  end  of 
 the  Masoretic  period  onward,  the  Jbu^orah  became 
 the  great  autliority  by  which  the  text  given  in  all 
 the  Jewish  MSS.  was  settled.  2.  Manuscripts. — 
 We  must  now  give  an  account  of  the  0.  T.  MSS. 
 known  to  us.  They  fill  into  two  main  classes ; 
 Synagogue-rolls  and  ITSS.  lor  private  use.  Of  the 
 latter,  some  are  wiitten  in  the  square,  othere  in 
 the  rabbinic  or  cursive  character.  The  synagogue- 
 rolls  contain,  separate  from  each  other,  the  Penta- 
 teuch, the  Ilaphtarotli,  or  appointed  sections  of  the 
 Prophets,  and  the  so-c;illed  Megilloth,  viz.  Canticles, 
 Ruth,  Lamentations,  Kcclesiastes,  and  Esther.  The 
 text  of  the  synagogue-rolls  is  written  without 
 vowels,  accents,  or  soph-pasuks  :  the  greater 
 parshioth  are  not  itlstinguished,  nor  yet,  strictly, 
 the  verses ;  these  last  are  indeed  often  slightly 
 separated,  but  the  practice  is  against  the  ancient 
 tradition.  The  two  modifications  of  the  square 
 character  in  which  these  rolls  are  written  are  dis- 
 tinguished liy  the  Jews  as  the  Tam  and  the  Welsh, 
 t.  €.,  probably,  the  Perfect  and  the  Foreign.  Pri- 
 vate MSS.  in  the  square  character  are  in  the  book- 
 form,  either  on  parchment  or  on  paper,  "and  of 
 various  sizes,  from  folio  to  12mo.  Some  contain 
 the  Hebrew  text  alone  ;  others  add  the  Targum,  or 
 an  -Arabic  or  other  translation,  either  intersi>ei-sc<l 
 with  the  text  or  in  a  separate  column,  ocaisionally 
 in  the  margin.  The  upper  and  lower  margins  are 
 generally  occupied  by  the  Masorah,  sometimes  by 
 ranhinical  commeutiuies,  &c.  The  date  of  a  M.*^. 
 is  ordinarily  given  in  the  subscription  ;  but  as  the 
 subscriptions  are  often  concealed  in  the  Masorah  or 
 else\^here,  it  is  occasionally  ililhcnit  to  linil  them  : 
 occasionally  also  it  is  ditricult  to  decipher  them. 
 Even  when  found  and  deciphered,  they  cannot 
 always  be  relied  on.  No  siitisfactory  criteria  have 
 been  yet  established  by  which  the  ages  of  M.'^S. 
 are  to  bo  determined.  Few  existing  M.SS.  are 
 supposi-d  to  be  older  than  the  12th  century. 
 Keiinicott  and  Bruns  assigned  one  of  their  collation 
 (No.  590)  to  the  liith  century;  De  Rossi  dates  it 
 A.D.  1(118  ;  on  the  other  hand,  one  of  liis  own 
 (No.  634)  he  adjudges  to  the  8th  century.  It  is 
 usual  to  distinguish  in  these  MSS.  three  mo<li(i«- 
 ations  of  the  sipiare  character:  viz.  a  S])anish 
 writing,  upright  and  regulai  ly  formed  ;  a  (iermaii, 
 inclined  and  slmr|)-j)ointed  ;  and  a  French  and 
 Italian,  intermediate  to  the  two  preceiling.  One 
 important  distinction  between  the  Spanish  and 
 (ierman  MS.S.  consists  in  tlie  dillerence  of  order  in 
 which  the  books  an'  generally  arranged.  The 
 former  follow  the  M.rsorah,  placing  the  Chronicles 
 before  the  i-est  of  the  Ilagiographa:  the  litter  con- 
 
OLD  TESTAMENT 
 
 form  to  tlie  Talimifl,  placing  Jeieniiah  ami  Ezekiel 
 lielbi'e  Isaiah,  and  Paith,  separate  tVom  the  other 
 Wejrilloth,  before  the  Psalms.  Piivate  M.SS.  in  the 
 rabbinic  character  are  mostly  on  pajier,  and  are  of 
 comparatively  late  date.  Since  the  days  of  Kenni- 
 cott  and  l)e  Rossi  modern  reseaich  has  discovered 
 various  MSS.  beyond  the  limits  of  Europe.  Of 
 many  of  these  there  seems  no  reason  to  supjiose 
 that  they  will  add  much  to  our  knowledge  of  the 
 Hebrew  text.  It  is  difierent  with  the  M.SS.  exa- 
 mined by  Pinner  at  Odessa.  One  of  these  MSS. 
 (A.  No.  1),  a  Pentateuch  roll,  unpointed,  brought 
 from  Derbend  -in  Daghestan,  appears  by  the  sub- 
 scriptiuu  to  have  been  written  previously  to  the 
 year  A.u  680  ;  and,  if  so,  is  the  oldest  known 
 P.iblital  Hebrew  MS.  in  existence.  The  forms  of 
 the  lettej-s  are  remarkable.  Another  MS.  (B. 
 No.  3)  containing  the  Prophets,  on  parchment,  in 
 small  folio,  although  only  dating,  according  to  the 
 inscription,  from  A.u.  916,  and  furnished  with  a 
 Masorah,  is  a  yet  gieater  treasure.  Its  vowels  and 
 accents  are  wholly  different  from  those  now  in  use, 
 both  in  form  and  in  position,  being  all  above  the 
 letters :  they  have  accordingly  been  the  theme  of 
 much  discussion  among  Hebrew  scholars.  'J'he 
 Samaritim  MSS.  collated  by  Kennicott  are  all  in 
 the  book-foini.  ?>.  Printed  Text. — The  history  of 
 the  piinted  text  of  the  Hebrew  Bible  commences 
 with  the  early  Jewish  editions  of  the  separate  books. 
 First  appeared  the  Psalter,  in  1477,  probably  at 
 Bologna,  in  4to.,  with  Kimchi's  commentary  inter- 
 spersed among  the  verses.  Only  the  first  four 
 psalms  had  the  vowel-points,  and  these  but  clumsily 
 expressed.  At  Bologna  there  subsequently  appeared, 
 in  1482,  the  Pentateuch,  in  folio,  pointed,  with  the 
 Targum  and  the  commentary  of  Kashi ;  and  the 
 five  Megilloth  (Ruth — Esther),  in  folio,  with  the 
 commentaries  of  Kashi  and  Aben  Ezra.  Fiom 
 Soncino,  near  Cremona,  issued  in  1486  the  Pro- 
 phetae  priores  (Joshua — Kings),  folio,  unpointed, 
 with  Kimchi's  commentary.  The  honour  of  print- 
 ing the  first  entire  Hebrew  Bible  belongs  to  the 
 above-mentioned  town  of  Soncino.  The  edition  is 
 in  folio,  pointed  aud  accentuated.  Nine  copies  only 
 of  it  are  now  known,  of  which  one  belongs  to 
 Exeter  College,  Oxford.  The  earlier  printed  por- 
 tions were  perhaps  the  basis  of  the  text.  This 
 was  followed,  in  1494,  by  the  4to.  or  8vo.  edition 
 printed  by  Gersom  at  Brescia,  remarkable  as  being 
 the  edition  from  which  Luther's  German  transla- 
 tion was  made.  This  edition,  along  with  the  ])re- 
 ceding,  formed  the  biisis  of  the  first  edition,  with 
 the  Masorah,  Targums,  and  rabbinical  comments, 
 printed  by  Bombeig  at  Venice  in  1518,  fol.,  under 
 the  editorship  of  the  converted  Jew  Felix  del  Prato  ; 
 though  the  "plurimis  collatis  exemplaribus "  of 
 the  editor  seems  to  imply  that  MSS.  were  also  used 
 in  aid.  This  edition  was  the  first  to  contain  the 
 Masora  magna,  and  the  various  readings  of  Ben 
 Asher  and  Ben  Naphtali.  After  the  Biescian,  the 
 next  primary  edition  was  that  contained  in  the 
 Complutensian  Polyglot,  published  at  Complutum 
 (Alcala)  in  Spain,  at  the  expense  of  Cardinal 
 Ximenes,  dated  1514-17,  but  not  issued  till  1522. 
 The  Hebrew  is  pointed,  but  unaccentuated :  it  was 
 taken  from  seven  MSS.,  which  are  still  preserved 
 in  the  University  Library  at  Madrid.  To  this  suc- 
 ceeded an  edition  wliich  has  had  more  influence 
 than  any  on  the  text  of  later  times — the  Second 
 Rabbinical  Bible,  printed  by  Bomberg  at  Venice, 
 4  vols,  fol.,  1525-6.     The  editor  was  the  learned 
 
 OLD  TESTAMENT 
 
 645 
 
 Tunisian  Jew,  R.  Jacob  ben  Chaim.  The  great 
 feature  of  his  work  lay  in  the  correction  of  tnc 
 text  by  the  precepts  of  the  Masorah,  in  which  he 
 was  profoundly  skilled,  and  on  which,  as  well  as  on 
 the  text  itself,  his  labours  were  employed.  The 
 Royal   or  Antwerp   Polyglot,   printed   by  Plantin, 
 
 8  vols.  fol.  1569-72,  at  the  exjjense  of  Philip  II.  of 
 Spain,  and  edited  by  Arias  Monfanus  and  others, 
 took  the  Complutensian  as  the  basis  of  its  Hebrew 
 text,  but  compared  this  with  one  of  Bomberg's,  so 
 as  to  pioduce  a  mixture  of  the  two.  This  text  was 
 followed   both    in   the  Paris    Polyglot  of  Le   Jay, 
 
 9  vols.  fol.  1645,  and  in  Walton's  Polyglot,  London, 
 6  vols.  fol.  1657.  A  text  compounded  of  several  of 
 the  preceding  was  issued  by  the  Leipsic  Professor, 
 Elias  Hutter,  at  Hamburg,  fol.  1587:  it  was 
 intended  for  students,  the  servile  letters  being  dis- 
 tinguished from  the  radicals  by  hollow  type.  A 
 special  mention  is  also  due  to  the  labours  of  the 
 elder  Buxtorf,  who  carefully  revised  the  text  aftei 
 the  Masorah,  publishing  it  in  8vo.  at  Basle,  1611, 
 and  again,  after  a  fresh  revision,  in  his  valuabh' 
 Rabbinical  Bible.  Neither  the  text  of  Hutter  nor 
 that  of  Buxtorf  was  without  its  permanent  in- 
 fluence ;  but  the  Hebrew  Bible  which  became  the 
 standard  to  subsequent  generations  was  that  ol 
 Joseph  Athias,  a  learned  rabbi  and  printer  al 
 Amsterdam.  His  text  was  based  on  a  comparison 
 of  the  previous  editions  with  two  MSS. ;  one  bear- 
 ing date  1299,  the  other  a  Spanish  MS.,  boasting 
 an  antiquity  of  900  years.  It  appeared  at  Amster- 
 dam, 2  vols.  8vo.  1661,  with  a  preface  by  Leusden, 
 professor  at  Utrecht ;  and  again,  revised  afresh,  in 
 1667.  The  progeny  of  the  text  of  Athias  was  as 
 follows  : — a.  That  of  Clodius,  Fiankfort-on-Maine, 
 8vo.  1677;  reprinted,  with  alterations,  8vo.  1692, 
 4to.  1716.  6.  That  of  Jablonsky,  Berlin,  large 
 8vo.  or  4to.  1699  ;  reprinted,  but  less  correctly, 
 12mo.  1712.  c.  That  of  Van  der  Hooght,  Am- 
 sterdam and  Utrecht,  2  vols.  8vo.  1705.  This 
 edition,  of  good  reputation  for  its  accuracy,  but 
 alwve  all  for  the  beauty  aud  distinctness  of  its  type, 
 deserves  special  attention,  as  constituting  our  pre- 
 sent textus  receptus.  d.  That  of  Opitz,  Kiel,  4to. 
 1709.  e.  That  of  J.  H.  Michaelis,  Halle,  8vo. 
 and  4to.  1720.  The  modern  editions  of  the  Hebrew 
 Bible  now  in  use  are  all  based  on  Van  der  Hooght. 
 4.  Critical  Labours  and  Apparatus. — 'I'he  history 
 of  the  criticism  of  the  text  has  already  been  brought 
 down  to  the  period  of  the  labours  of  the  Masoiets 
 and  their  immediate  successors.  It  must  be  here 
 resumed.  In  the  early  part  of  the  13th  century, 
 R.  Meir  Levita,  a  native  of  Burgos  and  inhabitant 
 of  Toledo,  known  by  abbreviation  as  Haramah,  by 
 patronymic  as  Todrosius,  wrote  a  critical  work  on 
 the  Pentateuch  called  The  Book  of  the  Masorah 
 the  Hedge  of  the  Law,  in  which  he  endeavoured, 
 by  a  collation  of  MSS.,  to  ascertain  the  true  reading 
 in  various  passages.  At  a  later  period  R.  Menahem 
 de  Lonzano  collated  ten  MSS.,  chiefly  Spanish, 
 some  of  them  five  or  six  centuries  old,  with  Bom- 
 berg's 4to.  Bible  of  1544.  The  results  were  given 
 in  the  work  "  Light  of  the  Law,"  printed  at  Venice, 
 1618.  They  relate  only  to  the  Pentateuch.  A 
 more  important  work  was  that  of  R.  Solomon  Norzi 
 of  Mantua,  in  the  17th  century,  "  Repairer  of  the 
 Breach:"  a  copious  critical  commentary  on  the 
 whole  of  the  O.  T.,  drawn  up  with  the  aid  of  MSS. 
 and  editions,  of  the  Masorah,  Talmud,  and  all  other 
 Jewish  resources  within  his  reach.  In  1746  the 
 expectations  of  the  public  were  raised  by  the  Pro- 
 
046 
 
 OLD  TESTAMENT 
 
 legomena  of  Houbijiaiit,  of  the  Oratory  at  Paris ; 
 and  ill  175:5  his  edition  api>eared,  spleiuhdly  printed, 
 in  4  vols.  foi.  The  text  was  that  of  Van  derHooght, 
 divested  of  points,  and  of  every  vestige  of  the 
 Wasorah.  In  the  notes  copious  emendations  were 
 introduced.  In  the  s;ime  yeai',  1753,  appeared  at 
 Oxford  Kennicott's  first  Dissertation  on  the  state  of 
 the  Printed  Test:  the  sei:ond  followed  in  1759. 
 The  result  of  these  and  of  the  author's  subsequent 
 annual  reports  was  a  subscription  of  nearly  10,000/. 
 to  defiay  the  expenses  of  a  collation  of  Hebrew 
 MSS.  tlnoughout  Europe,  which  was  performed 
 from  17G0  to  17i>9,  paitly  by  Keiuiicott  himself, 
 but  cliietly,  under  his  diiection,  by  Professor  Bruns 
 of  Helmstadt  and  others.  The  collation  extended 
 in  all  to  hSl  Jewish  and  16  t^amaritati  MSS.,  and 
 40  printed  editions,  Jewish  works,  &c. ;  of  which, 
 however,  only  about  half  were  collated  throughout, 
 the  rest  in  select  passages.  The  fruits  appeared  at 
 Oxford  in  2  vols.  fol.  177G-S() :  the  text  is  Van  der 
 Hooght's,  unpointed  ;  the  various  readings  are  given 
 below;  comparisons  are  also  made  of  the  Jewish 
 and  Samaritan  texts  of  the  I'entateuch,  and  of  the 
 parallel  passages  in  Samuel  and  Chronicles,  &c. 
 The  labours  of  Kennicott  were  sup]ilemented  by 
 those  of  l)e  Itossi,  professor  at  I'aima.  His  plan 
 diftereil  materially  from  Kennicott's:  he  confined 
 himself  to  a  specification  of  the  various  readings  in 
 select  passages;  but  for  these  he  supplied  also  the 
 critical  evidence  to  be  obtained  from  the  ancient 
 versions,  and  from  all  the  various  Jewish  authorities. 
 For  the  p:issages  on  which  it  treats,  the  evidence  in 
 De  Rossi's  work  may  be  regaided  as  almost  com- 
 plete. A  small  Bible,  with  the  text  of  Keineccius, 
 and  a  selection  of  the  more  important  readings  of 
 Kennicott  and  De  l\os.si,  was  issued  by  Doderlein 
 and  Meisner  at  Leipsic,  8vo.  179l>.  It  is  printed 
 (except  some  copies)  on  bad  paper,  and  is  reputed 
 veiy  inconect.  A  better  critical  edition  is  that  of 
 Jahn,  \'ienna,  4  vols.  bvo.  18u6.  The  first  at- 
 tempt to  turn  the  new  critical  collations  to  jiublic 
 nocount  was  made  by  Boothroyd,  in  his  unpointed 
 Bible,  with  various  reailings  and  English  notes, 
 Pontefiact,  4to.  ISIO'IG,  at  a  time  when  Houbi- 
 gant's  principles  were  still  in  the  ascendant.  This 
 was  followed  in  1821  by  Hamilton's  Codex  Criticns, 
 modelled  on  the  ))lan  of  the  N.  T.  of  (jriesbach. 
 The  most  imi)oitant  contribution  towards  the  form- 
 ation of  a  levised  text  that  has  yet  appeared  is 
 Dr,  Davidson's  Hebrew  Text  of  the  0.  T.,  revised 
 from  critical  Sources.  1855.  It  i)reseiits  a  con- 
 venient epitome  of  the  more  important  various 
 readings  of  the  MSS.  and  of  the  Jlasorah,  with  the 
 authorities  for  them.  It  must  be  confessed  that 
 little  hius  yet  been  done  for  the  systematic  criticism 
 of  the  Hebrew  text  from  the  ancient  versions,  in 
 comiiarison  with  what  might  be  accomjilished.  We 
 have  even  yet  to  learn  what  criticjil  treasures  those 
 versions  leally  contain.  It  might  lie  well,  too,  if 
 along  with  the  veision- readings  weie  collected 
 together  all,  or  at  least  all  the  more  important, 
 conjectural  emendations  of  the  Hebrew  text  proposed 
 by  various  scholars  during  the  last  hundrea  years, 
 which  at  present  lie  buried  in  their  .several  com- 
 mentaries and  other  publications.  5.  I'rinciplca  of 
 Criticism. — The  method  of  proceilure  required  in 
 the  criticism  of  the  0.  T.  is  widely  dilieient  from 
 that  practised  in  the  criticihni  of  the  N.  T.  Cm- 
 0.  T.  textus  leceptus  is  a  far  more  faithful  re- 
 pifcsenuition  ot  the  genuine  Scripture,  but,  on  the 
 other  hiuid,  fhf  mciius  of  detecting  and  correcting 
 
 OLD  TESTAMENT 
 
 the  errors  contained  in  it  are  more  prearrious,  the 
 results  are  more  uncertain,  and  the  ratio  borne  by 
 the  value  of  the  di)ilomatic  evidence  of  MSS.  to 
 that  of  a  good  critical  judgment  and  sagacity  is 
 greatly  diminished.  It  is  indeed  to  the  direct 
 testimony  of  the  MSS.  that,  in  endeavouring  to 
 establish  the  true  text,  we  must  fust  have  recourse. 
 Where  the  MSS.  disagiee,  it  has  been  laid  down  as 
 a  canon  that  we  ought  not  to  let  the  mere  numerical 
 m.ajority  preponderate,  but  should  examine  what  is 
 the  reading  of  the  earliest  and  best.  The  MSS. 
 lead  us  for  the  most  jiart  only  to  our  first  sure 
 standing-ground,  the  Masoretic  text  :  in  other 
 words,  to  the  average  written  text  of  a  period  later 
 by  a  thousand  or  fifteen  hundred  years  than  the 
 latest  book  of  the  O.  T.  In  ascending  upwards 
 from  the  Masoretic  text,  our  rirst  critical  materials 
 are  the  Masoretic  Keris,  valuable  as  witnesses  to 
 the  preservation  of  many  authentic  leadings.  A 
 Keri  therefore  is  not  to  be  received  in  i)ret'erence  to 
 a  Chethib  unless  confirmed  by  other  sulHcient  evid- 
 ence, external  or  internal ;  and  in  reference  to  the 
 Keris  let  the  rule  be  borne  iu  mind,  "  ProcJivi 
 sciiptioiii  praestat  ardua,"  many  of  them  being  but 
 arbitrary  softenings  down  of  dillicult  readings  in 
 the  genuine  text.  The  express  assertions  of  the 
 Masorah,  as  al.^o  of  the  Targum,  respecting  the 
 true  leading  in  particular  pissages,  are  of  course 
 important.  From  these  we  ascend  to  the  vereion 
 of  Jerome,  the  most  thoroughly  trustwortiiy 
 authority  ou  which  we  have  to  rely  iu  our  en- 
 deavours to  amend  the  Masoretic  text.  Dependent 
 as  Jerome  was,  for  his  knowledge  of  the  Hebrew 
 text  and  everything  respecting  it,  on  the  Pale.stinian 
 Jews,  and  accurate  as  are  liis  renderings,  it  is 
 not  too  much  to  say  that  a  Hebrew  reading 
 which  can  be  shown  to  have  been  received  by 
 Jerome,  should,  if  s;uictioned  or  countenanced  by 
 the  'fargum,  be  so  far  preferred  to  one  upheld 
 by  the  united  testimony  of  all  MSS.  whatever. 
 Of  the  other  versions,  although  more  ancient,  none 
 can  on  the  whole  be  reckoned,  in  a  critical  point  of 
 view,  so  valuable  as  his.  Of  the  Greek  versions 
 of  Aqiiila,  Symmachus,  and  Theoilotion,  we  possess 
 but  mere  fragments.  The  Syriac  bears  the  impress 
 of  having  been  made  too  much  under  the  influence 
 of  the  Septuagint.  The  Targums  are  too  often  para- 
 phrastic. Still  they  all  furnish  most  imjiortaut 
 material  for  the  correction  of  the  Masoretic  text; 
 and  their  cumulative  evidence,  when  they  all  concur 
 in  a  reading  difiercnt  to  that  which  it  coiitiiins,  is 
 very  strong.  The  S(>ptiiagint  itselt",  venerable  for  its 
 antiquity,  but  on  various  accounts  untrustworthy 
 ill  the  readings  which  it  represents,  must  be  treated 
 for  critical  purposes  in  the  .same  way  jis  the  Masor- 
 etic Keris.  Tlie  presence  of  any  Hebrew  reading 
 in  it  can  pass  tor  little,  unless  it  can  be  independ- 
 ently shown  to  be  probable  that  that  leading  is 
 the  true  one.  Iu  the  opposite  direction  of  coii- 
 tirmmg  a  Masoretic  reading  against  which  later 
 testimonies  militate,  the  authority  of  the  Septuagint, 
 on  ncconnt  of  its  age,  neces,saiily  stands  high. 
 Similar  icmaiks  would,  h  jiriori,  stem  Iu  apply  to 
 the  critical  use  of  the  Sam:u  itan  IVntaieuch  :  it  is, 
 however,  doiil)tful  whether  that  document  lie  of 
 aiiv  real  a<l<litional  value.  In  the  case  of  the  O.  T., 
 unlike  that  of  the  N.  'I'.,  another  source  of  emend- 
 ations is  geneially  allowed,  viz.  critical  conjecture. 
 The  compiinitive  purity  of  the  Hebrew  text  is  prob- 
 ably diflerent  in  dilTeient  jiaits  of  the  0.  T.  in 
 the   levision    of  Dr.  [lavidson,  who   lias  generally 
 
OLD  TESTAMENT 
 
 restricted  himselt"  to  tlie  admission  of  corrections 
 warranted  by  MS.,  Masoretic,  or  Talmudic authority, 
 those  in  the  book  of  Genesis  do  not  exceed  1 1  ; 
 those  in  the  Psalms  are  pi-oportionately  three  times 
 as  numerous  ;  those  in  the  historical  books  and  the 
 Prophets  are  proportionately  more  numerous  than 
 those  in  the  Psalms.  In  all  emendations  of  the 
 te.Kt,  whether  made  with  the  aid  of  the  critical 
 materials  which  we  possess,  or  by  critiail  conjecture, 
 it  is  essential  that  the  proposed  reading  be  one  ti'om 
 which  the  existing  reading  may  have  been  derived : 
 hence  the  necessity  of  attention  to  the  means  by 
 which  corruptions  were  introduced  into  the  text. 
 One  letter  was  accidentally  exchanged  by  a  tran- 
 scriber for  another.  Words,  or  parts  of  words, 
 were  repeated ;  or  they  were  dropped,  and  tliis 
 especially  when  they  ended  like  those  that  preceded. 
 Occasionally  a  letter  may  have  travelled  from  one 
 word,  or  a  word  from  one  verse,  to  another.  Wilful 
 coiruption  of  the  text  on  polemical  grounds  has  also 
 been  occasionally  charged  upon  the  Jews  ;  but  the 
 allegation  has  not  been  proved,  and  their  known 
 reverence  for  the  text  militates  against  it.  To  the 
 criticism  of  the  vowel-marks  the  same  general  prin- 
 ciples must  be  applied,  mutatis  mutandis,  as  to  that 
 of  the  consonants.  Nothing  can  be  more  remote 
 from  the  truth  than  the  notion  that  we  are  at 
 liberty  to  supply  vowels  to  the  text  at  our  un- 
 fettered discretion. 
 
 B.  Interpretation  of  the  Old  Testament. 
 — 1.  History  of  the  Interpretation. — We  shall  here 
 endeavour  to  present  a  brief  but  comprehensive 
 sketch  of  the  tre;itment  which  the  scriptures  of  the 
 0.  T.  have  in  dirt'erent  ages  received.  At  the  period 
 of  the  rise  of  Christianity  two  opposite  tendencies 
 had  manifested  themselves  in  the  interpretation  of 
 them  among  the  Jews ;  the  one  to  an  extreme  lite- 
 ralism, the  other  to  an  arbitrary  allegorism.  The 
 former  of  these  was  mainly  developed  in  Palestine, 
 where  the  Law  of  Moses  was,  from  the  nature 
 of  things,  most  completely  observed.  The  Jewish 
 teachers,  acknowledging  the  obligation  of  that  law 
 in  its  minutest  precepts,  but  overlooking  the  moial 
 principles  on  which  those  precepts  were  founded  and 
 which  they  should  have  unfolded  from  them,  there 
 endeavoured  to  supply  by  other  means  the  imper- 
 fections inherent  in  every  law  in  its  mei'e  literal 
 acceptation.  On  the  other  hand  at  Alexandria  the 
 allegoiizing  tendency  prevailed.  Germs  of  it  had 
 appeared  in  the  apocryphal  writings,  as  where  in 
 the  Book  of  Wisdom  (xviii.  24)  the  priestly  vest- 
 ments of  Aaron  had  been  treated  as  symbolical  of 
 the  universe.  It  had  been  fostered  by  Aristobulus, 
 and  at  length,  two  centuries  later,  it  culminated  in 
 Philo,  from  whose  works  we  best  gather  the  form 
 which  it  assumed.  For  in  the  general  principles  of 
 interpretation  wliich  Philo  adopted,  he  was  but  fol- 
 lowing, as  he  himself  assures  us,  in  the  track  which 
 had  been  previously  marked  out  by  those,  probably 
 the  Therapeutae,  under  whom  he  had  studied.  His 
 expositions  have  chiefly  reference  to  the  writings  of 
 Moses,  whom  he  regarded  as  the  arch-prophet,  the 
 man  initiated  above  all  others  into  divine  mys- 
 teries ;  and  in  the  persons  and  things  mentioned  in 
 these  writings  he  traces,  without  denying  the  out- 
 ward realit}'  of  the  narrative,  the  mystical  designa- 
 tions of  different  abstract  qualities  and  a-spects  of 
 the  invisible.  The  Alexandrian  interpieters  were 
 striving  to  vindicate  for  the  Hebrew  Scriptures  a 
 new  dignity  in  the  eyes  of  the  Gentile  world,  by 
 showing  that  Moses  had  anticipated  all  the  doctrines 
 
 OLD  TESTAMENT 
 
 G47 
 
 of  the  philosophers  of  Greece.  It  must  not  be  sup- 
 posed that  the  Palestinian  literalism  and  the  Alex- 
 andrian allegorism  ever  remained  entirely  distinct. 
 In  fact  the  two  extremes  of  literalism  and  arbitrary 
 allegorism,  in  their  neglect  of  the  direct  moral 
 teaching  and  prophetical  import  of  Scripture,  had 
 too  much  in  common  not  to  mingle  readily  the  one 
 with  the  other.  And  thus  we  may  trace  the 
 development  of  the  two  distinct  yet  co-existent 
 spheres  of  Halachah  and  Hagadah,  in  which  the 
 Jewish  interpretation  of  Scripture,  as  shown  by 
 the  later  Jeveish  writings,  ranged.  The  former 
 ("repetition,"  "following")  embraced  the  tradi- 
 tional legal  determinations  for  practical  observance : 
 the  latter  ("discourse")  the  unrestrained  inter- 
 pretation, of  no  authentic  fuice  or  immediate  prac- 
 tical interest.  The  eai'liest  Christian  non-apostolic 
 treatment  of  the  0.  T.  was  necessarily  much  de- 
 pendent on  that  which  it  had  received  from  the 
 Jews.  The  Alexandrian  allegorism  reappears  the 
 most  fully  in  the  fanciful  epistle  of  Barnabas  ;  but 
 it  influenced  also  the  other  writings  of  the  sub- 
 apostolic  Fathers.  Even  the  Jewish  cabbalism  passed 
 to  some  extent  into  the  Chi-istian  Church,  and  is 
 said  to  have  been  largely  employed  by  the  Gnostics. 
 But  this  was  not  to  liist,  Irenaeus,  himself  not 
 altogether  free  from  it,  raised  his  voice  against  it ; 
 and  TertuUian  well  laid  it  down  as  a  canon  that  the 
 words  of  Scripture  were  to  be  interpreted  only  in 
 their  logical  connexion,  and  with  reference  to  the 
 occasion  on  which  they  were  uttered.  In  another 
 respect  all  was  changed.  The  Christian  interpreters 
 by  their  belief  in  Christ  stood  on  a  vantage-ground 
 tor  the  comprehension  of  the  whole  burden  of  the 
 O.  T.  to  which  the  Jews  had  never  reached  ;  and 
 thus,  however  they  may  have  erred  in  the  details 
 of  their  interpretations,  they  were  generally  con- 
 ducted by  them  to  the  I'ight  conclusions  in  regard 
 of  Christian  doctrine.  The  view  held  by  the  Chris- 
 tian Fathers  that  the  whole  doctrine  of  the  N.  T. 
 had  been  virtually  contained  and  foreshadowed  in 
 the  Old,  generally  induced-  the  search  in  the  0.  T. 
 for  such  Christian  doctrine  rather  than  for  the  old 
 philosophical  dogmas.  Their  general  convictions 
 were  doubtless  here  more  correct  than  the  details 
 which  they  advanced ;  and  it  would  be  easy  to 
 multiply  from  the  writings  of  either  Justin,  Tertul- 
 lian,  or  Irenaeus,  typical  interpretations  that  could 
 no  longer  be  detijnded.  It  w<xs  at  Alexandria, 
 which  through  her  previous  learning  had  already 
 exerted  the  deepest  influence  on  the  interpretation 
 of  the  0.  T.,  that  detinite  principles  of  interpreta- 
 tion were  by  a  new  order  of  men,  the  most  illus- 
 trious and  influential  teacliers  in  the  Christian 
 Church,  first  laid  down.  Clement  here  led  tlie  way. 
 He  held  that  in  the  Jewish  law  a  fourfold  import 
 was  to  be  traced ;  literal,  symbolical,  moral,  pro- 
 phetical. Of  these  the  second  was  the  relic  of  the 
 philosophical  element  that  othere  had  previously  en 
 grafted  on  the  Hebrew  Scriptures.  Clement  wa.s 
 succeeded  by  his  scholar  Origen.  With  him  biblical 
 interpretation  showed  itself  more  decidedly  Chris- 
 tian;  and  while  the  wisdom  of  the  Egyptians, 
 moulded  anew,  became  the  permanent  inheritance 
 of  the  Church,  the  distinctive  symbolical  meaniuf- 
 which  philosophy  had  placed  upon  the  0.  T.  dis- 
 appeared. Oiigen  recognizes  in  Scripture,  as  it 
 were,  a  body,  soul,  and  spirit,  answering  to  the 
 body,  soul,  and  spirit  of  man  :  the  fii-st  serves  fbi 
 the  edification  of  the  simple,  the  second  for  that  of 
 the  more  advanced,  the  third  for  that  of  the  per.'ect. 
 
648 
 
 OLD  TESTAMENT 
 
 The  reality  an.l  the  utility  ot  thn  iir.-,t,  the  letter  of 
 .Sciiptuie,  he  proves  by  the  mimlier  of  those  whose 
 faith  is  iiiirtmed  by  it.  The  secoiut,  which  is  in 
 fact  the  mor;il  sense  of  Scil])ture,  he  iilusti-ates  by 
 the  interpretatioii  of  Dent.  xxv.  4  in  1  Cor.  ix.  9. 
 The  third,  however,  is  that  on  which  he  principally 
 dwells,  showhig  how  the  Jewish  Law,  spiritually 
 understood,  contiiined  a  shadow  of  good  things  to 
 come.  Both  the  spiritnal  and  (to  use  his  own 
 teiin)  the  jisychical  meaning  he  held  to  be  always 
 present  in  Scripture:  the  bodily  not  always.  Ori- 
 gen's  own  expositions  of  Scriptni'e  were,  no  doubt, 
 less  successful  than  his  investigations  of  the  prin- 
 ciples on  which  it  ought  to  be  e.xpounded.  Yet  as 
 the  appliances  which  he  brought  to  the  study  of 
 Scripture  made  him  the  fathiw  of  biblic;\l  criticism, 
 so  of  all  det;»il»l  Chiistian  scriptural  commentaries 
 his  were  the  first;  a  fact  not  to  be  furgotten  by 
 those  who  would  estimate  aright  their  several  merits 
 and  delects.  The  value  of  Origen's  researches  was 
 best  appreciateil,  a  century  later,  by  Jerome.  He 
 ado])ted  and  repeated  most  of  Origen's  principles ; 
 but  he  exhibited  more  judgment  in  the  piac^tical  ap- 
 plication of  them  :  he  devoted  more  attention  to  the 
 literal  interpretation,  the  basis  of  the  rest,  and  he 
 brought  also  laiger  stores  of  learning  to  bear  upon  it. 
 vVith  Origen  he  held  that  Scripture  was  to  be  under- 
 stood in  a  threefold  manner,  literally,  trop-ologicall}', 
 mystically :  the  first  meaning  was  the  lowest,  the 
 last  the  highest.  But  elsewhere  he  gave  a  new 
 threefold  division  of  Scriptural  interpretation,  iden- 
 tifying the  ethical  with  the  literal  or  first  meaning, 
 making  the  allegoiii^l  or  spiritual  me;uiing  the 
 second,  and  maintiiining  that,  thirdly.  Scripture 
 was  to  be  understood  "  secundum  futurorum  bcati- 
 tudinera."  The  inriuence  of  Origen's  writings  was 
 supreme  in  the  (ireek  Church  for  a  hundred  yeai-s 
 after  his  death.  Towards  the  end  of  the  4th  cen- 
 tury Diodore,  bishop  of  Tarsus,  previously  a  pres- 
 byter at  Antioch,  wrote  an  exposition  of  the  whole 
 of  the  O.  T.,  attending  only  to  the  letter  of  Scrip- 
 ture. Of  the  disciples  of  Di<xlore,  Theodore  of 
 JVIopsupstia  pursued  an  exclusively  grammatical  in- 
 terpretjition  into  a  decided  lationalism,  rejecting  the 
 greater  pait  of  the  prophetical  reference  of  the 
 O.T.,  and  maintaining  it  to  be  only  applied  to  our 
 Saviour  by  way  of  accommodation.  Chrvsostom, 
 another  disciple  of  Diodore,  followed  a  sounder 
 course,  rejecting  neither  the  literal  nor  the  spiiitual 
 interpretition,  but  bringing  out  with  much  force 
 from  Scripture  its  moral  lessons.  He  was  followed 
 by  Theodoret,  who  interpreted  both  literally  and 
 historically,  and  also  allegoricallv  and  prophetically. 
 In  the  Western  Chuich  the  inlluence  of  Origen,  il 
 not  so  un()ualilied  at  the  first,  was  yet  i>pimanenf ly 
 greatei' than  in  the  Kastern.  Hilary  o(' Poitiers  is 
 wiid  by  .loroine  to  have  diawn  largely  from  Origen  in 
 his  Commentary  on  the  I'salms.  Jiut  in  truth,  as  a 
 jtractical  interpreter,  he  <;reatly  excelleil  Origen; 
 carefully  seeking  out  not  what  meaning  the  Scripture 
 might  bear,  but  what  it  leally  intended,  and  drawing 
 forth  the  evangelical  sense  from  the  literal  with  co- 
 gency, terseness,  and  elegan(X!.  Here  too  Augus- 
 tine stoocl  somewhat  in  advance  of  Oj  igen  ;  carefully 
 presoiTing  In  its  integrity  the  literal  sense  of  the 
 historical  narrative  of  Scripture  as  the  snbstructiue 
 of  till-  mystical,  lest  otherwise  the  latter  should 
 prove  to  \h}  but  a  building  in  the  air.  But  what- 
 ever advaiues  had  lieen  made  in  the  treatment  of 
 O.  T.  scripture  by  the  Latins  since  the  days  of 
 Origen  were  unha|ipily  not  iiei-jioluated.     We  may 
 
 OLD  TESTAMENT 
 
 see  this  in  the  IMoials  of  Cregory  on  the  Book  ct 
 .lob;  the  last  great  independent  work  of  a  Latiu 
 Father.  Three  senses  of  the  sacred  text  are  hei« 
 recognized  and  pursucil  in  separate  threads:  the 
 historical  and  literal,  the  allegorical,  and  the  moral. 
 But  the  three  have  hardly  any  mutual  connexion  : 
 the  veiy  idea  of  such  a  connexion  is  ignored.  Such 
 was  the  general  character  of  the  interpretation 
 which  i>revailed  through  the  middle  ages,  during 
 which  (Gregory's  work  stood  in  high  repute.  The 
 mystical  sense  of  Scripture  was  entirely  divorced 
 from  the  literal.  The  first  impulse  to  the  new  in- 
 vestigation of  the  literal  meaning  of  the  text  of  the 
 0.  T.  came  from  the  great  Jewish  commentators, 
 mostly  of  Spanish  origin,  of  the  11th  and  following 
 centuries;  Rashi  (f  110.")),  Aben  Ezra  (tUtJ?;, 
 Kimchi  (t  1240).  and  others.  Following  in  the 
 wake  of  these,  the  converted  Jew  Nicolaus  of  Lyre, 
 near  Fvreux,  in  Normandy  (f  1341),  produced  his 
 Postillae  Pei'|)etuae  on  the  Bible,  in  which,  without 
 denying  the  deejier  meanings  of  Scripture,  he  justly 
 contended  for  the  literal  as  that  on  which  they  all 
 must  rest.  Exception  w.as  tiiken  to  these  a  century 
 later  by  Paul  of  Burgos,  also  a  conveite<l  Jew 
 (t  1435),  who  upheld,  by  the  side  of  the  literal, 
 the  traditional  interpretations,  to  which  he  was 
 probably  at  heart  exclusively  attached.  But  the 
 very  arguments  by  which  he  sought  to  vindicate 
 them  showed  that  the  recognition  of  the  value  of 
 the  literal  interpretation  had  taken  tinn  root.— "J. 
 Principles  of  Interpretation. — From  the  foregoing 
 sketch  it  will  have  appeared  that  it  h.as  been  very 
 generally  recognized  that  the  interpretation  of  the 
 0.  T.  embraces  the  discovery  of  its  literal,  moral, 
 and  spiritual  meaning.  It  has  given  occasion  to 
 misrepresentation  to  speak  of  the  existence  in  Scriji- 
 ture  of  more  than  a  single  sense;  rather,  then,  let 
 it  be  said  that  there  are  in  it  three  elements,  co- 
 existing and  coalescing  with  each  other,  and  gener- 
 ally requiring  each  other's  presence  in  order  that 
 they  may  be  severally  manifested.  Correspondingly 
 too  there  are  three  portions  of  the  O.  T.  in  which 
 the  respective  elements,  each  in  its  turn,  shine  out 
 with  peculiar  lustre.  The  literal  (and  historical) 
 element  is  most  obviously  displayed  in  the  historical 
 narrative:  the  moral  is  specially  honoured  in  the 
 Law,  and  in  the  hortatory  addiesses  of  the  Pro- 
 phets: the  predictions  of  the  Prophets  bear  emphatic 
 witness  to  the  prophetical  or  spiritual.  Still,  gener- 
 ally, in  every  portion  of  the  0.  T.  the  presence  of 
 all  three  elements  mav  by  the  student  of  .S-ripture 
 be  traced.  In  perusing  the  story  of  the  journey  of 
 the  Israelites  throui;h  the  wilderness,  he  has  the 
 historical  element  in  the  actual  occurrence  of  the 
 facts  narrated  ;  the  moral,  in  the  warnings  which 
 God's  dealings  with  the  peo]ile  and  their  own  several 
 disobaliences  convey  ;  and  the  spiritual  in  the  pre- 
 figuration  by  that  journey,  in  its  several  features, 
 of  the  Christian  pilgrimage  through  the  wihleriiesf 
 of  life.  If  the  ipiestion  be  askeil,  -Are  the  three 
 sevenil  elements  in  the  t).  T.  mutually  coextensive? 
 we  replv.  They  are  certainly  coextensive  in  the 
 O.  T.,  taken  as  n  whole,  and  in  the  .several  jwtioiis 
 of  it,  largely  viewed  ;  yet  not  so  as  that  they  are 
 all  to  be  traced  in  each  several  section.  The  his- 
 torical element  may  occjisionally  exist  alone.  On 
 the  other  han<I  there  are  passages  of  direil  and 
 siin])le  moral  exhortation,  c.  fj.  a  considerable  part 
 of  the  Book  of  Proverbs,  into  which  the  hi»t-irical 
 element  hardly  enters.  OccLsionally  also,  as  in 
 P.s.ilm  ii.,  the  projihetical  element,  tlioiigh  not  alto- 
 
OLD  TESTAMENT 
 
 jrether  divorced  fiom  the  historical  and  the  moral, 
 yet  completely  overshadows  them.  That  we  should 
 use  the  New  Testament  as  the  key  to  the  true 
 meaning  of  the  Old,  and  should  seek  to  interpret 
 the  latter  as  it  was  interpreted  by  our  Lord  and  His 
 apostles,  is  in  accordance  both  with  the  spirit  of 
 vviiat  the  earlier  Fathers  asserted  respecting  the 
 value  of  the  tradition  received  from  them,  and  with 
 the  appeals  to  the  N.  T.  by  which  Origen  defended 
 and  fortiHed  the  threefold  method  of  interpretation. 
 But  here  it  is  the  analogy  of  the  N.  T.  inteipreta- 
 tions  that  we  must  follow ;  for  it  were  unreasonable 
 to  suppose  that  .the  whole  of  the  Old  Testament 
 would  be  found  completely  interpreted  in  the  New. 
 With  these  preliminary  observations  we  may  glance 
 at  the  several  branches  of  the  interpreter's  task. 
 First,  then,  Scripture  has  its  outward  form  or  body, 
 all  the  several  details  of  which  he  will  have  to  ex- 
 plore and  to  analyse.  He  must  ascertain  the  thing 
 outwardly  asserted,  commanded,  foretold,  prayed 
 for,  or  the  like  ;  and  this  with  reference,  so  tar  as 
 is  possible,  to  the  historical  occasion  and  circum- 
 stances, the  time,  the  place,  the  political  and  social 
 position,  the  manner  of  life,  the  suriounding  influ- 
 ences, the  distinctive  character,  and  the  object  in 
 view,  alike  of  the  writers,  the  jiersons  addressed, 
 and  the  persons  who  appear  upon  the  scene.  Taken 
 in  its  wide  sense,  the  outward  form  of  Scriptuie 
 will  itself,  no  doubt,  include  much  that  is  figura- 
 tive. To  the  outward  form  of  Scriptuie  thus  be- 
 long all  metonymies,  in  which  one  name  is  substi- 
 tuted for  another ;  and  metaphors,  in  which  a  word 
 is  transformed  from  its  proper  to  a  cognate  signific- 
 ation ;  so  also  all  prosopopeias,  or  personifications  ; 
 and  even  all  anthropomorphic  and  anthropopathic 
 desci-iptions  of  God,  which  could  never  have  been 
 understood  in  a  purely  literal  sense,  at  least  by  any 
 of  the  right-minded  among  God's  people.  It  is  not 
 to  lie  denied  that  it  is  dilHcult,  perhaps  impossible, 
 to  draw  tiie  exact  line  v^fhere  the  province  of  spi- 
 ritual inteipretation  begins  and  that  of  historical 
 erds.  On  the  one  hand  the  spiritual  significance 
 of  a  passage  may  occa-sionally,  perhaps  often,  throw 
 light  on  the  historical  element  involved  in  it:  on 
 the  other  hand  the  very  large  use  of  figurative 
 language  in  the  0.  T.,  and  more  especially  in  the 
 l)rophecies,  prepares  us  for  the  recognition  of  the 
 yet  more  deeply  figurative  and  essentially  allegorical 
 import  which  runs  through  the  whole.  Yet  no 
 unhallowed  or  unworthy  task  can  it  ever  be  to 
 study,  even  for  its  own  sake,  the  historical  form 
 in  which  the  0.  T.  comes  to  us  clothed.  Even  b\' 
 itself  it  proclaims  to  us  the  historical  workings  of 
 <  iod,  and  reveals  the  care  wherewith  He  has  ever 
 watched  over  the  interests  of  His  Church.  Above 
 all  the  history  of  the  0.  T.  is  the  indispensable 
 ])retace  to  the  historical  advent  of  the  Son  of  God 
 in  the  flesh.  We  need  hardly  labour  to  prove  that 
 the  N.  T.  recognizes  the  general  historical  character 
 of  what  the  O.  T.  records.  Of  course  in  reference 
 to  that  which  is  not  lehited  as  plain  matter  of 
 histoiy,  there  will  always  remain  the  question  how 
 tin-  the  descriptions  are  to  be  viewed  as  definitely 
 historical,  how  far  as  drawn,  for  a  specific  purpose, 
 from  the  imagination.  Such  a  question  presents 
 itself,  for  e.\ara]ile,  in  the  book  of  Job.  It  is  one 
 which  must  j)lainly  be  in  each  case  decided  accord- 
 ing to  tlie  particular  circumstances.  In  e.vamining 
 the  extent  of  the  historical  element  in  the  pro- 
 pliecies,  both  of  the  ])iophets  and  the  ])salmists,  we 
 must  distinguish  between   those   which  we  either 
 
 OLD  TESTAMENT 
 
 (349 
 
 definitely  know  or  may  reasonably  assume  to  have 
 been  fulfilled  at  a  period  not  entirely  distant  from 
 that  at  which  they  were  uttered,  and  thoee  which 
 reached  far  beyond  in  their  prospective  reference. 
 The  former,  once  fulfilled,  were  thenceforth  annexed 
 to  the  domain  of  history  (Is.  xvii.  ;  Ps.  cvii.  33). 
 With  the  prophecies  of  more  distant  scope  the  case 
 stood  thus.  A  picture  was  presented  to  the  pro- 
 phet's gaze,  embodying  an  outward  representation 
 of  certain  future  spiritual  struggles,  judgments,  tri- 
 umphs, or  blessings  ;  a  picture  suggested  in  general 
 by  the  historical  circumstances  of  the  present  (Zech. 
 vi.  9-15;  Ps.  v.,  Lvxii.),  or  of  the  past  (Ez.  xx. 
 36,  36  ;  Is.  .xi.  15,  xlviii.  21  ;  Ps.  xcix.  6,  seqq.), 
 or  of  the  near  future,  already  anticipated  and 
 viewed  as  present  (Is.  xlix.  7-26 ;  Ps.  Ivii.  6-11), 
 or  of  all  these  variously  combined,  altered,  and 
 heightened  by  the  imagination.  But  it  does  not 
 follow  that  that  picture  was  ever  outwardly  brought 
 to  pass :  the  local  had  been  exchanged  foi-  the  spi- 
 ritual, the  outward  type  had  merged  in  the  inward 
 reality  before  the  fulfilment  of  the  prophecy  took 
 effect.  Respecting  the  rudiments  of  interpretation, 
 let  the  following  here  sulKce : — The  knowledge  of 
 the  meanings  of  Hebrew  words  is  gathered  (a)  from 
 the  context,  (6)  from  parallel  passages,  (c)  fi'om  the 
 traditional  interpretations  preserved  in  Jewish  com- 
 mentaries and  dictiona)ies,  (d)  from  the  ancient 
 versions,  (c)  from  the  cognate  languages,  Chaldee, 
 Syiiac,  and  Arabic.  The  syntax  must  be  almost 
 wholly  gathered  from  the  0.  T.  itself;  and  for  the 
 special  syntax  of  the  poetical  books,  while  the  im- 
 portance of  a  study  of  the  Hebrew  parallelism  is  ■ 
 now  generally  recognized,  more  attention  needs  to 
 be  bestowed  than  has  been  bestowed  hitherto  on 
 the  centralism  and  inversion  by  which  the  poetical 
 structure  and  language  is  often  maiked.  Fiom  the 
 outward  form  of  the  0.  T.  we  proceed  to  its  moral 
 element  or  soul.  It  was  with  reference  to  this  that 
 St.  Paul  declared  that  all  Scripture  was  given  by 
 inspiration  of  God,  and  was  profitable  for  doctrine, 
 for  reproof,  for  correction,  for  instruction  in  right- 
 eousness (2  Tim.  iii.  16);  and  it  is  in  the  implicit 
 recognition  of  the  essentially  moral  character  of'  the 
 whole,  that  our  Lord  and  His  apostles  not  only  ap- 
 peal to  its  direct  precepts  [e.  g.  Matt.  xv.  4  ;  xix. 
 17-19),  and  set  forth  tlie  fulness  of  their  bearing 
 {e.g.  M.itt.  ix.  13),  but  also  lay  bare  moral  lessons 
 in  0.  T.  passages  which  lie  rather  beneath  the  sur- 
 face than  upon  it  (Matt.  xix.  5,  6,  xxii,  32  ;  John 
 x.  34,  35;  Acts  vii.  48,  49;  1  Cor.  ix.  9,  10;  2 
 Cor.  viii.  13-15).  With  regard  more  particularly 
 to  the  Law,  our  Lord  shows  in  His  Sermon  on  the 
 Mount  how  deep  is  the  moral  teaching  implied  in 
 its  letter ;  and  in  His  denunciation  of  the  Pharisees, 
 upbraids  them  for  their  omission  of  its  weightier 
 matters — judgment,  mercy,  and  faith.  The  history 
 too  of  the  O.  T.  finds  frequent  reference  made  in 
 theN.T.  to  its  moral  teaching  (Luke  vi.  3;  Item, 
 iv.,  ix.  17;  1  Cor.  x.  6-ll;^Heb.  iii.  7-11,  xi.; 
 2  Pet.  ii.  15-16  ;  1  John  iii.  12).  The  interpreter 
 of  the  0.  T.  will  have,  among  his  other  tasks,  tc 
 analyse  in  the  lives  set  before  him  the  vaiious  yet 
 generally  mingled  workings  of  the  spirit  of  holiness  - 
 and  of  the  spirit  of  sin.  The  moral  eriors  by  which 
 the  lives  of  even  the  greatest  saints  were  disfigured 
 are  related,  and  that  for  our  instruction,  but  not 
 generally  criticized.  The  O.  T.  sets  before  us  just 
 those  lives — the  lives  generally  of  religious  men — 
 which  will  best  repay  our  study,  and  will  most 
 strongly  suggest  tlie  moral  lessons  that  God  would 
 
650 
 
 OLD  TESTAMENT 
 
 have  us  learn  ;  auJ  herein  it  is  tluit,  iu  regard  of 
 <he  moral  aspects  of  the  O.  T.  history,  we  may  most 
 suiely  trace  the  overruling  inHiieiice  of  the  Holy 
 Spirit  by  which  the  sacred  historians  wrote.  But 
 the  O.  T.  has  further  its  spiritual  and  therefore 
 projilietical  element.  Our  attention  is  here  first 
 attiaoted  to  tlie  avowedly  predictive  parts  of  the  0. 
 T.,  of  the  prospective  reference  of  whicii,  at  the  time 
 that  they  were  uttered,  no  question  can  exist,  and 
 the  majority  of  which  still  awaited  their  fulHInieut 
 when  the  Redeemer  of  the  world  was  born.  Witii 
 Christ  the  new  eia  of  the  fulfilment  of  prophecy 
 commenced.  A  marvellous  amount  tliere  was  in 
 His  peison  of  the  verification  of  tiie  very  letter  of 
 prophecy — partly  tliat  it  might  be  seen  how  defin- 
 itely all  had  pouitcd  to  Him  ;  partly  because  His 
 outward  mission,  up  to  the  time  of  His  death,  w;is 
 but  to  the  lost  shee])  of  the  house  of  Israel,  and  the 
 letter  hacl  not  yet  been  finally  sujjerseded  by  the 
 spirit.  Vet  it  would  plainly  be  impossible  to  sup- 
 jiose  that  the  signifiaince  of  such  prophecies  as 
 Zech.  i.\.  9  was  e.\hausted  by  the  mere  outward 
 verification.  Hence  the  entire  absence  fiom  the 
 N.  T.  of  any  recognition,  by  either  Christ  or  His 
 ajwstles,  of  such  pros])ective  outward  glories  as  the 
 prophecies,  literally  interpreted,  would  still  have 
 implied.  The  language  of  the  ancient  prophecies 
 is  everywhere  applied  to  the  gatheiing  together,  the 
 privileges,  and  the  triumphs  of  the  universal  body 
 of  Chiist  (John  x.  16,  'xi.  52  ;  Acts  ii.  39,  xv. 
 15-17  ;  Kom.  i.v.  25,  2(j,  .32,  33,  x.  11,  13,  xi.  25, 
 2ti,  27,  &c.).  Kven  apart,  however,  from  the 
 authoritative  interpretation  thus  placed  u]ion  tlieui, 
 the  proj)hecies  contiiin  within  themselves,  in  sutli- 
 cient  measure,  the  evidence  of  their  spiritual  import. 
 The  substance  of  the.se  prophecies  is  the  glory  of  the 
 l!edeemer"s  spiritual  kingdom  :  it  is  but  the  form 
 that  is  derived  from  the  outward  circumstances  of 
 the  career  of  God's  ancient  people,  which  had 
 passed,  or  all  but  p;tssed,  away  before  the  fulfilment 
 of  the  promised  blessings  commenced.  Nor  w.ls 
 even  the  form  in  which  the  announcement  of  the 
 new  blessings  had  been  clothed  to  be  nidely  cist 
 aside:  the  imagery  of  the  prophets  is  on  every  ac- 
 count justly  dear  to  us,  and  from  love,  no  less  than 
 from  habit,  we  still  speak  the  language  of  Canajin. 
 But  then  arises  the  question,  Must  not  this  language 
 have  been  divinely  dcNigned  from  the  first  as  the 
 language  of  God's  Church  ?  The  typical  import 
 of  the  Israelitish  tibemacle  and  ritual  worship  is 
 implied  in  Heb.  ix.  ("  the  Holy  GlH)st  this  signi- 
 fying"), and  is  almost  univei-sally  alloweil;  and  it 
 is  not  easy  to  tear  asunder  the  events  of  Israel's  his- 
 tory from  the  ceremonies  of  Israel's  woi'ship  ;  nor 
 yet,  again,  the  events  of  the  preceding  history  of  the 
 patriarchs  from  tluise  of  the  histoiy  of  Israel.  The 
 N.  T.  itself  implies  the  typical  import  of  a  large 
 l)ait  of  the  ().  T.  narrative.  In  the  0.  T.  itself  we 
 have,  and  this  even  in  the  latest  times,  events  and 
 ]iersons  expressly  treated  as  tyjiical  (I's.  cxviii.  22  ; 
 /ech.  iii.,  vi.  9,  &c.).  A  further  testimony  to  the 
 typical  character  of  the  Instory  of  the  Old  Testa- 
 uieiit  is  fin-nished  by  the  typical  chai-acter  of  the 
 events  lelated  even  in  the  New.  A4I  our  Lord's 
 miracles  weie  essenti;illy  typical.  So  too  the  out- 
 >v,i-rd  fiillihiients  of  prophecy  in  the  lieHoemer's  life 
 were  types  of  the  (ieep-r  though  less  immciliati'ly 
 striking  tullilment  wliich  it  w;ts  to  continue  to  re- 
 ceive id.silly.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  there  is  an 
 anwillingness  to  recognize  the  spiritual  element  in 
 the  hisloricsil   |xn  ts  of  the  O.  T.,   ari.sing  from  tliu 
 
 OLD  TESTAMENT 
 
 fear  that  the  recognition  of  it  may  endanger  that  of 
 the  historical  truth  of  the  events  recorded.  Nor  is 
 such  danger  altogether  visionary  ;  for  one-sided  and 
 prejudiced  contemjjlation  will  be  ever  so  abusing 
 one  element  of  Scripture  as  thereby  to  cast  a  slight 
 upon  the  rest.  But  this  does  not  affect  its  exist- 
 ence. Of  another  danger  besetting  the  path  of  the 
 spiritual  interjireter  of  the  0.  T.,  we  have  a  warn- 
 ing iu  the  unedifying  puerilities  into  which  some 
 have  fallen.  Against  such  he  will  guard  by  fo»ie- 
 going  too  curious  a  search  for  mere  external  re- 
 semblance between  the  Old  Testiment  and  the  New, 
 though  withal  thankfully  recognizing  them  wherever 
 they  present  themselves.  The  spiritual  interpreta- 
 tion must  rest  upon  both  the  literal  and  the  moral ; 
 and  there  Gin  be  no  spiritual  analogy  between  things 
 which  have  nought  morally  in  common.  One  con- 
 sequence of  this  principle  will  of  course  be,  that  we 
 must  never  be  content  to  rest  iu  any  mere  outward 
 fulfilment  of  prophecy.  However  remarkable  the 
 outward  fulfilment  be,  it  must  always  guide  us  to 
 some  deeper  analogy,  in  which  a  moral  element  is 
 involved.  Another  consequence  of  the  foregoing 
 principle  of  interpretation  will  be  that  that  which 
 was  forbidden  or  sinful  can,  so  far  as  it  was  sinful, 
 not  be  regarded  as  tyjiical  of  that  which  is  free  from 
 sin.  So  again  that  which  was  tolerated  rather  than 
 approved  may  contain  within  itself  the  type  of 
 something  imperfect,  iu  contrast  to  that  which  is 
 more  perfect. 
 
 C.  QuorATioxs  FROM  THE  Old  Tistament 
 IN  TIIE  New  Testament. — The  New  Testament 
 quotations  from  the  Old  form  one  of  the  outward 
 bonds  of  connexion  between  the  two  j)arts  of  the 
 Bible.  They  are  manifold  in  kind.  Some  of  the 
 passages  quoted  contain  prophecies  or  involve  types 
 of  which  the  N.  T.  writers  designed  to  indicate  the 
 fulfilment.  Othei's  are  introduced  as  direct  logical 
 siqiports  to  the  doctrines  which  they  were  enforcing. 
 It  may  not  be  easy  to  distribute  all  the  quotations 
 into  their  distinctive  classes;  but  among  those  in 
 which  a  prophetical  or  typical  force  is  ascribed  in 
 the  N.  'r.  to  the  passage  quoted,  may  fairly  be 
 reckoned  all  that  are  introduced  with  an  intimation 
 that  the  Scripture  was  •'  fulfilled  ;"  and  it  may  !« 
 observed  that  the  word  "  fulfil,"  as  applied  to  the 
 accomplishment  of  what  had  been  predicated  or  fore- 
 shadowed, is  in  the  N.  T.  only  used  by  our  Loixl 
 Himself  and  his  compjuiion  apostles.  In  the  quota- 
 tions of  all  kinds  from  the  Old  Testament  in  the 
 New,  we  find  a  continual  variation  from  the  Ifttcr 
 of  the  older  Striptures.  To  this  vari.ation  thiee 
 cjiuses  may  be  specified  as  having  contributed  : — 
 First,  all  the  N.  T.  writers  quoted  trom  the  Septua- 
 gint ;  correcting  it  imleed  more  or  less  by  the  He- 
 brew, especially  when  it  was  needt'ul  tor  their 
 purpose  ;  oa-asionally  deserting  it  altogether  ;  still 
 abiding  bv  it  to  so  large  an  extent  as  to  show  that 
 it  was  the  primarv  source  whence  their  quotations 
 were  drawn.  Secondly,  the  N.  T.  wiilei-s  must 
 have  frequently  quoted  from  memory.  Tliirdly, 
 combined  with  this,  tliere  w.is  nn  alteration  of  con- 
 scious or  unconscious  design.  Sometimes  the  object 
 of  this  was  to  obtain  increased  force.  Sometime* 
 an  O.  T.  passiige  is  abridgetl,  and  in  the  abridgment 
 so  jidjuste<i,  bv  a  little  alteration,  as  to  present  lui 
 as])e<t  of  completeness,  and  yet  omit  what  is  foreign 
 to  the  immediate  piir|K)se  (Acts  i.  2ti ;  1  C<ir.  i.  31., 
 At  other  times  a  pissage  is  enlarged  by  the  incor- 
 poration of  a  ]>assiigc  from  another  source:  thus  in 
 Luke  iv.   18,    19.  although  the  contents  arc  pro- 
 
OLIVE 
 
 lessedly  those  read  by  our  Loid  from  Is.  Ixi.,  we 
 have  the  words  "  to  set  at  liberty  them  that  aie 
 bruised,"  introduced  from  Is.  Iviii.  6  (Sept.):  simi- 
 larly in  Rom.  xi.  8,  Deut.  xxix.  4  is  combined  with 
 Is.  xxix.  10.  In  some  cases  still  greater  liberty  of 
 alteration  is  assumed.  In  some  places  again,  the 
 actual  words  of  the  original  are  taken  up,  but  em- 
 ployed with  a  new  meaning.  Almost  more  remark- 
 able than  any  alteration  in  the  quotation  itself,  is 
 the  ciicumstance  that  in  Matt,  xxvii.  9,  Jeremiah 
 should  be  named  as  the  author  of  a  prophecy  really 
 delivered  by  Zechariah :  the  reason  being  that  the 
 prophecy  is  based  upon  that  in  Jer.  xviii.,  xix.,  and 
 that  without  a  reference  to  this  original  source  the 
 most  essential  features  of  the  fulfilment  of  Zecha- 
 riah's  prophecy  would  be  misunderstood.  The 
 above  examples  will  sufficiently  illustrate  the  free- 
 dom with  which  the  apostles  and  evangelists  inter- 
 wove the  older  Scriptures  into  their  writings.  It 
 could  only  lesult  in  failure  were  we  to  attempt  any 
 merely  mechanical  account  of  variations  from  the 
 0.  T.  text  which  are  essentially  not  mechanical.. 
 
 Olive.  No  tree  is  more  closely  associated  with 
 'he  history  and  civilization  of  man.  Our  concern 
 with  it  here  is  in  its  sacred  relations,  and  in  its 
 connexion  with  Judaea  and  the  Jewish  people. 
 Many  of  the  Scriptural  associations  of  the  olive- 
 tree  are  singularly  poetical.  It  has  this  remarkable 
 interest,  in  the  first  place,  that  its  foliage  is  the 
 earliest  tha.t  is  mentioned  by  name,  when  the  waters 
 of  the  flood  began  to  retire  (Gen.  viii.  11).  Next 
 we  find  it  the  most  prominent  tree  in  the  earliest 
 allegory  ^udg.  ix.  8,  9).  With  David  it  is  the 
 emblem  of  prosperity  and  the  divine  blessing  (Ps. 
 Hi.  8,  cxxviii.  3).  So  with  the  later  prophets  it  is 
 the  symbol  of  beauty,  luxuriance,  and  strength. 
 We  must  bear  in  mind,  in  reading  this  imageiy, 
 that  the  olive  was  among  the  most  abundant  and 
 characteristic  vegetation  of  Judaea.  Thus  after  the 
 captivity,  when  the  Israelites  kept  the  Feast  of 
 Tabernacles,  we  find  tliem,  among  other  branches 
 for  the  booths,  bringing  "  olive-branches"  from  the 
 "mount"  (Neh.  viii.  15).  "The  mount"  is 
 doubtless  the  famous  Olivet,  or  Mount  of  Olives, 
 the  "Olivetum"  of  the  Vulgate.  Turning  now  to 
 the  mystic  imagery  of  Zechariah  (iv.  3,  11-14), 
 and  of  St.  John  in  the  Apocalypse  (Rev.  xi,  3,  4), 
 we  find  the  olive-tree  used,  in  both  cases,  in  a  very 
 remarkable  way.  Finally,  in  the  argumentation  of 
 St.  Paul  concerning  the  relative  positions  of  the 
 Jews  and  Gentiles  in  the  counsels  of  God,  this  tree 
 supplies  the  basis  of  one  of  his  most  forcible  alle- 
 goiies  (Rom.  xi.  16-2,5).  The  Gentiles  ai'e  the 
 "  wild  olive"  grafted  m  upon  the  "  good  olive,"  to 
 which  once  the  Jews  belonged,  and  with  which  they 
 may  again  be  incorporated.  The  olive-tree  grows 
 freely  almost  everywhere  on  the  shores  of  the  Medi- 
 terranean, but  it  was  peculiarly  abundant  in  Pales- 
 tine. See  Deut.  vi.  11,  viii.  8,  xxviii.  40.  Olive- 
 yards  are  a  matter  of  course  in  descriptions  of  the 
 country  like  vineyards  and  corn-fields  (Judg.  xv. 
 5  ;  1  Sam.  viii.  14).  The  kings  had  very  extensive 
 ones  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  28).  Even  now  the  tree  is  very 
 abundant  in  the  country.  Almost  every  village  has 
 its  olive-grove.  Certain  districts  may  be  speciKed 
 where  at  various  times  this  tiee  has  been  very 
 luxuriant.  The  cultivation  of  the  olive-tree  had 
 the  closest  connexion  witii  the  domestic  lite  of  the 
 Israelites  (2  Chr.  ii.  10),  their  trade  (Ez.  xxvii.  17  ; 
 Hos.  xii.  1),  and  even  their  public  ceremonies  and 
 religious  worship.    The  oil  w;is  used  in  coronations : 
 
 OLIVES,  MOUNT  OF 
 
 051 
 
 thus  it  was  an  emblem  of  soveielirnty  (1  Sam.  x.  1, 
 xii.  3,  5).  It  was  also  mixed  with  the  offerings  in 
 sacrifice  (Lev.  ii.  1,  2,  6,  15).  For  the  burning  of 
 it  in  common  lamps  see  Jlatt.  xxv.  3,  4,  8.  The 
 use  of  it  on  the  hair  and  skin  was  customary,  and 
 indicative  of  cheerfulness  (Ps.  xxiii.  5,  Matt.  vi.  17). 
 It  was  also  employed  medicinally  in  sur<:ic;il  cases 
 (Luke  X.  34).  See  again  Mark  vi.  13  ;  Jam.  v.  14, 
 for  its  use  in  combination  with  prayer  on  behalf  of 
 the  sick.  In  Solomon's  temple  the  cherubim  were 
 "  of  olive-tree"  (1  K.  vi.  23),  as  also  the  doors  (vers. 
 31,  32)  and  the  posts  (ver.  33).  As  to  the  berries 
 (Jam.  iii.  12;  2  Esd.  xvi.  29),  which  produce  the 
 oil,  they  were  sometimes  gathered  by  shaking  the 
 tree  (Is.  xxiv.  13),  sometimes  by  beating  it  (Deut. 
 xxiv.  20).  Then  followed  the  creading  of  the  fruit 
 (Deut.  xxxiii.  24;  Mic.  vi.  15).  Hence  the  men- 
 tion of  "oil-fats"  (Joel  ii.  24).  The  wind  was 
 dreaded  by  the  cultivator  of  the  olive,  for  the  least 
 ruffling  of  a  breeze  is  apt  to  cause  the  flowers  to 
 fall  (Job  XV.  o3).  It  is  needless  to  add  that  the 
 locust  was  a  formidable  enemy  of  the  olive  (Amos 
 iv.  9).  It  happened  not  unfrequently  that  hopes 
 were  disappointed,  and  that  "  the  labour  of  the 
 olive  failed"  (Hab.  iii.  17).  As  to  the  growth  of 
 the  tree,  it  thrives  best  in  warm  and  sunny  situa- 
 tions. It  is  of  a  moderate  height,  with  knotty 
 gnarled  trunks,  and  a  smooth  ash-coloured  bark. 
 It  grows  slowly,  but  it  lives  to  an  immense  age. 
 Its  look  is  singidarly  indicative  of  tenacious  vigour ; 
 and  this  is  the  force  of  what  is  said  in  Scripture  of 
 its  "  greenness,"  as  emblematic  of  strength  and 
 prosperity.  The  leaves,  too,  are  not  deciduous. 
 Those  who  see  olives  for  the  first  time  aie  occa- 
 sionally disappointed  by  the  dusty  colour  of  their 
 foliage ;  but  those  who  are  familiar  with  them  find 
 an  inexpressible  charm  in  the  rippling  changes  oi 
 their  slender  grey-green  leaves. 
 
 Olives,  Moiint  of.  The  exact  expression  "  the 
 Mount  of  Olives  "  occurs  in  the  0.  T.  in  Zech.  xiv. 
 4  only  ;  in  the  other  places  of  the  0.  T.  in  which  it 
 is  referred  to,  the  form  employed  is  the  "  ascent  of 
 the  olives"  (2  Sam.  xv.  30;  A.  V.  inaccurately 
 "  the  ascent  of  Mount  Olivet "),  or  simply  "  the 
 Mount"  (Neh.  viii.  15),  "  the  mount  facing  Jeru- 
 salem "  (1  K.  xi.  7),  or  "  the  mountain  which  is 
 on  the  east  side  of  the  city  "  (Ez.  xi.  23).  In  the 
 N.  T.  three  forms  of  the  word  occur :  1.  The  usual 
 one,  "  *he  Mount  of  Olives."  2.  By  St.  Luke 
 twice  (xix.  29,  .xxi.  37),  "  the  mount  called  Elaion." 
 3.  Also  by  St.  Luke  (Acts  i.  12),  the  "mount 
 called  Olivet."  It  is  the  well-known  eminence  on 
 the  east  of  Jerusalem,  intimately  and  charact- 
 eristically connected  with  some  of  the  gravest  and 
 most  significant  events  of  the  history  of  the  Old 
 Testament,  the  New  Testament,  and  the  inter- 
 vening times,  and  one  of  the  firmest  links  by  which 
 the  two  are  united  ;  the  scene  of  the  flight  of  David 
 and  the  triumphal  progress  of  the  Son  of  David,  of 
 the  idolatry  of  Solomon,  and  the  agony  and  be- 
 trayal of  Christ.  If  anything  were  wanting  to  fix 
 the  position  of  the  Mount  of  Olives,  it  would  be 
 amply  settled  by  the  account  of  the  first  of  the 
 events  just  named,  as  related  in  2  Sam.  xv.,  with 
 the  elucidations  of  the  LXX.  and  Josephus  {Ant. 
 vii.  9).  David's  object  was  to  place  the  Jordan 
 between  himself  and  Absidom.  He  therefore  flies 
 by  the  road  called  "the  road  of  the  wilderness" 
 (xv.  23).  This  leads  him  across  the  Kidron,  piist 
 the  well-known  olive-tree  (LXX.)  which  marked  the 
 path,  up  the  toilsome  ascent  of  the  mount — else- 
 
G52 
 
 OLrSTES,  MOUNT  OF 
 
 vvheif  exactly  described  as  facing  Jerusalem  on  the 
 ea-st  (1  K.  XI.  7  ;  Kz.  xi.  23;  Mk.  xiii.  3)— to  the 
 summit,  where  was  a  consecrated  spot  at  which  he 
 was  aceustomai  to  worship  God.  At  this  spot  he 
 again  performed  his  devotions — it  must  have  seemed 
 for  the  last  time — and  took  his  farewell  of  the  city, 
 "  with  many  teare,  as  one  who  had  lost  his  king- 
 dom." He  then  turned  the  summit,  and  after 
 passing  Bahurim,  probably  about  where  Bethany 
 now  stands,  continueci  the  descent  through  the 
 "  dry  and  thirsty  land  "  until  he  arrived  "  weary" 
 at  the  bank  of  the  river  (Joseph.  A7it.  vii.  9,  §2-6  ; 
 2  Sam.  xvi.  14,  xxvii.  21,  22).  This,  which  is 
 the  earliest  mention  of  the  Mount  of  Olives,  is  also 
 a  complete  introduction  to  it.  The  remaining  re- 
 feiences  to  it  in  the  Old  Testament  are  but  slight. 
 The  "  high  places  "  which  Solomon  constructed  for 
 the  gods  of  his  numerous  wives,  were  in  the  mount 
 "  facing  Jerusalem  "  f  1  K.  xi.  7) — an  expression 
 which  applies  to  the  Mount  of  Olives  only,  as  in- 
 deed all  commentators  apply  it.  During  the  next 
 four  hundred  years  we  have  only  the  brief  notice 
 of  Josiah's  icouoclasms  at  this  spot.  Another  two 
 hundred  years  and  we  find  a  further  mention  of  it: 
 this  time  in  a  thoroughly  different  connexion.  It 
 is  now  the  great  rejjository  foi-  the  vegetation  of 
 the  district,  ]ilanted  thick  with  olive,  and  the  bushy 
 myrtle,  and  the  feathery  p-ilm.  "  Go  out"  of  the 
 city  "  into  the  mount  " — was  the  command  of  Ezra 
 tor  the  celebration  of  the  first  anniversary  of  the 
 Fe;ist  of  Tabeiiiacles  after  the  lieturn  from  Baby- 
 lon— "and  fetch  olive  branches,  and  'oil-tree' 
 liraiiches,  and  myrtle-boughs,  and  palm-leaves,  and 
 branches  of  thick  trees  to  make  booths,  as  it  is 
 written"  (Neh.  viii.  15).  The  cultivated  and  um- 
 brageous character  which  is  implied  in  this  descrip- 
 tion, as  well  as  in  the  name  of  the  mount,  is  re- 
 •  tained  till  the  N.  T.  times.  At  this  point  in  the 
 histoiy  it  will  be  convenient  to  describe  the  situa- 
 tion and  appearance  of  the  Jlount  of  Olives.  It  is 
 not  so  much  a  "  mount  "  as  a  ridge,  of  rather  more 
 than  a  mile  in  length,  running  in  geneial  direction 
 north  and  south  ;  covering  the  whole  eastern  side  of 
 the  city.  At  its  northein  end  the  ridge  bends  lound 
 to  the  west,  so  iis  to  form  an  enclosure  to  the  city 
 on  that  side  also.  But  there  is  this  ditTerence,  that 
 whereas  on  the  north  a  space  of  nearly  a  mile  of 
 toleiabiy  level  surtitce  intervenes  between  tlie  walls 
 of  the  city  and  the  iising  ground,  on  the  cast  the 
 mount  is  close  to  the  walls,  parted  only  by  that 
 which  from  the  city  itself  seems  no  parting  at  all — 
 the  narrow  lavine  of  the  Kidron.  It  is  this  portion 
 which  is  the  real  Mount  of  Olives  of  the  history. 
 I'he  northein  part  is,  though  geologically  contin- 
 uous, a  distinct  mountain.  We  will  therefore  con- 
 fine ourselves  to  this  portion.  In  general  height  it 
 !«  not  very  much  above  the  city ;  3o0  feet  higher 
 than  the  Temple  mount,  hardly  more  than  100 
 aljdve  the  so-called  Zion.  The  word  "ridge"  has 
 been  used  above  as  the  only  one  available  for  an 
 eminence  of  some  length  and  even  height,  but  that 
 word  is  hardly  accurate.  There  is  nothing  "  ridi^e- 
 iike"  in  tiie  apiieaiance  of  the  Mount  of  Olives,  or 
 ol  any  other  of  the  limestone  hills  of  this  district  of 
 I'alesiine  ;  all  is  rounded,  swelling,  and  regular  in 
 !orm.  .\t  a  distance  its  outline  is  almost  hori- 
 zont.il,  giadually  sloping  away  at  its  southern  end  ; 
 but  when  »y>n  fiom  below  the  eastern  wall  of  Jerii- 
 Kdem,  it  divides  itself  into  three,  or  rather  perhaps 
 four,  independent  sunimits  or  eminenc-cs.  I'rocced- 
 ini,'  from  north  lo  south  these  occur  in  the  following 
 
 OLIVES,  MOUNT  OF 
 
 order  ; — Galilee,  or  Viri  Galilaei ;  Mount  of  the 
 Ascension  ;  Prophets,  subordinate  to  the  last,  ano 
 almost  a  part  of  it;  Mount  of  Olfence.  1.  Of  these 
 the  central  one,  distinguished  by  the  minaret  and 
 domes  of  the  Church  of  the  Ascension,  is  in  every 
 way  the  most  im])ortant.  Three  paths  lead  from 
 the  valley  to  the  summit.  The  first  passes  under 
 the  north  wall  of  the  enclosure  of  Gethsemane,  and 
 follows  the  line  of  the  depression  between  the  centre 
 and  the  northern  hill.  The  second  parts  from  the 
 first  about  50  yards  beyond  Gethsemane,  and  strik- 
 ing off  to  the  right  up  the  very  breiist  of  the  hill, 
 surmounts  the  projection  on  which  is  the  traditional 
 spot  of  the  Lamenfcition  over  Jerusalem,  and  thence 
 proceeds  directly  upwards  to  the  village.  The  third 
 leaves  the  other  two  at  the  N.E.  corner  of  Geth- 
 semane, and  making  a  considerable  detour  to  the 
 south,  visits  the  so-called  "  Tombs  of  the  Prophets," 
 and,  following  a  very  slight  depression  which  occurs 
 at  that  part  of  the  mount,  arrives  in  its  turn  at 
 the  village.  Of  these  throe  paths  the  first,  from  the 
 fact  that  it  follows  the  natural  shape  of  the  ground, 
 is  unquestionably  older  than  the  others,  whicli  deviate 
 in  pursuit  of  certain  artificial  objects.  Every  con- 
 sideration is  in  favour  of  its  being  the  road  taken 
 by  David  in  his  flight.  It  is,  with  equal  probability, 
 that  usually  taken  by  our  Lord  and  His  disciples  iu 
 their  morning  and  evening  transit  between  Jeru- 
 salem and  Bethany,  and  that  also  by  which  the 
 Apostles  returned  to  Jerusalem  after  the  Ascension. 
 The  central  hill,  which  we  are  now  considering, 
 purports  to  contain  the  sites  of  some  of  the  most 
 sacred  and  impressive  events  of  Christian  history. 
 During  tlie  middle  ages  most  of  these  were  pro- 
 tected by  an  edifice  of  some  sort ;  and  to  judge  fi-oni 
 the  reports  of  the  early  travellers,  the  mount  must 
 at  one  time  have  been  thickly  covered  with  churches 
 and  convents.  The  majority  of  these  sacred  spots 
 now  command  little  or  no  attention;  but  three  stiil 
 remain,  sufficiently  sacred — if  authentic — to  conse- 
 crate any  place.  These  are  :  1.  Gethsemane,  at  the 
 foot  of  the  mount.  2.  The  spot  from  wliicii  our 
 Saviour  ascended,  on  the  summit.  3.  Tiie  place  of 
 the  Lamentation  of  Christ  over  Jerusalem,  half- 
 way up.  (1.)  Of  thase,  Gethsemane  is  the  only 
 one  which  has  any  claim  to  be  authentic.  Its 
 claims,  however,  are  considerable :  they  are  spoken 
 of  elsewhere.  (2.)  The  first  jierson  wiio  attached 
 the  Ascension  of  Christ  to  the  Mount  of  Olives 
 seems  to  have  been  the  Empress  Helena  (a.d.  325), 
 Eusebius  states  that  she  erected,  as  a  memorial  of 
 that  event,  a  sacred  liouse  of  assembly  on  the 
 highest  ))art  of  the  mount,  where  there  was  a  cave 
 which  a  sure  tradition  testified  to  be  that  in  which 
 the  Saviour  had  imparted  mysteries  to  His  dis- 
 ciples. But  neither  this  account,  nOr  that  of  the 
 same  author  when  the  cave  is  again  mentioned,  do 
 more  than  name  the  Mount  of  Olives,  generally,  iU- 
 the  place  from  which  Christ  ascended :  tiiey  fix  no 
 definite  s])ot  thereon.  It  took  nearly  three  cen- 
 turies to  harden  and  narrow  this  general  recognition 
 of  the  connexion  of  the  Mount  ol"  Olives  with  Christ, 
 into  a  lying  invention  in  contradiction  of  the  Gospel 
 narrative  of  the  Ascension.  (3.)  Tiie  third  of  thp 
 three  traditionary  spots  mentioned — that  of  the 
 Lamentation  over  Jerusalem  (  Luke  xix.  41-44) — is 
 not  iDore  hap])ily  chosen  than  that  of  the  .\scen&ion. 
 It  is  on  a  mamelon  or  protuberance  which  projects 
 from  the  slope  of  the  breiist  of  tlie  hill,  about  300 
 yards  above  Gethsemane.  The  iiwppropriateness 
 of  tills  place  has  been  noticed  ljy  many  ;  but  Dr. 
 
OLIVES,  MOUNT  OP 
 
 Stanley  was  the  first  who  gave  it  its  death-blow, 
 by  pointing  out  the  true  spot  to  take  its  place.  In 
 a  well-known  passage  of  Sinai  and  Palest ine  (190- 
 193),  he  shows  that  the  road  of  our  Lord's  "  Tri- 
 umphal entry "  must  have  been,  not  the  short  and 
 steep  path  over  the  summit  used  by  small  parties 
 of  pedestrians,  but  the  longer  and  easier  route  round 
 the  southern  shoulder  of  the  southern  of  the  three 
 divisions  of  the  mount.  2.  We  have  spoken  of  the 
 central  and  principal  portion  of  the  mount.  Next 
 to  it  on  the  southern  side,  separated  from  it  by 
 a  slight  depression,  up  which  tlie  path  mentioned 
 above  as  the  third  takes  its  course,  is  a  hill  which 
 appears  neither  to  possess,  nor  to  have  possessed, 
 any  independent  name.  It  is  remarkable  only  for 
 the  fact  that  it  contains  the  "  singular  catacomb  " 
 known  as  the  "  Tombs  of  the  Prophets,"  probably 
 hi  allusion  to  the  words  of  Christ  (Matt,  xxiii.  29). 
 3.  The  most  southern  portion  of  the  Mount  of 
 Olives  is  that  usually  known  as  the  "Mount  of 
 Offence,"  Mons  Offensionis,  though  by  the  Arabs 
 called  Baten  el  Hawa,  "  the  bag  of  the  wind."  It 
 rises  next  to  that  last  mentioned ;  and  in  the  hollow 
 between  the  two,  more  marked  than  the  de[)ressions 
 between  the  more  northern  portions,  runs  the  road 
 from  Bethany,  which  was  without  doubt  the  road 
 of  Chiist's  entry  to  Jerusalem.  The  title  Mount 
 of  Offence,  or  of  Scandal,  was  bestowed  on  the  sup- 
 position that  it  is  the  "  Mount  of  Corruption  "  on 
 whicli  Solomon  erected  the  high  places  for  the  gods 
 of  his  foreign  wives  (2  K.  xxiii.  13;  1  K.  xi.  7). 
 The  southern  sianmit  is  considerably  lower  than 
 the  centre  one,  and,  as  alieady  remaiked,  it  is  much 
 more  definitely  separated  from  the  surrounding  por- 
 tions of  the  mountain  than  the  others  are.  It  is  also 
 sterner  and  moie  repulsive  in  its  form,  4.  The 
 only  one  of  the  four  summits  remaining  to  be  con- 
 sidered is  that  on  the  north  of  the  "  Mount  of 
 Ascension  " — the  Karem  es-Seyad,  or  Vineyard  of 
 the  Sportsman  ;  or,  as  it  is  called  by  the  modern 
 Latin  and  Greek  Christians,  the  Viri  Galilaei.  This 
 is  a  hill  of  exactly  the  same  character  as  the  Mount 
 of  the  Ascension,  and  so  nearly  its  equal  in  height 
 that  few  travellers  agree  as  to  which  is  the  more 
 lofty.  The  summits  of  the  two  are  about  400 
 yards  apart.  It  stands  directly  opposite  the  N.E. 
 corner  of  Jerusalem,  and  is  .approached  by  the 
 path  between  it  and  the  Mount  of  Ascension,  which 
 strikes  at  the  top  into  a  cross  path  leading  to  el- 
 Isawii/ch  and  Anata.  The  Arabic  name  well  reflects 
 the  fruitful  character  of  the  hill,  on  which  there  are 
 several  vineyards,  besides  much  cultivation  of  other 
 kinds.  The  Christian  name  is  due  to  the  singular 
 tradition,  that  here  the  two  angels  addressed  the 
 Apostles  after  our  Lord's  ascension — "  Ye  men  of 
 Galilee!"  This  idea,  which  is  so  incompatible,  on 
 account  of  the  distance,  e\en  with  the  traditional 
 spot  of  the  Ascension,  is  of  late  existence  and  inex- 
 plicable origin.  The  presence  of  the  crowd  of 
 churches  and  other  edifices  implied  in  the  foregoing 
 description  must  have  rendered  the  Mount  of  Olives, 
 duiing  the  early  and  middle  ages  of  Christianity, 
 entirely  unlike  what  it  was  in  the  time  of  the 
 Jewish  kingdom  or  of  our  Lord.  Except  the  high 
 places  on  the  summit,  the  only  buildings  then  to  be 
 seen  were  probably  the  walls  of  the  vineyards  and 
 ^aidens,  and  the  towers  and  presses  which  were 
 their  invariable  accompaniment.  But  though  the 
 churches  are  nearly  all  demolished  there  must  be 
 \  considerable  difference  between  the  aspect  of  the 
 mountain  now  and  in  those  days  when  it  received 
 
 OMRI  653 
 
 its  name  from  the  abundance  of  its  olive-groves.  It 
 does  not  now  stand  so  pre-eminent  in  this  respect 
 among  the  hills  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Jerusalem. 
 "  It  is  only  in  the  deeper  and  more  secluded  slope 
 leading  up  to  the  northernmost  summit  that  thest? 
 venerable  trees  spread  into  anything  like  a  forest." 
 The  cedars  commemorated  by  the  Talmud,  and  the 
 date-palms  implied  in  the  name  Bethany,  have  fared 
 still  worse:  there  is  not  one  of  either  to  be  found 
 within  many  miles.  Two  religious  ceremonies  pei- 
 formed  there  must  have  done  much  to  increase  tlie 
 numbers  who  resorted  to  the  mount.  The  appear- 
 ance of  the  new  moon  was  probably  watched  for, 
 certainly  proclaimed,  from  the  summit.  The  second 
 ceremony  referred  to  was  burning  of  the  Red  Heifer. 
 This  solemn  ceremonial  was  enacted  on  the  central 
 mount,  and  in  a  spot  so  carefully  specified  that  it 
 would  seem  not  difficult  to  fix  it.  It  was  due  east 
 of  the  sanctuary,  and  at  such  an  elevation  on  the 
 mount  that  the  officiating  priest,  as  he  slew  the 
 animal  and  sprinkled  her  blood,  could  see  the  faQade 
 of  the  sanctuary  through  the  east  gate  of  the  Temple. 
 To  this  spot  a  viaduct  was  constructed  across  the 
 valley  on  a  double  row  of  arches,  so  as  to  raise  it 
 far  above  all  possible  proximity  with  graves  or 
 other  defilements.  It  was  probablv  demolishel  by 
 the  Jews  themselves  on  the  approach  of  Titus,  or 
 even  earlier,  when  Pompey  led  his  army  by  Jericho 
 and  over  the  Mount  of  Olives.  This  would  ac- 
 count satisfactorily  for  its  not  being  alluded  to  by 
 Joseph  us. 
 
 Ol'ivet  (2  Sam.  sv.  30;  Acts  i.  12),  probably 
 derived  from  the  Vulgate,  in  the  latter  of  these  two 
 passages.     [See  Olives,  Mount  of.] 
 
 Olym'pas,  a  Christian  at  Home  (Kom.  xvi.  15), 
 perhaps  of  the  household  of  Philologus. 
 
 Olym'pius,  one  of  the  chief  epithets  of  the  Greek 
 deity  Zeus,  so  called  from  Mount  Olympus  in  Thes- 
 saly,  the  abode  of  the  gods  (2  Mace.  vi.  2). 
 
 Omae'rus.  Amram  of  the  sons  of  Bani  (I  Esd. 
 ix.  34  ;  comp.  Ezr.  x.  34). 
 
 O'mar,  son  of  Eliphaz  the  firstborn  of  Esau,  and 
 "duke"  or  phylarch  of  Edom  (Gen.  xxxvi.  11,  15; 
 1  Chr.  i.  36).  The  name  is  supposed  to  survive  in 
 that  of  the  tribe  of  ^»uV  Arabs  east  of  tlie  Jordan. 
 
 O'mega,  The  last  letter  of  tlie  Greek  alphabet, 
 as  Alpha  is  the  first.  It  is  used  metaphorically  to 
 denote  the  end  of  anything :  "  I  am  Alpha  anil 
 Omega,  the  beginning  and  the  endino-  ....  the 
 first  and  the  lasl;"  (rW.  i.  8,  11). 
 
 Omer.     [Weights  and  Measures.] 
 
 Om'ri,  1.  Originally  "  captain  of  the  host "  to 
 Elah,  was  afterwards  himself  King  of  Israel,  and 
 founder  of  the  third  dynasty.  When  Elah  was 
 murdered  by  Zimri  at  Tirzah,  then  capital  of  the 
 northern  kingdom,  Omri  was  engaged  in  the  siege 
 of  Gibbethon,  situated  in  the  tribe  of  Dan,  which 
 had  been  occupied  by  the  Philistines.  As  snon  as 
 the  army  heard  of  Elah's  death,  they  proclaimed 
 Omri  king.  Thereupon  he  broke  up  the  siege  of 
 Gibbethon,  and  attacked  Tirzah,  where  Zimri  was 
 holding  his  court  as  king  of  Israel.  The  city  was 
 taken,  and  Zimri  perished  in  the  flames  of  the 
 palace,  after  a  reign  of  seven  days.  Omri,  how- 
 ever, was  not  allowed  to  establish  his  dynasty  with- 
 out a  stiuggle  against  Tiljni,  whom  "  half  the 
 people"  (1  K.  xvi.  21)  desired  to  raise  to  the 
 throne,  and  who  was  bravely  as,-isted  by  his  brother 
 Joram  (LXX.).  The  civil  war  lasted  four  years  (of. 
 1  K .  xvi.  1 5,  with  23 ) .  After  the  defeat  and  death  of 
 Tibni    and  Joram,  Omri  reigned  for  six  years  in 
 
654 
 
 ON 
 
 Tiizah  ;  but  at  tlie  end  of  tliat  time  lie  tiaiisf'erreil 
 his  residence,  probably  from  the  provr-d  inability  of 
 Tii-zah  to  stand  a  siege,  to  the  mountain  Shomron. 
 better  known  by  its  (Jreek  name  Samaria,  which  he 
 bought  for  two  talents  of  silver  from  a  rich  man, 
 otherwise  unknown,  called  Sliemer.  At  Samaria 
 Omri  reigned  lor  six  years  more.  He  seems  to  have 
 been  a  vigorous  and  unscrupulous  ruler,  anxious  to 
 stiengthen  liis  dynasty  by  intercourse  and  alliances 
 with  foreign  st;ites.  The  probable  date  of  Omri's 
 accession  (i.e.  of  the  deaths  of  Elah  and  Zimri) 
 was  B.C.  935  ;  of  Tibni's  defeat  and  the  beginning 
 of  Omri's  sole  reign  li.C.  931,  and  of  his  death  B.C. 
 919. — 2.  One  of  tiie  sons  of  Becher  the  son  of  Ben- 
 jamin (1  Ciir.  vii.  8).— 3.  A  descendant  of  Pharez 
 the  son  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  ix.  4).«»4.  Son  of  Michael, 
 and  chief  of  the  tribe  of  Issachar  in  the  reign  of 
 David  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  18). 
 
 On,  the  son  of  Peleth,  and  one  of  the  chiefs  of 
 the  tribe  of  Reuben  who  took  part  with  Korah, 
 Dathan,  and  Abiram  in  their  revolt  against  Mo.ses 
 (Num.  xvi.  1).  His  name  does  not  again  appear 
 in  the  narrative  of  the  conspiracy,  nor  is  he  alluded 
 to  when  reference  is  made  to  the  final  catastrophe. 
 There  is  a  Rabbinical  tradition  to  the  ol]'ect  that  he 
 was  prevailed  upon  by  his  wife  to  withdiaw  from 
 his  accom|»iices. 
 
 On,  a  town  of  Lower  Kgjpt,  which  is  mentioned 
 in  the  Bible  under  at  least  two  names,  Bktii- 
 .SnKJir.S!l  (Jer.  xliii.  18),  conespnuding  to  the  an- 
 cient Egyptian  sacred  name  HA-IIA,  "  the  abode  of 
 tlie  sun,"  and  that  above,  corresponding  to  the 
 common  name  AN,  aud  perhaps  also  spoken  of  as 
 h-ha-heies.  The  ancient  Egyptian  common  name 
 is  written  AN,  or  AN-T,  and  perhaps  ANU;  but 
 the  essential  part  of  the  word  is  AN,  and  probably 
 no  more  was  pronounced.  There  were  two  towns 
 called  AN:  Heiiopolis,  distinguished  as  the  northern, 
 AN-MEHEi'"r;  and  Hermonthis,  in  Upi)er  Egyjit, 
 as  the  southern,  AN-KES.  Heliopolis  was  situate 
 on  the  east  side  of  the  Pelusi.ac  branch  of  the  Nile, 
 just  below  the  point  of  the  Delta,  and  about  twenty 
 miles  noi  th-east  of  Memjjhis.  It  was  before  the 
 Roman  time  the  capital  of  the  Heliopolite  Nome, 
 which  was  included  in  Lower  Egypt.  Now  its  site 
 is  alj<ive  the  [)oint  of  the  Delta,  which  is  the  junc- 
 tion of  the  I'hatmetic,  or  Dainietta  branch  and  the 
 Bolbitine,  or  Ro>ctta,  and  about  ten  miles  to  the 
 noi  th-east  of  Cairo.  In  the  earliest  times  it  must 
 have  been  subject  to  the  1st  dyniu^ty  so  long  as 
 their  sole  rule  lasted,  which  was  perhaps  for  no 
 more  than  the  reigns  of  Menes  ds.C.  cir.  2717)  and 
 Athothis:  it  doubtless  next  c;ime  under  the  govei'u- 
 ment  of  the  Mcmphites,  of  the  .Srd  (B.C.  cir.  264(0. 
 4th,  and  (Jth  dynasties  :  it  then  ))iissed  into  the 
 han<ls  of  the  Diospolites  of  the  12th  dynasty,  and 
 the  Shepherds  of  the  i.'jth.  During  the  long  ])eriod 
 of  anaicliy  that  followed  the  rule  of  the  12th 
 aynasty,  when  Lower  Egypt  was  subject  to  the 
 Shepherd  kings,  Heliopolis  must  have  been  under 
 the  government  of  the  strangers.  With  the  acces- 
 sion of  the  18th  flynasty.  it  w.xs  probably  recovered 
 by  the  i'^gyptians,  and  thenceforward  held  by  them. 
 The  chief  object  of  worship  at  Heliojtolis  was  the 
 sun,  uniler  the  forms  HA,  the  sun  .simply,  whence 
 the  sacreil  name  of  the  place,  H.\-!;A,  "the  abode 
 of  the  sun,"  and  ATUM,  the  .setting  sun,  or  >;un 
 of  the  netliei-  world.  The  temple  of  the  sun,  de- 
 s<'ril>e<l  by  Stralx).  is  now  only  repie.senfeil  by  the 
 single  boaufifiil  obelisk,  which  is  of  led  granite, 
 68  feet  2  inches  high  above  the  pedestal,  and  boai's 
 
 ONESIMUS 
 
 a  dedication,  showing  that  it  was  sculptured  in  oi 
 after  his  .'-idth  year  (cir.  2050)  bv  Se.sertesen  1.,  firs' 
 king  of  the  12th  dynasty  fB.C.  cir.  2U80-2045). 
 Heliopolis  was  anciently  famous  for  its  learnings 
 and  Eudoxus  and  Pinto  .studied  under  its  jiriests  : 
 but,  from  the  e.^tent  of  the  mounds,  it  seems  tc 
 have  been  always  a  small  town.  The  fir.st  mention 
 of  this  place  in  the  Bible  is  in  the  history  of  Jaseph, 
 to  whom  we  re;ui  Pharaoh  gave  "  to  wife  Asenath 
 the  daughter  of  Poti-jiheiah,  priest  of  On"  (Gen. 
 xli.  45.  comp.  ver.  5(»,  and  xlvi.  20).  According 
 to  the  LXX.  version,  On  was  one  of  the  cities  built 
 for  Pliaraoh  by  the  oppressed  Israelites,  for  it  men- 
 tions thiee  "  strong  cities "  instead  of  the  two 
 "  treasure  cities"  of  the  Heb.,  adding  On  to  Pithom 
 and  Raamses.  Heliopolis  lay  at  no  great  distance 
 from  the  land  of  Goshen  and  fiom  Ifa;mises,  and  pro- 
 bably Pithom  also.  Isaiah  has  been  supposed  to 
 S|)eak  of  On  when  he  pio|)hecies  that  one  of  the 
 five  cities  in  I'^gypt  that  should  speak  the  language 
 of  Canaan,  should  be  called  Ir-ha-heres,  which  may 
 mean  the  City  of  the  Sun,  whether  we  take 
 "  heies "  to  be  a  Hebrew  or  an  Egyptian  word; 
 but  the  reading  "a  city  of  destruction  "  seems  pre- 
 ferable, and  we  have  no  evidence  that  there  was 
 any  large  Jewish  settlement  at  Heliopolis,  although 
 there  may  have  been  at  one  time,  from  its  neamess 
 to  the  town  of  Onias.  .leremiah  speaks  of  On 
 under  the  name  Beth-shemesh,  "  the  house  of  the 
 sun"  (xliii.  13).  Perhaps  it  was  on  account  of 
 the  many  false  gods  of  Heliojiolis,  that,  in  Ezekiel 
 (xxx.  17),  On  is  written  AVen,  by  a  change  in  the 
 punctuation,  and  so  made  to  signify  "  vanity,"  and 
 especially  the  vanity  of  idolatiy.  After  the  age  of 
 the  prophets  we  hear  no  more  in  Scripture  of  Helio- 
 polis. Local  tradition,  however,  points  it  out  as 
 a  jjlace  where  our  Lord  and  the  Virgin  came,  when 
 Jo.seph  biought  them  into  Egypt. 
 
 O'nam.  1.  One  of  the  sons  of  Shobal  the  son  of 
 Seir  {Gen.  xxxvi.  23;  1  Chr.  i.  40).— 2.  The 
 son  of  Jerahmeel  by  his  wife  Atarah  (1  Chr.  ii. 
 2G.  28). 
 
 O'nan.  The  second  son  of  .ludah  by  the  Ca- 
 naanite.ss,  "  the  daughter  of  .Shua"  (Gen.  xxxviii.  4  ; 
 1  Chr.  ii.  3).  "  What  he  did  was  evil  in  the  eyes 
 of  Jehovah,  and  He  slew  him  also,"  as  He  had  slain 
 his  elder  brother  (Gen.  xxxviii.  9;.  His  death  took 
 place  before  the  family  of  Jacob  went  down  into 
 Egypt  rCen.  xlvi.  12  ;'Num.  x.wi.  19). 
 
 One'simus  is  the  name  of  the  servant  or  slave  in 
 whose  beiialf  I'aul  wrote  the  Epistle  to  Philemon. 
 He  was  a  native,  or  certainly  an  inhabitant  of  Co- 
 lossjie,  since  Paul  in  writing  to  the  Church  there 
 speaks  of  him  (Col.  iv.  9)  as  "  one  of  you."  Slaves 
 were  numerous  in  Phrygia,  and  the  name  itself  of 
 I'hrygian  w.xs  almost  synimymoiis  with  that  of 
 slave.  Onesiuius  was  one  of  this  unfortunate  class 
 of  persons,  as  is  evident  both  from  the  manifest  im- 
 plication in  Phil.  16,  and  from  the  gener.'il  tenor  of 
 the  epistle.  The  man  esca])eil  from  his  master  and 
 ffed  to  Rome,  where  in  the  midst  of  its  vast  popul- 
 ation he  could  hope  to  be  concealeil.  and  to  naffle 
 the  efforts  which  were  .so  often  made  in  such  cases 
 for  rot'iking  the  fug. five.  Whether  ( (nesinuis  had 
 any  other  motive  for  the  tlii;ht  than  the  iiatiirai 
 love  of  liberty,  we  have  not  the  means  of  deciding 
 It  has  been  very  generally  su]ipose>l  that  he  hsu. 
 committed  some  ollence,  as  theft  or  embezzlement, 
 and  fe.ireil  the  ])unishment  of  his  guilt.  Though  it 
 may  be  doubt€<I  whether  Onesimus  heard  the  gospel 
 for  the  first  time  at  Rome,   it  is  beyond  question 
 
ONESIPHORUS 
 
 that  he  was  led  to  embrace  the  gospel  there  through 
 tlie  apostle's  instrumentality.  The  language  in 
 ver.  10  of  the  letter  is  explicit  on  this  point.  After 
 his  conversion,  the  most  happy  and  friendly  rela- 
 tions sprung  up  between  the  teacher  and  the  dis- 
 ciple. The  situation  of  the  apostle  as  a  captive  and 
 an  indefatigable  labourer  for  the  promotion  of  the 
 gospel  (Acts  xxviii.  30,  31)  must  have  made  him 
 keenly  alive  to  the  sympathies  of  Christian  friend- 
 ship and  dependent  upon  others  for  various  services 
 of  a  personal  nature,  important  to  his  efficiency  as 
 a  minister  of  the  word.  Onesimus  appears  to  have 
 supplied  this  twofold  want  in  an  eminent  degree. 
 Whether  Paul  desired  his  presence  as  a  personal 
 attendant  or  as  a  minister  of  the  gospel,  is  not 
 cei'tain  from  ver.  13  of  the  Epistle. 
 
 Onesiph'oms  is  named  twice  only  in  the  N.  T., 
 viz.,  2  Tim.  i.  16-18,  and  iv.  19.  In  the  former 
 passage  Paul  mentions  him  in  terms  of  grateful  love, 
 as  having  a  noble  courage  and  generosity  in  his 
 behalf,  amid  his  trials  as  a  prisoner  at  Rome,  when 
 others  from  whom  he  expected  better  things  had 
 deserted  him  (2  Tim.  iv.  1 6) ;  and  in  the  latter 
 passage  he  singles  out  "  the  household  of  Onesi- 
 phorus  "  as  worthy  of  a  special  greeting.  It  has 
 been  made  a  question  whether  this  friend  of  the 
 apostle  was  still  living  when  the  letter  to  Timothy 
 was  written,  because  in  both  instances  Paul  speaks 
 of  "  the  household  "  (in  2  Tim.  i.  16)  and  not  sepa- 
 rately of  Onesiphorus  himself.  The  probability  is 
 that  other  members  of  the  family  were  also  active 
 Christians ;  and  as  Paul  wished  to  remember  them 
 at  the  same  time,  he  grouped  them  together  (2  Tim. 
 iv.  19),  and  thus  delicately  recognised  the  common 
 merit,  as  a  sort  of  family  distinction.  It  is  evident 
 from  2  Tim.  i.  18,  that  Onesiphorus  had  his  home 
 at  Ephesus ;  though  if  we  restrict  the  salutation 
 near  the  close  of  the  Epistle  (iv.  19)  to  his  family, 
 he  himself  may  possibly  have  been  with  Paul  at 
 Piome  when  the  latter  wrote  to  Timothy. 
 
 Onia'res,  a  name  introduced  into  the  Greek  and 
 Syriac  texts  of  1  Mace.  xii.  20  by  a  veiy  old  cor- 
 ruption. The  true  reading  is  given  in  the  margin 
 of  the  A.  V. 
 
 Oni'as,  the  name  of  five  high  priests,  of  whom 
 only  two  (1  and  3)  are  mentioned  in  the  A.  V.,  but 
 an  account  of  all  is  here  given  to  prevent  confusion. 
 ^1.  The  son  and  successor  of  Jaddua,  who  entered 
 on  the  office  about  the  time  of  the  death  of  Alex- 
 ander the  Great,  c.  B.C.  330-309,  or,  according  to 
 Eusebius,  300.  According  to  Josephus  he  was 
 father  of  Simon  the  Just. ^2.  The  son  of  Simon  the 
 Just.  He  was  a  minor  at  the  time  of  his  father's 
 death  (c.  B.C.  290),  and  the  high-priesthood  was 
 occupied  in  succession  by  his  uncles  Eleazar  and 
 Manasseh  to  his  exclusion.  He  entered  on  the  office 
 at  last  c.  B.C.  240,  and  his  conduct  threatened  to 
 precipitate  the  rupture  with  Egypt,  which  after- 
 wards opened  the  way  for  Syrian  oppression.  Onias 
 letained  the  high-priesthood  till  his  death,  c.  B.C. 
 226,  when  he  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Simon  II.— 
 3.  The  son  of  Simon  II.,  who  succeeded  his  father 
 in  the  high-priesthood,  c.  B.C.  198.  Seleucus  Phi- 
 lopator  was  informed  by  Simon,  governor  of  the 
 Temple,  of  the  riches  contained  in  the  sacred  trea- 
 sury, and  he  made  an  attempt  to  seize  them  by 
 force.  At  the  prayer  of  Onias,  according  to  the 
 tradition  (2  Mace,  iii.),  the  sacrilege  was  averted; 
 but  the  high-priest  was  obliged  to  appeal  to  the 
 king  himself  for  support  against  the  machinations  of 
 Simon.  Not  longafterwards  Seleucus  di  jd  (B.C.  175), 
 
 ONO 
 
 656 
 
 and  Onias  found  himself  supplanted  in  the  favour  of 
 Antiochus  Epiphanes  by  his  brother  Jason,  who  re- 
 ceived the  high-priesthood  from  the  king.  Jason, 
 in  turn,  was  displaced  by  his  youngest  brother  Me- 
 nelaus,  who  procured  the  murder  of  Onias  (c.  B.C. 
 171  J. —4.  The  youngest  brother  of  Onias  III.,  who 
 bore  the  same  name,  which  he  afterwards  exchanged 
 for  Menelaus.— 5.  The  son  of  Onias  III.,  whosouo-ht 
 a  refuge  in  Egypt  from  the  sedition  and  sacrileo-e 
 which  disgraced  Jerusalem.  The  immediate  occa- 
 sion of  his  flight  was  the  triumph  of  "  the  sons  ol 
 Tobias,"  gained  by  the  interference  of  Antiochus 
 Epiphanes.  Onias,  receiving  the  protection  of  Ptol. 
 Philoraetor,  endeavoured  to  give  a  unity  to  the 
 Hellenistic  Jews.  With  this  object  he  founded  the 
 Temple  at  Leontopolis. 
 
 Oni'as,  the  City  of,  the  Eegion  of  Onias,  the 
 city  in  which  stood  the  temple  built  by  Onias,  and 
 the  region  of  the  Jewish  settlements  in  Egypt. 
 Ptolemy  mentions  the  city  as  the  capital  of  the  He- 
 liopolite  nome.  In  the  spurious  letters  given  by 
 Josephus  in  the  account  of  the  foundation  of  the 
 temple  of  Onias,  it  is  made  to  have  been  at  Leon- 
 topolis in  the  Heliopolite  nome,  and  cdled  a  strong 
 place  of  Bubastis.  Leontopolis  was  not  in  the  He- 
 liopolite nome,  but  in  Ptolemy's  time  was  the 
 capital  of  the  Leontopolite,  and  the  mention  of  it  is 
 altogether  a  blunder.  There  is  probably  also  a  con- 
 fusion as  to  the  city  Bubastis.  The  site  of  the  city 
 of  Onias  is  to  be  looked  for  in  some  one  of  those  to 
 the  northward  of  Heliopolis  which  are  called  Tel- 
 el- Yahood,  "  the  Mound  of  the  Jews,"  or  Tel-el- 
 Yahoodeeyeh,  "  the  Jewish  Mound."  Sir  (lardner 
 Wilkinson  thinks  that  there  is  little  doubt  that  it 
 is  one  which  stands  in  the  cultivated  land  near 
 Shibbeen,  to  the  northward  of  Heliopolis,  in  a  direc- 
 tion a  little  to  the  east,  at  a  distance  of  twelve 
 miles.  From  the  account  of  Josephus,  and  the  name 
 given  to  one  of  them,  "  the  Camp  of  the  Jews," 
 these  settlements  appear  to  have  been  of  a  halt- 
 military  nature.  The  easternmost  pait  of  Lower 
 Egypt,  be  it  remembered,  was  always  chosen  for 
 gi-(?at  military  settlements,  in  order  to  protect  the 
 country  from  the  incursions  of  her  enemies  beyond 
 that  frontier.  Probably  the  Jewish  settlements 
 were  established  for  the  same  purpose. 
 
 Onions  (Heb.  hetsalim).  There  is  no  doubt  as 
 to  the  meaning  of  the  Hebrew  word,  which  occurs 
 only  in  Num.  xi,  5,  as  one  of  the  good  things  of 
 Egypt  of  which  the  Israelites  regretted  the  loss. 
 Onions  have  been  from  time  immemorial  a  fiivourite 
 article  of  food  amongst  the  Egyptians.  The  onions 
 of  Egypt  are  much  milder  in  flavour  and  less  pungent 
 than  those  of  this  country. 
 
 Ono.  One  of  the  towns  of  Benjamin.  It  does 
 not  apjiear  in  the  catalogues  of  the  Book  of  Joshua, 
 but  is  first  found  in  I  Chr.  viii.  12,  where  Shamed 
 or  Shamer  is  said  to  have  built  Ono  and  Lod  with 
 their  "  daughter  villages."  A  plain  was  attached 
 to  the  town,  and  bore  its  name — Bikatli-Ono,  "the 
 plain  of  Ono"  (Neh.  vi.  2),  perhaps  identical  with 
 the  "valley  of  craftsmen"  (Neh.  xi.  36).  By 
 Eusebius  and  Jerome  it  is  not  named.  The  village 
 of  Kef r  Ana,  almost  due  N.  of  Lydd,  is  suggested 
 by  Van  de  Velde  as  identical  with  Ono.  Against 
 the  identification  however  are,  the  difference  in  the 
 names — the  modern  one  containing  the  Ain; — and 
 the  distance  from  Lydda.  Winer  remarks  that 
 Beit  Unia  is  more  suitable  as  far  as  its  ortho- 
 graphy is  concei-ned ;  but  on  the  other  hand 
 Bi'it  Unia  is  much  too  far  distant  from  Liidd  to 
 
650 
 
 ONUS 
 
 meet    the    requirement*   of  the    passages   quoted 
 .ibove. 
 
 O'ntlS.  The  form  in  which  the  name  Omo  ap- 
 poMrs  ill  1  Esd.  V.  22. 
 
 Onycha  fHeb.  shecheleth)  according  to  many  of 
 tlie  old  ver>ions  denotes  the  o])erculum  of  some 
 species  of  Strombus,  a  genus  of  gasteropodous  Mol- 
 lusca.  The  Hebrew  word  occui-s  only  in  Ex.  x.\x. 
 34,  as  one  of  the  ingredients  of  the  s;icred  perfume. 
 In  Ecclus.  xxiv.  15,  Wisdom  is  compared  to  the 
 pleasiuit  odour  yielded  by  "  galbanum,  onyx  and 
 sweet  stoiax."  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the 
 ovu|  of  DioBcorides  (ii.  lOj,  and  the  wiyx  of  Pliny 
 ,xixii.  10),  are  identical  with  the  operculum  of  a 
 Strombus,  perhaps  S.  leiMjinosus.  The  Unguis 
 odoratus,  or  Blatta  bi/ziintina, — for  under  both 
 these  terms  ap]).u-ently  the  devil  claw  is  alluded  to 
 in  old  English  writers  on  Materia  Medica^has  by 
 some  been  supposed  no  longer  to  exist.  Dr.  Lister 
 laments  its  loss,  believing  it  to  have  been  a  good 
 medicine  "  from  its  strong  aromatic  smell."  Bochart 
 believes  some  kind  of  bdellium  is  intended. 
 
 Onyx  (Heb.  shdhum).  The  A.  V.  uniformly 
 lenders  the  Hebrew  shoJuim  by  "  onyx  ;"  the  Vul- 
 gate too  is  consistent  with  itself,  the  sardonyx  (Job 
 xxviii.  10)  being  merely  a  variety  of  the  onyx; 
 but  the  testimonies  of  ancient  interpretei-s  generally 
 are  diverse  and  ambiguous.  There  is  nothing  in 
 the  contexts  of  the  several  passages  (Geii.  ii.  12; 
 Ex.  xxviii.  9,  20  ;  1  Chr.  xxix.  2  ;  Ez.  xxviii.  13) 
 where  the  Hebrew  termocciii-s  to  help  us  to  determ- 
 ine its  signification.  Josephus  expressly  states 
 that  the  shoulder-stones  of  the  high-priest  were 
 formed  of  two  large  sardonyxes,  an  onyx  being,  in 
 his  description,  the  second  stone  in  the  fourth  row 
 of  the  brea-t plate.  Some  writers  believe  that  the 
 '•  beryl "  is  intended.  Other  interpretations  of 
 shohain  have  been  jiioposed,  but  all  are  mere  con- 
 jectures. The  balance  of  authority  is,  we  think,  in 
 favour  of  some  variety  of  the  onyx.  As  to  the 
 '■  <myx  "  of  Eccliis.  xxiv.  15,  see  Onyciia. 
 
 Ophel.  A  part  of  ancient  Jerusalem.  The  name 
 is  derived  1)V  tlie  lexicographers  from  a  root  of  similar 
 .sound,  whicii  has  the  force  of  a  swelling  or  tumour. 
 It  does  not  come  forward  till  a  lafe  jieiiod  of  Old 
 Test,  histoiy.  In  2  Chr.  xxvii.  3,  Jotbam  is  said 
 to  have  built  much  "  on  the  wall  of  Ophel."  Jla- 
 nasseh,  amongst  his  other  defensive  works,  "com- 
 passed about  Ophel '  (//«'rf.  xxxiii.  14).  From  the 
 catalogue  of  Nehemiah's  re})aiis  to  the  wall  of  Je- 
 lusalem,  it  appears  to  have  been  near  the  "  water- 
 gate"  (Neh,  iii.  26)  and  the  "groat  tower  that 
 lieth  out"  (ver.  27).  Lastly,  the  former  of  these 
 two  passages,  and  Noh.  xi.  21,  shew  that  Ophel 
 was  the  lesidence  of  the  Levites.  In  the  passages 
 of  bis  history  jiarallel  to  those  quoted  above,  Jo- 
 sephus either  jiasses  it  over  altogether,  or  else  rel'ers 
 to  it  in  merely  general  terms.  But  in  his  account 
 of  the  last  days  of  Jerusalem  he  mentions  it  four 
 times  as  Ophla.  From  his  referenc&s  it  ajipears 
 that  Ophel  was  outsiilc  the  .south  wall  of  the  Tenijde, 
 and  that  it  lay  between  the  central  valley  of  the 
 cit}-,  which  debouches  alwve  ihe  .spi  lug  of  .Siloam, 
 on  the  one  h;md,  and  the  east  jioi  tico  of  the  Tpnii>le 
 on  the  other.  Ophel,  then,  was  the  swelling  de- 
 clivity by  which  the  Mount  of  the  Teuijilc  slopes 
 oil' on  its  soutlioin  side  into  the  Valley  of  HInnom — 
 a  long  narrowi.sh  rou.nded  s|iur  or  \n  oniontory,  which 
 inti-rvenes  betwe<'n  the  mouth  of  the  central  valley 
 of  lein.sali-ni  i  the  Tyiopoeon)  .ind  the  Kidroii,  or 
 Valley   ol   Ji'iioshaphat.      Hallway  down    it  on    its 
 
 OPHIR 
 
 eastern  face  is  the  "  Fount  of  the  Virgin,"  so  adled, 
 and  at  its  foot  the  lower  outlet  of  the  same  spring 
 — the  Pool  of  Siloam.  How  much  of  this  declivity 
 was  covered  with  the  houses  of  the  Levites,  or  witn 
 the  suburb  which  would  naturally  gather  round 
 them,  and  where  the  "great  tower"  stood  we  have 
 not  at  jjiesent  the  means  of  ascertaining. 
 
 O'phir.  1.  The  eleventh  in  order  of  the  sons  of 
 Joktan,  coming  immediately  after  Sheba  (Gen.  x. 
 29;  1  Chr.  i.  23),  So  many  importMiit  names  in 
 the  genealogical  table  in  the  10th  chapter  of  Ge- 
 nesis— such  as  Sidon,  Canaan,  A.ssur,  Aram  (Syria), 
 Mizraim  (the  two  Egypt.s,  Upper  and  Lower), 
 Sheba,  Caphtorim,  and  Fhilistim  (the  Philistines) — 
 represent  the  name  of  some  city,  country,  or  people, 
 that  it  is  reasonable  to  infer  that  the  same  is  the 
 case  with  all  the  names  in  the  tible.  But  there  is 
 one  marked  peculiarity  in  the  sons  of  .loktm,  which 
 is  common  to  them  with  the  Caiiaanites  alone,  that 
 precise  geogiajihical  limits  are  assigned  to  their 
 settlements.^  Thus  it  is  said  (ver.  29,  30)  that  the 
 dwelling  of  the  sons  of  Joktan  was  "  from  Mesha, 
 as  thou  goest  unto  Sephar  a  mountain  of  the  east." 
 The  peculiar  wording  of  these  geographical  limits 
 forbids  the  supposition  that  Jlesha  <ujd  Sephar  be- 
 longed to  verv  distant  countries,  or  were  compar- 
 atively unknown :  and  as  many  of  the  sons  of 
 Jokt.ui  are  by  common  consent  admitted  to  represent 
 settlements  in  Arabia,  it  is  an  obvious  inference 
 that  all  the  settlements  corresponding  to  the  names 
 of  the  other  sons  are  to  be  sought  for  in  the  same 
 jieninsula  alone.  Hence,  as  Oi)hir  is  one  of  those 
 sons,  it  may  be  regarded  as  a  fixed  point  in  discus- 
 sions concerning  the  place  OphirmentioniHl  in  the  book 
 of  Kings,  that  the  author  of  the  10th  chapter  of 
 Genesis  i-ogarded  Ophir  the  son  of  Joktan  as  corre- 
 sponding to  some  city,  region,  or  tribe  in  Arabia. 
 Etymology. — There  is,  seemingly,  no  sudicient 
 reason  to  doubt  that  the  word  Ophir  is  Shenutic. 
 Gesenius  suggests  that  it  means  a  "  fruitful  region." 
 Baron  von  Wrede  ma'le  a  small  vocabulary  of 
 Himyaritic  words  in  the  vernacular  tongue,  and 
 amongst  these  he  gives  ojir  as  signifying  red.  Still 
 it  is  unsafe  to  accept  the  use  of  a  word  of  this  kind 
 on  the  authority  of  any  one  traveller,  however 
 accurate.— 2.  A  seaport  or  region  from  which  the 
 Hebrews  in  the  time  of  Solomon  obtained  gold,  in 
 vessels  which  went  thither  in  conjunction  with 
 Tyrian  ships  from  Ezion-geber,  near  Elath,  on  that 
 branch  of  the  lied  Sea  which  is  now  called  thetndf 
 ot  Akabah.  The  gold  was  proverbial  for  its  fine- 
 ness, so  that  "gold  of  Ophir"  is  several  times  used 
 as  an  expression  for  fine  gold  (Ps.  xlv.  10  ;  Job 
 xxviii.  10  ;  Is.  xiii.  12;  1  Chr.  xxix.  4) ;  and  in  one 
 pass.ige  (Job  xxii.  24)  the  word  "Ophir"  by  itself 
 is  used  for  gold  of  Ophir,  and  for  gold  generally. 
 In  addition  to  gold,  the  vessels  brought  fiom  Ophir 
 almug-wood  and  ])iecious  stones.  Tlie  piecise  geo- 
 graphical situation  of  Ophir  has  long  lieen  a  subject 
 of  doubt  and  discussion.  Calmct  reg:irded  it  as  in 
 Armenia ;  Sir  Walter  I\aleigh  thought  it  was  one  of 
 the  Molucca  Islands  ;  and  Arias  Montanns  found  it 
 in  Peru.  The  three  opinions  which  have  found 
 supporters  in  our  own  time  were  formerly  repi'C* 
 sented,  amongst  other  writei-s,  by  Huet,  by  Bruce, 
 and  by  the  historian  Robertson,  who  place<l  Ophir 
 in  .Miic;!;  by  N'itiinga  and  Keland,  who  plaivd  it 
 in  India;  and  by  Miihaelis,  Niebuhr  the  traveller, 
 Gosselliu,  and  Vincent,  who  place<l  it  in  .Vnibia. 
 Of  other  distinguislied  geographical  wrifer.s,  Bochurt 
 admitted    t»o  (Ipbiis,    one    in    Arabia   and   one   iu 
 
OPHIR 
 
 India,  i.  e.  at  Ceylon ;  while  D'Anville,  equally  ad- 
 mitting two,  placed  one  in  Arabia  and  one  in  Africa. 
 Sir  J.  Emerson  Tennant  adopts  the  opinion,  sanc- 
 tioned by  Josephus,  that  Malacca  was  Ophir.  Other- 
 wise the  two  countries  which  have  divided  the 
 opinions  of  the  learned  have  been  India  and  Arabia. 
 In  favour  of  Arabia,  there  are  these  considerations : — 
 1st.  The  10th  chapter  of  Genesis  ver.  29,  contains 
 what  is  equivalent  to  an  intimation  of  the  author's 
 opinion,  that  Ophir  was  in  Arabia.  2ndly.  Three 
 places  in  Arabia  may  be  pointed  out,  tlie  names  of 
 which  agree  sutficiently  with  the  word  Ophir:  viz., 
 Aphar,  now  Zafar  or  Saphar,  which  was  the  metro- 
 polis of  the  tSabaeans ;  Doffir,  a  city  mentioned  by 
 Niebuhr  the  traveller,  as  a  considerable  town  of 
 Yemen  ;  and  Zafar  or  Zafari,  now  Dofar,  a  city  on 
 the  southern  coast  of  Arabia,  ordly.  In  antiquity, 
 Arabia  was  represented  as  a  country  producing  gold 
 by  four  writers  at  least.  4thly.  Eupolemus,  a 
 Greek  historian,  who  lived  before  the  Christian  aera, 
 expressly  states,  that  Ophir  was  an  island  with  gold 
 mines  in  the  Erythraean  Sea.  5thly.  On  the  sup- 
 position that,  notwithstanding  all  the  ancient  au- 
 thorities on  the  subject,  gold  leally  never  existed 
 either  in  Asabia,  or  in  any  island  along  its  coasts, 
 Ophir  was  an  Arabian  emporium,  into  which  gold 
 was  brought  as  an  article  of  commerce,  and  was 
 exported  into  Judaea.  While  such  is  a  general 
 view  of  the  arguments  for  Arabia,  the  following 
 considerations  are  urged  in  behalf  of  India.  1st. 
 Sotir  is  the  Coptic  word  for  India  ;  and  Sophir, 
 or  Sophira  is  the  word  used  for  the  place  of  Ophir 
 by  the  Septuagint  translators,  and  likewise  by  Jo- 
 sephus. And  Josephus  positively  states  that  it  was 
 a  part  of  India,  though  he  places  it  in  the  Golden 
 Chersonese,  which  was  the  Malay  peninsula.  2ndly. 
 All  the  three  imports  from  Ophir,  gold,  precious 
 stones,  and  almug  wood,  are  essentially  Indian. 
 3rdly.  Assuming  that  the  ivory,  peacocks,  and  apes, 
 which  were  brought  to  Ezion-geber  once  in  three 
 years  by  the  navy  of  Tharshish  in  conjunction  with 
 the  navy  of  Hiram  (1  K.x.  22),  were  brought  from 
 Ophir,  they  also  collectively  point  to  India  rather 
 than  Arabia.  4thly.  Two  places  in  India  may  be 
 specified,  agreeing  to  a  certain  extent  in  name  uitli 
 Ophir ;  one  at  the  mouths  of  the  Indus,  where 
 Indian  writere  placed  a  people  named  the  Abhlra, 
 and  the  other,  the  'S.ovirapa  of  Ptolemy,  where  the 
 town  of  Goa  is  now  situated.  Lastly,  the  follow- 
 ing pleas  have  been  urged  in  behalf  of  Africa.  1st. 
 Of  the  three  countries,  Africa,  Arabia,  and  India, 
 Africa  is  the  only  one  which  am.  be  seriously  re- 
 garded as  containing  districts  which  have  supplied 
 gold  in  any  great  quantity.  2ndly.  On  the  western 
 coast  of  Africa,  near  Mozambique,  there  is  a  port 
 called  by  the  Arabians  Sofala,  which,  as  the  liquids  I 
 and  r  are  easily  interchanged,  was  probably  the 
 Ophir  of  the  ancients,  ordly.  On  the  supposition 
 that  the  passage,  1  K.  x.  22,  applies  to  Ophir, 
 Sofala  has  still  stronger  claims  in  preference  to 
 India.  Peacocks,  indeed,  would  not  have  been 
 brought  from  it;  but  the  peacock  is  too  delicate  a 
 biid  for  a  long  voyage  in  small  vessels,  and  the 
 word  tnkkiyim,  probably  signified  "pariots."  At 
 the  .same  time,  ivory  and  apes  might  have  been 
 supplied  in  abundance  from  the  district  of  which 
 Sofala  was  the  emporium.  4thly.  On  the  same 
 supposition  lespecting  1  K.  x.  22,  it  can.  according 
 to  the  traveller  Bruce,  be  proved  by  the  laws  of 
 the  monsoons  in  the  Indian  Ocean,  that  0])hir  was 
 at  Sofala;  inasmuch  as  the  voyage  to  Solala  from 
 Cox\.  D.  B. 
 
 OPHIR 
 
 657 
 
 Ezion-geber  would  have  been  performed  exactly  in 
 three  years ;  it  could  not  have  been  accomplished  in 
 less  time,  and  it  would  not  have  required  more. 
 From  the  above  statement  the  suspicion  will  na- 
 turally suggest  itself  that  no  positive  conclusion 
 can  be  arrived  at  on  the  subject.  And  this  seems 
 to  be  true,  m  this  sense,  that  the  Bible  in  all  its 
 direct  notices  of  Ophir  as  a  place  does  not  supply 
 sufficient  data  for  an  independent  opinion  on  this 
 disputed  point.  At  the  same  time,  it  is  an  inference 
 in  the  highest  degree  probable,  that  the  author  of 
 the  10th  chapter  of  Genesis  regarded  Ophir  as  in 
 Arabia  ;  and,  in  the  absence  of  conclusive  proof  that 
 he  was  mistaken,  it  seems  most  reasonable  to  ac- 
 quiesce in  his  opinion.  To  illustrate  this  view  of 
 the  question  it  is  desirable  to  examine  closely  all 
 the  passages  in  the  historical  books  which  mention 
 Ophir  by  name.  These  are  only  five  in  number : 
 three  in  the  Books  of  Kings  (\  K.  ix.  26-29,  x.  11, 
 xxii.  48),  and  two  in  the  Books  of  Chronicles  (2 
 Chr.  viii.  18,  ix.  10).  The  latter  were  probably 
 copied  from  the  former.  In  addition  to  these  pas- 
 sages, the  following  verse  in  the  Book  of  Kings  has 
 very  frequently  been  referi  ed  to  Ophir :  "  For  the 
 king  (i.  e.  Solomon)  had  at  sea  a  \mvy  of  Tharshish 
 with  the  navy  of  Hijam :  once  in  three  years  came 
 the  navy  of  Tharshish  bringing  gold  and  silver,  ivoiy, 
 and  apes,  and  peacocks  "  (1  K.  x.  22).  But  there  is 
 not  sufficient  evidence  to  show  that  the  fleet  men- 
 tioned in  this  verse  was  identical  with  the  fleet 
 mentioned  in  1  K.  ix.  26-29,  and  1  K.  x.  11,  as 
 bringing  gold,  almug-trees,  and  pi'ecious  stones  from 
 Ophir.  If  the  three  passages  of  the  Book  of  Kings 
 are  carefully  examined,  it  will  be  seen  that  all  the 
 information  given  respecting  Ophir  is,  that  it  was  a 
 place  or  region,  accessible  by  sea  irom  Ezion-geber 
 on  the  Red  Sea,  from  which  imports  of  gold,  almug- 
 trees,  and  precious  stones  weie  brought  back  by  the 
 Tyriau  and  Hebrew  sailors.  Under  these  circum- 
 stances it  is  well  to  revert  to  the  10th  chapter  of 
 Genesis.  It  is  reasonably  certain  that  the  author 
 of  that  chapter  regarded  Ophir  as  the  name  of  some 
 city,  jegion,  or  tribe  in  Arabia.  And  it  is  almost 
 equally  certain  that  the  Ophir  of  Genesis  is  the 
 Ophir  of  the  Book  of  Kings.  Hence  the  burden  of 
 proof  \ks  on  any  one  who  denies  Ophir  to  have  been 
 in  Arabia.  But  all  that  can  be  advanced  against 
 Arabia  falls  very  short  of  such  proof.  In  weighing 
 the  evidence  on  this  point,  the  assumption  that 
 ivoi-y,  peacocks,  and  apes  were  imported  fiom 
 Ophir  must  be  dismissed  from  consideration.  In 
 one  view  of  the  subject,  and  accepting  the  state- 
 ment in  2  Chr.  ix.  21,  they  might  have  connexion 
 with  Taishish ;  but  they  have  a  very  slight  bearing 
 on  the  position  of  Ophir.  Hence  it  is  not  here  ne- 
 cessajy  to  discuss  the  law  of  monsoons  in  the  Indian 
 Ocean.  Moieover,  the  i-esemblance  of  names  of 
 places  in  India  and  Africa  to  Ophir,  cannot  reason- 
 ably be  insisted  on  ;  for  there  is  an  equally  great 
 resemblance  in  the  names  of  some  places  in  Arabia. 
 It  remains  to  notice  those  objections  which  are 
 based  on  the  assertion  that  sandal-wood  (assumed 
 to  be  the  same  as  almug-wood),  precious  stones,  and 
 gold,  are  not  productions  of  Arabia.  And  the  fol- 
 lowing observations  tend  to  show  that  such  objec- 
 tions are  not  conclusive.  1st.  In  the  Periplus 
 attributed  to  Arrian,  sandal-wood  is  mentioned  as 
 one  of  the  imports  into  Omana,  an  emporium  on 
 the  Persian  Gulf;  and  it  is  thus  proved,  if  any 
 proof  is  requisite,  that  a  sea-port  would  not  neces- 
 sarily be  iu  India,  becau.se  sandal-wood  was  obtained 
 
 2  U 
 
658 
 
 OPHIR 
 
 from  it.  But.  indep/'iidently  of  this  circumstance, 
 the  reasons  advanced  in  favour  of  almug-wood  being 
 tlie  same  as  sandal-wood,  though  admissible  as  a 
 conjecture,  seem  too  weal<  to  justify  the  founding 
 any  argument  on  them.  It  was  not  till  last  century 
 that,  for  the  first  time,  the  suggestion  was  made 
 that  almng-wood  was  the  same  as  sandal-wood. 
 This  suggestion  came  from  Celsius,  the  Swedish 
 botanist,  in  his  Hieiobotaiiicon ;  who  at  the  same 
 time  recounted  thirteen  meanings  proposed  by  others. 
 Since  the  time  of  Celsius,  the  meaning  of  "  sandal- 
 wood" has  been  defended  by  Sanscrit  etymologies. 
 Bohlen  pioposed,  as  a  derivation  for  almiu/giin,  the 
 Arabic  article  Al,  and  micctta,  from  simple  m'tca,  a 
 name  for  red  sandal-wood.  Lassen,  adopting  the 
 form  alijHininlin,  says  that  if  the  plural  ending  is 
 taken  fiom  it,  there  remains  va/(/H,  as  one  of  the 
 Sanscrit  names  tor  sandal-wood,  which  in  the  lan- 
 guage of  the  Deccan  is  valgum.  Perhaps,  however, 
 these  etymologies  cinnot  lay  claim  to  much  value 
 until  it  is  made  probable,  independently,  that 
 almug-wood  is  sandal-wood.  2ndly.  As  to  precious 
 stones,  they  take  up  such  little  room,  and  can  be 
 so  easily  concealed,  it'  necessary,  and  conveyed  from 
 place  to  place,  that  there  is  no  dilficulty  in  sup- 
 posing they  came  from  Ophir,  simplv  as  from  an 
 emporium,  even  admitting  that  there  were  no  pre- 
 cious stones  in  Arabia.  3iilly.  As  to  gold,  far  too 
 great  stress  seems  to  have  been  laid  on  the  negative 
 fact  that  no  gold  nor  trace  of  gold-mines  has  been 
 discovered  in  Arabia.  Negative  evidence  of  tliis 
 kind,  ou  which  iiitter  has  placed  so  much  reliance, 
 is  by  no  means  conclusive.  Sir  Roderick  Miirchison 
 and  Sir  Charles  Lyell  concur  in  stating  that,  although 
 no  rock  is  known  to  e.xist  in  Arabia  from  which 
 gold  is  obtained  at  the  present  day,  yet  the  penin- 
 sula hius  not  undergone  a  sufficient  geological  ex- 
 amination to  waiTant  the  conclusion  that  gold  did 
 not  exist  there  formerly  or  that  it  may  not  yet  be 
 discovered  there.  Under  these  ciicumstances  there 
 is  no  sufficient  reason  to  reject  the  accoirnts  of  the 
 ancient  writers  who  have  been  alieady  julduced  as 
 witnesses  for  the  former  existence  of  gold  in  Arabia. 
 If,  however,  negative  evidence  is  allowed  to  out- 
 weigh on  this  subject  the  authority  of  Agathar- 
 chides,  Artemidorus,  Diodorus  Siculus,  I'liny,  and, 
 it  may  be  added,  Strabo,  all  of  whom  may  possibly 
 have  been  mistaken,  there  is  still  nothing  to  prevent 
 Ophir  having  been  an  Arabian  emporium  for  gold. 
 The  I'eriplus,  attributeil  to  Arrian,  gives  an  accoiuit 
 of  several  Arabian  emporia.  There  do  not,  however, 
 apjtear  to  be  suflicient  data  for  determining  in  favour 
 ot' any  one  emporium  or  of  any  one  locality  rather 
 than  another  in  Arabia  as  having  been  the  Ophir  of 
 Solomon.  Mr  Forster  relies  on  an  Otbr  or  Olir, 
 in  Sale  and  D'Anville's  maps,  as  the  name  of  a  city 
 and  district  in  the  mountains  of  Oman  ;  but  he  does 
 not  quote  any  ancient  writer  or  modern  traveller  as 
 an  authority  for  the  existence  of  such  an  Ofir. 
 Niebuhr  the  traveller  says  that  Ophir  was  probably 
 tiie  principal  port  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Sabaeans, 
 that  it  was  situated  between  Aden  and  Ihifar  (or 
 Zafar),  and  that  perhaps  even  it  was  Cane.  Gos- 
 selin,  on  the  other  hand,  thinks  it  was  Uoffir,  the 
 city  of  Yemen  already  adverted  to.  Dean  Vincent 
 agrees  with  Go.sselin  in  confining  Ophir  to  Siibaea. 
 On  the  whole,  liowever,  though  there  is  reason  to  be- 
 lieve that  Ophir  wati  in  Arabia,  there  does  not  seem 
 to  be  aileijuate  infoimation  to  enable  us  to  point  out 
 tiie  precise  lociility  which  once  bore  tliat  name.  In 
 conclusion  it  m.iy  be  observed  that  olyections  against 
 
 OKEB 
 
 Ophir  being  in  Arabia,  grounded  on  the  fact  that 
 no  gold  has  been  discovered  in  Arabia  in  the  present 
 day,  seem  decisively  answered  by  the  parallel  case 
 of  Sheba  (Fs.  Ixxii.  15;  Ez.  xxvii.  22).  Now,  of 
 two  things  one  is  true.  Either  the  gold  of  Sheba 
 and  the  precious  stones  soKl  to  the  Tyrians  by  the 
 merchants  of  Sheba  were  the  natural  productions  of 
 Sheba,  and  in  this  case  the  assertion  that  Arabia 
 did  not  produce  gold  falls  to  the  ground  ;  or  ttie 
 merchants  of  Sheba  obtained  precious  stones  and 
 gold  in  such  quantities  by  trade,  that  they  became 
 noted  for  supplying  them  to  the  Tyrians  and  Jews. 
 Exactly  similar  remarks  may  ajiply  to  Ophir. 
 
 Oph'nL  A  town  of  Benjamin,  mentioned  in 
 .Josh,  xviii.  24-  only,  apparently  in  the  north-eastern 
 portion  of  the  tribe.  It  is  doubtless  the  Gophna  of 
 .Josej)hus,  a  place  which  at  the  time  of  Vespasian's 
 invasion  was  apparently  so  important  as  to  be  se- 
 cond only  to  Jerusalem  {B.  J.  iii.  8,  §5  .  It  was 
 piobably  the  Gufnith,  Gufna,  or  Beth-gufnin  of  the 
 Talmud  (Schvvarz,  126),  which  still  survives  in 
 the  modern  Jifna  or  Jufna,  2^  miles  north-west  of 
 Bethel. 
 
 Oph'rali.  The  name  of  two  places  in  the  central 
 part  of  Palestine.— 1.  In  the  tribe  of  Benjamin 
 (Josh,  xviii.  2.3).  It  appears  to  be  mentioned  again 
 ( 1  Sam.  xiii.  17)  in  describing  the  routes  taken  by 
 the  spoilers  who  issued  from  the  Philistine  camp  at 
 Michmash.  Jerome  places  it  5  miles  east  of  Bethel. 
 L)r.  Robinson  suggests  its  identity  with  rf-7<ii//i6e/», 
 a  small  village  on  the  crown  of  a  conical  and  very 
 conspicuous  hill,  4  miles  E.N.E.  of  Beiiiii  (Bethel), 
 in  the  absence  of  any  similaiity  in  the  name,  and  of 
 any  more  conclusive  evidence,  it  is  impossible  abso- 
 lutely to  adopt  this  identification.— 2.  More  fully 
 Ophraii  of  the  Abi-ezrites,  the  native  place  of 
 Gideon  (Judg.  vi.  11);  the  scene  of  his  exploits 
 against  Baal  (ver.  24)  ;  his  residence  after  his  ac- 
 cession to  power  (ix.  5),  and  the  place  of  his  burial 
 in  the  family  sepulchre  (viii.  32 j.  The  indications 
 in  the  narrative  of  the  position  of  Ophrah  are  but 
 slight.  It  was  probably  in  Manasseh  (vi.  15  ,  and 
 not  far  distant  from  Shechem  (ix.  1,  5).  \'an  de 
 Velde  sug<;ests  a  site  called  Erfai,  a  mile  south  of 
 AJcrabch,  about  8  miles  from  Nahlus,  and  Schwaiz 
 "the  village  Erafa,  north  of  Sanur,"  by  which  he 
 probablv  intends  .^rabeh.  The  former  of  them  has 
 the  disadvantage  of  being  altogether  out  of  the  ter- 
 ritory of  Manasseh.  Of  the  latter,  nothing  either 
 for  or  against  can  be  said. 
 
 Oph'rah.    'fhe  son  of  Meonothai  (1  Chr.  iv.  14). 
 
 Orator.  1.  The  A.  V.  rendering  in  Is.  iii.  3,  for 
 what  is  literally  "  skilful  in  whisper,  or  incanta- 
 tion."—2.  The  title  applied  to  Tertullus,  who  .ip- 
 peaied  as  the  ailvocate  or  patrvnus  of  the  Jewish 
 accusers  of  St.  Paul  before  Felix,  .\cts  xxiv.  1. 
 
 Orchard.    [Garde.v.] 
 
 O'reb.  The  "  raven  or  ''  crow%"  the  com- 
 paniou  of  Zeeb,  the  '•  wolf."  One  of  the  chieftains 
 of  the  Midiauite  host  which  invaded  Israel,  and  was 
 defeated  and  driven  Ixick  by  Gideon.  The  title 
 given  to  them  (A.  V.  "  princes ")  distinguishes 
 them  fiom  Zebah  and  Znlmunna,  the  other  two 
 chieftains,  who  are  called  "  kings,"  and  were  evid- 
 ently superior  in  rank  to  Oieb  and  Zeeb.  They 
 were  killed  not  by  Gideon  himself,  or  the  people 
 under  his  immediate  conduct,  but  by  the  men  of 
 Ephraim,  who  rose  at  his  entreaty  and  intcrccjited 
 the  Hying  horde  at  the  foids  of  the  Jordan.  This 
 was  the  sei-ond  Act  of  this  great  Trage<ly.  It  is  but 
 slightly  touched  upon  in  the  narrative  of  Judges, 
 
OREB 
 
 but  the  terms  in  which  Isaiah  refers  to  it  (x.  26) 
 are  such  as  to  imply  that  it  was  a  truly  awful 
 slaughter.  He  places  it  in  the  same  rank  with 
 the  two  most  tremendous  disasters  recorded  in  the 
 whole  of  the  history  of  Isiael — the  destruction  of 
 the  Egyptians  in  the  Ked  Sea,  and  of  the  army 
 of  Sennacherib  (comp.  Ps.  Ixxxiii.).  The  slaughter 
 was  concentrated  round  the  rock  at  which  Oreb  fell, 
 and  which  was  long  known  by  his  name  (Judg.  vii. 
 25;   Is.  X.  26). 
 
 O'reb,  i.  e.  Mount  Horeb  (2  Esd.  ii.  33). 
 
 Oreb,  the  Bock.  The  "  raven's  crag,"  the 
 spot,  E.  of  Jordan,  at  which  the  Midianite  chieftain 
 Oreb,  with  thousands  of  his  countrymen,  fell  by 
 the  hand  of  the  Ephraimites,  and  which  probably 
 acquired  its  name  therefrom.  It  is  mentioned  in 
 J.udg.  vii.  25  ;  Is.  x.  26.  Perhaps  the  place  called 
 'Orbo,  which  in  the  Bereshith  Eahba  is  stated  to 
 have  been  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Bethshean,  may 
 have  some  connexion  with  it. 
 
 O'ren.  One  of  the  sons  of  Jeiahmeel  the  first- 
 born of  Hezron  (1  Chr.  ii.  25). 
 
 Organ  (Gen.  iv.  21,  Job  -xxi.  12,  xxx.  31,  Ps. 
 cl.  4).  The  Hebrew  word  'ugab  or  'iiggdb,  thus 
 rendered  in  our  version,  probably  denotes  a  pipe  or 
 perforated  wind-instrument,  as  the  root  of  the  word 
 indicates.  In  Gen.  iv.  21  it  appears  to  be  a  general 
 term  for  all  wind-instruments.  In  Job  xxi.  12  are 
 enumerated  the  three  kinds  of  musical  instruments 
 which  are  possible,  under  the  general  terms  of  the 
 timbrel,  haip,  and  organ.  Our  translators  adopted 
 their  rendering,  "  organ,"  from  the  Vulgate,  which 
 has  uniformly  orgawtm,  that  is,  the  double  or  mul- 
 tiple pipe.  Joel  Bril  adopts  the  opinion  of  those 
 who  identify  it  with  the  Pandean  pipes,  or  syrinx, 
 an  instrument  of  unquestionably  ancient  origin,  and 
 common  in  the  East.  Russell  describes  those  he 
 met  with  in  Aleppo. 
 
 Ori'on,  That  the  constellation  known  to  the 
 Hebrews  by  the  name  cesil  is  the  same  as  that 
 which  the  Greeks  called  Orion,  and  the  Arabs  "  the 
 giant,"  there  seems  little  reason  to  doubt,  though 
 the  ancient  versions  vary  in  their  renderings  (Job 
 IX.  9,  xxxviii.  31;  Am.  v.  8).  The  "giant"  of 
 Oriental  astronomy  was  Nimrod,  the  mighty  hunter, 
 who  was  fabled  to  have  been  bound  iu  the  sky  for 
 his  impiety.  The  two  dogs  and  the  hare,  which 
 are  among  the  constellations  in  the  neighbourhood 
 of  Orion,  made  his  train  complete.  There  is  pos- 
 sibly an  alhision  to  this  belief  in  "  the  bands  of 
 cesil"  (Joh  xxxviii.  31).  Some  Jewish  writer.s, 
 the  Rabbis  Isaac  Israel  and  Jonah  among  them, 
 identified  the  Hebrew  cesil  with  tlie  Arabic  sohail, 
 by  which  was  understood  either  Sirius  or  Canopus. 
 
 Ornaments,  Personal.  The  number,  variety, 
 and  weight  of  the  ornaments  ordinarily  worn  upon 
 the  person  fonn  one  of  the  characteristic  features  of 
 Oriental  costume,  both  in  ancient  and  modern  times. 
 The  monuments  of  ancient  Egypt  exhibit  the  hands 
 of  ladies  loaded  with  rings,  earrings  of  very  great 
 size,  anklets,  armlets,  bracelets  of  the  most  varied 
 character,  richly  ornamented  necklaces,  and  chains 
 of  various  kinds.  There  is  sufficient  evidence  in 
 the  Bible  that  the  inhabitants  of  Palestine  were 
 equally  devoted  to  finery.  In  the  Old  Testament, 
 Isaiah  (iii.  18-23)  supplies  us  with  a  detailed  de- 
 scription of  the  articles  with  which  the  luxurious 
 women  of  his  day  were  decorated,  and  the  picture 
 IS  filled  up  by  incidental  notices  in  other  places. 
 The  notices  which  occur  in  the  early  books  of  the 
 Bible,  imply  the  weight  and  abundance  of  the  orna- 
 
 ORNAMENTS,  PERSONAL     659 
 
 ments  worn  at  that  period .  Eliezer  decorated  Re- 
 bekah  with  "  a  golden  nose-ring  of  half  a  shekel 
 weight,  and  two  bracelets  for  her  hands  of  ten 
 shekels  weight  of  gold  "  (Gen.  xxiv.  22)  ;  and  he 
 afterwards  added  "  trinkets  of  silver  and  trinkets  of 
 gold"  (verse  53).  Earrings  were  worn  by  Jacob's 
 wives,  apparently  as  charms,  for  they  are  men- 
 tioned in  connexion  with  idols : — "  They  gave  unto 
 Jacob  all  the  strange  gods,  which  were  in  their  hand, 
 and  their  earrings  which  were  iu  their  ears"  (Gen. 
 XXXV.  4).  The  ornaments  worn  by  the  patriarch 
 Judah  were  a  "  signet,"  which  was  suspended  by  a 
 string  round  the  neck,  and  a  "  staff"  (Gen.  xxxviii.' 
 18)  :  the  staff  itself  was  probably  ornamented.  The 
 first  notice  of  the  ring  occurs  in  reference  to  Joseph  : 
 when  he  was  made  ruler  of  Egypt,  Pharaoh  took  off 
 his  signet-nngivova  his  hand  and  put  it  upon  Joseph's 
 hand,  and  put  a  gold  chain  about  his  neck"  (Gen. 
 xli.  42),  the  latter  being  probably  a  ''simple  gold 
 chain  in  imitation  of  string,  to  which  a  stone  scara- 
 baeus,  set  in  the  same  precious  metal,  was  appended  " 
 (Wilkinson,  ii.  339).  The  number  of  personal  or- 
 naments worn  by  the  Egyptians,  paiticularly  by 
 the  females,  is  incidentally  noticed  in  Ex.  iii.  22. 
 The  profusion  of  these  ornaments  was  such  as  to 
 supply  sufficient  gold  for  making  the  sacred  utensils 
 for  tlie  tabernacle,  while  the  laver  of  brass  was 
 constructed  out  of  the  brazen  mirrors  which  the 
 women  cari'ied  about  with  them  (Ex.  xxxviii.  8). 
 The  Jlidianites  appear  to  have  been  as  prodigal  as 
 the  Egyptians  in  the  use  of  ornaments  (Num.  xxxi. 
 50,  52  ;  Judg.  viii.  26).  The  poetical  portions  of 
 the  0.  T.  contain  numerous  references  to  the  orna- 
 ments worn  by  the  Israelites  in  the  time  of  their 
 highest  prosperity.  The  appearance  of  the  bride  is 
 thus  described  in  the  book  of  the  Canticles  : — "  Thy 
 cheeks  are  comely  with  beads,  thy  neck  with  per- 
 forated (pearls);  we  will  make  thee  beads  of  gold 
 with  studs  of  silver"  (i.  10,  11).  Her  neck  rising 
 tall  and  stately  "  like  the  tower  of  David  builded 
 for  an  armoury,"  was  decorated  with  various  orna- 
 ments hanging  like  the  "  thousand  bucklers,  all 
 shields  of  mighty  men,  on  the  walls  of  the  ar- 
 moury "  (iv.  4)  :  her  hair  falling  gracefully  over 
 her  neck  is  described  figuratively  as  a  "  chain " 
 (iv.  9) :  and  "  the  ronndings "  (not  as  in  the 
 A.  V.  "  the  joints ")  of  her  thighs  aie  likened  to 
 the  pendant  of  an  earring,  which  tapeis  gradually 
 downwards  (vii.  1).  So  again  we  read  of  the  bride- 
 groom : — "  his  eyes  are  .  .  .  fitly  set,"  as  though 
 they  were  gems  filling  the  sockets  of  rings  (v.  12) : 
 "  his  hands  (are  as)  gold  rings  set  with  the  beryl," 
 i.  e.  the  fingers  when  curved  are  like  gold  rings,  and 
 the  nails  dyed  with  henna  resemble  gems.  Lastly, 
 the  yearning  after  close  affection  is  expiessed  thus  : 
 — "  Set  me  as  a  seal  upon  thine  heart,  as  a  seal 
 upon  thine  arm."  In  reference  to  the  terms  used  in 
 the  Proverbs  we  need  only  explain  that  the  "  orna- 
 ment" of  the  A.  V.  in  i.  9,  iv.  9,  is  more  specifically 
 a  wreath  or  garlaiid  ;  the  "  chains  "  of  i.  9,  the 
 drops  of  which  the  necklace  was  formed  ;  the  "  jewel 
 of  gold  in  a  swine's  snout "  of  xi.  22,  a  nose-ring  ; 
 the  "jewel"  of  xx.  15,  a  trinket,  a.nA.  the  "orna- 
 ment" of  XXV.  12,  an  ear-pendant.  The  passage 
 of  Isaiah  (iii.  18-23),  to  which  we  have  already  re- 
 ferred, may  be  rendered  as  follows: — (18)  "In 
 that  day  the  Lord  will  take  away  the  bravery  of 
 their  anklets  and  their  luce  caps,  and  their  neck- 
 laces; (19)  the  ear-pendants,  and  the  bracelets, 
 and  the  light  veils ;  (20)  Jthe  turbans,  and  the  step- 
 chains,  and   the  girdles,  and  the  scent-bottles,  and 
 
 2  U  2 
 
660 
 
 ORNAN 
 
 the  amulets ;  (21)  the  rings  and  nose-rings;  (22") 
 the  state-dresses  and  the  cloaks,  and  the  sliawls, 
 and  the  purses;  (23)  the  mirrors,  and  the  fine 
 linen  shirts,  and  the  turbuns,  and  the  lij/it  dresses." 
 
 Or'nan.  The  form  in  whicli  the  name  of  the 
 Jeliusite  king,  wlio  in  tlie  older  record  of  the  Book 
 of  Samuel  is  called  Araunah,  Avanyah,  Ha-avainah, 
 or  Haornah,  is  given  in  Chronicles  (1  Chr.  xxi.  15, 
 18,  20-25,28;  2  Chr.  iii.  1). 
 
 Or'pah.  A  Moabite  woman,  wife  of  Chilion  son 
 of  Naomi,  and  thereby  sister-in-law  to  RuTli.  On 
 tlie  death  of  their  husbands  Oipah  accompanied  her 
 sister-in-law  and  her  mother-in-law  on  tlie  road  to 
 Bethlehem.  But  here  her  resolution  faileil  her, 
 "  Orpah  kissed  her  mother-in-law,"  and  went  back 
 "to  her  jii'ople  and  to  her  gods"  (Ruth  i.  4,  14). 
 
 Ortho'sias.  Tryphon,  when  besieged  by  Antio- 
 chus  Sidetes  in  Dora,  fled  by  ship  to  Orthosias 
 (1  Mace.  XV.  .37).  Oithosia  is  descriljed  by  Pliny 
 (v.  17j  as  north  of  Tripolis,  and  south  of  the  nver 
 Eleutherus,  near  which  it  was  situated  (Strabo  xvi. 
 p.  753).  It  was  the  northern  boundary  of  Phoe- 
 iiice,  and  distant  1130  stadia  from  the  Orontes  (id. 
 p.  760).  Shaw  identifies  the  Eleutherus  with  the 
 modern  Nahr  el-Barid,  on  the  north  bank  of  which, 
 corresponding  to  the  description  of  Stiabo,  he  found 
 "  ruins  of  a  considerable  city,  whose  adjacent  dis- 
 trict pays  yearly  to  the  Bashaws  of  Tripoly  a  tax  of 
 fitly  dollars  by  the  name  of  Or-tosa."  On  tlie  other 
 hand,  !Mr.  Porter,  who  identities  the  Eleutherus 
 with  the  modern  Nahr  el-Kebir,  describes  the  ruins 
 of  Orthosia  as  on  the  south  bank  of  the  Nahr  el- 
 Barid,  "  the  cold  river,"  thus  agreeing  with  the 
 accounts  of  Ptolemy  and  Pliny. 
 
 Osa'ias,  A  corruption  of  .Ikshaiah  (1  Esd. 
 viii.  4.S  . 
 
 Ose'a.     HosiiEA  king  of  Israel  (2  Esd.  xiii.  40). 
 
 Ose'as.     The  prophet  Hosea  (2  Esd.  i.  39). 
 
 Oshe'a.  The  oiiginal  name  of  .Joshua  the  son  of 
 Nun  (Num.  xiii.  8),  which  on  some  occasion  not 
 stated  received  from  Moses  (ver.  16)  the  addition 
 of  tlif>  <:reat  name  of  Jehovah. 
 
 Ospray  (Heb.  oznUjijak  :  aXiaUror  :  hi(liaeetus). 
 The  Hebrew  word  occuis  only  in  Lev.  xi.  13,  and 
 Deut.  xiv.  12,  as  the  name  of  some  unclean  bird 
 which  the  law  of  Moses  disallowed  i»s  food  to  the 
 Israelites.  The  old  versions  and  many  commentators 
 are  in  favour  of  this  interpretation.  There  is,  how- 
 ever, .some  difficulty  in  identifying  the  hnliaeetns 
 of  Aristotle  and  Pliny,  on  account  of  some  state- 
 ments these  writers  make  with  respect  to  the  habits 
 of  this  bird.  The  general  description  they  give 
 would  suit  either  the  ospiay  (Panclion  haliaectits) 
 
 OSTRICH 
 
 or  the  white-tailed  eagle  {Ilatiiteetfts  albicella). 
 But  Pliny's  description  (x.  3)  points  to  the  ospray. 
 The  ospray  often  plunges  entirely  under  the  wat«rin 
 pursuit  of  fish.  It  belongs  to  the  family  Falconidnc, 
 order  Raptatores.  It  has  a  wide  geographical 
 lange,  and  is  occasionally  seen  in  Egypt. 
 
 Ossifrage  {Weh.  peres  :  ypv\f/ :  ijri/ps).  There 
 is  much  to  be  said  in  favour  of  this  translation  of 
 the  A.  V.  The  word  occurs,  as  the  name  of  an 
 unclean  bird,  in  Lev.  xi.  13,  and  in  the  parallel 
 passage  of  Deut.  xiv.  12.  If  much  weight  is  to  be 
 allowed  to  etymology,  the  pcrcs  of  the  Hebrew 
 Scriptures  may  well  be  represented  by  the  ossifrage, 
 or  bone-breaker;  for  per es  in  Hebrew  means  "  the 
 breaker."     And   the  ossifiage  {Gypaetus  barbatiis) 
 
 Gypaelus  tiaytnUus, 
 
 is  well  deserving  or  liis  name.  The  Lammerge;/er, 
 or  bearded  vulture,  as  it  is  sometimes  called,  is  one 
 of  the  largest  of  the  birds  of  |irey.  It  is  not  un- 
 common in  the  East.  The  English  word  os.>ifrage 
 hiis  been  applied  to  some  of  the  Fidconidiw;  but 
 the  ossifroija  of  the  Latins  evidently  points  to  the 
 Latnmenjei/er,  one  of  the  Vnltnridac. 
 
 Ostrich.  There  can  bo  no  doubt  that  the  He- 
 brew words  batli  hcuiiianaU,  yaen,  and  randn, 
 denote  this  bin!  of  the  desert. — 1.  Bath  haija'aiuVi 
 occurs  in  Lev.  xi.  16,  Deut.  xiv.  15,  in  the  list  of 
 unclean  birds;  and  in  othei-  pass.\ges  of  .S-ripture. 
 The  A,  V.  erroneously  renders  the  Hebww  expn-a- 
 sion.  which  .signifies  either  "  daughter  of  greediness" 
 or  "  daughter  of  shouting."  by  "owl,"  or,  itN  in  the 
 m.argiii,  by  "daughter  of  owl."  In  .lob  xxx.  '19, 
 Is.  xxxiv.  13,  and  xliii.  20.  the  margin  of  the  A.  V. 
 correctly  reads  "  astriches."  Boihart  considei-s  that 
 bath  haya'anah  denotes  the  female  ostrich  only,  and 
 that  tachinds,  the  following  word  in  the  Hebrew 
 text,  is  to  be  restricte<l  to  the  male  bird.  In  all 
 jii'ih.ibility,  however,  this  latter  word  is  intended 
 !■  Mi;nily  ,1  bird  of  anothi'r  genus.  The  loucl  ciying 
 i.t  till'  o>trich  seems  to  be  referreil  to  in  Mic.  1.  8. — 
 2.  }'«'ert  o*;curs  only  in  the  plural  twin\n'v,  yc'enbn. 
 
OSTRICH 
 
 jn  Lam.  iv.  3,  where  the  context  shows  that  the 
 ostrich  is  inteuded. — 3.  Eanan.  The  plural  form 
 rendniin  aloue  occurs  in  Job  xxxix.  13;  where, 
 however,  it  is  clear  from  the  whole  passage  (13-18) 
 that  ostiiches  are  intended  by  the  word.  The  A.  V. 
 renders  rendniin  by  "  peacocks,"  a  tianslation  which 
 has  not  found  fa\-our  with  commentators  ;  as  "  pea- 
 cocks," for  which  there  is  a  ditlerent  Hebrew  name, 
 were  probably  not  known  to  tlie  people  of  Arabia 
 or  Syria  before  the  time  of  Solomon.  The  "  ostrich  " 
 of  the  A.  V.  in  Job  xxxix.  13  is  the  representative 
 of  the  Hebiew  notseh,  •'  feathers."  The  following 
 short  account  of  the  nidification  of  the  ostrich 
 {Struthio  camelus)  will  perhaps  elucidate  those 
 passages  of  Scripture  which  ascribe  cruelty  to  tlws 
 bird  in  neglecting  her  eggs  or  young.  Ostriches 
 are  polygamous  :  the  hens  lay  their  eggs  promiscu- 
 ously in  one  nest,  which  is  merely  a  hole  scratched 
 in  the  sand  ;  the  eggs  are  then  covered  over  to  the 
 depth  of  about  a  foot,  and  are,  in  the  case  of  those 
 birds  which  are  found  within  the  tropics,  generally 
 left  for  the  greater  part  of  the  day  to  the  heat  of 
 the  sun,  the  parent-birds  taking  their  turns  at  incu- 
 bation during  the  night.     But  in  those  countries 
 
 OTHNIEL 
 
 661 
 
 which  have  not  a  tropical  sun  ostriches  frequently 
 incubate  during  the  day,  the  male  taking  his  turn 
 at  night,  and  watching  over  the  eggs  with  great 
 care  and  affection,  as  is  evidenced  by  the  fact  that 
 jackals  and  other  of  the  smaller  carnivora  are  occa- 
 sionally found  dead  near  the  nest,  having  been  killed 
 by  the  ostrich  in  defence  of  the  eggs  or  young.  The 
 habit  of  the  ostiich  leaving  its  eggs  to  be  matured 
 by  the  sun's  heat  is  usually  appealed  to  in  order  to 
 confirm  the  Scriptural  account,  "  she  leaveth  her 
 eggs  to  the  earth  ;"  but  this  is  probably  the  case 
 only  with  the  tropical  birds.  And  even  if  the 
 Hebrews  were  acquainted  with  the  habits  of  the 
 tropical  ostriches,  how  can  it  be  said  that  "she 
 forgetteth  that  the  foot  may  crush  "  the  eggs,  when 
 they  are  covered  a  foot  deep  or  more  in  sand  ?  We 
 believe  the  true  explanation  of  this  passage  is  to  be 
 found  in  the  fact  that  the  ostrich  deposits  some  of 
 her  eggs  not  in  the  nest,  but  around  it ;  these  lie 
 about  on  the  surface  of  the  sand,  to  all  appearance 
 forsaken  ;  they  ai'e,  however,  designed  for  the  nou- 
 
 rishment of  the  young  birds.  And  this  remark  will 
 hold  good  in  the  passage  of  Job  which  speaks  of  the 
 ostrich  being  without  understanding.  It  is  a  general 
 belief  amongst  the  Arabs  that  the  "ostrich  is  a  very 
 stupid  bird  :  indeed  they  have  a  proverb,  "  Stupid 
 as  an  ostrich."  But  it  by  no  means  deserves  sucii 
 a  character,  as  travellers  have  frequently  testified. 
 "  So  waiy  is  the  bird,"  says  ilr.  Tiistram,  "  and  so 
 open  are  the  vast  plains  over  which  it  roams,  that 
 no  ambuscades  or  artifices  can  be  employed,  and  the 
 vulgar  resource  of  dogged  perseverance  is  tlie  only 
 mode  of  pursuit."  The  ostrich  is  the  largest  of  all 
 known  biids,  and  perhaps  the  swiftest  of  all  cur- 
 sorial animals.  The  feathers  so  much  prized  are 
 the  long  white  plumes  of  the  wings.  The  best 
 come  to  us  from  Barbary  and  the  west  coast  of 
 Afiica.  The  ostrich  belongs  to  the  family  Struthi- 
 onulae,  order  Cursores. 
 
 Oth'ni.  Son  of  Shemaiah,  the  firstborn  of  Obed- 
 edom  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  7). 
 
 Oth'iiiel.  Son  of  Kenaz,  and  younger  brother 
 of  Caleb,  Josh.  xv.  17  ;  Judg.  i.  13,  iii.  9  ;  1  Chr. 
 iv.  13.  But  these  passages  all  leave  it  doubtful 
 whether  Kenaz  was  his  father,  or,  as  is  more  pio- 
 bable,  the  more  remote  ancestor  and  head  of  the 
 tribe,  whose  descendants  were  called  Kenezites(Num. 
 xxxii.  12,  &c.),  or  sons  of  Kenaz,  If  Jephunneh 
 was  Caleb's  father,  then  probably  he  was  father  of 
 Othniel  also.  The  first  mention  of  Othniel  is  on 
 occasion  of  the  taking  of  Kirjath-Sepher,  or  Debir, 
 as  if  was  afterwards  called.  Debir  was  included  in 
 the  mountainous  territory  near  Hebron,  within  the 
 border  of  Judah,  assigned  to  Caleb  the  Kenezite 
 (Josh.  xiv.  12-14J ;  and  in  order  to  stimulate  the 
 valour  of  the  assailants,  Caleb  promised  to  give  his 
 daughter  Achsah  to  whosoever  should  assault  and 
 take  the  city.  Othniel  won  the  prize.  The  next 
 mention  of  him  is  in  Judg.  iii.  9,  where  he  ap- 
 pears as  the  first  judge  of  Israel  after  the  death  of 
 Joshua,  and  their  deliverer  from  the  oppression 
 of  Chushan-Rishathaim.  This  with  his  genealogy, 
 1  Chr.  iv.  13,  14,  which  assigns  him  a  son,  Hathath, 
 is  all  that  we  know  of  Othniel.  But  two  questions 
 of  some  interest  arise  concerning  him ;  the  one  his 
 exact  relationship  to  Caleb,  the  other  the  time  and 
 duration  of  his  judgeship. — (1)  As  regards  his  re- 
 lationship to  Caleb,  the  doubt  arises  from  the  un- 
 certainty whether  the  words  in  Judg.  iii.  9,  "  Oth- 
 niel the  son  of  Kenaz,  Caleb's  younger  brother," 
 indicate  that  Othniel  himself,  or  that  Kenaz,  was 
 the  brother  of  Caleb.  The  most  natural  rendering 
 makes  Othniel  to  be  Caleb's  brother.  And  this  is 
 favoured  by  the  probability  that  Kenaz  was  not 
 Othniel's  father,  but  the  father  and  head  of  the 
 tribe. — (2)  And  this  leads  to  the  second  question 
 suggested  above,  viz.  the  time  of  Othniel's  judgeship. 
 Supposing  Caleb  to  be  about  the  same  age  as  Joshua, 
 we  should  have  to  leckon  about  25  yea)s  from 
 Othniel's  marriage  with  Achsah  till  the  death  of 
 Joshua  at  the  age  of  110  yeai-s  (85+25=  110). 
 And  if  we  take  Africanus's  allowance  of  30  years 
 for  the  elders  after  Joshua,  in  whose  lifetime  "  the 
 people  served  the  Lord "  (Judg.  ii.  7),  and  then 
 allow  8  years  for  Chushan-Rishathaim's  dominion, 
 and  40  years  of  rest  under  Othniel's  judgeship,  and 
 suppose  Othniel  to  have  been  40  years  old  at  hi."! 
 marriage,  we  obtain  (40-|-2o  +  30  +  8-|-40  =  )  143 
 years  as  Othniel's  age  at  his  death.  This  we  are 
 quite  sure  cannot  be  right.  Nor  does  any  escape 
 from  the  difficulty  very  readily  offer  itself.  If  we 
 judge  only  by  ordinary  probabilities,  we  shall  sup- 
 
662 
 
 OTHONIAS 
 
 jiosc   Otlimel   to   have   siiivive.1   Joshua    not   more 
 than  L'U,  or  at  the  outside,  30  yeai-s. 
 Othoni'as.     Mattaniah  in  Ezr.  x.  27  (1  Esd. 
 
 IX.  •_'«,. 
 
 Oven.  The  Eastern  oven  is  of  two  kinds — fixetl 
 and  poitiible.  The  former  is  ibund  only  in  towns, 
 where  regular  bakers  are  emiiloyed  (Hos.  vii.  4). 
 The  latter  is  adapted  to  the  nomad  state,  and  is  the 
 article  generally  intendeil  by  the  Hebrew  term 
 t'ltuiAr.  It  consists  of  a  large  jar  made  of  clay, 
 about  three  feet  high,  and  widening  towards  the 
 bottom,  with  a  hole  for  the  extraction  of  the  ashes. 
 Each  household  possessed  such  an  article  (Ex.  viii. 
 o);  and  it  was  only  in  times  of  extreme  dearth 
 
 Egj'ptian  Oven, 
 
 that  the  same  oven  sufliced  for  several  families 
 (Lev.  xxvi.  2G).  It  was  heated  with  dry  twigs 
 and  grass  (Matt.  vi.  30) ;  and  the  loaves  were 
 placed  both  inside  and  outside  of  it. 
 
 Owl,  the  lepresenfcitive  in  the  A.  V.  of  the  He- 
 lii-ew  words  bath  haya'andh,  ynnsliuph,  cos,  kipyoz, 
 and  lilith.  1.  Bath  hai/a'<md/i.  [OsTlilOil.] — 2. 
 Tanshu/)h,  or  yunslioph,  occurs  in  Lev.  xi.  17, 
 Deut.  xiv.  16,  as  the  name  of  some  unclean  bird, 
 and  in  Is.  xxxiv.  11,  in  the  description  of  desolate 
 Edom,  "  the  ynnshoph  and  the  raven  shall  dwell  in 
 it."  The  A.  V.  translates  yanshuph  by  "owl,"  or 
 "  great  owl."  The  Chaldee  and  Syriac  are  in  favour 
 of  some  kind  of  owl ;  and  perhaps  tlie  etymology  of 
 
 the  word  points  to  a  noctmnal  bird.  The  LXX. 
 and  Vulg.  iiad  f)3is  (j'-ia),  i.e.  the  Hm  relijiosa, 
 the  sacred  buil  <.f  E;.;yi)t.  On  the  whole  the  evid- 
 ence is  inconclusive,  though  it  is  in  favour  of  the 
 Ibis  relii]iosit,  and  piol>al>ly  the  other  Egyptian 
 .••liocics  (/.  fiilciiicll'is)   maybe  indudi'd   under  the 
 
 OWL 
 
 term. — 3.  Cos,  the  name  of  an  unclean  biid  (Lev, 
 xi.  17;  Deut.  xiv.  10);  it  occurs  again  in  I's.  cu. 
 6.  There  is  good  reason  tor  believing  that  the 
 A.  V.  iscorrect  in  its  rendering  of"  owl  "  or  "  little 
 owl."  Most  of  the  old  versions  and  paraphrases 
 are  in  fivour  of  some  species  of  "  owl "  as  the  proper 
 translation  of  Cos;  Bochartis  inclined  to  think  that 
 we  siiould  understand  the  pelican.  But  the  ancient 
 versions  are  against  tliis  theory.  The  passage  in 
 I's.  cii.  G  points  decidedly  to  some  kind  of  owl.  The 
 owl  we  figure  is  the  Otus  ascalaphus,  the  Egyptian 
 
 Otnt  ascalaphus. 
 
 and  Asiatic  representative  of  our  great  horned  owl 
 {Bubo  jnaximas). — 4.  Kippoi  occurs  only  in  Is. 
 xxxiv.  15  :  "  There  (•'.  e.  in  Edom)  the  hippoz  shall 
 make  her  nest,  and  lay  and  hatch  and  gather  under 
 her  shadow."  It  is  a  hopeless  afliiir  to  attempt  to 
 identify  the  animal  denoted  by  this  word  ;  the  LXX. 
 and  Vulg.  give  "  hedgehog."  Various  conjectures 
 have  been  made  with  respect  to  the  bird  which 
 ought  to  represent  the  Hebrew  word.  We  cannot 
 think  with  Bochart  that  a  darting  serpent  is  in- 
 tended, for  the  whole  context  (Is.  xxxiv.  15)  seems 
 to  point  to  some  bird.  We  are  content  to  believe 
 that  kippoz  may  denote  some  s])ecies  of  owl,  and  to 
 retain  the  reading  of  the  A.  V.  till  other  evidence  be 
 forthcoming.     The  woodcut  represents  the  Athene 
 
 Alhenf  uinuiionaUs. 
 
ox 
 
 meridionalis,  the  commonest  owl  in  Palestine. — 5. 
 LilUh.  The  A.  V.  rendeis  this  word  by  "  screech 
 owl  "  in  the  text  of  Is.  xxx.  14,  and  by  "  night-mon- 
 ster "  in  the  margin.  According  to  the  Rabbins 
 the  Klith  was  a  nocturnal  spectre  in  the  form  of  a 
 beautiful  woman  that  carried  off  children  at  night 
 and  destroyed  them.  With  the  lUith  may  be  com- 
 pared the  ghule  of  the  Arabian  fables.  The  old 
 versions  support  the  opinion  of  Bochart  that  a 
 spectre  is  intended.  If,  however,  some  animal  be 
 denoted  by  the  Hebrew  term,  the  screech-owl  {strix 
 flammea)  may  well  be  supposed  to  I'epresent  it,  for 
 this  bird  is  found  in  the  Bible  lands  (see  Ibis,  i.  26, 
 46),  and  is,  as  fs  well  known,  a  frequent  inhabiter 
 of  ruined  places. 
 
 Ox,  an  ancestor  of  Judith  (Jud.  viii.  1). 
 
 Ox,  the  representative  in  the  A.  V.  of  several 
 Hebrew  words,  the  most  important  of  which  have 
 been  already  notic^ed.  We  propose  in  this  aiticle  to 
 gi  ve  a  general  review  of  what  relates  to  the  ox  tribe 
 {Bovidae),  so  far  as  the  subject  has  a  Biblical  in- 
 terest. It  will  be  convenient  to  consider  ( 1 )  the  ox 
 in  an  economic  point  of  view,  and  (2)  its  natural 
 history.— (1.)  There  was  no  animal  in  the  rural 
 economy  of  the  Israelites,  or  indeed  in  that  of  the 
 ancient  Orientals  generally,  that  was  held  in  higher 
 esteem  than  the  ox ;  and  deservedly  so,  for  the  ox 
 was  the  animal  upon  whose  patient  labours  depended 
 all  the  ordinary  operations  of  farming.  Oxen  were 
 used  for  ploughing  (Deut.  -xxii.  10  ;  1  Sam.  xiv.  14, 
 &c.)  ;  for  treading  out  corn  (Deut.  xxv.  4;  Hos. 
 X.  11,  &c.) ;  for  draught  purposes,  when  they  were 
 generallj'  yoked  in  pairs  (Num.  vii.  3  ;  1  Sam.«vi. 
 7,  &c.) ;  as  beasts  of  burden  (1  Chr.  xii.  40)  ;  their 
 flesh  was  eaten  (Deut.  xiv.  4 ;  1  K.  i.  9,  &o.) ; 
 they  were  used  in  the  sacrifices ;  they  supplied 
 milk,  butter,  &c.  (Deut.  xxxii.  14 ;  Is.  vii.  22 ; 
 2  Sam.  xvii.  29).  Connected  with  the  importance 
 of  oxen  in  the  rural  economy  of  the  Jews  is  the 
 stiict  code  of  laws  which  was  mercifully  enacted  by 
 God  for  their  protection  and  preservation.  The 
 ox  that  threshed  the  corn  was  by  no  means  to  be 
 muzzled  ;  he  was  to  enjoy  rest  on  the  Sabbath 
 as  well  as  his  master  (Ex.  xxiii,  12  ;  Deut.  v.  14). 
 The  law  which  prohibited  the  slaughter  of  any  clean 
 animal,  excepting  as  "an  offering  unto  the  Lord 
 before  the  tabernacle,"  during  tlie  time  that  the 
 Israelites  abode  in  the  wilderness  (Lev.  xvii.  1-6), 
 no  doubt  contributed  to  the  preservation  of  their 
 oxen  and  sheep.  It  seems  clear  from  Pro  v.  xv.  17, 
 and  1  K.  iv.  23,  that  cattle  were  sometimes 
 stall-fed,  though  as  a  general  rule  it  is  probable 
 that  they  fed  in  the  plains  or  on  the  hills  of  Pales- 
 tine. The  cattle  that  grazed  at  large  in  the  open 
 country  would  no  doubt  often  become  fierce  and 
 wild,  for  it  is  to  be  remembered  that  in  primitive 
 times  the  lion  and  other  wild  beasts  of  prey  roamed 
 about  Palestine.  Hence  the  force  of  the  Psalmist's 
 complaint  of  his  enemies  (Ps.  xxii.  13).  —  (2.) 
 The  monuments  of  Egypt  exhibit  representations 
 of  a  long-horned  breed  of  oxen,  a  short-horned, 
 a  polled,  and  what  appears  to  be  a  variety  of  the 
 zebu  {Bos  Indicus,  Lin.).  Some  have  identified 
 this  latter  with  the  Bos  Dante  (the  Bos  elegans 
 ct  pai-vus  Africanus  of  Belon).  The  Abyssinian 
 breed  is  depicted  on  the  monuments  at  Thebes 
 drawing  a  plaustrum  or  car.  The  drawings  on 
 Egyptian  monuments  show  that  the  cattle  of  ancient 
 Egypt  were  fine  handsome  animals :  doubtless  these 
 may  be  taken  as  a  sample  of  the  cattle  of  Palestine 
 in   ancient  times.     There  are   now    fine   cattle  in 
 
 PADON 
 
 663 
 
 Egypt;  but  the  Palestine  cattle  appear  to  have 
 deteriorated,  in  size  at  least,  since  Biblicsl  times. 
 "  Herds  of  cattle,"  says  Schubert,  "  are  seldom  to 
 be  seen  ;  the  bullock  of  the  neighbourhood  of  Jeru- 
 salem is  small  and  insignificant;  beef  and  veal  are 
 but  rare  dainties."  The  buffalo  {Buhalus  Bnffalus) 
 is  not  uncommon  in  Palestine  ;  the  Arabs  call  it 
 jdmus.  The  A.  V.  gives  "  wild  ox  "  in  Deut.  xiv. 
 5,  and  "  wild  bull  "  in  Is.  li.  20,  as  the  representa- 
 tives of  the  Hebrew  word  teo  or  to.  The  most  im- 
 jjortant  ancient  versions  point  to  the  oiyx  {Oryx 
 teucoryx)  as  the  animal  denoted  by  the  Hebrew 
 words.  Col.  H.  Smith  suggests  that  the  antelope 
 he  calls  the  Nubian  Oiyx  {Oryx  Tao),  may  be  the 
 animal  indicated. 
 
 Ox-Goad.     [Goad.] 
 
 O'zem.  1.  The  sixth  son  of  Jesse,  the  next  eldest 
 above  David  (1  Chi-,  ii.  15).— 2.  Son  of  Jerahmeel 
 (1  Chr.  ii.  25). 
 
 Ozi'as.  1.  The  son  of  Micha  of  the  tribe  of 
 Simeon,  one  of  the  "governors"  of  Bethulia,  in 
 the  history  of  Judith  (Jud.  vi.  15,  vii.  23,  viii.  10, 
 28,  35).  2.  Uzzi,  one  of  the  ancestors  of  Ezra 
 (2  Esd.  ii.  2).— 3.  Uzziah,  King  of  Judah  (Matt, 
 i.  8,  9). 
 
 O'ziel,  an  ancestor  of  Judith  (Jud.  viii.  1). 
 
 Oz'ni.  One  of  the  sons  of  Gad  (Num.  xxvi.  16), 
 and  founder  of  the  family  of  the 
 
 Oz'nites,  Num.  xxvi.  16. 
 
 Ozora.  "The  sons  of  Machnadebai,"  in  Ezr.  x. 
 40,  is  coiTupted  into  "  the  sons  of  Ozoi'a"  (1  Esd. 
 ix.  34). 
 
 Pa'arai.  In  the  list  of  2  Sam.  xxiii.  35,  "  Paarai 
 the  Arbite "  is  one  of  David's  mighty  men.  In 
 1  Chr.  xi.  37,  he  is  called  "  Naarai  the  son  of 
 Ezbai,"  and  this  in  Kennicott's  opinion  is  the  true 
 reading. 
 
 Pa'dan.     Padan-Aram  (Gen.  xlviii.  7). 
 
 Pa'dan-Aram.  By  this  name,  more  properly 
 Paddan-Aram,  which  signifies  "  the  table-land  of 
 Aram,"  according  to  Fiirst  and  Geseuius,  the  He- 
 brews designated  tlie  tract  of  country  which  they 
 otherwise  called  Aram-naharaim,  "  Aram  of  the 
 two  rivers,"  the  Greek  Mesopotamia  (Gen.  xxiv.  10), 
 and  "  the  field  (A.  V.  '  country  ')  of  Aram  "  (Hos. 
 xii.  13).  The  term  was  perhaps  more  especially 
 applied  to  that  portion  which  bordered  on  the  Eu- 
 phrates, to  distinguish  it  from  the  mountainous 
 districts  in  the  N.  and  N.E.  of  Mesopotamia.  If 
 the  derivation  from  Ar.  fadda,  to  plough,  be  cor- 
 rect, Paddan-Aram  is  the  arable  land  of  Syria ; 
 "  either  an  upland  vale  in  the  hills,  or  a  fertile 
 district  immediately  at  their  feet  "  (Stanley,  S.  §•  P. 
 p.  129,  note).  Paddan,  the  ploughed  laud,  would 
 thus  correspond  with  the  Lat.  arvum,  and  is  analog- 
 ous to  Eng.  Jield,  the  felled  land,  from  which  the 
 trees  have  been  cleared.  Padan-Aram  plays  an  im- 
 portant part  in  the  early  history  of  the  Hebrews.  The 
 family  of  their  iounder  had  settled  there,  and  were 
 long  looked  upon  as  the  aristocracy  of  the  race,  with 
 whom  alone  the  legitimate  descendants  of  Abraham 
 might  intermarry,  and  thus  preserve  the  purity  of 
 their  blood.  It  is  elsewhere  called  Padan  simply 
 (Gen.  xlviii.  7). 
 
 Pa'dou.  The  ancestor  of  a  family  of  Nethmim 
 who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  44;  Neh. 
 vii.  47). 
 
664 
 
 PAGIEL 
 
 Fag''iel-  The  son  of  Ocimi,  and  chief  of  the 
 tiil)r  of  Asher  at  the  time  of  the  Exodus  f^Num.  i. 
 13,  ii.  -JT,  vii.  T>,  77.  x.  26;. 
 
 Pahath-Moab.  Head  of  one  of  the  chief  houses 
 of  the  tribe  of  Juilah.  Of  the  individual,  or  the 
 occ.'uiion  of  his  receiving  sosiiiiiiilar  a  name,  nothing 
 is  known  ceilainly.  But  as  we  read  in  1  Chr.  iv. 
 2-,  of  a  family  of  Shilonites,  of  tlie  tribe  of  .ludnh, 
 wlio  in  very  early  times  '•  had  doniinion  in  Jlnab," 
 it  may  be  conjectured  that  this  wjus  the  origin  of 
 the  name.  It  is  perhaps  a  slight  corroboration 
 of  this  conjecture  that  as  we  Hnd  in  Kzr.  ii.  (5,  that 
 the  sons  of  Pahath-Moab  had  among  their  number 
 •'  children  of  Joab,"  so  also  in  1  Cin-.  iv.  we  find 
 these  families  who  had  dominion  in  Moab  very  much 
 mixed  with  the  sons  of  Caleb,  among  whom,  in 
 I  Chr.  ii.  54,  iv.  14,  we  find  the  house  of  Joab. 
 However,  as  regards  the  name  I'ahath-Moab,  this 
 early  and  obscure  connexion  of  the  families  of  Shelah 
 the  son  of  Jwdah  with  Moab  seems  to  supply  a  not 
 improbable  origin  for  the  name  itself,  and  to  throw 
 some  glimmering  upon  the  association  of  the  children 
 of  Joshua  and  Joab  with  the  sons  of  Pahath-Moab. 
 That  this  family  w.as  of  high  rank  in  the  tribe  of 
 Judah  we  learn  from  their  appearing  fourth  in 
 order  in  the  two  lists,  Ezr.  ii.  6  ;  Neh.  vii.  II,  and 
 fiom  their  chief  having  signal  second,  among  the 
 lav  ])rinces,  in  Neh.  x.  14.  It  was  also  the  most 
 numerous  (2818;  of  all  the  families  specified,  except 
 the  I'enjiimite  house  of  Senaah  (Neh.  vii.  38). 
 
 Paint  [as  a  cosmetic].  The  use  of  cosmetic 
 dyes  has  prevailed  in  all  ages  in  Eastern  countries. 
 VVe  have  abundant  evidence  of  the  practice  of  paint- 
 ing the  eyes  both  in  ancient  Egypt  (Wilkinson,  ii. 
 1542)  and  in  Assyria  (Layard's  Nineceh,  ii.  328); 
 and  in  modern  times  no  usage  is  more  general.  It 
 does  not  appear,  however,  to  have  been  by  any 
 means  universal  among  the  Hebrews.  The  notices 
 of  it  are  few ;  and  in  each  instance  it  seems  to  have 
 lieen  used  as  a  meretricious  art,  unworthy  of  a 
 woman  of  high  character.  Thus  .lezebel  "  put  her 
 eyes  in  painting"  (2  K.  ix.  30,  margin)  ;  Jeremiah 
 sjjys  of  the  harlot  city,  "  Though  thou  rentest  thy 
 eyes  with  ])ainting"  (Jer.  iv.  30);  and  Ezekiel 
 again  makes  it  a  characteristic  of  a  harlot  (Ez. 
 xxiii.  40).  The  expressions  used  in  these  passages 
 are  worthy  of  observation,  as  referring  to  the  mode 
 in  which  the  process  was  elfected.  It  is  thus  de- 
 scribed by  Chandler  {Travels,  ii.  140):  "A  girl, 
 closing  one  of  her  eyes,  took  the  two  lashes  between 
 the  forefinger  and  thumb  of  the  left  hand,  pulled 
 them  forward,  and  then  thrusting  in  at  the  external 
 corner  a  bodkin  which  had  been  imniei'sed  in  the 
 soot,  and  extracting  it  again,  the  j)articles  befori- 
 adheiing  to  it  remained  within,  and  were  presently 
 ranged  round  the  organ.''  The  eyes  were  thus 
 literally  "put  in  paint,"  and  were  "rent"  open 
 in  the  process.  A  broad  line  was  also  drawn  round 
 the  eye,  as  represented  in  tJie  accompanying  cut. 
 
 "  £]re  omamentei]  vrMh  Kohl,  u  rcprcMntol  in  ancient 
 pulntinga."    (Lone,  p.  37,  nuw  cd.) 
 
 The  ellect  was  an  appai  ent  enlai-gement  of  the  eye ; 
 and  the  expi-ession  in  Jer.  iv.  30  has  been  by  some 
 understood  in  this  Kcn.se.  The  term  used  for  the 
 application  of  the  dye  was  kdkhal,  "to  .■•mear,"  and 
 IJiibbiiiical  writers  described  the  jtaint  itself  imder  a 
 togimte  term.     These  words  still  survive  in  ho/il,  I 
 
 PALACE 
 
 the  modern  Oriental  name  for  the  {xiwder  ose-l. 
 The  Bible  gives  no  indication  of  the  substance  out 
 of  whii'h  the  dye  was  foi'med.  The  old  vei'sions 
 (the  LX.\.,  Chaldee,  Syriac,  &c.)  agiee  in  prc^ 
 uouncing  the  dye  to  have  been  pioduced  from  anti- 
 mony. Antimony  is  still  used  for  the  pui-pose  in 
 Arabia  and  in  Persia,  but  in  Egyjit  the  kohl  is  a 
 soot  produced  by  buniing  either  a  kind  of  frankin- 
 cense 01- the  shells  of  almonds.  The  dye-stufl' was 
 moistened  with  oil,  and  kept  in  a  small  j.ir,  which 
 we  may  infer  to  have  been  made  of  hoin,  from  the 
 proper  name,  Keren-happuch,  "  horn  for  paint "  (.lob 
 xlii.  14).  Whether  the  custom  of  staining  the  hiUids 
 and  feet,  particularly  the- nails,  now  so  prevalent 
 in  the  Ea.--t,  w;is  known  to  the  Hebi-ews,  is  doubt- 
 ful. The  plant,  henna,  which  is  used  for  that 
 purpose,  was  certiinly  known  (Cant.  i.  14;  A.  V. 
 "  camphire "),  and  the  expressions  in  Cant.  v.  14 
 mav  possibly  lefer  to  the  custom. 
 
 Pai.    [Pau.] 
 
 Palace.  Thei-e  are  few  tasks  more  difficult  or 
 puzzling  than  the  attempt  to  restore  an  ancient 
 building  of  which  we  ])ossess  nothuig  but  two 
 verbal  descriptions ;  and  these  difficulties  are  veiy 
 much  enhanced  when  one  account  is  wiitten  in  a 
 language  like  Hebrew,  the  scientific  teims  in  which 
 are,  from  our  ignorance,  capable  of  the  widest 
 latitude  of  intei-pietation  ;  and  the  other,  though 
 written  in  a  language  of  which  we  have  a  more 
 definite  knowledge,  was  comj^sed  by  a  peivon  who 
 never  could  have  seen  the  buildings  he  was  de- 
 scribing. The  site  of  the  Palace  of  Solomon  was 
 almbst  certainly  in  the  city  itself,  on  the  biow 
 opposite  to  the  Temple,  and  overlooking  it  and  the 
 whole  city  of  David.  It  is  impossible,  of  course, 
 to  be  ;it  all  ceitain  what  was  either  the  form  or 
 the  exact  disposition  of  such  a  palace,  but,  as  we 
 have  the  dimensions  of  the  thiee  principal  build- 
 ings given  in  the  book  of  Kings,  and  confirmed  by 
 Josephus,  we  may,  by  taking  these  as  a  scale, 
 ascert;iin  pretty  nearly  that  the  building  covered 
 somewhere  about  150,000  or  160,000  .square  feet. 
 Whether  it  was  a  squai-e  of  400  feet  each  way,  or 
 an  oblong  of  about  550  feet  by  300,  its  repi  csented 
 in  the  annexed  diagram,  must  always  be  moi-e  or 
 less  a  matter  of  conjecture.  The  form  heie  adopted 
 seems  to  suit  better  not  only  the  exigencies  of  the 
 .site,  but  the  known  disposition  of  the  jiai-ts.  The 
 principal  building  situat«d  within  the  i'alace  was, 
 as  in  all  Eiistern  palaces,  the  great  hall  of  state  and 
 audience,  hei'e  called  the  "  House  of  the  Foi-est 
 of  Lebanon."  Iti>  dimensions  wei-e  100  cubits,  or 
 150  feet  long,  by  half  that,  or  75  feet  in  width. 
 According  to  the  Bible  (1  K.  vii.  2)  it  had  ''four 
 rows  of  cedar  j)illars  with  ceiiar  beams  upon  the 
 pillai-s ;"  but  it  is  added  in  the  next  veise  that 
 "  it  was  covei'ed  with  cedar  above  the  beams  that 
 lay  on  45  pillars,  15  in  a  row."  This  woidd  be 
 easily  explicable  if  the  descrijition  stoppeil  there, 
 and  so  Josephus  took  it.  He  evidently  consideied 
 the  hall,  as  he  afterwards  di-scribed  the  ytoii  basi- 
 lica of  the  Temple,  as  consisting  of  four  rows  ot 
 columns,  three  sfcinding  free,  but  the  fourth  built 
 into  the  outer  wall  (Anl.  xi.  5) ;  and  his  expi-ession 
 that  the  ceiling  of  the  ))alace  hall  was  in  the  Co- 
 rinthian manner  {Ant.  vii.  5,  §2)  docs  not  me.in 
 that  it  was  of  that  order,  which  was  not  then  in- 
 vented, but  after  the  fiishion  of  what  w.ts  calleil 
 in  his  day  a  Coiinthian  oecus,  viz.  a  hall  with  a 
 clei'cstory.  If  we,  like  Josephus,  aie  conti'nted 
 with  these  indii-ations,  the  section  of  the  hall  wai 
 
PALACE 
 
 certainlv  as  shown  in  fig.  A  i,p.  666). 
 
 PALACE 
 
 665 
 
 goes  on  to  say  ( ver.  4 )  that  "  thei 
 in  three  rows,  and  li2;ht  was  against  light  in  three 
 ranks,"  and  in  the  next  verse  it  repeats,  "  and  light 
 was  against  light  in  three  ranlvs."    Josephus  escapes 
 the  difficulty  by  saying  it  was  lighted  by  windows 
 m  three  divisions,  which  might  be  taken  as  an  ex- 
 tremely probable  description  if  the  Bible  were  not 
 so  very  specihc  regarding 
 it;    and  we  must  there- 
 fore adopt  some  such  ar- 
 rangement as  that  shown 
 in  fig.  B.     On  the  whole 
 it  appears  probable  that 
 this  is  the  one  nearest  the 
 truth,  as  it  admits  of  a 
 clerestory,  to  which  Jose- 
 phus evidently  refers,  and 
 shows  the  three  rows  of 
 columns  which  the  Bible 
 description  requires.     Be- 
 sides the  clerestory  there 
 was  probably  a  range  of 
 openings  under  the  cornice 
 of  the  walls,  and  then  a 
 range  of  open  doorways, 
 which  would  thus  make 
 the    three    openings    re- 
 quired by  the  Bible  de- 
 scription.    Another  diffi- 
 culty   in    attempting    to 
 restore    this    hall    arises 
 from  the  number  of  pillars 
 being  uneven  ("  15  in  a 
 row");  and  if  we  adopt  M 
 the  last  theoiy  (fig.  B), 
 we  have  a  row  of  columns     r'^ 
 in  the  centi-e  both  ways. 
 The  piobability  is  that  it 
 was  closed,  as  shown  in 
 the  plan,  by  a  wall  at  one 
 end,  which  would  give  15 
 spaces  to  the    15  pillars, 
 and  so  provide  a  central 
 space  in  the  longer  dimen- 
 sion of  the  hall,  in  which 
 the   throne    might    have 
 been  placed.     Jf  the  first 
 theory    be    adopted,    the 
 throne    may    have    stood 
 either  at  the  end,  or  in  the 
 centre  of  the  longer  side  ; 
 but,   judging  from  what 
 we  know  of  the  arrange- 
 ment of  Eastern  palaces, 
 we  mav  be  almost  certain 
 that    the    latter    is    the 
 correct  position.     Next  in 
 importance  to  the   build- 
 ing just  described  is  the 
 hall  or  porch  of  judgment 
 (ver.  7),  which  Josephus 
 distinctly   tells   us  (Ant. 
 vii.   5,  §1)  was  situated 
 
 But  the  Bible  1  facing  the  judgment-seat;  a  second  from  the  court- 
 were  windows  i  yard  of  the  Palace,  by  which   the  councillors  and 
 
 officers  of  state  might  come  in  ;  and  a  third  from  the 
 
 Palace,  reserved  for  the  king  and  his  household,  as 
 shown  in  the  plan.  The  third  edifice  is  merely  called 
 "  the  Porch."  Its  dimensions  were  50  by  30  cubits, 
 or  75  feet  by  45.  Josephus  does  not  describe  its 
 architecture  ;  and  we  are  unable  to  understand  the 
 
 Fig.  1.     D 
 
 SCALE    OF     EEET 
 
 I'laa  of  Solomon's  Pala 
 
 opposite  to  the  centre  of  the  longer  side  of  the  great 
 hall.  Its  dimensions  were  50  cubits,  or  75  feet  square 
 (Josephus  says  30  in  one  direction  at  least),  and  its 
 disposition  can  easily  be  understood  by  comparing 
 the  descriptions  we  have  with  the  remains  of  the 
 Assyrian  and  Persian  examples.  It  must  have  been 
 supported  by  four  pillai-s  in  the  centre,  and  had  three 
 entrances :  the  principal  opening  from  the  street  and 
 
 description  contained  m  the  Bible,  owing  apparently 
 to  our  ignorance  of  the  synonyms  of  the  Hebrew 
 architectural  terms.  Its  use,  however,  cannot  be 
 considered  as  doubtful,  as  it  was  an  indispensable 
 adjunct  to  an  Eastern  palace.  It  was  the  ordinary 
 place  of  business  of  the  palace,  and  the  reception- 
 voom — the  Guesten  Hall — where  the  king  received 
 ordinary  visitors,   and  sat,   except  on  great   stat« 
 
666 
 
 PAliAL 
 
 occasions,  to  tmnsact  the  business  of  the  kingdom. 
 Behiml  this,  we  are  told,  was  the  inner  court, 
 adorned  with  g.irdens  and  fountiins,  and  surrounded 
 by  cloisters  for  shade ;  and  besides  tiiis  were  other 
 courts  for  the  residence  of  the  attendants  and 
 guards,  and  in  .Solomon's  case,  for  the  three  hun- 
 dred women  of  his  hareem  :  all  of  which  are  shown 
 in  the  plan  with  more  cle;u-ness  than  can  be  con- 
 veyed by  a  verbal  description.  Apart  from  this 
 jialace,  but  attached,  as  Josephus  tells  us,  to  the 
 Hall  of  Judgment,  was  the  palace  of  Pharaoh's 
 daughter — too  proud  and  important  a  personage 
 to  1)6  grouped  with  the  ladies  of  the  hareem,  and 
 ii'(|uiring  a   icsiilence   of  her  own.     Tliere   is  still 
 
 PALESTINE 
 
 another  building  mentioned  by  Josephus,  as  .t  naos 
 or  temple,  supported  by  massive  columns,  and  situ- 
 ated opposite  the  Hall  of  Judgment.  It  may  thus 
 have  been  outside,  in  front  of  the  p:ilace  in  the  city  ; 
 but  moie  probably  was,  as  shown  in  the  pl.an,  in 
 the  centie  of  the  great  court.  It  could  not  have 
 been  a  temple  in  the  ordinary  acceptation  of  the 
 term,  as  the  Jews  had  only  one  temple,  and  that 
 was  situated  on  the  other  side  of  the  valley  ;  but  it 
 may  have  been  an  altar  covered  by  a  baldachino. 
 If  the  site  and  disposition  of  the  Palace  were  as 
 above  indicated,  it  would  require  two  great  portals: 
 one  leading  from  the  city  to  the  great  court,  shown 
 At  M  ;    the  other  to  the   Temple    and  the  king's 
 
 garden,  at  N.  This  last  w.as  probably  situated 
 wheie  the  stairs  then  were  which  led  up  to  the 
 City  of  David,  and  where  the  bridge  afterwards 
 joined  the  Temple  to  the  city  and  palace.  The  re- 
 cent discoveries  at  Nineveh  have  enabled  us  to 
 understiind  many  of  the  architectural  details  of  this 
 palace,  which  belbre  they  were  made  were  nearly 
 wholly  inexplicible.  We  are  told,  for  instance,  that 
 the  walls  of  the  halls  of  the  palace  were  wainscotted 
 with  three  tiers  of  stone,  apparently  versicoloured 
 marbles,  hewn  and  polished,  and  surmounted  by 
 a  fourth  course,  elaborately  carved  with  repre- 
 sentations of  leafage  and  flowers.  .Above  this  the 
 walls  were  plastered  and  oinamented  with  coloured 
 arabesques.  At  Nineveh  the  walls  were,  like  these, 
 wainscotted  to  a  height  of  about  eight  feet,  but  with 
 alabaster,  a  peculiai'  jiroduct  of  the  country,  and 
 these  weie  separated  from  the  jiainted  space  above 
 by  an  architectural  band  ;  the  real  dilference  being 
 that  the  Assyrians  revelled  in  sculptural  repres- 
 entations of  men  and  animals.  These  modes  of  dec- 
 oration were  forbidden  to  the  Jews  by  the  second 
 commandment.  Some  dilference  may  also  be  due  to 
 the  fact  that  the  soft  alabaster,  though  admirably 
 suited  to  bassi-relii'vi,  was  not  suited  for  sharp 
 dce])ly-cut  foli.age  sculjiture,  like  that  describe*]  by 
 Josephus.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  a  consider- 
 able amount  of  colour  was  used  in  the  decoiation  of 
 these  p.alaces  (Jer.  xxii.  14).  It  may  also  be  added 
 that  in  the  Kast  all  buildings,  with  scAicely  an 
 exception,  are  adorned  with  colour  internally,  gener- 
 ally the  three  [)riniitive  colours  used  in  all  their 
 infiMisity,  but  .so  balanced  as  to  produce  the  most 
 hannonious  results. 
 
 Fa'lal,  the  son  of  Uzai,  who  assisted  in  restoring 
 the  walls  of  Jerusalem  in  the  time  of  Nehcmiah 
 (Neh.  iii.  '>:,,. 
 
 Falestina  and  Palestine.  These  two  forms 
 iircur  in  the  A.  V.  but  lour  times  in  all,  always  in 
 [xietical  passages:  the  (irst  in  K.x.  xv.  14,  and  Is. 
 iiv.  29,  ;il  ;  the  second,  Joel  iii.  4.     In  each  c;ise 
 
 the  Hebrew  is  Pelesheth,  a  word  found,  besides  the 
 above,  only  in  Ps.  Ix.  8,  Ixxxiii.  7,  Ixxxvii,  4,  and 
 cviii.  9,  in  all  which  our  translators  have  rendered 
 it  by  "Philistia"  or  "  Philistines."  Palestine,  in 
 the  -Authorized  Version,  really  means  nothing  but 
 Philistia.  The  original  Hebiew  word  Pelesheth,  tc 
 the  Hebrews  signilied  merely  the  long  and  broad 
 strip  of  maritmie  plain  inhabited  by  their  encioach- 
 ing  neighbours ;  nor  does  it  appear  that  at  first  it 
 signified  more  to  the  Greeks.  As  lying  next  the 
 sea,  and  as  being  also  the  high  ro.id  from  Kgypt 
 to  Phoenicia  and  the  richer  regions  north  of  it, 
 the  Philistine  plain  became  sooner  known  to  the 
 western  world  than  tlie  country  further  inland,  and 
 was  called  by  them  Syria  Palaestina — Philistine 
 Syri.a.  From  thence  it  was  gradually  extended  to 
 the  country  further  inland,  till  in  the  Fxoman  and 
 later  Greek  authors,  both  heathen  and  Christian,  it 
 becomes  the  usu.il  ajipellation  fur  the  whole  country 
 of  the  Jews,  both  west  and  east  of  Jordan.  The 
 word  is  now  so  conmionly  employed  in  our  more 
 familiar  language  to  designate  the  whole  country  ot 
 Israel,  that,  although  biblically  a  misnomer,  it  has 
 lioen  chosen  here  as  the  most  convenient  heading 
 under  which  to  give  a  general  description  of  THE 
 Holy  Land,  embracing  those  points  which  have 
 not  been  treated  imder  the  separate  headings  of 
 cities  or  trilies.  This  description  will  most  con- 
 veniently divide  itself  into  three  sections: — I.  The 
 Names  applied  to  the  country  of  Israel  in  the  Bible 
 and  elsewhere.  II.  The  Land:  its  situation,  aspect, 
 climate,  physical  characteristics,  in  connexion  with 
 its  history;  its  structure,  botany,  and  natural  his- 
 tory. III.  The  History  of  the  countiy  is  so  fully 
 given  under  its  various  he.adings  throughout  the 
 work,  that  it  is  unnecessary  to  rec.ipitulate  it  here. 
 I.  Tni-;  Namks. — Palkstink,  then,  is  desiiriiated 
 in  the  Bible  by  more  than  one  name  : — 1.  During 
 the  Piitriarchal  peiiod.  the  Con<^uest.  ami  the  age 
 of  the  .Judges,  anil  ;ilso  where  those  early  perio<l» 
 are  referred  to  in  the  later  literature  (as  Ps.  cv.  11;, 
 
PALESTINE 
 
 it  IS  spoken  of  as  "  Canaan,"  or  more  frequently 
 "  the  Land  of  Canaan,"  meaning  thereby  the  coun- 
 try west  of  the  Jordan,  as  opposed  to  "  the  Land 
 of  Gilead  "  on  the  east.  Other  designations,  during 
 the  same  early  period,  are  "  the  land  of  the  He- 
 brews" (Gen.  xl.  15  only — a  natural  phrase  in 
 the  mouth  of  Joseph)  ;  "  the  land  of  the  Hittites" 
 (Josh.  i.  4 — a  remarkable  expression,  occurring  here 
 only  in  the  Bible).  The  name  Ta-netr  (i.  e.  Holy 
 Land),  which  is  found  in  the  inscriptions  of  Rameses 
 II.  and  Thothmes  III.,  is  believed  by  M.  Brugsch 
 to  refer  to  Palestine ;  but  this  is  contested  by  M. 
 de  Roug^.  2.  During  tiie  Monarchy  the  name 
 usually,  though  not  frequently,  employed,  is  "  land 
 of  Israel"  (1  Sam.  xiii.  19;  2  K.  v.  2,  4,  &c.). 
 It  is  Ezekiel's  favourite  expression.  The  pious  and 
 ioyal  aspirations  of  Hosea  find  vent  in  the  expres- 
 sion, "  land  of  Jehovah  "  (Hos.  ix.  3).  In  Zechariah 
 it  is  "  the  Holy  land  "  (Zech.  ii.  12) ;  and  in  Daniel 
 "  the  glorious  land"  (Dan.  xi.  41).  In  Amos  (ii. 
 10)  alone  it  is  "  the  land  of  the  Amorite,"  Occa- 
 sionally it  appears  to  be  mentioned  simply  as  "  The 
 Land :"  as  in  Huth  i.  1  ;  Jer.  xxii.  27  ;  1  Mace, 
 xiv.  4  ;  Luke  iv.  25,  and  perhaps  even  xxiii.  44. 
 3.  Between  the  Captivity  and  the  time  of  our 
 Lord  the  name  "  Judaea"  had  extended  itself  from 
 the  southern  portion  to  the  whole  of  the  country, 
 even  that  beyond  Jordan  (Matt.  xix.  1  ;  Mark  x.  1). 
 In  the  book  of  Judith  it  is  applied  to  the  portion 
 between  the  plain  of  Esdraelon  and  Samaria  (xi. 
 19),  as  it  is  in  Luke  xxiii.  5  ;  though  it  is  also  used 
 in  the  stricter  sense  of  Judaea  proper  (John  iv.  3, 
 vii.  1).  In  this  narrower  sense  it  is  employed 
 throughout  1  Mace,  (see  especially  ix.  50,  x.  30,  38, 
 xi.  34).  4.  The  Roman  division  of  the  country 
 hardly  coincided  with  the  Biblical  one,  and  it  does 
 not  appear  that  the  Romans  had  any  distinct 
 name  for  that  which  we  understand  by  Palestine. 
 5.  Soon  after  the  Chiistian  eia  we  find  the  name 
 Palaestina  in  possession  of  the  country.  Ptolemy 
 (a.D.  161)  thus  applies  it.  6.  Josephus  usually 
 employs  the  ancient  name  "Canaan"  in  reference 
 to  the  events  of  the  earlier  history,  but  when  speak- 
 ing of  the  country  in  reference  to  his  own  time 
 styles  it  Judaea.  The  Talmudists  and  other  Jewish 
 writers  use  the  title  of  the  "  Land  of  Israel." 
 7.  The  name  most  frequently  used  throughout  the 
 middle  ages,  and  down  to  our  own  time,  is  Terra 
 Sancta — the  Holy  Land. 
 
 II.  The  Land. — The  Holy  Land  is  not  in  size 
 or  physical  characteristics  proportioned  to  its  moral 
 and  historical  position,  as  the  theatre  of  the  most 
 momentous  events  in  the  world's  history.  It  is  but 
 a  strip  of  country  about  the  size  of  Wales,  less 
 than  140  miles  in  length,  and  barely  40  in  average 
 breadth,  on  the  very  frontier  of  the  East,  hemmed 
 in  between  the  Mediterranean  Sea  on  the  one  hand, 
 and  the  enormous  trench  of  the  Jordan  valley  on 
 the  other,  by  which  it  is  effectually  cut  off  from 
 the  mainland  of  Asia  behind  it.  On  the  north  it 
 is  shut  in  by  the  high  ranges  of  Lebanon  and  anti- 
 Lebanon,  and  by  the  chasm  of  the  Litany.  On  the 
 south  it  is  no  less  enclosed  by  the  arid  and  inhos- 
 pitable deseits  of  the  upper  part  of  the  peninsula  of 
 Sinai.  1.  Its  position  on  the  Map  of  the  World — 
 as  the  world  was  when  the  Holy  Land  first  made 
 its  appearance  in  history — is  a  remarkable  one. 
 (1.)  It  is  on  the  veiy  outpost — on  the  extremest 
 western  edge  of  the  East.  On  the  shore  of  the 
 MediteiTanean  it  sttuids,  as  if  it  had  advanced  as 
 far  as  possible  towards  the  West,  separated  there- 
 
 PALESTINE 
 
 667 
 
 from  by  that  which,  when  the  time  arrived,  proved 
 to  be  no  barrier,  but  the  readiest  medium  of  com- 
 munication— the  wide  waters  of  the  "  Great  Sea." 
 Thus  it  was  open  to  all  the  giadual  influences  of 
 the  rising  communities  of  the  West,  while  it  was 
 saved  from  the  retrogression  and  decrepitude  which 
 have  ultimately  been  the  doom  of  all  puiely  Eastern 
 States  whose  connexions  were  limited  to  the  East 
 only.  (2.)  There  was  however  one  channel,  and 
 but  one,  by  which  it  could  reach  and  be  reached  by 
 the  great  Oriental  empires.  The  only  road  by 
 which  the  two  great  rivals  of  the  ancient  world 
 could  approach  one  another — by  which  alone  Egypt 
 could  get  to  Assyria,  and  Assyria  to  Egypt — lay 
 along  the  broad  flat  strip  of  coast  which  formed 
 the  maritime  portion  of  the  Holy  Land,  and  thence 
 by  the  Plain  of  the  Lebanon  to  the  Euphrates. 
 (3.)  After  this  the  Holy  Land  became  (like  the 
 Netherlands  in  Europe)  the  convenient  arena  on 
 which  in  successive  ages  the  hostile  powers  who 
 contended  for  the  empire  of  the  East,  Ibught  their 
 battles.  2.  It  is  essentially  a  mountainous  country. 
 Not  that  it  contains  independent  mountain  chains, 
 as  in  Greece  for  example,  but  that  every  part  of  the 
 highland  is  in  greater  or  less  undulation.  But  it 
 is  not  only  a  mountainous  country.  The  mass  of 
 hills  which  occupies  the  centre  of  the  country  is 
 bordered  or  framed  on  both  sides,  east  and  west, 
 by  a  broad  belt  of  lowland,  sunk  deep  below  its 
 own  level.  The  slopes  or  cliffs  which  form,  as  it 
 were,  the  retaining  walls  of  this  depression,  are 
 furrowed  and  cleft  by  the  torrent  beds  which  dis- 
 charge the  wateis  of  the  hills,  and  form  the  means 
 of  communication  between  the  upper  and  lowei 
 level.  On  the  west  this  lowland  interposes  between 
 the  mountains  and  the  sea,  and  is  the  Plain  of  Phi- 
 listia  and  of  Sharon.  On  the  east  it  is  the  broad 
 bottom  of  the  Jordan  valley,  deep  down  in  which 
 rushes  the  one  river  of  Palestine  to  its  grave  in  the 
 Dead  Sea.  3.  Such  is  the  first  general  impiession 
 of  the  physiognomy  of  the  Holy  Land.  It  is  a  phy- 
 siognomy compounded  of  the  three  main  features 
 already  named — the  plains,  the  highland  hills,  and 
 the  torrent  beds.  About  halfway  up  the  coast  the 
 maritime  plain  is  suddenly  interrupted  by  a  long 
 ridge  thrown  out  from  the  central  mass,  rising  con- 
 siderably above  the  general  level,  and  terminating 
 in  a  bold  promontory  on  the  very  edge  of  the  Medi- 
 terranean. This  ridge  is  Mount  Carmel.  On  its 
 upper  side,  the  plain,  as  if  to  compensate  for  its 
 temporary  displacement,  invades  the  centie  of  the 
 country  and  forms  an  undulating  hollow  right 
 across  it  from  the  Mediterranean  to  the  Joi-dan 
 valley.  This  central  lowland,  which  divides  with 
 its  broad  depression  the  mountains  of  Ephraim 
 from  the  mountains  of  Galilee,  is  the  plain  of  Es- 
 draelon or  Jezreel,  the  great  battle-field  of  Palestine. 
 North  of  Carmel  the  lowland  resumes  its  position 
 by  the  sea-side  till  it  is  again  interrupted  and  finally 
 j)ut  an  end  to  by  the  northern  mountains  which 
 push  their  way  out  to  the  sea,  ending  in  the  white 
 promontory  of  the  Has  Nakhura.  Above  this  is  the 
 ancient  Phoenicia.  4.  The  country  thus  roughly 
 portrayed,  and  which,  as  before  stated,  is  less  than 
 140  miles  in  length,  and  not  more  than  40  in  ave- 
 rage breadth,  is  to  all  intents  and  puiposes  the 
 whole  Land  of  Israel.  The  northern  portion  is 
 Galilee;  the  centre,  Samaria;  the  south,  Judaea. 
 5.  Small  as  the  Holy  Land  is  on  the  map,  and 
 when  contrasted  either  with  modern  states  or  with 
 the  two  enormous  ancient  empires  of  Egypt  and 
 
Map  of  rolcattuc,  with  section  of  the  oountiy  from  Joffli  to  tbo  mountoiiu  of  Moab. 
 
PALESTINE 
 
 Assyria  between  which  it  lay,  it  seems  even 
 smaller  to  the  traveller  as  he  pursues  his  way 
 through  it.  There  are  numerous  eminences  in 
 the  highlands  which  command  the  view  of  both 
 frontiers  at  the  same  time — tlie  eastern  mountains 
 of  Gilead  with  the  Jordan  at  their  feet  on  the  one 
 hand,  on  the  other  the  Western  Sea.  Hermou,  the 
 apex  of  the  countiy  on  the  north,  is  said  to  have 
 been  seen  from  the  southern  end  of  the  Dead  Sea : 
 it  is  certainly  plain  enough  from  many  a  point 
 neaier  the  centre.  It  is  startling  to  find  that  from 
 the  top  of  the  hills  of  Neby  Samwil,  Bethel,  Tabor, 
 Gerizim,  or  Safed,  the  eye  can  embrace  at  one 
 glance,  and  almost  without  turning  the  head,  such 
 opposite  points  as  the  Lake  of  Galilee  and  the  Bay 
 of  Akka,  the  farthest  mountains  of  the  Hauran 
 and  the  long  ridge  of  Carmel,  the  ravine  of  the 
 Jabbok,  or  the  green  windings  of  Jordan,  and  the 
 sand-hills  of  Jatla.  6.  The  highland  district,  thus 
 surrounded  and  intersected  by  its  broad  lowland 
 plains,  preserves  fiora  north  to  south  a  remarkably 
 even  and  horizontal  profile.  Its  average  height 
 may  be  taken  as  1500  to  1800  feet  above  the  Medi- 
 terranean. It  can  hardly  be  denominated  a  plateau, 
 yet  so  evenly  is  the  general  level  preserved,  and  so 
 thickly  do  the  hills  stand  behind  and  between  one 
 another,  that,  when  seen  from  the  coast  or  the 
 western  part  of  the  maritime  plain,  it  has  q\iite 
 the  appearance  of  a  wall.  This  general  monotony 
 of  ]-)iotile  is,  however,  accentuated  at  intervals  by 
 certain  centres  of  elevation.  Between  these  ele- 
 vated points  runs  the  watershed  of  the  country, 
 sending  off  on  either  hand — to  the  Joidan  valley 
 on  the  east  and  the  Mediterranean  on  the  west — 
 the  long  tortuous  arms  of  its  many  toiTent  beds. 
 7.  The  valleys  on  the  two  sides  of  the  watershed 
 differ  considerably  in  character.  Those  on  the  east 
 are  extremely  steep  and  rugged.  This  is  the  case 
 during  the  whole  length  of  the  southern  and  middle 
 portions  of  the  country.  It  is  only  when  the  junc- 
 tion between  the  Plain  of  Esdraelon  and  the  Jordan 
 Valley  is  reached,  that  the  slopes  become  gradual 
 and  the  ground  tit  for  the  manoeuvres  of  anything 
 but  detached  bodies  of  foot  soldiers.  But,  rugged 
 and  difficult  as  they  are,  they  form  the  only  access 
 to  the  upper  country  from  this  side,  and  every  man 
 or  body  of  men  who  reached  the  territory  of  Judah, 
 Benjamin,  or  Ephraim,  from  the  Jordan  Valley, 
 must  have  climbed  one  or  other  of  them.  8.  The 
 western  vallevs  are  more  gi'adual  in  their  slope. 
 The  level  of  the  external  plain  on  this  side  is  higher, 
 and  therefore  the  fall  less,  while  at  the  same  time 
 the  distance  to  be  traversed  is  much  greater.  Here 
 again  the  valleys  are  the  only  means  of  communica- 
 tion between  the  lowland  and  the  highland.  From 
 Jaffa  and  the  cential  part  of  the  plain  there  are  two 
 of  these  roads  "  going  up  to  Jerusalem  " :  the  one 
 to  the  right  by  Eamleh  and  the  Wady  Al;/ :  the 
 other  to  the  left  by  Lydda,  and  thence  by  the 
 Bethhorons,  or  the  Wady  Suleiman,  and  Gibeou. 
 The  former  of  these  is  modern,  but  the  latter  is 
 the  scene  of  many  a  famous  incident  in  the  ancient 
 history.  9.  Further  south,  the  communications 
 between  the  mountains  of  Judah  and  the  lowland 
 of  Philistia  are  hitherto  comparatively  unexplored. 
 They  were  doubtless  the  scene  of  many  a  foray 
 and  repulse  during  the  lifetime  of  .Samson  and  the 
 straggles  of  the  Danites,  but  there  is  no  record 
 of  their  having  been  used  for  the  passage  of  any 
 important  force  either  in  ancient  or  modern  times. 
 Xorth  of  Jaffa  the  passes  are  few.     These  western 
 
 PALESTINE 
 
 069 
 
 valleys,  though  easier  than  those  on  the  eastern  side, 
 are  of  such  a  nature  as  to  present  great  difficulties 
 to  the  passage  of  any  large  force  encumbered  by 
 basrgage.  In  fact  these  mountain  passes  really 
 formed  the  security  of  Israel.  The  armies  of  Egypt 
 and  Assyria,  as  t'hey  traced  and  retraced  their  path 
 between  Pelusium  and  Carchemish,  must  have 
 looked  at  the  long  wall  of  heights  which  closed  in 
 the  broad  level  roadway  they  were  pursuing,  as 
 belonging  to  a  country  with  which  they  had  no 
 concern.  It  was  to  them  a  natural  mountain  fast- 
 ness, the  approach  to  which  was  beset  with  diffi- 
 culties, while  its  bare  and  soilless  hills  were  hardly 
 woith  the  trouble  of  conquering,  in  comparison 
 with  the  rich  green  plains  of  the  Euphrates  and  the 
 iS'ile,  or  even  with  the  boundless  cornfield  through 
 which  they  were  marching.  In  the  later  days  of 
 the  Jewish  nation,  and  during  the  Crusades,  Jeru- 
 salem became  the  great  object  of  contest;  and  then 
 the  battlefield  of  the  country,  which  had  originally 
 been  Esdraelon,  was  transferred  to  the  maritime 
 plain  at  the  foot  of  the  passes  conmnmicating  most 
 directly  with  the  capital.  10.  When  the  highlands 
 of  the  countrv  are  more  closely  examined,  a  con- 
 siderable difference  will  be  found  to  exist  in  the 
 natural  condition  and  appearance  of  their  different 
 portions.  The  south,  as  being  nearer  the  arid 
 desert,  and  farther  removed  from  the  drainage  of 
 the  mountains,  is  drier  and  less  productive  than 
 the  north.  The  tract  below  Hebron,  which  forms 
 the  link  between  the  hills  of  Judah  and  the  desert, 
 was  known  to  the  ancient  Hebrews  by  a  term  ori- 
 ginally derived  from  its  dryness  (Negeb),  This 
 was  THE  SOUTH  country.  As  the  traveller  ad- 
 vances north  of  this  tract  there  is  an  im]irovement ; 
 but  perhaps  no  country  equally  cultivated  is  more 
 monotonous,  bare,  or  uninviting  in  its  aspect,  than  a 
 great  part  of  the  highlands  ot  Judah  and  Benjamin 
 during  the  largest  portion  of  the  year.  The  spring 
 covers  even  those  bald  grey  rocks  with  verdure  and 
 colour,  and  fills  the  ravines  with  torrents  of  rushing 
 water ;  but  in  summer  and  autumn  the  look  of  the 
 coinitry  from  Hebron  up  to  Bethel  is  very  dreary 
 and  desolate.  Rounded  hills  of  moderate  height 
 fill  up  the  view  on  every  side,  their  coarse  grey 
 stone  continually  discovering  itself  through  the  thin 
 coating  of  soil.  The  vallevs  of  denudation  which 
 divide  these  monotonous  hills  are  also  jilanted  with 
 Hgs  or  olives,  but  oftener  cultivated  with  corn  or 
 donrra,  the  long  reedlike  stalks  of  which  remain  on 
 the  stony  ground  till  the  next  seed-time,  and  give 
 a  singularlv  dry  and  slovenly  look  to  the  fields. 
 The  general  absence  of  fences  in  the  valleys  does  not 
 render  them  less  desolate  to  an  English  eye  ;  and 
 where  a  fence  is  now  and  then  encountered,  it  is 
 either  a  stone  wall  trodden  down  and  dilapidated,  or 
 a  hedge  of  the  prickly-pear  cactus,  gaunt,  irregular, 
 and  ugly,  without  being  picturesque.  Even  the 
 grey  villages — always  on  the  top  or  near  the  top  of 
 the  hills — do  but  add  to  the  dreariness  of  the  scene 
 by  the  forlorn  look  which  their  flat  roofs  and  ab- 
 sence of  windows  present  to  a  European  eye,  and 
 by  the  poverty  and  ruin  so  universal  among  them. 
 At  Jerusalem  this  reaches  its  climax.  To  the  west 
 and  north-west  of  the  highlands,  where  the  sea- 
 breezes  are  felt,  there  is  considerably  more  veo^eta- 
 tion.  11.  Hitherto  we  have  spoken  of  the  central 
 and  northern  portions  of  Judaea.  Its  eastern  por- 
 tion— a  tract  some  9  or  10  miles  in  width  by  about 
 35  in  length — vk-hich  intervenes  between  the  centre 
 and  the  abrupt  descent  to  the  Dead  Sea,  is  far  moi-e 
 
670 
 
 PALESTINE 
 
 wil.l  aiiJ  desolate,  :\u,\  tli.it  not  for  a  portion  of  the 
 3-ear  only,  but  thious.;liout  it.  This  must  have  been 
 always  what  it  is  now — an  uninhabited  desert,  be- 
 cause uninhaliitable.  12.  No  descriptive  sketch  of 
 this  part  of  the  country  can  be  complete  which 
 does  not  allude  to  the  caverns,  characteristic  of  all 
 limestone  districts,  but  here  cvistinsj  in  astonishing 
 numbers.  Kvery  hill  and  ravine  is  pierced  with 
 them,  some  very  large  and  of  curious  fonnation — 
 perhaps  jvirtly  natural,  partly  artificial — others 
 mere  grottos.  Many  of  them  are  connected  with 
 most  important  and  interesting  events  of  the  an- 
 cient history  of  the  country.  Especially  is  this  true 
 of  the  district  now  undei'  consideration.  13.  The 
 bareness  and  dryness  which  prevail  more  or  less 
 in  .Jud.iea  are  owing  pai'tly  to  the  absence  of  wood, 
 partly  to  its  jiioximity  to  the  desert,  and  partly  to 
 a  saucity  of  water,  arising  from  its  distance  from 
 the  Lebanon.  14.  But  to  this  discouraging  aspect 
 there  are  happily  some  impoitant  e.xceptions.  The 
 valley  of  Urtiis.  south  of  Bethlehem,  contains 
 springs  which  in  abundance  and  excellence  rival  even 
 those  of  Xahlus;  the  huge  "Pools  of  Solomon" 
 are  enough  to  supply  a  district  for  many  miles  round 
 them ;  and  the  cultivation  now  going  on  in  that 
 neighbourhood  shows  wiiat  might  be  done  with  a 
 soil  wliich  requires  only  irrigation  and  a  moderate 
 amount  of  labour  to  evoke  a  boundless  produce. 
 15.  It  is  obvious  that  in  the  ancient  days  of  the 
 nation,  wlien  Judah  and  Benjamin  possessed  the 
 teeming  population  indicated  in  the  Bible,  the  con- 
 dition and  aspect  of  the  country  must  have  been 
 very  dilierent.  Of  this  there  are  not  wanting  suie 
 evidences.  There  is  no  country  in  which  the  ruined 
 towns  bear  so  large  a  proportion  to  those  still  ex- 
 isting. Hardly  a  hill-top  of  the  many  within  sight 
 that  is  not  coveied  with  vestiges  of  .some  fortress 
 or  city.  But,  besides  this,  forests  appear  to  have 
 stood  in  many  jwrts  of  Judaea  until  the  repeated 
 iuva-ions  and  sieges  caused  their  fall  ;  and  all  this 
 vegetiition  must  have  reacted  on  the  moisture  of  the 
 climate,  and,  by  preserving  the  water  in  many  a 
 ravine  and  n.itural  re-servoir  where  now  it  is  rapidiv 
 <lried  by  the  fierce  sun  of  the  early  summer,  must 
 have  intluenced  mateiially  the  look  and  the  resources 
 of  the  country.  16.  Advancing  northwards  from 
 Juilaea  the  country  becomes  giadually  more  open 
 and  pleasant.  Plains  of  good  soil  occur  between 
 the  hills,  at  tirst  small,  but  afterwards  compaia- 
 tively  large.  The  hills  assume  here  a  more  varied 
 aspect  than  in  the  southern  districts,  springs  are 
 more  abundant  and  more  permanent,  until  at  last, 
 wlieu  the  district  of  JcUl  Nubtus  is  reached — tlie 
 ancient  Mount  Ephraim  -  the  traveller  encounters 
 an  atmosphere  and  :\n  aniouut  of  vegetation  and 
 water  which,  if  not  so  tran.scendcntly  lovely  as  the 
 representiitions  of  enthusiastic  travellers  would 
 make  it,  is  yet  greatly  superior  to  anything  ho  has 
 met  with  in  .Judaea,  .and  even  sullicient  to  recall 
 much  of  the  sceneiy  of  the  West.  17.  Perhaps 
 the  springs  are  the  only  objects  which  in  them- 
 selves, and  apart  from  their  associations,  really 
 strike  an  English  traveller  with  astonishment  and 
 admiration.  .Such  glorious  fountains  as  those  of 
 Ain-jdlud  or  the  lias  el-Mukdtta,  where  n  gi-e:it 
 body  of  the  clearest  water  wells  silently  but  swiflly 
 out  from  deep  blue  recesses  worn  in  the  foot  of  a 
 low  clirt'of  linie.stone  rock,  and  at  once  forms  a  con- 
 siderable stream — arc  veiy  rarely  to  be  met  with 
 out  of  irregidar,  rocky,  mountainous  countries,  and 
 being  such  unusual  sights  cm  hanlly  be  looked  on 
 
 PALESTINE 
 
 bj'  the  traveller  without  surprise  and  emotion. 
 But,  added  to  this  their  natural  inipressiveoess, 
 there  is  the  consideration  of  the  prominent  part 
 which  so  many  of  these  springs  have  played  in  the 
 history.  18.  The  valleys  which  lead  down  from 
 the  uj)per  level  in  this  di.strict  to  the  valley  of  the 
 Jordan,  are  less  piecipitous,  because  the  level  from 
 which  they  start  in  their  descent  is  lower,  while 
 that  of  the  Jordan  valley  is  higher;  and  they  have 
 lost  that  savage  character  which  distinguishes  the 
 naked  clefts  of  the  VVadys  Swceinit  and  A'elt,  of 
 the  Ain-jidij  or  Zwreirah,  and  have  become  wider 
 and  shallower.  Fine  streams  run  through  many 
 of  these  valleys.  The  mount;iins,  though  bai'e  of 
 wood  and  but  partially  cultivated,  have  none  of  that 
 arid,  worn  look  which  rendeis  tliose  east  of  Hebron 
 so  repulsive.  1 9.  Hardly  less  lich  is  the  extensive 
 region  wiiich  lies  north-west  of  tlie  city  of  jN'a6/HS, 
 between  it  and  Carmel,  in  which  the  mountains 
 gradually  break  down  into  the  Plain  of  Sharon. 
 20.  But  with  all  its  richness,  and  all  its  advanec 
 on  the  southern  part  of  the  country,  there  is  a 
 strange  dearth  of  natural  wood  about  this  central 
 district.  Olive-tiees  are  indeed  to  be  found  every- 
 where, but  they  are  artificially  cultivated  for  their 
 fruit,  and  the  olive  is  not  a  tree  which  adds  to  the 
 look  of  a  lands(.'a{)e.  It  is  this  which  makes  the 
 wooded  sides  of  Carmel  and  the  parklike  scenery  of 
 the  adjacent  slopes  and  plains  so  remarkable.  21. 
 No  soonei-,  however,  is  the  Plain  of  Esdraelon 
 passed,  than  a  considerable  improvement  is  per- 
 ceptible. The  low  hills  which  spread  down  from 
 the  mountains  of  Galilee,  and  fi>rm  the  bari-ier 
 between  the  plains  of  Akka  and  Esdraelon,  .are  co- 
 vered with  timber,  of  moderate  size,  it  is  true,  but 
 of  thick  vigorous  growth,  and  pleasjint  to  the  eye. 
 Eastward  of  these  hills  rises  the  round  mass  of 
 Tabor,  dark  with  its  copses  of  oak,  and  set  off  by 
 contrast  with  the  bare  slopes  of  Jcbel  ed-D'ihy 
 (the  .so-railed  "  Little  Herinon")  and  the  white 
 hills  of  Niizareth.  North  of  T.abor  and  N.azjireth 
 is  the  plain  of  cl-lhitt<iiif,  an  u])laiid  tract  hitherto 
 very  imperfectly  described,  but  apparently  of  a 
 similar  natuie  to  Esdraelon,  though  much  more 
 elevated.  Beyond  this  the  amount  of  natural  growth 
 increases  at  every  step,  until  towaids  the  north  the 
 country  becomes  what  even  in  the  West  would  be 
 considered  as  well  timbered.  22.  The  notices  of 
 this  romantic  district  in  the  Bible  are  but  scanty; 
 in  tact  till  the  date  of  the  New  Testiuneut,  when  it 
 had  acquired  the  name  of  Galilee,  it  may  be  said, 
 for  all  purjioses  of  history,  to  be  hardly  mentioned. 
 In  the  great  Roman  conquest,  or  rjither  destruction, 
 of  Galilee,  which  preceded  the  fall  of  Jerusalem, 
 the  contest  penetrated  but  a  short  distaiu*  into  the 
 interior.  2;!.  From  the  present  appeaiance  of  this 
 district  we  may,  with  .some  allowances,  jierhaps  gain 
 an  idea  of  what  the  more  southern  poitions  of  the 
 cential  highlands  were  dining  the  e;irlier  })eriods  in 
 the  history.  There  is  little  materi.al  dillieience  in 
 the  n.itural  conditions  of  the  two  regions.  It  seems 
 fair  to  believe  that  the  liills  of  .Shechem,  Bethel, 
 and  Hebron,  when  .\bram  first  wandered  over  them, 
 were  not  very  inferior  to  those  of  the  Bclad  Be- 
 s/iaraJi  or  the  Bclud  el-Uuttaiif,  24.  The  causes 
 of  the  present  baiene.ss  of  the  face  of  the  country 
 are  two,  which  irnleed  can  hardly  be  sejxirateil.  The 
 lii-st  is  the  destruction  of  the  timber  in  that  long  series 
 of  sieges  and  inv.-usions  which  began  with  the  inva- 
 sion of  Shishak  (B.C.  circa  970)  .iml  has  not  yet 
 come  to  an  end.     The  second    is  the  decav   of  the 
 
PALESTINE 
 
 terraces  necessary  to  i-etain  the  soil  on  the  steep 
 slopes  of  the  round  hills.  25.  Few  things  are  a 
 more  constant  source  of  surprise  to  the  strangei'  in 
 the  Holy  Land  than  the  manner  in  which  the  hill 
 tops  are,  throughout,  selected  for  habitation.  A 
 town  in  a  valley  is  a  rare  exception.  On  the  other 
 hand  scarce  a  single  eminence  of  the  multitude 
 always  in  sight  but  is  crowned  with  its  city  or 
 village,  inhabited  or  in  ruins,  often  so  placed  as  if 
 not  accessibility  but  inaccessibility  had  been  the 
 object  of  its  builders.  And  indeed  such  was  their 
 object.  These  gioups  of  naked  forlorn  structures 
 piled  irregularly  one  over  the  other  on  the  curve  of 
 the  hill-top,  are  the  lineal  descendants,  if  indeed 
 they  do  not  sometimes  contain  the  actual  remains, 
 of  the  "fenced  cities,  great  and  walled  up  to  hea- 
 ven," which  are  so  frequently  mentioned  in  the 
 records  of  the  Israelite  conquest.  26.  These  hill- 
 towns  were  not  what  gave  the  Israelites  their  main 
 difficulty  in  the  occupation  of  the  country.  Where- 
 ever  strength  of  arm  and  fleetness  of  foot  availed, 
 thei-e  those  hardy  warriors,  fierce  as  lions,  sudden 
 and  swift  as  eagles,  sure-footed  and  fleet  as  the  wild 
 deer  on  the  hills  (1  Chr.  xii.  8;  2  Sam.  i.  23,  ii. 
 18),  easily  conquered.  It  was  in  the  plains,  wheie 
 the  hoi'ses  and  chariots  of  the  Canaanites  and  Phi- 
 listines had  space  to  manoeuvre,  that  they  failed  in 
 dislodging  the  aborigines.  Thus  in  this  case  the 
 ordinary  conditions  of  conquest  were  reversed — the 
 conquerors  took  the  hills,  the  conquered  kept  the 
 plains.  To  a  people  so  exclusive  as  the  Jews  there 
 must  have  been  a  constant  satisfaction  in  the  eleva- 
 tion and  inaccessibility  of  their  highland  regions. 
 This  is  evident  in  every  page  of  their  literature, 
 which  is  tinged  throughout  with  a  highland  colour- 
 ing. 27.  But  the  hills  were  occupied  by  other 
 edifices  besides  the  "  fenced  cities."  The  tiny  white 
 domes  which  stand  perched  here  and  there  on  the 
 summits  of  the  eminences,  and  mark  the  holy 
 ground  in  which  some  Mahometan  saint  is  resting — 
 these  are  the  successors  of  the  "high  places"  or 
 sanctuaries  so  constantly  denounced  by  the  prophets, 
 and  which  weie  set  up  "  on  every  high  hill  and 
 under  every  green  tree"  (Jer.  ii.  20  ;  Ez.  vi.  13). 
 28.  From  tlie  mountainous  structure  of  the  Holy 
 Land  and  the  extraordinary" variations  in  the  level 
 of  its  different  districts,  arises  a  further  pe(;uliarity 
 most  interesting  and  most  characteristic — namely, 
 tlie  extensive  views  of  the  country  which  can  be 
 obtained  from  various  commanding  points.  The 
 number  oi panoramas  which  present  themselves  to 
 the  tiaveller  in  Palestine  is  truly  remarkable.  To 
 speak  of  the  west  of  Joidan  only,  for  east  of  it  all  is 
 at  present  more  or  less  unknown — the  prospects  fiom 
 the  height  of  Beni  naiin,  near  Hebron,  from  the 
 Mount  of  Olives,  from  Neby  Samwil,  from  Bethel, 
 from  Gerizim  or  Ebal,  from  Jenin,  Carmel,  Tabor, 
 Safed,  the  Castle  of  Banias,  the  Kuhbet  en  Nasr 
 above  Dama.'scus — are  known  to  many  travellers. 
 Their  peculiar  charm  resides  in  their  wide  extent, 
 the  number  of  spots  historically  remarkable  which 
 are  visible  at  once,  the  limpid  clearness  of  the  air, 
 which  brings  the  most  distant  objects  comparatively 
 close,  and  the  consideration  that  in  many  cases  the 
 feet  must  be  standing  on  the  same  ground,  and  the 
 eyes  resting  on  the  same  spots  which  have  been 
 stood  upon  and  gazed  at  by  the  most  famous  jia- 
 triarchs,  prophets,  and  heroes,  of  all  the  successive 
 ages  in  the  eventful  history  of  the  country.  These 
 views  are  a  feature  in  which  Palestine  is  perhaps 
 approached  by  no  other  country,  certainly   by  no 
 
 PALESTINE 
 
 671 
 
 country  whose  history  is  at  all  equal  in  importance 
 to  the  world.  29.  A  kw  words  must  be  said  in 
 general  description  of  the  maritime  lowland,  which 
 intervenes  between  the  sea  and  the  highlands,  and 
 of  which  detailed  accounts  will  be  found  under  the 
 heads  of  its  great  divisions.  This  region,  only 
 slightly  elevated  above  the  level  of  the  Mediterra- 
 nean, extends  without  interruption  from  el-Ansh, 
 south  of  Gaza,  to  Mount  Carmel.  It  naturally 
 divides  itself  into  two  portions,  each  of  about  half 
 its  length : — the  lower  one  the  wider ;  the  upper 
 one  the  narrower.  The  lower  half  is  the  Plain  of 
 the  Philistines — Philistia,  or,  as  the  Hebrews  called 
 it,  the  Shefelah  or  Lowland.  The  upper  half  is  the 
 Sharon  or  Saron  of  the  Old  .ind  New  Testaments, 
 the  "Forest  country "  of  Josephus  and  the  LXX. 
 Viewed  from  the  sea  this  maritime  region  appears 
 as  a  long  low  coast  of  white  or  cream-coloured  sand, 
 its  slight  undulations  rising  occasionally  into  mounds 
 or  cliff's,  which  in  one  or  two  places,  such  as  Jaffa 
 and  Um  khalid,  almost  aspire  to  the  dignity  of 
 headlands.  30.  Such  is  its  appearance  from  with- 
 out. But  from  within,  when  traversed,  or  over- 
 looked from  some  point  on  those  blue  hills,  the 
 prospect  is  very  different.  The  Philistine  Plain  is 
 on  an  average  fifteen  or  sixteen  miles  in  width  from 
 the  coast  to  the  first  beginning  of  the  belt  of  hills, 
 which  forms  the  gradual  approach  to  the  highland 
 of  the  mountains  of  .ludah.  The  Plain  is  in  many 
 parts  almost  a  dead  level,  in  others  gently  undul- 
 ating in  long  waves ;  here  and  there  low  mounds 
 or  hillocks,  each  crowned  with  its  village,  and  more 
 rarely  still  a  hill  overtopping  the  rest,  like  Tell 
 es-Safieh  or  Ajlun,  the  seat  of  some  fortress  of 
 Jewish  or  Crusading  times.  The  larger  towns,  as 
 Gaza  and  Ashdod,  which  stand  near  the  shore,  are 
 surrounded  with  huge  groves  of  olive,  sycamore, 
 and  palm,  as  in  the  days  of  King  David  (1  Chr. 
 xxvii.  28).  The  whole  plain  appears  to  consist  of 
 brown  loamy  soil,  light,  but  rich,  and  almost  with- 
 out a  stone.  It  is  to  this  absence  of  stone  that  the 
 disappearance  of  its  ancient  towns  and  villages  is  to 
 be  traced.  It  is  now,  as  it  was  when  the  Philistines 
 possessed  it,  one  enormous  cornfield ;  an  ocean  of 
 wheat  covers  the  wide  expanse  between  the  hills 
 and  the  sand  dunes  of  the  sea-shore,  without  inter- 
 ruption of  any  kind — no  break  or  hedge,  hardly 
 even  a  single  olive-tree.  Its  fertility  is  marvellous; 
 for  the  prodigious  crops  which  it  raises  are  pro- 
 duced, and  probably  have  been  produced  almost 
 year  by  year  for  the  last  40  centuries,  without  any 
 of  the  appliances  which  we  find  necessary  for  success. 
 31.  The  Plain  of  Sharon  is  much  narrower  than 
 Philistia.  It  is  about  ten  miles  wide  from  the  sea 
 to  the  foot  of  the  mountains,  which  are  here  of  a 
 more  abrupt  character  than  those  of  Philistia,  and 
 without  the  intermediate  hilly  region  there  occur- 
 ring. At  the  same  time  it  is  more  undulating  and 
 in-egular  than  the  former,  and  crossed  by  streams 
 from  the  central  hills,  some  of  them  of  considerable 
 size,  and  containing  water  during  the  whole  year. 
 The  soil  is  extremely  rich,  varying  from  bright  red 
 to  deep  black,  and  producing  enormous  crops  of 
 weeds  or  grain,  as  the  case  may  be.  32.  The  ti-act 
 of  white  sand  already  mentioned  as  forming  the 
 shore  line  of  the  whole  coast,  is  gradually  encroach- 
 ing on  this  magnificent  region.  In  the  south  it 
 has  buried  Askelon,  and  in  the  north  between  Cae- 
 sarea  and  Jaffa  the  dunes  are  said  to  be  as  much  as 
 three  miles  wide  and  300  feet  high.  It  is  probable 
 that  the  Jews  never  permanently  occupied    more 
 
672 
 
 PALESTINE 
 
 than  a  small  portion  of  this  rich  and  favonreJ  region. 
 Its  pnncii)al  towns  were,  it  is  tnie,  allotted  to  the 
 dilloient  tribes  (Josh.  xv.  45-47 ;  xvi.  3,  Gezer ; 
 xvii.  11,  Dor,  &c.) ;  but  this  was  in  anticipation 
 of  the  intendinl  conquest  (xiii.  3-6).  33.  In  the 
 lioman  times  this  region  wiis  considered  the  pride 
 of  the  countr}-,  and  some  of  the  most  inipoitant 
 cities  of  the  piovince  stood  in  it — Caesarea,  Anti- 
 patris,  Diospolis.  The  one  ancient  port  of  the  Jews, 
 the  "beautiful"  city  of  Jo]ipa,  occupied  a  position 
 central  between  the  Shefelah  and  Sharon.  Roads 
 led  from  these  various  cities  to  each  other,  to  Jeiu- 
 salem,  Neajiolis,  and  Sebaste  in  the  interior,  and  to 
 Ptolemais  and  Gaza  on  the  north  and  south.  The 
 commeice  of  Damascus,  and,  beyond  Damascus,  of 
 Persia  and  India,  passed  this  way  to  Kgypt,  Rome, 
 and  the  infant  colonies  of  the  west;  and  that  traffic 
 wid  the  constant  movement  of  tioops  backwards  and 
 forwards  must  have  made  this  plain  one  of  the 
 busiest  and  most  populous  regions  of  Syria  at  the 
 time  of  Christ.  34.  The  chaiacteristics  already 
 described  are  hardly  peculiar  to  Palestine.  Her 
 hilly  surface  and  general  lieight,  her  rocky  ground 
 and  thin  soil,  her  torrent  beds  wide  and  dry  for  the 
 greater  part  of  the  year,  even  her  belt  of  niaiitime 
 lowland — these  she  shares  with  other  lands,  though 
 it  woald  perhaps  be  ditiicult  to  find  them  united 
 elsewhere.  But  there  is  one  feature,  as  yet  only 
 alluded  to,  in  which  she  stands  alone.  This  feature 
 is  the  Jordan — the  one  River  of  the  country.  35. 
 ProjHjrly  to  comprehend  this,  we  must  c<»st  our 
 eves  for  a  few  moments  north  and  south,  outside 
 the  nanow  I'mits  of  the  Holy  Land.  From  north 
 to  south — from  Antioch  to  Akaba  at  the  tip  of  the 
 eastern  horn  of  the  lied  Sea,  Syiia  is  cleft  by  a  deep 
 and  narrow  trench  running  parallel  with  the  coast 
 of  the  Mediterranean,  and  dividing,  as  if  by  a  fosse 
 or  ditch,  the  central  range  of  maritime  highlands 
 from  those  further  east.  At  two  points  only  in  its 
 length  is  the  trench  intcnupted  : — by  the  range  of 
 Lebanon  and  Hermon,  and  by  the  high  ground 
 south  of  the  Dead  Sea.  Of  the  three  comp.artments 
 thus  formed,  the  northern  is  the  valley  of  the 
 Orontes ;  the  southern  is  the  W^idy  el-Arabah ; 
 while  the  cential  one  is  the  valley  of  the  Jordan, 
 the  Arabah  of  the  Hebrews,  the  Aulon  of  the 
 Greeks,  and  the  Ghor  of  the  Arabs.  The  central 
 of  its  three  divisions  is  the  only  one  with  which  we 
 have  at  present  to  do.  The  river  is  elsewhere  de- 
 scribed in  detail ;  but  it  and  the  valley  through 
 which  it  rushes  down  its  extraoidinary  descent — 
 must  be  here  briefly  characterized.  36.  To  speak 
 til-it  of  the  Valley.  It  begins  with  the  river  at  its 
 reyiofest  springs  of  Hasbeiya  on  the  N.W.  side  of 
 Heimon,  and  accompanies  it  to  the  lower  end  of  the 
 Dead  Sea,  a  length  of  about  150  miles.  During 
 the  wnole  of  this  distance  its  course  is  straight,  and 
 its  direction  nearly  due  north  and  south.  The 
 sjM-ings  of  Hasbeiya  aie  1700  feet  above  the  level 
 of  the  Mediterranean,  and  the  noithern  end  of  the 
 De.ad  Sea  is  1317  feet  below  it,  so  that  between 
 these  two  points  the  valley  falls  with  more  or  less 
 regularity  through  a  height  of  more  than  3000  feet. 
 But  though  the  river  di.sip])ears  at  this  jioint,  the 
 vnllc]!  still  continues  its  descent  below  the  waters 
 of  the  Dead  Sea  till  it  reaches  a  further  depth  of 
 1 308  feet.  So  that  the  bottom  of  this  extraordinary 
 Ci'ev:Ls.sc  is  actually  more  than  "JtJOO  feet  below  the 
 sui-face  of  the  ocean.  37.  In  width  the  valley 
 varies.  In  it.s  upper  and  shallower  portion,  as 
 between  li;inias  and  the  hike  o(  Hflleh,  it  is  about 
 
 PALESTINE 
 
 five  miles  across.  Between  the  Hule.  and  .he  Soa 
 of  Galilee,  as  far  as  we  have  any  inlbrmation,  it 
 contracts,  and  becomes  more  of  an  oi-dinary  ravine 
 or  glen.  It  is  in  its  third  and  lower  portion  that 
 the  valley  assumes  its  more  definite  and  regular 
 character.  During  the  greater  part  of  this  portion, 
 it  is  about  seven  miles  wide  ti'om  the  one  wall  to 
 the  other.  The  eastern  mountains  preserve  their 
 straight  line  of  direction,  and  their  massive  hori- 
 zontal wall-like  aspect,  during  almost  the  whole 
 distance.  The  western  mountains  are  more  irregular 
 in  height,  their  slopes  less  vertical.  Is'orth  of  Je- 
 richo they  leoede  in  a  kind  of  wide  amphitheatre, 
 and  the  valley  becomes  twelve  miles  broad,  a  breadth 
 which  it  thenceforward  letains  to  the  southern  ex- 
 tremity of  the  Dead  Sea.  38.  Buried  as  it  is 
 between  such  lofty  ranges,  and  shielded  from  eveiy 
 biecze,  the  climate  of  the  Jordan  valley  is  extremely 
 hot  and  relaxing.  Its  enervating  influence  is  shown 
 by  the  inhabitants  of  Jericho.  Whether  there  was 
 any  great  amount  of  cultivation  and  habitation  in 
 this  region  in  the  times  of  the  Israelites  the  Bible 
 does  not  say;  but  in  jwst-biblical  times  there  is 
 no  doubt  on  the  point.  The  palms  of  Jericho,  and 
 of  Abila  (opposite  Jericho  on  the  other  side  of  the 
 river),  and  the  extensive  balsam  and  rose  gardens 
 of  the  former  place,  are  spoken  of  by  Josephus, 
 who  calls  the  whole  district  a  "  divine  spot."  39. 
 All  the  irrigation  necessaiy  for  the  towns,  or  for 
 the  cultivation  which  formerly  existed,  or  still 
 exists,  in  the  Gltdr,  is  obtained  from  the  torrents 
 and  sjirings  of  the  western  mountains.  For  all 
 purposes  to  which  a  river  is  ordinarily  applied,  the 
 Jordan  is  useless.  Alike  useless  for  irrigation  and 
 navigation,  it  is  in  fact,  what  its  Arabic  name  sig- 
 nifies, nothing  but  a  '-great  watering  place."  40. 
 But  though  the  Jordan  is  so  unlike  a  river  in  the 
 Western  sense  of  the  term,  it  is  far  less  so  than  the 
 other  streams  of  the  Holy  Land.  It  is  at  least 
 perennial,  while,  with  few  excei>tions,  they  aie  mere 
 winter  torrents,  rushing  and  foaming  during  the 
 continuance  of  the  rain,  and  quickly  drying  up  after 
 the  commencement  of  summer.  For  fully  half  the 
 vear,  these  "  rivers  "  or  "  brooks,"  are  often  mere 
 dry  lanes  of  hot  white  or  grey  stones.  41.  How 
 far  the  Valley  of  the  Jordan  was  enii>loyed  by  the 
 ancient  inhabitants  of  the  Holy  Land  as  a  m«iium 
 of  communication  between  the  northern  and  southern 
 parts  of  the  country  we  can  only  conjecture.  The 
 ancient  notices  of  this  route  are  very  scanty.  (1.) 
 From  2  Chr.  xxviii.  15,  we  find  that  the  captives 
 taken  from  Judah  by  the  army  of  the  northern 
 kingdom  were  sent  ba(^k  from  Samaria  to  Jerusalem 
 by  way  of  Jericho.  It  would  seem,  however,  to 
 have  been  the  usual  road  from  the  north  to  Jeru- 
 salem (comp.  Luke  xvii.  11  with  xix.  1).  ('2.) 
 Pom])iy  brought  his  army  and  siege-trjiin  from  Da- 
 mascus to  Jerusalem  (H.C.  40 1,  past  Scythoiwlis 
 luid  I'ella,  to  Jericho.  (3.)  Vesp;u-ian  marche<l  from 
 Emmaus,  on  the  edge  of  the  i)iain  of  Sharon,  not 
 far  east  of  Ramkh,  past  Neaix)lis  {Nabliis),  down  to 
 Koreae,  and  thence  to  Jericho.  (4.)  .^lltoninus 
 Martyr  (cir.  A.D.  600),  and  possibly  WiUibald 
 (A.I).  7JJ)  followed  this  route  to  Jerusalem.  (5.) 
 Baldwin  1.  is  s;iid  to  have  journeyed  fiom  Jericho 
 to  Tiberias  with  a  caravan  of  ])ilgiims.  (6.)  In 
 our  own  times  the  whole  length  of  the  valley  has 
 been  tiaversed  >iy  De  Bertou,  :uul  by  Dr.  Aiidei-soii, 
 but  a]>parently  by  few  if  any  other  travellei-s. 
 42.  Monotonous  and  uninviting  as  much  of  the 
 Holy  Land  will  ajijiear  from  the  above  description 
 
8  to 
 
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 DlIS 
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PALESTINE 
 
 to  English  readers,  n  ecus  torn  ed  to  the  constant  ver- 
 dure, the  succession  of  Howers,  lasting  almost 
 throajrhoiit  the  year,  the  ample  streams  and  the 
 varied  suiface  ot'  our  own  country — we  must  re- 
 member that  its  aspect  to  the  Israelites  after  that 
 weary  march  of  fortv  years  throngh  the  desert,  and 
 even  by  the  side  of  the  brightest  recollections  of 
 Egypt  that  they  could  conjure  up,  must  have  been 
 very  different.  They  entered  the  country  at  the 
 time  of  the  Passover,  when  it  was  arrayed  in  the 
 full  glory  and  freshness  of  its  brief  springtide, 
 before  the  scorching  sun  of  summer  had  had  time  to 
 withei-  its  flowers  and  embrown  its  verdure.  Taking 
 all  these  circumstances  into  account,  and  allowing 
 for  the  bold  mefciphors  of  oriental  speech,  it  is  im- 
 possible not  to  feel  that  those  wayworn  travellers 
 could  have  chosen  no  fitter  words  to  e.xpress  what 
 their  new  country  was  to  them  than  those  which 
 they  so  often  employ  in  the  accounts  of  the  con- 
 quest— "  a  land  flowing  with  milk  and  honey,  the 
 glory  of  all  lands."  43.  Again,  the  variations  of 
 the  seasons  may  appear  to  us  slight,  and  the  atmo- 
 sphere dry  and  hot;  but  atter  the  monotonous 
 climate  of  Egypt,  the  "  rain  of  heaven"  must  have 
 been  a  most  grateful  novelty  in  its  two  seasons,  the 
 former  and  the  latter — the  occasional  snow  and  ice 
 of  the  wintei-s  of  Palestine,  and  the  burst  of  return- 
 ing spring,  must  have  had  double  the  eii'ect  which 
 they  woidd  produce  on  those  accustomed  to  such 
 changes.  44.  The  contrast  with  Egypt  would  tell 
 also  in  another  way.  In  place  of  the  huge  ever- 
 flowing  river  whose  only  variation  was  from  low  to 
 high,  and  from  high  to  low  again,  they  were  to  find 
 themselves  in  a  land  of  constant  and  considerable 
 undulation,  where  the  water,  either  of  gushing 
 spiing,  or  deep  well,  or  flowing  stream,  could  he 
 piocured  at  the  most  varied  elevations,  requiring 
 only  to  be  judiciously  husbanded  and  skilfully  con- 
 ducted to  find  its  own  way  through  field  or  garden. 
 45.  It  will  be  seen  that,  beneath  the  apparent  mo- 
 notony, there  is  a  variety  in  the  Holy  Land  really 
 remarkable.  There  is  the  variety  due  to  the  differ- 
 ence of  level  between  the  ditferent  parts  of  the 
 country.  There  is  the  variety  of  climate  and  of 
 natural  appearances,  partly  from  the  proximity  of 
 the  snow-capped  Hermon  and  Lebanon  on  the  north 
 and  of  the  torrid  desert  on  the  south.  There  is  also 
 the  variety  which  is  inevitably  produced  by  the  pre- 
 sence of  the  sea — "  the  eternal  freshness  and  live- 
 liness of  ocean."  46.  Each  of  these  is  continually 
 reflected  in  the  Hebrew  literature.  The  contrast 
 between  the  highlands  and  lowlands  is  more  than 
 implied  in  the  habitual  forms  of  expression,  "  going 
 icp  "  to  Judah,  Jerusalem,  Hebron  ;  "  going  down" 
 to  Jeiicho,  Capernaum,  Lydda,  Caesarea,  Gaza,  and 
 Egypt.  More  than  this,  the  difference  is  marked 
 unmistakeably  in  the  topographical  terms  which  so 
 abound  in,  and  are  so  peculiar  to,  this  literature. 
 "  The  mountain  of  Judah,"  "  the  mountain  of 
 Israel,"  "  the  mountain  of  Naphtali,"  are  the  names 
 by  which  the  three  great  divisions  of  the  highlands 
 are  designated.  On  the  other  hand,  the  gi'eat  low- 
 land districts  have  each  their  peculiar  name.  47. 
 The  differences  in  climate  are  no  less  often  men- 
 tioned. The  Psalmists,  Prophets,  and  historical 
 Books,  are  full  of  allusions  to  the  fierce  heat  of  the 
 midday  sun  and  the  dryness  of  summer ;  no  less 
 than  to  the  various  accompaniments  of  winter. 
 Even  the  sharp  alternations  between  the  heat  of 
 the  days  and  the  coldness  of  the  nights,  which  strike 
 every  traveller  in  Palestine,  are  mentioned.  48.  In 
 Con.  D.  B, 
 
 PALESTINE 
 
 673 
 
 the  preceding  description  allusion  has  been  mule  t<j 
 many  of  the  characteristic  tieatures  of  the  Holy 
 Land.  But  it  is  impossible  to  close  this  account 
 without  mentioning  a  defect  which  is  even  more 
 characteristic — its  lack  of  monuineuts  and  personal 
 relics  of  the  nation  who  possessed  it  for  so  man}' 
 centuries,  and  gave  it  its  claim  to  our  veneration 
 and  affection.  When  compared  with  other  nations 
 of  equal  antiquity — Egypt,  Greere,  Assyiia — the 
 contrast  is  truly  remarkable.  In  Egypt  and  Greece, 
 and  also  in  Assyiia,  as  far  as  our  lci;owloilge  at 
 present  extends,  we  find  a  series  of  buildings,  leach- 
 ing  down  from  the  most  remote  and  mysterious 
 antiquity,  a  chain,  of  which  hardly  a  link  is  want- 
 ing, and  which  records  the  progress  of  the  people 
 in  civilisation,  art,  and  religion,  as  certaiidy  as  the 
 buildings  of  the  mediaeval  architects  do  that  of  the 
 various  nations  of  modein  Europe,  But  in  Pa- 
 lestine it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  there  does  not 
 exist  a  single  edifice,  or  part  of  an  edifice,  of  which 
 we  can  be  sure  that  it  is  of  a  date  anterior  to  the 
 Christian  era.  And  as  with  the  buildings  so  witli 
 other  memorials.  With  one  exception,  the  museums 
 of  Europe  do  not  possess  a  single  piece  of  pottery  or 
 metal  work,  a  single  weapon  or  household  utensil, 
 an  ornament  or  a  piece  of  armour,  of  Israelite  make, 
 which  can  give  us  the  least  conception  of  the  man- 
 ners or  outward  appliances  of  the  nation  before  the 
 date  of  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  Titus.  The 
 coins  form  the  single  exception.  The  buildings 
 already  mentioned  as  being  Jewish  in  character, 
 though  carried  out  with  foreign  details,  are  the 
 following: — The  tombs  of  the  Kings  and  of  the 
 Judges ;  the  buildings  known  as  the  tombs  of  Ab- 
 salom, Zechariah,  St.  James,  and  Jehoshaphat ;  the 
 monolith  at  Siloam ;  the  ruined  synagogues  at  Mei- 
 ron  and  Kefr  Birim.  But  there  are  two  edifices 
 which  seem  to  bear  a  character  of  their  own,  and  do 
 not  so  clearly  betray  the  style  of  the  West.  These 
 are,  the  enclosure  round  the  sacred  cave  at  Hebron  ; 
 and  portions  of  the  western,  southern,  and  eastern 
 walls  of  the  Haram  at  Jerusalem,  with  the  vaulted 
 passage  below  the  Aksa.  M.  Renan  has  named 
 two  circumstances  which  must  have  had  a  great 
 effect  in  suppressing  art  or  architecture  amongst 
 the  ancient  Israelites,  while  their  very  existence 
 proves  that  the  people  had  no  genius  in  that  direc- 
 tion. These  are  (1)  the  prohibition  of  sculptured 
 representations  of  living  creatures,  and  (2)  the  com- 
 mand not  to  build  a  temple  anywhere  but  at  Jeru- 
 salem.—The  Geology. — Of  the  geological  struc- 
 ture of  Palestine  it  has  been  said  with  truth  that 
 our  information  is  but  imperfect  and  indistinct,  and 
 that  much  time  must  elapse,  and  many  a  cherished 
 hypothesis  be  sacrificed,  before  a  satisfactory  explan- 
 ation can  be  arrived  at  of  its  more  lemarkable 
 phenomena.  1 .  The  main  sources  of  our  knowledge 
 are  (1)  the  observations  contained  in  the  Travels  of 
 Russegger,  an  Austrian  geologist  and  mining  en- 
 gineer who  visited  this  amongst  other  countries  of 
 the  East  in  1836-8;  (2)  the  Report  of  H.  J.  Ander- 
 son, M.D.,  an  American  geologist,  who  accompanied 
 Captain  Lynch  in  his  exploration  of  the  Jordan  and 
 the  Dead  Sea ;  and  (3)  the  Diary  of  Mr.  H.  Poole, 
 who  visited  Palestine  on  a  mission  for  the  British 
 government  in  1836.  None  of  these  contain  any- 
 thing approaching  a  comphste  investigation,  either 
 as  to  extent'or  to  detail  of  observations.  2.  From 
 the  reports  of  these  observers  it  appears  that 
 the  Holy  Land  is  a  much-disturbed  mountainous 
 tract  of  limestone  of  the  secondary  priod  Qjuras*ic 
 
 2  X 
 
674 
 
 PALESTINE 
 
 nnd  cretiicooiis)  ;  the  .southern  offshoot  of  the  chiiin 
 of  Lebanon  ;  elevated  consideiably  al>ove  the  sea 
 level ;  with  partial  interruptions  fioin  tertiary  and 
 basaltic  deposits.  It  is  part  of  a  vast  mass  of  liine- 
 stiine,  stretcluni;  in  every  direction  except  west,  far 
 beyond  the  limits  of  the  Holy  Land.  The  whole  of 
 Syria  is  cleft  from  north  to  south  by  a  stiaight  cre- 
 vasse of  moderate  width,  but  extending  in  the 
 southern  portion  of  its  centre  division  to  a  truly 
 remarliable  depth  i'26'i5  ft.)  below  the  sea  level. 
 This  crevasse,  which  contains  the  principal  water- 
 course of  the  country,  is  also  the  most  excejjtional 
 firatiire  of  its  ijeologv.  It  may  have  been  volcanic 
 in  its  origin  ;  the  result  of  an  upheaval  from  beneath, 
 which  has  tilted  the  limestone  back  on  each  side, 
 leaving  this  huge  split  in  the  strata  ;  the  volcanic 
 force  having  stoppeil  short  at  that  point  in  the 
 operation,  without  intruding  any  volranic  rocks  into 
 the  fissure.  Or  it  may  have  been  excavated  by  the 
 gradual  action  of  the  ocean  during  the  immense 
 periods  of  geological  operation.  Tlie  latter  ajipeais 
 to  be  the  opinion  of  Dr.  Anderson  ;  but  further  ex- 
 amination is  necessary  before  a  positive  opinion  can 
 be  pronounced.  3.  The  Limestone  consists  of  two 
 strata,  or  rather  groups  of  strata.  The  upper  one, 
 which  usually  meets  the  eye,  over  the  whole  country 
 f)om  Hebron  to  Hermon,  is  a  tolerably  solid  stime, 
 varying  in  colour  from  white  to  reddish  brown, 
 with  very  few  fossils,  inclining  to  crystalline  struc- 
 ture, and  abounding  in  caverns.  Its  general  surface 
 has  been  fonned  into  gently  rounded  hills,  separated 
 by  narrow  valleys  of  denudation  occasionally  spread- 
 ing into  small  plains.  4.  This  limestone  is  often  found 
 crowned  with  chalk,  rich  in  Hints,  the  remains  of  a 
 deposit  which  probably  once  covered  a  great  portion 
 of  the  country.  5.  Near  Jerusalem  the  mass  of  the 
 ordiuaiy  limestone  is  often  mingled  witii  large  boilies 
 of  dolomite  (magnesian  limestone).  It  is  notstratified. 
 G.  The  lower  stratum  is  in  two  divisions  or  series  of 
 beds — the  upper,  dusky  in  colour,  contorted  and  ca- 
 vernous like  that  just  described,  but  more  ferruginous 
 — the  lower  one  dark  grey,  compact  and  solid,  and 
 characterised  by  abundant  fossils  of  cm/kKs,  an  extinct 
 echinus,  the  spines  of  which  aie  the  well-known 
 "olives"  of  the  convents.  The  lower  formation 
 differs  entirely  in  character  from  the  upper.  Instead 
 of  smooth,  common[ilace,  swelling  outlines, every- 
 thing here  is  rugged,  pointed,  and  abrupt.  7.  After 
 the  limestone  had  received  the  general  forni  which 
 its  surface  still  retains,  but  at  a  time  far  anterior  to 
 any  historic  period,  it  was  pierced  and  broken  by 
 large  eruptions  of  lava  pushed  up  from  beneath, 
 which  has  broken  up  and  overfloweii  the  stratified 
 beds,  and  now  appears,  in  the  form  of  basalt  or  trap. 
 8,  On  the  west  of  Jordan  these  volcanic  rocks  have 
 been  hitherto  found  only  north  of  the  mountains  of 
 >amaria.  They  are  first  encountered  on  the  south- 
 western side  of  the  I'lain  of  Hsdraelon.  There  seem 
 to  have  been  two  wntres  of  eruption:  one,  and  that 
 the  most  ancient,  at  or  alx)ut  the  Ktirn  Ilattin  (the 
 traditional  Mount  of  Beatitudes),  whence  the  stream 
 (lowed  over  the  declivities  of  the  limestone  to- 
 wards the  lake.  'l"he  other — the  more  recent — 
 was  more  to  the  north,  in  the  neighbourhood 
 of  Safeil.  9.  The  volamic  action  which  in  pre- 
 liistoric  times  j)rojected  this  basalt,  has  left  its  later 
 traces  in  the  ancient  recoids  of  the  country,  and  is 
 even  still  active  in  the  I'orm  of  earthquakes.  The 
 locks  between  Jerusalem  and  Jericho  show  many 
 an  evidence  of  these  convulsions.  Two  earth- 
 quakes only  are  recorded  as  having  afTccted  Jeru- 
 
 PALESTINE 
 
 salem  itself— that  in  the  reign  of  Uzziah,  and  that 
 at  the  time  of  the  crucifixion,  when  "  the  rock.1 
 were  rent  and  the  rocky  tombs  torn  ojien  "  (Matt, 
 xxvii.  51).  10.  But  in  addition  to  earthquakes, 
 the  hot  salt  and  fetid  springs  which  are  found  at 
 Tiberias,  Callirhoe,  and  other  spots  along  the  valley 
 of  the  Jordan,  and  round  the  basins  of  its  lakes,  and 
 the  rock-salt,  nitre,  and  sulphur  of  the  Dead  ."^ 
 are  all  evidences  of  volcanic  or  plutonic  action. 
 11.  In  the  Jordan  Valley  the  b:\salt  is  frequently 
 encountered.  Here,  .as  before,  it  is  deposited  on 
 the  limestone,  which  forms  the  substratum  of  the 
 whole  country.  On  the  western  side  of  the  lower 
 Jordan  and  Dead  Sea  no  volcanic  fonnations  have 
 been  found.  12.  It  is  on  the  east  of  the  Jordan 
 that  the  most  extensive  and  remarkable  develop- 
 ments of  igneous  rocks  are  found.  Over  a  laVge 
 ])ortion  of  the  surf  ice  from  Damascus  to  the  lati- 
 tude of  the  south  of  the  Dead  Sea,  and  even  beyond 
 that,  they  occur  in  the  gi-e;itest  abundance  all  over 
 the  surface.  The  limestone,  however,  still  underlies 
 the  whole.  13.  The  tertiary  and  alluvial  beds  re- 
 main to  be  noticed.  These  are  chiefly  remarkable 
 in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Jordan,  as  forming  the 
 floor  of  the  valley,  and  as  existing  along  the  couree, 
 and  accumulated  at  the  mouths,  of  the  torrents  which 
 deliver  their  tributary  streams  into  the  river,  and 
 into  the  still  deeper  caldron  of  the  Dead  Sea.  14. 
 The  floor  of  the  Jordan  Valley  is  descnbed  by  Dr. 
 Anderson  as  exhiljiting  throughout  more  or  less  dis- 
 tinctly the  traces  of  two  independent  terraces.  The 
 upper  one  is  much  the  broader  of  the  two.  It  ex- 
 tends back  to  the  face  of  the  limestone  mountains 
 whii;h  form  the  walls  of  the  valley  on  east  and  west. 
 Below  this,  varying  in  depth  from  50  to  150  feet, 
 is  the  second  terrace,  which  re;iches  to  the  channel 
 of  the  Jordan,  and,  in  Dr.  Anderson's  opinion, 
 h;is  been  excavated  by  the  river  itself  before  it  had 
 shrunk  to  its  present  limits,  when  it  tilled  the  whole 
 space  between  the  eastern  and  western  faces  of  the 
 upper  terrace.  The  inner  side  of  both  upper  and 
 lower  terraces  is  furroweil  out  into  conical  knolls, 
 by  the  torrents  of  the  rains  descending  to  the  lower 
 level.  All  along  the  channel  of  the  liver  are  found 
 mounds  and  low  clitTs  of  conglomerates,  and  breccias 
 of  various  ages,  and  more  various  composition.  15. 
 Round  the  margin  of  the  De;ul  Sea  the  tertiary  lieds 
 assume  larger  and  more  in)])ort.ant  proportions  than 
 by  the  course  of  the  river.  The  marls,  gypsites, 
 and  conglomerates  continue  along  the  base  of  the 
 western  cliff  as  far  as  the  Wady  Sebbeh,  where  they 
 attain  their  greatest  development.  South  of  this 
 they  form  a  sterile  waste  of  brilliant  white  m.arl 
 and  bitter  salt  flakes  ploughed  by  the  rain-torrents 
 from  the  heights  into  ])iunaclcs  and  obelisks.  At 
 the  south-eastern  corner  of  the  se.-x,  sandstones  l)egin 
 to  dis])lay  themselves  in  groat  piot'iision,  and  extend 
 northward  beyond  Wady  Zurka  Main.  IG.  The 
 rich  alluvial  soil  of  the  wide  plains  whi<h  form  the 
 maritime  portion  of  the  Holy  Land,  and  also  that  of 
 Ksdraelon,  (ienne.sareth,  and  other  similar  plains, 
 will  complete  our  sketch  of  the  geology.  The  former 
 of  these  districts  is  a  region  of  from  eight  to  twelve 
 miles  in  width,  intervening  between  the  central  high- 
 lands and  the  .sea.  It  is  tbrmed  of  wa-shings  from 
 thase  highlands,  brought  down  by  the  heavy  rains 
 which  fall  in  the  winter  months.  The  soil  is  a  light 
 loamy  sand,  rf^l  in  some  places,  and  deep  black  in 
 others.  17.  The  plain  of  (ienue.sareth  is  under 
 similar  conditions,  except  that  its  outer  edge  is 
 bounded  by  the  lake  instead  of  the  ocean.     18.  The 
 
PALESTINE 
 
 plain  of  Esdraelon  lies  between  two  ranges  of  high- 
 land, with  a  thiid  (the  hills  separating  it  from  the 
 filain  of  Al^ka),  at  its  north-west  end.  The  soil  of 
 this  plain  is  also  volcanic,  though  not  so  purely  so 
 as  that  ofGennesareth.  19.  Bitumen  orasphaltum, 
 called  by  the  Arabs  el  hummar  (the  '  slime  '  of  Gen. 
 xi.  3),  is  only  met  with  in  the  valley  of  Jordan.  At 
 Hasbeiya,  the  most  remote  of  the  sources  of  the 
 river,  it  is  obtained  from  pits  or  wells  which  are 
 sunk  through  a  mass  of  bituminous  earth  to  a  depth 
 of  about  180  feet.  It  is  also  found  in  small  fragments 
 on  the  shore  of  the  Dead  Sea,  and  occasionally, 
 though  rarely,  veiy  large  masses  of  it  are  discovered 
 Ho.iting  in  the  water.  20.  Sulphur  is  found  on 
 the  W.  and  S.  and  S.E.  portions  of  the  shore  of  the 
 Dead  Sea.  Nitre  is  raie.  Rock-salt  abounds  in 
 large  masses.  The  salt  moimd  of  Kashm  Usdum 
 at  the  southern  end  of  the  Dead  Sea  is  an  enormous 
 pile,  5  miles  long  by  2^  broad,  abd  some  hundred 
 teet  in  height. —The  Botany. — The  Botany  of 
 Syria  and  Palestine  differs  but  little  from  that 
 of  Asia  Minor,  which  is  one  of  the  most  rich  and 
 varied  on  the  globe.  What  differences  it  presents 
 are  due  to  a  slight  admixture  of  Persian  forms  on 
 the  eastern  frontier,  of  Arabian  and  Egyptian  on  the 
 southern,  and  of  Arabian  and  Indian  tiopical  plants 
 in  the  low  ton  id  depression  of  the  Jordan  and  Dead 
 Sea.  On  the  other  hand,  Palestine  forms  the 
 southern  and  eastern  limit  of  the  Asia  Minor  flora, 
 and  contains  a  multitude  of  trees,  shrubs,  and  herbs 
 that  advance  no  further  south  and  east.  Owing, 
 however,  to  the  geographical  position  and  the  moun- 
 tainous character  of  Asia  Minor  and  Syria,  the 
 main  features  of  their  flora  are  essentially  Mediter- 
 ranean-European, and  not  Asiatic.  As  elsewhere 
 throughout  the  Mediterranean  regions,  Syria  and 
 Palestine  were  eviedntly  once  thickly  covered  with 
 forests,  which  on  the  lower  hills  and  plains  have 
 been  either  entirely  removed,  or  else  reduced  to  the 
 condition  of  brushwood  and  copse;  but  which  stiU 
 abound  on  the  mountains,  and  along  certain  parts  of 
 the  sea-coast.  The  flora  of  Syria,  so  far  as  it  is 
 known,  may  be  roughly  classed  under  three  prin- 
 cipal Botanical  regions,  corresponding  with  the  phy- 
 sical charactei-s  of  the  country.  These  are  (1),  the 
 western  or  sea-board  half  of  Syiia  and  Palestine,  in- 
 cluding the  lower  valleys  of  the  Lebanon  and  Anti- 
 Lebanon,  the  plain  of  Coele-Syria,  Galilee,  Samaiia, 
 and  Judea.  (2)  The  desert  or  eastern  half,  which 
 includes  the  east  flanks  of  the  Anti-Lebanon,  the 
 plain  of  Damascus,  the  Jordan  and  Dead  Sea  valley. 
 (3)  The  middle  and  upper  mountain  regions  of 
 Mount  Casius,  and  of  Lebanon  above  3400  feet, 
 and  of  the  A  uti -Lebanon  above  4000  feet.  These 
 Botanical  legions  present  no  definite  boundary 
 line.  I.  Western  Syria  and  Palestine. — The  flora 
 throughout  this  district  is  made  up  of  such  a  mul- 
 titude of  different  families  and  genera  of  plants,  that 
 it  is  not  easy  to  characterise  it  by  the  mention  of  a 
 few.  Amongst  trees,  oaks  are  by  far  the  most  pre- 
 valent, and  aie  the  only  ones  that  foi-m  continuous 
 woods,  except  the  Finns  maritima  and  P.  JJalep- 
 ensis  (Aleppo  Pine).  The  most  prevalent  oak  is  the 
 Quercus  pseudo-cocdfera.  It  is  called  holly  by 
 many  travellei-s,  and  Quercus  Ilex  by  others,  both 
 vei-y  different  trees.  Q.  pseudo-coccifera  is  perhaps 
 the  commonest  plant  in  all  Syria  and  Palestine, 
 covering  as  a  low  dense  bush  many  squaie  miles 
 of  hilly  country  everywhere,  but  rarely  or  never 
 growing  in  the  plains.  It  seldom  becomes  a  lai'ge  tree, 
 except  in  the  valleys  of  the  Lebanon,  or  where,  as 
 
 PALESTINE 
 
 675 
 
 in  the  case  of  the  famous  oak  of  Mamie,  it  is  allowed 
 to  attain  its  full  size.  The  only  other  oaks  that  are 
 common  are  the  Q.  infectoria  (a  gall  oak),  aud  Q. 
 Aegilops.  The  Q.  infectoria 'is  a  small  deciduous- 
 leaved  tree,  found  here  and  there  in  Galilee,  Samaria, 
 and  on  the  Lebanon.  Q.  Aegilops  again  is  the  Va- 
 lonia  oak;  a  low,  very  stout-trunked  sturdy  tiee. 
 common  in  Galilee,  and  especially  on  Tabor  and 
 Oarmel.  This,  Dr.  Hooker  is  inclined  to  believe, 
 is  the  oak  of  Bashan.  The  trees  of  the  genus 
 Pistacia  rank  next  in  abundance  to  the  Oak,  and 
 of  these  there  are  three  species  in  Syria,  two  wild 
 and  most  abundant,  but  the  third,  P.  vera,  which 
 yields  the  well-known  pistachio  nut,  very  rare. 
 The  Carob  or  Locust-tree,  Ceratonia  Siliqua,  ranks 
 perhaps  next  in  abundance  to  the  foregoing  trees. 
 The  orientil  Plane  is  far  from  uncommon,  and 
 though  generally  cultivated,  it  is  to  all  appeai-ance 
 wild  in  the  valleys  of  the  Lebanon  and  Anti-Leba- 
 non. The  Sycamore-fig  is  common  in  the  neigh- 
 bourhood of  towns,  and  attains  a  large  size ;  its 
 wood  is  much  used,  especially  in  Egypt,  where  the 
 mummy-cases  were  tbimerly  made  of  it.  Poplars, 
 especially  the  aspen  and  white  poplar,  are  extremely 
 common  by  streams.  The  Walnut  is  more  common 
 in  Syi-ia  than  in  Palestine.  Of  large  native  shrubs 
 or  small  trees  almost  universally  spread  over  the 
 district  are,  Arhutiis  Andrachne,  which  is  common 
 in  the  hilly  country  from  Hebron  northward  ;  Cra- 
 taeijus  Aronia,  which  grows  equally  in  dry  rockv 
 exposures,  as  on  the  Mount  of  Olives,  and  in  cool 
 mountain  valleys.  Cypresses  are  common  about 
 villages.  Zizi/phus  Spina-Christi,  Christ's  Thorn — 
 often  called  jujube — the  Nubk  of  the  Arabs,  is  most 
 common  on  dry  open  plains,  as  that  of  Jericho. 
 The  Paliurus  aculeatus,  also  called  Christ's  Thorn, 
 resembles  it  a  good  deal,  but  is  much  less  common; 
 it  abounds  in  the  Anti-Lebanon.  Styrax  officinalis, 
 which  used  to  yield  the  famous  Storax,  abounds  in 
 all  parts  of  the  country  where  hilly.  Tamarisk  is 
 common,  but  seldom  attains  a  large  size.  Oleander 
 claims  a  separate  notice,  from  its  great  beauty  and 
 abundance ;  lining  the  banks  of  the  streams  and 
 lakes  in  gravelly  places,  and  bearing  a  profusion 
 of  blossoms.  Other  still  smaller  but  familiar 
 shrubs  are  Phyllyraea,  Rhamniis  alaternus,  and 
 others  of  that  genus.  Rhus  Coriaria,  several  legum- 
 inous shrubs,  as  Anagyris  foetida,  Calycotome  and 
 Genista ;  Cotoneaster,  the  common  bramble,  dog- 
 rose,  and  hawthorn,  Elaeagnus,  wild  olive,  Lycitim 
 Europaeum,  Vitex  agnus-castus,  sweet  bay  [Laiirus 
 nobilis).  Ephedra,  Clematis,  Gum-Cistus,  and  the 
 caper  plant.  Of  planted  trees  and  large  shrubs, 
 the  first  in  importance  is  the  Vine,  which  is  most 
 abundantly  cultivated  all  over  the  country,  and 
 produces,  as  in  the  time  of  theCanaanites,  enormous 
 bunches  of  grapes.  This  is  especially  the  case  in 
 the  southern  districts ;  those  of  I]shcoI  being  still 
 particularly  famous.  Next  to  the  vine,  or  even  in 
 some  respects  its  superior  in  importance,  ranks  the 
 Olive,  which  nowhere  grows  in  greater  luxuriance 
 and  abundance  than  in  Palestine,  where  the  olive 
 orchards  form  a  prominent  feature  throughout  the 
 landscape,  and  have  done  so  from  time  immemorial. 
 It  is  perhaps  most  skilfully  and  carefully  cultivated 
 in  the  neighbourhood  of  Hebron.  The  Fig  forms 
 another  most  important  crop  in  Syria  and  Palestine, 
 and  one  which  is  apparently  greatly  increasing  in 
 extent.  The  early  figs,  which  ripen  about  June, 
 are  reckoned  especially  good.  The  summer  figs 
 again   ripen   in  August,  and  a  thiid  crop  apjieaiu 
 
 2X2 
 
G76 
 
 PALESTINE 
 
 still  later  wlinn  the  leaves  are  shetl ;  these  are  occa- 
 sionally galheieil  as  late  ;us  January.  The  quince, 
 apple,  iilinond,  walnut,  peach,  and  apricot,  sue  all 
 most  aliundaut  field  or  orchard  crops.  The  pome- 
 granate srrows  everywhere  .as  a  bush :  but,  like  the 
 orange,  Elaeognxs,  and  otiici-  K-ss  ((inimoii  plants, 
 is  more  often  .seen  in  i^ardens  tlian  in  fields.  The 
 Banana  is  only  found  near  the  Mediterranean. 
 Date.s  aie  not  frequent:  they  are  most  common  at 
 C'aifi'a  and  Jatla,  where  the  fruit  ripens.  Of  the 
 well-known  palm-grove  of  .lericho  no  tree  is  stand- 
 ing. The  0/mntia,  or  I'rickly  IVar,  is  most  abund- 
 ant throughout  Syria.  It  is  in  general  use  for 
 hedging,  and  its  well-known  fruit  is  extensively 
 eaten  by  all  classes.  Of  dye-stutl's  the  Curthnmus 
 (Safflower )  and  Indigo  are  both  cultivated ;  and  of 
 textiles,  Flax,  Hemp,  and  Cotton.  The  Carob,  or 
 St.  John's  Bread  ( Ceratonia  Siliijua),  has  already 
 been  mentioned  amongst  the  conspicuous  trees.  The 
 Cistus  or  Kock-rose  is  the  shrub  from  which  Gum- 
 Labdanum  was  collected  in  the  islands  of  Candia 
 and  Cyprus.  With  regard  to  the  lich  and  varied 
 herbaceous  vegetation  of  West  Syria  and  Palestine, 
 it  is  diincult  to  afford  any  idea  of  its  nature  to  the 
 English  non-botanical  reader.  The  plants  contained 
 in  this  botanical  region  probably  number  not  less  than 
 2000  or  2500,  of  which  perhaps  500  are  British 
 wild  flowers.  The  most  abundant  natural  families 
 of  plants  in  West  .Syria  and  Palestine  are — (1)  Le- 
 quininosae,  (2)  Compositae,  (3)  Labiatae,  (4) 
 Craciferae;  after  which  come  (5)  Umbelliferae, 
 (6)  Caryophylleae,  (7)  Boragineae,  («)  Scrophu- 
 Inrincae,  (9)  Gramineae,  and  (10)  Liliaceae. — (1.) 
 Leguminosae  abound  in  all  situations,  especially  the 
 geaei-a    TrifoHum,    Trigonellu,    Medicago,   Lotus, 
 
 Vicia,  and  Oivhiis,  in  the  richer  soils,  and  Astragalus 
 in  enormous  profusion  in  the  drier  and  more  barren 
 districts.  Of  the  shrubby  Leguminosae  there  are 
 a  few  species  of  Genisti,  Ci/iisus,  Ononis,  lietamn, 
 Anofn/ris,  Cahjcotome,  Coronilla,  and  Acacia,  One 
 s)>ecies,  the  Ceratonia,  is  arboreous. —  (2.)  Com- 
 jmsitae. — No  family  of  plants  more  strikes  the  ob- 
 server than  the  Compiositae,  from  the  vast  abund- 
 ance of  thistles  and  centauries  and  other  spring 
 j)lants  of  the  same  tribe,  which  swarm  alike  over 
 thq  richest  plains  an<l  most  stony  hills,  often  tower- 
 ing high  above  all  otliei-  heibaceous  vi^etation.  We 
 can  only  mentitm  the  genew  Ccntaurca,  Kc/iimips, 
 Oiwporduin,  Cirsium,  Cynara,  and  Cardans,  as 
 being  eminently  cons])icuous  for  their  numbers  or 
 size.  —  (3.)  Labiatae  foim  a  prominent  feature 
 everywhere,  and  (ine  all  the  more  obtrusive  from 
 the  fragrance  of  many  of  the  genera. — (4.)  Of  Cru- 
 ciferae  here  is  little  to  remark.  Among  the  most 
 noticeable  are  the  gigantic  mustard,  which  does  not 
 ditl'er  from  the  common  mustird,  Siiiapis  nigra, 
 save  in  size,  and  the  Annstaiica  hierocliuntica,  or 
 rose  of  Jericho. — (5.)  Umbelliferae  present  little  to 
 remark  on  save  the  abundance  of  fennels  and  liu- 
 pleuruins.  The  grey  and  sjiiny  Enjngium,  so 
 abundant  on  all  the  arid  hills,  l)clongs  to  (his  onlcr. 
 — (6.)  Cari/op/tijlleae  also  are  not  a  veiy  consjucu- 
 ons  order,  though  so  nnnieious  that  the  abundance 
 ot  pinks,  Silcnc  and  Saponaria,  is  a  marked  feature 
 to  the  eye  of  the  liotmist. — (7.)  The  Buragineae 
 arc  for  the  most  jiart  annual  weeds. — (8.)  OiScro- 
 phuLiritiecK  the  princijial  genera  are  iScrvphularia, 
 
 Veronica,  Liriana.  and  Verbascum  (Mulleins). — 
 (9.)  Grasses,  though  very  numerous  in  species,  sel- 
 dom afTnrd  a  sward  as  in  moisterand  colder  regions. — 
 (10.)  Liliaceae. — The  variety  and   beauty  of  this 
 
 PALESTINE 
 
 order  in  Syria  is  perhaps  r.owhere  exceeded,  and 
 especially  of  the  bidb-bearing  genera,  astulijis,  fritil- 
 laries,  squills,  gnge;is,  &c.  —  Kerns  are  e.xtiemely 
 scarce,  owing  to  the  dryness  of  the  climate,  and  most 
 of  the  species  belong  to  the  Lebanon  flora.  One  of 
 the  most  memorable  plants  of  this  recion,  and  indeed 
 in  the  whole  worhl,  is  the  celebrated  Papyrus  of  the 
 ancients  (Papijrus  antiqnorrtm),  which  is  said  once 
 to  have  grown  on  the  banks  of  the  lower  Kile,  but 
 which  is  nowhere  found  now  in  Africa  north  of  the 
 tropics.  Of  othet  Cryptogamic  plants  little  is 
 known.  Cucuz-bitaceae.  though  not  includeil  under 
 any  of  the  above  he.ads,  are  a  very  frequent  order 
 in  Syria.  Of  plants  that  contribute  largely  to  that 
 showy  chaiacter  for  which  the  heibage  of  Palestine 
 is  famous,  may  be  mentioned  Adonis,  Ranunculus 
 Asiaticus,  and  othei's  ;  Anemone  coronaria,  popples, 
 Glauciurn,  Mattkiola,  Malcolmia.  Alyssum,  Bi- 
 scutetla,  Hclianthcmnm,  Cistus,  the  caper  plant, 
 many  pinlcs,  Silcne,  Saponaria.  and  Giipsophila  ; 
 various  Phloxes,  mallows,  Lavatera,  Hypericum ; 
 many  geraniums,  Erodiums,  and  I^eguminosae, 
 and  lAibiatae  far  too  numerous  to  individualize; 
 Scabiosa,  Cephalaria.  chrysanthemimis,  Pyrethnnn, 
 Lnulas,  Achilleas,  Ccdendulas,  Centaureas,  Trago- 
 pogons,  Scorzoneras,  and  Crepis ;  n)any  noble  Cam- 
 panulas, cyclamens,  C'Mvolvuli,  Anchusas,  Onos- 
 mas,  and  Echiums,  Acanthus,  VerbcLSCums  (most 
 conspicuously),  Veronicas,  Celsias,  Hyosyamus] 
 many  Arums  in  autumn,  orchis  and  Ophrys  in 
 spring ;  Narcissus,  Tazetta,  irises,  Pancratiums, 
 Sternbergia,  Gladiolus;  many  beautiful  crocuses 
 and  colchicums,  squills,  Tulipaoculus-solis,  Ga^ieas, 
 fritillaries,  Alliums,  Star  of  Bethlehem,  Muscaris, 
 white  lily,  Hyacinthus  orientalis,  Bellevalias,  and 
 Asphiddi.  —  W.  Botany  of  Eastern  Syria  and 
 Palestine.  —  We  must  confine  our  notice  to  the 
 valley  of  the  Jordan,  that  of  the  r)e,ad  Sea.  and 
 the  country  .about  Damascus.  Nowhere  can  a  belter 
 locality  be  found  for  showing  the  coiitnast  Wtwoen 
 the  vegetation  of  the  eastern  and  western  districts 
 of  .Syria  than  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Jerusalem. 
 To  the  west  and  south  of  th.at  city  the  valleys  are 
 full  of  the  dwarf  oak,  two  kinds  of  Pistacia,  besides 
 Smilar,  Arbutus,  rose,  Aleppo  Pine,  L'hjjmtius, 
 Phyllyraea,  bramble,  and  Crataegus  Aronia.  For 
 the  first  fi'W  miles  eastward  the  olive  gioves  con- 
 tinue, and  here  and  there  a  carob  and  lentisk  or 
 sycamore  occurs,  but  beyond  Bethany  these  are 
 scarcely  seen.  On  descending  1000  feet  below  the 
 level  of  the  sea  to  the  valley  of  the  Jordan,  the  sub- 
 tropical and  desert  vegetation  of  .\iTibia  and  West 
 .■\sia  is  encountered  in  full  force.  Many  jilants 
 wholly  foreign  to  the  western  district  suddenly  ap- 
 pear, and  the  flora  is  that  of  the  whole  dry  country 
 as  fai-  e;\st  as  the  Panjab.  The  commonest  plant  is 
 the  Zizyphus  Spina-Christi,  or  nub k  of  the  .Arabs, 
 forming  Imshes  or  small  trees.  Scarcely  less  abund- 
 ant, and  as  large,  is  the  Balanites  Aegy/diaca, 
 whoso  fruit  yields  the  oil  called  zuk  by  the  Aiahs, 
 which  is  reputed  to  passe.ss  healing  properties,  .and 
 which  may  jwssibly  be  alluded  to  as  Balm  of  (Jilcad. 
 Tamarisks  are  most  abundant.  Acacia  Fumesiana 
 is  very  abund.aiit.  and  celebrated  for  the  delicious 
 fiagiance  of  its  yellow  (lowers.  Ca/iparis  .spunosa, 
 the  common  caper  j)lant,  flourishes  everywhere  in 
 the  .Jordan  valley.  Alhagi  mawonnn  is  extremely 
 common  ;  as  is  the  prickly  Sol(muiH  Sodomaeum, 
 with  purple  flowei-s  and  globul.ar  yellow  fruits, 
 commonly  known  .as  the  Dead  Sea  apple.  On  the 
 banks  ofthe  Jonlan  itself  the  arboreous  and  shrubby 
 
PALESTINE 
 
 vegetation  cliieHy  consists  of  Populas  Eiiphratica,  ' 
 taniai'isk,  Osyris  alba,  Pcrip/oca,  Acaout  vera, 
 J'rosopis  Stepkaniana,  Arundo  Donax,  Li/cinni,  and 
 Capparis  s/iinosa.  As  the  ground  becomes  saline, 
 Atnplex  JIalinius  and  large  Staticcs  (sea-pinl\s) 
 a]ipear  in  vast  abundance.  Otlier  very  tropical 
 jilants  of  this  region  are  Zijgophi/lluiu  coccincnm, 
 Boerliavia,  [ndigufera  ;  several  Astragali,  Cassias, 
 ih/mnocarpiim,  and  Nitraria.  At  tlie  same  time 
 thoroughly  European  forms  are  common,  especially 
 in  wet  places;  as  dock,  mint,  Veronica,  Anagallis, 
 and  Siiim.  One  remote  and  little  visited  spot  in 
 this  region  is  particularly  celebrated  for  tiie  tropical 
 oharactei-  of  its  vegetation.  This  is  the  small  valley 
 of  Eugedi  (Ain-jidi).  It  is  here  that  the  Salcndora 
 Persica,  sujiposed  by  some  to  be  the  mustard-tree 
 of  tjcripture,  grows.  The  shores  immediately  around 
 the  Dead  Sea  present  abundance  of  vegetation,  though 
 almost  wholly  of  a  saline  character.— III.  Flora  of 
 the  Middle  uiwl  Vjiper  Motmtuin  Eegions  of  Si/ria. 
 — The  oak  forms  the  prevalent  arboreous  vegetation 
 of  this  region  below  5000  feet.  The  Quercus 
 pseiido-coccifera  and  infectoria  is  not  seen  much 
 above  3000  feet,  nor  the  Valonia  oak  at  so  great 
 an  elevation  ;  but  above  these  heights  some  magni- 
 ricent  species  occur.  At  the  same  elevations  junipers 
 become  common,  but  the  species  have  not  been 
 satisl'actorily  made  out.  But  the  most  lemarkable 
 plant  of  the  upper  region  is  certain!)'  the  cedar. 
 Lastly,  the  tloia  of  the  upper  temperate  and  alpine 
 Syrian  moiuitains  demands  some  notice.  As  before 
 remarked,  no  part  of  the  Lebanon  presents  a  veget- 
 ation at  all  similar,  or  even  analogous,  to  that  of 
 the  Alps  of  Europe,  India,  or  North  America.  At 
 the  elevation  of  4000  feet  on  the  Lebanon  many 
 plants  of  the  middle  and  noithern  latitudes  of 
 Europe  commence,  amongst  which  the  most  con- 
 .spicuous  are  hawthorn,  dwarf  elder,  dog-rose,  ivy, 
 butcher's  broom,  a  variety  of  the  berberiy,  honey- 
 suckle, maple,  and  jasmine.  A  little  higher,  at 
 5-7000  ft.,  occur  Cot07icaster,  Rhododendron  ponti- 
 cum,  primrose.  Daphne  Oleoides,  several  other 
 roses,  Poterium,  Juniperus  communis,  foetidissima 
 (oi-  excelsa),  and  cedar.  Still  higher,  at  7-10,000  ft., 
 there  is  no  shrubby  vegetation,  properly  so  called. 
 At  the  elevation  of  8-9000  ft.  the  beautiful  silvery 
 Vicia  canescens  forms  large  tufts  of  pale  blue, 
 where  scarcely  anything  else  will  grow.  The  most 
 boreal  forms,  which  are  confined  to  the  clelts  of 
 rocks,  or  the  vicinity  of  patches  of  snow  above 
 9000  ft.,  are  Drabas,  Arcnaria,  one  small  Poten- 
 tilla,  a  Festuca,  an  Arabis  like  alpina,  and  the 
 Oxyria  rerxiformis,  the  only  decidedly  Arctic  type 
 m  the  whole  country.  No  doubt  Ciyptogamic 
 plants  are  sufficiently  numerous  in  this  region,  but 
 none  have  been  collected  except  ferns,  amongst 
 which  are  Cystopteris  fragilis,  Polypodium  vidgare, 
 Nephrodiatii  pallidum,  and  Folystickum  angulare. 
 —Zoology. — It  will  be  sufficient  in  this  article  to 
 gi\-e  a  general  survey  of  the  tiiuna  of  Palestine,  as 
 the  reader  will  find  more  particular  information  in 
 the  several  articles  which  treat  of  the  various  ani- 
 mals under  their  respective  names.— il/ri/;*;/ia//«. — 
 The  Cheiroptera  (bats)  ai'e  probably  represented  in 
 Palestine  by  the  species  which  are  known  to  occur 
 in  Egypt  and  Syria,  but  we  want  precise  inform- 
 ation on  this  point.  Of  the  Insectivora  we  find 
 hedgehogs  (Eriruiceiis  Eurupeus)  and  moles  (  T(dpa 
 vulgaris,  T.  coeca  {?)  ) :  doubtless  the  family  of 
 Soricidae  (Shrews)  is  also  represented,  but  we  lack 
 iuformation.     Of  the  Cariiicora  are  still  seen  in  the 
 
 PALESTINE 
 
 677 
 
 Lebanon,  the  Syrian  bear  ( (Irstts  Syriacns),  and 
 the  panther  {Leopa?-dus  varius).  Jackals  and  foxes 
 are  common;  the  hyena  and  wolf  are  also  occasion- 
 ally observed ;  the  badger  (Mcles  laxus)  is  also 
 said  to  occur  in  Palestine  ;  the  lion  is  no  longer  a 
 lesident  in  Palestine  or  Syria.  A  species  of  squirrel 
 {Sciu7-us  Syriacus),  which  the  Arabs  term  Or/ci- 
 daun,  "  the  leaper,"  has  been  noticed  on  the  lower 
 and  middle  paits  of  Lebanon  ;  two  kinds  of  hare, 
 Lepus  Syriacus,  and  L.  Aegyptias  ;  lats  and  mice, 
 which  are  said  to  abound ;  the  jerboa  {Dipus 
 Aegyptius)  ;  the  porcuv>ine  {ffystrix  cristata)  ;  the 
 short-tiiled  tield-mouse  {Arvicola  agrestis),  may  be 
 considered  as  the  repiesentatives  of  the  liodentia. 
 Of  the  Pachydermata,  the  wild  boar  {Sus  scrofa), 
 which  is  frequently  met  with  on  Tabor  and  little 
 Hermon,  a|ipears  to  be  the  only  living  wild  ex- 
 ample. The  Sviian  hyrax  is  now  but  rajely 
 seen.  There  does  not  appear  to  be  at  piesent  any 
 wild  ox  in  Palestine.  Dr.  Thomson  states  that 
 wild  goats  (Ibex?)  are  still  (see  1  Sam.  xxiv.  2) 
 frequently  seen  in  the  rocks  of  Engedi.  The  gazelle 
 {Gazella  dorcas)  occurs  not  unlieqnently  in  the 
 Holy  Land,  and  is  the  antelope  of  tlie  country.  The 
 Aiabs  hunt  the  gazelles  with  greyhound  and  ialcon  ; 
 the  fallow-deer  [Dama  wUgai-is)  is  said  to  be  not  un- 
 freqiiently  observed.  Of  domestic  animals  we  need 
 only  mention  the  Arabian  or  one-humped  camel, 
 asses,  and  mules,  and  horses,  all  of  which  are  in  gen- 
 eral use.  The  bulfalo  (Bubalus  buffido)  is  common. 
 The  ox  of  the  country  is  small  and  unsightly  in 
 the  neighbourhood  of  Jerusalem,  but  in  the  richer 
 pastures  the  cattle,  though  small,  are  not  unsightly  ; 
 the  common  sheep  of  Palestine  is  the  broad-tail 
 (^Ovis  laticaudatus),  wiih.  its  varieties;  goats  are 
 extiemely  coumion  every where.^j4.Des. —  Palestine 
 abounds  in  numerous  kinds  of  birds.  Vultures, 
 eagles,  falcons,  kites,  owls  of  different  kinds,  repre- 
 sent the  Raptorial  order.  Of  the  smaller  biids 
 may  be  mentioned,  amongst  others,  the  Merops 
 Persicus,  the  Upupa  Epops,  the  Sitta  Syriaca  or 
 Dalmatian  nuthatch,  several  kinds  oi'  Silviadae,  the 
 Cinnyris  osea,  or  Palestine  sunbird,  the  Txos  xaii- 
 thopygos,  Palestine  nightingale,  the  Amydrus  Tris- 
 tramii,  or  glossy  starling,  discovered  by  Mr.  Tiis- 
 tram  in  the  gorge  of  the  Kedron  ;  the  sly  and  wary 
 Cratcropus  chalybeus,  in  the  open  wooded  district 
 near  Jericho;  the  jay  of  Palestine  {Garrulus  mcla- 
 nocephalus) ;  kingfishers  (  Ceryle  i-udis,  and  perhaps 
 Alcedo  ispida)  abound  about  the  lake  of  Tiberias 
 and  in  the  streams  above  the  Huleh;  the  raven,  and 
 carrion  crow  ;  the  Pastor  roseus,  or  locust-bird  ;  the 
 common  cuckoo ;  several  kinds  of  doves ;  sand- 
 grouse  (Pterocles),  partridges,  francolins,  quails, 
 the  great  bustard,  storks,  both  the  black  and  white 
 kinds,  seen  often  in  flocks  of'  some  hundreds ; 
 herons,  curlews,  pelicans,  sea-swallows  (^Sterna), 
 gulls,  &c.  &ic.—Heptilia. — Several  kinds  of  lizards 
 {Saura)  occur.  The  Lacerta  stellio,  Lin.,  is  very 
 common  in  ruined  walls.  The  Waran  el  hard 
 {Psamiiiosaurus  scincus)  is  very  common  in  the 
 deserts.  The  common  Greek  tortoise  I^Testudo 
 Gracca)  Dr.  Wilson  observed  at  the  souices  of  the 
 Jordan;  fiesh-water  tortoises  (probably  Emits  Cas- 
 pica)  are  found  abundantly  in  the  upper  part  of 
 the  country  in  the  streams  of  Esdraelon  and  of  the 
 higher  Jordan  valley,  and  in  the  lakes.  The  cha- 
 meleon [Chameleo  vulgaris)  is  common  ;  the  ci'ooo- 
 dile  does  not  occur  in  Palestine;  the  AMuiutor 
 Niloticus  has  donbtless  been  confounded  with  it. 
 In  the   south   of    Palestine   especially   reptiles   ot 
 
678 
 
 PALESTINE 
 
 various  kinds  aboiitiil ;  bositles  those  already  men- 
 tioneil,  a  large  Acanthodacti/lus  frequents  old 
 buiidiiii^s;  a  large  species  o(  Urojwistix,  at  least 
 two  S|)ecies  of  (Jecko  ( Tarcntola),  a  Gonjijlus 
 {oceWitits  ?),  several  other  Acanthodactijli  and  Seps 
 tri.lactyttis  have  been  obseived.  OF  Ophidians, 
 there  is  more  than  one  species  ol'  Echiilnn  ;  a  Naia, 
 several  Tropidunoti,  a  Coronelln,  a  Colubtr  {trivir- 
 gatus?)  occur  ;  and  on  the  southern  frontier  of  the 
 land  the  desert  form  Centstcs  Hasselquistii  has 
 bueii  observed.  Of  the  Dntradiia  we  have  little 
 infomatioti  beyond  that  supplied  by  Kitto,  viz. 
 that  froijs  {Runa  esculenta)  abouml  in  the  marshy 
 pools  of  I'alestine  ;  that  they  are  of  a  large  size, 
 but  are  not  eaten  by  the  inhabitants.  The  tiee-frog 
 {ffyl'i)  an<i  toad  {Biifo)  are  also  very  common. — 
 Pisces. — The  principal  kinds  which  are  ciiught  ofl' 
 the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean  are  supplied  by  the 
 iamiWes  Sparvljic,  Pcrcidae,  Scoinberidae,  liaiadae, 
 and  Pleuronectidae.  The  Sea  of  (Jalilee  has  been 
 always  celebrated  for  its  fish,  liurckhaidt  says 
 the  most  common  species  are  the  binny  (Cypriwis 
 lepuJotns),  and  a  tish  'called  Mcsht,  which  he  de- 
 scribes as  being  a  foot  long  and  5  inches  bioad,  with 
 ■A  flat  body  like  the  sole.  The  liinni/  is  a  species 
 of  barbel ;  it  is  the  Barbus  liinni  of  Cuv.  and 
 Valenc. ;  the  Mcsht  is  un<loubte(lly  a  species  of 
 Chroini'is,  one  of  the  Lahridae,  and  is  perhaps 
 identical  with  the  C.  Niloticus.  Concerning  the 
 other  divisions  of  the  animal  kingdom  we  have 
 little  information.  Molluscs  are  numerous.  The 
 land  shells  may  be  classilied  in  four  groups.  In  the 
 north  of  the  country  the  prevailin;;  type  is  that  of 
 the  (ireek  and  Turkish  mount;iin  region,  numerous 
 species  of  the  genus  C'laiisilii,  and  of  opaque  Bulimi 
 .-ind  I'lipae  predominating.  On  the  coast  and  in  the 
 plains  the  common  shells  of  the  Kast  Mediterranean 
 basin  abound,  e.  g.  I/etix  Pisana,  If.  Syriica,  &c. 
 In  the  south,  in  the  hill  country  of  .ludea,  occui's  a 
 very  interesting  group,  chiefly  confined  to  the  genus 
 Helix,  three  subdivisions  of  which  may  be  typifieil 
 by  //.  Boissieri,  H.  Seetzena,  H,  tahcrcnlosa,  re- 
 cjilling  by  their  thick,  calcareous,  Instieless  coating, 
 the  prevalent  types  of  Kgypt,  Aiabia,  and  Sahara. 
 In  the  valley  of  the  Jordan  the  prevailing  group  is 
 a  subdivision  of  the  genus  Buliinus,  rounded,  semi- 
 pellucid,  and  lustrous,  very  numerous  in  species, 
 which  are  for  the  most  part  peculiar  to  the  district. 
 These  may  be  typified  by  B.  Jordani  and  B.  Alep- 
 perisis.  Of  the  Crustacea  we  know  scarcely  any- 
 thing. The  Lepidoptern  of  Palestine  are  as  nu- 
 merous and  vaned  as  might  have  been  expected  in  a 
 land  of  flowers.  All  the  common  butterflies  of 
 southern  Europe,  or  nearly  allied  congeners,  are 
 plentit'ul  in  the  cultivated  plains  and  on  the  hill- 
 liides.  Bees  are  common.  At  least  three  species 
 of  scorpions  have  been  distinguished.  Spidei's  are 
 common.  Locusts  occ;isionally  visit  Palestine  and 
 do  infinite  damage.  Ants  are  numerous.  Of  the 
 Anmilidn  we  have  no  information  ;  while  of  the 
 whole  sub-kingdoms  of  Coelenterata  and  Protozoa 
 ■we  are  comjiletely  ignorant.  It  has  been  remarked 
 that  in  its  physical  character  Palest^ine  presents  on 
 a  small  scale  an  epitome  of  the  natural  features  of 
 all  regious,  muunt:tinous  and  desert,  northern  and 
 tropical,  maritime  and  inland,  pastoral,  arable^  and 
 volcaDic.  This  liict,  which  has  rendered  the  allu- 
 woiKi  in  the  .Sniptures  so  varied  as  to  afford  familiar 
 illustrations  to  the  peoj)l«  of  every  ciimafe,  has  li.ul 
 if»  natural  elleir'.  on  the  zoology  of  the  country.  In 
 iiM  otlicj-  district,  not  even  on   the  southcra  slope-. 
 
 PALESTINE 
 
 of  the  Himalaya,  are  the  typical  fauna  of  so  many 
 distinct  regions  and  zones  brought  into  such  close 
 juxtaposition,— The  Climate.  1.  'femperatnre. 
 — At  Jerusalem  January  is  the  coldest  month,  and 
 July  and  August  the  hottest,  though  June  and  Sep- 
 tember are  nearly  as  warm.  In  the  first-named 
 month  the  average  temperature  is  49^'l  Fahr.,  and 
 greatest  cold  28^^  ;  in  July  and  August  the  avei-age 
 is  78°'4 ;  with  gieatest  heat  92'^  in  the  shade  and 
 143°  in  the  sun.  The  extreme  range  in  a  single 
 year  was  52°  ;  the  mean  annual  temperature  6.")°m!. 
 Though  varying  so  much  during  the  difleient 
 seasons,  the  climate  is  on  the  whole  pretty  uniform 
 from  year  to  year.  The  isothermal  line  of  mean 
 annual  temperature  of  Jerusalem  passes  through 
 California  and  Florida  (to  the  north  of  Mobile). 
 It  also  passes  through  Gibraltar,  and  near  Madeira 
 and  the  Bermudas.  The  heat,  though  extreme  during 
 the  four  midsummer  mouths,  is  much  alleviated  by 
 a  sea-breeze  fiom  the  N.W.,  which  blows  with 
 great  i-egidaiity  from  10  a.m.  till  lOl'.M.  During 
 January  and  February  snow  often  falls  to  the  depth 
 of  a  foot  or  more,  though  it  may  not  make  its  ap- 
 pearance for  several  ye;irs  together.  Thin  ice  is 
 occasionally  found  on  pools  or  sheets  of  wafer,  but 
 this  is  of  rare  occurience.  2.  Rain.  The  result  of 
 Dr.  Barclay's  observations  is  to  show  that  the 
 greatest  fall  of  rain  at  Jerusalem  in  a  single  year 
 was  85  inches,  and  the  smallest  44,  the  mean  being 
 f>l-6  inches.  These  figures  will  be  best  appreci- 
 ated by  recollecting  that  the  average  rain-fall  of 
 London  during  the  whole  year  is  only  25  inches, 
 and  that  in  the  wettest  parts  of  the  countiy,  such  as 
 Cumberland  and  Devon,  it  rarely  exceeds  GO  inches. 
 As  in  the  time  of  our  Saviour  (Luke  lii.  54),  the 
 rains  come  chiefly  from  the  S.  or  S.W.  They 
 commence  at  the  end  of  October  or  beginning  of 
 November,  and  continue  with  greater  or  less  con- 
 stancy till  the  end  of  February  or  middle  of  March, 
 and  occasionally,  though  rarely,  till  the  end  of 
 April.  Between  April  and  November  there  is, 
 with  the  rarest  exceptions,  an  uninterrupted  suc- 
 cession of  fine  weather,  and  skies  without  a  cloud. 
 Duiing  the  summer  the  dews  are  very  heavy,  anil 
 often  satuiate  the  traveller's  tent  as  if  a  shower  had 
 passed  over  it.  The  nights,  es])ecially  towards  sun- 
 rise, are  very  cold,  and  thick  fogs  or  mists  are 
 common  all  over  the  country.  Thunder-storms 
 of  great  violence  are  frequent  during  the  winter 
 months.  3.  So  much  for  the  climate  of  Jerusalem. 
 In  the  lowland  districts,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
 heat  is  much  greater  and  more  oppressive,  owing 
 to  the  qu;uitity  of  va}X)ur  in  the  atmosphere,  the 
 absence  of  any  breeze,  the  sandy  nature  of  the  soil, 
 and  the  maimer  in  which  the  heat  is  confined  and 
 reflected  by  the  enclosing  heights  ;  poi  h.-ips  also  to 
 the  internal  heat  of  the  eaith,  due  to  the  dei)th 
 below  the  sea  level  of  the  givnter  jwrt  of  the  Jordan 
 valley,  and  the  remains  of  volcanic  agency,  which 
 we  hnve  already  shown  to  be  still  in  existence  in 
 this  very  depressed  region.  The  harvest  in  the 
 Ohor  is  fully  a  month  in  advance  of  that  on 
 the  highlands,  and  the  fields  of  wheat  are  still  green 
 on  the  latter  when  the  giain  is  l)eing  threshed  in 
 \kw  former.  4.  The  ciimafe  of  the  maritime  low- 
 land exhibits  many  of  the  chanicteristics  of  that  of 
 the  Jordan  valley,  but,  being  much  more  elevated, 
 and  exposed  on  its  western  side  to  the  sea-breeze,  is 
 not  so  oppressively  hot.  This  distiict  retains  much 
 tropical  vegetation.  Here  also  the  harvest  is  in 
 advance  of  tliat  of  the  mountainous  distiicts.    lu  tlw 
 
PALLU 
 
 winter  moutlis  however  the  climate  of  these  regions 
 IS  very  similar  to  that  of  the  south  of  France  or 
 the  maritime  districts  of  the  north  of  Italy. 
 
 Fal'lu.  The  second  son  of  Reuben,  father  of 
 Eliab  (Ex.  vi.  14;  Num.  .\xvi.  5,  8;  1  Chr.  v.  3) 
 and  fouiiiier  of  the  family  of 
 
 Pal'luites,  the  (Num.  .\xvi.  5). 
 
 Palmer-worm  (Heb.  gazdm),  occurs  Joel  i.  4, 
 ii.  Jo;  Am.  iv.  9.  Bochart  h;is  endeavoured  to  show- 
 that  gdxdiu  denotes  some  species  of  locust.  We 
 prefer  to  follow  the  J.XX.  and  Vulg.,  which  are 
 consistent  with  each  other  in  the  rendering  of  the 
 Hebrew  word  in  the  three  passages  where  it  is 
 found.  'I'he  Ka/tTTTj  of  Aristotle  evidently  denotes 
 a  aiterpillar.  The  Eruca  of  the  Vulg.  is  the  Ka.fji.ivq 
 of  the  Greeks.  The  Chaldee  and  Syriac  understand 
 some  locust  larva  by  the  Hebrew  word.  Tychsen 
 identities  the  (jdidin  with  the  Gryllus  cristatus, 
 Lin.,  a  South  African  species. 
 
 Palm-tree  (Heb.  tdmdr).  Under  this  generic 
 term  many  species  are  botanically  included  ;  but 
 we  have  here  only  to  do  with  the  Pate-palm,  the 
 Phoenix  Dactylifera  of  Linnaeus.  It  grew  very 
 abundantly  in  many  parts  of  the  Levant.  While 
 this  tree  was  abundant  generally  in  the  Levant,  it 
 was  regarded  by  the  ancients  as  peculiarly  charac- 
 teristic of  Palestine  and  the  neighbouring  regions. 
 The  following  places  may  be  enumerated  fioni  the 
 Bible  as  having  some  connexion  with  the  palm-tree, 
 either  in  the  derivation  of  the  name,  or  in  the  men- 
 tion of  the  tree  as  growing  on  the  spot.  (1.)  At 
 Klim,  one  of  the  stations  of  the  Isi.aelites  between 
 Egypt  and  Sinai,  it  is  expressly  stated  that  there 
 were  "  twelve  wells  (fountains)  of  water,  and  three- 
 score and  ten  palm-trees "  ( Ex.  xv.  27  ;  Num. 
 xxxiii.  9).  (2.)  Ne.Nt,  it  should  be  observed  that 
 Elath  (Deut.  ii.  8  ;  1  K.  ix.  26;  2  K.  xiv.  22, 
 xvi.  6  ;  2  Chr.  viii.  17,  xxvi.  2)  is  another  plural 
 form  of  the  same  word,  and  may  likewise  mean 
 "  the  palm-trees."  (3.)  No  place  in  Scripture  is 
 so  closely  associated  with  the  subject  before  us  as 
 Jericho.  Its  rich  palm-groves  are  connected  with 
 two  very  different  periods, — with  that  of  Moses 
 (Deut.  xxxiv.  3;  Judg.  i.  16)  and  Joshua  on  the 
 one  hand,  and  that  of  the  Evangelists  on  the  other. 
 What  the  extent  of  these  palm-groves  may  have 
 been  in  the  desolate  period  of  Jericho  we  cannot 
 tell  ;  but  they  were  renowned  in  the  time  of  the 
 Gospels  and  Josephus.  The  Jewish  historian  men- 
 tions the  luxuriance  of  these  trees  again  and  again. 
 (4.)  The  name  of  Hazezon-Tamar,  "  the  felling 
 of  the  palm-tree,"  is  clear  in  its  derivation.  This 
 place  is  mentioned  in  the  history  both  of  Abraham  i 
 (Gen.  xiv.  7)  and  of  Jehoshaphat  (2  Chr.  xx.  2). 
 (5.)  Another  place  having  the  same  element  in  its 
 name,  and  doubtless  the  same  chaiacteristic  in  its 
 sceneiy,  was  Baal-Tamar  (Judg.  xx.  33).  (6.) 
 We  must  next  mention  the  Tamar,  "  the  palm," 
 which  is  set  before  us  in  the  vision  of  Ezekiel  (xivii. 
 19,  xlviii.  28).  (7.)  There  is  little  doubt  that 
 Solomon's  TadmoR,  afterwards  the  famous  Palmyra, 
 rn  another  desert  frontier  far  to  the  N.E.  of  Tamar, 
 is  primarily  the  same  word.  (8.)  Nor  again  are 
 the  places  of  the  N.  T.  without  their  associations 
 with  this  characteristic  tree  of  Palestine.  Bethany 
 me;ms  "  the  house  of  dates  ;  "  and  thus  we  are 
 reminded  that  the  palm  gre\v  in  the  neighbourhood 
 'ji  the  Mount  of  Olives.  This  helps  our  realisation 
 of  Our  Saviour's  entry  into  Jerusalem,  when  the 
 jieople  "took  branches  oi palm-trees  and  went  forth 
 to  meet  Him  "  (John  xii.  13  ;  comp.  Neh.  viii.  15). 
 
 PALM-TREE 
 
 679 
 
 (9.)  The  word  Phoenicia,  which  occurs  twice  in 
 the  N.  T.  (Acts  xi.  19,  xv.  3)  is  in  all  probability 
 deiived  from  the  Greek  woid  for  a  p?.lm.  (10.) 
 Lastly,  Phoenix  in  the  island  of  Crete,  the  harbour 
 which  St.  Paul  was  jirevented  by  the  stoim  from 
 reaching  (Acts  xxvii.  12),  has  doubtless  the  same 
 derivation.  From  the  passages  where  there  is  a 
 literal  reference  to  th-  palm-tree,  we  may  pass  to 
 the  emblematical  uses  of  it  in  Scripture.  Under 
 this  head  may  be  classed  the  following  :—(l.)  The 
 striking  appearance  of  the  tree,  its  uprightness  and 
 beauty,  would  naturally  suggest  the  giving  of  its 
 name  occasionally  to  women  (Gen.  xxxviii.  6; 
 2  Sam.  xiii.  1,  xiv.  27).  (2.)  We  have  notices  of 
 the  employment  of  this  form  in  decorative  art, 
 both  in  the  real  temple  of  Solomon  and  in  the 
 visionary  temple  of  Ezekiel.  This  work  seems  to 
 have  been  in  relief.  It  was  a  natural  iind  doubtless 
 customary  kind  of  ornamentation  in  Eastern  archi- 
 tecture. (3.)  With  a  tree  so  abundant  in  Judaea, 
 and  so  marked  in  its  growth  and  appearance,  as  the 
 palm,  it  seems  rather  remarkable  that  it  does  not 
 appear  more  frequently  in  the  imagery  of  the  0.  T. 
 
 Palm-Trec.    (^Ptiumix  D'lclyli/cya.) 
 
 There  is,  however,  in  the  Psalms  (xcii.  12)  the 
 familiar  comparison,  "  The  righteous  shall  flourish 
 like  the  palm-tree,"  which  suggests  a  world  of 
 illustration,  whether  respect  be  had  to  the  oi-derly 
 and  regular  aspect  of  the  tree,  its  fruitfuluess,  the 
 perpetual  gi-eenness  of  its  foliage,  or  the  height  at 
 wliich  the  foliage  grows,  as  far  as  possible  from 
 earth  and  as  near  as  possible  to  heaven.  Peihaps 
 no  point  is  more  worthy  of  mention,  if  we  wish  to 
 pursue  the  comparison,  than  the  elasticity  of  the 
 fibre  of  the  palm,  and  its  deteimined  growth  up- 
 wards, even  when  loaded  with  weights.  (4.)  The 
 passage  in  Rev,  vii.  9,  where  the  glorified  of  all 
 nations  are  described  as  "  clothed  with  white  robes 
 and  palms  in  their  hands,"  might  seem  to  us  a 
 purely  classical  image.  But  palm-branches  were 
 used  by  Jews  in  token  of  victory  and  peace  ( 1  Mace, 
 xiii.  51  ;  2  Mace,  x.  7,  xiv.  4).    As  to  the  industrial 
 
680 
 
 PALSY 
 
 and  Jompstic  uses  of  tlie  palm,  it  is  well  known 
 tliat  they  are  veiy  numerous :  but  theie  is  no  clear 
 iillusioii  to  them  in  the  Bible.  That  the  ancient 
 Orientals,  liowever,  made  use  of  wine  and  honey 
 obtained  from  the  I'alm-tree  is  evident  fit>in  Hero- 
 dotus, Stralio,  and  I'liny.  It  is  indeed  jx)s.-ibie 
 that  the  honey  uv  iitioned  in  some  places  may  be 
 jiiiim-supir.  (In  2  Chr.  xxxi.  5  the  margin  has 
 "dates.")  There  may  also  in  Cant.  vii.  8,  "  I  will 
 Ko  up  to  the  palm-tree,  I  will  take  hold  of  the 
 bouf^hs  thereof,"  be  a  reference  to  climbinf;  for  tiie 
 fruit.  So  in  ii.  3  and  elsewhere  (e.<l.  Ps.  i.  [V)  the 
 fruit  of  the  palm  may  be  intended  :  but  this  cannot 
 be  proved.  It  is  curious  that  tiiis  tree,  once  so 
 abundant  in  Judaea,  is  now  comparatively  lare, 
 except  in  the  Pliilistine  plain,  and  in  the  old  Phoenicia 
 •■ibout  Beyrout. 
 
 Falsy.  The  palsy  meets  us  in  the  N.  T.  only, 
 and  in  teatuies  too  familiar  to  need  .vpecial  lemark. 
 The  words  "giievonsly  toiniented"  (Matt.  viii.  6), 
 may  refer  to  paralysis  agitans,  or  even  St.  Vitus' 
 dance,  in  both  of  which  the  patienjt.  being  never 
 still  for  a  moment  save  when  asle-'p,  might  well  be 
 so  described.  The  woman's  case  who  was  "  bowed 
 togethei"  by  "a  spirit  of  inliiniity,"  may  probably 
 have  lieeii  paralytic  (I.uke  xiii.  11). 
 
 Fal'ti.  Tiie  Benjamite  spy ;  sou  of  Kaphu 
 (Num.  xiii.  9). 
 
 Pal'tiel.  The  son  of  Azzan  and  piince  of  the 
 tribe  iif  issachai-  (Num.  xxxiv.  '2tj). 
 
 Pal'tite,  the.  Helez  ♦•the  I'altite''  is  named  in 
 2  Sam.  .\xiii.  'Jii  ainoi.g  David's  mighty  men. 
 
 Pamphyria,  one  of  the  coa.-t-regions  in  the 
 south  ot  Asia  Minor,  having  CiLiCiA  on  the  east, 
 and  Lycia  on  the  west.  In  .St.  Paul's  time  it  v/as 
 not  only  a  regular  province,  but  the  Emperor 
 Claudius  had  united  Lycia  with  it,  and  piobably 
 also  a  good  part  of  Fisidia.  It  was  in  Pamphylia 
 that  St.  Paul  (iist  entered  Asia  Minor,  at'ter  jpieach- 
 ing  the  Go.^pcl  in  Cyprus.  He  and  Bainabiis  sailed 
 up  the  liver  Cestrus  to  Pkkga  (Acts  xiii.  13). 
 We  may  conclude,  from  Acts  ii.  10,  that  there  were 
 many  Jews  in  the  province  ;  and  possibly  Perga 
 had  a  synagogue.  The  two  missionaries  finally  leh 
 Pamphylia  by  its  chief  seaport,  ATTALIA.  Many 
 years  afterwards  St.  Paul  .sa.led  near  the  coast 
 (Acts  xxvii.  5). 
 
 Pan.  Of  the  six  words  so  rendered  in  A.  V.,  two, 
 riKich&bitth  and  masrith,  seem  to  imply  a  shallow 
 pan  or  ])late,  such  .is  is  used  by  Bedouins  and  .Syrians 
 for  baking  or  dressing  rapidly  their  cakes  of  meal, 
 •uch  as  were  used  in  legal  oblations:  the  otheis, 
 especially  iir,  a  deeper  vessel  or  caldron  for  boiling 
 meat,  jilaced  during  the  process  on  three  stones. 
 
 Pannag,  an  article  of  commerce  exported  from 
 Pal<tf.tine  to  Tyre  (Kz.  xxvii.  17),  the  natuie  of 
 which  is  a  pure  matter  of  conjecture,  as  the  term 
 occurs  nowhere  else.  A  comjKirisoii  of  the  i)a».sige 
 in  Kzekiel  with  Cen.  xliii.  II,  leads  to  the  supposi- 
 tion that  pannag  repre.M'ut.s  some  of  the  spices 
 gniwn  in  Palestine.  The  LXX.,  in  rendering  it 
 Kaala,  (iivours  this  o])inion.  Hitzig  oliserves  that  a 
 similar  term  occurs  in  .SiUiscrit  (  y)a;j(i/i(/(i)  for  an 
 aioinatic  plant.  The  ."^riac  version,  on  the  other 
 hand,  iiiKlerstands  by  it  "  millet." 
 
 Paper.     [Witirixii.] 
 
 Paphos,  a  town  at  the  west  end  of  Cvpitus, 
 connected  by  ;i  road  with  Sai.AMIS  at  the  cast  end. 
 Paul  and  l'>arnabas  travelled,  on  flieir  tiist  mis- 
 sionary ex|ieditioii,  "  through  the  isle,"  from  the 
 titter  jilace  to  the  foiiiier  (Acts  xiii.  Gj.     The  greiit 
 
 PARABLE 
 
 characteristic  of  Pajilios  was  the  worship  of  Aphix>- 
 dit«  or  Venus,  who  was  here  tijbled  to  have  lisen 
 from  the  sea.  Her  temple,  however,  w.is  at  "  Old 
 P.iphos."  now  called  Kuhlit.  The  harbour  and 
 the  chief  town  were  at  "New  Pajilios,"  at  some 
 litfli-  distance.     The  place  is  still  called  Baffa. 
 
 Papyrus.     [Uekd.] 
 
 Parable  (Heb.  mds/idl:  irapafio\ri :  paraljola). 
 The  distinction  between  the  Parabli- and  one  cognate 
 form  of  teaching  has  been  discussed  under  Fahle. 
 Something  remains  to  be  s;ud  (1)  as  to  the  word, 
 2)  ;is  to  the  Parables  of  the  (iosjiels,  (3)  as  to  the 
 laws  of  their  inteipretition.  1.  'I'lie  word  Parable, 
 in  Gr.  I'arabule  (iropojSoA.-^  ,  does  not  of  itself 
 imply  a  narrative.  The  juxtaposition  of  two 
 things,  diliering  in  mo>t  points,  but  agreeing  in 
 some,  is  sufficient  to  bring  the  comparison  thus 
 produced  within  the  etymology  of  the  word.  In 
 Hellenistic  Greek,  however,  it  acquiied  a  wider 
 meaning,  co-extensive  with  that  of  the  Hebrew 
 mds/idl,  for  which  the  LXX.  writei's  with  hardly 
 an  exception,  make  it  the  equivalent.  That  word 
 ( ~  siiiiilitude)  had  a  large  range  of  application, 
 and  was  applied  sometiuu'S  to  the  shortest  proverbs 
 (1  Sam.  x.  12,  xxiv.  13;  2  Chr.  vii.  20j,  some- 
 times to  dark  prophetic  utterances  (Num.  xxiii.  7, 
 18,  xxiv.  3;  Kz.  XX.  49),  sometimes  to  enigmatic 
 m;ixiiiis  (Ps.  Ixxviii.  2;  Prov.  i.  6),  or  metaphoi-s 
 exi)aiided  into  a  narrative  (Kz,  xii.  22).  In  the 
 N.  T.  itself  the  word  is  used  with  a  like  latitude. 
 II.  The  Parable  diliers  from  the  Mythus  in  being 
 the  result  of  a  conscious  deliberate  choice,  not  the 
 growth  of  an  unconscious  ie;ilism,  pei-sonifying 
 attributes,  appearing,  no  one  knows  how,  in  popular 
 belief.  It  diH'eis  from  the  Allegory,  in  that  the 
 latter,  with  its  direct  personitication  of  ideas  or 
 <ittributes,  and  the  names  wiiich  designate  them, 
 involves  really  no  comparison.  The  virtues  and 
 vices  of  mankind  appear,  as  in  a  drama,  iu  their 
 own  character  and  costume.  The  allegory  is  self- 
 interpreting.  The  jiarable  demands  attention,  in- 
 Right,  sometimes  an  .actual  explanation.  It  diflei-s 
 lastly  from  the  Proverli,  in  tli:it  it  must  include  a 
 similitude  of  some  kind,  while  the  proverb  may 
 assert,  without  a  similitude,  some  wide  generaliza- 
 tion of  experience.  To  understand  the  relation  of 
 the  parables  of  the  Gosjiels  to  our  Lord's  teaching, 
 we  must  go  back  to  the  use  made  of  them  by 
 previous  or  coiitempoi-ary  tearhcrs.  They  appear 
 frequently  in  the  ("'emaia  and  Midrash,  and  are 
 ascribed  to  Hillel,  Shammai,  and  otlier  great  Habbis 
 of  the  two  preceding  centuries.  Later  Jewish 
 writeis  have  seen  in  this  employment  of  jiarables  a 
 condescension  to  the  ignorance  of  the  great  mass  of 
 mankind,  who  cannot  be  taught  otherwise.  For 
 them,  as  for  women  or  children,  jiarables  are  the 
 natuial  and  fit  method  of  instruction.  It  may  be 
 questioned,  however,  whether  this  lepresents  the 
 use  made  of  them  by  the  Kabbis  of  Our  Lord's 
 time.  The  language  of  the  Son  of  Sirach  conlim-s 
 them  to  the  sc^ribe  who  devotes  hims4-lf  to  .study. 
 The  parable  was  made  the  instrument  for  trachiiig 
 the  young  disciple  to  discern  the  treasures  of  wis- 
 dom of  which  the  "  mcciii-mhI  "  multitude  were 
 ignorant.  The  t&iching  of  Our  Lord  at  the  com- 
 mencement of  His  ministry  w;is,  in  every  way,  the 
 opposite  of  this.  The  Seiiiion  on  the  Mount  may 
 be  taken  !»s  the  type  ol'  the  "words  of  <iiace" 
 which  he  s|>;ike,  "  not  as  the  scribes,"  So  for 
 some  months  He  taught  in  the  syiuigogues  and  on 
 the  seu-shoi-e  of  Galilee,  iis  He  had  before  taught  iu 
 
PARABLE 
 
 Jerusalem,  and  as  yet  witliout  a  parable.  But 
 then  theie  comes  a  change.  The  diiect  teaching 
 was  met  with  scorn,  unbelief,  hardness,  and  He 
 seems  tor  a  time  to  abandon  it  fur  that  which  took 
 the  form  of  paiables.  The  question  of  the  disciples 
 (Matt.  xiii.  10)  implies  that  they  were  astonislied. 
 Their  nla^ter  was  speaking  to  the  multitude  in  the 
 parables  and  dark  savings  which  the  Rabbis  reserved 
 for  their  chosen  disciples.  Here  for  them  were  two 
 grounds  of  wonder.  Here,  for  ns,  is  the  key  to 
 the  explanation  which  He  gave,  that  He  had  chosen 
 this  foim  of  teaching  bicauso  the  people  were 
 sjiirilually  blind  and  deaf  (Matt.  xiii.  13),  and  in 
 order  that  they  might  remain  so  (Mark  iv.  12). 
 Two  interpretations  have  been  given  of  these  words. 
 (1.)  Spiritual  truths,  it  has  been  said,  are  in  tht-m- 
 selves  hard  and  nninviting.  Men  needed  to  be  won 
 to  them  by  that  which  was  more  attractive.  (2.) 
 Others  again  have  seen  in  this  use  of  pai'ables  some- 
 thing of  a  penal  character.  To  the  inner  circle  of 
 the  chosen  it  is  given  to  know  the  mysteries  of  the 
 kingdom  of  God.  To  those  who  are  without,  all 
 these  things  are  done  in  parables. — Neither  view  is 
 w'holly  satisfactory.  Each  conUiins  a  partial  truth. 
 The  worth  of  paiables,  as  instruments  of  teaching, 
 lies  in  their  being  at  once  a  test  of  character,  and 
 in  their  presenting  each  form  of  character  with  that 
 w  hicli,  as  a  penalty  or  blessing,  is  adapted  to  it. 
 1'hey  withdraw  the  light  from  those  who  love  dark- 
 ness. They  protect  the  truth  which  they  enshrine 
 from  the  mockery  of  the  scoft'er.  They  leave 
 something  even  with  the  caiele.--s  which  may  be 
 interpreted  and  understood  afterwards.  They  le- 
 veal,  on  the  other  hand,  the  seekers  after  truth. 
 These  ask  the  meaning  of  the  parable,  and  will  not 
 rest  till  the  teacher  has  explained  it.  In  this  way 
 the  )iarable  did  its  work,  found  oat  the  fit  hearers 
 and  led  them  on.  In  the  parables  which  remain  it 
 is  possible  to  trace  something  like  an  order.  (A.) 
 'i'here  is  the  group  which  have  for  their  subject  the 
 laws  of  the  Divine  Kingdom.  Under  this  head  we 
 have — 1.  The  Sower  (Matt.  xiii. ;  Mark  iv. ;  Luke 
 viii.).  2.  The  Wheat  and  the  Tares  (Matt.  xiii.). 
 o.  The  Jlustard-Seed  (Matt.  xiii. ;  Maik  iv.).  4. 
 'i"he  Seed  cast  into  the  Giound  (Mark  iv.).  5. 
 'J'he  Leaveu  (Matt.  xiii.).  6.  The  Hid  Tieasure 
 (Matt.  xiii.).  7.  The  Pearl  of  Great  Piice  (Matt, 
 xiii.).  8.  The  Net  cast  into  the  Sea  (Matt.  xiii.). 
 (B.)  When  the  next  parables  meet  us  they  are  of 
 a  difl'eient  type  and  occupy  a  diti'eient  position, 
 'i'hev  are  drawn  fiom  the  life  of  men  rather  than 
 from  the  woild  of  nature.  They  are  such  as  these 
 —9.  The  Two  Debtors  (Luke  vii.).  10.  The 
 Merciless  Servant  (^Matt.  xviii.).  11.  The  Good 
 Samaritan  (Luke  x.)  12.  The  Friend  at  Midnight 
 (Lukexi.).  13.  The  Rich  Fool  (Luke  xii.).  14. 
 The  Wedding  Feast  (Luke  xii.).  15.  The  Fig-Tree 
 (Luke  xiii.).  IG.  The  Great  Supper  (Luke  xiv.). 
 17.  The  Lost  Sheep  (Matt,  xviii. ;  Luke  xv.).  18. 
 The  Lost  Piece  of  Money  (Luke  xt.).  19.  The 
 Prodigal  Sou  (Luke  xv.).  20.  The  Unjust  Steward 
 (Luke  xvi.).  21.  The  Rich  Man  and  Lazarus 
 (Luke  xvi.l.     22.  The  Unjust  Judge  (Luke  xAnii.). 
 
 23.  The  Pharisee  and  the  Publican  (Luke  xviii.). 
 
 24.  The  Laboureis  in  the  Vineyard  (Matt.  xx.). 
 (C.)  Towards  the  close  of  Our  Lord's  ministry,  the 
 parables  are  again  theocratic,  but  the  phase  of  the 
 Divine  Kingdom,  on  which  they  chietly  dwell,  is 
 that  of  its  final  consummation.  To  this  class  we 
 may  refer — 25.  The  Pounds  (Luke  xix.).  26.  The 
 Two  Sons  (Matt,  xxi.j.     27.  The  Vineyard  let  out 
 
 PARADISE 
 
 G81 
 
 to  Husbandmen  (Matt.  xxi. ;  Mark  xii.  ;  Luke  xx.). 
 28.  The  Marriage- Feast  (Matt.  xxii.).  29.  The 
 Wise  and  Foolish  Vir>;ins  (Matt,  xxv.l.  3U.  The 
 Talents  (Matt,  xxv.).^  31.  The  Sheep  and  the 
 Go.its  (Matt.  XXV.).  It  is  characteristic  of  the 
 several  Gospels  that  the  greater  part  of  the  parables 
 of  the  first  and  third  groups  belong  to  St.  Matthew, 
 empliatically  the  Evangelist  of  the  kingdom.  Tliose 
 of  the  second  are  found  tor  the  most  part  in  St. 
 Luke.  in.  Lastly,  there  is  the  hiw  of  interpret- 
 ation. It  has  been  urged  by  some  writers,  bv  none 
 with  grea>._r  force  or  cleaines.s  than  by  Chiysostom, 
 that  there  is  a  scope  or  puipose  fur  each  parable, 
 and  that  our  aim  must  be  to  discern  this,  not  to 
 iind  a  special  significance  in  each  circumstance  or 
 incident.  It  may  be  questioned,  however,  whether 
 this  canon  of  inteipretation  is  likely  to  lead  us  to 
 the  full  meaning  of  this  portion  of  Our  Lord's 
 teaching.  It  must  be  remembered  that  in  the 
 gieat  patterns  of  interpretation  which  He  himself 
 has  given  us,  there  is  more  than  this.  Not  onlv 
 the  sower  and  the  seed  and  the  several  soils  have 
 their  counterpaits  in  the  spiiitual  life,  but  the  birds 
 of  the  air,  the  thorns,  the  scorching  heat,  have  each 
 of  them  a  significance.  It  may  be  inferred  from 
 these  two  instances  that  we  are,  at  least,  justified 
 in  looking  for  a  meaning  even  in  the  seeming  acces- 
 sories of  a  jiarable.  'J'he  very  form  of  the  teaching 
 makes  it  piobable  that  theie  may  be,  in  any  case, 
 more  than  one  legitimate  explanation.  A  ))arable 
 may  be  at  once  ethical,  and  in  the  highest  sense  of 
 the  term  piophetic.  There  is  thus  a  wide  field 
 open  to  the  discernment  of  the  interpreter.  Theie 
 aie  also  restraints  upon  the  mere  fertility  of  his 
 imagination.  (1.)  The  analogies  must  be  real,  not 
 arbitrary.  (2.)  The  parables  are  to  be  consideied 
 as  parts  of  a  whole,  and  the  interpretation  of  one  is 
 not  to  over-ride  or  encroach  upon  the  lessons  taught 
 by  others.  (3.)  The  diiect  teaching  of  Chri>t  ]iie- 
 sents  the  standard  to  which  all  oxr  inteij)retations 
 are  to  be  referred,  and  by  which  they  aie  to  be 
 measured. 
 
 Paradise  (Heb.  Pardcs).  Questions  as  to  the 
 nature  and  locality  of  Paradise  as  identical  with  the 
 garden  of  Gen.  ii.  and  iii.  have  been  already  dis- 
 cussed under  Eden.  It  remains  to  trace  the  his- 
 tory of  the  word  and  the  associations  connected  with 
 it,  as  it  appears  in  the  later  books  of  the  0.  T.  and 
 in  the  language  of  Christ  and  His  Apostles.  The 
 word  itself,  though  it  appears  in  the  above  form  in 
 Song  of  Sol.  iv.  13,  Eccles.  ii.  5,  Neh.  ii.  8,  may 
 be  classed,  with  haidly  a  doubt,  as  of  Aryan  rather 
 than  of  Shemitic  origin.  It  first  appears  in  Greek 
 as  coming  straight  from  Persia.  Greek  lexico- 
 graphers classify  it  as  a  Persian  word.  Jlodern 
 philologists  accept  the  same  conclusion  with  hardly 
 a  dissentient  voice.  In  Xenophon  the  woid  occurs 
 frequently,  and  we  get  vivid  j)ictuies  of  the  scene 
 which  it  implied.  A  wide  open  park,  enclosed 
 against  injury,  yet  with  its  natural  beauty  un- 
 spoiled, with  stately  forest  tiees,  many  of  them 
 bearing  frait,  watered  by  clear  streams,  on  whose 
 banks  roved  large  herds  of  antelopes  or  sheep — this 
 was  the  scenery  which  connected  itself  in  the  mind 
 of  the  Greek  traveller  with  the  word  irapaZucros, 
 and  for  which  his  own  language  supplied  no  precise 
 equivalent.  Through  the  wntings  of  Xenophon, 
 and  through  the  general  admixture  of  Orientalisms 
 in  the  later  (ireek  after  the  conquests  of  Alexander, 
 the  word  gained  a  recognized  place,  and  the  LXX. 
 writers  chose  it  for  a  new    use   which  ga\e  it  a 
 
G82 
 
 PARADISE 
 
 higher  worth  and  secui-eU  for  it  a  more  perennial 
 lite.  They  used  the  same  word  whenever  there 
 w:is  any  allusion,  however  remote,  to  the  fair 
 region  which  had  been  the  fii-st  blissful  home  of 
 man.  It  was  natural,  however,  that  this  higher 
 meaning  should  become  the  exclusive  one,  and  be 
 associated  with  new  thoughts.  Paradise,  with  no 
 other  word  to  qualify  it,  was  the  bright  region 
 which  man  had  lost,  which  was  guarded  by  the 
 flaming  sword.  Soon  a  new  hope  sprang  up. 
 There  was  a  pai'adise  still  into  which  man  might 
 hope  to  enter.  It  is  a  matter  of  some  interest  to 
 ascertain  with  what  associations  the  word  was 
 connected  in  the  minds  of  the  Jews  of  Palestine 
 and  other  countries  at  the  time  of  our  Lord's  teach- 
 ing, what  sense  therefore  we  may  attach  to  it  in 
 the  writings  of  the  N.  T.  In  this  as  in  other 
 instances  we  may  distinguish  three  modes  of  thought, 
 each  with  marked  characteristics,  yet  often  blended 
 together  in  different  proportions,  and  melting  one 
 into  the  other  by  hardly  peiceptible  degrees.  Each 
 has  its  counterpart  in  the  teaching  of  Christian 
 theolog^ians.  The  language  of  the  N.  T.  stands 
 apait  iVom  and  above  all.  (1.)  To  the  Idealist 
 school  of  Alexandria,  of  which  Philo  is  the  repre- 
 sentative, paradise  was  nothing  more  than  a  symlx)l 
 and  an  allegory.  Spiritual  perfection  was  the  only 
 paradise.  The  trees  that  grew  in  it  were  the 
 thoughts  of  the  spiritual  man.  (2.)  The  Rabbinic 
 schools  of  Palestine  presented  a  phase  of  thought 
 the  very  opposite  of  that  of  the  Alexandrian  writer. 
 They  had  their  descriptions,  definite  and  detailed,  a 
 complete  topography  of  the  unseen  world.  It  was 
 tar  off  in  the  distant  East,  further  than  the  foot  of 
 man  had  trod.  It  was  a  region  of  the  world  of  the 
 dead,  of  Sheol,  in  the  heart  of  the  earth.  Gehenna 
 was  on  one  side,  with  its  flames  and  torments. 
 Paradise  on  the  other,  the  intermaliate  home  of 
 the  blessed.  Or,  again,  paradise  was  neither  on 
 the  earth,  nor  within  it,  but  above  it,  in  the  third 
 liKiven,  or  in  some  higher  oi'b.  Or  there  were  two 
 |)aradises,  the  upper  and  the  lower — one  in  heaven, 
 for  those  who  had  attained  the  heights  of  holiness 
 — one  in  earth,  for  those  who  had  lived  but  de- 
 cently, and  the  heavenly  paradise  was  sixty  times 
 as  large  as  the  whole  lower  earth.  (3.)  Out  of 
 the  discussions  and  theories  of  the  Kabbis,  there 
 grew  a  broad  popular  belief,  fi.xed  in  the  hearts  of 
 men,  accepted  without  discussion,  blending  with 
 their  best  hopes.  Their  prayer  for  the  dying  or 
 the  dead  was  that  his  soul  might  rest  in  paradise, 
 in  the  garden  of  Eden.  The  belief  of  the  Essenes, 
 ;is  reported  by  Josephus,  may  be  accepted  as  a  fair 
 representation  of  the  thoughts  of  those  who,  like 
 them,  weie  not  traine<l  in  the  Ii;ibbinical  schools, 
 living  in  a  simple  and  more  child-like  faith.  To 
 them  accordingly  paiadise  was  a  far-off  land,  a 
 region  where  there  was  no  scorching  heat,  no  con- 
 suming cold,  where  the  soft  west-wind  from  the 
 iK:ean  blew  lor  evermore.  It  is  with  this  popular 
 Id'lief,  rather  than  with  that  of  either  school  of 
 Jewish  thought,  that  the  language  of  the  N.  T. 
 connects  ituelf.  The  old  woid  is  kept,  and  is  raised 
 to  a  new  dignity  or  power.  It  is  signitiauit,  in- 
 dee<l,  that  the  word  "  paradise "  nowheie  occurs 
 ill  the  j)ul)lic  teaching  of  our  Loi-d,  or  in  His  inter- 
 course with  His  own  disciples.  Connected  as  it 
 had  been  witli  the  thoughts  of  a  sensuous  ha|>pi- 
 iieRs,  it  w;is  not  the  fittest  or  the  best  word  for 
 tlioM-  whom  He  was  training  to  ribe  out  of  sensiiou;- 
 LhoufjLt;;  to  the  higher  regions  of  the  spiritual  life. 
 
 PARAN 
 
 For  them,  accordingly,  the  kingdom  of  Heaven,  tlio 
 kmgdom  of  God,  are  the  words  most  dwelt  on. 
 With  the  thief  dying  on  the  cross  the  case  wa.'^ 
 different.  We  can  assume  nothing  in  the  robber- 
 outlaw  but  the  most  rudimentary  forms  of  popular 
 belief.  The  answer  to  his  prayer  gave  him  what 
 he  needed  most,  the  assurance  of  immediate  rest  ajid 
 peace.  The  word  Paradise  spoke  to  him,  as  to 
 other  Jews,  of  repose,  shelter,  joy — the  greatest 
 contrast  possible  to  the  thirst,  and  agony,  and 
 shame  of  the  houis  upon  the  cross.  There  is  a  like 
 significance  in  the  general  absence  of  the  word  fi'om 
 the  language  of  the  Epistles.  Here  also  it  is  found 
 nowhere  in  the  direct  teaching.  It  occurs  only  in 
 passages  that  are  apocaly{>tic,  and  therefore  almost 
 of  necessity  symbolic  (2  Cor.  xii.  3).  (4.)  The 
 eager  curiosity  which  prompts  men  to  press  on  into 
 the  things  behind  the  veil,  has  led  them  to  construct 
 hypotheses  more  or  less  definite  as  to  the  inter- 
 mediate state,  and  these  have  affected  the  thoughts 
 which  Christian  writeis  have  connected  with  the 
 word  paradise.  Patristic  and  later  interpreters 
 follow,  as  has  been  noticed,  in  the  footsteps  of  the 
 Jewish  schools.  The  word  enters  largely,  as  might 
 be  expected,  into  the  apocryphal  literature  of  the 
 early  Church.  Where  the  true  Gospels  are  most 
 leticent,  the  mythical  are  most  exuberant.  (5.) 
 The  later  histoiy  of  the  word  presents  some  facts 
 of  interest.  Accepting  in  this,  as  in  other  instances, 
 the  mythical  elements  of  Eastern  Christianity,  the 
 creed  of  Islam  presented  to  its  followers  the  hope  of 
 a  sensuous  paradise,  and  the  Persian  word  was 
 transplanted  through  it  into  the  languages  spoken 
 by  them.  In  the  West  it  passes  through  some 
 strange  tiansformations,  and  descends  to  baser  uses. 
 The  narthex,  or  atrium,  in  which  were  assembled 
 those  who,  not  being  fideles  in  full  communion, 
 were  not  admitted  into  the  interior  of  the  building, 
 was  known  as  the  "Paradise"  of  the  church. 
 Paradiso  becomes  in  some  Italian  dialects  Paraviso, 
 and  this  passes  into  the  French  parvis,  denoting 
 the  western  porch  of  a  church,  or  the  open  space 
 in  front  of  it. 
 
 Fa'rall,  one  of  the  cities  in  the  territoiy  allotted 
 to  Benjamin,  named  only  in  the  lists  of  the  conquest 
 f  Josh,  rviii.  23).  In  the  Onomasticon  ("  Aphra") 
 it  is  specifieil  by  Jerome  only,  as  five  miles  east  of 
 Bethel.  No  traces  of  the  name  have  yet  been 
 found  in  thai  position  ;  but  the  name  Fanih  exists 
 further  to  the  S.E.  attached  to  the  Wadij  Fdrah, 
 one  of  the  southern  branches  of  the  great  Wady 
 Suiceinit,  anil  to  a  site  of  ruins  at  the  junction  of 
 the  same  with  the  main  valley. 
 
 Pa'ran,  El-Pa'ran.  1.  It  is  shown  under 
 Kadksii  that  the  name  Paran  corresponds  probably 
 in  general  outline  with  the  desert  Et-TVi,  Speak- 
 ing generally,  the  wilderness  of  Sinai  (Num.  x.  12, 
 xii.  16),  in  which  the  ministrations  of  Tabei-ah  and 
 H:izerotli,  if  the  latter  be  iiientical  with  lludliera, 
 are  probably  included  towards  its  N.lv  limit,  may 
 be  said  to  lie  S.  of  the  Et-TVi  range,  the  wilderness 
 of  Paran  N.  of  it,  and  the  one  to  end  where  the 
 otiier  begins.  That  of  Paran  is  a  stretch  of  chalky 
 formation,  the  chalk  being  covered  with  coarse 
 gnivel,  mixed  with  black  tlint  and  drifting  sand. 
 Between  the  wilderness  of  Paran  and  that  of  Ziij 
 no  strict  demarcation  exists  in  the  narrative,  nor  do 
 the  natural  llaitures  of  the  region,  so  far  as  yet 
 ascertained,  yield  a  well-delined  boundary.  Thp 
 name  of  Paran  seems,  as  in  the  story  of  Ishmael,  to 
 have  predominated  towards  the  western  extieniity 
 
PARBAR 
 
 of  the  DOiihern  desert  frontier  of  Et-  Tih.  and  in 
 Num.  xxxiv.  4  the  wilderness  of  Zin,  not  Pavan,  is 
 spoken  of  as  the  southern  border  of  the  land  or  of 
 tlip  tribe  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  3).  Was  there,  then, 
 a  Paran  proper,  or  definite  spot  to  which  the  name 
 was  applied?  From  Deut.  i.  1  it  should  seem 
 there  must  have  been.  This  is  confirmed  by  1  K. 
 si.  18,  from  which  we  further  learn  the  fact  of  its 
 being  an  inhabited  region  ;  and  the  position  required 
 by  the  context  here  is  one  between  Midian  and 
 Egypt.  If  we  are  to  reconcile  these  passages  by 
 the  aid  of  the  personal  history  of  Moses,  it  seems 
 certain  that  the  local  Midian  of  the  Sinaitic  penin- 
 sula must  have  lain  near  the  Mount  Horeb  itself 
 (Ex.  iii.  1,  xviii.  1-5).  The  site  of  the  "  Paran  " 
 of  Hadad  the  Edomite  must  then  have  lain  to  the 
 N,W.  or  Egyptian  side  of  Horeb.  This  brings  us, 
 if  we  assume  any  piincipal  mountain,  except  Serbal 
 of  the  whole  Sinaitic  group,  to  be  "  the  Mount  of 
 God,"  so  close  to  the  Wady  Feiran  that  the  simil- 
 arity of  name,  supported  by  the  recently  expressed 
 opinion  of  eminent  geographers,  may  be  taken  as 
 establishing  substantial  identity.— 2.  "  Mount " 
 Paran  occurs  only  in  two  poetic  passages  (Deut. 
 xxxiii.  2  ;  Hab.  iii.  3),  in  one  of  which  Sinai  and 
 Seir  appear  as  local  accessories,  in  the  other,  Teman 
 and  (ver.  7)  Cushan  and  Midian.  It  is  not  un- 
 likely that  if  the  Wady  Feiran  be  the  Paran  proper, 
 the  name  "  Mount "  Paran  may  have  been  either 
 assigned  to  the  special  member  (the  north-western) 
 of  the  Sinaitic  mountain-group  which  lies  adjacent 
 to  that  waily,  or  to  the  whole  Sinaitic  cluster. 
 That  special  member  is  the  five-peaked  ridge  of 
 Serhdl. 
 
 Par'bar.  A  word  occurring  in  Hebrew  and 
 A.  V.  only  in  1  Chr.  xxvi.  18.  From  this  passage, 
 and  also  from  the  context,  it  would  seem  that  Par- 
 bar  was  some  place  on  the  west  side  of  the  Temple 
 enclosure,  the  same  side  with  the  causeway  and  the 
 pate  Shallecheth.  The  latter  was  close  to  the 
 causeway,  and  we  know  from  its  remains  that  the 
 causeway  was  at  the  extreme  north  of  the  western 
 wall.  Parbar  therefore  must  have  been  south  of 
 Shallecheth.  As  to  the  meaning  of  the  name,  the 
 Rabbis  generally  agree  in  translating  it  "  the  out- 
 side place  ; "  while  modern  authorities  take  it  as 
 equivalent  to  Ih.^ parvarim  in  2  K.  xxiii.  II  (A.  V. 
 "suburbs").  Accepting  this  interpretation,  there 
 is  no  difficulty  in  identifying  the  Parbar  with  the 
 suburb  mentioned  by  Josephus  in  describing  Herod's 
 Temple,  as  lying  in  the  deep  valley  which  separated 
 the  west  wail  of  the  Temple  from  the  city  opposite 
 it ;  in  other  words,  the  southern  end  of  the  Tyi-o- 
 pocon.  Parbar  is  possibly  an  ancient  Jebusite 
 name. 
 
 Parchinent.     [Writing.] 
 
 Parlour.  A  word  in  English  usage  meaning  the 
 common  room  of  the  family,  and  hence  piobably  in 
 A.  V.  denoting  the  king's  audience-chamber,  so  used 
 in  reference  to  Eglon  (Judg.  iii.  20-25). 
 
 Parmash'ta.  One  of  the  ten  sons  of  Haman 
 slain  by  the  Jews  in  Shushan  (Esth.  ix.  9). 
 
 Par'menas.  One  of  the  seven  deacons,  "  men 
 of  honest  report,  full  of  the  Holy  Ghost  and  wis- 
 dom "  (Acts  vi.  5).  There  is  a  tradition  that  he 
 suffered  martyrdom  at  Philippi  in  the  reign  of 
 Trajan. 
 
 Par'nach,  father  or  ancestor  of  Elizaphan  prmce 
 of  the  tribe  of  Zebulun  (Num.  xxxiv.  25), 
 
 Pa'rosll.  The  descendants  of  Parosh,  in  number 
 2172,  returned  from  Babylon  with  2ierubbabei  (Ezr. 
 
 PARTRIDGE 
 
 683 
 
 ii.  3;  Neh.  vii.  8).  Another  detachment  of  150 
 males,  with  Zechariah  at  their  head,  accompanied 
 Ezra  (Ezr.  viii.  3).  Seven  of  the  family  had  mar- 
 ried foreign  wives  (Ezr.  x.  25).  They  assisted  in 
 the  building  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (Neh.  iii.  25), 
 and  signed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  14). 
 In  the  last-quoted  passage  the  name  Parosh  is  clearly 
 that  of  a  family,  and  not  of  an  individual. 
 
 Parshanda'tha,  the  eldest  of  Haman's  ten  sons 
 who  were  slain  by  the  Jews  in  Shushan  (Esth. 
 ix.  7). 
 
 Parthians  occurs  only  in  Acts  ii.  9,  where  it 
 designates  Jews  settled  in  Parthia.  Parthia  Proper 
 was  the  region  stretching  along  the  southern  llank 
 of  the  mountains  which  separate  the  great  Persian 
 desert  from  the  desert  of  Kharesm.  It  lay  south  of 
 Hj'rcania,  east  of  Media,  and  north  of  Sagartia.  The 
 ancient  Parthians  are  called  a  "  Scythic"  race,  and 
 probably  belonged  to  the  great  Turanian  family. 
 Various  stories  are  told  of  their  origin.  Really 
 nothing  is  known  of  them  till  about  the  time  of 
 Darius  Hystaspis,  when  they  are  found  in  the  dis- 
 trict which  so  long  retained  their  name,  and  appear 
 as  faithful  subjects  of  the  Persian  monarchs.  He- 
 rodotus speaks  of  them  as  contained  in  the  IGth 
 satrapy  of  Darius.  In  the  final  struggle  between 
 the  Greeks  and  Persians  they  remained  faithful  to 
 the  latter,  serving  at  Arbela ;  but  offering  only  a 
 weak  resistance  to  Alexander  when,  on  his  svay  to 
 Bactria,  he  entered  their  country.  In  the  division 
 of  Alexander's  dominions  they  fell  to  the  share  of 
 Eumenes,  and  Parthia  for  some  while  was  counted 
 among  the  territories  of  the  Seleucidae.  About 
 B.C.  256,  however,  they  ventured  upon  a  revolt, 
 and  under  Arsaces  they  succeeded  in  establishing 
 their  independence.  Parthia,  in  the  mind  of  the 
 writer  of  the  Acts,  would  designate  this  empire, 
 which  extended  from  India  to  the  Tigris,  and  from 
 the  Chorasmian  desert  to  the  shores  of  the  Southern 
 Ocean.  Hence  the  prominent  position  of  the  name 
 Parthians  in  the  list  of  those  present  at  Pentecost. 
 Parthia  was  a  power  almost  rivalling  Rome — the 
 only  existing  power  which  had  tried  its  strength 
 against  Rome  and  not  been  worsted  in  the  encounter. 
 The  Parthian  dominion  lasted  for  nearly  five  cent- 
 uries, commencing  in  the  third  century  before,  and 
 terminating  in  the  third  century  after,  our  eia.  It 
 has  already  been  stated  that  the  Parthians  were  a 
 Turanian  race.  Their  success  is  to  be  regarded  as 
 the  subversion  of  a  tolerably  advanced  civilisation 
 by  a  comparative  barbarism — the  substitution  of 
 Tabvr  coarseness  for  Arian  polish  and  refinement. 
 
 Partridge  (Heb.  kore)  occurs  only  1  Sam. 
 xxvi.  20,  and  in  Jer.  xvii.  11.  The  translation  of 
 Kore  by  "  partridge  "  is  supported  by  many  of  the 
 old  versions.  The  "  hunting  this  bird  upon  the 
 mountains"  (1  Sam.  xxvi.  20)  entirely  agrees  with 
 the  habits  of  two  well-known  species  of  partridge, 
 viz.  Caccabis  saxatilis  (the  Greek  pai'tridge)  and 
 Ammoperdix  Heyii.  It  will  be  seen  by  the  mar- 
 ginal reading  that  the  passage  in  Jeremiah  may 
 bear  the  fallowing  interpretation : — As  the  Kore 
 "  gathereth  young  which  she  hath  not  brought 
 forth."  It  has  been  asserted  that  the  partridge  is 
 m  the  habit  of  stealing  the  eggs  from  the  nests  of 
 its  congeners  and  of  sitting  upon  them,  and  that 
 when  the  young  are  hatched  they  forsake  their  false 
 parent.  It  is  perhaps  almost  needless  to  remaik  that 
 this  is  a  mere  fable,  in  which,  however,  the  ancient 
 Orientals  may  have  believed.  The  explanation 
 of  the  rendeiing  of  the  text  of  the  A.  V.  is  obvi- 
 
(5B-i 
 
 PARUAH 
 
 ously  as  follows  : — Piutiidges  were  often  "  hunted  " 
 ni  ancient  times  as  they  are  at  present,  either  l)y 
 hawkini;  or  liy  being  driven  fiom  place  to  place  till 
 they  become  fiitigued,  when  they  are  knocked  down 
 by  the  clubs  or  zerwattys  of  the  Arabs.  Thus, 
 nests  were  no  doubt  constantly  disturbed,  and  many 
 destroyed:  a<,  therefoie,  is  a  partriiige  which  is 
 driven  from  her  egtjs,  so  is  he  that  enricheth  him- 
 self l)y  unjust  means — "  he  shall  leave  them  in  the 
 midst  of  iiis  days."  The  expiessiou  in  Ecclus.  xi. 
 aO,  "  like  as  a  partridge  taken  (an<l  kept)  in  a 
 casre,"  clearly  refers,  as  Shaw  has  observeit,  to  "  a 
 decoy  partridge."  Our  common  partridge  (Pefdic 
 cincreii),  as  well  as  the  Barhary  {('.  pdrvsa)  and 
 red-leg  (C.  rufa),  do  not  occur  in  Palestine. 
 
 CaccithU  snxntiUs. 
 
 Paru'ah,  the  father  of  Jehoshaphat,  Solomon's 
 l;^nuHi^<n^iat  oBlcer  in  Issachar  (1  K.  iv.  17). 
 
 Parva'im,  the  name  of  an  unknown  place  or 
 coinitrv  whence  the  gold  was  procmed  for  the  de- 
 coration of  Solomon's  Temple  (2  Chr.  iii.  6).  We 
 may  noti<te  the  conjectures  of  Knubel  that  it  is  an 
 abbreviated  form  of  Scpharvaim,  and  of  Wilford, 
 that  it  is  deiived  from  the  Sanscrit  puna,  "eastern," 
 and  is  a  general  term  for  the  East. 
 
 Fa'sach,  son  of  Japhlet  of  the  tribe  of  Asher 
 (1  eh;-,  vii.  :!:-;). 
 
 Pas-dam'mim.  The  form  under  which  in  1  Chr. 
 xi.  i:}  the  name  appeals,  which  in  1  Sam.  xvii.  1 
 is  given  more  at  length  as  Eniios-DAMMIAI.  The 
 lexicographers  do  not  decide  which  is  the  earlier  or 
 correcter  of  the  two.  A  ruined  site  bearing  the 
 name  of  Dainun  or  C/tirbet  Damonn,  lies  near  the 
 road  from  Jerusalem  to  Beit  Jibrin,  about  three 
 miles  E.  of  Shuiieiheh  fSoclio).  Tliis  Van  de  Velde 
 proposes  to  identify  with  Pas-dammim. 
 
 Fase'ah.  1.  Son  of  Eshton,  in  an  obscure  frag- 
 ment of  the  genealogies  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  12).— 
 2.  The  "  sons  of  Paseah  "  were  among  the  Ncthinim 
 who  riturned  with  Zeiubbabel  (Ez*.  ii.  49). 
 
 Fash'ur.  1.  Name  of  one  of  the  taniilies  of 
 priests  ol'  the  chief  house  of  Malchijah  (.ler.  xxi.  1, 
 xxxviii.  1  ;  1  Chr.  ix.  12,  xxiv.  9;  Neh.  xi.  12j. 
 In  the  time  of  Nehemiah  this  family  a])j)ears  to  have 
 l)ecome  a  chief  house,  and  its  head  the  head  of  a 
 course  (Ezr.  ii.  'M;  Neh.  vii.  41,  x.  .'5).  'I'he  indi- 
 vidual tVom  whom  the  family  w:us  named  was  pio- 
 liably  Pashiir  the  son  ol' Malcliiah,  who  in  the  leign 
 ot'  Zedekiali  was  one  of  the  chief  )irince.s  ot'  the  court 
 (.ler.  xxxviii.  1  >.  He  was  sent,  with  others,  by 
 Ziilekiah  to  .leremiah  at  the  lime  when  Nebuchad- 
 tie^air  was  preparing  his  attack  \ipon  .leru.salcni 
 (iov.  xx\.).     Aj^aui  somewhat  Ltter,  I'abhur  joined 
 
 PASSOVER 
 
 with  several  other  chief  men  in  petitioning  the  k'ng 
 that  Jeremiah  might  be  jiut  to  death  as  a  traitor 
 'Jer.  xxxviii.).     Nothing  more  is  known  of  him.— 
 
 2.  Another  person  of  this  name,  also  a  piiest,  and 
 "  chief  governor  of  the  house  of  the  Lord,"  is  men- 
 tioned in  Jer.  xx.  1.  He  is  described  as  "  the  son 
 of  Immer"  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  14),  probably  the  same 
 ;is  Amariah  (Neh.  x.  3,  xii.  2,  &c.).  In  the  reign 
 of  Jehoiakim  he  .showed  himself  as  hostile  to  Jei^e- 
 miah  iis  his  namesake  the  son  of  Malchiah  did  after- 
 wards, and  put  him  in  the  stocks  by  the  gate  of 
 Benjamin.  For  this  indignity  to  God's  prophet, 
 Pashur  was  told  by  Jeremiah  that  his  name  Wiis 
 changed  to  Magoi-missabib  (^Terror  on  every  side), 
 and  that  he  and  all  his  house  should  be  carried 
 captives  to  Babylon  and  there  die  (Jer.  xx.  1-6).— 
 
 3.  Eather  of  Gedaliah  (Jer.  xxxviii.  1). 
 Passage.      Used   in  plur.  (Jer.   xxii.   20),  pro- 
 bably to  denote  the  mountain   region  of  Abarim,  on 
 the  east  side  of  .Jordan.     It  also  denotes  a  river- 
 ford  01'  a  mountain  goi'ge  or  pass. 
 
 Passover,  the  Hrst  of  the  three  great  animal 
 Festivals  of  the  Israelites,  celebrated  in  the  month 
 Nisan,  from  the  14th  to  the  21st.  The  following 
 are  the  principal  passages  in  the  Pentateuch  re- 
 lating to  the  Passover: — Ex.  xii.  1-51,  xiii.  3-10, 
 xxiii.  14-19,  x.xxiv.  18-26  ;  Lev.  xxiii.  4-14  ; 
 Num.  ix.  1-14;  xxviii.  16-25;  Dent.  xvi.  1-6.— 
 I.  Institution  •  and  First  Ckleuuation  of 
 THE  Passovkk. — When  the  chosen  people  were 
 about  to  be  brought  out  of  Egypt,  the  word  of  the 
 Lord  came  to  Moses  and  Aaron,  commanding  them 
 to  instruct  all  the  congregation  of  Israel  to  prepare 
 for  their  departure  by  a  solemn  religious  oi-dmance. 
 On  the  tenth  day  of  the  month  A  bib,  the  head  of 
 each  family  w;is  to  select  from  the  flock  either  a 
 lamb  or  a  kid,  a  male  of  the  first  year,  without 
 blemish.  If  his  family  was  too  small  to  eat  the 
 whole  of  the  lamb,  he  was  jiermitted  to  invite  his 
 nearest  neighbour  to  join  the  ])arty.  On  the  tbur- 
 teenth  day  ot'  the  mouth,  he  was  to  kill  his  lami) 
 while  the  sun  was  setting.  He  was  then  to  take 
 the  blood  in  a  basin,  and  with  a  sprig  of  hyssop 
 to  spiinkle  it  on  the  two  side-posts  and  the  lintel 
 of  the  door  of  the  house.  The  lamb  was  then 
 thoioughly  roasted,  whole.  It  was  expressly  for- 
 bidden that  it  should  be  boiled,  or  that  a  bone  of 
 it  should  be  bioken.  Unleavened  biead  and  bitter 
 herbs  were  to  lie  eaten  with  the  flesh.  No  male 
 who  was  uncircumcised  was  to  join  the  company. 
 Each  one  w:u»  to  have  his  loins  girt,  to  hold  a 
 stall'  in  his  hand,  and  to  have  shoes  on  his  feet. 
 He  w;rs  to  eat  in  haste,  and  it  would  seem  that 
 he  was  to  stand  during  the  meal.  The  number  ot 
 the  party  was  to  be  calculated  as  nearly  as  pas- 
 sible, so  that  all  the  flesh  of  the  lamb  might  be 
 eaten  ;  but  if  any  portion  of  it  hap|H'iied  to  remain, 
 it  was  to  be  burned  in  the  moiiiing.  No  moi.sel 
 of  it  was  to  be  can  icd  out  of  the  house.  The  legis- 
 lator was  further  directed  to  inliirm  the  people  of 
 God's  purpose  to  .smite  the  first-born  of  the  Egy|>- 
 tians,  to  declare  that  the  Passover  was  to  be  to 
 them  an  ordinance  for  ever,  to  give  them  diiections 
 lespecting  the  oider  and  duration  of  the  festival  in 
 future  times,  and  to  enjoin  upun  them  to  teach  their 
 children  its  meaning,  from  geneiation  to  generation. 
 W  hen  the  me>sago  was  delivered  to  the  people  they 
 bowed  their  heads  in  worship.  The  lambs  were 
 selected,  on  the  fourteenth  they  were  slain,  and  the 
 blood  sprnikled.  and  in  the  lollowing  evening,  :if\ei 
 I  the  liftcenth  day  uf  the  month  had  commeucod,  tiu 
 
PASSOVER 
 
 first  paschal  meal  was  eaten.  At  midnight  the 
 fiist-b(n-n  of  the  Egyptians  were  smitten.  The  king 
 and  his  people  were  now  urgent  that  the  Israehtes 
 should  start  iitimediatoly,  and  readily  bestowed  on 
 them  supplies  tor  the  journey.  In  such  haste  did 
 tiie  Israelites  depart,  on  that  very  day  (Num.  xxxiii. 
 S),  that  they  packed  up  theii-  fcneading-troughs  con- 
 taining the  dough  prepared  for  the  morrow's  pro- 
 visions, whi<;h  was  not  yet  leavened. — II.  Ouserv- 
 
 ANCE    OF     THE     PaSSOVER    IN    LATER    TIMES. — 
 
 1.  In  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  chapters  of  Exodus 
 there  are  not  only  distinct  references  to  the  observ- 
 ance of  the  festival  in  iutuie  ages  [e.  g.  xii.  2,  14, 
 17,  24-27,  42,  xiii.  2,  5,  8-10),  but  there  are 
 several  injunctions  which  were  evidently  not  in- 
 tended for  the  first  pnssover,  and  which  indeed 
 could  not  possibly  have  been  observed.  In  the 
 later  notices  of  the  festival  in  the  books  of  the  law 
 there  are  particulais  added  which  appear  as  modifi- 
 c;vtions  of  the  original  institution  (Lev.  xxiii.  10-14  ; 
 Num.  xxviii.  16-25  ;  Deut.  xvi.  1-6).  Hence  it  is 
 not  without  reason  that  the  Jewish  writers  have 
 laid  great  stress  on  the  distinction  between  "  the 
 Egyptian  Passover"  and  "  the  perpetual  Passover." 
 
 2.  The  following  was  the  general  order  of  the  ob- 
 servances of  the  Passovei-  in  later  times  according  to 
 the  direct  evidence  of  Scripture : — On  the  14th  of 
 N'isan  eveiy  trace  of  le:iven  was  put  away  from  the 
 houses,  and  on  the  same  day  every  male  Israelite 
 not  labouring  under  any  bodily  infirmity  or  cere- 
 monial impurity,  was  commanded  to  appear  before 
 the  Lord  at  the  national  sanctuary  with  an  offering 
 of  money  in  proportion  to  his  means  (Ex.  xxiii.  15  ; 
 Deut.  xvi.  1(5,  17).  Devout  women  sometimes  at- 
 tended, as  is  proved  by  the  instances  of  Hannah  and 
 Mary  (1  Sam.  i.  7;  Luke  ii.  41,  42).  As  the  sun 
 was  setting,  the  lambs  were  slain,  and  the  fat  and 
 blood  given  to  the  priests  (2  Chr.  x.xxv.  5,  6).  The 
 lamb  was  then  roasted  whole,  and  eaten  with  un- 
 leavened bread  and  bitter  herbs  ;  no  portion  of  it  was 
 to  be  left  uutil  the  morning.  The  same  night, 
 after  the  15th  of  Nisan  had  commenced,  the  fat  was 
 burned  by  the  priest  and  the  blood  sprinkled  on  the 
 altiir  (2  Chr.  x.xx.  16,  xxxv.  11).  On  the  15th, 
 the  night  being  passed,  there  was  a  holy  convoca- 
 tion, and  during  that  day  no  work  might  be  done, 
 e.wept  the  pieparation  of  necessary  food  (Ex.  xii. 
 16).  On  this  and  the  six  following  davs  an  ottering 
 in  addition  to  the  daily  sacrifice  was  made  of  two 
 young  bullocks,  a  ram,  and  seven  lambs  of  the  first 
 year,  with  meat-ofl'erings,  tbi'  a  buint-otieiing,  and 
 a  goat  for  a  sin-oflering  (Num.  xxviii.  19-23).  On 
 the  16th  of  the  month,  "  the  morrow  after  the 
 sj\bbath"  (i.e.  after  the  day  of  holy  convocation), 
 the  first  sheaf  of  harvest  was  offered  and  waved  by 
 the  priest  before  the  Lord,  and  a  male  lamb  was 
 offered  as  a  burnt  sacrifice  with  a  meat  and  drink 
 offering.  Nothing  necessarily  distinguished  the  four 
 following  days  of  the  festival,  e.xcept  the  additional 
 burnt  and  sin  offerings,  and  the  restraint  from  some 
 knids  of  labour.  On  the  seventh  day,  the  21st  of 
 Nisan,  there  was  a  holy  convocation,  and  the  day 
 appears  to  have  been  one  of  peculiar  solemnity. 
 As  at  all  tlie  festivals,  cheerfulness  was  to  pievail 
 duiing  the  whole  week,  and  all  care  was  to  be 
 laid  aside  (Deut.  xx\ni.  7).  3.  (a.)  The  Paschal 
 Lamb. — After  the  first  Passover  in  Egypt  there  is 
 uo  trace  of  the  lamb  having  been  selected  before  it 
 was  wanted.  In  later  times,  we  are  certain  that  it 
 was  sometimes  not  provided  before  the  14th  of  the 
 mouth  (Luke  xxii.  7-9  ;  Mark  xiv.   12-16).     The 
 
 PASSOVER 
 
 685 
 
 law  formally  allowed  the  alternative  of  a  kid  (Ex. 
 xii.  5),  but  a  lamb  was  preferred,  and  was  probably 
 nearly  always  chosen.  It  was  to  be  faultless  and  a 
 male,  in  accordance  with  the  esfciblished  estimate 
 of  animal  perfection  (see  Mai.  i.  14).  Either  the 
 head  of  the  family,  or  any  other  person  who  was 
 not  ceremonially  unclean  (2  Chr.  xxx.  17),  took  it 
 into  the  court  of  the  Temple  on  his  shoulders.  The 
 Mishna  gives  a  particular  account  of  the  arrange- 
 ment which  was  made  in  the  court  of  the  Temple. 
 As  the  paschal  lamb  could  be  legally  slain,  and 
 the  blood  and  fat  otfeied,  only  in  the  national  sanc- 
 tuary (Deut.  xvi.  2),  it  of  course  ceased  to  be  offered 
 by  the  .lews  after  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem.  The 
 spring  festival  of  the  modern  Jews  strictly  consists 
 only  of  the  feast  of  unleavened  bread,  (b.)  The  Un 
 leavened  Bread. — There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  tha» 
 the  unleavened  biead  eaten  in  the  Passover  and  th'it 
 used  on  other  religious  occasions  were  of  the  same 
 nature.  It  might  be  made  of  wheat,  spelt,  barlev, 
 oats,  or  rye,  but  not  of  rice  or  millet.  It  appears 
 to  have  been  usually  made  of  the  finest  wheat  flour. 
 It  was  probably  foimed  into  dry,  thin  biscuits,  not 
 unlike  those  used  by  the  modern  Jews,  (c.)  The 
 Bitter  Herbs  and  the  Snuce. — According  to  the 
 Mishna  the  bitter  herbs  (Ex.  xii.  8)  might  be  endive, 
 chicory,  wild  lettuce,  or  nettles.  These  plants  were 
 important  articles  of  food  to  the  ancient  Egvptians. 
 The  sauce  into  which  the  herbs,  the  bread,  and 
 the  meat  were  dipped  as  they  were  eaten  (.lohn 
 xiii.  26;  Matt.  xxvi.  23)  is  not  mentioned  in  the 
 Pentateuch.  According  to  Bartenora  it  consisted  of 
 only  vinegar  and  water;  but  others  describe  it  as  a 
 mixture  of  vinegar,  figs,  dates,  almonds,  and  .spice. 
 {d.)  The  Four  Cups  of  Wine.— 'There  is  no  men- 
 tion of  wine  in  connexion  with  the  Passovei'  in  the 
 Pentateuch  ;  but  the  Mishna  strictly  enjoins  that 
 there  should  never  be  less  than  tour  cups  of  it 
 provided  at  the  paschal  meal  even  of  the  ]ioorest 
 Israelite.  Two  of  them  appear  to  be  distinctly 
 mentioned  Luke  xxii.  17,  20.  "The  cup  of  bless- 
 ing" (1  Cor.  X.  16)  was  probably  the  latter  one  of 
 these,  and  is  generally  considered  to  have  been  the 
 third  of  the  sevies,  after  which  a  grace  was  said  ; 
 though  a  comparison  of  Luke  xxii.  20  (where  it  is 
 called  "the  cup  after  supper")  with  Pes.  x.  7, 
 and  the  designation  "  cup  of  the  Hallel,"  might 
 rather  suggest  that-  it  was  the  fourth  and  last  cup. 
 (e.)  The  Hallel. — The  service  of  praise  sung  at  the 
 Passover  is  not  mentioned  in  the  Law.  The  name 
 is  contracted  from  Hallelujah.  It  consisted  of  the 
 series  of  Pialms  from  cxiii.  to  cxviii.  The  first 
 poition,  comprising  Ps.  cxiii.  and  cxiv.,  v;as  sung 
 in  the  early  part  of  the  meal,  and  the  second  part 
 after  the  fourth  cup  of  wine.  This  is  supposed 
 to  have  been  the  "  hymn  "  sung  by  our  Lord  and 
 His  Apostles  (Matt.  xxvi.  30  ;  Mark  xiv.  26). 
 (/.)  Mode  and  Order  of  the  Paschal  Meal.—- 
 Adopting  as  much  from  Jewish  tiadition  as  is  not 
 inconsistent  or  improbable,  the  following  appears  to 
 have-been  the  usual  custom  : — All  work,  except  that 
 belonging  to  a  few  trades  connected  with  dailv  life, 
 was  suspended  for  some  hours  before  the  evening  of 
 the  14th  Nisan.  It  was  not  lawful  to  eat  any  ordi- 
 nary food  after  mid-day.  No  male  was  admitted 
 to  the  table  -unless  he  was  circumcised,  even  if  he 
 was  of  the  seed  of  Israel  (Ex.  xii.  48).  Neither, 
 according  to  the  letter  of  the  law,  was  any  one  of 
 either  sex  admitted  who  was  ceremonially  unclean 
 (Num.  is.  6);  but  this  rule  was  on  special  occa- 
 sions liberally  applied.      The  Rabbiniste  expiessly 
 
68G 
 
 PASSOVER 
 
 state  that,  women  were  pprmitted,  though  not  com- 
 manded, to  partake ;  but  the  Karaites,  in  more  re- 
 cent times,  excluded  all  but  full-grown  men.  It 
 was  customary  for  the  number  of  a  pai-ty  to  be  not 
 less  than  ten.  When  the  meal  was  prepared,  the 
 family  was  placed  round  the  table,  the  paterfamilias 
 taking  a  place  of  honour,  probably  somewhat  raised 
 above  the  rest.  There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that 
 the  ancient  Hebrews  sat  as  they  were  accustomed 
 to  do  at  their  ordinary  meals.  Our  Lord  and  His 
 Apostles  conformed  to  the  usual  custom  of  their 
 time,  and  reclined  (Luke  xxii.  14,  &c.,.  When  the 
 party  was  arrangi-d  the  first  cup  of  wine  was  filled, 
 and  a  blessing  was  asked  by  the  head  of  the  family 
 on  the  feast,  as  well  as  a  special  one  on  the  cup. 
 The  bitter  hei  bs  were  then  placed  on  the  table,  and 
 .1  portion  of  them  eaten,  either  with  or  without 
 the  sauce.  The  unleavened  bread  was  handed  round 
 next,  and  afterwards  the  lamb  was  placed  on  the 
 table  in  front  of  the  head  of  the  family.  Before  the 
 lamb  was  eaten  the  second  cup  of  wine  was  filled, 
 and  the  son,  m  accordance  with  E.x.  xii,  26,  asked 
 his  father  the  meaning  of  the  fea.st.  In  reply,  an 
 .iccount  was  given  of  the  sufierings  of  the  Israelites 
 in  Kgypt,  and  of  their  deliverance,  with  a  particular 
 •explanation  of  Deut.  xxvi.  5,  and  the  firet  part 
 ■of  the  Hallel  (Ps.  cxiii.  cxiv.)  was  sung.  This 
 'being  gone  through,  the  lamb  was  carved  and 
 •eaten.  The  third  cup  of  wine  was  poured  out 
 and  drunk,  and  soon  afterwards  the  fourth.  The 
 second  part  of  the  Hallel  (Ps.  cxv.  to  cxviii.)  was 
 then  sung.  A  fifth  wine-cup  appears  to  have  been 
 •oc';a.sionally  produced,  but  perhaps  only  in  later 
 times.  What  was  teiined  the  greater  Hallel  (Ps. 
 ■cxx.  to  cxxxviii.)  was  sung  on  such  occasions.  The 
 Israelites  who  lived  in  the  country  appear  to  have 
 been  accommodated  at  the  feast  by  the  inhabitants 
 of  Jerusalem  in  their  houses,  so  far  as  there  was 
 room  for  them  (Luke  xxii.  10-12  ;  Matt.  xxvi.  18). 
 Those  who  could  not  be  received  into  the  city  en- 
 camped without  the  walls  in  tents,  as  the  pilgrims 
 now  do  at  Mecca,  (g.)  The  first  Sheaf  of  Har- 
 vest.— The  olliering  of  the  Omer,  or  sheaf,  is  men- 
 tioned nowhere  in  the  law  except  Lev.  xxiii.  10-14. 
 If  is  there  commanded  that  when  the  Israelites 
 reached  the  land  of  promise,  they  should  bring, 
 on  the  1 6th  of  the  month,  "  the  morrow  after  the 
 ."Kibbath  "  («.  e.  the  day  of  holy  convocation),  the 
 first  sheaf  of  the  harvest  to  the  priest,  to  be  waved 
 by  him  before  the  Lord.  The  sheaf  was  of  barley, 
 as  being  the  grain  which  was  first  ripe  (2  K.  iv. 
 42).  (/t.)  The  Chagigah.  The  daily  sacrifices  are 
 enumerated  in  the  Pentateuch  only  in  Num.  xxviii. 
 19-2:{,  but  reference  is  made  to  them  Lev.  xxiii.  8. 
 Besides  these  public  oflerings,  there  was  another 
 sort  of  sacrifice  connected  with  the  Passover,  as 
 Wfjl  iis  with  the  other  gieat  festivals,  allied  in 
 the  Talmud  Chagigah,  i.e.  "festivity."  It  was  a 
 voluntiuy  peace-ofl'ering  m.ade  by  private  individ- 
 u.als.  The  victim  might  be  taken  either  from  the 
 flock  or  the  herd.  It  might  be  either  male  or 
 fem.ale,  but  it  must  be  without  blemish.  The 
 ollerer  laid  his  hand  upon  its  head,  and  slew  it  at 
 the  door  of  the  sanctuary.  The  blood  Wiis  sprinkled 
 on  the  altar,  and  the  fat  of  the  inside,  with  the 
 kidneys,  was  burned  by  the  [)ri.'st.  The  brea.st 
 w.is  given  to  the  priest  as  a  wave-offering,  and  the 
 right  shoulder  as  a  heave-offering  (Lev.  iii.  1-.5, 
 vii.  29-34).  VVIi:it  remained  of  the  victim  might 
 be  eaten  by  the  offerer  and  l)i.>  gue-sts  on  the  day 
 on  which  it  \\,\.s  slaui,  an<l  on   the  day  following; 
 
 PASSOVER 
 
 but  if  any  portion  was  left  till  the  third  ilay  it  was 
 burned  (Lev.  vii.  16-18).  The  eating  of  the  Cha- 
 gigah was  an  occasion  of  social  festivity  connected 
 with  the  festivals,  and  especially  with  the  Pass- 
 over, (i.)  Release  of  Prisoners. — It  is  a  question 
 whether  the  release  of  a  prisoner  at  the  I'assover 
 (Matt,  xxvii.  15;  Mark  xv.  6;  Luke  xxiii.  17; 
 .John  xviii.  39)  was  a  custom  of  Roman  origin  re- 
 sembling what  took  place  at  the  lectisternium  (Liv. 
 V.  13),  and,  in  later  times,  on  the  birthday  of  an 
 emperor ;  or  whether  it  was  an  old  Hebrew  usage 
 belonging  to  the  festival,  which  Pilate  allowed  the 
 Jews  to  retain,  {k.)  The  Second,  or  Little  Pass- 
 over.— When  the  Passover  was  celebrated  the  second 
 year,  in  the  wilderness,  certain  men  were  prevented 
 from  keeping  it,  owing  to  their  being  defiled  by 
 contact  with  a  dead  body.  Being  thus  prevented 
 from  obeying  the  Divine  command,  they  cjmie  anxi- 
 ously to  Moses  to  inquire  what  they  should  do.  He 
 was  accordingly  instructed  to  institute  a  second 
 Ptissover,  to  be  observed  on  the  14th  of  the  follow- 
 ing month,  for  the  benefit  of  any  who  had  been 
 hindered  from  keeping  the  regular  one  in  Nisan 
 (Num.  ix.  11).  The  Talmudists  called  this  the 
 Little  Passover.  (/.)  Observances  of  the  Passover 
 recorded  in  Scripture. — Of  these,  seven  are  of  chief 
 historical  imjiortance : — 1.  The  first  Passover  in 
 Egypt  (Ei.  xii.).  2.  The  first  kept  in  the  deseit 
 (Num.  ix.).  3.  That  celebrated  by  Joshua  at 
 Gilgal  (Josh.  v.).  4.  That  which  Hezekiah  ob- 
 served on  the  occasion  of  his  restoring  the  national 
 worehip  (2  Chr.  xxx.).  This  Passover  w;is  not 
 held  till  the  second  month,  the  proper  time  for 
 the  Little  Passover.  5.  The  Passover  of  Josiah  in 
 the  eighteenth  year  of  his  reign  (2  Chr.  xxxv.). 
 6.  That  celebrated  by  Ezra  after  the  return  from 
 Babylon  (Ezr.  vi.).  7.  The  last  Passover  of  our 
 Lord's  life.— III.  The  Last  Suim'ER. — 1.  Whether 
 or  not  the  meal  at  which  our  Lord  instituted  the 
 sacrament  of  the  Eucharist  was  the  j>aschal  supper 
 according  to  the  law,  is  a  question  of  great  ditti- 
 culty.  No  point  in  the  Gospel  histoiy  has  been 
 more  disputed.  If  we  had  nothing  to  guide  us  but 
 the  three  first  Gospels,  no  doubt  of  the  kind  could 
 well  be  raised,  though  the  narratives  may  not  be 
 free  from  difficulties  in  themselves ;  but,  on  the 
 other  hand,  if  we  had  no  information  but  that 
 which  is  to  be  gathered  from  St.  John's  Gospel,  we 
 could  not  hesitate  to  infer  that  the  evening  of  the 
 supper  was  that  of  the  13th  of  Nisan,  the  day  pre- 
 ceding that  of  the  paschal  meal.  If  we  admit,  iu 
 accordance  with  the  fii-st  view  of  these  passages, 
 that  the  last  supper  was  on  the  13th  of  Nisjin,  our 
 Lord  must  have  been  crucified  on  the  14tJi,  the  day 
 on  which  the  paschal  lamb  was  slain  and  I'aten.  He 
 lay  in  the  grave  on  the  ir)th  (which  was  a  "  high 
 day"  or  double  sabbath,  bt'c:iMse  the  weekly  sabbath 
 coincided  with  the  day  of  lioly  convocation),  and  the 
 Sunday  of  the  resuiTection  was  the  16th.  It  is  not 
 surprising  that  some  modern  ciitics  should  have 
 given  up  as  hopeless  the  task  of  reconciling  this 
 difliculty.  2.  The  reconciliations  which  have  been 
 attempted  fall  under  three  principal  heads  : — 
 i.  Those  which  regard  the  supper  at  which  our 
 Lord  washed  the  feet  of  His  disciples  (John  xiii.), 
 as  having  been  a  ilistinct  meal  eaten  one  or  moie 
 days  before  the  regular  Passover,  of  which  our  Lord 
 jKii'took  in  due  course  according  to  the  synoptical 
 narratives,  ii.  'fhose  in  which  it  is  endeavoured  U) 
 establish  lh:it  the  meal  was  eaten  on  llie  1 3th,  and 
 that  oui   Loid  was  crucified  lai  the  evening  of  tin" 
 
PASSOVER 
 
 true  paschal  snpiier.  iii.  Those  in  which  the  most 
 obvious  view  of  the  three  first  narratives  is  de- 
 fended, and  in  which  it  is  attempted  to  explain  the 
 apparent  contradictions  in  St.  John,  and  the  diffi- 
 culties in  reference  to  the  law.  (i.)  The  first  method 
 has  the  advantage  of  furnishing  the  most  ready  way 
 of  accounting  for  St.  John's  silence  on  the  institu- 
 tion of  the  Holy  Communion  ;  but  any  explanation 
 founded  on  the  supposition  of  two  meals  appears  to 
 be  rendered  untenable  by  the  context,  (ii.)  The 
 curi-ent  of  opinion  iu  modern  times  has  set  in  favour 
 of  taking  the  more  obvious  interpretation  of  the 
 passages  in  St.  John,  that  the  supper  was  eaten  on 
 the  loth,  and  that  our  Lord  was  crucified  on  the 
 14th.  Those  who  thus  hold  that  the  supper  was 
 eaten  on  the  13th  day  of  the  month  have  devised 
 various  ways  of  accounting  for  the  circumstance, 
 of  which  the  following  are  the  most  important : — 
 (a.)  It  is  assumed  that  a  party  of  the  Jews,  pro- 
 bably the  Sadducees  and  those  who  inclined  towards 
 them,  used  to  eat  the  Passover  one  day  before  the 
 rest,  and  that  our  Lora  approved  of  their  practice. 
 (6.)  It  has  been  conjectured  that  the  great  body 
 of  the  Jews  nad  gone  wrong  in  calculating  the  true 
 Passover-day,  placing  it  a  day  too  late,  and  that 
 our  Lord  ate  the  Passover  on  what  was  really  the 
 14th,  but  what  commonly  passed  as  the  13th. 
 (c.)  Calvin  supposed  that  on  this  occasion,  though 
 our  Lord  thought  it  light  to  adhere  to  the  true 
 legal  time,  the  Jews  ate  the  Passover  on  the  15th 
 instead  of  the  14th,  in  order  to  escape  from  the 
 burden  of  two  days  of  strict  observance  (the  day  of 
 holy  convocation  and  the  weekly  sabbath)  coming 
 together,  (d.)  Grotius  thought  that  the  meal  was 
 a  TTUffxO'  fivrifiovevTiKdv  (like  the  paschal  feast  of 
 tlie  modern  Jews,  and  such  as  might  have  been 
 observed  during  the  Babylonian  captivity),  not  a 
 irdcrx"-  9v(rinov.  (e.)  A  view  which  has  been  re- 
 ceived with  favour  far  more  generally  than  either 
 of  the  preceding  is,  that  the  Last  Supper  was  insti- 
 tuted by  Christ  for  the  occasion,  in  oi-der  that 
 He  might  Himself  suffer  on  the  proper  evening  on 
 which  the  paschal  lamb  was  slain.  Erasmus  and 
 others  have  called  it  an  "  anticipatory  Passover  ;" 
 but  if  this  view  is  to  stand,  it  seems  better,  in  a 
 formal  treatment  of  the  subject,  not  to  rail  it  a 
 Pstssover  at  all.  (iii.)  They  who  take  the  facts  as 
 they  appear  to  lie  on  the  surface  of  the  synoptical 
 narratives  start  from  a  simpler  point.  They  have 
 to  show  that  the  passages  in  St.  John  may  be  fairly 
 interpreted  in  such  a  manner  as  not  to  inteifei-e 
 with  their  own  conclusion,  (a.)  John  xiii.  1,  2. 
 Does  irph  ttjs  eoprfis  limit  the  time  only  of  the 
 pioposition  in  the  first  verse,  or  is  the  limitation 
 to  be  carried  on  to  veise  2,  so  as  to  refer  to  the 
 supper?  In  the  latter  case  the  natural  conclusion 
 is,  that  the  meal  was  one  eaten  before  the  paschal 
 supper.  Others  take  irdax"-  ^o  mean  the  seven  days 
 of  unleavened  bread  as  not  including  the  eating  of 
 the  lamb,  and  justify  this  limitation  by  St.  Luke 
 xxii.  1  ;  but  not  a  few  of  those  who  take  this  side 
 of  the  main  question  regard  the  first  verse  as  com- 
 plete in  itself.  On  the  whole,  Neander  himself 
 admits  that  nothing  can  safely  be  inferred  from 
 John  xiii.  1,  2,  in  favour  of  the  supper  having 
 taken  place  on  the  13th.  (&.)  John  xiii.  29.  It  is 
 urged  that  the  things  of  which  they  had  "  need 
 against  the  feast,"  niight  have  been  the  provisions 
 for  the  Chagigah,  perhaps  with  what  else  was  re- 
 quired for  the  seven  days  of  unleavened  bread.  The 
 usual  day  for  sacrificing  the  Chagigah  wa.s  the  loth, 
 
 PASSOVER 
 
 687 
 
 which  was  then  cominencing.  But  there  is  another 
 difficulty  in  the  disciples  thinking  it  likely  either 
 that  purchases  could  be  made,  or  that  alms  could 
 be  given  to  the  poor,  on  a  day  of  holy  convocation. 
 It  is  highly  probable  that  the  letter  of  the  law  in 
 regard  to  trading  was  habitually  relaxed  in  the 
 case  of  what  was  required  for  religious  rites  or  for 
 burials,  (c.)  John  xviii.  28.  The  Jews  refused  to 
 enter  the  praetorium  lest  they  should  be  defiled,  and 
 so  disqualified  from  eating  the  Passover.  Neander 
 and  others  deny  that  this  passage  can  possibly  refer 
 to  anything  but  the  paschal  supper.  But  it  is 
 alleged  that  the  words  may  either  be  taken  in  a 
 general  sense  as  meaning  "  that  they  might  go  on 
 keeping  the  passover,"  or  that  rh  ■KO.axo-  may  be 
 understood  specifically  to  denote  the  Chagigah. 
 {d.")  John  xix.  14.  "  The  preparation  of  the  Pass- 
 over "  at  first  sight  would  seem  as  if  it  must  be 
 the  preparation  for  the  Passover  on  the  14th,  a 
 time  set  apart  for  making  ready  for  the  paschal 
 week,  and  for  the  paschal  supper  in  particular.  It 
 is  naturally  so  understood  by  those  who  advocate 
 the  notion  that  the  last  supper  was  eaten  on  the 
 13th.  But  they  who  take  the  opposite  view  affirm 
 that,  though  there  was  a  regular  "  preparation " 
 for  the  Sabbath,  there  is  no  mention  of  any  "  pre- 
 paration" for  the  festivals.  It  seems  to  be  essen- 
 tially connected  with  the  Sabbath  itself  (John  xix. 
 31).  The  phrase  in  John  xix.  14  may  thus  be 
 understood  as  the  preparation  of  the  Sabbath  which 
 fell  in  the  Passover  week.  If  these  arguments  are 
 admitted,  the  day  of  the  preparation  mentioned  in 
 the  Gospels  might  have  fallen  on  the  day  of  holy 
 convocation,  the  15th  of  Nisan.  (e.)  John  xix.  31. 
 "  That  Sabbath  day  was  a  high  day."  It  is  as- 
 sumed by  those  who  fix  the  supper  on  the  13th 
 that  the  term  was  applied,  owing  to  the  15th  being 
 "  a  double  sabbath,"  from  the  coincidence  of  the 
 day  of  holy  convocation  with  the  weekly  festival. 
 Those,  on  the  other  hnnd,  who  identify  the  supper 
 with  the  paschal  meal,  contend  that  the  special 
 dignity  of  the  day  resulted  from  its  being  that  on 
 which  the  Omer  was  offered,  and  from  which  were 
 reckoned  the  fifty  days  to  Pentecost.  (/.)  The  dif- 
 ficulty of  supposing  that  our  Lord's  apprehension, 
 trial,  and  crucifixion  took  place  on  the  day  of  holy 
 convocation  has  been  strongly  urged.  If  many  of 
 the  rabbinical  maxims  for  the  observance  of  such 
 davs  which  have  been  handed  down  to  us  were  thou 
 in  force,  these  occurrences  certainly  could  not  have 
 taken  place.  But  the  statements  which  refer  to 
 Jewish  usage  in  regard  to  legal  proceedings  on 
 sacred  days  are  very  inconsistent  with  each  other. 
 Some  of  them  make  the  difficulty  equally  great 
 whether  we  suppose  the  trial  to  have  taken  place 
 on  the  14th  or  the  15th.  In  others  there  are  ex- 
 ceptions pennitted  which  seem  to  go  far  to  meet 
 the  case  before  us.  But  we  have  better  proof  than 
 either  the  Mishna  or  the  Gemara  can  afford  that  the 
 Jews  did  not  hesitate,  iu  the  time  of  the  Roman 
 domination,  to  carry  arms  and  to  apprehend  a  pri- 
 soner on  a  solemn  feast-day.  We  find  them  at  the 
 feast  of  Tabernacles,  on  the  "  great  day  of  the 
 feast,"  sending  out  olficers  to  take  our  Lord,  and 
 rebuking  them  for  not  bringing  Him  (John  vii. 
 32-45).  St.  Peter  also  was  seized  during  the  Pa.ss- 
 over  (Acts  xii.  3,  4).  And,  again,  the  reason  alleged 
 by  the  rulers  for  not  apprehending  Jesus  was,  not 
 the  sanctity  of  the  festival,  but  the  fear  of  an  u)>- 
 roar  among  the  multitude  which  was  assembled 
 'Matt.  xxvi.  5).     On  the  whole,  notwithstanding 
 
688 
 
 PASSOVER 
 
 the   express   deelai-ation    of  tlie    Law  and   of  the 
 Mishna  that  the  days  of  hoiv  convocation  were  to 
 be  observed  precisely  ;i.s  the  Sabbath,  except  in  the 
 preparation  of  food,  it  is  highly  piobable  tiiat  oon- 
 B  dernble  licence  was  allowed  in  regard  to  them,  as 
 we  have  already  observed.     3.  There  is  a  strange 
 story  preserveil  in  the  Gemara  [Sanhedrin,  vi.  2), 
 that  our  Lord   having  vainly   endeavoured  during 
 forty  davs  to  lind  an  advocate,  was  sentenced,  and, 
 ou  tlie  14th  of  Nisan,  stoned,  and  afterwards  hanged. 
 As  we  know  that  the  dillicnlty  of  the  (Jospel  narra- 
 tives had  been  perceived  long  before  this  statement 
 conld  have  been  written,  and  as  the  two  opposite 
 opiilions  on  the  chief  question  were  both  cunent, 
 the  writer  might  easily  have  tal<en  up  one  or  the 
 other.      The  statement  cannot  be  regarded  as  worth 
 anything  in  the  way  of  evidence.     Not  much  use 
 c;in  be  made  in  the  controversy  of  the  testimonies 
 of  the  Fathers  ;  but  few  of  them  attempted  to  con- 
 sider the  question  critically.      4.  It  must  be  ad- 
 mitted that  the  narrative  of  St.  John,  as  far  as  the 
 mere  succession  of  events  is  concerned,  bears  con- 
 sistent  testimony    in    flavour    of    the    last    supper 
 having  been  eaten  on  the  evening  before  the  Pass- 
 over.    That  testimony,  however,  does  not  appear 
 to  be  so  distinct,  and  so  incapable  of  a  second  in- 
 terpretation, as  that  of  the  synoptical  Gospels,  in 
 favour  of  the  meal  having  been  the  paschal  supper 
 itself,  at  the  legal  time  (see  especially  Matt.  xxvi. 
 17;  Mark  xiv.  1,  12;   Luke  .xxii.  7).— IV.  Mean- 
 ing OF  THE  Passover. — 1.    Each  of  the  thiee 
 great  festivals  contained  a  reference  to  the  annual 
 course  of  nature.     Two  at  least  of  them — the  first 
 and  the  last — also  commemorated  events  in  the  his- 
 tory of  the  chosen  people.     It  must  be  admitted 
 that  the  relation  to  the  natuial  year  expressed  in 
 the  Passover  was  less  marked  than  that  in   Pente- 
 cost or  Tabernacles,  while  its  hi»toric;il  import  was 
 deeper  and  moie  pointed.     That  part  of  its  cere- 
 monies which  has  a  diiect  agricultural  reference — 
 the  offering  of  the  Omer — holds  a  very  eubordinate 
 place.     2.  'i"he  deliverance  from  Egypt  was  regaided 
 as  the  starting-point  of  the  Hebrew  nation.     The 
 Israelites  were  then   raised  iiom  the   condition  of 
 Iwndmen  under  a  foreign  tyrant  to  that  of  a  free 
 people  owing   allegiance   to  no  one   but  Jehovah. 
 The  pro])het  in  a  later  age  spoke  of  the  event  as 
 a  creation  and  a  rcdemptmi  of  the  nation.     God 
 declares    Himself  to   be    "  the  creator  of  Israel." 
 The  Exodus  was. thus  looked  upon  as  the  birth  of 
 the  nat'jn  ;   the  Passover  was  its  annual  birthday 
 feast.     It  was  the  yearly  memniial  of  the  dedication 
 of  the  people  to  Him  who  had  saved  their  Hr.st-ljorn 
 from  the  destroyer,  in  order  that  they  might  be 
 made  holy  to  Himself.      3.  (n.)  The  paschal  lamb 
 must  of  course  be  regarded  as  the  leading  feature 
 in  the  ceremonial  of  the  festival.     Some  Protestant 
 divines    during    the    last    two    centuries    (t'alov, 
 Cai-pzov)  have  denied  that  it  was  a  sacrifice  in  the 
 proper  sense  of  the  word.     But  most  of  their  con- 
 temporaries   (Cudworth,    Bochart,   Vitringii),    and 
 nearly  all  modern  critics,  have  iield  that  it  was  in 
 the  stiictest  sense  a  s;icriHce.      The  chief  charac- 
 teristics of  a  sacrifice  are  all  distinctly  .^scribed  to 
 it.     It  was  oHered  in   the  holy  place  (Deut.  xvi. 
 5,6);  the  blood   was  sprinkled  on  the  altar,  and 
 the  fat  was  burned  (2  t'lir.  xxx.    lt>,  xxxv.    11). 
 The  language  of  Ex.  xii.  27,  xxiii.  18,  Num.  ix.  7, 
 L)eut.  xvi.  2,  ."),   together  with  1  Cor.  v.  7,  would 
 s<>era  to  decide  the  <|iiestion   beyond    the  reach   of 
 doulit.      .As  the  original   institution  of  the  P.i,ssovcr 
 
 PASSOVER 
 
 in  Egypt  preceded  the  estiiblishnient  of  the  pn'est- 
 hood  and  the  regulation  of  the  service  of  the  taber- 
 nacle, it  necessarily  fell  short  in  several  particuia)-s 
 of  the  obsen'ance  of  the  festival  according  to  the 
 fully  developed  ceremonial  law.  The  head  of  the 
 family  slew  the  lamb  in  his  own  house,  not  in  the 
 holy  place ;  the  blood  was  sprinkled  on  the  door- 
 w.ay,  not  on  the  altar.  But  when  the  law  was  per- 
 fected, certain  particulars  were  alt'^red  in  order  to 
 assimilate  the  Passover  to  the  accustomed  order  of 
 religious  service.  It  has  been  conjectured  that  the 
 imposition  of  the  hands  of  the  priest  was  one  of 
 these  particulars,  though  it  is  not  lecorded  (Kurtz), 
 But  whether  this  was  the  case  or  not,  the  other 
 changes  wiiich  have  been  stated  seem  to  be  abun- 
 dantly sutiicient  for  the  argument.  It  can  hardly 
 be  iloubted  that  the  paschal  lamb  was  regarded  as 
 the  great  annual  peace-oriiering  of  the  family,  a 
 thank-oi1eriiig  for  the  existence  and  preservation  of 
 the  nation  (Ex.  xiii.  14-16),  the  typical  siicrifice  of 
 the  elected  and  reconciled  children  of  the  promise. 
 A  question,  perhaps  not  a  wise  one,  has  been  raiseil 
 regarding  the  purpose  of  the  sprinkling  of  the  blood 
 on  the  lintels  and  door-posts.  Some  have  consid- 
 ered that  it  was  meant  as  a  mai'k  to  guide  the  de- 
 stroying angel.  Others  suppose  that  it  was  merely 
 a  sign  to  confinn  the  faith  of  the  Israelites  in  their 
 safety  and  deliverance.  Surely  neither  of  the.->e 
 views  can  stand  alone.  The  spiinkling  must  have 
 been  an  act  of  faith  and  obedience  which  <iod  ac- 
 cepted with  favour.  That  it  also  demited  the  puri- 
 fication of  the  children  of  Israel  from  the  abomina- 
 tions of  the  Egyptians,  and  so  had  the  accustomwl 
 significance  of  the  spiinkling  of  blood  under  the  law 
 (Heb.  ix.  22).  is  evidently  in  entire  consi.stency  with 
 this  view.  No  satisfactory  reason  has  lieen  assigned 
 for  the  command  to  choose  the  lamb  four  days  be- 
 fore the  pisclial  supper.  That  the  lamb  was  to  be 
 roasted  and  not  boiled,  has  lieen  supjiosed  to  com- 
 memorate the  hiiste  of  the  departure  of  the  Israelites. 
 Kurtz  conjectures  that  the  lamb  was  to  be  roasted 
 with  tire,  the  purifying  element,  be<:anse  the  meat 
 was  thus  left  pure,  without  the  mixture  even  of 
 the  water  which  would  have  entered  into  it  in 
 boiling.  It  is  not  difficult  to  determine  tlie  reason 
 of  the  command,  "  not  a  bone  of  him  shall  be 
 broken."  The  lamb  was  to  be  a  symbol  of  unity ; 
 the  unity  of  the  family,  the  unity  of  the  nation,  the 
 unity  of  God  with  His  people  whom  He  had  taken 
 into  covenant  with  Himself.  (6.)  The  unleavened 
 bread  ranks  next  in  importance  to  the  paschal  lamb. 
 The  notion  h.as  been  very  generally  held,  or  tjiken 
 for  granted,  both  by  Christian  and  Jewish  writers 
 of  all  ages,  that  it  was  intended  to  remind  the 
 Israelites  of  the  unleaveneil  cakes  wliich  they  were 
 obliged  to  eat  in  their  hasty  flight  (Ex.  xii.  .".4,  39)  ; 
 but  there  is  not  the  least  intimation  to  this  effect 
 in  the  sacretl  narrative.  It  has  been  considered  by 
 some  that  the  unleavened  bread  and  the  bitter  herbs 
 alike  owe  their  meaning  to  their  being  regarded  .as 
 unpalatable  food  ;  but  this  seems  to  be  wholly  in- 
 consistent with  the  pi'rvading  joyous  nature  of  the 
 festival.  On  the  whole  we  are  warrante<l  in  con- 
 cluding that  unleavened  bread  had  a  |ieculiar  sjtcri- 
 ficial  character,  according  to  the  Law.  It  seems 
 more  reasonable  to  accept  St.  I'aul's  reference  tc 
 the  subject  (1  Cor.  v.  tj-8)  .as  furnishing  the  true 
 moaning  of  the  .symbol.  Fernientition  is  decomjws- 
 itioii,  a  di-ssolutioii  of  unity.  The  pure  dry  biscuit 
 would  be  an  apt  emblem  of  unchangeil  duration, 
 and,  in  its  freedom  from  foreign  mixture,  i>f  purity 
 
PATARA 
 
 also,  (c.)  The  bitter  herbs  arc  generally  under- 
 stood by  tlie  Jewish  vviiters  to  siguity  the  bitter 
 sufl'erings  wliich  the  Israelites  had  enduied  (Ex.  i. 
 14).  But  it  has  been  remarked  by  Abeuezra  that 
 tliese  herbs  are  a  good  and  wholesome  accompani- 
 ment for  meat,  and  are  now,  and  appear  to  have 
 been  in  ancient  times,  commonly  so  eaten.  (<i.)  The 
 ofiering  of  the  Omer,  though  it  is  obviously  that 
 part  of  the  festival  which  is  immediately  connected 
 with  tiie  course  of  the  seasons,  bore  a  distinct  ana- 
 logy to  its  historical  significance.  It  may  have 
 denoted  a  deliverance  from  winter,  as  the  lamb 
 signified  delivera;ice  from  the  bondage  of  Egypt, 
 which  might  well  be  considered  as  a  winter  in  the 
 liistory  of  the  nation.  Again,  the  consecration  of 
 the  first-fruits,  the  first-bom  of  the  soil,  is  an 
 easy  type  of  the  consecitition  ol'  the  fiist-born  of 
 the  Israelites.  4.  No  other  shadow  of  good  things 
 to  come  contained  in  the  Law  can  vie  with  the 
 festival  of  the  Passover  in  expressiveness  and  com- 
 jileteuess.  Hence  we  are  so  often  reminded  of  it, 
 more  oi-  less  distinctly,  in  the  ritual  and  language 
 of  the  Church.  Its  outline,  considered  in  reference 
 to  the  great  deliverance  of  the  Israelites  which  it 
 commemorated,  and  many  of  its  minute  details, 
 have  been  appropiiated  as  current  expressions  of  the 
 truths  which  God  has  revealed  to  us  in  the  fulness 
 of  time  in  sending  His  Son  upon  earth.  It  is  not 
 surprising  that  ecclesiastical  writers  should  have 
 pushed  the  comjiarison  too  far,  and  exercised  their 
 fancy  in  the  appliaition  of  trifling  or  accidenUil 
 particulars  either  to  the  facts  of  our  Lord's  lite  or 
 to  truths  connected  with  it.  But,  keeping  withui 
 the  limits  of  sober  interpretation  indicated  by  Sciipt- 
 ure  itself,  the  application  is  singularly  full  and 
 edifying.  The  crowning  application  of  the  paschal 
 rites  to  the  truths  of  which  they  were  the  shadowy 
 promises  appears  to  be  that  which  is  aflorded  by 
 the  fact  that  our  Lord's  death  occurred  during  the 
 festival.  According  to  the  Divine  puipose,  the  true 
 Lamb  of  God  was  slain  at  nearly  the  same  time  as 
 "  the  Lord's  Passover,"  in  obedience  to  the  letter  of 
 the  law.  It  does  not  seem  needful  that,  in  order 
 to  give  point  to  this  coincidence,  we  should  (as 
 some  have  done)  draw  from  it  an  a  priori  argu- 
 ment in  favour  of  our  Lord's  cracifixion  having 
 taken  place  on  the  14th  of  Nisan.  It  is  enough  to 
 know  that  our  own  Holy  Week  and  Easter  stand  as 
 the  annivereaiy  of  the  same  great  facts  as  were 
 foreshown  in  those  events  of  which  the  yearly  Pass- 
 over was  a  commemoration.  As  compared  with  the 
 other  festivals,  the  Passover  was  remarkably  dis- 
 tinguished by  a  single  victim  essentially  its  own, 
 sacrificed  in  a  very  peculiar  manner.  In  this 
 respect,  as  wtjU  as  in  the  place  it  held  in  the 
 ecclesiastical  year,  it  had  a  foiinal  dignity  and 
 character  of  its  own.  It  was  the  representative 
 festival  of  the  year,  and  in  this  unique  position 
 it  stood  in  a  certain  relation  to  circumcision  as 
 the  second  sacrament  of  the  Hebrew  Church  (Ex. 
 .Nii.  44j. 
 
 Fat'ara,  a  Lycian  city  of  some  considerable  note. 
 it  was  situated  on  the  south-western  shore  of  Lycia, 
 not  far  i'rom  the  left  bank  of  the  river  Xanthus. 
 The  coast  here  is  veiy  mountainous  and  bold.  Im- 
 mediately opposite  is  the  island  of  Rhodes.  Patai-a 
 was  practiKilly  the  seaport  of  the  city  of  Xanthus, 
 which  was  ten  miles  distant.  These  notices  of  its 
 position  and  maritime  importance  introduce  us  to 
 the  single  mention  of  the  place  in  the  Bible  (Acts 
 xxi.  1,  2). 
 
 Con.  D.  B. 
 
 PATRIARCHS 
 
 C89 
 
 Pathe'uB.  Pethahiah  the  Levitc  (1  Esdr.  ix. 
 23;  comp.  Ezr.  x.  23). 
 
 Path'ros,  gent,  noun  Pathrusim,  a  part  of 
 Egypt,  and  a  Mizraite  trite.  That  Pathros  was  in 
 Egypt  admits  of  no  question :  we  have  to  attempt 
 to  decide  its  position  more  nearly.  In  the  list  oi 
 the  Mizraites,  the  Pathrusim  occur  after  the  Naph- 
 tuhim,  and  before  the  Casluhim ;  the  latter  being 
 followed  by  the  notice  of  the  Philistines,  and  by 
 the  Caphtorim  (Gen.  x.  13,  14;  1  Chr.  i.  12). 
 Pathros  is  mentioned  in  the  prophecies  of  Isaiah 
 (xi.  11),  Jeremiah  (xliv.  1,  15),  and  Ezekiel  (xxix, 
 14,  XXX  13-18;.  From  the  place  of  the  Pathrusim 
 in  the  list  of  the  Mizraites,  they  might  be  supposed 
 to  have  settled  in  Lower  Egypt,  or  the  more  noi-thern 
 part  of  Uppei'  Egypt.  It  seems,  if  the  order  be 
 geographical,  as  theie  is  reason  to  suppose,  that  it 
 is  to  be  inferred  that  the  Pathrusim  were  seated  in 
 Lower  Egypt,  or  not  much  above  it,  unless  th.ere 
 be  any  transposition.  If  the  original  order  were 
 Pathrusim,  Caphtorim,  Casluhim,  then  the  first 
 might  have  settled  in  the  highest  part  of  Upper 
 '''g}Pt,  and  the  othci-  two  below  them.  The  occur- 
 rences in  Jeremiah  seem  to  favour  the  idea  that 
 Pathros  was  part  of  Lower  Egypt,  or  the  whole  of 
 that  legion.  The  notice  by  Ezekiel  of  Pathros  as 
 the  land  of  the  birth  of  the  Egyptians  seems  to 
 fiivour  the  idea  that  it  w;is  part  of  or  all  Upper 
 Egypt.  Pathros  has  been  connected  with  the  Pa- 
 thyrite  nome,  the  Phaturite  of  Pliny  (//.  N.  v.  9, 
 §47),  in  which  Thebes  was  situate.  This  identifi- 
 cation may  be  as  old  as  the  LXX.  The  discovery 
 of  the  Egyptian  name  of  the  town  after  which  the 
 nome  was  called  puts  the  inquiry  on  a  s:ifer  basis. 
 It  is  written  HA-HAT-HER,  "  The  Abode  of  Hat- 
 her,"  the  Egyptian  Venus.  It  may  perhaps  have 
 sometimes  been  written  P-HA-HAT-HEU,  in  which 
 case  the  P-H  and  T-H  would  have  coalesced  in  the 
 Hebrew  form,  as  did  T-H  in  Caphtor.  On  the 
 evidence  here  brought  forward,  it  seems  reasonable 
 to  consider  Pathros  to  be  part  of  Ujiper  Egypt,  and 
 to  trace  its  name  in  that  of  the  Pathyrite  nome. 
 But  this  is  only  a  very  conjectural  identification, 
 which  future  discoveries  may  overthrow. 
 
 Path'rusim.     [Pathros!] 
 
 Pat'mos  (Rev.  i.  9).  Two  recent  and  copious 
 accounts,  one  by  a  GeiTnan,  the  other  by  a  French, 
 traveller,  furnish  us  with  vay  full  infonnation 
 regarding  Patmos.  The  aspect  of  the  island  is 
 peculiarly  rugged  and  bare.  And  such  a  scene  of 
 banishment  for  St.  John  in  the  reign  of  Domitian  is 
 quite  in  harmony  with  wliat  we  read  of  the  custom 
 of  the  period.  Patmos  is  divided  into  two  nearly 
 equal  parts,  a  northern  and  a  southern,  by  a  very 
 narrow  isthmus,  where,  on  the  east  side,  are  the 
 harbour  and  the  town.  On  the  hill  to  tlie  south, 
 crowning  a  commanding  lieight,  is  the  celebrated 
 monastery,  which  bears  the  name  of  "  John  the 
 Divine."  Halfway  up  the  ascent  is  the  cave  or 
 grotto  where  tradition  says  that  St.  John  received 
 the  Revelation.  We  liave  only  to  add  that  Patmos 
 is  one  of  the  Sporades,  and  is  in  that  part  of  the 
 Aegean  which  is  called  the  Icarian  Sea.  It  must 
 have  been  conspicuous  on  the  riglit  when  St.  Paul 
 was  sailing  (Acts  xx.  15,  xxi.'  1)  from  Sajios 
 to  Cos. 
 
 Patriarchs.  The  name  Patriarch  {irarpidpxv^') 
 is  applied  in  the  N.  T.  to  Abraham  (Heb.  vii.  4),  to 
 the  sons  of  Jacob  (Acts  vii.  8,  9),  and  to  David 
 (Acts  ii.  29) ;  and  is  apparently  intended  to  be  equi- 
 valent to  the  phrase,  the  "  head  "  or  "  yy'uvc  of  a 
 
 2  Y 
 
690 
 
 PATRIARCHS 
 
 tribe,"  so  often  found  in  the  0.  T.  It  is  used  in 
 tills  sense  by  the  LXX.  in  1  Chr.  xxiv.  31,  xxvii. 
 22  ;  '2  Chr.  xxiii.  20,  xxvi.  12.  In  common  usage 
 tlie  title  of  patriarch  is  assigned  es]iecially  to  those 
 whose  lives  are  recorded  in  Scripture  previous  to 
 the  time  of  Moses.  The  patriaichal  times  are  na- 
 turally divided  into  the  ante-diluvian  and  post- 
 diluvian periods.  1.  In  the  formt>r  the  Scripture 
 record  contains  little  e.xcept  the  list  of  the  line  from 
 Seth,  through  Knos,  Cainan,  Mahalaleel,  Jared, 
 Knoch,  Methuselah,  and  Laniech,  to  Noah ;  with 
 the  ages  of  each  at  their  periods  of  generation  and 
 at  their  deaths.  To  some  extent  parallel  to  this,  is 
 given  tlie  line  of  Cain  ;  Knocli,  had,  Jlehujael, 
 Methusael,  Lamech,  and  the  sous  of  Lamech,  Jabal, 
 Jubal,  and  Tubal-Cain.  To  the  latter  line  are 
 attributed  the  first  signs  of  material  civilization, 
 the  building  of  cities,  the  division  of  classes,  and 
 the  knowledge  of  mechanical  arts ;  while  the  only 
 moral  record  of  their  history  ol)scurely  speaks  of 
 violence  and  bloodshed.  One  of  the  main  questions 
 raised  as  to  the  ante-diluvian  period  tiuns  on  the 
 longevity  assigned  to  the  j)atriarchs.  Willi  the  single 
 exception  of  Enoch  (whose  departure  from  the 
 earth  at  365  years  of  age  is  exceptional  in  eveiy 
 sense),  their  ages  vaiy  from  777  (Lamech)  to  969 
 (Methuselah).  This  statement  of  ages  is  clear  and 
 delinite.  To  suppose,  with  some,  that  the  name  ot 
 each  patriarch  denotes  a  clan  or  family,  and  his  age 
 its  duration,  appears  to  be  a  mere  evasion  of  diffi- 
 culty. It  must  either  be  accepted,  as  a  plain  state- 
 ment of  fact,  or  regarded  as  purely  fabulous,  like 
 the  legendary  assignment  of  immense  ages  to  the 
 early  Iiidi;in  or  Babylonian  or  Egyptian  kings.  In 
 the  acceptance  of  the  literal  meaning,  it  is  not  easy 
 to  say  how  much  difficulty  is  involved.  The  con- 
 stant attribution  in  all  legends  of  great  age  to 
 primeval  men  is  at  least  as  likely  to  be  a  distortion 
 of  fact,  as  a  mere  invention  of  fancy.  If  the  Divine 
 origin  of  .Scripture  be  believed,  its  authority  must 
 be  accepted  in  this,  as  in  other  cases;  and  the  list 
 of  the  ages  of  the  patriarchs  be  held  to  be  (what  it 
 certainly  claims  to  be)  a  stiitement  of  re;il  facts. 
 2.  It  is  in  the  post-diluvian  periods  that  more  is 
 gathered  as  to  the  nature  of  the  patriarchal  history. 
 It  is  at  tirst  general  in  its  scope.  The  "  Covenant" 
 given  to  Noah  is  one,  free  from  all  condition,  and  ' 
 fraught  with  natural  blessings,  extending  to  all 
 alike.  But  the  history  soon  narrows  itself  to  that 
 of  a  single  tribe  or  family,  ;uid  atWwards  touches 
 the  geneial  history  of  the  ancient  world  and  its 
 empires,  only  so  far  as  it  bears  upon  this.  It  is  in 
 this  last  stiige  that  the  ])iinci(ile  of  the  pati-iarclial 
 dispensation  is  most  clearly  seen.  It  is  based  on 
 the  sacredness  of  family  ties  and  paternal  authority. 
 This  authority,  as  the  only  one  which  is  natural 
 and  original,  is  inevitibly  the  foundation  of  the 
 earliest  form  of  society,  and  is  probably  seen  most 
 perfectly  in  wandering  tribes,  where  it  is  not  alibcted 
 by  local  attachments  and  by  the  aciiuisition  ot' 
 wealth.  In  Scripture  this  .-luthoiity  is  consecrated 
 by  an  ultimate  reference  to  God,  hh  the  Ood  of  the 
 patriarch,  the  Kather  (that  is)  both  of  him  and  his 
 children.  At  the  same  time,  this  faith  was  not 
 allowed  to  degenerate,  as  it  was  prone  to  d/j.  into 
 an  appiojiriation  of  God,  as  the  mere  tutelary  (Jod 
 of  the  tribe.  Still  the  distinction  and  preservation 
 of  the  chosen  fjimily,  iniil  the  maintenance  of  the 
 piiternal  authority,  :ire  the  special  purposes,  which 
 give  a  key  to  the  meaning  of  history,  and  of  the  in- 
 Bliiutions  recorded.       The  type  of  character  formed 
 
 PAUL 
 
 under  this  dispensation,  is  one  imperfect  in  intel- 
 lectual and  spiritual  growth,  because  not  yet  tried 
 by  the  subtler  temptations,  or  forced  to  contemplate 
 the  dee|jer  questions  of  life;  but  it  is  one  remark- 
 ably simple,  afl'ectionate,  and  free,  such  as  would 
 grow  up  under  a  natural  authority,  derived  fiom 
 God  and  centering  in  Him,  yet  allowing,  under  its 
 unquestioned  sacredness,  a  familiarity  .ind  freedom 
 of  intercourse  with  Him,  which  is  strongly  con- 
 trasted with  the  stern  and  awful  chaiacter  of  the 
 Mosaic  dispensiition.  To  contemplate  it  from  a 
 Christian  point  of  view  is  like  looking  back  on  the 
 unconscious  freedom  and  innocence  of  childhood, 
 with  that  dee[)er  insight  and  strength  of  character 
 which  are  gained  by  the  experience  of  manhood. 
 We  see  in  it  the  germs  of  the  future,  of  the  future 
 i-evelation  of  God,  and  the  future  trials  and  de- 
 velopment of  man.  It  on  this  fact  that  the 
 typical  interpretation  of  its  histoiy  depends.  In 
 the  post-diluvian  history  of  the  chosen  family,  is 
 seen  the  distinction  of  the  tiue  believei-s,  possessors 
 of  a  special  covenant,  special  revelation,  and  special 
 privileges,  from  the  world  without.  In  it  is  there- 
 fore shadowed  out  the  history  of  the  Jewish  Nation 
 and  Christian  Church,  as  regards  the  freedom  ot 
 their  covenant,  the  gradual  unfoMing  of  their  revel- 
 ation, and  the  peculiar  blessings  and  temptations 
 which  belong  to  their  distinctive  position. 
 
 Pat'robas.  A  Christian  at  Rome  to  whom  St. 
 Paul  sends  his  salutation  (Kom.  xvi.  14).  Like 
 many  other  names  mentioned  in  Rom.  xvi.,  this 
 was  borne  by  at  le;ist  one  member  of  the  em- 
 peror's household  (Suet.  Galba,  20 ;  Mai'tial,  Ep. 
 ii.  ;52,  3). 
 
 Fatroclus,  the  father  of  Nicanor,  the  famous 
 adversary  of  Judas  Maccabaeus  (2  Mace.  viii.  9). 
 
 Pau,  but  in  1  Chr.  i.  50,  Pai,  the  capital  of 
 Iladar,  king  of  Edom  (Gen.  xxxvi.  39).  Its  posi- 
 tion is  unknown. 
 
 Paul,  the  Apostle  of  Jesus  Christ  to  the  Gen- 
 tiles.—Orj;/jnaM"</ion'<tt's. — Nearly  ail  the  original 
 materials  for  the  Life  of  St.  Paul  are  contained  in 
 the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  and  in  the  Pauline  Epis- 
 tles. Out  of  a  comparison  of  these  authorities  the 
 biographer  of  St.  Paul  has  to  construct  his  account 
 of  the  really  important  period  of  the  Ajwstle's  life. 
 The  early  traditions  of  the  Church  a}ipear  to  have 
 left  almost  untouched  the  space  of  time  for  which 
 we  posse.->s  those  sacred  and  abundant  souixes  of 
 knowledge;  and  they  aim  only  at  supplying  a  few 
 particulars  in  the  biograjdiy  beyond  the  points  at 
 which  the  narrative  of  the  Acts  begins  and  ter- 
 minates. We  siiall  assume  the  -Acts  of  the  Apostles 
 to  be  a  genuine  and  autlientic  work  of  St.  Luke, 
 the  companion  of  St.  Paul,  and  shall  speak  of  the 
 K'])istles  at  the  places  which  we  believe  them  to 
 occupy  in  the  history.— /'rom«;u.'»i<  points  in  the 
 Life. — I'oremost  of  all  is  his  Conversion.  This  was 
 the  main  loot  of  his  whole  life,  outward  and  inward. 
 Next  after  this,  we  may  specify  his  Labours  at 
 Aiitiiicli.  From  these  we  pa.-;s  to  the  First  Mis- 
 sionari/  Journeij,  in  the  eiistern  part  of  Asia  Minor. 
 Tiic  Visit  to  Jerusalem  was  a  critical  jx)iut,  both 
 in  the  history  of  the  Church  and  of  the  Ajjostle. 
 Tlte  introd'idion  of  the  Ouspet  into  Europe,  with 
 the  memorable  visits  to  Philippi,  Athens,  and  Co- 
 rinth, was  the  boldest  .stcii  in  the  carrying  out  of 
 St.  Paul's  mission.  A  third  great  missionary 
 journey,  chiefly  characteri/wl  by  a  long  stai/  at 
 Efihesiis,  is  further  interesting  from  its  connexion 
 with  four  Ica'ling  Epistles.     This  was  immediately 
 
PAUIi 
 
 followed  by  tnu  apprehension  of  St.  Paul  at  Jeru- 
 salem, and  his  imprisonment  at  Cacsarea.  And 
 the  last  event  of  which  we  have  a  full  narrative  is 
 the  Voyage  to  Rome.— Saul  of  I'arsns,  before  his 
 Conversion. — Up  to  the  time  of  his  going  forth  as 
 an  avowed  preacher  of  Christ  to  the  Gentiles,  the 
 -Apostle  was  known  by  the  name  of  Saul.  This 
 was  the  Jewish  name  which  he  received  from  his 
 Jewish  parents.  But  though  a  Hebrew  of  the 
 Hebrews,  he  was  born  in  a  Gentile  city.  Of  his 
 parents  we  know  nothing,  except  that  his  father 
 was  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  (Phil.  iii.  5),  and  a 
 I'harisee  (Acts  xxiii.  6),  that  he  had  acquired  by 
 some  means  the  Roman  franchise  ("  I  was  free 
 born,"  Acts  xxii.  28),  and  that  he  was  settled  in 
 Tai>ius.  "  I  am  a  Jew  of  Tarsus,  a  city  in  Cilicia, 
 a  citizen  of  no  mean  city"  (Acts  xxi.  39).  At 
 Tarsus  he  must  have  learnt  to  use  the  Greek  lan- 
 guage with  freedom  and  mastery  in  both  speaking 
 and  writing.  At  Tarsus  also  he  learnt  that  trade 
 of  "  tentmaker"  (Acts  xviii.  3),  at  which  he  after- 
 wards occasionally  WTOught  with  his  own  hands. 
 There  was  a  goat's-hair  cloth  called  Cilicium,  ma- 
 nufactured in  Cilicia,  and  largely  used  for  tents. 
 Saul's  trade  was  probably  that  of  niiiking  tents  of 
 this  haircloth.  When  St.  Paul  makes  his  defence 
 before  his  countrymen  at  Jerusalem  (Acts  xxii.), 
 he  tells  them  that  though  born  in  Tarsus,  he  had 
 been  "  brought  up  "  in  Jerusalem.  He  must,  there- 
 fore, have  been  yet  a  boy,  when  he  was  removed, 
 in  all  probability  for  the  sake  of  his  education,  to 
 the  Holy  City  of  his  fathers.  We  may  imagine 
 him  arriving  there,  perhaps  at  some  age  between 
 10  and  15,  already  a  Hellenist,  speaking  Greek  and 
 familiar  with  the  Greek  version  of  the  Scriptm'es, 
 possessing,  besides  the  knowledge  of  his  trade,  the 
 elements  of  Gentile  learning, — to  be  taught  at  Je- 
 rusalem ■'  according  to  the  perfect  manner  of  the  law 
 of  the  fathers."  He  learnt,  he  says,  "  at  the  feet 
 of  Gamaliel."  He  who  was  to  resist  so  stoutly 
 '  the  usurpations  of  the  law,  had  for  his  teacher  one 
 of  the  most  eminent  of  all  the  doctors  of  the  law. 
 Saul  was  yet  "a  young  man"  (Acts  vii.  58),  when 
 the  Church  experienced  that  sudden  expansion  which 
 was  connected  with  the  ordaining  of  the  Seven  ap- 
 pointed to  serve  tables,  and  with  the  special  power 
 and  inspiration  of  Stephen.  Amongst  those  who 
 disputed  with  Stephen  were  some  "  of  them  of 
 •  'ilicia."  We  naturally  think  of  Saul  as  having 
 been  one  of  these,  when  we  find  him  afterwards 
 keeping  the  clotiies  of  those  suborned  witnesses 
 who,  according  to  the  law  (Deut.  xvii.  7),  were  the 
 first  to  cast  stones  at  Stephen.  "  Saul,"  says  the 
 sacred  writer,  significantly,  "  was  consenting  unto 
 his  death."— SauPs  Conversion. — The  persecutor 
 w;is  to  be  converted.  Having  undertaken  to  follow 
 up  the  believers  "unto  strange  cities,"  Saul  na- 
 turally turned  his  thoughts  to  Damascus.  What 
 befell  him  as  he  journeyed  thither,  is  related  in 
 deUiil  three  times  in  the  Acts,  first  by  the  historian 
 in  his  own  person,  then  in  the  two  addresses  made 
 t'V  St.  Paul  at  Jerusalem  and  bet'ore  Agrippa. 
 'I'hese  three  narratives  are  not  repetitions  of  one 
 another  there  are  ditierences  between  them  which 
 some  critics  choose  to  consider  irreconcileable.  Of 
 the  three  narratives,  that  of  the  historian  himself 
 must  claim  to  be  tho.  most  purely  historical;  St. 
 I'aul's  subsequent  accounts  were  likely  to  be  affected 
 by  the  purpose  for  which  he  introduced  them.  St. 
 Luke's  statement  is  to  be  veiid  in  Acts  ix.  .i-19, 
 where,  however,  the  words  "  It  is  hard  for  thee  to 
 
 PAUL 
 
 691 
 
 kick  against  the  piicks,"  included  in  the  Vulgato 
 and  English  version,  ought  to  be  omitted.  The 
 sudden  light  from  heaven  ;  the  voice  of  Jesus  speak- 
 ing with  authority  to  His  persecutor;  Saul  struck 
 to  the  gi'ound,  blinded,  oveicome ;  the  three  days' 
 suspense  ;  the  coming  of  Ananias  as  a  messenger  of 
 the  Lord ;  and  Saul's  baptism  ; — these  were  the 
 leading  features,  in  the  eyes  of  the  historian,  of 
 the  great  event,  and  in  these  we  must  look  for  the 
 chief  significance  of  the  convei-sion.  For  we  must 
 not  forget  that,  whatever  we  hold  as  to  the  external 
 nature  of  the  phenomeiia  we  are  considering,  the 
 whole  tran.saction  was  essentially,  in  any  case,  a 
 spiritual  communication.  That  the  Lord  Jesus 
 manifested  Himself  as  a  Living  Person  to  the  man 
 Saul,  and  spoke  to  him  so  that  His  very  words 
 could  be  understood,  is  the  substantial  fact  declared 
 to  us.  The  pui-port  of  the  three  nariatives  is  that 
 an  actual  conversation  took  place  between  Saul  and 
 the  Lord  Jesus.  It  is  remarkable  that  in  none  of 
 them  is  Saul  said  to  have  seen  Jesus.  How  it  was 
 that  Saul  "  saw  "  and  "  heard  "  we  are  quite  unable 
 to  determine.  That  the  light,  and  the  sound  or 
 voice,  were  both  different  from  any  ordinary  phe- 
 nomena with  which  Saul  and  his  companion.s  were 
 familial',  is  unquestionably  implied  in  the  narrative. 
 It  is  also  implied  that  they  were  specially  signi- 
 ficant to  Saul,  and  not  to  those  with  him.  We 
 gather  therefore  that  there  were  real  outward  phen- 
 omena, through  which  Saul  was  made  inwardly 
 sensible  of  a  Presence  revealed  to  him  alone.  The 
 only  mention  in  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  of  the  out- 
 ward phenomena  attending  his  conversion  is  that  in 
 1  Cor.  XV.  8,  "  Last  of  all  He  was  seen  of  me  also." 
 But  theie  is  one  important  passage  in  which  he 
 speaks  distinctly  of  his  conversion  itself.  In  the 
 Epistle  to  the  Galatians  (i.  15,  16)  St.  Paul  has 
 these  words :  "  When  it  pleased  God,  who  separated 
 nie  from  my  mother's  womb,  and  called  me  by  His 
 grace,  to  reveal  His  Son  in  me,  that  I  might  pre;ich 
 Him  among  the  heathen  .  .  ."  What  words  could 
 express  more  exactly  than  these  the  spiritual  exper- 
 ience which  occurred  to  Saul  on  the  way  to  Da- 
 mascus ?  The  manifestation  of  Jesus  as  the  Son  of 
 God  is  clearly  the  main  point  in  the  narrative.  It 
 would  be  groundless  to  assume  that  the  new  con- 
 victions of  that  midday  immediately  cleared  and 
 settled  themselves  in  Saul's  mind.  It  is  suHicient 
 to  say  that  he  was  then  converted,  or  turned  round. 
 For  a  while,  no  doubt,  his  inward  state  was  one  of 
 awe  and  expectation.  Thus  entering  Damascus  as 
 a  servant  of  the  Lord  Jesus,  he  sought  the  house  of 
 one  whom  he  had,  perhaps,  intended  to  pei-secute. 
 The  fame  of  Saul's  coming  had  preceded  him  ;  and 
 Ananiiis,  "  a  devout  man  according  to  the  law," 
 but  a  believer  in  Jesus,  when  directed  by  the  Lord 
 to  visit  him,  wonders  at  what  he  is  told  concernina: 
 the  notorious  persecutor.  He  obeys,  however ;  and 
 going  to  Saul  in  the  name  of  "  the  Lord  Jesus,  who 
 had  appeared  to  him  in  the  vvay,"  he  puts  his 
 hands  on  him  that  he  may  receive  his  sight  and  be 
 filled  with  the  Holy  Ghost.  Thereupon  Saul's 
 eyes  are  immediately  purged,  and  his  sight  is  re- 
 stored. ."Vfter  the  recovery  of  his  sio-ht,  Saul 
 received  the  washing  away  of  his  sins  in  baptism. 
 He  then  broke  his  three  days'  fast,  and  \vas  strength- 
 ened. He  was  at  once  received  into  the  fellowship 
 of  the  disciples,  and  began  without  delay  the  work 
 to  which  Ananias  had  designated  him  ;  and  to  the 
 astonishment  of  all  his  heaiers  he  proclaimed  Jesus 
 in  the  .synagogues,  declaring  him  to  be  the  Son  of 
 
 2    Y  2 
 
692 
 
 PAUL 
 
 G(hI.  Tlic  narrative  in  the  Acts  tells  ns  simply 
 tliat  he  was  occupied  in  tiiis  work,  with  incre-asiag 
 vigour,  for  "many  days,"  up  to  tlie  time  when 
 imminent  danger  drove  him  from  Damascus.  From 
 the  Epistle  to  the  Galatians  (i.  17,  18)  we  learn 
 that  the  many  days  were  at  least  a  good  part  of 
 "  three  years,"  and  that  Saul,  not  thinking  it  neces- 
 sary to  procure  authority  to  preach  from  the  Apos- 
 tles that  were  before  him,  went  alter  his  conversion 
 into  Arabia,  and  leturned  from  thence  to  Damascus. 
 We  know  nothing  whatever  of  this  visit  to  Arabia — 
 to  what  distiict  Saul  went,  how  long  he  stayed,  or 
 for  what  purpose  he  went  there.  Now  that  we 
 have  ai'i'ivcd  at  Saul's  dcpartui-e  from  Damascus, 
 we  are  again  upon  historical  ground,  and  have  the 
 double  evidenc-e  of  St.  Luke  in  the  Acts,  and  of 
 the  Apostle  in  his  2nd  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians. 
 According  to  the  former,  the  Jews  lay  in  wait  for 
 Saul,  intending  to  kill  liim,  and  watched  the  gates 
 of  the  city  that  he  might  not  escape  fiom  them. 
 K'nowing  this,  the  disciples  took  him  by  night  and 
 let  him  down  in  a  basket  fiom  the  wall.  According 
 to  St.  Paul  (2  Cor.  xi.  32)  it  was  the  ethnarch 
 under  Avetas  the  king  who  watched  for  him,  de- 
 siring to  apprehend  him.  There  is  no  ditliculty  in 
 reconciling  the  two  statements.  Having  escaped 
 from  Damascus,  Saul  betook  himself  to  Jeiusalem, 
 and  there  "assayed  to  join  himself  to  the  disciples; 
 but  they  were  all  afraid  of  him,  and  believed  not 
 that  he  was  a  disciple."  Barnabas  becime  his 
 sponsor  to  the  Apostles  and  Church  at  Jerusalem, 
 assuring  them — from  some  i)ersonal  knowledge,  we 
 must  presume — of  the  facts  of  Saul's  conversion 
 and  subsequent  behaviour  at  D-amascus.  Bamabas's 
 introduction  remove<l  the  fears  of  the  Apostles,  and 
 Paul  "was  with  them  coming  in  and  going  out  at 
 Jerusalem."  His  Hellenistical  education  made  him, 
 like  Stephen,  a  successfid  disputant  agr-.inst  the 
 "  Grecians ;"  and  it  is  not  strange  that  the  former 
 persecutor  was  singled  out  from  the  other  believers 
 as  the  object  of  a  murderous  hostility.  He  was 
 therefore  again  urged  to  flee  ;  and  by  way  of  Cae- 
 sarea  betook  himself  to  his  native  city  Tarsus.  In 
 the  Epistle  to  the  Galatians  St.  Paul  adds  certain 
 particulars.  He  tells  us  that  his  motive  for  going 
 up  to  Jerusalem  lather  than  anywhere  else  was 
 that  he  might  see  Petei-;  that  he  abode  with  him 
 fifteen  days ;  that  the  only  Apostles  he  saw  were 
 Peter  and  James  the  Lord's  brother  ;  and  that  after- 
 wards he  came  into  the  regions  of  Syria  and  Cilicia, 
 remaining  unknown  by  face,  though  well-known 
 for  his  conversion,  to  the  Churches  in  Judaea  which 
 were  in  Christ. — St.  Fnul  at  Antioch. — While  Saul 
 was  at  Tarsus,  a  movement  was  going  on  at  An- 
 tioch, which  raised  tiiat  city  to  an  importance  second 
 only  to  that  of  Jerusalem  itself  in  the  early  history 
 of  the  Church.  In  the  life  of  the  Apostle  of  the 
 Gentiles  Antioch  claims  a  most  conspicuous  place. 
 It  was  there  that  the  Preaching  of  the  Gosjiel  to 
 the  (ientiles  first  took  root,  and  from  thence  that  it 
 was  afterwards  propagated.  There  came  to  Antioch, 
 v/hen  the  jiersecutiou  which  arose  about  Stephen 
 scatteied  ujMjn  their  different  routes  the  disciples 
 who  had  been  assembled  at  .lerusalem,  men  of 
 Cypius  and  Cyrene,  eager  to  tell  all  who  would 
 hear  them  the  good  news  concerning  the  Lord  Jesus. 
 A  great  number  believed ;  and  when  tliis  was  re- 
 ported at  JerusalpTu,  Barnabas  was  sent  on  a  special 
 mission  to  Antioch.  As  the  work  grew  under  his 
 hand.s,  and  "much  people  was  added  unto  the 
 Lord,"   Barnabas  felt  the  need  of  help,  and  went 
 
 PAUL 
 
 himself  to  Tarsus  to  seek  Saul.  Possibly  at  Da- 
 mascus, certainly  at  Jerusalem,  he  had  been  a  wit- 
 ness of  Saul's  energy  and  devotalness,  and  skill  in 
 disputation.  He  had  been  drawn  to  him  by  the 
 bond  of  a  most  brotherly  atiijction.  He  therefore 
 longed  for  him  as  a  helper,  and  succeeded  in  bring- 
 ing him  to  Antioch.  Theie  they  laboured  together 
 unremittingly  for  "  a  whole  year,"  mixing  with  the 
 constant  assemblies  of  the  believers,  and  "  teaching 
 much  people."  All  this  time,  as  St.  Luke  would 
 give  us  to  undersUuid,  Saul  was  subordinate  to 
 Barnabas.  In  the  moan  time,  acconling  to  the  usual 
 method  of  the  Divine  goveinment,  facts  wei-e  silently 
 growing,  which  were  to  suggest  and  occasion  the 
 future  developments  of  faitli  and  practice,  and  of 
 these  facts  the  most  conspicuous  was  the  unpreced- 
 ented accession  of  Gentile  proselytes  at  Antioch. 
 An  opportunity  soon  occurred,  of  which  Barnabas 
 and  Saul  joyfully  availed  tliomselves,  for  proving 
 the  allectioii  of  these  new  disciples  towards  their 
 brethren  at  Jerusalem.  Theie  c;ime  "prophets" 
 from  Jerusalem  to  Antioch:  "and  there  stood  up 
 one  of  them,  named  Agabus,  and  signified  by  the 
 Spirit  that  there  sliould  be  great  dearth  thioughout 
 all  the  world."  It  is  obvious  that  the  fulfilment 
 followed  closely  upon  the  intimation  of  the  coming 
 famine.  For  the  disciples  at  Antioch  deteimined 
 to  send  contrilmtions  immediately  to  Jerusalem; 
 and  the  gift  was  conveyed  to  the  eldere  of  that 
 Church  by  the  hands  of  Barnabas  and  Saul.  It 
 could  not  have  been  necessary  for  the  mere  safe 
 conduct  of  the  contribution  that  Barnabas  and  Saul 
 should  go  in  person  to  Jerusalem.  We  are  bound 
 to  see  in  the  relations  between  the  Mother-Church 
 and  that  of  Antioch,  of  which  this  visit  is  illus- 
 trative, examples  of  tiie  deep  feeling  of  the  necessitv 
 of  union  which  dwelt  in  the  heart  of  the  early 
 Church.  Having  discharged  their  errand,  Bar- 
 nabas and  Saul  i-etuined  to  Antioch,  bringing  with 
 them  another  helper,  John  surnamed  Mark,  sister's 
 son  to  Barnabas.  The  work  of  prophesying  and 
 teac;hing  was  resumed.  Antioch  was  in  constant 
 communiciition  with  Cilicia,  with  Cyprus,  with  all 
 the  neighbouring  countries.  The  question  must  have 
 forced  itself  upon  hundreds  of  the  "Christians"  at 
 Antioch,  "  What  is  the  meaning  of  this  faith  of 
 ours,  of  this  baptism,  of  this  incorporation,  of  this 
 kingdom  of  the  Son  of  God,  for  the  world  ?  The 
 Gosj^el  is  not  for  Judaea  alone:  here  are  we  called 
 by  it  at  Antioch.  Is  it  meant  to  stop  here?"  The 
 Church  was  pregnant  with  a  great  movement,  and 
 the  time  of  her  delivery  was  at  hand.  Something 
 of  direct  ex]>ectation  seems  to  be  implied  in  what  is 
 said  of  the  leaders  of  the  Chuich  at  Antioch,  that 
 they  were  "  ministering  to  the  Loid,  and  fasting," 
 when  the  Holy  Ghost  spuke  to  them.  Without 
 doubt  they  knew  it  for  a  seal  set  u]X)n  previous 
 suniiises,  when  the  voice  came  clearly  to  the  general 
 mind,  "  Separate  me  Barnabas  and  Saul  for  the 
 work  whereunto  I  have  called  them."  Everything 
 was  done  with  ordeily  gravity  in  the  sending  forth 
 of  the  two  mis^iionaries.  Their  brethren,  after 
 fasting  and  ]irnyer,  laid  their  hands  on  them,  and 
 so  they  departed.— r/u'/i;vs<  Mist:wnar>/  ./oiinu'i/. — 
 Much  must  have  been  hid  from  Barnabas  and  Saul 
 as  to  the  issues  of  the  jouiney  on  which  they  em- 
 barked. But  01)0  thing  was  clear  to  them,  that 
 t/u'!/  iccrc  sent  forth  to  t-pcak  the  uord  of  God. 
 The  fiiTst  characteristic  feature  of  St.  Paul's  teaching 
 was  the  absolute  conviction  that  he  was  only  the 
 hearer  of  a  Heavenly  message.     The  writer  of  the 
 
PAUL 
 
 Acts  proceeds  upon  the  same  assumption.  He  tells 
 MS  that  as  soon  as  Barnabas  and  Saul  readied  Cyprus, 
 thev  beg;an  to  "  announce  the  word  of  God."  The 
 second  fact  to  be  observed  is,  that  tor  the  present 
 they  delivered  their  message  in  the  synagogues  of 
 the  Jews  only.  They  trod  the  old  path  till  they 
 should  be  drawn  out  of  it.  But  when  they  had 
 gone  through  the  island,  from  Salamis  to  Paphos, 
 they  were  allied  upon  to  explain  their  doctrine  to 
 an  eminent  Gentile,  Sergius  Paulus,  the  proconsul. 
 A  Jew,  named  Barjesus,  or  Elymas,  a  mugus  and 
 false  prophet,  h;id  attached  himself  to  the  governor, 
 and  had  no  doubt  interested  his  mind,  for  he  was  an 
 intelligent  man,  with  what  he  had  told  him  of  the 
 history  and  hopes  of  the  Jews.  [Elymas.]  Accord- 
 ingly, when  Sergius  Paulus  heard  of  the  sti'ange 
 teachers  who  were  announcing  to  the  Jews  the  advent 
 of  their  true  Messiah,  he  wished  to  see  them  and 
 sent  tor  them.  The  impostor,  instinctively  hating 
 the  Apostles,  and  seeing  his  influence  over  the  procon- 
 sul in  danger  of  perishing,  did  what  he  could  to  with- 
 stand them.  Then  Saul,  "  who  is  also  called  Paul," 
 denouncing  Elymas  in  remarkable  terms,  declared 
 against  him  God's  sentence  of  temporary  blindness. 
 The  blindness  immediately  falls  upon  him ;  and 
 the  proconsul,  moved  by  the  scene  and  persuaded 
 by  the  teaching  of  the  Apostle,  becomes  a  believer. 
 This  point  is  made  a  special  crisis  in  the  history  of 
 the  Apostle  by  the  writer  of  the  Acts.  Saul  now 
 becomes  Paul,  and  begins  to  take  precedence  of 
 Barnabas.  Nothing  is  said  to  explain  the  change 
 of  name.  No  reader  could  resist  the  temptation  of 
 supposing  that  there  must  be  some  connexion  be- 
 tween Saul's  new  name  and  that  of  his  distinguished 
 Roman  convert.  But  on  reflection  it  does  not  seem 
 probable  that  St.  Paul  would  either  have  wished, 
 or  have  consented,  to  change  his  own  name  for  that 
 of  a  distinguished  convert.  There  is  no  reason, 
 therefore,  why  Saul  should  not  have  borne  from 
 infancy  the  other  name  of  Paul.  In  that  case  he 
 would  be  Saul  amongst  his  own  coiuitrymen,  Paulus 
 amongst  the  Gentiles.  The  conversion  of  Sergius 
 Paulus  may  be  said,  perhaps,  to  mark  the  beginning 
 of  the  work  amongst  the  Gentiles ;  otherwise,  it 
 was  not  in  Cyprus  that  any  change  took  place  in 
 the  method  hitherto  followed  by  Barnabas  and  Saul 
 in  preaching  the  Gospel.  Their  public  addresses 
 were  as  yet  confined  to  the  synagogues ;  but  it  was 
 soon  to  be  otherwise.  From  Paphos  "  Paul  and  his 
 company  "  set  sail  for  the  mainland,  and  aiTived  at 
 Perga  in  Pamphylia.  Here  the  heart  of  their  com- 
 panion John  failed  him,  and  he  returned  to  Jeru- 
 salem. From  Perga  they  travelled  on  to  a  place, 
 obscure  in  secular  history,  but  most  memorable  in 
 the  history  of  the  kingdom  of  Christ, — Antioch  in 
 Pisidia.  Here  "  they  went  into  the  synagogue  on 
 the  sabbath-day,  and  sat  down."  Small  as  the 
 place  was,  it  contained  its  colony  of  Jews,  and  with 
 them  proselytes  who  worshipped  the  God  of  the 
 Jews.  What  took  place  here  in  the  synagogue  and 
 in  the  city,  is  interesting  to  us  not  only  on  account 
 of  its  bearing  on  the  history,  but  also  because  it 
 represents  more  or  less  exactly  what  afterwards 
 occurred  in  many  other  places.  The  Apostles  of 
 Christ  sat  still  with  the  rest  of  the  assembly, 
 whilst  the  Law  and  the  Prophets  were  read.  They 
 and  their  audience  were  unitetl  in  reverence  for  the 
 siicred  books.  Then  the  rulers  of  the  synagogue 
 sent  to  invite  them,  as  strangers  but  brethren,  to 
 speak  any  word  of  exhortation  which  might  be  in 
 tlicm  to  the  people.      Paul  stood  up,  ;md  beckoning 
 
 PAUL 
 
 69i 
 
 with  his  hand,  he  spoke. — The  speech  is  given  m 
 Acts  xiii,  16-41.— The  discourse  produced  a  strong 
 impression  ;  and  the  hearers  (not  "  the  Gentiles  "), 
 requested  the  Apostles  to  repeat  their  message  on 
 the  next  sabbath.  During  the  week  so  much  in- 
 terest was  e.xcited  by  the  teaching  of  the  Apostles, 
 that  on  the  sabbath  day  "  almost  the  whole  city 
 came  together,  to  hear  the  Word  of  God."  It  was 
 this  concern  of  the  Gentiles  which  appeal's  to  have 
 first  alienated  the  minds  of  the  Jews  from  what 
 they  had  heard.  They  were  filled  with  envy.  The 
 eagerness  of  the  Gentiles  to  hear  may  have  con- 
 finned  their  instinctive  apprehensions.  The  Jewish 
 envy  once  roused  became  a  power  of  deadly  hos- 
 tility to  tlie  Gospel ;  and  these  Jews  at  Antioch 
 set  themselves  to  opi)ose  bitterly  the  words  which 
 Paul  spoke.  The  new  opposition  brought  out  new 
 action  on  the  part  of  the  Apostles.  Rejected  by  the 
 Jews,  they  became  bold  and  outspoken,  and  turned 
 from  them  to  the  Gentiles.  Henceforth,  Paul  and 
 Barnabas  knew  it  to  be  their  commission, — not  the 
 less  to  present  their  message  to  Jews  first ;  but 
 ill  the  absence  of  an  adequate  Jewish  medium  to 
 deal  directly  with  the  Gentiles.  But  this  expansion 
 of  the  Gospel  work  brought  with  it  new  difficulties 
 and  dangers.  At  Antioch  now,  as  in  every  city 
 afterwards,  the  unbelieving  Jews  used  their  influ- 
 ence with  their  own  adherents  amongst  the  Gentiles, 
 and  especially  tlie  women  of  the  higher  class,  to 
 persuade  the  authorities  or  the  populace  to  perse- 
 cute the  Apostles,  and  to  drive  them  from  the 
 place.  With  their  own  spirits  raised,  and  amidst 
 much  enthusiasm  of  their  disciples,  Paul  and  Bar- 
 nabas now  travelled  on  to  Iconium,  where  the  occur- 
 rences at  Antioch  were  repeated,  and  from  thence 
 to  the  Lyciionian  country  which  contained  the  cities 
 Lystra  and  Derbe.  Here  they  had  to  deal  with 
 uncivilized  heathens.  At  Lystra  the  healing  of  a 
 cripple  took  place,  the  narrative  of  which  runs  very 
 parallel  to  the  account  of  the  similar  act  done  by 
 Peter  and  John  at  the  gate  of  the  Temple.  The 
 same  truth  was  to  be  conveyed  to  the  inhabitants 
 of  Jerusalem,  and  to  the  heathens  of  Lycaonia. 
 The  act  was  received  naturally  by  these  pagans. 
 They  took  the  Apostles  for  gods,  calling  Barnabas, 
 who  was  of  the  more  imposing  presence,  Zeus  (Ju- 
 piter), and  Paul,  who  was  the  chief  spe;iker,  Hermes 
 (Mercurius).  This  mistake,  followed  up  by  the 
 attempt  to  offer  sacrifices  to  them,  gives  occasion 
 to  the  recording  of  an  address,  in  which  we  see  a 
 type  of  what  the  Apostles  would  say  to  an  ignorant 
 pagan  audience.  Although  the  people  of  Lystra  had 
 been  so  ready  to  worship  Paul  and  Barnabas,  the 
 repulse  of  their  idolatrous  instincts  appears  to  have 
 provoked  them,  and  they  allowed  themselves  to  be 
 persuaded  into  hostility  by  Jews  who  came  i'roni 
 Antioch  and  Iconium,  so  that  they  attacked  Paul 
 with  stones,  and  thought  they  had  killed  him.  He 
 recovered,  however,  as  the  disciples  were  standing 
 round  him,  and  went  again  into  the  city.  The  next 
 day  he  left  it  with  Barnabas,  and  went  to  Derbe, 
 and  thence  they  returned  once  more  to  Lystra,  and 
 so  to  Iconium  and  Antioch.  In  order  to  establish 
 the  Churches  after  their  departure,  they  solemnly 
 appointed  "  elders  "  in  every  city.  Then  they  came 
 down  to  the  coast,  and  from  Attalia  they  sailed 
 home  to  Antioch  in  Syria,  where  they  related  the 
 successes  which  had  been  granted  to  them,  and 
 especially  the  "  opening  of  the  door  of  faith  to  the 
 Gentiles."  And  so  the  First  Missionary  Journey 
 ended.— The  Coiaicil  at  Jerusalem.    CActsxv.  Ga- 
 
G94 
 
 PAUL 
 
 latians  ii.) — Upon  that  missionary  jounioy  follows 
 most  natmally  the  next  important  scene  which  the 
 liistorian  sets  before  us, — the  council  heM  at  .leru- 
 salcm  to  determine  the  relations  of  Gentile  believers 
 to  tlie  Law  of  Moses.  In  following;  this  ])ortion  of 
 the  history,  we  encounter  two  of  the  greater  ques- 
 tions which  the  biograplier  of  St.  Paul  has  to  con- 
 sider. One  of  these  is  historical,  Wiiat  weie  the 
 relations  between  the  Apostle  Paul  and  the  Twelve? 
 The  other  is  critical,  How  isOalatians  ii.  to  be  con- 
 nected with  the  nan-ative  of  the  Acts?  The  rela- 
 tions of  St.  Paul  and  the  Twelve  will  best  be  i^et 
 foith  in  the  nanative.  But  we  must  e.\]ilain  here 
 wby  we  accept  St.  Paul's  statements  in  the  (iaiatian 
 Kpistle  as  additional  to  the  history  in  Acts  xv.  The 
 frst  impression  of  any  reader  would  be  a  sujipositiou 
 that  the  two  writers  might  be  refeiiing  to  the  same 
 event.  The  one  would  at  least  bring  the  other  to 
 his  mind.  On  looking  more  closely  into  both,  the 
 second  impression  upon  the  reader's  mind  ma)'  pos- 
 sibly 1)0  tliat  of  a  certain  incompatibility  between 
 the  two.  Another  vii.'w  will  remain,  that  St.  Paul 
 refers  to  a  visit  not  recorrled  in  the  Acts  at  all. 
 This  is  a  perfectly  legitimate  hy])othesis  ;  and  it  is 
 lecommended  by  the  vigorous  sense  of  Paley.  But 
 where  aie  we  to  place  the  visit  ?  The  only  possible 
 ]ilace  for  it  is  some  short  time  before  the  visit 
 of  ch.  XV.  But  it  can  scarcely  be  denied,  that  the 
 language  of  ch.  xv.  decidedly  imjdies  that  the  visit 
 there  recorded  was  the  first  i)aid  by  Paul  and 
 Barnabas  to  Jerusalem,  after  their  great  success  in 
 preaching  the  (iospel  amongst  the  Gentiles.  We 
 suppose  the  reader,  therefore,  to  recur  to  his  first 
 impression.  He  will  then  have  to  ask  himself, 
 "  Granting  the  considerable  ditferences,  are  there 
 after  all  any  plain  contradictions  between  the  two 
 nairatives,  taken  to  lefer  to  the  same  occurrences?  " 
 The  answer  must  be,  "  Theie  are  no  plain  contra- 
 dictions." We  proceed  then  to  combine  the  two 
 nariatives.  Whilst  Paul  and  JJarnabas  were  stay- 
 ing at  Antioch,  "certain  men  from  Judaea"  came 
 there  and  taught  the  brethren  that  it  was  necessary 
 for  the  Gentile  converts  to  be  circumcised.  This 
 doctrine  was  vigorously  opjiosed  by  the  two  Apostles, 
 and  it  was  determined  that  the  question  should  be 
 referred  to  the  Apostles  and  ciders  at  Jerusalem. 
 Paul  and  Barnabas  themsidves,  and  certain  others, 
 weie  selected  for  this  mission.  In  Gal.  ii.  2, 
 St.  Paul  says  that  he  went  up  "  by  revelation.'' 
 On  their  way  to  Jerusalem,  they  announced  to  the 
 brethren  in  Phoenicia  and  Samaria  the  conversion 
 of  the  Gentiles ;  and  the  news  was  received  with 
 gi-eat  joy  (Acts  xv.  4).  St.  Paul  adds  that  he 
 communicated  his  views  "privately  to  them  which 
 were  of  leputation,''  through  anxiety  as  to  the 
 success  of  his  work  (Gal.  ii.  2).  The  Apostles  and 
 the(Jhurch  in  general,  it  appears,  would  have  raised 
 no  difficulties;  but  ceituu  believers  who  had  been 
 Pliarisees  thought  fit  to  maintain  the  same  doctrine 
 which  had  cjiu.sed  the  disturbance  at  Antioch.  In 
 either  place,  St.  Paul  would  not  give  way  to  such 
 teaching  for  a  single  hour  (Gal.  ii.  5).  It  became 
 necessai-y,  therefore,  that  a  formal  decision  should 
 be  come  to  upon  the  <niestion.  The  Apostles  and 
 ciders  came  together,  and  theie  w;us  much  disput- 
 ing. Ari^iiments  would  be  used  on  both  sides  ; 
 but  when  the  persons  of  highest  authority  spoke, 
 they  ai)])ealed  to  what  was  stinnger  tlian  arguments, 
 — the  course  t A'  facts,  tinougii  which  the  wiill  of 
 Go<l  h.id  Ijeeii  manifestly  shown.  Aflcr  they  had 
 done,  St.  James,  with   inconii)arablu  siuiplicily  and 
 
 PAUL 
 
 wisdom,  binds  up  the  testimony  of  recent  facts 
 with  the  testimony  of  ancient  piophecy,  and  gives 
 a  practical  judgment  upon  the  question.  The 
 judgment  was  a  decisive  one.  The  injunction  that 
 the  Gentiles  should  abstain  from  pollutions  of 
 idols  and  from  fornication  explained  itself.  The 
 abstinence  from  things  strangled  and  from  blood  is 
 desired  as  a  concession  to  the  customs  of  the  .lews, 
 who  were  to  be  found  in  every  city,  and  for 
 whom  it  was  still  right,  when  they  had  believed  in 
 Jesus  Christ,  to  observe  the  Law.  St.  Paul  had 
 comjdetely  gained  his  point.  The  older  Apostles, 
 James,  Cephas,  and  John,  perceiving  the  grace 
 which  had  been  given  him  (his  etiisctual  Apostle- 
 ship),  gave  to  him  and  Barnabas  the  right  hand  of 
 fellowship.  At  this  point  it  is  very  important  to 
 observe  precisely  what  was  the  matter  at  stake 
 between  the  contending  jjarties.  The  case  stood 
 thus:  Circumcision  and  the  ordinances  of  the  Law 
 \vere  witnesses  of  a  separation  of  tlie  chosen  race 
 from  other  nations.  The  Jews  were  proud  of  that 
 separation.  But  the  Gospel  of  the  Son  of  Man 
 pioclaimed  that  the  time  had  come  in  which  the 
 separation  was  to  be  done  away,  and  God's  goodwill 
 manifested  to  all  nations  alike.  It  spoke  of  a  union 
 with  God,  through  trust,  which  gave  hope  of  a 
 lighteousness  that  the  Law  had  been  powerless  to 
 produce.  Therefore  to  insist  upon  Gentiles  being 
 ciicumcised  would  have  been  to  deny  the  Gospel  of 
 Chiist.  If  there  was  to  be  simply  an  enlarging 
 of  the  .separated  nation  by  the  receiving  of  indi- 
 viduals into  it,  then  the  other  nations  of  the  world 
 remained  as  much  on  the  outside  of  God's  covenant 
 as  ever.  Then  there  wa.s  no  Gospel  to  mankind ; 
 no  Justification  given  to  men.  The  loss,  in  such  a 
 case,  would  have  been  as  much  to  the  Jew  as  to  the 
 Gentile.  St.  Paul  felt  this  the  most  stiongly  ;  but 
 St.  Peter  also  saw  that  if  the  Jewish  believers  were 
 thrown  back  on  the  Jewish  Law,  and  gave  up  the 
 free  and  absolute  grace  of  God,  the  Law  became  a 
 mere  burden,  just  as  heavy  to  the  Jew  as  it  would 
 be  to  the  Gentile.  The  only  hope  for  the  Jew  was 
 in  a  Saviour  who  rrntst  be  the  Saviour  of  mankind. 
 It  implied  therefore  no  ditlerence  of  belief  when  it 
 was  agreed  that  Paul  and  Barnabas  should  go  to  the 
 heathen,  while  James  and  Cephas  and  John  under- 
 took to  be  the  Apostles  of  the  Circumcision.  The 
 judgment  of  the  Church  was  immediately  recorded 
 in  a  letter  addressed  to  the  Gentile  brethren  in 
 Antioch  and  Sj-ria  and  Cilicia.  It  is  usual  to  con- 
 nect with  this  period  of  the  history  that  rebuke  of 
 St.  Peter  which  St.  Paul  records  in  Gal.  ii.  11-14. 
 The  connexion  of  sulyect  makes  it  convenient  to 
 record  the  incident  in  this  place,  although  it  is 
 jiossible  that  it  took  jilace  bc;fbre  the  meeting  at 
 Jerusalem,  and  perhaps  most  piobable  that  it  did 
 not  occur  till  later,  when  St.  Paul  returned  fi-om 
 his  long  tour  in  Greece  to  Antioch  (Acts  xviii.  22, 
 2^).— Second  Missionary  Journey. — The  most  re- 
 solute courage,  indeed,  was  required  for  the  work 
 to  which  St.  Paul  was  now  publicly  pledged,  lie 
 would  not  iissociate  with  himself  in  that  work  one 
 who  had  alre;uiy  shown  a  want  of  constancy,  'i'his 
 was  the  ocaision  of  what  must  have  been  a  most 
 painful  difference  between  him  and  his  comrade  iu  the 
 tiiith  and  in  past  perils,  Barnalx^s  (Acts  xv.  85-4(i). 
 Silas,  or  Silvanus,  becomes  now  a  chief  compaiMnn 
 of  the  Apostle.  The  two  went  together  throu-li 
 Syria  and  Cilicia,  visiting  the  churches,  and  so 
 came  to  l)erl)e  and  Lystm.  Here  they  find  Timo- 
 theus,  who  had  become  a  disciple  on  the  former  visit 
 
PAUL 
 
 of  the  Apostle.  Him  St.  Paul  took  and  circum- 
 cised. Paul  and  Silas  were  actually  delivering  the 
 Jerusalem  deovee  to  all  the  churclies  they  visited. 
 Tliey  weie  no  doubt  triumphing  in  the  fieedom 
 secured  to  the  Gentiles.  Yet  at  this  vffry  time  our 
 Apostle  had  the  wisdom  and  largeness  of  heart  to 
 consult  the  feelings  of  the  Jews  by  circumcising 
 Timothy.  St.  Luke  now  steps  rapidly  over  a  con- 
 siderable space  of  the  Apostle's  life  and  labours. 
 "  They  went  throughout  Phrygia  and  the  region  of 
 Galutia "  (xvi.  6).  At  this  time  St.  Paul  was 
 founding  "  the  churches  of  Galatia"  (Gal.  i.  2). 
 He  himself  gives  us  hints  of  the  circumstances  of  his 
 preaching  in  that  region,  of  the  reception  he  met 
 with,  and  of  the  ardent,  though  unstable,  character 
 of  the  people  (Gal.  iv.  13-15).  It  is  not  easy  to 
 decide  as  to  the  meaning  of  the  words  "  through 
 infirmity  of  the  flesh."  Undoubtedly  their  gram- 
 matical sense  implies  that  "  weakness  of  the  flesh  " 
 — an  illness — was  the  occasion  of  St.  Paul's  preach- 
 ing in  Galatia.  On  the  other  hand,  the  form  and 
 order  of  the  words  are  not  what  we  should  have 
 expected  if  the  Apostle  meant  to  say  this ;  and  Pro- 
 fessor Jowett  prefeis  to  assume  an  inaccuracy  of 
 grammar,  and  to  understand  St.  Paul  as  saying  that 
 it  was  in  weakness  of  the  flesh  that  he  preached 
 to  the  Galatians.  In  either  case  St.  Paul  must  be 
 referring  to  a  more  than  ordinary  pressure  of  that 
 bodily  infii-mity  which  he  speaks  of  elsewhere  as 
 detracting  from  the  influence  of  his  personal  address. 
 It  is  hopeless  to  attempt  to  determine  positively 
 what  this  infirmity  was.  St.  Paul  at  this  time 
 had  not  indulged  the  ambition  of  preaching  his 
 Gospel  in  Europe.  His  views  were  limited  to  the 
 peninsula  of  Asia  Minor.  Having  gone  through 
 Phrygia  and  Galatia  he  intended  to  visit  the  western 
 coast ;  but  "  they  were  forbidden  by  the  Holy 
 tihost  to  preach  the  word"  there.  Then,  being 
 on  the  bordeis  of  Mysia,  they  thought  of  going 
 back  to  the  north-east  into  Bithynia;  but  again 
 the  Spirit  of  Jesus  "  suffered  them  not."  So  they 
 passed  by  Mysia,  and  came  down  to  Troas.  St. 
 Paul  saw  in  a  vision  a  man  of  Macedonia,  who 
 besought  him,  saying,  "  Come  over  into  Macedonia 
 and  help  us."  The  vision  was  at  once  accepted 
 as  a  heavenly  intimation;  the  help  wanted  by  the 
 Macedonians  was  believed  to  be  the  preaching  of 
 the  Gospel.  It  is  at  this  point  that  the  historian, 
 speaking  of  St.  Paul's  company,  substitutes  "  we  " 
 for  "  they."  He  says  nothing  of  himself;  we  can 
 only  infer  that  St.  Luke,  to  whatever  country  he 
 belonged,  became  a  companion  of  St.  Paul  at  Troas. 
 The  party,  thus  reinforced,  immediately  set  sail 
 from  Troas,  touched  at  Samothrace,  then  landed  on 
 the  continent  at  Neapolis,  and  from  thence  jour- 
 neyed to  Philippi.  Philippi  was  no  inapt  repre- 
 sentative of  the  western  world.  A  Gieek  city,  it 
 had  received  a  body  of  Roman  settlers,  and  was 
 politically  a  Colonia.  There  were  a  few  Jews,  if 
 not  many,  at  Philippi ;  and  when  the  Sabbath  came 
 round,  the  Apostolic  company  joined  tlieir  country- 
 men at  the  place  Ijy  the  I'iver-side  where  prayer  w;is 
 wont  to  be  made.  The  narrative  in  this  part  is 
 very  graphic  (xvi.  l.'V).  The  first  convert  in  Mace- 
 donia was  but  an  Asiatic  woman  who  already  wor- 
 shipped the  God  of  the  Jews  ;  but  she  was  a  very 
 earnest  beHever,  and  besought  the  Apostle  and  his 
 friends  to  honour  her  by  staying  in  her  house. 
 They  could  not  resist  her  urgency,  and  during  their 
 stay  at  Philippi  they  were  tiio  guests  of  Lydia 
 (ver.  -lu).     Uut  a  proof  was  given  befoie  long  lh.it 
 
 PAUL 
 
 695 
 
 the  preachers  ot  Christ  were  come  to  grapple  with 
 the  powers  in  the  spiritual  woild  to  which  heafhen» 
 ism  was  then  doing  homage.  A  female  slave,  who 
 brought  gain  to  her  masters  by  her  powers  of  pre- 
 diction when  she  was  in  the  possessed  state,  beset 
 Paul  and  his  company.  Paul  was  vexed  by  her 
 cries,  and  addressing  the  spirit  in  the  girl,  he  said, 
 "  I  command  thee  in  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ  to 
 come  out  of  her."  The  girl's  mastei-s  saw  that 
 now  the  hope  of  their  gains  was  gone.  Paul  and 
 Silas  were  dragged  before  the  magistrates,  the  mul- 
 titude clamouring  loudly  against  them,  upon  the 
 vague  chaige  of"  troubling  the  city,"  and  introduc- 
 ing observances  which  were  unlawful  tor  Romans. 
 If  the  magistrates  had  desired  to  act  justly  they 
 might  have  doubted  how  they  ought  to  deal  with 
 the  charge.  But  the  praetors  or  duumviri  of  Phi- 
 lippi were  very  unworthy  representatives  of  the 
 Roman  magistracy.  They  yielded  without  inquiry 
 to  the  clamour  of  the  inhabitants,  caused  the  clothes 
 of  Paul  and  Silas  to  be  torn  from  them,  and  them- 
 selves to  be  beaten,  and  then  committed  them  to 
 prison.  This  ciuel  wrong  was  to  be  the  occasion 
 of  a  signal  appearance  of  the  God  of  righteou.sness 
 and  deliverance.  The  narrative  tells  otthe  earth- 
 quake, the  jailor's  terror,  his  conversion,  and  bap- 
 tism (xvi.  2G-34).  In  the  morning  the  magistrates, 
 either  having  heard  of  what  had  happened,  or  liaving 
 repented  of  their  injustice,  or  having  done  all  they 
 meant  to  do  by  way  of  pacifying  the  multitude, 
 sent  word  to  the  prison  that  the  rnen  might  be  let 
 go.  But  St.  Paul  denounced  plainly  their  unlawfid 
 acts,  informing  them  moreover  that  those  whom 
 they  had  beaten  and  imprisoned  without  trial  were 
 Roman  citizens.  The  magistiates,  in  great  alarm, 
 saw  the  necessity  of  humbling  themselves.  They 
 came  and  begged  them  to  leave  the  city.  Paul  and 
 Silas  consented  to  do  so,  and,  after  paying  a  visit  to 
 "  the  brethren  "  in  the  house  of  Lydia,  they  de- 
 parted. Leaving  St.  Luke,  and  perhaps  Timothy  for 
 a  short  time,  at  Philippi,  Paul  and  Silas  travelled 
 through  Amphipolis  and  Apollonia,  and  stopped 
 again  at  Thessalonica.  At  this  important  city  there 
 was  a  synagogue  of  the  Jews.  True  to  his  custom, 
 St.  Paul  went  in  to  them,  and  for  three  Sabbath- 
 days  proclaimed  Jesus  to  be  the  Christ,  as  he  would 
 have  done  in  a  city  of  Judaea.  Again,  as  in  Pisidian 
 Antioch,  the  envy  of  the  Jews  was  excited.  The 
 mob  assaulted  the  house  of  Jason,  with  whom 
 Paul  and  Silas  were  staying  as  guests,  and,  not 
 finding  them,  dragged  Jason  him.self  and  some 
 other  brethren  before  the  magistiates.  In  this  case 
 the  magistrates  seem  to  have  acted  wisely  and 
 justly,  in  taking  security  of  Jason  and  the  rest, 
 and  letting  them  go.  After  these  signs  of  danger 
 the  brethren  immediately  sent  away  Paul  and  Silas 
 by  night.  The  Epistles  to  the  Thessalonians  were 
 written  very  soon  after  the  Apostle's  visit,  and  con- 
 tain more  particulars  of  his  work  in  founding  that 
 Church  than  we  find  in  any  other  Epistle.  The 
 whole  of  these  letters  ought  to  be  read  for  the  iii- 
 fomiation  they  tlius  supply.  When  Paul  and  Silas 
 left  Thessalonica  they  came  to  Beroea.  Here  they 
 found  the  Jews  more  noble  than  those  at  Thessa- 
 lonica had  been.  Accordingly  they  gained  many 
 converts,  both  Jews  and  Greeks  ;  but  the  Jews  of 
 Thessalonicji,  hearing  of  it,  sent  emissaries  to  stir 
 up  the  people,  and  it  was  thought  best  that  St.  Paul 
 should  himself  leave  the  city,  whilst  Silas  and 
 Timothy  reuiaincd  b<:iiiud.  Some  of  "  the  brethren  " 
 went  with  St.  Paul  as   far   as  Athens,  wheic  they 
 
696 
 
 PAUL 
 
 left  him,  carrying  back  a  request  to  Siins  ami 
 Timothy  that  they  would  sjieeJily  join  him.  There 
 he  witnessed  the  most  profuse  idolatry  side  by  side 
 with  the  most  pretentious  philosophy.  Either  of 
 these  would  have  been  enough  to  stimulate  his 
 spirit.  To  idolaters  and  philosophers  he  felt  equally 
 urged  to  proclaim  his  Master  and  the  Living  (Jod. 
 So  he  went  to  his  own  countrymen  and  the  prose- 
 lytes in  the  synagogue  and  declared  to  them  that 
 the  Messiah  had  come ;  but  he  also  spoke,  like 
 another  Socrates,  with  people  in  the  market,  and 
 with  the  followers  of  the  two  gieat  schools  of  phi- 
 losophy, Epicureans  and  Stoics,  naming  to  all  Jesus 
 and  the  llesurrection.  The  philosophers  encoun- 
 tered him  with  a  mixture  of  curiosity  and  contempt, 
 liut  any  one  with  a  novelty  was  welcome  to  those 
 who  "spent  their  time  in  nothing  else  but  either 
 to  liear  or  to  tell  some  new  thing."  They  brought 
 him  therefore  to  the  Areopagus,  that  he  might 
 make  a  formal  exposition  of  his  doctrine  to  an 
 a.<semble<l  audience.  Here  the  Apostle  delivered 
 that  wonderful  discourse,  reported  in  Acts  xvii.  22- 
 31 ,  which  seems  as  fresh  and  instructive  for  the 
 intellect  of  the  19th  century  as  it  was  for  the  intel- 
 lect of  the  first.  In  this  we  have  the  Pauline 
 Gos])el  as  it  addressed  itself  to  the  speculative  mind 
 of  the  cultivate<l  Greeks.  St.  Paul,  it  is  well 
 understood,  did  not  begin  with  calling  the  Athenians 
 "too  superstitious."  "I  perceive  j'ou,"  he  said, 
 "  to  be  eminently  religious."  He  had  observed  an 
 altar  inscribed  "  To  the  unknown  God."  It  meant, 
 no  doubt,  "  To  some  unknown  God."  "  I  come," 
 he  said,  "  as  the  messcni^er  of  that  unknown  God." 
 And  then  he  proceeds  to  speak  of  God  in  terms 
 which  were  not  altogether  new  to  Grecian  ears. 
 The  A{iostle  gained  but  few  converts  at  Athens, 
 and  he  soon  took  his  departure  and  came  to  Corinth. 
 Athens  still  retained  its  old  intellectual  predomin- 
 ance :  but  Corinth  was  the  politiail  and  commercial 
 capital  of  Greece.  Here,  as  at  Thessalonica,  he 
 chose  to  earn  his  own  subsistence  by  working  at 
 liis  ti-ade  of  tent-making.  This  trade  brought  him 
 into  close  connexion  with  two  persons  who  became 
 distinguisheti  as  believers  in  Christ,  Aquila  and 
 Priscilla.  Labouring  thus  on  the  six  days,  the 
 Apostle  went  to  the  synagogue  on  the  Sabbath, 
 and  there  by  expounding  the  Scriptures  sought  to 
 win  both  Jews  and  pioselytes  to  the  belief  that 
 Jesus  was  the  Christ.  He  was  testifying  with  un- 
 usual etlbrt  and  anxiety,  when  Silas  and  Timothy 
 caine  from  Macedonia  and  joined  him.  We  are  left 
 in  some  uncertainty  as  to  what  the  movements  of 
 Silns  and  Timothy  had  been,  since  they  were  with 
 Paul  at  l'>eroea.  Fiom  the  statements  in  the  .\cts 
 (xvii.  15,  10)  compared  with  tliose  in  1  Thes.  (iii.  I, 
 2),  Paley  reasonably  argues  that  Silas  and  Timothy 
 had  come  to  Athens,  but  had  soon  been  despatched 
 thence,  Timothy  to  Thessalonica,  and  Silas  to  Plii- 
 lippi,  or  elsewhere.  l'"rom  Macedonia  they  amie 
 together,  or  about  the  same  time,  to  Coiinth  ;  and 
 their  arrival  was  the  occa-sion  of  the  writing  of  the 
 First  Epistle  to  the  Thessalonians.  This  is  the  (irst 
 extant  example  of  that  work  by  which  the  Apostle 
 Paul  hiuj  served  the  Church  of  all  ages  in  as  eininent 
 a  degree  as  he  laboured  at  the  founding  of  it  in  his 
 lili'time.  It  is  notorious  that  the  order  of  the 
 rCpistles  in  the  book  of  the  N.  T.  is  not  their 
 real,  or  chronological  order.  The  two  Epi.-tles  to 
 the  Thcssaloni.ins  belong — and  those  alone —to  the 
 |)rosent  Missioimry  Journey.  The  Epistles  to  the 
 lialatians,  Komans,  and  Corinthians,  were  written 
 
 PAUL 
 
 iluriug  the  next  journey.  Tho'^e  to  Philemon,  tha 
 Coliissiaus,  the  Ephesiaus,  and  the  Philippians,  be- 
 long to  the  captivity  at  Home.  With  regard  to  the 
 Pastoral  Epistles,  there  are  considerable  difficulties, 
 which  requiie  to  be  discussed  separately.  Two 
 general  remarks  relating  to  St.  Paul's  Letters  may 
 find  a  jilace  here.  (1.)  There  is  no  reason  to  assume 
 that  the  extant  Letters  are  all  that  the  Apostle  wrote. 
 l2.)  We  must  be  on  our  guard  against  concluding 
 too  much  from  the  contents  and  style  of  any 
 Epistle,  as  to  the  fixed  bent  of  the  Apostle's  whole 
 mind  at  the  time  when  it  wivs  written.  The 
 First  Epistie  to  the  Thessalonians  was  probably 
 written  soon  after  his  arrival  at  Corinth,  and  be- 
 fore he  turned  from  the  Jews  to  the  Gentiles.  It 
 was  drawn  from  St.  Paul  by  the  arrival  of  Silas  and 
 Timothy.  The  largest  portion  of  it  consists  of  an 
 impassioned  recalling  of  the  facts  and  feelings  of  the 
 time  when  the  Apostle  was  personally  with  them. 
 What  interval  of  time  separated  the  Second  Letter 
 to  the  Thessalonians  from  the  First,  we  have  no 
 means  of  judging,  except  that  the  later  one  was 
 certainly  written  before  St.  Paul's  departure  from 
 Corinth.  We  return  now  to  the  Apostle's  preach- 
 ing at  Corinth.  When  Silas  and  Timotheus  came, 
 he  was  testifying  to  the  Jews  with  great  earnest- 
 ness, but  with  little  success.  So  "  when  they 
 opposed  themselves  and  blasphemed,  he  shook  out 
 his  raiment,"  and  said  to  them,  in  words  of  warning 
 taken  from  their  own  prophets  (Ezek.  xxxiii.  4)  ; 
 "  Your  blood  be  upon  your  own  heatls;  I  am  clean, 
 and  henceforth  will  go  to  the  Gentiles."  The 
 Apostle  went,  as  he  threatened,  to  the  Gentiles, 
 and  began  to  preach  in  the  house  of  a  pioselyte 
 named  Justus.  Corinth  was  the  chief  city  of  the 
 province  of  Achaia,  and  the  residence  of  the  pro- 
 consul. During  St.  Paul's  stay,  we  find  the  pro- 
 consular otiice  held  by  Gallic,  a  brother  of  the 
 philosopher  Seneca.  Before  him  the  .Apostle  was 
 summoned  by  his  Jewish  enemies,  who  hoped  to 
 bring  the  Roman  authority  to  bear  upon  him  .as  an 
 innovator  in  religion.  But  Gallic  perceived  at  once, 
 before  Paul  could  "open  his  mouth"  to  defend 
 himself,  that  the  movement  was  due  to  Jewish  pre- 
 judice, and  refused  to  go  into  the  question.  "  If  it 
 he  a  question  of  words  and  names  and  of  your  law," 
 he  said  to  the  Jews,  speaking  with  the  tolerance  of 
 a  Roman  magistrate,  "  look  ye  to  it;  for  I  will  be 
 no  judge  of  such  matters."  Then  a  singular  scx-ne 
 occurred.  The  Corinthian  spectators,  either  favour- 
 ing St.  Paul,  or  actuated  only  by  anger  against  tha 
 Jews,  seized  on  the  principal  person  of  those  who 
 had  Ijrought  the  charge,  and  beat  him  before  the 
 judgment-se;it.  Gallio  left  these  religious  quarrels 
 to  settle  themselves.  The  Apostle,  therefoio,  w.as 
 not  alloweil  to  be  "  hurt,"  and  remained  some  time 
 longer  at  Corinth  unmolested.  Having  been  the 
 instrument  of  accomplishing  this  work,  St.  Paul 
 took  his  departure  lor  Jerusalem,  wishing  to  attend 
 a  festival  there.  Before  le;iving  Greece,  he  cut  off 
 his  hair  at  Cenchreae,  in  fulfilment  of  a  vow  (Acts 
 xviii.  18).  He  may  have  followed  in  this  instance, 
 for  some  reason  not  explained  to  us,  a  custom  of  his 
 countrymen.  When  he  sailed  from  the  Isthmus, 
 Aquila  and  Priscilla  went  with  him  as  far  as 
 I'.phesus.  Paul  paid  a  visit  to  the  synagogue  at 
 Ephesus,  but  would  not  stay.  Leaving  Ephesus,  he 
 Siiiled  to  Caesarea,  and  from  thence  went  up  to  Je- 
 rusalem and  "saluteii  the  Church."  It  is  argued, 
 from  considerations  founded  on  the  suspension  of 
 navigation   during    the    winter   mouths,    that   the 
 
PAUL 
 
 festival  was  probably  the  Pentecost,  From  Jeru- 
 salem, almost  immediately,  the  Apostle  went  down 
 to  Antioch,  thus  returuint:  to  the  same  place  from 
 which  he  had  stalled  with  SWus.— Third  Mission- 
 arij  Jouniei/,  including  the  stay  at  Ephesus  (Acts 
 xviii.  23-xxi.  17). — We  may  connect  with  this 
 short  visit  of  St.  Paul  to  Jerusalem  a  very  serious 
 raising  of  the  whole  question,  What  was  to  be  the 
 relation  of  the  new  kingdom  of  Christ  to  the  law 
 and  covenant  of  the  Jews  ?  To  vindicate  the 
 freedom,  as  regarded  the  Jewish  law,  of  believers 
 in  Christ ;  but  to  do  this,  for  the  very  sake  of  main- 
 taining the  unity  of  the  Church, — was  to  be  the 
 earnest  labour  of  the  Apostle  for  some  years.  The 
 great  Epistles  which  belong  to  this  period,  those  to 
 the  Galauians,  Coiinthians,  and  Romans,  show  how 
 the  "  Judaizing"  question  exercised  at  this  time  the 
 Apostle's  mind.  St.  Paul  "  spent  some  time  "  at 
 Antioch,  and  during  this  stay,  as  we  are  inclined  to 
 believe,  his  collision  with  St.  Peter  (Gal.  ii.  11-14), 
 of  which  we  have  spoken  above,  took  place.  When 
 he  left  Antioch,  he  "  went  over  all  the  country  of 
 jalatia  and  Phrygia  in  order,  strengthening  all  the 
 disciples,"  and  giving  orders  concerning  the  collec- 
 tion for  the  saints  (1  Cor.  xvi.  1).  It  is  probable 
 that  the  Epistle  to  the  Galdians  was  written  soon 
 after  this  visit.  This  Letter  was,  in  all  probability, 
 sent  from  Ephesus.  This  was  the  goal  of  the 
 Apostle's  journeyings  through  Asia  Minor.  He 
 came  down  upon  Ephe.^us  from  the  upper  districts 
 of  Phrygia.  With  reference  to  the  spread  of  the 
 Church  Catholic,  Ephesus  occupied  the  central  posi- 
 tion of  all.  This  was  the  meeting  place  of  Jew,  of 
 Greek,  of  Roman,  and  of  Orientiil.  A  new  element 
 in  the  preparation  of  the  world  for  the  kingdom  of 
 Christ  presents  itself  at  the  beginning  of  the  Apostle's 
 work  at  Ephesus.  He  finds  there  certain  disciples, — 
 about  twelve  in  number, — of  whom  he  is  led  to  in- 
 quire, "  Did  ye  receive  the  Holy  Ghost  when  ye 
 iielieved?  They  answered,  No,  we  did  not  even 
 hear  of  there  being  a  Holy  Ghost.  Unto  what  then, 
 asked  Paul,  were  ye  baptized?  And  they  said, 
 Unto  John's  baptism.  Then  said  Paul,  John  bap- 
 tized with  the  baptism  of  repentance,  saying  to  the 
 people  that  they  should  believe  on  him  who  was 
 coming  after  him,  that  is,  on  Jesus.  Hearing  this, 
 they  were  baptized  into  the  name  of  the  Lord  Jesus, 
 and  when  Paul  had  laid  his  hands  upon  them,  the 
 Holy  Ghost  came  upon  them,  and  they  began  to 
 speak  with  tongues  and  to  prophesy  "  (Acts  xix. 
 1-7;. —  It  is  obvious  to  compare  this  incident  with 
 the  Apostolic  act  of  Peter  and  John  in  Samaria, 
 and  to  see  in  it  an  assertion  of  the  fcdl  Apostolic 
 dignity  of  Paul.  But  besides  this  bearing  of  it,  we 
 see  in  it  indications  which  suggest  more  than  they 
 distinctly  express,  as  to  the  spiritual  movements  of 
 that  age.  These  twelve  disciples  are  mentioned 
 immediately  after  Apollos,  who  also  had  been  at 
 Ephesus  just  before  St.  Paul's  arrival,  and  who  had 
 taught  diligently  concerning  Jesus,  knowing  only 
 the  baptism  of  John.  W^hat  the  exaot  belief  of 
 Apollos  and  these  twelve  "disciples"  was  concern- 
 ing the  chaiacter  and  work  of  Jesus,  we  have  no 
 means  of  knowing.  The  Apostle  now  entered  upon 
 his  usual  work.  He  went  into  the  synagogue,  and 
 for  three  months  he  spoke  openly,  disputing  and 
 persuading  concerning  "  the  kingdom  of  God."  At 
 the  end  of  this  time  the  obstinacy  and  opposition  of 
 some  of  the  Jews  led  him  to  give  up  frequenting 
 the  synagogue,  and  he  established  the  believers  as  a 
 separate  society,  meeting  "  in  the  school  of  Tyran- 
 
 PAUL 
 
 697 
 
 nus."  This  continued  for  two  years.  During  this 
 time  many  things  occurred,  of  which  tlie  historian 
 of  the  Acts  chooses  two  examples,  the  tiiumph  over 
 magical  arts,  and  the  great  disturbance  raised  by 
 the  silversmiths  who  made  shrines  for  Artemis;  and 
 amongst  which  we  are  to  note  further  the  writing 
 of  the  First  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians.  Whilst  St. 
 Paul  was  at  Ephesus  his  communications  with  the 
 Church  in  Achaia  were  not  altogether  suspended. 
 There  is  strong  reason  to  believe  that  a  personal 
 visit  to  Corinth  was  made  by  him,  and  a  letter  sent, 
 neither  of  which  is  mentioned  in  the  Acts.  The 
 visit  is  inferred  from  several  allusions  in  the  2nd 
 Epistle  to  the  Corinthians  (2  Cor.  xii.  14,  xiii.  1). 
 The  visit  he  is  contemplating  is  plainly  that  men- 
 tioned in  Acts  XX.  2,  which  took  place  when  he 
 finally  left  Ephesus.  If  that  was  the  third,  he 
 must  have  paid  a  second  duiing  the  time  of  his 
 residence  at  Ephesus.  The  prima  facie  sense  of 
 2  Cor.  ii.  1,  xii.  21,  xiii.  2,  implies  a  short  visit, 
 which  we  should  place  in  the  first  half  of  the  stay 
 at  Ephesus.  And  there  are  no  strong  reasons  why 
 we  should  not  accept  that  prima  facie  sense.  Whe- 
 ther the  1st  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians  was  written 
 before  or  after  the  tumult  excited  by  Demetrius 
 cannot  be  positively  asserted.  He  makes  an  allusion, 
 in  that  Epistle,  to  a  "  battle  with  wild  beasts " 
 fought  at  Ephesus  (1  Cor.  rv.  82),  which  it  is  usual 
 to  understand  figuratively,  and  which  is  by  many 
 connected  with  that  tumult.  But  this  connexion 
 is  arbitraiT,  and  without  much  reason.  And  as  it 
 would  seem  from  Acts  xx.  1  St.  Paul  depai'ted  im- 
 mediately after  the  tumult,  it  is  probable  that  the 
 Epistle  was  written  before,  though  not  long  before, 
 the  raising  of  this  disturbance.  There  were  two 
 exteiTial  inducements  for  writing  this  Epistle.  (1.) 
 St.  Paul  had  received  information  from  members  of 
 Chloe's  household  (i.  11)  concerning  the  state  of  the 
 Church  at  Corinth.  (2.)  That  Church  had  written 
 him  a  letter,  of  which  the  bearers  were  Stephanas 
 and  Fortunatus  and  Achaicus,  to  ask  his  judgment 
 upon  various  points  which  were  submitted  to  him 
 (vii.  1,  xvi.  17).  For  a  detailed  description  of  the 
 Epistles  the  reader  is  refeiTed  to  the  special  articles 
 upon  each.  But  it  belongs  to  the  history  of  St. 
 Paul  to  notice  the  personal  characteristics  which 
 appear  in  them.  We  must  not  omit  to  observe 
 therefore,  in  this  Epistle,  how  loyally  the  Apostle 
 represents  Jesus  Christ  the  Crucified  as  the  Lord  of 
 men,  the  Head  of  the  body  with  many  members, 
 the  Centre  of  Unity,  the  Bond  of  men  to  the  Father. 
 We  should  mark  at  the  same  time  how  invariably 
 he  connects  the  Power  of  the  Spirit  with  the  Name 
 of  the  Lord  Jesus.  He  meets  all  the  evils  of  the 
 Corinthian  Church,  the  intellectual  pride,  the  party 
 spirit,  the  loose  morality,  the  disregard  of  decency 
 and  order,  the  false  belief  about  the  Resurrection, 
 by  reailling  their  thoughts  to  the  Person  ot'^Christ 
 and  to  the  Spirit  of  God  as  the  Breath  of  a  common 
 life  to  the  whole  body.  We  observe  also  here, 
 more  than  elsewhere,  the  tact,  universally  recog- 
 nized and  admired,  with  which  the  Apostle  dis- 
 cusses the  practical  problems  brought  before  him. 
 What  St.  Paul  here  tells  us  of  his  own  doings  and 
 movements  refers  chiefly  to  the  nature  of  his  preach- 
 ing at  Corinth  (i.  ii.);  to  the  hardships  and  dangers 
 of  the  apostolic  life  (iv.  9-13);  to  his  cherished 
 custom  of  working  for  his  own  living  (ix.) ;  to  the 
 direct  revelations  he  had  received  (xi.  23,  xv.  8)  ; 
 and  to  his  present  plans  (xvi.).  He  bids  the  Co- 
 rinthians raise  a  collection  for  the  Church  at  Jeru- 
 
C98 
 
 PAUL 
 
 salcm  by  layiiic;  by  something  on  the  tiist  day  of 
 the  week,  :\s  lie  had  <liiei-t(Ml  the  churches  in  (I.'ilatia 
 to  ilo.  He  s;iys  th:\t  lie  shall  tarry  at  Kphesiis  till 
 Pentecost,  and  then  set  out  on  a  journey  towards 
 Corinth  through  Maceiionia,  so  as  periiaps  to  spend 
 the  winter  with  them.  He  expresses  his  joy  at  the 
 conung  of  Steplian;is  and  his  companions,  and  com- 
 mends them  to  the  respect  of"  the  Church.  Having 
 despatched  this  Kpistle  he  stayed  on  at  K]iliesus, 
 where  "  a  great  door  and  etiectiial  was  opened  to 
 liini,  and  there  weie  many  adver&u-ies."  Wo  have 
 now  no  iuformation  as  to  his  work  there,  until  that 
 tumult  occurred  which  is  desciibeil  in  Acts  .xix. 
 24-41.  St.  Paul  is  only  jwisonally  concernetl  in 
 this  tumult  in  so  tiir  as  it  proves  the  deep  imjjres- 
 siou  which  his  teaching  had  nrule  at  Ej)hesus,  and 
 the  daily  danger  in  which  he  lived.  He  had  been 
 anxious  to  depart  from  Kphesus,  and  this  interrup- 
 tion of  the  work  which  had  kept  him  there  determ- 
 ined him  to  stay  no  longer.  He  set  out  theiefovc 
 for  Macixionia,  and  proceeded  lirst  to  Tro.is  ('J  Cor. 
 ii.  I'2),  where  he  might  have  preached  the  (losj)el 
 with  good  hope  of  success.  Hut  a  restless  anxiety  to 
 obtain  tidings  concerning  the  Church  atCorintli  uiged 
 him  on,  and  he  advanced  into  Macedonia,  where  he 
 met  Titus,  who  brought  him  the  news  for  which  he 
 was  thirsting.  Tlie  receipt  of  this  intelligence  drew 
 fioni  him  a  letter  which  reveals  to  us  what  maimer 
 of  man  St.  Paul  was  when  the  fountains  of  his 
 heart  were  stirred  to  their  inmost  de])ths.  Kvery 
 reader  may  perceive  that,  on  passing  from  the  First 
 Kpistle  to  the  Second,  the  .scene  is  almost  entirely 
 changed.  In  the  First,  the  faults  and  diiliculties 
 of  the  Corinthian  Church  are  before  us.  The  .Vpostle 
 writes  of  these,  with  spirit  indeeil  and  emotion,  as 
 he  always  does,  but  without  passion  or  disturbance. 
 In  the  Second,  he  writes  as  one  whose  personal  re- 
 lations with  those  whom  he  addressee  have  under- 
 gone a  most  painful  shock.  What  had  occasioned 
 tills  excitement?  We  have  seen  that  Timothy  had 
 been  sent  from  Kphesus  to  Macedonia  and  Corinth. 
 He  had  rejoined  St.  Paid  when  he  wrote  this  Second 
 Kpistle,  for  he  is  ussociated  with  hiin  in  the  s;dut<i- 
 tion  (2  Cor.  i.  1).  We  have  no  account,  either  in 
 the  Acts  or  in  the  Kpistles,  of  this  journey  of  Ti- 
 mothy, and  some  have  thought  it  jirobable  that  he 
 never  leacheil  Corinth.  Let  us  suppose,  however, 
 that  he  arrived  there  soon  alter  the  I'irst  Kpistle, 
 conveyed  by  Stephanas  and  others,  had  been  re- 
 ceived by  the  Corinthian  Church.  He  found  that  a 
 movement  had  arisen  in  the  heart  of  that  Church 
 which  threw  (let  us  suppose)  the  case  of  the  in- 
 cestuous person  (1  Cor.  v.  1-5)  into  the  shade. 
 This  was  a  deliberate  and  sustained  attack  ujioii  the 
 A|iostolic  authority  and  [H-rsonal  integrity  of  the 
 Ajxjstle  of  the  Gentiles.  When  some  such  attack 
 was  made  ojjenly  upon  the  Ajiostle,  the  Church  had 
 not  immediately  called  the  ofK-iiiler  to  account ;  the 
 U'tter  spirit  of  the  believers  lieing  cowed,  ajipar- 
 I'litly,  by  the  confidence  and  assumed  authority  of 
 the  as.-ailants  of  St.  Paul.  A  report  of  this  melan- 
 choly stjtte  of  things  was  brought  to  the  Apostle  by 
 Timothy  or  by  others.  He  immediately  sent  oil  Titus 
 to  Corinth,  with  a  letter  containing  the  shaipest 
 rebukes,  iLiimj  the  authority  which  had  been  deuiiHl, 
 and  threjitening  to  enforce  it  siKitslilv  by  his  per- 
 sonal presence  (ii.  2,  ii,  vii.  8;.  As  soon  as  the 
 letter  was  gone,  he  began  to  repent  of  having 
 written  it.  We  am  well  bijlieve  him  when  he 
 bjimiks  of  what  he  had  sulleiiil: — "Out  of  much 
 Allliction  and  auijuisli  of  heart  I  wrote  to  you  w  ith 
 
 PAUL 
 
 many  teai-s"  (ii.  4)  ;  "I  li.id  no  rest  in  my  spirit" 
 (ii.  1.'!);  ''Our  flesh  had  no  rest,  but  we  were 
 troiible<l  on  every  side;  without  were  lightings, 
 within  were  feai-s "  (vii.  5).  It  appears  that  he 
 <'oi;ld  not  bring  himself  to  hasten  to  Corinth  so 
 rapidly  as  he  had  intended  (i.  15,  li!);  he  would 
 wait  till  he  heard  news  which  might  make  his  visit 
 a  happy  instead  of  a  painful  one  (ii.  1).  When  he 
 had  reached  Macedonia,  Titus,  as  we  have  seen,  met 
 him  with  such  reassuring  tidings.  'I'he  olfender 
 had  been  rebuked  by  the  Church,  and  had  made 
 submission  (ii.  6,  7) ;  the  old  spirit  of  love  and 
 reverence  towards  St.  Paul  had  been  awakened,  and 
 had  poured  itself  forth  in  warm  expressions  ot 
 shame  and  grief  and  penitence.  The  cloud  was 
 now  dispellal ;  fear  and  pain  gave  place  to  hope  and 
 tenderness  and  thankfulness.  But  even  now  the 
 Apostle  would  not  start  at  once  for  Corinth,  He 
 may  have  had  important  work  to  do  in  Macedonia. 
 P>iit  another  letter  would  smooth  the  way  still  more 
 ellectually  for  his  jiersonal  visit;  and  he  accordingly 
 wrote  the  Second  Kpistle,  and  sent  it  by  the  hands 
 of  Titus  and  two  other  brethren  to  Corinth.  The 
 particular  nature  of  this  K]iistle,  jis  an  appeal  to 
 tacts  in  tiivour  of  his  own  Apostolic  authority,  leads 
 to  the  mention  of  many  inteiesting  features  of  St. 
 Paul's  litie.  His  summary,  in  xi.  2.'5-"_'8,  of  the 
 hardships  and  dangeis  through  which  he  had  gone, 
 proves  to  us  how  little  the  history  in  the  Acts  is  to 
 be  regarded  as  a  comjilete  account  of  what  he  did 
 and  suli'cred.  The  daily  burden  ot  "  the  care  of  all 
 the  churches"  seems  to  imply  a  wide  and  constant 
 range  of  communication.  The  mention  of  "  visions 
 and  revelations  of  the  Lord,"  antl  of  the  "  thorn 
 (or  rather  sta/w)  in  the  Hesh,"  side  by  side,  is 
 jieculiarly  characteristic  both  of  the  mind  and  of 
 the  experiences  of  St.  Paul.  As  an  instance  of  the 
 visions,  he  alludes  to  a  trance  which  had  befallen  him 
 fourteen  years  before,  in  which  he  hail  been  caught  uj) 
 into  paradise,  and  had  heard  unspeakable  words.  But 
 he  would  not,  even  inwardly  with  himself,  glory 
 in  visions  and  revelations  without  remembering 
 how  the  Lord  had  guanled  him  from  being  puffed 
 up  by  them.  A  sUike  in  the  fle.sh  (o-kJAoi^  rfj 
 aapKl)  w.as  given  him,  a  messenger  of  Satan  to 
 buffet  him,  lest  he  should  be  exalted  above  measure. 
 The  different  interpretations  which  have  jirevailed 
 of  this  (T/cdAoif'  have  a  certain  historical  signitiauicv. 
 (1)  lioman  Catholic  divines  have  inclined  to  under- 
 st;md  by  \t  sU-ougscnsutil  tcinptiitkm.  (2)  Luther 
 and  his  followers  take  it  to  mean  temptations  to 
 iniMuf.  P.ut  neither  of  these  would  In;  "  iiitirm- 
 ities"  in  which  St.  Paul  could  "  glory."  (o)  It  is 
 almost  the  unanimous  o]iiiiion  of  nnxlern  divines — 
 and  the  authority  of  the  ancient  fathei-s  on  the 
 whole  is  in  favour  of  it — that  the  aK6\o\fi  represents 
 some  vexatious  fcodiVy  inftniiiti/.  After  writing 
 this  Kpistle,  St.  Paul  travelled  tjirough  Maodonia, 
 perhaps  to  the  borders  of  Ulyricum  (Rom.  xv.  10), 
 anil  then  carried  out  the  intention  of  which  he  had 
 spoken  so  oilcn,  and  arriveti  himself  nt  Corinth. 
 The  narrative  in  the  Acts  tells  us  that  "  when  he 
 had  gone  over  those  parts  (Macetlonia),  and  had 
 given  them  much  exhortation,  he  came  into  Gieece, 
 and  there  abode  ihiee  months"  (xx.  2,  'A).  There 
 is  only  one  incident  which  we  can  connivt  with  this 
 visit  to  (ireece,  but  that  is  a  very  important  oni'— 
 the  wiitiiii;  of  another  great  Kpi.stle,  addressed  ti 
 the  Church  at  Ivome.  that  this  Wits  written  nt 
 this  time  from  Coiinth  appears  front  |>assagcs  in  the 
 Kpistle  it.self,  and  has  never  been  doubteil.     The 
 
PAUL 
 
 letter  is  a  substitute  Coi'  \hp  personal  visit  which 
 he  had  longed  "  t'oi-  many  years  "  to  pay  ;  and,  as 
 he  would  have  made  the  visit,  so  now  he  writes 
 the  letter,  because  he  is  the  Apostle  of  the  Gentiles. 
 Of  this  office,  to  speak  in  common  language,  St. 
 Paul  was  proud.  All  the  labours  and  dangers  of  it 
 he  would  willingly  encounter ;  and  he  would  also 
 jealously  maintain  its  dignity  and  its  powers.  He 
 held  it  of  Christ,  and  Christ's  commission  should 
 not  be  dishonoured.  He  represents  himself  grandly 
 as  a  priest,  appointed  to  oiler  up  the  faith  of  the 
 (jentile  world  as  a  sacrifice  to  God  (xv.  16).  And 
 he  then  proceeds  to  speak  with  pride  of  the  extent 
 and  independence  of  his  Apostolic  labours.  It  is  in 
 harmony  with  this  language  that  he  should  address 
 the  Ronian  Church  as  consisting  mainly  of  Gentiles: 
 but  we  find  that  he  speaks  to  them  as  to  persons 
 deeply  interested  in  Jewish  questions.  Before  his 
 departure  from  Corinth,  St.  Paul  was  joined  again 
 by  St.  Luke,  as  we  infer  from  the  change  in  the 
 narrative  from  the  third  to  the  first  person.  We 
 have  seen  already  that  he  was  bent  on  making  a 
 journey  to  Jerusalem,  for  a  special  purpose  and  with- 
 in a  limite<l  time.  With  this  view  he  was  intending 
 to  go  by  sea  to  Syria.  But  he  was  made  aware  of 
 some  plot  of  the  Jews  for  his  destruction,  to  be 
 carrieil  out  through  this  voyage;  and  he  determined 
 to  evade  their  malice  by  changing  his  route.  Se- 
 veral brethren  were  associated  with  him  in  this 
 expedition,  the  bearers,  no  doubt,  of  the  collections 
 niiule  in  all  the  Churches  for  the  poor  at  Jerusalem. 
 These  weie  sent  on  by  sea,  and  probably  the  money 
 with  them,  to  Troas,  where  they  were  to  await  St. 
 Paul.  He,  accompanied  by  St.  Luke,  went  north- 
 wards through  Macedonia.  The  style  of  an  eye- 
 witness again  becomes  manifest.  During  the  stay 
 at  Troas  there  was  a  meeting  on  the  first  day  of 
 the  week  "  to  break  bread,"  and  Paul  was  dis- 
 coursing earnestly  and  at  length  with  the  brethren. 
 He  was  10  depart  the  next  morning,  and  midnight 
 found  them  listening  to  his  earnest  speech.  A  youth 
 named  Eutychus  was  sitting  in  the  window,  and 
 was  gradually  overpowered  by  sleep,  so  that  at  last 
 he  fell  into  the  street  or  court  fVom  the  thiid  story, 
 and  was  taken  up  dead.  The  meeting  was  inter- 
 rupted by  this  accident,  and  Paul  went  down  and 
 fell  upon  hiui  and  embraced  him,  saying,  "  Be  not 
 disturbed,  his  life  is  in  him."  His  friends  then 
 appear  to  have  taken  charge  of  him,  whilst  Paul 
 went  up  again,  first  presi<led  at  the  breaking  of 
 biead,  afterwards  took  a  meal,  sind  continued  con- 
 veising  until  daybreak,  and  so  departed.  Whilst 
 the  vessel  which  conveyed  the  rest  of  the  party  sailed 
 from  Troas  to  Assos,  Paul  gained  some  time  by  mak- 
 ing the  journey  by  land.  At  Assos  he  went  on  board 
 again.  Coasting  along  by  Mityleno,  Chios,  Samos, 
 and  Trogyllium,  they  arrived  at  Miletus.  At  Mi- 
 letui,  however,  there  was  time  to  send  to  Ephcsns; 
 and  the  eiders  of  the  Church  were  invited  to  come 
 down  to  him  there.  This  meeting  is  made  the  oc- 
 casion for  recording  another  characteristic  and  re- 
 presentative address  of  St.  Paul  (Acts  xx.  18-35). 
 This  spoken  address  to  the  elders  of  the  Ephesian 
 Church  may  be  ranked  with  the  Epistles,  and  throws 
 the  same  kind  of  light  upon  St.  Paul's  Apostolical 
 relations  to  the  Churches.  The  course  of  the  voyage 
 from  Miletus  was  by  Coos  and  Rhodes  to  Patara, 
 and  from  Patara  in  another  vessel  past  ('yprus  to 
 Tyre.  Heie  Paul  and  his  company  spent  seven 
 days.  From  Tyre  they  sailed  to  Ptolcniais,  where 
 they  spent  one  day,  and  from   Piolcmais  proceeded. 
 
 PAUL 
 
 699 
 
 apparently  by  land,  to  Caesarea.  In  this  place  was 
 settled  Philip  the  Evangelist,  one  of  the  seven,  and 
 he  became  the  host  of  Paul  and  his  friends.  Philip 
 had  four  unmarried  daughters,  who  "  prophesied," 
 arid  who  repeated,  no  doubt,  the  warnings  already 
 heard.  They  now  "  tarried  many  days  "  at  Cae- 
 sarea. During  this  interval  the  prophet  Agabus 
 (Acts  xi.  28)  came  down  from  Jerusalem,  and 
 crowned  the  previous  intimations  of  danger  with  a 
 prediction  expressively  deliv(>red.  At  this  stage  a 
 final  effort  was  made  to  dissuade  Paul  from  going 
 up  to  Jerusalem,  by  the  Christians  of  Caesarea, 
 and  by  his  travelling  companions.  After  a  while, 
 they  went  up  to  Jerusalem,  and  were  gladly  re- 
 ceived by  the  brethren.  Thus  is  St.  Paul's  fifth 
 and  last  visit  to  Jerusalem.— (S'^  Paul's  finprison- 
 ment :  Jerusalem  and  Caesarea. — lie  who  was  thus 
 conducted  into  Jerusalem  bv  a  company  of  anxious 
 friends  had  become  by  this  time  a  man  of  consider- 
 able fame  amongst  his  countrymen.  He  was  widely 
 known  as  one  who  had  taught  with  pre-eminent 
 boldness  that  a  way  into  God's  fnvoin*  was  opened 
 to  the  Cientiles,  and  that  this  way  did  not  lie 
 through  the  door  of  the  Jewish  Law.  He  had  more- 
 over actually  founded  numeious  and  important 
 communities,  composed  of  Jews  and  Gentiles  to- 
 gether, which  stood  simply  on  the  name  of  .Jesus 
 Christ,  iipart  from  circumcision  and  the  observance 
 of  the  Law.  He  had  thus  roused  against  himself 
 the  bitter  enmity  of  that  unfathomable  .Jewish 
 pride  which  was  almost  as  strong  in  some  of  those 
 who  had  professed  the  faith  of  .Jesus,  as  in  their 
 unconverted  brethren.  He  was  now  appioaching 
 a  crisis  in  the  long  struggle,  and  the  shadow  of  it 
 had  been  made  to  rest  upon  his  mind  throughout 
 his  journey  to  Jerusalem.  He  came  "  ready  to  die 
 for  the  name  of  the  Lord  Jesus,"  but  he  came  ex- 
 pressly to  prove  himself  a  faithful  Jew,  and  this 
 purpose  emerges  at  every  point  of  the  history.  St, 
 Luke  does  not  mention  the  contributions  brought 
 by  Paul  and  his  companions  for  the  poor  at  Jeru- 
 salem. As  on  former  occasions,  the  believers  at 
 Jerusalem  could  not  but  glorify  God  for  what  they 
 heard  ;  but  they  had  been  alaimed  by  the  prevaU^iit 
 feeling  concerning  St.  Paul.  In  order  to  dispi^l  tliis 
 impression  they  ask  him  to  do  pulilicly  an  act  of 
 homage  to  the  Law  and  its  observances.  They  had 
 four  men  who  weie  under  the  Nazarite  vow.  The 
 completion  of  this  vow  involved  (Num.  vi.  13-21) 
 a  considerable  expense  for  the  ollerings  to  be  pre- 
 sented in  the  Temple  ;  and  it  was  a  meritoiious 
 act  to  provide  these  offerings  for  the  poorer  Na- 
 zarites.  St.  Paul  was  requested  to  put  himself 
 under  the  vow  with  those  other  four,  and  to  supply 
 the  cost  of  their  offerings.  He  at  once  accepted  the 
 proposal.  It  appeals  that  the  whole  process  under- 
 tak-n  by  St.  Paul  required  seven  days  to  complete 
 it.  Towards  the  end  of  this  time  certain  Jews  t'nim 
 "  Asia,"  who  had  come  up  for  the  Pentecostal  feast, 
 and  who  had  a  personal  knowledge  both  of  Paul 
 himself  and  of  his  compaiuon  Trophimus,  a  Gentile 
 from  Ephesus,  saw  Paul  in  the  Temple.  They  im- 
 mediately set  upon  him,  and  stirred  up  the  people 
 against  him,  crying  out,  "  Men  of  Israel,  help:  tiiis 
 is  the  man  that  teacheth  all  men  everywhere  agninst 
 the  people,  and  the  law,  and  this  place;  and  further 
 bi'ouglit  Greeks  also  into  the  Temple,  and  hath  |m)1- 
 luted  this  holy  place."  The  latter  chaige  had  no 
 more  truth  in  it  than  the  first:  it  was  only  sug- 
 gested by  their  having  seen  Tro[)himus  with  him, 
 not   in  the  Temple,  but   in  the  <'itv.     They  raised, 
 
700 
 
 PAUL 
 
 however,  a  great  cominotion  :  I'aiil  was  dragged  out 
 of  the  Temple,  of  whicli  the  doors  were  immo 
 diately  shut,  and  the  pei(i)le,  having  liim  in  their 
 hands,  were  proposing  to  kill  him.  But  tidings 
 were  soon  carried  to  tlie  commander  of  the  force 
 which  was  serving  as  a  garrison  in  Jerusalem,  that 
 "  all  Jerusidem  was  in  an  uproar ;"  and  he.  taking 
 with  him  soliliers  and  centurions,  hastened  to  the 
 scene  of  the  tumult.  Paul  was  lescued  from  tlie 
 violence  of  the  multitude  by  the  Koman  officer, 
 who  niailo  him  his  own  prisoner,  causing  him  to  be 
 chained  to  two  soidiei-s,  and  then  proceeded  to  in- 
 quire who  he  was  and  what  he  had  done.  The 
 inquiry  only  elicited  confused  outcries,  and  the 
 "  chief  captain "  seems  to  have  imagined  that 
 the  Apostle  might  jwrhaps  be  a  certain  Egyptian 
 pretender  who  had  recently  stirred  up  a  consider- 
 able rising  of  the  people.  The  account  in  the  Acts 
 (ixi.  34-40)  tells  us  with  graphic  touches  how  St. 
 I'aul  obt;iined  leave  and  oi)])ortanity  to  address  the 
 people  in  a  discouise  which  is  lelated  at  length. 
 This  discourse  was  s|)okcn  in  Hebrew;  that  is,  in 
 the  native  dialect  of  the  country,  and  was  on  that 
 account  listened  to  with  the  more  attention.  It  is 
 described  by  St.  Paul  himself,  in  his  opening  words, 
 as  his  "defence,"  addressed  to  his  brethien  and 
 fathers.  It  is  in  this  light  that  it  ought  to  be  re- 
 garded. Until  the  hated  word  of  a  mission  to  the 
 Gentiles,  had  been  spoken,  the  Jews  had  listened  to 
 the  speaker.  "  Away  with  such  a  fellow  from  the 
 earth,"  the  multitude  now  shouted  :  "  it  is  not  fit 
 that  he  should  live."  The  Koman  commander,  seeing 
 the  tumult  that  arose,  might  well  conclude  that  .St. 
 Paul  had  committed  some  heinous  oflence;  and 
 cirrying  him  oil',  he  gave  orders  that  he  should  be 
 (breed  by  scourging  to  confess  his  crime.  Agtin 
 the  Apostle  took  advantage  of  his  Koman  citizen- 
 ship to  protect  himself  from  such  an  outrage.  The 
 Roman  officer  was  bound  to  protect  a  citizen,  and 
 to  suppress  tumult;  but  it  was  also  a  part  of  his 
 policy  to  treat  with  deference  the  religion  and  the 
 customs  of  the  countiy.  St.  Paul's  present  history 
 is  the  resultant  of  these  two  principles.  The  chief 
 captain  set  him  free  from  bonds,  but  on  the  next  day 
 called  together  the  chief  priests  and  the  Sanhedrim, 
 and  brought  Paul  as  a  prisoner  befoie  them.  W'c  need 
 not  suppose  that  this  was  a  regular  legal  proceed- 
 ing: it  was  probably  an  e.tiieriment  of  policy  and 
 courtesy.  If,  on  the  one  hand,  the  commandant  of 
 the  garrison  had  no  jiower  to  convoke  the  San- 
 hedrim ;  on  the  other  hand  he  would  not  give  up  a 
 Koman  citizen  to  their  judgment.  As  it  was,  the 
 adiiir  ended  in  confusion,  and  with  no  semblance 
 of  a  judicial  termination.  The  incidents  selected 
 by  St.  Luke  from  the  history  of  this  meeting  form 
 striking  points  in  the  biography  of  St.  Paul,  but 
 they  are  not  ea.sy  to  understand.  St.  Paul  ai>peais 
 to  have  been  put  ufion  his  del'euce,  and  with  the 
 (M'culiar  habit,  mentioned  elsewhere  also  (Acts  x'ui. 
 It),  of  looking  steadily  when  about  to  speak,  he 
 began  tb  s;iy,  "  Men  and  brethren,  I  have  lived  in 
 all  good  cnns<;ieiice  (or,  I  have  live<l  a  conscien- 
 tiously loyal  life)  unto  Cio<l,  until  this  day."  Here 
 the  high-priest  Ananias  commanded  tluni  that  stood 
 by  him  to  smite  him  on  the  mouth.  With  ;i  fivu- 
 less  indignation,  Paul  exclaimed,  "  Go<i  shall  smite 
 thee,  thou  whited  wall:  for  sittest  thou  to  judge 
 me  allcr  the  law,  aii<l  commandest  mo  to  lie  smitten 
 contrary  to  the  law?"  The  bystanders  said,  "  Ke- 
 vilest  thou  <l..d's  High-Priest?"  Paul  answered, 
 "I  knew  not,    biethien,   that  he  w;is  the   High- 
 
 PAUIi 
 
 Priest ;  for  it  is  written.  Thou  shalt  not  speak  evil 
 of  the  ruler  of  thy  jieople."  How  was  it  possible 
 for  him  not  to  know  that  he  who  spoke  w:is  ttie 
 High-Priest  ?  The  least  objectionable  solutions  seem 
 to  be,  that  for  some  leason  or  other, — either  beciuse 
 his  sight  was  not  good,  or  beaiuse  he  was  looking 
 another  way, — he  did  not  know  whose  voice  it  was 
 that  ordered  him  to  be  smitten  ;  and  that  he  wisheil 
 to  correct  the  impression  which  he  saw  w;»s  made 
 upon  some  of  the  audience  by  his  threatening  protest, 
 and  therefore  took  advantage  of  the  fact  that  he 
 really  did  not  know  the  sp<?aker  to  be  the  High- 
 Priest,  to  explain  the  deference  he  felt  to  be  due  to 
 the  person  holding  that  office.  The  next  incident 
 which  St.  Luke  records  seems  to  some,  who  cannot 
 think  of  the  Apostle  as  remaining  still  a  Jew,  to 
 cjist  a  shadow  upon  his  rectitude.  He  perceived, 
 we  are  told,  that  the  council  was  divided  into  two 
 parties,  the  Sadducees  and  Pharisees,  and  therefore 
 he  cried  out,  "  Men  and  brethren,  I  am  a  Pharisee, 
 the  sou  of  a  Pharisee;  concerning  the  hope  and  re- 
 surrection of  the  dead  I  am  calletl  in  question." — 
 Those  who  impugn  theauthenticity  of  the  Acts  point 
 triumphantly  to  this  scene  as  an  utterly  innpossible 
 one:  othere  consider  that  the  Apostle  is  to  be 
 blamed  for  using  a  disingenuous  artifice.  But  it  is 
 not  so  clear  that  St.  Paul  was  using  an  artifice  at 
 all,  at  least  for  his  own  interest,  in  identifying  him- 
 self ;is  he  did  with  the  professions  of  the  Pharisees. 
 The  creed  of  the  Pharisee  as  distinguished  from  that 
 of  the  Sadducee,  was  unquestionably  the  creed  of 
 St.  Paul.  His  belief  in  Jesus  .seemed  to  him  t« 
 supply  the  ground  and  fullilment  of  that  creed. 
 He  wished  to  lead  his  brother  Pharisees  into  a 
 deeper  and  more  living  apprehension  of  their  own 
 liiith.  The  immediate  consequence  of  the  dissension 
 which  occurred  in  the  assembly  was  that  Paul  was 
 like  to  be  torn  in  pieces,  and  was  carried  oil'  by  the 
 IkOman  soldiei-s.  On  the  next  day  a  conspiracy  was 
 formed,  which  the  historian  relates  with  a  singular 
 fulness  of  details.  More  than  forty  of  the  Jews 
 bound  themselves  under  a  cuise  neither  to  eat  not 
 to  drink  until  they  had  killed  Paul.  The  plot  was 
 discovered,  and  St.  Paul  was  hurrie<l  away  from 
 Jerusalem.  The  chief  captain,  t'laudius  Lysias. 
 determined  to  send  him  to  Caesarea,  to  Kelix  the 
 governor,  or  procurator,  of  . I udaea.  Ho  therefore 
 put  him  in  charge  of  a  strong  guard  of  soldiers, 
 who  took  him  by  night  as  far  as  .Antipatris.  From 
 thence  a  smaller  detachment  conveyed  him  to  Cao- 
 sarc;i,  where  they  delivered  up  their  prisoner  into 
 the  hands  of  the  governor.  Kelis  a:kiil  of  what 
 province  the  prisoner  w.as :  and  being  told  that  he 
 was  of  Cilicia,  he  promised  to  give  him  a  hearing 
 when  his  accusers  should  come.  In  the  me-in  time 
 he  ordered  him  to  be  guarded.  ^  /mprusonincnt  at 
 ('(tesitrea. — St.  Paul  was  heiu'elbrth,  to  the  end  of 
 the  perio<l  einbiaced  in  the  .Acts,  it'  not  to  the  eiul 
 of  his  lite,  in  Koman  custody.  This  custody  w.-vs 
 ill  tact  a  protection  to  him,  without  which  he 
 would  have  fallen  a  victim  to  the  animosity  of  the 
 Jews.  He  seems  to  have  been  treateil  throughout 
 with  humanity  and  consideration.  The  governor 
 before  whom  he  was  now  to  be  tried,  nccoixling  to 
 Tacitus  ami  Josephus,  was  a  mean  and  dissolute 
 tyrant.  The  oiator  or  counsel  retained  by  tiie 
 Jews  and  brought  down  by  Annni.as  and  the  cldci-s, 
 when  they  arrived  in  the  coiii-se  of  live  days  at 
 Caesarea,  liegins  the  proceeilings  of  the  trial  \>ro- 
 Icssioually  by  coinplimenting  the  governor.  The 
 charge  he  goes  on  to  set  forth  .-\gainst  Paul  &howi 
 
PAUL 
 
 precisely  the  light  in  which  lie  wns  i-es^vded  by  the 
 fanatical  Jews.  St.  Paul  met  the  charge  in  his 
 usual  manner.  He  was  glad  that  his  judge  had 
 been  for  some  years  governor  of  a  Jewish  province  ; 
 "  because  it  is  in  thy  power  to  a-scertain  that,  not 
 more  than  twelve  daj's  since,  I  came  up  to  Jeru- 
 -salem  to  worship."  The  emphasis  is  upon  his 
 coming  up  to  worship.  He  denied  positively  the 
 diarges  of  stirring  up  strife  and  of  profaning  the 
 Temple.  Again  he  gave  prominence  to  the  hope  of 
 a  resurrection,  which  he  held,  as  he  said,  in  common 
 with  his  accusei-s.  His  loyalty  to  the  faith  of  his 
 fathei-s  he  had  shown  by  coming  up  to  Jerusalem 
 expressly  to  bring  alms  tor  his  nation,  and  otferiugs, 
 and  by  undertaking  the  ceremonies  of  purification 
 in  the  Temple.  What  fault  then  could  any  Jew 
 possibly  find  in  him  ? — The  Apostle's  answer  was 
 straigli'tfoi-ward  and  complete.  He  had  not  violated 
 the  law  of  his  fathei-s ;  he  was  still  a  true  and  loyal 
 Israelite.  Felix  made  an  excuse  for  putting  oS  the 
 matter,  and  gave  orders  that  the  prisoner  should  be 
 tiaited  with  indulgence,  and  that  his  friends  should 
 be  allowed  free  access  to  him.  After  a  while,  he 
 heard  him  again.  St.  Paul  remained  in  custody 
 until  Felix  left  the  province.  The  unpiincipled 
 governor  had  good  reason  to  seek  to  ingratiate  him- 
 self with  the  Jews ;  and  to  please  them,  he  handed 
 over  Paul,  as  an  untried  prisoner,  to  his  successor 
 Festiis.  Upon  liis  ariival  in  the  province,  Festus 
 went  up  witliout  delay  from  Caesarea  to  Jerusalem, 
 and  the  leading  Jews  seized  the  opportunity  of  ask- 
 ing that  Paul  might  be  brought  up  there  for  trial, 
 intending  to  assassinate  him  by  the  way.  But 
 Festus  would  not  comply  with  their  request.  He 
 invited  them  to  follow  him  on  his  speedy  return  to 
 Caesarea,  and  a  trial  took  place  there,  closely  re- 
 sembling that  before  Felix.  "They  had  certain 
 questions  against  him,"  Festus  says  to  Agiippa, 
 "  of  their  own  superetition  (or  religion),  and  of  one 
 Je-^us,  who  was  dead,  whom  Paul  affirmed  to  be 
 alive.  And  being  puzzled  for  my  part  as  to  such 
 inquiries,  1  asked  him  whether  he  would  go  to 
 Jerusalem  to  be  tried  there."  This  proposal,  not  a 
 very  likely  one  to  be  accepted,  was  the  occasion  of 
 St.  Paul's  appeal  to  Caesar.  The  appeal  having 
 been  allowed,  Festus  reflected  that  he  must  send 
 with  the  prisoner  a  report  of  "  the  crimes  laid 
 against  him."  He  therefore  took  advantage  of  an 
 oppoi-tunity  which  offered  itself  in  a  few  days  to 
 seek  some  help  in  the  mattei-.  The  Jewish  jjrince 
 Agi-ippa  arrived  with  his  sister  Berenice  on  a  v\&\i 
 to  the  new  governor.  To  him  Festus  communi- 
 cated his  perplexity,  together  with  an  account  of 
 what  had  occurred  before  him  in  the  case.  Agrippa, 
 who  must  have  known  something  of  the  sect  of  the 
 Nazarenes,  and  had  probably  heard  of  Paul  himself, 
 expressed  a  desire  to  hear  him  sj^ak.  Paul  there- 
 foie  was  to  give  an  account  of  himself  to  Agrippa ; 
 and  when  he  had  received  from  him  a  courteous 
 permission  to  begin,  he  stretched  forth  his  hand  and 
 made  his  defence.  In  this  discourse  (Acts  Exvi.), 
 we  have  the  second  explanation  from  St.  Paul 
 himself  of  the  manner  in  which  he  had  been  led, 
 through  his  Conversion,  to  serve  the  Lord  Jesus 
 instead  of  persecuting  His  disciples  ;  and  the  third 
 narrative  of  the  Conversion  itself.  When  it  was 
 concluded  Festus  and  the  king,  and  their  com- 
 panions, consulted  together,  and  came  to  the  conclu- 
 sion that  the  accused  was  guilty  of  nothing  that 
 deserved  death  or  imprisonment.  And  Agi-ippa's 
 final  answer  to  the  inquiry  of  Fe&tus  was,  "  This 
 
 PAUL 
 
 701 
 
 man  might  have  been  set  at  liberty,  if  he  had  not 
 appealed  unto  Caesar."— T'ie  Voi/age  to  Home. — 
 No  formal  trial  of  .St.  Paul  had  yet  taken  place. 
 After  a  while  arrangements  were  made  to  cari'v 
 "  Paul  and  certain  other  prisoners,"  in  the  c  jstody 
 of  a  centurion  named  Julius  into  Italy  ;  and  amongst 
 the  company,  whether  by  favour  or  from  any  other 
 i-eason,  we  find  the  histoiian  of  tlie  Acts.  Tlie  nar- 
 rative of  this  voyage  is  accordingly  minute  and 
 circumstantial  in  a  degree  which  has  excited  much 
 attention.  The  nautical  and  geographical  details 
 of  St.  Luke's  account  have  been  submitted  to  an 
 apparently  thorough  investigation  by  several  com- 
 petent critics,  especially  by  Mr.  Smith  of  Jordanhill, 
 in  an  important  treatise  devoted  to  this  subject,  and 
 by  Mr.  Howson.  The  result  of  this  investigatioQ 
 has  been,  that  several  errors  in  the  received  version 
 have  been  corrected,  that  the  course  of  the  voyage 
 has  been  laid  down  to  a  very  minute  degree  with 
 great  certainty,  and  that  the  account  in  the  Acts  is 
 shown  to  be  written  by  an  accurate  eye-witness, 
 not  himself  a  professional  seaman,  but  well  ac- 
 quainted with  nautical  matter.  We  hasten  lightly 
 over  this  voyage,  referring  the  reader  to  the  works 
 above  mentioned,  and  to  the  articles  in  this  Dic- 
 tionary on  the  names  of  places  and  the  nautical 
 teiTns  which  occur  in  the  narrative.  The  laud  on 
 which  the  wreck  took  place  was  found  to  belong  to 
 Malta.  The  inhabitants  of  tlie  island  received  the 
 wet  and  exhausted  voyagers  with  no  ordinary  kind- 
 ness, and  immediately  lighted  a  fire  to  warm  them. 
 This  particular  kindness  is  recorded  on  account  of 
 a  curious  incident  connected  with  it.  The  Aj^stle 
 was  helping  to  make  the  fire,  and  had  gathered  a 
 bundle  of  sticks  and  laid  them  on  the  fire,  when  a 
 viper  came  out  of  the  heat  and  fastened  on  his 
 hand.  When  the  natives  saw  the  creature  hanging 
 from  his  hand  they  believed  him  to  be  poisoned  by 
 the  bite,  and  said  amongst  themselves,  "  No  doubt 
 this  man  is  a  murderer,  whom,  though  he  has 
 escaped  from  the  sea,  yet  Vengeance  suffers  not  to 
 live."  But  when  they  saw  that  no  harm  came  of 
 it  they  changed  their  minds  and  said  that  he  was  a 
 god.  This  circumstance,  as  well  as  the  honour  in 
 which  he  was  held  by  Julius,  would  account  for 
 St.  Paul  being  invited  with  some  others  to  stay  at 
 the  house  of  che  chief  man  of  the  island,  whose 
 name  was  Publius.  By  him  they  were  courteously 
 entei-tained  for  three  days.  After  a  three  months' 
 stay  in  Malta  the  soldiers  and  their  prisoners  left 
 in  an  Alexandrian  ship  for  Italy.  They  touchel 
 at  Syiacuse,  where  they  stayed  three  days,  and  at 
 Rhegium,  from  which  place  they  were  carried  with 
 a  fliir  wind  to  Puteoli,  where  they  left  their  ship 
 and  the  sea.  At  Puteoli  they  found  "  brethren," 
 for  it  was  an  important  place,  and  especially  a  chief 
 port  for  the  traffic  between  Alexandria  and  Rome ; 
 and  by  these  biethren  they  were  e.\hoi te<J  to  stay 
 a  while  with  them.  Permission  seems  to  have  been 
 granted  by  the  centurion ;  and  whilst  they  were 
 spending  seven  days  at  Puteoli  newsof  the  Apostle's 
 an'ival  was  sent  on  to  Rome.— Si.  Paul  at  Borne. 
 — On  their  aixival  at  Rome  the  centurion  delivered 
 up  his  prisoners  into  the  proper  custody,  that  of 
 the  praetorian  prefect.  Paul  was  at  once  treated 
 with  special  consideration,  and  was  allowed  to  dwell 
 by  himself  with  the  soldier  who  guarded  him.  He 
 was  now  therefore  free  "  to  preach  the  Gospel  to 
 them  that  were  at  Rome  also ;"  and  proceeded  with- 
 out delay  to  act  upon  his  rule — "  to  the  Jew  fii-st." 
 He  invited  the  chief  pei'sous  amongst  the  Jews  to 
 
702 
 
 PAUL 
 
 come  to  hiin,  aiiii  explaiiu'i-l  to  tlioin  tlint  tlioiiL;li 
 lie  was  bion<;ht  to  lionie  to  answcn-  charges  maile 
 against  him  by  the  Jews  in  Palestiin?,  he  had  really 
 done  nothing  disloyal  to  his  nation  or  the  Law, 
 nor  desired  to  be  considered  as  hostile  to  liis  fellow- 
 •^ountrynien.  The  Roman  Jews  replied  that  they 
 had  received  no  tidings  to  his  piejudice.  The  sect 
 of  which  he  had  implied  he  was  a  member  they 
 l<new  to  be  everywhere  spoken  against;  but  they 
 were  willing  to  hear  what  he  had  to  say.  But,  a.s 
 of  old,  the  reception  of  his  message  by  the  Jews  was 
 not  favourable.  He  turned  therefore  again  to  the 
 Gentiles,  and  for  two  years  he  dwelt  in  his  own  hired 
 house.  These  are  the  last  words  of  the  Acts.  But 
 St.  Paul's  aireer  is  not  abruptly  closed.  Befoie  he 
 himself  fades  oat  of  our  sight  in  the  twilight  of  eccle- 
 siastical tradition,  we  have  letters  written  by  himself, 
 which  contiibute  some  particulars  to  his  exteiniil 
 biography,  and  give  us  a  far  more  precious  insight 
 into  his  convictions  and  sympathies.^Pen'odo/ </«? 
 Later  Epistles. — To  that  im])risonment  to  which  St. 
 Luke  has  introduced  us — the  imprisonment  which 
 lasted  for  such  a  tedious  time,  though  tempered 
 by  much  indulgence — belongs  the  noble  group  of 
 Letters  to  Philemon,  to  the  Colossians,  to  the  Kphe- 
 sians,  and  to  the  Philippians.  The  three  former 
 of  these  were  written  at  one  time  and  sent  by  the 
 same  messengers.  Whether  that  to  the  Philippians 
 was  written  before  or  after  these,  v/e  cannot  determ- 
 ine ;  but  the  tone  of  it  seems  to  imply  that  a 
 crisis  was  approaching,  and  therefore  it  is  commonly 
 legarded  as  the  latest  of  the  four. — In  this  Epistle 
 >St.  Paul  twice  expresses  a  confident  hojje  that  be- 
 fore long  he  may  be  able  to  visit  the  Philippians 
 in  person  (i.  25,  ii.  24).  Whether  this  hope  was 
 tulHlIed  or  not,  belongs  to  a  question  which  now 
 ]nesents  itself  to  us,  and  which  has  been  the  occa- 
 sion of  much  controversy.  According  to  the  general 
 opinion,  the  Apostle  was  liberated  from  his  im])ri- 
 sonment  and  left  Home,  soon  after  the  wilting  of 
 the  letter  to  the  Philippians,  spent  some  time  in 
 visits  to  Greece,  Asia  Minor,  and  .Spain,  returned 
 again  as  a  prisoner  to  Kome,  and  was  put  to  death 
 there.  In  opposition  to  this  view  it  is  maintained 
 by  some,  that  he  was  never  liberated,  but  was  put 
 to  death  at  Rome  at  an  earliei-  period  than  is  com- 
 monly supposed.  The  arguments  adduced  in  favour 
 of  the  common  view  are,  (1)  the  hopes  expressed 
 by  St.  Paul  of  visiting  Philippi  (already  namedj 
 and  Colossae  (Phili'iuon  22)  ;  (2)  a  number  of 
 allusions  in  the  Pastoral  Epistles,  and  their  general 
 character ;  and  (3)  the  testimony  of  ecclesiastical 
 tradition.  The  decision  must  turn  mainly  upon 
 the  view  taken  of  the  Pastoral  Epistles.  The  dilii- 
 culties  which  have  induced  such  critics  as  De  Wette 
 and  Ewald  to  reject  these  Epistles,  are  not  incon- 
 siderable, and  will  force  themselves  upon  the  atten- 
 tion of  the  careful  student  of  St.  Paul.  But  they 
 are  overpowered  by  the  much  greater  dilHculties 
 attending  any  hypothesis  which  assumes  these 
 Epistles  to  be  spurious.  We  are  obliged  therefore 
 to  recognize  the  modifications  of  St.  Paul's  style, 
 the  developments  in  the  history  of  the  Church,  and 
 thd  movements  of  various  ])iMSons,  which  have  aji- 
 peared  suspicions  in  the  Epistles  to  Timothy  and 
 'I'ltus,  as  nevertheless  historically  true.  And  then 
 without  encroaching  on  the  domain  of  conjecture, 
 wc  dr.aw  the  fallowing  conclusions; — (1.)  St.  Paul 
 must  have  left  Kouio,  and  visited  Asia  Minor  and 
 Ciieeco  ;  for  he  says  to  Timothy  (1  'I'iin.  i.  .'3),  "  I 
 besought  thee  to  abide  still  at  Epiiesus,  when  I  was 
 
 PAUL 
 
 setfintr  out  for  Maceilonia."  After  being  onx  at 
 Ephisus,  he  wiis  purposing  to  go  there  again  (1  Tim. 
 iv.  13).  and  hesjient  a  considerable  time  at  Ephesus 
 (2  Tim.  i.  18).  (2.)  He  paid  a  visit  to  Crete,  and 
 left  Titus  to  orgiinize  Churches  there  (Titus  i,  5). 
 He  w;is  intending  to  spend  a  winter  at  one  of  the 
 places  named  Nicopolis  (Tit.  iii.  12j.  (3.)  He  tra- 
 velled by  Miletus  (2  Tim.  iv.  20),  Troas  (2  Tim. 
 iv.  13),  where  he  left  a  cloak  or  case,  and  some 
 books,  and  Corinth  (2  Tim.  iv.  20).  (4.)  He  is  a 
 prisoner  at  Rome,  "  suffering  unto  bonds  as  an  evil- 
 doer "  (2  Tim.  ii.  9),  and  expecting  to  be  soon  con- 
 demned to  death  (2  Tim.  iv.  6).  At  this  time  he 
 felt  deserted  and  solitary,  having  only  Luke  of  his 
 old  associates,  to  keep  him  company  ;  and  he  was 
 very  anxious  that  Timothy  should  come  to  him 
 without  delay  from  Ephesus,  and  bring  Mark  with 
 him  (2  Tim.  i.  15,  iv.  16,  9-12).  We  conclude 
 then,  that  after  a  wearing  imyjiisonment  of  two 
 years  or  more  at  Rome,  St.  Paul  was  set  free,  and 
 spent  some  years  in  various  journeyings  eastwards 
 and  westwards.  Towards  the  close  of  this  time  he 
 ])ours  out  the  warnings  of  his  less  vigorous  but  still 
 brave  and  faithful  spirit  in  the  Letters  to  Timothy 
 and  Titus.  The  first  to  Timothy  and  that  to  Titus 
 were  evidently  written  at  very  nearly  the  same 
 time.  After  these  were  written,  he  was  appre- 
 hended again  and  sent  to  Kome.  The  Apostle 
 appears  now  to  have  been  treated,  not  as  an  honour- 
 alile  state  prisoner,  but  as  a  felon  (2  Tim.  ii.  9). 
 But  he  w.%s  at  least  allowed  to  write  this  Second 
 Letter  to  his  "dearly  beloved  son  "  Timothy;  and 
 though  he  expresses  a  confident  expectation  of  his 
 speedy  death,  he  yet  thought  it  sufficiently  probable 
 that  it  might  be  delayed  for  some  time,  to  warrant 
 him  in  urging  Timothy  to  come  to  him  from 
 Ephesus.  Meanwhile,  though  he  felt  his  isolation, 
 he  was  not  in  the  least  daunted  by  his  danger.  He 
 was  more  than  ready  to  die  (iv.  6),  and  had  a  sus- 
 taining experience  of  not  being  deserted  by  his  Lord. 
 Once  already,  in  this  second  imprisonment,  he  had 
 appeared  before  the  autliorities ;  and  "  the  Lord 
 then  stood  by  him  and  strengthened  him,"  and 
 gave  him  a  favourable  opportunity  for  the  one 
 thing  always  nearest  to  his  heart,  the  public  declar- 
 ation of  his  Gospel.  This  E])istle,  surely  no  un- 
 worthy utterance  at  such  an  age  and  in  such  an 
 hour  even  of  a  St.  Paul,  brings  us,  it  may  well  be 
 presumed,  close  to  the  end  of  his  life.  For  what 
 remains,  we  have  the  concurrent  testimony  of  eccle- 
 siastical antiquity,  that  he  was  beheaded  at  Rome, 
 about  the  same  time  that  St.  Peter  was  crucified 
 there.  Dionysius,  bishop  of  Corinth  (a.D.  170), 
 says  that  I'eter  and  Paul  went  to  Italy  and  taught 
 there  together,  and  sull'ered  martyrdom  about  the 
 same  time.  Eusebius  himself  entirely  adopts  the 
 tradition  that  St.  Paul  w;us  beheaded  under  Is'ero  at 
 Home.— Chroiiolomi  of  St.  PatU's  Life. — It  is  usual 
 to  distinguish  lotween  the  infernal  or  absoluti>, 
 and  the  external  or  relative,  chronology  of  St.  Paul's 
 life.  The  foimer  is  that  which  we  havehithcito 
 followed.  It  remains  to  mention  the  jxiints  at 
 which  the  N.  T.  history  of  the  Ajxisfle  conies  into 
 contact  with  the  outer  history  of  the  world.  There 
 are  two  principal  events  which  serve  as  fixeil  dates 
 for  determining  the  Pauline  chronology — the  death 
 of  Heioii  Agrippa,  and  the  acce-ssion  of  Festus. 
 Now  it  has  been  proved  almost  to  certainty  that 
 l'"elix  W.18  imcalled  from  .Indaea  and  sncceedi><l  by 
 Kestns  in  the  year  I'lC.  In  the  autumn,  then,  ot 
 A. P.  60  St   Paul  lell  (.'aeiniea.      In  the  spring  of  61 
 
PAVEMENT 
 
 he  an-ived  at  Rome.  There  he  lived  two  years, 
 that  is,  till  the  sjjring  of  6'3,  with  much  ficodom 
 in  his  own  hired  house.  After  this  we  dejiend 
 upon  conjecture ;  but  the  Pastoral  Epiitles  give  us 
 reasons  for  deferring  the  Apostle's  death  until  67, 
 with  Eusebius,  or  68,  with  Jerome.  Similarly  we 
 can  go  backwards  from  A.D.  60.  St.  I'aul  was 
 two  years  at  Caesarea  (Acts  xxiv.  27) ;  therefore 
 he  arrived  at  Jerusalem  on  his  last  visit  by  the 
 Pentecost  of  68.  Before  this  he  had  wintered  at 
 Coiinth  (.Acts  .\x.  2,  o),  having  gone  from  Ephesus 
 to  Greece.  He  left  Ejihesus,  then,  in  the  latter 
 part  of  57,  and  as  he  stayed  3  years  at  Ephesus 
 (.\cts  XX.  31),  he  must  have  come  thither  in  54. 
 I'reviously  to  this  journey  he  iiad  spent  "  some 
 time"  at  Antioch  (Acts  xviii.  23),  and  our  chro- 
 nology becomes  indeterminate.  We  can  only  add 
 together  the  time  of  a  hasty  visit  to  Jerusalem, 
 the  travels  of  the  great  second  missionary  journey, 
 which  included  1^  year  at  Corinth,  another  inde- 
 terminate stay  at  Antioch,  the  important  third  visit 
 to  .Jerusalem,  another  "  long  "  residence  at  Antioch 
 (Acts  xiv.  28),  the  first  missionary  journey,  again 
 an  indeterminate  stay  at  Antioch  (Acts  xii.  25) — 
 until  we  come  to  the  second  visit  to  Jerusalem, 
 which  nearly  synchronised  with  the  death  of  Herod 
 Agrippa  in  A.D.  44.  Within  this  interval  of  some 
 10  years  the  most  important  date  to  fix  is  that  of 
 the  third  visit  to  Jerusalem ;  and  there  is  a  great 
 concurrence  of  the  best  authorities  in  placing  this 
 visit  in  either  50  or  51.  St.  Paul  himself  (Gal. 
 ii.  1)  places  this  visit  "  14  years  after"  either  his 
 conversion  or  the  first  visit.  In  the  former  case 
 we  have  37  or  38  for  the  date  of  the  conversion. 
 The  conversion  was  followed  by  3  years  (Gal.  i.  1(!) 
 spent  in  Arabia  and  Damascus,  and  ending  wil"i 
 the  first  visit  to  Jerusalem  ;  and  the  space  between 
 the  first  visit  (40  or  41)  and  the  second  (44  or  45) 
 is  filled  up  by  an  indeterminate  time,  presumably 
 2  or  3  years,  at  Tarsus  (Acts  ix.  30),  and  1  year 
 at  Antioch  (Acts  xi.  26).  The  date  of  the  mar- 
 tyrdom of  Stephen  can  only  be  conjectured,  and  is 
 very  variously  placed  between  A.D.  30  and  the 
 yeai'  of  St.  Paul's  conversion.  In  the  account  of 
 the  death  of  Stephen  St.  Paul  is  called  "a  young 
 man  "  (Acts  vii.  58).  It  is  not  improbable  there- 
 fore that  he  was  born  between  A.D.  0  and  A.D.  5, 
 so  that  he  mig'it  be  past  60  years  of  age  when  he 
 calls  himself  "  Paul  the  aged"  in  Philemon  9. 
 
 Pavement.     [Gabbatha.] 
 
 Pavilion.  1.  Soc,  pioperly  an  enclosed  place, 
 also  rendered  "  tabernacle,"  "  covert,"  and  "  den," 
 once  only  "pavilion"  (Ps.  xxvii.  5).  2.  Succdh, 
 usually  "  tiibernacle  "  and  "  booth."  3.  Shaphrur 
 and  Shapkrir,  a  word  used  once  only  in  Jer.  xliii. 
 10,  to  .signify  glory  or  splendour,  and  hence  pro- 
 bably to  be  understood  of  the  splendid  covering  of 
 the  loyal  tlirone. 
 
 Peacocks  (Heb.  tuccit/i/im).  Amongst  the  na- 
 tural products  of  the  hmd  of  Tarshihh  which  Solo- 
 mon's rieet  brought  home  to  Jerusalem,  mention  is 
 made  of  "  peacocks  :"  for  there  can,  we  thirjk,  be 
 no  doubt  at  all  that  the  A.  V.  is  correct  in  thus 
 rendering  tucciyyim,  which  word  occurs  only  in 
 1  K.  X.  22,  and  2  Chr.  ix.  21  ;  most  of  the  old 
 versions,  with  several  of  the  Jewish  llabbis,  being 
 in  favour  of  tins  translation.  Some  writers  have, 
 however,  been  dissatisfied  with  the  rendering  of 
 "  peacocks,"  and  have  propose<J  "  parrots."  Keil 
 concludes  that  the  "  Aves  Mumidicae"  (Guinea 
 Fowls)  are  meant.     There  cari  be  no  doubt  that 
 
 PEKAH 
 
 70c 
 
 the  Hebrew  word  is  of  foreign  oiigin.  Gesenius 
 cites  many  authorities  to  prove  that  the  tucci 
 is  to  be  traced  to  the  Tamul  or  Malabaric  togei, 
 "  peacock,"  which  opinion  has  been  recently  con- 
 firmed by  Sir  E.  Tennent. 
 
 Pearl  (Heb.  gdbish).  The  Heb.  word  occurs,  in 
 this  form,  only  in  Job  xxviii.  18,  where  the  price 
 of  wisdom  is  contrasted  with  that  of  ramoth 
 ("  coral")  and  gubish  ;  and  the  same  word,  with 
 the  addition  of  the  syllable  el,  is  found  in  Ez.  xiii. 
 11,  13,  xxxviii.  22,  with  abne,  "  stones,"  i.  e. 
 "  stones  of  ice."  The  ancient  versions  contribute 
 nothing  by  way  of  explanation.  On  the  whole  the 
 balance  of  prolability  is  in  favour  of  "  crystal," 
 since  gdbish  denotes  "  ice."  Pearls,  however,  are 
 frequently  mentioned  in  the  N.  T.  (Matt.  xiii.  45  ; 
 1  Tim.  ii.  9;  liev.  xvii.  4,  x.xi.  21).  The  Utiio 
 margaritiferus,  Mgtilus  edulis,  Ostrea  edulis,  of 
 our  own  country,  occasionally  furnish  pearls  ;  but 
 "  the  pearl  of  great  price  "  is  doubtless  a  fine  speci- 
 men yielded  by  the  pearl  oyster  {Avicula  marga- 
 ritifera),  still  found  in  abundance  in  the  Peisian 
 Gulf,  which  has  long  been  celebrated  for  its  pearl 
 fisheries. 
 
 Ped'ahel,  the  son  of  Ammihud,  and  prince  of  the 
 tribe  of  Naphtali  (Num.  xxxiv.  28). 
 
 Pedah'zur,  father  of  Gamaliel,  the  chief  of  the 
 tribe  of  Mauasseh  at  the  time  of  the  Exodus  (Num. 
 i.  10,  ii.  20,  vii.  54,  59,  x.  23). 
 
 Pedai'ah.  1.  The  father  of  Zebudah,  mother  of 
 king  Jehoiakim  (2  K.  xxiii.  36). ^2.  The  brother 
 of  Salathiel,  or  Shealtiel,  and  father  of  Zerubbabel, 
 who  is  usually  called  the  "son  of  Shealtiel,"  being, 
 as  Lord  A.  Hervey  conjectures,  in  reality  his  uncle's 
 successor  and  heir,  in  con.se(juence  of  the  failure  of 
 issue  in  the  direct  line  (1  Chr.  iii.  17-19).— 3.  Son 
 of  Parosh ,  that  is,  one  of  the  family  of  that  name, 
 who  assisted  Nehemiah  in  repairing  the  walls  of 
 Jerusalem  (Neh.  iii.  25). — 4.  Apparently  a  priest; 
 one  of  those  who  stood  on  the  left  hand  of  Ezra 
 when  he  read  the  law  to  the  people  (Neh.  viii.  4).— 
 
 5.  A  Benjamite,  ancestor  qf  Sallu  (Neh.  xi.  7).— 
 
 6.  A  Levite  in  the  time  of  Nehemiah  (Neh.  xiii. 
 13).— 7.  The  father  of  Joel,  prince  of  the  half 
 tribe  of  Manasseh  in  the  reign  of  David  (1  Chr. 
 .xxvii.  20). 
 
 Pe'kah,  son  of  Remaliah,  originally  a  captain  of 
 Pekahiah  king  of  Israel,  murdered  his  master,  seized 
 the  throne,  and  became  the  18th  sovereign  of  the 
 northern  kingdom.  His  native  country  was  pro- 
 bably Gilead,  as  fifty  Gileadites  joined  him  in  the 
 conspiracy  against  Pekahiah.  Under  his  prede- 
 cessors Isi'ael  had  been  much  weakened  through  the 
 payment  of  enormous  tribute  to  the  Assyrians 
 (see  especially  2  K.  xv.  20),  and  by  internal  wars 
 and  conspiracies.  Pekah  seems  steadily  to  have  ap- 
 plied himself  to  the  lestoration  of  its  power.  ¥ov 
 this  purpose  he  sought  for  the  support  of  a  foreign 
 alliance,  and  fixed  his  mind  on  the  plunder  of  the 
 sister  kingdom  of  Judah.  He  must  have  made  the 
 treaty  by  which  he  proposed  to  share  its  spoil  with 
 Kezin  king  of  Damascus,  when  Jotham  was  still  on 
 the  throne  of  Jerusalem  (2  K.  xv.  37) ;  but  its  exec- 
 ution was  long  delayed,  probably  in  consequence 
 of  that  prince's  righteous  and  vigorous  administra- 
 tion (2  Chr.  xxvii.).  When,  however,  his  weak  son 
 Ahaz  succeeded  to  the  crown  of  David,  the  allies 
 no  longer  hesitated,  and  formed  the  siege  of  Jeru- 
 salem. The  history  of  the  war  is  found  in  2  K. 
 xvi.  and  2  Chr.  xxviii.  It  is  famous  as  the  occa- 
 sion of  the  great  prophecies  in  Isaiah  vii.-ix.     lis 
 
704 
 
 PEKAHIAH 
 
 chief  result  was  the  caiptun-  of  the  Jewish  port  ol 
 Elatli  on  the  Ked  Sea  ;  but  the  unnatural  alliance 
 of  Damascus  and  Samaria  was  punished  throuj;!! 
 the  final  overthrow  of  the  fei'ocious  coufedeiates  by 
 Tiglath-pilescr.  The  kingdom  of  Damascus  was 
 finally  suppressed,  and  Itezin  put  to  death,  while 
 Pekali  was  deprived  of  at  least  half  his  kingdom, 
 including  all  the  northern  portion,  and  the  whole 
 district  to  the  east  of  Jordan.  Fekah  himself,  now 
 fallen  into  the  position  of  an  Assyrian  vassal,  was 
 of  course  compelled  to  abstain  from  further  attacks 
 on  Judah.  Whether  his  continued  tyranny  ex- 
 hausted the  patience  of  his  subjects,  or  whether 
 his  weakness  emboldened  them  to  attack  him,  we  do 
 not  know  ;  but,  fiom  one  or  the  other  cause,  Hoshea 
 the  son  of  Elali  conspired  against  liim,  and  put  him 
 to  death.  Pekah  ascended  the  thioue  B.C.  757. 
 He  must  have  begun  to  w;u-  against  Judah  B.C.  74U, 
 and  was  killed  B.C.  737. 
 
 Fekahi'ah,  son  and  successor  of  Menahem ,  was 
 the  17tii  king  of  the  separate  kingdom  of  Israel 
 (it.C.  759-757).  After  a  brief  reign  of  scarcely  two 
 veais  a  conspiracy  was  organized  against  him  by 
 Pekah,  who,  at  the  head  of  fil'ty  Gileadites,  at- 
 tacked him  in  his  palace,  murdered  him  and  his 
 t'riends  Argob  and  Arieh,  and  seized  the  throne. 
 
 Feko'd,  an  appellative  applied  to  the  Chaldaeans. 
 It  occurs  only  twice,  viz.  in  Jer.  1.  21,  and  Ez. 
 xxiii.  23.  Authorities  are  undecided  as  to  the  mean- 
 ing of  the  term.  It  is  apparently  connected  with 
 the  root  pakad,  "  to  visit,"  and  in  its  secondary 
 senses  "  to  punish,"  and  "  to  appoint  a  ruler :" 
 hence  Pekod  may  be  applied  to  Babylon  in  Jer.  1. 
 as  significant  of  its  impending  puni-^hnient,  as  in 
 the  margin  of  the  A.  V.  "  visitation."  But  this 
 sense  will  not  suit  the  other  passage,  and  hence 
 (iesenius  here  assigns  to  it  the  me;uung  of  "  prefect." 
 The  LXX.  treats  it  as  tlie  name  of  a  district  in 
 Ezekiel,  and  as  a  verb  in  Jeremiah. 
 
 Felai'ah.  1.  A  son  of  Elioenai,  of  the  royal 
 line  of  Judah  (1  Clir.  iii.  24).— 2.  One  of  the 
 I.evites  who  assisted  Ezra  in  expounding  the  law 
 (Neh.  viii.  7).  He  al'terwards  sealed  the  covenant 
 with  Nelieniiah  (Neh.  x.  10). 
 
 Felali'ah,  the  son  of  Amzi,  and  ancestor  of 
 Adaiah  (Neh.  xi.  12). 
 
 Pelatiah.  1.  Son  of  Hananiah  the  .«on  ot 
 Zerubbabel  (1  Chr.  iii.  21).— 2.  One  of  the  cap- 
 tains of  the  marauding  band  of  Simeonites,  who  in 
 the  reign  of  Hezekiah  made  an  e.\pc\lition  to  ilount 
 Seir,  and  smote  the  Anialekites  (1  Chr.  iv.  42).— 
 3.  One  of  the  heads  of  the  ])eople,  mid  j)robably  the 
 name  of  a  family,  who  .sealed  the  covenant  with 
 Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  22).— 4.  The  son  of  lienaiah, 
 and  one  of  the  princes  of  the  people  against  whom 
 Ezekiel  was  directed  to  utter  the  words  of  doom 
 recorded  in  Ez.  xi.  5-12. 
 
 Feleg,  son  of  Eber,  and  brother  of  Joktan  (Gen. 
 X.  25,  xi.  It)).  The  only  incident  connected  with 
 his  history  is  the  statement  that  "  in  his  days  was 
 the  earth  divided  " — an  event  which  was  embodied 
 in  his  name,  Peleg  nie.aning  "  division."  This  re- 
 fers to  a  division  of  the  family  of  Eber  liimself,  the 
 younger  branch  of  whom  (the  JokUuiids)  migrated 
 into  southern  Arabia,  while  the  elder  remained  in 
 Mc^o]K)tamia, 
 
 Fel'et.  1.  A  son  of  Jahdai  in  an  obscure 
 genealogy  (1  Chr.  ii,  47).— 2.  The  son  of  Az- 
 liiaveth,  that  is.  either  a  native  of  the  place  of  that 
 name,  or  the  son  of  one  of  David's  heroes  (1  Chr. 
 »ii.  3). 
 
 PELICAN 
 
 Fel'eth.  L  The  father  of  On  the  Reul>t!iite, 
 who  joiiie<l  Dathaii  and  Abiram  in  their  rebellion 
 (Num.  xvi.  1).^2.  Son  of  Jonathan  and  a  de- 
 scendant of  Jerahnieel  (I  Chr.  ii.  33). 
 
 Felethites,  mentioned  only  in  the  phrase  ren- 
 dered in  the  A.  V.  "  the  Chorethites  and  the  Fel- 
 ethites." These  two  (collectives  designate  a  force 
 that  was  evidently  David's  body-guard.  Their 
 names  have  been  supposed  either  to  indicate  their 
 duties  or  to  be  gentile  nouns.  Gesenius  rendeis 
 them  "  executioners  and  runners."  On  the  other 
 hand,  the  LXX.  and  Vulg.  retain  their  names  un- 
 translated ;  and  the  Syriac  and  Targ.  Jon.  trans- 
 late them  difierently  from  the  rendering  above  and 
 from  each  othei'.  The  Egyjitian  monunieuts  throw 
 a  fiish  light  upon  this  subject.  From  them  we 
 find  that  kings  of  the  xixth  and  xxth  dyn.isties 
 had  in  their  service  meicenarics  of  a  nation  called 
 SHAYKKTANA,  which  Ranieses  III.  conquered, 
 under  the  name  "  SHAVliET.^NA  of  the  Sea." 
 The  name  SHAYRET.XNA,  of  which  the  first 
 letter  was  also  pronounced  KH,  is  almost  letter  for 
 letter  the  same  as  the  Hebrew  Cherethim  ;  and  since 
 the  SHAYKETANA  were  evidently  cognate  to  the 
 Philistines,  their  identity  with  the  Cherethim  can- 
 not be  doubted  (comp.  1  Sam.  xxx.  14;  Ez.  xxv. 
 IG  ;  Zeph.  ii.  5).  The  Egyptian  SHAYKETANA 
 of  the  Sea  are  probably  the  Cretans.  The  Feleth- 
 ites, who,  as  already  remarked,  are  not  mentioned 
 except  with  the  Cherethites,  have  not  yet  been 
 similarly  traced  in  Egyjitian  geography.  The  sim- 
 ilarity, however,  of  the  two  names  would  favour 
 the  idea  which  is  tucgested  by  the  mention  to- 
 gether of  the  Cherethites  and  Felethites,  th.at  the 
 latter  were  of  the  Philistine  stock  as  well  as  the 
 tbrnier. 
 
 Feli'as.  Bedeiah  ( 1  Esd.  ix.  34 ;  comp.  Ezr. 
 X.  :■!,-.). 
 
 Pelican  (Heb.  kdath).  Amongst  the  unclean 
 birds  mention  is  made  of  the  /idath  (Lev.  xi.  18; 
 Deut.  xiv.  17).  The  suppliant  jisjilmist  compares 
 his  condition  to  "  a  AdaM  in  the  wildeincss"  (Fs. 
 cii.  (j).  As  a  mark  of  the  desolation  that  was  to 
 come  upon  Edom,  it  is  said  that  "  the  kdath  and 
 the  bittern  should  possess  it"  (Is.  zsxiv.  11).    The 
 
PELONITE,  THE 
 
 same  woi-ds  are  spoken  of  Nineveh  (Zeph.  ii.  14). 
 Ill  these  two  last  phices  the  A.  V.  has  "cormo- 
 rant" in  the  text  and  "pelican"  in  the  margin. 
 The  best  authorities  are  in  favour  of  the  pelican 
 being  the  bird  denoted  by  kdath.  It  is  not  quite 
 clear  wliat  is  the  particular  point  in  the  nature  or 
 chaiacter  of  the  pelican  with  which  the  psalmist 
 compares  his  pitiable  condition.  W^e  are  inclined 
 to  believe  that  reference  is  made  to  its  general 
 as))ect  as  it  sits  in  apparent  melancholy  mood,  with 
 its  bill  resting  on  its  breast.  Oedmann's  opinion 
 that  the  Pelecanns  graculus,  the  shag  cormorant, 
 and  Bochart's,  that  the  "  bittern  "  is  intended,  are 
 unsupported  by  any  good  evidence.  The  P.  ono- 
 crotahis  (common  pelican)  and  the  P.  crispus  are 
 often  observed  in  Palestine,  Egypt,  &c. 
 
 Pel'oiiite,  the.  Two  of  David's  mighty  men, 
 Helez  and  Ahijah,  are  called  Pelonites  (1  Chr.  xi. 
 27,  36).  From  1  Chr.  xxvii.  10,  it  appears  that 
 the  former  was  of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim,  and 
 "  Pelonite "  would  therefoi-e  be  an  appellation  de- 
 rived from  his  place  of  birth  or  residence.  In  the 
 list  of  2  Sam.  xxiii.  Helez  is  called  (ver.  26)  "  the 
 Paltite,"  that  is,  as  Bertheau  (on  1  Chr.  xi.)  con- 
 jectures, of  Beth-Palet,  or  Beth-Phelet,  in  the  south 
 is  Judah.  But  it  seems  probable  that  "  Pelonite" 
 of  the  correct  reading.  "  Ahijah  the  Pelonite " 
 appears  in  2  Sam.  xxiii.  34  as  "  Eliam  the  son  of 
 Ahithophel  the  Gilonite,"  of  which  the  former  is  a 
 coiruptiou. 
 
 Pen.     [Writing.] 
 
 Pen'iel,  the  name  which  Jacob  gave  to  the  place 
 in  which  he  had  wrestled  with  God  :  "  He  called 
 the  name  of  the  place  '  Face  of  El,'  for  I  have  seen 
 Elohim  face  to  face"  (Gen.  xxxii.  30).  In  xxxii. 
 31,  and  the  other  passages  in  which  the  name 
 occurs,  its  form  is  changed  to  Pentjel.  On  this 
 change  the  lexicographers  throw  no  light.  It  is 
 perhaps  not  impossible  that  Penuel  was  the  original 
 form  of  the  name. 
 
 Penin'nah,  one  of  the  two  wives  of  Elkanah 
 (1  Sam.  i.  2). 
 
 Penny,  Pennyworth.  In  the  A.  V.,  in  several 
 passages  of  the  iS'.  T.,  "  penny,"  either  alone  or  in 
 the  compound  "  pennyworth,"  occurs  as  the  ren- 
 dering of  the  Greek  h-qvapiov,  the  name  of  the 
 Roman  denarius  (Matt.  xx.  2,  xxii.  19  ;  Mark  vi. 
 37,  xii.  15  ;  Luke  xx.  24;  John  vi.  7  ;  Kev.  vi.  6). 
 The  denarius  was  the  chief  Roman  silver  coin,  from 
 the  beginning  of  the  coinage  of  the  city  to  the  eai'ly 
 part  of  the  third  century. 
 
 Pentateuch,  the.  The  Greek  name  given  to 
 the  five  books  commonly  called  the  Five  Books  of 
 Moses.  The  present  Jews  usually  call  the  whole 
 by  the  name  of  Torah,  i.e.  "the  Law,"  or  Torath 
 Mosheh,  "  the  Law  of  Moses."  The  Rabbinical 
 title  is  "  the  five-fifths  of  the  Law."  The  division 
 of  the  whole  work  into  five  parts  has  by  some 
 writers  been  supposed  to  be  original.  Others,  with 
 more  probability,  think  that  the  division  was  made 
 by  the  Greek  translators  ;  for  the  titles  of  the 
 several  books  are  not  of  Hebrew  but  of  Greek 
 origin.  The  Hebrew  names  are  m.erely  taken  from 
 the  first  words  of  each  book,  and  in  the  first  in- 
 stance only  designated  particular  sections  and  not 
 whole  books.  The  MSS.  of  the  Pentateuch  form 
 a  single  roll  or  volume,  and  are  divided  not  into 
 books,  but  into  the  larger  and  smaller  sections 
 called  Parshii/oth  and  Sedarim.  For  the  several 
 names  and  contents  of  the  Five  Books  we  refer  to 
 the  articles  on  each  F>ook,  where  questions  afTccting 
 
 Con.  D.  B. 
 
 PENTATEUCH,  THE 
 
 705 
 
 their  integrity  and  genuineness  are  also  discussed. 
 The  unity  of  the  work  in  its  existing  form  is  now 
 generally  recognized.  It  is  not  a  mere  collection  of 
 loose  fragments  carelessly  put  together  at  ditferent 
 times,  but  bears  evident  tiaces  of  design  and  pur- 
 pose in  its  composition.  The  question  has  been 
 raised,  whether  the  Book  of  Joshua  does  not,  pro- 
 perly speaking,  constitute  an  integral  portion  of  this 
 work.  All  that  seems  probable  is,  that  the  Buok 
 of  Joshua  received  a  final  revision  at  the  hands  ot 
 Ezia,  or  some  earlier  prophet,  at  the  same  time 
 with  the  books  of  the  Law.  At  different  times 
 suspicions  have  been  entertained  that  the  Penta- 
 teuch as  we  now  have  it  is  not  the  Pentateuch  of 
 the  earliest  age,  and  that  the  work  must  have  under- 
 gone various  modifications  and  additions  befoie  it 
 assumed  its  present  shape.  So  early  as  the  second 
 century  we  find  the  author  of  the  Clementine 
 Homilies  calling  in  question  the  authenticity  of  the 
 Jlosaic  writings.  Jerome,  there  can  be  little  doubt, 
 had  seen  the  dilficulty  of  supposing  the  Pentateuch 
 to  be  altogether,  in  its  present  form,  the  work  of 
 Moses.  Aben  Ezia  (tll67),  in  his  Coinm.  on 
 Deut.  i.  1,  threw  out  some  doubts  as  to  ihe  Mosaic 
 authorship  of  certain  passages,  such  as  Gen.  xii.  6, 
 Deut.  iii.  10,  11,  xxxi.  9.  For  centuries,  however, 
 the  Pentateuch  was  generally  received  in  the  Church 
 without  question  as  written  bv  Moses.  The  age  of 
 criticism  had  not  yet  come.  The  first  signs  of  its 
 approach  were  seen  in  the  17th  century.  Spinoza 
 {Tract.  Theol.-Polit.  c.  8,  9,  published  in  1679) 
 set  himself  boldly  to  controvert  the  received  author- 
 sliip  of  the  Pentateuch.  But  it  was  not  till  the 
 middle  of  the  last  century  that  the  question  as  to 
 the  authorship  of  the  Pentateuch  was  handled  with 
 anything  like  a  discerning  criticism.  In  the  year 
 1753  there  appeared  at  Brussels  a  work  entitled 
 "  Conjectures  sur  les  Memoires  originaux,  dont  il 
 paroit  que  Moyse  s'est  servi  pour  composer  le  Livre 
 de  Gen^se."  it  was  written  in  his  69th  year  by 
 Astruc,  Doctor  and  Professor  of  Medicine  in  the 
 Royal  College  at  Paris,  and  Court  Physician  to 
 Louis  XIV.  His  critical  eye  had  obseived  that 
 throughout  the  Book  of  Genesis,  and  as  far  as  the 
 6th  chapter  of  Exodus,  traces  were  to  be  found  of 
 two  original  documents,  each  characterised  by  a 
 distinct  use  of  the  names  of  God ;  the  one  by  the 
 name  Elohim,  and  the  other  by  the  name  Jehovah. 
 Besides  these  two  principal  documents,  he  supposed 
 Moses  to  have  made  use  ot  ten  others  in  the  compos- 
 ition of  the  earlier  part  of  his  work.  But  this 
 "  documentary  hypothesis,"  as  it  is  called,  was  too 
 conservative  and  too  rational  for  some  critics.  Vater 
 and  A.  T.  Hartmann  maintained  that  the  Pentateuch 
 consisted  merely  of  a  number  of  fragments  loosely 
 strung  together  without  order  or  design.  This  has 
 been  called  the  "  fragmentary  hypothesis."  Both 
 of  these  have  now  been  supeiseded  by  the  "  supple- 
 mentary hypothesis,"  which  has  been  adopted  with 
 various  modifications  by  De  Wette,  Bleek,  Stiihelin, 
 Tuch,  Lengerke,  Hupfeld,  Knobel,  Bunsen,  Kurtz, 
 Delitzsch,  Schultz,  Vaihinger,  and  others.  They 
 all  alike  recognize  two  documents  in  the  Pentateuch. 
 They  suppose  the  narrative  of  the  Elohist,  the  more 
 ancient  writer,  to  have  been  the  foundation  of  the 
 work,  and  that  the  Jehovist  or  later  writer  making 
 use  of  this  document,  added  to  and  commented  upon 
 it,  sometimes  transcribing  portions  of  it  intact,  and 
 sometimes  incorporating  the  substance  of  it  into  his 
 own  work.  But  though  thus  agreeing  in  the  main, 
 thev  ditfer  widely  in  the  application  of  the  theory. 
 
 2  Z 
 
700 
 
 PENTATEUCH,  THE 
 
 Tlius,  for  instance,  Ite  Wotte  <iistin<;iiishcs  between 
 the  Kluhist  and  the  Jeliovist  in  the  lii-st  (bur  Books, 
 ;in(l  attributes  Douteronomy  to  a  ditierent  writer 
 :ilto<;ether.  Stiihelin,  on  tlie  other  hand,  declares 
 I'or  the  identity  of  the  Deuterononiist  and  the  Jeho- 
 vist ;  and  supposes  the  last  to  have  wiitten  in  the 
 reign  of  Saul,  and  the  Klohist  in  the  time  of  the 
 Judge.s.  Hn])teid  linds,  in  Genesis  at  leiust,  traces 
 of  three  authors,  an  ftirlier  and  a  later  Eloliist,  as 
 well  as  the  Jehovist.  Delitzsch  as;iees  with  the 
 authois  above  mentioned  in  recognizing  two  distinct 
 documents  .-is  the  busis  of  the  Pentateuch,  especially 
 in  its  earlier  portions;  but  he  entirely  seveis  him- 
 self from  them  in  maintaining  that  Deuteronomy  is 
 the  work  of  Moses.  Kwald  distinguishes  seven  dif- 
 ferent authors  in  the  great  liook  of  Originfr  or 
 Primitive  History  (comprising  the  Pent;iteucii  and 
 Joshua).  On  the  other  side,  however,  stands  an 
 array  of  names  scarcely  less  distinguished  for  learn- 
 ing, who  maintain  not  only  that  there  is  a  unity  of 
 design  in  the  Pentateuch — which  is  granted  by 
 many  of  those  before  mentioned — but  who  contend 
 that  this  unity  of  design  can  only  be  explained  on 
 the  supposition  of  a  single  author,  and  that  this 
 author  could  have  been  none  other  than  Sloses. 
 This  is  the  ground  tiiken  by  Ilengstenberg,  Haver- 
 nick,  Drechsler,  Itanke,  Welte,  and  Iveil.^ll.  We 
 itsk  in  the  next  place  what  is  the  testimony  of 
 the  Pentateuch  itself  with  regard  to  its  authorship? 
 J.  We  find  on  reference  to  Ex.  xxiv.  3,  4,  that 
 "  Moses  came  and  told  the  jieople  all  the  words  of 
 .Jehovah  and  all  the  jiulgmcnts,"  and  that  he  sub- 
 sequently ■'  wrote  down  all  the  words  of  Jehovah." 
 These  weie  written  on  a  roll  CiiUed  ''  the  book  of 
 ..he  covenant"  (ver.  7),  and  "  read  in  the  audience 
 of  the  jx'ople."  These  "  woids''  and  "judgments" 
 weie  no  doubt  the  Siuaitic  logi.>lation  so  far  as  it 
 had  as  yet  been  given,  and  which  constituted  in  fact 
 the  covenant  between  .lehovah  and  the  people.  IJjion 
 itie  renewal  of  this  covenant  after  tlio  idolatry  of 
 the  Israelites,  Moses  w;us  again  commanded  by  Je- 
 hovah to  "  write  these  words"  (xxxiv.  27).  "And," 
 it  is  added,  "  he  wrote  upon  the  tables  the  words 
 of  the  covenant,  the  ten  commandments."  Leaving 
 Ueiiteionomy  ;iside  for  the  present,  there  are  onlj' 
 two  other  passages  in  which  mention  is  made  of  the 
 writing  of  any  i>art  of  the  Law,  and  those  are  Ex. 
 xvii.  14,  where  Moses  is  commanded  to  write  the 
 defeat  of  Amalek  in  a  book  (or  i-ather  in  the  book, 
 one  already  in  use  for  the  purpose)  ;  and  Num. 
 xxxiti.  2,  wliere  we  are  informed  that  Moses  wrote 
 the  jonrneyings  of  the  children  of  Israel  in  the 
 desert,  and  the  various  .stiitions  at  which  they  en- 
 wunped.  It  obviously  does  not  follow  from  these 
 statements  th.at  Moses  wrote  all  the  rest  of  the  first 
 liiur  Ijooks  which  bear  his  name.  Nor  on  the  other 
 hand  does  this  s))ecific  te.-.timony  with  regard  to 
 certain  portions  Justify  us  in  coming  to  an  opjiosite 
 conclusion.  So  far  nothing  can  be  determined  ])osit^ 
 ively  one  way  or  the  other.  But  it  may  be  .siiil 
 that  we  have  an  express  testimony  to  the  Mosaic 
 authoiship  of  tluj  Law  in  Dent.  xxxi.  9-12,  where 
 •we  are  told  that  "  Moses  wrote  this  Law,"  and  de- 
 livered it  to  the  custody  of  the  priests,  with  a  com- 
 mand that  it  should  be  reiid  bt^tbre  all  the  jxjople  at 
 the  end  of  every  seven  years,  on  the  Fe.ist  of  Tabein- 
 iwli-s.  In  ver.  24  it  is  further  said,  that  when  he 
 "  h»l  made  an  end  of  writing  the  words  of  this 
 Law  in  a  IxHik  till  they  weie  finished,"  he  delivered 
 It  to  the  Leviles  to  be  placol  in  the  side  of  the  ark 
 of  the  covenant  of  Jehov.ali,  that  it  might  be  pre- 
 
 PENTATEUCH,  THJUi 
 
 tervcd  as  a  witness  against  the  ]ieo}>le.  Such  a 
 stitement  is  no  doubt  decisive,  but  the  question  is, 
 how  far  does  it  extend  ?  Do  the  words  "  this 
 Law"  compiise  ail  the  Mosaic  legislation  as  con- 
 taineil  in  the  last  four  books  of  the  Pentiiteuch, 
 or  must  they  be  confined  only  to  Deuteronomy? 
 The  hist  is  apparently  the  only  tenable  view.  So 
 far  the  direct  evidence  fmm  the  Pentateuch  it.self  is 
 not  sufHcient  to  establish  the  Mosaic  authorship  of 
 every  portion  of  the  Five  Books.  Certain  parts  of 
 Exodus,  Leviticus,  and  Numbers,  and  the  whole  ot 
 Deuteronomy  to  the  end  of  chap,  xxx.,  are  all  that  are 
 expiessly  said  to  have  been  written  by  Moses.  Two 
 questions  are  yet  to  be  answered.  Is  there  evidance 
 that  parts  of  the  work  were  not  written  by  Mo>es? 
 Is  tlieie  evidence  that  parts  of  the  work  are  later 
 than  his  time?  2.  The  next  question  we  ask  is 
 this :  Is  there  any  evidence  to  show  that  he  did  not 
 write  portions  of  the  work  which  goes  by  his  name? 
 We  have  already  referred  to  the  htst  chapter  of  Deu- 
 teronomy, which  gives  an  account  of  his  death.  Is 
 it  probable  that  Moses  wrote  the  words  in  Ex.  xi.  3, 
 or  those  in  Num.  xii.  3?  On  the  other  hand,  are 
 not  such  words  of  jnaise  just  \^^at  we  might  ex- 
 pect from  the  friend  and  disciple  wl-o  pronounced 
 his  eulogium  al'ter  his  death  (Deut,  .\r.xiv.  10)? 
 3.  But  there  is  other  evidence,  to  a  ciiticiU  eye 
 not  a  whit  less  convincing,  wiiich  jwinto  in  the 
 .same  direction.  If,  without  any  theory  casting  its 
 shadow  upon  us,  and  without  any  fear  of  conse- 
 q:!ences  betbre  our  eyes,  we  read  thoughtfully  only 
 the  Book  of  (ienesis,  we  can  hardly  es<;ape  the  con- 
 victtion  that  it  partakes  of  the  nature  of  a  com- 
 pilation. It  has  indeed  a  unity  of  plan,  a  coherence 
 of  parts,  a  shapeliness  and  an  order,  which  satisfy 
 us  that  as  it  stands  it  is  the  creation  of  a  single 
 mind.  Hut  it  bears  also  manliest  traces  of  having 
 been  based  upon  an  earlier  work  ;  and  that  earlier 
 work  itself  seems  to  have  had  embedded  in  it  frag- 
 ments of  still  more  ancient  documents.  Before  pro- 
 ceeding to  prove  this,  it  may  not  be  unneces.sary  to 
 state,  in  order  to  avoid  misconstruction,  that  such  a 
 theoiy  does  not  in  the  le;ist  militite  agiiinst  the 
 divine  authority  of  the  book.  The  history  contained 
 in  Cenesis  could  not  have  been  u.ariated  by  Moses 
 from  personal  knowledge ;  but  whether  he  was 
 taught  it  by  immediate  divine  suggestion,  or  was 
 directed  by  the  Holy  Spirit  to  the  u.se  of  earlier 
 documents,  is  immaterial  in  reference  to  the  inspira- 
 tion of  the  work.  The  question  m:\y  therefbie  be 
 safely  discussed  on  critical  grounds  alojie.  The  lan- 
 guage of  chapter  i.  1-ii.  3  is  totdly  unlike  tliat  of 
 the  section  which  follows,  ii.  4— iii.  23.  This  last 
 is  not  only  distinguished  by  a  peculiar  use  of  the 
 Divine  Names — for  liere  and  nowhere  else  in  the 
 whole  Pentateuch,  except  Ex.  ix.  30,  have  we  the 
 combination  of  the  two,  Jehovah  Elohim — but  also 
 by  a  mode  of  expression  j)eculiar  to  itselt".  It  is 
 also  reniiukalile  lor  jjieserving  an  ;iccount  of  the 
 Creation  distinct  from  that  containeil  in  the  fii-st 
 chapter.  It  may  be  sjiid,  indeed,  that  this  account 
 does  not  contradict  the  former,  and  might  therefore 
 have  ]ni)ceeded  fVoni  the  same  pen.  But,  fully 
 admitting  that  there  is  no  contradiction,  the  repre- 
 sentation is  so  dilfeient  that  it  is  far  more  natnrni 
 to  conclude  that  it  was  derived  fiom  some  other, 
 though  not  nntigonistic  source.  To  take  another 
 instance.  Chapter  xiv.  is  beyond  all  doubt  an  an- 
 cient monument — j>;i]>yius-roll  it  may  have  been, 
 or  inscription  on  stone, — which  has  been  I'opicil  and 
 tiiin.splanted  in  it«  original  form  into  our  presenc 
 
PENTATEUCH,  THE 
 
 Book  of  (lenesis.  Archaic  it  is  in  its  whole  cha- 
 racter :  distinct  too,  again,  from  the  rest  of  the 
 iiooli  in  its  use  of  the  name  of  God.  We  believe, 
 then,  that  at  least  these  two  portions  of  Genesis — 
 chap.  ii.  4:-iii.  24,  and  chap.  xiv. — are  original  docu- 
 ments, preserved,  it  may  have  been,  like  the  gene- 
 alogies, which  are  also  a  very  prominent  feature  of 
 the  book,  in  the  tents  of  the  patriarchs,  and  made 
 use  of  either  by  the  Elohist  or  the  Jehovist  for  his 
 history.  We  come  now  to  a  more  ample  examina- 
 tion of  the  question  as  to  the  distinctive  use  of  the 
 Divine  Names.  Is  it  the  fact,  as  Astruc  was  the 
 Hrst  to  surmise,  that  this  early  portion  of  the  Penta- 
 teuch, extending  from  Gen.  i.  to  Ex.  vi.,  does  con- 
 tain tv^'o  original  documents  characterised  by  their 
 sepai-ate  use  ot  the  Divine  Names  and  by  other  pecu- 
 liarities of  style?  Of  this  there  can  be  no  leason- 
 ablo  doubt.  We  do  find,  not  only  scattered  verses, 
 l)ut  whole  sections  thus  characterised.  Throughout 
 this  portion  of  the  Pentateuch  the  name  Jehovah 
 pi-evails  in  some  sections,  and  Elohim  in  others. 
 There  are  a  few  sections  where  both  are  employed 
 indifferently;  and  there  are,  finally,  sections  of  some 
 lenoth  in  which  neither  the  one  nor  the  other  occurs. 
 And  we  find  moreover  that  in  connexion  with  this 
 use  of  the  Divine  Names  there  is  also  a  distinctive 
 and  characteristic  phraseology.  The  style  and  idiom 
 of  the  Jehovah  sections  is  not  the  same  as  the  style 
 and  idiom  of  the  Elohim  sections.  After  Ex.  vi. 
 2-vii.  7,  the  name  Elohim  almost  ceases  to  be  cha- 
 racteiistic  of  whole  sections  ;  the  only  exceptions 
 to  this  rule  being  Ex.  xiii.  17-19  and  chap,  xviii. 
 Such  a  phenomenon  as  this  cannot  be  without  sig- 
 nificance. If,  as  Hengstenberg  and  those  who  agree 
 with  him  would  persuade  us,  the  use  of  the  Divine 
 Names  is  to  be  accounted  for  throughout  by  a  re- 
 ference to  their  etymology — if  the  author  uses  the 
 one  when  his  design  is  to  speak  of  God  as  the  Cre- 
 ator and  the  Judge,  and  the  other  when  his  object 
 is  to  set  forth  God  as  the  Redeemer — then  it  still 
 cannot  but  appear  remarkable  that  only  ijp  to  a 
 particular  point  do  these  names  stamp  separate  sec- 
 tions of  the  nanative.  whereas  afterwards  all  such 
 distinctive  criterion  tails.  Still  this  phenomenon  of 
 the  distinct  use  of  the  Divine  names  would  scarcely 
 of  itself  prove  the  point,  that  there  are  two  docu- 
 ments which  form  the  gioundwork  of  the  existing 
 Pentateuch.  But  there  is  other  evidence  pointing 
 the  same  way.  We  find,  for  instance,  the  same 
 story  told  by  the  two  writers,  and  their  two  ac- 
 coinits  manifestly  interwoven  ;  and  we  find  also  cer- 
 tain favourite  words  and  phrases  which  distinguish 
 the  one  writer  from  the  other.  (1.)  In  proof  of 
 the  first,  it  is  sufficient  to  read  the  history  of  Noah. 
 In  order  to  make  this  more  clear,  we  will  separate 
 the  two  documents,  and  arrange  them  in  parallel 
 columns : — 
 
 PENTATEUCH,  THE 
 
 707 
 
 Jehovah. 
 
 Gen.  vi.  5.  And  Jeho- 
 vah saw  that  the  wicked- 
 ness of  man  was  great  in 
 I  lie  earth,  and  that  every 
 imagination  of  the  thoughts 
 (if  his  licart  was  only  evil 
 continually.  And  it  re- 
 pented Jehovah,  &o. 
 
 7.  And  Jehovah  said.  1 
 will  blot  out  man  whom  I 
 have  created  from  off  the 
 face  of  the  ground. 
 
 Elohim. 
 
 Gen.  vi.  12.  And  Elohim 
 saw  the  earth,  and  behold  it 
 was  corrupt ;  for  all  flesh 
 had  corrupted  his  way  upon 
 the  earth. 
 
 13.  And  Elohim  said  to 
 Noah,  The  end  of  all  flesh 
 is  come  before  me,  for  the 
 earth  is  filled  with  \'iole(ice 
 because  of  them,  and  behold 
 I  will  destroy  them  with 
 tlie  earth. 
 
 Jehovah. 
 
 vii.  1.  And  Jehovah  said 
 
 to  Noah Thee  have  1 
 
 seen  righteous  before  me  in 
 this  generation. 
 
 vii.  2.  Of  all  cattle  which 
 is  clean  thou  shalt  take  to 
 thee  by  sevens,  male  and 
 his  female,  and  of  all  cattle 
 which  is  not  clean,  two, 
 male  and  his  female. 
 
 3.  Also  of  fowl  of  the  air 
 by  sevens,  male  and  female, 
 to  preserve  seed  alive  on 
 the  face  of  aU  the  earth. 
 
 vii.  4.  For  in  yet  seven 
 days  1  will  send  rain  upon 
 the  e;irth  forty  days  and 
 forty  nights,  and  I  will  Olot 
 out  all  the  subst;mce  which 
 I  have  made  from  off  the 
 face  of  the  ground. 
 
 vii.  5.  And  No.ah  did  ac- 
 cording; to  all  that  Jehovah 
 commanded  him. 
 
 '.LOHrjl. 
 
 vi.  9.  Noah  a  righteous 
 man  was  perfect  in  hi, 
 generation,  ^\'ilh  iClohim 
 did  Noah  walls. 
 
 vi.  19.  And  of  every  living 
 thing  of  all  flesh,  two  of  all 
 shalt  thou  bring  into  the 
 ark  to  preserve  alive  with 
 thee :  male  and  female  shall 
 they  be. 
 
 20.  Of  fowl  after  their 
 kind,  and  of  cattle  after 
 their  kind,  of  evcrytliing 
 that  creex>e(h  on  the  ground 
 after  his  kind,  two  of  all 
 shall  come  unto  thee  tliat 
 thou  mayest  preserve  (themf 
 alive. 
 
 vi.  17.  And  I,  behold  ] 
 do  bring  the  flood,  waters 
 upon  the  earth,  to  destroy  all 
 flesh  wheiein  is  the  breath 
 ofilife,  from  under  heaven, 
 all  that  is  in  the  earth  shall 
 perish. 
 
 vi.  22.  And  Noah  did  ac- 
 cording to  all  that  Klohim 
 commanded  him ;  so  did  he. 
 
 Without  carrying  this  parallelism  further  at  length, 
 we  will  merely  indicate  by  references  the  traces  of 
 the  two  documents  in  the  rest  of  the  narrative  of 
 the  Flood: — vii.  1,6,  on  the  Jehovah  side,  answer 
 to  vi.  18,  vii.  11,  on  the  Elohim  side;  vii.  7,  8,  9, 
 17,  23,  to  vii.  13,  14,  15,  16,  18,  21,  22;  viii. 
 21,  22,  to  ix.  8,  9,  10,  11.  (2.)  But  again  we 
 find  that  these  duplicate  narratives  are  characterized 
 by  peculiar  modes  of  expression  ;  and  that,  gene- 
 rally, the  Elohistic  and  Jehovistic  sections  have 
 their  own  distinct  and  individual  colouring.  There 
 is  therefore,  it  seems,  good  ground  for  concluding 
 that,  besides  some  smaller  independent  documents, 
 traces  may  be  discovered  of  two  original  historical 
 works,  which  form  the  basis  of  the  present  Book  of 
 Genesis  and  of  the  earlier  chapters  of  Exodus.  Of 
 these  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  P^lohistic  is  the 
 earlier.  The  passage  in  Ex.  vi.  establishes  this,  as 
 well  as  the  matter  and  style  of  the  document  itself. 
 Whether  l\Io.ses  himself  was  the  author  of  either  of 
 these  works  is  a  ditlerent  question.  Both  are  pro- 
 bably in  the  main  as  old  as  his  time ;  the  Elohistic 
 cert;tinly  is,  and  perhaps  older.  4.  But  we  may 
 now  advance  a  step  further.  There  are  certain  r< 
 ferences  ot  time  and  place  which  clearly  prove  th( 
 the  woik,  in  its  present  form,  is  later  than  the 
 time  of  Moses.  When,  for  instance,  it  is  said  (Gen. 
 xii.  6,  comp.  xiii.  7),  "  And  the  Canaanite  was  then 
 in  the  land,"  the  obvious  meaning  of  such  a  remark 
 seems  to  be  that  the  state  of  things  was  different  in 
 the  time  of  the  writer ;  and  the  conclusion  is  that 
 the  words  must  have  been  written  after  the  occup- 
 ation of  the  land  by  the  Israelites.  The  principal 
 notices  of  time  and  place  which  have  been  alleged 
 as  bespeaking  for  the  Pentateuch  a  later  date  are 
 the  following: — (a.)  References  oi' time.  fix.  vi. 
 26,  27,  need  not  be  regarded  as  a  later  addition, 
 for  it  obviously  sums  up  the  genealogical  register 
 given  just  before,  and  refers  back  to  ver.  13.  But 
 it  is  more  naturally  reconcilable  with  some  othei 
 authorship  than  that  of  Moses.  Again,  Ex.  xvi. 
 33-36,  though  it  must  have  been  introduced  after 
 the  rest  of  the  book  was  written,  may  have  been 
 added  by  Moses  himself,  supposing  him  to  h.ave 
 composed  the  rest  of  the  book.  Moses  there  directs 
 Aaron  to  lay  up  the  manna  before  Jehovah,  and 
 then  we  read  :  "As  Jehovah  commanded  Moses,  !^o 
 
 2  Z  2 
 
708  PENTATEUCH,  THE 
 
 Aaron  laid  it  ii|i  l^'loic  the  'ri'stiinoiiy  "  (i.  c.  the 
 Ark)  ''to  he  kept.  And  tlie  ciiildreii  of  Israel  did 
 eat  inaniia  forty  yeai-s,  until  they  came  to  a  land 
 iiiha)/it(-d  ;  tlicy  diil  eat  manna  until  they  came  unto 
 the  lioiders  of  the  land  of  Canaan."  Then  follows 
 Ihe  remark,  "  Now  an  omer  is  the  tenth  part  of 
 M\  ephah."  It  is  clear  then  that  this  passage  was 
 written  not  only  alter  the  Ark  was  made,  but  after 
 the  Israelites  had  entered  the  Promised  Land.  The 
 ditficulty  is  greater  with  a  passage  in  the  Book  of 
 Genesis.  The  gene.alosiicil  table  of  I'^san's  family 
 (chap.  XXX vi.)  can  scarcely  be  regardei  as  a  later 
 inter|)olation.  It  does  not  interrupt  the  oi-der  and 
 connexion  of  the  book ;  on  the  contrary,  it  is  a  most 
 essential  part  of  its  structure;  it  is  one  of  the  ten 
 "  eenenitions "  or  eenealogiad  registei's  which  foiin, 
 so  to  s|)eak,  the  backbone  of  the  whole.  Here  we 
 lind  the  remark  (ver.  31 ),  "And  these  are  the 
 kings  that  reigneil  in  the  land  of  Kdom,  before  there 
 reiv'ued  anv  king  over  the  children  of  Israel."  No 
 unpiejudiceil  pei^ion  caii  read  the  words,  "  before 
 there  reigne<l  any  king  over  the  chililren  of  Israel," 
 without  feeling  that  when  they  were  written,  kings 
 had  already  begun  to  leigii  over  Israel.  I'litlier 
 then  we  mu.st  admit  that  the  Book  of  Genesis  did 
 not  exist  as  a  whole  till  the  times  of  David  and 
 .■^olomon,  or  we  must  regard  this  particular  verse  as 
 the  interpolation  of  a  later  editor.  Similar  remarks 
 may  jierhaps  a]iply  to  Lev.  xviii.  28.  This  un- 
 doubtedly assumes  the  occupation  of  the  Land  of 
 Caiijiiui  by  the  Israelites.  The  great  diHiculty  con- 
 nected with  this  passage,  however,  is  that  it  is  not 
 a  supplementarj-  remark  of  the  writer's,  but  that 
 the  words  are  the  words  of  God  directing  Moses 
 what  he  is  to  .^ay  to  the  children  of  Israel  (ver.  1). 
 (/;.)  In  several  iiist;jnces  older  wtmes  of  places  give 
 [ilace  to  those  which  came  later  into  use  in  Canaan. 
 In  (I'en.  xiv.  14,  and  in  Deut.  xxxiv.  1,  occui-s  the 
 name  of  the  well-known  cityof  I)an.  In  Genesis 
 we  ran  only  fairly  account  for  its  appeiuance  by 
 supposing  that  the  old  name  Laish  originally  stood 
 in  the  MS.,  and  that  Dan  was  substituted  for  it  on 
 some  later  revision.  In  Josh.  xiv.  [h  (lonip.  xv. 
 l.'i,  5+)  and  Judg.  i.  10  we  are  told  that  the  ori- 
 ginal name  of  Hebron  before  the  conquest  of  Can.aan 
 was  Kirjath-.\rba.  In  Gen.  xxiii.  2  the  older  name 
 occurs,  and  the  explanation  is  adiled  ("evidently  by 
 some  one  who  wrote  later  than  the  occu[);ition  of 
 Canaan),  "  the  same  is  Hebron."  Another  instance 
 of  a  similar  kind  is  the  occurience  of  Homiah  in 
 Num.  xiv.  4."),  xxi.  l-.S,  compared  with  Judg.  i.  17. 
 So  far,  then,  judging  the  work  simply  by  what  we 
 lind  in  it,  there  is  abundant  evidence  to  show  that, 
 though  the  main  bulk  of  it  is  Mos;iic,  certain  de- 
 t.ached  portions  of  it  are  of  later  growth.  We  are 
 not  obliged,  becjiuse  of  the  late  date  of  these  jior- 
 tions,  to  bring  down  the  rest  of  the  book  to  later 
 times. ^III.  W'e  aie  now  to  consider  the  evidence 
 lying  outside  of  the  Penttiteuch  iUclf,  which  beai-s 
 ujion  its  authorship  and  the  probable  date  of  its 
 com|X)sition.  This  evidence  is  of  three  kinds  :  fii'st, 
 direct  mention  of  the  work  as  already  existing  in  the 
 later  liooks  of  the  Bible;  secondly,  the  existence  of  a 
 book  substantially  the  same  as  the  present  Penta- 
 teuch amongst  the  Samaritans;  and,  lastly,  allusions 
 les-i  dii-ect,  such  as  historical  references,  quotations, 
 and  the  like,  which  presu]>pose  its  existence.  1.  We 
 have  direct  evidence  for  the  authorship  of  the  L.iw 
 HI  Jo^h.  i.  7,  8,  and  viii.  M,  34,  xxiii.  ti  (in  xxiv. 
 2<0i  in  all  which  plaa-s  Moses  is  sjiid  to  have 
 Wiitien  it.     The  Book  of  J uilgi*  does  not  speak  of 
 
 PENTATEQCH,  THE 
 
 the  bof>k  of  the  Law.  No  diiict  mention  of  it 
 o<'x;urs  in  the  Books  of  Samuel.  The  lii-st  mention 
 of  the  Law  of  Mo.si>s  al\er  the  establishment  of  the 
 monarchy  is  in  David's  charge  to  his  son  Solomon, 
 on  his  deathbed  (I  \\.  ii.  3;.  The  allusion  seems, 
 to  be  to  jxarts  of  Deuteronomy,  .ind  therefore  favoui-s 
 the  Mosjiic  authorship  of  that  book  (comp.  viii.  9, 
 53).  In  2  K.  xi.  12,  "the  testimony"  is  put 
 into  the  hands  of  Joash  at  his  coronation.  This 
 must  have  been  a  book  containing  either  the  whole 
 of  the  Mosaic  law,  or  at  lea^t  the  Book  of  Deutero- 
 nomy. In  the  Books  of  Chronicles  far  moi-e  fre- 
 quent mention  is  maile  of  "the  Law  of  Jehovah," 
 or  "  the  book  of  the  Law  of  Moses  " — a  fact  which 
 may  be  accounte<l  tor  partly  by  the  priestly  clmnicter 
 of  those  books  (comp.  1  Chr.  xvi.  4(),  xxii.  12,  13; 
 2  Chr.  xii.  1,  xiv.  4,  xv.  3,  xvii.  9,  xxv.  4,  xxxi. 
 3,  4,  21,  xxxiii.  8,  xxxiv.  14,  xxxv.  2<)).  In  Kzra 
 and  Neheniiah  we  have  mention  sevenil  times  made 
 of  the  Law  of  Moses,  and  here  there  cm  be  no 
 doubt  that  our  present  Pentateuch  is  meant ;  for 
 we  have  no  reason  to  suppose  that  any  later  i-evision 
 of  it  took  place.  At  this  time,  then,  the  existing 
 I'entateui'h  was  regarded  as  the  woi-k  of  Moses. 
 The  Books  of  Chronicles,  though  undoubtedly  ba-scil 
 upon  ancient  records,  are  probably  in  their  present 
 form  as  late  as  the  time  of  Kzra.  Hence  it  might 
 be  supposed  that  if  the  reference  is  to  the  present 
 Pentateuch  in  Kzra,  the  present  Pentateuch  must 
 also  be  referred  to  in  Chronicles.  But  this  does  not 
 follow.  The  Book  of  Kzra  s])eaks  of  the  Law  as  it 
 existed  in  the  time  of  the  writer ;  the  Books  of 
 Chronicles  speak  of  it  as  it  existed  long  befoie. 
 Hence  the  author  of  the  latter  (who  may  have  been 
 Kzra),  in  making  mention  of  the  Law  of  Moses,  re- 
 fere  of  course  to  that  recension  of  it  which  existed 
 at  the  paiticular  periods  over  which  his  history 
 travels.  In  Dan.  ix.  11,  13,  the  Law  of  Mases  is 
 mentioned ;  and  here  again  a  book  difiering  in 
 nothing  from  our  present  Pentateuch  is  prol>ably 
 meant.  In  the  Piophets  and  in  the  P.s;ilms,  though 
 there  are  many  allusions  to  the  Law,  evidently  as  u 
 written  document,  theie  are  none  .as  to  its  a\ithor- 
 shi|).  2.  Conclusive  proof  of  the  early  composition 
 of  the  Pent.'itench,  it  luis  been  argueil.  exists  in  the 
 fact  that  the  Samaritans  had  their  own  copies  of  it, 
 not  differing  very  materially  from  those  ]K)ssesse<l 
 by  the  Jews,  except  in  a  few  passages  which  had 
 probably  been  purposely  tamjfered  with  and  altered  : 
 such  for  instance  as  Kx.  xii.  4U ;  Deut.  xxvii.  4. 
 If  this  point  could  be  siitislactorily  estiblisheil,  we 
 should  have  a  liniit  of  time  in  one  direction  for  the 
 com])osition  of  the  Pentateuch.  It  could  not  have 
 been  later  than  the  times  of  the  earliest  kings.  It 
 must  have  been  earlier  than  the  reign  of  .S>lomon, 
 and  iuiiecd  than  th.at  of  Saul.  Histoiy  leaves  us 
 altogether  in  doubt  as  to  the  time  at  which  the 
 Pentateuch  was  received  by  the  Sam.aiit.ans.  Copies 
 of  it  mijht  have  Wn  left  in  the  northern  kingiioin 
 after  Shalmaneser's  invasion,  though  this  is  hardly 
 probable ;  or  they  might  have  been  intnxlucetl  thither 
 during  the  religious  reforms  of  Ilezekiah  or  Josi.ih. 
 But  the  actual  condition  of  the  Samaritan  Penta- 
 teuch is  against  any  such  8.ipjH)sition,  It  .agrees  so 
 remarkably  with  the  existing  Hebrew  Pentateuch, 
 and  that  too  in  tho.se  pas.siges  which  are  mani- 
 festly interpolations  and  (xirriH'tions  as  late  as  the 
 time  of  V.zr,\,  that  we  must  look  for  some  other 
 poriml  to  which  to  refer  the  adoption  of  the  Bookn 
 cf  Moses  by  the  Samaritans.  This  we  line]  alter 
 the  Babylonibb  exile,  at  the  time  of  the  inslitutioc 
 
PENTATEUCH,  THE 
 
 of  the  rival  woi-ship  on  Gevizini.  Till  the  retuin 
 from  Babylon  there  is  no  evidence  that  the  Samar- 
 itans rej^arded  the  Jews  with  any  extrnordinary 
 dislike  or  liostility.  Bnt  the  manifest  distrust  and 
 suspicion  with  whic'h  Nehemiah  met  their  advances 
 when  he  was  rebuilding  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  pro- 
 voked their  wrath.  From  this  time  forward  they 
 were  dedai'ed  and  open  enemies.  A  full  discussion 
 of  this  question  would  be  out  of  place  here.  We 
 incline  to  the  view  of  Prideaux,  that  the  Samaritan 
 I'entateuch  w:is  in  fact  a  tianscript  of  Ezra's  re- 
 vised copy.  The  same  view  is  virtually  adopted  by 
 Gesenius.  3.  We  are  now  to  consider  evidence  of  a 
 more  indirect  kind,  which  bears  not  so  much  on  the 
 Mosaic  authorship  as  on  the  early  existence  of  the 
 work  as  a  whole.  This  last  circumstance,  however, 
 if  satisfictorily  made  out,  is,  indirectly  at  least, 
 an  argument  that  Moses  wrote  the  Peufciteuch. 
 Hengstenberg  has  tried  to  show  that  all  the  later 
 books,  by  their  allusions  and  quotations,  presuppose 
 the  existence  of  the  Books  of  the  Law.  He  traces 
 moreover  the  influence  of  the  Law  upon  the  whole 
 life,  civil  and  religious,  of  the  nation  after  their 
 settlement  in  the  land  of  Canaan.  Now,  beyond  all 
 doubt,  there  are  numerous  most  striking  references, 
 both  in  the  Prophets  and  in  the  Books  of  Kings,  to 
 passages  which  are  found  in  our  present  Pentateuch. 
 It  is  esbiblished  in  the  most  convincing  manner 
 that  the  legal  portions  of  the  Pentateuch  already 
 existed  in  writing  before  the  separation  of  the  two 
 kingdoms.  Even  as  regards  the  historical  portions, 
 there  are  often  in  the  later  books  almost  verbal 
 coincidences  of  expression,  which  render  it  more 
 than  piobable  that  these  also  existed  in  writing. 
 But  now  if,  as  appears  from  the  examination  of 
 all  the  extant  Jewish  literature,  the  Pentateuch 
 existed  as  a  canonical  book  ;  if,  moreover,  it  was 
 a  book  so  well  known  that  its  v.rords  had  become 
 household  words  among  the  people  ;  and  if  the  pro- 
 phets could  appeal  to  it  as  a  recognized  and  well- 
 known  document — how  comes  it  to  pass  that  in 
 the  reign  of  Josiah,  one  of  the  latest  kings,  its 
 existence  as  a  canonical  book  seems  to  have  been 
 almost  forgotten  ?  Yet  such  was  evidently  the  fact. 
 How  are  we  to  explain  this  surprise  and  alarm  in 
 the  mind  of  Josiah,  betraying  as  it  does  such  utter 
 ignorance  of  the  Book  of  the  Law,  and  of  the 
 severit}'  of  its  threatenings — except  on  the  suppos- 
 ition that  as  a  written  document  it  had  well  nigh 
 perished  ?  This  must  have  been  the  case,  and  it  is 
 not  so  extraordinary  a  fact  perhaps  as  it  appears 
 at  first  sight.  It  is  quite  true  that  in  the  reign 
 of  Jehoshaphat  pains  had  been  taken  to  make  the 
 nation  at  large  acquainted  with  the  Law ;  but  that 
 was  300  years  before,  a  period  equal  to  that  between 
 the  days  of  Luther  and  our  own ;  and  in  such  an 
 interval  great  changes  must  have  taken  place.  It 
 is  true  that  in  the  reign  of  Ahaz  the  prophet  Isaiah 
 directed  the  psrple  to  turn  "  to  the  Law  and  to  the 
 Testimony;"  and  Hezekiah,  who  succeeded  Ahaz, 
 had  nc  loubt  reigned  in  the  spirit  of  the  prophet's 
 advice.  But  the  next  monarch  was  guilty  of  out- 
 rageous wickedness,  and  filled  Jerusalem  with  idols. 
 How  great  a  desolation  might  one  wicked  prince 
 effect,  especially  during  a  lengthened  reign  !  To 
 this  we  must  aild,  that  at  no  time,  in  all  proba- 
 bility, were  there  many  copies  of  the  Law  existing 
 in  writing.  It  was  probably  then  the  custom,  as  it 
 f-till  is  in  the  East,  to  trust  largely  to  the  memory 
 for  its  transmission.  The  ritual  would  easily  be 
 pei  petuated  by  the  mere  force  of  observance,  though 
 
 PENTATEUCH,  THE  709 
 
 much  of  it  doubtless  bec;\me  perverted,  and  some 
 part  of  it  perhaps  obsolete,  through  the  neijlect  of 
 the  priests.  The  command  of  Moses,  which  laid 
 upon  the  king  the  obli>;ation  of  making  a  copy  of 
 the  Law  for  himself  had  of  coiu-se  long  been  disre- 
 garded. Here  and  there  perhaps  only  some  projihet 
 or  righteous  man  possessed  a  copy  of  the"  sacred 
 book.  The  bulk  of  the  nation  were  without  it. 
 The  oral  transmission  of  the  Law  and  the  living 
 witness  of  tlie  prophets  had  superseded  the  written 
 document,  till  at  last  it  had  become  so  scarce  as  to 
 be  almost  unknown.  On  caiefully  weighing  all  the 
 evidence  hitherto  adduced,  we  can  hardly  question, 
 without  a  literary  scepticism  which  would  be  most 
 unreasonable,  that  the  Pentateuch  is  to  a  very  con- 
 siderable extent  as  early  as  the  time  of  Moses, 
 though  it  may  have  undergone  many  later  revi- 
 sions and  corrections,  the  last  of  these  being  cer- 
 tainly as  late  as  the  time  of  Ezra.  But  as  regards 
 any  direct  and  unimpeachable  testimony  to  the 
 composition  of  the  whole  work  by  Moses  we  have 
 it  not.  Only  one  book  out  of  the  five — that  of 
 Deuteronomy — claims  in  express  temis  to  be  tiom 
 his  hand.  And  yet,  strange  to  say,  this  is  the  very 
 book  in  which  modern  criticism  refuses  most  pe- 
 remptorily to  admit  the  claim.  It  is  of  importance 
 therefore  to  consider  this  question  separately.  All 
 allow  that  the  Book  of  the  Covenant  in  Exodus, 
 perhaps  a  great  part  of  Leviticus  and  some  part  of 
 Numbers,  were  written  by  Israel's  greatest  leader 
 and  prophet.  But  Deuteronomy,  it  is  alleged,  is  in 
 style  and  purpose  so  utterly  unlike  the  genuine 
 writings  of  Moses  that  it  is  quite  impossible  to 
 believe  that  he  is  the  author.  But  how  then  set 
 aside  the  express  testimony  of  the  book  itself? 
 How  explain  the  fact  that  Moses  is  there  said  to 
 have  written  all  the  words  of  this  Law,  to  have 
 consigned  it  to  the  custod)-  of  the  priests,  and  to 
 have  charged  the  Levites  sedulously  to  preserve  it 
 by  the  side  of  the  ark  ?  Only  by  the  bold  assertion 
 that  the  fiction  was  invented  by  a  \ater  writer, 
 who  chose  to  personate  the  great  Lawgiver  in  order 
 to  give  the  more  colour  of  consistency  to  his  work  ! 
 But,  besides  the  fact  that  Deuteronomy  claims  to 
 have  been  written  by  Moses,  there  is  otlier  evid- 
 ence which  establishes  the  great  antiquity  of  the 
 book.  1.  It  is  remarkable  for  its  allusions  to  Egypt, 
 which  are  just  what  would  be  expected  supjiosing 
 Moses  to  have  been  the  author.  In  xx.  5  there  is 
 an  allusion  to  Egyptian  legulations  in  time  of  war ; 
 in  XXV.  2  to  the  Egyptian  bastinado;  in  xi.  10  to 
 the  Egyptian  mode  of  irrigation.  Again,  among 
 the  curses  threatened  are  the  sicknesses  of  Egypt, 
 xxviii.  60  (comp.  vii.  15).  According  to  xxviii. 
 68,  Egypt  is  the  type  of  all  the  oppressors  of  Isiael. 
 Lastly,  references  to  the  sojourning  in  Egypt  are 
 numerous  (vi.  21-23;  see  also  vii.  8,  18,  xi.  3). 
 The  phraseology  of  the  book,  and  the  archaisms 
 found  in  it,  stamp  it  as  of  the  same  age  with  the 
 rest  of  the  Pentateuch.  2.  A  fondness  tor  the  use 
 of  figures  is  another  peculiarity  of  Deuteionomv. 
 See  xxix.  17,  18,  xxviii.  13,  44,  i.  31,  44,  viii.  5, 
 xxviii.  29,  49.  The  results  are  most  surprising 
 when  we  compare  Deuteronomy  with  the  Book  of 
 the  Covenant  (Ex.  xix.-xxiv.)  on  the  one  hand,  and 
 with  Ps.  xc.  (which  is  said  to  be  Mosaic)  on  the 
 other.  In  addition  to  all  these  peculiarities  which 
 are  aiguments  for  the  Mosaic  authorship  of  the 
 Book,  we  have  here,  too,  the  evidence  strong  and 
 clear  of  post-Mosaic  times  and  writings.  The  attempt 
 by  a  wrong  intei-pretation  of  2  K,  xxii.  and  2  Chr. 
 
710 
 
 PENTECOST 
 
 xxxiv.  to  bring  ilowii  Deuteronomy  as  low  as  the 
 time  of  Maiiiisseh  fails  utterly.  A  century  eailier 
 (he  Jewish  prophets  borrow  their  words  and  their 
 tlioughts  from  Deuteronomy.  Since,  then,  not 
 only  .leremiah  and  Kzekiel,  but  Amos  and  Hosea, 
 Isaiah  and  Micah,  speak  in  the  words  of  Deutero- 
 nomy, as  well  as  in  words  borrowed  from  other  por- 
 tions of  the  Pentateuch,  we  see  at  once  how  un- 
 tenable is  the  theory  of  those  who,  like  Ewald, 
 maintain  that  l)eiiteronoiny  was  composed  during 
 the  reign  of  Maiia.s.-eh,  or,  as  Vaihinger  does,  during 
 that  of  Hezekiah.  But,  in  truth,  the  Book  speaks 
 for  itself.  No  imit-itor  could  have  written  in  such 
 a  strain.  We  scarcely  need  the  express  testimony 
 of  the  work  to  its  own  authoi-sliip.  But,  having 
 it,  we  find  all  the  internal  evidence  conspiring  to 
 show  that  it  aime  from  Moses.  We  therefore  de- 
 clare unhesitatingly  for  the  Mosaic  authorship  of 
 Deuteronomy,  iJriefly,  then,  to  sum  up  the  results 
 of  our  inquiry.  1.  The  Book  of  Genesis  rests 
 chiefly  on  documents  much  earlier  than  the  time  of 
 Closes,  though  it  was  jjrobably  brought  to  very 
 nearly  its  present  shape  either  by  Moses  himself,  or 
 by  one  of  the  elders  who  acted  under  him.  2.  The 
 Books  of  Exodus,  Leviticus,  and  Numbers,  are  to  a 
 great  extent  Mosaic.  Besides  those  portions  which 
 are  expressly  declared  to  have  been  written  by  him, 
 other  portions,  and  especially  the  legal  sections, 
 were,  if  not  actually  written,  in  all  probability  dic- 
 tated by  him.  3.  Deuteronomy,  excepting  the  con- 
 cluding part,  is  entirely  the  work  of  Moses,  as  it 
 ])rofesses  to  be.  4.  It  is  not  probable  that  this  was 
 written  before  the  three  preceding  books,  beaiuse 
 the  legislation  in  Exodus  and  Leviticus  as  being  the 
 more  formal  is  manifestly  tlie  earlier,  whilst  Deu- 
 teronomy is  the  spiritual  interpretation  and  applic- 
 ation of  the  Law.  But  the  letter  is  always  before 
 the  spirit ;  the  thing  before  its  interpretation.  5. 
 The  first  coinposition  of  the  Pentateuch  as  a  whole 
 could  not  have  tiiken  place  till  after  the  Israelites 
 entered  Canaan.  It  is  probable  that  .Joshua,  and 
 the  elders  who  were  associated  with  him,  would 
 [irovide  for  its  formal  arrangement,  custody,  and 
 transmission,  6.  The  whole  work  did  not  finally 
 assume  its  present  shape  till  its  revision  was  under- 
 t.akeii  by  Ezra  after  the  return  from  the  Babylonish 
 Captivity. 
 
 Pentecost  (Ex.  xxiii.  16),  "  the  feast  of  harvest, 
 the  first  fruits  of  thy  labours:"  (Ex.  xxxiv.  22; 
 Deut.  xvi.  10)  "the  feast  of  weeks:"  (Num. 
 xxviii.  26,  cf.  Lev.  xxiii.  17)  "the  day  of  first 
 fruits."  The  second  of  the  great  fesllvals  of  the 
 Hebrews.  It  fell  in  duo  course  on  the  sixth  day  of 
 Si  van,  and  its  rites,  according  to  the  Law,  were  re- 
 stricted to  a  single  day.  The  most  important  ])as- 
 sj\ges  relating  to  it  are,  Ex.  xxiii.  16,  Lev.  xxiii. 
 15-22,  Num.  x.tviii.  26-31,  Deut.  xvi.  9-12.— I. 
 The  time  of  the  festival  was  calculated  from  the 
 second  day  of  the  Passover,  the  16th  of  Nisan. 
 Tiie  Law  prescribes  that  a  reckoning  should  be  kept 
 fVoni  "  the  morrow  aftei'  the  Sabbath  "  (Lev.  xxiii. 
 11,  l."))  to  the  morrow  alter  the  completion  of  the 
 seventh  week,  which  would  of  course  be  the  fiftieth 
 day  (Lev.  xxiii.  lo,  16;  Deut.  xvi.  9).  The  fifty 
 days  foinially  includccl  the  peiiod  of  grain-harvest, 
 conimencMig  with  the  olleririg  of  the  first  sheaf  of 
 the  bail?y-liarvest  in  the  P.issover,  and  ending  with 
 that  c.  llir  two  (iist  loaves  which  were  made  tiom 
 the  wheat-harvest,  at  this  festival.  It  wjis  the 
 oifi'rifig  of  these  two  loaves  which  was  the  distin- 
 guishing rite  of  the  day  of  Pentecost.     They  were 
 
 PENTECOST 
 
 to  be  leaveneJ .  Ejicli  loaf  was  to  contain  the  tenth 
 of  an  e|>hah  (i.e.  about  :!^  quarts)  of  the  finest 
 wheat-flour  of  the  new  crop  (Lev.  xxiii.  17),  Thu 
 flour  w;is  to  be  the  produce  of  the  land.  The  loaves, 
 along  with  a  pea(e-ofi'ering  of  two  lambs  of  the 
 first  year,  were  to  be  waved  before  the  Lord  and 
 given  to  the  priests.  At  the  same  time  a  special 
 siicrifice  was  to  be  made  of  seven  lambs  of  the  fii-st 
 year,  one  young  bullock  and  two  rams,  as  a  bujiit- 
 otl'ering  (accompanied  by  the  proper  meat  and  drink 
 offerings),  and  a  kid  for  a  sin-offering  (Lev.  xxiii. 
 18,  19).  Besides  these  offerings,  if  we  adopt  the 
 interpretation  of  the  Rabbinical  writers,  it  apjiears 
 tluit  an  addition  was  made  to  the  daily  sacrifice  of 
 two  bullocks,  one  ram,  and  seven  lambs,  as  a  burnt- 
 offering  (Num.  xxviii.  27).  At  this,  as  well  as  the 
 other  festivals,  a  free-will  offering  was  to  be  made 
 by  each  person  who  came  to  the  sanctuai'y,  accord- 
 ing to  his  circumstances  (Deut.  xvi.  10).  It  would 
 seem  that  its  festive  character  partook  of  a  more 
 free  and  hospitable  liberality  than  that  of  the  Pass- 
 over, which  was  rather  of  the  kind  which  belongs 
 to  the  mere  family  gathering.  In  this  respect,  it 
 resembled  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles.  The  Levite, 
 the  stranger,  the  fiitherless,  and  the  widow,  were  to 
 be  brought  within  its  influence  (Deut.  xvi,  11, 
 14-).  The  mention  of  the  gleanings  to  be  left  in  the 
 fielils  at  harvest  for  "  the  poor  and  the  stranger," 
 iu  connexion  with  Pentecost.may  perhaps  have  a  bear- 
 ing on  the  liberality  which  belonged  to  the  festival 
 (Lev.  xxiii.  22).  At  Pentecost  ( as  at  the  Piissover) 
 the  people  were  to  be  reminded  of  their  bondage  in 
 Egypt,  and  they  were  especially  admonished  of  their 
 obligation  to  keep  the  divine  law  (Deut.  xvi.  12). 
 —II.  Of  the  information  to  be  gathered  from 
 Jewish  writers  respecting  the  observance  of  Pente- 
 cost, the  following  particulars  appear  to  be  the  best 
 wortTiy  of  notice.  The  Hour  for  the  loaves  was 
 sifted  with  jieculiar  care  twelve  times  over.  They 
 were  made  either  the  day  before,  or,  in  the  event  of 
 a  Sabbath  preceding  the  d.iy  of  Pentecost,  two  days 
 before  the  occasion.  The  two  lambs  for  a  peace- 
 oilering  were  to  be  waved  by  the  priest,  before 
 they  were  slaughtered,  along  with  the  loaves,  and 
 afterwards  the  loaves  were  waved  a  second  time 
 along  with  the  shoulders  of  the  lambs.  One  lo;if 
 Wius  given  to  the  high-priest  and  the  other  to  the 
 ordinary  priests  who  officiated.  The  bread  was 
 eaten  that  same  night  in  the  Temple,  and  no  frag- 
 ment of  it  was  suffered  to  remain  till  the  morning. 
 Although,  according  to  the  Law,  the  observance  of 
 Pentecost  lasted  but  a  single  day,  the  Jews  in  foreign 
 countri&s,  since  the  Captivity,  have  prolonged  it  to 
 two  days.— illl.  Doubts  have  been  Gist  on  the  com- 
 mon interpretation  of  -Acts  ii.  1,  according  to  which 
 the  Holy  Ghost  was  given  to  the  Ajuistles  on  the 
 day  of  Pentecost.  Lightfoot  contends  that  the  pass- 
 age means,  irhcn  the  da;/  of  I'entecvst  /uid  passed. 
 The  question  on  what  day  of  the  week  this  Pente- 
 cost fell,  must  of  course  be  determined  by  the  mode 
 in  which  the  doulit  is  solved  regaixling  the  day  on 
 which  the  Last  Sujii^er  was  eaten.  If  it  w;is  the 
 legal  paschal  su]iper,  on  the  14th  of  Nisan,  and  the 
 Sabbath  during  which  our  Lord  lay  in  the  grave 
 was  the  day  of  the  omer,  Pentecost  must  have  fol- 
 lowed on  the  Sabbath.  But  if  the  supper  was 
 eaten  on  the  l.'ith,  and  He  was  crucilieil  on  the 
 14th,  the  SuTiday  of  the  Kesurrection  must  have 
 liTOU  the  day  of  the  omer,  and  Pentecost  must  have 
 occuire<l  on  the  (ii^t  day  of  the  week.^l  V.  There  is 
 nockar  notice  iu  the  Scriptures  of  any  historical  sig- 
 
PENUEL 
 
 iiificance  belonging  to  Pentecost.  But  most  of  the 
 Jews  of  later  times  have  regarded  the  day  as  the 
 commemoration  of  the  giving  of  the  Law  on  Mount 
 Sinai.— V.  If  the  feast  of  Pentecost  stood  without 
 au  organic  connexion  with  any  other  rites,  we  should 
 have  no  certain  warrant  in  the  Old  Testament  for 
 regarding  it  as  more  than  the  divinely  appointed 
 solemn  thanksgiving  for  the  j'early  supply  of  the 
 most  useful  sort  of  food.  But  it  was,  as  we  have 
 .seen,  essentially  linked  on  to  the  Passover,  that 
 festival  which,  above  all  others,  expressed  the  fact 
 of  a  I'ace  chosen  and  separated  from  other  nations. 
 It  was  not  an  insulated  day.  It  stood  as  the  cul- 
 minating point  of  the  Pentecostal  season.  If  the 
 offering  of  the  omer  was  a  supplication  for  the 
 Divine  blessing  on  the  harvest  which  was  just  com- 
 mencing, and  the  oH'ering  of  the  two  loaves  was  a 
 thanksgiving  for  its  completion,  each  rite  was 
 brought  into  a  higher  signitiaince  in  consequence  of 
 the  omer  fbnning  an  integral  part  of  the  Passover. 
 
 Pen'uel.  The  usual,  and  possibly  the  original, 
 form  of  the  name  of  a  place  which  first  appears 
 under  the  slightly  different  form  of  Peniel  (Gen. 
 xxxii.  30,  SI).  From  this  narrative  it  is  evident 
 that  it  lay  somewhere  between  the  torrent  Jabbok 
 and  Succoth  (comp.  xxxii.  22  with  xxxiii.  17,  and 
 Judg.  viii.  5,  8).  Succoth  has  been  identified  with 
 tolerable  certainty  at  Sakut,  but  no  trace  has  yet 
 been  found  of  Penuel. 
 
 Pe'or.  A  mountain  in  Moab,  from  whence,  after 
 having  without  effect  ascended  the  lower  or  less 
 sacred  summits  of  Bamoth-Baal  and  Pisgah,  the 
 prophet  Balaam  was  conducted  by  Balak  for  his 
 rinal  conjurations  (Num.  xxiii.  28  only).  Peor — 
 or  more  accurately,  "  the  Peor " — was  "  facing 
 Jeshimon."  The  same  thing  is  said  of  Pisgah.  But 
 unfortunately  we  are  as  yet  ignorant  of  the  position 
 of  all  three,  so  that  nothing  can  be  inferred  from 
 this  specification.  In  the  Onomasticon  ("  Fogor  ;" 
 "  Bethphogor;"  "  Danaba")  it  is  stated  to  be  above 
 the  town  of  Libias  (the  ancient  Beth-aram),  and 
 opposite  Jericho. — 2.  In  four  passages  (Num.  xxv. 
 18,  twice;  xxxi.  16;  Josh.  xxii.  17)  Peor  occurs  as 
 a  contraction  for  Baal-peor. 
 
 Per'azim,  Mount.  A  name  which  occurs  in  Is. 
 xxviii.  21  only, — unless  the  place  which  it  desig- 
 nates be  identical  with  the  Baal-Peraziji  men- 
 tioned as  the  scene  of  one  of  David's  victories  over 
 the  Pliilistines.  The  commentators  almost  unanim- 
 ously take  the  reference  to  be  to  David's  victories, 
 above  alluded  to,  at  Baal  Perazim,  and  Gibeon 
 (Gesenius  ;  Strachey),  or  to  the  tbi'mer  of'  these  on 
 the  one  hand,  and  Joshua's  slaughter  of  the  Ca- 
 naanites  at  Gibeon  and  Beth-horon  on  the  other 
 (Eichhorn  ;  Rosenmiiller ;  Michaelis). 
 
 Per'esh.  The  son  of  Machir  by  his  wife  Maachah 
 (1  Chr.  vii.  16), 
 
 Per'ez.  The  "  children  of  Perez,"  or  Pharez, 
 the  son  of  Judah,  appear  to  have  been  a  family  of 
 importance  for  many  centuries  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  3; 
 Neh.  xi.  4,  6). 
 
 Per'ez-TIz'za,  1  Chr.  xiii.  11 ;  and 
 
 Per'ez-Uz  zah,  2  Sam.  vi.  8.  The  title  which 
 David  conferred  on  the  threshing-floor  of  Nachon, 
 or  Cidon,  in  commemoration  of  the  sudden  death 
 of  Uzzah :  "  And  David  was  wroth  because  Jehovah 
 had  bioken  this  breach  on  Uzzah  and  he  called  the 
 place  '  Uzzah's  breaking '  unto  this  day."  The  situa- 
 tion of  the  spot  is  not  known. 
 
 Perfumes.  The  free  use  of  perfumes  was  pecu- 
 liarly grateful  to  the   Orientiils    (Prov.  xxvii.   9), 
 
 PEBGAMOS 
 
 711 
 
 whose  olfactory  nerves  are  more  than  usually  sensi« 
 five  to  the  offensive  smells  engendered  by  the  heat 
 of  their  climate.  The  Hebrews  manufactured  their 
 perfumes  chiefly  from  spices  imported  from  Arabia, 
 though  to  a  certain  extent  also  from  aromatic  plants 
 growing  in  their  own  country.  The  modes  in 
 which  they  applied  them  were  various.  Perfumes 
 entered  largely  into  the  Temple  service,  in  the  two 
 forms  of  incense  and  ointment  (Ex.  xxx.  22-38). 
 Nor  woyp.  they  less  used  in  private  life :  not  only 
 were  tiiey  applied  to  the  person,  but  to  garments 
 (Ps.  xlv.  8  ;  Cant.  iv.  11),  and  to  articles  of  fur- 
 niture, such  as  beds  (Prov.  vii.  17).  On  the 
 arrival  ot  a  guest  the  same  compliments  were  pro- 
 bably paid  in  ancient  as  in  modern  times  (Dan.  ii. 
 46).  When  a  royal  personage  went  abroad  in  his 
 litter,  attendants  threw  up  "  pillars  of  smoke " 
 about  his  path  (Cant.  iii.  6).  'J'he  use  of  perfumes 
 w;is  omitted  in  times  of  mourning,  whence  the  allu- 
 sion in  Is.  iii.  24, 
 
 Per'ga,  an  ancient  and  important  city  of  Pam- 
 phylia  (Acts  xiii.  13),  situated  on  the  river  Cestius, 
 at  a  distance  of  60  stadia  from  its  mouth,  and  cele- 
 brated in  antiquity  for  the  worship  of  Artemis 
 (Diana),  whose  temple  stood  on  a  hill  outside  the  town. 
 
 Per'gamos.  A  city  of  Mysia,  about  three  miles 
 to  the  N.  of  the  river  Baki/r-tchai,  the  Caicus  of 
 antiquity,  and  twenty  miles  from  its  present  month. 
 The  name  was  originally  given  to  a  remarkable  hill, 
 presenting  a  conical  appearance  when  viewed  from 
 the  plain.  The  local  legends  attached  a  sacred  cha- 
 lacter  to  this  place.  Lysimachus,.  one  of  Alexan- 
 der's successors,  deposited  there  an  enormous  sum — 
 no  less  than  9000  talents — in  the  care  of  an  Asiatic 
 eunuch  named  Philetaerus.  In  the  troublous  times 
 which  followed  the  break  up  of  the  Macedonian 
 conquests,  this  oflicer  betrayed  his  trust,  and  suc- 
 ceeded in  retaining  the  treasure  and  transmitting  it 
 at  the  end  of  twenty  years  to  his  nephew  Eumenes, 
 a  petty  dynast  in  the  neighboui'hood.  Eumenes  was 
 succeeded  by  his  cousin  Attains,  the  founder  of  the 
 Attalic  dynasty  of  Pergamene  kings,  who  by  allying 
 himself  vtfith  the  rising  Roman  power  laid  the  found- 
 ation of  the  future  greatness  of  his  house.  His 
 successor,  Eumenes  II.,  was  rewarded  for  his  fidelity 
 to  the  Romans  in  their  wars  with  Antiochus  and 
 Perseus  by  a  gift  of  all  the  territory  which  the 
 former  had  possessed  to  the  north  of  the  Taurus 
 range.  The  Attalic  dynasty  terminated  B.C.  133, 
 when  Attains  III.,  dying  at  an  eaily  age,  made  the 
 Romans  his  heirs.  His  dominions  formed  the  pro- 
 vince of  Asia  propria.  The  sumptuousness  of  the 
 Attalic  princes  had  raised  Peigamos  to  the  rank  of 
 the  first  city  in  Asia  as  regards  splendour.  It  was 
 a  soit  of  union  of  a  pagan  cathedral  city,  an  uni- 
 versity town,  and  a  royal  residence,  embellished 
 during  a  succession  of  years  by  kings  who  all  had  a 
 passion  for  expenditure  and  ample  means  of  giatify- 
 ing  it.  Under  the  Attalic  kings,  Pergamcs  became 
 a  city  of  temples,  devoted  to  a  sensuous  worship ; 
 and  being  in  its  origin,  according  to  pagan  notions, 
 a  sacred  place,  might  not  unnaturally  be  viewed  by 
 Jews  and  Jewish  Christians,  as  one  "  where  was 
 the  throne  of  Satan  "  (Rev.  ii.  13).  After  the  ex- 
 tinction of  its  independence,  the  sacred  cfiaracter  of 
 Pergamos  seems  to  have  been  put  even  more  pio- 
 minently  forward.  In  the  time  of  Martial,  Aescu- 
 lapius had  acquired  so  much  prominence  that  he 
 is  ciilled  I'ergameus  deits.  From  the  circumstance 
 of  this  notoriety  of  the  Pergamene  Aesculapius,  from 
 the  title  Xonrip  being  given  to  him,  from  the  serpent 
 
712 
 
 PERIDA 
 
 being  his  clmnii'teristic  einblein,  and  fi'om  the  fact 
 that  the  mediciil  practice  of  antiquity  included 
 chaiTns  and  inatntations  among  its  agencies,  it  lias 
 been  supposed  that  the  expressions  "  the  throne 
 of  Satan"  and  "where  Siitin  dwelleth,"  have  an, 
 especial  reference  to  this  one  pagan  deity,  and  not  to 
 the  whole  city  as  a  sort  of  focus  of  idolatrous  wor- 
 ship. But  although  undoubtedly  the  Aesculapius 
 worship  of  Pi'rgamos  was  the  most  famous,  yet  an 
 inscription  of  the  time  of  Marcus  Antoninus  dis- 
 tinctly puts  Zeus,  Athene,  Dionysus,  and  Asclepius 
 in  a  co-ordinate  rank,  as  all  being  special  tutelary 
 deities  of  Pergamos.  It  seems  unlikely,  therefore, 
 that  the  expressions  above  quoted  should  be  so  in- 
 terpreted as  to  isolate  one  of  them  from  the  rest. 
 It  ni.iy  be  added,  that  the  charge  against  a  portion 
 of  the  Pfrganiene  Church  that  some  among  them 
 were  of  the  siliool  of  Balaam,  whose  policy  was 
 to  put  a  stumbling-block  before  the  children  of 
 Israel,  by  inducing  them  to  eat  things  sacrificed  to 
 idols  and  to  commit  fornication  (Rev.  ii.  14),  is  in 
 both  its  particulars  very  inappropriate  to  the  Aescul- 
 apian  ritual.  It  points  rather  to  the  Dionysus  and 
 Apiiiodit6  worship. 
 
 Fer'ida.  The  chiMren  of  Perida  returned  from 
 ljat)yli)ii  with  Zcrubbabel  rNeh.  vii.  57  /. 
 
 Per'izzite,  the,  and  Per'izzites.  One  of  the 
 nations  iiihaliiting  the  Land  of  Promise  before  and 
 at  the  time  of  its  conquest  by  Israel.  They  are 
 continually  mentioned  in  the  formula  so  frequently 
 occurring  to  express  the  Promised  Land  (Gen.  xv. 
 ■JO;  Kx.  iii.  8,  17,  xxiii.  23,  xxxiii.  2,  x.\.xiv.  11  ; 
 Dent.  vii.  I,  xx.  17  ;  Josh.  iii.  10,  ix.  1,  xxiv.  11  ; 
 .Judg.  iii.  r>;  Kzr.  ix.  1  ;  Neh.  ix.  8).  They  appear, 
 
 PERSIA 
 
 however,  with  somewhat  greater  distinctness  ou 
 several  octasions  (<!eu.  xiii.  7,  xxxiv.  30;  Judg.  i. 
 4,  5  ;  'J  K.-<dr.  i.  21).  The  notice  in  the  book  of 
 Judges  locates  them  in  the  southern  part  of  the 
 Holy  Land.  Another  independent  and  equally  re- 
 markable fragment  of  the  history  of  the  conquest 
 seems  to  speak  of  them  as  occupying,  with  the  lie- 
 phaim ,  or  giants,  the  "  forest  country  "  on  the  western 
 flanks  of  Mount  Carmel  (Josh.  .w'ii.  15-18.).  The 
 signification  of  the  name  is  not  by  any  means  clear. 
 It  possibly  meant  rustics,  dwellers  in  open,  unwalled 
 villai'es,  which  are  denoted  by  a  similar  word. 
 
 Persep'olis  is  mentioned  only  in  2  Mace.  ix.  2. 
 It  wiis  the  capital  of  I'ersia  Proper,  and  the  occas- 
 ional residence  of  the  Persian  court  from  the  time 
 of  Darius  Hy.-.taspis,  who  seems  to  have  been  its 
 founder,  to  the  invasion  of  Alexander.  Its  wanton 
 destruction  bj'  that  conqueror  is  well  known.  I'er- 
 sepolis  has  been  regarded  by  many  as  identical  with 
 Pasargadae,  the  famous  capifcil  of  Cyrus.  But  the 
 positions  are  carefully  distinguished  by  a  numlier 
 of  ancient  writers,  and  the  ruins,  which  are  iclen- 
 titied  beyond  any  reasonable  doubt,  show  that  the 
 two  places  were  more  than  40  miles  apart.  Pasar- 
 gadae w;ts  at  Murijanb,  where  tlie  tomb  of  Cyrus 
 may  still  be  seen ;  Persepolis  was  42  miles  to  the 
 south  of  this,  near  Istakher,  on  the  site  now  called 
 the  Chehl-Minar  or  Forty  Pillars.  Here,  on  a  ])lat- 
 form  hewn  out  of  the  solid  rock,  the  sides  of  which 
 face  the  four  cardinal  points,  are  the  remains  of  two 
 groat  palaces,  built  respectively  by  Darius  Hystaspis 
 and  his  son  Xerxes,  besides  a  number  of  other  edi- 
 fices, chiefly  temples.  They  are  of  great  extent  and 
 magnificence,  covering  an  area  of  m.nnv  acres. 
 
 Perseus,  tfic  eldest  son  of  Philip  V.  and  last 
 kill'.;  of  .Macedonia.  After  his  father's  death  (n.C. 
 IT'.t)  he  continued  the  preparations  for  the  renewal 
 of  the  war  with  Itome,  wliich  was  seen  to  be  in- 
 evifi.bje.  In  w.c.  1<!S  he  \\'n%  defeated  by  L.  Aemi- 
 lius  PaiiUus  at  Pydna,  anil  shortly  .iflterwards  sur- 
 rendere<I  with  his  family  to  his  conquerors.  The 
 det'eat  of  Pei'scus  put  an  end  to  the  independence  of 
 Macolonia,  and  extfudi-d  even  to  .Syria  the  terror  of 
 the  lloman  name  ^1  ,Macc.  viii.  .5). 
 
 Fer'siA  w.xs  strictly  the  name  of  a  tr.ictofno 
 very  huge  <liinensl>ins  on  the  Persian  Gulf,  which 
 is  ttiU  known  i\^  I'ara,  or  Faisi^an,  a  curru]>tiou 
 
 of  the  ancient  appellation.  This  tract  was  iKunule  I. 
 on  the  west,  by  Susiana  or  Klam,  on  the  noith  by 
 Media,  on  the  south  by  the  Pei-sian  Gulf,  and  on 
 the  east  by  CaiTnania,  the  modern  Kerman.  Above 
 this  miserable  region  is  a  tract  very  far  sujierior  to 
 it,  consisting  of  rocky  mountains — the  continuation 
 of  Zagros,  among  which  are  found  a  good  many 
 fertile  valleys  and  ]>lains,  e.specially  towai-ds  the 
 north,  in  the  vicinity  of  Shiraz.  Here  is  an  im- 
 portant .si ream,  the  Bcndamtr,  which  flowing 
 ihiough  the  beautiful  valley  of  J^crdnsAf,  ami  by 
 the  ruins  of  I'ei-sepolis,  is  then  .s<'|>aratol  into  nu- 
 merous channels  for  the  purjiosc  of  irrigation,  au  I, 
 
PERSIANS 
 
 after  fertilizing  a  large  tract  of  country  (the  district 
 of  Kiirjan),  ends  it-s  coui'se  in  the  salt  lake  of  Bak- 
 tiijan.  Further  north  an  arid  country  again  suc- 
 ceeds, the  outsivirts  of  the  Great  Desert,  which 
 extends  from  l\erman  to  Mazenderan,  and  from 
 Kashan  to  Lake  Zerrah.  The  chief  towns  were 
 Pasargadae,  the  ancient,  and  Persepolis,  the  later 
 avpital.  While  the  district  of  Fais  is  the  true 
 original  Persia,  the  name  is  more  commonly  applied, 
 both  in  Scriptui-e  and  by  profluie  authors,  to  tlie 
 entire  tract  which  came  by  degrees  to  be  included 
 within  the  limits  of  the  Persian  Empire.  This 
 empire  extended  at  one  time  from  India  on  the  east 
 to  Egypt  and  Thrace  upon  the  west,  and  included, 
 besides  portions  of  Europe  and  Africa,  the  whole  of 
 Western  Asia  between  tiie  Black  Sea,  the  Caucasus, 
 the  Caspian,  and  the  Jaxartes  upon  the  north,  the 
 Arabian  desert,  the  Persian  Gulf,  and  the  Indian 
 Ocean  upon  the  south.  The  only  passage  in  Scrip- 
 ture wheie  Persia  designates  the  tract  which  has 
 been  called  above  "  Persia  Proper"  is  Ez.  xxrviii.  5. 
 Elsewhere  the  Empire  is  intended. 
 
 Persians.  The  name  of  the  people  who  inhab- 
 ited the  country  called  above  "  Persia  Proper," 
 and  who  thence  conquered  a  mighty  empire.  There 
 is  reason  to  believe  that  the  Persians  were  of  the 
 same  race  as  the  Medes,  both  being  branches  of 
 the  great  Aryan  stock.— 1.  Character  of  the  nation. 
 — The  Persians  were  a  people  of  lively  and  im- 
 pressible minds,  brave  and  impetuous  in  war,  witty, 
 p;issionate,  for  Orientals  truthful,  not  without  some 
 spirit  of  generosity,  and  of  more  intellectual  capacity 
 tlian  the  geneiality  of  Asiatics.  In  the  times  an- 
 terior to  Cyrus  they  were  noted  for  the  simplicity  of 
 their  habits,  which  oftered  a  strong  contrast  to  the 
 luxuriousness  of  the  Medes ;  but  from  the  date  of 
 the  Median  overthrow,  this  simplicity  began  to 
 decline.  Polygamy  was  commonly  practised  among 
 them,  rhey  were  fond  of  the  pleasures  of  the 
 table.  In  war  they  fought  bravely,  but  without 
 discipline.— 2.  Jieligion.— The  religion  which  the 
 Persians  brought  with  them  into  Peisia  Pioper 
 seems  to  have  been  of  a  very  simple  character, 
 differing  from  natural  religion  in  little,  except  that 
 it  was  deeply  tainted  with  Dualism.  Like  the 
 other  Aryans,  the  Persians  worshipped  one  Supreme 
 God,  whom  they  called  Aura-mazda  (Oromasdes) — 
 a  term  signifying  (as  is  believed)  "  the  Great  Giver 
 of  Life."  The  royal  inscriptions  rarely  mentioned 
 any  other  god.  Occasionally,  however,  they  in- 
 dicate a  slight  and  modified  polytheism.  Oromasdes 
 is  "  the  chief  of  the  gods,"  so  that  there  are  other 
 gods  besides  him ;  and  the  highest  of  these  is  evid- 
 ently Mithra,  who  is  sometimes  invoked  to  protect 
 the  monarch,  and  is  beyond  a  doubt  identiciil  with 
 "  the  sun."  Entirely  separate  from  these — their 
 active  resister  and  antagonist — was  Ahriinan  (Ari- 
 manius)  ''the  Death-dealing" — the  poweiful,  and 
 (probably)  self-existing  Evil  Spirit,  from  whom  war, 
 disease,  frost,  hail,  poverty,  sin,  death,  and  all 
 other  evils,  had  their  origin.  The  character  of  the 
 original  Pei-sian  worship  was  simple.  They  were 
 not  destitute  of  temples,  as  Herodotus  asserts;  but 
 tliey  had  probably  no  altars,  and  certainly  no  images. 
 Neither  do  they  appear  to  have  had  any  priests. 
 From  the  tirst  entrance  of  the  Persians,  as  immi- 
 gi-ants,  into  their  new  territory,  they  were  probably 
 brought  into  contact  with  a  form  of  religion  very 
 different  from  their  own.  Magianism,  the  religion 
 of  the  Scythic  or  Turanian  population  of  Weslein 
 Asia,  had  long  been  dominant  over  the  greater  por- 
 
 PERSIANS 
 
 713 
 
 tion  of  the  region  lying  between  Mesopotamia  ;uid 
 India.  The  essence  of  this  religion  was  woiship  of 
 the  elements — more  especially,  of  the  subtlest  of 
 all,  fire.  The  simplicity  of  the  Aryan  religion  was 
 speedily  corrupted  by  its  contact  with  this  powerful 
 lival.  There  was  a  short  struggle  for  pre-eminence, 
 after  which  the  rival  systems  came  to  terms.— 
 3.  Language. — The  language  of  the  ancient  Per- 
 sians was  closely  akin  to  the  Sanskrit,  or  ancient 
 language  of  India.  Jlodern  Persian  is  its  degeneiate 
 representative,  being,  as  it  is,  a  motley  idiom, 
 largely  impregnated  with  Arabic— 4.  Livision  into 
 tribes,  4x- — Herodotus  tells  us  that  the  Persians 
 were  divided  into  ten  tribes,  of  which  three  were 
 noble,  three  agricultural,  and  four  nomailic.^5. 
 Jlistory. — In  remote  antiquity  it  would  appear  that 
 the  Persians  dwelt  in  the  region  east  of  the  Caspian, 
 or  possibly  in  a  tract  still  nearer  India.  The  first 
 Faigard  of  the  Veudidad  seems  to  describe  their 
 wanderings  in  these  countries,  and  shows  the  ge- 
 neral line  of  their  progress  to  have  been  from  e;ist 
 to  west,  down  the  course  of  the  Oxus,  and  then, 
 along  the  southern  shores  of  the  Caspian  Sea,  to 
 Hhages,  and  Media.  It  is  impossible  to  determine 
 the  period  of  these  movements ;  but  there  can  be  no 
 doubt  that  they  were  anterior  to  B.C.  880,  at  which 
 time  the  Assyrian  kings  seem  for  the  first  time  to 
 have  come  in  contact  with  Aryan  tribes  east  ot 
 Jlount  Zagros.  It  is  uncertain  whether  they  are 
 to  be  identified  with  the  Bartsu  or  Partsu  of  the 
 Assyrian  monuments.  If  so,  we  may  say  that  from 
 the  middle  of  the  9th  to  the  middle  of  the  8th 
 century  B.C.  they  occupied  south-e;istern  Armenia, 
 but  by  the  end  of  the  8th  century  had  removed  into 
 the  country,  which  thenceforth  went  by  their  name. 
 The  leader  of  this  last  migration  would  seem  to 
 have  been  a  certain  Achaemenes,  who  was  recog- 
 nized as  king  of  the  newly-occupied  territory,  and 
 founded  the  famous  dynasty  of  the  Achaemenldae, 
 about  B.C.  700.  Very  little  is  known  of  the  his- 
 tory of  Persia  between  this  date  and  the  -evolt  and 
 accession  of  Cyrus  the  Great,  near  a  century  and  a 
 half  later.  Of  the  circumsiances  under  which  this 
 revolt  took  place  we  have  no  certain  knowledge. 
 We  must  be  content  to  know  that  after  about  seventy 
 or  eighty  years  of  subjection,  the  Persians  revolted 
 from  the  Jledes,  engaged  in  a  bloody  struggle  with 
 them,  and  finally  succeeded,  not  only  in  establishing 
 their  independence,  but  in  changing  places  with 
 their  masters,  and  becoming  the  ruling  people. 
 The  probable  date  of  the  revolt  is  B.C.  558.  Its 
 success,  by  transferring  to  Persia  the  dominion  pi-e- 
 viously  in  the  possession  of  the  Medes,  placed  her 
 at  the  head  of  an  empire,  the  boimds  of  which  were 
 the  HaJys  upon  the  west,  the  Euxine  upon  the 
 north.  Babylonia  upon  the  south,  and  upon  the  east 
 the  salt  desert  of  Iran.  As  usual  in  the  East,  this  • 
 success  led  on  to  others.  Cyrus  defeated  Croesus, 
 and  added  the  Lydian  empire  to  his  dominions. 
 This  conquest  was  followed  closely  by  the  submis- 
 sion of  the  Greek  settlements  on  the  Asiatic  coast, 
 and  by  the  reduction  of  Caria,  Caunus,  and  Lycia. 
 The  empire  was  soon  afterwards  extended  greatly 
 towards  the  north-east  and  east.  Cyrus  rapidly 
 overran  the  flat  countries  beyond  the  Caspian,  after 
 which  he  seems  to  have  pushed  his  conquests  still 
 fuither  to  the  east,  adding  to  his  dominions  the 
 districts  of  Herat,  Cabul,  Candahar,  Seistan,  and 
 Beloochistan,  which  were  thenceforth  included  in 
 the  empire.  In  B.C.  539  or  538,  Babylon  was 
 attacked,  and  after  a  stout  defence  fell  before  his 
 
714 
 
 PERSIANS 
 
 irresistible  liands.  'I'liis  victory  fii"st  broiiglit  tlie 
 Pei-sians  into  contact  with  the  Jews.  The  con- 
 querors found  in  liabylon  an  oj)presseJ  race — like 
 themselves,  abhorrers  of  idols — and  ]>iofessoi-s  of  a 
 religion  in  which  to  a  great  extent  they  could  sym- 
 pathize. This  race  Cyrus  deteniiiiiod  to  restore  to 
 t-heir  own  country  ;  which  he  did  by  the  remark- 
 able edict  recorded  in  the  first  chapter  of  Ezra  (Ezr. 
 i.  2-4).  He  was  slain  in  an  expedition  against  the 
 Mxssagetae  or  the  Derbices,  after  a  reign  of  twenty- 
 nine  yeais.  Under  his  son  and  successor,  Cam- 
 byses  JII.,  the  conquest  of  Egypt  took  place  (B.C. 
 S"-'.")).  This  prince  appears  to  be  the  Ahasuerus  of 
 Ezra  (iv.  G).  In  the  absence  of  Cambyses  with  the 
 aimy,  a  conspiracy  Wiis  formed  against  him  at 
 court,  and  a  Magian  priest,  Gomates  [Gaumata) 
 by  name,  professing  to  be  Smerdis  {Bardiya),  the 
 son  of  Cyrus,  whom  his  brother,  Cambyses,  had 
 put  to  death  secretly,  obtained  quiet  possession  of 
 tlie  throne.  Cambyses  despairing  of  the  recovery 
 of  his  Clown,  ended  his  life  by  suicide.  His  reign 
 had  lasted  seven  years  and  five  months.  Goraates 
 the  Magian  foiuid  himself  thus,  without  a  struggle, 
 master  of  Persia  (u.C.  522).  His  situation,  how- 
 ever, was  one  of  greiit  danger  and  difficulty.  There 
 is  leason  to  believe  that  he  owed  his  elevation  to 
 his  fellow-religionists,  whose  object  in  placing  him 
 upon  the  throne  was  to  secu)-e  the  triumph  of  Jla- 
 gianism  over  the  Dualism  of  the  Persians.  He  re- 
 versed the  ])olicy  of  Cyrus  with  respect  to  the  Jews, 
 and  forbad  by  an  edict  the  further  building  of  the 
 Temple  (Ezr.  iv.  17-22).  Darius,  the  son  of  Hys- 
 t;\spes,  headed  a  revolt  against  him,  which  in  a 
 short  time  was  crowned  with  complete  success. 
 The  reign  of  Oomates  lasted  seven  months.  The 
 first  elibrts  of  Darius  weie  directed  to  the  re-est;i- 
 blishnient  of  the  Oromasdian  religion  in  all  its 
 purity.  Appealed  to,  in  his  second  year,  by  the 
 .lews,  who  wished  to  resume  the  construction  of 
 their  Tem])le,  he  not  only  allowed  them,  confimiing 
 the  decree  of  Cyrus,  but  assisted  the  work  by 
 grants  from  liis  own  revenues,  wheieby  the  Jews 
 were  able  to  complete  the  Temple  as  early  as  his 
 sixth  year  (Ezr.  vi.  1-15).  During  the  first  part 
 of  the  reign  of  Darius  the  tranquillity  of  the  empire 
 was  disturbed  by  numerous  revolts.  His  courage 
 and  activity,  however,  seconded  by  the  valour  of 
 his  Persian  troojis  and  the  fidelity  of  some  satraps, 
 carried  him  successfully  through  these  and  other 
 similar  difficulties;  and  the  result  was,  that,  after 
 five  or  six  years  of  struggle,  he  beaune  as  firmly 
 seated  on  his  throne  as  any  previous  monarch.  His 
 talents  as  an  administrator  weie,  upon  this,  brought 
 into  play.  On  the  whole  lie  must  be  j)rouounced, 
 next  to  Cyrus,  the  greatest  of  the  Persian  monarchs. 
 The  latter  part  of  liis  reign  was,  however,  clouded 
 *  by  reverses.  The  disiuster  of  Mardonius  at  Mount 
 Athos  was  followed  shortly  by  the  dif'eat  of  Datis 
 at  Marallion ;  and  before  any  attempt  could  be 
 made  to  avenge  that  blow,  Egypt  rose  in  revolt 
 (h.C.  48tJ;,  massacred  its  Peisian  garrison,  and 
 dp{;lared  itself  independent.  In  tlie  palace  at  tlie 
 same  time  there  was  dissension ;  and  when,  after  a 
 reign  of  thirty-six  yeai^s,  the  fourth  Peisian  monarch 
 dietl  it.c.  485;,  leaving  his  thione  to  a  young  prince 
 of  strong  and  ungoverned  p:issions,  it  was  evident 
 Itiat  the  empire  had  reached  its  highest  point  of 
 jrreatncss,  and  was  already  verging  towards  its  de- 
 cline. The  firet  act  of  -Xerxes  was  to  reduce  Kgyjit 
 to  subj.'ctioii  (I1.C.  484),  after  which  he  began  at 
 once  Ut  make  preparations  for  his  invasion  of  luccce. 
 
 PETER 
 
 It  IS  probable  that  he  was  the  Ahasuerus  of  Estiwr. 
 It  is  unnecessju'V  to  give  an  account  of  the  well- 
 known  expedition  against  Greece,  which  ended  so 
 disastrously  tor  the  invaders.  Duriag  the  rest  of 
 the  reign  of  Xerxes,  and  during  part  of  that  of  his 
 son  and  successor,  Artaxerx&s,  Persia  continued  at 
 war  with  the  Greeks,  who  destroyed  her  fleets, 
 plundered  her  coasts,  and  stirred  up  revolt  in  her 
 provinces ;  but  at  last,  in  U.c.  449,  a  peace  was 
 concluded  between  the  two  powers,  who  then  con- 
 tinued on  terms  of  amity  tor  half  a  century.  .\ 
 conspiracy  in  the  seraglio  having  cairied  olf  fences 
 fii.C.  405),  Artaxerxes  his  son,  called  by  the  Greeks 
 MaKpSx^ip,  or  "  Long-Handed,"  succeeded  him, 
 after  an  interval  of  seven  months,  during  which 
 the  conspirator  Artabanus  occupied  the  throne. 
 This  Artaxerxes,  who  reigned  forty  years,  is  beyond 
 a  doubt  the  king  of  that  name  who  stood  in  such  a 
 fiiendly  relation  towards  Ezra  (Ezr.  vii.  11-28) 
 and  Nehemiah  (Neh.  ii.  1-9,  &c.).  He  is  the  last 
 of  the  Persian  kings  who  had  any  special  connexion 
 with  the  Jews,  and  the  last  but  one  mentioned  in 
 Scripture.  His  successors  were  Xerxes  II.,  Sog- 
 dianus,  Darius  Nothus,  ArUtxerxes  Mnemon,  Ar- 
 taxei'xes  Ochus,  and  Darius  Codomannus,  who  is 
 probably  the  "Darius  the  Persian"  of  Nehemiah 
 (xii.  22).  'I'hese  mouaichs  leigned  fiom  u.c.  424 
 to  li.C.  330.  The  collapse  of  the  empire  under  the 
 attick  of  Alexander  is  well  known,  and  iwiuires  no 
 description  here.  On  the  division  of  Alexander's 
 dominions  among  his  generals  Pei-sia  fell  to  the 
 Seleucidae,  under  whom  it  continued  till  atter  the 
 death  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes.  when  the  conquering 
 Parthians  advanced  their  frontier  to  the  Euphrates, 
 and  the  Peisians  became  included  among  their 
 subject-tribes  (is.C.  164).  .Still  their  nationality 
 Wiis  not  obliterated.  In  a.d.  22(3,  the  Pei-sians 
 shook  off  the  yoke  of  their  oppressors,  and  once 
 more  became  a  nation. 
 
 Persia.  A  Christian  woman  at  Kome(Kom.  xvi. 
 12)  whom  .St.  Paul  salutes. 
 
 Per'uda.     The  same  as  Pkrida  (Ezr.  ii.  55). 
 
 Pestilence.     [Plague.] 
 
 Peter.  His  original  name  was  Simon,  i.  e. 
 "  hearer."  He  was  the  son  of  a  man  named  Jonas 
 (Matt.  xvi.  17;  John  i.  43,  xxi.  IG],  and  was 
 brought  up  in  his  father's  occui«tion,  a  fishei man 
 on  the  sea  of  Tiberias.  He  and  his  brother  Andrew 
 were  partners  of  John  and  James,  the  sons  of 
 Zebedee,  who  had  hii'ed  servants  ;  mid  from  various 
 indications  in  the  sacred  narrative  we  are  led  to  the 
 conclusion  that  their  social  position  brought  them 
 into  contact  with  men  of  education.  The  .Apustle 
 did  not  live,  as  a  mere  labouring  man,  in  a  hut  by 
 the  sea-side,  but  first  at  Bethsaida,  and  afterwards 
 in  a  house  at  Capernaum,  belonging  to  himself  or 
 his  mother-in-law,  whi('h  must  have  been  rather  a 
 large  one,  since  he  received  in  it  not  only  our  Loi-J 
 and  his  fellow-disciples,  but  multitudes  who  weio 
 attracted  by  the  mir.acles  and  pre.iching  of  .lesus. 
 It  is  not  proliable  that  he  and  his  brother  were 
 wholly  uneducjited.  The  statement  in  .Vets  iv.  13, 
 that  "the  council  perceiveil  they  (i.e.  Peter  and 
 John)  were  unlearned  and  ignor.ant  men,"  is  not 
 incompatible  with  this  assumption.  The  translation 
 of  the  ])ass;ige  in  the  .V.  \'.  is  rather  exaggerated, 
 the  word  rendered  "unlearned"  being  nearly  equi- 
 valent to  "  laymen," 'i.  tr.  men  of  ordinary  ediic;i- 
 lion,  as  contrastetl  with  those  who  were  .six>cially 
 trained  in  f lie  schools  of  the  Ribbis.  The  language 
 of  the  A])ostlcs  wjis  of  course  the  form  of  Arjm.uc 
 
PETER 
 
 siiiiken  iu  northern  Palestiue,  a  sortofjocrfojs,  partly 
 Hebrew,  but  more  neai'ly  allied  to  the  Syriac.  It  is 
 iloubtful  whether  our  Apostle  was  acquainted  with 
 Greek  in  early  life.  Within  a  few  years  after  \\\s 
 call  1)6  seems  to  have  conversed  fluently  in  Greek 
 with  Cornelius.  The  style  of  both  of  Peter's 
 Kpistles  indicates  a  considerabfe  knowledge  of  Greek 
 • — it  is  pure  and  accurate,  and  in  grammatical 
 structure  equal  to  that  of  Paul.  That  may, 
 however,  be  accounted  for  by  the  fact,  for  which 
 there  is  very  ancient  authority,  that  Peter  em- 
 ployed an  interpreter  in  the  composition  of  his 
 Kpistles,  if  not-  in  his  ordinary  intercourse  with 
 fbieigLiers.  It  is  on  the  whole  probable  that  he 
 had  some  rudimental  knowledge  of  Greek  in  early 
 life,  which  may  have  been  afterwards  extended 
 when  the  need  was  felt.  That  he  was  an  afiection- 
 ate  husband,  married  in  early  life  to  a  wife  who 
 accompanied  him  in  his  Apostolic  journeys,  are 
 facts  inferred  from  .Scripture,  while  very  ancient 
 traditions,  recorded  by  Clement  of  Alexandria  and 
 by  other  early  but  less  trustworthy  writers,  inform 
 us  that  her  name  was  Perpetua,  that  she  bore  a 
 daughter,  or  peihaps  other  children,  and  suffered 
 martyidom.  it  is  uncertain  at  what  age  he  was 
 ciiUed  by  our  Lord.  The  general  impression  o)'  tJie 
 Fathers  is  that  he  was  an  old  man  at  the  date  vi 
 his  death,  A.D.  64,  but  this  need  not  imply  that  he 
 was  much  older  than  our  Lord.  He  was  probably 
 between  thirty  and  forty  yeai  s  of  age  at  the  date  oi 
 his  call.  That  call  was  preceded  by  a  special  pre- 
 paration. He  and  his  brother  Andiew,  together 
 with  their  partners  James  and  John,  the  sous  of 
 Zebedee,  were  disciples  of  John  the  Baptist  (John 
 i.  35).  They  were  in  attendance  upon  him  when 
 they  were  fiist  called  to  the  service  of  Christ.  From 
 the  circumstances  of  that  call,  which  ai-e  recorded 
 with  graphic  minuteness  by  John,  we  learn  some 
 important  facts  touching  their  state  of  mind  and 
 tlie  personal  character  of  our  Apostle.  This  first 
 call  led  to  no  immediate  change  in  Peter's  external 
 position.  He  and  his  fellow-disciples  looked  hence- 
 forth upon  our  Lord  as  their  teacher,  but  were 
 not  commanded  to  follow  him  as  regular  disciples. 
 They  returned  to  Capernaum,  where  they  pursued 
 their  usual  business,  waiting  for  a  further  intima- 
 tion of  His  will.  The  second  call  is  recorded  bv 
 the  other  three  Evangelists ;  the  nan  ative  of  Luke 
 being  appaiently  supplementary  to  the  brief,  and, 
 so  to  speak,  othcial  accounts  given  by  Matthew 
 and  Mark.  It  took  place  on  the  sea  of  Galilee  near 
 Capernaum — where  the  tour  disciples,  Peter  and 
 Andrew,  .lames  and  John,  were  fishing.  Peter  and 
 Andiew  were  first  called.  Our  Lord  then  entered 
 Simon  Peter's  boat  and  addressed  the  multitude  on 
 the  shore.  Immediately  after  that  call  our  Lord 
 went  to  the  house  of  Peter,  where  He  wrought  the 
 miracle  of  healing  on  Peter's  wife's  mother,  which 
 produced  a  deep  impression  upon  the  people.  Some 
 time  was  passed  atterwards  in  attendance  upon  our 
 Lord's  public  ministrations  in  Galilee,  Decapolis. 
 Peraea,  and  Judaea.  The  special  designation  of 
 Peter  and  his  eleven  fellow-disciples  took  place 
 some  time  aflei'wards,  when  they  were  set  apart 
 as  our  Lord's  immediate  attendants  (see  Matt.  x. 
 2-4;  Jlark  iii.  13-19,  the  most  detailed  account — 
 Luke  vi.  13).  They  appear  then  first  to  have  re- 
 ceived formally  the  name  of  Apostles,  and  from  that 
 time  Simon  boie  publicly,  and  as  it  would  seem  all 
 but  exclusively,  the  name  Peter,  which  had  hitherto 
 been  used  lather  as  a  characteristic  appellation  than 
 
 PETER 
 
 715 
 
 as  a  proper  name.  From  this  time  there  can  be  no 
 doubt  that  Peter  held  the  first  place  among  the 
 Apostles,  to  whatever  cause  his  precedence  is  to  be 
 attiibuted.  The  precedence  did  not  depend  upon 
 priority  of  call,  or  it  would  have  devolved  upon  his 
 brother  Andrew,  or  that  other  disciple  who  first 
 followed  Jesus.  It  seems  scarcely  probable  that  it 
 depended  upon  seniority.  The  special  designation 
 by  Christ  alone  accounts  in  a  satisfactory  way  for 
 the  facts,  that  he  is  named  first  in  every  list  of  the 
 Apostles,  is  generally  addressed  by  our  Lord  as  their 
 representative,  and  on  the  most  solemn  occasions 
 speaks  in  their  name.  Primus  inter  pares  Peter 
 held  no  distinct  office,  and  certainly  never  claimed 
 any  powers  which  did  not  equally  belong  to  all  his 
 fellow  Apostles.  This  great  triumph  of  Peter, 
 however,  brought  other  points  of  his  character  into 
 sti'ong  relief.  The  distinction  which  he  then  re- 
 ceived, and  it  may  be  his  consciousness  of  ability, 
 eneigy,  zeal,  and  absolute  devotion  to  Christ's  per- 
 son, seem  to  have  developed  a  natural  tendency  to 
 rashness  and  forwardness  bordering  upon  presump- 
 tion. On  this  occasion  the  exhibition  of  such  feel- 
 ings bi'ought  upon  him  the  strongest  reproof  ever 
 addressed  to  a  disciple  by  our  Lord.  It  is  remark- 
 able that  on  other  occasions  when  Peter  signal- 
 ized his  faith  and  devotion,  he  displayed  at  the 
 time,  or  immediately  afterwards,  a  more  than  usual 
 deficiency  in  spiritual  discernment  and  consistency. 
 Towards  the  close  of  our  Lord's  ministry  Peter's 
 characteristics  become  especially  prominent.  To- 
 gether with  his  brother,  and  the  two  sons  of  Zebedee, 
 lie  listened  to  the  last  awful  predictions  and  warn- 
 ings delivered  to  the  disciples,  in  refeience  to  the 
 second  advent  (Matt.  xxiv.  3  ;  Mark  xiii.  3,  who 
 alone  mentions  these  names  ;  Luke  xxi.  7).  At  the 
 last  supper  Peter  seems  to  have  been  particularly 
 earnest  in  the  request  that  the  ti-aitor  might  be 
 pointed  out.  After  the  supper  his  words  drew  out 
 the  meaning  of  the  significant,  almost  sacramental 
 act  of  our  Lord  in  washing  His  disciples'  feet.  Then 
 too  it  was  that  he  made  those  repeated  protestations 
 of  unalterable  fidelity,  so  soon  to  be  falsified  by  his 
 miserable  fall.  On  the  morning  of  the  resurrection 
 we  have  proof  that  Peter,  though  humbled,  was 
 not  crushed  by  his  fall.  He  and  John  were  the 
 fiist  to  visit  the  sepulchre;  he  was  the  Hrst  who 
 entered  it.  We  are  told  by  Luke  and  by  Paul 
 that  Christ  appeared  to  him  first  among  the  Apostles. 
 It  is  observable,  however,  that  on  that  occasion  he 
 is  called  by  his  original  name,  Simon,  not  Peter: 
 the  higher  designation  was  not  restored  until  he 
 hnd  been  publicly  reinstituted,  so  to  speak,  by  his 
 Master.  That  reinstitution  took  place  at  the  sea 
 of  Galilee  (John  xxi.),  an  event  of  the  veiy  highest 
 impoit.  Slower  than  John  to  lecognize  their 
 Lord,  Peter  was  the  first  to  reach  Him  :  he  brought 
 the  net  to  land.  The  thrice  repeated  question  of 
 Christ  referring  doubtless  to  the  three  protestations 
 and  denials,  was  thrice  met  by  answers  full  of  love 
 and  faith.  He  then  received  the  formal  commi-ssion 
 to  feed  Christ's  sheep,  rather  as  one  who  had  for- 
 feited his  place,  and  could  not  resume  it  without 
 such  an  authorization.  Then  followed  the  pre 
 diction  of  his  martyrdom,  in  which  he  was  to  find 
 tiie  fulfilment  of  his  request  to  be  permitted  to 
 follow  the  Lord.  With  this  event  closes  the  first 
 part  of  Peter's  history.  Henceforth,  he  with 
 his  colleagues  were  to  establish  and  govern  the 
 Church  founded  by  their  Lord,  without  the  support 
 of  His  presence.     The  first  part  of  the  Acts  of  the 
 
716 
 
 PETER 
 
 Ajwstles  is  occiipiud  l)y  tlie  lecord  of  transactions, 
 VI  nearly  all  of  whic-li  Peter  stands  forth  as  the 
 recognized  leader  of  the  A]iostles ;  it  lieing,  how- 
 ever, equally  clear  that  he  neither  exercises  nor 
 claims  any  authoiity  apart  from  them,  much  less 
 over  them.  Peter  is  the  most  prominent  person  in 
 the  greatest  event  after  the  resuirection,  when  on 
 the  day  of  Pentecost  the  Chinch  was  fii-st  invested 
 with  the  plenitude  of  gifts  and  poweis.  The  first 
 miracle  atter  Pentecost  was  wiought  by  him  (Acts 
 iii.).  This  first  miracle  of  healing  was  soon 
 followed  by  the  first  miracle  of  judgment.  Peter 
 was  the  minister  in  that  transaction.  He  is  not 
 sjn-cially  named  in  conne.xion  with  the  appointment 
 of  deacons,  an  impoitant  stej)  in  the  organization  of 
 the  Church  ;  but  when  the  Gospel  was  Hrst  preaclied 
 beyond  the  precincts  of  Judea,  he  and  John  were 
 at  once  sent  by  the  Apostles  to  confiim  the  converts 
 at  Simiaria.  Henceforth  he  remains  ])rominent,  but 
 not  e.xclusively  prominent,  among  the  propagators 
 of  the  Gospel.  At  Samaria  he  was  confronted  with 
 Simon  Magus,  the  first  teacher  of  heresy.  About 
 three  years  later  (compare  Acts  ix.  26,  and  Gal.  i. 
 17,  18)  we  have  two  accounts  of  the  first  meet- 
 ing of  Peter  and  Paul.  'I'his  interview  was  fol- 
 lowed by  other  events  marking  Peter's  position — a 
 general  apostolical  tour  of  visifcition  to  the  Churches 
 hitherto  established  (Acts  ix.  32),  in  the  course  of 
 which  two  great  miracles  were  wiought  on  Aeneas 
 and  Tabitha,  and  in  connexion  with  which  the  most 
 signal  transaction  after  the  day  of  Pentecost  is  re- 
 corded, the  baptism  of  Cornelius.  That  was  the 
 ci own  and  consummation  of  Peter's  ministry.  The 
 establishment  of  a  Church  in  great  part  of  Gentile 
 origin  at  Antioch,  and  the  mission  of  Barnabas,  be- 
 tween whose  family  and  Peter  tliere  were  the  bonds 
 of  near  intimacy,  set  the  seal  upon  the  work  thus 
 inaugurated  by  Peter.  This  transaction  was  soon 
 followed  by  the  impiisoumeut  of  our  Apostle.  His 
 miiaculous  deliverance  maiks  the  close  of  this  second 
 great  period  of  his  ministry.  The  special  work  as- 
 signed to  him  was  completed.  From  that  time  we 
 have  no  continuous  history  of  him.  It  is  quite  clear 
 that  he  retained  his  lank  as  the  chief  Apostle, 
 equally  so,  that  he  neither  exercised  nor  claimed  any 
 light  to  control  their  proceedings.  He  left  Jeru- 
 silem,  but  it  is  not  said  where  he  went.  Certainly 
 not  to  l!ome,  where  there  are  no  traces  of  his  jne- 
 sence  beibre  the  last  years  of  his  life  ;  he  probably 
 lemained  in  Judea;  six  years  later  we  find  him 
 once  moie  at  Jerusiilem,  when  the  Apostles  and 
 eldeis  lame  together  to  cousidt-r  the  question  whether 
 converts  should  be  circumcised.  Peter  took  the 
 lead  in  that  discussion,  and  urged  with  remarkable 
 cogency  the  principUs  settled  in  the  case  of  Corne- 
 lius. His  arguments,  adopted  and  entbreed  by 
 James,  decided  that  question  at  once  and  for  ever. 
 It  is  a  disputt<d  point  wliether  the  meeting  between 
 Paul  and  Peter,  of  which  we  have  an  account  in 
 the  Galatians  (ii.  1-1  (J)  took  ])lace  at  this  time. 
 The  great  majority  of  critics  believe  that  it  did, 
 and  this  hypothesis,  though  not  without  dilfinulties, 
 seems  more  probalile  thai;  any  other  which  has  been 
 suggi'>te(l.  The  only  point  of  real  importance  was 
 certiiinly  deteiminiMJ  IJetbre  the  AiMJstk-s  si'paiated, 
 the  work  of  cfinvertiiig  the  (ieiitiles  being  lieiicc- 
 foith  specially  entrusted  to  Paul  and  liainabas, 
 while  the  cliargi-  of  ]ireacliiiig  to  the  circumcision 
 wa«  asMgiied  to  the  elder  AiKistles,  and  more 
 l^irticiiJaily  to  P.tcr  (Gal.  ii.  7-9).  This  arrangc- 
 Dient  ciiinot,  however,  have  been  au  eiclusive  one. 
 
 PETER 
 
 Paul  always  addressed  himself  first  to  the  Jews  id 
 every  city  :  Peter  and  his  old  colleagues  nndoubt- 
 edly  admitted  and  sought  to  make  converts  among 
 the  Gentiles.  It  may  have  been  in  full  force  only 
 when  the  old  and  new  .Apostles  resided  in  the  sjime 
 city.  Such  at  least  was  the  case  at  Antioch,  where 
 Peter  went  soon  afterwards.  There  the  piinfiil 
 collision  took  i)lace  between  the  two  Ajiostles;  the 
 most  remarkable,  and,  in  its  bearings  upon  omtro- 
 versies  at  critical  periods,  one  of  the  most  importjint 
 events  in  the  history  of  the  Church.  From  this 
 time  until  the  date  of  his  Epistles,  we  have  no  dis- 
 tinct notices  in  Scripture  of  Peter's  abode  or  work. 
 Peter  was  probably  enij)loycd  for  the  most  part  in 
 building  up,  and  com))leting  the  organization  uf 
 Christiiui  communities  in  Palestine  and  the  adjoining 
 districts.  There  is,  however,  strong  reason  to  believe 
 that  he  visited  Corinth  at  an  early  periwl.  The  name 
 of  Peter  as  founder,  or  joint  (bunder,  is  not  associated 
 with  any  local  Church  save  those  of  Corinth,  Antioch, 
 or  Rome,  by  early  ecclesiastical  tradition.  That  of 
 Alexandria  may  have  been  established  by  Mark 
 after  Peter's  death.  That  Peter  preached  the  Gos])<-l 
 in  the  countries  of  Asia,  mentioned  in  his  first  Epistle, 
 ajijiears  from  Oiigen's  own  words  to  be  a  mere 
 conjecture.  From  that  Epistle,  however,  it  is  to 
 be  inferred  that  towards  the  end  of  his  life,  Peter 
 either  visited,  or  resided  for  some  time  at  Babvlon, 
 which  at  that  time,  and  for  some  hundreds  of  years 
 afterwards,  was  a  chief  seat  of  Jewish  cultuie. 
 More  important  in  its  bearings  upon  later  contro- 
 versies is  the  question  of  Peter's  connexion  with 
 Home.  It  may  be  considered  as  a  settled  point  that 
 he  did  not  visit  Rome  before  the  last  year  of  his 
 life.  The  evidence  for  his  martyrdom  there  is  com- 
 plete, while  there  is  a  total  absence  of  any  contrary 
 statement  in  the  writings  of  the  early  Fathers.  Cle- 
 ment of  Rome,  writing  before  the  end  of  the  first 
 century,  .speaks  of  it,  but  does  not  mention  the  place, 
 that  being  of  course  well-known  to  his  reaileis. 
 Ignatius,  in  the  undoubtedly  genuine  Ejiistle  to  the 
 Romans  (ch.  iv,),  speaks  of  Peter  in  terms  which 
 imply  a  .special  connexion  with  their  Church.  In 
 the  second  century,  Dioiiysius  of  Corinth,  in  the 
 Epistle  to  Soter,  bishop  of  Rome  (ap.  Euseb.  //.  ii. 
 ii.  25),  states,  as  a  fact  universally  known  and  ac- 
 counting for  the  intimate  relations  between  Corinth 
 and  Rome,  that  Peter  and  Paul  both  taught  in  ItJily, 
 and  suffered  maityrdom  about  the  same  time.  In 
 short,  the  Churches  most  neaily  connected  with 
 iiome,  and  those  least  atlected  by  its  infiuence, 
 which  was  as  yet  but  inconsiderable  in  the  East, 
 concur  in  the  statement  that  Peter  was  a  joint 
 founder  of  that  Church,  and  sulleicHl  death  in  that 
 city.  The  time  and  manner  of  the  Apostle's  mar- 
 tyrdom are  less  ceitiin.  The  early  writers  imjily, 
 or  distinctly  state,  that  he  suflered  at,  or  about  the 
 same  time  with  Piuil,  and  in  the  Neronian  per- 
 secution. All  agree  that  he  was  crucified.  Oiigen 
 says  that  at  his  own  request  he  was  crucified  with 
 his  he.a<l  downwards.  Thus  closes  the  Ajiostle's 
 lit'e.  Some  additional  facts,  not  j>erhaps  unim|ior:- 
 ant,  may  l)e  accepted  on  early  testimony.  Hjs  wile 
 accompanied  him  in  his  wanderings.  She  is  be- 
 lieved to  have  suOered  maityidom,  and  to  have 
 been  supporte<l  in  the  hour  of  trial  by  her  hius- 
 band's  exhortation.  The  Ajwstlc  is  sjiid  to  have 
 enqiloyed  iiiteri>reters.  Of  fai'  more  inipurtance  is 
 the  statement  that  Mark  wrote  his  gos|R'l  uiidiT 
 the  te.'ichiiig  of  iVter,  or  that  he  enilKxIicI  in  that 
 gos|)el  the  substance  of  our  Ajio^tle's  oral  instiuc- 
 
PETER 
 
 tions.  The  fact  is  doubly  important  in  its  bearings 
 upon  tlie  Gospel,  and  upon  the  character  of  our 
 Apostle.  The  only  written  documents  which 
 Peter  has  left,  are  the  First  Epistle,  about  which 
 no  doubt  has  ever  been  entertained  in  the  (.'hurch  ; 
 and  the  Second,  which  has  both  in  early  times,  and 
 in  our  own,  been  a  suliject  of  earnest  controvei-sy. 
 —  First  Epistle. — The  external  evidence  of  au- 
 thenticity is  of  the  strongest  kind.  Referred  to  in 
 the  Second  Epistle  (iii.  Ij  ;  known  to  Poiycarp  and 
 frequently  alluded  to  in  his  Epistle  to  the  Philip- 
 pia-ns ;  recognized  by  Papi:is  (ap.  Euseb.  H.  E.  iii. 
 39);  repeatedly  quoted  by  Irenaeus,  Clement  of 
 Alexandria,  Tertullian,  and  Origen  ;  it  was  accepted 
 without  hesitation  by  the  universal  Church.  The 
 inteinal  evidence  is  equally  strong.  It  was  ad- 
 dressed to  the  Churches  of  Asia  Minor,  which  had 
 for  the  most  part  been  founded  by  Paul  and  his 
 companions.  Supposing  it  to  have  been  written  at 
 Babylon,  it  is  a  probable  conjecture  that  Silvanus, 
 by  whom  it  was  transmitted  to  those  Churches,  had 
 ioined  Peter  after  a  tour  of  visitation,  either  in 
 pursuance  of  instructions  from  Paul,  then  a  pri- 
 soner at  Rome,  or  iu  the  capacity  of  a  minister  of 
 high  authority  in  the  Church,  and  that  his  account 
 of  the  condition  of  the  Christians  in  those  districts 
 determined  the  Apostle  to  wi  ite  the  Epistle.  The 
 assumption  that  Silvanus  was  employed  in  the 
 composition  of  the  Epistle  is  not  borne  out  by  the 
 expression,  "  by  Silvanus,  I  have  written  unto  you," 
 such  woi-ds  according  to  ancient  usage  applying 
 rather  to  the  bearer  than  to  the  writer  or  amanu- 
 ensis. Still  it  is  highly  probable  that  Silvanus 
 would  be  consulted  by  Peter  throughout,  and 
 that  they  would  together  read  the  Epistles  of 
 Paul,  especially  those  addressed  to  the  Churches  in 
 those  districts.  We  have  thus  a  not  unsatisfactory 
 solution  of  the  difficulty  arising  from  correspond- 
 ences both  of  style  and  modes  of  thought  in  the 
 writings  of  two  Apostles  who  differed  so  widely  in 
 gifts  and  acquiiements.  The  objects  of  the  Epistle, 
 as  deduced  from  its  contents,  coincide  with  these 
 assumptions.  They  were:  —  1.  To  comfort  and 
 strengthen  the  Christians  in  a  season  of  severe  trial. 
 2.  To  enforce  the  practical  and  spiritual  duties  in- 
 volved in  their  calling.  3.  To  warn  them  against 
 special  temptations  attached  to  their  position.  4. 
 To  remove  all  doubt  as  to  the  soundness  and  com- 
 jileteness  of  the  religious  system  which  they  had 
 alieady  received.  Such  an  attestation  was  especi- 
 ally needed  by  the  Hebrew  Christians,  who  were 
 wont  to  appeal  from  Paul's  authority  to  that  of 
 th?  elder  Apostles,  and  above  all  to  that  of  Peter. 
 The  last,  which  is  perhaps  the  veiy  principal  object, 
 is  kept  in  view  throughout  the  Epistle,  and  is  dis- 
 tinctly stated,  ch.  v.  ver.  12.  The  haimony  of 
 such  teaching  with  that  of  Paul  is  sufficiently 
 obvious,  nor  is  the  general  arrangement  or  mode  of 
 discussing  the  topics  unlike  that  of  the  Apostle  of  the 
 Gentiles  ;  still  ilie  indications  of  originality  nnd  in- 
 dependence of  thought  are  at  least  equally  con- 
 spicuous, and  the  Epistle  is  full  of  what  the  Gospel 
 narrative  and  the  discourses  in  the  Acts  prove 
 to  have  been  characteristic  peculiarities  of  Peter. 
 He  dwells  more  frequently  than  Paul  upon  the 
 future  manifestation  of  Christ,  upon  which  he  bases 
 neai'ly  all  his  exhoi  tations  to  patience,  self-conti'ol, 
 and  the  dischaige  of  all  Christian  duties.  The 
 Apostle's  mind  is  full  of  one  thought,  the  realization 
 of  Messianic  hopes.  In  this  he  is  the  true  repre- 
 sentative of  Israel,  moved  by  those  feelings  which 
 
 PETER 
 
 717 
 
 were  best  calculated  to  enable  him  to  do  his  work 
 as  the  Apostle  of  the  circumcision.  But  while 
 Peter  thus  shows  himself  a  genuine  Israelite,  his 
 teaching  is  dii-ectly  opposed  to  Judaizing  tendencies. 
 He  belongs  to  the  school,  or,  to  speak  more  correctly, 
 is  the  leader  of  the  school,  which  at  once  vindicates 
 the  unity  of  the  Law  and  Gospel,  and  puts  the  su- 
 periority of  the  latter  on  its  true  b;isis,  that  of 
 spiritual  development.  The  Apostle  of  the  circum- 
 cision says  not  a  word  in  ttiis  Epistle  of  the  per- 
 petual obligation,  the  dignity  or  even  the  bearings 
 of  the  Mosaic  Law.  He  is  full  of  the  Old  Testa- 
 ment;  his  style  and  thoughts  are  charged  with  its 
 imagery,  but  he  contemplates  and  applies  its  teach- 
 ing iu  the  light  of  the  Gospel ;  he  regards  the  privi- 
 leges and  glory  of  the  ancient  people  of  God  entirely 
 in  their  spiritual  development  in  the  Church  of 
 Christ.— Second  Epistle. — The  Second  Epistle 
 of  Peter  piesents  questions  of  far  greater  diffi- 
 culty than  the  former.  We  have  few  references, 
 and  none  of  a  very  positive  character,  in  the  writ- 
 ings of  the  early  Fathers  ;  the  style  difl'Srs  materi- 
 ally fioTO  that  of  the  First  Epistle,  and  the  resem- 
 blance amounting  to  a  studied  imitation,  between 
 this  Epistle  and  that  of  Jude,  seems  scarcely  re- 
 concilable with  the  position  of  Peter.  Doubts  as 
 to  its  genuineness  were  entertained  by  the  greatest 
 critics  of  the  early  Church  ;  in  the  time  of  Eusebius 
 it  was  reckoned  among  the  disputed  books,  and  was 
 not  formally  admitted  into  the  Canon  until  the 
 year  393,  at  the  Council  of  Hippo.  The  contents 
 of  the  Epistle  seem  quite  in  accordance  with  its 
 asserted  origin.— We  may  now  state  briefly  the  an- 
 swers to  the  objections  above  stated: — 1.  With  re- 
 gard to  its  recognition  by  the  early  Church,  we 
 observe  that  it  was  not  likely  to  be  quoted  frer 
 quently ;  it  was  addressed  to  a  portion  of  the 
 Church  not  at  that  time  much  in  intercourse  with 
 the  rest  of  Christendom :  the  documents  of  the 
 primitive  Church  are  far  too  scanty  to  give  weight 
 to  the  argument  from  omission.  Although  it  can- 
 not be  proved  to  have  been  referred  to  by  any 
 author  earliei'  than  Origen,  yet  passages  from 
 Clement  of  Rome,  Hermas,  Justin  Martyr,  Theo- 
 philus  of  Antioch  and  Irenaeus,  suggest  an  acquaint- 
 ance with  this  Epistle.  It  is  also  distinctly  stated 
 by  Eusebius  and  by  Photius  that  Clement  of  Alex- 
 andria wrote  a  commentary  on  all  the  disputed 
 Epistles,  in  which  this  was  certainly  included. 
 Didymus  refers  to  it  very  frequently  iu  his  great 
 work  on  the  Trinity.  It  was  certainly  included  iu 
 the  collection  of  Catholic  Epistles  known  to  Euse- 
 bius and  Origen.  The  historical  evidence  is  cer- 
 tainly inconclusive,  but  not  such  as  to  require  or  to 
 warrant  the  rejection  of  the  Epistle.  The  silence 
 of  the  Fathers  is  accounted  for  more  easily  than  its 
 admission  into  the  Canon  after  the  question  as  to 
 its  genuineness  had  been  raised.  2.  The  difference 
 of  style  may  be  admitted.  The  only  question  is, 
 whether  it  is  greater  than  can  be  satisfactorily  ac- 
 counted for,  supposing  that  the  Apostle  employed  a 
 different  person  as  his  amanuensis.  If  we  admit 
 that  some  time  intervened  between  the  composition 
 of  the  two  works,  that  in  writing  the  first  the 
 Apostle  was  aided  by  Silvanus,  and  in  the  second 
 by  another,  perhaps  by  Mark,  that  the  circum- 
 stances of  the  Churches  addressed  by  him  were  con- 
 siderably changed,  and  that  the  second  was  written 
 in  greater  haste,  not  to  speak  of  a  possible  decaj'  of 
 faculties,  the  dilleiences  may  be  regarded  as  insuf- 
 ficient to  justil'y  more  than  hesitation   in  admittiiig 
 
718 
 
 PETHAHIAH 
 
 its  genuineness.  The  resemlilance  to  the  Ejiistlo 
 of  Jude  may  be  ailmitted  without  aH'ectincr  our 
 juilgineiit  uiitdvouiably.  3.  The  doulits  as  to  its 
 geuuiueuess  appear  to  have  originatetl  with  the 
 critics  of  Alexandria,  where,  however,  tlie  Epistle 
 itself  was  formally  recognised  at  a  very  early  period. 
 Tiie  ojiinious  of  modern  commentators  may  be 
 Mimmed  up  under  three  heads.  Many  reject  the 
 K])stle  altogether  as  spurious.  A  few  consider  that 
 the  tii-st  and  last  chapters  were  written  by  Peter 
 or  un<ler  his  dictation,  but  that  the  second  chapter 
 was  iiiteipolated.  But  a  majority  of  names  may  te 
 quoted  in  support  of  the  genuineness  and  authent- 
 icity of  ttiis  Epistle. 
 
 .■^ome  Apocryphal  writings  of  very  early  date 
 obtained  currency  in  the  Ohurcli  ius  coutirining  the 
 substance  of  tiie  Apostle's  teaching.  The  Preach- 
 ing or  Doctrine  of  Petei-,  probably  identiad  with  a 
 work  called  the  Preaching  of  Paul,  or  ot  Paul  and 
 Peter,  quoted  by  Lactantins,  may  have  contained 
 some  traces  of  the  Apostle's  teaching.  Another 
 work,  called  the  lievelation  of  Peter,  was  held  in 
 much  esteem  for  centuries. 
 
 [Cephas  occurs  in  the  following  passages:  John 
 i.  4-2;  1  Cor.  i.  12;  iii.  '22,  ix.  5,  xv.  5;  Gal.  ii. 
 9,  i.  18,  ii.  10,  14.  Cephas  is  the  Chaldee  word 
 Ccphn,  itj^elf  a  corruption  of,  or  derivation  fiom, 
 the  Hebrew  Ccph,'^a  rock,"  a  rare  word,  found 
 only  in  Job  ,\x.\.  6,  and  Jer.  iv.  29.  It  must  have 
 been  the  word  actually  pronounced  by  our  Lonl  in 
 Matt.  xvi.  18,  and  on  subsequent  occasions  when 
 the  Apostle  was  addressed  by  Him  or  other  Hebrews 
 liy  his  new  name.  By  it  he  was  known  to  the 
 Corinthian  Christians.] 
 
 PethaM'ah.  1.  A  priest,  over  the  1 9th  course 
 in  the  reign  of  David  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  16).— 2.  A 
 l.evite  in  the  time  of  Ezra,  who  had  married  a 
 fineign  wife  ( Ezr.  x.  23).  He  is  probably  the  same 
 who  is  mentioned  in  Neh.  ix.  5.-3.  The  son  of 
 Mcshezabeel  arid  descendant  of  Zcrah  (Neh.  xi.  24). 
 
 Petho'r,  a  town  of  Mesopotamia  where  Balaam 
 resided  'Num.  xxii.  5  ;  Deut.  xsiii.  4).  Its  position 
 is  wliolly  luiknown. 
 
 Peth'uel.  The  father  of  tlie  prophet  Joel  (Joel 
 i.  I). 
 
 Peultha'i.  Piopirly  "Peullethai;"  the  eighth 
 son  of  Oh.'d-edoni  '1  Chr.  xxvi.  5). 
 
 Pha'ath  Mo'ab,  1  Esd.  v.  1 1  =  Paiiatii  Moab. 
 
 Phacar'eth  =  PociiEiiiiTH  of  Zebaim  (1  Esd. 
 V.  .'U). 
 
 Phai'siir.  Pashur,  the  priestly  family  (I  Esdv. 
 ix.  2'2  . 
 
 Phaldai'us  -  Peuaiah  4  (1  Esdr.  ix.  44). 
 
 Phale'as  =  Pado.\  (1  Esdr.  v.  29). 
 
 Pha'lec.     I'lOLKU  the  son  of  Eber  (Luke  iii.  35). 
 
 Phal'lu.  Pallu  the  son  of  Meuben  is  so  called  in 
 till"  A.  \'.  of  Oen.  xlvi.  9. 
 
 Phal'ti.  'I'he  son  of  I.aisli  of  Gallim,  to  whom 
 Siiid  gave  Michal  in  mairiage  after  his  mad  jealousy 
 had  driven  David  forth  as  an  outlaw  (1  .Sam.  xxv. 
 44).  In  2  Sam.  iii.  15  he  is  called  Phaltikl. 
 With  the  exception  of  this  brief  mention  of  his 
 name,  and  the  touching  little  episode  in  2  tjam.  iii. 
 l(j,  nothing  more  is  heaid  of  Phalti. 
 
 Phal'tiel.    The  same  as  Phalti  (2  ISam.  iii.  15j. 
 
 Phan'uel.  The  father  of  Anna,  the  prophetess 
 of  til.'  tnlM.  of  Aser  (l.ukeii.  36). 
 
 Fhar'acim.  The  "sons  of  Pharacim"  were 
 among  the  servants  of  the  Temple  who  retmned 
 with  Zorobabel,  accoiding  to  the  list  in  1  Esdr. 
 \.  31. 
 
 PHARAOH 
 
 Pha'raoh,  the  common  title  of  the  native  kingri 
 of  Egypt  in  the  Bible,  corresponding  to  P-RA  or 
 PH-liA,  "the  Sun,"  of  the  hieroglyphics.  As 
 several  kings  are  only  mentioned  by  the  title  "  Pha- 
 raoh "  in  the  Bible,  it  is  important  to  endeavour  to 
 discriminate  them.  We  shall  therefore  here  state 
 what  is  known  respecting  them  in  order.—!.  'J'he 
 Pharaoh  of  Abraham. — The  Scripture  narrative 
 does  not  atl'ord  us  any  clear  indications  for  the  iilen- 
 titication  of  tlie  Pharaoh  of  .Abraham.  At  the  time 
 at  which  the  patriarch  went  into  Egypt,  according 
 to  Hales's  as  well  as  Ussher's  chronology,  it  is  gene- 
 rally held  that  the  countiy,  or  at  least  Lower 
 Egypt,  was  ruled  by  the  Shepherd  kings,  of  whom 
 the  first  and  most  powerful  line  was  the  xvth 
 dynasty,  the  undoubted  territories  of  which  wouhl 
 be  first  entered  by  one  coming  from  the  oast.  The 
 date  at  which  Abraham  visited  Egypt  was  about 
 B.C.  2081,  which  would  accord  with  the  time  of 
 Salatis,  the  head  of  the  xvth  dynasty,  according  to 
 our  reckoning.— 2.  The  Pharaoh  of  Joseph. — The 
 chief  jioints  for  the  identification  of  the  line  to  which 
 this  Pliaraoh  belonged,  are  that  he  was  a  despotic 
 monarch,  ruling  all  Egypt,  who  followed  Egyptian 
 customs,  but  did  not  hesitate  to  set  them  a-side  when 
 he  thought  fit ;  that  he  .seems  to  have  desiral  to 
 gain  complete  power  over  the  Egyptians;  and  thfit 
 he  favoured  strangers.  These  particulars  certainly 
 appear  to  lend  support  to  the  idea  that  he  was  an 
 Egyptianized  foreigner  rather  than  an  Egyptian. 
 Baron  liunsen  sui)i)osed  that  he  was  Sesertesen  I., 
 the  head  of  the  xiith  dynasty,  on  account  of  the 
 mention  in  a  hieroglyphic  inscription  of  a  famine  in 
 that  king's  reign.  This  identitication,  although  re- 
 ceiving some  support  from  the  statement  of  Hero- 
 dotus, that  Sesostris,  a  name  reasonably  traceable 
 to  Sesertesen,  divided  the  land  and  raised  his  chief 
 revenue  fiom  the  rent  paid  by  the  holders,  must  be 
 abandoned,  since  the  calamity  recorded  does  not  ap- 
 proach Joseph's  famine  in  character,  and  the  age 
 is  almost  certainly  too  remote.  If,  discarding  the 
 idea  that  Joseph's  Pharaoh  was  an  Egyptian,  we  tuin 
 to  the  old  view  that  he  was  one  of  the  Shepherd 
 Kings,  a  view  almost  inevitable  if  we  infer  that  he 
 ruled  during  the  Shepherd-period,  we  are  struck 
 with  the  fitness  of  all  the  circumstimces  of  the 
 Biblical  nairative.  It  is  stated  by  Eu.sebius  that 
 the  Pharaoh  to  whom  Jacob  came  was  the  Shepherd 
 Apophis.  Apopliis  belonged  to  the  xvth  dynasty, 
 which  was  certainly  of  Shepherds,  and  the  most 
 powerful  foreign  line,  for  it  seems  clear  that  there 
 was  at  least  one  if  not  two  more.  This  dynasty, 
 according  to  our  view  of  Egyptian  chronology,  ruled 
 tor  either  284  years  (Africanus),  or  259  years  10 
 mouths  (Josephus),  from  about  ]!.C.  2(.i80.  If 
 Hales's  chronology,  which  we  would  slightly  modify, 
 be  correct,  the  government  of  Joseph  fell  under  this 
 dynasty,  commencing  about  u.C.  1870,  which  would 
 be  during  the  reign  of  the  last  but  one  or  jierhaps 
 the  last  king  of  the  dynasty,  w;is  possibly  in  tha 
 time  of  Apojihi.s,  who  ended  the  line  according  to 
 Africanus.  It  is  to  be  remarked  that  this  dynasty 
 is  said  to  have  been  of  Phoenicians.  This  king  aji- 
 pears  to  have  reigned  from  Joseph's  appointment 
 (ov,  perhaps,  .somewhat  earlier)  until  Jacob's  death, 
 a  period  of  at  least  twonty-six  years,  fiom  B.C.  cir. 
 187G  to  1850,  and  to  have  been  the  tilth  or  .sixth 
 king  of  the  xvth  dynasty.— 3.  The  Pharaoh  of  the 
 Oliprcssion. — The  fust  jH'isccutor  of  the  Israelite* 
 n)ay  be  distinguished  as  the  Pharaoh  of  the  Oppre.s- 
 sion,  from  the  second,  the  Pharaoh  of  tlic  E.\odus. 
 
PHARAOH 
 
 especially  as  he  commenced,  and  piohably  long  can-ied 
 on,  the  persecution.  The  general  view  is  that  he  was 
 an  Egyptian.  He  has  been  generally  supposed  to 
 have  been  a  king  of  the  xviiith  or  xixth  dynasty: 
 we  believe  that  he  was  of  a  line  earlier  than  either. 
 The  chief  points  in  the  evidence  in  favour  of  the 
 former  opinion  are  the  name  of  the  city  Kaamses, 
 wlience  it  has  been  argued  that  one  of  the  oppressors 
 was  a  king  Rameses,  and  the  probable  change  of 
 line.  The  first  king  of  this  name  known  was  head 
 of  the  xixth  dynasty,  or  last  king  of  the  xviiith. 
 Manetho  says  the  Israelites  left  Egypt  in  the  reign 
 of  Menptah,  who  was  great-grandson  of  the  first 
 Rameses,  and  son  -and  successor  of  the  second.  The 
 vifw  that  this  Pharaoh  was  of  the  beginning  or 
 middle  of  the  xviiith  dynasty  seems  at  first  sight 
 extremely  probable,  especially  if'it  be  supposed  that 
 the  Pharaoh  of  Joseph  was  a  Shepherd  king.  If  we 
 assign  him  to  the  age  before  the  xviiith  dynasty, 
 which  our  view  of  Hebrew  chronology  would  pro- 
 bably oblige  us  to  do,  we  have  still  to  determine 
 whether  he  weie  a  shepherd  or  an  Egyptian.  If  a 
 Shepherd,  he  must  have  been  of  the  xvith  or  the 
 xviith  dynasty.  The  reign  of  this  king  piobably 
 commenced  a  little  before  the  birth  of  Moses,  which 
 we  place  B.C.  1732,  and  seems  to  have  lasted  up- 
 wards of  forty  years,  peihaps  much  mure. ^4.  Tkc 
 Pharaoh  of  the  Exodus. — What  is  known  of  tlie 
 Pharaoh  of  the  Kxodus  is  rather  biographical  than 
 historical.  It  does  not  add  much  to  our  means  of 
 identifying  the  line  of  the  oppressors  excepting  by 
 the  indications  of  race  his  character  affords.  His 
 character  rinds  its  ]iarallel  among  the  Assyrians 
 rather  than  the  Egyptians.  Respecting  the  time  of 
 this  king  we  can  only  say  that  he  was  reigning  for 
 about  a  year  or  moie  befbi'e  the  Exodus,  which  we 
 ))lace  B.C.  1652.^5.  Pharaoh,  father-in-law  of 
 Mered. — In  the  genealogies  of  the  tribe  of  Judah, 
 mention  is  made  of  the  daughter  of  a  Pharaoh,  mar- 
 ried to  an  Israelite ;  "  Bithiah  the  daughter  of  Pha- 
 raoh, which  Mered  took"  (1  Chr.  iv.  18).  This 
 marriage  may  tend  to  aid  us  in  determining  the  age 
 of  the  sojourn  in  Egypt.  It  is  perhaps  less  prob- 
 alde  that  an  Egyptian  Pharaoh  would  have  given 
 his  daughter  in  marriage  to  au  Israelite,  than  that 
 a  Shepherd  king  would  have  done  so,  before  the 
 ojipression.— 6.  Pharaoh,  father-in-law  of  Had(Ml 
 the  Edomitc. — For  the  identification  of  this  J'haraoh 
 we  have  chronological  indications,  and  the  name 
 of  his  wife  Tahpenes  (1  K.  xi.  18-20).  The  history 
 of  Egypt  at  this  time  is  extremely  obscure,  neither 
 the  monuments  nor  Manetho  giving  us  clear  inform- 
 ation as  to  the  kings.  It  appears  that  towards  the 
 latter  part  of  the  xxth  dynasty  the  high-priests  of 
 Amen,  the  god  of  Thebes,  gained  great  power,  and 
 at  last  supplanted  the  Rameses  family,  at  least  in 
 Upper  P^gypt.  At  the  same  time  a  line  of  Tanite 
 kings,  Jlanetho's  xxist  dynasty,  seems  to  have  ruled 
 m  Lower  Egypt.  It  may  be  reasonably  supposed 
 that  the  Pharaoh  or  Pharaohs  spoken  of  in  the  Bible 
 as  ruling  in  the  time  of  David  and  Solomon  were 
 Tanites,  as  Tanis  was  nearest  to  the  Israelite  terri- 
 tory. According  to  Afi'icanus,  the  list  of  the  xxist 
 dynasty  is  as  follows: — Smendes,  26  years;  Psu- 
 sennes,  16 ;  Nephelcheres,  4 ;  Amenothis,  9 ;  Oso- 
 dior,  6  ;  Psinaches,  9  ;  Psusennes,  14  ;  but  Eusebius 
 gives  tlie  second  king  41,  and  the  last,  35  years, 
 and  his  numbers  make  up  the  sum  of  130  years, 
 which  Afric<inns  and  he  agree  in  assigning  to  the 
 dynasty.  If  we  take  the  numbers  of  Eusebius, 
 Osoclior  would  probably  be  the  Pharaoh   to  wli'>m 
 
 PHARAOH 
 
 ID 
 
 Hadad  fled,  and  Psusennes  II.  the  father-in-law  of 
 Solomon;  but  the  numbers  of  Africanus  would 
 substitute  Psusennes  I.,  and  probably  Psinaches.— 
 7.  Pharaoh,  father-in-law  of  Solomon. — The  men- 
 tion that  the  queen  was  brought  into  the  city  of 
 David,  while  Solomon's  house,  and  the  Temple,  ami 
 tlie  city-wall,  were  building,  sliows  that  the  marriage 
 took  place  not  later  than  the  eleventh  year  of  the 
 king,  when  the  Temple  was  finished,  -aving  been 
 commenced  in  the  fourth  year  (1  K.  vi.  1 ,  37,  38).  It 
 appears  that  the  marriage  must  have  taken  place 
 between  about  24  and  11  years  before  Shishak's  ac- 
 cession. It  must  be  recollected  that  it  seems  cci  tain 
 that  Solomon's  fitther-in-law  was  not  the  Phauioh 
 who  was  reigning  when  Hadad  left  Egypt.  Both 
 Pharaohs  cannot  yet  be  identified  in  ]\Ianetho's  list. 
 This  Pharaoh  led  an  expedition  into  Palestine  (1  K. 
 ix.  16).  The  next  kings  of  Egypt  mentioned  in  the 
 Bible  are  Shishak,  probably  Zeiah,  and  So.  The 
 first  <and  second  of  these  were  of  the  xxiind  dynasty, 
 if  the  identification  of  Zerah  with  Userken  be  ao 
 ce|)ted,  and  the  third  was  doubtless  one  of  the  two 
 Shebeks  of  the  xxvth  dynasty,  which  was  of  Ethi- 
 opians.—--8.  Pharaoh,  the  opponent  of  Sennacherib. 
 — This  Pharaoh  (Is.  xxxvi.  6)  can  only  be  the  Sethos 
 whom  Herodotus  mentions  as  the  opponent  of  Sen- 
 nacherib, and  who  may  be  reasonably  supposed  to 
 be  the  Zet  of  Manetho,  the  last  king  of  his  xxiiiid 
 dynasty.  Tirhakah,  as  an  Ethiopian,  whetlier  then 
 ruling  in  Egypt  or  not,  is,  like  So,  apparently  not 
 called  Pharaoh.  —  9.  Pharaoh  Necho. — The  first 
 mention  in  the  Bible  of  a  proper  name  with  the 
 title  Pharaoh  is  in  the  case  of  Pharaoh  Xecho,  who 
 is  also  called  Neclio  simply.  His  name  is  written 
 Necho  and  Neehoh,  and  in  hieroglyphics  NEKU. 
 This  king  was  of  the  Sai'te  xxvith  dynasty,  of 
 which  Manetho  makes  him  either  the  fifth  ruler 
 (Africanus)  or  the  sixth  (P^usebius).  Herodotus 
 calls  him  Nekos,  and  assigns  to  him  a  I'eign  of  six- 
 teen years,  which  is  confirmed  by  the  monuments. 
 He  seems  to  have  been  an  enterpirising  king,  as  he 
 is  related  to  have  attempted  to  complete  the  canal 
 connecting  the  lied  Sea  with  the  Nile,  and  to  have 
 sent  an  expedition  of  Phoenicians  to  circumnavigate 
 Africa,  which  was  successfully  accomplished.  At 
 the  commencement  of  his  reign  (B.C.  610j  he  made 
 war  against  the  king  of  Assyria,  and,  being  encoun- 
 tered on  his  way  by  Josiah,  defeated  and  slew  tlie 
 king  of  Judah  at  Megiddo  (2  K.  xxiii.  29,  30  ;  2  Chr. 
 XXXV.  20-24).  Necho  seems  to  have  soon  returned 
 to  Egypt :  perhaps  he  was  on  his  wa)"^  thither  when 
 he  deposed  Jehoahaz.  The  army  was  probably  posted 
 atCarchemish,  and  was  there  defeated  by  Nebuchad- 
 nezzar in  the  fourth  year  of  Neclio  (B.C.  607),  that 
 king  not  being,  as  it  seems,  then  at  its  head  (Jer. 
 xlvi.  1,  2,  6,  10).  This  battle  led  to  the  loss  of  all 
 the  Asiatic  dominions  of  Egypt  (2  K.  xxiv.  1  ).— 
 10.  Pharaoh  Hophra. — The  next  king  of  Egvpt 
 mentioned  in  the  Bible  is  Pharaoh  Hophra,  the  se- 
 cond successor  of  Necho,  from  whom  he  was  separ- 
 ated by  the  six  years'  reign  of  Psammetichus  II. 
 The  name  Hophra  is  in  hieroglyphics  WAH-(P)RA- 
 HAT,  and  the  last  syllable  is  equally  omitted  by 
 Herodotus,  who  writes  A  pries,  and  by  Manetho. 
 who  writes  Uaphris.  He  came  to  the  throne  about 
 B.C.  589,  and  ruled  nineteen  years.  Herodotus 
 makes  him  son  of  Psammetichus  II.,  whom  he  call.<: 
 Psammis,  and  great-grandson  of  Psammetichus  I. 
 In  the  Bible  it  is  related  that  Zedekiah,  the  last 
 king  of  Judah,  was  aided  liy  a  Pharaoh  aoaiusl 
 Nehuchadnezzar,  in  fulfilment  of  a  treaty,  and  tiia' 
 
720       PHARAOH'S  DAUGHTER 
 
 ,  an  aiiny  catne  out  of  I'.irypt,  so  that  the  Clinldoans 
 were  oliligeil  to  raise  the  siege  of  .lenisalem.  The 
 city  Wiis  first  besif-ged  in  the  ninth  year  of  Zi'dekiah, 
 H.c.  590,  and  was  captured  in  his  eleventh  year, 
 n.C.  588.  It  was  evidently  continuously  invested 
 for  a  length  of  time  before  it  was  taken,  so  that  it 
 is  most  probable  that  Pharaoh's  expedition  took 
 place  during  590  or  589.  There  may,  therefore, 
 be  some  doubt  whether  Psanimetichus  11.  lie  not 
 the  king  here  sjioken  of;  but  it  must  be  nmeni- 
 bi'red  that  the  siege  may  be  supposeil  to  have  lasted 
 some  time  before  the  Egyptians  could  have  heard 
 of  it  and  marched  to  relieve  the  city,  and  also  that 
 Hophra  may  have  come  to  the  throne  as  early  as 
 n.C.  590.  The  Kgyptian  anny  retunied  without 
 f fleeting  its  jmrpose  (Jer.  xxvii.  5-8;  Ez.  xvii.  11- 
 18;  comp.  2  K.  XXV.  1-4).  No  subsequent  Pharaoh 
 is  mentioned  in  Scripture,  but  there  are  predic- 
 tions doubtless  referring  to  the  misfortunes  of  later 
 priuoes  until  the  second  Persian  conquest,  when  the 
 ]iro]ilieiy  "  theio  shall  be  no  more  a  prince  of  the 
 land  of  KL'Vpt"  (Ex.  xxx.  l:'.)  was  fulHlled. 
 
 Pharaoh's  Daughter ;  Pharaoh,  the  Daughter 
 of.  Tinee  Eiiyjitian  iirinccsses,  daut;hters  of  Plia- 
 iMohs,  are  mentioned  in  the  Bible.— 1.  The  pre- 
 server of  Moses,  daughter  of  the  Pharaoh  who  first 
 oppressed  the  Israelites  (Ex.  ii.  .5-10).  She  appears 
 from  her  conduct  towards  Moses  to  have  been 
 heiiess  to  the  throne.  Artnpanus,  or  Artabanus, 
 a  historian  of  uncertain  date,  calls  this  princess 
 Merrhis,  and  her  father,  the  oppressor,  Palmanothes, 
 and  relates  that  she  was  married  to  Clienephres, 
 who  ruled  in  the  countiy  above  Memjihis.  The 
 tradition  is  apparently  of  little  value. — 2.  liitliiah, 
 wife  of  Mered  an  Israelite,  daughter  of  a  Pharaoh  of 
 an  uncertjiin  age,  probably  of  about  the  time  of  the 
 Exodus  (1  Chriiv.  18). — 3.  A  wife  of  Solomon, most 
 ]irobably  daughter  of  a  king  of  the  xxist  dynasty 
 (1  K.  iii.  1,  vii.  8,  ix.  24).     [See  PliAUAOii,  71. 
 
 Pharaoh,  the  Wife  of  The  wife  of  one  Pha- 
 raoh, the  king  who  rereived  Iladad  the  Edomite,  is 
 mentioned  in  Scripture.  She  is  Ciilled  "queen,"  and 
 her  name,  Tah])eiies,  is  given.  Her  husliand  was 
 most  probaljly  of  the  xxist  dynasty.  [Taiipicnks  ; 
 PlIAKAOII.   (J.] 
 
 Pharatho'ni,  properly  Piiarathox.  One  of  the 
 cities  of  Judaea  fortified  by  Bacchides  during  his 
 contests  with  Jonathan  Maccabaeus  (1  Mace.  ix.  50). 
 It  doubtless  represents  an  ancient  Pirathon,  though 
 h-irdly  that  of  the  Judges. 
 
 Pha'res,  Pmakicz  or  Perez,  the  son  of  Judah 
 'Matt.  i.  3;  Luke  iii.  33). 
 
 Pha'rez.  1.  (Perez,  1  Chr.  xxvii.  3  ;  Phakes, 
 Matt.  i.  3;  Luke  iii.  33;  1  Esd.  v.  5),  twin  son, 
 with  Zarah,  or  Zerah,  of  Judah  and  Tamar  his 
 daughter-in-law.  The  circumstances  of  his  birth 
 lie  detailed  in  Gen.  xxxviii.  I'harez  seems  to  have 
 kept  the  riyht  of  jirimogeniture  over  his  brother, 
 as.  in  the  genealogical  lists,  his  name  comes  first. 
 The  house  also  which  he  foundecl  was  far  more 
 numerous  and  illuslrious  than  that  of  theZarhitcs. 
 Its  remark;d.le  fertility  is  alluded  to  in  lUith  iv.  I'J, 
 '•  Let  thy  house  be  like  the  house  of  Pharez,  whom 
 Tam.ar  bare  unto  Judah."  Of  Pharcz's  pei-sonal 
 histoiy  or  character  nothing  is  known.  After  the 
 death,  therefore,  of  Er  and  Oiian  without  children, 
 Ph.ircz  occupied  the  I'ank  of  .(udah's  second  son. 
 .tiid  moreover,  from  two  of  bis  .sons  sprang  two  new 
 chief  bousis,  those  of  the  llezronites  and  Hamulites. 
 Kr<m  lle/.ron's  second  son  lliim,  or  Aram,  sprang 
 l>avid  and  the  kings  of  Judah,  and  eventually    lesus 
 
 PHARISEES 
 
 Christ.  In  the  reign  of  |)avid  the  hotise  of  Pliarez 
 seems  to  have  been  eminently  distinguislu'd,  A  con- 
 siderable number  of  ins  mighty  men  seem,  from 
 their  patronymic  or  gentile  names,  to  have  been  of 
 the  same  house ;  and  the  royal  house  itself  was 
 the  head  of  the  family.— 2.  =  PaR0SH  (1  Esdr.  viii. 
 36  ;  ciinip.  E/.r.  viii.  3). 
 
 Phar'ira  =  Perida  or  Peruda  (1  Esdr.  v.  33). 
 
 Pharisees,  a  leligious  pirty  or  school  amongst 
 the  Jews  at  the  time  of  Christ,  so  called  from 
 I'crishin,  the  Aramaic  form  of  the  Hebrew  word 
 Peritshhii,  "  sejiarated."  The  name  does  not  otcui 
 either  in  the  Old  Testament  or  in  the  Apocrypha  ; 
 but  it  is  usually  considered  that  the  Pharisees  were 
 essentially  the  same  with  the  Assideans  mentional 
 in  the  1st  Book  of  Macciibees  ii.  42,  vii.  13-17,  and 
 in  the  2nd  Book  xiv.  Q.— Authorities. — The  sources 
 of  information  respecting  the  Pharisees  are  maiidy 
 threefold.  1st.  The  writings  of  Josephus,  who  was 
 himself  a  Pharisee  {Vit.  2),  and  who  in  each  of  his 
 great  works  piofesses  to  give  a  direct  account  of 
 their  opinions  {B.J.  ii.  8,  §2-14;  Arit.  xviii.  I, 
 §2,  and  compare  xiii.  10,  §5-6,  xvii.  2,  §4,  xiii.  16, 
 §2,  and  Vit.  38).  The  value  of  Josephus's  ac- 
 counts woulil  be  much  greater,  if  he  had  not  accom- 
 modated them,  more  or  \es<,  to  Greek  ideas.  2ndly. 
 The  New  Testament,  including  St.  Paul's  Epistles, 
 in  addition  to  the  (iospels  and  Acts  of  the  -Apostles. 
 3idly.  The  first  portion  of  the  Talmud  c;dled  the 
 Mislina,  or  "  second  law.''  This  is  by  far  the  most 
 important  source  of  information  lespecting  the  Pha- 
 risees ;  and  it  may  safely  be  asserted  that  it  is 
 nearly  impossible  to  have  adequate  conceptions  re- 
 specting them,  without  consulting  that  work.  It 
 is  a  diL'est  of  the  Jewish  traditions,  and  a  compend- 
 ium of  the  whole  ritual  law,  reduced  to  wiiting  in 
 its  present  form  by  Kabbi  Jehudah  the  Hi'ly,  a  .lew 
 of  great  wealth  and  influence,  who  flourished  in  the 
 2n(l  century.  He  succeeded  his  father  Simeon  as 
 patriarch  of  Tiberias,  and  held  that  oliice  at  least 
 thirty  years.  The  precise  date  of  his  de;ith  is  dis- 
 puted ;  some  placing  it  in  a  year  somewh.at  ante- 
 cedent to  194,  A.D.,  while  othei-s  jdace  it  as  late  as 
 220  A.D.,  when  he  would  have  been  about  81  yeai'S 
 old.  There  is  no  reasonable  doubt,  that  although 
 it  may  include  a  few  passages  of  a  later  date,  the 
 Mishna  was  composed,  as  a  whole,  in  the  2nd  cen- 
 tury, and  represents  the  traditions  which  were  cur- 
 rent amongst  the  Pharisees  at  the  time  of  Christ. 
 Keferring  to  the  Jlishna  for  details,  it  is  proposed 
 in  this  article  to  give  a  general  view  of  the  peculi- 
 arities of  the  Pharisees;  afterwards  to  notice  their 
 ojiinions  on  a  future  life  and  on  free-will;  an<l 
 finally,  to  make  .■>ome  remarks  on  the  proselytizing 
 spirit  attributed  to  them  at  the  time  of  Chi-ist. — 
 1.  The  fundamental  principle  of  the  Pharisees  com- 
 mon to  them  with  all  orthodox  modern  Jews  is,  that 
 by  the  side  of  the  written  law  regarded  as  a  sum- 
 mary of  the  principles  and  genend  laws  of  the  He- 
 brew jK'Ople,  there  was  an  oral  law  to  complete  and 
 to  ex]ilain  the  written  law.  It  was  im  article  of 
 faith  that  in  the  Pentateuch  there  was  no  preiejit, 
 and  no  regulation,  ceremonial,  doctrin.il,  or  K-gal, 
 of  which  Cod  had  not  given  to  Moses  all  explana- 
 tions necessary  for  their  ai>plication,  with  the  onler 
 to  transmit  them  by  word  of  mouth.  The  classical 
 pas.sagein  the  Mishna  (Ui  this  sulject  is  the  follow- 
 ,i,i,:Jl'«  Moses  received  the  loral)  law  fiom  .Sinai, 
 and  delivered  it  to  Joshua,  and  Joshua  to  the  elders, 
 and  the  ciders  to  the  prophets,  and  the  prnphcts  to 
 Ihc  men  of  the  Crcal  Synagogue  "  (/'iVAr  i4W<'<,  i.), 
 
PHAEISEES 
 
 It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  all  the  ti  aditions  which 
 bound  the  Pharisees  were  believed  to  be  direct 
 revelations  to  Moses  on  Mount  Sinai.  In  addition 
 to  such  revelations,  which  were  not  disputed, 
 although  there  was  no  proof  from  the  written  law 
 to  support  them,  and  in  addition  to  interpreta- 
 tions received  from  Moses,  which  were  either  im- 
 plied in  the  written  law  or  to  be  elicited  from  it 
 by  reasoning,  there  were  three  other  classes  of  ti-a- 
 ditions.  1st.  Opinions  on  disputed  points,  which 
 were  the  result  of  a  majority  of  votes.  2ndly.  De- 
 crees made  by  prophets  and  wise  men  in  different 
 ages.  These  carried  prohibitions  farther  than  tiie 
 written  law  or  oral  law  of  Moses,  in  order  to  protect 
 the  Jewish  peojde  from  temptations  to  sin  or  pol- 
 lution. Srdly.  Legal  decisions  of  proper  ecclesiast- 
 ical authorities  on  disputed  questions.  Viewed  as 
 a  whole,  they  treated  men  like  children,  formalizing 
 and  defining  the  minutest  particulars  of  ritual  ob- 
 servances. The  expressions  of  "  bondage,"  of  "  weak 
 and  beggarly  elements,"  and  of  "  burdens  too  heavy 
 for  men  to  bear,"  faithfully  represent  the  impres- 
 sion produced  by  their  multiplicity.  An  elaborate 
 argument  might  be  advanced  for  many  of  them 
 individually,  but  the  sting  of  them  consisted  in  their 
 aggregate  number,  which  would  have  a  tendency  to 
 quench  the  fervour  and  the  freshness  of  a  spiritual 
 religion.  They  varied  in  character,  and  instances 
 may  be  given  of  three  different  classes: — 1st,  of 
 those  which,  admitting  certain  principles,  were  points 
 reasonable  to  define  ;  2ndly,  of  points  defined  which 
 were  superfluously  particularised ;  and  Srdly,  of 
 points  defined  where  the  discussion  of  them  at  all 
 was  su])erstitious  and  puerile.  In  order,  however, 
 to  observe  regulations  on  points  of  this  kind,  mi.\ed 
 with  others  less  objectionable,  and  with  some  which, 
 legarded  from  a  certain  point  of  view,  were  in  them- 
 selves individually  not  unreasonable,  the  Pharisees 
 ibnned  a  kind  of  society.  A  member  was  called  a 
 chaber,  and  those  among  the  middle  and  lower 
 classes  who  were  not  members  were  called  "  the 
 people  of  the  land,"  or  the  vulgar.  Each  member 
 undertook,  in  the  presence  of  three  other  members, 
 that  he  would  remain  true  to  the  laws  of  the  associ- 
 ation. Perhaps  some  of  the  most  characteristic 
 laws  of  the  Pharisees  I'elated  to  what  was  clean 
 (tdhor)  and  unclean  {tame).  Whether  their  origin 
 was  symbolical,  sanitary,  religious,  fanciful,  or  con- 
 ventional, it  was  a  matter  of  vital  importance  to  a 
 Pharisee  that  he  should  be  well  acquainted  with 
 the  Pharisaical  regulations  concerning  what  was 
 clean  and  what  was  unclean  ;  for,  as  among  the 
 modern  Hindoos  (some  of  whose  customs  are  very 
 similar  to  those  of  the  Pharisee?  i,  every  one  tech- 
 nically unclean  is  cut  off  fiom  almost  every  relig- 
 ious ceiemony,  so,  according  to  the  Levitical  law, 
 eve»y  unclean  person  was  cut  off  from  all  religious 
 privileges,  and  was  regarded  as  defiling  the  sanct- 
 uary of  Jehovah  (Num.  six.  20).  On  principles 
 precisely  similar  to  thoteof  the  Levitical  laws  (Lev. 
 XX.  25,  xxii.  4-7),  it  w:is  possible  to  incur  these 
 awful  relig:ous  penalties  either  by  eating  or  by 
 touching  what  was  unclean  in  the  Pharisaical  sense. 
 In  reference  to  eating,  independently  of  the  slaugh- 
 tering of  holy  sacrifices,  which  is  the  subject  of  two 
 other  treatises,  the  Mishna  contains  one  treatise 
 called  Choliii,  which  is  specially  devoted  to  the 
 slaughtering  of  fowls  and  cattle  for  domestic  use. 
 One  point  in  its  very  first  section  is  by  itself  vitally 
 distinctive.  This  point  is,  "  that  any  thing  slaugh- 
 tered by  a  heathen  should  be  deemed  unfit  to  be 
 Con.  D.  B. 
 
 PHARISEES 
 
 721 
 
 eaten,  like  the  carcase  of  an  animal  that  had  died 
 of  itself,  and  like  such  carcase  should  pollute  the 
 pei'sou  who  carried  it."  In  reference  likewise  to 
 touching  what  is  unclean,  the  Mishna  abounds  with 
 prohibitions  and  distinctions  no  less  minute.  It  is 
 proper  to  add  that  it  would  be  a  great  mistake  to 
 suppose  that  the  Pharisees  were  wealthy  and  lux- 
 urious, much  more  that  they  had  degenerated  into 
 the  vices  which  were  imputed  to  some  of  the  Roman 
 popes  and  cardinals  during  the  200  years  preceding 
 the  Reformation.  Josephus  compared  the  Pharisees 
 to  the  sect  of  the  Stoics.  He  says  that  they  lived 
 frugally,  in  no  respect  giving  in  to  luxury,  but  that 
 they  followed  the  leadership  of  reason  in  what  it 
 had  selected  and  transmitted  as  a  good  {Ant.  xviii.  1, 
 §  3).  Although  there  would  be  hypocrites  among 
 them,  it  would  be  unreasonable  to  charge  all  the 
 Pharisees  as  a  body  with  hypocrisy,  in  the  sense 
 wherein  we  at  the  present  day  use  the  word. 
 They  must  be  regarded  as  having  been  some  of  the 
 most  intense  formalists  whom  the  world  has  ever 
 seen.  It  was  alleged  against  them,  on  the  highest 
 spiritual  authority,  that  they  "  made  the  word  of 
 God  of  none  effect  by  their  ti'aditions."  This  would 
 be  true  in  the  largest  sense,  from  the  purest  form 
 of  religion  in  the  Old  Testament  being  almost  in- 
 compatible with  such  endless  forms  (Mic.  vi.  8j ; 
 but  it  was  true  in  another  sense,  fiom  .some  of  the 
 tr.vlitions  being  decidedly  at  vaiiance  with  genuine 
 religion.  An  analogy  has  been  pointed  out  by 
 Geiger  between  the  Pharisees  and  our  own  Puritans  ; 
 and  in  some  points  there  aie  undoubted  features 
 of  similarity,  beginning  even  with  their  names. 
 Duth  Vv-ere  innovators,  both  of  them  had  republican 
 tendencies,  and  even  in  their  zeal  for  religious 
 education  there  was  some  lesemblant'e.  But  here 
 comparison  ceases.  In  the  most  essential  points  of 
 religion  they  were  not  only  not  alike,  but  they  were 
 directly  anfcigonistic.  —  II.  In  regard  to  a  future 
 state,  Josephus  presents  the  ideas  of  the  Pharisees 
 in  such  a  light  to  his  (heek  re;viers,  that  whatever 
 interpretation  his  ambiguous  language  might  pos- 
 sibly admit,  lie  obviously  wonM  have  produced  the 
 impression  on  Greeks  that  the  Pharisees  believed  in 
 the  transmigration  of  souls.  Thus  his  statement 
 respecting  them  is,  "  They  say  that  every  soul  is 
 imperishable,  but  that  the  soul  of  good  men  only 
 passes  over  (or  transmigi-ates)  into  another  body, 
 while  the  soul  of  bad  men  is  chastised  by  eternal 
 punishment"  {B.J.  ii.  8,  §  14).  And  there  are 
 two  passages  in  the  Gospels  which  might  counten- 
 ance this  idea:  one  in  JJatt.  xiv.  2,  where  Herod 
 the  tetrarch  is  i-epresented  as  thinking  that  Jesus 
 was  John  the  Baptist  risen  from  the  dead  (though  a 
 different  colour  is  given  to  Herod's  thoughts  in  the 
 corresponding  passage,  Luke  ix.  7-9) ;  and  another 
 in  John  ix.  2,  where  the  question  is  put  to  Jesus 
 whether  the  blind  man  himself  had  sinned,  or  his 
 parents,  that  he  was  bom  blind  ?  Notwithstanding 
 these  passages,  however,  there  does  not  appear  to  be 
 sufficient  leason  for  doubting  that  the  Pharisees  be- 
 lieved in  a  resuirection  of  the  dead  very  much  in 
 the  same  sense  as  the  early  Christians.  This  is  most 
 in  accordance  with  St.  Paul's  statement  to  the  chief 
 priests  and  council  (Acts  xxiii.  6) ;  and  it  is  likewise 
 almost  implied  in  Christ's  teacliing,  which  does  not 
 insist  on  the  docti'ine  of  a  future  life  as  anything 
 new  (Matt.  xxii.  .30 ;  Mark  xii.  25 ;  Luke  xx.  34- 
 36).  On  this  head  the  Mishna  is  an  illustration  of 
 the  ideas  in  the  Go.spels,  as  distinguished  from  any 
 mere  transmigration  of  souls;    and   the  peculiar 
 
 3  A 
 
722 
 
 PHAROSH 
 
 phrase,  "  the  worlJ  to  ootnc,"  frcqiiently  occui-s  in 
 it.— III.  In  retereiice  to  tho  opinions  oftlie  Pliarisee-.; 
 concerning  the  fi'eedom  oi'  the  will,  a  ditliculty  anses 
 from  the  very  prominent  position  which  they  occupy 
 in  the  accounts  of  Josephus,  whereas  nothing  vitally 
 essential  to  the  peculiar  doctrines  of  the  Pharisees, 
 seems  to  depend  on  those  opinions,  and  some  of  his 
 expressions  are  Gieek,  rather  than  Hebrew.  "  There 
 were  three  sects  of  the  Jews,"  he  says,  "  which 
 had  ditierent  conceptions  respi'cting  human  atlairs, 
 of  which  one  was  called  Pharisees,  the  second  Sad- 
 ducees,  and  the  third  Essenes.  The  Pharisees  say 
 that  some  things,  and  not  all  things,  are  the  woi  k 
 of  fate ;  but  that  some  things  are  in  our  own  power 
 to  be  and  not  to  be.  But  the  ICssenes  declare  that 
 Kate  rules  all  things,  and  that  nothing  happens  to 
 man  except  by  its  decree.  The  Sadducees,  on  the 
 other  hand,  take  away  Fate,  holding  that  it  is  a 
 thing  of  nought,  and  that  human  affairs  do  not  de- 
 pend upon  it ;  but  in  their  estimate  all  things  are  in 
 the  power  of  oureelves,  as  being  ourselves  the  causes 
 cl'  our  good  things,  and  meeting  with  evils  through 
 )ur  own  inconsiderateness"  (comp.  xviii.  1,  §  3,  anil 
 B,  J.  ii.  8,  §  14;.  In  reference  to  this  point,  the 
 opinion  ofGraetz  {G eacldchte  dcr  Juden,  iii.  5U9) 
 seems  not  improbable,  that  the  real  dilference  be- 
 tween the  Pharisees  and  Sadducees  was  at  fii'st  prac- 
 tical and  political.  [Sadducees.]— IV.  In  reference 
 to  the  spirit  of  proselytism  among  the  Pharisees, 
 there  is  indisputable  authority  for  the  statement 
 that  it  prevailed  to  a  very  great  extent  at  the  time 
 of  Christ  (Matt,  xxiii.  15);  ami  attention  is  now 
 CiiUed  to  it  on  account  of  its  probable  importance  in 
 having  paved  the  way  for  the  early  ditfiision  of 
 Christiahity.  Jews  at  the  time  of  Christ  had  be- 
 come scattered  over  the  fairest  portions  of  the  civil- 
 ized world.  On  the  d,ay  of  Pentecost,  Jews  are  said 
 to  have  been  assembled  with  one  accord  in  one  place 
 at  Jerusalem,  "  from  every  legion  under  heaven." 
 Admitting  that  this  was  an  Oriental  hyperbole 
 (comp.  John  xxi.  25),  there  must  have  been  some 
 foundation  for  it  in  fact.  Now  it  is  not  unlikely, 
 though  it  ainnot  be  proved  fiom  Josephus  {Ant. 
 XX.  2,  §  3),  that  missions  and  organised  attempts  to 
 produce  conversions,  although  unknown  to  d'reek 
 philosophei-s,  existed  among  the  Pharisees.  But,  at 
 any  late,  the  then  existing  legukitions  or  customs  of 
 synagogues  afforded  facilities  which  do  not  exist  now 
 eithei'  in  .synagogues  or  Christian  churches  for  pre- 
 senting new  views  to  a  congregation  (Acts  xvii.  2  ; 
 Luke  iv.  16).  Under  such  auspices  the  proselyt- 
 izing spirit  of  the  Pharisees  inevitably  stiniulatc>d  a 
 thirst  for  mciuii-y,  and  accustomed  the  Jews  to  theo- 
 logical controversies.  Thus  there  existed  precedents 
 and  favouring  circumstances  for  efforts  to  make  prose- 
 lytes, when  the  greatest  of  all  missionaries,  a  Jew  by 
 race,  a  Pharisee  by  eilucation,  a  Greek  by  language, 
 and  a  Roman  citizen  by  birth,  preaching  the  resuriec- 
 tion  of  Jesus  to  those  who  for  the  most  part  already 
 believed  in  the  resuiTcction  of  the  dead,  confronted 
 the  elaborate  ritual-system  of  the  written  and  oral 
 law  by  a  pure  spiritual  religion  :  and  thus  obtained 
 the  co-oper.ation  of  many  Jews  themselves  in  breaking 
 ;lown  every  baiTier  between  Jew,  Pharisee,  (Jreek, 
 and  l.'oman,  and  in  endeavouring  to  unite  all  man- 
 kind by  the  brotherhooij  of  a  common  Christianity, 
 
 Fhar'osh.     KlHcwhere  Pahosii  (Kzr.  viii.  3). 
 
 Phar'par.  The  second  of  the  ''  two  rivers  of 
 Damascus" — Abana  and  Pharjiar — alludcsl  to  by 
 Nnainmi  (2  K.  v.  12).  The  two  principal  strcims 
 m  the  district  of  Damascus  arc  the  Barndit  and  the 
 
 PHILADELPHIA 
 
 A\raj  : — in  fact,  there  are  no  of hei-s  worthy  of  the 
 name  of  "  river."  There  are  good  grounds  tbi 
 identifying  the  Bnrada  with  the  Abana,  and  there 
 seems  therefore  to  be  no  alternative  but  to  consider 
 the  Awaj  as  being  the  Pharpar.  It  takes  its  rise  on 
 the  S.E.  slopes  of  Hermon,  some  .5  or  <!  miles  from 
 Bvit  Jain,  dose  to  a  village  called  Ami/,  the  name 
 of  which  it  bears  during  the  first  part  of  its  course. 
 It  then  runs  S.K.  by  A'efr  Hauwar  and  Susu, 
 but  soon  recovering  itself  by  a  turn  northwards, 
 ultimately  ends  in  the  Bahret  Hijaneh,  the  nio.st 
 southerly  of  the  three  lakes  or  swamps  of  Damas<-us, 
 nearly  due  east  of,  and  .about  4U  miles  from,  the 
 the  point  at  whicli  it  started. 
 
 Phar'zites,  the.  The  descendants  of  Pharez,  the 
 son  ot' Juilah  (Num.  xxvi.  20). 
 
 Phase'ah.     Pashaii  2  (Neh.  vii.  51). 
 
 Fhase'lis.  A  town  on  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor, 
 on  the  confines  of  Lycia  and  Pamphylia,  and  conse- 
 quently ascribed  by  the  ancient  writers  sometimes 
 to  one  and  sometimes  to  the  other.  Its  commerce 
 was  considerable  in  the  sixth  century  B.C.,  for  in 
 the  reign  of  Amasis  it  was  one  of  a  number  of  Greek 
 towns  which  carried  on  trade  somewhat  in  the 
 manner  of  the  Hanseatic  confederacy  in  the  middle 
 ages.  In  later  times  PhaseUs  was  distinguished  as 
 a  resoit  of  the  Pamphylian  and  Cilician  pirates. 
 Phaselis  itself  stood  on  a  rock  of  50  or  lUO  feet 
 elevation  above  the  sea,  and  was  joined  to  the  main 
 by  a  low  isthmus,  in  the  middle  of  which  w;i.s  a 
 lake,  now  a  pestiferous  marsh.  On  the  eastern  side 
 of  this  were  a  closed  port  and  a  roadstead,  and  on 
 the  western  a  larger  artificial  harbour,  formed  by  a 
 mole  run  out  into  the  sea.  The  remains  of  this 
 may  still  be  traced  to  a  consideralile  extent  below 
 the  surface  of  the  water.  For  a  time  the  Phaselitcs 
 confined  their  relations  with  the  Pamphylians  to 
 the  pui-poses  just  mentioiietl ;  but  they  subsequently 
 joined  the  piratical  league,  and  suffered  in  conse- 
 quence the  loss  uf  their  independence  and  their  town 
 lands  in  the  war  which  was  w.iged  by  the  Roman 
 consul  Publius  Servilius  Isauricus  in  the  years  77- 
 75  K.C.  It  is  in  the  interval  between  the  growth 
 of  the  Cilician  piracy  and  the  Servilian  expedition 
 that  the  incidents  related  in  the  First  Book  of  Mac- 
 cab<'ps  occurred  (1  Mate.  xv.  23). 
 
 Phas'iron,  the  name  of  the  head  of  an  Arab 
 tribe,  "  the  children  of  Phasiron  "  (1  Mace.  ix.  b6), 
 deti'utod  by  Jonathan. 
 
 Phas'saron.     Pashur  (1  Esdr.  v.  25). 
 
 Phete.     [Phoebe.] 
 
 Pheni'ce.  I.  See  Piioenice,  Phoenicia.  II. 
 (Acts  xxvii.  12  ),  more  properly  PiiOENiX.  Phenice 
 in  .\cts  xxvii.  12  is  the  name  of  a  haven  in  Crete  on 
 the  south  coast,  and  the  name  was  doubtless  derived 
 fiom  the  (Jrffik  word  for  the  palm-tree,  which  Theo- 
 phrastus  .says  w.as  indigenous  in  the  island.  Both 
 Ptolemy  and  Strabo  mention  a  tosvn  Phoenix  ;  while 
 Ptolemy  alone  mentions  a  haven,  of  a  similiu-  name. 
 Mr  .lames  Smith  places  Phenice  at  the  modern  Lutro. 
 
 Pher'esites,  1  Fsd.  viii.  CD;  =  Peiuzzites; 
 com  1 1.  I!zr.  ix.  1. 
 
 Pherezite,  Pher'ezites  (Jud.  v.  16;  2  Esii.  i. 
 21),  I'ci  i/.zite,  I'eiiz/.ites. 
 
 Phi'chol,  chief  capt.aiu  of  the  army  of  Abimelech, 
 king  of  the  Philistines  of  Geiw  in  the  days  of  both 
 Almdiam  (Gen.  xxi.  22,  32)  and  Isaac  (xxvi.  26). 
 .losophus  mentions  him  on  the  second  ocx-jision  only. 
 On  the  other  hand  the  L.XX.  introduce  Ahuzzatb 
 Abimelei-h's  other  companion,  on  the  first  also. 
 
 FLiladel'phia.    A  town  on  the  confines  of  Lydia 
 
PHILARCHES 
 
 and  Phiycria  Cafcicecaiimene,  hviilt  by  Attains  II., 
 king  of  Peigamus.  It  was  situated  on  the  lower 
 slopes  of  Tmolus,  on  the  southern  siile  of  the  valley 
 of  the  Ain-i-ghinl  Sou,  a  river  which  is  probably 
 the  Cogamus  of  antiquity,  and  falls  into  the  Wadis- 
 tchai  (the  Hermus)  in  the  neighbourhooil  of  Sart- 
 A'afesj  (Saidis),  about  25  miles  to  the  west  of  the 
 site  of  Philadelphia.  This  latter  is  still  represented 
 by  a  town  called  Allah-shehr  (city  of  God).  Its 
 elevation  is  952  feet  above  the  sea.  The  region 
 around  is  highly  volcanic,  and  geologically  speaking 
 belongs  to  the  district  of  Phiygia  Catacecaumene, 
 on  the  western  edge  of  which  it  lies.  The  original 
 population  of  Philadelphia  seems  to  have  been  Mace- 
 donian, and  the  national  character  to  have  been 
 retained  even  in  the  time  of  Pliny.  There  was, 
 however,  as  appears  from  Rev.  iii.  9,  a  synagogue 
 of  Hellenizing  Jews  there,  as  well  as  a  Christian 
 Church,  The  locality  continued  to  be  subject  to 
 constant  earthquakes,  which  in  the  time  of  rftrabo 
 rendered  even  the  town-walls  of  Philadelphia  unsafe. 
 The  expense  of  reparation  was  constant,  and  hence 
 perhaps  the  poverty  of  the  members  of  the  Christian 
 Church  (Kev.  iii.  8). 
 
 Fhllar'ches.  This  word  occurs  as  a  proper  name  in 
 A.  V.  in  2  Mace.  viii.  32,  where  it  is  really  the  name 
 of  an  office,  "  the  commander  of  the  cavalry." 
 
 Fhile'inon,  the  name  of  the  Chiistian  to  whom 
 Paul  addressed  his  Epistle  in  behalf  of  Onesimus. 
 He  was  a  native  probably  of  Colossae,  or  at  all 
 events  lived  in  that  city  when  the  Apostle  wrote  to 
 him  ;  first,  because  Onesimus  was  a  Colossian  ''Col. 
 iv.  9) ;  and  secondly,  because  Archippus  was  a 
 Colossian  (Col.  iv.  17),  whom  Paul  associates  with 
 Philemon  at  the  beginning  of  his  letter  (Philem.  1, 
 2).  It  is  related  that  Philemon  became  bishop  of 
 Colossae,  and  died  as  a  martyr  under  Nero.  It  is 
 evident  from  the  letter  to  him  that  Philemon  was  a 
 man  of  property  and  influence,  since  he  is  repre- 
 sented as  the  head  of  a  numerous  household,  and  as 
 exercising  an  expensive  liberality  towards  his  friends 
 and  the  poor  in  general.  He  was  indebted  to  the 
 Apostle  Paul  as  the  mediumof  his  personal  particip- 
 ation in  the  Gospel.  It  is  not  certain  under  what 
 circumstances  they  became  known  to  each  other. 
 It  is  evident  that  on  becoming  a  disciple,  he  gave 
 no  common  proof  of  the  sincerity  and  power  of 
 his  faith.  His  character,  as  shadowed  forth  in  the 
 epistle  to  him,  is  one  of  the  noblest  which  the  sacred 
 record  makes  known  to  us. 
 
 FMle'mon,  the  Epistle  of  Paul  to,  is  one  of 
 the  letters  (the  others  are  Ephesians,  Colossians, 
 Philippians)  which  the  Apostle  wrote  during  his 
 first  captivity  at  Rome.  The  time  when  Paul  wrote 
 may  be  fixed  with  much  precision.  The  Apostle  at 
 the  close  of  the  letter  expresses  a  hope  of  his  speedy 
 liberation.  Presuming,  theiefore,  that  he  had  good 
 reasons  for  such  an  expectation,  and  that  he  was  not 
 disappointed  in  the  result,  we  may  conclude  that  this 
 letter  was  written  by  him  about  the  year  A.D.  63, 
 or  early  in  A.D.  64.  Nothing  is  wanting  to  confirm 
 the  genuineness  of  the  epistle.  The  external  testi- 
 mony is  unimpeachable.  The  Canon  of  Muratori 
 enumerates  this  as  one  of  Paul's  epistles.  Tertullian 
 mentions  it,  and  says  that  Marciou  admitted  it  into 
 his  collection.  Origen  and  Eusebius  include  it 
 among  the  universally  acknowledged  writings  of 
 the  eai'ly  Christian  times.  Nor  does  the  epistle 
 itself  offer  anything  to  conflict  with  this  decision. 
 Baur  would  divest  it  of  its  historical  character, 
 «iid  make  it  the  pei-sonified  illustration  from  some 
 
 PHILIP 
 
 ■T6 
 
 later  writer,  of  the  idea  that  Christianity  unites  and 
 equalises  in  a  higher  sense  those  wliom  outwar:^ 
 circumstances  have  separated.  He  does  not  impugn 
 the  external  evidence.  But,  not  to  leave  his  theory 
 wholly  unsupported,  he  suggests  some  linguistic  ob- 
 jections to  Paul's  authorship  of  the  letter,  which 
 must  be  pronounced  unfbunded  and  frivolous.  Our 
 knowledge  respecting  the  occasion  and  object  of  the 
 letter  we  must  derive  trom  declarations  or  infer- 
 ences furnished  by  the  letter  itself.  Paul,  so  inti- 
 mately connected  with  the  master  and  the  servant, 
 was  anxious  naturally  to  effect  a  reconciliation 
 between  them.  Paul  used  his  influence  with  One- 
 simus (in  ver.  12;  to  induce  him  to  return  to  Co- 
 lossae, and  place  himself  again  at  the  disposal  of  his 
 master.  On  his  departure,  Paul  put  into  his  hand 
 this  letter  as  evidence  that  Onesimus  was  a  true  and 
 approved  disciple  of  Christ,  and  entitled  as  such  to 
 be  received  not  as  a  servant,  but  above  a  servant, 
 as  a  brother  in  the  faith,  as  the  representative  and 
 equal  in  that  respect  of  the  Apostle  himself,  and 
 worthy  of  the  same  consideration  and  love.  He 
 intercedes  for  him  as  his  own  child,  promises  repar- 
 ation if  he  had  done  any  wrong,  demands  for  him 
 not  only  a  remission  of  all  penalties,  but  the  recep- 
 tion of  sympathy,  affection,  Christian  brotherhood. 
 Such  was  the  purpose  and  such  the  argument  of  the 
 Epistle.  The  result  of  the  appeal  cannot  be  doubted. 
 It  may  be  assumed  from  the  character  of  Philemon 
 that  the  Apostle's  intercession  for  Onesimus  was  not 
 unavailing.  Surely  no  fitting  response  to  his  plead- 
 ings for  Onesimus  could  involve  less  than  a  cessation 
 of  everything  oppressive  and  harsh  in  his  civil  con- 
 dition, as  far  as  it  depended  on  Philemon  to  mitigate 
 or  neutralise  the  evils  of  a  legalised  system  of  bond- 
 age, as  well  as  a  cessation  of  everything  which 
 violated  his  rights  as  a  Christian.  How  much 
 further  than  this  an  impartial  explanation  of  the 
 epistle  obliges  us  or  authorises  us  to  go,  h;is  not  yet 
 been  settled  by  any  veiy  general  consent  of  inter- 
 pretei-b.  The  Epistle  to  Philemon  has  one  peculiar 
 feature — its  aesthetical  character  it  may  be  termed 
 — which  distinguishes  it  from  all  the  other  epistles. 
 The  writer  had  ;>eculiar  difficulties  to  overcome ; 
 but  Paul,  it  is  confessed,  has  shown  a  degree  of  self- 
 denial  and  a  tact  in  dealing  with  them,  which  in 
 being  equal  to  the  occasion  could  hardly  be  greater. 
 
 Phile'tus  was  possibly  a  disciple  of  Hymenaeus, 
 with  whom  he  is  associated  in  2  Tim.  ii.  17,  and 
 who  is  named  without  him  in  an  earlier  Epistle 
 (1  Tim.  i.  20).  Waterland  condenses  in  a  few 
 lines  the  substance  of  many  dissertations  which  have 
 been  written  concerning  their  opinions,  and  the  sen- 
 tence which  was  inflicted  upon  at  least  one  of  them. 
 "They  appear  to  have  been  persons  who  believed 
 the  Scriptures  of  the  0.  T.,  but  misinterpreted 
 them,  allegorising  away  the  doctrine  of  the  Resur- 
 rection, and  resolving  it  all  into  figure  and  meta- 
 phor. The  delivering  over  unto  Satan  seems  to 
 have  been  a  fonii  of  excommunication  declaring  the 
 person  reduced  to  the  state  of  a  heathen ;  and  in 
 the  Apostolical  age  it  was  accompanied  with  super- 
 natural or  miraculous  effects  upon  the  bodies  of  the 
 persons  so  delivered."  The  names  of  Philetus  and 
 Hymenaeus  occur  separately  among  those  of  Caesar's 
 household  whose  relics  have  been  found  in  the  Co- 
 lumbaria at  Rome. 
 
 Philip.  1.  The  father  of  Alexander  the  Great 
 (1  Mace.  i.  1  ;  vi.  2),  king  of  Macedonia,  B.C.  359- 
 336.-2.  A  Phrygian,  left  by  Antiochus  I':piph., 
 as  governor  at  Jerusalem  (c.  B.C.  170),  where  he 
 
 3  A  2 
 
724 
 
 PHILIP  THE  APOSTLE 
 
 behaved  with  great  cruelty  (2  Mace.  v.  22,  vi.  1 1, 
 viii.  8i.  He  is  comnionly  identified  witli — 3.  The 
 fostei-brotl.ier  (2  Mace.  i.x.  29)  of  Aiitinchus  Kpiph., 
 whom  the  kino;  upon  his  death-bed  appointed  reiient 
 of  Syria" iind  giiardiiiii  of  his  son  Antiofhus  V.,  to 
 the  exclusion  of  L\>ias  (ij.c.  IM,  1  Mate.  vi.  14, 
 15,  55).— 4.  Philip  V.,  king  of  Maiedonia,  B.C. 
 220-179.  His  wide  and  successful  endeavours  to 
 strengthen  and  enlarge  the  Macedonian  dominion 
 b'-ought  him  into  eontlict  with  the  Romans,  when 
 *  ney  were  engaged  in  the  critical  war  with  Carthage. 
 In  1  Mace.  viii.  5,  the  defeat  of  I'hilip  at  Cynos- 
 wphalae  (ti.C.  197)  is  coupled  with  that  of  Perseus 
 .n.s  one  of  the  nnli'^'st  triumphs  of  the  Romans. 
 
 Philip  the  Apostle.  The  Gospels  contain  com- 
 parativelv  scnnty  notices  of  this  disci]ile.  He  is 
 mentioned  as  lieing  of  Bethsaida.  the  city  of  Andrew 
 and  Peter  (,)ohn  i.  44),  and  apparently  was  among 
 the  Galilaean  jieasants  of  that  district  who  flocked 
 to  hear  the  preaching  of  the  Baptist.  The  manner 
 in  which  St.  .John  speaks  of  him,  the  repetition  by 
 him  of  the  selfsame  words  with  which  Andiew  had 
 brought  to  Peter  the  good  news  that  the  Christ  had 
 at  last  appeared,  all  indicate  a  ]irevious  friendship 
 with  the  sons  of  .loiia  and  of  Zebedee,  and  a  con- 
 sequent partieipa*ion  in  their  Messianic  hopes.  The 
 close  union  of  the  two  in  John  vi.  and  xii.  suggests 
 that  he  may  have  owed  to  Andrew  the  Hrst  tidings 
 that  the  hope  had  been  fulfilled.  The  statement 
 that  .Jesus  found  him  (John  i.  43)  implies  a  pie- 
 vious  seeking.  To  him  first  in  the  whole  circle 
 of  the  disciples  were  spoken  the  words  so  full  of 
 meaning,  "  Follow  me  "  (Ibid.),  As  soon  as  he  ha-s 
 learnt  to  know  his  Master,  he  is  eager  to  communi- 
 cate his  discovery  to  another  who  had  <dso  shared 
 the  same  expectations.  He  si)eaks  to  Nathanael, 
 probably  on  hisariival  in  Cana  (comp.  John  xxi.  2), 
 as  though  they  had  not  seldom  commune<l  together, 
 of  the  intimations  of  a  better  time,  of  a  divine 
 kingdom,  which  they  found  in  their  sacred  books. 
 We  may  well  believe  that  he,  like  his  friend,  was 
 an  "  Israelite  indeed  in  whom  there  was  no  guile."  In 
 the  lists  of  the  twelve  Apostles,  in  the  Synoptic 
 Gospels,  his  name  is  as  uniformly  at  the  head  of 
 ihe  second  group  of  four,  as  the  name  of  Peter  is  at 
 that  of  the  first  (JIatt.  x.  3;  Mark  iii.  18;  Luke 
 vi.  14) ;  and  tlie  facts  recorded  by  St.  John  give 
 the  reason  of  this  priority.  Philip  apparently  was 
 among  the  first  company  of  disciples  who  were  with 
 the  Lord  at  the  commencement  of  His  ministry,  at 
 the  marriage  of'  Cana,  on  His  first  appearance  as  a 
 prophet  in  Jerusalem  (John  ii.).  When  John  was 
 cast  into  prison,  and  the  work  of  declaring  the  glad 
 tidings  of  the  kingdom  required  a  new  company  of 
 preachers,  we  may  believe  that  he,  like  his  com- 
 panions and  frii'iids,  received  a  new  call  to  a  more 
 constant  discipleship  'Matt.  iv.  18-22).  When 
 the  Twelve  were  specially  set  apart  for  their  oilice, 
 lie  was  numbered  among  them.  The  (ii-st  three 
 Gosjiels  tell  us  nothing  more  of  him  individnully. 
 St.  John,  with  his  characteristic  fulness  of  ])ersoiial 
 reminiscences,  records  a  few  significant  utterances 
 (Jchn  vi.  5-9,  xii.  20-22,  xiv.  8i.  No  other  fact 
 connected  with  the  name  of  Philip  is  recorded  in 
 the  (iospels.  The  close  relation  in  which  we  have 
 seen  him  standing  to  the  .sons  of  Zebedee  and  Na- 
 thanael might  lead  us  to  think  of  him  as  one  of  the 
 two  unnamed  disciples  in  the  list  of  fishermen  on 
 the  Seji  of  Tiberias  who  meet  us  in  John  xxi.  He 
 18  among  the  company  of  disciples  at  Jerusalem 
 xh/tT  the  Ascension  (Acta  i.  13).  and  on  the  day  of 
 
 PHILIP  THE  EVANGELIST 
 
 Pentecost.  After  this  all  is  uncertain  .md  apocrv- 
 phal.  He  is  mentioned  bv  Clement  of  Alt»xanilria 
 :is  having  had  a  wife  and  children,  and  as  having 
 sanctioned  the  marriage  of  his  (laughters  instead  o< 
 binding  them  to  vows  of  chastity,  and  is  included  in 
 the  list  of  tho^e  who  had  borne  witness  of  Chiist  in 
 fheir  lives,  but  had  not  died  what  was  commonly 
 looked  on  as  a  martyr's  death.  Polvcrates,  bishop 
 of  Ephesus,  speaks  of  him  as  having  fallen  asleep  in 
 the  Pliryirian  Hierapolis,  as  having  had  two  daughters 
 who  had  grown  old  unmarried,  and  a  third,  with 
 special  gifts  of  inspiration,  who  had  died  at  E)ihe>us. 
 There  seems,  however,  in  this  mention  of  the  daugh- 
 ters of  Philip,  to  be  some  confusion  between  the 
 Apostle  and  the  Evangelist.  The  apocryphal  '  Acta 
 Phili]ipi '  are  utterlv  wild  and  fantastic. 
 
 Philip  the  Evangelist.  The  first  mention  of 
 this  name  occurs  in  the  account  of  the  dispute  be- 
 tween the  Hebrew  and  Hellenistic  disciples  in 
 Acts  vi.  He  is  one  of  the  Seven  appointed  to  su- 
 perintend the  daily  distribution  of  fowl  and  alms, 
 and  so  to  remove  all  suspicion  of  partialitv.  Whe- 
 ther the  office  to  which  he  was  thus  appointed  gave 
 him  the  ]X)sition  ami  the  title  of  a  l)eacon  of  the 
 Church,  or  was  sjjeeial  and  extraordinary  in  its 
 character,  must  remain  uncertain.  The  af>er-history 
 of  Philip  warrants  the  belief,  in  any  case,  that  his 
 office  was  not  simply  that  of  the  later  Diaconate. 
 It  is  no  great  presumption  to  think  of  him  as  con- 
 tributing hardly  less  than  Stephen  to  the  great 
 increase  of  disciples  which  followed  on  this  fresh 
 organisation,  as  sharing  in  that  wider,  more  ex- 
 pansive teaching  which  shows  itself  for  the  lir.st 
 time  in  the  oration  of  the  proto-martyr,  and  in 
 which  he  was  the  forerunner  of  St.  Paul.  The 
 persecution  of  which  Saul  was  the  leader  must  have 
 stopped  the  "daily  ministrations"  of  the  Church. 
 The  teachers  who  had  been  most  jjrominent  were 
 compelled  to  take  to  flight,  and  Philip  was  among 
 them.  It  is  noticeable  that  the  city  of  Samaria  is 
 the  first  scene  of  his  activity  (Acts  viii.).  He  is 
 the  preeui\sor  of  St.  Paul  in  his  work,  as  Stephen 
 had  been  in  his  teachingr.  It  falls  to  his  lot,  rather 
 than  to  that  of  an  Apostle,  to  take  that  first  step 
 in  the  victory  over  .lewish  prejudice  and  the  ex- 
 pansion of  the  Church,  according  to  its  Ix)rd's  com- 
 mand. The  scene  which  brings  Philip  and  Simon 
 the  Sorcerer  into  contact  with  each  other,  in  which 
 the  magician  has  to  acknowledge  a  power  over 
 nature  greater  than  his  own.  is  interesting,  rather 
 as  belonging  to  the  life  of  the  heresiarch  than  to 
 that  of  the  Evangelist.  This  step  is  followed  by 
 another.  He  is  directed  by  an  angel  of  the  Lord  to 
 take  the  road  that  led  down  from  .Jerusalem  to 
 Gaza  on  the  way  to  Egy|)t.  A  chariot  passes  by 
 in  which  there  is  a  man  of  another  race,  whose 
 complexion  or  whose  dress  showed  him  to  be  a 
 native  of  Ethiopia.  The  history  that  follows  is 
 interesting  as  one  of  the  few  records  in  the  N.  T. 
 of  the  jiroee^s  of  individual  conversion,  and  one 
 which  we  may  believe  St.  Luke  obtained,  during 
 his  residence  at  Caesarea.  from  the  Evangelist  him- 
 self. A  brief  sentence  tells  us  that  Philip  contin- 
 ued his  work  as  a  preacher  at  Azotns  (Ashdiwl) 
 and  among  the  other  cities  that  had  formerly  be- 
 longed to  the  Philistines,  and,  following  the  coast- 
 line, aime  to  Caesarea.  Here  for  a  long  period, 
 not  less  than  eighteen  or  nineteen  yeai-s,  we  lose 
 sight  of  him.  The  las*.  glinii>se  of  him  in  the  N.  T. 
 is  in  the  account  of  St.  Paul's  journey  to  Jeru- 
 sjdenn.     It  is  tn  his  house,  as  to  one  well  known  tc 
 
PHILIP  HEROD 
 
 them,  that  St.  Paul  and  his  companions  turn  for 
 shelter.  He  has  four  daughters,  who  possess  the 
 gift  of  prophetic  utterance,  and  who  apparently 
 give  themselves  to  the  work  of  teaching  instead  of 
 entering  on  the  life  of  home  (Acts  xxi.  8,  9).  He 
 is  visited  by  the  prophets  and  elders  of  Jerusalem. 
 One  tradition  places  the  scene  of  his  death  at  Hie- 
 rapolis  in  Phrygia.  According  to  another,  he  died 
 Bishop  of  T railes.  The  house  iu  wliich  he  and  his 
 daughters  had  lived  was  pointed  out  to  travellers  in 
 the  time  of  Jerome. 
 
 Philip  Herod  I.,  II.     [Herod.] 
 
 PMlip'pi.  A  city  of  Macedonia,  about  nine  miles 
 from  the  sea,  to  the  N.W.  of  the  island  of  Thasos, 
 which  is  twelve  miles  distant  from  its  port  Nea- 
 polis,  the  modern  Kavalla.  It  is  situated  in  a 
 plain  between  the  ranges  of  Pangaeus  and  Haemus. 
 St.  Paul,  when,  on  his  first  visit  to  Macedonia  in 
 company  with  Silas,  he  embarked  at  Troas,  made  a 
 straight  run  to  Samothrace,  and  fiom  thence  to 
 Neapolis,  which  he  reached  on  the  second  day  (Acts 
 xvi.  11).  This  was  built  on  a  rocky  promontory, 
 on  the  western  side  of  which  is  a  roadstead,  furnish- 
 ing a  safe  refuge  from  the  Etesian  winds.  The  town 
 is  cut  off  from  the  interior  by  a  steep  line  of  hills, 
 ancientlv  called  Symbolum,  connected  towards  the 
 N.E.  with  the  western  extremity  of  Haemus,  and 
 towards  the  S.W.,  less  continuously,  with  the  eastern 
 extremity  of  Pangaeus.  A  steep  track,  following 
 the  course  of  an  ancient  paved  road,  leads  over 
 Symbolum  to  Philippi,  the  solitary  pass  being  about 
 1600  feet  above  the  sea-level.  Between  the  foot 
 of  Symbolum  and  the  site  of  Philippi,  two  Turkish 
 cemeteries  are  passed,  the  gravestones  of  which  are 
 all  derived  from  the  ruins  of  the  ancient  city,  and 
 in  the  immediate  neighbourhood  of  the  one  first 
 reached  is  the  modern  Turkish  village  Bereketli. 
 This  is  the  nearest  village  to  the  ancient  ruins, 
 which  are  not  at  the  present  time  inhabited  at  all. 
 The  Philippi  which  St.  Paul  visited  was  a  Roman 
 colony  founded  by  Augustus,  and  the  remains  which 
 strew  the  ground  are  no  doubt  derived  from  that 
 city.  The  establishment  of  Philip  of  Macedonia 
 was  probably  not  exactly  on  the  same  site.  Philip, 
 when  he  acquired  possession  of  the  site,  found  there 
 a  town  named  Datus  or  Datum,  which  was  in  all 
 probability  in  its  origin  a  factory  of  the  Phoenicians, 
 who  were  the  first  that  worked  the  gold-mines  in 
 the  mountains  here,  as  in  the  neighbouring  Thasos. 
 The  proximity  of  the  gold-mines  was  of  course  the 
 origin  of  so  large  a  city  as  Pliilippi,  but  the  plain 
 in  which  it  lies  is  of  extraordinary  fertility.  The 
 position  too  was  on  the  main  road  from  Rome  to 
 Asia,  the  Via  Egnatia,  which  fiom  Thessalonica 
 to  Constantinople  followed  the  same  course  as  the 
 existmg  post-road.  The  ruins  of  Philippi  are  very 
 extensive,  but  present  no  striking  feature  except 
 two  gateways,  which  are  considered  to  belong  to 
 the  time  of  Claudius.  Traces  of  an  amphitheatie, 
 theatre,  or  stadium — for  it  does  not  clearly  appear 
 which — are  also  visible  in  the  direction  of  the  hills 
 on  the  N.E.  side.  Inscriptions  both  in  the  Latin 
 and  Greek  languages,  but  more  generally  in  the 
 •brmer,  ai'e  found. 
 
 Philippians,  Epistle  to  the.  1 .  The  canonical 
 nuthority,  Pauline  authorship  and  integrity  of  this 
 Epistle  were  unanimously  acknowledged  up  to  the 
 end  of  the  18th  century.  Maroon  (a.d.  140)  in 
 the  earliest  known  Canon  held  common  ground  with 
 the  Church  touching  the  authority  of  this  Epistle: 
 it  appear.s  in  the  Muratorian  Fi  agment ;  among  the 
 
 PHILIPPIANS 
 
 121 
 
 "acknowledged"  books  in  Eusebius  ;  in  the  lists 
 of  the  Council  of  Laoilicea,  a.d.  365,  and  the  Synod 
 of  Hippo,  393 ;  and  in  all  subsequent  lists,  as  well 
 as  in  the  Peshito  and  later  versions.  Even  con- 
 temporary evidence  may  be  claimed  for  it.  Philip- 
 pian  Christians  who  had  contributed  to  the  collec- 
 tions for  St.  Paul's  suppoit  at  Rome,  who  had  been 
 eye  and  ear-witnesses  of  the  return  of  Epaphroditus 
 and  the  first  reading  of  St.  Paul's  Epistle,  may 
 have  been  still  alive  at  Phili])pi  when  Polycarp 
 wrote  (a.d.  107)  his  letter  to  them,  m  which  (ch. 
 2,  3)  he  refers  to  St.  Paul's  Epistle  as  a  well-known 
 distinction  belonging  to  the  Philippian  Church.  It 
 is  quoted  as  St.  Paul's  by  Irenaeus,  Clement  of 
 Alexandria,  and  TertuUian.  A  quotation  from  it 
 (Phil.  ii.  6)  is  found  in  the  Epistle  of  the  Churches 
 of  Lyons  and  Vienne,  A.D.  177.  The  testimonies 
 of  later  writers  are  innumerable.  But  V .  C.  Baur, 
 followed  by  Schwegler,  has  argued  from  the  phrase- 
 ology of  the  Epistle  and  other  internal  marks,  that 
 it  is  the  work  not  of  St.  Paul,  but  of  some  Gnostic 
 forger  in  the  2nd  century.  2.  Where  uritten. — 
 The  constant  tradition  that  this  Epistle  was  written 
 at  Rome  by  St.  Paul  in  his  captivity,  was  impugned 
 first  by  Oeder  (1731),  who,  disregarding  the  fact 
 that  the  Apostle  was  in  prison  (i.  7,  13,  14)  when 
 he  wrote,  imagined  that  he  was  at  Corinth  ;  and 
 then  by  Paulus  (1799),  Schulz  (1829),  Bottger 
 (1837)  and  Rilliet  (1841),  in  whose  opinion  the 
 Epistle  was  written  during  the  Apostle's  confine- 
 ment at  Caesarea  (Acts  xxiv.  23)  ;  but  the  refer- 
 ences to  the  "palace"  (praetorium,  i.  13),  and  to 
 "Caesar's  household,"  iv.  22,  seem  to  point  to 
 Rome  rather  than  to  Caesarea.  3.  Wlien  written. 
 ■ — Assuming  then  that  the  Epistle  was  written  at 
 Rome  during  the  imprisonment  mentioned  in  the 
 last  chapter  of  the  Acts,  it  may  be  shown  from  a 
 single  fact  that  it  could  not  have  been  written  long 
 before  the  end  of  the  two  years.  The  distress  of 
 the  Philippians  on  account  of  Epaphroditus'  sickness 
 was  known  at  Rome  when  the  Epistle  was  written ; 
 St.  Luke  was  absent  fiom  Rome ;  and  lastly,  it  is 
 obvious  from  Phil.  i.  20,  tnat  St.  Paul,  when  he 
 wrote,  felt  his  position  to  be  very  critical,  and  we 
 know  that  it  became  more  precarious  as  the  two 
 years  drew  to  a  close.  In  a.d.  62  the  infamous 
 Tigellinus  succeeded  Burrus  the  upright  Praetorian 
 praefect  in  the  charge  of  St.  Paul's  person  ;  and  the 
 marriage  of  Poppaea  brought  his  imperial  judge 
 under  an  influence  which,  if  exerted,  was  hostile  to 
 St.  Paul.  Assuming  that  St.  Paul's  acquittal  and 
 release  took  place  in  63,  we  may  date  the  Epistle 
 to  the  Philippians  early  in  that  year.  4.  Tin 
 icriter's  acquaintance  with  the  Philippians. — St. 
 Paul's  connexion  with  Philippi  was  of  a  peculiar 
 character,  which  gave  rise  to  the  writing  of  this 
 Epistle.  St.  Paul  entered  its  walls,  A.D.  52  (Acts 
 xvi.  12),  accompanied  by  Silas,  who  had  been  with 
 him  since  he  started  from  Antioch,and  by  Timothy 
 and  Luke,  whom  he  had  afterwards  attached  to 
 himself;  the  tbimer  at  Derbe,  the  latter  quite  re- 
 cently at  Tioas.  'I'here,  at  a  greater  distance  from 
 Jerusalem  than  any  Apostle  had  yet  penetrated, 
 the  long-restrained  energy  of  St;  Paul  was  again 
 employed  in  laying  the  foundation  of  a  Christian 
 Church.  Philippi  was  endeared  to  St.  Paul,  not 
 only  by  the  hospitality  of  Lydia,  the  deep  sym- 
 pathy of  the  converts,  and  the  remarkable  miracle 
 which  set  a  seal  on  his  preaching,  but  also  by  the 
 successful  exercise  of  his  missionary  activity  after 
 a  long  suspense,  and  by  the  happy  consequences  of 
 
72G 
 
 PHILIPPI 
 
 hia  undaunted  endurance  of  ignominies,  which  re- 
 mained in  his  memory  (Phil.i.  30)  after  the  long 
 interval  of  eleven  years.  Leiving;  Timothy  and 
 Luke  to  watch  over  the  infant  Church,  Paul  and 
 Silas  went  to  Thcssaloiiica  (1  Thess.  ii.  2),  whither 
 they  were  followed  by  the  alms  of  the  Philippians 
 (Phil.  iv.  16),  and  thence  southwards.  The  next 
 six  yeais  of  his  life  are  a  blank  in  our  records.  At 
 the  end  of  that  period  he  is  found  again  (Acts  xs. 
 6)  at  Philippi. — After  the  lapse  of  five  years,  spent 
 chietly  at  Corinth  and  Ephesus,  St.  Paul,  esciiping 
 from  the  incensed  worshippers  of  the  Ephesian 
 Diana,  passed  through  Macedonia,  a.d.  57,  on  his 
 way  to  (J)eece,  accompanied  by  the  Ephesiaus  Ty- 
 chicus  and  Trophimus,  and  probably  visited  Philippi 
 for  the  second  time,  and  was  there  joined  by  Ti- 
 mothy. He  wrote  at  Philippi  his  second  Epistle 
 to  the  Corinthians.  On  leturning  from  Greece 
 (Acts  XX.  4"),  he  again  found  a  refuge  among  his 
 faithful  Philippitjis,  where  he  spent  some  days  at 
 Easter,  a.d.  58,  with  St.  Luke,  who  accompanied 
 him  when  he  sailed  fiom  Neapolis.  Once  more,  in 
 his  Iv'oman  captivity  (a.d.  62)  their  cave  of  him 
 I'evived  again.  They  .'•ent  Epaphroditus,  bearing 
 their  alms  for  the  Apostle's  support,  and  ready  also 
 to  tender  his  personal  service  (Phil.  ii.  25).  5. 
 Scope  and  contents  of  the  Epistle. — St.  Paul's  aim 
 in  writing  is  plainly  this:  while  acknowledging  the 
 alms  of  tiie  Philippians  and  the  personal  services  of 
 their  messenger,  to  give  them  some  information  re- 
 specting his  own  condition,  and  some  advice  respect- 
 ing theirs.  After  the  inscription  (i.  1-2)  in  which 
 Timothy  as  the  second  father  of  the  Church  is 
 joined  with  Paul,  he  sets  forth  his  own  condition 
 (i.  3-26j,  his  pi-ayers,  care,  and  wishes  for  his  I'hi' 
 lippians,  with  the  troubles  <uid  inicertainty  of  his 
 imprisonment,  and  his  hope  of  eventually  seeing 
 them  again.  Then  (i.  27-ii.  18)  he  ex!;crts  them 
 to  those  particular  virtues  which  he  would  rejoice 
 to  .see  them  practising  at  the  present  time.  He 
 hojjes  soon  to  hear  a  good  report  of  them  (ii.  19- 
 30),  either  by  sending  Timothy,  oi-  by  going  him- 
 self to  them,  as  he  now  semis  Epaphroditus  whose 
 diligent  service  is  highly  commended.  Reverting 
 fiii.  1-21)  to  the  tone  of  joy  which  runs  through 
 the  preceding  descriptions  and  exhortations — as  in 
 i.  4,  18,  25,  ii.  2,  16,  17,  18,  28— he  bids  them 
 take  heed  that  their  joy  be  in  the  Lord,  and  warns 
 them, as  he  ha<I  often  pieviously  wained  them  (j)ro- 
 liably  in  his  hist  two  visits),  against  admitting 
 itinerant  Judaising  teachers,  the  tendency  of  whose 
 doctrine  was  towards  a  vain  confid.'nce  in  mere 
 earthly  things  ;  in  contrast  to  this,  he  exhorts  them 
 to  follow  him  in  placing  their  trust  humbly  but 
 entirely  in  ("hrist,  and  in  pressing  forward  in  their 
 Christian  course,  with  the  liesunection-day  con- 
 stantly before  their  minds.  Again  (iv.  1-9),  ad- 
 veitingto  theii-  positiiii  in  the  midst  of  unbelievcTs, 
 lie  beseeches  them,  even  with  jier-onal  ap])e;ds,  to 
 be  fii-m,  unitiil,  joyful  in  the  Lord;  to  be  full  of 
 prayer  and  ])c;ice,  and  to  lead  such  a  life  :is  must 
 approve  itself  to  the  mora!  sense  of  all  men.  L.-ustly 
 (iv.  10-2.1),  he  thanks  them  lor  the  contribution 
 sent  by  Ejiajihroditus  for  his  sii])port,  and  concludes 
 with  salutations  and  a  Ijcnediction.  <i.  Effect  of 
 the  KfiLstlc. — U'c  have  no  account  of  the  ri'ce]>tion 
 of  this  Epistli;  by  the  Philip|)ians.  Except  doubtful 
 tradition.-,  that  Era.^tus  was  their  (iist  bishop,  and 
 with  Lyiiia  and  I'.mnenas  wms  martyred  in  their 
 city,  nothing  is  recoided  of  them,  fbi  the  next  forty- 
 four  yeai-8.     Now,  though  we  auuiot  trace  the  im- 
 
 PHIIilSTINES 
 
 mediate  effect  of  St.  Paul's  Epistle  on  the  Philip> 
 
 plans,  yet  no  one  am  doubt  that  it  contributed  to 
 form  the  character  of  their  Church,  as  it  was  in 
 the  time  of  Polycarp.  It  is  evident  from  Polycai-p'» 
 Epistle  that  the  Church,  by  the  grace  of  God  and 
 the  guidance  of  the  Apostle,  had  passed  through 
 those  tri.ils  of  which  St.  Paul  warned  it,  and  had 
 not  gone  back  from  the  high  degree  of  Christian 
 attainments  which  it  reached  under  St.  Paul's  oral 
 and  written  teaching  (Polyc.  i.,  iii.,  ix.,  xi.).  7. 
 The  Church  at  Rome. — The  state  of  the  Church  at 
 Rome  should  be  considered  before  entering  on  the 
 study  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Philip])ians.  Something 
 is  to  be  learned  of  its  condition  about  A.D.  58  fi-oni 
 the  Epistle  to  the  Romans,  about  A.D.  61  from  Acts 
 xxviii.  St.  Paul's  presence  in  Rome,  the  freedom 
 of  .speech  allowed  to  him,  and  the  ))ersonal  freedom 
 of  his  fellow-labourers  were  the  means  of  infusing 
 fresh  missionary  activity  into  the  Church  (Phil.  i. 
 12-14).  It  was  in  the  work  of  Christ  that  Epa- 
 phroditus was  worn  out  (ii.  30).  8.  Character- 
 istic features  of  the  Epistle. — Strangely  full  of  jov 
 and  thanksgiving  amidst  adversity,  like  the  Apostle's 
 midnight  hymn  from  the  depth  of  his  Philippian 
 dimgeon,  this  Epistle  went  forth  from  his  prison  at 
 Rome.  In  most  other  epistles  he  writes  with  a 
 sustained  effort  to  instruct,  or  with  sorrow,  or  with 
 indignation ;  he  is  striving  to  supply  impeifect,  or 
 to  correct  erroneous  teaching,  to  put  down  saui- 
 dalous  impurity,  or  to  heal  schism  in  the  Chprth 
 which  he  addresses.  But  in  this  Epistle,  though 
 he  knew  the  Philippians  intimately,  and  was  not 
 blind  to  tho  faults  and  tendencies  to  fault  of  some 
 of  them,  yet  he  mentions  no  evil  so  characteristic  of 
 the  whole  Church  as  to  call  for  general  censure  on 
 his  part,  or  amendment  on  theirs.  Of  all  his  Epis- 
 tles to  Churches,  none  has  so  little  of  an  ofhcial 
 character  as  this.  The  Epistle  to  the  l'hilij)pians  is 
 found  in  all  the  principal  uncial  manuscripts,  viz. 
 in  A,  B,  C,  I),  E,  F,  G,  J,  K.  In  C,  however,  the 
 veises  preceding  i.  22,  and  those  following  iii.  5, 
 are  wanting. 
 
 Philis'tia  (Ileb.  Pelcsheth).  The  word  thus 
 translated  (in  Ps.  Ix.  8,  Ixxxvii.  4,  cviii.  9)  is  in 
 the  original  identical  with  that  elsewhere  rendeied 
 
 PAr.HSTINE. 
 
 Philistines.  The  origin  of  the  Phili.stines  is  no- 
 where exjue.ssly  stated  in  the  Bible;  but  as  the 
 prophets  describe  them  as  "the  Philistines  fioni 
 Caphtor"  (.Am.  ix.  7),  and  "the  lenniant  of  the 
 maritime  district  of  Caphtor"  (Jer.  xlvii.  4),  it  is 
 prima  facie  probable  tliat  they  wei'e  the  "  Caph- 
 torims  which  eanie  out  of  Cajihtor  "  who  expelled 
 the  Avim  from  their  territory  and  occupied  it  in 
 their  place  (Dent.  ii.  23),  and  that  the.se  again  were 
 the  Caphtorim  mentionetl  in  the  Mosaic  genealogical 
 table  among  the  descendants  of  Jlizraim  (Gen.  x. 
 14).  But  in  e-stiblishing  this  conclusion  certuiii 
 difficidties  present  themselves:  in  the  first  place,  it 
 is  observable  that  in  Gen.  x.  14  the  Philistmes  are 
 connected  with  the  Casluhim  rather  th;ui  the  Ca]>h- 
 torim.  The  clau.se  seems  to  have  an  appropriate 
 meaning  in  its  present  jwsition :  it  looks  like  an 
 interpolation  into  the  original  document  with  the 
 view  of  exphuning  when  and  where  the  name  Phi- 
 listine w;is  first  ap])lied  to  the  ])eople  whose  proper 
 ap|)ellation  was  Caphtorim.  But  a  sei-ond  and  more 
 serious  difliculty  arises  out  of  the  language  of  the 
 Philistines;  for  while  the  (^aplitoiim  were  Hamitic, 
 the  I'hili.stini'  langu.nge  is  helcl  to  have  been  Shemitic. 
 The  diliiculty  arising  out  of  the  question  of  lau- 
 
PHILISTINES 
 
 guage  may  be  met  by  assuming  either  that  the 
 Caphtorim  adopted  the  language  of  the  conquered 
 A  vim,  or  that  they  diverged  from  the  Hamitic 
 stock  at  a  period  when  the  distinctive  features  of 
 Hamitism  ;uid  Shemitism  were  yet  in  embryo.  A 
 third  objection  to  their  Egyptian  oi-igin  is  raised 
 from  the  application  of  the  term  "  uncircumcised  " 
 to  them  (1  Sam.  xvii.  26;  2  Sam.  i.  20),  whereas 
 the  Egyptians  were  circumcised  (Herod,  ii.  30). 
 But  this  objection  is  answered  by  Jer.  ix.  25,  26, 
 where  the  same  teim  is  in  some  sense  applied  to  the 
 Egyptians,  however  it  may  be  rei^onciied  with  the 
 .statement  of  Herodotus.  The  next  question  that 
 arises  relates  to  the  early  movements  of  the  Phi- 
 listines. It  has  been  very  generally  assumed  of 
 late  years  that  Caphtor  represents  Crete,  and  that 
 the  Philistines  migrated  from  that  island,  either 
 directly  or  through  Egypt,  into  Palestine.  This 
 hypothesis  presupposes  the  Sheniitic  origin  of  the 
 Philistines.  Moreover,  the  name  Caphtor  can  only 
 be  identified  with  the  Egyptian  Coptos.  But  the 
 Cretan  origin  of  the  Philistines  has  been  deduced, 
 not  so  much  fiom  the  name  Caphtor,  as  from  that 
 of  the  Cherethites.  This  name  in  its  Hebrew  form 
 bears  a  close  resemblance  to  Ciete,  and  is  rendered 
 Cretans  in  the  LXX.  But  the  mere  coincidence  of 
 the  names  cannot  pass  for  much  without  some  cor- 
 'roborative  testimony.  Without  therefore  asserting 
 that  migrations  may  not  have  taken  place  from 
 Crete  to  Philistia,  we  nold  that  the  evidence  ad- 
 duced to  prove  that  they  did  fs  insufficient.  The 
 last  point  to  be  decided  in  connexion  with  the  early 
 history  of  the  Philistines  is,  the  time  when  they 
 settled  in  the  land  of  Canaan.  If  we  were  to  re- 
 strict ourselves  to  the  statements  of  the  Bible,  we 
 should  conclude  that  this  took  place  before  the  time 
 of  Abraham :  for  they  are  noticed  in  his  day  as  a 
 pastoral  tribe  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Gerar  (Gen. 
 xxi.  32,  34,  xxvi.  1,  8).  The  interval  that  elapsed 
 between  Abraham  and  the  exodus  seems  sufficient 
 to  allow  for  the  alteiation  that  took  place  in  the 
 position  of  the  Philistines,  and  their  transformation 
 tiom  a  pastoral  tribe  to  a  settled  and  powerful 
 nation.  But  such  a  view  has  not  met  with  accept- 
 ance among  modern  critics,  partly  beaiuse  it  leaves 
 the  migrations  of  the  Philistines  wholly  uncon- 
 nected with  any  known  historical  event,  and  partly 
 beaiuse  it  does  not  serve  to  explain  the  great  in- 
 crease of  then*  power  in  the  time  of  the  Judges. 
 To  meet  tliese  two  requirements  a  double  migration 
 on  the  part  of  the  Philistines,  or  of  the  two  branches 
 of  that  nation,  has  been  suggested.  The  view  adopted 
 by  Movers  is,  that  the  Philistines  were  carried  west- 
 ward from  Palestine  into  Lower  Egypt  by  the 
 stream  of  the  Hyksos  movement  at  a  period  subse- 
 quent to  Abraham ;  from  Egypt  they  passed  to 
 Crete,  and  returned  to  Palestine  in  the  early  pei'iod 
 of  the  Judges.  This  is  inconsistent  with  the  notices 
 in  Joshua.  Ewald,  in  the  second  edition  of  his 
 Gcschichte  propounds  the  hypothesis  of  a  double 
 mimigration  from  Crete,  the  first  of  which  took 
 place  in  the  anti-patriarchal  peiiod,  as  a  consequence 
 either  of  the  Cana;uiitish  settlement  or  of  the  Hyksos 
 movement,  the  second  in  the  time  of  the  Judges. 
 We  cannot  regard  the  above  views  in  any  other 
 light  than  as  speculations,  built  up  on  very  slight 
 data,  and  unsatisfactory,  inasmuch  as  they  fail  to 
 reconcile  the  statements  of  Scripture.  One  point 
 can,  we  think,  be  satisfactorily  shown,  viz.,  that 
 the  hypothesis  of  a  second  iumiigration  is  not  needed 
 tu  oi-der  to  account  for  the  growth  of  the  Philistine 
 
 PHILISTINES 
 
 727 
 
 power.  Their  geographical  position  and  their  rela- 
 tions to  neighbouring  nations  will  account  for  it. 
 Between  the  times  of  Abraham  and  Joshua,  the 
 Philistines  had  changed  their  quai  ters,  and  had  ad- 
 vanced northwards  into  the  Shephelah  or  plain  ol 
 Philistia.  This  plain  has  been  in  all  ages  remark- 
 able for  the  extreme  richness  of  its  soil ;  its  fields  of 
 standing  corn,  its  vineyards  and  olive-yards,  ai'e  in- 
 cidentally mentioned  in  Scripture  (Judg.  xv.  5)  , 
 and  in  time  of  famine  the  land  of  the  Philistines 
 was  the  hope  of  Palestine  (2  K.  viii.  2).  It  was 
 also  adapted  to  the  giowth  of  military  power  ;  for 
 while  the  plain  itself  permitted  the  use  of  wai- 
 chariots,  which  were  the  chief  arm  of  otience,  the 
 occasional  elevations  which  rise  out  of  it  oflered 
 secure  sites  for  towns  and  strongholds.  It  was, 
 moreover,  a  commercial  country ;  from  its  position 
 it  must  have  been  at  all  times  the  great  thorough- 
 fare between  Phoenicia  and  Syria  in  the  north,  and 
 I]gypt  and  Arabia  in  the  south.  The  Philistines 
 probably  possessed  a  navy ;  for  they  had  ports 
 attached  to  Gaza  and  Ashkelon  ;  the  LXX.  speaks 
 of  their  ships  in  its  version  of  Is.  xi.  14;  and 
 they  are  represented  as  attacking  the  Egyptians 
 out  of  ships.  They  had  at  an  early  period 
 attained  proficiency  in  the  arts  of  peace.  Their 
 wealth  was  abundant  (Judg.  xvi.  5,  18),  and  they 
 appear  in  all  respects  to  have  been  a  prosperous 
 people.  Possessed  of  such  elements  of  power,  the 
 Philistines  had  attained  in  the  time  of  the  Judges 
 an  important  position  among  eastern  nations.  About 
 B.C.  1209  we  find  them  engaged  in  successful  war 
 with  the  Sidonians  (Justin,  xviii.  3).  About  the 
 same  period,  but  whether  before  or  after  is  uncer- 
 tain, they  were  engaged  in  a  naval  war  with  Ra- 
 meses  III.  of  Egypt,  in  conjunction  with  other 
 Mediteiranean  nations.  And  now  to  recur  to  the 
 Biblical  narrative ; — The  territory  of  the  Philistines, 
 having  been  once  occupied  by  the  Cauaanites,  formed 
 a  portion  of  the  promised  land,  and  was  assigned  to 
 the  tribe  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  2,  12,  45-47).  No 
 portion,  however,  of  it  was  conquered  in  the  life- 
 time of  Joshua  (Josh.  xiii.  2j,  and  even  after  his 
 death  no  pennanent  conquest  was  effected  (Judg. 
 iii.  3),  though,  on  the  authority  of  a  somewhat 
 doubtful  passage,  we  are  informed  that  the  three 
 cities  of  Gaza,  Ashkelon,  and  Ekron  were  taken 
 (Judg.  i.  18).  The  Philistines,  at  all  events,  soon 
 recovered  these,  and  commenced  an  aggiessive  policy 
 again.st  the  Israelites,  by  which  they  gained  a  com- 
 plete ascendancy  over  them.  Individual  heroes 
 were  raised  up  from  time  to  time  whose  achieve- 
 ments might  well  kindle  patriotism,  such  as  Sham- 
 gar  the  son  of  Anath  (Judg.  iii.  31),  and  still  moie 
 Samson  (Judg.  xiii.-xvi.)  :  but  neither  of  these  men 
 succeeded  in  permanently  throwing  off  the  yoke. 
 Under  Eli  theie  was  an  organised  but  unsuccessful 
 resistance  to  the  encroachments  of  the  Philistines, 
 who  were  met  at  Aphek  (1  Sam.  iv.  1).  The  pro- 
 duction of  the  aik  on  this  occasion  demonstrates  the 
 greatness  of  the  emergency,  and  its  loss  marked 
 the  lowest  depth  of  Isiael's  degradation.  The  next 
 action  took  place  under  Samuel's  leadership,  and  the 
 tide  of  success  turned  in  Israel's  favour.  The  Israel- 
 ites now  attributed  their  past  weakness  to  their 
 want  of  unity,  and  they  desired  a  king,  with  the 
 special  object  of  leading  them  against  the  foe  ( 1  Sam. 
 viii.  20).  As  soon  as  Saul  was  prepared  to  throw 
 off  the  yoke,  he  occupied  with  his  armv  a  position 
 at  Michmash,  commanding  the  defiles  leading  to 
 the  Jordan   valley,  and   his   heroic    son  Jonathan 
 
728 
 
 PHILISTINES 
 
 g-ave  the  signal  for  a  rising  by  overthrowing  the 
 pillar  which  the  Fliilistines  had  placed  there.  The 
 challenge  was  accepted ;  the  Philistines  invaded 
 the  central  district  with  an  immense  force,  and, 
 having  dislodged  Saul  from  Michmash,  occupied 
 it  tliemselves,  and  sent  forth  predatory  bands  into 
 the  surrounding  country.  Tiie  Israelites  shortly 
 after  took  up  a  position  on  the  other  side  of  the 
 ravine  at  Geba,  and,  availing  themselves  of  the  con- 
 fusion consequent  uj)on  Jonathan's  daring  feat,  in- 
 flicted a  tremendous  slaughter  upon  the  enemy 
 (I  Sam.  xiii.  xiv.).  No  attempt  was  made  by  the 
 Philistines  to  regain  their  supremacy  for  about 
 twenty-Kve  years,  and  the  scene  of  the  next  contest 
 shows  the  altered  strength  of  the  two  parties :  it 
 was  no  longer  in  the  central  country,  but  in  a  ravine 
 leading  down  to  the  Philistine  plain,  the  valley  of 
 Klah,  the  position  of  which  is  about  14  miles  S.W. 
 of  Jemsalem:  on  this  ocaision  the  prowess  of  yoiuig 
 David  secured  success  to  Israel,  and  the  foe  was 
 pursued  to  the  gates  of  Hath  and  Ekron  H  Sam. 
 xvii.).  The  power  of  the  Pliilistiiies  was.  however, 
 still  intact  on  their  own  territory.  The  border 
 warfare  was  continued.  The  scene  of  the  next  con- 
 diet  was  far  to  the  north,  in  tl:e  valley  of  Esdraelon. 
 'riie  battle  on  this  occiusion  pioved  disastrous  to  the 
 Israelites:  Saul  himself  perished,  and  the  Philistines 
 penetrated  across  the  Jordan,  and  occupied  the  for- 
 saken cities  (1  Sam.  xxxi.  1-7).  On  the  appoint- 
 ment of  David  to  be  king  over  the  united  tribes, 
 the  Philistines  attempted  to  counterbalance  the 
 advantage  by  an  attack  on  the  jierson  of  the 
 king:  they  therefore  peneti-atcd  into  the  valley  of 
 Kephaim,  S.W.  of  Jerusalem,  and  even  pushed  for- 
 ward an  advanced  post  as  far  as  Bethlehem  ( I  Chr. 
 xi.  16).  David  twice  attacked  them  at  the  former 
 spot,  and  on  each  occasion  with  signal  success,  in 
 tiie  first  case  capturing  their  images,  in  the  second 
 pursuing  them  "  from  Geba  until  thoii  come  to 
 Gazer"  (2  Sam.  v.  17-25;  I  €hr.  xiv.  8-16). 
 Hencefoi'th  the  Israelites  ajipear  as  the  aggressors : 
 Jibout  seven  years  after  the  de(i?at  at  Kephaim, 
 David,  who  liad  now  consolidated  his  power,  at- 
 tacked them  on  their  own  soil,  and  took  (!ath  with 
 its  dependencies  (I  Chr.  xviii.  1;,  and  thus  'ac- 
 cording to  one  interpretation  of  the  obscure  expres- 
 sion "  Metheg-ammah  "  in  2  Sam.  viii.  1)  "  he  took 
 the  arm-bridle  out  of  the  hand  of  the  Philistines," 
 or  (according  to  another)  "  he  took  the  bridle  of  the 
 pietropolis  out  of  the  hand  of  the  Philistines" — 
 meaning  in  either  case  that  their  ascendancy  was 
 iitteily  broken.  The  whole  of  Philistia  w:is  in- 
 cluded in  Solomon's  empire.  The  division  of  the 
 empire  at  Solomon's  death  was  favouiable  to  the  Plii- 
 listine  cause:  Uehoboam  secured  himself  against 
 them  by  fortifying  Gath  and  other  cities  bordering 
 on  the  plain  (2  Chr.  xi.  8) :  the  Isnielite  monaichs 
 were  either  not  so  prudent  or  not  .so  powerful,  for 
 they  allowed  the  Philistines  to  get  hold  of  Gib- 
 Ijethon  (1  K.  XV.  27,  xvi.  15).  Judah  meanwhile 
 had  lost  the  tribute  (2  Chr.  xvii.  11).  The  in- 
 cieasing  weakness  of  the  Jewish  monarchy  tinder  the 
 att.'icks  of  Ilazael  led  to  the  ri^coveiy  of  (iath,  whi(!li 
 was  aflerwaids  dismantle*!  and  probably  destroyeil 
 by  Uzziah  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  ti ;  2  K.  xii.  17).  We  have 
 retison  to  suppose  that  the  Philistines  were  kept  in 
 subjection  until  the  time  of  Ah.az  (2  Chr.  xxviii. 
 18).  A  few  years  later  the  Philistines,  in  conjunc- 
 tion with  the  Syrians  and  Assyrians,  and  [lerhaps 
 as  the  subject-allies  of  the  latter,  carried  on  a  series 
 Df  attacks  on  the  kingdom  of  Israel  (Is.  ix.  II,  12). 
 
 PHILOSOPHY 
 
 Hezekiah  formed  an  alliance  with  the  Egyptians,  a: 
 a  counterpoise  to  the  Assyrians,  and  the  possession 
 of  Philistia  became  hencetbrth  the  turning-point  oi 
 the  struggle  between  the  two  great  etnpires  of  the 
 East.  The  Assyrians  under  Tartan,  the  general  o/ 
 Sargon,  made  an  expedition  against  Egypt,  and  took 
 Aslidod,  as  the  key  of  that  country  (Is.  xx.  1,  4,  5 1. 
 Under  Sennacherib  Philistia  was  again  the  scene  ol 
 important  operations.  The  Assyrian  supremacy 
 was  restored  by  Esar-haddon,  and  it  seems  piobable 
 that  the  Assyrians  retained  their  hold  on  Ashdod 
 until  its  capture,  after  a  long  siege,  by  Psamme- 
 tichus.  It  was  about  this  time  that  Philistia  w:is 
 traversed  by  a  vast  Scythian  horde  on  their  way  to 
 Egypt.  The  Egyptian  ascendancy  was  not  as  yet  re- 
 esfctblished,  for  we  find  the  next  king,  N ceo,  compelled 
 to  besiege  Gaza  on  his  return  from  the  battle  vi 
 Megiddo.  After  the  death  of  Xeco,  the  contest  was 
 renewed  between  the  Egyptians  and  the  Chaldaeans 
 under  Nebuchadnezzar,  and  tlie  result  was  specially 
 disastrous  to  the  Philistines.  The  "old  hatred'' 
 that  the  Philistines  bore  to  the  Jews  was  exhibited 
 in  acts  of  hostility  at  the  time  of  the  Babylonisii 
 captivity  (Ez.  xxv.  15-17):  but  on  the  return  this 
 was  somewhat  abated,  ibr  some  of  the  Jews  marii»l 
 Philistine  women,  to  the  great  scandal  of  their 
 rulers  (Neh.  xiii.  2.3,  24).  Kiom  this  time  the 
 history  of  Philistia  is  absorbed  in  the  struggles  of 
 the  neighbouring  kingdoms.  The  hitest  notices 
 of  the  Philistines  as  a  nation,  occur  in  1  Jlacc. 
 iii.— V.  With  regard  to  the  institutions  of  the  Phi- 
 listines our  information  is  very  scanty.  The  five 
 chief  cities  had,  as  early  as  the  days  of  Joshua,  con- 
 stituted themselves  into  a  confederacy,  restricted, 
 however,  in  all  probability,  to  matters  of  offence 
 and  defence.  Each  was  under  the  government  of  a 
 prince  whose  ollicial  title  was  seren  (Josh.  xiii.  3; 
 Judg.  iii.  3,  &c.),  and  occasionally  siir  (1  Sam. 
 xviii.  30,  xxix.  6).  Each  town  possessed  its  own 
 territory.  The  Philistines  ajipear  to  have  been 
 deeply  imbued  with  superstition  :  they  carried  their 
 idols  with  them  on  their  campaigns  (2  S:iin.  v.  21), 
 and  proclaimed  their  victories  in  their  presence 
 (1  Sam.  xxxi.  9).  The  gods  whom  they  chiefly 
 worshipped  were  Dagon  (Judg.  xvi.  23;  1  Sam.  v. 
 3-5  ;  1  Chr.  x.  10  ;'l  Mace.  x.  83) ;  Ashtaroth  ( 1 
 Sam.  xxxi.  10;  Herod,  i.  105);  Baal-zebub  (2  K. 
 i.  2-6) ;  and  Decerto,  who  was  houourwi  at  Ash- 
 kelon  (Diod.  Sic.  ii.  4),  though  unnoticed  in  the 
 Bible.  Priests  and  diviners  (1  Sam.  vi.  2)  were 
 attached  to  the  vaiious  seats  of  worship. 
 
 Philorog^.  A  Christian  at  Home  to  whom  St. 
 Paul  sends  his  salutation  (Rom.  xvi.  15).  Pseudo- 
 Hippolytus  tnakos  him  one  of  the  70  disciples,  and 
 bishop  of  Sinope. 
 
 Philosophy.  It  is  the  object  of  che  following 
 articie  to  give  some  account  (I.)  of  that  develoj)- 
 ment  of  thought  among  the  Jews  which  answei-ed 
 to  the  philosophy  of  the  West:  (II.)  of  the  recogni- 
 tion of  the  preparatory  (projKiedeutic)  office  of  Greek 
 philosophv  in  relation  to  Christianity;  (III.'i  of  the 
 systematic  progress  of  (ireek  philosophy  .as  foitning 
 a  complete  wliole;  .and  (IV.)  of  the  contact  of 
 Christianity  with  jjhilosophy. — 1.  Till-;  PiULOSiv 
 PHiO  Discu'i-INE  OK  iiii;  Jiows. — Philosophy,  if 
 we  limit  the  word  strictly  to  desciibe  the  free  pur- 
 suit of  knowledge  of  winch  truth  is  the  one  com- 
 plete end,  is  essentially  of  Western  growth.  In  the 
 East  the  seairh  after  wi^dom  has  always  been  con- 
 nected with  practice.  The  history  of  the  Jews  oflci-s 
 no  exception  to  this   remark  :  there  is  uo  Jewish 
 
PHILOSOPHY 
 
 philosoiihy  proj>eily  so  called.  Yet  on  the  other 
 liand  speculation  and  action  meet  in  truth ;  and 
 perhaps  the  most  obvious  lesson  ot  the  Old  Testa- 
 ment lies  in  the  gradual  construction  of  a  divine 
 philosophy  by  fact,  and  not  by  speculation.  The 
 metjiod  ot'  Greece  was  to  pioceed  t'lom  lite  to  God  ; 
 the  method  of  Israel  (so  to  speakj  was  to  proceed 
 from  God  to  life.  The  axioms  of  one  system  aie  the 
 conclusions  of  the  other.  The  one  led  to  the  succes- 
 sive abandonment  of  the  noblest  domains  of  science 
 which  man  had  claimed  oiiginally  as  his  own,  till 
 it  left  baie  systems  of  morality  ;  the  other,  in  the 
 fulness  of  time,  prepared  many  to  welcome  the  Christ 
 — the  Truth.  The  philosophy  of  the  Jews,  using 
 the  word  in  a  laige  sense,  is  to  be  sought  tor  rather 
 in  the  progress  of  the  national  life  than  in  special 
 books.  Step  by  step  the  idea  of  the  family  was 
 raised  into  that  of  the  people  ;  and  the  kingdom 
 furnished  the  basis  of  those  wider  promises  which 
 included  all  nations  in  one  kuigdom  of  heaven.  The 
 social,  the  politicsd,  the  cosmical  relations  of  man 
 were  traced  out  gradually  in  relation  to  God.  The 
 philosophy  of  the  Jews  is  thus  essentially  a  moral 
 philosophy,  resting  on  a  definite  connexion  .with 
 God.  Tlie  doctrines  of  Creation  and  Piovidence,  of 
 an  Infinite  Divine  Person  and  of  a  responsible  human 
 will,  which  elsewhere  foim  the  ultimate  limits  of 
 speculation,  are  heie  assumed  at  the  outset.  The 
 fundamental  ideas  ot  the  Divine  government  found 
 expression  in  words  as  well  as  in  life.  The  Psalms, 
 which,  among  the  other  infinite  lessons  which  they 
 convey,  give  a  deep  insight  into  the  need  of  a  per- 
 sonal apprehension  of  tiuth,  everywhere  declare  the 
 absolute  sovereignty  of  God  over  the  material  and 
 moral  worlds.  One  man  among  all  is  distinguished 
 among  the  Jews  as  '■  the  wise  man."  The  descrip- 
 tion whi;h  is  given  of  his  writings  senses  as  a  com- 
 mentary on  the  national  view  of  philosophy  (1  K. 
 iv.  30-y3).  The  lesson  of  practical  duty,  the  full 
 utterance  of"  a  large  heart"  (Ibid.  29),  the  careful 
 study  of  God's  creatures:  this  is  the  sum  of  wisdom. 
 Yet  in  fact  the  very  practical  aim  of  this  philosophy 
 leads  to  the  revelation  of  the  most  sublime  truth. 
 Wisdom  was  giadually  felt  to  be  a  Pei'son,  throned 
 bj'  God,  and  holding  converse  with  men  (Piov. 
 viii.).  She  was  seen  to  stand  in  open  enmity  with 
 "  the  strange  woman,"  who  sought  to  draw  them 
 aside  by  sensuous  attractions ;  and  thus  a  new  step 
 was  made  towards  the  central  doctrine  of  Chris- 
 tianity— the  Incarnation  of  the  Word.  Two  books  of 
 the  Bible,  Job  and  Ecclesiastes,  of  which  the  latter 
 Ht  any  rate  belongs  to  the  period  of  the  close  of  the 
 singdom.  approach  more  nearly  than  any  others  to 
 he  type  of  philosophical  discussions.  But  in  both 
 the  problem  is  moral  and  not  metaphysical.  The 
 one  deals  with  the  evils  which  afflict  "  the  perfect 
 and  upiight  ;"  the  other  with  the  vanity  of  all  the 
 pursuits  and  pleasures  of  earth.  The  method  of 
 inquiry  is  in  both  cases  abrupt  and  irregular.  The 
 Captivity  necessarily  exeicised  a  profound  influence 
 upon  Jewish  thought.  The  teaching  of  Persia  seems 
 to  have  been  designed  to  supply  impoitant  'elements 
 in  the  eduaition  of  the  chosen  peojile.  But  it  did  yet 
 more  than  this.  The  imagery  of  Ezekiel  (chap,  i.), 
 gave  an  apparent  sanction  to  a  new  form  of  mystical 
 speculation.  It  is  uncertain  at  what  date  this  earliest 
 Kabbala  (i.e.  Tradition")  received  a  definite  form  ; 
 but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  two  great  divi- 
 sions of  which  it  is  composed,  "  the  chariot "  {Mer- 
 cahah,  Ez.  i.)  and  "  the  Creation  "  [Bereshith,  Gen. 
 I.), found  a  wide  development  befoie  the  Christian 
 
 PHILOSOPHY 
 
 729 
 
 era.  The  first  dealt  with  the  manifestition  of  God 
 in  Himself;  the  second  with  His  manifestation  in 
 Nature;  and  as  the  doctrine  was  handed  down 
 orally,  it  received  naturally,  both  from  its  extent 
 and  form,  great  additions  from  foreign  sources.  On 
 the  one  side  it  was  open  to  the  Persian  doctrine  of 
 emanation,  on  the  other  to  the  Christian  doctrine 
 of  the  Incarnation  ;  and  the  tradition  was  deeply 
 impressed  by  both  before  it  was  first  committed  to 
 writing  in  the  seventh  or  eighth  century.  At  pre- 
 sent the  original  sources  for  the  teaching  of  the 
 Kabbala  ai-e  the  Sepher  Jetzirah,  or  Book  of  Cre.i- 
 tion,  and  the  Sepher  Hazohar,  or  Book  of  Splen- 
 dour. The  contact  of  the  Jews  with  Persia  thus 
 gave  rise  to  a  traditional  mysticism.  Their  contiict 
 with  Greece  was  marked  by  the  rise  of  distinct  sects. 
 In  the  third  century  B.C.  the  great  doctor  Antigouus 
 of  Socho  bears  a  Greek  name,  and  popular  belief 
 pointed  to  him  as  the  teacher  of  Sadoc  and  Boethus, 
 the  supposed  founders  of  Jewish  rationalism.  At 
 any  rate,  we  may  date  from  this  time  the  twofold 
 division  of  Jewish  speculation  which  corresponds  to 
 the  chief  tendencies  of  practical  p)hilosophy.  The 
 Sadducees  appear  as  the  supioiters  of  human  free- 
 dom in  its  widest  scope;  the  Pharisees  of  a  religious 
 Stoicism.  At  a  later  time  the  cycle  of  doctrine  was 
 completed,  when  by  a  natural  reaction  the  Essenes 
 established  a  mystic  Ascetici.sm.  The  conception  of 
 wisdom  which  appears  in  the  Book  of  Pioverbs 
 was  elaborated  with  greater  detail  afterwards  [Wis- 
 D03I  OF  Solomon],  both  in  Palestine  [Kcclksias- 
 Ticus]  and  in  Egypt ;  but  the  doctrine  of  the  Word 
 is  of  greater  speculative  interest.  The  first  use  of 
 the  term  Word  {Meinra),  based  upon  the  common 
 formula  of  the  prophets,  is  in  the  Targum  of  Onkelos 
 (first  cent.  B.C.),  in  which  "the  Word  of  God"  is 
 commonly  substituted  for  God  in  His  immediate, 
 personal  relations  with  man  ;  and  it  is  probable  that 
 round  this  traditional  rendering  a  fuller  doctrine  grew 
 up.  But  there  is  a  clear  difference  between  the  idea 
 of  the  Word  then  prevalent  in  Palestine  and  that  cur- 
 rent at  Alexandria.  In  Palestine  the  Word  appears 
 as  the  outward  mediator  between  God  and  man,  like 
 the  Angel  of  the  Covenant :  at  Alexandria  it  appears 
 as  the  spiritual  connexion  which  opens  the  way  to 
 revelation.  The  preface  to  St.  John's  Gospel  in- 
 cludes the  element  of  truth  in  both. — II.  The  Pa- 
 tristic Recognition  of  the  Propaedeutic 
 Office  of  Greek  Philosophy. — The  Divine  dis- 
 cipline of  the  Jews  was  in  mature  essentially  moial. 
 The  lessons  which  it  was  designed  to  teach  were 
 embodied  in  the  family  and  the  nation.  Yet  this 
 was  not  in  itself  a  complete  discipline  of  our  nature, 
 'i'he  reason,  no  less  than  the  will  and  the  afi'ections, 
 had  an  office  to  discharge  in  pre]iaring  man  for  the 
 Incarnation.  The  process  and  tlie  issue  in  the  two 
 cases  were  widely  difl'erent,  but  they  were  in  some 
 sense  complementary.  Even  in  time  this  relation 
 holds  good.  The  divine  kingdom  of  the  Jews  was 
 just  overthrown  when  free  .^peculation  arose  in  the 
 Ionian  colonies  of  Asia.  The  teaching  of  the  last 
 prophet  nearly  synchronised  with  the  death  of  So- 
 crates. All  other  differences  between  the  discipline 
 of  leason  and  that  of  revelation  are  implicitly  in- 
 cluded in  their  fundamental  difference  of  method. 
 Philosophy  failed  as  a  religious  teacher  practically 
 (Rom.  1.  21,  22),  but  it  bore  noble  witness  to  an 
 inward  law  (Rom.  ii.  14,  15).  In  its  purest  and 
 grandest  forms  it  was  "  a  schoolmastei-  to  biin^  men 
 to  Christ."  This  function  of  ancient  philosophy  is 
 distinctly  recognised  by  many  of  the  greatest  of  thir 
 
730 
 
 PHILOSOPHY 
 
 lathers.  But  the  same  wiiters  in  other  jilaces  sought 
 to  explain  the  partial  harmony  of  Philosophy  and 
 Kevelatiou  by  an  original  connexion  of  the  two. 
 The  use  which  was  made  of  heathen  speculation 
 by  heretiail  wiiters  was  one  great  cause  of  its  dis- 
 paragement by  their  catholic  antagonists.  This 
 variety  of  Judgment  in  the  heat  of  controversy  was 
 inevitable.  The  full  importance  of  the  histoiy  of 
 ancient  Philosophy  was  then  first  seen  when  all  ri- 
 valry was  over,  and  it  became  possiWe  to  contem- 
 plate It  ivs  a  whole,  animated  by  a  great  law,  often 
 trembling  on  the  verge  of  Truth,  and  sometimes  by 
 a  "  bold  venture  "  claiming  the  heiitage  of  Faith.— 
 HI.  The  Develoi'ment  of  Oreek  Philosophy. 
 — The  various  attempts  which  have  been  made  to 
 derive  Western  Philosophy  from  Eastern  sources 
 have  signally  failed.  It  is  true  that  in  some  degree 
 the  character  of  Greek  speculation  may  have  been 
 influenced,  at  least  in  its  earliest  stages,  by  religious 
 ideas  which  were  originally  introduced  from  the 
 East;  but  this  indirect  iuilueuce  does  not  afi'cct 
 the  real  originality  of  the  great  Greek  teachers.  The 
 very  value  of  Greek  teaching  lies  in  the  fact  that  it 
 was,  as  far  as  is  possible,  a  result  of  simple  Reason, 
 or,  if  Faith  asserts  its  prerogative,  the  distinction  is 
 sh.arply  marked.  Of  the  various  classiHcatious  of 
 the  Greek  schools  which  have  been  proposed  the 
 simplest  and  ti'uest  seems  to  be  that  which  divides 
 the  history  of  Philosophy  into  three  great  periods, 
 the  first  reacliing  to  the  era  of  the  Sophists,  the 
 next  to  the  death  of  Aristotle,  the  third  to  the 
 Christian  era.  In  the  first  period  the  world  object- 
 ively is  the  great  centre  of  inquiry  :  in  the  second, 
 the  "ideas"  of  things,  truth,  and  being;  in  the 
 third,  the  chief  interest  of  philosophy  falls  back 
 upon  the  practical  conduct  of  life.  After  the  Chris- 
 tian era  philosophy  ceased  to  have  any  true  vitality 
 in  Greece,  but  it  made  fresh  efforts  to  meet  the 
 changed  conditions  of  life  at  Alexandria  and  Kome. 
 1.  The  pre-Socratic  Schools. — The  first  Greek  phi- 
 losophy was  little  more  than  an  attempt  to  follow 
 out  in  thought  the  mythic  cosmogonies  of  earlier 
 poets.  What  is  the  one  permanent  element  which 
 underlies  the  changing  forms  of  things? — this  was 
 the  primary  inqi;iry  to  which  the  Foiiic  school  en- 
 deavouied  to  find  an  answer.  Thales  (cir.  H.C. 
 1)10-625)  pointed  to  moisture  (water)  as  the  one 
 source  and  su]>porter  of  life.  Anaximenes  (cir. 
 D.C.  520-480)  sulistituted  air  for  water.  At  a 
 much  later  date  (cir.  B.C.  450)  DlOGENKS  of  Apol- 
 lonia  represented  this  elementary  "air"  as  endowed 
 with  intelligence.  The  atomic  theory  of  Demo- 
 Clirrus  (cir.  is.C.  4G0-357)  offered  another  and 
 more  plausible  solution.  The  motion  of  his  atoms 
 nicluded  the  action  of  force,  but  he  wholly  omitted 
 to  account  for  it.<  source.  Meanwhile  another  mode 
 of  spi'culation  had  arisen  in  the  same  school.  In 
 plate  of  one  definite  element  Anaxi.mandi;r  fit.c. 
 li  10-547)  suggested  the  unlimited  as  the  adequate 
 origin  of  all  special  existences.  And  somewhat  more 
 than  a  century  later  Anaxagoras  summed  up  the 
 lesult  of  such  a  line'of  speculation:  "All  things 
 were  together;  then  mind  aime  aud  disposed  tlu'm 
 in  order."  Thus  we  are  left  face  to  liice  witli  an 
 iiltimatc  iluali.-m.  The  Elealic  school  started  I'lom 
 an  op[)osite  point  of  view.  Xenoi*iiani;s  (cir.  ii.c. 
 r)ii0-5Uj  "  looked  up  to  the  whole  heaven  and  said 
 tliat  the  One  is  God."  "Thales  saw  gods  in  all 
 things:  .Xenophaiies  saw  idl  things  in(iod  "  (Thirl- 
 wall.  Hist,  of  Or.  ii.  136).  Par-menides  of  Kleii 
 \u.C.  5oo)  subbtituUnl  abstract "  being  ''  for  "  God  " 
 
 PHILOSOPHY 
 
 m  the  system  of  Xenophanes,  aud  distinguished 
 with  precision  the  functions  of  sense  and  reason. 
 Zeno  of  Elea  (cir.  B.C.  450)  developed  with  logical 
 ingenuity  the  contradictions  involved  in  our  percep- 
 tions of  things,  and  thus  form.olly  prep;u-ed  the  way 
 for  scepticism.  The  teaching  of  IlEKACLlTL'S  (it.C. 
 500)  offers  a  complete  contrast  to  that  of  the  Ele- 
 atics.  So  far  from  contrasting  the  existent  and  the 
 phenomenal,  he  boldly  identified  being  with  change. 
 Rest  and  continuance  is  death.  That  which  is  is 
 the  instantaneous  balance  of  contending  powers. 
 The  philosophy  of  Pythagoras  (cir.  b.c.  840-510) 
 is  subordinate  in  interest  to  his  social  and  political 
 theories,  though  it  supplies  a  link  in  the  course  of 
 speculation  :  others  had  laboured  to  trace  a  unity  in 
 the  world  in  the  presence  of  one  underlying  element 
 or  in  the  idea  of  a  whole  ;  he  sought  to  combine  the 
 sepaiate  harmony  of  parts  with  total  unity.  Nu- 
 merical unity  includes  the  finite  and  the  infinite; 
 aud  in  the  relations  of  number  there  is  a  perfect 
 symmetry,  as  all  spring  out  of  the  fundamental 
 unit.  Thus  numbers  seemed  to  Pythagoras  to  be 
 not  only  "patterns"  of  things,  but  causes  of  their 
 being.  2.  Tlie  Socratic  Schools. — In  the  second 
 period  of  Greek  philosophy  the  scene  and  subject 
 were  both  changed.  A  philosophy  of  ideas,  using 
 the  terra  in  its  widest  sense,  succeeded  a  philosophy 
 of  nature.  In  three  generations  Greek  speculation 
 reached  its  greatest  glory  in  the  teaching  of  Socrates. 
 Plato,  and  Aristotle.  The  famous  sentence  in  which 
 Aristotle  characterises  the  teaching  of  Soorates 
 (B.C.  468-399)  i)laces  his  scientific  position  in  the 
 cleijrest  light.  There  are  two  things,  he  says,  which 
 we  may  riglitly  attribute  to  Socrates,  inductive  rea- 
 soning, and  general  definition.  By  the  first  he 
 endeavoured  to  discover  the  permanent  element  which 
 underlies  the  changing  foims  of  apjjearances  and  the 
 varieties  of  opinion:  by  the  second  he  fixed  the 
 truth  which  he  had  thus  gained.  But,  besides  this, 
 Sooates  rendered  another  service  to  truth.  Ethics 
 occupied  in  his  investigations  the  primary  place 
 which  had  hitherto  been  held  by  Physics.  The  great 
 aim  of  his  induction  was  to  est;iblish  the  sovereignty 
 of  Virtue.  He  allirmed  the  existence  of  a  univei-sid 
 law  of  right  and  wrong.  He  connected  philosophy 
 with  action,  both  in  detail  and  in  general.  On  the 
 one  side  he  upheld  the  supremacy  of  Conscience,  on 
 the  other  the  working  of  Providence.  Not  the  least 
 fruitful  characteristic  of  his  teaching  was  what  may 
 be  called  its  desultoriness.  As  a  result  of  this,  the 
 most  conflicting  opinions  were  maintained  by  some 
 of  his  professed  followers  who  carried  out  isolated 
 fragments  of  his  teaching  to  extieme  conclusions 
 The  truths  which  they  distorted  were  embodied  at 
 a  later  time  in  more  reasonable  forms,  Plato  alone 
 ^  B.C.  430-347),  by  the  breadth  and  nobleness  of  his 
 teaching,  was  the  true  successor  of  Socrates;  witfi 
 fuller  detail  and  greater  elaliorateuess  of  parts,  his 
 philosophy  was  as  manysided  as  that  of  his  master. 
 Plato  possessed  two  commanding  powers,  which, 
 thous;h  apparently  incompatible,  are  in  the  highest 
 sense  complementary :  a  matchless  destructive  dia- 
 lectic, and  a  cre;itive  niiagination.  His  tiimons  doc- 
 trines of  Ideas  and  liecollection  aie  a  solution  by 
 imagination  of  a  logicid  difficulty.  The  "  myths  " 
 of  Plato  play  a  most  ini]>ortnnt  jwrt  in  his 
 system.  They  answer  in  the  philosopher  to  Faith 
 in  the  Christian.  The  great  diflerence  between 
 Plato  and  ARISTOTLE  (it.O.  384-322)  lies  in  the 
 use  which  Plato  thus  made  of  im:igination  an 
 the  exponent  of  instinct.     The  dialectic  of  Plato  ii 
 
PHILOSOPHY 
 
 not  iiiPerior  to  that  of  Aristotle,  and  Aristotle  ex- 
 hibits trac«s  of  yioetic  power  not  unwortliy  of  Plato  ; 
 but  Aristotle  never  allows  imagination  to  intiiience 
 ills  final  decision.  He  elaborated  a  perfect  method, 
 and  he  used  it  with  perfect  i'airness.  His  writings, 
 if  any,  contain  the  highest  utterance  of  pure  reason. 
 Looking  back  on  all  the  earlier  efiorts  of  philosophy, 
 he  pronounced  a  calm  and  final  judgment.  It  fol- 
 lows necessarily  that  the  Platonic  doctrine  of  ideas 
 was  emphatically  rejected  by  Aristotle,  who  gave, 
 however,  the  tinal  development  to  the  original  con- 
 ception of  Socrates.  With  Socrates  "  ideas  "  (gene- 
 ral definitions)  weie  mere  abstractions ;  with  Plato 
 they  had  an  absolute  e.\isteuce  ;  with  Aristotle  they 
 had  no  existence  separate  from  things  in  which  they 
 were  realised,  though  the  form  which  answers  to 
 the  Platoi.ic  idea,  was  held  to  be  the  essence  of  the 
 tiling  itself.  There  is  one  feature  common  in  essence 
 to  the  systems  of  Plato  and  Aristotle  which  has  not 
 yet  been  noticed.  In  both,  Ethics  is  a  part  of 
 Politics.  3.  The  post-Socratic  Schools.  —  After 
 Aristotle,  Philosophy  took  a  new  direction.  Specul- 
 ation became  mainly  personal.  EpiCURUS  (B.C. 
 352-270)  defined  the  object  of  Philosophy  to  be 
 the  attainment  of  a  happy  life.  The  pursuit  of 
 ti'uth  for  its  own  sake  he  regarded  as  superfluous. 
 He  rejected  dialectics  as  a  useless  study,  and  accepted 
 the  senses,  in  the  widest  acceptation  of  the  term,  as 
 the  criterion  of  truth.  Physics  he  subordinated 
 entirely  to  Ethics.  But  he  ditlered  widely  from  the 
 Cyrenaics  in  his  view  of  happiness.  The  happiness 
 at  which  the  wise  man  aims  is  to  be  found,  he  said, 
 not  in  momentary  gratification,  but  in  lifelong 
 pleasure.  It  does  not  consist  necessarily  in  exxite- 
 meut  or  motion,  but  often  in  absolute  tranquillity. 
 The  gods,  who  were  assumed  to  be  supremely  happy 
 and  eternal,  were  absolutely  free  from  the  distrac- 
 tions and  emotions  consequent  on  any  care  for  the 
 worM  or  man.  All  things  were  supposed  to  come 
 into  being  by  chance,  and  so  pass  away.  The  indi- 
 vidual was  left  nwster  of  his  own  life.  While  Epi- 
 curus asserted  in  this  manner  the  claims  of  one  part 
 of  man's  nature  in  the  conduct  of  life.  Zeno  of 
 Citium  (cir.  B.C.  280),  with  equal  partiality,  advo- 
 cated a  purely  spiritual  (intellectual)  morality. 
 The  opposition  between  the  two  was  complete.  The 
 infinite,  chance-foiTned  worlds  of  the  one  stand  over 
 against  the  one  harmonious  world  of  the  other.  On 
 the  one  side  are  Gods  regardles.s  of  material  things, 
 on  the  other  a  Being  permeating  and  vivifying  all 
 creation.  This  difference  necessarily  found  its  chief 
 expression  in  Ethics.  For  when  the  Stoics  taught  tliat 
 there  were  only  two  principles  of  things,  Matter, 
 and  God,  Fate,  Reason,  it  followed  that  the  active 
 principle  in  man  is  of  Divine  origin,  and  that  his 
 duty  is  to  live  conformably  to  nature.  All  exteinal 
 things  were  indifferent.  Reason  was  the  absolute 
 soveieign  of  man.  In  one  point  the  Epicureans  and 
 Stoics  were  agreed.  They  both  regarded  the  hap- 
 jiiness  and  culture  of  the  individual  as  the  highest 
 good.  Meanwhile  in  the  New  Academy  Platonism 
 deo;eneiated  into  scepticism.  Epicurus  found  an 
 autlioi  itative  rule  in  the  senses.  The  Stoics  took 
 lefiit^e  in  what  seems  to  answer  to  tlie  mudern  doc- 
 tiine  of"  common  sense,"  and  maintained  that  the 
 senst'S  give  a  direct  knowledge  of  the  object.  Car- 
 NEADKS  (  B.C.  213-129)  combated  tliese  views,  and 
 showed  that  sensation  cannot  be  proved  to  declare 
 the  real  nature,  but  only  some  of  the  effects,  of 
 things.  Scepticism  remained  as  the  last  issue  of 
 sj'eculation.     But  though   the  Greek  philosophers 
 
 PHILOSOPHY  731 
 
 fell  short  of  their  highest  aim,  it  needs  hO  words  to 
 show  the  work  which  they  did  as  pioneers  of  a  uni- 
 versal Church,  Step  by  step  great  questions  wore 
 proposed — Fate,  Providence — Conscience,  Law — the 
 State,  the  Man — and  answers  were  given,  which  are 
 the  more  instructive  because  they  are  generally  one- 
 sided. The  complete  course  of  Philosophy  was  run 
 before  the  Christian  era,  but  there  were  yet  twc^ 
 mi.xed  systems  afterwards  which  offered  some  novel 
 features.  At  Alexandria  Platonism  was  united  with 
 various  elements  of  Eastern  speculation,  and  for 
 several  centmies  exercised  an  important  influence  on 
 Christian  doctrine.  At  Rome  Stoicism  was  vivified 
 by  the  spirit  of  the  old  republic,  and  exhibited  the 
 extreme  Western  type  of  Philosophy.  Of  the  first 
 nothing  can  be  said  here.  But  the  Roman  Stoicism 
 calls  tor  brief  notice  fi'om  its  supposed  connexion 
 with  Christian  morality  (Seneca,  f  A.  D.  65 ; 
 Epictetus,  t  cir.  a.d.  115;  M,  Adrelius  An- 
 toninus, 121-180),  The  superficial  coincidences 
 of  Stoicism  with  the  N,  T,  are  certainly  numerous. 
 Coincidences  of  thought,  and  even  of  language,  might 
 easily  be  multiplied.  But  beneath  this  external  i-e- 
 semblance  of  Stoicism  to  Christianity  the  later  Stoics 
 were  fundamentally  opposed  to  it.  For  good  and 
 for  evil  they  were  the  Pharisees  of  the  Gentile 
 world.  Their  worship  was  a  sublime  egotism.  The 
 Stoicism  of  M,  Aurelius  gives  many  of  the  moral 
 precepts  of  the  Gospel,  but  without  their  founda- 
 tion, which  can  find  no  place  in  his  system.  The 
 real  elements  of  greatness  in  M.  Aurelius  are  many, 
 and  truly  Roman  ;  but  the  study  of  his  Meditations 
 by  the  side  of  the  N.  T,  can  leave  little  doubt  that 
 he  could  not  have  helped  to  give  a  national  standing- 
 place  to  a  Catholic  Church.— IV,  Christianity 
 IN  contact  with  Ancient  Philosophy, — The 
 only  direct  trace  of  the  contact  of  Christianity  with 
 Western  Philosophy  in  the  N.  T.  is  in  the  account 
 of  St.  Paul's  visit  to  Athens  (Acts  xvii.  18),  and 
 there  is  nothing  in  the  apostolic  writings  to  show 
 that  it  exercised  any  important  influence  upon  the 
 early  Church  (comp.  1  Cor.  i.  22-4).  But  it  was 
 otherwise  with  Eastern  speculation,  which  penetrated 
 moi  e  deeply  through  the  m;iss  of  the  people.  The 
 "  philosophy  "  against  which  the  Colossians  were 
 warned  (Col.  ii.  8)  seems  undoubtedly  to  have  been 
 of  Eastern  origin,  containing  elements  similar  to 
 those  which  were  afterwards  embodied  in  various 
 shapes  of  Gnosticism,  as  a  selfish  asceticism,  and  a 
 superstitions  reverence  for  angels  (Col.  ii,  16-23); 
 and  in  the  Epistles  to  Timothy,  addressed  to  Ephesus, 
 in  which  city  St.  Paul  anticipated  the  rise  of  false 
 teaching  (Acts.  xx.  30),  two  distinct  fomis  of  enoi 
 may  be  traced  in  addition  to  Judaism,  due  more  o- 
 less  to  the  same  influence.  The  writings  of  tiie 
 sub-apostolic  age,  with  the  exception  of  the  famous 
 anecdote  of  Justin  Jlartyr  (Dial.  2-4),  throw  little 
 light  upon  the  relations  of  Christianity  and  Philo- 
 sophy. One  book,  however,  has  been  preserved  in 
 various  shapes,  which,  though  still  unaccountably 
 neglected  in  Church  histories,  contains  a  vivid  deli- 
 neation of  the  speculative  struggle  which  Christiaiiitv 
 had  to  maintain  with  Judaism  and  Heathenism. 
 The  Clementine  Homilies  and  Recognitions  are  a 
 kind  of  Philosophy  of  Religion,  and  in  subtlety  and 
 richness  of  thought  yield  to  no  early  Christian  writ- 
 ings. At  the  close  of  the  second  century,  when  the 
 Church  of  Alexandria  came  into  marked  intellectu:\! 
 ine-eminence,  the  mutual  influence  of  Christianity 
 and  Neo-Platouism  opened  a  new  field  of  specul- 
 ation, or  rather  the  two  systems  were  prescutt'd  in 
 
732 
 
 PHINEES 
 
 foitns  designed  to  meet  ilu-  iicknowletlijed  wants  of 
 the  time.  Neo-Platonism  was,  in  faot,  an  attempt 
 to  seize  the  spirit  nf  Cliristianity  apart  from  its 
 historic  basis  ami  human  elements.  The  want  whicli 
 the  Alexandrine  Fathei's  endeavoured  to  satisfy  is  in 
 a  great  measure  the  want  of  our  own  time.  W 
 Christianity  be  Truth,  it  must  have  points  of  special 
 conne.\ion  with  ail  nations  and  all  periods.  Cliris- 
 tian  I'hilosophy  may  be  in  one  sense  a  contradiction 
 in  terras,  for  < 'hrislianity  confessedly  derives  itsfiist 
 principles  from  revelation,  and  not  fioiii  simple 
 rea.son  ;  but  tliere  is  no  less  a  true  Pliilosopliy  of 
 Christianity,  which  aims  to  show  how  completely 
 these  meet  the  instincts  and  aspirations  of  all  ages. 
 The  exposition  of  such  a  Philosophy  would  be  the 
 work  of  a  modern  Origen. 
 
 Phin'ees.  L  The  son  ofEleazar  son  of  Aaron 
 (1  Esdr.  V.  5  ;  viii.  2,  29  ;  2  Esdr.  i.  2h;  Ecdus. 
 .\lv.  23  ;  1  Mace.  ii.  26).— 2.  I'hinehas  the  son  of 
 VA\,  2  Esdr.  i.  2a.— 3.  A  I'riest  or  Levite  of  the 
 time  of  Ezra,  father  ofEleazar  (1  Esdr.  viii,  63;.^ 
 4.   1  Esdr.  V.  31.    [Paseaii,  2.] 
 
 Phin'ehas.  Son  ofEleazar  and  grandson  of  Aaron 
 (E.\.  vi.  25).  His  mother  is  lecorded  as  one  of  the 
 daughters  of  Putiel.  Phinehas  is  memorable  for 
 having  while  quite  a  youth,  by  his  zeal  and  energy 
 at  the  critical  moment  of  the  licentious  idolatry  of 
 Shittim,  appeased  the  divine  wrath  and  put  a  stop 
 to  the  plague  which  was  destroying  the  nation 
 'Num.  XXV.  7).  For  this  he  was  rewarded  by  the 
 special  approbation  of  Jehovah,  and  by  a  promise 
 that  the  priesthood  shoidd  remain  in  his  family  for 
 ever  (10-13).  He  was  appointed  to  accompany  as 
 priest  the  exi)edition  by  which  the  l\Iidianit4>s  were 
 destroyed  (xxxi.  C),  Many  years  later  he  also  headed 
 the  party  who  were  despatched  from  Shiluh  to  re- 
 monsU'ate  against  the  Alt;ir  which  the  tians-Joi- 
 danic  tribes  were  reported  to  have  built  near  Jordan 
 (Josh.  x.<ii.  13-32,.  In  the  partition  of  the  country 
 he  received  an  allotment  of  his  own — a  hill  on  Mount 
 l^phraim  which  bore  his  name — Gibeath-l'inehas. 
 Here  his  father  was  buried  (Josh.  xxiv.  33).  During 
 the  life  of  Phinehas  he  apj'ears  to  have  been  the 
 chief  of  the  gieit  fanuly  of  the  Korahites  or  Korhiies 
 who  guarded  the  entrances  to  the  sjicied  tent  and 
 the  whole  of  the  .sacred  cam}>  ( 1  Chr.  ix.  20).  Alter 
 Eleazar's  death  he  became  high  jiiiest — the  3rd  of 
 the  series.  In  this  capacity  he  is  introduced  as 
 giving  the  oracle  to  the  nation  during  the  whole 
 struggle  with  the  Beujamites  on  the  matter  of  Gibeah 
 ( Judg.  XX.  28).  The  verse  whicli  closes  the  P>ook  of 
 Joshua  is  a-scribed  to  Phineh.is,  as  the  description 
 ot'the  death  ot' Muses  at  the  end  of  Deuteronomy  is 
 to  Joshua,  'fbe  tomb  of  Phinehas,  a  jilace  of  great 
 rc'soit  to  both  Jews  and  Samaritans,  is  shown  at 
 Auertiih,  four  miles  S.E.  of  Nalilii.^.—2.  ."second  son 
 of  Eli  (ISam.  i.  3,  ii.  34,  iv.  4,  11.  17,  19,  xiv.  3). 
 Phinehas  w;is  killed  with  his  brother  by  the  Philis- 
 tin&s  when  the  ark  was  aiptured.  He  is  intro- 
 duced, ap[)arently  by  mistake,  in  the  genealogy  of 
 I'jiia  in  2  Esdr.  i.  2u.— 3.  A  Levite  of  Ezra's  time 
 (Ezr.  viii.  33),  unless  the  meaning  be  that  Elejizar 
 was  of  the  family  of  the  great  Phinehas. 
 
 Phi'son.  The  Greek  term  of  the  name  PisON 
 ''l!(i  lii^.  xxiv.  25). 
 
 Phleg'on.  A  Christian  at  Home  whom  St.  Paul 
 Kjduli's  (  Kom.  xvi.  14).  Pseudo-Hippolytus  makes 
 liini  (iiie  of  the  seventy  disciples  and  bishop  of 
 Maratlioii. 
 
 Phoe'be,  the  first,  and  one  of  the  most  import- 
 ant, ot  the  Christian  persons  the  detailed  mention 
 
 PHOENICE 
 
 of  whom  nils  nearly  all  the  la.st  chapter  of  the 
 Epistle  to  the  Romans.  What  is  said  ol'  her  ( Horn, 
 xvi.  1,  2)  is  worthy  of  es])ecial  notice,  bec;iuse  of  it« 
 bearing  on  the  que.stion  of  the  deaconesses  of  the 
 Apostulic  Ohuirh. 
 
 Phoeni'ce,  Phoenic'ia,  a  tract  of  country,  of 
 which  Tyre  and  Sidon  weie  the  piincip;d  cities,  to 
 the  noith  of  Palestine,  ahmg  the  coast  of  the  Medi- 
 terranean Sea  ;  bounded  by  tliat  sea  on  the  west, 
 and  by  the  mountain  range  of  Lebanon  ou  the  east. 
 The  name  was  not  the  one  by  which  its  native  inhab- 
 itants called  it,  liut  was  given  to  it  by  the  Greeks. 
 The  native  name  of  Phoenicia  was  Keuaaa  (Canaan) 
 or  Kna,  signifying  lowland,  so  named  in  contrast  to 
 the  adjoining  Aram,  i.  e.  Highland  ;  the  Hebrew 
 name  of  Syria.  The  length  of  coast  to  which  the 
 name  of  Phoenicia  was  applied  varied  at  ditl'erent 
 times,  and  may  be  regarded  under  dilferent  aspects 
 before  and  alter  the  loss  of  its  independence.  1. 
 What  may  be  termed  Phoenicia  Pi  ojier  was  a  narrow 
 undulating  plain,  extending  from  the  pass  of  lids 
 el-Bei/dd  or  Abyad,  the  "  Prdmontorium  Album  " 
 of  the  ancients,  about  six  miles  south  of  Tyre,  to 
 the  Nahr  el-Auly,  the  ancient  Bostrenus,  two  miles 
 north  of  Sidon.  The  plain  is  only  28  miles  in 
 length.  Its  average  breadth  is  about  a  mile ;  but 
 near  Sidon,  the  mountains  retreat  to  a  distance  of 
 two  miles,  and  near  Tyre  to  a  distance  of  five  miles. 
 2.  A  still  longer  district,  which  afterwards  became 
 fairly  entitled  to  the  name  of  Phoenicia,  extended  up 
 the  coast  to  a  point  marked  by  the  island  of  .\radus, 
 and  by  Antaradus  towards  the  north  ;  the  southern 
 boundary  remaining  tlie  same  as  in  Phoenicia  Proper. 
 Phoenicia,  thus  defined,  is  estimated  to  have  been 
 about  120  miles  in  length  ;  while  its  breadth,  be- 
 tween Lebanon  and  the  sea,  never  exceeded  20  miles, 
 and  was  generally  much  less.  Sc-ircely  1  (>  geogi'aph- 
 ical  miles  larther  north  than  Sidoii  was  Beiytus; 
 with  a  roadste:id  so  well  suited  for  the  purposes  of 
 modern  navigation  that,  undei'  the  modern  name  of 
 Bcirout,  it  li.is  eclipsed  both  Sidon  and  Tyre  as  an 
 emporium  for  Syria.  Still  farther  north  was  By- 
 blus,  theGebal  of  the  Bible  (Ez.  xxvii.  9),  inhabiteii 
 by  seamen  and  calkers.  It  still  retains  in  .Arabic 
 the  kindred  name  of  JebcU.  Then  came  'I'ripolis 
 (now  TardbubiSj,  said  to  have  been  limndecl  by 
 colonists  from  Tyre,  Sidon,  and  Aradus.  with  three 
 distinct  towns.  And  lastly,  towards  the  extieiae 
 point  north  was  Aradus  itself,  the  Arvad  of  Gen.  x. 
 18,  and  Ez.  xxvii.  8  ;  situated,  like  Tyre, on  a  small 
 island  near  the  mainland,  and  foumled  by  exiles  from 
 Sidon.  The  whole  of  Phoenicia  Proj>er  is  well  wa- 
 teu'd  hv  various  streams  from  the  adjoining  hills. 
 The  havens  of  Tyre  and  Sidon  afforded  water  of  suf- 
 ficient de])th  for  all  the  lecpiiremenls  of  ancient 
 navigation,  and  the  neighbouring  range  of  the  Le- 
 banon, in  its  extensive  forests,  furuisheil  what  then 
 seemed  a  nearly  inexhaustible  supply  of  timber  for 
 ship-building.  In  reference  to  the  jieriod  when  the 
 Phoenicians  had  lost  their  independence,  .scircely 
 any  two  Greek  and  Roman  writers  give  j)recisely 
 the  same  geographiad  boundaries  to  Phoenicia.  In 
 the  Old  Testament,  the  wonl  Phoenicia  does  not 
 occur,  as  mii;ht  be  expected  fiom  its  being  a  Greek 
 name,  [n  the  .\pociypha,  it  is  not  delined,  though 
 spoken  ot'iLs  being,  with  Coele-Syria,  under  one  mili- 
 tary commander  (2  Mace.  iii.  5,  8,  viii.  8,  x.  11  ; 
 3  Mace.  iii.  1.")).  In  the  New  Testament,  the  word 
 occurs  only  in  three  p;is.sages.  Acts  xi.  19,  iv.  3, 
 xzi.  2  ;  .nnd  not  one  of  these  atlbids  u  clu«  a»  U) 
 how  far  the  writer  deemed  Phoenicia  to  extend. 
 
PHOENICIANS 
 
 Phoenic'ians.     The  name  of  the  race  who  in 
 earliest  lecoideil  history  inhabiteil  Phoenicia,  ami  who 
 were  the  gieat  maritime  and  commercial  peojile  of 
 the  ancient  world.     Without  dwelling  on  matters 
 which  belong  more  strictlir  to  the  articles  Tyr,e  and 
 SiDON,  It  mav  be  propi-r  to  touch  on  certain  points 
 connected   with   the  language,  race,  trade,  and  re- 
 ligion of  the  Phoenicians,  which  may  tend  to  throw 
 light  on  Biblical  history  and  literature.  —  I.  The 
 Phoenician  language  belonged  to  that  family  of  lan- 
 guages which,  bv  a  name  not  altogether  tree  from 
 objection,    but    now    generally  adopted,    is    called 
 "  .^hemitic."      Under  this  name  are   included  three 
 distinct  branches': — 1st,   Arabic,  to  which  belongs 
 Aethiopian  as  an  offshoot  of  the  Southern  Arabic  or 
 Himyaritic.     2ndly,  Aramaic,  the  vernacular  lan- 
 guage of  Palestine  at  the  time  of  Christ.     3rdly, 
 Hebrew,  in  which  by  far  the  greatest  part  of  the 
 Old  Testament  was   composed.     Now  one  of  the 
 most  interesting  points  to  the  Biblical  student  con- 
 nected with  Phoenician,  is,  that  it  does  not  belong  to 
 either  of  the  two  first  branches,  but  to  the  third ; 
 and  that  it  is  in  fact  so  closely  allied  to  Hebrew, 
 that   Phoenician  and  Hebrew,  though  dirt'erent  dia- 
 lects, mav  practically  be  regarded  as  the  same  lan- 
 guage.    This  may  be  shown  in  the  following  way  : 
 — 1st.  Testimony  is  borne  to  the  kinship  of  the  two 
 languages  by  Augustine  and  Jerome,  in  whose  time 
 Phoenician  or  Carthaginian  was  still  a  living  lan- 
 guage.     2ndly.  These   statements    are   fully    con- 
 firmed by  a  passage  of  Carthaginian  preserved  in  the 
 Poenulus  of  Plautus,  act  v.  scene    1,  and  accom- 
 panied by  a  Latin  translation  as  part  of  the  play. 
 3rdly.  The  close  kinship  of  the  two  languages  is, 
 moi-eover,  strikingly  confirmed  by  very  many  Phoe- 
 nician and  Carthaginian  names  of  places  and  persons, 
 which,  destitute  of  meaning  in  Greek   and  Latin, 
 through  which  languages  they  have  become  widely 
 known,  and  having  sometimes  in  those  languages 
 occasioned  false  etymologies,  become  really  signific- 
 ant in  Hebrew.    4thly.  The  same  conclusion  arises 
 from   the   examination  of  Phoenician   inscriptions, 
 preserved  to  the  present  day :  all  of  which  can  be 
 interpreted,  with   more  or  less  certainty,  through 
 Hebrew.     Such  inscriptions  are  of  three  kinds : — 
 1st,  on  gems   and    seals;    2ndly,  on  coins  of  the 
 Phoenicians  and  of  their  colonies ;  3rdly,  on  stone. 
 —  W.  Concerning  the    original  race  to  which  the 
 Phoenicians  belonged,  nothing  can  be  known  with 
 certainty,  because  they  are  found  already  established 
 along  the  Mediterranean  Sea  at  the  earliest  dawn  of 
 authentic  history,  and  for  centuries  afterwards  there 
 is  no  record  of  their  origin.  According  to  Herodotus 
 (vii.  89),  they  said  of  themselves  in  his  time  that 
 they  came  in  days  of  old  from  the  shores  of  the 
 Red  Sea  ;  and  in  this  there  would  be  nothing  in  the 
 slightest  degree  improbable,  as  they  spoke  a  language 
 cognate  to  that  of  the  Arabians,  who  inhabited  the 
 east  coast  of  that  sea  ;  and  both  Hebrew  and  Arabic, 
 as  well  as  Aramaic,  are  seemingly  derived  from  some 
 one  Shemitic  language  now  lost.     StOl  neither  the 
 truth  nor  the  falsehood  of  the  tradition  can  now  be 
 proved.     But  there   is  one  point  respecting  their 
 race  which  can  be  proved  to  be  in  the  highest  degree 
 probable,  and  which  has  peculiar  interest  as  bearing 
 on  the  Jews,  viz.  that  the  Phoenicians  were  of  the 
 same  race  as  the  Canaanites.     This  remarkable  fact, 
 which,  taken  in  connexion  with  the  language  of  the 
 Phoenicians,  leads  to  some  interesting  results,  is  ren- 
 ^evf^  probable  by  the  following  circumstances : — 1st, 
 
 PHOENICIANS 
 
 733 
 
 signifying  "  lowland."     This  was  well  given  to  the 
 narrow  slip  of  plain  between  the  Lebanon  and  the 
 Mediterranean  Sea,  in  contrast  to  the  elevated  moun- 
 tain-range adjoining.     2ndly.  This  is  further  con- 
 firmed  through  the  name  in    Africa  whereby  the 
 Carthaginian   Phoenicians  called  themselves,  as  at- 
 tested bv  Augustine,  who  states  that  the  peasants  in 
 his  pait  of  Africa,  if  iisked  of  what  race  they  were, 
 would  answer,  in   Punic  or  Phoenician,  "  Canaan- 
 ites."     3rdly.  The    conclusion    thvis    suggested    is 
 strongly  supported  by  the  tradit;ion  that  the  names 
 of  persons  and  places  in  the  land  of  Canaan — not 
 only  when  the   Israelites   mvaded  it,  but  likewise 
 previously,  when   ''there  were   yet  but  a  few  of 
 them,"  and  Abraham  is  said  to  have  visited  it — 
 were  Phoenician  or  Hebrew :  such,  for  example,  as 
 .\bimelek,    "Father  of  the  king"   (Gen.  xx.   2); 
 Melchizedek,  "  King  of  righteousness  "    (.\iv.  18)  ; 
 Kirjath-sepher,  "city  of  the  book"   (Josh.  xv.  15). 
 —  III.   In  regard  to  Phoenician  trade,  as  connected 
 with  the  Israelites,  the  following  points  are  worthy 
 of  notice.      I.   Up  to  the  time  of  David,  not  one  of 
 the  twelve  tribes  seems  to  have  possessed  a  single 
 harbour  on  the  sea-coast  ;  it  was  impossible  there- 
 fore that  they  could  become  a  commercial  people. 
 But  from  the  time  that  David  had  conquered  Edom, 
 an  opening  for  trade  was  afforded  to  the  Israelites. 
 The  command  of  K/.ion-geber  near  Elath,  in  the  land 
 of  Edom,  enabled  them  to  engage  in  the  navigation 
 of  the  lied  .Sea.     As  thev  were  novices,  however,  at 
 sailing,  as  the  navigation  of  the  Red  Sea,  owing  to 
 its  currents,  winds,  and  rocks,  is  dangerous  even 
 to  modern  sailors,  and  as  the  Phoenicians,  during 
 the  period  of  the  independence  of  Edom,  were  pro- 
 bably allowed  to  trade  from    Ezion-geber,  it  was 
 politic  in  Solomon  to  permit  the  Phoenicians  of  Tyre 
 to  have  docks,  and  build  ships  at  Ezion-geber  on 
 condition  that  his  sailors  and  vessels  might  have  the 
 benefit  of  their  experience.    The  results  seem  to  have 
 been  strikingly  successful.    2.  After  the  division  mto 
 two  kingdoms,  the  curtain  falls  on  any  commercial 
 relation  between  the  Israelites  and  Phoenicians  until 
 a  relation  is  brought  to  notice,  by  no  means  brotherly, 
 as  in  the  fleets  which  navigated  the  Red  Sea,  nor 
 friendly,  as  between  buyers  and  sellers,  but  humili- 
 ating and  exaspei'ating,  as  between  the  buyers  and 
 the   bought.     The  relation  is  meant  which  existed 
 between   the  two  nations  when  Israelites  were  sold 
 as  slaves  by  Phoenicians.     It  was  a  custom  in  anti- 
 quity, when  one  nation  went  to  war  against  another, 
 for  merchants  to  be  present  in  one  or  other  of  the 
 hostile  camps,  in  order  to  purchase  prisoners  of  war 
 as  slaves  (1  Mace.  iii.  41  ;  2  Mace.  v.  14).     Now 
 this  practice  is  alluded  to  in  a  threatening  manner 
 against  the  Phoenicians  by  the  prophets  (Joel  iii.  4, 
 and  Am.  i.  9,  10),  about  800  years  before  Christ. 
 The  circumstances  which  led  to  this  state  of  things 
 may  be  thus  explained.    After  the  division  of  the  two 
 kingdoms,  there  is  no  trace  of  any  friendly  relation 
 between  the  kingdom  of  Judahand  the  Phoenicians. 
 The  attempt  of  Jehoshaphat  to  renew  the  trade  of 
 the  Jews  in  the  Red  Sea  failed,  and  in  the  reign  of 
 Jehoram,  Jehoshaphat's  son,  Edom  revolted  froin 
 Judah   and   established  its  independence  ;  so  that  if 
 the  Phoenicians  wished  to  despatch  trading  vessels 
 from  Ezion-geber,  Edom  was  the  power  which  it  was 
 mainly  their  interest  to  conciliate,  and  not  Judah. 
 Under    these  circumstances    the  Phoenicians  seem, 
 not  only  to  have  purchased  and  to  have  sold  agaii. 
 as  slaves,  and  probably  in  some  instances  to  have 
 rh€  native  name  of  Phoenicia  was  Canaan,  a  name  I  kidnapped  inhabitants  of  Judah,  but  even  to  have 
 
IM 
 
 PHOENICIANS 
 
 sold  them  to  tli('ir  eiiennV-s  the  Kdomites.  3.  The 
 only  other  luitice  in  the  Old  Testament  of  trade  be- 
 tween the  rhoenici.ins  and  the  Israelites  is  in  the 
 account  given  by  the  projihet  Ezekid  of  the  trade 
 of  Tyre  (xxvii.  17).  While  this  account  supplies 
 valuable  information  respecting  the  various  cniu- 
 n)er(tial  dealincrs  of  the  most  illustrious  of  Phoe- 
 nician cities,  it  likewise  makes  direct  mention  of  the 
 expoits  to  it  from  Palestine.  It  is  suggested  by 
 Heci-en  in  his  Historical  Jiesearches,  ii.  117,  that 
 the  fact  of  Palestine  being,  as  it  were,  the  granary 
 of  Phoenicia,  explains  in  the  clearest  manner  the 
 lasting  peace  that  prevailed  between  the  two  coun- 
 tries. —  IV.  The  religion  of  the  Phoenicians  is  a 
 subject  of  vast  extent  and  considerable  perplexity  in 
 details,  but  of  its  general  features  as  bearing  upon 
 the  religion  of  the  Hebrews  there  can  be  no  doubt. 
 As  opposed  to  Monotheism,  it  was  a  Pantheistical 
 personification  of  the  forces  of  nature,  and  in  its 
 most  philosophical  shadowing  forth  of  the  Supreme 
 powers,  it  may  be  said  to  have  i-epresented  the 
 male  and  female  principles  of  production.  In  its 
 popular  form,  it  was  e.specially  a  worship  of  the 
 sun,  moon,  and  five  planets,  or,  as  it  might  have 
 been  expressed  according  to  ancient  notions,  of  the 
 seven  planets — the  most  beautiful,  and  peihaps 
 tlie  most  natural,  form  of  idolatry  ever  presented 
 to  the  human  imagination.  These  planets,  however, 
 were  not  regarded  as  lileless  globes  of  matter,  obe- 
 dient to  physical  laws,  but  as  intelligent  animated 
 poweis,  influencing  the  human  will,  and  controlling 
 human  destinies.  It  will  be  proper  here  to  point 
 out  certain  eli'ects  which  the  circumstance  of  their 
 being  worshipped  in  Phoenicia  produced  upon  the 
 Hebrews.  1.  In  the  first  place,  their  worship  was 
 a  constant  temptation  to  Polytheism  and  idolatry. 
 It  can  scarcely  be  doubted  that  the  Phoenicians,  as 
 a  great  commercial  people,  were  more  generally 
 intelligent,  and  as  we  should  now  say  civilised,  than 
 the  inland  agricultural  population  of  Palestine. 
 When  the  simple-minded  Jews,  therefore,  came  in 
 contact  with  a  people  more  versatile  and,  apparently, 
 more  enlightened  than  themselves,  but  who  never- 
 theless, either  in  a  philo.sophical  or  in  a  popular 
 form,  admitted  a  system  of  Polytheism,  an  intluence 
 would  be  e.verted  on  Jewish  minds,  tending  to  make 
 them  regard  their  exrlusive  devotion  to  their  own 
 one  God,  Jehovah,  however  transcendent  His  attri- 
 butes, a-s  unsocial  and  morose.  2.  The  Phoenician 
 leligion  was  likewise  in  other  respects  deleterious  to 
 the  inhabitants  of  Palestine,  being  in  some  points 
 essentially  demoralising.  For  example,  it  sanctioned 
 the  dreadful  superstition  of  burning  children  as  sacri- 
 fices to  a  Phoenician  god.  Again,  parts  of  the  Phoe- 
 nician religion,  e.>pecially  the  worship  of  Astarte, 
 tended  to  encourage  dis.soluteness  in  the  relations  of 
 the  sexes,  and  even  to  sanctity  impurities  of  the 
 most  abominable  description.  —  V.  The  most  im- 
 portant intellectual  invention  of  man,  that  of  letters, 
 was  universally  a.sserted  by  the  (J  reeks  and  Romans 
 to  have  been  communicated  by  the  Phoenicians  to 
 the  Greeks  (Her.  v.  57,  58  ;  Lucan,  J'hars.  iii.  220, 
 221).  This  belief,  however,  was  not  univei-sal ; 
 and  Pliny  the  Klder  expresses  his  own  opinion  that 
 they  were  of  As.syrian  origin,  while  he  relates  the 
 (•pinion  of  Gellius  that  they  were  invented  by  the 
 Egyptians,  and  of  others  that  thej  were  invented 
 by  the  Syrians.  The  names  of  the  letters  in  the 
 Hebrew  alphabet  are  hi  accordance  with  the  belief 
 that  the  Phoenicians  communicated  the  knowledge 
 of  letters  to  Ihed'reeks.     Moreover,  as  to  writing, 
 
 PHUT 
 
 the  ancient  Hebrew  letters,  substantially  the  same 
 as  Phoenician,  agiee  closely  with  aiicient  (ireek 
 letters.  As  to  the  mode  in  which  letters  were  in- 
 vented, some  clui'  is  atlbnle<l  by  some  of  the  early 
 Hcbiew  and  the  Phoenician  characters,  which  evid- 
 ently aimed,  although  very  rudely,  like  the  draw- 
 ing of  very  young  children,  to  repif sent  the  olijeo* 
 which  the  name  of  the  letter  signified.  [Writing.] 
 In  conclusion,  it  may  not  be  unimpoitaut  to  observe 
 that,  although  so  m  iiiy  letters  of  the  Greek  alpha- 
 bet have  a  meaning  in  Hebrew  or  Phoenician,  yet 
 their  Greek  names  are  not  in  the  Hebrew  or  Phoe- 
 nician, but  in  the  Aramaic  form  ;  and  although 
 this  fact  by  itself  is  not  sutlicient  to  support  an 
 elaborate  theory  on  the  subject,  it  seems  in  favour, 
 as  far  as  it  goes,  of  the  conjecture  that  when  the 
 Greeks  originally  received  the  knowledge  of  letters, 
 the  names  by  which  the  several  letters  were  taught 
 to  them  were  Aramaic.  Still  this  must  not  lie 
 regarded  in  any  way  as  proving  that  the  alphabet 
 was  invented  by  those  who  spoke  the  Aramaic  lan- 
 guage. This  is  a  wholly  distinct  question,  and  fai' 
 more  obscure. 
 
 Phor'OS  =  Parosh  (1  Esdr.  v.  9,  ix.  26). 
 
 Phryg'ia.  Pei'haps  theie  is  no  geographical  tema 
 in  the  New  Testament  which  is  less  capable  of  an 
 e.xact  definition.  In  fact  there  was  no  Roman  pro- 
 vince of  Phrygia  till  considerably  after  the  first 
 e.stablishment  of  Christianity  in  the  peninsula  of 
 Asia  Minor.  The  word  was  rather  ethnological 
 than  political,  and  denoted,  in  a  vague  manner,  the 
 western  part  of  the  central  region  of  that  peninsula. 
 Accordingly,  in  two  of  the  three  places  where  it  is 
 used,  it  is  mentioned  in  a  manner  not  intended  to 
 be  precise  (Acts  xvi.  6,  xviii.  23).  By  Phrygia  we 
 must  understand  an  extensive  district,  which  con- 
 tributed portions  to  several  Roman  provinces,  and 
 varying  portions  at  dirt'erent  times. 
 
 Phud  =  Phut  ( Jud.  ii.  23 ;  comp.  Ez.  xxvii.  10). 
 
 Phu'rah,  Gideon's  servant,  probably  his  armour- 
 bearer  I  comp.  1  Sam.  xiv.  1),  who  accompauiovl 
 him  in  his  midnight  visit  to  the  camp  of  the  Midi- 
 anites  (Judg.  vii.  10,  11). 
 
 Phu'rim,   Esth.  xi.  1.     [Purim.] 
 
 Phut,  Put,  the  third  name  in  the  list  of  the 
 sons  of  Ham  (Gen.  x.  6 ;  1  Chr.  i.  8),  elsewhere 
 applied  to  an  African  country  or  people.  In  the  list 
 it  follows  Cush  and  Mizraim,  and  precedes  Canaan. 
 We  cannot  place  the  tract  of  Phut  out  of  .Africa, 
 and  it  would  thus  seem  that  it  was  almost  parallel 
 to  that  of  the  Mizraifes,  as  it  could  not  be  furthei 
 to  the  north:  this  position  would  well  agree  with 
 Libj'a.  The  few  mentions  of  Phut  in  the  Bible 
 clearly  indicate  a  country  or  people  of -Africa,  and, 
 it  must  be  added,  probably  not  tar  from  Egj'pt  (Is, 
 Ixvi.  19;  Nah.  iii.  9;  Jer.  xlvi.  9;  Ez.  x.wii.  10, 
 XXX.  5,  xxxviii.  5).  Erom  these  passages  we  auinot 
 infer  anything  as  to  the  e.\aci  ]iosition  of  this 
 country  or  people ;  unless  indeed  in  Nalium,  Cush 
 and  Phut,  Mizraim  and  Lubim,  are  respectively 
 connected,  which  might  indicate  a  position  south  of 
 Egypt.  In  the  ancient  Egyptian  in.scriptions  we 
 find  two  names  that  may  be  comjiartHl  to  the 
 Bibliciil  Phut.  The  tribes  or  peoples  c^alleil  the 
 Nine  Bows,  IX  PETU  or  IX  NA-PETU,  might 
 partly  or  wholly  represent  Phut.  Their  situation 
 is  doubtful,  and  they  are  never  found  in  a  geogra- 
 phical list.  The  seconil  name  is  that  of  Nubia. 
 TO-PET,  "  the  region  of  the  Bow,"  also  calle<I  TO 
 MEKU-PET,  "the  rcgiim,  the  islaiKl  of  the  Bow," 
 whence  we  conjecture  the  name  of  Meroi-  to  come. 
 
PHUVAH 
 
 In  the  geogr.\phi(Hl  lists  the  latter  form  occurs  in 
 that  o^'  a  people,  ANU-MKItU-PKT.  The  Coptic 
 niphaiit  must  also  be  compared  with  Phut.  The 
 Hrst  syllable  being  fhe  iuticle,  the  word  nearly  re- 
 sembles the  Hebrew  name.  It  is  applied  to  the 
 western  part  of  Lower  Egypt  beyond  the  Delta ; 
 and  ChampoUion  conjectures  it  to  mean  the  Libyan 
 part  of  Egypt,  so  called  by  the  Greeks.  To  take  a 
 broad  view  of  the  question,  all  the  names  which  we 
 have  mentioned  may  be  jeasonably  connected  with 
 the  Hebrew  Phut ;  and  it  may  be  supposed  that  the 
 Xaphtuhim  were  Mizraites  in  the  territory  of  Phut, 
 perhaps  inteimixed  with  peoples  of  the  latter  stock, 
 it  is,  however,  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  PET 
 of  the  ancient  Egyptians,  as  a  geographical  desig- 
 nation, corresponds  to  the  Phut  of  the  Bible,  which 
 would  therefore  denote  Nubia  or  the  Nubians,  the 
 .'oimer,  if  we  are  strictly  to  f6llow  the  Egyptian 
 usage. 
 
 Fhu'vah,  one  of  the  sons  of  Issachar  (Gen.  xlvi. 
 13),  and  founder  of  the  family  of  the  PUNITES. 
 
 Phygel'lus  (2  Tim.  i.  15),  a  Christian  con- 
 nected with  those  in  Asia  of  whom  St.  Paul  speaks 
 as  turned  away  from  himself.  It  is  open  to  ques- 
 tion whether  their  repudiation  of  the  Apostle  was 
 joined  with  a  declension  from  the  faith,  and  whether 
 the  open  display  of  the  feeling  of  Asia  took  place — 
 at  least  so  far  as  Phygellus  and  Hermogenes  were 
 concerned — at  Rome.  Phygellus  may  have  forsaken 
 (see  2  Tim.  iv.  I6j  the  Apostle  at  some  critical  time 
 when  his  support  was  expected  ;  or  he  may  have 
 been  a  leader  of  some  party  of  nominal  Christians 
 at  Rome,  such  as  the  Apostle  describes  at  an  earlier 
 period  (Phil.  i.  15,  16)  opposing  him  there. 
 
 Phylactery,     [Frontlets.] 
 
 Pi-bes'eth.  a  town  of  Lower  Egypt,  mentioned 
 but  once  in  the  Bible  (Ez.  xxx.  17j.  In  hiero- 
 glyphics its  name  is  written  BAHEST,  BAST,  and 
 HA-BAHEST,  The  Coptic  forms  are  Bast,  with 
 the  article  Pi  prefixed,  Poubaste,  Poubast,  &c.,  and 
 the  Greek  Bovfiarrris,  Bov^acTTOs.  Bubastis  was 
 situate  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Pelusiac  or  Bubas- 
 tite  branch  of  the  Nile,  in  the  Bubastite  nome, 
 about  40  miles  from  the  central  part  of  Memphis. 
 Herodotus  speaks  of  its  site  as  having  been  raised 
 by  those  who  dug  the  canals  for  Sesostris,  and 
 afterwards  by  the  labour  of  criminals  under  Sabacos 
 the  Ethiopian,  or  rather  the  Ethiopian  dominion. 
 He  mentions  the  temple  of  the  goddess  Bubastis  as 
 well  worthy  of  description,  being  more  beautifu.1 
 than  any  other  known  to  him.  The  temple  is  en- 
 tirely ruined,  but  the  names  of  Rameses  II.  of  the 
 xixth  dynasty,  Userken  I.  (Osorchon  I.)  of  the 
 xxiind,  and  Nekht-har-heb  (Nectanebo  I.),  of  the 
 xxxth,  have  been  found  here,  as  well  as  that  of  the 
 eponymous  goddess  BAST.  There  are  also  remains 
 of  the  ancient  houses  of  the  town,  and,  "  amidst  the 
 houses  on  the  N.W.  side  are  the  thick  walls  of  a 
 tort  which  protected  the  temple  below  "  (Notes  by 
 Sir  G.  Wilkinson  in  Rawlinson's  Herodotus,  vol.  ii. 
 pp.  219,  plan,  and  102).  Bubastis  thus  had  a 
 fort,  besides  being  strong  from  its  height.  The 
 goddess  BAST,  who  was  here  the  chief  object  of 
 worship  was  the  same  as  PESHT,  the  goddess  of 
 fire.  Both  names  accompany  a  lion-headed  figure, 
 and  the  cat  was  sacred  to  them.  Herodotus  con- 
 siders the  goddess  Bubastis  to  be  the  same  as 
 Artemis  (ii.  137). 
 
 Picttire.  In  two  of  the  three  passages  in  which 
 "  picture  "  is  used  in  A,  V.  it  denotes  idolatrous 
 representations,  either  independent  images,  or  more 
 
 PIHAHIROTH  73Z» 
 
 usually  stoiios  "  portrayed,"  j.  e.  sculptured  in  low 
 relief,  or  engraved  and  coloured  (Ez.  xxiii.  14; 
 Layard,  Nin.  4'  Bab.  ii.  306,  308).  Movable  pic- 
 tures, in  the  modern  sense,  were  doubtless  unknown 
 to  the  Jews.  The  "pictures  of  silver"  of  Piov. 
 XXV.  11,  were  probably  wall-surfaces  or  cornices 
 with  carvings. 
 
 Piece  of  Gold.  The  A.  V.,  in  rendering  the 
 elliptical  expression  "  six  thousand  of  gold,"  in  a 
 passage  respecting  Naaman,  relating  that  he  "  took 
 with  him  ten  talents  of  silver,  and  six  thousand  of 
 gold,  and  ten  changes  of  raiment"  (2  K.  v.  5),  sup- 
 plies "  pieces"  as  the  word  understood.  The  ren- 
 dering "  pieces  of  gold "  is  very  doubtful ;  and 
 "  shekels  of  gold,"  as  designating  the  value  of  the 
 whole  quantity,  not  individual  pieces,  is  preferable. 
 
 Piece  of  Silver.  The  passages  in  the  0.  T.  and 
 those  in  the  N.  T.  in  which  the  A.  V.  uses  this  term 
 must  be  separately  considered.  I.  lu  the  0.  T.  the 
 word  "pieces"  is  used  in  the  A.  V.  for  a  word 
 understood  in  the  Hebrew,  if  we  except  one  case  to 
 be  afterwards  noticed.  The  phrase  is  always  "  a 
 thousand"  or  the  like  "of  silver"  (Gen.  xx.  16, 
 xx.\vii.  28,  xlv.  22  ;  Judg.  ix.  4,  .\vi.  5 ;  2  K.  vi. 
 25 ;  Hos.  iii.  2 ;  Zech.  xi.  12,  13).  In  similar 
 p;issages  the  word  "  shekels"  occurs  in  the  Hebrew. 
 There  are  other  passages  in  which  the  A.  V.  sup- 
 plies the  word  "shekels"  instead  of  "pieces" 
 (Deut.  .\xii.  19,  29  ;  Judg.  xvii.  2,  3,  4,  10  ;  2  Sam. 
 xviii.  11,  12),  aud  of  these  the  first  two  require 
 this  to  be  done.  The  shekel,  be  it  remembered, 
 was  the  common  weight  for  money,  and  therefore 
 mast  likely  to  be  understood  in  an  elliptical  phrase. 
 The  exceptional  case  in  which  a  word  corresponding 
 to  "  pieces"  is  found  in  the  Hebrew  is  in  the 
 Psalms  (Ixviii.  30,  Heb.  31).  The  word  rats, 
 which  occurs  nowhere  else,  if  it  preserve  its  radical 
 meaning,  must  signify  a  piece  broken  otf,  or  a  frag- 
 ment: there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  a  coin  is 
 meant.— II.  In  the  N.  T.  two  words  are  rendered 
 by  the  phrase  "  piece  of  silver,"  drachma,  Spax/J-Vj 
 and  apyvpiov.  (1.)  The  first  (Luke  xv.  8,  9) 
 should  be  represented  by  drachma.  It  was  a  Greek 
 silver  coin,  equivalent,  at  the  time  of  St.  Luke,  to 
 the  Roman  denarius.  (2.)  The  second  word  is  very 
 properly  thus  rendered.  It  occui-s  in  the  account 
 of  the  betrayal  of  our  Lord  for  "  thirty  pieces  of 
 silver"  (Matt.  x.xvi.  15,  xxvii.  3,  5,  6,  9).  It  is 
 difficult  to  ascertain  what  coins  are  here  intended. 
 If  the  most  common  silver  pieces  be  meant,  they 
 would  be  denarii.  The  parallel  passage  in  Zecha- 
 riah  (xi.  12,  13)  must,  however,  be  taken  into  con- 
 sideration, where,  if  our  view  be  correct,  shekels 
 must  be  understood.  It  is  more  probable  that  the 
 thirty  pieces  of  silver  were  tetradrachnis  than  that 
 they  were  denarii. 
 
 Piety.  This  word  occurs  but  once  in  the  A.  V. : 
 "  Let  them  learn  first  to  show  piety  at  home," 
 better,  "towards  their  own  household"  (1  Tim. 
 V.  4).  The  choice  of  this  word  here  instead  of  the 
 more  usual  equivalents  of  "  godliness,"  "  reve- 
 rence," and  the  like,  was  probably  determined  by 
 the  special  sense  o{  pictas,  as  "  erga  parentes." 
 
 Pigeon.     [TuRTLE-DovE.] 
 
 Pi-haM'roth,  a  place  before  or  at  which  the 
 Israelites  encamped,  at  the  close  of  the  third  march 
 from  Rameses,  when  they  went  out  of  Egypt  (Ex. 
 xiv.  2,  9;  Num.  xxiii.  7,  8).  The  name  is  pro- 
 bably that  of  a  natural  locality.  Jablonsky  prey- 
 posed  the  Coptic  pi-achi-rot,  "  the  place  where 
 sedge  grows;"  and  this  or  a  similar  name  the  late 
 
i:i6 
 
 PILATE,  PONTIUS 
 
 M.  Kresnp]   ipoocjiiisej  in  the  modei-n  Qhmoeyhet-el- 
 h<:Of!,  "  tlifi  liO'l  of  i-Peds." 
 
 Pilate,  Pon'tius.  The  name  indicates  tliat  lie 
 was  coiinectai,  by  descent  or  adoption,  with  the 
 gens  of  the  Pontii,  first  cons))i(nous  in  Homau  his- 
 toiy  in  the  person  of  C.  I'nntius  Telesinus,  the 
 irreat  Samnite  general.  He  was  the  sixth  Roman 
 procurator  of  Judaea,  and  luider  liim  our  Loid 
 worivod,  suflered,  and  died,  as  we  learn,  not  only 
 from  the  obvious  Scriptural  authorities,  but  fiom 
 Tacitus  {Ann.  xv.  44).  He  was  appointed  a.d.  2o-(5, 
 in  the  twelfth  year  of  Tiberius.  One  of  his  first 
 acts  was  to  remove  the  head-quarters  of  the  army 
 from  Caesnrea  to  Jerusalem.  The  soldiers  of  course 
 took  with  them  their  standards,  beaiins;  the  image 
 of  the  emjieior,  into  the  Holy  City.  No  pievious 
 governor  had  ventur'^d  on  such  an  outiage.  The 
 people  poured  down  in  crowds  to  Caesarea,  where 
 the  procurator  was  then  residing,  and  besought  him 
 to  remove  the  images.  After  five  days  of  discus- 
 sion he  gave  the  signal  t(  some  concealeil  soldiers 
 to  surround  the  petitioners,  and  put  them  to  death 
 unless  they  ceased  to  trouble  him  ;  but  this  only 
 strengthened  their  determination,  and  they  declared 
 themselves  ready  rather  to  submit  to  death  than 
 forego  their  resistance  to  an  idolatrous  innovation. 
 I'ilate  then  yielded,  and  the  standards  were  by  his 
 orders  brought  down  to  Caesai-ea.  On  two  other 
 occasions  he  nearly  drove  the  Jews  to  insurrection. 
 To  these  spcimens  of  his  administration,  which  rest 
 on  the  testimony  of  profane  authors,  we  must  add 
 the  slaughter  of  certain  Galileans,  which  was  told 
 to  our  Lord  as  a  piece  of  news  (Luke  xiii.  1),  and 
 on  which  He  founded  some  remarks  on  the  con- 
 nexion between  sin  and  calamity.  It  must  have 
 occurred  at  some  feast  at  Jerusalem,  in  the  outer 
 court  of  the  Temple.  It  was  the  custom  for  the 
 procurators  to  reside  at  Jerusalem  during  the  great 
 fe;tsts,  to  preserve  order,  and  accordingly,  at  the 
 time  of  oin-  Lord's  last  passover,  Pilate  wa.s  occu- 
 pying his  official  residence  in  Herod's  ])alace ;  and 
 to  the  gates  of  this  palace  Jesus,  condenuieil  on  the 
 charge  of  blasphemy,  was  brought  early  in  the 
 morning  by  the  chief  priests  and  officei's  of  the  Saii- 
 hediim,  who  were  unable  to  enter  the  residence  of 
 a  Gentile,  lest  they  should  be  defiled,  and  luifit  to 
 eat  the  passover  (John  xviii.  28j.  Pilate  therefore 
 came  out  to  learn  their  purpose,  and  demanded  the 
 nature  of  the  charge.  At  first  they  seem  to  have 
 expected  that  he  would  have  carried  out  their  wishes 
 without  further  inquiry,  and  therefore  merely  de- 
 scribed our  Loni  as  a  disturber  of  the  public  peace ; 
 but  as  a  Roman  procurator  had  too  much  respect 
 for  justice,  oi'  at  le;ist  understood  liis  business  too 
 well  to  consent  to  such  a  condemnation,  they  were 
 obliged  to  devise  a  new  charge,  and  therefore  inter- 
 preted our  Loid's  claims  in  a  political  sense,  ac- 
 cusing him  of  assuming  the  royal  title,  perverting 
 the  nation,  and  forbidding  the  payment  of  tribute  to 
 Koine  (Luke  xxiii.  3;  au  account  plainly  presup- 
 posed in  John  rv'iii.  .33).  It  is  pluin  inat  from  this 
 moment  Pilate  was  distracted  Ijctwfen  two  cnntlict- 
 ing  feelings:  a  fear  of  offending  the  Jews,  and  a 
 conscious  conviction  thjit  Jesus  was  innocent.  More- 
 over, this  last  feeling  was  strengthened  by  his  own 
 hatred  of  the  Jews,  whose  religious  scruples  had 
 causml  him  frequent  trouble,  and  by  a  giowing  re- 
 spect for  the  calm  dignify  niid  meekness  of  the 
 HiifTcrer.  Kiist  he  examined  our  Lord  privately, 
 and  asked  Him  whether  He  was  a  king?  At  the 
 close  of  the  interview  he  came  out  to  the  Jews  and 
 
 PILATE,  PONTIUS 
 
 declared  the  prisoner  innocent.  To  this  thoy  lepiied 
 that  His  teaching  had  stirred  up  all  the  people  trom 
 Galilee  to  Jerusalem.  The  mention  of  (ialilce  sng- 
 gested  to  Pilate  a  new  way  of  escaping  from  his 
 dilemma,  by  sending  on  the  case  to  Herod  Antipas; 
 but  Herod,  though  propitiated  by  this  act  of 
 coui-fesy,  declined  to  enter  into  the  matter.  So 
 Pilate  was  compelled  to  come  to  a  decision  ;  and 
 first  having  assembled  the  (;hief  priests  and  also  the 
 people,  he  announced  to  them  that  the  accused  had 
 done  nothing  worthy  of  death  ;  but  at  the  same 
 time,  in  hopes  of  pacifying  the  Sanhedrim,  he  pro- 
 posed to  scourge  Him  before  he  relea'^d  Him.  But 
 as  the  accusers  were  resolved  to  have  His  blood 
 th'^y  rejected  this  concession,  and  therefore  Pilat* 
 had  recourse  to  a  fresh  expedient.  It  was  the 
 custom  for  the  Itoman  goveinor  to  grant  every 
 year,  in  honour  of  the  passovei-,  pardon  to  one  con- 
 demned ciiminal.  Pilate  therefore  oflered  the 
 people  their  choice  between  two,  the  murderer 
 l>aiabl)as,  and  the  prophet  whom  a  fi'W  days  before 
 they  had  hailed  as  the  Messiah.  To  receive  their 
 decir.ion  he  ;iscended  the  0rjna.  a  portable  tribunal 
 which  was  canied  about  witli  a  lloman  magistrate 
 to  be  placed  wherever  he  might  direct.  As  soon  as 
 Pilate  had  taken  his  seat  he  received  a  mysterious 
 message  from  his  wife,  who  had  "  sulTeied  many 
 things  in  a  dream,"  which  imjielled  her  to  entreat  her 
 husband  not  to  condemn  the  Just  One.  But  he  had 
 no  longer  any  choice  in  the  matter,  for  the  rabble, 
 instigated  of  course  by  the  piii'sts,  chose  Barabbas 
 for  pardon,  and  clamoured  for  the  death  of  Jesus  ; 
 insurrection  seemed  imminent,  and  Pilate  reluc- 
 tantly yielded.  But,  before  issuing  the  fatal  order, 
 he  washed  his  hands  before  the  multituile,  as  a  sign 
 that  he  was  innocent  of  the  crime,  in  imitation  pro- 
 Inbly  of  the  ceremony  enjoined  in  neut.  xxi.  As  it 
 produced  no  effect,  Pilate  ordered  his  soldiers  to 
 inflict  the  scourging  prepfiiatory  to  execution  ;  but 
 the  sight  of  unjust  suffering  so  patiently  borne 
 seems  again  to  have  troublinl  his  conscience,  and 
 prompted  a  new  effort  in  favour  of  the  victim. 
 I'ut  '.lie  piiests  only  renewed  their  clamoure  for 
 His  death,  and,  fearing  that  the  political  charge  of 
 treason  might  be  consideied  insufficient,  returned 
 to  their  first  accusation  of  blasphemy,  and  quoting 
 the  law  of  Moses  (Lev.  xxiv.  16),  which  punished 
 blasphemy  with  stoning,  declared  that  He  must  die 
 "  because  He  made  himself  the  Son  of  Goil."  But 
 this  title  augmented  Pilate's  superstitious  feai-s, 
 aheady  aroused  tv  his  wife's  dream  (John  xix.  7)  ; 
 he  feared  that  Jesus  might  be  one  of  the  heroes  or 
 demigods  of  his  own  mythology;  he  took  Him 
 again  into  the  palace,  and  inquired  anxiously  into 
 His  descent  ("  Whence  art  thou?")  and  His  claims. 
 The  result  of  this  interview  was  one  last  effbrt  to 
 save  Jesus  by  a  fiesh  appeal  to  the  multitude ;  but 
 now  arose  the  formidable  cry,  "  If  thou  let  this  man 
 go,  thou  art  not  Caesar's  friend;"  and  Pilate,  to 
 whom  political  success  was  as  the  breath  of  life, 
 again  asceniled  the  tribunal,  and  finally  pronounced 
 the  desiied  condemnation.  So  ended  Pilate's  shai^ 
 in  the  greatest  crime  which  has  been  committed 
 since  the  world  began.  We  learn  from  Josephus 
 that  his  anxiety  to  avoid  giving  offence  to  C.aesai 
 did  not  save  him  from  political  disaster.  The  Sama- 
 ritans were  unquiet  and  rebellious.  Pilate  led  his 
 troops  against  them,  and  defeated  them  easily 
 enough.  The  Samaritans  complained  to  Vitellius, 
 now  president  aiC  Syria,  and  he  sent  Pilate  to  Rome 
 t.0    answer  tlu'ir  accusations    bofoio   the    eni|ieror 
 
PILDASH 
 
 When  he  reached  it  lie  found  Tiberius  dead,  and 
 Cains  (Caligula)  on  the  throne,  A.D.  36.  Eusebius 
 adds  that  soon  afteiAvards,  "  wearied  with  mistbi- 
 tuues,"  he  killed  himself.  As  to  the  scene  of  his 
 death  there  are  various  traditions.  One  is  that  he 
 w:us  banished  to  Vienna  Allobrogum  fVienne  on  the 
 Khone),  where  a  singular  monument — a  pyramid  on 
 a  quadrangular  base,  52  feet  high — is  called  Pontius 
 Pilate's  tomb.  Another  is  that  he  sought  to  hide 
 his  sorrows  on  the  mountain  by  the  lake  of  Lucerne, 
 now  called  ]\Iount  Pilatus ;  and  there,  after  spend- 
 ing years  in  its  .  recesses,  in  leniorse  and  despair 
 rather  than  penitence,  plunged  into  the  dismal  lake 
 which  occupies  its  summit.  We  learn  fiom  Justin 
 Martyr,  Tertullian,  Eusebius,  and  others,  that 
 Pilate  made  an  olhcial  report  to  Tiberius  of  our 
 Lord's  trial  and  condemnation;  and  in  a  homily 
 ascribal  to  Chrysostom,  thougli  marked  i\A  spurioiis 
 by  his  Benedictine  editors  [Horn.  viii.  in  I'asch. 
 vol.  viii.  p.  9(58,  D),  certain  inrofivfifiara  {Acta,  or 
 Commentarii  Pilati)  are  spoken  of  as  well-known 
 documents  in  common  circulation.  The  Acta  Pilati 
 now  extant  in  Greek,  and  two  Latin  epistles  from 
 him  to  the  emperor,  are  certainly  spurious. 
 
 Fil'dash,  one  of  the  eight  sons  of  Nahor,  Abra- 
 ham's brother,  by  his  wife  and  niece,  Milcah  (Gen. 
 xxii.  22). 
 
 Pil'eha,  the  name  of  one  of  the  chief  of  the 
 people,  probably  a  family,  who  signed  the  covenant 
 with  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  2-1-). 
 
 Pillar.  Tlie  notion  of  a  pillar  is  of  a  shaft  or 
 isolated  pile,  either  supporting  or  not  supporting  a 
 roof.  Pillars  form  an  import;mt  feature  in  Orientil 
 architecture,  partly  perhaps  a-s  a  reminiscence  of 
 the  tent  with  its  supporting  poles,  and  partly  also 
 from  the  use  of  flat  roofs,  in  consequence  of  which 
 the  chambers  were  either  narrower  or  divided  into 
 portions  by  columns.  The  general  practice  in  Ori- 
 ental buildings  of  supporting  flat  roofs  by  pillars,  or 
 of  covering  open  spaces  by  awnings  stretched  fiom 
 pillars,  led  to  an  extensive  use  of  them  in  construc- 
 tion. At  Nineveh  the  pillars  were  probably  of 
 wood,  and  it  is  very  likely  that  the  same  con- 
 struction prevailed  in  the  "  house  of  the  forest  of 
 Lebanon,"  with  its  hall  and  porch  of  pillars  (1  K. 
 vii.  2,  6).  The  "  chapiters "  of  the  two  pillars 
 Jachin  and  Boaz  resembled  the  tall  capitals  of  the 
 Persepolitan  columns.  But  perhaps  the  earliest 
 application  of  the  pillar  was  the  votive  or  monu- 
 mental. This  ui  early  times  consisted  of  nothing 
 but  a  single  stone  or  pile  of  stones  (Gen.  xxviii.  18, 
 xxxi.  46,  &c.).  The  stone  Ezel  (1  Sam.  xx.  19) 
 was  probably  a  terminal  stone  or  a  waymark.  The 
 "place"  set  uji  by  Saul  (1  Sam.  xv.  12)  is  ex- 
 plained by  St.  Jerome  to  be  a  trophy.  The  word 
 used  is  the  same  as  that  for  Absalom's  pillar.  So 
 also  Jacob  set  up  a  pillar  over  Rachel's  grave  (Gen. 
 XXXV.  20),  The  monolithic  tombs  and  obelisks  of 
 Petra  are  instances  of  similar  usage.  But  the  word 
 Matstsebah,  "  pillar,"  is  more  often  rendered 
 "  statue"  or  "  image"  {e.g.  Deut.  vii.  5,  xii.  3, 
 svi.  22 ;  Lev.  xxvi.  1  ;  &c.).  [Idol.]  Lastly,  the 
 figurative  use  of  the  term  "  pillar,"  in  reference  to 
 the  cloud  and  fire  accompanying  the  Israelites  on 
 their  march,  or  as  in  Cant.  iii.  6,  and  Rev.  x.  t, 
 is  plainly  derived  from  the  notion  of  an  isolated 
 column  not  supporting  a  roof. 
 
 Pillar,  Plain  of  the,  or  rather  "  oak  of  the 
 
 pillar" — that   Ijeiug  the   real   signification   of  the 
 
 Hebrew  word  clon.     A  tice  which  stood  near  Sho- 
 
 cheni,  and  at  which  the  men  of  Shechem  and  the 
 
 Con.  D.  B. 
 
 PIPE 
 
 737 
 
 house  of  Millo  assembled,  to  crown  Abimelech  son 
 of  Gitleon  '  Judg.  ix.  6).  There  is  nothing  said  by 
 which  its  position  can  be  ascertained.  It  pdssibly 
 derived  its  name  of  Miittsab  from  a  stone  or  pillar 
 set  up  under  it.  [JIeonenim.]  The  terms  in 
 which  Joshua  speaks  of  this  very  stone  (Josh, 
 xxiv.  27)  almost  seem  to  overstep  the  bounds  of 
 mere  imagery. 
 
 Pilled  (Gen.  xxx.  .37,  38):  Peeled  (Is.  xviii. 
 2  ;  Ez.  xxix.  18).  The  verb  "  to  pill"  ai)pears  in 
 old  Eng.  as  identical  in  meaning  with  '•  to  peel  = 
 to  strip,"  and  in  this  sense  is  used  in  the  above 
 passages  from  Gen.  Of  the  next  stage  in  its  mean- 
 ing as  =  plunder,  we  have  traces  in  the  words  "  pil- 
 lage," "pilfer."  If  the  (lilference  between  the  two 
 forms  be  more  than  accidental,  it  would  seem  as  if 
 in  the  English  of  the  17th  century  "peel"  wa.s 
 used  tor  the  latter  signification. 
 
 Pil'tai,  the  representative  of  the  priestly  house 
 of  Moadiah,  or  Maadiah,  in  the  time  of  Joiakim  the 
 son  of  Jeshua  (Neh.  xii.  17). 
 
 Pine-tree.  1.  Heb.  Tidlwr  (Is.  xii.  19,  Ix.  13). 
 What  tree  is  intended  is  not  certain.  Gescnins  in- 
 clines to  think  the  oak,  as  implying  duration.  It 
 has  been  variously  explained  to  be  the  Indian  plane, 
 the  larch,  and  the  elm  ;  but  the  rendering  "  pine  " 
 seems  least  probable  of  any. — 2.  Sheinen{^e\\.  viii. 
 15)  is  probably  the  wild  olive. 
 
 Pinnacle  (only  in  Matt.  iv.  5,  and  Luke  iv.  9) 
 It  is  plain,  1.  that  rh  impiiyiov  is  not  a  piiniacle, 
 but  titc  pinnacle.  2.  That  by  the  word  it-self  we 
 should  undei-stand  an  edge  or  border,  like  a  feather 
 or  a  fin.  The  only  part  of  the  Temple  which  an- 
 swered to  the  modern  sense  of  pinnacle  was  the 
 golden  spikes  erected  on  the  loof  to  prevent  birtls 
 from  settling  there.  Lightfoot  suggests  the  porch 
 or  vestibule,  which  projected  like  shoulders  on  each 
 side  of  the  Temjile.  Peiliaps  t^  irrep.  means  the 
 battlement  ordered  by  law  to  be  added  to  every 
 roof. 
 
 Pi'non,  one  of  the  "  dukes"  of  Edom ;  that  is, 
 head  or  founder  of  a  tribe  of  that  nation  (Gen. 
 xxxvi.  41  ;  1  Chr.  i.  52).  Eusebius  and  Jerome 
 call  it  Punon,  and  identify  it  with  I'haeno.  No 
 name  answering  to  Pinon  appears  to  have  been  yet 
 discovered  in  Arabic  literature,  or  amongst  the  ex- 
 isting tribes. 
 
 Pipe  (Heb.  chdlil).  The  Hebrew  word  so  ren- 
 dered is  derived  from  a  root  signifying  "  to  bore, 
 perforate,"  and  is  represented  with  sulHcient  cor- 
 rectness by  the  English  "pipe"  or  "flute,"  as  in 
 the  margin  of  1  K.  i.  40.  It  is  one  of  the  simplest, 
 and  therefore  probably  one  of  the  oldest,  of  musical 
 instruments;  and  in  consequence  of  its  simplicity 
 of  form  there  is  reason  to  sujipose  that  the  "  pipe" 
 of  the  Hebrews  did  not  diller  materially  from  that 
 of  the  ancient  Egyptians  and  Greeks.  It  is  asso- 
 ciated with  the  tabret  {tophj  as  an  instrument  of  a 
 peaceful  and  social  chaiacter.  The  pipe  and  tabret 
 were  used  at  the  banquets  of  the  Hebrews  (Is.  v. 
 12),  and  their  bridal  processions  (Mishna,  Baha 
 inetsia,  vi.  1),  and  accompanied  the  sim])ler  reli- 
 gious services,  when  the  young  prophets,  returning 
 from  the  high-place,  caught  their  inspiration  fiom 
 the  harmony  (1  Sam.  x.  5);  or  the  pilgrims,  on 
 their  way  to  the  great  festivals  of  their  ritu:il, 
 beguiled  the  weariness  of  the  march  with  psalms 
 sung  to  the  simple  music  of  the  pipe  (Is.  xxx.  29). 
 The  sound  of  the  pipe  was  apparently  a  soft  wailing 
 note,  which  made  it  appropriate  to  be  used  in 
 mourning  and  at  funerals  (Matt.  ix.  23),  ami  in  the 
 
 3  3 
 
738 
 
 PIRA 
 
 lament  of  the  prophet  over  the  destruction  of  IMoah 
 (Jer.  xlviii.  36).  It  was  even  used  in  tlie  'I  eni,pli- 
 choir,  as  appears  from  I'.s.  Ixxxvii.  7,  where  "  the 
 playeis  on  instruments"  are  properly  "  pipers." 
 Twelve  days  in  tlie  year,  according  to  the  Minima, 
 the  pipes  sounded  before  the  altar.  They  were 
 of  reed,  and  not  of  cojiper  or  hronze,  because  the 
 former  ^ave  a  softer  sound.  Of  those  there  were 
 not  less  than  two  nor  more  than  twelve.  In  later 
 times  the  funeral  and  deathbed  were  never  without 
 the  professional  pipers  or  flute-players  (Matt.  ix. 
 'iH),  a  custom  which  still  exists.  In  the  social  and 
 lestive  life  of  the  Egyptians  the  pipe  played  as  pro- 
 minent a  pait  as  among  the  Hebrews.  In  the  dif- 
 ferent combinations  of  instruments  used  in  Egyp- 
 tian bands,  we  generally  rind  either  the  double  pipe 
 or  the  flute,  and  sometimes  both  ;  the  former  being 
 played  bothby  men  and  women,  the  latter  exclus- 
 ively by  women.  Any  of  the  insti'uments  above 
 described  would  have  been  called  by  the  Hebrews 
 by  the  general  term  chdiil,  and  it  is  not  improbable 
 that  they  might  have  derived  their  knowledge  of 
 them  from  Egypt.  The  single  pipe  is  said  to  have 
 been  the  invention  of  the  Egyptians  alone,  who 
 attribute  it  to  Osiris.  Bartenora  identifies  the  chdiil 
 with  the  French  chahnneau,  which  is  the  German 
 schtiliiieie,  and  our  shawm  or  shalm,  of  which  the 
 clai'ionot  is  a  modern  improvement. 
 
 Pi'ra,  1  Esd.  v.  19.  Apparently  a  repetition  of 
 the  name  CapiiirA. 
 
 Pi'ram.  The  Amorite  king  of  .Jarmuth  at  the 
 time  of  Joshua's  conquest  of  Canaan  fJosh.  x.  3,  27). 
 Pi'rathon,  "  in  the  land  of  Ephraim  in  the 
 mount  of  the  Amalckite;"  a  i>lace  named  nowhere 
 but  in  Jiidg.  xii.  15.  It  is  mentioned  by  the  ac- 
 curate old  traveller  hap-Parchi  as  lying  about  two 
 hours  west  of  Shcchem,  and  called  Fer'ata.  It  was 
 reserved  for  Dr.  Robinson  to  rediscover  it  on  an 
 eminence  about  a  mile  and  a  half  south  of  the  road 
 from  Jaffa  by  Ilahlch  to  Nahb'is. 
 
 Pirath'onite,  the  native  of,  or  dweller  in,  Pi- 
 RATiioN.  'I'wo  such  are  named  in  the  Bible.  1. 
 Abdon  ben-llillel  (Judg.  xii.  13,  1.5).— 2.  From  the 
 same  place  came  "  lienaiah  the  Pirathonite  of  the 
 ciiildien  of  Ephraim"  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  14). 
 
 Pis'gah.  An  ancient  topographical  name  which 
 is  found,  in  the  Pentateuch  and  .Joshua  only,  in 
 two  connexions.  1.  The  top,  or  head,  of  the  Pisgah, 
 Num.  xxi.  20,  xxiii.  14;  Dent.  iii.  27,  xxxiv.  1, 
 2,  Ashdoth  hap-Pisgah,  perhaps  the  springs,  or 
 roots,  of  the  Pisgah,  Dent.  iii.  17,  iv.  49  ;  .Josh, 
 xii.  .S,  xiii.  20.  The  latter  has  already  been  no- 
 ticed under  its  own  head.  Of  the  former  but  little 
 can  be  said.  "The  Pisgah"  must  have  been  a 
 mountain  range  or  district,  the  same  as,  or  a  part 
 of  that  called  the  mountains  of  Abarim  (conip. 
 Dent,  xxxii.  49  with  xxxiv.  1).  It  lay  on  the  east 
 of  .Jordan,  contiguous  to  the  rield  of  Mnab,  and  im- 
 mediately opposite  Jericho.  The  field  of  Zopliim 
 was  situated  on  it,  and  its  highest  point  or  summit 
 — its  "  head" — was  the  Mount  Ntbo.  If  it  was  a 
 proper  name  we  can  oidy  conjecture  that  it  denoted 
 the  whole  or  ))art  of  the  range  of  the  highlands  on 
 the  east  of  the  lower  Jordan.  No  traces  of  the 
 name  Pisgah  have  Ijcen  met  with  in  later  times  on 
 the  east  of  .Jordan,  but  ni  the  Arabic  garb  of  Jins 
 el-Fesh/t/ih  (almost  identical  with  the  Hebrew  liosh 
 hap-jjisgah)  it  is  attached  to  a  well-known  headland 
 on  the  north-u'cs^crn  end  of  the  Dead  Sea,  a  mass 
 01  mountain  lioniided  on  the  south  by  the  Wadi/ 
 eti-Nitr,  and  on  the  north  by  the  VV<«iv  SiiJr,  and 
 
 PITCHER 
 
 on  the  northern  part  of  which  is  situated  the  grea 
 Mussulman  sanctuary  ol'  Nebg  Musa  fMoses. 
 
 Pisid'ia  was  a  district  in  Asia  Minor,  N.  of  Pam- 
 phylia,  and  reached  to,  and  was  ])artly  included  in, 
 I'hrygia.  Thus  AntiOCH  in  Pisiuia  was  sometimes 
 called  a  Phrygian  town.  St.  Paul  passed  through 
 Pisidia  twice,  witli  Barnabas,  on  the  first  missionary 
 journey  i.  e.  both  in  going  from  Perga  to  ICONIUM 
 (.•\cts  xiii.  13,  14,  511,  and  in  returning  (xiv.  21, 
 24,25;  compare  2  Tim.  iii.  11).  It  is  probable 
 also  that  he  traversed  the  northern  part  of  the  dis- 
 trict, with  Silas  and  Timotheus,  on  the  second  mis- 
 sionary journey  (xvi.  6):  but  the  word  Pisidia  does 
 not  occur  except  in  reference  to  the  former  journey. 
 
 Pi'son.     [Eden.] 
 
 Pis'pah.  An  Asherite,  son  of  Jether,  or  Ithran 
 (1  Chr.  vii.  88). 
 
 Pit.  In  the  A.  V.  this  word  appears  with  a 
 figurative  as  well  as  a  literal  meaning.  1.  Sheol, 
 in  Num.  xvi.  30,  33  ;  Job  xvii.  16.  Here  the  word 
 is  one  which  is  used  only  of  the  hollow,  shadowy 
 world,  the  dwelling  of  the  dead,  and  as  such  it  has 
 been  treated  of  under  Hell.  2.  Shachath.  Here 
 the  sinking  of  t'lie  pit  is  the  primary  thought.  It 
 is  dug  into  the  earth  (Ps.  ix.  16,  cxix.  85).  It  thus 
 became  a  type  of  sorrow  and  confusion  (Job  xxxiii. 
 18,  24,  28,  30).  3.  Bor.  In  this  word,  as  in  the 
 cognate  Deer,  the  special  thought  is  that  of  a  pit  or 
 well  dug  for  water.  The  process  of  desynonymisiiig 
 which  goes  on  in  all  languages,  seems  to  have  con- 
 fined the  former  to  the  state  of  the  well  or  cistern, 
 dug  into  the  rock,  but  no  longer  filled  with  water. 
 In  the  phrase  "  they  that  go  down  to  the  pit"  it 
 becomes  even  more  constantly  than  the  .synonyms 
 already  noticed,  the  representative  of  the  world  of 
 the  dead  (Ezek.  xx.xi.  14,  16,  xxxii.  18,24;  Ps. 
 xxviii.  1,  cxliii.  7).  There  may  have  been  two 
 reasons  for  this  transfer.  1.  The  wide  deep  excav- 
 ation became  the  place  of  burial  (P^zek.  xxxii.  24). 
 2.  The  pit,  however,  in  this  sense,  was  never  simply 
 equivalent  to  burial-place.  There  is  always  implied 
 in  it  a  thought  of  scoin  and  condemnation  (Zech. 
 i.x.  11  ;  Is.  li.  14;  Jer,  xxxviii.  6,  9).  It  is  not 
 strange  that  with  the  associations  of  material  horror 
 clustering  round,  it  should  have  involved  more  of 
 the  idea  of  a  place  of  punishment  for  the  haughty 
 or  unjust,  than  did  the  shcol  or  the  grave.  In  Kev. 
 ix.  1,  2,  and  elsewheie,  the  pit  of  the  abyss  is  ;is  a 
 dungeon. 
 
 Pitch.  The  tliiee  Hebrew  words  all  represent 
 the  same  object,  viz.  mineral  pitch  or  a.sphalt,  in  its 
 difTereut  aspects:  zcpheth  (i\\e  zift  of  the  modern 
 Arabs)  in  its  liquid  state ;  cheinch;  in  its  solid 
 state,  from  its  lai  colour ;  and  cophcr,  in  reference 
 to  its  use  in  overlaying  wood-work  (Cen.  vi.  14^. 
 Asphalt  is  .an  opaque,  inflammable  substance,  which 
 bubbles  up  from  subterranean  fountains  in  a  liquid 
 state,  and  hardens  by  exposure  to  the  air,  but  rea- 
 dily melts  under  the  infiuence  of  heat.  In  the  latter 
 state  it  is  veiy  tenacious,  and  was  used  as  a  cement 
 in  lieu  of  mortar  in  Babylonia  (Gen.  xi.  3),  as 
 well  as  for  coating  the  outsides  of  vessels  (Gen.  vi. 
 14),  and  particularly  for  making  the  papyrus  boatJ 
 of  the  Egyptians  water-tight  (Ex.  ii.  3).  The 
 Babylonians  obtained  their  chief  sn)iply  from  the 
 s])rings  of  Is  'the  modein  Hit),  which  are  still  in 
 existence.  The  Jews  and  Arabians  got  theirs  in 
 large  quantities  fiom  the  Dead  Sea,  which  hence 
 received  its  classical  name  of  Lacns  Asphaltites. 
 
 Pitcher.  The  word  "pitcher"  is  used  in  A.  V. 
 to  <lcnote  the  water-jars  or  pitchers  with  one  or  two 
 
PITHOM 
 
 handles,  used  chiefly  by  women  for  carrying  water, 
 as  in  the  story  of  Rebecca  (Gea.  xsiv.  15-20;  but 
 "ee  Mark  xiv.  13;  Luke  xxii.  10).  This  practice 
 has  been,  and  is  still  usual  both  in  the  East  and 
 elsewhere.  The  vessels  used  for  the  pui-pose  are 
 generally  carried  on  the  head  or  the  shoulder.  The 
 Bedouin  women  commonly  use  skin-bottles.  Such 
 was  the  "  bottle"  carried  by  Hagar  (Gen.  xxi.  14). 
 The  satne  word  is  used  of  the  pitchers  employed  by 
 Gideon's  300  men  (Judg.  vii.  16). 
 
 Pi'thom,  one  of  the  store-cities  built  by  the 
 Isi'aelites  for  the  first  oppressor,  the  Pharaoh  "  which 
 knew  not  Joseph"  (Ex.  i.  11).  It  is  probable  that 
 Pithom  lay  in  the  most  eastern  part  of  Lower 
 Egypt.  Herodotus  mentions  a  town  called  Patu- 
 mus,  which  seems  to  be  the  same  as  the  Thoum  or 
 Thou  of  the  Itinerary  of  Antoninus,  probably  the 
 military  station  Thohu  of  the  Notitia.  Whether  or 
 not  Patumus  be  the  Pithom  of  Scripture,  there  can 
 be  little  doubt  that  the  name  is  identical. 
 
 Pi'thon.  One  of  the  four  sons  of  Micah,  the  son 
 of  Jlephibosheth  (1  Chr.  viii.  35,  ix.  41). 
 
 Plague,  the.  The  disease  now  called  the  Plague, 
 which  has  ravaged  Egypt  and  neighbouring  coun- 
 tries in  modern  times,  is  supposed  to  have  prevailed 
 there  in  former  ages.  Manetho,  the  Egyptian  his- 
 torian, speaks  of  "a  very  great  plague"  in  the 
 reign  of  Semempses,  the  seventh  king  of  the  fiist 
 dynasty,  B.C.  cir.  2500.  The  difficulty  of  deter- 
 mining the  character  of  the  pestilences  of  ancient 
 and  mediaeval  times,  even  when  carefully  described, 
 warns  us  not  to  conclude  that  every  such  mention 
 refers  to  the  Plague.  The  Plague  in  recent  times 
 has  not  extended  far  beyond  the  Turkish  Empire 
 and  the  kingdom  of  Persia.  As  an  epidemic  it 
 takes  the  character  of  a  pestilence,  sometimes  of  the 
 gi'eatest  severity.  The  Plague  when  most  severe 
 usually  appears  first  on  the  noithern  coast  of  Egypt, 
 having  previously  broken  out  in  Turkey  or  North 
 Africa  west  of  Egypt.  It  ascends  the  river  to 
 Cairo,  rarely  going  much  further.  The  mortality 
 is  often  enormous,  and  Mr.  Lane  remarks  of  the 
 plague  of  1835  : — "  It  destroyed  not  less  than  eighty 
 thousand  persons  in  Cairo,  that  is,  one-third  of  the 
 population  ;  and  far  more,  I  believe,  than  two  hun- 
 dred thousand  in  all  Egypt."  The  Plague  is  con- 
 sidered to  be  a  severe  kind  of  typlius,  accompanied 
 by  buboes.  Like  the  choleia  it  is  most  violent  at 
 the  first  outbreak,  causing  almost  instant  death  ; 
 later  it  may  last  three  days,  and  even  longer,  but 
 usually  it  is  fatal  in  a  few  hours.  Several  Hebrew 
 words  are  translated  "pestilence"  or  "plague;" 
 but  not  one  of  these  words  can  be  considered  as  de- 
 signating by  its  signification  the  Plague.  Whether 
 the  disease  be  mentioned  must  be  judged  from  the 
 sense  of  passages,  not  fi'om  the  sense  of  words. 
 Those  pestilences  which  were  sent  as  special  judg- 
 ments, and  were  either  supernaturally  rapid  in  their 
 effects,  or  in  addition  directed  against  particular 
 culprits,  are  beyond  the  reach  of  human  inquiry. 
 But  we  also  read  of  pestilences  which,  although  sent 
 as  judgments,  have  the  characteristics  of  modern 
 epidemics,  not  being  rapid  beyond  nature,  nor  di- 
 rected against  individuals  (Lev.  xxvi.  25 ;  Deut. 
 xxviii.  21).  In  neither  of  these  passages  does  it 
 seem  certain  that  the  Plague  is  specified.  The  no- 
 tices in  the  prophets  present  the  same  difficulty  ; 
 for  they  do  not  seem  to  attbrd  sufficiently  positive 
 evidence  that  the  Plague  was  known  in  those  times. 
 Hezekiah's  diseiise  has  been  thought  to  have  been 
 the  Plague,  and  its  fatal  nature,  as  well  as  the 
 
 PLAGUES,  THE  TEN 
 
 739 
 
 mention  of  a  boil,  makes  this  not  improbable.  On 
 the  other  hand,  there  is  no  mention  of  a  pestilence 
 among  his  people  at  the  time.  There  does  not  seem, 
 therefore,  to  be  any  distinct  notice  of  the  Plao-ue  in 
 the  Bible. 
 
 Plagues,  the  Ten.  I.  TJte  Place. — Although 
 it  is  distinctly  stated  that  the  plagues  prevailed 
 throughout  Egypt,  yet  the  descrijitions  seem  prin- 
 cipally to  appfy  to  that  part  of  Egypt  which  lay 
 nearest  to  Goshen,  and  more  especially  to  "the 
 field  of  Zoan,"  or  the  tract  about  that  city.  We 
 must  look  especially  to  Lower  Egypt  for  our  illus- 
 trations, while  bearing  in  mind  the  evident  pieva- 
 lence  of  the  plagues  throughout  the  land. — II.  The 
 Occasion  on  which  the  plagues  weie  sent  is  de- 
 scribed in  Ex.  iii.-xii.— III.  The  Plaques. — 1.  The 
 Plague  of  Blood. — When  Moses  and  Aaron  came 
 before  Pharaoh,  a  miracle  was  required  of  them. 
 Then  Aaron's  rod  became  "a  serpent"  (A.  V.),  or 
 rather  "a  crocodile."  Its  being  changed  into  an 
 animal  reverenced  by  all  the  Egyptians,"or  bv  some 
 of  them,  would  have  been  an  especial  warning  to 
 Pharaoh.  The  Egyptian  magicians  called  bvthe 
 king  produced  what  seemed  to  be  the  same  wonder, 
 yet  Aaron's  rod  swallowed  up  the  others  (vii.  3-12). 
 This  passage,  taken  alone,  would  appear  to  indicate 
 that  the  magicians  succeeded  in  working  wonders, 
 but,  if  it  is  compared  with  the  others  which  relate 
 tlieir  opposition  on  the  occasions  of  the  first  three 
 plagues,  a  contrary  inference  seems  more  reason- 
 able. A  comparison  with  other  passages  stiengthens 
 us  in  the  inference  that  the  magicians  succeeded 
 merely  by  juggling.  N^j  ^^^^  ^^^  ^j^^  water  ot 
 the  Nile  smitten,  but  all  the  water,  even  that  in 
 vessels,  throughout  the  country.  The  fish  died 
 and  the  river  stank.  The  Egyptians  could  not 
 drink  of  it,  and  digged  around  it  tor  water.  This 
 plague  was  doubly  humiliating  to  the  religion  of 
 the  country,  as  the  Nile  was  held  sacred,  as  well  as 
 some  kinds  of  its  fish,  not  to  speak  of  the  crocodiles, 
 which  probably  were  destroyed.  Those  who  have 
 endeavoured  to  explain  this  plague  by  natural 
 causes,  have  referred  to  the  changes  of  colour  t<i 
 which  the  Nile  is  subject,  the  appearance  of  the 
 Ked  Sea,  and  the  so-called  rain  and  dew  of  blood  of 
 the  middle  ages ;  the  last  two  occasioned  by  small 
 fungi  of  very  rapid  gi-owth.  But  such  theories  do 
 not  explain  why  the  wonder  happened  at  a  time  ot 
 year  when  the  Nile  is  most  clear,  nor  why  it  killed 
 
 the  fish  and  made  the  water  unfit  to  be  drunk. 
 
 2.  The  Plague  of  Frogs'. — When  seven  days  had 
 passed  after  the  first  plague,  the  nver  and  all  the 
 open  waters  of  Egypt  brought  forth  countless  fi  ogs, 
 which  not  only  covered  the  land,  but  filled  the 
 houses,  even  in  their  driest  parts  and  ve.s.sels,  for 
 the  ovens  and  kneading-troughs  are  specified.  The 
 m:igieians  again  liad  a  seeming  success  in  their  op- 
 position. This  must  have  been  an  especially  trvino- 
 judgment  to  the  Egyptians,  as  frogs  were  included 
 among  the  sacred  animals.  The  trog  was  sacred  to 
 the  goddess  HEKT,  who  is  repiesented  with  the 
 head  of  this  reptile.— 3.  The  Plague  of  Lice.— 
 The  account  of  the  third  plague  is  not  preceded  bv 
 the  mention  of  any  warning  to  Pharaoh.  We  read 
 that  Aaron  w.is  commanded  to  stretch  out  his  rod 
 and  smite  the  dust,  which  became,  as  the  A.  V. 
 reads  the  word,  "lice"  in  man  and  beast.  The  ma- 
 gicians again  attempted  opposition  ;  but,  failing, 
 confessed  that  the  wonder  was  of  God  (viii.  16-19')! 
 There  is  much  difficulty  as  to  the  animals  meant. 
 The  LXX.   has  crKvicpes,  and  the  Vulg.  sciniphes. 
 
 3  B  2 
 
740  PLAGUES,  THE  TEN 
 
 UQOsiiuitos.  'J'he  narrative  does  not  enable  lis  to 
 decide  whieh  is  the  more  probable  of  the  two  ren- 
 derings. In  this  case  the  plague  does  not  seem  to 
 be  especially  directed  against  the  superstitions  of 
 the  Egyptia'ns.— 4.  The  Plague  of  Flies.— \n  the 
 case  of  the  fourth  plague,  aj  in  that  of  the  first, 
 Jloses  was  commanded  to  meet  Pharaoh  in  the 
 morning  as  he  came  forth  to  the  water,  and  to 
 tiireaten  him  with  a  jndgment  if  he  still  refused  to 
 give  the  Israelites  leave  to  go  and  worship.  He 
 was  to  be  punished  by  what  the  A.  V.  renders 
 "swarms  [of  flies],"  "a  swarm  [of  Hies],"  or,  in 
 the  margin,  "  a  mixture  [of  noisome  beasts]."  The 
 proper  meaning  of  the  word  'drob  is  a  question  of 
 extreme  dilhculty.  Tlie  explanation  of  Josephus, 
 and  almost  all  the  Hebrew  commentators,  is  that  it 
 means  "a  mixture,"  and  heie  designates  a  mixture 
 of  wild  animals.  It  is  almost  certain,  from  two 
 passages  (Ex.  viii.  29,  31  ;  Hebrew,  25,  27),  that 
 a  single  creature  is  intended.  Oedmann  proposes 
 the  hlC'tta  orientalis,  a  kind  of  beetle,  instead  of  a 
 dog-fly.  Yet  our  experience  does  not  bear  out  the 
 iilea  that  any  kind  of  beetle  is  injurious  to  man  in 
 Egypt.  If  we  conjecture  that  a  fly  is  intended, 
 perhaps  it  is  more  leasonable  to  infer  that  it  was 
 the  common  fly,  which  in  the  present  day  is  pro- 
 bably the  most  troublesome  insect  in  Egypt.— 5. 
 The  Plague  of  the  Murrain  of  Beasts. — Pharaoh 
 was  next  warned  that,  if  he  did  not  let  the  people 
 go,  there  should  be  on  the  day  following  "a  very 
 grievous  munain,"  upon  the  horses,  asses,  camels, 
 oxen,  and  sheep  of  Egypt,  whereas  those  of  the 
 children  of  Israel  should  not  die.  This  plague 
 would  have  been  a  heavy  punishment  to  the  Egyp- 
 tians as  falling  upon  their  sacred  animals  of  two  of 
 the  kinds  specified,  the  oxen  and  the  sheep  ;  but  it 
 would  have  been  most  felt  in  the  destruction  of  the 
 greatest  part  of  their  useful  beasts.  In  modern 
 times  murrain  is  not  an  unfrequent  visitation  in 
 Egypt,  and  is  supposed   to  precede  the   Plague.— 
 
 6.  The  Plague  of  Boih. — The  next  judgment  ap- 
 pears to  have  been  preceiled  by  no  warning,  except- 
 ing indeed  that,  when  iMoscs  publicly  sent  it  abroad 
 in  Egypt,  Pharaoh  might  no  doubt  have  repented 
 at  the  last  moment.  We  lead  that  Moses  and 
 Aaron  were  to  take  ashes  of  the  furnace,  and  Moses 
 was  to  "sprinkle  it  toward  the  heaven  in  the  sight 
 of  Pharaoh."  It  was  to  become  "small  dust" 
 throughout  Egypt,  and  "  be  a  boil  breaking  forth 
 [with]  lilains  upon  man,  and  upon  beast."  This 
 jdague  may  be  supposed  to  have  been  either  an  in- 
 fliction of  boils,  or  a  pestilence  like  the  Plague  of 
 modern  times,  isrhiih  is  nn  extremely  severe  kind 
 of  tyjiluis  t'ever,  accompanied  hj  swellings.  The 
 former  is,  however,  the  moie  likely  explanation.— 
 
 7.  The  Plcujue  of  Hail. — The  account  of  the  seventh 
 jdague  is  preceded  by  a  wainitig,  which  Moses  was 
 commanded  to  deliver  to  Pharaoh,  respecting  the 
 terrible  nature  of  the  plagues  that  were  to  ensue  if 
 he  remained  obstinate.  Man  and  beast  were  smitten, 
 and  the  herbs  and  every  tree  broken,  .save  in  the 
 land  of  Goshen.  The  ruin  cmsed  by  the  hail  was 
 evidently  far  greater  than  that  effected  bv  any  of 
 the  cailier  plagues.  Hail  is  now  extremely  rare, 
 but  not  unknown,  in  Egypt,  and  it  is  interesting 
 that  the  p.arrative  seems  to  imply  that  it  sometimes 
 falls  tlwre.— 8.  The  Plague  of  Locusts.— V\\.\vm\\ 
 was  now  threatened  with  a  plague  of  locusts. 
 In  begin  the  next  day,  by  which  everything  the 
 hail  had  loll  was  to  be  devourcil.  This  wa.s  to 
 r;xc-Po.|  any  like  visitations  that  had  happened  in  the 
 
 PLAGUES,  THE  TEN 
 
 time  of  the   king's  ancestors.     "  And  the  locusta 
 went  up  over  all  the   land  of  Egypt,  and   rested 
 in  all  the  coasts  of  Egypt:   very   grievous  [were 
 they] ;  before  them  there  were  no  such  locusts  as 
 they,  neither  after  them  shall  be  such.     For  they 
 covered  the  ftice  of  the  whole  earth,  so  that  the 
 land  was  darkeueil ;  and  they  did  eat  every  herb  of 
 the  land,  and  all  the  fruit  of  the  trees  which  the 
 hail  had  left:  and  there  remained   not  any  green 
 thing   in   the  trees,  or  in  the  herbs  of  the   field, 
 through  all  the  land  of  Egypt."     This  plague  has 
 not  the  unusual  nature  of  the  one  that  preceded 
 it,  but  it  even  exceeds  it  in  severity,  and  so  occu- 
 pies its  place  in  the  giadation  of  the  more  terrible 
 judgments  that   form  the  later  part  of  the  serie.s. 
 Its  severity  can  be  well   undeistood  by  those  who 
 have  been  in  Egypt  in  a  part  of  the  country  where 
 a  flight  of  locusts  has  alighted.     In  this  case  the 
 plague    was   greater  than   an    ordinary  visitation, 
 since  it  extended  over  a  far  wider  space,  rather  than 
 because  it  was  more  intense ;  for  it  is  impossible  to 
 imagine  any  more  complete  destruction  than  that 
 always    caused    by  a  swarm   of  locusts.— 9.   The 
 Plague  of  Darkness. — After  the  plague  of  locusts 
 we  read  at  once  of  a  fresh  judgment.     "  There  was 
 a  thick  darkness  in   all   the  land  of  Egypt  three 
 days :  they  saw  not  one  another,  neither  ro.se  any 
 from  his  place  tor  thiee  days:  but  all  the  children 
 of  Israel  had  light  in  their  ilwellings."     It  has  been 
 illustrated  by  reference  to  the  Samoom  and  the  hot 
 wind  of  the  Khamaseen.     The  former  is  a  sand- 
 storm which  occurs  in  the  desert,  seldom  lasting 
 more  than  a  quarter  of  an  hour  or  twenty  minutes, 
 but  for  the  time  often  causing  the  darkness  of  twi- 
 light, and  atTecting  man  and  beast.     The  hot  wind 
 of  the  Khamaseen  usually  blows  for  three  days  and 
 nights,  and  carries  so  much  sand    with  it,  that  it 
 produces  the  appearance  of  a  yellow  fog.     It  thus 
 resembles  the  Samoom,  though   far  less  powerful 
 and   far  less  distressing   in   its  effects.     It   is  not 
 known  to  cause  actual  darkness.     The  plague  may 
 have   been  an   extremely  severe   sandstorm,   mira- 
 culous in  its  violence  and  its  duration,  for  the  length 
 of  three  days  does  not  make  it  natural,  since  the  se- 
 vere storms  are  always  very  brief  ^^10.  The  Death  of 
 the  Firsthorn. — Before  the  tenth  plague  Moses  went 
 to  warn  Pharaoh.     "  And   Moses  said.  Thus  saith 
 the  Lord,   .Miout  midnight  will  I  go  out  into  the 
 midst  of  Egypt :  and  all   the  firstborn  in  the  land 
 of  Egypt  shall  die,  from  the   fiistborn  of  Pharaoh 
 that  sitteth   upon  his  throne,  even  unto  the  fii'st- 
 born  of  the  maidservant  that  [is]  behind  the  mill; 
 and  all  the  firstborn  of  beasts.     .And  there  shall  he 
 a  i;reat  ciy  throughout  all  the  laud  of  Egypt,  such 
 as  there  was  none  like  it.  nor  shall  be  like  it  any 
 more."      The   clearly    miraculous    nature   of  this 
 plague,  in   its  severity,  it.s  falling  upon   man  and 
 beiist,  and  the  singling  out  of  the  firstborn,  puts  it 
 wholly  beyond  comparison  with  any  natural  pesti- 
 lence, even  the  severest  recorded  in  history,  whether 
 of  the  jieculiar  Egyptian  Plague,  or  other  like  epi- 
 demics.    The  history   of  the   ten   ]>lagues  strictly 
 ends  with   the  death  of  the   firstborn.     Here  it  is 
 only  necessary  to  notice  that  with  the  event  last 
 mentioned   the  recital  of  the  wonders  wrought  in 
 Egvpt  concludas,  and  the  history  of  Israel  as  a  se- 
 parate  people    begins.      The    gradual    increase    in 
 severity  of  the  plagues  is  perhaps  the  bi'st  key  to 
 their  meaning.     They   seem    to   have  lieen  sent  as 
 warnings  to  the  oppressor,  to  ailbrd  him  a  means  of 
 seeing  (Jod's  will  and  an  opp  vlunity  of  re|K'nting 
 
PLAINS 
 
 before  Egypt  was  ruined.  The  lesson  that  Pharaoh's 
 c;ireer  teaches  us  seems  to  be,  that  thera  are  men 
 whom  the  most  signal  judgments  do  not  affect  so  as 
 to  cause  any  lasting  repentance.  In  this  lespect  the 
 at'ter-history  of  the  Jewish  people  is  a  commentary 
 upon  that  of  their  oppressor. 
 
 Plains.  This  one  term  does  duty  in  the  Au- 
 thorised Version  for  no  less  than  seven  distinct 
 Hebrew  words. — 1.  Abel.  This  word  perhaps  au- 
 swers  more  nearly  to  our  word  "meadow"  than 
 any  other.  It  occui's  in  the  names  of  Abel-JIAIM, 
 AiiEL-MEiiOLAH,  Abkl-SHITTIM,  and  is  rendered 
 "  plain"  in  Judg.  xi.  oo,  "  plain  of  vineyards." — 
 2.  Bik'dh.  Fortunately  we  are  able  to  identify  the 
 most  remarkable  of  the  Blk'ahs  of  the  Bible,  and 
 thus  to  ascertain  the  force  of  the  term.  The  great 
 Pkiin  or  Valley  of  Coele-Syria,  the  "  hollow  land" 
 of  the  Greeks,  which  separates  the  two  ranges  of 
 Lebanon  and  Antilebanon,  is  the  most  remarkable 
 of  them  all.  It  is  called  in  the  Bible  the  Bikath 
 Aven  (Am.  i.  5),  and  also  probably  the  Bik'ath 
 Lebanon  (Josh.  xi.  17,  xii.  7)  and  Bik'ath-Mizpeh 
 (xi.  8),  and  is  still  known  throughout  Syria  by  its 
 old  name,  as  el-Beka'a,  or  Ard  el-Bekaa.  Out  of 
 Palestine  we  find  denoted  by  the  word  Dih'dh  "  the 
 plain  of  the  land  of  Shinar"  (Gen.  xi.  2),  the 
 "plain  of  Mesopotamia"  (Ez.  iii.  22,  23,  viii.  4, 
 xxxvii.  1,  2),  and  the  "  plain  in  the  province  of 
 Dura"  (Dan.  iii.  1). — 3.  Hac-Ciccdr.  'I'liis,  though 
 applied  to  a  plain,  has  not  the  force  of  flatness  or 
 extent,  but  lather  seems  to  be  derived  from  a  root 
 signifying  roundness.  In  its  topographical  sense  it 
 IS  confined  to  the  Jordan  valley  (Gen.  \\k\.  lU,  11, 
 12,  xix.  17,  25-29  ;  Deut.  xxxiv.  3;  2  Sam.  xviii. 
 23;  1  K.  vii.  46;  2  Chr.  iv.  17;  Neh.  iii.  22, 
 xii.  28). — i.  Ham-Mislior.  This  is  by  the  lexi- 
 cographers explained  as  meaning  "  straightforward," 
 "  plain,"  as  if  from  the  root  tjashar,  to  be  just  or 
 ujiriglit ;  but  this  seems  far-fetched,  and  it  is  more 
 probable  that  in  this  case,  as  in  the  case  of  the  pre- 
 ceding, we  have  an  ai'chaic  term  existing  from  a  pre- 
 historic date.  It  occurs  in  the  Bible  in  the  following 
 passages: — Deut.  iii.  10,  iv.  43;  Josh.  xiii.  9,  16, 
 17,  21,  XX.  8  ;  1  K.  xx.  23,  25  ;  2  Chr.  xxvi.  10  ; 
 Jer.  xlviii.  8,  21.  In  each  of  these,  with  one  ex- 
 ception, it  is  used  for  the  district  in  the  neighbour- 
 hood of  Heshbon  and  Dibon — the  Belka  of  the 
 modein  Ai-abs,  their  most  noted  pasture-ground. 
 And  therefore  it  is  puzzKng  to  find  it  used  in  one 
 passage  (1  K.  xx.  23,  25)  apparently  with  the  meie 
 general  sense  of  low  land,  or  rather  flat  land,  in 
 which  chariots  could  be  manoeuvi-ed — as  opposed  to 
 uneven  mountainous  ground.  Perhaps  the  word 
 was  used  by  the  Syrians  of  Damascus  without  any 
 knowledge  of  its  strict  signification. — 5.  Ha-Ard- 
 bdh.  This  again  had  an  absolutely  definite  mean- 
 ing, being  restricted  to  the  valley  of  the  Jordan, 
 and  to  its  continuation  south  of  the  Dead  Sea. 
 [Arabah  ;  Palestine.] — 6.  Ha-Shefeldh,  the  in- 
 variable designation  of  the  depressed,  fiat  or  gently 
 undulating  region  which  intervened  between  the 
 highlands  of  Judah  and  the  JNlediterianean,  and  was 
 commonly  in  possession  of  the  Philistines. — 7.  Eton. 
 Our  translators  have  unifoimly  rendered  this  word 
 "  plain,"  doubtless  following  the  Vulgate,  which  in 
 about  half  the  pa-sages  has  convallis.  But  this  is 
 not  the  verdict  of  the  majority  or  the  most  trust- 
 woithy  of  the  ancient  versions.  They  regard  the 
 word  as  meaning  an  "  oak"  or  "grove  of  oaks,"  a 
 jendering  supported  by  all,  or  nearly  all,  the  com- 
 oicntators  and   lexicographers   of  the   present  day. 
 
 POETRY,  HEBREW 
 
 74i 
 
 The  passages  in  which  the  word  occurs  erroneously 
 translated  "  plain,"  are  as  follows  : — Plain  of  Moreh 
 (Gen.  xii.  6  ;  Deut.  xi.  30),  Plain  of  llanire  (Gen. 
 xiii.  18,  xiv.  13,  xviii.  1),  Plain  of  Zitanaim  (Judg. 
 iv.  11),  Plain  of  the  Pillar  (Judg.  ix.  6;,  Plain  of 
 Meonenim  (ix.  37),  Plain  of  Tabor  (1  Sam.  x.  3). — 
 8.  The  Plain  of  Esdraelon,  which  to  the  modern 
 traveller  in  the  Holy  Land  forms  the  third  of  its 
 thiee  most  remaikable  depressions,  is  designated  in 
 the  original  by  neither  of  the  above  teims,  but  by 
 'einek,  an  appellative  noun  frequently  emploved  in 
 the  Bible  for  the  smaller  valleys  of  the  country — 
 "  the  valley  of  Jezreel." 
 
 Plaster.  The  mode  of  making  plaster-cement 
 has  been  described  above.  [Moktek.]  Plaster  is 
 mentioned  thrice  in  Scripture:  1.  (Lev.  xiv.  42, 
 48).  2.  The  words  of  the  law  were  oidered  to  be 
 engraved  on  Mount  Ebal  on  stones  which  had  been 
 previously  coated  with  plaster  (Deut.  xxvii.  2,  4  ; 
 Josh.  viii.  32).  The  process  here  mentioned  was 
 probably  of  a  similar  kind  to  that  adopted  in  Egypt 
 for  receiving  bas-ieliefs.  The  wall  was  first  made 
 smooth,  and  its  interstices,  if  necessary,  filled  up 
 with  plaster.  When  the  figures  had  been  drawn, 
 and  the  stone  adjacent  cut  away  so  as  to  leave  them 
 in  lelief,  a  coat  of  lime  whitewash  was  laid  on,  and 
 followed  by  one  of  varnish  after  the  painting  of  the 
 figures  was  complete.  3.  It  was  probably  a  similar 
 coating  of  cement,  on  which  the  fatal  letters  were 
 traced  by  the  mystic  hand  "  on  the  plaster  of  the 
 wall  "  of  Belshazzar's  pdace  at  Babylon  (Dan.  v.  5). 
 
 Pledge.     [Loan.] 
 
 Pleiades.  The  Heb.  word  (ciindh)  so  rendered 
 occurs  in  Job  ix.  9,  xxxviii.  31,  and  Am,  v.  8. 
 In  the  last  passage  our  A.  V.  has  "the  seven 
 stars,"  although  the  Geneva  version  translates  the 
 word  "  Pleiades"  as  in  the  other  cases.  In  Job  the 
 LXX.  has  nA.eiaj,  the  order  of  the  Hebrew  words 
 having  been  altered,  while  in  Amos  there  is  no  trace 
 of  the  original,  and  it  is  difiicult  to  imagine  what 
 the  translatois  had  before  them.  The  Vulgate  in 
 each  passage  has  a  different  rendering :  Hyades  in 
 Job  ix.  9,  Pleiades  in  Job  xxxviii.  31,  and  Arc- 
 turus  in  Am.  v.  8.  The  Jewish  conimentators  are 
 no  less  at  variance.  R.  David  Kimchi  in  his  Lexicon 
 says:  "  R.  Jonah  wrote  that  it  was  a  collection  of 
 stars  called  in  Ai'abic  Al  Thuravjd."  That  Al 
 Thuraiyd  and  the  Pleiades  are  the  same  is  proved 
 by  the  words  of  Aben  Ragel.  "  Al  Thuraiya  is  the 
 miuision  of  the  moon,  in  the  sign  Taurus,  and  it  is 
 called  the  celestial  hen  with  her  chickens."  With 
 this  Hyde  compares  the  Er.  pulsiniere,  and  Eng. 
 Hen  and  chickens,  which  are  old  names  for  the 
 same  stars.  The  opinion  of  Aben  Ezra  has  been 
 fiequeutly  misiepresented.  He  held  that  Ciindh 
 was  a  single  large  star,  Aldebaran  the  brightest  of 
 the  Hyades,  while  Cesil  [A.  V.  "Orion"]  was 
 Antares  the  heart  of  Scorpio.  On  the  whole, 
 though  it  is  impossible  to  arrive  at  any  certain  ceo- 
 elusion,  it  appears  that  our  traiislafors  were  per- 
 fectly justified  in  rendering  Ciindh  by  "Pleiades.'' 
 Hea  or  Hoa,  the  third  god  of  the  Assyrian  triad, 
 was  known  among  the  stars  by  the  name  of  Kim- 
 mut,  which  Rawlinson  compares  with  the  Heb. 
 Ciindh,  and  identifies  with  the  constellation  Draco. 
 
 Plough,     [Agriculture.] 
 
 Pocher'eth.  The  children  of  Pochereth  of  Zebaim 
 were  among  the  children  of  Solomon's  servants 
 who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  57  ;  Neh. 
 vii.  59). 
 
 Poetry,    Hebrew.     The    attributes    which   are 
 
742 
 
 POETRY,  HEBREW 
 
 common  to  all  poetry,  and  which  the  poetry  of  the 
 Hebrews  possesses  in  a  higher  degree  perhaps  than 
 the  literature  ot"  any  other  people,  it  is  unnecessiiry 
 here  to  describe.  But  the  points  of  contrast  are  so 
 numerous,  and  the  ix?culiarities  which  distinguish 
 Hebrew  jioetry  so  remarkable,  that  these  alone  re- 
 quire a  full  and  ciireful  consideration.  It  is  a  phe- 
 nomenon which  is  univei"sally  observed  in  tlie  lite- 
 ratures of  all  nations,  that  the  earliest  form  in 
 which  the  thoughts  and  feelings  of  a  people  find 
 utterance  is  the  jioetic.  Prose  is  an  aftergrowth, 
 the  vehicle  of  less  sjwntaneous,  because  more 
 foiTnal,  expression.  And  so  it  is  in  the  literature 
 of  the  Hebrews.  Of  the  three  kinds  of  poetry 
 which  are  illustiated  by  the  Hebrew  literature,  the 
 lijrio  occupies  the  foremost  place.  The  Shemitic 
 nations  have  nothing  approaching  to  an  epic  poem, 
 and  in  proportion  to  this  defect  tlie  lyric  element 
 prevailed  more  greatly,  commencing  in  the  pre- 
 Mosaic  times,  flourishing  in  rude  \'igour  during 
 the  earlier  periods  of  the  Judges,  the  heroic  age  of 
 the  Hebrews,  giowing  with  the  nation's  growth  and 
 strengthening  with  its  strength,  till  it  reached  its 
 highest  excellence  in  David,  the  warrior-poet,  and 
 from  thenceforth  began  slowly  to  decline.  Gnomic 
 poetry  is  the  product  of  a  more  advanced  age.  It 
 arises  from  the  desire  felt  by  the  poet  to  e.xpress 
 the  results  of  the  accumulated  experiences  of  life  in 
 a  form  of  beauty  and  permanence.  Its  thoughtful 
 character  requires  for  its  development  a  time  of 
 peacefulness  and  leisure ;  for  it  gives  expression, 
 not  like  the  lyric  to  the  sudden  and  impassioned 
 feelings  of  the  moment,  but  to  calm  and  philosophic 
 reflection.  Being  less  spontaneous  in  its  origin,  its 
 form  is  of  necessity  more  artificial.  The  period 
 during  which  it  flourished  among  the  Hebrews  cor- 
 responds to  its  doinestic  and  settled  character.  We 
 meet  with  it  at  intervals  up  to  the  time  of  the 
 Captivity,  and,  as  it  is  chiefly  characteristic  of 
 the  age  of  the  monarchy,  Ewald  has  appropriately  de- 
 signated this  eia  the  ''artificial  period"  of  Hebrew 
 poetiy.  FioiTi  the  end  of  the  8th  century  n.c.  the 
 decline  of  the  nation  was  rapid,  and  with  its  glory 
 departed  the  chief  glories  of  its  literature.  After  the 
 Ca])tivity  we  have  nothing  but  the  poems  which 
 formed  part  of  the  liturgical  seiTices  of  the  Tenii>le. 
 Whether  dramatic  poetry,  properly  so  called,  ever 
 existed  among  the  Hebrews,  is,  to  say  the  least,  ex- 
 tremely doubtful.  In  the  opinion  of  some  writers 
 the  Song  of  Songs,  in  its  external  form,  is  a  rude 
 drama,  designed  for  a  simple  st;ige.  I5ut  the  evi- 
 dence for  this  view  is  extremely  slight.— 1.  Lyrical 
 Focti-]f. — The  literature  of  the  Hebiews  abounds 
 with  illustrations  of  all  forms  of  h'riciil  jx)etry,  in 
 its  most  manifblil  and  wide-embracing  compass, 
 from  such  short  ejaculations  as  the  songs  of  the  two 
 I.amechs  and  Pss.  xv.,  cxvii.,  and  others,  to  the 
 longiM-  chants  of  victory  and  thanksgiving,  like  the 
 .^ongs  of"  Deborah  and  I>avid  (Judg.  v.,  Ps.  xviii.). 
 The  names  by  which  the  various  kinds  of  songs 
 were  known  among  the  Helirews  will  supply  some 
 illustration  of  this.  1.  Shir,  a  song  in  general, 
 adapted  for  the  voice  alone.  2.  Mizmor,  a  psalm, 
 or  song  to  be  sung  with  any  instrumental  accom- 
 paniment. 3.  Nvijin&k,  is  probalily  a  meioilv  ex- 
 pressly adapted  for  stringed  instruments.  4.  Alnscil, 
 probably  denotes  a  lyriwil  song  reiiuiiing  nice  mu- 
 hical  skill.  [Masciiil.]  5.  Mktum,  a  temi  of 
 extremely  duubtful  meaning.  [MicilTAM.]  6. 
 Skigguijoa  O's.  vm.  1),  a  wild,  irregular,  dilliy- 
 rnnibic   song,  as  tb4'   wi.rii  appe:irs  to  denote:   or, 
 
 POETRY,  HEBREW 
 
 according  to  sonie,  a  song  to  be  sung  with  varia- 
 tions. But,  besides  these,  there  are  other  divisions 
 of  lyrical  poetry  of  great  importance,  which  have 
 regard  rather  to  the  subject  of  the  poems  than  to 
 their  fonn  or  adaptation  for  musical  accompani- 
 ments. Of  these  we  notice  : — 1.  7e/itV/d/t,  a  hvnin 
 of  praise.  Tlie  plural  Wtillim  is  the  title  of  the 
 Book  of  Psalms  in  Hebrew.  The  145th  Psalm  is 
 entitled  "  David's  (Psalmj  of  praise."  To  this  cla.ss 
 belong  the  songs  which  relate  to  extraordinary  de- 
 liverances, such  as  the  songs  of  Mose.i  (Ex.  xv.) 
 and  of  Deborah  (Judg.  v.),  and  the  Psalms  xviii. 
 and  Lwiii.,  which  have  all  the  air  of  chants  to  be 
 sung  in  triumphal  processions.  Such  were  the 
 hymns  sung  in  the  Temjde  services.  Next  to 
 the  hymn  of  praise  may  be  noticed,  2.  Kindh,  the 
 lament  or  dirge,  of  which  there  are  many  e.xamples, 
 whether  uttered  over  an  individual  or  as  an  out- 
 burst of  grief  for  the  calamities  of  the  land  (2  Sam. 
 i.  19-27,  iii.  33,  34,  xviii.  33).  3.  Shir  yeduloth, 
 a  love  song  (Ps.  xlv.  1),  in  its  external  form  at 
 least.  Other  kinds  of  poetry  there  are  which  occupy 
 the  middle  ground  between  the  lyric  and  gnomic, 
 being  lyric  in  form  and  spirit,  but  gnomic  in  subject. 
 These  may  be  classed  as  4.  Mas/ail,  properly  a 
 similitude,  and  then  a  parable,  or  sententious  saying, 
 couched  in  poetic  language.  Such  are  the  songs 
 of  Balaam  (Num.  xxiii.  7,  18;  xxiv.  3,  15,  20, 
 21,  23),  which  are  eminently  lyrical  in  character  ; 
 the  mocking  ballad  in  Num.  xxi.  27-30,  which 
 has  been  conjectured  to  be  a  fragment  of  an  old 
 Amorite  war-song;  and  the  ajiologue  of  Jotham 
 (Judg.  ix.  7-20),  both  which  last  are  strongly  sa- 
 tirical in  tone.  But  the  finest  of  all  is  the  magni- 
 ficent prophetic  song  of  triumph  over  the  fall  of 
 Babylon  (Is.  xiv.  4-27).  Chiddh,  an  enigma  (like 
 the  riddle  of  Samson,  Judg.  xiv.  14),  or  "  dark 
 saying,"  as  the  A.  V.  has  it  in  Ps.  xlix.  5,  Ixxviii.  2. 
 Lastly,  to  this  class  belongs  melitsuh,  a  mocking, 
 ironical  poem  (Hab.  ii.  G).  5.  Tephillah,  prayer, 
 is  the  title  of  Pss.  xvii.,  Ix.xxvi.,  xc,  cii.,  cxlii.,  and 
 Hab.  iii.  All  these  are  strictly  lyrical  composi- 
 tions, and  the  title  may  have  been  assigned  to  them 
 either  as  denoting  tlie  object  with  which  they  were 
 written,  or  the  use  to  which  they  were  .ipplied.— 
 II.  Gnomic  Poetry. — The  second  grand  division  of 
 Hebrew  jwetry  is  occupied  by  a  class  of  poems 
 which  are  peculiarly  Shemitic,  and  which  represent 
 the  nearest  approaciies  made  by  the  people  of  that 
 race  to  anything  like  philosophic  thought.  Reason- 
 ing there  is  none:  we  have  only  results,  and  those 
 rather  the  product  of  observation  and  reflection 
 than  of  induction  or  argumentiition.  As  lyric  poetry 
 is  the  expression  of  the  poet's  own  feelings  and  im- 
 pulses, so  gnomic  poetry  is  the  form  in  which  the 
 desire  of  communiciiting  knowledge  to  others  finds 
 vent.  It  hiis  been  already  remarked  that  gnomic 
 poetry,  as  a  whole,  requires  for  its  development  a 
 peiiod  of  national  tranciuUlity.  Its  gemis  are  the 
 floating  proverbs  which  pass  cuirent  in  the  mouths 
 of  the  peojile,  and  emboilv  the  experiences  of  many 
 with  the  wit  of  one.  The  sayer  of  sententious 
 sayings  was  to  the  Hebrews  the  wise  man,  the  jihi- 
 losopher.  Of  the  earlier  isolated  proverbs  but  tew 
 examples  remain.^lll.  Dramntic  Poetry. — It  ia 
 imjios.siblo  to  assert  that  no  form  of  the  drama 
 existed  among  the  Hebrew  ])eoi)le  ;  the  most  that 
 can  Ik?  done  is  to  examine  .•iiicli  portions  of  their 
 literature  as  have  come  down  to  us,  for  the  J)nrpo^e 
 of  ascertaining  how  far  ;uiy  tratvs  of  the  drama 
 proper  arc  discernible,  and  what  inferences  may  be 
 
POETRY,  HEBREW 
 
 made  from  them.  It  is  unquestionably  tine,  as 
 Kwald  observes,  that  the  Arab  reciteis  of  romances 
 will  many  times  in  their  own  persons  act  out  a 
 complete  diama  in  recitation,  changing  their  voice 
 and  gestures  with  the  change  of  pereon  and  subject. 
 Something  of  this  kind  may  possibly  have  existed 
 among  the  Hebrews ;  but  there  is  no  evidence  that 
 it  did  exist,  nor  any  grounds  for  making  even  a 
 probable  conjecture  with  regard  to  it.  But  the 
 mere  fact  of  the  existence  of  these  rude  exhibitions 
 among  the  Arabs  and  Egyptians  of  the  present  day 
 IS  of  no  weight  when  the  question  to  be  decided  is, 
 whether  the  Song  of  Songs  was  designed  to  be  so 
 represented,  as  a  simple  pastoral  drama.  Of  course, 
 in  considering  such  a  question,  reference  is  made 
 onlv  to  the  external  form  of  the  poem,  and,  in  order 
 to  prove  it,  it  must  be  shown  that  the  divamatic  is 
 the  only  form  of  representation  which  it  could 
 assume,  and  not  that,  by  the  help  of  two  actors 
 and  a  chorus,  it  is  capable  of  being  exhibited  in  a 
 dianiatic  form.  All  that  has  been  done,  in  our 
 opinion,  is  the  latter.  The  latest  work  on  the 
 subject  is  that  of  JI.  Kenan  {Le  Cantiqiie  des  Can- 
 tiques),  who  has  given  a  spirited  translation  of  the 
 poem,  and  ananged  it  in  acts  and  scenes,  according 
 to  his  own  theory  of  the  manner  in  which  it  was  in- 
 tended to  be  represented.  He  divides  the  whole 
 into  16  cantos,  which  form  five  acts  and  an  epi- 
 logue. But  il.  Kenan,  who  is  compelled,  in  ac- 
 cordance with  his  own  theory  of  the  mission  of  the 
 Shemitic  races,  to  admit  that  no  trace  of  any  thing 
 approaching  to  the  regular  drama  is  found  among 
 them,  does  not  regard  the  Song  of  Songs  asadiama 
 in  the  same  sense  as  the  products  of  the  Greek  and 
 Koman  theatres,  but  as  dramatic  poetry  in  the 
 widest  appliaition  of  the  term,  to  designate  any 
 composition  conducted  in  dialogue  and  corresponding 
 to  an  action.  He  conjectures  that  it  is  a  libretto 
 intended  to  be  completed  by  the  play  of  the  actors 
 and  b}'  music,  and  represented  in  private  families, 
 probably  at  marriage-teasts,  the  representation  being 
 extended  over  the  several  days  of  the  feast.  We 
 must  look  for  a  parallel  to  it  in  the  middle  ages, 
 when,  besides  the  mystery  plays,  there  were  scenic 
 rei)resentations  sufficiently  developed.  The  giound- 
 work  of  this  hypothesis  is  taken  away  by  JI.  Kenan's 
 own  admission  that  dramatic  representations  are 
 alien  to  the  spirit  of  the  Shemitic  races.  The 
 simple  corollary  to  this  proposition  must  be  that 
 the  Song  of  Songs  is  not  a  di'ama,  but  in  its  external 
 form  partakes  more  of  the  nature  of  an  eclogue  or 
 pastoral  dialogue.  It  is  scarcely  necessary  after 
 this  to  discuss  the  question  whether  the  Book  of 
 Job  is  a  dramatic  poem  or  not.  Inasmuch  as  it 
 represents  an  action  and  a  progress,  it  is  a  drama  as 
 truly  and  really  as  any  poem  can  be  which  develops 
 the  working  of  passion,  and  the  alternations  of  faith, 
 hope,  distrust,  triumphant  confidence,  and  black 
 despair,  in  the  struggle  which  it  depicts  the  human 
 mind  as  engaged  in,  while  attempting  to  solve  one 
 of  the  most  intricate  problems  it  can  be  called  upon 
 to  regard.  It  is  a  drama  as  life  is  a  drama,  the 
 most  powerful  of  all  tragedies  ;  but  that  it  is  a  dra- 
 matic poem,  intended  to  be  represented  upon  a  stage, 
 or  capable  of  being  so  represented,  may  be  confid- 
 ently denied.  One  chaiacteristic  of  Hebrew  poetry, 
 not  indeed  peculiar  to  it,  but  shared  by  it  in  cora- 
 nion  vvith  the  literatui'e  of  other  nations,  is  its  in- 
 tensely nat'onal  and  local  colouring.  The  writers 
 were  Hebrews  of  the  Hebrews,  drawing  theii'  in- 
 spiration from  the  mountains  and  I'iverK  of  Palestine, 
 
 POETRY,  HEBREW 
 
 743 
 
 which  they  liave  immortalised  in  their  poetic  figures, 
 and  even  while  uttering  the  sublimest  and  most 
 universal  truths  never  tbrgetting  their  own  nation- 
 ality in  its  narrowest  and  intensest  form.  Ex- 
 amples might  easily  be  multiplied  in  illustiation  of 
 this  remarkable  characteristic  of  the  Hebrew  poets : 
 they  stand  thick  upon  every  page  of  their  writings, 
 and  in  striking  contrast  to  the  vague  genei'alisations 
 of  the  Indian  philosophic  poetry.  In  Hebrew,  as  iu 
 other  languages,  there  is  a  peculiarity  about  the 
 diction  used  in  poetry — a  kind  of  poetical  dialect, 
 characterized  by  archaic  and  irregular  forms  of 
 words,  abrupt  constructions,  and  unusual  inflexions, 
 which  distinguish  it  from  the  contemporary  prose 
 or  historical  style.  It  is  universally  observed  that 
 aichait:  foi'ms  and  usages  of  words  linger  in  the 
 poetry  of  a  language  atter  they  have  fallen  out  ot 
 ordmary  use.  But  the  form  of  Hebrew  poetry  is 
 its  distinguishing  characteristic,  and  what  this  form 
 is,  has  been  a  vexed  question  for  many  ages.  The 
 Therapeutae,  as  described  by  Philo,  sang  hymns  and 
 psalms  of  thanksgiving  to  God,  in  divers  measures 
 and  strains  ;  and  these  were  either  new  or  ancient 
 ones  composed  by  the  old  poets,  who  had  left  behind 
 them  measures  and  melodies  of  trimeter  verses. 
 According  to  Josephus,  the  Song  of  Moses  at  the 
 Red  Sea  (Ex.  xv.)  was  composed  iu  the  hexameter 
 measure  ;  and  again,  the  song  in  Deut.  xxxii.  is  de- 
 scribed as  a  hexameter  poem.  The  Psalms  of  David 
 were  in  various  metres,  some  trimeters  and  some 
 pentameters.  Eusebi us  characterises  the  great  Song 
 of  IMoses  and  the  118th  (119th)  Psalm  as  metrical 
 compositions  in  what  the  Greeks  call  the  heroic 
 metre.  They  are  said  to  be  hex;uneters  of  sixteen 
 svllables.  The  other  verse  compositions  of  the 
 Hebrev/s  are  said  to  be  in  trimeteis.  Jerome  says 
 that  the  Book  of  Job,  from  iii.  3  to  xlii.  6,  is  in 
 hexameters,  jvith  dactyls  and  spondees.  The  conclu- 
 sion seems  inevitable  that  these  terms  are  employed 
 simply  to  denote  a  general  external  resemblance. 
 There  are,  says  Jerome,  four  alphabetical  Psalms, 
 the  110th  (inth),  111th  (112th),  118th  (119th), 
 and  the  144th  (145th).  In  the  first  two,  one  letter 
 corresponds  to  each  clause  or  versicle,  which  is 
 written  in  trimeter  iambics.  The  others  are  in 
 tetrameter  iambics,  like  the  song  in  Deuteronomy. 
 In  Ps.  118  (119),  eight  verses  follow  each  letter: 
 in  Ps.  144  ( 145)  a  letter  coriesponds  to  a  ver^e. 
 In  Lamentations  we  have  four  alphabetical  acrostics, 
 the  first  two  of  which  are  written  in  a  kind  nt 
 Sapphic  metre;  for  three  clauses  which  are  con- 
 nected together  and  begin  with  one  letter  (j.  e.  in 
 the  first  clause)  close  with  a  period  in  heroic  mea- 
 sure {Heroici  comma).  The  third  is  written  in 
 trimeter,  and  the  verses  in  thi'ees  each  begin  with 
 the  same  letter.  The  fourth  is  like  the  fiist  and 
 second.  The  Proverbs  end  with  an  alphabetical  poem 
 in  tetrameter  iambics.  There  can  be  little  doubt 
 that  these  terms  are  mere  generalities,  and  express 
 no  more  than  a  certain  rough  resemblance.  Joseph 
 Scaliger  was  one  of  the  first  to  point  out  the  fallacy 
 of  Jerome's  statement  with  regard  to  the  metres  ot 
 the  Psalter  ami  the  Lamentations,  and  to  assert  that 
 these  books  contained  no  verse  bound  by  metrical 
 laws,  but  that  their  language  was  meiely  prose, 
 animated  by  a  poetic  spirit.  Gerhard  Vossius  .says, 
 that  in  Job  and  the  Proverbs  theie  is  rhythm  but 
 no  metre ;  that  is,  regard  is  had  to  the  number  of 
 syllables  but  not  to  their  quantity.  But,  in  spite 
 of  the  opinions  pronounced  by  these  high  authorities, 
 there  were  still  many  who  believed  in  the  existence 
 
744 
 
 POETRY,  HEBREW 
 
 of  a  Hebrew  metre,  ami  in  tlie  possibility  of  lecover- 
 ing  it.  The  theories  pioposed  for  this  purpose  were 
 various,  ami  the  enumeration  of  them  Ibrms  a 
 curious  chapter  in  the  history  of  opinion.  The 
 opinions  of  Lowth,  with  regard  to  Hebrew  metre, 
 are  summed  up  by  Jebb  [Sucr.  Lit.  p.  16)  as 
 Ibllbws  :  "  He  begins  by  asserting,  that  certain  of 
 the  Hebrew  writings  are  not  only  animated  with 
 the  true  poetic  spirit,  but,  in  some  degree,  couched 
 in  poetic  numbers ;  yet,  he  allows,  that  the  quan- 
 tity, tlie  rhythm,  or  modulation  of  Hebrew  poetry, 
 not  only  is  unknown,  but  admits  of  no  investigation 
 l;y  human  art  or  industry;  lie  states,  after  Al)ra- 
 l)anei,  that  the  Jews  themselves  disclaim  the  very 
 memory  of  metrical  composition  ;  he  acknowledges, 
 that  the  artificial  conformation  of  the  sentences,  is 
 the  sole  indication  of  metre  in  these  poems ;  he 
 barely  maintains  the  credibility  of  attention  having 
 been  ])aid  to  numliers  or  feet  in  their  compositions  ; 
 and,  at  the  same  time,  he  confesses  the  utter  impos- 
 sibility of  determining,  whether  Hebrew  poetry  was 
 modulated  by  the  ear  alone,  or  according  to  any 
 definite  and  settled  rules  of  prosody."  Ou  the  sub- 
 ject of  the  rhythmical  character  of  Hebrew  poetry, 
 ;is  opposed  to  metrical,  the  remarks  of  Jebb  are  re- 
 markably appropriate.  "  Hebrew  poetry,"  he  says 
 {Sacr.  Lit.  p.  20),  "  is  universal  poetry  :  the  poetry 
 of  all  languages,  and  of  all  peoples:  the  collocation 
 of  words  (whatever  may  have  been  the  sound,  for 
 of  this  we  are  quite  ignoiant)  is  primarily  directed 
 to  secuie  the  best  possible  announcement  and  dis- 
 crimination of  the  sense:  let,  then,  a  translator 
 only  be  literal,  and,  so  far  <is  the  genius  of  his  lan- 
 guage will  permit,  let  him  preserve  the  original 
 order  of  the  words,  and  he  will  infidlibly  put  the 
 reader  in  possession  of  all,  or  nearly  all,  that  the 
 Hebrew  text  can  give  to  the  best  Hebrew  scholar 
 of  the  present  day.  Now,  had  there  been  ori- 
 ginally metre,  ....  the  jwetry  could  not  have 
 been,  as  it  unquestionably  and  emphatic;illy  is,  a 
 pt)etry,  not  of  sounds,  or  of  words,  but  of  things." 
 Ivjibbi  Azariah  de  Kossi  appears  to  have  anticipated 
 liishop  Lowth  in  his  theory  of  jiarallelism :  at  any 
 rate  his  treatise  contains  the  germ  which  Lowth 
 developed,  and  may  be  considered  the  technic;il  basis 
 of  his  system,  liut  Lowth 's  system  of  parallelism 
 was  more  completely  anticipated  by  Schoettgen  in  a 
 treatise,  of  the  existence  of  which  the  bishop  does 
 not  appear  to  have  been  aware.  It  is  found  in  his 
 Horae  /fehraicae,  vol.  i.  pp.  1249-1263,  diss,  vi., 
 ■'  de  Exergasia  Sacra."  This  cxcnjasia  he  defines 
 to  \ti>,  the  conjunction  of  entire  sentences  signifying 
 the  siime  thing:  so  that  exergasia  bears  the  siime 
 relation  to  sentences  that  synonymy  does  to  words. 
 IJut  whatever  may  have  been  achieved  by  his  pre- 
 decessoi-s,  there  can  be  no  question  that  the  delivery 
 of  Lowth's  lecture.s  on  Hebrew  Poetry,  and  the 
 Kuljsequent  publication  of  his  translation  of  Is;iiali, 
 lbrnic(l  an  era  in  the  liteiature  of  the  subject,  more 
 marked  than  any  that  liad  preceded  it.  Of  his 
 system  it  will  be  necessary  to  give  a  .somewhat  de- 
 t;iile<l  account ;  for  whatever  may  have  been  done 
 since  his  time,  and  whatever  mollifications  of  his 
 arrangement  may  have  been  introduced,  all  subse- 
 qvient  writei^s  have  <x)nfcsse<l  their  obligations  to  tlie 
 two  works  abovementioned,  and  have  drawn  their 
 inspiration  from  them.  .Starting  with  the  aljiha- 
 l>etii'al  poems  .xs  the  basis  of  his  investigation,  be- 
 cause tli.it  in  them  the  vei-ses  or  stanzas  were  more 
 ilistinrtly  marked,  Lowth  came  to  the  conclusion 
 lliat  they  consist  of  verses   proitcrly  so  called,  "  ol' 
 
 POETRY,  HEBREW 
 
 verses  regulated  by  some  observation  of  harmony  or 
 cadence;  of  meiisure,  numbers,  or  rhythm,"  and 
 that  this  harmony  does  not  arise  from  rhyme,  but 
 fjom  what  he  denominates  paraliejism.  Parallelism 
 he  defines  to  be  the  correspondence  of  one  verse  or 
 line  with  another,  and  divides  it  into  three  classes, 
 synonymous,  antithetic,  and  synthetic.  1.  Parallel 
 lines  sipionymoiis  correspond  to  eacli  other  by  ex- 
 pressing the  same  sense  in  ditl'ereiit  but  equivalent 
 terms,  as  in  the  following  examples,  which  ai-e  only 
 two  of  the  many  given  by  Lowth  : — 
 
 "  0-Jehovah,  in-tliy-strength  the-king  shall-rejoice ; 
 Aiid-in-thy-Siilvation  how  greatly  sUall-he^xuU ! 
 'I'he-Uesire  ol'-his-heurt  tliou-bast-giautcd  unto-liim ; 
 And-the-request-of-his-lips  thou-Uust-nut  denied." 
 
 Ps.  xxi.  1,  2. 
 
 "  For  the-moth  shall-consume-tliem  likc-a-garment.; 
 And-the-worui  sliall-eat-theni  like  wool : 
 Uut-my-righteou.sness  sliall-eiiduie  tor-over; 
 And-my-salvatiun  to-tbe-age  of-ages."— Is.  li.  7,  S. 
 
 To  this  first  division  of  Lowth's  Jebb  objects  that 
 the  ivdmo  synonymous  is  inappropriate,  for  the  second 
 clause,  with  few  exceptions,  '■'■diversifies  the  pre- 
 ceding clause,  anil  generally  so  ;is  to  rise  above  it, 
 forming  a  sort  of  climax  in  the  sense."  He  sug- 
 gests as  a  more  appropriate  name  for  parallelism  of 
 this  kind,  cognate  parallelism  (Sacr.  Lit.  p.  38). 
 2.  Lowth's  second  division  is  antithetic  parallelism ; 
 when  two  lines  correspond  with  each  other  by  an 
 opposition  of  terms  and  sentiments ;  when  the 
 second  is  contrasted  with  the  first,  sometimes  in 
 expressions,  sometimes  in  sense  only,  so  that  the 
 degrees  of  antithesis  are  various.     As  for  e.xample — 
 
 "  A  wise  son  rejoicctli  his  father ; 
 
 But  a  foolish  son  is  the  giief  of  his  mother." 
 
 Ptov.  X.  1. 
 "  The  memory  of  the  just  is  a  blessing ; 
 
 But  the  name  of  the  wicked  shall  rot."     Prov.  x.  7. 
 
 The  gnomic  poetry  of  the  Hebrews  abounds  with 
 illustrations  of  antithetic  parallelism.  3.  Synthetic 
 or  constructive  parallelism,  where  the  parallel  "  con- 
 sists only  in  the  similar  form  of  construction  ;  in 
 which  word  does  not  answer  to  word,  and  sentenc* 
 to  sentence,  as  equivalent  or  opposite;  but  there  is 
 a  correspondence  and  equality  between  dill'erent  pro- 
 positions, in  respect  of  the  shape  and  turn  of  the 
 whole  sentence,  and  of  the  constructive  parts — isuch 
 as  noun  answering  to  noun,  verb  to  verb,  member 
 to  member,  negative  to  negative,  interrogative  to 
 interrogative."  One  of  the  examples  of  constructive 
 parallels  given  by  Lowth  is  Is.  1.  5,  6  : — 
 
 "  The  Lord  Jehovah  hath  opened  mine  ear, 
 And  i  was  not  robi'ltious ; 
 Nfitlicr  did  J  withdraw  myself  backwaixl — 
 1  (;;ivc  my  back  tu  the  suiiters, 
 And  my  cheeks  to  tlicni  that  plucked  off  the  hair; 
 My  face  I  hid  not  from  shame  and  spitting." 
 
 Jeljb  gives  as  an  illustration  Ps.  xix.  7-10.  4.  To 
 the  three  kinds  of  parallelism  above  described  Jebb 
 adds  a  fourth,  which  seems  rather  to  be  an  unneces- 
 sary lefiiiement  upon  than  distinct  from  the  othei-s. 
 He  denominates  it  introverted  parallelism,  in  which 
 he  says,  "  there  are  stjuizas  so  constructed  that, 
 whatever  be  the  number  of  lines,  the  first  line  shall 
 be  parallel  with  the  last;  the  second  with  the  pen- 
 ultimate; and  so  througliout  in  an  order  that  looks 
 inward,  or,  to  borrow  a  milit^iry  phrase,  from  (ianka 
 to  centre"  {Sacr.  Lit.  p.  53).     Thus — 
 
 "  My  son.  If  thine  heart  be  wine. 
 My  heart  also  shall  rejoice; 
 Via,  my  rchis  .shall  rojoice 
 When  lliy  lips  sfH^k  right  things." 
 
 I'l'iiv.  xxiii.  15.  I<i 
 
POISON 
 
 "  Unto  Thee  do  I  lift  up  mine  eyes,  0  Thou  that  dwellest 
 in  the  heavens; 
 Behold  as  the  eyes  of  servants  to  the  hand  of  their 
 
 masters ; 
 As  the  eyes  of  a  maiden  to  the  hands  of  her  mistress. 
 Even  so  look  our  eyes  to  Jehovah  our  God,  until  he  have 
 mercy  upon  us." — I's.  cxxiii.  1,  2. 
 
 A  lew  words  may  now  be  added  with  respect  to  the 
 classiHcation  proposed  by  De  VVttte,  in  whicli  more 
 legavd  was  had  to  the  rhythm.  The  four  Icinds  of 
 parallehsm  are — 1.  That  which  consists  in  an  equal 
 number  of  words  in  each  member,  as  in  Geii.  iv.  2.3. 
 Under  this  head  are  many  minor  divisions.  2.  Un- 
 eiiual  parallelism,  in  which  the  number  of  words  in 
 the  members  is  not  the  same.  3.  Out  of  the  paral- 
 lelism which  is  unequal  in  consequence  of  the  com- 
 posite character  of  one  member,  another  is  developed, 
 so  that  both  members  are  composite  (Ps.  x.x.xi.  11). 
 4.  Rhythmical  parallelism,  which  lies  merely  in 
 the  e.tternal  Ibrm  of  the  diction.  De  Wette  also  held 
 that  there  were  in  Hebrew  poetry  the  beginnings  of 
 a  composite  rhythmical  structure  like  our  strophes. 
 Thus  in  Ps.  xlii.,  xliii.,  a  refiain  marks  the  conclu- 
 sion of  a  larger  rhythmical  period.  It  is  impossible 
 here  to  do  more  than  refer  to  the  essay  of  Koester 
 on  die  strophes,  or  tlie  parallelism  of  verses  in  He- 
 brew poetry  ;  in  which  he  endeavours  to  show  that 
 the  vei'ses  are  subject  to  the  same  laws  of  sym- 
 metry as  the  verse  members  ;  and  that  consequently 
 Hebrew  poetry  is  essentially  strophical  in  cliaracter. 
 Ewald's  treatise  requires  more  careful  considera- 
 tion ;  but  it  must  be  read  itself,  and  it  is  impossible 
 here  to  give  a  fair  idea  of  it.  It  remains  now  only 
 to  notice  the  rules  of  Hebrew  poetry  as  laid  down 
 by  the  Jewish  grammarians,  to  which  reference  was 
 made  in  remarking  upon  the  system  of  K.  Azariah. 
 They  have  the  merit  of  being  extremely  simple,  and 
 are  to  be  found  at  length,  illusti'ated  by  matiy  ex- 
 amples, in  jSIason  and  Bernard's  Hcb.  Gram.  vol.  ii. 
 let.  57,  and  accompanied  by  an  interesting  account 
 of  modern  Hebrew  versification.  The  rules  are 
 briefly  these: — 1.  That  a  sentence  may  be  divided 
 into  members,  some  of  which  contain  two,  three,  or 
 even  four  word\«id  are  accordingly  termed  Binary, 
 Ternary,  and  Quaternary  members  lespectively. 
 2.  The  sentences  are  composed  either  of  Binary, 
 Ternary,  or  Quaternary  members  entirely,  or  of 
 these  different  members  intermixed.  3.  That  in 
 two  consecutive  members  it  is  an  elegance  to  ex- 
 press the  same  idea  in  different  words.  4.  That  a 
 word  expressed  in  either  of  these  parallel  members 
 is  often  not  expressed  in  the  alternate  member.  5. 
 That  a  word  without  an  accent,  being  joined  to  an- 
 other word  by  Makhiph,  is  generally  (though  not 
 always)  reckoned  with  that  second  word  as  one.  In 
 conclusion,  after  reviewing  the  various  theories  which 
 have  been  framed  with  regard  to  the  stiucture  of 
 Hebrew  poetry,  it  must  be  confessed  that  beyond 
 the  discovery  of  very  broad  general  laws,  little  has 
 been  done  towards  elaborating  a  satisfactory  system. 
 Foisoa.  Two  Hebrew  words  are  thus  rendered 
 in  the  A.  V.,  but  they  are  so  general  as  to  throw 
 little  light  upon  the  knowledge  and  practice  of 
 poisons  among  the  Hebrews.  1.  The  first  of  these, 
 chemah,  fiom  a  root  signifying,  "to  be  hot."  It 
 in  all  cases  denotes  animal  poison,  and  not  vegetable 
 or  mineral.  The  only  allusion  to  its  application  is 
 in  Job  vi.  4,  where  reference  seems  to  be  made  to 
 the  custom  of  anointing  arrows  with  the  venom 
 of  a  snake,  a  practice  the  origin  of  which  is  of  very 
 remote  antiquity.  2.  R6sh,  if  a  poison  at  all,  de- 
 notes  a    vegetable   poison    primarily,  and   is  only 
 
 POMEGRANATE 
 
 745 
 
 twice  (Deut.  xxxii.33;  Job  xx.  16)  used  of  the 
 venom  of  a  serpent.  In  other  passages  wiiere  it 
 occurs,  it  is  translated  "gall"  in  the  A.  V.,  except 
 in  Hos.  X.  4,  where  it  is  lendered  "  hemlock."  Be- 
 yond the  fact  that,  whether  poisonous  or  not,  it  wa* 
 a  plant  of  bitter  taste,  nothing  can  be  inferred. 
 Gesenius,  on  the  ground  that  the  word  in  Hebrew 
 also  signifies  •'  head,"  rejects  the  hemlock,  colocynth, 
 and  darnel  of  other  writers,  and  proposes  the 
 '•  poppy  "  instead  ;  from  the  "  heads  "  in 'which  its 
 seeds  are  contained.  "  Water  of  rosh "  is  then 
 "  opium,"  but  it  must  be  admitted  that  there  ap- 
 pears in  none  of  the  above  passages  to  be  any  allu- 
 sion to  the  characteristic  effects  of  opium.  There 
 is  a  clear  case  of  suicide  by  poison  related  in  2  Mace. 
 X.  13,  where  Ptolemeus  Macron  is  said  to  have 
 destroyed  himself  by  this  means.  It  has  been  sug- 
 gested, indeed,  that  the  (papfiaK^la  of  Gal.  v.  20 
 (A.  V.  "witchcraft"),  signifies  poisoning,  but  it 
 more  probably  refers  to  the  concoction  of  magical 
 potions  and  love  philtres. 
 
 Pollux.     [Castor  and  Pollux.] 
 
 Polygamy,    [Makriagi;.] 
 
 Pomegranate  by  universal  consent  is  acknow- 
 ledged to  denote  the  Heb.  riinmon,  a  word  whicli 
 occurs  frequently  in  the  0.  T.,  and  is  used  to  de- 
 signate either  the  pomegranate-tree  or  its  fruit. 
 The  pomegranate  was  doubtless  early  cultivated  in 
 Egypt :  hence  the  complaint  of  the  Israelites  in  the 
 wilderness  of  Zin  (Num.  xx.  5),  this  "  is  no  place 
 of  figs,  or  of  vines,  or  of  pomegranates."  The  tree, 
 with  its  chai-acteristic  calyx-crowned  fruit,  is  easily 
 recognised  on  the  Egyptian  sculptures.  Mention  is 
 made  of  "  an  orchard  of  pomegranates"  in  Cant.  iv. 
 13.  Carved  figures  of  the  pomegranate  adorned  the 
 tops  of  the  pillars  in  Solomon's  Temple  (1  K.  vii. 
 18,  20,  &c.)  ;  and  worked  representations  of  this 
 fruit,  in  blue,  puiple,  and  scarlet,  ornamented  the 
 l)em  of  the  robe  of  the  ephod  (Ex.  xxviii.  33,  34). 
 Hussell  [Nat.  Hist,  of  Aleppo,  i.  85,  2nd  ed.)  states 
 "  that  the  pomegranate  "  (rummdn  in  Arabic,  the 
 same  word  as  the  Heb.)  "is  common  in  all  the 
 gardens."  The  pomegranate-tree  {Tunica  yrana- 
 turn)  derives  its  name  from  the  Latin  pomnm  gra- 
 naturn,  "  grained  apple."     The  Romans  gave  it  tho 
 
 Puntca  ij7\inulum 
 
746 
 
 POMMELS 
 
 name  of  Punici,  as  the  tict- Wius  iiitroducttl  t'loiii 
 Cai'thage ;  it  beUmp?  to  tlio  iiatuiiil  order  Myr- 
 taceac,  lieing,  Imwever,  rather  a  bush  than  a  tree. 
 
 Pommels,  only  in  2  Cln-.  iv.  12,  13.  In  1  K. 
 vii.  41,  "  ijowls."  The  word  signities  convex  pro- 
 jections belonging  to  the  cajiitals  of  piil.irs. 
 
 Fond.  The  ponils  of  Kgy|>t  {Ex.  vii.  I'.t,  viii.  5) 
 wi'ie  ilnubtless  water  lell  by  tlie  inundation  of  the 
 iNile.     rond>  for  lish  .nre  mentioned  in  Is.  k\k.  lU. 
 
 Pontius  Pilate.     [I'ilah:.] 
 
 Pontua,  a  laige  district  in  the  north  of  Asia 
 Minor,  exten<iing  along  the  co;ist  of  the  Ponttis 
 Huxinns,  from  which  circumstance  the  name  was 
 dehved.  It  is  three  times  mentioned  in  the  N.  T. 
 (Acts  li.  9,  10,  .vviii.  2;  1  Pet.  i.  1).  All  these 
 p;issi»ges  agret'  in  showing  that  there  were  many 
 Jewish  residents  in  the  distiict.  As  to  the  annals 
 of'lVntns,  the  one  brilliant  ])assage  of  its  history  is 
 the  lil'e  of  the  great  Mithridates.  Under  Nero  the 
 whole  region  was  made  a  Roman  province,  bearing 
 the  name  of  Pontus. 
 
 Pool.  1.  yl(/am,  see  Pond.  2.  Berdcdh  h\  \>\. 
 once  only,  pools  ( I's.  Ixxxiv.  6).  3.  The  usiud  word 
 is  llerecdh,  closely  connected  with  the  Arabic 
 liirkch,  a  reservoir  for  water.  These  pools,  like 
 the  tanks  of  India,  are  in  many  parts  of  Palestine 
 an<l  Syria  the  only  resource  (or  water  during  the 
 dry  se;ison,and  the  failureof  them  involves  drought 
 and  calamity  (Is.  xlii.  15).  Of  the  various  pools 
 mentioned  in  Sciipture,  perhaps  the  most  celebrated 
 are  the  pools  of  Solomon  near  Hethlehem,  called  by 
 the  Arabs  el-Burak,  tVom  which  an  aqueduct  was 
 carried  which  still  supplies  Jeru.salem  with  water 
 (Keel.  ii.  6;   Kcclus.  xxiv.  ,S0,  31). 
 
 Poor.  The  geneial  kindly  si)iiit  of  the  law 
 towards  the  poor  is  sullicieutly  shuwn  by  such  ]).is- 
 sages  as  Deut.  xv.  7,  for  the  icasou  that  (ver.  11), 
 "  the  poor  shall  never  cease  out;of  the  land."  Among 
 the  sjiecial  enactments  in  their  I'avour  the  following 
 must  be  mentioned.  1.  The  right  of  gleaning  (Lev. 
 .\ix.  9,  10;  Deut.  .xxiv.  19,  21).  2.  From  the 
 produce  of  the  land  in  sabbatical  years,  the  poor  and 
 the  stranger  weie  to  have  their  ])ortion  fKx.  xxiii. 
 11;  Lev.  XXV.  (3).  3.  He-entry  ui>on  land  in  the 
 jubilee  year,  with  the  limitation  as  to  town  homes 
 (Lev.  XXV.  2."j-30).  4.  Prohibition  of  usury,  and 
 of  retention  of  pledges  (Lev.  xxv.  3,"),  .")7  ;  Kx.  xxii. 
 25-27,  &c.).  5.  Permanent  bondage  forbidden,  and 
 manumission  of  Hebrew  bondsmen  or  Iwndswomen 
 enjoined  in  the  sabbatical  and  jubilee  years  (I)cMt. 
 XV.  12-15;  Lev.  xxv.  39-42,  47-.54).  G.  Portions 
 fiom  the  tithes  to  be  shared  hy  the  poor  after  the 
 Levites  (Deut.  xiv.  28,  xxvi.  12,  13).  7.  The  poor 
 to  pn-take  in  enteitainments  at  the  feasts  of  Weeks 
 and  Taliernacles  (iK-ut.  xvi.  11,  14;  .see  Neh.  viii. 
 10).  8.  l)aily  payment  of  wages  (Lev.  xix.  13). 
 On  the  law  of  gleaning  the  Habliinical  writei  s  founded 
 a  variety  of  detinitions  and  relinements.  Principles 
 similar  to  tho-e  laid  down  by  Moses  are  inculcated 
 in  N.T.,  as  Luke  iii.  11,  xiv.  13;  Acts  vi.  1;  (ial. 
 ii.  10;  .lames  ii.  l.j.  In  later  limes  mendicancy, 
 which  docs  not  appear  to  have  been  contemplated 
 by  Moses,  became  j'rixjuent. 
 
 Poplar  (lleb.  lihneh),  the  rendering  of  theabove- 
 iianicil  Hebrew  word,  which  occurs  only  in  ("'en. 
 x.\x.  37;  and  Hos.  iv.  13.  Several  aiithoiities, 
 Celsius  amongst  the  number,  are  in  favour  of  the 
 lenderiiig  of  the  A,  V.,  and  think  the  "  white 
 pojdar  "  ( I'l/jiitlus  (ilha)  is  the  treedcnofeil ;  others 
 understainl  the  "stniax  '.ree "  i  St;/r(i.c  ajjiciwilc, 
 Linn.).      I'xit'i  piiplais  and  styrax  or  storax  trees  are 
 
 POST 
 
 common  in  Palestine,  an<l  either  would  suit  the  [las- 
 s;ig«i  where  the  Heb.  term  occurs.  Stoiax  is  men- 
 tioned in  I-xclus.  xxiv.  15,  together  with  other 
 aromatic  substances.  The  Styrax  officinale  is  a 
 shrub  from  nine  to  twelve  feet  high,  with  ovate 
 leaves,  which  are  white  underneath ;  the  Howei-s 
 are  in  racemes,  and  are  white  or  cream-coloured. 
 This  iciiite  appearance  agrees  with  the  etymology  of 
 the  Heb.  libneh. 
 
 Sl;/>nz  oficiwile. 
 
 Po'ratha.  One  of  the  ten  sons  of  Hainan  slain 
 by  the  .lews  in  Shushan  the  jjalace  (  Ksth.  ix.  8). 
 
 Porch.  1.  Ulam  or  u/dm  (1  Chr.  xxviii.  11). 
 2.  ilisclcron  uluin  Oudg.  iii.  23),  stiicfly  a  vesti- 
 bule, was  probably  a  sort  of  verandah  chamber 
 in  the  works  of  Solomon,  open  in  front  and  at  the 
 sides,  but  capable  of  being  enclosed  with  awnings 
 or  curtains.  Misdaon  was  j)erhaps  a  corridor  or 
 colonnade  connecting  the  principal  rooms  of  the 
 house.  The  porch  (Matt.  xxvi.  71),  may  have 
 been  the  ])a.ss;ige  from  the  strei-t  into  the  first 
 court  of  the  house,  in  which,  in  I^istein  houses  is 
 the  mastabak  or  stone-bench,  for  the  porter  or 
 persons  waiting,  and  where  also  the  master  of  the 
 liouse  often  receives  visitors  and  transacts  business, 
 •losephus  describes  the  portiioes  or  cloisters  which 
 surrouiuloil  the  Temi)U'  of  Solomon,  and  also  the 
 royal   jioitiin. 
 
 "Porciua  Festus.     [I-'estis.] 
 
 Porter.  This  word  when  usi\l  in  the  A.V.  does 
 not  Iwar  its  modern  signifiaition  of  a  currier  of 
 burdens,  but  denotes  in  every  case  a  gate-keeper, 
 from  the  Latin  j;oWaciJts,  the  man  who  attended  to 
 the  porlii. 
 
 Posido'nius,  an  envoy  sent  by  Nicanor  to  Jiiilas 
 (2  Ma.r.  xiv.  lit). 
 
 Possession,     f  Dr.MoNiAC^.] 
 
 Post.  I.  I.  -IviV,  a  word  indefmitely  rendei-etl 
 by  l,.\.\.  anil  Viilg.  Probably,  as  (leseniu.s  argues, 
 the  door-cjise  of  a  door,  including  the  lintel  mid 
 side-posts.  Akin  to  this  is  cuViii;*  (Kz.  ,\l.  It?,  &c.), 
 probably  a  portico.      2.   ylm»i«A,  usually  "  cubi»," 
 
POT 
 
 ouce  only  "  |)ost. "  (Is.  vi.  4).  3.  Mezuzah,  fiom 
 a  root  si<;nifyitig  to  shine,  i.  e.  implyina;  motion  (on 
 a  contie).  4.  Saph,  usually  "  threshold."  The 
 posts  of  the  doors  of  the  Temple  were  of  olive-wood 
 (1  K.  vi.  33V— 11.  Rats,  A.  V.  "post"(Esth.  iii. 
 1 3\  elsewhere  "  runner,"  and  also  "  sjuard." 
 
 Pot.  The  term  "  pot  "  is  applicable  to  so  many 
 sorts  of  vessels,  that  it  can  sca4cely  be  restricted  to 
 anyone  in  particular.  1.  Asiic  (2  K.  iv.  2),  an 
 earthen  jai',  deep  and  narrow,  without  handles,  pro- 
 bably like  the  Roman  and  Egyptian  amphora,  in- 
 serted in  a  stand  of  wood  or  stone.  2.  Chores,  an 
 earthen  vessel  for  stewing  or  seething  (Ez.  iv.  9  ; 
 Lev.  vi.  28).  3.-  Dial,  a  vessel  for  culinary  pur- 
 poses, perhaps  of  smaller  size  (1  Sam.  ii.  14).  4. 
 Sir  is  combined  with  other  words  to  denote  special 
 uses  (Ex.  xvi.  3  ;  Ps.  Ix.  8  ;  Prov.  xxvii.  21).  The 
 "pots"  set  before  the  Rechabites  (Jer.  xxxv.  5), 
 were  probably  bulging  jare  or  bowls.  The  watei- 
 pots  of  Cana  appear  to  have  been  large  amphorae, 
 such  as  are  in  use  at  the  present  day  in  Syria. 
 'i'hese  were  of  stone  or  hard  eaithenware.  The 
 water-pot  of  the  Samaritan  woman  may  have  been 
 a  leathern  bucket,  such  as  Bedouin  women  use. 
 
 Pot'iphar,  an  Egyptian  pr.  n.,  also  written  PoTi- 
 rnKRAii.  'I'hat  these  are  but  two  forms  of  one 
 name  is  shown  by  the  ancient  Egyptian  equivalent, 
 PET-P-KA,  which  may  have  been  pronounced,  at 
 least  in  Lower  Egypt,  PET-PH-RA.  It  signifies 
 '•Belonging  to  the  Sun."  Potiphar  is  described  as 
 "  an  oHicer  of  Pharaoh,  chief  of  the  executioners,  an 
 Egyptian"  (Gen.  xxxix.  1;  comp.  xxxvli.  36). 
 The  word  we  render  "  officer,"  as  in  the  A.  V.,  is 
 literally  "eunuch;"  but  it  is  also  used  for  an 
 officer  of  the  court,  and  this  is  almost  certainly  the 
 meaning  here.  He  is  called  an  Egyptian,  though 
 his  master  was  probably  a  Shepherd-king  of  the 
 xvth  dynasty.  He  appears  to  have  been  a  wealthy 
 man  I'xxxix.  4-6).  The  view  we  have  of  Potiphar's 
 household  is  exactly  in  accordance  with  the  repre- 
 sentations on  the  monuments.  When  Joseph  was 
 accused,  his  master  contented  himself  with  casting 
 
 PRAETORIUM 
 
 747 
 
 him  into  prison  (19,20).  Alter  this  we  hear  no 
 more  of  Potiphar. 
 
 Potiphe'rah,  an  Egyptian  pr.  n.,  also  written 
 Potiphar,  corresponding  to  the  PET-P-RA,  "Be- 
 longing to  the  Sun,"  of  the  hieroglyphics.  Poti- 
 pherah  was  priest  or  prince  of  On,  and  his  daughter 
 Asenath  was  given  Joseph  to  wife  by  Pharaoh  (xli. 
 45,  50,  xlvi.  20). 
 
 Potsherd,  also  in  A.  V.  "sherd,"  a  broken  piece 
 of  earthenware  (Prov.  xxvi.  23). 
 
 Potter's-field,  the.  A  piece  of  ground  which, 
 according  to  the  statement  of  St.  IMatthew  (xxvii.  7), 
 was  purchased  by  the  priests  with  the  thirty  pieces 
 of  silver  rejected  by  Judas,  and  converted  into  a 
 burial-place  for  Jews  not  belonging  to  the  city.  St. 
 Matthew  adducing  this  (ver.  9)  as  a  fulfilment  of 
 an  ancient  prediction.  What  that  prediction  was, 
 and  who  made  it,  is  not,  however,  at  all  clear. 
 St.  Matthew  names  Jeremiah  :  but  tliere  is  no  pas- 
 sage in  the  Book  of  Jeremiah,  as  we  possess  it,  re- 
 sembling that  which  he  gives  ;  and  that  in  Zecha- 
 riah  (xi.  12)  which  is  usually  supposed  to  be  alluded 
 to,  has  only  a  very  imperfect  likeness  to  it.  Three 
 explanations  suggest  themselves :  —  1 .  That  the 
 Evangelist  unintentionally  substituted  the  name  of 
 Jeremiah  for  that  of  Zechariah,  at  the  same  time 
 altering  the  passage  to  suit  his  immediate  object. 
 2.  That  this  portion  of  the  Book  of  Zechariah 
 was  in  the  time  of  St.  Matthew  attributed  to  Jere- 
 miah. 3.  That  the  reference  is  to  some  passage  of 
 Jeremiah  which  has  been  lost  from  its  plnce  in  his 
 book,  and  exists  only  in  the  Evangelist.  Some  sup- 
 port is  afforded  to  this  view  by  the  fact  that  potters 
 and  the  localities  occupied  by  them  are  twice  alluded 
 to  by  Jeremiah.  Its  partial  correspondence  with 
 Zech.  xi.  12,  13,  is  no  argument  against  its  having 
 at  one  time  formed  a  part  of  the  prophecy  of  Jere- 
 miah :  for  it  is  well  known  to  every  student  of  the 
 Bible  that  similar  correspondences  ai'e  continually 
 found  in  the  prophets.  See,  for  instance,  Jer.  xlviii. 
 45,  comp.  with  Num.  xxi.  27,  28,  xxiv.  17  ;  Jer. 
 xlis.  27,  comp.  with  Am.  i.  4. 
 
 Egyptian  Pottfjry  (Wilkinson 
 
 Pottery.  The  art  of  pottery  is  one  of  the  most 
 common  and  most  ancient  of  all  manufactures.  It 
 is  abundantly  evident,  both  that  the  Hebrews  used 
 earthenware  vessels  in  the  wilderness,  and  that  the 
 )iotters'  trade  was  afterwards  carried  on  in  Palestine. 
 They  had  themselves  been  concerned  in  the  potters' 
 trade  in  Egypt  (Ps.  Ix.xxi.  6),  and  the  wall-paintings 
 minutely  illustrate  the  Egyptian  process.  The  clay, 
 when  dug,  was  trodden  by  men's  feet  so  as  to  form 
 a  paste  (Is.  xli.  25  ;  Wisd.  xv.  7)  ;  then  placed  by 
 the  potter  on  the  wheel  beside  which  lie  sat,  and 
 shaped  by  him  with  his  hands.  How  early  the  wheel 
 came  into  use  in  Palestine  we  know  not,  but  it  seems 
 likely  that  it  was  adopted  from  Egypt  (Is.  xlv.  9  , 
 Jer.  xviii.  3).  The  vessel  was  then  smoothed  and 
 coated  with  a  glaze,  and  finally  burnt  in  a  furnace. 
 
 There  was  at  Jerusalem  a  royal  establishment  of 
 potters  (1  Chr.  iv.  23),  from  whose  employment, 
 and  from  the  fragments  cast  away  in  the  process, 
 the  Potter's  Field  perhaps  received  its  name  (Is. 
 XXX.  14). 
 
 Pound.  1.  A  weight.  See  Weights  and 
 MeasuPvKS.— 2.  A  money  of  account,  mentioned  in 
 the  parable  of  the  Ten  Pounds  (Luke  xix.  12-27), 
 as  the  talent  is  in  the  parable  of  the  Talents  (Matt. 
 XXV.  14-30).  The  reference  appears  to  be  to  a 
 Greek  pound,  a  weight  used  as  a  money  of  account, 
 of  which  sixty  went  to  the  talent,  the  weight  de- 
 pending upon  the  weight  of  the  talent. 
 
 Praeto'rium.  The  hcadqunrteis  of  the  Roman 
 military  governor,  wherever  he  happened  to  be.  In 
 time  of  peace  some  one  of  the  best  buildings  of  the 
 
748 
 
 PRAYER 
 
 city  which  was  the  losideiice  of  tlie  proconsul  or 
 praetor  was  selpcted  for  this  pui-pose.  Thus  Verres 
 appropriated  tlie  palace  of  King  Hiero  at  Syracuse; 
 at  Caes;irea  that  of  Herod  the  (Jreat  w;is  occupied 
 by  Felix  (Acts  xxiii.  35) ;  and  at  Jerus;dem  the  new 
 palace  erecte<l  by  the  same  prince  was  the  residence 
 of  Pilate.  This  last  was  situate<l  on  the  western, 
 or  more  elevated,  hill  of  Jerusalem,  and  was  con- 
 nected with  a  svstem  of  fortifications,  tlie  aggrecrate 
 of  which  constituted  the  irapfiJ.$o\-n,  or  fortiried 
 bairack.  It  was  ths  dominant  position  on  the 
 Western  hill,  and — at  any  rate  on  one  side,  probably 
 the  Kastern — was  mounted  by  a  flight  of  steps  (the 
 same  from  which  St.  Paul  made  his  speech  in  He- 
 brew to  the  angry  crowd  of  Jews,  Acts  .xxii.  1  seqq.). 
 From  the  level  below  the  b.inack,  a  teiTace  led 
 eastward  to  a  gate  opening  into  the  western  side 
 of  the  cloister  surrounding  the  Temple,  the  road 
 being  carried  across  the  valley  of  Tyropoeon  (si>pa- 
 rating  the  Western  from  the  Temple  hill)  on  a 
 causeway  built  up  of  enormous  stone  blocks.  At 
 the  angle  of  the  Temple  cloister  just  above  this 
 entrance,  i.  e.  the  X.W.  corner,  stood  the  old  citadel 
 of  the  Temjjle  hill,  the  $api9,  or  Bi/rsa,  which 
 Herod  rebuilt  and  called  by  the  name  Antonit, 
 alter  his  fiiend  and  patron  the  triumvir.  After 
 Mie  Roman  power  was  estnblished  in  Judaea,  a 
 llomiin  guard  was  always  maintained  in  the  An- 
 tonia,  the  commander  of  which  for  the  time  being 
 seems  to  be  the  olhcial  termed  ffTpaT7)yds  tov  ieoov  i 
 in  the  Gospels  and  Acts.  The  guard  in  the  .\ntonia  ' 
 was  probably  relieved  regularly  from  the  cohort 
 (juarteied  in  the  irapefi^oK^}.  The  Praetorian  camp 
 at  Rome,  to  which  St.  Paul  refers  (Phil.  i.  13),  was 
 erected  by  the  Emperor  Tiberius,  acting  under  the 
 advice  of  Sejanus.  Before  that  time  the  guards 
 were  billeted  in  dill'ereut  parts  of  the  city.  It  st(jod 
 outside  the  walls,  at  some  distance  slioit  ol'  the 
 fourth  milestone,  and  near  either  to  the  Salarian  or 
 the  Nomentane  road.  Fiom  the  first,  buildings  must 
 have  sprung  up  near  it  for  sutlers  and  otheis.  St. 
 Paul  appears  to  have  been  permitted  for  the  space 
 of  two  years  to  lodge,  so  to  speak,  "  within  the 
 rules  "  of  the  Praetorium  (Acts  xxviii.  30),  although 
 still  under  the  custody  of  a  soldier. 
 
 Prayer.  The  object  of  this  article  will  be  to 
 touch  brieHy  on  ( 1 )  the  doctrine  of  Scripture  as  to 
 the  nature  and  elficacy  of  prayer  ;  (2)  its  directions 
 as  to  time,  place,  and  manner  of  prayer;  (3j  its 
 types  and  examples  of  prayer.  (1.)  Scripture  does 
 not  give  any  theoretical  explanation  of  the  mystery 
 which  attaches  to  prayer.  The  diificulty  of  under- 
 standing its  real  ellicacy  arises  chietly  from  two 
 sources  :  from  the  belief  that  man  lives  under  general 
 laws,  which  in  all  c.iscs  must  be  fulfilled  unalter- 
 ably ;  and  the  0[>posing  belief  that  he  is  master 
 of  his  own  destiny,  and  need  pray  for  no  cTternal 
 blessing.  Now  Scripture,  while,  by  the  doctrine  of 
 spiritual  influence,  it  entirely  dispases  of  the  latter 
 dillicult)',  does  not  so  entirely  solve  that  part  of  the 
 mystery  which  depends  on  the  nature  of  C>od.  It 
 places  it  clearly  before  u.s,  and  emphasizes  most 
 strongly  those  doctrines  on  which  the  dilliculty 
 turns.  Yet,  while  this  is  so,  on  the  other  haiul  the 
 nistinct  of  prayer  is  solemnly  sanctionetl  ami  en- 
 forced in  every  page.  Not  only  is  its  subjective 
 etl'ect  asserted,  but  its  i"eal  objective  ellicacy,  as  a 
 means  appointed  by  (Jod  for  obtaining  blessing,  is 
 iKith  implii'd  and  expressc^i  in  the  plainest  terms. 
 Thus,  as  usii:i|  in  the  o;um;  of  such  mystciies,  the 
 two  npf.*iently  ojiiKisite  truths  are  emphasized,  bc- 
 
 PRAYER 
 
 cause  they  are  needful  to  man's  conception  of  his 
 relation  to  <Iod  ;  their  reconcilement  is  not,  perhaps 
 cannot  be,  fully  revealed.  For,  in  fact,  it  is  involved 
 in  that  inscruUible  mystery  which  attends  on  the 
 conception  of  any  free  action  of  man  as  necessary 
 for  the  working  out  of  the  general  laws  of  God's 
 unchangeable  will.  At  the  same  time  it  is  clearly 
 implied  that  such  a  reconcilement  exists,  and  that 
 all  the  ajiparently  isolated  and  independent  exertions 
 of  man's  spirit  in  prayer  are  in  some  way  perfectly 
 subordinated  to  the  One  supreme  will  of  God,  so  as 
 to  form  a  p;ut  of  His  scheme  of  Piovidence.  It  is 
 also  imiilied  that  the  key  to  the  mystery  lies  in  the 
 fact  of  man's  spiritual  unity  with  God  in  Chiist, 
 and  of  the  consequent  gift  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  So 
 also  is  it  stiid  of  the  spiritual  influence  of  the  Holy 
 Ghost  on  each  individual  min<l,  that  while  "  we 
 know  not  what  to  pray  for,"  the  indwelling  "  Spiiit 
 makes  intercession  for  the  saints,  according  to  tlu: 
 vnll  of  God"  (Rom.  viii.  26,  27 j.  Here,  as  pro- 
 bably in  all  other  cases,  the  action  of  the  Holy 
 Spirit  on  the  soul  is  to  free  agents,  what  the 
 laws  of  nature  are  to  things  inanimate,  and  is  the 
 power  which  harmonises  free  individual  action  with 
 the  universal  will  of  God.  (2.)  There  are  no  di- 
 rections as  to  prayer  given  in  the  Mosaic  law;  the 
 duty  is  rather  taken  tor  granted,  as  an  adjunct  to 
 saciilice,  than  enforced  or  elaboi-ated.  It  is  hai'dly 
 conceivable  that,  even  from  the  beginning,  public 
 prayer  did  not  follow  every  public  saoifice.  Such 
 a  pnictice  is  alluded  to  as  conmion  in  Luke  i.  10; 
 and  in  one  instance,  at  the  offermg  of  the  fii-st-fruit-s 
 it  was  ordained  in  a  striking  form  (l)eut.  xxvi.  \2- 
 15).  In  later  tim&s  it  certainly  grew  into  a  regular 
 service,  both  in  the  Temple  and  in  the  Synagogue. 
 But,  besides  this  public  prayer,  it  w;is  the  custom 
 of  all  at  Jei  iisalem  to  go  up  to  the  Temple,  at  re- 
 gular hours  if  possible,  tor  private  jM-ayer  (see  Luke 
 xviii.  10;  Acts  iii.  Ij;  and  those  who  were  absent 
 weie  wont  to  "  open  their  windows  towards  Jem- 
 salem,"  and  pray  "towards"  the  place  of  God's 
 Presence  (1  K.  viii.  46-49  ;  Dan.  vi.  10  ;  Ps.  v.  7, 
 xxviii.  2,  cxxxviii.  2).  The  resjular  hours  of  prayer 
 seem  to  have  been  three  (see  Ps.  Iv.  17  ;  Dan.  vi. 
 10),  "  the  evening,"  that  is,  the  ninth  hour  (Actji 
 iii.  1,  X.  3),  the  hour  of  the  evening  sacrifice  (Dan. 
 ix.  21);  the  "morning,"  that  is,  the  thiixl  hour 
 (.Vets  ii.  15),  that  of  the  morning  sacrifice;  and 
 the  sixth  hour,  or  ''  noonday."  Grace  before  meat 
 would  seem  to  have  been  a  common  practice  (see 
 Matt.  XV.  36;  Acts  xxvii.  35).  The  posture  of 
 prayer  among  the  Jews  seems  to  have  been  most 
 of>en  standing  (1  Sam.  i.  26 ;  Matt.  vi.  5 ;  Mark 
 xi.  25;  Luke  xviii.  11);  unless  the  prayer  were 
 offered  with  especial  solemnity,  and  humiliation, 
 which  was  naturally  expi'essed  by  kneeling  (1  K. 
 viii.  54  ;  comp.  2  Chr.  vi.  13;  lizr.  ix.  5  ;  Ps.  xcv. 
 6;  Dan.  vi.  10^;  or  prosti-ation  (Josh.  vii.  6; 
 1  K.  xviii.  42  ;  Neh.  viii.  6).  (3.)  The  only  Form 
 of  Pniyer  given  for  prpetual  use  in  the  0.  T.  is 
 the  one  in  Deut.  xxvi.  5-15,  conne<'ted  with  the 
 offering  of  tithes  and  fii-st-fruits,  aJid  containing  in 
 simple  form  the  imjKirtant  elements  of  jn-ayer,  ao- 
 knowloilgment  of  (WkI's  mercy,  self-cledication,  and 
 prayer  for  future  blessing.  To  this  may  ]ierhaps 
 be  added  the  threefold  blessing  of  Num.  vi.  24-26, 
 couched  as  it  is  in  n  ])recatory  form ;  and  the  short 
 prayer  of  Moses  (Nimi.  x.  35,  36)  at  the  moving 
 and  resting  of  the  cloud,  the  former  cf  which  was 
 the  goim  of  the  (i.Sth  Psalm.  But  of  tlic  prayci-* 
 recorded  in  the  (>.  T.,  the  two  most  remarkjible  aj* 
 
PRESENTS 
 
 ihose  of  Solomon  at  the  iledicition  of  the  Temple 
 (1  K.  viii.  23-53),  and  of  Joshua  the  high-priest, 
 and  his  collengties,  after  the  captivity  (Neh.  ix.  5- 
 38).  It  is  clear  that  both  are  likely  to  hare  exer- 
 cised a  strong  liturgical  influence.  •  It  appears  from 
 the  question  of  the  disciples  in  Luke  xi.  1,  and  from 
 Jewish  tradition,  that  the  chief  teachers  of  the  day 
 gare  special  terms  of  prayer  to  their  disciples,  as 
 the  badge  of  their  discipleship  and  the  best  fiuits  of 
 their  learning.  All  Christian  prayer  is,  of  course, 
 based  on  the  Lord's  Prayer ;  but  its  spirit  is  also 
 guided  by  that  of  His  prayer  in  Gethsemane,  and 
 of  the  prayer  recorded  by  St.  John  (ch.  xvii.),  the 
 beginning  of  His  great  work  of  intercession.  The 
 influence  of  these  prayers  is  more  distinctly  traced 
 in  the  prayers  contained  in  the  Epistles  (see  Eph. 
 iii.  14-21  ;  Rom.  xvi.  25-27  ;  PhiL  i.  3-11  ;  Col. 
 i.  9-15;  Heb.  xiii.  20,  21;  1  Pet.  v.  10,  11,  &c.), 
 than  in  those  recorded  in  the  Acts.  The  public 
 prayer  probably  in  the  first  instance  took  much  of 
 its  form  and  style  from  the  prayers  of  the  syna- 
 gogues. In  the  record  of  prayers  accepted  and 
 granted  by  God,  we  observe,  as  always,  a  special 
 adaptation  to  the  period  of  His  dispensation  to 
 vliich  they  belong.  In  the  patriarchal  period,  they 
 have  the  simple  and  childlike  tone  of  domestic  sup- 
 plication for  the  simple  and  apparently  trivial  in- 
 cidents of  domestic  life.  In  the  Mosaic  period  they 
 assume  a  more  solemn  tone  and  a  national  bearing ; 
 chiefly  that  of  direct  intercession  for  the  chosen 
 people.  JTore  rarely  are  they  for  individuals.  A 
 special  class  are  those  which  precede  and  refer  to 
 the  exercise  of  miraculous  power.  In  the  New  Tes- 
 tament they  have  a  more  directly  spiritual  bearing. 
 It  would  seem  the  intention  of  Holy  Scripture  to 
 encourage  all  prayer,  more  especially  intercession,  in 
 all  relations,  and  for  all  righteous  objects. 
 
 Presents.     [Gifts.] 
 
 President.  Sarac,  or  Sdrecd,  only  used  Dan. 
 vi.,  the  Chaldee  equivalent  for  Hebrew  Shoter, 
 probably  from  Sara,  Zend,  a  "  head." 
 
 Priest  (Heb.  cdhen).  It  is  unfortunate  that 
 there  is  nothing  like  a  consensus  of  inteipreters  as 
 to  the  etymology  of  this  word.  Its  root-meaning, 
 uncertain  as  far  as  Hebrew  itself  is  concerned,  is  re- 
 feired  by  Gesenius  to  the  idea  of  prophecy.  The 
 Cohen  delivers  a  divine  message,  stands  as  a  me- 
 diator between  God  and  man,  represents  each  to 
 the  other.  This  meaning,  however,  belongs  to  the 
 Arabic,  not  to  the  Hebrew  form,  and  Ewald  con- 
 nects the  latter  with  the  verb  hecin,  to  array,  put 
 in  order.  Accoi'ding  to  Saalschiitz,  the  primary 
 meaning  of  the  word  =  minister,  and  he  thus  ac- 
 counts for  the  wider  application  of  the  name.  Bahr 
 connects  it  with  an  Arabic  root,  =  to  draw  near. 
 Of  these  et^'mologies,  the  last  has  the  merit  of 
 answering  most  closely  to  the  received  usage  of 
 the  word.  In  some  remarkable  passages  it  takes  a 
 wider  range.  It  is  applied  to  the  priests  of  other 
 nations  or  religions,  to  Melchizedek  (Gen.  xiv,  18), 
 Potipherah  (Gen.  xli.  45),  Jethio  (Ex.  ii.  16),  to 
 those  who  discharged  priestly  functions  in  Israel 
 before  the  appointment  of  Aaron  and  his  sons  (Ex. 
 xix.  22).  A  case  of  greater  difficult)'  presents  itself 
 in  2  Sam.  viii.  18,  where  the  sons  of  I)avid  are 
 described  as  "  priests."  The  received  explanation 
 is,  that  the  word  is  used  here  in  what  is  assumed 
 to  be  its  eailier  and  wider  meaning,  as  equivalent  to 
 rulers.  Ewald  sees  in  it  an  actual  susjiension  of 
 tiie  usual  law  in  favour  of  members  of  the  royal 
 hou.se.     De  Wette  and   Gesenius,  in   like  manner, 
 
 PRIEST 
 
 749 
 
 look  on  it  as  a  revival  of  the  old  household  pi-iest- 
 hoods.  A  conjecture  midway  between  these  two 
 extremes  is  perhaps  permissible.  David  and  his  sons 
 may  have  been  admitted,  not  to  distinctively  priestlj 
 acts,  such  as  burning  incense  (Num.  xvi.  40  ;  2  Chr. 
 xxvi.  18),  but  to  an  honorary,  titular  priesthood.— 
 Oriqin. — The  idea  of  a  priesthood  connects  itself, 
 in  all  its  foims,  pure  or  corrupted,  with  tiie  consci- 
 ousness, more  or  less  distinct,  of  sin.  Men  feel  that 
 they  have  broken  a  law.  The  power  above  them  is 
 holier  than  they  are,  and  they  dare  not  approach  it. 
 They  crave  for  the  intervention  of  some  one  of  whom 
 they  can  think  as  likely  to  be  more  acceptable  than 
 themselves.  He  must  offer  up  their  prayers,  thanks- 
 givings, sacrifices.  He  becomes  their  i-epresentative 
 in  "  things  pertaining  unto  God."  He  may  be- 
 come also  (though  this  does  not  always  follow)  the 
 representative  of  God  to  man.  The  functions  of 
 the  priest  and  prophet  may  exist  in  the  same  per- 
 son. No  trace  of  an  hereditary  or  caste-priesthood 
 meets  us  in  the  worship  of  the  patriarchal  age. 
 Once,  and  once  only,  does  the  word  Cohen  meet  us 
 as  belonging  to  a  ritual  earlier  than  the  time  of 
 Abraham.  Melchizedek  is  "  the  priest  of  the  mos^- 
 high  God"  (Gen.  xiv.  18).  In  the  worship  ot* 
 the  patriarchs  themselves,  the  chief  o/  the  family, 
 as  such,  acted  as  the  priest.  The  office  descended 
 with  the  birthright,  and  might  apparently  be  trans- 
 ferred with  it.  In  Egypt  the  Israelites  came  into 
 contact  with  a  priesthood  of  another  kind,  and  that 
 contact  must  have  been  for  a  time  a  very  close  one. 
 The  man  iage  of  Joseph  with  the  daughter  of  the 
 priest  of  On — a  priest,  as  we  may  infer  from  her 
 name,  of  the  goddess  Neith — (Gen.  xli.  45),  the 
 special  favour  which  he  showed  to  the  priestly  caste 
 in  the  years  of  famine  (Gen.  xlvii.  26),  the  train- 
 ing of  Moses  in  the  palace  of  the  Pharaohs,  probably 
 in  the  colleges  and  temples  of  the  priests  (Acts  vii. 
 22) — all  this  must  have  impressed  the  constitution, 
 the  dress,  the  outward  form  of  life  upon  the  minds 
 of  the  lawgiver  and  his  contemporaries.  There  is 
 scarcely  any  room  for  doubt  that  a  connexion  of 
 some  kind  existed  between  the  Egyptian  priesthood 
 and  that  of  Israel.  The  latter  was  not  indeed  an 
 outgrowth  or  imitation  of  the  foi-mer.  The  sym- 
 bolism of  the  one  was  cosmic,  "of  the  earth, 
 earthy,"  that  of  the  other,  chiefly,  if  not  altogether, 
 ethical  and  spiritual.  At  the  time  of  the  Exodus 
 there  was  as  yet  no  priestly  caste.  The  contiiuiance 
 of  solemn  sacrifices  (Hx.  v.  1,  3)  implied,  of  course, 
 a  priesthood  of  some  kind,  and  priests  appear  as  a 
 recognized  body  before  the  promulgation  of  the  Law 
 on  Sinai  (Ex.  xix.  22).  There  are  signs  that  the 
 priests  of  the  older  ritual  were  already  deilt  with 
 as  belonging  to  an  obsolescent  system.  Though 
 they  were  known  as  those  that  "  come  near  "  to  the 
 Lord  (Ex.  xix.  22),  yet  they  are  not  pei-mitted  to 
 approach  the  Divine  Presence  on  Sinai.  It  is  notice- 
 able also  that  at  this  transition-stage,  when  the  old 
 order  was  passing  away,  and  the  new  was  not  yet 
 established,  there  is  the  proclamation  of  the  truth, 
 wider  and  higher  than  both,  that  the  whole  people 
 was  to  be  "a  kingdom  of  priests"  (Ex.  xix.  6). 
 The  idea  of  the  life  of  the  nation  was,  that  it  wa,s 
 to  be  as  a  priest  and  a  prophet  to  the  )  est  of  ma.n- 
 kmA.— Consecration. — The  functions  of  the  HiGH- 
 PRIEST,  the  position  and  histoiy  of  the  Levites  as 
 the  consecrated  tribe,  have  been  discussed  fully 
 under  those  heads.  It  remains  to  notice  the  cha- 
 lacteristic  facts  connected  with  "  the  priests,  the 
 sons   of  Aaron,"   iis    standing   between    the   two. 
 
750 
 
 PRIEST 
 
 Solemn  ns  was  tlie  siil)sci|UPiit  dedication  of  the 
 Lkvites,  that  of  the  priests  iiivolvi'd  a  yet  liii;her 
 consecration.  A  s])i'cial  word  (kdd'ish)  was  appro- 
 priated to  it.  The  ceremony  is  described  in  Ex. 
 x.xix..  Lev.  viii.  The  whole  of  this  mysterious 
 ritual  was  to  be  repeated  for  seven  days,  during 
 which  the  priests  remained  within  the  Tabernacle, 
 8i'parat«i  from  the  fieople,  and  not  till  then  was 
 the  consecration  pertVct.  'J'he  t»nsecrated  character 
 thus  imparted  did  not  need  renewin<;.  It  was  a 
 perpetual  inheritance  transmitted  from  father  to  son 
 through  all  the  centuries  that  followeil. —Z>)-fss. — 
 The  "  sons  of  Aaron  "  thus  dedicated  were  to  wear 
 during  their  ministrations  a  special  apparel — at 
 other  times  ajjparently  they  wore  the  common  dress 
 of  the  people.  The  material  was  linen,  but  that 
 woi(i  incluiled  probably,  as  in  the  case  of  the  K^y;)- 
 tian  priests,  the  byssus,  and  the  cotton  stufls  of  that 
 country  (Kx.  xxviii.  42  ;  comp.  COTTOX).  Linen 
 dniwei-s  from  the  loins  to  the  thighs  were  "  to 
 cover  their  nakedness."  Over  the  dniwers  was 
 worn  the  cetonctlt,  or  close-fitting  cassock,  also  of 
 (iiie  linen,  white,  but  with  a  diamond  or  chess- 
 board pattern  on  it.  This  came  nearly  to  the  feet, 
 and  w;ls  to  be  worn  in  its  garment  shape  (comp. 
 John  xix.  '2?t).  The  white  cassock  was  gathered 
 round  the  body  with  a  girdle  of  needlework,  into 
 which,  as  in  the  more  gorgeous  belt  of  the  high- 
 priest,  blue,  puiple,  and  srarlet,  were  intermingled 
 with  white,  and  wori;e<l  in  the  form  of  Howers 
 (Ex.  xxviii.  39,  40,  xxxix.  2;  Ezek.  xliv.  17-19). 
 
 l)rc£H  uf  EtQ-ptian  Uigh-riicnt. 
 
 Ujion  their  heads  they  were  to  wear  caps  or  bonnets 
 in  the  tbrm  of  a  cup-shaped  flower,  also  of  fine 
 linen.  They  had  besiiles  other  "  clothes  of  .service," 
 which  were  probablv  sim](lei',  but  aie  not  described 
 (Kx.  xxxi.  1U;  V.7..  xlii.  14  .  In  all  their  acts  of 
 ministration  they  were  to  be  bare-footed.  In  the 
 earlier  lituigical  costume  the  c]phi>d  is  mentioned  as 
 belonging  to  the  high-priest  only  (Kx.  xxviii.  0-12. 
 xxxix.  '2,-ti).'—  Hcijuktiioiis. — The  idea  of  a  conse- 
 crated life,  which  was  thus  as.serted  at  the  outset, 
 was  carili'il  through  a  midtitude  of  cletiiils.  Kach 
 probably  had  a  symbolic  niejuiing  of  its  own.  lie- 
 fore  they  entered  tlie  tabernacle  they  were  to  wash 
 their  hands  and  their  feet  (Kx.  xxx.  17-2i,  xL  30- 
 32).  During  the  time  of  their  ministration  they 
 were  to  drink  no  wine  or  strong  drink  (Lev.  x.  9  ; 
 
 PRIEST 
 
 Kz.  xliv.  21).  Tlieir  function  was  to  I*  more  to 
 them  than  the  ties  of  friendship  or  of  blood,  and, 
 except  ill  the  case  of  the  nearest  relation>hips  (six 
 degrees  are  specified.  Lev.  xxi.  1-5  ;  Kz.  xliv.  25), 
 they  were  to  make  no  mourning  f  )r  the  dead.  They 
 were  not  to  shave  their  heads.  They  were  to  go 
 through  their  ministrations  with  the  serenity  of  a 
 reverential  awe,  not  with  the  orgiastic  wildnesi 
 which  led  the  priests  of  Baal  in  their  despair  to 
 make  cuttings  in  their  flesh  (Lev.  xix.  28  ;  1  K. 
 xviii.  28),  and  carried  those  of  whom  Atys  was  a 
 type  to  a  more  terrible  mutilation  (Ueut.  xxiii.  1). 
 The  same  thought  found  expres.sion  in  two  other 
 forms  atlecting  the  priots  of  Israel.  The  priest 
 was  to  be  one  who,  iis  the  lepresentative  of  other 
 men,  was  to  be  ])hysically  as  well  as  liturgically 
 perfect.  The  marriages  of  the  sons  of  Aaron  were 
 hedged  round  with  special  rules.  There  is  indeed  no 
 evidence  for  what  has  sometimes  been  asserted,  that 
 either  the  high-priest  or  the  other  sons  of  Aaruu 
 were  limited  in  their  choice  to  the  women  of  their 
 own  tribe,  and  we  have  some  distinct  instances  to 
 the  contrary.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  the 
 priestly  families  frequently  int«'rmarried,  and  it  is 
 certain  that  they  were  forbidden  to  many  an  un- 
 chaste woman,  or  one  who  had  been  divorced,  or  the 
 widow  of  any  but  a  priest  (Lev.  xxi.  7,  14;  Ezek. 
 xliv.  22).  The  prohibition  of  marriage  with  one  of 
 ail  alien  race  was  assumed,  though  not  enacted  in 
 the  law.  The  age  at  which  the  sons  of  Aaron 
 might  enter  upon  their  duties  was  not  defined  by 
 the  law,  as  that  of  the  Levites  was.  The  boy  Aris- 
 tobulus  at  the  <age  of  seventeen  ministereil  in  the 
 Temple  in  his  pontifical  robes,  the  admired  of  all 
 observers,  and  thus  stirre<l  the  treacherous  jealousy 
 of  Horod  to  reinove  so  dangerous  a  rival  ( Joseph. 
 Ant.  rv.  .'5,  §o).  This  may  have  l>een  exceptional, 
 but  the  language  of  the  rabbis  indicates  that  the 
 s|)ecial  con.secration  of  the  ]>riest's  life  began  with 
 the  opning  years  of  manhood. —Func/irms. — The 
 work  of  the  priesthood  of  Isiael  was,  from  its  very 
 nature,  more  .stereotyped  by  the  Mosaic  institutions 
 than  any  other  element  of  the  national  lite.  The 
 duties  described  in  Exodus  and  Leviticus  are  the 
 same  as  those  recognizeil  in  the  Books  of  Chronicles, 
 as  those  which  the  prophet-priest  Kzekiel  sees  in  his 
 vision  of  the  Temple  of  the  future.  They,  assisting 
 the  high-priest,  were  to  watch  over  the  i\re  on  the 
 altar  of  burnt-otrerings,  and  to  keep  it  burning  ever- 
 more both  by  day  and  ni^ht  (Lev.  vi.  12  ;  2  Chr. 
 xiii.  11),  to  feed  the  golden  lamp  outside  the  veil 
 with  oil  (Kx.  xxvii.  20,  21 ;  Lev.  .\xiv.  2  i,  to  offer 
 the  morning  .and  evening  .sacrifices,  each  accom- 
 panied with  a  meat-ollering  and  a  drink-ollifring, 
 at  the  duor  of  the  tabernacle  (Kx.  xxix.  ;-!8-44). 
 These  were  the  fixed,  invariable  duties ;  but  their 
 chief  function  was  that  of  being  always  at  hand 
 to  do  the  priest's  office  for  any  guilty,  or  )ieniteiit, 
 or  rejoicing  Israelite.  The  worshipper  might  come 
 at  any  time.  Other  duties  of  a  higher  and  more 
 ethical  character  were  hinted  at,  but  were  not,  luid 
 probably  could  not  be,  the  subject  of  a  sjiecial  regul- 
 ation. They  were  to  tejich  the  children  of  Israel 
 the  statutes  of  the  Lord  (Lev.  x.  11  :  Deut,  xxxiii. 
 10;  2  Chr.  xv.  ;i ;  Kz^k.  xliv.  23,  24).  The 
 "  priest's  lips"  (in  the  language  of  the  last  prophet 
 looking  back  ujion  the  ideal  of  the  order)  weit?  to 
 "  keep  knowledge"  (.Mai.  ii.  1 ).  Through  the 
 whole  history,  with  the  exception  of  the  perio<l8  of 
 national  apost.nsy,  these  act.s,  and  others  like  them, 
 fonne<l  the  daily  life  of  the  priests  who  were  on 
 
PRIEST 
 
 luty.  The  tliree  great  festivals  of  the  year  were, 
 nowever,  their  seasons  of  busiest  employinent.  Other 
 nets  of  the  priests  of  Israel,  signiHcaiit  as  they  were, 
 were  less  distinctively  sacerdotal.  They  were  to  bless 
 the  people  at  every  solemn  meeting  (Num.  vi.  22-27). 
 r>uiing  the  journeys  in  the  wilderness  it  belonged 
 to  them  to  cover  the  ark  and  all  the  vessels  of  the 
 sanctuary  with  a  purple  or  satrlet  cloth  before  the 
 Levites  might  approach  them  (Num.  iv.  5-15).  As 
 the  people  started  on  each  day's  march  they  were  to 
 lilow  "  an  alarm"  with  long  silver  trumpets  (Num. 
 X.  1-8).  Other  instruments  of  music  might  be 
 us«1  by  the  more  highly-trained  Levites  and  the 
 schools  of  the  prophets,  but  the  trumpets  belonged 
 onlv  to  tlie  priests.  The  presence  of  the  priests  on 
 the"  field  of  battle  (1  Chi-,  xii.  23,  27  ;  2  Chr.  xx. 
 21,  22)  led,  in  the  later  periods  of  Jewish  history, 
 to  the  special  appointment  at  such  times  of  a  war- 
 priest.  Other  functions  were  hinted  at  in  Deute- 
 I'onomy  which  might  have  given  them  greater  in- 
 fluence as  the  educators  and  civilizers  of  the  people. 
 They  were  to  act  (whether  individually  or  col- 
 lectively does  not  distinctly  appear)  as  a  court  of 
 appeal  in  the  moi'e  difficult  controversies  in  criminal 
 or  civil  ca-<es  (Deut.  xvii.  8-13).  It  must  remain 
 doubtful,  however,  how  far  this  order  kept  its 
 ground  during  the  storms  and  changes  that  fo\- 
 \o\ved.  ^  3Iaintena}Ke.  —  F"unctions  such  as  these 
 were  clearly  incompatible  with  the  common  activi- 
 ties of  men.  On  these  grounds  therefore  a  distinct 
 provision  was  made  for  tliem.  This  consisted — (1) 
 of  one-tenth  of  the  tithes  which  the  people  paid  to 
 the  Levites,  one  per  cent.  i.  e.  on  the  whole  produce 
 of  the  country  (Num.  xviii.  26-28).  (2)  Of  a 
 special  titlie  every  third  year  CDeut.  xiv.  28,  xxvi. 
 12).  (3)  Of  the  redemption-money,  paid  at  the 
 fixed  rate  of  five  shekels  a  head,  for  the  first-born 
 of  man  or  beast  (Num.  xviii.  14-19).  (4)  Of  the 
 jedemption-money  paid  in  like  manner  for  men  or 
 things  specially  dedicated  to  the  Lord  fLev.  xxvii.). 
 (5j  Of  spoil,  captives,  cattle,  and  the  like,  taken  in 
 war  (Num.  xsxi.  25-47).  (6)  Of  the  shew-bread, 
 the  flesh  of  the  burnt-offerings,  peace-offerings, 
 trespass-offerings  (Num.  xviii.  8-14;  Lev.  vi,  26, 
 29,  vii.  6-lOj,  and,  in  particular,  the  heave-shoulder 
 and  the  vi^ave-breast  (Lev.  x.  12-15).  (7)  Of  an 
 undefined  amount  of  the  first-fruits  of  corn,  wine, 
 and  oil  (Ex.  xxiii.  19;  Lev,  ii.  14;  Deut.  xxvi. 
 1-10).  Of  some  of  these,  as  "  most  holy,"  none 
 but  the  priests  were  to  partake  (Lev.  vi.  29).  It 
 was  lawful  for  their  sons  and  daughters  (Lev.  x.  14), 
 and  even  in  some  cases  for  their  home-born  slaves, 
 to  eat  of  others  (Lev.  xxii.  11).  The  stranger  and 
 the  hired  servant  were  in  all  cases  excluded  (Lev. 
 xxii.  10).  (8)  On  their  settlement  in  Canaan  the 
 priestly  families  had  thirteen  cities  assigned  them, 
 with  "  suburbs  "  or  pasture-grounds  for  their  flocks 
 (Josh.  x.xi.  13-19).  These  provisions  were  obvi- 
 ou.sly  intended  to  secure  the  religion  of  Israel  against 
 the  dangers  of  a  caste  of  pauper-priests,  needy  and 
 dependent,  and  unable  to  bear  their  witness  to  the 
 true  faith.  They  were,  on  the  other  hand,  as  far 
 as  possible  remov^ed  from  the  condition  of  a  wealthy 
 order.  The  standard  of  a  priest's  income,  even  in 
 the  earliest  days  after  the  settlement  in  Canaan, 
 was  miserably  low  (Judg.  xvii.  10).— Classijica- 
 tion  and  Statistics. — The  earliest  hi.stoiical  trace 
 of  any  division  of  the  priesthood,  and  correspond- 
 mg  cycle  of  services,  belongs  to  the  time  of  David. 
 Jewish  tradition  indeed  recognizes  an  earlier  divi- 
 sion,  ev(n   during    the   lite   of  Aaron,  into   eight 
 
 PEIEST 
 
 761 
 
 houses,  augmented  during  the  period  of  the  Shiloh- 
 woiship  to  sixteen,  the  two  tiimilic's  of  l-^leazar  and 
 Ithamar  standing  in  both  cases  on  an  equality.  To 
 the  reign  of  David  belonged  tiie  division  of  the 
 priesthood  into  the  four-and-twenty  "  courses  "  or 
 orders  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  1-19  ;  2  Chr.  xxiii.  8  ;  Luke  i. 
 5 ),  ench  of  which  was  to  serve  in  rotation  tor  one 
 wee]%-.  while  the  further  assignment  of  special 
 services  during  the  week  was  determined  by  loi 
 (Luke  i.  9).  Each  course  appears  to  have  com- 
 menced its  work  on  the  Sabbath,  the  outgoing 
 priests  taking  the  morning  sacrifice,  and  leaving 
 thut  of  the  evening  to  their  successors  (2  Chr. 
 xxiii.  8).  In  this  division,  however,  the  two  gi-eat 
 priestly  houses  did  not  stand  on  an  equality.  The 
 descendants  of  Ithamar  were  found  to  have  fewer 
 representatives  than  those  of  Eleazar,  and  sixteen 
 courses  accordingly  were  assigned  to  the  latter, 
 eight  only  to  the  former  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  4).  The 
 division  thus  instituted  was  confirmed  by  Solo- 
 mon, and  continued  to  be  recognized  as  the  typical 
 number  of  the  priesthood.  On  the  return  from 
 the  Captivity  there  were  found  but  four  courses 
 out  of  the  twenty-four,  each  containing,  in  round 
 numbers,  about  a  thousand  (Ezr.  ii.  36-39).  Out 
 of  these,  however,  to  revive  at  least  the  idea  of  the 
 old  organization,  the  four-and-twenty  courses  were 
 reconstituted,  bearing  the  same  names  as  before, 
 and  so  continued  till  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem. 
 If  we  may  accept  the  numbers  given  by  Jewish 
 writers  as  at  all  trustworthy,  the  proportion  of  the 
 priesthood  to  the  population  of  Palestine,  during 
 the  last  century  of  their  existence  as  an  order,  must 
 have  been  far  greater  than  that  of  the  clergy  has 
 ever  been  in  any  Christian  nation.  Over  and  above 
 tliose  that  were  scattered  in  the  country  and  took 
 their  turn,  there  weie  not  fewer  than  24,000  sta- 
 tioned permanently  at  Jerusalem,  and  12,000  at 
 Jericho.  It  was  almost  inevitable  that  the  great 
 mass  of  the  order,  under  such  circumstances,  should 
 sink  in  character  and  reputation.  The  Rabbinic 
 classification  of  the  priesthood,  though  belonging  to 
 a  somewhat  later  date,  reflects  the  contempt  into 
 which  the  order  had  fallen.  There  were — (1)  the 
 heads  of  the  twenty-four  courses,  known  sometimes 
 as  apxiepfh  ;  (2 )  the  large  number  of  reputable 
 oiiiciating  but  inferior  priests;  (3)  the  plebcii,  or 
 (to  use  the  extremest  formula  of  Rabbinic  scorn) 
 the  "  priests  of  the  people  of  the  earth,"  ignorant 
 and  unlettered ;  (4)  those  that,  through  physical 
 disqualifications  or  other  causes,  were  non-efficient 
 members  of  the  order,  though  entitled  to  receive 
 their  tithes.— ffistori/. — The  new  piiesthood  did  not 
 establish  itself  without  a  struggle.  The  rebellion  of 
 Korah,  at  the  head  of  a  portion  of  the  Levites  as 
 representatives  of  the  first-born,  with  Dathan  and 
 Abiram  as  leaders  of  the  tribe  of  the  first-born  son 
 of  Jacob  (Num.  x\-'i.  1),  showed  that  some  looked 
 back  to  the  old  patriarchal  order  ratiier  than  for- 
 ward to  the  new.  Prominent  as  was  the  part 
 taken  by  the  priests  in  the  daily  march  of  the  host 
 of  Israel  (Num.  x.  8;,  in  the  passage  of  the  Jordan 
 (Josh.  iii.  14,  15),  in  the  destruction  of  Jericho 
 (Josh.  vi.  12-16),  the  history  of  ilicah  shows  th.at 
 within  that  century  there  was  a  strong  tendency  to 
 relapse  into  the  system  of  a  household  instead  of  an 
 hereditary  priesthood  (Judg.  xvii.).  The  frequent 
 invasions  and  conquests  during  the  period  of  the 
 Judges  must  have  interfered  with  the  p;iyment  of 
 tithes,  with  the  maintenance  of  worship,  with  the 
 observance  of  all  festivals,  and  with  this  the  infln- 
 
752 
 
 PRIEST 
 
 eiice  of  the  pi-ii'stliodil  must  liave  boon  l<ept  in  the 
 hackgrouiid.  For  a  lime  the  prerogative  of  tlie  line 
 of  Aaron  was  in  abeyance.  The  capture  of  the  Ark, 
 the  removal  of  the  Tabernacle  from  Shiloh,  throw 
 everything  inio  confusion,  anil  Samuel,  a  Levite, 
 but  not  within  the  priestly  family,  sacrilice.s,  and 
 ''  comes  near"  to  the  Lord:  his  training  luider  Kli, 
 his  Nazarite  life,  his  prophetic  otiice,  being  regarded 
 ap|)arently  as  a  special  consecration.  Though  Shiloh 
 had  become  a  deserted  sanctuary.  Nob  (1  Sam.  xxi. 
 1}  was  made  for  a  time  the  centre  of  national  wor- 
 shi]),  and  the  symbolic  ritual  of  Israel  was  thus 
 kept  from  being  foigotten.  The  reign  of  Saul  was, 
 however,  a  time  of  sutl'ering  for  them.  He  had 
 manifested  a  disposition  to  usurp  the  priest's  office 
 (1  Siim.  xiii.  9).  The  massacre  of  the  priests  at 
 Nob  showed  how  insecure  their  lives  were  against 
 any  unguarded  or  savage  impulse.  They  could  but 
 wait  in  silence  for  the  coming  of  a  deliveier  in 
 David.  Wjien  the  death  of  Saul  set  them  free 
 they  came  in  large  numbers  to  the  camp  of  David, 
 prepared  a])parenlly  not  only  to  testify  their  alle- 
 giance, but  also  to  support  him,  armed  for  battle, 
 against  all  rivals  (1  Chr.  .xii.  27).  They  were  sum- 
 moned fi'om  their  cities  to  the  great  restoration  of 
 the  worship  of  Israel,  when  the  Ark  \v;us  brought 
 up  to  the  new  capital  of  the  kingdom  (1  Chr.  xv.  4). 
 For  a  time,  however,  the  older  order  of  sacrifices 
 wiis  carried  on  by  the  ]iriests  in  the  tabeniacle  on 
 the  high-place  at  Gibeoti  (1  Chr.  xvi.  37-39,  xxi. 
 29  ;  2  Chr.  i.  3).  We  cannot  wonder  that  first 
 David  and  then  Solomon  should  have  sought  to 
 guard  against  the  evils  incidental  to  this  separation 
 of  the  two  orders,  and  to  unite  in  one  great  Temiile 
 priests  and  Levites,  the  symbolic  worship  of  sacri- 
 fice and  the  s])iritual  ofiering  of  praise.  The  reigns 
 of  these  two  kings  were  naturally  the  culminating 
 ])eriod  of  the  gloiy  of  the  Jewish  priesfliooil.  Tiie 
 position  of  the  priests  under  the  monarchy  of  Judah 
 deserves  a  closer  examination  than  it  has  yet  le- 
 ceived.  The  system  which  has  been  described  above 
 gave  them  for  every  week  of  service  in  the  Temjile 
 twenty-three  weeks  in  which  they  had  no  appointed 
 work,  'i'o  what  employment  could  they  turn? 
 (1)  The  moie  devout  and  thoughtfid  found,  pro- 
 bably, in  the  schools  of  the  ]iio)iliels  that  which 
 .sjitisfied  them.  They  beciime  teaching  priests 
 (2  Chr.  XV.  3),  students,  and  interpreters  of  the 
 Divine  Law.  (2)  Some  perhaps  served  in  the 
 king's  army.  (3)  A  few  chosen  ones  miglit  enter 
 moie  deejiiy  into  the  divine  life,  and  so  I'eceive, 
 like  Zcrhariah,  Jeremiah,  P^zekiel,  a  special  call  to 
 the  office  of  a  prophet.  (4)  We  can  hai-dly  escape 
 the  conclusion  that  many  did  their  woik  in  the 
 Temple  of  Jehovah  with  a  divided  allegiance,  and 
 acted  at  other  times  as  priests  of  the  high-places. 
 Those  who  ceased  to  be  true  shepherds  of  the  p('0])le 
 found  nothing  in  their  ritual  to  sustain  or  elevate 
 them.  They  became  as  .sensual,  covetous,  tyran- 
 nical, as  ever  the  clergy  of  the  Christian  Church 
 U'came  in  its  darkest  periods ;  conspicuous  as 
 drunkards  and  adulterers  (Is.  xxviii.  7,  8,  Ivi.  10- 
 12).  The  prophetic  oi-der,  instead  of  acting  jus  a 
 check,  became  sharers  in  the  corru|)tion  f  .ler.  v. 
 .'U  ;  Lam.  iv.  13;  Zeph.  iii,  4).  The  discipline  of 
 the  Captivity,  however,  was  not  without  its  fruits. 
 A  large  proportion  of  the  priests  had  either  perished 
 or  were  content  to  remain  in  the  laud  of  thi'ir  exile, 
 but  thos*'  wliodid  return  were  aifive  in  the  work 
 of  ri-storation.  No  great  changes  allected  the  out- 
 ward position  of  the  priests  under  the  I'endan  go- 
 
 PRISCA 
 
 vernmcMt.  Uoth  tlio  I'l-rsinn  government  .and  Alex» 
 ander  had  ie.s])e<t('d  the  icligion  of  their  subjects  j 
 and  the  tbi-mer  hail  contipned  on  the  priests  immuni- 
 ties fiom  taxation  (Kzr.  vi.  8,  9,  vii.  24).  The 
 degree  to  which  this  recognition  was  carried  by 
 the  immediate  successors  of  Alexander  is  shown  by 
 the  work  of  restoration  accomplished  by  Simon  the 
 son  of  Onias  (Ecclus.  1.  12-20);  and  the  position 
 which  they  thus  occupied  in  the  eyes  of  the  people, 
 not  less  than  the  devotion  with  which  his  zeal  in- 
 spired them,  prejiared  them  doubtless  for  the  great 
 struggle  which  was  coming,  and  in  which,  under 
 the  priestly  Maccal>ees,  they  were  the  chief  de- 
 fenders of  their  country's  I'reedom.  Some,  indeed, 
 at  that  crisis,  were  found  among  the  apostates.  The 
 majority,  however,  weie  true-heiuted.  It  will  be 
 interesting  to  bring  together  the  few  facts  that  in- 
 dicate their  position  in  the  N.  T.  period  of  their 
 history.  The  division  into  ibur-aud-twenty  coui-ses 
 is  still  maintained  (Luke  i.  5),  and  the  heads  of 
 these  courses,  together  with  those  who  have  held 
 the  high-piiestliood  (the  office  no  longer  lasting  for 
 life),  are  "  chief  piiests"  b)'  coui'tesy,  and  take 
 their  place  in  the  Sanhedrim.  The  number  scat- 
 tered throughout  Palestine  was,  as  has  been  stated, 
 very  large.  Of  these  the  greater  number  were  poor 
 and  ignorant.  The  piiestly  order,  like  the  nation, 
 was  divided  between  contending  sects.  The  influ- 
 ence of  Hyrcanus,  himself  in  the  latter  part  of  his 
 life  a  Sadducee,  had  probably  made  the  tenets  of 
 that  party  popular  among  the  wealthier  and  more 
 powerful  members  ;  and  the  chief  ])riests  of  the 
 (iosp'ds  and  the  Acts,  the  whole  apxtfpariKdv 
 yfvos  (.\cts  iv.  1,  6,  v.  17),  were  appaiently  con- 
 sistent Sadducees.  The  gi'eat  multitude,  on  the 
 other  hand,  who  received  that  testimony  (Acts  vi. 
 7)  must  have  been  free  from,  or  must  have  over- 
 come, Sadducean  prejudices.  In  the  scenes  of  the 
 last  tragedy  of  Jewish  history  the  order  passes 
 away,  without  honour,  "  dying  as  a  fool  dieth." 
 The  high-priesthood  is  given  to  the  lowest  and  vilest 
 of  the  adherents  of  the  fienzied  Zealots.  Other 
 priests  ajipear  as  deserting  to  the  enemy.  The  de- 
 struction of  .Jerusalem  deprived  the  order  at  one 
 l)iow  of  all  but  an  honorary  distinction.  Their 
 occupation  was  gone.  Many  families  must  have 
 altogether  lost  their  genealogies.  The  influence  of 
 the  liabbis  incre.ased  with  the  fall  of  the  priesthood. 
 The  language  of  the  N.  T.  writei-s  in  relation  to 
 the  priesthood  ought  not  to  be  passed  over.  Tliey 
 recoijnize  in  Christ,  the  first-born,  the  king,  the 
 Anointed,  the  repiesent\tive  of  the  true  primeval 
 priesthood  at'ter  tlie  order  of  Melchizedek  (Heb. 
 vii.,  viii.),  from  which  that  of  Aaron,  however 
 necessary  for  the  time,  is  now  seen  to  have  been  a 
 lief  lection.  But  there  is  no  trace  of  an  order  in  the 
 new  Christian  society,  bearing  the  name  and  exer- 
 cising functions  like  those  of  the  priests  of  the  older 
 Covenant,  The  idea  which  jx-rvades  the  teaching 
 of  the  Kpistles  is  that  of  an  universal  priesthood. 
 It  was  the  thought  of  a  succeeding  age  tliat  the  old 
 classification  of  the  high-priest,  priests,  and  Levites 
 was  repiodiiced  in  the  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons 
 of  the  Christian  Church. 
 
 Prince,  Princess.  The  only  special  uses  of  the 
 word  "  i)rince"  arc — 1.  "  Princes  of  provinces" 
 (1  K.  XX.  14»,  who  wei-e  probably  local  govemors 
 or  magistrates.  2.  The  "princes"  mentioned  in 
 Dan.  vi.  1  (see  Ksth.  i.  1)  were  the  pre<lecc>sor8  of 
 the  satraps  «f  Darius  Hystnspis. 
 
 Pris'ca  f2  Tini.  iv.  19  .     [Piuscili.a.] 
 
PRISCILLA 
 
 Friscil'la.  To  what  has  been  said  elsewhere 
 ijnder  the  head  of  Aquila  the  following  may  be 
 added.  The  name  is  Prisca  in  2  Tim.  iv.  19,  and 
 (according  to  the  true  reading)  in  Rom.  xvi.  3,  and 
 also  {according  to  some  of  the  best  MSS.)  in  1  Cor. 
 xvi.  19.  Such  variation  in  a  Roman  name  is  by 
 no  means  unusual.  We  find  that  the  name  of  the 
 wife  is  placed  before  that  of  the  husband  in  Kom. 
 xvi.  3,  2  Tim.  iv.  19,  and  (according  to  some  of 
 the  best  MSS.)  in  Acts  xviii.  26.  It  is  only  in 
 Acts  xviii.  2,  and  1  Cor.  xvi.  19,  that  Aquila  has 
 unequivocally  the  first  place.  Hence  we  should  be 
 disposed  to  conclude  that  Priscilla  was  the  moie 
 energetic  character  of  the  two.  Yet  we  observe  that 
 the  husband  and  the  wife  are  always  mentioned  to- 
 gether. In  fact  we  may  say  that  Priscilla  is  the 
 example  of  what  the  married  woman  may  do  for 
 the  general  service  of  the  Church,  in  conjunction 
 with  home  duties,  as  Phoere  is  the  type  of  the 
 unmarried  servant  of  the  Church,  or  deaconess. 
 
 Prison.  For  imprisonment  as  a  punishment,  see 
 Punishments.  In  Egypt  it  is  plain  both  that 
 special  places  were  used  as  prisons,  and  that  they 
 were  under  the  custody  of  a  military  officer  (Gen. 
 xl.  3,  xlii.  1 7).  During  the  wandering  in  the  desert 
 we  read  on  two  occasions  of  confinement  "  in  ward" 
 (i.ev.  xxiv.  12;  Num.  xv,  34);  but  as  imprison- 
 ment was  not  directed  by  the  Law,  so  we  hear  of 
 none  till  the  time  of  the  kings,  when  the  prison 
 appears  as  an  appendage  to  the  palace,  or  a  special 
 part  of  it  (1  K.  xxii.  27).  Later  still  it  is  distinctly 
 defcribed  as  being  in  the  king's  house  (Jer.  xxxii.  2, 
 xxxvii.  21 ;  Neh.  iii.  25).  This  was  the  case  also 
 at  Babylon  (2  K.  xxv.  27).  But  private  houses 
 were  sometimes  used  as  places  of  confinement  (Jer. 
 xxxvii.  15).  Public  prisons  other  than  these,  though 
 in  use  by  the  Canaanitish  nations  (Judg.  xvi.  21, 
 25),  were  unknown  in  Judaea  previous  to  the  Cap- 
 tivity. Under  the  Herods  we  hear  again  of  royal 
 prisons  attached  to  the  ])alace,  or  in  royal  fortresses 
 (Luke  iii.  20;  Aetsxii.  4, 10).  By  the  Romans  Anto- 
 nia  was  used  as  a  prison  at  Jerusalem  (Acts  .\xiii.  10), 
 and  at  Caesaiea  the  praetorium  of  Herod  (ib.  35). 
 
 Proch'ortlS,  one  of  the  seven  deacons,  being  the 
 third  on  the  list,  and  named  next  after  Stephen  and 
 Philip  (Acts  vi.  5). 
 
 Proconsul.  The  Greek  iLvOviraros,  for  which 
 this  is  the  true  equivalent,  is  rendered  uniformly 
 "deputy"  in  the  A.  V.  of  Acts  xiii.  7,  8,  12,  six. 
 38  ;  and  the  derived  verb  avOvtrarfvoj  in  Acts 
 xviii.  12,  is  translated  "  to  be  deputy."  At  the 
 division  of  the  Roman  provinces  by  Augustus,  in 
 the  year  B.C.  27,  into  Senatoiial  and  Imperial,  the 
 emperor  assigned  to  the  senate  such  portions  of  ter- 
 ritory as  were  peaceable,  and  could  be  held  with- 
 out force  of  arms  (Suet.  Oct.  47  ;  Strabo,  xvii.  p. 
 840  ;  Dio  Cass.  liii.  12),  an  arrangement  which  re- 
 mained with  frequent  alterations  till  the  3rd  cen- 
 turv.  Over  these  senatorial  provinces  the  senate 
 appointed  by  lot  yearly  an  officer,  who  was  called 
 "  proconsul  "  (Dio  Cass.  liii.  13),  and  who  exercised 
 purely  civil  functions.  The  provinces  were  in  con- 
 sequence called  "  proconsular."  Among  the  sena- 
 torial provinces  in  the  first  arrangement  by  Au- 
 ijnstus,  were  Cyprus,  Achaia,  and  Asia  within  the 
 Halys  and  Taurus  (Strabo,  xvii.  p.  840).  Achaia 
 became  an  imperial  province  in  the  second  year  of 
 Tiberius,  a.d.  16,  and  was  governed  by  a  procu- 
 rator (Tac.  Ann.  i.  76),  but  was  restored  to  the 
 •Senate  by  Claudius  (Suet.  Claud.  25),  and  there- 
 fore Gallio,  before   whom  St.  Paul  was  brought, 
 
 C^.N.  D.  B. 
 
 PROPHET 
 
 753 
 
 is  rightly  termed  "  proconsul"  in  Acts  xviii.  12. 
 Cyprus  also,  after  the  battle  of  Actiura,  was  first  made 
 an  imperial  province  (Dio  Cass.  liii.  12),  but  five 
 years  afterwards  (e.g.  22)  it  was  given  to  the  senate. 
 Procurator.  The  Greek  T]y e/nwu,  rendered 
 "governor"  in  the  A.  V.,  is  applied  in  the  N.  T. 
 to  the  officei-  who  piesided  over  the  imperial  pro- 
 vince (if  Judaea.  It  is  used  of  Pontius  Pilate  (Matt, 
 xxvii.),  of  Felix  (Acts  xxiii.,  xxiv.),  and  of  Festus 
 (Acts  xxvi.  30).  In  all  these  cases  the  Vulgate 
 equivalent  is  praeses.  The  office  of  piocurator  is 
 mentioned  in  Luke  iii.  1.  It  is  explained,  under 
 the  head  of  ProCONSDL,  that  after  the  battle  of 
 Actium  (B.C.  27)  the  provinces  of  the  Roman  em- 
 pire were  divided  by  Augustus  into  two  portions, 
 giving  some  to  the  senate,  and  reserving  to  himself 
 the  rest.  The  imperial  provinces  were  administeied 
 by  legates,  called  legati  Augusti  pro  praetore,  some- 
 times with  the  addition  of  consulari  potestate,  and 
 sometimes  legati  consu/ares,  or  legati  or  consulares 
 alone.  These  officers  were  also  called  praesides. 
 No  quaestor  came  into  the  emperor's  provinces, 
 but  the  property  and  revenues  of  the  imperial  trea- 
 sury weie  administered  by  the  liationales,  Procu- 
 ratores  and  Actores  of  the  emperor,  who  were 
 chosen  from  among  his  freedmen,  or  from  among 
 the  knights  (Tac.  Hist.  v.  9;  Dio  Cass.  liii.  15). 
 These  procurators  were  sent  both  to  the  imperial 
 and  to  the  senatorial  provinces  (Dio  Cass.  liii.  15). 
 Sometimes  a  province  was  governed  by  a  procur- 
 ator with  the  functions  of  a  praeses.  This  was 
 especially  the  case  with  the  smaller  provinces  and 
 the  outlying  districts  of  a  larger  province ;  and  such 
 is  the  relation  in  which  Judaea  stood  to  Syria.  The 
 head-quarters  of  the  procurator  weie  at  Caesarea 
 (Acts  xxiii.  23),  where  he  had  a  judgment-seat  (Acts 
 xxv.  6)  in  the  audience  chamber  (Acts  xxv.  23), 
 and  was  assisted  by  a  council  (Acts  xxv.  12)  whom 
 he  consulted  in  cases  of  difficulty.  In  the  N.  T. 
 we  see  the  procurator  only  in  his  judicial  capacity. 
 Thus  Christ  is  brought  before  Pontius  Pilate  as  a 
 political  offender  (Matt,  xxvii.  2,  11),  and  the  ac- 
 cusation is  heard  by  the  procurator,  who  is  seated 
 on  the  judgment-seat  (Matt,  xxvii.  19).  Felix 
 heard  St.  Paul's  accusation  and  defence  from  the 
 judgment-seat  at  Caesarea  (Acts  xxiv.) ;  and  St. 
 Paul  calls  him  "  judge  "  (Acts  xxiv.  10),  as  if  this 
 term  described  his  chief  functions.  The  procurator 
 is  again  alluded  to  in  his  judicial  capacity  in  1  Pet. 
 ii.  14.  He  was  attended  by  a  cohort  as  body-guard 
 (Matt,  xxvii.  27),  and  apparently  went  up  to  Jeru- 
 salem at  the  time  of  the  high  festivals,  and  there 
 resided  in  the  palace  of  Herod,  in  which  was  the 
 praetorium,  or  "judgment-hall,"  as  it  is  rendered 
 in  the  A.  V,  (Matt,  xxvii.  27 ;  Mark  xv.  16  ;  comp. 
 Acts  xxiii.  35). 
 
 Prophet.  I.  The  Name. — The  ordinary  Hebrew 
 word  tor  prophet  is  ndbi,  derived  from  the  verb  naba, 
 connected  by  Gesenius  with  nab'' a,  "to bubble  forth," 
 like  a  fountain.  If  this  etymology  is  correct,  the 
 substantive  would  signify  either  a  person  who,  as 
 it  were,  involuntarily  bursts  'forth  with  spiritual 
 utterances  under  the  divine  influence  (cf.  Ps.  xlv. 
 1),  or  simply  one  who  pours  forth  words.  Bunsen 
 and  Davidson  suppose  Nahi  to  signify  the  man  to 
 whom  announcements  are  made  by  God,  i.  e.  in- 
 spired. But  it  is  more  in  accordance  with  the  ety- 
 mology and  usage  of  the  word  to  regard  it  as  signi- 
 fying (actively)  one  who  announces  or  pours  forth 
 the  declarations  of  God.  Two  other  Hebrew  words 
 are  used  to  designate  a  prophet,  Poeh,  and  Chozch, 
 
 3  C 
 
754 
 
 PROPHET 
 
 both  signifying  one  who  sees.  They  are  leiidei-eil 
 ill  the  A.  V.  by  "seer."  The  three  words  seem  to 
 be  contrasted  with  each  other  in  1  Chron.  sxix.  29. 
 L'och  is  a  title  almost  appropiiated  to  Samuel.  It 
 was  siipersi'dfd  in  general  use  by  the  word  iVo6j. 
 Ghozek  is  rarely  found  except  in  the  Books  of  the 
 Chronicles.  Whether  there  is  any  difference  in  the 
 usage  of  these  thiee  words,  and,  if  any,  what  that 
 dirteience  is,  has  been  much  debated.  Ou  the  whole 
 it  would  seem  that  the  same  persons  are  desijrnated 
 by  the  three  words  Nabi,  Ixoeh,  Cho^eh.  The  word 
 Nahi  is  uniformly  translated  in  the  LXX.  by  irpo- 
 ipr]Tt)s,  and  in  the  A.  V.  by  "  prophet."  In  classical 
 Greek,  irpo<p-i)Ti\s  signifies  one  who  speaks  for  an- 
 other,  specially  one  loho  speaks  for  a  god  and  so 
 interprets  his  will  to  man.  Hence  its  e.ssential 
 meaning  is  "  an  interpieter."  The  use  of  the  woid 
 irpo<priTT]s  in  its  modern  sense  is  post^classical,  and 
 is  derived  Irom  tlie  LXX.  From  the  mediaeval 
 use  of  the  word  Trpo(f>r]Teia,  propheci/  passed  into 
 the  English  language  in  the  sense  o{  prediction,  and 
 this  sense  it  h;is  retained  as  its  popular  meaning. 
 The  largei'  sense  of  interpretaticm  has  not,  however, 
 been  lost.  In  fact  the  English  word  prophet,  like 
 the  word  insjiiration,  has  always  been  used  in  a 
 larger  and  in  a  closer  sense.  The  different  mean- 
 ings, or  shades  of  meaning,  in  which  the  abstract 
 noun  is  employed  in  Scripture,  have  been  drawn 
 out  by  Locke  as  follows : — "  Prophecy  comprehends 
 three  things  :  prediction  ;  singing  by  the  dictate  of 
 the  Spirit;  and  undeistanding  and  exjilaining  the 
 mysterious,  hidden  sense  of  Scripture,  by  an  immed- 
 iate illumination  and  motion  of  the  Spirit"  (Para- 
 vhrase  of  1  Cor.  xii.  note,  p.  121,  Lond.  1742). 
 Etymological ly,  however,  it  is  certain  that  neither 
 prescience  nor  prediction  are  implied  by  the  term 
 used  in  the  Hebrew,  Greek,  or  English  language.— 
 II.  PiiOPHETiCAL  Order. — The  sacerdotal  order 
 w;is  originally  the  instrument  by  which  the  mem- 
 bers of  the  Jewish  Theocracy  were  taught  and 
 governed  in  things  spirituaL  Teaching  by  act  and 
 teaching  by  word  were  alike  their  task.  But  duiing 
 the  time  of  the  Judges,  the  priesthowl  sank  into  a 
 state  of  degenei'acy,  and  the  people  were  no  longer 
 atliacted  by  the  acted  lessons  of  the  ceremonial  service. 
 They  required  less  enigmatic  warnings  and  exhorta- 
 tions. Under  these  circumstances  a  new  moral 
 power  was  evoked — the  Prophetic  Order.  Samuel, 
 himself  a  Levite,  of  the  family  of  Kohath  (1  Chr. 
 vi.  28),  ami  almost  ceitainly  a  priest,  was  the  in- 
 strument used  at  once  for  effecting  a  reform  in  the 
 sacerdotal  order  {1  Chr.  ix.  22),  and  foi'  giving  to 
 the  ])rophets  a  position  of  importance  which  they 
 had  never  before  held.  Nevertheless,  it  is  not  to 
 be  supposed  that  Samuel  created  the  prophetic  oi'der 
 as  a  new  thing  before  unknown.  The  germs  Ijoth 
 of  the  prophetic  and  of  the  regal  order  are  found 
 in  the  Law  as  given  to  the  Israelites  by  Moses 
 (Dent.  xiii.  1,  xviii.  20,  xvii.  18),  but  they  were 
 not  yet  develoj)e<J,  because  there  was  not  yet  the 
 demand  for  them.  S<amuel  took  measnies  to  make 
 his  work  of  restoiation  permanent  as  well  as  effective 
 for  the  moment.  For  this  purpose  he  instituted 
 Companies,  or  Colleges  of  Prophets.  One  we  find 
 in  his  lifetime  at  liamah  CI  Sarn.  xix.  19,  20); 
 others  afterwards  at  Bethel  (2  K.  ii.  8),  .lencho 
 (2  K.  ii.  5),  Gilgal  (2  K.  iv,  38),  and  elsewhere 
 (2  K.  vi.  I).  Their  constitution  and  ofyect  were 
 Rimilar  to  tliose  of  Theological  Colleges.  Into  them 
 were  gathered  promising  students,  and  here  they 
 were  trained  for  the  office  which  thev  weie  after- 
 
 PROPHET 
 
 wards  destined  to  fulfil.  .So  successful  wei'e  tlieso 
 institutions,  that  from  the  time  of  Samuel  to  the 
 closing  of  the  Canon  of  the  Old  Testnment,  there 
 seems  never  to  have  been  wanting  a  due  supply  of 
 men  to  keep  up  the  line  of  official  prophets.  Their 
 chief  subject  of  study  was,  no  doubt,  the  Law  and 
 its  interpretation  ;  oral,  as  distinct  from  symbolical, 
 teaching  being  henceforward  t;icitly  transferred  from 
 the  priestly  to  the  prophetical  order.  Subsidiary 
 subjects  of  instruction  were  music  and  sacred  poetry, 
 both  of  which  had  been  connected  with  piojihecy 
 from  the  time  of  Moses  (Ex.  xv.  20)  and  the  Judges 
 cjudg.  iv.  4,  V.  1).— III.  The  Prophetic  Gift. 
 — We  have  been  speaking  of  the  Prophetic  Order. 
 To  belong  to  the  piophetic  order  anil  to  possess  the 
 prophetic  gift  are  not  convertible  terms.  Generally, 
 the  inspired  prophet  came  from  the  College  of  the 
 Prophets,  and  belonged  to  the  prophetic  order ;  but 
 this  was  not  always  the  case.  The  sixteen  prophets 
 whose  books  are  in  the  Canon  have  therefore  that 
 place  of  honour,  because  they  were  endowed  with 
 the  prophetic  gift  as  well  as  ordinarily  (so  far  as 
 we  know)  belonging  to  the  projrthetic  order.  What 
 then  are  the  characteristics  of  the  sixteen  prophets, 
 thus  called  and  commissioned,  and  entrusted  with 
 the  messages  of  God  to  His  people?  (1.)  They 
 were  the  national  poets  of  Judaea.  (2.)  They  were 
 annalists  and  historians.  A  great  portion  of  Isaiah, 
 of  Jeremiah,  of  Daniel,  of  Jonah,  of  Haggai,  is 
 direct  or  indirect  history.  (3.)  They  were  preachei-s 
 of  patriotism  ;  their  patriotism  being  founded  on 
 the  religious  motive.  (4.)  They  were  pre;ichers  of 
 morals  and  of  spiritual  religion  The  system  of 
 morals  put  forward  by  the  projihets  if  not  higher, 
 or  sterner,  or  purer  than  that  of  the  Law,  is  more 
 plainly  declared,  and  with  greater,  because  now 
 more  needed,  vehemence  of  diction.  (5.)  They  were 
 extraordinary,  but  yet  authorized,  exponents  of  the 
 Law.  (6.)  They  held  a  pastoral  or  quasi-pastor»l 
 ofhce.  (7.)  They  were  a  political  power  in  the 
 state.  (8.)  But  the  prophets  were  something  more 
 than  national  poets  and  annalists,  preachers  of  pa- 
 triotism, moral  teachers,  exponents  of  the  Law, 
 pastors,  and  politicians.  We  have  not  yet  touched 
 upon  their  most  essential  characteristic,  which  is, 
 that  they  were  instruments  of  levealing  God's  will 
 to  man,  as  in  other  ways,  so,  specially,  by  predict- 
 ing future  events,  and,  in  particular,  by  foretelling 
 the  incarnation  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  the 
 redemption  effected  by  Him.  There  are  two  chief 
 ways  of  exhibiting  this  fact:  one  is  suitable  when 
 discoui-sing  with  Christians,  the  other  when  argu- 
 ing with  unljelievers.  To  the  Christian  it  is  enough 
 to  show  that  the  truth  of  the  New  Testament  and 
 the  truthfulness  of  its  authors,  and  of  the  Loixl 
 Himself,  are  bound  up  with  the  truth  of  the  exist- 
 ence of  this  predictive  element  in  the  prophets.  To 
 the  unbeliever  it  is  necessary  to  show  that  facts 
 have  verified  their  predictions.  The  f'ultilment  of 
 a  single  prophecy  does  not  prove  the  piophetical 
 power  of  the  prophet,  but  the  fulfilment  of  a  long 
 series  (  f  prophecies  by  a  series  or  number  of  events 
 does  in  itself  constitute  a  proof  that  the  prophecies 
 were  intended  to  predict  the  events,  and,  conse- 
 quently, that  predictive  jwwer  resided  in  the  pro- 
 )ihet  or  prophets.  Now  the  Messianic  picture 
 drawn  by  the  prophets  as  a  b(Kly  contains  at  least 
 as  many  traits  as  these: — That  salvation  should 
 come  through  the  family  of  Abr.iham,  Isaac,  Jacob, 
 Judah,  David  :  th.at  at  the  time  of  the  final  absorp- 
 tion of  the  Jewish  power,  Shiloh  (the  tranquilliser) 
 
PROPHET 
 
 fliould  gather  the  nations  under  his  rule:  that 
 there  should  be  a  great  Propliet,  typified  by  Moses; 
 a  King  descended  from  David ;  a  Priest  for  ever, 
 typified  by  Melchisedek :  that  theie  should  be  born 
 into  the  world  a  child  to  be  called  Mighty  God, 
 Eternal  Father,  Prince  of  Peace :  that  there  should 
 be  a  Righteous  Servant  of  God  on  whom  the  Lord 
 would  lay  the  iniquity  of  all :  that  Messiah  the 
 Prince  should  be  cut  ofl",  but  not  for  himself:  that 
 an  everlastine"  kingdom  should  be  given  by  the 
 Ancient  of  Days  to  one  like  the  Son  of  Man.  We 
 may  say  that  we  have  here  a  series  of  prophecies 
 which  are  so  applicable  to  the  person  and  eaithly 
 life  of  Jesus  Christ  as  to  be  thereby  shown  to  have 
 been  designed  to  apply  to  Him.  And  if  the}'  were 
 designed  to  apply  to  Him,  prophetical  prediction  is 
 proved.  Objections  have  been  urged: — 1.  Vague- 
 ness.— It  has  been  said  that  the  prophecies  are  too 
 darkly  and  vaguely  worded  to  be  proved  predictive 
 by  the  events  which  they  are  alleged  to  foretell. 
 But  to  this  might  be  answered — 1.  That  God  never 
 forces  men  to  believe,  but  that  there  is  such  an 
 union  of  definiteness  and  vagueness  in  the  prophecies 
 as  to  enable  those  who  are  willing  to  discover  the 
 truth,  while  the  wilfully  blind  aie  not  forcibly 
 constrained  to  see  it.  2.  That,  had  the  prophecies 
 been  couched  in  the  form  of  direct  declarations, 
 their  fulfilment  would  have  thereby  been  rendered 
 impossible,  or,  at  least,  capable  of  frustration.  3. 
 That  the  effect  of  prophecy  would  have  been  far 
 less  beneficial  to  believers,  as  being  less  adapted  to 
 keep  them  in  a  state  of  constant  expectation.  4. 
 That  the  Messiah  of  Revelation  could  not  be  so 
 clearly  portrayed  in  his  varied  character  as  God  and 
 Man,  as  Prophet,  Piiest,  and  King,  if  he  had  been 
 the  mere  "  teacher."  5.  That  the  state  of  the  Pro- 
 phets, at  the  time  of  receiving  the  Divine  revela- 
 tion, was  such  as  necessarily  to  make  their  predic- 
 tions fragmentary,  figurative,  and  abstiacted  from 
 the  relations  of  time.  6.  That  some  portions  of 
 the  prophecies  were  intended  to  be  of  double  applic- 
 ation, and  some  portions  to  be  understood  only  on 
 their  fulfilment  (cf.  John  xiv.  29 ;  Ez.  xxxvi.  33). 
 —2.  Obscurity  of  a  part  or  parts  of  a  prophecy 
 otfiericise  clear. — The  objection  drawn  from  "  the 
 unintelligibleness  of  one  part  of  the  prophecy,  as 
 mvalidating  the  proof  of  foresight  arising  from  the 
 evident  completion  of  those  parts  which  aie  under- 
 stood" is  akin  to  that  drawn  from  the  vagueness 'of 
 the  whole  of  it.— 3.  Application  of  the  several  pro- 
 phecies to  a  more  immediate  subject. — It  has  been 
 the  task  of  many  Biblical  critics  to  examine  the 
 difl'ei-ent  passages  which  are  alleged  to  be  predictions 
 of  Christ,  and  to  show  that  they  were  delivered  in 
 reference  to  some  person  or  thing  contemporary 
 with,  or  shortly  subsequent  to,  the  time  of  the 
 writer.  Let  it  be  granted  that  it  may  be  proved 
 of  all  the  predictions  of  the  Messiah — it  certainly 
 may  be  proved  of  many — that  they  primarily  apply 
 to  some  histoi-ical  and  present  fact:  in  that  case  a 
 certain  law,  under  which  God  vouchsafes  his  pro- 
 phetical revelations,  is  discovered  ;  but  there  is  no 
 semblance  of  disproof  of  the  further  Messianic  in- 
 teipietation  of  the  passages  under  consideration. 
 Whether  it  can  be  proved  by  an  investigation  of 
 Holy  Scripture,  that  this  relation  between  Divine 
 aimouncements  for  the  future  and  certain  present 
 "vents  does  so  exist  as  to  constitute  a  law,  and 
 wnether,  if  the  law  is  proved  to  exist,  it  is  of  uni- 
 versal, or  only  of  partial  application,  we  do  not 
 p6use  to  determine.     But  it  is  manifest  that  the 
 
 PROPHET 
 
 755 
 
 existence  of  a  primary  sense  cannot  exclude  the 
 possibility  of  a  secondary  sense.^4.  Miraculous 
 character. — There  is  no  question  that  if  miracles 
 are,  either  physically  or  morally,  impossible,  then 
 preiictiou  is  impossible.  —  IV.  The  Prophetic 
 State. — We  learn  from  Holy  Scripture  that  it  was 
 by  the  agency  of  the  Spirit  of  God  that  the  pro- 
 phets received  the  Divine  communication  (Num. 
 xi.  17,  25,  29  ;  1  Sam.  x.  6,  xix.  20 ;  2  Pet.  i.  21 ; 
 Jer.  xxiii.  16;  Ez.  xiii.  2,  3).  The  prophet  held 
 an  inteimediate  position  in  communication  between 
 God  and  man.  God  communicated  with  him  by 
 His  Spirit,  and  he,  having  leceived  this  communic- 
 ation, was  "the  spokesman"  of  God  to  man  fcf. 
 Ex.  vii.  1,  and  iv.  16).  But  the  means  by  which 
 the  Divine  Spirit  communicated  with  the  human 
 spirit,  and  the  conditions  of  the  human  spirit  under 
 which  the  Divine  communications  were  received, 
 have  not  been  clearly  declared  to  us.  They  are, 
 however,  indicated.  In  Num.  xii.  6-8  we  have  an 
 exhaustive  division  of  the  difl'erent  ways  in  which 
 the  revelations  of  God  aie  made  to  man,  1.  Direct 
 declaration  and  manifestation,  "  I  will  speak  mouth 
 to  mouth,  apparently,  and  the  simihtude  of  the 
 Lord  shall  he  behold."  2.  Vision.  3.  Dream. 
 According  to  the  theory  of  Philo  and  the  Alexan- 
 drian school,  the  prophet  was  in  a  state  of  entire 
 unconsciousness  at  the  time  that  he  was  under  the 
 influence  of  Divine  inspiration.  This  theory  iden- 
 tifies Jewish  prophecy  in  all  essential  points  with 
 the  heathen  fxavTiK-fi,  or  divination,  as  distinct  from 
 irpocjyiiTeia,  or  interpret;ition.  According  to  the 
 belief  of  the  heathen,  of  the  Alexandrian  Jews,  and 
 of  the  Montanists,  the  vision  of  the  prophet  was 
 seen  while  he  was  in  a  state  of  ecstatic  unconscious- 
 ness, and  the  enunciation  of  the  vision  was  made  by 
 him  in  the  same  state.  The  Fathers  of  the  Church 
 opposed  the  Montanist  theory  with  great  unanimity. 
 It  does  not  seem  possible  to  draw  any  very  precise 
 distinction  between  the  prophetic  "  dream  "  and  the 
 prophetic  "  vision."  In  the  case  of  Abraham  (Gen. 
 XV.  1)  and  of  Daniel  (Dan.  vii.  1),  they  seem  to 
 melt  into  each  other.  In  both,  the  external  senses 
 are  at  rest,  reflection  is  quiescent,  and  intuition 
 energizes.  Tlie  action  of  the  ordinary  faculties  is 
 suspended  in  the  one  case  by  natural,  in  the  other 
 by  supernatural  or  extraordinary  causes.  The  pro- 
 phetic trance  must  be  acknowledged  as  a  Scriptural 
 account  of  the  state  in  which  the  prophets  and 
 other  inspired  pei-sons,  sometimes,  at  least,  received 
 Divine  revelations.  It  would  seem  to  have  been  of 
 the  following  nature.  (1.)  The  bodily  senses  were 
 closed  to  exteinal  objects  as  in  deep  sleep.  (2.)  The 
 reflective  and  discursive  faculty  was  still  and  in- 
 active. (3.)  The  spiritual  faculty  was  awakened 
 to  the  highest  state  of  energy.  Hence  it  is  that 
 revelations  in  trances  are  described  by  the  prophets 
 as  "seen"  or  "heard"  by  them,  for  the  spiritual 
 faculty  energizes  by  immediate  perception  on  the 
 part  of  the  inward  sense,  not  by  inference  and 
 thought.  Hence  it  is,  too,  that  the  prophets' 
 visions  are  unconnected  and  fragmentary,  inasmuch 
 as  they  are  not  the  subject  of  the  reflective  but  of 
 the  perceptive  faculty.  Hence,  too,  the  imagery 
 with  which  the  prophetic  writings  are  coloured, 
 and  the  dramatic  cast  in  which  they  are  moulded. 
 But  though  it  must  be  allowed  that  Scripture  lan- 
 guage seems  to  point  out  the  state  of  dream  ana 
 of  trance,  or  ecstasy,  as  a  condition  in  which  thp 
 human  instrument  received  the  Divine  communica^ 
 tions,    it  does   not   follow    that  all   the    prophetic 
 
 3  C  ^^ 
 
756 
 
 PROPHET 
 
 revelations  were  thus  niailo.  The  greater  part  of 
 the  Divine  commiinia\tioiis  we  may  suppose  to  have 
 been  thus  made  to  the  prophets  in  their  wakiii;; 
 and  ordinary  state,  wliile  the  visions  were  exhibited 
 to  them  eithei-  in  the  stale  of  sleep,  or  in  the  state 
 of  ecstasy.  Had  the  prophets  a  full  knowledge  of 
 that  which  they  predicted?  It  follows  from  what 
 we  have  already  said  that  they  had  not,  and  could 
 not  have.  They  were  the  "  spokesmen "  of  God 
 fEx.  vii.  1),  the  "  mouth"  by  which  His  words 
 were  uttered,  or  they  were  enabled  to  view,  and 
 empowered  to  describe,  pictures  presented  to  their 
 spiritual  intuition  ;  but  there  are  no  s;rouuds  for 
 believing  that,  contemporaneously  with  this  miracle, 
 there  was  wrought  another  miracle,  enlarging  the 
 understanding  of  the  prophet  so  as  to  grasp  the 
 whole  of  the  Divine  counsels  which  he  was  gazing 
 into,  or  which  he  was  the  instrument  of  enunciat- 
 ing.—-V.  Intki'.pretatios  of  Predictive  L'ro- 
 PHECV. — We  have  only  space  for  a  few  rules,  de- 
 duced from  the  account  which  we  have  given  of  the 
 nature  of  prophecy.  They  are,  (1.)  Inteipose  dis- 
 fcuices  of  time  according  as  history  may  show  them 
 to  be  necessary  with  re^l1ect  to  the  past,  or  inference 
 may  show  them  to  be  likely  in  respect  to  the  future, 
 because,  as  we  have  seen,  the  prophetic  visions  are 
 abstracted  fiom  relations  in  time.  (2.)  Distinguish 
 the  form  from  the  idea.  (3.)  Distinguish  in  like 
 manner  figure  from  what  is  represented  by  it.  (4.) 
 Make  allowance  for  the  imageiy  of  the  pi»phetic 
 visions,  and  for  the  poetical  diction  in  which  they 
 are  expressed.  (5.)  In  respect  to  things  past,  in- 
 terpret by  the  apparent  meaning,  checked  by  refei'- 
 ence  to  events:  in  respect  to  things  future,  inter- 
 pret by  the  apparent  meaning,  checked  by  re- 
 ference to  the  analogy  of  the  faith.  (6.)  Inteipret 
 according  to  the  principle  which  may  be  deduced 
 from  the  examples  of  visions  explained  in  the  Old 
 Testament.  (7.)  Interpret  according  to  the  prin- 
 ciple which  may  be  deduced  from  the  examples  of 
 prophecies  interpreted  in  the  New  Testament.— 
 V'l.  Use  of  PiiOPiiECV. — Piedictive  prophecy  is 
 at  once  a  part  and  an  evidence  of  revelation  :  at  the 
 time  that  it  is  delivered,  and  until  its  fultilraent,  a 
 part;  after  it  has  been  fulfilled,  an  evidence.  St. 
 Peter  (Kp.  2.  i.  19)  describes  it  as  "a  light  shining 
 in  a  daik  place,"  or  "  a  tajmr  glimmering  where  theie 
 is  nothing  to  reflect  its  rays,"  that  is,  throwing 
 some  light,  but  only  a  leeble  light  as  compared  with 
 what  is  shetl  from  the  (Jospel  history.  But  after 
 fulfilment,  St.  Peter  says,  "  the  word  of  prophecy  " 
 Wcomes  "  more  sure"  than  it  was  before  ;  that  is, 
 it  is  no  longer  merely  a  feeble  light  to  guide,  but  it 
 is  a  firm  gi'ound  of  confidence,  and,  combined  with 
 the  tipostolic  testimony,  .serves  as  a  trustworthy 
 fviilence  of  the  faith.  As  an  evidence,  fulfilled  pio- 
 phecy  is  as  satisfactory  as  anyfhini;  c^an  lie,  for  who 
 can  know  the  future  except  the  liuler  who  disposes 
 future  events;  and  from  whom  cm  come  prediction 
 except  from  Him  who  knows  the  future?— VII. 
 Development  OF  Messianic  Propiikcv. — Pre- 
 diction, in  the  shajie  of  piomise  and  threatening, 
 begins  with  the  Hook  of  Genesis.  Immediately  upon 
 the  Fall,  hopes  of  recovery  and  salvation  are  held 
 out,  but  the  m.inner  in  which  this  salvation  is  to  be 
 ert'ected  is  left  altogether  indefinite.  All  that  is  at 
 fii-st  declared  is  that  it  shall  come  through  a  child 
 of  woman  (Gen.  iii.  1.5).  I'.y  degrees  the  area  is 
 limited:  it  is  to  come  through  the  family  of  Shem 
 (Gen  ix.  2'j),  through  the  family  of  Abraham  (Gen. 
 xii.  3),  of  I.saac  (Gen.  xxii.   18),  of  Jacob  (Gen. 
 
 PROSELYTES 
 
 xxviii.  14),  of  .ludah  ((Jen.  xlix.  10^.  Bahwm  seems 
 to  say  that  it  will  be  wrought  by  a  warlike  Israel- 
 itisli  King  (Num.  xxiv.  17y ;  Jacob,  by  a  peaceful 
 Ruler  of  the  earth  (Gen.  xlix.  10);  Moses,  by  a 
 Prophet  like  himself,  ».  e.  a  revealer  of  a  new 
 religious  dispen.sation  (Deut.  xviii.  15).  Nathan's 
 announcement  (2  Sam.  vii.  16)  determines  further 
 that  the  salv.ition  is  to  come  through  the  house  of 
 Diivid,  and  through  a  descendant  of  David  who 
 shall  be  himself  a  king.  This  promise  is  developed 
 by  Diivid  himself  in  the  Messianic  Psalms.  Pss. 
 xviii.  and  Ixi.  are  founded  on  the  promise  commun- 
 icated by  Nathan,  and  do  not  go  beyond  the  an- 
 nouncement made  by  Nathan.  The  same  may  be 
 said  of  Ps.  Ixxxix.,  which  was  composed  by  a  l.-iter 
 writer.  Pss.  ii.  and  ex.  rest  upon  the  same  promise 
 as  their  foundation,  but  add  new  features  to  it. 
 The  Son  of  David  is  to  be  the  Son  of  God  (ii.  7), 
 the  anointed  of  the  Lord  (ii.  2),  not  only  the  King 
 of  Zion  (ii.  6,  ex.  1),  but  the  inheritor  and  lord  of 
 the  whole  earth  (ii.  8,  ex.  6),  and  besides  this,  a 
 Priest  for  ever  after  the  order  of  Melchisedek  (ex. 
 4).  At  the  same  time  he  is,  as  typified  by  his  pro- 
 genitor, to  be  full  of  suffering  and  aflliction  (Pss. 
 xxii.,  Ixxi.,  cii.,  cix.) :  brought  down  to  the  gitive, 
 yet  raised  to  life  without  seeing  corruption  (Ps. 
 xvi.).  In  Pss.  xlv.,  Ixxii.,  the  sons  of  Korah  and 
 Solomon  describe  his  peaceful  reign.  Between  So- 
 lomon and  Hezekiah  intervened  some  200  years, 
 during  which  the  voice  of  prophecy  was  silent. 
 The  Messianic  conception  entertained  at  this  time 
 by  the  Jews  might  have  been  that  of  a  King  of  the 
 royal  house  of  David  who  would  aiise,  and  gather 
 under  his  peaceful  sceptre  his  own  jieople  and 
 strangers.  Sufficient  allusion  to  his  prophetical  and 
 priestly  offices  had  been  made  to  create  thoughtful 
 consideration,  but  as  yet  there  was  no  clear  delinea- 
 tion of  him  in  these  characters.  It  was  reseived 
 for  the  Prophets  to  bring  out  these  features  more 
 distinctly.  In  this  great  period  of  prophetism 
 there  is  no  longer  any  chrono!ogici\l  development 
 of  Messianic  Prophecy,  as  in  the  earlier  period  pre- 
 vious to  Solomon.  Each  prophet  adds  a  feature,  one 
 more,  another  less  clearly  :  combine  the  features,  and 
 we  have  the  portrait ;  but  it  does  not  grow  gradually 
 and  perceptibly  under  the  hands  of  the  several  artists. 
 Its  culminatinij  point  is  found  in  the  prophecy  con- 
 tained in  Is.  Iii.  l:i-15,and  liii.— VIII.  Prophets  of 
 Tiiic  New  TEsrAMENT. — So  far  as  their  predictive 
 powers  are  concerneil,  the  Old  Testament  prophets 
 find  their  New  Testament  counteipart  in  the  writer 
 of  the  Apocalyjise;  but  in  their  geneial  character, 
 as  specially  illumined  rovealers  of  (Jod's  will,  their 
 counterpart  will  lather  be  found,  fii-st  in  the  (Jreat 
 Prophet  of  the  Church,  and  his  forerunner  .lohn  the 
 Ba])tist,  and  next  in  all  tho.se  persons  who  were  en- 
 dowed with  the  extraordinary  gifts  of  the  Spirit  in 
 the  Apostolic  age,  the  speakers  with  tongues  and 
 the  interpreters  of  tongues,  the  jirophet.s  and  the 
 discerners  of  spirits,  the  teachers  and  workei's  of 
 miracles  (1  Cor.  xii.  10,  28:.  That  predictive 
 powers  did  oc<'iisionally  exist  in  the  N.  T.  prophets 
 is  proveil  by  the  c«.se  of  Agabns  (.\cts  xi.  28),  but 
 this  was  not  their  characteristic.  The  prophets  of 
 the  N.  T.  were  suj^ernaturally-illuminatedex^Kiuuders 
 and  preachers. 
 
 Proselytes.  The  Hebrew  woi-d  thus  tmnslated 
 is  in  the  A.  V.  commonly  rendered  "  stranger  " 
 (Gen.  XV.  1.};  Ex.  ii.  22,  Is.  v.  17,  &c.).  In  tlv 
 N.  ']".  the  A,  V.  has  taken  the  woixl  in  a  moii-  re- 
 stricted   meaning,    and     translafe<l    it   accordingly 
 
PROSELYTES 
 
 ^Matt.  xxiii.  15  ;  Acts  ii.  10,  vi.  5).  The  exist- 
 ence, through  all  stages  ot"  the  history  of  the  Israel- 
 ites, of  a  botly  of  men,  not  of  the  same  race,  but 
 holding  the  same  taitli  and  adopting  the  same  ritual, 
 is  a  feet  which,  from  its  very  nature,  requires  to  be 
 dealt  with  historically.  It  is  proposed  to  consider 
 the  condition  of  the  proselytes  of  Israel  in  the  five 
 great  periods  into  which  the  history  of  the  people 
 divides  itself:  viz.  (I.)  the  age  of  the  patriarchs; 
 (II.)  from  the  Exodns  to  the  commencement  oi  the 
 monarchy  ;  (III.)  the  period  of  the  monarchy  ; 
 (IV.)  from  the  Babylonian  captivity  to  the  destruc- 
 tion of  Jeiusalem ;  (V.)  from  the  destruction  of 
 Jerusalem  downward_s.  —  I,  The  position  of  the 
 family  of  Israel  as  a  distinct  nation,  with  a  special 
 religious  character,  appears  at  a  very  early  period  to 
 have  exercised  a  power  of  attraction  over  neigh- 
 bouring races.  The  case  of  the  .Shechemites,  how- 
 ever (Gen.  x.\.\iv.),  presents  a  more  distinct  in- 
 stance. The  sons  of  .Jacob  then,  as  afterwards, 
 require  circumcision  as  an  indispensable  condi- 
 tion (Gen.  x.xxiv.  14).  This,  and  apparently  this 
 only,  was  required  of  proselytes  in  the  pre-Mosaic 
 peiiod.  —  II.  The  life  of  Israel  under  the  Law,  from 
 the  very  first,  presupposes  and  provides  for  the  in- 
 corporation of  men  of  other  races.  The  "  mixed 
 multitude"  of  Ex  xii.  38  implies  the  presence  of 
 proselytes  more  or  less  complete.  It  is  recognised 
 in  the  earliest  rules  for  the  celebration  of  the  Pass- 
 dvei-  (Ex.  xii.  19).  The  laws  clearly  point  to  the 
 jiosition  of  a  convert.  Among  the  proselytes  of 
 this  period  the  Kenites  were  piobably  the  most 
 conspicuous  (Judg.  i.  16).  The  presence  of  the  class 
 was  recognised  in  the  solemn  declaration  of  blessings 
 nud  curses  fiom  Ebal  and  Gerizim  (Josh.  viii.  33). 
 The  period  after  the  conquest  of  Canaan  was  not 
 favourable  to  the  admission  of  proselytes.  The 
 people  had  no  strong  faith,  no  commanding  position. 
 The  Gibeonites  (Josh,  ix.)  furnish  the  only  instance 
 of  a  conversion,  and  their  condition  is  rather  that  of 
 slaves  compelled  to  conform  than  of  fiee  proselytes. 
 — III.  With  the  monarchy,  and  the  consequent  fame 
 and  influence  of  the  people,  there  was  more  to 
 attrac;t  stragglers  from  the  neighbouring  nations, 
 and  we  meet  accordingly  with  many  names  which 
 suggest  the  presence  of  men  of  another  race  con- 
 forming to  the  faith  of  Israel.  The  Cherethites 
 and  Peletkites  consisted  probably  of  foreigners 
 who  had  been  attracted  to  the  service  of  David,  and 
 were  content  for  it  to  adopt  the  religion  of  their 
 master.  A  convert  of  another  kind,  the  type,  as  it 
 has  been  thought,  of  the  later  proselytes  of  the  gate 
 is  found  in  Naaman  the  Syrian  (2  K.  v.  15,  18) 
 recognising  Jehovah  as  his  God,  yet  not  binding 
 himself  to  any  rigorous  observance  of  the  Law. 
 The  position  of  the  proselytes  during  this  period 
 appears  to  have  undergone  considerable  changes. 
 On  the  one  hand  men  rose  to  power  and  fortune. 
 It  might  well  be  a  sign  of  the  times  in  the  later 
 days  of  the  monarchy  that  they  became  "  very 
 high,"  the  "'head"  and  not  the  "tail"  of  the  i 
 people  (Deut.  xxviii.  43,  44).  The  picture  had,  ! 
 liowever,  another  side.  They  were  treated  by  David  ; 
 and  Solomon  as  a  subject-class,  brought  under  a 
 system  of  compulsoiy  labour  from  which  others 
 were  exempted  (I  Chr.  xxii.  2;  2  Chr.  ii.  17,  18). 
 The  statistics  of  this  period,  taken  probably  for  ! 
 that  purpose,  give  tiieir  number  (probably,  i.  e.  the 
 number  of  adult  working  males)  at  153,600  {il>.). 
 As  solie  compensation  ibr  their  sufferings  they  I 
 bvicani   the  special  objects  of  the  care  and  sympathy  ' 
 
 PROSELYTES 
 
 757 
 
 of  the  prophets. — IV.  The  proselytism  of  the  period 
 after  the  captivity  assumed  a  ditlerent  character 
 It  was  for  the  most  part  the  conformity,  not  of  a 
 subject  race,  but  of  willing  adherents.  Even  as 
 early  as  the  return  from  Babylon  we  have  traces  of 
 those  who  were  drawn  to  a  faith  which  they  recoo-- 
 ni.sed  as  holier  than  their  own.  With  the  con- 
 quests of  Alexander,  the  wars  between  Egypt  and 
 Syria,  the  struggle  under  the  Maccabees,  the  ex- 
 pansion  of  the  Roman  empire,  the  Jews  became 
 more  widely  known  and  their  power  to  proselvtize 
 increased.  The  influence  was  sometimes  obtained 
 well,  and  exercised  for  good.  In  most  of  the  great 
 cities  of  the  empire,  theie  were  men  who  had  been 
 rescued  from  idolatry  and  its  attendant  debase- 
 ments, and  brought  under  the  power  of  a  higher 
 moral  law.  The  converts  who  were  thus  atti'acted, 
 joined,  with  varying  strictness,  in  the  worship  of 
 the  Jews.  In  Palestine  itself  the  influence  was 
 often  stronger  and  better.  Even  Roman  centuiious 
 learnt  to  love  the  conquered  nation,  built  syna- 
 gogues for  them  (Luke  vii.  5i,  tasted  and  prayed, 
 and  gave  alms,  after  the  pattern  of  the  strictest 
 Jews  (Acts  X.  2,  30),  and  became  preachers  of  the 
 new  faith  to  the  soldiers  under  them  (ib.  v.  7). 
 Such  men,  drawn  by  what  was  best  in  Judaism, 
 were  naturally  among  the  readiest  receivers  of  the 
 new  truth  which  rose  out  of  it,  and  became,  in 
 many  cases,  the  nucleus  of  a  Gentile  Church.  Pro- 
 selytism had,  however,  its  daiker  siile.  The  Jews 
 of  Palestine  weie  eager  to  spread  their  faith  by  the 
 same  weapons  as  those  with  which  they  had  de- 
 fended it.  The  Idumaeans  had  the  alternative 
 ottered  them  by  John  Hyrcanus  of  death,  exile,  or 
 circumcision  (Joseph.  Ant.  xiii.  9,  §3).  The  Itu- 
 raeans  were  converted  in  the  same  way  by  Ai'isto- 
 bulus  (ib.  xiii.  11,  §3).  Where  force  was  not  in 
 their  power,  they  obtained  their  ends  by  the  most 
 unscrupulous  fraud.  Those  who  were  most  active 
 in  proselytizing  were  precisely  those  from  whose 
 teaching  all  that  was  most  true  and  living  had  de- 
 parted. The  vices  of  the  Jew  were  engrafted  on 
 the  vices  of  the  heathen.  The  jiosition  of  such 
 proselytes  was  indeed  every  way  pitiable.  At  Home, 
 and  in  other  large  cities,  they  became  the  butts  ot 
 popular  .scurrility.  At  a  later  time,  they  were  bound 
 to  make  a  public  profession  of  their  conversion,  and 
 to  pay  a  special  tax.  Among  the  Jews  themselves 
 their  case  was  not  much  better.  For  the  most 
 part  the  convert  gained  but  little  honour  even  from 
 those  who  gloried  in  having  brought  him  over  to 
 their  sect  and  party.  The  popular  Jewish  feeling 
 about  them  was  like  the  popular  Christian  feeling 
 about  a  conveited  Jew.  The  better  Rabbis  did 
 their  best  to  guard  against  these  evils.  Anxious  to 
 exclude  all  unworthy  converts,  they  grouped  them, 
 according  to  their  motives,  with  a  somewhat  quaint 
 classification.  (1.)  Love-proselytes,  where  they  were 
 drawn  by  the  hope  of  gaining  the  beloved  one. 
 (2.)  Man-for- Woman,  or  Woman-for-Man  prose- 
 lytes, where  the  husband  followed  the  religion  of  the 
 wife,  or  conversely.  (3.)  Esther-proselytes,  where 
 conformity  was  asstmied  to  escape  danger,  as  in  the 
 oiiginal  Puiim  (Ksth.  viii.  17).  (4.)  King's-table- 
 pioselytes,  who  were  led  by  the  hope  of  court  favour 
 and  promotion,  like  the  converts  undei-  David  and 
 Solomon.  (5.)  Liou-proselytes,  where  the  conver- 
 sion originated  in  a  superstitious  dread  of  a  divine 
 judgment,  as  with  the  Samaritans  of  2  K.  xvii.  26. 
 None  of  these  were  regarded  as  fit  for  admission  within 
 the  covenant. — V.  The  teachers  who  carried  ot>  the 
 
768 
 
 PROSELYTES 
 
 ll'ilibiiiiral  suwession consoled  tlieniselves,  as  they  saw 
 the  new  order  waxing  and  their  own  sjlory  waning,  by 
 developing  the  deriving  system  with  an  almost  mi- 
 croscopic minuteness.  The  jjiecepts  of  the  Talmud 
 may  indicate  the  pm(;tices  and  opinions  of  the  Jews 
 from  the  2nd  to  the  5th  century.  The  jioints  of 
 inteiest  which  present  themselves  foi-  inquirv  are, 
 M.)  The  Ciiussitication  of  Proselytes.  (2.)  The  co 
 remonies  of  their  admission.  The  division  which 
 h-.is  been  in  part  anticipated,  was  recognised  by  the 
 Talmudic  liabhis,  but  leceived  its  full  expansion  at 
 the  hands  of  Maimoniiies.  The  term  Proselytes  of 
 the  (iate,  was  derived  from  the  frecjuently  occurring 
 description  in  the  Law,  "  the  sti'anger  that  is  within 
 ihy  gates."  To  them  were  referred  the  greater 
 part  oi  the  precepts  of  the  I.aw  as  to  the  "  stranger." 
 Converts  of  this  class  were  not  bound  by  circum- 
 cision and  the  othej'  special  laws  of  the  Mosaic  code. 
 Jt  was  enough  foi-  them  to  observe  the  seven  pre- 
 cepts of  Noah.  The  proselyte  was  not  to  claim 
 the  privileges  of  an  Israelite,  might  not  redeem  his 
 Krst-born,  or  pay  the  hali-sliekel.  He  was  for- 
 bidden to  study  the  Law  under  pain  of  death.  The 
 later  Habbis,  when  Jerusalem  had  passed  into  other 
 hands,  held  that  it  was  unlawful  for  him  to  reside 
 within  the  holy  city.  In  return  they  allowed  him 
 to  offer  whole  burnt-oll'erings  for  the  priest  to  sacri- 
 fice, and  to  contribute  money  to  the  Corbnn  of  the 
 Temple.  They  held  out  to  him  the  hope  of  a  place 
 in  the  paradise  of  the  world  to  come.  They  in- 
 sisted that  the  profession  of  his  faith  should  be 
 maile  solemnly  in  the  presence  of  three  witnesses. 
 All  this  seems  so  full  and  precise,  that  we  c;»nnot 
 wonder  that  it  ha.s  led  many  writers  to  look  on  it 
 as  rejiresenting  a  realitv.  It  remains  doubtful, 
 however,  whether  it  was  ever  more  than  a  pa|)er 
 scheme  of  what  ought  to  be,  disguising  itself  as 
 having  actually  been.  In  contrast  with  these  were 
 the  I'roselytes  of  itighteousness,  known  also  as 
 Proselytes  of  the  (Jovenant,  perfect  Israelites.  Here 
 also  we  must  receive  what  we  find  with  the  same 
 limitation  as  before.  All  seems  at  iirst  clear  ami 
 definite  enough.  The  proselyte  was  first  catechised 
 ;is  to  his  motives.  If  these  were  satisfactory,  he 
 was  fii'st  instructed  as  to  the  Divine  protection  of 
 the  Jewish  peo])le,  and  then  circumcised.  Often 
 the  proselyte  took  a  new  name.  All  this,  how- 
 ever, was  not  enough.  The  convert  was  still  a 
 "stranger."  His  children  would  be  counted  ius 
 bastards,  ».  e.  aliens.  Baptism  was  required  to  com- 
 plete his  admission.  When  the  wound  was  heahd, 
 he  Wius  stripped  of  all  his  clothes,  in  the  presence 
 of  the  three  witnesses  who  had  acted  as  his  teachers, 
 and  who  now  acted  as  his  sponsore,  the  "  fathers  " 
 of  the  prosi'lytc,  and  led  into  the  tank  or  pool.  As 
 he  stood  thi^re,  up  to  his  neck  in  water,  they  re- 
 peated the  great  commandments  of  the  Law.  These 
 lie  promised  and  vowed  to  keep,  and  then,  with  an 
 .iccompanying  benediction,  he  plunged  .nider  the 
 water.  The  baptism  w;is  followed,  as  long  as 
 the  Temple  stooil,  by  the  otiuring  or  CorbiUi.  For 
 women-proselytes,  there  weie  only  baptism  and  the 
 Corban,  or,  in  Liter  times,  baptism  by  itself.  It  is 
 obvious  that  this  account  suggests  many  questions 
 of  grave  interest.  Wa.s  this  ritual  observed  as  eaily 
 as  the  commencement  of  the  tiist  centuiy  ?  If  so, 
 was  the  ba|itism  of  John,  or  that  of  the  Christian 
 Church  in  any  way  derived  from,  or  coiniected  with 
 the  baptism  of  proselytes?  If  not,  wa.s  the  latter 
 ill  any  way  borrowed  fiom  the  former?  It  will  be 
 niuugh  to  i>uin  uj)  tlic  concluaisns  which  seem  thirty 
 
 PROVERBS,  BOOK  OF 
 
 to  I*  drawn  from  them.  (1.)  Theie  is  no  dirict 
 evidence  of  the  practice  being  in  use  before  the  de- 
 struction of  Jerusalem.  (2.  j  The  negative  argu- 
 ment drawn  from  the  silence  of  the  V.  T.,  of  the 
 Apocrypha,  of  Philo,  and  of  Jose])hus,  is  almost 
 decisive  against  the  belief  that  thei'e  was  ui  their 
 time  a  baptism  of  proselytes,  with  as  mitch  im- 
 portance attached  to  it  as  we  find  in  the  Talmudists, 
 (3.)  It  remains  probable,  however,  that  there  was 
 a  baptism  in  use  at  a  period  considerably  earlier 
 than  that  for  which  we  have  direct  evidence.  The 
 symbol  was  in  itself  natural  and  fit.  ("4.)  The 
 history  of  the  N.  T.  itself  suggests  the  existence  of 
 such  a  custom.  A  sign  is  seldom  chosen  unless  it 
 already  has  a  meaning  for  those  to  whom  it  is  ad- 
 dressed. The  fitness  of  the  sign  in  this  case  would 
 be  in  proportion  to  tlie  associations  alreaily  con- 
 nected with  it.  (5.)  It  is,  however,  not  impro- 
 bable that  there  may  have  been  a  reflex  action  in 
 this  mattei-,  from  the  Christian  u})on  the  Jewish 
 Church.  The  Itabbis  s:iw  the  new  society  in  pro- 
 portion as  the  Gentile  element  in  it  became  predom- 
 inant, throwing  ofl'  circumcision,  relying  on  bap- 
 tism only.  There  was  everything  to  lead  them  to 
 give  a  fresh  prominence  to  what  had  been  before 
 subordinate.  Two  tacts  of  some  interest  remain  to 
 be  noticed.  (1 .)  It  formed  part  of  the  Ivabbinic  hopes 
 of  the  kingdom  of  the  Messiah  that  then  there  should 
 be  no  more  proselytes.  (2.)  Partly,  perhaps,  as  con- 
 nected with  this  feel  i  lie,  partly  in  consequence  of  the 
 ill-iepute  into  which  the  word  had  fallen,  theie  is, 
 thronnhoiit  the  X.  T.  a  sedulous  avoidance  of  it. 
 
 Proverbs,  Book  of.  1 .  Title.—  TUe  title  of  this 
 book  in  Hebrew  is,  as  usual,  taken  from  the  tii"st 
 word,  mishle,  or,  more  fully,  mishli  ShUdihoh,  and 
 is  in  this  case  appropriate  to  the  contents.  By  this 
 name  it  is  commonly  known  in  the  Talmud.  The 
 signiKauice  of  the  Hebrew  title  may  here  be  appro- 
 priately discussed.  Mashal,  rendered  in  the  A.  V. 
 "  by-word,"  "  ]>arable,"  "  proverb,"  expressas  all 
 and  even  more  than  is  conveyed  by  these  its  Knglisb 
 representitives.  It  is  derived  from  a  root,  mashal, 
 "  to  be  like,"  and  the  primary  idea  involved  in  it  is 
 that  of  likeness,  comparison.  Probably  all  pro- 
 verbial sayings  were  at  Hi-st  of  the  nature  of  similes, 
 but  the  term  tiids/uil  soon  acquired  a  more  e.xtended 
 significance.  It  was  applied  to  denote  such  short, 
 pointed  sayings  as  do  not  involve  a  com|iarison  di- 
 rectly, but  still  convey  their  meaning  by  the  help  of 
 a  figure,  as  in  I  Sara.  x.  12,  Ez.  xii.  22,  2;5,  xvii. 
 2,  3.  From  this  stage  of  its  appliaition  it  |)assed 
 to  that  of  sententious  maxims  generally,  as  in  Prov. 
 i,  l,x.  1,  XXV.  1,  xxvi.  7,  9,  Eccl.  xii.  9,  Job  xiii. 
 12,  many  of  which,  however,  still  involve  a  com- 
 parison (Prov.  XXV.  ;>,  11,  12,  1.'5,  14.  &c.,  xxvi.  1, 
 2,  3,  &c.).  Such  comparisons  are  either  expressed, 
 or  the  things  com|iai'ed  are  placed  side  by  side,  and 
 the  comparison  left  lor  the  hearer  or  re.uler  lo 
 supply.  Next  we  find  it  used  cif  those  longer  pieceti 
 in  which  a  single  idea  is  no  longer  exhaustiHl  in  u 
 sentence,  but  forms  the  germ  of  the  whole,  and  is 
 worked  out  into  a  didactic  jioem.  Many  instances 
 of  this  kind  occur  in  the  lii'st  section  of  the  Book 
 of  Proverbs:  othei-s  are  tbund  in  Job  xxvii.,  xxix. 
 But  the  Book  of  Proverbs,  according  to  the  intro- 
 ductory verses  which  describe  its  character,  contains, 
 l>esides  several  varieties  of  the  tutishdl,  sententious 
 sayings  of  other  kinds,  mentione<l  in  i.  G.  Thefiret 
 of  these  is  the  chUlaU,  renderetl  in  the  A.  V.  "  dark 
 .sa)  iiig,"  "  dark  speech,"  "  hard  question,"  "  riddle," 
 and  once  (Hab.  ii.  (j^     'proverb."     The  word  ap- 
 
PROVERBS,  BOOK  OF 
 
 pears  to  denote  a  knotty,  intricate  sayiug,  the  solu- 
 tion of  which  demanded  experience  and  skill.  In 
 addition  to  tlie  chiddh  was  the  inelitsuh  (I'rov.  i.  6, 
 A.  V.  "  the  interpretation,"  marg.  '•  an  eloquent 
 speech").  It  is  probably  a  dark  enigmatical  say- 
 ing, which  might  assume  the  character  of  sarcasm 
 and  irony,  though  these  weie  not  essenti.il  to  it.— 
 2.  Caivmicity  of  tue  buok  and  its  place  in  the 
 Canon. — 'I'he  canonicity  of  the  Book  ot  Proverbs  has 
 never  been  disputed  except  by  the  Jews  themselves. 
 It  appears  to  have  been  one  of  the  points  urged  by 
 the  school  of  Shammai,  that  the  contradictions  in 
 the  Book  of  PiQverbs  rendered  it  apocryphal.  It 
 occurs  in  all  the  Jewish  lists  of  canonical  books,  and 
 is  reckoned  among  what  are  called  the  "  wi  itings  " 
 {Cethubim)  or  Hagiographa,  which  ibrni  the  third 
 great  division  of  the  Hebrew  Scriptures.  Their 
 order  in  the  Talmud  is  thus  given  :  Kuth,  Psalms, 
 Job,  Pioverbs,  Ecclesiastes,  Song  of  .Songs,  Lament- 
 ation.s,  Daniel,  Esther,  Ezra  (including  Nehemiah), 
 and  Chronicles.  In  the  German  MSS.  of  the  He- 
 brew 0.  T.  the  Proverbs  are  placed  between  the 
 Psalms  and  Job,  while  in  the  Spanish  J\ISS.,  which 
 follow  the  JIasorah,  the  order  is,  Psalms,  Job,  Pro- 
 verbs. But  our  present  arrangement  existed  in 
 the  time  of  Jerome.  The  Proverbs  are  frequently 
 quoted  or  alluded  to  in  the  New  Testament,  and  the 
 canonicity  of  the  Book  thereby  confirmed.— 3.  Au- 
 thorship  and  date. — The  superscriptions  which  are 
 affixed  to  sevtjral  portions  of  the  Book  of  Piovei bs, 
 in  i.  1,  X.  1,  XXV.  1,  attribute  the  authorship  of 
 those  portions  to  Solomon  the  son  of  David,  king 
 of  Israel.  With  the  exception  of  the  last  two 
 chapters,  which  are  distinctly  assigned  to  other 
 authors,  it  is  probable  that  the  statement  of  the 
 superscriptions  is  in  the  main  correct,  and  that  the 
 majority  of  the  proverbs  contained  in  the  book  were 
 uttered  or  collected  by  Solomon.  According  to 
 Bartolocci,  quoted  by  Cai-pzov,  the  Jews  ascribe  the 
 composition  of  the  Song  of  Songs  to  Solomon's 
 youth,  the  Proverbs  to  his  mature  manhood,  and 
 the  Ecclesiastes  to  his  old  age.  But  in  the  Seder 
 (Ham  Rabba  they  are  all  assigned  to  the  end  of  his 
 life.  There  is  nothing  unreasonable  in  the  suppos- 
 ition that  many,  or  most  of  the  pioverbs  in  the 
 first  twenty-nine  chapters  may  have  originated  with 
 Solomon.  Whether  they  were  left  by  him  in  their 
 present  form  is  a  distinct  question,  and  may  now  be 
 considered.  Before  doing  so,  however,  it  will  be 
 necessaiy  to  examine  the  different  parts  into  which 
 the  book  is  naturally  divided.  Speaking  roughly,  it 
 consists  of  three  main  divisions,  with  two  append- 
 ices. 1.  Chaps,  i.-ix.  form  a  connected  mdshdl, 
 in  which  Wisdom  is  praised  and  the  youth  exhorted 
 to  devote  themselves  to  her.  This  portion  is  pre- 
 ceded by  an  inti'oduction  and  title  describing  the 
 character  and  general  aim  of  the  book.  2.  Chaps. 
 X.  1-xxiv.,  with  the  title,  "the  Proverbs  of  Solo- 
 mon," consist  of  thiee  parts  : — x.  1— xxii.  16,  a  col- 
 lection of  single  proverbs,  and  detached  sentences 
 out  of  the  region  of  moial  teaching  and  worldly 
 prudence;  xxii.  17-xxiv.  21,  a  more  connected 
 mdshdl,  with  an  introduction,  xxii.  17-22,  which 
 contains  precepts  of  righteousness  and  piudence ; 
 xxiv.  23-o4,  with  the  inscription,  "  these  also  be- 
 long to  the  wise,"  a  collection  of  unconnected  max- 
 ims, which  serve  as  an  appendix  to  the  preceding. 
 Then  follows  the  third  division,  xxv.-.\xix.,  which, 
 according  to  the  superscription,  professes  to  be  a 
 sol  lection  of  Solomon's  proverbs,  consisting  of  single 
 .sentences,  which  the  men  of  the  court  of  Hezekiah 
 
 PROVERBS,  BOOK  OF 
 
 75^ 
 
 copieu  out.  The  first  ap]iendis,  ch.  xxx.,  "  tho 
 words  of  Agur,"  is  a  collection  of  partly  proverbial 
 and  partly  enigmatical  sayings  ;  the  second,  ch.  xxxi., 
 is  divided  into  two  parts,  "  the  words  of  king 
 Lemuel"  (1-6),  and  an  alphabetical  acrostic  in 
 praise  of  a  virtuous  woman,  which  occupies  the  rest 
 of  the  chapter.  At  first  sight  it  is  evident  that 
 there  is  a  marked  difference  between  the  collections 
 of  single  maxims  and  the  longer  didactic  pieces, 
 which  both  come  under  the  general  head  mdsiidl. 
 The  collection  of  Solomon's  proverbs  made  by  the 
 men  of  Hezekiah  (xxv.-xxix.)  belongs  to  the  former 
 class  of  detached  sentences,  and  in  this  resj)ect  cor- 
 responds with  those  in  the  second  main  division  (x. 
 1-xxii,  16).  The  expression  in  xxv.  I,  "  these  also 
 are  the  proverbs  of  Solomon,"  implies  that  the  col- 
 lection was  made  as  an  appendix  to  another  already 
 in  existence,  which  we  may  not  miieasonably  pre- 
 sume to  have  been  that  which  stands  immediately 
 before  it  in  the  present  arrangement  of  the  book. 
 Upon  one  point  most  modern  critics  are  agreed,  that 
 the  germ  of  the  book  in  its  present  shape  is  the 
 portion  x.  1-xxii.  16,  to  which  is  prefixed  the  title, 
 "  the  Proverbs  of  Solomon."  At  what  time  it  was 
 put  into  the  form  in  which  we  have  it,  cannot  be 
 exactly  determined.  Ewald  suggests  as  a  probable 
 date  about  two  centuries  after  Solomon.  The  col- 
 lector gatheied  many  of  that  king's  genuine  sayings, 
 but  must  have  mixed  with  them  many  by  other 
 authors  and  from  other  times,  eajlier  and  latei-.  It 
 seems  clear  that  he  must  have  lived  before  the  time 
 of  Hezekiah,  from  the  expression  in  xxv.  1,  to  which 
 reference  has  already  been  made.  The  poetical  style, 
 says  Ewald,  is  the  simplest  and  most  antique  im- 
 aginable. Most  of  the  provei'bs  are  examples  of 
 antithetic  parallelism,  the  second  clause  containing 
 the  contrast  to  the  first.  Each  vei'se  consists  of 
 two  members,  with  generally  three  or  four,  but 
 seldom  five  words  in  each.  Furthermore,  the  pro- 
 verbs in  this  collection  have  the  peculiarity  of  being 
 contained  in  a  single  verse.  In  addition  to  the 
 distinctive  form  assumed  by  the  proverbs  of  this 
 eailiest  collection,  may  be  noticed  the  occurrence  of 
 favourite  and  peculiar  words  and  phrases.  With 
 regard  to  the  other  collections,  opinions  differ  widely 
 both  as  to  their  date  and  authorship.  Ewald  jilares 
 next  in  order  chaps,  xxv.-xxix.,  the  superscription 
 to  which  fixes  their  date  about  the  end  of  the  8th 
 century  B.C.  "  These  also  are  the  proverbs  of 
 Solomon,  which  the  men  of  Hezekiah  copied  out," 
 or  compiled.  The  memory  of  these  learned  men  of 
 Hezekiah's  court  is  perpetuated  in  Jewish  tradition. 
 In  the  Talmud  they  are  called  the  si  ah,  "  society  " 
 or  "academy"  of  Hezekiah,  and  it  is  there  said, 
 "  Hezekiah  and  his  academy  wiote  Isaiah,  Proverbs, 
 Song  of  Songs,  Ecclesiastes."  Many  of  the  proverbs 
 in  this  collection  are  mere  repetitions,  with  slight 
 variations,  of  some  which  occur  in  the  previous 
 section.  We  may  infer  from  this,  that  the  com- 
 pileis  of  this  section  made  use  of  the  same  sources 
 fVour  which  the  earlier  collection  was  derived.  The 
 question  now  arises,  in  this  as  in  the  former  section  ; 
 were  all  these  proverbs  Solomon's  ?  Jahn  says  Yes  ; 
 Bertholdt,  No  ;  for  xxv.  2-7  could  not  have  been  by 
 Solomon  or  any  king,  but  by  a  man  who  had  lived  foi 
 a  long  time  at  a  court.  In  xxvii.  11,  it  is  no  mon- 
 arch who  speaks,  but  an  instructor  of  youth  ;  xxviii. 
 16  censuies  the  very  errors  which  stained  the  reign 
 of  Solomon,  and  the  effect  of  which  deprived  his  son 
 and  successor  of  the  ten  tribes;  xxvii.  23-27  must 
 ha  v  been  written  by  a  sage  who  led  a  nomade  lifo. 
 
r{)0 
 
 PROVERBS,  BOOK  OP 
 
 The  peculiarities  ot"  this  section  distinguish  it  tVom 
 the  older  proverbs  in  x.-xxii.  Itj.  >oine  of  these 
 may  be  briefly  noted.  The  use  of  the  interrogation 
 "seest  thou?"  in  xxvi.  12,  xxix.  'JO  (conip.  xxii. 
 29"),  the  manner  of  compariuf;  two  things  by  simply 
 placing  them  side  by  side  and  connecting  them  with 
 the  simple  coi>ula  "and,"  as  in  xxv.  3,  20,  xxvi.  3, 
 7,  9,  21,  xxvii.  15,  20.  We  miss  the  pointed  anti- 
 thesis by  which  the  first  collection  was  distinguished. 
 The  verses  are  no  longer  of  two  equal  membeis. 
 The  chai'acter  of  the  proverbs  is  clearly  distinct. 
 Their  construction  is  looser  and  weaker,  and  there 
 is  no  longer  that  sententious  brevity  which  gives 
 weight  and  ]>oint  to  the  pi  ovei  bs  in  the  preceding 
 section.  Ewald  thinks  that  in  the  contents  of  this 
 portion  of  the  book  there  are  traceable  the  marks  of 
 H  later  <late.  He  assigns  it  to  the  end  of  the  8th 
 century  B.C.  All  tliat  we  know  about  the  section 
 xxv.-sxix.,  is  that  in  the  time  of  Hezekiah,  that  is, 
 in  the  last  quarter  of  the  8th  centi'ry  B.C.  it  was 
 supposed  to  contiiin  what  tradition  had  handed  down 
 as  the  proverbs  of  Solomon,  and  that  the  majority 
 of  the  proverbs  were  believed  to  be  his  there  seems 
 no  good  reason  to  doubt.  The  date  of  the  sections 
 i.-ix.,  xxii.  17-xxv.  1,  has  been  variously  assigned. 
 That  they  were  added  about  the  same  period  Ewald 
 infers  from  the  occurrence  of  favourite  words  and 
 constructions,  and  that  that  period  was  a  late  one 
 he  concludes  from  the  traces  which  are  manifest  of 
 a  degeneracy  from  the  purity  of  the  Hebrew.  It 
 is  a  remarkable  fact,  and  one  which  is  deeply  in- 
 structive as  showing  the  extreme  ditliculty  of  argu- 
 ing from  internal  evidence,  that  the  same  details 
 lead  Kwald  and  Hitzig  to  precisely  o{)pobite  conclu- 
 sions ;  the  former  placing  the  date  of  i.-ix.  in  the 
 Hi-st  half  of  the  7th  century,  while  the  latter  regards 
 it  as  the  oldest  portion  of  the  book,  and  a.ssigns  it 
 to  the  9th  centuiy.  After  a  careful  consideration 
 of  all  their  arguments,  it  must  be  confessed  that 
 they  are  by  no  means  conclusive,  and  that  we  must 
 ask  for  further  evidence  before  pi'onouncing  so  posi- 
 tively as  they  have  done  upon  a  point  so  doubtful 
 and  obscure.  In  one  respect  they  are  agreo<l,  namely, 
 with  regard  to  the  unity  of  the  section.  Ewald 
 finds  in  these  chapters  a  certain  development  which 
 shows  that  they  must  be  regarded  as  a  whole  and 
 the  work  of  one  author.  The  poet  intended  them 
 as  a  general  introduction  to  the  Proverbs  of  .Solo- 
 mon, to  recommend  wisdom  in  general.  But,  as 
 Hertheau  remarks,  there  a[>pears  nowhere  through- 
 out this  section  to  Ijc  anyieference  to  what  follows, 
 which  must  have  been  the  case  had  it  been  intended 
 for  an  introduction.  The  unity  of  plan  is  no  more 
 than  would  be  found  in  a  collection  of  admonitions 
 by  dillercnt  authors  referring  to  the  same  subject, 
 and  is  not  such  as  to  necessitate  the  conclusion  that 
 the  whole  is  the  work  of  one.  There  is  observable 
 throughout  the  section,  when  compare<l  with  what 
 is  called  the  earlier  collection,  a  complete  change  in 
 the  foim  of  the  proverb.  The  single  proverb  is 
 seldom  met  with,  and  is  rather  the  exception,  while 
 the  characteristics  of  this  collection  are  connected 
 descriptions,  continuous  elucidations  of  a  truth,  and 
 longer  sf)eeches  and  exhorfcitions.  The  style  is  moie 
 highly  jioetical,  the  parallelism  is  synonymous  aii<l 
 not  antithetic  or  synthetic,  as  in  x.  1-xxii.  Iti;  and 
 another  distinction  is  the  usage  of  Klohim  in  ii.  .'>, 
 17,  iii.  4,  which  does  not  occur  in  x.  1-xxii.  10. 
 Amidst  this  general  likeness,  however,  there  is  con- 
 siderable divei-sity.  It  is  not  nece-ssary  to  lay  so 
 much  stress  as  Derthnsu  ajtpears  to  do  upon  the  fact 
 
 PROVERBS,  BOOK  OF 
 
 that  crrt;\in  paragraphs  are  distinguished  from  tlia-w 
 with  which  they  are  placed,  not  nierelv  bv  their 
 contents,  but  by  their  external  form  ;  nor  to  argue 
 from  this  that  they  are  therefore  the  work  of  dif- 
 ferent authors.  There  is  more  force  in  the  ap|jeiii 
 to  the  ditl'erence  in  the  foimation  of  sentences  and 
 the  whole  maimer  of  the  language  as  indicating  di- 
 versity of  authorship.  With  regard  fo  the  ilate  as 
 well  as  the  authorship  of  this  section  it  is  impos- 
 sible to  pionounce  with  certainty.  In  its  present 
 form  it  did  not  exist  till  probably  some  longtime 
 after  the  proverbs  which  it  contains  were  composed. 
 At  whatever  time  it  may  have  reache<i  its  present 
 shape  there  appears  no  sufficient  leason  to  conclude 
 that  Solomon  may  not  have  uttered  many  or  most 
 of  the  proverbs  which  are  here  collected.  We  now 
 pass  on  to  another  section,  xxii.  17-ixiv.,  which 
 contains  a  collection  of  proverbs  maiked  by  certain 
 peculiarities.  These  are,  1.  The  structure  of  the 
 verses,  which  is  not  so  regular  as  in  the  ])receding 
 section,  x.  1-xxii.  16.  2.  A  sentence  is  seldom 
 completed  in  one  verse,  but  most  fieqiientlyiu  two; 
 three  verses  are  often  closely  connected  (xxiii.  1-;?, 
 6-8,  19-21);  and  sometimes  as  many  as  five  (xxiv. 
 30-34-).  3.  The  form  ofaddiess,  "  my  son,"  which 
 is  so  frequent  in  the  tirst  nine  chapters,  occurs  also 
 here  in  xxiii.  19,  26,  xxiv.  13;  and  the  ajipeal  to 
 the  hearer  is  often  made  in  the  second  person. 
 Ewald  regards  this  section  as  a  kind  of  appendix  to 
 the  earliest  collection  of  the  proverbs  of  Solomon, 
 added  not  long  after  the  introiluction  in  the  first 
 nine  chapters,  though  not  by  the  same  author.  He 
 thinks  it  probable  that  the  compiler  of  this  section 
 added  also  the  collection  of  proverbs  which  was 
 made  by  the  learned  men  of  the  court  of  Hezekiah, 
 to  which  he  wrote  the  superscription  in  xxv«  I. 
 This  theory  of  course  only  atlects  the  date  of  the 
 section  in  its  present  form.  When  the  proverbs 
 were  written  there  is  nothing  to  determine.  Ber- 
 theau  maintains  that  they  in  great  part  proceeded 
 from  one  poet.  The  contduding  chapters  (xxx., 
 xxxi.)  are  in  every  way  distinct  from  the  rest  and 
 from  each  other.  The  former,  accoixiing  to  the 
 superscription,  contains  "  the  wojtb  of  Agur  the  son 
 of  Jakeh."  Who  was  Agur,  and  who  was  Jakeh, 
 are  questions  which  have  been  often  asked,  and  never 
 satisfactorily  answered.  All  that  can  be  said  of 
 him  is  that  he  is  an  unknown  Hebrew  sage,  the  son 
 of  an  equally  unknown  Jakeh,  and  that  he  lived 
 after  the  time  of  Hezekiah.  Ewald  attributes  to 
 him  the  authorship  of  xxx.  l-.\xxi.  9,  and  jilaces  him 
 not  e-arlier  than  the  end  of  the  7th  or  lieginning 
 of  the  tith  cent.  H.C.  All  this  is  mere  conjecture. 
 Whoever  he  was  he  apjH'ars  to  have  had  lor  his 
 pupils  Ithiel  and  deal,  whom  he  addresses  in  xxx. 
 1-6,  which  is  followi-d  by  single  proveibs  of  Agur's. 
 Chap.  xxxi.  1-9  contains  "  the  words  of  king 
 Lemuel,  the  pro|ihecy  that  his  mother  taught  him." 
 Lemuel,  like.A^ur,  is  unknown.  The  last  section 
 of  all,  xxxi.  10-31,  is  an  alpliabeticid  acrostic  in 
 jirai.se  of  a  virtuous  woman.  Its  artificial  form 
 stamps  it  a-s  the  production  of  a  late  jieriod  of  He- 
 brew literature,  perhaps  about  the  7th  century  B.C. 
 The  colouring  and  language  p)int  to  a  different 
 author  IVom  the  previous  .section,  xxx.  1-xxxi.  9. 
 To  conclude,  it  appeals,  from  a  consideration  of  the 
 whole  question  of  the  manner  in  which  the  Book  of 
 Proverbs  arrived  at  its  present  sliajH?,  that  the  nu- 
 cleus of  the  whole  was  the  collection  of  Solomon's 
 ]>ioveibs  in  x.  1-xxii.  16;  that  to  this  was  added 
 the  further  collection  made  by  the  learned  men  of 
 
PROVINCE 
 
 the  court  of  Hezokinh.  xxv.-.nxix.  ;  that  these  two 
 were  put  together  and  nnitod  with  xxii.  17-xxiv., 
 Mtid  that  to  this  as  a  whole  the  introduction  i.-ix. 
 was  alhxal,  but  that  whether  it  was  compiled  by  the 
 same  writer  who  added  xxii.  16— xxiv.  cannot  be  de- 
 termined. Nor  is  it  possible  to  assert  that  this 
 same  compiler  may  not  have  added  the  conclud- 
 ing chapters  of  the  hook  to  his  previous  collection. 
 With  regard  to  the  date  at  which  the  several  por- 
 tions of  the  book  were  collected  and  put  in  their 
 present  shape,  the  conclusions  of  various  critics  are 
 iincertam  and  contradictory. 
 
 Province.  It  is  not  intended  here  to  do  more 
 than  indicate  the  points  of  contact  which  this  word 
 presents  with  Biblical  history  and  literature.  (1.) 
 in  the  0.  T.  it  appears  in  connexion  with  the  wars 
 between  Ahab  and  Benhadad  '1  K.  xx.  14,  15,  19j. 
 'I'lie  victory  of  the  former  is  gained  chiefly  "  by  the 
 young  men  of  the  piinces  of  the  provinces,"  i.  e. 
 probably,  of  the  chiefs  of  tribes  in  the  Gilead  country. 
 (2.)  ilore  commonly  the  word  is  used  of  the  divi- 
 sions of  the  Chaldaean  (Dan.  ii.  49,  iii.  1,  3U)  and 
 the  Persian  kingdoms  (Ezr.  ii.  1 ;  Neh.  vii.  6 ; 
 Esth.  i.  1,  22,  ii.  3,  &c.).  The  facts  as  to  the  ad- 
 ministration of  the  Persian  provinces  which  come 
 within  our  view  in  these  passages  are  chiefly  these: 
 — Each  province  has  its  own  goveinor,  who  com- 
 municates more  oi-  less  regularly  with  the  central 
 authority  for  instructions  (Ezr.  iv.  and  v.).  Each 
 province  has  its  own  system  of  finance,  subject 
 to  the  king's  direction  (Herod,  iii.  89).  The  total 
 number  of  the  provinces  is  given  at  127  (Esth.  i. 
 1,  viii.  9).  Through  the  whole  extent  of  the  king- 
 dom there  is  carried  something  like  a  postal  system. 
 The  word  is  used,  it  must  be  remembered,  of  the 
 smaller  sections  of  a  satrapy  rather  than  of  the  sa- 
 trapy itself.  (3.)  In  the  N.  T.  we  are  brought  into 
 contact  with  the  administration  of  the  pi-ovinces 
 of  the  Roman  empire.  '1  he  classification  given  by 
 8ti-abo  (xvii.  p.  840)  of  ]:)r(iviiices  supposed  to  need 
 military  control,  and  therefoi'e  placed  under  the  im- 
 mediate government  of  the  Caesar,  and  those  still 
 belonging  theoretically  to  the  lepublic,  and  admin- 
 isteied  by  the  senate  ;  and  of  the  latter  again  into 
 proconsular  and  praetorian,  is  recognised,  more  or 
 less  distinctly,  in  the  Gosj)els  and  the  Acts.  [Pro- 
 CONSCL ;  Procurator.]  'l"he  (rrpar-nyoi  of  Acts 
 xvi.  22  ("  magistrates,"  A.  V.),  on  the  other  hand, 
 were  the  duuuiviri,  or  praetors  of  a  Koman  colony. 
 The  right  of  any  i^oman  citizen  to  appeal  fiom  a  pro- 
 vincial governor  to  the  emperor  meets  us  as  asserted 
 by  !^t.  Paul  (Acts  XXV.  llj.  In  the  council  of  Acts 
 XXV.  12  we  lecognise  the  assessors  who  weieajipointed 
 to  take  part  in  the  judicial  functions  of  tiie  governor. 
 
 Psalms,  Book  of.  1.  The  Collection  as  a  Whole, 
 — It  does  not  appear  how  the  Psalms  were,  as  a 
 whole,  anciently  designated.  Their  present  Hebrew 
 appellation  is  Tehilliin,  "  Praises."  But  in  the 
 actual  superscriptions  of  the  psalms  the  word  Te- 
 hilldh  is  applied  only  to  one,  Ps.  cxlv.,  which  is 
 indeed  emphatically  a  praise-hymn.  The  LXX. 
 entitled  them  'VaA/j.oi,  or  "  Psalms."  The  Christ- 
 ian Church  obviously  received  the  Psalter  from 
 the  Jews  not  only  as  a  constituent  poition  of  the 
 sacrec  volume  of  Ho!}'  Scripture,  but  also  as  the 
 liturgical  hynm-book  which  the  Jewish  Church  had 
 regularly  used  in  the  Temple.  The  nrimber  of 
 separate  psalms  contained  in  it  is,  by  the  concordant 
 testimony  of  all  ancient  authoiities,  one  hundred 
 and  tifty  ;  .the  avowedly  "  supei  numerai-y  "  psalm 
 #hich  appejirs  at  the  end  of  the  Greek  and  Syriac 
 
 PSALMS,  BOOK  OF 
 
 761 
 
 Psalters  being  manifestly  apocryphal.  In  the  de- 
 toils,  bowever,  of  the  numbering,  both  the  Gieek 
 and  Syriac  Psalters  differ  from  the  Hebrew.  Of  the 
 three  divergent  systems  of  numbering,  the  Hebrew 
 (as  followed  in  our  A.  V.)  is,  even  on  intej  nal 
 grounds,  to  be  prefened.— 2.  Component  Parts  of 
 the  Collection. — Ancient  tradition  and  internal  evid- 
 ence concur  in  parting  the  Psalter  into  five  great 
 divisions  or  books.  The  ancient  Jewish  tiadition  is 
 preserved  to  us  by  the  abundant  testimonies  of  the 
 Christian  Fathers.  It  suggests  itself  at  once  that 
 these  Boolcs  must  have  been  originally  formed  at 
 di liferent  periods.  This  is  by  various  further  con- 
 siderations rendered  all  but  certain,  while  the  few 
 difficulties  which  stand  in  the  way  of  admitting  it 
 vanish  when  closely  examined.  Thus,  there  is  a 
 remarkable  diflerence  between  the  several  Books  in 
 their  use  of  the  divine  names  Jehovah  and  Elohini, 
 to  designate  Almighty  God.  In  Book  I.  (i.-xli.)  the 
 foiTiier  name  prevails  :  it  is  found  272  times,  while 
 Elohim  occurs  but  15  times.  (We  here  take  uo 
 account  of  the  superscriptions  or  doxolog}',  nor  yet 
 of  the  occurrences  of  Elohim  when  inflected  with  a 
 possessive  suffix.)  On  the  other  hand,  in  Book  II. 
 (xlii.-lx.xii.),  Elohim  is  found  more  than  five  times 
 as  often  as  Jehovah.  la  Book  III.  (Lxxiii.-lxxxix.), 
 the  preponderance  of  Elohim  in  the  earlier  is  balanced 
 by  that  of  Jehovah  in  the  later  psalms  of  the  Book, 
 in  Book  IV.  (xc.-cvi.)  the  name  Jehovah  is  exclus- 
 ively employed ;  and  so  also,  virtually,  in  Book  V. 
 (cvii.-cL),  Elohim  being  there  found  only  in  two 
 passages  incorporated  from  earlier  psalms.  Those 
 who  maintain,  therefore,  that  the  psalms  weie  all 
 collected  and  arranged  at  once,  contend  that  the 
 collector  distributed  the  psalms  according  to  the 
 divine  names  which  they  severally  exhibited.  We 
 find  the  several  groups  of  psalms  which  form  the 
 respective  five  Books  distinguished,  in  gi-eat  measure, 
 by  their  superscriptions  from  each  other.  Book  I.  is 
 exclusively  Davidic.  Book  II.  falls,  by  the  super- 
 scriptions of  its  psalms,  into  two  distinct  subdivisions, 
 a  Levitic  and  a  Davidic.  In  Book  III.  the  psalms  are 
 all  ascribed,  explicitly  or  virtually,  to  the  various 
 Levite  singei-s,  except  only  Ps.  Ixxxvi.,  which  bears 
 the  name  of  David.  In  Books  IV.,  V.,  we  have, 
 in  all,  seventeen  psalms  marked  with  David's  name. 
 In  reasoning  from  the  phenomena  of  the  super- 
 sv,nptions,  we  have  to  meet  the  pieliminary  enquiry 
 whici  has  been  raised,  Are  the  superscriptions 
 authentic?  For  the  afiirmative  it  is  contended  that 
 they  form  an  integral,  and  till  modern  times  almost 
 undisputed  poition  of  the  Hebrew  text  of  Scripture; 
 that  they  are  in  analogy  with  other  biblical  su|)er-  or 
 subscriptions,  Davidic  or  otherwise  (comp.  2  Sam.  i. 
 18,  probably  based  on  an  old  superscription  ;  ib.  xxiii. 
 1  ;  Is.  xxxviii,  9  ;  Hab.  iii.  1,  19j  ;  and  that  their 
 diversified,  unsystematic,  and  often  obscure  and  enig- 
 matical character  is  inconsistent  with  the  theory  of 
 their  having  originated  at  a  later  period.  On  the 
 other  hand  is  urged  their  analogy  with  the  untrust- 
 worthy subscriptions  of  the  N.  T.  epistles  ;  as  also  the 
 fact  that  many  arbitraiy  supei-scriptions  are  added 
 in  the  Greek  version  of  the  Psalter,  We  are  con- 
 vinced that  they  are,  when  rightly  interpreted,  fully 
 trustworthy,  and  that  every  separate  objection  that 
 has  been  made  to  the  correctness  of  any  one  of  them 
 can  be  fairly  met.  Let  us  now  then  trace  the  bear- 
 ing of  the  superscriptions  upon  the  date  and  method 
 of  compilation  of  the  several  Books.  Book  1.  is,  by 
 the  superscriptions,  entirely  Davidic  ;  nor  do  we 
 find  in  it  a  trace  of  any  but  David's  authorship. 
 
7G2 
 
 PSALMS,  BOOK  OP 
 
 We  may  well  heliove  that  the  compilation  of  the 
 lliiok  was  also  David's  work.  Uook  II.  appears  by 
 the  (late  of  its  latest  psalm,  Ps.  \lvi.,  to  have  l)eeu 
 compileii  in  the  reign  of  King  Hezekiah.  It  would 
 naturally  comprise,  1st,  several  or  most  of  the  Levi- 
 tii^al  psalms  interior  to  that  date;  and  'iiidly,  the 
 remainder  of  the  j)salms  of  David  previously  uiicnm- 
 piled.  To  these  latter  the  col  la-tor,  after  proi)erly 
 ajipending  the  single  psalm  of  Solomon,  has  alh.xed 
 the  notice  that  "  the  prayers  of  David  the  son  of 
 Jesse  are  ended  "  (Ps.  Ixxii.  '-'O)  ;  evidently  imiily- 
 ing,  at  le;ist  on  the  prima  facie  view,  tliat  no  more 
 compositions  of  the  royal  psalmist  remained.  How 
 then  do  we  find,  in  the  later  Books  111.,  IV.,  V., 
 further  psalms  yet  marked  with  David's  name? 
 The  name  David  is  used  to  denote,  in  other  parts 
 of  .Scriptui  e,  after  the  original  David's  deiith,  the 
 then  head  of  the  Davidic  family;  and  so,  in  pro- 
 phecy, the  Messiah  of  the  seed  of  David,  who  was 
 to  sit  on  David's  throne  (1  K.  xii.  16  ;  Hos.  iii.  5; 
 Is.  Iv.  3  ;  Jer.  x.xx.  9  ;  Ez.  xxjciv.  23,  24).  And 
 thus  then  we  may  explain  the  meaning  of  the  later 
 Davidic  sujierscriptions  in  the  Psalter.  The  psalms 
 to  which  they  belong  were  written  by  Hezekiah, 
 1)V  .Josiah,  by  Zerubbabel,  or  others  of  David's  post- 
 erity. The  above  explanation  removes  all  serious 
 diliicultv  resjiectiug  the  history  of  the  later  Books  of 
 the  Psalter.  Book  111.,  the  interest  of  which  centies 
 ill  the  times  of  Hezekiah,  stretches  out,  by  its  last 
 two  psalms,  to  the  reign  of  Manasseh  :  it  was  pro- 
 bably compiled  in  the  reign  of  .losiah.  Book  W . 
 contains  the  remainder  of  the  jwalms  up  to  the  date 
 of  the  Captivity  ;  Book  V.  the  Psalms  of  the  lieturu. 
 There  is  iiolhiiig  to  distinguish  these  two  Books 
 from  each  other  in  respect  of  outward  decoration  or 
 arrangemeHt,  and  they  may  have  been  compiled  to- 
 gether in  the  days  of  Nehemiah.  It  would  mani- 
 festly be  impossible,  in  the  compass  of  an  article 
 like  the  present,  to  exhibit  in  detail  the  divergent 
 views  which  have  been  taken  of  the  dates  of  pai- 
 ticular  psalms.  Theie  is,  however,  one  matter 
 which  must  not  be  altogether  passed  over  in  silence  : 
 the  assignment  of  various  psalms,  by  a  large  number 
 of  critics,  to  the  age  of  the  Maccabees.  The  thiee 
 named  by  De  Wetteas  bearing,  apparently,  a  Macca- 
 bean  impress,  are  Pss.  xliv.,  Ix.,  Ixxiv. ;  and  in 
 tiut  tlies?,  together  with  Ps.  Ixxix.,  are  peihaps  all 
 that  would,  when  taken  alone,  seriously  suggest  the 
 hypothesis  of  a  Maccabean  date.  Whence  then  arise 
 thi:  early  places  in  the  Ps;dter  which  these  occupy? 
 But  even  in  the  case  of  these,  the  internal  evidence, 
 when  more  narrowly  examined,  proves  to  be  in 
 favour  of  an  earlier  date.— 3.  Connexion  of  the 
 Psalms  with  the  Tsraelitish  history, — The  psjilms 
 grew,  essentially  and  gradually,  out  of  the  personal 
 and  national  career  of  David  and  of  Israel.  That 
 of  Moses,  Ps.  xc,  which,  though  it  contributed 
 little  to  the  production  of  the  rest,  is  yet,  in  j>oint 
 of  actual  date,  the  earliest,  faithfully  reflects  the 
 long,  weary  wanderings,  the  multiplied  provoaifions, 
 and  the  consequent  piuiishments  of  the  wilderness  ; 
 ami  it  is  well  tlvit  the  Psiilter  should  contain  at 
 le;ist  one  memorial  of  those  foity  yeai-s  of  toil.  It 
 is,  however,  with  David  that  Israelitish  psalmody 
 may  be  .said  virtually  to  commence.  Previous 
 mastery  over  his  harj)  had  probi'.bly  already  pre- 
 |)ared  the  way  for  his  I'uture  strains,  when  the  an- 
 ointing oil  of  Samuel  descended  upon  him,  and  he 
 began  to  drink  in  .special  meiusure,  from  that  day 
 forward,  of  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord.  It  was  then 
 Cliat,  victorious  at  home  over  the  mysterious  ineliiii- 
 
 PSALMS,  BOOK  OF 
 
 clioly  of  ."^aul  and  in  the  Held  over  the  vaunting 
 champion  of  the  Philistine  hosts,  he  sang  how  from 
 even  babes  and  sucklings  God  had  ordained  strength 
 because  of  His  enemies  i  Ps.  viii.).  His  ne.\t  psalms 
 are  of  a  diii'erent  character;  his  persecutions  at  the 
 hands  of  Saul  had  commenced.  U'hen  David's  reign 
 has  begun,  it  is  still  with  the  most  exciting  in- 
 cidents of  his  history,  private  or  public,  that  his 
 psalms  are  mainly  associated.  There  aie  none  to 
 which  the  period  of  his  reign  at  Hebron  can  lay 
 exclusive  claim.  But  after  the  conquest  of  Jeru- 
 saleni  his  psalmody  opened  afresh  with  the  solemn 
 removal  of  the  ark  to  Mount  Zion  ;  and  in  Pss. 
 xxiv.— xxix.,  which  belong  togetiier,  we  have  the 
 earliest  definite  instance  of  David's  systematic  com- 
 position or  aiTangement  of  jisalms  for  public  use. 
 Even  of  those  psiilms  which  cannot  be  referred  to 
 any  definite  occasion,  several  reflect  the  general 
 historical  circumstances  of  the  times.  Thus  Ps.  ix. 
 is  a  thanksgiving  for  the  deliverance  of  the  land  of 
 Israel  from  its  fonner  heathen  oppressors.  Ps.  x.  is 
 a  prayer  for  the  deliverance  of  the  Church  from  the 
 high-handed  oppression  exercised  from  within.  The 
 succeeding  psalms  dwell  on  the  same  theme,  the 
 virtual  internal  heathenism  by  which  the  Cliurch  of 
 God  was  weighed  down.  So  that  there  remain  very 
 few,  c.  f/.  Pss.  xv.-xvii.,  xix.,  xx.Kii.  (with  its  choral 
 appendage  xxxiii.j,  xxxvii.,  of  which  some  historical 
 account  may  not  be  given,  A  season  ot'  repo.se  near 
 the  close  of  his  leign  induced  David  to  compose  h\s 
 grand  personal  thanksgiving  for  the  deliverances  of 
 his  whole  life,  Ps.  xviii.  ;  the  date  of  which  is  ap- 
 proximately determined  by  the  place  at  which  it 
 is  iuseited  in  the  liistory  (2  Sam.  xxii.).  It  was 
 probably  at  this  period  that  he  finally  arranged  for 
 the  s;uictuary-service  that  collection  of  his  psalms 
 which  now  constitutes  the  Kiist  liook  ot' the  Psalter. 
 The  course  of  David's  reign  was  not,  however,  as 
 yet  complete.  The  solemn  assembly  convened  by 
 liim  for  the  dedication  of  the  materials  of  the  future 
 Temple  (1  Chr.  xxviii.,  xxix.)  would  naturally  call 
 forth  a  renewal  of  his  best  eHorts  to  glorify  the 
 (iod  of  Israel  in  psalms;  and  to  this  occision  we 
 doubtless  owe  the  great  festal  hymns  P'-s.  Ixv,- 
 Ixvii.,  Ixviii.,  containing  a  large  review  of  the  p;i.st 
 liistory,  present  jwsition,  and  prospective  glories  of 
 (iod's  chosen  jieople.  The  supplications  ol  Ps.  Ixix. 
 suit  best  with  the  renewal  distress  ocaisioned  by 
 the  sedition  of  Adonijah.  Ps.  Ixxi.,  to  which  Ps. 
 Ixx.,  a  fragment  of  a  former  psalm,  is  introductoiy, 
 forms  David's  parting  strain.  Yet  that  the  psalm- 
 ody of  Israel  may  not  seem  finally  to  terminate  with 
 him,  the  glories  of  the  t'uture  are  tbrthwith  iuitici- 
 pate<l  by  his  son  in  Ps.  Ixxii.  For  a  time  the  single 
 psalm  of  Solomon  remained  the  only  addition  to 
 those  of  Davi<i.  If,  however,  religioius  psalmody 
 were  to  revive,  .somewhat  might  be  not  unrea-soniibly 
 anticipated  from  the  great  ;ussembly  of  King  Asa 
 (2  Chr.  XV.);  and  Ps.  1.  suits  so  exactly  with  the 
 circumstmces  of  that  ocwision,  that  it  may  well  be 
 assigned  to  it.  The  gre.it  prophetical  ode  i's.  xlv. 
 connects  it.self  most  raidily  with  the  splendours  of 
 ,lehosha|)hat's  reign.  .\n<l  atler  that  jisalmody  had 
 thus  deliiiitely  revived,  there  would  be  no  re-ison 
 why  it  should  not  tlienceforward  manifest  itaeK  in 
 seiusons  of  anxiety,  as  well  as  of  festivity  and  thanks- 
 giving. Hence  Ps.  xlix.  Yet  the  psalms  of  this 
 period  flow  but  si-Kiringly.  Pss.  xlii.-xliv.,  Ixxiv., 
 are  l)est  assigned  to  the  reign  of  Ahaz.  The  reign 
 of  Hezekiah  is  naturally  rich  in  p.salnuKly.  Ps.s. 
 .xlvi.,  Ixxiii.,  Ixxv.,  Ixxvi.,  connect  themselves  with 
 
PSALMS,  BOOK  OF 
 
 tlic  rosistance  to  the  supremacy  of  the  Assyrians  and 
 (he  divine  destruction  of  their  host.  We  are  now 
 brought  to  a  series  of  psalms  of  peculiar  interest, 
 springing  oat  of  the  political  and  religious  histoiy 
 of  the  separated  ten  tribes.  In  date  of  actual  com- 
 position they  commence  before  the  times  of  Hezeliiah. 
 i'he  earliest  is  probably  Ps.  Ix.x.x.,  a  supplication 
 for  tlie  Israelitish  people  at  the  time  of  the  Syrian 
 oppression.  All  these  psalms  (l.\.\x.-lxx.\iii.)  are 
 referred  by  their  superscriptions  to  the  Levite 
 singers,  and  thus  bear  witness  to  the  efforts  of  the 
 I.evites  to  reconcile  the  two  blanches  of  the  chosen 
 nation.  The  captivity  of  Manasseh  himself  pioved 
 to  be  but  temporary  ;  but  the  sentence  which  his 
 sins  had  provol^ed  upon  Judah  and  Jerusalem  still 
 remained  to  be  executed,  and  precluded  the  hope 
 tliat  God's  salvation  could  be  revealed  till  after  such 
 an  outpouring  of  His  judgments  as  the  nation  never 
 yet  had  known.  Labour  and  sonow  must  be  the 
 lot  of  the  present  generation  ;  through  these  mercy 
 might  occasionally  gleam,  but  the  glory  which  was 
 eventually  to  be  manifested  must  be  for  posterity 
 alone.  The  psalms  of  Book  IV.  bear  geneially  the 
 impress  of  this  feeling.  We  pass  to  Book  V.  Ps. 
 cvii.  is  the  opening  psalm  of  the  return,  sung  pro- 
 bably at  the  first  Feast  of  Tabernacles  (i-zr.  iii.). 
 The  ensuing  Davidic  psalms  may  well  be  ascribed 
 to  Zerubbabel.  We  here  pass  over  the  questions 
 connected  with  Ps.  cxix.  ;  but  a  directly  historical 
 character  belongs  to  Pss.  cxx.-c.xxxiv.,  styled  in  our 
 A.  V.  "  .^'ongs  of  Degrees."  Inteina!  evidence  refers 
 these  to  tiie  period  when  the  Jews  under  Nehemiah 
 were,  in  the  very  face  of  the  enemy,  repairing  the 
 walls  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  title  may  well  signify 
 "  Songs  of  goings  up  upon  the  walls,"  the  psalms 
 being,  fiom  their  brevity,  well  adapted  to  be  sung 
 by  the  workmen  and  guards  while  engaged  in  their 
 respecti^  e  duties.  Of  somewhat  earlier  date,  it  may 
 be,  are  Ps.  cxxxvii.  and  the  ensuing  Davidic  psalms. 
 Of  these,  Ps.  cxxxix.  is  a  psalm  of  the  new  birth  of 
 Israel,  from  the  womb  of  the  Babylonish  captivity, 
 to  a  life  of  righteousness;  Pss.  cxl.-cxliii.  may  be 
 a  picture  of  the  trials  to  which  the  unrestored  exiles 
 were  still  exposed  in  the  realms  of  the  Gentiles. 
 Henceforward,  as  we  approach  the  close  of  the 
 Psalter,  its  strains  rise  in  cheerfulness ;  and  it  fit- 
 tingly teiniinates  with  Pss.  cxlvii.-cl.,  which  were 
 probably  sung  on  the  occasion  of  the  thanksgiving 
 j)rocession  of  Neh.  xii.,  alter  the  rebuilding  of  the 
 walls  of  Jerusalem. had  been  completed.— t.  Moral 
 Characteristics  of  the  Psalms. — Foremost  among 
 these  meets  us,  undoubtedly,  the  universal  recourse 
 to  communion  with  God.  Connected  with  this  is 
 the  faith  by  which  the  psalmist  everywhere  lives 
 in  God  rather  than  in  himself.  It  is  of  the  essence 
 of  such  taith  that  his  view  of  the  perfections  of 
 God  should  be  true  and  vivid.  The  Psalter  de- 
 scribes God  as  He  is:  it  glows  with  testimonies  to 
 His  power  and  piovidence.  His  love  and  faithfulness. 
 His  holiness  and  righteousness.  The  Psalms  not 
 only  set  forth  the  perfections  of  God:  they  proclaim 
 also  the  duty  of  worshipping  Him  by  the  acknow- 
 ledgment and  adoration  of  His  perfections.  They 
 encourage  all  outward  rites  and  means  of  worship. 
 Among  these  they  recognise  the  ordinance  of  sacri- 
 fice as  an  expression  of  the  worshipper's  consecra- 
 tion of  himself  to  God's  service.  But  not  the  less 
 do  they  repudiate  the  outwai'd  rite  when  separated 
 from  that  which  it  was  designed  to  express.  Similar 
 (iclith  is  observable  in  the  view  taken  by  the  psalm- 
 ists of  huniiui  sin.    In  regard  to  the  law,  the  psalmist, 
 
 PSALTERY 
 
 76;j 
 
 while  warmly  acknowledging  its  excellence,  feels  yet 
 that  it  cannot  so  eH'ectually  guide  his  own  unas- 
 sisted e.\ertions  as  to  pieseive  him  from  error  (Ps. 
 xis.).  The  Psalms  bear  repeated  testimony  to  the 
 duty  of  instiucting  others  in  the  ways  of  holiness 
 (Pss.  xxxii.,  xxxiv.,  li.).  This  brings  us  to  notice, 
 lastly,  the  faith  of  the  psalmists  in  a  i-ighteous  re- 
 compense to  all  men  according  to  their  deeds  (Ps. 
 xxxvii.,  &c.).— 5.  Prophetical  Character  of  the 
 Psalms. — The  moral  struggle  between  godliness  and 
 ungodliness,  so  vividly  depicted  in  the  Psalms,  cul- 
 minates, in  Holy  Scripture,  in  the  life  of  the  Incarn- 
 ate Son  of  God  upon  earth.  It  onlyremams  to 
 show  that  the  Psalms  themselves  definitely  anti- 
 cipated this  culmination.  Now  there  are  in  the 
 Psalter  at  least  three  jisalms  of  which  the  interest 
 evitlently  centies  in  a  pei'son  distinct  from  the 
 speaker,  and  which,  since  they  cannot  without  vio- 
 lence to  the  language  be  interpreted  of  any  but  tlie 
 Messiah,  may  be  termed  directly  and  exclusively 
 Messianic.  We  refei'  to  Pss.  ii.,  xlv.,  ex. ;  to  which 
 may  perhaps  be  added  I's.  l.xxii.  It  would  be 
 strange  if  these  few  psalms  stood,  in  their  prophet- 
 ical significance,  absolutely  alone  among  the  rest: 
 the  more  so,  inasmuch  as  Ps.  ii.  forms  part  of  the 
 preface  to  the  First  Book  of  the  Psalter,  and  would, 
 as  such,  be  entirely  out  of  place,  did  not  its  general 
 theme  virtually  extend  itself  over  those  which  fol- 
 low, in  which  the  interest  generally  centres  in  the 
 figure  of  the  suppliant  or  worshipjiei'  himself.  And 
 hence  the  impossibility  of  viewing  the  psalms  gener- 
 ally, notwithstanding  the  historical  drapery  in 
 which  they  are  outwardly  clothed,  as  simply  the 
 past  devotions  of  the  historical  David  or  the  his- 
 torical Israel.  All  these  psalms  which  are  of  a 
 personal  rather  than  of  a  national  character  are 
 marked  in  the  superscriptions  with  the  name  of 
 David,  as  proceeding  either  from  David  himself  or 
 from  one  of  his  descendants.  It  results  from  this, 
 that  while  the  Davidic  psalms  are  partly  personal, 
 partly  national,  the  Levitic  psalms  are  iniiformly 
 national.  It  thus  follows  that  it  was  only  those 
 psalmists  who  were  types  of  Christ  by  external  office 
 and  lineage  as  well  as  by  inward  piety,  that  wei'e 
 charged  by  the  Holy  Spirit  to  set  forth  beforehand, 
 in  Christ's  own  name  and  person,  the  sufferings 
 that  awaited  him  and  the  glory  that  should  follow. 
 The  national  hymns  of  Israel  are  indeed  also  pro- 
 spective ;  but  in  general  they  anticipate  rather  the 
 struggles  and  the  triumphs  of  the  Christian  Church 
 than  those  of  Christ  Himself. 
 
 Psaltery.  The  psaltery  was  a  stringed  instru- 
 ment of  music  to  accompany  the  voice.  The 
 Hebrew  7iebel,  or  nebel,  is  so  rendered  in  the  A.  V. 
 in  all  passages  where  it  occurs,  except  in  Is.  v.  12, 
 xiv.  11,  xxii.  24  marg. ;  Am.  v.  23,  vi.  5,  where  it 
 is  tianslated  viol.  The  ancient  viol  was  a  six- 
 stringed  guitar.  In  the  Prayer  Book  version  of 
 the  Psalms,  the  Hebrew  word  is  rendered  "  lute." 
 This  instrument  resembled  the  guitar,  but  was  su- 
 perior in  tone,  being  larger,  and  having  a  convex 
 back,  somewhat  like  the  vertical  section  of  a  gourd, 
 or  more  nearly  resembling  that  of  a  pear.  These 
 three  mstruments,  the  psaltery  or  sautry,  the  viol, 
 and  the  lute,  are  frequently  associated  in  the  old 
 English  poets,  and  were  clearly  instruments  ro- 
 sembliug  each  other,  though  still  different.  The 
 Greek  ^aXT-qpiov,  from  which  our  word  is  derived, 
 denotes  an  instrument  played  with  the  fingers  in- 
 stead of  a  plectrum  or  quill,  the  verb  ^aWtw 
 being  used  of  twanging  the   bow-string.     But  it 
 
764 
 
 PTOLEMEE 
 
 only  occurs  in  the  I, XX.  ;is  the  lemlering  of  the 
 lleb.  nebel  or  nchel  in  Neh.  xii.  27,  and  Is.  v.  12, 
 ami  in  all  the  passairrs  of  the  I'salms,  except  I's. 
 Ixxi.  22,  and  Ps.  Ixxxi.  2,  while  in  Am.  v,  2.'],  vi.  5 
 the  general  term  ipyavov  is  employed.  In  all 
 iitlier  ciises  va^Ka  represents  nehel  or  nebel.  These 
 various  reniierin<;s  are  sulHcient  to  show  that  at  the 
 time  the  translation  of  the  LXX.  was  made,  there 
 was  no  certiiin  :,lentitication  of  the  Hebiew  instru- 
 ment with  any  known  to  the  tianslators.  The  ren- 
 dering vd^Ka  commends  itself  on  account  of  the 
 similarity  of  the  Greek  word  with  the  Hebrew. 
 Josephus  appeals  to  have  legaided  them  as  equi- 
 vakiit,  and  liis  is  tlie  only  direct  evidence  upon  the 
 point.  He  tells  us  that  the  difference  between  the 
 Ktvvpa  (Heb.  cinnor)  and  the  i/aj3Aa  was.  that 
 the  former  had  ten  strings  and  was  played  with 
 the  plectrum,  the  latter  had  twelve  notes  and  was 
 plaved  with  the  hand.  We  have  strong  presimptive 
 evidence  that  nahia  and  nebel  are  the  same  ;  and 
 tliat  the  na'da  and  ps'ilterion  are  identical  appears 
 from  the  Glossary  ol"  Philosenus.  Of  the  Psaltery 
 among  the  Ci  reeks  there  appear  to  have  been  two 
 kinds.  Both  Isidorus  and  Cassiodorus  describe  the 
 psaltery  as  triangular  in  shape,  like  the  Greek  A, 
 with  the  sounding-board  above  the  strings,  which 
 were  struck  downwards.  It  is  impossible  to  say 
 positively  with  what  instrument  the  nebel  of  the 
 Hebrew  exactly  corresponded.  It  was  probably  of 
 various  kinds,  as  Kinichi  says  in  his  note  on  Is. 
 xxii.  24,  dirt'ering  fiom  each  other  both  with  legard 
 to  the  position  of  the  pegs  and  the  number  of  the 
 strings.  The  neberasor  (Ps.  xxxiii.  2,  xcii.  3  [4], 
 cxiiv.  9)  aj)pears  to  have  been  an  instrument  of  the 
 psaltery  kind  which  had  ten  strings,  and  was  of  a 
 trapezium  sha])e,  according  to  some  accounts.  From 
 the  fact  that  nebel  in  Hebrew  also  signifies  a  wine- 
 bottle  or  skin,  it  has  been  conjectured  that  the  term 
 when  apjdied  to  a  musical  instrument  denotes  a  kind 
 of  bagpipe.  The  psalteries  of  I  (avid  were  made  of 
 cypiess  (2  Sam.  vi.  5),  those  of  Solomon  of  algum 
 or  almug-trees  (2  Chr.  ix.  11).  Among  the  instru- 
 ments of  the  band  which  played  before  Nebuchad- 
 nezzar's golden  image  on  the  plains  of  Dura,  we 
 again  meet  with  the  psaltery  (Dan.  iii.  5,  10,  15; 
 pesiinterin).  The  Clialdee  word  appears  to  be 
 merely  a  mollification  ot' tlio  Greek  i|/aAT^7pioi/. 
 
 Ptoremee  and  Ptolemeus.— 1,  "  Tlie  son  of 
 Doiynieiies"  (1  Mace.  iii.  ^8 ;  2  Mace.  iv.  45; 
 ciimp.  Polyb.  v.  61),  a  courtier  who  possessed  greiit 
 influence  with  Antiochus  Kpiph.  He  was  induced 
 1)7  a  biibe  to  sn|)|)ort  the  cause  of  Mcnelaus  (2  Mace, 
 iv.  4r>-50).  Ptolemy  took  part  in  the  great  expedi- 
 tion which  Lysias  organized  against  .Judas  (1  Mace, 
 iii.  .'58).^2.  The  son  of  Agosarchus,  a  JTegalo- 
 jHilitfin,  surnamed  Macron  (2  Mace.  x.  12),  who 
 w;ls  governor  of  Cyprus  duiing  the  minorit)'  of 
 Pinl.  I'hilometor.  He  afterwards  deserted  the 
 l'^t,'yptian  service  to  join  Antiochus  ICpiph.  He 
 stood  high  in  the  favour  of  Antiochus,  and  receive<l 
 liom  him  tiie  governniont  of  Phoenicia  and  Coele- 
 •Syria  (2  Mace.  viii.  8,  x.  11,  12).  On  the  accession 
 ol  Ant.  Kujiator,  his  conciliatory  jiolicy  towards  the 
 .lews  brought  him  into  su.spicion  at  court.  He  was 
 deprived  of  his  government,  and  in  consequence  of 
 this  di>'xrace  he  poisoned  himsi'lf  c.  H.C.  164 
 (2  Mace.  X.  13).— 3.  The  son  of  Abnbus,  who 
 mairie'i  the  daughter  of  Simon  the  Maccal>eo.  He 
 was  a  man  of  great  wealth,  and  being  invested  with 
 the  government  of  the  district  of  Jericho,  formed  the 
 design  of  usurping  the  sovereignty  of  .ludaca.    With 
 
 PTOLEMAEU3 
 
 this  view  he  treacherously  nuirdeied  Simon  and  two 
 of  his  sons  (1  Mace.  xvi.  11-16);  but  Johannes 
 Hyrcanus  received  timely  intimation  of  his  design, 
 and  es(aped.  Hyrcanus  afterwards  besieged  him 
 in  his  stronghold  of  l>6k,  but  in  consequence  of  th« 
 occurrence  of  the  Sabbatical  year,  he  was  enabled  to 
 make  his  escape  to  Zeno  Cotylas,  pi  ince  of  Phila- 
 delphia.—4.  \  ( itizeii  of  .Jerusalem,  father  of  Lysi- 
 machus.  theCiieek  translator  of  Esther  (Ksth.  xiii.). 
 
 Ptolemae'us  L  Soter,  known  as  the  son  of 
 Lagus,  a  Macedonian  of  low  rank,  was  generally 
 supposed  to  have  been  an  illegitimate  .son  of  Philip. 
 He  distinguished  himself  gieatly  during  the  cam- 
 paigns of  Alexander  ;  at  whose  death,  foreseeing  the 
 necessary  subdivision  of  the  em])iie,  he  secured  foi- 
 himself  the  government  of  Kgvpt,  where  he  pro- 
 ceeded at  once  to  lay  the  foundations  of  a  kingdom 
 (li.C.  323).  He  abdicated  in  favour  of  his  youngest 
 son  Ptol.  II.  Philadelphits,  two  years  before  his  death, 
 which  took  place  in  B.C.  283.  Ptol.  Soter  is  described 
 very  briefly  in  Daniel  (xi.  5)  as  one  of  those  who 
 should  receive  part  of  the  empire  of  Alexander  when 
 it  was  "  divi'led  toward  the  four  winds  of  heaven." 
 
 Ptolemae'us  II.  PMladel'phus,  the  youngest 
 sou  of  Ptol.  1.,  was  made  king  two  years  before 
 his  ileath,  to  confirm  the  irregular  succession.  The 
 conflict  between  Egypt  and  Syria  was  renewed 
 dining  his  reign  in  consequence  of  the  intrigue  of 
 his  half-brother  Magas.  "  But  in  the  end  of  i/eara 
 they  [the  kings  of  Syria  and  Egypt]  joined  them- 
 selves together  [in  friendship].  For  the  king's 
 daughter  of  the  south  [Berenice,  the  daughter  of 
 Ptol.  Philadelphus]  came  [as  bride]  to  the  Idmj  of 
 the  north  [Antiochus  II.],  to  make  an  agreement  " 
 (Dan.  xi.  6).  In  other  respects,  however,  this 
 reign  was  a  critical  epoch  for  the  develo])ment  of 
 Judaism,  as  it  was  for  the  intellectual  history  of 
 the  ancient  world.  The  liberal  encouragement 
 which  Ptolemy  bestowed  on  literature  and  science 
 gave  birth  to  a  new  school  of  writers  and  thinkei"s. 
 Tiie  critical  faculty  was  called  forth  in  place  of  the 
 creative,  and  learning  in  some  sen.se  supplied  the 
 place  of  original  speculation.  It  was  iinpussible 
 that  the  Jew,  who  was  now  become  as  true  a 
 citizen  of  the  world  as  the  Greek,  should  remain 
 passive  in  the  conflict  of  opinions.  It  is  enough 
 now  to  observe  the  greatness  of  the  coiiseqiiem  es  in- 
 volved in  the  union  of  Greek  language  with  Jewis'n 
 thought.  From  this  time  the  Jew  was  familiarized 
 with  the  great  types  of  Western  literature,  and  in 
 .some  deejree  aimed  at  imitating  them.  An  elder 
 Philo  celebrated  Jerusalem  in  a  long  he.xameter 
 poem.  Another  epic  poem,  "on  the  Jews,"  was 
 written  by  Theodotus.  The  work  of  AKISTOI3ULU8 
 on  the  interpretation  of  the  Law  was  a  still  more 
 important  result  ot  the  combination  of  the  old  faith 
 with  Greek  culture,  as  forming  the  groundwoik  of 
 later  allegories.  A  second  time  and  in  a  new 
 fashion  Egypt  disciplined  a  people  of  God.  It  first 
 impressed  upon  a  nation  the  firm  unity  of  a  family, 
 and  then  in  due  time  leconnecfed  a  maturi'd  pcojile 
 with  the  world  from  which  it  had  Iwn  called  out. 
 
 Ptolemae'us  III.  Euer'getes  was  the  eldest  son 
 of  Ptol.  Phil. id.  and  br.>tlier  of  Berenice  the  wife  of 
 .Antiochus  II.  The  reiJiidiation  and  niuiiler  ol'  his 
 sister  fumished  him  with  an  occasion  for  invading 
 Syria  (c.  n.C.  246).  He  "stood  rip,  a  branch  onl 
 of  her  stock  [sprung  from  the  same  parents]  in  his 
 r father's]  estate:  and  set  himtclf  at  [the  head  ofj 
 liis  itrmg,  and  came  against  the  fortresses  of  the 
 l.ing  of  the  north  [Antiochus],  ami  dealt  against 
 
PTOLEMAEUS 
 
 tliem  and  prevailed"  (Dan.  xi.  7).  He  extendeil 
 his  conquests  as  far  as  Antioch,  and  then  eastwards 
 to  Babylon,  but  was  recalled  to  Egypt  by  tidings  of 
 seditions  which  had  broken  out  there.  His  success 
 was  brilliant  and  complete.  "He  carried  captive 
 into  Egi/pt  the  gods  [of  the  conquei'ed  nations]  uilh 
 their  molten  images,  and  with  their  precious  vessels 
 of  silver  and  ijold"  (Dan.  xi.  8).  This  capture  of 
 sacred  tropiiies  earned  for  the  king  the  name  Euer- 
 getes  — "  Benefactor" — recorded  in  the  inscriptions 
 which  he  set  up  at  Adule  in  memory  of  his  achieve- 
 ments (Cosmas  Ind.  ap.  Clint.  F.  H.  382  n).  After 
 his  return  to  Egy'pt  (cir.  BC.  243)  he  suffered  a 
 great  part  of  the  conquered  provinces  to  tall  again 
 under  the  power  of  Seleucus.  But  the  attempts 
 which  Seleucus  made  to  attack  Egypt  terminated 
 disastrously  to  himself.  He  tirst  collected  a  fleet 
 whicli  was  almost  totally  destroyed  by  a  stomi ;  and 
 then,  as  if  by  some  judicial  infatuation,  "  he  came 
 against  the  realm  of  tlie  king  of  the  south,  and  ["being 
 defeated]  returned  to  his  own  land  [to  Antioch]  " 
 (Dan.  xi.  9;  Justin,  xxvii.  2j.  After  this  Ptolemy 
 "  desisted  some  years  from  [attacking]  the  king  of 
 the  north"  (Dan.  xi.  8).  The  remainder  of  the 
 reign  of  Ptolemy  seems  to  have  been  spent  chiefly  in 
 developing  the  resources  of  the  empire. 
 
 Ptolemae'us  IV.  Philop'ator.  After  the  death 
 of  Ptol.  Euergetes  the  line  of  the  Ptolemies  rapidly 
 degenerated.  Ptol.  Philopator,  his  eldest  son,  who 
 succeeded  him,  was  to  the  last  degree  sensual,  etie- 
 minate,  and  debased.  But  externally  his  kingdom 
 retained  its  power  and  splendour  ;  and  when  cir- 
 cumstances forced  him  to  action,  Ptolemy  himself 
 showed  ability  not  unworthy  of  his  race.  The  de- 
 scription of  the  campaign  of  Raphia  (B.C.  217)  in 
 the  Book  of  Daniel  gives  a  vivid  de.scription  of  his 
 character.  "  The  sons  of  Seleucus  [-Seleucus  Ce- 
 raunus  and  Antiochus  the  Great]  were  stirred  up, 
 and  assembled  a  multitude  of  great  forces ;  and  one 
 of  them  [Antiochus]  came  and  overflowed  and 
 passed  through  [even  to  Pelusium:  Poiyb.  v.  62]  ; 
 and  he  returned  [from  Seleucia,  to  which  he  had 
 retired  during  a  faithless  truce :  Polyb.  v.  66] ; 
 and  they  [Antiochus  and  Ptolemy]  yiere  stirred  up 
 [in  war]  even  to  his  [Antiochus']  fortress.  Arid 
 the  king  of  the  south  [Ptol.  Philopatoi]  was  moved 
 with  cholcr,  and  came  forth  and  fought  with  him 
 [at  Raphia] ;  and  he  set  forth  a  great  midtitude ; 
 and  the  multitude  v:as  given  into  his  hand  [to  lead 
 to  battle]  ;  arul  the  multitude  raised  itself  [proudly 
 for  the  conflict],  and  his  heart  was  lifted  up,  and 
 he  cast  down  ten  thousands  'of.  Polyb.  v.  86) ;  but 
 he  was  not  vigorous  "  [to  reap  the  fruits  of  his  vic- 
 tory] (Dan.  xi.  10-12  ;  cf.  3  Mace.  i.  1-5).  After 
 this  decisive  success  Ptol.  Philopator  vifited  the 
 neighbouring  cities  of  Syria,  and  among  others 
 Jerusalem.  After  offering  sacrifices  of  thanksgiving 
 in  the  Temple  he  attempted  to  enter  the  sanctuary. 
 A  sudden  paralysis  hindered  his  design  ;  but  when 
 he  retuined  to  Alexandria  he  determined  to  inflict 
 on  the  Alexandrine  Jews  the  vengeance  for  his  dis- 
 appointment. He  died  B.C.  205,  and  was  succeeded 
 by  his  only  child,  Ptol.  V.  Epiphanes,  who  was  at 
 the  time  onlv  four  or  Hve  years  old. 
 
 Ptolemae'tzs  V.  Epiph'anes.  The  reign  of 
 F'tol.  I\piphanes  was  a  critical  epoch  in  the  history 
 of  the  Jews.  The  rivalry  between  the  Syrian  and 
 Egyptian  parties,  which  had  for  some  time  divided 
 the  peoj)!!',  came  to  an  open  rupture  in  the  struggles 
 which  marked  his  minority.  In  the  strong  lan- 
 fuage  of  Daniel,  "  I'he  robbers  of  the  people  exalted 
 
 PTOLEMAEUS 
 
 765 
 
 themselves  to  est((hlish  the  vision"  (Dan.  xi.  14'' 
 The  accession  of  Ptolemy  and  the  confusion  of  a 
 disputed  regeuc}'  furnished  a  favourable  oppoi- 
 tunity  for  foreign  invasion.  "  Many  stood  up 
 against  the  king  of  the  south  "  under  Antiochus  the 
 Gieat  and  Philip  IH,  of  Slacedonia,  who  formed  a 
 league  for  the  dismemberment  of  his  kingdom.  "  So 
 the  king  of  the  north  [Antiochus]  came,  and  cast 
 up  amount,  and  took  the  most  fenced  city  [Sidon], 
 and  the  arms  of  the  south  did  not  withstand"  [at 
 Paneas,  B.C.  198]  (Dan.  xi.  14,  15).  The  Romans 
 interfered,  and  in  oider  to  retain  the  piovinces  of 
 Coele-Syria,  Phoenicia,  and  Judaea,  Antiochus 
 "  gave  him  [Ptolemy,  his  daughter  Cleopatra]  a 
 young  maiden"  [as  his  betrothed  wife]  (Dan.  xi.  1 7  i. 
 But  in  the  end  his  pwlicy  only  partially  succeeded. 
 After  the  mariiage  of  Ptolemy  and  Cleopatra  was 
 consummated  (B.C.  193),  Cleopatra  did  "  not  stand 
 on  his  side,"  but  supported  her  husband  in  main- 
 taining the  alliance  with  Rome.  The  disputed 
 provinces,  however,  remained  in  the  possession  of 
 Antiochus  ;  and  Ptolemy  was  poisoned  at  the  time 
 when  he  was  preparing  an  expedition  to  recover 
 them  from  Seleucus,  the  unworthy  successor  of 
 Antiochus,  B.C.  181. 
 
 Ptolemae'us  VI.  PMlome'tor.  On  the  death 
 of  Ptol.  Epiphanes,  his  wife  Cleopatra  held  the 
 regency  for  her  young  son.  Ptol.  Philoraetor,  and 
 preserved  peace  with  Syria  till  she  died,  B.C.  173. 
 The  government  then  fell  into  unworthy  hands,  and 
 an  attempt  was  made  to  lecover  Syria  (comp. 
 2  Mace,  iv,  21).  Antiochus  Epiphanes  seems  to 
 have  made  the  claim  a  pretext  for  invading  Egy]>t. 
 The  generals  of  Ptolemy  weie  defeated  near  Pelu- 
 sium, probably  at  the  close  of  B.C.  171  (1  Mace.  i. 
 16  ff.)  ;  and  in  the  ne.xt  year  Antiochus,  having 
 secured  the  peison  of  the  young  king,  reduced  almost 
 the  whole  of  Egypt  (comp.  2  Jlacc.  v.  1).  Mean- 
 while Ptol.  Euergetes  11  ,  the  younger  brother  of 
 Ptol.  Philometor,  assumed  the  sujireme  power  at 
 Alexandria;  and  Antiochus,  uniler  the  pi-etext  of  re- 
 covering the  crown  for  Philometor,  besieged  Alex- 
 andria in  B.C.  169.  By  this  time,  however,  his 
 selfish  designs  were  apparent:  the  biothers  were  re- 
 conciled, and  .Antiochus  was  obliged  to  acquiesce  for 
 the  time  in  the  arrangement  which  they  made. 
 But  while  doing  so  he  piepared  for  another  invasion 
 of  Egypt,  and  was  already  appyoaching  Alexandria, 
 when  he  was  met  by  the  Roman  embassy  led  by 
 C.  Popillius  I.aenas,  who,  in  the  name  of  the  Roman 
 senate,  insisted  on  his  immediate  retreat  (B.C.  168), 
 a  command  which  the  late  victory  at  Pydna  made 
 it  impossible  to  disobey.  These  cimpaigns,  which 
 are  intimately  connected  with  the  visits  of  Antiochus 
 to  Jerusalem  in  B.C.  170,  168,  are  briefly  described 
 in  Dan.  xi.  25-30.  After  the  discomfiture  of 
 Antiochus,  Philometor  was  for  some  time  occupied 
 in  resisting  the  ambitious  designs  of  his  brother,  who 
 made  two  attempts  to  add  Cyprus  to  the  kingdom 
 of  Cyiene,  which  was  allotted  to  him.  Having 
 effectually  put  down  these  atfenijjts,  he  turned  his 
 attention  again  to  Syria.  During  the  bi  ief  reign  of 
 Antiochus  Eupator  he  seems  to  have  sujtported 
 Philip  against  the  regent  Lysias  (Comp.  2  Mace. 
 ix.  29),  After  the  murder  of  Eupator  by  Demc- 
 tiius  I.,  Philometor  espoused  the  cause  of  Alexan<ler 
 Balas,  the  rival  claimant  to  the  throne,  becau.--e 
 Demetrius  had  made  an  attempt  o  i  Cyprus  ;  and 
 when  Alexander  had  defeated  au<l  slain  his  rival,  he 
 accepted  the  overtures  which  he  made,  and  gave 
 him  his  daughter  Cleopatra  in  marriage  (B.C.  150  : 
 
766  PTOLEMAIS 
 
 I  Mace.  X.  .'>l-58).  lUit,  airoidiiii;  to  1  Mace.  xi. 
 1,  10,  &c.,  the  alliance  was  not  made  in  good  faith, 
 but  only  as  a  means  towards  securing  possession  of 
 Sjri'ia,  Ai:coiding  to  others,  Alexander  himself 
 male  a  treacherous  attempt  on  the  life  of  Ptolemy 
 (comp.  1  Mace.  xi.  10  i,  which  caused  him  to  transfer 
 his  support  to  L)emetiius  II.,  to  whom  also  he  gave 
 his  daughter,  whom  he  had  taken  from  Alexander. 
 The  whole  of  Syria  was  quickly  suUiued,  and  he 
 was  crowned  at  Antioch  king  of  I'-gypt  and  Asia 
 (I  Mace.  xi.  13).  Alexander  made  an  ellort  to  re- 
 cover his  crown,  but  was  defeated  by  the  forces  of 
 Ptolemy  and  Demetrius,  and  shortly  afterwards  put 
 to  death  in  Arabia.  But  Ptolemy  did  not  long 
 enjoy  his  success.  He  fell  from  his  horse  in  the 
 battle,  and  died  within  a  few  days  (1  Mace.  xi.  18;, 
 B.C.  145.  Ptolemaeus  Philometor  is  the  last  king 
 of  Egypt  who  is  noticed  in  Sacred  history,  and  his 
 reign  was  marked  also  by  the  erection  of  the 
 Temple  at  Leontopolis.  The  coincidence  is  worthy 
 of  notice,  for  the  consecration  of  a  new  centre  of 
 worship  placed  a  religious  as  well  as  a  jiolitiail 
 barrier  between  the  Alexandrine  and  Palestinian 
 .lews.  Henceforth  the  nation  was  again  divided. 
 The  date  of  this  event  cannot  indeed  be  exactly  de- 
 termined. It  may  perhaps  be  placed  after  the 
 conclusion  of  the  last  war  with  Ptol.  Physcon 
 (c.  B.C.  154).  In  Palestine  the  erection  of  this 
 second  Temple  was  not  condemned  so  strongly  as 
 might  have  been  expocte<i.  A  question  indeed  was 
 raiseii  in  later  times  whether  the  service  was  not 
 idolatrous ;  but  the  Mishna,  embodying  without 
 doubt  the  old  decisions,  determines  the  point  more 
 favourably.  The  Jewish  colony  in  Kgypt,  of  which 
 Leontopolis  was  the  immediate  religious  centie,  was 
 formed  of  various  elements  and  at  different  times. 
 The  settlements  which  were  made  under  the  Greek 
 sovereigns,  though  the  most  important,  were  by  uo 
 means  the  lirsi.  In  the  later  times  of  the  kingdom 
 of  Judah  many  "  trusted  in  Egypt,"  and  took  refuge 
 there  ( Jer.  xliii.  6,  7).  This  colony,  formed  against 
 the  command  of  God,  was  devoted  to  complete  de- 
 struction (Jer.  xliv.  27),  but  when  the  connexion 
 was  once  formed,  it  is  probable  that  the  Persians, 
 acting  on  the  s;ime  policy  as  the  Ptolemies,  en- 
 couraged the  settlement  of  Jews  in  Egypt  to  kwp  in 
 check  the  native  population.  After  the  Return  the 
 spirit  of  conmiorie  must  have  contributetl  to  increase 
 the  number  of  emigianis;  but  the  history  of  the 
 Egyptian  Jews  is  involved  in  the  same  deep  ob- 
 scurity as  that  of  the  Jews  of  Palestine  till  the 
 invasion  of  .Mexander.  The  founding  of  .\lexandria 
 opened  a  new  era  in  the  histoiy  of  the  Jews.  Alex- 
 ander, accoiding  to  the  j'olicy  of  all  great  conquerors, 
 incorporated  the  conquered  in  liis  armies.  Ptolemy 
 Soter  increased  the  colony  of  the  Jews  in  Egypt  liotli 
 by  force  and  by  policy  ;  ami  their  numbers  in  the 
 next  reign  may  be  estimated  by  the  statement  that 
 Ptol.  Philadelphus  gave  freedom  to  120,000.  They 
 letained  their  privileges  under  the  Ilomans. 
 
 Ptolema'is.  This  article  is  merely  siipple- 
 mi'iit;irv  to  that  on  Acciio.  The  name  is  in  fact  an 
 infer|Kilatiijn  in  the  history  of  the  place.  The  city 
 which  was  cilled  .Accho  in  the  earliest  Jewish  annals, 
 and  which  is  again  the  Akka  or  St.  ./ran  d'Acre  ot" 
 cr\i8iiding  .ind  modem  times,  w.is  named  Ptolemais 
 in  the  Macedonian  and  lioman  periods.  In  the  foimcr 
 of  these  pcriofis  it  was  the  most  imporUmt  town  upon 
 th<'  coast  ( 1  Ma(C.  v.  15,  55,  x.  1,  58,  fiO,  xii.  48). 
 In  the  N.  T.  Ptolrmais  is  a  marked  point  in  .'^t.  Paul's 
 travels  both  by  land  and  sea.     It  is  spec  tically  meii- 
 
 PUBLICAN 
 
 tioned  in  Acts  xxi.  7,  as  contiining  a  Chiistian  com- 
 munity, visited  for  one  day  by  St.  Paul. 
 
 Pn'a,  properly  Puvvah.  PllUVAH  the  !^)U  of 
 Issachar  (Num.  xxvi.  23). 
 
 Fu'ah.  1.  The  father  of  Tola,  a  man  of  the 
 tribe  of  Issachar,  and  Judge  of  Israel  af>er  Abl- 
 melech  (Judg.  x.  1).  —  2.  The  son  of  Issachar 
 (1  Chr.  vii.  1),  elsewhere  called  Phuvah  and 
 I'UA.— S.  One  of  the  two  midwives  to  whom 
 Pharaoh  gave  instructions  to  kill  the  Hebrew  male 
 children  at  their  birth  (Ex.  i.  15).  In  the  A,  V. 
 they  are  called  "  Hebrew  midwives,"  a  rendering 
 which  is  not  required  liy  the  original.  We  may 
 translate  Ex.  i.  18  in  this  way,  "  And  the  king  of 
 Egypt  s;iid  to  the  women  who  acted  as  midwives  to 
 the  Hebrew  women."  The  two,  .Shiphrah  and 
 Puah,  are  supposeii  to  have  been  the  chief  and  repre- 
 sentatives of  their  profession. 
 
 Fnblican.  The  word  thus  translated  belongs 
 oidy,  in  the  N.  T.,  to  the  three  Synoptic  Gospels. 
 The  cliiss  designated  l)y  the  Gieek  word  were  em- 
 ployed as  collectors  of  the  Komjin  revenue.  The 
 Roman  senate  had  found  it  convenient,  at  a  period 
 as  early  as,  if  not  earlier  than,  the  second  Punic  war, 
 to  farm  the  vectijalia  (diiect  taxes)  and  the  portoria 
 (customs)  to  capitiilistii  who  undertook  to  pay  a 
 given  sum  into  the  treiisury  {in  publicwn),  and  so 
 receive*!  the  name  of  publicani.  Contracts  of  this 
 kind  fell  naturally  into  the  hands  of  the  equites,  as 
 the  richest  chiss  of  Romans.  Not  unfrequently  they 
 went  beyond  the  me;ins  of  any  individual  capitiilist, 
 and  a  joint-stock  company  (  societcis)  was  formed, 
 with  one  of  the  paitners,  or  an  agent  appointed  by 
 them,  acting  as  managing  director  (mayister). 
 Under  this  officer,  who  resided  commonly  at  Rome, 
 transacting  the  business  of  the  company,  paying 
 profits  to  the  partners  and  the  like,  were  the  sul>- 
 7nagistri,  living  in  the  provinces.  L'nder  theni,  in 
 like  manner,  were  the  portitores,  the  actual  custom- 
 house oHicers,  who  examined  each  bale  of  goods  ex- 
 ported or  impoited,  assessed  its  value  more  or  less 
 arbitrarily,  wrote  out  the  ticket,  and  enforced  pay- 
 ment. The  latter  were  commonly  natives  of  the 
 province  in  which  they  were  stjitioned,  as  being 
 brought  daily  into  contact  with  all  chisses  of  the 
 population.  The  word  TfKwvau,  which  etymologic- 
 ally  might  have  been  used  of  the  publicani  properly 
 so  called,  was  used  popularly,  and  in  the  N.  T.  ex- 
 clusively, of'  the  portitores.  The  publicani  were 
 thus  an  important  section  of  the  equestri.an  order. 
 The  system  was,  however,  essentially  a  vicious  one. 
 The  publicuni  were  banded  together  to  suj>port  each 
 other's  iivtei^est,  and  at  once  resented  and  defietl 
 all  interference.  They  demanded  severe  laws,  and 
 put  every  such  law  into  execution.  Their  agents, 
 the  portitores,  were  encouraged  in  the  most 
 vejcatious  or  fraudulent  exactions,  and  a  remedy 
 was  all  but  im})ossible.  If  this  was  the  case  with 
 the  directors  of  the  company,  we  may  imagine  how 
 it  stood  with  the  underlings.  They  overchai-ged 
 whenever  they  had  aji  opportunity  (Luke  iii  13). 
 They  brought  false  charges  of  smuggling  in  the 
 hope  of  extorting  hush-money  (Luke  xix  b).  They 
 detained  and  o|M'neil  letters  on  mere  suspicion.  It 
 was  the  basest  of  all  livelihoods.  All  this  was 
 enough  to  bring  the  class  into  ill-favour  every- 
 where. In  .(udaea  and  (Jalilee  there  were  spcial 
 circumstances  of  aggravation.  The  employment 
 brought  out  all  the  be>ettiiig  vices  of  the  Jewish 
 character,  'i'he  strong  l(<eling  of  in  uiy  Jews  as  U> 
 the  al)solutP  unlawfulness  of  jmying  trilinte  at  all 
 
PUBLIUS 
 
 made  matters  worse.  The  Scribes  who  diwusserl 
 the  question  (Matt,  xxii  15),  for  the  most  part 
 answeied  it  in  tlie  negative.  In  addition  to  their 
 other  faults,  accordingly,  the  Publicans  of  the 
 N.  T.  were  legarded  as  traitors  and  apostates,  de- 
 filed by  their  fretiueut  intercourse  with  the  heathen, 
 willing  tools  of  the  oppressor.  The  class  thus 
 practically  excommunicated  fui-nished  some  of  the 
 earliest  disciples  both  of  the  Baptist  and  of  Our 
 Loid.  The  position  of  Zacchaeus  as  an  opX'Te- 
 \aivr)s  (Luke  xi,\.  2),  implies  a  gradation  of  some 
 kind  among  the  persons  thus  employed.  Possibly 
 the  balsam  trade,  of  which  Jericho  was  the  centre, 
 ma}'  have  brought  larger  profits,  possibly  he  was 
 one  o''  the  snb-magistri  in  immediate  communication 
 with  the  Bureau  at  Rome. 
 
 Pub'lius.  The  chief  man — piobably  the  go- 
 vernor— of  Melita,  who  received  and  lodged  St.  Paul 
 and  his  companions  on  the  occasion  of  their  being 
 shipwrecked  off  that  island  (Acts  -xxviii.  7).  Publius 
 possessed  property  in  Melita  :  the  distinctive  title 
 given  to  him  is  "  the  first  of  the  island : "  and  two 
 inscriptions,  one  in  Greek,  the  other  in  Latin,  have 
 been  found  at  Cetta  Vecchia,  in  which  that  ap- 
 parently official  title  occurs.  Piiblins  may  perhaps 
 have  been  the  delegate  of  the  Homan  praetor  of  Sicily 
 to  whose  jurisdiction  Melita  or  Malta  belonged. 
 
 Pu'dens,  a  Christian  friend  of  Timothy  at  Rome 
 (2  Tim.  iv.  21).  Papebroch,  the  Bollandist  editor, 
 while  printing  the  legendary  histories,  distinguishes 
 between  two  saints  of  this  name,  both  Roman 
 senators  ;  one  the  host  of  St.  Peter  and  friend  of 
 St.  Paul,  martyred  under  Nero ;  the  other,  the 
 grandson  of  the  foimer,  living  about  A.U.  150. 
 Earlier  writers  are  disposed  to  believe  in  the  exist- 
 ence of  one  Pudeiis  only.  About  the  end  of  the 
 16th  century  it  was  observed  that  Martial,  the 
 Spanish  poet,  who  went  to  Rome  a.d.  66,  or  earlier, 
 in  his  23rd  year,  and  dwelt  there  for  nearly  forty 
 years,  mentions  two  contemporaries,  Pudens  and 
 Claudia,  as  husband  and  wife  {Epig.  iv.  13). 
 Modern  researches  among  the  Columbaria  at  Rome 
 appropriated  to  members  of  the  Imperial  household 
 have  brought  to  light  an  inscription  in  which  the 
 name  of  Pudens  occurs  as  that  of  a  servant  of 
 Tiberius  or  Claudius.  On'the  whole,  although  the 
 identity  of  St.  Paul's  Pudens  with  any  legendary  or 
 heathen  namesake  is  not  absolutely  proved,  yet  it 
 is  difBcult  to  believe  that  these  facts  add  nothing  to 
 our  knowledge  of  the  friend  of  Paul  and  Timothy. 
 
 Pu'Mtes,  the.  According  to  1  Chr.  ii.  53,  the 
 "  Puhites"  or  "  Puthites  "  belonged  to  the  families 
 of  Kirjath-jearim. 
 
 Pul,  a  country  or  nation  once  mentioned,  if  the 
 Masoretic  text  be  here  correct,  in  the  Bible  (Is. 
 Ixvi.  19).  The  name  is  the  same  as  that  of  Pul, 
 king  of  Assyria.  It  is  spoken  of  with  distant 
 nations:  "the  nations  [to]  Tarshish,  Pul,  and  Lud, 
 that  draw  the  bow,  [to]  Tubal,  and  Javan,  [to]  the 
 isles  afar  off."  If  a  Mizraite  Lud  be  intended,  Pul 
 may  be  African.  It  has  accordingly  been  compared 
 by  Rochart  and  J.  D.  Michaelis  with  the  island 
 Philae.  The  common  LXX.  reading  suggests  that 
 the  Heb.  had  originally  Phut  fPut)  in  this  place. 
 
 Pal  was  an  Assyrian  king,  and  is  the  first  of 
 those  monarchs  mentioned  in  Scripture.  He  made 
 an  expedition  against  Menahem,king  of  Israel,  about 
 B.C.  770.  Menahem  appears  to  have  inherited  a 
 kingdom  which  was  already  included  among  the 
 dependencies  of  Assyria.  Under  the  Assyrian  system 
 the  monarchs  of  tributary  kingdoms,  on  ascending 
 
 PUNISHMENTS 
 
 7S7 
 
 the  throne,  ap}ilied  for  "  confirmation  in  their 
 kingdoms"  to  the  Lord  Paramount,  and  only  be- 
 came established  on  receiving  it.  We  may  gather 
 from  2  K.  xv.  19,  20,  that  Menahem  neglected  to 
 make  any  such  application  to  his  liege  lord,  Pul — a 
 neglect  which  would  have  been  regarded  as  a  plain 
 act  of  rebellion.  Possibly,  he  was  guilty  of  more 
 overt  and  flagrant  hostility.  "  Menahem  smote 
 Tiphsah'"  (2  K.  xv.  16),  we  are  told.  However 
 this  may  have  been,  it  is  evident  that  Pul  looked 
 upon  Menahem  as  a  rebel.  He  consequently  maiched 
 an  anny  into  Palestine  for  the  purpose  of  jiunishing 
 hTs  revolt.  The  Assyrian  monuments  have  a  king, 
 whose  name  is  read  very  doubtfully  as  Vul-lush  or 
 Ira-htsh,  at  about  the  period  when  Pul  must  have 
 reigned.  His  probable  date  is  B.C.  800-750,  while 
 Pul,  as  we  have  seen,  ruled  over  Assyria  in  B.C.  770. 
 The  Hebrew  name  Pul  is  undoubtedly  curtailed  ; 
 for  no  Assyrian  name  consists  of  a  single  element. 
 If  we  take  the  "  Phalos"  or  "Phaloch"  of  the 
 Septuagint  as  probably  nearer  to  the  oi-iginal  type, 
 we  have  a  form  not  very  different  from  Vul-lush  or 
 Iva-lush.  Vul-lush  reigned  at  Calah  (Nimrud) 
 from  about  B.C.  800  to  B.C.  750.  He  states  that 
 he  made  an  expedition  into  Syria,  wherein  he  took 
 Damascus;  and  that  he  received  tribute  from  the 
 Medes,  Armenians,  Phoenicians,  Samai-itans,  Damas- 
 cenes, Philistines,  and  Edomites.  He  also  tells  us 
 that  he  invaded  Babylonia  and  received  the  sub- 
 mission of  the  Chaldeans.  He  was  probably  the 
 last  Assyrian  monarch  of  his  race.  The  list  of 
 Assyrian  monumental  kings,  which  is  traceable 
 without  a  break  and  in  a  direct  line  to  him  fiom  his 
 seventh  ancestor,  here  comes  to  a  stand. 
 
 Pulse  (Heb.  zer'oim,  and  zer'dnim),  occurs  only 
 in  the  A.  V.  in  Dan.  i.  12,  16,  as  the  translation  of 
 the  above  plural  nouns,  the  literal  meaning  of  which 
 is  "  seeds  "  of  any  kind.  Probably  the  term  de- 
 notes uncooked  grain  of  any  kind,  whether  barley, 
 wheat,  millet,  vetches,  &c. 
 
 Punishments.  The  earliest  theory  of  punish- 
 ment cunent  among  mankind  is  doubtless  the  one 
 of  simple  retaliation,  "  blood  for  blood."  Viewed 
 historically,  the  first  case  of  punishment  for  crime 
 mentioned  in  Scripture,  next  to  the  Fall  itself,  is 
 that  of  Cain  the  first  murderer.  That  death  was 
 regarded  as  the  fitting  punishment  for  murder  appears 
 plain  from  the  remark  of  Lamech  (Gen.  iv.  24).  In 
 the  post-diluvian  code,  if  we  may  so  call  it,  retribu- 
 tion by  the  hand  of  man,  even  in  the  case  of  an 
 offending  animal,  for  blood  sheti,  is  clearly  laid  down 
 (Gen.  ix.  5,  6).  Passing  onwards  to  Mosaic  times, 
 we  find  the  sentence  of  capital  punishment,  in  the 
 case  of  murder,  plainly  laid  down  in  the  law.  The 
 murderer  was  to  be  put  to  death,  even  if  he  should 
 have  taken  refuge  at  God's  altar  or  in  a  lefuge  city, 
 and  the  same  principle  was  to  be  carried  out  even 
 in  the  case  of  an  animal  (Ex.  xxi.  12,  14,  28,  36; 
 Lev.  xxiv.  17,  21  ;  Num.  xxxv.  31 ;  Deut.  xix.  11, 
 12;  and  see  1  K.  ii.  28,  34).  I.  The  following 
 offences  also  aie  mentioned  in  the  Law  as  liable  to 
 the  punishment  of  death: — 1.  Striking,  or  even  re- 
 viling, a  parent  (Ex.  xxi.  15,  17).  2.  Blasphemy 
 (Lev.  .-sxiv.  14,  16,  23).  ?,.  Sabbath-breaking 
 (Num.  XV.  32-36;  Ex.  xxxi.  14,  .xxxv.  2).  4. 
 Witchcraft,  and  false  pretension  to  prophecy  (Ex. 
 .xxii.  18;  Lev.  x.x.  27;  Deut.  xiii.  5,  xviii.  20). 
 5.  Adultery  (Lev.  XX.  10  ;  Deut.  xxii.  22).  6.  Un- 
 chastity  (Deut.  xxii.  21,  23;  Lev.  xxi.  9).  7. 
 Rape  (Deut.  xxii.  25).  8.  Incestuous  and  un- 
 -i.atural  connexions  (Lev.  xx.  11,  14,  16;   Ex.  xxii. 
 
768 
 
 PUNISHMENTS 
 
 1f>~),  9.  Man-stenlinsr  (Kx.  xxi.  IT. ;  Dcut.  xxiv.  7). 
 10.  Idolatry,  arhial  or  virtual,  in  any  .shape  (Lev. 
 XX.  2  ;  Dent.  xiii.  (3,  10,  15,  xvii.  2-7:  see  Josh, 
 vii.  and  xxii.  20,  and  Num.  x.w.  8).  11.  False 
 witness  in  ceitain  cases  (Deut.  xix.  16,19).  II.  But 
 tliere  is  a  large  nuinber  of  oriiences,  some  of  them 
 included  in  this  list,  win'ch  are  named  in  the  Law 
 as  involviog  the  penalty  of  "  cutting  oH'  from  tlie 
 people."  On  the  meaning  of  this  expres.sion  some 
 controversy  has  arisen.  There  are  altogether  thirty- 
 six  or  thirty-seven  cases  in  the  F'entateuch  in  wliich 
 this  formula  is  used,  which  may  be  thus  classified: 
 a.  Breach  of  Morals.  6.  Broach  of  Covenant. 
 c.  Breach  of  Kitual.  1.  Wilful  sin  in  general 
 (Num.  XV.  30,  31).  *15  cases  of  incestuous  or 
 unclean  coiniexion  (Lev.  xviii.  29,  and  xx.  9-21). 
 2.  *tUncircumcision  (Gen.  xvii.  14;  Kx.  iv.  24). 
 Neglect,  of  I'assover  (Num.  ix.  13).  *Sabl)ath- 
 breaking  (Ex.  xxxi.  14).  Neglect  of  Atonement- 
 day  (Lev.  xxiii.  29).  t^^'oi'k  done  ou  that  day 
 (Lev.  xxiii.  30).  *tChildren  otlered  to  Molech 
 (Lev.  XX.  3).  *tWitchcraft  ( Lev.  xx.  6).  Anoint- 
 ing a  stranger  with  holy  oil  (Ex.  xxx.  33).  3. 
 Eating  leavened  bread  during  Pa.ssover  (Ex.  xii.  15, 
 19).  Eatuig  fat  of  saciitices  (Lev.  vii.  25).  Eating 
 blood  (Lev.  vii.  27,  xvii.  14).  *Eating  sacrifice  in 
 mi  unchan  condition  (Lev.  vii.  20,  21,x.\ii.  3,  4,  9). 
 Offering  too  late  (Lev.  xix.  8).  Making  holy  oint- 
 ment for  private  use  (Ex.  xxx.  32,  'oAj.  Making 
 j)erfume  for  private  use  (Ex.  xxx.  38).  Neglect  of 
 ]iurific:ition  in  general  (Num.  xix.  13,  20).  Not 
 bringing  offering  after  slaying  a  beast  for  food  (Lev. 
 xvii.  9  J.  Not  slaying  the  animal  at  the  tabernacle- 
 door  (Lev.  xvii.  4).  *tTouching  holy  things  il- 
 legally (Num.  iv.  15,  18,  20  :  and  see  2  Sam.  vi.  7  ; 
 2  Chr.  xxvi.  21).  In  the  foregoing  list,  which,  it 
 will  be  seen,  is  classified  according  to  the  view  sup- 
 posed to  be  taken  by  the  Law  of  the  principle  of 
 condemnation,  the  cases  marked  with  *  are  (a) 
 those  which  are  expiessly  threatened  or  actually 
 visited  with  death,  as  well  as  with  cutting  off.  In 
 those  (6)  market!  f  the  hand  of  God  is  expressly 
 named  as  the  instrument  of  execution.  The  (jues- 
 tion  to  be  determined  is,  whether  the  ]ilirase  '•  cut 
 off"  be  likely  to  mean  death  in  all  Gises,  and  to 
 avoid  that  conclusion  Le  Clerc,  Michaelis,  and  others, 
 have  suggested  that  in  some  of  them,  the  ceremonial 
 ones,  it  was  intended  to  be  commuted  for  banish- 
 ment or  privation  of  civil  rights.  IJnbbinical 
 writei-s  explained  "cutting  off"  to  mean  excom- 
 municiition,  and  laid  down  three  degrees  of  severity 
 as  l)elonging  to  it.  But  most  commentators  agree, 
 that,  in  accordance  with  the  prima  facie  meaning 
 of  Ileb.  x.  28,  the  sentence  of  "  cutting  olf"  must 
 be  understood  to  be  death-punishment  of  some  sort. 
 We  may  perhaps  conclude  that  the  primary  meaning 
 of  "  cutting  oti  "  is  a  sentence  of  death  to  be  executed 
 in  some  cases  without  remission,  but  in  others  void- 
 able: (1.)  by  immediate  atonement  on  the  otiender's 
 part  ;  (2.)  by  direct  interposition  of  the  .Mmighty, 
 »'.  e.  a  sentence  of  death  always  "  recorded,"  but  not 
 always  executed.  111.  Punishments  in  themselves 
 are  twofold,  Capital  and  .^condary.  (n.)  Of  the 
 former  kind,  the  following  only  are  prescribed  bv 
 the  Law.  (1.)  Stoning,  which  was  the  ordinary 
 mode  of  execution  (Ex.  xvii.  4;  Luke  xx.  6  ;  .lohu 
 X.  31  ;  Acts  xiv.  5).  In  the  ca.se  of  idolatry,  and 
 it  may  be  presumed  in  other  ca.ses  also,  the  wit- 
 nesses, of  wliom  there  were  to  be  at  least  two,  were 
 required  to  cast  the  first  stone  (iJeut.  xiii.  9,  Acts 
 rii.  68).     The  Uabbinical  writers  add,  that  the  fii-st 
 
 PUNISHMENTS 
 
 .stone  w.as  ca.st  by  one  of  them  on  the  chest  of  tin 
 convict,  and  if  tliis  failed  to  cause  death,  the  by- 
 standers proceeded  to  complete  the  sentence.  ^2.) 
 IlaiKjinij  is  mentioned  as  a  distinct  pnni.shment 
 (Num.  XXV.  4  ;  2  Sam.  xxi.  (J,  9).  (3.j  Burning, 
 in  pre-Mos;iic  times,  was  the  punishment  for  un- 
 chastity  (Gen.  xxxviii.  24).  Under  the  Law  it  is 
 ordered  in  the  rase  of  a  priest's  daughter  (Lev. 
 xxi.  9).  (4.)  Death  by  the  suord  or  speur  is  named 
 in  the  Law  (Ex.  xix.  13,  xxxii.  27  ;  Num.  xxv.  7) ; 
 but  it  occurs  frequently  in  regal  and  post-Baby- 
 lonian times  (1  K.  ii.  25,  34.  xix.  1  ;  2  Chr.  xxi.  4, 
 &c. ).  (5.)  Strangliiui  is  siiid  by  the  llabbins  to  have 
 been  regarded  as  the  most  common  but  least  severe 
 of  the  capital  punishments,  and  to  have  been  per- 
 formed by  immersing  the  convict  in  clay  or  mud, 
 and  then  strangling  him  by  a  cloth  twisted  round 
 the  neck.  (6.)  Besides  these  ordinary  capital  punish- 
 ments, w^e  read  of  others,  either  of  foreign  intro- 
 duction or  of  an  irregular  kind.  Among  the  former, 
 (1.)  Crucifixion  is  treated  elsewhere.  (2.) 
 Drowning,  though  not  ordered  under  the  Law,  was 
 practised  at  Rome,  and  is  said  by  St.  Jerome  to 
 have  been  in  use  among  the  Jews.  (3.)  Samni) 
 asunder  or  crushing  beneath  iron  instruments 
 (2  Sam.  xii.  31,  and  perhaps  Prov.  xx.  26;  Heb. 
 xi.  37).  (4.).  I'ounding  in  a  mortar,  or  beating 
 to  death,  is  alluded  to  in  Prov.  x.vvii.  22,  but  not 
 as  a  legal  punishment,  and  cases  are  descrilwl 
 (2  Mace.  vi.  28.  30).  (5.)  Precipitation,  attempted 
 in  the  case  of  our  Lord  at  Nazareth,  and  carried 
 out  in  that  of  captives  from  the  Edomites,  and  of 
 St.  James,  who  is  said  to  have  been  cast  from  "  the 
 pinnacle  "  of  the  Temple.  Criminals  executed  by 
 law  were  buried  outside  the  city-gates,  and  heaps  of 
 stones  were  fluns:  upon  their  graves  (Josh.  vii.  25, 
 26;  2  Sam.  xviii.  17;  Jer.""xxii.  19).  (c)  Of 
 secondary  punishments  among  the  Jews  the  original 
 principles  were,  (1.)  retaliation,  "  eye  for  eye,"  &c. 
 (Ex.  xxi.  24,  25).  (2.)  Compensation,  identical 
 (restitution),  or  analogous  ;  payment  for  loss  of  time 
 or  of  power  (Ex.  xxi.  18-36;  Lev.  xxiv.  18-21  ; 
 Deut.  xix.  21).  Slander  against  a  wife's  honour 
 was  to  be  compensated  to  her  parents  by  a  fine  of 
 100  shekels,  and  tiie  traducer  himself  to  be  punished 
 with  stripes  (Deut.  xxii.  18,  19).  (3.)  Stripes, 
 whose  number  was  not  to  e.xceed  forty  (Deut. 
 xxv.  3) ;  whence  the  Jews  took  aue  not  to  exceed 
 thiity-nine  (2  Cor.  xi.  24).  (4.)  Scourging  with 
 thorns  is  mentioned  Judg.  viii.  16.  The  stocks  are 
 mentioned  Jer.  xx.  2  ;  passing  through  fire,  2  Sam. 
 xii.  31 ;  mutilation,  Judg.  i.  6  ;  2  Mace.  vii.  4 ;  and 
 see  2  Sam.  iv.  12  ;  pluclUng  out  hair.  Is.  l.  6  ;  in 
 later  times,  imprisonment,  and  confiscation  or  exile, 
 Ezr.  vii.  26 ;  Jer.  xxxvii.  15,  xxx^-iii.  6  ;  Acts  iv.  3, 
 V.  18,  xii.  4.  Of  punishments  inflicted  by  other 
 nations  we  have  the  following  notices: — In  Egypt 
 the  power  of  life  and  death  and  imprisonment 
 rested  with  the  king,  and  to  some  extent  also  with 
 otficei-s  of  high  rank  (Gen.  xl.  3,  22,  xiii.  20), 
 Death  might  be  commuted  for  slavery  (xiii.  19, 
 xii  v.  9,  33).  In  E,gyi>t,  and  also  in  Babylon,  the 
 chief  of  the  executioners,  liab-Tabbachim,  was  a 
 great  otlicer  of  state  (Gen.  xxxvii.  36  ;  Dan.  ii.  14), 
 &c.  Putting  out  the  eyes  of  captives,  .and  otlier 
 cruelties,  as  ffaying  alive,  burning,  tearing  out  the 
 tongue,  &c.,  were  practised  by  Assyrian  and  Baby- 
 lonian conquerors.  The  execution  of  Haman  and 
 the  story  of  ])aniel  are  pictures  of  summary 
 Oriental  procedure.  With  the  Romans,  stripes  and 
 the  stockis  were  in  u.se,  and  imprisonment,  with  n 
 
PUNITES,  THE 
 
 «hain  attached  to  a  soldier.  There  were  also  the 
 liberae  custudiae  in  private  houses.  Exposure  to  wild 
 beasts  appears  to  be  mentioned  by  St.  Paul  (1  Cor. 
 XV.  32  ;  2  Tim.  iv.  17),  but  not  with  any  precision. 
 
 Fu'nites,  the.  The  descendants  of  Pua,  or 
 Puvah,  the  son  of  Issachar  (Num.  xxvi.  23). 
 
 Fun'on.  One  of  the  halting-places  of  the  Israelite 
 host  during  the  last  portion  of  the  Wandering 
 (Num.  xxxiii.  42,  43).  By  Eusebius  and  Jerome 
 it  is  identitied  with  Pinon,  the  seat  of  the  Edomite 
 ti'ibe  of  that  name,  and,  further,  with  Phaeno,  which 
 contained  the  copper-mines  so  notorious  at  that  pe- 
 riod, and  was  situated  between  Petra  and  Zoai-. 
 
 Purification;  The  term  "  purificaiion,"  in  its 
 legal  and  technical  sense,  is  applied  to  the  ritual 
 observances  whereby  an  Israelite  was  formally  ab- 
 solved from  the  taint  of  uncleanness,  whether  evi- 
 denced by  any  o^■ert  act  or  state,  or  whether  con- 
 nected with  man's  natural  depravity.  In  the  present 
 article  we  are  concerned  solely  with  the  former  class, 
 inasmuch  as  in  this  alone  were  the  ritual  observances 
 of  a  special  character.  The  essence  of  puiiHcation, 
 indeed,  in  all  cases,  consisted  in  the  use  of  water, 
 whether  by  way  of  ablution  or  aspersion  ;  but  in  the 
 majora  delicta  of  legal  uncleanness,  sacrifices  of 
 various  kinds  were  added,  and  the  ceremonies 
 througliout  boie  an  expiatory  character.  Simple 
 ablution  of  the  person  was  required  after  sexual 
 intercourse  (Lev.  xv.  18  ;  2  Sam.  xi.  4)  :  ablution 
 of  the  clothes,  after  touching  the  carcase  of  an  un- 
 clean beast,  or  eating  or  carrying  the  carcase  of  a 
 clean  beast  that  had  died  a  natural  death  (Lev.  xi. 
 25,  40) :  ablution  both  of  the  person  and  of  the 
 defiled  gaiments  in  cases  of  gonorrhea  dormientium 
 (Lev.  XV.  16,  17) — the  ceremony  in  each  of  the 
 above  instances  to  take  place  on  the  day  on  which 
 the  uncleanness  was  contracted.  A  higher  degree  of 
 uncleanness  resulted  from  prolonged  gonorrhea  in 
 males,  and  menstruation  in  women.  Contact  with 
 persons  in  the  above  states,  or  even  with  clothing  or 
 furniture  that  had  been  used  by  them  while  in  those 
 states,  involved  uncleanness  in  a  minor  degree  (Lev. 
 XV.  5-11,21-24).  In  cases  of  childbirth  the  sacrifice 
 was  increased  to  a  lamb  of  the  first  year  with  a 
 pigeon  or  turtle-dove  (Lev.  xii.  6).  'J'he  unclean- 
 nesses  already  specified  were  comparatively  of  a  mild 
 character :  the  more  severe  wei'e  connected  with 
 death,  which,  viewed  as  the  penalty  of  sin,  was  in 
 the  highest  degree  contaminating.  To  this  head  we 
 refer  the  two  cases  of  (1.)  touching  a  corpse,  or  a 
 grave  (Num.  xix.  16),  or  even  killing  a  man  in  war 
 (Num.  xxxi.  19);  and  (2.)  leprosy,  which  was  re- 
 gai'ded  by  the  Hebrews  as  nothing  less  than  a  living 
 death.  The  ceremonies  of  purification  in  the  first 
 of  these  two  cases  are  detailed  in  Num.  xix.  The 
 purification  of  the  leper  was  a  yet  more  formal  pro- 
 ceeding, and  indicated  the  highest  pitch  of  unclean- 
 ness. The  rites  aie  described  in  Lev.  xiv.  4-32. 
 The  two  stages  of  the  proceedings  indicated,  the  first, 
 which  took  place  outside  the  camp,  the  re-admission 
 of  the  leper  to  the  community  of  men  ;  the  second, 
 before  the  sanctuary,  his  re-admission  to  communion 
 with  God.  In  the  first  stage,  the  slaughter  of  the 
 one  bird  and  the  dismissal  of  the  other,  symbolized 
 the  punishment  of  death  deserved  and  fully  remitted. 
 In  the  seconil,  the  use  of  oil  and  its  application  to 
 the  same  parts  of  the  body  as  in  the  consecration  of 
 priests  (Lev.  viii.  23,  24),  symbolized  the  re-dedi- 
 cation of  the  leper  to  the  service  of  Jehovah.  The 
 ceremonies  to  be  observed  in  the  purification  of  a 
 house  or   a  garment   infected    with  leprosy,  were 
 
 Con.  D.  B. 
 
 PURIM 
 
 769 
 
 identical  with  the  first  stage  of  the  proceedings 
 used  for  the  leper  (Lev.  xiv.  33-53).  The  necessity 
 of  purification  was  extended  in  the  post-Babylonian 
 period  to  a  variety  of  unauthorized  cases.  Cups 
 and  pots,  brazen  vessels  and  couches,  were  washed 
 as  a  matter  of  i-itual  observance  (Mark  vii.  4). 
 The  washing  of  the  hands  before  meals  was  con- 
 ducted in  a  formal  manner  (Mark  vii.  8),  and 
 minute  regulations  are  laid  down  on  this  subject  in 
 a  treatise  of  the  ]\Iishna,  entitled  Yadaim.  What 
 may  have  been  the  specific  causes  of  uncleanness  in 
 those  who  came  up  to  purify  themselves  before  the 
 Passover  (John  xi.  55),  or  in  those  wlio  had  taken 
 upon  themselves  the  Nazarite's  vow  (Acts  xxi.  24, 
 26),  we  are  not  informed  ;  in  either  case  it  may 
 have  been  contact  with  a  corpse,  though  in  the  latter 
 it  would  rather  appear  to  have  been  a  general  puri- 
 fication preparatory  to  the  accomplishment  of  the 
 vow.  In  conclusion  it  may  be  observed,  that  the 
 distinctive  feature  in  the  Mosaic  rites  of  purification 
 is  their  expiatory  character.  The  idea  of  unclean- 
 ness was  not  peculiar  to  the  Jew.  But  with  all 
 other  nations  simple  ablution  sufficed  :  no  sacrifices 
 were  demanded.  The  Jew  alone  was  taught  by  the 
 use  of  expiatory  offerings  to  discern  to  its  full  extent 
 the  connexion  between  the  outward  sign  and  the  in- 
 ward fount  of  impurity. 
 
 Purim,  the  annual  festival  instituted  to  com- 
 memorate the  preservation  of  the  Jews  in  Persia 
 fi-om  the  massacre  with  which  they  were  threatened 
 through  the  machinations  of  Haman  (Esth.  ix.). 
 It  was  probably  called  Purim  by  the  Jews  in  irony. 
 Their  great  enemy  Haman  ajipears  to  have  been 
 very  superstitious,  and  much  given  to  casting  lots 
 (Esth.  iii.  7).  They  gave  the  name  Purim,  or  Lots, 
 to  the  commemorative  festival,  because  he  had 
 thrown  lots  to  ascertain  what  day  would  be  auspi- 
 cious for  him  to  carry  into  efi'ect  the  bloody  decree 
 which  the  king  had  issued  at  his  instance  (Esth.  ix. 
 24).  The  festival  lasted  two  days,  and  was  regu- 
 larly observed  on  the  14th  and  15th  of  Adar;  but  if 
 the  14th  happened  to  fall  on  the  Sabbath,  or  on  the 
 second  or  fourth  day  of  the  week,  the  commence- 
 ment of  the  festival  was  deferied  till  the  next  day. 
 The  traditions  of  the  Jews,  and  their  modern  usage 
 respecting  it,  are  curious.  A  preliminary  fast  was 
 appointed,  called  "  the  fast  of  Esther,"  to  be  ob- 
 served on  the  13th  of  Adar,  in  memory  of  the  fast 
 which  Esther  and  her  maids  observed  (Esth.  iv.  16). 
 If  the  13th  was  a  Sabbath,  the  fast  was  put  back 
 to  the  fifth  day  of  the  week.  According  to  modern 
 custom,  as  soon  as  the  stars  begin  to  appear,  when 
 the  14th  of  the  month  has  commenced,  candles  are 
 lighted  up  in  token  of  rejoicing,  and  the  people 
 assemble  in  the  synagogue.  After  a  short  prayer 
 and  thanksgiving,  the  reading  of  tlie  Book  of  Esther 
 commences.  The  book  is  written  in  a  peculiar 
 manner,  on  a  roll  called  "  the  Roll "  [Mcgillah). 
 The  reader  translates  the  text,  as  he  goes  on,  into 
 the  vernacular  tongue  of  the  place,  and  makes  com- 
 ments on  particular  passages.  He  reads  in  a  his- 
 trionic manner,  suiting  his  tones  and  gestuies  to 
 the  changes  in  the  subject  matter.  When  he  comes 
 to  the  name  of  Haman  the  whole  congregation  cry 
 out,  "  May  his  name  be  blotted  out,"  or  "  Let  the 
 name  of  the  ungodly  perish."  When  the  Megillah 
 is  read  through,  the  whole  congregation  exclaim, 
 "  Cursed  be  Haman ;  blessed  be  Mordecai  ;  cursed 
 be  Zoresh  (the  wife  of  Haman)  ;  blessed  be  Esther; 
 cursed  be  all  idolaters  ;  blessed  be  all  Israelites,  and 
 blessed  be  Harbonah   who  hanged  Haman."     The 
 
 3  D 
 
770  PURSE 
 
 volume  is  then  solemnly  lollcil  up.  In  the  morning 
 service  in  the  synajjoijne.  on  the  14th.  alter  the 
 piayeis,  the  passage  is  read  from  the  Law  (Ex. 
 xvii.  8-16)  which  relates  the  destruction  of  the 
 Amalekites,  the  |)eople  of  A<;ag  (1  &\m.  xv.  8),  the 
 supposed  ancestor  of  Haman  (Ksth.  iii.  1).  The 
 Mi'iTJllah  is  tiien  read  again  in  the  same  manner. 
 The  14th  of  Adar,  as  the  veiy  day  of  the  de- 
 liverance of  tiie  .lews,  is  more  solemnly  kept  than 
 the  l.'lth  ;  but  when  the  service  in  the  Nyna'i;ogue  is 
 over,  all  give  themselves  up  to  merrymaking.  On 
 the  15th  the  rejoicing  is  continued.  When  the 
 month  .Aclar  used  to  be  doubled,  in  the  Jewish  leaj>- 
 ye»r,  the  festival  was  repeate<l  on  the  14th  and 
 loth  of  the  second  Adar.  Kwald,  in  support  of  his 
 theoiy  that  there  was  in  patriarchal  limes  a  reli- 
 gious festival  at.  every  new  and  full  moon,  conjec- 
 tures that  I'urim  was  originally  the  full  moon  (east 
 of  Adiw,  as  the  Passover  was  that  of  Nisan,  and 
 'I'abernacles  that  of  Tisri.  It  was  suggested  first 
 by  Ke])ler  that  the  iopT^  tuv  'louSaioiv  of  John 
 V.  1,  was  the  feast  of  I'uiini.  The  ([uestion  is  a  dif- 
 ticult  one.  It  seems  to  be  geneially  allowed  that 
 the  opinion  of  most  of  the  Fathers  that  the  feast 
 was  Pentecost,  and  that  of  Cocceius  that  it  was 
 Taiiernacles,  are  precluded  by  the  general  course 
 of  the  narrative,  and  especially  by  John  iv.  o5, 
 compared  with  v.  1.  The  interval  indicated  by  a 
 compMrJMiii  of  these  texts  could  scarcely  have  ex- 
 tended beyond  Nisan.  The  choice  is  thus  lelt  be- 
 tween I'urim  and  the  Passover.  The  principal 
 objections  to  Purini  are,  (a)  that  it  was  not  neces- 
 saiy  to  go  up  to  Jerusalem  to  keep  the  festival  : 
 (Ij)  that  it  is  not  very  likely  that  otu-  Lord  would 
 h.'ive  made  a  \mni  of  paying  esjiei'ial  honour  to  a 
 t'e.Ntival  which  apjN-Mrs  to  have  had  but  a  very  small 
 religious  elfment  in  it,  and  which  seems  rather  to 
 have  been  the  me;uis  of  keeping  alive  a  feeling  of 
 national  revenge  and  hatred.  On  the  whole,  the 
 only  real  obje<:tion  to  the  Passover  seems  to  be  the 
 want  of  the  article  before  iopr-f).  It  nuist  be  ad- 
 mitted that  the  dilliiulty  is  no  small  one,  though  it 
 does  not  seem  to  be  sullicient  to  outweigh  the  grave 
 objections  which  lie  against  the  feast  of  Puiini. 
 
 Purse.  The  Hebrews,  when  on  a  journey,  were 
 pioviile.l  with  a  bag  (variously  teimed  cis,  tsi-roi; 
 and  clii'irlt),  in  which  they  carried  theii-  money 
 ((!en.  xlii.  .'55;  I'rov.  i.  14,  vii.  ■i<i;  Is.  xlvi.  6), 
 and,  if  they  weie  meichants,  al.so  their  weights 
 (l)eut.  XXV.  13;  Mic.  vi.  11).  This  bag  is  described 
 in  tlie  N.  T.  by  the  terms  ^aKavrtov  (Luke  x.  4, 
 xii.  '.V't,  xxii.  35,  oG),  and  y\(>ia<i6Koix.ov  (John  xii. 
 6.  xiii.  29).  The  girdle  also  served  as  a  purse 
 (Matt.  X.  9  ;  Mark  vi.  8).  Ladies  wore  ornumeuUd 
 purses  (Is.  iii.  '23). 
 
 Put  f  1  Chr.  i.  8;  Nah.  iii.  9).  [Piiur.] 
 Pute'oli,  the  great  landing-place  of  travellers  to 
 It.ily  iioin  the  Levant,  and  the  harbour  to  which 
 tlie  .Alexandrian  coin-.-hi])S  brought  thijir  cugoes 
 (.Acts  xxvii.  13).  Puteoli  was  at  that  peiioil  a 
 jilace  of  very  greiit  importiuice.  We  cannot  elucid- 
 ate this  better  than  by  .saying  that  the  c:elebi'ated 
 bay  which  is  now  "  the  bay  of  Naples,"  and  in 
 e:nlv  times  was  "  the  bay  of  Cumae,"  was  then 
 adled  '•  Sinus  Puteolanus."  The  city  was  at  the 
 north-eastern  angle  of  the  bay.  The  earlier  name 
 of  Puteoli,  when  the  lower  put  of  Italy  was  fireek, 
 was  Diciearchia.  The  word  Puteoli  was  a  true 
 Kom.'ui  nann-,  and  arose  fiom  the  .strong  mineral 
 springs  whii  h  are  rharacteristic  of  liic  pl;ice.  In 
 the  5lh  centurv  Piitcou  was  ravagol  both  1)V  Alaric 
 
 QUAILS 
 
 and  Genseric,  and  it  never  .ifterwaids  recovered  its 
 former  eminence.  It  is  now  a  fourth-rate  Italian 
 town,  still  retaining  the  name  of  Pozzvoii.  The 
 remains  of  Puteoli  are  consideiable. 
 
 Pu'tiel.  One  of  the  daughtei-s  of  Putiel  was  wife 
 of  lileazai-  the  son  of  Aaron,  and  mother  of  I'hinehas 
 (Kx.  vi.  'J5). 
 
 Pygarg  ( Heb.  dishon :  ■jriryapryos  :  pygargus) 
 oicurs  oidy  (I)eut.  xiv.  5)  in  the  list  of  clean  ani- 
 mals as  the  rendering  of  the  Heb.  dUhon,  the  name 
 apparently  of  some  species  of  antelope,  though  it  is 
 by  no  means  easy  to  identify  it.  Tlie  Greek  mJy- 
 apyos  denotes  an  animal  with  a  "  white  rump," 
 and  is  used  by  Herodotus  (iv.  192)  as  the  name  of 
 some  Libyan  deer  or  antelope.  It  is  usual  to  iden- 
 tify the  p;i<jar(j  of  the  Greek  and  Latin  writere  with 
 the  addax  of  North  Afiica,  Nubia,  &c.  {Addax 
 ^  nasomaculati(s) ;  but  we  cannot  regai-d  this  point 
 its  satisfactorily  settled.  We  are  inclined  to  con- 
 sider the  TTvyapyos,  or  pi/gar./iis,  as  a  generic  name 
 to  denote  any  of  the  white-rumped  antelopes  of 
 North  Afric;t,  Syria,  &c.  Whether,  however,  the 
 LXX.  and  Vulg.  are  correct  in  their  interpretation 
 of  dishon  is  another  question. 
 
 Quails  (Heb.  seldi',  seluii).  That  the  Hebrew 
 word  (Kx.  xvi.  13;  Num.  xi.  31,32)  is  correctly 
 rendered  •'  (|uails,"  is,  we  think,  beyond  doubt. 
 Ludolf  has  endeavoured  to  show  that  the  sildt) 
 weie  locusts.  Riidbeck  has  argued  in  tiivour  of 
 the  seldc  meaning  "  Hying-fish,"  some  s|>ecies  of 
 the  genus  Exocelus.  Khrenberg,  from  having  ob- 
 served a  number  of  "  Hying-lish  "  lying  dead  on 
 the  shore  near  Klim,  believeil  that  tlih  was  the  food 
 of  the  Israelites  in  the  wilderness,  and  named  the 
 fi.sh  "  Trigla  Israelitarum."  Hermann  von  der 
 Hardt  supposed  that  the  locust  bird  [Pastor 
 lioseus)  was  intended  ;  and  recently  Mr.  Foi-ster 
 has  advanced  an  opinion  that  "  re<l  geese"  of  tin- 
 genus  Casarca  are  to  be  iinderstoinl  by  the  Hebrew 
 term.  Some  writers,  while  they  hold  th;it  the  oi  i- 
 ginal  word  denotes  "  quails,"  ai-e  of  opinion  that  a 
 sjiecies  of  Sand-grouse  ( Ptcroctes  tilchata),  fre- 
 quent in  the  iiible  lands,  is  also  included  under  the 
 term.     It  is  clear,  however,  that  the  silac  of  the 
 
 1     \Z    i   :   ..Sit 
 
 ^. 
 
 '\'^: 
 
QUARTUS 
 
 Pentateuch  and  the  10.5th  Ps.  denotes  the  common 
 "quail"  {Cvtm-nix  dactylisonans) ,  and  no  other 
 bird.  The  Hebrew  word  seldv  is  undoubtedly  ideu- 
 tiaii  with  the  Arabic  sailed^  a  "  quail."  The  ex- 
 pression "  as  it  were  two  cubits  (high)  upon  the 
 tace  of  the  earth"  (Num.  xi.  31)  is  explained  by 
 the  LXX.,  by  the  Vulg.,  and  by  Josephus,  to  refei- 
 to  the  height  at  which  the  quails  tlew  above  the 
 ground,  in  their  exhausted  condition  from  their  loni; 
 flight.  As  to  the  enormous  quantities  which  the 
 least  successful  Israelite  is  said  to  have  taken,  viz. 
 "  ten  homers,"  in  the  sjiace  of  a  night  and  two 
 days,  there  is  eveiy  reason  foi-  believing  that  tlie 
 "  homei-s "  here  spoken  of  do  not  denote  sti  ictly 
 the  measure  of  that  name,  but  simply  "  a  heap  :  " 
 this  is  the  explanation  given  by  Onkelos  and  the 
 Arabic  versions  of  .Saadias  and  Krpenius,  in  Num. 
 xi.  31.  The  Israelites  would  have  had  little  diffi- 
 culty in  capturing  large  quantities  of  these  birds, 
 as  they  are  known  to  arrive  at  places  sometimes  so 
 completely  exhausted  by  their  flight  as  to  be  readily 
 taken,  not  in  nets  only,  but  by  the  hand.  They 
 "  spread  the  quails  lound  about  the  camp  ;"  this 
 was  for  the  purpose  of  drying  them.  The  Egyp- 
 tians simikirly  prepared  these  birds.  The  expression 
 "quails  from  the  sea"  (Num.  xi.  31)  must  not  be 
 restricted  to  denote  that  the  hi  ids  c:ime  from  the 
 sea  as  their  starting-point,  but  it  must  be  taken  to 
 show  the  diiection  from  which  they  were  coming. 
 The  quails  weie,  at  the  time  of  the  event  narrated 
 in  the  sacred  writings,  on  their  spring  journey  of 
 luigiation  northwards.  It  is  interesting  to  note  the 
 time  specified,  "  it  was  at  even  "  that  they  began 
 to  arrive ;  and  they  no  doubt  continued  to  come 
 all  the  night.  Many  observers  have  recorded  that 
 the  quail  migrates  by  night.  The  quail  (Cotuniix 
 dactylisonans),  the  only  species  of  the  genus  known 
 to  migrate,  has  a  very  wide  geographical  range. 
 
 Quar'tns,  a  Clnistian  of  Corinth  'Rom.  x\n.  23). 
 There  is  the  usual  tradition  that  he  was  one  ot  the 
 Seventy  disciples ;  and  it  is  also  said  that  he  ultim- 
 ately became  bishop  of  Berytus. 
 
 Qaatemion,  a  military  term,  signifying  a  guard 
 of  tour  soldiers,  two  of  whom  were  attached  to  the 
 person  of  a  prisoner,  while  the  other  two  kept  watch 
 outside  the  door  of  his  cell  (Acts  xii.  4). 
 
 Queen.  'I'his  word  is  sometimes  used  in  the 
 O.  T.  to  mdicate  a  queen-m/wa»^,  and  a  queen- 
 consort;  but  it  is  more  pinperly  applied  to  the 
 qwi&u-mother,  since  in  an  Oriental  houseiiold,  it  is 
 not  the  wife  but  the  mother  of  the  master  who 
 exercises  the  highest  authority.  Strange  .is  such 
 an  aiTangement  at  first  sight  appears,  it  is  one  of 
 tiie  inevitable  results  of  polygamy.  The  extent  of 
 the  influence  of  the  queen-mother  is  well  illustrated 
 by  the  narrative  of  the  interview  of  .Solomon  and 
 Bathsheba,  as  given  in  ]  Iv.  ii.  19  If.  The  terra  is 
 applied  to  M;iachah,  A.sa's  mother,  who  was  deposed 
 from  her  dignity  in  consequence  of  her  idolatry 
 (1  K.  XV.  13;  2  Chr.  xv.  16)  ;  to  Jezebel  as  con- 
 trasted with  Joram  (2  K.  x.  13,  "the  children  of 
 the  king,  and  the  children  of  the  queen") ;  and  to 
 tlie  mother  of  Jelioiachin  or  Jeconiah  (Jer.  xiii.  18  ; 
 iiiiiipare  2  K.  xxiv.  12  ;  Jer.  xxix.  2). 
 
 Queen  of  Heaven.  In.  Jer.  vii.  18,  .xliv.  17,  18, 
 19,  2.5,  the  Heb.  meleceth  hashshdmayim  is  thus 
 rendered  in  the  A.  V.  In  the  margin  is  given 
 "  fr.ime  or  workmanship  of  heaven."  Kimchi  says 
 "'workmanship  of  heaven,'  i.e.  the  stars;  and 
 some  interpret  '  the  queen  of  heaven,'  i.  e.  a  great 
 star  which  is  in  the  heavens."      Rashi  is  in  tavour 
 
 QUIVER  771 
 
 of  the  latter ;  and  the  Targum  renders  thioughout 
 "  the  star  of  heaven."  Kircher  is  in  favour  of 
 some  constellation,  the  Pleiades  or  Hyades.  It  is 
 generally  believed  that  the  "  queen  of  heaven  "  is 
 the  moon,  worshipped  as  Ashtaroth  or  Astarte,  to 
 whom  the  Hebrew  women  oflered  cakes  in  the 
 streets  of  Jerusalem.  The  Babylonian  Venus  wa-s 
 also  styled  "  the  queen  of  heaven."  Mr.  Layard 
 identifies  Hera,  "  the  second  deity  mentioned  by 
 Diodorus,  with  Astarte,  Mylitta,  or  Venus,"  and 
 with  the  "  '  queen  of  heaven,'  frequently  mentioned 
 in  the  sacred  volumes.  .  .  .  The  planet  which  bore 
 her  name  w<is  siicied  to  her,  and  in  the  Assyrian 
 sculptures  a  stai'  is  placed  upon  her  head.  She  was 
 :  called  Beltis,  beuiuse  she  was  the  female  form  of 
 '  the  great  divinity,  or  Baal."  With  the  cakes 
 (cavvdnim)  which  wei*  oflered  in  her  honour,  with 
 incense  and  libations,  Seldeu  compares  the  irlrvpa 
 [A.  V.  "  bran  ")  of  Ep.  of  Jer.  43. 
 
 Quicksands,  the,   more  properly  the  Syrtis 
 I  (Acts  xxvii.  17j,  the  broad  and  deep  bight  on  the 
 1  North  African  coast  between  Carthage  and  Gyrene. 
 I  The  name  is  derived  from  Se7-t,  an  Arabic  word  for 
 a  desert.     For  two  reasons  this  region  was  an  object 
 of  peculiar  dread  to  the  ancient  navigators  of  the 
 Mediterranean,  pai'tly  because  of  the  drifting  sands 
 and  the  heat  along  the  shore  itself,  but  chiefly  on  ac- 
 count of  the  sliallows  and  the  uncertain  currents  of 
 water  in  the  bay.    There  were  properly  two  Syrtes  : 
 the  eastern  or  larger,  now  called  the  Gulf  of  Sidra  ; 
 and  the  western  or  smaller,  now  the  Gulf  of  Cabes. 
 It  is  the  former  to  which  oui'  attention  is  directed 
 in  this  passage  of  the  Acts. 
 
 Quintus  Menuuius,  2  Mace.  xi.  34.  [See 
 Manlius  T.] 
 
 Quiver.  Two  distinct  Hebrew  terms  are  repre- 
 sented by  this  word  in  the  A.  V.  (1.)  IViili. 
 This  occurs  only  in  Gen.  xxvii.  3.  It  is  derived 
 from  a  root  which  has  the  force  of  hanging.  The 
 passage  itself  aflbrds  no  clue  to  its  meaning.  It 
 may  therefore  signify  eitlier  a  quiver  or  a  suspended 
 weapon — for  instance,  such  a  sword  as  in  our  own 
 language  was  formerly  culled  a  "  hanger."  (2.) 
 Ashpdk.  The  root  of  this  word  is  uncertain.  It  is 
 connected  with  aiTOWS  only  in  Lam.  iii.  13.  Its 
 other  occuneuces  are  Job  xxxix.  23,  Is.  xxii.  6,  and 
 
 3  D  2 
 
772  R  A  AM  AH 
 
 Jer.  V.  10.  Ill  each  of  tlifse  the  l.XX.  translate  it 
 by  "  qiiivei',"  with  two  exci'ptions,  Job  xxxix.  2H, 
 and  Ps.  cxxvii.  5.  As  to  the  thing  itself,  there  is 
 nothing  ni  tiie  Bible  to  indicate  either  its  form  or 
 material,  or  in  what  way  it  was  carried. 
 
 R 
 
 Ba'amah,  a  son  of  Cush,  and  father  of  Sheb; 
 and  Dedan  ((!en.  x.  7).  The  tribe  of  Kaamah 
 became  afterwards  renowned  as  traders  (Kz.  xxvii 
 22).  Of  the  settlement  of  Itianiah  on  the  shores 
 of  the  Persian  Gulf  there  are  several  indications. 
 Traces  of  l)edan  are  very  faint ;  but  Haaniah  seems 
 to  bo  recovereil  in  the  'Pey/xd  of  Ptol.  vi.  7,  anj 
 'Pnyfiu  of  Ste])h.  Byzant. 
 
 Raami  ah,  one  of  the  chiefs  who  returned  with 
 /..■riibliab^'l  (Neh.  vii.  7).     In  Ezr.  ii.  2  he  is  called 
 
 Kli.l.AlAII. 
 
 Raani'ses,  Ex.  i.  10.  [IJameses.] 
 Bab  bah,  the  name  of  several  ancient  places  both 
 east  and  west  of  the  Jordan.  1.  A  very  strong 
 place  on  the  east  of  the  Jordan,  which  when  its 
 name  is  first  iiitroduced  in  the  sacred  records  was 
 the  chief  city  of  tlie  Ammonites.  In  five  passages 
 (I)e..t.  iii.  11  ;  2  Sain.  xii.  26,  xvii.  27;  Jer.  xtix. 
 2 ;  Ez.  xxi.  20)  it  is  styled  at  length  Rabbath  of 
 the  Ammonites,  or,  children  of  Amnion  ;  but  else- 
 where (.losh.  xiii.  25;  2  Sam.  xi.  1,  xii.  27,  29; 
 1  Chr.  XX.  1  ;  Jer.  xlix.  3;  Ez.  xxv.  5;  Amos  i. 
 14)  simply  IvAisitAli.  It  appears  in  the  sacred  re- 
 cords as  the  single  city  of  the  Ammonites.  When 
 first  named  it  is  in  the  hands  of  the  Ammonites, 
 ind  is  mentioned  as  containing  the  bed  or  sarcopha- 
 gus of  the  giant  Og  (Deut.  iii.  1 1 ).  It  was  not  iu- 
 i'hided  ill  the  teiiitory  of  the  tribes  east  of  Jordan  ; 
 the  border  of  Gad  stops  at  "  Aroer,  which  faces 
 Kalibah"  (Josh.  xiii.  25).  David's  Hrst  Ammonite 
 campaign  appears  to  have  occurred  early  in  his 
 reigii.  A  part  of  the  army,  under  Abishai,  was 
 sent  as  far  ;ts  itabbah  to  keep  the  Ammonites  in 
 check  (2  Sam.  x.  10,  li),  but  tlie  main  force 
 under  .loab  remaiued  at  Medeba  (1  Chr.  xix.  7). 
 Tiie  following  year  tiie  Amiuonite  war  was  re- 
 sumeij,  and  this  time  Kabbah  was  made  the  main 
 point  of  attack  fxi.  1).  Joab  took  the  command, 
 and  was  followed  by  the  whole  of  the  army.  The 
 siege  must  have  lasteii  nearly,  if  not  quite,  two 
 veare.  The  s;illies  of  the  Ammonites  appear  to 
 have  formcil  a  main  feature  of  the  siege  (2  Sam. 
 xi.  17,  &c.).  At  the  end  of  that  time  Joab  suc- 
 ceeded in  capturing  a  portion  of  the  place — the 
 "  city  of  waters,"  that  is,  the  lower  town,  so  called 
 from  its  rontaining  the  jiereiinial  stream  which 
 rises  in  and  still  firnvs  tlirongh  it.  But  the  citadel, 
 which  rises  aliriiptly  on  the  north  side  of  the  lower 
 (own,  a  place  of  very  gi-eat  strentrth,  still  remained 
 to  be  taken ;  and  the  honour  of  this  capture,  Joab 
 insists  on  re>erving  for  the  king.  The  waters  of 
 the  lower  city  once  in  the  hands  of  the  liesiegers, 
 t'le  fate  of  the  citadel  was  cerfciin.  The  provisions 
 also  wi-ro  at  last  exhausted,  and  shortly  after  David's 
 arrival  thi'  fortress  was  taken.  We  are  not  told 
 whetlier  the  city  was  demolished,  or  whether  David 
 was  satisfii'd  with  the  slaughter  of  its  inmates.  In 
 the  time  of  .\mos,  two  centuries  and  a  half  later, 
 it  hail  Mg.iin  a  "  wall  "  and  "  ])alaces,"  and  was 
 still  the  smntuarjr  of  Molech— "  the  king"  (.\m. 
 i.  14).      So  if  was  al>n  at  the  date  of  thf   invasion 
 
 RABBI 
 
 of  Nebuchadnezzar  (Jer.  xlix.  2.  3),  when  its  de- 
 pendent towns  are  mentioned,  and  when  it  is  named 
 in  such  terms  as  imply  that  it  w:is  of  equal  im- 
 portance with  Jerusalem  <\v/..  xxi.  20).  At  Itiibbah, 
 no  doubt  Ba;ilis,  king  of  the  Bene-.\mmon  (Jer.  xl. 
 14),  held  such  court  a.s  he  could  muster;  and 
 within  its  svalls  was  plotted  the  attack  of  Ishmael, 
 which  cost  Gedaliah  his  life,  and  drove  Jeremiah 
 into  Iv/ypt.  In  the  period  between  the  Old  and 
 New  Testaments,  Rabbath- Amnion  a|)pears  to  have 
 been  a  place  of  much  importance,  and  the  scene  of 
 many  contests.  It  lay  on  the  road  between  Heshbon 
 and  Bosra,  and  was  the  last  ])lace  at  which  a  stock 
 of  water  could  be  obtained  tor  the  journey  across 
 the  desert,  while  as  it  stood  on  the  confines  of  the 
 richer  and  more  civilized  couutiy,  it  formed  an  im- 
 portant garrison  station  for  repelling  the  iiicursioiii 
 of  the  wild  tribes  of  the  desert.  From  Ptolemy 
 Philadelphiis  (li.c.  285-247)  it  received  the  name 
 of  Pliiladelplieia.  Its  ancient  name,  though  under  a 
 cloud,  w.as  still  used  :  it  is  mentioned  by  Polybius 
 under  the  hardly  altered  form  of'  Kabbataniana.  At 
 the  Christian  era  Pliiladelplieia  formed  the  eastern 
 limit  of  the  region  of  Peraea.  It  was  one  of  the 
 cities  of  the  l)ecapolis,  and  as  far  down  as  the  4lh 
 century  was  esteemed  one  of  the  most  lemaikable 
 and  stiongest  cities  of  the  whole  of  Coele-Syria. 
 Philadeljihrii  became  the  seat  of  a  Christian  bishop, 
 and  was  one  of  the  nineteen  sees  of  "  Palestina 
 tertia,"  which  were  .subordinate  to  Bostra.  The 
 church  still  remains  "  in  exc-ellent  jireservation," 
 with  its  lofty  steeple.  Amman  lies  about  22  miles 
 from  the  Joidan,  at  the  eastern  ajjex  of  a  triangle, 
 of  which  Heshbon  and  es-Salt  form  respectively  the 
 southern  and  northern  points.  It  is  about  14  miles 
 from  the  former,  and  12  from  the  latter.  It  lies  in 
 a  valley  which  is  a  branch,  or  perhaps  the  main 
 course,  of  the  Witcli/  Zerka,  usually  identified  with 
 the  Jabbok.  The  Mokt-Ainmdn,  or  water  of 
 Amman,  a  mere  streamlet,  rises  within  the  basin 
 which  contains  the  ruins  of  the  town.  When  the 
 Moslems  conqueied  Syria  they  found  the  city  in 
 ruins  ;  an<i  in  ruins  remarkaljle  for  their  extent  and 
 desolation  even  for  Syria,  the  "  Land  of  ruins,"  it 
 still  remains.  The  public  buildings  are  said  to  be 
 Roman,  in  general  character  like  those  at  Jerash, 
 except  the  citadel,  which  is  described  as  of  large 
 square  stones  put  t0'.;ether  without  cement,  and 
 which  is  j)io!iably  more  ancient  than  the  rest.  The 
 remains  of  private  houses  scattere>.l  on  both  sides  of 
 the  stivam  ai  e  very  extensive.— 2.  .Mthough  there 
 is  no  trace  of  the  tact  in  the  Bible,  there  can  be 
 little  doubt  tiiat  the  name  of  Rabbah  was  also 
 atUiched  in  Biblical  times  to  the  chief  city  of  Moal>. 
 Its  Biblical  name  is  An,  but  we  have  the  testimony 
 of  Eusebius  that  in  the  4th  century  it  possessed  the 
 special  title  of  Rabbath  Moab.  This  name  w,is  for 
 a  time  displaced  by  Areopolis.  liahba  lies  oa  the 
 highlands  at  the  S.E.  quarter  of  the  Dead  Sea, 
 between  Kcnth  and  Jibcl  Shilian.—Z.  \  city  of 
 Jiidah,  named  witli  Kigath-jearim  in  .losh.  xv.  GO 
 oiilv.  No  trace  of'  its  existence  Ii.ts  yet  lieen  dis- 
 coveied.— 4.  In  one  passage  (Josh.  xi.  8)  ZiDON  is 
 mentioned  with  the  allix  Rabbah — Zidon-i  ablaJi. 
 This  is  preserved  in  the  margin  of  the  .\.  V.,  though 
 in  the  t.'xt  it  is  trmislat.'il  '•  great  Zidon." 
 
 Rabbath  of  the  Children  of  Ammon,  and  K. 
 of  the  Ammonites.  I'his  is  the  lull  ap|>ellation  of 
 the  pliri'  iNiiiimonly  given  as  RaI'.Iiah.  It  occurs 
 oiilv  in  I'eut.  iii.  11,  and  Ez.  xxi.  20. 
 
 Rabbi,   a   title  of  respect  given  I'y  fla  Jews  tu 
 
RABBITH 
 
 RABSHAKEH 
 
 "73 
 
 Amman,  from  the  East ;  showing  the  perennial  stream  and  part  of  the  citadel-hill.     From  a  sketch  by  Wm.  Tipping,  Esq. 
 
 their  doctors  and  teachers,  and  often  addressed  to 
 our  Lord  (Matt,  x.xiii.  7,  8,  xxvi.  25,  49 ;  Mark  ix. 
 5,  xi.  21,  xiv.  45;  John  i.  39,  50,  iii.  2,  26,  iv. 
 31,  vi.  25,  ix.  2,  xi.  8).  The  meaning  of  the  title 
 is  interpreted  in  express  words  by  St.  John,  and 
 by  implication  in  St.  Matthew,  to  mean  Master, 
 Teacher,  John  i.  39  (compare  xi.  28,  xiii.  13),  and 
 Matt,  xxiii.  8.  The  same  interpretation  is  given  by 
 St.  John  of  the  kindred  title  Rabboni  (John  xx. 
 16),  which  also  occurs  in  Mark  x.  51.  The  i  which 
 is  added  to  these  titles  has  been  thought  to  be  the 
 pronominal  affix  "  My ;"  but  it  is  to  be  noted  that 
 St.  John  does  not  translate  either  of  these  by  "  Jf  ?/ 
 Master,"  but  simply  "  Master,"  so  that  the  i  would 
 seem  to  have  lost  any  especial  significance  as  a  pos- 
 sessive pronoun  intimating  appropriation  or  endear- 
 ment, and,  like  the  "  my  "  in  titles  of  respect  among 
 ouiselves,  or  in  such  terms  as  AToiseigneur,  Mon- 
 sieur,  to  be  merely  part  of  the  formal  address. 
 The  title  Rabbi  is  not  known  to  have  been  used 
 before  the  reign  of  Herod  the  Great,  and  is  thought 
 to  have  taken  its  rise  about  the  time  of  the  dis- 
 putes between  the  rival  schools  of  Hillel  and 
 Shammai.  Rabbi  was  considered  a  higher  title  than 
 Rab,  and  Rabban  higher  than  Rabbi. 
 
 Bab'bith.,  a  town  in  the  territory,  perhaps  on 
 the  boundaiy,  of  Issaehar  (Josh.  xix.  20  only). 
 
 Eabbo'ni,  John  xx.  16.     [Rabbi.]. 
 
 Bab-Idag  is  found  only  in  Jer.  xxxix.  3  and  13. 
 In  both  places  it  is  a  title  borne  by  Nergal-sharezer. 
 It  has  already  been  shown  that  Nergal-sharezer 
 is  probably  identical  with  the  king  called  by  the 
 Greeks  Neriglissar.  [Nergal-SHAKEZER.]  This 
 king,  as  well  as  certain  other  important  personages, 
 is  found  to  bear  the  title  in  the  Babylonian  in- 
 scriptions. It  is  written  indeed  with  a  somewhat 
 different  vocalisation,  being  read  as  EabuEmrja  by 
 Sir  H.  Rawhnson.  The  signification  is  somewhat 
 doubtful.  Babu  is  most  certainly  "  great,"  or 
 "  chief;"  but  Mag,  or  Emga,  is  an  obscure  term. 
 
 It  has  been  commonly  identified  with  the  word 
 "  Magus,"  but  this  identification  is  very  uncertain. 
 Sir  H.  Rawlinson  inclines  to  translate  emga  by 
 "  priest." 
 
 Rab'saces.     Rabshakeh  (Ecclus.  xlviii.  18). 
 
 Eab'-saris.  1.  An  officer  of  the  king  of  Assyria 
 sent  up  with  Tartan  and  Rabshakeh  against  Jeru- 
 salem in  the  time  of  Hezekiah  (2  K.  xviii.  17).— 
 2.  One  of  the  princes  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  who  was 
 present  at  the  capture  of  Jerusalem,  B.C.  588  (Jer. 
 xxxix.  3,  13).  Rabsaris  is  probably  rather  the 
 name  of  an  office  than  of  an  individual,  the  word 
 signifying  chief  eunuch  ;  in  Uan.  i.  3,  Ashpenaz  is 
 called  the  master  of  the  eunuchs  (Rab-sarisim).  It 
 is  not  impiobable  that  in  Jeremiah  xxxix.  we  have 
 not  only  the  title  of  the  Rabsaris  given,  but  his 
 name  also,  either  Sarsechim  (ver.  3)  or  (ver.  13) 
 Nelni-shasli.in  ('woiv';hipper  of  Nebo,  Is.  xlvi.  1). 
 
 Rab'shakeb  (2  K.  xviii.,  xix. ;  Is.  xxxvi.,  xxxvii. : 
 Rabsaces),  one  of  the  officers  of  the  king  of  Assyria 
 sent  against  Jerusalem  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah. 
 Sennacherib,  having  taken  other  cities  of  Judah,  was 
 now  besieging  Lachish ;  and  Hezekiah,  terrified  at 
 his  progress,  and  losing  for  a  time  his  firm  faith  in 
 God,  sends  to  Lachish  with  an  offer  of  submission 
 and  tribute.  But  Sennacherib,  not  content  with 
 this,  sends  a  great  host  against  Jerusalem  under 
 Tartan,  Rabsaris,  and  Rabshakeh  ;  not  so  much, 
 apparently,  with  the  object  of  immediately  engat^ins: 
 in  the  siege  of  the  city,  as  with  the  idea  that,  in 
 its  present  disheartened  st;ite,  the  sight  of  an  army, 
 combined  with  the  threats  and  specious  pi-omises 
 of  Rabshakeh,  might  induce  a  surrender  at  once. 
 Many  have  imagined,  fiom  the  familiarity  of  Rab- 
 shakeh with  Hebrew,  that  he  either  was  a  Jewish 
 deserter  or  an  apostate  captive  of  Israel.  Being  nr- 
 able  to  obtain  any  promise  of  submission  from  Hezp- 
 kiah,  who,  in  the  extremity  of  his  peril  returnincr 
 to  trust  in  the  help  of  the  Lord,  is  encouraged  by 
 the  words  and  predictions  of  Isaiah,  Rabshal<eh  o-ops 
 
774 
 
 RACA 
 
 l):\ok  to  the  kins  "f  Assyria,  who  had  now  departed 
 Tiom  I.achish.  The  Kiis;lish  version  takes  Hah- 
 shakeh  as  the  name  of  a  jierson  ;  it  may,  however, 
 he  questioned  whotlier  it  he  not  rather  the  name 
 of  the  ortlee  whicli  he  held  at  tiie  court,  that  of 
 chief  cupbearer,  and  Kah-Mag  possibly  the  chief 
 priest. 
 
 Ba'ca,  a  term  of  reproach  used  by  the  Jews  of 
 our  Saviour's  age  (Matt.  v.  22  i.  Critics  are  at;reed 
 in  deriving  it  from  the  Chaldee  term  reka,  with  the 
 sense  of  "  worthless." 
 
 Kace.     [Gamks.] 
 
 Ba'chab.     Kahab  the  harlot  (Matt.  i.  5). 
 
 Ba'chal,  one  of  the  places  which  David  and  his 
 followei-s  used  to  haunt  during  the  period  of  his 
 freeboofiiii;  life.  It  is  named  in  1  Sam.  x.\.\.  29 
 only. 
 
 Ba'chel,  the  younger  of  the  daughters  of  Laban, 
 the  wite  of  Jacob,  and  mother  of  Joseph  and  Ben- 
 jamin. The  incidents  of  her  life  may  be  found  in 
 Gen.  .x.xix.-.\xxiii.,  ,\xxv.  The  story  of  Jacob  and 
 Kachel  has  always  had  a  jieculiar  interest :  there 
 is  that  in  it  which  a]>))eals  to  some  of  the  deepest 
 feelings  of  the  human  heart.  The  beauty  of  Rachel, 
 the  di-ep  love  with  which  she  was  loved  by  Jacob 
 from  their  first  nii^eting  by  the  well  of  Haran,  when 
 he  showed  to  he'-  the  simple  courtesies  of  the  desert 
 life,  and  kissed  hci- and  told  her  he  was  Itebekah's 
 son ;  the  long  servitude  with  which  he  patiently 
 sen'eil  for  her,  in  which  the  seven  years  "  seemed 
 to  him  but  a  few  days,  for  the  lova  he  had  to  her ;" 
 their  marriage  at  last ;  and  the  death  of  Rachel  at 
 the  very  time  when  in  giving  birth  to  another  sou 
 her  own  long-delayed  hopes  were  accomplished,  and 
 she  had  become  still  more  endeaied  to  her  husband ; 
 his  deep  grief  and  ever-living  regrets  for  her  loss 
 (Gen.  xlviii.  7):  these  things  make  up  a  touching 
 tale  of  jiersonal  and  domestic  history  which  has 
 kept  alive  the  memory  of  li;ichel.  Yet  from  what 
 is  related  to  us  concerning  her  character  there  does 
 not  seem  much  to  claim  any  high  degree  of  admira- 
 tion and  esteem.  The  discontent  and  fretful  im- 
 patience shown  in  her  grief  at  being  for  a  time 
 chil4less,  moved  even  her  fond  husband  to  anger 
 (Gen,  XXX.  1,  2).  She  appears  moreover  to  have 
 .shared  all  the  duplicity  and  lalsehood  of  her  family. 
 .See,  for  instance,  Itachel's  stealing  her  tiither's 
 images,  and  the  ready  dexterity  and  presence  of 
 mind  with  which  she  concealed  her  theft  ((Jen. 
 xxxi.).  From  this  incident  we  may  also  infer  that 
 she  was  not  altogether  fiee  from  the  superstitions 
 and  idolatry  which  prevailed  in  the  land  whence 
 Abrah.-un  had  been  calkni  (Josh.  xxiv.  2,  14!. — 
 Rac/iel'a  tumb. — "  li^ichel  died  and  was  buried  in 
 the  way  to  Ephrath,  which  is  Bethlehem.  And 
 .Jacob  set  a  pillar  upon  her  grave:  that  is  the 
 pillar  of  Rachel's  grave  unto  this  day  "  (Gen.  x.xxv. 
 19,  20).  The  site  of  liachel's  tomb,  "  on  the  way 
 to  Bethlehem,"  "  a  little  way  to  come  to  Ephrath," 
 "  in  the  border  of  Benjamin,"  has  never  been  ques- 
 tioned. It  is  about  two  miles  S.  of  Jeiusiilem,  and 
 one  mile  N.  of  Bethlehem. 
 
 Radda'i,  one  of  David's  brothei-s,  fifth  son  of 
 .lesse  (1  Chr.  ii.  14).  Ewald  conjectures  that  he  is 
 iilentical  with  Kki,  but  this  does  not  seem  probable. 
 
 Baga'u.  1.  A  place  named  only  in  Jiid.  i.  r>, 
 1,");  piotj;ibly  identicjd  with  RaokS.— 2.  One  of  the 
 .uiccstDrs  r)f  our  Lord,  son  of  Phal(.i;  (Luke  iii.  35). 
 lie  i>  till'  same  jHJiison  with  Rko,  son  of  Peleg. 
 
 Bs'ges  wa.s  an  important  city  in  north-eastern 
 Media,  where  that  country  bordered   uj)on  I'arthia. 
 
 RAHAB 
 
 It  is  not  mentioned  in  the  Hebrew  .Scriptures,  but 
 occurs  trequiMitly  in  the  IV>ok  of  Tobit  i  i.  14,  v.  5, 
 vi.  10  and  12,  &c.j,  and  twice  in  Judith  ( i.  h  and 
 l.">  .  luiges  is  a  place  mentioned  by  a  great  number 
 ot'  profane  writers.  It  appears  ;ls  liagha  in  the 
 Zendavi'sta,  in  Isidoi-e.  and  in  ."Stephen  ;  as  Raga  in 
 the  inscriptions  of  Daniis ;  Rhagae  in  Duris  of 
 Samos,  Strabo,  and  Annan;  and  Rhagaea  in  Ptolemy. 
 Properly  speaking.  Rages  is  a  town,  but  the  town 
 gave  name  to  a  province  which  is  sometimes  called 
 liages  or  Rhagae,  sometimes  Rhagiana.  It  appears 
 fi'om  the  Zondavesta  that  here  was  one  of  the  earliest 
 settlements  of  the  Aryans,  who  were  mingled,  in 
 Rhagiana.  with  two  other  r:icps,  and  were  thu.s 
 biousjht  into  contact  with  lieietics.  Isidore  calls 
 Rages  "  the  greatest  (nty  in  Media."  In  the 
 troubles  which  followetl  tiie  death  of  Alexander, 
 Rages  appeal's  to  have  gone  to  decay,  but  it  was 
 soon  after  rebuilt  by  .Seleucus  I.  (Nicator),  who 
 gave  it  the  name  of  P^uropus.  When  the  Parthians 
 took  it  they  called  it  .Vrsacia,  after  the  Arsaces  of 
 the  day;  but  it  soon  afterwards  recovered  its  ancient 
 appellation.  That  appellation  it  h.is  ever  since  re- 
 tained, with  only  a  slight  corruption,  the  ruins 
 being  still  known  by  the  name  of  Rhc'i.  These 
 ruins  lie  about  five  miles  south-east  of  Teheran, 
 and  cover  a  sjiace  4.500  yards  long  by  3500  yards 
 broad.  The  walls  are  well  marked,  and  are  of 
 j)iodigious  thickness.  The  modern  Teheran,  built 
 out  of  its  ruius.  has  now  supei-seded  FJiey. 
 
 Bag'nel,  or  Bea'el.  1.  A  prince-piiest  of 
 Midiau,  the  father  of  Zippoiah  according  to  Ex. 
 ii.  21,  and  ot'  Hobab  according  to  Num.  x.  29. 
 As  the  fathei'-in-law  of  Moses  is  named  Jethro  in 
 Ex.  iii.  1.  and  Hobab  in  Judg  iv.  11,  and  per- 
 haps in  Num.  x.  29  (though  the  latter  p;ussage 
 admits  of  another  sense),  the  priirui  facie  view 
 would  be  that  Ragiiel,  Jethro.  and  Hobab  were 
 difl'erent  names  for  the  same  individual.  Such  is 
 probably  the  case  with  regard  to  the  two  first  at  all 
 events,  if  not  with  the  third.  [IIoBAii.]  One 
 of  the  names  may  represent  an  official  title,  but 
 wliethei-  .lethro  or  Iias;uel  is  uncertain,  both  being 
 appropriately  significant.  The  identity  of  Jethro 
 and  Reuel  is  supported  by  the  indiscriminate  use  of 
 the  names  in  the  EXX.  (Ex.  ii.  16,  18).  Another 
 solution  of  the  difficulty  has  been  sought  in  the 
 loose  use  of  terms  of  relationship. amoni;  the  Hebrews. 
 —2.  Another  transcription  of  the  name  Ri;ukl, 
 0(;cuiTiiig  in  Tobit,  where  Raguel,  a  pious  Jew  of 
 "  Ecliataiie,  a  citv  of  Media,"  is  father  of  Sara,  the 
 wife  of  Tobias  1  I'nl,.  iii.  7,   )7,  &c.). 
 
 Ba'hab,  or  Ba'cbab,  a  celebrated  woman  of 
 Jericho,  who  received  the  spies  sent  by  Joshua  to 
 spy  out  the  laud,  hid  them  in  her  house  from  the 
 pursuit  of  her  countrymen,  was  saved  with  all  her 
 family  when  the  Israelites  sacked  the  city ;  and  be- 
 came the  wife  of  Salmon,  and  the  ancestress  of  the 
 Messiah.  Her  history  may  be  told  in  a  few  words. 
 .At  the  time  of  the  ariival  of  the  Israelites  in  Canaan 
 she  was  a  voiing  unmarried  woman,  dwelling  in  a 
 house  of  her  own  alone,  though  she  had  a  father  and 
 mothei-.  and  brothers  and  sisters,  living  in  Jericho, 
 ."^he  was  a  "  harlot,"  ami  probably  combined  the 
 trade  of  lodging-keeper  for  wnyfiU'iiig  men.  She 
 seems  also  to  have  Ixru  engaged  in  the  manufac- 
 ture of  linen  and  the  art  of  dyeing,  for  which  the 
 Phoenicians  were  early  famous ;  since  we  find  the 
 Hat  roof  of  her  hou.se  covei-ed  with  stalks  of  Hax 
 put  there  to  dry,  and  a  stock  of  si-arlet  or  crimson 
 line  in  her  house.     Her  house  was  situated  on  the 
 
RAHAB 
 
 wall,  probably  near  the  town  gate,  so  as  to  be  cdn- 
 venient  tor  persons  cumiiig  in  an<l  going  out  of  the 
 citv.  Kahab  therefore  liacl  been  well  informed  with 
 regard  to  the  events  of  tlie  Exodns.  Slie  had  heard 
 of  the  passage  through  the  Red  Sea,  of  the  utter 
 destruction  of  Sihou  and  Og,  and  of  the  iiiesistible 
 progress  of  the  Israelitish  host.  The  effect  upon 
 her  mind  had  been  what  one  would  not  have  ex- 
 pected in  a  peison  of  her  way  of  life.  It  lal  her  to 
 a  Hrni  faith  in  Jehovah  as  the  true  God,  and  to  the 
 (conviction  that  He  purposed  to  give  the  land  of 
 Canaan  to  the  Israelites.  When  therefore  the  two 
 spies  sent  by  Joshua  came  to  her  house,  thev  ibiuid 
 themselves  und^er  the  roof  of  one  who,  alone  pio- 
 bably  of  the  whole  population,  was  friendly  to  their 
 nation.  Her  reception  of  the  spies,  the  artifice  by 
 which  she  concealed  them  from  the  king,  their 
 escape,  and  the  saving  of  Rahab  and  her  family  at 
 the  capture  of  the  city,  in  accordance  with  tlieir 
 promise,  are  all  told  in  the  narrative  of  Josh.  ii. 
 The  narrator  adds,  "  and  she  dwelleth  in  Israel 
 unto  this  day,"  not  necessarily  implying  that  she 
 was  alive  at  the  time  he  wrote,  but  that  the  family 
 of  strangers  of  which  she  was  reckoned  the  head, 
 continued  to  dwell  among  the  children  of  Israel. 
 As  regards  Rahab  herself,  we  learn  from  Matt.  i.  5, 
 that  she  became  the  wife  of  Salmon  the  son  of 
 Naasson,  and  the  mother  of  Boaz,  Jesse's  grand- 
 father. The  suspicion  naturally  arises  that  Salmon 
 may  have  been  one  of  the  spies  whose  life  she  saved, 
 and  that  gi'atitude  for  so  great  a  benefit  led  in  his 
 case  to  a  more  tender  passion,  and  obliterated  the 
 memory  of  anv  past  disgrace  attaching  to  her  name. 
 But,  however  this  may  be,  it  is  certain,  on  the  au- 
 thority of  St.  Matthew,  that  Rahab  became  the 
 mother  of  the  line  from  which  sprung  David,  and 
 eventually  Christ ;  for  that  the  Rachab  mentioned 
 by  St.  Matthew  is  Rahab  the  harlot,  is  as  certain 
 ;is  that  David  in  the  genealogy  is  the  same  person 
 as  David  in  the  books  of  Samuel.  The  attempts 
 that  have  been  made  to  prove  Rachab  diH'erent  from 
 Rahab,  in  order  to  get  out  of  the  chronological  dif- 
 ficulty, are  singularly  absurd.  The  character  of 
 Rahab  has  much  and  deep  inteiest.  Dismissing,  as 
 inconsistent  with  truth,  the  attempt  to  clear  her 
 character  of  stain  by  saying  that  she  was  only  an 
 innkeeper,  and  not  a  harlot,  we  may  yet  notice  that 
 it  is  very  possible  that  to  a  woman  of  her  country 
 and  leligion  such  a  calling  may  have  implied  a  far 
 less  deviation  from  the  standaid  of  morality  than  it 
 does  with  us,  and  moreover,  that  with  a  purer  faith 
 she  seems  to  have  entered  upon  a  pure  life.  As 
 a  Ciise  of  casuistry,  her  conduct  in  deceiving  the 
 king  of  .lericho's  messengers  with  a  false  tale,  and, 
 above  all,  in  taking  part  against  her  own  country- 
 men, has  been  much  discussed.  With  regard  to 
 the  first,  strict  truth,  either  in  Jew  or  heathen, 
 was  a  virtue  so  utterly  unknown  before  the  pro- 
 mulgation of  the  Gospel,  that,  as  far  as  Rahab  is 
 concerned,  the  discussion  is  quite  superfluous.  With 
 regard  to  her  taking  pait  against  her  own  country- 
 men, it  can  only  be  justified,  but  is  fully  justified, 
 bv  the  circumstance  that  fidelity  to  her  co\intry 
 would  in  her  case  have  been  infidelity  to  God,  and 
 that  the  higher  duty  to  her  Maker  eclipsed  the  lower 
 duty  to  her  native  land.  If  her  own  life  of  shame 
 was  in  any  way  connected  with  that  idolatry,  one 
 can  readily  understand  what  a  further  stimulus  this 
 would  give,  now  that  her  heart  was  purified  by 
 fiuth,  to  her  desire  for  the  overthrow  of  the  nation 
 to  which  she  belonged  by  birth,  and  the  establish- 
 
 RAIN 
 
 775 
 
 mi'ut  of  that  to  whicd  sfie  wished  to  belong  by  a 
 community  of  faith  and  hope.  This  view  of  Rahab's 
 conduct  is  fully  borne  out  by  the  references  to  her 
 in  the  N.  T.  The  author  of  the  Epistle  to  the 
 Hebrews  tells  us  that  "  by  faith  the  harlot  Rahab 
 perished  not  with  them  that  believed  not,  when  she 
 had  received  the  spies  with  peace"  (Heb.  xi.  31); 
 and  St.  James  fortifies  his  doctrine  of  justification 
 by  works,  by  asking,  "  Was  not  Kahab  the  harlot 
 justified  by  works,  when  she  had  received  the  mes- 
 sengers, and  had  sent  them  out  another  way  ?  " 
 (Jam.  ii.  25.)  And  in  like  manner  Clement  of 
 Rome  says,  "Rahab  the  harlot  was  saved  for  her 
 I'aith  and  hospitality"  {ad  Connth.  xii.). 
 
 Ba'hab,  a  poetical  name  of  Egypt  (F's.  Ixxxix. 
 10  ;  Is.  Ii.  9).  The  same  word  signifies  "  fierce- 
 ness, insolence,  pride  ;"  if  Hebrew,  when  applied  to 
 Egypt  it  would  indicate  the  national  character  of 
 the  inhabitants.  Gesenius  thinks  it  was  probably 
 of  Egyptian  origin,  but  accommodated  to  Hebrew, 
 although  no  likely  equivalent  has  been  found  in 
 Coptic,  or,  we  may  add,  in  ancient  Egyptian. 
 This  word  occurs  in  a  passage  in  Job  (xxvi.  12), 
 where  it  is  usually  translated,  as. in  the  A.  V.,  in- 
 stead of  being  treated  as  a  jjroper  name.  Rahab, 
 as  a  name  of  Egypt,  occurs  once  only  without  re- 
 feience  to  the  Exodus:  this  is  in  Ps.  Ix-xxvii.  4.  In 
 Is.  XXX.  7  the  name  is  alluded  to. 
 
 Baliam,  In  the  genealogy  of  the  descendants  of 
 Caleb  the  son  of  Hezron  (1  Chr.  ii.  44),  Raham 
 is  described  as  the  son  of  Shema  and  father  of 
 Jorkoam. 
 
 Ba'hel,  the  more  accuiate  foim  of  the  familiar 
 name  elsewhere  rendered  Rachel  (Jer.  xxxi.  15). 
 
 Bain.  Mdtar,  and  also  geshem,  which,  when  it 
 differs  from  the  more  common  word  mdtdr,  signi- 
 fies a  more  violent  rain  ;  it  is  also  used  as  a  generic 
 term,  including  the  early  and  latter  rain  (Jer.  v.  24 ; 
 Joel  ii.  23).  Early  Rain,  the  rains  of  the  autumn, 
 yoreh  (Deut.  xi.  14 ;  Jer.  v.  24) ;  also  moreh 
 (Joel  ii.  23).  Latter  Rain,  the  rain  of  spring, 
 malkosh  ( Prov.  xvi.  15  ;  Job  xxix.  23  ;  Jer.  iii.  3  ; 
 Hos.  vi.  3;  Joel  ii.  23;  Zech.  x.  1).  The  early 
 and  latter  rains  are  mentioned  together  (Deut.  Xi. 
 14;  Jer.  v.  24-;  Joel  ii.  23;  Hos.  vi.  3;  James  v. 
 7).  Another  word,  of  a  more  poetical  character, 
 is  reblbim,  translated  in  our  version  "shi:wus" 
 (Deut.  xxxii.  2  ;  Jer.  iii.  3,  xiv.  22 ;  Mic.  v.  7 
 (Heb.  6);  Ps.  Ixv.  10  (Heb.  11),  Ixxii.  6).  The 
 Hebrews  have  also  the  word  zerem,  expressing  vio- 
 lent lain,  storm,  tempest,  accompanied  with  hail — 
 in  Job  xxiv.  8,  the  heavy  rain  whicli  conies  down 
 on  mountains ;  and  sagrir,  which  occurs  only  in 
 Prov.  xxvii.  l.">,  continuous  and  heavy  rain.  In  a 
 country  com])rising  so  many  varieties  of  elevation 
 as  Palestine,  there  must  of  necessity  occur  corre- 
 sponding varieties  of  climate.  For  six  months  in 
 the  year  no  rain  falls,  and  the  harvests  are  gathered 
 in  without  any  of  the  anxiety  with  which  we  are  so 
 familiar  lest  the  work  be  interrupted  by  unseason- 
 able storms.  There  are,  however,  very  considerable, 
 and  perhaps  more  than  compensating,  disadvantages 
 occasioned  by  this  long  absence  of  rain:  the  whole 
 land  becomes  dry,  parched,  and  brown,  the  cisterns 
 are  empty,  the  springs  and  fountains  fail,  and  the 
 autumnal  rains  are  eagerly  looked  for,  to  prepare 
 the  earth  for  the  reception  of  the  seed.  These, 
 the  early  rains,  commence  about  the  latter  end  of 
 October  or  beginning  of  November,  in  Lebanon  a 
 month  earlier:  not  suddenly  but  by  degrees;  the 
 husbandman  has  thus  the  opportimity  of  sowing  his 
 
776 
 
 RAINBOW 
 
 fields  of  wheat  and  bailey.  The  rains  come  mostly 
 fi'ora  the  west  or  south-west  (Luke  xii.  54),  con- 
 tinuino;  for  two  or  three  days  at  a  time,  and  falling 
 chieHy  during  the  night ;  the  wind  then  shifts 
 round  to  the  north  or  east,  and  several  days  of  fine 
 weather  succeed  (Piov.  xxv.  2.'j).  During  the 
 months  of  Novemljer  and  December  the  rains  con- 
 tinue to  fall  hiavily,  but  at  intervals;  afterwards 
 they  return,  only  at  longer  intervals,  and  are  less 
 heavy ;  but  at  no  period  during  the  winter  do 
 they  entirely  cease.  January  and  February  are  the 
 coldost  months,  and  snow  falls,  sometimes  to  the 
 depth  of  a  foot  or  more,  at  .Jerusalem,  but  it  does 
 not  lie  long  ;  it  is  very  seldom  seen  along  the  co;ist 
 and  in  the  low  plains.  Rain  continues  to  fall  more 
 or  less  during  the  month  of  March  ;  it  is  very  rare 
 in  April,  and  even  in  Lebanon  the  showers  that 
 occur  are  generally  light.  In  the  valley  of  the 
 .loidan  the  barley  haivest  begins  as  early  as  the 
 middle  of  April,  and  the  wheat  a  fortnight  later  ;  in 
 Lebanon  the  grain  is  seldom  ripe  before  the  middle 
 of  June.  [Palkstine.]  With  respect  to  the  dis- 
 tinction between  the  early  and  the  latter  rains, 
 Robinson  observes  that  there  are  not  at  the  present 
 day  "  any  particular  peiiods  of  rain  or  succession  of 
 showers,  which  might  be  regarded  as  distinct  rainy 
 seasons.  The  whole  period  from  October  to  March 
 now  constitutes  only  one  continued  season  of  vain 
 without  any  regularly  intervening  term  of  pro- 
 longed fine  we.ather.  Unless,  therefore,  there  has 
 been  some  change  in  the  climate,  the  early  and  the 
 latter  rains  for  which  the  husbandman  waited  with 
 longing,  seem  rather  to  have  imi)lied  the  first 
 showers  of  autumn  which  revived  the  parched  and 
 thirsty  soil,  and  prejjared  it  for  the  seed ;  and  the 
 later  showei's  of  spring,  which  continued  to  re- 
 fresh and  forward  both  the  lipening  crops  and  the 
 vernal  products  of  the  fields  (James  v.  7  ;  Prov. 
 xvi.  15,." 
 
 Bainbow.  The  token  of  the 
 covenant  wliich  God  made  with 
 Noah  when  he  came  forth  from 
 the  ark,  that  the  waters  should 
 no  more  become  a  flood  to 
 destroy  all  fle.sh.  The  right 
 intei-pretation  of  (Jon.  ix.  !'■'> 
 seems  to  be  that  God  took  the 
 rainbow,  which  liad  hitherto 
 been  but  a  beautiful  object 
 shining  in  the  heavens  when 
 the  sun's  rays  fell  on  falling 
 rain,  and  consecrated  it  as  the 
 sign  of  His  love  and  the  wit- 
 ness of  His  promise  (Ecclus. 
 xliii.  11).  The  figurative  and 
 symbolical  use  of  the  r.iinbow 
 as  an  emblem  of  God's  mercy 
 and  faithfulness  must  not  be 
 passed  over.  In  the  wondrous 
 vision  shown  to  St.  John  in 
 the  Apocalypse  (Kev.  iv.  3),  it 
 is  said  that  "  there  was  a  rain- 
 bow round  about  the  thi'ono, 
 in  sight  like  unto  .an  emerald  :" 
 amidst  the  awful  vision  of  sur- 
 pa.ssing  glory  is  seen  the  symbol 
 of  Hope,  the  bright  emblem  of 
 Mercy  nnl  of  Love. 
 
 Eaisins.     [  \'  i  x  i;.] 
 
 Ra  1(001.  Among  the  de- 
 fccndants  of  Mnchir  the  son  of 
 
 RAM,  BATTERING 
 
 Manasseh,  by  his  wife  Slaachah,  are  meutionp<i 
 Ulam  and  It-ikem,  who  are  apparently  the  sooa 
 of  Shercsh  (1  Chr.  vii.  IG). 
 
 Rak'kath,  one  of  the  fortified  towns  of  Naphtali, 
 named  between  Hammatii  and  Ciu.nneretu  (Josh, 
 xix.  35). 
 
 Bak'kon,  one  of  the  towns  in  the  inheritance  of 
 Dan  ( Josh.  xix.  46j,  apparently  not  far  distant  from 
 Joppa. 
 
 Sam.  1  Second  son  of  Hezron,  and  father  of 
 Amminadab  (1  Chr.  ii.  9,  10).— 2.  The  fii-st-born 
 of  .lerahmeel  (1  Chr.  ii.  25,  27).— 3.  Llihu,  the 
 son  of  Barachel  the  Buzite,  is  described  as  "  of 
 the  kindred  of  Ram  "  (Job  xxxii.  2).  Ewald  iden- 
 tifies Ram  with  Aram,  mentioned  in  Gen.  xxii.  21 
 in  coiiucxion  with  Huz  and  Buz. 
 
 Earn.     [SnKEP;  Sacrifices.] 
 
 Bam,  Battering.  This  instrument  of  ancient 
 siege  operations  is  twice  mentioned  in  the  0.  T. 
 (Kz.  iv.  2,  xxi.  22  [27]);  and  as  both  references 
 are  to  the  battering-rams  in  use  among  the  Assy- 
 rians and  Babylonians,  it  will  only  be  necessary  to 
 describe  those  which  are  known  from  the  monu- 
 ments to  have  been  employed  in  their  sieges.  In 
 attacking  the  walls  of  a  fort  or  city,  the  fii-st  step 
 appears  to  have  been  to  form  an  inclined  plane  or 
 bank  of  earth  (conip.  Kz.  iv.  2,  "  cast  a  mount 
 against  it"),  by  which  the  besicgei's  could  bring 
 their  battering-rams  and  other  engines  to  the  foot  of 
 the  walls.  '*  The  battering-rams,''  says  Mr.  Layaixl, 
 "  were  of  several  kinds.  Some  were  joined  to 
 moveable  towers  which  held  waiTiors  and  armed 
 men.  The  whole  then  formed  one  great  temporary 
 building,  the  top  of  which  is  represented  in  sculp- 
 tures as  on  a  level  w-ith  the  walls,  and  even  tur- 
 rets, of  the  besieged  city.  In  some  ba.<-reliefs  the 
 battering-iiim  is  without  wheels ;  it  was  then  per- 
 haps constructed  upon  the  spot,  and  was  not  in- 
 
RAMA 
 
 tended  to  be  moved.  .  .  .  The  mode  of  working 
 the  rams  cannot  be  determined  from  the  Assyrian 
 sculptures.  It  may  be  presume<l,  from  the  repre- 
 sentations in  the  bas-reliefs,  that  they  were  partly 
 suspended  by  a  rope  fastened  to  the  outride  of  the 
 machine,  and  that  men  directed  and  impelled  them 
 from  within.  .  .  .  The  artificial  tower  was  usually 
 occupied  by  two  warriors :  one  discharged  his  aiTOWs 
 against  the  besieged,  whom  he  was  able,  from  his 
 lofty  position,  to  haiass  more  effectually  than  if  he 
 had  been  below  ;  the  other  held  up  a  shield  for  his 
 companion's  defence." 
 
 Ba'ma,  Matt.  ii.  18,  referring  to  Jer.  3xxi.  15. 
 The  original  passage  alludes  to  a  massacre  of  Ben- 
 jamites  or  Ephraimites  (comp.  ver.  9,  18),  at  the 
 RamaU  in  Benjamin  or  in  Mount  Ephraim.  This 
 is  seized  by  the  Evangelist  and  turned  into  a  touch- 
 ing reference  to  the  slaughter  of  the  Innocents  at 
 Bethlehem,  near  to  which  was  (and  is)  the  sepul- 
 chre of  Rachel. 
 
 Ba'mah.  A  word  which  in  its  simple  or  com- 
 pound shape  forms  the  name  of  several  places  in  the 
 Holy  Land  ;  one  of  those  which,  like  Gibeah,  Geba, 
 Gibeon,  or  Mizpeh,  betrays  the  aspect  of  the  country. 
 As  an  appellative  it  is  found  only  in  one  passage 
 (Ez.  xvi.  24-39  I,  in  which  it  occurs  four  times, 
 each  time  rendered  in  the  A.  V.  "  high  place." 
 But  in  later  Hebrew  ramtha  is  a  recognised  word 
 for  a  hill.— 1,  One  of  the  cities  of  the  allotment  of 
 Benjamin  (Josh,  xviii.  25).  Its  place  in  the  list  is 
 between  Gibeon  and  Beeroth.  There  is  a  moie 
 precise  specification  of  its  position  in  the  invaluable 
 catalogue  of  the  places  north  of  Jerusalem  which 
 are  enumerated  by  Isaiah  as  disturbed  by  the 
 gradual  approach  of  the  king  of  Assyria  (Is.  x. 
 28-32).  At  Michmash  he  crosses  the  ravine ;  and 
 then  successively  dislodges  or  alanns  Geba,  Ramah, 
 and  Gibeah  of  Saul.  Each  of  these  may  be  recog- 
 nised With  almost  absolute  certainty  at  the  present 
 day.  Geba  is  Jeha,  on  the  south  brink  of  the  great 
 valley;  and  a  mile  and  a  half  beyond  it,  directly 
 between  it  and  the  main  road  to  the  city,  is  er-Edin 
 (its  name  the  exact  equivalent  of  ha-Kamah)  on  the 
 elevation  which  its  ancient  name  implies.  Its  dis- 
 tance from  the  city  is  two  hours,  t.  e.  five  English 
 or  six  Roman  miles.  Its  position  is  also  in  close  agree- 
 ment with  the  notices  of  the  Bible  ( Judg.  iv.  5,  xix. 
 l.S  ;  1  K.  XV,  17,  21,  22;  2Chr.  xvi.  1,  5,  6;  Jer. 
 xl.  1,  &c.).  Its  proximity  to  Gibeah  is  implied  in 
 1  Sam.  xxii.  6;  Hos.  v.  8;  Ezr.  ii.  26;  Neh.  vii. 
 30 :  the  last  two  of  which  passages  show  also  that 
 its  people  returned  after  the  Captivity.  The  Ramah 
 in  Neh.  xi.  33  occupies  a  different  position  in  the 
 list,  and  may  be  a  distinct  place  situated  further 
 west,  nearer  the  plain.  Er-Rdra  was  not  unknown 
 to  the  mediaeval  travellers,  by  some  of  whom  it  is 
 recognised  as  Ramah,  but  it  was  reserved  for  Dr. 
 Robinson  to  make  the  identification  certain  and 
 complete.— 2.  The  home  of  Elkanah,  Samuel's  father 
 (1  Sam.  i.  19,  ii.  11),  the  birthplace  of  Samuel 
 himself,  his  home  and  official  residence,  the  site  of 
 his  altar  (vii.  17,  viii.  4,  xv.  34,  xvi.  13,  xix.  18), 
 and  finally  his  burial-place  (xxv.  1,  xxviii.  3).  In 
 the  present  instance  it  is  a  contracted  form  of  Ra- 
 MATHAIM-ZOPIIIM.  All  that  is  directly  said  a.s  to 
 its  situation  is  that  it  was  in  Mount  Ephraim 
 (1  Sam.  i.  1),  and  this  would  naturally  lead  us  to 
 seek  it  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Shechem.  But  the 
 whole  tenor  of  the  narrative  of  the  public  life  of 
 Samuel  (in  connexion  with  which  alone  this  Ramah 
 is  mentioned)   is  so  restiicted  to  the  region  of  the 
 
 RAMAH 
 
 777 
 
 tribe  of  Benjami).,  and  to  the  neighbourhood  of 
 Gibeah  the  i-esidencc  of  Saul,  that  it  seems  impos- 
 sible not  to  look  for  Samuel's  city  in  the  same 
 locality.  On  the  other  hand,  the  boundaiies  of 
 Mount  Ephraim  are  nowhere  distinctly  set  forth. 
 In  the  mouth  of  an  ancient  Hebrew  the  expression 
 would  mean  that  portion  of  the  mountainous  district 
 which  was  at  the  time  of  speaking  in  the  possession 
 of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim.  In  this  district,  tradi- 
 tion, with  a  truer  instinct  than  it  sometimes  dis- 
 plays, has  placed  the  residence  of  Samuel.  The 
 earliest  attempt  to  identify  it  is  in  the  Onomasticon 
 of  Eusebius,  and  was  not  so  happy.  His  words 
 aie  "Armathem  Seipha:  the  city  of  Helkana  and 
 Samuel ;  it  lies  near  Diospolis  :  thence  came  Joseph, 
 in  the  Gospels  said  to  be  from  Arimathaea."  Dios- 
 polis is  Lydda,  the  modern  Liidd,  and  the  refeience 
 of  Eusebius  is  no  doubt  to  Ramleh,  the  well-known 
 modem  town  two  miles  from  Ludd.  But  there  is 
 another  tradition,  that  just  alluded  to,  common  to 
 Moslems,  Jews,  and  Christians,  up  to  the  present 
 day,  which  places  the  residence  of  Samuel  on  the 
 lotty  and  remarkable  eminence  of  Neb>i  Samwil, 
 which  rises  four  miles  to  the  N.W.  of  Jerusalem, 
 and  which  its  height  (greater  than  that  of  Jeru- 
 salem itself),  its  commanding  position,  and  its  pe- 
 culiar shape,  render  the  most  conspicuous  object 
 in  all  the  landscapes  of  that  district,  and  make  the 
 names  of  Ramah  and  Zophim  exceedingly  appro- 
 priate to  it.  Since  the  days  of  Arculf  the  tradition 
 appears  to  have  been  continuous.  Here,  then,  we 
 are  inclined,  in  the  present  state  of  the  evidence,  to 
 place  the  Ramah  of  Samuel.  And  there  probably 
 would  never  have  been  any  resistance  to  the  tradi- 
 tional identification  if  it  had  not  been  thought  ne- 
 cessary to  make  the  position  of  liamah  square  with 
 a  passage  with  which  it  does  not  seem  to  the  writer 
 to  have  necessarily  any  connexion.  It  is  usually 
 assumed  that  the  city  in  which  Saul  was  anointed 
 by  Samuel  (1  Sam.  ix.,  x.)  was  Samuel's  own  city 
 Ramah.  On  the  assumption  that  Ramathaim-zophim 
 was  the  city  of  Saul's  anointing,  various  attempts 
 have  been  made  to  find  a  site  for  it  in  the  neigh- 
 bourhood of  Bethlehem,  (a)  Gesenius  suggests  the 
 Jebel  Fureidis,  four  miles  south-east  of  Bethlehem, 
 the  ancient  Herodium,  the  "  Frank  mountain  "  of 
 more  modern  times.  (6)  Di'.  Robinson  proposes 
 Soba,  in  the  mountains  six  miles  west  of  Jerusalem, 
 as  the  possible  representative  of  Zophim.  (c)  Van 
 de  Velde,  following  the  lead  of  Wolcott,  argues  for 
 Jiameh  (or  Rnmct  el-Khn/il),  a  well-known  site  of 
 niins  about  two  and  a  half  miles  north  of  Hebron. 
 (d)  Dr.  Bonar  adopts  er-Rdm,  which  he  places  a 
 short  distance  north  of  Bethlehem,  east  of  Richel's 
 sepulchre.  Two  suggestions  in  an  opposite  direc- 
 tion must  be  noticed : — (a)  That  of  Ewald,  who 
 places  Ramathaim-zophim  at  Ram-allah,  a  mile 
 west  of  el-Bireh,  and  nearly  five  north  of  Nebii 
 Snmv:il.  (b)  That  of  Schwarz,  who,  starting  from 
 Gibeah-of-.Saul  as  the  home  of  Kish,  fixes  upon 
 Rameh  north  of  Samaria  and  west  of  8anur,  which 
 he  supposes  also  to  be  Ramoth  or  Jarmuth,  the 
 I.evitical  city  of  Issachar. — 3.  One  of  the  nineteen 
 fortified  places  of  Naphtali  (Josh.  xix.  36)  named 
 between  Adamah  and  Hazor.  It  would  appear,  if 
 the  order  of  the  list  may  be  accepted,  to  have  been 
 in  the  mountainous  country  N.W.  of  the  Lake  of 
 Gennesarelh.  In  this  district  a  place  bearing  the 
 name  of  Rameh  has  been  discovered  by  Dr.  Robin- 
 son. It  lies  on  the  main  track  between  Akka  and 
 the  north  end  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee,  and  about  eight 
 
778 
 
 RAMATH-LEHI 
 
 miles  H.S.K.  of  ,V,//V</.— 4.  Oni-of  tin-  landmaiks  on 
 the  boundary  (A.  V.  •' coa-t  ",  of  Asher  (Josh.  xix. 
 29),  appaifiitly  between  Tvie  and  Zidon.  Two 
 places  of  the  same  name  have  bpcn  discover  ed  in  f  hi' 
 district  allotted  to  Aslier;  tli."  one  east  of 'I'yie,  and 
 within  about  thiee  miles  nf  it,  the  other  more  than 
 ten  miles  oil',  and  south-east  of  the  same  city.  If 
 either  of  thi'se  places  represent  the  Ilaniah  in  ques- 
 tion, it  cert;»inly  seems  safer  to  identify  it  with  that 
 nearest  to  Tvre  and  the  sea-coast. — 5.  I'y  this  name 
 in  2  K.  viii.  29  and  2  Chr.  .\.\ii.  6,  only,  is  desig- 
 nated IwVMOTH-GiLKAD.— 6.  A  place  mentioned  in 
 the  catalogue  of  those  le-inhabited  by  the  Ben- 
 jamites  after  their  return  from  the  Captivity  (Neh. 
 xi.  .'iS).  It  maybe  the  l.'amah  of  Benjamin  (above, 
 No.  1)  or  the  liamah  of  Samuel,  but  its  position  in 
 the  list  (remote  from  Geba,  Michma--h,  Bethel, 
 ver.  31,  conip.  Ezr.  ii.  2G,  28)  seems  to  remove  it 
 further  we.'.t,  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Lod,  Hadid, 
 and  Ono.  The  situation  of  the  modern  Ramleli 
 .v^rees  very  well  with  this,  a  town  too  important 
 and  too  well  placed  not  to  hci.e  e.\isted  in  the  ancient 
 ;ime.s. 
 
 Sa'matli-Le'hi.  The  name  which  purports  to 
 have  been  l)e:-t(iwed  by  Samson  on  the  scene  of  his 
 slaughter  of  the  thousand  Philistines  with  the  jaw- 
 bone (Judg.  XV.  17).  "  He  cast  away  the  jaw-hone 
 out  of  his  hand,  and  lalled  that  place  '  Ramath- 
 !ehi,' " — as  if  "  heaving  of  the  jaw-bone."  But 
 '^iesenius  has  pointed  out  tliat  as  they  at  present 
 stand  the  words  are  exactly  parallel  to  Kaniath- 
 nii/peli  and  Ramath-negeb,  and  mean  the  "  height 
 of  I.cchi." 
 
 Ba  math-Miz  peh.  A  place  mentioned,  in  Josh, 
 xiii.  2()  only,  in  the  specilication  .-"f  the  territory 
 of  (iad,  ap]>aieiitly  as  one  of  its  nurthern  landmarks. 
 There  is  no  iea.son  to  <loubt  that  it  is  the  same 
 )ilace  with  that  early  sanctuaiy  at  which  .Jacob  and 
 l.aban  set  up  their  cairn  of  .stnnis,  and  which  le- 
 ceived  the  names  of  MiZi'KH,  (ialced,  and  Jegar 
 .Sihadutlm :  and  it  .seems  very  probable  that  all 
 these  are  ideutical  with  Hamoth-(;ilead,  so  notorious 
 ill  tiio  later  historv  of  the  nation. 
 
 Ba'math  of  the  South,  more  accurately  Kanvih 
 of  the  .South.  One  of  the  towns  in  the  allotment 
 of  Simeon  (.Josh.  xix.  8),  apparent  at  its  extreme 
 Miuth  limit.  It  appears  from  this  pjvssage  to  have 
 been  another  name  for  Baalatii-Bkeu.  Van  de 
 \'tlde  takes  it  as  identical  with  Ramath-Lehi,  which 
 he  finds  at  Tell  cl-Lckii/eh;  but  this  appears  to  be 
 ton  far  south.  It  is  in  all  jirobability  the  s;ime 
 place  as  .'soirrii  i;.\.M(iTii  (1  Sam.  xxx.  27). 
 
 Kamatha'im-Zo'phim.  The  full  form  of  the 
 name  of  the  town  in  which  Klkanah,  the  father  ot' 
 the  prophet  Samuel,  resided.  It  is  given  in  its 
 complete  shape  in  the  Hebrew  text  and  A.  V.  but 
 on(;e  '  1  Sam.  i.  1).  Klsewhere  (i.  19,  ii.  11,  vii. 
 17,  \iii.  4,  XV.  34,  xvi.  13,  xix.  18,  19,  22,23,  xx. 
 1.  XXV.  1,  xxviii.  3)  it  occurs  in  the  shorter  form 
 of  fj;imah.  [Kamaii,  2.]  llamathaim,  if  inter- 
 preted a.s  a  Hebrew  word,  is  dual — "the  double 
 eminence."  This  may  point  to  a  j)eculiarity  in  the 
 shape  or  nature  of  the  place,  or  may  be  an  instance 
 of  the  tendency,  familiar  to  all  students,  which 
 exi.sts  in  language  to  force  an  archaic  or  foreign 
 name  into  an  intelligible  foiin.  Of  the  force  of 
 "  /opium  "  no  probable  explanation  has  \teeu  given. 
 It  w;i8  an  ancient  name  on  the  east  of  .Jordan 
 (Num.  xxiii.  14),  and  there,  as  here,  was  .ittached 
 lo  an  emini'nce.  Even  without  the  testimony  of 
 the   LXX.   there   is   no  doubt,  from  the  narrative 
 
 RAMESES 
 
 itself,  that  the  Rimah  of  Samuel — where  lie  lived, 
 luiilt  an  altar,  die<l,  and  was  buried — was  the  same 
 place  as  the  Kamah  or  Hamathaim-Zophim  in  which 
 he  was  Itorn.  Of  its  position  nothing,  or  next  to 
 nothing,  can  be  gathered  fVom  the  narrative.  It 
 was  in  Mount  Kphraim  ( 1  Sam.  i.  1  ;.  It  had  ap- 
 parently attiiched  to  it  a  place  called  Naioth  (xix. 
 la.  &<t.,  XX.  1);  and  it  had  al.so  in  its  neighbour- 
 hoofl  a  great  well,  known  as  the  well  of  lla.s-Sechu 
 (xi.v.  2_'i.  But  untbrtunately  tliese  scanty  parti- 
 culars throw  no  light  on  its  situation.  In  the  4th 
 century  Kamathaim-Zophim  was  located  near  Dios- 
 polis  (I.ydda),  probably  at  Kamleh  ;  but  that  is 
 quite  untenable,  and  quickly  disappeared  in  favour 
 of  another,  probably  older,  certainly  more  probable 
 tradition,  which  placed  it  on  the  lofty  and  remarkable 
 hill  four  miles  N.W.  of  Jerusalem,  known  to  the 
 early  pilgrims  and  Crusadeis  as  Saint  Samuel  and 
 Mont  Joye.  It  is  now  universally  designated 
 Neby  Samwil — the  "  Prophet  .Samuel."  [Ham AH, 
 No.  2.] 
 
 Ba'mathem.  One  of  the  thiee  "  governments" 
 which  were  added  to  Judaea  by  king  Demetrius 
 Nicator,  out  of  the  country  of  Samaria  (1  Mace, 
 xi.  34).  It  no  doubt  derived  its  name  from  a  town 
 of  the  name  of  Kamatiiaim,  proljably  that  re- 
 nowned as  the  birtli])lace  of  Samuel  the  Prophet, 
 though  this  cannot  be  stated  with  certainty. 
 
 Ra'mathite,  the.  Shimei  the  Ramathite  had 
 charge  of  the  royal  vineyards  of  King  David  (1  Chr. 
 xxvii.  27).  The  name  im])lies  that  he  was  native 
 of  a  jilace  called  Itnniah,  but  there  is  no  tradition 
 or  other  clue  by  which  the  particular  Kamah  to 
 which  this  worthy  lielonged  can  be  identified. 
 
 Bam'eses,  oi  Raam'ses,  a  city  and  district  of 
 Lower  Kgyjit.  There  can  Iw  no  reasonable  doubt 
 that  the  same  city  is  designated  by  the  Rameses 
 and  llaamses  of  the  Heb.  text,  and  that  this  was 
 the  chief  place  of  the  land  of  Rameses,  all  the  pas- 
 sages referring  to  the  same  region.  The  first  men- 
 tion of  Kame.ses  is  in  the  narrative  of  the  settling 
 by  Joseph  of  his  father  and  brethren  in  Egypt, 
 where  it  is  related  that  a  pos.session  was  given  them 
 "  in  the  land  ofRjimeses"  (Gen.  xlvii.  11).  This 
 land  of  llameses,  either  corresponds  to  the  land  of 
 Goshen,  or  was  a  district  of  it.  more  probably  tht 
 fornter,  a.s  appears  from  a  comparison  with  a  pa- 
 rallel pa.ssage  (6).  The  name  next  occui-s  as  that 
 of  one  of  the  two  store-cities  built  lor  the  Pharaoh 
 who  first  ojipressed  the  chiliiren  of  Israel  (  Ex.  i.  11). 
 There  aiu  be  no  doubt  that  Puiamses  is  Rameses  in 
 the  land  of  (ioshen.  In  the  narrative  of  the  Exodus 
 we  read  of  R;ime.ses  as  the  starting-point  of  the 
 journey  (Ex.  xii.  37;  see  also  Num.  xxxiii.  3,  .')). 
 If  then  we  suppose  Rameses  or  Kaimses  to  have 
 been  the  chief  town  of  the  land  of  Rameses,  either 
 Goshen  itself  or  a  di.strict  of  it,  we  have  to  endea- 
 vour to  determine  its  situation.  Lepsins  supposes 
 that  Aboo-Kesheyd  is  on  the  site  of  h'ameses.  His 
 reasons  are,  that  in  the  LXX.  Heroopolis  is  placed 
 in  the  land  of  R'lmeses,  in  a  j)as.sage  where  the  Heh. 
 only  mentions  "the  land  of  (ioshen  "  (tien.  xlvi. 
 28;,  and  that  there  is  a  monolithic  gnuip  of  AIkio- 
 Kesheyd  representing  Turn,  and  lia.  and  between 
 them,  Rameses  IL,  who  was  prohablv  there  w,or- 
 shipjied.  The  Biblical  narrative  of  the  position  of 
 J-iame.'^es,  .seems  to  point  to  the  western  part  of  the 
 land  of  (ioslien,  since  two  lull  marches,  and  part 
 at  least  ot  a  third,  brought  the  Israelites  from  this 
 town  to  the  Re<l  Sea;  and  the  naiTative  appears  to 
 indicate  a  itiute  for  the  chief  part  directly  towArds 
 
RAMESSE 
 
 the  sea.  The  one  fuel  that  Aboo-Keslieyd  i>  within 
 ;il)out  eight  miles  of  the  ancient  head  of  tlie  gulf, 
 seems  to  iis  fatal  to  Lepsius's  identification.  There 
 is  good  reason  to  suppose  that  many  cities  in  Kgypt 
 hole  this  name. 
 
 Rames'se  =  Kamesks  (Jud.  i.  9). 
 
 Kami'ah.  A  layman  of  Israel,  one  of  the  sons 
 of  Paiosh    ICzr.  x.  25). 
 
 Ka'moth.  One  of  the  four  Levitical  cities  of 
 Issachar  actoiding  to  the  catalogue  in  1  Chr. 
 ( vi.  7:;i. 
 
 Ra'moth.  An  Israelite  layman,  of  the  sons  of 
 Uani  (Kzr.  x.  29). 
 
 Ra'moth  Gil'ead,  the  "  heights  of  Gilead."  One 
 of  the  great  fastnesses  on  the  east  of  Jordan,  and 
 the  key  to  an  important  district,  as  is  evident  not 
 only  from  the  direct  statement  of  1  K.  iv.  13,  that 
 it  commanded  the  regions  of  Argob  and  of  the  towns 
 of  Jair,  but  also  from  the  obstinacy  with  which  it 
 was  attacked  and  defended  by  the  Syrians  and  Jews 
 in  the  reigns  of  Ahab,  Ahaziah,  and  Joram.  It 
 seems  probr.ble  that  it  was  identical  with  Ramath- 
 Mizpeh  (Josh.  .\iii.  26),  which  again  there  is  every 
 reason  to  believe  occupied  the  spot  on  which  Jacob 
 had  made  his  covenant  with  Laban.  It  was  the  city 
 of  refuge  for  the  tribe  of  Gad  (Deut.  iv.  43  ;  Josh. 
 XX.  8,  xxi.  o8).  We  next  encounter  it  as  the  re- 
 sidence of  one  of  Solomon's  commissariat  officeis 
 (1  K.  iv.  13).  In  the  second  Syrian  wai'  Ramoth- 
 Gilead  played  a  conspicunus  pait.  During  the  in- 
 vasion related  in  1  K.  xv.  20,  or  some  subsequent 
 incursion,  this  important  place  had  been  se'zed  by 
 Benhadad  I.  from  Omri.  The  incidents  of  Ahab's 
 expedition  are  well  known.  During  Ahaziah 's  short 
 reign  we  hear  nothing  of  it,  it  probably  remained  in 
 possession  of  the  Syrians  till  the  suppression  of  the 
 Moabite  rebellion  gave  Joram  time  to  renew  the 
 siege.  He  was  moie  fortunate  than  Ahab.  The 
 town  was  taken  by  Israel,  and  held  in  spite  of  all 
 the  effoits  of  Hazael  (who  was  now  on  the  throne 
 of  Damascus)  to  regain  it  (2  K.  ix.  14).  Hence- 
 forward Ramoth-Gilead  disappears  fi'om  onr  view. 
 Kusebitis  and  Jerome  specify  the  position  of  Hamoth 
 as  15  miles  from  Phila<lelphia  {Amman').  In  this 
 case  they  are  at  varian(;e  with  each  other,  pAisebius 
 placing  it  west,  and  Jerome  east  of  Philadelphia. 
 The  latter  position  is  obviously  untenable.  The 
 former  is  nearly  that  of  the  modern  town  of  es-Salt, 
 which  Gesenius  pi  eposes  to  identify  with  Ilamoth- 
 (iilead.  Ewald,  indeed,  proposes  a  site  further 
 north  as  more  probable.  He  suggests  Reimiin,  a 
 few  miles  west  of  Jerash.  The  position  assigned 
 to  it  by  Eusel  jus  answers  tolerably  well  for  a  site 
 bearing  the  name  of  Jel'dd,  exactly  identical  with 
 the  ancient  Hebrew  Gilead,  which  is  mentioned  bv 
 Seelzen  as  four  or  five  miles  north  of  es-Salt.  And 
 probably  this  situation  is  not  very  far  from  the 
 truth. 
 
 Ra'moth  in  Gil'ead,  Deut.  iv.  43  ;  Josh.  xx.  8, 
 xxi.  nS  ;  1  K.  xxii.  3.  Elsewhere  the  shorter  form, 
 Kamotii  Gilead,  is  used. 
 
 Rams'  Horns.     [Cornet  ;  Jubilee.] 
 
 Rams'  Skins  dyed  red  formed  part  of  the  ma- 
 terials that  the  Israelites  were  ordered  to  present  as 
 offerings  for  the  making  of  the  Tabernacle  (Ex. 
 ixv.  5j  ;  of  which  they  served  as  one  of  the  inner 
 coverings.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  A.  V.,  fol- 
 lowing the  LXX.  and  Vulgate,  and  the  Jewish 
 interpreteis,  is  correct.  The  original  words,  it  is 
 time,  admit  of  being  rendeied  thus — "  skins  of  red 
 rams."     The  red  ram  is  by  Ham.  Smith  identified 
 
 RAZIS 
 
 779 
 
 with  the  Aoudad  sheep  {Ammotragus  Tragela- 
 ph>,s). 
 
 Ra'pha.  Son  of  Binea,  among  the  descendants 
 of  Saul  (1  Chr.  viii.  37). 
 
 Raphael.  "  One  of  the  seven  holy  angels  which 
 .  ...  go  in  and  out  before  the  glory  of  the  Holy 
 One" 'Toll.  xii.  15^.  According  to  another  Jewish 
 tradition,  K'aphael  was  one  of  tlie  four  angels  which 
 stood  round  the  throne  of  God  (Michael,  Uriel, 
 Gabriel,  Raphael).  In  Tobit  he  appears  as  the 
 guide  and  counsellor  of  Tobias. 
 
 Rapha'im.  The  name  of  an  ancestor  of  Judith 
 (JiKJ.  viii.  1). 
 
 Ra'phon.  A  city  of  Gilead,  under  the  walls  of 
 which  Judas  Maccabaeus  defeated  Timotheus  (1 
 Mace.  v.  37  only).  It  may  have  been  identical 
 with  Raphana,  which  is  mentioned  by  Pliny  as  one 
 of  the  cities  of  the  Decapolis,  but  with  no  specifica- 
 tion of  its  position.  In  Kiepert's  map  accompanv- 
 ing  Wetzstein's  Hnnran,  &c.  (1860),  a  place  named 
 Er-Rdfe  is  marked.  If  Er-Ilufe  be  Raphana  we 
 should  expect  to  find  laige  ruins. 
 
 Ra'phu.  The  father  of  Palti,  the  Benjamite 
 spy  (Num.  xiii.  9). 
 
 Ras'ses,  Children  of.  One  of  the  nations  whose 
 country  was  ravaged  by  Holofernes  in  his  approach 
 to  Judaea  (Jud.  ii.  23  only).  The  old  Latin 
 vei-sion  reads  Tliiras  et  L'asis.  Wolff  restores  the 
 oiiginal  Chaldee  text  of  the  passage  as  Thars  and 
 Rosos,  and  compares  the  latter  name  with  Rhosus, 
 h  jilace  on  the  <!ulf  of  Issus. 
 
 Rath'umus.  "  Rithumus  the  story  writer"  of 
 1  Esd.  ii.  16,  17,  25.  30,  is  the  same  as  "  Rehum 
 the  chancellor"  of  Ezr.  iv.  8,  9,  17,  23. 
 
 Raven,  the  well-known  bird  of  that  name  which 
 is  mentioned  in  various  passages  in  the  Bible. 
 There  is  no  doubt  that  the  Heb.  'oreb  is  correctly 
 translated.  This  bird  was  not  allowed  as  food  by 
 the  Mosaic  law  (Lev.  xi.  15).  The  word  'oreb  is 
 doubtless  used  in  a  generic  sense,  and  includes  other 
 species  of  the  genus  Corms,  such  as  the  crow  ( C. 
 corone),  and  the  hooded  crow  (C.  comix).  The 
 LXX.  and  Vulg.  differ  materially  from  the  Hebrew 
 and  our  -Xuthorised  Version  in  Gen.  viii.  7,  for 
 whereas  in  the  Hebrew  we  read  "that  the  raven 
 went  forth  to  and  fro  [from  the  ark]  until  the  waters 
 were  dried  up,"  in  the  two  old  versions  named 
 above,  together  with  the  Syriac,  the  raven  is  repre- 
 sented as  "  not  returning  until  the  water  was  dried 
 from  off  the  earth."  The  subject  of  Elijah's  sus- 
 tenance at  Cherith  by  means  of  ravens  has  given 
 occasion  to  much  fanciful  speculation.  It  has  been 
 attempted  to  show  that  the  'orebin  ("ravens") 
 were  the  people  of  Orbo,  a  small  town  near  Cherith. 
 Others  liMve  fomid  in  the  ravens  merely  mei-chants; 
 while  Michaelis  has  attempted  to  show  that  Elijah 
 merely  plundered  the  ravens'  nests  of  hares  and 
 other  game  !  To  the  fact  of  the  raven  being  a  com- 
 mon bird  in  Palestine,  and  to  its  habit  of  Hying 
 restlessly  about  in  constant  search  for  food  to  satisfy 
 Its  voracious  appetite,  may  perhaps  be  traced  the 
 reason  for  its  being  selected  by  our  Lord  and  the 
 inspired  wiiters  as  the  especial  object  of  God's 
 providing  care.  The  raven  belongs  to  the  order 
 rnsessnres,  family  Corvidae. 
 
 Ra'zis.  "One  of  the  elders  of  Jerusalem,"  who 
 killed  himself  under  peculiarly  terrible  circum- 
 stances, that  he  might  not  fall  "  into  the  hands  of 
 the  wicked"  (2  Mace.  xiv.  37-46).  In  dving  he 
 is  reported  to  have  expressed  his  faith  in  a  resur- 
 rection (ver.  46).     This  act  of  suicide,  which  was 
 
780 
 
 RAZOR 
 
 whi.lly  iilieu  to  tlie  spirit  of  tlie  Jf\vi>li  law  nnd 
 Iii''>))le,  has  becii  the  subject  of  consiilei-able  discus- 
 sion. 
 
 Razor.  Besides  other  usages,  the  jn-actice  of 
 Khaviiii;  the  head  after  the  completion  of  a  vow, 
 nuist  have  treated  ainoucj  the  Jews  a  necessity  lor 
 the  .special  trade  of  a  baiber  (Num.  vi.  9,  18,'  viii. 
 7  ;  Lev.  xiv.  8  ;  Jiidg.  .xiii.  5  ;  Is.  vii.  20  ,  Kz.  v.  1 ; 
 Acts  .will.  18).  The  instiuinents  of  his  work  were 
 probably,  as  in  modern  times,  the  razor,  the  basin, 
 the  mirror,  and  perhaps  also  the  scissors  (.see  2  Sam. 
 <iv.  2(3).  Like  the  Levite.s,  the  l^gyptian  priests 
 weie  .nccnstoined  to  shave  their  whole  bodies. 
 
 Seai'a.  A  lleubenite,  .son  of  Jlicah,  and  appar- 
 ently pri:,ce  of  his  tribe  (1  Chr.  v.  5).  The  name 
 is  i.leiiti(:d  with 
 
 Reai'ah.  1.  A  descendant  of  Shnbal,  the  son  of 
 .ludah  (1  Chr.  iv.  2).— 2.  The  children  of  Reaiah 
 were  a  family  of  Nethinim  who  returned  from  Ba- 
 bylon with  Zerubbabel  (E/.r.  ii.  47  ;  Neh.  vii.  50). 
 
 Se'ba.  One  of  the  five  kings  of  the  Midianites 
 slain  by  the  children  of  Israel  in  their  avenging 
 cKjiedition,  when  Balaam  fell  (Num.  \\\i.  8  ;  Josh. 
 .\iii.  2  I  I. 
 
 Eebec'ca.  The  Greek  foim  of  the  name  Ke- 
 liKKAii     l.'nm.  i.x.  10  only). 
 
 Eebek'ah,  daughter  of  Bethuel  (Gen.  x.vii.  23) 
 and  sister  of  Laban,  married  to  Isaac,  her  father'.s 
 cousin.  She  is  first  presented  to  us  in  the  ac- 
 count of  the  mission  cf  Kliezer  to  Padan-aram 
 {(>cn.  x.xiv.),  in  which  his  interview  with  Rebekah, 
 her  consent  and  marriage  are  related.  For  nineteen 
 years  she  was  chililless:  then,  after  the  prayeis  of 
 Isiiac  and  her  journey  to  inquire  of  the  Loid,  K.sau 
 and  Jacob  weie  born,  and  while  the  voungor  was 
 more  particulaily  the  companion  and  favourite  of 
 iiis  mother  (xxv.  19-28;  the  elder  became  a  grief 
 of  mind  to  her  (.xxvi.  .'55).  When  Isaac  was  driven 
 by  a  fiimine  into  the  lawh'.ss  country  of  the  Philis- 
 tines, Rebekah's  beauty  became,  as  was  ajiprehended, 
 a  source  of  danger  to  her  husband.  It  was  ])io- 
 bably  a  considerable  time  afterwards  whi-n  Rebekah 
 suggested  the  deceit  that  was  i)nicti.-ed  by  Jacob  on 
 his  blind  father.  She  diiected  and  aided  him  in 
 carrying  it  out,  foresaw  the  probable  consequence 
 of  K.sau's  anger,  and  ])ievenfed  it  by  movin<r  Is;iac 
 to  send  .lacob  away  to  Padau-arani  (.xxvii.)  to  her 
 own  kindled  (x.xix.  12j.  It  has  been  conjectured 
 that  she  died  during  Jacob's  sojourn  in  Padan-aram. 
 St.  I'aul  (Rom.  ix.  l(»j  refers  to  her  as  being  made 
 acquainted  with  the  purpo.se  of  God  regarding  her 
 children  lietbre  they  weie  born. 
 
 Be'chab.  1,  The  father  or  ancestor  of  Jeho- 
 nadab  (2  K.  x.  1.5,  2;i ;  1  Chr.  ii.  55;  Jer.  xxxv. 
 fi-I9),  identified  by  some  writers  with  Iloliab.— 
 2.  One  of  the  two  "  captiins  of  bands,"  wIujui  Ish- 
 bosheth  toc'k  into  his  serviw,  and  who  con^pired  to 
 muider  him  (2  Sam.  iv.  2^.-8.  The  father  of 
 Malchiah,  ruler  of  part  of  Beth-haccerem  (Neh. 
 iii.  14j. 
 
 Re'chabites.  The  tnbe  thus  named  appeai-s 
 before  lis  in  one  memorable  scene.  Their  history 
 befiire  and  after  it  lies  in  some  obscurity. — (I.)  In 
 I  <'hr.  ii.  55,  the  house  of  Recliab  is  identified  with 
 a  se(!tion  of'  the  Keniles,  who  aime  into  Canaan 
 with  the  Isnielites  and  letaineil  their  luniiadic  habits, 
 and  the  name  of  Ilammath  is  mentioned  as  the 
 patriarch  of  the  whole  tj'ibe.  It  has  been  iiifencd 
 tVoin  thi.s  pa.s.sage  that  the  descendants  of  Rcchab 
 belonged  to  a  branch  of  the  Kcnites  .setlle<l  from 
 the  first  at  Jabcz  in  Judah.     But  it   is  more  pro- 
 
 RECHABITES 
 
 bable  that   this  pas-age   releis  to  the  hualitv  o(Tn- 
 pied  by  the  Rechabites  after  their  letuin  from  the 
 captivity.     Of  Reyhab  himself  notliing  is  known. 
 He  may  have  been  the  lather,    he  may  have  been 
 the  remote  ancestor  of  .lehonadab.      The  name  mnj 
 have  pointed,  as  in  the  roldier-chieCof  2  .Sim.  iv. 
 2,  to  a  conspicuous  form  of  the  wild  Bedouin  life, 
 and  Jelionadab,   the  .son  of  the  IHder,   may   hak'e 
 been,  in  part  at  le;>st,  foi- tiiat  reason,  the  companion 
 and  fi'iend  ol  the  fierce  captain  of  Israel  who  drives 
 as  with  the  fury  of  madne.ss  (2  K.  ix.  2<').   Boulduo 
 infers  from  2  K.  ii.  12.  xiii.  14,  that  the  two  great 
 ]>roi)hets   Klijah   and   Klisha  were  known,  each  of 
 them  in  his  time,  as  the  chariot  (J.'ereb)  of  Israel. 
 He  infers  fiom  this  that  the  special  di.sinples  of  the 
 j.rophets,  who  followed  them  in  all  their  austeiity, 
 were  known  as  the  "  sons  of  the  chariot,"   line 
 Rcccb,   and    that    afterwards,    when    the   original 
 meaning  had  been  lost  sight  of,  this  was  taken  as  a 
 patronymic,  aiiil  referred  to  an  unknown  Rechab. 
 — (II.)  The  j)eisonal   hi.story  of  .Iiciionadab  has 
 been  dealt  with  ehewhere.     He  and  his  people  had 
 all    along    been    woishijipeis  of  .lehovah,   ciicum- 
 cised  though  not   leckout-d  as  belonging  to  Israel, 
 and  probably  therefore  not  considering  themselves 
 bound  by  the  -Mosaic  Imw  and  ritual.     The  woiship 
 of  Baal  was  accoi<liiigly  not  less  otiensive  to  them 
 than  to  the  Isi-aelites.     Tlie  luxuiy  and  licence  of 
 Phoenician  cities  threatened  the  destruction  of  the 
 simplicity  of  their  nomadic  life  (.Amos  ii.  7,  8,  vi. 
 3-G).     A  protest  was  needed  against  both  evils,  and 
 as  in   the  case  of  Hlijah,  and  of  the  Nazarites  of 
 Amos  ii.  11,  it  took  the  form  of  a-~ceticism.     There 
 was  to  be  a  more  rigid  ;idhei'ence  than  ever  to  the 
 old  .Vrab  life.     They  were  to  diink  no  wine,  nor 
 build  hou.se,  nor  sow  seed,  nor  |)lant  vineyaixi,  nor 
 have  any.     All    their  days  they  were  to  dwell  m 
 tents,  as  remembering  th.it  they  were  strangei-s  in 
 the  land  (Jer.  x.x.w.  6,  7).     This   was  to  be  the 
 condition  of'  their  retaining  a  distinct  tribal  existence. 
 For  two  centuries  and  a  half  they  adhered  laith- 
 fully  to  this  rule.     The  Nabathaeans  and  Wahaliys 
 supply  us  with  a  striking  j)aiallel. — (HI.)  The  in- 
 vasion of  .Judah   by   Nebuchadnezzar  in   U.C.  607, 
 drove  the  Rechabites  from   their  tents.     .Some  in- 
 ferences may  be  .safely  drawn  from  the  facts  of  Jer. 
 -Nxxv.      The    names  of  the    Rechabites    show    that 
 they  continued  to  be  wor.shi])pers  of  Jehovah.  They 
 are  already  known  to  the  prophet.     One  of  them 
 (ver.  ;t)   bears  the  sjime  name.     Their  ligid  N»- 
 zarite  life  g;iined  tor  them  adn;ission  into  the  hou.te 
 of  the  Lord,  into  one  of  the  chambei-s  assigned  to 
 priests  and  Levites,  within  its  j)recincts.    Here  they 
 are  tempted  and  are  proof  against  the  temptation. 
 The  history  of  this  trial  ends  with  a  special  bless- 
 ing: "  Jonadab,  the  son  of  llechab,  shall  not  want 
 a  man   to  st;uid   before  me  tor  ever"  (ver.    10). 
 The  words  "to  stand   betbie  me,"  are  e.ssentially 
 liturgical.     The  l.'ediabites  were  solemnly  adopteil 
 info  the  families  of  Isiael,  and   were  re(:o<;nisod   as 
 incorporated  into  the  tilbe  of  Levi. —  (IV.;  It  ro- 
 m.-iins  tor  us  to  see  whether  there  are  any  traces  of 
 their  after-history  in  the  Bililical  or  later  writers. 
 (1.)   We  have  the  singular  beading  of  the  Ps.  Ixxi. 
 in  the  I.X.X.  version,  indicating  that  the  "  sons  of 
 Jonadab"  shared  thi-cajitivity  of  Israel.     (2.)  There 
 is   the  significant  mention   of  a  son  of  Rechab  in 
 Neh.    iii.    14,    as   co-opeinting    with    the    prie.sfs, 
 Levites,  and  princes  in  the  restoration  of  the  wall 
 of  Jeru.salem.     (3.)  The  mention  of  the  house  oi 
 Rechab  in  1  Chr.  ii.  5.'>,  though  not  withiut  'lilli« 
 
RECHAH 
 
 culty,  points,  there  can  be  little  doubt,  to  the  snine 
 conclusion.  The  Rechabites  liave  become  Scribes. 
 They  give  tliemselves  to  a  calling  which,  at  the 
 time  of  the  return  from  Babylon  was  chiefly  if  not 
 exclusively,  in  the  hands  of  Levitcs.  The  close 
 juxtaposition  of  the  Rechabites  with  the  descendants 
 of  David  in  1  Chr.  iii.  1,  shows  also  in  how  honour- 
 able an  esteem  they  were  held  at  the  time  when 
 that  book  was  compiled.  (4.)  The  account  of  the 
 martyrdom  of  .lames  the  .Inst  given  by  Hegesippus, 
 biings  the  name  of  the  Rechaliites  once  more  before 
 us,  and  in  a  very  strange  connexion.  While  the 
 Scribes  and  Pharisees  were  stoning  him,  "  one  of 
 the  priests  of  the.  sons  of  Rechab,  the  sou  of  Re- 
 chabim,  who  are  mentioned  by  Jeremiah  the  pro- 
 j)het,"  cried  out,  piotesting  against  the  crime.  We 
 may  accept  Hegesippus  as  an  additional  witness  to 
 the  existence  of  tiie  Rechabites  as  a  recognised  body 
 up  to  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  sharing  in  the 
 litual  of  the  Temple.  (5.)  Some  later  notices  are 
 not  witliout  inteiest.  Benjamin  of  Tudela  in  the 
 12th  century  mentions  that  near  El  Jubar  (=Pum' 
 beditha)  he  found  Jews  who  were  named  Rechabites. 
 'I'liey  tilled  the  ground,  kept  flocks  and  herds,  ab- 
 stained from  wine  and  llesh,  and  gave  tithes  to 
 teachers  who  devoted  themselves  to  studying  the 
 Law,  and  weeping  for  Jerusalem.  A  later  tra- 
 veller, Dr.  Wolff,  gives  a  yet  stranger  and  more 
 detailed  report.  The  Jews  of  Jei'usalera  and  Yemen 
 told  him  that  he  would  find  the  Rechabites  of  Jer. 
 XXXV.  living  near  Mecca.  When  he  came  near 
 Senaa  he  came  in  contact  with  a  tribe,  the  Beni- 
 Khaibr,  who  identified  themselves  with  the  sons  of 
 Jonadab.  With  one  of  them,  Mousa,  Wolf}'  con- 
 versed. In  a  later  journal  he  mentions  a  second 
 inteiview  with  Mousa,  describes  them  as  keeping 
 strictly  to  the  old  rule,  caUs  them  now  by  the  name 
 of  the  B'ne-Arhab,  and  says  that  B'ne  Israel  of 
 the  tribe  of  Dan  live  with  them.  It  has  been 
 tfiought  right  to  give  these  statements  for  what 
 they  are  woith. 
 
 Ke'chah.  In  1  Chr.  iv.  12,  Beth-rapha,  Paseah, 
 and  Tehinnah  tiie  father,  oi'  founder,  of  Ir-nahash, 
 are  said  to  ha\e  been  "  the  men  of  Rechah." 
 
 Recorder,  an  officer  of  high  rank  in  the  Jewish 
 Btate,  exercising  the  functions,  not  simply  of  an  an- 
 nalist, but  of  chancellor  or  president  of  the  privy 
 council.  In  David's  court  the  recoider  appears 
 Among  the  high  officers  of  his  household  i  2  Sam.  viii. 
 10,  XX.  24;  1  Chr.  xviii.  15).  In  Solomon's,  he  is 
 coupled  with  the  three  secretaries,  and  is  mentioned 
 last,  probably  as  being  their  president  (1  K.  iv.  3; 
 3omp.  2  K.  xviii.  18,  37  ;  2  Chr.  xx.-.iv.  8). 
 
 Red  Sea.  The  sea  known  to  us  as  the  Red  Sea 
 was  bv  the  Israelites  called  "  the  sea"  (Ex.  xiv.  2, 
 9,  16."  21,  28  ;  xv.  1,  4,  8,  10,  19  ;  Josh.  xxiv.  6, 
 7  ;  and  many  other  passages) ;  and  specially  "  the 
 tea  of  suph"  (Ex.  x.  19;  xiii.  18;  xv.  4,  22  ;  xxiii. 
 31  ;  Num.  xiv.  25  ;  &c. ).  It  is  also  perhaps  written 
 sup/idh  in  Num.  xxi.  14,  rendered  "Red  Sea"  in 
 .■\.  V.  ;  and  in  like  mannei',  in  Dent.  i.  1,  suph.  The 
 LXX.  always  render  it  rj  tpvdpa  daXaaaa  (except 
 In  Judg.  xi.  16).  Of  the  names  of  this  sea  (1.) 
 i/ilm  signifies  '■  the  sea,"  or  any  sea.  It  is  also 
 applied  to  the  Nile  (exactly  as  the  Arabic  bahr  is  so 
 applied)  in  Nah.  iii.  8.  (2.)  yani-suph.  The 
 meaning  of  suph,  and  the  reason  of  its  being  applied 
 to  this  sea,  have  given  rise  to  much  learned  contro- 
 versy. Gesenius  rendei's  it  ?-Ms/i,  reed,  sea-weed. 
 It  is  mentioned  in  the  0.  T.  almost  always  in  con- 
 nexion with  the  sea  of  the  Exodus;  it  also  occurs  in 
 
 RED  SEA 
 
 781 
 
 the  narrative  of  the  exposure  of  Moses  (Ex.  ii.  3), 
 and  in  Is.  xix.  6,  where  it  is  rendered  "flag"  in 
 the  A.  V.  It  only  occuis  in  one  place  besides  those 
 already  referred  to:  in  Jon.  ii.  5  (A.  V.  "  weeds  "). 
 The  siiph  of  the  sfea,  it  seems  quite  certain,  is  a  sea- 
 tcccd  resembling  wool.  Such  sea-weed  is  thrown 
 up  abundantly  on  the  shores  of  the  Red  Sea.  But 
 it  may  have  been  also  applied  to  any  substance  re- 
 sembling wool,  produced  by  a  fluvial  rush,  such  as 
 the  papyrus,  and  hence  by  a  synecdoche  to  such  rush 
 itself.  (3.)  yeor,  signifies  "a  river."  It. seems 
 to  apply  to  "a  gieat  river,"  or  the  like,  and  also  to 
 "  an  aim  of  the  sea  ;"  and  perhaps  to  "  a  sea  "  ab- 
 solutely ;  like  the  Arabic  hahr.  Gesenius  says  it  is 
 almost  exclusively  used  of  the  Nile.  From  a  com- 
 parison of  all  the  passages  in  which  it  occurs  theie 
 appears  to  be  no  reason  for  supposing  that  yeor  aj)- 
 plies  exclusively  to  the  Nile.  In  the  passages  re- 
 lating to  the  exposure  of  Jloses  it  appears  to  applv 
 to  the  ancient  extension  of  the  Red  Sea  towards 
 Tanis  (Zoan,  Avaris),  or  to  be  the  ancient  canal 
 through  which  the  water  of  the  Nile  passed  to  the 
 "tongue  of  the  Egyptian  Sea."  (4.)  t)  ipv6pa 
 BdXacrcra.  The  origin  of  this  appellation  has  been 
 the  source  of  more  speculation  even  than  the  ob- 
 scure sUph  ;  for  it  lies  more  within  the  range  of 
 general  scholarship.  The  authors  of  theories  con- 
 cerning it  may  be  divided  into  two  schools.  The 
 first  have  ascribed  it  to  some  natural  phenomenon  ; 
 such  as  the  singularly  red  appearance  of  the  moun- 
 tains of  the  western  coast ;  the  red  colour  of  the 
 water  sometimes  caused  by  the  presence  of  zo- 
 ophites ;  the  red  coral  of  the  sea  ;  the  red  sea-weed  ; 
 and  the  red  storks  that  have  been  seen  in  gieat 
 numbers,  &c.  The  second  have  endeavoured  to 
 find  an  etymological  derivation.  Of  these  the 
 eai-liest  (European)  writers  proposed  a  derivation 
 from  Edom,  "  red,"  by  the  Greeks  translated  liter- 
 ally. The  Greeks  and  Romans  tell  us  that  the  sea 
 received  its  name  fiom  a  great  king,  Erythras,  who 
 reigned  in  the  adjacent  country  :  the  stories  that 
 have  come  down  to  us  appear  to  be  distortions  of 
 the  tradition  that  Himyer  was  the  name  of  appar- 
 ently the  chief  family  of  Arabia  Felix,  the  great 
 South-Arabian  kingdom,  whence  the  Himyerites, 
 and  Homeritae.  Himyer  appears  to  be  derived  from 
 the  Arabic  "  ahmar,"  red.  We  can  scarcely  doubt, 
 on  these  etymological  grounds,  the  connexion  between 
 the  Phoenicians  and  the  Himyerites,  or  that  in  this 
 is  the  true  origin  of  the  appellation  of  the  Red  Sea. 
 But  when  the  ethnological  side  of  the  question  is 
 considered,  the  evidence  is  much  strengthened.  The 
 South-Arabian  kingdom  was  a  Joktanite  (or  Shem- 
 ite)  nation  mixed  with  a  Cushite.  The  Red  Sea, 
 therefore,  was  most  probably  the  Sea  of  the  Red  men. 
 —  Ancient  Limits. — The  most  important  chance 
 in  the  lied  Sea  has  been  the  drying  up  of  its  north- 
 ern extiemity,  "  the  tongue  of  the  Egyptian  Sea." 
 The  land  about  the  head  of  the  gulf  "has  risen,  and 
 that  near  the  Mediterranean  become  depressed.  The 
 head  of  the  gulf  has  consequently  retired  gradually 
 since  the  Christian  era.  Thus  the  prophecv  oi 
 Isaiah  has  been  fulfilled  (xi.  15,  xix.  o)  :  the  tono-ye 
 of  the  Red  Sea  has  dried  up  for  a  distance  of  at  least 
 50  miles  from  its  ancient  head.  An  ancient  canal 
 conveyed  the  waters  of  the  Nile  to  the  Red  Sea 
 flowing  through  the  Wadi-t-Tumeylat,  and  irrigat- 
 ing with  its  system  of  water-channels  a  large  extent 
 of  country.  The  drying  up  of  the  head  of  the  gulf 
 appears  to  have  been  one  of  the  chief  causes  of  *the 
 neglect  and  ruin  of  this  canal.      The  country,  foi 
 
782 
 
 RSD  SEA 
 
 tlie  Uislauce  above  indicated,  is  now  a  desert  of 
 gravelly  sand,  with  wide  patches  about  the  old  sea- 
 bottom,  of  i-anl'  marsh  land,  now  called  the''  Bitter 
 Lakes."  At  the  northern  extremity  of  this  salt 
 waste  is  a  small  lake  sometimes  allied  the  lake  of 
 Heroopolis:  the  lake  is  now  Biiket  et-Tim»iih,  "  the 
 lake  of  the  Crocodile,"  and  is  sujjposed  to  maik  the 
 ancient  head  of  the  gulf.  The  ainal  that  connected 
 this  with  the  Nile  w;is  of  Phaiaonic  origin.  It  w;is 
 anciently  known  as  the  "  Fossa  liegum,"  and  the 
 "  canal  of  Hero."  The  time  at  which  the  canal 
 waa extended,  after  the  diying  up  of  the  head  of  the 
 gulf,  to  the  piesent  heail  is  uncertain,  but  it  must 
 have  been  late,  and  probably  since  the  Mohammedan 
 conquest.  Traces  of  the  ancient  channel  through- 
 out its  entire  length  to  the  vicinity  of  Buhastis, 
 exist  at  intervals  in  the  present  day.  'I'he  land  north 
 of  the  ancient  head  of  the  ijulf  is  a  jilain  of  heavy 
 sand,  merging  into  mai-sh-iaud  near  the  Mediter- 
 rane;m  coast,  and  pxteuding  to  Palestine.  This 
 rei;ion,  including  Wadi-t-Tumeyldt,  was  probably 
 the  frontier  land  occupied  in  part  by  the  Israelites, 
 and  open  to  the  incursions  of  the  wild  tribes  of  the 
 Aiabian  deaerU—Phi/sical  Description. — In  extreme 
 lens,'th  the  Red  Sea  stretches  from  the  Straits  of  Bab 
 el-Mendeb  (or  rather  lids  Bab  el-Meudebj  in  lat. 
 12°  40'  N.,  to  the  modern  head  of  tlie  Gulf  of  Suez, 
 lat.  SO*-"  N.  Its  greatest  width  may  be  stated 
 roughly  at  about  200  geographiail  miles;  this  is 
 about  lat.  16*^  .'50',  but  the  navigable  channel  is 
 here  really  narrower  than  in  some  other  portions. 
 From  shore  to  shore,  its  narrowest  part  is  at  Kiis 
 Benas,  lat.  24°,  on  the  African  coast,  to  Itas  Be- 
 reedee  opposite,  a  little  north  of  Yembo',  the  port  of 
 El-Medeeneh  ;  and  thence  northwards  to  Kas  Mo- 
 hammad, the  sea  maintains  about  the  same  average 
 width  of  100  geographical  miles.  At  lias  Moham- 
 mad, the  Red  Sea  is  split  by  the  granitic  peninsula 
 of  Siuai  into  two  gulfs:  the  westernmost,  or  Gulf 
 of  Suez,  is  now  about  I'Mt  geographical  miles  in 
 length,  with  an  average  width  of  about  18,  though 
 it  contracts  to  less  than  10  miles:  the  easternmost, 
 or  (iulf  of  Kl-'Akabeh,  is  only  about  90  miles  long, 
 from  the  Straits  of  Tiran,  to  the  'Akabeh,  and  of 
 propoi-tionnte  narrowness.  In  mid-channel,  exclus- 
 ive of  the  Gidf  of  Suez,  there  is  generally  a  width 
 of  100  miles  cleir,  except  the  Daedalus  reef.  The 
 bottom  in  deep  soundings  is  in  most  places  s;ind  and 
 stones,  from  Suez  as  far  as  Juddnh  ;  and  thence  to 
 the  straits  it  is  commonly  mud.  The  deepest 
 sounding  in  the  excellent  Admiralty  chait  is  lii54 
 fathoms,  in  lat.  22°  '¥)'.  Journeying  southwards 
 from  Suez,  on  our  left  is  the  ]>eninsuhi  of  Sinai :  on 
 the  right,  is  the  desert  coast  of  Kgy])t,  of  limestone 
 foiTTiatioii  like  the  gi'eater  ])art  of  the  Nile  valley  in 
 Kgypt,  the  clili's  on  the  sea-margin  stretching  land- 
 waids  in  a  great  rocky  plateau,  while  more  inland 
 a  chain  of  volcanic  mountains  (beginning  about  lat. 
 28°  4'  and  rutuiing  south)  rear  their  lofty  jx-aks  at 
 intervals  above  the  limestone,  genei-Uly  about  !,"> 
 miles  distiint.  This  i-oa.st  is  especially  interesting 
 in  a  Biblical  point  of  view,  for  here  were  some  of 
 the  earliest  monjisteries  of  the  ICiistern  Church,  and 
 in  those  secluded  and  barren  mountains  lived  very 
 early  Christian  hermits.  South  of  the  "  Kllia " 
 chain,  the  country  giadually  sinks  to  a  ]>lain,  until 
 it  rises  to  the  highland  of  (!eedan,  lat.  1.")°,  and 
 thence  to  the  straits  extends  a  chain  of  low  moun- 
 tains. The  greater  ))art  of  the  AfVic;in  coast  of  the 
 Ked  S'a  Is  sterile,  .v»ndy,  and  thnily  j)eopled.  The 
 Gulf  of  KI-'AkalK'h  'i.e.  "of  the  >iountain-ro;id  ") 
 
 RED  SEA 
 
 is  the  termination  of  the  long  valley  of  the  Gh6r  or 
 'Arabah  that  runs  northwards  to  the  Deiid  Sea.  It 
 is  itself  a  naiTow  valley;  the  sides  are  lotly  and 
 precipitous  mountains,  of  entire  banenness ;  the  bot- 
 tom is  a  river-like  sea,  ruiuiing  neaily  straight  for 
 its  whole  length  of  about  90  miles.  It  has  the  a))- 
 pearance  of  a  narrow  deep  ravine,  extending  neiirly 
 a  hundred  miles  in  a  stiaight  direction.  The  west- 
 ern shore  is  the  peninsula  of  Si.NAi.  The  sea,  from 
 its  dangei-s,  and  sterile  shores,  is  entirely  destitute 
 of  boats.  The  Arabian  coa.st  outside  the  Gulf  of 
 the  'Akabeh  is  skirted  by  the  range  of  Arabian 
 mountains,  wliich  in  some  few  places  approach  the  • 
 s&x,  but  generally  leave  a  belt  of  coast  counti-y, 
 called  Tihameh,  or  the  Ghoi',  like  the  Shephlah  of 
 Palestine.  This  tract  is  generally  a  .Standy  parched 
 plain,  thinly  inhabited  ;  these  characteristics  being 
 especially  strong  in  the  north.  The  mountains  of 
 the  Hejaz  consist  of  ridges  running  parallel  towards 
 the  interior,  and  increasing  iu  height  ;is  they  receile. 
 The  distant  ranges  have  a  rugged  pointed  outline, 
 and  are  granitic  ;  nearer  the  scii  many  of  the  hills 
 are  fossililerous  limestone,  while  the  beach  hills 
 consist  of  light-coloured  sandstone,  fronted  by  and 
 containing  lai'ge  quantities  of  shells  and  masses  ot 
 coral.  The  more  remarkable  mountains  are  Jehel 
 'Eyu-Unna,  6090  ft.  high  near  the  Straits  ;  a  little 
 further  south,  and  close  to  Mo'eyleh,  are  mountains 
 rising  from  63.30  to  7700  ft.  A  little  north  of 
 Yembo'  is  a  remarkable  group,  the  pyramidal  moun- 
 tiiins  of  Agatharchides  ;  and  beyond,  about  25  miles 
 distant  rises  J.  lladwa.  Further  south,  J.  Subh  is 
 remarkable  for  its  magnitude  and  elevation,  which 
 is  greater  than  any  other  between  Yembo'  and  Jid- 
 dah ;  and  still  further,  but  about  80  miles  distant 
 from  the  coast,  J.  Kasel-Kura  rises  behind  the  Holy 
 city,  Mekkeh.  The  chain  continues  the  whole  length 
 of  the  sea,  teiminating  in  the  highlands  of  the 
 Yemen.  The  coast-line  itself,  or  Tihameh,  north 
 of  Yembo',  is  of  moderate  elevation,  varying  from 
 .")0  to  100  feet,  with  no  beach.  To  the  southward 
 [to  Juddah]  it  is  more  sandy  and  less  elevated.  The 
 coral  of  the  lied  Sea  is  remarkably  abundant,  and 
 beautifully  coloured  and  variegated.  The  earliest 
 navigation  of  the  lied  Sea  (passing  by  the  pre-his- 
 torical  Phoenicians)  is  mentioned  by  Herodotus. 
 "  Sesostris  (liameses  II.)  was  the  first  who,  passing 
 the  Arabian  Gulf  in  a  fleet  of  long  vesst-ls,  reduced 
 under  his  authority  the  inhabifcuits  of  the  coast 
 bordering  the  Erythraean  Sea."  Three  centuries 
 later,  Solomon's  navy  was  built  "  in  Eziongeber 
 which  is  beside  Eloth,  on  the  shore  of  the  lied  Sea 
 {  Yam  Suph),  in  the  land  of  Edom  "  ( 1  K.  ix.  26  i. 
 It  is  possible  that  the  sea  has  retired  lieie  as  at 
 Suez,  and  that  Eziongeber  is  now  dry  land.  Jehn- 
 sha]ihat  also  "  made  ships  of  Tharshish  to  go  to 
 Ophir  for  gold  :  but  they  went  not,  for  the  ships 
 were  broken  at  Eziongeber"  (1  l\.  xxii.  48).  The 
 scene  of  this  wreck  has  lieen  supposed  to  be  Edh- 
 Dhahab.  The  fashion  of  the  ancient  shijw  of  the 
 Ked  Sea,  or  of  the  I'lKMMiician  shijis  of  Solomon,  is 
 unknown.  From  I'liny  we  learn  that  the  ships 
 were  of  papyrus  and  like  the  boats  of  the  Nile;  and 
 this  stiitenient  was  in  some  measure  correct.  More 
 precise  and  curious  is  El-Makree/.ee's  description, 
 written  in  the  first  half  of  the  1  ."itli  century,  of  the 
 shijvs  that  sailed  fiom  Eydhdb  on  the  Egyptian  coast 
 to  .Juddah:  "Their  'jelebrhs,'  which  curry  the  pil- 
 grims on  the  coast,  have  not  a  nail  used  in  them, 
 but  their  planks  are  .-cwed  together  with  fibi-e, 
 which  is  taken    iVoni  the  cocnanut-tree.   and   tiiey 
 
RED  SEA,  PASSAGE  OF 
 
 caulk  tTiem  with  the  fibres  of  the  wood  of  tlie  date 
 pahii  ;  then  they  '  pay '  them  with  butter,  or 
 the  oil  of  the  palma  Christi,  or  with  the  fat  of 
 
 tiie  kiiBh   (squalus  carcharias) The  sails  of 
 
 these  jelebehs  are  of  mats  made  of  the  dom-palm."' 
 The  fleets  appear  to  have  sailed  about  the  autimiiial 
 equinox,  and  returned  in  December  or  the  middle  of 
 January.  The  Red  Sea,  as  it  possessed  for  many 
 centuries  the  most  important  sea-trade  of  the  East, 
 contained  ports  of  celebrity.  Of  these,  Elath  and 
 Eziongeber  alone  appear  to  be  mentioned  in  the 
 Bible.  The  Heroopolite  Gulf  is  of  the  chief  in- 
 terest :  it  was  near  to  Goshen  ;  it  w;is  the  scene  of 
 the  passage  of  the  Red  Sea  ;  and  it  was  the  "  tongue 
 of  the  Egyptian  Sea."  It  was  also  the  seat  of  the 
 Egyjjtian  trade  in  this  sea  and  to  the  Indian  Ocean. 
 Heroopolis  is  doubtless  the  same  as  Hero,  and  its 
 site  is  probably  identilied  with  the  modern  Aboo- 
 Kesheyd,  at  the  head  of  the  old  gulf.  Suez  is  a 
 poor  town,  and  has  only  an  unsafe  anchorage,  with 
 very  shoal  water.  On  the  shore  of  the  Heroopolite 
 gulf  was  alsoArsinoe,  founded  by  Ptolemy  Phila- 
 delphus:  its  site  has  not  been  settled.  Berenice, 
 tbunded  by  the  same,  on  the  southein  frontier  of 
 Egypt,  rose  to  importance  under  the  Ptolemies  and 
 the  Romans:  it  is  now  of  no  note.  On  the  western 
 coast  was  also  tlie  anchorage  of  Myos  Hormus,  a 
 little  north  of  the  modern  town  El-Kuseyi',  which 
 now  forms  the  point  of  communication  with  the  old 
 route  to  Coptos.  On  the  .Arabian  coast  the  prin- 
 <ipal  ports  aie  Mu'eyleh,  Vembo'  (the  port  of  El 
 Jiedeeneh),  Juddah  (the  port  of  Mekkeh),  and 
 Mukh^,  by  us  commonly  written  Mocha.  The 
 commeice  of  the  Red  Sea  was,  in  very  ancient  times, 
 unquestionably  great.  The  earliest  records  tell  of 
 the  ships  of  the  Egyptians,  the  Phoenicians,  and  the 
 Aiabs.  But  the  siioaling  of  the  head  of  the  gulf 
 rendered  the  navigation,  always  dangerous,  more 
 dilhcult  ;  it  destroyed  the  former  anchorages  and 
 made  it  necessary  to  carry  merchandise  across  the 
 desert  to  the  Nile.  This  change  appears  to  have 
 be'.ni  one  of  the  main  causes  of  the  decay  of  the 
 commerce  of  Egypt.  Since  the  time  of  Mohammad 
 the  lied  Sea  trade  has  been  insignificant. 
 
 Red  Sea,  Passage  of.  The  passage  of  the  Red 
 Se;i  was  the  crisis  of  the  Exodus.  The  points  that 
 arise  are  the  place  of  the  passage,  the  narrative,  and 
 tlie  iiuportance  of  the  event  in  Biblical  history.  1. 
 It  is  usual  to  suppose  that  the  most  uoithern  place 
 at  which  the  Ked  Sea  could  have  been  crossed  is  the 
 present  head  of  the  Gulf  of  Suez.  This  supposition 
 depends  upon  the  erroneous  idea  that  in  the  time  of 
 Moses  the  gulf  did  not  extend  further  to  the  north- 
 ward than  at  present.  An  examination  of  the 
 country  uoith  of  Suez  has  shown,  however,  that 
 the  sea  has  receded  many  miles.  The  old  bed  is 
 indicated  by  the  Birket-et-Timsah,  or  "  Lake  of  the 
 Crocodile,"  and  the  more  southern  Bitter  Lakes,  the 
 northernmost  part  of  the  former  probably  corre- 
 sponding to  the  head  ot  the  gulf  at  the  time  of  the 
 Exodus.  It  is  necessary  to  endeavour  to  ascertain 
 the  route  of  the  Israelites  before  we  can  attempt  to 
 discover  where  they  crossed  the  sea.  The  point  from 
 which  they  started  was  Hameses,  a  place  certainly 
 in  the  Land  of  Goshen,  which  we  identify  with  the 
 Wiili-t-Tumeyl^t.  After  the  mention  that  the  people 
 journeyed  from  Hameses  toSuccoth,and  before  that  of 
 their  departure  from  Succoth,  a  passage  occurs  which 
 appears  to  show  the  first  direction  of  the  journey,  and 
 not  a  change  in  the  route  (Ex.  xiii.  17,  18).  At  the 
 end  ol'the  second  day's  journey  the  camping-place  was 
 
 RED  SEA,  PASSAGE  OF 
 
 783 
 
 at  Etham  "  in  the  edge  of  the  wilderness  "  (Ex.  xiii. 
 20  ;  Num.  x.wiii.  6).  Hero  the  Wddi-t-Tumeyldt 
 was  probably  left,  as  it  is  cultivable  and  terminates  in 
 the  desert.  The  first  passage  relating  to  the  jour- 
 nev,  after  the  mention  of  the  encjimping  at  Etham, 
 is  this,  statiuij  a  command  given  to  Moses  :  "  Speak 
 unto  the  chiliheu  of  Israel,  that  they  turn  [or  '  re- 
 turn ']  and  encamp  [or  '  that  they  encamp  again,' 
 
 •13n''1  -inK^^I]  before  Pi-hahiroth,  between  Migdol 
 
 and  the  sea,  over  against  Baal-zephon  "  (E.x.  xiv.  2). 
 The  1  endering  of  the  A.  V.,  "  that  they  turn  and 
 encamp,"  seems  to  us  the  most  probable  of  those 
 we  have  given.  At  the  end  of  the  third  day's 
 march,  for  each  camping-place  seems  to  mark  the 
 close  of  a  day's  journey,  the  Israelites  encamped  by 
 the  sea.  The  place  of  this  last  encampment,  and 
 that  of  the  passage,  on  the  supposition  that  our 
 views  as  to  the  most  probable  route  are  correct, 
 would  be  not  very  far  from  the  Persejiolitan  monu- 
 ment. It  is  here  necessary  to  mention  the  argu- 
 ments for  and  against  the  common  opinion  that  the 
 Israelites  passed  near  the  present  head  of  the  gulf. 
 Local  tradition  is  in  its  favour,  but  it  must  be  le- 
 membeied  that  local  tradition  in  Egypt  and  the 
 neighbouring  countries,  judging  from  the  evidence 
 of  history,  is  of  very  little  value.  The  Muslims 
 suppose  Memphis  to  have  been  the  city  at  which 
 the  Pharaoh  of  the  Exodus  resided  before  that  event 
 occurred.  From  opposite  Memphis  a  broad  valley 
 leads  to  the  Red  Sea.  It  is  in  part  called  the  Wddi- 
 t-Teeh,  or  "  Valley  of  the  Wandering."  From  it 
 the  traveller  reaches  the  sea  beneath  the  lofty  Gebei- 
 et-Takah,  which  rises  on  the  north  and  shuts  off  all 
 escape  in  that  direction,  excepting  by  a  narrow  Wiiy 
 along  the  sea-shore,  which  Pharaoh  might  have 
 occupied.  The  sea  here  is  broad  and  deep,  as  the 
 narrative  is  generally  held  to  imply.  All  the  local 
 features  seem  suited  for  a  great  event.  The  suppos- 
 ition that  the  Israelites  took  an  upper  route,  now 
 that  of  the  Mekkeh  caravan,  along  the  desert  to  the 
 north  of  the  elevated  tract  between  Cairo  and  Suez, 
 must  be  mentioned,  although  it  is  less  probable  than 
 that  just  noticed,  and  offers  the  same  ditficulties.  We 
 therefore  think  that  the  only  opinion  warranted  by 
 the  narrative  is  that  already  stated,  which  supposes 
 the  passage  of  the  sea  to  have  taken  place  near  the 
 northernmost  part  of  its  ancient  extension.  The 
 last  camping-place  was  before  Pi-hahiroth.  It  ap- 
 pears that  Migdol  was  behind  Pi-hahiroth,  and,  on 
 the  other  hand,  Baal-zephon  and  the  sea.  These 
 neighbouring  places  have  not  been  identified.  From 
 Pi-hahiroth  the  Israelites  crossed  the  sea.  The 
 only  points  bearing  on  geography  in  the  account  of 
 this  event  are  that  the  sea  was  divided  by  an  east 
 wind,  whence  we  may  reasonably  infer  that  it  was 
 crossed  from  west  to  east,  and  that  the  whole 
 Egyptian  army  perished,  which  shows  that  it 
 must  have  been  some  miles  broad.  On  the  whole 
 we  may  reasonably  suppose  about  twelve  miles  as 
 the  smallest  breadth  of  the  sea.  2.  A  careful  ex- 
 amination of  the  nurrative  of  the  passage  of  the 
 Red  Sea  is  necessary  to  a  right  understanding  of 
 the  event.  When  the  Israelites  had  departed,  Pha- 
 raoh repented  that  he  had  let  them  go.  The 
 strength  of  Pharaoh's  army  is  not  further  specified 
 than  by  the  statement  that  "  he  took  six  hundred 
 chosen  chariots,  and  [or  '  even  ']  all  the  chariots  of 
 Egypt,  and  captains  over  every  one  of  them  "  (Ex. 
 xiv.  7).  With  this  army,  wl  ich,  even  if  a  small  one, 
 was  mighty  in  comparison  to  the  Israelite  multitude, 
 
784         RED  SEA,  PASSAGE  OF 
 
 encuniljorctl  with  women,  chiMrpn.  and  cittle,  Pha- 
 raoh owrt'wk  the  people  "  eiKam])ing  by  the  sea  " 
 (9).  Wliou  the  Israelites  saw  tlie  oppressor's  army 
 they  were  territieil  and  miiriniired  a<;aiiist  Moses. 
 Then  Moses  eiicoiira<;ed  them,  biddiii;;  them  see  how 
 <iod  would  sjive  them.  It  seems  from  the  narra- 
 tive tiiat  M()si!s  did  not  know  at  tliistime  how  the 
 peo|)le  would  be  saved,  and  spoke  only  from  a  lieart 
 full  of  faith,  for  we  read,  "  And  TIIK  Lord  wild 
 unto  Moses.  Wherefore  crie.st  thou  unto  me  ?  speak 
 unto  the  childixMi  of  Israel,  that  they  go  forward: 
 but  lift  thou  up  thy  rod,  and  stretcli  out  thine  hand 
 over  the  sea,  and  divide  it:  and  the  childien  of 
 Israel  shall  go  on  dry  [jjround]  through  the  midst 
 of  the  sea"  (l.'i,  lij).  That  night  the  two  armies, 
 the  fugitives  and  the  ])ui-suers,  were  encam|>ed  near 
 together.  Between  them  was  tlie  pillar  of  the 
 cloud,  darkness  to  the  Kgvptians  and  a  light  to  the 
 Israelites.  Perhaps  in  the  aimp  of  Israel  the  sounds 
 of  the  hostile  camp  might  be  hoard  on  the  one  hand, 
 and  on  the  other,  the  roaring  of  the  sea.  But  the 
 pillar  was  a  barrier  and  a  sign  of  deliverance.  The 
 time  was  now  come  for  the  great  decisive  miracle 
 of  the  Exodus.  "  And  Moses  stretched  out  his 
 hand  over  the  >ea :  and  the  LORD  caused  the  sea  to 
 'n^  [b.ick]  by  a  stiong  ea.st  wind  all  that  night,  and 
 made  the  sea  dry  [land],  and  the  waters  were  divided. 
 And  the  children  of  Israel  went  tlno\igh  the  midst 
 of  the  sea  u])on  the  dry  [giound]  :  and  the  waters 
 [were]  a  wall  unto  them  on  their  right  hand,  and 
 on  their  left"  '21,  22,  comp.  29).  The  narrative 
 distinctly  states  that  a  path  was  made  through  the 
 sea,  anil  that  the  waters  wei'e  a  wall  on  either  hand. 
 The  term  "  wall  "  does  not  appear  to  oblige  us  to 
 suppose,  as  many  have  done,  that  the  .sea  sti)od  up 
 like  a  clirt'on  either  side,  but  shoidd  rather  be  con- 
 sidered to  nii-an  a  ban-ier,  <is  the  former  idea  implies 
 a  seemingly-needless  addition  to  the  miracle,  whilf 
 the  latter  seems  to  be  not  discordant  with  the  lan- 
 guage of  the  narrative.  It  was  during  the  night 
 that  the  Israelites  crossed,  and  the  Egyptians  fol- 
 lowed. In  the  morning  watch,  the  last  third  or 
 fouith  of  the  night,  or  the  period  before  sunrise, 
 Pharaoh's  army  was  in  full  puisuit  in  the  divided 
 sea,  and  svas  there  miraculou.sly  troubled,  so  that 
 the  Egyptians  sought  to  flee  (23-25).  Then  was 
 Moses  commanded  again  to  stretch  out  his  hand, 
 and  the  sea  returned  to  its  strength,  and  over- 
 whelm-i  the  Egvptians,  of  whom  not  one  remained 
 alive  (20-28).  In  a  later  ])assage  some  particulars 
 are  mentionodiwhich  are  not  di.'^tinctly  stated  in  tin- 
 narrative  in  Exodus.  The  place  is  indeed  a  poetical 
 one,  but  its  meaning  is  clear,  and  we  learn  from  it 
 that  at  the  time  of  the  passage  of  the  sea  there  was 
 a  stoiTO  of  rain  with  thunder  and  lightning,  perhaps 
 accomjianied  by  an  earthquake  (l*s.  Ixxvii.  15-20). 
 3.  The  imiioit'uice  of  this  event  in  Biblical  history 
 is  shown  bv  the  manner  in  which  it  is  .spoken  of  in 
 the  books  cif  the  0.  T.  written  in  later  times.  In 
 them  it  is  the  chief  iact  of  .Jewish  history.  It  may 
 be  inquired  how  it  is  that  there  seems  to  have  been 
 no  record  or  tradition  of  this  miracle  among  the 
 E','yptians.  This  question  involves  that  of  the  time 
 in  Egvptian  histoiy  to  which  tliis  event  .should  be 
 a.ssigned.  The  date  of  the  Exodus  according  to  dif- 
 ferent chrinioliigers  varies  more  than  three  hundred 
 yeai-8 ;  the  dates  of  the  Egyptian  dynasties  ruling 
 during  this  perio<l  of  three  hundred  years  vary  full 
 one  hundred.  If  the  lowest  date  ol"  the  licginning 
 of  the  xviiith  dynasty  be  taken  and  the  highest  date 
 ol    til*    Exiidus,   both  which    we  consider  the   most 
 
 REED 
 
 probable  of  those  which  have  been  conjectured  in 
 the  two  cases,  the  Israelites  must  have  left  Egypt 
 in  a  period  of  which  monuments  or  other  records 
 are  almost  wanting. 
 
 Beed.  Under  this  name  we  propose  noticing 
 the  following  Hebrew  woids  : — I.  Agmon  occurs 
 .lob  .xl.  26  (A.  V.  xli.  2,  "hook"),  xL  12  (A.  V 
 xli.  20,  "caldron");  Is.  ix.  14  (A.  V.  "rush"). 
 The  aijinon  is  mentioned  also  as  an  Egyptian  plant, 
 in  a  sentence  similar  to  the  last,  in  Is.  xix.  15; 
 while  from  Iviii.  5  we  learn  that  it  had  a  pendulous 
 panicle.  There  ciin  be  no  doubt  that  it  denotes  some 
 aquatic  reed-  like  plant,  whethei-  of  the  Nat.  order 
 Cyperaceae  or  that  ot'Gramineae.  Celsius  h:\s  argued 
 in  favour  of  the  Arundo  phragmitis  ;  we  are  inclined 
 to  adopt  his  opinion.  The  Ai-utido  phragmitU  (now 
 the  Phnigmitis  communis),  if  it  does  not  occur  in 
 Palestine  and  Egypt,  is  represented  by  a  very  closely 
 allied  species,  viz.  the  A.  isiica  of  Delisle.  The 
 drooping  panicle  of  this  plant  will  answer  well  to 
 the  "  bowing  down  the  head  "  of  which  Isaiah 
 speaks.  2.  Goitie,  translated  "  rush  "  and  "  bul- 
 rush "  by  the  A.  V'.,  without  doubt  denotes  the 
 celebrated  paper-reed  of  the  ancients  (Papyrus  an- 
 tiquorumi,  a  plant  of  the  Sed^e  family,  Cyperaceae, 
 wliich  formerly  was  common  in  some  parts  of 
 Egvpt.  The  Hebrew  word  is  found  four  times  in 
 the  Bible  CEx.  ii.  3  ;  Is.  xviii.  2,  xxxv.  7 ;  .Job  viii. 
 11).  According  to  Bruce  the  modern  Abyssinians 
 use  boats  made  of  the  i)ai)yrus  reed.  The  jiapyrus 
 reed  is  not  now  found  in  Egypt ;  it  grows,  how- 
 ever, in  Syria.  Dr.  Hooker  saw  it  on  the  banks 
 of  Lake  Tiberias,  a  few  miles  north  of  the  town. 
 The  papyrus  plant  {Papyrus  antir/uoruui)  has  an 
 angular  stem   from  3  to   G  feet  high,  though  occji- 
 
 r<i/>yf  u«  imlljnorum. 
 
REED 
 
 sinnally  it  grows  to  the  height  of  14  feet;  it  has 
 no  leaves  ;  the  flowers  are  in  very  small  spikelets, 
 which  grow  on  the  thread-like  flowering  branchlets 
 which  i'ovm  a  bushy  crown  to  each  stem.  3.  ' Aroth 
 is  ti-ansiattJ  "  paper-reed  "  in  Is.  xix.  7,  the  only 
 passage  where  the  pi.  noun  occurs;  there  is  not  the 
 slightest  authority  for  this  rendering  of  the  A.  V. 
 "  Aroth,"  savs  Kimchi,  "  is  the  name  to  designate 
 pn(-herbs  and  green  plants."  It  probably  denotes 
 the  open  giassy  land  on  the  banks  of  the  Nile.  4. 
 Kdnck,  the  generic  name  of  a  reed  of  any  kind;  it 
 occurs  in  numerous  passages  of  the  0.  T.,  and  some- 
 times denotes  the  "stalk"  of  wheat  (Gen.  xli.  5, 
 22),  or  the  "  branches"  of  the  candlestick  (Ex.  xxv. 
 and  xxsvii.);  in  Job  xxxi.  22,  kaneh  denotes  the 
 bone  of  the  aim  between  the  elbow  and  the  shoulder 
 [os  humeri).  The  word  is  variously  rendered  in  the 
 A.  V.  l)y  "stalk,"  "  bianch,"  "bone,"  "calamus," 
 "reed."  Strand  [Fior.  Palaest.  28-o0)  gives  the 
 following  names  of  the  reed  plants  of  Palestine  : — 
 Sacchai'um  officinale,  Cyperus  papijr-us  {Papyrus 
 antiqnoruin),  C.  rotimdus  and  C.  esculentus,  and 
 Arundo  scriptoria ;  but  no  doubt  the  species  are 
 numerous.     The  Arundo  donax,  the  A.  Aegypti- 
 
 REHOB 
 
 785 
 
 aca  (?)  of  Bove'  is  common  on  the  banks  of  the  Nile, 
 and  may  perhaps  be  "  the  statf  of  the  bruised  reed  " 
 to  which  Sennacherib  compared  the  power  of  Egypt 
 (2  K.xviii.  21 ;  Ez.  xxix.  fj,  7).  The  thick  stem  of 
 this  reed  may  have  been  ui-ed  as  walking-staves  by 
 the  ancient  Orientals ;  perhaps  the  measuring-ieed 
 was  this  plant ;  at  j)resent  the  dry  culms  of  this 
 huge  grass  are  in  much  demand  for  fishing-rods,  &c. 
 Some  kind  of  fragrant  reed  is  denoted  by  the  word 
 kaieh  (Is.  xliii.  24  ;  Ez.  .\xvii.  19;  Cant.  iv.  14), 
 or  more  fully  by  kSneh  boseiii,  see  Ex.  xxx.  23,  or 
 by  kdneh  hattob,  Jer.  vi.  20;  which  the  A.  V. 
 renders  "  sweet  cane,"  and  "  calamus."  It  was  of 
 foreign  importation  (Jer.  vi.  20).  Some  writers 
 have  sought  to  identify  the  kdneh  bosem  with  the 
 Acorus  calamus,  the  "  sweet  sedge."  Dr.  Hovle 
 Con.  J).  R. 
 
 refers  the  KccAajUo?  apwfiaTiKos  of  Dioscorides  to  a 
 species  of  Aiulropugon,  which  he  calls  A.  calamus 
 aroinnticiis,  a  plant  of  remarkable  fragrance,  and  a 
 native  of  Central  India.  Still  there  is  no  necessity 
 to  refer  the  keneh  bosem,  or  hattob  to  the  KaAa/xos 
 ap<afxariK6s  of  Dioscorides  ;  it  may  be  represented 
 by  Dr.  Koyle's  plant  or  by  the  Aiidropngon  Schoen- 
 anthus,  the  lemon  grass  of  India  and  Arabia. 
 
 Reelai'ah..  One  of  the  children  of  the  province 
 who  went  up  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  2).  In 
 Neb.  vii.  7  he  is  called  Raamiah,  and  in  1  Esd.  v.  8 
 
 RlCESAIAS. 
 
 Beelius.  This  name  occupies  the  place  of 
 P.KiVAi  in  Ezr.  ii.  2  (1  Esd.  v.  8). 
 
 Keesai'as.  The  same  as  Reelaiah  or  Raamiah 
 (1  Esd.  v.  8). 
 
 Eefiner.  The  refiner's  art  was  essential  to  the 
 working  of  the  precious  metals.  It  consisted  in 
 the  separation  of  the  dross  from  the  pure  ore, 
 which  was  effected  by  reducing  the  metal  to  a  fluid 
 state  by  the  application  of  heat,  and  by  the  aid  of 
 solvents,  such  as  alkali  (Is.  i.  25)  or  lead  (Jer.  vi. 
 29),  which,  amalgamating  with  the  dross,  pennitted 
 the  extraction  of  the  unadulterated  metal.  The  in- 
 struments required  by  the  refiner  were  a  crucible  or 
 furnace,  and  a  bellows  or  blow-pipe.  The  workman 
 sat  at  his  work  (Mai.  iii.  3)  :  he  was  thus  better 
 enabled  to  watch  the  process,  and  let  the  metal 
 run  off  at  the  proper  moment. 
 
 Refuge,  Cities  of.     [Cities  of  Refuge.] 
 
 Reg'em.     A  son  of  Jahdai  (1  Chr.  ii.  47), 
 
 Reg'em-merecli.  The  names  of  Sherezer  and 
 Regcm-melech  occur  in  an  obscure  passage  ofZecha- 
 riah  (vii.  2).  They  were  sent  on  behalf  of  some  of 
 the  captivity  to  make  inquiries  at  the  Temple  con- 
 cerning fasting.  On  referring  to  Zech.  vii.  5,  the 
 expression  "  the  people  of  the  land  "  seems  to  indic- 
 ate that  those  who  sent  to  the  Temple  were  not  the 
 captive  Jews  in  Babylon,  but  those  who  had  re- 
 turned to  their  own  country  ;  and  this  being  the 
 cise  it  is  probable  that  in  ver.  2  "Bethel  "  is  to  be 
 taken  as  the  subject,  "and  Bethel,  i  e.  the  inhabit- 
 ants of  Bethel,  sent."  From  its  connexion  with 
 Sherezer,  the  name  Regem-melech  (lit.  "  king's 
 friend,"  comp.  1  Chr.  xxvii.  33),  was  probably  an 
 Assyrian  title  of  office. 
 
 Eegion-round-about,  the  (^  irepi'xcopos).  In 
 the  Old  Test,  it  is  used  by  the  LXX.  as  the  equi- 
 valent of  the  singular  Hebrew  woid  hac-Ciccar 
 (literally  "  the  round"),  which  seems  in  its  earliest 
 occurrences  to  denote  the  circle  or  oasis  of  cultiva- 
 tion in  which  stood  Sodom  and  Gomoirah  and  the 
 rest  of  the  five  "cities  of  the  Ciccar"  (Gen.  xiii. 
 10,  11,  12,  xix.  17,  2.5,  28,  29;  Deut.  xxxiv.  3). 
 In  Matt.  iii.  5  and  Luke  iii.  3  it  denotes  the  popul- 
 ous and  flourishing  region  which  contained  the 
 towns  of  Jericho  and  its  dependencies,  in  the  Jordan 
 valley,  enclosed  in  the  amphitheatre  of  the  hills  of 
 Quarantana.  It  is  also  applied  to  the  district  of 
 Gennesaret  (Matt.  xiv.  35;  Mark  vi.  55;  Luke  vi. 
 37,  vii.  17). 
 
 Rehabi'ah.  The  only  son  of  Eliezer,  the  son  of 
 Moses  (1  Chr.  xxiii.  17,  xxiv.  21,  xxvi.  25). 
 
 ReTlob.  1.  The  father  of  Hadadezer  king  of 
 Zobah,  whom  David  smote  at  the  Euphrates  (2  Sam. 
 viii.  3,  12). — 2.  A  Levite,  or  family  of  Levites,  who 
 sealed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah  (Neh.x.  11). 
 
 Re'hob.  1.  The  northern  limit  of  the  exploration 
 of  the  spies  (Num.  xiii.  21).  It  is  specified  as  being 
 "  as  men  come  unto  Hamath,"  i.  e.  at  the  com- 
 mencement of  the  territory  of  that  name,  by  which 
 
 3  E 
 
786  REHOBOAM 
 
 lu  tlie  early  books  of  tht-  I'-ilile  the  great  valley 
 of  Lebanon,  the  Biha'ah  of  the  prophets,  and  the 
 Buka'a  of  (he  moijern  Arab:;,  seems  to  be  roughly 
 designated.  This  seems  to  fix  the  jiosition  of  lieiiob 
 as  not  far  from  Tell  el-Kndy  and  Bani-is.  No 
 tnice  of  the  name  of  fJi-hob  or  Ueth-rehob  h;is  yet 
 been  met  with  in  this  diiection.  Dr.  Robinson  pio- 
 pises  to  identify  it  with  I/unin.  Bnt  this,  though 
 plausible,  has  no  certain  basis.  Inasmuch,  how- 
 ever, as  Beth-rehob  is  distinctly  stated  to  have  been 
 "  far  from  Zidon"  (.ludg.  xviii.  28).  it  must  be  a 
 distinct  place  from— 2,  one  of  the  towns  allotted 
 to  Asher  'Josh.  xix.  28 J. —3.  Asher  contained  an- 
 other Hehob  (Josh.  xix.  30)  ;  but  the  situation  of 
 this,  like  the  former,  remains  at  present  unknown. 
 
 Behobo'am,  son  of  .'^olomon,  by  the  Ammonite 
 princess  Nnamah  (1  K.  xiv.  21,  31),  and  his  suc- 
 ccs-sor  (1  K.  xi.  43).  From  the  earliest  period  of 
 .Jewish  history  we  perceive  symptoms  that  the  con- 
 feileration  of  the  tribes  was  but  imperfectly  ce- 
 mented. The  powerful  Kphraim  could  never  biook 
 a  position  of  inferiority.  When  Solomon's  strong 
 li.md  was  withdrawn  the  crisis  came.  liehoboam 
 selected  ."^hechem  as  the  place  of  his  coronation,  pro- 
 bably as  an  act  of  concession  to  the  Ephraimites, 
 and  perhaps  in  deference  to  the  suggestions  of  those 
 old  and  wise  counsellors  of  his  father,  whose  advice 
 he  afterwards  unhappily  rejected.  The  peojile  de- 
 manded a  remission  of  the  severe  burdens  imposed 
 by  Solomon,  and  Rehoboam  promised  them  an  an- 
 swer in  three  days,  during  which  time  he  consulted 
 first  his  father's  counsellors,  and  tlicn  the  young 
 men  "  that  were  grown  up  with  him,  and  which 
 stood  before  him."  Rejecting  the  advice  of  the 
 elders  to  conciliate  the  people  at  the  beginning  of 
 his  reign,  he  returned  as  his  reply  the  frantic  bia- 
 vado  of  his  contemporaries.  Thereu|)On  rose  the 
 formidable  song  of  insurrei-tion,  he-ud  once  before 
 when  the  tiibes  quarrelled  after  David's  return  from 
 the  war  with  Absalom.  Rehoboam  sent  Adoram 
 or  Adoniram  (1  K.  iv.  6  ;  2  Sam.  xx.  24)  to  reduce 
 the  lebels  to  rejison,  but  he  was  stoned  to  death  by 
 them  ;  whereupon  the  king  and  his  attendants  Hetl 
 to  Jerusalem.  So  far  all  is  plain,  but  there  is  a 
 doubt  as  to  the  part  which  Jeroboam  took  in  the.se 
 transactions.  According  to  1  K.  xii.  3  he  was 
 summonol  by  the  Kphraimites  from  Kgypt  to  be 
 their  spokesman  at  Rehoboani's  coronation,  and 
 actually  maile  the  sfwech  in  which  a  remission  of 
 burdens  was  leiiuested.  liut,  in  apparent  contra- 
 diction to  this,  we  read  in  vei-.  20  of  the  same 
 chapter  that  after  the  succe.ss  of  the  insurrection 
 and  Rehoboam 's  flight,  "  when  all  Israel  heard  that 
 Jeroiwam  was  come  again,  they  sent  and  called  him 
 unto  the  congi'egation  and  made  him  king."  But 
 there  is  reason  to  think  that  ver.  3  has  been  inter- 
 polated. On  Reholx)am's  return  to  Jerusalem  he 
 assemble>l  an  army  of  180,000  men  from  the  two 
 faithful  tribes  of  Juilah  anil  Benjamin,  in  the  hope 
 of  reconquering  Israel.  The  ex])edition,  however, 
 was  forbidden  by  the  prophet  Slitinaiah  (1  K.  xii. 
 24) :  still  during  Uehoboam's  lill-tinie  j^aceful  rela- 
 tii)ns  lx!lween  Isjael  and  Judah  were  never  restored 
 (2  Chr,  xii.  15;  1  K.  xiv.  30).  Rehoboam  now 
 oocupieil  himself  in  strengthening  the  territories 
 which  remamed  to  him,  by  building  a  number  of 
 fortre.ss.-s  (2  Chr.  xi.  G-10).  The  puie  won^hip 
 of  God  was  maintained  in  Judah.  But  Reholxiam 
 did  not  check  the  introcluclion  of  heathen  aliomina- 
 tions  into  his  capitfll :  the  la.vivious  worship  of 
 A»htorelh  was  v.llowcd   to  exist  bv  the  side  of  the 
 
 RE  HUM 
 
 true  religion,  "  images  "  were  set  up,  and  the  worst 
 immoralities  were  tolerated  (1  K.  xiv.  22-24). 
 These  evils  were  punished  and  put  down  by  the 
 terrible  calamity  of  an  Egyptian  invasion.  In  the 
 .')th  year  of  Rehoboam 's  reign  the  country  was  in- 
 vaded by  a  host  of  Egyptians  and  other  African 
 nations  under  Shishak,  numbering  1200  chariots, 
 00,000  cavalry,  and  a  miscellaneous  multitude  ot 
 infantry.  The  line  of  fortresses  which  protected 
 Jerus^ilem  to  the  W.  and  S.  was  forced,  Jerusalem 
 itself  was  taken,  and  Rehoboam  had  to  purchase  an 
 ignominious  peace  by  delivering  up  all  the  treasures 
 with  which  Solomon  had  adorned  the  temple  and 
 palace,  including  his  golden  sliields,  200  of  the 
 larger,  and  300  of  the  smaller  size  (1  K.  x.  16, 17). 
 Shishak's  succe.ss  is  commemorated  by  sculptures 
 discovered  by  Cliampollion  on  the  outside  of  the 
 gi'eat  temple  at  Karnak,  where  among  a  long  list 
 of  captured  towns  and  provinces  occurs  the  name 
 Mekhi  Judah  (kingdom  of  Judah).  After  this 
 great  humiliation  the  moral  condition  of  Judah 
 seems  to  have  improved  (2  Chr.  xii.  12),  and  the 
 rest  of  Itehoboam's  lite  to  have  Ijeen  unmark<Kl  by 
 any  events  of  importance.  He  died  B.C.  9.58.  after 
 a  reign  of  17  yeare,  having  ascended  the  thione 
 B.C.  975  at  the  age  of  41  (1  K.  xiv.  21 ;  2  Chr.  xii. 
 13).  He  had  18  wives,  GO  concubines,  28  sons, 
 and  BO  dau<rhtei's. 
 
 Be'hobotli.  The  third  of  theseiies  of  wells  dug 
 by  Isaac  ((ien.  xxvi.  22).  The  position  of  (^erar 
 has  not  been  definitely  ascertained,  but  it  .seems  to 
 have  lain  a  few  miles  to  the  S.  of  Gaza  and  nearly 
 due  ¥j.  of  Beersheba.  A  Wadii  Htihaibeh,  contiin- 
 ing  the  ruins  of  a  town  of  the  s;inie  name,  with  a 
 large  well,  is  crossed  by  the  road  from  Khan  cn-Nuhhl 
 to  Hebron,  by  which  Palestine  is  entered  on  the 
 ."^outh.  It  lies  about  20  miles  S.W.  of  Bir  es-Sclxi, 
 and  more  than  that  distance  S.  of  the  most  probable 
 situation  of  Genir.  It  therefore  .seems  unsafe  with- 
 out fintlier  jiroof  to  i.lcntity  it  with  Rehoboth. 
 
 Rehoboth,  the  City.  One  of  the  four  cities 
 built  by  Asshur,  or  by  Nimrod  in  Asshur,  accoid- 
 ing  as  thisdilhcult  jKvssage  is  translated  (Gen.  x.  11). 
 Nothing  certain  is  known  of  its  pasition.  The 
 name  of  Rahaheh  is  still  attached  to  two  places  in 
 the  region  of  the  ancient  Mesojmtamia.  They  lie, 
 the  one  on  the  westwn  and  the  other  on  the  eastern 
 bank  of  the  Euphrates,  a  few  niilis  below  the  con- 
 tluence  of  the  Khahur.  Both  are  siiid  to  contain 
 extensive  ancient  remains.  That  on  the  eastem 
 bank  beai's  the  atlix  of  nudih  or  loyal,  and  this 
 Bunsen  {Bibehcerk)  and  Kalisch  {Genesis,  261)  pro- 
 jiose  iLs  the  representative  of  Rehoboth.  Its  distance 
 Iroin  Kalah-Shefijhat  and  Nimrt'id  (nearly  200 
 miles)  is  perhaps  an  obstacle  to  this  identiticalion. 
 Sirll.  R-iwlinson  sugge.sts  ^fc/f-m/ya/j  in  the  immed- 
 iate ni' ghbourhood  of  Kalah. 
 
 Be  hoboth  by  the  River.  The  city  of  a  certain 
 Saul  or  Shaui,  one  of  the  early  kings  of  the 
 Womifes  (Gen.  xxxvi.  37  ;  1  Chr.  i.  48).  The 
 aflix,  "  the  river,"  fixes  the  .situation  of  Reholnith 
 as  on  the  Euphrates.  Tlie  name  still  remains  at- 
 tached to  two  .sjiot.s  on  the  Euphrates  ;  the  one, 
 simply  Rahaheh,  on  the  right  bank,  eight  miles 
 below  the  junction  of  the  Khabur,  and  about  three 
 miles  west  of  the  river,  the  other  four  or  five  miles 
 further  down  on  the  l»-ft  bank.  The  latter  is  .sanl 
 to  be  called  luihabeh-mnlik,  i.  e.  "  royal,"  and  is  on 
 this  grounil  identifieil  by  the  Jewish  commentator* 
 with  the  citv  of  Saul. 
 
 Re'ham.     1.  On^  of  the  "children  of  the  pix>" 
 
REI 
 
 vince"  who  went  up  from  Babylon  with  Zerub- 
 babel  (Ezr.  ii.  2).— 2.  "  Rehiim  the  chancellor" 
 (Ezr.  iv.  8,  9,  17,  23).  He  was  perhaps  a  kind  oF 
 lieutenant-governor  of  the  province  under  the  king 
 of  Persia,  holding  apparently  the  same  oflice  as 
 Tatnai,  who  is  described  in  Ezr.  v.  6  as  taking  part 
 in  a  similar  transaction,  and  is  there  called  "  the 
 oovernor  on  this  side  the  river."— 3.  A  Levite  of 
 the  family  of  Bani,  who  assisted  in  lebuilding  the 
 walls  of  Jerusalnm  (Xeh.  iii.  17).— 4.  One  of  the 
 chief  of  the  people,  who  signed  the  covenant  with 
 Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  25;.— 5.  A  priestly  famih-,  or 
 the  head  of  a  priestly  house,  who  went  up  with 
 Zenibbabel  (Neh.  xVi.  3). 
 
 Ee'i.  A  per.son  mentioned  (in  1  K.  i.  8  only)  as 
 having  remained  firm  to  David's  cause  when  Adoni- 
 jah  rebelled.  Jerome  states  that  he  is  the  same 
 with  "Hiram  the  Zairite,"  i.e.  Ira  the  Jarite. 
 Ewald  suggests  that  Rei  is  identical  with  Kaddai. 
 
 Beins,  i.  e.  kidneys,  fiorn  the  Latin  rcnes.  In 
 the  ancient  system  of  physiology  the  kidneys  were 
 believed  to  be  the  seat  of  desire  and  longing, 
 which  accounts  for  their  otten  being  coupled  with 
 the  heart  (Ps.  vii.  9,  xxvi.  2  ;  Jer.  xi.  20,  xvii. 
 10.  &c.). 
 
 Eek'em.  1.  One  of  the  five  kings  or  chieftains 
 of  Jlidian  slain  by  the  Israelites  (Num.  sxxi.  8  ; 
 Josh.  xiii.  21;. — 2.  One  of  the  four  sons  of  Hebron, 
 and  father  of  Shammai  (1  Chr.  ii.  43,  44). 
 
 Rek'em.  One  of  the  towns  of  the  allotment  of 
 Benjamin  (Josh,  xviii.  27).  No  one  has  attempted 
 to  identify  it  with  any  existing  site.  But  may 
 theie  not  be  a  trace  of  the  name  in  Ain  Karim,  the 
 well-known  spring  west  of  Jerusalem  ? 
 
 Remali'ali.  The  father  of  Pekah,  captain  of 
 Pekahiah  king  of  Israel,  who  slew  his  master  and 
 usuiped  his  throne  (2  K.  xv.  25-37,  xvi.  1,  5; 
 2  Chr.  xxviii.  6  ;    Is.  vii.  1-9,  viii.  6;. 
 
 Eem'eft.  One  of  the  towns  of  Issachar  (Josh. 
 xix.  21).  It  is  probably  (though  not  certainly)  a 
 distinct  place  from  the  Ramoth  of  1  Chr.  vi.  73. 
 A  place  beai-ing  the  name  of  Ramch  is  found  on  the 
 west  of  the  track  from  Samaria  to  Jenin,  about 
 6  miles  N.  of  the  former  and  9  S.W,  of  the  latter. 
 But  it  appears  to  be  too  far  south  to  be  within  the 
 territory  of  Issachar. 
 
 Bem'mon.  A  town  in  the  allotment  of  Simeon 
 (Josh.  xix.  7) ;  elsewhere  accurately  given  in  the 
 A.  V.  as  RliiJiON. 
 
 Eem'mon-Meth'oar.  A  place  which  formed  one 
 of  the  landmarks  of  the  eastern  boundary  of  the 
 tenitory  of  Zebulun  (Jo.sh.  xix.  13  only).  Slethoar 
 does  not  really  form  a  part  of  the  name  ;  but  should 
 be  translated  (as  in  the  margin  of  the  A.  V.) — 
 "  R.  which  reaches  to  Neah."  This  Rimmon  does  not 
 appear  to  have  been  known  to  Eusebius  and  Jerome, 
 but  it  is  mentioned  by  the  e^arly  traveller  Parchi, 
 who  says  that  it  is  called  Kumaneh,  and  stands  an 
 hour  south  of  Sepphoris.  If  tor  south  we  read 
 north,  this  is  in  close  agi'eement  with  the  state- 
 ments of  Dr.  Robinson  and  Mr.  Van  de  Velde,  who 
 place  Rummdneh  on  the  S.  border  of  the  Plain  of 
 Buttaiif,  3  miles  N.N.E.  of  Seffurieh.  It  is  diffi- 
 cult, however,  to  see  how  this  can  have  been  on  the 
 eastern  boundary  of  Zebulun. 
 
 Rem'phan  (Acts  vii.  43) :  and  Chitm  (Am.  v. 
 26j  hive  been  supposed  to  be  names  of  an  idol 
 worshipped  by  the  Israelites  in  the  wilderness,  but 
 seem  to  be  the  names  of  two  idols.  Much  diffi- 
 culty has  been  occasioned  by  this  corresponding 
 t<»currence   of  two   names   so    wholly  different  in 
 
 REMPHAN 
 
 787 
 
 sound.  The  mo>t  reasonable  opinion  seemed  to  be 
 that  Chiun  was  a  Hebrew  or  Semitic  name,  and 
 Remphan  an  Egyptian  equivalent  substituted  by  the 
 LXX.  The  former,  rendered  Saturn  in  the  Syi-., 
 was  compaied  with  the  Arab,  and  Pers.  kaiudn, 
 "the  planet  Saturn."  Egyptology  has,  however, 
 shown  that  this  is  not  the  true  explanation.  Among 
 the  foreign  divinities  worshipped  in  Egypt,  two,  the 
 god  RENPU,  perhaps  pronounced  REMPQ,  anil  the 
 goddess  KEN,  occur  together.  Besides  thofe  di- 
 vinities represented  on  the  monuments  of  P-gypt 
 which  have  Egyptian  forms  or  names,  or  both, 
 others  have  foreign  forms  or  names,  or  both.  Of 
 the  latter,  some  appear  to  have  been  introduced  at 
 a  very  remote  age.  This  is  certainly  the  case  with 
 the  principal  divinity  of  Memphis,  Ptah,  the  Egyp- 
 tian Hephaestus.  The  foreign  divinities  that  seem 
 to  be  of  later  introduction  are  not  found  throughout 
 the  religious  records,  but  only  in  single  tablets,  or 
 are  otherwise  very  rarely  mentioned,  and  two  out 
 of  their  four  names  are  immediately  recognised  to  be 
 non-Egyptian.  They  are  KENPU,  and  the  goddesses 
 KEN,  ANTA,  and  ASTARTA.  The  first  and 
 second  of  these  have  foreign  forms  ;  the  third  and 
 fourth  have  Egyptian  forms:  there  would  therefure 
 seem  to  be  an  especially  foreign  character  about  the 
 former  two. 
 
 Renpu,  pronounced  Rempp  (?),  is  represented 
 as  an  Asiatic,  with  the  full  beard  and  apparently 
 the  general  type  of  face  given  on  the  monuments 
 to  most  nations  east  of  Egypt,  and  to  the  REBU  or 
 Libyans.  This  type  is  evidently  that  of  the  She- 
 mites.  His  hair  is  bound  with  a  fillet,  which  is 
 ornamented  in  front  with  the  head  of  an  antelope. 
 KEN  is  represented  perfectly  naked,  holding  in  both 
 hands  corn,  and  standing  upon  a  lion.  She  is  also 
 called  KETESH.  ANATA  appears  to  be  Anaitis. 
 ASTARTA  is  of  course  the  Ashtoreth  of  Canaan. 
 We  have  no  clue  to  the  exact  time  of  the  intro- 
 duction of  these  divinities  into  Egypt,  nor,  except 
 in  one  case,  to  any  particular  places  of  their  woi"- 
 ship.  Their  names  occur  as  early  as  the  period  of 
 the  xviiith  and  xixth  dynasties,  and  it  is  therefore 
 not  improbable  that  they  were  introduced  by  the 
 Shepherds.  As  to  RENPU  and  KEN  we  can  only 
 offer  a  conjecture.  They  occur  together,  and  KEN 
 is  a  form  of  the  Sp'ian  goddess,  and  also  bears  some 
 relation  to  the  Egyptian  god  of  productiveness, 
 KHEM.  Their  similarity  to  Baal  and  Ashtoreth 
 seems  strong.  The  naked  goddess  KEN  would 
 suggest  such  worship  as  that  of  the  Babylonian 
 Mylitta,  but  the  thoroughly  Shemite  appearance  of 
 RENPU  is  rather  in  favour  of  an  Arab  source.  The 
 mention  of  CHIUN  or  REMPHAN  as  worshipped 
 in  the  desert  shows  that  this  idolatry  was,  in  part 
 at  least,  that  of  foreigners,  and  no  doubt  of  those 
 settled  in  Lower  Egypt.  We  can  now  endeavour  to 
 explain  the  passages  in  which  Chiun  and  Remphan 
 occur.  The  Masoretic  text  of  Amos  v.  26  reads 
 thus: — "But  ye  bare  the  tent  [or  '  tabemacle '] 
 of  your  king  and  Chiun  your  images,  the  star 
 of  your  gods  [or  '  your  god'],  which  ye  made 
 for  yourselves."  In  the  LXX.  wc  find  remark- 
 able differences:  it  reads:  Kal  aveX&fiere  ri]v 
 (TKrivrjv  Tov  Mo\hx,  Kol  rb  &.(npov  rov  Oeov 
 vjxoov  'Pai(pa.v,  robs  txittovs  uvtwu  ovs  iiroffiffaTe 
 eavToTs.  The  Vulg.  agrees  with  the  Masoretic 
 text  in  the  order  of  the  clauses,  though  omitting 
 Chiun  or  Remphan.  A  slight  change  in  the  Hebrew 
 would  enable  us  to  read  Molech  (Malcam  or  Milcom) 
 instead   of  "  your  king."     Beyond  this  it  is  ex- 
 
 3  E  2 
 
788 
 
 REPHAEL 
 
 tremely  difficult  to  exphiin  the  difffirences.  The 
 substitution  of  Kemphan  or  liephati  for  Chiun  ha< 
 lieen  explained  l)y  supposing  that  the  LXX.  read 
 1  for  D  in  the  Hebrew.  The  tent  or  tabernacle  of 
 Moloch  is  supposed  by  Gesenius  to  have  been  an 
 actual  tent,  and  he  compares  the  ffKTii'Tj  Upa  of  the 
 Carthaginians.  But  there  is  some  di(ficulty  in  the 
 idea  that  the  Israelites  carried  about  so  larj^e  an 
 object  for  the  purpr^e  of  idolatry,  and  it  seems 
 more  likely  that  it  wa-s  a  small  model  of  a  larger 
 tent  or  shrine.  The  reading  Molech  ajipears  pre- 
 ferable to  "  your  king."  It  is  perhaps  worthy 
 of  note  that  there  is  reason  for  supposing  that 
 Molech  was  a  name  of  the  planet  Saturn,  and 
 that  this  planet  was  evidently  supposed  by  the 
 ancient  translators  to  be  intended  for  Chiun  and 
 Kemphan.  The  correspondence  of  llemphan  or 
 Riiiphan  to  Chiun  is  extremely  remarkable,  and 
 can,  we  think,  only  be  accounted  for  by  the  sup- 
 position that  the  LXX.  translator  or  translators  of 
 the  prophet  had  Egyptian  knowledge,  and  being  thus 
 acquainted  with  the  ancient  joint  worship  of  Ken 
 and  Kenpu,  substituted  the  latter  for  the  former, 
 as  they  may  have  been  unwilling  to  repeat  the 
 name  of  a  foreign  Venus.  From  the  manner  in 
 which  it  is  mentioned  we  may  conjecture  that  the 
 star  of  Kemphan  was  of  the  same  character  as  the 
 tahemacle  of  Jlolech,  an  object  connected  with  fiilse 
 worship  rather  than  an  image  of  a  false  god. 
 
 Reph'ael.  Son  of  Shemaiah,  the  firstborn  of 
 Obed-edom  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  7). 
 
 Be'phah.  A  son  of  Ephraim,  and  ancestor  of 
 Joshua  (I  Chr.  vii.  25). 
 
 Rephai'ah.  1.  The  sons  of  Rephaiah  appear 
 among  the  descendants  of  Zerubbabel  in  1  Chr. 
 iii.  21. i— 2.  A  Simeonite  chieflain  in  tlie  reign  of 
 Hezekiah  (1  Chr.  iv.  42).— 3.  Son  of  Tola,  the  son 
 of  Issachar  (1  Chr.  vii.  2).— 4.  Son  of  Binea,  and 
 descendant  of  Saul  (1  Chr.  ix.  43).— 5.  The  son  of 
 Hnr,  and  ruler  of  a  portion  of  .Jerusalem  (Neh. 
 iii.  9).  1 
 
 Repli'aim.     T'^'Iants.]  ! 
 
 Eeph'aim,  the  Valley  of,  2  Sam.  v.  18,  22,  j 
 ^xiii.  l:; ;    1  Cin-.  xi.  \r>,  xiv.  9  ;  Is.  xvii.  5.     Also 
 m  Josh.  XV.  8,  and  xviii.  16.  where  it  is  translated 
 in  the  A.  V.  "the  valley  of  the  giants."     A  spot  I 
 which  was  the  scene  of  some  of  David's  most  re-  I 
 markable   adventures.     He    twice   encountered   the 
 Philistines  there,  and  inflicted  a  destruction  on  them 
 and  on  their  idols  so  signal  that  it  gave  the  place  a  j 
 new  name.     It  was  probably  during  the  former  of 
 these  two  contests  that  the  incident  of  the  water  of  j 
 Bethlehem  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  13,  &c.)  occurred.     The 
 "hold"(ver.  14)  in  which  David  found  himself,  I 
 seems  (though  it  is  not  clear)  to  have  been  the  cave 
 of  .Adullam.     This  narrative  seems  to  imply  that ; 
 the  valley  of  Rephaim  was  near  Bethlehem.     Jose-  ' 
 phus  mentions  it  as  "  the  valley  which  extends  'from  [ 
 Jerusalem)  to  the  city  of  Bethlehem."     Since  the 
 latter  part  of  the  16th  cent,  the  name  has  been  af- 
 fciched  to  the  nphmri  plain  which  stretches  south  of  j 
 Jerusalem,  ami  is  cro>scd  by  the  road  to  Bethlehem 
 — the  el  Buk'ah  of  the  nifHlern  Arabs.     But  this,  1 
 though  appropriate  enough  as  regards  its  proximity 
 to  IW-thJehem,  does  not  answer  at  all  to  the  meaning  ' 
 of  the  Hebrew  word  Einek,  which  appeal's  always 
 to  desis;nafe  an  inclosed  valley,  never  an  ojion  up- 
 land plain  like  that  in  questii.n.      A   j)osition   N.W.  ' 
 of  the  city  is  adopted  by  Kilrst,  apparently  on  the  \ 
 ground  of  the  terms  of  "josh   xv.  8  and  xviii.  16.  ; 
 And  Tobler,  in  his  last   in vestig.it ions,  conclusively  ' 
 
 REUBEN 
 
 ailojits  the  Wailri  Der  Ja4».  The  valley  appears 
 to  derive  its  name  from  the  ancient  nation  of  the 
 Uephaim.  It  may  be  a  trace  of  an  early  settlement 
 of  theirs,  possibly  after  they  were  driven  from  their 
 original  seats  east  of  the  Jordan  by  Chedorlaomer 
 ((ien.  xiv.  5), 
 
 Beph'idim.  Ex.  xvii.  1,  8;  xix.  2.  The  name 
 means  "rests"  or  "stays;"  the  place  lies  in  the 
 march  of  the  Israelites  from  Egypt  to  Sinai.  Its 
 site  is  unknown.  Lepsius'  view  is  that  Mount 
 Serial  is  the  true  Iloreb,  ami  that  llephidim  is 
 Wild;/  Feiran.  This  would  account  for  the  ex- 
 pectation of  finding  water  here,  which,  however, 
 from  some  unexplained  cause  failed.  In  Ex.  xvii.  6, 
 "  the  rock  in  Horeb  "  is  named  as  the  source  of  the 
 water  miraculously  supplied.  On  the  other  hand, 
 the  language  used  Ex.  xix.  1,  2,  seems  precise,  as 
 regards  tlie  point  that  the  journey  from  Rephidim 
 to  Sinai  was  a  distinct  stage.  The  name  Horeb  is 
 by  Robinson  taken  to  mean  an  extended  range  or 
 region,  some  part  of  which  was  near  to  Rephidim, 
 which  he  places  at  Wadu  esh  Sheikh,  running  from 
 N.E.  to  S.W.,  on  the  W.  side  of  Gebel  Fureia,  op- 
 posite the  northern  face  of  the  modern  Horeb.  It 
 joins  the  Wady  Feiran.  The  exact  spot  of  Robin- 
 son's liephidim  is  a  defile  in  the  esh  Sheikh  visited 
 and  desciibed  by  Burckhardt  as  at  about  five  houiV 
 distance  from  where  it  issues  from  the  plain  Er 
 Raheh,  narrowing  between  abrupt  cliffs  of  blackened 
 gi'anife  to  about  40  feet  in  wi<lth.  Here  is  also  the 
 traditional  "  Seat  of  Moses."  The  fertility  and 
 richness  of  the  Wad'i  Feiran  account,  as  Stanley 
 thinks,  for  the  Amalekites'  struggle  to  retiin  pos- 
 session against  those  whom  they  viewed  as  in- 
 trusive aggressors.  This  view  seems  to  meet  the 
 largest  amount  of  possible  conditions  for  a  site  of 
 Sinai. 
 
 Bes'en  is  mentioned  only  in  Cen.  x.  12,  where  it 
 is  said  to  have  been  one  of  the  cities  built  by 
 Asshur,  and  to  have  lain  "  hct>reen  Nineveh  and 
 Calali."  Many  writers  have  been  inclined  to  identify 
 it  with  the  IJesina  or  Rhesaena  of  the  Byzantine 
 authore,  and  of  Ptolemy,  which  is  most  probably  the 
 modern  Ras-cl-ain.  There  are  no  grounds,  how- 
 ever, for  this  identification,  ex<'ept  the  similarity  of 
 name.  A  far  more  probable  conjecture  was  that  of 
 Bochart,  who  found  Resen  in  the  I.arissi  of  Xeno- 
 phon,  which  is  most  certainly  the  modern  Nimrvd, 
 As,  however,  the  Nimmd  ruins  seem  really  to  ve- 
 present  Cai.aii,  while  those  opposite  Mosul  are  the 
 remains  of  Nineveh,  we  must  look  for  Resen  in  the 
 tract  lying  between  the«e  two  sites.  Assyrian  re- 
 mains of  some  considei-able  extent  are  found  in  this 
 situation,  near  the  modem  village  of  ^cl<imi;/eh,  and 
 it  is  perhaps  the  mo>t  probable  conjecture  that  these 
 represent  the  Resen  of  (Jenesis.  The  later  Jews 
 appear  to  have  identified  Resen  with  the  Kileh- 
 Sherqhnt  ruins. 
 
 Besh'eph.  A  son  of  Ephraim  and  brother  of 
 Rejihah  (1  Chr.  vii.  2.5). 
 
 Be'n.  Son  of  Peleg,  in  the  line  of  Abraham's 
 ancestors  Mien.  xi.  18,'  19,  20,  21  ;    1  Chr.  i.  25). 
 
 Reu'ben.  Jacob's  firstborn  child  (Cen.  xxix.  32), 
 the  son  of  I.eah,  ajiparently  not  born  fill  an  un- 
 usual interval  had  elapsed  after  the  marriage  (31 ). 
 The  notices  of  the  patriarch  Iteuben  in  the  Book 
 of  (ienesis  and  the  carlv  .Fewish  traditional  liter- 
 ature are  unusually  frequent,  and  on  the  whole 
 give  a  favourable  view  of  his  (lis|K)sition.  To  him, 
 and  him  alone,  the  preservation  of  Joseph's  life  ap- 
 peal's to  have  been  due.     His  anguish  at  the  disrip- 
 
REUBEN 
 
 peaiance  of  his  brother,  and  the  frustration  of  hv- 
 kindly  artifice  for  delivering  him  (Gen.  xxxvii.  '-!2), 
 his  recollection  of  the  minute  details  of  the  painful 
 scene  many  years  afterwards  (xlii.  22),  his  offer  to 
 take  the  sole  responsibility  of  the  safety  of  the  bro- 
 ther who  had  succeeded  to  Joseph's  place  m  the 
 family  (xlii.  37),  all  testify  to  a  wann  and  (for 
 those  rough  times)  a  kiadly  nature.  Of  the  re- 
 pulsive crime  which  mars  his  history,  and  which 
 turned  the  blessing  of  his  dying  father  into  a  curse 
 — his  adulterous  connexion  with  Bilhah — we  know 
 from  the  Scriptures  only  the  fact  (Gen.  xxxv.  22). 
 These  traits,  slight  as  they  aie,  are  those  of  an 
 ardent,  impetuous,  unbalanced,  but  not  ungenerous 
 nature  ;  not  crafty  and  cruel,  as  were  Simeon  and 
 Levi,  but  rather,  to  use  the  metaphor  of  the  dying 
 patriarch,  boiling  up  like  a  vessel  of  water  over  the 
 rapid  wood-tire  of  the  nomad  tent,  and  as  quickly 
 subsiding  into  apathy  when  the  fuel  Wiis  with- 
 drawn. At  the  time  of  the  migration  into  Egypt 
 Reuben's  sons  were  four  (Gen.  xlvi.  9  ;  1  Chr.  v.  3). 
 From  them  sprang  the  chief  families  of  the  trib? 
 (Num.  .xxvi.  5-11).  The  census  at  Mount  Sinai 
 (Num.  i.  20,  21,  ii.  11)  shows  that  at  the  Exodus 
 the  numbers  of  the  tribe  were  46,500  men  above 
 twenty  years  of  age,  and  fit  for  active  warlike  ser- 
 vice. During  the  journey  through  the  wilderness 
 the  position  of  Reuben  was  on  the  south  side  of  the 
 Tabernacle.  The  "camp"  which  went  under  his 
 name  w;ts  fonned  of  his  own  tribe,  that  of  Simeon 
 and  Gad.  The  Reubenites,  like  their  relatives  and 
 neighbours  on  the  journey,  the  Gadites,  had  main- 
 tained through  the  march  to  Canaan,  the  ancient 
 callmg  of  their  foretathers.  Their  cattle  accom- 
 panied them  in  their  flight  from  Egypt  (Ex.  xii.  38). 
 It  followed  naturally  that  when  the  nation  arrived 
 on  the  open  downs  east  of  the  Jordan,  the  three 
 tiibes  of  Reuben,  Gad,  and  the  half  of  Manasseh, 
 should  prefer  a  request  to  their  leader  to  be  allowed 
 to  lemain  in  a  place  so  perfectly  suited  to  their 
 lequirements.  The  part  selected  by  Reuben  had 
 at  that  date  the  special  name  of  "the  Mishor," 
 with  reference  possibly  to  its  evenness.  Under  its 
 modern  name  of  the  Belka  it  is  still  esteemed  be- 
 yond all  others  by  the  Arab  sheepmasters.  Accoid- 
 ingly,  when  the  Reubenites  and  their  fellows  approach 
 Moses  with  their  request,  his  main  objection  is  that 
 by  what  they  propose  they  will  discourage  the 
 hearts  of  the  children  of  Israel  from  going  ovei- 
 Jordan  into  the  land  which  Jehovah  had  given 
 them  (Num.  xxxii.  7).  It  is  only  on  their  under- 
 taking to  fulfil  their  part  in  the  conquest  of  the 
 western  country,  the  land  of  Canaan  proper,  and 
 thus  s.".tisfying  him  that  their  proposal  was  grounded 
 in  no  seltisli  desire  to  escape  a  full  share  of  the 
 difficulties  of  the  conquest,  that  Moses  will  consent 
 to  their  proposal.  From  this  time  it  seems  as  if  a 
 bar,  not  only  the  material  one  of  distance,  and  of 
 the  intervening  river  and  mountain- wall,  but  also 
 of  difference  in  feeling  and  habits,  gi-adually  grew 
 up  more  substantially  between  the  Eastern  aud 
 Western  tribes.  The  first  act  of  the  former  after 
 the  completion  of  the  conquest,  and  after  they  had 
 taken  part  in  the  solemn  ceremonial  in  the  Valley 
 between  Ebal  and  Gerizim,  shows  how  wide  a  gap 
 already  existed  between  their  ideas  and  those  of  the 
 Western  tribes.  The  pile  of  stones  which  they 
 erected  on  the  western  bank  of  the  Jordan  to  mark 
 their  boundary  was  erected  in  accordance  with  the 
 unalterable  habits  of  Bedouin  tribes  both  before  and 
 since.     It  was  an  act  identical  with  that  in  which 
 
 REVELATION  OF  ST.  JOHN     789 
 
 Laban  and  Jacob  engaged  at  parting,  with  that 
 which  is  constantly  performed  by  the  Bedouins  of 
 the  present  day.  But  by  the  Israelites  west  of 
 Jordan,  who  were  fast  relinquishing  their  nomad 
 habits  and  feelings  for  those  of  more  settled  per- 
 manent life,  this  act  was  completely  misunderstood, 
 and  was  construed  into  an  attempt  to  set  up  a 
 rival  altar  to  that  of  the  Sacred  Tent.  No  judge, 
 no  prophet,  no  hero  of  the  tribe  of  Reuben  is 
 handed  down  to  us.  In  the  dire  extiemity  of  their 
 brethren  in  the  north  under  Deboi-ah  and  Barak, 
 they  contented  themselves  with  debating  the  news 
 amongst  the  streams  of  the  Mishor  ;  the  distant  dis- 
 tress of  his  brethren  could  not  move  Reuben,  he 
 lingered  among  his  sheepfolds  and  prefened  the 
 shepherd's  pipe  and  the  bleating  of  the  flocks,  to 
 the  clamour  of  the  trumpet  and  the  turmoil  of 
 battle.  His  individuality  fades  more  rapidly  than 
 Gad's.  No  person,  no  incident,  is  recorded,  to  place 
 Reuben  before  us  in  any  distincter  form  than  as  a 
 member  of  the  community  (if  community  it  can  be 
 called)  of  "  the  Reubenites,  the  Gadite.s,  and  the 
 half-tribe  of  Manasseh"  (1  Chi-,  xii.  37).  Thus 
 remote  from  the  central  seat  of  the  national  govern- 
 ment and  of  the  national  religion,  it  is  not  to  be 
 wondered  at  that  Reuben  relinquished  the  faith  of 
 Jehovah.  The  last  historical  notice  which  we  pos- 
 sess of  them,  while  it  records  this  fact,  records  also 
 as  its  natural  consequence  that  the  Reubenites  and 
 Gadites,  and  the  half-tribe  of  Manasseh  were  carried 
 off  by  Pul  and  Tiglath-Pileser. 
 
 Beu'el.  1.  One  of  the  sons  of  Esau,  by  his  wife 
 Bashemath,  sister  of  Ishmael  (Gen.  xxxvi.  4, 10, 13, 
 17  ;  1  Chr.  i.  35,  37).— 2.  One  of  the  names  of 
 Moses'  father-in-law  (Ex.  ii.  18);  the  same  which, 
 through  adherence  to  the  LXX.  form,  is  given  in 
 another  passage  of  the  A.  V.  Raguel.— 3.  Father 
 of  Eliasaph,  the  leader  of  the  tribe  of  Gad,  at  the 
 time  of  the  census  at  Sinai  (Num.  ii.  14).— 4.  A 
 Beiijamite,  ancestor  of  Elah  (1  Chr.  ix.  8). 
 
 Re'umah.  The  concubine  of  Nahor,  Abraham's 
 brother  (Gen.  xxii.  24). 
 
 Eevelation  of  St.  John.  The  following  subjects 
 in  connexion  with  this  book  seem  to  have  the.  chiet 
 claim  for  a  place  in  this  article: — A.  CANONICAL 
 Authority  and  Authorship.  B.  Time  and 
 Place  of  Writing.  C.  Language.  D,  His- 
 tory OF  Interpretation.  A.  Canonical 
 Authority  and  Authorship. — The  question  as 
 to  the  canonical  authority  of  the  Revelation  re- 
 solves itself  into  a  question  of  authorship.  Was 
 St.  John  the  Apostle  and  Evangelist  the  writer  ot 
 the  Revelation?  This  question  was  first  mooted  by 
 Dionysius  of  Alexandria.  The  doubt  which  he 
 modestly  suggested  has  been  confidently  proclaimed 
 in  modern  times  by  Luther,  and  widely  diffused 
 through  his  influence.  But  the  general  belief  of 
 the  mass  of  Christians  in  all  ages  has  been  in  favour 
 of  St.  John's  authority.  The  evidence  adduced  in 
 support  of  that  belief  consists  of  (1)  the  assertions 
 of  the  author,  and  (2)  historical  tradition.  (1)  The 
 author's  description  of  himself  in  the  1st  and  22nd 
 chapters  is  certainly  equivalent  to  an  assertion  that 
 he  is  the  Apostle,  (a)  He  names  himself  simply 
 John,  without  prefix  or  addition.  He  is  also  de- 
 scribed as  (6)  a  servant  of  Christ,  (c)  one  who  had 
 borne  testimony  as  an  eye-witness  of  the  word  of 
 God  and  of  the  testimony  of  Christ — terms  which 
 were  surely  designed  to  identify  him  with  the 
 writer  of  the  \  erses  John  xix.  35,  i.  14,  and  1  John 
 i.  2.     He  is  {d)  in  Patmos  for  the  word  of  God  auJ 
 
790     REVELATION  OF  ST.  JOHN 
 
 llie  testimony  of  .lesus  Christ.  He  is  also  (e)  a 
 teiiow-sutlerer  with  those  whom  he  addresses,  and 
 i/,i  the  authorised  channel  of  the  most  direct  and 
 itnpoitant  communication  that  was  ever  made  to 
 ilie  seven  churches  of  Asia,  of  which  churches  John 
 the  Apostle  was  at  that  time  the  spiritual  governor 
 and  teacher.  Lastly  {(j)  the  writer  was  a  fi  liow- 
 seiTant  of  angels  and  a  biother  of  prophets.  All 
 these  marks  are  found  united  together  in  the  Apostle 
 .John,  and  in  him  alone  of  all  historical  persons. 
 A  candid  reader  of  the  Ixevelation,  if  previously 
 acquainted  with  St.  John's  other  wiitings  and  life, 
 must  inevitably  conclude  that  the  writer  intended 
 to  be  identilied  with  St.  John.  It  is  strange  to  see 
 so  able  a  critic  as  Liicke  meeting  this  conclusion 
 with  the  conjecture  that  some  Asiatic  disciple  and 
 namesiike  of  the  Apostle  may  have  written  the  book 
 in  the  course  of  some  missionary  labours  or  some 
 time  of  sacred  retirement  in  I'atmos.  Unless  we 
 ar.'  prepared  to  give  up  the  veracity  and  divine 
 origin  of  the  whole  book,  and  to  ti'eat  the  writer's 
 account  of  himself  as  a  mere  fiction  of  a  poet  trying 
 to  cover  his  own  iiisigniHcaiice  with  an  honoured 
 name,  we  must  accept  that  description  as  a  plain 
 statement  of  fact,  equally  ciedible  with  the  rest  of 
 the  book,  and  in  harmony  with  the  simple,  honest, 
 truthful  character  which  is  stamped  on  the  face  of 
 the  whole  narrative.  Besides  this  direct  assertion 
 of  St.  John's  authorship,  there  is  also  an  implication 
 nf  it  running  through  the  book.  Generally,  the  in- 
 dtinct  of  single-minded,  patient,  faithl'ul  students 
 has  led  them  to  recognise  not  merely  the  same 
 Spirit  as  the  source  of  this  and  other  books  of  Holy 
 Scripture,  but  also  the  same  peculiarly-formed 
 human  instrument  employed  both  in  producing 
 this  book  and  the  fourth  (Jospel,  and  in  speaking 
 the  characteristic  words  and  performing  the  cha- 
 racteristic actions  recorded  of  St.  John.  (2)  To 
 come  to  the  historical  testimonies  in  favour  of  St. 
 John's  authorship,  (a)  Juntin  Martyr,  circ.  150 
 A.D.,  says: — "A  man  among  us  whose  name  was 
 John,  one  of  the  Apostles  of  Christ,  in  a  revelation 
 which  was  made  to  him,  prophesied  that  the  be- 
 lievers in  our  Christ  shall  live  a  thousand  vears  in 
 Jerusalem,  (b)  The  author  of  the  Muratorian  Frag- 
 ment, circ.  170  A.D.,  speaks  of  St.  John  as  tiie 
 writer  of  the  Apocalypse,  (c)  Melito  of  Sardis, 
 circ.  170  A.D.,  wrote  a  treatise  on  the  Revelation 
 of  John.  Eusebius  (//.  E.  iv.  26)  mentions  this 
 among  the  books  of  Melito  which  had  come  to  his 
 knowledge  ;  and  it  may  be  presumed  that  he  found 
 no  doubt  as  to  St.  John's  authorship  in  the  book  of 
 this  ancient  Asiatic  bishop,  {d)  Theophilus,  bisliop 
 of  Antioch  (circ.  180),  in  a  controversy  with  Hermo- 
 genes,  quotes  passages  out  of  the  Ilevelation  of  John. 
 (e)  Irenaeus  (circ.  19.t),  apparently  never  having 
 heard  a  suggestion  of  any  other  author  than  the 
 Apostle,  often  quotes  the  Ilevelation  as  the  work  of 
 John.  The  testimony  of  Irenaeus  as  to  the  author- 
 ship of  Itevelation  is  perhaps  more  important  than 
 that  of  any  other  writer,  (f)  Apollonius  (circ. 
 200)  of  E]>hesus(?),  in  controvei-sy  with  the  Mon- 
 tanists  of  I'hrygia,  quoted  passage.s  out  of  the  K'e- 
 velation  of  John,  and  narrated  a  miracle  wrought  by 
 John  at  Ephesus.  (y)  Clement  of  Alexandria  (circ. 
 2(JU)  quotes  the  book  as  the  h'evelation  of  John, 
 and  as  the  work  of  an  Apostle.  (/i)  Tertullian 
 (A.D.  21)7),  in  at  least  one  place,  quotes  by  name 
 "  the  Apohtle  John  in  th«  Apocalypy;."  (i)  Hij>- 
 pslytus  (circ.  2:30)  is  said,  in  the  inscription  on  his 
 st.itue  at  I{ime,  to  have  composed  an  apology  for 
 
 REVELATION  OF  ST.  JOHN 
 
 the  Apocalypse  and  Gospel  ot  St.  John  the  Apostle. 
 0)  Origen  (circ.  233),  in  his  Commentary  on  Si. 
 John,  quoted  by  Eusebius  {H.  E.  vi.  25),  says  of 
 the  Apostle,  "  he  wrote  also  the  Revelation."  The 
 testimonies  of  later  writers,  in  the  third  and  fourth 
 centuries,  in  flavour  of  St.  John's  authorship  of  the 
 Revelation,  are  equally  distinct  and  far  more  numer- 
 ous. All  the  foregoing  writers,  testifying  that  the 
 book  came  from  an  Apostle,  believed  that  it  was  a 
 part  of  Holy  Scripture.  It  is  also  quoted  as  having 
 canonical  authority  by  Papi;is.  Cy])iian,  and  in  the 
 Epistle  from  the  churches  of  Lyons  and  Vienna, 
 A.D.  177.  Jt  was  admitted  into  the  list  of  the 
 'I'hird  Council  of  Carthage,  A.D.  397.  Such  is  the 
 evidence  in  favour  of  St.  John's  authorship  and  of 
 the  canonical  authority  of  this  book.  The  follow- 
 ing facts  must  be  weighed  on  the  other  side. 
 Maicion,  who  regarded  all  the  A])ostles  except  St. 
 Paul  as  coriupters  of  the  truth,  rejected  the 
 Apocalypse  and  all  other  books  of  the  N.T.  which 
 were  not  written  by  St.  Paul.  The  Alogi,  an  obscure 
 sect,  circa  180  A.D.,  rejected  the  Revelation,  siiying 
 it  was  the  woik,  not  of  John,  but  of  Cerinthus. 
 But  the  testimony  which  is  considered  the  most  im- 
 portant of  all  in  ancient  timesagainst  the  Revelation 
 is  contained  in  a  fragment  of  Dionysius  of  Alexandria, 
 circa  240  A.D.,  the  most  influential  and  perhaps  the 
 ablest  bishop  in  that  age.  The  principal  points  in 
 it  are  these: — Dionysius  testifies  that  some  writers 
 befoie  him  altogether  repudiated  the  Revelation  as 
 a  forgery  of  Cerinthus ;  many  brethien,  however, 
 jirized  it  very  highly,  and  Dionysius  would  not 
 venture  to  reject  it,  but  received  it  in  faith  as  con- 
 taining things  too  deep  and  too  sublime  for  his 
 understanding.  He  would  not  say  that  John  Mark 
 was  the  writer,  since  it  is  not  known  that  he  was 
 in  Asia.  He  supposes  it  must  be  the  work  of  some 
 John  who  lived  in  Asia.  To  this  extent,  and  no 
 further,  Dionysius  is  a  witness  against  St.  John's 
 authorshi]).  A  weightier  difficulty  arises  from  the 
 fact  that  the  Revelation  is  one  of  the  books  which 
 are  absent  from  the  ancient  Peshito  version.  Euse- 
 bius is  remarkably  s])aring  in  his  quotations  from 
 the  "  Revelation  of  John,"  and  the  uncertainty  of 
 his  opinion  about  it  is  best  shown  by  his  statement 
 in  that  "  it  is  likely  that  the  Revelation  was  seen 
 by  the  second  John  (the  Ephe.-i:iii  presbyter),  if 
 any  one  is  unwilling  to  believe  that  it  was  seen 
 by  the  Apostle."  Jerome  states  that  the  Greek 
 Churches  felt,  with  respect  to  the  Revelation,  a 
 similar  doubt  to  that  of  the  Latins  resjiecting  the 
 Epistle  to  the  Hebrews.  B.  TiMi-;  and  Plack  OF 
 Writing. — The  date  of  the  Revelation  is  given  by 
 the  great  majority  of  critics  as  A.D.  95-97.  The 
 weighty  testimony  of  Irenaeus  is  almost  tufTicient 
 to  prevent  any  other  conclusion.  He  says :  "  It 
 (j.  <7.  the  R'evelation)  was  seen  no  very  long  time 
 ago,  but  almost  in  our  own  genciation,  at  the  close 
 ot' Domitian's  reign."  Eusebius  also  records  that,  in 
 the  persecution  under  Domitian,  John  the  .\postle 
 and  Evangelist  was  banished  to  the  island  I'atmos 
 for  his  testimony  of  the  divine  word.  Tliere  is  no 
 mention  in  any  writer  of  the  first  three  centuries 
 of  any  other  time  or  place.  Unsup]X)rted  by  any 
 historical  evidence,  some  commentatoi-s  have  put 
 forth  the  conjecture  that  the  Revelation  was  written 
 as  early  as  the  time  of  Nero.  This  is  simply  their 
 inference  from  the  style  and  contents  of  the  book. 
 It  has  been  inferred  from  i.  2,  9,  10,  that  the  Re- 
 velation was  wrjtt*'n  m  Epiiesus,  immediately  after 
 the  Apostle's  n-turn  tioin  Patmos.     But  the  style 
 
REVELATION  OF  ST.  JOHM 
 
 in  which  the  messages  to  the  seven  Churches  are  de- 
 livered rather  suggests  the  notion  that  the  book  was 
 written  in  Patinos.  C.  Language. — The  doubt 
 first  suggested  by  Harenberg,  wiiether  the  Revela- 
 tion was  written  in  Aramaic,  has  met  with  little  or 
 no  reception.  Tlie  silence  of  all  ancient  writers  as 
 to  any  AraiiKiic  original  is  alone  a  sufficient  answer 
 to  the  suggestion.  Liicke  has  also  collected  internal 
 evidence  to  show  that  the  original  is  the  (Jieek  of  a 
 Jewish  Christian.  Lucke  has  also  examined  in 
 minute  detail  the  peculiarities  of  language  which 
 obviously  distinguish  tiie  Revelation  from  every 
 other  book  of  tire  New  Testament.  And  in  subse- 
 quent sections  he  urges  with  great  force  the  dif- 
 ference between  tlie  Revelation  on  one  side  and  the 
 fourth  Gospel  and  first  Epistle  on  the  other,  in 
 respect  of  their  style  and  composition  and  the 
 ment;il  character  and  attainments  of  the  writer  of 
 each.  Hengstenberg,  in  a  disseitation  appended  to 
 his  Commentary,  maintains  that  they  aie  by  one 
 writer.  It  may  be  admitted  that  the  Revelation 
 has  many  surprising  grammatical  peculiarities.  But 
 much  of  this  is  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  it  was 
 probably  written  down,  as  it  was  seen,  "  in  the 
 Spirit,"  whilst  the  ideas,  in  all  their  novelty  and 
 vastness,  filled  the  Apostle's  mind,  and  rendeied 
 him  less  capable  of  attending  to  forms  of  speech. 
 D.  Interi'RETation. — A  short  account  of  the 
 different  directions  in  wliich  attempts  have  been 
 made  to  inteipiet  the  Revelation,  is  all  that  can  be 
 given  in  this  place.  The  interval  between  the 
 Apostolic  age  and  that  of  Constantine  has  been 
 adled  the  Chiliastic  period  of  Apocalyptic  interpret- 
 ation. The  visions  of  St.  John  were  chiefly  re- 
 garded as  representations  of  general  Christian  tiuths, 
 scarcely  yet  embodied  in  actual  facts,  for  the  most 
 part  to  be  exemplified  or  fulfilled  in  the  reign  of 
 Antichrist,  the  coming  of  Christ,  the  millennium, 
 and  the  day  of  judgment.  The  only  extant  sys- 
 tematic interpretations  in  this  period,  are  the  inter- 
 polated Commentary  on  the  Revelation  by  the 
 martyr  Victorinus,  cir.  270  A.D.,  and  the  disputed 
 Treatise  on  Antichrist  by  Hippolytus.  But  the 
 prevalent  views  of  that  age  are  to  be  gathered  also 
 from  a  passage  in  Justin  JNIartyr,  from  the  later 
 books,  especially  the  fitth,  of  Irenaeus,  and  from 
 various  scattered  passages  in  Tertuliiaii,  Origen,  and 
 Methodius.  The  general  anticipation  of  the  last 
 days  of  the  world  in  Lactantius,  vii.  14-25,  has 
 little  direct  reference  to  the  Revelation.  Immed- 
 iately after  the  triumph  of  Constantine,  the  Chris- 
 tians, emancipated  from  oppression  and  persecution, 
 i'.nd  dominant  and  prosperous  in  their  turn,  began  to 
 lose  their  vivid  expectjition  of  our  Lord's  speedy 
 Advent,  and  tln-ir  spiritual  conception  of  His 
 kingdom,  and  to  look  upon  the  temporal  suprem- 
 acy of  Christianity  as  a  fulfilment  of  the  pro- 
 mised reign  of  Christ  on  earth.  The  Roman  em- 
 pire become  Christian  was  regarded  no  longer  as 
 the  object  of  prophetic  denunciation,  but  as  the 
 scene  of  a  millennial  development.  This  view,  how- 
 ever, was  soon  met  by  the  figurative  interpi  etation 
 of  the  millennium  as  the  reign  of  Christ  in  the  hearts 
 of  all  true  believers.  As  the  barbarous  and  heret- 
 ical invaders  of  the  falling  empire  appeared,  they 
 were  regarded  by  the  suffering  Christians  as  ful- 
 filling the  woes  denounced  in  the  Revelation.  The 
 chief  commentaries  belonging  to  this  period  are 
 that  which  is  ascribed  to  Tichonius,  circ.  o90  A.D. ; 
 i'rimasius,  of  Adrumetum  in  Africa,  A.D.  550; 
 Andreas  of  Crete,  cue.  650  a.d.,  Arethas  of  Cappa- 
 
 REZON  79^ 
 
 docia  and  Oecumeuius  of  Tliessiily  in  the  10th  cen- 
 tury ;  the  Explanatio  Apoc.  in  the  works  of  Bede, 
 A.D.  7:15;  the  Expusitio  of  Berengaud  ;  the  Com- 
 mentary of  Haymo,  A.D.  853 ;  a  short  Treatise  on 
 the  Seals  by  Anselni,  bishop  of  Havilberg,  A.D.  1145  ; 
 the  Expositio  of  Abbot  Joachim  of  Calabria,  a.d. 
 1 200.  The  views  to  which  the  reputation  of  Abbot 
 Joacidm  gave  currency  became  tiie  foundation  of 
 ih.at  great  historical  school  of  interpretation,  which 
 up  to  this  time  seems  the  most  popular  of  all. 
 Modern  interpreters  are  generally  placed  in  three 
 great  divisions,  a.  The  Historied  or  Ccntinucus 
 expositors,  in  whose  opinion  tiie  Revelation  is  a 
 piogressive  history  of  the  fortunes  of  the  Church 
 from  the  first  century  to  tlie  end  of  time.  b.  The 
 Praeterist  expositors,  who  are  of  opinion  that  the 
 Revelation  has  been  almost,  or  altogether,  fulfilled 
 in  the  time  which  has  passed  since  it  was  written  ; 
 that  it  refers  principally  to  the  triumph  of  Christ- 
 ianity over  Judaism  and  Paganism,  signalised  in 
 the  downfall  of  Jerusalem  and  of  Rome.  c.  The 
 Futurist  expositors,  whose  views  .show  a  strong  re- 
 action against  some  extiax'agances  of  the  two  pre- 
 ceding schools.  They  believe  that  the  whole  book, 
 excepting  perhaps  the  first  three  chaptei's,  refers 
 principally,  if  not  exclusively,  to  events  which  are 
 yet  to  come.  Each  of  these  three  schemes  is  open 
 to  objection.  In  conclusion,  it  may  be  stated  that 
 two  methods  have  been  proposed  by  which  the 
 student  of  the  Revelation  may  esaipe  the  incon- 
 gruities and  fallacies  of  the  ditlerent  interpretations, 
 whilst  he  may  derive  edilication  from  whatever 
 truth  they  contain.  It  has  been  suggested  that  the 
 book  may  be  legarded  as  a  prophetic  poem,  dealing 
 in  general  and  inexact  descriptions,  much  of  which 
 may  be  set  down  as  poetic  imagery,  mere  embellish- 
 ment. But  such  a  view  would  be  difficult  to  recon- 
 cile with  the  belief  that  the  book  is  an  inspired 
 prophecy.  A  better  suggestion  is  made,  or  rather  is 
 revived,  by  Dr.  Ainold  in  his  Sermons  On  the  Inter- 
 pretation of  Prophecy:  that  we  should  bear  in  mind 
 that  predictions  have  a  lower  historical  sense,  as  well 
 as  a  higher  spiritual  sense  ;  that  there  may  be  one  or 
 more  than  one  typical,  imperfect,  historical  fulfil- 
 ment of  a  prophecy,  in  each  of  which  the  higher 
 spiritual  fulfilment  is  shadowed  forth  more  or  less 
 distinctly. 
 
 Rez'eph.  One  of  the  places  which  Sennacherib 
 mentions,  in  his  taunting  message  to  Hezekiah,  as 
 having  been  destroyed  by  his  predecessor  (2  K.  xix. 
 12;  Is.  xxxvii.  12).  It  is  perhaps  mentioned  by 
 Ptolemy  (v.  15)  under  the  name  of 'PTjo-acpa. 
 
 Rez'ia.  An  Asherite,  of  the  sous  of  Uila  (1  Chr. 
 vii.  o9). 
 
 Bez'in.  1.  A  king  of  Damascus,  contemporary 
 with  Pekah  in  Israel,  and  with  Jotham  and  Ahaz 
 in  Judaea.  He  attacked  Jotham  during  the  latter 
 part  of  his  reign  (2  K.  xv.  37);  but  his  chief  war 
 was  with  Ahaz,  whose  territories  he  invaded,  in 
 company  with  Pekah  (about  B.C.  741).  The  com- 
 bined army  laid  siege  to  Jerusalem,  where  Ahaz  was, 
 but  "  could  not  prevail  against  it"  (Is.  vii.  1 ;  2  K. 
 xvi.  5).  Rezin,  however,  "  recovered  Elath  to 
 Syria"  (2  K.  xvi.  6).  Soon  after  this  he  vras  at- 
 tacked, defeated,  and  slain  by  Tiglath-Pileser  II., 
 king  of  Assyria  (2  K.  xvi.  9 ;  compare  Tiglath- 
 Pileser's  own  inscriptions,  where  the  defeat  of  Rezin 
 and  the  destruction  of  Damiiscus  are  distinctly  mer>- 
 tioued).^2.  One  of  the  families  of  the  Nethinim 
 (Ezr.  ii.  48  ;  Neh.  vii.  50). 
 
 Sez'ou.  The  son  of  Eliadah,  a  Syrian,  who  when 
 
792 
 
 RHEGIUM 
 
 Diiviil  defeated  Hadado/.er  kiiig  of  Zubali,  put  him- 
 self at  tlie  head  of  a  band  of  freebooters  and  set  up 
 a  petty  kiuijdom  at  Damascus  (1  K.  xi.  2:1). 
 Whether  he  was  an  officer  of  Uadadezer,  who,  fore- 
 seeing the  destruction  whicii  David  would  inflict, 
 prudently  escaped  witii  some  foUowei-s  ;  or  whttlier 
 he  gathered  his  band  of  the  remnant  of  those  who 
 survived  the  slaughter,  does  not  a])pear.  The  latter 
 is  more  probable.  The  settlement  of  Hezon  at 
 Damascus  could  not  have  been  till  some  time  after 
 the  disastrous  battle  in  which  tlie  power  of  Hadadezer 
 was  broken,  for  we  aie  told  tliat  David  at  the  same 
 time  defeated  the  army  of  Dam;iscene  Syrians  who 
 uamc  to  tlie  relief  of  Hadadezer,  ;uid  put  garrisons  in 
 Damascus.  From  his  position  at  Damascus  Kezon 
 hai"assed  the  kingdom  of  Solomon  during  his  whole 
 reign.  The  name  is  .Aramaic,  and  Ewald  compares 
 it  with  Rezin. 
 
 Bhe'^um.  The  mention  of  this  Italian  town 
 (which  was  situated  on  the  Bruttian  coast,  just  at 
 the  southern  entrance  of  the  straits  of  Messina) 
 occurs  quite  incidentally  (Acts  x.xviii.  13)  in  the 
 accoiuit  of  St.  Paul's  voyage  from  Syracuse  to 
 Puteoli,  after  the  shipwieck  at  Malta.  By  a  curious 
 coincidence  the  figures  on  its  coins  are  the  very 
 "  twin  brothei-s  "  which  gave  the  name  to  St.  Paul's 
 ship.  As  to  the  liistory  of  the  place,  it  was  orig- 
 inally a  Greek  colony  :  it  was  miserably  destroyed 
 by  Diunysius  of  Syracuse:  from  Augustus  it  re- 
 ceived advantages  which  combined  with  its  geo- 
 graphiciil  position  in  making  it  impoitiuit  thiougii- 
 out  the  duration  of  the  Roman  empire.  The  modern 
 Reggio  is  a  town  of  1(),000  inhabitants.  Its  dis- 
 tance across  the  straits  from  Messina  is  only  about 
 six  miles. 
 
 Bhe'sa,  son  of  Zorobabel  in  the  genealogy  of 
 Christ  [Luke  iii.  27).  Lord  A.  Ilervey  has  ingeni- 
 ously conjectured  that  Hhesa  is  no  person,  but  merelv 
 the  title  Nos/i,  i.e.  "  Prime,"  originally  attiiched  to 
 the  name  of  Zerubbabel. 
 
 Rho'da,  the  name  of  a  maid  who  annouuced 
 Peter's  arrival  at  the  door  of  Mary's  house  after  his 
 miraculous  release  fioni  prison  (Acts  .\ii.  i;5). 
 
 Shodes.  The  histoiy  of  this  island  is  so  illustri- 
 ous that  it  is  interesting  to  see  it  connected,  even  in 
 a  small  degree,  with  the  life  of  St.  Paul.  He  touched 
 there  on  his  return  voyage  to  Syria  from  the  thinl 
 missionary  journey  (Actsxxi.  1).  Rhodes  is  inmied- 
 iately  opposite  the  high  Carian  and  Lycian  head- 
 lands at  the  S.W.  extremity  of  the  peninsula  of  Asia 
 Minor.  Its  position  has  had  mucii  to  do  with  its 
 history.  Its  real  eminence  began  (about  400  u.C.) 
 with  the  founding  of  that  city  at  the  N.K.  extremity 
 of  the  island,  which  still  continues  to  be  the  capitil. 
 After  Ale-xander's  death  it  entered  on  a  glorious 
 period,  its  material  i)rosperity  being  largely  de- 
 velojx?d,  and  its  institutions  deserving  and  obtaining 
 geneiTil  esteem.  As  we  approjich  the  time  of  the 
 consolidation  of  the  Roman  power  in  the  Levant,  we 
 have  a  notice  of  Jewish  residents  in  Rhodes  (1  Mace. 
 XV.  23).  The  Romans,  alter  the  defeat  of  Antiochus, 
 assigned,  during  some  time,  to  Rhodes  certain  dis- 
 tricts on  the  mainland.  Its  Byzantine  history  is 
 again  eminent.  Under  Constantine  it  was  the  me- 
 tropolis of  the  "  Province  of  the  Islands."  It  was 
 the  bust  place  where  the  Christians  of  the  Kast  held 
 out  against  the  advancing  Saracens ;  and  subse- 
 quently it  was  once  more  famous  iis  the  home  and 
 fortress  .if  ilic  Knights  of  St.  John. 
 
 Rhod'ocus,  a  Jew  who  betnyed  the  i)lans  of  his 
 countrymen  U<  Antiochus  Kupator  C2  Mace.  xiii.  21 ;. 
 
 RIDDLE 
 
 Ehodua,  I  Mace.  xv.  23.     [Rhodes.] 
 
 Biba'i,  the  father  of  Ittai  the  Benjamite  of 
 (iil»-ali    J  Sam.  xxiii.  29  ;   1  Chr.  xi.  31  j. 
 
 Bib'lah.  1.  One  of'  the  huidmarks  on  the  eastern 
 bdiiudury  of  the  land  of  Israel,  as  s]«ciHed  by  Moses 
 (Num.  xxxiv.  11).  Its  ])Osition  is  noti-d  in  this 
 passage  with  much  pieiision.  It  was  immediately 
 between  Shepham  and  the  sea  of  Ciniiereth,  and 
 on  the  "  e:\st  side  of  the  sj)ring."  Unfortunately 
 Shepham  h;is  not  yet  been  identified,  and  which  of 
 the  great  tbuntiins  of  northern  Palestine  is  intended 
 by  "  the  spring  "  is  uncert-iin.  It  seems  hanily 
 ]K3Ssible,  without  entirely  disarranging  the  specilic- 
 ation  of  the  boundary,  that  the  Riblaii  in  question 
 can  be  the  same  with  tiie  '•  Riblah  in  the  land  of 
 llamath,"  which  is  mentioned  at  a  much  later 
 perioil  of  the  history.— 2.  Riblah  in  the  land  of 
 Hamath,  a  place  on  the  great  road  between  Pale.s- 
 tine  and  Babylonia,  at  which  the  kings  of  liaby- 
 lonia  were  accustome<l  to  remain  while  directing 
 the  operations  of  tlieir  amiies  in  Palestine  and 
 Phoenicia.  Here  Nebuchadnezzar  waited  while  -the 
 sieges  of  Jerusalem  and  of  Tyre  were  being  con- 
 ducted by  his  lieutenants  (Jer.  xxxix.  5,  *>,  Iii.  9, 
 10,  26,  27  ;  2  K.  xxv.  6,  20,  21).  In  like  manner 
 Pharaoh-Necho,  after  his  victory  over  the  Babyl- 
 onians at  Carchemish,  leturned  to  Riblah  and  sum- 
 moned Jehoahaz  from  Jerusalem  betcire  him  (2  K. 
 xxiii.  33).  This  Riblah  has  no  doubt  been  dis- 
 covered, still  retaining  its  ancient  name,  on  the 
 right  (east)  bank  of  the  el  Asi/  (Orontes),  upon  the 
 great  road  which  connects  Baalbek  and  Hums,  about 
 ■  io  miles  N.li.  of  the  fbimer  and  20  miles  S.W.  of 
 the  latter  place. 
 
 Itiddle.  The  Hebrew  word  is  derived  from  an 
 Arabic  root  meaning  "  to  bend  off,"  "  to  twist," 
 and  is  used  for  artifice  'Dan.  viii.  23),  a  pioverb 
 ( Prov.  i.  6),  a  song  ( Ps.  xlix.  4,  Ixxviii.  2),  an 
 oracle  (Num.  xii.  8^,  a  parable  (Kz.  xvii.  2),  and 
 in  general  anv  wise  or  intricate  sentence  (Ps.  xciv. 
 4 ;  Hab.  ii.  G,  &c.),  as  well  as  a  riildle  in  our  sense 
 of  the  word  (Judg.  xiv.  12-19).  The  riddles  which 
 the  queen  of  Sheba  auiie  to  ask  of  Solomon  (IK. 
 X.  I  ;  2  Chr.  ix.  1)  weie  rather  "  hard  questions" 
 referring  to  profound  enquiries.  Solomon  is  said, 
 however,  to  have  been  very  fond  of  the  riddle 
 ])ioper.  The  word  alviyfia  occui^s  only  once  in  the 
 N.T.  {I  Cor.  xiii.  12,  "darkly;"  comp.  Num.  xii. 
 8) ;  but,  in  the  wider  memiing  of  the  .word,  many 
 instances  of  it  occur  in  our  Lord's  discoui-ses.  Ue 
 know  that  all  ancient  nations,  and  esi^ecially  Ori- 
 entals, have  been  fond  of  riddles.  VVe  find  traces 
 of  the  custom  among  the  Arabs  (Koran  xxv.  3">\ 
 and  indeed  several  Arabic  books  of  riddles  exist; 
 but  these  are  rather  emblems  and  devices  than  what 
 we  call  riddles,  although  they  aie  very  ingenious. 
 They  were  also  known  to  the  Hiicient  Kgyptians, 
 and  were  especially  used  in  biUiquets  both  by  (Iieeks 
 and  Romans.  Riddles  were  generally  pjojiosed  in 
 verse,  like  the  i-elebrated  riddle  ot'  Siimsoii,  which, 
 however,  was  properly  no  riddle  at  all.  becjiu.se  the 
 Philistines  diil  not  jxissesis  tlie  only  clue  on  which 
 the  solution  could  depend.  Junius  distinguishes 
 between  ihe  gredter  enigma,  where  the  allegory  or 
 oliscnre  intimation  is  continuous  thioughout  the 
 jiius-sage  ;as  in  Kz.  xvii.  2)  ;  and  the  Us-ier  enigma, 
 where  the  dilliculty  is  concentrated  in  the  jH-culiar 
 use  of  some  one  word.  It  only  remains  to  notice 
 the  single  instance  of  a  riiMle  occurnnt;  in  the  N.T., 
 viz.  the  number  of  the  Uaitt.  This  l)clongs  to  h 
 class    of   riddles    vcrj'    comui'Mi    among    Egyptian 
 
RIMMON 
 
 mystics,  the  Gnostics,  some  of  the  Fathers,  and  the 
 Jewish  CabbaHsts.  The  hitter  called  it  Ocinatria 
 (i.  e.  yecefji€Tpia),  of  which  instances  may  be  found 
 in  Carpzov.  The  most  exact  analogies  to  tiie  enigma 
 on  the  name  of  the  heast  are  to  be  found  in  the 
 so-called  Sibylline  verses.  It  would  be  absurd  to 
 doubt  that  St.  John  (not  grcatlij  lemoved  in  time 
 from  the  Christian  forgers  of  the  Sibylline  veises) 
 intended  some  name  as  an  answer  to  the  number 
 0(5(3.  The  true  answer  must  be  settled  by  the 
 Apocalyptic  commentators. 
 
 Rim'moii,  a  Benj^unite  of  Beeioth,  the  father  of 
 Rechalj  and  Baanah,  the  murderers  of  Ishbosheth 
 (•1  Sam.  iv.  2,  5,-9). 
 
 S.im'moii,  a  deity  worshipped  by  the  Syrians  of 
 Uamascus,  where  there  was  a  temple  or  house  of 
 Kimmon  (2  K.  v.  18).  Seiarius  refers  the  name  to 
 the  Heb.  rimmon,  a  pomegranate,  a  fruit  sacred 
 to  Venus,  who  is  thus  the  deity  worshipped  under 
 this  title.  Ursinus  explains  Rinmion  as  the  pome- 
 gianate,  tiie  emblem  of  the  fertilising  principle  of 
 nature,  the  personified  natnra  naturans,  a  symbol 
 of  frequent  occurrence  in  the  old  religious.  But 
 Selden  rejects  this  derivation,  and  j)roposes  instead 
 that  Rimmon  is  from  the  root  rum,  "  to  be  high," 
 and  signifies  "  most  high,"  like  the  Phoenician 
 i^liuun,  and  Heb.  'ehjon.  IMoveis  regarils  Rimmon 
 as  the  abbieviated  form  of  Hadad-Rimmon,  Hadad 
 being  the  sun-god  of  the  Syrians.  Combining  this 
 with  the  pomegranate,  which  was  his  symbol, 
 Hadad-Rimmon  would  then  be  the  sun-god  of  the 
 late  summei-,  who  ripens  the  pomegranate  and  other 
 fruits. 
 
 Eim'mon,  a  city  of  Zebulun  belonging  to  the 
 Meiarite  I.evites  (1  Chr.  vi.  77).  It  is  not  im- 
 possible that  [iiMNAil  (Josh.  xxi.  35)  may  have 
 been  originally  Rimmon,  as  the  D  and  R  in  Hebrew 
 are  iiotoiiously  easy  to  confound. 
 
 Rim'mon,  a  town  in  the  southern  portion  of 
 Judali  (Josh.  XV.  32),  allotted  to  Simeon  (Josh.  xix. 
 7  ;  1  Chr.  iv.  32).  Jn  each  of  the  above  lists  the 
 name  succeeds  that  of  AiN,  also  one  of  the  cities  of 
 Judah  and  Simeon.  In  the  catalogue  of  the  places 
 reoccupied  by  the  Jews  after  the  return  from 
 Babylon  (Neh.  xi.  29;  the  two  are  joined,  and 
 appear  in  the  A.V.  as  En-Rimmon.  No  trace  of 
 Rimmon  has  been  yet  discovered  in  the  south  of 
 Palestine.  True,  it  is  mentioned  in  the  Onomasticon 
 of  Eusebius  and  Jerome  ;  but  they  place  it  15 
 miles  north  of  Jerusalem,  obviously  confounding  it 
 witli  the  Rock  Rimmon. 
 
 Rim'mon  Pa'rez,  the  name  of  a  march-station 
 in  the  wilderne.--s  (Num.  xxxiii.  19,  20).  No  place 
 now  known  has  been  identified  with  it. 
 
 Rim'mon,  the  Rock,  a  clilf  or  inaccessible 
 natural  fastness,  in  which  the  six  hundred  Ben- 
 jamites  who  escaped  the  slaughter  of  Gibeah  took 
 refuge  (Judg.  .\x.  45,  47,  xxi.  13).  It  is  described 
 as  in  the  "  wilderness,"  that  is,  the  wild  unculti- 
 vated country  which  lies  on  the  east  of  the  central 
 highlands  of  Benjamin,  on  which  (jibeali  was  situ- 
 ated— between  them  and  the  Jordan  Valley.  Here 
 the  name  is  still  found  attached  to  a  village  perched 
 on  the  summit  of  a  conical  chalky  hill,  visible  in  all 
 directions,  and  commanding  the  whole  country. 
 
 Ring.  The  ring  was  regarded  as  an  indispens- 
 able article  of  a  Hebrew's  attire,  inasmuch  as  it 
 contained  his  signet.  It  was  hence  the  symbol  of 
 authority,  and  as  such  was  presented  by  Pharaoh 
 to  Joseph  ^Geu.  xli.  42),  by  AluisLieius  to  Hamaii 
 ■  Esth.  iii.  10),  by  Antiochus  to  I'liilip  (1  Mace.  vi. 
 
 RIVER 
 
 79c 
 
 15).  Such  rings  were  worn  not  only  by  men,  but 
 by  women  (Is.  iii.  21),  and  are  enume'  Ued  among 
 the  articles  presented  by  men  and  women  for  the 
 service  of  the  tabernacle  (Ex.  xxxv.  22).  The 
 signet-ring  was  worn  on  the  right  hand  (Jer.  xxii. 
 24).  We  may  conclude,  from  Ex.  xxviii.  11,  that 
 the  lings  contained  a  stone  engraven  with  a  device, 
 or  with  the  owner's  name.  The  custom  appiars 
 also  to  have  prevailed  among  the  Jews  of  the 
 Apostolic  age ;  for  in  James  ii.  2,  a  rich  man  is  de- 
 scribed as  not  simply  "  with  a  gold  ring,"  as  in 
 the  A.V.,  but  "  golden-ringed." 
 
 Egj'ptian  Rings. 
 
 I  Rin'nah,  one  of  the  sons  of  Shimon  in  an  obscure 
 genealogy  of  the  descendants  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv. 
 20). 
 
 Riphath,  the  second  son  of  Gomer,  and  the 
 brother  ot  Ashkenaz  and  Togarmah  (Gen.  x.  3). 
 The  Hebrew  text  in  1  Chr.  i.  6  gives  the  form 
 Diphath,  but  this  arises  out  of  a  clerical  error. 
 The  name  itself  has  been  variously  identified  with 
 that  of  the  Rhipaean  mountains,  the  river  Rhebas 
 in  Bithynia,  the  Rhibii,  a  people  living  eastw;u-d  ot 
 the  Caspian  Sea,  and  the  Ripheans,  the  ancient 
 name  of  the  Paphlagonians.  The  weight  of  opinion 
 is,  however,  in  favour  of  the  Rhipaean  mountains, 
 which  are  identified  with  the  Carpathian  range  in 
 the  N.E.  of  Dacia. 
 
 Ris'sah,  a  march-st<ation  in  the  wilderness  (Num. 
 xxxiii.  21,  22).  It  has  been  considered  identical 
 with  Rasa  in  the  Peuting.  Itiner.,  32  Roman  miles 
 from  Ailah  (Elah)  ;  but  no  site  has  been  identified 
 with  it. 
 
 Rith'mah,  a  march-station  in  the  wilderness 
 (Num.  xxxiii.  18,  19),  probably  N.E.  of  Hazeroth. 
 
 River.  In  the  sense  in  which  we  employ  the 
 word,  viz.  for  a  perennial  stream  of  considerable 
 size,  a  river  is  a  much  rarer  object  in  the  East 
 than  in  the  West.  With  the  exception  of  the 
 Jordan  and  the  Litany,  the  streams  of  the  Holy 
 Land  are  either  entirely  dried  up  in  the  summer 
 months,  and  converted  into  hot  lanes  of  glaring 
 stones,  or  else  reduced  to  very  small  streamlets 
 deeply  sunk  in  a  narrow  bed,  and  concealed  from 
 view  by  a  dense  growth  of  shrubs.  For  the  various 
 aspects  of  the  streams  of  the  country  which  such 
 conditions  inevitably  produced,  the  ancient  Hebrews 
 had  very  exact  terms,  which  they  employed  habitu- 
 ally with  much  precision.  1.  For  the  perennial 
 river,  Nahar.  Possibly  used  of  the  Jordan  in  Ps. 
 Ixvi.  C,  Ixxiv.  15;  of  the  great  Jlesopotamian  and 
 Egyptian  rivers  generally  in  Gen.  ii.  10;  Ex.  vii. 
 19;  2  K.  xvii.  6;  Ez.  iii.  15,  &c.  But  with  the 
 definite  article,  '*  the  river,"  it  signifies  invariably 
 the  Euphrates  (Gen.  xxxi.  21  ;  Ex.  xxiii.  31  ;  Num. 
 xxiv.  6  ;  2  Sam.  x.  1(3,  &c.  &c.).  It  is  never  ay- 
 plied  to  the  fleeting  fugitive  torrents  of  Palestine. 
 2.  Tlie  term  for  these  is  nachal,  for  which  our 
 translators  have  used  promiscuously,  and  some- 
 times almost  alternately,  "  valley,"  "  brook,"  and 
 "  river."  No  one  of  these  words  exjiresses  the  thing 
 intended  ;  but  the  term  "  brook"  is  peculiarly  un- 
 happy. Many  of  the  wadys  of  Palestine  are  deep, 
 abrujit  chasms  or   rents  in  the  solid    rock  of  tho 
 
79i 
 
 RIVER  OP  EQYPT 
 
 hills,  and  have  a  savage,  gloomy  aspect,  far  re- 
 moved from  tluit  of  an  English  brook.  Unfortun- 
 ately our  language  does  not  contain  any  single 
 word  which  has  both  the  meanings  of  the  Hebrew 
 nachal  and  its  Arabic  equivalent  ""cdi/,  which  can 
 be  used  at  once  for  a  dry  valley  and  for  the  stream 
 which  occasionally  tlows  through  it.  li.  Ve6r,  a 
 word  of  Kgyptian  origin,  applieil  to  the  Nile  only, 
 and,  in  the  plural,  to  the  canals  by  which  the  Nile 
 water  was  distributeil  throughout  Kgypt,  or  to 
 .streams    having   a    connexion   with    thnt  countiy. 
 
 4.  Yubal,  from  a  root  signifying  tumult  or  fulness, 
 occurs  only  six  times,  in  four  of  which  it  is  ren- 
 dere<l  "  river."  viz.  Jer.  xvii.  8 ;  Dan.  viii.  2,  3,  6. 
 
 5.  Peleg,  used  for  the  streams  emploj'ed  in  artificial 
 irrigation.  6.  Aphi'c,  a  tori-ent,  may  signify  any 
 rush  or  bodv  of  water. 
 
 River  of  Egypt.  Two  Ilebiew  teims  are  thus 
 rendered  in  the  A.V.  1.  Nehar  mitsraim  (Gen. 
 XV.  18),  "the  river  of  £gyj)t,"  that  is,  the  Nile, 
 and  heie  the  I'elusiac  or  easternmost  branch. 
 2.  Nachal  mitsraim  (Num.  xxxiv.  5;  Josh.  xv. 
 4,  47  ;  1  K.  viii.  65 ;  2  K.  xxiv.  7;  Is.  xxvii. 
 12,  in  the  last  passage  translated  "the  stieam  of 
 Kgypt").  It  is  the  common  opinion  that  this 
 second  term  designates  a  desert  stream  on  the 
 border  of  Kgypt,  still  occasionally  flowing  in  the 
 valley  called  Wadi-l-'Areesh.  The  centre  of  the 
 valley  is  occupied  by  the  bed  of  this  torrent,  which 
 only  (lows  after  lains,  as  is  usual  in  the  desert 
 valleys.  This  stream  is  first  mentioned  as  the  point 
 where  the  southern  border  of  the  Promised  Land 
 touched  the  Mediterranean,  which  formed  its  western 
 border  (Num.  xxxiv.  3-6).  In  the  later  history  we 
 find  Solomon's  kingdom  extending  from  the  "  enter- 
 ing in  of  Hamatli  unto  the  liver  of  Egy|>t "  (1  K. 
 viii.  65),  and  Kgypt  limited  in  the  same  manner 
 where  the  loss  of  the  eastern  provinces  is  men- 
 tioned (2  K.  xxiv.  7).  In  certain  parallel  pas- 
 sages the  Nile  is  distinctly  sjiecitied  instead  of  "  the 
 Nachal  of  Kgypt"  (Gen.  xv.  18;  comp.  Josh.  xiii. 
 2,  3).  If,  with  the  generality  of  ciitics,  we  think 
 that  the  Nachal-Miziaim  is  the  \Vadi-l-'Areesh,  we 
 must  conclude  tiiat  the  name  .Shihor  is  also  applied 
 to  the  latter,  although  elsewhere  designating  the 
 Nile,  for  we  have  snen  that  Nachal-Mizraim  and 
 Shihor  are  used  interchangeably  to  designate  a 
 stieani  on  the  border  of  the  Promised  Land.  The 
 word  Nachal  may  be  cited  on  either  side.  Cer- 
 tainly in  Hebrew  it  is  rather  used  for  a  tonent  or 
 stieam  than  for  a  river ;  but  the  name  Nachal- 
 Miziaim  may  come  from  a  lost  dialect,  and  the 
 parallel  Arabic  word  wadee.  though  onlinarily  used 
 for  valleys  and  their  winter-torrents,  as  in  the  aise 
 of  the  \VA.li-l-'Aree.-h  itself,  has  been  employed 
 by  the  Arabs  in  Spain  for  true  rivei-s,  the  Guadal- 
 quivir, &o.  It  may.  however,  be  suggested,  that 
 in  Nachai-Mizraim  we  liave  the  ancient  form  of 
 the  Neel-Misr  of  the  Arabs,  and  that  Nachal  was 
 adopted  from  its  similarity  of  .sound  to  the  original 
 of  NtrAos. 
 
 Riz'pah,  concubine  to  king  Saul,  and  mother  of 
 his  two  sons  Armoni  and  Mephibosheth.  Like  many 
 others  of  the  prominent  female  characters  of  the 
 Old  Te.-,t;iment — Kuth,  Itdiab,  JezeWl,  &<•.— Hi/.i)ah 
 would  seem  to  have  been  a  Ibreigner,  a  Hivite,  dc- 
 s<:ended  from  one  of  tlie  anc'ient  woithies  of  that 
 nation,  Ajah  or  Aiah,  son  of  Zibeon,  whose  name 
 and  fame  are  pre.-erved  in  the  Ishmaelite  record  of 
 Gen.  xxxvi.  After  the  death  of  Saul  and  o<-ciipa- 
 lion  of  the  country  wot  of  the  Jordan   l.y  the  Phi- 
 
 ROE,  ROEBUCK 
 
 listines,  Kizpah  accom)ianied  the  other  mi^mbei's  of 
 the  royal  family  to  their  new  residence  at  Mahanaini ; 
 and  it  is  here  that  her  name  is  first  introduced  Xai 
 us  as  the  subject  of  an  accusjttion  levelled  at  Abner 
 by  Ishbosheth  (2  ."^am.  iii.  7).  We  heai-  notliing 
 more  of  Hizpah  till  the  tragic  story  which  has  made 
 her  one  of  the  most  familiar  objects  to  yourn;  and 
 old  in  the  whole  Bible  (2  Sam.  xxi.  811).  Kvery 
 one  can  apjn-eciate  the  love  and  endurance  with 
 which  the  mother  watched  over  the  bodies  of  her 
 two  sons  and  her  five  relatives,  to  .save  them  from 
 an  indignity  peculiarly  painful  to  the  whole  of  the 
 ancient  world  (.see  I'^.  Ixxix.  2i.  But  it  is  ques- 
 tionable whether  the  ordinary  conception  of  the 
 scene  is  accurate.  The  seven  victims  were  not,  as 
 the  A.V.  implies,  "hung;"  they  were  crucified. 
 The  seven  crosses  were  planted  in  the  rock  on  the 
 top  of  the  sacred  hill  of  Gibeah.  The  victims  were 
 sacrificed  at  the  beginning  of  barley  harvest — the 
 sacred  and  festal  time  of  the  Passovei' — and  in  the 
 full  blaze  of  the  summer  sun  they  hung  till  the 
 fall  of  the  periodical  rain  in  October.  During  the 
 whole  of  that  time  Rizpah  remained  at  the  foot  of 
 the  crosses  on  which  the  bodies  of  her  sons  were 
 exposed  :  the  Mater  dolorosa,  if  the  expression  may 
 be  allowed,  of  the  ancient  dispensation. 
 
 Road  This  word  occurs  but  once  in  the  Au- 
 thorised Version  of  the  Bible,  viz.  in  1  Sam.  xxvii. 
 10,  where  it  is  used  in  the  sense  of  "raid"  or 
 "  inroad." 
 
 Robbery.  Whether  in  the  larger  sense  of  plun- 
 der, or  the  more  limited  sense  of  theft,  system- 
 atically organised,  robbery  has  ever  been  one  of  the 
 princijial  employments  of  the  noni.nd  tribes  of  the 
 East.  From  the  time  of  Jshmael  to  the  present  day 
 the  Bedouin  has  been  a  "  wild  man,"  and  a  robber 
 by  trade  (Gen.  xvi.  12).  An  instance  of  an  enter- 
 piise  of  a  truly  Bedouin  character,  but  distin- 
 guished by  the  exception.d  features  belonging  to  its 
 principal  actor,  is  .seen  in  the  night-foray  of  David 
 1,1  Sam.  xxvi.  6-12).  Predatory  ininads  on  a  laige 
 scale  are  seen  in  the  incui-sions  of  the  Sabaeans  and 
 Chaldacans  on  the  property  of  Job  (Job  i.  15, 
 17);  the  levenge  coupled  with  plunder  of  Simeon 
 and  Levi  (Gen.  xxxiv.  28,  29);  the  reprisals  of  the 
 Hebrews  upon  the  Midianites  (Num.  xxxi.  32-54;, 
 and  the  frequent  and  often  prolonged  invasions  of 
 "spoilers"  upon  the  Israelites  (Judg.  ii.  14,  vi.  3, 
 4;  1  Sam.  xi.,  xv. ;  2  .Sim.  viii.,  x. ;  2  K.  v.  2; 
 1  Chr.  V.  10,  18-22).  Similar  disorder  in  the 
 country,  complained  of  more  thsm  once  by  the  pro- 
 phets (Hos.  iv.  2,  vi.  9  ;  Mic.  ii.  8),  continued  more 
 or  less  through  Maccabaean  down  to  Roman  times. 
 In  the  later  history  also  of  the  i-ountry  the  robbere, 
 or  sicarii,  together  with  their  header,  John  of 
 Gischala,  played  a  con.spicuous  part.  The  Mosaic 
 law  on  the  subject  of  thetl  is  contained  in  Ex.  xxii. 
 There  seems  no  laison  to  suppose  that  the  law 
 un<lerwent  any  alteration  in  Solomon's  time.  Man- 
 stealing  was  punishable  with  death  (Ex.  xxi.  16; 
 Deut.  xxiv.  7).  Invasion  of  right  in  land  was 
 strictlv  forbidden  (Deut.  xxvii.  17;  Is.  v.  8;  Wic. 
 ii.  2V" 
 
 Robo'am,  EccUls.  .\lvii.  2'! ;  Matt.  i.  7.    [Kkiio- 
 
 IIOA.M.J 
 
 Roe,  Roebuck  (Heb.  tzibi,  m. ;  tzihiyiiah,  f.). 
 There  .strin.-.  to  be  little  or  no  doubt  that  tlie  Heb. 
 word,  which  occurs  frequently  in  the  O.T.,  denoteR 
 some  .species  of  antelo|H>,  pi<i)>al<ly  the  Gazella 
 (Jorcas,  a  native  of  Egyjit  and  North  Africa,  or  the 
 (r,  Arabi':a  of  Syria  .ind  Arabia,  wliich  appears  to 
 
ROGELIM 
 
 be  a  variety  only  of  the  dorcas.  The  gazelle  was 
 allowed  as  tbod  (Deut.  xii.  15,  22,  &c.)  ;  it  is  men- 
 tioned as  veiy  fleet  of /cot  {2  Sam.  ii,  18;  1  Chr. 
 xii.  8)  ;  it  was  hunted  (Is.  xiii.  14  ;  Prov.  vi.  5)  ; 
 it  was  celebrated  for  its  loveliness  (Cant.  ii.  9,  17, 
 viii.  14).  Tlie  gazelle  is  found  in  Egypt,  Baib;ny, 
 and  iSvria. 
 
 ROMAN  EMPIRE 
 
 795 
 
 GazrUa  Ardbictu 
 
 Ko'gelim,  the  residence  of  Barzillai  the  Oileadite 
 (2  Sam.  xvii.  27,  xix.  31)  in  the  highlands  east  of 
 the  Jordan.  Nothing  is  said  to  guide  us  to  its 
 situation. 
 
 Eoh'gah,  an  Ashente  of  the  sons  of  Shamer 
 (1  Chr.  vii.  34). 
 
 Ro'imus.     Keiium  1  (1  Esd.  v.  8). 
 
 Koll.  A  book  in  ancient  times  couiisted  of  a 
 single  long  strip  of  paper  or  parchment,  which  was 
 usually  kept  rolled  up  on  a  stick,  and  was  unrolled 
 when  a  person  wished  to  read  it.  Hence  arose  the 
 term  metjillah,  from  gdlal,  "  to  roll,"  strictly  an- 
 swering to  the  Latin  voluinen,  whence  comes  our 
 volume.  The  use  of  the  term  megillah  implies,  of 
 course,  the  existence  of  a  soft  and  pliant  material, 
 perhaps  parchment.  The  roll  was  usually  written 
 on  one  side  only,  and  hence  the  particular  notice  of 
 one  that  was  "  written  within  and  without"  (Ez. 
 ii.  lOj.  The  writing  was  arranged  in  columns.  We 
 may  here  add  that  the  term  in  Is.  viii.  1,  ren- 
 dered in  the  A.  V.  "roll,"  more  correctly  means 
 tablet. 
 
 Bomam'ti-ez'er,  one  of  the  fourteen  sons  of 
 Heman    1  Chr.  xxv.  4,  .SI). 
 
 Eoman  Empire.  The  notices  of  Roman  histoiy 
 which  occur  in  the  Bible  are  confined  to  the  last 
 century  and  a  half  of  the  commonwealth  and  the 
 first  century  of  the  imperial  monarchy.  The  first 
 historic  mention  of  Home  in  the  Bible  is  in  1  Mace, 
 i.  10.  About  the  year  161  I5.C.  Judas  JIaccabaeus 
 heard  of  the  Romans  .as  the  conquerors  of  Philip, 
 Perseus,  and  Antiochus  O  Mace.  viii.  5,  6).  In 
 order  to  strengthen  himself  against  Demetrius  king 
 of  Syria  he  sent  amb;issadors  to  Rome  (viii.  17), 
 and  concluded  a  defensive  alliance  with  the  senate 
 (viii.  22-32),  This  was  renewed  by  Jonathan 
 (.xii.  1)  and  by  Simon  (xv.  17).  In  the  year 
 (jo  B.C.,  when  Syria  was  made  a  Roman  province 
 by  Pompey,  the  Jews  were  still  governed  by  one  of 
 the  Asmeuaean  princes.  Aristobulus  had  lately 
 driven  his  brother  Hyrcanus  from  the  chief  priest- 
 liood,  and  was  now  in  his  turn  attacked  by  Aretas, 
 king  of  Arabia  Petraea,  the  ally  of  Hyrcanus. 
 Pompey's  lieutenant,   M.  Aemilius  Scaurus,  inter- 
 
 fered in  the  contest  H.c.  64,  and  the  next  year 
 Pompey  himself  marched  an  army  into  Judaea  auJ 
 took  Jerusalem.  From  this  time  the  Jews  were 
 practically  under  the  government  of  Rome.  Hyi'- 
 canus  retained  the  high-priesthood  and  a  titular 
 sovereignty,  subject  to  the  watchful  control  of  his 
 minister  Antipater,  an  active  partisan  of  the  Roman 
 interests.  Finally,  Antipater's  son,  Herod  the  Great, 
 was  made  king  by  Antony's  mterest,  B.C.  40,  and 
 confirmed  in  the  kingdom  by  Augustus,  B.C.  30. 
 The  Jews,  howevei',  weie  all  this  time  tributaries 
 of  Rome,  and  their  princes  in  reality  were  mere 
 Roman  procurators.  On  the  banishment  of  Arclie- 
 laus,  A.D.  6,  Judaea  became  a  mere  appendage  of  the 
 province  of  Syria,  and  was  governed  by  a  Roman 
 procurator,  who  resided  at  Caesarea.  Such  were 
 the  relations  of  the  Jewish  people  to  the  Roman 
 government  at  the  time  when  the  N.  T.  history 
 begins.  An  ingenious  illustration  of  this  state  of 
 things  has  been  drawn  fiom  the  condition  of  Brit- 
 ish India.  The  Governor-General  at  Calcutta,  the 
 subordinate  goveinors  at  Sladras  and  Bombay,  and 
 the  native  princes,  whose  dominions  have  been  at 
 one  time  enlarged,  at  another  incorporated  with 
 the  British  presidencies,  find  their  respective  coun- 
 terparts in  the  governor  of  Syria  at  Antioch,  the 
 procurators  of  Judaea  at  Caesaiea,  and  the  mem- 
 bers of  Herod's  family,  whose  dominions  were  altern- 
 ately enlarged  and  suppressed  by  the  Roman  em- 
 perors. In  illustration  of  the  sacred  narrative  it 
 may  be  well  to  give  a  general  account,  though  ne- 
 cessarily a  shoit  and  imperfect  one,  of  the  position 
 of  the  emperor,  the  extent  of  the  empire,  and  the 
 administration  of  the  provinces  in  the  time  of  our 
 Lord  and  His  Apostles.  I.  When  Augustus  be- 
 came sole  rulei'  of  the  Roman  world  he  was  in 
 theory  simply  the  first  citizen  of  the  republic,  en- 
 trusted with  temporary  powers  to  settle  the  dis- 
 orders of  the  state.  The  old  magistracies  were 
 retained,  but  the  various  powers  and  prerogatives 
 of  each  were  conferied  upon  Augustus.  Above  all 
 he  was  the  Emperor  (Imperator).  This  word,  used 
 originally  to  designate  any  one  entrusted  with  the 
 imperium  or  full  military  authority  over  a  Roman 
 wmy,  acquired  a  new  significance  when  adopted  as 
 a  permanent  title  by  Julius  Caesar.  By  his  use  of 
 it  as  a  constant  prefix  to  his  name  in  the  city  and 
 in  the  camp  he  openly  assei  ted  a  paramount  milit- 
 ary authority  over  the  state.  The  Empire  was 
 nominally  elective,  but  practically  it  passed  by  adop- 
 tion ;  and  till  Nero's  time  a  sort  of  hereditary  right 
 seemed  to  be  recognised.— II.  Extent  of  the  Em- 
 pire.—  Cicero's  description  of  the  Greek  states  and 
 colonies  as  a  "  fringe  on  the  skirts  of  barbarism," 
 has  been  well  applied  to  the  Roman  dominions 
 beibre  the  conquests  of  Pompey  and  Caesar.  The 
 Roman  Empire  was  still  confined  to  a  narrow  strip 
 encircling  the  Mediterranean  Sea.  Pompey  added 
 Asia  Minor  and  Syria.  Caesar  added  Gaul.  The 
 generals  of  Augustus  overran  the  N.W.  portion  of 
 Spain,  and  the  country  between  the  Alps  and  the 
 Danube.  The  boundaries  of  the  Empire  were  now, 
 the  Atlantic  on  the  W.,  the  Euphrates  on  the  E., 
 the  deserts  of  Africa,  the  cat;uacts  of  the  Nile,  and 
 the  Arabian  deserts  on  the  S.,  the  British  Channel, 
 the  Rhine,  the  Danube,  and  the  Black  Sea  on  the  N. 
 The  only  subsequent  conquests  of  importance  were 
 those  of  Britain  by  Claudius  and  of  Dacia  by  Trajan. 
 The  only  independent  powers  of  importance  were 
 the  Parthians  on  the  E.  and  the  Germans  on  thr 
 N.     The  population  of  the  Empire  in  tlie  time  of 
 
796     ROMANS,  EPISTLE  TO  THE 
 
 Augustus  has  been  cilculated  at  85,000,000.— 
 III.  The  Provinces. — The  usual  late  of  a  country 
 conquered  by  I  tome  was  to  beooine  a  subject  pro- 
 vince, governed  directly  from  Rome  by  officers  sent 
 out  for  that  purj)o.se.  Sometimes,  however,  petty 
 sovereigns  were  left  in  possession  of  a  nominal  in- 
 dependence on  the  bordei-s,  or  within  the  natural 
 limits,  of  the  province.  There  were  differences  too 
 in  the  political  condition  of  cities  within  the  pro- 
 vinces. Some  were  free  cities,  i.e.  were  governed 
 by  their  own  magistrates,  and  were  e.xempted  from 
 oa-upation  by  a  Roman  garrison.  Other  cities  were 
 "  Colonies,"  i.  e.  communities  of  Pioman  citizens 
 tran.splanted,  like  gariisons  of  the  i-mperial  city, 
 into  a  foreign  laud.  Augustus  divided  the  pro- 
 vinces into  two  classes :  (1.)  Imperial,  (2.)  Senato- 
 rial ;  retaining  in  his  own  hands,  for  obvious 
 I'easons,  those  provinces  where  the  presence  of  a 
 large  military  foice  was  necessary,  and  committing 
 the  peaceful  and  unarmed  provinces  to  the  Senate. 
 The  Imperial  provinces  at  first  were — Caul,  Lusit- 
 ania,  Syria,  P'hoenicia,  Cilicia,  Cyprus,  and  Aegypt. 
 The  Senatorial  provinces  were  Afiica,  Numidia, 
 Asia,  Achaia  and  Epirus,  Dalmatia,  Macedonia, 
 Sicily,  Crete  and  Cyreiie,  Bithynia  and  Pontus,  Sar- 
 dinia, Baetica.  Cyprus  and  Gallia  Narboneusis  were 
 subsequently  given  up  by  Augustus,  who  in  turn 
 received  Dalmatia  from  the  Senate.  JIany  other 
 changes  were  made  afterwards.  The  N.  T.  writers 
 invariably  designate  the  governors  of  Senatorial 
 provinces  by  the  correct  title  of  avBuiraTOt,  pro- 
 consuls (Acts  xiii.  7,  xviii.  12,  xix.  38).  For  the 
 governor  of  an  Imperial  j)roviuce,  properly  styled 
 "  Legatus  Caesaris,"  the  word  'H7«n<wj'  (Ciovernor) 
 is  used  in  the  N.  T.  'I'he  provinces  were  heavily 
 taxed  for  the  benelit  of  Ivome  and  her  citizens. 
 They  are  said  to  have  been  better  governed  under 
 the  Empire  than  under  the  Commonwealth,  and 
 those  of  the  emperor  better  than  those  of  the 
 Senate.  Two  inijiortant  changes  were  introduced 
 under  the  Empire.  The  governors  received  a  fixed 
 pay,  and  tlie  term  of  their  command  was  prolonged. 
 The  condition  of  the  I>'oman  Emjiire  at  the  time 
 when  Christianity  ajipeared  has  often  been  dwelt 
 upon,  as  affording  obvious  iiiastrations  of  St.  Paul's 
 expression  that  the  "  fulness  of  time  had  come " 
 (Gal.  iv.  4).  The  general  jieace  within  the  limits 
 of  the  Empire,  the  formation  of  military  roads,  the 
 suppression  of  piracy,  the  march  of  the  legions,  the 
 voyages  of  the  corn  fleets,  the  general  increase  of 
 traffic,  the  spread  of  the  Latin  language  in  the 
 West  as  (ircek  had  already  spread  in  the  East,  the 
 external  unity  of  the  Empire,  offered  facilities  hi- 
 therto unknown  for  the  spread  of  a  world-wide 
 religion.  The  tendency  too  of  a  despotism  like  tiiat 
 of  the  lioinan  Empire  to  reduce  all  its  subjects  to  a 
 dead  level,  was  a  powerful  instrument  in  breaking 
 down  the  pride  of  privileged  races  and  national 
 religions,  and  familiarising  men  with  the  truth  that 
 "  God  hath  made  of  one  blood  all  nations  on  the 
 face  of  the  earth"  (Acta  xvii.  24,  2(3).  Hut  still 
 n,ora  striking  than  this  outward  jireikiration  for 
 the  ditiusion  of  the  (iiispel  was  the  a|)i)earaiice  of  a 
 deep  and  wide-spread  corruption  which  .seemed  to 
 defy  any  human  reujedy.  The  chief  proplietic 
 notices  of'  tiie  Roman  Empire  are  found  in  the  Book 
 «)t  iJanii'l.  According  to  some  iiiferpieters  the 
 l.'cuiaiis  aiv  iiilnidrd  in  Deut.  xxviii.  49-57. 
 
 Bomaos,  Epistle  to  the.  1.  The  c/a/e  of  this 
 Ejiistle  ).t  lixeii  with  more  ab.solute  certainty  and 
 within   narrower   limits,  than  that  of  any  other  of 
 
 ROMANS,  EPISTLE  TO  THE 
 
 St.  Paul's  Epistles.  The  following  considerationi 
 determine  the  time  of  writing.  First.  Certani 
 names  in  the  Siilutations  point  to  Corinth,  as  the 
 place  from  which  the  letter  w.is  sent.  (1.)  Phoebe, 
 a  deaconess  of  Cenchreae,  one  of  the  port  towns  of 
 Corinth,  is  commended  to  the  Romans  (xvi.  1,  2). 
 (2.)  Gains,  in  whose  house  St.  Paul  was  lodged  at  the 
 time  fxvi.  2.3),  is  probably  the  person  mentioned  a.s 
 one  of  the  chief  members  of  the  Corinthian  Church 
 in  1  Cor.  i.  14,  though  the  name  was  very  com- 
 mon. (3.)  Erastus,  here  designated  "  the  trea- 
 surer of  the  city  "  (xvi.  23,  E.  V.  ''chambeilain") 
 is  elsewhere  mentioned  in  coimexion  with  Corinth 
 (2  Tim.  iv.  20  ;  see  also  Acts  xix.  22).  Secondly. 
 Having  thus  detennined  the  place  of  writing  to  be 
 Corinth,  we  have  no  hesitation  in  fixing  upon  the 
 visit  recorded  in  Acts  «.  3,  during  the  winter  and 
 spring  following  the  Apostle's  long  residence  at 
 Ephesus,  as  the  occasion  on  which  the  Epistle  was 
 written.  For  St.  Paul,  when  he  wrote  the  letter, 
 was  on  the  point  of  carrying  the  contributions  of 
 Macedonia  and  Achaia  to  Jerusalem  (xv.  25-27), 
 and  a  comparison  with  Acts  xx.  22,  xxiv.  17,  and 
 also  1  Cor.  xvi.  4  ;  2  Cor.  viii.  1,  2,  ix.  1  ff.,  shows 
 that  he  was  so  engaged  at  this  period  of  his  life. 
 The  Epistle  then  Wiis  written  from  Corinth  during 
 St.  Paul's  third  missionary  journey,  on  the  occasion 
 of  the  second  of  the  two  visits  recorded  in  the  Acts. 
 On  this  ocaisiou  he  remained  three  months  in 
 Gieece  (Acts  xx.  3).  It  was  in  the  winter  or  early 
 spring  of  the  year  that  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans 
 was  written.  According  to  the  i^iost  probable 
 system  of  chronology,  this  would  be  the  year 
 A.D.  58.  2.  The  Epistle  to  the  Romans  is  thus 
 placed  in  chronolofjicul  connexion  with  the  Epistles 
 to  the  (ialatiaus  and  Corinthians,  which  apiiear  t« 
 have  been  written  within  the  twelve  months  pre- 
 ceding. They  present  a  remarkable  resemblance  to 
 each  other  in  style  and  matter — a  mudi  greater 
 resemblance  than  can  be  traced  to  any  other  of  St. 
 Paul's  Epistles.  3.  The  occasion  which  prompted 
 this  Epistle,  and  the  circunmtances  attending  its 
 writing,  were  as  follows.  St.  Paul  had  long  pur- 
 posed visiting  Rome,  and  still  retained  this  pui-pose, 
 wishing  also  to  extend  his  journey  to  Spain  (i.  9-13, 
 XV.  22-29).  For  the  time,  however,  he  was  pre- 
 vented from  carrying  out  his  design,  as  he  was 
 bound  for  .Jerusalem  witli  the  alms  of  the  Gentile 
 Christians,  and  meanwhile  he  addressed  this  letter 
 to  the  Romans,  to  supply  the  lack  of  his  pt?i-soual 
 tea<:hing.  Phoebe,  a  deaconess  of  the  neighbouring 
 Church  of  Cenchreae,  was  on  the  point  of  starting 
 for  Rome  (xvi.  1,2),  and  probably  conveyed  the 
 letter.  The  body  of  the  Epi.>tle  was  written  at  the 
 Ajiostle's  dictation  by  Tertius  (.xvi.  22);  but  per- 
 haps we  may  infer  from  the  abruptness  of  the  final 
 doxology,  that  it  was  added  by  the  Ajwstle  himself. 
 4.  The  Orijin  of  tUe  Jivnutn  Church  is  involved 
 in  obscurity.  If  it  had  been  foiuided  by  St.  Peter, 
 according  to  a  later  tnidition,  the  absence  of  any 
 allusion  to  him  both  in  this  Epistle  .ind  in  the 
 letters  written  by  St.  Paul  from  Rome  would  ailmit 
 of  no  explanation.  It  is  eiiually  clear  that  no 
 other  Apostle  was  the  Founder.  The  stjitement  in 
 the  Clementines  that  the  first  tidings  of  the  (Jospel 
 leached  Rome  iluring  the  lifetime  of  our  Lord,  is 
 evi.lently  a  fiction  for  the  i)uri«i)ses  of  the  romance. 
 On  the  other  hand,  it  is  clear  that  the  foundation  of 
 this  Church  dates  very  far  Kick.  It  may  be  that 
 .someof  thase  Ivomans,  "  both  Jews  and  proselytes," 
 present    on    the   day   of  Pcntci'ost    (Acts  ii.    10), 
 
ROMANS,  EPISTLE  TO  THE 
 
 carried  back  the  earliest  tidings  of  the  new  doctrine, 
 or  the  Gospel  may  have  first  reached  the  imperial 
 city  through  those  who  were  scattered  abroad  to 
 escape  the  persecution  which  followed  on  the  death 
 of  Stephen  (Acts  viii.  4,  xi.  19).  At  first  we  may 
 suppose  that  the  Gospel  was  preached  there  in  a 
 contused  and  imperfect  form,  scarcely  more  than  a 
 phase  of  Judaism,  as  in  the  case  of  Apollos  at  Co- 
 I'inth  (Acts  xviii.  25),  or  the  disciples  at  Ephesus 
 (Acts  xix.  1-3).  As  time  advanced  and  better  in- 
 structed teachers  arrived,  the  clouds  would  gra- 
 dually clear  away,  till  at  length  the  presence  of  the 
 great  Apostle  himself  at  Rome,  dispersed  the  mists  of 
 Judaism  which  still  hung  about  the  Roman  Church. 
 
 5.  A  question  next  arises  as  to  the  composition  of 
 the  Roman  Church,  at  the  time  when  St.  Paul 
 wrote.  Did  the  Apostle  address  a  Jewish  or  a 
 Gentile  community,  or,  if  the  two  elements  were 
 combined,  was  one  or  other  predominant  so  as  to 
 give  a  character  to  the  whole  Church  ?  It  is  more 
 probable  that  St.  Paul  addressed  a  mixed  Church 
 of  Jews  and  Gentiles,  the  latter  perhaps  being  the 
 more  numerous.  There  are  certainly  passages  which 
 imply  the  presence  of  a  large  number  of  Jewish 
 converts  to  Christianity.  If  we  analyse  the  list  of 
 names  in  the  16th  chapter,  and  assume  that  this 
 list  approximately  represents  the  proportion  of  Jew 
 and  Gentile  in  the  Roman  Church  (an  assumption 
 at  least  not  improbable),  we  arrive  at  the  same 
 result.  Altogether  it  appears  that  a  very  large 
 fraction  of  the  Christian  believei-s  mentioned  in 
 these  salutations  were  Jews,  even  supposing  that 
 the  others,  bearing  Greek  and  Latin  names,  of 
 whom  we  know  nothing,  were  heathens.  Nor  does 
 the  existence  of  a  large  Jewish  element  in  the  Roman 
 Church  present  any  difficulty.  The  captives cariied 
 to  Rome  by  Pompeius  formed  the  nucleus  of  the 
 Jewish  population  in  the  metropolis.  Since  that 
 time  they  had  largely  increased.  On  the  other 
 hand,  situated  in  the  metropolis  of  the  great  empiie 
 of  heathendom,  the  Roman  Church  must  necessarily 
 have  been  in  great  measure  a  Gentile  Church  ;  and 
 the  language  of  the  Epistle  bears  out  this  supposi- 
 tion. These  Gentile  converts,  however,  were  not 
 for  the  most  part  native  Romans.  Strange  as  the 
 paradox  appears,  nothing  is  more  certain  than  that 
 the  Church  of  Rome  was  at  this  time  a  Greek  and 
 not  a  Latin  Church.  All  the  literature  of  the  early 
 Roman  Church  was  written  in  the  Greek  tongue. 
 The  names  of  the  bishops  of  Rome  during  the  first 
 two  centuries  are  with  but  few  exceptions  Greek. 
 And  we  find  that  a  very  large  propoition  of  the 
 names  in  the  salutations  of  this  Epistle  are  Gieek 
 names.  When  we  enquire  into  the  probable  rank 
 and  station  of  the  Roman  believers,  an  analysis  of 
 the  names  in  the  list  of  salutations  again  gives  an 
 approximate  answer.  These  names  belong  for  the 
 most  part  to  the  middle  and  lower  grades  of  society. 
 Many  of  them  are  found  in  the  columbaria  of  the 
 freedmen  and  slaves  of  the  early  Roman  emperors. 
 Among  the  less  wealthy  merchants  and  tradesmen, 
 among  the  petty  officers  of  the  army,  among  the 
 slaves  and  freedmen  of  the  imperial  palace — whe- 
 ther Jews  or  Greeks — the  Gospel  would  first  find  a 
 firm  footing.  '!"o  this  last  class  allusion  is  made  in 
 Phil.  iv.  2J,  "  they  that  are  of  Caesar's  household." 
 
 6.  The  heterogeneous  composition  of  this  Church 
 explains  the  general  character  of  the  Epistle  to  the 
 Romans.  In  an  assemblage  so  various,  we  should 
 expect  to  find  not  the  exclusive  predominance  of  a 
 single  form  of  error,  but  the  coincidence  of  different 
 
 ROMANS,  EPISTLE  TO  THE     797 
 
 and  opposing  forms.  It  was  therefore  the  business 
 of  the  Christian  Teacher  to  reconcile  the  opposing 
 difficulties  and  to  hold  out  a  meeting  point  in  the 
 Gospel.  This  is  exactly  what  St.  Paul  does  in  the 
 Epistle  to  the  Romans.  Again,  it  does  not  appear 
 that  the  letter  was  specially  wiitten  to  answer  any 
 doubts  or  settle  any  controversies  then  rife  in  the 
 Roman  Chuich.  There  were  therefore  no  disturb- 
 ing influences,  such  as  arise  out  of  personal  rela- 
 tions, or  peculiar  cii'cumstances,  to  derange  a  general 
 and  systematic  exposition  of  the  nature  and  working 
 of  the  Gospel.  Thus  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans  is 
 more  of  a  treatise  than  of  a  letter.  In  this  respect 
 it  differs  widely  from  the  P]pistles  to  the  Corinthians 
 and  Galatians,  which  are  full  of  personal  and  direct 
 allusions.  In  one  instance  alone  (xiii.  1)  we  seem 
 to  trace  a  special  reference  to  the  Church  of  the 
 metropolis.  7.  This  explanation  is  in  fact  to  be 
 sought  in  Its  relation  to  the  contemporaneous 
 Epistles.  The  letter  to  the  Romans  closes  the  group 
 of  Epistles  written  during  the  second  missionary 
 journey.  This  group  contains  besides,  as  already 
 mentioned,  the  letters  to  the  Corinthians  and  Gala- 
 tians, written  probably  within  the  \'e\\  months  pre- 
 ceding. In  the  Epistles  to  these  two  Churches  we 
 study  the  attitude  of  the  Gospel  towards  the  Gentile 
 and  Jewish  world  respectively.  These  letters  are 
 direct  and  special.  ■  The  Epistle  to  the  Romans  is 
 the  summary  of  what  St.  Paul  had  written  before, 
 the  result  of  his  dealing  with  the  two  antagonistic 
 foims  of  error,  the  gathering  together  of  the  frag- 
 mentary teaching  in  the  Corinthian  and  Galatian 
 letters.  8.  Vievi^ing  this  Epistle  then  rather  in  the 
 light  of  a  treatise  than  of  a  letter,  we  are  enabled 
 to  explain  certain  phenomena  in  the  text.  In  the 
 received  text  a  doxology  stands  at  the  close  of  the 
 Epistle  (xvi.  25-27).  The  preponderance  of  evi- 
 dence is  in  favour  of  this  position,  but  there  is  re- 
 spectable authority  for  placing  it  at  the  end  of  ch. 
 xiv.  In  some  texts  again  it  is  foimd  in  both  places, 
 while  others  omit  it  entirely.  The  phenomena  of 
 the  MSS.  seem  best  explained  by  supposing  that 
 the  letter  was  circulated  at  an  early  date  (whether 
 during  the  Apostle's  lifetime  oi-  not  it  is  idle  to 
 inquire)  in  two  forms,  both  with  and  without  the 
 two  last  chapters.  9.  In  describing  the  purport 
 of  this  Epistle  we  may  start  from  St.  Patd's  own 
 words,  which,  standing  at  the  beginning  of  the  doc- 
 trinal portion,  may  be  taken  as  giving  a  summary 
 of  the  contents  (i.  16,  17).  Accordingly  the  Epistle 
 has  been  described  as  comprising  "  the  religious 
 philosophy  of  the  world's  history."  The  atone- 
 ment of  Christ  is  the  centre  of  religious  history. 
 The  Epistle,  from  its  general  character,  lends  itself 
 more  readily  to  an  analysis  than  is  often  the  case 
 with  St.  Paul's  Epistles.  The  following  is  a  table 
 of  its  contents : — Salutation  (i.  1-7).  The  Apostle 
 at  the  outset  strikes  the  keynote  of  the  Epistle  in 
 the  expressions  "  called  as  an  apostle,"  "  called  as 
 saints."  Divine  grace  is  everything,  human  merit 
 nothing. — I.  I'ersonal  explanations.  Purposed  visit 
 to  Rome  (i.  8-15).— II.  Doctrinal  (i.  16-xi.  36). 
 Th'^.  (J cneral proposition.  The  Gospel  is  the  salva- 
 tion of  Jew  and  Gentile  alike.  This  salvation 
 comes  by  faith  (i.  16,  17).  (a)  All  alike  were 
 under  condemnation  before  the  Gospel.  The  heathen 
 (i.  18-32).  The  Jew  (ii.  1-29).  Objections  to 
 this  statement  ansv^ered  (iii.  1-8).  And  the  posi- 
 tion itself  established  from  Scripture  (iii.  9-20). 
 (6)  A  righteousness  (justification)  is  revealed  under 
 the  Gospel,   which  being  of  faith,  not  of  law,  is 
 
708     ROMANS,  EPISTLE  TO  THE 
 
 also  universal  (iii.  21-26).  And  boasting  is  thereby 
 excluded  (iii.  27-31).  Of  this  justification  by  faith 
 Abraham  is  an  example  (iv.  1-25).  Thus  tlicn  we 
 aie  justified  in  Chiist,  in  whom  alone  we  glory  (v. 
 1-11).  And  this  acceptance  in  Christ  is  as  uni- 
 versal as  was  the  condemnation  in  Adam  (v.  12-19). 
 'c)  The  moral  consequences  of  our  doliveiance. 
 The  law  was  s;iven  to  multiply  sin  (v.  20,  21). 
 When  we  died  to  the  law  we  died  to  sin  (vi.  1-14;. 
 Tlie  abolition  of  the  law,  however,  is  not  a  signal 
 for  moral  license  (vi.  15-2;5).  On  the  contrary, 
 as  the  law  has  passed  away,  so  must  sin,  for  sin 
 and  the  law  are  correlative  ;  at  the  same  time  this  is 
 no  disparagement  of  the  law,  but  rather  a  proof  of 
 human  weakness  (vii.  1-25).  So  henceforth  in 
 Christ  we  are  free  from  sin,  we  have  the  Spirit, 
 and  look  forward  in  hope,  triumphing  over  our 
 present  afflictions  (viii.  1-39).  {d)  The  rejection 
 of  the  Jeus  is  a  matter  of  deep  sorrow  (ix.  1-5). 
 Yet  we  must  remember — (i.)  That  the  promise 
 was  not  to  the  whole  peoj)le,  bnt  only  to  a  select 
 seed  (i.\.  6-13).  And  the  absolute  purpose  of  God 
 ni  so  ordaining  is  not  to  be  canvassed  by  man  (ix. 
 14-19).  (ii.)  That  the  Jews  did  not  seek  justifi- 
 cation aright,  and  so  missed  it.  This  justification 
 was  promised  by  faith,  and  is  offered  to  all  alike, 
 the  preaching  to  the  Gentiles  being  implied  therein. 
 The  character  and  results  of  the  Gospel  dispensation 
 are  foreshadowed  in  Scripture  (x.  1-21).  (iii.) 
 That  the  rejection  of  the  .Jews  is  not  final.  This 
 rejection  has  been  the  means  of  gathering  in  the 
 Gentiles,  and  through  the  Gentiles  they  themselves 
 will  ultimately  be  brought  to  Christ  (xi.  1-36). — 
 III.  Practical  exhortations  (xii.  1-xv.  13).  (a)  To 
 holiness  of  life  and  to  charity  in  general,  the  duty 
 of  obedience  to  rulers  being  inculcated  by  the  way 
 (xii.  1-xiii.  14).  (6)  And  more  particulaily  against 
 giving  ofience  to  weaker  brethren  (xiv.  1-xv.  13). 
 — IV.  Peisonal  matters.  («)  The  Apostle's  motive 
 in  writing  the  letter,  and  his  intention  of  visiting 
 the  Piomans  (xv.  14-33).  (/<)  Greetings  (xvi.  l- 
 23).  'I'he  letter  ends  with  a  benediction  and  dox- 
 ology  (xvi.  24-27).  While  this  Kpistle  contains 
 the  fullest  and  most  systematic  exposition  of  the 
 Apostle's  teaching,  it  is  at  the  same  time  a  very 
 striking  expression  of  his  character.  Nowhere  do 
 his  earnest  and  atl'ectionate  nature,  and  his  tact  and 
 delicacy  in  handling  unwelcome  topics  appear  nioie 
 strongly  than  when  he  is  dealing  with  the  rejection 
 of  his  fellow-countrymen  the  Jews.  10.  Inteinal 
 evidence  is  so  strongly  in  favour  of  the  genuinoiess 
 of  the  Epistle  to  the  Ivomans  that  it  has  never  been 
 seriously  questioned.  But  while  the  Epistle  liears 
 in  itself  the  stiongest  pioofs  of  its  Pauline  author- 
 ship, the  external  testimony  in  its  favour  is  not 
 inconsiderable.  It  is  not  the  practice  of  the  Apos- 
 tolic fatheis  to  cite  the  N.  T.  writers  by  name,  but 
 marked  ]>assages  fioin  the  Romans  are  found  em- 
 •  •e<lded  in  the  Epistles  of  Clement  and  Pidvcarp. 
 It  seems  also  to  have  lieen  directly  cited  by  the 
 eMer  quoted  in  Irenaeus,  and  is  alluded  to  by 
 the  writer  of  the  Epistle  to  Diognetus,  and  by  Justin 
 Martyr.  It  has  a  place  moreover  in  the  Mui-ato- 
 rian  Canon  and  in  the  Syri.nc  and  Old  Latin  Versions. 
 Nor  have  we  the  testimony  of  orthodox  writers 
 alone.  The  Epistle  was  commonly  quoted  as  an 
 authority  by  the  heretics  of  the  subaixistolic  age, 
 by  the  Ojihites,  by  Biisilidcs,  by  VaJentinii.s,  hv 
 the  Valenfinians  Ileracleon  and  Ptolemaeus,  anil 
 perhaps  also  by  Tatian,  besides  being  iiicludeil 
 in    Marcion's   Canon.       In    the   latter   part    of  the 
 
 ROME 
 second   century  the  endence  in  its  favour  ia  still 
 
 fidler. 
 
 Borne,  the  famous  capital  of  the  ancient  world, 
 is  situated  on  the  Tiber  at  a  distance  of  about  15 
 miles  from  its  mouth.  The  "seven  hills"  (Rev. 
 xvii.  9)  which  formed  the  nu('leus  of  the  ancient 
 city  stand  on  the  left  bank.  A  full  account  of  the 
 history  and  topography  of  the  city  is  given  else- 
 where (Diet,  of  Or.  and  Rom.  Geogr.  ii.  719). 
 Here  it  will  be  considered  only  in  its  relation  to 
 Bible  history.  Rome  is  not  mentioned  in  the  Bible 
 except  in  the  books  of  Maccjibees  and  in  three 
 books  of  the  N.  T.,  viz.  the  Acts,  the  Ejiistle  to 
 the  Romans,  and  the  2nd  E])istle  to  Timothy. 
 The  conquests  of  Pompey  seem  to  have  given  rise 
 to  the  first  settlement  of  .lews  at  Rome.  The 
 Jewish  king  Aristobulus  and  his  son  formed  part 
 of  Pompey's  triumph,  and  many  Jewish  captives 
 and  emigrants  were  brought  to  Rome  at  that  time. 
 Many  of  these  Jews  were  made  freedmen.  Julius 
 Caesar  showed  them  some  kindness.  They  were 
 favoured  also  by  Augustus.  Claudius  "  com- 
 manded all  Jews  to  depart  from  Home"  (Acts 
 xviii.  2),  on  account  of  tumults  connected,  possibly, 
 with  the  preaching  of  Christianity  at  Rome.  This 
 banishment  cannot  have  been  of  long  duration,  for 
 we  find  Jews  residing  at  Rome  apparently  in  con- 
 siderable numbers  at  the  time  of  St.  Paul's  visit 
 (Acts  x.wiii.  17).  It  is  chiefly  in  connexion  with 
 St.  Paul's  history  that  Rome  comes* before  us  in 
 the  Bible.  In  illustration  of  that  historv  it  may 
 be  useful  to  give  some  account  of  Rome  in  the  time 
 of  Nero,  the  "  Caesar"  to  whom  St.  Paul  appealed, 
 and  in  who>e  reign  he  suffered  martyrdom.  1.  The 
 city  at  that  time  must  be  imagined  as  a  large  and 
 irregular  mass  of  buildings  unprotected  by  an  outer 
 wall.  Tiie  visit  of  St.  Paul  lies  between  two 
 tlimous  epochs  in  the  history  of  the  city,  viz.  its 
 restoration  by  Augustus  and  its  restoration  by 
 Nero.  The  boast  of  Augustus  is  well  known, 
 "  that  he  had  found  the  city  of  brick  and  left  it  of 
 marble."  The  streets  were  generally  narrow  and 
 winding,  flanked  by  densely  crowded  lodging-hou.ses 
 (insulae)  of  enormous  height.  St.  PauPs  first  visit 
 to  Rome  took  place  before  the  Xeronian  conflagra- 
 tion, but  even  after  the  restoration  of  the  city, 
 which  followed  upon  that  event,  manv  of  the  old 
 evils  continued.  The  population  of  the  city  has 
 been  variously  estimated:  at  half  a  million,  at  two 
 millions  and  upwards,  and  even  at  eight  millions. 
 Probably  Gibbon's  estimate  of  one  million  two 
 hundred  thousand  is  nearest  to  the  truth.  One 
 half  of  the  population  consisted,  in  all  probability, 
 of  slaves.  Tlie  larger  pait  of  the  remainder  con- 
 sisted of  pauper  citizens  sujipoited  in  idleness  by 
 the  miseiable  system  of  public  gratuities.  There 
 appears  to  have  been  no  mitldle  class  and  no  free  in- 
 dustrial population.  Side  by  side  with  the  wretched 
 classes  just  mentioned  w:is  the  comparatively  small 
 body  of  the  wealthy  nobility,  of  whose  luxury  and 
 profligacy  we  hear  so  much  in  the  heathen  writeis 
 of  the  time.  Such  was  the  population  which  St. 
 Paul  would  find  at  Rome  at  the  time  of  his  visit. 
 2.  The  localities  in  arvl  about  Rome  especially  con- 
 nected with  the  lif«  of  St  Paul,  are — (1.)  The 
 Apjjian  way,  by  which  he  approached  Rome  (Acts 
 xxviii.  15).  (2.)  "  The  palace,"  or  "  Caesar's  court," 
 (Phil.  i.  13).  This  may  mean  either  the  gre;it  camp 
 of  the  Piaetorian  guards  which  Tiberius  established 
 outside  the  walls  on  the  N.  E.  of  the  city,  or,  as 
 seems  more   probable,  a    baiiack   attached   to  the 
 
ROOF 
 
 [mpenal  residence  on  the  Palatine.  3.  The  con-  I 
 nexion  of  other  localities  at  Home  with  St.  Paul's 
 name  rests  only  on  traditions  of  more  or  less  pro-  ] 
 hability.  We  may  mention  especially — (1.)  The 
 JIaraertine  prison  or  Tullianum,  built  by  Ancus  1 
 IMartius  near  the  forum.  It  still  exists  beneath  { 
 the  church  of  <?.  Giuseppe  dci  Fnlegnanii.  Here 
 it  is  said  that  St.  Peter  and  St,  Paul  were  fellow- 
 prisoners  for  nine  months.  The  story,  however,  of 
 the  imprisonment  in  the  Mamertine  prison  seems 
 inconsistent  with  2  Tim.,  -esp.  iv.  11.  (2.)  The 
 chapel  on  the  Ostian  road  which  marks  the  spot 
 where  the  two  Apostles  are  said  to  have  separated 
 on  their  way  to  martyrdom.  (.".)  The  supposed 
 scene  of  St.  Paul's  martyrdoin,  viz.  the  church  of 
 St.  Paolo  alle  tre  fontane  on  the  Ostian  road.  To 
 these  may  be  added  (4.)  The  supposed  scene  of  St. 
 Peter's  maityrdom,  viz.  the  church  of  St.  Pietro 
 in  Montorio,  on  the  Janiculum.  (5.)  The  chapel 
 "  Domine  quo  Vadis,''  on  the  Appian  road,  the 
 scene  of  the  beautiful  legend  of  our  Lord's  appear- 
 ance to  St.  Peter  as  he  was  escaping  from  martyr- 
 dom. (6.)  The  places  where  the  bodies  of  the  two 
 Apostles,  after  having  been  deposited  first  in  the 
 catacombs,  are  supposed  to  have  been  finally  buried 
 —that  of  St.  Paul  by  the  Ostian  road— that  of  St. 
 Peter  beneath  the  dome  of  the  famous  Basilica 
 which  bears  his  name.  4.  We  must  add,  as  sites 
 unquestionably  connected  with  the  Roman  Christ- 
 ians of  the  Apostolic  age — ( 1 .)  The  gardens  of 
 Nero  in  the  Vatican,  not  far  from  the  spot  where 
 .St.  Peter's  now  stands.  (2.)  The  Catacombs. 
 These  subteiTanean  galleries,  commonly  from  8  to 
 10  feet  in  height,  and  from  4  to  6  in  width,  and 
 extending  for  miles,  especially  in  the  neighbourhood 
 of  th?  old  Appian  and  Nomentan  ways,  were  un- 
 questionably used  as  places  of  refuge,  of  worship, 
 and  of  burial  by  the  early  Chiistians. 
 
 Boof.     [House.] 
 
 Boom.  This  word  is  employed  in  the  k.  V.  of 
 the  New  Testament  as  the  equivalent  of  no  less 
 than  eight  distinct  Greek  terms.  The  only  one  of 
 these,  however,  which  need  be  noticed  here  is  irpai- 
 roKMcria  (Matt,  xxiii.  6  ;  Mark  xii.  39;  Luke  xiv. 
 7,  8,  XX.  46),  which  signifies  the  highest  place  on 
 the  highest  couch  round  the  dinner  or  supper  table — 
 the  "  uppermost  seat,"  as  it  is  more  accurately 
 rendered  in  Luke  xi.  43. 
 
 Bose  (Heb.  chabatstseleth)  occurs  twice  onlv, 
 viz.  in  Cant.  ii.  1  ;  Ls.  xxxv.  1.  There  is  much 
 difference  of  opinion  as  to  what  particular  flowei'  is 
 here  denoted.  Tremellius  and  Diodati,  with  some 
 of  the  Itabbins,  belieTe  the  rose  is  intended,  but 
 there  seems  to  be  no  foundation  for  such  a  tiausla- 
 tion.  Celsius  has  argued  in  favour  of  the  Nar- 
 cissus {Polyanthus  narcissus).  Gesenius  has  no 
 doubt  that  the  plant  denoted  is  the  "  autimin 
 crocus"  (Colchicum  mdumnale).  It  appears  to  us 
 more  probable  that  the  narcissus  is  intended  than 
 the  ci'ocus.  The  narcissus  and  the  lily  {Lilium 
 cancUdum)  would  be  in  blossom  together  m  the 
 early  spring,  while  the  Colchicum  is  an  autumn 
 plant.  Chateaubriand  mentions  the  narcissus  as 
 growing  in  the  plain  of  Sharon.  Though  the  Rose 
 is  apparently  not  mentioned  in  the  Hebrew  Bible, 
 it  is  refeiTed  to  in  Ecclus.  xxiv.  14  (comp.  also  eh. 
 1.  8;  xxxi.x.  13;  Wisd.  ii.  8).  Roses  are  greatly 
 prized  in  the  East,  more  especiall)'  for  the  sake  of 
 the  rose-water,  which  is  in  much  request.  Dr. 
 Hooker  observed  seven  species  of  wild  roses  in 
 Syria. 
 
 RUHAMAH 
 
 799 
 
 Bosh.  In  the  genealogy  of  Gen.  xlvi.  21,  Rosh 
 is  reckoned  among  the  sons  of  Benjamin,  but  the 
 name  does  not  occur  elsewhere,  and  it  is  extremely 
 probable  that  "  Ehi  and  Rosh  "  is  a  corruption  of 
 "  Ahiram"  (comp.  Num.  xxvi.  38). 
 
 Bosh  (Ez.  xxxviii.  2,  3,  .xxxix.  1).  The  whole 
 sentence  thus  rendered  by  the  A.  V.  "  Magog  the 
 chief  piince  of  Meshech  and  Tubal,"  ought  to  run 
 "  Magog  the  prince  of  Rosh,  Meshech,  and  Tubal." 
 The  meaning  is  that  Magog  is  the  head  of  the  three 
 great  Scythian  tribes,  of  which  "  Rosh"  is  thus  the 
 first.  Gesenius  considers  it  beyond  doubt  that  by 
 Rosh  is  intended  the  tribe  on  the  north  of  the  Tau- 
 rus, so  called  from  the  neighbourhood  to  the  Rha, 
 or  Volga,  and  that  in  this  name  and  tribe  we  have 
 the  first  trace  of  the  Russ  or  Russian  nation.  The 
 name  probably  occurs  again  under  the  altered  fonri 
 of  Passes,  in  Judith  ii.  23. 
 
 Bosin.  Properly  "  naphtha,"  as  it  is  both  ir 
 the  LXX.  and  Vulg.,  as  well  as  the  Peshito-Syriac 
 In  the  Song  of  the  Three  Childien  (23),  the  servants 
 of  the  king  of  Babylon  are  said  to  have  "  ceased  not 
 to  make  the  oven  hot  with  rosin,  pitch,  tow,  and 
 sinall  wood."  Pliny  mentions  naphtha  as  a  product 
 of  Babylonia,  similar  in  appearance  to  liquid  bitumen, 
 and  having  a  remarkable  affinity  to  fire.  To  this 
 natural  product  (known  also  as  Persian  naphtha, 
 petroleum,  rock  oil,  Rangoon  tar,  Burmese  naphtha, 
 &c. ,  reference  is  made  in  the  passage  in  question. 
 
 Babies  (Heb.  peniyyim;  peninim).  The  inva- 
 riable rendering  of  the  above-named  Hebrew  woids, 
 concerning  the  meaning  of  which  there  is  much 
 difference  of  opinion  and  great  uncertainty  (Job 
 xxviii.  18  ;  see  also  Prov.  iii.  15,  viii.  11,  xxxi.  10). 
 In  Lam.  Iv.  7  it  is  said,  "the  Nazarites  were  purer 
 than  snow,  they  were  wliiter  than  milk,  they  were 
 more  ruddy  in  body  t\\n\\ peninim."  A.  Boote  sup- 
 posed "  coral  "  to  be  intended.  Bochart  contends 
 that  the  Hebrew  term  denotes  pearls,  and  explains 
 the  "ruddiness"  alluded  to  above,  by  supposing 
 that  the  oiiginal  word  signifies  merely  "bright  in 
 colour,"  or  "  colour  of  a  reddish  tinge."  On  the 
 whole,  considering  that  the  Hebrew  word  is  alwavs 
 used  in  the  plural,  we  are  inclined  to  adopt  Bochart's 
 explanation,  and  understand  pearls  to  be  intended. 
 
 Bue  occurs  only  in  Luke  xi.  42.  The  rue  here 
 spoken  of  is  doubtless  the  common  Ruta  graveolena, 
 a  shrubby  |ilant  about  2  feet  high,  of  stiong  medic- 
 inal virtues.  It  is  a  native  of  the  Mediterranean 
 coasts,  and  has  been  found  by  Hasselquist  on  Jlount 
 Tabor.  The  Talmud  enumerates  rue  amongst 
 kitchen-heibs,  and  regards  it  as  free  of  tithe,  as 
 being  a  plant  not  cultivated  in  gardens.  In  our 
 Lord's  time,  however,  rue  was  doubtless  a  garden 
 plant,  and  therefore  titheable. 
 
 Bu'fas  is  mentioneil  in  Mark  xv.  21,  along  with 
 Alexandei-,  as  a  son  of  Simon  the  Cyrenian  (Luke 
 x.xiii.  26).  Again,  in  Rom.  xvi.  13,  the  Apostle 
 Paul  salutes  a  Rufus  whom  he  designates  as  "  elect 
 in  the  Lord."  It  is  geneially  supposed  that  this 
 Rufus  w-as  identical  with  the  one  to  whom  Mark 
 refeis.  Yet  we  are  to  bear  in  mind  that  Rufus 
 was  not  an  uncommon  name,  and  possibly,  ineie- 
 fore,  Mark  and  Paul  may  have  had  in  view  different 
 individuals.  ^ 
 
 Bnha'mah.  The  margin  of  our  vprrion  renders 
 it  "having  obtair.ed  mercy"  (Hos.  li.  1).  The 
 name,  if  name  it  be,  is  like  Lo-ruharr.ah,  sym- 
 bolical, and  as  that  was  given  to  the  dauo-hter  of 
 the  prophet  Hosea,  to  denote  that  God's  mercy  was 
 turned  away  fVom  Israel,  so  the  nam»  Ruhaiuah  iv 
 
800 
 
 RUMAH 
 
 ad<lrcsse(l  to  the  daugliters  of  the  people  to  denote 
 that  thuv  woie  still  the  objects  of  his  love  and 
 ttnder  cnmp;ussion. 
 
 Bn'mah,  mentioned  once  only  (2  K.  zriii.  ^Oi. 
 It  h:is  been  conjectured  to  be  the  same  place  as 
 Aruniah  (Judg.  ix.  41),  which  was  apparently  near 
 Shechpm.  It  is  moie  probable  that  it  is  identical 
 witli  hiimah  (Josh.  xv.  52). 
 
 Rush.     [liiCEU.] 
 
 Best  occurs  as  the  translation  of  two  different 
 Oreek  words  in  Matt.  vi.  19,  20,  and  in  Jam.  v.  3. 
 In  the  former  passage  the  word  /9p£(rir,  which 
 is  joined  with  "  moth,"  has  by  some  been  under- 
 stood to  denote  the  larva  of  some  moth  injurious  to 
 corn,  as  the  Tinea  (jraneUa.  It  can  scarcely  be 
 taken  to  signify  "  rust,"  (or  which  there  is  another 
 term  I6s,  which  is  used  by  St.  James  to  express 
 rather  the  "  tai  nish  "  which  overspreads  silver  than 
 "  rust,"  by  which  name  we  now  understand  "  oxide 
 of  iron." 
 
 Ruth.  A  Moabitish  woman,  the  wife,  first,  of 
 Mahlon,  secondly  of  lioaz,  and  by  him  mother  of 
 ()bed,  the  ancestress  of  David  and  of  Christ,  and 
 one  of  the  four  women  who  are  named  by  .St. 
 JIatthew  in  the  genealogy  of  Christ.  A  severe 
 finiiiie  in  the  land  of  Judah  induced  Elimelech,  a 
 native  of  Betlilehcni  Ephratah,  to  emic;rate  into  the 
 land  of  Moab,  witli  his  wife  Naomi,  and  his  two 
 sons,  Mahlon  and  (,'hilion.  At  the  end  of  ten  years 
 -Naomi,  now  left  a  widow  and  childless,  having 
 heard  that  there  was  plenty  again  in  Judah,  re- 
 solved to  return  to  Bethlehem,  and  her  daughter- 
 in-law,  Ruth,  returned  with  her.  They  arrivetl  at 
 Bethlehem  just  at  the  beginning  of  barley  harvest, 
 and  Ruth,  going  out  to  glean,  chanced  to  go  into 
 the  field  of  Hoaz,  a  wealthy  man,  and  near  kinsman 
 of  her  fathei-in-liw  Elimelech.  Upon  leaining 
 who  the  strangei'  was,  Boaz  treated  her  with  the 
 utmost  kindness  and  respect,  and  sent  her  home 
 laden  with  corn  which  she  had  gleaned.  Encouraged 
 by  this  incident,  Naomi  instructed  Ruth  to  claim 
 at  the  hand  of  Boaz  that  he  should  perform  the 
 part  of  her  husband's  near  kinsman,  by  purchasing 
 the  inheiitance  of  Elimelech,  and  taking  her  to  be 
 his  wife.  Boaz  mariied  liutli,  amidst  the  blessings 
 and  congratulations  of  their  neighbours.  Their 
 son,  Obed,  was  the  father  of  Jesse,  who  was  the 
 fiitlifr  of  David. 
 
 Ruth,  Book  of.  The  main  object  of  the  writer 
 is  evidently  to  give  an  account  of  David's  ancestors  ; 
 and  the  book  was  avowedly  composed  long  after  the 
 time  of  the  heroine.  (See  Ruth  i.  1,  iv.  7,  17.) 
 Its  date  and  author  are  quite  uncertain.  It  is  pro- 
 bable that  the  books  of  Judges,  Ruth,  Satnuel,  and 
 Kings  originally  fonnod  but  one  work.  The  book 
 of  Ruth  clearly  forms  part  of  those  of  Samuel,  sup- 
 plying as  it  does  the  essential  point  of  L)avid's  getie- 
 alo'.'y  and  early  family  history,  and  is  no  less  clearly 
 councited  with  the  book  of  .ludges  by  its  opening 
 verse,  and  the  epoch  to  which  the  whole  book  relates. 
 .Rye  (Heb.  ciissemetli)  occurs  in  Ex.  ix.  32; 
 Is.  xxviii.  2.5 :  in  the  latter  the  margin  reads 
 '■  spidt."  In  Kz.  iv.  ft  the  text  has  "  fitches"  and 
 the  margin  "  rie,"  It  is  probable  that  by  Cus- 
 seineth  "  spelt"  is  intended. 
 
 s 
 
 Sab'aoth,  the  Lord  of,  occurs  in  Rom.  ix.  29  ; 
 James  v.  4,  liut  is  more  familiar  through  its 
 occurrence  in  the  Sanctus  of  the  Te  Deum — "  llolv. 
 
 SABBATH 
 
 Holy,  Holy,  Lord  God  of  Sabaoth."  Sabaoth  i» 
 the  Greek  form  of  the  Hebrew  word  tscUiot/i, 
 "  armies,"  and  occurs  in  the  oft-repeated  formula 
 which  is  translated  in  the  Authorised  Version  ot 
 the  Old  Test,  by  •'  Lord  of  Hosts,''  "  Lord  God  or 
 hosts."  In  the  mouth  and  the  mind  of  an  ancient 
 Hebrew,  J i:hovah-tseba6th  was  the  leader  and  com- 
 mander of  the  armies  of  the  nation,  who  "  went 
 foith  with  them"  (I's.  xliv.  9),  and  led  them  to 
 certain  victory  over  the  worshippers  of  Baal.  Che- 
 mosh.  Molech,  Ashtaroth,  and  other  false  gods. 
 
 Sa'bat.  1.  The  sons  of  Sabat  are  enumerated 
 among  the  sons  of  Solomon's  servants  who  returned 
 with  ZorohabM  (1  Esd.  v.  34).— 2.  'I'he  month 
 Seuat  (1  ISIacc.  xvi.  14). 
 
 Sabate'as.  SiiAnnETHAi  (1  Esd.  ix.  48  ;  conip. 
 Neh.  viii.  7^. 
 
 Sab'atus.  Zarad  (1  Esd.  ix.  28 ;  comp.  Ezr 
 X.  27,. 
 
 Sab'ban.  Binnui  1  (1  Esd.  viii.  63;  comp. 
 Ezr.  viii.  :)3). 
 
 Sabbath  [shahhdth,  "a  day  of  rest,"  fiom 
 shdhalh,  "to  cease  to  do,''  "to  ve.st",).  This  is 
 the  obvious  anel  undoubted  etymology.  The  name 
 Sabbath  is  applied  to  divers  great  festivals,  but 
 principally  and  usua'ly  to  the  seventh  day  of  the 
 week,  the  strict  observance  of  which  is  enforced  not 
 merely  in  the  general  Mosaic  code,  but  in  the  Deca- 
 logue itself  The  first  Scriptural  notice  of  the 
 weekly  Sabbath,  though  it  is  not  mentioned  by 
 name,  is  to  be  found  in  Gen.  ii.  3,  at  the  close  of 
 the  I'econl  of  the  six  days'  creation.  And  hence  it 
 is  fi-equently  argued  that  the  institution  is  as  old  as 
 mankind,  and  is  consequently  of  universal  concern 
 and  obligation.  We  cannot,  however,  approach 
 this  question  till  we  have  examined  the  account  of 
 its  enforcement  upon  the  Israelites.  It  is  in  Ei. 
 xvi.  23-29  that  we  find  the  first  incontrovertible 
 institution  of  the  d.ay,  as  one  given  to,  and  to  be 
 kept  by,  the  children  of  Israel.  Shortly  afterwards 
 it  was  re-enacted  in  the  Fourth  Commandment. 
 Many  of  the  Rabbis  date  its  fii-st  institution  from 
 the  incident  recorded  in  Ex.  xv.  25.  This,  how- 
 ever, seems  to  want  foundation  of  any  sort.  We 
 are  not  on  sure  ground  till  we  come  to  the  unmis- 
 takeable  institution  in  chap.  xvi.  in  coiniexion  with 
 the  gatheiing  of  manna.  The  words  in  this  latter 
 are  not  in  themselves  enough  to  indicate  whether 
 such  institution  was  altogether  a  novelty,  or  whe- 
 ther it  referred  to  a  day  the  sanctity  of  which  was 
 already  known  to  those  to  whom  it  was  given. 
 There  is  plausibility  certainly  in  the  opinion  of 
 Grotius,  that  the  day  was  already  known,  and  in 
 some  measure  observed  as  holy,  but  that  the  rule 
 of  alistinence  from  work  was  first  given  then,  and 
 shortly  afterwards  more  expli(;itly  imposed  in  the 
 Fourth  Commandment.  There  it  is  distinctly  set 
 forth,  and  extended  to  the  whole  of  an  Israelite's 
 household,  his  son  and  his  daughter,  his  slaves, 
 male  and  female,  his  ox  and  his  ass,  and  the  stranger 
 within  his  gates.  Penalties  and  provisions  in  other 
 parts  of  the  Law  consti-ued  the  abstinence  from 
 labour  pre.scribefl  in  the  conmiandment.  At  a  later 
 period  we  find  the  Prophet  Isaiah  uttering  solemn 
 waniings  against  profaning,  and  promising  large 
 blessings  on  the  due  obseiTance  of  the  dav  (Is,  Iviii. 
 13,  14).  In  .Jeremiah's  time  there  seems  to  have 
 been  an  habitual  violation  of  it  (.)er.  xvii.  21-27). 
 By  Ezekiel  (xx.  12-24)  the  profanation  of  the  Sab- 
 bath is  made  foremast  among  the  national  sins  of 
 the  .lews.     From    Nehemiah  x.  31,  we  learn  that 
 
SABBATH 
 
 the  people  entered  into  a  covenant  to  renew  the 
 observance  of  the  Law,  in  which  they  pledged 
 themselves  neither  to  buy  nor  sell  victuals  on  the 
 Sabbath.  The  practice  was  then  not  infrequent, 
 and  Neheiniah  tells  us  (xiii.  1.5-22)  of  the  successful 
 steps  which  he  took  for  its  stoppage.  Henceforwai'd 
 there  is  no  evidence  of  the  Sabbath  being  neglected 
 by  the  Jews,  except  such  as  (1  Mace.  i.  11-15,  39- 
 45)  went  into  open  apostasy.  When  we  come  to 
 the  N.  T.  we  find  the  most  marked  stress  laid  on 
 the  Sabbath.  In  whatever  ways  the  Jew  might 
 err  resjiecting  it,  he  had  altogether  ceased  to  neglect 
 it.  On  the  contrary,  wherever  he  went  its  observ- 
 ance became  the  most  visible  badge  of  his  nationality. 
 Our  Lord's  mode' of  observing  the  Sabbath  was  one 
 of  the  main  features  of  His  life,  which  His  Pha- 
 risaic advei'saries  most  eagerly  watched  and  criticised. 
 Before  proceeding  to  any  of  the  more  curious  ques- 
 tions connected  with  the  Sabbath,  such  as  that  of 
 its  alleged  pre-Mosaic  origin  and  observance,  it 
 will  be  well  to  consider  and  determine  what  were 
 its  true  idea  and  purpose  in  that  Law  of  which 
 beyond  doubt  it  formed  a  leading  feature,  and 
 among  that  people  for  whom,  if  for  none  else,  we 
 know  that  it  was  designed.  And  we  shall  do  this 
 with  most  advantage  as  it  seems  to  us,  by  pursuing 
 the  inquiry  in  the  following  order : — I,  By  consid- 
 ering, with  a  view  to  their  elimination,  the  Pha- 
 risaic and  Rabbinical  prohibitions.  IL  By  taking 
 a  survey  of  the  general  Sabbatical  periods  of  Hebrew 
 time.  HI.  By  examining  the  actual  enactments  of 
 Scripture  respecting  the  seventh  day,  and  the  mode 
 in  which  such  observance  was  maintained  by  the 
 best  Israelites. —  I.  Neaily  every  one  is  aware  that 
 the  Pharisaic  and  Rabbinical  schools  invented  man}' 
 prohibitions  respecting  the  Sabbath  of  which  we 
 find  nothing  in  the  original  institution.  Of  these 
 some  may  have  been  legitimate  enforcements  in 
 detail  of  that  institution,  such  as  the  Scribes  and 
 Pharisees  "  sitting  in  Moses'  seat "  (Matt,  xxiii. 
 2,  3)  had  a  right  to  impose.  How  a  general  law  is 
 to  be  carried  out  in  particular  cases,  must  often  be 
 determin.ed  for  others  by  such  as  have  authority  to 
 do  so.  To  this  class  may  belong  the  limitation  of  a 
 Sabbath-day's  journey.  Many,  however,  of  these 
 prohibitions  were  fantastic  and  arbitrary,  in  the 
 number  of  those  "heavy  burdens  and  grievous  to 
 be  borne "  which  the  later  expounders  of  the  Law 
 "  laid  on  men's  shoulders"  (comp.  IMatt.  xii.  1-13  ; 
 John  V.  10).  That  this  perversion  of  the  Sabbath 
 had  become  very  general  in  our  Saviour's  time  is 
 apparent  both  from  the  recorded  objections  to  acts 
 of  His  on  that  day,  and  from  His  marked  conduct  on 
 occasions  to  which  those  objections  were  sure  to  be 
 ui'ged.  There  is  no  reason,  however,  for  thinking 
 that  the  Pharisees  had  ariived  at  a  sentence  against 
 pleasu)-e  of  every  sort  on  the  sacred  day.  The  duty 
 of  hospitality  was  remembered.  It  was  usual  for 
 the  rich  to  give  a  feast  on  that  day  ;  and  our  Lord's 
 attendance  at  such  a  feast,  and  making  it  the  occa- 
 sion of  putting  forth  His  rules  for  the  demeanour 
 of  guests,  and  for  the  right  exercise  of  hospitality, 
 show  that  the  gathering  of  friends  and  social  enjoy- 
 ment weie  not  deemed  inconsistent  with  the  true 
 scope  ami  spirit  of  the  Sabbath.  It  was  thought 
 right  that  the  meats,  though  cold,  should  be  of  the 
 best  and  choicest,  nor  might  the  Sabbath  be  chosen 
 tor  a  fast.  Such  are  the  inferences  to  which  we 
 are  brought  by  our  Lord's  words  concerning,  and 
 woiks  on,  the  sacred  day.  The  declaration  that 
 *'  the  Son  of  Man  is  Lord  also  of  the  Sabbath," 
 must  not  be  viewed  as  though  our  Lord  held  Himself 
 Con.  D.  B. 
 
 SABBATH 
 
 801 
 
 free  from  the  Law  respecting  it.  It  is  to  be  taken  in 
 connexion  with  tlie  preceding  words,  "the  Sabbath 
 was  made  for  man,"  &c.,  from  which  it  is  an  infer- 
 ence. If,  then,  our  Lord,  coming  to  fulfil  and  rightly 
 interpret  the  Law,  did  thus  protest  against  the 
 Pharisaical  and  Rabbinical  rules  respecting  the  Sab- 
 bath, we  are  supplied  by  this  protest  with  a  large 
 negative  view  of  that  ordinance.  The  acts  con- 
 demned by  the  Pharisees  w^re  not  violations  of  it. 
 — 11.  The  Sabbath  was  the  keynote  to  a  scale  of  Saiii- 
 batical  observance — consisting  of  itself,  the  seventh 
 mouth,  the  seventh  year,  and  the  year  of  Jubilee. 
 .\s  each  seventh  day  was  sacred,  so  was  each  seventh 
 month,  and  each  seventh  year.  Of  the  observances 
 of  the  seventh  month,  little  needs  be  said.  That 
 month  opened  with  the  Feast  of  Trumpets,  and 
 contained  the  Day  of  Atonement  and  Feast  of  Ta- 
 bernacles—  the  last  named  being  the  most  joyful  of 
 Hebrew  festivals.  Its  great  centre  was  the  Feast 
 of  Tabernacles  or  Ingathering,  the  year  and  the 
 year's  labour  having  then  done  their  work  and 
 yielded  their  issues.  The  rules  for  the  Sabbaticsil 
 year  are  very  precise.  As  labour  was  prohibited 
 on  the  seventh  day,  so  the  land  was  to  lest  every 
 seventh  year.  And  as  each  forty-ninth  year  wound 
 up  seven  of  such  weelcs  of  years,  so  it  either  was 
 itself,  or  it  ushered  m,  what  was  called  "  the  year 
 of  Jubilee."  In  Exodus  xxiii.  10,  11,  we  find  th* 
 Sabbatical  year  placed  in  close  connexion  with 
 the  Sabbath-day,  and  the  words  in  which  the 
 fbi-mer  is  prescribed  are  analogous  to  those  of  the 
 Fourth  Commandment.  This  is  immediately  fol- 
 lowed by  a  renewed  proclamation  of  the  law  of  the 
 Sabbath.  It  is  impossible  to  avoid  perceiving  that 
 in  these  passages  the  two  institutions  are  put  on 
 the  same  ground,  and  are  represented  as  quite  ho- 
 .nogeneous.  Their  aim,  as  here  exhibited,  is  emin- 
 ently a  beneficent  one.  To  give  rights  to  classes 
 that  would  otherwise  have  been  without  such,  to 
 the  boudmau  and  bondmaid,  nay,  to  the  beast 
 of  the  field,  is  viewed  here  as  their  main  end, 
 "  The  stranger,"  too,  is  comprehended  in  the  benefit. 
 The  same  beneficent  aim  is  still  more  apparent  in 
 the  fuller  legislation  respecting  the  Sabbatical  year* 
 v.-hich  we  find  in  Lev.  xx^'.  2-7.  One  great  aim  of 
 both  institutions,  the  Sabbath-day  and  the  Sab- 
 batical year,  clearly  was  to  debar  the  Hebrew  from 
 the  thought  of  absolute  ownership  of  anything. 
 The  year  of  Jubilee  must  be  regarded  as  completing 
 this  Sabbatical  Scale,  whether  we  consider  it  as 
 really  the  forty -ninth  year,  the  seventh  of  a  week 
 of  Sabbatical  years  or  the  fiftieth,  a  question  on 
 which  opinions  are  divided. — 111.  We  must  con- 
 sider the  actual  enactments  of  Scripture  respecting 
 the  saventh  day.  However  homogeneous  the  different 
 Sabbatical  periods  may  be,  the  weekly  Sabbath  is 
 the  tonic  or  keynote.  We  commence  our  inquiry 
 with  the  institution  of  it  in  the  wilderness,  in  con- 
 nexion with  th-e  gathering  of  manna  (Ex.  xvi.  23). 
 The  prohibition  to  gather  the  manna  on  the  Sabbath 
 is  accompanied  by  one  to  bake  or  to  seethe  on  that 
 day.  The  Fourth  Commandment  gives  us  but  the 
 generality,  ''  all  manner  of  work,"  and  we  are  left 
 to  seek  elsewhere  for  the  particular  application  of 
 the  general  principle.  That  general  principle  in 
 itself,  however,  obviously  embraces  an  abstinence 
 from  worldly  labour  or  occupation,  and  from  the  en- 
 forcing such  on  servants  or  dependents,  or  on  the 
 stranger.  By  him  is  most  probably  meant  the 
 partial  proselyte.  The  naming  him  therefore  in 
 the  commandment  helps  to  interpret  its  whole  prin- 
 ciple,  and  testifies  to  its  havins;  been  a  beneficent 
 
 3  ¥ 
 
802 
 
 SABBATH 
 
 privilege    for   all   who  camo    within    it.     It    gave 
 rigiits  to  the  slave,  to  the  despise!  stransjer,  even  to 
 the  ox  and  the  ass.     This  beniificent  chai'acter  of 
 the  Fourth  Commandment  is  very  apparent  in  the 
 vpi-sion  of  it  which  we  Hud  in  Deuteronomy  ClX-ut. 
 V.  Vl-lb).     But  although  this  be  so,  and  though  it 
 be  plain  thi-t  to  come  within  the  scope  of  the  com- 
 mandment was  to  possess  a  fiiiiuhise,  to  share  in  a 
 privilege,   yet  does  the  original  proclamation  of  it 
 in  Exodus  place  it  on  a  ground  which,  closely  con- 
 jiected  no  doubt  with  these  othei-s,  is  yet  higher 
 and  more  comprehensive.     The   Divine  method  of 
 working  and  re.it  is  tliere  proposed  to  mau  as  the 
 model  alter  wliich  he  is  to  work  and  to  rest.     Time 
 then  presents  a  perfect  whole,  is  then  well  rounded 
 ami  entire,  when  it  is  shaped  into  a  week,  modelled 
 on  the  six  days  of  creation  and  their  following  Sab- 
 bath.    Six  (lays'  work  and  the  seventh  day's  reit 
 conform    the    life  of   man   to   the  method  of   his 
 Creator.     In   distributing  his  life  thus,  man  may 
 look  up  to  God  as  his  .Archetype.     It  is  most  im- 
 portant to  remember  that  the  Foin-th  Command- 
 ment is  not  limited  to  a  mere  enactment  respecting 
 one  day,  but  prescribes  the  due  distribution  of  a 
 week,  and  enforces  the  six  days'  work  as  much  as 
 the  seventh  day's  rest.     This  higher  ground  of  ob- 
 servance  w;is  felt  to  invest    the  Sabbath   with  a 
 theological    character,   and   rendered    it  the   great 
 witness  for  faith  in  a  personal  and  creating  God. 
 in  all  this,  however,  we  have  but  an  assertion  of 
 the  general  principle  of  lesting  on  the  Sabbath,  and 
 must  seek  elsewhere  for  information  as  to  the  details 
 yvherewith   that  principle  wiis  to  be  brought  out. 
 ,iye  have  already  seen  that  the  work  forbidden  is 
 pot  to   be  confounded   with   action  of  every  sort. 
 The  terms  in  the  commandment  show  plainly  enough 
 the  sort  of  work  which  is  contemplated.     They  aie 
 servile  uor/:,  and  b'lsiiwss.     The  Pentateuch  pre- 
 sents us  vlith  but  three  applications  of  the  general 
 principle  (Kx.  xvl.  29,  xxxv.  3;  Num.  iv.  32-;i6). 
 jhe  reference  of  Isaiah  to  the  Sabbath  gives  us  no 
 det:),ils.     Those  in   .Jeremiah   and    Nehemiah  show 
 that  carrying  goods  for  sale,  and  buying  such,  were 
 ^ually  profanations  of  the  day.     There  is  no  ground 
 for  supposing  that  to  engage  the  enemy  on  the  Sab- 
 bath was  consi<Iered  unlawful  before  the  Captivity. 
 At  a  sul)sequent  period  we  know  (1  Mace.  ii.  34- 
 38)  that  the  scruple  existed  and  was  acted  on  with 
 most  calamitous  effects.     Yet  the  scruple,  like  many 
 other  scruples,  proved  a  convenience,  and  under  the 
 Koman  Empire  the  Jews  procured  exemption  from 
 niilitiry  service  by  means  of  it.     It  was  not,  how- 
 ever, without  its  evils.     In  the  siege  of  .Jerusalem 
 bv  Pompey,  as  well  as  in  the  final  one  by  Titus, 
 the  l.'oniaiis  took  advantage  of  it.     So  far  theiefore 
 as  we  have  yet  gone,  so  far  as  the  negative  siiie  of 
 Sabfjatiail  observance  is  concerned,  it  would  seem 
 tliat  servile  labour,   whether  that  of  slaves  or  of 
 hired  aen'ants,  and  all  worldly  business  on  the  part 
 of  masters,  was  suspended  on  the  .Sibbath,  and  the 
 day  was  a  common  right  to  rest  and  be  refreshed, 
 posses.sed  by  all  classes  in  the  Hebrew  community. 
 It  w;is  thus,  as  we  have  urged,  a  beneficent  insti- 
 tution.    We  must  now  ipiit  the  negative  for  tlie 
 positive  side  of  the  institution.      In  tiie  first  place, 
 we  learn  from  the   Pentateuch  that  the  morning 
 and    evening   sacrilice   were   l>oth   doubled   on   tlie 
 ijlabbath-day,   and   that   the   iVcsh    shew-biead   was 
 then   baki'il,  and   substituted  on  the  Table  tor  that 
 pf  tlie   ]>revious   week.      And  this  at  once  le.nds  to 
 ^f»e  otwicrvation  that  the  negative  rules,  proscribing 
 ,>Y0i!c.   ln;hting  of  fires,  &c.,  did  not  apply  to  the 
 
 SABBATH 
 
 rites  of  religion.  It  l)eaime  a  dictum  that  there 
 tras  W)  Siibhiith  in  holy  thinqs.  Next,  it  is  clear 
 that  individual  offerings  were  not  breaches  of  the 
 Salibath  ;  and  from  this  doubtless  came  the  feasts 
 of  Uie  rich  on  that  day,  which  were  sanctioned  by 
 our  Saviour's  attendance  on  one  such.  We  have  no 
 ground  for  supposing  that  anything  like  thedid;u;tic 
 institutions  of  the  synagogue  formed  p;irt  of  the 
 original  observance  of  the  Sabbath.  But  from  an 
 early  period  if  not,  as  is  most  prob.able,  from  the 
 very  institution,  occupation  with  holy  themes  was 
 regarded  as  an  essential  part  of  the  observance  of 
 tho  Sabbath.  It  would  seem  to  have  been  an  ha- 
 bitual practice  to  repair  to  a  prophet  on  that  day, 
 in  order,  it  must  be  presumed,  to  listen  to  his 
 teaching  (2  K.  iv.  23).  Certain  Psalms  too,  e.  g. 
 the  92nd,  were  composed  for  the  Sabbath,  and  pro- 
 bably ust"d  in  private  as  well  as  in  the  Tabernacle. 
 At  a  later  jieriod  we  come  upon  j)recepts  th.at  on 
 the  Sablath  the  mind  should  be  uplifted  to  high 
 and  holy  themes — to  God,  Mis  character.  His  revel- 
 ations of  Himself,  His  mighty  works.  Still  the 
 thoughts  with  which  the  day  was  invested  were 
 ever  thoughts,  not  of  restriction,  but  of  freedom 
 and  of  joy.  Such  indeed  would  seem,  tVora  Neh. 
 viii.  9-12,  to  have  been  essi-iitial  to  the  notion  of  a 
 hohj  day.  We  have  more  than  once  pointed  out 
 that  pleasure,  as  such,  was  never  considered  by  the 
 Jews  a  breach  of  the  Sabbath.  We  have  seen, 
 then,  that,  for  whomsoever  else  the  provision  was 
 iiitciiiled,  the  chosen  race  were  in  possession  of  an 
 ordinance,  whereby  neither  a  man's  time  nor  his 
 property  could  be  considered  absolutely  his  own, 
 the  seventh  of  each  week  being  holy  to  God,  and 
 dedicated  to  rest  after  the  pattern  of  God's  rest,  and 
 giving  equal  rights  to  all.  We  have  also  seen  that 
 this  provision  was  the  tonic  to  a  chord  of  Sabbatical 
 observance,  through  which  the  same  great  prin- 
 iMples  of  God's  claim  and  society's,  on  every  man's 
 time  and  every  man's  property,  were  extended  and 
 developed.  Of  the  Siibbatiail  year,  indeed,  and  of 
 the  year  of  Jubilee,  it  may  be  questione<-l  whether 
 they  were  pei^sistently  observed.  But  no  doubt 
 exists  that  the  weekly  Sabkith  was  always  p.artially, 
 and  in  the  l'haiis;iic  and  subsequent  times  very 
 strictly,  however  mistakenly,  observed.  We  have 
 hitherto  viewed  the  Sabbath  merely  as  a  Mosaic 
 ordinance.  It  remains  to  ask  whether,  fii-st,  there 
 be  indications  of  its  having  been  previously  known 
 and  observer! ;  and,  secondly,  whether  it  have  an 
 universal  scope  and  authority  over  all  men.  The 
 first  and  chief  argument  of  those  who  maintain 
 that  the  Sabbath  was  known  before  Moses,  is  the 
 refei-ence  to  it  in  Gen.  ii.  2,  3.  But  the  whole  ar- 
 gument is  very  precarious.  We  have  no  materials 
 for  ascertaining,  or  even  conjecturing,  which  was 
 juit  forth  first,  the  record  of  the  Creation,  or  the 
 Fourth  Commandment.  The  next  indication  of  a 
 pre-Mos;iic  Sabl)ath  has  been  found  in  Gen.  iv.  3, 
 where  we  read  that  "  in  process  of  time  it  came  to 
 pass  that  Cain  brought  of  the  fruit  of  the  ground 
 an  oflering  unto  the  Lord."  The  words  rendered 
 irt  pruccss  of  time  mean  litei-ally  "at  the  end  of 
 davs,"  and  it  is  contende<l  that  they  ile.-.igiiate  a 
 fixed  period  of  davs.  proliably  the  end  of  a  week, 
 the  seventh  or  Sabbath-day.  Again,  the  division 
 of  time  into  weeks  seems  recogniseil  in  Jacob's 
 courtship  of  Pi.ichel  (Gen.  Mix.  27,  28).  Lastly, 
 the  opening  of  the  Fourth  Commandment,  the  in- 
 I  junction  to  remcmlicr  the  Sabbath-day,  is  a)>penled 
 I  to  as  proof  ihat  that  day  was  alivaily  known.  It 
 I  is  ejisy  to  »et  that  all  this  is  but  a  precarious  fouu- 
 
SABBATH 
 
 elation  oil  which  to  build,  it  is  not  clear  that  the 
 words  in  Gen.  iv.  3  denote  a  rixed  division  of  time 
 of  any  sort.  Those  in  Gen.  xxbc.  obviously  do, 
 but  carry  us  no  farther  than  proving  that  the  week 
 was  known  and  recognised  by  Jacob  and  Laban. 
 The  argument  from  the  prevalence  of  the  weekly 
 division  of  time  would  require  a  greater  approach 
 to  universality  in  such  practice  than  the  tacts  ex- 
 h.ibit,  to  make  it  a  cogent  one.  While  the  injunc- 
 tion in  the  Fourth  Commandment  to  ronember  the 
 Sabbath-day  may  refer  only  to  its  previous  institu- 
 tion in  connexion  with  the  gathering  of  manna,  or 
 may  be  but  the  natural  precept  to  keep  in  mind 
 the  rule  about  to  be  delivered,  on  the  other  hand, 
 the  perplexity  of  the  Israelites  respecting  the  double 
 supply  of  manna  on  the  sixth  (Ex.  xvi.  122)  leads  us 
 to  infer  that  the  Sabbath  for  which  such  extra 
 supply  was  designed  was  not  then  known  to  them. 
 Jloreover  the  language  of  Ezekiel  (xx.)  seems  to 
 designate  it  as  an  ordinance  distinctively  Hebrew 
 and  Jlosaic.  We  cannot  then,  from  the  uncertain 
 notices  which  we  possess,  infer  more  than  that  the 
 weekly  division  of  time  was  known  to  the  Israelites 
 and  others  before  the  Law  of  Moses.  But  to  come 
 to  our  second  question,  it  by  no  means  ibllows, 
 that  even  if  the  Sabbath  weie  no  older  than  Moses, 
 its  scope  and  obligation  are  limited  to  Israel,  and 
 that  itself  belongs  only  to  the  obsolete  enactments 
 of  the  Levitical  Law.  That  Law  contains  two 
 elements,  the  code  of  a  particular  nation,  and  com- 
 mandments of  human  and  universal  character.  To 
 which  class  belongs  the  Sabbath,  viewed  simply  in 
 itself,  is  a  question  which  will  soon  come  before  us, 
 and  one  which  does  not  appear  hard  to  settle. 
 Jleanwhile,  we  must  inquire  into  the  case  as  e.vhi- 
 bited  by  Scripture.  And  here  we  are  at  once  con- 
 fronted with  the  fact  that  the  command  to  keep 
 the  Sabbath  forms  part  of  the  Decalogue.  In  some 
 way,  therefore,  the  Fourth  Commandment  has  an 
 authority  over,  and  is  to  be  obeyed  by,  Christians, 
 though  whether  in  the  letter,  or  in  some  huge 
 spiritual  sense  and  scope,  is  a  question  which  still 
 remains.  The  phenomena  respecting  the  Sabbath 
 presented  by  the  New  Testament  are,  1st,  the  fre- 
 quent reference  to  it  in  the  four  Gospels  ;  and  2ndly, 
 the  silence  of  the  Epistles,  with  the  exception  of  one 
 place  (Col.  ii.  16,  17),  where  its  repeal  would  seem 
 to  be  asserted,  and  perhaps  one  other  (Heb.  iv.  9). 
 1st.  The  references  to  it  in  the  four  Gospels  are 
 numeious  enough.  We  have  already  seen  the  high 
 position  which  it  took  in  the  minds  of  the  Rabbis, 
 and  the  strange  code  of  prohibitions  which  they  put 
 forth  in  connexion  with  it.  The  consequence  of 
 this  was,  that  no  part  of  our  Saviour's  teaching  and 
 piactice  would  seem  to  have  been  so  eagerly  and 
 nai-rowly  watched  as  that  which  related  to  the  Sab- 
 ;bath.  We  have  already  seen  the  kind  of  prohibi- 
 tions against  which  both  His  teaching  and  practice 
 were  directed ;  and  His  two  pregnant  declarations, 
 "  The  Sabbath  was  made  for  man,  not  man  for  the 
 Sabbath,"  and  "  My  Father  worketh  hitherto,  and 
 I  work,"  surely  exhibit  to  us  the  Law  of  the  Sab- 
 hath  as  human  and  universal.  The  former  sets  it 
 forth  as  a  privilege  and  a  blessing.  The  latter 
 wonderfully  exalts  the  Sabbath  by  referring  it  to 
 God  as  its  archetype.  2ndly.  The  Epistles,  it  must 
 be  admitted,  with  the  exception  of  one  place,  and 
 perhaps  another  to  which  we  have  already  referred, 
 are  silent  on  the  subject  of  the  Sabbath.  No  rules 
 for  its  observance  are  ever  given  by  the  Apostles — 
 its  violation  is  never  denounced  by  them,  Sabbath- 
 
 SABBATH 
 
 803 
 
 breakers  are  never  included  in  any  list  of  otfenders. 
 Col.  ii.  10,  17,  seems  a  far  stronger  argument  for 
 the  abolition  of  the  Sabbath  in  the  Christian  dis- 
 pensation than  is  furnished  by  Heb.  iv.  9  for  its 
 continuance  ;  and  while  the  first  day  of  the  week  is 
 more  than  once  referred  to  as  one  of  religious  ob- 
 servance, it  is  never  identified  with  the  Sabbath. 
 When  we  turn  to  the  monuments,  which  we  possess 
 of  the  early  Church,  we  find  ourselves  on  the  whole 
 carried  in  the  same  direction.  Again,  the  observ- 
 ance of  the  Lord's  Day  as  a  Sabbath  would  have 
 been  wellnigh  impossible  to  the  majority  of  Chris- 
 tians in  the  fii-st  ages.  When  the  early  Fathers 
 speak  of  the  Lord's  Day,  they  sometimes,  perhaps, 
 by  comparing,  connect  it  with  the  Sabbath ;  but 
 we  have  never  foLind  a  passage,  previous  to  the  con- 
 version of  Constantiue,  piohibitoiy  of  any  work  or 
 occupation  on  the  former,  and  any  such,  did  it 
 exist,  would  have  been  in  a  great  measure  nugatoiy, 
 for  the  reasons  just  alleged.  After  Constantiue 
 things  become  ditferent  at  once.  His  celebiated 
 edict  prohibitory  of  judicial  proceedings  on  the 
 Lord's  Day  was  probably  dictated  by  a  wish  to  give 
 the  great  Christian  festival  as  much  honour  as  was 
 enjoyed  by  those  of  the  heathen,  rather  than  by 
 any  reference  to  the  Sabbath  or  the  Fourth  Com- 
 mandment ;  but  it  was  followed  by  several  which 
 extended  the  prohibition  to  many  other  occupations, 
 and  to  many  forms  of  pleasure  held  innocent  on 
 ordinary  days.  But  it  was  surely  impossible  to 
 observe  both  the  Lord's  Day,  as  was  done  by  Chris- 
 tians after  Constantine,  and  to  read  the  Fourth 
 Commandment  without  connecting  the  two ;  and, 
 seeing  that  such  was  to  be  the  practice  of  the  de 
 veloped  Church,  we  can  understand  how  the  silence 
 of  the  N.  T.  Epistles,  and  even  the  strong  words 
 of  St.  Paul  (Col.  ii.  16,  17),  do  not  impair  the 
 human  and  univeisal  scope  of  the  Fourth  Com- 
 mandment, exhibited  so  strongly  in  the  very  nature 
 of  the  Law,  and  in  the  teaching  respecting  it  of 
 Him  who  came  not  to  destroy  the  Law,  but  to 
 fulfil.  In  the  East,  indeed,  where  the  seventh  day 
 of  the  week  was  long  kept  as  a  festival,  that  would 
 present  itself  to  men's  minds  as  the  Sabbath,  and 
 the  first  day  of  the  week  would  appear  rather  in  its 
 distinctively  Christian  character,  and  as  of  Apos- 
 tolical and  ecclesiastical  origin,  than  in  connexion 
 with  the  Old  Law.  But  in  the  West  the  seventh 
 day  was  kept  for  the  most  part  as  a  fast,  and  that 
 for  a  reason  meiely  Christian,  viz.  in  commemora- 
 tion of  our  Lord's  lying  in  the  sepulchre  through- 
 out that  day.  Its  observance  therefore  would  not 
 obscure  the  aspect  of  the  Lord's  Day  as  that  of  heb- 
 domadal lest  and  refreshment.  Were  we  piepared 
 to  embrace  an  exposition  which  has  been  given  of 
 a  remarkable  passage  already  referred  to  (Heb.  iv. 
 8-10),  we  should  find  it  singularly  illustrative  of 
 the  view  just  suggested.  In  ver.  9  we  have  the 
 words  "  there  remaineth  therefore  a  rest  for 
 the  people  of  God."  Now  it  is  important  that 
 throughout  the  passage  the  word  ibr  rest  is  Kara- 
 iravais,  and  that  in  the  words  just  quoted  it  is 
 changed  into  (ra^/3aTj(T/xJy,  which  certiiinly  means 
 the  keeping  of  rest,  the  act  of  sabbatizing  rather 
 than  the  objective  rest  itself.  It  has  accordingly 
 been  suggested  that  those  words  are  not  the  author's 
 conclusion — which  is  to  be  found  in  the  form  of 
 thesis  iu  the  declaiation  "  we  which  have  believed 
 do  enter  into  rest  " — but  a  parenthesis  to  the  effect 
 that  "to  the  people  of  God,"  the  Christian  com- 
 munity, there  remaineth    there  is  left,  a  Sabbat' 
 
 ■6  ¥  2 
 
804     SABBATH  DAY'S  JOURNEY 
 
 ixi/ig,  the  gieat  change  that  hits  piissed  upon  them 
 and  the  mighty  elevation  to  which  they  have  heen 
 biought  as  on  other  matters,  so  as  regards  the  Rest 
 of  God  revealed  to  them,  still  leaving  scope  for  and 
 justifying  the  practice.  The  objections,  however, 
 to  this  exposition  are  many  and  great.  It  would 
 not  have  been  right,  however,  to  have  passed  it 
 over  in  this  article  without  notice,  as  it  relates 
 to  a  passage  of  Scripture  in  which  Sabbath  and 
 Sabbatical  ideas  are  markedly  brought  forward. 
 The  word  Sabbath  seems  sometimes  to  denote  a 
 week  in  the  N.  T. 
 
 Sabbath-day's  Journey  (Acts  i.  12).  On  occa- 
 sion of  a  viulation  of  the  connnantlment  by  certain 
 of  the  people  who  went  to  look  for  manna  on  the 
 seventh  day,  Jloses  enjoined  every  man  to  "  abide 
 in  his  place,"  and  forbade  any  man  to  "  go  out  of 
 his  place"  on  that  day  (Ex.  xvi.  29).  It  seems 
 natural  to  look  on  this  as  a  mere  enactment  pro  re 
 natd,  and  having  no  bearing  on  any  state  of  afiairs 
 subsequent  to  the  journey  through  the  wilderness 
 and  the  daily  gathering  of  manna.  Whether  the 
 earlier  Hebrews  did  or  did  not  regard  it  thus,  it  is 
 not  easy  to  say.  In  after  times  the  precept  in  Ex. 
 xvi.  was  undoubtedly  viewed  as  a  permanent  law. 
 But  as  some  departure  from  a  man's  own  place 
 was  unavoidable,  it  was  thought  necessary  to  de- 
 termine the  allowable  amount,  which  was  fixed  at 
 2000  paces,  or  about  six  furlongs,  from  the  wall  of 
 the  city.  The  permitted  distance  seems  to  have 
 been  grounded  on  the  space  to  be  kept  between  the 
 Ark  and  the  people  (Josh.  iii.  4)  in  the  wilderness, 
 which  tradition  saiil  was  that  between  the  Ark  and 
 the  tents.  We  find  the  same  distance  given  as  the 
 circumference  outside  the  walls  of  the  Levitical 
 cities  to  be  counted  as  their  suburbs  (Num.  xxxv. 
 5).  The  terminus  d  quo  was  thus  not  a  man's  own 
 house,  but  the  wall  of  the  city  where  he  dwelt. 
 
 Sabbathe'us.  Siiabiu:tiiai  the  Levite  (1  Esd. 
 ix.  14  ;  CI  mi)).  lOzr.  x.  15). 
 
 SabbaticJil  Year.  As  each  seventh  day  and  each 
 seventh  niontii  were  holy,  so  was  each  seventh  year, 
 by  the  Mosaic  code.  We  first  encounter  this  law  in 
 Ex.  xxiii.  10,  11.  The  commandment  is,  to  sow 
 and  reap  for  six  years,  and  to  let  the  land  rest  on 
 the  seventh,  "  that  the  poor  of  thy  people  may  eat ; 
 and  what  they  leave  the  beasts  of  the  field  shall 
 eat."  It  is  a(lded,  "  In  like  manner  thou  shaltdeal 
 with  thy  vineyard  and  thy  oliveyard."  We  next 
 meet  with  the  enactment  in  Lev.  xxv.  2-7,  and 
 finally  in  Deut.  xv.,  in  which  last  place  the  new 
 feature  presents  itself  of  the  seventh  year  being  one 
 of  release  to  debtors.  When  we  combine  these 
 several  notices,  we  find  that  every  seventh  year 
 the  land  was  to  have  rest  to  cnjoij  her  Sabbnt/is, 
 Neither  tillage  nor  cultivation  of  any  sort  was  to 
 be  practised.  This  singular  institution  has  the 
 aspect,  at  first  sight,  of  tot^il  imiiracticability. 
 This,  however,  wears  off  when  we  consiiler  that  in 
 no  year  was  the  owner  allowed  to  reap  the  whole 
 liarvot  (Lev.  xix.  9,  xxiii.  22).  Moreover,  it  is 
 clear  that  the  owners  of  land  were  to  lay  by  corn 
 in  previous  years  for  their  own  and  their  families' 
 wants  (Lev.  xxv.  20-22).  The  release  of  debtors 
 during  the  Sabbatical  year  must  not  be  confounded 
 with  the  release  of  slaves  on  the  seventh  year  of 
 their  service.  The  spirit  of  this  law  is  the  same  as 
 that  of  the  weekly  Sabl.ath.  lioth  have  a  bene- 
 ficent 'x'ndrncy,  limiting  the  rights  and  checking 
 the  hcnse  of  property  ;  the  one  puta  in  God's  claims 
 oil  time,  the  oilier  on  the  land.     There  may  also 
 
 SACKBUT 
 
 have  been  an  eye  to  the  benefit  which  would  accrue 
 to  the  land  from  lying  fallow  every  seventh  year, 
 in  a  time  when  the  rotation  of  crops  was  unknown. 
 The  Siibbatical  year  opened  in  the  Sabbatical  month, 
 and  the  whole  Law  was  to  be  read  every  such  year, 
 during  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles,  to  the  assembled 
 jieople.  At  the  completion  of  a  week  of  Sabbatical 
 veais,  the  Sabbatical  scale  received  its  completion 
 in  the  year  of  Jubilee.  The  next  question  that 
 ])iesents  itself  regarding  the  .Sabbaticiil  year  relates 
 to  the  time  when  its  observance  tiecame  obligatory. 
 It  is  more  reasonable  to  suppose,  with  the  best 
 Jewish  authorities,  that  the  law  became  obligatory 
 fourteen  years  after  the  first  entrance  into  the  Pro- 
 mised Land,  the  conquest  of  which  took  seven  yeai-s, 
 and  the  distribution  seven  more.  A  further  ques- 
 tion arises.  At  whatever  period  the  obedience  to 
 this  law  ought  to  have  commenced,  was  it  in  point 
 of  fact  obeyed  ?  In  the  threatenings  contained  in 
 Lev.  xxvi.,  judgments  on  the  violation  of  the  Sab- 
 batical year  are  paiticularly  contemplated  (vers.  33, 
 34)  ;  and  that  it  was  greatly  if  not  quite  neglected 
 appears  from  2  Chr.  xxxvi.  20,  21.  Some  of  the 
 .Jewish  commentators  have  inferred  from  this  that 
 their  forefathers  had  neglected  exactly  seventy  Sab- 
 batical years.  If  such  neglect  was  continuous,  the 
 law  must  have  been  disobeyed  throughout  a  period 
 of  490  years,  »".  e.  through  nearly  the  whole  dura- 
 tion of  the  monarchy  ;  and  as  there  is  nothing  in 
 the  previous  history  leading  to  the  inference  that 
 the  people  were  more  scrupulous  then,  we  must  look 
 to  the  return  from  captivity  for  indications  of  the 
 Sabb:itical  year  being  actually  observed  (1  Mace, 
 vi.  49).  Alexander  the  Great  is  said  to  have  ex- 
 empted the  Jews  from  tribute  during  it. 
 
 Sabbe'us,  1  Esd.  ix.  32.  [Shemaiah,  14.] 
 Sabe'ans.  [Sheba.] 
 Sa'bi  [/khaim.]  1  Esd.  v.  34. 
 Sab'tab.  (Gen.  x.  7).  or  Sabta  (1  Chr.  i.  9), 
 the  third  in  order  of  the  sons  of  Cush.  The  st;ite- 
 ments  of  I'liny  (vi.  32,  §155,  xii.  32),  Ptolemy 
 (vi.  7,  p.  411),  and  Anon.  Peripl.  (27),  respecting 
 Sabbatha,  Sabota,  or  Sobotale,  metropolis  of  the 
 Atramitae  ("probably  the  Chatramotitae),  seem  to 
 ])oint  to  a  trace  of  the  tribe  which  descended  from 
 .Sabtah,  always  supposing  that  this  city  Sabbatha 
 was  not  a  corruption  or  dialectic  variation  of  Saba, 
 Seba,  or  Sheba.  Ptolemy  places  Sabbatha  in  77° 
 long.  16°  30'  lat.  It  was  an  importjint  city,  con- 
 taining no  less  than  sixty  temples..  Gesenius,  who 
 sees  in  Cush  only  Ethiojiia,  "  has  no  iloubt  that 
 Sabtah  should  he  compared  with  2a/3aT,  2o/3o, 
 2ay3ai.  on  the  shore  of  the  Arabian  tiulf,  situatal 
 just  whwf  Aikiko  is  now."  It  only  remains  to 
 add  that  Miiiiaelis  removes  Sabtah  to  Ceuta  oppo- 
 site Gibraltar,  allied  in  Arabic  Sebt.ih  ;  and  that 
 Hochart  prefers  to  place  Sabtah  near  the  western 
 shore  of  the  Persian  Gulf,  with  the  Sajihtha  of 
 Ptoleinv,  the  name  aNo  of  an  island  in  that  gulf. 
 
 Sab'techa,  an.l  Sab'techah  (Gen.  x.  7  ;  1  Chr. 
 i.  9),  the  tilth  ill  order  of  the  sons  of  Cush,  whose 
 settlements  would  ]>robably  be  near  the  Pei-sian 
 Gulf.  He  has  not  been  identifial  satisfactorily. 
 Hoehai  t  compares  Sabtechah  with  the  city  of  Samy- 
 (lace  of  Steph.  I'.yz. 
 
 Sa'car.  1.  .\  Haiarite,  father  of  Ahiam  (1  Chr. 
 xi.  35).— 2.  The  fourth  son  of  Obed  edom  (1  Chr. 
 xxvi.  4). 
 
 Sackbut  (Dan.  iii.  5,  7,  10,  15),  the  rendering 
 in  the  A.  V.  of  the  Chaldee  sabhgat.  if  this  mu- 
 sical instrument  be  the  same  as  the  Greek  (Ta/x^vK-n 
 
SACKCLOTH 
 
 and  Latin  sambuca,  the  English  translation  is  en-  j 
 tii-ely  wrong.  The  sackbut  was  a  wind-instrument ; 
 the  sambuca  was  played  with  strings.  Mr.  Chappell 
 saj-s  {Pop.  Mm.  i.  35),  "  The  saci^but  was  a  bass 
 trumpet  with  a  slide,  like  the  modern  trombone." 
 The  sambuca  was  a  triangular  instrument  with  four 
 or  more  strings  played  with  the  fingers. 
 
 Sackclotll,  a  coarse  texture,  of  a  dark  colour, 
 made  of  goats'-hair  (Is.  1.  3  ;  Rev.  vi.  12),  and  re- 
 sembling the  cUicium  of  the  Romans.  It  was  used 
 (1.)  for  making  sacks  (Gen.  xlii,  25  ;  Lev.  xi,  .S2  ; 
 Josh.  ix.  4)  ;  and  (2.)  for  making  the  rough  gar- 
 ments used  by  mourners,  which  were  in  extreme 
 cases  worn  next  the  skin  (1  K.  xxi.  27;  2  K.  vi. 
 .'iO  ;  Job  xvi.  15;  Is.  xxxii.  11),  and  this  even  by 
 females  (Joel  i.  8  ;  2  Mace.  iii.  19),  but  at  other 
 times  were  worn  over  the  coat  (Jon.  iii.  6). in  lieu 
 of  the  outer  garment. 
 
 Sacrifice.  The  peculiar  features  of  each  kind  of 
 sacrifice  are  referred  to  under  their  lespective  heads  ; 
 the  object  of  this  article  will  be : — I.  To  examine 
 the  historical  development  of  sacrifice  in  the  Old 
 Testament.  11.  To  sketch  briefly  the  theory  of 
 sacrifice,  as  it  is  set  forth  both  in  the  Old  and  New 
 Testaments,  with  especial  reference  to  the  Atone- 
 ment of  Christ.— I.  (A.)  Origin  of  Sacrifice. — 
 In  tracing  the  history  of  sacrifice,  from  its  first 
 beginning  to  its  perfect  development  in  the  Mosaic 
 ritual,  we  are  at  once  met  by  the  long-disputed 
 question,  as  to  the  origin,  of  sacrifice ;  whether  it 
 arose  from  a  niitural  instinct  of  man,  sanctioned 
 and  guided  by  G'od,  or  whether  it  was  the  subject 
 of  some  distinct  primeval  revelation.  Its  universal 
 prevalence,  independent  of,  and  often  opposed  to, 
 man's  natural  reasonings  on  his  relation  to  God, 
 shows  it  to  have  been  primeval,  and  dee]ily  rooted 
 in  the  instincts  of  humanity.  Whether  it  was  first 
 enjoined  by  an  external  command,  or  whether  it 
 was  based  on  that  sense  of  sin  and  lost  communion 
 with  God  which  is  stamped  by  His  hand  on  the 
 heart  of  man — is  an  historical  question,  perhaps  in- 
 soluble. The  great  difficulty  in  the  theory  which 
 refers  it  to  a  distinct  command  of  God,  is  the  total 
 silence  of  Holy  Scripture.  Nor  is  the  fact  of  the 
 mysterious  and  supernatural  character  of  the  doc- 
 trine of  Atonement,  with  which  the  sacrifices  of  the 
 0.  T.  are  expressly  connected,  any  conclusive  argu- 
 ment on  this  side  of  the  question.  All  allow  that 
 the  eucharistic  and  deprecatory  ideas  of  sacrifice  ai'e 
 perfectly  natural  to  man.  The  higher  view  of  its 
 expiatory  character,  dependent,  as  it  is,  entirely  on 
 its  typical  nature,  appears  but  gradually  in  Scrip- 
 ture. It  is  only  in  the  N.  T.  (especially  in  the 
 Hlpistle  to  the  Hebrews)  that  its  nature  is  clearly 
 unfolded.  It  is  to  be  noticed  that,  except  ia  Gen. 
 XV.  9,  the  method  of  patriarchal  sacrifice  is  left 
 free.  The  infeience  is  at  least  probable,  that  when 
 God  sanctioned  formally  a  natural  rite,  then,  and 
 not  till  then,  did  He  define  its  method.  The  ques- 
 tion, theiefore,  of  the  origin  of  sacrifice  is  best  left 
 in  the  silence  with  which  Scripture  surrounds  it.^ 
 (B.)  Ante-Mosaic  History  of  Sacrifice. — In 
 examining  the  various  sacrifices  lecorded  in  Scrip- 
 ture before  tjie  establishment  of  the  Law,  we  find 
 that  the  words  specially  denoting  expiatory  sacrifice 
 are  not  applied  to  them.  This  fact  does  not  at  all 
 show  that  they  were  not  actually  expiatory,  but  it 
 justifies  the  inference  that  this  idea  was  not  then 
 the  prominent  one  in  the  doctiine  of  sacrifice.  The 
 saci'ifice  of  Cain  and  Abel  is  called  yuinchah.  a.'  - 
 though  in  the  case  of  the  latter  it  was  a  blooay 
 
 SACRIFICE 
 
 80.: 
 
 sacrifice.  In  the  case  of  both  it  would  appear  to 
 have  been  eucharistic.  The  sacrifice  of  Noah  after 
 the  Flood  (Gen.  viii.  20)  is  called  burnt-offering 
 {'olali).  This  sacrifice  is  expressly  connected  with 
 the  institution  of  the  Covenard  which  follows  in 
 ix.  8-17.  The  sacrifice  [zebach)  of  Jacob  at  Mizpnh 
 also  marks  a  covenant  with  Laban,  to  which  (iod 
 is  called  to  be  a  witness  and  a  party.  In  all  these, 
 therefore,  the  prominent  idea  seems  to  have  been 
 what  is  called  the  federative,  the  recognition  of  a 
 bond  between  the  sacrificer  and  God,  and  the  dedic- 
 ation of  himself,  as  represented  by  the  victim,  to 
 the  service  of  the  Lord.  The  sacrifice  of  Isaac 
 (Gen.  xxii.  1-13)  stands  by  itself.  Yet  in  its  prin- 
 ciple it  appears  to  have  been  of  the  same  nature  as 
 before :  the  voluntary  suriender  of  an  only  son  on 
 Abraham's  part,  and  the  willing  dedication  of  him- 
 self on  Isaac's,  are  in  the  foreground  ;  the  expiatory 
 idea,  if  recognised  at  all,  holds  certainly  a  secondary 
 position.  In  the  burnt-oHerings  of  Job  for  his 
 children  (Job  i.  5)  and  for  his  three  friends  (xlii. 
 8  J,  we  for  the  first  time  find  the  expression  of  the 
 desire  of  expiation  for  sin.  The  same  is  the  case  ir\ 
 the  words,  of  Moses  to  Pharaoh  (Ex.  x.  25).  Here 
 the  main  idea  is  at  least  deprecatory .^(C.)  The 
 Sacrifices  of  the  Mosaic  Period. — These  are 
 inaugurated  by  the  offering  of  the  Passover  and 
 the  sacrifice  of  Ex.  xxiv.  The  Passover  indeed  is 
 unique  in  its  character ;  but  it  is  clear  that  the 
 idea  of  salvation  from  death  by  means  of  sacrifice 
 is  brought  out  in  it  with  a  distinctness  before  un- 
 known. The  sacrifice  of  Ex.  xxiv.,  offered  as  a 
 solemn  inauguration  of  the  Covenant  of  Sinai,  has 
 a  similarly  comprehensive  character.  The  Law  of 
 Leviticus  now  unfolds  distinctly  the  various  forms 
 of  sacrifice  : — (a.)  The  burnt-offering .  Self- 
 dedicatory. — (6.)  The  meat-offering  [unblood;/)  ; 
 the  peace-offering  {bloodti).  Eucharistic. — (c.) 
 The  sin-offering  ;  the  trespass-offering.  Exi'i- 
 atory. — To  these  may  be  added, — [d.)  The  incense 
 offered  after  saciifice  in  the  Holy  Place,  and  (on 
 the  Day  of  Atonement)  in  the  Holy  of  Holies,  the 
 symbol  of  the  inten  ession  of  the  priest  (as  a  type 
 of  the  Great  High  Priest),  accompanying  and 
 making  efficacious  the  prayer  of  the  people.  In 
 the  consecration  of  Aaron  and  his  sons  (Lev.  viii.) 
 we  find  these  offered  in  what  became  ever  after- 
 wards the  appointed  order :  first  c;mie  the  sin- 
 offering,  to  prepare  access  to  God  ;  next,  the  burnt- 
 offering,  to  mark  their  dedication  to  His  service ; 
 and  thirdly,  the  meat-offering  of  thanksgiving. 
 Henceforth  the  sacrificial  system  was  fixed  in  all 
 its  paits,  until  He  should  come  whom  it  typified. 
 It  is  to  be  noticed  that  the  Law  of  Leviticus  takes 
 tlie  rite  of  sacrifice  for  granted  fsee  Lev.  i.  2,  ii. 
 1,  &c.),  and  is  directed  chiefly  to  guide  and  limit 
 its  exercise.  Tn  consequence  of  the  peculiarity  ot 
 the  Law,  it  h^-,  been  argued  that  the  whole  system 
 of  sacrifice  v.  is  only  a  condescension  to  the  wenk- 
 ness  of  the  people,  borrowed,  more  or  less,  from 
 the  heathen  nations,  especially  fVom  Egypt,  in  order 
 to  guard  against  worse  superstition  and  positive 
 idolatry.  Taken  as  an  explanation  of  the  theory  of 
 sacrifice,  it  is  weak  and  superficial ;  but  as  giving 
 j  a  leason  for  the  minuteness  and  elaboration  of  the 
 i  Mosaic  ceremonial,  it  may  probably  have  some 
 '  value.— (D.)  PosT-MosAic  Sacrifices. — It  will 
 not  be  necessary  to  pursue,  in  detail,  the  history  of 
 Po>t-Mosaic  Sacrifice,  for  its  main  principles  were 
 now  fixed  for  ever.  The  regular  sacrifices  in  the 
 Temple   service  were  : — (a.)   Burnt-Offerings. 
 
306 
 
 SACRIFICE 
 
 1.  The  daily    biiiiit-olloiiii£;.s    (Ex.    xxix.   38-42). 
 
 2.  The  double  biinit-olleriiifjs  on  the  Sabbath 
 (Nurn.  -xxviii.  9,  10).  3.  The  burnt-oirerings  at 
 the  sp-eat  festivals  (Num.  xxviii.  ll-xxix.  39). — 
 (5.)  Meat-Offerings.  1.  The  daily  meat-oH'er- 
 incrs  accompanying  the  daily  burnt-otleiings  (Ex. 
 xxix.  40,  41).  2.  The  shew-bieail,  renewed  every 
 Sabbath  (Lev.  xxiv.  5,  9).  3.  The  special  meat- 
 ortenngs  at  the  Sabbath  and  the  great  festivals 
 (Num.  xxviii.,  xxix.).  4.  The  fiist-tVuits,  at  the 
 Passover  (Lev.  xxiii.  10-14),  at  Tentecost  (xxiii. 
 17-20);  the  first-fruits  of  the  dough  and  thresh- 
 ing-floor at  the  harvest-time  (Num.  xv.  20,  21  ; 
 Dent.  xxvi.  1-11). — (c.)  Sin-Offeiungs.  1.  Sin- 
 orieringeach  new  moon  (Num.  xxviii.  15).  2.  Sin- 
 offeriugs  at  the  Pa-ssover,  Pentecost,  Feast  of 
 Trumpets,  and  Tabernacles  (Num.  xxviii.  22.  30, 
 xxix.  5,  IG,  19,  22,  25,  28,  31,  34,  38).  3.  The 
 offering  of  the  two  goats  for  the  people,  and  of  the 
 bullock  for  the  ])iiest  himself,  on  the  Great  Day  of 
 Atonement  (Lev.  xvi.). — (d.)  Incense.  1.  The 
 moining  and  evening  incense  (Ex.  xxx.  7,  8).  2. 
 The  incense  on  the  Great  Day  of  Atonement  (Lev. 
 xvi.  12).  Besides  these  public  sacrifices,  there  were 
 otferings  of  the  people  for  tliemselves  individually.^ 
 II.  By  the  order  of  sacrifice  in  its  perfect  form  (as 
 in  Lev.  viii.)  it  is  clear  that  the  sin-offering  occu- 
 pies the  most  importjuit  place,  the  burut-ofleriug 
 comes  next,  and  the  meat-oflTering  or  peace-offering 
 last  of  all.  The  second  could  only  be  offered  after 
 the  first  had  been  accejited  ;  the  third  was  only  a 
 subsi<iiary  part  of  the  second.  Yet,  in  actual  order 
 of  time,  it  has  been  seen  that  the  patriarchal  sacri- 
 fices jjartook  much  more  of  the  natuie  of  the  peace- 
 offering  and  burnt-offering ;  and  that,  under  the 
 Law,  by  which  was  "  the  knowledge  of  sin"  (Kom. 
 iii.  20;,  the  sin-oflTering  was  for  the  first  time  ex- 
 plicitly set  forth.  This  is  but  natural,  that  the 
 deepest  ide;»s  should  be  the  last  in  order  of  develop- 
 ment. It  is  needless  to  dwell  on  the  luiiversality  of 
 heathen  sacrifices,  and  difficult  to  reduce  to  any 
 single  tlieory  the  various  ideas  involved  therein. 
 It  is  clear  that  the  sjicrifice  was  often  looked  upon 
 ^s  a  gift  or  tribute  to  the  gods.  It  is  also  clear  that 
 sacrifices  were  used  as  prayers  to  obtain  benefits,  or 
 to  avert  wrath.  On  the  other  hand,  that  they  were 
 regarded  as  thank-offerings  is  equally  certain.  Nor 
 was  the  higher  idea  of  sjicrifice,  as  a  representation 
 of  the  self-devotion  of  the  offerer,  body  and  soul,  to 
 the  god,  wholly  lost,  although  generally  obscured 
 by  the  grosser  and  more  obvious  conceptions  of  the 
 rite.  But,  besides  all  these,  there  seems  always  to 
 fiave  been  latent  tlie  idea  of  propitiation,  that  is, 
 the  belief  in  a  comminiion  with  the  gods,  natuial 
 to  man,  broken  off  in  some  way,  and  by  sacrifice  to 
 be  restored.  Now  the  essential  dilference  between 
 these  heathen  views  of  sacrifice  and  the  Scriptural 
 doctrine  of  the  0.  T.  is  not  to  be  found  in  its  denial 
 of  any  of  the>e  ideas.  In  tact,  it  brings  out,  clearly 
 and  distinctly,  the  ideas  which  in  heathenism  were 
 unceilain,  vague,  an<l  perverted.  But  the  essential 
 points  of  distinction  are  two.  First,  that  whereas 
 the  heathen  conceived  of  their  gods  as  alienated  in 
 jealousy  or  anger,  to  be  sought  after,  and  to  be 
 apjica-^ed  by  the  unaided  action  of  man.  Scripture 
 re|iuscnt-s  (Jod  Himself  as  ajipioachiiig  man,  as 
 pointing  out  and  sanctioning  the  way  by  which  the 
 broken  covenant  .should  be  restoie(l.  The  second 
 mark  of  distinction  is  closely  connected  with  this, 
 inasmuch  a.s  it  shows  sicrifico  to  lie  a  scheme  pro- 
 i^CeJing  (ioin  (;o<i,  aiid,  in  Ilis  foreknowledge,  con-  J 
 
 SACRIFICE 
 
 nected  with  the  one  central  fact  of  all  human  his- 
 tory. It  is  to  be  fbund  in  the  ty]>ical  character  of 
 all  .Jewish  sacrifices,  on  which,  as  the  Epistle  to  the 
 Hebrews  argues,  all  their  efficacy  depended.  The 
 nature  and  meaning  of  the  vanous  kinds  of  s<icri- 
 (ice  is  jiartly  gathered  from  the  form  of  their  insti- 
 tution and  ceremonial,  partly  from  the  teaching  of 
 the  Prophets,  and  partly  from  the  N.  T.,  especially 
 the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews.  All  had  relation, 
 under  different  aspects,  to  a  Coverumt  between  God 
 and  man.  The  Sin-Offeking  represented  that 
 Covenant  as  broken  by  man,  and  as  knit  together 
 again,  by  God's  appointment,  through  the  "shedding 
 of  blood."  The  shedding  of  the  blood,  the  symbol 
 of  lite,  signified  that  the  death  of  the  offender  was 
 deserved  for  sin,  but  that  the  death  of  the- victim 
 was  accepted  for  his  death  by  the  ordinance  of 
 God's  mercy.  Beyond  all  doubt  the  sin-ofleiing 
 distinctly  witnesseii  that  sin  existed  in  man,  that 
 the  "  wages  of  that  sin  was  death,"  and  that  God 
 had  provided  an  Atonement  by  the  viciirious  suf- 
 fering of  an  appointed  victim.  The  ceremonial  and 
 meaning  of  the  Burnt-Offering  were  very  dif- 
 ferent. The  idea  of  expiation  seems  not  to  have 
 been  absent  from  it,  for  the  blood  was  spiinkled 
 round  about  the  altar  of  sacrifice;  but  the  main 
 idea  is  the  offering  of  the  whole  victim  to  God,  re- 
 presenting (as  the  laying  of  the  hand  on  its  head 
 shows)  the  devotion  of  the  sacrificer,  body  and  soul, 
 to  Him  (Rom.  xii.  1).  The  death  of  the  victim 
 was,  so  to  s])eak,  an  incidental  feature.  The 
 Meat-Offei;ings,  the  peace  or  thank-ofl^ering, 
 the  first-fruits,  &c.,  were  simply  offerings  to  God 
 of  His  own  best  gilts,  as  a  sign  of  thankful  homage, 
 and  as  a  means  of  maintaining  His  service  and  His 
 servants.  The  characteristic  ceremony  in  the  peace- 
 ottering  was  the  eating  of  the  ffesh  by  the  sacrificer. 
 It  betokened  the  enjoyment  of  communion  with 
 God.  It  is  clear  from  this  that  the  idea  of  sacrifice 
 is  a  com]ilex  idea,  involving  the  propitiatory,  the 
 dedicatoiy,  and  the  eucharistic  elements.  Any  one 
 of  these,  taken  by  itself,  would  lead  to  error  and 
 superstition.  All  three  probably  were  more  or  less 
 implied  in  each  saciifice,  each  element  predomin- 
 ating in  its  turn.  Now  the  Israelites,  while  they 
 seem  always  to  have  retainetl  the  ideas  of  propitia- 
 tion and  of  eucharistic  offering,  constantly  ignoied 
 the  self-dedication  which  is  the  link  between  the 
 two,  and  which  the  regular  buint-off'eiing  should 
 have  impressed  upon  them  as  their  daily  thought 
 and  duty.  It  is  therefore  to  this  point  that  the 
 teaching  of  the  Prophets  is  mainly  directai  (I  Sain. 
 XV.  22;  Is.  i.  10-20;  Jer.  vii.  22,  23;  Ez.  xx. 
 30-44  ;  Hos.  vi.  (J ;  Am.  v.  21-27  ;  iMic.  vi.  G-8). 
 The  same  truth,  here  enunciated  from  without,  is 
 recognised  from  within  by  the  Psalmist  (Ps.  xl. 
 8-1  r,  1.  13,  14,  li.  16,  17,  cxli.  2).  It  is  not  to 
 be  argued  from  these  piissagos  that  the  ide;i  of  self- 
 dedication  is  the  main  one  of  sacrifice.  The  idea 
 of  propitiation  lies  below  it,  tiken  for  gianteil  by 
 the  Prophets  as  by  the  whole  people,  but  still  en- 
 veloped in  mystery  until  the  .\ntityj)e  should  come 
 to  make  all  clear.  For  the  evolution  of  this  doc- 
 trine we  must  look  to  the  N.  T.  Without  entering 
 directly  on  the  great  subject  of  the  Atonement 
 (which  would  be  foreign  to  the  scope  of  this 
 article),  it  will  bo  sufficient  to  refer  to  the  con- 
 nexion, established  in  the  N.  T.,  between  it  and 
 the  sacrifices  of  the  Mosaic  system.  To  do  this,  we 
 need  do  little  mure  than  analy.-e  the  Epistle  U.<  the 
 Hebrews,  which  contains  the  koy  of  the  whole  satri- 
 
SACRrFICE 
 
 licial  doctrine.  In  the  first  place,  it  follows  the  pro- 
 phetic books  by  stating,  in  the  most  emphatit  terms, 
 the  intrinsic  nullity  of  all  mere  material  saci-ifices. 
 The  very  foot  of  their  constant  repetition  is  said 
 to  prove  this  imperfection  ;  but  it  does  not  load 
 us  to  infer  that  they  actually  had  no  spiritual  effic- 
 acy, if  otlered  in  repentance  and  faith.  On  the 
 contrary,  the  object  of  the  whole  Epistle  is  to  show 
 their  tvpical  and  probationary  character,  .and  to 
 assert  tliat  in  virtue  of  it  alone  they  had  a  spiritual 
 meaning.  Our  Lord  is  declared  (see  1  Pet.  i.  20) 
 "  to  have  been  foreordained  "  as  a  sacrifice  "  before 
 the  foundation  of  the  world;"  or  (as  it  is  more 
 strikingly  expressed  in  Rev.  xiii.  8)  "  slain  from  the 
 foundation  of  the  world."  The  material  sacrifices 
 represented  this  Great  Atonement,  as  alieady  made 
 and  accepted  in  God's  foreknowledge  ;  and  to  those 
 who  gi-asped  the  ideas  of  sin,  pardon,  and  self- 
 dedication,  symbolized  in  them,  they  were  means 
 of  entering  into  the  blessings  which  the  One  True 
 Sacrifice  alone  procured.  'I'hey  could  convey  nothing 
 in  themselves ;  yet,  as  types,  they  might,  if  ac- 
 cepted by  a  true,  tiiougli  necessarily  imperfect, 
 faith,  be  means  of  conveying  in  some  degree  the 
 blessings  of  the  Antitype.  This  typical  character 
 of  all  sacrifice  being  thus  set  forth,  the  next  point 
 dwelt  upon  is  the  union  in  our  Lord's  Person  of  the 
 priest,  the  ofl'erer,  and  the  -■acrifice.  It  is  clear  that 
 the  Atonement,  in  this  Epistle,  as  in  the  N.  T. 
 generally,  is  viewed  in  a  twofold  light.  On  the  one 
 hand,  it  is  set  forth  distinctfy  as  a  vicarious  s.acri- 
 fice,  which  was  i-endered  necessary  by  the  sin  of 
 man,  and  in  which  the  Lord  "  bare  the  sins  of 
 many."  It  is  its  essential  characteristic  that  in  it 
 He  stands  absolutely  alone,  offering  His  sacrifice 
 without  any  reference  to  the  faith  or  the  conversion 
 of  men.  In  it  He  stands  out  alone  as  the  Mediator 
 between  God  and  man  ;  and  His  sacrifice  is  offered 
 once  fo:-  all,  never  to  be  imitated  or  repeated.  Now 
 this  view  of  the  Atonement  is  set  forth  in  the 
 Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  as  typified  by  the  sin- 
 offering.  All  the  expiatory  and  propitiatory  sacri- 
 fices of  the  Law  are  now  for  the  first  time  brought 
 into  full  light.  As  the  sin-offering,  though  not  the 
 earliest,  is  the  most  fundamental  of  all  sacrifices,  so 
 the  aspect  of  the  Atonement,  which  it  symbolizes, 
 is  the  one  on  which  all  others  rest.  On  the  other 
 hand,  the  sacrifice  of  Christ  is  .set  forth  to  us,  as 
 the  completion  of  that  perfect  obedience  to  the  will 
 of  the  Father,  which  is  the  natural  duty  of  sinless 
 man,  in  which  He  is  the  representative  of  all  men, 
 and  in  which  He  calls  upon  us,  when  reconciled  to 
 (iod,  to  "  take  up  the  Cross  and  follow  Him."  In 
 this  view  His  death  is  not  the  principal  object ;  we 
 dwell  rather  on  His  lowly  Incarnation,  and  His 
 life  of  humility,  temptation,  and  suffering,  to  which 
 that  death  was  but  a  fitting  close.  The  main  idea 
 of  this  view  of  the  Atonement  is  representative 
 rather  than  vicarious.  It  is  typified  by  the  buint- 
 offering,  in  respect  of  which  the  N.  T.  merely  quotes 
 and  enforces  the  language  already  cited  from  the 
 O.  T.,  and  especially  (see  Heb.  x.  6-9)  the  words  of 
 Ps.  xl.  6,  &c.,  which  contrast  with  material  sacri- 
 fice the  "  doing  the  will  of  God."  As  without  the 
 sin-offering  of  the  Cross,  this,  our  burnt-offering, 
 would  be  impossible,  so  also  without  the  burnt- 
 ottering  the  sin-offering  will  to  us  be  unavailing. 
 With  these  views  of  our  Lord's  sacrifice  on  e;irth, 
 as  typified  in  the  Levitical  sacrifices  on  the  outer 
 alfcir,  is  also  to  be  connected  the  otleiing  of  His  In- 
 teioessiou  foi'  us  in  heaven,  which  was  represented 
 
 SADDUCEES 
 
 807 
 
 by  the  incense.  The  typical  sense  of  the  meat- 
 offering, or  peace-offering,  is  less  connected  with' 
 the  sacrifice  of  Christ  Himself,  than  with  those' 
 sacrifices  of  praise,  thanksgiving,  charity,  and  de- 
 votion, which  we,  as  Christians,  ofier  to  God,  and 
 "with  which  He  is  well  pleased"  (Heb.  xiii.  15, 
 16)  as  with  "an  odour  of  sweet  smell,  a  sacrifice 
 acceptable  to  God  "  (Phil.  iv.  18). 
 
 Sadami'as.  Shallum,  one  of  the  ancestors  of 
 Ezra  (i  Esd.  i.  1). 
 
 Sa'das.  AzGAD  (1  Esd.  v.  13  ;  comp.  Ezr.  il 
 12). 
 
 Sadde'us.  InDO  6  (1  Esd.  viii.  45).  In  1  Esd; 
 viii.  46,  the  name  is  written  "  Daddeus "  in  the 
 A.  v..  as  in  the  Geneva  V'ersion  of  both  passages.    ' 
 
 Sad'duc.    Zadok  the  high-priest  (1  Esd.  viii.  2). 
 
 Sadducees  (Matt.  rii.  7,  xvi.  1,  6.  11,  12,  xxii 
 23,  34;  Mark  .xii.  18;  Luke  xx.  27  ;  Acts  iv.  1, 
 V.  17,  xxiii.  6,  7,  8j,  a  religious  party  or  school 
 among  the  .Tews  at  the  time  of  Christ,  who  denied^ 
 that  the  oral  law  was  a  revelation  of  God  to  the 
 Israelites,  and  who  deemed  the  written  law  alone' 
 to  be  obligatory  on  the  nation,  as  of  divine  autho- 
 rity.—On^m  of  the  name. — The  Hebrew  word  by 
 which  they  are  called  in  the  Mishna  is  Tsedukim,;' 
 the  plural  of  Tsadok,  which  undoubtedly  means 
 "just,"  or  "  righteous;"  but  which  is  never  used 
 in  the  Bible  except  as  a  proper  name.  The  most 
 obvious  translation  of  the  word,  therefore,  is  to  call 
 them  Zadoks  or  Zadokites.  The  ordinary  Jewish' 
 stitement  is  that  they  are  named  from  a  certain 
 Zadok,  a  disciple  of  the  Antigonus  of  Socho,  who  is 
 mentioned  ia  the  Mishna  as  having  received  the 
 oral  law  fiom  Simon  the  Just,  the  last  of  the  men 
 of  the  Great  Synagogue.  Another  ancient  sug- 
 gestion concerning  the  origin  of  the  name  "  Saddu- 
 cees," is  in  Epiphanius,  who  states  that  the  Saddu- 
 cees called  themselves  by  that  name  from  "  righte- 
 ousness," the  interpretation  of  the  Hebrew  word 
 Zedek  ;  "and  that  there  was  likewise  anciently  a 
 Zadok  among  the  priests,  but  that  they  did  not 
 continue  in  the  doctrines  of  their  chief."  This 
 explanation  of  the  origin  of  the  word  Sadducees 
 must  b(i  rejected  with  that  given  by  the  Jews.  In 
 these  circumstances,  if  recourse  is  had  to  conjec- 
 ture, the  first  point  to  be  considered  is  whether  the 
 word  is  likely  to  have  arisen  from  the  meaning  of 
 "  righteousness,"  or  from  the  name  of  an  individual. 
 This  must  be  decided  in  favour  of  the  latter  altern- 
 ative, inasmuch  as  the  word  Zadok  never  occurs  in 
 the  Bible,  except  as  a  proper  name ;  and  then  we  are 
 led  to  inquire  as  to  who  the  Zadok  of  the  Sadducees 
 is  likely  to  have  been.  Now,  according  to  the 
 existing  records  of  Jewish  history,  there  was  one 
 Zadok  of  transcendent  importance,  and  only  one ; 
 viz.  the  priest  who  acted  such  a  prominent  part  at 
 the  time  of  David,  and  who  declared  in  favour  of 
 Solomon,  when  Abiathar  took  the  part  of  Adonijah 
 as  successor  to  the  throne  (1  K.  i.  32-4,5).  His  line 
 of  priests  appeai-s  to  have  had  decided  pre-eminence 
 in  subsequent  history.  Now,  as  the  transition  from 
 the  expression  "  sons  of  Zadok,"  and  "  priests  of 
 the  seed  of  Zadok,"  to  Zadokites,  is  easy  and  obvious, 
 and  as  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  v.  17,  it  is  said, 
 "  Then  the  hif/h-pricst  rose,  and  all  thci/  that  were 
 with  him,  which  is  the  sect  of  the  Sadducees,  and 
 were  filled  with  indignation,"  it  has  been  conjec- 
 tured by  Geiger  that  the  Sadducees  or  Zadokites 
 were  originally  identical  with  the  sons  of  Zadok, 
 and  constituted  what  may  be  termed  a  kiirl  of 
 sacerdotal  aristocracy.      To  these  were  afterward* 
 
808 
 
 SADDUCEES 
 
 attached  all  who  for  any  reason  reckoned  themselves 
 as  belonging  to  the  aristocracy;  such,  for  example, 
 as  the  families  of  the  liigh-priest,  who  had  obtained 
 consideration  under  the  dynasty  of  Heioil.  These 
 were  for  the  most  part  judges,  and  individuals  of 
 Ihe  official  and  governing  class. — I.  The  leading 
 lenet  of  the  Sadducees  was  the  negation  of  the 
 leading  tenet  of  their  opponents.  As  the  Pharisees 
 assei'ted,  so  the  Sadducees  denied,  that  the  Israelites 
 were  in  possession  of  an  Oral  Law  transmitted  to 
 them  by  Moses.  Kor  an  equitable  estimate  of  the 
 S.adducees,  it  is  proper  to  bear  in  mind  emphatically 
 how  destitute  of  histoncal  evidence  the  doctrine  was 
 which  they  denied.  That  iloctrine  is  at  the  present 
 day  rejected,  probably  by  almost  all,  if  not  by  all, 
 Christians;  and  it  is  indeed  so  foreign  to  their  ideas, 
 that  the  greater  number  of  Christians  have  never 
 even  heard  of  it,  though  it  is  older  than  Christi- 
 anity, and  has  been  the  support  and  consolation  of 
 the  ,Iews  under  a  series  of  the  most  cruel  and 
 wicked  persecutions  to  which  any  nation  has  ever 
 been  exposed  during  an  equal  number  of  centuries. 
 It  is  likewise  now  maintained,  all  over  the  world, 
 by  those  who  are  called  the  orthodox  Jews.  It 
 must  not  be  assumed  that  the  Sadducees,  because 
 they  rejected  a  Mosaic  Oial  Law,  rejected  likewise 
 all  traditions  and  all  decisions  in  explanation  of  pas- 
 sages in  the  Pentateuch.  Although  they  protested 
 against  the  assertion  that  such  points  had  been  di- 
 vinely settled  by  Moses,  they  probably,  in  numerous 
 instances,  Ibllowed  practically  the  same  traditions 
 .OS  the  Pharisees.  This  will  explain  why  in  the 
 Mishna  specific  points  of  difference  between  the 
 Pharisees  and  Sadducees  are  mentioned,  which  are 
 so  unimportxant. — II.  The  second  distinguishing  doc- 
 trine of  the  Sadducees,  the  denial  of  man's  resur- 
 rection after  death,  followed  iu  their  conceptions  as 
 a  logical  conclusion  from  their  denial  that  Moses 
 had  levealetl  to  the  Israelites  tlie  Oral  Law,  Foi'  on 
 a  point  so  momentous  as  a  second  life  beyond  the 
 grave,  no  religious  party  among  the  Jews  would 
 have  deemed  themselves  bound  to  accept  any  doc- 
 trine as  an  article  of  faith,  unless  it  had  been  pro- 
 claimed by  Moses,  their  great  legislator  ;  and  it  is 
 cei't;iin  that  in  the  wi'itten  Law  of  the  Pentateuch 
 there  is  a  total  absence  of  any  assertion  by  Moses  of 
 the  lesurrection  of  the  dead.  This  fact  is  presented 
 to  Christians  in  a  striking  manner  by  the  well- 
 known  words  of  the  Pentateuch  which  are  quoted 
 by  Chiist  in  ai-gument  with  the  Sadducees  on  this 
 subject  (Ex.  iii,  6,  16;  Mark  xii.  26,  27;  Matt. 
 xxii.  .31,  32  ;  Luke  xx.  37),  It  cannot  be  doubted 
 that  in  such  a  case  Christ  would  quote  to  his 
 powerful  adversaries  the  most  cogent  text  in  the 
 Law  ;  and  yet  the  text  actually  quoted  does  not 
 do  more  than  suggest  an  inference  on  this  great 
 doctrine.  It  is  true  that  in  other  parts  of  the 
 O.  T,  there  are  individual  passages  which  express 
 a  belief  in  a  resurrection,  such  ;is  iu  Is.  xxvi.  19, 
 Dan.  xii,  2,  Job  xix,  26,  and  in  some  of  the  Psalms; 
 and  it  may  at  first  sight  be  a  subject  of  surprise 
 that  the  Sadducees  were  not  convinced  by  the  au- 
 thority of  those  jijLssages.  But  although  the  Sad- 
 ducees regarded  the  bo(}ks  which  contained  these 
 p;ts.sages  .as  sacred,  it  is  more  than  doubtful  whether 
 any  of  the  Jews  regardeil  them  as  Siicred  in  precisely 
 the  .same  sense  as  the  written  Law.  To  tlie  .lews 
 Mases  was  and  is  a  colossal  Form,  pre-emineut  in 
 authority  above  all  subsequent  prophets.  Hence 
 scarcely  any  Jew  would  iiavc  deemed  himself  bound 
 to  believe  in  man's  resurrection,  unless  the  doctrine 
 
 SADDUCE3S 
 
 had  been  proclaimed  Uy  Moses ;  and  as  the  .Sad- 
 ducees disbelieved  the  ti.ansmission  of  any  Oral  Law 
 by  Moses,  the  striking  absence  of  that  doctrine  from 
 the  written  Law  freed  them  from  the  necessity  of 
 accepting  the  doctrine  as  divine.  In  coimexion  with 
 the  disbelief  of  a  lesurrection  by  the  Sadducees,  it 
 is  proper  to  notice  the  statement  (Acts  xxiii.  8)  that 
 they  likewise  denied  there  was  "  angel  or  spirit." 
 A  perplexity  arises  as  to  the  precise  sense  in  which 
 this  denial  is  to  be  understood.  The  two  principal 
 explanations  which  have  been  suggested  are,  either 
 that  the  Sailducees  regarded  the  angels  of  the  Old 
 Testament  as  transitory  unsubstantial  representa- 
 tions of  .Jehovah,  or  that  they  disbelieved,  not  the 
 angels  of  the  Old  Testament,  but  merely  the  an- 
 gelical system  which  had  become  developed  in  the 
 popular  belief  of  the  Jews  after  their  return  from 
 the  Babylonian  Captivity.  Perhai)S,  however,  an- 
 other suggestion  is  admissible.  It  appears  from 
 Acts  xxiii.  9,  that  some  of  the  scribes  on  the  side 
 of  the  Pharisees  suggested  the  possibility  of  a  spirit 
 or  an  angel  having  spoken  to  St,  Paul,  on  the  very 
 occasion  when  it  is  asserted  that  the  Sadducees 
 denied  the  existence  of  angel  or  spirit.  Now  the 
 Sadducees  may  ha\'e  disbelieved  in  the  occurrence 
 of  any  such  phenomena  in  their  own  time,  although 
 they  accepted  all  the  st^itements  respecting  angels 
 in  the  Old  Testament ;  and  thus  the  key  to  the 
 assertion  in  the  8th  verse  thnt  the  Sadducees  denied 
 "  angel  or  spirit"  would  be  found  exclusively  in  the 
 9th  verse, — 111,  The  opinions  of  the  Sadducees  le- 
 specting  the  freedom  of  the  will,  and  the  way  in 
 which  those  opinions  are  treated  by  Josephus,  have 
 been  noticed  elsewheie  [Pharisees];  and  an  ex- 
 planation has  been  there  suggested  of  the  promin- 
 ence given  to  a  ditliirence  in  this  respect  between 
 the  Sadducees  and  the  Pharisees,  It  may  be  here 
 added  that  possibly  the  great  stress  laid  by  the 
 .Sadducees  on  the  fieedom  of  the  will  may  have  had 
 some  connexion  with  their  forming  such  a  large 
 portion  of  that  chiss  from  which  criminal  judges 
 were  selected.  The  .sentiment  of  tlie  lines — 
 "  Our  acts  our  Angels  are,  or  good  or  IU, 
 Our  iatal  shadows  that  walk  by  us  still," 
 
 would  express  that  portion  of  truth  on  which  the 
 Sadducees,  in  inflicting  punishments,  would  dwell 
 with  most  emphasis  :  and  as,  in  some  sense,  they 
 disbelieved  in  angels,  these  lines  have  a  i)eculiar 
 claim  to  be  legarded  as  a  correct  exponent  of  Sad- 
 duce.an  thought. — IV,  Some  of  the  early  Christian 
 writers,  such  as  Hpiph.anius,  Origen,  and  Jerome, 
 attribute  to  the  Sailducees  the  rejection  of  all  tlie 
 ."^acred  .Scriptures  except  the  PenUiteuch,  The 
 .statement  of  these  Christian  writere  is,  however, 
 now  generally  admitti>d  to  have  been  founded  on 
 a  misconception  of  the  tiuth,  and  probiibly  to  have 
 arisen  from  a  confusion  of  the  Sadducees  with  the 
 S;m)ruitaiis.  Josephus  is  wholly  silent  as  to  an 
 antigonism  on  this  i>oint  between  the  Sadducees  and 
 the  i'harisees.  What  pinbably  had  more  influence 
 than  anything  else  in  occasioning  this  misconception 
 respecting  the  Sadducees.  Wiis  the  circiuivstance  that 
 in  arguing  with  them  on  the  doctrine  of  a  future  lite, 
 Chri.st  quoteil  fiom  the  Pentateuch  only,  although 
 there  are  stronger  texts  in  favour  of  the  doctrine 
 in  some  other  books  of  the  Old  Testament. — V,  In 
 concluMon,  it  may  be  proper  to  notice  a  fact  which, 
 while  it  account.s  tor  misconceptions  of  early  Chris- 
 tian writers  respecting  the  Siidducee.s,  is  on  other 
 grounds  wi'll  worthy  to  arre.st  the  attention.  This 
 fiict  is  the    rapiil  disappearance  of    the  Sadducees 
 
SADOC 
 
 from  histoi-v  after  tlie  first  century,  and  the  subse- 
 quent predomiiKince  among  the  Jews  of  the  opinions 
 of  the  Pharisees.  Two  circumstances  indirectly, 
 but  powerfully,  contributed  to  produce  this  result: 
 1st,  The  state  of  the  Jews  after  the  capture  of 
 Jei-usalem  by  Titus  ;  and  2ndly,  The  growth  of 
 the  Clnistian  religion.  As  to  the  first  point  it  is 
 difficult  to  over-estimate  the  consternation  and  dis- 
 may which  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  occasioned 
 in  the  minds  of  sincerely  religious  Jews.  In  this 
 tiieir  hour  of  darkness  and  anguish,  they  naturally 
 turned  to  the  consolations  and  hopes  of  a  future 
 state;  and  tiie  doctrine  of  the  Sadducees  that  there 
 was  nothing  beyond  the  present  life,  would  have 
 appeared  to  them  cold,  heartless,  and  hateful. 
 Again,  while  they  were  sunk  in  the  lowest  depths 
 of  depression,  a  new  religion  which  they  despised  as 
 a  heresy  and  a  superstition,  of  which  one  of  their 
 own  nation  was  the  object,  and  another  the  un- 
 rivalled missioiiaiy  to  the  heathen,  was  gradually 
 making  its  way  among  the  subjects  of  their  detested 
 conquerors,  the  Romans.  One  of  the  causes  of  its 
 success  was  undoubtedly  the  vivid  belief  in  the  re- 
 surrection of  Jesus,  and  a  consequent  resurrection 
 of  all  mankind.  Consdously,  therefore,  or  uncon- 
 sciously, many  circumstances  combined  to  induce 
 the  Jews,  who  were  not  Pharisees,  but  who  resisted 
 the  new  heresy,  to  rally  round  the  standard  of  the 
 Oral  Law,  and  to  assert  that  their  holy  legislator, 
 Moses,  had  tiansmitted  to  his  faithful  people  by 
 word  of  mouth,  although  not  in  writing,  the  revela- 
 tion of  a  future  state  of  rewards  and  punishments. 
 This  doctrine,  the  pledge  of  eternal  life  to  them, 
 as  the  resuiTcction  of  Jesus  to  Christians,  is  still 
 maintained  by  the  majority  of  oui-  Jewish  contem- 
 poraries ;  and  it  will  probably  continue  to  be  the 
 creed  of  millions  long  after  the  present  generation 
 of  mankind  has  passed  away  from  the  earth. 
 
 Sa'doc.  1.  Zadok  the  ancestor  of  Ezra  (2  Esd. 
 i.  1  ;  comp.  Ezr.  vii.  2).— 2.  A  descendant  of  Ze- 
 rubbabel  in  the  genealosy  of  Jesus  Christ  (Matt. 
 i.  14). 
 
 Saffiron  (Heb.  carcom).  There  is  not  the  slightest 
 doubt  that  "  saffion "  is  the  correct  rendering  of 
 the  Hebrew  word  (Cant.  iv.  14) ;  the  Arabic 
 Kurkum  is  similar  to  the  Hebrew,  and  denotes  the 
 Crocus  satims,  or  "  saffron  crocus."  Safl'ron  has 
 from  the  earliest  times  been  in  high  esteem  as  a 
 perfume:  "  it  was  used,"  says  Rosenmiiller,  "for 
 the  same  purposes  as  the  modern  pot-pouiri." 
 Kitto  says  that  the  SafHower  (^Carthamus  tincto- 
 riics),  is  cultivated  in  Syria  for  the  sake  of  the 
 flowers  which  are  used  in  dyeing,  but  the  Earkoin 
 no  doubt  denotes  the  Crocus  sativus.  The  word 
 saffron  is  derived  from  the  Arabic  Zafran,  "  yellow." 
 
 Sa'la.  Salah,  or  Shelah,  the  father  of  Eber 
 (Luke  iii.  35). 
 
 Sa'lah.  The  son  of  Arphaxad  and  father  of 
 Eber  (Gen.  x.  24,  xi.  12-14  ;  Luke  iii.  35).  The 
 name  is  significant  of  extension.  It  thus  seems  to 
 imply  the  historical  fact  of  the  gradual  extension 
 of  a  branch  of  the  Shemitic  race  fiom  its  original 
 seat  in  Northern  Assyria  towards  the  river  Eu- 
 phrates. 
 
 Sal'amis,  a  city  at  the  east  end  of  the  island  of 
 Cyprus,  and  the  first  place  visited  by  Paul  and 
 Bamabas,  on  the  first  missionary  journey,  after 
 leaving  the  mainland  at  Seleucia.  Here  alone, 
 among  all  the  Greek  cities  visited  by  St.  Paul,  we 
 read  expressly  of  "synagogues"  in  the  plural 
 (Acts  xiii.  5).     Hence  we  conclude  that  there  were 
 
 SALEM 
 
 809 
 
 many  Jhws  in  Cyprus.  And  this  is  in  harmony 
 with  what  we  read  elsewhere.  Jewish  residents 
 in  the  island  are  mentioned  during  the  period  when 
 the  Seleucidae  reigned  at  Antioch  (1  Mace.  xv.  23). 
 At  a  later  period,  in  the  reigns  of  Trajan  and  Ha- 
 drian, we  are  informed  of  dreadful  tumults  here, 
 caused  by  a  vast  multitude  of  Jews.  Salamis  wa-s 
 not  far  from  the  modern  Famagousta.  It  was 
 situated  near  a  river  called  the  Pediaeus,  on  low 
 grounil,  which  is  in  fact  a  continuation  of  the  plain 
 running  up  into  the  interior  towards  the  place 
 where  Nicosia,  the  piesent  capital  of  Cyprus,  stands. 
 
 Salasada'i.     Zurishaddai  in  Jud.  viii.  1. 
 
 Sala'thiel,  son  of  Jechonias  king  of  Judah,  and 
 father  of  Zoiobabel,  according  to  Matt.  i.  12;  but 
 son  of  Neri,  and  father  of  Zorobabel,  according  to 
 Luke  iii.  27 ;  while  the  genealogy  in  1  Chr.  iii. 
 17-19,  leaves  it  doubtful  whether  he  is  the  son  of 
 Assir  or  Jechonias,  and  makes  Zerubbabel  his  ne- 
 phew. Upon  the  incontrovertible  principle  that  no 
 genealogy  would  assign  to  the  true  son  and  heir  of 
 a  king  any  inferior  and  private  parentage,  whereas, 
 on  the  contrary,  the  son  of  a  private  person  would 
 naturally  be  placed  in  the  royal  pedigree  on  his 
 becoming  the  rightful  heir  to  the  throne  ;  we  may 
 assert,  with  the  utmost  confidence,  that  St.  Luke 
 gives  us  the  true  state  of  the  case,  when  he  infoims 
 us  that  Salathiel  was  the  son  of  Neri,  and  a  de- 
 scendant of  Nathan  the  son  of  David,  And  from 
 his  insertion  in  the  royal  pedigree,  both  in  1  Chr. 
 and  St.  Matthew's  gospel,  after  the  childless  Je- 
 chonias, we  infer,  with  no  less  confidence,  that,  on 
 the  failure  of  Solomon's  line,  he  was  the  next  heir 
 to  the  throne  of  David.  It  may  therefore  be  consi- 
 dered as  certain,  that  Salathiel  was  the  sou  of  Neri, 
 and  the  heir  of  Jechoniah.  As  regards  the  ortho- 
 graphy of  the  name,  it  has,  as  noted  above,  two 
 forms  in  Hebrew.  The  A.  V.  has  Salathiel  in  1 
 Chr.  iii.  17,  but  everywhere  else  in  the  0.  T. 
 Shealtiel. 
 
 Sal'cah.  A  city  naniv^d  in  the  early  records  of 
 Israel  as  the  extreme  limit  of  Bashan  (Deut.  iii. 
 10  ;  Josh.  xiii.  1 1)  and  of  the  tribe  of  Gad  (1  Chr. 
 V.  11).  On  another  occasion  the  name  seems  to 
 denote  a  district  rather  than  a  town  (Josh.  xii.  5). 
 It  is  doubtless  identical  with  the  town  of  SUlkhnd, 
 which  stands  at  the  southern  extieniity  uf«t1ie  Jebel 
 Hauran,  twenty  miles  S.  oi' Kunawat  (the  ancient 
 Kenath),  which  was  the  southern  outpost  of  the 
 Leja,  the  Argob  of  the  Bible.  Immediately  below 
 SUlkhad  commences  the  plain  of  the  great  Eu- 
 phrate.s  desert.  The  town  is  of  considerable  size, 
 two  to  three  miles  in  circumference,  •'urrounding  a 
 castle  on  a  lofty  isolated  hill. 
 
 Sal'chall.  Another  form  of  SalCah  (Deut 
 iii.  10). 
 
 Salem.  1.  The  pla<:e  of  which  Melchizedek  was 
 king  (Gen.  xiv.  18;  Heb.  vii.  1,  2).  No  satis-- 
 factory  identification  of  it  is  perhaps  possih>le.  The 
 indications  of  the  narrative  are  not  sufficient  to 
 give  any  clue  to  its  position.  It  is  not  even  safe 
 to  infer,  as  some  have  done,  that  it  lay  between 
 Damascus  and  Sodom.  Dr.  Wolff — no  mean  au- 
 thority on  Oriental  questions — in  a  striking  j:)(tssage 
 in  his  last  work,  implies  that  Salem  was — what  the 
 author  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  understood  it 
 to  be — a  title,  not  the  name  of  a  place.  To  revert, 
 however,  to  the  topographical  question ;  two  main 
 opinions  have  been  current  from  the  earliest  ages  of 
 interpretation.  1.  That  of  the  Jewisli  commen- 
 tators,  who  with  one  voice  affirm  that  Salem  i* 
 
810 
 
 SALIM 
 
 Jerusalem,  on  the  ground  that  Jerusalem  is  so 
 called  in  Ps.  Ixxvi.  2.  2.  Jerome  himself,  how- 
 ever, is  not  of  the  sime  opinion.  He  states  without 
 he.sitiition,  that  the  Salem  of  Mekhizedek  was  not 
 Jerusalem,  but  a  town  near  Scythopolis,  which  in 
 his  day  was  still  called  Salem.  Elsewhere  he 
 places  it  more  piecisely  at  eight  Roman  miles  from 
 Scythopolis,  and  gives  its  then  name  as  Salumia^i. 
 Further,  he  identifies  this  Salem  with  the  Salim  of 
 St.  John  the  Baptist.  3.  Professor  Ewald  pio- 
 uounces  that  Salem  is  a  town  on  the  further  side 
 of  Jonlaii,  on  the  road  from  Damascus  to  Sodom, 
 quoting  at  the  same  time  John  iii.  23.  4.  A  tra- 
 dition given  by  Eupolemus  differs  in  some  important 
 points  fiom  the  Biblical  account.  According  to 
 this  the  meeting  took  place  in  the  sanctuary  of  the 
 cit.y  Argarizin,  which  is  interpreted  by  Eupolemus 
 to  mean  "  the  Mountain  of  the  Most  High."  Arga- 
 rizin is  of  course  har  Gcrizzim.  5.  A  Salem  is 
 mentioned  in  Judith  iv.  4,  among  the  places  which 
 were  seized  and  fortified  by  the  Jews  on  the  ap- 
 proach of  Holofernes.  If  AvKdv  is  here,  according 
 to  tieijuent  usage,  the  Jordan  valley,  tlien  the  Salem 
 leferred  to  must  surely  be  tliat  mentioned  by  Je- 
 rome. Or,  as  is  perhaps  still  more  likely,  it  refers 
 to  another  Salim  near  Zeiin  (Jezreel).— 2.  Ps. 
 Ixxvi.  2.  It  seems  to  be  ngieed  on  all  hands  that 
 Salem  is  here  emjjloyed  for  Jerusalem,  but  whether 
 .as  a  meie  abbreviation  to  suit  some  exigency  of  the 
 jioetry,  and  point  the  allusion  to  the  peace  (salein) 
 which  the  city  enjoyed  through  the  protection  of 
 God,  or  whether,  after  a  well-known  habit  of  poets, 
 it  is  an  antique  name  preferred  to  the  more  modern 
 and  familiar  one,  is  a  question  not  yet  decided. 
 
 Sa'lim.  A  place  named  (John  iii.  23)  to  denote 
 the  situation  of  Aenon,  the  siene  of  St.  John's  last 
 baptisms — Salim  being  tlie  well-known  town  or 
 spot,  and  Aenon  a  place  of  fountains,  or  other  water, 
 near  it.  Eusebius  and  Jerome,  both  aliirm  vuihe- 
 sitatingly  that  it  existed  in  their  day  near  the 
 Jordan,  eiglit  Konian  miles  south  of  Scythopolis. 
 Jerome  adds  (under  "Salem")  that  its  name  wa-s 
 then  Saluniias.  Various  attempts  have  been  more 
 recently  made  to  determine  the  locality  of  this  in- 
 teresting spot.  1.  Some  projiose  SiilLiiiM  and  AiN, 
 in  the  aiid  country  far  in  the  south  of  Judaea,  en- 
 tirely out  of  the  circle  of  associations  of  St.  John  or 
 our  Lord.  Others  identity  it  with  the  Siialim  of 
 1  Sam.  ix.  4,  but  this  latter  place  is  it.self  unknown. 
 2.  Dr.  llobinson  suggests  the  modern  village  of 
 Salim,  three  miles  E.  of  Xohlis,  but  this  is  no  less 
 out  of  the  circle  of  St.  John's  ministrations,  and  is 
 too  near  the  Samaritans.  A  writer  in  the  Coloninl 
 Ch.  Chron.,  No.  cxxvi.  464,  who  concuis  in  this 
 opinion  of  Dr.  l^obinson,  was  told  of  a  village  an 
 hour  east  '?j  of  S'tlim  "named  Ain-uit,  with  a 
 copious  stream  of  water."  3.  Dr.  Barclay  is  tilled 
 with  an  "assured  conviction"  that  Salim  is  to  be 
 foun<l  in  Witdi/  Seleim,  and  Aenon  in  the  copious 
 spiin<;s  of  ^m  Farah,  among  the  deep  and  intricate 
 ravines  some  five  miles  N.E.  of  Jerusalem.  4.  The 
 name  of  Salim  has  been  lately  discovered  by  Mr. 
 Van  de  Velde  in  a  position  exactly  in  accordance 
 with  the  notice  of  Eusebius,  viz.  s.x  English  miles 
 south  of  Hcviun,  and  two  miles  west  of  the  Jordan. 
 Sitlim  fidfils  also  the  conditions  imjilied  in  the  name 
 of  .\enon  (spiings),  and  the  direct  statement  of 
 the  text,  that  the  phice  coiitnincd  abundance  of 
 water. 
 
 Salla'i.  1.  A  Beiyaniite,  who  settled  in  Jeru- 
 Milem  alter  tlie  Captivity  (Neh.  xi.  8). ^2.  The  head 
 
 SALOME 
 
 of  one  of  the  courses  of  priests  who  went  up  fioin 
 Babylon  with  Zerubbabel  (Neh.  xii.  2u), 
 
 Sal'la.  1,  The  son  of  Meshullam,  a  Benjamite 
 (1  Chr.  ix.  7;  Neh.  xi.  7).— 2.  Sallai  2  (Neh. 
 xii.  7  1. 
 
 Sallu'mus.     Shai.lljji  (1  Esd.  ix.  25). 
 
 Sal'ma,  or  Sal'mon  (Ituth  iv.  20,  21 ;  1  Chr. 
 ii.  11,51,54;  Matt.  i.  4,  5;  Luke  iii.  32).  Son 
 of  Nahshon,  the  prince  of  the  children  of  Judah, 
 and  father  of  Boaz,  the  husband  of  Kuth.  On  the 
 entrance  of  the  Israelites  into  Canajtn,  Salmon  took 
 Hahab  of  Jericho  to  be  his  wife,  and  from  this  union 
 sprang  the  Christ.  Two  circumstances  connected 
 with  Salmon  have  caused  some  perplexity.  One  is 
 the  variation  iii  the  oithogiaphy  ot  his  name,  but 
 the  variation  in  proper  names  is  so  extremely  com- 
 mon, that  such  slight  differences  are  scarcely  worth 
 noticing.  The  other  is  the  variation  in  his  gene- 
 alogy, which  is  more  apparent  than  real.  It  arises 
 trom  the  circumstance  that  Bethlehem  Ephratah, 
 which  was  Salmon's  inheritance,  was  ]iart  of  the 
 territory  of  Caleb,  the  grandson  of  Ephratah;  and  this 
 caused  him  to  be  reckoned  among  the  sons  of  Caleb. 
 
 Salmana'sar.    Siialmanezer  (2  Esd.  xiii.  40). 
 
 Salmon.  The  name  of  a  hill  near  Shechem,  on 
 which  Abimelech  and  his  followers  cut  down  the 
 boughs  with  which  they  set  the  tower  of  Shechem 
 on  fire  (Judg.  ix.  48).  Its  exact  position  is  not 
 known.  It  is  usually  supposed  that  this  hill  is 
 mentioned  in  a  veise  of  j')erhaps  the  most  difficult 
 of  all  the  Psalms  (Ps.  hviii.  14);  and  this  is  prob- 
 able, though  the  passage  is  peculiarly  difficult, 
 and  the  precise  allusion  intended  by  the  poet  seems 
 hopelessly  lost.  This  is  not  the  place  for  an  ex- 
 haustive examination  of  the  passage.  It  may  be 
 mentioned,  however,  that  the  literal  translation  of 
 the  words  is,  "Thou  makest  it  snow,"  or  "It 
 snows,"  with  liberty  to  use  the  word  either  in  the 
 past  or  in  the  future  tense.  -As  notwithstanding 
 ingenious  attempts,  this  supplies  no  satisfactory 
 meaning,  recoui  se  is  had  to  a  translation  of  doubtful 
 validity,  "  Thou  makest  it  white  as  snow,"  or  "  It 
 is  white  as  snow" — words  to  which  various  meta- 
 phorical meanings  have  been  attributed.  The  allu- 
 sion which  is  most  generally  received,  is  that  the 
 words  refer  to  the  ground  being  snow-white  with 
 bones  after  a  defeat  of  the  Canaanite  kings ;  and 
 this  may  be  accepted  by  those  who  will  admit  the 
 scarcely  peimissible  meaning,  "  white  as  snow," 
 and  who  cannot  rest  sjitislied  without  attaching 
 some  definite  signification  to  the  passage.  In  de- 
 sjiair  of  understanding  the  allusion  to  .Salmon,  some 
 sujipose  that  Siilmon,  i.  e.  Tsalmon,  is  not  a  proper 
 name  in  this  passage,  but  merely  signifies  "dark- 
 ness," Unless  the  passage  is  given  up  as  corrupt, 
 it  seems  more  in  accordance  with  reason  to  admit 
 that  there  was  some  allusion  present  to  the  poet's 
 mind,  the  key  to  which  is  now  lo.st. 
 
 Sal'mon  the  father  of  Bo.az  (IJuth  iv.  20,  21; 
 Matt.  i.  4,  5;  Luke  iii.  32).     [SaLMA.] 
 
 Salmo'ne.  Tlie  east  point  of  the  island  of  CRETE 
 (.\cts  xwii.  7). 
 
 Sa'lom.  The  Creek  fonn  1.  of  Shalliim,  the 
 fathei  ot  llilkiah  'Bar.  i.  7).  [Si  1  ALU.' M.]— 2.  Of 
 Salu  the  father  of  Zimri  (1  Mace.  ii.  2G).   [SaLU.] 
 
 Salo'me.  1.  Tlie  wife  of  Zebedee,  as  ajijieai-s 
 from  comi)aring  Matt,  xxvii.  56  with  Mark  xv.  40. 
 It  is  further  the  opinion  of  many  modern  clitics 
 that  she  was  fhe  sister  of  Mary,  the  mother  ot 
 Jesus,  to  whom  reference  is  made  in  John  xii.  2.'*. 
 The  words  admit,  however,  of  auotLr  and  hithertc 
 
SALT 
 
 generally  received  explanation,  according  to  which 
 they  refer  to  the  "  Maiy  the  wife  of  Cleophas " 
 immediately  afterwards  mentioned.  We  can  hardly 
 regard  the  point  as  settled,  though  the  weight  of 
 modern  criticism  is  decidedly  in  favour  of  the 
 former  view.  The  only  events  recorded  of  Salome 
 are  that  she  preferred  a  reqnest  on  behalf  of  her 
 two  sons  for  seats  of  honour  in  the  kingdom  of 
 heaven  (Matt.  .\x.  20),  that  she  attended  at  tlie 
 crucifixion  of  Jesus  (Mark  xv.  40),  and  that  she 
 visited  his  sepulchre  (Mark  xvi.  1).  She  is  men- 
 tioned by  name  only  on  the  two  later  occasions.^ 
 2.  The  daughter  of  Herodias  by  her  first  husband, 
 Herod  Philip  (Slatt.  xiv.  6).  She  man  ied  in  the 
 first  place  Philip  the  tetrarch  of  Trachonitis,  her 
 paternal  uncle,  and  secondly  Aristobuhis,  the  king 
 of  Chalcis. 
 
 Salt.  Indispensable  as  salt  is  to  ourselves,  it 
 was  even  more  so  to  the  Hebrews,  being  to  them 
 not  only  an  appetizing  condiment  in  the  food  both 
 of  man  (Job  vi.  6)  and  beast  (Is.  xxx.  24,  see 
 margin),  and  a  most  valuable  antidote  to  the  effects 
 of  the  heat  of  the  climate  on  animal  food,  but  also 
 entering  largely  into  their  religious  services  as  an 
 accompaniment  to  the  various  offerings  presented 
 on  the  alfcir  (Lev.  ii.  13).  They  possessed  an  in- 
 exhaustible and  ready  supply  of  it  on  the  southern 
 shores  of  the  Dead  Sea.  [Sea,  the  Salt.]  Salt 
 might  also  be  procured  from  the  Mediterranean 
 Sea,  and  fi-om  this  source  the  Phoenicians  would 
 naturally  obtain  the  supply  necessary  for  salting 
 fish  (Neh.  xiii.  18)  and  for  other  purposes.  The 
 Jews  appear  to  have  distinguished  between  rock- 
 .salt  and  that  which  was  gained  by  evaporation,  as 
 the  Talmudists  particularize  one  species  (probably 
 the  latter)  as  the  "  salt  of  Sodom."  The  salt-pits 
 formed  an  important  source  of  revenue  to  the  rulers 
 of  the  countiy,  and  Antiochus  conferred  a  valuable 
 boon  on  Jerusalem  by  presenting  the  city  with  375 
 bushels  of  salt  for  the  Temple  service.  In  addition 
 to  the  uses  of  salt  already  specified,  the  inferior 
 sorts  were  applied  as  a  manure  to  the  soil,  or  to 
 hasten  the  decomposition  of  dung  (Matt.  v.  13  ; 
 Luke  xiv.  35).  Too  large  an  admixture,  however, 
 was  held  to  produce  sterility ;  and  hence  also  arose 
 the  custom  of  sowing  with  salt  the  foundations  of  a 
 destroyed  city  (Judg.  is.  45),  as  a  token  of  its  irre- 
 trievable ruin.  The  associations  connected  with 
 salt  in  Eastern  countries  are  important.  As  one 
 of  the  most  essential  articles  of  diet,  it  symbolized 
 hospitality ;  as  an  antiseptic,  durability,  fidelity, 
 and  purity.  Hence  the  expression,  "  covenant  of 
 salt"  (Lev.  ii.  13;  Num.  xviii.  19;  2  Chr.  xiii. 
 5),  as  betokening  an  indissoluble  alliance  between 
 friends  ;  and  again  the  expression,  "salted  with  the 
 salt  of  the  palace"  (Ezr.  iv.  14),  not  necessarily 
 meaning  that  tliey  had  "  maintenance  from  the 
 palace,"  as  the  A.  Y.  has  it,  but  that  they  were 
 bound  by  sacred  obligations  of  fidelity  to  the  king. 
 So  in  the  present  day,  "  to  eat  bread  and  salt  to- 
 gether" is  an  expression  for  a  league  of  mutual 
 amity.  It  was  probably  with  a  view  to  keep  this 
 idea  prominently  before  the  minds  of  the  Jews  that 
 the  use  of  salt  was  enjoined  on  the  Israelites  in 
 their  offerings  to  God. 
 
 Salt,  City  of.  The  fifth  of  the  six  cities  of 
 Judah  which  lay  in  the  "  wilderness"  (Josh.  xv. 
 62).  Dr.  Robinson  expresses  his  belief  that  it  lay 
 somewhere  near  the  plain  at  the  south  end  of  the 
 Salt  Sea.  On  the  other  hand,  Mr.  Van  de  Velde 
 mentions  a  Nahr  Makh  which  he  passed  in  his 
 
 SALUTATION 
 
 811 
 
 route  from  Wady  el-Rmail  to  Sebbeh.  It  is  one  of 
 four  ravines  which  unite  to  fonn  the  Wady  el- 
 Bedun. 
 
 Salt,  Valley  of.  A  certain  valley,  or  perhaps 
 more  accurately  a  "  ravine,"  in  which  occurred  two 
 memorable  victories  of  the  Israelite  aiins.  1.  That 
 of  David  over  the  Edomites  (2  Sam.  viii.  13  ;  1  Chr. 
 xviii.  12).  2.  That  of  Amaziah  (2  K.  xiv.  7;  2 
 Chr,  XXV.  11).  Neither  of  these  notices  affords  any 
 clue  to  the  situation  of  the  Valley  of  Salt,  nor  does 
 the  cursory  mention  of  the  name  ("Gemela"  and 
 "  Mela")  in  the  Onomasticon.  By  Josephus  it  is 
 not  named  on  either  occasion.  Seetzen  was  pro- 
 bably the  first  to  suggest  that  it  was  the  broad  open 
 plain  which  lies  at  the  lower  end  of  the  Dead  Sea, 
 and  inteivenes  between  the  lake  itself  and  the 
 range  of  heights  which  crosses  the  valley  at  six  or 
 eight  miles  to  the  south.  The  same  view  is  taken 
 (more  decisively)  by  Dr.  Robinson.  It  may  be  well 
 to  call  attention  to  .some  considerations  wliich  seem 
 to  stand  in  the  way  of  the  implicit  reception  which 
 most  writers  have  given  it  since  the  publication  of 
 Dr.  R.'s  Researches,  (a.)  The  word  Ge,  employed 
 for  the  place  in  question,  is  not,  to  the  writer's 
 knowledge,  elsewhere  applied  to  a  broad  valley  or 
 sunk  plain  of  the  nature  of  the  lower  Ghor.  (6.) 
 A  priori,  one  would  expect  the  tract  in  question  to 
 be  called  in  Scripture  by  the  peculiar  name  uni- 
 formly applied  to  the  more  northern  parts  of  the 
 same  valley — ha-Ardbdk.  (c.)  The  name  "  Salt," 
 though  at  first  sight  conclusive,  becomes  less  so  on 
 reflection.  It  does  not  follow,  because  the  Hebrew 
 word  melach  signifies  salt,  that  therefore  the  valley 
 was  salt.  Just  as  el-Milh  is  the  Arabic  represen- 
 tative of  the  Hebrew  Moladah,  so  possibly  was  ge- 
 melach  the  Hebrew  representative  of  some  archaic 
 Edomite  name,  (d.)  What  little  can  be  inferred 
 fiom  the  narrative  as  to  the  situation  of  the  Ge- 
 Melach  is  in  favour  of  its  being  nearer  to  Peti  a. 
 
 Sa'ln,  The  father  of  Zimri  the  prince  of  the 
 Simeonites,  who  was  slain  by  Phinehas  (Num.  xxv. 
 14).     Called  also  Salom. 
 
 Sa'lum.  1.  Shalluji  8  (1  Esd.  v.  28).— 2. 
 Shallum  6  (1  Esd.  viii.  1). 
 
 Salutation.  Salutations  may  be  ckissed  under 
 the  two  heads  of  conversational  and  epistolary. 
 The  salutation  at  meeting  consisted  in  early  times 
 of  various  expressions  of  blessing,  such  as  "  God  be 
 gracious  unto  thee"  (Gen.  xliii.  29)  ;  "  Blessed  be 
 thou  of  the  Lord"  (Ruth  iii.  10  ;  1  Sam.  xv.  13)  ; 
 "  The  Lord  be  with  you,"  "  The  Lord  bless,  thee  " 
 (Ruth  ii.  4)  ;  "  The  blessing  of  the  Lord  be  upon 
 you  ;  we  bless  you  in  the  name  of  the  Lord  "  ( Ps. 
 cxxix.  8).  Hence  the  term  "bless"  received  the 
 secondary  sense  of  '•salute."  The  Hebrew  term 
 used  in  these  instances  (shalom)  has  no  special 
 reference  to  "peace,"  as  stated  in  the  marginal 
 translation,  but  to  general  well-being,  and  strictly 
 answers  to  our  "  welfare."  The  salutation  at  part- 
 ing consisted  originally  of  a  simple  blessing  (Gen. 
 xxiv.  60,  xsviii.  1,  xlvii.  10;  Josh.  xxii.  6),  but  in 
 later  times  the  term  shalom  was  introduced  here 
 also  in  the  form  "  Go  in  peace,"  or  rather  "  Fare- 
 well "  (1  Sam.  i.  17,  xx.  42  ;  2  Sam.  xv.  9).  In 
 modern  times  the  ordinary  mode  of  address  current 
 in  the  East  resembles  the  Hebrew: — Es-sddin 
 aleykwn,  "  Peace  be  on  you,"  and  the  term  "  salam" 
 has  been  introduced  into  our  own  lano;uage  to  de- 
 scribe the  Oriental  salutation.  The  epistolaTy  salut- 
 ations in  the  period  subsequent  to  the  0.  T.  were 
 framed  on  the  model  of  the  Latin  style :  the  addi- 
 
812  SAMAEL 
 
 tion  of  the  term  "peace"  may,  however,  be  re- 
 garded iis  a  vestige  of  the  old  Hebrew  form  (2  Mace. 
 i,  1).  The  writer  placed  his  own  name  first,  and 
 tlien  that  of  the  person  whom  he  saluted  ;  it  was 
 only  in  sped'ial  cases  that  this  order  was  revereed 
 (2  Mart-.,  i.  1,  ix.  19  ;  1  Esdr.  vi.  7).  A  combina- 
 tion of  the  first  and  third  persons  in  the  terms  of 
 the  salutation  was  not  unfrequent  (Gal.  i.  1,  2  ; 
 Philem.  1  ;  2  Pet.  i.  1).  A  foi'm  of  prayer  for 
 spiritual  mercies  w;us  also  used.  The  concluding 
 salutation  consisted  occasionally  of  a  translation  of 
 the  Latin  valcte  (Acts  xv.  29,  xxiii.  ;iO),  but  more 
 generally  of  the  term  a<Tird,(ofiai,  "  I  salute,"  or 
 the  cognate  substantive,  accompanied  by  a  prayer 
 for  peace  or  grace. 
 
 Sam'ael,  a  variation  for  (margin)  Salamiel 
 [Shki.u.mikl]  in  Jud.  viii.  1. 
 
 Samai'as.  1.  Siiemaiah  2S  (1  Esd.  i.  9).— 
 2.  SiiK.WAiAH  (1  Esd.  viii.  39).— 8.  The  "  gieat 
 Samaias,"  father  of  Ananias  and  Jonathas  (Tob. 
 V.  13). 
 
 Sama'ria  (IJeb.  ShomerSn),  a  city  of  Palestine. 
 The  word  Shomeron  means,  etymologically,  "  pei- 
 taiuing  to  a  watch,"  or  "a  watch-mountain  ;"  and 
 we  should  almust  be  inclined  to  think  that  the  pe- 
 culiarity of  the  situation  of  Samaria  gave  occasion 
 to  its  name.  In  the  territory  originally  belonging  to 
 the  tribe  of  Joseph,  about  six  miles  to  the  north-west 
 of  Shechem,  there  is  a  wide  basin-shaped  valley, 
 encircled  with  high  hills,  almost  on  the  e<lge  of  the 
 great  plain  which  borders  upon  the  Mediterranean. 
 In  tlie  centre  of  this  basin,  which  is  on  a  lower 
 level  than  the  valley  of  Shechem,  rises  a  less  elevated 
 oblong  hill,  with  steep  yet  accessible  sides,  and  a 
 long  flat  top.  This  hill  was  chosen  by  Omri,  as  the 
 site  of  the  caiiital  of  the  kingdom  of  Israel.  He 
 "  bought  the  hill  of  Samaria  of  Shemer  for  two 
 talents  of  silver,  and  bmlt  on  the  hill,  and  called 
 the  name  of  the  city  which  he  built,  after  the  name 
 of  the  owner  of  the  hill,  Samaria"  (1  K.  xvi.  23, 
 24).  From  the  date  of  Omi  i's  purchase,  B.C.  925, 
 Samaria  retained  its  dignity  as  the  ca])it;il  of  the 
 ten  tribes.  Ahab  built  a  temple  to  Baal  there 
 (IK.  xvi.  32,  33)  ;  and  from  this  circumstance  a 
 portion  of  the  city,  possibly  fortilied  by  a  separate 
 wall,  was  called  "  the  city  of  the  house  of  Baal " 
 (2  K.  X.  25).  Samaria  must  have  been  a  place  of 
 great  strength.  It  was  twice  besieged  by  the  Sv- 
 rians,  in  u.c.  901  (1  K.  xx.  1),  and  in  B.C.  892 
 (2  K.  vi.  24-vii.  20)  ;  but  on  both  occasions  the 
 siege  was  ineffectual.  The  possessor  of  Samaria 
 was  considered  de  facto  king  of  Israel  (2  K.  xv. 
 .S,  14) ;  and  woes  denounced  against  the  nation 
 were  directed  against  it  by  name  (is.  vii.  9,  kc). 
 In  B.C.  721,  Samaria  was  taken,  after  a  siege  of 
 three  years,  by  Shalmaneser  king  of  .Assyria  (2  K. 
 xviii.  9,  lo),  and  the  kingiiom  of  the  ten  tribes  was 
 put  an  end  to.  Some  years  afterwards  the  district 
 of  which  Samaria  was  the  centre  was  repeopled  by 
 Esarhaddon  ;  but  we  do  not  hear  especially  of  the 
 city  until  the  days  of  Alexander  the  Great.  That 
 conquei'or  took  the  city,  which  seems  to  have  some- 
 what recovered  if^i-lf,  killed  a  Inge  portion  of  the 
 inhabitants,  and  sullered  the  remainder  to  settle  at 
 Shechem.  He  replaced  them  by  a  colony  of  Syro- 
 Macedonians.  'i'hese  Syio- Macedonians  occupied 
 the  city  until  the  time  of  .lolwi  Hyrcanus,  who  took 
 it  after  a  ye;ir's  siege,  and  did  his  best  to  demolish 
 it  entirely.  After  this  dis!u>ter  (which  occurred  in 
 B.C.  109),  the  JewB  inhabited  what  remained  of 
 the  city  ;  at  least  we  find  it  in  their  possession  in 
 
 SAMARIA 
 
 the  time  of  Ale-xander  Jannaeus,  and  until  Pompey 
 gave  it  back  to  the  descendants  of  its  original  inhab- 
 itants. By  directions  of  Gabinius,  Samaria  and 
 other  demolished  cities  were  rebuilt.  But  its  more 
 effectual  rebuilding  was  unJerfciken  by  Herod  the 
 Great.  He  called  it  Sebdste,  'Xf^a(TTi)  =  Augusta, 
 after  the  name  of  his  patron.  How  long  S;miaria 
 maintained  its  splendour  after  Herod's  improve- 
 ments we  are  not  informed.  In  the  N.  T.  the  city 
 itself  does  not  ai)pe.^r  to  be  mentioned,  but  rather 
 a  portion  of  the  district  to  which,  even  in  older 
 times,  it  had  e:;tended  its  name  (Matt.  x.  5 ;  John 
 iv.  4,  5).  Henceforth  its  history  is  veiy  uncon- 
 nected. Srptimius  Severus  planted  a  Roman  colony 
 there  in  the  begiiming  of  the  third  century.  Se- 
 baste  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Mohammedans 
 during  the  siege  of  Jerusalem.  At  this  day  the 
 city  of  Omri  and  of  Herod  is  lepresented  by  a  small 
 village  retaining  lew  vestiges  of  the  past  except  its 
 name,  Sebustiyeh,  an  Arabic  corruption  of  Sebaste. 
 Some  architectural  remains  it  has,  partly  of  Chris- 
 tian construction  or  adaptation,  as  the  ruined  church 
 of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  j)artly,  perhaps,  traces  of 
 Idumaean  magnificence.  St.  Jerome,  whose  ac- 
 quaintance with  Palestine  impaits  a  sort  of  proba- 
 bility to  the  tradition  which  prevailed  so  strongly 
 in  later  days,  asserts  that  Sebaste,  which  he  inva- 
 liably  identifies  with  Samaiia,  was  the  place  in 
 which  St.  John  the  Baptist  was  imprisoned  and 
 suffered  death.  He  also  makes  it  the  burial-place 
 of  the  prophets  Elisha  aicd  Obadiah.^2.  'I"he  Sa- 
 maria named  in  the  present  text  of  1  Mace.  v.  66 
 is  evidently  an  error.  The  true  correction  is  doubt- 
 less supplied  by  Josephus,  who  has  Manssa  {i,  e. 
 Mahksha).— 3.  Samauia,  Samaritans.  In  the 
 strictest  sense  of  the  term,  a  Samaritan  would 
 be  an  inhabitant  of  the  citij  of  Samaiia.  But  it  is 
 not  found  Jit  all  in  this  sense,  exclusively  at  any 
 rate,  in  the  0.  T.  In  fact,  it  only  occurs  there 
 once,  and  then  in  a  wider  signification,  in  2  K.  xvii. 
 29.  There  it  is  employed  to  designato  those  whom 
 the  king  of  Assyria  had  "  placed  in  the  cities  of 
 Samaria  instead  of  the  children  of  Israel."  Sama- 
 ria at  first  included  all  the  tribes  over  which  Je- 
 roboam made  himself  king,  whether  east  or  west  of 
 the  river  Jordan  (1  K.  xiii.  32).  In  other  jilaces 
 m  the  historical  books  of  the  0.  T.  (with  the  exceji- 
 tionof  2  K.  xvii.  24,  26,  28,  29)  Samaria  seems  to 
 denote  the  citi/  exHusively.  But  the  iirophets  use 
 the  word  in  a  greatly  extended  sense.  Hence  the 
 word  Samaritan  must  have  denoted  every  one  subject 
 to  the  king  of  the  northern  capital.  But  whatever 
 extent  the  word  might  have  acquired,  it  necessarily 
 became  contracted  Jis  the  limits  of  the  kingdom  of 
 Israel  became  contracted,  in  all  probability  the 
 territory  of  Simeon  and  that  of  Dan  were  very 
 early  absorbed  in  the  kingdom  of  .hidah.  This 
 would  be  one  limitation.  Ne.\t,  in  B.C.  771  and 
 740  respectively,  "  Pul  king  of  Assyria,  and  Til- 
 gath-pilneser  king  of  Assyria,  au'iied  away  the 
 IJeubenites  and  the  Gadites,  and  the  half-tribe  of 
 Maiiasseh  "  (1  Chr.  v.  26).  This  would  he  a  second 
 limitation.  But  the  latter  of  these  kings  went 
 f  iirthoi' :  "He  took  Ijon,  and  Abcl-beth-niaachah, 
 and  Janoah,  and  Kedesh,  and  Hazor,  and  Gilead, 
 and  Galilee,  all  the  land  of  Naphtali,  and  carried 
 them  captive  to  Assyria"  (2  K.  xv.  29).  This 
 would  be  a  third  limitation.  But  we  have  yet  to 
 arrive  at  a  fourth  limitation  of  the  kingiiom  of 
 Samaria,  and,  by  consequence,  of  the  word  Sama- 
 ritan.    It  is  evident  from  an  occurrence  in  Htze- 
 
SAMARIA. 
 
 813 
 
 Sehustlyeh,  the  ancient  tJAJiAKiA,  from  the  E.N.E. 
 
 Behin>)  the  city  are  the  mountains  of  Ephraim,  verging  on  the  Plain  of  Sharon.  The  Mediterranean  Sea  is  in  the  furthest  distance. 
 The  oriij-inal  sketch  from  which  this  view  is  taken  was  made  by  William  Tipping,  Esq.,  in  1812,  and  is  engraved  by  his  kind 
 permission. 
 
 kiali's  reign,  that  just  before  the  deposition  and 
 death  of  Hoshea,  the  last  king  of  Israel,  the  author- 
 ity of  the  king  of  Judah,  or,  at  least,  his  influence, 
 was  recognised  by  portions  of  Asher,  Issachar,  and 
 Zebulun,  and  even  of  Ephraim  and  Manasseh  (2 
 Chr.  XXX.  1-26).  Men  came  from  all  those  tribes 
 to  the  Passover  at  Jerusalem.  This  was  about 
 B.C.  726.  Samaria  (the  city),  and  a  few  adjacent 
 cities  or  villages  only,  represented  that  dominion 
 which  had  once  extended  from  Bethel  to  Dan  north- 
 wards, and  fiom  the  Mediterranean  to  the  borders 
 of  Syria  and  Ammon  eastwards.  This  brinijs  us 
 more  closely  to  the  second  point  of  our  discu.ssion, 
 the  origin  of  those  who  are  in  2  K.  xvii.  29,  and 
 in  the  N.  T.,  called  Samaiitans.  Shalmaneser,  as 
 we  have  seen  (2  K.  xvii.  5,  6,  26),  carried  Israel, 
 i.  e.  the  remnant  of  the  ten  tiibes  which  still  acknow- 
 ledged Hoshea's  authority,  into  Assyria.  This  rem- 
 nant consisted,  as  has  been  shown,  of  Samaria  fthe 
 city)  and  a  few  adjacent  cities  and  villages.     Now, 
 
 1.  Did  he  carry  away  all  their  inhabitants,  or  no? 
 
 2.  Whether  they  were  wholly  or  only  partially  de- 
 solated, who  I'eplaced  the  de[iorted  population?  In 
 reference  to  the  former  of  these  inquiries,  it  may 
 be  observed  that  the  language  of  Scripture  admits 
 of  scarcely  a  doubt.  "Israel  was  carried  away" 
 (2  K.  xvii.  6,  23),  and  other  nations  were  placed 
 "  in  the  cities  of  Samaria  instead  of  the  children  of 
 Israel  "  (2  K.  xvii.  24).  There  is  no  mention  what- 
 ever, as  in  the  case  of  the  somewhat  paiallel  de- 
 ^truction  of  the  kingdom  of  Judah,  of  "  the  poor  of 
 the  land  being  left  to  be  vine-dressers  and  husband- 
 men "  (2  K.  XXV.  12).  We  may  then  conclude  that 
 the  cities  jf  Samaria  were  not  merely  partially  but 
 wholly  evacuated  of  their  inhabitants  in  B.C.  721, 
 and  that  they  remained  in  this  desolated  state  until, 
 in  the  words  of  2  K.  xvri.  24,  "  the  king  of  Assyria 
 brought  men  from  Babylon,  and  from  Cuthah,  and 
 from  Ava  (Ivah,  2  K.  xviii.  34),  and  from  Hamath, 
 and  from  Sepharvaim,  and  placed  them  in  the  cities 
 
 of  Samaria  instead  of  the  children  of  Israel :  and 
 they  possessed  Samaria,  and  dwelt  in  the  cities 
 thereof."  Thus  the  new  Samaiitans — for  such  we 
 must  now  call  them — were  Assyrians  by  birth  or 
 subjugation,  were  utterly  strangers  in  the  cities  of 
 Samaria,  and  were  exclusively  the  inhabitants  of 
 those  cities.  An  incidental  question,  however,  arises, 
 Who  was  the  king  of  Assyria  that  effected  this  colon- 
 ization? The  Samaritans  themselves,  in  Ezr.  iv. 
 2,  10,  attributed  their  colonization  not  to  Shal- 
 maneser, but  to  *'  Esar-haddon  king  of  Assur,"  or 
 to  "  the  great  and  noble  Asnapper,"  either  the  king 
 himself  or  one  of  his  generals  (about  B.C.  677). 
 The  fact  too,  that  some  of  these  foreigners  came 
 from  Babylon  would  seem  to  direct  us  to  Esar- 
 haddon,  rather  than  to  his  grandfather,  Shalmaneser. 
 And  there  is  another  reason  why  this  date  should 
 be  preferred.  It  coincides  with  the  termination  of 
 the  sixty-five  years  of  Isaiah's  prophecy,  delivered 
 B.C.  742,  within  which  "  Ephraim  should  be  broken 
 that  it  should  not  be  a  people  "  (Is.  vii.  8).  These 
 strangers,  whom  we  will  now  assume  to  have  been 
 placed  in  "the  cities  of  Samaria"  by  Esarhaddon, 
 were  of  course  idolateis,  and  worshipped  a  strange 
 medley  of  divinities.  God's  displeasure  was  kindled, 
 and  they  were  infested  by  beasts  of  prey,  which 
 had  probably  inci  eased  to  a  great  extent  before  their 
 entrance  upon  i.t.  On  their  explaining  their  mi- 
 serable condition  to  the  king  of  Assyria,  he  de- 
 spatched one  of  the  captive  priests  to  teach  them 
 "  how  they  should  fear  the  Lord."  The  priest 
 came  accordingly,  and  henceforth,  in  the  language 
 of  the  sacred  historian ,  they  "  feared  the  Lord,  and 
 served  their  graven  images,  both  their  children  and 
 their  children's  children :  as  did  their  fathers,  so  dc 
 they  unto  this  day"  (2  K.  xvii.  41).  Such  was 
 the  origin  of  the  post-captivity  or  new  Samaritans 
 — men  not  of  Jewish  extraction,  but  from  the  further 
 East.  A  gap  occurs  in  their  history  until  Judah 
 has  returned  from  captivity.     They  then  desire  to 
 
814 
 
 SAMARIA 
 
 be  allcnved  to  paiticijiate  in  the  rebuilding  of  the 
 Temple  at  Jerusalem.  But  they  lio  not  c;»ll  it  a 
 niti'mal  undertakini^.  They  advance  no  preten- 
 sions to  Jewish  blood.  They  confess  their  Assyrian 
 descent,  and  even  put  it  forward  ostentatiously, 
 j)erhaps  to  enhance  the  merit  of  tlieir  partial  con- 
 version to  God.  Ezra,  no  doubt,  from  whoso  |)en 
 we  have  a  record  of  the  transaction,  saw  them 
 through  and  through.  On  this  the  Siimaritaus 
 throw  otf  the  mask,  and  become  open  enemies,  frus- 
 trate the  operations  of  the  Jews  through  the  reigns 
 of  two  Persian  kings,  and  are  only  effectually  silenced 
 in  the  reign  of  D-arius  Hystiispis,  u.c.  519.  The 
 feud,  thus  unhappily  begun,  grew  year  by  year 
 more  inveterate.  Matteis  at  length  came  to  a 
 climax.  About  B.C.  409,  a  certain  Manasseh,  a 
 man  of  priestly  lineage,  on  being  e.xpelle<l  from  Je- 
 rusidem  by  Nehemiah  for  an  unlawful  marriage, 
 obtained  permission  from  the  Persian  king  of  liis 
 day,  Darius  Nothus,  to  build  a  tem])le  on  Mount 
 Gerizim,  for  the  Samaritans,  with  whom  he  had 
 found  refuge.  The  animosity  of  tlie  Samaritans 
 became  more  intense  than  ever.  They  are  said  to 
 have  done  everything  in  their  power  to  annoy  the 
 Jews.  Their  own  temple  on  Gerizim  they  consid- 
 ered to  be  much  superior  to  that  at  Jerusiilem. 
 There  they  sacriticed  a  passover.  Towards  the 
 mountain,  even  after  the  temple  on  it  had  fallen, 
 wlierever  they  were,  they  directed  their  worship. 
 To  their  copy  of  the  Law  they  ai'rogated  au  an- 
 tiquity and  authority  greater  tlwn  attached  to  any 
 co])y  in  the  jiossession  of  the  Jews.  The  Law  (j.  e. 
 the  five  books  of  Moses)  was  their  sole  code;  for 
 they  rejected  every  other  book  in  the  Jewish  canon. 
 The  Jews,  on  the  other  haml,  were  not  more  coii- 
 ciliatory  in  tiieir  treatment  of  the  Samaritans.  The 
 copy  of  the  Law  possessed  by  that  people  tJKy  de- 
 clared to  be  the  legacy  of  an  apostate  (Manasseh), 
 and  c;ist  grave  suspicions  upon  its  genuineness. 
 Ceitain  other  Jewish  renegades  had  from  time  to 
 time  taken  refuge  with  the  Samarifcms.  Hence,  by 
 degrees,  the  Samaritiins  claimed  to  jjartake  of  Jewish 
 blood,  e.specially  if  doing  so  hapjieued  to  suit  their 
 interest.  A  remarkable  instance  of  this  is  exhibited 
 in  a  request  which  they  made  to  Alexander  the 
 Great,  about  B.C.  382.  They  desired  to  be  excused 
 payment  of  tribute  in  the  Sabbatical  year,  on  tiie 
 plea  that  as  true  Israelites,  descendants  of  Ephraim 
 and  Manasseh,  sons  of  Josepji,  they  refrained  iVom 
 cultivating  their  land  in  that  year.  Another  in- 
 stance of  claim  to  Jewish  descent  appears  in  the 
 worils  of  the  woman  of  Samaria  to  our  Lord,  John 
 iv.  12,  "Art  thou  greater  than  our  father  Jacob, 
 who  gave  us  the  well  ?"  Very  far  were  the  Jews 
 Irom  admitting  this  claim  to  consiinguinity  on  the 
 ])ai-t  of  the^e  i)eo])le.  Tbey  were  ever  reminding 
 them  that  they  were  alter  all  mere  Cuthaeans, 
 mere  strangers  from  Assyria.  The  traditional  hatred 
 ici  which  the  Jew  held  the  Samaritan  is  expressed 
 in  Kcclus.  1.  2.5,  2(J.  Ami  so  long  was  it  before 
 such  a  temper  could  be  banished  from  the  Jewish 
 mind,  that  we  find  even  the  Ajwstlcs  believing  that 
 an  inhospitable  slight  shown  by  a  Samaritan  village 
 to  Christ  would  be  not  unduly  avenged  by  calling 
 down  tiie  fiom  heaven.  Such  were  the  Siimaritans 
 of  our  Lord's  day :  a  people  distinct  from  the  Jews, 
 thou','h  lying  in  the  very  midst  of  the  Jews ;  a 
 jH-ople  preserving  tltcir  identity,  though  seven  cen- 
 turies had  rolli-d  away  since  they  had  been  brought 
 from  Aiisyria  by  Ksarh.-idtlon,  and  though  they  ha.l 
 abnndone.1  their  polythewm  for  a  sort  of  ultra  Mo- 
 
 SAMARITAN  PENTATEUCH 
 
 I  saicism  ;  a  jifo|ile,  who — though  their  limits  liad 
 gradually  contracted,  ami  the  rallying-place  of  their 
 religion  on  Mount  Gerizim  had  been  destroyed  one 
 hundred  and  sixty  yeai-s  before  by  John  Hyrcanus 
 (B.C.  130),  and  tiiough  Siunaria  (the  city)  hai 
 be£n  again  and  again  destroyed,  and  though  their 
 territory  had  been  the  battle-tield  of  Syria  and 
 Egypt— still  preserved  their  nationality,  still  wor- 
 shipped from  Shechem  and  their  impoverishe*.!  settle- 
 ments towai-ds  their  s;icred  hill ;  still  retiiined  their 
 nationality,  and  could  not  coalesce  with  the  Jews. 
 Not  indeed  that  we  must  su])jx)se  that  the  whole 
 of  the  country  called  in  our  Lord's  time  Samaria, 
 w;is  in  tiie  possession  of  the  Cuthaean  Samariums, 
 or  that  it  had  ever  been  so.  It  was  bounded  uorth- 
 wai'd  by  the  range  of  hills  which  commences  at 
 Mount  Carmel  on  the  west,  and,  after  making  a 
 bend  to  the  south-west,  runs  almost  due  east  to  the 
 valley  of  the  Jordan,  forming  the  southern  border 
 of  the  plain  of  Esdraelou.  It  touched  towards  the 
 south,  as  nearly  as  possible,  the  northern  limits  of 
 Benjamin.  Thus  it  comprehended  the  ancient  ter- 
 ritory of  Ephraim,  and  of  those  Mmiassites  who 
 were  west  of  Jordan.  The  Cuthaean  Siimaiitans, 
 however,  possessed  only  a  few  towns  and  villages 
 of  this  large  area,  and  these  lay  almost  together  in 
 the  centie  of  the  district.  At  Ndblus  the  Sama- 
 ritans have  still  a  settlement,  consisting  of  about 
 200  persons.  The  view  maintained  in  the  above 
 remarks,  as  to  the  puiely  Assyrian  origin  of  the 
 New  Siimaritaus,  is  that  of  Suicer,  K'eland,  Ham- 
 mond, Diusius  in  the  Critici  Sacri,  MaKionatus, 
 Hengsteuberg,  Havernick,  Kobinson,  and  Abp. 
 Trench.  Othei-s,  as  Winer,  Dollinger,  and  Dr. 
 Davidson,  have  held  a  diflerent  view,  which  may 
 be  expiessed  thus  in  Diillinger's  own  words:  "In 
 the  northeiii  part  of  the  Promised  Land  (;is  opposed 
 to  Judaea  proper)  there  gi-ew  up  a  mingled  race 
 which  drew  its  oiigin  from  the  lemnant  of  the 
 Israelites  who  were  left  Ijehind  in  the  country  on 
 the  removal  of  the  Ten  Tribes,  and  also  from  the 
 iieathen  colonists  who  were  transplanted  into  the 
 cities  of  Israel.  Tlieir  religion  was  ;ts  hybrid  as 
 tlieir  extraction :  thc-y  worship|)ed  Jehovah,  but, 
 in  addition  to  Him,  also  the  heathen  idols  of  Phoe- 
 nician origin  which  they  had  brought  from  their 
 native  land "  {Ifeidenthuin  und  Judenthum,  p. 
 739.  §7). 
 
 Samaritan  Pentateuch,  a  Recension  of  the  com- 
 monly reioivcd  Ht'biew  Text  of  the  Mosaic  Law, 
 in  use  with  the  Samaritans,  and  wiitten  in  the 
 ancient  Hebrew  (/tr»),  or  so-c;illed  Samaritan  ch.a- 
 i-acter.  This  recension  is  found  vaguely  quoted  by 
 some  of  the  early  Fathei's  of  the  Church,  under  the 
 name  of  "  Xla\at6TaTov  'EISpaiKhv  to  irapa  2ajua- 
 peiTa7s.''  Eusebiiis  of  t"ae.sarea  observes  that  the 
 LXX.  and  the  S;im.  Pent,  agree  agaiu>t  the  lieteived 
 Text  ill  the  number  of  years  from  the  Deluge  to 
 Abraham.  Cyril  of  Alexandria  speaks  of  certaio 
 words  (Gen.  iv.  8),  wanting  in  the  Hebrew,  but 
 I'ouiid  in  the  Sanmritim.  The  Talmud,  on  the  other 
 hand,  mentions  the  Sam.  Piiit.  distinctly  and  con- 
 temptuously as  a  clumsily  lorged  record.  Down  to 
 within  the  last  two  hundred  and  titty  yeai-s,  how- 
 ever, no  copy  of  this  divergent  Code  of  Laws  had 
 reached  Europe,  and  it  began  to  be  pronounced  a 
 fiction,  and  the  j)lain  words  of  the  Church-Falheia 
 — the  better  known  authorities — who  (juoted  it, 
 well-  subjcvteii  to  subtle  inteiiuetations.  Suddenly, 
 in  ItJlG,  Pietro  dclla  \'nlle,  one  of  the  tii'st  di»- 
 coverci-s  also  of  the  Cuneiform  inscriptions,  acquired 
 
SAMARITAN  PENTATEUCH 
 
 a  coin]ilete  Codi'x  iVom  the  Samaritans  in  Damascus, 
 fa  l*V2;iit\vas  presented  by  Achilie  Harley  tie  Sancy 
 to  the  Library  of  the  Oratory  in  Paris,  and  in  IH'28 
 there  ajipeared  a  brief  description  of  it  by  J.  Mo- 
 linus  in  his  preface  to  the  Roman  text  of  the  LXX. 
 It  was  published  in  the  l^iris  Polyglott,  whence  it 
 was  copieil,  with  few  emendations  fVom  other  co- 
 dices, by  Walton.  Tiie  number  of  MSS.  in  Europe 
 gradually  grew  to  sixteen.  During  the  present 
 century  another,  but  very  fragmentary  copy,  was 
 acquired  by  the  Gotha  Library.  A  copy  of  the 
 entire  (?)  Pentateuch,  with  Targtim  (?  Sam.  Ver- 
 sion), in  parallel  columns,  4to.,  on  parchment,  was 
 brought  from  Ndbhis  by  j\lr.  Grove  in  1861,  for  the 
 Comte  de  Paris,  in  whose  library  it  is.  Respecting 
 the  external  condition  of  these  MSS.,  it  may  be  ob- 
 served that  their  sizes  vary  from  12mo.  to  folio, 
 and  that  no  scioU,  such  as  the  Jews  and  tlie  Sa- 
 maritans >ise  in  their  synagogues,  is  to  be  found 
 among  them.  Their  material  is  vellum  or  cotton- 
 paper  ;  the  ink  used  is  black  in  all  cases  save  the 
 scroll  used  by  the  Samaritans  at  Ndblns,  the  letters 
 of  which  are  in  gold.  There  are  neither  vowels, 
 accents,  nor  diacritical  points.  The  individual  words 
 are  separated  from  each  other  by  a  dot.  Greater 
 or  smaller  divisions  of  the  text  are  marked  by  two 
 dots  placed  one  above  the  other,  and  by  an  asterisk. 
 A  small  line  above  a  consonant  indicates  a  peculiar 
 meaning  of  the  word,  an  unusual  form,  a  passive, 
 and  the  like :  it  is,  in  fact,  a  contrivance  to  bespeak 
 attention.  The  whole  Pentateuch  is  divided  into 
 nine  hundred  and  sixty-four  paiagiaphs,  or  Kazzin, 
 the  termination  of  which  is  indicated  by  these 
 figures,  =,  /.,  or  •<^.  To  none  of  the  MSS.  which 
 have  as  vet  reached  Europe,  can  be  assigned  a  higher 
 date  than  the  10th  Christian  century.  The  scroll 
 used  in  Ndblus  is  said  by  the  Samaritans  to  have 
 been  written  by  Abishua  the  son  of  Phinehas.  Its 
 true  date  is  not  known.  The  Exercitationes  of 
 Morinus,  which  placed  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch 
 far  above  the  Received  Text  in  point  of  genuineness, 
 e.Ncited  and  kept  up  for  nearly  two  hundred  years 
 one  of  the  most  extraordinary  controversies  on  record. 
 Characteristically  enough,  however,  this  was  set  at 
 rest  once  foi'  all  by  the  very  first  systematic  inves- 
 tigation of  the  point  at  issue.  Ravius  succeeded 
 in  finallj'  disposing  of  this  point  of  the  superiority 
 (Excrcitt.  Phil,  in  Honbuj.  Prol.  Lugd.  Bat.  1 755  i. 
 It  was  from  his  day  forward  allowed,  almost  on  all 
 hands,  that  the  Masoretic  text  was  the  genuine  one, 
 but  that  in  doubtful  cases,  when  the  Samaritan  had 
 an  "  unquestionably  clearer  "  reading,  this  was  to 
 be  adopted,  since  a  certain  amount  of  value,  however 
 limited,  did  attach  to  it.  Here  the  matter  rested 
 until  1815,  when  Gesenius  (De  Pent.  Sam.  Origine, 
 Indole,  ct  Auctoritate)  abolished  the  remnant  of 
 the  authority  of  the  Sam.  Pent.  We  will  now  pro- 
 ceed to  lay  specimens  of  these  once  so  highly  prized 
 variants  before  tl>e  reader,  in  order  that  he  may 
 judge  for  himself.  We  shall  follow  in  this  the 
 commonly  leceived  arrangement  of  Gesenius,  who 
 divides  all  these  readings  into  eight  classes ;  to 
 which,  as  we  shall  afterwards  show,  Frankel  has 
 suggeste<l  the  addition  of  two  or  three  others, 
 while  Kirchheim  enumerates  thirteen,  which  we 
 will  name  hereat'ter.  1.  The  first  class,  then,  con- 
 sists of  readings  by  which  emendations  of  a  gram- 
 matical nature  have  been  attempted,  (a.)  The 
 quiescent  letters,  or  so-called  viatres  lectionis,  are 
 supplied.  (J).)  The  more  poetical  forms  of  the 
 pronouns,  probably   less   known  to  the  Sam.,  are 
 
 SAMARITAN  PENTATEUCH     815 
 
 altered  into  the  more  common  ones.  (c.)  The 
 same  propensity  for  completing  ajiparently  incom- 
 plete ibrms  is  noticeable  in  the  Huxion  of  the 
 verbs,  {d.)  On  the  other  hand  the  paragogical 
 letters  1  and  *  at  the  end  of  nouns,  are  almost  uni- 
 versally struck  out  by  the  Sam.  conector ;  and,  in 
 the  ignorance  of  the  existence  of  nouns  of  a  common 
 gender,  he  has  given  them  genders  according  to  his 
 fancy,  (e.)  Tlie  infin.  absol.  is,  in  the  quaintest 
 manner  possible,  reduced  to  the  form  of  the  finite 
 verb.  For  obsolete  or  rare  forms,  the  modern  and 
 more  common  ones  have  been  substituted  in  a  great 
 number  of  places.  2.  The  second  class  of  variants 
 consists  of  glosses  and  interpi-etations  received  into 
 the  text.  3.  The  third  class  exhibits  conjectural 
 emendations  of  real  or  imaginary  difficulties  in  the 
 Masoretic  text.  4.  The  fourth  class  exhibits  read- 
 ings in  which  apparent  deficiencies  have  been  cor- 
 rected or  supplied  from  parallel  passages  in  the 
 common  t«xt.  5.  The  fifth  class  is  an  extension 
 of  the  one  immediately  preceding,  and  comprises 
 larger  phrases,  additions,  and  repetitions  fi'om 
 parallel  passages.  6.  To  the  sixth  class  belong 
 those  "  emendations  "  of  passages  and  words  of  the 
 Hebrew  text  which  contain  something  objectionable 
 in  the  eyes  of  the  Samaritans,  on  account  either  of 
 historical  improbability  or  apparent  want  of  dignity 
 in  the  terms  applied  to  the  Creator.  Thus  in  the 
 Sam.  Pent,  no  one  in  the  antediluvian  times,  begets 
 his  first  son  after  he  has  lived  150  years:  but  one 
 hundred  years  are,  where  necessary,  subtracted  be- 
 fore, and  added  after  the  birth  of  the  first  son.  An 
 exceedingly  important  and  often  discussed  emenda- 
 tion of  this  class  is  the  passage  in  Ex.  xii.  40,  which 
 in  our  text  reads,  "  Now  the  sojourning  of  the 
 children  of  Israel  who  dwelt  in  Egypt  was  four 
 hundred  and  thirty  years."  The  Samaritan  has 
 "The  sojourning  of  the  children  of  Israel  [^and 
 their  fathers  who  dwelt  in  the  land  of  Canaan  and 
 in  the  land  of  Ef/ypf]  was  four  hundred  and  thirty 
 years :"  an  interpolation  of  very  late  date  indeed. 
 Again,  in  Gen.  ii.  2,  "  And  God  [?  J  had  finished  on  the 
 seventh  day,"  is  altered  into  "  the  sixth,"  lest  God's 
 rest  on  the  Sabbath-day  might  seem  incomplete.  7. 
 The  seventh  class  comprises  what  we  might  briefly 
 call  Samaritanisms,  i.  e.  certain  Hebrew  forms,  trans- 
 lated into  the  idiomatic  Samaritan.  8.  The  eighth 
 and  last  class  contains  alteiations  made  in  favour  or 
 on  behalf  of  Samaiitan  theology,  hermeneutics,  and 
 domestic  worship.  Thus  the  word  E/ohim,  four  times 
 construed  with  the  plural  verb  in  the  Hebrew  Penta- 
 teuch, is  in  the  Samaritan  Pent,  joined  to  the  singular 
 verb  (Gen.  xx.  13,  xxxi.  53,  xxxv.  7  ;  Ex.  xxii.  9) ; 
 and  further,  anthropomorphisms  as  well  as  anthropo- 
 pathisms  are  carefully  expunged — a  practice  very 
 common  in  later  times.  The  last  and  perhaps  most 
 momentous  of  all  intentiotial  alterations  is  the  con- 
 stant change  of  all  the  phrases,  "  God  will  choose  a 
 spot,"  into  "He  has  chosen,"  viz.  Gerizim,  and  the 
 well-known  substitution  of  Gerizim  for  Ebal  in 
 Deut.  xxvii.  4  (A.V.  5).  In  Exodus  as  well  as 
 in  Deuteronomy  the  Sam.  has,  immediately  after 
 the  Ten  Commandments,  the  following  insertions 
 from  Deut.  xxvii.  2-7  and  xi.  30:  "And  it  shall  be 
 on  the  day  when  ye  shall  pass  over  .Jordan  .  .  .  ve 
 shall  set  up  these  stones  ...  on  Mount  Gerizim 
 .  .  .  and  there  shalt  thou  build  an  altar  .  ,  .  '  That 
 mountain '  on  the  other  side  Jordan  by  the  way 
 where  the  sun  goeth  down ...  in  the  champaign 
 over  against  Gilgal,  beside  the  plains  of  Moreh, 
 '  over  against  Shechem :  " — this  last  superfluous 
 
816     SAMAKITAN  PENTATEUCH 
 
 ailditiou,  which  is  also  found  in  Deut.  xi.  30  of  the 
 Sam.  Pent.,  beini;  ridiculed  in  the  Tahnud.  Fioin 
 the  immense  number  of  these  worse  than  woithless 
 variants  Gesenius  has  singled  out  four,  which  he 
 thinks  prfferable  on  the  whole  to  those  of  the 
 MasoreticText.  We  will  confine  ourselves  to  men- 
 tioning; them,  and  refer  the  reader  to  the  recent 
 commentaries  upon  them:  he  will  find  that  they 
 too  have  since  been,  all  but  unanimously,  rejected. 
 (].^  After  the  words,  "And  Cain  spoke  to  liis 
 brother  Abel"  ((ien.  iv.  8),  the  Sam.  adds,  "let 
 us  go  into  the  field."  (2.)  In  Gen.  xxii.  13  the 
 Sam,  reads  instead  of  "  behind  him  a  lam,"  "  oTie 
 ram."  (3.)  For  (Gen.  xlix.  14)  "an  ass  of  bone," 
 I.  e.  a  strong  ass,  the  Sam.  has  "  an  ass  of  strangei-s." 
 And  (4-.)  for  •' he  led  forth  his  trained  servants" 
 ((!en.  .\iv.  14),  the  Sam.  reads  "  he  numbeied." 
 Iin])ort;int  additions  to  this  list  have  been  made  by 
 Frankel,  such  as  the  Samaritans'  preference  of  the 
 imperat.  for  the  3rd  ])ers.  ;  ignorance  of  the  use  of 
 the  abl.  absol.  ;  Galileanisms, — to  which  also  be- 
 longs the  jiermutation  of  the  letters  Alievi  in  the 
 Samaritan  Cod. ;  the  occasional  softening  down  of 
 the  Q  into  3,  of  2  into  3,  V  into  t,  Ike,  and  chiefly 
 the  piesence  of  words  and  phrases  in  the  Sam. 
 which  are  not  interiiolated  from  parallel  passages, 
 liut  are  entirely  wanting  in  our  text.  Frankel  de- 
 rives from  these  passages  chiefly  the  conclusion  that 
 the  Sam.  Pent,  was,  partly  at  least,  emendated  fiom 
 the  LXX.,  Onkelos,  and  other  very  late  sources. 
 We  now  subjoin,  for  the  sake  of  completeness,  the 
 beforementioned  thirteen  classes  of  Kirchheim.  1. 
 Additions  and  alterations  in  the  Samaritan  Penta- 
 teuch in  favour  of  Gerizim.  2.  Additions  for  the 
 purpose  of  completion.  3.  Commentary,  glosses. 
 4.  Change  of  verbs  and  moods.  5.  Change  of 
 nouns.  (3.  Emendation  of  seeming  irregularities  by 
 assimilating  forms,  &c.  7.  Permutation  of  letters. 
 8.  Pronouns.  9.  Gender.  10.  Letters  added.  11, 
 .Addition  of  ])repositions,  conjunctions,  articles,  &c. 
 12,  Junction  of  separated,  and  separation  of  joined 
 words.  13.  Chronological  alterations.  For  our  own 
 part  we  cannot  but  think  that  as  long  as — (1)  the 
 history  of  tlie  Samaritiuis  remains  involved  in  the  ob- 
 scurities of  which  a  former  article  will  have  given  an 
 account;  (2)  we  are  lestricted  to  a  small  number 
 of  comparatively  recent  Codices;  (3)  neither  these 
 Codices  themselves  Jiave,  as  lijis  just  been  observed, 
 been  thoroughly  collated  and  recoliated,  nor  (4)  more 
 than  a  feeble  beginuinghas  been  made  with  anything 
 like  a  collation  bet  ween  the  various  readings  of  the 
 Sam.  Pent,  and  the  LXX. ; — so  long  must  we  have 
 a  variety  of  the  most  divergent  opinions,  all  based 
 on  "probabilities,"  which  are  designated  on  the 
 other  side  as  "  false  leasonings  "  and  "  individual 
 crotchets,"  and  which,  moreover,  not  unfrofjucntly 
 stall  from  flagrantly  talse  premisses.  We  shall, 
 under  these  circum.stinces,  confine  our>elves  to  a 
 simple  eiumieration  of  the  leading  opinions,  and  the 
 f-hief  re;us(>i!s  and  arg^imentji  alleged  for  and  against 
 them: — ;1.)  'flie  SamaritiUi  Pentateuch  came  into 
 the  hands  of  the  Samaritans  as  an  Inheritance  from 
 the  ten  tiibes  whom  they  succeeded.  Because  ijt.) 
 It  seems  improbable  that  the  Siimaritans  should 
 have  :u!Cfpted  their  code  at  the  hands  of  the  Jews 
 after  the  Kxile,  since  there  existed  an  intense  hatred 
 k'tween  the  two  nationalities.  (J).)  The  Samaritan 
 Canon  has  only  the  Pentateuch  in  conmion  with  the 
 Hebrew  Canon:  had  that  b<K)k  InaMi  leceived  at  it 
 perii-i  wlun  tin-  llagiogra)iha  and  the  Prophets  were 
 is  the  Jew^'  hands,   it  would   be  sui  prising  if  they 
 
 SAMARITAN  PENTATEUCH 
 
 had  not  also  received  those,  (c.)  The  Sam.  letteis, 
 avowedly  the  more  ancient,  are  found  in  the  Sam. 
 Cod.;  theiefore  it  was  written  before  the  alteration 
 of  the  character  into  the  square  Hebrew — which 
 dates  from  the  end  of  the  Kxile — took  place.  On 
 the  other  side  it  is  argued  : — (a.)  There  existed  no 
 religvms  animosity  whatsoever  between  Judah  and 
 Israel  when  they  separated.  The  ten  tribes  could 
 not  therefore  have  bequeathed  such  an  animosity  to 
 those  who  succeeded  them.  On  the  contrary,  the 
 contest  between  the  slowly  judaized  Samaritans 
 and  the  Jews,  only  dates  tiom  the  jnoment  when 
 the  latter  lefused  to  recognise  the  claims  of  the 
 former,  of  belonging  to  the  j)eople  of  God,  and 
 rejected  their  aid  in  building  the  Temple.  (6.) 
 The  jealousy  with  which  the  Samaritans  regarded 
 Jerusalem,  and  the  intense  hatred  which  they 
 naturally  conceived  against  the  post-Mosaic  writers 
 of  national  Jewish  liistory,  would  sutlicientlv  ac- 
 count for  their  rejecting  the  other  books,  in  all  of 
 which,  save  Joshua,  Judges,  and  Job,  either  Jeru- 
 salem, as  the  centre  of  worship,  or  David  and  his 
 House,  are  extolled,  (c.  j  The  present  Hebrew  cha- 
 racter w;is  not  introduced  by  Ezra  after  the  return 
 from  the  Exile,  but  came  into  use  at  a  much  later 
 period.  The  Samaritans  might  therefore  have  re- 
 ceived the  Pentateuch  at  the  hands  of  the  returned 
 exiles,  who,  according  to  the  Talmud,  afterwards 
 changed  their  writing,  and  in  the  Pentateuch  only, 
 so  as  to  distinguish  it  from  the  Samaritan,  (2,) 
 The  second  leading  opinion  on  the  age  and  origin  ot 
 the  Sam.  Pent,  is  that  it  was  introduced  by  Mauits- 
 seh  at  the  time  of  the  foundation  of  the  Samaritan 
 Sanctuary  on  Mount  Gerizim.  In  suppwrt  of  this 
 opinion  are  alleged,  the  idolatry  of  the  Samaritans 
 before  they  received  a  Jewish  i)riest  through  Esiir- 
 haadon  (2  K.  xvii.  24-33;,  and  the  immense  num- 
 ber of  readings  common  to  the  LXX.  and  this  Code, 
 against  the  Masoretic  Text.  (3.)  Other,  but  veiy 
 isolated  notions,  are  those  of  Morin,  Le  Clerc,  Poncet, 
 &c.,  that  the  Israelitish  priest  sent  by  the  king  or 
 Assyiia  to  instruct  the  new  inhaiiitants  in  the  i-e- 
 ligion  of  the  country  brought  the  Pentateuch  with 
 him.  F'urther,  that  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch  was 
 the  production  of  an  impostor,  Dosithens,  who  lived 
 during  the  time  of  the  Apostles,  and  who  falsified 
 the  sacreil  records  in  order  to  prove  that  he  was 
 the  Messiah  (Ussher).  Against  which  there  is  only 
 this  to  be  obsen-ed,  that  there  is  not  the  slightest 
 alteration  of  such  a  nature  to  be  found.  Finally, 
 that  it  is  a  very  late  and  faulty  recension,  made  after 
 the  MasoreticText  (sixth  Century  after  Christ),  into 
 which  glosses  from  the  LXX.  had  been  received 
 (Frankel).  The  chief  opinions  with  respect  to  the 
 agreement  of  the  numerous  anil  nsyet  uninvestigated 
 readings  of  the  LX.\.  ami  the  Sam.  Pent,  are: — 
 
 1,  That  the  LX.X.  have  translated  fVom  the  S.-ini. 
 
 2,  That  mutual    interpolations    have  fciken    place. 
 
 3,  That  both  Versions  were  formed  irom  Hebrew 
 Codices,  which  differed  among  themselves  as  well 
 as  from  the  one  which  alfei  waixls  obtained  public 
 authority  in  Palestine;  that  h<iwevi-r  very  many 
 wilful  corruptions  and  interpolations  have  cejit  in 
 in  later  times.  4.  That  the  Samar,  has  in  the  main 
 been  altered  from  the  LXX.  It  must,  on  the  other 
 hand,  be  stated  also,  that  the  Sum.  and  LXX.  quite 
 as  often  di.Migree  with  each  other,  and  follow  each 
 the  Masor.  Text.  Also,  that  the  quotations  in  the 
 N.  T.  from  the  LX.X.,  wIilmc  th.y  coincide  witli 
 the  ."^ani.  against  the  Hebr.  Text,  are  so  small  in 
 numl>cr  and  of  so  unimportiuit  a  nature  that  tiicf 
 
SAMARITAN  PENTATEUCH 
 
 i-aniiiit  lie  adduced  as  any  argument  whatsoever.^ 
 II.  Viciisioxs. — 1.  Samaritan. — .^ccording  to  the 
 Samaritiins  themselves,  their  high-priest  Natliaiiiel, 
 who  died  about  20  B.C.,  is  its  author.     Gespuius 
 puts  iti  date  a  few  years  after  Clirist.     JuynboU 
 tiiinks  that  it  had  long  been   in  use   in  the  F.ficond 
 post-Cliristian  century.     Frankel    places  it  m  the 
 post-JIohammedaii   time.     It   seems    certain,  how- 
 ever, that  it  was  composed  before  the  destruction  of 
 the  second  temple ;    and   being  intended,  like  the 
 Targums,  for  the  use  of  the  people  exclusively,  it 
 was  written    in    the    popular   Samaritan    idiom,   a 
 mixture  of  Hebrew,  Aramaic,  and  Syriac.     In  this 
 version  the  original  has  been  followed,  with  a  very 
 lew  exceptions,  in  a  slavish  and  sometimes  perfectly 
 childish  manner,  the  sense  evidently  being  of  minor 
 consideration.     In  other  cases,  where  no  Samaritan 
 equivalent  could  be  found  for  the  Hebrew  word,  the 
 translator,  instead  of  paraphrasing  it,  simply  trons- 
 posss  its  letters,  so  as  to  make  it  look  Samaritan. 
 On  the  whole  it  may  be  considered  a  veiy  valuable 
 aid  towards  the  study  of  the  Samar.  Te.xt,  on  account 
 of  its  very  close  verbal    adherence.     A  few  cases, 
 however,  may  be  brought  forward,  where  the  Ver- 
 sion has  departed   fi'om  the  Text,  either  under  the 
 influence  of  popular  religious  notions,  or  for  the  sake 
 of  explanation.     Anthropomorphisms  are  avoided. 
 A   great  difficulty  is  offtjied  by  the  proper  names 
 which  this  version  often  substitutes,  they  being,  in 
 many  cases,  less  intelligible  than  the  original  ones. 
 The    similarity  it   has    with    Onkelos    occasionally 
 amounts  to  complete  identity  ;  but  no  safe  conclu- 
 sion as  to  the  respective  relation  of  the  i  wo  versions 
 can  be  drawn  from  this.    This  Version  has  likewise, 
 in  passing  through  the  hands  of  copyists  and  com- 
 mentators,  sutl'ered   many  interpolations  and    cor- 
 rupitions.      The  first   copy   of  it    was  brought  to 
 Europe  by  De  la  Valle,  together  with  the   Sam, 
 Text,   in  1616.     Joh.  Nedrinus   fii'st   published  it 
 together  with  a  faulty  Latin  translation  in  the  Paris 
 Polyglott,  whence  it  was,  with  a  few  emendations, 
 reprinted  in  Walton,  with  some  notes  by  Castell. 
 2.  Th  1aiJ.apeiriK6v.     The  hatred  between  the  Sa- 
 maritans ami  the  Jews  is  supposed  to  have  caused 
 the  former  to  prepare  a  Greek  translation  of  their 
 Pent,  in  opposition  to  the  LXX.  of  the  Jews.     In 
 this  way  at  least  the  existence  of  certain  fragments 
 of  a  Greek  Version  of  the  Sam.  Pent.,  preserved  in 
 some  MSS.  of  the  LXX.,  together  with  portions  of 
 Aquila,  Symmachus,  Theodotion,  &c.,  is  accounted 
 for.     These  fragments  are  supposed  to  be  alluded  to 
 by  the  Greek  Fathers  under  the  name  'S.afiapeniKov. 
 It  is  doubtful  however  whether  it  ever  existed  in  the 
 shape  of  a  complete  translation,  or  only  designated  a 
 certain  number  of  scholia  translated  from  the  Sam. 
 \'ersion.     Other  critics  again  see  in  it  only  a  cor- 
 rected  edition  of  certain  passages  of  the  LXX.     3. 
 In  1070  an   Arabic  Version  of  the  Sam.  Pent,  was 
 made  by  Abu  Said  in   Egypt,  on  the  basis  of  the 
 Arabic  translation  of  Saadiah  haggaon.     Like  the 
 original  Samaritan  it  avoids  Anthropomorphisms  and 
 Anthropopathisms,    replacing  the  latter  by  Euphe- 
 misms, besides  occasionally  muking  some  slight  alter- 
 ations, more  especially  in  proper  nouns.     It  appears 
 10  have  been  diawn  up  from  the  Sam.  Text,  not 
 from  the  Sam.  Veriion.     Often  also  it   renders  the 
 original  diH'erent  from  the  Samar.  Version.     4.  To 
 this  Arabic  version  Abu  Barachat,  a  Syrian,  wrote 
 in   1208   a    somewhat   paraphrastic   commentary, 
 which  has  by  degrees  come  to  be  looked  upon  as  a 
 aew  Veisioa — thi  Syriac— Hi.  Samaritan  Liter- 
 Con.  D.  B. 
 
 SAMARITAN  PENTATEUCH     817 
 
 ATURE.  —  It  may  perhaps  not   be  superfluous  tc 
 add  here  a  concise  account  ot  the  Samaritan  litera- 
 ture in  general,  since  to  a  certain  degree  it  bcitra 
 upon  our  subject.      1.   Chronicon  Sanuiritanum. — 
 Of  the  Pentateuch  and  its  Versions  we  have  spoken. 
 We  have  also  mentioned  that  the  Samaritans  have 
 no  other  book  of  our  Received  Canon.    Joshua  alone 
 seems  to  have  found  favour  in  their  eyes  ;  but  the 
 Boo'i  of  Joshua,  which  they  peihaps  possessed   in 
 its  original  form,  gradually  came  to  form  only  the 
 groundwork   of  a  fictitious  national  Samaritan  his- 
 tory, overgrown  with  the  most  fantastic  and  ana- 
 chronistic legends.    This  is  the  so-called  *•  Samaritan 
 Joshua,"  or  Chronicon  Samar itanum,  sent  to  Scaliger 
 by  the  Samaritans  of  l3airo  in  1584.     It  was  edited 
 by  JuynboU  (Ley den,  1848),  and  his  acute  investig- 
 ations have  shown  that  it  was  redacted  into  its 
 present  form  about  A.D.  1300,  out  of  four  special 
 documents,  three  of  which  were   Arabic,  and  one 
 Hebrew  {i.  e.  Samaritan).     The  chronicle  embraces 
 the  time  from  Joshua  to  about  A.  D.  350,  and  was 
 originally   written    in,    or  subsequently  translated 
 into,  Arabic.     2.  From  this  woik  chiefly  has  been 
 compiled  another  Chronicle  written  in  the  14th  cen- 
 tury (1355),  by  Abu'l  Fatah.     This  comprises  the 
 history  of  the  Jews  and  Samaritans  from  Adam  to 
 A.  H.  756  and  798  (a.D.  1355  and   1397)  respect- 
 ively.    It  is  of  equally  low  historical  value  ;  its 
 only  remarkable  feature  being  the  adoption  of  certain 
 Talmudical  legends,  which  it  took  at  second  hand 
 from  Josippon  ben  Gorion.     3.  Another  "  historical  " 
 work  is  on  the  history  and  genealogy  of  the  patri- 
 archs, from  Adam  to  Moses,  attributed  to  Moses 
 himself;  perhaps  the  same  which  Pelermann   saw 
 at  Nahlus,  and  which  consisted  of  sixteen  vellum 
 leaves  (supposed,  however,  to  contain  the  history 
 of  the  world  down  to  the  end).     4.  Of  other  Sa- 
 maritan works  chiefly  in  Arabic — their  Samaritan 
 and  Hebrew  literature  having  mostly  been  destroyed 
 by  the  Emperor   Commodus — may  be  briefly  men- 
 tioned  Commentaries  upon  the  whole  or  parts  of 
 their  Pentateuch,  by  Zadaka  b.  Manga  b.  Zadaka  ; 
 further,    by  Maddin  Eddin   Jussuf  b.  Abi  Said  b. 
 Khalef ;  by  Ghazal  Ibn  Abu-1-Surur  Al-Saf;iwi  Al- 
 (ihazzi  (A.  H.  1167-8,  a.d.  1753-4,  Brit.  Mus.),  &c. 
 Theological  works  chiefly  in  Arabic,  mixedwith  Sa- 
 maritanisins,  by  Abul  Hassan  of  Tyre,  On  the  reli- 
 (jious  Manners  and  Customs  of  the  Samaritans,  and 
 the  World  to  come ;  by  Mowaft'ek  Eddin  Zadaka  el 
 Israili,  A  Compendium  of  Eeligion,  on  the  Nature 
 of  the  Divine  Being,  on  Man,  on  the  Worship!  of 
 God;  by  Amin   Eddin  Abu'l  Baracat,  On  the  Ten 
 Commandments;  by  Abu'l  Hassan  Ibn  el  Markum 
 Gonajem  ben  Abulfaraj'  Ibn  Chatar,  On  Penance; 
 by  Muhaddib  Eddin  Jussuf  Ibn  Salamah  Ibn  Jussuf 
 Al   Askari,   An   Exposition  of  the  Mosaic  Laws, 
 &c.,  &c.     Some  grammatical  works  may  be  further 
 mentioned,  by  Abu  Ishak  Ibrahim,  On  the  Hebrew 
 Language;  bv  Abu  Said,  On  reading  the  Hebrew 
 Text.     5.  Their  Liturgical  literature  is  more  exten- 
 sive, .ind  not  without  a  certain  poetical  value.     It 
 consists   chiefly  of  hymns    (Defter,    Durran)    and 
 prayers  for  Sabbath  and  Feast  days,  and  of  occasional 
 piayers  at  nuptials,  circumcisions,  burinls,  and  the 
 like.— IV.  We  shall  only  biiefly  touch  heie,  in  con- 
 clusion, upon  the  strangely  contradictory  rabbinical 
 laws  framed  for  the  regulation  of  the  intercourse 
 between  the  two  rival  nationalities  of  Jews  and  Sa- 
 maritans in  religious  and  ritual  matters ;    discrep- 
 ancies due  partly  to  the  ever-shifting  phases  of  their 
 mutual  relations,  partly  to  themoditiciitions  brought 
 
 3  a 
 
818 
 
 SAMATUS 
 
 alwu.in  the  SamaiiUm  cieeil,  i\iiil  partly  to  the  now 
 less  now  greater  accjuiescence  of  the  Jews  in  the 
 religious  state  of  the  Samaritans.  Thus  we  find 
 the  older  Talmudical  authorities  disputing  whether 
 tiio  Cuthlni  (Samaritans)  are  to  be  considered  as 
 ''  lital  Converts,"  or  only  converts  through  fear — 
 " Lion  Converts" — in  allusion  to  the  incident  re- 
 lated in  2  K.  xvii.  25.  It  would  appear  that  not- 
 withstanding their  rejection  of  all  hut  the  Pentateuch, 
 they  had  adopted  many  traditional  religious  prac- 
 tices from  the  Jews — principally  such  as  were  de- 
 rived diiect  from  the  Books  of  J.Ioses.  It  was 
 aclvnowledged  that  they  kept  these  ordinances  with 
 even  greater  rigour  than  those  from  whom  they 
 adopted  them.  Their  unleavened  bread  for  the  Pass- 
 over is  commended  ;  their  cheese;  and  even  their 
 whole  food  is  allowed  to  the  Jews.  Their  testimony 
 was  valued  in  that  most  stringent  matter  of  the 
 letter  of  divorce.  They  were  admitted  to  the  otiice 
 Df  circimicising  Jewish  boys.  The  criminal  law 
 makes  no  difference  whatever  between  them  and 
 the  Jews.  By  degrees,  however,  inhibitions  began 
 to  be  laid  upon  the  use  of  their  wine,  vinegar,  bread. 
 We  hear  of  their  exclusion  by  R.  Meir,  m  the  third 
 generation  of  the  Tanaim,  and  later  again  under  K. 
 Abbuha,  the  Amora,  at  the  time  of  Diocletian  ;  this 
 time  the  exclusion  was  unconditional  and  final. 
 Partaking  of  their  bread  was  consideied  a  trans- 
 gression, to  be  punished  like  eating  the  flesh  of 
 swine.  In  Matt.  x.  5  Samaritans  and  Gentiles  are 
 already  mentioned  together;  and  in  Luke  xvii.  IS 
 the  Samaritan  is  called  "  a  stranger."  The  reason 
 for  this  exclusion  is  variously  given. 
 
 Sam'atus.  One  of  the  sons  of  Ozora  in  the  list 
 of  1  lOsd.  ix.  :u. 
 
 Samei'us.     Siiemaiaii  13  (1  Ksd.  ix.  21). 
 
 Sam'gar-Ne'bo.  One  of  the  princes  or  genernls 
 of  the  king  of  lialiylon  who  commanded  the  vic- 
 torious aiuiy  of  the  Chaldaeans  at  the  capture  of 
 Jerusalem  (Jer.  xxxix.  3).  The  N^cbo  is  the  Chal- 
 daean  Mercury  ;  about   the   Samgar,  opinions  are 
 
 Sa'mi.     SiiOBAi  (1  Esd.  v.  28). 
 
 Sa'mis.     Siiimei  13  (1  Esd.  ix.  34). 
 
 Samlah,  Gen.  .xxxvi.  3G,  37 ;  1  Chr.  i.  47,  48. 
 One  of  the  kings  of  Edom,  successor  to  Hadad  or 
 Hadar. 
 
 Sam'mus.     Siiema  (1  Esd.  ix.  43). 
 
 Sa'mos.  A  very  illustiious  Greek  island  ofT  that 
 part  of  Asia  Minor  where  lONiA  touches  Caria. 
 Samos  is  a  very  lofty  and  commanding  island.  The 
 Ionian  Samos  comes  before  our  notice  in  the  detailed 
 account  of  St.  Paul's  return  from  his  third  mission- 
 ary journey  (Acts  XX.  15).  He  had  been  at  Chios, 
 and  was  about  to  proceed  to  Miletus,  having  passed 
 by  Ephosus  wi-thont  touching  there.  The  topo- 
 graphical notices  given  incidentally  by  St.  Luke  are 
 mo>t  exact.  In  the  time  of  Herod  the  (Jreat,  and 
 when  St.  Paul  was  there,  it  w;is  politically  a  "free 
 city  "  in  the  province  of  ASIA. 
 
 Samothra'cia.     The  mention  of  this  island  in 
 the   iujcount  of   St.  Paul's  first  vovage  to  Europe  1 
 '^Acts  xvi.  1 1 )  is  for  two  reasons  worthy  of  careful  | 
 notice.     In  the  fii-st  (ilace,  being  a   very  loliy  and  i 
 conspicuous  island,  it  is  an  excellent  landmark  for  I 
 sailors,  and  must  have   been   full   in   view,  if  the 
 weather  was  clear,  throughout  that  voyage  from  | 
 Troas  to  Ni-apolis.     Secondly,  this  voyage  was  made 
 with  a  fair  wind.     Not  only  arc  we  told   that  it 
 oecupiixl    only    parts  of    two  days,   whereas   on  a 
 sobsequcnt   return-voyage  (Acts  xx.    (i)  the  time 
 
 SAMSON 
 
 spent  at  sea  was  five:  but  the  technical  word  here 
 used  implies  that  they  ran  before  the  wind.  Now 
 the  position  of  Samotiuace  is  exactly  such  as  to  cor- 
 respond with  these  notices,  and  thus  incidentally  to 
 conlirm  the  accuracy  of  a  most  artless  narrative. 
 St.  Paul  and  his  companions  anchored  for  the  night 
 oft'  Samothrace.  The  ancient  city,  and  therefore 
 probably  the  usual  anchorage,  was  on  the  N.  side, 
 which  would  be  sufficiently  sheltered  from  a  S.E. 
 wind.  In  St.  Paul's  time  Samothrace  had,  accord- 
 ing to  Pliny,  the  privileges  of  a  small  free  state, 
 though  it  was  dotibtless  consideied  a  dependency  of 
 the  province  of  Macedonia. 
 
 Samp'sames  (1  Mace.  xv.  23).  The  name  pro- 
 bably nut  of  a  sovereign,  but  of  a  place,  which 
 (iriniin  identifies  with  Siimsnn  on  the  coast  of  the 
 Black  Sea,  between  Sinope  and  Trebizond. 
 
 Sam 'son,  son  of  Manoah,  a  man  of  the  town  of 
 Zorah,  in  the  tribe  of  Dan,  on  the  border  of  Judah 
 (Josh.  XV.  33,  xix.  41).  The  miraculous  circum- 
 stances of  his  birth  are  recorded  in  Judg.  xiii.  ;  and 
 the  three  following  chapters  are  devoted  to  the 
 history  of  his  life  and  exploits.  Samson  takes  his 
 place  in  Scripture,  (1)  as  a  judge — an  oflice  which 
 he  filled  for  twenty  years  (Judg.  xv.  20,  xvi.  31)  ; 
 
 (2)  as  a   Nazarite   (Judg.  xiii.   5,  xvi.    17)  ;  and, 
 
 (3)  as  one  endowed  with  supernatural  power  by  the 
 Spirit  of  the  Lord  (Judg.  xiii.  25,  xiv.  G,  19,  xv. 
 14).  (1.)  As  a  judge  his  authority  seems  to  have 
 been  limited  to  the  district  bordering  upon  the 
 countiy  of  the  Philistines,  and  his  action  ;us  a  deliv- 
 erer does  not  seem  to  have  extended  beyond  de- 
 sultory attacks  upon  the  dominant  I'hilistines.  It 
 is  evident  from  Judg.  xiii.  1,  5,  xv.  9-11,  20,  and 
 the  whole  history,  that  the  Israelites,  or  at  least 
 Judah  and  Dan,  which  are  iIk;  only  tribes  mentioned, 
 were  subject  to  the  Philistines  thiough  the  whole 
 of  Samson's  judgeship  ;  so  that  Samson's  twenty 
 years  of  office  would  be  included  in  the  forty  yeai-s 
 of  the  Philistine  dominion.  From  the  angel's  speech 
 to  Samson's  mother  (Judg.  xiii.  5),  it  ajijiears  I'ur- 
 ther  that  the  Israelites  were  already  subject  to  the 
 Philistines  at  his  birth;  and  as  Siuiison  ainnot  have 
 begun  to  be  judge  before  he  was  twenty  ycai-s  of 
 age,  it  fbllowvi  that  his  judgeship  must  have  coin- 
 cided with  the  last  twenty  j'eai^s  of  Philistine  do- 
 minion. But  when  we  turn  to  the  First  Book  of 
 Samuel,  and  especially  to  vii.  1-14,  we  find  that  the 
 Philistine  dominion  ce:ised  under  the  judgeship  of 
 S;imuel.  Hence  it  is  obvious  to  conclude  that  the 
 early  part  of  Samuel's  judgeship  coincided  with 
 the  latter  part  of  Samson's;  and  that  the  capture 
 of  the  ark  by  the  Philistines  in  the  time  of  Eli 
 occurred  during  Samson's  lifetime.  There  are  be- 
 sides several  points  in  the  respective  narratives  of 
 the  times  of  Samson  and  Samuel  which  indicate 
 great  proximity.  'I'here  is  no  allusion  whatever  to 
 other  [larts  of  Israel  dining  Samson's  judgeshij*,  ex- 
 cept the  single  fact  of  the  men  of  the  l)order  trilie 
 of  Judah,  3000  in  number,  t'etching  him  from  the 
 rock  Etam  to  deliver  him  np  to  the  Philistines 
 (Judg.  XV.  0-13).  The  whole  narrative  is  entirely 
 local,  and,  like  the  followin^g  story  concerning  Micah 
 (.ludg.  xvii.,  xviii.),  seems  to  be  taken  from  the 
 annals  of  the  tribe  of  Dan.  (2.)  As  a  Nazarite, 
 Simison  exhibits  the  law  in  Num.  vi.  in  full  pi-actice. 
 (3.)  Samson  is  one  of  those  who  are  distinctly  spoken 
 of  in  Scri])tnre  as  endowed  with  siipernafni-al  power 
 by  theSjnrit  of  the  Lord.  "The  Spirit  of  the  Lord 
 began  to  move  him  at  times  in  Mahaiieh-Dan." 
 "The  Spirit  of  the  Lonl  came  mightily  upon  Inm, 
 
SAMUSL 
 
 an  I  the  cords  that  were  upon  his  arms  became  as 
 fi.ix  burnt  with  fire."  "  The  Spirit  of  tiic  Lord 
 came  upon  him,  and  he  went  down  in  A.-.kelon,  and 
 slew  thirty  men  of  them."  'I'lit  phrase,  "  the 
 Spirit  of  the  Lord  came  upon  him,"  is  common  to 
 him  with  Othniel  and  Gideon  (Judg.  iii.  10,  vi.  34) ; 
 but  the  connexion  of  supernatural  power  with  the 
 integrity  of  the  Nazaritic  vow,  and  the  particular 
 gift  of  great  strength  of  body,  are  quite  peculiar  to 
 Samson.  Indeed,  his  whole  character  and  history 
 have  no  exact  parallel  in  Scriptuie.  It  is  easy, 
 however,  to  see  how  forcibly  the  Israelites  would 
 be  taught,  by  such  an  example,  that  their  national 
 strength  lay  in  their  complete  separation  fiom 
 idolatry,  and  consecration  to  the  true  God  ;  and 
 that  He  could  give  them  power  to  subdue  their 
 mightiest  enemies,  if  only  they  were  true  to  His 
 service  (comp.  1  Sam.  ii.  10).  It  is  an  interesting 
 question  whether  any  of  the  legends  which  have 
 attached  themselves  to  the  name  of  Hercules  may 
 have  been  derived  from  Phoenician  traditions  of  the 
 strength  of  Samson.  The  combination  of  great 
 strength  with  submission  to  the  power  of  women  ; 
 the  slaying  of  the  Nemaean  lion  ;  the  coming  by 
 his  death  at  the  hands  of  his  wife ;  and  especially 
 the  story  told  by  Herodotus  of  the  captivity  of 
 Hercules  in  Egypt,  are  ceitainly  remarkaljle  coinci- 
 dences. Phoenician  traders  might  easily  have  car- 
 ried stories  concerning  the  Hebrew  hero  to  the  dif- 
 ferent countries  where  they  traded,  especially  Greece 
 and  Italy ;  and  such  stoi'ies  would  have  been 
 moulded  according  to  the  taste  or  imagination  of 
 those  who  heard  them.  Whatever  is  thought,  how- 
 ever, of  such  coincidences,  it  is  certain  that  the 
 history  of  Samson  is  an  historical,  and  not  an  alle- 
 gorical narrative.  It  has  also  a  distinctly  super- 
 natural element  which  cannot  be  explained  away. 
 The  history,  as  we  now  have  it,  must  have  been 
 written  several  centuries  after  Samson's  death  (Judg. 
 XV.  19,  20,  xviii.  1,  30,  xix.  1),  though  probably 
 taken  from  the  annals  of  the  tribe  of  Dan.  The  only 
 mention  of  Samson  in  the  N.  T.  is  that  in  Heb.  xi.  32. 
 Sam'uel.  The  last  Judge,  the  first  of  the  regular 
 succession  of  Piophets,  and  the  founder  of  the 
 monarchy.  He  was  the  son  of  Elkanah,  an  Ephra- 
 thite  or  Ephraimite,  and  Hannah  or  Anna.  The 
 descent  of  Elkanah  is  involved  in  great  obscurity. 
 In  1  Sam.  i.  1  he  is  described  as  an  Ephraimite.  In 
 1  Chr.  vi.  22,  23  he  is  made  a  descendant  of  Korah 
 the  Levite.  His  birthplace  is  one  of  the  vexed 
 questions  of  sacred  geography,  as  his  descent  is  of 
 sacred  genealogy.  [See  Kamathaim-Zophim.] 
 The  combined  family  must  have  been  large.  Penin- 
 nah  had  several  childi'en,  and  Hannah  had,  besides 
 Samuel,  three  sons  and  two  daughters.  It  is  on  the 
 mother  of  Samuel  that  our  chief  attention  is  fixed 
 in  the  account  of  his  birth.  She  is  described  as  a 
 woman  of  a  high  religious  mission.  Almost  a 
 Nazaiite  by  practice  (1  Sam.  i.  15),  and  a  pro- 
 phetess in  her  gifts  (1  Sam.  ii.  1),  she  sought  ti'om 
 God  the  gift  of  the  child  tor  which  she  longed  with 
 a  passionate  devotion  of  silent  prayer,  of  which 
 there  is  no  other  example  in  the  0.  T.,  and  when 
 the  son  was  granted,  the  name  which  he  boie,  and 
 thus  fiist  introduced  into  the  world,  expressed  her 
 sense  of  the  urgency  of  her  entreaty — Samuel,  "  the 
 Asked  or  Heard  of  God."  Living  in  the  great  age 
 of  vows,  she  had  before  his  birth  dedi&ited  him  te 
 the  office  of  -i  Nazarite.  As  soon  as  he  was  weaned, 
 ghe  herself  ^vith  her  husband  brought  him  to  the 
 Tabernacle  at  Shiloh,  where  she  had  received  the 
 
 SAMUEL 
 
 8Uj 
 
 firet  intimation  of  his  biith,  and  theie  solemnlv  con- 
 secrated him.  The  hymn  which  followed  on  this 
 consecration  is  the  first  of  the  kind  in  the  sacred 
 volume.  From  this  time  the  child  is  shut  up  in 
 the  tabeinacle.  He  seems  to  have  slejjt  within  the 
 Holiest  Place  (1  Sam.  iii.  3),  and  his  special  duty- 
 was  to  put  out,  as  it  would  seem,  the  sacred  candle- 
 stick, and  to  open  the  doors  at  sunrise.  In  this 
 way  his  childhood  was  passed.  It  was  whilst  thus 
 sleeping  in  the  tabernacle  that  he  received  his  first 
 piophetic  call  (1  Sam.  iii.  1-18).  From  this 
 moment  the  prophetic  character  of  Samuel  was 
 established.  His  words  were  treasured  up,  and 
 Shiloh  became  the  resort  of  those  who  came  to  liear 
 him  (iii.  19-21).  In  the  overthrow  of  the  sanctuary, 
 which  followed  shortly  on  this  vision,  we  hear  not 
 what  became  of  Samuel  (iv.  11).  He  next  appears, 
 probably  twenty  years  afterwards,  suddenly  amongst 
 the  people,  warning  them  against  their  idolatrous 
 practices  (vii.  3,  4).  He  convened  an  assembly  at 
 IMizpeh,  j)robably  the  place  in  Benjamin.  It  was  at 
 the  moment  that  he  was  otfering  up  a  sacrifice,  that 
 the  Philistine  host  suddenly  burst  upon  them.  A 
 violent  thunderstorm  came  to  the  timely  assistance 
 of  Israel.  The  Philistines  fled,  and,  exactly  at  the 
 spot  where  twenty  years  before  they  had  obtained 
 their  great  victoiy,  they  were  totally  j'outed.  A 
 stone  was  set  up,  which  long  remained  as  a  memorial 
 of  Samuel's  triumph,  and  gave  to  the  place  its  name 
 of  Eben-ezer,  "  the  Stone  of  Help  "  (1  Sam.  vii.  12). 
 This  was  Samuel's  first  and,  as  far  as  we  know,  his 
 only  military  achievement.  But  it  was  appaiently 
 this  which  raised  him  to  the  office  of  "Judge" 
 (comp.  1  Sara.  xii.  11,  and  Ecclus.  xlvi.  15-18). 
 He  visited,  in  discharge  of  his  duties  as  ruler,  the 
 three  chief  sanctuaries  on  the  west  of  Jordan — 
 Bethel,  Gilgal,  and  Mizpeh  (1  Sam.  vii.  16).  His 
 own  residence  was  still  his  native  city,  Kamah  or 
 Ramathaim,  which  he  further  consecrated  by  an 
 altar  (vii.  17).  Here  he  mairied,  and  two  son!> 
 grew  up  to  repeat  under  his  eyes  the  same  per- 
 version of  high  office  that  he  had  himself  witnessed 
 in  his  childhood  in  the  case  of  the  two  sons  of  Eli. 
 In  his  old  age  he  shared  his  power  with  them 
 (1  Sam,  viii.  1-4.)  2.  Down  to  this  point  in 
 Samuel's  life  there  is  but  little  to  distinguish  his 
 career  from  that  of  his  predecessors.  But  his  peculiar 
 position  in  the  sacred  narrative  turns  on  the  events 
 which  follow.  He  is  the  maugurator  of  the  trans- 
 ition fioni  what  is  commonly  called  the  theocracj 
 to  the  monarchy.  The  misdemeanor  of  his  own 
 sous  precipitated  the  catastrophe  which  had  been 
 long  preparing.  The  people  demanded  a  king.  For 
 the  whole  night  he  lay  fasting  and  sleepless,  in  the 
 perplexity  of  doubt  and  difficulty.  In  the  vision  of 
 that  night,  as  recorded  by  the  sacred  historian,  is 
 given  the  dark  side  of  the  new  institution,  on  which 
 Samuel  dwells  on  the  following  day  (1  Sam.  viii. 
 9-18).  This  presents  his  reluctance  to  receive  the 
 new  order  of  things.  The  whole  narrative  of  the: 
 reception  and  consecration  of  Saul  gives  his  ac- 
 quiescence in  it.  The  final  conflict  of  feeling  and 
 surrender  of  his  office  is  given  in  the  last  assembly 
 over  which  he  presided,  and  in  his  subsequent  re- 
 lations with  Saul.  The  assembly  was  held  at  Gilgal, 
 immediately  after  the  victory  over  the  Ammonites. 
 The  monaichy  was  a  second  time  solemnly  in- 
 augurated, and  (according  to  the  LXX.)  "  Samuel  " 
 (in  the  Hebrew  text  "Saul")  "and  all  the  men  of 
 Israel  rejoiced  greatly."  Then  takes  place  his  fare- 
 well address.    It  is  the  most  signal  example  affoided 
 
 3  G    2 
 
820  SAMUEL 
 
 111  till'  0.  T.  of  a  great  cliaiMctci'  ipconciliiig  liimself  I 
 to  a  cliaiigeil  order  of  tilings,  and  of  the  Divine  i 
 sanction  lesting  on  his  acquiescence.  3.  His  siib- 
 sequent  relations  with  Saul  are  uf  the  same  mixed 
 kind.  The  two  institutions  which  they  respectively 
 represented  lan  on  side  by  side.  Samuel  was  still 
 Judge.  He  judged  Israel  "a//  tke  days  of  his 
 life"  (vii.  15),  and  from  time  to  time  came  acioss 
 the  king's  path.  But  these  inten'entions  are  chiefly 
 in  anotlier  cipacity,  which  this  is  the  place  to  un- 
 fold. Samuel  iscalliHiem]i!iatically  "the  Pro])het" 
 (i\cts  iii.  '1-i,  xiii.  20).  He  was  especially  known 
 iu  his  old  age  as  "  Samuel  the  Seer  "  (1  Sam.  ix.  1 1, 
 18,  19  ;  1  Chr.  i.x.  22,  xsvi.  28,  xxi.\.  29).  He 
 WAS  consulted  far  and  near  on  the  small  aflairs  of 
 life  1  Sam.  ix.  7,  8).  From  this  faculty,  com- 
 bined with  his  ofHce  of  ruler,  an  awful  leverence 
 grew  up  around  him.  No  sacriticial  feast  was 
 thought  complete  without  his  blessing  (ib.  ix.  13). 
 A  peculiar  virtue  was  believed  to  reside  in  his  inter- 
 cession. There  was  something  peculiar  in  the  long- 
 sustained  cry  or  shout  of  supplication,  which  seemed 
 to  draw  down  as  by  force  the  Divine  answer 
 (1  Sam.  vii.  8,  9).  liut  there  are  two  other  points 
 which  more  especially  placed  him  at  the  head  of  the 
 jirophetic  order  as  it  afterwards  appeared.  Tlie  first 
 is  brought  out  in  his  relation  with  Saul,  the  second 
 in  his  relation  with  David,  fa).  He  represents  the 
 independence  of  the  moral  law,  of  the  Divine  Will, 
 as  distinct  from  regal  or  sacerdotal  enactments, 
 which  is  so  remarkable  a  characteristic  of  all  the 
 later  projthets.  He  was,  if  a  Levite,  yet  certaiiilr 
 not  a  Priest ;  and  all  the  attempts  to  identify  his 
 opposition  to  Saul  with  a  hierarchical  interest  are 
 founded  on  a  complete  misconception  of  the  facts  of 
 the  case.  Fiom  the  time  of  the  overthrow  of  Shiloh, 
 he  never  ap])ears  in  the  remotest  connexion  with 
 the  pi'iestly  order.  When  he  counsels  Saul,  it  is 
 not  as  th.e  priest  but  as  the  prophet.  Saul's  sin  in 
 both  cases  where  he  came  into  collision  with  Samuel, 
 was  not  of  intruding  into  sacerdotal  functions,  but 
 of  disobedience  to  the  projihetic  voice.  The  first 
 was  that  of  not  waiting  for  Samuel's  arrival,  ac- 
 cording to  the  sign  given  by  Samuel  at  his  original 
 meeting  at  Ramah  (1  Sam.  x.  8,  xiii.  8) ;  the  second 
 w.is  that  of  not  carrying  out  the  stern  prophetic 
 injunction  for  the  destruction  of  the  Amalekites. 
 The  parting  w.ns  not  one  of  rivals,  but  of  dear 
 though  divided  friends.  The  King  throws  himself 
 on  the  I'lojihet  with  all  his  force  ;  not  without  a 
 vehement  eflbrt  the  [irophet  tears  himself  away. 
 (6).  He  is  the  first  of  the  regular  succession  of  pro- 
 phets (Acts  iii.  24,\  Moses,  Miriam,  and  Deborah, 
 perhaps  Khud,  had  been  prophets.  But  it  was  only 
 from  Samuel  that  the  continuous  succession  was 
 unbroken.  His  mother,  though  not  expressly  so 
 called,  was  in  fact  a  ]iro])hetess.  liut  the  coimexion 
 of  the  continuity  of  the  otiice  with  Samuel  appears 
 to  be  still  more  direct.  Jt  is  in  his  lifetime,  long 
 after  lie  had  been  "  estiiblished  as  a  propliet " 
 '1  Sam.  iii.  20),  that  we  hear  of  the  companies  of 
 disciples,  ciillod  in  the  0.  T.  "the  sons  of  the  pro- 
 phets," by  modern  writers  "the  schools  of  the  pro- 
 piiets."  In  those  schools,  ami  learning  to  cultivate 
 the  prophi'tio  gifts,  were  some,  whom  we  know  for 
 certain,  others  whom  we  may  almost  certainly  con- 
 jecture, to  have  been  so  trained  or  inthienceil.  One 
 was  Saul.  Twice  at  least  he  is  described  as  having 
 been  in  the  company  of  Samuel's  disciples  (1  Sam. 
 X.  10,  I  l,xix.  24).  Another  was  Datid.  The  first 
 •cquaintance  of  Samuel  with   David  was  when  he 
 
 SAMUEL,  BOOKS  OF 
 
 privately  anointed  liiin  at  the  house  of  .Fesse.  hut 
 tne  connexion  thus  begun  with  the  shepherd  boy 
 :i:ust  have  been  continued  afterwards.  David,  at 
 fust,  fled  to  •'  Naioth  in  llamah,"  as  to  his  second 
 home  (1  S:im.  xix.  19).  It  is  needless  to  enlarge 
 on  the  impurtiince  with  which  these  incidents  invent 
 the  appearance  of  Samuel.  He  there  becomes  the 
 spiritual  father  of  the  Psalmist  king.  He  is  .ilso 
 the  Founder  of  the  first  regular  institutions  of  re- 
 ligious instruction,  and  communities  for  the  pur- 
 ]X)ses  of  education.  The  death  of  Samuel  is  de- 
 scribeil  as  taking  jilace  in  the  year  of  the  close  of 
 David's  wanderings.  It  is  said  with  peculiar  em- 
 phasis, as  if  to  mark  the  loss,  that  "  all  the 
 Israelites  were  gathered  togethci' "  from  all  parts  of 
 this  hitherto  ilivided  country,  and  "lamented  him," 
 and  "  buried  him,"  not  in  any  consecrated  pl;ii-e,  nor 
 outside  the  walls  of  his  city,  but  within  his  own 
 house,  thus  in  a  manner  consecrated  by  being  turned 
 into  his  tomb  (1  Sam.  xxv.  1).  The  place  long 
 pointed  out  as  his  tomb  is  the  height,  most  con- 
 spicuous of  all  ill  the  neighbourhood  of  Jerusalem, 
 immediately  above  the  town  of  Gibeon,  known  to 
 the  Crusaders  as  _"  Montjoye,'"  as  the  spot  from 
 whence  they  first  saw  Jerusalem,  now  called  Kebij 
 Samuil,  "  the  Prophet  Samuel."  Heinan,  his  grand- 
 son, was  one  of  the  chief  singers  in  the  Levitital 
 choir  (1  Chr.  vi.  33,  xv.  17,  xxv.  5).  The  ap- 
 parition of  Samuel  at  Endor  (1  Sam.  xxviii.  14; 
 Ecclus.  xlvi.  20)  belongs  to  the  history  of  Sai'L. 
 
 Samuel,  Books  of.  Two  historical  books  of  the 
 Old  Testament,  which  are  not  separated  fiom  each 
 other  in  the  Hebrew  MSS.,  and  which,  from  a 
 critical  point  of  view,  must  be  regarded  as  one 
 book.  The  present  division  was  first  made  in  the 
 Septuagint  translation,  and  was  adopted  in  the  Vul- 
 gate from  the  Septuagint.  It  was  not  till  the  year 
 1 5 1  8  that  the  division  of  the  Se])tuagiiit  was  adopted 
 in  Hebrew,  in  the  edition  of  the  I'.ible  printed  by 
 the  Bombergs  at  Venice.  The  book  was  called 
 by  the  Hebrews  "Samuel,"  probably  liecau.se  the 
 birth  and  life  of  Samuel  were  the  subjects  treated 
 of  in  the  beginning  of  the  work.  Authorship  and 
 Diitc  of  the  Boo/:. — 1st,  as  to  the  authorship.  In 
 common  with  all  the  historical  books  of  the  Old 
 Testament,  except  the  beginning  of  Nehemiah,  the 
 Book  of  Samuel  contains  no  mention  in  the  text  of 
 the  name  of  its  author.  It  is  indisputable  that  the 
 title  "  Samuel  "  does  not  imply  that  the  prophet 
 w;us  the  author  of  the  Book  of  Samuel  as  a  whole ; 
 for  the  death  of  Samuel  is  recorded  in  the  beginning 
 of  [ha  2.")th  chapter.  Again,  in  reference  to  the 
 Book  of  Samuel,  the  absence  of  the  historian's  name 
 from  both  the  text  and  the  title  is  not  supplied  by 
 any  stiitement  of  any  other  writer,  made  within  a 
 reasonable  period  from  the  time  when  the  book  m.ny 
 be  supposed  to  have  been  written.  No  mention  of 
 the  author's  name  is  made  in  the  Book  of  Kings, 
 nor,  as  will  be  hereafter  shown,  in  the  Chronicles, 
 nor  in  any  other  of  the  s.acreil  writings.  In  like 
 manner,  it  is  not  mentioned  either  in  the  .■\pocryi>lia 
 or  in  Josephus.  There  is  a  similar  silence  in  the 
 Mishna,  where,  however,  the  inference  from  such 
 silence  is  far  less  cogent.  And  it  is  not  until  we 
 come  to  the  Babylonian  (iemara,  which  is  supposed 
 to  have  been  comi>leted  in  its  pi-esent  form  some- 
 where about  500  A. P.,  that  any  Jewish  statement 
 respertiiig  the  authorship  can  be  [Kjinted  out,  and 
 then  it  is  for  the  first  time  a.<sserted  that  "  Samuel 
 wrote  his  book,"  i.e.  as  the  words  imply,  the  book 
 which  bears  his  name.     But  this  statement  cannot 
 
SAMUEL.  BOOKS  OF 
 
 be  proved  to  have  been  made  parlier  tlian  1550 
 years  after  the  death  of  Samuel;  ;ind  unsupported 
 as  it  is  by  reference  to  any  ai;thority  of  any 
 kind,  it  would  be  unworthy  of  cieiiit,  even  if  it 
 were  not  opposed  to  the  internal  evidence  of  the 
 book  itself.  At  the  revival  of  learning,  an  opinion 
 was  propounded  by  Abrabauel,  a  learned  Jew, 
 t  A.u.  1508,  Jhat  the  Book  of  Samuel  was  written 
 by  the  prophet  Jeremiah,  and  this  opinion  was 
 adopted  by  Hugo  Grotius.  Notwithstanding  the 
 eminence,  however,  of  these  writers,  this  opinion 
 must  be  rejected  as  highly  improbable.  In  our 
 own  time  the  most  prevalent  idea  in  the  Anglican 
 Church  seems  to  have  been  that  the  first  twenty- 
 four  chapters  of  the  Book  of  Samuel  were  written 
 by  the  prophet  himself,  and  the  rest  of  the  chapters 
 by  the  prophets  Nathan  and  Gad.  Two  circum- 
 stances have  probably  contributed  to  the  adoption 
 of  this  opinion  at  the  present  day: — 1st,  the  growth 
 of  stricter  ideas  as  to  the  importance  of  knowing 
 who  was  the  author  of  any  historical  woik  which 
 advances  claims  to  be  trustworthy ;  and  2ndly,  the 
 mistranslation  of  an  ambiguous  passage  iu  the  First 
 Book  of  Chronicles  (xxix.  29),  respecting  the  author- 
 ities for  the  life  of  David.  The  first  point  requires 
 no  comment.  On  the  second  point  it  is  to  be  ob- 
 sei'ved  that  the  following  appeal's  to  be  the  correct 
 translation  of  the  passage  in  question: — "Now  the 
 history  of  David  first  and  last,  behold  it  is  written 
 in  the  history  of  Samuel  the  seer,  and  iu  the  history 
 of  Nathan  the  pi'ophet,  and  in  the  history  of  Gad 
 the  seer" — in  which  the  Hebrew  word  dibre,  here 
 translated  "  history,"  has  the  same  meaning  given 
 to  it  each  of  the  four  times  that  it  is  used.  And  it 
 may  be  deemed  morally  certain  that  this  passage  of 
 the  Chronicles  is  no  authority  for  the  supposition 
 that,  when  it  was  written,  any  work  was  in  exist- 
 ence of  which  either  Gad,  Nathan,  or  Samuel  was 
 the  autnor.  2.  Although  the  authorship  of  the 
 Book  of  Samuel  cannot  be  ascertained,  there  are 
 some  indications  as  to  the  date  of  the  woik.  And 
 yet  even  on  this  point  no  precision  is  attainable. 
 'I"he  earliest  undeniable  external  evidence  of  the 
 existence  of  the  book  would  seem  to  be  the  Gieek 
 translation  of  it  in  the  Septuagint.  The  exact  date, 
 however,  of  the  translation  itself  is  uncertain.  The 
 next  best  external  testimony  is  that  of  a  passage  in 
 the  Second  Book  of  Maccabees  (ii.  13),  in  which  it 
 is  said  of  Nehemiah,  that  "  he,  founding  a  libiary, 
 gathered  together  the  acts  of  the  kings,  and  the  pro- 
 phets, and  of  David,  and  the  epistles  of  the  kings 
 concerning  the  holy  gifts."  Now,  although  this 
 passage  cannot  be  relied  on  for  proving  that  Nehe- 
 miah himself  did  in  fact  ever  found  such  a  libiary, 
 yet  it  is  good  evidence  to  prove  that  the  Acts  of 
 tha  Kings  were  in  existence  when  the  passage  was 
 wi'itten  ;  and  it  cannot  rea.-onably  be  doubted  that 
 this  phrase  was  intemled  to  include  the  Book  of 
 Samuel,  which  is  equivalent  to  the  two  first  Books 
 of  Kings  in  the  Septuagint.  Hence  there  is  external 
 evidence  that  the  Book  of  Samuel  was  written  be- 
 tbre  the  Second  Book  of  Maccabees.  And  lastly, 
 the  passage  in  the  Chronicles  already  quoted  (1  Chr. 
 xxix.  29)  seems  likewise  to  prove  externally  that  the 
 Book  of  Samuel  was  written  before  the  Chronicles. 
 In  this  case,  admitting  the  date  assigned,  on  internal 
 grounds,  to  the  Chronicles  by  a  modern  Jewish 
 writer  of  undoubted  learning  and  critical  powers, 
 there  would  be  external  evidence  for  the  existence 
 of  the  Book  of  Samuel  eailier  than  247  B.C.,  though 
 not  earlier  than  312  B.C.,  the  era  of  the  Seleucidae. 
 
 SAMUEL,  BOOKS  OP  821 
 
 If  the  internal  evidence  respecting  the  Book  of 
 Samuel  is  examined,  there  are  indications  of  its 
 having  been  written  some  centuries  earlier.  1 .  The 
 Book  of  Samuel  seems  to  have  been  written  at  a 
 time  when  the  Pentateuch,  whether  it  was  or  was 
 not  in  existence  in  its  piesent  foi-m,  was  at  any  rate 
 not  acted  on  as  the  rule  of  religious  observances. 
 This  circumstance  points  to  the  dale  of  the  Book  of 
 Samuel  as  earlier  than  the  reformation  of  Josiah. 
 2.  It  is  iu  accordance  with  this  early  date  of  the 
 Book  of  Samuel  that  allusions  in  it  even  to  the 
 existence  of  Moses  are  so  tew.  After  the  return 
 from  the  Captivity,  and  more  especially  alter  the 
 changes  introduced  by  Ezra,  Moses  became  that 
 great  central  figure  in  the  thoughts  and  language 
 of  devout  Jews  which  he  could  not  tail  to  be  wlieu 
 all  the  laws  of  the  Pentateuch  were  observed,  and 
 they  were  all  referred  to  him  as  the  divine  prophet 
 who  communicated  them  directly  from  Jehovah. 
 This  transcendent  importance  of  Moses  must  already 
 have  commenced  at  the  finding  of  the  Book  of  the 
 Law  at  the  reformation  of  Josiah,  Now  it  is  re- 
 markable that  the  Book  of  Samuel  is  the  historical 
 work  of  the  Old  Testament  in  which  the  name  of 
 Moses  occurs  most  raiely.  To  a  religious  Jew, 
 when  the  laws  of  tlie  Pentateuch  were  observed, 
 Moses  could  not  fail  to  be  the  piedominant  idea  in 
 his  mind  ;  but  Moses  would  not  necessarily  be  of 
 equal  importance  to  a  Hehiew  historian  who  lived 
 before  the  reformation  of  Josiah.  3.  It  tallies  with 
 an  early  date  for  the  composition  of  the  Book  of 
 Samuel  that  it  is  one  of  the  best  specimens  of 
 Hebrew  prose  in  the  golden  age  of  Hebrew  lite- 
 ratui-e.  In  prose  it  h(dds  the  same  place  which 
 Joel  and  the  undisputed  prophecies  of  Isaiah  hold  in 
 poetical  or  prophetical  language.  At  the  same 
 time  this  argument  from  language  must  not  be 
 pushed  so  far  as  to  imply  that,  standing  alone,  it 
 would  be  conclusive ;  for  some  writings,  the  dale  of 
 which  is  about  the  time  of  the  Ca])tivity,  are  in  pure 
 Hebrew.  Assuming,  then,  that  the  work  was  com- 
 posed at  a  pei-iod  not  later  than  the  reformation  of 
 Josiah — say  B.C.  622 — the  question  arises  as  to  the 
 very  earliest  point  of  time  at  which  it  could  have 
 existed  in  its  present  form  ?  And  the  answer  seems 
 to  be,  that  the  earliest  period  was  subsequent  to 
 the  secession  of  the  Ten  'J'ribes  (b.c.  975).  If  we 
 go  beyond  this,  and  endeavour  to  assert  the  precise 
 time  between  975  B.C.  and  622  B.C.,  when  it  was 
 composed,  all  certain  indications  fail  us.  All  that 
 can  be  asserted  as  undeniable  is,  that  the  book,  as  a 
 whole,  can  scarcely  have  been  composed  later  than 
 the  reformation  of  Josiah,  and  that  it  could  not 
 have  existed  in  its  present  form  earlier  than  the 
 reign  of  Rehoboam.  It  is  to  be  added  that  no  great 
 weight,  in  opposition  to  this  conclusion,  is  due  to 
 the  tact  that  the  death  of  David,  although  in  one 
 passage  evidently  implied  (2  Sam.  v.  5),  is  not 
 directly  recorded  in  the  Book  of  Samuel.  From 
 this  fact  Havernick  deems  it  a  certain  inference 
 that  the  author  lived  not  long  after  the  death  of 
 David.  But  this  is  a  very  slight  foundation  for 
 such  an  inference.  In  this  absolute  ignorance  of 
 the  author's  name,  and  vague  knowledge  of  the 
 date  of  the  work,  there  hns  been  a  controversy 
 whethei'  the  Book  of  Samuel  is  or  is  not  a  compila- 
 tion from  pre-existing  documents ;  and  if  this  is 
 decided  in  the  affirmative,  to  what  extent  the  work 
 is  a  compilation.  It  is  not  intended  to  enter  fully 
 here  into  this  controversy,  respecting  which  tlii'> 
 rejider  is  I'eferred  to  Dr.  Davidson's  Introduction  to 
 
822 
 
 SAMUEL.  BOOKS  OF 
 
 the  Critical  Study  and  Knowledge  of  the  Holy 
 Scriptures,  Lomlon,  Lons;maii,  1856,  in  which  this 
 subject  is  dispassionately  and  fairly  treated.  Sources 
 of  the  Hook  iif  Siimuel. — Assuming  that  the  l)ook 
 is  a  coTn|>ilatii>n,  it  is  a  subject  of  rational  incjuiry 
 to  ascertain  the  materials  iVom  whii^h  it  wai  com- 
 posed, liut  our  information  on  this  lie.ad  is  scanty. 
 The  only  work  actually  quoted  in  this  book  is  the 
 Uook  of  Jjisher ;  i.  e.  the  Book  of  the  Upright. 
 Notwithstanding  the  great  learnins;  wliich  has  been 
 brought  to  iiear  on  this  title  by  numerous  com- 
 mentators, the  meaning  of  the  title  must  be  regarded 
 as  absolutely  unknown,  and  the  character  of  the 
 l)ook  itself  as  uncertain.  The  best  conjecture 
 liitherto  olFered  as  an  induction  from  facts  is,  that 
 it  was  a  Book  of  Poems ;  but  the  facts  are  too  few 
 to  establish  this  as  a  positive  general  conclusion. 
 Without  refi'rence,  however,  to  the  Book  of  Jasher, 
 the  Book  of  isamuel  contains  several  poetical  com- 
 positions, on  each  of  which  a  few  enervations  may 
 be  offered  ;  commencing  with  the  poetry  of  David. 
 ^1.)  David's  Lanient;ition  over  Saul  and  Jonathan, 
 called  "  The  Bow."  (2.)  David's  Lamenfcition  on 
 the  death  of  Abner  (2  Sam.  iii.  3.3,  34).  There  is 
 no  reason  to  doulit  the  genuineness  of  this  short 
 poetical  ejaculation.  (3.)  2  Sam.  xxii.  A  Song 
 of  David.  For  poetical  l)eauty,  the  song  is  well 
 worthy  to  be  the  production  of  David.  The  fol- 
 lowing difficulties,  however,  are  connected  with  it. 
 {(t.)  The  date  of  the  composition  is  assigned  to  the 
 day  when  David  had  beien  delivered  not  only  out 
 of  the  hand  of  all  his  enemies,  but  likewise  "out  of 
 the  hand  of  Saul."  Now  David  reigned  forty  years 
 after  .Saul's  death  ('2  Sam.  v.  4,  5),  and  it  was  its 
 king  that  he  achieved  the  successive  conquests  to 
 which  allusion  is  made  in  the  Psalm.  (&.)  In  the 
 closing  verse  (2  Sam.  .xxii.  51),  .Jehovah  is  sjwlcen 
 of  as  showing  "mercy  to  His  .inointod,  unto  David 
 and  his  seed  for  evermore."  The>e  words  would 
 be  more  natuially  written  of  David  than  by  David. 
 They  may,  however,  be  a  later  addition,  (c.)  In 
 some  passages  of  the  Psalm,  the  strongest  assertions 
 are  made  of  the  poet's  uprightness  and  purity. 
 Now  it  is  a  subject  of  re.asouablo  surprise  that,  at 
 any  period  after  the  painful  incidents  of  his  life  in 
 the  matter  of  Uriah,  Davicl  should  have  used  this 
 language  conreniing  himself.  (4.)  A  song,  called 
 "  hst  words  of  l)avid,"  2  Siim.  .xxiii.  2-7.  (5.)  One 
 other  song  remains,  which  is  perhaps  the  most  per- 
 plexing in  the  Book  of  .Samuel.  This  is  the  Song 
 lit'  Hannah,  a  wife  of  Elkanah  (1  .Sam.  ii.  1-1<>). 
 Tlienius  conjectures  that  it  was  written  by  David 
 jifter  he  had  slain  Goli.ith,  and  the  Philistines  had 
 been  defeated  in  a  great  battle.  There  is  no  his- 
 torical warrant  for  this  supposition  ;  but  the  song 
 is  ceit.'iinly  more  appropri.ite  to  the  victory  of 
 David  over  fJdliatli,  than  to  Hannah's  having  given 
 birth  to  a  child  under  the  circumstances  detailed  in 
 the  first  cha]iter  of  .Samuel.  It  would,  however, 
 be  equally  appropri.ite  to  some  other  battles  of  the 
 Isi-aelites.  In  .advancing  a  single  step  beyond  the 
 songs  of  the  Book  of  .Samuel,  we  enter  into  tlie  reji"" 
 of  '-onjiM-ture  iis  to  the  mateii.als  which  were  at  the 
 command  of  the  author;  and  in  points  which  arise 
 for  consideration,  we  must  be  satisfied  with  a  sus- 
 pense of  judgment,  or  a  slight  balance  of  jiiobabi- 
 litics.  For  example,  it  being  pliiin  that  in  .some 
 instances  there  are  two  ;ici:ounts  of  the  s.ime  trans- 
 actinn,  it  is  di-sirable  to  form  an  o|)inion  whether 
 
 »he-e  Wfre   foiuidiNl  listinct  written  documents, 
 
 or  on  distinct  cral  tradition...     This  point  is  ojjin  to 
 
 SANDAL 
 
 dispute;  but  the  theory  of  written  documents  seems 
 preferable.  In  the  alisence  of  any  external  evidence 
 on  tiiis  point,  it  is  safer  to  suspend  our  judgment  as 
 to  wlu'ther  any  portion  of  the  Book  of  Samuel  is 
 founded  on  the  writing  of  a  contempoi-ary,  or  on  a 
 tr.aditiun  entitled  to  any  peculi.ar  credit.  Perhaps 
 the  two  conjectures  res|>ecting  the  com|>osition  of 
 the  Book  of  Samuel  which  are  most  pntitled  to  con- 
 sidei-ation  are — 1st,  That  the  list  which  it  contains 
 of  otFicers  or  public  functionaries  under  David  is 
 the  result  of  contemporary  registration  ;  and  2ndly, 
 That  the  Book  of  .Simuel  was  the  compilation  of 
 some  one  connected  with  the  schools  of  the  pro- 
 phets, or  penetrated  by  their  spirit.  In  conclusion, 
 it  may  be  observed  that  it  is  very  insti'uctive  to 
 direct  the  .attention  to  the  passages  in  Samuel  and 
 the  Chronicles  wliich  tre.at  of  the  s.ame  events,  and, 
 generally,  to  the  manner  in  which  the  life  of  David 
 is  treated  in  the  two  histories.  A  conij«risou  of 
 the  two  works  tends  to  throw  light  on  the  stit« 
 of  the  Hebrew  mind  at  the  time  when  the  Book 
 of  Samuel  was  written,  compared  with  the  ideas 
 prevalent  among  the  Jews  some  hundred  yeai-s 
 Later,  at  the  time  of  the  compilation  of  the  Ohr<^ 
 nicies.  It  only  lemains  to  add,  that  in  the  numerous 
 instances  wherein  there  is  a  close  veib.al  agi'eement 
 between  passages  in  Samuel  and  in  the  Chronicles, 
 the  sound  conclusion  seems  to  be,  th.at  the  Chro- 
 nicles were  copied  from  Samuel,  and  not  that  both 
 were  copied  from  a  common  original.  At  the  same 
 time  it  would  be  unre.i.sonable  to  deny,  .and  it  »vo>ild 
 l>e  impossible  to  dis])rove,  that  the  compiler,  in  ad- 
 dition to  the  P>ook  of  .Samuel,  m.nde  use  of  other  his- 
 torical documents  which  are  no  longer  in  exi.stence. 
 
 Sanabas'sar.  Siieshuazzar  (1  Esd.  ii.  12,  15). 
 
 Sanabas'saruB.  SiiKsiruAZZAR  (1  Ksd.  vi.  18, 
 20). 
 
 San'asib.  The  sons  of  .Sanasib  were  priests  who 
 retuiiiid  with  Zorobabel  (1  Ksd.  v.  24). 
 
 Banbal'lat.  A  Moabite  of  Horonaim,  as  appears 
 by  his  designation  "  Sanballat  the  Horonite"  (Neh. 
 ii.  10,  19,  xiii.  28).  All  tlmt  we  know  of  him 
 from  Scripture  is  that  he  had  ajiparently  some  civil 
 or  military  command  in  Samai  vi,  in  the  .service  of 
 .Artaxerxes  (  Neh.  iv.  2i,  and  that,  from  the  moment 
 of  Nehemiah's  arrival  in  Jnd.aea,  he  set  himself  to 
 oppose  every  me.asure  lor  the  welfare  of  Jerusjilem, 
 and  was  a  constant  advei-sary  to  the  Tii-shatha. 
 His  conip,anions  in  this  hostility  were  Tobiah  the 
 Ammonite,  and  Geshem  the  Arabian  (Neh.  ii.  19, 
 iv.  7).  For  the  details  of  their  opposition  the 
 ie;uler  is  referred  to  the  articles  KiJiEMlAH  and 
 Nkiiemiah,  Book  of,  and  to  Neh.  vi.  The  only 
 other  incident  in  his  life  is  his  alliance  with  the  high- 
 priest's  family  by  the  marriage  of  his  daughter  with 
 one  of  the  grandsons  of  Kliashib.  which,  (rom  the 
 similar  connexion  foi-mcd  by  Tobiah  the  Ammonite 
 (Neh.  xiii.  4),  appears  to  have  Ix'en  part  of  r 
 settled  policy  concerted  between  Kliashib  and  the 
 Samaritan  faction.  The  expulsion  fiom  the  priest- 
 hoo<l  of  the  guilty  son  of  .loiada  by  Nehemiah 
 must  have  still  further  wideneil  the  breach  between 
 him  and  Sanballat,  and  lii'tween  the  two  parties  in 
 the  .k-wish  state.  Here,  however,  the  ."^criptunxl 
 nari-ative  ends — owing,  probably,  tr  Nehemiah's 
 return  to  Persia — and  with  it  likewise  our  know- 
 ledge of  .Sjinliallat. 
 
 Sandal.  The  sandal  appears  to  have  been  the 
 artiile  ordin.arily  u.scd  liy  tiie  Hebrews  for  prote<'t- 
 inp  tilt-  feet.  It  consisted  sinqjly  of  a  sole  attacned 
 to  the  fool  I'v  thou  ■-.     The  Hebrew  term  tia'al  im- 
 
SANHEDRIM 
 
 jilics  sudi  an  article,  its  pvo]>er  sense  being  that  of 
 confining  or  shutting  in  the  toot  with  thongs:  we 
 have  also  expiess  notice  of  the  thong  (A.  V.  "  shoe- 
 latchot")  in  several  jiassages  (Gen.  xiv.  23;  Is.  v. 
 27;  Marlv  i.  7).  The  Greek  term  utto'Sij^o  pio- 
 }ierly  apjilies  to  the  sandal  exclusively,  as  it  means 
 what  is  bound  tinder  the  foot ;  but  no  stress  can  be 
 laid  on  the  use  of  the  term  by  the  Alexandrine 
 writers.  A  similar  observation  applies  to  crauSd- 
 Xtov.  We  learn  from  the  Talmudists  that  the 
 materials  cnijiloyed  in  the  construction  of  the  sole 
 were  either  leather,  felt,  cloth,  or  wootl,  and  that  it 
 was  occasionally  shod  with  iron.  In  J'-gvpt  various 
 (iliious  substances,  such  as  palm  leaves  and  papyrus 
 stalks,  were  used  in  addition  to  leather,  while  in 
 Assyria  wood  or  leather  was  employed.  In  Egypt 
 the  sandals  were  usually  turned  up  at  the  toe  like 
 oui  skates,  though  othei'  forms,  rounded  and  pointed, 
 are  also  exhibited.  In  Assyria  the  heel  and  the  side 
 of  the  foot  were  encased,  and  sometimes  the  sandal 
 consisted  of  little  else  than  this.  Sandals  were 
 worn  by  all  classes  of  society  hi  Palestine,  even  by 
 the  very  poor  (Am.  viii.  6),  and  both  the  sandal 
 and  the  thong  or  shoe-latchet  were  so  cheap  and 
 common,  that  thev  passed  into  a  proverb  for  the  most 
 insigniticant  thing  (Gen.  xiv.  23;  Ecclus.  xlvi.  19). 
 
 SANSANNAH 
 
 823 
 
 Assyrian  Sandals.     (From  Layard,  ii.  234.) 
 
 I'hey  were  not,  however,  worn  at  all  peiiods ;  they 
 were  dispensed  with  in-doors,  and  were  only  put 
 nil  by  persons  about  to  undertake  some  business 
 away  from  their  homes  ;  such  as  a  militaiy  exped- 
 ition I  Is.  V.  27;  Eph.  vi.  15),  or  a  journey  (Ex. 
 xii.  11;  Josh.  ix.  5,  13;  Acts  xii.  8):  on  such 
 occasions  persons  carried  an  extra  pair.  During 
 meal-times  the  feet  were  undoubtedly  uncovered,  as 
 implied  in  Luke  vii.  38  ;  John  xiii.  5,  6.  It  was  a 
 mark  of  reverence  to  cast  ofl'  the  shoes  in  approaching 
 a  place  or  person  of  eminent  sanctity  (Ex.  iii.  5;  Josh. 
 V.  15).  It  was  also  an  indication  of  violent  emotion, 
 or  of  mourning,  if  a  person  appeared  barefoot  in 
 ]iublic  (2  Sam.  xv.  30  ;  Is.  xx.  2  ;  Ez.  xxiv.  17, 
 23).  To  carry  or  to  unloose  a  person's  sandal  was 
 a  menial  office  betokening  great  inferiority  on  the 
 part  of  the  person  performing  it  (Matt.  iii.  1 1 ;  Mark 
 i.  7  ;  John  i.  27  ;  Acts  xiii.  25).  The  expression  in 
 Ps.  Ix.  8,  cviii.  9,  "  over  Edom  I  cast  out  my 
 shoe,"  evidently  signifies  the  subjection  of  that 
 country,  but  the  exact  point  of  the  comparison  is 
 oliscure.  The  use  of  the  shoe  in  the  transfer  of 
 property  is  noticed  in  Ruth  iv.  7,  8. 
 
 San'liedrim  (accurately  Sanhedrin),  called  also 
 in  the  Talmud  the  great  Sanhedrin,  the  supreme 
 council  of  the  Jewish  people  in  the  time  of  Christ 
 and  earlier.  1 .  The  origin  of  this  assembly  is  traced 
 ill  the  Mishna  {Sanhedr,  i.  6)  to  the  seventy  elders 
 whom  Moses  w;i.s   direcied  i^xNuni.  xi.   IG,  17^  to 
 
 associate  with  him  in  the  government  of  the 
 Israelites.  This  body  continued  to  exi.st,  according 
 to  the  Rabbinical  accounts,  down  to  the  close  of  the 
 .lewish  commonwealth.  Since  the  time  of  Vorstius 
 it  has  been  generally  admitted  that  the  tribunal 
 established  by  Moses  was  probably  temporary,  and 
 did  not  continue  to  exist  after  the  Israelites  had 
 entered  Palestine.  In  the  lack  of  definite  historical 
 information  as  to  the  establishment  of  the  Sanhed- 
 rim, it  can  only  be  said  in  general  that  the  Greek 
 etymology  of  the  name  seems  to  point  to  a  pericid 
 subsequent  to  the  Macedonian  supremacy  in  Palestine. 
 In  the  silence  of  Philo,  Josephus,  and  the  Misliiia 
 respecting  the  constitution  of  the  Sanhedrim,  we 
 are  obliged  to  depend  upon  the  few  incidental 
 notices  in  the  New  Testament.  From  these  we 
 gather  that  it  consisted  of  chief  priests,  or  the 
 heads  of  the  twenty-four  classes  into  which  the 
 ])riests  were  divided,  elders,  men  of  age  and  experi- 
 ence, and  scribes,  lawyers,  or  those  learned  in  the 
 Jewish  law  (Matt.  xxvi.  57,  59;  ]\Iark  xv.  1  ;  Luke 
 xxii.  66;  Actsv.  21).  2.  The  number  of  members 
 is  usually  given  as  seventy-one,  but  this  is  a  point 
 on  which  there  is  not  a  perfect  agreement  among 
 the  learned.  The  president  of  this  body  was  styled 
 Nasi,  and,  according  to  Maimonides,  was  chosen  on 
 account  of  his  eminence  in  worth  and  wisdom. 
 Often,  if  not  generally,  this  pre-eminence  was  ac- 
 corded to  the  liigh-priest.  The  vice-president, 
 called  in  the  Talmud  "  father  of  the  house  of  judg- 
 ment," sat  at  the  right  hand  of  the  president. 
 Some  writers  speak  of  a  second  vice-president,  but 
 this  is  not  sulficiently  confirmed.  While  in  se.ssion 
 the  Sanhedrim  sat  in  the  form  of  a  half-ciicle. 
 3.  The  place  in  which  the  sessions  of  the  San- 
 hedrim were  ordinarily  held  was,  according  to  the 
 Talmud,  a  hall  called  Gazzith,  supposed  by  Light- 
 foot  to  have  been  situated  in  the  south-east  corner 
 of  one  of  the  courts  near  the  Temple  building.  In 
 special  exigencies,  however,  it  seems  to  have  met  in 
 the  residence  of  the  high-priest  (JMatt.  xxvi.  3;. 
 Forty  years  before  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  and 
 consequently  while  the  Saviour  was  teaching  in 
 Palestine,  the  sessions  of  the  Sanhedrim  were  re- 
 moved from  the  hall  Gazzith  to  a  somewhat  greater 
 distance  from  the  temple  building,  although  still 
 on  Mt.  Moriah.  After  several  other  changes,  its 
 seat  was  finally  established  at  Tiberias.  As  a 
 judicial  body  the  Sanhedrim  constituted  a  supreme 
 court,  to  which  belonged  in  the  first  instance  the 
 trial  of  a  tribe  f;\llen  into  idolatry,  false  prophets, 
 and  the  high-priest;  also  the  other  priests.  As 
 an  administrative  council  it  determined  other  im- 
 portant mattei's.  Jesus  was  arraigned  before  thi' 
 body  as  a  fal.se  prophet  (John  xi.  47),  and  Petei . 
 John,  Stephen,  and  Paul  as  teachers  of  enor  and 
 deceivers  of  the  people.  From  Acts  ix.  2  it  ap- 
 pears that  the  Sanhedrim  exercised  a  degree  of 
 authority  beyond  the  limits  of  Palestine.  Accord- 
 ing to  the  Jerusalem  Gemara  the  power  of  inflicting 
 capital  punishment  was  taken  away  from  this 
 tribunal  forty  years  before  the  destruction  of  .lerii- 
 .salem.  With  this  agrees  the  answer  of  the  Jews 
 to  Pilate  (John  xix.  31).  The  Talmud  also  men- 
 tions a  lesser  Sanhedrim  of  twenty-three  members 
 in  every  city  in  Palestine  in  which  were  not  less 
 than  120  hou.seholders. 
 
 Sansan'nah,  one  of  the  towns  in  the  south  dis- 
 trict ofJudah,  named  in  Josh.  xv.  31  only.  The 
 towns  of  this  district  are  not  distributed  into  small 
 groups  like  those  of  the  highlands  or  the  Shcfelah  ; 
 
82-t 
 
 SAPH 
 
 aiKi  :u  only  very  few  of  them  have  been  yet  identi- 
 t'\vt\,  we  have  nothing  to  guide  lis  to  the  position  of 
 Saiisannah.  It  does  not  appear  to  be  mentioned  by 
 any  explorer,  ancient  or  modern. 
 
 Saph,  one  of  tlie  sons  of  the  giant  slain  by  Sib- 
 becliai  the  Hiishathite  (2  Sam.  xxi.  18),  In  1  Chr. 
 x.\.  4  he  is  called  SippAI. 
 
 Sa'phat.     Siii;i'iiATiAii  '2  d  Esd.  v.  9). 
 
 Saphati'as.     SiiEriiATiAii  •_'  (1  Icsd.  viii.  34). 
 
 Sapheth.     Siii;i'iiatiai'  (1  Esd.  v.  3S,. 
 
 Sa'phir,  one  of  the  villages  addressed  by  the 
 Prophet  Micah  (i.  11),  but  not  elsewhere  men- 
 tioned. By  Eusebius  and  Jerome  it  is  described  as 
 "  in  the  moimtain  district  between  Eleutheropolis 
 .ind  Ascalon."  In  this  direction  a  village  cabed 
 es-Suudfir  still  exists  (or  rather  three  of  that  name, 
 two  with  affixes),  possibly  the  representative  of  the 
 ancient  Saphir.  Es-Sawdjir  lies  seven  or  eight 
 miles  to  the  N.E.  of  Asailon,  and  about  twelve  W. 
 of  Beit-Jihrin,  to  the  right  of  the  coast-road  from 
 Gaza.  Tobler  prefers  a  village  called  Saber,  close  to 
 Saudfir.  Schwarz  suggests  the  village  of  Sajirtijeh, 
 A  couple  of  miles  N.VV.  of  Lydda  (136). 
 
 Sapphi'ra,  the  wife  of  Ananias,  and  the  particip- 
 ator both  iu  his  guilt  and  in  his  punishment  (Acts 
 V.  1-10). 
 
 Sapphire  (Heb.  sipph-),  a  precious  stone,  appar- 
 ently of  a  bright  blue  colour  (see  Ex.  xxiv.  10). 
 The  snppir  was  the  second  stone  in  the  second  row 
 of  the  high-priest's  breastplate  (Ex.  xxviii.  18);  it 
 was  extremely  precious  (Job  xxviii.  16);  it  was  one 
 of  the  ])recious  stones  that  ornamented  the  king  of 
 Tyre(Ez.  xxviii.  18).  Notwithstanding  the  identity 
 of  name  between  our  sapphire  and  the  <Tiir<peipos, 
 and  S'lppkirus  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  it  is  gene- 
 rally agreed  that  the  sapphinis  of  the  ancients  was 
 not  our  gem  of  that  name,  viz.  the  azure  or  indigo- 
 blue,  crystalline  variety  of  Corundum,  but  our 
 Lnpis-lazuli  (  Ultra-mnrine).  It  is,  howevei-,  not 
 so  certain  that  the  Sappnr  of  the  Hebrew  Bible  is 
 identical  with  the  Lapis-lazuli.  Koseumiiller  and 
 Biaun  argue  iu  favour  of  its  being  our  sapphire  or 
 precious  Corundum.  We  aie  inclined  to  adopt  this 
 latter  opinion,  but  are  unable  to  come  to  any  satis- 
 factory conclusion. 
 
 Sa'ra.  1.  Saiiaii,  the  wife  of  Abraham  (Heb. 
 xi.  1  1  ;  1  I'et.  iii.  6).— 2.  The  daughter  of  ftiguel, 
 in  thf  ;i)iocryphal  history  of  Tobit. 
 
 Sarabi'as.     Sukkhhiaii  (1  Esd.  ix.  48). 
 
 Sarah.  1.  The  wife  of  Abraham,  and  mother 
 of  Isaac.  Of  her  birth  and  parentage  we  have  no 
 certain  account  in  Scriptui-e.  Her  name  is  first 
 introduced  in  Gen.  xi.  29,  as  follows:  "  Abi'am  and 
 Nahor  took  them  wives:  the  name  of  Abram's  wife 
 was  Sarai ;  and  the  name  of  Nahor's  wife  was  Mil- 
 cah,  the  daughter  of  Haran,  the  father  of  Slilcah 
 and  the  fathei-  of  Iscah."  In  Gen.  xx.  12,  Abraham 
 speaks  of  her  as  "  his  sister,  the  daughter  of  the 
 same  father,  but  not  the  daughter  of  the  same 
 mother."  The  common  Jewish  tradition  is  that 
 Sarai  is  the  same  as  Iscah,  the  daughter  of  Haran, 
 and  the  sister  of  Lot.  The  change  of  her  name 
 from  "  .Sarai  "  to  "  .'^ai'ah  "  was  made  at  the  same 
 time  that  Abram's  name  w;is  changed  to  Abraham, 
 on  the  establishment  of  the  covenant  of  circum- 
 cision between  him  and  God.  That  the  name 
 "  Sarah "  signifies  "  princess  "  is  universally  ac- 
 knowledged; but  the  meaning  of  "Sarai"  is  still 
 
 n   subject   of  ( troversy.     'i"he  older  interpreters 
 
 suppose  it  to  ni-an  "  my  })rince.ss."  Her  history 
 is  of  course  that  of  Abraham.     She  cune  with  him 
 
 SARDIS 
 
 fivm  Ur  to  Haian,  from  Haran  to  Canaan,  and 
 accompanied  him  in  all  the  wanderings  of  his  life, 
 Her  only  independent  action  is  thf  demand  that 
 Hagar  and  Ishmael  should  be  cast  out.  The  times 
 in  whidi  she  plays  the  most  important  part  in  the 
 history  are  the  times  when  Abraham  was  sojourn« 
 ing,  first  in  Egypt,  then  in  Gerar,  and  where  Fifaah 
 shared  his  deceit  towards  Pharaoh  (Geii.  xii.  )  i-\b) 
 and  towards  Abunelech  (Gen.  xx.  9-11).  She  died 
 at  Hebron  at  the  age  of  127  years,  28  years  before 
 her  husband,  and  was  buried  by  him  in  the  cave  of 
 Machpelah,  She  is  referred  to  in  the  N,  T.  as  a 
 type  of  conjugal  obedience  in  1  Pet.  iii.  6,  and  as 
 one  of  the  types  of  faith  in  Heb.  xi.  1 1  .—2,  Seraii, 
 the  daughter  of  Asher  (Num.  xxvi.  46). 
 
 Sara'i,  the  original  name  of  Sarah,  the  wife  of 
 Abiaham.  It  is  always  used  in  the  history  from 
 Gen.  xi.  29  to  xvii.  1,"),  when  it  was  changed  to 
 Sarah.  The  meaning  of  the  name  appears  to  be,  as 
 Ewald  has  suggested,  "  contentious.'' 
 
 Sarai'as.  1,  Seraiaii,  the  high-priest  (1  Esd. 
 v.  5). — 2.  Seraiah,  the  father  of  Ezra  (1  Esd. 
 viii.  1  ;  2  Esd.  i.  1). 
 
 Sar'amel,  the  name  of  the  place  in  which  the 
 assembly  of  the  Jews  was  held  at  which  the  high- 
 priesthooi-l  was  conferred  upon  Simon  Maccabaeus 
 (1  Mace,  xiv,  28).  Some  have  treated  it  a-s  a  cor- 
 ruption of  Jerusalem,  but  this  is  inadmissible.  The 
 following  are  some  of  the  other  conjectures: — 1. 
 Ilahatsar  Millo,  "  the  court  of  Willo."  2.  Ha- 
 hatsar  Am  El,  '-  the  court  of  the  people  of  Gfnl, 
 that  is,  the  great  court  of  the  Temple."  3,  IJas- 
 shaar  Am  El,  "  the  gate  of  the  people  of  (Sod." 
 4.  Hussar  Am  El,  '•  prince  of  the  people  of  God," 
 as  if  not  the  name  of  a  place,  but  the  title  of  Simors. 
 None  of  these  explanations,  however,  can  be  re- 
 garded as  entii'ely  satisfactory. 
 
 Sa'raph.  Mentioned  in  1  Chr.  iv,  22,  among 
 the  descendants  of  Shelah  the  son  of  Judah. 
 
 Sarche'donus,  a  collateral  form  of  the  name 
 Esar-hiildon  (Tob.  i.  21). 
 
 Sarde'us.     Aziza  (1  Ikl.  ix.  28), 
 
 Sardine,  Sardiias  (Heb.  6dcm),  is,  according  to 
 the  LXX.  and  Joseph  us,  the  correct  rendeiing  of 
 the  Heb.  term  (which  occui-s  in  Ex.  xxviii.  17, 
 xxxix.  10  ;  Ez.  xxviii.  13)  as  the  name  of  the  stone 
 which  occupied  fhe  first  place  in  the  first  row  of 
 the  high-priest's  breastplate.  In  Kev.  iv.  3,  St, 
 John  declares  that  he  whom  he  saw  sitting  on  the 
 heavenly  throne  "  was  to  look  upon  like  a  jasper 
 and  a  sardine  stone."  The  sixth  Ibundation  of  the 
 wall  of  the  heavenly  Jerusalem  was  a  Siirdius  (Rer, 
 xxi,  20),  There  can  scarcely  be  a  doubt  that  either 
 the  sard  or  the  sardonyx  is  the  stone  denoted  by 
 odcm.  The  sjird,  which  is  a  superior  variety  ot 
 agate,  has  long  been  a  favourite  stone  for  the  en- 
 graver's art,  Sai-ds  differ  in  colour:  there  is  a 
 bright  red  variety  which,  in  Pliny's  time,  was  the 
 most  esteemed,  and  perhaps  the  Heb,  odcm,  I'rom  a 
 root  which  means  "  to  be  led,"  pointi"  to  this  kind. 
 
 Sar'dis,  a  city  situated  al>out  two  miles  to  the 
 south  of  the  river  Hermus,  just  below  the  range  of 
 Tmolus  {Bos  Ikijh),  on  a  spur  of  which  its  aero- 
 ]>olis  was  built.  It  was  the  ancient  residence  of 
 the  kings  of  Lydia.  .Sardis  was  in  very  early  times, 
 l)oth  from  the  extremely  fertile  character  of  the 
 neighbouring  region,  and  from  its  convenient  posi- 
 tion, a  commercial  mart  of  imiwrtance.  Chtstnuts 
 were  first  produced  in  fhe  neighbourhood.  The 
 »it  of  dyeing  woi>l  is  .siid  by  Pliny  to  have  been 
 invented   there  ;    and  at  any   rate  S;irJis  Wiis  tlw 
 
SARDITES,  THE 
 
 enti-ppot  of  the  dyed  woollen  manufiictures.  Sardis 
 tw  was  the  place  wliere  tlie  metal  ekctrum  was 
 procured  ;  and  it  was  thither  that  the  Spartans 
 seat,  in  the  6th  century  B.C.,  to  purchase  gold  for 
 the  purpose  of  gilding  the  face  of  the  Apollo  at 
 Amyclae.  Sardis  recovered  the  piivilege  of  muni- 
 cipal government  (and,  as  was  alleged  several  cen- 
 turies afterwards,  the  right  of  a  sanctuary)  upon 
 its  surrender  to  Alexander  the  Great,  but  its  for- 
 tunes for  the  ne.xt  three  hundred  years  are  very 
 obscure.  It  changed  hands  more  than  once  in  the 
 contests  between  the  dynasties  which  arose  after  the 
 death  of  Alexander.  In  the  year  214  B.C.  it  was 
 taken  and  sacked  by  the  army  of  Antiochus  the 
 Great.  After  the  ruin  of  Antiochus's  fortunes  it 
 passed,  with  the  rest  of  Asia  on  that  side  of  Taurus, 
 under  the  dominion  of  the  kings  of  Pergamus,  whose 
 interests  led  them  to  divert  the  course  of  tratHc 
 between  Asia  and  Europe  away  from  Sardis.  Its 
 productive  soil  must  always  have  continued  a  source 
 of  wealth  ;  but  its  importance  as  a  central  mart 
 appears  to  have  diminished  from  the  time  of  the 
 invasion  of  Asia  by  Alexander.  Of  the  few  inscrip- 
 tions which  have  been  discovered,  all,  or  nearly  all, 
 belong  to  the  time  of  the  Roman  empire.  Yet  there 
 still  exist  considerable  remains  of  the  earlier  days. 
 The  massive  temple  of  Cybele  still  bears  witness  in 
 its  fragmentary  remains  to  the  wealth  and  archi- 
 tectural skill  of  the  people  that  raised  it.  On  the 
 north  side  of  the  aOropolis,  overlooking  the  valley 
 of  the  Hermus,  is  a  theatre  near  400  feet  in  dia- 
 meter, attached  to  a  stadium  of  about  1000.  This 
 probably  was  erected  after  the  restoration  of  Sardis 
 by  Ale.xander.  The  modern  name  of  the  ruins  at 
 Siirdis  is  Sert-Kalessi.  Travellers  describe  the 
 appearance  of  the  locality,  on  approaching  it  from 
 the  N.VV.,  as  that  of  complete  solitude.  The  Pac- 
 tolus  is  a  mere  thread  of  water,  all  but  evanescent 
 m  summer  tmie.  The  Wadis-tchai  (Hermus),  in 
 the  neighbourhood  of  the  town,  is  between  50  and 
 60  yaids  wide,  and  nearly  3  feet  deep.  In  the 
 time  of  the  emperor  Tibeiius,  Sardis  was  desolated 
 by  an  earthquake.  The  whole  face  of  the  country 
 is  said  to  have  been  changed  by  this  convulsion. 
 In  the  c;\se  of  Sardis  the  calamity  was  increased  by 
 a  jiestilential  fever  which  followed.  In  the  time  of 
 Pliny  it  was  included  in  the  same  corwentus  juri- 
 dicus  with  Philadelphia.  The  only  passage  in  which 
 Sarilis  is  mentioned  in  the  Bible  is  Rev.  iii.  1-6. 
 
 Sar'dites,  the,  descendants  of  Sered  the  son  of 
 Zebulun  (Num.  xxvi.  26). 
 
 Sardonyx  is  mentioned  in  the  N.  T.  once  only, 
 viz.  in  Rev.  x.xi.  20.  The  sardonyx  consists  of 
 "  a  white  opaque  layer,  superimposed  upon  a  red 
 hansparent  stiatum  of  the  true  red  sard"  (King, 
 Antique  Gems,  p.  9).  It  is,  like  the  sard,  merely 
 a  variety  of  agate,  and  is  frequently  employed  by 
 engravers  for  the  pui-poses  of  a  signet-ring. 
 
 Sare'a,  one  of  the  five  scribes  "  ready  to  write 
 swiftly "  whom  Esdras  was  commanded  to  take 
 (2  Esd.  xiv.  24). 
 
 Sarep'ta,  the  Greek  form  of  the  name  Zare- 
 PIIATII  (Luke  iv.  26). 
 
 Sar'gon  was  one  of  the  greatest  of  the  Assyiian 
 kings.  His  name  is  read  in  the  native  inscriptions 
 as  Sargin<i,  while  a  town  which  he  built  and  called 
 after  himself  (now  Khorsabad)  was  known  as 
 Sanjhun  to  the  Arabian  geographers.  He  is  men- 
 tioned ijy  name  only  once  in  Scripture  (Is.  xx.  1). 
 Vitringa,  OH'erhaus,  Eichhorn,  and  Hupfeld,  identi- 
 fied him  with  Slialmaneser ;   Grotius,  Lowth,  and 
 
 SATAN 
 
 82i 
 
 Keil,  with  Sennacherib;  Perizonius,  Kalinsky,  and 
 Michaelis,  with  Esarhaddon.  All  these  conjectures 
 are  now  shown  to  be  wrong  by  the  Assyrian  in- 
 scriptions, which  prove  Sargon  to  have  been  dis- 
 tinct from  the  several  monarchs  named,  and  fix  his 
 place  in  the  list  between  Shalmaneser  and  Sen- 
 nacherib. He  was  cei'tainly  Sennacherib's  fivther, 
 and  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  he  was  his 
 immediate  predecessor.  He  ascended  the  throne  of 
 Assyria,  as  we  gather  trom  his  annals,  in  the  same 
 year  that  Merodach-Baladan  ascended  the  throne  of 
 Babylon,  which,  according  to  Ptolemy's  Canon,  was 
 B.C.  721.  He  seems  to  have  been  an  usurper. 
 Sargon  was  undoubtedly  a  great  and  successful 
 warrior.  In  his  annals,  which  cover  a  space  of 
 fifteen  years  (from  B.C.  721  to  B.C.  706),  he  gives 
 an  account  of  his  warlike  expeditiuns  against  Baby- 
 lonia and  Susiana  on  the  south.  Media  on  the  east, 
 Armenia  and  Cappadocia  towards  the  north,  Svi'ia, 
 Palestine,  Arabia,  and  Egypt  towards  the  west  a^d. 
 the  south-west.  In  this  last  direction  he  seems  to 
 have  waged  three  wars — one  in  his  second  year 
 (B.C.  720),  for  the  possession  of  Gaza ;  another  in 
 his  sixth  year  (B.C.  715),  when  Egypt  itself  was 
 the  object  of  attack;  and  a  third  in  his  ninth  (B.C. 
 712),  when  the  special  subject  of  contention  was 
 Ashdod,  which  Sargon  took  by  one  of  his  generals. 
 This  is  the  event  which  causes  the  mention  of  Sar- 
 gon's  name  in  Scripture.  The  year  of  the  attack, 
 being  B.C.  712,  would  tall  into  the  reign  of  the  tir.^t 
 Ethiopian  king,  Sabaco  I.,  who  probably  conquered 
 Egypt  in  B.C.  714.  It  is  not  as  a  warrior  only 
 tliat  Sargon  deserves  special  mention  among  the 
 Assyrian  kings.  He  was  also  the  builder  of  useful 
 works,  and  of  one  of  the  most  magnificent  of  the 
 Assyrian  palaces.  He  probably  reigned  nineteen 
 years,  from  B.C.  721  to  B.C.  702,  when  he  left  the 
 throne  to  his  son,  the  celebrated  Sennacherib. 
 
 Sa'rid,  a  chief  landmark  of  the  territory  of 
 Zebulun  (Josh.  xix.  10,  12).  All  that  can  be 
 u;athered  of  its  position  is  that  it  lay  to  the  west  of 
 Cliisloth-Tabor. 
 
 Sa  ron,  the  district  in  which  Lydda  stood  (Acts 
 ix.  35  only) ;   the  Sharon  of  the  0.  T. 
 
 Saro'tMe.  "  The  sons  of  Sarothie"  are  among 
 the  sons  of  the  servants  of  Solomon  who  returned 
 with  Zorobabel  (1  Esd.  v.  34). 
 
 Sar'secMm,  one  of  the  generals  of  Nebuchad- 
 nezzar's army  at  the  taking  of  Jerusalem  (Jer. 
 xxxix.  3).  He  appears  to  have  held  the  office  of 
 chief  eunuch.  In  Jer.  xxxix.  13,  Nebushasbau  is 
 called  Rab-saris,  "  chief  eunuch  ;"  and  the  question 
 arises  whether  Nebushasban  and  Sarsechim  may  not 
 be  names  of  the  same  person.  In  Gesenius'  The- 
 saurus it  is  conjectured  that  Sarsechim  and  Rab- 
 saris  may  be  identical,  and  both  titles  of  the  same 
 office. 
 
 Sa'ruch.     Serug  the  son  of  Reu  (Luke  iii.  S5). 
 
 Sa'tan.  The  word  itself,  the  Hebrew  satdn,  is 
 simply  an  "  adversary,"  and  is  so  used  in  1  Sam. 
 .xxix".  4  ,  2  Sam.  xix.  22;  1  K.  v.  4,  xi.  14,  23,  25; 
 Num.  xxii.  22,  32  ;  Ps.  cix.  6.  This  original  sense 
 is  still  found  m  our  Lord's  application  of  the  name 
 to  St.  Peter  in  Matt.  xvi.  23.  It  is  used  as  a 
 proper  name  or  title  only  lour  times  in  the  0.  T. 
 viz.  (with  the  article)  in  Job  i.  6,  12,  ii.  1,  Zech. 
 iii.  I,  and  (without  the  article)  in  1  Chr.  xxi.  1.  It 
 is  with  the  scriptural  revelation  on  the  subject 
 that  we  are  here  concerned  ;  and  it  is  clear,  from 
 this  simple  enumeration  of  passages,  that  it  is  to  bo 
 sought  in  the  New,  rather  than  in  the  Old  Testae 
 
820 
 
 SATAN 
 
 niPtit.  It  (lividos  itself  natunilly  into  the  cnnsidoi-a- 
 tinii  of  liis  existence,  liis  nature,  ami  Ins  jiower  and 
 ivtion.— (A.)  His  Kxistknck. — It  would  be  a 
 waste  of  time  to  piove,  that,  in  various  degrees  of 
 clearness,  the  personal  existent*  of  a  Sjiirit  of  Kvil 
 is  levealeil  ai;aiii  and  again  in  Scii)ituie.  Kvery 
 quality,  every  action  wliich  can  indicite  jieisonality, 
 is  attributed  to  him  in  language  which  cannot  be 
 ex|)lained  away.  The  tendency  ot  the  mind  in  its 
 inquiry  :is  to  the  origin  of  evil  is  generally  towards 
 one  or  other  of  two  extremes.  The  fii-st  is  to  con- 
 sider evil  as  a  negative  imperfection,  arising,  in 
 some  unknov.-n  and  inexplicjible  way,  fjom  the 
 nature  of  matter,  or  from  some  distuibing  influ- 
 ences which  limit  the  action  of  goodness  on  earth. 
 The  other  is  the  old  Persian  or  llanichnean  hypo- 
 thesis, which  traces  tlie  existence  of  evil  to  a  rival 
 Creator,  not  subordinate  to  the  Creator  of  Good, 
 though  perhaps  inferior  to  Him  in  power,  and  des- 
 tined to  be  overcome  by  Him  at  last.  The  Kevela- 
 ti<in  of  Scripture,  speaking  with  authority,  meets 
 the  tiuth,  and  removes  the  error,  inherent  in  botii 
 tlit-se  liyjiotheses.  It  asserts  in  the  strongest  terms 
 the  jierfect  supremacy  of  God,  so  that  under  His 
 peiuiission  alone,  and  for  His  inscrutable  purposes, 
 evil  is  allowed  to  exist  (see  for  example  Piov.  xvi. 
 4 ;  Is.  xlv.  7  ;  .^m.  iii.  6 ;  comp.  Kom.  ix.  22,  "i.J). 
 It  regards  this  evil  as  an  anomaly  and  corruption, 
 to  be  taken  away  by  a  new  manile»tatiou  of  Divine 
 Love  in  the  Incarnation  and  Atonement.  The  con- 
 quest of  it  began  virtually  in  God's  ordinance  after 
 tile  I'all  itself,  was  ellc'cte.i  actually  on  the  Cross, 
 and  shall  be  perfected  in  its  results  at  the  Judgment 
 Day.  Still  Scripture  recognises  the  existeiKe  of  evil 
 in  the  world,  not  only  as  Mt  in  outwai-d  circum- 
 stmces  ("  the  world  "),  and  as  inborn  in  the  soul 
 of  man  ["  the  flesh  "),  but  also  as  proceeding  from 
 the  influence  of  an  Evil  Spirit,  exercising  that 
 mysteiious  power  of  free  will,  which  God's  rational 
 creatures  jjossess,  to  rebel  against  Him,  and  to 
 draw  others  into  the  same  rebellion  ("the  devil";. 
 lu  accordiince  with  the  "  economy"  and  progressive- 
 iiess  of  God's  revelation,  the  existence  of  Satan  is 
 but  gradually  revealed.  In  the  first  entrance  of 
 evil  into  the  world.,  the  temjitation  is  referred  onlv 
 to  the  serpent.  Throughout  the  whole  period  of 
 the  patriarchal  and  Jewish  dispensation,  this  vague 
 and  imperfect  revelation  of  the  Source  of  Evil  alone 
 w:is  given.  The  Source  of  all  Good  is  set  forth  in 
 all  His  supreme  and  unapproachable  Majesty  ;  evil 
 is  known  negatively  as  the  falling  away  from  Him. 
 The  Book  of  Job  stands,  in  any  case,  alone  on  the 
 basis  of"  natui-al  religion,"  apart  from  the  gradual 
 and  orderly  evolutions  of  the  Mosaic  revelation.  In 
 it,  lor  the  lirst  time,  we  find  a  distinct  mention  of 
 "Satan,"  the  "  advci-siuy  "  of  Job.  But  it  is  im- 
 l)ortaiit  to  remark  the  emphatic  stress  laid  on  his 
 siiliopiinate  position,  on  the  absence  of  all  but  deleg- 
 ateil  |(Ower,  of  all  terror,  and  all  grandeur  in  his 
 chai'jicter.  It  is  esjiecially  remarkable  that  no  jxjwer 
 of  spiritual  influence,  but  only  a  jwwer  over  out- 
 ward cii-cumstiinccs,  is  attribute<l  to  him.  The 
 Captivity  bi  ought  the  Israelites  face  to  face  with 
 the  great  dualism  of  tlie  I'ei-sian  mythologv,  the 
 miillict  of  Oimuzd  with  Ahrinian,  the  co-oixlinafe 
 Spirit  of  Evil.  In  the  b.^.ks  wiillen  after  the 
 Captivity  we  have  again  the  name  of  "Satan" 
 twice  mentioned  (1  Chr.  xxi.  1  ;  Zech.  iii.  I,  2)  ; 
 but  it  is  conliiised  by  all  that  the  Satan  of  Scrijv 
 tiiru  benrs  no  resemblance  to  the  I'ci-sian  Ahriman. 
 llu   sulwrdination  and   inferiority  are  as  strongly 
 
 SATAN 
 
 marked  as  ever.  In  the  interval  lietwecn  the  Old 
 and  New  Test,  the  Jewish  mind  had  pondered  on 
 the  scanty  revelations  already  given  of  evil  s]>iritual 
 influence.  But  the  Ajwcryphal  Books  (as,  tor  ex- 
 ample, Tobit  and  Judith),  while  dwelling  on 
 "  demons,"  have  no  notice  of  Satan.  The  same 
 may  be  observeil  of  .losephus.  But,  while  a  mass 
 of  fable  and  superstition  grew  u)>  ou  the  geneiiu 
 subject  of  evil  spiritual  influence,  still  the  existence 
 and  nature  of  Satan  remained  in  the  background, 
 felt,  but  not  understood.  The  N.  T.  first  brings  it 
 ]>lainly  forward.  From  the  beginning  of  the  Gospel, 
 when  he  apfiears  as  the  jiersoiial  tempter  of  our 
 Lord,  through  all  the  (lospels,  Epistles,  and  .Apocji- 
 lypse,  it  is  asserted  or  im]ilied,  again  and  again,  as 
 a  familiar  and  important  truth.  Without  dwelling 
 on  other  passages,  the  plain,  solemn,  and  unmeta- 
 phorical  words  of  John  viii.  44,  must  be  sufficient. 
 — (B.)  His  Natuke.— Of  the  nature  and  original 
 state  of  Satan,  little  is  revealed  in  Scripture.  He 
 is  spoken  of  as  a  "spirit"  in  Eph.  ii.  2,  as  the 
 prince  or  ruler  of  the  "demons"  in  Matt.  xii.  24- 
 2tJ,  and  as  having  "  angels  "  subject  to  him  in  Matt. 
 XXV.  41  ;  Itev.  xii.  7,  9.  The  whole  description  of 
 his  power  implies  spiritual  natiiie  and  s])iritMiil  in- 
 fluence. We  conclude  therefore  that  he  was  of 
 angelic  nature,  a  rational  and  sjiiritual  creature, 
 su])erhuman  in  power,  wisdom,  and  energy;  and  not 
 only  so,  but  an  archangel,  one  of  the  "  princes  "  of 
 heaven.  We  cannot,  of  coui'se,  conceive  that  any- 
 thing essentially  and  originally  evil  was  created  by 
 God.  We  ciui  only  conjecture,  therefore,  that  Satan 
 is  a  fallen  angel,  who  once  had  a  time  of  probation, 
 but  whose  condemnation  is  now  inevoaibly  hxed. 
 But  of  the  time,  cause,  and  manner  of  his  tail. 
 Scnpture  tells  us  saircely  anything.  Jt  limits  its 
 disclosures,  as  always,  to  that  which  we  need  to 
 know.  The  pa.ssage  on  which  all  the  fjibric  of  tra- 
 dition and  ])oetry  has  been  raised  is  llev.  xii.  7,  9. 
 Whatever  be  the  meaning  of  this  pass;ige,  it  is  cer- 
 tain that  it  cannot  refer  to  the  original  fall  of 
 Sataii.  The  only  other  passage  which  refers  to  the 
 fall  of  the  iingels  is  2  I'et.  ii.  4,  with  the  pitrallel 
 passage  in  Jude  6.  Here  again  the  passage  is  mys- 
 terious ;  but  it  seems  hardly  possible  to  consider 
 Satan  as  one  of  these;  for  thi^y  are  in  chains  and 
 guarded  till  the  Great  Day  ;  he  is  permitted  still  to 
 go  about  as  the  Tempter  and  the  Adveisaiy,  until 
 his  appointed  time  be  come.  Setting  these  pjussiiges 
 aside,  we  have  still  to  consider  the  declaration  of 
 our  Lord  in  Luke  x.  18,  "  I  beheld  SatJin,  as  light- 
 ning, fall  from  heaven."  This  may  refer  to  the 
 fact  of  his  original  fall  ;  but,  in  any  case,  it  tells 
 nothing  of  its  cause  or  method.  There  is  also  the 
 pass;jge  already  quoted  (John  viii.  44) ;  but  here  it 
 seems  likely  the  words  refer  to  the  beginning  o( 
 his  action  upon  man.  Perhaps  the  oaly  one,  which 
 has  any  value,  is  1  Tim.  iii.  <>,  "  lest  being  lifted 
 up  by  pride  he  fall  into  the  condemnation  of  the 
 devil."  It  is  concluded  from  this  that  pride  was 
 the  cause  of  the  devil's  condemnation.  But,  while 
 these  points  are  pa.s.sed  by  almost  in  silence,  Scrip- 
 ture dcsciiiies  to  us  distinctly  the  moi-.il  nature  of 
 the  Evil  One.  This  is  no  matter  of  barren  specul- 
 ation to  tlio^e  who,  by  yielding  to  evil,  mjiy  be- 
 come the  "children  of  Satan,"  instead  of  "  children 
 of  GcmL"  The  ideal  of  goodness  is  made  up  of  the 
 three  great  moral  attributes  of  (iod — Love,  Truth, 
 and  Purity  or  Holiness;  coinbineil  with  that  .sfirit 
 which  is  the  natural  temp<'r  of  a  finite  and  lie- 
 jiciKlent   creature,    the  spirit  of  Faith.     We   find, 
 
SATAN 
 
 (iccordiiigly,  that  the  opjtosites  of  those  qualities  are 
 Jwi'lt  upon  as  the  characteristics  of  the  devil.— 
 (".;  His  Power  and  Action. — The  power  of 
 Siitaii  over  the  soul  is  represented  as  exercised 
 either  directly  or  by  his  instruments.  His  direct 
 inriuence  over  the  soul  is  simply  that  of  a  powerful 
 and  evil  nature  on  those  in  whom  lurks  the  germ 
 of  the  same  evil,  ditleriiig  from  the  influence  exer- 
 cised by  a  wicked  man  in  degree  rather  than  in 
 kind  ;  but  it  h;is  the  power  of  acting  by  suggestion 
 of  thoughts,  without  the  medium  of  action  or 
 words— a  power  wiiich  is  only  in  very  slight  de- 
 gree exercised  by  men  upon  each  other.  This  influ- 
 ence is  spoken  of.  in  Sciipture  m  the  strongest 
 terms,  as  a  real  external  influence,  correlative  to, 
 but  not  to  be  confounded  with,  the  existence  of  evil 
 v.-ithin.  Yet  at  the  same  time  it  is  to  be  observed 
 tliat  its  language  is  veiy  tar  from  countenancing, 
 even  for  a  moment,  the  horrors  of  the  Manichaean 
 theory.  The  influence  of  Satan  is  always  spoken 
 of  as  temporary  and  limited,  subordinated  to  the 
 Divine  counsel,  and  broken  by  the  Incarnate  Son  of 
 God.  It  is  brought  out  visibly,  in  the  form  of 
 possession,  in  the  earthly  life  of  our  Lord,  only 
 in  order  that  it  may  give  the  opportunity  of  His 
 triumph.  The  history  of  the  Book  of  Job  shows 
 plainly,  what  is  elsewhere  constantly  implied,  that 
 Satanic  influence  is  permitted  in  order  to  be  over- 
 ruled to  good,  to  teach  humility,  and  therefore  faith. 
 The  mystery  of  the  existence  of  evil  is  left  unex- 
 plained, but  its  present  subordination  and  future 
 extinction  are  familiar  truths.  So  accordingly,  on 
 the  other  hand,  his  power  is  spoken  of  as  capable 
 of  being  resisted  by  the  will  of  man,  when  aided 
 by  the  grace  of  God.  Besides  his  own  direct  in- 
 fluence, the  Scripture  discloses  to  us  the  fact  that 
 Satan  is  the  leader  of  a  host  of  evil  spirits  or  angels 
 who  share  his  evil  work,  and  for  whom  the  "  ever- 
 lasting fire  is  prepared"  (Matt.  xxv.  41).  Of  their 
 origin  and  fall  we  know  no  more  than  of  his,  for 
 they  cannot  be  the  same  as  the  fallen  and  imprisoned 
 angels  of  2  I'et.  ii.  4,  and  Jude  6  ;  but  one  passage 
 (Matt.  xii.  24-26)  identities  them  distinctly  with 
 the  SaiiJ.6via  (A.  V.  "  devils")  who  had  power  to 
 possess  the  souls  of  men.  They  are  mostly  spoken 
 of  in  Scripture  in  reference  to  possession  ;  but  in 
 Eph.  vi.  12,  they  are  described  in  various  lights,  as 
 "  principalities,"  "  powers,"  "  rulers  of  the  dark- 
 ness of  this  world,"  and  "  spiritual  powers  of 
 wickedness  in  heavenly  places"  (or  "things"); 
 and  in  all  as  "  wrestling"  against  the  soul  of  man. 
 In  Rev.  xii.  7-9,  they  are  spoken  of  as  fighting  with 
 "  the  dragon,  the  old  serpent  called  the  devil  and 
 Satan,"  against  "  Michael  and  his  angels,"  and  as 
 cast  out  of  heaven  with  their  chief.  Taking  all 
 these  passages  together,  we  find  them  sharing  the 
 enmity  to  God  and  man  implied  in  the  name  and 
 nature  of  Satan  ;  but  their  power  and  action  are 
 but  little  dwelt  upon  in  comparison  with  his.  But 
 the  Evil  One  is  not  only  the  "  prince  of  the  demons," 
 but  also  he  is  c;illed  the  "  prince  of  this  world,"  in 
 John  xii.  31,  xiv.  30,  xvi.  11,  and  even  the  "god 
 of  this  woild  "  in  2  Cor.  iv.  4 ;  the  two  expres- 
 sions being  united  in  Eph.  vi.  12.  This  power  he 
 claimed  for  himself,  as  a  delegated  authority,  in 
 the  temptation  of  our  Lord  (Luke  iv.  6)  ;  and  the 
 temptation  would  have  been  unreal  had  he  spoken 
 altogether  falsely.  It  implies  another  kind  of  in- 
 direct influence  exercised  through  earthly  instru- 
 ments. There  are  some  indications  in  Sciif.ture 
 of  th(!  exercise  of  this  power   tlirough   inanimate 
 
 SATAN 
 
 827 
 
 instruments,  of  an  influence  over  the  powers  of 
 nature,  and  what  men  call  the  "chances"  of  life. 
 Most  of  all  is  tills  indirect  action  of  Satan  mani- 
 fested in  those  who  deliberately  mislead  and  tempt 
 men.  The  method  of  his  action  is  best  discerned 
 by  an  examination  of  the  title  by  which  he  is  de- 
 signated in  Scripture.  He  is  called  emphaticallv 
 b  Sid^oXos,  "  the  devil."  The  derivation  of  the 
 word  in  itself  implies  only  the  endeavour  to  break 
 the  bonds  between  othei-s,  and  "  set  them  at  vari- 
 ance ;"  but  common  usage  adds  to  this  general 
 sense  the  special  idea  of  "  setting  at  variance  by 
 slander."  In  the  application  of  the  title  to  Satan, 
 both  the  general  and  special  senses  should  be  kept 
 in  view.  His  general  object  is  to  break  the  bonds 
 of  communion  between  God  and  man,  and  the 
 bonds  of  truth  and  love  which  bind  men  to  each 
 other.  The  slander  of  God  to  man  is  seen  best  in 
 the  words  of  Gen.  iii.  4,  5.  They  attribute  selfish- 
 ness and  jealousy  to  the  Giver  of  all  good.  The 
 slander  of  man  to  God  is  illustrated  by  the  Book 
 of  Job  (Job  i.  9-11,  'ii.  4,  5).  In  reference  to  it, 
 Satan  is  called  the  "  adversary"  of  man  in  1  Pet. 
 V.  8,  and  represented  in  that  character  in  Zech.  iii. 
 1,  2  ;  and  more  plainly  still  designated  in  Rev.  xii. 
 10,  as  "  the  accuser  of  our  brethi  en,  who  accused 
 them  before  our  God  day  and  night."  It  is  difli- 
 cult  for  us  to  understand  what  can  be  the  need  of 
 accusation,  or  the  power  of  slander,  under  the  all- 
 searching  eye  of  God.  But  these  points,  important 
 as  they  are,  are  of  less  moment  than  the  disclosure 
 of  the  method  of  Satanic  action  upon  the  heart  itself. 
 It  may  be  summed  up  iu  two  words — TemptatioE 
 and  Possession.  The  subject  of  temptation  is  illus- 
 trated, not  only  by  abstract  statements,  but  also  by 
 the  record  of  the  temptations  of  Adam  and  of  our 
 Lord.  It  is  expressly  laid  down  (as  in  James  i. 
 2-4)  that  "  temptation,"  properly  so  called,  i.  e. 
 "  trial,"  is  essential  to  man,  and  is  accordingly  or- 
 dained for  him  and  sent  to  him  by  God  (as  in  Gen. 
 xxii.  1).  Man's  nature  is  progressive;  his  facul- 
 ties, which  exist  at  first  only  in  capacity,  must  be 
 brought  out  to  exist  in  actual  eflSciency  by  free 
 exercise.  His  appetites  and  passions  need  to  be 
 checked  by  the  reason  and  conscience,  and  this 
 need  constitutes  a  trial.  Besides  this,  the  will  itself 
 delights  in  independence  of  action.  The  need  of 
 giving  up  the  individual  will,  freely  and  by  convic- 
 tion, so  as  to  be  in  harmony  with  the  will  of  God, 
 is  a  still  severer  trial.  It  is  this  tenfcibility  of 
 man,  even  in  his  original  nature,  which  is  repre- 
 sented in  Scripture  as  giving  scope  to  the  evil  action 
 of  Satan.  He  is  called  the  "  tempter"  (as  in  Matt, 
 iv.  3  ;  1  Thess.  iii.  5).  He  has  power,  first,  to 
 present  to  the  appetites  or  passions  their  objects  in 
 vivid  and  captivating  forms  ;  and  nest,  to  act  upon 
 the  false  desire  of  the  will  for  independence.  It  is  a 
 power  which  can  be  resisted,  beaiuse  it  is  under  the 
 control  and  overruling  power  of  God  (1  Cor.  x.  13  ; 
 James  iv.  7,  &c.).  It  is  exercised  both  negatively 
 and  positively.  Its  negative  exercise  is  referred  to 
 in  the  parable  of  the  sower.  Its  positive  exercise  is 
 set  forth  in  the  parable  of  the  wheat  and  the  tares. 
 This  exercise  of  the  Tempter's  power  is  possible, 
 even  against  a  sinless  nature.  We  see  this  in  the 
 Temptation  of  our  Lord.  But  in  the  temptation  of 
 a  fallen  nature  Satan  has  a  greater  power.  Every 
 sin  committed  makes  a  man  the  "  servant  of  sm" 
 for  the  future  (John  viii.  34  ;  Rom.  vi.  16) :  it 
 therefore  creates  in  the  spirit  of  man  a  positive 
 tendency  to  evil,  which  sympathises  with,  and  aids 
 
828 
 
 S ATHRABUZ  ANE  S 
 
 the  temptation  of  the  lOvil  One.  'Diis  is  a  fact  re- 
 cot;nised  by  experience.  It  is  this  which  St.  Paul 
 calls  "  a  law,"  t.  e.  an  external  j)ower  "  of  sir  " 
 over  man,  bringing  the  inner  man  into  ca|nivit\' 
 'Horn.  vii.  14-2+).  Its  power  is  broken  by  the 
 Atonement  ana  the  gift  of  the  .Spirit,  but  yet  not 
 completely  cast  out.  It  is  to  this  spiritual  j)ower 
 of  evil,  the  tendency  to  falsehood,  cruelty,  pride, 
 and  unbelief,  indejiendently  of  any  benefits  to  be 
 derived  from  them,  that  Satan  is  siiid  to  appeal  in 
 tempting  us.  Tiiis  twofold  power  of  tenipt:ition 
 is  frequently  referred  to  in  Scripture,  as  exercised, 
 chietly  by  the  suggestion  of  evil  tlioughts,  but  occa- 
 sionally by  the  delegated  power  of  Satan  over  out- 
 ward circumstances.  The  subject  itself  is  the  most 
 staitling  form  of  the  mystery  of  evil  ;  it  is  one  on 
 which,  from  our  ignorance  of  the  connexion  of  the 
 First  Cause  with  Second  Causes  in  nature,  and  of 
 the  process  of  origination  of  human  thought,  expc- 
 lience  can  hardly  be  held  to  be  competent  eitlier 
 to  confirm  or  to  oppose  the  testimony  of  Scripture. 
 On  the  sul)i((!t  of  Possession  see  DiCMONlACS. 
 Sathrabu'zanes.    Shetiiaruoznai  (1  Esd.  vi. 
 
 Satyrs  (lleb.  selrhn),  the  rendering  in  the  A.  V. 
 of  the  above-named  plural  noun,  which,  having  tiie 
 meaning  of  "  hairy  "  or  "rough,"  is  frequently  aj)- 
 plied  to  "  he-goats  ;"  the  .?ee/wi,  however,  of  Is.  xiii. 
 21,  and  xxxiv.  14,  where  tlie  jirojihet  predicts  the 
 desolation  of  Babylon,  have,  probably,  no  allusion  to 
 any  species  of  goat  whether  wild  or  lame.  Accord- 
 ing to  the  old  versions,  and  nearly  all  the  com- 
 mentators, our  own  translation  is  correct,  and 
 Satyrs,  that  is,  demons  of  woods  and  desert  places, 
 half  men  and  half  goats  fcomp.  Lev,  xvii.  7  ;  2  Chr. 
 xi.  15).  The  ojiinion  held  by  Michaelis  and  I.ich- 
 tensfein,  that  the  Si'irim  probably  denote  some 
 sj)ecies  of  ape,  has  been  sanctioned  by  Hamilton 
 Smith  in  Kitto's  Ci/c,  That  some  species  o£  C'jno- 
 cephalus  (dog-faced  babo(>n  i  was  an  animal  that 
 entered  into  the  theology  of  the  ancient  Egyptians, 
 is  evident  from  the  monuments  and  from  what 
 Horapollohas  told  us.  The  other  explanation,  how- 
 ever, has  the  s;mction  of  (Jesenius,  Bochart,  Kosen- 
 muller,  Parkhurst,  Maurer,  Kiiist,  and  others. 
 
 Saul,  more  accurately  SiiADL.  The  name  of 
 rarious  pereons  in  the  Sacred  History.— 1.  Saul 
 of  llehoboth  by  the  River  was  one  of  the  early  kings 
 of  Kdom,  and  successor  of  Sanilah  ((ien.  xxxvi.  '61, 
 a8).  In  1  Chr.  i.  48  he  is  called  SiiAUL.— 2.  The 
 first  king  of  Israel.  There  is  a  contradiction  be- 
 tween the  peiligree  in  1  Sam.  ix.  1,  xiv.  51,  which 
 repiesents  Saul  and  Abneras  the  grandsons  of  Abiel, 
 and  1  Chr.  viii.  33,  ix.  39,  which  repiesents  them 
 as  his  great-grandsons.  If  we  adopt  the  more  ela- 
 boiate  pedigree  in  the  Chronicles,  we  must  supjiose 
 either  that  a  link  has  been  dropped  between  .Xbicl 
 and  Kish,  in  1  Sam.  ix.  1,  or  that  the  elder 
 Kish,  the  son  of  Abiel  (1  Chr.  iv.  3t)),  has  been 
 conlbundeil  with  the  younger  Kish,  the  son  of 
 Ner  (1  Chr.  ix.  39).  The  pedigree  in  1  Chr.  viii. 
 is  not  free  from  confusion,  as  it  omits  amongst  the 
 sons  of  Abiel,  Ner,  who  in  1  Chr.  ix.  ,'i»)  is  the  fifth 
 son,  and  who  in  both  is  maile  the  father  of  Kish. 
 His  character  is  in  part  illustrated  by  the  fierce, 
 wayward,  fitful  nature  of  the  tiibe,  and  in  part 
 accounted  for  by  the  struggle  between  the  old  and 
 new  systems  in  which  he  fiaund  him.self  involved. 
 To  this  we  must  add  a  taint  of  madness,  which 
 broke  out  in  violent  frenzy  at  times,  leaving  him 
 with  long  lucid  intervals.     He  wais  remarkable  tor 
 
 SAUL 
 
 l^'s  sfiength  and  activity  (2  Sam.  i.  2.':;),  and  liko 
 '-18  Homeric  heroes,  of  gigantic  stature,  taller  by 
 •  ead  and  shouldeis  than  the  rest  of  the  people,  and 
 of  that  kind  of  beauty  denoted  by  the  Hebrew  word 
 "good"  (1  Sam.  ix.  2),  and  which  cause<I  him  to 
 be  com{)ared  to  the  gjizclle,  "  the  gazelle  of  Israel." 
 The  birthplace  of  Saul  is  not  expressly  mentione<l ; 
 but,  as  Zeluh  was  the  place  of  Kish's  sepulchre 
 (2Sam,  xxi.),  it  was  probably  his  native  village. 
 His  father,  Kish,  was  a  powerful  and  wealthy  chief, 
 though  the  family  to  which  he  belonged  tns  of 
 little  importance  (ix.  1,  21).  A  portion  cf  his 
 ])roperty  consisted  of  a  drove  of  asses.  In  search  of 
 the.se  a.sses,  gone  astiay  on  the  mountains,  he  sent 
 his  son  Saul,  accompanied  by  a  servant,  who  acted 
 also  as  a  guide  and  guardian  of  the  young  man 
 (ix.  3-10).  It  was  while  prosecuting  this  adventure 
 that  Saul  met  with  Samuel  for  the  fir.-.t  time.  A 
 Divine  intimation  had  indicited  to  him  the  approach 
 and  the  future  destiny  of  the  youthful  Benjamite. 
 Surprised  at  his  language,  but  still  olieying  his  call, 
 they  ascended  to  the  high  place,  and  in  the  inn  or 
 caravanserai  at  the  top  found  thirty  or  (LXX.,  and 
 Joseph.)  seventy  guests  assembled,  amongst  whom 
 thej'  took  the  chief  place.  In  anticipation  of  some 
 distinguished  stranger,  Samuel  had  bade  the  coi>k 
 reserve  a  boiled  shoulder,  from  which  Siiul,  as  the 
 chief  guest,  was  bidden  to  tear  oH'  the  fii-st  morsel. 
 They  then  descended  to  the  city,  and  a  bed  was 
 prepared  iov  Saul  on  the  housetop.  At  daybreak 
 Samuel  roused  him.  They  descended  again  to  the 
 skirts  of  the  town,  and  there  (the  servant  having 
 left  them)  Sanuiel  iiourcd  over  Saul's  head  the -con- 
 secrated oil,  and  with  a  kiss  of  salut;ition  announced 
 to  him  that  he  was  to  be  the  ruler  and  (LXX.) 
 deliverer  of  the  nation  (ix.  25-x.  1).  From  that 
 moment  a  new  life  dawned  upon  him.  He  returned 
 by  a  route  which,  like  that  of  his  search,  it  is  impos- 
 sible to  make  out  distinctly;  and  at  every  step 
 homeward  it  was  confirmed  by  the  incidents  which, 
 according  to  Samuel's  prediction,  awaited  him  (x.  9, 
 10).  This  is  what  may  be  called  the  ))rivate,  inner 
 view  of  his  call.  The  outer  call,  which  is  related 
 inilepciulently  of  the  other,  was  as  follows : — An 
 assembly  was  convened  by  Samuel  at  Jlizjieh,  and 
 lots  were  aist  to  find  the  trdie  and  the  family  which 
 was  to  produce  the  king.  Saul  was  named — and, 
 by  a  Divine  intimation,  found  hid  in  the  circle  of 
 baggage  which  surrounded  the  encampment  (x. 
 17-24).  His  stature  at  once  conciliated  the  public 
 feeling,  and  for  the  first  time  the  .shout  was  laised, 
 afterwards  so  often  repeated  in  modern  times,  "  Long 
 live  the  king"  (x.  23-24 j,  and  he  returned  to  his 
 native  (iibeah.  He  was  (having  apparently  i-e- 
 tmned  to  his  private  life)  on  his  way  home,  driving 
 his  herd  of  o.ven,  when  he  heard  one  of  tlnvse  wild 
 lamentations  in  the  city  of  Cibeah,  such  as  mark  in 
 Kastern  towns  the  arriv.al  ofagivat  calamity.  It 
 was  the  tidings  of  the  threat  issuetl  by  Nahash  king 
 of  Amnion  against  Jahe^h  Gilead.  "  The  Spirit  of 
 the  Lord  cime  upon  him,"  as  on  the  ancient  .fudges. 
 The  shv,  retiring  nature  which  we  have  obsor.'etl, 
 vanished  never  to  return.  Three  (or  six,  l.X.\.) 
 hundmi  thousand  followed  from  Israel,  and  thirty 
 (or  .seventy,  LXX.)  thon.sand  fioiu  Judah:  and 
 Jabesh  was  rescued.  The  cU'ect  was  instantaneou.s 
 on  the  people — tlie  puni.shiiient  of  the  murmurers 
 was  demanded — but  lefu.sed  by  S;ml,  and  the  mon- 
 archy was  inaugurated  anew  at  Cilgal  (xi.  1-15). 
 It  .should  be,  however,  obsen-ed  that  accoi-ding  to 
 1  Sam.  xii.  12,  the  allair  of  Naha-sh  preceded  anJ 
 
SAUL 
 
 ocrnsidiif'il  the  eloctidii  ofSvul.  He  liecnmes  king  of 
 Israel.  But  lie  still  so  f:ir  resembles  the  earlier 
 Jmlges,  as  to  be  virtually  king  only  of  his  own 
 tribe,  Benjamin,  or  of  the  immediate  neighbour- 
 hood. Almost  all  his  e.\ploits  are  confined  to  this 
 circle  of  territory  or  associations.  Samuel,  who 
 had  up  to  this  time  been  still  named  as  ruler  with 
 Saul  (.\i.  7,  12,  14),  now  withdrew,  and  Saul  be- 
 came the  acknowledged  chief.  In  the  2nd  year  of 
 his  reign,  he  began  to  organise  an  attempt  to  shake 
 oil'  the  I'liilistine  yoke  which  pressed  on  his  country  ; 
 not  least  on  his  own  tribe,  where  a  i'hilistine  olficer 
 liad  long  been  stationed  even  m  his  own  field  (x.  5, 
 xiii.  3).  Au  army  of  3000  was  formed,  which  he 
 soon  afterwards  gathered  together  round  him  ;  and 
 Jonathan,  apparently  with  his  sanction,  rose  against 
 the  olMcfr  and  slew  him  (.xiii.  2-1).  This  roused 
 the  wh'>'.e  force  of  the  Philistine  nation  against  him. 
 The  spirit  of  Israel  was  completely  broken.  In  this 
 crisis,  Saul,  now  on  the  very  confines  of  his  kingdom 
 at  Gilgal,  found  himself  in  the  position  long  before 
 descrioed  by  Samuel ;  longing  to  exercise  his  royal 
 right  of  sacrifice,  yet  deterred  by  his  sense  of  obe- 
 dience to  the  Pi'o]iliet.  At  last  on  the  7th  day,  he 
 could  wait  no  longer,  but  just  after  the  sacrifice  was 
 completed  Samuel  arrived,  and  pronounced  the  first 
 curse,  on  his  impetuous  zeal  (xiii.  5-14).  Mean- 
 while the  adventurous  exploit  of  Jonathan  at  Mich- 
 mash  brought  on  the  crisis  which  ultimately  drove 
 the  Philistines  back  to  their  own  tei'ritory.  It  was 
 signalised  by  two  remarkable  incidents  in  the  life  of 
 Saul.  One  was  the  first  appearance  of  his  madness 
 in  the  rash  vow  which  all  but  cost  the  life  of  his 
 son  (1  Sam.  xiv.  24,  44).  The  other  was  the 
 erection  of  liis  first  altar,  built  either  to  celebrate 
 the  victory,  or  to  expiate  the  savage  feast  of  the 
 famished  people  (xiv.  o5).  The  expulsioi'f  of  the  Phi- 
 listines (although  not  entirely  completed,  xiv.  52) 
 at  once  placed  Saul  in  a  position  higher  than  that  of 
 any  previous  ruler  of  Israel.  The  warlike  character 
 of  his  reign  naturally  still  predominated,  and  he 
 was  now  able  to  attack  the  neighbouring  tribes  of 
 Moab,  Ammon,  Edom,  Zobah,  and  finally  Amalek 
 (xiv.  47).  The  war  with  Amalek  is  twice  lelated, 
 first  briefly  (xiv.  48),  and  then  at  length  (xv.  1-9). 
 Its  chief  connexion  with  Saul's  history  lies  in  the 
 disobedience  to  the  prophetical  command  of  Samuel ; 
 shown  in  the  sparing  of  the  king,  and  the  retention 
 of  the  spoil.  This  second  act  of  disobedience  called 
 down  the  second  cuise,  and  the  fiist  distinct  intim- 
 ation of  the  transference  of  the  kingdom  to  a  rival. 
 The  struggle  between  Samuel  and  Saul  in  their  final 
 parting  is  indicated  by  the  rent  of  Samuel's  robe  of 
 state,  ;is  he  teai-s  himself  away  from  Saul's  grasp 
 (for  the  gesture,  see  Joseph.  Ant.  vi.  7,  §  5),  and 
 by  the  long  mourning  of  Samuel  for  the  separa- 
 tion — "  Samuel  mourned  for  Saul."  "  How 
 long  wilt  thou  mourn  for  Saul  ? "  (xiv.  35,  xvi. 
 1.)  The  rest  of  Saul's  life  is  one  long  tragedy. 
 The  fienzy,  which  had  given  indications  of  itself 
 before,  now  at  times  took  almost  entire  possession 
 of  him.  It  is  described  in  mixed  phrases  as  "  an 
 evil  spirit  of  God "  (much  as  we  might  speak 
 of  "  religious  madness"),  which,  when  it  came 
 upon  him,  almost  choked  or  strangled  him  from  its 
 violence.  In  this  crisis  David  was  recommended  to 
 him  by  one  of  the  young  men  of  his  guard.  From 
 this  time  forward  their  lives  are  blended  together. 
 [David.]  In  Saul's  better  moments  he  never  lost 
 the  strong  all'ection  which  he  had  contracted  for 
 David.     Occasionally  too  his   prophetical   gift  re- 
 
 SAUL 
 
 820 
 
 turned,  blemled  with  his  madness  (xix.  24).  But 
 his  acts  of  fierce,  wild  zeal  increased.  At  last  the 
 monai'chy  itself,  which  he  had  raised  up,  broke 
 down  under  the  weakness  of  its  head.  The  Philis- 
 tines re-enterc<d  the  country,  and  with  their  chariots 
 and  horses  occupied  the  plain  of  Esdraelon.  Theit 
 camp  was  pitched  on  the  southern  slope  of  the 
 range  now  allied  Little  Hermon,  by  Shunem.  Ou 
 the  opposite  side,  on  Mount  Gilboa,  was  the  Isi-aelite 
 army,  clinging  as  usual  to  tlie  heights  which  were 
 their  safety.  It  was  near  tne  spring  of  (iideon's 
 encampment,  hence  called  the  spring  of  Harod  or 
 "  trembling  " — and  now  the  name  assumed  an  evil 
 omen,  and  the  heart  of  the  king  as  he  pitched  his 
 camp  there  "  trembled  exceedingly  "  (1  Sam.  xxviii. 
 5).  In  the  lo.ss  of  all  the  usual  means  of  consulting 
 the  Divine  Will,  he  determined,  with  that  wayward 
 mixture  of  superstition  and  religion  which  marked 
 his  whole  career,  to  apply  to  one  of  the  necro- 
 mancers who  had  escaped  his  persecution.  She  was 
 a  woman  living  at  Endor,  on  the  other  side  of  Little 
 Hermon.  According  to  the  Hebrew  tradition  men- 
 tioned by  Jerome,  she  was  the  mother  of  Abuer. 
 Volumes  have  been  written  on  the  question,  whether 
 in  the  scene  that  follows  we  are  to  understand  an 
 imposture  or  a  real  apparition  of  Samuel.  At  this 
 distance  of  time  it  is  impossible  to  determine  the 
 relative  amount  of  fi'aud  or  of  reality,  though  the 
 obvious  meaning  of  the  narrative  itself  tends  to 
 the  hypothesis  of  some  kind  of  apparition.  She 
 recognises  the  di.'^guised  king  first  by  the  appearance 
 of  Samuel,  seemingly  from  his  threatening  aspect 
 or  tone  as  towards  his  enem\'.  Saul  apparently 
 saw  nothing,  but  listened  to  her  description  of  a 
 god-like  figure  of  an  aged  man,  wrapped  round  with 
 the  roval  or  sacred  robe.  Ou  hearing  the  denunci- 
 ation, which  the  apparition  conveyed,  Saul  fell  the 
 whole  length  of  his  gigantic  stature  (see  xxviii.  20, 
 margin)  on  the  ground,  and  remained  motionless 
 till  the  woman  and  his  servants  forced  him  to  eat. 
 The  next  day  the  battle  came  on,  and  according  to 
 Josephus,  perhaps  according  to  the  spirit  of  the 
 sacred  narrative,  his  courage  and  self-devotion  re- 
 turned. The  Israelites  were  driven  up  the  side  of 
 Gilboa.  The  three  sons  ofSaul  were  slain  (1  Sam. 
 xxxi.  2),  Saul  himself  with  his  armour-bearer  was 
 pursued  by  the  archers  and  the  charioteers  of  the 
 enemy  (1  Sam.  xxxi.  3;  2  Sam.  i.  6).  He  was 
 wounded.  His  shield  was  cast  away  (2  Sam.  i.  21). 
 According  to  one  account,  he  fell  upon  his  own 
 sword  (1  Sam.  xxxi.  4).  According  to  another  ac- 
 count, an  Amalekite  came  up  at  the  moment  of  his 
 death-wound,  and  found  him  "  fallen,"  but  leaning 
 ou  his  spear  (2  Sam.  i.  6,  10).  The  dizziness  of 
 death  was  gathered  over  him  (LXX.,  2  Sam.  i.  9), 
 but  he  was  still  alive;  and  he  was,  at  his  own  re- 
 quest, put  out  of  his  pain  by  the  Amalekite,  who 
 took  oft'  his  royal  diadem  and  bracelet,  and  carried 
 the  news  to  David  (2  Sam.  i.  7-10).  The  body  on 
 being  found  by  the  Philistines  wa-s  stripped,  and 
 decapibited  The  armour  was  sent  into  the  Philis- 
 tine cities,  as  if  in  retribution  for  the  spoliation  of 
 Goliath,  and  finally  deposited  in  the  temple  of 
 Astarte,  apparently  in  the  neighbouring  Canaan- 
 itish  city  of  Bethshan  ;  and  over  the  walls  of  the 
 same  city  was  hung  the  naked  headless  corpse,  with 
 those  of  his  three  sons  (ver.  9,  10).  The  head  was 
 deposited  (probably  at  Ashdod)  in  the  temple  rf 
 Dagon  (1  Chr.  X.  10).  The  corpse  was  removed 
 from  Bethshan  by  the  gratitude  of  the  inhabitants 
 of  Jabesh-gilead,  who  came  over   the   Jordan  by 
 
830 
 
 SAVARAN 
 
 night,  ciriied  ofl'the  lioilics,  Imnit  them,  and  ))iiri:'tl 
 them  under  the  tamarisk  at  ,Ial)esh  ( 1  Sam.  xxxi.  13). 
 Thence,  after  the  lapse  of  several  years,  his  ashes 
 and  those  of  Jonathan  were  removed  by  David  to 
 their  ancestral  sepulchre  at  Zelali  in  Benjamin 
 (2  Sam.  -xxi.  14). — 3.  The  .Jewish  name  of  vSt.  1'aul. 
 This  was  the  most  distinguished  name  in  the  genea- 
 logies of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin,  to  which  the  .Apostle 
 felt  some  pride  in  belonging  (Rom.  xi.  1 ;  Phil.  iii. 
 5 ).  Nothing  certain  is  known  about  the  change  ot 
 the  Apostle's  name  from  Saul  to  Paul  (Acts  xiii.  9). 
 Two  chief  conjectures  prevail  concerning  the  change. 
 (  1.)  That  of  Jerome  and  Augustine,  that  the  name 
 was  derived  from  Skrgius  Paulus,  the  first  of  his 
 (lentile  converts.  (2.)  That  which  apjwars  due  to 
 Lightfoot,  that  Paidus  was  the  Apostle's  Roman 
 name  as  a  citizen  of  Tarsus,  naturally  adopted  into 
 common  use  by  his  biographer  when  his  labouis 
 among  the  heathen  commenced. 
 
 Sav'aran,  an  erroneous  form  of  the  title  Avaran, 
 borne  by  Kieazar  the  son  of  Mattathias  (1  Mace. 
 vi.  4S). 
 
 Savi'as.  Uzzi  the  ancestor  of  Ezra  (1  Esd.  viii.  2). 
 Saw.  I'^gyptian  saws,  so  for  as  has  yet  been  dis- 
 covered, were  single-handed,  though  St.  Jerome  has 
 been  thought  to  allude  to  circular  savk's.  As  is  the 
 case  in  modern  Oriental  saws,  the  teeth  usually  in- 
 cline towards  the  handle,  instead  of  away  fiom  it 
 like  ours.  They  have,  in  most  cases,  bronze  blades, 
 apparently  attached  to  the  handles  by  leathern 
 thongs,  but  some  of  those  in  the  British  Museum 
 have  their  blades  let  into  them  like  our  knives.  A 
 double-handed  iron  saw  ha.s  been  found  at  Nimiiid. 
 No  evidence  exists  of  the  use  of  the  saw  applii'<l  to 
 stone  in  Egypt,  nor  without  the  double-handed  saw 
 does  it  seem  likely  that  this  should  be  the  case; 
 but  we  read  of  sawn  stones  used  in  the  Temple 
 (I  K.  vii.  9).  The  s<iws  "  under"  or  "  in"  which 
 David  is  saiil  to  have  placed  his  captives  were  of 
 iron.  The  expression  in  '2  Sam.  xii.  31,  does  not 
 necessarily  imply  torture,  but  the  word  "  cut  " 
 in  1  Chr.  x\-.  '.\,  can  hardly  be  understood  otherwise. 
 Scape-goat.  [Atonement,  Day  op.] 
 Scarlet.     [Colours.] 
 
 Sceptre.  The  llebicw  term  s/ie';£?^  like  its  Greek 
 equivalent  aKriwrpov,  and  our  derivative  sceptre, 
 originally  meant  a  rod  or  staff.  It  was  thence  spe- 
 cifically applied  to  the  shepherd's  crook  (Lev.  xxvii. 
 32  ;  Mic.  vii.  14-),  and  to  the  wand  or  sceptre  of  a 
 ruler.  The  use  ol'  the  staff  as  a  symbol  of  authority 
 was  not  confined  to  kings;  it  might  be  used  by  any 
 leader,  as  instanced  in  Judg.  v.  14,  where  for  "  ])en 
 of  the  writer,"  as  in  the  A.  V.,  we  should  read 
 "  sceptre  of  the  leader."  The  allusions  to  it  are  all 
 of  a  metaphorical  character,  and  describe  it  simply 
 as  one  of  the  insignia  of  supreme  power  (Gen.  xlix. 
 10  ;  Num.  xxiv.  17  ;  Ps.  xlv.  (3 ;  Is.  xiv.  5  ;  Am. 
 i.  5;  Zech.x.  11;  Wisd.x.  14;  Bar.  vi.  14).  We 
 are  consequently  unable  to  describe  the  article  from 
 any  Biblical  notices;  we  may  infer  that  it  was 
 probably  made  of  wood.  The  scej)tre  of  the  Persian 
 monarch  is  described  as  "golden,"  i.e.  probably  of 
 massive  gold  (Esth.  iv.  11),  A  carved  ivory  staff 
 discovei-ed  at  Nimrfid  is  supposed  to  have  been  a 
 hceptro. 
 
 Sce'va.  A  Jew  residing  at  Ephesus  at  the  time 
 of  St.  Paul's  .second  visit  to  that  town  (Acts  xix. 
 14-l'J).  He  is  ilescribed  as  a  "  high-priest,"  either 
 as  having  exercised  the  office  at  Jerusalem,  or  .is 
 being  ciiief  of  one  of  the  twenty-four  cliisses. 
 
 Science,     hi  the  \.  V.  this  word  occui's  only  in 
 
 SCOURGING 
 
 Dm.i.  4,  and  1  Tim.  vi.  20.  Its  use  in  Dan.  i.  4 
 is  jirobably  to  be  explained  by  the,  number  of  syno- 
 nymous words  in  the  verse,  forcing  the  tr.anslators 
 to  look  out  for  diversified  equivalents  in  English. 
 Why  it  should  have  been  chosen  for  1  Tim.  vi.  20 
 is  not  so  obvious.  Its  eflect  is  injurious,  as  leading 
 the  reader  to  suppose  that  St.  Paul  is  speaking  of 
 something  else  than  the  "  knowledge  "  of  which  both 
 the  .ludaizing  and  the  mystic  sects  of  the  Apostolic 
 age  continually  boaste^l,  .against  which  he  so  uigently 
 warns  men  (1  Cor.  viii.  1,  7),  the  counteifeit  of 
 the  true  knowledge  which  he  j)rizes  so  highly 
 (1  Cor.  xii.  8,  xiii.'^2  ;  Phil.  i.  9  ;  Col.  iii.  10).  A 
 natural  perversion  of  the  meaning  of  the  text  has 
 followed  from  this  translation. 
 
 Scorpion  (Heb.  'akrab).  The  well-known  animal 
 of  that  name,  belonging  to  the  class  Arachnida  and 
 order  Pubnonaria,  which  is  twice  mentioned  in  the 
 0.  T.  (Deut.  viii.  15;  Ez.  ii.  6),  and  four  times  in 
 the  N.  T.  (Luke  x.  19,  xi.  12;  Kev.  ix.  3,  10). 
 The  wilderness  of  Sinai  is  especially  alluded  to  as 
 being  inhabited  bj'  scorpions  at  the  time  of  the 
 exodus,  and  to  this  day  these  animals  are  common 
 in  the  same  district,  as  well  as  in  some  parts  of 
 Palestine.  Ehrenberg  enumerates  five  species  as 
 occurring  near  Mt.  Sinai,  some  of  which  are  found 
 also  in  the  Lebanon.  Scoipions  are  generally  found 
 in  dry  and  in  dai'k  places,  under  stones  and  in  ruins, 
 chiefly  in  warm  climates.  They  are  carnivorous  ia 
 their  habits,  .and  move  along  in  a  threatening  atti- 
 tude with  the  tail  elevated.  The  sting,  which  is 
 situated  at  the  extremity  of  the  tail,  has  at  its  ba.se 
 a  gland  that  secretes  a  poisonous  fluid,  which  is 
 discharged  into  the  wound  by  two  minute  orifices 
 at  its  extremity.  In  hot  climates  the  sting  often 
 occasions  much  suffering,  and  sometimes  alarming 
 symi)tonis.  The  "scorpions"  of  1  K.  xii.  11,  14, 
 2  Chr.  X.  11,  14,  have  clearly  no  allusion  whatever 
 to  the  animal,  but  to  some  instrument  of  scourging 
 — unless  indeed  the  expression  is  a  mere  figure. 
 Celsius  thinks  the  "  scorpion"  scourge  was  the  spiny 
 stem  of  what  the  Arabs  call  Hedek,  thp  Solanuin 
 laeloiujena,  var.  cscnlentum,  egg-plant. 
 
 .>-»»•.„-  — 
 
 Scourging.  The  puni.shment  of  scourging  was 
 jirescribed  by  the  Law  in  the  case  of  a  betrothed 
 bondwoman  guilty  of  unchasfity,  and  perhaps  in 
 the  c;tse  of  both  the  guilty  persons  (Lev.  xix.  20), 
 The  instrument  of  punishment  in  ancient  Egypt, 
 ;ts  it  is  also  in  modern  times  genenilly  in  the  East, 
 was  usually  the  stick,  apjilied  to  the  soles  of  the 
 feet — bastinado.    Undei-  the  Roman  method  the  ail- 
 
SCREECH-OWL 
 
 prit  was  stripped,  stretched  with  cords  or  thongs 
 on  a  frame,  and  beaten  with  rods. 
 
 Screech-owl.     [Owl.] 
 
 Scribes  "^Heb.  sophcrvn).  I.  Name. — (1.)  Three 
 meanings  are  connected  witli  the  verb  adphar,  tlie 
 root  o( Sop/ieriin — (1)  to  write,  (2)  to  set  in  order, 
 (S)  to  count.  The  explanation  of  the  word  has 
 been  referred  to  each  of  these.  The  Sopheriin 
 were  so  called  because  they  wrote  out  the  Law, 
 or  because  they  classified  and  arranged  its  pre- 
 cepts, or  because  they  counted  with  scrupulous 
 minuteness  every  clause  and  letter  it  contained. 
 The  traditions  of  the  Scribes,  glorying  in  their  own 
 achievements,  were-  in  favour  of  the  last  of  these 
 etymologies.  The  second  fits  in  best  with  the 
 rr,;litary  functions  connected  with  the  word  in  the 
 earlier  sfciges  of  its  history.  The  authority  of  most 
 Hebrew  scholars  is  with  the  first.  The  Greek  equi- 
 valent answers  to  the  derived  lather  than  the  ori- 
 ginal meaning  of  the  word.  The  ypafifiarevs  of  a 
 Greeic  state  was  not  the  mere  writer,  but  the  keeper 
 and  registrar  of  public  documents  (Thuc.  iv.  118, 
 vii.  10 ;  so  in  Acts  xix.  35).  (2.)  The  name  of 
 Kirjath-Sepher  (Josh.  xv.  15;  Judg.  i.  12) 
 may  possibly  connect  itself  with  some  early  use  of 
 the  title.  In  the  song  of  Deborah  (Judg.  v.  14)  the 
 word  appears  to  point  to  military  functions  of  some 
 kind.  The  "pen  of  the  writer"  of  the  A.V.  is 
 ])robably  the  rod  or  scepti'e  of  the  commander  num- 
 bering or  marshalling  his  troops.  Three  men  are 
 mentioned  as  successively  filling  the  office  of  Scribe 
 under  David  and  Solomon  (2  Sam.  viii.  17,  xx. 
 25  ;  1  K.  iv  3).  We  may  think  of  them  as  the 
 king's  secretaries,  writing  his  letters,  drawing  up 
 his  decrees,  managing  his  finances  (eomp.  2  K.  xii. 
 10).  At  a  later  period  the  word  again  connects 
 itself  with  the  act  of  numbering  the  military  forces 
 of  the  country  (Jer.  lii.  25,  and  probably  Is.  xxxiii. 
 18).  Other  associations,  however,  began  to  gather 
 round  it  about  the  same  period.  The  zeal  of  Heze- 
 kiah  led  him  to  foster  the  growth  of  a  body  of  men 
 whose  work  it  was  to  transcribe  old  records,  or  to 
 put  in  writing  what  had  been  handed  down  orally 
 (Prov.  XXV.  1).  To  this  peiiod  accordingly  belongs 
 the  new  significance  of  the  title.  It  no  longer  de- 
 signates only  an  officer  of  the  king's  court,  but  a 
 class,  students  and  interpreters  of  the  Law,  boasting 
 of  their  wisdom  (Jer.  viii.  8).  (3.)  The  seventy 
 years  of  the  Captivity  gave  a  fresh  glory  to  the 
 name.  The  exiles  would  be  anxious  above  all  things 
 to  preserve  the  sacred  books,  the  laws,  the  hymns, 
 the  prophecies  of  the  past.  The  words  of  Ezr.  vii. 
 10  describe  the  high  ideal  of  the  new  office.  The 
 Scribe  is  "  to  seek  the  law  of  the  Lord  and  to  do 
 it,  and  to  teach  in  Israel  statutes  and  judgments." 
 (4.)  Of  the  time  that  followed  we  have  but  scanty 
 records.  The  Scribes'  office  apparently  became 
 more  and  more  prominent.  They  appear  as  a  dis- 
 tinct class,  "  the  families  of  the  Scribes,"  with  a 
 local  habitation  (1  Chr.  ii.  55).  They  compile,  as 
 in  the  two  Books  of  Chronicles,  excerpta  and  epi- 
 tomes of  larger  histories  (1  Chr.  xxix.  29;  2  Chr. 
 ix.  29). — II.  Development  of  Doctrine. — (1.)  It  is 
 characteristic  of  the  Scribes  of  this  period  that,  with 
 the  exception  of  Ezra  and  2iidok  (Neh.  xiii.  13), 
 we  have  no  record  of  their  names.  A  later  age 
 Honoured  them  collectively  as  the  men  of  the  Great 
 Synagogue.  Never,  perhaps,  was  so  important  a 
 work  done  so  silently.  In  the  words  of  later  Juda- 
 ism they  devoted  themselves  to  the  Mikrn  (J.  e.  re- 
 citation, leading,  as  in  Neh.  viii.   8),  the  careful 
 
 SCRIBES 
 
 831 
 
 study  of  the  text,  and  laid  down  rules  for  transcrib- 
 ing it  with  the  most  scrupulous  precision,  (2.)  A 
 saying  is  ascribed  to  Simon  the  Just  (B.C.  300-290), 
 which  embodies  the  principle  on  which  they  had 
 acted,  and  enables  us  to  trace  the  next  stage  of  the 
 growth  of  their  system.  "  Our  fiithers  have  taught 
 us,"  he  said,  "  three  things,  to  be  cautious  in  judg- 
 ing, to  train  many  scholars,  and  to  set  a  fence  about 
 the  Law."  They  wished  to  make  the  Law  of  Moses 
 the  rule  of  life  for  the  whole  nation  and  for  indi- 
 vidual men.  The  Jewish  teacher  could  recognise 
 no  principles  beyond  the  precepts  of  the  Law.  (3.) 
 The  result  showed  that,  in  this  as  in  other  instances, 
 the  idolatry  of  the  letter  was  destructive  of  the 
 very  reverence  in  which  it  had  originated.  Step  by 
 step  the  Scribes  were  led  to  conclusions  at  which 
 we  may  believe  the  earlier  representatives  of  the 
 order  would  have  started  back  with  horror.  L)eci- 
 sions  on  fresh  questions  were  accumulated  into  a 
 complex  system  of  c;isuistry.  The  new  precepts, 
 still  transmitted  orally,  more  precisely  fitting  in  to 
 the  circumstances  of  men's  lives  than  the  old,  came 
 practically  to  take  their  place.  The  right  relation 
 of  moral  and  ceremonial  laws  was  not  only  forgotten, 
 but  absolutely  inverted.  (4.)  Here  it  will  be 
 enough  to  notice  what  way  the  teaching  of  the 
 Scribes  in  our  Lord's  time  was  making  to  that 
 result.  Their  first  work  was  to  report  the  decisions 
 of  previous  Ilabbis.  These  were  the  Halachotli  (the 
 current  precepts  of  the  schools) — precepts  binding  on 
 the  conscience.  A  new  code,  a  second  Corpus  Juris, 
 the  Mishna,  grew  out  of  them.  The  anecdotes  of 
 the  schools  or  courts  of  law,  the  ohitar  dicta  of 
 Rabbis,  the  wildest  fables  of  Jewish  superstition 
 (Tit.  i.  14),  were  brought  in,  and  the  Geinara 
 (completeness)  filled  up  the  measure  of  the  Insti- 
 tutes of  Rabbinic  Law.  The  Mishna  and  theGemaia 
 together  were  known  as  the  Talmud  (instruction). 
 (5.)  Side  by  side  with  this  was  a  development  in 
 another  direction.  The  sacred  books  were  not  studied 
 as  a  code  of  laws  only.  To  search  into  their  mean- 
 ing had  from  the  first  belonged  to  the  ideal  office 
 of  the  Scribe.  But  here  also  the  book  ,  suggested 
 thoughts  which  could  not  logically  be  deduced  fiom 
 it.  The  fruit  of  the  elTort  to  find  what  was  not 
 there  appears  in  the  Midrashim  (searchings,  inves- 
 tigations) on  the  several  books  of  the  0.  T.  The 
 process  by  which  the  meaning,  moral  or  mvstical, 
 was  elicited,  was  known  as  Hugnda  (saying,  opinion). 
 There  was  obviously  no  assignable  limit  to  such  a 
 process.  But  there  lay  a  stage  higher  even  than 
 the  Hagada.  The  mystical  school  of  interpretation 
 culminated  in  the  Kabhala  (reception,  the  received 
 doctrine).  Every  letter,  every  number,  became 
 pregnant  with  mysteries.— III.  History.— (1.)  The 
 names  of  the  earlier  scribes  passed  away,  as  has 
 been  said,  unrecorded.  Simon  the  Just  (circ.  B.C. 
 300-290)  appears  as  the  last  of  the  men  of  the 
 Great  Synagogue,  the  beginner  of  a  new  period. 
 The  memorable  names  of  the  times  that  followed — 
 Antigonus  of  Socho,  Zadok,  Boothos — connect  them- 
 selves with  the  rise  of  the  first  opposition  to  the 
 traditional  system  which  was  growing  up.  The 
 tenet  of  the  Saciiliicees,  however,  never  commanded 
 the  adhesion  of  more  than  a  small  minority.  It 
 tended  by  maintaiiiiug  the  sufficiency  of  the  letter 
 of  file  Law,  to  destroy  the  very  occupation  of  a 
 Scribe,  and  the  class,  as  such,  belonged  to  the  party 
 of  its  opponents.  The  words  "  Scribes"  and  "  Pha- 
 risees" were  bound  together  by  the  closest  possible 
 alliance  (Matt,  xxiii.  passim ;    Luie  v.  30j.     To 
 
832 
 
 SCRIBES 
 
 understar.ii  fheir  relation  t«  end)  other  in  our  Lord's 
 time,  or  their  connexion  with  His  life  an<l  teach- 
 in£f,  we  must  look  back  to  what  is  known  of  the  tive 
 pairs  of  teachers  who  represented  the  scribal  suc- 
 cessioD.  (2.)  The  two  names  that  stand  tii-st  in 
 order  are  Joses  ben-Joezer,  a  priest,  and  Joses 
 ben-Joclianan  (circ.  B.C.  140-130).  The  precepts 
 ascribed  to  them  indicate  a  tendoniy  to  a  greater 
 elaboration  of  all  rules  connected  with  ceremonial 
 di'tilemeiit.  The  brave  struggle  with  the  Syrian 
 kings  had  turned  chiefly  on  questions  of  this  nature, 
 and  it  was  the  wish  of  the  two  teachers  to  prei)are 
 the  people  for  any  future  conflict  by  founding  a 
 fraternity  (the  Chabenm,  or  associates)  bound  to 
 the  .strictest  observance  of  the  Law.  (3.)  Joshua 
 ben-Perachiah  and  Nithai  of  Arbela  were  contem- 
 porary witli  John  Hyrcanus  (circ.  B.C.  135-103), 
 iBid  enjoyed  his  liivour  till  towards  the  close  of  his 
 reign,  wlien  caprice  or  interest  led  him  to  pass  over 
 to  tlie  camp  of  the  Saddiicees.  (4.)  The  secession 
 of  Hyi'cauus  involved  the  Pharisees,  and  therefore 
 the  Scribes  as  a  class,  in  difficulties,  and  a  period  of 
 confusion  ibllowed.  The  meetings  of  the  Sanhedrim 
 were  suspended  or  became  predominantly  Sadducean. 
 Under  his  successor,  Ale.xander  Jannai,  the  influence 
 of  Simon  ben-Shetach  over  the  queen-mother  Salome 
 le-established  for  a  time  the  ascendancy  of  the 
 .Scribes.  The  Sanhedrim  once  again  assembled,  with 
 none  to  oi)pose  the  dominant  Pharisaic  party.  The 
 return  of  Alexander  from  his  campaign  against 
 Gaza  again  turned  the  tables.  Eight  hundred  Pha- 
 risees took  refuge  in  a  fortress,  were  besieged,  taken, 
 and  put  to  death.  .Joshua  ben-Perachiah,  the  vener- 
 able head  of  the  onler,  was  driven  into  exile.  The 
 Siidducecs  failed,  however,  to  win  tiie  confidence  of 
 tlie  (leople.  On  the  death  of  Jannai  the  inllueiice 
 of  his  widow  Alexandra  w;is  altogether  on  the  side 
 of  the  Scribes,  and  Simon  ben-Shetach  and  Judah 
 ben-Tabbai  entered  on  their  work  as  joint  teachers. 
 Under  them  the  jin'istic  side  of  the  Scribe's  functions 
 liccame  prominent.  Their  rules  turn  chiefly  on  the 
 laws  of  evidence.  (5.)  The  two  that  followed, 
 Sheniaiali  and  Abtalion,  were  conspicuous  for  another 
 reason.  Now,  for  the  first  time,  the  teachers  who 
 sat  in  Moses'  seat  were  not  even  of  the  children  of 
 Abraham.  Proselytes  themselves,  or  the  sons  of 
 proselytes,  their  pre-eminence  in  the  knowledge 
 of  the  Law  raised  them  to  this  office.  The  lot  of 
 these  two  also  was  cast  u])on  evil  days.  They  had 
 courage  to  .attempt  to  check  the  rising  power  of 
 Heroil  in  his  bold  defiance  of  the  Sanhedrim.  When 
 he  showed  himself  to  be  irresistible  they  had  tlie 
 wisdom  to  submit,  and  were  suflei-ed  to  continue 
 their  work  in  peace.  Its  glory  was,  however,  in 
 great  measure,  gone.  The  doors  of  their  school  were 
 no  longer  thrown  open  to  all  comers  so  that  crowds 
 mignt  listen  to  the  teacher.  A  fixed  fee  had  to  be 
 paid  on  entrance.  On  the  death  of  Shemaiah  and 
 Abtalion  there  were  no  qualified  successoi's  to  take 
 their  place.  Two  sons  of  P>ethera,  otherwise  un- 
 known, for  a  time  occupied  it,  but  they  weie  them- 
 selves conscious  of  their  incomitetence.  (G.)  The 
 name  of  lliUel  (born  circ.  B.C.  112)  has  hardly  re- 
 ceived the  notice  due  to  it  from  students  of  the 
 Ciospel  history.  The  noblest  and  most  genial  repre- 
 sentative of  his  order,  we  may  see  in  him  the  best 
 f]  nil  uhich  the  system  of  the  Scribes  was  capable 
 of  ]>rnilucing.  It  is  instructive  to  mark  at  once 
 how  lar  lie  ]irepareil  the  way  for  the  higlier  feacli- 
 ing  which  w.is  to  liillow,  how  fir  he  inevitably  fell 
 ihort  of  it.     In   the    earlier    days  of  his  activity 
 
 SCRIBES 
 
 Hilli'l  had  as  his  colleague  Menahem,  probably  the 
 same  as  the  Essene  Manaen  of  Josephus.  He,  how- 
 ever, was  tempted  by  the  growing  i>ower  of  Hei-od, 
 and,  with  a  large  nnmljer  of  his  followers,  aban- 
 doned at  once  their  calling  as  Scribes  and  their 
 habits  of  devotion.  The  place  thus  vacant  was  soon 
 filled  by  Shammai.  The  two  were  held  in  nearly 
 equal  honour.  One,  in  Jewish  language,  wa.-«  the 
 N';usi,  the  other  the  Ab-beth-din  of  the  Sanhe'Ji/m. 
 They  did  not  teach,  however,  as  their  pr&iecessors 
 had  done,  in  entire  harmony  with  each  other.  Within 
 the  parly  of  the  Pharisees,  within  the  order  of  the 
 Scribes,  there  came  for  the  first  time  to  be  two 
 schools  with  distinctly  opposed  tendencies,  one  vehe- 
 mently, rigidly  orthodox,  the  other  orthodox  also, 
 but  with  nn  orthodoxy  which,  in  the  language  ot 
 modein  politics,  might  be  classed  as  Liberal  Con- 
 servative. The  points  on  which  they  differed  were 
 almo.st  innumerable.  In  most  of  them,  questions 
 as  to  'the  causes  and  degrees  of  uncleanness,  as  to 
 the  law  of  contracts  or  of  wills,  we  Ciui  find  little 
 or  no  interest.  On  the  former  class  of  subjects  the 
 school  of  Shammai  represented  the  extremest  deve- 
 lopment of  the  Pharisaic  spirit.  (7.)  The  teaching 
 of  Hillel  showed  some  cipaoity  for  wider  thoughts. 
 His  personal  character  wiis  more  loveable  and  at- 
 tractive. While  on  the  one  side  he  taught  as  from 
 a  mind  well  stored  with  the  traditions  of  the  eldei"s, 
 he  was,  on  the  other,  anything  but  a  slavish  fol- 
 lower of  those  traditions.  He  was  the  first  to  lay 
 down  principles  for  an  equitable  construction  of  the 
 Law  with  a  dialectic  precision  which  seems  almost 
 to  imply  a  Greek  culture.  The  genial  character  of 
 the  man  comes  out  in  some  of  his  sayings,  which 
 remind  us  of  the  tone  of  Jesus  the  son  ofSirach, 
 and  present  some  faint  approximations  to  a  higher 
 teaching.  (8.)  The  contrast  showed  itself  in  the 
 conduct  of  the  followers  not  less  than  in  the  teach- 
 ers. The  di.sciples  of  Shammai  were  conspicuous  for 
 their  fierceness,  appealed  to  popular  passions,  and 
 used  the  sword  to  decide  the.r  controversies.  Out 
 of  that  school  giew  the  party  of  the  Zealots,  fierce, 
 fanatical,  vindictive,  the  Orangemen  of  Pharisjiism. 
 Those  of  Hillel  were  like  their  master  (comp.  e.g. 
 the  advice  of  Gamaliel,  Acts  v.  34-42),  cautious, 
 gentle,  tolerant,  unwilling  to  make  enemies,  content 
 to  let  things  take  their  coui-se.  One  sought  to  im- 
 pose upon  the  proselyte  from  heathenism  the  fiill 
 burden  of  the  Law,  th«  other  that  he  should  be 
 tieated  with  some  sympathy  and  indulgence.  (9.) 
 Outwardly  the  teaching  of  our  Lord  must  have  ap- 
 jieared  to  men  ditl'ei'ent  in  many  ways  from  both. 
 But  in  most  of  the  points  at  issue  between  the  two 
 parties,  He  must  have  appeared  indirect  antagonism 
 to  the  school  of  Shammai,  insymjiathy  with  that  of 
 Hillel.  So  far,  on  the  other  hand,  as  the  tempr 
 of  the  Hillel  school  was  one  of  mere  adaptation 
 to  the  feeling  of  the  people,  cKiaving  to  tradition, 
 wanting  in  the  intuition  of  a  higher  life,  the  teach- 
 ing of  Christ  must  have  been  felt  as  unspmingly 
 condemning  it.  (10.)  It  adds  to  the  intere.st  of 
 this  inquiry  to  remember  that  Hillel  him-elf  lived, 
 according  to  the  tradition  of  the  i;al)bis,  to  the 
 great  age  of  120,  and  may  therefore  have  been 
 present  among  the  doctors  of  Luke  ii.  46,  and  that 
 Gamaliel,  his  graii<lson  and  succe.s,sor,  was  at  the 
 head  of  this  .school  iluring  the  whole  of  the  ministry 
 of  Christ,  as  well  ;us  in  the  early  portion  of  the 
 history  of  the  .\cfs.  We  are  thus  able  to  explain 
 the  tact,  which  so  many  pass,agos  in  the  Gospels 
 lead   us  to   inl'er,  the  e\i>ilence  all  along  of  a  j>aity 
 
SCRIP 
 
 among  the  Scribes  tliemselves,  more  or  less  disjwsed 
 to  reLX)gnise  Jesus  of  Nazareth  as  a  teacher.— IV. 
 Edacatioii  and  Life..  —  (1.)  The  special  training 
 for  a  Sciibe's  office  began,  pi-ob;\bl\',  about  the  age 
 of  tiiirteeu.  According  to  the  Firke  Aljoth  (v.  24-) 
 the  child  begau  to  read  the  Miiira  at  five  and  the 
 Jlisluia  at  ten.  Three  yeare  later  every  Israelite 
 became  a  c'hild  of  the  Law,  and  was  bound  to  study 
 and  obey  it.  The  great  mass  of  men  rested  in  the 
 scanty  teaching  of  their  synagogues,  in  knowing 
 and  repeating  their  Tephillim,  the  texts  inscribed  on 
 their  plivlacteries.  For  the  boy  who  was  destined 
 by  his  parents,  or  who  devotetl  himself,  to  the  call- 
 ing of  a  Scribe,  something  more  was  required.  He 
 made  his  way  to  Jerusalem,  and  applied  for  admis- 
 sion to  the  school  of  some  famous  Rabbi.  If  he 
 wei'e  poor,  it  was  the  duty  of  the  synagogue  of  his 
 town  or  village  to  provide  for  the  payment  of  his 
 fees,  and  in  part  also  fui-  his  maintenance.  The 
 master  and  his  scliolars  met,  the  former  sitting  on 
 a  high  chair,  the  elder  pupils  on  a  lower  bench,  the 
 younger  on  the  ground,  both  literally  "  at  his  feet." 
 The  class-room  might  be  the  chambei'  of  the  Temple 
 set  apart  for  this  purpose,  or  the  private  school  of 
 the  Kiibbi.  The  education  was  ciiieHy  catechetical, 
 the  pupil  submitting  cases  and  asking  questions,  the 
 teacher  examining  the  pupil  (Luke  ii.).  Parables 
 entered  largely  into  the  method  of  instruction.  (2.) 
 After  a  sufficient  period  of  training,  probablj' at  the 
 age  of  thirty,  the  probationer  was  solemnly  ad- 
 mitted to  his  office.  The  presiding  Kabbi  pro- 
 nounced the  formula,  "  I  admit  thee,  and  thou  art 
 admitted  to  the  Chair  of  the  Scribe,"  solemnly  or- 
 dained him  by  the  imposition  of  hands,  and  gave  to 
 him,  as  the  symbol  of  his  work,  tablets  on  which 
 he  was  to  note  down  the  sayings  of  the  %yise,  and 
 the  "  key  of  knowledge"  (comp.  Luke  xi.  52),  with 
 which  he  was  to  open  or  to  shut  the  treasures  of 
 Divine  wisdom.  (3.)  Tliere  still  lemained  for  the 
 disciple  after  his  admission  the  choice  of  a  variety 
 of  functions,  the  chances  of  failure  and  success.  He 
 might  rise  to  high  places,  become  a  doctor  of  the 
 law,  an  arbitrator  in  family  litigations  (Luke  xii. 
 14),  the  head  of  a  school,  a  member  of  the  San- 
 hediim.  He  might  have  to  content  himself  with 
 the  humbler  work  of  a  transcriber,  copying  the 
 Law  and  the  Prophets  for  the  use  of  synagogues,  or 
 Tephillim  for  that  of  the  devout,  or  a  notary  writ- 
 ing out  contracts  of  sale,  covenants  of  espousals, 
 bills  of  repudiation.  The  position  of  the  more  for- 
 tunate was  of  couise  attractive  enough.  (4.)  In 
 regard  to  social  position  thei'e  was  a  like  contra- 
 diction between  theoiy  and  practice.  The  older 
 Scribes  had  had  no  titles  ;  Shemaiah  em])hatic- 
 ally  warned  his  disciples  against  them.  In  our 
 Lord's  time  the  passion  for  distinction  was  insati- 
 able. Drawing  to  themselves,  as  they  did,  neaily 
 all  the  energy  and  thought  of  Judaism,  the  close 
 hereditary  caste  of  the  priesthood  was  powerless  to 
 compete  witli  them.  Unless  the  priest  became  a 
 Sciibe  also,  he  remained  in  obscurity.  (5.)  The 
 character  of  the  oider  was  marked  under  these 
 influences  by  a  deep,  incurable  hypocrisy,  all  the 
 more  perilous  because,  in  most  cases,  it  was  uncon- 
 scious. We  must  not  infer  fi-om  this  that  all  were 
 alike  tainted,  or  that  the  woik  which  they  had  done, 
 and  the  worth  of  their  office,  were  not  recognised 
 by  Him  who  lebuked  them  tor  their  evil. 
 
 Scrip  (Heb.  yalkut).  The  Hebrew  word  thus 
 translated  apjwars  in  1  Sam.  xvii.  40,  as  a  syn- 
 onym for  the  bag  in  which  the  shipheids  of  I'ales- 
 
 CON.  D.  B. 
 
 SCYTHIAN 
 
 833 
 
 tine  cai'ried  their  fond  or  other  necessaries.  The 
 scrip  of  the  Galilean  peasants  whs  of  leather,  used 
 especially  to  carry  their  food  on  a  journey,  and  slung 
 over  their  shoulders  (Matt.  x.  10;  Mark  vi.  K; 
 Luke  ix.  3,  xxii.  35).  The  English  word  "scrip" 
 is  pi'obably  connected  with  scrape,  scrap,  and  was 
 used  in  like  manner  for  articles  of  food. 
 
 Scripture.  The  chief  facts  relating  to  the  books 
 to  which,  individually  and  collectively,  this  title 
 has  been  applied,  will  be  found  under  BiBLE  and 
 Canon.  It  will  fall  within  the  scope  of  this 
 article  to  trace  the  history  of  the  word,  and  to  de- 
 termine its  exact  meaning  in  the  language  of  the 
 0.  and  N.  T.  (1.)  It  is  not  till  the  return  from 
 the  Captivity  that  the  word  meets  us  with  any 
 distinctive  force.  In  the  earlier  books  we  read  of 
 the  Law,  the  Book  of  the  Law.  In  Ex.  xxxii.  16, 
 the  Commandments  written  on  the  tables  of  testi- 
 mony are  said  to  be  "  the  writing  of  God,"  but  there 
 is  no  special  sense  in  the  word  taken  by  itself.  In 
 the  passage  from  Dan.  x.  21,  where  the  A.  V.  has 
 "  the  Scripture  of  Truth,"  the  words  do  not  pro- 
 bably mean  more  than  "  a  true  writing."  The 
 thought  of  the  Scripture  as  a  whole  is  hardly  to  be 
 found  in  them.  This  first  appears  in  2  Chr.  xxx. 
 5,  18  ("as  it  was  written,"  A.  V.).  The  Greek 
 word,  as  will  be  seen,  kept  its  ground  in  this  sense. 
 A  slight  change  passed  over  that  of  the  Hebiew, 
 and  led  to  the  substitution  of  another.  The  word 
 ce<Au6wn  (  =  writings),  in  the  Jewish  arrangement 
 of  the  0.  T.,  used  for  a  part  and  not  the  wliole  of 
 the  0.  T.  (the  Hagiographa ;  comp.  Bihle).  An- 
 other word  was  therefoie  wanted,  and  it  was  found 
 in  the  Mikra  (K"lp?0,  Neh.  viii.  8),  or  "  reading," 
 the  thing  read  or  recited,  recitation.  This  accordingly 
 we  find  as  the  equivalent  for  the  collective  ypacpal. 
 (2.)  With  this  meaning  the  word  ypa((r{]  passed  into 
 the  language  of  the  N.  T.  Useil  in  the  singular  it 
 is  applied  chiefly  to  this  oi  that  passage  quoted 
 from  the  0.  T.  (Mark  xii.  10;  John  vii.  38,  xiii. 
 18,  xix.  37;  Luke  iv.  21;  Rom.  ix.  17;  Gal.  iii.  8, 
 &c.).  In  two  passages  of  some  difficulty,  some 
 have  seen  the  wider,  some  the  narrower  sense. 
 (1.)  Uaaa  ypa(pT]  OeSirvevcTTos  (2  Tim.  iii.  16) 
 has  been  translated  in  the  A.  V.  "  All  Scripture 
 is  given  by  inspiration  of  God."  There  is  a  pre- 
 ponderance of  authority  in  favour  of  the  ren- 
 dering, "  Every  ypa(p-f],  being  inspired,  is  also 
 profitable,  ..."  (2.)  The  meaning  of  the  ge- 
 nitive in  Tractt  irpo<p7iT€ia  ypacprjs  (2  Pet.  i.  20) 
 seems  at  first  sight  distinctly  collective.  "  Every 
 prophecy  of,  i.  e.  contained  in,  the  0.  T.  Scrip- 
 ture." A  closer  examination  of  the  passage  will 
 jierhaps  lead  to  a  difierent  conclusion.  (3.)  In  the 
 plural,  as  might  be  expected,  the  collective  meaning 
 is  prominent.  In  2  Pet.  iii.  16,  we  find  an  exten- 
 sion of  the  term  to  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul;  but  it 
 remains  uncertain  whether  "  the  other  Scriptures" 
 are  the  Scriptures  of  the  0.  T.  exclusivel}-,  or  in- 
 clude other  wiitings,  then  extant,  dealing  with  the 
 same  topics.  (4.)  In  one  passage,  to.  lepa  ypdfx- 
 ixara  (2  Tim.  iii.  15)  answers  to  "The  Holy  Scrij"- 
 tures"  of  the  A.  V. 
 
 Scythian  occurs  in  Col.  iii.  11  as  a  generalised 
 term  for  lude,  ignorant,  degraded.  The  same  view 
 of  Scytliian  barbarism  appears  in  2  Mace.  iv.  47, 
 and  .3' Mace.  vii.  5.  The  Scythians  dwelt  mostly 
 on  the  north  of  the  Black  Sea,  and  the  Caspian 
 stretching  thence  mdefinitely  into  inner  Asia,  and 
 were  regarded  by  the  aui'ients  as  standing  extremely 
 low  in  point  of  intelligence  and  civilisation. 
 
 3  H 
 
834 
 
 SCYTHOPOLIS 
 
 Scythop'olis,  tliat  is,  "  tliocity  ol'tlic  Scythians," 
 occiir.s  in  tlie  A.  V.  of  Jud.  iii.  10  and  2  Mace.  xii. 
 29  only.  Betlishean  lias  now,  like  so  many  otiiei- 
 places  ill  the  Holy  Land,  leuaincd  its  ancient  name, 
 and  is  known  as  Beisdn  only.  A  nioiuul  close  to 
 it  on  tiie  west  is  called  Tell  Sliuk,  in  which  it  is 
 lii'ihaps  just  possible  that  a  trace  of  Scythopolis 
 may  linger.  But  althouiih  theve  is  no  doubt  what- 
 ever of  the  identity  of  the  place,  there  is  consider- 
 al>le  ditl'erence  of  opinion  as  to  the  origin  of  the 
 name.  The  LXX.  and  Pliny  attribute  it  to  the 
 Scythians,  who  in  the  words  of  the  Byzantine  his- 
 torian Cieorge  Syncellus,  "  overran  I'alestine,  and 
 ttK)k  possession  of  Baisan,  which  from  them  is  called 
 Scytho])olis."  This  luis  been  in  modern  times  gener- 
 ally reteiied  to  the  inviision  recorded  by  Herodotus 
 (i.  104-G),  when  the  Scythians,  after  tiieir  occupa- 
 tion of  Media,  passed  through  Palestine  on  their 
 road  to  Kgypt  (about  B.C.  600).  Reland,  however, 
 discarded  this  e.Nplanatiou,  and  suggested  that 
 Scythopolis  was  a  corruption  of  Succothopolis — the 
 chief  town  of  the  district  of  Succoth.  Suice,  how- 
 ever, the  objection  of  Keland  to  the  historical  truth 
 of  Herodotus  is  now  removed,  the  nece.ssity  for  this 
 suggestion  seems  not  to  exist.  Dr.  Robuison  sug- 
 gests that,  after  all,  Citij  of  the  Scythians  may  be 
 right;  the  word  Scythia  being  used  as  in  the  N.  T. 
 as  equivalent  to  a  barbarian  or  savage.  In  this 
 sense  he  thinks  it  may  have  been  applied  to  the 
 wild  Arabs,  who  then,  as  now,  inhabited  the  Ghor, 
 and  at  times  may  have  had  possession  of  Bethshean. 
 Scythopolis  was  tlie  largest  city  of  the  Decapolis, 
 and  only  one  of  the  ten  which  lay  west  of  Jordan. 
 It  was  surrounded  by  a  district  of  its  own  of  the 
 most  abundant  fertility.  It  became  the  seat  of  a 
 Christian  bishop,  and  its  name  is  found  in  the  lists 
 of  signatures  as  late  as  the  Council  of  Coiistanti- 
 niiple,  A.I).  53(3.  'I'he  latest  mention  of  it  under 
 the  title  of  Scythopolis  is  probably  that  of  William 
 of  Tyre  (.\xii.  16  and  26).  He  mentions  it  as  if  it 
 w.is  then  actually  so  called,  carefully  explaining 
 that  it  was  formerly  Bethshean. 
 
 Sea.  The  Sea,  yam,  is  used  in  Scripture  to 
 denote  —  1 .  The  "  gathering  of  the  waters  "  {yamim), 
 encomp;Lssing  the  land,  or  what  we  c;dl  in  a  more 
 or  less  definite  sense,  "the  Ocean"  (Gen.  i.  2,  10); 
 I'eut.  XXX.  Hi,  &c.).  2.  Some  portion  of  this,  as 
 the  Mediterranean  Sea  (Deut.  xi.  24),  or  the  Red 
 Sea  (Ex.  xv.  4).  3.  Inland  lakes,  whether  of  salt 
 or  fresh  water.  4.  Any  great  collection  of  water, 
 as  the  rivers  Nile  or  Kuphrates,  especially  in  a  state 
 of  overflow  (Is.  xix.  5;  Am.  viii.  8).  The  qua- 
 lities or  chai'acteristics  of  tlie  sea  and  sea-coast 
 mentioned  iu  Scripture  are,  I.  The  sand,  who.se 
 abundance  on  the  coast  both  of  Palestine  and  Kgy|)t 
 t'urnishes  so  many  illustrations  (<!en.  xxii.  17,  xli. 
 49;  .ludg.  vii.  12  ;  1  Sam.  xiii.  5  ;  1  K.  iv.  20, 
 2!l ;  Is.  X.  22  ;  Matt.  vii.  26).  2.  The  shore.  3. 
 Creeks  or  inlets.  4.  Harbours.  5.  Waves  or  bil- 
 lows. It  may  be  remarked  that  almost  all  the 
 figure.^  of  speech  tiiken  from  the  sea  in  Scripture, 
 refer  either  to  its  power  or  its  danger.  The  place 
 "  when;  two  seas  met"  (Acts  xxvii.  41),  may  per- 
 haps mean  one  where  two  currents,  caused  by  the 
 intervention  of  the  island,  met  and  produced  an 
 I'ddv,  which  made  it  desirable  at  once  to  sriouiid  the 
 .hip. 
 
 Sea,  Molten.  In  the  place  of  the  laver  of  tlie 
 t;ibi'riiar|r,  Solomon  (viuseil  a  laver  to  be  ca^t  for  a 
 nimilar  punjose,  which  from  its  size  wius  called  a 
 i««.     It  was  made  partly  or  wholly  of  the  biiiss,  or 
 
 SEA,  THE  SALT 
 
 j-ather  co)>per,  whic'h  had  been  c;ii)tured  by  David 
 from  "Tibhath  and  Chun,  cities  of  Hadarezer  king 
 of  Zobah"  (1  K.  vii.  23-26;  I  Chr.  xviii.  8).  Its 
 dimensions  were  as  follows: — Height,  5  cubits; 
 diameter,  10  cubits;  circumference,  30  cubits; 
 thickness,  1  handbreadth  ;  and  it  is  said  to  have 
 been  capable  of  containing  2000,  or  according  to 
 2  Chr.  iv.  5,  3000  baths.  Below  the  brim  there 
 was  a  double  row  of  "  knops,"  10  (t.  e.  5-|-5)  in 
 each  cubit.  These  were  probably  a  running  bolder 
 or  double  fillet  of  tendrils,  and  fruits,  said  to  be 
 gourds,  of  an  oval  shape.  The  brim  itself,  or  lip, 
 was  wrought  "  like  the  brim  of  a  cup,  with 
 flowers  of  lilies,"  t.  e.  curved  outwards  like  a  lily 
 or  lotus  flower.  The  laver  stood  on  twelve  oxen, 
 three  towards  each  quarter  of  the  heavens,  and  all 
 looking  outwards.  It  was  mutilated  by  Aha/,,  by 
 being  removed  from  its  basis  of  oxen  and  placed  on 
 a  stone  base,  and  was  finally  broken  up  by  the  Assy- 
 rians (2  K.  xvi.  14,  17,  XXV.  13).  Josephus  says 
 that  the  form  of  the  sea  was  hemispherical,  and 
 that  it  held  3000  baths ;  and  he  elsewhere  tells  us 
 that  the  bath  was  equal  to  72  Attic  leVroj,  or  I 
 fierprtrris  —  8  gallons  5'12  pints.  The  question 
 arises,  which  occurred  to  the  Jewish  writers  them- 
 selves, how  the  contents  of  the  laver,  as  thev  are 
 given  in  the  sacred  text,  are  to  be  reconciled  with 
 its  dimensions.  The  .Jewish  writers  supposed  that 
 it  had  a  square  hollow  base  for  3  cubits  of  its  height, 
 and  2  cubits  of  the  circular  Ibim  above,  A  far 
 more  probable  suggestion  is  that  of  Thenius,  in 
 which  Keil  agrees,  that  it  was  of  a  bulging  form 
 below,  but  contracted  at  the  mouth  to  the  dimeii- 
 .sious  named  in  1  K.  vii.  23. 
 
 Uyprthtticul  lestoratiuii  uf  the  Laver.    From  Kcil. 
 
 Sea,  the  Salt.  The  usual,  aiid  perhaps  the  most 
 ancient,  name,  for  the  remarkable  lake,  which  to 
 the  Western  world  is  now  generally  known  as  the 
 Dead  Sea. — I.  1.  It  is  found  only,  and  but  rarely, 
 in  the  Pentateuch  (Gen.  xiv.  3;  Num.  xxxiv.  o, 
 12;  Deut.  iii.  17),  and  in  the  Book  of  Joshua 
 (iii.  16,  xii.  3,  xv.  2,  5,  xviii.  19).  2.  Another, 
 and  possibly  a  later  name,  is  the  Ska  ok  the 
 AUAiiAii  (A.  V.  "sea  of  the  plain"),  which  is 
 found  in  Deut.  iv.  49,  and  2  K.  xiv.  2.^ ;  and  com- 
 bined with  the  former — "the  sea  of  the  Arabah, 
 the  .s;dt  se;i" — in  Deut.  iii.  17  ;  Josh.  iii.  16,  xii.  3. 
 3.  In  the  pio])hets  (Joel  ii.  20;  Kzek.  xlvii.  18; 
 Zech.  xiv.  8)  it  is  mentioned  by  tlie  title  of  TiiK 
 Hast  Ska.  4.  In  Ez.  xlvii.  8,  it  is  styled,  with- 
 out previous  retereuce,  thk  SKA,  and  distinguished 
 from  "the  great  sea" — the  Mediterranean  (ver. 
 10).  5.  Ita  connexion  with  Sodom  is  fii-st  sug- 
 gested in  the  Bible  in  the  book  of  2  Esilras  (v.  7) 
 by  the  name  "Sodomitish  .sea."  6.  In  the  Tal- 
 mudicul  books  it  is  called  both  the  "  Sea  ol  Salt," 
 and  "  Sea  of  Sodom."     7.  Josephus,  and  before  him 
 
SEA,  THE  SALT 
 
 8S6 
 
 Map,  and  Longiludmal  Section  (from  North  to  South"!,  of  the  DEAD  SKA,  from  the  Observations,  Suneys.  and  Soundings  of  Lynch 
 Robinson,  De  Saulcy,  Van  de  Velde,  and  others,  drawn  under  tho  superintendence  of  Mr.  Grove  by  Trelawney  Saunders,  and 
 engraved  by  J.  D.  Cooper. 
 
 Be/eMirM.— 1.  Jericho.  2.  Ford  of  Jordan.  3.  Wadv  Goumrun.  4.  Wadv  Zurka  Ma'in.  b.  Ras  el  Feshkhnh.  6.  Ain  Terabeh.  7.  Has 
 Mcrsed.  8.  Wady  Mojib.  9.  Ain  Jidy.  10.  Birket  el  Khulil.  11.  Sebbch.  12.  Wadv  Zuweiiah.  13.  Um  Zogbal.  14.  Khashm 
 U.sdum.  15.  Waiiv  Fikreh.  16.  Wady  el  Jeib.  17.  \\ady  Tufleh.  18.  Ghor  es  Siitieli.  19.  Plain  es  Sabkah.  20.  Wady  ed 
 Dra'ah.    21.  The  Peninsula.    22.  The  Lagoon.    23.  The  Frank  Mountain.    24.  Bethlehem.    2i.  Hebron. 
 
 Diodonis  Sicnius,  names  it  the  Asphaltic  Lake. 
 8.  Tlie  name  "Dead  Sea"  appears  to  have  been 
 fii'st  used  in  Greek  by  Pausanias  (v.  7)  and  Galen 
 (iv.  9),  and  in  Latin  {mare  mortumri)  by  Jnstin 
 (xx.wi.  .3.  §6),  or  rather  by  the  older  historian, 
 Trogus  Pompeius  (cir.  B.C.  10),  whose  woik  he 
 epitomized.  9.  The  Arabic  name  is  Bahr  Lut, 
 the  "  Sea  of  Lot." — IL  1.  The  so-called  Dead 
 Ska  is  the  final  receptacle  of  the  river  Jordan, 
 the  lowest  and  largest  of  the  three  lakes  which 
 interrupt  the  rush  of  its  downward  course.  It 
 is  the  deepest  portion  of  that  very  deep  natural 
 fissure  which  runs  like  a  furrow  from  the  Gulf 
 of  Akaba  to  the  range  of  Lebanon,  and  from  the 
 range  of  Lebanon  to  the  extreme  north  of  Syria. 
 2.  Viewed  on  the  map,  the  lake  is  of  an  oblong 
 foim,  of  tolerably  regular  contour,  interrupted 
 only  by  a  large  and  long  peninsula  which  pro- 
 jects from  the  eastern  shore,  near  its  southern  end, 
 and  virtually  divides  the  expanse  of  the  water 
 into  two  portions,  connected  by  a  long,  narrow. 
 
 and  somewhat  devious,  passage.  Its  water  surface 
 is  from  N.  to  S.  as  nearly  as  possible  40  geogra- 
 phical, or  46  English  miles  long.  Its  gieatest 
 width  (some  3  miles  S.  of  Ain  Jidy)  is  about  9 
 geogr.  miles,  or  10^  Eng.  miles.  The  ordinary 
 area  of  the  upper  portion  is  about  174  square 
 geogr.  miles  ;  of  the  channel  29  ;  and  of  the  lower 
 portion,  hereafter  styled  "the  lagoon,"  46  ;  in  all 
 about  250  square  geographical  miles.  At  its 
 northern  end  the  lake  receives  the  stream  of  the 
 Jordan :  on  its  Eastern  side  the  Zurka  Ma'in  (the 
 ancient  Callinhoe,  and  pos,sibly  the  more  ancient 
 en-Eglaim),  the  Mojih  (the  Arnon  of  the  Bible); 
 and  the  Beni-Hemad.  On  the  South,  the  Kurdhy 
 or  el-Altsy ;  and  on  the  West  that  of  Ain  Jidy, 
 These  are  probably  all  perennial,  though  variable, 
 streams ;  but,  in  addition,  the  beds  of  the  torrents 
 which  lead  through  the  mountains  East  and  West, 
 and  over  the  flat  shelving  plains  on  both  North  and 
 South  of  the  lake,  .show  that  in  the  winter  a  very 
 large  quantity  of  water  must  be  poured  into  it. 
 
 3  H  2 
 
836 
 
 SEA    THE  SALT 
 
 There  are  alsw  all  along  the  western  side  a  consid- 
 erable uunilier  of  springs,  which  appear  to  run 
 continually,  and  all  liiid  their  way  into  its  waters. 
 The  lake  has  no  visible  outlet.  3.  Excepting  the 
 last  circuinstance,  nothing  has  yet  been  stated  about 
 the  De;id  Sea  that  may  not  be  stated  of  numerous 
 other  inland  lakes.  Tli«  deprassicn  of  its  surlace, 
 however,  and  tlie  depth  which  it  attains  below  that 
 surface,  combined  with  the  absence  of  any  outlet, 
 render  it  one  of  the  most  remarkable  spots  on  the 
 globe.  According  to  the  observations  of  Lieut. 
 Lynch,  the  surface  of  the  lake  in  May  1848  was 
 1316-7  feet  below  the  level  of  the  Mediterranean  at 
 Jaffa,  and  although  we  cannot  absolutely  rely  on 
 the  accuracy  of  tiiat  dimension,  still  there  is  reason 
 to  believe  that  it  is  not  very  far  from  the  iiicl. 
 The  measurements  of  the  depth  of  the  lake  taken 
 by  the  same  party  are  probably  more  trustworthy. 
 The  upper  portion  is  a  perfect  basin,  descending 
 rapidly  till  it  attains,  at  about  one-third  of  its 
 length  from  the  north  end,  a  depth  of  loOS  feet. 
 Immediately  west  of  the  upper  extremity  of  the 
 peninsula,  however,  this  depth  decrea.ses  suddenly 
 to  336  leet,  then  to  114,  and  by  the  time  the  west 
 point  of  the  peninsula  is  reached,  to  18  feet.  Below 
 this  the  southern  portion  is  a  mere  lagoon  of  almost 
 even  bottom,  varying  in  de])tli  from  1 2  feet  in  the 
 middle  to  3  at  the  edges.  4.  The  level  of  the  lake 
 is  liable  to  variation  according  to  the  season  of  the 
 year.  Since  it  ha.s  no  outlet,  its  level  is  a  balance 
 struck  between  the  amount  of  water  poured  into  it, 
 and  the  amount  given  off  by  evaporation.  If  more 
 water  is  supplied  than  the  evaporation  can  carry 
 off,  the  lake  will  rise  until  the  evaporating  surface 
 is  so  much  increased  as  to  restore  the  balance.  On 
 the  other  hand,  should  the  evaporation  drive  off  a 
 larger  quantity  than  the  supply,  the  lake  will  de- 
 scend until  the  surfoce  Ijecomes  so  small  as  again  to 
 restore  the  balance.  The  extreme  ditierences  in 
 level  lesulting  from  these  causes  have  not  yet  been 
 carefully  observed.  5.  The  change  in  level  neces- 
 sarily causes  a  change  in  the  dimensions  of  the  lake. 
 This  will  chiefly  affect  the  southern  end.  Tiie 
 shore  of  that  part  slopes  up  from  the  water  with 
 an  extremely  gradual  incline.  Over  so  flat  a  beach 
 a  very  slight  rise  in  the  lake  would  send  the  water 
 a  considerable  distance.  Dr.  Anderson,  the  geo- 
 logist of  the  American  expedition,  conjectured  tliat 
 the  water  ocGisionally  extended  as  much  as  8  or  10 
 miles  south  of  its  then  position.  On  the  peninsula, 
 the  acclivity  of  which  is  mucli  greater  than  that  of 
 the  southern  shores  of  the  lagoon,  and  in  the  early 
 ])art  of  the  summer  (.June  2),  Irby  and  Mangles 
 found  the  "  high-water  mark  a  mile  distant  from 
 the  water's  ed^^e."  At  the  nortiiern  end  the  shore 
 being  steeper,  the  watei'-line  probably  remains  tole- 
 rably constant.  The  variation  in  breadth  will  not 
 lye  so  much.  6.  The  mountains  which  form  the 
 walls  of  the  great  fissure  in  whose  depths  the  lake 
 is  contained,  continue  a  neaily  parallel  course 
 throughout  its  entire  length.  Viewed  from  the 
 bencii  at  the  northern  end  of  the  lake — the  only 
 view  within  the  reach  of  most  travellers — there  is 
 little  jwrceiitible  difference  between  the  two  ranges. 
 Kach  is  eipially  bare  and  stern  to  the  eye.  7.  Of 
 the  e.Tsl(;rn  side  but  little  is  known.  One  traveller 
 in  mcxiern  times  Seet/.en)  has  su<:ceeded  in  forcing 
 his  way  along  its  whole  length.  Doth  I)r.  Kobin- 
 kon  from  ^iVi  ./iV/y  (\.  TjO'i),  and  Lieut.  Molyneux 
 (127)  from  the  surface  of  the  lake,  record  their  im- 
 presHion  that  the  eastern  niounbiius  ar«  much  more 
 
 SEA,  THE  SALT 
 
 lofty  than  the  western,  and  much  more  broken  by 
 clefts  and  ravines.  In  colour  they  are  brown,  or 
 red, — a  great  contrast  to  the  grey  and  white  tones 
 of  the  western  mountains.  Both  sides  of  the  lake, 
 however,  are  alike  in  the  absence  of  vegetation — 
 almost  entirely  barren  and  scorched.  8.  Seetzen's 
 journey,  just  mentioned,  was  accomplished  in  1807. 
 He  started  in  January  from  the  ford  of  the  Jordan 
 through  the  upper  country,  by  Mkaur,  Attarrus, 
 and  the  ravine  of  the  W'adij  Mojib  to  the  jwninsula  ; 
 returning  immediately  after  by  the  lower  level,  as 
 near  the  lake  as  it  was  possible  to  go.  He  was  ou 
 foot  with  but  a  single  guide.  He  represents  the 
 general  structure  of  the  mountains  as  limestone, 
 cjijijied  in  many  places  by  basidt,  and  having  at  its 
 toot  a  red  ferruginous  sandstone,  which  foims  the 
 immediate  margin  of  the  lake.  The  rocks  lie  in  a 
 succession  of  enormous  teritices,  ap])arently  more 
 vertical  in  form  than  those  on  the  west.  The 
 streams  of  the  3Iojib  and  Zurku  issue  from  portals 
 of  dark  red  sandstone  of  romantic  beauty,  the 
 overhanging  sides  of  which  no  ray  of  sun  ever 
 enters.  Palms  are  numerous;  but  except  near  the 
 streams,  there  is  no  vegetation.  9.  One  remark- 
 able feature  of  the  northern  portion  of  the  eastern 
 heights  is  a  plateau  which  divides  the  mountains 
 halfway  up,  a])parently  forming  a  gigantic  landing- 
 place  in  the  slope,  and  stretching  northwards  from 
 the  Wady  Zurha  Ma'hi.  10.  Tlie  westei'n  shores 
 of  the  lake  have  been  more  investigated  th.in  the 
 eastern,  although  they  cannot  be  said  to  have  been 
 yet  more  than  very  partially  explored.  Two  tra- 
 vellers have  passed  over  their  entire  length : — De 
 Saulcy  in  January  1851,  from  North  to  South, 
 Voyage  dans  la  Syne,  &c.,  1853;  and  Xan-atice 
 of  a  Journey,  &c.,  London,  1854;  and  Poole  in 
 Nov.  1855,  from  South  to  North  {Geogr.  Journal, 
 xxvi.  55).  Others  have  passed  over  considerable 
 portions  of  it,  and  have  reconied  observations  both 
 with  pen  and  pencil.  11.  The  western  range  pi-e- 
 serves  for  the  greater  part  of  its  length  a  coui-se 
 hardly  less  regular  than  the  eastern.  That  it  does 
 not  ajjjiear  so  regular  when  viewed  from  the  north- 
 western end  of  the  lake  is  owing  to  the  projection 
 of  a  mass  of  the  mountain  eastward  from  the  line 
 suiTiciontly  far  to  shut  out  from  view  the  range  to 
 the  south  of  it.  It  is  Dr.  Kobinson's  opinion  that 
 the  projection  consists  of  the  I\us  el  Feshkhali 
 and  its  "  adjacent  dill's  "  only.  But  it  seems  pro- 
 bable that  the  projection  really  commences  further 
 south,  at  the  Has  Mersed,  north  of  Ain  Jidy.  12. 
 The  accompanying  woodcut  represents  the  view 
 looking  southward  from  the  spring  of  Ain  Jidy,  a 
 point  about  700  feet  above  the  water.  It  is  taken 
 from  a  drawing  by  the  accurate  }>cncil  of  Mr.  Tijv 
 ping,  and  gives  a  good  idea  of  the  course  of  that 
 portion  of  the  western  heights,  and  of  their  ordinary 
 character.  13.  The  portion  actually  represented 
 in  this  view  is  described  by  Dr.  Andei'son  as  "  vary- 
 ing from  1200  to  1500  feet  in  height,  bold  and 
 steep,  admitting  nowhere  of  the  ascent  or  de.scent 
 of  beiusts  of  burden,  and  practicable  only  liere  and 
 there  to  the  most  intrepid  climber."  14.  Further 
 south  the  mountiiin-sides  assume  a  more  abrupt  and 
 siivage  asjH>ct,  and  in  the  Wi'dy  Ziiureirah,  and  still 
 more  at  ^V66i'/i — the  ancient  Miusjida — reach  a  pitch 
 of  rugged  and  repidsive,  though  at  the  s;une  time 
 im)iiessive,  desolation,  which  perhaps  cannot  be  ex- 
 ce(^led  anywhere  on  the  face  of  the  earth.  15.  The 
 region  which  lies  on  the  fop  of  tht:  western  heights 
 was  pioUilly  at  one  time  a  wide  tablc-huid,  rising 
 
SEA.  THE  SALT 
 
 837 
 
 The  Dead  Sea— View  from  Jin  Jidy,  looking  Soutli.    From  a  d'awmg  made  on  the  spot  in  184/,  by  W.Tipping,  Esq. 
 
 gi-adually  towards  the  high  lands  which  form  the 
 central  line  of  the  country.  It  is  now  cut  up  by 
 deep  and  difficult  ravines,  .separated  by  steep  and 
 inaccessible  summits ;  luit  poi'tions  ot'  the  table- 
 lands still  remain  in  many  places  to  testify  to  the 
 original  conformation.  The  material  is  a  soft  cre- 
 taceous limestone.  Tlie  surface  is  entirely  desert, 
 with  no  sign  of  cultivation.  16.  Of  the  elevation 
 of  this  region  we  hitherto  possess  but  scanty  ob- 
 servations. Between  Ain  Jidy  and  Ain  Tcr&beh  the 
 summit  is  a  table-land  740  feet  above  the  lake. 
 Further  north,  above  Ain  Terdbeh,  the  summit  of 
 the  pass  is  1305'75  feet  above  the  lake,  within  a 
 tew  teet  the  height  of  the  plain  between  the  Wadij 
 en-Nar  and  Goumran,  which  is  given  b)'  Mr.  Poole 
 at  1.340  feet.  17.  A  beach  of  vaiying  width 
 skirts  the  foot  of  the  mountains  on  the  western 
 side.  Above  Ain  Jidy  it  consists  mainly  of  the 
 deltas  of  the  torrents — fan-shaped  banks  of  debris 
 of  all  sizes,  at  a  steep  slope,  spreading  fiom  the 
 outlet  of  the  torrent  like  those  which  become  so 
 familiar  to  travellers,  in  Northern  Italy  for  ex- 
 ample. In  one  or  two  places — as  at  the  mouth  of 
 the  Kidron  and  at  Ahi  Terdbeh — the  beach  may  be 
 1000  to  14U0  yards  wide,  but  usually  it  is  much 
 narrowei',  and  often  is  lediiced  to  almost  nothing 
 by  the  advance  of  the  headlands.  For  its  major 
 part,  as  already  lemarkcd,  it  is  impassable.  Below 
 Ain  Jidy,  however,  a  marked  change  occurs  in  the 
 character  of  the  beach.  Alternating  with  the  shingle, 
 solid  deposits  of  a  new  material,  soft  friable  chalk, 
 marl,  and  gypsum,  with  salt,  begin  to  make  their 
 appearance.  The  width  of  the  beach  thus  termed 
 is  considerably  greatei-  than  that  above  Ain  Jidy. 
 From  the  Birhet  el-Khfdil  to  the  wady  south  of 
 Sebhch,  a  distance  of  si.x  miles,  it  if  fiom  one  to 
 
 two  miles  wide,  and  is  passable  for  (he  whole  di.<- 
 tance.  One  feature  of  the  beach  is  too  characteristic 
 to  escape  mention — the  line  of  driftwood  which 
 encircles  the  lake,  and  marks  the  highest,  or  the 
 ordinary  high,  level  of  the  water.  18.  At  the 
 south-west  corner  of  the  lake,  below  where  the 
 wadys  Zuweirak  and  Mahauwat  breakdown  through 
 the  enclosing  heights,  the  beach  is  encroached  on  by 
 the  salt  mountain  or  ridge  of  Khashm  Usduin. 
 This  remarkable  object  is  hitherto  but  imperfectly 
 known.  It  is  a  long  level  ridge  or  dyke,  of  seveial 
 miles  long.  Its  northern  portion  runs  .S.S.E. ;  but 
 after  moie  than  half  its  length  it  makes  a  sudden 
 and  decided  bend  to  the  right,  and  then  runs  S.W. 
 It  is  from  300  to  400  feet  in  height,  of  inconsider- 
 able width,  consisting  of  a  body  of  cry&tallized  rock- 
 salt,  more  or  less  solid,  covered  with  a  capping  of 
 chalky  limestone  and  gypsum.  The  lower  portion, 
 the  salt  rock,  rises  abruptly  from  the  glossy  plain 
 at  its  eastern  base,  sloping  back  at  an  angle  of  not 
 more  than  45°,  often  less.  Between  the  north  end 
 of  7v'.  Usdum  and  the  lake  is  a  mound  covered  with 
 stones  and  bearing  the  name  of  um-Zoghal.  It  is 
 about  60  feet  in  diameter  and  10  or  12  high,  evid- 
 ently artificial,  and  not  improbably  the  remains  of 
 an  ancient  structure.  19.  It  follows  from  the  fa(^t 
 that  the  lake  occupies  a  portion  of  a  longitudinal 
 depression,  that  its  northern  and  southein  ends  aie 
 not  enclosed  by  highland,  as  its  east  and  west  sides 
 are.  The  floor  of  the  Ghor  or  Jordan  Valley  has 
 been  already  described.  [Palestine.]  20.  A  small 
 piece  of  land  lies  off  the  shore  about  halfway  between 
 the  entrance  of  the  Jordan  and  the  western  side  of 
 the  lake.  It  is  nearly  circular  in  form.  Its  sides 
 are  sloping,  and  therefoie  its  size  varies  with  the 
 height  of  the  water.     VVhen  the  writer  went  to  it 
 
838 
 
 SEA,  THE  SALT 
 
 in  Si'i't.  18r)8,  it  was  alx)ut  100  yards  in  diameter, 
 10  or  12  feet  out  of  the  water,  and  connected  with 
 the  shore  by  a  narvow  ne<;k  or  isthmus  ot"  about 
 100  yards  in  length.  2h  Ikyond  tiie  ishmd  the 
 north-western  corn.^r  of  the  lake  is  bordered  by  .a 
 low  plain,  extending  up  to  the  fnot  of  the  moun- 
 tiiins  of  Nebij  Musa,  and  south  as  far  as  Eds  Fesh- 
 khah.  This  plain  must  be  considerably  lower  than 
 the  general  level  of  the  land  noith  of  tlie  lake,  since 
 its  appearance  implies  that  it  is  often  coveied  with 
 water.  A  similar  plain  (the  Gltor  el-Belka,  or 
 GhCr  Seisahan)  appears  to  exist  on  the  N.K.  corner 
 of  the  lake  between  the  embouchure  of  the  Jordan 
 nnd  the  slopes  of  the  mountjiiiis  of  Moab.  22.  The 
 southern  end  is  like  the  northern,  a  wide  plain,  nnd 
 like  it  retiiins  among  the  Aralts  the  name  of  Kl 
 GItor,  It  has  been  visited  by  but  few  travellers. 
 Tiie  plain  is  bounded  on  the  west  side,  below  tiie 
 Khtslnn  Usdinn,  by  a  tract  thickly  studded  with  a 
 confused  mass  of  unim)ioitaiit  eminences,  "  low 
 cliris  and  couical  hills,"  of  chalky  indurated  marl. 
 In  height  they  vaiy  fjom  5()  to  150  feet.  In  colour 
 they  ir,  brilliant  white.  23.  The  watei-s  of  two- 
 thirds  of  the  Arabak  drain  northwards  into  the 
 plain  at  the  south  of  the  lake,  and  thence  into  the 
 lake  itself.  The  Wadij  el  Jei6— the  principal 
 channel  by  which  this  vast  dniinage  is  discharged 
 on  to  the  plain — is  very  large,  "  a  huge  channel," 
 "not  far  from  half  a  mile  wide,"  "bearing  traces 
 of  an  immense  volume  of  watei',  iiisliing  along  with 
 violence,  and  covering  the  whole  breadth  of  the 
 valley."  The  body  of  detritus  discharged  by  such 
 a  river  must  be  enormous.  24.  Of  the  eastern 
 boundaiy  of  the  plain  we  possess  hardly  any  in- 
 formation. We  know  that  it  is  formed  by  the 
 mountains  of  Moab,  and  we  can  just  discern  that, 
 adjacent  to  the  lake,  they  consist  of  sandstone,  ral 
 and  yellow,  with  conglomerate  containing  porphyry 
 and  granite.  25.  Of  the  plain  itself  hardly  more  is 
 known  than  of  its  boundaiies.  Its  greatest  width 
 from  \V.  to  K.  is  estimated  at  from  5  to  6  miles, 
 while  its  length  from  the  cave  in  the  salt  mountain 
 to  the  range  of  heights  on  the  south,  ap|>ears  to  be 
 about  8.  Thus  the  breadth  of  the  Ghor  seems  to 
 be  here  considerably  less  than  it  is  anywhere  north 
 of  the  lake,  or  acioss  the  lake  itself.  That  part  of 
 it  which  more  immediatelj'  adjoins  the  lake  consist.^ 
 of  two  very  distinct  sections,  divided  by  a  lane 
 running  nearly  N.  and  S.  Of  these  the  western  is 
 a  region  of  salt  and  barrenness,  bounded  by  the  salt 
 mountain  of  Kknslnn  Usdnm.  Near  the  lake  it 
 bears  the  name  of  es  Subhah,  i.  e.  the  plain  of  salt 
 mud.  26.  To  this  the  eastern  section  of  the  plain 
 is  an  entire  contrast.  A  dense  thicket  of  reeds, 
 almost  im|ienet]able,  divides  it  from  the  Subkii/i. 
 This  ]iast,  the  aspi'ctof  the  land  com]>li'tcly  changes. 
 It  is  a  thick  copse  of  shrubs  similar  to  that  aroumi 
 Jciicho,  and,  like  that,  cleared  here  and  there  in 
 patches  wlieie  the  Ghwcariiieh,  or  Arabs  of  the 
 Ghor,  cultivate  their  wheat  and  liurra,  and  .set  up 
 their  wret<hc<l  villages.  The  variety  of  trees  a]ipears 
 to  \)c  remarkable.  Here,  as  at  .lericho,  the  secret 
 of  thin  vegetation  is  an  abcnidance  of  fresh  water 
 acting  on  a  soil  of  cxtn-nie  richness.  This  distiict, 
 so  well  wo()de<l  and  watered,  is  Killed  tiie  Glidr  es- 
 f>afic/i.  Its  width  is  less  than  that  of  the  Sdb/uih. 
 27.  The  eastern  niount;iins  which  form  the  back- 
 grounil  to  this  distiict  of  woodland,  are  no  less 
 Jiaked  and  rugL'cd  than  those  on  the  opposite  side 
 of  the  valley.  They  consist,  ac-cording  to  the  re- 
 ports of  Sectzen,  I'oole,  and  Lynch,  of  a  red  Siind- 
 
 SEA,  THE  SALT 
 
 stone,  with  limestone  above  it^ — the  sandstone  in 
 horizontal  strata  with  vertical  cleavage.  Of  their 
 height  nothing  is  known,  but  all  travellers  concur 
 in  estimating  them  as  higher  than  tho.se  on  the 
 west,  and  as  preserving  a  more  horizont.il  line  to 
 the  south.  After  pa.ssing  from  the  Ghor  es-Safieh 
 to  the  north,  a  salt  plairi  is  encountered  resembling 
 the  ■S'(i6/.((/i,  and  like  it  overflowed  by  the  lake  when 
 high.  2^.  We  have  now  arrived  at  the  peninsula 
 wliich  projects  from  the  eastern  shore  and  fonns 
 the  noith  enclosure  of  the  lagoon.  Among  the 
 Arabs  it  appears  to  bear  the  names  G/tor  el  Mez- 
 ru'ah  and  Ghor  el  Lisan,  29.  Its  entire  length 
 fiom  north  to  south  is  about  10  geogr.  miles — and 
 its  breadth  from  5  to  6 — though  these  dimensions 
 are  subject  to  some  variation  accoiding  to  the  time 
 of  year.  It  appeals  to  be  termed  entirely  of  recent 
 aqueous  deposits,  late  or  post-tertiary,  very  similar, 
 it'  not  identical,  with  those  which  face  it  on  the 
 western  shore,  and  with  the  "mounds"  which 
 skirt  the  plains  at  the  south  and  N.W.  of  the  lake. 
 It  consi.sts  of  a  friable  carbonate  of  lime  intermixed 
 with  sand  or  .sandy  marls,  and  with  fVe.iuent  masses 
 of  sulphate  of  lime  (gypsum).  The  whole  is  im- 
 pregnated strongly  with  suljihur,  and  also  with 
 salt.  At  the  north  it  is  worn  into  a  short  ridge  or 
 mane,  with  very  -steep  sides  and  serrated  top.  To- 
 wards the  south  the  top  widens  into  a  table-land. 
 A  scanty  giowth  of  shrubs,  so  scanty  as  to  be 
 almost  invisible,  is  found  over  the  table-land.  30. 
 There  seems  no  le.ason  to  doubt  that  this  peninsula 
 is  the  reniiiant  of  a  bed  of  late  aqueous  strata  which 
 were  deposited  at  a  i)eriod  when  the  water  of  the 
 lake  stood  very  much  higher  than  it  now  does,  but 
 which,  since  it  attained  its  present  level,  and  thus 
 exposed  them  to  the  action  ol'  the  winter  torrents, 
 are  giadually  being  disintegrated  and  carried  down 
 into  che  depths  of  the  lake.  It  may  have  been  de- 
 jiosited  either  bv  the  general  action  of  the  lake,  or 
 bv  the  special  action  of  a  river,  possibly  in  the  di- 
 rection of  W'idii  Kerid;.  31.  Tiie  extraordinary 
 ditfeieiice  between  the  depth  of  the  two  portions  of 
 the  lake — north  and  south  of  the  jieninsula — has 
 been  already  alliuled  to.  The  former  is  a  bowl, 
 which  at  one  place  attains  the  depth  of  more  than 
 1300  feet,  while  the  average  dejith  along  its  axis 
 may  be  taken  as  not  far  short  of  1000.  On  the 
 other  hand  the  southern  portion  is  a  flat  plain, 
 with  the  gre.iter  pait  of  its  aiea  neiirly  level,  a 
 very  few  feet  oiilv  below  the  surface.  32.  Thus 
 the  circular  jiortion  below  the  jieninsula,  and  a  part 
 of  the  channel,  form  a  mere  lagoon,  entirely  distinct 
 and  sejiarate  fiom  the  basin  of  the  lake  jiroper. 
 This  portion,  and  the  plain  at  the  south  as  far  as 
 the  rise  or  ofT-et  at  which  the  .Xrabah  commences — 
 a  district  in  all  of  some  ](?  miles  by  8 — wouhi 
 appear  to  have  been  left  by  the  last  great  change  in 
 the  tbim  of  the  ground  at  a  level  not  far  below  Its 
 present  one,  and  consequently  much  higher  than 
 the  bottom  of  the  lake  itself.  Hut  surrounded  as 
 it  is  on  three  sides  by  highlands,  the  waters  of 
 which  have  no  utber  outlet,  it  has  liecnnie  the  delta 
 into  whiili  those  waters  dischaige  them.selves.  It 
 is  dilbciilt  to  speak  with  coiiddence  on  any  of  the 
 geological  features  of  the  lake,  in  the  absence  ot 
 reports  bv  competent  observers.  Rut  the  tlieoiy 
 that  the  lagoon  was  lowered  by  a  nn-ent  clianie, 
 and  overflowed,  seems  directly  contrary  to  the  na- 
 tural inference  from  the  tact  that  such  1,'uge  tori'-iits 
 discharge  themselves  into  that  s|iot.  33.  The  water 
 of  the  lake  is  not  less  i-emaikable  thau  its  other 
 
SEA,  THE  SALT 
 
 fcf.tures.  Its  most  obvious  peculinrity  is  its  great 
 weight.  Its  specifio  gravity  has  been  found  to  be 
 as  much  as  l'2-28  ;  that  is  to  say,  a  gallon  of  it 
 would  weigh  over  12J  lbs.  instead  of  10  lbs.,  the 
 weight  of  distilled  water.  Water  so  heavy  must 
 not  only  be  extremely  buoyant,  but  must  possess 
 great  inertia.  Its  buoyancy  is  a  common  theme  of 
 remark  by  the  travellers  who  have  been  upon  it  or 
 in  it.  Dr.  Robinson  "could  never  swiin  befoi-e, 
 either  in  fresh  or  salt  water,"  yet  here  he  "  could 
 sit,  stand,  lie,  or  swim  without  difficulty  "  {B.R.  i. 
 50G).  3-4.  So  much  ibr  its  buoyancy.  Of  its  weight 
 and  inertia  the  American  expedition  had  also  prac- 
 tical experience.  ■  In  the  gale  in  which  the  party 
 were  caught  on  their  first  day  on  the  lake,  between 
 the  mouth  of  the  Jordan  and  Ain  Feshkah,  "  it 
 seeme<l  as  if  the  bows  of  the  boats  were  encounter- 
 ing tlie  .--ledge-hammers  of  the  Titans."  At  ordinary 
 times  there  is  nothing  remarkable  in  the  action  of 
 the  surface  of  the  lake.  Its  waves  nse  and  fall, 
 and  surf  beats  on  the  shore,  just  like  the  ocean. 
 
 35.  One  or  two  phenomena  of  the  surface  may  be 
 mentioned.  Many  of  the  old  travellers,  and  some 
 modern  ones,  mention  that  the  turbid  yellow  stream 
 of  the  Jordan  is  distinguishable  for  a  long  distance 
 in  the  lake.  The  haze  or  mist  which  perpetually 
 broods  over  the  water  ha.s  been  already  mentioned. 
 It   is   the   result   of   the   prodigious   evaporation. 
 
 36.  The  remarkable  weight  of  this  water  is  due  to 
 the  very  large  quantity  of  mineral  salts  which  it 
 holds  in  solution.  From  the  analysis  of  the  U.  S. 
 expedition  it  appears  that  each  gallon  of  the  water, 
 weighing  12J'lbs.,  contains  nearly  3^  lbs.  i3-ol9) 
 of  matfei-  in  solution — an  immense  quantity  when 
 we  recollect  that  sea- water,  weighing  10 j  lbs.  per 
 gallon,  contains  less  than  ^  a  lb.  Of  this  3J  lbs. 
 nearly  1  lb.  is  common  salt  (chloride  of  sodium); 
 about  2  lbs.  chloride  of  magnesium,  and  less  than 
 ^  a  lb.  chloiide  of  calcium  (or  muriate  of  lime). 
 The  most  unusual  ingredient  is  bromide  of  magne- 
 sium, which  exists  in  truly  extraordinary  quantity. 
 
 37.  The  sources  of  the  components  of  the  water 
 may  be  named  geneially  without  difficulty.  The 
 lime  and  magnesia  proceed  from  the  dolomitic  lime- 
 stone of  the  surrounding  mountains  ;  from  the  gyp- 
 sum which  exists  on  the  shores,  nearly  pure,  in 
 large  quantities;  and  from  the  cjirbonate  of  lime 
 and  carbonate  of  magnesia  found  on  the  peninsula 
 and  elsewhere.  The  chloride  of  sodium  is  supplied 
 fiom  Khashm  Uscbnn,  and  the  copious  brine  springs 
 on  both  shores.  Ball*  of  nearly  pure  sulphur  (pro- 
 bably the  deposit  of  some  sulphurous  stream)  are 
 found  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  lake,  on  the  pen- 
 insula, on  the  western  beach  and  the  north-western 
 heights,  and  on  the  plain  S.  of  Jericho.  Man- 
 ganese, iron,  and  alumina  have  been  found  on  the 
 peninsula,  and  the  other  constituents  are  the  product 
 of  the  numerous  mineral  springs  which  surround 
 the  lake,  and  the  washings  of  the  aqueous  deposits 
 on  the  shores,  which  are  gradually  restoiing  to  the 
 lalce  the  salts  they  received  from  it  ages  back  when 
 covered  by  its  watei's.  The  strength  of  these  in- 
 gredients is  heightened  by  the  continual  evapora- 
 tion. 38.  It  has  been  long  supposed  that  no  life 
 whatever  existed  in  the  lake.  But  recent  facts 
 show  that  some  inferior  ojganizations  can  and  do 
 find  a  home  even  in  these  salt  and  acrid  waters. 
 The  Cabinet  d'Hist.  Naturelle  at  Paris  contains  a 
 fine  specimen  of  a  coral  called  Stylophora  pistillata, 
 which  is  stated  to  have  been  brought  from  the  lake 
 in  1837  by  the  Marq.  de  I'Esealopier,  and  hac  every 
 
 SEA,  THE  SALT 
 
 839 
 
 appearance  of  having  been  a  resident  mere,  and  not 
 an  ancient  or  foreign  specimen.  Khrenberg  disco- 
 vered 11  species  of  I'olygaster,  2  of  Polythalamiae, 
 and  5  of  Phytolithariae,  in  mud  and  water  brought 
 home  by  Lepsius.  The  copious  phosphoiescence 
 mentioned  by  Lynch  is  also  a  token  of  the  existence 
 of  life  in  the  waters.  The  ducks  seen  diving  by 
 Poole  must  surely  have  been  in  seai'ch  of  some  form 
 of  life,  either  animal  or  vegetable.  39.  The  state- 
 ments of  .ancient  travellers  and  geographers  to  the 
 effect  that  no  living  creature  could  exist  on  the 
 shores  of  the  lake,  or  bird  fly  across  its  surface,  are 
 amply  disproved  by  later  tiavelleis.  The  cane 
 brakes  of  Ain  Feshkah,  and  the  other  springs  on 
 the  margin  of  the  lake,  harbour  snipe,  partridges, 
 ducks,  nightingales,  and  other  birds,  as  well  as 
 frogs;  hawks,  doves,  and  hares  are  found  alono- 
 the  shore,  and  the  thickets  of  Ain  Jidy  contain 
 "  innumerable  birds."  40.  Of  the  temperature  of 
 the  water  more  observations  are  necessary  before 
 any  inferences  can  be  drawn.  Lynch  stiites  that 
 a  stratum  at  59°  Fahr.  is  almost  invariably 
 found  at  10  fathoms  below  the  surface.  Between 
 Wady  Ziirka  And  Ain  Teiaheh  the  temp,  at 
 surface  was  76°,  gradually  decreasing  to  62°  at 
 104-4  ft.  deep,  with  the  exception  just  named.  At 
 other  times,  and  in  the  lagoon,  the  temp,  ranged 
 from  82°  to  90°,  and  from  5°  to  10°  below  thato! 
 the  air.  41.  Nor  does  there  appear  to  be  anything 
 inimical  to  life  in  the  atmospheie  of  the  lake  or  its 
 ihores,  except  what  naturally  pioceeds  from  the 
 great  heat  of  the  climate.  The  Ghawarineh  and 
 Rashakleh  Arabs,  who  inhabit  the  southern  and 
 western  sides  and  the  peninsula,  are  described  as 
 a  poor  stunted  race ;  but  this  is  easily  accounted 
 for  by  the  heat  and  relaxing  nature  of  the  climate, 
 and  by  their  meagre  way  of  life,  without  in- 
 ferring anything  specially  unwholesome  in  the 
 exhalations  of  the  lake.  42.  Of  the  Botany  of 
 the  Dead  Sea  little  or  nothing  ran  be  said.  Dr. 
 Hooker,  in  his  portion  of  the  article  Palestine, 
 has  spoken  of  the  vegetation  of  the  Ghor  in  general, 
 and  of  that  of  ^m  Jidy  and  the  N.W.  shore  of  the 
 lake  in  particular.  Beyond  these,  the  only  parts 
 of  the  lake  which  he  explored,  nothing  accurate  is 
 known.  A  few  plants  are  named  by  Seetzen  as 
 inhabiting  tlie  Ghor  es-Safieh  and  the  peninsula. 
 43.  Of  the  Zoology  of  the  shores,  it  is  hardly  too 
 much  to  say  that  nothing  is  known.  The  birds  and 
 animals  mentioned  by  Lynch  and  Robinson  have 
 been  already  named,  but  their  accurate  identifica- 
 tion must  await  the  visit  of  a  traveller  versed  in 
 natural  history.  44.  The  ajjpeaiance  of  the  lake 
 does  not  fulfil  the  idea  conveyed  by  its  popular 
 name.  "  The  Dead  Sea,"  says  a  recent  ti  avellei', 
 "did  not  strike  me  with  that  sense  of  desolation 
 and  dreariness  which  I  suppose  it  ought.  I  thought 
 it  a  pretty,  smiling  lake — a  nice  ripple  on  its  sur- 
 face." Seetzen,  in  a  lengthened  and  unusually  en- 
 thusiastic passage  extols  the  beauties  of  the  view 
 from  the  delta  at  the  mouth  of  the  Wady  Mojib, 
 and  the  advantages  of  that  situation  for  a  j)ermanent 
 residence.  45.  The  truth  lies,  as  usual,  some- 
 where between  these  two  e.\tremes.  On  the  one 
 hand  the  lake  certainly  is  not  a  gloomy,  deadly, 
 smoking,  gulf.  In  this  respect  it  does  not  at  all 
 fulfil  tlje  promise  of  its  name.  At  sunrise  and 
 sunset  the  scene  must  be  astonishingly  beautiful. 
 Every  one  who  has  been  in  the  West  of  Scotland 
 knows  what  extraordinary  pictures  are  sometimes 
 seen  mirrored  in  the  sea-water  lochs  when  they  li* 
 
840 
 
 SUA.  THE  SALT 
 
 unnifTled  in  tlie  ciilin  ur  early  inoniini;  or  of  sunset. 
 The  reflexions  from  the  bosom  ot"  tlie  Dead  Sea  are 
 .s.'iid  to  surpa.ss  those,  .is  far  as  the  hues  of  the 
 mountains  which  encircle  it,  when  lit  up  by  the 
 gori;i'Ous  risiiii;  and  setting;  suns  of  .Svria,  surpass  in 
 brilliancy  and  richness  tiiose  of  the  hills  arouml 
 Loch  Fyne  and  Loch  Goyle.  But  on  the  other 
 hand,  there  is  soniethina;  in  the  prevalent  sterility 
 and  the  dry,  burnt,  look  of  the  shoies,  tlie  over- 
 poweriiij;  heat,  the  occasional  smell  of  sulphur,  the 
 dreary  salt  marsh  at  the  southern  end,  and  the 
 tVins;e  of  dead  driftwood  loiind  tlie  margin,  which 
 must  go  tar  to  excuse  the  title  which  so  many  ages 
 have  att.iched  to  the  lake,  and  which  we  may  be 
 sure  it  will  never  lose.  4(3.  It  does  not  apjjear 
 probable  that  the  condition  or  aspect  of  the  lake  in 
 biblical  times  was  materially  (iitl'ereut  from  what  it 
 is  at  present.  Other  parts  of  .Syria  may  have  dete- 
 riorate t  m  climate  and  appearance  owing  to  the 
 destruction  of  the  wooil  which  once  covered  them, 
 but  there  ai"e  no  traces  either  of  the  ancient  exist- 
 ence of  wood  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  lake,  or 
 of  anything  which  would  account  for  its  destruction 
 suj)]iosirig  it  to  have  existed.  When  Machaerus  and 
 Caliirrhoe  were  iiihal)iteii,  and  when  the  plain  of 
 Jericho  was  oc<:upied  witii  the  crowded  population 
 necessary  for  the  cultivation  of  its  balsam-gardens, 
 vineyards,  sugar-plantations,  and  ])alm-groves,  tliere 
 may  have  been  a  little  more  lite  on  the  shores. 
 But  this  can  never  have  materially  afiected  the 
 lake.  47.  The  connexion  between  this  singular  lake 
 and  the  Biblical  history  is  very  slight.  In  the  to- 
 pographx'al  records  of  the  Pentateuch  and  the  Book 
 of  Joshua,  it  forms  one  among  the  landmarks  of 
 the  boundaries  of  the  whole  country  .as  well  as 
 of  the  inferior  divisions  of  Jiidah  and  Benjamin. 
 As  a  landmark  it  is  once  n;\med  in  what  ajipears  to 
 he  a  quotation  from  a  lost  work  of  the  prophet 
 Jonah  (2  K.  xiv.  'J!j),  itself  apparently  a  reiui- 
 niscence  of  the  old  Mosaic  statement  (Num.  xxxiv. 
 8,  1 2).  Besides  this  tlie  name  occurs  once  or  twice 
 in  the  imagery  of  the  Prophets.  In  the  New  Tes- 
 tament there  is  not  even  an  allusion  to  it.  There 
 is,  however,  one  passage  in  which  the  "  Salt  Sea  " 
 is  mentioned  in  a  diflierent  manner  to  any  of  those 
 already  quoted,  viz.,  as  having  been  in  the  time  of 
 Abraham  the  Vale  of  Sid<iira  (Gen.  xiv.  3).  48. 
 Now  tlie  evidence  of  the  spot  is  sufficient  to  show 
 that  no  material  change  has  taken  place  in  the 
 upper  and  deejwr  portion  of  the  lake  for  a  period 
 very  long  anterior  to  the  time  of  Al)raham.  In  the 
 lower  poi  tion — the  lagoon  and  the  plain  below  it — 
 if  any  change  h.v  occurred,  it  appears  to  have  been 
 rather  one  of  reclamation  than  of  submersion — the 
 gradual  silting  up  of  the  district  by  the  foments 
 which  discharge  their  contents  into  it.  Owing  to 
 the  gentle  slojie  of  the  plain,  temporary  fluctuations 
 in  the  level  of  the  lake  would  affect  this  portion 
 very  materially  ;  and  it  is  quite  allowable  to  believe 
 that  a  few  wet  winters  followed  by  cold  summers, 
 woidd  raise  the  level  of  the  lake  sufficiently  to  lay 
 the  whole  of  the  district  south  of  the  lagoon  under 
 water,  and  conveit  it  for  the  time  into  a  part  of  the 
 "  Salt  Sea."  Siii'h  an  exceptional  state  of  things 
 the  writer  of  the  words  in  (jen.  xiv.  .'}  may  have 
 witnessed  and  placed  on  recoi"d.  40.  This  is  merelv 
 utafed  a.s  a  jiossible  explanation  ;  and  it  assumes  the 
 Vain  of  Siddini  to  have  I)een  the  plain  at  the  south 
 end  of  the  Inke,  for  which  there  is  no  evidence. 
 But  it  seems  (o  the  Writer  more  natund  to  believe 
 that  the  author  of  this  note  on  a  document  which 
 
 SEAL 
 
 even  in  his  time  w.as  probably  of  gi-eat  antiquitv, 
 believed  that  the  present  lake  covered  a  district 
 which  in  historic  times  h.ad  been  permanently  lia- 
 bitable  dry  land.  Such  was  the  inii>licit  belief  of 
 the  whole  modern  world — with  the  exception  per- 
 haps of  lleland — till  within  less  than  half  a  centurv. 
 At  the  same  time  it  must  not  be  overlooked  that 
 the  pn.ssage  in  question  is  the  only  one  in  the  whole 
 Bible — Old  Tost'iment,  Apocrypha,  or  New  Test.a- 
 ment — to  countenance  the  notion  th.at  the  cities  of 
 the  plain  were  submeiged :  a  notion  which  the 
 present  writer  has  endeavoured  elsewhere  [Siddim; 
 Sono.M  ;  Zoak]  to  show  does  not  date  earlier  than 
 the  Christian  era.  50.  The  writei  has  there  al.v 
 attempted  to  prove  that  the  belief  which  prompted 
 the  st.itements  just  quoted  from  modern  writeis, 
 viz.  that  the  Dead  Sea  was  formed  by  the  catas- 
 trophe which  overthrew  the  "  Cities  of  the  Plain  " 
 — is  a  mere  assumjition.  It  is  not  onlv  unsup- 
 ported by  .Scripture,  but  is  directly  in  the  teeth  of 
 the  evidence  of  the  giound  itself.  Of  the  situation 
 of  those  cities  we  only  know  that,  being  in  the 
 "  Plain  of  the  Joidan,"  they  must  have  been  to 
 the  noitli  of  the  lake.  Of  the  catastrophe  which 
 destroyed  them,  we  only  know  that  it  is  described 
 as  a  shower  of  ignited  sulphur  descending  fVom  the 
 skies.  Its  date  is  uncert-»in.  but  we  shall  be  safe 
 in  placing  it  within  the  limit  of  20oO  years  before 
 Christ.  The  destruction  of  .Sodom  and  Gomorrah 
 may  have  been  hv  volcanic  action,  but  it  mav  be 
 safely  asserted  that  no  traces  of  it  have  yet  been 
 discovered,  and  that,  whatever  it  w.as,  it  can  have 
 had  no  connexion  with  that  fiir  vaster  and  far  more 
 ancient  event  which  opened  the  great  valley  of  the 
 Jordan  and  the  De.ad  .Sea,  and  at  some  subsequent 
 time  cut  it  off  from  communication  with  the  Red 
 Sea  by  forcing  up  between  them  the  tract  of  the 
 W>id;/  Amhnh. 
 
 Seal.  The  importance  attached  to  seals  in  the 
 East  is  so  great  that  without  one  no  document  is 
 i-eganled  .as  authentic.  The  use  of  some  method 
 of  sealing  is  obviouslv,  therefore,  of  remote  anti- 
 quity. Among  such  methods  used  in  Kgypt  at  a 
 very  early  period  were  engraved  stones,  jiierwd 
 through  their  length  and  hung  by  a  string  or 
 chain  from  the  arm  or  neck,  or  set  in  rings  for 
 the  Hnger.  The  most  ancient  form  used  for  this 
 purpose  was  the  scaraKneus,  formed  of  precious  or 
 common  stone,  or  even  of  blue  jiottery  or  porcelain, 
 on  the  flat  side  of  which  the  inscri|ition  or  device 
 was  engraved.  Cylinders  of  stone  or  pottery  bear- 
 ing devices  were  also  usixl  .as  signet.s.  iUit  in  m.any 
 cases  the  seal  consisted  of  a  lumpof  clav,  impressed 
 with  the  seal  and  attached  to  the  document,  whether 
 of  papyrus  or  other  material,  by  strings.  The  use 
 of  clay  in  sealing  is  noticed  in  the  IV>i)k  of  Jol> 
 (xxxviii.  14),  and  the  signet-ring  as  an  ordinary  |>art 
 of  a  man's  equipment  in  the  cjise  of  .ludah  ((ien. 
 xxxviii.  18',  who  probably,  like  many  inodein 
 Arabs,  wore  it  suspended  by  a  string  from  his  neck 
 or  arm  (t'ant.  viii.  6).  The  ring  or  the  seal  a-s  an 
 emblem  of  authority  both  in  Lgypt.  in  Persia,  and 
 elsewhere,  is  mentioned  in  the  cases  of  Pharaoh  with 
 Joseph  ((ien.  xli.  42),  of  Ahab  (1  K.  xxi.  8),  of 
 Ahasuerus  (Ksth.  iii.  10,  12,  viii.  2),  of  Darina 
 (Dan.  vi,  1 7  ;  also  1  Mace.  vi.  l.")),  and  ns  .an  evidence 
 of  a  covenant  in  Jer.  xxxii.  10,  .'J4;  Neh.  ix.  38, 
 X.  1  :  Hag.  ii.  2;?.  Its  general  importance  is  de- 
 nofe<l  by  the  metaiihorical  use  of  the  word,  Hev. 
 V.  1,  ix.  4.  F^igraved  signets  were  in  use  among 
 the  Hebrews  in  early  times,  as  is  evident  in  the  de- 
 
SEBA 
 
 scriptioti  of  the  high -priest's  breastplnte,  Ex.  xxviii. 
 II,  3(j,  xxxix.  6,  and  the  work  of  the  engraver  as 
 a  distinct  occupation  is  mentioned  in  Ecclus. 
 xxxviii,  27. 
 
 Se'ba  (pi.  Sehatin:  A.  V.  incorrectly  rendei-ed 
 Sabeans),  heads  the  list  of  the  .sons  of  Cush.  The 
 list  of  the  sons  of  Cnsh  seems  to  indicate  the  posi- 
 tion of  tiie  Cushite  nation  or  country  Seba.  Nim- 
 rod,  who  is  mentioned  at  the  close  of  the  list, 
 rnled  at  first  in  Babylonia,  and  apparently  after- 
 wards in  Assyi-ia :  of  the  names  enumerated  be- 
 tween Seba  and  Nimrod,  it  is  highly  probable  tliat 
 some  belong  to  Arabia.  We  thus  may  conjecture  a 
 curve  of  Cushite  settlements,  one  extremity  of  which 
 is  to  be  placed  in  Babylonia,  the  other,  if  prolonged 
 tar  enough  in  accordance  with  the  mention  of  tiie 
 Afiiian  Cush,  in  Ethiopia.  The  more  exact  jiosition 
 of  Seba  will  be  later  discussed.  Besides  the  mention 
 of  Seba  in  the  list  of  tiie  sons  of  Cush  (Gen.  x.  7  ; 
 1  Chr.  i.  9),  there  are  but  three,  or,  as  some  hold, 
 four  notices  of  the  nation  (Ps.  Ixxii.  10  ;  Is.  xliii.  3, 
 xlv.  14).  The  doubtful  notice  is  in  Ezekiel,  in  a 
 ditficult  passage:  "and  with  men  of  the  multitude 
 ot'  Adam  [were]  brought  di-unkards  [but  the  ICeri 
 reads  '  jwnple  of  Seba ']  fi'om  the  wilderness,  which 
 jiut  bracelets  upon  their  hands,  and  beautiful  crowns 
 upon  their  heads"  (xxiii.  42).  The  first  clause 
 woidd  seem  to  favour  the  idea  that  a  nation  is 
 meant,  but  the  reading  of  the  text  is  rather  sup- 
 ported by  what  follows  the  mention  of  the 
 "drunkards."  These  passages  seem  to  show  (if 
 we  omit  the  last)  that  Seba  was  a  nation  of  Africa, 
 boniering  on  or  included  in  Cush,  and  in  Solomon's 
 time  independent  and  of  political  import.ance.  We 
 are  thus  able  to  conjecture  the  position  of  Seba. 
 No  ancient  Ethiopian  kingdom  of  importance  could 
 have  excluded  the  island  of  Meroe,  and  therefore 
 this  one  of  Solomon's  time  may  be  identified  with 
 that  which  must  have  arisen  in  the  period  of  weak- 
 ness and  division  of  Egypt  that  followed  the  Empire, 
 and  have  laid  the  basis  of  that  power  that  made 
 SHEBEK,  or  Sabaco,  able  to  conquer  Egypt,  and 
 found  the  Ethiopian  dynasty  which  ruled  that 
 country  as  well  as  Ethiopia.  Josephus  says  that 
 Saba  was  the  ancient  name  of  the  Ethiopian  island 
 and  city  of  Meroe,  but  he  writes  Seba,  in  the  notice 
 of  the  Noachian  settlements,  Sabas.  The  island  of 
 I\Ieroe  lay  between  the  Astaboras,  the  Atbara,  the 
 most  northern  tributary  of  the  Nile,  and  the  As- 
 tapus,  the  Bahr  el-Azrak  or  "Blue  Kiver,"  the 
 e.ustern  of  its  two  great  confluents ;  it  is  also  de- 
 scribed as  bounded  by  the  Astaboras,  the  Astajuis, 
 and  the  Astasobas,  the  latter  two  unitmg  to  form 
 the  Blue  River,  but  this  is  essentuill y  the  same 
 thing.  It  was  in  the  time  of  the  kingdom  rich  and 
 productive.  The  chief  city  was  Meroe,  wnich  was 
 an  oracle  of  Jupiter  Ammon.  The  lemains  of  the 
 city  Meroe  have  not  been  identified  with  cer- 
 tainty. 
 
 Se'bat     [MoNTir.J 
 
 Sec'acah.  One  of  the  six  cities  of  Judah  which 
 were  situated  in  the  Midbar  ("  wilderness"),  that 
 is  the  tract  bordering  on  the  Dead  Sea  (Josh.  xv.  61). 
 Its  position  is  not  known. 
 
 Secheni'as.  1.  Shechaniah  2  (1  Esd.  viii. 
 29  j.— 2.  SiiECHANiAH  3  (1  Esd.  viii.  32). 
 
 Se'chu.  A  place  mentioned  once  only  (1  Sam. 
 xix.  22),  apparently  as  lying  on  the  route  between 
 Saul's  residence,  Gibeah,  and  Ramah  (Ii;imathaim 
 Zophim),  that  of  Samuel.  It  was  notorious  for 
 "  the  gi'eat  well  "  (or  rather  cistern)  which  it  con- 
 
 SEIRATH 
 
 841 
 
 taineJ.  Assuming  that  Saul  staited  from  Gibeah 
 {Tuleil  cl- Fid),  ;md  that  Nehij  Smtiwil  is  Kaniah, 
 then  Bir  Ncballa  (the  well  of  Neballa),  alleged  by 
 a  modern  traveller  to  contain  a  large  pit,  would  be 
 in  a  suitable  position  for  the  great  well  of  Secliu. 
 
 Secua'dus  was  a  Thcssalonian  who  went  with 
 the  Apostle  Paul  from  Corinth  as  far  as  Asia,  on 
 his  retuiii  to  Jerusalem  from  his  third  missionary 
 tour  fsee  Acts  xx.  4). 
 
 Sedeci'as.  1.  The  father  of  Maaseiah  (Bar.  i.  I), 
 and  ajiparently  identical  with  the  false  prophet  in 
 Jer.  -xxix.  21,  22. — 2.  Zedekiah,  king  of  Judah 
 (Bar.  i.  8). 
 
 Seer.     [Prophkt]. 
 
 Segub.  1.  The  youngest  son  of  Hiel  the  Be- 
 thelite,  who  rebuilt  Jericho  (1  K.  xvi.  34). — 2.  Son 
 of  Hezron  (1  Clir.  ii.  21,  22). 
 
 Seir,  Mount.  We  have  both  "  land  of  Seir " 
 (Gen.  xxxii.  3,  xxxvi.  30),  and  "  Mount  Seir"  (Gen. 
 xiv.  6).  1.  The  original  name  of  the  mountain 
 ridge  extending  along  the  east  side  of  the  valley  of 
 Arabah,  from  the  Dead  Sea  to  the  Elaiiitic  Gulf. 
 The  name  may  either  have  been  derived  from  Seir 
 the  Horite,  who  appears  to  have  been  the  chief  of 
 the  aboriginal  inhabitants  (Gen.  xxxvi.  20),  or, 
 what  is  perhaps  more  probable,  from  the  rough 
 aspect  of  the  whole  country.  The  name  (jlebala, 
 or  Gebalene,  was  applied  to  this  province  by  Jose- 
 phus, and  also  by  Eusebius  and  Jerome.  The 
 northern  sec:tion  of  Mount  Seir,  as  far  as  Petia,  is 
 still  called  Jebal,  the  Arabic  form  of  Gebal.  The 
 Mount  Seir  of  the  Bible  extended  much  farther 
 south  than  the  modern  province,  as  is  shown  by 
 the  words  of  Deut.  ii.  1-8.  It  had  the  Arabah  on 
 the  west  (vers.  1  and  8)  ;  it  extended  as  far  south 
 as  the  head  of  the  Gulf  of  Akabah  (ver.  8;;  its 
 eastern  border  ran  along  the  base  of  the  mountain 
 range  where  the  plateau  of  Arabia  begins.  Its 
 northern  border  is  not  .so  accurately  determined. 
 The  land  of  Israel,  as  described  by  Joshua,  extended 
 from  "  the  Mount  Halak  that  goeth  up  to  Seir, 
 even  unto  Baal  Gad"  (Josh.  xi.  17).  As  no  part 
 of  Edom  was  given  to  Israel,  Mount  Halak  must 
 have  been  upon  its  northern  border.  Now  there  is  a 
 line  of  "naked"  (Ji'dak  signified  "naked'')  white 
 hills  or  cliffs  which  runs  across  the  great  valley  about 
 eight  miles  south  of  the  Dead  Sea,  forming  the  divi- 
 sion between  the  Arabah  proper  and  the  deep  Ghor 
 north  of  it.  The  view  of  these  clifls,  from  the  shore 
 of  the  Dead  Sea,  is  very  striking.  They  appear  as 
 a  line  of  hills  shutting  in  the  valley,  and  extending 
 up  to  the  mountains  of  vSeir.  'J'he  impression  left 
 by  them  on  the  mind  of  the  writer  was  that  this  is 
 the  very  "  Mount  Halak  that  goeth  up  to  Seir." 
 2.  An  entiiely  different  place  from  the  foregoing ; 
 one  of  the  landmarks  on  the  north  boundary  of  the 
 territory  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  10  only).  It  lay 
 westward  of  Kirjath-jearim,  and  botweeil  it  and 
 Beth-shemesh.  If  Kuriet  el  Enab  be  the  former, 
 and  Ain-sJiems  the  latter  of  these  twc,  tnen  Mount 
 Seir  cannot  fail  to  be  the  ridge  which  lies  between 
 the  Wad}/  Aly  and  the  Wadij  Gkurab.  How  the 
 name  of  Seir  came  to  be  placed  so  far  to  the  north 
 of  the  main  seats  of  the  Seirites  we  have  no  means 
 of  knowing.  Perhaps,  like  other  names  occurring 
 in  the  tribe  of  Benjamin,  it  is  a  monument  of  an 
 incursion  by  the  Edamites  which  has  escaped  record. 
 But  it  is  more  probable  that  it  derived  its  name 
 from  some  pecLdiarity  in  the  form  or  appearance  oj 
 the  spot. 
 
 Sei'rath,  The  place  to  which  Ehud  fled  afler  his 
 
842 
 
 SELA 
 
 minder  of  I'.glon  (Jiidsr.  iii.  2i?,  27).  It  was  in 
 "Mount  Ephiaim  "  (27),  a  continuiition,  jteiliaps, 
 of  the  sMini'  wooded  shaggy  hills  (such  seems  to  I)p 
 thesii/nificatioii  of  Seir  aini  Seirath)  which  sti'ctchcd 
 even  so  fiir  south  as  to  enter  the  tenitory  of  Judah 
 (Josli.  xv.  10).  It  has  hitherto  escaped  obsen-atioii 
 in  modern  times. 
 
 Se'la  and  Selah,  2  K.  xiv.  7  ;  Is.  xvi.  1  :  ren- 
 dered "the  rock"  in  the  A.  V.,  in  .hidg.  i.  .3G, 
 2  Chr.  XXV.  12,  Obad.  ;^.  Probably  the  city  l.'.ter 
 known  as  Petra,  the  ruins  of  which  are  found  about 
 two  days'  journey  N.  of  the  top  of  the  gulf  of 
 Akaba,  and  three  oi  four  S.  from  .lericho.  It  was 
 in  the  midst  of  Mount  Seir,  in  the  neighbourhood 
 of  Mount  Hor,  and  therefore  Edomite  territory, 
 taken  by  Amaziah,  and  called  Joktiiekl.  In  the 
 tnd  of  the  fourth  century  B.C.  it  appears  ;us  the 
 he;td-quaiteis  of  the  Nabatheans,  who  successfully 
 )-esisted  the  attacks  of  Antigonus.  About  70  B.C. 
 Petia  a])pears  as  the  residence  of  the  Arab  princes 
 named  Aretas.  It  was  by  Tiajan  reduced  to  sub- 
 jection to  the  Koman  enipiie.  The  city  Petra  lay, 
 though  at  a  higli  level,  in  a  hollow  shut  in  by 
 niouiitain-clilTs,  and  a])proached  only  by  a  narrow 
 ravine  through  which,  and  across  the  city's  site,  the 
 river  winds. 
 
 Sela-Ham-MaMekoth  {i.e.  "the  clift'  of  es- 
 capes" or  "  of  divisions").  A  rock  or  cliff  in  the 
 wilderness  of  Maon,  the  scene  of  one  of  those  re- 
 markable escapes  which  are  so  frequent  in  the 
 hisloiy  of  .Saul's  pursuit  of  David  (1  Sam.  xxiii. 
 28).      No  identification  has  yet  been  suggested. 
 
 Selah.  This  word,  which  is  only  found  in  the 
 jmetical  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  occurs  seventy- 
 one  times  in  the  P>alms,  and  three  times  in  Habak- 
 kuk.  In  sixteen  Psalms  it  is  found  once,  in  fifteen 
 twice,  in  seven  thiee  times,  and  in  one  four  times — 
 always  at  the  end  of  a  verse,  except  in  Ps.  Iv.  19 
 [20];  Ivii.  -i  [4],  and  Hab.  iii.  3,  9,  where  it  is  in 
 the  middle,  though  at  the  end  of  a  clause.  All  the 
 Psalms  in  which  it  occurs,  except  eleven  (iii.  vii. 
 ixiv.  xxxii.  xlviii.  1.  Ixxxii.  lx.\xiii.  l.xx.wii.  Ixxxix. 
 cxliii.),  have  also  the  musical  direction,  "  to  the 
 Chief  Musici.an"  (comp.  also  Hab.  iii.  19);  and  in 
 these  exceptions  we  find  the  woids  miziiwr  (A.  V. 
 "  Psalm "),  Shiggaion,  or  Maschil,  which  suili- 
 ciently  indicate  that  they  were  intended  for  music. 
 Besides  these,  in  the  titles  of  the  Psalms  in  which 
 Selah  occuis,  we  meet  with  the  musical  term  Ala- 
 moth  (.xlvi.),  Alta.schith  (Ivii.  lix.  Ixxv.),  Gittith 
 (Ixxxi.  Ixxxiv.),  Mahalatii  Leauuoth  (Ixxxviii.), 
 Michtam  (Ivii.  lix.  Ix,),  Neginah  (Ixi.),  Neginoth 
 (iv.  liv.  Iv.  Ixvii.  Ixxvi. ;  comp.  Hab.  iii,  19j,  and 
 Shushan-eduth  (Ix.)  ;  and  on  this  association  alone 
 might  be  (brmed  a  strong  presLimpticm  that,  like 
 these,  Selaii  itself  is  a  term  whi(;h  had  a  meaning 
 in  the  musical  noineiiclatuie  of  the  Hebrews.  What 
 tliat  meaning  may  have  been  is  now  a  mattei-  of 
 pure^  conjectuie.  In  by  (iir  the  greater  number 
 of  instances  the  Targum  renders  the  word  by  "  for 
 ever,"  "  for  ever  and  ever."  In  Ps.  xlix.  13  [14] 
 it  has  "  for  the  world  to  come  ;  "  in  Ps.  xxxix.  5  [(>] 
 "for  the  life  everlasting;"  ;uid  in  Ps.  cxl,  ")[•)], 
 "continually."  This  interpretation,  which  is  the 
 one  adopted  by  the  majority  of  Kabbiiiical  writers, 
 i^  purely  traditional,  and  based  upon  no  etvujologv 
 whatever.  It  is  followed  by  Aquila,  t^ymmaclius, 
 Tiieodotion,  .Ferome,  and  the  Pesliito  .Syriac  in  some 
 instances.  That  this  rendering  is  manifestly  inap- 
 propriate in  SDnie  pr\ssages,  as  for  instance  Ps.  x\i. 
 2  [y],  xxxii.  4,  Ixxxi.  7  [8],  and  Hal),   iii.  :?,  ,-ind 
 
 SELEUCIA 
 
 superfluous  in  others,  as  Ps.  xliv.  8  [9],  Ixxxiv.  4 
 [,■■)],  Ixxxix.  4  [5],  was  pointed  out  long  since  bv 
 Aben  K/-ra.  In  the  Psalms  the  uniform  rendering  oi' 
 the  LXX.  is  Siaxf/ahixa.  'fhe  Vulgate  omits  it  en- 
 tirely. The  rendering  SidipaK/jLa  of  the  LXX.  and 
 )ther  translators  is  in  every  way  as  ti.aditioiial  as 
 that  of  the  Targum  "  for  ever,"  and  has  no  tbuuda- 
 tion  in  any  known  etymology.  With  regard  to  the 
 meaning  of  Sid\f/a\ij.a  itself  there  is  great  doubt. 
 Jerome  enumeiates  the  various  opinions  which  have 
 been  held  ujion  the  subject;  that  ilinpsalinn  denotes 
 a  change  of  metre,  a  cessation  of  the  Spirit's  in- 
 fluence, or  the  beginning  of  another  sense.  Others, 
 he  says,  regard  it  as  indiaiting  a  difference  of  rhythm, 
 and  the  silence  of  some  kind  of  music  in  tlie  choir. 
 On  the  whole,  the  i-endering  Sidtl/akfiu  rather  in- 
 creases the  ditliculty,  for  it  does  not  appear  tc  be 
 the  true  meaning  of  Selah,  and  its  own  signification 
 is  obscure.  Leaving  the  Versions  and  the  Fathers, 
 we  come  to  the  R;ibbinical  writers,  the  majority 
 of  whom  follow  the  Targum  and  the  dictum  of 
 Iv.  Eliezer  in  rendering  Selah  "  for  ever."  But 
 Aben  Ezra  (on  Ps,  iii.  3)  showed  that  in  some 
 passages  this  rendering  was  ina})piopriate,  and  ex- 
 pressed his  own  opinion  that  Selah  was  a  word  of 
 emphasis,  used  to  give  weight  and  importiuice  to 
 what  was  said,  and  to  indiaite  its  truth.  Kimchi 
 explained  it  as  a  musiail  term,  signifying  a  raising 
 or  elevating  the  voice.  Among  modern  writers 
 there  is  tlie  same  diversity  of  opinion.  Gesenius 
 derives  Selah  from  stlluh,  to  suspend.  In  accord- 
 ance with  his  derivation,  he  interprets  Selah  to 
 mean  either,  "  suspend  the  voice,"  that  is,  "  be 
 silent,"  a  hint  to  the  singers  ;  or  "  raise,  elevate  the 
 stringed  instruments."  In  either  case  he  regards  it 
 as  denoting  a  pause  ni  the  song,  which  was  filled 
 up  by  an  interlude  played  by  the  choir  of  Levites. 
 Lwald  arrives  at  substantially  the  s;ime  result  by  a 
 difli?rent  process.  He  regards  the  phrase  "  Higgaioji, 
 Selah,"  in  Ps,  ix.  16  [17],  as  the  full  form,  signi- 
 fying "  music,  strike  up  !  " — an  indiuition  that  the 
 voices  of  the  choir  were  to  cease  while  the  instru- 
 ments alone  uime  in.  Heugstenberg  follows  Gesenius, 
 De  Wette,  and  others,  in  the  rendering  pause!  but 
 refers  it  to  the  contents  of  tlie  psalm,  and  under- 
 stands it  of  the  silence  of  the  music  in  order  to  give 
 room  for  quiet  refiection.  If  this  were  the  case, 
 Selah  at  the  end  of  a  psalm  would  be  superfluous. 
 The  same  meaning  of  pause  or  end  is  arrived  at  by 
 Fiirst.  Davidson  says  : — "  The  word  denotes  eleva- 
 tion or  ascent,  i.  e.  lond,  clear.  The  music  which 
 commonly  accompanied  the  singing  was  .soil  and 
 feeble.  In  eises  where  it  was  to  buret  in  more 
 stroTigly  during  the  silence  of  the  song,  Selah  w.is 
 the  sign.  At  the  end  of  a  veise  or  strophe,  where 
 it  commoidy  stiuids,  the  music  may  have  readily 
 been  stiongest  and  loudest."  Augusti  thought  it 
 was  an  exclamation,  like /w//tf/(y'((/i .'  and  the  sjime 
 view  w;us  taken  by  the  late  Piof  Lee,  who  classes 
 it  among  the  interjections,  aud  rendei-s  it  praise! 
 Beyond  the  fact  that  Selah  is  a  musical  term,  we 
 know  al)S()lutely  nothing  about  it,  and  are  entirely 
 in  the  dark  as  to  its  meaning. 
 
 Sel'ed.  One  of  the  sons  of  Nad.ab,  a  de.«<endant 
 of  .lerahmeel  (1  Chr.  ii.  30;. 
 
 Selemi'a.  One  of  the  five  men  "  i-eady  to  write 
 swiftiv,"  whom  Ksdras  was  <x)mmanded  to  take 
 (2  Ksd.  xiv.  24). 
 
 Selemi'as.  Smki.kmiaii  1  (1  lisd.  ix.  34), 
 
 Selenci'a.  near  the  mouth  of  fhe  Oiontes,  was 
 ])ractically  the  seaport  of  ANT1(>CII.     The  distance 
 
SELEUCUS  IV. 
 
 between  the  two  towns  was  about  16  miles.  We 
 are  expressly  told  that  St.  Paul,  in  company  with 
 Barnabas,  sailed  from  Seleucia  at  the  beginning  of 
 his  first  missionary  cireuit  (Acts  xiii.  4)  ;  and  it  is 
 almost  certain  that  he  landed  there  on  his  return 
 from  it  (xiv.  26).  This  strong  fortress  and  conven- 
 ient seaport  was  constructed  by  the  first  Seleucus, 
 and  here  he  was  buried.  It  retained  its  importance 
 in  Roman  times,  and  in  St.  Paul's  day  it  had  the 
 privileges  of  a  free  city.  The  remains  are  nu- 
 merous. 
 
 Seleu'cus  IV.  (Philopator),  "king  of  Asia" 
 (2  Mace.  iii.  o),  that  is,  of  the  provinces  included 
 in  the  Syrian  monhrchy,  according  to  the  title 
 claimed  by  the  Seleucidae,  even  when  they  had  lost 
 tiieir  footing  in  Asia  Minor  (comp.  1  Mace.  viii.  6, 
 xi.  13,  xii.  39,  xiii.  32),  was  the  son  and  successor 
 of  Antiochus  the  Great.  He  took  part  in  the  dis- 
 astrous battle  of  Magnesia  (d.c.  190),  and  three 
 yedrs  afterwards,  on  the  death  of  his  father,  ascended 
 the  throne.  He  was  murdered,  after  a  i-eign  of 
 twelve  years  (B.C.  175),  by  Heliodorus,  one  of  his 
 own  courtiers  (Dan.  xi.  20).  His  son  Demetrius  I. 
 (Soter),  whom  he  had  sent,  while  still  a  boy,  as 
 hostage  to  Rome,  after  a  series  of  romantic  ad- 
 ventures, gained  the  crown  in  162  B.C.  (1  Mace, 
 vii.  1  ;  2  Jlacc.  xiv.  1).  The  general  policy  of 
 Seleucus  towards  the  Jews,  like  that  of  his  father 
 ['2  Mace.  iii.  2,  3),  was  conciliatory,  and  he  under- 
 took a  large  share  of  the  expenses  of  the  Temple-ser- 
 vice (2  Mace.  iii.  3,  6).  On  one  occasion,  by  the  false 
 representations  of  Simon,  a  Jewish  ofiicer  [SiMON  3], 
 he  was  induced  to  make  an  attempt  to  carry  away 
 the  treasures  deposited  in  the  Temple,  by  means  of 
 the  same  Heliodorus  who  murdeied  him.  The  at- 
 tempt signally  failed,  but  it  does  not  appear  that 
 he  afterwards  showed  any  resentment  against  the 
 Jews  (2  Mace.  iv.  5,  6). 
 
 Sem.  Sheji  the  patriarch  (Luke  iii.  36). 
 
 Semachi'ah.  One  of  the  sons  of  Sheraaiah  9 
 (1  (Jhr,  xxvi.  7). 
 
 Sem'ei.  1.  Shimei  14  (1  Esd.  ix.  33).— 2. 
 Shimiu  16  (Esth.  xi.  2). —3.  The  father  of 
 Mattathias  in  the  genealogy  of  Jesus  Christ  (Luke 
 iii.  26). 
 
 Semel'lius.  Shimshat(1  Esd. ii.  16,17,25,30). 
 
 Sem'is.  Shijiei  13  (1  Esd.  ix.  23). 
 
 Semitic  Languages.  [Shemitic  Languages.] 
 
 Sen'aah..  The  "children  of  Senaah  "  are  enume- 
 rated amongst  the  "  people  of  Israel "  who  re- 
 turned from  the  Captivity  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr. 
 ii.  35;  Neh.  vii,  38  j.  In  Neh.  iii.  3,  the  name  is 
 given  with  the  article,  has-Senaah.  The  names  in 
 these  lists  are  mostly  those  of  towns;  but  Senaah 
 does  not  occur  elsewheie  in  the  Bible  as  attached  to 
 a  town.  The  Magdal-Senna,  or  "great  Senna"  of 
 Eusebius  and  Jeiome,  seven  miles  N.  of  Jeiicho 
 ("Senna")  however,  is  not  inappropriate  in  posi- 
 tion. Bertheau  suggests  that  Senaah  represents  not 
 a  single  jdace  but  a  district;  but  there  is  nothing  to 
 corrol)orate  this. 
 
 Sen'eh.  The  name  of  one  of  the  two  isolated 
 locks  which  stood  in  the  "  passage  of  Michm;ish  " 
 ( 1  Sam.  xiv.  4).  It  was  the  southein  one  of  the 
 wo  (ver.  5),  and  the  nearest  to  Geba.  The  name 
 tn  Hebrew  means  a  "  thorn,"  or  thorn-bush, 
 .losephus  mentions  that  the  last  encampment  of 
 Titus's  army  was  at  a  spot  "which  in  the  Jews' 
 tongue  is  called  the  valley"  or  perhaps  the  plain 
 "  of  thorns,  near  to  a  village  called  Gabathsaoule," 
 I.  e.  Gibeath  of  Saul. 
 
 SENNACHERIB 
 
 843 
 
 Sen'ir.  This  name  occurs  twice  in  the  A.  V., 
 viz.  1  Chr.  V.  23,  and  Ez.  xxvii.  5  ;  but  it  should 
 be  found  in  two  other  passages,  in  each  of  which  the 
 Hebrew  word  is  exactly  similar  to  the  above,  viz. 
 Deut.  iii.  9,  and  Cant.  iv.  8.  In  these  it  appears 
 in  the  A.  V.  as  Shenir.  It  is  the  Amorite  name 
 for  the  mountain  in  the  north  of  Palestine  which 
 the  Hebrews  called  Hermon,  and  the  Phoenicians 
 SiRiON;  or  perhaps  it  was  rather  the  name  for  a 
 portion  of  the  momitain  than  the  whole.  Abulfeda 
 reports  that  the  part  of  Anti-Lebanon  north  of 
 Damascus  —  that  usually  denominated  Jchcl  esh 
 S/iurkj/,  "the  Enst  Mountain" — was  in  his  day 
 called  Sentr. 
 
 Sennach'erib  was  the  son  and  successor  of 
 Sargon.  His  name  in  the  original  is  read  as  Tsin- 
 akki-irib,  which  is  understood  to  mean,  "  Sin  (or 
 the  Moon)  increases  brothers : "  an  indication  that 
 he  was  not  the  first-born  of  his  father.  We  know 
 little  or  nothing  of  Sennacherib  during  his  father's 
 lifetime.  From  his  name,  and  from  a  circum- 
 stance related  by  Polyhistor,  we  may  gather  that 
 he  was  not  the  eldest  son,  and  not  the  heir  to  the 
 crown  till  the  year  before  his  father's  death. 
 Sennacherib  mounted  the  throne  B.C.  702.  His 
 first  efforts  were  directed  to  crushing  the  revolt  of 
 Babylonia,  which  he  invaded  with  a  large  army. 
 Merodach-Baladan  ventmed  on  a  battle,  but  was 
 defeated  and  driven  from  the  country.  In  his 
 third  year  (B.C.  700)  he  turned  his  arms  towards 
 the  west,  chastised  Sidon,  took  tribute  from  Tyre, 
 Aradus,  and  the  other  Phoenician  cities,  as  well  as 
 from  Edom  and  Ashdod,  besieged  and  captured 
 Ascalon,  made  war  on  Egypt,  which  was  still  de- 
 pendent on  Ethiopia,  took  Libnah  and  Lachish  on 
 the  Egyptian  frontier,  and,  having  probably  con- 
 cluded a  convention  with  his  chief  enemy,  finally 
 marched  against  Hezekiah,  king  of  Judah.  It  was 
 at  this  time  that  ''  Sennacherib  came  up  against 
 all  the  fenced  cities  of  Judah,  and  took  them  " 
 (2  K.  xviii.  IH).  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the 
 record  which  he  has  left  of  his  aimpaign  against 
 "Hiskiah"  in  his  third  year,  is  the  war  with 
 Hezekiiih  so  briefly  touched  in  the  four  verses  of 
 this  chapter  (vers.  13-16).  In  the  following  year 
 I  (li.C.  699),  Sennacherib  invaded  Babylonia  for  the 
 second  time.  It  was  perhaps  in  this  same  year  that 
 Sennacherib  made  his  second  expedition  into  Pales- 
 tine. Hezekiah  had  again  revolted,  and  claimed 
 the  protection  of  Egypt.  Instead,  therefore,  of  be- 
 sieging Jerusalem,  the  Assyrian  king  marched  past 
 it  to  the  Egyptian  frontier,  attacked  once  more 
 Lachish  and  Libna,  but  apparently  failed  to  take 
 them,  sent  messengers  from  the  former  to  Hezekiah 
 (2  K.  xviii.  17),  and  on  their  return  without  his 
 submission  wrote  him  a  threatening  letter  (2  K. 
 xix.  14).  Tirhaka  was  hastening  to  the  aid  of  the 
 Egyptians  when  an  event  occurred  which  relieved 
 both  Egypt  and  Judaea  from  their  danger.  In  one 
 night  the  Assyrians  lost,  either  by  a  pestilence  or 
 by  some  more  awful  manifestation  of  divine  powei-, 
 185,000  men  !  The  camD  immediately  broke  up — 
 the  king  fled.  Sennacherib  reached  his  capital  in 
 safety,  and  was  not  deterred,  by  the  terrible  dis- 
 aster which  had  befallen  his  arms,  from  engaging 
 in  other  wars,  though  he  seems  thencetbrward  to 
 have  carefully  avoided  Palestine.  In  his  fifth  year 
 he  led  an  exjiedition  into  Armenia  and  Media  ;  after 
 which,  from  his  sixth  to  his  eighth  year,  he  was 
 engaged  in  wars  with  Susianaand  Babylonia.  From 
 this  point  his  annals  fail  us.     Sennacherib  reigned 
 
844  SENUAH 
 
 twciity-two  yoiiis.  Tlie  dato  of  lii.s  ncccssion  is 
 fixed  by  the  Cuiioii  of  I'toleiny  to  B.C.  702,  tlie  lii-st 
 year  of  liolibus  or  Elilms.  'J'he  date  of  liis  di;ath  is 
 niarkfil  in  the  s;ime  document  by  tlie  accession  of 
 Asjiridaniis  (Ksar-Haddon,  to  the  throne  of  liabylon 
 in  li.C.  080.  The  inonunients  are  in  e.\act  con- 
 furniity  with  these  dates,  for  tlie  22nd  year  of 
 Seniiadierib  has  been  tbinid  upon  tiiein,  while  they 
 liave  not  furnished  any  notice  of  a  later  year.  It 
 is  impossible  to  reconcile  these  dates  with  the 
 chronology  of  Ilezekiah's  reign,  according  to  the 
 numbers  of  the  piosent  Hebrew  text.  Sennacherib 
 was  one  of  the  most  magnificent  of  the  Assyrian 
 kings.  He  seems  to  have  been  the  fiist  who  fixed 
 the  seat  of  goveinnicnt  permanently  at  NineveJi, 
 which  he  carefully  repaiied  and  adorned  with 
 splendid  builduigs.  His  greatest  woik  is  the  grand 
 jxilace  at  Koyunjik.  He^also  erected  mcauments 
 in  distant  countii  's.  Of  the  death  of  .Sennacherib 
 Jiothing  is  kno\«n  beyond  tiie  brief  statement  of 
 Script'ii-e,  that  ■'  ;ls  he  was  worshipping  in  the 
 iiouse  jf  Nisroch  his  god,  Adrammelech  and  Sha- 
 rezer  his  sons  smote  him  with  the  swoid,  and 
 escaped  into  the  land  of  Aimenia"  (2  K.  xix.  37  ; 
 Is.  xxxvii.  .'18). 
 
 Sen'uall.  l*ioperIy  Hassenuah,  witl>  the  def. 
 article.  A  De;ijamite,  the  fatliei-  of  Judah,  who 
 w.TS  sec-ond  over  the  city  after  the  return  from 
 li.il.vlon  rNeh.  xi.  9). 
 
 Se'orim.  The  chief  of  the  fourth  of  the  twenty- 
 four  courses  of  priests  instituted  bv  David  (1  Chr, 
 xxiv.  8). 
 
 Se'phar.  It  is  written,  after  tlie  enumeration  of 
 the  .sons  of  .Joktan,  "  and  their  dwelling  wa.s  from 
 Mesha  as  thou  goest  unto  .Sephar,  a  mount  of  the 
 east"  (Gen.  x.  .10).  The  immigration  of  the  Jok- 
 tanites  w;is  probably  from  west  to  east,  and  thev 
 occupied  the  south-western  portion  of  the  peninsula. 
 The  undoubted  identilications  of  Arabian  places 
 and  tiibi-s  with  their  .loktanite  originals  are  in- 
 cluded within  these  limits,  and  )iniiit  to  Sepliar  as 
 the  eastern  boundary.  There  appears  to  be  little 
 doubt  that  the  ancient  .seaport  town  called  DhafViri 
 or  Zaiari,  and  Dhafsir  or  Zafar,  without  the  in- 
 flexional termination,  represents  the  Biblical  site  or 
 district.  All  tlie  evidence  is  clearly  in  favour  of 
 this  site  being  that  of  the  Se])har  of  the  Iiil)le,  and 
 the  iiientification  has  accordingly  been  geneiallv  ac- 
 cepted by  Clitics.  More  accurately,  it  appears  to 
 preserve  the  name  meiitioneil  in  (Jen.  x.  :Mk  and  to 
 lie  in  the  district  anciently  so  named.  It  is  situate 
 on  the  cojust,  in  the  province  of  Hadramjiwt,  and 
 near  to  the  di.strict  which  adjoins  that  province  on 
 the  east,  called  Ksh-Shilir.  AI.  Kresnel  gives  almost 
 all  that  is  known  of  tlie  present  ct.ite  of  this  old  site 
 in  his  Lettrea  snr  i'/Iist.  des  Arnbes  nvant  I' fsln- 
 mixmc.  Zafdr,  he  tells  u.s,  pronounced  by  the 
 modern  iiih;itiitants  "  Islor,"  is  now  the  name  of  a 
 series  of  villages  situate  some  of  them  on  the  shore, 
 and  some  clo.se  to  tlie  shore,  of  the  Indian  Ocean, 
 b.tween  Mirbdt  and  llils-SiLjir,  extending  a  di.stmce 
 of  two  days'  j-mrney,  or  17  or  18  hours,  from  east 
 to  west.  I'rocee.iing  in  'this  direction,  tho.se  near 
 the  shore  are  named  'I'akah,  Ed-Dahiireez,  Kl- 
 lleleel,  Kl-Hafeh,  Salahah,  and  Awkad.  The  fust 
 four  aiP  on  the  se.i-.shore,  and  the  last  two  at  a 
 wnall  distance  fioin  it.  Kl-Heleed,  otlierwi.se  calleil 
 IlHikiiin,  is,  in  M.  Fresnefs  opinion,  the  ancient 
 Zaiiir.  It  if  on  a  small  peninsula  lyin^'  between 
 the  ocean  aiuf  a  >x»y,  and  the  port  is  on  the  land 
 lide  of  the  town.     The  cl.issical  writei-s  mention 
 
 SEPHELA 
 
 Sapphar  metropolis  or  Saphar,  in  long.  88'^,  lat. 
 1-t'-'  .'lu',  acconling  to  Ptol.,  the  c;ipital  of  the  .'~lajv 
 jihantae,  placed  by  Ptol.  near  the  Homeritae;  but 
 their  accounts  are  obscure,  and  probably  from 
 hearsay. 
 
 Seph'arad.  A  name  which  occurs  in  Obad. 
 vcr.  2U  only.  Its  situation  has  always  been  a 
 matter  of  uncertainty,  and  cannot  even  now  b« 
 .said  to  be  .settled.  (1.)  The  reading  of  the  I.XX., 
 'iuis  'Z(ppada.,  is  probably  a  mere  conjecture,  though 
 it  may  point  to  a  modified  form  of  the  name  in  the 
 then  original,  viz.  Sepharath.  (2.)  The  reading  of 
 the  Vulgate,  Bofporiis,  was  adopted  by  Jerome  from 
 his  Jewish  in.structor.  We  have  no  means  of  know- 
 ing to  which  Bosporus  .Jerome's  teacher  alluded — 
 the  Cimmerian  or  the  Thracian.  The  Targiim 
 Jonathan  and  the  Peshito-Syriac,  and  from  them 
 the  modern  Jews,  interpret  Sepharad  as  Spain 
 (Ispamia  and  Is])ania).  (3.)  Others  have  sug- 
 gested the  identity  of  Sephaiad  with  Sipphara  in 
 Mesopotamia,  but  that  is  more  probably  SlCl'HAR- 
 VAI.M.  (4.)  The  name  ha.s  jx'rhaps  been  discovered 
 in  the  cuneiform  Persian  inscriptions  of  Naksk-i- 
 liustiiin  and  Behistwi;  and  also  in  a  li.st  of  Asiatic 
 nations  given  by  Niebuhr.  In  the  latter  it  occurs 
 between  Ka  Ta  Pa  TUK  (Capjiadocia)  and  Ta  UNA 
 (Ionia).  I>e  Sacy  was  the  first  to  propose  the 
 identification  of  this  with  Sephaiad,  and  subse- 
 quently it  was  suggested  by  Lassen  that  S  Pa  Ka  I) 
 was  identical  with  Sardi.s,  the  ancient  capital  of 
 L\-dia.  (5.)  Ewald  considers  that  Sepharad  has  a 
 connexion  with  Zarephath  in  the  )ireceding  verse; 
 and  suggests  that  the  true  reading  is  Sepharam,  and 
 that  it  is  to  be  tbulid  in  a  place  three  hours  from 
 Akka,  i.e.  doubtle.ss  the  modern  Shcfa  'Omar, 
 16.)  Michaelis,  among  other  ''on jectures,  ingeniously 
 suggests  that  the  "  Spartans  "  of  1  Mace.  xii.  15  are 
 accurately  "  Sepharadites." 
 
 SepharTa'im  is  mentioned  by  Sennacherib  in  his 
 letter  to  Ilezekiah  as  a  city  whose  king  had  been 
 unable  to  resist  the  Assyrians  (2  K.  xis.  13  ; 
 Is.  xxxvii.  1:5 ;  comp.  2  K.  xviii.  34).  It  is  coupled 
 with  Hena  and  Ava,  or  Ivah,  which  were  towns  on 
 the  Euphrates  above  Babylon.  Again,  it  is  men- 
 tioned, in  2  K.  xvii.  24,  where  it  is  again  joined 
 with  Ava,  and  also  with  Cuthali  and  Babylon. 
 These  indications  are  enough  to  ju.stity  us  in  identi- 
 fying the  jilace  with  the  liimous  town  of  Sippani, 
 on  the  Euphrates  above  Babylon,  which  was  near 
 the  site  of  the  moiliun  Mosaib.  The  dual  form 
 indicates  that  tliere  were  two  Sipparas,  one  on 
 either  side  of  the  river.  Berosus  called  Sippara, 
 "  a  city  of  the  sun  ;"  and  in  the  inscriptions  it 
 bears  the  .same  title,  being  calleii  Tsi/hir  sha 
 Skainas,  or  "  Sippara  of  the  Sun  " — the  sun  being 
 the  chief  object  of  woiship  there  (comp.  2  K. 
 xvii.  3n. 
 
 Sephela.  The  Greek  form  of  the  ancient  word 
 has-Sliifelak,  the  native  name  tor  the  southern 
 division  of  the  low-lying  flat  district  which  inter- 
 venes betwi'en  the  central  his;hlands  of  the  Holy 
 Land  and  the  Mcditenanean,  the  other  and  northern 
 portion  of  whii'h  was  known  as  Sharon.  The 
 name  occurs  throughout  the  toiKigi-aphical  recoirls 
 of  .loshua,  tJie  histoii<al  works,  and  the  topo- 
 gra](hical  p-^ssages  in  the  Prophets;  always  with  the 
 article  prelixeii,  and  always  denoting  the  sanJO 
 reijioii  (iK'Ut.  i.  7;  Josh.  ix.  1,  x.  40,  xi.  2,  16  a, 
 xii.  8,  XV.  33;  Judg.  i.  9 ;  1  K.  x.  27 ;  1  Chr. 
 xxvii.  28;  2  Chr.  i.  15,  i.x.  27,  xxvl.  10,  xxviii.  18; 
 Jer.  xvii.  26,  xrxii.  44,  xxxiii.  13  ;  Obad.  19  ;  Zcch, 
 
SEPTUAGINT 
 
 vii.  7).  In  each  of  these  passages,  however,  the 
 word  is  treated  in  the  A.  V.  not  as  a  proper  name, 
 analogous  to  the  Campagna,  the  Wolds,  the  Carse, 
 but  as  a  mere  appellative,  and  rendered  "  the  vale, ' 
 "  the  valley,"  "  the  plain,"  "  the  low  plains,"  and 
 "  the  low  country."  The  name  Shefelah  is  retained 
 ill  the  old  vereions,  even  those  of  the  Samaritans, 
 and  Rabbi  Joseph  on  Chronicles  (probably  as  late  as 
 the  11th  century  A.D.).  It  was  actually  in  use 
 down  to  the  5th  century.  No  definite  limits  are 
 mentioned  to  the  Shefelah,  nor  is  it  probable  that 
 there  were  any.  In  the  list  of  Joshua  (xv.  33-47) 
 It  contains  43  "cities,"  as  well  as  the  hamlets  and 
 temporary  villages  dependent  ou  them.  Of  these, 
 .•is  far  as  our  knowledge  avails  us,  the  most  northern 
 was  Ekron,  the  most  southern  Gaza,  and  the  most 
 western  Nezib  (about  7  miles  N.N.W.  of  Hebron).  A 
 large  number  of  these  towns,  however,  were  situated 
 not  in  the  plain,  nor  even  on  the  western  slopes  of 
 the  central  mount<iins,  but  in  the  mountains  them- 
 selves. The  Shefelah  was,  and  is,  one  of  the  most 
 productive  regions  in  the  Holy  Land.  It  was  in 
 ancient  times  the  corn-field  of  Syria,  and  as 
 such  the  constant  subject  of  warfare  between 
 Philistines  and  Israelites,  and  the  refuge  of  the 
 latter  when  the  harvests  in  the  central  countiy 
 were  ruined  by  drought  (2  Iv.  viii.  1-3).  But  it 
 was  also,  from  its  evenness,  and  from  its  situation 
 on  the  road  between  Egypt  and  Assyria,  exposed 
 to  continual  visits  from  foreign  armies,  visits 
 which  at  last  led  to  the  destruction  of  the  Israelite 
 kingdom. 
 
 Septuagint.  The  causes  which  produced  this 
 version,  tlie  number  and  names  of  the  translators, 
 the  times  at  which  ditlerent  portions  were  trans- 
 lated, are  all  unceitain.  It  appears  at  the  present 
 day  in  four  principal  editions.  1.  Biblia  Poly- 
 glotta  Complutensis,  A.D.  1514-1517.  2.  The 
 Aldine  Edition,  Venice,  A.D.  1518.  3.  The  Roman 
 Edition,  edited  under  Pope  Sixtus  V.,  A.D.  1587. 
 4.  Eacsimile  Edition  of  tlie  Codex  Alexandrinus, 
 by  H.  H.  Baber,  A.D.  1816.  1,  2.  The  texts  of 
 (1)  and  (2)  were  probably  formed  by  collation 
 of  several  MSS.  3.  The  Roman  edition  (3)  is 
 printed  from  the  venerable  Codex  Vaticanus.  A 
 transcript  of  the  Codex  Vaticanus,  prepared  by 
 Cardinal  Mai,  was  lately  published  at  Rome,  by  Ver- 
 celloni.  It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  this  edition 
 is  not  so  accurate  as  to  preclude  the  necessity  of 
 consulting  the  MS.  4.  The  Facsimile  Edition',  by 
 Mr.  Baber,  is  printed  with  types  made  after  the 
 form  of  the  letters  in  the  Codex  Alexandrinus. — 
 Manuscripts.  The  vaiious  readings  given  by  Holmes 
 and  Parsons  enable  us  to  judge,  in  some  measure,  of 
 the  character  of  the  several  MSS.  and  of  the  degree 
 of  their  accordance  with  the  Hebrew  text.  They 
 are  distinguished  thus  by  Holmes:  the  uncial  by 
 Roman  numerals,  the  cursive  by  Arabic  figures. 
 Among  them  may  be  specially  noted,  with  their 
 probable  dates  and  estimates  of  value  as  given  by 
 Holmes  in  his  Preface  to  the  Pentateuch  : — 
 
 Probable 
 U^'CIAL.a  Celuury. 
 
 1.  CoTTONiANUs.    Brit  Mus.  (fragments)    .     .     4 
 11.  Vaticakus.    Vat.  Libraiy,  Kome      ...     4 
 
 III.  Alexandrinus.     Brit.  Mus 5 
 
 VII.  Ambrosianus.    Ambros.  Lib.,  Milan.     .     .     7 
 X.  Coisu.sianus.    Bibl.  Imp.,  Paris  ....     7 
 
 SEPTUAGINT 
 
 845 
 
 "  The  Codex  Sinailicus,  an  uncial  MS.,  is  supposed  by 
 rischendorf  (o  be  as  ancient  as  Cod.  Vaticanus  (II.). 
 
 Pre  bable 
 
 Cursive  c^^^ 
 
 16.    Medlceus.   Med.  Laurentlan  Lib.,  Florence      11 
 19.     Chigianus.    Similar  to  Complut.  Text  and 
 
 108,  118 10 
 
 25.    Monachiensls.    Munich; lo 
 
 58.  Vaticanus.  (num.  x.)     Vat.  Lib.,  similar 
 
 to  72 13 
 
 59.  Glasguensis 13 
 
 61.  Bodleianus.    Laud.  36,  notae  optimae  .     .  18 
 
 64.  Parisiensis  (11).     Imperial  Library.     .     .  10  or  11 
 
 72.  Venetus.    Maximi  faciendus 13 
 
 75.  Oxoniensis.     (Univ.  Coll.) 12 
 
 84.  Vaticanus  (1901),  optimae  notae       ...  11 
 
 ,„-■  vFerrariensis.    These  two  agree     .     .     •   ■}  14 
 
 108.  )  Vaticanus  (330)  >  Similar  to  Complut.  J  14 
 
 118.  5  Parisiensis.  Imp.  Lib.  ]     (Text,  and  19)  .   \  13 
 
 The  texts  of  these  MSS.  differ  considerably  from 
 each  other,  and  consequently  ditl'er  in  various  degrees 
 from  the  Hebrew  original.  The  following  are  the 
 results  of  a  comparison  of  the  readings  in  the  first 
 eight  chapters  of  Uxodus: — 1.  Several  of  the  MSS. 
 agree  well  with  the  Hebrew  ;  others  differ  very 
 much.  2.  The  chief  variance  from  the  Hebrew  is 
 in  the  addition  or  omission  of  wo)  ds  and  clauses. 
 3.  Taking  the  Roman  text  as  the  basis,  there  are 
 found  80  places  (a)  where  some  of  the  MSS.  differ 
 from  the  Ivoman  text,  either  by  addition  or  omis- 
 sion, in  agreement  icitli  the  Hebrew  ;  26  places  (j8) 
 where  dirterences  of  the  same  kiiKl  are  not  in  agree- 
 ment with  the  Hebrew.  There  is  therefore  a  large 
 balance  against  the  Roman  text,  in  point  of  accord- 
 ance with  the  Hebrew.  4.  Those  MSS.  which  have 
 the  largest  number  of  differences  of  class  (a)  have 
 the  smallest  number  of  class  (y8).  There  is  evid- 
 ently some  strong  rea,son  for  this  close  accordance 
 with  the  Hebrew  in  these  MSS.  But  whence  these 
 varieties  of  text  ?  Was  the  Version  at  first  more 
 in  accordance  with  the  Hebrew,  as  in  (72)  and 
 (59),  and  did  it  afterwards  degenerate  into  the  less 
 accurate  state  of  the  Codex  Vaticanus  ?  Or  was 
 the  Version  at  first  less  accurate,  like  the  Vatican 
 text,  and  afterwards  brought,  by  critical  labours, 
 into  the  more  accurate  form  of  the  MSS.  which 
 stand  highest  in  the  scale?  History  supplies  the 
 answer.  Jerome  speaks  of  two  copies,  one  older 
 and  less  accurate,  Kotvf),  fragments  of  which 
 are  believed  to  be  represented  by  the  still  extant 
 remains  of  the  old  Latin  Version  ;  the  other  more 
 fiuthful  to  the  Hebrew,  which  he  icok  as  the  basis 
 of  his  own  new  Latin  Version.  In  another  place 
 he  speaks  of  the  corruption  of  the  ancient  transla- 
 tion, and  the  great  variety  of  copies  used  in  dif- 
 ferent countries.  Origen,  finding  great  discordance 
 in  the  several  copies  of  the  LXX.,  laid  this  version 
 side  by  side  with  the  other  three  translations  of 
 Aquila,  Theodotion,  and  Symmachus ;  and,  taJdng 
 their  accordance  with  each  other,  as  the  test  of 
 their  agreement  with  the  Hebrew,  marked  the  copy 
 of  the  LXX.  with  an  obelos  ■—,  where  he  found 
 superfluous  words,  and  supplied  the  deficiencies  of 
 the  LXX,  by  words  taken  from  the  other  versions, 
 with  an  asterisc,  *,  prefixed.  From  Eusebius  we 
 learn  that  this  work  of  Origen  was  allied  TerpairAa, 
 the  fourfold  Bible.  But  this  was  only  the  earlier 
 and  the  smaller  portion  of  Origeii's  labours  :  he 
 rested  not  till  he  had  acquired  the  knowledge  of 
 Hebrew,  and  compared  the  Septuagint  directly  with 
 the  Hebrew  copies.  Eusebius  thus  describes  the 
 labours  which  led  to  the  greater  woik,  the  Hexapla  ; 
 the  last  clause  of  the  passage  refers  to  the  Tetrapla  : 
 "  So  careful  was  Orisreii's  investigation  of  the  sacred 
 
846 
 
 SEPTUAGINT 
 
 oiacles,  that  he  leanit  the  Hebrew  tongue,  and 
 marie  himself  master  of"  the  original  Scriptures  re- 
 ceived among  the  Jews,  in  the  Hebrew  letters ; 
 and  reviewed  the  versions  of  the  other  interpreteis 
 ot  the  Sacred  Scriptures,  besides  the  LXX. ;  and 
 discovered  some  translations  varying  from  the  well- 
 known  versions  ofAquila,  Synimachus,  aud  Theo- 
 dotiou,  wliich  he  searched  out  aud  brought  to  light 
 from  their  long  concealment  in  neglected  corners; 
 ....  and  in  his  Hexapla,  after  the  four  principal 
 versions  of  the  Psalms,  added  a  fifth,  yea,  a  sixth 
 and  seventh  translation,  sUiting  that  one  of  these 
 was  foiind  in  a  cask  at  Jericho,  iu  the  time  of  An- 
 toninus, son  of  Severus :  and  bringing  these  all 
 into  one  view,  and  dividing  them  in  columns,  over 
 against  one  another,  togethe)'  with  the  Hebrew  text, 
 he  left  to  us  the  work  called  Hexapla  ;  having  ar- 
 ranged sepai'ately,  in  the  Tetrupla,  the  versions  of 
 Aquila,  Symmachus,  and  Theodotion,  together  with 
 the  version  of  the  Seventy."  From  Jerome  we 
 learn  that  in  the  Hexapla  the  Hebrew  text  was 
 placed  in  one  column  in  Hebrew  letters,  in  the  next 
 column  in  Greek  letters.  The  fate  of  this  laborious 
 woik  is  unknown.  It  was  brought  from  Tyre  and 
 laid  up  in  the  Library  at  Caesarea,  and  there  pro- 
 bably perished  by  the  flames,  a.d.  653.  One  copy, 
 however,  had  been  made  by  Pamphilus  and  Eu- 
 .sebius,  of  the  column  containing  the  corrected  text 
 of  the  Septuagint,  with  Oiigen's  asteriscs  and  obeli, 
 and  the  letters  denoting  from  which  of  the  other 
 translators  each  addition  was  taken.  This  copy  is 
 probably  the  ancestor  of  those  Codices  which  now 
 approach  most  nearly  to  the  Hebrew,  and  are  en- 
 titled Hcxaplar.  To  these  main  sources  of  our  ex- 
 isting j\lSS.  must  be  added  the  recensions  of  tiie 
 Septuagint  mentioned  by  Jerome  and  others,  viz. 
 those  of  Lucian  of  Antioch  and  Hesychius  of  Kgypt, 
 not  long  after  the  time  of  Origen.  Each  of  these 
 had  a  wide  range  :  that  of  Lucian  in  the  Churches 
 from  Constantinople  to  Antioch  ;  that  of  Hesychius 
 in  Alexandria  and  Egyjit;  while  the  Churches  lying 
 between  these  two  regions  used  the  Hesaplar  text 
 copied  by  Eusebius  and  Pamphilus.— J.  History 
 OF  TiiK  VEitsiON. — The  ancient  text,  called  Koivi\, 
 which  was  current  before  the  time  of  Origen,  whence 
 came  It?  1.  This  version  was  highly  esteemed  by 
 the  Hellenistic  Jews  before  the  coming  of  Christ. 
 An  annual  festival  was  held  at  Alexandria  in  re- 
 membrance of  the  completion  of  the  work.  The 
 manner  in  which  it  is  quoted  by  the  wiiters  of  the 
 New  Testament  proves  that  it  had  been  long  in 
 general  use.  It  was  found  wherever  the  (Jreek 
 language  prevailed,  or  the  .lews  wore  scattered. 
 To  the  wide  dispereion  of  this  version  we  may 
 ascribe  in  gi-eat  mejisure  that  general  persuasion 
 which  prevailed  over  the  whole  East  of  the  near 
 approach  of  the  Redeemer.  2.  Not  less  wide  was 
 the  influence  of  the  Septuagint  in  the  spread  of  the 
 Gospel.  Many  of  those  Jews  who  were  asi>embled 
 at  Jerusalem  on  the  day  of  Pentecost,  fVom  Asia 
 Minor,  from  Africa,  from  Crete  and  Home,  used 
 the  Greek  language;  from  Antioch  and  Alexandria 
 in  the  E;ist,  to  iiome  and  ilassilia  in  the  West,  the 
 voice  of  the  Gos|)el  sounded  forth  in  Greek.  For  a 
 long  j)eriod  the  .Septu;igint  was  the  Old  Testament 
 of  the  far  larger  part  of  the  Christian  Church.  Let 
 us  now  try  to  ascend  towards  the  source.  C;ui  we 
 find  :niy  clear,  united,  consistent  le.stiniony  to  the 
 origin  of  the  Septuagint?  (1)  Where  and  '/J)  when 
 was  it  made?  and  Vi)  by  whom?  and  (4)  whence 
 the  title?     '^1)  The  only  point  in  winch  all  agicc 
 
 SEPTUAGINT 
 
 is  that  Ale.xiuidria  was  the  birthplace  of  the  A'ersion 
 (2)  The  Version  was  made,  or  at  least  commencedj 
 in  the  time  of  the  earlier  Ptolemies,  in  the  first  halt 
 of  the  third  century  B.C.  (3)  Bij  irhom  was  it 
 made'? — The  following  aie  some  of  the  tiaditions 
 current  among  the  Fathers: — Iienaeus  (lib.  iii.  c. 
 24)  relates  that  Ptolemy  Lagi,  wishing  to  adorn  his 
 Alexandrian  Libraiy  with  the  writings  of  all  nations, 
 requested  from  the  Jews  of  Jerusalem  a  Greek  ver- 
 sion of  their  Scriptures ;  that  they  sent  seventy 
 elders  well  skilled  in  the  Scriptures  and  in  later 
 languages  ;  that  the  king  separated  them  from  one 
 another,  and  bade  them  all  translate  the  several 
 books.  When  they  came  together  before  Ptolemy 
 aud  showed  their  versions,  God  was  glorified,  foi 
 they  all  agreed  exactly,  from  beginning  to  end,  in 
 eveiy  phrase  and  word,  so  that  all  men  may  'miow 
 that  the  Scriptures  are  translated  by  the  inspira- 
 tion of  God.  Epiphanius  says  that  the  translatoi-s 
 were  divided  into  pairs,  in  36  cells,  each  pair  being 
 provided  with  two  scribes ;  and  that  36  versions, 
 agreeing  in  every  ]ioint,  wei  e  produced,  by  the  gift 
 of  the  Holy  Spirit.  But  Jerome  boldly  throws 
 aside  the  whole  story  of  the  cells  and  the  inspira- 
 tion, and  refers  to  the  relation  of  Aristaeus,  or 
 Ariste;is,  and  to  Josephus,  the  former  being  fol- 
 lowed by  the  latter.  This  (so  called)  letter  of 
 Ai-isteas  to  his  brother  Philocrates  is  still  extant. 
 It  gives  a  splendid  account  of  the  origin  of  the 
 Septuagint ;  of  the  embassy  and  presents  sent  by 
 King  Ptolemy  to  the  high-priest  at  Jerusalem,  by 
 the  advice  of  Lemetrius  Fhalereus,  his  librarian, 
 50  talents  of  gold  and  50  fcilents  of  silver,  &c. : 
 the  Jewish  slaves  whom  he  set  free,  paying  their 
 ransom  himself ;  tlie  letter  of  the  king  ;  the  answer 
 of  the  high-priest ;  the  choosing  of  six  interpreters 
 from  each  of  tlie  twelve  tribes,  and  theii'  names ; 
 the  copy  of  the  Law,  in  letters  of  gold  ;  their  arrival 
 at  Alexandria  on  the  anniversary  of  the  king's  vic- 
 tory over  Antigonus ;  the  feast  prepared  lor  the 
 seventy-two,  which  continued  for  seven  days  ;  the 
 questions  proposed  to  each  of  the  interpreteis  in 
 turn,  with  the  answers  of  each ;  their  lodging  by 
 the  sea-shoie;  and  the  accomplishment  of  their 
 work  in  seventy-two  days,  by  conference  and  cornr 
 parison.  This  is  the  story  which  probably  gave  to 
 this  vemon  the  title  of  the  Septuayint.  A  simpler 
 account,  and  probably  more  genuine,  is  that  given 
 by  Aristobulus  (2nd  century  li.C).  For  before 
 Demeti-ius  Phalereus  a  translation  had  been  made, 
 by  others,  of  the  history  of  the  Hebrews'  going 
 forth  out  of  Egypt,  and  of  all  that  happened  to 
 them,  and  of  the  conquest  of  the  land,  and  of  the 
 exposition  of  the  whole  Law.  But  the  entire  trans- 
 lation of  our  whole  Law  \v;is  made  in  the  time  of 
 the  king  named  Phihidelphus,  a  man  of  greater 
 zeal,  under  the  direction  of  Demetrius  Phaleitus. 
 The  Prologue  of  the  Wi.--dom  of  Jesus  the  Son  of 
 Sirach  makes  mention  of  "  the  Law  itself,  the  Pro- 
 l)hcts,  and  the  rest  of  the  books,"  having  been 
 translated  from  the  Hebrew  into  another  tongue. 
 The  letter  of  Aristeas  was  receiveil  as  genuine  and 
 true  tor  many  centuries.  The  general  belief  of 
 scholars  now  is,  that  it  was  the  work  of  some 
 Alexandrian  Jew,  whether  with  the  object  of  en- 
 hancing the  dignity  of  his  Law,  or  the  credit  of  the 
 Greek  vei-sion,  or  for  the  meaner  jnirpose  of  gain. 
 But  the  Pseudo-Aristeas  had  a  basis  of  fact  for  his 
 fiction  ;  on  three  points  of  his  story  there  is  no 
 material  dilleiencc  of  opinion,  and  they  are  con- 
 (irmid  by  the  study  of  the  Version  itself; — I.  The 
 
SEPTUAGINT 
 
 Vei-siou  was  made  at  Alexandria,  2.  It  was  begun 
 in  the  time  of  the  earlier  Ptolemies,  about  280  B.C. 
 
 3.  The  Law  (i.  e.  the  Pent.iteuchj  alone  was  trans- 
 lated at  tirst.  But  by  whom  was  the  Version 
 made?  As  Hody  justly  remarks,  "it  is  of  little 
 moment  whether  it  was  made  at  the  command  of 
 the  king  or  spontaneously  by  the  Jews  ;  but  it  is  a 
 question  of  great  importance  whether  the  Hebrew 
 copy  of  the  Law,  and  the  interpreters  (as  Pseudo- 
 Aristeas  and  his  followers  relate),  were  summoned 
 from  Jerusalem,  and  sent  by  the  high-priest  to 
 Alexandria."  On  this  question  no  testimony  can  be 
 so  conclusive  as  the  evidence  of  the  Version  itself, 
 which  bears  upon  its  face  the  marks  of  imperfect 
 knowledge  of  Hebrew,  and  exhibits  the  forms  and 
 phrases  of  the  Macedonic  Greek  prevalent  in  Alex- 
 andria, with  a  plentiful  sprinkling  of  Egyptian 
 words.  The  question  as  to  the  moving  cause  which 
 gave  birth  to  the  Version  is  one  which  cannot  be  so 
 decisively  answered  either  by  internal  evidence  or 
 by  historical  testimony.  The  balance  of  proba- 
 bility must  be  struck  between  the  tiadition  of  the 
 king's  intervention  and  the  simpler  account  sug- 
 gested by  the  facts  of  history,  and  the  phenomena 
 of  the  Version  itself.  It  is  well  known  that,  after 
 the  Jews  returned  from  the  Captivity  of  Babylon, 
 having  lost  in  great  measure  the  familiar  know- 
 ledge of  the  ancient  Hebrew,  the  readings  from  the 
 Books  of  Moses  in  the  synagogues  of  Palestine  were 
 explained  to  them  in  the  Chaldaic  tongue,  in  Tar- 
 gums  or  Paraphrases;  and  the  same  was  done  with 
 the  Books  of  the  Prophets,  when,  at  a  later  time, 
 they  also  were  read  in  the  synagogues.  Tlie  Jews 
 of  Alexandria  had  probably  still  less  knowledge  of 
 Hebrew  ;  their  familiar  language  was  Alexandrian 
 Greek.  They  had  settled  in  Alexandria  in  large 
 numbers  .soon  after  the  time  of  Alexander,  and 
 under  the  earlier  Ptolemies.  They  would  naturally 
 follow  the  same  practice  as  their  brethren  in  Pales- 
 tine ;  the  Law  Hrst  and  afterwards  the  Pi'ophets 
 would  be  explained  in  Greek,  and  from  this  prac- 
 tice would  arise  in  time  an  entire  Greek  Version. 
 
 4.  Whence  the  titled — It  seems  unnecessary  to 
 suppose,  with  Eiclihorn,  that  the  title  Septuagint 
 arose  from  the  approval  given  to  the  Version  by 
 an  Alexandrian  Sanhedrim  of  70  or  72  ;  that  title 
 appears  sufficiently  accounted  for  above  by  the  pre- 
 valence of  the  letter  of  Aristeas,  describing  the  mis- 
 sion of  72  interpreters  from  Jerusalem.— II.  Cha- 
 racter OF  THE  Septuagint. —  The  Character  of 
 the  Version. — Is  it  faithful  in  substance  ?  Is  it 
 uiinutely  accurate  in  details  ?  Does  it  bear  witness 
 for  or  against  the  tradition  of  its  having  been  made 
 by  special  inspiration  ?  These  are  some  of  the  chief 
 questions :  there  are  others  which  relate  to  parti- 
 culars. N.  Was  the  Version  made  fiom  Hebrew 
 IISS.  with  the  vowel  points  now  used  ?  3.  VVere 
 the  Hebiew  words  divided  from  one  another,  and 
 
 were  the  final  letters,  V,  Cj.  |.  D.  '\  in  use  when 
 
 the  Septuagint  was  made?  A  minute  e.xamination 
 shows  that  the  Hebrew  ]MSS.  used  by  the  Greek 
 translator  were  not  pointed  as  at  present,  that  they 
 were  written  without  intervals  between  the  words, 
 and  that  the  present  final  forms  were  not  then  in 
 use.  In  a  kw  cases  the  translators  appear  to  have 
 preserved  the  true  pointing  and  division  of  the 
 words.  We  now  proceed  to  the  larger  questions. 
 A.  [s  tlic  Septuagint  faithful  in  substance '? — 1.  It 
 has  been  clearly  shown  by  Hody,  Frankel,  and 
 others,  that  the  several  bocks  were  translated  by 
 
 SEPTUAGINT  847 
 
 diflferent  persons,  without  any  comprehensive  re- 
 vision to  harmonise  the  several  parts.  Names  and 
 words  are  rendered  ditl'erently  in  dillerent  books. 
 2.  Thus  the  character  of  the  Version  varies  much 
 in  the  several  books  ;  those  of  the  Pentateuch  are 
 the  best.  3.  The  poetical  parts  are,  generally 
 speaking,  inferior  to  the  histoiical,  the  original 
 abounding  with  rarer  words  and  expressions.  4.  In 
 the  JIajor  Piophets  (probably  translated  nearly  100 
 years  after  the  Penfciteuch)  some  of  the  most  im- 
 portant prophecies  are  s;idly  obscured.  Ezeklel  and 
 the  Minor  Prophets  (speaking  generally;  seem  to 
 be  better  rendered.  5.  Supposing  the  numerous 
 glos.ses  and  duplicate  rendeiings,  which  have  evid- 
 ently crept  Ironi  the  margin  into  the  text,  to  be 
 removed,  and  forming  a  rough  estimate  of  what  the 
 Septuagint  was  in  its  earliest  state,  we  may  per- 
 haps fdj  of  it  that  it  is  the  image  of  the  original 
 .seen  through  a  glass  not  adjusted  to  the  unjier 
 focus  ;  the  larger  features  are  shown,  but  the  sliaiji- 
 ness  of  definition  is  lost. — B.  We  have  anticipated 
 the  answer  to  the  second  question — fs  the  Version 
 minutely  accurate  in  details  i — but  will  give  a  few 
 examples.  1.  The  same  word  in  the  same  chapter 
 is  often  rendered  by  differing  words.  2.  Differing 
 words  by  the  same  word.  o.  The  divine  names  ai  e 
 frequently  interchanged.  4.  Proper  names  are 
 sometimes  translated,  sometimes  not.  5.  The  trans- 
 lators are  often  misled  by  the  similaiity  of  Hebrew 
 words.  In  very  many  cases  the  error  may  be  thus 
 traced  to  the  similarity  of  some  of  the  Hebrew 
 letters;  in  some  it  is  dithcult  to  see  any  connexion 
 between  the  original  and  the  Version.  6.  Besides 
 the  above  deviations,  and  many  like  them,  which 
 are  probably  due  to  accidental  aiuses,  the  change  of 
 a  letter,  or  doubtful  writing  in  the  Hebiew,  there 
 are  some  passages  which  seem  to  exhibit  a  studied 
 variation  in  the  LXX.  from  the  Hebiew  {e.g.  Gen. 
 ii.  2 ;  Ex.  xii.  40).  Frequently  the  strong  expres- 
 sions of  the  Hebrew  are  softened  down,  where 
 human  parts  are  ascribed  to  GoD.  The  Version  is 
 therefore  not  minutely  accurate  in  details. — r.  We 
 shall  now  be  prepared  to  weigh  the  tradition  of  the 
 Fathers,  that  the  Version  was  made  by  inspiration. 
 If  there  be  such  a  thing  as  an  inspiration  of  trans- 
 lators, it  must  be  an  etlect  of  the  Holy  Sjiirit  on 
 their  minds,  enabling  them  to  do  their  Kork  Oj 
 translation  more  perfectly  than  by  their  own  abili- 
 ties and  acquirements;  to  overcome  the  difficulties 
 arising  from  defective  knowledge,  from  imperfect 
 MSS.,  from  similarity  of  letters,  from  human  in- 
 firmity and  weai'iness  ;  and  so  to  produce  a  copy  of 
 the  Scriptures,  setting  forth  the  Word  of  God,  and 
 the  history  of  his  people,  in  its  original  truth  and 
 purity.  The  reader  will  be  able  to  judge  whether 
 the  Septuagint  Version  satisfies  this  test.  If  it  does, 
 it  will  be  found  not  only  substantially  faithful,  but 
 minutely  accurate  in  details  ;  it  will  be,  in  short,  a 
 republication  of  the  original  text,  purified  from  the 
 errors  of  human  hands  and  eyes,  stamped  with 
 fresh  authority  from  Heaven.  This  is  a  question 
 fo  be  decided  by  facts,  by  the  phenomena  of  the 
 Version  itself.  We  will  simply  declare  our  own 
 conviction  that,  instead  of  such  a  Divine  repub 
 lication  of  the  original,  we  find  a  marked  distinc- 
 tion between  the  original  and  the  Septuagint.— 
 III.  What,  then,  are  the   benefits  to  be 
 
 DERIVED  FROM  THE  STUDY  OF  THE  SEPTUA- 
 GINT?—!. For  the  Old  Testament.  The  Septua- 
 gint gives  evidence  of  the  character  and  condition 
 of  the  Hebrew  MSS.  from  which  it  was  made,  with 
 
848 
 
 SEPULCHRE 
 
 rejpect  to  vowel  points  and  the  mode  of  writing. 
 Being  made  fVom  MSS.  far  older  than  the  Masoretic 
 re<;ension,  the  Si'ptuagint  ol'ten  indiciites  readings 
 ii>}re  Hpcient  and  more  coriect  than  tliose  of  our 
 present  Hebrew  MSS.  and  eilitions  ;  and  often  sj)eaks 
 decisivelv  between  the  conflicting  reailings  of  the 
 present  MSS.  (e.t).  Ps.  xvi.  10,  .\xii.  17;  Hos.  vi. 
 5).  In  Gen.  iv.  8,  a  clause  necessary  to  tlie  sense 
 is  omitted  in  the  Hebrew,  but  preserved  in  the 
 LX.X.  In  all  these  atses  we  do  not  attribute  any 
 paramount  iiul/ioriti/  to  the  Sejjtuagint  on  account 
 jf  its  superior  antiquity  to  the  extant  Hebrew 
 MSS. ;  but  we  take  it  as  an  evidence  of  a  more 
 ancient  Hebrew  text,  as  an  eye-witness  of  the 
 texts,  28U  or  180  years  n.C.  '2.  The  close  con- 
 nexion between  the  Old  and  New  Testament  makes 
 the  study  of  the  Si*[)tuagint  extremely  valuable, 
 and  almost  indispensable  to  the  theological  student. 
 It  was  manifestly  the  chief  storehouse  from  which 
 the  Apostles  drew  their  proofs  and  precepts.  3. 
 Furfiier,  the  language  of  the  Sej)tuagint  is  the 
 mould  in  which  the  thoughts  and  exjuessions  of 
 the  Apostles  and  Evangelists  are  aist.  In  this 
 version  Divine  Truth  has  taken  the  Greek  language 
 as  its  shrine,  and  adapted  it  to  the  things  of  GOD. 
 
 4.  The  frequent  citations  of  the  LXX.  by  the  Greek 
 Fathers,  and  of  the  Latin  Version  of  the  LXX.  by 
 the  Fatheis  who  wrote  in  Latin,  form  another 
 strong   reason    for   the    study    of   the   Septuagint. 
 
 5.  On  the  value  of  the  Septuagint  as  a  monument 
 of  the  Greek  language  in  one  of  its  most  curious 
 phases,  this  is  not  the  place  to  dwell.— Oujkots 
 
 TO   BE    ATTAINED  BY  THE  CRITICAL  SCHOLAR. — 
 
 1.  A  question  of  much  inteiest  still  waits  for  a 
 solution  :  the  rehitiou  between  the  Sejituagiut  and 
 tlie  Samaritan  Pentateuch.  2.  For  the  critical 
 scholar  it  would  be  a  worthy  object  of  pursuit  to 
 ascertain,  as  nearly  a.s  jmssible,  the  original  text 
 of  the  Septuagint  as  it  stood  in  the  time  of  the 
 Apostles  and  Philo.  'i'he  critic  would  jirobably 
 tjike  as  his  Ijasis  the  Roman  edition,  from  the  Codex 
 V'aticanus,  as  lejjresenting  most  nearly  the  ancient 
 {Kotvr])  texts.  The  collection  of  fragments  of 
 Origen's  Hexapla,  by  Monttiiucon  and  others, 
 would  help  him  to  eliminate  the  additions  which 
 have  been  made  to  the  LXX.  from  other  sources, 
 and  to  purge  out  the  glosses  and  double  render- 
 Migs ;  the  citations  in  the  New  Testament  and  in 
 Philo,  in  the  early  Christian  Fathers,  both  Greek 
 and  Latin,  would  render  ;tssistance  of  the  same 
 kind  ;  and  perh.ips  the  most  effective  aid  of  all 
 would  be  found  in  the  fragments  of  the  Old 
 Latin  Version  collected  by  Sabatier  in  3  vols,  folio 
 (Hheims,  1743).  3.  Another  work,  of  more  prac- 
 tical and  general  interest,  still  remains  to  be  done, 
 viz.  to  provide  a  Greek  version,  accurate  and  faith- 
 ful to  the  Hebrew  oi'iginal,  for  the  use  of  the  Greek 
 Church,  anil  of  students  reading  the  Scriptures  in 
 that  language  for  ptirpo.ses  of  devotion  or  mental 
 improvement.  Sucli  an  edition  might  prepare  the 
 way  for  the  coireclion  of  the  blemishes  which  re- 
 ni.iin  in  our  .'\uthoiised  Knglish  Version. 
 
 Sepulchre.     [Puhial.] 
 
 Se'rah,  the  daughter  of  Asher  (Gen.  xlvi.  17; 
 I  Clir.  vii.  .'{(J),  called  in  Num.  xxvi.  40,  Sarah 
 
 Serai'ah.  1.  The  king's  scribe  or  secretary  in 
 tJie  rt-ign  of  David  (2  Sam.  viii.  17).— 2.  The 
 high-prif.st  in  the  reign  of  Zcdekiali  '2  K.  xxv.  18  ; 
 I  <'hr.  vi.  14;  .K-r.  jii.  24).— 3.  The  son  of  Tan- 
 liuiiictli  the  .Nctoiihatliite  (2  K.  xv.  23;  .ler.  xi.  S;. 
 —4.    'i'iie  son   of  Kena/.,  and    brollier   of  OlhnicI 
 
 SERGIUS  PAULUS 
 
 (1  Chr.  iv,  13,  14).— 5.  Ancestor  of  Jelia,  a 
 Simeonite  chietuxia  (1  Chr.  iv.  35).— 6.  Oiie  of 
 the  children  of  the  province  who  returned  with 
 Zerubbabel  (Kzr.  ii.  2).— 7.  One  of  the  ancestors  o? 
 Ezia  the  scribe  (Ezr.  vii.  1),  but  whether  or  not 
 the  same  as  Seiaiah  the  high-priest  seems  uncertain. 
 —8.  A  priest,  or  priestly  family,  who  signed  the 
 covenant  witli  Nehemiah  fNeh.  x.  2,.— 9.  A  jiriest, 
 the  son  of  Hilkiah  (Neh.  xi.  11).— 10.  The  head  of 
 a  priestly  house  which  went  up  from  Babylon  with 
 Zerubbabel  (Neh.  xii.  1,  12).— 11.  The  sou  of 
 Neriah,  and  brotlier  of  Baruch  (Jer.  li.  59,  61). 
 He-went  with  Zedckiah  to  Babylon  in  the  fourth 
 year  of  his  reign,  or,  .w  the  Targum  has  it,  "  in 
 tlie  mission  of  Zedekiah,"  and  is  described  as  sur 
 menuclidh  (lit.  "  prince  of  rest ;"  A.  V.  "  a  quiet 
 prince  ;  "  marg.  "  or,  prince  of  ]\Ienuchah,  or,  chief 
 chamberlain  "),  a  title  which  is  interpreted  by 
 Kimchi  as  that  of  the  office  of  chamberlain.  Per- 
 haps he  was  an  officer  who  took  charge  of  the  royal 
 caravan  on  its  march,  and  fixed  the  place  where  it 
 should  halt.  Seraiah  was  commissioned  by  the 
 prophet  Jeieniiah  to  take  with  him  on  his  journey 
 the  roll  in  which  he  had  written  the  doom  of 
 Babylon,  and  sink  it  in  the  midst  of  the  Euphrates, 
 as  a  token  that  Babylon  should  sink,  never  to  li.-e 
 again  (Jer.  li.  G0-G4). 
 
 Ser'aphim.  An  order  of  celestial  beings,  whom 
 Isaiah  bnlield  in  vision  standing  above  Jehovah  aa 
 Ho  sat  upon  His  throne  (Is.  vi.  2).  They  are  de- 
 scribed as  having  each  of  them  three  pairs  of  wings, 
 with  one  of  which  they  covered  their  faces  (a  token 
 of  humility; ;  with  the  second  they  covered  their 
 feet  (a  token  of  respect)  ;  while  with  the  third  they 
 flew.  They  seem  to  have  borne  a  general  resem- 
 blance to  the  human  figure,  for  they  are  repieseuted 
 as  having  a  face,  a  voice,  feet,  and  hands  (ver.  6). 
 Tneir  occupation  was  twofold — to  celebiate  the 
 praises  of  Jehovah's  holiness  and  |>ower  {\e\-.  3;, 
 and  to  act  as  the  medium  of  communication  be- 
 tween heaven  and  earth  (ver.  6).  From  their 
 antii)honal  chant  ("one  cried  unto  another")  we 
 may  conceive  them  to  have  been  langed  in  opposite 
 rows  on  each  side  of  the  throne.  The  idea  of  a 
 winged  human  figuie  was  not  jieculiar  to  the  He- 
 brews:  among  the  sculj)tures  found  at  3Iounj/utiib 
 in  Persia,  we  meet  with  a  representation  of  a  man 
 with  two  pairs  of  wings,  springing  from  the  shoul- 
 ders, and  extending,  the  one  pair  upwards,  the 
 other  downwards,  so  as  to  admit  of  covering  the 
 head  ami  the  feet.  The  meaning  of  the  word 
 •'seraph"  is  extremely  doubtful;  the  only  word 
 which  resembles  it  in  the  current  Hebrew  is  saraph, 
 "  to  burn,"  whence  the  idea  of  l/riliumci/  has  been 
 c'xtiacfed  ;  but  it  is  objectea  that  the  Hebrew  term 
 never  be;irs  this  secondary  sen.se.  Gesenius  con- 
 nects it  with  an  Arabic  term  signifying  /li/h  or 
 exalted ;  and  this  m.ay  be  regarded  as  tiie  generally 
 received  etymology. 
 
 Ser'ed,  the  firstborn  of  Zebulon  (Gen.  xlvi.  14  ; 
 Nun).  XXV  i.  2i; ). 
 
 Ser'gius  Paulna  w;is  the  name  of  the  proconsul 
 of  Cypru.s  whin  the  .Vpostle  Paul  visited  that  ishmd 
 with  Baiiiab;is  on  his  fiiiit  missionary  tour  (Acts 
 xiii.  7  sq.).  He  its  de.scribed  as  an  intelligent  man, 
 truth-seeking,  enger  for  information  from  all  sources 
 within  his  reach.  It  was  this  trait  of  his  character 
 which  led  him  in  the  fii-st  instance  to  admit  to  his 
 society  Elym;is  the  Magian,  and  afterwards  to  seek 
 out  the  missionary  strangei-s  ;uid  le.un  from  them 
 the  nature   of  the  Christian  doctrine.      But  Sergiuj 
 
SERON 
 
 wab  not  ctTectually  or  long  deceived  by  the  arts  of 
 tlie  impostor ;  for  ou  becoming  acquainted  with 
 the  Apostle  he  examined  at  once  the  claims  of  the 
 (ios))el,  and  yielded  his  mind  to  the  eviilence  of  its 
 trutii. 
 
 Se'ron,  a  general  of  Antiochus  Epiph.,  in  chief 
 command  of  the  Syrian  army  (1  Mace.  iii.  13,  24), 
 who  was  defeated  at  Bethhoron  by  Judas  Macca- 
 baeus  (B.C.  166). 
 
 Serpent.  The  following  Hebrew  woids  denote 
 serpents  of  some  kind  or  other : — 'Acshub,  pethen, 
 tzeplia'  or  tziph'oni,  shephiphon,  nachash,  and 
 epli'eh.  The  first  four  are  noticed  undei'  the  arti- 
 cles Addkr  and  AsP:  the  two  remaining  names 
 we  proceed  to  discuss.  1.  Ndchdsh,  the  geneiic 
 name  of  any  serpent,  occurs  fi'equently  in  the  0.  T. 
 The  following  are  the  principal  Biblical  allusions 
 to  this  animal  : — Its  subtilty  is  mentioned  in  Gen. 
 iii.  1  ;  its  wisdom  is  alluded  to  by  our  I>ord  in 
 Matt.  X.  16  ;  the  poisonous  properties  of  some 
 species  are  often  mentioned  (see  Ps.  Iviii.  4 ;  Prov. 
 xxiii.  32) ;  the  shai-p  tongue  of  the  serpent,  which 
 it  would  appear  some  of  the  ancient  Hebrews  be- 
 lieved to  be  the  instrument  of  poison,  is  mentioned 
 in  Ps.  c.xi.  3;  Job  xx.  16,  "the  viper's  tongue 
 shall  slay  him  ;"  although  in  other  places,  as  in 
 Prov.  s.xiii.  32,  Eccl.  s.  8,  11,  Num.  xxi.  9,  the 
 venom  is  correctly  ascribed  to  the  bite,  while  in 
 Job  x.\.  14  the  gall  is  said  to  be  the  poison  ;  the 
 habit  serpents  have  of  lying  concealed  in  liedges  is 
 alluded  to  in  Keel.  x.  8,  and  in  holes  of  walls,  in 
 Am.  V.  19  ;  their  dwelling  in  dry  sandy  places,  in 
 Dent.  viii.  15;  their  wonderful  mode  of  progression 
 Jid  not  escape  the  observation  of  the  author  of  Prov. 
 XXX.,  who  expre.ssly  mentions  it  as  "  one  of  the 
 tliree  things  which  were  too  wonderful  for  him  " 
 (19)  ;  the  oviparous  nature  of  most  of  the  ordei-  is 
 alluded  to  in  Is.  lix.  5,  where  the  A.  V.,  howevei', 
 has  the  unfortunate  rendeiing  of  "  cockatrice." 
 The  art  of  taming  and  charming  serpents  is  of  great 
 antiquity,  and  is  alluded  to  in  Ps.  Iviii.  5;  Eccl.  x. 
 1 1  ;  Jer.  viii.  17,  and  doubtless  intimated  by  St. 
 James  (iii.  7),  who  particularises  serpents  among 
 all  other  animals  that  "  have  been  tamed  by  man." 
 It  was  under  the  fonn  of  a  serpent  that  the  devil 
 seduced  Eve:  hence  in  Scripture  Satan  is  called 
 •'  the  old  serpent"  (Rev.  xii.  9,  and  comp.  2  Cor. 
 si.  3).  The  part  which  the  serpent  played  in  the 
 transaction  of  the  Fall  must  not  be  passed  over 
 without  some  brief  comment,  being  full  of  deep 
 and  curious  interest.  First  of  all,  then,  we  have 
 to  note  the  subtilty  ascribed  to  this  reptile.  It  was 
 an  ancient  belief,  both  amongst  Orientals  and  the 
 people  of  the  western  world,  that  the  serpent  was 
 endued  with  a  large  share  of  sagacity.  The  parti- 
 cular wisdom  alluded  to  by  our  Lord  refers,  it  is 
 ]iiobable,  to  the  .sagacity  displayed  by  serpents  in 
 :ivoiding  danger.  The  disciples  weie  warned  to  be 
 ;is  prudent  in  not  incurring  unnecessary  persecution. 
 It  has  been  supposed  by  many  commentators  that 
 the  serpent,  prior  to  the  Fall,  moved  along  in  an 
 erect  attitude.  It  is  quite  clear  that  an  erect  mode 
 of  progression  is  utterly  incompatible  with  the 
 structure  of  a  serpent :  consequently,  h;ul  the  snakes 
 before  the  Fall  moved  in  an  erect  attitude,  they 
 must  have  been  formed  on  a  different  plan  alto- 
 gether. There  is  no  reason  whatever  to  conclude 
 from  the  language  of  Scripture  that  the  serpent 
 undeiTvent  any  change  of  foiTU  on  account  of  the 
 part  it  played  in  the  history  of  the  Fall.  The 
 typical  form  of  the  sei^pent  and  its  mode  of  pi  o- 
 
 CON.  D.  B. 
 
 SERPENT 
 
 849 
 
 gi-ession  were  in  all  probability  the  same  before  the 
 Fall  as  after  it:  but  subsequent  to  the  Fall  its 
 form  and  progression  were  to  be  regarded  with 
 hatied  and  disgust  by  all  mankind,  and  thus  the 
 animal  was  cursed  "  above  all  cattle,"  and  a  mark 
 of  condemnation  was  for  ever  stamped  upon  it. 
 Serpents  are  said  in  Scripture  to  "eat  dust"  (see 
 Gen.  iii.  14;  Is.  Ixv.  2.5;  Mic.  vii.  17);  these 
 animals,  which  for  the  most  part  take  their  food 
 on  the  ground,  do  consequently  swallow  with  it 
 large  portions  of  sand  and  du.st.  "  Almost  through- 
 out the  East,"  writes  Dr.  Kalisch,  "  the  serpent 
 was  used  as  an  emblem  of  the  evil  principle,  of  the 
 spiiit  of  disobedience  and  contumacy.  A  few  ex- 
 ceptions only  can  be  discovered.  The  Phoenicians 
 adored  that  animal  as  a  beneficent  genius  ;  and  the 
 Chinese  consider  it  as  a  symbol  of  superior  wisdom 
 and  power,  and  ascribe  to  the  kings  of  heaven  (tien- 
 hoangs)  bodies  of  serpents.  Some  other  nations 
 fluctuated  in  their  conceptions  regarding  the  ser- 
 pent." The  evil  spirit  in  the  form  of  a  serpent 
 appears  in  the  Ahriman  or  lord  of  evil  who,  ac- 
 cording to  the  doctrine  of  Zoroaster,  first  taught 
 men  to  sin  under  the  guise  of  this  reptile.  Ijut 
 compare  the  opinion  of  Dr.  Kalisch,  who  says  '•  the 
 seipent  is  the  reptile,  not  an  evil  demon  that  had 
 assumed  its  shape.  ...  If  the  serpent  repiesented 
 Satan,  it  would  be  extremely  surprising  that  the 
 former  only  was  cursed  ;  and  that  tlie  latter  is  not 
 even  mentioned.  ...  it  would  be  entirely  at  vari- 
 ance witli  the  Divine  justice  for  ever  to  curt.e  the 
 animal  whose  shape  it  had  pleased  the  evil  one  to 
 assume."  Much  has  been  written  on  the  question 
 of  the  "fiery  serpents"  of  Num.  xxi.  6,  8,  with 
 which  it  is  usual  erroneously  to  identify  the  "  fierv 
 flying  serpent "  of  Is.  xxx.  6,  and  xiv.  29.  There 
 is  no  occasion  to  refer  the  venomous  snakes  in 
 question  to  the  kind  of  which  Niebuhr  speaks,  and 
 which  the  Arabs  at  Basra  denominate  Hcie  sitr- 
 sune,  or  Heu',  thiare,  "  flying  serpents,"  which  ob- 
 tained that  name  fiom  theii-  habit  of  "  spiino-iricc  " 
 from  branch  to  branch  of  the  date-trees  they  in- 
 habit. The  Hebrew  term  rendered  "fiery"  bv 
 the  A.  V.  is  by  the  Alexandrine  edition  of  the 
 LXX.  represented  by  "  deadly ;"  Onkelos,  the 
 Arabic  version  of  Saadias,  and  the  Vulg.  translate 
 the  word  "  burning,"  in  allusion  to  the  sensation 
 pioduced  by  the  bite  ;  other  authorities  understand 
 a  reference  to  the  bright  colour  of  the  serpent.-. 
 It  is  impossible  to  point  out  the  species  of  jioi- 
 sonous  snake  which  destroyed  tlie  people  in  llie 
 Arabian  desert.  It  is  obvious  that  either  the 
 Cerastes,  or  the  Naia  haje,  or  any  other  venomous 
 species  frequenting  Arabia,  may  denote  the  "  ser- 
 pent of  the  burning  bite"  which  destroyed  the 
 children  of  Israel.  The  "  fiery  flying  serpent " 
 of  Isaiah  (/.  c.)  can  have  no  existence  in  nature. 
 Monstrous  foims  ol  snakes  with  biids'  wings  occur 
 on  the  Egyptian  sculptures. — 2.  Eph'ch  occijis  in 
 Job  sx.  16  ;  Is.  .\xx.  6,  and  lix.  5  (A.V.  '•  viper") 
 Theie  is  no  Scriptural  allusion  by  means  of  which 
 it  is  possible  to  determine  the  sj)ecies  of  seipent 
 indicated  by  the  Hebrew  term,  which  is  derived 
 from  a  root  which  signifies  '•  to  hiss."  Shav/ 
 speaks  of  some  poisonous  snake  which  the  Arabs 
 call  Leffah  {El  effah) :  "  it  is  the  most  malignant 
 of  the  tribe,  and  rarely  above  a  foot  long."  Jack- 
 son also  mentions  this  serpent :  from  his  description 
 it  would  seem  to  be  the  Algerine  adder  {Echidna 
 arietans,  var.  Maiiritanica).  The  snake  that 
 fastened  on  St.  Paul's  hand  when  he  was  at  Melita 
 
 3  I 
 
850 
 
 SERPENT,  BRAZEN 
 
 (Acts  xxviii.  3)  \v;is  jirobaljly  the  lommou  viper  of 
 tnis  country  {Fcluts  berus),  or  else  the  Vipera 
 \xsp&. 
 
 Serpent,  Brazen.  Tlie  familiar  history  of  the 
 hraz-t'ii  seipciit  iii'eil  not  bo  repeated  here.  The 
 scene  of  the  liistory,  determined  by  a  comparison  of 
 Num.  xxi.  8,  and  xxxiii.  42,  must  have  been  either 
 Zalmonah  or  Punon.  1.  The  truth  of  the  history 
 will,  in  this  place,  be  taken  for  granted.  Those 
 who  prefer  it  may  ciioase  amoni;  the  hypotheses 
 l)V  which  men  haltini;  between  two  opinions  liave 
 enileavoured  to  retain  the  historical  and  to  elimin- 
 ate the  supernatural  element.  To  most  of  the 
 Israelites  it  must  have  seemed  as  strange  then 
 as  it  did  afterwards  to  the  later  Kabbis,  that  any 
 such  symbol  should  be  cmployeil.  The  Second 
 Commandment  appeared  to  foibid  tlie  likeness  of 
 any  living  thing.  The  golden  calf  had  been  de- 
 stroved  as  an  abomination.  What  reason  was  there 
 for  the  ditierence  ?  In  part,  of  course,  the  answer 
 may  be,  that  the  Second  Commandment  foibade, 
 not  all  symbolic  forms  as  such,  but  those  that  men 
 made  for  them.selves  to  worship  ;  but  the  question 
 still  remains,  why  was  this  (bim  chosen?  It  is 
 hardly  enough  to  say,  with  Jewish  commentatoi-s, 
 that  fin//  outward  means  might  have  been  chosen. 
 It  is  hardly  enough  again  to  say,  with  most  Chris- 
 tian interpreters,  that  ,it  was  intended  to  be  a  type 
 of  Christ.  H'  the  words  of  our  Lord  in  John  iii. 
 14,  15,  point  to  the  fulfilment  of  the  type,  there 
 must  yet  have  been  another  meaning  for  the 
 symbol.  To  present  the  seipent-form  as  deprived 
 of  its  power  to  hurt,  impaled  as  the  trophy  of  a 
 conqueror,  was  to  assert  that  evil,  physical  and 
 spiritual,  had  been  overcome,  and  thus  help  to 
 strengthen  the  weak  faith  of  the  Israelites  in  a 
 victory  over  both.  To  some  writers  this  has  com- 
 mended itself  as  the  simplest  and  most  obvious 
 view.  Others,  again,  have  started  from  a  ditlerent 
 ground.  They  look  to  Egypt  as  the  starting-point 
 for  all  the  thoughts  which  the  serpent  could  sug- 
 gest, and  they  find  there  that  it  was  worshipjied 
 as  an  <i(]<dliodacirumy  the  symljol  of  health  and  life. 
 Contrasted  as  these  views  ajipcar,  they  have,  it  is 
 believed,  a  jioint  of  contact.  The  idea  primarily 
 connected  with  the  serpent  in  the  history  of  the  Fall, 
 as  throughout  the  proverbial  language  of  Scrip- 
 ture, is  that  of  wisdom  (Gen.  iii.  1  ;  Matt.  x.  16  ; 
 '1  Cor.  xi.  o).  Wisdom,  a])art  fiom  obedience  to  a 
 divine  order,  allying  itself  to  man's  lower  nature, 
 passes  into  ciuining.  Man's  natiue  is  envenomed 
 anil  degraded  by  it.  But  wisdom,  the  selt-same 
 power  of  understanding,  yielding  to  the  divine  law, 
 is  the  source  of  all  healing  and  restoring  intluences, 
 anil  the  seipent-form  thus  becomes  a  svmbol  ot 
 deliverance  and  health.  The  Israelites  were  taught 
 '.hat  it  would  be  so  to  them  in  proportion  .ts  they 
 ceased  to  be  nensuai  ami  rebellious.^!!.  The  next 
 st.'igejn  the  history  of  the  brazen  seipent shows  how 
 <!asily  even  a  legitimate  symbol,  retaiiu'd  beyond  it 
 time,  after  it  had  done  its  work,  might  become  tlir 
 occa.-;ion  of  idolalry.  It  appears  in  the  reign  ol 
 Hezekiah  as  having  been,  for  some  undefined  period, 
 an  object  of  worship.  The  zeal  of  that  king  leads 
 him  to  des'-oy  it.  We  are  left  to  conjecture  when 
 the  woiship  began,  or  what  was  its  locality.  All 
 tliat  we  know  of  the  reign  of  Ahaz  makes  it  pro- 
 bable that  it  was  inider  his  luispices  that  it  received 
 a  new  development.  The  churcji  of  St.  Anibro». 
 at  Milan,  has  boastcil  for  centuries  of  j)ossessilig  the 
 brizen  .scipcnt  whiih    .Moses  set  \i|)  in  the  wilder- 
 
 SERPENT-CHARMINO- 
 
 ness.  Tlie  earlier  history  of  the  relic,  so  called,  M 
 matter  tor  conjectuie  — III.  When  the  material 
 symbol  had  perished,  tts  history  began  to  suggest 
 deeper  thoughts  to  the  minds  of  men.  The  writer 
 of  the  Book  of  Wisdom  sees  in  it  "  a  sign  of  salva- 
 tion ;"  "  he  that  turned  himself  was  not  saved  by 
 the  thing  that  he  saw,  but  by  Thee  that  art  the 
 Saviour  of  all "  (Wisd.  xvi.  6,  7).  The  Targum 
 of  Jonathan  parajihrases  Num.  xxi.  8  :  "He  shall 
 be  healed  if  he  direct  his  heart  unto  the  Name  ot 
 the  Word  of  tlie  Lord."  Philo,  with  his  charac- 
 teristic taste  for  .nn  ethical,  mysticil  interpretation, 
 represents  the  history  as  a  parable  of  man's  victory 
 over  his  lower  sensuous  nature.  The  facts  just 
 stated  may  help  us  to  enter  into  the  bearing  of 
 the  words  of  John  iii.  14,  15.— IV.  A  full  discus- 
 sion of  the  typi<'al  meaning  here  luifolded  belongs  to 
 Exegesis  rather  than  to  a  Dictionaiy.  It  will  be 
 enough  to  nole  here  that  which  connects  itself  with 
 facts  or  theories  already  mentioned.  On  the  one 
 side  the  typical  interpretation  has  been  extended  to 
 all  the  details.  On  the  other  it  has  been  main- 
 tained that  the  serpent  was  from  the  beginning, 
 and  remains  still  exclusively  the  symbol  of  evil  ; 
 that  the  lifting-up  of  the  Son  of  Man  answered  to 
 that  of  the  serpent,  because  on  the  cross  the  victory 
 over  the  serpent  was  accomplished.  It  will  not 
 sur])rise  us  to  find  that,  in  the  spiritual  as  in  the 
 historical  intcipietation,  both  theories  have  an  ele- 
 ment of  truth. 
 
 Serpent-Charming.  There  can  be  no  question 
 at  all  of  the  remaikable  power  which,  from  time 
 immemorial,  has  been  exercised  by  certain  people  in 
 the  East  over  poisonous  serpents.  The  art  is  most 
 distinctly  mentioned  in  the  Bible,  and  probiibly 
 alluded  to  by  St.  James  (iii.  7j.  The  usual  species 
 operated  upon,  both  in  .Africa  and  in  India,  are  the 
 hooded  snakes  (.V«ta  tripudians,  and  Naia  liaje) 
 and  the  horned  Cerastes.  That  the  charmers  fre- 
 quently, and  perhaps  geneially,  take  the  precaution 
 of  extracting  the  poison-fangs  before  the  snakes  are 
 subjected  to  their  sKill,  there  is  much  juobability 
 for  believing  ;  but  that  tliis  operation  is  not  always 
 attended  to  is  cle;u-  from  the  Ustimony  of  Bruce 
 and  numerous  other  writers.  .Some  have  supposed 
 that  the  practice  of  tiking  out  or  breaking  off  the 
 poison-fangs  is  alluded  to  in  Ps.  Iviii.  6,  "  Break 
 their  teeth,  0  God,  in  their  mouth."  The  serjient- 
 charmer's  usual  instrument  is  a  tlute.     Those  who 
 
 Brriiritl-phwtv^.inn 
 
SERUG 
 
 jnofessed  the  art  of  taming  serpents  were  called  by 
 the  Hebrews  menachashim,  while  the  art  itself  was 
 called  lachash  (Jer.  viii.  17  ;  Ecci.  x.  11);  but  these 
 terms  were  not  always  used  in  this  restricted  sense. 
 
 Seru'g.  Son  of  Reu,  and  great-grandfather  of 
 Abraham.  His  age  is  given  in  the  Hebrew  Bible  as 
 230  years  (Gen.  .\i.  20-23);  30  years  before  he 
 begat  Nahor,  and  200  years  afterwards.  Eochart 
 conjectures  that  the  town  of  Seruj,  a  day's  journey 
 from  Charrae  in  M«sopi)t;imia,  was  named  from  this 
 patriarch.  J^uidas  and  othei s  ascribe  to  him  the  deifi- 
 cation of  dead  benefactors  of  mankind.  Kpiphanius 
 states  that,  though  in  his  time  idolatry  took  its  rise, 
 yet  it  was  confined  t6  pictures.  He  characterises  the 
 religion  of  mankind  up  to  Serug's  days  as  Scythic. 
 
 Servant.  The  Hebrew  terms  ri'i'ar  ami  meshdr- 
 eth,  which  alone  answer  to  our  "  servant,"  in  as 
 far  as  this  implies  the  notions  of  liberty  and  volun- 
 tariness, are  of  coniparativelv  rare  occurrence.  On 
 the  other  hand,  'ebcd,  which  is  common  and  equally 
 rendered  "  sei'vant "  in  the  A.  V.,  properly  means 
 a  slave.  The  terms  above  given  refer  to  the  excep- 
 tional cases  of  young  or  confidential  attendants. 
 Joshua,  for  instance,  is  described  as  at  once  the 
 naar  and  meshdreth  of  Woses  (Ex.  xxxiii.  11); 
 Elisha's  servant  sometimes  as  the  former  (2  K.  iv. 
 12,  V.  20),  sometimes  as  the  latter  (2  K.  iv.  43,  vi. 
 l.">).  Amnou's  servant  was  a  meshdreth  (2  Sam, 
 xiii.  17,  18),  while  young  Joseph  w;is  ana'ar  to  the 
 sons  of  Bilhah  (Gen.  xxxvii.  2).  The  confidential 
 designation  meslidreth  is  applied  to  the  priests  and 
 Levites,  in  their  relation  to  Jehovah  (Ezr.  viii.  17  ; 
 Is.  Ixi.  6  ;    Ez.  xliv.  1 1). 
 
 Ses'is.     Shashai  (1  Esd.  ix.  34-). 
 
 S€S  thel.  Bezaleel  of  the  sons  of  Pahath- 
 Moab  fl  Esd.  ix.  31). 
 
 Seth,  Gen.  iv.  2.5,  v.  3  ;  1  Chr.  i.  1.  The  third 
 son  of  Adam,  and  father  of  Enos.  The  signification 
 of  his  name  is  "  appointed  "  or  "  put "  in  the  place 
 of  the  murdered  Abel ;  but  Ewald  thinks  that  an- 
 other signification,  which  he  prefers,  is  indicated  in 
 the  text,  viz.  "seedling,"  or  "germ."  In  the  4th 
 century  there  existed  in  Egypt  a  sect  calling  them- 
 selves Sethians,  who  are  classed  by  Neander  among 
 those  Gnostic  sects  which,  in  opposing  Judaism,  ap- 
 proximated tc  paganism. 
 
 Sethu'r.  The  Asherite  spy,  son  of  ilichael  (Num. 
 xiii.  13). 
 
 Seven,  The  frequent  recurrence  of  certain  num- 
 bers in  the  sacred  literature  of  the  Hebrews  is  ob- 
 vious to  the  most  superficial  reader ;  and  it  is  almost 
 equally  obvious  that  these  numbers  are  iissociated 
 with  certain  ideas,  so  as  in  some  instances  to  lose 
 their  numerical  force,  and  to  pass  over  into  the 
 province  of  symbolic  signs.  This  is  moie  or  less 
 true  of  the  numbers  three,  four,  seven,  twelve,  and 
 forty  ;  but  seven  so  far  surpasses  the  lest,  both  in 
 the  frequency  with  which  it  recurs,  and  in  the  im- 
 portance of  the  objects  with  which  it  is  associated, 
 that  it  may  fairly  be  termed  the  representative  sym- 
 bolic number.  It  has  hence  attracted  considerable 
 attention,  and  may  be  said  to  be  the  keystone  on 
 which  the  symbolism  of  numbers  depends.  The 
 origin  of  this  symbolism  is  a  question  that  meets  us 
 at  the  threshold  of  any  discussion  as  to  the  number 
 seven.  The  views  of  Biblical  critics  may  be  ranged 
 under  two  heads,  according  as  the  symbolism  is 
 attributed  to  theoretical  speculations  as  to  the  in- 
 ternal properties  of  the  number  itself,  or  to  external 
 associations  of  a  physical  or  historical  character. 
 Aocordina;  to  the  foimcr  of  these  views,  the  symbol- 
 
 SEVEN 
 
 851 
 
 ism  of  the  number  seven  would  be  traced  back  to 
 the  symbolism  of  its  component  elements  three  and 
 four,  the  first  of  which  =  Divinity,  and  the  second 
 =  Humanity,  whence  seven  =  Divinity  -f-  Hu- 
 manitv,  or,  in  other  words,  the  union  between  God 
 and  Man,  as  efT'ected  by  the  manifestations  of  the 
 Divinity  in  creation  and'  revelation.  This  theory  is 
 seductive  from  its  ingenuity,  and  its  appeal  to  the 
 imagination,  but  there  appears  to  be  little  founda- 
 tion for  it.  We  turn  to  the  second  class  of  opinions 
 which  attribute  the  symbolism  of  the  number  seven 
 to  external  associations.  The  influence  of  the  number 
 seven  was  not  restricted  to  the  Hebrews  ;  it  prevailed 
 among  the  Persians  (Esth.  i.  10,  14),  among  the 
 ancient  Indians,  among  the  Greeks  and  Romans  to  a 
 certain  extent,  and  probably  among  all  nations 
 where  the  week  of  seven  days  was  established,  as  in 
 China,  Egypt,  Arabia,  &c.  The  wide  range  of  the 
 word  seven  is  in  this  respect  an  interesting  and 
 significant  fact:  with  the  exception  of  "six,"  it 
 is  the  only  numeral  which  the  Shemitic  languages 
 have  in  common  with  the  Indo-European.  In  the 
 countries  above  enumerated,  the  institution  of  seven 
 as  a  cyclical  number  is  attributed  to  the  observation 
 of  the  changes  of  the  moon,  or  to  the  supposed 
 number  of  the  planets.  The  peculiarity  of  the 
 Hebrew  view  consists  in  the  special  dignity  of 
 the  seventh,  and  not  simply  in  that  of  seven.  We 
 caimot  trace  back  the  peculiar  associntions  of  the  He- 
 Ijiews  farther  than  to  the  point  when  the  seventh 
 day  was  consecrated  to  the  purposes  of  religious 
 rest.  Assuming  this,  therefore,  as  our  starting- 
 point,  the  first  idea  associated  with  seven  would  be 
 that  of  religious  periodicity.  The  Sabbath,  being 
 the  seventh  day,  suggested  the  adoption  of  seven  as 
 the  coefficient,  so  to  say,  for  the  appointment  of  all 
 sacred  periods;  and  we  thus  find  the  7th  month 
 ushered  in  by  the  Feast  of  Trumpets,  and  signalised 
 by  the  celebration  of  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  and 
 the  great  Day  of  Atonement ;  7  weeks  as  the  in- 
 terval between  the  Passover  and  the  Pentecost ;  the 
 7th  year  as  the  Sabbatical  year ;  and  the  year  suc- 
 ceeding 7x7  years  as  the  Jubilee  year.  From  the 
 idea  of  periodicity,  it  passed  by  an  easy  transition 
 to  the  duration  or  repetition  of  religious  proceed- 
 ings ;  and  thus  7  days  were  appointed  as  the  length 
 of  the  Feasts  of  Passover  and  Tabernacles ;  7  days 
 for  the  ceremonies  of  the  consecration  of  priests, 
 and  so  on  ;  7  victims  to  be  offered  on  any  special 
 occasion,  as  in  Balaam's  saciifice  (Num.  sxiii.  1), 
 and  especially  at  the  ratification  of  a  treaty,  the 
 notion  of  seven  being  embodied  in  the  veiy  term 
 signifying  to  swear,  literally  meaning  to  do  seven 
 times  (Gen.  xxi.  28).  The  number  seven,  having 
 thus  been  impressed  with  the  seal  of  sanctity  as  the 
 symbol  of  all  connected  with  the  Divinity,  was 
 adopted  generally  as  a  cyclical  number,  with  the 
 subordinate  notions  of  perfection  or  completeness. 
 It  is  mentioned  in  a  variety  of  passages  too  nu- 
 merous for  quotation  (e.g.  Job  v.  19;  Jer.  xv.  9  ; 
 Matt.  xii.  45)  in  a  sense  analogous  to  that  of  a 
 "  round  number,"  but  with  the  additional  idea  of 
 sufficiency  and  completeness.  The  foregoing  applic- 
 ations of  the  number  seven  become  of  great  prac- 
 tical importance  in  connexion  with  the  interpretation 
 of  some  of  the  prophetical  portions  of  the  Bible,  and 
 particularly  of  the  Apocalypse.  We  have  but  to  run 
 over  the  chief  subjects  of  that  book,  in  order  to  see 
 the  necessity  of  deciding  whether  the  number  is  to 
 be  accepted  in  a  literal  or  a  metaphorical  sense — in 
 other  words,  whether  it  represents  a  number  or  a 
 
 3  I  2 
 
852 
 
 SHAALABBIN 
 
 qii:\lit\'.  Tlie  Jecisioii  of  this  question  affects  net 
 only  the  number  seven,  but  also  the  number  whir-ii 
 stands  in  a  relation  of  antagonism  to  seven,  vix.  tlie 
 halt"  of  seven,  which  appears  under  the  foi-ni  oi 
 t'ortv-two  months,  =  ;j,J  years  (Rev.  xiii.  o),  twelve 
 hundral  and  sixty  d;iys,  also  =  I5J  years  (xi.  3,  xii. 
 (i),  and  again  a  time,  times,  and  half  a  time  =  3 J 
 years  (xii.  14).  If  the  number  seven  express  the 
 notion  of  completeness,  then  the  number  half-seven 
 =  incompleteness  and  the  secondary  ideas  of  suffer- 
 ing ami  disaster:  if  the  one  represent  divine  agency, 
 thi'  other  we  may  ex])ect  to  lepresent  human  agency. 
 
 Shaarabbin.  A  town  in  the  allotment  of  Dan, 
 named  between  Ir-Shemesh  and  Ajalon  (Josh.  xix. 
 4->). 
 
 Sha'albim.  The  commoner  form  of  the  name 
 of  a  town  <if  Dan  which  in  one  passage  is  found  as 
 t^hanlabbin.  It  occurs  in  an  ancient  fragment  of  his- 
 tory inserted  in  Judg.  i.  enumerating  the  towns  of 
 which  the  original  inhabitants  of  Canaan  succeeded 
 in  keeping  possession  after  the  general  conquest. 
 It  is  mentioned  with  Aijalon  again  in  Josh.  xix.  42 
 (Shaalabbin),  and  with  Bethsliemesh  both  there  and 
 in  1  K.  iv.  9.  By  Eusebius  and  Jerome  it  is  men- 
 tioned in  the  Onomasticon  as  a  large  village  in  the 
 ilistrict  of  Sebaste  (i.  e.  Samaria),  and  as  then  called 
 Selaba.  But  this  is  not  very  intelligible.  It  is 
 also  at  variance  with  another  notice  of  Jerome  (on 
 Ezek.  xlviii.  22).  No  trace  appeai-s  to  have  been 
 yet  discovered  of  any  name  resembling  Shaalbim,  in 
 the  neighbourhood  of  Yah  or  Ain-shenis,  or  indeed 
 anywhere  else. 
 
 Shaal'bonite,  the.  Eliahba  the  Shaalbonite  was 
 one  of  David's  tliirty -seven  heroes  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  .32  ; 
 1  Chr.  xi.  33).  He  was  the  native  of  a  place  named 
 Sh.ialbon,  which  is  unmentioned  elsewhere,  unless 
 it  is  iiientical  with  SiiAALBiM  or  Suaalabdin  of 
 the  tribe  of  Dan. 
 
 Sha'aph.  1.  The  sou  of  Jahdai  (1  Chr.  ii,  47). 
 —2.  The  son  of  Caleb  the  brother  of  Jerahmeel  by 
 his  concubine  Maacbah  (1  Chr.  ii.  49). 
 
 Shaara'im.  A  city  in  the  territory  allotted  to 
 Jiuiali  (Josh.  XV.  36  ;  in  A.  V.  incorrectly  Sharaim). 
 It  is  mentioned  again  in  the  account  of  the  rout 
 which  followed  the  fall  of  Goliath  (1  Sam.  xvii.  52). 
 These  two  notices  are  consistent  with  each  other. 
 Shaaraim  is  therefore  probably  to  be  looked  for 
 somewhere  west  of  Shuweikeh,  on  the  lower  slopes 
 of  the  hills,  where  they  subside  into  the  great  jilain. 
 We  fhid  the  name  mentioned  once  more  in  a  list  of 
 the  towns  of  Simeon  (1  Chr.  iv.  31),  occupying  the 
 same  place  with  Sharuhen  and  Sansannah,  in  the 
 coiTesponding  lists  of  Joshua.  It  is  impossible  that 
 the  same  Shaaraim  can  be  intended,  and  indeed  it 
 is  quite  doubtful  whether  it  be  not  a  mere  cor- 
 iiiption  of  (iiie  of  tlie  other  two  names. 
 
 Sbaash'gaz.  The  eunuch  in  the  palace  of  Xer.xes 
 wliii  had  the  custody  of  the  women  in  the  second 
 hnuse  nOsMi.  ii.  14). 
 
 Shabbetlxa'i.  1.  A  Levile  in  the  time  of  K/.ra 
 (Ezr.  X.  1.^).  It  is  ap]«irently  the  sjimewho  with 
 Jeshna  and  others  iiistructe<l  the  people  in  the 
 knowledge  of  the  Law  (Neli.  viii.  7).— 2.  One  of 
 the  cliief  of  the  Levites  alter  the  return  foni 
 Babylon  (Neh.  xi.   16).     I'ossibly  1.   and  2.   are 
 
 idniiticil. 
 
 Shaohi'a.  Properly  "  ^labiah,"  a  son  of  Sliah- 
 ar.iini  by  bis  wife  Ilode.-h  (  I  Chr.  viii.  10). 
 
 Shadda'i.  .\n  ancient  name  of  (iod,  rendered  "Al- 
 mighty "  cverywiiere  in  (he  A.  V.  In  all  passiges 
 »f  Genesis,  except  one  ;xlix.  2b),  in  Ex.  vi.  3,  and 
 
 SHALEM 
 
 in  Ez.  X.  b,  it  is  found  in  connexion  with  el,  "  God," 
 El  Shaddai  being  there  rendered  "God  Almighty," 
 or  ''the  Almighty  God."  It  occurs  six  times  in 
 Onesis,  once  in  Exodus  fvi.  3),  twice  in  Numbers 
 (xxiv.  4,  Iti),  twice  in  Ruth  (i.  20,  21),  thirty-one 
 times  in  Job,  twice  in  the  I'salms  (Ixviii.  14  [IS], 
 xci.  1),  once  in  Isaiah  (xiii.  6),  twice  in  Ezekiel 
 (i.  24,  X.  5),  and  once  in  Joel  (i.  15).  In  Gene.sis 
 and  E.xodus  it  is  found  in  what  are  called  the  Eio- 
 histic  portions  of  those  books,  in  Numbers  in  tlie 
 jL'hovistic  portion,  and  throughout  Job  the  naiP', 
 Sliaddai  stuids  in  parallelism  with  Elohini,  and 
 never  with  Jehovah.  By  the  name  or  in  the  cha- 
 racter of  El-Shaddai,  God  was  known  to  the  patri- 
 archs (Gen.  xvii.  1,  xxviii.  3,  xliii.  14,  xlviii.  3, 
 xlix.  25),  before  tlie  name  Jehovah,  in  its  full  sig- 
 niticance,  was  revealed  (Ex.  vi.  3).  The  prevalent 
 idea  attaching  to  the  name  in  all  the  jiassages  in 
 which  it  occurs  is  that  of  strength  and  power,  and 
 our  translators  have  probably  given  to  "  Shaddai  " 
 its  true  meaning  when  they  rendered  it  "  Almighty." 
 The  deiivations  assigned  to  Shaddai  are  various. 
 We  may  mention,  only  to  rejet:t,  the  Rabbinical  ety- 
 mology which  connects  it  with  dai,  "  sufficiency." 
 According  to  this,  Shaddai  signifies  "  He  who  is 
 sufKcient,"  "  the  all-sufficient  One ;"  and  so  "  He 
 who  is  sufficient  in  himself,"  and  therefore  self- 
 existent.  Gesenius  {Gram.  §86,  and  Jesaia,  xiii. 
 6)  I'egards  shaddai,  as  the  plural  of  majesty  from  a 
 singular  noun,  shad,  loot  shadad,  of  which  the 
 primary  notion  seems  to  be,  "  to  be  strong."  It  is 
 evident  that  this  derivation  was  present  to  the 
 mind  of  the  prophet  from  the  play  of  words  in  Is. 
 xiii.  6.  On  the  whole  there  seems  no  re;isonable 
 objection  to  the  view  taken  by  Gesenius,  which 
 Lee  also  adopts. 
 
 Shad'rach.  The  Chaldee  name  of  Hananiiih,  the 
 chief  of  the  ■•  three  children,"  whose  song,  as  given 
 in  the  apncryiihal  Daniel,  forms  part  of  the  service 
 of  the  Church  of  England,  under  the  name  of 
 "  Eenedicite,  omnia  opera."  A  longer  pi-ayer  in 
 the  furnace  is  also  ascribed  to  him  in  the  LXX.  and 
 Vulgate,  but  this  is  thought  to  be  liy  a  different 
 hand  from  that  which  added  the  song.  The  history 
 of  Shadrach,  or  Ilananiah,  as  told  in  Dan.  i.-iii..  is 
 well  known.  After  their  deliverance  from  the  fur- 
 nace, we  hear  no  more  of  Shadrach,  Weshach,  and 
 Abed-nego  in  the  0.  T.  ;  neither  are  they  spoken  of 
 in  the  N.  T.,  except  in  the  pointed  allusion  to  them 
 in  the  Ejiistle  to  the  Hebrews,  as  having  "  through 
 faith  quenched  the  violence  of  fire"  'Heb.  xi.  33,  34). 
 But  there  are  repeated  allusions  to  them  in  the  later 
 apocryphal  books,  and  the  martyrs  of  the  Macca- 
 baean  period  seem  to  have  been  much  encouraged  by 
 their  example.  See  1  Maco.  ii.  59,  60  ;  3  Mace, 
 vi.  6  ;  4  Mace.  xiii.  9,  xvi.  3,  21,  xviii.  12. 
 
 Sha'ge.  Father  of  Jonathan  the  Hai-arite,  one 
 of  David's  guard  (1  Chr,  xi.  34).  [See  SiiAM- 
 MAIl  5.] 
 
 Sbahara'im.  A  Benjamite  whose  history  and 
 descent  are  alike  obscure  in  tht  present  text  (1  Chr. 
 viii.  8).  It  is  more  intelligible  if  we  remove  the 
 full  stop  from  the  end  of  ver.  7,  and  read  on  thus: 
 "  and  be.:at  Uzza  and  Ahihud,  and  Shahaniim  ho 
 becrat  in  till'  llrld  of  Moab,"  &c. 
 
 Shahaz'imab.  One  of  the  towns  of  the  allol- 
 inciit  of  issicliar  f  Josh.  xix.  22  only). 
 
 Sha'lem,  lien.  xxxiii.  18.  It  seems  more  llinn 
 probable  that  this  word  should  not  here  be  taken 
 as  a  proper  name,  but  that  the  .sentence  shoiihl  be 
 rendered,    "  Jacob    came  safe  to  the  city  of  She- 
 
SHALIM,  THE  LAND  OF 
 
 cliMn."  It  is  ceitiiinly  lemaikable  that  there  should 
 bf  a  modern  village  bearing  the  name  of  Saliin  in  a 
 position  to  a  wrtain  degree  consistent  with  the  re- 
 quirements of  the  narrative  when  so  interpreted: — 
 viz.  3  miles  east  of  Nablns  (the  ancient  Sheehem), 
 and  theiel'ore  between  it  and  the  Joidan  Valle)% 
 whore  tlie  preceding  verse  (ver.  17)  leaves  Jacob 
 settled.  But  there  are  several  considerations  which 
 weigh  very  much  against  this  being  more  than  a 
 fortuitous  coincidence.  1.  If  Shalem  was  the  city 
 in  front  of  which  Jacob  pitched  his  lent,  then  it 
 certainly  was  the  scene  of  the  events  of  chap,  sx.xiv.  ; 
 and  the  well  of  Jacob  and  the  tomb  of  Joseph  must 
 be  removed  from  the  situation  in  which  tradition 
 has  so  appropriately  placed  them  to  some  spot  fur- 
 ther eastward  and  nearer  to  Salini.  2.  Though 
 oast  of  Ndblus,  Salhn  does  not  appear  to  lie  near 
 any  actual  line  of  communication  between  it  and 
 the  Jordan  Valley.  3.  With  the  e.xceptiou  of  the 
 LXX.,  Peshito-Syriac,  and  Vulgate,  among  the  an- 
 cients, and  Luthei''s  and  the  Auth.  Vers,  among  the 
 moderns,  the  unanimous  voice  of  translators  and 
 scholars  is  in  favour  of  treating  shalem  as  a  mere 
 appellative.  Saliin  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
 visited  by  any  traveller. 
 
 Sha'lim,  the  Land  of.  A  district  through  which 
 Saul  passed  on  his  journey  in  quest  of  his  father's 
 asses  (1  Sam.  ix.  4,  only).  The  spelling  of  the  name 
 in  the  original,  propei'ly  S/ia'dlim,  shows  that  it 
 had  no  connexion  with  Shalem,  or  with  the  modern 
 Salim,  east  of  Ndblus.  It  is  more  possibly  identic^vl 
 with  the  "  land  of  Shual."  F>ut  this  can  only  be 
 taken  as  a  conjecture. 
 
 Sharisha,  the  Land  of.  One  of  the  districts 
 traversed  by  Saul  when  in  search  of  the  asses  of 
 Kish  (1  Sam.  ix.  4,  only).  It  apparently  lay 
 between  "  Mount  Ephraim "  and  the  "  land  of 
 Shaalim,"  a  specification  which  with  all  its  evident 
 preciseness  is  irrecognisable.  The  dilHculty  is  in- 
 creased by  placing  Shalisha  at  Saris  or  Khirbet 
 Saris,  a  village  a  i'ew  miles  west  of  Jerusalem.  If 
 the  land  of  Shalisha  contiuned,  as  it  not  impossibly 
 did,  the  place  called  Baal-Siialisha  (2  K.  iv.  42), 
 then  the  whole  disposition  of  Saul's  route  would  be 
 changed. 
 
 Shallech'eth.,  the  Gate.  One  of  the  gates  of 
 the  "  house  of  Jehovah,"  whether  by  that  expres- 
 sion be  intended  the  sacred  tent  of  David  or  the 
 'i'emple  of  Solomon  (1  Chr.  x.vvi.  16).  It  was 
 the  gate  "to  the  causeway  of  the  ascent."  As  the 
 causeway  is  actually  in  existence,  the  gate  Shalle- 
 cheth  can  hardly  fail  to  be  identical  with  the  Bab 
 Silsileh,  ov  Sinsleh,  which  enters  the  west  wall  of 
 the  Haram  about  600  feet  from  the  south-west 
 corner  of  the  Haram  wall. 
 
 Shal'lum,  the  fifteenth  king  of  Isiael,  son  of 
 Jabesh,  conspired  against  Zechariah,  son  of  Jero- 
 boam II.,  killed  him,  and  brought  the  dynasty  of 
 Jehu  to  a  close,  B.C.  770.  In  the  English  version 
 of  2  K.  XV.  10,  we  read,  "  And  Shallum  the  son  of 
 Jabesh  conspired  against  him,  and  smote  him  before 
 the  people,  and  slew  him,  and  reigned  in  his  stead." 
 But  in  the  LXX.  we  find  KeP\adfji,  instead  of 
 before  the  people,  i.  e.  Shallum  and  Keblaam 
 killed  Zechariah.  Ewald  accepts  this  translation, 
 and  consideis  that  Qobolam  or  Ke^Aadp.  was  a 
 I'el low-conspirator  or  rival  of  Shallum,  of  whose 
 subsequent  fate  we  have  no  information.  On  the 
 death  of  Zechariah,  Shallum  was  made  king,  but, 
 after  reigning  in  Samaria  for  a  month  only,  was  in 
 his  turn  dethroned  and  killed  by  Menahem.— 2.  The 
 
 SHAMEB 
 
 85;j 
 
 husband  (or  son,  according  to  the  LXX.  m  2  K.) 
 of  Huldah  the  prophetess  (2  K.  xxii.  U;  2  Chr. 
 xxxiv.  22)  in  the  reign  of  Josiah.  He  appears  to 
 have  been  keeper  of  the  priestly  vestments  in  the 
 Temple. — 3.  A  descendant  of  Shesham  (1  Chr.  ii. 
 40,  41).— 4.  The  third  son  of  Josiah  king  of  Judah, 
 known  in  the  Books  of  Kings  and  Chronicles  as 
 Jehoahaz  (1  Chr.  iii.  15;  Jer.  xxii.  11).  Heiig- 
 stenberg  regards  the  name  as  symbolical,  "  the 
 recompensed  one,"  and  given  to  .lehoahaz  in  token 
 of  his  fate,  as  one  whom  God  recompensed  accord- 
 ing to  his  deseits.  But  it  is  more  probably  the 
 original  name  of  the  king,  which  w.as  changed  to 
 Jehoahaz  when  he  came  to  the  crown.— 5,  Son  of 
 Shaul  the  son  of  Simeon  (1  Chr.  iv.  25). ^6.  A 
 high-priest,  son  of  Zadok  and  ancestor  of  Ezra 
 (TChr.  vi.  12,  13;  Ezr.  vii.  2;. —7.  A  son  of 
 Naphtali  (1  Chr.  vii.  13). —  8.  The  chief  of  a 
 family  of  porters  or  gatekeepers  of  the  east  gate  of 
 the  Temple  (1  Chr.  ix.  17).  His  descendants  were 
 among  those  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii. 
 42  ;  Neh.  vii.  45).  —  9.  Son  of  Kore,  a  Korahite 
 (1  Chr.  ix.  19,  31).  With  this  Shallum  we  may 
 identify  Meshelemiah  and  Shelemiah  (1  Chr.  xxvi. 
 1,  2,  9,  14),  but  he  seems  to  be  different  from  the 
 last-mentioned  Shallum.— 10.  Father  of  Jehizkiah, 
 an  Ephraimite  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  12). —  11,  One  of 
 the  porters  of  the  Temple  who  had  married  a  foreign 
 wife  (Ezr.  X.  24). — 12.  One  of  the  sons  of  Bani 
 (Ezr.  X.  42).  ^13.  The  son  of  Haiohesh  and  ruler 
 of  a  district  of  Jerusalem  (Neh.  iii.  12). —  14.  The 
 uncle  of  Jeremiah  (Jer.  xxxii.  7) ;  perhaps  the 
 same  as  2.  —  15.  Father  or  ;incestor  of  Maaseiah 
 (Jer.  XXXV.  4) ;  perhaps  the  same  as  9. 
 
 Shal'lun.  The  son  of  Col-hozeh,  and  ruler  of  a 
 district  of  the  Mizpah  (Neh.  iii.  15). 
 
 Shalma'i.  The  children  of  .Shalmai  (orSnAMLAi, 
 as  in  the  margin  of  Ezr.  ii.  46)  were  among  the 
 Nethinim  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii. 
 46  ;  Neh.  vii.  48).  In  Neh.  the  name  is  properly 
 Salmai. 
 
 Shal'man.  Shalmaneser  king  of  Assyria  (Hos. 
 X.  14). 
 
 Shalmane'ser  was  the  Assyrian  king  who  reigned 
 immediately  before  Sargon.and  probably  immediately 
 after  Tiglath-pileser.  He  can  scarcely  have  ascended 
 the  throne  earlier  than  B.C.  730,  and  may  possibly 
 not  have  done  so  till  a  few  years  later.  It  must 
 have  been  soon  after  his  accession  that  he  led  the 
 forces  of  Assyria  into  Palestine,  where  Hoshea,  the 
 last  king  of  Israel,  had  revolted  against  his  authority 
 (2  K.  xvii.  3).  No  sooner  was  he  come  than  Hoshea 
 submitted,  acknowledged  himself  a  "  servant  "  of 
 the  Great  King,  and  consented  to  pay  him  a  fixed 
 tribute  annually.  He  soon  after  concluded  an  alli- 
 ance with  the  king  of  Egypt,  and  withheld  his 
 tribute  in  consequence.  In  B.C.  723  Shalmaneser 
 invaded  Palestine  for  the  second  time,  and,  as  Hoshea 
 refused  to  submit,  laid  siege  to  Samaria.  The  siege 
 lasted  to  the  third  year  (B.C.  721),  when  the  As- 
 syrian arms  prevailed  (2  K.  xvii.  4-6,  xviii.  9-11). 
 It  is  uncertain  whether  Shalmaneser  conducted  the 
 siege  to  its  close,  or  whether  he  did  not  lose  his 
 crown  to  Sargon  befoi'e  the  city  was  taken. 
 
 Sha'ma.  One  of  David's  guard,  son  of  Hothan 
 of  Aroer  (1  Chr.  xi.  44). 
 
 Shamari'ah.     Son  of  Rehoboam  (2  Chr.  xi.  10'. 
 
 Sha'med.  Properly  Shamer,  or  Shcmer;  one 
 of  the  sons  of  Elpaal  the  Benjamite  (1  Chr.  viii. 
 12j 
 
 Shamer.     1.  A  Merarite  Levite(l  Chr.  vi.  46). 
 
854 
 
 SHAMGAR 
 
 — 2.  Shomf.U  the  souof  Hcbcr  au  Asherite  (1  Clir. 
 vli.  ■"■4  ). 
 
 Sliam'gar.  Son  of  Anath,  judge  of  Israel  after 
 Ehud,  and  before  liarak,  ttiough  possibly  conteinixir- 
 ary  with  the  latter,  since  he  seems  to  be  sjxiken  of 
 in  Judg.  V.  G  as  a  contem|iorary  of  Jael,  if  the 
 readinsr  is  correct.  It  is  nut  improbable  tiom  his 
 patronymic  that  Shamgar  may  have  been  of  the 
 tribe  of  Naphtali,  since  lieth-anath  is  in  that  tribe 
 (Judg.  i.  33).  Ill  the  days  of  Shamgar,  Israel  was 
 in  a  most  depressed  condition,  and  the  whole  nation 
 was  cowed.  At  this  conjuncture  Shamgar  was  raised 
 up  to  be  a  deliverer.  With  no  amis  in  his  hand  but 
 an  ox-goad  (Judg.  iii.  31;  comp.  1  Sam.  xiii.  21j, 
 he  made  a  desperate  assault  upon  the  Philistines, 
 and  slew  COU  of  them,  liut  it  was  reserved  for 
 Del)oi-ah  and  Barak  to  complete  the  deliverance. 
 
 Shamliatli.  The  fifth  captain  for  the  fifth 
 mouth  in  David's  arrangement  of  iiis  army  (1  C'hr. 
 xxvii.  8).  Krom  a  comparison  of  the  lists  in  1  Chr. 
 xi.,  xxvii.,  it  would  seem  that  Shamhuth  is  the 
 same  as  Siiammoth  the  Harorite. 
 
 Sha'mir.  The  name  of  twn  places  in  the  Holy 
 Land.  1.  \  town  in  the  mountain  district  of 
 Judah  (Josh.  XV.  48,  only).  It  probably  lay  some 
 eight  or  ten  miles  south  of  Hebron,  but  it  h.xs  not 
 been  yet  discovered.— 2.  A  place  in  Mount  Kphraim, 
 the  lesidence  and  burial-place  of  Tola  the  judge 
 (Judg.  X.  1,  2).  It  is  singular  that  this  judge,  a 
 man  of  Issachar,  should  have  taken  up  his  oiiicial 
 lesidence  out  of  his  own  tiibe.  Shamir  is  not  men- 
 tioned Ijy  the  ancient  topograpjiers.  Schwarz  pro- 
 poses to  identify  it  with  Sainw,  half-way  between 
 Samaria  and  Jenin,  about  eight  miles  fiom  each. 
 Ynn  de  \'eide  proposes  Kliirhet  Summer,  ton  miles 
 K.S.I':,  of  Xilbliis. 
 
 Sha'mir.  A  Isohathite,  son  of  Micah,  or  Michah, 
 thi'  lii,.t-l,c,ni  of  llzzicl  (1  Chi-,  xxiv.  24). 
 
 Sham'ma.  One  of  the  sons  of  Zophai',  an  .\sher- 
 it.'  '  1  Clir.  vii.  37;. 
 
 Sham'mah.  1.  The  son  of  Reuel  the  son  of 
 Esau  (Gen.  xxxvi.  13,  17;  1  Clir.  i.  37).  —2.  The 
 third  son  of  Jesse,  and  brother  of  David  (1  Sam. 
 xvi.  9,  xvii.  13).  Called  also  Siii.MKA,  Siiimkah, 
 and  SiliMMA.  —  3.  One  of  the  three  greatest  of 
 David's  mighty  men.  He  was  with  him  during  his 
 outlaw  life  in  the  cave  of  Adullam,  and  signalised 
 .«imself  by  defending  a  piece  of  ground  full  of  len- 
 liies  against  the  Philistines  on  one  of  their  maraud- 
 ing incursions.  This  achievement  gave  him  a  place 
 among  the  first  three  heroes  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  11-17). 
 The  text  of  Chronicles  at  this  part  is  clearly  veiy 
 fragmentary,  and  what  is  there  attributed  to  Eleazar 
 the  son  of  Dotlo  properly  belongs  to  Shammah. 
 There  is  still,  however,  a  discrepancy  in  the  two 
 narratives.  The  scene  of  Shammah's  exjjloit  is  said 
 in  Samuel  to  Ije  a  field  of  lentilcs,  and  in  1  Chron. 
 a  field  of  barley.  Kennicott  proposes  in  Ixith  cases 
 to  rend  "  barley. "^4.  The  Ilaiotlite,  one  of  David's 
 mighties  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  2.')).  He  is  caileil  "Shaji- 
 Moni  the  Haiorite  "  in  1  Chr.  xi.  27,  and  in  1  Chr. 
 Jtxvii.  8  "SiiAMilUTU  the  Izrahite,"  Kennicott 
 maintained  the  fine  le.iding  in  both  to  be  "  Sham- 
 both  the  llarodite."— 6.  In  the  list  of  David's 
 miglity  men  in  2  Sam.  xxiii.  32,  ;'>3,  we  find  "  Jo- 
 nathan, .Shammah  the  Haiarite;"  while  in  the 
 corresponding  verse  of  I  Chr.  xi.  M,  it  is  "  Jona- 
 (han,  the  sfin  ofShage  the  Haiarite."  Combining 
 \he  two,  l.fnnicott  proposes  to  lead  "Jonathan,  the 
 don  of  Sliainha,  the  Ilaiarite." 
 
 Shamma'i.     1.  The  son  of  Onam  ( 1  Chr.  ii.  2S, 
 
 SHARON 
 
 32y.  —  2.  Son  of  Kekem  (1  Chr.  ii.  44,  45).  —  8. 
 The  brother  of  Miriam  and  Ishliah  the  founder  of 
 Esiitemoa,  in  an  obscure  genealogy  of  the  descend- 
 ants of  Judah  II  Chr.  iv.  "l?;. 
 
 Sham'motli.  The  Harorite,  one  of  David's  guard 
 (1  Ciir.  xi.  27;. 
 
 Shanunu'a.  1.  'llie  Reuben ite  spy,  son  of  Zaccur 
 (Num.  xiii.  4).  —2.  Son  of  David,  by  his  wife 
 Bathsheba  f  1  Chr.  xiv.  4).— 3.  A  Levite.'the  fathe* 
 of  Alxia  (Neh.  xi.  17;.  The  same  as  Siiemaiah  6. 
 —  4.  The  representative  of  the  priestly  family  of 
 Bilgah,  or  Bilgai,  in  the  days  of  Joiakim  (Neh. 
 xii.  18). 
 
 Shamma'ali.  Son  of  David  (2  Sam.  v.  14); 
 elsewhere  caliel  S1IA.M.MUA,  and  SlllMKA. 
 
 Shamshera'i.  One  of  the  sons  of  Jeroham,  a 
 Beiijiinite     1  Chr.  viii.  26). 
 
 Shapham.     A  Gadite  of  Bashan  (1  Chr.  v.  12). 
 
 Sha'phan.  The  scribe  or  secretary  cf  king  Jo- 
 siah.  He  w;vs  the  son  of  Azaliah  (2  K.  xxii.  3; 
 2  Chr.  xixiv.  8),  father  of  Ahikam  (2  K.  xxii.  12  ; 
 2  Chr.  xxxiv.  20),  Elasah  (Jer.  xxix.  3),  and  Ge- 
 mariah  (Jor.  xxxvi.  10,  11,  12),  and  gmndtather  of 
 Gedaliah  (Jer.  xxiix.  14,  xl.  5,  9,  11,  xli.  2,  xliii.  6), 
 Micliaiah  (Jer.  xxxvi.  11),  and  probably  of  Jaaza- 
 niah  (Ez.  viii.  11).  There  seems  to  be  no  suffi- 
 cient reason  for  su]>posing  that  Shaphan  the  father 
 of  Ahikam,  and  Shapjian  the  scribe,  were  different 
 persons.  'I'he  iiistory  of  Sliaphan  brings  out  some 
 points  with  regard  to  the  office  of  scribe  which  he 
 held.  He  appears  on  an  equaUty  with  the  governor 
 of  the  city  and  the  royal  recorder,  with  whom  he 
 w;is  sent  by  the  king  to  Hilkiah  to  take  an  account 
 of  the  money  which  had  been  collected  by  the 
 Levites  for  the  repair  of  the  Temple  and  to  pay  the 
 workmen  { 2  K.  xxii.  4 ;  2  Chr.  xxxiv.  9  ;  comp. 
 2  K.  xii.  10).  Ewald  calls  him  Minister  of  Finance 
 {Geach.  iii.  697).  It  was  on  this  occasion  that 
 Hilkiah  communicated  his  discovery  of  a  copy  of  the 
 Law,  which  he  h:ul  probably  found  while  maknig 
 preparations  for  the  repair  of  the  Temple.  Shaphan 
 wiis  then  apparently  an  old  man,  for  his  son  Ahikam 
 must  have  been  in  a  position  of  importance,  and 
 his  grandson  Gedaliah  was  alreadj"  born.  Be  this 
 as  it  may,  Sh.aphan  disappeais  from  the  scene,  and 
 pr(vb.ibly  died  before  the  fifth  year  of  Jchoiakim, 
 eighteen  yeare  later,  when  we  find  Elishania  wa-s 
 scribe  (Jer.  xxxvi.  12). 
 
 Sha'phat.  1.  The  .Simeonite  spy,  son  of  Hon 
 (Num.  xiii.  o).— 2.  'I'he  father  of  the  prophet 
 I'Jisha  (1  K.  xix.  16,  19;  2  K.  iii.  11,  vi.  31  1.— 
 3.  One  of  the  six  sons  of  Shemaiah  in  the  loyai  .ine 
 of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iii.  22).— 4.  One  of  the  chiefs  o< 
 the  Gadites  in  Bashan  (1  Chr.  v.  12). i— 6.  The  so< 
 of  Adiai,  who  w.as  over  D-avid's  oxen  in  the  valleys 
 (1  Chr.  xxvii.  20). 
 
 Sha'pher,  Mount  Num.  xxxiii.  23).  The  name 
 of  a  de>crt  station  where  the  Israelites  encamjied. 
 No  site  has  been  suggested  for  it. 
 
 Shara'i.     One  of  the  sons  of  Baiii  (Ezr.  x.  40, 
 
 Sharaifil.  .\n  impcrliect  vei-sion  (Josh.  xv.  36 
 only)  of  the  name  S11AAKAI.M. 
 
 Sharar.  Tlie  fither  of  Ahiam  the  Ilararite 
 (2  Siim.  xxiii.  33).  In  1  Chr.  xi.  3.")  he  is  called 
 Sacaii,  which  Kennicott  thinks  the  true  i-eadiiig. 
 
 Share'zer  was  a  son  of  Sennacherib,  whom,  in 
 conjunction  with  his  brother  Adrammoicch,  he  mur- 
 derivl  (2  K.  xix.  37). 
 
 Sha'ron.  .\  di.stnct  of  the  Iloly  Land  oa-nsion- 
 ally  ieferre<l  to  in  the  Bible  (1  Chr.  v.  Di,  xxvii. 
 29;    Is.  xxxiii.  0,  xxxv.  2,   Ixv.  10;    Ciuit.  ii.   1; 
 
SHAKONITE,  THE 
 
 Act,'  ir.  35,  A.  V.  Saron").  'I'he  name  lins  on 
 each  ocoiuTenco.  with  one  excoption  only,  the  defin- 
 ite article  (I  Chr.  v.  16).  It  wonlil  thei'elbre 
 appear  that  "the  Shaion''  was  some  well-defined 
 legion  familiar  to  the  Israelites.  The  only  guide  to 
 its  locality  fuiiiished  by  Scripture  is  its  mention 
 with  Lydda  in  Acts  ix.  .S").  There  is,  however,  no 
 doubt  of  the  identification  of  Sharon.  It  is  that 
 broad  lieii  tract  of  land  which  lies  between  the 
 niountjiins  of  the  central  part  of  the  Holy  Land  and 
 theMeditei'rancan — the  northern  continuation  of  the 
 Shefelah.  Eusebius  and  Jerome,  under  tlie  name 
 of  Saronas,  specify  it  as  the  region  extending  from 
 Caesarj'a  to  Joppa.  A  general  sketch  of  the  district 
 is  given  under  the  head  of  Palestine  (p.  671 L— 
 2.  The  Sharon  of  1  Chr.  v.  16,  to  which  allusion 
 has  already  been  made,  is  distinguished  fiom  the 
 western  jilain  by  not  having  the  article  attached 
 ♦.o  its  name  as  the  other  invariably  has.  It  is  also 
 apparent  from  the  passage  itself  that  it  was  some 
 district  on  the  east  of  Jordan  in  the  neighbourhood 
 of  Giload  and  Bashan.  The  name  has  not  been  met 
 with  in  that  direction.  Dr.  Stanley  suggests  that 
 Sharon  may  here  be  a  synonym  for  the  Mislior. 
 
 Sha'roaite,  the.  Shitrai,  who  had  charge  of  the 
 royal  herds  jiastured  in  Sharon  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  '29), 
 is  the  only  Sharonite  mentioned  in  the  Bible. 
 
 Shar'ohen.  A  town  named  in  Josh.  xix.  6  only, 
 amongst  those  which  weie  allotted  within  Judah  to 
 Simeon.  Sharuheu  does  not  apjieai-  in  the  catalogue 
 of  the  cities  of  Judah;  but  instead  of  it,  and  occu- 
 pying the  same  position  with  regard  to  the  other 
 names,  we  find  SiiiliiijM  (xv.  32).  In  the  list  ot 
 1  Chr.  on  the  other  hand,  the  same  position  is  occu- 
 pied by  Shaaraim  (iv.  31).  Whether  those  aie 
 ditlerent  places,  or  different  names  of  the  same  place, 
 or  mere  variations  of  careless  copyists ;  and,  in  the 
 last  case,  which  is  the  original  tbrm,  it  is  perhaps 
 im])0ssible  now  to  determine. 
 
 Shauha'i.  One  of  the  sons  of  Bani  in  the  time 
 of  Kzia  (Ezr.  x.  40). 
 
 Sha'ghak.  A  Benjamite,  one  of  the  sons  of 
 Beriah  (1  Chr.  viii.  14,  25). 
 
 Sha'lll.  1.  'i'he  son  of  Sitifieon  by  a  Canaanitish 
 woman  (Gen.  xlvi.  10;  Ex.  vi.  15;  Num.  xxvi. 
 13;  1  Chr.  iv.  24),  and  founder  of  the  family  of 
 the  Shaulites.  —  2.  One  of  the  kings  of  Edom 
 (1  Chr.  i.  48,  49).  In  the  A.  V.  of  Gen.  xxxvi.  37 
 he  is  less  accurately  called  Saul.  —  3.  A  Kohathite, 
 son  of  Uzziah  (1  Chr.  vi.  24). 
 
 Sha'veh,  the  Valley  of.  A  name  found  only 
 m  Gen.  xiv.  It  is  one  of  those  archaic  names  with 
 which  this  venerable  chapter  abounds — so  archaic, 
 that  many  of  them  have  been  elucidated  by  the  in- 
 sertion of  their  moie  modern  equivalents  in  the 
 body  of  the  document,  by  a  later  but  still  veiy 
 ancient  hand,  in  the  present  case  the  explanation 
 does  not  throw  any  light  upon  the  locality  of 
 Shaveh  : — "  The  valle}-  of  Shaveh,  that  is  the  Valley 
 of  the  King"  (ver.  17).  True,  the  "Valley  of  the 
 King"  is  mentioned  again  in  2  Sam.  xviii.  18,  as 
 the  site  of  a  pillar  set  up  by  Absalom  ;  but  this 
 passage  again  conveys  no  indication  of  its  position, 
 dud  it  is  by  no  means  ceitain  that  the  two  passages 
 refer  to  t)ie  same  spot. 
 
 Sha'veh  Kiriatha'im,  mentioned  (Gen.  xiv.  5)  as 
 the  residence  of  the  Emim  at  the  time  of  Chedor- 
 laomer's  incursion.  Kiyiathaim  is  named  in  the 
 later  history,  though  it  has  not  been  identified  ;  and 
 Shaveh  Kiriathaim  was  probably  the  valley  in  or 
 by  which  the  town  lay. 
 
 SHEBA 
 
 8f)6 
 
 Shav'sha.  The  royal  secretary  in  flic  reign  ot 
 David  n  Ciir.  xviii.  16).  He  is  ap]iareiitly  the 
 same  with  Seiiaiah  (2  Sam.  viii.  17).  In  'i. 
 Sam.  XX.  25  he  is  called  Siikva,  and  in  1  K.  iv.  3 
 Shisha. 
 
 Shawm.  In  the  Pi-ayer-l)ook  version  of  Ps. 
 xcviii.  7,  "  with  trumpets  also  and  shaums  "  is  tlit 
 rendering  of  what  stands  in  the  A.  V.  "  with  trum- 
 pets and  sound  of  cornet."  The  Hebrew  wo)d 
 translated  "cornet"  will  be  found  treated  under 
 that  head.  The  "  shawm  "  was  a  musical  instru- 
 ment resembling  the  clarionet. 
 
 Shea'l.  One  of  the  sons  of  Bani  who  had  mar- 
 I'ied  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  29). 
 
 Sheal'tiel.  Father  of  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  iii.  2,  8, 
 V.  L'  ;   Neh.  xii.  1  ;  Hagg.  i.  1,  12,  14,  ii.  2,  23). 
 
 Sheari'ah,  One  of  the  six  sons  of  Azel,  a  de- 
 scendant of  Saul  (1  Chr.  viii.  38,  ix.  44). 
 
 Shearing-house,  the.  A  place  on  the  road  lie- 
 tween  Jezreel  and  Samaria,  at  which  .Jehu,  on  liis 
 way  to  the  latter,  encountered  forty-two  members 
 of  the  royal  family  of  Judah,  whom  he  slaughtered 
 at  the  well  or  pit  attached  to  the  place  (2  K.  x.  12, 
 14).  The  translators  of  our  version  have  given 
 in  the  margin  the  literal  meaning  of  the  name — 
 "house  of  binding  of  the  shepherds."  It  is  pro- 
 bable that  the  original  meaning  has  escaped.  Euse- 
 liius  mentions  it  as  a  village  of  Samaria  "  in  the 
 great  plain  [of  Esdraelon]  15  miles  from  Legeon." 
 
 She'ar-Ja'shnb  (lit.  "a  remnant  shall  return  "). 
 The  son  of  Isaiah  the  prophet  (Is.  vii.  3).  Tliename, 
 like  that  of  Maher-shalal-hash-baz,  had  a  mystical 
 significance  (comp.  Is.  x.  20-22). 
 
 She'ba.  The  son  of  Bichri,  a  Benjamite  from  the 
 mountains  of  Ephraim  (2  Sam.  xx.  1-22),  the  last 
 chief  of  the  Absalom  insurrection.  He  is  desciihed 
 as  a  "  man  of  Belial."  But  he  must  have  been  a 
 person  of  some  consequence,  from  the  immense 
 effect  produced  by  his  ajipearance.  It  was  in  fact 
 all  but  an  anticipation  of  the  revolt  of  Jeroboam. 
 The  occasion  seized  by  Sheba  was  the  emulation,  as 
 if  from  loyalty,  between  the  northern  and  southern 
 tribes  on  David's  return  (2  Sam.  xx.  1,  2).  The 
 king  might  well  say,  "  Sheba  the  son  of  Bichri  shall 
 do  us  more  harm  than  did  Absalom  "  (46.  6).  Sheba 
 traversed  the  whole  of  Palestine,  apparently  rousing 
 the  population,  Joab  following  in  full  pursuit.  It 
 seems  to  have  been  his  intention  to  establish  himseh 
 in  the  fortress  of  Abel-Beth-maachah,  famous  for  the 
 prudence  of  its  inhabitants  (2  Sam.  xx.  18).  That 
 prudence  was  put  to  the  test  on  the  present  occa- 
 sion. Joab's  terms  were — the  head  of  the  insurgent 
 chief.  A  woman  of  the  place  undertook  the  mis- 
 sion to  her  city,  and  proposed  the  execution  to  \ey 
 fellow-citizens.  The  head  of  Shelia  was  thrown 
 over  the  wall,  and  the  insurrection  ended.  —  2.  A 
 Gadite  of  Bashan  (1  Chr.  v.  13). 
 
 She'ba.  1.  A  son  of  Raamah,  son  of  Cush  (Gen. 
 X.7;  IChr.  i.  9).— 2.  A  son  of  Joktan  (Gen.  x.  28  ; 
 1  Chr.  i,  22).  —  3.  A  son  of  Jokshan,  son  ot 
 Keturah  (Gen.  xxv.  3  ;  1  Chr.  i.  32).  We  shall 
 consider,  first,  the  history  of  the  Joktanite  Sheba  : 
 and,  secondly,  theCushite  Sheba  and  the  Keturahite 
 Sheba  together. ^I.  It  has  been  shown,  in  Arabia 
 and  other  articles,  that  the  Joktanites  were  among 
 the  early  colonists  of  southern  Arabia,  and  that  the 
 kingdom  which  they  there  founded  was,  for  many 
 centuries,  called  the  kingdom  of  Sheba,  after  one  oi 
 the  sons  of  Joktan.  They  appear  to  have  been  pre- 
 ceded by  an  aboriginal  race,  which  the  Arabian  his- 
 torians describe  as  a  people  of  gigantic  st-^ture.    But 
 
8.S6 
 
 SHEBA 
 
 besides  these  extinct  tribes,  there  are  the  evidences 
 ofCiishite  settlers,  who  iirobalily  preceded  the  Jnk- 
 t;\nites.  Sheki  seems  to  have  been  tlie  name  of  tlie 
 great  south  Arabian  kingdom  and  the  peoples  whicli 
 composeil  it,  until  that  of  Himyer  took  its  place  in 
 later  times.  On  this  point  much  obscurity  remains. 
 The  aiipiucnt  liltliciilties  of  the  case  are  reconciled 
 by  supposing,  as  M.  Caussin  de  Perceval  has  done, 
 that  the  kingdom  and  its  people  received  the  name 
 of  Sheba  {Arabic,  .^ebh,),  but  that  its  chief  and 
 .sometimes  reigning  family  or  tribe  was  that  of 
 Himyer.  In  support  of  the  view  that  the  name 
 of  Sheba  applied  to  the  kingdom  and  its  people  as  a 
 generic  or  national  name,  we  (ind  in  the  A'dinoos 
 "  the  name  of  Seb;\  compi  ises  the  tribes  of  the 
 Yemen  in  common."  .'\nd  further,  as  Himver 
 meant  the  "  Red  Man,"  so  probably  did  SebJl.  W'e 
 have  assimied  the  identity  of  the  Arabic  8ebi,  with 
 Sheba.  The  pi.  form  sebt'iiin  corresponds  with  the 
 Greek  'Sa$a7ut  and  the  Latin  Siibaei.  In  the  liible, 
 the  Joktanite  Sheba,  mentioned  genealogically  in 
 (Jen.  X.  28,  recurs,  its  a  kingdom,  in  the  account 
 of  the  visit  of  the  (pieen  of  Sheba  to  king  Solomon. 
 That  the  (jueen  w;ls  of  Sheba  in  Arabia,  and  not  of 
 Seba  the  Cnshite  kingdom  of  Kthiojiia,  is  unques- 
 tionable. The  other  passages  in  the  liible  which 
 seem  to  refer  to  the  Joktanite  Shel)a  ocur  in  Is.  Ix. 
 C  ;  and  again  in  Jer.  vi.  20.  On  the  other  han<i, 
 in  Ps.  I.xxii.  10,  the  Joktanite  Sheba  is  undoubtedly 
 meant.  The  kingdom  of  Sheba  embraced  the  greater 
 part  of  the  Yemen,  or  Araliia  Kelix.  Its  chief 
 cities,  atid  probably  successive  capit.ils,  were  Seba, 
 San'a  (UzAL),  and  Zaliir  (Seimiau).  Seba  w.is 
 probably  the  name  of  the  city,  and  generally  of  the 
 country  and  nation ;  but  the  st.iteinents  of  the 
 .Arabian  writers  aio  conflicting  on  this  point.  Neu- 
 Sehk  was  the  famous  Dyke  of  EI-'Arim,  said  bv 
 tradition  to  have  been  built  by  I.ukman  the  'Adite, 
 to  store  water  for  the  inhabitants  of  the  jilace,  and 
 to  avert  the  descent  of  the  mountain  torrents.  The 
 Git-istrophe  of  the  ruptiuo  of  this  dyke  is  an  im- 
 portant point  in  Arab  histoiy,  and  marks  the  dis- 
 pei-sion  in  the  2nd  century  of  the  Joktanite  tribes. 
 This,  like  all  we  know  of  SebJi,  points  irresistibly 
 to  the  great  importance  of  the  city  as  the  ancient 
 centre  of  Joktanite  power.  The  histoiy  of  the 
 Sabaeans  has  been  examined  by  M.  Caussin  de  Per- 
 ceval, but  much  remains  to  be  adjusted  before  its 
 details  can  be  receival  as  trustworthy,  the  earliest 
 Side  chronologiail  point  being  about  the  commence- 
 ment of  our  eia.  .An  examination  of  the  existing 
 remains  of  Sabaean  and  Himyeiite  cities  and  build- 
 ings will,  it  c;uinot  be  doubted,  add  more  facts  to 
 our  present  knowledge.  The  ancient  buildings  are 
 of  massive  m:isonry,  and  evidently  of  Cushite  work- 
 manship or  origin.  Later  temples,  and  palace- 
 temples,  of  which  the  Arabs  give  us  descriptions, 
 were  piobably  of  less  massive  chaiMCter  ;  but  Sa- 
 baean art  is  an  almost  unknown  and  interesting 
 subject  of  inquiry.  The  religion  celebrated  in  those 
 templi's  was  cosmic  ;  but  this  subject  is  too  obscure 
 and  too  little  known  to  admit  of  discussion  in  this 
 plao'.— II,  Sheba,  son  of  Ita^imah  son  of  Cusli, 
 settled  Somewhere  on  the  shores  of  the  Persian 
 (iulf.  In  tlic  Mardsid  (s.  v.)  Mr.  Stanley  Poole 
 has  found  an  identiticittion  which  appears  to  be 
 satisfactory — that  on  the  island  of  Awiil  (one  of  the 
 "  Bahreyii  l.slands  "),  are  the  ruins  of  an  ancient 
 uity  c;dled  Scli'a.  It  was  this  Shel)a  that  carrieil 
 iu  the  gie;it  Indian  tiallic  with  Palestine,  in  con- 
 jiiiif'tion  witli,  .■i'<  wc    holil,  the  other  Sheba,  sou  of 
 
 SHECHANIAH 
 
 Jokshan  son  of  K'cturah,  who  like  DiODAN,  Hppmts 
 to  have  formed,  with  the  Cushite  of  the  same  name. 
 one  tiil)e. 
 
 She'ba.  One  of  the  towns  of  the  allotment  of 
 Simeon  (Josh.  xix.  2).  In  the  list  of  the  cities 
 of  the  south  of  Judah,  there  is  a  Shema  (xv.  26) 
 which  stands  next  to  Moladah,  ami  which  is  pro- 
 bably the  Sheba  in  question.  This  suggestion  is 
 s'ijiported  by  the  reading  of  the  Vatican  LX.X. 
 
 She'bah.  The  famous  well  which  g-ave  its  name 
 til  the  city  of  Beersheba  (fJen.  xxvi.  .3-J).  Accord- 
 ing to  this  version  of  the  occurrence,  Shebah,  or 
 more  accurately  Shibeah,  was  the  fourth  of  the 
 series  of  wells  dug  by  Isaac's  people,  and  leceived 
 its  name  from  him,  apparently  in  allusion  to  the 
 oaths  (31)  which  had  passed  between  himself  and 
 the  Philistine  chieftains  the  day  before.  It  should 
 not  be  overlooked  that  according  to  the  narrative 
 of  an  earlier  chapter  the  well  owed  its  existence  and 
 its  name  to  Is;iac's  father  (xxi.  32).  Some  com- 
 mentators, as  Kalisch  {Gen.  500),  looking  to  the 
 fact  that  theie  are  two  large  well.s  at  Bir  rs  Seba, 
 propose  to  consider  the  two  tmnsactions  as  distinct, 
 and  as  belonging  the  one  to  the  one  well,  the  other 
 to  the  other.  Others  see  in  the  two  narratives 
 merely  two  versions  of  the  circumstances  under 
 wlii<h  this  renowned  well  was  fust  dug. 
 
 Sheba'ai.  One  of  the  towns  in  the  pastoral 
 district  on  the  east  of  Jordan — demanded  by  and 
 finally  ceded  to  the  tribes  of  Reuben  and  Gad  (Num. 
 xxiii.  3,  only).  It  is  probably  the  same  which 
 appears  in  the  altered  forms  of  SlliitMAii  aivl  SlB- 
 
 MAII. 
 
 Shebani'ah.  1.  A  Levite  in  the  time  of  Kzra 
 fNeh.  ix.  4,  5).  He  sealed  the  covenant  with  Ne- 
 hemiah  (Neh.  x.  10;. ^2.  A  priest,  or  priestly 
 family,  who  sealed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah 
 (Neh.  X.  4,  xii.  14).  Called  SiiiiCiiANiAil  in  Neh. 
 xii.  3.^3.  Aiiothei-  Levite  .who  sealed  the  covenant 
 with  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  12).— 4.  One  of  the 
 priests  appointed  by  David  to  blow  with  the  trum- 
 jiets  before  the  ark  of  (uhI  (1  Chr.  xv.  24). 
 
 Sheb'arim.  A  place  named  in  Josh.  vii.  5,  only, 
 as  one  of  the  points  in  the  flight  fiom  Ai.  No  tnice 
 of  the  name  has  been  vet  remarkeil. 
 
 Sheb'er.  Son  of  Calelj  ben-Ilezron  by  his  con- 
 cubine iMaachah  (1  Chr.  ii.  48  :. 
 
 Sbeb'na.  A  jiei-son  of  high  position  in  Heze- 
 kiah's  court,  holding  at  one  time  the  office  of  prefect 
 of  the  palace  (Is.  .xxii.  15),  but  subsequently  the 
 subordinate  oflice  of  secretaiy  (Is.  sxxvi.  3  ;  2  K 
 xix.  2).  This  change  appejirs  to  have  been  etrc^cfeJ 
 by  Isaiah's  interjiosition.  Prom  the  omission  of  his 
 fiither's  name,  it  has  been  conjectured  that  he  Wiis  » 
 novns  hmvi,  perhaps  a  foreigner. 
 
 Sheb'aeL  1.  A  descendant  of  Gershom  (1  Chr. 
 xxiii.  10,  xxvi.  24),  who  was  ruler  of  the  tieasures 
 of  the  house  of  (Jod  ;  called  also  SiiuUAKL  ( 1  Chr. 
 xxiv.  2u).  He  is  the  last  descendant  of  Moses  of 
 whom  there  is  any  trace.— 2.  Oni'  of  the  fourteen 
 sons  of  Heman  tlie  minstrel  (1  Chr.  xxv.  4) ;  culled 
 also  SiiuiiAEL  (1  Chr.  xxv.  20). 
 
 Sbecani'ah.  1.  The  tenth  in  order  of  the  priest« 
 who  were  aiijioiiited  by  lot  in  the  reign  of  David 
 (1  Chr.  xxiv.  11;.— 2.  A  priest  in  the  reign  of 
 Ilezekiah  '2  Chr.  xxxi.  15). 
 
 Shechani'ah.  1.  .\  descendant  of  Zeiubbabel 
 '1  Chr.  iii.  21,  22';.— •2.  Some  desccndanfa  o^ 
 Slirchaniah  returneil  with  Kzr.\  ( Hzr.  viii.  3).— 8. 
 The  sons  of  Shcdiiuiiah  were  another  family  wh» 
 returne<l   with   Kzra  (ICzr.  viii.  5).     In  this  venw 
 
SHECHEM 
 
 some  name  appears  to  liavo  lieeii  omitted.  Perhaps 
 the  reading  sliould  be:  "of  the  sons  of  Zattu, 
 Sheclianiah,  the  son  of  Jahaziel  "^4.  The  son  of 
 Jehiel  of  the  sons  of  Elam  (Ezr.  x.  2).— 5.  The 
 father  of  Shemaiah  2  (Neh.  iii.  29).— 6.  The  son 
 of  Arah  (Nell.  vi.  18). — 7.  The  head  of  a  priestly 
 family  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Neh.  xii.  3). 
 Shech'em.  'I'here  may  be  some  doubt  respect- 
 ing the  origin  of  the  name.  It.  has  been  made  a 
 (|uestiori  whether  the  place  was  so  called  from 
 Shechem,  the  son  of  Hamor,  head  of  their  tribe  in 
 the  time  of  Jacob  (Gen.  xxxiii.  18,  sq.),  or  whether 
 he  received  his  name  from  the  city.  The  import 
 of  the  name  favours,  certainly,  the  latter  supposi- 
 tion. The  etymology  of  the  Hebrew  word  shecein 
 indicates  that  the  place  was  situated  on  some  moun- 
 tain or  hill-side ;  and  that  presumption  agrees  with 
 Josh.  XX.  7,  which  places  it  in  Mount  Ephraim 
 (see  also,  1  K.  xii.  25),  and  with  Judg.  ix.  9, 
 which  repiesents  it  as  under  the  summit  of  Gerizim, 
 v.'hich  belonged  to  the  Ephraim  range.  The  other 
 liiblical  intimations  in  regard  to  its  situation  are 
 only  indirect.  But  the  historical  and  traditional 
 data  wliich  exist  outside  of  the  Bible  are  abundant 
 and  decisive.  Josephus  describes  Shechem  as  be- 
 tween Gerizim  and  Ebal.  The  present  Ndhulus  is  a 
 corruption  merely  of  Neapolis ;  and  Neapolis  suc- 
 ceeded the  more  ancient  Shechem.  All  the  early 
 writers  who  touch  on  the  topography  of  Palestine, 
 testify  to  this  identity  of  the  two.  The  city  received 
 its  new  name  from  Vespasian,  and  on  coins  still 
 extant  is  called  Flavia  Neapolis.  Its  situation  ac- 
 counts for  another  name  which  it  bore  among  the 
 natives,  while  it  was  known  chiefly  as  Neapolis  to 
 foreignei-s.  It  is  nearly  midway  between  Judaea  and 
 Galilee.  Being  thus  a  "  thoroughfare  "  on  this  im- 
 portant route,  it  was  ca.\[ti\  Mahortha  or  Mahartha, 
 as  Josephus  states  [B.  J.  iv.  8,  §1).  Pliny  wiites 
 the  same  name  "  Mamortha."  The  ancient  town,  in 
 its  most  flourishing  age,  may  have  filled  a  wider  cir- 
 cuit than  its  modern  representative.  It  could  easily 
 have  extended  further  up  the  side  of  Gerizim,  and 
 eastward  nearer  to  the  opening  into  the  valley  from 
 the  plain.  But  any  great  change  in  this  respect, 
 certainly  the  idea  of  an  altogether  diflerent  position, 
 the  natural  conditions  of  the  locality  render  doubtful. 
 Josephus  says  that  more  than  ten  thousand  Sama- 
 ritans (inhabitants  of  Shechem  are  meant)  were 
 destroyed  by  the  Romans  on  one  occasion.  The 
 population,  therefore,  must  have  been  much  greater 
 than  Eabulus  with  its  present  dimensions  would 
 contain.  The  situation  of  the  town  is  one  of  sur- 
 passing beauty.  It  lies  in  a  sheltered  valley,  pro- 
 tected by  Gerizim  on  the  south,  and  Ebal  on  the 
 north.  The  feet  of  these  mountains,  where  they 
 rise  fiom  the  town,  are  not  more  than  five  hundred 
 yards  apart.  The  bottom  of  tlie  valley  is  about 
 1800  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea,  and  the  top  of 
 Gerizim  800  i'eet  higher  still.  The  site  of  the  pre- 
 sent city,  which  we  believe  to  have  been  also  that 
 of  the  Hebiew  city,  occurs  exactly  on  the  water- 
 summit  ;  and  streams  issuing  from  the  numerous 
 springs  there,  flow  down  the  opposite  slopes  of  the 
 valley,  spreading  verdure  and  fertility  in  every  di- 
 rection. Travellers  vie  with  each  other  in  the  lan- 
 guage which  they  employ  to  describe  the  scene  that 
 bursts  here  so  suddenly  upon  them  on  arriving  in 
 spring  or  early  summer  at  this  paradise  of  the  Holy 
 Land.  "  The  whole  valley,"  says  Dr.  Robinson, 
 "  was  filled  with  gaidens  of  vegetables,  and  orchards 
 of  all  kinds  of  fruits,  watered  by  fountains,  which 
 
 SHECHEM 
 
 867 
 
 burst  forth  in  various  parts  and  flow  westwards  in 
 refi'eshing  streams.  It  came  upon  us  suddenly  like 
 a  scene  of  faiiy  enchantment.  We  saw  nothing  to 
 compare  with  it  in  all  Palestine.  Here,  beneath 
 the  shadow  of  an  immense  mulberry-tree,  by  the 
 side  of  a  purling  rill,  we  pitched  our  tent  for  the 
 remainder  of  the  day  and  the  night.  .  .  .  "We  rose 
 early,  awakened  by  the  songs  of  nightingales  and 
 other  birds,  of  which  the  gardens  around  us  weie 
 full."  The  allusions  to  Shechem  in  the  Bible  aie 
 numerous,  and  show  how  important  the  place  was 
 in  Jewish  history.  Abraham,  on  his  first  migra- 
 tion to  the  Land  of  Promise,  pitched  his  tent  and 
 built  an  altar  under  the  Oak  (or  Terebinth)  of 
 Moreh  at  Shechem.  "  The  Canaanite  was  then  in 
 the  land  ;"  and  it  is  evident  that  the  region,  if  not 
 the  city,  was  already  in  possession  of  the  aboriginal 
 race  (see  Gen.  zii.  6).  At  the  time  of  Jacob's 
 arrival  here,  after  his  sojourn  in  Mesopotamia  (Gen. 
 xxxiii.  18,  xxxiv.),  Shechem  was  a  Hivite  city,  of 
 which  Hamor,  the  father  of  Shechem,  was  the  head- 
 man. It  was  at  this  time  that  the  patriardi  pur- 
 chased from  that  chieftain  "  the  parcel  of  the  field," 
 which  he  subsequently  bequeathed,  as  a  special 
 patrimony,  to  his  son  Joseph  (Gen.  xliii.  22 ; 
 Josh.  xxiv.  32;  John  iv.  5).  The  field  lay  un- 
 doubtedly on  the  rich  plain  of  the  Mukhna,  and  its 
 value  was  the  greater  on  account  of  the  well  which 
 Jacob  had  dug  there,  so  as  not  to  be  dependent  on 
 his  neighbours  for  a  supply  of  water.  The  defile- 
 ment of  Dinah,  Jacob's  daughter,  and  the  capture 
 of  Shechem  and  massacre  of  all  the  male  inhabitants 
 by  Simeon  and  Levi,  are  events  that  belong  to  this 
 period  (Gen.  xxxiv.  1  sq.).  The  oak  under  wliich 
 Abraham  had  worshipped,  surviveii  to  Jacob's  time 
 (Gen.  xxxv.  1-4).  The  "oak  of  the  monument" 
 (Judg.  ix.  6),  where  the  Shechemites  made  Abi- 
 melech  king,  marked,  perhaps,  the  veneration  with 
 which  the  Hebrews  looked  back  to  these  earliest 
 footsteps  (the  incunabula  gcntis)  of  the  patriarchs 
 in  the  Holy  Land.  In  the  distribution  of  the  land 
 after  its  conquest  by  the  Hebi-ews,  Shechem  fell  to 
 the  lot  of  Ephraim  (Josh.  xx.  7),  but  was  assigned 
 to  the  Levites,  and  became  a  city  of  refuge  (Josh. 
 xxi.  20,  21).  It  acquired  new  importance  as  the 
 scene  of  the  renewed  promulgation  of  the  Law, 
 when  its  blessings  were  heard  from  Gerizim  and  its 
 curses  from  Ebal,  and  the  people  bowed  their  lieads 
 and  acknowledged  Jeliovah  as  their  king  and  ruler 
 fDeut.  xxvii.  11;  and  Josh.  ix.  33-35  j.  It  was 
 here  Joshua  assembled  the  people,  shortly  before 
 his  death,  and  delivered  to  them  his  last  counsels 
 (Josh.  xxiv.  1,  25).  After  the  death  of  Gideon, 
 Abimelech,  his  bastard  son,  induced  the  Shechemites 
 to  revolt  from  the  Hebrew  commonwealth  and  elect 
 him  as  king  (Judg.  ix.).  It  was  to  denounce  this 
 act  of  usurpation  and  treason  that  Jotham  delivei'ed 
 his  parable  of  the  trees  to  the  men  of  Shechem  from 
 the  top  of  Gerizim,  as  recorded  at  length  ill  Judg. 
 ix.  22  sq.  In  revenge  for  his  expulsion,  after  a 
 reign  of  three  yeai-s,  Abimelech  destroyed  the  city, 
 and,  as  an  emblem  of  the  fate  to  which  he  would 
 consign  it,  sowed  the  ground  with  salt  (Judg.  ix. 
 34-45).  It  was  soon  restored,  however,  for  we 
 are  told  in  1  K.  xii.  that  all  Israel  assembled  at 
 Shechem,  and  Kehoboam,  Solomon's  successor,  went 
 thither  to  be  inaugurated  as  king.  Here,  at  this 
 same  place,  the  ten  tribes  renounced  the  house  of 
 David,  and  transferred  their  allegiance  to  Jeroboam 
 (1  K.  xii.  16),  under  whom  Shechem  became  for  a 
 time  the  capital  of  his  kingdom.     We  come  neit  tc 
 
S68 
 
 SHECHilM 
 
 '^Sa,*is:gg.^^j^^ 
 
 .-.i,!5# 
 
 ^^' 
 
 I'hb  Nalluy  and  Town  of  A.iMi/s.  the  nnciont  Shechein,  from  the  South-weBt«m  flank  of  Mount  Ebal,  lookiiii;  ^Votl^vHlll.    llir  i 
 OD  the  left  is  Gorlzim.    The  MeUitenaueuii  is  illsceniible  in  ths  distance.    From  a  slcetch  by  W.  Tipping,  lisq. 
 
 tlip  epoch  of  the  exile.  The  people  of  Shcchem 
 (Iciublless  shai'ed  the  fiite  of  the  othei-  inliabitjiiits, 
 mid  were,  most  of  them  at  least,  oai'i'ied  into  cap- 
 tivity ('2  K.  xvii.  5,  6,  xviii.  9  sq.).  But  Shal- 
 maneser,  the  couqueior,  sent  colonies  fiom  Baby- 
 lonia to  occupy  the  place  of  the  exiles  (2  K.  xvii. 
 24^.  It  would  seem  that  theie  was  another  influx 
 of  strangers,  at  a  later  jieriod,  undei-  Esar-haddon 
 (E/.r.  iv.  2).  From  the  time  of  the  origin  of  the 
 Samaritans,  the  history  of  Shechem  blends  itself 
 with  that  of  this  people  and  of  their  saoed  mount, 
 Cerizim.  [Samauia,  Samaritan  Pent.]  Shechem 
 reappears  in  the  New  Te.^tament.  It  is  the  Sycliar 
 of  John  iv.  5,  near  which  the  Saviour  conversed 
 with  the  Samaiitan  woman  at  Jacob's  Well.  In 
 Acts  vii.  16,  Stephen  reminds  his  lieareis  that 
 certain  of  tlie  patriarchs  (meaning  Joseph,  ;is  we 
 see  in  Josh.  xxiv.  32,  and  following;  peihaps,  somo 
 tradition  as  to  Jacob's  other  sons)  weie  buiied  at 
 Sycliem.  It  only  remains  to  add  a  lew  words  re- 
 lating moi-e  especially  to  Adbulns,  the  heir,  under  a 
 uirterent  name,  ot  the  site  and  liouours  of  the  ancient 
 Shechem.  The  population  consists  of  about  five 
 thousand,  among  w'hom  lu-e  live  hundi-ed  Gieek 
 Cllri^tians,  one  hundred  and  fifty  Samaritans,  and 
 a  few  Jews.  The  enmity  between  the  Samaiifans 
 and  Jews  is  a.s  inveterate  still,  as  it  was  in  the 
 days  of  Christ.  The  Moliammedans  of  couise,  make 
 up  the  bulk  of  the  population.  The  main  stieet 
 follows  the  line  of  the  valley  fiom  e;i.st  to  we.st,  and 
 contains  a  well-stocked  ba/aar.  Mt)st  of  the  other 
 streets  ci-o.ss  this:  here  aie  the  smaller  shops  and 
 the  woi  Ustands  of  the  artisans.  Most  of  the  streets 
 are  iianow  and  daik,  as  the  houses  hang  over  them 
 on  aiches,  very  much  as  in  the  closest  parts  of 
 Caiit).  The  houses  aie  of  stone,  and  of  the  most 
 ->idiniU'y  styl's  with  the  exception  of  these  of  the 
 
 wealthy  sheikhs  of  S;tmana  who  live  here.  Theie 
 are  no  public  buildings  of  any  note.  The  Kenisch 
 or  synagogue  of  the  Samaritans  is  a  small  eililice, 
 in  the  interior  of  which  there  is  nothing  remark- 
 able, unless  it  be  an  aU^ove,  screene<i  by  a  curtain, 
 in  which  their  sacied  writings  are  kej>t.  Tlie  stnic- 
 tuie  may  be  three  or  four  centuiies  old.  2^'dbiiliis 
 has  five  mosks,  two  of  which,  according  to  a  tradi- 
 tion in  which  Jlohammedans,  Christians,  and  Sa- 
 maiitans  agree,  weie  originally  churches.  Dr. 
 Kosen  Kiys  that  the  inhabitants  boast  of  the  exist- 
 ence of  not  less  than  eighty  springs  of  water  within 
 and  around  the  city.  He  gives  the  names  of  twenty- 
 seven  of  the  principal  of  them.  Some  of  the  gardens 
 are  wnteied  from  the  fountains,  while  others  have 
 a  soil  so  moist  :us  not  to  need  such  iirigation.  The 
 olive,  as  in  the  days  when  Jotham  deliveied  his 
 famous  parable,  is  still  the  principal  tree.  Figs, 
 ahnonds,  walnuts,  mulberries,  grapes,  oi-anges, 
 ajiricots,  pomegranates,  are  abundant.  The  valley 
 of  the  Nile  itself  hardly  surpasses  A'dbitht^s  in  the 
 juoduction  of  vegetables  of  every  soit.  Being,  as 
 it  is,  the  gateway  of  the  trade  iietween  Jajfa  and 
 Beii-ut  on  the  one  sjile,  and  the  tiims-Joidanic  dis- 
 tricts on  the  other,  and  the  c-entic  also  of  a  province 
 so  rich  in  wool,  gi-ain,  and  oil,  Ndljulus  becomes, 
 neccs.sarily.  the  seat  of  an  active  commerce,  and  oi 
 a  comparative  luxury  to  be  found  in  veiy  tew  of 
 the  inland  Oriental  cities.  This  account  would  be 
 incomplete  without  some  mention  of  the  two  spotn 
 in  the  neighbouihood  of  ydbulits  which  lieir  the 
 names  of  tlie  Well  of  Jacob  and  the  Tomb  of  Joseph. 
 Of  these  the  former  is  the  more  remaikalile.  It 
 lies  about  a  mile  and  a  half  east  of  the  city,  clo.se 
 to  the  lower  road,  and  just  beyond  the  wietched 
 handet  of  Jiiildta.  Among  the  Mohammedans  and 
 Samarita  s  it  is  known  it<  Mr  cl-  Yakuh,  or  ' Ain 
 
SHEGHEM 
 
 Yakub;  llie  Christians  sometimes  ca\\  it  Bir  es-Sa- 
 mariyeh — "  tlie  well  of  the  Samaritan  woman." 
 Kormerly  there  was  a  square  hole  opening  into  a 
 carefully-built  vaulted  chamber,  about  10  feet 
 sfjuare,  in  the  floor  of  which  was  the  true  mouth 
 of  the  well.  Now  a  portion  of  the  vault  has  fallen 
 in  and  completely  covered  up  the  mouth,  so  that 
 nothmg  can  be  seen  above  but  a  shallow  pit  half 
 filled  with  stones  and  rubbish.  The  well  is  deep — 
 7o  ft.  when  last  measured — and  there  was  probably 
 a  considej'able  accumulation  of  rubbish  at  the  bottom. 
 Sometimes  it  contains  a  few  feet  of  water,  but  at 
 others  it  is  quite  dry.  It  is  entirely  excavated  in 
 the  solid  rock,  perfectly  round,  9  ft.  in  diametei-, 
 with  the  sides  hewn  smooth  and  regular.  Of  all 
 the  special  localities  of  our  Lord's  life,  this  is  almost 
 tiie  only  one  absolutely  undisputed.  The  second  of 
 the  spots  alluded  to  is  the  Tomb  of  Joseph.  It 
 lies  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  north  of  the  well,  ex- 
 actly in  the  centre  of  the  opening  of  the  valley 
 between  Gerizim  and  Ebal.  It  is  a  small  square 
 enclosure  of  high  whitewashed  walls,  surrounding 
 a  tomb  of  the  ordinary  kind,  but  with  the  pecu- 
 liarity that  it  is  placed  diagonally  to  the  walls, 
 instead  of  parallel,  as  usual.  A  rough  pillar  used 
 as  an  altar,  and  black  with  the  traces  of  fire,  is  at 
 the  head,  and  another  at  the  foot  of  the  tomb.  In 
 the  walls  are  two  slabs  with  Hebrew  inscriptions, 
 and  the  interior  is  almost  covered  with  the  names 
 of  pilgrims  in  Hebrew,  Arabic,  and  Samaritan. 
 Beyond  this  there  is  nothing  to  remark  in  the 
 structure  itself.  The  local  tradition  of  the  Tomb, 
 like  that  of  the  well,  is  as  old  as  the  beginning  of 
 Ji9  4th  century. 
 
 Shech'em.  1.  The  son  of  Hamor  the  chieftain 
 of  the  Hivite  settlement  of  Shechem  at  the  time  of 
 Jacob's  arrival  (Gen.  xxxiii.  19,  xxxiv.  2-26  ;  Josh, 
 xxiv.  32;  Judg.  ix.  28).— 2.  A  man  of  Manasseh, 
 of  the  clan  of  Gilead  (Num.  xxvi.  31). ^3.  A 
 Gileadite,  son  of  Shemida,  the  younger  brother  of 
 the  foregoing  (1  Chr.  vii,  19). 
 
 Sheci'emites,  the.  The  family  of  Shechem,  son 
 of  Gilead  (  Num.  xxvi.  31  ;  comp.  Josh.  xvii.  2). 
 
 Shechi'iiah.  This  term  is  not  found  in  the 
 Bible.  It  was  used  by  the  later  Jews,  and  bor- 
 rowed by  Christians  from  them,  to  express  the 
 visible  majesty  of  the  Divine  Presence,  especially 
 when  resting,  or  dwelling,  between  the  Cherubim 
 on  the  mei'cy-seat  in  the  Tabernacle,  and  in  the 
 temple  of  Solomon  ;  but  not  in  Zerubbabel's  temple, 
 for  it  was  one  of  the  five  particulars  which  the 
 Jews  reckon  to  have  been  wanting  in  the  second 
 temple.  The  use  of  the  term  is  first  found  in  the 
 fargums,  where  it  forms  a  frequent  periphrasis  for 
 God,  considei'ed  as  dwelling  amongst  the  children 
 of  Israel,  and  is  thus  used,  especially  bv  Onkelos, 
 to  avoid  ascribing  corporeity  to  God  Himself.  In 
 rk.  XXV.  8,  where  the  Hebrew  has  "  Let  them  make 
 me  a  sanctuary  that  I  may  dwell  among  them," 
 Onkelos  has,  "  I  will  make  my  Shechinah  to  dwell 
 among  them."  In  xxix.  45,  46,  for  the  Hebrew  "  I 
 will  dwell  among  the  children  of  Israel,"  Onkelos 
 has,  "  I  will  make  my  Shechinah  to  dwell,  &c.'' 
 In  Ps.  Ixxiv.  2,  for  "  this  Mount  Zion  wherein  thou 
 has  dwelt,"  the  Targum  has  "  wherein  thy  Shechi- 
 nah hath  dwelt."  In  the  description  of  the  dedi- 
 cation of  Solomon's  Temple  (1  K.  viii.  12,  13),  the 
 Targum  of  Jonathan  runs  thus  :  "  The  Loi-d  is 
 pleased  to  make  His  Shechinah  dwell  in  Jerusalem. 
 I  have  built  the  house  of  the  sanctuary  for  the 
 house  of  thy  Shechinah  for  ever."     And  in  1  K.  vi. 
 
 SHEDEUR 
 
 859 
 
 13,  for  the  Heb.  "  I  will  dwell  among  the  children 
 of  Isiael,"  Jonathan  has  "  I  will  make  my  Shechi- 
 nah dwell."  In  Is.  vi.  5  he  has  the  combination, 
 "  the  glory  of  the  Shechinah  of  the  King  of  ages,  the 
 Lord  of  Hosts  ;"  and  in  the  next  vejse  he  para- 
 phrases "  from  off  the  altar,"  by  "  from  before  His 
 Shechinah  on  the  throne  of  glory  in  the  lofty  hea- 
 vens that  are  above  the  altar.''  Compare  also  Num. 
 V.  3,  XXXV.  34;  Ps.  Ixviii.  17,  18,  cxxxv.  21  ;  Is. 
 xxxiii.  5,  Ivii.  15;  Joel  iii.  17,  21,  and  numerons 
 other  passages.  On  the  other  hand,  it  should  bo 
 noticed  that  the  Taigums  never  render  "  the  cloud  " 
 or  "the  glory"  by  Shechinah.  Hence,  as  regards 
 the  use  of  the  word  Shechinah  in  the  Targums,  it 
 may  be  defined  as  a  periphrasis  for  God  whenever 
 He  is  said  to  dwell  on  Zion,  amongst  Israel,  or 
 lietween  the  Cherubims,  and  so  on,  in  order,  as 
 before  said,  to  avoid  the  slightest  approach  to  ma- 
 terialism. Our  view  of  the  Targumistic  notion  of 
 the  Shechinah  would  not  be  complete  if  we  did  not 
 add,  that  though,  as  we  have  seen,  the  Jews  reck- 
 oned the  Shechinali  among  the  marks  of  the  Divine 
 favour  which  were  wanting  to  the  second  Temple, 
 they  manifestly  expected  the  return  of  the  Shechi- 
 nah in  the  days  of  the  Messiah.  Thus  Hagg.  i.  8, 
 "  build  the  house,  and  I  will  take  pleasure  in  it, 
 and  I  will  be  glorified,  saith  the  Lord,"  is  para- 
 phrased by  Jonathan,  "  I  will  cause  my  Shechinah 
 to  dwell  in  it  in  glory."  Compare  also  Zech.  ii. 
 10,  viii.  3;  Ez.  xliii.  7,  9.  As  regards  the  visible 
 manifestation  of  the  Divine  Presence  dwelling 
 amongst  the  Israelites,  to  which  the  term  Shechi- 
 nah has  attached  itself,  the  idea  which  the  different 
 accounts  in  Scripture  convey  is  that  of  a  most 
 brilliant  and  glorious  light,  enveloped  in  a  cloud, 
 and  usually  concealed  by  the  cloud,  so  that  the 
 cloud  itself  was  for  the  most  part  alone  visible ; 
 but  on  particular  occasions  the  glory  appeared. 
 The  allusions  in  the  N.  T.  to  the  Shechinah  are  not 
 unfrequent.  Thus  in  the  account  of  the  Nativity, 
 the  words,  "  Lo,  the  angel  of  the  Lord  came  upon 
 them,  and  the  gloiy  of  the  Lord  shone  round  about 
 them"  (Luke  ii.  9),  followed  by  the  apparition  of 
 "  the  multitude  of  the  Heavenly  host,"  recall  the 
 appearance  of  the  Divine  gloiy  on  Sinai,  when 
 "  He  shined  foith  fiom  Paran,  and  came  with  ten 
 thousands  of  saints"  (Deut.  xxxiii.  2;  comp.  Ps. 
 Ixviii,  17;  Acts  vii.  53;  Heb.  ii.  2  ;  Ezek.  xliii.  2). 
 The  "God  of  glory"  (Acts  vii.  2,  55),  "the  che- 
 rubims of  glory  "  (Heb.  ix.  5),  "  the  glory  "  (Rom. 
 ix.  4),  and  other  like  passages,  are  distinct  refer- 
 ences to  the  manifestations  of  the  glory  in  the  0.  T. 
 When  we  read  in  John  i.  14,  that  "  the  Woi-d  was 
 made  flesh,  and  dwelt  among  us,  and  we  beheld  his 
 glory;"  or  in  2  Cor.  xii.  9,  "that  the  power  of 
 Christ  may  fest  upon  me  ;"  or  in  Rev.  xxi.  3,  "  Be- 
 hold the  tabernacle  of  God  is  with  men,  and  He 
 will  dwell  with  them  "  we  have  not  only  references 
 to  the  Shechinah,  but  are  distinctly  taught  to  con- 
 nect it  with  the  incarnation  and  future  coming  ot 
 Messiah,  as  type  with  antitype.  It  should  also  be 
 specially  noticed  that  the  attendance  of  angels  is 
 usually  associated  with  the  Shechinah.  These  are 
 most  frequently  called  (Ez.  x.,  xi.)  cherubim  ;  but 
 sometimes,  as  in  Is.  vi.,  seraphim  (comp.  Rev.  iv. 
 7,  8).  The  predominant  association,  however,  is 
 with  the  cherubim,  of  which  the  golden  cherubira 
 on  the  mercy-seat  were  the  representation. 
 
 Shed'eur.  The  father  of  Elizur,  chief  of  the 
 tribe  of  Reuben  at  the  time  of  the  Exodus  (Num.  !■ 
 5,  ii.  10,  vii.  30,  35,  x.  18). 
 
8t')0 
 
 SHEEP 
 
 Sheep.  Slicrii  wero  ;in  iiiiportint  part  of  the 
 [Kissessions  of  tlic  ancient  Ili-lnews  and  ot"  F^i.s(ira 
 'jations  generally.  The  firat  mention  of  shee]) 
 occui-s  in  (ien.  iv.  ?.  They  were  usetl  in  the  s,i- 
 ciiHcial  olVerings,  both  the  adult  animal  (lix.  xx. 
 'J4;  1  K.  viii.  03;  2  Chr.  sxix.  33)  and  the  hunb, 
 I.  e.  "  a  male  from  one  to  three  yeai-s  old,"  but 
 young  lambs  ol'  the  first  year  wei-e  more  generally 
 used  iu  the  offerings  (see  Ex.  xxix.  38  ;  Lev.  ix.  3, 
 xii.  G  ;  Num.  xxviii.  9,  &c.).  No  lamb  under  eight 
 days  old  was  alloweii  to  be  killed  (Lev.  xxii.  'J7). 
 ••\  very  young  hunb  Wiis  adled  tdleh  (see  1  S;im. 
 vii.  9  ;  Js.  Ixv.  25).  Sheep  and  lambs  formed  an 
 important  article  of  food  (1  Sam.  xxv.  j8  ;  1  K.  i. 
 19,  iv.  23;  Vs.  xliv.  11,  &c.).  The  wool  wa.s 
 usc<l  as  clotiiing  (Lev,  xiii.  47;  Dent.  xxii.  11; 
 I'rov.  xxxi.  13;  Job  xxxi.  20,  &c.).  "  Hams' >kins 
 dyed  led"  were  use<l  as  a  covering  for  the  t<iber- 
 naclefKx.  xxv.  5).  Sheep  and  Iambs  were  some- 
 times paid  as  tribute  (2  K.  iii.  4).  It  is  very 
 striking  to  notice  the  immense  numbers  of  sheep  that 
 were  reared  in  Pale.sline  in  Biblical  times.  Sheep- 
 shearing  is  alluded  to  (ien.  .xxxi.  19,  xxxviii.  13; 
 |)eut.  XV.  19;  1  Sam.  xxv.  4 ;  Is.  liii.  7,  &c. 
 Sheep-dogs  were  employed  in  liiblical  times,  as  is 
 eviclent  from  Job  xvc.  1,  "  tiie  dogs  of  my  floik." 
 Shepherds  in  Palestine  and  the  E:ist  generally  go 
 before  their  flocks,  which  they  induce  to  follow  by 
 calling  to  them  (conip.  John  x.  4;  Ps.  l.xxvii.  20, 
 Ixxx.  1),  though  they  also  drove  them  (Gen.  xxxiii. 
 13).  The  following  quotation  from  Hartley's  A'c- 
 scarches  in  Greece  and  the  Lccant,  p.  321,  is  so 
 strikingly  illustrative  of  the  allusions  in  John  x. 
 1-16,  that  we  cannot  do  better  than  quote  it: 
 "  Having  had  my  attention  directed  last  night  to 
 the  words  in  John  x.  3,  I  asked  my  man  if  it  was 
 usual  in  (iieece  to  give  names  to  the  sheep.  He 
 infomieil  me  that  it  was,  and  that  the  sheep  obeyed 
 the  she{)herd  when  he  called  them  by  their  names. 
 This  morning  I  had  an  opportunity  of  verifying 
 the  truth  of  this  remark.  Passing  by  a  flock  of 
 sheep,  1  asked  the  shepherd  the  same  question  which 
 I  had  put  to  the  servant,  and  he  gave  me  the  same 
 answer.  I  then  bade  him  call  one  of  his  sheep. 
 He  did  so,  and  it  instuitly  left  its  pasturage  and  its 
 companions  and  ran  ii])  to  the  hands  of  the  shep- 
 herd with  signs  of  pleasure  and  with  a  i)rompt 
 obetlience  which  I  had  never  before  observed  in  any 
 other  animal.  It  is'  also  true  in  this  country  that 
 'a  stianger  will  they  not  f";llow,  but  will  flee  from 
 him.'  The  shepherd  told  me  that  many  of  his 
 sheep  were  still  wild,  that  they  had  not  yet  learned 
 their  names,  but  that  by  teaching  them  they  would 
 aH  learn  them."  The  coir.mon  sheep  of  Syria  and 
 Palestine  are  the  broad-tail  (Ovis  laticaudntus), 
 and  a  variety  of  the  cumnion  sheep  of  this  country 
 '  Ocis  aries)  called  the  JUJo'tren  according  to  Ilus- 
 sell  (Aleppo,  ii.  p.  147).  The  bioail-tiiled  kind 
 has  long  been  reared  in  Syria.  The  whole  ]iassage 
 ill  Gen.  XXX.  which  bears  on  the  subject  of  Jacob's 
 strat.igem  with  Laban's  sheep  is  involve*.!  in  consid- 
 eiable  perplexity,  and  Jacob's  conduct  in  this 
 matter  hius  been  severely  and  uncompromisingly 
 condemneil  by  .some  wiiters.  It  is  altogether  im- 
 possible to  account  for  the  complete  success  which 
 attended  his  device  of  setting  peeled  rods  Ivtbre  the 
 ewes  and  she-gaits  as  they  aime  to  drink  in  the 
 wat'Mini,'  troughs,  on  natural  grounds.  We  must 
 agii-e  with  the  (Jreek  fathers  an<i  ascribe  the  jiro- 
 duction  ot  J.icol)'s  spdted  sheep  and  goats  to  Divine 
 agency.     Ill  (Jen.  xxxi.  5-13,  where  Jacob  oxpies.sly 
 
 SHEKEL 
 
 Rtater.  that  his  succe.ss  w.us  dii.^  to  I)ivine  iutt-rfrr- 
 ence.  it  is  hard  to  belie^-e  that  Jacob  is  utt«riu^ 
 nothing  but  a  tissue  of  falsehoods.  We  are  aware 
 tlxit  a  still  graver  ditliculty  in  the  minds  of  some 
 ))eisons  remains,  if  the  above  explanation  be  adopted  ; 
 but  we  have  no  other  alternative.  As  the  sheep  is 
 an  emblem  of  meekness,  patience,  and  submission, 
 it  is  expressly  mentioned  as  typifying  tlieye  qua- 
 lities in  the  person  of  our  Bles.sed  Lord  (Is.  liii.  7  ; 
 Acts  viii.  32,  &c.).  The  relation  that  exi.^ts  between 
 Christ,  "  the  chief  .Shepherd,"  and  His  membere, 
 is  beautifully  compared  to  that  which  in  the  I-Iiist 
 is  so  strikingly  exhibiteil  by  the  shepherds  to  their 
 flocks. 
 
 'A  ' 
 
 BroaU-tiiilod  Sbmp. 
 
 Sheepgate,  the.  One  of  the  gates  of  Jerusalem 
 as  rebuilt  by  .Nelieniiah  (Neh.  iii.  1,  .'12;  xii.  39). 
 It  stood  between  the  tower  of  Meah  and  the  cham- 
 ber of  the  corner  (iii.  32,  1)  or  gate  of  the  guard- 
 house (xii.  39,  A.  V.  "  prison-gate").  The  latter 
 seems  to  h.ave  been  at  the  angle  fonnai  by  the  junc- 
 tion of  the  wall  of  the  city  of  David  with  that  of 
 the  city  of  Jerusalem  pro[ier,  having  the  sheep- 
 gate  on  the  north  of  it.  The  position  of  the  sheej>- 
 gate  may  therefoie  have  been  on  or  near  that  of 
 the  Bah  cl-K<tttu)uii. 
 
 Sheep-market,  the  (John  v.  2).  The  word 
 "  market"  is  an  interpolation  of  our  translatore, 
 possibly  after  Luther,  who  has  Sehofhiius.  The 
 words  of  the  original  are  itrl  rp  irpo/SoTjicp.  to 
 which  should  prokibly  Iw  supplieil  not  market,  but 
 gate,  TtvXy,  as  in  the  I.XX.  vei'sion  of  the  passages 
 in  Nelieiniah  quoted  in  the  foregoing  article. 
 
 Shehari'ah.  A  Bcnj.imite,  son  of  Jehoram  (1 
 Chr.  viii.  20). 
 
 Shekel.  In  a  former  article  [MoNicv]  a  tuii 
 account  has  been  given  of  the  coins  railed  shekels, 
 which  arc  found  with  iiuscriptions  in  the  Sama- 
 ritan chai-acter;  so  that  the  present  article  will 
 only  contain  notices  of  a  few  p;irticulars  ndaliiig  in 
 the  Jewish  coiitige  which  did  imt  fall  within  the 
 plan  of  the  finmer.  It  niay,  in  the  first  place,  be 
 dcsiralile  to  ineiition,  that  although  some  .shekels 
 are  found  with  Ilebiew  letters  in.st<'ad  of  S:iniaritan, 
 these  are  iindoubtctlly  all  forgeries,  liamhan,  i.  c. 
 liahbi-Moscs-Iii-ir-Sachmnn,  who  lived  .•»boiit  the 
 commencement  of  the  KUh  o-ntury,  des<!nlie*  m 
 .shekel    which  he  had  .seen,  and   of  which  tlie  Ct¥ 
 
SHEKEL 
 
 thaenns  read  the  inscription  with  case.  Tlie  ex- 
 planation wliich  they  gave  of  the  inscription  was, 
 on  one  side:  Skekcl  ha-Shchaliin,  "  tiie  shekel  of 
 shekels,"  and  on  the  other  "  Jerusalem  the  Holy." 
 Tlie  former  w;w  doubtless  a  misinterpretation  of 
 the  usual  inscription  "  the  shekel  of  Israel ;"  bat 
 the  latter  corresponds  with  the  inscription  on  our 
 shekels  (Bayer,  De  Niimis.  p.  11).  But  the  most 
 important  passage  of  all  is  that  in  which  R.  Azarias 
 de  Rossi  quotes  the  description  of  a  shekel  seen  by 
 liamban  at  St.  Jean  d'Acre,  A.D.  1210.  He  gives 
 the  inscriptions  as  above,  "  the  Shekel  of  Shekels," 
 and  "Jerusalem  the  Holy:"  but  he  also  determines 
 the  weight,  which  he  makes  about  half  an  ounce. 
 We  rind,  therefore,  that  in  early  times  shekels  were 
 known  to  the  Jewish  Riibbis  with  Samaritan  in- 
 scriptions, corresponding  with  those  now  found 
 (except  in  one  point,  which  is  probably  an  error), 
 and  corresponding  with  them  in  weight.  We  be- 
 lieve that  W.  Postell  is  the  first  Christian  writer 
 who  saw  and  described  a  shekel.  He  was  a  Parisian 
 traveller  who  visited  Jerusalem  early  in  the  16th 
 century.  Postell  gives  a  very  bad  woodcut  of  one 
 of  these  shekels,  but  the  inscription  is  correct.  He 
 was  unable  to  explain  the  letters  over  the  vase, 
 which  soon  became  the  subject  of  a  discussion 
 among  the  learned  men  of  Europe,  which  lasted  for 
 nearly  two  centuries.  The  correspondence  of  the 
 newly-found  coins  with  the  earlier  description  is 
 almost  demonstrative.  But  they  bear  such  un- 
 doubted marks  of  genuineness,  that  no  judge  of 
 ancient  coins  could  doubt  them  for  a  moment.  On 
 the  contraiy,  to  a  practised  eye,  those  with  Hebrew 
 inscriptions  bear  undoubted  marks  of  spuriousness. 
 Among  the  symbols  found  on  this  series  of  coins  is 
 cue  which  is  considered  to  repi'esent  that  which 
 was  called  Lulab  by  the  Jews.  This  term  was 
 applied  to  the  branches  of  the  three  trees  mentioned 
 in  Lev.  xxiii.  40,  which  are  thought  to  be  the 
 Palm,  the  Jlyi  tie,  and  the  Willow.  The  symbol 
 on  the  Reverse  of  the  shekels,  representing  a  twig 
 with  three  buds,  apjiears  to  bear  more  resemblance 
 to  the  buds  of  the  pomegranate  than  to  any  other 
 plant.  The  following  list  is  given  by  Cavedoni  as 
 an  enumeration  of  all  the  coins  which  can  be  attri- 
 buted with  any  certainty  to  Simon  Maccabaeus. — 
 I.  Shekels  of  three  years,  with  the  inscription 
 Shekel  Israel  on  the  Obverse  with  a  Vase,  over 
 which  appears  (1)an  Aleph\  (2)  the  letter  Shin 
 with  a  Beth;  (3)  the  letter  Shin  with  a  Gimel. 
 \l.  On  the  Reverse  is  the  twig  with  three  buds, 
 and  the  inscription  Jerusalem  Kedoshah  or  Hak- 
 kedoshah. — II.  The  same  as  the  above,  only  half 
 the  weiglit,  which  is  indicated  by  the  word  chdtsi, 
 "  a  half."  These  occur  only  in  the  first  ard  second 
 years.  The  above  are  silver. — III.  Shenath  Arb'a 
 Chatsi.  The  fourth  year — a  half.  A  Citron  between 
 two  Lulabs.  R.  Ligeullath  Taiyon,  "Of  the  Li- 
 beration of  Zion."  A  Palm-tree  between  two  baskets 
 of  fruit. — IV.  Shenath  Arb'a,  Eebf  a.  The  fourth 
 year — a  fourth.  Two  Lulabs.  li.  "  Of  the  Li- 
 beration of  Zion," — as  before.  Citron-fiuit. — V. 
 Shenath  Arb'a.  The  fourth  year.  Lulab  between 
 two  Citrons.  R.  Legeullath  Tsiyon,  as  before.  The 
 Vase  as  on  the  shekel  and  half-shekel.  These  are  of 
 copper.  In  the  course  of  1862  a  work  of  consider- 
 able imporfcmce  was  published  at  Breslau  by  Dr. 
 M.  A.  Levy,  entitled  Geschichte  der  Jiidischen 
 Jtiinzen.  There  are  one  or  two  points  on  which 
 It  is  desirable  to  state  the  views  of  the  author, 
 especially  as  he  quotes  coins  which  have  only  be- 
 
 SHELEPH 
 
 8G1 
 
 come  known  lately.  Some  coins  have  been  descrilyed 
 in  the  Revue  Mniuismatiiine  (1860,  p.  200  seq.), 
 to  which  the  name  of  Eleazar  coins  has  been  given. 
 A  coin  was  published  some  time  ago  by  De  Saulcv 
 which  is  supposed  by  that  author  to  be  a  counterfeit 
 coin.  It  is  scarcely  legible,  but  it  appears  to  con- 
 tain the  name  Eleazar  on  one  side,  and  that  of 
 Simon  on  the  other.  During  the  troubles  which 
 preceded  the  final  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  Eleazar 
 (the  son  of  Simon),  who  was  a  priest,  and  Simon 
 Ben  Giora,  were  at  the  head  of  large  factions.  It 
 is  suggested  by  Dr.  Levy  that  money  may  have 
 been  struck  which  bore  the  names  of  both  these 
 leaders ;  but  it  seems  scarcely  probable,  as  they  do 
 not  appear  to  have  acted  in  concert.  But  a  copper 
 coin  has  been  published  in  the  Sevue  Nnmisrnatique 
 which  undoubtedly  bears  the  inscription  of  "  Eleazar 
 the  priest."  Its  types  are — I.  A  vase  with  one 
 handle  and  the  inscription  "  Eleazar  the  priest,"  in 
 Samaritan  letters.  R.  A  bunch  of  grapes  with  the 
 inscription,  "year  one  of  the  redemption  of  Israel." 
 Some  silver  coins  also,  first  published  by  Reichardt, 
 bear  the  same  inscription  on  the  obverse,  under  a 
 palm-tree,  but  the  letters  run  from  left  to  right. 
 The  reverse  bears  the  same  type  and  inscription  as 
 the  copper  coins.  These  coins,  as  well  as  some 
 that  bear  the  name  of  Simon  or  Simeon,  are  attri- 
 buted by  Dr.  Levy  to  the  period  of  this  first  re- 
 bellion. It  is,  however,  quite  clear  that  some  of 
 the  coins  bearing  similar  inscriptions  belong  to  the 
 period  of  Bar-cocab's  rebellion  (or  Barcocebn's,  as 
 the  name  is  often  spelt)  under  Hadrian,  because 
 they  are  stamped  upon  denarii  of  Trajan,  his  pre- 
 decessor. 
 
 Shelah.  1.  The  youngest  son  of  Judah  by  the 
 daughter  of  Shuah  (Gen.  xxxviii.  5,  11,  14,  26, 
 xlvi.  12  ;  Num.  xxvi.  20;  1  Chr.  ii.  3,  iv.  21).— 
 2.  The  proper  form  of  the  name  of  Salaii  the  son 
 of  Arpliaxad  (1  Chr.  i.  18,  24j. 
 
 She'lanites,  the.  The  descendants  of  Shelah  1 
 (Num.  xi;vi.  L'O). 
 
 Shelemi'ah.  1.  One  of  the  sons  of  Bani  in  the 
 time  of  Ezra  (Ezr.  x.  39).— 2.  The  father  of  Ha- 
 naniah  (Neh.  in.  30). — 3.  A  priest  in  the  time  ot 
 Nehemiah  (Neh.  xiii.  13). — 4.  The  father  of  Je- 
 hucal,  or  Jucal,  in  the  time  of  Zedekiah  (Jer. 
 xxxvii.  3).— 5.  The  father  of  Irijah,  the  <aptain  of 
 the  ward  who  arrested  Jeremiah  (Jer.  xxxvii.  13). 
 —6.  The  same  as  MEStiKLEMlAii  and  SiiALLUM  8 
 (1  Chr.  xxvi.  14).— 7.  Another  of  the  sons  of  Bani 
 in  the  time  of  Ezra  (Ezr.  x.  41). — 8.  Ancestor  of 
 Jehudi  in  the  time  of  Jehoiakim  (Jer.  xxxvi.  14). 
 — 9.  Son  of  Abdeel;  one  of  those  who  received  the 
 oiders  of  Jehoiakim  to  take  Baruch  and  Jeremiah 
 Mer.  xxxvi.  26). 
 
 Shel'epll,  Gen.  x.  26;  1  Chr.  j.  20.  The  second 
 in  order  of  the  sons  of  Joktan.  The  tribe  which 
 sprang  from  him  has  been  satisfactorily  identified, 
 both  in  mo'lern  and  classical  times ;  as  well  as  the 
 district  of  the  Yemen  named  after  him.  Sheleph 
 is  found  where  we  should  expect  to  meet  with  him, 
 in  the  district  ( Jlikhldf,  as  the  ancient  divisions  of 
 the  Vemen  are  called  by  the  Arabs)  of  Sulaf,  which 
 appears  to  be  the  same  as  Niebuhr's  Salfie,  written 
 in  his  map  Selfia.  Besides  this  geographical  trace 
 of  Sheleph,  we  have  the  tribe  of  Shelif  or  Shulaf. 
 Yakoot  in  the  Moajam,  s.  v.,  savs,  "  Es-5elif  or 
 Es-Sulaf  they  are  two  ancient  tribes  of  the  trilx€ 
 of  Yemen ;  Hisham  Ibn-Mohammed  says  they  are 
 the  children  of  Yuktdn  (Joktan) ;  .  .  .  .  And  2. 
 district  in   El- Yemen   is  named   after  the   Sulad' 
 
862 
 
 SHELESH 
 
 fcl-K'alkasander  sjiys,  "  Kl-Sulaf,  callcil  also  Rpiii-s- 
 Mli'dii,  a  tribe  of  the  descendants  of  Kahtiiii  ( Juk- 
 tan)."  ....  Yakoot  also  says  that  Kl-Muntabik 
 wiis  an  idol  belonging  to  Es-Sulaf.  Finally,  accoid- 
 iiig  to  the  Kdiiuios,  Suhif  was  a  branch-tnbe  of 
 l)hii-l-Kilii;i. 
 
 She'lesh,  son  of  Helem  (1  Chr.  vii.  35). 
 
 Sheromi.  An  Asherite,  father  of  Ahihud  (Num. 
 xxx  V.  L'T  ,. 
 
 Shel  omith.  1.  The  danghfei-  of  Dibri  of  the 
 tribe  of  Ihm  !  Lev.  xxiv.  1 1 ).— 2.  The  daughter  of 
 Zeiubbabel  (1  Chr.  iii.  19).— 3.  Chief  of  the  Izhar- 
 ites  (1  Chr.  xxiii.  18).— 4.  -A  ilescendarit  of  Kliczer 
 the  son  of  Moses,  in  the  reign  of  David  (1  Chr. 
 xxvi.  2h,  26,  '_'8j.— 5.  A  Gei-shonite,  son  of  Shimei 
 (1  Chr.  xxiii.  9).  "Shimei"  is  i>iobably  a  mistake. 
 ^6.  .According  to  the  present  text,  the  sons  of 
 .Sheloniith,  with  the  son  of  Josiphiah  at  their  head, 
 returned  from  Habylon  with  V./.xa.  (Ezr.  viii.  lOi. 
 There  a|)])eai-s,  however,  to  be  an  omission,  and  the 
 true  reading  is  probably,  "  Of  the  sons  of  Bani, 
 .^hcloniifh  the  son  of  Josiphiah." 
 
 Shel'omoth.  The  same  as  SiiEi.o.Mirn  3  (1  Chr. 
 xxiv.  ■_'■_'  . 
 
 Shelu'nuel.  The  son  of  Zurishaddai,  and  prince 
 of  the  tribe  of  Simeon  at  the  time  of  the  Exodus 
 (Num.  i.  (j,  ii.  12,  vii.  36,  41,  x.  19). 
 
 Shem.  The  eldest  son  of  Noah,  born  (Gen.  v. 
 32)  when  liis  father  had  attained  the  age  of  .500 
 years.  He  was  98  years  old,  married,  and  cliildless, 
 at  the  time  of  the  Flood.  After  it,  he,  with  his 
 father,  brothers,  sisters-in-law,  and  wife,  leceived  the 
 blessing  of  God  (ix.  1),  and  entered  into  tlie  cove- 
 nant. Two  years  afterwards  he  became  the  father 
 of  Arphaxad  (xi.  10),  and  other  children  were  born 
 to  him  subsequently.  With  the  help  of  his  brother 
 .Japlu'th,  he  coveied  the  nakedness  of  their  fathei- 
 whicli  ('auaan  and  Ham  did  not  care  to  hide.  In 
 the  |)]ophfcy  of  Noah  which  is  connected  with  this 
 incident  (ix.  2.5-27),  the  first  blessing  falls  on 
 Shem.  He  died  at  the  age  of  600  years.  Assuming 
 that  the  years  ascribed  to  the  patriarchs  in  the 
 present  cojiies  of  the  Hebrew  Bible  are  correct,  it 
 appeals  that  Methuselah,  who  in  his  first  243  years 
 wiis  contemporaiy  with  Adam,  had  still  nearly  loO 
 yeai's  of  his  long  lite  to  run  after  Shem  wits  born. 
 And  when  Shem  died,  Abraliam  was  148  vears  old, 
 and  Isjuic  had  been  9  years  married.  The  portion 
 of  the  earth  occupied  by  the  descendants  of  Shem 
 (x.  21-31)  intersects  the  portions  of  Japheth  and 
 Ham,  and  streUhes  in  an  uninterrupted  line  from 
 the  Mediterranean  Sea  to  the  Indian  Ocean.  Be- 
 ginning at  its  north-western  extremity  with  Lydia, 
 it  includes  Syria  (Aiam),  Chaldaea  (Aiphaxad), 
 paits  of  Assyria  (Asshur),  of  Persia  (Elam),  and  of 
 the  .Arabian  Peninsula  (Joktan). 
 
 Shem'a.  One  of  the  towns  of  the  south  of  Jud.di 
 f.Iosh.  XV.  26).  In  the  list  of  the  towns  of  Simeon 
 selected  from  those  in  the  south  of  Judah,  Sheba 
 takes  the  place  of  Shema,  probably  by  an  enor  of 
 transcriiition  or  a  change  of  pronunciation. 
 
 Shem'a.  1.  A  Keubenite,  ancestor  of  Bela  (1 
 (■;hr.  V.  8).— 2.  Son  of  Elpaal  (IChr.  viii.  lit). 
 Probably  the  sjime  as  SiiiMiii.— 3.  One  of  those 
 who  .stood  at  Ezra's  right  hand  when  he  read  the 
 Law  to  ihr  people  fNeh.  viii.  4). 
 
 Shem'aah.  A  I'enjamile  of  <iil>eah,  and  father 
 of  AliKz.T  :,„(i  .loiish  (1  Chr.  xii.  3). 
 
 Shemai'ah.  1.  A  prophet  in  the  reign  of  Ke- 
 hol,o..m.  When  the  king  had  assembled  180,000 
 uion    of   I'Hiijainm    ami    .julah    to    iitonquei-    liic 
 
 SHEMIDA 
 
 northern  kingdom  after  its  revolt,  Shemaiah  was 
 commissioned  to  charge  them  to  return  to  their 
 homes,  and  not  to  war  against  their  brethren  (1  K. 
 xii.  22  ;  2  Chr.  xi.  2).  His  second  and  last  appear- 
 ance upon  the  stage  was  upon  the  occasion  of  the 
 invasion  of  .Judah  and  siege  of  Jerusalem  by  Shi- 
 shak  king  of  Egypt  (2  Chr.  xii.  5,  7).  He  wrote 
 a  chronicle  containing  the  events  of  liehoboam's 
 reign  ('_'  Chr.  xii.  15). — 2.  The  son  of  Shechaniah, 
 among  the  descendants  of  Zerubbabel  (1  Chr.  iii, 
 22).  He  was  keeper  of  the  east  gate  of  the  citv, 
 and  assisted  Nehemiah  in  restoring  the  wall  (Neh. 
 iii.  29).— 3.  .Ancestor  of  Ziza,  a  prince  of  the  tribe 
 of  Simeon  (1  Chr.  iv.  37).  Perhaps  the  same  as 
 Siii.MEi  6.-4.  Son  of  Joel  a  Heubenite;  i)erhaps 
 the  same  as  .Siiema  i\  Chr.  v.  4).— 5.  Son  of 
 H.isshub,  aMerarite  I,evite(l  Chr.  ix.  14  ;  Neh.  xi. 
 15). ^6.  Father  of  Obadiah,  or  Abda,  a  Levite  (I 
 Chr.  ix.  16).— 7.  Son  of  Eliza])han,  and  chief  of 
 Ins  liouse  in  the  reign  of  David  (1  Chr.  xv.  8,  11). 
 ^8.  A  Levite,  son  of  Nethaneel,  and  also  a  scribe 
 in  the  time  of  David  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  6).— 9.  The 
 eldest  son  of  Obed-edom  the  Gittite  (1  Chr.  xxvi. 
 4,  6,  7;.— 10.  A  descendant  of  Jeduthun  the  singer 
 who  lived  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah  ''1  Chr.  .\xix. 
 14). ^11.  One  of  the  sons  of  Adonikam  who  re- 
 turned with  Ezra  ('Ezr.  viii.  13). — 12.  One  of  the 
 "  heads"  whom  Ezra  sent  for  to  his  oimp  by  the 
 river  of  Ahava,  for  the  pur])Ose  of  obtaining  Levites 
 and  ministers  for  the  Tem])le  from  "  the  place  Ca- 
 siphia"  (Ezr.  viii.  16),— 13.  A  priest  of  the  family 
 of  Harim,  who  put  away  his  foreign  wife  at  Ezra's 
 bidding  (Ezr.  x.  21  .—14.  .A  layman  of  Israel,  son 
 of  another  Harini,  who  also  had  niarried  a  foreigner 
 (Ezr.  X.  31).— 15.  Son  of  Delaiah  the  son  of  Mehe- 
 tabeel,  a  prophet  in  the  time  of  Nclieiniah  (Neh. 
 vi.  10).i— 16.  The  head  of  a  ])iip.--tly  house  who 
 signed  the  covenant  with  NeheniiMh  (Neh.  x.  8). 
 His  t'amilv  went  up  with  Zerubbabel,  and  were  re- 
 pre.sented  in  the  time  of  Joiakim  by  .lehon.ithan 
 (Neh.  xii.  6,  18).  Probably  the  same  who  is  men- 
 tioned again  in  Neh.  xii.  35.-17.  One  of  the 
 princes  of  Judah  at  the  time  of  the  dedication  of 
 the  Wall  of  Jerusalem  (Neh.  xii.  34).— 18.  One 
 of  the  choir  on  the  same  occasion  (Neh.  xii.  30).— 
 19.  A  priest  who  blew  a  trumpet  on  the  snme  (x;- 
 casion  (Neh.  xii.  42>.— 20.  ShemaL-th  the  Nehe- 
 lamite,  a  fal.se  prophet  in  the  time  of  Jeremiah 
 (Jer.  xxix.  24-32).— 21.  A  Levite  in  the  leign  of 
 Jehoshaphat  (2  Chr.  xvii.  8)  —22.  A  Levite  in 
 the  leign  of  Hezekiah  (2  Chr.  xxxi.  l.")).^23.  .A 
 Levite  in  the  reign  of  Josiah,  who  assisted  at  the 
 solemn  passover  (2  Chr.  x\xv.  0  .—24.  The  father 
 of  Urijah  of  Kirjath-Jearini  (.ler.  xxvi.  20). — 25. 
 The  father  of  Delaiah  (Jer.  xxxvi.  12). 
 
 Shemari'ah.  1.  One  of  the  Benjamite  warrioi-s 
 who  came  to  David  .at  Zikl.ag  (1  Chr.  xii.  5).— 2. 
 One  of  tiie  family  of  Harim,  a  layman  of  Isiiud, 
 who  put  away  his  foreign  wife  in  the  time  of  Ezr.i 
 (Ezr.  X.  32).— 3.  One  of  the  family  of  Bani, 
 under  the  same  circumstances  as  the  preceding 
 i;Ezr.  X.  41). 
 
 Sheme'ber.  King  of  ZclwSm,  and  ally  of  the 
 king  of  .Sidum  when  he  was  attacked  by  the  north- 
 eastern invadei-s  under  Chcdorlaomer  (Gen.  xiv.  2). 
 
 Shem'er.  The  owner  of  the  hill  on  which  the 
 city  oi' Samaria  was  built  (1  K.  xvi.  24),  and  after 
 whom  it  was  calkni  S/iomrivn  liy  its  founder  Omri, 
 who  fionght  the  site  for  two  silver  t.alents. 
 
 Shem'ida.  A  son  of  Gilead  (Num.  xxvi.  32; 
 .losh.  xvii.  2). 
 
SHEMIDAH 
 
 Shem'idah.  Sliemida  the  son  of  Gilead  (1  Chr. 
 vii.  I'.t  . 
 
 Shemida'ites,  the.  The  descendants  of  Shemida 
 the  son  of  Gilead  (Num.  .x.xvi.  .32).  They  obtained 
 their  lot  among  the  male  childien  of  Wanasseh 
 (Josh.  xvii.  2). 
 
 Shem'inith.  The  title  of  Ps.  vi.  is :  "  To  the 
 chief'  iMusician  on  Neginoth  upon  Sheminith,"  or 
 "  the  eighth,"  as  the  margin  of  the  A.  V.  has  it. 
 A  similar  direction  is  found  in  the  title  of  Ps.  xii. 
 (comp.  1  Chr.  xv.  21).  The  LXX.  in  both  pas- 
 sages renders  virfp  ttjs  oySorjs,  and  the  Vulgate 
 pro  octaid.  The  Geneva  Version  gives  "  upon  the 
 eighth  tune."  Most  Rabbinical  writers,  as  Hashi 
 and  Aben  Ezra,  follow  the  Targum  on  the  Psalms 
 in  regarding  it  as  a  harp  with  eight  strings ;  but 
 this  has  no  foundation,  and  depends  upon  a  mis- 
 construction of  1  Chr.  XV.  21.  Gesenius  says  it 
 denotes  the  bass,  in  o)iposition  to  Alamoth  (1  Chr. 
 XV.  20),  which  signifies  the  treble.  Others,  with 
 the  author  of  Shilte  Haggibborim,  interpret,  "  the 
 sheminith"  as  the  octave.  It  seems  most  probable 
 that  Sheminith  denotes  a  certain  air  known  ns  the 
 eighth,  or  a  certain  key  in  which  the  Psalm  was  to 
 be  sung. 
 
 Shemi  ramoth.  1.  A  Levite  of  the  second  degi  ee, 
 in  the  choir  tbrni(?J  by  David  (1  Chr.  xv.  18,  20, 
 xvi.  5). — 2.  A  Levite  in  the  reign  of  Jehoshaphat 
 (2  Chr.  xvii.  8). 
 
 Shemitic  Langfuages  and  Writing.  Intro- 
 DUCTIOX,  §§l-o. —  1.  The  expressions,  "  Shemitic 
 tiimily,"  and  "  Shemitic  languages,"  are  based,  as 
 is  well  known,  on  a  leference  to  Gen.  x.  21  seqq. 
 Subsequently,  the  obvious  inaccuracy  of  the  ex- 
 pression has  led  to  an  attempt  to  substitute  others. 
 
 SHEMITIC  LANGUAGES      863 
 
 such  as  Western  Asiatic,  or  Syro-Arabic — this  last 
 a  happily  chosen  designation,  as  bringing  at  once 
 before  us  the  two  geogiaphical  extremes  of  this 
 family  of  languages.  But  the  earliei-,  though  in- 
 conect  one,  has  maintained  its  giound  :  and  for  pur- 
 poses of  convenience  we  shall  continue  to  use  it. 
 2.  It  is  impossible  to  lay  down  with  accuracy  the 
 boundaries  of  the  area,  occupied  by  the  tribes  em- 
 ploying so-ciilled  Shemitic  dialects.  For  geneial 
 purposes,  the  highlands  of  AiTnenia  may  be  taken 
 as  the  Northern  boundary — the  livei'  Tigris  and  the 
 ranges  beyond  it  as  the  Eastern — and  the  Red  Soa, 
 the  Levant,  and  certain  portions  of  Asia  Minor  as 
 the  Western.  3.  \''aiietifS  of  the  great  t^hemitlc 
 language-family  are  to  be  found  in  use  in  the  fol- 
 lowing localities  within  the  area  named.  In  those 
 ordinarily  known  as  Syria,  Mesopotamia,  Babylonia, 
 and  Assyria,  there  pievailed  Aramaic  dialects  of 
 different  kinds,  e.  g.  Biblical  Chaldaic- — that  of  the 
 Tai-gums  and  of  the  Syriac  versions  of  Scripture — 
 to  which  may  be  added  other  varieties  of  the  same 
 stock — such  as  that  of  the  Palmyreue  inscriptions — 
 and  of  different  Sabian  fiagments.  Along  the  Me- 
 diterranean seaboard,  and  among  the  tribes  settled 
 in  Canaan,  must  be  placed  the  home  of  the  lan- 
 guage of  the  canonical  books  of  the  Old  Testament, 
 among  which  were  interspersed  some  relics  of  that 
 of  the  Phoenicians.  In  the  south,  amid  the  seclu- 
 sion of  Arabia,  was  preserved  the  dialect  destined  at 
 a  subsequent  period  so  widely  to  surpass  its  sisters 
 in  the  extent  of  territory  over  which  it  is  spoken. 
 A  varietv,  allied  to  this  last,  is  found  to  have 
 been  donjiciliated  for  a  long  time  in  Abyssinia, 
 The  follrwing  table  is  given  by  Professor  M. 
 Miiller : — 
 
 Living  Languages. 
 
 iJialects  of  Arabic  . 
 „        Amharic 
 
 the  Jews 
 
 Neo-Syriac  . 
 
 Genealogical  Tablk  of  the  buKJimc  T'amily  of  Languages. 
 
 Dead  Languages  Classes. 
 
 Ethiopic ^  Arabic,  or 
 
 Himyaritic  Inscriptions 3  Soutliern. 
 
 j  Biblical  Hebrew J  Hebraic, 
 
 J  Samaritan  (Pentateuch) >       or  .        y^ 
 
 [  Carthaginian,  Phoenician  Inscriptions I  Middle.       l-s 
 
 (  Chaldee  (Masora,  Talmud,  Targum,  Biblical  Chaldee')    ...  1  Aramaic,     'g 
 
 }  Syriac  (Peshito,  2nd  cent,  a.d.) >       or           ^ 
 
 I  Cuneiform  Inscriptions  of  Babylon  and  Nineveh j  Northern,     ta 
 
 There  is  much  that  is  probable  in  the  notion  held  piincipal  pails  of  speech — the  verb  and  the  noun, 
 by  more  than  one  scholar,  that  the  spoken  dialect  Secondary  notions,  and  those  of  relation,  are  grouped 
 of  the  Shemitic  tribes  external  to  Arabia  (in  the  '  round  the  primary  ones  of  meaning  in  a  single 
 earliest  periods  of  their  history)  closely  resembled,  ;  woid,  susceptible  of  various  internal  changes  accord- 
 or  was  in  fact  a  better  variety  of  Aramaic.  4.  The  '  ing  to  the  particular  requirement.  Another  leading 
 history  of  the  Shemitic  people  tells  us  of  various  i  peculiarity  of  this  branch  of  languages,  is  the  ab- 
 movements  undertaken  by  them,  but  supplies  no  i  sence  (save  in  the  case  of  propei-  names)  of  oom- 
 remarkahle  instances  of  their  ussimilating.  Though  '  pound  words — to  which  the  sister  family  is  indebted 
 carrying  with   them   their   language,   institutions,  j  for   so   much  life  and  variety.     In   the  Shemitic 
 
 and  habits,  they  are  not  found  to  have  struck  root, 
 but  remained  strangers  and  exotics  in  several  in- 
 stances, passing  away  without  traces  of  their  occup- 
 ancy. And  the  same  inveterate  isolation  still 
 characterizes  tribes  of  the  race,  when  on  new  soil. 
 5.  The  peculiar  elements  of  the  Shemitic  character 
 will  be  found  to  have  exercised  considerable  influ- 
 enoe  on  their  literature.  Indeed,  accordance  is 
 seldom  more  close,  than  in  the  case  of  the  Shemitic 
 race  (where  not  checked  by  external  causes),  between 
 
 family — agglutination,  not  logical  sequence — inde- 
 pendent roots,  not  compound  appropriate  derivations 
 from  the  same  root,  aie  used  to  express  respectively 
 a  train  of  thought,  or  different  modifications  of  a 
 particular  notion. 
 
 §§  6-13.  HEiiREW  Language.  —  Period  of 
 Growth. —  6.  The  Hebrew  language  is  a  branch  of 
 the  so-called  Shemitic  family,  extending  over  a 
 large  portion  of  South- Western  Asia.  In  the  north 
 (or   Aram,   under  which  designation    are  compre- 
 
 the  generic  type  of  thought,  and  its  outward  ex-|hended  Syria,  Mesopotamia,  Babylonia),  and  under 
 pression.  Like  other  languages,  this  one  is  mainly  |  a  climate  partially  cold  and  ungenial — in  the  close 
 resolvable  into  monosyllabic  primitives.  These  mo- I  proximity  of  tribes  of  a  different  origin,  not  lui- 
 nosyllabic  primitives  may  still  be  traced  in  par-  frequently  masters  by  conquest^ — the  Shemitic  dia- 
 ticles,  and  words  least  exposed  to  the  oidinary  causes  lect  became  in  places  harsher,  and  its  general  clia 
 of  variation.     But  differences  are  observable  in  the  '  racter  less  [lure  and  distinct.     Towards  the  south, 
 
864 
 
 SHEMITIC  LANGUAGES  AND  WRITING 
 
 opj)05itc  causes  contrilmted  to  niaiiil.iiii  the  lan- 
 {CUiige  in  iU  purity.  Originally,  tlie  language  of 
 tin;  Helnews  presented  more  aflinitics  with  the 
 Aramaic,  in  accordance  witii  their  own  family  ac- 
 lount.s,  which  bring  the  patriarchs  from  the  N.K., — 
 mure  directly  from  northern  Mi-sopotamia. — 7.  'i"wo 
 questions,  in  direct  connexion  with  the  early  move- 
 ments of  the  ancestors  of  the  subsequent  Hebrew 
 nation,  have  been  discussed  with  great  earnestness 
 by  many  writers — the  first  bearing  on  the  causes 
 whicli  set  the  Tei-aihite  family  in  motion  towards 
 the  south  and  wc.st;  the  second,  on  the  origin  and 
 language  of  the  trilxis  in  possession  of  Canaan  at 
 the  arrival  of  Abraham.  ^H;ripture  only  tells  us 
 that,  led  in  a  way  which  they  knew  not,  chosen 
 Slii'mitic  wanderers  of  the  lineage  of  Arpliaxad,  set 
 forth  on  the  journey  fraught  with  such  enduring 
 consequences  to  the  histoiy  of  the  world,  as  re- 
 corded in  Scripfuie,  in  its  second  stage  of  pro- 
 gress. There  is  nothing  unreasonable  in  tlie 
 thought,  that  the  movement  of  Terah  from  Ur  of 
 the  Chaldees  was  caused  by  Divine  suggestion, 
 acting  on  a  mind  ill  at  case  in  the  neighbourhood 
 of  Cushite  thouglit  and  habits.  The  leading  par- 
 ticulars of  that  memorable  journey  are  preserved  to 
 us  in  Scripture,  whiili  is  also  distinct  upon  the 
 t'act,  that  the  new  comers  and  the  early  settlers  in 
 Canaan  tbund  no  difficulty  in  conversing.  On  what 
 giounds  is  the  undoubted  similarity  of  the  dialect 
 of  the  Teracliitcs,  to  that  of  the  occupants  at  the 
 time  of  their  immigration,  to  be  explained  ?  Of 
 the  origin  of  its  earliest  occupants,  history  records 
 nothing  certain.  Some  claim  for  the  early  inha- 
 bitants of  Asia  Jlinor  a  Jaj)hetian  origin.  Others 
 affiiTn  the  descent  of  these  early  tribes  from  Lud, 
 the  fourth  son  of  Sliem. — 8.  Another  view  is  that 
 \nit  forward  by  our  countryman  Kawllnson,  and 
 shared  by  othf-r  scholars.  "  KithtT  tiom  ancient 
 monuments,  or  from  tradition,  or  from  the  dialects 
 now  sjwken  by  their  descendants,  we  are  authorised 
 to  infer  that  at  some  very  remote  period,  before  the 
 rise  of  the  Shemitic  or  Arian  nations,  a  great 
 Scythic"  (  =  Hamitic)  "population  must  have 
 overspread  Europe,  Asia,  and  Africa,  speaking  lan- 
 guages all  moie  or  less  dissimilar  in  their  voaxbul- 
 ary,  but  possessing  in  common  certain  organic 
 cluuacteristics  of  grammar  aivi  cons'truction." 
 And  this  statement  would  appear,  in  its  leading 
 features,  to  be  historically  .sound.  As  was  to  be 
 anticipated,  both  from  its  importance  and  from 
 its  extreme  obscuiity,  lew  subjects  connected  with 
 Bibliutl  antiquities  have  been  more  warmly  dis- 
 cussed than  the  origin  of  the  Canaanitish  0(in]iants 
 of  Palestine.  Looking  to  the  authoiiUitive  records 
 ((jcn.  i.^.  18,  X.  6,  15-20)  there  would  seem  to  be 
 110  ivason  for  doubt  as  to  the  Hainitic  origin  of 
 these  tribes.  Nor  can  the  singular  accordances  dis- 
 ceiiiible  between  the  language  of  these  Canaanitish 
 (  =  Hamitic)  occuj>ants  and  the  Shemitic  family  be 
 justly  pleaded  in  bar  of  this  view  of  the  origin 
 of  the  former.  "  If  we  examine  tlie  invaluable 
 cthnoginphy  of  the  Book  of  Genesis  we  shall  find 
 that,  while  Ilam  is  the  brother  of  Shcm,  and  there- 
 loic  a  relationship  between  his  descendants  and 
 tlie  Shemitic  nations  fully  recognise<l,  the  llaniites 
 are  described  as  those  who  previously  occupied  the 
 different  conntiies  int.o  which  the  Aramaean  race 
 afterwar.ls  forced  their  way.  Thus  Scripture  {iieu. 
 t.  seqq.)  attiibutes  to  the  race  of  Ham  not  only  the 
 •Uriginal  [Mipulation  of  Canaan,  with  its  wealthy 
 aud  civilised  communities  on  the  coast,  but  also  the 
 
 mighty  empires  of  Babylon  and  .Nineveh,  the  rich 
 kingdoms  of  Slieba  and  llavilah  in  .\rabia  Felix, 
 and  the  wonderful  realm  of  Egyjit.  There  is  every 
 reason  to  believe — indeed  in  some  cases  the  jiroof 
 amounts  to  demonstration— that  all  these  Hamitic 
 nations  spoke  languages  which  ditl'ered  onlv  dia- 
 lectically  from  those  of  the  Syro-.\rabic  family." — 
 9.  Connected  with  this  subject  of  the  relationship 
 discernible  among  the  early  Noachidae  is  that  of  the 
 origin  and  extension  of  the  art  of  wiiting  among 
 the  Shemites,  the  branch  with  which  we  are  at  pre- 
 sent concerned.  The  question  would  seem  to  be,  in 
 the  case  of  the  Tei'achite  branch  of  the  Shemitic 
 stock,  did  they  acquiie  the  art  of  writing  from  the 
 Phoenicians,  or  Egyptians,  or  A>ssyrians — or  was  it 
 evolved  from  given  elements  among  themselves? 
 [VVRrriNG.] — 10.  Between  the  dialects  of  Aram 
 and  Arabia,  that  of  the  Teiachites  occupied  a  middle 
 place.  The  dialect  which  we  are  now  consider- 
 ing has  been  ordinarily  designatetl  as  that  of  the 
 Hebrews,  rather  than  of  the  Israelites.  Pi'obably 
 the  term  "Hebrews"  should  be  regarded  as  de- 
 signating all  the  Shemitic-sjx'aking  trilies  which 
 liad  migrated  to  the  south  from  the  other  side  of 
 tiie  l'2uphrates ;  and  in  that  case  might  have  been 
 applied  by  the  earlier  inliabitants  of  Canaan. — 
 11.  Many  causes,  all  obvious  an<i  intelligible,  com- 
 bine to  make  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  any  formal 
 or  detached  account  of  the  Hebrew  language,  an- 
 terior to  it.s  assuming  a  written  shape.  The  extant 
 remains  of  Hebrew  lileiature  are  destitute  of  any 
 important  changes  in  language,  during  the  period 
 from  Moses  lo  the  Captivity.  A  certiin  and  intel- 
 ligilfle  amount  of  progress,  but  no  considerable  or 
 reniarkat)le  difl(>rence  (according  to  one  school),  is 
 really  observable  in  the  language  of  the  Pentateuch, 
 the  Books  of  Joshua,  .ludges,  Ruth,  Samuel,  the 
 K'ings,  tlie  Psalms,  or  the  pro])hecies  of  Isaiah, 
 Hosea,  .Nnios,  .loel,  Micah,  Nahum,  Habakkuk,  and 
 .leremiah — widely  sejiarated  from  each  other  by 
 time  as  are  many  of  these  writings.  At  the  fii-st 
 sight,  and  to  modern  judgment,  much  of  this  ap- 
 ])ears  strange,  and  possibly  untenable;  but  an  cx- 
 ])l:niation  of  the  dilliculty  is  sought  in  the  unbroken 
 residence  of  the  Hebrew  peoph'.  without  I'cmoval  or 
 molestation.  An  additional  illustration  of  the  im- 
 munity from  change  is  to  be  drawn  from  the  his- 
 tory of  the  other  branches  of  the  Shemitic  stock. — 
 1'2.  Moreover,  is  it  altogether  a  wild  conjecture  to 
 assume  as  not  impossible,  the  formation  of  a  sacred 
 language  among  the  chosen  people,  at  .so  ni.'ukal  a 
 ]ieriod  of  their  history  as  that  of  Jloses  ?  Such  a 
 language  would  be  the  sacred  and  learned  one — that 
 of  the  tiw — and  no  clearer  proof  of' the  limited  hold 
 exercisetl  by  this  classiad  Hebrew  on  the  ordin.aiy 
 language  ot'  the  jieople  can  be  rcquiicd  than  its 
 rapicl  withdrawal,  after  the  Captivity,  before  a  lan- 
 guage composed  of  dialects  hitherto  disregarded,  but 
 still  living  in  pojudar  use. — i;J.  A  few  remarks 
 may  not  be  out  of  place  here  with  reference  to 
 some  leading  linguistic  peculiarities  in  dilVerent 
 books  of  the  O.  T.  For  oi-dinary  jiuriioses  the  old 
 division  into  the  golden  and  silver  ages  is  sufficient. 
 A  detailed  list  of  jjecidiarities  observable  in  the 
 Pentateuch  is  given  by  Scholz,  divideil  under  lexical, 
 granunaflcal,  and  syntactical  he.ads.  With  the  .style 
 of  the  Penfateui'h  that  of  .losJMia  very  closely  cor- 
 resjionds.  In  the  Book  of  Kuth  the  style  i«iints  to 
 an  earlier  date,  the  a.sserted  Aramaisms  Wng  pro- 
 Imbly  relics  of  the  popular  dialect.  The  sjime  lin- 
 guistic jieculiarities  arc  observable  in  the  Books  of 
 
SHEMITIC  LANGUAGES  AND  WRITING 
 
 86i 
 
 Satnuel.  The  Books  of  Job  and  I'^lculosiiistes  con- 
 rain  many  asserted  Aiamaisms,  which  have  been 
 pleaded  in  support  of  a  late  origin  of  these  two 
 poems.  In  the  case  of  the  first,  it  is  argued  (on 
 the  other  side)  that  these  peculiarities  are  not  to  be 
 considered  so  much  poetical  ornaments  as  ordinary 
 expi~essious  and  usages  of  the  early  Hebrew  lan- 
 guage. As  respects  the  Book  of  Ecclesiastes,  in 
 many  instances  the  peculiarities  of  style  seem  rather 
 referable  to  the  secondary  Hebrew  of  a  late  period 
 of  Hebrew  history  than  to  an  Aramaic  origin.  In 
 addition  to  roughness  of  diction,  so-called  Ara- 
 maisnis  are  to  be  ibund  in  the  remains  of  Jonah 
 and  Hosea,  and  expressions  closely  allied  in  those 
 of  Amos.  This  is  not  the  case  in  the  writings  of 
 Nahum,  Zephaniah,  and  Habakkuk,  and  in  the  still 
 later  ones  of  the  minor  prophets  ;  the  treasures  of 
 ]jflst  times,  which  filled  their  hearts,  served  as 
 models  of  style.  In  the  case  of  Ezekiel,  Jewish 
 critics  have  sought  to  assign  its  peculiarities  of 
 style  and  expression  to  a  secondary  Hebrew  origin. 
 The  peculiarities  of  language  in  Daniel  belong  to 
 another  field  of  inquiry ;  and  under  impaitial  con- 
 sideration more  difficulties  may  be  found  to  dis- 
 appear, as  in  the  case  of  those  with  regard  to  the 
 asserted  Greek  words.  With  these  exceptions,  few 
 traces  of  dialects  are  discernible  in  the  small  re- 
 mains still  extant,  for  the  most  part  composed  in 
 Judah  and  Jerusalem.  The  Aramaic  elements  are 
 most  plainly  observable  in  the  remains  of  some  of 
 the  less  educated  writers.  The  general  style  of  He- 
 orew  prose  literature  is  plain  and  simple,  but  lively 
 and  pictorial,  and  rising  with  the  subject,  at  times,  to 
 considerable  elevation.  But  the  requisite  elevation  of 
 poetical  composition  led  to  the  introduction  of  many 
 expressions  which  we  do  not  commonly  find  in  He- 
 brew piose  literature.  For  the  origin  and  existence 
 of  these  we  must  look  especially  to  the  Aramaic. 
 But  from  the  earliest  period  of  the  existence  of  a 
 literature  among  the  Hebrew  people  to  B.C.  600, 
 the  Hebrew  language  continued  singularly  exempt 
 from  change.  From  that  period  the  Hebrew  dialect 
 will  be  found  to  give  way  before  the  Aramaic. 
 
 §§  14-19.  Aramaic  Language. — Scholastic 
 Period. — 14.  The  language  ordinarily  called  Aia- 
 maic  is  a  dialect  of  the  great  Shemitic  family,  de- 
 riving its  name  from  the  district  over  which  it  was 
 .spoken,  Aram  =  the  high  or  hill  country  (as  Canaan 
 —  the  low  country).  In  general  practice  Aram 
 was  divided  into  Eastern  and  Western.  The  dia- 
 lects of  these  two  districts  were  severally'  called 
 Chaldaic  and  Syriac  —  designations  not  happily 
 chosen,  but,  as  in  the  case  of  Shemitic,  of  too  long 
 .currency  to  be  changed  without  great  inconveni- 
 ence. The  eastern  boundary  of  the  Shemitic  lan- 
 guages is  obscure;  but  this  much  may  be  safely 
 assumed,  that  this  family  had  its  earliest  settle- 
 ment on  the  upper  basin  of  the  Tigris,  fiom  which 
 extensions  were  doubtless  made  to  the  south. — 
 15.  Without  entering  into  the  discussions  respect- 
 ing the  exact  propriety  of  the  expressions,  it  will 
 be  sulficient  to  follow  the  ordinary  division  of  the 
 Aramaic  into  the  Chaldaic  or  Eastern,  and  the 
 Western  or  Syriac  dialects.  (1.)  The  earliest  ex- 
 tant fragments  are  the  well-known  ones  to  be  found 
 at  Dan.  h.  4-vii.  28  ;  Ezr.  iv.  8-vi.  18,  vii.  12-26  ; 
 Jer.  X.  11.  Affinities  are  to  be  traced,  without  dif- 
 ficulty, between  these  fragments,  which  differ  again 
 in  some  very  marked  particulars  flora  the  earliest 
 Targums.  (2.)  The  Syro-Chaldaic  originals  of 
 several  of  the  Apocryphal  books  are  lost ;    many 
 
 COxN.  D.  B. 
 
 Hebraisms  weie  engrafted  on  the  Aramaic  as  spoken 
 by  the  Jews,  but  the  dialect  of  the  earlier  Targums 
 contains  a  perceptibly  smaller  amount  of  such  ad- 
 mixture than  later  compilations.  (3.)  The  lan- 
 guage of  the  Geraaras  is  extiemely  composite — that 
 of  the  Jerusalem  Gemara  being  less  pure  than  that 
 of  Babylon.  Still  lower  in  the  scale  are  those 
 of  the  fast-expiring  Samaritan  dialect  and  that  of 
 Galilee.  (4.)  The  curious  book  Zohar,  among  its 
 foreign  additions,  contiiins  very  many  fiom  the 
 Arabic.  (^5.)  The  Masora,  brief  and  symbolical,  is 
 chiefly  remarkable  for  what  may  be  called  ver- 
 nacular peculiarities.  (6.)  The  Christian  or  ecclesi- 
 ;istical  Aramaic  is  that  ordinai-ily  known  as  Syriac — 
 the  language  of  early  Christianity,  as  Hebrew  and 
 Arabic,  respectively,  of  the  Jewish  religion  and 
 Mahometanism.  a.  The  dialect  of  Galilee  appears 
 to  have  been  marked  by  confusion  of  .'otters — Q  and 
 3,  D  with  p — and  aphaeresis  of  thv,  guttural — a 
 habit  of  connecting  words  otherwise  .separate — care- 
 lessness about  vowel-sounds, — and  the  substitution 
 of  ^  final  for  r\.  b.  The  Samaritan  dialect  appears 
 to  have  been  a  compound  of  the  vulgar  Hebrew 
 with  Aramaic.  A  confusion  of  the  mute  letters, 
 and  also  of  the  gutturals,  with  a  predilection  for 
 the  letter  ]},  has  been  noticed.  c.  The  dialect 
 called  that  of  Jerusalem  or  Judea,  between  which 
 and  the  purer  one  of  the  Babylonish  Jews  so  many 
 invidious  distinctions  have  been  drawn,  seems  to 
 have  been  variable,  from  frequent  changes  among 
 the  inhabitants — and  also  to  have  contained  :i  large 
 amount  of  woids  different  from  those  in  use  in 
 Babylonia — besides  being  somewhat  incorrect  in  its 
 orthography.  The  small  amount  of  real  difference 
 between  the  two  branches  of  Aramaic  has  been 
 often  urged  as  an  argument  for  making  any  divi- 
 sion superfluous.  But  it  has  been  well  observed 
 by  Fiirst,  that  each  is  animated  by  a  very  different 
 spirit.  The  chief  relics  of  Chaldaic,  or  Ea.stern 
 Aramaic — the  Targums — are  filled  with  traditional 
 faith  in  the  varied  pages  of  Jewish  history. 
 Western  Aramaic,  or  Syriac  literature,  on  the  other 
 hand,  is  essentially  Christian.  Accordingly,  the 
 tendency  and  linguistic  character  of  the  first  is 
 essentially  Hebrew,  that  of  the  second  HeUenic. 
 One  is  full  of  Hebraisms,  the  other  of  Hellenisms. — 
 16.  Perhaps  few  lines  of  demarcation  are  traced 
 with  greater  difficulty  than  those  by  which  one 
 age  of  a  language  is  separated  from  another.  This 
 is  remarkably  the  case  in  respect  of  the  cessation 
 of  the  Hebrew,  and  the  ascendancy  of  the  Aramaic, 
 or,  as  it  may  be  put,  in  respect  of  the  date  at  which 
 the  period  of  growth  terminates,  and  that  of  exposi- 
 tion and  scholasticism  begins,  in  the  literature  of 
 the  chosen  people. — 17.  In  the  scholastic  period,  of 
 which  we  now  treat,  the  schools  of  the  prophets 
 were  succeeded  by  "  houses  of  inquiry."  Two 
 ways  only  of  extending  the  blessings  hence  deriv- 
 able, seem  to  have  presented  themselves  to  the  na- 
 tional mind  by  commentary  {targurn)  and  inquiry 
 {derash).  In  the  first  of  these — Targumic  litera- 
 ture, but  limited  openings  occurred  for  critical 
 studies ;  In  the  second,  still  fewer.  The  vast  store- 
 house of  Hebrew  thought  reaching  through  so 
 many  centuries — known  by  the  name  of  the  Tal- 
 mud— and  the  collections  of  a  similar  nature  called 
 the  Midrashim,  extending  in  the  case  of  the  first, 
 dimly  but  tangibly,  from  the  period  of  the  Cap- 
 tivity to  the  times  of  Puibbi  Asher — the  closer  of 
 the  Talmud  (a.d.  426),  contain  comparatively  few 
 accessions  to   linguistic    knowledge. — 18.    Of  the 
 
 3  K 
 
8bb 
 
 SHEMITIC  LANGUAGES  AND  WRITING 
 
 other  main  division   of  tlic  Aranviic   lanf;ii:i£;e — the  ' 
 V/psfern    or   Syiiac    dialect — the    earliest   existing ; 
 
 tine  anti'iioi-  to   the  birth  of  Jlohanimcd,  and  re- 
 pressed iti   a   ianmiage  iT)arke<l  with   many  e'i'aiii 
 
 doounient  is  the  Pes)iito  version  of  tlie  Soiiptuies,    matical   peculiarities,  is   beyond  doubt.      Even    in 
 which  not  improbably  belongs  to  the  middle  of  the    our    own   times,    scholai-s   have   seemed    unwillini; 
 
 second  ccutiiry.  The  Syrian  dialect  is  thickly 
 studded  with  foreign  wouls — Aiabic,  Pei-sian, 
 <ireuk,  and  Latin,  especially  with  the  third.  A 
 comparison  of  this  dialect  with  the  Kastern  branch 
 ■»ill  show  that  they  are  closely  allied  in  all  the 
 most  important  peculiarities  of  grammar  and  syn- 
 tax, as  well  as  in  their  store  of  original  words — the 
 true   standard    in  linguistic    researclies. — 19.    The 
 
 altogether  to  abandon  the  legend  —  how  at  the  f.iir 
 of  Ocivlh  goods  and  tralhc — wants  and  profit — 
 were  alike  neglected,  while  bards  contended  amid 
 their  Tistening  countj-ymen,  anxious  for  such  a  ver- 
 dict as  shoul<l  entitle  their  lays  to  a  place  among 
 the  Moallakat,  the  avadrifxara  of  the  Caaba,  or 
 national  temple  at  Jlecci.  liut  the  appearance  of 
 Mohammed  put  an  end  for  a  sejison  to  commerce 
 
 Chaldaic  ])araphrases  of  Scripture  are  exceedingly  ;uid  bardic  contests;  nor  was  it  until  the  work  of 
 valuable  lor  the  light  which  they  throw  on  .Jewish  i  conquest  was  done  that  the  faithful  resumed  the 
 manneiis  and  customs,  and  the  meaning  of  passages  ;  pursuits  of  peace.      The  earliest   reliable   relics  of 
 
 otherwise  obscure,  as  likewise  for  many  happy  len- 
 derings  of  the  original  text.  Hut  they  are  valuable 
 also  on  higher  reasons — the  Christian  inteipretation 
 put  by  their  authors  on  controverted  passages. 
 A  comparative  estimate  is  not  yet  attainable,  as 
 to  what  in  Targumic  literature  is  the  pure  expres- 
 sion and  development  of  the  .Jewish  mind,  and  what 
 is  of  foieign  growth.  But,  .ns  has  been  said,  the 
 Targums  and  kindred  writings  are  of  considerable 
 ilogmatical  and  exegetical  value;  and  a  similar  good 
 work  l\i\s  been  effected  by  means  of  the  cognate 
 dialect,  VVe.sfern  Aramaic  or  Syriac.  From  the 
 ?»d  to  the  9th  century,  Syriac  was  to  a  gi-eat  part 
 of  Asia — what  in  their  spheres  Hellenic  Greek  and 
 
 Arabic  literature  are  only  fragments,  to  be  found 
 in  what  has  come  down  to  us  of  pre-Islamito  com- 
 positions. And  various  arguments  have  been  put 
 ibrward  against  the  provability  of  the  present  form 
 of  these  remains  being  their  original  one.  Their 
 obscurities,  it  is  contended,  are  less  those  of  age 
 than  of  individual  style,  while  their  unilbrmity  of 
 language  is  at  variance  with  the  demonstiably  Late 
 cultivation  and  a.scendancy  of  the  Koreishite  di;ilect. 
 Another,  and  not  a  fi-eble  argument,  is  the  utter 
 absence  of  allusion  to  the  early  religion  of  the 
 Arabs.  It  is  not  within  the  scope  of  this  sketch  to 
 touch  upon  the  theological  teaching  of  the  Koran, 
 its  objects,  sources,  merits,  or  deficiencies.     But  its 
 
 mediaeval    Latin   have   respectively  been — the  one    style  is  very  peculiar.     Assuming  that  it  repiesents 
 
 ecclesiastical  language  of  the  ilistrict  named, 
 
 §§  '_'0-'24.  AiiAiiic  Languagk. — Pkriod  of 
 RiiViVAL. — 20.  The  early  population  of  Arabia, 
 its  antiquities  and  peculiarities,  have  been  do- 
 >uribed  under  Araisia.  We  find  Arabia  occupied 
 by  a  confluence  of  tiibes^  the  leading  one  of  un- 
 d'jubted  Ishniaelitish  descent — the  others  of  Uie 
 seeil  or  lineage  of  Abraham,  and  blended  by  alli- 
 ance, language,  neighbourhood,  and  habits.  Belore 
 these  any  aboriginal  inhabitants  must  have  disap- 
 peared. We  have  seen  that  the  peninsula  of  Arabia 
 lay  in  the  track  of  Cushite  civilization,  in  its  sup- 
 pose>l  leturn-course  towards  the  north-east.  There 
 may  now  be  found  abundant  illustration  of  the  rela- 
 
 the  Ijest  forms  of  the  Koreishite  dialect  about  the 
 middle  of  the  7  th  century,  we  may  say  of  the 
 Koran,  that  its  linguistic  appro.ached  its  leligious 
 su])remacy.  The  Koran  may  be  characterized  as 
 marking  the  transition  from  versification  to  prose, 
 from  poetry  to  eloquence. — 23.  With  regard  to  the 
 value  of  Arabic  in  illustration,  two  different  judg- 
 ments obtain.  According  to  one,  all  the  lexical 
 riches  and  grammaticiil  varieties  of  the  Shemitic 
 family  are  to  be  found  combine^l  in  the  -Arabic. — 
 24.  Another  school  maintains  veiy  different  ojiinions. 
 The  comparatively  recent  date  (in  their  present 
 form  at  least)  and  limited  amount  of  Arabic  re- 
 mains are  pleaded  against  its  cLoims  .is  a  standar<l 
 
 tionship  of  the  Himyaritic  with  the  early  Shemitic  ;  [  of  reference  in  respect  of  the  Hebrew.  Its  verbal 
 and  the  language  of  the  Ehkili  (or  Mahrah)  pre-  |  copiousness,  elaborate  mechanism,  subtlety  of 
 .sents  us  with  the  singular  phenomenon  of  a  dialect  |  thought,  wide  and  diversified  fields  of  literature, 
 less  Arabic  than  Hebrew,  and  possessing  close  cannot  be  called  in  question.  But  it  is  uiged  (mid 
 affinity  with  the  Ghez,  or  Ethiopian. — 21.  The  colon rably)  that  its  riches  arc  not  all  pure  metal, 
 affinity  of'  the  Ghez  (Cush  ?  the  sacred  language  j  and  that  no  great  attention  to  etymology  has  been 
 of  Ethiopia)  with  the  Shemitic  has  been  long  re- 1  evinced  by  native  wiitei-s  on  the  language.  Un- 
 marked. Ill  its  lexical  peculiarities,  the  Ghez  is  '  doubtedly  schools  such  as  that  of  Albert  Schultens 
 said  to  i-esemble  the  .\ramaic,  in  its  grammatical  (d.  1730)  have  unduly  e.xalted  the  value  of  .\rabic 
 the  .\r.\bic.     The  alphabet  is  very  curious,  differing  [  in  illustration  ;  but  iu  what  may  be  designateii  as 
 
 from  Shemitic  ali)li.ibets  in  the  number,  order,  and 
 name  ami  fbim  of  the  letters,  by  the  direction  of 
 the  writing,  and  especially  by  the  tbrm  of  vowel  nota- 
 tion.— 22.  Inteinal  evidence  demonstrates  that  the 
 Arabic  language,  at  the  time  when  it  first  ajipears 
 
 the  field  of  lower  criticism  its  importance  cannot  be 
 disputed. 
 
 §§  25-32.    SXItUCTUKIC  OF  THE  SlIKMITIC  LAN- 
 
 GUAGKS. — 25.    The   question  as   to  whether  any 
 large  amount  of  jirimitives   in   the  Shemitic    lan- 
 
 on  the  field  of  history,  was  being  gradually  develoi>ed  guages  is  fairly  dcducible  from  imitati<  n  of  sounds, 
 in  its  remote  and  barren  jieninsular  home.  A  well-  j  has  been  answered  very  differently  by  high  authori- 
 known  legend  speaks  of  the  present  Arabic  Linguage    ties.     Gcscniui  thought  instances  of  onomatopoeia 
 
 as  being  a  fusion  of  diftereut  dialects,  effected  by 
 the  tribe  of  Korcish  .settled  round  Mecca,  and  the 
 reimlnl  wardens  of  the  Ca.aba.  In  any  case,  the 
 jiiuamount  purity  of  the  Koreishite  dialect  is  as- 
 serted by  Ai-abic  writers  on  grammar.  But  the 
 recognition  of  the  Koran,  :us  the  ultimate  standard 
 in  liiigiiiblic  as  in  religious  matters,  esL-iblishecI  in 
 Aiabii;  judgimni    the  superior   purity  of  the  Ko- 
 
 vciy  rare  in  cxtint  remains,  .although  probably 
 more  numerous  at  an  early  period.  Hoirmann's 
 judgment  is  the  same,  in  respect  of  We.stcrn  Ani- 
 m.iic.  On  the  other  hand.  Reiian  qualities  his  ad- 
 mission of  the  identity  of  numerous  Shemitic  and 
 Japhetian  primitives  by  a  suggestion  that  these,  for 
 the  most  part,  may  be  assigned  to  bilitti-d  words, 
 originating  in  the    imitation  of  the   simplest   nn.l 
 
 reishitc  diale<t.     That  the  Ar.ibs  possessed  a  litoni-    most  obvious  sounds.      But   more  pit)U.bly  "  the 
 
SHEMITIC  LANGUAGES  AND  WRITING 
 
 8G7 
 
 460  or  5i)0  roots  wliich  remain  :i.s  the  constituent 
 elements  in  iliireient  families  of  languages  ai'e  not 
 inteijections,  nor  are  they  imitations.  'I'iiey  are 
 pUonetic  types,  produced  by  a  power  inherent  in 
 luiman  nature." — 26.  The  deeply  curious  inquiry, 
 a.s  to  the  extent  of  allinity  still  discernible  between 
 Shemitic  aud  Japhetiaii  roots,  belongs  to  another 
 aiticle.  Nothing  in  the  Scripture  which  beais  upon 
 the  subject  can  be  tiiiily  pleaded  against  such  an 
 iHinity  being  possible.  But  in  treating  the  Shemitic 
 languages  in  connexion  with  Scripture,  it  is  most 
 prudent  to  turn  away  t'rom  this  tempting  field  of  in- 
 quiry to  the  consideration  of  the  simple  elements — 
 the  pi-imitives — the  true  base  of  eveiy  language,  in 
 that  these  rather  tlian  tlie  mechanism  of  grammar 
 are  to  be  regarded  ;is  exponents  of  internal  sjiirit 
 and  character.  —  27.  Humboldt  has  named  two 
 viry  remarkable  points  of  diU'erence  between  the 
 Japhetiau  and  Shemitic  language-families.  The 
 lirst  peculiarity  is  the  triliteral  root  (as  the  lan- 
 guage is  at  present  knowiij — the  second  the  expres- 
 sion of  significations  by  consonants,  and  relations 
 Ijy  vowels — both  foiuiiug  i)art  of  the  flexions 
 within  words,  so  remarkable  in  the  Shemitic  family. 
 In  the  opinion  of  the  s<\me  scholar,  the  prevalent  tri- 
 literal root  was  substituted  for  an  earlier  or  biliteral, 
 as  being  found  impracticable  aud  obscure  in  use. 
 Traces  of  this  survive  in  the  rudest,  or  Aramaic, 
 branch,  where  wliat  is  pronounced  as  one  syllable, 
 in  the  Hebrew  forms  two,  and  in  the  more  elabo- 
 late  Arabic  three— e.  (7.  ktal,  katal,  katala.  It  is 
 needless  to  say  that  much  has  been  wiitten  on 
 tlie  question  of  this  peculiaiity  being  original  or 
 secondai'y.  A  writer  among  ourselves  has  thuf 
 stated  the  ca.-e ; — "  An  unifoim  root-foimation  by 
 three  letteis  or  two  syllables  developed  itself  out  of 
 the  original  monosyllabic  state  by  tho  addition  of  a 
 third  letter.  This  tendency  to  enlargement  pre- 
 sents itself  in  the  Indo-Germanic  also :  but  there 
 is  this  ditierence,  that  in  the  latter  monosyllabic 
 roots  remain  besides  those  that  have  been  enlarged, 
 while  in  the  other  they  have  almost  disajipeared." 
 In  this  judgment  most  will  agree — 'J8.  We  now 
 approach  a  question  of  great  interest.  Was  the  art 
 of  writing  invented'  by  Moses  and  his  contempo- 
 raries, or  from  what  source  did  the  Hebrew  nation 
 acquire  it  ?  It  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  the  art 
 of  writing  was  known  to  the  Israelites  in  the  time 
 of  Jlnses.  Great  diHeience  of  opinion  has  pievailed 
 as  to  which  of  the  Shemitic  peoples  may  justly 
 claim  the  invention  of  letters.  As  has  been  said, 
 the  award  to  the  Phoenicians,  so  long  unchallenged, 
 •  is  now  practically  set  aside.  A  more  probable 
 theory  would  seem  that  which  represents  letters  ;is 
 having  passed  from  the  Egyptians  to  the  Phoe- 
 nicians and  Hebrews.  Either  people  may  have  ac- 
 quired this  accomplishment  from  the  same  source, 
 at  the  same  time  and  independently — or  one  may 
 liave  pieceded  the  othe)-,  and  subsequently  imparted 
 the  acquisition.  As  the  Hebrew  and  Phoenician 
 alphabets  do  correspond,  and  the-  character  is  less 
 Phoenician  than  Hebiew,  the  latter  people  would 
 seem  to  ha\e  Ijeen  the  first  possessors  of  this  accom- 
 plishment, and  to  have  imparted  it  subsequently  to 
 the  Phoenicians.  The  theory  (now  almost  passed 
 uito  a  general  belief)  of  aii  early  uniform  language 
 overspreading  the  range  of  countiies  conipiehended 
 in  Gen.  x.,  serves  to  illustrate  this  question.  Ac- 
 curding  to  the  elaborate  analysis  of  Lepsius,  the 
 original  alphabet  of  the  language-family,  of  which 
 the  Shemitic  Ibrmed  a  part,  stood  as  follows  ; — 
 
 Wtak  GuttKTiils.        lobiah.      Gulturuts.       Detilnlt. 
 
 Beth  +  Gimel  +  iJaleth  =  Media 
 
 AlepU  =  A     .     lietti  +  Gnnel  +  IJaletn  =  JHeUia 
 He  =  K-J-i     .     Vav   +  Helb    +  Tetb     =  Aspirates 
 Ghaiu  =  0  +u    Pe     +  Kupb  +  Tau      =  I'enues 
 
 Akpli  =  A 
 He  = 
 Ghaiu 
 
 As  the  processes  of  enunciation  became  more  de- 
 licate, the  liquids  Lamed.  Mem,  Nun,  were  <ippa- 
 rently  inteiposed  as  the  third  row,  with  the  original 
 S,  Samech,  tiom  which  were  deiived  Zain,  Tsaddi, 
 aud  Shin — Ca]>h  (soft  k),  from  its  limited  functions, 
 is  apparently  of  later  giowth  ;  and  the  separate  ex- 
 istence of  llesh,  in  many  languages,  is  demonstrably 
 of  comparatively  recent  date,  as  distinguished  from 
 the  kindred  sound  Lamed.  In  the  one  letter  yet  to 
 be  mentioned — Yod — as  in  Kuph  and  Lamed,  the 
 same  scholar  finds  remains  of  the  ancient  vowel 
 strokes,  which  carry  us  back  to  the  early  sylla- 
 bana,  whose  existence  he  maintains  with  great  force 
 and  learning. — 29.  The  history  of  the  formation  of 
 the  written  characters  among  the  Hebrews  is  dis- 
 cussed in  the  article  Writing.  The  history  of 
 the  characters,  ordinarily  used  in  the  Syriac  (or 
 Western)  branch  of  the  Aramaic  family,  is  blended 
 with  that  of  those  used  in  Judea.  Like  the  square 
 chai'acters,  they  were  derived  from  the  old  Phoeni- 
 cian, but  passed  through  some  intermediate  stages. 
 The  first  variety  is  that  known  by  the  name  of 
 Estrangelo — a  heavy  cumbrous  character  said  to  be 
 derived  from  the  Greek  crrpoyyvKos,  but  more 
 probably  fi-om  two  Arabic  words  signifying  the 
 writing  of  the  Gospel.  It  is  to  be  touud  in  use  iii  the 
 very  oldest  documents.  Concurrently  with  this, 
 are  traces  of  the  existence  of  a  smaller  and  more 
 cursive  character,  very  much  resembling  it.  There 
 aie  also  other  varieties,  slightly  ditleriug — the  Nes- 
 torian  for  example — but  that  in  ordinary  use,  is  the 
 Peshito  =  simple  (or  lineal  according  to  some).  Its 
 origin  is  somewhat  uncertain,  but  probably  may  be 
 assigned  to  the  7th  century  of  our  era.  The  his- 
 tory of  the  Aiabic  language  has  another  peculiar 
 feature,  beyond  its  excessive  purism,  which  has 
 been  alluded  to,  at  first  sight,  so  singular  among 
 the  <lwellers  in  the  desert.  Until  a  comparatively 
 short  time  before  the  days  of  Mohammed,  the  art 
 of  writing  apjieais  to  have  been  practically  un- 
 known. For  the  Himyarites  guarded  with  jealous 
 care  their  qwn  peculiar  character — the  "  musnad," 
 or  elevated ;  in  itself  unfitted  for  geuei'al  use.  Pos- 
 sibly difierent  tribes  might  have  possessed  appioaches 
 to  written  characters ;  but  about  the  beginning  of 
 the  7th  century,  the  heavy  cumbrous  Cufic  cha- 
 racter (so  called  from  Cuta,  the  city  where  it  was 
 most  early  used)  appears  to  have  been  generally 
 adopted.  It  was  said  to  have  been  invented  by 
 JJuramar-Ibn  Murrat,  a  native  of  Babylonian  Irak. 
 — 30.  As  in  the  Hebrew  and  Aramaic  blanches,  so 
 m  the  Arab  branch  of  the  Shemitic  family,  ^■arious 
 causes  rendered  desirable  the  introduction  of  dia- 
 critical signs  and  vowel  points,  which  took  place 
 towards  the  close  of  the  7th  century  of  our  era — 
 not  however  without  considerable  opposition  at  the 
 outset,  from  Shemitic  disUke  of  innovation,  and  ad- 
 dition to  the  roll  of  instruction  already  complete  in 
 itself.  At  first  a  simple  mark  or  stroke,  like  the 
 diacritical  line  in  the  Samaritan  MSS.,  was  adopteil 
 to  maik  unusual  significations.  A  further  and 
 more  advanced  stage,  like  the  diacritical  points  of 
 the  Aramaic,  was  the  employment  of  a  point  aboi'iC 
 the  line  to  express  sounds  of  a  high  kind,  like  a 
 and  0 — one  below  tor  feebler  and  lower  ones  like  i 
 and  e — and  a  third  in  the  centre  of  the  lettei-s  for 
 those  of  a  hai  sher  kind,  as  distinguished  from  the 
 
 3  K  2 
 
868 
 
 SHEMUEL 
 
 other  two. — 31.  The  reverence  of  the  Jews,  for 
 their  Siicreil  writings,  wouM  have  been  outraged  by 
 any  attempts  to  introduce  an  authoritative  system 
 of  inteipretation  at  variance  with  existing  ones. 
 To  retluce  the  reading  of  the  Scrij)tures  to  authori- 
 tative and  intelligible  uniformity  w;vs  the  object  of 
 the  Masorete-i,  by  means  of  a  system  of  vowels  and 
 accents.  Of  the  names  of  the  inventors,  or  the 
 exact  time  of  their  introduction,  nothing  can  be 
 stilled  with  ceilainty.  Their  use  jnoljably  began 
 about  the  sixth  century,  and  apjieiu's  to  have  been 
 completed  about  the  tenth.  The  system  has  been 
 c?vned  out  with  far  greater  minuteness  in  the  He- 
 brew, than  in  the  two  sister  dialects.  The  Aiabic 
 grammarians  did  not  proceed  beyond  three  signs  for 
 a,  I,  u ;  the  Syriac  added  e  and  a,  wliich  they  re- 
 presented by  figures  boirowed  from  the  Greek- 
 alphabet,  uot  very  much  altered.  Connected  with 
 this  is  the  system  of  accents,  which  is  involved  in 
 the  same  ^/bscurity  of  origin.  But  it  bears  rather 
 on  the  lelation  of  words  and  the  members  of  sen- 
 tences, than  on  the  construction  of  individual  words. 
 — 32.  A  comparison  of  the  Shemitic  languages,  as 
 known  to  us,  presents  them  as  very  unevenly  de- 
 veloped. In  their  present  form  the  Arabic  is  un- 
 doubtedly the  richest:  but  it  would  have  been 
 rivalled  by  the  Hebrew  had  a  career  been  vouch- 
 s;ifeii  equally  long  and  favourable  to  this  latter. 
 
 Shem'uel.  1.  Son  of  Ammihud,  appointed  from 
 the  tribe  of  Simeon  to  divide  the  land  of  Canaan 
 (Num.  x.xxiv.  20).— 2.  Samuel  the  prophet  ']  Chr. 
 vi.  33).— 3.  Son  of  Tola,  and  one  of  the  chiefs  of 
 the  tribe  of  lss.achar  (1  Chr.  vii.  2). 
 
 Shen.  A  jjlace  mentioned  only  in  1  Sam.  vii. 
 12.     Nothing  is  known  of  it. 
 
 Shen'azar.  Son  of  Salathiel,  or  Shealtiel  ( 1  Chr. 
 iii.  ]8^ 
 
 Sheni'r.  This  name  occui-s  in  Deut.  iii.  9 ; 
 Cant.  iv.  8.  It  is  an  inaccuiate  eqtnvalent  for 
 tlie  Hebrew  Senir,  the  Amorite  name  for  Jlount 
 Hermon.     [Seniu.] 
 
 Shepha'm.  A  place  mentioned  only  in  the  spe- 
 cidcation  by  Moses  of  the  eastern  boundary  of  the 
 Promised  Land  (Num.  xxxiv,  10,  11).  The  ancient 
 iriterpietei-s  (Targ.  Pseudojon. ;  Saadiali)  render  the 
 name  by  Apameia;  but  it  seems  uncertiin  wdiether 
 by  this  they  intend  the  Greek  city  of  that  name  on 
 the  Orontes,  50  miles  below  Antioch,  oi  whether 
 they  use  it  as  a  synonym  of  Banias  or  Dan,  as 
 Schwarz  affirms.  No  trace  of  the  name  appears, 
 however,  in  that  direction. 
 
 ShephatM'ah.  A  Benjamite,  father  of  Me- 
 siiCLLAiM  ti  (I  Ciir.  ix.  8).  The  name  is  properly 
 Sliici'iiATiAii,  as  in  tiie  e<l.  of  Itjll. 
 
 Shephati'ah.  1.  Tlie  filth  son  of  David  by  his 
 wife  Abital  (2  Sam.  iii.  4;  1  Chr.  iii,  3j.— 2.  The 
 family  of  Shephatiah,  372  in  number,  returned 
 with  Zerubbabel  (Kzr.  ii.  4;  Neh.  vii.  9).  A 
 second  detachment  of  eighty,  with  Zebadiah  at  their 
 he<id,  came  up  with  Kzi-a  (Kzr.  viii.  8).— 3.  The 
 family  ot  another  .Shej)hatiah  were  among  the 
 children  of  Solomon's  servants,  who  came  up  with 
 Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  57;  Neh.  vii.  59). — 4.  A  de- 
 scendant of  Pei-ez,  or  Pharez,  the  son  of  .hidah, 
 and  anoesfor  of  Athaiah  (Neh.  xi.  4). — 6.  The  .son 
 of  iMatf.in  ;  one  of  the  (irinces  of  .Judah  who  coun- 
 f<lled  Zedekiah  to  put  Jeremiah  in  the  dungeon 
 (Jer.  xxxviii.  1).— 6.  The  Haruphite.  or  Hari- 
 phite,  one  of  the  Benjamite  warrioi-»  who  joined 
 Ihivid  ill  his  retreat  at  Ziklag  (1  Chr.  xii.  5).— 7. 
 Bon  of  Mnachali,  and  chief  of  the  Simeoniles  in  the 
 
 SHEPHERD 
 
 reiffn  of  David  i|  Ciir.  xxvii.  1G;.^8.  Son  of  Ip- 
 hoshaphat  '2  Chr.  xxi.  2). 
 
 Shepherd.  In  a  nomadic  state  of  society  ever/ 
 man,  trom  the  sheikh  down  to  the  slave,  is  more 
 or  less  a  shepherd.  The  progenitoi-s  of  the  Jews 
 in  the  patriarchal  age  were  nomads,  and  their 
 history  is  rich  in  scenes  of  pastoral  life.  Theoccup* 
 ation  of  tending  the  flocks  was  undertaken,  not 
 only  by  the  sons  of  wealthy  chiefs  (Gen.  xxx.  29  ff., 
 xxxvii.  12  ff.],  but  even  by  their  daughtei-s  (Gen. 
 xxix.  6  tl. ;  Ex.  ii.  19).  The  Egyptian  captivity 
 did  much  to  implant  a  love  of  settled  abode,  and 
 conseqiiently  we  find  the  tribes  which  still  retained 
 a  taste  tor  shepherd  life  selecting  their  own  quartei's 
 ajxart  from  their  brethren  in  the  Transjordanic 
 district  (Num.  xxxii.  1  tf.).  Henceforward  in  Pa- 
 lestine Proper  the  shepherd  held  a  subordinate  posi- 
 tion. The  office  of  the  Ea.stern  shei)herd,  as  described 
 in  the  Bible,  was  .attended  with  much  hardship, 
 and  even  danger.  He  was  exposed  to  the  extremes 
 of  heat  and  cold  (Gen.  xxxi.  40  j ;  his  food  fi-equently 
 consisted  of  the  precarious  supplies  afforded  by 
 nature,  such  as  the  fruit  of  the  "  sycamore  "  or 
 Egyptian  fig  (Am.  vii.  14),  the  "husks"  of  the 
 carob-tiee  (Lukexv.  16),  and  perchance  the  locusts 
 and  wild  honey  which  supported  the  Baptist  (Matt, 
 iii.  4)  ;  he  had  to  encounter  the  attacks  of  wild 
 beasts,  occasionally  of  the  larger  species,  such  as 
 lions,  wolves,  panthers,  and  bears  (1  Sam.  xvii.34; 
 Is.  xxxi.  4;  Jer.  v,  6;  Am.  iii,  12);  nor  was  he 
 free  from  the  risk  of  robbei-s  or  predatoiy  hordes 
 (Gen.  .\xxi.  39).  To  meet  these  various  foes  the 
 shepherd's  equipment  consisted  of  the  following 
 aiticles :  —  a  mantle,  made  probably  of  sheepskin 
 with  the  fleece  on,  which  he  turned  inside  out  in 
 cold  weather,  as  implied  in  the  comparison  in  Jer. 
 xliii.  12  (cf.  JuY.  xiv.  187);  a  scrip  or  wallet,  con- 
 taining a  small  amount  of  food  (1  Sam.  xvii.  40) ; 
 a  sling,  which  is  still  the  favourite  weajxyn  of  the 
 Bedouin  shepherd  (1  S;im.  xvii.  40)  ;  an>l,  lastly,  a 
 staff,  which  served  the  double  purpose  of  a  weapon 
 against  foes,  and  a  crook  tor  the  management  of 
 the  flock  (1  Sam.  xvii.  40  ;  Ps.  xxiii.  4  ;  Zech.  xi.  7). 
 If  the  shepherd  was  at  a  distance  from  his  home, 
 he  was  provided  with  a  light  tent  (Cant.  i.  8 ;  Jer. 
 XXXV.  7),  the  removal  ot  which  was  easily  eflect*d 
 (Is.  xxxviii.  12).  In  certain  Io(alities,  moreover, 
 towers  were  erected  for  the  double  purpose  of  spying 
 an  enemy  at  a  distance,  and  prote<"fing  the  flock: 
 such  towers  were  erected  by  Uzziah  and  Jothara 
 (2  Chr.  xxvi.  10,  xxvii.  4),  while  their  existence  in 
 earlier  times  is  testified  by  the  name  Migdal-Eder 
 (Gen.  XXXV.  21,  A.  V.  "tower  of  Kdar;"  Mic.  iv. 
 8,  A.  V.  "tower  of  the  flock").  The  routine  of 
 the  shepherd's  duties  appeal's  to  have  been  as  fol- 
 lows:— In  the  morning  he  led  forth  his  flock  from 
 the  fold  (John  x.  4),  which  he  did  by  going  before 
 them  and  calling  to  them,  as  is  still  usual  in  the 
 East ;  arrived  at  the  pasturage,  he  watched  the  flock 
 with  the  a.ssistance  of  dogs  (Job  xxx.  1),  and, 
 should  any  .sheep  stray,  he  had  to  .search  for  it 
 until  he  found  it  (Ez.  xxxiv.  12  ;  Luke  xv.  4);  he 
 supplied  them  with  wafer,  either  at  a  running 
 stream  or  at  troughs  att.ached  to  wells  (Gen.  ixix. 
 7,  xxx.  38 ;  Ex.  ii.  10 ;  I's.  xxiii.  2) ;  at  evening  he 
 brought  them  back  to  the  fold,  and  leckoneii  them 
 to  see  that  none  were  missing,  by  passing  them 
 "  under  the  rod  "  as  they  enteral  the  door  of  the 
 enclosiire  (Lev.  xxvii.  32;  Ez.  x\.  37),  checking 
 each  sheeji  as  it  i)asse<J,  by  a  motion  of  the  hand 
 (Jer.  xxxiii.  13);   and,  finally,  he  watchc'  the  en- 
 
SHEPHI 
 
 trance  of  the  fola  throughout  the  night,  acting  as 
 porter  (John  x.  3).  The  shepherd's  office  thus 
 required  great  watchfulness,  particularly  by  night 
 (Luke  ii.  8;  cf.  Nah.  iii.  18).  It  also  required 
 tenderness  towards  the  young  and  feeble  (Is.  xl.  11), 
 particularly  in  driving  them  to  and  from  the  pas- 
 turage (Gen.  .\xxiii.  13).  In  large  establishments 
 there  were  various  grades  of  shepherds,  the  highest 
 being  styled  "  rulers "  (Gen.  xlvii.  6),  or  "  chief 
 shepherds  "  (1  Pet.  v.  4) :  in  a  royal  household  the 
 title  of  abbir,  "  mighty,"  was  bestowed  on  the  per- 
 son who  held  the  post  (1  Sam.  xxi.  7).  The  hatred 
 of  the  Egyptians  towards  shepherds  (Gen.  xlvi.  3-4) 
 may  have  been  mainly  due  to  their  contempt  for 
 the  sheep  itself,  which  appears  to  have  been  valued 
 neither  for  food  nor  generally  for  sacrifice,  the  only 
 district  where  they  were  oHered  being  about  the 
 Natron  lakes.  It  may  have  been  increased  by  the 
 memory  of  the  Shepheid  invasion. 
 
 Shephi'.  Sou  of  Shobal,  of  the  sons  of  Seir  (1 
 Chr.  i.  40).  Called  also  Shepho  (Gen.  xxxvi. 
 23). 
 
 She'plio.  The  same  as  Shephi  (Gen.  xxxvi. 
 23). 
 
 Sheph'uphan.  One  of  the  sons  of  Bela  the  first- 
 born of  Benjamin  (1  Chr.  viii.  5).  His  name  is 
 also  written  Shephupham  (A.  V.  "  Shupham," 
 Num.  xxvi.  39),  Shuppim  (1  Chr.  vii.  12,  15), 
 and  MuppiM  (Gen.  xlvi.  21).     [Mdppim.] 
 
 She'rah.  Daughter  of  Ephraim  (1  Chr.  vii. 
 24),  and  foundiess  of  the  two  Beth-horons,  and  of 
 Uzzen-Shkrah. 
 
 Sherebi'ah.  A  Levite  in  the  time  of  Ezra,  of 
 the  family  of  Mahli  the  son  of  Merari  (Ezr.  viii. 
 18,  24).  When  Ezra  read  the  Law  to  the  people, 
 Sherebiah  was  among  the  Levites  who  assisted  him 
 (Neh.  viii.  7).  He  took  part  in  the  psalm  of  con- 
 fession and  thanksgiving  which  was  sung  at  the  so- 
 lemn fast  after  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  (Neh.  ix.  4, 
 6),  and  signed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x. 
 12).  He  is  again  mentioned  as  among  the  chief  of 
 the  Levites  who  belonged  to  the  choir  (Neh.  xii. 
 8,24).^ 
 
 Sher'esh.  Son  of  Machir  the  son  of  Manasseh 
 by  his  wife  Maachah  (1  Chr.  vii.  16). 
 
 Shere'zer.  Properly  "Sharezer;"  one  of  the 
 messengers  sent  in  the  fourth  year  of  Darius  by 
 the  people  who  had  returned  from  the  Captivity  to 
 inquire  concerning  fasting  in  the  fifth  month  (Zech. 
 vii.  2).     [Regemmelech.] 
 
 She'shach  is  a  term  which  occurs  only  in  Jere- 
 miah (xxv.  26,  li.  41),  who  evidently  uses  it  as  a 
 .synonym  either  for  Babylon  or  for  Babylonia.  Ac- 
 cording to  some  commentators,  it  represents  "  Ba- 
 bel "  on  a  principle  well  known  to  the  Later  Jews — 
 the  substitution  of  letters  according  to  their  posi- 
 tion in  the  alphabet,  counting  backwards  from  the 
 last  letter,  for  those  which  hold  the  same  numerical 
 position,  counting  in  the  ordinai-y  way.  It  mav 
 well  be  doubted,  however,  if  this  fanciful  practice 
 is  as  old  as  Jeremiah.  Sir  H.  Kawlinson  has  ob- 
 served that  the  name  of  tlie  moon-god,  which  was 
 identical,  or  nearly  so,  with  that  of  the  city  of 
 Abraham,  Uv  (or  Hur),  "  might  have  been  read  in 
 one  of  the  ancient  dialects  of  Babylon  as  Shishaki." 
 Sheshach  may  stand  for  Ur,  Ur  itself,  the  old  capital, 
 being  taken  to  lepiesent  the  country. 
 
 Sheslia'i.  One  of  the  three  sons  of  Anak  who 
 dwelt  in  Hebron  (Num.  xiii.  22)  and  were  driven 
 thence  and  slain  by  Caleb  at  the  head  of  the  chil- 
 dren of  Judah  (Josii.  xv.  14;  Judg.  i.  10). 
 
 SHEW  BREAD 
 
 86U 
 
 Sheska'n.  A  descendant  of  Jerahmeel  the  sou 
 of  Hi'/.ion  (  I  Chr.  ii.  31,  34,  35). 
 
 Sheshbaz'zar.  The  Chaldean  or  Pei-sian  name 
 given  to  Zerubbabel,  in  Ezr.  i.  8,  11,  v.  14,  16; 
 1  Esdr.  ii.  12,  15.  The  Jewish  tradition  that 
 Sheshbazzar  is   Daniel,  is  utterly  without  weight. 
 
 [ZERtJBBABEL.] 
 
 Sheth.  1.  The  patriarch  Seth  (1  Chr.  i.  1).— 
 2.  In  the  A.  V.  of  Num.  xxiv.  17,  the  Heb.  Sheth 
 is  rendered  as  a  proper  name,  but  there  is  reason  to 
 regard  it  as  an  appellative,  and  to  translate,  instead 
 of  "  the  sons  of  Sheth,"  "  the  sons  of  tumult,"  the 
 wild  waiTiors  of  Moab  (comp.  Jer.  xlviii.  45). 
 
 Shetha'r  (Pers.  "a  star").  One  of  the  seven 
 princes  of  Persia  and  Jledia,  who  had  access  to  the 
 king's  presence,  and  were  the  first  men  in  the  king- 
 dom, in  the  third  year  of  Xerxes  (Esth.  i.  14). 
 
 Shethar-Boznai  (Pers.  "star  of  splendour"). 
 A  Persian  officer  of  rank,  having  a  command  in  the 
 province  "on  this  side  the  river"  under  Tatnai 
 the  satrap,  in  the  reign  of  Darius  Hystaspis  (Ezr. 
 V.  3,  6,  vi.  6,  13).  He  joined  with  Tatnai  and  the 
 Apharsachites  in  trying  to  obstruct  the  progress 
 of  the  Temple  in  the  time  of  Zerubbabel,  and  in 
 writing  a  letter  to  Darius,  of  which  a  copy  is  pre- 
 sei-\'ed  in  Ezr.  v.  As  regards  the  name  Shethar- 
 boznai,  it  seems  to  be  certainly  Persian.  The  first 
 element  of  it  appears  as  the  name  Shethar,  one  of 
 the  seven  Persian  jirinces  in  Esth.  i.  14.  The  whole 
 name  is  not  unlike  Sati-tjarzanes,  a  Persian  in  the 
 time  of  Artaxer.xes  Mnemon  (Ctesias,  57). 
 
 She'va.  1.  The  scribe  or  royal  secretary  of 
 David  (2  Sam.  xx.  25).  He  is  called  elsevvhere 
 Seraiah  (2  Sam.  viii.  17),  Shisha  (1  K.  iv.  3), 
 and  Shavsha  (1  Chr.  xvi.  18).— 2.  Son  of  Caleb 
 ben-Hezron  by  his  concubine  Maachah  (1  Chr. 
 ii.  49). 
 
 Shew  Bread.  (Ex.  xxv.  30,  xxxv.  13,  xxxix. 
 36,  &c.),  literally  "  bread  of  the  face"  or  "  faces." 
 Within  the  Ark  it  was  directed  that  there  should 
 be  a  table  of  shittim  wood,  i.  e.  acacia,  two  cubits 
 in  length,  a  cubit  in  breadth,  and  a  cubit  and  a  half 
 in  height,  overlaid  with  pure  gold,  and  "  having  a 
 golden  crown  to  the  border  thereof  round  about," 
 i.  e.  a  border  or  list,  in  order,  as  we  may  suppose,  to 
 hinder  that  which  was  placed  on  it  fiom  by  any 
 accident  fiilling  off.  The  further  description  of 
 this  table  will  be  found  in  Ex.  xxv.  23-30,  and  a 
 representation  of  it  as  it  existed  in  the  Herodian 
 Temple  forms  an  interesting  feature  in  the  bas- 
 leliefs  within  the  Arch  of  Titus.  The  accuracy  of 
 this  may,  as  is  obvious,  be  trusted.  It  exhibits  one 
 striking  correspondence  with  the  prescriptions  ir 
 Exodus.  We  there  find  the  following  words  :  "and 
 thou  shalt  make  unto  it  a  border  of  a  handbreadth 
 round  about."  In  the  sculpture  of  the  Arch  the 
 hand  of  one  of  the  slaves  who  is  carrying  the 
 Table,  and  the  border,  are  of  about  equal  breadth. 
 It  was  thought  by  Philo  and  Clement  of  Alexandria 
 that  the  Table  was  a  symbol  of  the  woild,  its  four 
 sides  or  legs  typifying  the  four  seasons.  In  2  Chr. 
 iv.  19  we  have  mention  of  "  the  tables  whereon  the 
 shewbread  was  set,"  and  at  ver.  8  we  read  of  So- 
 lomon making  ten  tables.  The  table  of  the  second 
 Temple  was  can-ied  awny  by  Antiocluis  Epiphanes 
 (1  Mace.  i.  22),  and  a  new  one  made  at  the  refur- 
 nishing of  the  sanctuary  under  Judas  Maccabaeus 
 (1  Mace,  iv  49).  Afterwards  Ptolemy  Phila- 
 delphus  presented  a  magnificent  table.  The  Tabl« 
 stood  in  the  sanctuary  together  with  the  seven- 
 branched    candlotick    and    the   altar  of    iuceiis*. 
 
870 
 
 SHIBBOLETH 
 
 Kvevy  Sabli:itli  twilve  no\vly-li;ikoil  loaves  wpio  put 
 on  it  in  two  nnvs,  six  in  eadi,  and  sprinislcij  with 
 incense,  wliere  thej'  remained  till  the  tbllowing  S.ib- 
 bath.  Then  they  were  replaced  by  twelve  new 
 ones,  the  incense  was  binned,  and  they  were  eaten 
 by  the  ])riests  in  the  Holy  Place,  out  of  which  they 
 might  nut  be  removed.  I'esides  these,  the  Shew- 
 biead  Table  was  adorned  with  dishes,  spoons,  bowls, 
 &c.,  which  were  of  pure  gold  (Ex.  xxv.  29).  The 
 number  of  loaves  (twelve)  is  considered  by  Philo 
 anil  .Iose])hus  to  represent  the  twelve  months.  If 
 there  was  such  a  reference,  it  must  smely  h.ave 
 been  quite  suV)ordin.ate  to  that  wbiih  is  obvious  at 
 0!ice.  The  twelve  loaves  plainly  answer  to  the 
 twelve  trilies  (compare  liev.  xxii.  2).  But,  taking 
 this  for  granted,  we  have  .still  to  ascertain  the 
 meaning  of  the  rite,  and  there-  is  none  which  is  left 
 in  Scripture  so  wholly  miexplained.  But,  although 
 unexplained,  it  is  referred  to  as  one  of  the  leading 
 and  most  solemn  ap])ointments  of  the  sanctuary 
 (comp.  2  Chr.  xiii.  10,  11).  In  this  absence  of 
 explanation  of  that  which  is  yet  regarded  as  so 
 solemn,  we  have  but  to  .seek  whether  the  names 
 bestowed  on  and  the  rites  connected  with  the  shew- 
 br^.id  will  lead  u.s  to  some  apprehension  of  its 
 mtaning.  The  first  name  we  find  given  it  is  obvi- 
 ouslv  the  dominant  one,  kcltcm  pdnim,  "bread  of 
 the  face  or  faces."  We  have  used  the  words  face 
 o\-  facea,  for  pdntin,  it  needs  scarcely  be  said,  exists 
 only  in  the  plural,  and  is  therefore  applied  equally 
 to  the  fa<'e  of  one  person  and  of  many.  In  con- 
 nexion with  this  meaning,  it  continually  bears  tlie 
 secoiidarv  one  oi' presence.  The  panim,  therefore, 
 or  Presence,  is  that  not  of  the  people  but  of  God. 
 But  in  what  sense?  Spencer  and  others  consider  it 
 bread  ofl'ered  to  Cod  as  was  the  l\Iinchah,  a  sym- 
 bolical meal  for  (iod  somewhat  answering  to  a 
 heathen  Lectisterninm.  But  it  is  not  ea.sy  to  find 
 this  moaning  in  the  rccordeil  appointments.  Bjihr 
 remarks,  and  justly,  that  the  phiaso  panim  is 
 applied  solely  to  th('  table  and  the  bread,  not  to  the 
 other  fumiture  of  the  sanctuary,  the  altar  of  in- 
 cense, or  the  golden  candlestick.  There  is  something 
 therefore  pculiar  to  the  former  which  is  denoted 
 by  the  title.  Of  the  Angel  of  God's  Presence  it  is 
 sa'd  tliat  (iod's  "Name  is  in  Him''  (Ex.  xxiii.  20,. 
 'I'he  Presence  and  the  Name  may  therefore  be  taken 
 as  equivalent.  Both,  in  leference  to  their  context, 
 indicate  the  manifestation  of  God  to  His  creatures. 
 Hence,  as  Name  stands  for  He  or  Himself,  so  Face 
 for  Person:  to  see  the  Face,  for,  to  see  the  Person. 
 The  Biead  of  the  Face  is  therefore  that  bread 
 through  which  f!od  is  seen,  that  is,  with  the  parti- 
 cipation ofwlii(h  the  seeing  of  God  is  bound  up, 
 or  through  the  jjarticipation  of  which  man  attains 
 the  sight  of  God.  Whence  it  follows  that  we  have 
 nut  to  think  of  bread  merely  as  such,  as  the  means 
 of  nourishing  the  bodily  life,  but  as  spiritual  fiiod, 
 as  a  means  of  appropriating  and  retaining  that  life 
 which  consists  in  seeuig  the  fiice  of  (iod. 
 
 Shib'boleth,  .ludg.  xii.  G.  The  Hebrew  word 
 which  the  (lileadiles  under  Jephthah  made  use  of 
 at  the  jiass.ages  of  the  .Jordan,  after  a  victory  over  the 
 Ei)hrannites,  to  test  the  pronunciation  of  the  sound 
 sh  bv  thos'i  who  wished  to  cross  over  the  river.  The 
 Ephraimiles,  it  wouhl  a])pear,  in  their  ilialcct  sub- 
 stituted f(>r  sli  the  simple  sound  s;  and  the  (iilead- 
 ites,  regarding  every  one  who  failed  to  i)ronounce 
 sA  a.s  an  Ephraimito  and  therefore  lui  enemy,  put 
 him  to  de.ath  aci-onlingly.  The  woiil  "  Shibboieth," 
 •vhicJi  lia.H  now  a  second  life  in  the  English  language 
 
 SHIGGAION 
 
 in  a  new  significiition,  has  two  meanings  in  Hebrew; 
 1st,  an  ear  of  corn  ;  2ndly,  a  stream  or  flood  (Ps. 
 Ixix.  2,  15)  :  audit  was,  perhaps,  ju  the  latter  sense 
 that  this  particular  woi-d  suggested  itself  to  the 
 Gileadites,  the  J<M-dan  being  a  rapid  river.  There 
 is  no  mystery  in  this  particular  word.  Any  woixl 
 beginning  with  the  sound  sh  would  have  answered 
 equally  well  as  a  test. 
 
 Shib'mah  fprojwrly  Sibmah).  One  of  the  places 
 on  the  east  of  Jordan  which  were  taken  possession 
 of  .ind  rebuilt  by  the  tribe  of  Iteuben  (N>im.  xxxii. 
 38).  It  is  probably  the  same  with  Shebam,  i.  e. 
 Sebam. 
 
 Shic'ron.  One  of  the  landmarks  at  the  weste-n 
 end  of  the  north  boimdary  of  Judah  (.Josh.  xv.  1 1, 
 only).  It  lay  between  Ekron  (Ahir)  and  .labnei>l 
 (  Ycbna),  the  port  at  which  the  boundary  i-an  to 
 the  sea.  No  tiace  of  the  name  has  been  discovered 
 between  these  two  places,  which  are  barely  lour 
 miles  apart. 
 
 Shield  {tsinnah,  ma<jen,  shelet,  socherah).  The 
 three  first  of  the  Hebrew  terms  quoteil  have  been 
 alieady  noticed  under  tltc  head  of  Aii.vs,  wiiere  it 
 is  stated  that  the  txinnak  was  a  large  olilong  shield 
 or  tniget,  covering  the  whole  body ;  that  the  mnijen 
 was  a  small  round  or  oval  shield  ;  and  that  the  term 
 shelet  is  of  doubtl'ul  import,  ap|)lying  to  some  orna- 
 nient;>l  piece  of  armour.  To  these  we  may  add 
 socherah,  a  poetical  term  occurring  only  in  Ps. 
 xci.  4.  The  ordinary  shield  consistetl  of  a  frame- 
 work of  wood  covered  with  leather;  it  thus  ad- 
 mitted of  being  burnt  (Ez.  xxxix.  9).  The  moijen 
 w;v>  frequently  ca.sed  with  metal,  either  bra-ss  or 
 copper ;  its  iqipearance  in  this  case  resenibletl  gold, 
 when  the  sun  shone  on  it  (I  Mace.  vi.  39),  and  to 
 this,  rather  tban  to  the  jiractice  of  smearing  blood 
 on  the  shield,  we  may  refer  the  redness  noticed  by 
 Xahum  (ii.  3).  The  surface  of  the  shield  was  kept 
 bright  b_v  the  application  of  oil,  as  implieil  in  Is 
 xxi.  5;  hence  Saul's  shield  is  describeti  as  "not 
 anointed  with  oil"  i.e.  dustv  and  gory  (2  Siim. 
 i.  21).  Oil  would  be  as  useful  for  the  metal  as  for 
 the  leather  shield.  lu  order  to  preserve  it  from  the 
 pfl'ects  of  weather,  the  shield  was  kept  covered, 
 except  in  actual  conflict  (Is.  xxii.  tJ).  The  shield 
 was  worn  on  the  left  ami,  to  which  it  was  attnche<l 
 by  a  strap.  Shields  of  state  were  covered  with 
 beaten  gold.  Solomon  made  such  for  u.se  in  reli- 
 gious j)rocessions  (1  K.  x.  16,  17).  Shields  were 
 suspended  about  public  buildings  for  ornamental  pur- 
 poses (1  K.  X.  17  ;  1  Mace.  iv.  .'i7,  vi.  2).  In  the 
 metaphorical  language  of  the  Bible  the  shield  gener- 
 ally represents  the  jirotection  of  (Jod  (  e.  rj.  Ps.  iii. 
 3,  xxviii.  7);  but  in  Ps.  xlvii.  9  it  is  ajiplieil  to 
 eartblv  rulei-s,  ami  in  Eph.  vi.  1(!.  to  faith. 
 
 Shiggai'on,  Ps.  vii.  1.  A  partii'iilar  kind  ot 
 Psalm  ;  the  s])ecific  character  of  which  is  now  not 
 known.  In  the  singular  numWr  ihe  word  otvui-s 
 nowhere  in  Hebrew,  except  in  the  inscription  of  the 
 7th  Psalm.  In  the  inscription  to  the  Ode  of  the 
 Prophet  Habakkuk  iii.  l.thowoixl  occurs  in  the  pini-al 
 number;  but  the  phra.se  in  which  it  stands  "'al 
 shi(j>/6n6t/i"  is  deemed  almost  unanimously,  as  it 
 would  seem,  by  modern  Hebrew  scholai's  to  mnn 
 "  after  the  manner  of  the  Shiggaion,"  and  to  lie 
 merelv  a  diiection  as  to  the  kind  of  musical  mea- 
 sures by  which  the  ode  was  to  l*  nccompmi"-*!. 
 Gescnius  and  Fiirst,  .s.  r.,  concur  in  deriving  it  from 
 shi(/(jAh,  in  the  sense  of  magnifying  or  extolling 
 with  pnnses;  and  they  just iiy  this  derivation  bj- 
 kindriil  Syriac  words,     ."shijigaion  would  thus  mean 
 
SHIHON 
 
 s  hnnii  or  psalm  ;  but  its  si-)eciric  meaning,  if  it 
 has  any,  as  a]>]ilirable  to  the  7tli  Psalm,  would 
 continue  uukiidwn.  Ewald,  Rodiger,  and  Delitzsch 
 derive  it  from  s/iagdh,  in  the  sense  of  reeling,  as 
 from  wine,  and  consider  the  word  to  be  somewhat 
 equivalent  to  a  ditln'iambus ;  while  De  Wette,  Lee, 
 and  Hitzig,  interpret  the  word  as  a  psalm  of  lamen- 
 tation, or  a  ]isalm  in  distress,  as  derived  from  Arabic. 
 Hupfekl,  on  the  other  hand,  conjectures  that  sh.ig- 
 gaion  is  identical  with  higgaion  Ps.  ix.  IG,  in  the 
 sense  of  poem  or  song.  The  Versions  give  no  help. 
 In  the  A.  V.  of  Hab.  iii.  1,  the  rendering  is  "  upon 
 shigionoth."  as  if  shigionoth  were  some  musical 
 instrument.  P)u{  under  any  circumstances  'a/ must 
 not  be  translated  "upon"  in  the  sense  of  i)laying 
 iijion  an  instrument.  It  would  be  better  rendered 
 there  "  to  the  accompaniment  of." 
 
 SM'hon.  A  town  of  Issachar,  named  only  in 
 .losh.  xix.  1  9.  It  occuis  between  Haphraim  and  Ana- 
 harath.  Eusebius  and  Jeiome  (Onomast.)  mention 
 it  as  then  existing  "  near  Mount  Tabor."  The  only 
 name  at  all  resembling  it  at  present  in  that  neigh- 
 bourhood is  the  Chirliet  Schi'in  of  Dr.  Schulz,  IJ 
 mile  N.W.  of  Dchnrkh.  The  identification  is,  how- 
 ever, verv  uncertain. 
 
 Shi'hor  of  Egypt  (1  Chr.  xiii.  .5)  is  spoken  of 
 a.s  one  limit  of  the  kingdom  of  Israel  in  David's 
 time,  the  entering  in  of  Hamath  being  the  other. 
 It  must  correspond  to  "  Shihor,"  "  the  ^hihor  which 
 [is]  before  Egvjit"  (Josh.  xiii.  2,  Z),  A.V,  "  Sihor," 
 sonietimos,  at  least,  a  name  of  the  Nile.  It  would 
 appear  that  Shihor  of  Egypt  and  "  the  Shihor  which 
 [is]  before  Egypt"  might  designate  the  stream  of 
 the  Wadi-l-'Areesh  :  Shilioi-  alone  would  still  be  the 
 Nile. 
 
 Shi'hor-Lib'natli,  Named  only  in  Josh.  xix.  26 
 as  one  of  the  landmarks  of  the  boundary  of  Asher. 
 Nothing  is  known  of  it.  By  the  ancient  trans- 
 lators and  commentators  the  names  are  taken  as 
 belonging  to  two  distinct  places.  But  modern  com- 
 mentators, begimiing  perhaps  with  l\Iasius,  have 
 inclined  to  consider  Shihor  as  identical  with  the 
 name  of  the  Nile,  and  Shihor-Libnath  to  be  a  river. 
 They  interpret  the  Shihor-Libnath  as  the  glass 
 river,  which  they  tlien  naturally  identify  with  the 
 Belus  of  Pliny,  the  present  Nahr  Naman.  But  this 
 theory  is  surely  very  far-fetched. 
 
 SMl'M.  The  flither  of  Azubah,  Jehoshaphat's 
 mothei-  (1  K.  xxii.  42  ;  2  Chr.  xx.  31). 
 
 Shilliini.  One  of  the  cities  in  the  southern 
 portion  of  the  tribe  of  Judah.  Its  place  in  the  list 
 is  between  Lebaoth  and  Ain,  or  Ain-Kimmon  (Josh. 
 IV.  32),  and  it  is  not  elsewhere  mentioned.  No 
 trace  of  it  has  yet  been  discovered.  The  juxta- 
 ]iosition  of  Shillim  and  Ain  has  led  to  the  con- 
 jecture that  they  are  identical  with  the  Salim  and 
 Aenon  of  St.  John  the  Baptist;  but  their  position 
 in  the  .south  of  Judah  seems  to  forbid  this. 
 
 Shillem.  Son  of  Naphtali,  and  ancestor  of  the 
 family  of  the  Shillemites  (Gen.  xlvi.  24;  Num. 
 xxvi.  49). 
 
 Shillemites,  the.  The  descendants  of  Shillem 
 the  son  o(  Napht.di  'Num.  xxvi.  49). 
 
 ShUo'ah,  the  Waters  of.  A  certain  soft-flow- 
 mg  stream  mentioned  by  the  prophet  Isaiah  (viii; 
 6).  There  is  no  rea.son  to  doubt  that  the  waters  in 
 question  were  the  same  which  aie  better  known 
 under  their  later  name  of  SiLOAM — the  only  pe- 
 rennial spring  of  Jerusalem. 
 
 Shiloh.  Ill  the  A.  V.  of  th.'  Bible,  Sliiloh  is 
 oncp  used  as  the  name  of  a  person,  in  a  vciy  dilKcult 
 
 SHILOH 
 
 871 
 
 passage,  in  the  10th  veise  of  the  49th  chapter  or 
 (.ieiiosis.  Supposing  that  the  translation  is  correct, 
 the  meaning  of  the  woid  is  Peaceable,  or  Pacific, 
 and  the  allusion  is  either  to  Solomon,  whose  name 
 has  a  similar  signilication,  or  to  the  expected  Mes- 
 siah, who  in  Is.  ix.  6  is  expressly  called  the  Prim* 
 of  Peace.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  if  the  oiiginal 
 Hebrew  text  is  correct  as  it  stands,  there  are  three 
 objections  to  this  tianslatiou,  which,  taken  col- 
 lectively, seem  fatal  to  it.  1st.  The  word  Shiloh 
 occurs  nowhere  else  in  Hebrew  as  the  name  or 
 appellation  of  a  person.  2ndly.  The  only  othei 
 Hebrew  word,  apparently,  of  the  same  form,  is 
 Giloh  (.Josh.  XV.  51;  2  Sam.  xv.  12);  and  this  is 
 the  name  of  a  city,  and  not  of  a  person.  3rdly.  Bv 
 translating  the  word  as  it  is  translated  every  wheie 
 else  in  the  Bible,  viz.  as  the  name  of  the  citv  in 
 Ephraim  where  the  Ark  of  the  Covenant  remamed 
 dmiug  such  a  long  ]ieriod,  a  sufficiently  good  mean- 
 ing is  given  to  the  passage  without  any  violence  to 
 the  Hebrew  language,  and,  indeed,  with  a  precise 
 grammatical  paiallel  elsewhere  (comjiare  1  Sam. 
 iv.  12).  'i'he  simple  translation  is,  "  The  sceptre 
 shall  not  depart  from  Judah,  noi-  the  luler's  staff 
 from  between  his  feet,  till  he  shall  so  to  Shiloh." 
 And,  in  this  case,  the  allusion  would  be  to  the  pri- 
 macy of  Judah  in  war  ( Judg.  i.  1,  2,  xx.  18  ;  Num. 
 ii.  3,  X.  14),  which  was  to  continue  until  the  Pio- 
 mised  Land  was  conquered,  and  the  Aik  of  the 
 Covenant  was  solemnly  dcpojited  at  Shiloh.  The 
 objections  to  this  interpretation  are  stt  ibrth  at 
 length  by  Hengstenbei-g,and  the  j-easons  in  its  f:\vour, 
 with  an  account  of  the  various  interpretations  which 
 have  been  suggested  by  others,  are  well  given  bv 
 Davidson  (Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament,  \. 
 199-210).— 2.  The  next  best  timuslation  of  Shiloh  is 
 perhaps  that  of  "  Rest."  The  passage  would  then 
 run  thus:  "The  scc-ptre  shall  not  depart  from 
 Judah  .  .  .till  rest  come,  and  the  nations  obey  him  ;" 
 and  the  reference  would  be  to  the  Messiah,  who 
 w;us  to  spring  from  the  tiibe  of  Judah.  This  trans- 
 lation deserves  respectful  consideration,  as  liaviug 
 been  ultimately  adopted  by  Gesenius. —  3.  A  third 
 explanation  of  Shiloh,  on  the  a.ssumption  that  it  is 
 not  the  name  of  a  person,  is  a  tianslatiou  by  various 
 learned  Jews,  apparently  countenanced  by  the  Tar- 
 gum  of  Jonathan,  that  Shiloh  merely  means  "  his 
 son,"  i.  e.  the  son  of  Judah  (in  the  sen.se  of  the 
 Messiah),  fiom  a  supposed  woid  Shil,  "a  .son." 
 There  is,  however,  no  such  word  in  known  Hebiew. 
 The  tianslatiou,  then,  of  Shiloh  as  the  name  of  a 
 city  is  to  be  regarded  ;is  the  soundest,  if  the  present 
 Hebrew  text  is  correct.  It  is  proper,  however,  to 
 bear  in  mind  the  possibility  of  there  being  some 
 error  in  that  text.  When  Jerome  translated  the 
 word  "  qui  mi.-.sus  est,"  we  may  be  certain  tliat  he 
 did  not  read  it  as  Shiloh,  but  as  some  form  of 
 shdlach,  "to  send."  We  may  likewise  beceitain 
 that  the  translator  in  the  Septuagint  did  not  read  the 
 word  as  it  stands  in  our  Bibles.  He  read  it  as  shel- 
 I6h  =  shells  and  translated  it  well  by  the  phrase  ret 
 airoKeifieva  outiS;  so  that  the  meaning  would  be, 
 ■'  Tlie  sceptre  shall  not  depart  from  Judah  .  .  .  til] 
 the  things  reserved  for  him  come."  It  is  most 
 probable  that  Ezekiel  read  the  word  in  the  same 
 way.  It  is  not  meant  by  these  remarks  that  shellok 
 is  more  likely  to  have  been  conect  than  Shiloh. 
 But  the  fact  that  there  were  dill'ereut  readings,  in 
 former  times,  of  this  very  dilficult  pa.ssage,  necessar- 
 ily tends  to  suggest  the  possibility  that  the  correct 
 reading  may  have  bee:i  lo.^t.     Whatevei   interprets- 
 
872 
 
 SHILOH 
 
 tioii  of  tlie  pi"esent  reailinsj  m.iy  be  ail<)|ited,  tlie  one 
 wliich  must  be  proiiourKvd  entitled  to  the  lenst  ooii- 
 siiieiatinii  is  that  whicli  supposes  the  propliecy  re- 
 lates to  tlie  birth  of"  Christ  as  occurring  in  the  reiijn 
 of  Herod  just  before  Judaea  became  a  I.'oman  pro- 
 vince. Tliere  is  no  such  interpretation  in  the  Bible, 
 and  however  ancient  this  minJe  of  regarding  the 
 passage  may  be,  it  must  submit  to  the  ordeal  of  a 
 dispassionate  strutiny. 
 
 Shiloh.  In  Judg.  xxi.  19  it  is  said  that  Shiloh 
 is  "on  the  north  side  of  lielhel,  on  the  east  side  of 
 the  highway  that  goeth  up  from  Bethel  to  Shechem, 
 and  on  tlie  south  of  l.ebonah."  In  agi-eement  with 
 this  the  traveller  at  the  present  day,  going  north 
 from  Jerusalem,  lodges  tlie  first  night  at  Bcitin, 
 the  ancient  Bethel ;  the  next  day,  at  the  distance  of 
 a  lew  hours,  turns  aside  to  the  right,  in  order  to 
 visit  Seiliin,  the  Arabic  for  .Shiloh  ;  and  then  passing 
 through  the  narrow  Wady,  which  brings  him  to 
 the  main  road,  leave?  el-Lebban,  the  Lebonah  of 
 Scripture,  on  the  left,  as  he  pursues  "  the  high- 
 way "  to  Ndhlus,  the  ancient  Shechem.  [SliKCiiKM.] 
 its  present  name  is  sulliciently  like  the  more  familiar 
 Hebrew  name,  while  it  is  identical  with  Shilon 
 (see  above),  on  which  it  is  evidently  founded. 
 Shiloh  was  one  of  the  earliest  and  most  sacred  of 
 the  Hebrew  sanctuaries.  The  ark  of  the  covenant, 
 which  had  been  kept  at  Gilgal,  during  the  progress 
 of  the  Conquest  (Josh,  xviii.  1  sq.)  was  removed 
 theni'e  on  the  subjugation  of  the  country,  and  kejtt 
 at  Shiloh  from  the  l.-ist  days  of  Joshua  to  the  time 
 of  Samuel  (Josh,  xviii.  10;  Judg.  xviii.  81;  1  Sam. 
 iv.  3).  It  was  here  the  Hebrew  conqueror  divided 
 among  the  tribt^s  the  jwrtion  of  the  west  Jordan- 
 region,  which  had  not  been  already  allotted  (Josh. 
 xviii.  10,  xix.  51).  In  this  distribution,  or  an 
 earlier  one,  Shiloh  fell  within  the  limits  of  Kphraim 
 (Josh.  xvi.  5).  The  seizure  here  of  the  "  daughters 
 of  Shiloh"  by  the  lienjamites,  is  recorded  as  an 
 event  which  preserved  one  of  the  tribes  from  ex- 
 tinction (.ludg.  xxi.  19-2.!).  The  ungodly  conduct 
 of  tlie  sons  of  Eli  occ-asioned  the  loss  of  the  ark  of 
 the  coveiuint,  whidi  had  been  carried  into  battle 
 against  the  Philistines,  and  Siiiloh  from  that  time 
 sank  into  insignitiauice.  It  stinds  forth  in  the 
 Jewish  history  as  a  striking  example  of  the  Divine 
 indignation  (Jer.  vii.  12).  The  contour  of  the 
 region,  as  the  traveller  views  it  on  the  groiuid, 
 indicates  vei-y  closely  where  the  ancient  town  must 
 have  stood.  A  Tell,  or  moderate  hill,  rises  from 
 an  uneven  plain,  surrounded  by  other  higher  hills, 
 cx(ept  a  uanow  valley  on  the  south,  which  hill 
 would  naturally  be  chosen  as  the  principal  site  of 
 the  town.  The  tabernacle  may  have  been  pitched 
 oil  tliis  eminence,  where  it  would  be  a  coMsj)icuous 
 iiliject  on  every  side.  The  ruins  Ibuml  there  at 
 present  are  very  inconsiderable.  They  consist  chiefly 
 of  the  remains  of  a  compaiTitively  modern  village, 
 with  which  some  large  stones  and  fragments  of 
 columns  are  intermixed,  evidently  from  much  earlier 
 times.  At  fhe  distance  of  about  fifteen  minutes 
 from  the  main  site,  is  n  fountain,  which  is  ap- 
 proached through  a  narrow  dale.  Its  wafer  is 
 abundant,  and,  according  to  a  practice  veiy  common 
 in  the  Hast,  flows  first  into  a  jiool  or  well,  and 
 thence  into  a  larger  reservoir,  from  which  flocks  and 
 herds  are  watenil. 
 
 SUlo'nL  This  woi-d  oixurs  in  the  A.  V.  only  in 
 Nell.  xi.  Ti,  where  it  should  be  reiideieil — its  it  is 
 ill  other  <-.iws—  '  the  Shilouile,"  that  is,  the  de- 
 loemluit  ofSlielali  the  youngest  son  of  Jud.ili. 
 
 SHIMEI 
 
 Shi'Ionite,  the,  that  is,  the  native  or  resident  of 
 Shiloh: — a  title  ascrilted  only  to  Ahijah(I  K.  xi. 
 •J9,  xii.  IT),  XV.  29;  2  Chr.  ix'.  29.  x.  i5). 
 
 Shilo'nites,  the,  are  mentioned  among  the  de- 
 scendants of  .hiilali  dwelling  in  Jerusalem  at  a  date 
 dillicult  to  (ix  f  1  Chr.  ix.  5).  They  are  doubtless 
 the  meinbei-s  of  the  house  of  Suklaii,  who  in  the 
 Pentiteiich  are  more  accurately   designated    Shb- 
 
 LANITKS. 
 
 Shil'shah.     Son  of  Zophah  of  the  tribe  of  Asher 
 
 (1  Chr.  vii.  37). 
 
 Shim'ea.  1.  Son  of  David  by  Bathsneba  (1  Chr. 
 iii.  5).— 2.  A  Merarite  Levite  ( 1  Chr.  vi.  30  [15]). 
 ^3.  A  (iershonite  Levite,  ancestor  of  Asaph  the 
 minstrel  (1  Chr.  vi.  39  [24]).— 4.  The  brother  of 
 David  (1  Chr.  xx.  7),  elsewhere  called  SiiAMMAH, 
 SlIlMMA,  and  SllIMEAH. 
 
 Shim'eah.  1.  Brother  of  David,  and  father  of 
 Jonathan  and  .lonadab  (2  Sam.  xxi.  21):  calle<l  also 
 SHAM.MAII,  Shimea,  and  SiiiMMA.— 2.  A  descend- 
 ant of  Jehiel  the  father  or  founder  of  Gibeon  (1  Chr. 
 viii.  32). 
 
 Shim'eam.  A  descendant  of  Jehiel,  the  founder 
 or  jirince  of  (iibeon  (1  Chr.  ix.  38).  Called  SniM- 
 lOAii  in  I  Chr.  viii.  32. 
 
 Shim'eath.  An  Ammonites!?,  mother  of  Jo- 
 znchar,  or  Zabad,  one  of  the  murderers  of  King 
 Jonsh  (2  K.xii.  21  [22];  2  Chr.  xxiv.  26). 
 
 Shim'ei.  1.  Son  of  (iei'shom  the  son  of  Levi 
 (Num.  iii.  18;  1  Chr.  vi.  17,  29,  xxiii.  7,  9,  10; 
 Zech.  xii.  13);  called  SlllMl  in  Ex.  vi.  17.  In  1 
 Chr.  vi.  29,  according  to  the  present  text,  he  is 
 called  the  son  of  Libni,  and  both  are  reckoned  as 
 sons  of  Merari,  but  there  is  reason  to  .suppose  that 
 there  is  something  omitted  in  this  verse.— 2.  Shima 
 the  son  of  Cera,  a  Benjamite  of  the  house  of  Saul, 
 who  lived  at  Bahurim.  When  l>avid  and  his  suite 
 were  seen  de.scending  the  long  defile,  on  his  flight 
 from  Absjilom  (2  Sam.  xvi.  5-13),  the  whole  feel- 
 ing of  the  clan  of  Benjamin  burst  forth  without 
 restraint  in  the  person  of  Shimei.  He  i-an  along 
 the  ridge,  cursing,  throwing  stones  at  the  King  and 
 his  companions,  and  when  he  came  to  a  patch  of 
 dust  on  the  dry  hill-side,  taking  it  up,  and  throwing 
 it  over  them.  Abi.shai  was  so  irritated,  that,  but 
 tor  David's  remonstrance,  he  would  have  darted 
 across  the  ravine  (2  Sam.  xvi.  9)  and  torn  or  cut 
 off  his  head.  The  whole  conver.=ation  is  remark- 
 able, as  shov/ing  what  may  almost  be  calleil  the 
 slang  terms  of  abuse  prevalent  in  the  two  rival 
 courts.  The  royal  party  passed  on  ;  Shimei  follow- 
 ing them  with  his  stones  and  cu)-ses  :»s  long  .^s  they 
 v/eve  in  sight.  The  next  meeting  was  very  ditlereul. 
 The  king  was  now  returning  from  his  succes-slui 
 campaign.  Just  as  he  was  crossing  the  Jonian,  in 
 the  feiTV-boat  or  on  the  bridge  (2  Sam.  xix.  18), 
 the  fii-st  per.son  to  we'come  him  on  the  westeni,  or 
 perhaps  even  on  the  eastern  side,  was  Shimei,  who 
 may  have  s«!ii  him  approaching  from  the  heights 
 above.  He  threw  himst^lf  at  l>avid's  feet  in  abjwt 
 penitence.  But  the  king's  suspicions  were  not  set 
 at  rest  by  this  submission  ;  and  on  his  deathbetl  he 
 recalls  the  whole  scene  to  Uie  recollection  of  his  son 
 Solomon.  Solomon  gave  Shimei  notice  that  from 
 henceforth  he  must  consider  himself  conlined  to  the 
 walls  of  Jerusalem  on  pain  of  death.  He  was  to 
 build  a  house  in  .leru.salem  (1  K.  ii.  3i),  37).  Kor 
 three  years  the  engagement  was  kept.  At  the  end 
 of  that  time,  for  the  pui-jwse  of  cstpturing  two 
 .slaves  who  had  e.scajH-d  to  tiath,  he  went  out  on  his 
 aj*  aii'l  made  his  journey  successfully  (ib.  ii.  4o). 
 
SHIMEON 
 
 On  his  return,  the  kiiii;  took  him  at  his  word,  and 
 he  was  slair  bv  Benaiah  ',  :b.  ii.  41-  '.-6).— 3.  One  of 
 tlie  adherents  of  Solomon  at  tlic  time  of  Adonijah's 
 usurpation  (1  K.  i.  8).  Unless  he  is  the  same  as 
 Shimei  the  son  of  Elah  (1  K.  iv.  18),  Solomon's 
 commissariat  officer,  or  with  Shimeah,  or  Shammah, 
 David's  brother,  it  is  impossible  to  identify  him.— 
 4.  Solomon's  commissariat  officer  in  Benjamin  (I  K. 
 iv.  18).— 5.  Son  of  Pedaiah,  and  brother  of  Ze- 
 rubbabel  fl  Chr.  iii.  19  j.— 6.  A  Simeonite,  son  of 
 Zacchur  (1  Chr.  iv.  26,  27).— 7.  Son  of  Gog,  a 
 Keubenite  (1  Chr.  v.  4).— 8.  A  Gershonite  Levite, 
 son  of  Jahath  (1  Chr.  vi.  42).— 9.  Son  of  Je- 
 duthun,  and  chief  of  the  tenth  division  of  the 
 singers  (1  Chr.  xxv.  17).— 10.  The  Ramathite  who 
 was  over  David's  vineyards   (1  Chr.  xxvii.  27).— 
 
 11.  A  Levite  of  the  sons  of  Hemau,  who  took  part 
 in  the  purification  of  the  Temple  under  Hezekiah 
 '2  Chr.  .\six.  14).— 12.  The  brother  of  Conoiiiah 
 the   Levite  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah  (2  Chr.  .\xxi. 
 
 12.  13).     Perhaps  the  same   as  the  preceding.^ 
 
 13.  A  Levite  in  the  time  of  Ezra  who  had  married 
 a  foreign  wife  (Ezr,  x.  23). ^14,  One  of  the  family 
 of  Hashum,  who  put  away  his  foreign  wife  at  Ezra's 
 command  (Ezr.  x.  33).— 16.  A  son  of  Bani,  who 
 had  also  married  a  foreign  wife  and  put  her  away 
 (Ezr.  X.  38). ^16.  Son  of  Kish  a  Benjamite,  and 
 ancestor  of  Mordecai  (Esth.  ii.  5). 
 
 Shim'eon.  A  layman  of  Israel,  of  the  family  of 
 Harini,  who  had  married  a  foreign  wife  and  di- 
 vorced her  in  the  time  of  Ezra  (Ezr.  x.  31). 
 
 SMin'M.  A  Benjamite,  apparently  the  same  as 
 SnEiiA  the  son  of  Elpaal  (1  Chr.  viii.  21). 
 
 Sliim'i  =  SHiMEi  1,  Ex.  vi.  17. 
 
 Shim'ites,  the.  The  descendants  of  Shimei  the 
 sou  of  Geisiiom  (Num.  iii.  21;. 
 
 Shim'ma.  The  third  son  of  Jesse,  and  brother 
 of  David  (1  Chr.  ii.  13). 
 
 SM'mon.  The  four  sons  of  Shimon  are  enu- 
 merated in  an  obscure  genealogy  of  the  tribe  of 
 Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  20). 
 
 SMmratli.  A  Benjamite,  o'f  the  sons  of  Shimhi 
 (1  Chr.  viii.  21). 
 
 SMm'ri.  1.  A  Simeonite,  son  of  Shemaiah 
 (1  Chr.  iv.  37).— 2.  The  father  of  Jediael,  one  of 
 David's  guard  (I  Chr.  .\i.  45). —  3.  A  Kohathite 
 Levite  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah  (2  Chr.  xxix.  13). 
 
 Shirn'rith.  A  Moabitess,  mother  of  Jehozabad, 
 one  of  the  assassins  of  King  Joash  (2  Chr.  xxiv.  26j. 
 In  2  K.  xii.  21,  she  is  called  SiiOMKR. 
 
 Shim'rom.  Shimron  the  son  of  Issachar  (1  Chr. 
 vii.  Ij. 
 
 Shun'ron.  A  city  of  Zebukm  (Josh.  xi.  1 ,  six. 
 15).  Its  full  appellation  was  perhaps  Shimrox- 
 MERON.  Schwarz  proposes  to  identify  it  with  the 
 Simonias  of  Josephus,  now  Simuniyeh,  a  village  a 
 few  miles  W.  of  Nazareth. 
 
 SMmron.  The  fourth  son  of  Issachar  according 
 to  the  lists  of  Genesis  (xlvi.  13)  and  Numbers  (xxvi. 
 24),  and  the  head  of  the  family  of  the  Shimron- 
 
 ITES. 
 
 Slurn'ronites,  the.  The  family  of  Shimron, 
 son  of  Issachar  (Num.  xxvi.  24). 
 
 Shim'ron-Me'ron.  The  king  of  Shimron -meron 
 IS  mentioned  as  one  of  the  thirty-one  kings  van- 
 quished by  Joshua  (Josh.  xii.  20).  It  is  probably 
 (though  not  certainlyj  the  complete  name  of  the 
 place  cl.sewhere  called  SiiiMRON.  There  are  two 
 claimants  to  identity  with  Shimron-meron.  The 
 oli  Jewish  traveller  hap-I'aichi  fixes  it  at  two  hours 
 ;ast  of  Eiigauuim  {Jcnin),  south  of  the  mountains 
 
 SHIP 
 
 873 
 
 of  Gilboa,  at  a  village  called  in  his  day  Dar  Meron. 
 The  other  is  the  village  of  Simuniyeh,  west  oi 
 Na/areth. 
 
 Shimsha'i.  The  scribe  or  secretary  of  Rehuni, 
 who  was  a  kind  of  satrap  of  the  conquered  province 
 of  Judea,  and  of  the  colony  of  Samaria,  supported 
 by  the  Persian  court  (Ezr.  iv.  8,  9,  17,  23;.  He 
 was  apparently  an  Aramean,  for  the  letter  which  he 
 wrote  to  Ai  taxei-xes  was  in  Syriac  (Ezr.  iv.  7),  and  the 
 form  of  his  name  is  in  favour  of  this  supposition. 
 
 Shin'ab.  The  king  of  Admah  in  tlie  time  of 
 Abraham  (Gen.  xiv.  2). 
 
 SM'nar  seems  to  have  been  the  ancient  name  of 
 the  great  alluvial  tract  through  which  the  Tigris 
 and  Euphrates  pa.ss  before  reaching  the  sea — the 
 tract  known  in  latei"  limes  as  Chaldaea  or  Baby- 
 lonia. It  was  a  plain  country  where  brick  had  to 
 be  used  for  stone,  and  slime  for  mortar  (Gen,  xi.  3). 
 Among  its  cities  were  Babel  (Babylon),  Erech  or 
 Orech  (Orchoe),  Calneh  or  Calno  (probably  Niffer), 
 and  Acead,  the  site  of  which  is  unknown.  These 
 notices  are  quite  enough  to  fix  the  situation.  The 
 native  inscriptions  contain  no  tr.ace  of  the  terra,  v/hich 
 seems  to  be  purely  Jewish,  and  unknown  to  any  other 
 people.  At  least  it  is  extremely  doubtful  whether 
 there  is  really  any  connexion  between  Shindr  and 
 Singara  or  Slnjar.  Singara  was  the  name  of  a  town 
 in  Central  Mesopotamia,  well  known  to  the  Romans. 
 It  may  be  suspected  that  Shinar  was  the  name  by 
 which  the  Hebrews  originally  knew  the  lower  Meso- 
 potamian  country,  where  they  so  long  dwelt,  and 
 which  Abraham  brought  with  him  from  "  Ur  of  the 
 Chaldees." 
 
 Ship.  No  one  wi-iter  in  the  whole  range  of  Greek 
 and  Roman  literature  has  supplied  us  with  .so  much 
 infomiation  concerning  the  merchant-ships  of  the 
 ancients  as  St.  Luke  in  the  narrative  of  St.  Paul's 
 voyage  to  Rome  (Acts  xxvii.  xxviii.).  It  is  import- 
 ant to  remember  that  he  accomplished  it  in  three 
 ships :  first  the  Adramy ttian  vessel  which  took  him 
 from  Caesarea  to  Myra,  and  which  was  probably  a 
 coasting  vessel  of  no  great  size  (xxvii.  1-6) ;  secondly, 
 the  large  Ale.xandrian  com-ship,  in  which  he  was 
 wrecked  on  the  coast  of  Malta  (xxvii.  6— xxviii.  1); 
 and  thirdly,  another  large  Alexandiian  corn-ship,  in 
 which  he  sailed  from  Malta  by  Syracuse  and  Rhe- 
 gium  to  Puteoli  (xxviii.  11-13).  (1.)  Size  of  An- 
 cient Skips. — The  narrative  which  we  take  as  our 
 chief  guide  affords  a  good  standaid  for  estimating 
 this.  The  ship  in  which  St.  Paul  was  wrecked  had 
 276  persons  on  board  (Acts  xxvii.  37),  besides  a 
 cargo  of  wheat  (ib.  10,  38) ;  and  all  these  pas- 
 sengers seem  to  have  been  taken  on  to  Puteoli  in 
 another  ship  ^xxviii.  11)  which  had  its  own  ciew 
 and  its  own  cargo.  Now  in  English  transport-ships, 
 prepared  for  carrying  troops,  it  is  a  common  esti- 
 mate to  allow  a  ton  and  a  half  per  man.  On  the 
 whole,  if  we  say  that  an  ancient  merchant -ship 
 might  range  from  500  to  lOUO  tons,  we  are  clearly 
 within  the  mark.  (2.)  Steering  Apparatus. — 
 Some  commentators  have  fallen  into  strange  per- 
 plexities from  observing  that  in  Acts  xxvii.  40 
 ('•  the  fastenings  of  the  rudders  ")  St.  Luke  uses  the 
 plural.  Ancient  ships  were  in  truth  not  steered  at 
 all  by  nidders  fastened  or  hinged  to  the  stern,  but 
 by  means  of  two  paddle-rudders,  one  on  each  quar- 
 ter, acting  in  a  rowlock  or  through  a  porthole,  as 
 the  vessel  might  be  small  or  large.  (3.)  BuHd  aiui 
 Ornaments  of  the  Hull. — It  is  probable  that  there 
 was  no  vei-y  marked  difference  between  the  bow  and 
 the  stern.     The  "  hold  "  '^  Jonah  i.  5)  would  pre- 
 
874 
 
 SHIP 
 
 sent  no  spei-ial  jNTiili.ii  ities.  One  (■liaracfeii.--tic  or- 
 nament, lining  in  a  lofty  onrve  at  the  stern  or  the 
 1m3w,  is  familiar  to  us  in  woiks  of  art,  but  no  alliisioii 
 t«  it  occurs  in  Scripture.  That  pei-sonification  of 
 ships,  which  seems  to  be  instinctive,  led  the  an- 
 ttieiits  to  paint  an  eye  on  each  side  of  the  bow 
 'couip.  Actsxxvii.  15).  An  ornamiiit  of  that  which 
 took  him  on  from  JIalta  to  Pozzuoli  is  more  expli- 
 citly refen-eil  to.  The  "si(;n"  of  that  ship  (.\cts 
 xxviii.  11)  was  Castor  and  Pollux;  and  thi' 
 symbols  of  these  heroes  were  doubtless  painted  or 
 wNilptured  on  each  side  of  the  l)ov/.  (4.)  Uruler- 
 'jirders. — The  imperfection  of  the  buiM,  and  still 
 more  (see  V»eIow.  6)  the  peculiarity  of  the  rij;,  in  an- 
 cient ships,  resulted  in  a  p-oater  tendency  than  in 
 our  times  to  the  starting:  of  the  planks,  and  conse- 
 quently to  leaking  and  foundering.  Hence  it  was 
 customaiy  to  take  on  board  peculiar  contrivances, 
 suitably  called  "helps"  (Acts  xxvii.  17),  as  pre- 
 cuitions  against  such  dangers.  These  weie  simply 
 cables  or  chains,  which  in  case  of  necessity  could  be 
 passed  round  the  frame  of  the  shi]),  at  liirht  an;;les 
 to  its  length,  and  made  tight.  (5.)  Anchors. — 
 It  is  probable  that  the  ground  tackle  of  Greek  and 
 Roman  sailoi-s  was  quite  as  good  ;is  our  own.  An- 
 cient anchors  were  similar  in  form  to  those  wjiich 
 we  use  now,  except  that  they  were  without  flukes. 
 Two  allusions  to  anchoring  are  foiuid  in  the  N.  T., 
 one  in  a  very  impressive  metaphor  concerning  Chris- 
 tian hope  (Heb.  vi.  19).  The  other  passage  is  part 
 of  the  literal  nan-ative  of  St.  Paul's  voyage  at  its 
 most  critical  point.  The  ship  in  which  he  was  sail- 
 ing had  four  anchors  on  board,  and  these  wei'e  all 
 employed  in  the  night,  when  the  danger  of  falling 
 on  breakei-s  was  imminent.  The  sailors  on  this 
 occasion  ancliored  by  the  stern  (Acts  xxvii.  20). 
 (6.)  Masts,  Sails,  Bopes,  and  Yards.  —  These 
 were  collectively  called  CKevr]  or  aKevi),  or  (jcar. 
 We  find  this  word  twice  used  for  parts  of  the  rigging 
 in  the  nanntive  of  the  Acts  (xxvii.  17,  10).  The 
 rig  of  an  ancient  shi])  was  more  sim])le  and  clumsy 
 than  that  employed  in  modern  times.  Its  great 
 feature  was  one  large  mast,  with  one  large  square 
 sail  fastened  to  a  yard  of  great  li'ngth.  Hence  the 
 strain  upon  the  hull,  and  the  danger  of  starting  the 
 planks,  were  greater  than  under  the  present  system. 
 
 Ancient  Rliip.     From  a  ruiiitiui;  iit  romjicii. 
 
 which  distributes  the  meclianical  pressure  more 
 eveidy  over  the  whole  ship.  Not  that  there  were 
 never  nvire  masts  than  one,  or  njoic  sails  than  one 
 on  the  .same  mast,  in  an  ancient  merchantman.  IWit 
 these  were  repetitions,  an  to  Bpeak,  of  the  s;inie 
 ft^nernl  unit  <.(  rig.  In  the  O.  T.  the  mast  is  men- 
 tioned  (Is.  xxxiii.  2:5)  ;  and  from   :uiolher  proj.het 
 
 SHIP 
 
 ( Kz.  xxvii.  5)  we  learn  that  cedar- wood  from 
 Lebanon  was  sometimes  ii.swt  foi-  this  pait  of  shiiis. 
 'i'liere  is  athiid  passage  (Prov.  xxiii.  .'^4),  where  the 
 to])  of  a  shij)'s  mast  is  probably  intended.  In  Kz. 
 xxvii.  29,  oars  are  distinctly  mentioned;  and  il 
 seems  that  oak-wood  from  liashau  was  used  in 
 making  them.  Another  feature  of  the  ancient,  as 
 of  the  niodein  ship,  is  the  flag  at  the  top  of  tin 
 mast  (Is.  I.e.,  and  xxx.  17).  (7.)  I.'atc  of  Sailing 
 — St.  Paul's  voyages  furnish  excellent  data  for  ap- 
 jiroximately  estimating  this ;  and  they  are  quite  in 
 liaiTnony  with  what  we  learn  fiom  other  sources. 
 We  must  notice  here,  however  (what  cominenlatoi's 
 sometimes  cunously  forget),  that  winds  are  vai-i- 
 able.  Thus  the  voyage  between  Troas  and  I'lli- 
 LIPI'I,  acconi])lished  on  one  occasion  (Acts  xvi.  11, 
 12)  in  two  days,  occupied  on  .another  occasion  (Acts 
 XX.  6)  five  days.  With  a  fair  wind  an  ancient  ship 
 would  sail  fully  seven  knots  an  hoin-.  (8.)  Sailiiuj 
 lie/ore  the  trind,  and  near  the  tcind.  —  The  lig 
 wliich  has  been  des<:ribed  is,  like  the  rig  of  Chinese 
 junks,  peculiarly  favourable  to  a  quick  run  before  the 
 wind  (Acts  xvi.  1 1,  xxvii.  IG).  It  would,  however, 
 be  a  great  niisbike  to  suppose  that  ancient  ships 
 could  not  work  to  windwaril.  The  supeiior  rig  and 
 build,  however,  of  modern  ships  enable  them  to  sail 
 nearer  to  the  wind  than  was  the  case  in  classic.il 
 times.  A  modern  ship,  if  the  weather  is  not  very 
 boisterous,  will  sail  within  six  points  of  the  wind. 
 To  an  ancient  vessel,  of  which  the  hidl  was  more 
 clumsy,  and  the  yards  could  not  be  braced  so  tight, 
 it  would  be  safi?  to  assign  seven  points  as  the  limit. 
 (0.^  Lyinrj-to. — A  ship  that  could  make  progress 
 on  her  proper  course,  in  niodenite  weather,  when 
 sailing  within  seven  points  of  the  wind,  woulil  lie-to 
 in  a  gale,  with  her  length  making  about  the  simio 
 angle  with  the  direction  of  the  wind.  This  is  done 
 when  the  object  is,  not  to  make  progress  at  all 
 hazards,  but  to  lide  out  a  gale  m  safety;  and  this 
 is  what  was  done  in  St.  Paul's  .ship  when  .she  was 
 undergirded  aud  the  boat  taken  on  lioard  (Acts  xxvii. 
 14-17)  imder  the  lee  of  Clal'DA.  (10.)  Ships 
 Boat. — This  is  perhaps  the  best  place  for  noticing 
 separately  the  aKain}.  whieh  ap]iears  prominently 
 in  the  narrative  of  the  voyage  (Acts  xxvii.  1(),  .'?2). 
 Kvery  large  merchant-ship  must  have  had  one  or 
 moie  boats.  It  is  evident  that  the  Alexandrian 
 corn-ship  in  which  St.  Paul  was  sailing  from  Fair 
 Havens,  and  in  which  the  sailors,  apprehending  no 
 danger,  hojied  to  ie:\ch  PilKNiCi:,  had  her  boat 
 towing  behind.  (11.)  Officers  and  Crew. — In  Acts 
 xxvii.  1 1  we  have  both  Kv^epyfjTTjs  and  vavKKrjpoi. 
 The  latter  is  the  owner  (in  j)art  or  in  whole")  of  the 
 ship  or  the  cargo,  receiving  also  (possibly/  the  fares 
 of  the  passengei-s.  The  former  has  the  cliarge  of  the 
 steering.  'I'he  word  for  "  shipriien  "  (Acts  xxvii. 
 27,  30)  and  "sailors"  (Rev.  xviii.  17)  is  simj>ly 
 the  usual  term  yavrai.  (12.)  Storms  and  Ship- 
 wrecks.— The  fii-st  centuiy  of  the  Christian  eitx  was 
 a  time  of  immense  tnifllc  in  the  Mediterranean  ;  and 
 there  must  have  been  many  vessels  lust  there  evciy 
 year  by  slii])\vreck,  and  (perhaps)  as  m  luy  by  found- 
 ering. This  last  danger  woi;]iI  be  much  increa-sed 
 by  the  form  of  rig  described  alxive.  Besides  this, 
 we  must  remember  that  the  ancients  had  no  com- 
 pa>s,  and  vei  y  imperfect  chart*  and  instrunicnU,  ii 
 any  at  all.  Certain  coasts  were  much  dreade<l,  esjx'- 
 cially  the  African  Syilis  (ib.  17).  'fhe  ilanger  indic- 
 ated by  breakers  (ih.  29),  and  the  fear  of  fitllin); 
 on  rocks,  are  matter?  of  course.  St.  Paul's  ciperi- 
 encc  seems  to  have  hern  full  of  illustrations  of  a'.I 
 
SHIPHI 
 
 these  perils.  (13.)  Boats  on  the  Sea  of  Galilee. — 
 111  the  iiarrativHS  of  the  cnll  of  the  discipli-s  to  be 
 "  tishers  ofmeii  "  (Matt.  iv.  1 8-'22  ;  Mark  i.  16-20  : 
 Luke  V,  1-11),  there  is  no  s^iecial  information  con- 
 cerning the  chaiacteristics  of  these  boats. '  In  the 
 account  of  the  storm  and  the  miracle  on  the  lake 
 (Matt.  viii.  23-27;  Mark  iv.  35-41;  Luke  viii. 
 22-25),  it  is  for  every  reason  instructive  to  com- 
 jiare  the  three  nariatives  ;  and  we  should  observe 
 that  Luke  is  more  technical  in  his  language  than 
 ^Matthew,  and  Jlark  than  Luke.  With  the  large 
 )iopiilation  round  tfie  Lake  of  Tiberias,  there  must 
 liave  been  a  vast  nuinbcj'  both  of  fishing-boats  and 
 pleasure-boats,  and  that  boat-building  must  have 
 been  an  active  trade  on  its  shores.  (14.)  3Icr- 
 chant-Sldps  in  the  Old  Ter^amcnt. — The  earliest 
 passages  where  seafaring  is  alluded  to  in  the  0.  T. 
 are  the  following  in  order.  Gen.  xlix.  13,  in  the 
 prophecy  of  Jacob  concerning  Zebulun  ;  Num.xxiv. 
 24,  in  Balaam's  prophecy;  Dent,  xxviii.  ()8,in  one 
 of  the  \varnings  of  Moses;  Judg.  v.  17,  in  Debo- 
 rah's Song.  Next  after  these  it  is  natural  to  men- 
 tion the  illustrations  and  descriptions  connected  with 
 this  subject  in  Job  (ix.  26) ;  and  in  the  Psalms 
 (xlvii.  [xlviii.]  7,  ciii.  [civ.]  26,  cvi.  23).  Prov. 
 xxiii.  34  has  already  been  quoted.  To  this  add 
 XXX.  19,  xxxi.  14.  Solomon's  own  ships,  which 
 may  have  suggested  some  of  these  illustrations 
 (I  K.  ix.  26;  ^2  Chr.  viii.  18,  ix.  21),  have  pre- 
 viously been  mentioned.  We  must  notice  the  dis- 
 astrous expedition  of  Jelioshaphat's  .ships  from  the 
 same  port  of  Ezion-geber  (1  K.  xxii.  48, 49  ;  2  Chr. 
 XX.  36,  37).  The  passages  which  remain  are  in  the 
 prophets  (Is.  ii.  16,  xxiii.  1,  14.  Ix.  9  ;  Ez.  xxvii.  ; 
 Jon.  i.  3-16).  In  Dan.  xi.  40  we  touch  the  sub- 
 ject of  ships  of  war.  (15.)  Ships  of  War  in  the 
 Apocrypha. — Military  operations  both  by  land  and 
 water  (1  Jlacc.  viii.  23,  32)  are  prominent  sub- 
 jects in  the  Books  ol  Maccabees  (1  Mace.  viii.  26,  28  ; 
 2  Mace.  iv.  20).  Here  we  must  not  forget  the 
 monument  erected  by  Simon  Maccabaeus  on  liis 
 lather's  grave.  Finally  must  be  mentioned  the 
 noiiade  at  Joppa,  when  the  resident  Jews,  with 
 wives  and  children,  200  in  number,  were  induced  to 
 go  into  boats  and  were  drowned  (2  Mace.  xii.  3,  4). 
 
 SMph'i.  A  Simeonite,  father  of  Ziza,  a  prince 
 of  the  tiibe  in  the  time  ofHezekiah  (1  Chr.  iv.  37). 
 
 Shipli'mite,  the.  Probably,  though  not  cer- 
 tainly, the  native  of  Shepham  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  27). 
 
 SMph'rah  (Ex.  i.  15).  The  name  of  one  of  the 
 two  mid  wives  of  the  Hebrews  who  disobeyed  the 
 command  of  Pharaoh  to  kill  the  male  children 
 (vers.  15-21). 
 
 Shiph'tan.  Father  of  Kemuel,  a  prince  of  the 
 tribe  of  Ephraim  (Num.  xxxiv.  24). 
 
 Shi'sha.  Father  of  Elihoreph  and  Ahiah,  the 
 royal  secretaries  in  the  reign  of  Solomon  (1  K.  iv.  3). 
 He  is  apparently  the  same  as  Shavsha,  who  held 
 the  same  position  under  David. 
 
 Shi'shak,  king  of  Egypt,  the  Sheshenk  I.  of  the 
 monuments,  first  sovereign  of  the  Bubastite  xxiind 
 dynasty.  Chronol-yjy. — Tlie  reign  of  Shishak  offers 
 the  first  determined  synchronisms  of  Egyptian  and 
 Hebrew  history.  The  synchronism  of  Shishak  and 
 Solomon,  and  that  of  Shishak  and  Rehoboam  may  be 
 nearly  fixed,  as  shown  in  article  Chronology.  The 
 first  year  of  Shishak  would  about  correspond  to  the 
 2Gth  of  Solomon,  and  the  20th  to  the  5th  of  Rehoboam. 
 The  synchronism  of  Zerah  and  Asa  is  more  dillicult 
 to  detei'mine.  It  seems  most  probable  that  the  war 
 with  Zcrah  took  place  early  in  As;i's  reigu,  before  his 
 
 SHISHAK  87,') 
 
 15th  year,  and  thus  also  early  in  the  reign  of  (Jsarken 
 11.  The  chrondlogical  place  of  these  synchronisms 
 may  be  calculated  on  tlie  Egyptian  as  well  as  the 
 Biblical  side.  The  evidence  from  the  data  supplied 
 by  the  monuments  would  lead  us  to  place  the  accession 
 of  Sheshenk  !.  B.C.  980  or  983,  or  else  seven  years 
 later  than  each  of  the.>-e  dates.  The  Biblical  dale 
 of  Sheshenk's  conquest  of  Judah  has  been  computed 
 to  be  B.C.  cir.  969,  and  this  having  taken  place  in 
 his  20th  year,  his  accession  would  have  been  B.C. 
 cir.  988.  The  progress  of  Assyrian  discovery  has, 
 however,  induced  some  writers  to  propose  to  shorten 
 the  chronology  by  taking  35  years  as  the  length  of 
 Manasseh's  reigu,  in  which  case  all  earlier  dates 
 would  have  to  be  lowered  2ii  years.  The  proposed 
 reduction  would  place  the  accession  of  Sheshenk  I. 
 li.C.  cir.  968,  and  this  date  is  certainly  more  in 
 accordance  with  those  derived  from  the  Egyptian 
 data  than  the  higher  date,  but  these  data  are  too 
 approximative  for  us  to  lay  any  stress  upon  minute 
 results  from  them.  Hiatory. — The  origin  of  the 
 royal  line  of  which  Sheshenk  I.  was  the  bead  is  ex- 
 tremely obscure.  Jlr.  Birch's  discoverv  that  several 
 of  the  names  of  the  family  are  Shemitic  has  led  to 
 the  supposition  that  it  was  of  Assyrian  or  Babylon- 
 ian origin.  Leprsius  gives  a  genealogy  of  Sheshenk 
 I.  from  the  tablet  of  Idar-p-seu  from  the  Serapeum, 
 which,  if  correct,  decides  the  question.  In  this, 
 Sheshenk  I.  is  the  sou  of  a  chief  Namui  et,  whose  an- 
 cestors, excepting  his  mother,  who  is  called  "  roval 
 mother,"  not  as  Lepsius  gives  it,  "  royal  daughter," 
 are  all  untitled  persons,  and,  all  but  the  princess, 
 bear  foreign,  apparently  Shemitic  names.  But,  as 
 M.  de  Rouge  observes,  this  genealogy  cannot  be 
 conclusively  made  out  from  the  tablet,  though  we 
 think  it  more  probable  than  he  does.  Sheshenk  1., 
 on  his  accession,  must  have  found  the  state  weak- 
 ened by  internal  strife  and  deprived  of  much  of  its 
 foreign  influence.  In  the  time  of  the  later  kings  of 
 the  Rameses  family,  two,  if  not  three,  sovereigns 
 had  a  real  or  titular  authority ;  but  before  the  ac- 
 cession of  Sheshenk  it  is  probable  that  their  lines 
 had  been  united :  certainly  towards  the  close  of  the 
 xxist  dynasty  a  Pharaoh  was  powerful  enough  to 
 lead  an  expedition  into  Palestine  and  capture  Gezer 
 (1  K.  ix.  1 6).  Sheshenk  took  as  the  title  of  his  stand- 
 ard, "  He  who  attains  royalty  by  uniting  the  two 
 regions  [of  Egypt]."  He  himself  probably  married 
 the  heiress  of  tlie  Rameses  family,  while  his  son 
 and  successor  Usarken  appears  to  have  taken  to  wife 
 the  daughter,  and  perhaps  heiress,  of  the  Tauite 
 xxist  dynasty.  Probably  it  was  not  until  late  in 
 his  reign  that  he  was  able  to  carry  on  the  foreign 
 wars  of  the  earlier  king  who  captured  Gezer.  It  is 
 observable  that  we  trace  a  change  of  dynasty  in  the 
 policy  that  induced  Sheshenk  at  the  beginning  of 
 his  reign  to  receive  the  fugitive  Jeroboam  (1  K.  xi. 
 40).  The  king  of  Egypt  does  not  seem  to  have 
 commenced  hostilities  during  the  powerful  reign  of 
 Solomon.  It  was  not  until  the  division  of  the 
 tribes,  that,  probably  at  the  instigation  of  Jeroboam, 
 he  attacked  Rehoboam.  Tlie  foUowiufr  particulars 
 of  this  war  are  related  in  the  Bible:  "  In  the  fifth 
 year  of  king  Rehoboam,  Shishak  king  of  Egvpt 
 came  up  against  Jerusalem,  because  they  had  trans- 
 gressed against  the  LoRn,  with  twelve  hundred 
 chariots,  and  threescore  thousand  horsemen  :  auvl 
 the  people  [were]  without  numljer  that  came  with 
 him  out  of  Egy])t ;  the  Lubim,  the  Sukkiim,  and 
 the  Cushim.  And  he  took  the  fenced  cities  which 
 [pertained]   to   Judah,    and    came    to   Jerusalem  ' 
 
b76 
 
 SHITRAI 
 
 (2  ("lir.  xii.  2-4).  Shisliiik  did  not  pillage  Jeiu- 
 Baleni,  but  exacted  all  the  treasures  of  his  city  from 
 IJehoboam,  and  apparently  made  him  tributary 
 (5,  9-12,  psp.  8).  The  narrative  in  Kings  men- 
 tions only  the  invasion  and  the  exaction  (1  K.  xiv. 
 25,  2<)).  The  strong  cities  of  Kehoboam  are  thus 
 enunierate<l  in  an  earlier  passage  :  "  And  Rehoboani 
 dwi'lt  in  Jerusalem,  and  built  cities  lor  defence  in 
 Jiidah.  He  built  even  lieth-leheni,  and  Etam,  and 
 Tekoa,  and  Betli-ziir,  and  Shoco,  and  Adullam, 
 and  (iath,  and  Maieshnh,  and  Ziph,  and  Adoraim, 
 and  Lachi>h,  and  Azi-kah,  and  Zorah,  and  Aijalon, 
 and  Hebron,  which  [are]  in  Judah  and  in  Benjamin 
 fenced  cities  "  (2  ("hr.  xi.  o-l(i).  Shishak  has  left 
 a  I'ecord  of  this  expedition,  sculptured  on  the  wall 
 of  the  great  temple  of  Kl-K'arnak.  It  is  a  list  of 
 the  countries,  cities,  and  tribes,  conquered  or  ruled 
 bv  him,  or  tributary  to  him.  In  this  list  Cham- 
 jKiilion  recognised  a  name  which  he  translated  incor- 
 rectly, "  the  kingdom  of  Judah,"  and  was  thus  led 
 to  trace  the  names  of  certain  cities  of  Palestine. 
 The  document  has  since  been  more  cai'efully  studied 
 by  Dr.  I'.rugsch,  and  with  less  succe.ss  by  Dr.  Blau. 
 The  Pharaohs  of  the  Empire  passed  through  north- 
 ern Palestine  to  pu,>-h  their  conquests  to  the  Ku- 
 phnites  and  Jlesopotamia.  Shishak,  probably  unable 
 to  attack  the  Assyrians,  attempted  the  subjugation 
 of  Palestine  and  the  tracts  of  Arabia  which  border 
 Kgypt,  knowing  that  the  Arabs  would  inteipose  an 
 etlectual  resistance  to  any  invader  of  Kgypt.  He 
 seems  to  have  succeeded  in  consolidating  his  power 
 in  Arabia,  and  we  accordingly  find  Zerah  in  alliance 
 with  the  people  of  Cierar,  if  we  may  infer  this  fiom 
 their  siiaring  his  overthiow. 
 
 Shitra'i.  A  Sharonite  who  was  over  David's 
 herds  that  ted  in  Sharon  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  29). 
 
 SMttah-tree,  Shittim  (^Heb.  shittdh),  is  without 
 doubt  conectly  refened  to  some  species  of  Acacia, 
 
 9  V  f   "^^ 
 
 Acnc5n  fpoyvl 
 
 SHOBAB 
 
 of  which  three  or  four  kinds  occii'  in  the  Bible  lauilfi, 
 The  wood  of  this  tree — ])erhaps  the  A.  Scyul  w 
 more  <iefinitely  signified — was  extensively  employed 
 in  the  construction  of  the  tabernacle  (see  Fjt.  xxv., 
 xxvi.,  xxxvi.,  xxxvii.,  xxxviii.).  The  Egypti:in  name 
 of  the  Acaci'(  is  lont,  sant,  or  santh.  The  Heb. 
 term  is,  by  Jablonski,  Celsius,  and  many  other  au- 
 thors, derives!  from  the  Egyptian  word.  The  Shittah 
 tree  of  Scripture  is  by  some  thought  to  refer  more 
 especially  to  the  Acacia  Scyal,  though  ]ierhaps  the 
 Acacia  Nilotica  and  A.  Arabica  may  be  in<-luded 
 under  the  term.  The  A.  Seyal  is  very  common  in 
 some  pirts  of  the  j)eninsula  of  Sinai,  These  trees 
 are  more  common  in  Arabia  than  in  Palestine, 
 though  there  is  a  valley  on  the  west  side  of  the 
 Dead  Sea,  the  WaJy  Seyal,  which  derives  its  name 
 from  a  few  aaicia-trees  there.  The  Acacia  Seyal, 
 like  the  A.  Arabica,  yields  the  well-known  sub- 
 stance adled  gum  arable  wiiich  is  obtained  by  inci- 
 sions in  the  bark,  but  it  is  impossible  to  sjiy  whether 
 the  ancient  Jews  were  acquainted  with  its  use. 
 From  the  tangled  thickets  into  which  the  stem  of 
 this  tree  expands,  Stanley  well  remarks  that  hence 
 is  to  be  traced  the  use  of  the  plural  form  of  the 
 Hob.  noun,  Shitthn,  the  sing,  number  occuning  but 
 once  only  in  the  Bible.  Besides  the  Acacia  Seyal, 
 there  is  another  species,  the  A.  tortilis,  common  on 
 Wt.  Sinai.  These  acacias,  which  are  for  the  most 
 part  tropical  plants,  must  not  be  confounded  with 
 the  tree  (Ixobinia  pseudo-acacia)  ]>opularly  known 
 by  this  name  in  England,  which  isa  North  American 
 plant,  and  belongs  to  a  diflerent  genus  and  sub- 
 order. The  true  acacias  belong  to  the  order  Leytif 
 minosae,  sub-order  Jliinoseae. 
 
 Shit'tim.  The  place  of  Israel's  encampment  be- 
 tween the  conquest  of  the  Transjordanic  highlands 
 and  the  passage  of  the  Jordan  (Num.  xxxiii.  49, 
 XXV.  1;  josh.  ii.  1,  iii.  1  ;  Mic.  vi.  5).  Its  full 
 name  appears  to  be  given  in  the  fiivt  of  these  pas- 
 siiges — Abel  ha.s-Shittim — "  the  meadow,  or  moi.st 
 place,  of  the  acacias."  It  was  "  in  the  .Nrboth- 
 Moab,  by  Jordan-Jericho"  (Num.  xxii.  1,  xxvi.  .S, 
 xxxi.  12,  xxxiii.  48,  49).  That  is  to  say,  it  was  in 
 the  Arabah  or  Jordan  Valley,  oi)jK)site  Jericho. 
 The  Nachal-Shittim,  or  Wady-Simt,  as  it  would 
 uow  Ixi  called,  of  Joel  (iii.  18),  cm  hardly  be  the 
 same  spot  as  that  describetl  above,  but  there  is 
 nothing  to  give  a  clue  to  its  position. 
 
 Shi'za.  A  lieubenite,  father  of  Adina(lChr. 
 xi.  42). 
 
 Sbo'a.  A  proper  name  which  occurs  only  in  Ez. 
 x\iii.2:>,  in  connexion  with  Pekod  and  Koa.  The 
 tiuee  ajiparently  designate  districts  of  Assyria  with 
 which  the  southein  kingdom  of  Judah  liad  beer 
 intimately  connected,  and  which  were  to  be  arrayed 
 against  it  for  punishment.  R.ishi  remarks  on  the 
 three  words,  "  The  interpreters  say  that  they  signify 
 oliicci-s,  princes,  and  rulers."  Those  who  take  Shoa 
 as  an  api)ellative  refer  to  the  u.sage  of  the  word  in 
 .lob  xxxiv.  10  (A.  V.  "lich")  and  Is.  xxxii.  5 
 (A.  V.  "  bountiful").  But  a  consideration  of  the 
 latter  part  of  the  verse  Ez.  xxiii.  23,  and  the  fond- 
 ness which  Ezekiel  elsewhere  shows  for  playing 
 upon  the  sound  of  proper  names  (.is  in  xxvii.  10, 
 XXX.  h),  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  in  this  case 
 I'ekod,  Shoa,  and  Koa  are  jnopi'r  names  also.  The 
 only  name  which  has  been  found  at  all  resembling 
 Shoa  is  that  of  n  town  in  Assyiia,  mentioned  by 
 Pliny,  "  Stte  in  rupibus,"  near  (Ja.igamcia,  lUid 
 west  of  the  Orontes  motnit.iin-chain. 
 
 Sho'bab.     1.  Son  of  David  bv  Bathshubn  (2  Snm. 
 
SHOBACH 
 
 V.  14 ;  1  Chr.  iii.  5,  xiv.  4).  —  Z  Apparently  the 
 son  of  Caleb  the  son  of  Hezion  by  his  wife  Azubah 
 (IChr.  ii.  18). 
 
 Sho'bach.  The  general  of  Hadavezer  king  of  the 
 Syrians  of  Zoba,  who  was  clefeateil  by  David  in 
 person  at  HeJam.  Shobach  was  wounded,  and  died 
 on  the  tield  (2  Sam.  x.  15-18).  In  1  Chr.  xix.  16, 
 18,  he  is  called  vShophach. 
 
 Shoba'i.  The  children  of  Shobai  were  a  family 
 of  the  doorkeepers  of  the  Templi.',  who  returned  with 
 Zernbbabel  (^Ezr.  ii.42;   Neh.  vii.  45). 
 
 Sho'bal.  1.  The  second  son  of  Seir  the  Horite 
 (Gen.  xxxvi.  20  ;  1  Chr.  i.  38),  and  one  of  the 
 "  dukes  "  or  pliylarchs  of  the  Horites  (Gen.  xxxvi. 
 29).— 2.  Son  of  Caleb  the  son  of  Hur,  and  founder 
 or  prince  of  Kirjath-jearim  (1  Chr.  ii.  50,  52). ^3. 
 Jn  1  Chr.  iv.  1,  2,  Shobai  appe;irs  with  Hur  among 
 the  sons  of  Judah.  He  is  possibly  the  same  as  the 
 preceding. 
 
 Sho'bek.  One  of  the  heads  of  the  people  who 
 sealed  tlie  covenant  with  ISehemiah  (Neh.  x.  24). 
 
 Sho'bi.  Son  of  Nahash  of  Rabbah  of  the  children 
 of  Ammon  (2  Sam.  xvii.  27).  He  was  one  of  the 
 first  to  meet  David  at  Mahanaim  on  his  tlight  from 
 Absalom. 
 
 Sho'co,  2  Chr.  xi.  7.  A  variation  in  the  A.  V.  of 
 the  name  SOCOH. 
 
 Sbo'cbo,  2  Chr.  xxviii.  18.  One  of  the  four 
 varieties  of  the  name  SocOH. 
 
 Sho'chob,  1  Sam.  xvii.  1.     The  same  as  Socoh. 
 
 Sbo'bam.  A  Merarite  Levite,  son  of  Jaaziah 
 (1  Chr.  xxiv.  27). 
 
 Shoe.     [Sandal.] 
 
 Sho'mer.  1.  An  Asherite  (1  Chr.  vii.  32)  ;  also 
 called  Shamer  (ver.  34). — 2.  The  father  of  Jehoza- 
 bad,  who  slew  king  Joash  (2  K.  xii.  21):  in  the 
 parallel  passage  in  2  Chr.  xxiv.  26,  the  name  is 
 converted  into  the  feminine  form  Shimrith,  who 
 IS  further  described  as  a  Moabitess. 
 
 Sho'phacb.  Shobach,  the  general  of  Hadarezer 
 (1  Chr.  xi.x.  16,  18). 
 
 Sho'pban.  One  of  the  foitiried  towns  on  the 
 east  of  Jordan  which  were  taken  possession  of  and 
 rebuilt  by  the  tribe  of  Gad  (Num.  xxxii.  35). 
 
 Sbosban'nim.  "  To  the  chief  musician  upon 
 Shoshannim  "  is  a  musical  direction  to  the  leader  of 
 the  Temple-choir  wliich  occurs  in  Pss.  xlv.,  Ixix., 
 and  most  probably  indicates  the  melody  "after"  or 
 "  in  the  manneiof"  (A.  V.  "upon")  which  the 
 Psalms  were  to  be  sung.  As  ''  Shoshannim  "  lite- 
 -rally  signifies  "  lilies,"  it  has  been  suggested  that 
 the  word  denotes  lily-shaped  instruments  of  music, 
 perhaps  cymbals.  Ben  Zeb  regards  it  as  an  instru- 
 ment of  psalmody,  and  Jiniius  and  Tremellius,  after 
 Kimchi,  render  it  "  hexachorda,"  an  instrument 
 with  six  strings,  referring  it  to  the  root  shesh, 
 "  six." 
 
 Shoshan'mm-E'duth.  In  the  title  of  Ps.  Ixxx. 
 is  fouml  the  direction  "to  the  chief  musician  upon 
 Shoshannim-eduth,"  which  appears,  according  to 
 the  most  probable  conjecture,  to  denote  the  melody 
 or  air  "  after  "  or  "  in  the  manner  of"  which  the 
 Psalm  was  to  be  sung.  As  the  words  now  stand 
 they  signify  ''  lilies,  a  testimony,"  and  the  two  are 
 6e))aiated  by  a  large  distinctive  accent.  In  them- 
 selves they  have  no  meaning  in  the  present  text, 
 and  must  theietbre  be  regarded  as  probably  a  frag- 
 ment of  the  beginning  of  an  older  Psalm  with 
 which  the  choir  were  familiar. 
 
 Shu'a.  A  Canaanite  of  Adullam,  father  of  Ju- 
 dali's  wife  (1  Chr.  ii.  3). 
 
 SHUPHAM 
 
 ST-i 
 
 Shu'ab.  1.  Son  of  Abraham  by  Keturah  (Gen. 
 XXV.  2  ;  1  Chr.  i.  32).  — .  2.  Properly  "Shuchah  ;" 
 brother  of  Chelub  (1  Chr.  iv.  11).— 3.  The  tlitlier 
 of  Judah's  wife  (Gen.  xxxviii.  2,  12);  also  called 
 Skua  in  the  A.  V. 
 
 Sbu'al.  Son  of  Zophah,  an  Asherite  (1  Chr 
 vii.  3ti). 
 
 Shu'al,  the  Land  of.  A  district  named  only  in 
 1  Sam.  xiii.  17.  It  is  pretty  certain  from  the  pas- 
 sage that  the  land  of  Shual  lay  north  of  Michmash. 
 If  therefore  it  be  identical  with  the  "  land  of 
 Shalim  "  (  1  Sam.  is.  4) — as  is  not  impossible — we 
 obtain  the  first  and  only  clue  yet  obtained  to  Saul's 
 journey  in  quest  of  the  asses.  The  name  Shual  has 
 not  yet  been  identilied. 
 
 Shu'bael.  1.  Shebuel  the  son  of  Gershom 
 CI  Chr.  xxiv.  20). — 2.  Shebuel  the  son  of  Henian 
 the  minstrel  (1  Chr.  xxv.  20). 
 
 Shu'ham.  Son  of  Dan,  and  ancestor  of  the 
 Shi'iiamites  (Num.  xxvi.  42). 
 
 Shu'hamites,  the.  The  descendants  of  Shuham, 
 or  Hushim,  the  son  of  Dan  (Num.  xxvi.  42,  43). 
 
 Shu'hite.  This  ethnic  appellative  "Shuhite" 
 is  frequent  in  the  Book  of  Job,  but  only  as  the 
 epithet  of  tine  person,  Bildad.  The  local  indications 
 of  the  Book  of  Job  point  to  a  region  on  the  western 
 side  of  Chaklaea,  bordering  on  Arabia;  and  exactly 
 in  this  locality,  above  Hit  and  on  both  sides  of  the 
 Euphrates,  are  found,  in  the  Assyrian  inscriptions, 
 the  Tsukhi,  a  powerful  people.  It  is  probable  that 
 these  were  the  Sliuhites. 
 
 ShTi'lamite,  the.  One  of  the  personages  in  the 
 poem  of  Solomon's  Song  (vi.  13).  The  name  de- 
 notes a  woman  belonging  to  a  place  called  Shulem. 
 The  only  place  bearing  that  n.ame,  of  which  we 
 have  any  knowledge,  is  Shunem  itself.  In  fact  there 
 is  good  ground  for  believing  that  the  two  were 
 identiciil.  If,  then,  Shulammite  and  Shunammite 
 are  equivalent,  there  is  nothing  surely  extravagant 
 in  supposing  that  the  Shunammite  who  was  the 
 object  of  Solomon's  passion  was  Abishag. 
 
 Shu'mathites,  the.  One  of  the  four  families 
 who  sprang  from  Kiijath-jearim  (1  Chr.  ii.  53). 
 
 Shu'nammite,  the,  i.  e.  the  native  of  Shunem, 
 as  is  plain  from  2  K.  iv.  1.  It  is  applied  to  two 
 persons: — Abishag,  the  nurse  of  king  David  (1  K. 
 i.  3,  15,  ii.  17,  21,  22),  and  the  nameless  hostess 
 of  Elisha  (2  K.  iv.  12,  25,  36). 
 
 Shu'uem.  One  of  the  cities  allotted  to  the  tribe 
 of  Issachar  (Josh.  xix.  18).  It  occurs  in  the  list 
 between  Chesulloth  and  Haphraim.  It  is  mentioned 
 on  two  occasions  (1  Sam.  xxviii.  4  ;  2  K.  iv.  H). 
 It  was  besides  the  native  place  of  Abishag  (1  K. 
 i.  3).  By  Eusebius  and  Jerome  it  is  mentioned 
 twice,  as  5  miles  south  of  Mount  Tabor,  and  then 
 known  as  Sulem  :  and  as  a  village  in  Aci-abattine, 
 in  the  territory  of  Sebaste  Killed  Sanim.  The  latter 
 of  these  two  identifications  probably  refers  to  Siinur. 
 a  well-known  fortress  some  7  miles  from  Sebastiyeh 
 and  4  from  Arraheh.  The  other  has  more  in  its 
 fa\-our,  since  it  agrees  with  the  position  of  the  pre- 
 sent Solain,  a  village  on  the  S.VV.  flank  of  Jebal 
 Duhy,  3  miles  N.  of  Jezreel,  5  from  Gilboa  (/. 
 Fukua),  full  in  view  of  the  sacred  spot  on  Mount 
 Carmel,  and  situated  in  the  midst  of  the  finest  coin- 
 fields  in  the  world. 
 
 Shuiii.  Son  of  Gad,  and  founder  of  the  family 
 of  the  Shunites  (Gen.  xlvi.  16  ;   Num.  xxvi.  15). 
 
 Shu'nites,  the.  Descendants  of  Sliuni  (Num. 
 xxvi.  1  5). 
 
 Shu'pham.     [Suupi'LM.] 
 
B78  SHITPHAMITES,  THE 
 
 Shu'phamites,  the.  Tlio  ik'sccinlMiits  nf  Shu- 
 pliMin,  ur  Slibphupiiani,  the  lieiijainite  (Num.  .\.\vi. 
 39). 
 
 Shuppim.  In  tho  genealojiy  ofHoiij.imiu  "  Sliiip- 
 |iiin  all. I  Hii]ij)im,  tlie  children  of  li,"  are  reckoned 
 iu  1  Chr.  vii.  12.  Ir  is  tlie  same  ;ls  Iii  the  son  of 
 Ik'la  the  soil  of  Ik'njaiiiin,  so  tliat  Sluiiipim  was  the 
 great-tjraiidson  of  Benjamin.  Lord  A.  Hervey  con- 
 jectuies  tliat  Shup]>im  or  Shephuphan  was  a  .■;om  of 
 Uenjamin,  whose  family  was  reckoned  with  that 
 of  Ir  or  hi. 
 
 Shur,  a  place  just  witliout  the  eastern  border  of 
 lls;v)it.  .Sliur  is  first  meiitioneil  in  the  narrative 
 of  llayar's  flight  from  Sarah  (Gen.  xvi.  7).  Abra- 
 ham afterwards  "  dwelled  between  Kadesh  and 
 Siiur,  and  sojourned  iu  Gerar  "  (x.\.  1).  The  first 
 clear  indication  of  its  position  occurs  ir  the  account 
 of  Islmiael's  jicisterity.  "  And  they  dwelt  from 
 ilavilah  unto  Shur,  that  [is]  before  l\i;ypt,  as  thou 
 goest  toward  Assyria"  (.\xv.  18  ;  comp.  1  Sam.xv. 
 7,  .xxvii.  8).  The  wilderness  of  Shur  was  enteied 
 bv  the  Israelites  after  they  had  crossed  the  Red  .Se;i 
 (kx.  XV.  22,  2,J).  It  was'also  called  the  Wilderness 
 of  lithnm  (Num.  xxxiii.  8).  Sluir  may  have  been 
 a  tbrtitied  town  east  of  the  ancient  head  of  the  I  led 
 Sea,  but  in  the  hands  of  the  Arabs,  or  at  one  time 
 the  Philistines,  not  of  the  Egyjifians.  From  its 
 beini;  spoken  of  as  a  limit,  it  was  ])robably  the  last 
 Arabian  town  before  entering  I'-gyi't.  The  hiero- 
 glyphic iiisci'iptions  have  not  been  found  to  throw 
 any  liLjht  uiinii  tliis  (picstion. 
 
 Shu'shan,  or  Sasa,  is  s-aid  to  have  received  its 
 name  from  the  abundance  of  the  lily  (Shushcm  or 
 ShiUhandh)  in  its  neighbourhood.  1.  Ilistor}/. — It 
 was  originally  the  capital  of  the  country  c;xlled  in 
 Scripture  Elam,  and  by  the  classicjil  wiiters,  some- 
 times Cissia,  sometimes  Susis  or  Susiana.  The  first 
 distinct  mention  of  the  town  that  has  been  as  yet 
 found  is  in  the  inscriptions  of  Asshur-bani-pul,  the  son 
 and  successor  of  JCsar-haddoii,  who  states  that  he  took 
 the  jilace,  and  exhibits  a  ground-plan  of  it  upon  his 
 .sculptures.  The  date  of  this  monument  is  about 
 li.C.  (5(30.  We  next  find  Suvi  in  the  possession  of  tlie 
 Babylonians,  to  whom  Elam  had  probably  passed  at 
 the  division  of  tiie  Assyrian  empire  made  by  Cy.uxaies 
 and  Nabopola-sstir  (Dan.  viii.  2).  The  conquest  of 
 Babylon  by  Cyrus  transferred  Susa  to  the  Persian 
 dominion  ;  and  it  was  not  long  before  the  Achae- 
 meiiian  princes  determined  to  make  it  the  capital  of 
 their  whole  empire,  and  the  chief  place  of  their  own 
 residence.  According  to  some  writers,  the  change  was 
 made  by  Cyrus  ;  according  to  others,  it  had  at  any 
 rate  taken  place  before  the  death  of  Cambyses ; 
 but,  accoiding  to  the  evidence  of  the  place  itself 
 and  of  the  other  Aclmenicnian  monuments,  it  would 
 seem  most  probable  that  the  transfer  was  really 
 the  work  of  Darius  llystaspis.  Sus;i  accoidingly 
 became  the  meti'opolis  of  Persia,  and  is  recogni.-.ed 
 as  such  by  Aeschylus,  Herodotus,  Cfesias,  Strabo, 
 and  almost  all  the  bast  writers.  .Susa  retained 
 its  ])re-emiiience  to  the  period  of  the  Macedonian 
 conquest.  After  this  it  declined.  'I'hc  preference 
 of  .Mexander  for  Babylon  cjuised  the  neglect  of 
 Sus!i  by  his  .successoi-s,  none  of  whom  ever  made 
 it  their  cipit.'d  city.  We  hear  of  it  once  only  in 
 their  wars,  when  it  falls  into  the  jiower  of  Anti- 
 goniid  'R.c.  Mh).  2.  PositivH,  <j'o. — Most  liis- 
 t'liians  and  ciimpiu-ativc  geographers  have  inclined 
 *C  iJentify  it  with  the  modern  Sus  or  S/nish,  whidi. 
 is  ir.  lat.  ;i2"  Id',  long.  48^  2(3'  E.  from  Greenwich, 
 between   the  Shapnr  and   the  river  of  l'>itful.      A I 
 
 SHUTHELAH 
 
 the  distance  ol  a  tew  miles  east  and  west  of  tht 
 city  Were  two  other  .streams — the  Coprates  or  river 
 of  Dizl'iil.  and  the  right  arm  of  the  Choaspes  (the 
 modern  Kerhhali).  Thus  the  countiy  about  Susa 
 was  most  abundaiitiy  watered.  ;3.  General  Ik- 
 scriptwn  of  tke  liuins. — The  ruins  of  Silsji  cover 
 a  sp.ice  about  (300U  feet  long  fixim  east  to  west,  by 
 45(10  feet  broad  from  north  to  south.  The  circum- 
 ference of  the  whole,  exclusive  of  outlying  and  com- 
 paratively insignificant  mounds,  is  about  three  milcb. 
 According  to  Mr.  I.oftus,  "the  principal  existing 
 remains  consist  of  four  spacious  artiticial  platforms, 
 distinctly  separate  from  each  other.  Of  the.se  the 
 western  mound  is  the  smallest  in  superficial  extent, 
 but  considerably  the  most  lof'ty  and  important.  .  .  . 
 Its  highest  point  is  119  feet  above  the  level  of  the 
 Shaour  (Shapur).  In  form  it  is  an  irregular,  ob- 
 tuse-angled triangle,  with  its  corners  lounded  off, 
 and  its  base  facing  nearly  due  e.ist."  Mr.  Loftus 
 regards  this  mound  as  indubitably  the  remains  of 
 the  famous  citadel  of  Susa,  so  frequently  mentioned 
 by  the  ancient  wi  iters. 
 
 Shu'shan-E'duth.  "  To  the  chief  mu.sician  upon 
 Shusiiau-Ediitli "  is  plainly  a  mnsiail  direction, 
 whatever  else  may  be  obscure  aliout  it  ( Ps.  Ix.  . 
 In  Ps.  Ixxx.  we  have  the  fuller  phrase  "  Shoshannim- 
 eduth,"  of  which  Roediger  legards  .Shushan-iHiuth  as 
 an  abbreviatiou.  .-Xs  it  now  st.-vnds  it  denotes  "  the 
 lily  of  testimony,"  and  possibly  contains  the  Hi-st 
 words  of  some  Psalm  to  the  melody  of  which  that 
 to  which  it  was  prefixed  was  sung.  There  does  not 
 appear  to  be  much  siii)[)ort  for  the  view  taken  by 
 some  that  Sluishan-ediith  is  a  musical  instrument,  so 
 called  from  its  lesemblance  to  a  lily  in  shape,  or 
 from  having  lily-shaped  ornaments  upon  it,  or  froit 
 it'-  six  {sheshj  strings.  As  a  conjecture  this  is  cer- 
 tainly ingenious,  but  it  has  the  disadvantage  of 
 introducing  its  many  diliiculties  ;us  it  removes.  .Si- 
 monis  connects 'ec/«M  with  the  Arabic 'iW,  a  lute, 
 or  kind  of  guitar  played  with  a  plectrum,  and  con- 
 siders it  to  be  the  melody  produced  by  this  instru- 
 ment; so  that  in  his  view  Shushau-eiluth  indiaites 
 that  the  lily-shaped  cymbals  were  to  be  accom- 
 panied with  |)laying  on  the  lute.  We  may  theit?- 
 (bre  regard  the  words  in  question  as  a  fr.igment  of 
 an  old  psalm  or  melody,  the  same  in  character  as 
 Aijeleth  Shahar  and  others,  which  contiined  a  di- 
 rection to  the  leader  of  the  choir. 
 
 Shu'thalhites,  the.  The  descendants  of  .Shu- 
 thclali  thi'  scui  (.f  Kpliraiin  (Num.  xxvl.  35). 
 
 Shuthe'lah.  II  a.l  of  an  I'.phraimite  family, 
 called  afti'r  him  Shuthalhites  (Num.  xxvi.  35),  and 
 lineal  ancestor  of  .loshua,  the  son  of  Nun  (1  Chr.  vii. 
 20-27).  Shuthelah  appears  from  the  former  passage 
 to  be  a  son  of  Ephraim,  and  the  father  of  Enin, 
 fVom  whom  sprung  a  family  of  Eranites  (ver.  3(i). 
 He  a)>peais  also  to  have  had  two  brothers,  liei'her, 
 father  ot  the  Bachrites.  and  Tahan,  fiither  of  the 
 Tahanites.  But  in  1  Chr.  vii.  we  have  a  further 
 notice  of  Shuthelah,  where  he  ajipeai-s  fii^st  of  all, 
 !LS  in  Num.,  as  the  son  of  Ephraim  ;  but  in  ver.  21, 
 he  is  placed  six  generations  later.  Prom  the  recur- 
 rence of  other  names  too,  it  appeai-s  that  the  text  in 
 1  ('hr.  vii.  is  corrupt.  The  fbllowiiig  observations 
 will  perhaps  assist  us  to  restore  it.  1.  The  names 
 that  are  rejieated  over  and  over  ag.iin,  either  in 
 ideiiticiil  or  in  slightly  varied  forms,  re()resenf 
 proi)ably  only  onk  person.  Henct,  Shuthelah  in 
 vers.  20  and  21,  ami  Telah  in  vtr.  25,  are  tho  sime 
 la  the  .Shuthei.ah  of  Num.  xxvi.  35,  36.  2.  The 
 words  •  his  son  "  are  nnpi-"|>erly  added  alller  Bci^xl 
 
SIA 
 
 auil  Tali.ith  in  1  Clir.  vii.  JO.  o.  Talian  is  impvo- 
 jieily  inserted  in  1  Chi-,  vii.  25  as  a  son  ofShutho- 
 lali,  ns  appears  i'rom  Num.  .\xvi.  35,  30.  The  re- 
 salt  is  that  Shutlielah's  line  ma\'  be  thus  restoie<l : 
 (1)  Joseph.  C2)  Ephraim.  (3)  Shuthelah.  (_4) 
 Kran,  or  Laadan.  (5)  Ainmihud.  (6)  Elishania, 
 captain  of  the  host  of  Ephraim  (Num.  i.  10,  ii.  18, 
 vii.  48).  (7)  Nan.  (8)  Joshua.  As  regards  tlie 
 interestins;  story  of  the  destruction  of  Ephraim's 
 s(ins  by  the  men  of  Gath,  which  Ewald,  Bunsen, 
 I.ejisius  and  others  have  variously  explained,  it  is 
 impossible  in  the  confused  stite  of  the  text  to  speak 
 positively  as  to  the  part  borne  in  it  by  the  house  of 
 Shuthelah.  Putting  together  the  insuperable  diffi- 
 culties in  understanding  the  passage  of  the  literal 
 Ephraim,  and  his  literal  sons  and  daughter,  with 
 the  fact  that  the  settlements  of  the  Ephraimites  in 
 tlie  mountainous  district,  where  Beth-horon,  Gezer, 
 'rimnnth-Seiah,  &c.  lay,  were  exactly  suited  for  a 
 descent  njwn  the  plains  of  the  Philistine  country 
 where  the  men  of  Gath  fed  their  cattle,  and  with 
 the  further  facts  that  the  Ephraimites  encountered 
 a  successful  opposition  from  the  Caiuumites  in  Gezer 
 (Josh.  xvi.  10;  Judg.  i.  29),  and  that  they  appa- 
 rently called  in  later  the  Benjamites  to  help  them 
 m  driving  away  the  men  of  Gath  (1  Chr.  viii.  13), 
 it  seems  best  to  understand  the  narrative  as  of  the 
 limes  after  the  entrance  into  Canaan. 
 
 Si'a.  "  The  children  of  Sia "  were  a  family  of 
 Nethiniui  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Neh.  vii. 
 47).  The  name  is  written  SiAitA  in  Ezr.  ii.  44, 
 and  SuD  in  1  Esd.  v.  29. 
 
 Si'aha  =  Sia  (Ezr.  ii.  44), 
 
 Sibbeca'i.  Sibbechai  the  Hushathite  ('2  Sara, 
 xxi.  IS;    1  Chr.  xxvii.  11). 
 
 Sibbecha'i.  One  of  David's  gnard,  and  eighth 
 captain  for  the  eighth  month  of  24,000  men  of  the 
 king's  army  (1  Chr.  xi.  29,  xxvii.  11).  He  be- 
 longed to  one  of  the  principal  families  of  Judah,  the 
 Zaihites,  or  descendants  of  Zerah,  and  is  Ciilled 
 "  the  Hushathite,"  probably  from  the  j)lace  of  his 
 birth.  Sibbechai's  great  exploit,  which  gave  him  a 
 place  among  the  mighty  men  o-f  David's  army,  was 
 his  single  combat  with  Saph,  or  Sippai,  the  Philis- 
 tine giant,  in  the  battle  at  Gezer,  or  Gob  (2  Sam. 
 xxi.  is  ;    1  Chr.  xx.  4). 
 
 Sib'boleth.  The  Ephraimite  pronunciation  of  the 
 word  Shibboleth  (Judg.  xii.  6). 
 
 Sib'mah.  A  town  on  the  east  of  the  Jordan, 
 one  of  those  which  were  taken  and  occupied  by  the 
 tribe  of  Reuben  (Josh.  xiil.  19).  Like  most  ol 
 the  Transjordanic  places,  Sibmah  disap])ears  from 
 view  during  the  main  part  of  the  Jewish  history. 
 We,  however,  gain  a  parting  glimpse  of  it  in  the 
 lament  over  Moab  pronounced  by  Isaiah  and  by 
 Jeremiah  (Is.  xvi.  8,  9;  Jei-.  xlviii.  32).  Sibmah 
 seems  to  have  been  known  to  Eusebius,  and  Jerome 
 states  that  it  was  hardly  500  paces  distant  from 
 Heshbon.  No  trace  of  the  name  has  been  discovei  ed 
 more  lecently. 
 
 Sibra'im.  One  of  the  lanciuarks  on  the  northern 
 boiuidary  of  the  Holy  Land  as  stated  by  Ezekiel 
 (xlvii.  16).     It  has  not  been  identified. 
 
 Si'cliem.  1.  The  same  well-known  name — iden- 
 tical in  the  Hebrew — with  that  which  in  all  other 
 places  in  the  0.  T.  is  accurately  rendered  by  our 
 translators  Shechem  (Gen.  xii.  6).  —  2.  Ecclus. 
 1.26.  The  Greek  original  here  is  in  the  tbrm  which 
 is  occasionally  found  in  the  0.  T.  as  the  equivalent 
 of  StlKCHEM. 
 
 Sio  7 on.     A  city  mentioned  with  several  others 
 
 SIDE 
 
 879 
 
 in  1  JIacc.  XV.  23.  The  oldest  name  of  ihe  town  oc. 
 the  coast  (the  Sicyon  of  the  times  befoie  Alexander) 
 was  said  to  have  been  hlyiaKr\,  or  AlyiaKoi.  This 
 was  perhaps  the  common  native  name,  and  Sic)'on 
 that  given  to  it  by  the  Phoenician  traders.  But  the 
 Sicyon  referreil  to  in  the  Book  of  Maccabees  is  a 
 more  lecent  city,  built  on  the  site  whicli  sei-ved  as 
 an  acropolis  to  the  old  one,  and  distant  from  the 
 shore  from  twelve  to  twenty  stades.  Demetrius 
 Poliorcetes,  in  the  year  303  B.C.,  surprised  the  gar- 
 rison which  Ptolemy  had  five  years  before  placed 
 there,  and  made  himself  master  of  the  hai'bour  and 
 the  lower  town.  The  acropolis  was  sairenderwl  tc 
 him,  and  he  then  persuaded  the  population,  whom 
 he  restored  to  independence,  to  destroy  the  whole 
 of  the  buildings  adjacent  to  the  harbour,  and  lemove 
 thither;  the  site  being  one  much  more  easily  defen- 
 sible, especially  against  any  enemy  who  might  at- 
 tack from  the  sea.  Diodorus  describes  the  new 
 town  as  including  a  laige  space  so  surrounded  ou 
 every  side  by  precipices  as  to  be  unapjiroachable 
 by  the  machines  which  at  that  time  wei-e  employed 
 in  sieges,  and  as  possessing  the  great  advantage  of  a 
 plentiful  supply  of  water  within  its  circuit.  Modern 
 travellers  completely  confirm  his  account. 
 
 Sid'dim,  tbe  Vale  of.  A  place  named  only 
 in  one  passage  of  Genesis  (xiv.  3,  8,  10).  The 
 meaning  of  the  name  is  veiy  doubtful.  Gesenius 
 exjiresses  hi^  conviction  that  the  real  meaning  of 
 the  woids  Emek  has-Siddim  is  "a  plain  cut  up  by 
 stony  channels  which  render  it  difficult  of  transit." 
 Dr.  Stanley  conjectures  that  Siddim  is  connected 
 with  Sadeh  (field),  and  thus  that  the  signification 
 of  the  name  was  the  "  valley  of  the  fields."  As  to 
 the  spot  itself: — 1 .  It  was  one  of  that  cla^s  of  valleys 
 which  the  Hebrews  designated  by  the  word  Emek. 
 This  term  appears  to  have  been  assigned  to  a  broad 
 flattish  tract,  sometimes  of  considerable  width,  en- 
 closed on  each  side  by  a  definite  range  of  hills.  2. 
 It  was  so  far  a  suitable  spot  for  the  combat  be- 
 tween the  four  and  five  kings  (ver.  8^ ;  but,  3. 
 It  contained  a  multitude  of  bitumen-pits  sufficient 
 mateiially  to  ati'ect  the  issue  of  the  battle.  4.  In 
 this  valley  the  kings  of  the  five  allied  cities  of 
 Sodom,  Gomorrah,  Admah,  Zeboim,  and  Bela,  seem 
 to  have  awaited  the  approach  of  the  invaders.  It 
 is  therefore  ]>robable  that  it  was  in  the  neighbour- 
 hood of  the  "  plain,  or  ciicle,  of  .Jordan  "  in  which 
 tiiose  cities  stood.  5.  So  much  may  be  gatheied 
 from  the  passage  as  it  appears  originally  to  have 
 stood.  But  the  words  which  more  especially  beaj' 
 on  the  subject  of  this  article  (ver.  3)  do  not  form 
 part  of  the  original  document.  If  we  could  ven- 
 ture, as  some  have  done,  to  interpret  the  latter 
 clause  of  verse  3,  "  which  is  near,"  or  "  which  is  at, 
 or  by,  the  Salt  Sea,"  then  we  might  agree  with  Dr. 
 Kobinson  and  others  in  identifying  the  Valley  of 
 Siddim  with  the  enclosed  plain  which  intervenes 
 between  the  south  end  of  the  lake  and  the  range  of 
 heights  which  terminate  the  Ghor  and  commence 
 the  Wadij  Arahah.  But  the  original  of  the  passage 
 will  not  bear  even  this  slight  accommodation,  and 
 it  is  evident  that  in  the  mind  of  the  author  of  the 
 words  the  Salt  Sea  covers  the  actual  space  foinierly 
 occupied  by  the  Vale  of  Siddim. 
 
 Si'de.  A  city  on  the  coast  of  Pamphylia  in  lat. 
 36°  46',  long.  31°  27',  ten  or  twelve  miles  to  the 
 cast  of  the  river  Eurymedon.  It  is  mentioned  in 
 1  JIacc.  XV.  23,  among  the  list  of  jilaces  to  which 
 the  Koman  senate  sent  letters  in  favour  of  the  Jews. 
 It  was  a  colony  of  Cumaeans.     Sid6    Aa.s  closely 
 
880 
 
 SIDON 
 
 connected  with  Aradiis  in  Phoenicia  by  commciine, 
 even  if  tln-ie  was  not  a  considerable  Phoenician 
 element  in  the  population.  It  is  possible  that  tiie 
 name  lias  tiie  same  root  as  that  of  Sidon,  and  tliat 
 it  was  originally  a  Phoenician  settlement,  and  that 
 the  Cumaeau  colony  was  something  subsequent.  In 
 the  times  in  which  Side  a])pears  in  history  it  had 
 become  a  jilace  of  conside)able  imporlaiice.  It  w;i.s 
 the  station  of  Antiochus's  navy  on  the  eve  of  the 
 battle  with  the  Hhodian  fleet  described  by  Livy 
 (x.xxvii.  '2-i,  24).  The  remains,  too,  which  still 
 exist,  are  an  evidence  of  its  former  wealth.  They 
 stand  on  a  low  peninsula  running  from  N.K.  to 
 S.W.,  and  the  maritime  character  of  the  former 
 inhabitants  ajijieai-s  from  the  circumstance  that  the 
 walls  towards  the  se-i  were  but  slightly  built,  while 
 the  one  which  faces  the  land  is  of  excellent  work- 
 manship, and  remains,  in  a  considerable  portion, 
 pel  feet  even  to  this  time.  A  theatre  (belonging  ap- 
 parently to  the  Komaii  times)  is  one  of  the  largest 
 and  best  preserved  in  Asia  Minor,  and  is  calculated 
 to  have  been  capable  of  containing  more  than  15,000 
 sjiectators.  Three  gates  led  into  the  town  from  the 
 sea,  and  one,  on  the  noith-eastein  side,  into  the 
 country.  The  two  princijial  harboui-s,  which  at 
 Hi-st  seem  to  have  been  united  in  one,  were  at  the 
 extremity  of  the  peninsula  :  they  were  closed,  and 
 together  contained  a  surface  of  neai  ly  500  yards  by 
 200.  The  country  by  which  Sid6  is  backed  is  a 
 broad  swampy  plain,  stretching  out  for  some  miles 
 beyond  the  lielt  of  sand-hills  which  fringe  the  sea- 
 shore. Low  hills  succeed,  and  behind  these,  far 
 inland,  are  the  mountains  which,  at  Jlount  CJimax 
 40  miles  to  the  west,  and  again  about  the  .same 
 distance  to  the  east,  come  down  to  the  coast. 
 
 Si'don.  The  Greek  form  of  the  Phoenician  name 
 Zidoii.  As  such  it  occurs  naturally  in  the  N.T. 
 and  Apocrvpha  of  the  Auth.  Version  ;  2  Esd.  i,  11 ; 
 .lud.  ii.  28':  1  Mace.  v.  15  ;  Matt,  xi,  21,  22  ;  xv. 
 21  ;  Mark  iii.  8,  &c.  But  we  also  find  it  in  the 
 (,).  T.  (lieu.  X.  15,  19). 
 
 Sido'nians..  The  Greek  form  of  the  word  ZidO- 
 N'lANS,  usually  so  exhibited  in  the  Auth.  Vers,  of 
 the  0.  T.  It  occurs  Dent.  iii.  9  ;  Josh.  xiii.  4,  6  ; 
 Judg.  iii.  3  ;   1  K.  v.  6. 
 
 Sihon.  King  of  the  Amoiites  when  Israel  ar- 
 rived on  tlie  borders  of  the  Promised  Land  (Num. 
 xxi.  21).  He  was  evidently  a  man  of  great  courage 
 iiiid  audacity.  Shortly  before  the  time  of  Israel's 
 arrival  he  had  disposses^eii  tlie  Moabites  of  a  splen- 
 did territoiy,  driving  them  south  of  the  natural 
 buLvaik  of  the  Anion  (xxi.  26-29).  When  the 
 Israelite  host  ajipeai-s,  he  does  not  he.>it;ite  or  tem- 
 porise like  Balak,  but  at  ouce  gathers  his  people 
 together  and  attacks  them.  But  the  battle  was  his 
 liust.  He  and  all  his  host  were  destroyed,  and  their 
 district  from  Anion  to  Jabbok  became  at  once  the 
 possession  of  the  conqueror. 
 
 Si'hor,  M.cu lately  Shi'lior,  once  the  Shihor  or 
 Shihor  of  Egypt,  when  uniiualilicd,  a  name  of  till' 
 .Nile.  It  islifld  to  signil'y  "  the  black  "  or  ''  turbid." 
 There  are  but  three  occurrences  of  Shihor  in  the 
 liiiile,  and  but  one  of  Shihoi'  of  Kgypt,  or  Sliihor- 
 Mlzraim.  It  is  spoken  of  as  one  of  the  limits  of 
 territory  which  was  still  unconquered  when  Joshua 
 was  old  (Josh.  xiii.  2,  3),  With  this  p.tssage  must 
 be  compared  that  in  which  Sliihor-Mlzraim  occui>. 
 havid  is  related  to  have  "gathered  all  Israel  toge- 
 ther (rom  Shihor  of  Kgypt  even  unto  the  entering  of 
 llamuth"  ( 1  Chr.  xiii.  5j.  There  is  no  other  evidence 
 that    the    Israelites   ever  ii)iiead  westward    U'vond 
 
 SILLA. 
 
 Gazn.  The  stienm  may  therefore  be  that  of  Uic 
 WjUli-l'Areesh.  That  the  stream  intended  by  Shihoi 
 uriqualilie<l  was  a  navigable  river  is  evident  from  a 
 passage  in  Isaiah,  wiiere  it  is  s;iid  of  Tyre,  "  And 
 by  great  watei-s,  the  sowing  of  Shihor,  the  harvest 
 of  the  river  [is]  her  revenue"  (xxiii.  3).  Here 
 Shihor  is  either  the  same  as,  or  compiiied  with, 
 Yeor,  geneiallv  thought  to  be  the  Nile,  but  in  this 
 work  suggested  to  be  the  extension  of  the  Hed  Sea. 
 [Kkd  Sea.]  In  Jeremiah  the  identity  of  Shihor 
 with  the  Mile  seems  distinctly  stated  (ii.  18).  In 
 articles  Nile  and  liiVEK  OF  Egypt  it  is  main- 
 tained too  strongly  that  Shihor,  however  qualiKed, 
 is  always  the  Nile.  The  later  opinion  of  the  writer 
 is  expressed  here  under  SiiuiOU  OF  KiiYi'T.  The 
 latter  is,  he  thinks,  unquestionably  the  Nile,  the 
 former  two  probably,  but  not  certainly,  the  same. 
 
 Si'las.  An  eminent  member  of  the  early  Chris- 
 tian Church,  described  under  that  name  in  the  Acts, 
 but  as  Silvanus  in  St.  Paul's  Kpistles.  He  first  ap- 
 pears as  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  Church  at  Jeru- 
 salem (Acts  .xv.  22,  holding  the  ollice  of  an  in- 
 s])iied  teacher  (xv.  32).  His  name,  derived  from 
 tlie  Latin  silva,  "  wood,"  betokens  him  a  Hellenistic 
 Jew,  and  he  ajipears  to  have  been  a  Roman  citizen 
 (Acts  xvi.  37).  He  was  appointed  as  a  delegate  to 
 accompany  Paul  and  Bainab;is  on  their  return  to 
 Aiitioch  with  the  decree  of  the  Council  of  Jerusalem 
 (Acts  XV.  22,  32).  Having  accomplished  this  mis- 
 sion, he  returned  to  Jerusalem  (Acts  xv.  33).  He 
 must,  however,  have  immediately  revisited  Antioch, 
 for  we  lind  him  selected  by  St.  I'aul  as  the  com- 
 panion of  his  second  missionary  journey  (.•\cts  xv. 
 40-xvii.  40).  At  Beroea  he  was  left  behind  with 
 Timothy  while  St.  Paul  proceeded  to  Athens  (Acts 
 xvii.  14),  and  we  hear  nothing  more  of  his  move- 
 ments until  ho  rejoined  the  Apostle  at  Corinth  (Acts 
 xviii.  5).  His  presence  at  Corinth  is  several  times 
 noticed  (2  Cor.  i.  19  ;  1  Thess.  i.  1 ;  2  Thess.  i.  1 ). 
 Whether  he  was  the  Silvanus  who  conveyed  St. 
 Peter's  First  Epistle  to  Asia  Minor  (1  Pet.  v.  12) 
 is  doubtful  ;  the  probabilities  are  in  favour  of  the 
 identity.  A  tradition  of  veiy  slight  authority  re- 
 presents Silas  to  have  become  bishop  of  Corinth. 
 We  have  finally  to  notice,  for  the  purpose  of  re- 
 jecting, the  theories  which  identify  Silas  with  Ter- 
 tius  (Horn.  xvi.  22). 
 
 Silk.  The  only  ntuloubted  notice  of  silk  in  the 
 Bible  occurs  iu  Kev.  xviii.  12,  wlieie  it  is  mentioned 
 among  the  treasures  of  the  typic:il  Babylon.  It  is, 
 however,  in  the  highest  degree  probiible  that  the 
 texture  was  known  to  the  Hebrews  from  the  time 
 that  their  commercial  relations  were  extend(><l  by 
 Solomon.  The  well-known  classical  name  of  the 
 substance  does  not  occur  in  the  Hebrew  language. 
 The  Hebrew  terms  which  have  been  sujijwsed  to 
 refer  to  silk  aie  meM  and  deiiu-shck.  The  foimer 
 occurs  only  in  Ez.  xvi.  10,  13  (A,  V.  "silk  "). 
 The  other  tenn  dU-mcshek  occurs  in  Am.  iii.  12 
 (A.  V.  "Damascus"),  and  ha*  been  .sujijHvsj-d  to 
 refer  to  silk  from  the  resemblance  of  tlie  word  to 
 our  "damask."  It  apjieu-s,  however,  that  "da- 
 mask" is  a  corruption  of  diiim/iso,  a  term  applied 
 by  the  .Arabs  to  the  law  material  alone.  We  must, 
 therefore,  consider  the  reference  to  silk  as  extremely 
 dubious.  The  value  set  upon  silk  by  the  Komans, 
 as  i-jiplied  iu  Rev.  xviii.  12,  is  noticed  byjasephus, 
 as  well  as  by  classical  writere. 
 
 Sil'la.  "  The  house  of  Millo  which  goeth  down 
 to  Silla,"  was  the  scene  of  the  murder  of  king 
 Joash  (,2  K.  xii.  20).     What  or  where  Silla  was  if 
 
SILOAH,  THE  POOL  OF 
 
 entirely  mat  tor  aC  conjecture.  Some  have  suggested 
 the  Pool  of  Siloam.  Others  refer  it  to  a  place  on 
 or  connected  with  the  causeway  or  flight  of  steps 
 (mesilldh)  which  led  from  the  central  valley  of  the 
 city  up  to  the  court  of  the  Temple.  We  have  no 
 clue  to  its  position. 
 
 Silo'ali,  the  Pool  of.  Pioperly  "  the  Pool  of 
 Shelach,"  or  ratlier  '•  has-Shelach  "  (Neh.  iii.  15i. 
 This  was  possibly  a  corrupt  form  of  the  name  which 
 is  tirst  presented  as  SHiloach,  then  as  Siloam,  and  is 
 now  Sclicdn. 
 
 Silo'am  (Shiloach,  Is.  viii.  6 ;  Shelach,  Neh.  iii. 
 1.5).  Rabbinical  writers,  and,  following  them, 
 Jewish  travellers,  both  ancient  and  modern,  retain 
 the  e;u'lier  Shiloach  in  prefeience  to  the  later  She- 
 lach. Siloam  is  one  of  the  few  undisputed  localities 
 in  the  topography  of  Jerusalem ;  still  retaining  its 
 old  name  (with  Arabic  modification,  Siltcdn),  while 
 every  other  pool  has  lost  its  Bible-designation. 
 This  is  the  more  remarkable  as  it  is  a  mere  suburban 
 lank  of  no  great  size,  and  for  many  an  age  not  par- 
 ticularly good  or  plentiful  in  its  waters,  though 
 Josephus  tells  us  that  in  his  day  they  were  both 
 "  sweet  and  abundant."  Apart  from  the  identity 
 of  name,  there  is  an  unbroken  chain  of  exterior  tes- 
 timony, during  eighteen  centuries,  connecting  the 
 jiiesent  Birhet  SUwaii  with  the  Shiloah  of  Isaiah 
 and  the  Siloam  of  St.  John.  From  Josephus  we 
 learn  that  it  was  without  the  city  :  that  it  was  at 
 this  pool  that  the  "  old  wall  "  took  a  bend  and  shot 
 out  eastward :  that  there  was  a  valley  imder  it,  and 
 one  beside  it;  a  hill  right  opposite,  apparently  on 
 the  other  side  of  the  Kedron,  hard  by  a  cliff  or  rock 
 called  Peristereon  ;  that  it  was  at  the  termination 
 or  mouth  of  the  Tyropoeon ;  that  close  beside  it. 
 
 SILOAM 
 
 881 
 
 apparently  eastward,  was  anothei  pool,  called  Solo- 
 mon's pool,  to  which  the  "  old  wall  "  came  after 
 leaving  Siloam,  and  past  which  it  went  on  to  Ophlas, 
 where,  bending  noithward,  it  was  united  to  the 
 eastern  arcade  of  the  Temple.  In  the  Antonine 
 Itinerary  (a.d.  333)  it  is  set  down  in  the  same 
 locality,  but  it  is  said  to  be  "  juxta  murum,"  as 
 Josephus  implies ;  whereas  now  it  is  a  considerable 
 distance — upwards  of  1200  feet — fi-om  the  nearest 
 angle  of  the  present  wall,  and  neai'ly  1900  feet  from 
 the  southern  wall  of  the  Haram.  Jerome  speaks 
 of  it  as  being  in  the  Valley  of  the  Son  or  Hinnom, 
 as  Josephus  does  of  its  being  at  the  mouth  of  the 
 Tyropoeon.  He  speaks  of  Siloam  as  dependent  on 
 the  rains,  and  as  the  only  fountain  used  in  his  day. 
 But  other  authorities,  and  the  modern  water-pro- 
 vision of  the  city,  show  us  that  it  never  could  have 
 been  wholly  dependent  on  its  pools.  Its  innumer- 
 able bottle-necked  private  cisterns  kept  up  a  supply 
 at  all  times.  In  the  7th  cent.  Antoninus  Martyr 
 mentions  Siloam,  as  both  fountain  and  pool.  Bern- 
 hard  the  monk  speaks  of  it  in  the  9th  cent.,  and  the 
 annalists  of  the  Ciusades  mention  its  site,  in  the  fork 
 of  two  valleys,  as  we  find  it.  Benjamin  of  Tudela 
 (a.d.  1173)  speaks  of  "the  gi-eat  spring  of  Shiloach 
 which  runs  into  the  brook  Kedron."  Felix  Fabri 
 (a.d.  1484)  describes  Siloam  at  some  length.  Ar- 
 nold von  HarfF  (a.u.  1496)  also  identifies  the  spot. 
 After  this,  the  references  to  Siloam  are  innumer- 
 able; nor  do  they,  with  one  or  two  exceptions,  vary 
 in  their  location  of  it.  A  little  way  below  the 
 Jewish  burying  ground,  but  on  the  opposite  side  of 
 the  valley,  where  the  Kedron  turns  slightly  west- 
 ward, and  widens  itself  considerably,  is  the  fountain 
 of  the  Virgin  or  Um-ed-Deraj,  near  the  beginning 
 
 Tlie  Vill.ige  of  SUttnn  (Siloam),  and  the  luwer  part  of  the  VaUev  of  the  Kedron,  sliowing  the  *'  King's  gardens,"  which  are  watered 
 by  the  Pool.  The  baekgiound  is  the  highlands  of  Judah.  *n;e  view  is  from  a  Photograph  by  Jaraeii  Graham,  Esq  ,  taken  from 
 beneath  the  S.  wall  of  the  Haram. 
 
 Con.  D.  B. 
 
 3  L 
 
882 
 
 SILOAM 
 
 of  tliiit  siiiMle-sliiipcd  jirojcctiuii  of  the  Temple-hill 
 siipposeil  to  be  the  Oi'iiEL  of  the  Bible,  and  the 
 Opidns  of  Josepluis.  At  the  back  pnrt  of  this  fonn- 
 tiiin  a  subtenaneous  passuije  begins,  through  wliich 
 the  water  flows,  and  thioiiffh  which  a  man  may 
 make  his  way,  sometimes  walking  erect,  sometimes 
 stooping,  sometimes  kneeling,  and  sometimes  crawl- 
 ing, to  Siloani,  This  rocky  conduit,  which  twists 
 considerably,  is  1 750  feet  long.  It  has  had  tributaries 
 which  have  formerly  sent  their  waters  down  from 
 the  city  pools  or  Temple-wells  to  swell  Siloain.  It 
 enters  Siloam  at  the  north-west  angle;  or  rather 
 enters  a  small  rock-cut  chamber  which  forms  the 
 vestibule  of  Siloam,  about  five  or  six  feet  bioad. 
 To  this  you  descend  by  a  few  rude  steps,  under 
 which  the  water  jiours  itself  into  the  main  pool. 
 This  pool  is  oblong;  about  18  feet  broad,  and  19 
 feet  deep;  but  it  is  never  filled,  the  water  eitlier 
 jiassing  directly  through,  or  being  maintain«d  at  a 
 dejtth  of  three  or  four  feet.  The  present  pool  is  a 
 ruin,  with  no  mnssor  ivy  to  make  it  romantic  ;  its 
 sides  falling  in  ;  its  pillars  broken  ;  its  stair  a  frag- 
 ment;  its  walls  giving  way;  the  edge  of  every 
 stone  worn  round  or  sharp  by  time ;  in  some  parts 
 mere  debris  ;  though  around  its  edges,  wild  flowers, 
 anil,  among  other  plants,  the  caper-tree,  grow  luxuri- 
 antly. The  grey  crumbling  limestone  of  the  stone 
 (as  well  ;is  of  the  surrounding  rocks,  which  are 
 almost  verdureless)  gives  a  poor  and  w-orn-out 
 aspect  to  this  venerable  relic.  The  present  pool  is 
 not  the  original  building;  it  may  be  the  work  of 
 crusaders,  perhaps  even  improved  by  Saladin,  whose 
 aflection  for  wells  and  ]iools  led  him  to  cue  for  all 
 these  things.  Yet  the  sjiot  is  the  same.  'Ihis  pool, 
 which  we  may  call  the  second,  seems  anciently  to 
 have  poured  its  waters  into  a  third,  before  it  pro- 
 ceeded to  water  the  royal  gardens.  This  third  is 
 perha])s  that  which  Josephus  calls  "  Solomon's  pool," 
 and  which  Nehemiali  calls  "  the  King's  pool"  ( ii.  14). 
 The  expression  in  Isaiah  (viii.  6),  "  waters  of  Shiloah 
 that  go  softly,"  seems  to  point  to  the  slender  rivulet, 
 flowing  gently,  though  once  very  profusely,  out  of 
 Siloam  into  the  lower  breadth  of  level,  where  the 
 king's  gardens,  or  royal  paradise,  stood,  and  which 
 is  still  the  gieenest  spot  about  the  Holj  City. 
 Siloam  is  a  sacred  spot,  even  to  the  Moslem  ;  much 
 more  to  the  Jew.  it  was  to  Siloam  that  the  Levite 
 was  sent  with  the  golden  pitcher  on  the  "last  and 
 great  day  of  the  feast"  of  Tabernacles  ;  it  was  from 
 Siloam  that  he  brought  the  water  which  was  then 
 poured  over  the  sacrifice,  in  memory  of  the  water 
 from  the  rock  of  Kephidim  ;  and  it  was  to  this 
 Siloam  water  that  the  Lord  pointed  when  He  stood 
 in  the  Temple  on  that  day  and  cried,  "  If  any  man 
 thirst,  let  him  come  unto  me  and  drink."  The 
 Lord  sent  the  blind  man  to  wash,  not  in,  as  our 
 version  has  it,  but  at  {(is)  the  pool  of  Siloam:  for 
 it  was  the  clay  from  his  eyes  that  was  to  be  wiushed 
 off;  and  the  Evangelist  is  careful  to  throw  in  a 
 remaik,  not  for  the  purpose  o(  telling  us  that  Siloam 
 meant  an  "  aqueduct,"  as  some  think,  but  to  give 
 higher  signitirjinee  to  the  miracle.  "Go  wash  at 
 Siloam,"  was  the  comnian<l ;  the  Evangelist  adds, 
 "which  is  by  interpretjition,  SKNt"  (John  ix.  7). 
 That  "  Sent"  is  the  natural  interpretation  is  eviilent, 
 not  simply  from  the  word  itself,  but  from  other 
 passages  where  the  Hebrew  word  is  used  in  con- 
 nexion with  water,  as  Job  iii.  10,  "he  sendeth 
 wafers  U|)0n  the  fields  ;"  and  Kzek.  xxxi.  4,  "she 
 $ent  out  her  little  rivers  unto  all  the  trees  of  the 
 flold." 
 
 SIMEON 
 
 Silo'am,  Tower  in  (Luke  .\iii.  4).  Of  this  we 
 know  nothing  iloliiiitely  beyond  these  words  of  the 
 Lord.  In  connexion  with  Ophel,  there  is  mention 
 made  of  "a  tower  that  lieth  out"  (Neh.  iii.  26)  ; 
 and  there  is  no  unlikelihood  in  connecting  this  pro- 
 jectiri;/  tower  with  the  tower  in  Siloam,  while  one 
 may  be  almost  excused  for  the  conjecture  that  its 
 projection  was  the  cause  of  its  ultimate /«//. 
 
 Silva'nus.     [Silas.] 
 
 Silver  (Heb.  ccscph).  In  very  early  time.s, 
 according  to  the  Bible,  silver  was  used  for  ornaments 
 (Gf-n.  xxiv.  b'.i)  and  for  vessels  of  various  kinds. 
 Images  for  idolatrous  worship  were  made  of  silver 
 or  overlaid  with  it  (Ex.  xx.  23:  Hos.  xiii.  2  ;  Hab. 
 ii.  19;  Bar.  vi.  39),  and  the  manuficture  of' silver 
 shrines  for  Diana  was  a  trade  in  Ephesus  (Acts  xix. 
 24).  But  its  chief  use  was  as  a  medium  of  ex- 
 change, and  throughout  the  0.  T.  we  find  cesep/i, 
 "  silver,"  used  for  money,  like  the  Fr.  argent. 
 Vessels  and  orn.iments  of  gold  and  silver  were 
 common  in  Egypt  in  the  times  of  Osirtasen  I.,  and 
 Thothmes  III.,  the  coutemiwraries  of  Joseph  and 
 Moses.  In  tiie  Homeric  poems  we  find  indications 
 of  the  constant  application  of  silver  to  purposes  of 
 ornament  and  luxury.  The  practice  of  overlaying 
 silver  with  gold  referred  to  in  Homer  {Od.  vi.  282, 
 xxiii.  159),  is  nowhere  mentioned  in  the  Bible, 
 though  inferior  materials  were  covered  with  silver 
 (Frov.  xxvi.  23).  Silver  w'as  brought  to  Solomon 
 from  Arabia  (2  Clir.  is.  14)  and  from  Tai-sliish 
 (2  Chr.  ix.  21),  which  supplied  the  markets  of  Tyre 
 (Ez.  xxvii.  12).  From  Tavshish  it  came  in  the  form 
 of  jilates  ( Jt!r.  x.  9),  like  those  on  which  the  sacred 
 books  of  the  Singhalese  are  written  to  this  day.  In 
 Homer  (//.  ii,  857),  Alybe  is  called  the  birthplace 
 of  silver,  and  was  probably  celebrated  for  its  mines. 
 But  Spain  appears  to  have  been  the  chief  source 
 whence  silver  was  obtained  by  the  ancients.  Pos- 
 sibly the  hills  of  Palestine  may  have  afibided  some 
 supply  of  this  metal.  For  an  account  of  the  know- 
 ledge of  obtaimiig  and  refining  silver  posses.sed  1  y 
 the  ancient  Hebrews  see  the  articles  Lead  and 
 Mines.  Silver  mi.xed  with  alloy  is  referred  to  in 
 Jer.  vi.  30,  and  a  finer  kind,  either  purer  in  itself, 
 or  more  thoroughly  purified,  is  mentioned  in  Prov. 
 viii.  19. 
 
 Silverlings,  a  word  used  once  only  in  the  A.  V. 
 (Is.  vii.  23),  as  a  translation  of  the  Hebrew  word 
 cescph,  elsewhere  rendered  "  silver"  or  "money." 
 
 Simalcu'e,  an  Arabian  cliief  who  had  charge  of 
 Antiochus,  the  young  son  of  Alexander  Balas,  belbre 
 he  wiis  put  forward  by  Tryphon  as  a  claimant  to 
 the  Syrian  throne  (1  Mace.  xi.  39). 
 
 Sim'eon.  The  second  of  Jacob's  sons  by  Leah. 
 His  birth  is  recorded  in  Gen.  xxix.  33.  The  first 
 group  of  Jacob's  children  consist-;,  besides  Simeon, 
 of  the  three  other  sons  of  Leah — l\cuben,  Levi, 
 Judah.  With  each  of  these  Simeon  is  mentioned 
 in  some  connexion.  "  As  Iteuben  and  Simeon  are 
 mine,"  says  Jacob,  "so  shall  Joseph's  sons  Ephraiin 
 and  Maiiiusseh  be  mine "  (Gen.  xlviii.  5).  With 
 Levi,  Simeon  was  associated  in  the  ma.-isacre  of  the 
 .^hechemites  (xxxiv.  25).  With  Judah  the  con- 
 nexion was  drawn  still  closer.  He  and  Simeon  not 
 only  "  went  up"  together,  side  by  side,  in  the  fore- 
 front of  the  nation,  to  the  con(|ue.st  <if  the  south  of 
 the  Holy  Land  (Judg.  i.  3,  17),  but  their  nllot- 
 ineiits  lay  together  in  a  more  special  manner  than 
 those  of  the  other  tribes.  Besides  the  miLssacrc  of 
 Shechem,  the  only  per.sonal  incident  related  of  Si- 
 meon  Is  the  fact  of  his  being  .-elcoted  by  Joseph  a4 
 
SIMEON 
 
 the  hostage  fov  the  appairance  of  Benj/imiii  (Gen. 
 xlii.  K-l,  24,  36;  xliii.  23).  The  chief  faniih'es  of 
 the  tribe  are  mentioned  in  the  hsts  of  Gen.  xlvi. 
 (10),  in  which  one  of  them,  bearing  the  name  of 
 Shaul  (Saul),  is  specified  as  "  the  son  of  the  Ca- 
 naanitess"— Num.  xxvi.  (12-14),  and  1  Chr.  iv. 
 (24-43).  At  the  census  at  Sinai  Simeon  numbered 
 59,300  fighting  men  (Num.  i.  23).  When  the 
 second  census  was  taken,  at  Shittim,  the  numbers 
 had  fallen  to  22,200,  and  it  was  the  weakest  of  all 
 the  tribes.  This  was  no  doubt  partly  due  to  the 
 recent  mortality  following  the  idolatry  of  Peor,  but 
 there  must  have  been  other  causes  which  have 
 esciiped  mention.  The  connexion  between  Simeon 
 and  Levi  implied  in  the  Blessing  of  Jacob  (Gen. 
 xlix.  5-7)  has  been  already  adverted  to.  The  non- 
 appearance of  Simeon's  name  in  the  Blessing  of 
 Moses  (Deut.  xxxiii.  6)  may  be  explained  in  two 
 ways.  On  the  assumption  that  the  Blessing  was 
 actually  pronounced  in  its  present  form  by  iloses, 
 the  omission  may  be  due  to  his  displeasure  at  the 
 misVjehaviour  of  the  tribe  at  Shittim.  On  the  as- 
 sumption that  the  Blessing,  or  this  portion  of  it, 
 is  a  composition  of  later  date,  then  it  may  be  due 
 to  the  fact  of  the  tribe  having  by  that  time  ranished 
 from  the  Holy  Land.  The  latter  of  these  is  the 
 explanation  commonly  adopted.  During  the  journey 
 through  the  wilderness  Simeon  was  a  member  of 
 the  camp  which  marched  on  the  south  side  of  the 
 Sacred  Tent.  His  associates  were  Reuben  and  Gad. 
 The  connexion  between  Judah  and  Simeon  already 
 mentioned  seems  to  have  begun  with  the  Conquest. 
 Judah  and  the  two  Joseph-brethren  were  first 
 served  with  the  lion's  share  of  the  land ;  and  then, 
 the  Canaanites  having  been  sufficiently  subdued  to 
 allow  the  Sacred  Tent  to  be  established  without  risk 
 in  the  lieart  of  the  country,  the  work  of  dividing 
 the  remainder  amongst  the  seven  inferior  tribes  was 
 proceeded  with  (Josh.  viii.  1-6).  Benjamin  had 
 the  first  turn,  then  Simeon  (xix.  1).  By  this  time 
 Judah  had  discoveied  that  the  tract  allotted  to  him 
 was  too  large  (xix.  9),  and  also  too  much  exposed 
 on  the  west  and  south  for  even  his  great  powers. 
 To  Simeon  accordingly  was  allotted  a  district  out 
 of  the  territory  of  his  kinsman,  on  its  southern 
 frontier,  which  contained  eighteen  or  nineteen  cities, 
 with  their  villages,  spread  round  the  venerable  well 
 ofBeersheba  (Josh.  xix.  1-8;  1  Chr.  iv.  28-33).  Of 
 these  places,  with  the  help  of  Judah,  tlie  Simeonites 
 )K)ssessed  themselves  (Judg.  i.  3,  17j  ;  and  here 
 they  were  found,  loubtless  by  Joab,  residing  in  the 
 reign  of  David  (1  Chr.  iv.  31).  What  part  Simeon 
 took  at  the  time  of  the  division  of  the  kingdom  we 
 are  not  told.  The  only  thing  which  can  be  inter- 
 preted into  a  trace  of  its  having  t;iken  any  part 
 with  the  northern  kingdom  are  the  two  casual  no- 
 tices of  2  Chr.  XV.  9  and  xxxiv,  6,  which  appear 
 to  imply  the  presence  of  Simeonites  there  in  the 
 reigns  of  Asa  and  Josiah.  On  the  other  hand  the 
 definite  statement  of  1  Chr.  iv.  41-43  proves  that 
 at  that  time  there  were  still  some  of  them  remain- 
 ing in  the  original  seat  of  the  tribe,  and  actuated  by 
 all  the  warlike  lawless  spirit  of  their  piogenitor. 
 This  fragment  of  ancient  chronicle  relates  two  exped- 
 itions in  search  of  more  eligible  territory.  The 
 audacity  and  intrepidity  which  seem  to  have  cha- 
 racterized the  founder  of  the  tribe  of  Simeon  are 
 seen  in  their  fullest  force  in  the  last  of  his  descend- 
 ants of  whom  there  is  any  express  mention  in  the 
 Sacred  Record.  Whether  the  book  which  bears  her 
 name  be  a  history  or  a  historic  romance,  Judith 
 
 SIMON 
 
 883 
 
 will  always  remain  one  of  the  most  piomineni 
 figures  among  the  deliverers  of  her  nation,  Bethulia 
 would  almost  seem  to  have  been  a  Simeonit«  colony. 
 Simeon  is  named  by  Ezekiel  (xlviii.  25),  and  the  au- 
 thor of  the  Book  of  the  Revelation  (vii.  Tjin  their 
 catalogues  of  the  restoration  of  Israel. — 2.  A  priest 
 of  the  family  of  Joarib — or  Jehoiarib — one  of  the 
 ancestors  of  the  Maccabees  (1  Mace.  ii.  1).— 3.  Son 
 of  Juda  and  father  of  Levi  in  the  genealogy  of  oifr 
 Lord  (Luke  iii.  30).— 4.  That  is,  Simon  Peter 
 (Acts  XV.  14). — 5,  A  devout  Jew,  inspired  by  the 
 Holy  Ghost,  who  met  the  parents  of  our  Lord  in 
 the  Temple,  took  Him  in  his  arms,  and  gave  thanks 
 tor  what  he  saw,  and  knew  of  Jesus  (Luke  ii.  25- 
 35).  In  the  apocryphal  Gospel  of  Nicodemus, 
 Simeon  is  ciilled  a  high-priest.  Rabban  Simeon, 
 whose  grandmother  was  of  the  family  of  David, 
 succeeded  his  father  Hillel  as  president  of  the  San- 
 hedrim about  A.D.  13,  and  his  son  Gamaliel  was 
 the  Pharisee  at  whose  feet  St.  Paul  was  brought  up 
 (Acts  xxii.  3).  A  Jewish  writer  specially  notes  that 
 no  record  of  this  Simeon  is  preserved  in  the  Mishna. 
 It  has  been  conjectured  that  he  or  his  grandson  of 
 the  same  name,  may  be  the  Simeon  of  St.  Luke. 
 Simeon  Niger.  Actsxiii.  1.  [Niger.] 
 Si'mon.  1.  Son  of  Mattathias.  [Maccabees.J 
 —2,  Son  of  Onias  the  high-priest,  whose  eulogy 
 closes  the  "  praise  of  famous  men  "  in  the  Book  of 
 Ecclesiasticus  (ch.  iv.).  [EccLESiASTiciis.]  —  3. 
 "  A  governor  of  the  Temple  "  in  the  time  of  Se- 
 leucus  Philopator,  whose  information  as  to  the 
 treasures  of  the  Temple  led  to  the  sacrilegious  at- 
 tack of  Heliodorus  (2  Mace,  iii,  4,  &c.).  Consi- 
 derable doubt  exists  as  to  the  exact  nature  of  the 
 office  which  he  held  (2  Mace.  iii.  4).  The  chief 
 difficulty  lies  in  the  fact  that  Simon  is  said  to  have 
 been  of  "  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  "  (2  Mace.  iii.  3), 
 while  the  earlier  "  ruler  of  the  house  of  Go<i " 
 (1  Chr.  ix.  11  ;  2  Chr.  xxxi.  13  ;  Jer.  xx,  1)  seems 
 to  have  been  always  a  priest,  and  the  "  captain  of 
 the  Temple"  (Luke  xxii.  4;  Acts  iv.  l,v.  24,  26) 
 and  the  keeper  of  the  treasures  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  24 ; 
 2  Chr.  xxxi.  12)  must  have  been  at  least  Levites. 
 Herzfeld  conjectures  that  Benjamin  is  an  error  for 
 Minjamin,  the  head  of  a  priestly  house  (Neh.  xii. 
 5,  17).— 4.  Simon  the  Brother  of  Jesus. — 
 The  only  undoubted  notice  of  this  Simon  occurs  in 
 Matt.  xiii.  55,  Mark  vi.  3.  He  has  been  identified 
 by  some  writers  with  Simon  the  Canaanite,  and  still 
 more  generally  with  Symeon  who  became  bishop 
 of  Jerusalem  after  the  death  of  James,  A.D.  62. 
 The  former  of  these  opinions  rests  on  no  evidence 
 whatever,  nor  is  the  latter  without  its  difficulties.— 
 5.  Simon  the  Canaanite,  one  of  the  Twelve 
 Apostles  (Matt.  x.  4;  Mark  iii.  18),  otherwise  de- 
 scribed as  Simon  Zelotes  (Luke  vi.  15 ;  Acts  i.  Vi). 
 The  latter  term,  which  is  peculiar  to  Luke,  is  the 
 Greek  equivalent  for  the  Chaldee  term  preserved 
 by  Matthew  and  Mark.  [Canaanite.]  Each  of 
 these  equally  points  out  Simon  as  belonging  to  the 
 faction  of  the  Zealots,  who  wei-e  conspicuous  for 
 their  fierce  advocacy  of  the  Mosaic  ritual.— 6.  Si- 
 mon OF  Cyrene. — A  Hellenistic  Jew,  born  at 
 Cyrene  on  the  noith  coast  of  Africa,  who  was 
 present  at  Jerusalem  at  the  time  of  the  crucifixion 
 of  Jesus,  either  as  an  attendant  at  the  feast  (Acts 
 ii.  10),  or  as  one  of  the  numerous  settlers  at  Jeru- 
 salem from  that  place  (Acts  vi.  9).  Meeting  the 
 procession  that  conducted  Jesus  to  Golgotha,  as  he 
 was  leturning  from  the  country,  he  was  pressed  into 
 the  service  to    bear   the   cross    (Matt,  xxvii.  02 ; 
 
 a  L  2 
 
884 
 
 SIMON 
 
 Miirk  XV.  21  ;  l.nko  xxiii.  tJ'!),  when  .lesiis  himself 
 WHS  unalile  to  l-eai-  it  any  longer  (coinp.  John  xix. 
 17).  Mark  describes  liim  as  the  father  of  Alei- 
 amler  and  Riifus,  perhaiK  because  this  was  the 
 Kiifiis  known  to  tlie  Roman  t!liristians  ( liotn.  xvi. 
 13;,  fur  whom  he  more  especially  wrote.— 7.  Si- 
 mon TilK  Lkpkk. —  A  resident  at  Betliany,  dis- 
 tinguished as  "  the  leper."  It  is  not  improbable 
 that  he  had  been  miraculously  cured  by  Jesus.  In 
 his  house  Mary  anoint<'d  Je>us  ])ieparatory  to  His 
 death  and  burial  (Matt.  xxvi.  IJ  &c. ;  Mai-k  .xiv. 
 8&C. ;  John  xii.  1  &c.).— 8.  SiMoN  Magis. — A 
 Samaritui  living  in  the  ,\postolic  age,  distinguishal 
 as  a  sorcerer  or  "  magician,"  from  his  practice  of 
 magical  arts  (Acts  viii.  9).  His  history  is  a  re- 
 markable one  :  he  wiis  born  at  Gitton,  a  village  of 
 Samaria,  identified  with  the  modern  Knri/et  Jit, 
 near  Xdbnlus.  He  was  ])robably  e<lucated  at  Alex- 
 andria, and  there  became  acquainted  with  the 
 eclectic  tenets  of  the  Gnostic  school.  Kither  then 
 or  subsequently  he  was  a  pupil  of  Dositheus,  who 
 preceded  him  as  a  teacher  of  Gnosticism  in  Samaria, 
 and  whom  he  supplanted  with  the  aid  of  C'eobius. 
 He  is  first  intioduced  to  us  in  the  Bible  as  prac- 
 tising magical  arts  in  a  city  of  Samaiia,  perhajis 
 Sychar  (Acts  viii.  5  ;  comp.  John  iv.  5),  and  with 
 such  success,  that  he  was  pronounced  to  be  "  the 
 power  of  God  which  is  called  great"  (.Vets  viii.  10). 
 The  preaching  and  miiacles  of  Philip  having  excited 
 his  observation,  he  l)ec;ime  one  of  his  discii)Ies,  .-ind 
 received  baptism  at  his  hands.  Subsequently  he 
 witnessed  the  effect  produced  by  the  imposition  of 
 hands,  as  practised  by  the  Apostles  Peter  and  John, 
 and,  being  desirous  of  accjuiring  a  similar  power  for 
 himself,  he  offered  a  sum  of  money  for  it.  His 
 object  evidently  was  to  apply  the  power  to  the 
 prosecution  of  magical  arts.  The  motive  and  the 
 means  were  equally  to  be  repi'obated  ;  and  his  pro- 
 position met  with  a  severe  denunciation  from  Peter, 
 foUoweil  by  a  petition  on  the  part  of  Simon,  the  tenor 
 of  which  besf)eaks  terror  but  not  penitence  (Acts 
 viii.  9-24-).  Simon's  history,  subsequently  to  his 
 meeting  with  Peter,  is  involved  in  diliiculties.  Karly 
 Churcli  historians  depict  him  as  the  pertinacious 
 foe  of  tlie  Apostle  Peter,  whose  movements  he  fol- 
 lowed for  the  j)urpose  of  seeking  encounters,  in 
 which  he  was  signally  defeated.  His  first  en- 
 counter with  Peter  took  place  at  Caesarea  Stratonis, 
 whence  he  followed  the  Apostle  to  IJome.  Hisde;Uh 
 is  a.s.sociated  with  the  meeting  in  question :  accord- 
 ing to  Hippolytus,  the  earliest  authority  on  the 
 subject,  .Simon  was  buried  alive  at  his  own  reipiest, 
 in  the  confident  assurance  that  he  would  rise  again 
 on  the  third  day.  A(;cording  to  another  account, 
 he  attempted  to  fly  in  proof  of  his  supernatural 
 powei' ;  lu  answer  to  the  prayers  of  Peter,  he  tell 
 and  sustiiined  a  fiacture  of  his  thigh  and  ankle- 
 l)ones;  overcome  with  vexation,  he  committed  sui- 
 
 Ciile. — 9.    SiMO.N  PhTKU.     [PKTlill.]  — 10.    SiMON, 
 
 a  Pharisee,  in  whose  house  a  penitent  woman  an- 
 ointed the  head  and  feet  of  Jesus  ( Luke  vii.  40).— 
 11.  Simon  TiiI':  Tannkr. — A  Christian  convert 
 living  at  Joppa,  at  whose  house  Peter  lo<lged  (Act-s 
 ix.  4.')).  The  house  was  near  the  sea-side  (Acf.s  x. 
 6,  ;J2),  for  the  convenience  of  the  water.- 12.  Si- 
 mon, the  father  of  Judas  Iscariot  (John  vi.  71,  xiii. 
 2,  21;). 
 
 Si'mon  Chosamae'aa.  Shimkon,  and  the  three 
 toUowing  name's  in  Iv.r.  x.3I,32,  are  thus  written 
 in  the  I, XX.  d  VM.  ix.  32). 
 
 Sim'ri.     l'ro|>erly  "Shiinri,"  son   of  Hoaah,   a 
 
 SIN-OPFERINO 
 
 Mei-arite  Levite  in  the  reign  of  Daviil  (1  Chr.  xxvi. 
 10)._ 
 
 Sin,  a  city  of  Ksyj)!,  mentioned  only  by  Ezekiel 
 fxxx.  15,  IG).  The  name  is  Hebrew,  or,  at  least, 
 Shemitic,  Gesenius  su])poses  it  to  signify  "clay." 
 It  is  identified  in  the  Vnlg.  with  Pelusium,  tltjAou- 
 fftov,  ''  the  clayey  or  muddy  ''  town.  The  ancient 
 Kgyptiaii  name  is  still  to  be  sought  for:  it  h.^s  been 
 supjwsed  that  I'elusium  ]>reserves  traces  of  it,  but 
 this  is  veiy  improlwble.  ChampoUion  identifies 
 Pelusium  with  the  Pereinoun,  Percmon,  and  Dare- 
 monn  of  the  Copts,  Kl-Karmk  of  the  Arabs,  which 
 was  in  the  time  of  the  former  a  boundary-city.  The 
 site  of  Pelusium  is  as  yet  undetermined.  It  has 
 been  thought  to  be  marked  by  moimds  near  Burg 
 et-Teeneh,  now  Killed  El-I'"arma  and  not  Et-Teeneh. 
 This  is  disputed  by  Giptain  Spratt,  who  supposes 
 that  the  mound  of  .Aboo-Kheeyir  indicates  where 
 it  stood.  This  is  further  inland,  and  ap|«rently  on 
 the  west  of  the  oM  Pelusiac  branch,  as  was  Pelu- 
 sium. It  is  situate  between  Farmk  and  Tel-Ue- 
 fenneh.  The  antiquity  of  the  town  of  Sin  may 
 perhajxs  be  iiiferreil  from  the  mention  of  "the 
 wilderness  of  Sin  "  in  the  journeys  of  the  Israelites 
 (Kx.  xvi.  1  ;  Num.  xxxiii.  11).  Pelusium  is  men- 
 tioned by  Ezekiel,  in  one  of  the  proplipcies  relating 
 to  the  invasion  of  Egypt  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  ius 
 one  of  the  cities  which  should  then  sutler  calamities, 
 with,  probably,  reference  to  their  later  history. 
 The  prophet  speaks  of  Sin  as  "  Sin  the  stronghold 
 of  Egypt"  (ver.  1.5).  This  jdace  it  held  from  that 
 time  until  the  period  of  the  Romans.  Herodotus 
 relates  that  .Sennacherib  advanced  against  Pelusium, 
 and  that  near  Pelusium  Cambyses  defeated  Psiuii- 
 menitus.  In  like  manner  the  decisive  Ijattle  in  which 
 Ochus  defcatwl  the  last  native  king,  Nectanebos, 
 NHKII  r-NF,P>K,  wa>;  fiiught  near  this  city. 
 
 Sin,  Wilderness  of.  'fhe  name  of  a  triut  of  the 
 wilclerMcss  which  the  Israelites  re.achetl  after  leaving 
 the  encampment  by  the  li'ed  Sea  (Num.  xxxiii.  11, 
 12).  Their  next  halting-place  (Ex.  xvi.  1,  xvii.  1) 
 was  Rephidim,  probiiblv  the  W(tdi/  Fciriin  [Rki'III- 
 DIM]  ;  on  which  supposition  it  would  follow  that 
 .•^in  must  lie  between  that  wady  and  the  coast  of 
 the  Gulf  of  Suez,  and  of  course  west  of  Sinai.  In 
 the  wilderness  of  .Sin  the  manna  was  lirst  galhere<l, 
 and  those  who  adopt  the  supposition  that  this  wjis 
 merely  the  natural  product  of  the  tarfu  bush,  linii 
 from  the  al]undance  of  that  shrub  in  Wiuli/  es 
 Shci/Ji,  S.  H.  of  W.  O/iiirwiM  a  pi  oof  of  locjil 
 identity.  At  all  events,  that  wady  is  as  probiible 
 as  anv  other. 
 
 Sin-Offeriug  (Heb.  clmttdth).  The  sin-olTering 
 among  the  Jews  w.as  the  s-acrifice,  in  which  the 
 ideas  of  propitiation  and  of  atonement  for  sin  weie 
 most  distinctly  iiiarketl.  It  is  fii-st  din-ctly  enjoined 
 in  Lev.  iv.,  wheiv.is  in  chs.  i.-iii.  the  burut-ollei  ing, 
 meat-oflering,  and  peace-olferiug  are  taken  for 
 granted,  and  the  object  of  the  Law  is  to  regulate, 
 not  to  enjoin,  the  presi'iifafion  of  them  to  the  Lord. 
 Nor  is  the  word  c/iattdt/i  applied  to  any  sacrifice  in 
 ante-Mosjiic  times.  It  is  therefore  jx^ciiliarly  a 
 saciifico  of  the  Law.  The  idea  of  propiti.'ition  was 
 no  doubt  latent  in  earlier  sacrifices,  Imt  it  was 
 taught  clearly  ami  distinctly  in  the  I.evitical  siii- 
 ofTering.  The  ceremonial  of  the  sin-ollering  is  de- 
 sicribed  in  Lev.  iv.  and  vi.  The  Tkksi'ass-ofkkii- 
 iN(t  (Heb.  dshdin)  is  clasely  connected  with  tlm 
 sin-ollering  in  Leviticus,  but  at  the  sjimc  time 
 clearly  distinguished  from  it,  being  in  some  cjtset 
 offered  with  it  as  a  distinct  part  of  the  s,'ime  sacri- 
 
SIN-OFFERING 
 
 fice;  as,  for  example,  in  the  cleansing  of  the  leper 
 (Lev.  xiv.).  The  distinction  of  ceiemonial  cleaiiy 
 inJicates  a  ilifierence  in  the  idea  of  the  two  sacrifices. 
 The  nature  of  that  difference  is  still  a  subject  of 
 great  controversy.  Looking  first  to  the  derivation 
 of  the  two  words,  it  is  clear  that,  so  far  as  de- 
 rivation goes,  tliere  appears  to  be  inore  of  lefeience 
 to  general  and  actual  sin  in  the  formei-,  to  special 
 cases  of  negligence  in  -the  latter.  Turning  next  to 
 the  description,  in  the  Book  of  Leviticus,  of  the 
 circumstances  under  which  each  should  be  offered, 
 we  find  one  important  j)assage  (Lev.  v.  l-lo)  in 
 which  the  sacrifice  is  called  first  a  "  trespass-offei- 
 ing"  (ver,  G),  and  then  a  ■'  sin-off'enng"  (ver.  7, 
 9,  11,  12).  We  may  conclude  that  the  word 
 dshdin  is  not  here  used  in  its  technical  sense,  and 
 that  the  passage  is  to  be  referred  to  the  sin-offering 
 only.  We  find  that  the  sin-offerings  were — (A.) 
 Reoular.  (1.)  Fo)- the  whole  people,  at  the  iiew 
 Moon,  Passover,  Pentecost,  Feast  of  Trumpets,  and 
 Feast  of  Tabernacles  (Num.  xxviii.  15-xxix.  38): 
 besides  the  solemn  offering  of  the  two  goats  on  the 
 Great  Day  of  Atonement  (Lev.  xvi.).  (2.)  For  the 
 Pnests  and  Levites  at  their  couseciation  (Ex.  xxix. 
 10-14,  36)  ;  besides  the  yearly  sin-offering  (a  bul- 
 lock) for  the  high-priest  on  the  Great  Day  of  Atone- 
 ment (Lev.  xvi.).  (B.)  Special.  (1.)  For  any 
 sin  of '^ ignorance"  (Lev.  iv.).  (2.)  For  refusal 
 to  bear  vitness  (Lev.  v.  1).  (3.)  For  ceremonial 
 defilement  not  wilfully  contracted  (Lev.  v.  2,  3, 
 xii.6-8,xiv.  19,31,xv.  15,30;  Num. vi.  6-11,  16). 
 (4.)  For  the  breach  of  a  rash  oath  (Lev.  v.  4). 
 The  trespass-offerings,  on  the  other  hand,  were 
 always  special,  as — (1.)  For  sacrilege  "in  igno- 
 rance" (Lev.  V.  15,  16).  (2.)  For  ignorant 
 transgression  (v.  17-19).  (3.)  For  fraitd,  sup- 
 pression of  the  truth,  or  perjury  (vi.  1-6).  (4.) 
 For  rape  of  a  betrothed  slave  (Lev.  xix.  20,  21). 
 (5.)  At  the  purification  of  the  leper  (Lev.  xiv.  12), 
 and  the  polluted  Nazarite  (Num.  vi.  1 2),  offered 
 with  the  sin-offering.  From  this  enuineration  it 
 will  be  clear  that  the  two  classes  of  sacrifices,  al- 
 though distinct,  touch  closely  upon  each  other,  as 
 especially  in  B.  (1)  of  the  sin-offering,  and  (2)  of 
 the  trespass-offering.  It  is  also  evident  that  the 
 sin-offering  was  the  only  regular  and  genei'al  recog- 
 nition of  sin  in  the  abstract,  and  accordingly  was 
 far  more  solemn  and  symbolical  in  its  ceremonial ; 
 the  trespass-offering  was  confined  to  special  cases, 
 most,  of  which  related  to  the  doing  of  some  material 
 damage,  either  to  the  holy  things  or  to  man,  ex- 
 cept in  (5),  where  the  trespass-offering  is  united 
 with  the  sin-offering.  Josephus  declares  that  the 
 sin-offering  is  presented  by  those  "  who  fall  into 
 sm  in  ignorance,"  and  the  trespass-offering  by  "  one 
 who  has  sinned  and  is  conscious  of  his  sin,  but  has 
 no  one  to  convict  him  thereof."  Without  attempt- 
 ing to  decide  so  ditficult  and  so  controverted  a 
 question,  we  may  draw  the  following  conclusions  : — 
 First,  that  the  sin-offering  was  far  the  more  solemn 
 and  comprehensive  of  the  two  sacrifices.  Secondly, 
 that  the  sin-offering  looked  more  to  the  guilt  of  the 
 sin  done,  irrespective  of  its  consequences,  while  the 
 trespass-offering  looked  to  the  evil  consequences  of 
 sin,  either  against  the  service  of  God,  or  against 
 man,  and  to  the  duty  of  atonement,  as  far  as  atone- 
 ment was  possible.  Thirdly,  that  in  the  sin-offering 
 rspecially  we  find  symbolized  the  acknowledgment 
 of  sinfulness  as  inherent  in  man,  and  of  the  need  of 
 expiation  by  siicrifice  to  renew  the  broken  covenant 
 between  man  and  God.    There  is  one  other  question 
 
 SINAI 
 
 885 
 
 of  some  interest,  as  to  the  nature  of  the  sins  for 
 which  either  sacrifice  could  be  offered.  It  is  seen 
 at  once  that  in  the  Law  of  Leviticus,  most  of  them, 
 which  are  not  purely  ceremonial,  are  called  sins  of 
 "  ignorance  "  (see  Heb.  ix.  7)  ;  and  in  Num.  xv.  30, 
 it  is  expressly  said  that  while  such  sins  can  be 
 atoned  for  by  offerings,  "  the  soul  that  doeth  aught 
 presumptuously  "  (Heb.  with  a  high  hand)  "  shall 
 be  cut  oft'  from  among  his  people."  ..."  His 
 iniquity  shall  be  ujjon  him  "  (comj).  Heb.  x.  26). 
 But  here  are  sufficient  indications  that  the  sins  here 
 Gilled  "of  ignorance"  are  more  stiictly  those  of 
 "negligence"  or  "frailty,"  repented  of  by  the 
 unpunished  offender,  as  opposed  to  those  of  delibe- 
 rate and  unrepentant  sin.  If  we  turn  to  the  sins 
 actually  referred  to  in  Lev.  iv.  v.,  we  find  some 
 which  certainly  are  not  sins  of  pure  ignorance; 
 they  are  indeed  few  out  of  the  whole  range  of  sm- 
 fulness,  but  they  are  real  sins.  In  considering  this 
 subject,  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  saciifices 
 of  the  Law  had  a  temporal,  as  well  as  a  spiritual, 
 significance  and  eftect.  They  restored  an  offender 
 to  his  place  in  the  commonwealth  of  Israel ;  tiiey 
 were  therefore  an  atonement  to  the  King  of  Israel 
 for  the  infringement  of  His  law. 
 
 Si'na,  Mount.  The  Greek  form  of  the  well- 
 known  name  Sinai  (Jud.  v.  14;  Acts  vii.  30, 
 38). 
 
 Si'nai.  Nearly  in  the  centre  of  the  peninsula 
 which  sti  etches  between  the  horns  of  the  Red  Sea 
 lies  a  wedge  of  granite,  griinstein,  and  porphyry 
 rocks  rising  to  between  8000  and  9000  feet  above 
 the  sea.  Its  shape  resembles  a  scalene  triangle, 
 with  a  crescent  cut  from  its  northern  or  longer  side, 
 on  which  border  Russegger's  map  gives  a  broad 
 skirting  tract  of  old  red  sandstone,  reaching  nearly 
 from  gulf  to  gulf,  and  traversed  by  a  few  ridges, 
 chiefly  of  tertiary  formation,  running  nearly  N.W. 
 and  S.E.  On  the  S.W.  side  of  this  triangle,  a  wide 
 alluvial  plain — narrowing,  however,  towards  the 
 N. — Unes  the  coast  of  the  Gulf  of  Suez,  whilst  that 
 on  the  eastern  or  Akabah  coast  is  so  narrow  as 
 almost  to  disappear.  Between  these  alluvial  edges 
 and  the  granitic  mass  a  strip  of  the  same  sandstone 
 is  interposed,  the  two  strips  converging  at  Eds 
 Mohammed,  the  southern  promontory  of  the  whole. 
 This  nucleus  of  plutonic  rocks  is  said  to  bear  no 
 trace  of  volcanic  action  since  the  original  upheaval 
 of  its  masses.  It  has  been  arranged  in  three  chief 
 masses  as  follows: — 1.  The  N.W.  cluster  above 
 Wady  Feirdn  ;  its  greatest  relief  found  in  the  five- 
 peaked  ridge  of  Serbal,  at  a  height  of  6342  feet 
 above  the  sea.  2.  The  eastern  and  central  one  ;  its 
 highest  point  the  Jebel  Katherin,  at  a  height  of 
 8063  (Riippell)  to  8168  (Russegger)  feet.  3.  The 
 S.E.  one  closely  connected,  however,  with  2;  its 
 highest  point,  tfm  Shaumer,  being  that  also  of  the 
 whole.  Before  considering  the  claims  of  the  indi- 
 vidual mountains  to  Scriptural  notice,  there  occurs 
 a  question  regarding  the  relation  of  the  names 
 Horeb  and  Sinai.  The  latter  name  first  occurs  as 
 that  of  the  limit  on  the  further  side  from  Egypt  of 
 the  wilderness  of  Sin  (Ex.  xvi.  1),  and  again  (xix. 
 1,  2)  as  the  "  wilderness  "  or  "  desert  of  Sinai," 
 before  Mount  Sinai  is  actually  spoken  of,  as  in 
 ver.  11  soon  after  we  find  it.  But  the  name 
 "  Horeb  "  is,  in  the  case  of  the  rebuke  of  the  people 
 by  God  for  their  sm  in  making  the  golden  calf,  re- 
 introduced into  the  Sinaitic  narrative  (xxxiii.  6), 
 having  been  previously  most  recently  used  in  the 
 story  of  the  murmuring  at  Rephidim  (xvii,  6),  and 
 
886 
 
 SINIM 
 
 earlier  as  the  name  of  tlie  scene  of  the  appearance 
 of  (.iod  ill  the  "  biirnin<:  bush  "  (iii.  1).  Horeb, 
 strictly  t\ken,  may  probably  be  a  dry  plain,  valley. 
 or  bed  of  a  wady  near  the  mountain ;  and  yet 
 Mount  Horeb,  on  the  "  vast  green  plain  "  of  which 
 was  doubtless  excellent  pasture,  may  mean  the 
 mountain  viewed  in  reference  thereto,  or  its  side 
 abutting  thereon.  But  beyond  the  question  of  the 
 relation  which  these  names  naturally  bear,  there 
 remains  that  of  site.  Sinai  is  clearly  a  summit 
 distinctly  marked.  Where  are  we  to  look  for  it? 
 There  are  three  principal  views  in  answer  to  this 
 question  : — 1.  'I'hat  of  Lepsius,  favoured  also  by 
 Hurckhardt  (  Trav.  p.  GOK),  that  Serbal  is  Sinai, 
 some  30  miles  distant  westward  from  the  Jebcl 
 Musa,  but  close  to  the  Wady  Feirdn  and  El 
 I/cssne,  which  he  identifies,  as  do  most  authorities, 
 with  liephidim,  just  a  mile  from  the  old  convent 
 of  Faidn.  The  earliest  traditions  are  in  its  favour. 
 But  there  are  two  main  objections  to  this: — (1.) 
 It  is  clear,  from  Ex.  xi.\.  2  (corap.  xvii.  1),  that 
 the  interval  between  liephidim  and  Sinai  was  that 
 of  a  regular  stage  of  the  march.  (2.)  Theie  is  no 
 plain  or  wady  of  any  sufficient  size  near  Serbal  to 
 olfer  cam])ing  ground  to  so  large  a  host,  or  perhaps 
 the  tenth  part  of  tliera.— II.  The  second  is  that  of 
 liitter,  that,  allowing  Serbal  the  reverence  of  an 
 early  sanctuary,  the  Jebel  Musa  is  Sinai,  and  that 
 the  Wady  cs  Sebayeh,  which  its  S.E.  or  highest 
 summit  overhangs,  is  the  spot  where  the  people 
 camped  before  the  mount ;  but  tlie  second  objection 
 to  Serbal  applies  almost  in  equal  force  to  this — the 
 want  of  space  below. ^III.  The  third  is  that  of 
 Itobinsoii,  that  the  modern  Horeb  of  the  monks — 
 viz.  the  N.W.  and  lower  face  of  the  Jeliel  Musa, 
 crownetl  with  a  range  of  maonificent  clitis,  the 
 highest  jwint  called  lias  Sasafeh,  or  Sufsdfeh,  as 
 spelt  by  Robinson — overlooking  the  plain  er  lia/iah, 
 is  the  scene  of  the  giving  of  the  Law,  and  that  pe<ik 
 the  mountain  into  which  Moses  ascende«l.  Lepsius 
 objects,  but  without  much  foice  (since  he  himself 
 climbed  it),  that  the  jicak  Sasafeh  is  nearly  inac- 
 cessible. It  is  more  to  the  pui-pose  to  observe  that 
 the  whole  Jcbel  Musa  is,  comparatively  with  ad- 
 jacent mountains,  insignificant.  The  conjunction 
 of  mount;»in  with  plain  is  the  greatest  feature  of 
 this  site;  in  choosing  it,  we  lose  in  the  mountain, 
 as  compared  with  Serbal,  but  we  gain  in  the  plain, 
 of  which  Serbal  has  nothing.  It  may  be  added 
 that,  su])posing  Wady  Tayibeh  to  have  been  the 
 em  ampment  "  by  the  sea,"  as  stated  in  Num.  xxxiii. 
 10,  three  routes  0|iened  there  before  the  Israelites: 
 the  most  southerly  one  down  the  plain  el  Kaa  to 
 Tar ;  the  most  northerly  by  the  Sarbut  el  KhaJein ; 
 and  the  middle  one  by  Wady  Feirdn,  by  which 
 they  would  pass  the  foot  o(  Serbdl,  which  therefore 
 in  this  cjise  alone  could  possibly  be  Sinai.  The 
 middle  route  aforesaid  from  W.  Tayibeh  reaches 
 the  W.  Feirdn  through  what  is  called  the  W.  Mu- 
 l.atteh,  or  "  written  valley,"  fiom  the  inscriptions 
 on  the  rocks  which  line  it,  generally  considereti  to 
 have  been  the  work  ot'Christian  hands,  but  whether 
 those  of  a  Christian  people  localised  there  at  an 
 unknown  peiiod,  as  Lepsius  thinks,  or  of  passing 
 jiilgriins,  as  is  the  more  general  opinion,  is  likely  to 
 tcntinue  doubtful. 
 
 Sin'im.  A  jx;ople  noticed  in  Is.  xlix.  12,  as 
 liv:>j  --^r.  the  extremity  of  the  known  world,  either 
 III  the  south  oi  east.  The  majority  of  the  early 
 iiiterpicieis  adopted  the  former  view,  but  the 
 I.XX.  in  ijiviiig  Uii)oai.  favours  tlie  latter,  and  the 
 
 SISERA 
 
 weight  of  modern  authority  is  thrown  into  the  same 
 -cale,  the  name  being  identitie<i  by  Geseuius,  Hitzig, 
 Knobel.  and  others,  with  the  classical  Sinae,  tlic 
 inhabitants  of  the  southern  part  of  China.  No 
 locidity  in  the  south  equally  commends  itself  to 
 the  judgment.  There  is  no  a  ;<n'ori  im))robability 
 in  the  name  of  the  Sinae  being  known  to  the  inhab- 
 itants of  Western  Asia  in  the  age  of  Isaiah  ;  for 
 though  it  is  not  mentioned  by  the  Greek  geo- 
 grapher until  the  age  of  Ptolemy,  it  is  ceitain  that 
 an  inland  commercial  route  connected  the  extreme 
 east  with  the  west  at  a  very  early  period.  The 
 Sinae  attained  an  independent  position  in  Western 
 China  as  early  as  the  8th  century  B.C.,  and  in  the 
 Srd  century  n.C.  established  their  sway  under  the 
 dynasty  of  Tsin  over  the  whole  of  the  empire. 
 
 Si'nite.  A  tribe  of  Canaanites  (Gen.  x.  17  ; 
 I  Chr.  1.  15),  whose  position  is  to  be  sought  for  in 
 the  northern  part  of  the  Lebanon  district.  Various 
 localities  in  that  district  bear  a  certiiin  amount  of 
 lesemblance  to  the  name,  particularly  Sinna,  a 
 mountain  fortress  mentioned  by  Strabo ;  Sinum  or 
 Sini,  the  ruins  of  which  existed  in  the  time  of 
 Jerome ;  Syn,  a  village  mentioned  in  the  15th 
 century  as  near  the  river  Area ;  and  Dunniyeh,  a 
 ilisti'ict  near  Tripoli.  The  Targums  of  Onkelos 
 and  Jonathan  give  Orthosia,  a  town  on  the  coast 
 to  the  north-east  of  Tripolis. 
 
 Sion,  Mount.  1.  One  of  the  various  names  of 
 Mount  Heinion  which  are  fortunately  preserved, 
 all  not  inipiobablv  more  ancient  than  "  Hermon  " 
 itself  (Deut.  iv.  48  only).— 2.  The  Greek  form  of 
 the  Hebrew  nameZlON  (^Tsion),  the  famous  Mount 
 of  the  Temple  (I  Mace.  iv.  37,  60,  v.  54,  vi.  48, 
 62,  viu  33,  X.  11,  xiv.  27;  Heb.  xii.  22;  Rev. 
 xiv.  I). 
 
 Siph'moth.  One  of  the  places  in  the  south  of 
 Judah  which  David  frequented  during  his  freeboot- 
 ing  life  ( 1  Sam.  xxx.  28).  No  one  appeaiis  yet  to 
 have  even  suggested  an  identificiition  of  it. 
 
 Sippa'i.  Saph,  one  of  the  sons  of  Kephaim,  or 
 ■'the  giants,"  shiiu  by  Sibbechai  at  Gezer  (1  Chr. 
 XX.  4 1. 
 
 Si'rach,  the  father  of  Jesus  (Joshua),  the  writer 
 of  the  Hebr<'w  original  of  the  liook  of  Kcclesiasticus. 
 
 Si'rah,  the  Well  of.  The  spot  from  which 
 Abner  was  reialled  by  Joab  to  his  death  at  Hebron 
 (2  Siim.  iii.  2ii  only).  It  was  apjiareiitly  on  the 
 northern  road  from  Hebron.  There  is  a  spring  and 
 reservoir  on  the  western  side  of  the  ancient  northern 
 road,  about  one  mile  out  of  Hebion,  which  is  called 
 Ain  Sara.  This  may  be  a  relic  of  the  well  of 
 Si  rah. 
 
 Sir'ion.  One  of  the  various  names  of  Mount 
 Heinion,  that  by  which  it  was  known  to  the  Zido- 
 nians  (Deut.  iii.  9).  The  use  of  the  name  in  I's. 
 xxix.  6  (slightly  altered  in  the  original — Shirion 
 in>tead  of  Sirion)  is  remarkable. 
 
 Sisama'i,  A  descendant  of  Sheshan  in  the  line 
 of  J.-rahiiieel  (1  Chr.  ii.  40). 
 
 Sis 'era.  Captiin  of  the  army  of  Jabin  king  of 
 CaiKum  who  reigned  in  Hazor.  He  himself  resided 
 in  Harosheth  of  the  Gentiles.  The  particulars  of 
 the  rout  of  Megiddo  and  of  Siscra's  flight  and  death 
 are  drawn  out  under  the  he;ids  of  BaHAK,  Dicno- 
 UAii,  Jaicl,  Kknitks,  Kishon,  Ma.ntlk,  Tent. 
 —2.  Alter  a  long  interval  the  name  ie-apj)cars  iu 
 the  lists  of  the  Netliiiiim  who  returned  from  the 
 Captivity  with  Zerubbabel  (Kzr.  ii.  U\\  \  Neh.  vii. 
 5.'i).  li  doubtless  tells  of  Canaanite  r.iptives  de- 
 voted to  the  lowest  ollices  of  the  Temple. 
 
SISINNES 
 
 Sisin'nes.  Tatnai,  tlie  governor  of  S3'via  and 
 Phoenicia  under  Darius,  and  a  contemporary  of 
 Zerubbaliel  (1  Esdr.  vi.  3). 
 
 Sit  nah.  The  second  of  the  two  weiis  dug  by 
 Isaac  in  the  valley  of  Gerar,  the  possession  ofwhich 
 the  herdmen  of  the  valley  disputed  with  him  (Gen. 
 xxvi.  21).  Of  the  situation  of  Sitnah  nothing 
 whatever  is  known.   . 
 
 Sivan.     [Month.] 
 
 Slave.  The  institution  of  slavery  was  recog- 
 nised, though  not  established,  by  the  Mosaic  Law 
 with  a  view  to  mitigate  its  hardship  and  to  secure 
 to  every  man  his  oidinary  rights.  Repugnant  as 
 the  notion  of  slavery  is  to  our  minds,  it  is  difficult 
 to  see  hov/  it  can  be  dispensed  with  in  certain 
 phases  of  society  without,  at  all  events,  entailing 
 severer  evils  than  those  which  it  produces.  The 
 Hebiew  designation  of  the  slave  shows  that  service 
 was  the  salient  feature  of  his  condition  ;  for  the 
 term  "  ebed,"  usually  applied  to  him,  is  derived 
 from  a  verb  signifying  "  to  work,"  and  the  very 
 same  teim  is  used  in  reference  to  otlices  of  high 
 trust  held  by  free  men.  In  short,  service  and 
 slavery  would  have  been  to  the  ear  of  the  Hebrew 
 equivalent  terms,  though  he  fully  recognised  grades 
 of  servitude,  according  as  the  servant  was  a  Hebrew 
 or  a  non-Hebrew,  and,  if  the  latter,  accoiding  as  he 
 was  bought  with  money  (Gen.  xvii.  12;  Ex.  xii. 
 44)  or  born  in  the  house  (Gen.  xiv.  14,  xv.  3,  xvii. 
 23).  We  shall  proceed  to  describe  the  condition  of 
 the>e  classes,  a,s  regards  their  original  reduction  to 
 slavery,  the  methods  by  which  it  might  be  termi- 
 nated, and  the  treatment  while  in  that  sbite.— I. 
 Hebrew  Slaves.  1.  The  circumstances  under  which 
 a  Hebrew  might  be  reduced  to  servitude  were — (1) 
 jwverty  ;  (2)  the  commission  of  theft ;  and  (3)  the 
 exercise  of  paternal  authority.  In  the  first  case,  a 
 man  who  had  mortgaged  his  property,  and  was  un- 
 able to  sujiport  his  family,  might  sell  himself  to 
 another  Hebrew,  with  a  view  both  to  obtain  main- 
 tenance, and  perchance  a  sui-plus  sufficient  to  re- 
 deem his  property  (Lev.  xxv.  25,  39).  It  has  been 
 debated  whether  under  this  law  a  creditor  could 
 seize  his  debtor  and  sell  him  as  a  slave :  the  words  do 
 not  warrant  such  an  infeience.  (2j  The  commission 
 of  theft  rendered  a  person  liable  to  servitude,  when- 
 e\'er  restitution  could  not  be  made  on  the  scale  pre- 
 scribed by  the  Law  (Ex.  xxii.  1,  3).  The  thief  was 
 bpund  to  work  out  the  value  of  his  restitution 
 money  in  the  service  of  him  on  whom  the  theft 
 had  been  committed.  (3)  The  exercise  of  i)aternal 
 authority  was  limited  to  the  sale  of  a  daughter  of 
 tender  age  to  be  a  maidservant,  with  the  ulterior 
 view  of  her  becoming  the  concubine  of  the  purchaser 
 (Ex.  xxi.  7).  2.  The  servitude  of  a  Hebrew  might 
 be  terminated  in  three  ways: — (1)  by  the  satis- 
 faction or  the  remission  of  all  claims  against  him  ; 
 (2)  by  the  recurrence  of  the  year  of  Jubilee  (Lev. 
 xxv.  4U);  and  (3j  the  expiration  of  six  years  from 
 the  time  that  his  servitude  commenced  (Ex.  xxi.  2  ; 
 Deut.  XV.  12).  (4)  To  the  above  modes  of  obtain- 
 ing liberty  the  Rabbinists  added  as  a  fourth,  the 
 death  of  the  master  without  leaving  a  son,  there 
 being  no  power  of  claiming  the  slave  on  the  pai't 
 of  any  heir  except  a  son.  If  a  servant  did  not  de- 
 sire to  avail  himself  of  the  opportunity  of  leaving 
 his  service,  he  was  to  signify  his  intention  in  a 
 fonnal  manner  before  the  judges  (or  moi«  exactlyf 
 at  the  place  of  judgment),  and  then  the  master  was 
 to  tiike  him  to  the  door-jiost,  and  to  bore  his  car 
 through  with  an  awl  (Ex.  xxi.  6),  driving  the  awl 
 
 SLAVE 
 
 887 
 
 into  or  "  unto  the  door,"  as  stated  in  Deut.  xv. 
 17,  and  thus  fixing  the  servant  to  it.  A  servant 
 who  had  submitted  to  this  operation  remained,  ac- 
 cordmg  to  the  words  of  the  Law,  a  servant  "  for 
 ever"  (Ex.  xxi.  6).  These  words  aie,  however, 
 interpreted  by  Josephus  and  by  the  Rabbinists  at 
 meaning  until  the  year  of  Jubilee.  3.  The  con- 
 dition of  a  Hebrew  servant  was  by  no  means  intol- 
 erable. His  master  was  admonished  to  tieat  him, 
 not  "as  a  bondservant,  but  as  an  hire<I  servant 
 and  as  a  sojourner,"  and,  again,  "  not  tc  rule  over 
 him  with  rigour"  (Lev.  xxv.  39,  40,  43).  At  the 
 termination  of  his  servitude  the  master  was  enjoined 
 not  to  "let  him  go  away  empty,"  but  to  remuner- 
 ate him  liberally  out  of  his  flock,  his  floor,  and 
 his  winepress  (Deut.  xv.  13,  14).  In  the  event  of 
 a  Hebrew  becoming  the  servant  of  a  "  stranger," 
 meaning  a  non-Hebrew,  the  sei  vitude  could  be  ter- 
 minated only  in  two  ways,  viz.  by  the  arrival  of 
 the  year  of  Jubilee,  or  by  the  repayment  to  the 
 master  of  the  purchase-money  paid  for  the  servant, 
 after  deducting  a  sum  for  the  value  of  his  services 
 proportioned  to  the  length  of  his  servitude  (Lev. 
 xxv.  47-55).  A  Hebrew  woman  might  enter  into 
 voluntary  servitude  on  the  score  of  poverty,  and  in 
 this  case  she  was  entitled  to  her  freedom  after  six 
 years'  service,  togetlier  with  her  usual  gratuity  at 
 leaving,  just  as  in  the  case  of  a  man  (Deut.  xv.  12, 
 13).  Thus  far  we  have  seen  little  that  is  objection- 
 able in  the  condition  of  Hebrew  seivants.  In  respect 
 to  marriage  there  were  some  peculiarities  which 
 to  our  ideas,  would  be  regarded  as  hardships.  A 
 master  might,  for  instiince,  give  a  wife  to  a  Hebrew 
 servant  for  the  time  of  his  servitude,  the  wife  being 
 in  this  case,  it  must  be  remarked,  not  only  a  slave 
 but  a  non-Hebrew.  Should  he  \eave  when  his  temi 
 has  expiied,  his  wife  and  children  would  lemain  the 
 absolute  projierty  of  the  master  (Ex.  xxi.  4,  5). 
 Again,  a  father  might  sell  his  young  (iaughter  to  a 
 Hebrew,  with  a  view  eitherof  marrying  her  himself, 
 or  of  giving  her  to  his  son  (Ex.  xxi.  7-9).  It  di- 
 minishes the  aj)parent  harshness  of  this  proceeding 
 if  we  look  on  the  purchase-money  as  in  the  light  of 
 a  dowry  given,  as  was  not  unusual,  to  the  parents 
 of  the  bride  ;  still  more,  if  we  accept  the  Rabbinical 
 view  that  the  consent  of  the  maid  was  required  be- 
 fore the  marriage  could  take  place.  The  position  of 
 a  maiden  thus  sold  by  her  father  was  subject  to  tlie 
 following  regulations: — (1)  She  could  not  "  go  out 
 as  the  men  servants  do,"  i.  c.  she  could  not  leave 
 at  the  termination  of  six  ye;xrs,  or  in  the  year  of 
 .Jubilee,  if  her  master  was  willing  to  fulfil  the  object 
 for  which  he  had  purchased  her.  (2)  Should  ha 
 not  wish  to  marry  her,  he  should  rail  upon  lier 
 friends  to  procni-e  her  release  by  the  re]iayment  of 
 the  purchase-money.  (3)  If  he  betrothed  her  to 
 his  son,  he  was  bound  to  make  such  provision  for 
 her  as  he  would  for  one  of  his  own  daughters.  (4) 
 If  either  he  or  his  son,  having  married  her,  took  a 
 second  wife,  it  should  not  be  to  the  prejudice  of 
 the  first.  (5)  If  neither  of  the  three  first  specified 
 alternatives  took  place,  the  maid  w;ts  entitled  to 
 immediate  and  gratuitous  liberty  (Ex.  xxi.  7-11), 
 The  custom  of  i-educing  Hebrews  to  servitude  ap- 
 pears  to  have  fallen  into  disuse  subsequently  to  tlie 
 Babylonish  aiptivity.  Vast  numbers  of  Hebrews 
 were  reduced  to  slavery  as  war-captives  at  dif- 
 ferent periods  by  the  Ihcenicians  (Joel  iii.  6),  the 
 Philistines  (Joel  iii.  6 ;  Am.  i.  6),  the  Syrians 
 (1  Mace.  iii.  41  ;  2  Mace.  viii.  11),  the  Egyptians 
 (Joseph.  Ant.  xii.  2,  §3),  and,  above  all,  by  the 
 
888 
 
 SLIME 
 
 Romans  (Joseph.  L.  J.  vi.  9,  §3). — II.  Non-IIc- 
 brc'J}  Slaves.  —  1.  The  majority  of  Non-Hebrew 
 slaves  were  war-captives,  either  of  the  Canaanites 
 who  had  survived  the  general  extermiiiiition  of  tlieir 
 race  under  Joshua,  or  such  as  weie  conquered  from 
 the  other  surrounding  nations  (Num.  x.vxi.  26  If.j. 
 Besides  these,  many  were  obtained  by  purchase 
 from  foreign  slave-dealers  (Lev.  .\.xv.  44,  45)  ;  and 
 othei's  may  have  been  resident  foreigners  who  were 
 reduced  to  this  state  either  by  poverty  or  crime. 
 The  children  of  slaves  remained  slaves,  being  the 
 class  descriljed  as  "  born  in  the  house"  (Gen.  xiv, 
 14,  xvii.  12;  Ecci.  ii.  7),  and  hence  the  number 
 was  likely  to  incre;\se  as  time  went  on.  The  ave- 
 rage value  of  a  slave  appears  to  have  been  thiity 
 shekels  (Kx.  xxi.  32).  2.  That  the  slave  might  be 
 manumitted,  appears  from  Ex.  xxi.  26,  27  ;  Lev. 
 xix.  20.  As  to  the  methods  by  which  this  might 
 be  effected,  we  are  told  nothing  in  the  Bible ;  but 
 the  Habbinists  sjiecify  the  following  four  methods  : 
 — (1)  redemption  by  a  money  payment,  (2j  a  bill 
 or  ticket  of  freedom,  (3)  testamentary  disposition, 
 or,  (4)  any  act  that  implied  manumission,  such  as 
 making  a  slave  one's  heir.  3.  The  slave  is  de- 
 scribed as  the  "  possession  "  of  his  master,  appar- 
 ently with  a  special  reference  to  the  power  which 
 the  latter  had  of  disposing  of  him  to  his  heire  as  he 
 would  any  other  article  of  personal  projwrty  (Lev. 
 x.NV.  45,  46) ;  the  slave  is  also  described  as  his 
 m:ister's  "money"  (Ex.  xxi.  21),  i.e.  as  repres- 
 enting a  certain  money  value.  Such  expressions 
 .■■how  that  he  was  regarded  very  much  in  the  light 
 of  a  mancipiiim  or  chattel.  But  on  the  other  hand 
 provision  was  made  for  the  protection  of  his  person 
 (Lev.  xxiv.  17,  22;  Ex.  xxi.  20).  A  minor  per- 
 sonal injury,  such  a.s  the  loss  of  an  eye  or  a  tooth, 
 was  to  be  lecompensed  by  giving  the  servant  his 
 liberty  (Ex.  xxi.  26,  27).  The  position  of  the  slave 
 in  regard  to  religious  privileges  was  favourable. 
 He  was  to  be  circumcised  (Gen.  xvii.  12),  and 
 hence  was  entitled  to  partake  of  the  Piischal  sacri- 
 fice (Ex.  xii.  44),  as  well  as  of  the  other  religioirs 
 festivals  (Deut.  xii.  12,  18,  xvi.  11,  14).  The 
 occupations  of  slaves  were  of  a  menial  character,  i\s 
 implied  in  Lev.  xxv.  39,  consisting  partly  in  the 
 woik  of  the  house,  and  partly  in  personal  attend- 
 ance on  the  master. 
 
 Slime.  The  rendering  in  the  A.  V.  of  the  Heb. 
 cheitidr,  the  Jlomtwir  of  the  Arabs,  translated  &(r- 
 <pa\Toi  by  the  LXX.  and  bitumen  in  the  Vulgate. 
 The  three  instances  in  which  it  is  mentioned  in  the 
 0.  T.  are  abundantly  illustrated  by  travellers  and 
 historians,  ancient  and  modern.  It  is  (irst  spoken 
 of  ns  use<l  for  cement  by  the  builders  in  the  plain 
 of  .Shiuar,  or  Babylonia  (Gen.  xi.  3).  The  bitumen 
 pits  in  the  vale  of  Siddim  are  mentioned  in  the  an- 
 cient t'ragment  of  Canaanitish  history  ((ien.  xiv. 
 10);  and  the  ark  of  pajiyrus  in  which  Moses  was 
 placed  was  made  impervious  to  water  by  a  coating 
 of  liitimieii  and  pitch  (Ex.  ii.  3).  Herotlotus  (i. 
 179)  tells  us  of  the  bitumen  found  at  Is,  a  town 
 of  Babylonia,  eight  days'  journey  from  Babylon. 
 'I'll"'  captive  Eretrians  (Iler.  vi.  1 19)  were  sent  by 
 Darius  to  collect  asphaltum,  salt,  and  oil  at  Ar- 
 dericca,  a  place  two  hundred  and  ten  stadia  from 
 .Sus.a,  ill  the  district  of  Cissia.  The  town  of  Is  was 
 situati-vi  on  a  rivt-r,  or  small  stream,  of  the  sjime 
 tiami'  which  (I'.wed  into  the  Euplir.'itos,  and  airried 
 down  with  it  the  Iunii>s  of  bitumen,  which  was 
 us<h1  in  the  biiililing  of  Babylon.  Ammianus  Mar- 
 celliuus  (xxiii.  6,  §23)  tells  us   that  Babylon  was 
 
 SLING 
 
 built  with  bitumen  by  .Semiraniis.  The  town  of  Is, 
 mentioned  by  Herodotus,  is  without  doubt  the  mo- 
 dern Ilii  or  Ileet,  on  the  west  or  right  bank  of  the 
 Euphrates,  and  four  days' journey,  N.W.,  or  rather 
 W.N.W.,  of  Bagdad.  The  principal  bitumen  pit  at 
 Heet,  says  Mr.  Kich,  has  two  sources,  and  is  divideil 
 by  a  wall  in  the  centre,  on  one  side  of  which  bitu- 
 men bubbles  up,  and  on  the  other  the  oil  of  naphtha. 
 Sir  H.  K.  Porter  observed  "  that  bitumen  was 
 chiefly  contined  by  the  Chaldean  builders,  to  the 
 foundations,  and  lower  parts  of  their  e<lifices :  for 
 the  purpose  of  preventing  the  ill  etlects  of  water." 
 The  use  of  bitumen  appears  to  have  been  contined 
 to  the  Babylonians,  for  at  Nineveh,  Mr.  Layard 
 observes,  "  bitumen  and  reeds  were  not  employed 
 to  cement  the  layers  of  bricks,  as  at  Babylon  ;  al- 
 though both  materials  are  to  be  found  in  abundance 
 in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  city."  The  bitu- 
 men of  the  Dead  Sea  is  described  by  Strabo,  Jo- 
 sephus,  and  Pliny.  Strabo  (xvi.  p.  763)  gives  an 
 account  of  the  volcanic  action  by  which  the  bottom 
 of  the  sea  was  disturbed,  and  the  bitumen  thrown 
 to  the  surtace.  It  was  at  first  liquefied  by  the 
 heat,  and  then  changed  into  a  thick  viscous  sub- 
 stance by  the  cold  water  of  the  sea,  on  the  surface 
 of  which  it  floated  in  lumps.  The  Arabs  of  the 
 neighbourhood  have  perpetuated  the  story  of  its 
 formation  as  given  by  Strabo.  Dr.  Thomson  tells 
 us  that  they  still  call  the  bitumen  pits  by  the  name 
 biuret  huinmar,  which  strikingly  resembles  the  Heb. 
 beeroth  chemdr  of  Gen.  xiv.  10.  Strabo  says  that 
 in  Babylonia  boats  were  made  of  wicker-work,  and 
 then  coveied  with  bitumen  to  keep  out  the  water 
 (xvi.  p.  743). 
 
 Sling.  The  sling  has  been  in  all  ages  the  fa- 
 vouiite  weapon  of  the  shepherds  of  Syria  (1  Sam. 
 xvii.  40),  and  hence  was  adopted  by  the  Isiaelitish 
 aimy,  as  the  most  effective  weapon  tor  light-armed 
 troops.  The  Benjamites  were  particularly  expert  in 
 their  use  ofit(Judg.  xx.  16;  comp.  1  Chron.  xii.  2). 
 It  was  advantageously  used  in  attacking  and  defend- 
 ing towns  (2  K.iii.  25), and  in  skirmishing.  Other 
 eastern  nations  availed  themselves  of  it,  as  the 
 Syrians  (1  Mace.  ix.  11),  who  also  invented  a  kind 
 of  artificial  sling  (1  Mace.  vi.  51).  The  construc- 
 tion of  the  weapon  hardly  nee<ls  description ;  it 
 consisted  of  a  couple  of  strings  of  sinew  or  some 
 
 Egyp"*"  Sllngcro.     (Wilkliuon.) 
 
 fibrous  substiince,  attached  to  a  leathern  receptacle 
 for  the  stone  in  the  centre,  which  was  termed  the 
 caph,  i.e.  pun  (1  Sam.  xxv.  29):  the  sling  wivs 
 swung  once  or  twice  round  the  heiul,  ami  the  stono 
 w  as  then  (list  harg<  d  by  letting  go  one  of  the  strings. 
 
SMITH 
 
 Sling-stones  were  selected  lor  their  smoothness  (1 
 Sam.  xvii.  40),  find  woie  recognised  as  one  of  the 
 ordinary  munitions  of  war  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  14).  In 
 action  the  stones  were  either  carried  in  a  bag  round 
 the  neck  (1  Sam.  xvii.  40;,  or  were  heaped  up  at 
 the  feet  of  the  combatant. 
 
 Smith.  The  work  of  the  smith,  together  with 
 an  account  of  his  tools,  is  explained  in  Handicraft. 
 A  description  of  a  smith's  workshop  is  given  in 
 Ecclus.  xxxviii.  28. 
 
 Smyr'na.  The  city  to  which  allusion  is  made 
 in  Revelation  ii.  8-1 1,  was  founded,  or  at  least  the 
 design  of  founding  it  was  entertained,  by  Alexander 
 the  Great  soon  after  the  battle  of  the  Granicus. 
 It  was  situated  twenty  stades  from  the  city  of  the 
 same  name,  which  after  a  long  series  of  wars  with 
 the  Lydians  had  been  finally  taken  and  sacked  by 
 Halyattes.  The  rich  lands  in  the  neighbourhood 
 were  cultivated  by  the  inhabitants,  scattered  in 
 villages  about  the  country,  for  a  period  which 
 Strabo,  speaking  roundly,  calls  400  years.  The 
 descendants  of  this  population  were  reunited  in  the 
 new  Smyrna,  wliich  soon  became  a  weixlthy  and 
 important  city.  It  seems  not  impossible,  that  just 
 as  St.  Paul's  illustrations  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Co- 
 rinthians are  derived  from  the  Isthmian  games,  so 
 the  message  to  the  Church  in  Smp-na  contains  allu- 
 sions to  the  ritual  of  the  pagan  mysteries  which 
 prevailed  in  that  city.  In  the  time  of  Strabo  the 
 ruins  of  the  Old  Smyrna  still  existed,  and  were  pai'- 
 tiaily  inhabited,  but  the  new  city  was  one  of  the 
 most  beautiful  in  all  Asia.  The  streets  were  laid 
 out  as  near  as  might  be  at  right  angles ;  but  an 
 unfortunate  oversight  of  the  architect,  who  forgot 
 to  make  underground  drains  to  carry  off  the  storm 
 rains,  occasioned  the  flooding  of  the  town  with  the 
 tilth  and  refuse  of  the  streets.  There  was  a  large 
 public  library  thei'e,  and  also  a  handsome  building 
 surrounded  with  porticoes  which  .•-erved  as  a  mu- 
 .seura.  It  was  consecrated  as  a  heroiim  to  Homer, 
 whom  the  Smyrnaeans  claimed  as  a  countryman. 
 Theie  was  also  an  Odeum,  and  a  temple  of  the 
 Olympian  Zeus,  with  whose  cult  that  of  the  lioman 
 emperors  was  associated.  Olympian  games  were 
 celebrated  here,  and  excited  great  interest.  Smyrna 
 under  the  Romans  was  the  seat  of  a  conventus  juri- 
 dicus,  whither  law  cases  were  brought  from  the 
 citizens  of  Magnesia  on  the  Sipylus,  and  also  from 
 a  Mac^edonian  colony  settled  in  the  same  country 
 under  the  name  of  Hyrcani. 
 
 Snail.  Tiie  representative  in  the  A.  V.  of  the 
 Hebrew  words  shablul  and  chomet.  1.  Shahli'd 
 occurs  only  in  Ps.  Iviii.  9  (8  A.  V.).  The  render- 
 ing of  the  A.  V.  ("  snail  ")  is  supported  by  the 
 authority  of  many  of  the  Jewish  Doctors,  and  is 
 probably  correct.  The  term  Shablul  would  denote 
 either  a  Liinajc  or  a  Helix,  which  are  particulaily 
 noticeable  for  the  slimy  track  they  leave  behind 
 them.  2.  Chomet  occurs  only  as  the  name  of  some 
 unclean  animal  in  Lev.  xi.  30.  The  LXX.  and 
 Vulg.  understand  some  kind  of  Lizard  by  the 
 term  ;  the  Arabic  versions  of  Erpenius  and  Saadias 
 give  the  Chameleon  as  the  animal  intended.  Per- 
 haps some  kind  of  lizard  may  be  intended,  as  the 
 two  most  important  old  versions  conjecture. 
 
 Snow.  The  historical  books  of  the  Bible  contain 
 only  two  notices  of  snow  actually  falling  (2  Sam. 
 xxiii.  20  ;  I  Mace.  xiii.  22),  but  the  allusions  m 
 the  poetical  books  are  so  numerous  that  there  can 
 be  no  doubt  as  to  its  being  an  ordinary  occurrence 
 in  the   winter  months  (Ps.  cxlvii.  16,  cxlviii.  8). 
 
 SOCOH 
 
 889 
 
 The  snow  lies  deep  in  the  ravines  of  the  highest 
 ridge  of  Lebanon  until  the  summer  is  far  advanced, 
 and  indeed  never  wholly  disappears ;  the  summit 
 of  Hermon  also  perpetually  glistens  with  frozen 
 snow.  From  these  sources  probably  the  Jews  ob- 
 tained their  supplies  of  ice  for  the  purpose  of  coolino- 
 their  beverages  in  summer  (Prov.  xxv.  13).  The 
 liability  to  snow  must  of  course  vaiy  considerably  in 
 a  country  of  such  varying  altitude  as  Palestine.  At 
 Jerusalem  snow  often  falls  to  the  depth  of  a  foot  or 
 more  in  January  and  February,  but  it  seldom  lies. 
 At  Nazareth  it  falls  more  frequently  and  deeply, 
 and  it  has  been  observed  to  fall  even  in  the  mari- 
 time plain  of  Joppa  and  about  Carmel. 
 
 So.  "  So  king  of  Egypt  "  is  once  mentioned  in 
 the  Bible.  Hoshea,  the  last  king  of  Israel,  evidently 
 intending  to  become  the  vassal  of  Egypt,  sent  mes- 
 sengers to  him  and  made  no  piesent,  as  had  been 
 the  yearly  custom,  to  the  king  of  Assyria  (2  Kings 
 xvii.  4).  So  has  been  identified  by  different  writers 
 with  the  first  and  second  kings  of  the  Ethiopian 
 XXV^th  dynasty,  called  by  Manetho,  Sabakon  (She- 
 bek),  and  Sebichos  (Shebetek).  The  accession  of 
 Teharka,  or  Tirhakah,  was  perhaps  B.C.  695.  If 
 we  assign  24  years  to  the  two  predecessors,  the 
 commencement  of  the  dynasty  would  be  B.C.  719. 
 But  it  is  not  certain  that  their  leigus  were  con- 
 tinuous. If  we  adopt  the  earlier  dates.  So  must  cor- 
 respond to  Shebek,  if  the  later,  perhaps  to  Shebetek  ; 
 but  if  it  should  be  found  that  the  reign  of  Tirhakah 
 is  dated  too  high,  the  former  identification  might  still 
 be  held.  From  Egyptian  sources  we  know  nothing 
 more  of  Shebek  than  that  he  conquered  and  put  to 
 death  Bocchoris,  the  sole  king  of  the  XXI\'lh  dy- 
 nasty, as  we  learn  from  Manetho's  list,  and  that  he 
 continued  the  monumental  works  of  the  Egyptian 
 kings.  The  standard  inscription  of  Sargon  in  his 
 palace  at  Khursabad  states,  according  to  M.  Oppert, 
 that  after  the  capture  of  Samaria,  Hanon  king  of 
 Gaza,  and  Sebech  sultan  of  Egypt,  met  the  king  of 
 Assyria  in  battle  at  llapih  (^Kaphia),  and  were  de- 
 feated. Sebech  disappeared,  but  Hanoa  was  captured. 
 
 Soap.  The  Hebrew  term  borith  is  a  general 
 term  for  any  substance  of  cleansing  qualities.  As, 
 however,  it  appears  in  Jer.  ii.  22,  in  contradistinc- 
 tion to  nether,  which  undoubtedly  means  "  natron," 
 or  mineral  alkali,  it  is  lair  to  infer  that  borith  lefers 
 to  vegetable  alkali,  or  some  kind  of  potash,  which 
 forms  one  of  the  usual  ingredients  in  our  soap. 
 Numerous  plants,  capable  of  yielding  alkalies,  exist 
 in  Palestine  and  the  surrounding  count) ies;  we 
 may  notice  one  named  Hubeibeh  (the  salsola  kali  of 
 botanists)  found  near  the  Dead  Sea,  the  ashes  of 
 which  are  called  el- Kuli  Hvom  their  strong  alkaline 
 properties,  the  Ajram,  found  near  Sinai,  which  when 
 pounded  serves  as  a  substitute  for  soap.  Modern 
 travelleis  have  also  noticed  the  Saponaria  officinalis 
 and  the  Mesembryanthemum  nodiflorum,  both  pos- 
 sessing alkahne  properties,  as  growing  in  Palestine. 
 
 So'cho,  1  Chr.  iv.  18.  Probably  the  town  of 
 Socoh  in  Judah,  though  which  of  the  two  cannot 
 be  ascertained. 
 
 So'choh.  Another  form  of  the  name  which  is 
 more  correctly  given  in  the  A.  V.  as  SocOH.  The 
 present  one  occurs  in  1  K.  iv.  10,  and  is  therefore 
 probably,  though  not  certainly,  Socoh  1. 
 
 So'coh.  The  name  of  two  towns  in  the  t)ibe  of 
 Judah.  1.  In  the  district  of  the  Shefelah  (Josh. 
 XV.  35).  It  is  a  member  of  the  same  group  with 
 Jarmuth,  Azekah,  Shaaraim,  &c.  The  same  re- 
 lative situation  is  implied  in  the  other  passages  in 
 
890 
 
 SODI 
 
 wliicli  tho  \>hwc  is  mt'iitioiioJ  (1  Sam.  xvii.  1  ; 
 2  Chr.  xi.  7,  xxviii.  18).  In  tlie  time  of  Kuse- 
 bius  and  Jerome  {Onoinust.  "Soccho")  it  Ixire 
 the  name  of  .Soccliotli,  and  lay  between  8  and  9 
 Roman  miles  from  Eleiitheropolis,  on  the  road  to 
 Jerusalem.  Dr.  Ivobinson's  identilication  of  Socoh 
 with  es/t-S/tnwei/:cJi  in  the  western  part  of  tlie 
 mountains  of  Judah  is  veiy  probable.  It  lies  about 
 1  mile  to  the  north  of  the  ti-ack  fiom  Beit  Jihrin 
 to  .lerusalem,  between  7  and  8  English  miles  from 
 the  former.  From  this  vilhige  probiibly  came 
 "  Antigonus  of  Soco,"  who  lived  about  the  com- 
 mencement of  the  ;ird  century  li.C— 2.  Also  a  town 
 ot'  Judah,  but  in  the  mountain  district  (Josh.  xv. 
 48).  It  h:is  been  discovered  by  Dr.  Koliinson  in 
 the  Wady-el-K/ialU,  about  10  miles  S.W.  of  He- 
 bron ;  bearing,  like  the  other  Socoh,  the  name  of 
 ssh  S/inirci/ct'/t. 
 
 Sodi.  The  fother  of  Gaddiel,  the  spy  selected 
 from  the  tribe  of  Zebulun  (Num.  xiii.  lOj. 
 
 Sod'om.  One  of  the  most  ancient  cities  of  Syria. 
 It  is  coininonly  mentioned  in  connexion  with  Go- 
 morrah, but  also  with  Admah  and  Zeboim,  and  on 
 one  occasion  (Gen.  .\iv.)  with  Beia  or  Zoar.  Sodom 
 was  evidently  tiie  chief  town  in  the  settlement. 
 The  four  are  first  named  in  the  ethnological  records 
 of  Gen.  X.  19,  as  belonging  to  the  Cauaanites.  Tlie 
 next  mention  of  the  name  of  Sodom  (Gen.  xiii.  10- 
 l;5)  gives  more  certain  indication  of  the  position  of  the 
 oity.  Abram  and  Lot  are  stiinding  together  between 
 Bethel  and  Ai  (ver.  3),  taking,  as  any  s|iectatoi- 
 from  that  spot  may  still  do,  a  survey  of  the  land 
 around  and  below  them.  Eastward  of  thein,  and 
 ab.-olutely  at  their  feet,  lay  the  "circle  of  Jordan." 
 The  whole  circle  was  one  great  oasis — "  a  garden 
 of  Jehovah"  (ver.  10).  In  the  midst  of  the  garden 
 the  four  cities  of  Sodom,  Gomoriah,  Admali,  and 
 Zeboim  appear  to  have  been  situated.  It  is  neces- 
 sjiiy  to  notice  how  absolutely  the  cities  are  identi- 
 fied with  the  district.  In  the  subsequent  account 
 of  their  destruction  (Gen,  xix.),  the  topographical 
 terms  are  employed  witii  all  tie  precision  which  is 
 characteristic  of  such  early  times.  The  mention  of 
 the  Joi-dan  is  conclusive  as  to  the  situation  of  the 
 district,  for  the  Jordan  ceases  where  it  enters 
 the  Dead  Sea,  and  can  have  no  existence  south  of 
 that  point.  We  have  seen  what  evidence  the  ear- 
 liest records  alTord  ot  the  situation  of  the  five  cities. 
 Let  us  now  r.ee  what  they  say  of  the  nature  of  that 
 t^itastrophe  by  which  they  are  related  to  have  been 
 destroyed.  It  is  described  in  (ien.  xix.  as  a  shower 
 of  brimstone  and  fire  from  Jehovah,  from  the  skies. 
 However  we  may  intei  piet  the  words  of  the  earliest 
 narrative  one  thing  is  certain,  that  the  lake  was 
 not  one  of  the  agents  in  the  catastrophe.  Nor  is  it 
 implied  in  any  of  the  later  jiassages  in  which  the 
 destruction  of  the  cities  is  referred  to  throughout 
 the  Scriptures.  Quite  the  contrary.  Those  pas- 
 sages always  sj^ak  of  the  district  on  which  the 
 cities  on>A>  stood,  not  as  submerged,  but,  as  still 
 visible,  though  ijesolate  and  uninhaliitable.  In 
 agreement  with  this  is  the  stati'ment  of  Josephns, 
 and  the  accounts  of  heathen  writei-s,  as  Strabo  an<l 
 Tacitus;  who,  however  vague  their  statements,  are 
 evidently  under  the  belief  that  the  district  was  not 
 un.ler  water,  and  that  the  remains  of  the  towns 
 Were  still  to  lie  .seen.  From  all  these  jiitssages, 
 though  much  is  oltscure,  two  things  seem  clear. 
 !.  That  S<Hlom  and  the  rest  of  the  cities  of  the 
 ]>lain  of  JoriJan  hloo.1  on  the  north  of  the  De.id  Sea. 
 '2,  That  neither   Mie   cities  nor  the   district   were  j 
 
 SODOM 
 
 stibmergetl  by  the   lake,  but  that  the   cities  were 
 overthrown  and  the  land  spoiled,  and  that   it  may 
 still  be  seen  in  its  de.solate  condition.      When,  how- 
 ever, we  t<irn  to  more  modern  views,  we  dLsc-over  a 
 remarkable  variance  from  these  coiuJusions.      1 ,  The 
 opinion   long  current,  that  the  five  cities  were  sub- 
 merged in  the  lalce,  and  that  their  remains — walls, 
 I  columns,   and    capitals — might    be   still    discerned 
 j  below  the  w.ater,  hardly  needs  lefutiition  nt'ler  the 
 distinct  statement  and  the  constant  implic:ition  of 
 I  Scripture.      But — 2.  A  more  serious  departure  from 
 I  the  terms  of  the  ancient  histoiy  is  exhibital  in  the 
 prevalent  oiHiiion  that  the  cities  stood  at  the  south 
 j  end  of  the  Lake.     This  appeals  to  have   been  the 
 belief  of  Jbsephus  and   Jeiome.      It  .seems  to  have 
 been  universally  held   by  the  mediteval  hi.stoiians 
 and  pilgrims,  and  it  is  adopted  by  modern  tojMigm- 
 phei's,  probably  without  exception.     There  are  se- 
 veral gi'ounds  for  this  belief;   but  the  main  point 
 on  which  Dr.  Kobinson    rests  hrs  argument  is  the 
 situation  of  Zoar.     (a.)  "  Lot,"  says  he,  "tied  to 
 Zoar,   which   was  near  to  Sodom ;    and  Zoar  lay 
 almost  at  the  southern  end  of  the  present  sea,  pro- 
 bably in  the  mouth  of  the  WuJij  Kerali."     (6.)  An- 
 other consideration  in  favour  of  placing  the  cities  at 
 the  southern  end  of  the  lake  is  the  exi.stence  of  similar 
 names   in   that  direction,     (c.)  A  third  argument, 
 and  perhaps   the  weightiest  of' the  three,  is  the  e.\- 
 istence  of  the  salt  mountam  at  the  south   of  the 
 lake,   and   its  tendency  to  split  off  in    columnar 
 masses,  jiresenting  a  rude  resemblance  to  the  human 
 form.     But  it  is  by  no  means  certain  that  salt  does 
 not  exist  at  other  spots  round  the  lake.     It  thus 
 appears  that  on   the  situation  of  Sodom  no  s.-itis- 
 tiictory  conclusion  can  at  present  be  come  to.     On 
 the  one  hand  the  narrative  of  Genesis  seems  tost;itc 
 positively   that  it  lay  at  the  northern  end  of  tlie 
 Dead  Sea.     On  the  other  hand  the  long-continued 
 tradition  and   the  names  of  existing  spots  se<'m  to 
 pronounce  with  almost  equal   positiveness  that  it 
 was  at  its  sontliern  end.     Of  the  aitiistrophe  which 
 destroyed  the  city  and  the  district  of  Sotlom  we  can 
 hardly  hope  ever  to  form  a  sjitisfactory  conception. 
 Some    catiwtrophe    there    undoubtedly    was.      But 
 what  secondary  agencies,  besides  tire,'  were  employwl 
 in  the  accomplishment  of  the  puni>hnient  c-uniot  be 
 sjifely  determined   in  the   almost  total    absence  o( 
 exact  scientific  description  of  the  natural  features 
 of  the  ground  round    the  lake.     It  w;is  formerly 
 supposed  that  the  overthrow  of  Soilom  was  causttl 
 by   the  convulsion   which    formeii   the    Dead    Sea. 
 This  theoiy  is  stated  by  Dean  Alilman  in  his  His- 
 tory of  the  J  eics  (i.  15,  U!)  with  great  spirit  and 
 clearness.     But  the  changes  which  wcnrretl  when 
 the  limestone  strata  of  Syria  were  split  by  that  vast 
 fissure  which  forms  the  Jordan  \'alley  and  the  Iwsin 
 of  the  Siilt  Lake,  must  not  only  have  taken  place 
 at  a  time  long  anterior  to  the  period  of  .\braliam, 
 but  must  have  been  of  such  a  nature  and  on  such  a 
 .scale  as  to  (!estioy  all   animal   life   tar  and   near. 
 Since  the  knowledge  of  these  facts  has  rendered  the 
 old  theory  untenable,  a  new  one  has  lieen  broached 
 by  Dr.  L'obinson.     "  That  the  fertile  plain  is  now 
 in  part  occupied  by  the  .southern  bay  lying  south  of 
 the  peninsula;  and  that,  by  some  convulsion  or  cji- 
 taslro))he  of  Cature  coiuiecled  with  the  miivu'uloiis 
 destruction  of'  tlie  cities,  either  the  snrlace  (if  this 
 plain    was  scoo|H^^  out,  or  the  bottom  of  the  lake 
 heaved  up  so  as  to  canst?  the  waters  to  overflow 
 and  <H)ver  jH'rmanently  a  laiger  tr.-tct  than  fonnevly." 
 To  this  very  ingenious  theoiy  two  objections  nia» 
 
SODOMA 
 
 lie  tnken.  (1.)  The  "plain  of  the  JorJmi,"  in 
 wliich  the  cities  stood  (as  has  been  stated)  can 
 hardly  have  been  at  the  south  end  of' the  lake;  and 
 (2.)  The  geological  portion  of  tlie  theory  does  not 
 appear  to  agree  with  the  facts.  The  whole  of  the 
 lower  end  of  the  lake,  including  the  plain  which 
 borders  it  on  the  south,  has  every  appearance  not 
 of  liaving  been  lowered  since  the  formation  of  the 
 valley,  but  of  undergoing  a  gradual  process  of  filling 
 up.  But  in  fact  the  narrative  of  Gen.  .\ix.  neither 
 states  nor  implies  that  any  convulsion  of  the  earth 
 occurred.  The  word  hdphac,  rendered  in  the  A.  V. 
 "  overthrow,"  is  the  only  expression  which  sug- 
 gests such  a  thing.  If  it  were  possible  to  speculate 
 on  materials  at  once  so  slender  and  so  obscure  as 
 are  furnished  by  that  narrative,  it  would  be  more 
 consistent  to  suppose  that  the  actual  agent  in  the 
 ignition  and  destruction  of  the  cities  had  been  of 
 the  nature  of  a  tremendous  thunderstorm  accom- 
 panied by  a  discharge  of  meteoric  stones.  The  name 
 Sedom  has  been  interpreted  to  mean  "  burning." 
 This  is  possible,  though  it  is  not  at  all  certain. 
 Fiirst  connects  it  with  a  root  meaning  to  enclose  or 
 fortify.  In  fi^ct,  like  most  archaic  names,  it  may, 
 by  a  little  ingenuity,  be  made  to  mean  almost  any- 
 thing. The  miserable  fate  of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah 
 is  held  up  as  a  warning  in  numerous  passages  of  the 
 Old  and  New  Testaments  (2  Pet.  ii.  6  ;  Jude  4-7  ; 
 Mark  vi.  11). 
 
 Sod'oma.  Rom.  ix.  29.  In  this  place  alone  the 
 Authorized  Vei-sion  has  followed  the  Greek  and 
 Vulgate  form  of  the  well-known  name  SODOM. 
 
 Sodomites.  This  word  does  not  denote  the  in- 
 habitants of  Sodom  (except  only  in  2  Esdr.  vii.  36) 
 or  their  descendants;  but  it  is  employed  in  the 
 A.  V.  of  the  Old  Testament  for  those  who  practised 
 as  a  religious  rite  the  abominable  and  unnatural 
 vice  from  which  the  inhabitants  of  Sodom  and  Go- 
 morrah have  derived  their  lasting  infamy.  It  occurs 
 in  Deut.  xxiii.  17  ;  1  Iv.  xiv.  24,  xv.  12,  xxii.  46  ; 
 2  K.  xxiii.  7  ;  and  Job  xxxvi.  14  (margin).  The 
 Hebi-ew  word  Kadesh  is  said  to  be  derived  from  a 
 root  kadash,  which  (strange  as  it  may  appear) 
 means  "  pure,"  and  thence  "  holy."  "  This  dreadful 
 'consecration,'  or  rather  desecration,  was  spread  in 
 difl'erent  forms  over  Phoenicia,  Syria,  Phrygia,  As- 
 syria, Babylonia.  Ashtaroth,  the  Greek  Astarte, 
 was  it,s  chief  object." 
 
 Sodomi'tish  Sea,  the,  2  Esd.  v.  7  ;  meaning  the 
 Dead  Sea. 
 
 Sol'omon.  1.  Name. — The  changes  of  pronun- 
 ciation are  worth  noticing.  We  lose  something  of 
 the  dignity  of  the  name  when  it  passes  from  the 
 measured  stateliness  of  the  Hebrew  to  the  anapaest 
 of  the  N.  T.,  or  the  tribrach  of  our  common  speech. 
 It  appears,  though  with  an  altered  sound,  in  the 
 Arabic  Sideiinaun. — II.  Materials. — (1.)  The  com- 
 parative scantiness  of  historiail  data  for  a  lite  of 
 Solomon  is  itself  significant.  While  that  of  David 
 occupies  1  Sam.  xvi.-xxxi,,  2  Sam.  i.-xxiv.,  1  K.  i. 
 ii.,  1  Chr.  x.-xxix.,  that  of  Solomon  fills  only  the 
 eleven  chapters  1  K.  i.-xi.,'and  the  nine  2  Chr.  i.-ix. 
 The  writers  give  extracts  only  fi-om  larger  works 
 which  were  before  them,  "  The  book  of  the  Acts  of 
 Solomon"  (1  K.  xi.  41);  "The  book  of  Nathan 
 the  prophet,  the  book  of  Ahijah  the  Shilonite.  the 
 visions  of  Iddo  the  seer  "  (2  Chr.  ix.  29).  (2).  We 
 shall  probably  not  be  far  wrong  in  thinking  of 
 Nathan  as  having  written  the  account  of  the  acces- 
 sion of  Solomon  and  the  dedication  of  the  Temple 
 (1  K.  i.-viii   66,  2  Chr.  i.-viii.    15).     To  Ahijah 
 
 SOLOMON 
 
 891 
 
 the  Shilonite,  active  at  the  close  of  the  reign,  alive 
 some  time  after  Jeroboam's  accession,  we  may 
 ascriiie  the  short  i-ecord  of  the  sin  of  Solomon,  and 
 of  the  revolution  to  which  he  himself  had  so  largely 
 contributed  (1  K.  xi.).  From  the  Book  of  the  Acts 
 of  Solomon  came  probably  the  miscellaneous  foots 
 as  to  the  commerce  and  splendour  of  his  reign  (1  K. 
 ix.  10-x.  29).  (3),  Besides  the  direct  history  of 
 the  0.  T.  we  may  find  some  materials  for  the  life 
 of  Solomon  in  the  books  that  bear  his  name,  and  in 
 the  Psalms  which  are  refeired,  on  good  grounds,  to 
 his  time,  Ps.  ii.,  xlv.,  Ixxii.,  cxxvii.  (4).  Other 
 materials  are  but  very  scanty.  The  history  of  Jo- 
 sephus  is,  for  the  most  part,  only  a  loo^e  and  inac- 
 curate paraphrase  of  the  0.  T.  narrative.  In  him, 
 and  in  the  more  erudite  among  early  Christian 
 writers,  we  find  some  fragments  of  older  history 
 not  without  their  value,  extracts  from  archives 
 alleged  to  exist  at  Tyre  in  the  first  century  of  the 
 Christian  era,  and  fiom  the  Phoenician  histories  of 
 Menander  and  Dius,  from  Eupolemos,  from  Alex- 
 ander Polyhistor,  Menander,  and  Laitus.  (5.)  The 
 legends  of  later  Oriental  literature  will  claim  a 
 distinct  notice.— III.  Education: — (1).  The  student 
 of  the  life  of  Solomon  must  take  as  his  startino-- 
 point  the  circumstances  of  his  birth.  He  was  the 
 child  of  David's  old  age,  the  last-born  of  all  his  sons 
 (1  Chr.  iii.  5).  The  feelings  of  the  king  and  of  his 
 prophet-guide  expressed  themselves  in  the  names 
 with  which  they  welcomed  his  birth.  The  yearn- 
 ings of  the  "  man  of  war,"  who  "  had  shed  much 
 blood,"  for  a  time  of  peace,  now  led  him  to  give  to 
 the  new-born  infant  the  name  of  Solomon  (ShS- 
 lomoh  =:  the  peaceful  one).  Nathan,  with  a  marked 
 reference  to  the  meaning  of  the  king's  own  name 
 ( David ^</ie  darling,  the  beloved  one),  calls  the 
 infant  Jedidiah  (Jedid-yah),  that  is  the  ''  darling  of 
 the  Lord"  (2  Sam.  xii.  24,  25).  (2).  The  three 
 influences  which  must  have  entered  most  largely 
 into  the  education  of  Solomon  were  those  of  his 
 father,  his  mother,  and  the  teacher  under  whose 
 charge  he  was  placed  from  his  earliest  infancy 
 (2  Sara,  xii.  25).  (3).  The  fact  just  stated, 
 that  a  prophet-priest  was  made  the  special  in- 
 structor, indicates  the  king's  earnest  wish  that  this 
 child  at  least  should  be  protected  against  the  evils 
 which,  then  and  afterwards,  showed  themselves  in 
 his  elder  sons,  and  be  worthy  of  the  name  he  bore. 
 At  first,  apparently,  there  was  no  distinct  purpose 
 to  make  him  his  heir.  Absalom  is  still  the  king's 
 favourite  son  (2  Sam.xiii.  37,  xviii.  33) — is  looked 
 on  by  the  people  as  the  destined  successor  (2  Sam. 
 xiv.  13,  XV.  1-6).  The  death  of  Absalom,  when 
 Solomon  was  about  ten  years  old,  left  the  place 
 vacant,  and  David  pledged  his  word  in  secret  to 
 Bathsheba  that  he,  and  no  other,  should  be  the  heir 
 (1  K.  i.  13).  The  words  which  were  spoken  some- 
 what later,  express,  doubtless,  the  purpose  which 
 guided  him  throughout  (1  Chr.  xxviii.  9,  2u).  His 
 son's  life  should  not  be  as  his  own  had  been,  one  of 
 hardships  and  wars,  dark  crimes  and  passionate  re- 
 penfc^uce,  but,  from  first  to  hist,  he  pure,  blame- 
 less, peaceful,  fulfilling  the  ideal  of  glory  and  of 
 righteousness,  after  which  he  himself  had  vainly 
 striven.  The  glorious  visions  of  Ps.  Ixxii.  may  be 
 looked  on  as  the  prophetic  expansion  of  those  hopes 
 of  his  old  age.  So  far,  all  was  well.  But  we  may 
 not  ignore  the  fact,  that  the  later  years  of  David's 
 life  presented  a  change  fcr  the  worse,  ;is  well  as  for 
 the  better.  The  litiugical  element  of  religion  be- 
 comes, after    the   first   passiouate  out-iiouring    of 
 
892 
 
 SOLOMON 
 
 I's.  li.,  uniluly  pixiloniiiiaiit.  We  cannot  rest  in  the 
 belief"  tliat  his  inliuence  over  liis  son's  chaiacter  was 
 oiic,exi-lusiveiy  for  good.  (4-).  In  Kastern  countries, 
 and  under  a  system  of  polygamy,  the  son  is  moi-e 
 dependent,  even  than  elsewhere,  on  the  character 
 of  the  mother.  Nothing  that  we  know  of  Bath- 
 s'heba  leads  us  to  think  of  her  as  likely  to  mould 
 her  son's  mind  and  heart  to  the  higher  forms  of 
 goodness.  (5.)  What  was  likely  to  he  the  influence 
 of  the  prophet  to  whose  cire  the  education  of  Solo- 
 mon was  confided  ?  We  know,  beyond  all  doubt, 
 that  he  could  speak  hold  and  faithful  words  when 
 they  were  needed  ("2  Sam.  vii.  1-17,  .xii.  1-14). 
 I5ut  this  jjower,  belonging  to  moments  or  messages 
 of  special  inspiration,  does  not  involve  the  permanent 
 possession  of  a  clear-sighted  wisdom,  or  of  aims 
 uniformly  high ;  and  we  in  vain  search  the  later 
 years  of  David's  reign  for  any  proof  of  Nathan's 
 activity  for  good.  (6).  Under  these  influences  the 
 boy  grew  up.  At  the  age  of  ten  or  eleven  he  must 
 have  j)a'ised  through  the  revolt  of  Absalom,  and 
 shared  liis  father's  exile  (2  Sam.  ,xv.  16).  He 
 would  l->e  taught  all  that  priests,  or  Levites,  or  pio- 
 j>hets  had  to  teach.  The  growing  intercoui'se  of 
 Israel  with  the  Phoenicians  would  lead  naturally  to 
 a  wider  knowledge  of  the  outlying  world  and  its 
 wonilers  than  had  fallen  to  his  father's  lot.  Ad- 
 mirable, however,  a.s  all  this  was,  a  shepherd-life, 
 like  his  father's,  furnished,  we  may  believe,  a  better 
 education  for  the  kingly  calling  (Ps.  Ixxviii.  70,  71 ;, 
 —IV.  Accession. — (1.)  The  feebleness  of  David's 
 old  age  led  to  an  attem]it  which  might  have  de- 
 prived Solomon  of  the  throne  his  father  destined 
 tor  him.  Adonijah,  next  in  order  of  birth  to  Ab- 
 salom, like  Absilom  *•  was  a  goodly  man  "  (1  K. 
 i.  6),  in  full  maturity  of  years,  backed  by  the  oldest 
 of  the  king's  friends  and  counsellors.  P'ollowing 
 in  the  steps  of  Absjilom,  he  assumed  the  kingly 
 state  of  a  chariot  and  a  bodygu.ud  ;  and  David, 
 more  passive  than  ever,  looked  on  in  silence.  At 
 last  a  time  was  chosen  for  o]>enly  proclaiming  him 
 as  king.  A  solemn  feast  at  KN-iiuGin.  was  to  in- 
 augurate the  new  reign.  All  were  invited  to  it 
 but  those  whom  it  was  intended  to  displace.  It 
 was  necessaiy  for  those  whose  interests  were  endan- 
 gered to  tike  prompt  measures.  Bathsheba  and 
 Nathan  took  counsel  together.  The  king  was  re- 
 minded of  his  oath.  Solomon  went  down  to  GiiiON, 
 and  was  proclaimed  and  anointed  king.  The  shouts 
 of  his  followers  fell  on  the  st^u-fled  ears  of  the 
 guests  at  Adonijah's  bancjuet.  One  by  one  they 
 lose  and  departed.  The  plot  had  failed.  A  fevv 
 months  more,  and  Solomon  found  himself,  by  his 
 father's  death,  the  .sole  occupant  of  the  throne. 
 (2.)  The  position  to  which  he  succeeleil  was  unique. 
 Never  before,  and  never  after,  did  the  kingdom  of 
 Israel  take  its  place  among  the  grc;it  monarchies  of 
 the  East.  Large  treasures  accumulatetl  through 
 many  yeai-s  were  at  his  disposal.  The  jieople,  with 
 the  exception  of  the  tolerate<l  worsbi])  in  high  i)lac-es, 
 were  true  servants  of  .lehovah.  Knowledge,  art. 
 music,  jH)etiy,  had  reicived  a  new  impulse,  and 
 were  moving  on  with  rapid  steps,  to  such  jierfection 
 a.s  the  age  and  the  race  were  cajiable  of  atfciining. 
 Of  Solomon's  pei-sonal  appearance  we  have  no  direct 
 description,  .is  we  h.-we  of  the  earlier  kings.  There 
 arc,  however,  materials  for  filling  up  the  gap. 
 Whatever  higher  mystic  meaning  may  be  latent  in 
 Ps.  xlv.,  or  the  .Song  of  Songs,  we  are  all  liut  com- 
 p<'ll<'d  to  think  ot  them  as  having  had,  at  least,  a 
 historicul  st4U  ting-jioint.     They  tell  us  of  one  who 
 
 SOLOMON 
 
 was,  m  the  eyes  of  tlio  men  of  his  own  time, 
 "fiiirer  than  the  children  of  men,"  the  liice  "blight 
 and  ruddy"  as  his  father's  (Cant.  v.  In  ;  1  Sam. 
 xvii.  42),  bushy  locks,  dark  iis  the  raven  s  wing, 
 yet  not  without  a  golden  glow,  the  eyes  soft  as 
 "the  eyes  of  doves,"  the  "  countenance  as  Lebanon, 
 excellent  ;»s  the  cedai-s,"  "  the  chiel'est  among  ten 
 thousand,  the  altogether  lovely"  (Cant.  v.  9-16). 
 Add  to  this  all  gifts  of  a  noble,  fiir-reaching  intellect, 
 large  and  ready  sympathies,  a  playful  and  genial 
 humour,  the  lips  "full  of  grace,"  the  soul  "anointed" 
 as  "with  the  oil  of  gladness"  (Ps.  xlv.j,  and  we 
 may  Ibrm  some  notion  of  what  the  king  was  like  in 
 that  dawn  of  his  golden  prime,  {'.i.)  The  histor- 
 ical starting-point  of  the  Song  o(  Songs  just  spoken 
 of  connects  itself,  in  all  probability,  with  the  earliest 
 facts  in  the  history  of  the  new  reign.  The  nai'- 
 rative,  as  told  in  1  K.  ii.,  is  not  a  little  pei-])lexing. 
 Bathsheba,  who  had  before  stirred  up  David  aganist 
 Adonijah,  now  appears  as  interceding  for  him,  beg- 
 ging that  .Abishag  the  Shunamife,  the  virgin  concu- 
 biae  of  David,  might  be  given  him  as  a  wife.  So- 
 lomon, who  till  then  had  professed  the  profbundest 
 reverence  for  his  mother,  his  willingness  to  grant 
 her  anything,  suddenly  flashes  into  fiercest  wnith 
 at  this.  The  jietition  is  treated  as  part  of  a  con- 
 spiracy in  which  Joab  and  Abiathar  are  shaiers. 
 Benaiah  is  once  more  called  in.  Adonijah  is  put  to 
 death  at  once.  Jaib  is  shun  even  within  the  pi'e- 
 cincts  of  the  Tabernacle,  to  which  he  had  fled  as  an 
 asylum.  Abiathar  is  deposed,  and  exiled,  sent  to  a 
 life  of  poveily  and  shame  (1  K.  ii.  31-30),  and  the 
 higli-])iiesthood  transfei're<i  to  another  fiimily  moi-e 
 reaily  than  he  had  been  to  pass  from  the  old  order 
 to  the  new.  Soon  afterwards  an  opportunity  is 
 thrown  in  his  way  of  getting  rid  of  one,  who  had 
 been  troublesome  before,  and  might  be  troublesome 
 again.  He  presses  the  letter  of  a  compact  against  a 
 man  who  by  his  infatuated  disregard  ol"  it  seemed 
 given  over  to  destruction  (1  K.  ii.  36-4ti).  As  he 
 punishes  his  father's  enemies,  he  also  shows  kind- 
 ness to  the  friends  who  /iQd  been  faithful  to  him. 
 Chimhani,  the  son  of  Baizillai,  apparently  receives 
 an  inheritince  near  the  city  of  David  (2  Sam.  xix. 
 31-40;  1  K.  ii.  7).— V.  Foreign  Policy.— {I.)  All 
 the  data  for  a  continuous  history  that  we  h.ave  are — 
 (a.)  The  duration  of  the  reign,  4U  years  (1  K. 
 xi.  42).  (6.)  The  commencement  of  the  Temple 
 in  the  4th,  its  completion  in  the  11th  year  of  his 
 reign  (1  K.  vi.  1,  37,  38).  (c.)  The  commence- 
 ment of  his  own  palace  in  the  7th,  its  completion 
 in  the  20th  year  (1  K.  vii.  1  ;  2  Chr.  viii.  1), 
 id.)  The  conquest  of  Hamath-Zobah.  and  the  con- 
 sc(pient  foundation  'A'  cities  in  the  region  North  of 
 Palestine  after  the  20th  year  (2  Chr.  viii.  1-G). 
 With  matei'ials  .so  samty  as  these,  it  will  l*  lM?tter 
 to  group  the  chief  facts  in  an  order  which  will  Ixst 
 enable  us  to  appreciate  their  significance. —  (2.) 
 Kijiipt.  The  first  act  of  the  foreign  jKilicy  of  tlie 
 new  reii;n  must  have  l>een  to  mo>t  Israelites  a  very 
 startling  one.  He  made  allinity  with  Phar.ioh, 
 king  of  Kgj'pt,  by  martying  his  daughter  (1  K. 
 iii.  1).  The  immetliate  results  were  proUibly  favour- 
 able enousrh.  The  new  queen  brought  with  her  as 
 a  <lowi-y  the  frontier-city  of  Gezer,  against  which, 
 as  threatening  the  ti-anqiiillity  of  Israel,  and  as  still 
 possessed  by  a  remnant  of  the  old  Can.ianites,  Pha- 
 raoh had  led  his  armies.  She  was  leceived  with 
 all  honour.  A  .sejvirate  and  stat4.'ly  p.il:u-e  was  built 
 for  her,  lK?fore  long,  outside  the  city  of  l>;ivid 
 (2  Chr.  viii.  11).     (3.)  The  ultimate  issue  of  the 
 
SOLOMON 
 
 alliance  showed  that  it  was  hollow  and  impolitic. 
 There  jnay  have  been  a  revolution  in  Kg3'lit.  There 
 was  at  any  rate  a  change  of  policy.  There,  we 
 may  believe,  by  !<ome  kind  of  compact,  expressed  or 
 understood,  was  planned  the  scheme  which  led  first 
 to  the  rebellion  of  the  Ten  Tribes,  and  then  to  the 
 attack  of  Shishak  on  the  weakened  and  dismantled 
 kingdom  of  the  son  of  Solomon.  (4.)  Tyre.  The 
 alliance  with  the  Phoenician  king  rested  on  a  some- 
 what different  footing.  It  had  been  part  of  David's 
 policy  from  the  beginning  of  his  reign.  Hiram 
 had  been  "ever  a  lover  of  David."  He,  or  his 
 gi'andfather,  had  helped  him  by  supplying  materials 
 and  workmen  for  his  palace.  As  soon  as  he  heard 
 of  Solomon's  accession  he  sent  ambassadors  to  salute 
 him.  A  correspondence  passed  between  the  two 
 kings,  which  ended  in  a  treaty  of  commerce.  The 
 opening  of  Joppa  as  a  port  created  a  new  coasting- 
 trade,  and  the  materials  fiom  Tyre  were  conveyed 
 to  it  on  floats,  and  thence  to  Jerusalem  (2  Chr.  ii. 
 16).  In  return  for  these  exports,  the  Phoenicians 
 were  only  too  glad  to  receive  the  corn  and  oil  of 
 Solomon's  territory.  (5.)  The  results  of  the  alli- 
 ance did  not  end  here.  Now,  for  the  first  time  in 
 the  history  of  Israel,  they  entered  on  a  career  as  a 
 commercial  people.  They  joined  the  Phoenicians 
 in  then-  Mediterranean  voyages  to  the  coasts  of  Spain. 
 Solomon's  possession  of  the  Edomite  coast  enabled 
 him  to  open  to  his  ally  a  new  world  of  commerce. 
 The  ports  of  Elath  and  Ezion-geber  were  filled  with 
 ships  of  Tarshish,  merchant-ships,  manned  chiefly 
 by  Phoeiiiciavjs,  but  built  at  Solomon's  expense, 
 which  sailed  down  the  Aelanitic  Gulf  of  the  Red 
 Sea,  on  to  the  Indian  Ocean,  to  lands  which  had 
 before  been  hardly  known  even  by  nam<.  (6.)  Ac- 
 cording to  the  statement  of  the  Phoenician  writers 
 quoted  by  Josephus  (^Ant.  viii.  5,  §o),  the  mter- 
 course  of  the  two  kings  had  in  it  also  something  of 
 the  sportiveness  and  tieedom  of  friends.  They  de- 
 lighted to  perjilex  each  other  with  hard  questions, 
 and  laid  wageis  as  to  their  power  of  answering 
 them.  The  singular  fragment  of  history  inserted 
 in  1  Iv.  is,  11-14,  recording  the  cession  by  Solomon 
 of  sixteen  cities,  and  Hiram's  dissatisfaction  with 
 them,  is  perhaps  connected  with  these  imperial 
 wagers.  (7.)  These  were  the  two  most  important 
 alliances.  The  absence  of  any  leference  to  Babylon 
 and  Assyria,  and  the  fact  that  the  Euphrates  was 
 recognised  as  the  boundary  of  Solomon's  kingdom 
 (2  Chr.  is.  26),  suggest  the  inference  that  the  Me- 
 sopotamian  monarchies  weie,  at  this  time  compara- 
 tively feeble.  Other  neighbouring  nations  were 
 content  to  pay  annual  tribute  in  the  form  of  gitts 
 (2  Chr.  ix.  24).  (8.)  The  sun-ey  of  the  influence 
 exercised  by  Solomon  on  surrounding  nations  would 
 be  incomplete  if  we  were  to  pass  over  that  which  was 
 more  directly  pei-sonal — the  fame  of  his  glory  and 
 his  wisdom.  Wherever  the  ships  of  Tarsnish  went, 
 they  (aiTied  with  them  the  report,  losing  nothing 
 in  its  passage,  of  what  their  crews  had  seen  and 
 heard.  The  journey  of  the  queen  of  Sheba,  though 
 fiom  its  circumstances  the  most  conspicuous,  did 
 not  stand  alone.  She  had  heard  of  the  wisdom  of 
 Solomon,  and  connected  with  it  "  the  name  of  Je- 
 hovah" (1  K.  X.  1).  She  came  with  hard  ques- 
 tions to  test  that  wisdom,  and  the  words  just  quoted 
 may  throw  light  upon  their  nature.  The  histo- 
 rians of  Israel  delighted  to  dwell  on  her  confession 
 that  the  reality  sui-passed  the  fame,  "  the  one-half 
 of  the  greatness  of  thy  wisdom  was  not  told  me" 
 C2  Chr.  ix.  6).— VI.  Internal  History.— {1.}  We 
 
 SOLOMON 
 
 893 
 
 can  now  enter  upon  the  leign  of  Solomon,  in  its 
 bearing  upon  the  history  of  Israel,  without  the  ne- 
 cessity of  a  digression.  The  firet  prominent  scene 
 is  one  which  pjesents  his  character  in  its  noblest 
 a.'ipect.  There  were  two  holy  places  which  divided 
 the  reverence  of  the  people,  the  ark  and  its  provi- 
 sional tiibernacle  at  Jerusalem,  and  the  original  Ta- 
 bernacle of  the  congregation,  which,  after  many 
 wanderings,  was  now  pitched  at  Gibcon.  It  was 
 thought  right  that  the  new  king  should  offer  solemn 
 sacririces  at  both.  After  those  at  Gibeon  theie 
 came  that  vision  of  the  night  which  has  in  all  ages 
 boiTie  its  noble  witness  to  the  hearts  of  rulers.  Mot 
 for  riches,  or  long  life,  or  victory  over  enemies, 
 would  the  son  of  David,  then  at  least  true  to  his 
 high  calling,  feeling  himself  as  "  a  little  child  " 
 in  comparison  with  the  vastness  of  his  work,  offer 
 his  supplications,  but  for  a  "  wise  and  under- 
 standing heart,"  that  he  might  judge  the  people. 
 The  "speech  plciised  the  Lord."  (2.)  The  wisdom 
 asked  for  was  given  in  large  measure,  and  took 
 a  varied  range.  The  wide  world  of  nature,  anim- 
 ate and  inanimate,  the  lives  and  characters  of  men, 
 lay  before  him,  and  he  took  cognisance  of  all. 
 But  the  highest  wisdom  was  that  wanted  for  the 
 highest  work,  for  governing  and  guidino-,  and  the 
 historian  hastens  to  give  an  illustration  of  it. 
 The  pattern-instance  is,  in  all  its  circumstances, 
 thoroughly  Oriental  (1  K.  iii.  16-28).  (3.)  But 
 the  power  to  rule  showed  itself  not  in  judging  only, 
 but  in  organising.  Prominent  among  the  "  piinces " 
 of  his  kingdom,  i.  e.  officers  of  his  own  appointment, 
 were  members  of  the  priestly  order:  Azariah  the 
 son  of  Zadok,  Zadok  himself  the  high-priest,  Benaiah 
 the  son  of  Jehoiada  as  captain  of  the  host,  another 
 Azariah  and  Zabud,  the  sons  of  Nathan,  one  over 
 tha  officers  who  acted  as  purveyors  to  the  king's 
 household  (1  K.  iv,  2-5),  the  other  in  the  more 
 conridential  character  of  "  king's  fiiend."  In  addi- 
 tion to  these  there  were  the  two  scribes,  the  king's 
 secretaries,  drawing  up  his  edicts  and  the  like, 
 Elihoreph  and  Ahiah,  the  lecorder  or  annalist  of 
 the  king's  reign,  the  superintendent  of  the  kings 
 house,  and  household  expenses  (Is.  xxii.  15),  in- 
 cluding probably  the  harem.  The  last  in  order,  at 
 once  the  most  indispensable  and  the  most  hated, 
 was  Adoniram,  who  presided  "  over  the  tribute." 
 (4).  The  last  name  leads  us  to  the  king's  finances. 
 The  first  impression  of  the  facts  given  us  is  that  of 
 abounding  plenty.  The  large  quantities  of  the  pre- 
 cious metals  imported  fiom  Ophir  and  Tarshish 
 would  speak,  to  a  people  who  had  not  leaint  the 
 lessons  of  a  long  experience,  of  a  boundless  source  of 
 wealth  (1  K.  ix.  28).  All  the  kings  and  princes 
 of  the  subject-provinces  paid  tribute  in  the  form  of 
 gifts,  in  money  and  in  kind,  "  at  a  fixed  rate  year 
 by  year"  (1  K.  x.  25).  Monopolies  of  trade  con- 
 tributed to  the  king's  treasuiy  (1  K.  x.  28,  29). 
 The  king's  domain-lands  were  apparently  let  out, 
 at  a  fixed  annual  rentol  (Cant.  viii.  11).  All  the 
 provinces  of  his  own  kingdom  were  bound  each  in 
 turn  to  supply  the  king's  enormous  household  with 
 provisions  (I  K.  iv.  2 1-23 J.  The  total  anjount 
 thus  brought  into  the  treasury  in  gold,  exclusive  of 
 all  payments  in  kind,  amounted  to  666  talents 
 (1  K.  X.  1-ij.  (5.)  It  was  hardly  possible,  how- 
 ever, that  any  financial  system  could  bear  the  strain 
 of  the  king's  passion  for  magnificence.  The  cost  of 
 the  Temple  was,  it  is  true,  provided  for  by  David's 
 savings  and  the  offerings  of  the  people ;  but  even 
 while  that  was  building,  yet  more  when  it  was 
 
894 
 
 SOLOMON 
 
 finislipil,  one  stnictiiin  (iillowod  on  another  with 
 ruinous  i-apiility.  All  the  e(|iiipment  of  his  court, 
 the  "  apjiarcl  "  of  his  scrvnuts,  was  on  the  same 
 scale.  A  body-guard  iittt-ndod  him-  "  threescore 
 valiant  men,"  tallest  and  handsomest  ot  the  sons  of 
 Isi-ael.  Forty  thousand  stalls  of  horses  for  his 
 chariots,  and  twelve  thousand  hoi-semen,  made  up 
 the  measure  of  his  mas^nificcnce  (1  K.  iv.  26).  As 
 the  treasury  became  empty,  ta.\es  multiplied  and 
 monopolies  became  more  irksome.  The  people  com- 
 plained, not  of  the  king's  idolatry,  but  of  their 
 burdens,  of  his  "grievous  yoke"  (1  K.  .\ii.  4). 
 Their  hatred  fell  heaviest  on  Adoniram,  who  was 
 over  the  tribute.  (6.)  It  remains  for  us  to  trace 
 that  other  downfall,  belonging  more  visibly,  though 
 not  more  really,  to  his  religious  life,  from  the  loftiest 
 heiglit  even  to  the  lowest  depth.  The  building  and 
 dediwition  of  the  Temjjle  are  obviously  the  repres- 
 entatives of  the  first.  All  that  can  be  said  as  to 
 its  architecture,  proportions,  materials  [Temple], 
 and  tiie  oiganisatioii  of  the  ministering  Priests  and 
 Levites,  will  be  found  elsewhere.  Here  it  will  be 
 enough  to  picture  to  ourselves  the  feelings  of  the 
 men  of  Judah  as  they  watched,  during  seven  long 
 years,  the  Cyclopian  foundations  of  vast  stones  gra- 
 dually rising  up  and  covering  the  area  of  the 
 threshing-floor  of  Araunah.  Far  from  colossal  in 
 its  size,  it  was  conspicuous  chiefly  by  the  lavish 
 use,  within  and  without,  of  the  gold  of  Ophir  and 
 I'arvaim.  Throughout  the  whole  work  the  tran- 
 quillity of  the  kingly  city  was  unbroken  by  the 
 .sound  of  the  workman's  hammer.  (7.)  We  cannot 
 ignore  the  fact  that  even  now  there  we)e  some 
 darker  shades  in  the  ])icture.  He  reduced  the 
 "sti'angers"  in  the  land,  the  remnant  of  the  Ca- 
 naanite  races,  to  the  st;Ue  of  helots,  and  made  their 
 life  "bitter  with  all  hard  bondage."  One  hundred 
 and  fifty-three  thousjind,  with  wives  and  children 
 in  propoition,  were  torn  from  their  homes  and  sent 
 otf  to  the  ((uarri&s  and  the  forests  of  Lebanon  (1  K. 
 V.  15  ;  2  Chr.  ii.  17,  18).  One  trace  of  the  special 
 servitude  of  "these  hewers  of  stone  "  existed  long 
 afterwards  in  the  existence  of  a  body  of  men  at- 
 tached to  the  Temple,  and  known  as  Solomon's 
 Servants.  (8.)  After  seven  years  and  a  half  the 
 work  was  comjileted,  and  the  day  came  to  which 
 all  Israelites  looked  back  as  the  culminating  glory 
 of  their  nation.  Their  woi^ship  was  now  established 
 on  a  scale  as  stately  as  that  of  other  nations.  The 
 ark  from  Zion,  the  tabernacle  from  Gibeon,  were 
 both  removed  (2  Chr.  v.  5),  and  brought  to  the 
 new  Temple.  The  choirs  of  the  priests  and  Levites 
 met  in  their  fullest  force,  arrayed  in  white  linen. 
 Then,  it  may  be  for  the  first  time,  was  heard  the 
 noble  hymn,  "  Lift  up  your  heads,  0  ye  gates,  and 
 !je  ye  lift  up,  ye  everla.sting  doors,  and  the  King  of 
 Glory  shall  come  in."  The  trumpeteis  and  singers 
 were  "as  one"  in  their  mighty  Hallelujah — "0 
 praise  the  Lord,  for  He  is  good,  for  His  mercy  en- 
 dureth  for  ever"  (2  Chr.  v.  13).  The  ark  was 
 K)lemnly  placed  in  its  golden  sanctuary,  and  then 
 "the  cloud,"  the  "glory  of  the  Lord,"  filled  the 
 house  of  the  Lord.  The  two  tables  of  stone,  a-sso- 
 ciated  with  the  first  rude  beginnings  of  the  life  of 
 tiie  wilderness,  were  still,  they  and  they  onlv,  in 
 the  ark  which  had  now  so  magnifii'ent  a  shrine 
 (2  Chr.  v.  10).  And  throughout  the  whole  scene, 
 the  [icrson  of  the  king  is  the  one  central  object, 
 compared  with  whom  even  pnests  atid  prophct.s  are 
 for  the  time  subordinate.  Abstaining,  doubtless, 
 froni  di.-tinctively  f  icstly  acts,  such  as  slaying  the 
 
 SOLOMON 
 
 victims  and  oflViint;  incense,  he  yet  appears,  oven 
 moie  than  David  did  in  the  bringing  up  the  ark.  in 
 a  liturgical  character.  From  him  came  the  lofty 
 pi-ayer,  the  noblest  utterance  of  the  creed  of  Israel, 
 setting  forth  the  distance  and  the  nearness  of  the 
 Kternal  God,  One,  Incomprehensible,  dwellinc  not 
 in  temples  made  with  hamls,  yet  ruling  men,  hear- 
 ing their  prayers,  giving  them  all  good  things, 
 wisdom,  peare,  righteousness.  (9.)  The  solemn  day 
 was  followeil  by  a  week  of  festival,  synchronising 
 with  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles,  the  time  of  the  com- 
 pleted vintage.  Representatives  of  all  the  tribes, 
 elders,  fathei-s,  captains,  proselytes,  it  may  be,  from 
 the  newly-acquired  teiritories  in  Northern  Syria 
 (2  Chr.  vi.  32,  vii.  8), — all  were  assembled,  rejoic- 
 ing in  the  actual  gloiy  and  the  bright  hopes  of 
 Israel.  For  the  king  himself  then,  or  at  a  later 
 period  (the  narrative  of  1  K.  i.x.  and  2  Chr.  vii. 
 leaves  it  doubtful),  there  was  a  strange  contrast  to 
 the  glory  of  that  day.  He  must  be  taught  that 
 what  he  had  done  was  indeed  right  and  good,  but 
 that  it  was  not  all,  and  might  not  be  permanent. 
 Obedience  was  better  than  saci  irice.  Theie  was  a 
 datiger  near  at  hand.  (10).  The  danger  came, 
 and  in  spite  of  the  warning  the  king  fell.  Before 
 long  the  priests  and  piophets  had  to  grieve  over 
 rival  temples  to  Moloch,  Chemosh,  Ashtaroth, 
 forms  of  ritual  not  idolatrous  only,  but  cruel, 
 ilark,  impure.  This  evil  came,  as  the  compiler 
 of  1  K.  xi.  1-8  records,  as  the  penalty  of  an- 
 otiier.  He  gave  himself  to  "strange  women."  He 
 found  himself  involved  in  a  fascination  which  led 
 to  the  worship  of  strange  gods.  The  starting-point 
 and  the  goal  are  given  us.  We  are  left,  from  what 
 we  know  otherwise,  to  tmce  the  process.  Some- 
 thing tlieie  was  perhaps  in  his  very  '•  largeness  of 
 heart,"  so  far  in  advance  of  the  traditional  know- 
 ledge of  his  age,  rising  to  higher  and  wider  thoughts 
 of  God,  which  predisposed  him  to  it.  In  recog- 
 nising what  was  true  in  other  forms  of  faith,  he 
 might  lose  his  horror  at  what  was  false.  With 
 this  there  may  have  mingled  politiuil  motives.  He 
 may  have  ho]ied,  by  a  policy  of  toleration,  to  con- 
 ciliate neighbouring  princes,  to  attiact  a  larger 
 traflic.  But  probably  also  there  was  .another  in- 
 fluence less  commonly  taken  into  account.  The 
 wide-spread  belief  of  the  Fast  in  the  magic  arts  of 
 Solomon  is  not,  it  is  Wlieved,  without  its  founda- 
 tion of  truth.  (11.)  Disastei-s  followed  before  long 
 as  the  natural  consequence  of  what  was  politically 
 a  blunder  as  well  as  religiously  a  sin.  The  strength 
 of  the  nation  rested  on  its  unity,  and  its  unity  de- 
 pended on  its  faith.  Whatever  attractions  the  sen- 
 suous ritual  which  he  introduced  may  have  had  for 
 the  great  body  of  the  people,  the  priests  and  Levites 
 must  have  lookal  on  the  rival  worship  with  cntiie 
 disfavour.  The  zeal  of  the  pi-ophetic  order  was 
 now  kindled  into  active  opposition  (I  K.  xi.  28-39). 
 The  king  in  vain  trie<l  to  check  the  current  that 
 was  setting  strong  against  him.  The  old  tribil 
 jeidousies  gave  signs  of  renewed  vitality.  Kphraim 
 was  prepared  once  more  to  dispute  the  supi-emacy  of 
 Judah,  needing  special  control  (1  K.  xi.  28).  And 
 with  this  weakness  within  there  came  attacks  fi-om 
 without.  The  king,  prematurely  old,  must  have 
 foreseen  the  ia]iid  breaking  up  of  the  great  mo- 
 narchy to  which  he  had  succeeded.  (12.)  Of  the 
 inner  ch.anges  of  mind  atid  heart  which  ran  pjindicl 
 with  this  history  Scripture  is  compai-iitively  silent. 
 Something  may  lie  learnt  from  the  liooks  that  liear 
 his  name,  which,  whether  written  by   him  or  not, 
 
SOLOMON 
 
 stand  in  the  Canon  of  the  0.  T.  as  representing, 
 with  profound,  inspired  insight  tlie  successive  phases 
 of  his  life ;  something  also  from  the  fact  that  so 
 little  remains  out  of  so  much,  out  of  the  songs, 
 pioverhs,  treatises  of  which  the  historian  speaks 
 (1  K.  iv.  32,  33).  Excerpta  only  are  given  from 
 the  3000  Proverbs.  Of  the  thousand  and  five 
 Songs  we  know  absolutely  nothing.  The  poems  of 
 the  Son  of  David  may  have  been  like  those  of  Hatiz. 
 The  Scribes  who  compiled  the  Canon  of  the  0.  T. 
 mav  have  acted  wisely,  rightly,  charitably  to  his 
 fame,  in  excluding  them.  (13.)  The  books  that  re- 
 main meet  us,  as  has  been  said,  as  at  any  rate 
 representing  the  three  stages  of  his  life.  The  Song 
 cS  Songs  brings  before  us  the  biightness  of  his 
 youth.  Then  comes  in  the  Book  of  Proverbs,  the 
 stage  of  practical,  prudential  thought.  The  poet 
 has  become  the  philosopher,  the  mystic  has  passed 
 into  the  moralist.  But  the  man  passed  through 
 both  stages  without  being  permanently  the  better 
 ^'or  either.  They  were  to  him  but  phases  of  his 
 life  which  he  had  known  and  e.xhausted  (Eccl.  i., 
 ii.).  And  therefore  there  came,  as  in  tht  Con- 
 fessions of  the  Preacher,  the  great  retribution. 
 (14.)  Here  our  survey  must  end.  We  may  not 
 enter  into  the  things  within  the  veil,  or  answer 
 either  way,  the  doubting  question.  Is  there  any 
 hope  ?  It  would  not  be  proHtable  to  give  references 
 to  the  patristic  and  other  writers  who  have  dealt 
 with  this  subject.— VII,  Legends. — (1.)  Round 
 the  facts  of  the  history,  as  a  nucleus,  there  gathers 
 a  whole  world  of  fantastic  fables,  Jewish,  Christian, 
 Jlahometan,  refractions,  coloured  and  distorted,  ac- 
 cording to  the  media  through  which  they  pass,  of  a 
 colossal  form.  Even  in  the  Targum  of  Ecclesiastes 
 we  find  strange  stones  of  his  character.  He  and 
 the  livbbis  of  the  Sanhedrim  sat  and  drank  wine 
 together  in  .Jabne.  His  paradise  was  filled  with 
 costly  trees  which  the  evil  spirits  brought  him  from 
 India.  He  left  behind  him  spells  and  charms  to 
 cure  diseases  and  cast  out  evil  spirits.  His  wisdom 
 enabled  him  to  interpret  the  speech  of  beasts  and 
 birds.  He  knew  the  secret  virtues  of  gems  and  herbs. 
 He  was  the  inventor  of  Syriac  and  Arabian  alpha- 
 bets. (2.)  Arabic  imagination  took  a  yet  wilder 
 flight.  After  a  long  struggle  with  the  rebellious 
 Atieets  and  Jinns,  Solomon  conquered  them  and 
 cast  them  into  the  sea.  To  him  belonged  the  magic 
 ring  which  revealed  to  him  the  past,  the  present, 
 and  the  future.  Because  he  stayed  his  march  at 
 the  hour  of  prayer  instead  of  riding  on  with  his 
 horsemen  God  gave  him  the  winds  as  a  chariot, 
 and  the  birds  flew  over  him,  making  a  perpetual 
 canopy.  The  visit  of  the  Queen  of  Sheba  furnished 
 some  three  or  four  romances.  (3.)  The  fame  of 
 Solomon  spread  northward  and  eastward  to  Persia. 
 At  Shiraz  they  showed  the  Meder-Suleiman,  or 
 tomb  of  Bath-sheba,  said  that  Persepolis  had  been 
 built  by  the  Jinns  at  his  command,  and  pointed  to 
 the  Takht-i-Suleimann  (Solomon's  throne)  in  proof. 
 (4.)  As  might  be  expected,  the  legends  appeared  in 
 their  coareest  and  basest  form  in  Europe,  losing  all 
 their  poetry,  the  mere  appendages  of  the  most 
 detestable  of  Apocrypha,  Books  of  Magic,  a  Hygro- 
 manteia,  a  Contradictio  Salomonis  condemned  by 
 Gelasius,  Incantationes,  Clavicula,  and  the  like. 
 One  pseudonymous  work  has  a  somewhat  higher 
 character,  the  Psalterium  Salomonis,  altogether 
 without  merit,  a  mere  cento  from  the  Psalms  of 
 David,  but  not  otherwise  offensive.— VIII.  New 
 Testament. — We   pass  from   this  wild  farrago  of 
 
 SOSIPATER 
 
 895 
 
 Jewish  and  other  fables,  to  thnt  which  presents  the 
 most  entire  contrast  to  them.  The  teaching  of 
 the  N.  T.  adds  nothing  to  the  materials  for  a  life 
 of  Solomon.  It  enables  us  to  take  the  truest  mea- 
 sure of  it.  The  teaching  of  the  Son  of  Man  passes 
 sentence  on  all  that  kingly  pomp  (Matt.  vi.  29). 
 It  was  reserved  for  the  true,  the  later  Son  of  David, 
 to  fulfil  the  prophetic  yearnings  which  had  gathered 
 round  the  birth  of  the  earlier.  He  was  the  true 
 Shfilomoh,  the  prince  of  peace,  the  tiue  Jedid-jah, 
 the  well-beloved  of  the  Father. 
 
 Solomon's  Porch.     [Palace.] 
 
 Solomon's  Servants  (Children  of).  (Ezr. 
 ii.  56,  58  ;  Neh.  vii.  57,  60).  The  persons  thus 
 named  appear  in  the  lists  of  the  exiles  who  returned 
 from  the  Captivity.  They  occupy  all  but  the  lowest 
 places  in  those  lists,  and  their  position  indicates  some 
 connexion  with  the  services  of  the  Temple.  (1.) 
 The  name,  as  well  as  the  order,  implies  inferiority 
 even  to  the  Nethinim.  (2.)  The  starting  point  ot 
 their  history  is  to  be  found  probably  in  1  K.  v.  13, 
 14,  ix.  20,  21 ;  2  Chr.  viii.  7,  8.  Canaanites  were 
 reduced  by  Solomon  to  the  helot  state,  and  com- 
 pelled to  labour  in  the  king's  stone-quarries,  and 
 in  building  his  palaces  and  cities.  (3.)  1  Chr.  xxii. 
 2  throws  some  light  on  their  s[)ecial  office.  The 
 Nethinim  were  appointed  to  be  hewers  of  wood 
 (Josh.  ix.  23),  and  this  was  enough  for  the  services 
 of  the  Tabernacle.  For  the  construction  and  re- 
 pairs of  the  Temple  another  kind  of  labour  was 
 required,  and  the  new  slaves  were  set  to  the  work 
 of  hewing  and  squaring  stones  (1  K.  v.  17,  18). 
 Their  descendants  appear  to  have  formed  a  distinct 
 order,  inheriting  probably  the  same  functions  and 
 the  same  nkill. 
 
 Solomon's  Song.     [Canticles.] 
 
 Solomon,  "Wisdom  of.     [Wisdom,  Book  of.] 
 
 Son  The  term  "  sou "  is  used  in  Scriptuie 
 language  to  imply  almost  any  kind  of  descent  or 
 succession,  as  hen  shdnah,  "  son  of  a  year,"  i.  e.  a 
 year  old,  ben  kesheth,  "  son  of  a  bow,"  i.  e.  an 
 arrow.  The  word  bar  is  often  found  in  N.  T.  in 
 composition,  as  Bar-timaeus. 
 
 Soothsayer.     [Divination.] 
 
 So  pater.  Sopater  the  son  of  PyiThus  of  Beroea 
 was  one  of  the  companions  of  St.  Paul  on  his  return 
 from  Greece  into  Asia,  as  he  came  back  from  his 
 third  missionary  journey  (Acts  xx.  4). 
 
 Sopher'etli.  "  The  children  of  Sophereth  "  were 
 a  family  who  returned  from  Babylon  with  Zerub- 
 babel  among  the  descendants  of  Solomon's  servants 
 (Ezr.  ii.  55;   Neh.  vii.  57). 
 
 Sophoni'as.  The  Prophet  Zephaniah  (2  Esd. 
 i.  4u). 
 
 Sorcerer.     [Divination.] 
 
 So'rek,  the  Valley  of.  A  wady  in  which  lay 
 the  residence  of  Dalilah  (Judg.  xvi.  4).  It  appears 
 to  have  been  a  Philistine  place,  and  possibly  was 
 nearer  Gaza  than  any  other  of  the  chief  Philistine 
 cities,  since  thither  Samson  was  taken  after  his  cap- 
 ture at  Dalilah's  house.  Beyond  this  there  are  no 
 indications  of  its  position,  nor  is  it  menti3ned  again 
 in  the  Bible.  Eusebius  and  Jerome  state  that  a 
 village  named  Capharsorech  was  shown  in  their  day 
 "  on  the  north  of  Eleutheropolis,  near  the  town  of 
 Saar  (or  Saraa),  i.  e.  Zorah,  the  native  place  of 
 Samson." 
 
 Sosip'ater.  1.  A  general  of  Judas  Maccabaeus, 
 who  in  conjunction  with  Dositheus  defeated  Timo- 
 theus  and  took  him  prisoner,  c.  B.C.  164  (2  Mace, 
 xii.   19-24). —2.  Kinsman  or  fellow-tribesman  of 
 
BAG 
 
 SOSTHENES 
 
 St.  Paul  (lloni.  xvi.  'Jl ).      He  is  jiidlialily  the  fame 
 
 jM'IsotI  :is  Soi'ATKK  of  Bt'10i>:i. 
 
 Sos'thenes  was  a  Jew  at  Corinth,  who  was  seized 
 and  i'eateii  iii  the  presence  ot'Callio  (see  Acts  xviii. 
 12-1  7),  Some  have  thont^htthat  he  was  a  Ciiristian, 
 and  was  maltreated  thus  by  his  own  coimtrynien, 
 because  he  w.as  known  as  a  special  friend  of  Panl. 
 A  better  view  is,  that  Sosthenes  wiw  one  of  the 
 bigoted  Jews  ;  and  that  "  the  crowd  "  were  Greeks 
 who,  tiiking  advantage  of  the  indill'erence  of  Gallic, 
 and  ever  ready  to  show  their  contempt  of  the  Jews, 
 turned  their  indignation  against  Sosthenes.  In  this 
 case  he  must  have  been  the  successor  of  Crispus 
 (Acts  xviii.  8).  Paul  wiote  the  First  lipistle  to 
 the  Corinthians  jointly  in  his  own  name  and  that 
 of  a  certain  Sosthenes  whom  he  terms  "  the  brother" 
 (1  Cor.  i.  1).  Some  have  held  that  he  was  iden- 
 tical with  the  Sosthenes  mentioned  in  the  Acts.  If 
 this  be  so,  he  must  have  been  converted  at  a  later 
 period,  and  have  been  at  Ephesus  and  not  at  Corinth, 
 when  Paul  wrote  to  the  Corinthians.  The  name 
 was  a  common  one,  ;ind  but  little  stress  can  be  laid 
 on  that  coincidence. 
 
 Sos 'trains,  a  commander  of  the  Syiian  ganison 
 in  the  Acra  at  Jerusalem  in  the  reign  of  Antiochus 
 Kpiphanes  (c.  ».C.  172:  2  Mace.  iv.  27,  29). 
 
 Sota'L  The  childien  of  Sotai  were  a  family  of 
 the  descendants  of  Solomon's  servants  who  returned 
 with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  55;   Neh.  vii.  57). 
 
 South  Ra'moth.  One  of  the  places  frequented 
 by  David  and  his  band  of  outlaws  during  the  latter 
 |mi  t  of  Saul's  life  ( 1  Sam.  xxx.  27).  The  towns 
 mentioned  with  it  show  that  liimoth  must  have 
 been  on  the  southern  confines  of  the  country — the 
 very  border  of  the  desert.     It  is  no  doubt  icioiitical 
 
 with   liAMATIlOF  THE  SOUTH. 
 Sow.       fSwiNE.] 
 
 Sower,  Sowing.  The  operation  of  sowing  with 
 the  hand  is  one  of  so  simple  a  character,  iis  to  need 
 little  description.  The  Egyptian  ]iaintings  furnish 
 many  illustrations  of  the  mode  in  which  it  was  con- 
 dncted.  The  sower  held  the  vessel  or  basket  con- 
 taining the  seed,  in  his  left  hand,  while  with  his 
 right  he  scittered  the  seed  broadcast.  The  "  draw- 
 ing out "  of  the  seed  is  noticed,  as  the  most  charac- 
 teristic action  of  the  sower,  in  Ps.  csxvi.  6  (A.  V. 
 "precious")  and  Am.  ix.  13.  In  wet  soils  the 
 seed  was  trodden  in  by  the  feet  of  animals  (Is.  xxxii. 
 20).  The  sowing  season  commenced  in  October  and 
 continued  to  the  end  of  February,  wheat  being  put 
 in  before,  and  barley  after  the  beginning  of  January. 
 The  Mosaic  law  jiiohibited  the  sowing  of  mixed 
 seed  (I,ev.  xix.  19  ;   Dent.  xxii.  9). 
 
 Spain.  The  Hebrews  were  acquainted  with  the 
 position  and  the  mineral  wealth  of  Spain  from  the 
 time  of  Solomon,  whose  alliance  with  the  Phoe- 
 nicians enlarged  the  circle  of  their  geographical 
 knowleilge  to  a  very  great  extent.  The  local  de- 
 signation, Tarshish,  representing  the  Tiirtcssits  of 
 the  Greeks,  probably  prevailed  until  the  fame  of  the 
 Roman  wars  in  that  country  reached  the  East, 
 when  it  was  su[iers('ded  by  its  classiad  name.  The 
 Latin  form  of  this  name  is  ".t^piesented  by  the 
 'IffTvafia  of  1  Mace.  viii.  15  (wheie,  however,  some 
 cfijiics  exhibit  the  (Jreck  foi-m),  anrl  the  Grc^'k  by 
 the  ^vai/ia  of  Horn.  xv.  24,  28.  The  passagis; 
 rit«l  loiitain  all  the  Uiblic-il  notices  of  S|);iin.  The 
 mere  intention  of  St.  Paul  to  visit  Spain  implies 
 two  interesting  facts,  viz.  the  establishment  of  a 
 Christian  community  m  that  country,  and  this  by 
 mmus   of    ilelleiiistic    Jews    resident   there.     The 
 
 SPARROW 
 
 early  introduction  of  ("In  istiani'y  into  that  conutry 
 is  atfesti'ii  bv  Irenaeus  (i.  3)  and  Tertiilluui  {adv. 
 Jud.  7 ). 
 
 Sparrow  (Heb.  tzippor).  ThisHeb.  word  occui-s 
 upwards  lA'  forty  times  in  tlu-  O.  T.  In  all  pas- 
 sages excepting  two  it  is  rendered  by  A.  V.  indif- 
 ferently "bird"  or  "fowl."  In  Ps.  Ixxxiv.  3, 
 and  Ps.  cii.  7,  A.  V.  i-enders  it  "sparrow."  The 
 Greek  'S.Tpovdiov  ("siiarrow,"  A.  V.)  occurs  twice 
 in  N.  T.,  Matt.  x.  29,  Luke  xii.  6,  7,  where  the 
 Vulg.  has  passeres.  Tzippor,  from  a  root  signify- 
 ing to  "  chirp"  or  "  twitter,"  a])jieai-s  to  be  a  pho- 
 netic representiition  of  the  cdl-note  of  any  passerine 
 biid.  It  was  reserved  for  later  naturalists  to  dis- 
 criminate the  immense  variety  of  the  smaller  birds 
 of  the  passerine  order.  Excepting  in  the  cases  of 
 the  thrushes  and  the  larks,  the  natural  history  ol 
 Aiistotle  scarcely  comprehends  a  longer  catidogue 
 than  that  of  Moses.  Yet  in  few  parts  of  the  world 
 are  the  species  of  passerine  birds  more  numerous  or 
 more  abundant  than  in  Palestine.  A  very  cui'soiy 
 survey  has  supplied  a  list  of  above  100  diflerent 
 species  of  this  older.  Although  the  common  spar- 
 row of  England  (Passer  domesticiis,  L.)  does  not 
 occur  in  the  Holy  Land,  its  place  is  abundantly 
 supplied  by  two  very  closely  allied  Southern  spe<'ii'S 
 {Passer  salicicola,  Vieill.,  and  Passer  cisalpina, 
 Tern.).  Our  English  Tree  Spairow  {Passer  mon- 
 tawts,  L.)  is  also  very  common,  and  may  be  seen  in 
 numbei-s  on  Mount  Olivet,  and  also  about  the  saci-etl 
 enclosure  of  the  mosque  of  Omar.  This  is  perhaps 
 the  exact  species  refencd  to  in  Ps.  Ixxxiv.  3.  Most 
 of  our  commoner  small  birds  are  found  in  Palestine. 
 The  starling,  chatfinch,  greenfinch,  linnet,  goldfinch, 
 corn-biinting,  pipits,  blackbird,  song-thrush,  and 
 the  various  species  of  wagtail  abound.  The  wood- 
 lark  {Alimda  a>-l>oreii,  L.),  crested  lark  {Galeridii 
 cridata,  Boie.),  Calandra  huk  {Melanocori/pha  ca- 
 landra,  Bp.),  short-toed  lark  {Calandrella  brachy- 
 dacti/la,  Kaup.),  Is;ibel  lark  {Alatida  deserti, 
 Licht.),  and  various  other  desert  species,  which  are 
 snared  in  great  numbers  for  the  markets,  are  far 
 more  numerous  on  the  southern  plains  than  the  sky- 
 lark in  England.  In  the  olive-yards,  and  among 
 the  brushwood  of  the  hills,  the  Ortolan  bunting 
 {Emheriza  horlulann,  L.),  and  especially  Cretzch- 
 maer's  bunting  {Emheriza  caesia,  Cretz.),  tike  the 
 place  of  our  common  yellow-hammer,  an  exclusively 
 northern  species.  As  most  of  our  warblers  (Syl- 
 viadae)  are  summer  migrants,  and  have  a  wide 
 eastern  range,  it  was  to  be  expected  that  they  should 
 occur  in  Syiia  ;  and  accordingly  upwards  of  twenty 
 of  those  on  the  British  list  have  been  noted  there, 
 including  the  robin.  re<lst;ut,  whitethroat,  blackcap, 
 nightingale,  willow-wren,  Dartford  warbler,  whin- 
 chat,  and  stonechat.  Besides  these,  the  Palestine 
 lists  contain  fourteen  others,  more  southern  s|)(H'ies, 
 of  which  the  most  interesting  are  peihaps  the  little 
 fantail  'Cisticola  schoenicoln,  Bp.),  the  orpheaii 
 ( C'urruca  orphaca  Boic.),  and  the  Sardinian  warbler 
 (St/lvia  melanocephala.  Lath.).  The  ciiats  (5<wi- 
 colae),  represented  in  Britain  by  the  wheatear, 
 whiiichat,  and  stonechat,  are  very  numerous  in  the 
 southern  jurtsofthe  country,  .^t  le;u-t  nine  spe- 
 cies have  been  obsei-ve<.l.  Yet  they  aie  not  i-ecog- 
 nised  among  the  Bedouin  inhabitants  liy  any  name 
 to  distinguish  them  from  the  larks.  The  rock 
 spanow  (I'ctronia  stitlta,  Strickl.)  is  a  oomniou 
 bird  in  the  barer  portions  of  Palestine,  eschewing 
 woods,  and  generally  to  be  seen  perched  alone  on 
 the  top  of  a  rock  or  on  any  large  stone.     From  thi» 
 
SPARROW 
 
 iv.bit  it  has  been  conjectureil  to  be  the  bird  alluded 
 to  in  Ps.  cii.  7,  as  "  the  sparrow  that  sitteth  alone 
 upon  the  housetop ;"  but  as  the  rock  sparrow, 
 though  found  among  ruins,  never  resorts  to  inh;ib- 
 ittd  buildings,  it  seems  more  probable  that  the 
 bird  to  which  the  psalmist  alludes  is  the  blue  thrush 
 {J'ctiocossyphus  ci/anejts,   Boie.).      It  is  a  solitary 
 
 SPEARMEN 
 
 897 
 
 Peliucossyphus  cyaiieuA. 
 
 bird,  eschewing  the  society  of  its  own  species,  and 
 rarely  more  than  a  pair  are  seen  together.  Among 
 the  most  conspicuous  of  the  small  birds  of  Palestine 
 are  the  shrikes  (Lanii),  of  which  the  red-backed 
 shrike  {Lanius  collurio,  L.)  is  a  familiar  example 
 in  the  south  of  England,  but  theie  represented  by  at 
 least  five  species,  ail  abundantly  and  generally  dis- 
 tributed, viz.,  Enneoctonus  riifus,  Bp.,  the  wood- 
 chat  shrike,  Lanhis  meridionalis,  L. ;  L.  minor,  L. ; 
 L.  personatus,  Tem. ;  and  Telephonus  cucuUatits, 
 Gr.  There  are  but  two  allusions  to  the  singing  of 
 birds  in  the  Scriptures,  Eccles.  xii.  4  and  Ps.  civ.  12. 
 As  the  psalmist  is  here  speaking  of  the  sides  of 
 streams  and  rivers,  he  probably  had  in  his  mind 
 the  bulbul  of  the  country,  or  Palestine  nightingale 
 (Ixos  xanthopygius,  Hempr.),  a  bird  not  very  far 
 removed  fi-om  the  thrush  tribe,  and  a  closely  allied 
 species .  of  which  is  the  true  bulbul  of  Peisia  and 
 India.  Small  birds  were  therefore  probably  as  ordin- 
 ary an  article  of  consumption  among  the  Israelites 
 as  they  still  are  in  the  markets  both  of  the  Continent 
 and  of  the  East  (Luke  xii.  6  ;  Matt.  x.  29).  There 
 are  four  or  five  simple  methods  of  fowling  prac- 
 tised at  this  day  in  Palestine  which  are  probably 
 identical  with  those  alluded  to  in  the  0.  T.  The 
 simplest,  but  by  no  means  the  least  successful,  among 
 the  dexterous  Bedouins,  is  fowling  with  the  throw- 
 stick.  The  only  weapon  used  is  a  short  stick,  about 
 18  inches  long  and  half  an  inch  in  diameter.  When 
 the  game  has  been  discovered,  which  is  generally 
 the  red-legged  great  partridge  (Cavcabis  saxatilis, 
 Mey.),  the  desert  partridge  [Ammoperdix  Heyi, 
 Gr.),  or  the  little  bustard  (Oiis  tetrax,  L.),  the 
 stick  is  hurled  with  a  revolving  motion  so  as  to 
 strike  the  legs  of  the  bird  as  it  runs,  or  sometimes 
 at  a  rather  higher  elevation,  so  that  when  the 
 victim,  alarmed  by  the  approach  of  the  weapon, 
 begins  to  rise,  its  wings  are  struck  and  it  is  slightly 
 disabled.  The  fleet  pursuers  soon  come  up,  and, 
 using  their  buniouses,  as  a  sort  of  net,  catch  and  at 
 Con.  D.  B. 
 
 ouce  cut  the  throat  of  the  game.  A  more  scientific 
 method  of  fowling  is  that  alluded  to  in  Ecclus,  ri. 
 30,  by  the  use  of  decoy  birds.  Whether  falconry 
 was  ever  employed  as  a  mode  of  fowling  or  not 
 is  by  no  means  so  clear.  At  the  present  day  it 
 is  practised  with  much  care  and  skill  by  the 
 Arab  inhabitants  of  Syria,  though  not  in  Judaea 
 proper. 
 
 Spaxta  (1  Mace.  xiv.  16 ;  2  Mace.  v.  9  :  A.  V. 
 "  Lacedaemonians  ").  In  the  history  of  the  Mac- 
 cabees mention  is  made  of  a  remarkable  correspond- 
 ence between  the  Jews  and  the  Spartans,  which  has 
 been  the  subject  of  much  discussion.  The  alleged 
 facts  are  briefly  these.  When  Jonathan  endeavoured 
 to  strengthen  his  government  by  foreign  alliances 
 (c.  B.C.  144),  he  sent  to  Sparta  to  renew  a  friendly 
 intercourse  which  had  been  begun  at  an  earlier  time 
 between  Areus  and  Onias,  on  the  ground  of  their 
 common  descent  from  Abraham  (1  Mace.  xii.  5-23). 
 The  embassy  was  favourably  received,  and  after  the 
 death  of  Jonathan  "  the  fiiendship  and  league " 
 was  renewed  with  Simon  (1  Mace.  xiv.  16-23). 
 Several  questions  arise  out  of  these  statements  as  to 
 
 (1)  the  people  described  under  the  name  Spartans, 
 
 (2)  the  relationship  of  the  Jews  and  Spartans,  (3) 
 the  historic  character  of  the  events,  and  (4)  the 
 persons  referred  to  under  the  names  Onias  and 
 Areus.  1.  The  whole  context  of  the  passage,  as 
 well  as  the  independent  reference  to  the  connexion 
 of  the  "  Lacedaemonians  "  and  Jews  in  2  Mace.  v. 
 9,  seem  to  prove  clearly  that  the  reference  is  to  the 
 Spartiuis,  properly  so  called.  2.  The  actual  rela- 
 tionship of  the  Jews  and  Spaitans  (2  Mace.  v.  9)  is 
 an  ethnological  error,  which  it  is  difficult  to  trace 
 to  its  origin.  It  is  possible  that  the  Jews  regarded 
 the  Spartans  as  the  representatives  of  the  Pelasgi, 
 the  supposed  descendants  of  Peleg  the  son  of  Eber, 
 It  is  certain,  from  an  independent  passage,  that  a 
 Jewish  colony  existed  at  Sparta  at  an  early  time 
 (1  Mace.  XV.  23).  3.  The  incorrectness  of  the 
 opinion  on  which  the  intercourse  was  based  is  ob- 
 viously no  objection  to  the  fact  of  the  intercouise 
 itself.  But  it  is  urged  that  the  letters  said  to  have 
 been  exchanged  are  evidently  not  genuine,  since  they 
 betray  their  fictitious  origiu  negatively  by  the  absence 
 of  characteristic  forms  of  expression,  and  positively 
 by  actual  inaccuracies.  To  this  it  may  be  replied 
 that  the  Spartan  letters  (1  Mace.  xii.  20-23;  xiv. 
 20-23)  are  extremely  brief,  and  exist  only  in  a 
 tianslation  of  a  translation,  so  that  it  is  unreason- 
 able to  expect  that  any  Doric  peculiarities  should 
 have  been  preserved.  On  the  other  hand  the  ab- 
 sence of  the  name  of  the  second  king  of  Sparta  in 
 the  first  letter  ( 1  Mace.  xii.  20),  and  of  both  kings 
 in  the  second  (1  Mace.  xiv.  20),  is  probably  to  be 
 explained  by  the  political  circumstances  under  which 
 the  letters  were  written.  4.  The  difficulty  of  fix- 
 ing the  date  of  the  first  correspondence  is  increased 
 by  the  recurrence  of  the  names  involved.  Two 
 kings  bore  the  names  Areus,  one  of  whom  reigned 
 B.C.  309-265,  and  the  other,  his  grandson,  died 
 B.C.  257,  being  only  eight  years  old.  The  same 
 name  was  also  borne  by  an  adventurer,  who  occupied 
 a  prominent  position  at  Sparta,  c.  B.C.  184.  In 
 Judaea,  again,  three  high  priests  bore  the  name 
 Onias,  the  first  of  whom  held  office  B.C.  330-309 
 (or  300)  ;  the  second  B.C.  240-226  ;  and  the  third 
 c.  B.C.  198-171.  Josephus  is  probably  correct  in 
 fixing  the  event  in  the  time  of  Onias  III. 
 
 Spear.     [Arms.] 
 
 Spearmen.      The    word    thus   rendered  in   tlic 
 
 3  M 
 
898  SPICE,  SPICES 
 
 A.V.  of  Acts  xxiii.  23  is  of  very  rare  occurrence, 
 ;\Mil  its  mauling  is  extremely  obscure.  Two  liundred 
 5e|ioA.u)3oi  tormeJ  pari  of  Uie  escort  which  acconi- 
 jK.nieJ  St.  i'aul  in  the  night-march  from  Jerusalem 
 to  Caesarea.  They  are  clearly  distinguished  both 
 from  the  heavy-armed  legionaries,  who  only  went 
 as  far  as  Autipatris,  and  from  the  cavalry,  who  con- 
 tinued the  jiiurney  to  Caesarea.  As  nothing  is  said 
 of  the  return  of  the  5«|ioAa/3ot  to  Jerusalem  after 
 their  ai  rival  at  Antipatris,  we  may  infer  that  they 
 accompanied  the  rivalry  to  Caesarea,  and  this 
 strengthens  the  supposition  that  they  were  irre- 
 gular light-armed  troops,  so  lightly  armed,  indeed, 
 as  to  be  able  to  keep  pace  on  the  march  with 
 mounted  soldiers. 
 
 Spice,  Spices.  Under  this  head  it  will  be  de- 
 siiable  to  notice  the  Ibllowing  Hebrew  words,  bdsdm, 
 necoth,  and  sammtin.     1 .   Bdsam,  hesem,  or  bosein. 
 
 Ualsaiii  uf  Gileait  (.-I 
 
 The  first-named  form  of  the  Hebrew  term,  which 
 occurs  only  in  Cant.  v.  1,  "  I  have  gathei'ed  my 
 myrrh  with  my  s])ice,"  points  a])parently  to  some 
 definite  substance.  In  the  other  places,  with  the 
 exception  perhaps  of  Cant.  i.  1">,  vi.  '2,  the  words 
 refer  more  generally  to  sweet  aromatic  odours,  the 
 principal  of  which  was  that  of  the  balsjim,  or  balm 
 ofGilead;  the  tree  which  yields  this  substance  is 
 now  generally  admitted  to  be  the  Aiiujn's  ( Batsdiuo- 
 (Iciidron)  opohalanmum ;  tliougii  it  is  probable  that 
 other  species  n't  Ainyi~id(iccae  are  included  under  the 
 terms.  The  identity  of  the  Hebrew  name  with  the 
 Arabic  liasham  or  Bukusnti,  leaves  no  reason  to 
 Joubt  that  the  sulistanccs  are  identic^il.  The  foim 
 I'.csein  or  B6scm,  which  is  of  frequent  occurrence 
 in  the  0.  T.,  may  well  be  represented  by  the  general 
 term  of"  spices,"  or  "  sweet  odours,"  in  accordanoe 
 with  the  renderings  of  the  I, XX.  and  Vulg.  The 
 balm  of  fJilcad  tree  grow>s  in  .some  parts  of  Arabia 
 and  Africa,  and  is  seldom   more  than   filleen   feet 
 
 SPIKENARD 
 
 high,  with  straggling  branches  and  scanty  foliage. 
 The  balsam  is  chiefly  obtained  from  incisions  in  the 
 bark,  but  the  substance  is  procured  also  from  the 
 gieen  and  lipe  berries.  2.  Necoth  (Gen.  xxxvii, 
 25;  xliii.  11).  The  most  probable  exidanation  is 
 that  which  refers  the  word  to  the  .Araliic  naka'at, 
 i.  e.  "  the  gum  obtained  from  the  Tragac;mth " 
 [Adrai/ahcs).  .Tiie  gum  is  a  natural  exudation  from 
 the  trunk  and  branches  of  the  plant.  It  is  uncer- 
 tain whether  the  word  ndcot/i  in  2  K.  xx.  1 3  ;  Is. 
 xxxix.  2,  denotes  .spice  of  any  kind.  The  A.  V. 
 reads  in  the  text  "  the  house  of  his  precious  things," 
 the  maigin  gives  "  spicery."  3.  Sainmim.  A  gen- 
 eral term  to  denote  those  aromatic  substances 
 which  were  used  in  the  pi  eparation  of  the  anointing 
 oil,  the  incense  otferings,  &c.  The  spices  mentioned 
 as  being  used  by  Nicodemus  for  the  preparation  of 
 our  Lord's  body  (John  xix.  39,  40)  are  "  myrrli 
 and  aloes,"  by  which  latter  word  must  be  under- 
 stood, not  the  aloes  of  medicine  {Aloe),  but  the 
 highly-scented  wood  of  the  Aqnilarin  agallochum. 
 
 Spider.  The  rcjucsentative  in  the  A.  V.  of  the 
 Hebrew  words  'accabish  and  scmdinUh.  1,  'Accd- 
 bhh  occurs  in  Job  viii.  14,  and  in  Is.  lix,  5.  There 
 is  no  doubt  of  the  correctness  of  our  ti-aiislation 
 in  rendering  this  word  "spider."  2.  Seindmith, 
 wrongly  translated  by  the  A.  V.  "  spider  "  in  Pi-ov. 
 XXX.  28,  the  only  passage  where  the  word  is  found, 
 has  reference,  it  is  probable,  to  some  kind  of  liz.ard. 
 The  lizard  indicated  is  evidently  some  species  of 
 Gecko,  some  notice  of  which  genus  of  animals  is 
 given  under  the  article  LiZARD. 
 
 Spikenard  dleb.  nerd\.  Of  this  substance  men- 
 tion is  made  twice  in  the  0.  T.,  viz.  in  Cant.  i.  12, 
 iv.  i;;,  14.  The  ointment  with  which  our  Lord 
 was  anointed  as  He  sat  at  meat  in  Simon's  house  at 
 Bethany  consisted  of  this  precious  substance,  the 
 costliness  of  which  may  be  interred  from  the  indig- 
 nant surprise  manifested  by  some  of  the  witnesses  of 
 the  transaction  (see  Mark  xiv.  3-5  ;  John  xii.  3,  5). 
 There  is  no  doubt  that  siinbtd  is  by  Arabian  authoi-s 
 used  as  the  representative  of  the  Greek  nardos,  as  Sir 
 \Vm.  Jones  has  shown.  Dr.  Koyle  having  ascertained 
 that  the  jatnnuinsee,  one  of  the  Hindu  synonyms 
 for  the  snnbul,  was  annually  brought  from  the 
 mountains   overhangins:    the   Ganges   and    Jumna 
 
 \.-^ 
 
 8|ilkcnaixl. 
 
SPINNING 
 
 rivers  down  to  the  plains,  [nircliased  some  of  tliest' 
 fresh  roots  and  pUinted  them  in  the  botanic  gardens 
 at  Saharunpore.  This  plant,  which  has  been  called 
 Nardostachus  jatamansi  by  De  Candolle,  is  evid- 
 ently the  kind  of  nardos  described  by  Dioscorides 
 fi.  6)  under  the  name  of  yayyiTis,  i.  e.  "  the 
 Ganges  nard." 
 
 Spinning.  The  notices  of  spinning  in  the  Bible 
 are  confined  to  Ex.  xxxv.  25,  26  ;  Matt.  vi.  28  ; 
 and  Prov.  xx.xi.  19.  The  latt«r  passage  implies 
 (according  to  the  A.V.)  the  use  of  the  same  instru- 
 ments which  have  been  in  vogue  for  liand-spinning 
 down  to  the  present  day,  viz.  the  distaff  and 
 spindle.  The  distaff,  however,  appears  to  have  been 
 dispensed  with,  and  the  term  so  rendered  means  the 
 spindle  itself,  while  that  rendered  "spindle"  repres- 
 ents the  u^liirl  of  the  spiudie,  a  button  of  circular 
 rim  which  was  affixed  to  it,  and  gave  steadiness  to 
 its  circular  motion.  The  "  whirl  "  of  the  Syrian 
 women  was  made  of  amber  in  the  time  of  Pliny. 
 The  spnidle  was  held  perpendiculaily  in  the  one 
 hand,  while  the  other  was  employed  in  drawing  out 
 the  thread. 
 
 Sponge  is  mentioned  only  in  the  N.  T.  (Matt. 
 xxvii.  48  ;  Mark  xv.  36  ;  John  xix.  29).  The  com- 
 mercial value  of  the  sponge  was  known  from  very 
 e;uly  times;  and  although  there  appears  to  be  no 
 notice  of  it  in  the  0.  T.,  yet  it  is  i)robable  tliat  it 
 was  used  by  the  ancient  Hebrews,  who  could  readily 
 have  obtained  it  good  from  the  Mediterranean. 
 
 Stach'ys.  A  Christian  at  Rome,  saluted  by  St. 
 Paul  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans  (xvi.  9). 
 
 Spouse.     [Marriage.] 
 
 Stacte  'Heb.  natafj,  the  name  of  one  of  the 
 sweet  spices  which  composed  the  holy  incense  (see 
 Ex.  XXX.  34).  The  Heb.  word  occurs  once  again 
 (Job  xxxvi.  27).  For  the  various  opinions  as  to 
 what  substance  is  intended  by  natdf,  see  Celsius 
 (Hieroh.  i.  529).  Rosenmiiller  identifies  the  natdf 
 with  the  gum  of  the  storax  tree  (Styrax  officinale), 
 but  all  that  is  positively  known  is  that  it  signifies 
 an  odorous  distillation  from  some  plant. 
 
 Standards.     [Ensigns.] 
 
 Star  of  the  Wise  Men.  Until  the  last  few 
 years  the  interpretation  of  St.  Matt.  ii.  1-12,  by 
 theologians  in  general,  coincided  in  the  main  with 
 that  which  would  be  given  to  it  by  any  person  of 
 ordinar-y  intelligence  who  read  the  account  with  due 
 attention.  Some  supernatural  light  resembling  a 
 star  had  appeared  in  some  country  (possibly  Persia) 
 far  to  the  East  of  Jerusalem,  to  men  who  were 
 versed  in  the  study  of  celestial  phenomena,  convey- 
 ing to  their  minds  a  supernatural  impulse  to  repair 
 to  Jerusalem,  where  they  would  find  a  new-boin 
 king.  It  supposed  them  to  be  followers,  and  pos- 
 sibly priests,  of  the  Zend  religion,  whereby  they  were 
 led  to  expect  a  Redeemer  in  the  person  of  the  Jewish 
 infant.  On  arriving  at  Jerusalem,  after  diligent 
 in-:|uiry  and  consultation  with  the  priests  and  learned 
 men  who  could  naturally  best  inform  them,  they 
 arc  directed  to  procceii  to  Bethlehem.  The  star 
 whicii  they  had  seen  in  the  East  re-appcared  to 
 them  and  preceded  them,  until  it  took  up  its  station 
 over  the  place  where  the  young  child  was.  The 
 whole  matter,  that  is,  was  supernatural.  Latterly, 
 however,  a  very  different  opinion  has  gradually  be- 
 come prevalent  upon  the  subject.  The  star  has 
 been  disjilaced  from  the  category  of  the  supernatural, 
 and  has  been  referred  to  the  ordinary  astronomical 
 phenomenon  of  a  conjunction  of  the  planets  Jupiter 
 and  Saturn.     The  idea  oiiginated  with  Kepler.     In 
 
 STAR  OF  THE  WISE  MEN     899 
 
 the  month  of  May,  B.C.  7,  a  conjunction  of  the 
 planets  Jupiter  and  Saturn  occuired,  not  far  from 
 the  first  point  of  Aries,  the  planets  rising  inChaldaea 
 about  3J  hours  before  the  sun.  It  is  said  that  on 
 astrological  grounds  such  a  conjunction  could  not 
 fail  to  excite  the  attention  of  men  like  the  Magi. 
 Supposing  them  to  have  set  out  at  the  end  of  May 
 B.C.  7  upon  a  journey  for  which  the  circumstances 
 will  be  seen  to  require  at  least  seven  months,  the 
 planets  were  observed  to  separate  slowly  until  the 
 end  of  July,  when  their  motions  becoming  retro- 
 grade, they  again  came  into  conjunction  by  the  end 
 of  September.  At  that  time  there  can  be  no  doubt 
 Jupiter  would  present  to  astronomers,  especially 
 in  so  clear  an  atmosphere,  a  magnificent  spectacle. 
 It  was  then  at  its  most  brilliant  apparition,  for  it 
 was  at  its  nearest  approach  both  to  the  sun  and  to 
 the  earth.  Not  far  from  it  would  be  seen  its  duller 
 and  much  less  conspicuous  companion  Saturn.  This 
 glorious  specbicle  continued  almost  unaltered  for 
 several  days,  when  the  planets  again  slowly  separ- 
 ated, then  came  to  a  halt,  when,  by  re-assuming 
 a  direct  motion,  Jupiter  again  approached  to  a  con- 
 junction for  the  third  time  with  Saturn,  just  as  the 
 Magi  may  be  supposed  to  have  entered  the  Holy 
 Cit)'.  And,  to  complete  the  fascination  of  the  tale, 
 about  an  hour  and  a  half  after  sunset,  the  two 
 planets  might  be  seen  from  Jerusalem,  hanging  as 
 it  were  in  the  meridian,  and  suspended  over  Beth- 
 lehem in  the  distance.  These  celestial  phenomena 
 thus  described  aie,  it  will  be  seen,  beyond  the  leach 
 of  question,  and  at  the  first  impression  they  assuredly 
 apjiear  to  fulfil  the  conditions  of  the  Star  of  the 
 iMagi.  The  first  circumstance  which  created  a  sus- 
 picion to  the  contiary,  arose  fiom  an  exaggeration, 
 unaccountable  for  any  man  having  a  claim  to  be 
 ranked  among  astronomers,  on  the  part  ofDr.  Ideler 
 himself,  who  described  the  two  planets  as  wearing 
 the  appearance  of  one  bright  but  diffused  light  to 
 persons  having  iceak  eyes.  Not  only  is  this  imper- 
 fect eyesight  inflicted  upon  the  JIagi,  but  it  is  quite 
 certain  that,  had  they  possessed  any  remains  of  eye- 
 sight at  all,  they  could  not  have  failed  to  see,  not  a 
 single  star,  but  two  planets,  at  the  very  considerable 
 distance  of  double  the  moon's  apparent  diameter. 
 Exaggerations  of  this  de.scription  induced  the  wiiter 
 of  this  article  to  undertake  the  very  formidable 
 labour  of  calculating  afresh  an  ephemeris  of  the 
 planets  Jupiter  and  Saturn,  and  of  the  sun,  from 
 May  to  December  B.C.  7.  The  result  was  to  con- 
 firm the  fact  of  there  being  three  conj\inctions  during 
 the  above  period,  though  somewhat  to  modify  the 
 dates  assigned  to  them  by  Dr.  Ideler.  'a)  It  is 
 inconceivable  that  solely  on  the  ground  of  astrolo- 
 gical reasons  men  would  be  induced  to  undertake  a 
 seven  months'  journey.  And  as  to  the  widely-.spiead 
 and  prevalent  expectation  of  some  powerful  per- 
 sonage about  to  show  himself  in  the  East,  the  fact 
 of  its  existence  depends  on  the  testimony  of  Tacitus, 
 Suetonius,  and  Josephus.  But  it  ought  to  be  very 
 carefully  observed  that  all  these  writers  sj)eak  of 
 this  expectation  as  applying  to  Vespasian,  in  A.D. 
 69,  which  date  was  seventy-five  years,  or  two  gener- 
 ations after  the  conjunction  in  question  !  (6)  On 
 Dec.  4,  B.C.  7,  the  sun  set  at  Jerusalem  at  5  p.m. 
 Supposing  the  Magi  to  have  then  commenced  their 
 journey  to  Bethlehem,  they  would  first  see  Jupitei 
 and  his  dull  and  somewhat  distant  companion  1^ 
 hour  distant  fiom  the  meridian,  in  a  S.E.  direction, 
 and  decidedly  to  the  East  of  Bethlehem.  By  the 
 time  they  came  to  Rachel's  tomb  the  planets  would 
 
 3  JI  2 
 
iVOO 
 
 STATER 
 
 be  due  south  of  them,  on  the  mciidian,  and  no 
 longer  over  the  hill  of  Betlileheni.  The  road  then 
 takes  a  turn  to  the  east,  and  ascends  the  hill  near 
 to  its  western  extremity  ;  the  planets  therefore 
 would  now  be  on  their  right  hands,  and  a  little 
 behind  them:  the  "star,"  therefore,  ceased  alto- 
 gether to  go  "  before  them  "  as  a  guide.  Arrived 
 on  the  hill  and  in  the  village,  it  became  physically 
 impossible  for  the  stiir  to  stand  over  any  house 
 whatever  close  to  them,  seoinj;  that  it  was  now 
 visible  far  away  beyond  the  hill  to  the  west,  and 
 far  olf  in  the  heavens  at  an  altitude  ot  57^.  As 
 they  advanced,  the  stiir  would  of  necessity  recede, 
 and  under  no  circumstances  could  it  be  said  to 
 stand  "  over  "  any  house,  unless  at  the  distance  of 
 miles  from  the  place  where  they  were.  Thus  the 
 beautiful  pliantasm  of  K'e[)ler  and  Ideler,  whicii  has 
 fascinated  so  many  writers,  vanishes  before  the  more 
 perfect  daylight  of  investigation. 
 
 Stater  {.\.  V.  "a  piece  of  money;"  margin, 
 "stater").  1.  The  term  stater  is  held  to  signify 
 a  coin  of  a  certain  weight,  but  perhaps  means  a 
 stindard  coin.  The  gold  staters  were  didrachms  of 
 the  later  Phoenician  and  the  Attic  talents,  which,  in 
 this  denomination,  differ  only  by  about  four  grains 
 troy.  Of  the  former  talent  weie  the  Daric  stateis 
 orDarics;  of  the  latter,  the  stater  of  Athens.  The 
 electrimi  staters  were  coined  by  the  (Jretk  towns 
 on  the  west  coiust  of  Asia  Minor.  They  are  of  gold 
 and  silver  mixed,  in  the  proportion  of  three  parts 
 of  gold  to  one  of  silver.  Thus  far  the  stater  is 
 always  a  diilrachm.  In  silver,  however,  the  term 
 is  applied  to  the  tetradrachm  of  Athens,  which  was 
 of  the  weight  of  two  gold  staters  of  the  same 
 currency.  There  can  theietore  be  no  doubt  that 
 the  name  stater  was  applied  to  the  standard  deno- 
 mination of  both  metals,  and  docs  not  positively 
 imjily  e  ther  a  didrachm  or  a  tctiadrachn).  2.  In 
 the  X.  T.  the  stater  is  once  mentioned,  in  the  nar- 
 rative of  the  miracle  of  the  sacred  tribute-money 
 (Matt.  xvii.  24-27).  The  stater  must  heie  mean 
 a  silver  tetradrachm  ;  and  the  only  tetradrachnis 
 then  current  in  Palestine  wen;  of  the  same  weigiit 
 as  the  Hebrew  shekel.  And  it  is  observable,  in  con- 
 firmation of  the  minute  accuiacy  of  the  Evangelist, 
 that  at  this  period  the  silver  currency  in  Palestine 
 consisted  of  Uieek  imperial  tetradiachms,  or  staters, 
 and  lioman  denarii  of  a  quarter  their  value,  di- 
 diachms  having  fallen  into  disuse. 
 
 Steel.  In  all  cases  where  the  word  "  steel " 
 occurs  in  the  A.  V.  the  true  rendering  of  the  Hebrew 
 is  ''  copper."  Whether  the  ancient  Hebrews  were 
 acquainted  with  steel  is  not  perfectly  certain.  It 
 has  been  inferred  from  a  ])assage  in  Jeremiah  (.\v. 
 12),  that  the  "  iron  fVom  the  north  "  there  spoken 
 of  denoted  a  siipeiior  kind  of  metal,  hardened  in  an 
 \iiuisual  manner,  like  the  steel  obtained  from  the 
 Chaiybes  of  the  Pontus,  the  ironsmiths  of  the  an- 
 cient world.  The  hardening  of  iron  for  cutting 
 instruments  was  practised  in  Pontus,  Lydia,  and 
 I.acoiiia.  Justin  mentions  two  rivers  in  Spain,  the 
 liilbilis  and  Chalybs,  the  water  of  which  was  used 
 for  hardening  non  (comp.  Plin.  xxxiv.  41).  There 
 is,  however,  a  word  in  liebiew,  puldali,  which 
 ocnin-s  only  in  Nah.  ii.  '.\  [4],  and  is  there  rendered 
 "  lorchos,"  but  which  most  probal>ly  denotes  steel 
 or  hardened  iron,  and  refers  to  the  tiasliing  scythes 
 of  the  Assyrian  chariots.  Steel  appears  to  have 
 been  known  to  the  Kgyptians.  The  steel  weapons 
 in  the  tomb  of  Hameses  HI.,  sjiyu  Wilkinson,  me 
 painted  blue,  the  bronze  red. 
 
 STEPHEN 
 
 Steph'anas.  A  Christian  convert  of  Corinth 
 whose  liousehold  Paul  baptised  as  the  "  first  fruits  of 
 Achaia"  (1  Cor.  i.  16,  xvi.  15). 
 
 Stephen,  the  First  Martyr.  He  was  the  chief 
 of  the  Seven  (commonly  called  DEACONS^  appointed 
 to  rectify  the  complaints  in  the  early  Church  of 
 Jerusalem,  made  by  the  Hellenistic  against  the  He- 
 brew (Christians.  His  Greek  name  indicates  his 
 own  Hellenistic  origin.  His  importance  is  stamped 
 on  the  narrative  by  a  reiteration  of  emphatic  almost 
 suiierlative  phiases  :  "  full  of  faith  and  of  the  Holy 
 Ghost"  (Acts  VI.  5);  "full  of  grace  and  power" 
 (ib.  8) ;  irresistible  "  spirit  and  wisdom "  (ib. 
 10)  ;  "  full  of  the  Holy  Ghost"  (vii.  55).  Of  his 
 ministrations  amongst  the  poor  we  hear  nothing. 
 But  he  seems  to  have  been  an  instance,  such  as  is 
 not  uncommon  in  history,  of  a  new  energy  derived 
 from  a  new  sphere.  He  shot  far  ahead  of  his  six 
 companions,  and  far  above  his  j)articul<ir  olfice. 
 First,  he  arrests  attention  by  the  "  great  wonders 
 and  miracles  that  he  did."  Then  begins  a  series 
 of  disputations  with  the  Hellenistic  Jews  of  North 
 Africa,  Alexandria,  and  Asia  Minor,  his  comp.inions 
 in  race  and  birthplace.  The  subject  of  these  dis- 
 putations is  not  expressly  mentioned ;  but,  from 
 what  follows,  it  is  evident  that  he  struck  into  a 
 new  vein  of  teaching,  which  eventually  caused  his 
 martyrdom.  Down  to  this  time  the  Apostles  and 
 the  early  Christian  community  had  clung  ?n  their 
 worship,  not  merely  to  the  Holy  Land  and  the  Holy 
 City,  but  to  the  Holy  Place  of  the  Temple.  This 
 local  worship,  with  the  Jewish  customs  belongiug 
 to  it,  he  now  denounced.  So  we  must  infer  from 
 the  accusations  brought  against  him,  conlirnied  as 
 they  are  by  the  tenor  of  his  defence.  The  actual 
 words  of  the  chaige  may  have  been  false,  iis  the 
 sinister  and  malignant  intention  which  they  ascribed 
 to  him  w<is  undouhtedly  false.  He  was  arrested  at 
 the  instigation  of  the  Hellenistic  Jews,  and  brought 
 before  the  Sanhedrin.  When  the  charge  was  form- 
 ally lodged  against  him,  his  countenance  kindlal 
 (vi.  15).  For  a  moment,  the  account  seems  to 
 imply,  the  judges  of  the  Sanhedrin  were  awed  at 
 his  presence.  Then  the  high-priest  tlrat  i)resided 
 appealed  to  him  to  know  his  own  sentiments  on  the 
 accusations  brought  against  him.  '1  o  this  Stephen 
 reidied  in  a  speech  which  has  every  appearance  of 
 being  faithfidly  reported.  The  framework  in  which 
 his  defence  is  cast  is  a  summary  ot'  the  history  of 
 the  Jewish  Church.  In  the  facts  which  he  selects 
 from  this  history,  he  is  guided  l>y  two  principles — 
 at  first  moie  or  less  latent,  but  gradually  becoming 
 more  and  more  apparent  as  he  proceeds.  The  first 
 is  the  enileavour  to  prove  that,  even  in  the  previous 
 Jewish  history,  the  presence  and  favour  of  God  had 
 not  been  confined  to  the  Holy  Land  or  the  Temple 
 of  Jerusalem.  This  he  illustrates  with  a  copious- 
 ness of  detail  which  makes  his  s))eeih  a  summary 
 almost  as  much  of  sacred  geography  as  of  saci-eil 
 histoiy.  The  second  principle  of  selection  is  based 
 on  the  attempt  to  show  that  there  w;us  a  tendciicj 
 from  the  earliest  times  towards  the  same  ungrateful 
 and  narrow  spirit  that  had  ajipeared  in  this  la^t 
 stage  of  their  i)olitic-,il  existence.  Both  of  these  se- 
 lections are  worked  out  on  what  may  almost  be 
 CiiUed  criticiil  principles.  It  would  seem  that,  just 
 at  the  close  of  his  argument,  >tei>heii  saw  a  change 
 in  the  ;i.s|)i'ct  of  his  judges,  as  if  for  the  first  time 
 they  had  wiiight  the  drift  of  his  meaning.  He  broke 
 otf'from  his  calm  address,  an.l  tnintHl  suddenly 
 upon  them  in  an  impassioned  attack  wnich  shown 
 
STOCKS 
 
 that  he  saw  what  was  in  store  for  him.     As  he 
 
 spoke  they  showed  by  their  faces  that  their  hearts 
 "  were  being  sawn  asunder,"  and  they  kept  gnash- 
 ing their  set  teeth  against  him  ;  but  still,  tiiough 
 with  difficulty,  restraining  themselves.  He.  in  this 
 last  crisis  of  his  fate,  turned  his  face  upwards  to  the 
 open  sky,  and  as  he  gazed  the  vault  of  heaven 
 seemed  to  him  to  part  asunder  ;  and  the  Divine 
 Glory  appeared  through  the  rending  of  the  earthly 
 veil — the  Divine  Presence,  seated  on  a  throne,  and 
 on  the  right  hand  the  human  form  of  "  Jesus." 
 Stephen  spoke  as  if  to  himself,  describing  the  glo- 
 rious vision  ;  and,  in  so  doing,  alone  of  all  the 
 speakers  and  writers  in  the  N.  T.,  except  only 
 Christ  Himself,  uses  the  expressive  phrase,  "  the 
 Son  of  Man."  As  his  judges  henrd  the  words,  they 
 could  iear  no  longer.  They  broke  into  a  loud  yell ; 
 they  clapped  their  hands  to  their  ears  ;  they  flew  as 
 with  one  impulse  upon  him,  and  diagged  him  out 
 of  the  city  to  the  place  of  execution.  Those  were 
 to  take  the  lead  in  this  wild  and  terrible  act  who 
 had  taken  upon  themselves  the  responsibility  of 
 denouncing  him  (Deut.  xvii.  7  ;  comp.  John  viii.  7). 
 In  this  instance,  they  were  the  witnesses  who  had 
 reported  or  mis-ieported  tlie  words  of  Stephen. 
 They,  according  to  the  custom,  for  the  sake  of 
 facility  in  their  dreadful  task,  stripped  themselves, 
 as  is  the  Eastern  practice  on  commencing  any  \io- 
 lent  e.xertion  ;  and  one  of  the  prominent  leaders  in 
 the  transaction  was  deputed  by  custom  to  signify 
 his  assent  to  the  act  by  taking  the  clothes  into  his 
 custody,  and  standing  over  them  whilst  the  bloody 
 work  went  on.  The  person  who  officiated  on  this 
 occasion  was  a  young  man  from  Tarsus — one  pro- 
 bably of  the  Cilician  Hellenists  who  had  disputed 
 with  Stephen.  His  name,  as  the  narrative  signi- 
 ficantly adds,  was  Saul.  Everything  was  now 
 ready  for  the  execution.  It  was  outside  the  gates 
 of  Jerusalem.  The  earlier  tradition  fixed  it  at 
 what  is  now  called  the  Damascus  gate.  The  later, 
 which  is  the  present  tradition,  fixed  it  at  what  is 
 hence  called  St.  Stephen's  gate.  As  the  first  volley 
 of  stones  burst  upon  him,  he  called  upon  the  Master 
 whose  human  form  he  had  just  seen  in  the  heavens, 
 and  repeated  almost  the  words  vv^ith  which  He 
 himself  had  given  up  His  life  on  the  cross,  "  O  Lord 
 Jesus,  receive  my  spirit."  Another  crash  of  stones 
 brought  him  on  his  knees.  One  loud  piercing  cry 
 answering  to  the  loud  shriek  or  yell  with  which  his 
 enemies  had  flown  upon  him — escaped  his  dying 
 lips.  Again  clinging  to  the  spirit  of  his  Miister's 
 words,  he  cried  "  Lord,  lay  not  this  sin  to  their 
 charge,"  and  instantly  sank  upon  the  ground,  and, 
 in  the  touching  language  of  the  narrator,  who  then 
 uses  fov  the  first  time  the  woi'd,  afterwards  applied  to 
 the  departure  of  all  Christians,  but  here  the  more 
 remarkable  from  the  bloody  scenes  in  the  midst  of 
 which  the  death  took  place — "/t'/^  asleep."  His 
 mangled  body  was  buried  by  the  class  of  Hellenists 
 and  proselytc-s  to  which  he  belonged.  The  import- 
 ance of  Stephen's  career  may  be  briefly  summed  up 
 u.ider  three  heads: — I.  He  was  the  first  great 
 Christian  ecclesiastic,  "  the  Archdeacon,"  as  he  is 
 called  in  the  Eastern  Church. — tl.  He  is  the  first 
 martyr — the  jiroto-martyr.  To  him  the  name 
 "martyr"  is  tirst  applied  (Acts  xxii.  20"). — III.  He 
 is  the  foreranner  of  St,  Paul.  He  was  the  anticip- 
 ator, as,  had  he  lived,  he  would  have  been  the 
 pi'opagator,  of  the  new  phase  of  Christianity,  of 
 which  St.  Paul  became  the  main  support. 
 
 Stocks.     The  term   "stocks"  is  applied  in  the 
 
 STONES 
 
 901 
 
 A.  V.  to  two  diffei-ent  articles,  one  of  which  (Heb. 
 tnahpeceth)  answers  rather  to  our  pilloiy ,  while 
 the  other  (^sad)  answers  to  our  "  stocks,"  the  feet 
 alone  being  confined  in  it.  The  prophet  Jeremiah 
 was  confined  in  the  first  sort  (Jer.  xx.  2),  which 
 appears  to  have  been  a  common  mode  of  punish- 
 ment in  his  day  (Jer.  xxix.  26),  as  the  prisons  con- 
 tained a  chamber  for  the  special  pui'pose,  termed 
 "the  house  of  the  pillory"  (2  Chr.  xvi.  10;  A.  V. 
 "  prison-house"j.  The  stocks  {sad)  are  noticed  in 
 Job  xiii.  27,  xxxiii.  11,  and  Acts  xvi.  24.  The  term 
 used  in  Prov.  vii.  22  (A.  V.  "stocks")  more  pro- 
 peily  means  a  fetter. 
 
 Stoics.  The  Stoics  and  Epicureans,  who  are 
 mentioned  together  in  Acts  xvii.  18,  represent  the 
 two  opposite  schools  of  practical  philosophy  which 
 survived  the  fall  of  higher  speculation  in  Greece. 
 The  Stoic  school  was  founded  by  Zeno  of  Citium 
 (c.  B.C.  280),  and  derived  its  name  from  the  painted 
 "portico"  {ffTod)  in  which  he  taught.  Zeno  was 
 followed  by  Cleanthes  (c.  B.C.  260),  Cleanthes  by 
 Chrysippus  (c.  B.C.  24-0),  who  was  regarded  as  the 
 intellectual  founder  of  the  Stoic  system.  Stoicism 
 soon  found  an  entrance  at  Home,  and  under  the 
 Empire  stoicism  was  not  unnaturally  connected 
 with  republican  virtue.  The  ethical  system  of  the 
 Stoics  has  been  commonly  supposed  to  have  a  close 
 connexion  with  Chiistian  morality.  But  the  mo- 
 rality of  stoicism  is  essentially  based  on  pride,  that 
 of  Christianity  on  humility;  the  one  upholds  indi- 
 vidual independence,  tlie  other  absolute  faith  in 
 another  ;  the  one  looks  for  consolation  in  the  issue 
 of  fate,  the  other  in  Providence ;  the  one  is  limited 
 by  periods  of  cosmical  ruin,  the  other  is  consum- 
 mated in  a  personal  resurrection  (Acts  xvii.  18). 
 But  in  spite  of  the  fundamental  error  of  stoicism, 
 which  lies  in  a  supieme  egotism,  the  teaching  of 
 this  school  gave  a  wide  currency  to  the  noble  doc- 
 trines of  the  Fatherhood  of  God,  the  common  bonds 
 of  mankind,  the  sovereignty  of  the  soul. 
 
 Stomacher.  The  Heb.  pethigil  describes  some 
 article  of  female  attire  (Is.  iii.  24-),  the  character  of 
 which  is  a  mere  matter  of  conjecture.  The  LXX 
 describes  it  as  a  variegated  tunic  ;  the  Vulgate  as  a 
 species  of  girdle. 
 
 Stones.  The  uses  to  which  stones  were  applied 
 in  ancient  Palestine  were  very  various.  1.  They 
 were  used  for  the  ordinary  purposes  of  building, 
 and  in  this  respect  the  most  noticeable  point  is  the 
 very  large  size  to  which  they  occasionally  run 
 (Mark  xiii.  1).  Robinson  gives  the  dimensions  of 
 one  as  24  feet  long  by  6  feet  broad  and  3  feet  high. 
 For  most  public  edifices  hewn  stones  were  used: 
 an  exception  was  made  in  regard  to  altars  (Ex.  xx. 
 25;  Deut.  xxvii.  5 ;  Josh.  viii.  31).  The  Phoeni- 
 cians were  particularly  famous  for  their  skill  in 
 hewing  stone  (2  Sam.  v.  11  ;  IK.  v.  18).  Stones 
 were  selected  of  certain  colours  in  order  to  form 
 ornamental  string-courses  (1  Chr.  xxix.  2).  They 
 were  also  employed  lor  pavements  (2  K.  xvi.  1 7  ; 
 comp.  Esth.  i.  6).  2.  Laige  stones  were  used  for 
 closing  the  entrances  of  caves  (Josh.  x.  18  ;  Dan. 
 vi.  17),  sepulchres  (Matt,  xxvii.  60;  John  xi.  38, 
 XX.  1),  and  springs  (Gen.  xxix.  2).  3.  Flint-stones 
 occasionally  served  the  purpose  of  a  knile,  particu" 
 laily  for  circumcision  and  similar  objects  (Ex.  iv. 
 25 ;  Josh.  V.  2,  3).  4.  Stones  weie  further  used 
 as  a  munition  of  war  for  slings  (1  Sam.  xvii.  40, 
 49),  catapults  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  14),  and  bows  (Wisd. 
 v.  22  ;  comp.  1  Mace.  vi.  51)  ;  as  boundary  marks 
 (Deut.  xix.  14,  xxvii.  17;  Job  xxiv.  2;   Prov.  xxii. 
 
902 
 
 STONES,  PRECIOUS 
 
 '.'8,  xxiii.  Ill);  as  wi'ii^lits  (or  scaK's  (  Deut.  xxv. 
 i:{  ;  Fiov.  xvi.  11);  and  lor  mills  (2  Sam.  xi.  21). 
 5.  Large  stones  were  set  up  to  commemorate  any 
 remarkable  events  (Geu.  .\xviii.  18,  xxxv.  14,  xxxi. 
 45  ;  Josh.  iv.  9  ;  1  Sam.  vii.  12).  Such  stones  were 
 occjisionally  consecrated  by  anointing  (Gen.  xxviii. 
 18).  A  similar  practice  existed  in  heathen  coun- 
 tries, and  by  a  singular  coincidence  these  stones 
 were  described  in  Phoenicia  by  a  name  very  similar 
 to  liethel,  viz.  bacti/lia.  The  only  point  of  resem- 
 blance between  the  two  consists  in  the  custom  of 
 anointing.  G.  That  the  woiship  of  stones  prevailed 
 among  the  heathen  nations  sunounding  Palestine, 
 and  was  borrowwl  from  them  by  apostate  Israelites, 
 ap])eai's  from  is.  Ivii.  6  according  to  the  ordinary 
 renilering  of  the  passage.  7.  Heaps  of  stones  were 
 pileil  upon  various  occasions,  as  in  token  of  a  treaty 
 (Gen.  xxxi.  40;;  or  over  the  grave  of  some  noto- 
 rious ollender  (Josh.  vii.  26,  viii.  28;  2  Sam. 
 xviii.  17).  S.  The  "  white  stone"  noticed  in  Rev. 
 ii.  17  has  been  vaiiously  regarded  as  lel'erring  to 
 the  |iel)l)le  of  acquittal  used  in  the  Greek  courts ; 
 to  the  lot  cast  in  elections  in  Greece;  to  both  these 
 combined  ;  to  the  stones  in  the  high-priests  breast- 
 plate; to  the  tickets  presented  to  the  victors  at  the 
 public  games;  or,  lastly,  to  the  custom  of  writing 
 on  stones.  9.  The  use  of  stones  for  tablets  is 
 alluded  to  in  Ex.  xxiv.  12,  and  Josh.  viii.  .32.  10. 
 Stones  for  striking  fire  are  mentioned  in  2  Mace. 
 X.  3.  11.  Stones  were  prejudicial  to  the  ojierations 
 of  husbandry :  hence  the  custom  of  spoiling  an 
 enemy's  field  by  throwing  quantities  of  stones  upon 
 it  (2  K.  iii.  19,  25),  and,  again,  the  necessity  of 
 gatheiing  stones  previous  to  cultivation  (Is.  v.  2; 
 Kcd.  iii.  5).  12.  The  notice  in  Zecli.  xii.  3  of  the 
 "burdensome  stone"  is  referred  by  Jerome  to  the 
 custom  of  lifting  stones  as  an  exercise  of  strength 
 (comp.  Ecclus.  vi.  2 1 ) ;  but  it  may  equally  well  be  ex- 
 plained of  a  large  corner-stone  as  a  symbol  of  strength 
 (Is.  xxviii.  16).  Stones  are  used  metaphorically  to 
 denote  hardness  or  insensibility  (1  Sam.  xxv.  37  ; 
 Kz.  xi.  19,  xxxvi.  26),  as  well  as  firmness  or 
 strength  (Gen.  xlix.  24).  The  members  of  the 
 Church  are  called  "  living  stones,"  as  contributing 
 to  rear  that  living  temple  in  which  Christ,  himself 
 "  a  living  st<mc,"  is  the  chief  or  head  of  the  corner 
 'Kph.  ii.  2(1-22;  1   Pet.  ii.  4-8). 
 
 Stones,  Precious.  The  leader  is  leferred  to  the 
 separate  aiticles,  such  as  Agati;,  CARuaNCLK, 
 Saiidonvx,  &c.,  for  such  information  as  it  has  been 
 [Kissible  to  obtain  on  the  various  gems  mentioned 
 ui  the  Bible.  The  identification  of  many  of  the 
 llebiew  names  of  precious  stones  is  a  task  of  consi- 
 dciable  didiculty.  As  far,  however,  as  io;;aids  tlie 
 stones  of  the  high-iiriest's  breastplate,  it  must  be 
 reniembereil  that  the  authoiity  of  Josephiis,  who 
 bad  freiiuent  oj)i>ortunities  of  seeing  it  worn,  is  prc- 
 li'rable  to  any  other.  The  V'ulgate  agrees  with 
 his  nomenclature,  and  in  Jerome's  time  the  breast- 
 jilate  was  still  to  be  inspected  in  the  Temple  of 
 Concord  :  benie  this  i^reement  of  the  two  is  of 
 gieat  weight.  Precious  stones  are  frequently  alluded 
 to  in  the  Holy  Scri[)turc8;  they  were  known  and 
 very  highly  vahied  in  the  earliest  times.  The 
 Tyrians  ti-aded  in  precious  stones  supjilied  by  Syria 
 (Kz.  xxvii.  16).  The  merchants  of  Slieba  and 
 llaamah  in  South  Aiabia,  and  doubtless  India  and 
 Ceyioii,  supplied  the  maikets  of  Tyre  with  various 
 precious  i.tones.  The  art  of  engiaving  on  precious 
 htones  was  known  from  the  very  earliest  tim&s.  Sir 
 ti.  Wilkinson  says,  "The  Israelites  learnt  the  art  of 
 
 STORE 
 
 cutting  and  engraving  stones  from  the  Ku'vptiays;" 
 but  it  is  jirobable  that  it  was  known  to  them  long 
 before  their  sojourn  in  Egypt  ((!en.  xxxviii.  18). 
 The  twelve  stones  of  the  bieastplate  were  engraved 
 each  one  with  the  name  of  one  of  the  tribes  (Kx. 
 xxviii.  17-21).  It  is  an  undecided  question  whether 
 the  diamond  was  known  to  the  eaiiy  nations  of  an- 
 tiquity. The  A.  V.  gives  it  as  the  rendering  of 
 the  Ileb.  Yahdlom,  but  it  is  probable  that  the 
 jasper  is  intended.  The  substance  used  for  polish- 
 ing precious  stones  by  the  ancient  Hebrews  and 
 Egyptians  was  emery  powder  or  the  emery  stone 
 (Corundum),  a  mineral  inferior  only  to  the  dianiond 
 in  hardness.  In  our  article  on  LiciUiii;,  we  were  of 
 opinion  that  the  stone  denoted  was  ])robably  touniui- 
 line.  We  objected  to  the  "  hyacinth  stone  "  repi  esent- 
 ing  the  lyncuriiim  of  the  ancients,  l)ecause  of  its  not 
 possessing  attractive  ]:K)wers  in  any  marked  degree.  It 
 apjiears,  however,  from  a  comniunicjition  kindly  made 
 to  us  by  Mr.  King,  that  the  hi/<icinth  [zircon)  is 
 highly  electric  when  riiblicd.  Precious  stones  are 
 used  in  Scripture  in  a  figurative  sense,  to  signify 
 value,  beauty,  durability,  &c.,  in  those  objects  with 
 which  thev  are  compared  (see  Cant.  v.  14;  Is.  liv. 
 11,12;   Lam.  iv.  7  ;  Rev.  iv.  3,  xxi.  10,  21). 
 
 Stoning.    [Punishments.] 
 
 Stork  (Heb.  chaa'ukih).  It  is  singular  that  a 
 bird  so  conspicuous  and  familiar  as  the  stork  must 
 have  been  both  in  Egypt  and  Palestine  should  have 
 escaped  notice  by  the  LXX.,  but  there  can  be  no 
 doubt  of  the  corre<tuess  of  the  rendering  of  A.  \'. 
 
 White  Sloik  ^Cl«)ll•«  iifl«i). 
 
 The  White  Stork  (Ciconia  alha,  L.)  is  one  of  the 
 largest  and  most  conspicuous  of  laiul  biiils,  standing 
 nearly  tour  leet  high,  the  jet  black  of  its  wings  anci 
 its  bright  red  beak  and  l«;s  contiastilig  finely  with 
 the  pure  white  of  its  plumage  (Zech.  v.  9).  In  the 
 neiiihbourhood  of  man  it  devours  ri'a<iily  all  kinds 
 of  ollal  and  garliage.  For  this  reason,  doubtless,  it 
 is  placed  in  the  list  of  unclean  liirds  by  the  5los;iic 
 Law  (Lev.  xi.  19;  Deut.  xiv.  18).  The  nuigeof  the 
 white  stork  extends  over  the  whole  of  Emope, 
 except  the  British  Isles,  where  it  is  now  only  a  rnic 
 visitant    and  over  .Northern  Africa  and  Asia,  as  fat 
 
STRAIN  AT 
 
 nt  least  as  Birmah.  The  Black  Stork  (Ciconia 
 ■nigra,  L.),  though  less  abundant  in  places,  is  scarcely 
 less  widely  distributed,  but  has  a  more  easterly 
 range  than  its  con2;ener.  Both  species  are  very 
 numerous  in  Palestine.  While  the  black  stork  is 
 never  found  about  buildings,  but  prefers  marshy 
 places  in  forests,  and  breeds  on  the  tops  of  the 
 loftiest  trees  ;  the  white  stork  attaches  itself  to  man, 
 and  for  the  service  \vhich  it  rendeis  in  the  destruc- 
 tion of  reptiles  and  the  removal  of  oftiil  has  been 
 repaid  from  the  earliest  times  by  protection  and 
 reverence.  The  derivation  of  chasiddh  (from 
 chesed,  "kindness")  points  to  the  paternal  and 
 filial  attachment  of  which  the  stork  seems  to  have 
 been  a  type  among  the  Hebrews  no  less  than  the 
 Greeks  and  Romans.  It  was  believed  that  the 
 young  repaid  the  care  of  their  parents  by  attaching 
 themselves  to  them  for  life,  and  tending  them  in 
 old  age.  Plii;y  also  notices  their  habit  of  always 
 returning  to  the  same  nest.  Probably  there  is  no 
 foundation  for  the  notion  that  the  stork  so  far 
 differs  from  other  birds  as  to  recognise  its  parents 
 after  it  has  become  mature  ;  but  of  the  fact  of  these 
 bii'ds  returning  year  after  year  to  the  same  spot, 
 there  is  no  question.  That  the  parental  attach- 
 ment of  the  stork  is  very  strong,  has  been  proved 
 on  many  occasions.  Few  migratory  birds  are  more 
 punctual  to  the  time  of  their  reappearance  than  the 
 white  stork,  or  at  least,  from  its  familiarity  and 
 conspicuousness,  its  migrations  have  been  more  ac- 
 curately noted.  Pliny  states  that  it  is  rarely  seen 
 in  Asia  Minor  after  the  middle  of  August.  This  is 
 probably  a  slight  error,  as  the  ordinary  date  of  its 
 arrival  in  Holland  is  the  second  week  in  April,  and 
 it  remains  until  October.  In  Palestine  it  has  been 
 observed  to  anive  on  the  22nd  March.  The  stork 
 has  no  note,  and  the  only  sound  it  emits  is  that  caused 
 by  the  sudden  snapping  of  its  long  mandibles.  Some 
 unnecessary  difficulty  has  been  raised  respecting  the 
 expression  in  Ps.  civ.  17,  "As  for  the  stork,  the 
 fir-trees  are  her  house."  In  lands  of  ruins,  which 
 from  their  neglect  and  want  of  drainage  supply  him 
 with  abundance  of  food,  he  finds  a  column  or  a 
 solitary  arch  the  most  secure  position  for  his  nest ; 
 but  where  neither  towers  nor  ruins  abound  he  does 
 not  hesitate  to  select  a  tall  tree,  as  both  storks, 
 swallows,  and  many  other  birds  must  have  done 
 befoi^  they  were  tempted  by  the  artificial  conve- 
 niences of  man's  buildings  to  desert  their  natural 
 places  of  nidification.  It  is  therefore  needless  to 
 intei-pret  the  text  of  the  stork  mei'el}'  perching  on 
 trees.  It  probably  was  no  less  numerous  in  Pales- 
 tine when  David  wrote  than  now ;  but  the  number 
 of  suitable  towers  must  have  been  far  fewer,  and  it 
 would  therefore  resort  to  trees.  The  black  stork, 
 no  less  common  in  Palestine,  has  never  relinquished 
 its  natural  habit  of  building  upon  trees.  This  spe- 
 cies, in  the  north-eastern  portion  of  the  land,  is  the 
 most  abundant  of  the  two. 
 
 Strain  at.  The  A.  V.  of  1611  renders  Matt, 
 xxiii.  '_'4,  "  Ye  blind  guides  !  which  strain  at  a  gnat, 
 and  swallow  a  camel."  There  can  be  little  doubt, 
 that  this  obscui  e  phrase  is  due  to  a  printer's  ei-ror,  and 
 that  the  true  reading  is  "  strain  out."  "  In  a  ride 
 from  Tangier  to  Tetuan,"  remarks  a  traveller,  "I 
 observed  that  a  Moorish  soldier  who  accompanied  me, 
 when  he  drank,  always  unfolded  the  end  of  his  tur- 
 ban and  placed  it  over  the  mouth  of  his  bota,  drink- 
 ing through  the  muslin,  to  stiain  out  the  gnats, 
 whose  larvae  swarm  in  the  watei-  of  that  country." 
 
 Stranger.     A  "  stranger"  in  the  technical  sense 
 
 STRAW 
 
 903 
 
 of  the  term  may  be  defined  to  be  a  person  of  foreign, 
 i.  e.  non-1  sraelitish,  extraction  resident  within  the 
 limits  of  the  promised  land.  He  was  distinct  from 
 the  proper  "foreigner,"  inasmuch  as  the  latter  still 
 belonged  to  another  country,  and  would  only  visit 
 Palestine  as  a  traveller  :  he  was  still  more  distinct 
 from  the  "nations,"  or  non-Israelite  peoples.  The 
 term  may  be  compared  with  our  expression  "  natu- 
 I'alized  foreigner."  The  terms  applied  to  the 
 "stranger"  have  special  reference  to  the  fact  of  his 
 residing  in  the  land.  The  existence  of  such  a  class 
 of  persons  among  the  Israelites  is  easily  accounted 
 for:  the  "mixed  multitude"  that  accompanied 
 them  out  of  Kgypt  (Ex.  xii.  38)  formed  one 
 element;  the  Canaanitish  population,  which  was 
 never  wholly  extirpated  from  their  native  soil, 
 foimed  another  and  a  still  more  important  one ; 
 captives  taken  in  war  formed  a  third  ;  fugitives, 
 hired  servants,  merchants,  &c.,  formed  a  fourth. 
 The  census  of  them  in  Solomon's  time  gave  a  return 
 of  153,600  males  (2  Chr.  ii.  17),  which  was  equal  to 
 about  a  tenth  of  the  whole  population.  The  enact- 
 ments of  the  Mosaic  Law,  which  regulated  the  polit- 
 ical and  social  position  of  resident  strangers,  were 
 conceived  in  a  spirit  of  great  liberality.  With  the 
 exception  of  the  Moabites  and  Ammonites  (Dsut. 
 xxiii.  3),  all  nations  were  admissible  to  the  rights 
 of  citizenship  under  certain  conditions.  Whether  a 
 stranger  could  ever  become  legally  a  landowner  is  a 
 question  about  which  there  may  be  doubt.  The 
 stranger  appears  to  have  been  eligible  to  all  civil 
 offices,  that  of  king  excepted  (Deut.  xvii.  15).  In 
 regard  to  religion,  it  was  absolutely  necessary  that 
 the  stranger  should  not  infringe  any  of  the  funda- 
 mental laws  of  the  Israelitisli  state.  If  he  was  a 
 bondsman  he  was  obliged  to  submit  to  circumcision 
 (Ex.  xii.  44)  ;  if  he  was  independent,  it  was  op- 
 tional with  him  ;  but  if  he  remained  uncircumcised, 
 he  was  prohibited  from  partaking  of  the  Passovei 
 (Ex.  xii.  48),  and  could  not  be  regarded  as  a  full 
 citizen.  Liberty  was  also  given  in  regard  to  the 
 use  of  prohibited  food  to  an  uncircumcised  stranger. 
 Assuming,  however,  that  the  stranger  was  circum- 
 cised, no  distinction  existed  in  regard  to  legal  rights 
 between  the  stranger  and  the  Israelite.  The  Israelite 
 is  enjoined  to  treat  him  as  a  brother  (Lev.  xix.  34; 
 Deut.  X.  19).  It  also  appears  that  the  "stianger" 
 formed  the  class  whence  the  hiielings  were  drawn  ; 
 the  terms  being  coupled  togethei-  in  Ex.  xii.  45 ; 
 Lev.  xxii.  10,  xxv.  6,  40.  The  liberal  spirit  of 
 the  Mosaic  regulations  respecting  strangers  presents 
 a  strong  contrast  to  the  rigid  exclusiveness  of  the 
 Jews  at  the  commencement  of  the  Christian  era. 
 The  growth  of  this  spirit  dates  fiom  the  time  of 
 the  Babylonish  captivity.  Our  Lord  condemns 
 it  in  the  parable  of  the  good  Samaritan,  where  He 
 defines  the  teim  "  neighbour  "  in  a  sense  new  to 
 His  hearers  (Luke  x.  36).  It  should  be  observed, 
 however,  that  the  proselyte  of  the  New  Testament 
 is  the  true  representative  of  the  stranger  of  the  Old 
 Testament,  and  towards  this  class  a  cordial  feeling 
 was  manifested. 
 
 Straw.  Both  wheat  and  barley  straw  were 
 used  by  the  ancient  Hebrews  chiefly  as  fodder  for 
 their  hoises,  cattle,  and  camels  (Gen.  xxiv.  25 ; 
 1  K.  iv.  28  ;  Is.  xi.  7,  Ixv.  2.5).  There  is  no  intim- 
 ation that  straw  was  used  for  litter.  It  was  em- 
 ployed by  the  Egyptians  for  making  bricks  (Ex.  v. 
 7,  16),  being  chopped  up  and  mixed  with  the  clay 
 to  make  them  more  compact  and  to  prevent  their 
 cracking.     The  ancient  Egyptians  reaped  their  corn 
 
904 
 
 STREAM  OF  EGYPT 
 
 close  to  till'  car,  ami  atlorwaids  cut  the  straw  close 
 to  the  ground  and  laid  it  by.  This  was  the  straw 
 that  I'h:ira<ih  refused  to  give  to  the  Israelites. 
 
 Stream  of  Egypt  occui-s  once  in  the  A.V.  in- 
 stead  of   ''the    river  of   KgJ'pt"    (Is.  xxvii.   12). 
 
 [lilVKU  OK  K(;YI'T.] 
 
 Street.  The  streets  of  a  modern  Oriental  town 
 ]iroscnted  a  great  contrsust  to  those  with  which  we  are 
 familiar,  being  generally  narrow,  tortuous,  and 
 gloomy,  even  in  the  best  towns.  Their  character 
 is  mainly  fi.\ed  l>y  the  climate  ami  the  style  of  archi- 
 tecture, the  narrowness  being  due  to  the  extreme 
 heat,  and  the  gloominess  to  the  circumstiuice  of  the 
 windows  looking  for  the  most  part  into  the  inner 
 court.  .\s  these  same  influences  existed  in  ancient 
 times,  we  should  be  inclined  to  think  that  the 
 sti'eets  weie  much  of  tlie  same  character  ;is  at 
 present.  The  street  allied  "  Straight,"  in  Da- 
 mascus (Acts  ix.  11),  was  an  exception  to  the  rule 
 of  narrowness ;  it  was  a  noble  thorough  tare,  100  teet 
 wide,  divided  in  the  Roman  age  by  colonnades  into 
 three  avenues,  the  central  one  for  foot  passengers, 
 the  side  passages  for  vehicles  and  horsemen  going 
 in  dill'erent  directions.  The  shops  and  warehouses 
 were  ]irobably  collected  together  into  bazars  in 
 ancient  as  in  modern  times  (Jer.  xxxvii.  21),  and 
 of  the  wool,  brazier,  and  clothes  bazars  in  Jerusalem 
 (Joseph.  Ji.  J,  V.  8,  §1),  and  perhaps  the  agieement 
 Iietween  Benhailad  and  .Ahal)  that  the  latter  should 
 '•  make  streets  in  Damascus"  (1  K.  xx.  .'^4),  was  in 
 reference  rather  to  bazars,  and  thus  amounted  to  the 
 establishment  o(  ajiis  commercii.  That  streets  oc- 
 casionally had  names  appears  from  Jer.  xxxvii.  21  ; 
 Acts  ix.  11.  That  they  were  generally  unpaved 
 may  be  inferred  fiom  the  notices  of  tlie  pavement 
 laid  by  Herod  the  Great  at  Antioch,  and  by  Herod 
 Agrippa  II.  at  Jerusalem.  Hence  pavement  forms 
 one  of  the  peculiar  features  of  the  ideal  Jerusalem 
 (Tob.  xiii.  17;  llev.  xxi.  21).  Each  street  and  bazar 
 in  a  modern  town  is  locked  up  at  night:  the  same 
 custom  appears  to  have  prevailed  in  ancient  times 
 (Cant.  iii.  3). 
 
 Stripes.     [Punishments.] 
 
 Sa'ah,  f^on  of  Zophah,  an  Asherite  (1  Chr. 
 vii.  .'Itij. 
 
 Su'ba.  The  sons  of  Suba  were  among  the  sons 
 of  Solomon's  servants  who  returned  with  Zorobabel 
 (1  Ksd.  V.  84). 
 
 Snba'i  =  Shalmai  ( 1  Esd.  v.  30 ;  comp.  Kzr. 
 ii.  4(;). 
 
 Suc'coth.  A  town  of  ancient  date  in  the  Holy 
 Land,  which  is  first  heard  of  in  the  account  of 
 the  homewaid  journey  of  Jacob  from  Padan-aram 
 (Gen.  xxxiii.  17j.  The  name  is  fancifully  derived 
 from  the  fact  of  Jacob's  having  there  put  up 
 "booths"  {StKcSth)  for  his  cattle,  as  well  as  a 
 house  for  himself.  From  the  itineraiy  of  Jacob's 
 return  it  seems  that  Succotli  lay  between  Pknikl, 
 near  the  ford  of  tiie  torrent  Jabbok,  and  Shechem 
 (comp.  xxxii.  30,  and  xxxiii.  18).  In  accordance 
 with  this  is  the  mention  of  Succoth  in  the  narrative 
 of  (iideon's  pui-snit  of  Zebih  and  Zalmunna  (Judg. 
 viii.  5-17).  It  would  appear  from  this  pa.ss;ige 
 that  it  lay  on  the  east  of  Jordan,  which  is  corro- 
 borated by  the  (hct  that  it  was  allotte!  to  the  tribe 
 of  (iad  Josh.  xiii.  27).  Succoth  is  named  once 
 again  after  this — in  1  K.  vii.  4ti ;  2  Chr.  iv.  17 — 
 iui  maiking  the  spot  at  wliich  the  bnu^s  foundiias 
 were  placed  for  casting  the  metiil-work  of  the 
 Temple.  It  ajipears  to  have  been  known  in  the 
 time  of  Jcionie,   who  says  tliat  there  was  then  a 
 
 SUKKIIMS 
 
 town  named  Sochoth  beyond  the  Jordan,  iu  the 
 district  of  Scythopolis.  Nothing  more,  however, 
 was  heard  of  it  till  Burckhardt's  journey.  He  men- 
 tions it  in  a  note  to  p.  34.'3  (July  2).  He  is  speak- 
 ing of  the  places  about  the  Jordan,  and,*  after 
 naming  three  ruined  towns  "  on  the  west  side  of 
 the  river  to  the  north  of  Rysan,"  he  .says:  "  Near 
 where  we  cnossed  to  the  south  are  the  ruins  of 
 Sukkot.  The  spot  at  which  he  crossed  he  has 
 already  stated  to  have  been  "  two  hours  fiom  Bysan, 
 which  bore  N.N.VV."  Dr.  Robinson  and  Mr.  ^'an 
 de  Velde  have  discovered  a  place  named  Sdkut, 
 evidently  entirely  distinct  both  in  name  and  position 
 from  that  of  Burckhaidt.  In  the  accounts  and 
 maps  of  these  tiavellers  it  is  placed  on  the  west  side 
 of  the  Jordan,  less  than  a  mile  from  the  river,  an<l 
 about  lO  miles  .-iouth  of  Beisdn.  The  dist^ince  of 
 Sdkut  from  Bei'dn  is  too  great,  even  if  it  were  on 
 the  other  side  of  the  Jordan,  to  allow  of  it.s  being 
 the  place  referred  to  by  Jerome.  The  Sukkot  of 
 Burckhaidt  is  more  suitable.  But  it  is  doubtful 
 whether  either  of  them  can  be  the  Succoth  of  the 
 Old  Test.  For  the  events  of  (Jideon's  story  the 
 la-tter  of  the  two  is  not  unsuitable.  Sdkiit,  on 
 the  other  hand,  seems  too  far  south,  and  is  also 
 on  the  west  of  the  river.  liiit  both  appear  too  far 
 to  the  north  for  the  Succoth  of  .Jacob.  Until  the 
 position  of  Sutcoth  is  more  exactly  a.scertained,  it 
 is  imjiossible  to  say  what  was  the  Vallky  of 
 Succoth  mentioned  in  I's.  Ix.  6  and  cviii.  7. 
 
 Suc'coth,  the  fii-st  cam])ing-place  of  the  Israel- 
 ites when  they  left  Egypt  (Ex.  xii.  37,  xiii.  20; 
 Num.  xxxiii.  5,  6).  This  place  was  apparently 
 reached  at  the  close  of  the  fii-st  day's  march.  Ra- 
 meses,  the  starting-place,  was  probably  near  the 
 western  end  of  the  Wadi-t-Tumeylat,  The  dist- 
 ance traversed  in  each  day's  journey  was  about 
 /ifteen  miles,  and  as  Succoth  was  not  in  the  desert, 
 the  next  station,  Etham,  being  "  in  the  edge  of  the 
 wilderness"  (Ex.  xiii.  20  ;  Num.  xxxiii.  6),  it  must 
 have  been  in  the  valley,  and  consequently  nearly 
 due  east  of  litmeses,  and  fifteen  miles  distant  in  a 
 straight  line. 
 
 Suc'coth-Beno'th  occurs  only  in  2  K.  xvii.  30. 
 It  h;ui  geiieiaily  been  su]>poseil  that  this  tei-m  is 
 pure  Hebrew,  and  signilies  the  "  tents  of  daugh- 
 ters ;"  which  some  explain  as  "  the  booths  in  which 
 the  daughters  of  the  Babylonians  prostituted  them- 
 selves in  honour  of  their  idol,"  others  as  "  small 
 tabernacles  in  which  were  contiiined  images  of 
 female  deities."  Sir  H.  Rawlinson  thinks  thatSuc- 
 coth-benoth  represents  the  Chaldaeaii  goddess  Zir- 
 biinit.  the  wife  of  Meiodach,  who  was  especially 
 worshippeil  at  Babylon. 
 
 Su  chathites.  One  of  the  families  of  scribes  at 
 Jabez  (1  Chr.  ii.  55), 
 
 Sud.  A  river  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood 
 of  Babylon,  on  the  banks  of  which  Jewish  exiles 
 lived  (l^ar.  i.  4).  No  such  river  is  known  to  geo- 
 graphers :  but  the  original  text  may  have  beeu  Sur, 
 the  river  Euphrates,  which  is  always  named  by 
 Arab  geographers  "  the  river  of  Sum." 
 
 Sad  =  SiA,  or  SiAiiA  (1  Esd.  v.  29 ;  comp.  Neh. 
 vii.  47  ;  Ezr.  ii.  44). 
 
 Sn'dias  ^r  Hodaviaii  3  and  Hodkvau  (1  Esd. 
 V.  •_'•!;  comp.  Kzr.  iii.  40;  Neh.  xii.  43). 
 
 Sukldims,  a  nation  mentioned  (2  Chr.  xii.  3) 
 with  the  Lubim  and  Cushim  as  snp]ilying  pait 
 of  the  army  which  came  with  Shishak  out  of 
 Egypt  when  he  invaded  Jwlah.  The  Snkkiims 
 may   corresiwnd  to  some  one   of  the  sheplienl  oi- 
 
SUN 
 
 wamleiiiig  races  mentioned  on  the  Egyptian  monu- 
 incMits. 
 
 Sun.  In  the  history  of  the  creation  the  sun  i# 
 (k'scribed  as  the  "  greater  light  "  in  contiadistinction 
 tf  the  moon  or  "  lesser  light,"  in  conjunction  with 
 which  it  was  to  serve  "  for  signs,  and  for  seasons, 
 and  for  days,  and  for  years,"  while  its  special  office 
 was  "to  rule  the  day"  (Gen.  i.  14-16).  The 
 "signs"  rcleried  to  were  probably  such  extraordin- 
 ary phenomena  as  eclipses,  which  were  regarded 
 as  conveying  premonitions  of  coming  events  ( Jer. 
 X.  2  :  Watt.  xxiv.  29,  with  Luke  xxi.  25).  The 
 joint  influence  assigned  to  the  sun  and  moon  in 
 deciding  the  "seasons,"  both  for  agricultural  opera- 
 tions and  for  religious  festivals,  and  also  in  regul- 
 ating the  length  and  subdivisions  of  the  "  years," 
 correctly  describes  the  combination  of  the  lunar 
 and  solar  year,  which  prevailed  at  all  events  subse- 
 quently to  tlie  Mosaic  period.  The  sun  "  ruled  the 
 day,"  not  only  in  reference  to  its  powerful  influ- 
 ences, but  also  as  deciding  the  length  of  the  day 
 and  supplying  the  means  of  calculating  its  progress. 
 Sun-rise  and  sun-set  are  the  only  defined  points  of 
 time  in  the  absence  of  artificial  contrivances  for  tell- 
 ing the  hour  of  the  day.  Between  these  two  points 
 the  Jews  recognized  three  periods,  viz.  when  the 
 sun  became  hot,  about  9  a.m.  (1  Sam.  xi.  9;  Neh. 
 vii.  3; ;  the  double  light  or  noon  (Gen.  xliii.  16  ; 
 2  Sam.  iv.  5),  and  "the  cool  of  the  day"  shoitly 
 before  sunset  (Gen.  iii.  8).  The  sun  also  served  to 
 fix  the  quarters  of  the  hemisphere,  east,  west, 
 noi th,  and  south,  which  were  lepreseuted  respect- 
 ively by  the  rising  sim,  the  setting  sun  (Is.  xlv.  6  ; 
 Ps.  1.  1),  the  dark  quarter  (Gen.  xiii.  14;  Joel  ii. 
 20),  and  the  brilliant  quarter  (r)eut.  xxxiii.  23; 
 Job  xxxvii.  17  ;  Ez.  xl.  24)  ;  or  otherwise  by  their 
 position  relative  to  a  peison  facing  the  rising  sun — 
 before,  behind,  on  the  left  hand,  and  on  the  right 
 hand  (Job  xxiii.  8,  9).  The  apparent  motion  of 
 the  sun  is  frequently  referred  to  in  terms  that 
 would  imply  its  reality  (Josh.  x.  1  3 ;  2  K.  xx.  11  ; 
 I's.  xix.  6  ;  Eccl.  i.  5  ;  Hab.  iii.  11).  The  worship 
 of  the  sun,  as  the  most  prominent  and  powerful 
 agent  in  the  kingdom  of  nature,  was  widely  diffused 
 throughout  the  countries  adjacent  to  Palestine. 
 The  .Arabians  appear  to  have  paid  direct  worship  to 
 it  witliout  the  intervention  of  any  stivtue  or  symbol 
 (Job  xxii.  26,  27  i,  and  this  simple  style  of  woiship 
 was  probably  familiar  to  the  ancestors  of  the  .lews 
 in  Chaldaea  and  Mesopotiunia.  The  Hebrews  must 
 have  been  well  acquainted  with  the  idolatrous 
 worship  of  the  sun  during  the  captivity  in  Egypt, 
 both  from  the  contiguity  of  On,  the  chief  seat  of 
 the  woiship  of  the  sun  as  implied  in  the  name  itself 
 (On  =  the  Hebrew  Bethshemesh,  "  house  of  the 
 sun,"  Jer.  xliii.  13),  and  also  from  the  connexion 
 between  Joseph  aud  Poti-pheiah  (''he  who  belongs 
 to  lla"),  the  priest  of  On  (Gen.  xli.  45).  After 
 their  removal  to  Canaan,  the  Hebrews  came  in 
 contact  with  various  forms  of  idolatry,  which  ori- 
 ginated in  the  woiship  of  the  sun  ;  such  as  the 
 Baal  of  the  Phoenicians,  the  Molech  or  Milcom  of 
 the  Ammoiii'jes,  and  the  Hadad  of  the  Syrians.  It 
 i!<jes  not  follow  that  the  object  symbolized  by  them 
 was  known  to  the  Jews  themselves.  If  we  have 
 any  notice  at  all  of  conscious  sun-worship  in  the 
 early  stages  of  their  history,  it  exists  in  the  doubtful 
 term  chammdnim  (Lev.  xxvi.  oU  ;  Is.  xvii  8,  &c.) 
 which  probably  described  the  stone  pillars  or  statues 
 under  which  the  solar  Baal  was  worshipped  at 
 Baai-Hamou  (^Cant.  viii.  11)  and  other  places.    To 
 
 SWAN 
 
 905 
 
 judge  fiom  the  few  notices  we  have  on  the  subject 
 in  the  Bible,  we  should  conclude  that  the  Jews 
 derived  their  mode  of  worshipping  the  sun  from 
 several  quarters.  The  importance  attached  to  the 
 worship  of  the  sun  by  the  Jewish  kings,  may  be 
 inferretl  from  the  fact  that  the  hor.ses  were  stalled 
 within  the  precincts  of  the  temple  (2  K.  xxiii.  11). 
 In  the  metaphorical  language  of  Scripture  the  sun 
 is  emblematic  of  the  law  of  God  (Ps.  xix.  7),  of  the 
 cheering  presence  of  God  (Ps.  Ixxxiv.  11),  of  the  per- 
 son of  the  Saviour  (John  i.  9  ;  Mai.  iv.  2),  and  of 
 the  glory  and  purity  of  heavenly  beings  (Kev.  i. 
 16,  X.  1,  xiL  1). 
 
 Sur.  One  of  the  places  on  the  sea-coast  of  Pa- 
 lestine, which  are  named  as  having  been  disturbed 
 at  the  approach  of  Holofernes  (Jud.  ii.  28).  Some 
 have  suggested  Dor,  others  a  place  named  Sora, 
 others,  again,  Surafend.  But  none  of  these  are 
 satisflictory. 
 
 SoretisMp.  In  the  entire  absence  of  commerce 
 the  law  laid  down  no  rules  on  the  subject  of  sure- 
 tiship,  but  it  is  evident  that  in  the  time  of  Solomon 
 commercial  dealings  had  become  so  multiplied  that 
 snretiship  in  the  commercial  sense  was  common 
 (Pi-ov.  vi.  1,  xi.  15,  xvii.  18,  xx.  16,  xxii.  26, 
 .\xvii.  13).  But  in  older  times  the  notion  of  one 
 man  becoming  a  surety  for  a  service  to  be  dis- 
 charged by  another  was  in  full  force  (see  Gen.  xliv. 
 32).  The  surety  of  course  became  liable  for  bis 
 client's  debts  in  case  of  his  failure. 
 
 Su'sa.     Esth.  xi.  3,  xvi.  18.     [Shushan.] 
 
 Su'sanchites  is  found  once  only — in  Ezr.  iv.  9. 
 There  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  designates  either  the 
 inhabitants  of  the  city  Susa,  or  those  of  the  country — 
 Susis  or  Susiana.  Perhaps  the  former  explanation 
 is  preferable. 
 
 Susan'na.  1.  The  heroine  of  the  story  of  the 
 Judgment  of  Daniel.— 2.  One  of  the  women  who 
 ministered  to  the  Lord  (Luke  viii.  3). 
 
 Su'si.  The  father  of  Gaddi  the  Manassite  spy 
 (Num.  xiii.  11). 
 
 Swallow,  Heb.  deror,  and  'mjur,  both  thus 
 translated  in  A.  V.  DSror  occurs  twice,  Ps.  Ixxxiv, 
 3,  and  Prov.  xxvi.  2  ;  'dtjur,  also  twice,  Is.  xxxviii. 
 14,  and  Jer.  viii.  7,  both  times  in  conjunction 
 with  sis  or  sus.  In  each  passage  sis  is  lendered, 
 probably  correctly,  by  LXX.  swallow,  A.  V. 
 crane  [Crane],  which  is  mere  probably  the  true 
 signification  of  'dgur.  The  rendering  of  A.  V. 
 for  deror  seems  less  open  to  question.  The  cha- 
 racters ascribed  in  the  several  passages  where  the 
 names  occur,  are  strictly  applicable  to  the  swallow, 
 viz.  its  swiftness  of  flight,  its  nesting  in  the 
 buildings  of  the  Temple,  its  mournful,  garrulous 
 note,  and  its  regular  migration,  shared  indeed  iu 
 common  with  several  others.  Many  species  of 
 swallow  occur  in  Palestine.  All  those  familiar  to 
 us  in  Britain  are  found.  The  swallow,  martin, 
 and  sand  martin  abound.  Besides  these  the  eastern 
 swallow  and  the  crag  martin,  are  also  common. 
 Of  the  genus  Cypselus  (swift),  our  swift  is  com- 
 mon, and  the  splendid  alpine  swift  may  be  seen 
 in  all  suitable  localities. 
 
 Swan  (Heb.  timhemeth).  Thus  rendered  by 
 A.  V.  in  Lev.  xi.  18  ;  Deut.  xiv.  16,  where  it  occuis 
 in  the  list  of  unclean  birds.  Bochart  explains  it 
 noctna  (owV).  Gesenius  suggests  the /Wwan.  These 
 conjectures  cannot  be  admitted  iis  satisfactory,  tlie 
 owl  and  pelican  being  both  distinctly  expressed  else- 
 where in  the  catalogue.  Nor  is  the  A.  V.  transla- 
 tion likely  to  be  correct.     The  lenderiiigs  of  the 
 
906 
 
 SWEARING 
 
 F-XX.,  "  poiiihyiio  "  ami  "  iliis,"  are  cifliPr  of  tlirm 
 more  pi-oii:il)le.  Ncitlier  of  tliese  birds  occurs  clsc- 
 wtiere  in  the  catalogue,  both  would  be  familiar  to 
 residents  in  Kgypt,  and  the  original  seems  to  point 
 <o  some  water-fowl.  Vlop(pvpiui',  porphxjrio  anti- 
 quorum,  Bp.,  the  purple  water-hen,  is  mentioned 
 by  Aristotle,  Aristophanes,  Pliny,  and  more  fully 
 desoribed  by  Athenaeus.  It  is  allied  to  our  corn- 
 crake and  water-hen,  and  is  the  largest  and  most 
 beautiful  of  the  family  Rullidae.  It  frequents  marshes 
 and  the  sedge  by  the  banks  of  rivers  in  all  the 
 countries  bordering  on  the  Mediterranean,  and  is 
 abundant  in  Lower  Kgypt. 
 Swearing,     [Oaiii.] 
 
 Sweat,  Bloody.  One  of  the  physical  phenomena 
 attending  our  Lord's  agony  in  the  garden  of  Ueth- 
 somane  is  des(;iibed  by  St.  Luke  (xxii.  44; :  "  His 
 sweat  was  as  it  were  great  drops  'lit.  clots")  of 
 blood  falling  down  to  the  ground."  The  genuinenpss 
 of  this  verse  and  of  the  preceding  has  been  doubted, 
 but  is  now  geneially  ackriowledged.  Of  this  ma- 
 lady, known  in  medical  science  by  the  term  din- 
 pedesis,  there  have  been  examples  lecorded  both  in 
 ancient  and  modein  times.  Aiistotle  was  aware  of 
 it.  The  cause  assigned  is  generally  violent  mental 
 emotion.  Dr.  Miliingen  ( Curiosities  of  Medical 
 Experience,  p.  489,  2nd  ed.)  gives  the  following 
 explanation  of  the  phenomenon :  "  It  is  probable 
 that  this  strange  disorder  arises  from  a  violent  com- 
 motion of  the  nervous  system,  turning  the  streams 
 of  blood  out  of  their  natural  course,  and  forcin.: 
 the  red  particles  into  the  cutaneous  excretories.  A 
 mere  lelaxation  of  the  fibres  could  not  produce 
 so  powerful  a  revulsion.  It  may  also  arise  in 
 cases  of  extreme  debility,  in  connexion  with  a 
 thinner  couilition  of  the  blooil."  Several  cases  of 
 so  called  bloody  sweat  are  reported.  There  is 
 still,  however,  wanted  a  well-authenticated  in- 
 stance in  modern  times,  observed  with  all  the 
 care  and  attested  by  all  the  exactness  of  l.itci 
 nieilical  science. 
 
 Swine  (\M->.  ch&zir).  (1.)  The  flesh  of  swine 
 was  forbidden  as  food  by  the  Levitical  law  (Lev.  xi. 
 7;  Dent.  xiv.  8);  the  abhorrence  which  the  Jews  as 
 a  nation  had  of  it  may  be  inferred  from  Is.  Ixv.  4, 
 and  2  Mace.  vi.  18,  19.  Swine's  flesh  was  for- 
 bidden to  the  Kgyptian  ]iriests.  The  Arabians  also 
 were  disallowed  the  use  of  it.  No  other  reason  for 
 the  command  to  abstain  fn)m  swine's  flesh  is  given 
 in  the  law  of  Moses  beyoml  the  general  one  which 
 forbade  any  of  the  mammalia  as  food  which  did 
 not  literally  tulHl  the  terms  of  the  definition  of 
 a  "clean  animal,"  viz.  that  it  was  to  be  a  cloven- 
 footed  ruminant.  It  is,  however,  ])rol)able  that 
 dietetical  considerations  may  have  influenced  Moses 
 in  his  prohibition  of  swine's  flesh  ;  it  is  generally 
 beli(!ved  that  its  use  in  hot  countries  is  liable 
 to  induce  cutaneous  disordei's ;  hence  in  a  people 
 liable  to  leprosy  the  necessity  for  the  observance 
 of  a  strict  rule.  Although  the  .lews  did  not 
 breed  swine,  during  the  greater  period  of  their  ex- 
 istence as  a  nation,  there  can  be  little  doubt  that 
 the  heathen  nations  of  i'alestine  used  the  flesii  as 
 food.  At  the  time  of  our  Loid's  ministry  it  woidd 
 appe.ir  that  the  Jews  ocaisionally  violated  the  law 
 of  Moses  with  respect  to  swine's  flesh.  Wliether 
 "the  hi-rd  of  swine"  into  which  the  devils  were 
 allox.ed  to  enter  (Matt.  viii.  .'12;  Mark  v.  l.i  were 
 the  property  of  the  Jewish  or  Oentile  inhabitants 
 of  (indara  lioe.s  not  appear  from  the  siicieil  nar- 
 rative    but  thr.l   the  practice  of  keeping  swine  did 
 
 SYCAMORE 
 
 oxist  .imongst  some  of  the  .Jews  seems  ole.ir  from 
 the  enactment  of  the  law  of  Hyrcanus  '•  ne  cui 
 porcum  alere  liceret.''  (2.)  The  wild  boar  of  the 
 wood  (Fs.  Ixxx.  13)  is  thecommon  Sns  scrofa  which 
 is  frequently  met  with  in  the  woody  parts  of  Pa- 
 lestine, especially  in  Mount  Tabor. 
 
 Sword.     [Arms.] 
 
 Sycamine-Tree  is  mentioned  once  only,  viz., 
 in  Luke  xvii.  6.  There  is  no  reason  to  doubt 
 that  the  sycamine  is  distinct  from  the  sycimiore  of 
 the  same  evangelist  (xi.x.  4).  The  sycamine  is  the 
 muUieny-tree  (Morus).  Both  black  and  white 
 mu  11)01  rv-trers  are  common  in  Syria  and  Palestnie. 
 
 Slonu  nigra  (Mulberry). 
 
 Sycamore  (Heb.  shihnah).  The  Hebrew  woixl 
 occurs  in  the  O.  'I',  only  in  the  plural  form  masc. 
 and  once  fem..  Is.  Ixxviii.  47.  The  two  (ireek 
 words  occur  only  once  each  in  the  N.  T.  (Luke  xvii. 
 6,  xix.  4).  Although  it  may  be  admitted  that  the 
 Sijcainine  is  piopeily,  and  in  Luke  xvii.  6,  the 
 Mulberry,  and  the  Sycairurre  the  Fig-mnlbernj,  or 
 Syaunore-fig  [Fiats  Syco^iionts),  yet  the  latter  is 
 the  tree  generally  referred  to  in  the  0.  T.,  and  called 
 by  the  Sept.  sycamine,  as  1  K.  x.  27  ;  1  Chr.  xxvii. 
 28;  Ps.  Ixxviii.  47  ;  Am.  vii.  14.  The  %camort^, 
 or  Fig-midbcrry,  is  in  Egypt  and  Palestine  a  tree 
 of  great  importance  and  very  extensive  use.  It 
 attains  the  size  of  a  walnut-tree,  ha>  wide-spreading 
 branchas,  and  all'onls  a  delightful  .shade.  On  this 
 account  it  is  frequently  ]>lanted  by  the  wnyside-s. 
 Its  leaves  are  heart-shaped,  downy  on  the  under 
 siile,  and  fragrant.  'I'he  fruit  grows  dire<-tly  from 
 the  trunk  itself  on  little  .sprigs,  and  in  clusters  like 
 the  grajie.  To  make  it  eatible,  each  fruit,  three  or 
 four  days  before  gathering,  must,  it  is  .said,  be  punc- 
 tured with  a  sharp  instrument  or  the  finger-nail. 
 This  was  the  original  employment  of  the  propliet 
 Amos,  as  he  savs  vii.  14.  So  great  w.as  the  value 
 of  these  trees,  that  Daviil  appointed  for  them  in  his 
 kingilom  a  sjiecial  overseer,  as  he  did  f'or  theoliv««« 
 (1  Chr.  xxvii.  28);  and  it  is  mentioned  as  one  of 
 the  heavia^t  of  Kg)pt's  calamities,  that  her  syca- 
 
SYCHAR 
 
 mnres  were  dpstvoyed    by  liailftones    (Vs.    Ixxviii 
 
 4f.) 
 
 SYNAGOGUE 
 
 907 
 
 Ficus  8!/coniQrua, 
 
 Sy'cliar.  A  place  named  only  in  John  iv.  5.  It 
 is  specified  as  •'  a  city  of  Samaria  called  Sychar." 
 Sychar  was  either  a  name  ap))lied  to  the  town  o* 
 Shechem,  or  it  was  an  independent  place.  1.  The 
 first  of  these  alternatives  is  now  almost  universally 
 accepted.  In  the  words  of  Dr.  Robinson,  "  In  con- 
 sequence of  the  hatred  which  existed  between  the 
 Jews  and  the  Samaritans,  and  in  allusion  to  their 
 idolatry,  the  town  of  Sichem  received,  among  the 
 Jewish  common  people,  the  by-name  Sychar."  No 
 trace,  however,  of  such  a  nickname  is  found  either 
 in  the  Targums  or  the  Talmud.  But,  presuming 
 that  .Jacob's  well  was  then,  where  it  is  now  shown, 
 at  the  entrance  of  the  valley  of  Nablus,  Shechem 
 would  be  too  distant  to  answer  to  the  words  of  St. 
 John,  since  it  must  have  been  more  than  a  mile  otf. 
 The  earliest  Christian  tradition  discriminates  She- 
 chem from  Sychar.  Eusebius  (Onomast.)  says  that 
 Sychar  was  in  front  of  the  city  of  Neapolis  ;  and, 
 again,  that  it  lay  by  the  side  of  Luza,  which  was  thiee 
 miles  from  Neapolis.  Sycliem,  on  the  other  hand, 
 he  places  in  the  suburbs  of  Neapolis  by  the  tomb 
 of  Joseph.  The  Bourdeau.x  Pilgrim  describes  Se- 
 chim  as  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain,  and  as  con- 
 taining Joseph's  monument  and  plot  of  ground. 
 y\nd  he  then  proceeds  to  say  that  a  thousand  paces 
 thence  was  the  place  called  Sychar.  2.  In  favour 
 of  Sychar  having  been  an  independent  place  is  the 
 fact  that  a  village  named  'Askar  still  exists  at  the 
 south-east  foot  of  Klial,  about  north-east  of  the- 
 Well  of  Jacob,  and  about  half  a  mile  from  it.     A 
 
 village  like  'Askar  answers  much  more  appropri- 
 ately to  the  cjisual  description  of  St.  John  than  so 
 large  and  so  venerable  a  place  as  Shechem.  On 
 the  other  hand  there  is  an  etymological  difficulty 
 in  the  way  of  this  identification.  'Askar  begins 
 with  the  letter  'Ain,  which  Sychar  does  not  appear 
 to  have  contained. 
 
 Sy'chem.  The  Greek  form  of  the  word  Shechem, 
 the  name  of  the  well-known  city  of  Central  Pales- 
 tine. It  occurs  in  Acts  vii.  113  only.  The  main 
 interest  of  the  passage  rests  on  its  containing  two 
 of  those  numeious  and  singular  variations  from  the 
 early  history,  as  told  in  the  Pentateuch,  with  which 
 the  sjieech  of  St.  Stephen  abounds.  A  bastard  vari- 
 ation of  the  name  of  Sychem,  viz.  SiCHEM,  is  found, 
 and  its  people  are  mentioned  as — 
 
 Sy'chemite,  the,  in  Jud.  v.  16. 
 
 Sye'lus  =  Jkiuiol  :'>  (1  Esd.  i.  8;  comp.  2Chr. 
 XXXV.  B). 
 
 Sye'ne,  properly  Seveneh,  a  town  of  Egypt  on 
 the  frontier  of  Cush  or  Ethiopia.  The  prophet 
 Ezekiel  speaks  of  the  desolation  of  Egypt  "  from 
 Migdol  to  Seveneh,  even  unto  the  border  of  Cnsli  " 
 (xxix.  10),  and  of  its  people  being  slain  "from 
 Migdol  to  Seveneh "  (xxx.  6).  Migdol  was  on 
 the  eastern  boi-der,  and  Seveneh  is  thus  rightly 
 identified  with  the  town  of  Syene,  which  was  always 
 the  last  town  of  Egypt  on  the  south,  though  at 
 one  time  included  in  the  nome  Nubia.  Its  ancient 
 Egyptian  name  is  SUN.  The  modern  town  is 
 slightly  to  the  north  of  the  old  site. 
 
 Synagogue.  It  may  be  well  to  note  at  the 
 outset  the  points  of  contact  between  the  history  and 
 ritual  of  the  synagogues  of  the  Jews,  and  the  facts 
 to  which  the  inquiries  of  the  Biblical  student  are 
 principally  directed.  (!.")  They  meet  us  as  the 
 great  characteristic  institution  of  the  later  phase 
 of  Judaism.  (2.)  We  cannot  separate  them  from 
 the  most  intimate  connexion  with  our  Lord's  life 
 and  ministry.  In  them  He  worshipped  in  His 
 youth,  and  in  His  manhood.  They  vveie  the  scenes 
 of  no  small  portion  of  His  work.  (3.)  There  are 
 the  questions,  leading  us  back  to  a  remoter  past :  In 
 what  did  the  worship  of  the  synagogue  originate  ? 
 what  type  was  it  intended  to  reproduce  ?  what 
 customs,  alike  in  nature,  if  not  in  name,  served  as 
 the  starting-point  for  it  ?  (4.)  The  synagogue, 
 with  all  that  belonged  to  it,  was  connected  with  the 
 future  as  well  as  with  the  past.  It  was  the  order 
 with  which  the  first  Christian  believers  were  most 
 familiar.  Widely  divergent  as  the  two  words  and 
 the  things  they  represented  afterwards  became,  the 
 Ecclesia  had  its  starting-point  in  the  Synagogue. 
 Keeping  these  points  in  view,  it  remains  to  deal 
 with  the  subject  in  a  somewhat  more  formal 
 manner. — I.  Name. — (1.)  The  Aramaic  equiva- 
 lent cenishta  first  appears  in  the  Targum  of 
 Onkelos  as  a  substitute  for  Heb.  'edah  (=  con- 
 gi-egation)  in  the  Pentateuch.  The  more  precise 
 local  designation  (Beth  ha-Ceneseth  —  House  of 
 gathering),  belongs  to  a  yet  later  date.  (2.)  The 
 word  avfaycoyq,  not  unknown  in  classical  Greek, 
 became  promioput  in  that  of  the  Hellenists.  It 
 appears  in  the  LXX.  as  the  translation  of  not  less 
 than  twenty-one  Hebrew  words  in  which  the  idea 
 of  a  gathering  is  implied.  In  the  books  of  the  Apo- 
 crypha the  word,  as  in  those  of  the  0.  T.,  retains 
 its  general  meaning,  and  is  not  used  specifically  for 
 any  recognised  place  of  worship,  in  the  N.  T., 
 however,  the  local  meanuig  is  the  dominant  one. 
 Sometimes   the    word    is  applied    to   the    tribunal 
 
908 
 
 SYNAGOGUE 
 
 which  was  coiinocted  with  or  sjtt  in  the  syiiattogiie 
 ill  the  narrower  .souse  (Matt.  x.  17,  xxiii.  34;  Mark 
 xiii.  9;  I.uke  xxi.  12,  xii.  11).  'Within  the  hmits 
 of  the  Jewish  Church  it  perhaps  ke))t  its  ground 
 as  denoting  the  place  of  meetino  of  the  Christian 
 brethren  (Jas.  ii.  2).— II.  History. — (1.)  Jewish 
 writers  have  daimed  for  their  synagogues  a  very 
 remot<"  antiquity.  In  well-nigh  every  place  where 
 the  phrase  "  before  the  Lord  "  appears,  tiiey  recog- 
 nise ill  it  a  known  sanctuaiy,  a  fixed  place  of  meet- 
 ing, and  therefore  a  synagogue.  (2.)  Apart  from 
 these  far-fetched  interpretations,  we  know  too  little 
 of  the  lite  of  Israel,  both  before  and  under  the  mon- 
 archy, to  be  able  to  say  with  certainty  whether  there 
 was  anything  at  all  corresponding  to  the  synagogues 
 of  later  (late.  (15.)  During  the  exile,  in  the  abey- 
 ance of  the  Temple-worship,  the  meetings  of  devout 
 Jews  probably  became  more  systematic,  and  must 
 have  helped  forward  the  change  which  appears  so 
 conspicuously  at  the  time  of  the  return.  The  whole 
 history  of  Kzra  piesujiposes  the  habit  of  solemn, 
 probably  of  periodic  meetings  (Ezr.  viii.  15  ;  Neh. 
 viii.  2,  ix.  1  ;  Zech.  vii.  5).  To  that  period  ac- 
 cordingly we  may  attribute  the  revival  if  not  the 
 institution  of  synagogues.  Assuming  Ewald's  theory 
 as  to  the  date  and  occasion  of  I's.  jxxiv.,  there  must, 
 at  some  subsequent  period,  have  been  a  sjreat  de- 
 struction of  the  buildings,  and  a  consequent  sus- 
 jiension  of  the  services.  It  is,  at  any  rate,  striking 
 that  they  are  not  in  any  way  prominent  in  the  Mac- 
 cabaean  history.  When  that  struggle  was  over, 
 there  appears  to  have  been  a  freer  development  of 
 \vh:\t  may  be  called  the  synagogue  parochial  system 
 among  the  .lews  of  Palestine  and  other  countries. 
 Well-nigh  every  town  or  village  had  its  one  or  more 
 synagogues.  (4.)  It  is  hardly  possible  to  over- 
 estimate the  influence  of  the  sj'stem  thus  developed. 
 To  it  we  may  a.scribe  the  tenacity  with  which,  after 
 the  Maccabaean  struggle,  the  Jews  adhered  to  the 
 religion  of  their  fathers,  and  never  again  relapsed 
 into  idolatry.  The  people  were  now  in  no  dansjer 
 of  forgetting  the  Law,  and  the  external  ordinances 
 that  hedged  it  round.  Here,  as  in  the  cognate  order 
 of  the  Scribes,  there  was  an  influence  tending  to 
 diminish  and  ultimately  almost  to  destroy  the  au- 
 thority of  the  hereditary  priesthood.  The  way  was 
 silently  prepared  for  a  new  and  higher  order,  w'hich 
 should  rise  in  "the  fulness  of  time"  out  of  the 
 decay  and  abolition  of  both  the  priesthood  and  the 
 Temjile.— III.  Structure. — (1.)  The  size  of  a  svna- 
 gogue,  like  that  of  a  church  or  chajiel,  varied  with 
 the  population.  Its  position  was,  however,  determ- 
 inate. It  stood,  if  possible,  on  the  highest  ground, 
 in  or  near  the  city  to  which  it  belonged.  .And  its 
 direction  too  was  fi.\ed.  Jerusalem  was  the  Kibleh 
 of  Jewi.sh  devotion.  The  synagogue  was  so  con- 
 structed, that  the  worshipped  as  they  entered,  and 
 as  they  prayed,  looked  toward  it.  The  building 
 w.as  commonly  erected  at  the  cost  of  the  district. 
 ."Sometimes  it  was  built  ljy  a  rich  Jew,  or  even  as  in 
 Luke  vii.  5,  by  a  fiiemlly  jnoselvte.  (2.)  In  the 
 internal  arrangement  of  the  .synagogue  we  trace  an 
 obvious  analogy  to  the  type  of  the  Tabernacle.  At 
 the  npi*!-  or  Jerusalem  end  stood  the  Ark,  the  chest 
 which,  like  the  older  and  more  sacred  Ark,  con- 
 tained the  Hook  of  the  Law.  It  gave  to  that  end 
 the  name  and  chaiticter  of  a  sanctuary.  This  part 
 of  the  synagogue  was  naturally  the  place  of  honour. 
 Here  were  the  "  chief  seats,"  at^er  which  Pharisees 
 Bhd  Scribes  .strove  so  eagerly  (Matt,  xxiii.  6),  to 
 which  the  wealthy  and  liouourcd  worshipper  was 
 
 SYNAGOGUE 
 
 invited  (James  ii.  2,  3).  Here  too,  in  front  of  the 
 Ark,  still  re))roduciiig  the  type  of  the  Tabernacle, 
 was  the  eight-branched  lamp,  lighted  only  on  the 
 greater  festivals.  Besides  this,  there  was  one  lamp 
 kept  burning  pei-petually.  A  little  further  towards 
 the  middle  of  the  building  was  a  raised  platfomi,  J 
 on  which  several  pensons  could  stand  at  once,  and  I 
 in  the  middle  of  this  rose  a  pulpit,  in  which  the  ' 
 I.'eader  stood  to  read  the  lesson  or  sat  down  to  te;ich. 
 The  congregation  were  divided,  men  on  one  side, 
 women  on  the  other,  a  low  partition,  five  or  six  feet 
 high,  running  between  them.  The  airangement.s 
 of  modern  syn.agogues,  for  many  centuries,  have 
 made  the  separation  more  complete  by  placing  the 
 women  in  low  side-galleries,  screened  ulf  by  lattice- 
 work.—IV.  Officers. — (1.)  In  smaller  towns  there 
 was  often  but  one  Rabbi.  Where  a  fuller  organiza- 
 tion was  possible,  there  was  a  college  of  Elders 
 (Luke  vii.  3)  presided  over  by  one  who  was  "  the 
 chief  of  the  synagogue"  (Luke  viii.  41,  49,  xiii. 
 14;  Acts  xviii.  8,  17).  (2.)  The  most  prominent 
 functionary  in  a  large  synagogue  was  known  as  the 
 Shiliach  (  =  legatus),  the  ofliciating  minister  who 
 acted  as  the  delegate  of  the  congregation,  and  was 
 therefore  the  chief  reader  of  prayers,  &c.,  in  their 
 name.  (3.)  The  Chazzan,  or  "minister"  of  the 
 synagogue  (Luke  iv.  20)  had  duties  of  a  lower  kind 
 resembling  those  of  the  Christian  deacon  or  sul>- 
 deacon.  He  was  to  open  the  doors,  to  get  the 
 building  ready  for  service.  (4.)  Besides  these  there 
 were  ten  men  attached  to  every  synagogue,  whose 
 functions  have  been  the  subject-matter  of  voluminous 
 controversy.  They  were  known  as  the  Batlanim 
 (  =.  Otiosi),  and  no  synagogi:e  was  complete  with- 
 out them.  They  were  supposed  to  be  men  of 
 leisure,  not  obliged  to  Libour  for  their  livelihood, 
 able  therefore  to  attend  the  week-day  as  well  as 
 the  Sabbath  services.  Hhenford  sees  in  them  simply 
 a  body  of  men,  pennanently  on  duty,  making  up  a 
 coiigiegation  (ten  being  the  minimum  number  , 
 so  that  there  might  be  no  delay  in  beginning  the 
 service  at  the  proper  hours,  and  that  no  single 
 worshipper  might  go  away  disiippointed.  (5.)  It 
 will  be  seen  at  once  how  closely  the  organization 
 of  the  synagogue  w;is  reproduced  in  that  of  the 
 Ecclesia.  Here  also  there  w.ts  the  single  picsbytei- 
 bishop  in  small  towns,  a  council  of  presbyters  under 
 one  head  in  large  cities.  The  k'ljatus  of  the  syna- 
 gogues appears  in  the  6.-yy(\os  (Kev.  i.  20,  ii.  1), 
 perhaps  also  in  the  airiaToXos  of  the  Christian 
 Church. —  V.  Worship. —  (1.)  The  ritual  of  the 
 svnagogiie  was  to  a  large  extent  the  reproduction 
 of  the  statelier  liturgy  of  the  Temple.  It  will  be 
 enough,  in  this  place,  to  notice  in  what  way  the 
 ritual,  no  less  than  the  organization,  was  connecte<l 
 with  the  facts  of  the  N.  T.  history,  and  with  the 
 life  and  order  of  the  Christian  Church.  (2.)  Erom 
 the  synagogue  came  the  u.se  of  fixed  forms  of  prayer. 
 To  that  the  first  disciples  had  been  accustomed  from 
 their  youth.  They  had  .asked  their  Master  to  give 
 them  a  distinctive  one,  and  ho  had  complied  with 
 their  lequest  (Luke  xi.  1 ),  as  the  Bajitist  had  done 
 before  for  his  disciples,  as  eveiy  Kabbi  did  for  his. 
 The  tbrms  might  be  and  wore  abused.  (3.)  The 
 large  admixture  of  a  didactic  element  in  Christian 
 woLship,  that  by  which  it  was  distinguisheil  from 
 all  (icntile  forms  of  adoration,  was  derived  from  the 
 older  order.  "  Moses  "  was  "  read  in  the  syna- 
 gogues every  Sj»bbath-day "  (Acts  xv.  21),  the 
 whole  Law  being  read  con.secutivcly,  so  as  to  Ix 
 compleU'd,  aLTordiiig  to  one  cycle,  in  thi-ce  yeai* 
 
SYNAGOGUE 
 
 The  writings  of  the  Pio]ihets  were  read  as  second 
 lessons  in  a  corresponding  order.     Tiiey  were  fol- 
 lowed by  the  Derash  (Acts  xiii.  15),  the  exposition, 
 the  sermon  of  the  synagogue.     (4.)  To  the  ritual 
 of  the  synagogue  we  may  probably  trace  a  practice 
 which  has  sometimes  been  a  stumbling-block  to  the 
 student  of  Christian  antiquity,  the  subject-matter 
 of  fierce  debate  among  Christian  controversialists. 
 Whatever  account  may  be  given  of  it,  it  is  certain 
 that  Pi'ayers  for  the  Dead  appear  in  the  Church's 
 worship  as  soon  as  we  have  any  trace  of  it  after  the 
 immediate  records  of  the  Apostolic  age.     Tliere  is  a 
 probability  indefinitely  great  that  prayers  for  the  de- 
 parted (the  Kaddish  of  later  Judaism)  were  familiar 
 to  the  synagogues  of  Palestine  and  other  countries, 
 that  the  early  Christian  believers  were  not  startled 
 by  them  as  an  innovation,  that  they  passed  uncon- 
 demned  even  by  our  Lord  Himself.     (5.)  The  con- 
 foraiity  extends  also  to  the  times  of  prayer.     In  the 
 hours  of  service  this  was  obviously  the  case.     The 
 third,  sixth,  and  ninth  hours  were  in  the  times  of  the 
 N.  T.  (Acts  iii.  1,  x.  3,  9),  and  had  been  probably  for 
 some  time  before  (Ps.  Iv.  17  ;  Dan.  vi.  10),  the  fixed 
 times  of  devotion,  known  then,  and  still  known,  re- 
 spectively as  the  Shacharith,  the  Minchah,  and  the 
 Ardbith.     The  same  houi-s,  it  is  well  known,  were 
 recognised  in  the  Church  of  the  second,  probably  in 
 tliat  of  the  first  century  also.     The  solemn  days  of 
 the  synagogue  were  the  second,  the  fifth,  and  the 
 seventh,  the  last  or  Sabbath  being  tlie  conclusion  of 
 the  whole.      The  transfer  of  the   sanctity  of  the 
 Sabbath  to  the  Lord's  Day  involved  a  corresponding 
 change  in  the  order  of  the  week,  and  the  first,  the 
 fourth,  and  the  sixth  became  to  the  Christian  society 
 what  the  other  days  had  been  to  the  Jewish.     (6.) 
 The  following  suggestion  as  to  the  mode  in  which 
 this  transfer  was  effected,  involves,  it  is  believed, 
 fewer  arbitrary  assumptions  than  any  other,   and 
 connects    itself  with   another    interesting   custom, 
 common   to  the    Church  and    the   Synagogue.     It 
 was  a  Jewish  custom  to  end  the  Sabbath  with  a 
 feast,  in  which  they  did  honour  to  it  as  to  a  parting 
 king.     The  feast  was  held  in  the  synagogue.     A 
 cup  of  wine,  over  which  a  special  blessing  had  been 
 spoken,  was  handed  I'ound.    It  is  obvious  that,  so 
 long  as  the  Apostles  and  their  followers  continued 
 to  use  the  Jewisii  mode  of  reckoning,  so  long  i.  e. 
 as  they  fraternized  with  their  brethren  of  the  stock 
 of  Abraham,  this  would  coincide  in  point  of  time 
 with  their  ^eltTvov  on  the  first  day  of  the  week. 
 By  ilegrees  the  time  became  later,  passed  on  to  mid- 
 night, to  the  early  dawn  of  the  next  day.     (7.) 
 From   the   synagogue  lastly  came  many  less  con- 
 spicuous practices,  which  meet  us  in  the  liturgical 
 life  of  the  first  three  centuries.    Ablution,  entire  or 
 partial,  before  entering  the  place  of  meeting  (Heb. 
 X.  22;  John  xiii.  1-1.5);  standing  and  not   kneel- 
 ing, ;is  the  attitude  of  prayer  (Luke  xviii.  11)  ;  the 
 arms  stretched  out ;  the  face  turned  towards  the 
 Kibleh  of  the  E;ist ;  the  re^jponsive  Amen  of  the  con- 
 gregation to  the  prayers  and    benedictions   of  the 
 elders  (1  Cor.  xiv.   16).— VI.  Judicial  Functions. 
 —  fl.)  The  language  of  the  N.  T.  shows  that  the 
 officers  of  the  synagogue  exercised  in  certain  cases  a 
 judicial  power.     (2.)  It  is  not  quite  so  easy,  how- 
 ever, to  define  the  nature  of  the  tribunal,  and  the 
 precise  limits  of  its  jurisdiction.     In  two  of  the 
 ))assages  referred   to  (Matt.  x.    17  ;  Mark   xiii.  9) 
 they  are  carefully  distinguished  from  the  councils. 
 It  seems  probable  that  the  council  was  the  larger 
 tiibunal  of  2o,  which  sat  in  every  citj',  and  that 
 
 SYRIA 
 
 909 
 
 under  the  term  synagogue  we  are  to  understand  a 
 smaller  court,  probably  that  of  the  Ten  judges  men- 
 tioned in  the  Talmud.  (3.)  Here  also  we  trace 
 the  outline  of  a  Christian  institution.  The  (K- 
 K\7](Tia,  either  by  itself  or  by  appointed  delegates, 
 was  to  act  as  a  Court  of  Arbitration  in  all  disputes 
 among  its  members.  The  elders  of  the  Church 
 were  not,  however,  to  descend  to  the  trivial  disputes 
 of  daily  life.  For  the  elders,  as  for  those  of  the 
 synagogue,  were  resen'ed  the  graver  offences  against 
 religion  and  morals. 
 
 Sjmagogue,  the  Great.  ( 1 .)  On  the  return  of  the 
 Jews  from  Babylon,  a  great  council  was  appointed, 
 according  to  Rabbinic  tradition,  to  le-organize  the  re- 
 ligious life  of  the  people.  It  consisted  of  120  mem- 
 bers, and  these  were  known  as  the  men  of  the  Great 
 Synagogue,  the  successois  of  the  prophets,  them- 
 selves, in  their  turn,  succeeded  by  scribes  prominent, 
 individually,  as  teachers.  Ezi'a  was  recognised  as 
 president.  Their  aim  was  to  restore  again  the  crown, 
 or  glory  of  Israel.  To  this  end  they  collected  all 
 the  sacred  writings  of  former  ages  and  their  own, 
 and  so  completed  the  canon  of  the  0.  T.  They  in- 
 stituted the  feast  of  Purim.  They  organised  the 
 ritual  of  the  synagogue,  and  gave  their  sanction 
 to  the  Sheinoneli  Esreh,  the  eighteen  solemn  bene- 
 dictions in  it.  (2.)  Much  of  this  is  eridently  un- 
 cei'tain.  The  absence  of  any  historical  mention  ot 
 such  a  body,  not  only  in  the  O.T.  and  the  Apo- 
 crypha, but  in  Josephus,  Philo,  and  the  Seder  Olain, 
 so  that  the  earliest  record  of  it  is  found  in  the  Pirke 
 Ahoth,  circ.  the  second  century  after  Christ,  had  led 
 some  critics  to  reject  the  whole  statement  .as  a  Rab- 
 binic invention.  The  narrative  of  Neh.  viii.  13  clearly 
 implies  the  existence  of  a  body  of  men  acting  as  coun- 
 sellors under  the  presidency  of  Ezra,  and  these  may 
 have  been  an  assembly  of  delegates  from  all  pro- 
 vincial synagogues — a  synod  of  the  National  Church. 
 Syn'tyche,  a  female  member  of  the  Church  of 
 Philippi  (Phil.  iv.  2,  3). 
 
 Sy'racuse.  The  celebrated  city  on  the  eastern 
 coast  of  Sicily.  St.  Paul  arrived  thither  in  an 
 Alexandrian  ship  from  Melita,  on  his  voyage  to 
 Rome  (Acts  xxviii.  12).  The  magnificence  which 
 Cicero  describes  as  still  remaining  in  his  time,  was 
 then  no  doubt  greatly  impaired.  But  the  site  of 
 Syracuse  rendered  it  a  convenient  j)lace  for  the 
 African  corn-ships  to  touch  at,  for  the  harbour  was 
 an  excellent  one,  and  the  fountain  Arethusa  in  the 
 island  furnished  an  unfailing  supply  of  excellent 
 water.  In  the  time  of  St.  Paul's  voyage,  Sicily  did 
 not  supply  the  Romans  with  corn  to  the  extent  it 
 had  done  in  the  time  of  King  Hiero,  and  in  a  less 
 degree  as  late  as  the  time  of  Cicero.  It  is  an 
 error,  however,  to  suppose  that  the  soil  was  ex- 
 hausted ;  for  Strabo  expiessly  says,  that  for  corn, 
 and  some  other  productions,  Sicily  even  surpassed 
 Italy.  At  this  period,  there  were  only  five  Roman 
 colonies  in  Sicily,  of  which  Syracuse  was  one.  The 
 others  were  Catana,  Tauromeiiium,  Thermae,  and 
 Tyndaris.  Messana  too,  although  not  a  colony, 
 was  a  town  filled  with  a  Roman  population. 
 
 Syr'ia  is  the  term  used  throughout  our  version 
 for  the  Hebrew  Aram,  as  well  as  for  the  Greek 
 'S.vpia.  Most  probably  Syria  is  for  Tsyria,  the 
 country  about  Tsur.  or  Tyre,  which  was  the  first 
 of  the  Syrian  towns  known  to  the  Greeks.  1.  Geo- 
 graphical extent.  —  It  is  very  difficult  to  fix  the 
 limits  of  Syria.  The  Hebrew  Aram  seems  to  com- 
 mence on  the  northern  frontier  of  Palestine,  and  to 
 extend  thence  northward  to  the  skirts  of  Taurus, 
 
910 
 
 SYRIA 
 
 wcstwaiil  to  the  Metlitenaiie.in,  and  wistward  pro- 
 biibly  to  the  Khabour  river.  Its  chief  divisions  are 
 Arain-lMmnii'sek,  or  "Syria  of  Damascus,"  Aram- 
 Zobah,or  "Syria  of  Zobah,"  Aram-Nahai-aim,  "Jle- 
 sopotamia,''  or  "  Syria  of  the  Two  Rivers,"  and 
 I'adan-Aram,  "  the  plain  Syria,"  or  "  the  plain  at 
 the  foot  of  tlie  mountains."  Of  these  we  cannot 
 be  mist^iken  in  identifying  the  tii-st  with  the  rich 
 country  about  Damascus,  lying  between  Anti-libanus 
 and  the  desert,  and  the  last  with  the  district  about 
 Ilairan  and  OH'ah,  the  flat  country  stretching  out 
 from  the  western  extremity  of  Moiis  Masius  towards 
 the  ti-ue  source  of  the  Khabour  at  lias-cl-Ain. 
 Aram-Naharaim  seems  to  be  a  term  including  this 
 last  tract,  and  extending  beyond  it,  though  how  far 
 beyond  is  doubtful.  Aiam-Zobah  seems  to  be  the 
 tract  between  the  Kuj>hrates  and  Coele-syria.  The 
 other  divisions  of  Aram,  such  as  Arani-Maachah 
 and  Aram-betli-Rehob,  are  more  difficult  to  locate 
 with  any  certainty.  Probably  they  were  portions 
 of  the  tract  intervening  between  Anti-libanus  and 
 the  desert.  The  Greek  writers  used  the  teiTn  Syria 
 still  more  vaguely  than  the  Hebrews  did  Aiam. 
 On  the  one  liand  they  extended  it  to  the  Kuxine; 
 on  the  other  thej'canied  it  to  the  borders  of  Kgypt. 
 Still  they  seem  always  to  have  had  a  feeling  that 
 Syria  Proper  was  a  narrower  region.  The  LXX. 
 and  New  Testament  writers  distinguish  Syria  from 
 I'hoenicia  on  the  one  hand,  and  fVom  Samaria, 
 Jud.iea,  Idumaea,  &c.,  on  the  other.  In  the  present 
 article  it  seems  best  to  take  the  word  in  this  narrow 
 sense,  and  to  I'cgard  Syiia  as  bounded  by  Amanus 
 and  Taurus  ou  the  north,  by  the  Euphrates  and 
 the  Aiabian  desert  on  the  east,  by  Palestine  on 
 the  south,  by  the  Me<literranean  near  the  mouth 
 of  the  Orontes,  and  then  by  Phoenicia  upon  the  west. 
 The  tract  thus  circumscribed  is  about  3(J0  miles 
 long  from  north  to  south,  and  from  50  to  150  miles 
 bioad.  It  contains  an  area  of  about  30,000  square 
 miles.  2.  General phijsical  features. — The  general 
 character  of  the  tract  is  mountainous,  as  the  Hebrew 
 name  Aram  (from  a  root  signifying  "height") 
 sufficiently  implies.  On  the  west,  two  longitudinal 
 chains,  running  parallel  with  the  coast  at  no  great 
 distance  from  one  anothei',  extend  along  two-thirds 
 of  the  length  of  Syria,  from  the  latitude  of  Tyre  to 
 that  of  Antioch.  In  the  latitude  of  Antioch  the 
 longitudinal  chains  are  met  by  the  cham  of  Amanus, 
 an  outlying  barrier  of  Taurus,  having  the  diiection 
 of  that  laiige,  which  in  this  part  is  from  south-west 
 to  noith-e;ist.  The  most  fertile  and  valuable  tract 
 of  Syria  is  the  long  valley  intervening  between 
 Libanus  and  Anti-libanus.  The  northein  mountain 
 region  is  also  fairly  pioductive;  but  the  soil  of  the 
 plains  about  Aleppo  is  poor,  and  the  eastern  flank 
 of  the  Anti-libanus,  except  in  one  place,  is  jieculiarly 
 sterile.  3.  The  Mountain  liamjes. — (a)  Lebanon. 
 Of  the  various  mountain-ranges  of  Syria,  Lebanon 
 l)()ssesses  the  greatest  interest.  It  extends  from  the 
 mouth  of  the  Litany  to  Arka,  a  distance  of  nearly 
 It'O  miles,  and  is  composed  chiefly  of  Jiu'a  linie- 
 sloiie,  but  varied  with  sjuidstonc  and  basalt.  [Lk- 
 iiA.NON.]  [h)  Anti-libanus.  This  ranue,  :us  the 
 name  implies,  stands  over  against  Lebanon,  runninsx 
 in  the  sivme  direction,  i.  e.  nearly  north  and  south, 
 and  e.vli'iidiiig  the  same  length.  (c)  Rargylus. 
 Mount  liargylus,  called  now  Jelel  Nosniri  towards 
 the  south,  and  towards  the  north  Jcbcl  Krnnd,  ex- 
 U'WiU  from  thr  mouth  of  the  Xnhr-cl-h'chir  [VAcu- 
 therus),  nojuly  opposite  Hems,  to  the  vicinity  of 
 Antiwh,  n  distance  of  rather  more  than  100  miles. 
 
 SYRIA 
 
 One  of  the  western  spurs  terminates  in  a  remark- 
 able headland,  known  to  the  ancients  as  Mount 
 Casius,  and  now  allied  Jebet-cl-Akra,  or  the  "  Bald 
 Mountiiin."  id)  Amanus.  North  of  the  mouth 
 of  the  Orontes,  between  its  course  and  the  e;jstem 
 shore  of  the  Gulf  of  Issus  {Iskanderun),  lies  the 
 range  of  Amanus,  which  divides  Syria  from  Cilicia. 
 Its  average  elevation  is  5000  feet,  and  it  terminates 
 abruptly  at  Ras-el-Khanzir,  in  a  high  clifl"  over- 
 hanging the  sea.  4.  The  Rivers. — The  principal 
 rivei-s  of  Syria  are  the  Litany  and  the  Orontes. 
 The  Litany  springs  from  a  small  lake  situateil  in 
 the  middle  of  the  Coele-syrian  valley,  about  six 
 miles  to  the  south-west  of  Baalbek.  It  enters  the 
 sea  about  5  miles  north  of  Tyre.  The  souix*  of 
 the  Orontes  is  but  about  15  miles  from  that  of  the 
 Litany.  Its  modern  name  is  the  Nnhr-el-Asi,  or 
 "  Rebel  Stream,"  an  appellation  given  to  it  on  ac- 
 count of  its  violence  and  impetuosity  in  many  parts 
 of  its  course.  The  other  Syrian  stre:ims  of  some 
 consequence,  besides  the  Litany  and  the  Orontes,  are 
 the  Barada  or  river  of  Dam;iscus,  the  A'oveik,  or 
 river  of  Aleppo,  and  the  Snjur,  a  tributary  of  the 
 Euphrates.  5.  The  Lakes. — The  principal  lakes  ot 
 Syria  are  the  Ai]h-Deiujiz,  or  Lake  of  Antioch  ;  the 
 Sahahhah,  or  Salt  Lake,  between  Aleppo  and  Balis  ; 
 the  Bahr-el-Kades,  on  the  upper  Orontes ;  and  the 
 5«/ir-c/-J/e/7 ,  or  Lake  of  D:imascus.  6.  The  Great 
 Valley. — By  far  the  most  important  pai-t  of  Syria, 
 and  on  the  whole  its  most  striking  feature,  is  the 
 great  valley  which  reaches  from  the  plain  of  Uink, 
 near  Antioch,  to  the  narrow  gorge  on  which  the 
 Litany  enters  in  about  lat.  33°  30'.  This  valley, 
 which  runs  nearly  parallel  with  the  Syrian  const, 
 extends  the  length  of  230  miles,  and  has  a  width 
 varying  from  6  or  8  to  15  or  20  miles.  The  more 
 southern  portion  of  it  was  known  to  the  ancients 
 as  Coele-syria,  or  "  the  Hollow  Syria,"  and  ha*  been 
 already  described.  [Cor.i.KSViUA.]  7.  The  North- 
 ern Highlands. — Northern  Syria,  especially  the  dis- 
 trict called  Commagene,  between  Taurus  and  the 
 Euphrates,  is  still  very  insuUiciently  explored.  It 
 seems  to  be  altogether  an  elevated  tract,  consisting 
 of  twisted  spurs  from  Taurus  and  Amanus,  with 
 narrow  valleys  between  them,  which  open  out  into 
 bare  and  sterile  plains.  The  highest  elevation  of 
 the  plateau  between  the  two  rivers  is  1500  feet; 
 and  this  height  is  reached  soon  after  leaving  the 
 Euphrates,  while  towards  the  west  the  decline  is 
 gradual.  8.  The  Eastern  Desert.  —  East  of  the 
 inner  mountain-chain,  and  south  of  the  cultivable 
 ground  about  Aleppo,  is  the  great  Syrian  Desert,  aii 
 elevated  dry  upland,  for  the  most  jwut  of  gypsum 
 and  marls,  producing  nothing  but  a  fiew  spam 
 bushes  of  wormwood,  and  the  usual  aromatic  plants 
 of  the  wildemess.  The  region  is  tmveised  with 
 difficultv,  and  has  never  been  accui-ately  suiveye<l. 
 The  most  remarkable  oasis  is  at  Palmyi-a,  where 
 there  are  fcvenil  small  streams  and  abundant  palm- 
 trees.  9.  Chief  Dirisiotis. — According  to  Stnibo, 
 Syria  Proper  was  dividinl  into  the  following  dis- 
 tricts:—  1.  CommagtMie;  2.  C'yrrhcsticji ;  3.  Se- 
 leucis;  4.  Coelc-.syria ;  and  5.  Damascene.  If  wo 
 take  its  limits,  however,  as  laid  down  al)ovc  (§  1), 
 we  must  add  to  these  districts  three  othei-s  :  Chaly- 
 Iwnitis,  or  the  country  about  Aleppo  ;  Chalcis  or 
 Chalcidic^,  a  small  tract  south  of  this.  al>oiit  the 
 lake  in  which  the  river  of  Alep])0  ends:  and  Pal- 
 myrdne,  or  the  desert  so  far  as  we  consider  it  to 
 have  been  Syrian.  10.  Principal  tou-n.i. — The 
 chief  towns   of  Syria  may  bo   thus   arrangt'd,  a.< 
 
SYRIA 
 
 nearly  iis  possible  in  the  order  of  their  importance: 
 1.  Antioch  ;  2.  Damascus;  3.  Apameia;  4.  Se- 
 leucia  ;  5.  Tadmor  or  Palmyra  ;  6.  Laodiceia ;  7. 
 Epiphaneia  (Hamath);  8.  Samosata ;  9.  Hiera- 
 polis  (Mabug)  ;  10.  Chalybon  ;  11.  Emesa  ;  12. 
 Heliopolis :  13.  Laodiceia  ad  Libanum ;  14.  Cyr- 
 rhus;  15.  Chalcis;  16.  Poseideium  ;  17.  Heiacleia  ; 
 18.  Gindarus;  19.  Zeugma;  20.  Thapsacus.  Of 
 these,  Samosata,  Zeugma,  Thapsacus,  are  on  the 
 Euphrates ;  Seleucia,  Laodiceia,  Poseideium,  and 
 Heracleia,  on  the  sea-shore ;  Antioch,  Apameia, 
 Epiphaneia,  and  Emesa  {Hems)  on  the  Orontes ; 
 Heliopolis  and  Laodiceia  ad  Libanum,  in  Coele- 
 syiia  ;  Hierapolis,  Chalybon,  Cyrrhus,  Chalcis,  and 
 Gindarus,  in  the  northern  highlands  ;  Damascus  on 
 the  skirts,  and  Palmyra,  in  the  centre  of  the  eastern 
 desert.  11.  History. — The  first  occupants  of  Syria 
 appear  to  have  been  of  Hamitic  descent.  The  Ca- 
 naanitish  races,  the  Hittites,  Jebusites,  Amorites, 
 &c.,  are  connected  in  Scriptuie  with  Egypt  and 
 Ethiopia,  Cush  and  Mizraim  (Gen.  x.  6  and  15-18). 
 Tliese  tribes  occupied  not  Palestine  only,  but  also 
 Lower  Syria,  in  very  early  times  as  we  may  gather 
 from  the  fact  that  Hamath  is  assigned  to  them  in 
 Genesis  (s.  18).  Afterwards  they  seem  to  have  be- 
 come possessed  of  Upper  Syria  also.  After  a  while 
 the  first  comers,  who  were  still  to  a  great  extent 
 nomads,  received  a  Shemitic  infusion,  which  most 
 probably  came  to  them  ti-om  the  south-east.  The 
 only  Syrian  town  whose  existence  we  find  distinctly 
 marked  at  this  time  is  Damascus  (Gen.  xiv.  15 ; 
 XV.  2),  which  appears  to  have  been  already  a  place 
 of  some  importance.  Next  to  Damascus  must  be 
 placed  Hamath  fNum.  xiii.  21,  xxxiv.  8;-  Syria 
 at  this  time,  and  for  many  centuries  afterwards, 
 seems  to  have  been  broken  up  among  a  number  of 
 petty  kingdoms.  The  Jews  first  come  into  hostile 
 contact  with  the  Syrians,  under  that  name,  in  the 
 time  of  David.  Claiming  the  frontier  of  the  Eu- 
 phrates, which  God  had  promised  to  Abraham  (Gen. 
 XV.  18;,  David  made  war  on  Hadadczer,  king  of 
 Zobah  (2  Sam.  viii.  3,  4,  13).  The  Damascene 
 Syrians  were  likewise  defeated  with  great  loss  (ib. 
 ver.  5).  Zobah,  however,  was  far  from  being 
 subdued  as  yet.  When,  a  few  years  later,  the 
 Anuiiouites  determined  on  engaging  in  a  war  with 
 David,  and  applied  to  the  Syrians  for  aid,  Zobah, 
 together  with  Beth-Rehob,  sent  them  20,000  foot- 
 men, and  two  other  Syrian  kingdoms  furnished 
 13,000  (2  Sam.  x.  6).  This  army  being  completely 
 defeated  by  Joab,  Hadadezer  obtained  aid  from 
 Mesopotamia  (ib.  ver.  16),  and  tried  the  chance  of 
 a  third  battle,  which  likewise  went  against  him, 
 and  produced  the  general  submission  of  Syria  to 
 the  Jewish  monarch.  The  submission  thus  begun 
 continued  under  the  reign  of  Solomon  ( 1  K.  iv.  2 1 ). 
 The  only  part  of  Syria  which  Solomon  lost  seems  to 
 have  been  Damascus,  where  an  independent  kingdom 
 was  set  up  by  Rezon,  a  native  of  Zobah  (1  K.  xi. 
 23-25).  On  the  separation  of  the  two  kingdoms, 
 soon  after  the  accession  of  Rehoboam,  the  remainder 
 of  Syria  no  doubt  shook  olT  the  yoke.  Damascus 
 now  became  decidedly  the  leading  state,  Hamath 
 being  second  to  it,  and  the  northern  Hittites,  whose 
 capital  was  Carchemish  near  Bamhuk,  third.  [Da- 
 mascus.] Syria  became  attached  to  the  great 
 Assyrian  empire,  from  which  it  passed  to  the  Baby- 
 lonians, and  from  them  to  the  Persians.  In  B.C. 
 333  it  submitted  to  Alexander  without  a  strugijle. 
 Upon  the  death  of  Alexander  Syria  became,  for  the 
 first  time,  the  head  of  a  great  kingdom.     On  the 
 
 SYRIA 
 
 911 
 
 division  of  the  provinces  among  his  generals  (u.  c. 
 321),  Seleucus  Nicator  received  Mesopotamia  and 
 Syria.  Antioch  was  begun  in  B.  C.  300,  and,  benig 
 finished  in  a  few  years,  was  made  the  capital  of 
 Seleucus'  kingdom.  The  country  grew  rich  with 
 the  wealth  which  now  flowed  into  it  on  all  sides. 
 The  history  of  Syria  under  the  Seleucid  princes  has 
 been  already  given  in  detail,  in  the  articles  treating 
 of  each  monarch  [Antiochus,  Demetrius,  Se- 
 leucus, &c.].  The  most  flourishing  period  was 
 the  reign  of  the  founder,  Nieator.  The  empire  was 
 then  almost  as  laige  as  that  of  the  Achemenian 
 Persians,  for  it  at  one  time  included  Asia  Minor, 
 and  thus  reached  fiom  the  Egean  to  India.  The 
 reign  of  Nicator's  son,  Antiochus  I.,  called  Soter, 
 was  the  beginning  of  the  decline,  which  was  pro- 
 gi-essive  from  his  date.  It  passed  under  the  fiower 
 of  Tigranes,  king  of  Annenia,  in  B.  C.  83,  and  was 
 not  made  a  province  of  the  Roman  Empire  till  after 
 Pompey's  complete  defeat  of  Mithridates  and  his 
 ally  Tigi-anes,  B.  c.  64.  As  Syria  holds  an  impoil- 
 ant  place,  not  only  in  the  Old  Testament,  but  in  the 
 New,  some  account  of  its  condition  under  the  Ro- 
 mans must  how  be  given.  That  condition  was 
 somewhat  peculiar.  While  the  country  generally 
 was  formed  into  a  Roman  province,  under  governors 
 who  were  at  first  propraetors  or  quaestois,  then 
 proconsuls,  and  finally  legates,  there  were  exempted 
 from  the  direct  rule  of  the  governor,  in  the  first 
 place,  a  number  of  "  fiee  cities,"  which  retained  the 
 administration  of  their  own  affairs,  subject  to  a 
 tribute  levied  according  to  the  Roman  principles  of 
 taxation  ;  and  2ndly,  a  number  of  tracts,  which 
 were  assigned  to  petty  princes,  commonly  natives, 
 to  be  ruled  at  their  pleasure,  subject  to  the  same 
 obligations  with  the  fiee  cities  as  to  taxation.  The 
 free  cities  were  Antioch,  Seleucia,  Apameia,  Epi- 
 phaneia, Tripolis,  Sidon,  and  Tyre  ;  the  principali- 
 ties, Comagen^,  Chalcis  ad  Belum  (near  Baalbek), 
 Arethusa,  Abila  or  Abilene,  Palmyra,  and  Damas- 
 cus. The  principalities  were  sometimes  called  king- 
 doms, sometimes  tetrarchies.  They  were  established 
 where  it  was  thought  that  the  natives  were  so  in- 
 veterately  wedded  to  their  own  customs,  and  so 
 well  disposed  for  revolt,  that  it  was  necessary  to 
 consult  their  feelings,  to  flatter  the  national  vanity, 
 and  to  give  them  the  semblance  without  the  sub- 
 stance of  fieedom.  The  list  of  the  goveinors  of 
 Syria,  from  its  conquest  by  the  Romans  to  the  de- 
 struction of  Jerusalem,  has  been  made  out  with  a 
 near  ajipi-oach  to  accuracy,  and  is  as  follows  : — 
 
 Dnte  of      Date  01 
 Names.  Titles  of  office.        enlering  quittius 
 
 office.      office. 
 M.  Aemilius  Scaurus  .    '  Q«aest»r  pro 
 
 I  praetore  .  b.c.  62  .  e.g.  61 
 L.  Marcius  Pbilippus  .  .  Propraetor  .  .  61  .  .  59 
 Lentulu.s  Marcellinus .     .   Propraetor    .    .    59    .    .    57 
 
 Gabinius Proconsul     .    .    56    .    .    55 
 
 Orassus .     .     55     .     .     53 
 
 Cassius Quaestor  ...    53    ..    51 
 
 M.  Calpurnius  Bibulus  •  Proconsul  .  .  51  .  .  47 
 Sext.  Julius  Ca'sar  ...  .    .    47    .    .    46 
 
 Q.  Caecilius  Bassus.  .  .  Praetor  ...  46  ..  44 
 (Q.  Cornificius  .  .  .  ,  received  authority  from  the 
 (L.  Statius  Murcus.  .  I  Senate  to  dispossess  Base  as, 
 (Q.  Marcius  Crispus     .     •     but  failed  ) 
 
 C.  Cassius  Longinus 
 L.  Decidius  Saxa  . 
 P.  Ventidins  Bassus 
 C.  .Sosius  .... 
 L.  JVlunatius  Plancus 
 
 Proconsul 
 .   Legatus 
 .   IjCgatiis 
 .   Legatus 
 
 Legatus 
 
 L.  Calpurnius  Bibulus     .  Legatus  . 
 
 y.  Didius Legatus  . 
 
 M.  Valerius  Messalla  .     .  I>>gatus  . 
 
 Varro Legatus  . 
 
 J  I.  Vipsanius  Agrippa    .  Legatus  . 
 
 40 
 38 
 35 
 31 
 30 
 29 
 24 
 22 
 
 B.C.  42 
 
 .  40 
 .  38 
 .  35 
 .  32 
 .     31 
 
912  SYRIA 
 
 Dfttc  of      DAto  of 
 Names.  Titles  of  ofHce.        eiileiiiig  quitting 
 
 cilice,      olticd. 
 
 M.  TuUius Lcpitus    ...     19  (?) 
 
 jl.  Vipsaiiius  Agrippa    .   Legutus    ...     15 
 
 M.  Titius Legatus    .    .    .     11     .    .      7 
 
 C.  S -ntius  Satuminus .     .   lyegatus    ...       7     .     .      3 
 P.  Quiiitilius  Varus     .     .   Legatus    ...       3    .   A.D.  5 
 P.  Sulpicius  Quirinus  .     .    Logatus   .    .     a.d.  5 
 Q.    Caccilius    McteUns     (  t  „citus  17 
 
 Creticus  Silanus  .    .     )  '^<'e'«"S     •    •    •  " 
 
 M.  Culpurnius  Piso     .     .    lyegatus    ...     17     ..     19 
 Cn.  Sontius  Satuminus    .   I'rok'gatus    .     .     19 
 |j.  Ponipouius  Flaccus     .   Propraetor    .     .     'I'l    .    .    33 
 
 I,.  Vitellius Legatus    ...     35     ..     39 
 
 P.  Petronius Legatus    ...    39    ..    42 
 
 Vibius  Marsus  ....  Legatus  .  .  .  4'.J  .  .  48 
 (J.  C;i.ssius  Longinus  .  .  Legatus  .  .  .  4.S  .  .  51 
 r.  Nuniidius*  Quadratus  L'gatus  ...  51  ..  60 
 Itomitius  Corbulo    .     .     .   Legatus    ...     60     ..     63 
 
 Cincius lyegatus    ...     63 
 
 C.  Cestius  Gallus  .  .  .  Legatus  ...  65  ..  67 
 P.  Licinius  Mucianus .    .  Legatus    ...    67    ..    69 
 
 The  history  of  Syria  during  the  period  may  be 
 sumnied  up  in  a  few  words.  Down  to  the  battle 
 of  Phai&ilia,  Syria  was  fairly  tranquil,  the  only 
 troubles  being  with  the  Arabs,  who  occasionally  at- 
 tacked the  eastern  fiontier.  The  Roman  governor 
 jaboui-ed  hard  to  raise  the  condition  of  the  province, 
 taking  gi-eat  pains  to  restore  the  citie.*;,  which  had 
 gone  to  decay  under  the  later  Seleucidae.  After 
 Pharsalia  (n.C.  4(5)  the  troubles  of  Syria  were 
 renewed.  Julius  Caesar  gave  the  province  to  his 
 relative  Se.xtus  in  B.C.  47 ;  but  Pompey's  party 
 was  still  so  strong  in  the  East,  that  in  the  ne.\t  year 
 one  of  his  fidherents,  Caeciliiis  Bassus,  put  Sextus 
 to  death,  and  established  himself  in  the  government 
 so  firmly  that  he  was  able  to  resist  for  three  yeai-s 
 three  proconsuls  appointed  by  the  Senate  to  dis- 
 possess him,  and  only  finally  yielded  upon  terms 
 which  he  himself  offered  to  his  antagonists.  Bassus 
 had  but  just  made  his  submission,  when,  upon  the 
 as.sas.sination  of  Cae.sar,  .Syria  was  disputed  between 
 Cassius  and  Dolabellu,  the  friend  of  Antony,  a  dis- 
 pute terminated  by  the  suicide  of  Dolabella,  B.C.  43. 
 The  ne.tt  year  C;is»ius  left  his  province  and  went  to 
 Philippi,  where,  after  the  lirst  unsuccessful  engage- 
 ment, he  too  committed  suicide.  Syria  then  fell 
 to  Antony,  who  appointed  as  his  legate,  L.  Decidius 
 Saxa,  in  B.C.  41.  Pacorus,  the  crown-piince  of 
 Parthia,  son  of  Arsaces  XIV.,  assisted  by  the  Roman 
 refugee,  Labienus.  overran  Syria  and  Asia  Minor, 
 defeating  Antony's  generals,  and  threatening  Rome 
 with  the  lo.ss  of  all  her  Asiatic  possessions  (B.C.  40- 
 39).  Ventidius,  however,  in  B.C.  38,  defeated  the 
 Parthians,  slew  Pacorus,  and  recovered  for  Rome 
 her  former  boundary.  A  quiet  time  followed.  In 
 B.C.  27  took  place  that  foimal  division  of  the  pro- 
 vinces between  Augu.stus  and  the  .Senate  from  which 
 the  imperial  administrative  sy.'*tem  dates  ;  and  Svria, 
 benig  fiom  its  exposed  situation  among  the  pro- 
 vinciae  principis,  continued  to  be  ruled  by  legates, 
 ■\Av»  weie  of  consuiai-  rank  (consularcs)  and  bore 
 severally  the  full  title  of  "Legatus  .Augusti  pro 
 praetoie."  Judaea  occupied  a  peculiar  position. 
 A  special  procuratoi'  was  theretbie  appointed  to 
 rule  it,  who  was  subordinate  to  the  governor  of 
 Syrin,  but  within  his  own  province  had  the  powei- 
 of  a  legatus.  .Syria  continued  without  .sei-ious  dis- 
 turbance fiom  the  expulsion  of  the  Parthians  (n.C 
 'Mil  to  the  breaking  out  of  the  .Jewish  war(A.I>. 
 66).  In  B.C.  19  it  w;is  visited  by  Augustus,  and 
 in  A.D.  18-19  by  Gennaniciis,  who  died  at  Antioih 
 in  the  last-iumied  year.     In  A.D,  44-47  it  was  the 
 
 •  Called  "  Viuidius  "  by  T.icHus. 
 
 TABBATH 
 
 scene  of  a  severe  famine.  \  little  earlier  Ciiristi- 
 anity  had  begun  to  .spread  into  it,  partly  by  nie.inc 
 of  those  who  '•  were  scattered "  at  the  time  of 
 Stephen's  persecution  (Acts  xi.  19),  partly  by  the 
 exertions  of  St.  Paul  (Gal.  i.  21).  The  Syrian 
 Church  soon  grew  to  be  one  of  the  most  flourishing 
 (Acts  xiii.  1,  XV.  23,  35,41,  &c.). 
 Syriac  Versions.  [V'Ettsioxs,  Syriac] 
 Sy'ro-Phoenic'ian  occui-s  only  in  M.-uk  vii.  26. 
 The  coinage  of  the  words  "  Syio-Phoenicia,"  and 
 "  Syro-Phoenicians,"  seems  to  have  been  the  work 
 of  the  Romans,  though  it  is  dii¥cult  to  say  exactly 
 what  they  intended  by  the  expressions.  They  de- 
 noted perhaps  a  mixed  race,  half-Phoenicians  and 
 half-Syrians.  In  later  times  a  geographic  sense  of 
 the  terms  superseded  the  ethnic  one.  The  Kmperor 
 Hadrian  divide<l  Syria  into  three  parts,  Syria  Proper, 
 Syro-Phoenice,  and  Syria  Palaestina ;  and  henceforth 
 a  Syro-Phoenician  meant  a  native  of  this  sub-pro- 
 vince, which  included  Phoenicia  Proper,  Damascus, 
 and  Palmyrene.  It  is  perhaps  most  probable  that 
 St.  Jlark  really  wrote  2upa  ^olviffaa,  "  a  Phoe- 
 nician Syrian,"  which  is  found  in  some  copies. 
 
 Ta'anach.  An  ancient  Canaanitish  city,  whose 
 king  is  enumerated  amongst  the  thirty-one  con- 
 quered by  Jo.shua  (Josh.  xii.  21).  It  came  into 
 the  half  tribe  of  Manasseh  (Josh.  xvii.  11,  xxi.  25  ; 
 1  Chr.  vii.  29),  and  was  bestowed  on  the  Kohatiiite 
 Levites  (Josh.  xxi.  25.)  Taanach  is  almost  always 
 named  in  company  with  Megiddo,  and  they  were 
 evidently  the  chief  towns  of  that  fine  rich  district 
 which  forms  the  western  portion  of  the  great  plain 
 of  Ksdraelon  (1  K.  iv.  12),  There  it  is  still  to  be 
 found,  nie  identification  of  Ta'annuk  with  Taa- 
 nach, may  be  taken  as  one  of  the  surest  in  the 
 whole  Sacred  Topography.  It  was  known  to  Eu- 
 sebius  and  to  hap-Parchi,  the  Jewish  mediaeval 
 traveller,  and  it  still  stiuids  about  4  miles  south-east 
 of  Lcjjiin,  ret;iining  its  old  name  with  hardly  the 
 change  of  a  letter. 
 
 Ta'anath  -  Shi'loh.  A  place  named  once  only 
 (Josh.  xvi.  6)  as  one  of  the  landmarks  of  the 
 boundary  of  Kphraim,  but  of  which  boundary  it 
 seems  impo.ssible  to  ascertjiin.  All  we  can  tell  is, 
 that  at  this  part  the  enumeration  is  from  w<!st 
 to  east,  Janohah  being  east  of  Taanath  Shiloh.  Ja- 
 nohah  has  been  identitied  with  some  probability  at 
 }\mun,  on  the  road  from  Ndblns  to  the  Joixlau 
 Valley.  The  name  Tana,  or  Ain  TdtM,  seems  to 
 exist  in  that  direction.  In  a  list  of  jilaces  contained 
 in  the  Talmud,  Ta'inath  Shiloh  is  said  to  I*  iden- 
 tical with  SiilLOH.  Kurtz's  view,  that  Taanath 
 Wiis  the  ancient  Canaanite  name  of  the  place,  .and 
 Shiloh  the  Hebrew  name,  is  ingenious,  but  at  pre- 
 sent it  is  a  mere  conjecture. 
 
 Tab'aoth.     Tahbaotii(1  Esd.  v.  29). 
 
 Tab'baoth.  Tiie  chil<iien  of  Tabbaofh  were  a 
 fimilv  of  Netiiinim  wlio  returnal  with  Zerubbabel 
 (Ezr.'ii.  43  ;   Neh.  vii.  46). 
 
 Tat>'bath.  A  jd.ace  mentioned  only  in  Judg. 
 vii.  22,  in  <le.scribing  the  flight  of  the  Midianit* 
 host  after  Gideon's  niglit  att;ick.  The  host  Hed 
 to  Beth->hittah.  to  Zeierah,  to  the  brink  ofAW- 
 menol.-dl  on  T;vbl>ath.  I'.eth-sliittah  m.ay  be  Shiitt'i/i, 
 whicli  lies  on  the  open  plain  between  Jcbel  Fiikuc. 
 and   Jchcl   Puli;/,  4  niile<  ea4  of  Ain  Jalud,  the 
 
TABEAL 
 
 probable  scene  of  Gideon's  onslaught.  But  no  at 
 tempt  seems  to  have  been  made  to  identity  Tabbath, 
 nor  does  any  name  resembling  it  ajijipar  in  the 
 books  or  maps,  unless  it  be  Tubukhat-Fahil,  i.  e. 
 "Terrace  of  Fahil." 
 
 Tab'eal.  The  son  of  Tabeal  was  apparently  an 
 Ephiaimite  in  the  army  of  Fekah  the  son  of  Rema- 
 liah,  or  a  Syrian  in  the  army  of  Rezin,  when  they 
 went  up  to  besiege  Jerusalem  in  the  reign  of  Ahaz 
 (Is.  vii.  6).  The  Aramaic  form  of  the  name  fa- 
 vours the  latter  supposition. 
 
 Tab'eel.  An  officer  of  the  Persian  government 
 in  Samaiia  in  the  reign  of  Artaxer.xes  (Ezr.  iv.  7). 
 His  name  appears  to  indicate  that  he  was  a  Syrian. 
 
 Tabel'lius.    (1  Esdr.  ii.  16.)    [Tabeel.] 
 
 Tab'erah.  The  name  of  a  place  in  the  wilder- 
 ness of  Paran  (Num.  xi.  3  ;  Deut.  ix.  22).  It  has 
 not  been  identified. 
 
 Tabering.  The  obsolete  word  thus  used  in  the 
 A.  V.  of  Nah.  ii.  7  requires  some  explanation.  The 
 Hebrew  woid  connects  itself  with  toph,  "  a  tim- 
 brel." The  A.  V.  reproduces  the  oiiginal  idea. 
 The  "  tabour"  or  "  tabor"  was  a  musical  instru- 
 ment of  the  drum-type,  which  with  the  pipe  formed 
 the  band  of  a  country  village.  To  "  tabour,"  ac- 
 cordingly, is  to  beat  with  loud  strokes  as  men  beat 
 upon  such  an  instrument. 
 
 Tabernacle.  The  description  of  the  Tabernacle 
 and  its  materials  will  be  found  under  Temple. 
 Here  it  remains  for  us  to  treat — (I)  of  the  word 
 and  its  synonyms  ;  (2)  of  the  history  of  the  Taber- 
 nacle itself;  (3)  of  its  relation  to  the  religious  life 
 of  Israel ;  (4)  of  the  theories  of  later  times  respect- 
 ing it.— I.  The  Word  and  its  Synonyms.— (1.) 
 The  first  word  used  (Ex.  x.w.  9)  is  Mislicmi  = 
 dwelling.  It  connects  itself  with  the  .Jewish,  though 
 not  Scriptm-al,  word  Shechinah,  as  describing  the 
 dwelling-place  of  the  Divine  Glory.  It  is  not 
 applied  in  prose  to  the  common  dwellings  of  men, 
 but  seems  to  belong  rather  to  the  speech  of  poetry 
 (Ps.  Ixxxvii.  2  ;  Cant.  i.  8).  (2.)  Another  woid, 
 however,  is  also  used,  more  connected  with  the 
 common  life  of  men  ;  ohel,  the  "  tent "  of  the 
 Patriarchal  age  of  Abiaham,  and  of  Jacob  (Gen. 
 ix.  21,  &c.).  For  the  most  part,  as  needing  some- 
 thing to  raise  it,  it  is  used,  when  applied  to  the 
 Sacred  Tent,  with  some  distinguishing  epithet.  In 
 one  passage  only  (1  K.  i.  39)  does  it  appear  with 
 this  ;neaning  by  itself  (3.)  Baith  is  applied  to 
 the  Tabei-nacle  in  Ex.  xxiii.  19,  xxxiv.  26;  Josh.  vi. 
 24,  ix.  23;  Judg.  xviii.  31,  xx.  18,  as  it  had  been, 
 apparently,  to  the  tents  of  the  Patriarchs  (Gen. 
 xxxiii.  17).  So  far  as  it  diHers  fiom  the  two  pre- 
 ceding words,  it  expiesses  more  definitely  the  idea  of 
 a  fixed  settled  habitation.  (^4.)  Kodesh,  Mikddsh, 
 the  holy,  consecrated  place,  and  theiefore  applied, 
 according  to  the  graduated  scale  of  holiness  of  which 
 the  Tabernacle  bore  witness,  sometimes  to  the  whole 
 structure  (Ex.  xxv.  8  ;  Lev.  xii.  4j,  sometimes  to 
 the  court  into  which  none  but  the  priests  might 
 enter  (Lev.  iv.  6  ;  Num.  iii.  38,  iv.  12),  sometimes 
 to  the  innermost  sanctuary  of  all,  the  Holy  of 
 Holies  (Lev.  iv.  6  ?).  (5.)  Hecal,  as  meaning  the 
 stately  building,  or  palace  of  Jehovah  (1  Chr.  xxix. 
 1.  19),  is  applied  more  commonly  to  the  Temple 
 (2  K.  xxiv.  13,  &c.),  but  was  used  also  of  the  Ta- 
 bernacle at  Shiloh  (1  Sam.  i.  9,  iii.  3)  and  Jerusalem 
 (Ps.  v.  7).  (6.)  The  two  words  (1)  and  (2)  re- 
 ceive a  new  meaning  in  combination  (a.)  with 
 mo' id,  and  (6.)  with  ha'eduth.  To  understand  the 
 full  meaning  of  the  distinctive  titles  thus  formed  is 
 Con.  D.  B. 
 
 TABERNACLE 
 
 913 
 
 to  possess  the  key  to  the  significance  of  the  whole 
 Tabernacle,  (a.)  The  real  meaning  of  the  word  is 
 to  be  found  in  what  may  be  called  the  locus  clas- 
 sictis,  as  the  interpretation  of  all  words  connected 
 with  the  Tabernacle  (Ex.  xxix.  42-46).  It  is  clear 
 that  "  congiegatiou  "  is  inadequate.  Not  the  ga- 
 thering of  the  worshippers  only,  but  the  meeting 
 of  God  with  His  people,  to  commune  with  them,  to 
 make  himself'  known  to  them,  was  what  the  name 
 embodied.  (7.)  The  other  compound  phrase,  (6.) 
 is  rightly  rendered  "the  tent  of  the  testimony" 
 (Num.  ix.  15),  "the  tabernacle  of  witness"  (Num. 
 xvii.  7,  xviii.  2).  In  this  case  the  tent  derives  its 
 name  from  that  which  is  the  centie  of  its  holiness. 
 The  two  tables  of  stone  within  the  ark  aie  empha- 
 tically </*<?  testimony  (Ex.  xxv.  16,  21,  xx.\i.  18). 
 —II.  History. — (1.)  The  outward  history  of  the 
 Tabernacle  begins  with  Ex.  xxv.  It  comes  after 
 the  first  great  gioup  of  Laws  (xix.-xxiii.),  after 
 the  covenant  with  the  people,  after  the  vision  of 
 the  Divine  Glory  (xxiv.).  For  forty  days  and 
 nights  Moses  is  in  the  mount.  There  rose  before 
 him,  not  without  points  of  contact  with  previous 
 associations,  yet  in  no  degree  formed  out  of  them, 
 the  "  pattern  "  of  the  Tabernacle.  He  is  directed 
 in  his  choice  of  the  two  chief  artists,  Bezaleel  of 
 the  tribe  of  Judah,  Aholiab  of  the  tribe  of  Dan 
 (xxxi.).  The  sin  of  the  golden  calf  apparently 
 postpones  the  execution.  As  in  a  transition  period, 
 the  whole  future  depending  on  the  penitence  of  the 
 people,  on  the  intercession  of  their  leader,  a  te:it  is 
 pitched,  piobably  that  of  Moses  himself,  outside  the 
 camp,  to  be  provisionally  the  Tabernacle  of  Meeting. 
 Of  this  provisional  Tabernacle  it  has  to  be  noticed, 
 that  there  was  as  yet  no  ritual  and  no  priesthood. 
 The  people  went  out  to  it  as  to  an  oracle  (Ex. 
 xxxiii.  7).  (2.)  Another  outline  Law  was  however 
 given  ;  another  period  of  solitude,  like  the  first, 
 followed.  The  work  could  now  be  resumed.  The 
 people  offered  the  necessary  materials  in  excess  of 
 what  was  wanted  (Ex.  xxxvi.  5,  6).  Other  work- 
 men (Ex.  xxxvi.  2)  and  work-women  (Ex.  xxxv. 
 2.5)  placed  themselves  mider  the  direction  of  Beza- 
 leel and  Aholiab.  The  parts  were  completed  separ- 
 ately, and  then,  on  the  first  day  of  the  second  year 
 from  the  Exodus,  the  Tabernacle  itself  was  erected 
 and  the  ritual  appointed  for  it  begun  (Ex.  xl.  2). 
 (3.)  The  position  of  the  new  Tent  was  itself  signi- 
 ficant. It  stood,  not,  like  the  provisional  Tabernacle, 
 at  a  distance  fiom  the  camp,  but  in  its  very  centre. 
 The  Priests  on  the  east,  the  other  three  families 
 of  the  Levites  on  the  other  sides,  were  closest  in 
 attendance,  the  "  body-guard  "  of  the  Great  King. 
 In  the  wider  square,  Judah,  Zebulun,  Issachar,  were 
 on  the  east ;  Ephraim,  Manasseh,  Benjamin,  on  the 
 west;  the  less  conspicuous  tribes,  Dan,  Asher, 
 Naphtali,  on  the  north ;  Keuben,  Simeon,  Gad,  on 
 the  south  side.  When  the  army  put  itself  in  order 
 of  march,  the  position  of  the  Tabernacle,  carried  by 
 the  Levites,  was  still  central,  the  tribes  of  the  east 
 and  south  in  front,  those  of  the  north  and  west  in 
 the  rear  (Num.  ii.).  (4.)  In  all  special  facts  con- 
 nected with  the  Tabernacle,  the  original  thought 
 reappears.  It  is  the  place  wheie  man  meets  with 
 God.  (5.)  As  long  as  Cana;in  remained  uncon- 
 quered,  and  the  people  were  still  theiefore  an  army, 
 the  Tabernacle  was  probably  moved  from  place  to 
 place,  wherever  the  host  of  Israel  was,  tor  the  time, 
 encamped;  and,  finally,  was  placed  at  Shiloh  (Josh. 
 ix.  27,  xviii.  1).  The  reasons  of  the  choice  are  not 
 given.     Partly,  perhaps,  its  central  position,  partly 
 
914 
 
 TABERNACLE 
 
 its  belonging  to  the  powerful  tiibo  of  Kphniini, 
 the  tiihe  of  the  great  captain  of  the  host,  may 
 have  determiiiod  the  i)reference.  Theie  it,  continued 
 dniiiig  the  whole  period  of  the  Judi;ps.  There,  too, 
 as  the  religion  of  Israel  sunk  towards  the  level  of 
 an  orgiastic  Heathenism,  troops  of  women  assembled, 
 shameless  as  those  ot  Midian,  worshippers  of  Je- 
 hovah, and  concubines  of  His  priests  (1  Sam.  ii.  22). 
 (6.)  A  state  of  things  which  was  rajiidly  assimil- 
 ating the  worship  of  Jehovah  to  that  of  Ashtaroth, 
 or  Mylitta,  needed  to  be  broken  up.  The  Ark  of 
 God  was  taken  and  the  Simctuary  lost  its  glory : 
 and  the  Tabernacle,  tliough  it  did  not  perish,  never 
 again  recovered  it  (1  Sam.  iv.  22).  It  probably 
 became  once  again  a  moveable  sanctuaiy,  less  ho- 
 noured as  no  longer  possessing  the  symbol  of  the 
 Divine  Presence,  yet  cherished  by  the  priesthood, 
 and  some  portions,  at  least,  of  its  ritual,  kept  up. 
 For  a  time  it  seems,  under  Saul,  to  have  been  settled 
 at  Nou  (1  Sam.  xxi.  1-6).  The  massaoe  of  the 
 priests  and  the  flight  of  Abiathar  must,  however, 
 have  robbed  it  yet  further  of  its  glory.  It  had 
 befoie  lost  the  Ark.  It  now  lost  the  presence  of 
 the  High-Priest,  and  with  it  the  oracular  ephod, 
 the  Urim  and  the  Thummim  (1  Sam.  xxii.  20,  x.xiii. 
 6).  What  change  of  fortune  then  followed  we  do 
 not  know.  In  some  way  or  other,  it  found  its  way 
 to  Gibeon  (1  Chr.  xvi.  39).  The  capture  of  Jeru- 
 salem and  the  erection  there  of  a  new  Tabernacle, 
 with  the  ark,  of  which  the  old  had  been  deprived 
 (2  Sam.  vi.  17  ;  1  Chr.  xv.  1),  left  it  little  more 
 than  a  traditional,  historical  sanctity.  It  retained 
 only  the  old  altar  of  burnt-ott'erings  (I  Chr.  xxi. 
 29).  The  divided  worship  continued  all  the  days 
 of  David.  The  sanctity  of  both  places  was  recog- 
 nised by  Solomon  on  his  accession  (1  K.  iii.  15  ; 
 2  Chron.  i.  .S).  But  it  was  time  that  the  anomaly 
 should  cease.  The  purpose  of  Djivid  fulfilled  by 
 Solomon,  was  that  the  claims  of  both  should  merge 
 in  the  higher  glory  of  the  Temple.— III.  delation 
 to  the  religions  life  of  Israel. — (1.)  Whatever  con- 
 nexion may  be  traced  between  other  parts  of  the 
 ritual  of  Israel  and  that  of  the  nations  with  which 
 Israel  had  been  brought  into  contact,  the  thought 
 of  the  Tabernacle  meets  us  as  entirely  new.  The 
 "  house  of  God"  [Bkthkl]  of  the  Patriarchs  had 
 been  the  large  "  ]iillar  of  stone"  (Gen.  xxviii.  18, 
 19),  bearing  record  of  some  high  spiritual  experi- 
 ence, or  the  grove  which,  with  its  dim,  doubtful 
 light,  attuned  the  souls  of  men  to  a  divine  awe 
 (Gen.  xxi.  33).  A  sacred  tent,  a  moving  Bethel, 
 was  the  fit  sanctuary  for  a  people  still  nomadic. 
 It  was  capable  of  being  united  afterwards,  as  it 
 actually  came  to  be,  with  "  the  grove  "  of  the  older 
 cultns  (Josh.  xxiv.  26).  (2.)  The  structure  of  the 
 Tal)ernacle  was  obviously  determined  by  a  complex 
 and  profound  symbolism  ;  but  its  meaning  remains 
 one  of  the  things  at  which  we  can  but  dimly  guess. 
 No  interpretation  is  given  in  the  Law  itself.  That 
 which  meets  us  in  the  Kpistle  to  the  Hebrews,  the 
 applic.'\tion  of  the  types  of  the  Tabernacle  to  the 
 mysteries  of  Redemption,  was  latent  till  those  mys- 
 teries were  made  known.  And,  yet,  we  cannot  but 
 l)elieve  that,  as  each  portion  of  the  wonderful  order 
 rose  before  the  inward  eye  of  the  lawgiver,  it  must 
 h.ive  embo(lie<l  distinctly  manifold  truths  which  he 
 apprehendwi  himself,  and  sought  to  conmiunicate 
 to  others.  (3.)  The  thought  of  a  giaduated  sanc- 
 tity, like  that  of  the  outer  court,  the  Holy  Place, 
 the  Holy  of  Holies,  had  its  counterpart,  often  the 
 same  number  of  .st.ages,  in   the  structure  of  Kgyp- 
 
 TABERNACLE 
 
 tian  temples.  In  the  .Vdytum,  often  at  least,  was  the 
 sacred  ARK,  the  culminating  jjoint  of  holiness,  con- 
 taining the  highest  and  most  mysterious  symbols, 
 winged  figures,  generally  like  thosi;  of  the  cherubim, 
 the  emblems  of  stiibility  and  life.  Here  were  outw.'\rd 
 points  of  resemljlance.  Of  all  elements  of  Kgyptian 
 worship  this  was  one  which  could  be  transferred 
 with  least  hazard,  with  most  gain.  No  one  could 
 think  that  the  Ark  it.self  was  the  likeness  of  the 
 God  he  worshipped.  When  we  ask  what  gave  the 
 Ark  its  holiness,  we  are  led  on  at  once  to  the  infinite 
 difference,  the  great  gulf  between  the  two  systems. 
 That  of  Kgypt  was  predominantly  cosmical,  starting 
 from  the  productive  powers  of  nature.  That  of 
 Israel  was  predominantly  ethical.  In  the  depths 
 of  the  Holy  of  Holies,  and  for  the  high-priest  as 
 for  all  Israel,  there  was  the  revelation  of  a  righteous 
 Will  lequiring  righteousness  in  man.  And  over 
 the  Ark  was  the  Cuphereth  (Mkrcy-SEAt),  so 
 called  with  a  twofold  reference  to  the  root-meaning 
 of  the  word.  It  covered  the  Ark.  It  wa.s  the 
 witness  of  a  mercy  covering  sins.  And  over  the 
 Mercy-seat  were  the  Cherubim,  reproducing,  in 
 part  at  least,  the  symbolism  of  the  great  Hamitic 
 races.  Itepresenting  as  they  did  the  manifold  powers 
 of  nature,  created  life  in  its  highest  fonii,  their 
 over-shadowing  wings,  meeting  as  in  token  of 
 peifect  harmony,  declared  that  nature  as  well  as 
 man  found  its  highest  glory  in  subjection  to  a 
 Divine  Law,  that  men  might  take  refuge  in  that 
 Order,  as  under  the  shadow  of  the  wings  of  God. 
 The  material  not  less  than  the  forms,  in  the  Holy 
 of  Holies  was  significant.  The  acacia  or  shittim- 
 wood,  least  liable,  of  woods  then  accessible,  to  decay, 
 might  well  represent  the  imperishableness  of  Divine 
 Truth,  of  the  Laws  of  Duty.  Ark,  mercy-seat, 
 cherubim,  the  very  walls,  were  all  overlaid  with 
 gold,  the  noblest  of  all  metals,  the  symbol  of  light 
 and  purity,  sun-light  itself  as  it  were,  fixetl  and 
 embodied,  the  token  of  the  incorruptible,  of  the 
 glory  of  a  great  king.  Dimensions  also  had  their 
 meaning.  Difficult  as  it  may  be  to  feel  sure  that 
 we  have  the  key  to  the  enigma,  there  can  be  but 
 little  iloubt  that  the  older  leligious  systems  of  the 
 world  did  attiich  a  mysterious  significance  to  each 
 sei).irate  number ;  that  the  training  of  Moses,  as 
 afterwards  the  far  less  complete  initiation  of  Py- 
 thagoras in  the  symbolism  of  Egypt,  must  have 
 maile  that  transparently  clear  to  him,  which  to  us 
 is  almost  imi>enetrably  dark.  (4.)  Into  the  inner 
 sanctuary  neither  people  nor  the  piiests  as  a  body 
 ever  entered.  Strange  as  it  may  seem,  that  in 
 which  everything  represented  light  and  life  was 
 left  in  utter  darkness,  in  profound  solitude.  Once 
 only  in  the  year,  on  the  Day  of  Atonement, 
 might  the  high-priest  enter.  The  strange  contrast 
 has,  however,  its  parallel  in  the  spiritual  life. 
 Death  and  life,  light  and  d.arkness,  are  wonderfully 
 united.  Only  through  death  can  we  truly  live. 
 Only  by  p:issiiig  into  the  "  thick  darkness  "  where 
 (iod'  is  (Kx.  XX.  21  ;  1  K.  viii.  12)  can  we  enUr 
 at  all  into  the  "  light  inaccessible,"  in  which  He 
 dwells  everhustingly.  And  to  come  there  with 
 blood,  the  symbol  of  life,  touching  with  that  blood 
 the  mercy-seat,  with  incense,  the  symbol  of  adora- 
 tion (Lev.  xvi.  12-14),  what  di<l  that  express  but 
 the  truth,  (1)  that  man  must  draw  near  to  the 
 righteous  God  with  no  lower  offering  than  the  pure 
 worship  of  the  heart,  with  the  living  sacrifice  of 
 b(Kly,  soul,  and  spirit ;  (2)  that  could  such  a  |>er- 
 fcct  sacrifice  be  found,  it  would  have  a  mystenou* 
 
TABERNACLE 
 
 power  working  beyond  itself,  in  projiortion  to  its 
 perfection,  to  cover  the  multitude  of  sins?  (5.) 
 From  all  others,  from  the  hic!;h-priest  at  all  other 
 times,  the  Holy  of  Holies  was  shrouded  by  the 
 double  Veil,  bright  with  many  colours  and  strange 
 foiins,  even  as  curtains  of  golden  tissue  were  to  be 
 seen  hanging  before  the  Adytum  of  an  Egyptian 
 temple,  a  strange  contrast  often  to  the  bestial  form 
 behind  them.  The  veil  itself  represented  the  infin- 
 ite variety,  the  TToXviro'iKiKos  (ro<p'ia  of  the  Divine 
 order  in  Creation  (Eph.  iii.  10).  And  theie  again 
 were  seen  copied  upon  the  veil,  the  mysteiious  forms 
 of  the  cherubim  ;  how  many,  or  in  what  attitude, 
 or  of  what  size,  or  in  what  material,  we  are  not 
 told.  (6.)  The  outer  sanctuary  was  one  degree  less 
 awful  in  its  holiness  than  the  inner.  Silver,  the 
 type  of  Human  Purity,  took  the  place  of  gold,  the 
 type  of  the  Divine  Glory.  It  was  to  be  tiodden 
 daily  by  the  priests,  as  by  men  who  lived  in  the 
 perpetual  consciousness  of  the  nearness  of  God,  of 
 the  mystery  behind  the  veil.  Barefooted  and  in 
 garments  of  white  linen,  like  the  priests  of  Isis,  they 
 accomplished  their  ministrations.  And  here,  too, 
 there  were  other  emblems  of  Divine  realities.  With 
 no  opening  to  admit  light  from  without,  it  was  illu- 
 mined only  by  the  golden  lamp  with  its  seven 
 lights,  one  taller  than  the  others,  as  the  Sabbath  is 
 more  sacred  than  the  other  days  of  the  week,  never 
 all  extinguished  together,  the  perpetual  symbol  of 
 all  derived  gifts  of  wisdom  and  holiness  in  man, 
 reaching  their  mystical  perfection  when  they  shme 
 in  God's  sanctuary  to  His  glory  (Ex.  xxv.  31,  xxvii. 
 20;  Zech.  iv.  l-14j.  The  Shkw-bread,  the 
 "  bread  of  faces,"  of  the  Divine  Presence,  served  as 
 a  token  that,  though  there  was  no  form  or  likeness 
 of  the  Godhead,  He  was  yet  there,  accepting  all 
 offerings,  recognising  in  particular  that  special  ofi'er- 
 ing  which  represented  the  life  of  the  nation  at  once 
 m  the  distinctness  of  its  tribes  and  in  its  unity  as  a 
 people.  The  meaning  of  the  Altar  of  Incense 
 was  not  less  obvious.  The  cloud  of  fragrant  smoke 
 was  the  natural,  almost  the  universal,  emblem  of 
 the  heart's  adoration  (Ps.  cxli.  2).  Upon  that  altar 
 no  "  strange  fire  "  was  to  be  kindled.  When  fresh 
 fire  was  needed  it  was  to  be  taken  from  the  Altar 
 OF  Burnt-offering  in  the  outer  court  (Lev.  ix. 
 24,  X.  1).  (7.)  Outside  the  tent,  but  still  within 
 the  consecrated  precincts,  was  tiie  COURT,  fenced  in 
 by  an  enclosui'e,  yet  open  to  all  the  congregation  as 
 well  as  to  the  Levites,  those  only  excepted  who  were 
 ceremonially  unclean.  Here  therefore  stood  the 
 Altar  of  Burnt-offerings,  at  which  Sacri- 
 fices in  all  their  varieties  were  offered  by  penitent 
 or  thankful  worshippers  (Ex.  xxvii.  1-8 ;  xxxviii. 
 1),  the  brazen  Laver  at  which  those  worshippers 
 purified  themselves  before  they  sacririced,  the  priests 
 before  they  entered  into  the  sanctuary  (Ex.  xxx.  17- 
 21).  Here  the  graduated  scale  of  holiness  ended. 
 —  I'V.  Theories  of  later  times.  —  (1.)  It  is  not 
 probable  that  the  elaborate  symbolism  of  such  a 
 structure  was  understood  by  the  rude  and  sensual 
 multitude  that  came  out  of  Egypt.  Yet  it  was  not 
 the  less,  was  perhaps  the  more  fitted,  on  that  ac- 
 count to  be  an  instniment  for  the  education  of  the 
 people.  To  the  most  ignorant  and  debased  it  was 
 at  least  a  witness  of  the  nearness  of  the  Divine 
 King.  It  met  the  craving  of  the  human  heart 
 which  prompts  to  worship,  with  an  order  which  was 
 neither  idolatrous  nor  impure.  More  thoughtful 
 minds  were  led  inevitably  to  higher  truths.  If  the 
 words,  "  He  that  dwelleth  betveen  the  cherubim," 
 
 TABERNACLES,  FEAST  OF      915 
 
 spoke  on  the  one  side  of  a  sj>ecial,  localised  mani- 
 festation of  the  Divine  Presence,  they  spoke  also  on 
 the  other  of  that  Presence,  as  in  the  heaven  ot 
 heavens,  in  the  light  of  setting  suns,  in  the  blackness 
 and  the  flashes  of  the  thunder-clouds.  (2.)  The 
 thought  thus  uttered,  essentially  poetical  in  its  na- 
 ture, had  its  fit  place  in  the  psalms  and  hymns  of 
 Isiael.  It  lost  its  beauty,  it  led  men  on  a  false 
 track,  when  it  was  formalised  into  a  system.  At  a 
 time  when  Judaism  and  Greek  philosophy  were 
 alike  etl'ete,  when  a  feeble  physical  science,  which 
 could  read  nothing  but  its  own  thoughts  in  the 
 symbols  of  an  oldei'  and  deeper  system,  was  after 
 its  own  fashion  rationalising  the  mythology  of  hea- 
 thenism, there  were  found  Jewish  writers  willing 
 to  apply  the  same  principle  of  interpretation  to  the 
 Tabernacle  and  its  order.  The  result  appears  in 
 Josephus  and  in  Philo,  in  part  also  in  Clement  of 
 Alexandria  and  Origen.  (3.)  It  will  have  been 
 clear  from  all  that  has  been  said  that  the  Epistle  to 
 the  Hebrews  has  not  been  looked  on  as  designed 
 to  limit  our  inquiry  into  the  meaning  of  the  sym- 
 bolism of  the  Tabernacle,  and  that  there  is  conse- 
 quently no  ground  for  adopting  the  system  of  inter- 
 preters who  can  see  in  it  nothing  but  an  aggregate 
 of  types  of  Christian  mysteries. 
 
 Tabernacles,  the  Feast  of  (Ex.  xxiii.  16,  "the 
 feast  of  ingathering  "),  the  third  of  the  three  great 
 festivals  of  the  Hebrews,  which  lasted  from  the 
 15th  till  the  22nd  of  Tisri.  I,  The  following  are 
 the  principal  passages  in  the  Pentateuch  which  refer 
 to  it:  Exod,  xxiii.  16:  Lev.  xxiii.  34-36,  39-43: 
 Num.  xxix.  12-38;  Deut.  xvi.  13-15,  xxxi.  10- 
 13.  In  Neh.  viii.  there  is  an  account  of  the  ob- 
 servance of  the  feast  by  Ezra.— II.  The  time  of  the 
 festival  fell  in  the  autumn,  when  the  whole  of 
 the  chief  fruits  of  the  ground,  the  corn,  the  wine^ 
 and  the  oil,  were  gathered  in  (Ex.  xxiii.  16 ;  Lev. 
 xxiii.  39  ;  Deut.  xvi.  13-15).  Its  duration  was 
 strictly  only  seven  days  (Deut.  xvi.  13;  Ez.  xlv. 
 25).  But  it  was  followed  by  a  day  of  holy  convoc- 
 ation, distinguished  by  sacrifices  of  its  own,  which 
 was  sometimes  spoken  of  as  an  eighth  day  (Lev. 
 xxiii.  36  ;  Neh.  viii.  18).  During  the  seven  days 
 the  Israelites  were  commanded  to  dwell  in  booths 
 or  huts  formed  of  the  boughs  of  trees.  The  boughs 
 were  of  the  olive,  palm,  pine,  myrtle,  and  other 
 trees  with  thick  foliage  (Neh.  viii.  15,  16).  Ac- 
 cording to  Rabbinical  tradition,  each  Israelite  used 
 to  tie  the  branches  into  a  bunch,  to  be  carried  in  hi.' 
 hand,  to  which  the  name  luldb  was  given.  Th( 
 burnt-offerings  of  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  were  by 
 far  more  numerous  than  those  of  any  other  festival. 
 There  were  offered  on  each  day  two  rams,  fourteen 
 lambs,  and  a  kid  for  a  sin-ofi'ering.  But  what  was 
 most  peculiar  was  the  arrangement  of  the  sacrifices 
 of  bullocks,  in  all  amounting  to  seventy  (Num. 
 xxix.  12-38).  The  eighth  day  was  a  day  of  holy 
 convocation  of  peculiar  solemnity,  and,  with  the 
 seventh  day  of  the  Passover,  and  the  day  of  Pente- 
 cost, was  designated  'dtsereth.  We  are  told  that 
 on  the  morning  of  this  day  the  Hebrews  left  their 
 huts  and  dismantled  them,  and  took  up  their  abode 
 again  in  their  houses.  The  special  offerings  of  the 
 day  were  a  bullock,  a  ram,  seven  lambs,  and  a  goat 
 for  a  sin-offering  (Num.  xxix.  36,  38).  When  the 
 Feast  of  Tabernacles  fell  on  a  Sabbatical  yeai',  por- 
 tions of  the  Law  were  read  each  day  in  public,  to 
 men,  women,  children,  and  strangers  (Deut.  xxxi. 
 10-13).  We  find  Ezra  reading  the  Law  during 
 the  festival  "  day  by  day,  from  the  first  day  to  the 
 
 3  N  2 
 
916     TABERNACLES,  FEAST  OF 
 
 last  day"  (Neli.  viii.  18).— III.  'I'lioii'  arc  two  par- 
 ticulai's  in  the  observanco  of  the  Keast  of  Talicr- 
 nacle.s  which  appear  to  l)e  referred  to  in  the  New 
 Testament,  but  are  not  noticed  in  tlie  Old.  These 
 were,  the  ceremony  of  jMiuriiig  out  some  water  of 
 the  pool  of  Siloam,  and  the  display  of  some  fjreat 
 liirlits  in  the  court  of  the  women.  We  are  told  tliat 
 ejicii  Israelite,  in  holiday  attire,  having  made  up  his 
 lii/tVj,  before  he  broke  his  fast,  repaired  to  the  Temple 
 with  the  luldh  in  one  hand  and  the  citron  in  the 
 other,  at  the  time  of  the  ordinary  morning  sacrifice. 
 The  parts  of  the  victim  were  laid  upon  the  altar. 
 One  of  the  jiriests  fetched  some  water  in  a  golden 
 ewer  from  the  pool  of  Silo;im,  which  he  brought 
 into  the  couit  through  the  water  gate.  As  he 
 entered  the  trumpets  sounded,  and  he  ascended  the 
 slope  of  the  altir.  At  the  top  of  this  were  fi.xed 
 two  silver  basins  with  small  openings  at  the  bottom. 
 Wine  was  poured  into  that  on  the  eastern  side,  and 
 the  water  into  that  on  the  western  side,  whence  it 
 was  conducted  by  pipes  into  the  Cedron.  in  the 
 evening,  both  men  and  women  assembled  in  tiie 
 court  of  the  women,  expressly  to  hold  a  rejoicing 
 for  the  drawing  of  the  water  of  Siloam.  At  the 
 same  time  there  were  set  up  in  the  court  two  lofty 
 stands,  each  suj)portiiig  four  great  lamps.  These 
 were  lighte<l  on  each  night  of  the  festival.  It  ap- 
 peal's to  be  generally  admitted  that  the  woids  of  our 
 Saviour  (John  vii.  37,  38) — "If  any  man  thirst, 
 let  him  come  unto  me  and  drink.  He  that  be- 
 lieveth  on  me,  as  the  Scripture  hath  said,  out  of  his 
 belly  shall  flow  livere  of  living  water" — were  sug- 
 gested bv  the  ]>ounng  out  of  the  water  of  Siloam. 
 But  it  is  very  doubtful  what  is  meant  by  "  the  last 
 day,  that  great  day  of  the  feast."  It  would  seem 
 that  either  the  last  day  of  the  feast  itself,  that  is  tiie 
 seventh,  or  the  hist  dav  of  the  religious  observances 
 of  the  series  of  annual  festivals,  the  eighth,  must  be 
 intendeil.  Dean  Altbrd  reasonably  su])posos  that  the 
 eighth  day  may  be  meant,  and  th;it  tlie  reference  of 
 our  Lord  was  to  an  ordinary  and  well-known  ob- 
 .servance  of  the  feast,  though  it  was  not,  at  the  very 
 time,  going  on.  We  must  resort  to  some  such  ex- 
 planation, if  we  adopt  the  notion  that  our  Lord's 
 words  (John  viii.  1^) — "  I  am  the  light  of  the 
 world  " — refer  to  the  great  lamps  of  the  festival.— 
 IV.  There  are  many  directions  given  in  the  Mishna 
 for  the  dimensions  and  construction  of  the  huts. 
 They  were  not  to  be  lower  than  ten  palms,  nor 
 higher  than  twenty  cubits.  They  were  to  stand  by 
 themselves,  and  not  to  rest  on  any  external  support, 
 nor  to  be  under  the  shelter  of  a  larger  building,  or 
 of  a  tree.  They  were  not  to  be  covered  with  skins 
 or  cloth  of  any  kind,  but  only  with  boughs,  or,  in 
 part,  with  reed  mats  or  laths.  The  furniture  of 
 the  huts  was  to  be,  according  to  most  authorities, 
 of  the  plainest  description.  It  is  said  that  the  altar 
 was  ailorned  throughout  the  seven  days  with  sprigs 
 of  willows,  one  of  which  ejich  Israelite  who  ciine 
 into  the  court  brought  with  him.  The  great  num- 
 ber of  the  sacrifices  has  been  already  noticed.  But 
 benides  these,  the  Chagigahs  or  private  peace-ofl'er- 
 ings  were  more  abundant  than  at  any  other  time. 
 —V.  Though  all  the  Hebrew  annual  festivals  were 
 wa.sons  of  rejoicinfj,  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  was, 
 in  this  resjied,  di.stinguishe<l  al)ovc  them  all.  The 
 hut.s  ami  the  lulahs  must  have  made  a  gay  and 
 Ktriking  s|)cctacle  over  the  city  by  day,  niid  the 
 Inmps,  the  flambeaux,  thi'  miKsic,  and  the  joyous 
 galheriiigs  in  the  court  of  the  Temple  must  have 
 given  u  Mill  more  festive  character  to  the  uight. 
 
 TABOR 
 
 Hence,  it  was  <alleil  by  the  Kabbis  the  festioiil, 
 kot'  f^oxw-  There  is  a  proverb  in  Succah  (v.  1), 
 "  He  who  has  never  seen  the  rejoicing  at  the  j)ouring 
 out  of  the  water  of  Siloam  has  never  seen  re}>icing 
 in  his  life."— \'I.  The  main  purjjoses  of  the  Feast 
 of  Tabernacles  are  plainly  set  forth  ''Ex.  xxiii.  16 
 and  Lev.  xxiii.  43).  It  was  to  be  at  once  a  thanks- 
 giving for  the  harvest,  and  a  commemoration  of 
 the  time  when  the  Israelites  dwelt  in  tents  during 
 their  pass;ige  through  the  wilderness.  In  one  of  its 
 meanings,  it  stands  in  connexion  with  the  Passover, 
 as  the  Feast  of  Abib;  and  with  Pentecost,  as  the 
 feast  of  harvest :  in  its  other  meaning,  it  is  related 
 to  the  PiLssover  as  the  great  yearly  memorial  of  the 
 deliverance  from  the  destroyer,  and  from  the  ty- 
 ranny of  Egypt.  But  naturally  conne<:ted  with  this 
 exultation  in  their  regained  freedom  w.as  the  re- 
 joicing in  the  more  perfect  fulfilment  of  God's 
 promise,  in  the  settlement  of  His  people  .in  the 
 Holy  Land.  Besides  this,  Philo  saw  in  this  feast 
 a  witness  for  the  original  equality  of  all  the  mem- 
 bers of  the  chosen  race.  But  the  culminating  point 
 of  this  blessing  was  the  estiblishment  of  the  central 
 spot  of  the  national  woi-ship  in  the  Temple  at  Jeru- 
 salem. Hence  it  was  evidently  fitting  that  the  Feast 
 of  Tabernacles  should  be  kept  with  an  unwonted 
 degree  of  observance  at  the  de<lic<ition  of  Solomon's 
 Temple  (1  K.  viii.  2,  05;  Joseph.  j4«<.  viii.  4,  §5), 
 again,  after  the  rebuilding  of  the  Temple  by  Ezm 
 (Neh.  viii.  13-18),  and  a  third  time  by  Judas  Mac- 
 cabaeus  when  he  had  driven  out  the  Syrians  and 
 restored  the  Temple  to  the  worship  of  Jehovah 
 ('I  IMacc.  X.  .")-8 ). 
 
 Tab'itba,  also  called  Dorcas  by  St.  Luke:  a  fe- 
 male disci|)le  of  Joppa,  "  full  of  good  works," 
 among  which  that  ot  making  clothes  for  the  poor 
 is  specifiailly  mentioned.  While  St.  Peter  was  at 
 the  neighbouring  town  of  Lydda,  Tabithadied,  upon 
 which  the  disciples  at  Jojipa  sent  an  urgent  message 
 to  the  Apostle,  begging  him  to  come  to  them  with- 
 out delay.  Upon  his  arrival  Peter  found  the  de- 
 ceased already  prepared  for  burial,  and  laid  out  in 
 an  upper  chamber  where  she  was  surrounded  by 
 the  recipients  and  the  tokens  of  her  charity.  After 
 the  example  of  our  Siiviour  in  the  house  of  Jairiis 
 'Matt.  ix.  2.") ;  Mark  v.  40),  "  Peter  put  them  all 
 forth,"  prayed  for  the  Divine  assistance,  and  then 
 commanded  Tabitha  to  arise  (comp.  Mark  v.  41  ; 
 Luke  viii.  5-1).  She  ofH'ued  her  ey&s  and  sat  up, 
 and  then,  a.ssisted  by  the  Apostle,  rose  from  her 
 couch.  This  great  minicle,  as  we  are  further  told, 
 produced  an  extraordinary  eflect  in  Joj)j>a,  and  was 
 the  occasion  of  many  convei-sions  there  (Acts  ix. 
 3t!-42).  The  name  of  "Tabitha"  is  the  .Ai^imaic 
 form  answering  to  the  Hebiew  tsebii/tih,  a  "  female 
 gazelle."  St.  Luke  gives  "IVjrcas"  as  the  Greek 
 eipiivalent  of  the  name. 
 
 Ta'bor  and  Meant  Tabor,  one  of  the  most  in- 
 tercstini;  and  remarkable  of  llie  single  mount-uns  in 
 Palestine.  It  rises  abruptly  from  the  north-casteni 
 arm  of  the  Plain  of  Esdraelon,  and  stands  entirely 
 insulated  exc4'|)t  on  the  west,  where  a  narrow  ridge 
 connects  it  with  the  hills  of  Naziueth.  It  presents 
 to  the  eye.  as  seen  from  a  distance,  a  beautiful  ap- 
 pearance, licing  so  symmetrical  in  its  proportions, 
 and  rouniled  otl'  like  a  hemisphere  or  the  segment 
 of  a  circle,  yet  varying  somewhat  .xs  vieweil  fiom 
 difli'ient  diifctions.  The  buly  of  the  mountain 
 consists  of  the  jKxiuliar  limestone  of  the  country. 
 It  IS  now  Ciilli>d  Jchcl  et-Ttir.  It  lies  about  six  or 
 eight  miles  almost  due  east  from  Niu.areth.     Tim 
 
TABOR 
 
 ascent  is  usually  made  on  the  west  sitle,  near  the 
 little  village  of  L'ebiii-ieh,  probably  tlie  ancient 
 Dabeiath  (Josh.  xix.  12),  though  it  can  be  made 
 with  entire  ease  in  other  places.  It  lequires  thiee- 
 quarteis  of  an  hour  or  an  hour  to  leach  the  top. 
 The  top  of  Tabor  consists  ot'  an  irregular  platform, 
 embracing  a  circuit  of  half-an-hour's  walk  and 
 commanding  wide  views  of  the  subjacent  plain 
 i'rom  end  to  end.  Tabor  does  not  occur  in  the  New 
 'i'estament,  but  makes  a  prominent  figure  in  the 
 Old.  The  Book  of  Joshua  (xix.  2i)  mentions  it  as 
 the  boundary  between  Issachar  and  Zebuluu  (see 
 ver.  12).  iJarak,  at  the  command  of  Ueboiah, 
 a.ssembled  his  forces  on  Tabor,  and  descended  thence 
 with  "  ten  thousand  men  after  him"  into  the  plain, 
 and  conquered  Sisera  on  the  banks  of  the  Kishon 
 (Judg.  iv.  6-15).  The  brothers  of  Gideon,  each  of 
 whom  "  lesembled  the  children  of  a  king,"  were 
 murdered  here  by  Zebah  and  Zalmuima  (Judg.  viii. 
 18,  19).  yome  writers,  after  Herder  and  others, 
 think  that  Tabor  is  intended  when  it  is  said  of 
 Issachar  and  Zebulun  in  Deut.  xxx'ii.  19,  that 
 "  they  shall  call  the  people  unto  the  mountain ; 
 there  they  shall  offer  sacrifices  of  righteousness." 
 Dr.  Kobinson  has  thus  described  the  ruins  which  are 
 to  be  seen  at  present  on  the  summit  of  Tabor. 
 "  All  around  the  top  are  the  foundations  of  a  thick 
 wall  built  of  large  stones,  some  of  which  are  be- 
 velled, showing  that  the  entire  wall  was  perhaps 
 originally  of  that  character.  In  several  paits  are 
 the  remains  of  towers  and  bastions.  The  chief  re- 
 mains are  upon  the  ledge  of  locks  on  the  south  of 
 the  little  basin,  and  especially  towards  its  eastern 
 end;  here  are — in  indiscriminate  confusion— walls, 
 and  arches,  and  foundations,  apparently  of  dwelling- 
 houses,  as  well  as  other  buildings,  some  of  hewn, 
 and  some  of  large  bevelled  stones.  The  walls  and 
 traces  of  a  fortress  aie  seen  liere,  and  further  west 
 along  the  southern  brow,  of  which  one  tall  pointed 
 arch  of  a  Saracenic  gateway  is  still  standing,  and 
 bears  the  name  of  Bab  el-Hawa,  '  Gate  of  the 
 Wind.'"  The  Latin  Christians  have  now  an  altar 
 here,  at  which  their  priesis  from  Nazareth  perform 
 an  annual  mass.  The  Greeks  also  have  a  chapel, 
 where,  on  certain  festivals,  they  assemble  for  the 
 celebration  of  religious  rites.  The  idea  that  our 
 Saviour  was  transfigured  on  Tabor  prevailed  exten- 
 sively among  the  early  Christians,  who  adopted 
 legends  of  this  nature,  and  reappears  often  still  in 
 popular  religious  works.  It  is  impossible,  however, 
 to  acquiesce  in  the  conectness  of  this  opinion.  It 
 can  be  proved  fiom  the  Old  Testament,  and  fiom 
 later  history,  that  a  fortress  or  town  existed  on 
 Tabor  fiom  very  early  times  down  to  B.  C.  53  or 
 50 ;  and,  as  Josephus  says  that  he  strengthened 
 the  fortifications  there,  about  a.d.  60,  it  is  morally 
 certain  that  Tabor  must  have  been  inhabited  during 
 the  intervening  period,  that  is,  in  the  days  of 
 Christ.  Tabor,  theiefore,  could  not  have  been  the 
 Mount  of  Transfiguration  ;  for  when  it  is  said  that 
 Jesus  took  his  disciples  "  up  into  a  high  mountain 
 apart,  and  was  transfigured  before  them"  (Matt. 
 xvii.  1,  2),  we  must  understand  that  he  brought 
 them  to  the  summit  of  the  mountain,  where  they 
 were  alone  by  themselves. 
 
 Ta'bor  is  mentioned  in  the  lists  of  1  Chr.  vi.  as 
 a  city  of  the  Merarite  Levites,  in  the  tribe  of  Ze- 
 bulun (ver.  77).  The  list  of  the  towns  of  Zebulun 
 (Josh,  xix.)  contains  the  name  of  Chisloth-tabok 
 (ver.  12).  It  is  therefore,  possible,  either  that 
 Chisloth- tabor   is    abbreviated  into  Tabor    by  the 
 
 TADMOR 
 
 917 
 
 i  chronicler,  or  that  by  the  time  these  later  lists 
 I  were  compiled,  the  Meiarites  had  established  them- 
 1  selves  on  the  sacred  mountain,  and  that  Tabor  is 
 j  Mount  Tabor. 
 
 I      Tabor,    the    Plain   of.      It   lias  been  already 
 
 I  pointed   out,   that  this   is   an   incorrect  translation, 
 
 j  and  should  be  THE  Oak  OF  Tabor.     It  is  men- 
 
 i  tioned  ill  1  Sam.  x.  3  only,  as  One  of  the  points  in 
 
 I  the  homeward  journey  of  Saul   after  his  anointing 
 
 by  Samuel.      But  unfortunately,  like  so  many  of 
 
 the  other  spots  named  in  this  interesting  passage, 
 
 the  position  of  the  Oak  of  'i  abor  has  not  yet  been 
 
 fixed.      Ewald    seems    to    consider   it  certain  that 
 
 Tabor  and  Deborah  are  merely  difi'eient  modes  ot 
 
 pronouncing  the    same   name,  aiid   he  accordingly 
 
 identifies  the  oak  of  Tabor  with   the  tree    under 
 
 which  Deborah,  Rachel's  nurse,  was  buried  (Gen. 
 
 XXV.    8).      But  this,  though  most  ingenious,  can 
 
 only  be  received  as  a  conjecture. 
 
 Tabret.     [Timbrel.] 
 
 Tab'rimon.  Properly,  Tabrimmon,  i.e.  "  good 
 is  Rimmon,"  the  Syrian  god.  The  father  of  Ben- 
 liadad  I,,  king  of  Syria  in  the  reign  of  Asa  (1  K. 
 XV.  18). 
 
 Tacbe.  The  word  thus  rendered  occurs  only  in 
 the  description  of  the  structure  of  the  tabernacle 
 and  its  fittings  (Ex.  xxvi.  6,  11,  33,  xxxv.  11, 
 xxxvi.  13,  xxxix.  33),  and  appears  to  indicate  the 
 small  hooks  by  which  a  curtain  is  suspended  to 
 the  rings  from  which  it  hangs,  or  connected  verti- 
 cally, as  in  the  case  of  the  veil  of  the  Holy  of 
 Holies,  with  the  loops  of  another  curt;iin. 
 
 Tach'monite,  the.  "  The  Tachmonite  that  sat 
 in  the  seat,"  chief  among  David's  captiiins  (2  Sam. 
 xxiii.  8),  is  in  1  Chr.  xi.  11  called  "  Jashobeam  an 
 Hachmouite,"  or,  as  the  margin  gives  it,  '•  son  of 
 Hachmoni."  Kennicott  has  shown,  that  the  words 
 translated  "  he  that  sat  in  the  seat,"  are  a  corrup- 
 tion of  Jashobeam,  and  that  "  the  Tachmonite"  is 
 a  corruption  of  the  "son  of  Hachmoni,"  which  was 
 the  family  or  local  name  of  Jashobeam.  Therefore 
 he  concludes  "  Jashobeam  the  Hachmonite"  to  have 
 been  the  true  reading. 
 
 Tadmor,  called  ••  Tadmor  in  the  wilderness " 
 (2  Chr.  viii.  4).  There  is  no  reasonable  doubt  that 
 this  city,  said  to  have  been  built  by  Solomon,  is  the 
 same  as  the  one  known  to  the  Greeks  and  Romans 
 and  to  modern  Europe  by  the  name,  in  some  form 
 or  other,  of  Palmyra.  'I'he  identity  of  the  two 
 cities  results  from  the  following  circumstances: 
 1st,  The  same  city  is  specially  mentioned  by  Jo- 
 sephus {Ant.  viii.  6,  §1)  as  bearing  in  his  time  the 
 name  of  Tadmor  among  the  Syrians,  and  Palmyra 
 among  the  Greeks ;  and  in  his  Latin  translation  of 
 the  Old  Testament,  Jerome  translates  'fadmor  by 
 Palmira  (2  Chr.  viii.  4).  2ndly,  The  modern 
 Arabic  name  of  Palmyra  is  substantially  the  same 
 as  the  Hebrew  word,  being  Tadmur  or  Tathmur. 
 3rdly,  The  word  Tactmor  has  nearly  the  same  mean- 
 ing as  PalmyiM,  signifying  probably  the  "  Cify  of 
 Palms,"  from  Tamar,  a  Palm.  4thly,  The  name 
 Tadmor  or  Tadmor  actually  occurs  as  the  name  of 
 the  city  in  Aramaic  and  Greek  inscriptions  which 
 have  been  found  there.  5thly,  In  the  Chionicles, 
 the  city  is  mentioned  as  having  been  built  by  Solo- 
 mon after  his  conquest  of  Hamath  Zobah,  and  it  is 
 named  in  conjunction  with  "all  the  store-cities 
 which  he  built  in  Hamath."  This  accords  fully 
 with  the  situation  of  Palmyra  [Hamath  |  ;  and 
 there  is  no  other  known  city,  either  in  the  deserl; 
 or  not  ill  the  desert,  which  can  lay  claim  to  the 
 
P18  TAHAN 
 
 name  of  Tadmor.  In  addition  to  thn  pnssage  in 
 the  Chronicles,  there  is  a  pissage  in  the  Book  of 
 Kings  CI  K.  ix.  18)  in  which,  according  to  the 
 marginal  reading  (Kcri),  the  statement  that  Solo- 
 mon built  Tadmor,  likewise  occurs.  But  on  refer- 
 ring to  the  original  text  {Cethib),  the  word  is  found 
 to  be  not  Tadmor,  but  Tamar,  Now,  as  all  the 
 other  towns  mentioned  in  this  passage  with  Tamar 
 are  in  Palestine  (Gezer,  Beth-horon,  Baalath),  as  it 
 is  said  of  Tamar  that  it  was  "  in  the  wilderness  in 
 the  land"  and  as,  in  Kzekiel's  prophetical  descrip- 
 tion of  the  Holy  Land,  there  is  a  Tamar  mentioned 
 as  one  of  the  borders  of  the  land  on  the  south  (Ez. 
 xh'ii.  19),  where,  as  is  notorious,  there  is  a  desert, 
 it  is  probable  that  the  author  of  the  Book  of  Kings 
 did  not  really  mean  to  refer  to  Palmy la,  and  that 
 the  marginal  reading  of  •'  Tadmor"  was  founded  on 
 the  passage  in  the  Chronicles.  If  this  is  admitted, 
 the  suspicion  naturally  suggests  itself,  that  the  com- 
 piler of  the  Chronicles  may  have  misapprehended  the 
 original  passage  in  the  Book  of  Kings,  and  may  have 
 incorrectly  written  "  Tadmor"  instead  of  "  Tamar." 
 On  this  hypothesis  there  would  have  been  a  curious 
 circle  of  mistakes ;  and  the  final  result  would  be, 
 that  any  supposed  connexion  between  Solomon  and 
 the  foundation  of  Palmyra  must  be  regarded  as 
 purely  imaginary.  This  conclusion  is  not  neces- 
 saiily  incorrect  or  unreasonable,  but  there  are  not 
 sufficient  reasons  fo»'  adopting  it.  As  the  city  is 
 nowhere  else  mentioned  in  the  whole  Bible,  it  would 
 be  out  of  place  to  enter  into  a  long,  detailed  history 
 of  it  on  the  pi'esent  occasion.  The  following  lead- 
 ing facts,  however,  may  be  mentioned.  The  first 
 author  of  antiquity  who  mentions  Palmyra  is  Pliny 
 the  Elder.  Afterwards  it  was  mentioned  by  Appian 
 in  connexion  with  a  design  of  Mark  Antony  to  let 
 his  cavalry  plunder  it.  In  the  second  century  a.d. 
 it  seems  to  have  been  beautified  by  the  Emperor 
 Hadrian.  In  the  beginning  of  the  third  centuiy 
 A.D.  it  beaime  a  Roman  colony  under  Cara«ilia 
 (211-217  A.D.),  and  received  the  jus  Italicum. 
 Subsequently,  in  the  reign  of  Gallienus,  the  Roman 
 Senate  invested  Odenathus,  a  senator  of  Palmyra, 
 with  the  regal  dignity,  on  account  of  his  sen-ices  in 
 defeating  Sapor  king  of  Persia.  On  the  ass;issina- 
 tion  of  Odenathus,  his  celebrated  wife  Zeuobia  seems 
 to  have  conceived  the  design  of  erecting  Palmyra 
 into  an  independent  monarchy  ;  and,  in  prosecution 
 of  this  object,  she,  for  a  while,  successfully  resisted 
 the  Roman  arms.  She  was  at  length  defeated  and 
 taken  captive  by  the  Emperor  Aurelian  (A.D.  273), 
 who  left  a  Roman  garrison  in  Palmyra.  This  gar- 
 rison was  massacred  in  a  revolt;  <ind  Aurelian 
 punished  the  city  by  the  execution  not  only  of  those 
 who  were  taken  in  arms,  but  likewise  of  common 
 peasants,  of  old  men,  women,  and  childicn.  From 
 this  l)l(iw  Palmyra  never  recovered,  though  there 
 are  i>roofs  of  its  having  continued  to  be  inhabited 
 until  the  downfall  of  the  Roman  Empire. 
 
 Ta'han.  A  descendant  of  Ephraim  (Num.  xxvi. 
 35'.     In  I  Chr.  vii.  'lb  he  appears  as  the  son  of  Telah. 
 
 Ta'hanites,  the.  The  descendants  of  the  pre- 
 ce<liii!,'  ■  Num.  xxvi.  35). 
 
 Ta'hath.  1.  A  Kohathite  Levite,  ancestor  of 
 Samuel  and  lleman  fl  Chr.  vi.  24,  37  [9,  22]).— 
 2.  Accfjiding  to  the  present  text,  son  of  Bered,  and 
 great-grandson  of  Ephraim  ( I  Chr.  vii.  20).  Bur- 
 rington,  however,  identifies  Tahath  with  Tahan, 
 the  son  of  E|phraini. — 3.  'iiandson  of  the  preced- 
 ing, as  the  text  now  stands  (1  Chr.  vii.  2(»).  But 
 Burrinj;ton  coiisidei-s  h  m  as  a  son  of  Kphiaim. 
 
 TALMUD 
 
 Ta'hath.  The  name  of  a  desert-station  of  the 
 Israelites  between  Makheloth  and  Taiah  (Num. 
 xxxiii.  26).      The  site  has  nut  been  ideiitilied. 
 
 Tah'panhes,  Tehaph'  nehes,  Tahap'anes.  A 
 city  of  I'-gypt,  ot  iuiiHuiauce  in  tlie  time  of  the 
 prophets  Jeremiah  and  l-^zekiel.  'J"he  name  is  evid- 
 ently Egyptian,  and  closely  resembles  that  of  the 
 Egyptian  queen  Taupknes.  The  Coptic  name  of 
 this  place,  Taphnas,  is  clearly  derived  from  the 
 LXX.  form.  Tahpanhes  was  evidently  a  town  of 
 Lower  Egy]>t  near  or  on  the  eastern  border.  When 
 Johanan  and  the  other  captains  went  into  Egypt 
 "  they  came  to  Tahpanhes"  (Jer.  xliii.  7).  fhe 
 Jews  in  Jeremiah's  time  remained  here  (Jer.  xliv. 
 1).  It  was  an  important  town,  being  twice  men- 
 tioned by  the  latter  j)rophet  with  Noph  or  Memphis 
 (ii.  16,  xlvi.  14).  Here  stood  a  house  of  Pharaoh- 
 hophra  before  which  Jeremiah  hid  great  .stones 
 (xliii.  8-10).  It  is  mentioned  with  "  Ramesse  and 
 all  the  land  of  Gesen'  in  Jud.  i.  9.  Herodotus 
 calls  this  ])lace  Daphnae  of  Pehisium.  In  the  Iti- 
 nerary of  Antoninus  this  town,  called  Dafno,  is 
 placed  16  Roman  miles  to  the  south-west  of  Pelu- 
 sium.  This  position  seems  to  agree  with  that  of 
 Tel-Defenneh,  which  Sir  Gardner  Wilkinson  sup- 
 poses to  mark  the  site  of  Daplmae,  Can  the  name 
 be  of  Greek  origin?  Ko  satisfactory  Egyptian  ety- 
 mology has  been  suggested. 
 
 Tah'penes,  a  pioper  name  of  an  Egyptian  queen. 
 She  was  wife  of  the  Pharaoh  who  received  Hadad 
 the  Edomite,  and  who  gave  him  her  sister  in  mar- 
 riage (1  K.  xi.  18-20).  In  the  LXX.  the  latter  is 
 «\lled  the  elder  sister  of  Thekemina,  and  in  the 
 .addition  to  ch.  xii.  Shishak  (Susakim)  is  said  to 
 have  given  Ano,  the  elder  sister  ot  Thekemina  his 
 svife,  to  Jeroboam.  It  is  obvious  that  this  and  the 
 earlier  statement  are  irrecontileable.  There  is  there- 
 foie  but  one  Tahpenes  or  Thekemina.  No  name 
 that  has  any  near  resemblance  to  either  Tahpenes 
 or  Thekemina  has  yet  been  found  among  those  of 
 the  period. 
 
 Tahre'a.  Son  of  Micah,  and  grandson  of  Mephi 
 bosheth  (  1  Chr.  ix.  41). 
 
 Tah'tim  Hod'shi,  the  Land  of.  One  of  tne 
 places  visited  bj-  Joab  during  liis  census  of  the  land 
 of  Israel.  It  ocelli's  between  Gilead  and  I)an-ja.an 
 (2  Sam.  xxiv.  6).  The  name  has  puzzled  all  the 
 inteipieteis.  The  old  veisions  throw  no  light 
 upon  it. 
 
 Talent,    the   greatest   weight  of  the   Hebrews. 
 
 [WKKiil'l's]. 
 
 Tali'tha  cu'mi.  Two  Syriac  words  (Mark  v.  41), 
 sigiiitving  "  i)anisi'l,  arise." 
 
 Taima'i.  1.  One  of  the  thi-ee  sons  of  "  the 
 .Anak,"  who  were  slain  by  the  men  of  Judah  (Num. 
 .xiii.  22  ;  Josh.  xv.  14;  Judg.  i.  1(0.-2.  Son  of 
 Ammihud,  king  of  (Jeshur  (2  Sam.  iii.  3,  xiii.  37  ; 
 1  Chr.  iii.  2).  He  was  probably  a  petty  chieftain 
 dejieiident  on  David. 
 
 Tal'mon.  The  he.id  of  a  family  of  doorkeepers 
 in  the  Temple,  "  the  jwrtere  for  the  camps  of  the 
 sons  of  Levi"  (1  Chr.  ix.  17;  Neh.  xi.  19).  Some 
 of  his  descendants  returned  with  Zerubbabt-l  (Ezr. 
 ii.  42  ;  Neh.  vii.  45),  and  were  employed  in  their 
 hereditaiy  olTice  in  the  days  of  Neheraiah  and  Ezra 
 (Neh.  xii.  25). 
 
 Talmud  («.  c.  doctrine,  from  the  Hebi-ew  woixl 
 "  to  learn")  is  a  large  collection  of  writings,  con- 
 taining a  full  account  of  the  civil  ami  religious  laws 
 of  the  Jews.  It  was  a  fundamental  priiniple  ot  tlie 
 Pharisees  common  tofheni  with  all  orthodox  modem 
 
TALMUD 
 
 Jews,  that  by  the  side  of  the  written  law  regaiJeil 
 as  a  summary  of  the  principles  and  general  laws  of 
 the  Hebrew  people,  there  was  an  oral  law  to  com- 
 plete and  to  explain  the   written   law.     It  was  an 
 article  of  faith  that  in  the  Pentateuch  there  was  no 
 precept,  and  no  regulation,  ceremonial,  doctrinal, 
 or  legal,  of  which  God  had  not  given  to  Moses   all 
 explanations  necessary   for  their  application,  with 
 the  order  to  transmit  them  by  word  of  mouth.    The 
 classical  passage  in  the  Mishna  on  this  subject  is  the 
 Ibllowing: — "Moses  received  tiie  (oral)  law  from 
 Sinai,  and  delivered  it  to  Joshua,  and  Joshua  to  the 
 elders,  and  the  elders  to  the  piophets,  and  the  pro- 
 phets to  the  men  of  the  Great  .Synagogue."      This 
 oral  law,  with  the  numerous  comment:\ries  upon  it, 
 forms  the  Talmud.     It  consists  of  two  parts,   the 
 Mishna  and  Gemara.     1.  The  Mishna,  or  "second 
 law,"  which  contains  a  compendium  of  the  whole 
 ritual  law,  was  reduced  to  writing  in  its  present 
 form  by  Kabbi  Jehudah  the  Holy,   a  Jew  of  great 
 wealth  and   influence,   who  flourished  in    the  2nd 
 century    of  the    Christian  era.     He  succeeded  his 
 father  Simeon  as  patriarch  of  Tiberias,  and  held  that 
 otlice  at  least  thirty  years.     The  precise  date  of  his 
 death  is  disputed  ;  some  placing  it  in  a  year  some- 
 what antecedent  to  194,  a.d.   while  others  place  it 
 as   late  as   220   A.D.,   when   he  would  have  been 
 about  81  years   old.      Viewed  as  a  whole,  the  pre- 
 cepts in  the  Mishna  tieated  men  like  children,  for- 
 malizing and   defining  the  minutest  particulars  of 
 ritual  obseivances.     The  expressions  of  "  bondage," 
 of  "  weak  and  beggarly  elements,"  and  of  "  burdens 
 too  heavy  for  men  to  bear,"  faithfully  lepreseut  the 
 impression   jiroduced  by  their  multiplicity.      The 
 Jlishna  is  very  concisely  wiitten,  and  requires  notes. 
 2.  This  circumstance  led  to  the  Commentaries  called 
 (iEMARA  (i.  e.  Supplement,  Completion)  which  form 
 the  second  part  of  the  Talmud,  and  which  are  very 
 commonly  meant  when  the  word  "  Talmud"  is  used 
 by  itself.     There  are   two  Gemaras:  one  of  Jeru- 
 salem, in  which  there  is  said  to  be  no  passage  which 
 can  be  proved  to  be  later  than  the  first  half  of  the 
 4th  century  ;  and  the  other  of  Babylon,   completed 
 about  500  A.D.     The  Babylonian  Talmud  is  almost 
 four  times  as    laige  as  that   of   Jerusalem. — The 
 language  of  the  Mishna  is  that  of  the  later  Hebrew, 
 purely  written  on  the  whole,  though  with  a  few 
 gi-animatital    Aramaisms,    and    interspersed    with 
 Greek,     Latin,    and    Aramaic    words    which    had 
 become  naturalized.     The  Mishna  is  distributed  into 
 six  great  divisions  or  orders.     "  Section  I.,  Seeds : 
 of  Agrarian  Laws,  commencing  with  a  chapter  on 
 Piayeis.     In  this  section   the   varioiL:    tithes    and 
 donations  due  to  the   I'riests,  the  Levites,  and  the 
 poor,  from  the  products  of  the  lands,  an  1  further 
 the  Sabbatical  year,  and  the  prohibited  mixtures  in 
 plants,    animals   and    garments,    are    tieated    of. 
 Section   IL,  Fearts :    of  Sabbaths,  Feast  and  Fast 
 days,  the  work  prohibited,  the  ceremonies  ordained, 
 the  sacrifices  to  be  offered,  on  them.    Special  chap- 
 ters are  devoted  to  the  Feast  of  the  Exodus  from 
 Egypt,  to    the   New  year's   Day,    to  the  Day  of 
 Atonement   fone  of  the  most  impressive  portions 
 of  the  whole  book),  to  the  Feast  of  Tabunacles, 
 and  to  that  of  Haman.     Section  II L,  Women:  of 
 betrothal,  niairiage,  divorce,  &c. :    also  of  vows. 
 Section  IV.,  Dwhages :  including  a  great  part  of 
 the  civil  and  criminal  law.      It  treats  of  the  law  of 
 tniver,  of  buying  and  selling,  and   the   ordinary 
 monetary  transact  ons.      Further,   of  the  greatest 
 
 TAMAR 
 
 919 
 
 witnesses,  of  oaths,  of  legal  punishments,  and  of 
 the  Sanhedrin  itself.  This  section  concludes  with 
 the  so-called  'Sentences  of  the  Fathers,'  contain- 
 ing some  of  the  sublimest  ethical  dicta  known  iu 
 tlie  history  of  religious  philosophy.  Section  V., 
 Sacred  Things:  of  saciifices,  the  first-born,  &c.; 
 also  of  the  measurements  of  the  Temple  (Middoth). 
 Section  Yi.,  Purifications  :  of  the  vai  ious  levitical 
 and  other  hygienic  laws,  of  impure  things  and 
 persons,  their  purification,  &c.  The  regulations 
 contained  in  these  si.x  treatises  are  of  very  dilierent 
 kinds.  They  are  apparently  important  and  un- 
 important, intended  to  be  permanent  or  temporary. 
 They  are  either  clear  expansions  of  Scriptural  pre- 
 cipts,  or  independent  traditions,  linked  to  Scrip- 
 ture only  hermeneutically.  They  are  '  decisions,' 
 'fences,'  'injunctions,'  'ordinances,'  or  simply 
 'Mosaic  Halachah  from  Sinai' — much  as  the 
 Roman  laws  consist  of  '  Senatusconsulta'  '  Ple- 
 biscita,'  '  Edicta,'  '  Eespoiisa  Prudentium,'  and 
 the  rest.  Every  precept  tiaditionally  received  or 
 passed  by  the  majority  becomes,  in  a  manner,  a 
 religious,  divinely  sanctioned  one,  although  it  was 
 always  open  to  the  subsequent  authorities  to  recon- 
 sider and  to  abrogate ;  as,  indeed,  one  of  the  chief  rea- 
 sons against  the  writing  down  of  the  Code,  even  after 
 its  redaction,  was  just  this,  that  it  should  never  be- 
 come fixed  and  immutable."  (See  Quarteili/  Beciew, 
 vol.  123,  p.  443,  art.  "  Talmud.") — The  Jlishna  was 
 published  by  Sureuhusius  in  6  vols,  folio,  Amster- 
 dam, 1(598,  1?03,  with  a  Latin  translation  of  the 
 text.  There  is  no  reasonable  doubt  that,  although  it 
 may  include  a  few  passages  of  a  later  date,  the 
 Mi>hna  was  composed,  as  a  whole,  in  the  2nd  cen- 
 tury, and  repiesents  the  traditions  which  were 
 current  amongst  the  Phai  isees  at  the  time  of  Christ. 
 Tal'sas.  Elasah  { 1  Esd.  ix.  22). 
 Ta'mali.  The  children  of  Tamah,  or  Thamah 
 fFzr.  ii.  53),  were  among  the  Nethinim  who  re- 
 turned with  Zerubbabel  (Neh.  vii.  55). 
 
 Ta'mar.  The  name  of  three  women  remarkable 
 in  the  history  of  Israel.— 1.  The  wife  successively 
 of  the  two  sons  of  Judah,  Er  and  Onan  (Gen.  x.vxviii. 
 6-30).  Her  importance  in  the  sacred  narrative 
 depends  on  the  great  anxiety  to  keep  up  the  lineace 
 of  Judah.  It  seemed  as  if  the  family  weie  on  the 
 point  of  extinction.  Er  and  Onan  had  successively 
 perished  suddenly.  Judah's  wife  Bathshuah  died  ; 
 and  there  only  remained  a  child  Shelah,  whom 
 Judah  was  unwilling  to  trust  to  the  dangerous 
 union,  as  it  appeared,  with  Tamar,  lest  he  should 
 meet  with  the  same  fate  as  his  brothers.  Accord- 
 ingly she  resorted  to  the  desperate  expedient  of  en- 
 trapping the  father  himself  into  the  union  which 
 he  feared  for  his  son.  He  took  her  for  one  of  the 
 unfortunate  women  who  were  consecrated  to  the  im- 
 pure rites  of  the  Canaanite  worship.  He  promised 
 her,  as  the  price  of  his  intercourse,  a  kid  from  the 
 flocks  to  which  he  was  going,  and  left  as  his  pledge 
 his  ornaments  and  his  staff.  The  kid  he  sent  back 
 by  his  shepherd  (LXX.),  Hirah  of  Adullam.  The 
 woman  could  nowhere  be  found.  Months  after- 
 wards it  was  discovered  to  be  his  own  daughter-in- 
 law  Tamar.  She  was  sentenced  to  be  burnt  alive, 
 and  was  only  saved  by  the  discovery,  through  the 
 pledges  which  Judah  had  left,  that  her  seducer 
 was  no  less  than  the  chieftain  of  the  tribe.  The 
 fruits  of  this  intercourse  weie  twins,  Pharez  and 
 Zaraii,  and  through  Pharez  the  sacred  line  was 
 continued. <^2.  Daughter  of  David    and    Maachah 
 
 crime  known  to  the  law,  viz.,  idolatry.     Mext  of   the  Geshurite  princess,  and  thus  sister  of  Absalom 
 
920 
 
 TAMAR 
 
 (2  Sam.  xiii.  l-.''.2  ;  1  Clir.  iii.  9).  She  and  her 
 brother  were  alike  remarkable  tor  tiieir  extraor- 
 dinaiy  be;uity.  This  fatal  beauty  inspired  a  Craiitic 
 passion  in  her  half-brother  Amnou,  the  eldest  son 
 of  Daviil  by  Ahinoam.  Morning  by  morning,  as 
 he  received  the  visits  of  his  friend  Jonadab,  he  is 
 paler  and  thinner.  Jonadab  disoovei-s  the  cause, 
 and  siiffiie.sts  to  him  the  means  of  accomplishing  his 
 wicked  purpose.  He  was  to  feign  sickness.  The 
 king,  who  appeal's  to  have  entertained  a  considerable 
 atlection,  almost  awe,  for  him,  as  the  eldest  son 
 (2  Sam.  xiii.  5,  21  :  LXX.),  came  to  visit  him; 
 and  Amnon  eiitreatal  the  pi'esence  of  Tamar,  on 
 the  pretext  that  she  alone  could  give  him  food  that 
 he  would  e;it.  It  would  almost  seem  that  Tamar 
 was  supposed  to  have  a  peculiar  art  of  baking  pa- 
 labible  cakes.  She  came  to  his  house,  took  the 
 dough  and  kneaded  it,  and  then  in  his  presence 
 kneaded  it  a  second  time  into  the  form  of  cakes. 
 She  then  took  the  pan,  in  which  they  had  been 
 baked,  and  pouied  them  all  out  in  a  heap  before 
 the  prince.  He  aiused  his  attendants  to  retire, 
 called  her  to  the  inner  room,  and  there  accomplished 
 his  design.  In  her  touching  remonstrance  two 
 points  are  remarkable.  First,  the  expression  of  the 
 infamy  of  si;ch  a  crime  "  in  Israel,"  implj'ing  the 
 loftier  standard  of  morals  that  prevailed,  as  com- 
 ()ared  with  other  countries  at  that  time;  and,  se- 
 condly, the  belief  that  even  this  standard  might  be 
 overborne  lawfully  by  royal  authority — "  Speak  to 
 the  king,  for  he  will  not  withhold  me  from  thee." 
 The  brutiil  hatred  of  Amnon  succeeding  to  his  brutal 
 passion,  and  the  indignation  of  Tainar  at  his  bar- 
 barous insult,  even  surpassing  her  indignation  at  his 
 shameful  outrage,  are  pathetically  and  gi-aphically 
 told.  The  story  of  Tamar,  revolting  as  it  is,  has 
 the  interest  of  revealing  to  us  the  interior  of  the 
 royal  household  beyond  that  of  any  other  incident  of 
 those  times.  (1.)  The  establishments  of  the  princes. 
 (2.)  The  simplicity  of  the  royal  employments. 
 (3.)  The  dress  of  the  princesses.  (4.)  The  relation 
 of  the  king  to  the  princes  iind  to  the  law.— 3. 
 I>aughter  of  Absalom  (2  Sam.  xiv.  7).  She  ulti- 
 mately, by  her  mairiage  with  Uriah  of  Gibeah,  be- 
 came the  mother  of  Alaachah,  the  future  queen  of 
 .ludah,  or  wife  of  Abijah  (1  Iv.  xv.  2). 
 
 Ta'niar.  A  spot  on  the  south-eastern  frontier  of 
 Judah,  named  in  I'jzek.  xlvii.  19,  xlviii.  28  only, 
 evidently  called  from  a  palm-tree.  If  not  Hazazon 
 Tamar,  the  old  name  of  Engedi,  it  may  be  a  place 
 Kdled  Thainar  in  the  Onoiiiasticon  ("  Hazazon 
 Tamar"),  a  day's  joumey  south  of  Hebron. 
 
 Tarn'muz,  Properly  "  the  Tammuz,"  the  article 
 indii"itiiig  that  at  some  time  or  other  the  worcl  had 
 been  ri'gaided  as  an  apjxjllative.  In  the  sixth  year 
 of  the  captivity  of  Jeiioiachin,  in  the  sixth  month 
 and  on  the  fifth  day  of  the  month,  the  prophet 
 I'Izekiel,  viii.  14,  as  he  sat  in  his  house  surrounded 
 by  the  elders  of  Judah,  was  transported  in  spirit  to 
 the  liir  clistant  Temple  at  Jerusalem.  The  hand  of 
 the  Lord  (!od  wsis  upon  him,  and  led  him  "  to  the 
 door  ol'  the  gate  of  the  house  of  Jehovah,  which  was 
 towards  the  north  ;  and  behold  there  the  women 
 sitting,  weeping  for  the  'I'ammuz."  Some  tnmslate 
 the  last  clause  "  causing  the  Tammuz  to  weep." 
 No  satisfactory  etymology  of  the  word  has  l>i'en 
 proposed.  The  ancient  versions  supjily  us  with  no 
 help.  The  L.X.X.,  the  Targum  of  .lonathau  I'en 
 Uzziel,  the  IVshito  Syri.w,  and  the  Arabic  in  Wal- 
 ton's I'olyglot,  merely  repro<lucc  the  Hebrew  word. 
 The  Vulgate  alone  gives  Adoni$  as  a  modern  ojui- 
 
 TAMMUZ 
 
 valent,  and  this  rendering  has  been  eagerly  adopted 
 by  subsequent  commeiitators,  with  but  few  excep- 
 tions. It  is  at  least  ;is  old,  therefore,  as  Jerome, 
 and  the  fact  of  his  having  adopted  it  shows  that  » 
 must  have  embodied  the  most  credible  tradition. 
 Ovril  of  Alexandria,  and  Theodoret,  give  the  sjime 
 explanation,  and  are  followed  by  the  author  of  the 
 Chronicou  Paschale.  The  only  exception  to  this 
 uniformity  is  in  the  Syriac  translation  of  Melito's 
 Apology,  edited  by  Dr.  Cureton  in  his  Spkileijium 
 Sijriaciim.  The  date  of  the  translation  is  unknown ; 
 the  original  if  genuine  must  belong  to  the  second 
 century.  The  following  is  a  literal  rendeiing  of 
 the  Syriac :  "  The  sons  of  Phoenicia  woi-ship]ied 
 Balthi,  the  queen  of  Cyprus.  For  she  loved  Tamuzo, 
 the  son  of  Cuthar,  the  king  of  the  Phoenicians,  and 
 forsook  her  kingdom  and  c;ime  and  dwelt  in  Gebal, 
 a  fortress  of  the  Phoenicians.  And  at  that  time 
 she  made  all  the  villages  subject  to  Cuthar  the 
 king.  For  before  Tamuzo  she  had  loved  Ares,  and 
 committed  adultery  with  him,  and  Hephaestus  her 
 husband  caught  her,  and  was  jealous  other.  And 
 he  (i.  e.  Ares)  came  and  slew  Tamuzo  on  Lebanon 
 while  he  made  a  hunting  among  the  wild  boars. 
 And  from  that  time  Balthi  lemained  in  (Jelwl,  and 
 died  in  the  citv  of  Aphaca,  where  Tamuzo  was 
 buried."  We  have  here  very  cleaily  the  Gieelc 
 legend  of  Adonis  repioduced  with  a  simple  change 
 of  name.  In  the  next  century  it  assumes  for  the 
 lirst  time  a  dillerent  form  in  the  hands  of  a  I\abbi- 
 nical  commentator.  Rabbi  Solomon  Isaaki  (Kashi) 
 has  the  following  note  on  the  passage  in  Ezekiel. 
 "  An  image  which  the  women  made  hot  in  the 
 inside,  and  its  eves  were  of  lead,  and  they  melted 
 by  reason  of  the  heat  of  the  burning  and  it  seemed 
 as  if  it  wept ;  and  they  (the  women)  said.  He  asketh 
 for  off'eiings.  Tammuz  is  a  word  signifying  burn- 
 ing." In  the  12th  century  (A. D.  11(51)  Solomon 
 ben  Abraham  Parchon  has  the  following  observa- 
 tions upon  Tammuz.  "  It  is  the  likeness  of  a 
 reptile  svliich  they  make  uj>on  the  water,  and  the 
 water  is  collected  in  it  and  Hows  through  its  holes, 
 and  it  seems  as  if  it  wept."  At  the  close  of  this 
 century  we  meet  for  the  first  time  with  an  entirely 
 new  tradition  repeated  by  R.  David  Kimchi  f'roin 
 the  Moreh  Nebuchim  of  Maimonides.  "  Our  \\a\i\A 
 Mosheh  bar  Maimon,  of  blosse<.l  memory,  has  written, 
 that  it  is  found  written  in  one  of  the  ancient  idol- 
 atrous books,  that  there  was  a  man  of  the  idolatrous 
 prophets,  and  his  name  was  Tammuz.  And  he 
 called  to  a  certain  king  and  commanded  him  to 
 serve  the  seven  jilanets  :ind  the  twelve  signs.  And 
 that  king  put  liim  to  a  violent  death,  and  on  the 
 night  of  his  death  there  were  gathered  together  all 
 the  images  from  the  ends  of  the  earth  to  the  templft 
 of  Babel,  to  the  golden  image  which  was  the  image 
 of  the  sun.  Now  this  image  was  susj^nded  between 
 heaven  and  earth,  and  it  fell  down  in  the  midst  of 
 the  temple,  and  the  images  likewi.se  (fell  down) 
 lound  about  it,  and  it  told  them  what  had  lietailen 
 Tammuz  the  ])rophet.  And  the  images  all  of  then-, 
 wept  and  lamented  all  the  night ;  and,  as  it  came  t<i 
 [Mss,  in  the  morning  all  the  imaiies  Hew  away  to  their 
 own  temples  in  the  ends  of  the  earth."  The  hook 
 of  the  ancient  idolaters  from  which  .Maimonides 
 (piotes,  is  the  now  celebrate  I  work  on  the  Agri- 
 culture of  the  Nabatheiuis,  to  which  relerence  will 
 be  made  hereafter.  The  tradition  recorded  by  Je- 
 rome, which  iilentitics  Tammuz  with  .Adonis,  has 
 iH-en  followeil  by  most  suliseijuent  commentator*. 
 Luther  and  others  regiirded  Tammuz  as  a  name  of 
 
TANACH 
 
 Bacchus.  That  Tammnz  was  the  Egyptian  Osiris. 
 and  that  his  worship  was  introduced  to  Jerusalem 
 from  Egypt,  was  held  by  Calvin,  I'iscator,  Junius, 
 I.eusden,  and  Pfeitt'er.  The  sliglit  hint  given  by 
 the  D)ophet  of  the  nature  of  the  worship  and  wor- 
 shippers of  Tammuz  has  been  sufficient  to  connect 
 them  with  the  yearly  mourning  for  Adonis  by  the 
 Syrian  damsels.  Beyond  this  we  can  attach  no 
 especial  weight  to  the  explanation  of  Jerome.  It  is 
 a  conjecture  and  nothing  more,  and  does  not  appear 
 to  represent  any  tradition.  All  that  can  be  said 
 therefore  is,  that  it  is  not  impossible  that  Tammuz 
 may  be  a  name  of  Adonis  the  sun-god,  but  that 
 there  is  nothing  to  prove  it.  The  town  of  Byblos 
 in  Phoenicia  was  the  head-quarters  of  the  Adonis- 
 worship.  The  feast  in  his  honour  was  celebrated 
 each  year  in  the  temple  of  Aphrodite  on  the  Leba- 
 non, with  rites  paitly  sorrowful,  partly  joyful, 
 'i'he  Emperor  Julian  was  present  at  Antioch  when 
 the  same  festival  was  held  (Amm.  Marc.  xxii. 
 VI,  §13).  It  lasted  seven  days,  and  began  with  the 
 disappearance  of  Adonis.  Then  followed  the  search 
 made  by  the  women  after  him.  His  body  was  re- 
 presented by  a  wooden  image  placed  in  the  so-aiUed 
 ''  c.ardens  of  Adonis,"  which  were  earthenware  vessels 
 tilled  with  mould,  and  planted  with  wheat,  barley, 
 lettuce,  and  fennel.  In  one  of  these  gardens  Adonis 
 was  found  again.  The  finding-again  was  the  com- 
 mencement of  a  wake,  accompanied  by  all  the 
 usages  which  in  the  East  attend  such  a  ceremony, 
 cutting  the  breast  with  knives  (Jer.  xvi.  G),  and 
 playing  on  pipes  (comp.  Matt.  ix.  23).  The  image 
 of  Adonis  was  then  washed  and  anointed  with 
 spices,  placed  in  a  coffin  on  a  bier,  and  the  wound 
 made  by  the  boar  was  shown  on  the  tiguie.  The 
 people  sat  on  the  ground  round  the  bier,  with  their 
 clothes  rent  (comp.  Ep.  of  Jcr.  31,  32 ',  and  the 
 women  howled  and  cried  aloud.  The  whole  termin- 
 ated with  a  sacrifice  for  the  dead,  and  the  burial  of 
 the  figure  of  Adonis.  The  identitiaition  of  Tam- 
 muz with  an  idolatrous  prophet,  which  has  already 
 been  given  in  a  quotation  from  ]\Iaimonides,  who 
 himself  quotes  from  the  Agriculture  of  the  Na- 
 bathenns,  has  been  recently  revived  by  Prof.  Chwol- 
 son  of  St.  Petersburg.  The  old  Babylonian  book 
 was  written,  he  maintains,  by  one  Qut'ami,  towards 
 the  end  of  the  14th  century  B.C.,  and  was  tians- 
 lated  into  Arabic  by  a  descendant  of  the  ancient  Chal- 
 deans, whose  name  was  Ibn  Washiyyah.  Qut'ami 
 tells  the  same  story  of  the  prophet  Tammuz  as  has 
 already  been  given  in  the  quotation  from  Kimclii. 
 In  the  Targum  of  Jonathan  on  Gen.  viii.  5,  "the 
 tenth  month  "  is  translated  "  the  month  Tammuz." 
 
 Ta'nach..  A  slight  variation  of  the  name  Ta- 
 ANACH  (Josh.  xxi.  23). 
 
 Tanhu'ineth.  The  fother  of  Seraiah  in  the  time 
 of  "iedaliah  (2  K.  xxv.  23;  Jer.  xl.  8). 
 
 Tanis,  Jud.  i.  10.     [Zoan.] 
 
 Ta'phatta..  The  daughter  of  Solomon,  who  was 
 married  to  Ben-Abinadab  (1  K.  iv.  11). 
 
 Ta'phon.  One  of  the  cities  in  Judaea  fortified 
 by  Bacchides  (I  Mace.  ix.  50).  It  is  probably  the 
 Beth-Tappuah  of  the  Old  Testament. 
 
 Tappu'ah.  1.  A  city  of  Judah,  in  the  district 
 of  the  Shelelah,  or  lowland  (Josh.  xv.  34).  It  was 
 no  doubt  situated  on  the  lower  slopes  of  the  moun- 
 tains of  the  N.W.  portion  of  Judah,  about  12  miles 
 W.  of  Jei-usalem.— 2  A  place  on  the  boundary  of 
 the  "children  of  Joseph"  (Josh.  xvi.  8,  xvii.  8). 
 Its  full  name  was  probably  En-taj)i)uah  (xvii.  7). 
 It  seem:;  natural  to  look   tor  it  somewheie  to  the 
 
 TAKSHISH 
 
 921 
 
 S.W.  of  Nahlus,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Wady 
 Falidk. 
 
 Tappu'ah.  One  of  the  sons  of  Hebron,  of  the 
 tribe  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  ii.  43).  it  is  doubtless  the 
 same  as  IjKth-Tai'Puah. 
 
 Tappu'ah,  the  Land  of.  A  district  named  in 
 the  specification  of  the  boundary  between  Ephraim 
 and  Manasseh  (Josh.  xvii.  8).  The  name  has  not  yet 
 been  met  with  at  all  in  the  central  district  of  Palestine. 
 
 Ta'rah.  A  desert-station  of  the  Isiaelites  between 
 Tahath  and  Mithcah  (Num.  xxxiii.  27). 
 
 Tar'alah.  One  of  the  towi.s  in  the  allotment 
 of  Benjamin  (Josh,  xviii.  27). 
 
 Tare'a.  The  same  as  Tahrea,  the  son  of  Micah 
 (1  Chr.  viii.  35). 
 
 Tares.  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  (ifano 
 of  the  parable  (Matt.  xiii.  25)  denote  the  weed 
 called  "  dainel "  (LoMuin  temulentuni).  The  word 
 used  by  the  Evangelist  is  an  Oriental,  and  not  a 
 Greek  term.  The  darnel  before  it  comes  into  ear 
 is  veiy  similar  in  appearance  to  wheat;  hence  the 
 command  that  the  lizania  should  be  lel't  to  the 
 harvest,  lest  while  men  plucked  up  the  tares  "  they 
 should  root  up  also  the  wheat  with  them."  Dr. 
 Stanley,  however,  speaks  of  women  and  children 
 picking  up  from  the  wheat  in  the  corn-fields  of  Sa- 
 maria the  tall  green  stalks,  still  called  by  the  Arabs 
 zuicdn.  "  These  stalks,"  he  continues,  "  if  sown 
 designedly  throughout  the  fields,  would  be  inse- 
 parable from  the  wheat,  from  which,  even  when 
 growing  naturally  and  by  chance,  they  are  at  first 
 sight  hai-dly  distinguishable."  The  grain-growers  in 
 Palestine  believe  that  the  zuudn  is  merely  a  de- 
 generate wheat ;  that  in  wet  seasons  the  wheat  turns 
 to  tares. 
 
 Targums.     [Versions,  Chaldee.] 
 
 Tar  pelites,  the.  A  race  of  colonists  who  were 
 planted  in  the  cities  of  Samaria  af'ter  the  captivity 
 of  the  northern  kingdom  of  Israel  (Ezr.  iv.  9). 
 They  have  not  been  identified  with  any  certainty. 
 
 Tar'shish.  1.  Probably  Tartessus.  ^  city  and 
 emporium  of  the  Phoenicians  in  the  south  of  Spain. 
 The  etymology  is  unceitain.  With  three  excep- 
 tions in  the  Book  of  Chionicles,  the  following  are 
 references  to  all  the  passages  in  the  Old  Testa- 
 ment, in  which  the  A'ord  ''  Taishish "  occurs 
 (Jon.  i.  3,  iv.  2  ;  Gen.  x.  4 ;  1  Chr.  i.  7 ;  Is.  ii. 
 16,  xxiii.  1,  6,  10,  14,  Ix.  9,  Ixvi.  19  ;  Jer.  x.  9; 
 Ez.  xxvii.  12,  25,  x.sxviii.  13;  1  K.  x.  22,  xxii 
 48  [49]  ;  Ps.  xlviii.  8,  Ixvii.  10).  On  a  review  of 
 these  paj?sages,  it  will  be  seen  that  not  one  of  them 
 furnishes  direct  proof  that  Tarshish  and  Tartessus 
 were  the  same  cities.  But  their  identity  is  rendered 
 highly  probable  by  the  following  circumstances. 
 1st.  'fhere  is  a  very  close  similarity  of  name  between 
 them,  Tartessus  being  merely  Taishish  in  the  Ara- 
 maic form.  2ndly.  There  seems  to  have  been  a 
 special  relation  between  Tarshish  and  Tyre,  as  there 
 was  at  one  time  between  Tartessus  and  the  Phoeni- 
 cians, ordly.  The  articles  which  Tai  sliish  is  stated 
 by  the  prophet  Ezekiel  (xxvii.  12)  to  have  supplieil 
 to  Tyre,  are  precisely  such  as  we  know  through 
 classical  writers  to  have  been  productions  of  the 
 Spanish  Peninsula.  In  regard  to  tin,  the  trade  of 
 Tarshish  in  this  metal  is  peculiarly  significant,  and 
 taken  in  conjunction  with  similarity  of  name  and 
 other  circumstances  already  mentioned,  is  reason- 
 ably conclusive  as  to  its  identity  with  Tartessus. 
 For  even  now  the  countries  in  Europe,  or  on  the 
 shores  of  the  Mediterranean  Sea  where  tin  is  found 
 ai'e  very  few ;  and  iii  reference  to  ancient  times,  it 
 
922 
 
 TARSHISH 
 
 would  be  difficult  to  ii;\nie  any  such  countnes 
 except  Iberia  or  Sjiain,  Ijisitania.  which  was  some- 
 what less  ill  extent  than  I'ortupil,  and  Cornwall  in 
 Gi'eat  Britain.  Now  if  the  Phoenicians,  for  pur- 
 poses of  trade,  really  made  coasting  voyages  on  the 
 Atlantic  Ocean  as  far  as  to  Great  Britain,  no  em- 
 porium was  more  favourably  situated  for  such 
 voyages  than  Tartessus.  Subsequently,  when  Tyre 
 lost  its  independence,  the  relation  between  it  and 
 Tarshish  was  probably  altered,  and  lor  a  while,  the 
 exhortation  of  Isaiah  xxiii.  10,  may  have  been 
 realised  by  the  inhabitants  passing  through  their 
 land,  free  as  a  river.  This  independence  of  Tarshish, 
 combined  with  the  overshadowing  giowth  of  the 
 Carthaginian  power,  would  explain  why  in  after 
 times  the  learned  Jews  cio  not  seem  to  have  known 
 where  Tarshish  was.  Thus,  although  in  the  .Sep- 
 tuagint  translation  of  the  Pent^Ueuch,  the  Hebrew 
 word  was  as  clo.scly  followed  as  it  could  be  in 
 Gieek,  the  .'^eptuagint  translators  of  Isaiah  and 
 Jizekiel  translate  the  word  by  "Carthage"  and 
 "the  Carthaginians"  (Is.  xxiii.  1,  lo,  14;  Ez. 
 xxvii.  12,  xxxviii.  13);  and  in  the  Targiun  of  the 
 Book  of  Kings  and  of  Jeiemiah,  it  is  tianslated 
 "Africa"  (1  K.  xxii.  48;  Jer.  s.  9).  In  one 
 passage  of  the  Septuagint  (Is.  ii.  16),  and  in  others 
 of  the  Targum,  the  word  is  translated  sea;  which 
 receives  ajiparently  some  countenance  from  Jerome, 
 m  a  note  on  Is.  ii.  lli,  wherein  he  states  that  the 
 Hebrews  believe  that  Tharsis  is  the  name  of  the  sea 
 in  their  own  language.  And  Josephus,  misled, 
 apparently,  by  the  ."^optuagfnt  translation  of  the 
 Pentateuch,  which  he  misinterpreted,  regarded 
 Tharsis  as  Tarsus  in  Cilicia.  In  the  absence  of 
 positive  proof,  we  may  acquiesce  in  the  statement 
 of  Strab(j,  that  the  I'iver  Baetis  (now  the  (Guadal- 
 quivir) was  formerly  called  Tartessus,  that  the  city 
 Tartessus  was  situated  between  the  two  aims  by 
 which  the  river  flowed  into  the  sea,  and  that  the 
 adjoining  country  was  ralleil  Tartessis.  lUit  there 
 were  two  other  cities  which  some  deemed  to  have 
 been  Tartessus;  one,  Gadir,  or  Gadiia  (Cadiz),  and 
 the  other,  Caiteia,  in  the  Bay  of  (iil)raltar. — 2.  It 
 the  Book  of  Chronicles  is  to  be  followed,  there 
 would  seem  to  have  been  a  Tarshish,  accessible 
 from  the  Hed  Sea,  in  addition  to  the  Tarshish  of 
 the  south  of  Spain,  'fluis,  with  regard  to  the  ships 
 of  Tarshish,  which  Jelio>haphat  caused  to  be  con- 
 structed at  Kzion  Geber  on  the  Aelanitic  Gulf'  of 
 the  Red  Sea  (I  K.  xxii.  48),  it  is  said  in  the  Chro- 
 nicles (2  Chr.  XX.  'M'))  that  they  were  made  to  go 
 to  Tarshish;  and  in  like  manner  the  navy  of  ships 
 which'Solomon  had  previously  made  in  Kzion  Geber 
 (1  K.  ix.  '2(j).  is  sjiid  in  the  Chronicles  ("2  Chr.  ix. 
 21j  to  have  gone  to  Tarshish  with  the  servants  ol' 
 Hiram.  It  is  not  to  be  su|)p(ised  that  the  author 
 of  these  passages  in  the  Chronicles  contemplated  a 
 voyage  to  Tarshish  in  the  south  of  Spain  by  going 
 round  what  has  since  been  ciUeil  the  Caj*  of  (lood 
 Hope.  The  two  alternatives  from  which  selection 
 eliould  be  made  seem  to  be,  1st,  That  there  were 
 t'lii  empoi'ia  or  distiirt,s  aiUeil  Tarshisii,  viz.  one  in 
 the  south  of  Spain,  and  one  in  the  Indian  Ocean; 
 or,  'Jndly,  That  the  conii)iler  of  the  Chronicles,  mis- 
 iippreheiiding  the  expies>ioii  "ships  of  Tarshish," 
 supl)osed  that  they  meant  ships  destined  to  go  to 
 Tai-shish  ;  where;is,  although  this  was  the  original 
 meaning,  the  worils  ha<l  come  to  signify  larg-: 
 I'hoenician  ships,  of  a  particuiai'  size  and  descrip- 
 tion, destinol  for  long  voyages,  just  as  in  Knglish 
 '  K:uit   Indiainan  "   was   a  general  name   given  to 
 
 TARTAN 
 
 vessels,  some  of  which  were  not  intendeil  to  go  to 
 India  at  all.  'I'he  tirst  alternative  w:u>  adopted  by 
 liochart.  The  second,  which  was  tirst  suggested 
 by  Vitringa,  has  been  ado])ted  by  the  acutest  Bi- 
 blical critics  of  our  own  time.  This  alternative  is  in 
 itself  by  far  the  most  probable,  and  ought  not  to 
 ocai-sion  any  surprise.  Although,  however,  the 
 point  to  which  the  fleet  of  Solomon  and  Hiram 
 went  once  in  three  yeai-s  did  not  bear  the  name  of 
 Tarshish,  the  question  here  arises  of  what  that 
 point  was,  however  it  was  called?  And  the  rea- 
 sonable answer  seems  to  be  India,  or  the  Indian 
 Islands.  This  is  shown  by  the  nature  of  the  im- 
 ports with  which  the  fleet  returned,  which  are  spe- 
 cified as  "gold,  silver,  ivory,  apes,  mhI  jjeacocks" 
 (1  K.  X.  22).  The  gold  might  possibly  have  been 
 obtained  from  Africa,  or  from  Ophir  in  Arabia,  and 
 the  ivory  and  the  apes  might  likewise  have  been 
 imported  fjom  Africa  ;  but  the  peacocks  point  con- 
 clusively, not  to  Africa,  but  to  India.  There  are 
 only  two  species  known;  both  inhabit  the  continent 
 and  islands  of  India:  .so  that  the  mention  of  the 
 peacock  seems  to  exclude  the  possibility  of  the  voyage 
 having  been  to  Africa.  The  inference  to  be  di-awn 
 from  the  importation  of  peacocks  is  confirmed  by 
 the  Hebrew  name  for  the  ape  and  the  peacock. 
 Neither  of  these  names  is  of  Hebrew,  or  even 
 Shemitic,  origin  :  and  each  points  to  India.  Thus 
 the  Hebrew  word  for  ape  is  Koph,  while  the  San- 
 scrit word  is  kapi.  Again,  the  Hebrew  word  li>r 
 peacock  is  tukki,  which  cannot  be  explained  in  He- 
 brew, but  is  akin  to  tuka  in  the  Tamil  language,  in 
 which  it  is  likewise  ciipable  of  explanation.  It  is 
 only  to  bo  added,  that  there  are  not  sullicient  data 
 lor  deteimining  what  were  the  ports  in  India  or 
 the  Indian  Islands  which  were  reached  by  the  fleet 
 of  Hiram  and  Solomon.  Sir  Kmerson  Tennent  has 
 made  a  suggestion  of  Point  de  Gallc,  in  Ceylou. 
 But  however  reasonable  this  suggestion  may  be,  it 
 can  onlv  be  received  as  a  jiure  conjecture, 
 
 Tar'sus.  The  chief  town  of  Cilicia,  "  no  mean 
 city  "  in  other  respects,  but  illustrious  to  all  time 
 as  tlie  birthplace  and  early  residence  of  the  Apostle 
 Paul  (Acts  ix.  11,  xxi.  39,  xxii.  3).  Even  in  the 
 flourishing  period  of  Greek  history  it  was  a  city  of 
 some  considerable  consequence.  After  Alexander's 
 conquests  had  swept  this  way,  and  the  Seleucid 
 kinijdom  was  established  at  A ntioch.  Tarsus  usually 
 belonged  to  that  kingdom,  though  for  a  time  it  was 
 under  the  Ptolemies.  In  the  Civil  Wai-s  of  Home  it 
 took  Cae>ar'sside,  and  on  the  occasion  of  a  visit  from 
 him  had  its  name  changed  to  Juliopolis.  Augustus 
 made  it  a  "  free  city."  It  was  renowned  as  a  place  ol 
 education  under  the  early  Roman  emperoi's.  Strabo 
 compares  it  in  this  respect  to  Athens  and  Ale.xandria. 
 Tarsus  also  was  a  jilace  of  much  commerce.  It  was 
 situated  in  a  wild  and  fertile  plain  on  the  banks  of 
 the  Cyilniis.     No  ruins  of  any  importance  remain. 
 
 Tar'tak.  One  of  the  gods  of  the  Avite,  or 
 Avvite,  colonists  of  Samaria  (2  K.  xvii.  31  j.  Ac- 
 cording to  Rabbinical  tradition,  Taitak  is  said  to 
 have  been  woishipi>ed  under  the  foim  of  an  a.ss. 
 A  Pei-sian  or  Pehlvi  origin  has  been  suggested  for 
 the  name,  according  to  which  it  signifies  either  "  in- 
 tense darkness,''  or  "  hero  of  darkness,"  or  the 
 underworld,  and  so  perhaps  some  plaiiet  of  ill-luck 
 as  S-iturn  or  Mai-s. 
 
 Tar'tan,  which  occui-s  only  in  2  K.  xviii.  17, 
 and  Is.  XX.  1,  has  been  generally  regardeil  as  a 
 priijier  name.  Recent  di.simvei  ies  make  it  ]iroU'il'le 
 that    in    TarUm,    as  in    li'ab&uis  and    lUbshakeh 
 
TATNAI 
 
 we  have  not  a  pi'oper  name  at  all,  but  a  title  or 
 olHcial  designation,  like  Pharaoh  or  Siirena.  The 
 Assyrian  Tartan  is  a  general,  or  commander-in- 
 chiet". 
 
 Tatna'i,  Satrap  of  the  province  west  of  the  Eu- 
 phrates in  the  time  of  Darius  Hystaspis  (Ezr.  v. 
 o,  6,  vi.  6,  13).  The  name  is  thought  to  be 
 Pe\sian. 
 Taverns,  tlie  three.  [Thrke  Taverns.] 
 Taxes.  I.  Under  the  Judges,  according  to  the 
 theocratic  govei'nment  contemplated  by  the  law, 
 the  only  payments  incumbent  upon  the  people  as  of 
 permanent  obligation  were  the  Tithes,  the  First 
 Fruits,  the  Keuemption-money  of  the  first- 
 born, and  other  oflerings  as  belonging  to  special 
 occasions.  The  payment  by  each  Israelite  of  the 
 half-shekel  as  "  atonement-money,"  I'or  the  service 
 of  the  tabernacle,  on  taking  the  census  of  the  people 
 (Ex.  XXX.  13),  does  not  appear  to  have  had  the 
 character  of  a  recuriing  tax,  but  to  have  been 
 supplementary  to  the  fiee-will-ofi'erings  of  Ex. 
 XXV.  1-7,  levied  for  the  one  purpose  of  the  con- 
 struction of  the  sacred  tent.  In  later  times, 
 indeed,  after  the  return  from  Babylon,  there  was 
 an  annual  iwyment  for  maintaining  the  fabric  and 
 services  of  the  Temple ;  but  the  f.ict  that  this 
 begins  by  tlie  voluntary  compact  to  pay  one-third 
 of  a  shekel  (Neh.  x.  32)  shows  that  till  then  there 
 was  no  such  payment  recognised  as  necessary.  A 
 little  later  the  third  became  a  half,  and  under  the 
 name  of  the  didrachma  (Matt.  xvii.  24)  was  paid 
 by  eveiy  Jew,  in  whatever  part  of  the  world  he 
 might  be  living.— II.  The  kingdom,  with  its  cen- 
 tralised government  and  gieater  magnificence,  in- 
 volved, of  course,  a  larger  expenditure,  and  there- 
 fore a  heavier  taxation.  The  chief  burdens  appear 
 to  have  been:  (1)  A  tithe  of  the  produce  both  of 
 the  soil  and   of  live  stock  (I  Sam.  viii.  15,  17). 
 
 (2)  F'orced  military  service  for  a  month  every  year 
 (1  Sam.  viii.  12;   1  K.  ix.  22;    1  Chr.  xxvii.  1). 
 
 (3)  Gifts  to  the  king  (1  Sam.  x.  27,  xvi.  20,  xvii. 
 18).  (4)  Import  duties  (I  K.  x.  15).  (5)  The 
 monopoly  of  certain  branches  of  commerce  (1  K. 
 ix.  28,  xxii.  48,  x.  28,  29j.  (6j  The  appropria- 
 tion to  the  king's  use  of  the  early  crop  of  hay  (Am. 
 vii.  1).  At  times,  too,  in  the  history  of  both  the 
 kingdoms  there  were  special  burdens.  A  tribute 
 of  50  shekels  a  head  had  to  be  paid  by  ]\Ienahem  to 
 the  Assyrian  king  (2  K.  xv.  20),  and  under  his 
 successor  Hoshea  this  assumed  the  form  of  an  annual 
 tribute  (2  K.  xvii.  4). — III.  Under  the  Persian 
 empire,  the  taxes  paid  by  the  Jews  were,  in  their 
 broad  outlines,  the  same  in  kind  as  those  of  other 
 subject  races.  The  financial  system  which  gained 
 for  Darius  Hystaspis  the  name  of  the  ''shopkeeper 
 king"  involved  the  payment  by  each  satrap  of  a 
 fixed  sum  as  the  tribute  due  from  his  province.  In 
 Judaea,  as  in  other  provinces,  the  inhabitants  had 
 to  provide  in  kind  for  the  maintenance  of  the  go- 
 vernor's household,  besides  a  money-payment  of  40 
 shekels  a  day  (Neh.  v.  14,  15).  In  Ezr.  iv.  13, 
 20,  vii.  24,  we  get  a  formal  enumeration  of  the 
 three  great  branches  of  the  revenue.  The  influence 
 of  Ezra  secured  for  the  whole  ecclesiastical  ordei', 
 from  the  priests  down  to  the  Nethinim,  an  immun- 
 ity from  all  three  (Ezr.  vii.  24)  ;  but  the  burden 
 pressed  heavily  on  the  great  body  of  the  people.^ 
 IV.  Under  the  Egyptian  and  Syrian  kings  the  taxes 
 paid  by  the  Jews  became  yet  heavier.  'I'he  "farm- 
 ing" system  of  finance  was  adopted  in  its  worst 
 form.     The  ta.xes  were  put  up  to  auction.     The 
 
 TAXING 
 
 923 
 
 contract  sum  for  those  of  Phoenicia,  Judaea,  Sa- 
 maria, had  been  estimated  at  about  8000  talents. 
 An  unscrupulous  adventurer  would  bid  double  that 
 sum,  and  would  then  go  down  to  the  province,  and 
 by  violence  and  cruelty,  like  that  of  Turkish  or 
 Hindoo  collectors,  squeeze  out  a  large  margin  of 
 profit  for  himself.— V.  The  pressure  of  Roman  tax- 
 ation, if  not  absolutely  heavier,  was  probably  more 
 galling,  as  being  more  thorough  and  systematic, 
 more  distinctively  a  mark  of  bondage.  The  capture 
 of  Jerusalem  by  Pompey  was  followed  immediately 
 by  the  imposition  of  a  tribute,  and  within  a  short 
 time  the  sum  thus  taken  from  the  resouices  of  the 
 country  amounted  to  10,000  talents.  When  Judaea 
 became  formally  a  Roman  province,  the  whole 
 financial  system  of  the  Empire  came  as  a  natural 
 consequence.  The  taxes  were  systematically  farmed, 
 and  the  publicans  appeared  as  a  new  curse  to  the 
 country.  The  Portoria  were  levied  at  harbom-s, 
 piers,  and  the  gates  of  cities  (Matt.  xvii.  24  ;  Rom. 
 xiii.  7).  In  addition  to  this  there  was  the  poll- 
 tax  paid  by  every  Jew,  and  looked  upon,  for  that 
 reason,  as  the  special  badge  of  servitude.  United 
 with  this,  as  part  of  the  same  system,  theie  was 
 also,  in  all  probability,  a  property-tax  of  some  kind. 
 In  addition  to  these  general  taxes,  the  inhabitiints 
 of  Jerusalem  were  subject  to  a  special  house-duty 
 about  this  period. 
 
 Taxing.  I.  The  English  word  conveys  to  us  more 
 distinctly  the  notion  of  a  tax  or  tribute  actually 
 levied,  but  it  appears  to  have  been  used  in  the  16th 
 century  for  the  simple  assessment  of  a  subsidy  upon 
 the  property  of  a  given  county,  or  the  registration 
 of  the  people  for  the  purpose  of  a  poll-tax.  The 
 word  airoypaip-fi  by  itself  leaves  the  question  whe- 
 ther the  returns  made  were  of  population  or  property 
 undetermined.  In  either  case  "Census  "  would  have 
 seemed  the  most  natural  Latin  equivalent.— II.  Two 
 distinct  registrations,  or  taxings,  are  mentioned  in 
 the  N.  T.,  both  of  them  by  St.  Luke.  The  first  is 
 said  to  have  been  the  result  of  an  edict  of  the  em- 
 peror Augustus,  that  "  all  the  world  («.  e.  the  Ro- 
 man empire)  should  be  taxed"  (Luke  ii.  1),  and  is 
 connected  by  the  Evangelist  with  the  name  of  Cy- 
 renius,  or  Quirinus.  The  second,  and  more  im- 
 portant (Acts  V.  37),  is  distinctly  associated,  iu 
 point  of  time,  with  the  revolt  of  Judas  of  Galilee. 
 The  account  of  Josephus  biings  together  the  two 
 names  which  St.  Luke  keeps  distinct,  vvith  an  in- 
 terval of  several  years  between  them. — III.  There 
 are,  however,  some  other  questions  connected  with 
 the  statement  of  Luke  ii.  1-3,  which  call  for  some 
 notice.  (1.)  The  truth  of  the  statement  has  been 
 questioned  by  Strauss  and  De  Wette,  and  others,  on 
 the  ground  that  neither  Josephus  nor  any  other 
 contemporary  writer  mentions  a  census  extending 
 over  the  whole  empire  at  this  period  (a.U.C.  750). 
 (2.)  Palestine,  it  is  urged  further,  was,  at  this 
 time,  an  independent  kingdom  under  Herod,  and 
 therefore  would  not  have  come  under  the  operation 
 of  an  imperial  edict.  (3.)  If  such  a  measure,  in- 
 volving the  recognition  of  Roman  sovereignty,  had 
 been  attempted  under  Herod,  it  would  have  loused 
 the  same  resistance  as  the  undisputed  census  under 
 Quirinus  did  at  a  Inter  period.  (4.)  The  statement  of 
 St.  Luke  that  "  all  went  to  be  taxed,  every  one  into 
 his  own  city,"  is  said  to  be  inconsistent  with  the 
 rules  of  the  Roman  census,  which  took  cognizance 
 of  the  place  of  residence  only,  not  of  the  place  of 
 birth.  (5.)  Neither  in  the  .lewi.sh  nor  the  Roman 
 census  would  it  have  been  ncce.ssary  for  the  wile  to 
 
924 
 
 TEBAPl 
 
 travel  with  her  hiishand  in  order  to  apjtear  pereon- 
 aliv  before  the  registrar,  (i.)  But  it  must  be  re- 
 meniberel  that  our  history  of  this  portion  of  the 
 reign  of  Aiii;uhtus  is  defective.  Tacitus  begins  his 
 Annals  with  the  empror's  death,  .'^uetonius  is 
 gossiping,  inaccurate,  and  ill-arranged.  Dion  Cassius 
 leaves  a  gap  from  a.U.C.  748  to  756,  with  hardly 
 any  incidents.  Josephus  does  not  jnofess  to  give  a 
 history  of  the  enipiie.  It  might  ea.sily  be  that  a 
 general  census,  circ.  A.U.C.  749-750,  should  remain 
 unrecorded  by  them.  There  is,  however,  some  evid- 
 ence, more  or  less  circumstantial,  in  conlirmation 
 of  St.  Luke's  statement.  (1.)  The  inference  drawn 
 iVom  the  silence  of  historians  may  be  legitimately 
 nii't  Ijy  an  inference  drawn  from  the  silence  of  ob- 
 jectors. It  never  fMxurred  to  C'elsus,  or  l.ucian,  or 
 Poi-phyry,  questioning  all  that  they  could  in  the 
 Cospel  history,  to  question  this.  (2.)  A  lemark- 
 able  passiige  in  Suidas  mentions  a  wnsus,  agreeing, 
 in  some  respects,  with  that  of  St.  Luke.  (3.)  Ter- 
 tuUian  api)eals  to  the  returns  of  the  census  for 
 Syria  under  Sentius  Saturnhuis  as  accessible  to  all 
 who  cared  to  sjarcli  them,  and  proving  the  birth  of 
 Jesus  in  the  city  of  David.  (4.)  Gieswell  has 
 pointed  to  some  circumstances  mentioned  by  Jo- 
 sephus in  the  last  year  of  Herod's  life,  which  imply 
 some  s])ecial  action  of  the  Itoman  government  in 
 Syria,  the  nature  of  which  the  historian  ci\relessly 
 or  deliberately  suppresses,  (ii.)  The  second  ob- 
 jection admits  of  as  satisl'actory  an  answer.  The 
 statistical  document  already  referred  to  included 
 subject-kingdoms  and  allies,  no  less  tlian  the  pro- 
 vinces. If  Augustus  had  any  desire  to  know  the 
 resouices  of  Judaea,  the  position  of  Hercd  made 
 him  neither  willing  nor  able  to  resist,  (iii.)  We 
 need  not  wonder  that  the  measure  should  have  been 
 carried  into  eflect  without  any  popular  outbreak.  It 
 was  a  return  of  the  population  only,  not  a  valuation 
 of  property  ;  there  was  no  immediate  taxation  as 
 the  consequence.  {iv.)  The  alleged  inconsistency 
 of  what  St.  Luke  nari'ates  is  precisely  what  might 
 be  expected  under  the  known  circumstances  of  the 
 case.  The  census,  though  Roman  in  origin,  was 
 etfected  by  Jewish  instrumentality,  and  in  harmony 
 tlierefore  with  Jewish  customs,  fv.)  The  last  ob- 
 jection as  to  the  presence  of  the  \'irgin,  where  nei- 
 ther Jewish  nor  Roman  practice  would  have  rc- 
 quire<i  it,  is  perhaps  the  most  frivoloiis  and  vexatious 
 of  all.  If  iMary  weie  herself  of  the  house  and 
 lineage  of  David,  there  may  have  been  special  rea- 
 sons for  her  appearance  at  Bethlehem.  In  any  case 
 the  Scripture  narrative  is  consistent  with  itself. 
 
 Te'bah.  Kldest  of  the  sons  of  Nahor,  by  his  con- 
 cul>inc  1,'t'iimah  (Cicn.  xxii.  24). 
 
 Tebali'ah.     Third  son  of  Hosah  of  the  children 
 of  MMiiin     1  Chr.  xxvi.  11). 
 Teb'eth.     [Month.] 
 
 Tehin'nah.    The  fit  her  or  founder  of  Ir-Nahash, 
 IhiM-tv.  INaliasli,andsonofKsliton(l  Chr.  iv.  12). 
 Teil-tree.     [Oak.] 
 
 Tekoa  ml  Tekoah,  a  town  in  the  trilie  of 
 •liidali  (2  Chr.  xi.  Ij),  on  the  range  of  hills  which 
 list'  near  Hebron,  and  stretch  eastward  towards  the 
 [Vad  Sea.  .leronie  sjiys  that  Tekoa  w.as  six  Roman 
 miles  from  Bethli-hein,  and  that  as  he  wrote  he  had 
 that  village  daily  before  his  eyes.  In  his  Onoiiuis- 
 ticon  lie  represents  Tekoa  ;is  nine  miles  only  I'rom 
 Jerus;dem  ;  but  elsewhere  he  agrees  with  Kusebius 
 in  making  the  ilistance  twelve  miles.  It  is  not 
 ennnu'iated  in  the  Hebrew  catalogue  of  towns  in 
 Juduh  (Josh.  XV.  40),  but  is  in.sert<xl  in  that  i>tis.snge 
 
 TELAIM 
 
 of  the  Septuagint.  The  "wise  woman"  whom 
 .loab  cinployrd  to  etiect  a  reconciliation  between 
 iKivid  and  Abs;dom  w.is  obtained  fVom  this  place 
 (2  Siun.  xiv.  2).  Here  also,  Ira,  the  son  of  Ikkesli, 
 one  of  David's  thirty,  "  the  mighty  men,"  was  born, 
 and  was  called  on  that  account  "the  Tekoite" 
 (2  Sam.  xxiii.  20).  It  was  one  of  the  places  which 
 Reholxjam  foitilied,  at  the  beginning  of  his  leign,  as 
 a  defence  against  invasion  fiom  the  south  (2  t'hr. 
 xi.  6).  Some  of  the  people  from  Tekoa  took  part 
 in  building  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  after  the  return 
 from  the  Caj)tivity  (Neh.  iii.  5,  27).  In  Jer.  vi. 
 1,  the  prophet  exclaims,  "Blow  the  trum|)et  in 
 Tekoa  and  .set  up  a  sign  of  fire  in  Beth-Hacceiem." 
 But  Tekoa  is  chieHy  memorable  as  the  birthplace 
 of  the  prophet  Amos  (.Vmos  vii.  14).  Tekoa  is 
 known  still  as  Tekua,  and,  though  it  lies  somewhat 
 aside  fiom  the  oidinary  route,  has  been  vi.sited  and 
 described  by  several  recent  travellers.  Its  distance 
 from  Beit  Lahm  agrees  precisely  with  that  assigned 
 by  the  early  writere  as  the  distance  between  Tekoa 
 and  Bethlehem.  It  is  within  sight  also  of  the 
 "  Frank  Mountain,"  beyond  question  the  famous 
 Herodium,  or  site  of  Herod's  Castle,  which  Josephus 
 represents  ,is  near  the  ancient  Tekoa.  It  lies  on  an 
 elevateil  hill,  which  spre.ids  itself  out  into  an  irre- 
 gular plain  of  moderate  extent.  Various  ruins 
 exi.st  at  Tekoa,  such  as  the  walls  of  houses,  cisterns, 
 broken  columns,  and  heaps  of  building-stones.  Some 
 of  these  stones  have  the  so-called  "  bevelled  "  e<lgps 
 which  are  supposed  to  show  a  Hebrew  origin.  Near 
 Teku'a,  among  the  same  mountains,  on  the  brink 
 of  a  frightful  precipice,  are  the  ruins  of  K/iureitun, 
 possibly  a  I'orruption  of  Iverioth  (Josh.  xv.  25),  and 
 in  that  ca.se  j)erhaps  the  biilhplace  of  Judas  the 
 traitor,  who  was  thence  allied  Iscariot,  i.  e.  "  man 
 of  Kerioth."  High  up  from  the  bottom  of  the 
 lavine  is  an  ojiening  in  the  face  of  the  rocks  which 
 leiids  into  an  immense  subterranean  labyrinth, 
 which  many  sujipose  may  have  been  the  Cave  of 
 -AduUam.  One  of  the  gates  of  .Jerusalem  in  Chris- 
 ti:ui  times  seems  to  have  borne  the  name  of  Tekoa. 
 
 Teko'a,  A  name  occurring  in  the  geneiilogies  of 
 .ludali  (1  Chr.  ii.  24,  iv.  5).  as  the  son  of  Ashur. 
 There  is  little  doubt  that  the  town  of  Tekoa  is  meant. 
 
 Tekoite,  the.  Ira  ben-lkkesh,  one  of  David's 
 warriors,  is  thus  designated  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  26 ; 
 1  Chr.  .\i.  2cS,  xxvii.  9).  The  common  jx'ople 
 among  TIIK  Tkkoitks  displayed  gieat  activity  in 
 the  rejiali-s  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  under  Nelie- 
 miah  (Neh.  iii.  5,  27). 
 
 Tel-a'bib  was  probably  a  city  of  Chaldaea  or 
 I)abylonia,  not  of  LJpiwr  .Mesopotamia,  as  genei-ally 
 imagined  (Ez.  iii.  15).  The  whole  scene  of  Kzckiel's 
 preaching  and  visions  seems  to  have  liecn  Chaldaeit 
 I'joper  ;  and  the  river  Chebar,  as  alieaily  ol)serve«l, 
 was  not  the  A'/uiboHr,  but  a  branch  of  the  Ku- 
 ph  rates. 
 
 Te  lah.  A  descendant  of  Ephraim,  and  antx'stor 
 of  Joshua  (1  Chr.  vii.  25). 
 
 Tel'aim.  The  place  at  which  .Saul  collected  and 
 nuiuberol  his  forces  before  his  attack  on  .Amalek 
 (  1  Sam.  XV.  4,  only).  It  may  be  identicjil  with 
 Ti;i.i:m.  On  the  other  hand  the  rea<ling  of  the 
 L.KX.  in  1  Sam.  xv.  4 — viz.  (Jilgal,  is  remarkabFe ; 
 and  is  almost  snllicient  to  induce  the  belief  that  in 
 this  case  the  I. XX.  and  Josephus  have  prescrveil  the 
 right  name,  and  that  instead  of  Telaim  we  should, 
 with  Ihiiu,  re;id  (Idgal.  The  Targum  rendei-8  it 
 "  lambs  of  the  I'.a.vsovcr,"  accoixiing  to  n  curious 
 fancy,  mentioned  elscwhtix-  ui  the  Jewish  booki, 
 
TELASSAR 
 
 that  the  army  met  at  the  Pa>sover,  and  that  the 
 census  was  taken  by  counting  the  lamhs. 
 
 Telas'sar  is  mentioneil  in  2  K.  xix.  12,  and  in 
 Is.  xxxvii.  12  as  a  city  inhabited  by  "  the  children 
 of  Eden,"  which  had  been  conquered,  and  was  held 
 in  the  time  of  Sennacherib  by  the  Assyrians.  In 
 both  it  is  connected  with  Gozan  (Gauzanitis),  Haran 
 (Carrhae,  now  Harran),  and  Kezeph  (the  Kazappa 
 of  the  Assyrian  Inscriptions),  all  of  which  belong  to 
 the  hill  countiy  above  the  Upper  Mesopotaraian 
 plain.  Telassar,  the  chief  city  of  a  tribe  known  as 
 the  Beni  Eden,  must  have  been  in  Western  Mesopo- 
 tamia, in  the  neighbourhood  of  Harran  and  Orfa. 
 
 Terem.  One  of  the  cities  in  the  extreme  south 
 of  .hidah  (Josh,  xv,  24).  It  occurs  between  Ziph 
 and  Bealoth  :  but  has  not  been  identified.  The  name 
 DhuUdm  is  found  in  Van  de  Velde's  map,  attached 
 to  a  district  immediately  to  the  north  of  the  Kuhbet 
 el-Baul,  south  of  el  Milh  and  Ar'ai-ah — a  position 
 very  suitable. 
 
 Terem,  A  porter  or  doorkeeper  of  the  Temple 
 in  the  time  of  Ezra  (Ezr.  x.  24).  He  is  probably 
 the  same  as  Talmon  in  Neh.  xii.  25. 
 
 Tel-Har'sa,  or  Tel-Har'eslia,  one  of  the  Baby- 
 lonian tovvns,  or  villages,  mentioned  in  Ezr.  ii.  59 ; 
 Nell.  vii.  61.  It  was  probably  in  the  low  country 
 neai-  the  sea,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Tel-Melah  and 
 Cherub  ;  but  we  cannot  identify  it  with  any  known 
 site. 
 
 Tel-Me'lah  is  joined  with  Tel  Harsa  and  Cherub 
 in  the  two  passages  already  cited  under  Tel-Harsa. 
 It  is  perhaps  the  Thelme  of  Ptolemy  (v.  20). 
 
 Te'ma.  The  ninth  son  of  Ishmael  (Gen.  xxv.  15  ; 
 1  Chr.  i.  30);  whence  the  tribe  called  after  him, 
 mentioned  in  Job  vi.  19 ;  Jer.  xxv.  23,  and  also  the 
 land  occupied  by  this  tribe  (Is.  xxi.  13,  14).  The 
 name  is  identified  satisfactorily  with  Teyma,  a  small 
 town  on  the  confines  of  Syria,  between  it  and  Wadi-l- 
 Kura,  on  the  road  of  the  Damascus  pilgrim-caravan. 
 It  is  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Dooniat-el-Jende), 
 which  agrees  etymologically  and  by  tradition  with 
 the  Ishmaelite  Dujiah,  and  the  country  of  Keydar, 
 or  Keoar. 
 
 Te'man.  1.  A  son  of  Eliphaz,  son  of  Esau  by 
 Adah  (Gen.  xxxvi.  11,  15,  42  ;  1  Chr.  i.  36,  53).— 
 2.  A  country,  and  probably  a  city,  named  after  the 
 Edomite  phylarch,  or  from  which  the  phylai'ch  took 
 his  name.  The  Hebrew  signifies  "  south,"  &c.  (see 
 Job  ix.  9  ;  Is.  xliii.  6) ;  and  it  is  probable  that  the 
 land  of  Teman  was  a  southern  portion  of  the  land 
 of  Edom,  or,  in  a  wider  sense,  that  of  the  sons  of 
 the  East,  the  Beni-kedem.  Teman  is  mentioned  in 
 five  places  by  the  Prophets,  in  four  of  which  it  is 
 connected  with  Edom,  and  in  two  with  Dedan  (Jer. 
 xlix.  7,  8  ;  Ez.  xxv.  13).  In  common  with  most 
 Edomite  names,  Teman  appears  to  have  been  lost. 
 Eusebius  and  Jerome  mention  Teman  as  a  town  in 
 their  day  distant  15  miles  from  Petra,  and  a  Ro- 
 man post.  The  identification  of  the  existing  Maan 
 with  this  Teman  may  be  geographically  correct,  but 
 it  cannot  rest  on  etymological  grounds.  The  gen- 
 tilic  noun  of  Teman  is  temani  (Job  ii.  11,  xxii.  1), 
 Hnd  Eliphaz  the  Temanite  was  one  of  the  wise  men 
 of  Edom.  The  gen.  n.  occurs  also  in  Gen.  xxxvi. 
 34,  where  the  land  of  Temani  is  mentioned. 
 
 Te'mani.     [Teman.] 
 
 Te'manite.     [Teman.] 
 
 Te'meni.  Son  of  Ashur,  the  father  of  Tekoa,  by 
 his  wiie  Naarah  (1  Chr.  iv.  6). 
 
 Temple.  There  is  perhaps  no  building  of  the 
 ancient  world  which  has  excited  so  much  attention 
 
 TEMPLE 
 
 925 
 
 since  the  time  of  its  destruction  as  the  Temple 
 which  .Solomon  built  at  Jerusalem,  and  its  successor 
 as  lebuilt  by  Herod.  Its  spoils  were  considered 
 worthy  of  forming  the  principal  illustration  of  one 
 of  the  most  beautiful  of  Koman  triumphal  arches, 
 and  Justinian's  highest  architectural  ambition  was 
 that  he  might  surpass  it.  Throughout  the  middle 
 ages  it  influenced  to  a  considerable  degree  the  forms 
 of  Christian  churches,  and  its  peculiarities  were  the 
 watchwords  and  rallying-points  of  all  associations 
 of  builders.  When  the  French  expedition  to  Egypt, 
 in  the  first  years  of  this  century,  had  made  the 
 world  familiar  with  the  wonderful  aichitectuial 
 remains  of  that  country,  every  one  jumped  to  the 
 conclusion  that  Solomon's  Temple  must  have  been 
 designed  after  an  Egyptian  model.  The  Assyrian 
 discoveries  of  Botta  and  Layard  have  within  the 
 last  twenty  years  given  an  entirely  new  direction 
 to  the  researches  of  the  restorers.  Unfortunately, 
 however,  no  Assyrian  temple  has  yet  been  exhumed 
 of  a  natuie  to  throw  much  light  on  this  subject, 
 and  we  are  still  forced  to  have  recourse  to  the  later 
 buildings  at  Persepolis,  or  to  general  deductions  from 
 the  style  of  the  nearly  contemporary  secular  build- 
 ings at  Nineveh  and  elsewhere,  for  such  illustrations 
 as  are  available.  Before  proceeding,  however,  to 
 investigate  the  arrangements  of  the  Temple,  it  is 
 indispensable  first  carefully  to  determine  those  of 
 the  Tabernacle  which  Moses  caused  to  be  erected  in 
 the  Desert  of  Sinai  immediately  after  the  promulga- 
 tion of  the  Law  from  that  mountain. 
 
 Tabernacle. — The  wiitten  authorities  for  the 
 restoration  of  the  Tabernacle  are,  first,  the  detailed 
 account  to  be  found  in  the  26th  chapter  of  Exodus, 
 and  repeated  in  the  36th,  verses  8  to  38,  without 
 any  \ariation  beyond  the  slightest  possible  abridge- 
 ment. Secondly,  the  account  given  of  the  building 
 by  Josephus  (^Ant.  iii.  6),  which  is  so  nearly  a  repe- 
 tition of  the  account  found  in  the  Bible  that  we 
 may  feel  assured  that  he  had  no  really  important 
 authority  before  him  e.xcept  the  one  which  is  equally 
 accessible  to  us.  The  additional  indications  con- 
 tained in  the  Talmud  and  in  Philo  are  so  few  and 
 indistinct,  that  they  practically  add  nothing  to  our 
 knowledge.  Outer  Enclosure. — The  court  of  the 
 Tabernacle  was  surrounded  by  canvas  screens.  Those 
 of  the  Tabernacle  were  5  cubits  in  height,  and  sup- 
 ported by  pillars  of  brass  5  cubits  apart,  to  which 
 the  curtains  were  attached  by  hooks  and  fillets  of 
 silver  (Ex.  xxvii.  9,  &c.).  This  enclosure  was  only 
 broken  on  the  eastern  side  by  the  entrance,  which 
 was  20  cubits  wide,  and  closed  by  curtains  of  fine 
 twined  linen  wrought  with  needlework,  and  of  the 
 most  gorgeous  colours.  The  space  enclosed  within 
 these  screens  was  a  double  square,  50  cubits,  or 
 75  feet  north  and  south,  and  100  cubits  or  150  ft. 
 east  and  west.  In  the  outer  or  eastern  half  was 
 placed  the  altar  of  burnt-oHerings,  described  in  Ex. 
 xxvii.  1-8,  and  between  it  and  the  Tabernacle  the 
 laver,  at  which  the  priests  washed  their  hands  and 
 feet  on  entering  the  Temple.  In  the  square  towards 
 the  west  was  situated  the  Temple  or  Tabernacle 
 itself.  The  dimensions  in  plan  of  this  structure 
 are  easily  ascertained.  Josephus  states  them  as 
 30  cubits  long  by  10  broad,  or  45  feet  by  15,  and 
 the  Bible  is  scarcely  less  distinct,  as  it  says  that 
 the  north  and  south  walls  were  each  composed  of 
 twenty  upright  boards  (Ex.  xxvi.  15,  &c.),  each 
 board  one  cubit  and  a  half  in  width,  and  at  the 
 west  end  there  were  six  boards  equal  to  9  cubits, 
 which,  with  the  angle  boards  or  posts,  made  up  the 
 
926 
 
 TEMPLE 
 
 10  cubits  of  Joseph  us.  Eaih  of  llii'sc  bonnls  was 
 furnished  with  two  tenons  at  its  lower  extieinity, 
 wliich  Htted  into  silver  sockets  placed  on  the 
 ground.  At  the  top  at  least  they  were  jointed 
 and  fa.-itencd  together  by  bars  of  shittim  or  acacia 
 wood   run  through   rings  of  gold   (H.\.  xxvi.  26). 
 
 ~i~rT 
 
 wi 
 
 © 
 
 .',       10  20  .10  40  50  Cubits. 
 
 — h ^ -i r-^-^ 1 r~\ 
 
 10        2n       30       40       .so        60       70  7 S  Feet. 
 Plan  of  the  Outer  Court  of  the  Tabemnclc. 
 
 Both  authorities  agree  that  there  were  five  bara 
 for  each  side,  but  a  little  dilliculty  aiises  fi-om 
 the  Bible  describing  (ver.  28)  a  middle  bar  which 
 reached  from  end  to  end.  As  we  shall  presently 
 see,  this  bar  was  probably  applied  to  a  totally  dif- 
 ferent purpose,  and  we  may  therefore  assume  for 
 the  present  that  Josephus'  description  of  the  mode 
 in  which  they  were  applied  is  the  correct  one: — 
 "  Kveiy  one,"  he  says  {^Ant.  iii.  6,  §.'{  ,  "  of  the 
 pillars  or  boaids  had  a  ring  of  gold  aflixcd  to  its 
 front  outwards,  into  which  were  inserted  bars  gilt 
 with  gold,  each  of  them  5  cubits  long,  and  these 
 bound  1oi;ethi'r  the  txtards ;  the  head  of  one  bar 
 running  into  another  after  the  manner  of  one  tenon 
 insert<'d  into  another.  But  for  the  wall  behind 
 there  was  only  one  b,ir  that  went  through  all  the 
 Imards,  into  which  one  of  the  ends  of  the  bars  on 
 both  siiles  w.xs  inserted."  ."v)  far,  therefore,  every- 
 thing seems  certain  ami  easily  understood.  The 
 Tal«riiacle  was  an    oblong   rectangular  structure. 
 
 TEMPLE 
 
 •iO  cubits  long  by  10  broail,  open  at  the  eastern 
 end,  and  diviiled  internally  into  two  apartments. 
 The  Holy  of  Holies,  into  which  no  one  entered — not 
 even  the  High-priest,  exce])t  on  veiy  extraordinary 
 occasions — was  a  cube,  10  cubits  sipiare  in  plan,  and 
 10  cubits  high  to  the  top  of  the  wall.  In  this  was 
 plaied  the  Mercy-seat,  sunnounteil  by  the  cherubim, 
 and  on  it  was  placed  the  Aik  containing  the  tables 
 of  the  Law.  In  front  of  these  was  an  outer  cham- 
 ber, called  the  Holy  Place — 20  cubits  long  by  10 
 l)road,  and  10  high,  aj>proiiriated  to  the  use  of  the 
 priests.  In  it  were  placed  the  golden  candlestick 
 on  one  side,  the  table  of  shew-bread  opposite,  and 
 between  them  in  the  centre  the  altar  of  incense. 
 The  roof  of  the  Tabernacle  was  foraied  by  3,  or 
 rather  4,  sets  of  curtains,  the  dimensions  of  two  ot 
 which  are  given  with  great  minuteness  both  in  the 
 Bible  and  by  Josephus.  The  iiuieiuiost  (Ex.  xxvi. 
 1,  &c.),  of  fine  twined  linen  according  to  our  trans- 
 lation (Josephus  calls  them  wool),  were  ten  in 
 number,  each  4  cubits  wide  and  28  cubits  long. 
 These  were  of  various  coloui-s,  and  ornamented  with 
 cherubim  of"  cunning  work."  Five  of  these  were 
 sewn  together  so  as  to  form  larger  cuitains,  each 
 20  cubits  by  28,  and  these  two  again  were  joined 
 together,  when  used,  by  fifty  gold  buckles  or  clasps. 
 Above  these  were  placed  curtains  of  goats'  hair, 
 each  4  cubits  wide  by  30  cubits  long,  but  eleven  in 
 number;  these  were  also  sewn  together,  six  into 
 one  curt;iin,and  five  into  the  other,  and,  when  used, 
 were  likewise  joined  together  by  fifty  gold  buckles. 
 Over  these  again  was  thrown  a  curtain  of  rams' 
 skins  with  the  wool  on,  dj'ed  red,  and  a  fourth 
 covering  is  also  specified  as  being  of  badgere'  skins, 
 so  named  in  the  A.  V.,  but  which  probably  really 
 consisted  of  seal-skins.  This  did  not  of  course  cover 
 the  rams'  skins,  but  most  probably  was  only  used 
 as  a  coping  or  ridge  piece  to  protect  the  junction  ot 
 the  two  curtains  of  ranis'  skins  which  were  laid  on 
 each  slope  of  the  roof,  and  probably  only  laced  to- 
 gether at  the  top.  The  question  which  has  hitherto 
 proved  a  stumblingblock  to  restorei-s  is,  to  know 
 how  these  curUiins  were  applied  as  a  covering  to 
 the  Tabernticle.  The  solution  of  the  difficulty  ap- 
 pears singularly  obvious.  It  is  sini])ly,  that  the 
 tent  had  a  ridge,  ius  all  tents  have  had  from  the  days 
 of  Jloses  down  to  the  present  day  ;  and  we  have 
 also  very  little  difliculty  in  pre<licating  that  the 
 angle  formed  by  the  two  sides  of  the  roof  at  the 
 ridge  was  a  right  angle — not  because  it  is  a  reason- 
 able and  usual  angle  for  such  a  roof,  and  one  that 
 would  most  likely  be  adopted  in  so  regular  a  build- 
 ing, but  because  its  adoption  reduces  to  harmony 
 the  only  abnormal  measurement  in  the  whole  build- 
 ing.     It  is  now  easy  to  explain  all  the  other  difli- 
 
 ,5CU3ITS, 
 
 iPliiginiii  of  th<-  tlhiionoioiiii  i.f  llic  Tnl>omiicl«  in  Boctlon. 
 
TEMPLE 
 
 927 
 
 South-East  View  of  the  Tabernacle  as  restored. 
 
 culties  which  have  met  previous  restorers.  First. 
 The  Holy  of  Holies  was  divided  from  the  Holy  Place 
 by  a  scieen  of /our  pillars  supporting  curtains  which 
 no  one  was  allowed  to  pass.  But,  strange  to  say, 
 in  the  entrance  there  were  five  pillars  in  a  similar 
 space.  Now,  no  one  would  put  a  pillar  in  the 
 centre  of  an  entrance  without  a  motive  ;  but  the 
 moment  a  ridge  is  assumed  it  becomes  indispen- 
 sable. It  may  be  assumed  that  all  the  five  pillars 
 were  spaced  within  the  limits  of  the  10  cubits  of 
 the  breadth  of  the  Tabernacle,  viz.  one  in  the  centre, 
 two  opposite  the  two  ends  of  the  walls,  and  the 
 other  two  between  them  ;  but  the  probabilities  are 
 so  infinitely  greater  that  those  two  last  were  beyond 
 those  at  the  angles  of  the  tent,  that  it  is  hardly 
 worth  while  considering  the  first  hypothesis.  By 
 the  one  here  adopted  the  pillars  in  front  would, 
 like  everything  else,  be  sjiaced  exactly  5  cubits  apart. 
 Secondly.  Josephus  twice  asserts  that  the  Taber- 
 nacle was  divided  into  three  parts,  though  he  speci- 
 fies only  two — the  Adytum  and  the  Pronaos.  The 
 third  was  of  course  the  porch,  5  cubits  deep,  which 
 stretched  across  the  width  of  the  house.  Thirdly. 
 In  speaking  of  the  western  end,  the  Bible  always 
 uses  the  plural,  as  if  there  were  two  sides  there. 
 There  was,  of  course,  at  least  one  pillar  in  the 
 centre  beyond  the  wall, — there  may  have  been  five, 
 — so  that  there  practically  were  two  sides  there. 
 Fourthly.  We  now  imderstand  why  there  are  10 
 breadths  in  the  under  curtains  and  11  in  the  upper. 
 It  was  that  they  might  breakpoint — in  other  words, 
 that  the  seam  of  the  one,  and  especially  the  gi'eat 
 joining  of  the  two  divisions,  might  be  over  the 
 centre  of  the  lower  curtain,  so  as  to  prevent  the 
 rain  penetrating  through  the  joints.  It  may  also 
 be  remarked  that,  as  the  two  cubits  which  were  in 
 excess  at  the  west  hung  at  an  angle,  the  depth  of 
 fiinge  would  be  practically  about  the  same  as  on 
 the  sides. 
 
 Solomon's  Temple. — It  was  David  who  first 
 proposes]  to  replace  the  Tabernacle  by  a  more  per- 
 manent building,  but  was  forbidden  for  the  reasons 
 assigned  by  the  prophet  Nathan  (2  Sam.  vii.  5,  &c.), 
 and  though  he  collected  materials  and  made  ar- 
 rangements, the  execution  of  the  task  was  left  for 
 his  son  Solomon.     He,  with  the  assistance  of  Hiiam 
 
 king  of  Tyre,  commenced  this  great  undertaking  in 
 the  fourth  year  of  his  reign,  and  completed  it  in 
 seven  years,  about  1005  B.C.  according  to  the  re- 
 ceived chronology.  On  comparing  the  Temple,  as 
 described  in  1  Kings  vi.  and  2  Chronicles  ii.  and  by 
 Josephus  vii.  3,  with  the  Tabernacle,  as  just  ex- 
 plained, the  first  thing  that  strikes  us  is  that  all  the 
 arrangements  were  i(lentical,  and  the  dimensions  of 
 every  part  exactly  douliJe  those    of  the  preceding 
 
 Plan  of  Solomon's  Temple,  stowing  the  disposition  of  the  chambers 
 in  two  stories, 
 
 structure.  Thus  the  Holy  of  Holies  in  the  Taber- 
 nacle was  a  cube,  10  cubits  each  way;  in  the 
 Temple  it  was  20  cubits.  The  Holy  Place  or 
 outer  hall  was  10  cubits  wide  by  20  long  and  Id 
 high  in  the  Tabernacle.  In  the  Temple  all  these 
 dimensions  were  exactly  double.  The  porch  in  the 
 Tabernacle  was  5  cubits  depp,  in  the  Temple  10: 
 its  width  in  both  instances  bei'jg  the  width  of  the 
 house.     The  chambers  round   the  House  and   the 
 
928  TEMPLE 
 
 Taheinaf^le  woro  pmcIi  [>  cubits  wiiic  mi  tlic  trrouml- 
 Hoor,  the  dillLMeiux'  boint;  tliat  in  tlie  'romple  the 
 two  walls  t;tken  toijethor  made  up  a  tliii:kness  of 
 5  cubits,  tlius  niakiiii;  10  cubits  tor  tlie  chambers. 
 Takine;  all  these  paits  together,  the  poiiiKl-plan  of 
 the  'I'emple  measured  80  cubits  by  40  ;  that  of  the 
 Tabeniacle  was  40  by  20 ;  anil  what  is  more  striking 
 than  even  this,  is  that  though  the  walls  were  10 
 cubits  high  in  the  one  and  L'O  cubits  in  the  other, 
 the  whole  height  of  the  Tabernacle  was  lo,  that 
 of  the  Temple  'SO  cubits;  the  one  roof  rising  5, 
 ihe  other  10  cubits  alwve  the  height  of  the  internal 
 Nvalls.  So  far  as  the  dimensions  above  quoted  are 
 concerned,  everything  is  as  clear  and  as  certain  as 
 iinythiiig  that  can  be  predicated  of  any  building  of 
 which  no  lemains  exist ;  but  beyond  this  there  are 
 certain  minor  problems  by  no  Hieaiis  so  easy  to 
 resolve,  but  fortunately  they  are  of  much  less  im- 
 portance. The  (irst  is  the  Ilcvjht. — That  given  iu 
 1  K.  vi.  2 — of  30  cubits — is  so  reasonable  in  pro- 
 portion to  the  other  dimensions,  that  the  matter 
 miglit  be  allowed  to  rest  there  were  it  not  for  the 
 iLssertion  (2  Chr.  iii.  4)  tliat  the  height,  though 
 ajiparently  only  of  the  porch,  was  120  cubits=  180 
 feet.  Both  Josephus  and  the  Talmud  persistently 
 assert  that  there  was  a  superstructure  on  the 
 Temple  equal  in  height  to  the  lower  part,  and  the 
 total  height  they,  in  accordance  with  the  Book  of 
 Chronicles,  call  120  cubits  or  180  feet.  In  looking 
 through  the  monuments  of  antiquity  for  something 
 to  suggest  what  this  might  be,  the  only  thing  that 
 occurs  is  the  i>latforni  or  Talar  that  existed  on  the 
 roofs  of  the  Palace  Temples  at  Persepolis.  Jachin 
 and  Doaz. — There  are  no  features  connected  with 
 the  Temple  of  Solomon  which  have  given  rise  to  so 
 much  controversy,  or  been  so  dillicult  to  explain, 
 as  the  form  of  the  two  pillars  of  bnuss  which  were 
 set  up  in  the  porch  of  the  house.  It  has  even  been 
 supposed  that  they  were  not  pillars  in  the  ordinary 
 sense  of  the  term,  but  obelisks ;  for  this,  however, 
 there  does  not  appear  to  be  any  authority.  Ac- 
 coriling  to  1  K.  vii.  15  et  seq.,  the  pillars  were  18 
 cubits  high  and  12  in  circiunferenci',  with  capitals 
 five  cubits  in  height.  Above  this  Wiis  (ver.  19 j 
 another  member,  called  also  chapiter  of  lily-work, 
 four  cubits  in  height,  but  which  from  the  second 
 
 Oonilcp  of  Illy-work  Hi  rcrarpollt. 
 
 TEMPLE 
 
 mention  of  it  in  ver.  21  seems  more  probably  lo 
 have  been  an  entablature,  which  is  necessary  to 
 conii)leto  the  onler.  As  these  members  make  out 
 27  cubits,  leaving  /?  cubits  or  4  J  feet  for  the  sloj)e 
 of  the  roof,  the  wh(de  design  seems  reasonable  and 
 projjer.  If  this  conjecture  is  correct,  we  have  no 
 grea'  difficulty  in  suggesting  that  the  lily-work 
 musi  have  been  something  like  the  Pei-sepolitan 
 cornice,  which  is  probably  nearer  in  style  to  that 
 of  the  buildings  at  Jerusalem  than  anything  else  we 
 know  of.  fntemal  Sup/jOrts. — The  existence  of 
 these  two  ])illars  in  the  porch  suggests  an  inquiry 
 which  has  hitherto  been  entirely  overlooked :  Were 
 there  any  ])illai's  in  the  interior  of  the  Temple?  If 
 they  were  introduced  at  all,  there  must  have  been 
 tour  in  the  sanctuary  and  ten  in  the  hall,  not 
 iiecess;irily  equally  spaced,  in  a  transverse  direction, 
 but  probably  standing  G  cubits  from  the  walls, 
 leaving  a  centre  aisle  of  8  cubits.  The  question, 
 in  fact,  is  very  much  the  same  that  met  us  in  dis- 
 cussing the  construction  of  the  Tabernacle.  No 
 internal  supports  to  the  roofs  of  either  of  these 
 buildings  are  mentioned  anywhere.  But  the  diffi- 
 culties of  construction  without  them  would  have 
 been  so  enormous,  and  their  iiitio<luction  so  usual 
 and  so  entirely  unobjectionable,  that  we  can  hardly 
 understand  their  not  being  employed.  Chambers. 
 — The  only  other  feature  which  remains  to  be  no- 
 ticed is  the  application  of  three  tiers  of  small  cham- 
 bers to  the  walls  of  the  Temple  externally  on  all 
 sides,  except  that  of  the  entrance.  Though  not  ex- 
 jiressly  so  stated,  these  were  a  sort  of  mon;istcry, 
 appropriated  to  the  residence  of  the  priests  who 
 were  either  permanently  or  in  turn  devoted  to  the 
 service  of  the  Temple.  The  lowest  story  was  only 
 5  cubits  in  widtli,  the  next  6,  ami  the  upjwr  7, 
 allowing  an  otVset  of  1  cubit  on  the  side  of  the 
 Temple,  or  of  9  inches  on  each  side,  on  which  the 
 flooring  joists  rested,  so  as  not  to  cut  into  the  walls 
 of  the  'I'emple.  It  is,  again,  only  at  I'ei-sepolis  that 
 we  find  anything  at  all  analogous  to  this;  in  the 
 Palace  of  Darius  we  find  a  similar  ninge  on  either 
 hand.  Outer  Court. — The  enclosure  of  the  Temple 
 consisted,  iiccording  to  the  Bible  (1  K.  vi.  oG),  of  a 
 low  wall  of  three  courses  of  stones  and  a  row  of 
 cedar  beams,  both  probal>ly  highly  ornaraeiiteil.  As 
 it  is  more  than  probalile  that  the  siime  duplicition 
 of  (limensions  took  place  in  this  as  in  all  the  other 
 features  of  the  Tabernacle,  we  may  safely  assume 
 that  it  was  10  cubits,  or  15  feet,  in  height,  and 
 almost  certainly  100  cubits  north  and  south,  and 
 200  eiist  and  west.  There  is  no  mention  in  the 
 Bible  of  any  porticoes  or  gateways  or  any  archi- 
 tectural ornaments  of  this  endosuie. 
 
 Tkmple  of  ZKiU'iinAKKL. —  We  have  very  few 
 jiarticulars  regarding  the  Temple  whicli  the  Jews 
 eiecteil  alter  their  return  from  the  t'a])tivity  (cir. 
 52(1  li.C. ),  and  no  description  that  would  enable  us 
 to  realize  its  appe.irance.  But  there  are  some  di- 
 mensions given  in  the  Bible  and  elsewhei-e  which 
 are  extremely  interesting  as  alTording  points  of  coin- 
 l)arison  In-tween  it  and  the  Temples  which  precedeil 
 it,  or  weie  erected  after  it.  The  first  and  most  au- 
 thentic are  those  given  in  the  Book  of  Kzi-a  (vi.  3), 
 when  quoting  the  decree  of  Cyrus,  wherein  it  is 
 said,  "  Let  the  house  be  builded,  the  plaie  where 
 they  olVercd  sacrifices,  and  let  the  foundations  thereof 
 be  .strongly  laid  ;  the  height  thereof  threescore 
 cubits,  and  the  breadth  thereof  threescore  cubits, 
 with  three  rows  of  great  stones  and  a  row  of  new 
 timber."     Josephus  quotes  this  passage  almost  liter- 
 
TEMPLE 
 
 alJy,  but  in  doing  so  enables  us  with  certainty  to 
 translate  the  word  here  called  Row  as  "  Story  " — 
 as  indeed  tlie  sense  would  lead  us  to  infer.  The 
 other  dimensions  of  60  cubits  in  breadth,  is  20 
 cubits  in  excess  of  that  of  Solomon's  Temple,  but 
 there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  its  coriectness,  (or  we 
 find  both  from  Josephus  and  the  Talmud  that  it 
 was  the  dimension  adopted  for  the  Temple  when 
 rebuilt,  or  rather  repaired  by  Herod.  We  are  lett 
 therefore  with  the  alternative  of  assuming  that  the 
 porch  and  the  chambers  all  round  were  20  cubits 
 in  width,  including  the  thickness  of  the  walls,  in- 
 stead of  10  cubits,  as  in  the  earlier  building.  This 
 alteration  in  the  width  of  the  Pteromata  made  the 
 Temple  100  cubits  in  length  by  60  in  breadth,  with 
 a  height,  it  is  said,  of  60  cubits,  including  the  upper 
 room  or  Tahir,  though  we  cannot  help  suspecting 
 that  this  h\st  dimension  is  somewhat  in  excess  of  the 
 truth.  The  only  other  description  of  this  Temple 
 is  found  in  Hecataeus  the  Abderite,  who  wrote 
 shortly  after  the  death  of  Alexander  the  Great.  As 
 quoted  by  Josephus,  he  says,  that  "In  Jerusalem 
 towards  the  middle  of  the  city  is  a  stonewalled 
 enclosure  about  500  feet  in  length,  and  100  cubits 
 m  width,  with  double  gates,"  in  wliich  he  describes 
 the  Temple  as  being  situated.  Hecataeus  also  men- 
 tions that  the  altar  was  20  cubits  square  and  10 
 high.  And  although  he  mentions  the  Temple  itself, 
 he  unfortunately  does  not  supply  us  with  any  di- 
 mensions. From  these  dimensions  we  gather,  that 
 if  "  the  Pi'iests  and  Levites  and  Elders  of  families 
 were  disconsolate  at  seeing  how  much  more  sump- 
 tuous the  old  Temple  was  than  the  one  which  on 
 account  of  their  poverty  they  had  just  been  able  to 
 erect"  (Ezr.  iii,  12);  it  certainly  was  not  because 
 it  was  smaller,  as  almost  every  dimension  had  been 
 increased  one-third.  In  speaking  of  these  Temples 
 wo  must  always  bear  in  mind  that  their  dimensions 
 
 TEMPLE 
 
 929 
 
 were  practically  very  far  inferior  to  those  of  the 
 Heathen.  Even  that  of  Ezra  is  not  larger  than  an 
 average  parish  chiu'ch  of  the  last  century — Solo- 
 mon's was  smaller.  It  was  the  lavish  display  of 
 the  precious  metals,  the  elaboration  of  carved  orna- 
 ment, and  the  beauty  of  the  textile  fabrics,  which 
 made  up  their  splendour  and  rendered  them  so 
 precious  in  the  eyes  of  the  people. 
 
 Temple  of  Ezekiel. — The  vision  of  a  Temple 
 which  the  prophet  Ezekiel  saw  while  residing  on 
 the  banks  of  the  Chebar  in  Babylonia  in  the  25th 
 year  of  the  Captivity,  does  not  add  much  to  our 
 knowledge  of  the  subject.  It  is  not  a  description 
 of  a  Temple  that  ever  was  built  or  ever  could  be 
 erected  at  Jerusalem,  and  can  consequently  only 
 be  considered  as  the  heau  ideal  of  what  a  Shemitic 
 Temple  ought  to  be.  Notwithstanding  its  ideal 
 character,  the  whole  is  extremely  curious,  as  show- 
 ing what  were  the  aspirations  of  the  Jews  in  this 
 diiection,  and  how  different  they  were  from  those 
 of  other  nations ;  and  it  is  interesting  heie,  inas- 
 much as  there  can  be  little  doubt  but  that  the  ar- 
 rangements of  Herod's  Temple  were  in  a  great 
 measure  influenced  by  the  description  here  given. 
 
 Temi'LE  of  Herod. — For  our  knowledge  of  the 
 last  and  greatest  of  the  Jewish  Temples  we  are 
 indebted  almost  wholly  to  the  works  of  Josephus, 
 with  an  occasional  hint  from  the  Talmud.  The 
 Bible  unfortunately  contains  nothing  to  assist  the 
 resaarches  of  the  antiquary  in  this  respect.  The 
 Temple  or  naos  itself  was  in  dimensions  and 
 arrangement  very  similar  to  that  of  Solomon,  or 
 rather  that  of  Zerubbabel — more  like  the  latter ; 
 but  this  was  surrounded  by  an  inner  enclosure  of 
 great  strength  and  magnificence,  measuring  as  nearly 
 as  can  be  made  out  180  cubits  by  240,  and  adorned 
 by  porches  and  ten  gateways  of  great  magnificence  ; 
 and  beyond  this  again  was  an  outer  enclosure  mea- 
 
 Con.  D.  B, 
 
 Temple  ol  Herod  restored.    Scale  of  200  feet  to  1  Inch. 
 
 3  0 
 
930 
 
 TEMPLE 
 
 suriiis;  externally  400  cul)its  each  way.  It  has 
 already  been  pointp<l  out  [Jeki:sam:m]  that  the 
 Temple  was  certainly  situated  in  the  S.W.  angle 
 of  the  area  now  known  as  the  Haram  area  at  Jeru- 
 salem, and  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  repe<»t  here  the 
 arguments  there  adduced  to  prove  that  its  dimen- 
 sions were  what  Josephus  states  them  to  be,  400 
 cubits,  or  one  stadium,  each  way.  What  Herod 
 did  apparently  was  to  fcike  in  the  whole  space  be- 
 tween the  Temple  and  the  city  wall  on  its  eastern 
 side,  and  to  add  a  considerable  space  on  the  north 
 and  south  to  support  the  porticoes  which  he  iidded 
 there.  As  the  Temple  terrace  thus  became  the 
 principal  deleiice  of  the  city  on  the  east  side,  there 
 were  no  gates  or  openings  in  that  direction.  The 
 north  side,  too,  where  not  covered  by  the  fortress 
 Antonia,  be(;ame  part  of  the  defences  of  the  city, 
 and  was  likewise  without  external  gates.  On  the 
 south  side,  which  was  enclosed  by  the  wall  of 
 Ophel,  there  were  double  gates  nearly  in  the  centre. 
 These  gates  still  exist  at  a  distiince  of  about  365  feet 
 from  the  south-western  angle,  and  are  perhaps  the 
 onlv  architectural  features  of  the  Temple  of  Herod 
 which  remain  in  situ.  This  entrance  consists  of  a 
 double  archway  of  Cyclopean  architecture  on  the 
 level  of  the  ground,  opening  into  a  square  vestibule 
 measuring  40  feet  each  way.  From  this  a  double 
 tunnel,  nearly  200  feet  in  length,  leads  to  a  Hight 
 of  steps  which  rise  to  the  surface  in  the  court  of 
 the  Temjile,  exactly  at  that  gateway  of  the  iiuier 
 Temple  which  led  to  the  altar,  and  is  the  one  of 
 the  four  gateways  on  this  side  by  which  any  one 
 arriving  from  Ophel  would  naturally  wish  to  enter 
 the  inner  enclosure,  placed  a  little  more  to  the  east- 
 ward than  the  exact  centre  of  the  enclosure,  where 
 naturally  we  should  othei'wise  have  looked  for  it. 
 We  learn  from  the  Talmud,  that  the  gate  of  the 
 inner  Temple  to  which  this  passage  led  was  called 
 the  "  Water  Gate  ;"  and  it  is  interesting  to  be  able 
 to  identify  a  spot  so  prominent  in  the  description 
 of  Nehemiah  (xii.  37).  Towards  the  west  there 
 were  four  gateways  to  the  esto-nal  enclosure  of  the 
 Temple,  and  the  positions  of  three  of  these  can  still 
 be  traced  with  certainty.  The  first  or  most  southern 
 led  over  the  bridge  the  remains  of  which  were  iden- 
 tified by  Dr.  Robinson,  and  joined  the  Stoa  Basilica 
 of  the  Temple  with  the  royal  palace.  The  second 
 was  that  discovered  by  Dr.  Barclay,  '270  feet  from 
 the  S.W.  angle,  at  a  level  of  17  feet  below  that  of 
 the  southern  gates  just  described.  The  site  of  the 
 third  is  so  completely  covered  by  the  buildings  of 
 the  -Meckme'  that  it  has  not  yet  been  seen,  but  it 
 will  be  found  between  200  and  250  feet  from  the 
 N.W.  .uigle  of  tlie  Temple  area.  The  fourth  was 
 that  which  led  over  the  causeway  which  still  exists 
 at  a  distance  of  600  feet  from  the  south-western 
 angle.  Cloisters. — The  most  magnificent  part  of 
 the  Temple,  in  an  architectural  point  of  view,  seems 
 ceilainly  to  have  been  the  cloisters  which  were  added 
 to  the  outer  court  when  it  w.ts  enlarged  by  Herod. 
 The  cloistei's  in  the  west,  north,  and  east  side  were 
 composed  of  double  rows  of  Corinthian  columns,  25 
 cubits  or  37  feet  6  inches  in  height  with  Hat  root's, 
 .md  resting  against  the  outer  wall  of  the  Temple. 
 These,  however,  were  imme.isurably  surpassed  in 
 m.agnificcnce  by  the  royal  porch  or  Stoa  Biisilic^i 
 which  overhung  the  southern  wall.  This  is  so 
 minutely  described  by  Josephus,  that  there  is  no 
 dilliculty  in  undei-standing  its  anangemcnt  or  asci  r- 
 taining  its  dimensions.  It  consisted  of  a  nave  and 
 two  aisles,  that   towards  the  Temple   being  open. 
 
 TEMPLE 
 
 that  towards  the  country  closed  bv  a  wall.  The 
 bre.ndth  of  the  centre  aisle  was  45  fVet ;  of  the  side 
 aisles  30  from  centre  to  centre  of  the  pillai-s  ;  their 
 height  50  feet,  and  that  of  the  centre  aisle  luO  feet. 
 This  magnificent  structure  was  supported  by  162 
 Corinthian  columns.  At  a  short  distiince  from  the 
 front  of  these  cloisters  was  a  marble  screen  or  en- 
 closure, 3  cubits  in  height.  Again,  at  a  short 
 distance  within  this  was  a  thght  of  steps  supporting 
 the  terrace  or  platt()rm  on  which  the  Temple  itself 
 stood.  The  ajurt  of  the  Temple  was  veiy  nt-arly  a 
 square.  It  may  have  been  exactly  so,  for  we  have 
 not  all  the  details  to  enable  us  to  feel  quite  certain 
 about  it.  The  Middoth  says  it  was  187  cubits  E. 
 and  W.,  and  137  N.  and  S.  To  the  eastward  of 
 this  was  the  court  of  the  women,  the  dimensions 
 of  which  are  not  given  by  Josephus,  but  are  in  the 
 Midloth,  as  137  cubits  square  —  a  dimension  we 
 may  safely  reject.  If  we  assume  that  the  enclosure 
 of  the  court  of  the  Gentiles,  or  the  Chel,  was  nearly 
 equidistatit  on  all  four  sides  from  the  cloistere,  its 
 dimension  must  have  been  about  37  or  40  cubits 
 east  and  west,  most  probably  the  tbnner.  The 
 great  ornament  of  these  uuier  couits  seems  to  have 
 been  their  gateways,  the  three  especially  on  the 
 north  and  south  leading  to  the  Temple  court. 
 These,  according  to  .Josephus,  were  of  great  height, 
 strongly  fortified  and  ornamented  with  great  elabor- 
 ation. But  the  wonder  of  all  was  the  great  eastern 
 gate  leading  from  the  court  of  the  women  to  the 
 upper  court.  This  seems  to  have  been  the  piide 
 of  the  Temple  ai-ea.  It  was  also  in  all  proUibility 
 the  one  called  the  "  Beautiful  Gate  "  in  the  New 
 Testament.  Immediately  within  this  gateway  stood 
 the  altar  of  burnt-oflerings.  Both  the  Altar  and 
 the  Temple  were  enclosed  by  a  low  parapet  one 
 cubit  in  height.  Within  this  last  enclosure  towai-ds 
 the  westward  stood  the  Temple  itself.  Its  interual 
 dimensions  were  the  same  as  those  of  the  Temple 
 of  Solomon.  Although  the  internal  dimensions  re- 
 maine<l  the  same,  there  seems  no  reason  to  doubt 
 but  that  the  whole  plah  was  augmented  by  the 
 Fteromata  or  surrounding  parts  being  increased 
 from  10  to  20  cubits,  so  that  the  third  Temple  like 
 the  second,  measured  60  cubits  across,  and  100 
 cubits  east  and  west.  The  width  of  the  fapade  was 
 also  augmented  by  wings  or  shoulders  projecting 
 20  cubits  each  way,  making  the  whole  breadth  lOO 
 cubits,  or  equal  to  the  length.  So  far  all  seems 
 certain,  but  when  we  come  to  the  height,  every 
 me.isiirement  seems  doubtful.  Both  Josephus  and 
 the  Talmud  seem  delighteil  with  the  truly  Jewish 
 idea  of  a  building  which,  without  being  a  cube,  was 
 100  cubits  long,  100  broad,  and  100  high.  We 
 cannot  help  suspecting  that  in  this  instance  Jo- 
 sephus was  guilty  of  systematicilly  doubling  the 
 altitude  of  the  building  he  wiis  describing,  as  it  can 
 be  proved  he  did  in  some  other  instances.  But 
 when  we  turn  from  ac:tual  measurement  and  try  to 
 realize  its  appearance  or  the  details  of  its  archi- 
 tecture, we  launch  into  a  sea  of  i?onjerture  with 
 very  little  indeed  to  guide  us,  at  least  in  i-egard  to 
 the  appearance  of  the  Tomjile  itself.  Whatever 
 may  have  been  the  CJise  with  the  Temple  of  Solo- 
 mon, it  is  nearly  certiin  that  the  style  of  the  second 
 Temple  must  have  been  identical  with  that  of  the 
 buildings  we  are  so  familiar  with  at  Pei-sepolis  and 
 Susa.  The  Jews  were  too  closely  connected  with 
 the  Fereians  and  Babylonians  at  this  period  to  know 
 of  any  other  style,  and  in  fact  their  Temple  was 
 built  under  the  superintendence  of  the  very  parties 
 
TEN  COMMANDMENTS 
 
 wlu)   were   erecting   the    contempoiary  edifices    at 
 I'ersepolis  and  Susa. 
 
 Ten  Commandments.  (1.)  The  popnlar  name 
 in  this,  as  in  so  many  instances,  is  not  that  of  Scrip- 
 ture. There  we  l>ave  the  ''  ten  words,"  not  the 
 Ten  Commandments  (Ex.  xxxir.  28  ;  Deut.  iv.  13, 
 X.  4,  Heb.).  The  diffeience  is  not  altogether  an  un- 
 meaning one.  The  uord  of  God,  the  ''  word  of  the 
 Loid,"  the  constantly  recurring  term  for  the  fullest 
 revelation,  was  higher  than  any  phrase  expressing 
 meiely  a  command,  and  cariied  with  it  more  the 
 idea  of  a  self-fulfilling  power.  Other  names  are 
 even  more  signiricant.  These,  and  these  alone,  are 
 "the  words  of  the  covenant"  (Ex.  xxxiv.  28). 
 They  aie  also  the  Tables  of  Testimony,  sometimes 
 simply  ^'the  testimony"  (Ex.  xxv.  16,  .\xxi.  18, 
 &c.)  (2.)  The  circumstances  in  which  the  Ten 
 gieat  Words  weie  first  given  to  the  people  sur- 
 rounded them  with  an  awe  which  attached  to  no 
 other  piecept.  In  the  midst  of  the  cloud,  and  the 
 darkness,  and  the  flashing  lightning,  and  the  fiery 
 smoke,  and  the  thundei',  like  the  voice  of  a  trumpet, 
 Moses  was  called  to  receive  the  Law  without  which 
 the  people  would  cease  to  be  a  holy  nation.  Here, 
 as  elsewhere.  Scripture  unites  two  facts  which  men 
 separate.  God,  and  not  man,  was  speaking  to  the 
 Israelites  in  those  teiToi's,  and  yet,  in  the  language 
 of  later  inspired  teachers,  other  instrumentality  was 
 not  excluded.  No  other  words  were  proclaimed  in 
 like  manner.  And  the  recoid  was  as  exceptional 
 as  the  original  revelation.  Of  no  other  words  could 
 it  be  said  that  they  were  written  as  these  were 
 written,  engraved  on  the  Tables  of  Stone,  not  as 
 originating  in  man's  contiivance  or  sagacity,  but  by 
 the  power  of  the  Eternal  Spirit,  by  the  "  finger  of 
 God  "  (Ex.  xxxi.  18,  xxxii.  16).  (3.)  The  number 
 Ten  was,  we  can  hardly  doubt,  itself  significant  to 
 Moses  and  the  Israelites.  The  received  symbol,  then 
 and  at  all  times,  of  completeness,  it  taught  the 
 pople  that  the  Law  of  Jehovah  was  perfect  (Ps. 
 xix.  7).  The  foct  that  they  were  written  not  on 
 one,  but  on  two  tables,  probably  in  two  groups  of 
 five  each,  taught  men  the  gi'eat  division  of  duties 
 towards  God,  and  duties  towards  our  neighbour, 
 which  we  recognise  as  the  groundwork  of  eveiy 
 true  Moral  system.  It  taught  them  also,  five  being 
 the  symbol  of  imperfection,  how  incomplete  each 
 set  of  duties  would  be  when  divoiced  from  its  com- 
 panion. (4.)  In  what  way  the  Ten  Commandments 
 were  to  be  divided  has,  however,  been  a  matter  of 
 much  controversy.  At  least  four  distinct  arrange- 
 ments pi'esent  themselves,  (a.)  In  the  received 
 teaching  of  the  Latin  Chinch  lesting  on  that  of  St. 
 Augustine  the  first  Table  contained  three  command- 
 ments, the  second  the  other  seven.  It  involved, 
 however,  and  in  part  proceeded  from  an  alteration 
 in  the  leceived  anangement.  What  we  know  as 
 the  fii'st  and  second  were  united,  and  consequently 
 the  Sabbath  law  appeared  at  the  close  of  the  First 
 Table  as  the  thii-d.  not  as  the  fourth  commandment. 
 The  completeness  of  the  number  was  lestored  in  the 
 Second  Table  by  making  a  sepai'ate  '^the  ninth) 
 command  of  the  precept,  "Thou  shalt  not  covet 
 thy  neighbour's  wife."  which  with  us  fonns  part 
 of  the  tenth.  (6.)  The  familiar  division,  referring 
 the  first  four  to  our  duty  towards  God,  and  the  six 
 remaining  to  our  duty  towards  man,  is,  on  ethical 
 grounds,  simple  and  natural  enough,  (c.)  A  modi- 
 fication of  (a.)  has  been  adopted  by  later  Jewish 
 writers.  Retaining  the  combination  of  the  first 
 and  second  commandments  of  the  common  oi'der. 
 
 TENT 
 
 931 
 
 they  have  made  a  new  "  word"  of  the  opening  de- 
 clai-ation,  "  I  am  the  Lord  thy  God,  which  brought 
 thee  out  of  the  land  of  Egypt,  out  of  the  house  of 
 bondage,"  and  so  have  avoided  the  necessity  of  the 
 subdivision  of  the  tenth,  (d.)  Rejecting  these  three, 
 there  remains  that  recognised  by  the  older  Jewish 
 wi-iters,  Josephus  and  Philo,  aiid  supiiorted  ably 
 and  thoughtfully  by  Ewald,  which  places  five  com- 
 mandments in  each  Table  ;  and  thus  preserves  the 
 pentad  and  decad  grouping  which  peivades  the 
 whole  code-.  A  modern  jurist  would  peihaps  object 
 that  this  places  the  fifth  commandment  in  a  wiong 
 position,  that  a  duty  to  parents  is  a  duty  towards 
 our  neighbour.  From  the  Jewish  point  of  view,  it 
 is  believed,  the  place  thus  given  to  that  command- 
 ment was  essentially  the  light  one.  Instead  of 
 duties  towards  God,  and  duties  towards  our  neigh- 
 bours, we  must  think  of  the  Fiist  Table  as  con- 
 taining all  that  belonged  to  the  Evcr40fia  of  the 
 Greeks,  to  the  Pietas  of  the  Romans,  duties  i.  e. 
 with  no  corresponding  rights,  while  the  Second  deals 
 with  duties  which  involve  rights,  and  come  theie- 
 fore  under  the  head  of  Justitia.  The  duty  of  ho- 
 noui'ing,  i.  e.  supporting,  paients  came  under  the 
 former  head.  (5.)  To  these  Ten  Commandments 
 we  find  in  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch  an  eleventh 
 added  : — "  But  when  the  Loid  thy  God  shall  have 
 brought  thee  into  the  land  of  Canaan,  whither  thou 
 goest  to  possess  it,  thou  shalt  set  thee  up  two  great 
 stones,  and  shalt  plaister  them  with  plaister,  and 
 shalt  write  upon  these  stones  all  the  words  of  this 
 Law.  ^loreover,  after  thou  shalt  have  passed  over 
 Jordan,  thou  shalt  set  up  those  stones  which  I  com- 
 mand thee  this  day,  on  Mount  Gerizim,  and  thou 
 shalt  build  there  an  altar  to  the  Lord  thy  God,  an 
 altar  of  stones  :  thou  shalt  not  lift  up  any  iion 
 thereon.  Of  unhewn  stones  shalt  thou  build  that 
 altar  to  the  Lord  thy  God,  and  thou  shalt  otier  on 
 it  burnt-ofiierings  to  the  Lord  thy  God,  and  thou 
 shalt  sacrifice  peace-ofi'erings,  and  shalt  eat  them 
 there,  and  thou  shalt  rejoice  before  the  Lord  thy 
 God  in  that  mountain  beyond  Jordan,  by  the  way 
 where  the  sun  goeth  down,  in  the  land  of  the  Ca- 
 naanite  that  dwelleth  in  the  plain  country  over 
 against  Gilgal,  by  the  oak  of  Moreh,  towaids 
 Sichem "  (Walton,  Bibl.  Polyglott.).  The  inter- 
 polation has  every  mark  of  being  a  bold  attempt  to 
 claim  for  the  schismatic  worship  on  Gerizim  the 
 solemn  sanction  of  the  voice  on  Sinai,  to  place  it  on 
 the  same  footing  as  the  Ten  gi-eat  Words  of  God. 
 (6.)  The  treatment  of  the  Ten  Commandments  in 
 the  Taigum  of  Jonathan  ben  Uzziel  is  not  without 
 interest.  There  the  fii-st  and  second  commandments 
 aie  united,  to  make  up  the  second,  and  the  words 
 "  I  am  the  Lord  thy  God,"  &c.,  are  given  as  the 
 first.  More  remaikable  is  the  addition  of  a  distinct 
 reason  for  the  last  five  commandments  no  less 
 than  for  the  first  five.  "  Thou  shalt  commit  no 
 murder,  for  because  of  the  sins  of  murderers  the 
 swoi'd  goeth  forth  upon  the  world."  (7.)  The  ab- 
 sence of  any  distinct  reference  to  the  Ten  Com- 
 mandments as  such  in  the  Pirke  Ahoth  (  =  Maxims 
 of  the  Fathers)  is  both  strange  and  significant. 
 With  all  their  ostentation  of  profound  reverence  for 
 the  Law,  the  teaching  of  the  Rabbis  turned  on 
 other  points  than  the  great  laws  of  duty. 
 
 Tent.  Among  the  leading  chaiacteristics  of  the 
 nomade  races,  those  two  have  always  been  num- 
 bered, whose  origin  has  been  asciibed  to  Jabal  the 
 son  of  Lamech  (Gen.  iv.  20j,  viz.,  to  be  tent- 
 dwellers  and  keepers  of  cattle.     The  same  may  be 
 
 3  0  2 
 
932 
 
 TERAH 
 
 TERTIUS 
 
 Arab  Tent  (Layard). 
 
 said  of  the  forefathers  of  the  Hebrew  race ;  nor 
 was  it  until  the  return  into  Canaan  from  Egypt 
 that  tlie  Hebrews  became  inhabitants  of  cities.  An 
 Arab  tent  is  minutely  described  by  Burckhardt.  It 
 is  called  heit,  "  house ;"  its  covering  consists  of 
 stuff,  about  three-quarters  of  a  yard  broad,  made 
 of  black  goats'-hair  (Cant.  i.  5),  laid  parallel  with 
 the  tent's  length.  This  is  suthcient  to  resist  tlie 
 heaviest  rain.  The  tent-poles,  called  aniud,  or 
 columns,  are  usually  nine  in  number,  placed  in 
 three  groups,  but  many  tents  have  only  one  pole, 
 others  two  or  three.  Tlie  ropes  which  hold  the 
 tent  in  its  place  are  fastened,  not  to  the  tent-cover 
 itself,  but  to  loops  consisting  of  a  leathern  thong 
 tied  to  the  ends  of  a  stick,  round  whicii  is  twisted  a 
 piece  of  old  cloth,  wliich  is  itself  sewed  to  the  tent- 
 cover.  The  ends  of  the  tent-ropes  are  fastened  to 
 shoit  sticks  or  pins,  called  wed  or  aoufad,  which 
 are  driven  into  the  ground,  with  a  mallet  (Judg. 
 iv.  21).  Round  the  back  and  sides  of  the  tents 
 runs  a  piece  of  stufi'  removable  at  pleasure  to  admit 
 air.  The  tent  is  divided  into  two  apartments, 
 separated  by  a  carpet  partition  drawn  across  tlie 
 middle  of  the  tent  and  fastened  to  the  three  middle 
 posts.  When  the  pasture  near  an  enaimpment  is 
 exhausted,  the  tents  are  taken  down,  packed  on 
 camels  and  removed  (Is.  xxxviii.  12;  Gen.  xxvi.  17, 
 22,  25).  In  choosing  places  for  encampment,  Arabs 
 prefer  the  neighbourhood  ol'  trees,  for  the  sake  of 
 the  shade  and  coolness  which  they  afford  (Ccii. 
 xviii.  4,  8). 
 
 Te'rah.  The  father  of  Abram,  Nahor,  and  Ha- 
 ran,  and  through  them  the  ancestor  of  the  great 
 families  of  the  Israelites,  Ishniaelites,  Midiaiiites, 
 Moabites,  and  .Ammonites  (Gen.  xi.  24-82).  The 
 account  given  of  him  in  the  0.  T.  narrative  is  very 
 brief.  We  learn  from  it  simply  that  he  was  an 
 idolater  (Josh.  xxiv.  2),  that  he  dwelt  beyond  the 
 Kuphrates  in  Ur  of  the  Chaldees  (Gen.  xi.  28),  and 
 that  in  the  south-westerly  migration,  which  from 
 some  unexjilaincd  cause  he  undertook  in  his  old 
 age,  he  werit  with  his  son  Abram,  his  daugiiter- 
 in-law  Sarai,  and  his  grandson  Lot,  "  to  go  into  the 
 
 land  of  Canaan,  and  they  came  unto  Harao,  and 
 dwelt  there"  (Gen.  xi.  ol ,.  And  finally,  "the 
 days  of  Terah  were  two  hundred  and  five  years  :  and 
 Teiah  died  in  Haran "  (Gen.  xi.  'A2).  From  the 
 simple  facts  ofTerah's  life  recorded  in  the  O.  T.  h;is 
 been  constructed  the  entire  legend  of  Abram  which 
 is  current  in  Jewish  and  Arabian  traditions.  Terah 
 the  idolater  is  turned  into  a  maker  of  images,  and 
 "  Ur  of  the  Chaldees  "  is  the  original  of  the  "  fur- 
 nace "  into  which  Abram  was  cast  (comp.  Kz.  v.  2). 
 In  the  Jewish  traditions  Teiah  is  a  prince  and  a 
 great  man  in  the  palace  of  Nimrod,  the  captain  of 
 his  army,  his  .son-in-law  according  to  the  Arabs. 
 His  wife  is  called  in  the  Talmud  Amtelai,  or  Emtelai, 
 the  dauijiiter  of  Cainebo. 
 
 Ter'apMin,  only  in  plural,  images  connected 
 with  magical  rites.  [Magic]  The  derivation  of 
 the  name  is  obscure.  In  one  case  a  single  statue 
 seems  to  be  intended  by  the  plural  (1  Sam.  xix. 
 13,  16).  The  teiaphim  carried  away  from  Laban 
 by  Rachel  do  not  seem  to  have  been  very  small ; 
 and  the  image  hidden  in  David's  bed  by  Miclial  to 
 deceive  Saul's  messengers,  was  proUibly  of  the  size 
 of  a  m.ui,  and  perhaps  in  the  head  and  shoulders, 
 if  not  lower,  of  human  or  like  form.  Laban  re- 
 garded his  teraphim  as  gods,  and  it  would  there- 
 fore apjiear  that  they  were  used  by  those  who  added 
 corrupt  practices  to  the  patriarchal  religion.  Tera- 
 phim aijain  are  includtHl  among  Micah's  images 
 (Judg.  xvii.  3-r),  xviii.  17,  18,  20).  Teraphim 
 were  consulted  for  oracular  answers  by  the  Isnielites 
 (Zech.  X.  2  ;  comp.  Judg.  xviii.  5,  >> ;  1  Sam.  xv. 
 22,2,3,  xix.  13,  16,  L.\X. ;  and  2  K.  xxiii.  24), 
 and  by  the  liabyloniaus,  in  the  case  of  Nebuchad- 
 nezzar (Kz.  xxi.  19-22  .  There  is  no  evidence  that 
 they  were  ever  worshippeti. 
 
 Ter'eah.  One  of  the  two  eunuchs  whose  plot  to 
 assassinate  Ahasuerus  was  discovei-ed  by  Moitlecai 
 (Rstli.  ii.  21,  vi.  2).     He  was  hanged. 
 
 Ter'tius,  probably  a  Homan,  wa.s  the  .imanucnsis 
 of  Paul  in  writing  the  Kpistle  to  the  Koinans  (Kom. 
 xvi.  22).  .Some  have  proposed  without  rea.«on  to  iden- 
 tify him  with  Silas.  Nothing  certain  is  known  of  him. 
 
TERTULLUS 
 
 TertulluB.  "  a  certain  orator "  (Acts  xxiv.  1) 
 who  was  retained  by  tlie  High  Piiest  and  Sanhedrim 
 to  accuse  the  Apostle  Paul  at  Caesarea  bei'ore  the 
 Roman  Procurator  Antonius  Felix.  He  evidently 
 belonged  to  the  class  of  professional  orators.  We 
 may  inter  tliat  Tertidlus  was  of  Roman,  or  at  all 
 events  of  Italian  origin.  The  exordium  of  his  speech 
 is  designed  to  conciliate  the  good  will  of  the  Pro- 
 curator, and  is  accordingly  overcharged  with  flattery. 
 There  is  a  strange  contrast  between  the  opening 
 clause  and  the  brief  summary  of  the  Procurator's 
 admiuistiation  given  by  Tacitus  {Hist.  v.  9).  But 
 the  commendations  of  Tertullus  were  not  altogether 
 unfounded,  as  Felix  had  leally  succeeded  in  putting 
 down  several  seditious  movements.  It  is  not  very 
 e;isy  to  determine  whether  St.  Luke  has  preserved 
 the  oration  of  Tertullus  entire.  On  the  whole  it 
 seems  most  natural  to  conclude  that  the  historian, 
 who  was  almust  certainly  an  ear-witness,  merely 
 gives  an  abstract  of  the  speech,  giving  however  in 
 full  the  most  salient  points  (ver.  5). 
 
 Testament,  New.     [New  Testament.] 
 
 Testament,  Old.     [Old  Testament.] 
 
 Te'ta  =  Hatita,  1  Fsd.  v.  28. 
 
 Tetrarch.  Piopejly  the  sovereign  or  governor  of 
 the  tburth  part  of  a  country.  (1.)  Herod  Antipas 
 (Matt.  xiv.  1  ;  Luke  iii.  1,  19,  ix.  7;  Acts  xiii.  1), 
 who  is  commonly  distinguished  as  "  Herod  the 
 tetrarch,"  although  the  title  of  "king"  is  also  as- 
 signed to  him  both  by  Matthew  (xiv.  9)  and  by 
 Mark  (vi.  14,  22  sqq.).  (2.)  Herod  Philip,  who  is 
 said  by  Luke  (iii.  1)  to  have  been  "tetrarch  of 
 Ituraea,  and  of  the  region  of  Tiachonitis."  (3.)  Ly- 
 sanias,  who  is  said  (Luke  iii.  1)  to  have  been 
 "  tetrarch  of  Abilene."  The  title  of  tetrarch  was 
 at  this  time  probably  applied  to  petty  tributary 
 princes  without  any  such  determinate  meaning. 
 But  it  appears  from  Josephus  that  the  tetrarchies 
 of  Antipas  and  Philip  were  regarded  as  constituting 
 each  a  tburth  part  of  their  father's  kingdom.  We 
 conclude  that  in  these  two  cases,  at  least,  the  title 
 was  used  in  its  strict  and  literal  sense. 
 
 Thaddae'us,  a  name  in  Mark's  catalogue  of 
 the  twelve  Apostles  (Mark  iii.  18).  In  the  great 
 majority  of  MSS.  in  Matthew's  catalogue  (Matt. 
 x.  3j  Lebbaeus  is  probably  the  original  reading. 
 From  a  comparison  with  the  aitalogue  of  St.  Luke 
 (Luke  vi.  15  ;  Acts  i.  13)  it  seems  scarcely  possible 
 to  doubt  that  the  three  names  of  Judas,  Lebbaeus, 
 and  Thaddaeus  were  boi'ne  by  one  and  the  same 
 person. 
 
 Tha'hash.  Son  of  Kahor  by  his  concubine  Reu- 
 mali  ((jen.  :x.\ii.  24). 
 
 Tha'mah.  "  The  children  of  Thamah  "  were  a 
 family  of  Nethinim  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel 
 (Ezr.  ii.  53). 
 
 Tha'mar.     Tamar  1  (Matt.  i.  3). 
 
 Tham'natha.  One  of  the  cities  of  Judaea  for- 
 tified by  Bacchides  (1  Mace.  ix.  50).  Thamnatha 
 no  doubt  represents  an  ancient  Timnath,  possibly 
 the  present  Tibneli. 
 
 Thank-offering,  or  Peace-offering,  the  pro- 
 perly eucharistic  offering  among  the  Jews,  in  its 
 theory  resembling  the  MEAT-OFFEPaNG,  and  there- 
 foie  indicating  that  the  otlerer  was  already  reconciled 
 to,  and  in  covenant  with,  God.  Its  ceremonial  is 
 described  in  Lev.  iii.  The  peace-offerings,  unlike 
 other  sacrifices,  were  not  ordained  to  be  otfered  in 
 fixed  and  regular  course.  The  only  constantly  re- 
 curi'ing  peace-offering  appears  to  have  been  that 
 of  the  two  firstling  lambs  at  Pentecost  (Lev.  xxiii. 
 
 THEBES 
 
 933 
 
 19).  The  general  principle  of  the  peace-offering 
 seems  to  have  been,  that  it  should  be  entirely  spon- 
 taneous, offered  as  occasion  should  arise,  from  the 
 feeling  of  the  saciificer  himself  (Lev.  xix.  5).  On 
 the  first  institution  (Lev.  vii.  11-17),  peace-offer- 
 ings are  divided  into  "  oflerings  of  thanksgiving," 
 and  "  vows  or  free-will  oflerings ;"  of  whicli  latter 
 class  the  ofl'ering  by  a  Nazarite,  on  the  completion 
 of  his  vow,  is  the  most  remarkable  (Num.  vi.  14). 
 We  find  accordingly  peace-offerings  offered  for  the 
 people  on  a  great  scale  at  periods  of  unusual  so- 
 lemnity or  rejoicing.  In  two  cases  only  (Judg.  xx. 
 26  ;  2  Sam.  xxiv.  25j  peace-offerings  are  mentioned 
 as  oft'ered  with  burnt-offerings  at  a  time  of  national 
 sorrow  and  fasting. 
 
 Tha'ra.  Tekah  the  father  of  Abraham  (Luke 
 iii.  34). 
 
 Thar'ra,  Esth.  sii.  1.     A  corrupt  foi-m  of  Te- 
 
 KESH. 
 
 Thar'shish,  1.  In  this  more  accurate  form  the 
 translators  of  the  A.  V.  have  given  in  two  passages 
 (1  K.  X.  22,  xxii.  48)  the  name  elsewhere  presented 
 as  Tarshish.— 2.  A  Benjamite,  ono  of  the  family 
 of  Bilhan  and  the  house  of  Jediael  (1  Chr.  vii.  10 
 only). 
 
 Thas'si.  The  surname  of  Simon  the  son  of 
 Mattathias  (1  Mace.  ii.  3).  The  denvatioa  of  the 
 word  is  uncert;iin. 
 
 Theatre.  For  the  general  subject,  see  Diet,  of 
 Ant.  pp.  995-998.  For  the  explanation  of  the 
 biblical  allusions,  two  or  three  points  only  require 
 notice.  The  Greek  term,  like  the  conesponding 
 English  term,  denotes  the  place  where  dramatic 
 performances  are  exhibited,  and  also  the  scene  itself 
 or  spectacle  which  is  witnessed  there.  It  occurs  in 
 the  first  or  local  sense  in  Acts  xix.  29,  It  was  in 
 the  theatre  at  Caesarea  that  Herod  Agrippa  I.  gave 
 audience  to  the  Tyiian  deputies,  and  was  himself 
 struck  with  death,  because  he  heard  so  gladly  the 
 impious  acclamations  of  the  people  (Acts  xii.  21- 
 23).  The  other  sense  of  the  term  "  tlieatre  "  occurs 
 in  1  Cor.  iv,  9,  where  the  Common  Version  renders  . 
 "  God  hath  set  forth  us  the  apostles  last,  as  it  were 
 appointed  to  death ;  for  we  are  made  a  spectacle 
 unto  the  world,  and  to  angels,  and  to  men."  In- 
 stead of  •'  spectacle  "  (so  also  Wiclif  and  the  Rhemish 
 ti'anslators  after  the  Vulgate),  some  might  prefer 
 the  moie  energetic  Saxon,  "  gazing-stock,"  as  iu 
 Tyndale,  Cranmer,  and  the  Geneva  version. 
 
 Thebes  (A.  V.,  No,  the  multitude  of  No,  popu- 
 lous No). — A  chief  city  of  ancient  Egypt,  long  the 
 capital  of  the  upper  countiy,  and  the  seat  of  the 
 Diospolitan  dynasties,  that  ruled  over  all  Egypt  at 
 the  era  of  its  highest  splendour.  The  sawed  name 
 of  Thebes  was  P-amen,  "  the  abode  of  Amon," 
 which  the  Greeks  repi'oduced  in  their  Diospolis, 
 especially  with  the  addition  the  Great.  No-Amon 
 is  the  name  of  Thebes  in  the  Hebrew  Scriptuies 
 (Jer.  xlvi.  25 ;  Nah.  iii.  8).  Ezekiel  uses  No 
 simply  to  designate  the  Egyptian  seat  of  Ammou 
 (Ez.  XXX.  14,  16).  The  name  of  Thebes  in  the 
 hieroglyphics  is  explained  under  No-Amon.  The 
 origin  of  the  city  is  lost  in  antiquity.  Niebuhr  is 
 of  opinion  that  Thebes  was  much  older  than  Mem- 
 phis, and  that,  "  after  the  centre  of  Egyptian  life 
 was  transferred  to  Lower  Egypt,  Memphis  acquired 
 its  greatness  through  the  ruin  of  Tliebes."  Other 
 authorities  assign  priority  to  Memphis.  But  both 
 cities  date  from  our  earliest  authentic  knowledge  of 
 Egyptian  history.  The  first  allusion  to  Thebes  in 
 chissical  literature  is  the  familiar  passage  of  the  Iliad 
 
934 
 
 THEBES 
 
 ( i.x.  ;i8 1-385)  : — "  Egyptian  Thebes,  where  are  vast 
 tieasiircs  laid  up  in  the  houses;  where  are  a  hun- 
 dred gates,  and  from  each  two  hundi-ed  men  go 
 forth  with  horses  and  i-hariots."  It  has  been  iiues- 
 lioiied  whether  Herodotus  visited  Upper  Egypt,  but 
 he  says,  '•  1  went  to  Heliopolis  and  to  T/iebcs,  e\- 
 piessly  to  try  whether  the  priests  of  those  places 
 would  acjree  in  their  accounts  with  the  priests  at 
 Memphis"  (ii.  3).  Afterwards  he  describes  the 
 features  of  the  Nile  valley,  and  the  chief  points  an<l 
 distances  uiwn  tlie  river,  as  only  an  eye-witness 
 would  be  likely  to  record  them.  In  the  Isti'entury 
 before  Christ,  Diodorus  visited  Thebes,  and  he  de- 
 votes several  sections  of  his  general  worlc  to  its 
 history  and  ajipearance.  Though  he  saw  the  city 
 when  it  had  sunk  to  quite  secondary  importance, 
 he  preserves  the  tradition  of  its  early  giandenr — its 
 circuit  of  140  stadia,  the  size  of  its  public  etlifices, 
 the  magnificence  of  its  temples,  the  number  of  its 
 monuments,  the  dimensions  of  its  private  houses, 
 some  of  them  four  or  live  stories  high — all  giving 
 it  an  air  of  grandeur  and  beauty  surpassing  not 
 only  all  otiier  cities  of  Egypt,  but  of  the  world. 
 Diodorus  deplores  tlie  spoiling  of  its  buildings  and 
 monuments  by  Cambyses  (Diod.  i.45,  4tj).  Strabo, 
 who  visited  Egypt  a  little  later — at  about  the  be- 
 ginning of  the  Christian  era — thus  describes  (xvii. 
 p.  81(ji  tiie  city  under  the  name  Diospolis.  But, 
 in  the  uncertainty  of  these  historical  allusions,  the 
 monuments  of  Thebes  are  the  most  reliable  witnesses 
 for  the  ancient  grandeur  of  the  city.  These  are 
 found  in  almost  equal  proportions  u])on  both  sides 
 of  the  river.  Tlie  parallel  ridges  which  skirt  the 
 narrow  Nile  valley  upon  the  east  and  west  from 
 the  noithern  limit  of  Upper  Egypt,  here  sweep  out- 
 ward upon  eithei  side,  forming  a  circular  plain  whose 
 diameter  is  nearly  ten  miles.  The  plan  of  the  city, 
 as  indicated  by  the  princijwl  monuments,  was  nearly 
 quadrangular,  measuring  two  miles  from  north  to 
 south,  and  four  fiom  east  to  west.  Its  four  great 
 landmarks  were,  Karnak  and  Luxor  upon  the  eastern 
 or  Arabian  side,  and  Qoornah  and  Medeenet  Haboo 
 upon  the  western  or  Libyan  side.  There  are  indic- 
 ations that  each  of  these  temples  may  have  been 
 connected  with  those  tiicing  it  upon  two  sides  by 
 grand  dromoi,  lined  with  sphinxes  and  other  colossal 
 figures.  Upon  the  western  liank  there  was  almost 
 a  continuous  line  of  tem])les  and  public  editices  for 
 a  distance  of  two  miles,  from  Qoornah  to  Medeenet 
 Haboo ;  and  Wilkinson  coiijectures  that  from  a 
 point  near  the  latter,  perhaps  in  the  line  of  the 
 colossi,  the  ''  Royal  street  "  ran  down  to  the  river, 
 which  was  crossed  by  a  ferry  terminating  at  Luxor 
 on  the  eastern  si  le.  Beginning  at  the  northern 
 extremity  on  the  western  bank,  the  hrst  consjiicnious 
 ruins  are  those  of  the  Alenephtheion,  a  palace- 
 temple  of  the  nineteenth  dynasty,  and  therefore  be- 
 longing to  the  middle  style  of  Egyptian  architecture. 
 Nearly  a  mile  .southward  horn  the  Menephtheion 
 ;ne  the  rem;iins  of  the  combined  palnce  and  temjile 
 known  since  the  days  of  Strabo  as  the  Memnonium. 
 .\n  examination  of  its  sculptures  shows  that  this 
 name  was  inac<urately  applied,  since  the  building 
 was  clearly  erected  by  ICiimeses  II.  The  general 
 Ibrm  of  tlie  Memnonium  is  that  of  a  jiarallelogram 
 in  three  main  sections,  the  interior  areas  benig  suc- 
 cessively narrower  than  the  first  court,  and  the 
 whole  tcrniinating  in  a  series  of  sacreil  cli.-imhei-s 
 l>eautifully  sculptured  and  ornamented.  But  the 
 most  remarkable  ItaMirc  of  these  ruins  is  the  gi- 
 j:intic   staluo   nt'   Kameses    II.      Proceeding   again 
 
 THECOE,  THE  WILDERNESS  OF 
 
 towai-d  the  south  for  about  the  same  distance,  we 
 lind  at  Mede»net  Haboo  ruins  upon  a  more  stupen- 
 dous scale  than  at  any  other  \m\\t  upon  the  western 
 bank  of  Thebes.  These  consist  of  a  temple  founded 
 by  Thothmes  I.,  which  presents  .some  of  the  grandest 
 •  liects  of  the  old  Egyptian  architecture,  and  its 
 battle-scenes  are  a  valuable  contribution  to  the 
 history  of  Rameses  III.  Behuid  this  long  range  ol 
 temples  and  palaces  are  the  Libyan  hills,  which,  for 
 a  distance  of  five  miles,  are  excavated  to  the  depth 
 of  several  hundred  f<?et  for  sepulchral  chambers. 
 Some  of  these,  in  the  number  and  variety  of  their 
 chambers,  the  finish  of  their  sculptures,  and  the 
 beauty  and  freshness  of  their  frescoes,  are  among  the 
 most  remarkable  monuments  of  Egyptian  grandeur 
 and  skill.  The  eastern  side  of  the  liver  is  distin- 
 guished by  the  remains  of  Luxor  and  Karnak,  the 
 latter  being  of  itself  a  city  of  temples.  The  ap- 
 proach to  Karnak  from  the  south  is  marked  by  a 
 series  of  majestic  gateways  and  towers,  which  were 
 the  appendages  of  later  times  to  the  original  struc- 
 ture. The  temple  properly  faces  the  river,  «,  e. 
 toward  the  north-west.  The  courts  and  propylaea 
 connected  with  this  structure  occupy  a  space  nearly 
 1800  feet  square,  and  the  buildings  represent  almost 
 every  dynasty  of  Egypt,  from  Sesort;isen  I.  to 
 Ptolemy  Euergetes  1.  Courts,  pylons,  obelisks, 
 statues,  pillars,  everything  pertaining  to  Karnak, 
 are  on  the  grandest  scale.  The  grandeur  of  Egypt 
 is  here  in  its  architecture,  and  almost  every  pillar, 
 obelisk,  and  stone  tells  its  historic  legend  of  her 
 greatest  monarchs.  We  have  alluded,  in  the  open- 
 ing of  this  article,  to  the  debated  question  of  the 
 priority  of  Thebes  to  Memi)his.  As  yet  the  data 
 are  not  sutlicient  for  its  satisfactory  solution,  and 
 Egyptologists  are  not  agreed.  U[>on  the  whole  we 
 may  conclude  that  before  the  time  of  Menes  thei« 
 w;us  a  local  sovereignty  in  the  Thebaid,  but  the 
 historical  nationality  of  Egypt  dates  from  the  found- 
 ing of  Memphis.  When  t!ie  Shepheuis  or  Hyksos, 
 a  nomadic  race  from  the  east,  invaded  Egypt  and 
 fixed  their  capital  at  Memphis,  a  native  Egyptian 
 dynasty  was  maintained  at  Thebes,  at  times  tribut- 
 ary to  the  Hyksos,  and  at  times  in  military  alliance 
 with  Ethiopia  against  the  invadei-s  ;  until  at  length, 
 by  a  general  uprising  of  the  Thebaid,  the  Hyksos 
 were  expelled,  and  Thebes  became  the  capital  of  all 
 Eiiypt  under  the  resplendent  eighteenth  dynasty. 
 This  supremacy  continued  until  the  dose  of  the 
 nineteenth  dynasty,  or  for  a  ])eriod  of  more  than 
 five  hundred  vears ;  but  under  the  twentieth  dy- 
 nasty the  glory  of  Thebes  began  to  decline,  and 
 after  the  close  of'  that  dynasty  her  name  no  more 
 Mppcars  in  the  lists  of  kings.  Still  the  city  was 
 retainetl  as  the  capitil,  in  whole  or  in  jtart,  and  the 
 achievements  of  Shishonk  the  Bubastite,  of  Tirhakah 
 the  Ethiopian,  and  other  mon:u'chs  of  celebrity,  are 
 recorded  upon  its  walls.  E/ekiel  proclaims  the 
 destruction  of  Thebes  by  the  arm  of  Babylon  (Ez. 
 XXX.  14-lG).  The  Peisian  invader  completed  the 
 destruction  that  the  Babylonian  had  begun. 
 
 The'bez.  A  place  memorable  lor  the  death  of 
 the  bravo  Abimelech  (Jtidg.  ix.  50).  Thebez  is 
 not  mentioned  again  in  the  Bible.  But  it  was 
 known  to  Eusebius  and  .b-rome.  In  their  day  the 
 village  still  bore  its  old  name,  and  was  situated 
 "in  the  district  of  Neapolis,"  13  I\oman  miles 
 therefrom,  on  the  road  to  Scytlioj>olis.  There  It 
 still  is;  its  n.ime — '/'"/Mis   -hardly  changed. 
 
 Theco  e,  the  Wilderness  of.  The  wild  uncui- 
 liv.itid    uastonil    tract    lyuig  around    the    town   of 
 
THELASAR 
 
 TekiiA,   more   especially  to  tlie  east  oC  it  (1  Wacc. 
 
 Thel'asar.     Another  form  of  the  name  examineil 
 uiiil'T  Tei.-assar  (2  K.  six.  12). 
 
 Theler'sas,  1  Esd.  v.  36.    The  Gieek  equivalent 
 of  rhi'  name  Tel-HAESAS. 
 
 The'man,  Bar.  iii.  22,  23.     [Teman.] 
 
 Theoca'nus.     Tikvah  the   father  of  Jahaziah 
 (I  Hsd.  ix.  14-). 
 
 Theod'otUS.   An  envoy  sent  hy  Xicanor  to  Judas 
 Marc.  c.  B.C.  162  (2  Mace.  xiv.  19). 
 
 Theoph'ilus.  1.  The  person  to  whom  St.  Luke 
 inscribes  his  Gospel  and  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles 
 (l.uke  i.  3;  Acts  i.  1).  We  meet  with  a  consider- 
 able number  and  variety  of  theories  concerning  him. 
 (1.)  Several  commentators,  especially  among  the 
 Fathers,  have  been  disposed  to  doubt  the  personality 
 of  Theophilus,  regarding  the  name  either  as  that  of 
 a  fictitious  person,  oi-  as  applicable  to  every  Chris- 
 tian reader.  (2.)  From  the  honourable  epithet 
 KpaTKTTf,  applied  to  Theophilus  in  Luke  i.  3  (comp. 
 Acts  xxiii.  2t),  xxiv.  3,  xxvi.  25),  it  h:is  been  argued 
 with  much  probability,  but  not  quite  conclusively, 
 th:it  he  was  a  person  in  high  official  position.  Thus 
 TheophyJact  conjectures  that  he  was  a  Roman  go- 
 vernor, or  a  person  of  senatorial  rank.  Oecumenius 
 tells  us  that  he  was  a  governor.  The  traditional  con- 
 nexion of  St.  Luke  with  Antioch  has  disposed  some  to 
 look  upon  Antioch  as  the  abode  of  Theophilus,  and 
 possibly  as  the  seat  of  his  government.  (3.)  Accord- 
 ing to  Bar  Bahlul,  a  Syrian  lexicographer  of  the  10th 
 century,  Theophilus  was  an  illustrious  convert  at 
 Alexandiia.  Jacob  Hase  conjectured  that  he  was  no 
 other  than  the  celebrated  Philo.  (4.)  AlexanderMorus 
 makes  the  rathei'  hazardous  conjecture  that  the  Theo- 
 philus of  St.  Luke  is  identical  with  the  person  who  is 
 recoi'ded  by  Tacitus  {Ann.  ii.  55)  to  liavebeen  con- 
 demned for  fraud  at  Athens  by  the  court  of  the  Areo- 
 pagus. Grotius  also  conjectures  that  he  was  a  ma- 
 gistrate of  Achaia  baptized  by  St.  Luke.  (5.)  It  is 
 obvious  to  suppose  that  Theophilus  was  a  Christian. 
 But  a  different  view  has  been  entertained.  Heumann, 
 assuming  that  he  was  a  Roman  governor,  aigues 
 that  he  could  not  be  a  Christian,  because  no  C'hiis- 
 tiau  would  be  likely  to  have  such  a  charge  entrusted 
 to  him.  Another  writer,  Theodore  Hase,  believes 
 that  the  Theophilus  of  Luke  was  no  other  than  the 
 deposed  High  Priest  Theophilus  the  son  of  Ananus. 
 In  the  first  place,  we  may  safely  reject  the  Pa- 
 tristic notion  that  Theophilu>  was  either  a  fictitious 
 person,  or  a  meie  personification  of  Christian  love. 
 The  epithet  KpaTLan  is  a  sufficient  evidence  of 
 his  historical  existence.  It  does  not,  indeed, 
 prove  that  he  was  a  governor,  but  it  makes  it 
 most  piobable  that  he  was  a  person  of  high  rank. 
 All  that  can  be  conjectured  with  any  degree  of 
 safety  concerning  him,  comes  to  this,  that  he  was  a 
 Geiitile  of  rank  and  consideration,  who  came  under 
 the  influence  of  St.  Luke,  or  under  that  of  St.  Paul, 
 at  Rome,  and  wa.s  converted  to  the  Christian  faith. 
 —2.  A  Jewish  High-Priest,  the  son  of  Annas  or 
 Ananus,  brother-in-law  to  Caiaphas,  and  brother 
 aiid  immediate  successor  of  Jonathan.  Theophilus 
 is  not  mentioned  by  name  in  the  New  Testament ; 
 but  it  is  most  probable  that  he  was  the  High  Priest 
 who  granted  a  commission  to  Saul  to  proceed  to 
 l)amascus,  and  to  take  into  custody  any  believers 
 whom  he  might  find  there. 
 
 Tbe'ras.     The  equivalent  in  1  EsJ.  viii.  41,  61, 
 for  till'  Ahava  of  the  parallel  passage  in  Ezra. 
 
 Ther'meleth,  TEL-siEt.AH,  1  Ksd.  v.  36. 
 
 THESSALONIANS 
 
 936 
 
 Thessalonians,  First  Epistle  to  the.     1 .  The 
 
 date  of  the  Epistle  is  made  out  apjiroximately  in 
 the  tbllowing  way.  Dui-ing  the  course  of  his  second 
 missionary  journey,  probably  in  the  year  52,  St. 
 Paul  founded  the  Church  of  Tliessalonica,  Leaving 
 Tliessalonica  he  passed  on  to  Beroea.  From  Beroea 
 he  went  to  Athens,  and  fiom  Athens  to  Corinth 
 fActs  xvii.  1-xviii.  18).  Now  it  appears  tliat, 
 when  this  Epistle  was  written,  Silvanus  and  Ti- 
 motheus  were  in  the  Apostle's  company  (1  Thess. 
 i.  1  ;  comp.  2  Thess.  i.  1) — a  ciicumslaiice  which 
 confines  the  date  to  the  second  missionary  journey 
 (Acts  xviii.  5;  2  Cor.  i.  19).  The  Epistle  then 
 must  have  been  written  in  the  interval  between  St. 
 Paul's  leaving  Tliessalonica  and  the  close  of  his  re- 
 sidence at  Corinth,  i.  e.  according  to  the  received 
 chronology  within  the  years  52-54.  Other  consid- 
 erations however  nanow  the  limits  of  the  possible 
 date  still  more  closely,  and  enable  us  to  place  the 
 writing  of  this  Epistle  early  in  St.  Paul's  residence 
 at  Corinth,  a  few  months  after  he  had  founded  the 
 Church  at  Thessalonica,  at  the  close  of  the  year  52 
 or  the  beginning  of  53.  The  statement  in  the  sub- 
 scription appearing  in  several  MSS.  and  versions, 
 that  it  was  written  '-from  Athens,"  is  a  superficial 
 inference  from  1  Thess.  iii.  1,  to  which  no  weight 
 should  be  attached.  2.  The  Epistles  to  the  Thes- 
 salonians  then  (for  the  second  followed  the  fiist 
 after  no  long  interval)  are  the  earliest  of  St.  Paul's 
 writings — perhaps  the  earliest  wiitten  records  of 
 Christianity.  It  is  interesting  therefore  to  compare 
 the  Thessalonian  Epistles  with  the  later  letters,  and 
 to  note  the  points  of  difi'erence.  These  differences 
 are  mainly  threefold.  (1.)  In  the  general  sf(/fe  of 
 these  earlier  letters  there  is  greater  simplicity  and 
 less  exuberance  of  language.  The  brevity  of  the 
 opening  .salutation  is  an  instance  of  this.  The 
 closing  benediction  is  correspondingly  brief.  And 
 throughout  the  Epistles  there  is  much  more  even- 
 ness of  style.  (2.)  The  antatjonism  to  St.  Paul  is 
 not  the  same.  Here  the  opposition  comes  from 
 Jews.  A  period  of  five  years  changes  the  aspect  of 
 the  controversy.  The  ojiponents  of  St.  Paul  are 
 then  no  longer  Jews,  so  much  as  Juddiziiig  Chris- 
 tians. It  was  now  uiged  that  though  the  Gentiles 
 may  be  admitted  to  the  Church  of  Chri.st,  the  only 
 door  of  admission  is  the  Mo.saic  covenant-rite  of  cir- 
 cumcision. The  language  of  St.  Paul  speaking  of 
 the  Jewish  Christians  in  this  Epistle  shows  that 
 the  opposition  to  his  teaching  had  not  at  this  time 
 assumed  this  second  phase.  (3.)  Blany  of  the  dis- 
 tinctive doctrines  of  Chi'istianity  were  yet  not 
 evolved  and  distinctly  enunciated  till  the  needs  of 
 the  Church  drew  them  out  into  prominence  at  a 
 later  date.  It  has  often  been  obseive  1  for  instance, 
 that  there  is  in  the  Epistles  to  the  Thessalonians 
 no  mention  of  the  characteiislic  contrast  of  "faith 
 and  works;"  that  the  word  ''justification"  does 
 not  once  occur;  that  the  idea  of  dying  with  Christ 
 and  living  with  Christ,  so  frequent  in  St.  Paul's 
 later  writings,  is  absent  in  these.  In  the  Epistles 
 to  the  Thessalonians,  the  Gospel  preached  is  that  of 
 the  coming  of  Christ,  rather  than  of  the  cross 
 of  Christ.  There  are  many  reasons  why  the  subject 
 of  the  second  advent  should  occupy  a  larger  space 
 in  the  earliest  stage  of  the  Apostolical  teaching  than 
 afterwards.  3.  The  occasion  of  this  Epistle  was 
 as  follows :  St.  Paul  had  twice  attempted  to  revisit 
 Thessalonica,  and  both  times  had  been  disappointed. 
 Thus  prevented  from  seeing  tliem  in  person,  he  had 
 sent  Timothy  to  inquire  and  report  to  him  as  to 
 
936 
 
 THESSALONIANS,  FIRST  EPISTLE  TO  THE 
 
 their  condition  (iii.  1-5).  Timothy  returned  with 
 most  favourable  tidings,  reporting  not  only  their 
 progress  in  Christian  (aitli  and  practice,  but  also 
 their  strong  atticliment  to  their  old  teacher  (iii. 
 0-10).  Tiie  First  Kpistle  to  the  'I'iiessalonians  is 
 the  outpouring  of  the  Apostle's  gratitude  on  receiv- 
 ing tliis  welcome  news.  At  the  same  time  the 
 report  of  Timothy  was  not  unmixed  with  alloy. 
 There  were  certain  features  in  the  condition  of  the 
 Thessalonian  Church  which  ciiUed  for  St.  Paul's 
 interference,  and  to  which  he  addresses  himself  iu 
 his  letter.  (1.)  The  very  intensity  of  their  Cinis- 
 tiati  fiiitli,  dwelling  too  exclusively  on  the  day  of 
 the  Lord's  coming,  had  been  attended  with  evil  con- 
 sequences. On  the  other  hand,  a  theoretical  diffi- 
 culty had  been  lelt.  Certain  members  of  the  Church 
 had  died,  and  there  was  gieat  anxiety  lest  they 
 should  be  excluded  from  any  share  in  the  glories  of 
 the  Lord's  advent  (iv.  13-18).  (2.)  The  Thessa- 
 lonians  needed  consolation  and  encouragement  under 
 )«rsecution  (ii.  14,  iii.  2-4),  (3.)  An  unhealthy 
 state  of  feeling  with  regard  to  spiritual  gifts  was 
 manifesting  itself  (v.  19,  20).  (4.)  Theie  was  the 
 danger  of  relapsing  into  their  old  heathen  profligacy 
 fiv.  4-8).  4.  Yet  notwithstanding  all  these  draw- 
 backs, the  condition  of  the  Thessalonian  Church 
 was  highly  satisfactory,  and  the  most  cordial  rela- 
 tions existed  between  St.  Paul  and  his  converts 
 there.  This  honourable  distinction  it  shares  with 
 the  other  great  Churcli  of  Macedonia,  that  of  Phi- 
 lippi.  5.  A  comparison  of  the  narrative  in  the 
 Acts  with  the  allusions  in  this  and  the  Second 
 Epistle  to  the  Thessalonians  is  instructive.  Passmg 
 over  patent  coincidences,  we  may  single  out  one  of 
 a  more  subtle  and  delieite  kind.  It  arises  out 
 of  the  form  which  the  accusation  brought  against 
 St.  Paul  and  his  com[)anions  at  Thessalonica  takes 
 in  the  Acts  :  "All  these  do  contrary  to  the  decrees 
 of  Caesar,  saying  that  there  is  another  king,  one 
 Jesus"  (xvii.  7).  The  allusions  in  the  Kpistles  to 
 the  Thessalonians  enable  us  to  understand  the  ground 
 of  this  accusation.  It  appeals  that  the  kinijdom  of 
 Christ  had  entered  largely  into  his  oral  teaching  in 
 this  city,  as  it  does  into  that  of  the  K])istles  them- 
 selves. On  the  other  hand,  the  language  of  these 
 Kpistles  diverges  from  the  narrative  of  St.  Luke  on 
 two  or  three  points  in  such  a  way  as  to  establish 
 the  iixlependence  of  the  two  accounts,  and  even  to 
 j'equire  some  ex])lanation.  (1.)  The  first  of  these 
 lelates  to  the  composition  of  the  Church  of  Thessa- 
 lonica. In  the  First  Fpistle  St.  Paul  addresses  his 
 readers  distinctly  as  Gentiles,  who  had  been  con- 
 verted from  id<iiatry  to  the  Gospel  (i.  9,  lOj.  In 
 the  Acts  we  are  told  that  "some  (of  the  Jews)  be- 
 lieved .  .  .  and  of  the  devout  Greeks  {%.  e.  prf>- 
 selytes)  a  great  multitude,  and  of  the  chief  women 
 not  a  lew  "  (xvii.  4).  Kven  if  we  retain  the  com- 
 mon reading,  tlic  account  of  St.  Luke  does  not 
 exclude  a  number  of  believers  converted  diieclly 
 from  heathendom  :  and,  if  any  divergence  remains, 
 it  is  not  greaU'r  than  might  be  exjiected  in  two  in- 
 dependent writers,  one  of  whom,  not  being  an  eye- 
 witness, jiossessed  only  a  paitial  and  indirect  know- 
 ledge. (2.)  In  the  i^jjisfle  tlie  j)ersecutors  of  tlie 
 Thessalonian  Christians  are  represented  as  their 
 fellow-countrymen  (ii.  14),  whereas  in  the  Acts 
 the  Jews  are  regarded  as  the  bitterest  opponents 
 of  the  fiith  (xvii.  .'>).  Tiiis  is  fairly  met  by  I'alry, 
 who  points  out  tli.nt  the  Jews  were  the  instigatoi-s 
 of  the  persociitioii,  which  however  tlu'v  were  power- 
 iebs  of  themselves   tci  carry  out  without  aid  from 
 
 the  heathen.  CS.)  The  narrative  of  St.  Luke  ap- 
 pears to  state  that  St.  Paul  remained  only  three 
 weeks  at  The.ssalonica  (xvii.  2),  whereas  in  the 
 Fpistle,  though  there  is  no  direct  mention  of 
 the  length  of  his  residence  among  them,  the  whole 
 language  (i.  4,  ii.  4-11)  points  to  a  much  longer 
 ])eriod.  In  the  Acts  it  is  stated  simply  that  for 
 tlnee  Sabbath  days  St.  Paul  taught  in  the  syna- 
 gogue. The  silence  of  the  wnter  does  not  exclude 
 subsequent  labour  among  the  Gentile  population. 
 (4.)  The  notices  of  the  movements  of  Silas  and  Ti- 
 motlieus  in  the  two  documents  do  not  accord  at  iii st 
 sight.  In  the  Acts  St.  Paul  is  conveyed  away  se- 
 cretly from  Beroea  to  escape  the  Jews.  Ai-iived  at 
 Athens,  he  sends  to  Silas  and  Timothy,  whom  he 
 had  left  behind  at  Beroea,  urging  them  to  join  him 
 as  soon  as  possible  (xvii.  14-1(3).  It  is  evident 
 from  the  language  of  .St.  Luke  that  the  Apostle 
 expects  them  to  join  him  at  Athens.  Yet  we  hear 
 nothing  more  of  them  for  some  time,  when  at  length 
 after  St.  Paul  had  passed  on  to  Corinth,  and  several 
 incidents  had  occurred  since  his  arrival  there,  we 
 are  told  that  Silas  and  Timotheus  came  from  Mace- 
 donia (xviii.  5).  From  the  First  Epistle,  on  the 
 other  hand,  we  gather  the  following  tacts.  St.  Paul 
 there  tells  us  that  they  (i.  e.  himsell,  and  probably 
 Silas),  no  longer  able  to  endure  the  suspense,  "  con- 
 sented to  be  left  alone  at  Athens,  and  sent  Timothy 
 their  brother"  to  Thessalonica  (iii.  1,  2).  Timothy 
 returned  with  good  news  (iii.  t!)  (whether  to  Athens 
 or  Corinth  does  not  appear),  and  when  the  two 
 F,])istles  to  the  Thessalonians  were  written,  both 
 Timothy  and  Silas  were  with  St.  Paul  (1  Thess.  i. 
 1  ;  2  Thess.  i.  1 ;  comp.  2  Cor.  i.  19).  We  may 
 sujipose  either  that  (i.)  Timotheus  was  despatched 
 to  Thessalonica,  not  from  Athens,  but  from  Beroea. 
 In  this  case  Timotheus  would  take  uji  Silas  some- 
 where in  Macedonia  on  his  return,  and  the  two 
 would  join  St.  Paul,  in  coni]iany ;  not  h.wever  at 
 Athens,  but  later  on  at  Corinth.  Or  (ii.)  Timotheus 
 and  Sila-s  did  join  the  Apostle  at  Athens,  where  we 
 learn  fiom  the  Acts  that  he  was  expecting  tliem. 
 From  Athens  he  despatched  Timotheus  to  Thessii- 
 lonica,  so  that  he  and  Silas  had  to  forego  the  services 
 of  their  fellow-labouier  for  a  time.  This  mission 
 is  mentioned  in  the  E])istle,  but  not  in  the  Acts. 
 Subsequently  he  sends  Sihus  on  some  other  mission, 
 not  recorded  either  in  the  history  or  the  Kpistle; 
 jirobably  to  another  Macedonian  Church,  Philijipi 
 for  instance.  Silas  and  Timotheus  returned  toge- 
 ther trom  Macedonia  and  joined  tlie  .Apostle  at 
 Corinth.  6,  This  Epistle  is  rather  j)ractical  than 
 doctrinal.  It  was  suggested  rather  by  i>ei'sonal 
 feeling,  than  by  any  urgent  need,  which  might  liave 
 Ibrmed  a  centre  of  unity,  and  impiessed  a  distinct 
 character  on  the  whole.  Under  these  circumstances 
 we  nee*l  not  exj)tct  to  trace  unity  of  puipose,  or  a 
 continuous  argument,  and  any  analysis  n)ust  be 
 more  or  less  artificial.  The  body  of  the  Kpistle, 
 however,  may  conveniently  be  dividetl  into  two 
 |)aits,  the  former  of  which,  extending  over  tht  first 
 three  chapters,  is  chiefly  taken  u])  with  a  retrospect 
 of  the  Apostle's  relation  to  his  'l'hes.s.'ilonian  con- 
 verts, and  an  explanation  of  Ins  present  circum- 
 stant-es  and  feelings,  while  the  latter,  com|>rising 
 the  4th  and  5th  chapters,  contains  some  sea-sonable 
 exhortations.  At  the  chce  of  each  of  these  divisions 
 is  a  jirayer,  <x)nm)eiicing  with  the  same  woixls, 
 "  May  <iod  llim.self,"  etc.,  and  exprevsid  in  some- 
 what similar  language.  The  K|)islle  closes  with 
 personal  injunctions  and  a  benediction  ''v.  25-2W), 
 
THESSAIiONIANS,  SECOND  EPISTLE  TO  THE 
 
 937 
 
 7.  Tlie  external  evidence  iu  favour  of  the  genuine- 
 ness of  tlie  First  Epistle  to  the  Thessalonians  is 
 cliiefl)'  negative,  but  this  is  important  enough. 
 There  is  no  trace  that  it  was  ever  disputed  at  any 
 age  or  in  any  section  of  the  Church,  or  even  by 
 any  individual,  till  the  present  century.  On  the 
 other  hand,  the  allusions  to  it  in  writers  before  the 
 close  of  the  2nd  century  are  confessedly  faint  and 
 xuicertain.  It  is  more  important  to  observe  that 
 the  Epistle  was  included  in  the  Old  Latin  and 
 Syriac  Veisions,  that  it  is  found  in  the  Canon  of 
 the  Muratorian  fragment,  and  that  it  was  also  con- 
 tained in  that  of  Marcion.  'I'owards  the  close  of 
 the  i'nd  century  from  Irenaeus  downwards,  we  find 
 this  P^pistle  diiectly  quoted  and  ascribed  to  St.  Paul. 
 The  evidence  derived  from  the  character  of  the 
 Epistle  itself  is  so  strong  that  it  may  fairly  be 
 ciiUed  irresistible.  It  would  be  impossible  to  enter 
 into  the  question  oi^  style  here,  but  the  reader  may 
 be  leferred  to  the  Introduction  of  Jowett,  who  has 
 handled  this  subject  very  fully  and  satisfactorily. 
 An  equally  strong  argument  may  be  drawn  also 
 fiom  the  matter  contained  in  the  Epistle.  In  the 
 first  place,  the  fineness  and  delicacy  of  touch  with 
 which  the  Apostle's  relations  towards  his  Thessa- 
 lonian  converts  are  drawn,  are  quite  beyond  the 
 leach  of  the  clumsy  forgeries  of  the  early  Church. 
 In  the  second  place,  the  writer  uses  language 
 which,  however  it  may  be  explained,  is  certainly 
 coloured  by  the  anticipation  of  the  speedy  advent  of 
 the  Lord.  Such  a  position  would  be  an  anachronism 
 in  a  writer  of  the  2nd  century.  The  genuineness 
 of  this  Epistle  was  first  questioned  by  Schrader, 
 who  was  followed  by  Baur.  The  following  is  a 
 summary  of  Baur's  arguments,  (i.)  He  attributes 
 greiit  weight  to  the  general  character  of  the  epistle, 
 the  difference  of  style,  and  especially  tlie  absence  of 
 distinctive  Pauline  doctrines,  (ii.)  In  the  mention 
 of  the  "  wrath"  overtaking  the  Jewish  people  (ii. 
 16),  Baur  sees  an  allusion  to  the  destruction  of  Je- 
 rusalem, and  therefore  a  proof  of  the  later  date  of 
 the  Epistle,  (iii.)  He  urges  the  contradictions  to 
 the  account  in  the  Acts,  (iv.)  He  discovers  re- 
 ferences to  the  Acts,  which  show  that  the  Epistle 
 was  written  later,  (v.)  He  supposes  passages  in 
 this  Epistle  to  have  been  borrowed  from  the  acknow- 
 ledged letters  of  St.  Paul.  The  resemblances  how- 
 ever which  he  points  out  are  not  greater  than,  or 
 indeed  so  great  as,  those  in  other  Epistles,  and  bear 
 no  traces  of  imitation. 
 
 Thessalonians,  Second  Epistle  to  the.  1. 
 This  Epistle  appears  to  have  been  written  from 
 Corinth  not  very  long  after  the  First,  for  Silvanus 
 and  Timotheus  were  still  with  St.  Paul  (i.  1).  In 
 the  former  letter  we  saw  chiefly  the  outpouring  of 
 strong  personal  affection,  occasioned  by  the  i-enewal 
 of  the  Apostle's  intercourse  with  the  Thessalonians, 
 and  the  doctrinal  and  hortatory  portions  are  there 
 subordinate.  In  the  Second  Epistle,  on  the  other 
 hand,  his  leading  motive  seems  to  have  been  the 
 desire  of  correcting  errors  in  the  Church  of  Thessa- 
 lonica.  We  notice  two  points  especially  which  call 
 forth  his  rebuke.  First,  it  seems  that  the  anxious 
 expectation  of  the  Lord's  advent,  instead  of  sub- 
 siding, had  gained  ground  since  the  writing  of  the 
 F'irst  Epistle.  Secondly,  the  Apostle  had  also  a 
 personal  ground  of  complaint.  His  authority  was 
 not  denied  by  any,  but  it  was  tampered  with,  and 
 an  unauthorised  use  was  made  of  his  name.  De- 
 signing men  might  misrepresent  his  teaching  in 
 two  ways,  either   by  suppressing  what  he  actually 
 
 had  written  or  said,  or  by  forging  letters  and  in 
 other  ways  representing  him  as  teaching  what  he 
 had  not  taught.  St.  Paul's  langu.nge  hints  in  dif- 
 ferent places  at  both  these  modes  of  false  dealing 
 There  are  two  passages  which  allude  to  these  mis- 
 representations of  his  teacliing.  In  the  first  of  these 
 he  tells  them  in  A'ague  language,  "  not  to  be  trou- 
 bled either  by  spirit  or  by  word  or  by  letter,  as 
 coming  from  us,  as  if  the  day  of  the  Lord  were  at 
 (ii.  2,   3).     In  the  second  passage  at  the 
 
 hand ' 
 
 close  of  the  Epistle  he  says,  "The  salutation  of 
 Paul  with  mine  own  hand,  which  is  a  token  in 
 every  Epistle:  so  I  write"  (iii.  17)— evidently  a 
 precaution  against  forgery.  It  will  be  seen  then  that 
 the  teaching  of  the  Second  Epistle  is  corrective  of, 
 or  rather  supplemental  to,  that  of  the  First,  and 
 therefore  presupposes  it.  2.  This  Epistle,  in  the 
 range  of  subject  as  well  as  in  style  and  general  cha- 
 racter, closely  resembles  the  First ;  and  the  remarks 
 made  on  that  Epistle  apply  for  the  mo.st  part 
 equally  well  to  this.  The  structure  also  is  some- 
 what similar,  the  main  body  of  the  Epistle  being 
 divided  into  two  parts  in  the  same  way,  and  each 
 part  closing  with  a  prayer  (ii.  16,  17,  iii.  16). 
 The  Epistle  ends  with  a  special  direction  and  bene- 
 diction (iii.  17,  18).  3.  The  e.'sternal  evidence  in 
 favour  of  the  Second  Epistle  is  somewhat  more 
 definite  than  that  which  can  be  brought  in  favouv 
 of  the  First.  It  seems  to  be  referred  to  in  one  or 
 two  passages  of  Polycarp ;  and  the  language  in 
 which  Justin  ]\Iartyr  speaks  of  the  ]\Ian  of  Sin  is  so 
 similar  that  it  can  scarcely  be  independent  of  this 
 Epistle.  The  Second  Epistle,  like  the  First,  is 
 found  in  the  canons  of  tlie  Syriac  and  Old  Latin 
 Versions,  and  in  those  of  the  Muratorian  fragment 
 and  of  the  heretic  Marcion  ;  is  quoted  expressly  and 
 by  name  by  Irenaeus  and  others  at  the  close  of  the 
 second  century,  and  was  universally  received  by 
 the  Church.  The  internal  character  of  the  Epistle 
 too,  as  in  the  former  case,  bears  the  stiongest  testi- 
 mony to  its  Pauline  origin.  Its  genuineness  in  fact 
 was  never  questioned  until  the  beginning  of  the 
 present  century.  The  apocalyptic  passage  (ii.  1-12) 
 is  the  great  stumblingblock.  It  has  been  objected 
 to,  either  as  alluding  to  events  subsequent  to  St. 
 Paul's  death,  the  Neronian  persecution  tor  instance  ; 
 or  as  betraying  religious  views  derived  from  the 
 Montanism  of  the  second  century  ;  or  lastly,  as 
 contradicting  St.  Paul's  anticipations  expressed  else- 
 where, especially  in  the  First  Epistle,  of  the  near 
 approach  of  the  Lord's  advent.  4.  The  most  strik- 
 ing feature  in  the  Epistle  is  this  apocalyptic  passage, 
 announcing  the  revelation  of  tlie  "Man  of  Sin" 
 (ii.  l-12j,  and  it  will  not  be  irrelevant  to  in- 
 vestigate its  meaning. — (I.)  The  passage  speaks  of  a 
 great  apostasy  which  is  to  usher  in  the  advent  of 
 Christ,  the  great  judgment.  There  are  three  pro- 
 minent figures  in  the  picture,  Christ,  Antichrist, 
 and  the  Kestrainer.  The  "mystery  of  lawless- 
 ness "  is  already  at  work.  At  present  it  is  checked 
 by  the  Restrainer;  but  the  check  will  be  removed, 
 and  then  it  will  break  out  in  all  its  violence.  Then 
 Chiist  will  appear. — (II.)  Many  difierent  explana- 
 tions have  been  offered  of  this  ])assage.  By  one 
 class  of  interpreters  it  has  been  referred  to  circum- 
 stances which  passed  within  the  circle  of  the  Apostle's 
 own  experience.  Others  again  have  seen  in  it  the 
 prediction  of  a  crisis  yet  to  be  realized,  the  end  ot 
 all  things.  The  former  of  these,  the  Praeterists, 
 have  identified  the  "Man  of  Sin"  with  divers  his- 
 torical   characters  —  with    Caligula,    Nero,    Titus, 
 
988 
 
 THESSALONIANS 
 
 Simou  M;igu6,  Simon  son  of  Gioia,  the  high-priest 
 Ananias,  &c.,  and  havesou<:ht  for  an  historical  coun- 
 ter])art  to  the  i;estraincr  in  like  manner.  The  latter, 
 the  Futurists,  have  also  given  various  accounts  ol' 
 the  Antichrist,  the  mysterious  jwwer  of  evil  which 
 is  already  working.  To  Protestants  for  instance  it 
 is  the  Papacy  ;  to  the  Greek  Church,  Mohammed- 
 anism.— (111.)  Now  in  arbitrating  between  the 
 I'raeterists  and  the  Futurists,  we  are  led  by  the 
 analogy  of  other  proplietic  announcements,  as  well 
 iis  by  the  language  of  tlie  passage  itself,  to  t;ike  a 
 middle  course.  Neither  is  wholly  right,  and  yet 
 both  are  to  a  certain  extent  light.  It  is  tlie  special 
 characteristic  of  prophecy  to  speak  of  the  distant 
 future  through  the  jircsent  and  immediate.  Fol- 
 lowing the  analogy  of  the  older  prophets  and  of  our 
 1,01  d  hinisi'lf,  we  may  agree  with  the  Praeterists 
 that  St.  Paul  is  referring  to  events  which  fell  under 
 Ills  own  cognizance;  for  indeed  the  Kestrainer  is 
 said  to  be  lestraining  now,  and  the  mysteiy  of 
 ini()uity  to  be  already  working:  while  at  the  same 
 time  we  mav  accept  the  Futurist  view,  that  the 
 Apostle  is  desciibing  the  end  of  all  things,  and  that 
 tiierefore  the  piojiliecy  has  not  yet  received  its  most 
 striking  and  complete  fulfilment. — (IV.)  If  this 
 view  be  coriect,  it  remains  to  inquire  what  parti- 
 cular adversary  of  tiie  Gos|x.'l,  and  what  j)aiticular 
 lestraiuing  influence,  St.  Paul  may  have  had  in 
 view.  But,  beloie  attemjiting  to  appioximate  to 
 an  ex]'laiiati<in,  we  may  clear  the  way  by  laying 
 down  two  rules.  First.  The  imagery  of  the  passage 
 must  be  interpieted  mainly  by  itself,  and  by  the 
 ciiciimstances  of  the  time.  The  great  adversaiy  in 
 the  Kevelation  seems  to  be  the  Roman  power;  but 
 it  may  be  widely  dillerent  here.  There  were  even 
 in  the  Apostolic  age  "many  Antichrists;"  and  we 
 cannot  be  sure  tliat  the  Antichrist  present  to  the 
 mind  of  St.  Paul  was  the  same  with  the  Antichrist 
 contemplated  by  St.  John.  Secondlij.  In  all  figur- 
 ative passiiges  it  is  arbitrary  to  assume  that  a  person 
 b  denoted  where  we  find  a  p€i«onification.     'I'hus 
 
 THESSALONICA 
 
 the  "  Man  of  .Sin  "  here  need  not  be  an  individual 
 man  ;  it  may  be  a  body  of  men,  or  a  jiower,  a  spi- 
 ritual influence. — (V.)  Now  we  find  that  the  chief 
 opi)nsition  to  tile  (jospfl,  and  especially  to  St.  Paul's 
 jireaching  at  this  time  arose  from  the  Jews.  It 
 seems  on  the  whole  probable  that  the  Antichri.st  is 
 represented  especially  by  Judaism.  Corresjiondinjj 
 to  this  view  of  the  Antichrist,  we  shall  piobiibly 
 be  correct  in  rcganling  the  llonian  Fmpiie  as  the 
 restraining  power.  It  was  to  Konian  justice  and 
 Pioman  magistrates  that  the  Apostle  had  recoui-se 
 at  this  time  to  shield  him  from  tlie  enmity  of  the 
 Jews,  and  to  chcH;k  their  violence.  It  was  only  at 
 a  later  date  under  Neio,  that  Pome  became  the  an- 
 tagonist of  Christendom,  and  then  she  also  in  turn  was 
 fitly  I'ortrayid  by  St.  John  ;us  the  type  of  Antichrist. 
 Tliessaloiii  ca.  The  original  name  of  this  city 
 was  Therma  ;  and  that  part  of  the  Macedonian  shore 
 on  which  it  was  situated  retained  through  the  Ro- 
 man period  the  designation  of  the  Thermaic  Gulf. 
 The  history  ot'  the  city  under  its  earlier  name  was 
 of  no  gieat  note.  It  rose  into  importance  with  the 
 decay  of  Greek  nationality.  Ciuisander  the  son  of 
 Antipater  rebuilt  and  enlarged  it,  and  named  it 
 after  his  wife  Thess;ilouica,  the  sister  of  Ale.xander 
 the  Great.  The  name  ever  since,  under  various 
 slight  modi tic;it ions,  has  been  continuous,  and  the 
 city  itself  hiis  never  ceased  to  be  eminent.  Sdoniki 
 is  still  the  most  im])ortant  town  of  European 
 Turkey,  next  after  Constautinoi>le.  Under  tlie  lio- 
 mans,  when  Macedonia  was  divided  into  four 
 governments,  Thessalonica  was  made  the  capital  ol 
 the  second ;  afterwards,  when  the  whole  was  conso- 
 lidated into  one  province,  this  city  became  ]iiacti- 
 cally  the  metrojiolis.  Strabo  in  the  fiist  century 
 speaks  of  Thessalonica  as  the  most  populous  v\\'/  in 
 Macedonia.  Thus  we  are  brought  to  St.  Paul's 
 visit  (with  Silas  and  Timothy)  during  his  second 
 missionary  journey,  and  to  the  introduction  of 
 Christianity  into  Thessalonica.  Three  circumstances 
 must  h'  re  l.^  mentioned,  which  iilust.i'ale  in  au  im- 
 
THEUDAS 
 
 pcrtant  manner  this  visit  and  this  journey  as  well 
 as  the  two  Epistles  to  the  Thessalouians.  (1.) 
 This  was  the  cliiet"  station  on  the  great  Roman 
 Road,  c:illed  the  Via  Egnatia,  which  connected 
 Rome  with  tlie  whole  region  to  the  north  of  the 
 Aegean  Sea.  (2.)  Placed  as  it  was  on  this  great 
 Road,  and  in  connexion  with  other  important  Ro- 
 man ways,  Thessalonica  w;is  an  invaluable  centre 
 for  the  spread  of  the  Gospel.  In  fact  it  was  nearly, 
 <f  not  quite,  on  a  level  with  Corinth  and  Ephesus 
 in  its  shai'e  of  the  commerce  of  the  Levant.  (3.) 
 The  ciirumstauce  noted  in  Acts  xvii.  1,  that  here 
 was  the  synagogue  of  the  Jews  in  this  part  of  Ma- 
 cedonia, had  evidently  much  to  do  with  the  Apostle's 
 plans,  and  also  doubtless  with  his  success.  Trade 
 would  inevitably  bring  Jews  to  Thessalonica:  and 
 it  is  remarkable  that,  ever  since,  they  have  had  a 
 prominent  place  in  the  annals  of  the  city.  The  first 
 scene  of  the  Apostle's  work  at  Thessalonica  was  the 
 synagogue  (Acts  xvii.  2,  3).  It  is  stated  that 
 the  ministi-ations  among  the  Jews  continued  for 
 three  weeks  (ver.  2).  Not  that  we  are  obliged  to 
 limit  to  this  time  the  whole  stay  of  the  Apostles 
 at  Thessalonica.  A  flourishing  Church  was  cer- 
 tainly formed  there:  and  the  Epistles  show  that  its 
 elements  were  much  more  Gentile  than  Jewish. 
 The  narrative  in  the  Acts  affords  a  singularly  accu- 
 rate illustration  of  the  political  constitution  of 
 Thessalonica.  Not  only  is  the  demits  mentioned 
 (Acts  xvii.  5)  in  harmony  with  what  has  teen  above 
 said  of  its  being  a  "  free  city,"  but  the  peculiar 
 title,. politurchs  (ib.  6),  of  the  chief  magistrates. 
 This  teim  occurs  in  no  other  writing  ;  but  it  may 
 be  read  to  this  day  conspicuously  on  an  arch  of  the 
 early  Imperial  times,  which  spans  the  main  street 
 of  the  city.  From  this  inscription  it  would  appear 
 that  the  number  of  politarchs  was  seven.  The  arch 
 just  mentioned  (called  the  Varddr  gate)  is  at  the 
 western  extremity  of  the  town.  At  its  eastern  ex- 
 tremity is  another  Roman  arch  of  later  date,  and 
 probably  commemorating  some  victory  of  Constan- 
 tine.  "The  main  street,  which  both  these  arches 
 cross,  and  which  intersects  the  city  from  east  to 
 west,  is  undoubtedly  the  Hue  of  the  Via  Egnatia. 
 A  word  must  be  said,  in  conclusion,  on  the  later 
 ecclesiastical  history'of  Thessalonica.  For  during 
 several  centuries  this  city  was  the  bulwark,  not 
 simply  of  the  later  Greek  Empire,  but  of  Oriental 
 Christendom,  and  was  largely  instrumental  in  the 
 conversion  of  the  Slavonians  and  Bulgarians.  Thus 
 it  received  the  designation  of  "the  Orthodox  City  ;" 
 and  its  struggles  are  very  prominent  in  the  writings 
 of  the  Byzantine  historians. 
 
 Theu'das,  the  name  of  an  insurgent  mentioned 
 in  Gamaliel's  speech  before  the  Jewish  council  (Acts 
 V.  33-39j  at  the  time  of  the  arraignment  of  the 
 Apostles.  He  appeared,  according  to  Luke's  ac- 
 count, at  the  head  of  about  four  hundred  men. 
 Josephus  speaks  of  a  Theudas  who  played  a  similar 
 part  in  the  time  of  Claudius,  about  A.D.  44, ».  e. 
 some  ten  or  twelve  years  at  least  later  than  the  de- 
 livery of  Gamaliel's  speech  ;  and  since  Luke  places 
 his  Theudas,  in  the  order  of  time,  before  Judas  the 
 Galilean,  who  made  his  appearance  soon  after  the  de- 
 thronement of  Archelaiis,  i.  e.  A.D.  6  or  7,  it  has 
 been  charged  that  the  writer  of  the  Acts  either 
 fabricated  the  speech  put  into  the  mouth  of  Gama- 
 liel, or  has  wrought  into  it  a  transaction  which 
 took  place  thirty  years  or  more  after  the  time  when 
 it  is  said  to  have  occurred.  Various  solutiuns  of 
 the  difficulty  have  been  ofiieied.     (1.)  .Since  Luke 
 
 THIEVES,  THE  TWO 
 
 939 
 
 repiftsents  Theudas  as  having  preceded  Judas  the  Ga- 
 lilean, it  is  certain  that  he  could  not  have  appeared 
 later,  at  all  events,  than  the  latter  part  of  the  reign 
 of  Herod  the  Great.  Now,  the  verv  year  of  that 
 monarch's  death  was  remarkably  turbulent ;  the 
 land  was  overrun  by  insurrectionary  chiefs  or  fana- 
 tics. Josephus  mentions  but  three  of  these  dis- 
 turbers 6^  name  ;  he  passes  over  the  others  with  a 
 general  allusion.  Among  those  whom  tlie  Jewish 
 historian  has  omitted  to  name,  may  have  been  the 
 Theudas  whom  Gamaliel  cites.  The  name  was  not 
 an  uncommon  one.  (2.)  Another  explanation  is, 
 that  Luke's  Theudas  may  have  been  one  of  the 
 three  insurgents  whose  names  are  mentioned  by 
 Josephus  in  connexion  with  the  disturbances  which 
 took  place  about  the  time  of  Herod's  death.  Sonntag 
 argues  that  the  Theudas  referred  to  by  Gamaliel  is 
 the  individual  who  occurs  in  Josephus  under  the 
 name  of  Simon,  a  slave  of  Herod.  There  can  be  no 
 valid  objection  to  either  of  the  foregoing  supposi- 
 tions :  both  are  reasonable,  and  both  must  be  dis- 
 proved betbre  Luke  can  be  justly  charged  with 
 having  committed  an  anachronism  in  the  passage 
 under  consideration. 
 
 Thieves,  the  two.  The  men  who  under  this 
 name  appear  in  the  history  of  the  crucifixion  were 
 robbers  lather  than  thieves,  belonging  to  the  lawless 
 bands  by  which  Palestine  was  at  that  time  and 
 afterwards  infested.  Against  these  brigands  every 
 Roman  procurator  had  to  wage  continual  war.  It 
 was  necessary  to  use  an  armed  police  to  encounter 
 them  (Luke  sxii.  52).  Of  the  previous  history  of 
 the  two  who  suffered  on  Golgotha  we  know  no- 
 thing. They  had  been  tried  and  condemned,  and 
 were  waiting  their  execution  before  our  Lord  was 
 accused.  It  is  probable  enough,  as  the  death  of 
 Barabbas  was  clearly  expected  at  the  same  time, 
 that  they  had  taken  part  in  his  insurrection.  They 
 had  expected  to  die  with  Jesus  Barabbas.  They 
 find  themselves  with  one  who  bore  the  same  name, 
 but  who  was  described  in  the  superscription  on  his 
 cross  as  Jesus  of  Nazareth.  They  could  hardly 
 fail  to  have  heard  something  of  his  fame  as  a  pro- 
 phet, of  his  triumphal  entiy  as  a  king.  They  catch 
 at  first  the  prevailing  tone  of  scorn.  But  over  one 
 of  them  there  came  a  change.  He  looked  back  upon 
 his  past  lite,  and  saw  an  infinite  evil.  He  looked 
 to  the  man  dying  on  the  cross  beside  him,  and  saw 
 an  infinite  compassion.  There  indeed  was  one  unlike 
 all  other  "kings  of  the  Jews"  whom  the  robber 
 had  ever  known.  Such  an  one  must  be  all  that  He 
 had  claimed  to  be.  To  be  foi  gotten  by  that  king 
 seems  to  him  now  the  most  terrible  of  all  puiush- 
 ments ;  to  take  part  in  the  triumph  of  His  leturn, 
 the  most  blessed  of  all  hopes.  The  yearning  prayer 
 was  answered,  not  in  the  letter,  but  in  the  spirit. 
 We  cannot  wonder  that  a  history  of  such  wonderful 
 interest  should  at  all  times  have  fixed  itself  on 
 men's  minds,  and  led  them  to  speculate  and  ask 
 questions  which  we  have  no  data  to  answei-.  The 
 simplest  and  truest  way  of  looking  at  it  has  been 
 that  of  those  who  have  seen  in  the  "dying  thief" 
 the  first  great  typical  instance  that  "a  man  is 
 justified  by  faith  without  the  deeds  of  the  law." 
 Other  conjectures  turn  more  on  the  circumstances 
 of  the  history.  Bengcl  finds  in  the  Lord's  words 
 to  him  an  indication  that  the  penitent  thief  was  a 
 Gentile,  the  impenitent  a  Jew,  and  tha*»  thus  the 
 scene  on  Calvary  was  typical  of  the  position  of  the 
 two  Churches.  Stier  reads  in  the  woids  ot'  reproof 
 the  lanouage  of  one  who  had  all  aionjr  listened  with 
 
940 
 
 THIMNATHAH 
 
 grief  and  hoiTor  to  the  levilinijs  of  the  multitude, 
 the  burst  of  an  indignation  pieviouslv  suppressed. 
 The  ,\))ocrvphal  (iusjiels,  as  usual,  do  their  best  to 
 lower  tiie  divine  history  to  tlie  level  of  a  legend. 
 
 Thimna'thah.  A  town  in  the  allotment  of  Dan 
 (Josh.  xi.\.  43  only).  It  is  named  between  Eloii 
 and  Ekron.  The  name  is  the  same  as  that  of  the 
 re^ident•e  of  Samson's  wife. 
 
 This  be.  A  name  found  only  in  Tob.  i.  2,  as 
 tliat  of  a  city  of  Naphtali  from  which  Tobit's  an- 
 cestor had  been  carried  captive  by  the  Assyrians. 
 The  i-eal  interest  of  the  name  resides  in  the  diet 
 that  it  is  maintained  by  some  interpreters  to  be  the 
 place  which  had  the  glory  of  giving  biith  to  Eli- 
 jah THE  TisiiiUTE.  Tills,  however,  is,  at  tlie  best, 
 very  questionable.  No  name  resembling  Thisbe  or 
 Thibe  has  been  yet  encountered  in  the  neighbourhood 
 of  Kedes  or  Safcd. 
 
 Thistle.     [Thorns  and  Thistles.] 
 
 Thom'as,  one  of  the  Ajmstles.  According  to 
 Kusebms,  liis  real  name  was  .Judas,  This  may  have 
 been  a  mere  confusion  with  Thaddeus,  who  is  men- 
 tioned in  the  extract.  But  it  may  also  be  that 
 Thomas  was  a  surname.  The  word  Thoma,  means 
 "a  twin  ;"  and  so  it  is  translated  in  John  xi.  16, 
 xxi.  2,  6  diSvjxos.  Out  of  this  name  has  grown  the 
 tradition  tliat  he  had  a  twin-sister,  Lydia,  or  that 
 he  was  a  twin-biother  of  our  Loid ;  which  last, 
 again,  would  confirm  his  identification  with  Judas 
 (conip.  JIatt.  xiii.  55).  He  is  said  to  have  been 
 born  at  Antioch.  In  the  catidogue  of  the  Apostles 
 he  is  coupled  with  Matthew  in  Matt.  x.  'i,  Mark  iii. 
 18,  Luke  vi.  15,  and  with  Philip  in  Acts  i.  13. 
 All  that  we  know  of  him  is  derived  from  the  Gospel 
 of  St.  John  ;  and  this  amounts  to  three  ti-aits, 
 w^hic^i,  howevei',  so  exactly  agree  t(>gether,  that, 
 slight  as  they  arc,  they  place  his  character  before  us 
 with  a  precision  which  belongs  to  no  other  of  the 
 twelve  Apostles,  except  Peter,  John,  and  Judas 
 Iscariot.  This  character  is  that  of  a  man,  slow  to 
 believe,  seeing  all  the  difficulties  ol'  a  case,  subject 
 to  de^pondeucy,  viewing  things  on  the  darker  side, 
 and  yet  full  of  ardent  love  lor  his  Master.  The 
 first  trait  is  his  speech  when  our  Lord  detemiined 
 to  face  the  dangers  that  awaited  Him  in  Judaea  on 
 his  journey  to  Bethany.  Thomas  said  to  his  fellow- 
 disciples,  "  Let  us  also  go,  that  we  may  die  with 
 Him"  (John  xi.  IG).  The  second  was  his  s])eech 
 during  the  Last  Supper.  "Thomas  saith  unto 
 Him,  Lord,  we  know  not  whitlier  thou  goest,  and 
 liow  can  we  know  the  way?"  (xiv.  .'>).  It  was  the 
 prosaic,  incredulous  doubt  as  to  moving  a  step  in 
 the  unseen  future,  and  yet  an  eager  inquiry  to  know 
 how  this  step  was  to  be  tiiken.  The  tliird  was  after 
 the  Kesuriection.  He  was  absent — possibly  by  ac- 
 cident, perha])s  characteristically — from  the  first 
 assemlily  when  Jesus  hiid  apjK'ared.  The  others 
 told  him  what  they  had  seen.  Me  broke  forth  into 
 an  exclamation,  the  teims  of  which  convey  to  us  at 
 once  the  veiiemence  of  his  doubt,  and  at  the  same 
 tune  the  vivid  j)icture  that  liis  mind  retained  of  liis 
 Master's  form  as  he  had  last  seen  Him  lifeless  on 
 the  cross  (John  xx.  25).  On  the  eighth  day  he 
 was  with  them  at  their  gathering,  f)eiha])s  in  ex- 
 pectation of  H  recurrence  of  the  visit  of  the  previous 
 week  ;  an<l  Jesus  stood  amongst  them.  He  uttereii 
 the  s:vme  salutation,  "Peace  be  \iuto  you;"  and 
 then  turning  to  Thomas,  as  if  this  had  Ixn-n  the 
 hpecial  object  of  His  ajipeamnce,  utteied  the  words 
 wliich  convey  as  strongly  the  Hense  of  condemna- 
 tiuu  and  tender   icprouf  us  tbo»c  of  Thomas  had 
 
 THORNS 
 
 shown  the  sense  of  hesitation  and  doubt.  The  effect 
 on  Thomas  is  immediate.  'I'he  conviction  j)roduced 
 by  the  lemoval  of  his  doubt  became  deepjer  and 
 stronger  than  that  of  any  of  the  other  Apostles, 
 The  woids  in  which  he  expressed  his  belief  contain 
 a  i'ar  higher  assertion  of  his  Master's  divine  nature 
 than  is  contiiined  in  any  otiier  expiassiou  used  bj 
 Apostolic  lips,  "  My  Lord,  and  my  God."  The  an- 
 swer of  our  Lord  sums  up  the  moral  of  the  whole 
 narrative  :  "  Because  thou  hast  seen  me,  thou  liast 
 believed  :  blessed  are  they  that  have  not  seen  me, 
 and  yet  have  believed  "  (xx.  29).  In  the  N.  T. 
 we  hear  of  Thomas  only  twice  again,  once  on  the 
 Sea  of  Galilee  with  the  seven  disciples,  wheie  he  is 
 ranked  next  after  Peter  (John  xxi.  2),  and  again  in 
 the  assemblage  of  the  Apostles  after  the  Ascension 
 (Acts  i.  13j.  The  eailier  traditions,  as  believed  in 
 the  4th  century,  represent  him  as  preaching  in 
 Parthia  or  Pereia,  and  as  finally  buried  at  Edessa. 
 The  later  traditions  cany  him  further  East.  His 
 martyrdom  (whether  in  Persia  or  India)  is  said 
 to  ha\e  been  occasioned  by  a  lance  ;  and  is  com- 
 memorated by  the  Latin  Church  on  Dec.  21,  by  the 
 Greek  Church  on  Oct.  G,j»nd  by  the  Indians  on  July  1. 
 
 Thomo'i.    Thamah  or  Tasiah  (1  Esd.  v.  32). 
 
 Thorns  and  Thistles.  There  a]>peaj-  to  bo 
 eighteen  or  twenty  Hebrew  words  which  point  to 
 different  kinds  of  prickly  or  thorny  shrubs.  These 
 words  are  variously  rendered  in  the  A.  V.  by 
 "  thorns,"  "  briei-s,"  "  thistles,"  &c.  It  were  a 
 hopeless  task  to  enter  into  a  discussion  of  these  nu- 
 merous Hebrew  terms  ;  we  shall  not  therefore  at- 
 tempt it,  but  confine  our  lemarks  to  some  of  the 
 most  importiint  names,  and  those  which  seem  to 
 atl'ord  some  slight  indications  as  to  the  plants  they 
 denote.  1.  Atdd  occurs  as  the  name  of  some  spinous 
 plant  in  Judg.  ix.  14,  15,  where  the  A.  V.  renders 
 it  by  "bramble"  (Maig.  "thistle''),  and  in  Ps. 
 Iviii.  9  (A.  \'.  "thorns").  The  plant  in  question 
 is  sup])osed  to  be  L>/ci>im  Europaeum  or  L.  afruin 
 (Box-thorn),  both  of  which  s|iecies  occur  in  Pales- 
 tine. The  Arabic  name  of  this  plant  is  identical 
 with  the  Hebrew.  Lyciuin  h'uropacum  is  a  n.ative 
 of  the  south  of  Euro))e  and  the  north  of  Africa;  in 
 the  Giecian  islands  it  is  common  in  he<lges.  2. 
 Chedek  occurs  in  Prov.  xv.  19,  and  in  Mic.  vii.  4. 
 Celsi\is,  ret'erring  the  Hob.  term  to  the  Arabic 
 Chadak,  is  of  o])inion  that  some  spinous  species  of 
 Solamtm  is  intended.  The  Arabic  term  clearly  de- 
 notes some  kind  of  Sola7iuin ;  either  the  S.  melon- 
 (jela,  var.  esculcntuin,  or  the  S.  Sodoineiim  ("  apple 
 of  Sodom  ").  'i'lie  Heb.  term  may  be  generic,  and 
 intended  to  denote  any  thoiny  plant  suitable  for 
 hedges.  3.  Choac/i,  a  word  of  very  uncertain 
 meaning  which  occui^s  in  the  sense  of  some  thorny 
 ])lant  in  Is.  .\xxiv.  13,  Hos.  ix.  6,  Prov.  xxvi.  9, 
 Cant.  ii.  2,  2  K.  xiv.  9.  See  also  Job  xxxi.  40 
 "Let  c/ioach  (A.  V.  'thistles')  grow  instead  of 
 wheiit."  Celsius  believes  the  blackthorn  (J'rimits 
 si/lti'slris)  is  denoted.  Perhaps  the  term  is  used  in 
 a  wide  sense  to  signify  any  thorny  plant.  4.  J'ur- 
 dur  is  mentioned  twice  in  connexion  witli  the  Heb. 
 ftots,  viz.  in  Gen.  iii.  18,  and  Hos.  x.  8.  The  Giwk 
 rpl0o\os  occui-s  in  Matt.  vii.  IG.  See  also  Heb. 
 vi.  8.  It  is  probable  that  cither  the  Tribttltis  ter- 
 restris,  which,  however,  is  not  a  spiny  or  thorny 
 ])lant,  but  has  sjiines  on  the  fruit,  or  else  llie  Ccn- 
 tiiwcii  calcitrnpa,  is  the  plant  which  is  more  ])arti- 
 cularly  intended  by  the  woixi  ddidar.  5.  Shamir, 
 almost  always  ti)und  in  connexion  with  the  woid 
 s/utiUt,  occuiT)  in  several  places  of  the  Hebrew  text; 
 
THRACIA 
 
 it  is  variously  reiidereJ  by  the  LXX.  Accoiding 
 to  Abu'Uadl,  cited  by  Celsius,  "  the  Sam ur  of  the 
 Arabs  is  a  thorny  tree  ;  it  is  a  species  of  Sidra 
 which  does  not  produce  fruit."  No  thorny  plants 
 are  more  conspicuous  in  Palestine  ^and  the  Bible 
 Lands  than  diHerent  kinds  of  Rhamnaceae  such  as 
 Paliunis  acnleatus  (Christ's  Thorn),  and  Zizyphus 
 Spina  Christi ;  this  latter  plant  is  the  nehk  of  the 
 Arabs,  which  grows  abundantly  in  Syria  and  Pa- 
 lestine. The  Nadtsots  of  Is.  vii.  19,  Iv.  13,  pro- 
 bably denotes  some  species  of  Zizyphus.  The 
 "  crown  of  thorns  "  which  was  put  in  derision  upon 
 our  Lord's  head  just  before  his  crucifixion,  was 
 probably  composed  of  the  thorny  twigs  of  the  nehk 
 {Zizyphus  Spina  Christi)  mentioned  above;  being 
 common  everywhere,  they  could  readily  be  procured. 
 
 Thra'cia.  A  Thracian  horseman  is  incidentally 
 mentioned  in  2  Mace.  xii.  35,  apparently  one  of  the 
 bodyguard  of  Gorgias,  governor  of  Idumaea  under 
 Antiochus  Epiphanes.  Thrace  at  this  period  in- 
 cluded the  whole  of  the  country  within  the  boundary 
 of  the  Strymon,  the  Danube,  and  the  coasts  of  the 
 Aegean,  Propontis,  and  Eu.xine — all  the  region,  in 
 fact,  now  comprehended  in  Bulgaria  and  Roumelia. 
 In  the  early  times  it  was  inhabited  by  a  number  of 
 tribes,  each  under  its  own  chief.  The  wars  on  a 
 lars;e  scale  which  followed  the  death  of  Alexander 
 furnished  employment  for  the  martial  tendencies  of 
 the  Thracians,  who  found  a  demand  for  their  services 
 as  mercenaries  everywhere.  Cavalry  was  the  arm 
 which  they  chiefly  furnished,  the  rich  pastures  of 
 Roumelia  abounding  in  horses.  The  only  other 
 passage,  if  any,  containing  an  allusion  to  Thrace,  to 
 be  found  in  the  Bible,  is  Gen.  x.  2,  where  Tiros 
 has  by  some  been  supposed  to  mean  Thrace. 
 
 Tkrase'as.  P'ather  of  ApoUonius  (1).  2  Mace, 
 iii.  6.     [Apollonius.] 
 
 Three  Taverns,  a  station  on  the  Appian  Road, 
 along  which  St.  Paul  travelled  from  Puteoli  to 
 Rome  (Acts  xxviii.  15).  The  distances,  reckoning 
 southwards  from  Rome,  are  given  as  follows  in  the 
 Antonine  Itinerary,  "  to  Aricia,  1 6  miles ;  to  Three 
 Taverns,  17  miles;  to  Appii  Forum,  10  miles;" 
 and,  comparing  this  with  what  is  observed  still 
 along  the  line  of  road,  we  have  no  difficulty  in 
 coming  to  the  conclusion  that  "  Three  Taverns " 
 was  near  the  modem  Cistema.  Just  at  this  point 
 a  road  came  in  from  Antium  on  the  coast.  There 
 is  no  doubt  that  "  Three  Taverns  "  was  a  frequent 
 meeting-place  of  travellers. 
 
 Threshing.     [Agriculture.] 
 
 Threshold.  1.  [see  Gate].  2.  Of  the  two 
 words  so  rendered  in  A.  V.,  one,  miphthdn,  seems 
 to  mean  sometimes  a  projecting  beam  or  corbel  (Ez. 
 ir.  3,  X.  4,  18). 
 
 Thresholds,  the.  This  word,  Asuppe,  ap- 
 pears to  be  inaccurately  rendered  in  Neh.  xii.  25, 
 though  its  real  force  has  perhaps  not  yet  been  dis- 
 covered. The  "  house  of  the  Asuppim,"  or  simply 
 "  the  Asu])pira,"  is  mentioned  in  1  Chr.  xx-vi.  15, 
 17,  as  a  part,  probably  a  gate,  of  the  enclosure  of 
 the  "  house  of  Jehovah,"  apparently  at  its  S.W. 
 corner.  The  allusion  in  Neh.  xii.  25  is  undoubtedly 
 to  the  same  place. 
 
 Throne.  The  Hebrew  term  cisse  applies  to  any 
 elevated  seat  occupied  by  a  person  in  authority, 
 whether  a  high-priest  (1  Sam.  i.  9),  a  judge  (Ps. 
 cxxii.  5),  or  a  military  chief  (Jer.  i.  15).  The  use 
 of  a  chair  in  a  country  where  the  usual  postures 
 were  squatting  and  reclining,  was  at  all  times  re- 
 gaided  as  a  symbol  of  dignity  (2  K.  iv.  10 ;  Prov. 
 
 THYATIRA 
 
 941 
 
 ix.  14).  In  order  to  specify  a  throne  in  our  sense 
 of  the  term,  it  was  necessary  to  add  to  cisse  the 
 notion  of  royalty :  hence  the  frequent  occurrence  of 
 such  expressions  as  "  the  throne  of  the  kingdom  " 
 (Deut.  xvii.  18  ;  1  K.  i.  46 ;  2  Chr.  vii.  18).  The 
 characteristic  feature  in  the  royal  throne  was  its 
 elevation  :  Solomon's  throne  was  approached  by  six 
 steps  (1  K.  X.  19  ;  2  Chr.  ix.  18)  ;  and  Jehovah's 
 throne  is  described  as  "  high  and  lilted  up"  (Is. 
 vi.  1).  The  materials  and  workmanship  were 
 costly.  It  was  furnished  with  arms  or  "  stays." 
 The  steps  were  also  lined  with  pairs  of  lions.  At 
 to  the  form  of  the  chair,  we  are  only  informed  in 
 1  K.  X.  19  that  "the  top  was  round  behind."  The 
 king  sat  on  his  throne  on  state  occasions.  At  such 
 times  he  appeared  in  his  royal  robes.  The  throne 
 was  the  symbol  of  supreme  power  and  dignity  (Gen. 
 xli.  40).  Similarly,  "  to  sit  upon  the  throne,"  im- 
 plied the  exei-cise  of  regal  power  (Deut,  xvii.  18; 
 1  K.  xvL  11). 
 
 AssjTian  throne  or  chair  of  state  (Layard,  Xineveh,  ii.  301). 
 
 Thummim.  [Urim  and  Thujimim.] 
 Thunder.  In  a  physical  point  of  view,  the  most 
 noticeable  feature  in  connexion  with  thunder  is  the 
 extreme  rarity  of  its  occurrence  during  the  summer 
 months  in  Palestine  and  the  adjacent  countries. 
 From  the  middle  of  April  to  the  middle  of  Sep- 
 tember it  is  hardly  ever  heard.  Hence  it  was  se- 
 lected by  Samuel  as  a  striking  expression  of  the 
 Divine  displeasure  towards  the  Israelites  (1  Sam. 
 xii.  17).  Rain  in  harvest  was  deemed  as  extraor- 
 dinary as  snow  in  summer  (Prov.  xxvi.  1),  and 
 Jerome  asserts  that  he  had  never  witnessed  it  in 
 the  latter  part  of  June,  or  in  July  {Comm.  on  Am. 
 iv.  7).  In  the  imaginative  philosophy  of  the  He- 
 brews, thunder  was  regarded  as  the  voice  of  Jehovah 
 (Job  xxxvii.  2,  4,  5,  xl.  9 ;  Ps.  xviii.  13,  xxix.  3-9  ; 
 Is.  XXX.  30,  31),  who  dwelt  behind  the  thunder- 
 cloud (Ps.  Ixxxi.  7).  Thunder  was,  to  the  mind  of 
 the  Jew,  the  symbol  of  Divine  power  (Ps.  xxix. 
 3,  &c.),  and  vengeance  (1  Sam.  ii.  10  ;  2  Sam. 
 xxii.  14). 
 
 Thyati'ra.  A  city  on  the  Lycus,  founded  by 
 Seleucus  Nicator.  It  was  one  of  the  many  Mace- 
 donian colonies  established  in  Asia  Minor,  in  the 
 sequel  of  the  destruction  of  the  Persian  empire  by 
 Alexander.  It  lay  to  the  left  of  the  road  fi-om  Per- 
 gamus  to   Sardis,   on  the  southern  incline  of  the 
 
942 
 
 THYATIRA 
 
 watershed  which  separates  the  vallej'  of  the  Caicus 
 ( Bakyrtchai)  from  that  of  the  Heimus,  on  the  very 
 confines  of  Mvsia  and  Ionia,  so  as  to  be  sometimes 
 reckoned  within  tlie  one,  and  sometimes  within  the 
 other.  In  earlier  times  it  had  borne  the  names  of 
 Pelopia,  Semii-amis,  and  Euhi]ip;a.  At  the  com- 
 mencement of  the  Christian  era,  the  Macedonian 
 element  so  preponderated  as  to  give  a  distinctive 
 character  to  the  population  ;  and  Strabo  simply  calls 
 it  a  Macedonian  colony.  The  original  inhabitants 
 had  probably  been  distributed  in  hamlets  round 
 about,  when  Thyatira  was  founded.  During  the 
 continuance  of  the  Attalic  dynasty,  Thyatira  scarcely 
 appears  in  history  ;  and  of  the  various  inscriptions 
 which  have  been  found  on  the  site,  now  called  Ak 
 Hissar,  not  one  unequivocally  belongs  to  earlier 
 times  than  those  of  the  Roman  empire.  The  pro- 
 sperity of  the  citv  seems  to  have  received  a  new 
 impulse  under  Vesj>asian.  Dyeing  apparently  fonned 
 an  important  part  of  the  industrial  activity  of  Thy- 
 atiia,  as  it  did  of  that  of  Colossae  and  Laodicaea 
 (Acts  xvi.  14 j.  The  piincipal  deity  of  the  city  was 
 Ajiollo,  worshipped  as  the  sun-god  under  the  sur- 
 name Tyrimn;is.  He  was  no  doubt  introduced  by 
 the  Macedonian  colonists,  for  the  name  is  Macedo- 
 nian. A  priestess  of  Artemis  is  also  mentioned  in 
 the  inscriptions.  Another  superetition,  of  an  ex- 
 tremely curious  nature,  which  existed  at  Thyatira, 
 seems  to  have  been  brought  thither  by  some  of  the 
 corrupted  Jews  of  the  dispersed  tribes.  A  fane 
 stood  out-siiie  the  walls,  dedicated  to  Sambatha — 
 the  name  of  the  sibyl  who  is  sometimes  called  Chal- 
 daean,  sometimes  Jewish,  sometimes  Persian — in 
 the  midst  of  an  enclosure  designated  "  the  Chal- 
 daean's  court."  This  seems  to  lend  an  illustration 
 to  the  obscure  passage  in  ilev.  ii.  20,  21,  which 
 Grotius  inteiprets  of  the  wife  of  the  bishop.  Now 
 there  is  evidence  to  show  that  in  Thyatira  there 
 was  a  great  amalgamation  of  races.  But  amalgam- 
 ation of  dillerent  races,  in  pagan  nations,  always 
 went  together  with  a  syncretism  of  different  reli- 
 
 Tk»^i  ar(iciil<i/'i.    An  'TlixliK  woimL 
 
 TIBERIAS 
 
 gions,  every  relation  of  life  having  its  relig.ous 
 sanction.  If  the  sibyl  Sambatha  was  really  i( 
 Jewess,  lending  her  aid  to  this  ]>roceeding,  and  not 
 discountenanced  by  the  authorities  of  the  Judaeo- 
 Christian  Church  at  Thyatii-a,  both  the  censure  and 
 its  qualification  tjecome  easy  of  explanation. 
 
 Thyine  wood  occurs  once  only,  viz.  in  Rev. 
 xviii.  12,  where  the  margin  has  "sweet"  (wood). 
 There  Ciui  he  little  doubt  that  the  wood  here  spoken 
 of  is  that  of  the  Thuya  articulata,  Desfont.,  the 
 Callitris  quadrivalvis  of  present  botanists.  This 
 tree  was  much  prized  by  the  ancient  Greeks  and 
 Romans,  on  account  of  the  beauty  of  its  wood  tor 
 vai'ious  ornamenUil  puijwses.  By  the  Romans  the 
 tree  was  called  citrus,  the  wood  citruin.  It  is  a 
 native  of  Barbary,  and  grows  to  the  height  of  15  to 
 25  feet.  I'liny  says  that  the  citrus  is  found  abun- 
 dantly in  Mauretania.  The  resin  known  by  the 
 name  of  Sandarach  is  the  produce  of  this  tree,  which 
 belongs  to  the  cypress  tiibe  {Cupressineae),  of  the 
 nat.  Older  Coniferae. 
 
 Tibe'rias,  a  city  in  the  time  of  Christ,  on  the 
 Sea  of  Galilee  ;  fiist  mentioned  in  the  New  Testa- 
 ment (John  vi.  1,  23,  xxi.  1),  and  then  by  Josephus, 
 who  states  that  it  was  built  by  Herod  Antipas,  and 
 was  named  by  him  in  honour  of  the  emperor  Tibe- 
 rius. It  w;ui  probably  a  new  town,  and  not  a 
 lestored  or  enlarged  one  merely  ;  tor  "  Rakkath  " 
 (Josh.  xix.  35),  which  is  s;iid  in  the  Talmud  to 
 have  occupied  the  s.ime  position,  lay  in  the  tribe  of 
 Naphtali,  whereas  Tiberias  appears  to  have  been 
 within  the  limits  of  Zebulun  iMatt.  iv.  13j.  Tibe- 
 rias was  the  nipital  of  Galilee  from  the  time  of  its 
 origin  until  the  reign  of  Herod  Agrippa  II.,  who 
 changed  the  seat  of  power  back  again  to  Sepphoris, 
 where  it  had  been  before  the  founding  of  the  new 
 city.  Many  of  the  inhabitants  were  Gieeks  and 
 Romans,  and  foreign  customs  prevailed  there  to 
 such  an  extent  as  to  give  otience  to  the  stricter 
 Jews.  The  ancient  name  has  survived  i:i  that  of 
 the  modern  Tubarieh,  which  occupies  unquestion- 
 ably the  original  site,  except  that  it  is  confined  to 
 narrower  limits  than  those  of  the  original  city. 
 Near  TUbarieh,  about  a  mile  further  south  along 
 the  shore,  are  the  celebrated  warm  Kiths,  which  the 
 Roman  naturalists  reckoned  among  the  greatest 
 known  curiosities  of  the  world.  The  intermediate 
 space  between  these  baths  and  the  town  abounds 
 with  traces  of  ruins,  such  as  the  tbiiudations  of 
 walls,  heaps  of  stone,  blocks  of  granite,  and  the 
 like;  and  it  cannot  be  doubted,  therefore,  that 
 the  ancient  Tiberias  occupied  also  this  ground,  and 
 was  much  more  extensive  than  its  modern  successor. 
 It  stood  anciently  as  now,  on  the  western  shore, 
 about  two-thirds  of  the  way  between  the  northern 
 and  southern  end  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee.  There  is  a 
 margin  or  strip  of  land  there  between  the  water 
 and  the  steep  hills  (which  elsewhere  in  that  quarter 
 come  down  so  boldly  to  the  etlge  of  the  lake),  about 
 two  miles  long  and  a  quarter  of  a  mile  broad.  The 
 tract  in  question  is  somewhat  undulating,  but  ap- 
 pi'oximates  to  the  character  of  a  plain.  Tubarieh, 
 the  modem  town,  occupies  the  northern  end  of  this 
 parallelogram,  and  the  Warm  Baths  the  soutliern 
 extremity  ;  so  that  the  more  extended  city  of  the 
 Roman  a'^c  must  have  covered  all,  or  neiiily  all  of 
 the  peculiar  ground  whose  limits  are  thus  clearly 
 defined.  The  place  is  four  and  a  half  hours  from 
 Nazareth,  one  hour  from  .Mejdel,  possibly  the  ancient 
 Magdala,  and  thirteen  houi-s,  by  the  shoitest  route, 
 from  Hiinids  or  Cacsarea   Philippi.     It  is  i«mai'k' 
 
TIBERIAS,  THE  SEA  OF 
 
 able  that  the  Gospels  give  us  no  information,  that 
 tlie  Saviour,  who  spent  so  much  of  his  public  life 
 in  Galilee,  ever  visited  Tiberias.  Tiberias  has  an 
 interesting  history,  apart  from  its  strictly  Biblical 
 associations.  It  bore  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  wars 
 between  the  Jews  and  the  Romans.  The  Sanhedrim, 
 subsequently  to  the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  after  a  tem- 
 porary sojourn  at  Jamnia  and  Sepphoris,  became 
 fixed  there  about  the  midille  of  the  second  century. 
 Celebrated  schools  of  Jewish  learning  flourished 
 there  through  a  succession  of  several  centuries. 
 The  Mishna  was  compiled  at  this  place  by  the  great 
 Rabbi  Judah  Hakkodesh  (A.D.  190).  The  place 
 passed,  under  Constantine,  into  the  power  of  the 
 Christians;  and  during  the  period  of  the  Crusades 
 was  lost  and  won  repeatedly  by  the  different  com- 
 batants. Since  that  time  it  has  been  possessed  succes- 
 sively by  Persians,  Arabs,  and  Turks  ;  and  contains 
 now,  under  the  Turkish  rule,  a  mixed  population 
 of  Mohammedans,  Jews,  and  Christians,  variously 
 estimated  at  from  two  to  four  thousand. 
 
 Tibe'rias,  the  Sea  of.  This  term  is  found  only 
 in  Jolin  xxi.  1,  the  other  passage  in  which  it  occurs 
 in  the  A.  V.  (ib.  vi,  I)  being,  if  the  original  is  accur- 
 ately rendered,  "  the  sea  of  Galilee,  of  Tiberias." 
 [Gennesaret,  Sea  of.] 
 
 Tibe'rius  (in  full,  Tiberius  Claudius  Nero),  the 
 second  Roman  emperor,  successor  of  Augustus,  who 
 began  to  reign  A.D.  14,  and  reigned  until  A.D.  37. 
 He  was  the  son  of  Tiberius  Claudius  Nero  and 
 Li  via,  and  hence  a  stepson  of  Augustus.  He  was 
 born  at  Rome  on  the  16th  of  November,  B.C.  45. 
 He  became  emperor  in  his  fifty-fifth  year,  after 
 having  distinguished  himself  as  a  commander  in 
 various  wars,  and  having  evinced  talents  of  a  high 
 order  as  an  orator,  and  an  administrator  of  civil 
 aflairs.  He  even  gained  the  reputation  of  possessing 
 the  sterner  virtues  of  the  Roman  character,  and 
 was  regarded  as  entirely  worthy  of  the  imperial 
 honours  to  which  his  birth  and  supposed  pei'sonal 
 merits  at  length  opened  the  way.  Yet,  on  being 
 raised  to  the  supreme  power,  he  suddenly  became, 
 or  showed  himself  to  be,  a  very  different  man.  His 
 subsequent  life  was  one  of  inactivity,  sloth,  and 
 self-indulgence.  He  was  despotic  in  his  govern- 
 ment, cruel  and  vindictive  in  his  disposition.  Ti- 
 berius died  at  the  age  of  seventy-eight,  after  a  reign 
 of  twenty-thiee  years. 
 
 Tib 'hath,  a  city  of  Hadadezer,  king  of  Zobah 
 (1  Chr.  xviii.  8),  which  in  2  Sam.  viii.  8  is  called 
 Betah.      Its  exact  position  is  unknown. 
 
 Tib'ni.  After  Zimri  had  burnt  himself  in  his 
 palace,  there  was  a  division  in  the  northern  king- 
 dom, half  of  the  people  following  Tibni  the  son  of 
 Ginath,  and  half  fbUowing  Omh  (1  K.  xvi.  21,  22). 
 Omri  was  the  choice  of  the  army.  Tibni  was  prob- 
 ably put  forward  by  the  people  of  Tirzah,  which 
 was  then  besieged  by  Omri  and  his  host.  The 
 struggle  between  the  contending  factions  lasted  four 
 years  (comp.  1  K.  xvi.  15,  23). 
 
 Tidal  is  mentioned  only  in  Gen  xiv.  1,  9.  If 
 the  present  Hebrew  text  is  accepted  the  king  was 
 called  Thid'al ;  while,  if  the  Septuagiut  more  nearly 
 represents  the  original,  his  name  was  Thargal,  or 
 perhaps  Thurgal.  This  last  rendering  is  probably 
 to  be  preferred,  as  the  name  is  then  a  significant 
 one  in  the  early  Hamitic  dialect  of  the  lower  Tigris 
 and  Euphrates  country  —  Thur  gal  being  "  the 
 great  chief."  Thargal  is  called  "  king  of  nations," 
 by  which  it  is  reasonable  to  understand  that  he  was 
 a  chief  over  various  nomadic  tribes. 
 
 TIGRIS 
 
 943 
 
 Tiglath-Pile'ser.  In  1  Chr.  v.  2G,  and  again 
 in  2  Chr.  xxviii.  20,  the  name  of  this  king  is  written 
 "  Tilgath-pilueser ;"  but  in  this  form  there  is  a 
 double  corruption.  The  native  word  reads  as 
 Tigulti-pal-tsira,  for  which  the  Tiglath-pil-eser  of 
 2  Kings  is  a  fair  equivalent.  Tiglath-Pileser  is  the 
 second  Assyrian  king  mentioned  in  Scripture  as 
 having  come  into  contact  with  the  Isiaelites.  He 
 attacked  Samaria  in  the  reign  of  Pekah,  on  what 
 ground  we  are  not  told,  but  probably  because  Pekah 
 withheld  his  tribute,  and,  having  entered  his  terri- 
 tories, "  took  Ijon,  and  Abel-beth-maachah,  and 
 Janoah,  and  Kedesh,  and  Hazor,  and  Gilead,  and 
 Galilee,  and  all  the  land  of  Naphtali,  and  cariied 
 them  Ciiptive  to  Assyria  "  (2  K.  xv.  29).  The  date 
 of  this  invasion  cannot  at  present  be  fixed.  After 
 his  first  expedition,  a  close  league  was  formed  be- 
 tween Rezin,  king  of  Syria,  and  Pekah,  having  for 
 its  special  object  the  humiliation  of  Judah.  At  first 
 great  successes  were  gained  by  Pekah  and  his  con- 
 federate (2  K.  XV.  37  ;  2  Chr.  xxviii.  6-8) ;  but, 
 on  their  proceeding  to  attack  Jerusalem  itselt",  Ahaz 
 applied  to  Assyria  for  assistance,  and  Tiglath-Pi- 
 leser,  consenting  to  aid  him,  again  appeared  at  the 
 head  of  an  army  in  these  regions.  He  first  marched, 
 naturally,  against  Damascus,  which  he  took  (2  K. 
 xvi.  9),  razing  it  to  the  ground,  and  killing  Rezin, 
 the  Damascene  monarch.  After  tliis,  probably,  he 
 proceeded  to  chastise  Pekah,  whose  country  he  en- 
 tered on  the  north-east,  where  it  bordered  upon 
 "  Syria  of  Damascus."  Here  he  overran  the  whole 
 district  to  the  east  of  Jordan,  carrying  into  cap- 
 tivity "  the  Reubenites,  the  Gadites,  and  the  half 
 tribe  of  Manasseh  "  (1  Chr.  v.  26).  Before  return- 
 ing into  his  own  land,  Tiglath-Pileser  had  an  inter- 
 view with  Ahaz  at  Damascus  (2  K.  xvi.  10).  This 
 is  all  that  Scripture  tells  us  of  Tiglath-Pileser.  He 
 appears  to  have  succeeded  Pul,  and  to  have  been 
 succeeded  by  Shalmaneser ;  to  have  been  contem- 
 porary with  Rezin,  Pekah,  and  Ahaz;  and  therefore 
 to  have  ruled  Assyria  during  the  latter  half  of  the 
 eighth  century  before  our  era.  From  his  own  in- 
 scriptions we  learn  that  his  reign  lasted  at  least 
 seventeen  years  ;  that,  besides  warring  in  Syria  and 
 Samaria,  he  attacked  Babylonia,  Media,  Armenia, 
 and  the  independent  tribes  iu  the  upper  regions  of 
 Mesopotamia  ;  thus,  like  the  other  great  Assyrian 
 monarchs,  warring  along  the  whole  frontier  of  the 
 empire;  and  finally,  that  he  was  (probably)  not  a 
 legitimate  prince,  but  an  usurper  and  the  founder 
 of  a  dynasty.  The  authority  of  Berosus  and  He- 
 rodotus, combined  with  the  monumental  indications, 
 justifies  us  in  concluding  that  the  founder  of  the 
 Lower  Dynasty  or  Empire,  the  first  monarch  of 
 the  New  Kingdom,  was  the  Tiglath-Pileser  of  Scrip- 
 ture. He  reigned  certainly  from  B.C.  747  to  E.C 
 730,  and  possibly  a  few  years  longer,  being  suc- 
 ceeded by  Shalmaneser  at  least  as  early  as  B.C.  725. 
 Tiglath-Pileser's  wars  do  not,  generally,  appear  to 
 have  been  of  much  importance.  The  destruction 
 of  Damascus,  the  absorption  of  Syria,  and  the  ex- 
 tension of  Assyrian  influence  over  Judaea,  are  the 
 chief  events  of  his  reign.  No  palace  or  great 
 building  can  be  ascribed  to  this  king.  His  slabs, 
 which  are  tolerably  numerous,  show  that  he  must 
 have  built  or  adorned  a  residence  at  Calah  [Nimrud), 
 where  they  wei-e  found ;  but,  as  they  were  not  dis- 
 covered in  situ,  we  cannot  say  anything  of  the 
 edifice  to  which  they  originally  belonged. 
 
 Ti'gris  is  used  by  the  LXX.  as  the  Greek  equi- 
 valent of  the  Hebrew  Hiddehel;  and  occurs  also  iu 
 
944 
 
 TIGRIS 
 
 scvei-al  of  the  apocryphal  books,  as  in  Tobit  (vi.  1), 
 Judith  (i.  6),  and  Ecdesiasticus  (xxiv.  25).  The 
 Tigris,  like  the  Euphrates,  rises  from  two  principal 
 sources.  The  most  distimt,  and  therefore  the  true, 
 source  is  the  western  one,  which  is  in  lat.  38  ■*  10', 
 long.  3y°  20'  nearly,  a  little  to  the  south  of  the 
 high  mountain  lake  aiUed  Goljik  or  Golcnjik,  in 
 the  peninsula  formed  by  the  Euphrates  where  it 
 sweeps  round  between  Palou  and  Telek.  The 
 Tigris'  source  is  near  the  south-western  angle  of 
 the  lake,  and  cannot  be  more  than  two  or  three 
 miles  from  the  channel  of  the  Euphrates.  The 
 course  of  the  Tigris  is  at  first  somewhat  north  of 
 cast,  but  after  pui-suing  this  direction  for  about 
 25  miles  it  makes  a  sweep  round  to  the  south, 
 and  descends  by  A)yhani  Maden  upon  Diarbekr.  It 
 then  turns  suddenly  to  the  east,  and  Hows  in  this 
 direction,  past  Osiiuni  Kieui  to  Tit,  where  it  once 
 more  alters  its  course  and  takes  that  south-easterly 
 direction,  which  it  pursues,  with  certain  slight 
 variations,  to  its  final  junction  with  the  Euphrates. 
 At  Osiiuin  Kicui  it  re<'eives  the  second  or  Eastern 
 Tigris,  which  descends  from  Niphates  (the  modern 
 Ala-T<Mj/i),  with  a  course  almost  due  south.  Near 
 Til  a  large  stream  flows  into  it  from  the  north-east. 
 This  blanch  lises  near  Bitli,  in  northern  Kurdistan. 
 Krom  Til  the  Tigris  runs  southward  for  20  miles 
 through  a  long,  naiiow,  and  deep  gorge,  at  the  end 
 of  which  it  emerges  upon  the  comparatively  low 
 but  still  hilly  country  of  Mesopotamia,  near  Jczinh. 
 Through  this  it  flows  with  a  course  which  is  .south- 
 south-east  to  Mosul,  thence  nearly  south  to  Kilek- 
 Sherghiit,  and  again  south-south-e;ist  to  Samai\i, 
 where  the  hills  end  and  the  river  enters  on  the 
 great  alluvium.  The  course  is  now  more  irregular. 
 The  length  of  the  whole  stream,  exclusive  of  me- 
 anders, is  reckoned  at  114(5  miles.  The  average 
 width  of  the  Tigris  in  this  part  of  its  course  is  200 
 yards,  while  its  depth  is  very  considerable.  Besides 
 the  three  head-streams  of  the  Tigris,  the  river  re- 
 ceives, along  its  middle  and  lower  couise,  no  fewer 
 than  five  important  tribufciries.  These  are  the  river 
 o(  Ziikho  or  K^istern  Khabour,  the  Great  Zab  (^Zab 
 Ala),  the  Lesier  Zab  (Za6  Asfal),  the  Adhem,  and 
 the  Diyaleh  or  ancient  Gyndes.  All  these  rivers 
 flow  from  the  high  range  of  Zagros.  The  Tigris, 
 like  the  Euphrates,  has  a  flood  season.  ICarly  in 
 the  month  of  iMaich,  in  consequence  of  the  melting 
 of  the  snows  on  the  southern  (lank  of  Niphates,  the 
 river  rises  rapidly.  Its  breadth  gradually  increases 
 at  Diarbekr  from  100  or  120  10^250  yards.  The 
 stream  is  swift  and  turLid.  The  rise  continues 
 through  Maich  and  A])ril,  reaching  its  full  height 
 generally  in  the  first  or  second  week  of  May.  About 
 the  middle  of  May  the  Tigris  begins  to  fall,  and 
 by  midsunmier  it  h;is  reache<l  its  natural  level.  In 
 October  and  November  there  is  another  rise  and 
 fall  in  consequence  of  the  autumnal  rains ;  but 
 compared  with  the  spring  flood  that  of  autumn  is 
 insignificant.  The  Tigris  is  at  present  better  fitted 
 for  purjMscs  of  traflic  than  the  Euphrates  ;  but  in 
 ancient  times  it  does  not  seem  to  have  lK>en  much 
 used  as  a  line  of  trade.  We  (ind  but  little  mention 
 of  the  Tigris  in  Scripture.  It  appears  indee<i  under 
 the  name  of  Hiddekel,  among  the  rivers  of  Eden 
 vGen.  ii.  14"),  and  is  there  correctly  described  as 
 "  running  eastward  to  Assyria."  But  after  this 
 we  hear  no  niore  of  it,  if  we  except  one  doubtful 
 allusion  in  Nahum  (ii.  0),  until  theCajitivity,  when 
 it  hecomes  well  known  to  the  prophet  Daniel.  With 
 him    it   is   "  the  Great  iiiver."     The  Tigris,  in   its 
 
 TIMBREL 
 
 u]iper  coui-se,  anciently  ran  through  Armenia  and 
 Assyria.  Lower  down,  fiom  about  the  point  wheie 
 it  enters  on  the  alluvial  plain,  it  separated  Babyloniii 
 from  Susiana.  In  the  wars  between  the  Romans 
 and  the  Parthians,  we  find  it  constituting,  for  a 
 short  time  (fiomA.D.  114  to  A.D.  117)  the  bound- 
 ary-line between  these  two  empires.  Otherwise  it 
 has  scarcely  been  of  any  political  importance. 
 
 Tik'vah.  1.  The  father  of  .Shallum  the  husband 
 of  tlie  piophetess  Huhlah  (2  K.  x.\ii.  14).— 2.  The 
 father  of  .Jahaziah  '  Ezr.  x.  15). 
 
 Tik'vath  (properly  ToheluitUoY  Tokhath).  TiK- 
 VAii  the  tiither  of  Shallum  (2  Chr.  xxxiv.  22). 
 
 Tile.  For  general  information  on  the  subject  see 
 the  articles  Bhick,  PorrEuy,  Skal.  The  expres- 
 sion in  the  A.  V.  rendering  of  Luke  v.  19,  •'  through 
 the  tiling "  has  given  much  trouble  to  expositors. 
 1.  Terrace-roofs,  if  constructed  improperly,  or  at 
 the  wrong  season  of  the  year,  are  apt  to  ci'ack,  and 
 to  become  so  saturated  with  rain  as  to  be  easily 
 penetrable.  May  not  the  roof  of  the  house  in 
 which  our  Lord  performed  his  miracle,  have  been 
 in  this  condition  ?  2.  Or  did  not  St.  Luke,  a  native, 
 probably,  of  Greek  Antioch,  use  the  expiessioii 
 "  tiles,"  as  the  form  of  roof  which  was  most  fa- 
 miliar to  himself  and  to  his  Gietk  readers  without 
 reference  to  the  pai  ticular  miiterial  of  the  roof  in 
 questi(jn? 
 
 Til'gath-pilne'ser.  A  variation,  and  probably 
 a  corruption,  oi  the  name  TiGLATH.flLl:;si:;R(l  Chr. 
 V.  6,  20  ;  2  Chr.  xxviii.  20). 
 
 Ti'lon.  One  of  the  four  sons  of  Shimon,  whose 
 family  is  reckoned  in  the  genealogies  of  Judah  (I 
 Chr.  W.  20j. 
 
 Timae'ns.  The  father  of  the  blind  man,  Bar- 
 timaeus  i  Mark  x.  4(i). 
 
 Timbrel,  Tabret.  By  these  words  the  A.  V. 
 translates  the  Heb.  tijph,  which  is  derived  from  an 
 imitjitive  root  occurring  in  many  huiguages  not 
 immediately  connected  with  each  other.  It  is  this 
 same  as  the  Arabic  and  Persian  ditff,  which  in 
 Spanish  becomes  udufe,  a  tiimbouriue.  In  Old  Eng- 
 lish tabor  was  used  for  any  drum.  Tabouret  and 
 tabourine  are  diminutives  of  tabor,  and  denote  the 
 instrument  now  known  as  the  tainbouritie.     Tabret 
 
 Tar.     (I.ttiic's  iVixIrnt  ByMid.iiu,  366,  5tll  od.) 
 
 is  a  contraction  of  tahourct.  The  Hob.  toph  is  un- 
 doubtedly the  instrument  describetl  by  travellers  as 
 the  duff  or  diff  of  the  Arabs.  It  w.as  used  in  verj' 
 early  times  by  the  Syrians  of  Padan-aram  at  their 
 merry-makings  (Gen.  xxxi.  27).  It  was  played  prin- 
 cipally by  women  (Ex.  xv.  20;  Judg.  xi.  34; 
 1  Snm.  xviii.  0  ;  Ps.  Ixviii.  25  [26]  )  as  an  accom- 
 paniment to  the  song  and  dance  (comp.  .lud.  iii.  7), 
 and  appears  to  have  been  worn  by  them  .ns  an  orna- 
 ment (Jer.  xxxi.  4).  The  diff  of  the  Arabs  is  de- 
 scribed by  Russell  {AUfpo,  p.  94,  1st  ed.)  as  "a 
 hoop  (sometimes  with  pieces  of  brass  fixed  in  it  to 
 make  a  jingling)  over  which  a  piece  of  parchment 
 
TIMNA 
 
 Js  distended.  It  is  beat  with  the  fingers,  and  is  the 
 true  tympanum  of  the  ancients,  as  appears  from  its 
 figure  in  several  relievos."  In  Barbary  it  is  called 
 tar. 
 
 Tim'na,  Tim'nah.  1.  A  concubine  af  Eliphaz 
 sou  of  Esau,  and  mother  of  Amalelc  (*r.en.  xxxvi. 
 12)  :  it  may  be  presumed  that  she  was  t)\e  same  as 
 Timna,  sister  of  Lotan  (ver.  22,  and  I  Chr.  i.  39). 
 —2.  A  dulce,  or  phylarch,  of  Edom  in  the  last  list 
 in  Gen.  xxxvi.  4U-43  (1  Chr.  i.  51-54).  Tininah 
 was  piobably  the  name  of  a  place  or  a  district. 
 
 Tiin'nah.  A  name  which  occurs,  simple  and 
 cwnpounded,  and  with  slight  variations  of  foim, 
 several  times,  in  the  topogiaphy  of  the  Holy  Land. 
 1.  A  place  which  formed  one  of  the  landmai  Us  on 
 the  north  boundary  of  the  allotment  of  Judali 
 fJosh.  XV.  10).  It  is  probably  identical  with  the 
 Thimnathaii  of  Josh.  xix.  43,  and  that  again 
 with  the  Timnath,  or  more  accurately  Timna  than, 
 of  Samson,  and  the  Thamnatha  of  the  Maccabees. 
 The  modern  representative  of  all  these  various 
 forms  of  the  same  name  is  piobably  Tibneh,  a  vil- 
 lage about  two  miles  west  of  Ain  Shems  (Beth- 
 shemesh),  among  the  broken  undulating  country  by 
 which  the  central  mountains  of  this  part  of  Pales- 
 tine descend  to  the  maritime  plain.  In  the  later 
 history  of  the  Jews  Timnah  must  have  been  a  con- 
 spicuous place.  It  was  fortified  by  Baccliides  as 
 one  of  the  most  important  military  posts  of  Judaea 
 (1  Mace.  ix.  50),  and  it  became  the  head  of  a  dis- 
 trict or  toparchy.^2.  A  town  in  the  mountain 
 district  of  Judah  (Josh.  .\v.  57).  A  di-stinct  place 
 from  that  just  examined. 
 
 Tim'nath.  The  form  in  which  the  translators 
 of  the  A.  V.  inaccurately  piesent  two  names  which 
 are  certainly  distinct,  thoi^h  it  is  possible  that  they 
 refer  to  the  same  place.  1.  Timnah.  The  scene 
 of  the  adventure  of  Judah  with  his  daughter-in- 
 law  Tamar  (Gen.  xxxviii.  12,  13,  14).  There  is 
 notiiing  here  to  indicate  its  position.  It  may  be 
 identified  either  with  the  Timnah  in  the  mountains 
 of  Judah,  which  was  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
 Carmel  ;  or  with  the  Timnathah  so  familiar  in  the 
 story  of  Samson's  conflicts.  The  place  is  named  in 
 the  specification  of  the  allotment  of  the  tribe  of 
 Dan,  where  the  A.  V.  exhibits  it  accurately  as 
 Thimnathah,  and  its  name  doubtless  suivives  in 
 the  modern  Tibneh  which  is  said  to  lie  below 
 Zareah,  about  three  miles  to  the  S.W.  of  it,  where 
 the  great  Wady  es-Siirdr  issues  upon  the  plain. 
 —2.  Tijinathaii.  The  residence  of  Samson's  wife 
 (Judg.  xiv.  1,  2.  5). 
 
 Timnath-he'res.  The  name  under  which  the 
 city  and  burial-place  of  Joshua,  previously  called 
 Timnath-serah,  is  mentioned  in  Judg,  ii.  9. 
 
 Tim'natli-se'rall,  The  name  of  the  city  which 
 was  presented  to  Joshua  alter  the  partition  of  the 
 country  (Josh.  xix.  50) ;  and  in  "  the  border  "  of 
 which  he  was  buried  (xxiv.  SO).  It  is  specified  as 
 "  in  Mount  Ephiaim  on  the  north  side  of  Mount 
 Gnash."  In  Judg.  ii,  9,  the  name  is  altered  to 
 TiMNATH-HERES,  The  latter  form  is  that  adopted 
 by  the  Jewish  writers.  Accordingly,  they  identity 
 the  place  with  Kcfar  cheres,  which  is  said  by  Rabbi 
 Jacob,  hap-Parchi,  and  other  Jewish  travel  lei  s,  to 
 be  about  5  miles  S.  of  Shechem  {Nablus).  No 
 place  with  that  name  appears  on  the  maps.  An- 
 other and  more  promising  identification  has,  how- 
 ever, been  suggested  by  Dr.  Eli  Smith.  In  his 
 journey  from  Jifna  to  Mejdel-Yaba,  about  six 
 miles  from  the  former,  he  di;  covered  the  ruins  of 
 
 Ck)N.  D.  B, 
 
 TIMOTHY 
 
 945 
 
 a  considerable  town.  Opposite  the  town  was  a 
 much  higher  hill,  in  the  north  side  of  which  aie 
 several  excavated  sepulchres.  The  whole  bears  the 
 name  of  Tibneh,  and  although  without  further  ex- 
 amination it  can  hardly  be  a(Hrmed  to  be  the  Timnah 
 of  Joshua,  yet  the  identification  appears  probable, 
 
 Tim'ilite,  the.  Samson's  father-in-law,  a  native 
 of  Timnathah  (Judg,  xv,  6), 
 
 Ti'mon.  One  of  the  seven,  commonly  called 
 "deacons"  (Acts  vi.  l-G).  He  was  probably  a 
 Hellenist.  The  name  of  Timon  stands  fifth  in  the 
 catalogue.  Nothing  further  is  known  of  him  with 
 certainty. 
 
 Timo'theus.  1.  A  "  captain  of  the  Ammon- 
 ites "  (1  Mace.  V.  6),  who  was  defeated  on  several 
 occasions  by  Judas  Maccabaeus,  R.c.  164  (1  Mace. 
 V.  6,  11,  34-44).  He  was  probably  a  Greek  ad- 
 venturer.— 2.  In  2  Mace,  a  leader  named  Timotheus 
 is  mentioned  as  having  taken  part  in  the  invasion 
 ofNicanor  (B.C.  166:  2  Mace.  viii.  30,  ix,  3).  At 
 a  later  time  he  was  driven  to  a  stronghold,  Gazara, 
 which  was  stormed  by  J  udas,  and  there  Timotheus 
 was  taken  and  slain  (2  Mace,  x.  24-37),  It  has 
 been  supposed  that  the  events  recorded  in  this  latter 
 narrative  are  identical  with  those  in  1  Mace,  v.  6-8. 
 But  the  name  Timotheus  was  very  common,  and  it 
 is  evident  that  Timotheus  the  Annnonite  leader  was 
 not  slain  at  Jazer  (1  Mace,  v.  34).— 3.  The  Greek 
 name  of  Timothy  (Acts  xvi.  1,  xvii.  14,  &c.). 
 
 Tun'othy.  The  disciple  thus  named  was  the 
 son  of  one  of  those  mixed  marriages  which,  though 
 condemned  by  stricter  Jewish  opinion,  were  yet 
 not  uncommon  in  the  later  periods  of  Jewish  his- 
 tory. The  father's  name  is  unknown :  he  was  a 
 (jlreek,  i.e.  a  Gentile  by  descent  (Acts  xvi.  1,  3). 
 The  absence  of  any  personal  allusion  to  the  father 
 in  the  Acts  or  Epistles  suggests  the  infeience  that 
 he  must  have  died  or  disappeared  duiing  his  son's 
 infancy.  The  care  of  the  boy  thus  devolved  upon 
 his  mother  Eunice  and  her  mother  Lois  (2  Tim.  i. 
 5).  Under  their  training  his  education  was  em- 
 phatically Jewish.  "  From  a  child "  he  learnt 
 (probably  in  theLXX,  version)  to  "know  the  Holy 
 i  Scriptuies  "  daily.  The  language  of  the  Acts  leaves 
 it  uncertain  whether  Lystra  or  Derbe  weie  the 
 residence  of  the  devout  family.  The  arrival  of  Paul 
 and  Barnabas  in  Lycaonia  (Acts  xiv.  6)  brought 
 the  message  of  glad-tidings  to  Timotheus  and  his 
 mother,  and  they  received  it  with  "  unfeigned  faith  " 
 (2  Tim.  i.  5).  If  at  Lystra,  as  seems  probable 
 from  2  Tim.  iii,  11,  he  may  have  witnessed  the 
 half-completed  sacrifice,  the  half-finished  m.artyr- 
 dom,  of  Acts  xiv.  19.  The  preaching  of  the  Apostle 
 on  his  return  from  his  short  circuit  prepared  him 
 for  a  life  of  sutfering  (Acts  xiv.  22).  From  that 
 time  his  life  and  education  must  have  been  under 
 the  direct  superintendence  of  the  body  of  elders 
 (ib.  23).  During  the  interval  of  seven  years  be- 
 tween the  Apostle's  first  and  second  journeys,  the 
 boy  grew  up  to  manliood.  His  zeal,  probably  his 
 asceticism,  became  known  both  at  Lystra  and  Ico- 
 nium.  Those  who  had  the  deepest  insight  into 
 character,  and  spoke  with  a  prophetic  utterance, 
 pointed  to  him  (1  Tim,  i,  IB,  iv,  14),  as  others 
 had  pointed  before  to  Paul  and  Barnabas  (Acts  siii. 
 2),  as  specially  fit  for  the  missionary  work  in  which 
 the  .Apostle  was  engaged.  Personal  feeling  led  St. 
 Paul  to  the  same  conclusion  (Acts  xvi.  3),  and  he 
 was  solemnly  set  apart  to  do  the  work  and  possibly 
 to  bear  the  title  of  Evangelist  (1  Tim.  iv.  14;  2 
 Tim.  i.  6,  iv.  5).     A  great  obstacle,  however,  pro 
 
 3  P 
 
940 
 
 TIMOTHY 
 
 eeiited  itself.  Titnotheiis,  tlioiigh  reckoned  as  one 
 oi'  the  seed  of  Abraliam,  had  been  allowed  to  grow 
 up  to  the  age  of  manhood  without  the  sign  of 
 circumcision.  His  condition  v;as  that  of  a  negli- 
 gent, almost  of  an  apoitat^;  Jjiaelite.  The  Jews 
 might  tolerate  a  heathen,  as  juch,  in  the  synagogue 
 or  the  church,  but  an  uncircumcised  Israelite  would 
 be  to  them  a  honor  and  a  portent.  With  a  special 
 view  to  their  feelings,  making  no  sacrifice  of  prin- 
 ciple, the  Apostle,  who  had  lel'used  to  permit  the 
 circumcision  of  'I'itus,  "  took  and  circumcised  " 
 Timotheus  (Acts  xvi.  3) ;  and  then,  as  conscious 
 of  no  inconsistency,  went  on  his  way  distributing 
 the  decrees  of  the  council  of  Jerusalem,  the  great 
 charter  of  the  freedom  of  the  Gentiles  (ib.  4). 
 Henceforth  Timotheus  was  one  of  his  most  constant 
 companions.  'I'hey  and  Silvanus,  and  probably 
 I.uke  also,  journeyed  to  Philippi  (Acts  xvi.  12  j,  and 
 there  already  the  young  Evangelist  was  conspicuous 
 at  once  for  his  filial  devotion  and  his  zeal  (I'hil.  ii. 
 22).  His  name  does  not  appear  in  the  account  of 
 St.  Paul's  work  at  Thessalonica,  and  it  is  possible 
 that  he  remained  some  time  at  Philippi.  He  ap- 
 pe;ii-s,  however,  at  Bcroea,  and  remains  there  when 
 Paul  and  Silas  are  obliged  to  leave  (Acts  xvii.  14), 
 going  on  atterwards  to  join  his  m;ister  at  Athens 
 (1  Thess.  iii.  2).  From  Athens  he  is  sent  back  to 
 Thessalonica  (ib.),  as  having  special  gifts  for  com- 
 forting and  teaching.  He  returns  from  Thessa- 
 lonica, not  to  Athens  but  to  Corinth,  and  his  name 
 appears  united  with  St.  Paul's  in  the  opening  words 
 of  both  the  letters  written  from  that  city  to  the 
 Thessalonians  (1  Thess.  i.  1  ;  2  Thess.  i.  'l).  Of 
 the  ne.xt  five  years  of  his  life  we  have  no  record. 
 When  we  next  meet  with  him  it  is  as  being  sent 
 on  in  advance  when  the  Apostle  was  conteni))lating 
 the  long  journey  which  was  to  include  Macedonia, 
 Achaia,  Jerusalem,  and  liome  (Acts  xix.  22).  It 
 is  piobable  that  he  returned  by  the  same  route  and 
 met  St.  Paul  according  to  a  previous  arrangement  ( 1 
 Cor.  xvi.  11;,  and  was  thus  with  him  when  the 
 second  Epistle  was  written  to  the  Church  of  Corinth 
 (2  Cor.  i,  1).  He  returns  with  the  Ajjostle  to  that 
 city,  and  joins  in  messages  of  greeting  to  the  dis- 
 ciples whom  he  had  known  personally  at  Coiinth 
 and  who  had  since  found  their  way  to  Rome  (Rom. 
 xvi.  21).  He  forms  one  of  the  company  offrien<ls 
 who  go  with  St.  Paul  to  Philippi  and  then  sail  by 
 themselves,  waiting  for  his  arrival  by  a  dilferent 
 ship  (Acts  XX.  3-6),  The  language  of  St.  Paul's 
 address  to  the  eldei-s  of  Ephesus  (.\cts  xx.  17-3.'*) 
 renders  it  unlikely  that  he  was  then  left  there  with 
 authority.  The  absence  of  his  name  from  Acts 
 xxvii.  in  like  manner  leads  to  the  conclusion  that  he 
 did  not  share  in  the  perilous  voyage  to  Italy.  Ho 
 must  have  joined  the  Apostle,  however,  apparently 
 soon  after  his  arrival  in  Rome,  and  was  with  him 
 when  the  Epistles  to  the  Philippians,  to  the  Colos- 
 sians,  and  to  I'hilemon  were  written  (Phil.  i.  1,  ii. 
 19;  Col.  i.  1  ;  Philem.  1).  All  the  indiaitions  of 
 this  period  point  to  incessant  missionary  activity. 
 Assuming  the  genuineness  of  the  later  date  of  the 
 two  epistles  addressed  to  him,  we  are  able  to  put 
 together  a  few  notices  as  to  his  later  life.  It  follows 
 from  1  Tim.  i.  3  that  he  and  his  master,  after  the 
 release  of  the  latter  from  his  imprisonment,  revisited 
 the  proconsular  Asia,  that  the  AjMistle  then  con- 
 tinui.'<l  his  journey  to  Macedonia,  while  the  disciple 
 icmained,  half- reluctantly,  even  weeping  at  the 
 separation  (2  Tim.  i.  4j,  at  Ephesus,  to  check,  if 
 possible,  tlic  outgrowth  of  heresy  and  licentiousness 
 
 TIMOTHY,  EPISTLES  TO 
 
 which  had  fjirung  up  there.  Tlio  positiop  in  which 
 he  found  himself  might  well  make  him  anxious. 
 He  had  to  rule  pre.-byters,  most  of  whom  were 
 older  than  himself  ( 1  Tim.  iv.  12).  There  was  the 
 risk  of  being  entangled  in  the  disputes,  prejudices, 
 covetousness,  sensuality  of  a  gie;it  city.  Leaders 
 of  lival  sects  were  there.  The  name  of  his  lieloveil 
 teacher  was  no  longer  honoured  as  it  had  been.  We 
 c<mnot  wonder  that  the  Apostle,  knowing  these 
 trials,  should  be  full  of  anxiety  and  fear  for  his 
 disciple's  steadfastness,  in  the  second  epistle  to 
 him  this  deep  pei-soiial  feeling  utters  itself  yet  more 
 fully.  The  last  recorded  words  of  the  Apostle  ex- 
 fuess  the  earnest  hope,  repeated  yet  more  earnestly, 
 that  he  might  see  him  onwe  again  (ib.  iv.  9,  21;. 
 We  may  hazard  the  conjecture  that  he  reached  him 
 in  time,  and  that  the  last  hours  of  the  teacher  weie 
 soothed  by  the  presence  of  the  disciple  whom  he 
 loved  so  truly.  Some  writei's  have  even  seen  in 
 Heb.  xiii.  23  an  indication  that  he  shared  St.  Paul's 
 imprisonment  and  was  released  from  it  by  the  death 
 of  Keio.  Beyond  this  all  is  ajiocryphal  and  uncer- 
 tain. He  continues,  according  to  the  old  traditions, 
 to  act  as  bishop  of  Ephesus,  and  dies  a  martyr's 
 death  under  l)omitian  or  Xen'a.  A  somewhat 
 startling  theory  as  to  the  intervening  period  of  his 
 life  has  tbuiid  liivour  with  Calmet  and  othei-s.  If 
 he  continued,  acconling  to  the  received  tradition, 
 to  be  bishop  of  Ephesus,  then  he,  and  no  other, 
 must  have  been  the  "angel"  of  that  church  to 
 whom  the  message  of  Rev.  ii.  1-7  Wius  addressed. 
 The  conjecture  has  been  passed  over  unnoticed  by 
 most  of  the  recent  commeutatoi-s  on  the  Apoai- 
 lypse. 
 
 Timothy,  Epistles  to.  Authorship. — The  ques- 
 tion whether  tiicse  Epistles  were  written  by  St. 
 Paul  was  one  to  which,  till  within  the  last  half- 
 century,  hardly  any  answer  but  an  jliirmative  one 
 was  thought  possible.  They  are  reckoned  among 
 the  Pauline  Epistles  in  the  Munitorian  Canon  and 
 the  Peshito  version.  Eusebius  (//.  IJ.  iii.  25)  places 
 them  among  the  6no\oyovixeva  of  the  N.  T.,  and, 
 while  recording  the  doubts  which  allected  the  2nd 
 Epistle  of  St.  Peter  and  the  other  avrt^fyiufva, 
 knows  of  none  which  atlect  these.  They  are  cited 
 as  authoritative  by  Tertullian,  Clement  of  Alex- 
 andria, and  Irenaeus.  There  were  indeed  some  notable 
 exceptions  to  this  consensits.  The  three  Piistoral 
 Epistles  were  all  rejected  by  JIarcion,  Bivsilides,  and 
 other  Gnostic  teachers.  Tatian,  while  strongly 
 maintaining  the  genuineness  of  the  Epistle  to  Titus, 
 denied  that  of  tiie  other  two.  In  these  instances 
 we  are  able  to  discern  a  dogmatic  reiison  tor  the 
 rejection.  The  sects  which  these  leadei-s  repi-esented 
 could  not  but  feel  that  they  were  condemned  by 
 the  teaching  of  the  Pastoial  Epistles.  Origeii  men- 
 tions some  who  excluded  2  'i'im.  from  tlie  Canon 
 tor  a  very  different  reason.  The  names  of  Janiips 
 and  Jambres  belonged  to  an  AjK)ciyphal  histoiy. 
 ;uid  from  such  a  history  St.  I'aul  never  would  havt 
 quoted.  The  P.istoi-al  Epistles  have,  however,  been 
 subjected  to  a  more  elaborate  scrutiny  by  the  criti- 
 cism of  Germany.  The  first  doubts  were  uttered  by 
 J.  C.  Schmidt.  These  were  followed  by  the  5t'/u/- 
 schreibcn  of  .Schleiermacher,  who,  a.ssuining  the 
 genuineness  of  2  Tim.  and  Titu.s,  undertook,  on  that 
 hypothesis,  to  prove  the  spuriousness  of  1  Tim. 
 Eichhorn  and  De  Wett*  denie»i  the  Pauline  author- 
 ship of  all  three.  Schott  ventures  on  the  hypo- 
 thesis that  Luke  was  the  writer.  Baiir  assign* 
 them  to  no  earlier  fieriod  than  fJie  latter  half  of  th« 
 
TIMOTHY,  EPISTLES  TO 
 
 second  century,  after  tlie  death  of  Pol3'carp  in  A.D. 
 167.  The  chief  elements  of  the  alleged  evidence  of 
 spuriousness  may  be  ananged  as  follows:—!.  Lan- 
 guage.— The  style,  it  is  urged,  is  difierent  fiom 
 that  of  the  acknowledged  Pauline  Epistles.  There 
 is  less  logical  continuity,  a  want  of  order  and  plan, 
 subjects  brought  up,  one  after  the  other,  abruptly. 
 Not  less  than  fifty  words,  most  of  them  striking  and 
 characteristic,  are  found  in  these  Epistles  which  are 
 not  found  in  St.  Paul's  writings.  Some  of  these 
 words,  it  is  urged,  belong  to  the  Gnostic  termino- 
 logy of  the  2nd  century.  On  the  other  side  it  may 
 be  said,  (1)  that  there  is  no  test  so  uncertain  as 
 that  of  language  and  style  thus  applied.  The  style 
 of  one  man  is  stereotyped,  formed  early,  and  en- 
 during long.  That  of  another  changes,  more  or 
 less,  from  year  to  year.  In  proportion  as  the  man 
 is  a  solitary  thinker,  or  a  strong  assertor  of  his  own 
 will,  will  he  tend  to  the  former  state.  In  propor- 
 tion to  his  power  of  receiving  impressions  from 
 without,  of  sympathising  with  others,  will  be  his 
 tendency  to  the  latter.  (2)  If  this  is  true  gener- 
 ally, it  is  so  yet  more  emphatically  when  the  cir- 
 cumstances of  authorship  are  ditTerent.  The  lan- 
 guage of  a  Bishop's  Charge  is  not  that  of  his  letters 
 to  his  private  friends.  (3j  Other  letters,  again, 
 were  dictated  to  an  amanuensis.  These  have  every 
 appearance  of  having  been  written  with  his  own 
 hand,  and  this  can  hardly  have  been  without  its 
 influence  on  their  style.  (4)  It  may  be  added,  that 
 to  whatever  extent  a  forger  of  spurious  Epistles 
 would  be  likely  to  form  his  style  after  the  pattern 
 of  the  recognised  ones,  to  that  extent  the  diversity 
 which  has  been  dwelt  on  is,  within  the  limits  that 
 have  been  above  stated,  not  against,  but  for  the 
 genuineness  of  these  Epistles.  (5)  Lastly,  there  is 
 the  positive  argument  that  there  is  a  large  common 
 element,  both  of  thoughts  and  words,  shared  by 
 these  Epistles  and  the  others.  —  II.  It  has  been 
 urged  against  the  reception  of  the  Pastoral  HIpistles 
 that  they  cannot  be  fitted  in  to  the  records  of 
 St.  Paul's  life  in  the  Acts.  To  this  there  is  a 
 threefold  answer.  (1)  The  difficulty  has  been  enor- 
 mously exaggerated.  (2)  If  the  difficulty  were  as 
 great  as  it  is  said  to  be,  the  mere  fact  that  we 
 ainnot  fix  the  precise  date  of  three  letters  in  the 
 life  of  one  of  whose  ceaseless  labours  and  journey- 
 ings  we  have,  after  all,  but  fragmentary  records, 
 ought  not  to  be  a  stumblingblock.  (3j  Here,  as 
 before,  the  reply  is  obvious,  that  a  man  composing 
 counterfeit  Epistles  would  have  been  likely  to  make 
 them  square  with  the  acknowledged  records  of  the 
 life.— 111.  The  three  Epistles  present,  it  is  said,  a 
 more  developed  state  of  Church  organisation  and 
 doctrine  than  that  belonging  to  the  lifetime  of  St. 
 Paul.  (1)  The  rule  that  the  bishop  is  to  be  "  the 
 husband  of  one  wife  "  (1  Tim.  iii.  2;  Tit.  i.  6) 
 indicates  the  strong  opposition  to  second  marriages 
 which  characterised  the  2nd  century.  (2)  The 
 '•  younger  widows"  of  1  Tim.  v.  11  cannot  possibly 
 be  literally  widows.  It  follows  therefore  that  the 
 word  x^P"-'-  •*  used,  as  it  was  in  the  2nd  century, 
 in  a  wider  sense,  as  denoting  a  consecrated  life. 
 (3)  The  rules  affecting  the  relation  of  the  bishops 
 and  elders  indicate  a  hierarchic  development  charac- 
 teristic of  the  Petrine  element,  which  became  domi- 
 nant in  the  Church  of  Rome  in  the  post-Apostolic 
 period.  (4)  The  term  alperiKos  is  used  in  its  later 
 sense.  (5)  The  upward  progress  from  the  office 
 of  deacon  to  that  of  presbyter,  implied  in  1  Tim. 
 iii.  13,  belongs  to  a  later  period.     It  is  not  difficult 
 
 TIMOTHY,  EPISTLES  TO      947 
 
 to  meet  objections  which  contain  so  large  an  ele- 
 ment of  meie  arbitrary  assumption.  (1)  The  iTile 
 which  makes  monogamy  a  condition  of  the  episcopal 
 ofiice  is  very  far  removed  from  the  harsh,  sweeping 
 censures  of  all  second  marriages  which  we  find  in 
 Athenagoras  and  TertuUian.  (2)  There  is  not  a 
 shadow  of  proof  that  the  "  younger  widows  "  were 
 not  literally  such.  (3)  The  use  of  i-KlirKOTroi  and 
 ■7rpfcr$vT€poi  in  the  Pastoral  Epistles  as  equivalent 
 (Tit.  i.  5,  7),  and  the  absence  of  any  intermediate 
 order  between  the  bishops  and  deacons  (1  Tim.  iii. 
 1-8),  are  quite  unlike  what  we  find  in  the  Ignatian 
 Epistles  and  other  writings  of  the  2nd  century. 
 (4)  The  word  alperiKd?  has  its  counterpart  in  the 
 alpeffeis  of  1  Cor.  xi.  19.  (5)  The  best  inter- 
 preters do  not  see  in  1  Tim.  iii.  13  the  transition 
 from  one  office  to  annther.^lV.  Still  gieater  stress 
 is  laid  on  the  indications  of  a  later  date  in  the  de- 
 scriptions of  the  false  teachers  noticed  in  the  Pas- 
 toral Epistles.  These  point,  it  is  said,  unmistake- 
 ably  to  Marcion  and  his  followers.  The  "  genea- 
 logies" of  1  Tim.  i.  4,  Tit.  iii.  9,  in  like  mannw, 
 point  to  the  Aeons  of  the  Valentinians  and  Ophites. 
 The  doctrine  that  the  "  Resunection  was  past  al- 
 ready "  (2  Tim.  ii.  18),  was  thoroughly  Gnostic  in 
 its  character.  Carefully  elaborated  as  this  part  of 
 Baur's  attack  has  been,  it  is  perhaps  the  weakest 
 and  most  capricious  of  all.  The  false  teachers  of 
 the  Pastoral  Epistles  are  predominantly  Jewish 
 (1  Tim.  i.  7),  belonging  altogether  to  a  diflerent 
 school  from  that  of  Jlarcion.  Even  the  denial  of 
 the  Resurrection,  we  may  remark,  belongs  as  natu- 
 rally to  the  mingling  of  a  Sadducaean  element  with 
 an  Eastern  mysticism  as  to  the  teaching  of  Marcion. 
 The  whole  line  of  argument,  indeed,  first  misrepre- 
 sents the  language  of  St.  Paul  in  these  Epistles  and 
 elsewhere,  and  then  assumes  the  entire  absence  from 
 the  first  century  of  even  the  germs  of  the  teaching 
 which  characterised  the  second.— Date. — Assuming 
 the  two  Epistles  to  Timothy  to  have  been  wiitten 
 by  St.  Paul,  to  what  period  of  his  life  are  they  to 
 be  referred  P^—  First  Epistle  to  Timothij. — The  di- 
 rect dato  in  this  instance  are  very  few.  (1)  i.  3, 
 implies  a  journey  of  St.  Paul  from  Ephesus  to 
 Macedonia,  Timothy  remaining  behind.  (2)  The 
 age  of  Timothy  is  described  as  "youth"  (iv.  12). 
 (3)  The  general  resemblance  between  the  tv\ro 
 Epistles  indicates  that  they  were  written  at  oa* 
 about  the  same  time.  Three  hypotheses  have  been 
 maintained  as  fulfilling  these  conditions.  (A)  The 
 journey  in  question  has  been  looked  on  as  an  unre- 
 corded episode  in  the  two  years'  work  at  Ephesus 
 of  Acts  xix.  10.  (B)  It  has  been  identified  with 
 the  journey  of  Acts  sx.  1,  after  the  tumult  at 
 Ephesus.  On  either  of  these  suppositions  the  date 
 of  the  Epistle  has  been  fixed  at  various  periods  after 
 St.  Paul's  arrival  at  Ephesus,  before  the  conclusion 
 of  his  first  imprisonment  at  Rome.  (C)  It  has  been 
 placed  in  the  interval  between  St.  Paul's  first  and 
 second  imprisonments  at  Rome.  Of  these  con- 
 jectures, A  and  B  have  the  meiit  of  bringing  the 
 Epistle  within  the  limit  of  the  authentic  recmxls 
 of  St.  Paul's  life,  but  they  have  scarcely  any  other. 
 In  favour  of  C  as  compared  with  A  or  B,  is  the 
 internal  evidence  of  the  contents  of  the  Epistle.  The 
 language  of  the  Epistle  also  has  a  bearing  on  the 
 date.  Assume  a  later  date,  and  then  theie  is  room 
 for  the  changes  in  thought  and  expression  which, 
 in  a  character  like  St.  Paul's,  were  to  be  expected 
 as  the  years  went  by.  The  only  objections  to  the 
 position  thus  assigned  are — (1)  the  doubtfulness  of 
 
 3  P  2 
 
948      TIMOTHY,  EPISTLES  TO 
 
 the  second  iinprisnnninit  alto<;etliiT ;  niui  (2  ,  tho 
 "yoiitlj"  ot' Tiinothy  at  tho  time  wlicii  the  letter 
 was  written  (iv.  l'2).—Sc'aiiid  Hyiisllc  to  Timot/ii/. 
 — The  number  ot' special  names  and  incidents  in  the 
 'Jnd  Kpistle  make  the  chronological  datii  more  numer- 
 ous. Here  also  there  are  the  contlicting  theoriei 
 of  an  earlier  and  later  date,  (A)  during  the  impri- 
 sonment of  Acts  xxviii.  oit,  and  (li)  during  the 
 second  imprisonment  aheaily  spolcen  of.  (1)  A 
 parting  apparently  recent,  umler  circumstances  of 
 special  sorrow  (i.  4).  Not  decisive.  (2)  A  genei-al 
 desertion  of  the  Apostle  even  by  the  disciples  of 
 Asia  f  i.  15).  Nothing  in  the  Acts  indicates  any- 
 thing like  this  before  the  imprisonment  of  Acts 
 xxviii.  30.  This,  therefore,  so  far  as  it  goes,  must 
 be  placed  on  the  side  of  R.  (.'5)  The  position  of 
 St.  Paul  as  suH'ering  (i.  12),  in  bonds  (ii.  9^,  ex- 
 pcting  "  the  time  of  liis  departure"  (iv.  6),  for- 
 saken by  almost  all  (iv.  16).  Not  quite  decisive, 
 but  tending  to  B  rather  than  A.  (4)  The  mention 
 of  Onesiphorus,  and  of  services  rendered  by  him 
 both  at  Kome  and  Ephesus  (i.  lb-18).  Not  de- 
 cisive again,  but  the  tone  is  rather  that  of  a  man 
 looking  back  on  a  past  period  of  his  life.  Tiiis 
 therefoie  tends  to  B  rather  than  A.  (5)  Theaban- 
 doument  of  St.  Paul  by  Demas  (iv.  10).  Strongly 
 in  favour  of  B.  (6)  The  presence  of  Luke  (iv.  1  ]  ). 
 Atjiees  well  enough  with  A  (Col.  iv.  14),  but  is 
 [)orfectly  compatible  with  B.  (7)  The  request  that 
 Timothy  would  biing  Mark  (iv.  11).  In  connexion 
 with  the  mention  of  Demiis,  tends  decide  lly  to  B. 
 (8)  Mention  of  Tychicus  as  sent  to  Ephesus  (iv, 
 12).  Appears,  as  connected  with  Eph.  vi.  21,  22, 
 Col.  iv.  7,  in  favour  of  A,  yet  may  just  as  well 
 tit  in  with  B.  (9)  The  request  that  Timothy 
 would  bring  the  cloak  and  books  let't  at  Tioas  (iv. 
 13).  The  circumstances  of  the  first  journey  fiom 
 Troas  present  no  trace  of  the  haste  and  suddenness 
 which  the  request  more  than  half  implies.  On  the 
 whole,  then,  this  must  be  reckoned  as  in  favour  of 
 li.  (10)  "  Alexander  the  coppersmith  did  me 
 much  evil,"  "  greatly  withstood  our  words"  (iv. 
 14,  15).  Somewhat  in  fwour  of  A.  (11)  The 
 abandonment  of  the  Apostle  in  his  tirst  defence, 
 and  his  deliverance  "from  the  mouth  of  the  lion" 
 (iv.  16/  17).  Fits  in  as  a  possible  contingem-y 
 with  either  hypothesis.  (12)  "  Erastus  aboiie  at 
 (lorinth,  but  'I'rophimus  I  left  at  Miletus  sick" 
 (iv.  20).  Language,  as  in  (9),  implying  a  com- 
 p<aratiTely  recent  visit  to  both  places,  if,  however, 
 the  letter  were  written  during  the  first  imprison- 
 ment, then  Trophimus  lui.l  not  lieen  lelt  at  Jliletus, 
 but  hftd  gone  on  with  St.  Paul  to  Jerusalem  (Acts 
 XXI.  29),  and  the  mention  of  Erastus  as  remaining 
 at  Corinth  would  have  been  sui>.rfluous  to  one  who 
 had  lelt  that  city  at  the  ssmie  time  as  the  Apostle 
 '^.Ats  XX.  4).  (13)  "  Hiisten  to  come  before  win- 
 ter." Assuming  A,  the  presence  of  'i'imothy  in 
 I'hil.  i.  1  ;  Col.  i.  1  ;  I'hilem.  1,  might  be  regarded 
 as  the  consequence  of  this;  but  tlien,  as  shown  in 
 (5)  and  (7),  there  are  almost  insujiei-able  difliculties 
 in  supposing  this  Epistle  to  have  been  written 
 before  those  three.  (14)  The  salufcitions  fiom 
 Eubulus,  Pudens,  Linus,  and  Clamlia.  Without 
 laying  much  stress  on  this,  it  may  be  said  that  the 
 absence  of  these  names  from  all  the  Epistles,  which, 
 according  to  A,  belong  to  the  same  peiioil,  would 
 be  diliicult  to  explain.  15  leaves  it  ojten  to  con- 
 jecture that  they  wore  converts  cif  more  locont  date. 
 On  the  whole,  it  is  believed  that  the  evidence  i)re- 
 pondcratcs  strongly  in  favour  of  tho  later  datc.^ 
 
 TIPHSAH 
 
 Plitces. — In  this  lespoct  as  in  regard  to  time,  1  Tim. 
 leaves  much  to  conjecture.  The  absence  of  any 
 local  reference  but  that  in  i.  3,  suggests  Macedonia 
 or  some  neighbouiing  district.  In  A  and  other 
 MSS.  in  the  Peshito,  Ethiopic,  and  other  versions, 
 Laixlicea  is  named  in  the  inscription  as  the  place 
 whence  it  was  sent.  The  Second  Epistle  is  free 
 from  this  conflict  of  conjectuies.  With  the  solitary 
 e.xception  of  Bottger,  who  suggests  Caes;»rea,  there 
 is  a  consensus  in  favour  of  liomi'.^Structure  and 
 Characteristics. — Assuming  the  genuineness  of  the 
 Epistles,  some  characteristic  features  remain  to  Ije 
 noticed.  ( 1)  The  ever-deepening  sense  in  St.  Paul's 
 heart  of  the  IMvine  Mercy,  of  which  he  was  the 
 object.  (2)  The  greater  abruptness  of  the  Second 
 Ejiistle.  (8)  The  absence,  a.s  conq)ared  with  St. 
 Paul's  other  Epistles,  of  Old  Testament  refeiences, 
 (-1)  The  conspicuous  position  of  the  "  faithful  Siiy- 
 ings  "  .as  taking  the  place  occupied  in  other  Epistles 
 by  the  O.  T.  Scriptures.  (5)  The  tendency  of  the 
 Apostle's  mind  to  dwell  more  on  the  univei-s.ality 
 cf  tl'.e  redemptive  work  of  Christ  (1  Tim.  ii.  3-(j, 
 iv.  10).  (6)  The  importance  attached  by  him  to 
 the  practiail  details  of  administration.  (7)  The  re- 
 currence of  do.xologies  (1  Tim.  i.  17,  vi.  15,  16; 
 2  Tim.  iv.  18). 
 
 Tin.  Among  the  various  metals  tb\md  among 
 the  spoils  of  the  Midianites,  tin  is  enumciated 
 (Nuin.  xxxi.  22).  It  was  known  to  the  Hebrew 
 met<il-workers  as  an  alloy  of  other  metals  (Is.  i. 
 25;  Ez.  xxii.  18,  20).  The  markets  of  Tyre  were 
 supplied  with  it  by  the  ships  of  Tarshi>h  (Ez.  xxvii. 
 12).  It  was  used  for  plummets  (Zech.  iv.  10), 
 and  was  so  plentiful  as  to  furnish  the  writer  of 
 Ecclesiasticus  (xlvii.  18)  with  a  figure  by  which  to 
 express  the  wealth  of  Solomon.  In  the  Homeiic 
 times  the  Greeks  weie  familiar  with  it.  Twenty 
 layers  of  tin  were  in  Agamemnon's  cuirass.  Copper, 
 tin,  and  gold  were  used  by  Hephaestus  in  welding 
 the  famous  shield  of  Achilles.  No  allusion  to  it  is 
 foiuid  in  the  Odijsse>j.  The  melting  of  tin  in  a 
 smelting-pot  is  mentioned  by  Hesiod  (TUeog.  862). 
 Tin  is  not  found  in  Palestine.  Whence,  then,  did 
 the  ancient  Hebrews  obtain  their  supply  ?  "  Only 
 three  countries  are  known  to  contain  any  consider- 
 able quantity  of  it:  Spain  and  Portugal,  Cornwall 
 and  tiie  adjacent  parts  of  Devonshire,  and  the  islands 
 of  .luiik,  Ceylon,  ami  Bancn,  in  the  Straits  of  Ma- 
 lacca "  (Kenrick,  Phoenicia,  p.  212).  There  can 
 be  little  doubt  that  the  mines  .of  Britain  were  the 
 chief  .source  of  supply  to  the  ancient  world.  With 
 re<;ard  to  the  tin  obtained  from  Spain,  although 
 the  metal  was  found  there,  it  does  not  appear  to 
 have  been  produced  in  sullicient  quantities  to  supply 
 the  Phoenician  markets.  We  are  therefore  driven 
 to  conclude  that  it  was  fi-om  the  Cnssiterides,  or 
 tin  districts  of  Britain,  that  the  Phoenicians  ob- 
 taincil  the  great  bulk  of  this  commodity,  and  that 
 this  was  done  by  the  direct  voyage  from  Gades. 
 Pliny  (vi.  30)  i<lentilies  the  cassitcros  of  the  Greeks 
 with  the  plumbum  album  or  candidum  of  the  Ho- 
 maus.  which  is  our  tin.  Statmum,  he  says,  is  olw 
 taiiKtl  from  an  ore  containing  le.ad  and  silver,  and 
 is  t'le  first  to  become  mcltinl  in  the  furnace.  It  is 
 tho  Kmie  which  the  Germans  call  Werk,  and  is 
 apparentlv  the  meaning  of  the  Hebr.  bi^dil  in  Is. 
 i.  25. 
 
 Tiph'sah  is  mentioned  in  1  K.  iv.  24  as  the  limit 
 of  Solomon's  empire  towards  the  Euphrates,  and  in 
 2  K.  zv.  16  it  is  said  to  have  biTU  attackitl  by 
 M( uah'in.     It  is  generally  admitfl^l  that  the  towD 
 
TIRAS 
 
 iiil ended,  at  any  rate  in  the  former  passage,  is  tliat 
 which  the  Greeks  and  Honinns  knew  under  the 
 name  of  Thapsacus,  situated  in  Northern  Syiia,  at 
 tlie  point  vvliere  it  was  usual  to  cross  the  Euphrates. 
 'I'liapsacus  was  a  town  of  considerable  importance 
 in  the  ancient  world.  Xenophon,  who  saw  it  in 
 the  time  of  Cyrus  the  younger,  calls  it  "  great  and 
 prosperous."  ]t  must  have  been  a  place  of  con- 
 siderable trade,  the  land  traffic  between  East  and 
 West  j)assing  through  it.  It  is  a  fair  conjecture 
 that  Solomon's  occupation  of  the  place  was  con- 
 nected with  his  eiforts  to  establish  a  line  of  trade 
 with  Central  Asia  directly  across  the  continent,  and 
 that  'I'admor  was  intended  as  a  resting-place  on  the 
 journey  to  Thapsacus.  Thapsacus  was  the  place  at 
 which  armies  marching  east  or  west  usually  crossed 
 the  "  Great  River."  It  has  been  generally  su]i- 
 posed  that  the  site  of  'I'hapsacus  was  the  modern 
 De'ir.  But  the  Euphrates  expedition  proved  that 
 there  is  no  ford  at  Deir,  and  indeed  showed  that 
 the  only  ford  in  this  part  of  the  course  of  the  Eu- 
 phrates is  at  Suriyeh,  45  miles  below  Balis,  and 
 165  above  Dc'ir,  This  then  must  have  been  the 
 position  of  Thapsacus. 
 
 Ti'ras.  The  youngest  son  of  Japheth  (Gen.  x.  2). 
 We  have  no  clue,  as  far  as  the  Bible  is  concerned, 
 to  guide  us  as  to  the  identification  of  it  with  any 
 particular  people.  Ancient  authorities  generally 
 fixed  on  the  Thracians,  as  presenting  the  closest 
 verbal  approximation  to  the  name :  the  occasional 
 rendering  Persia  probably  originated  in  a  corrup- 
 tion of  the  original  text.  The  coi-respondence  be- 
 tween Thrace  and  Tiras  is  not  so  complete  as  to  be 
 convincing.  Granted,  however,  the  verbal  identity, 
 no  objection  would  arise  on  ethnological  grounds  to 
 placing  the  Thracians  among  the  Japhetic  races. 
 Their  precise  ethnic  position  is  indeed  involved  m 
 great  uncertainty ;  but  all  authorities  agi'ee  in  their 
 general  Indo-European  character.  Other  explana- 
 tions have  been  offered  of  the  name  Tiras,  of  which 
 we  may  notice  the  Agathyrsi,  the  first  part  of  the 
 name  {-Ago)  being  treated  as  a  prefix  ;  Taurus  and 
 the  various  tribes  occupying  that  range  ;  the  river 
 'J'yras,  Dniester,  with  its  cognominous  inhabifcints, 
 the  Tyritae ;  and,  lastly,  the  maritime  Tyrrheni. 
 
 Ti'ratllites,  the.  One  of  the  three  families  of 
 Scribes  residing  at  Jabez  (1  Chr.  ii.  55),  the  others 
 being  the  Shimeathites  and  Suchathites.  The  pas- 
 sage is  hopelessly  obscure. 
 
 Tire.  An  ornamental  headdress  worn  on  festive 
 occasions  (Ez.  xxiv.  17,  23).     [Headdress.] 
 
 Tir'liakali.  King  of  Ethiopia,  Cush,  the  oppo- 
 nent of  Sennacherib  (2  K.  xix.  9;  It>.  xxxvii.  9). 
 This  was  B.C.  713,  unless  we  suppose  that  the 
 expedition  took  place  in  the  24th  instead  of  the 
 14th  year  of  Hezekiah,  which  would  bring  it  to 
 B.C.  cir.  703.  If  it  were  an  expedition  later  than 
 that  of  which  the  date  is  mentioned,  it  must  have 
 been  before  B.C.  cir.  698,  Hezekiah's  last  year.  But 
 if  the  reign  of  Manasseh  is  reduced  to  35  years, 
 these  dates  would  be  respectively  B.C.  cir.  693, 
 683,  and  678,  and  these  numbers  might  have  to  be 
 slightly  modified,  the  fixed  date  of  the  capture  of 
 Samaria,  B.C.  721,  being  abandoned.  According 
 to  Manetho's  epitomists,  Tarkos  or  Tarakos  was  the 
 third  and  last  king  of  the  xxvth  dynasty,  which 
 Avas  of  Ethiopians.  We  should  perhaps  date  Tir- 
 hakah's  accession  B.C.  cir.  695,  and  assign  him  a 
 reign  of  26  years.  In  this  case  ve  should  be 
 obliged  to  take  the  later  reckoning  of  the  Biblical 
 events,  were  it  not  for  the  possibility  tl;  it  Tirhakah 
 
 TITANS 
 
 949 
 
 ruled  over  Ethiopia  before  becoming  king  of  Egypt. 
 Tlie  name  of  Tiihakah  is  written  in  hieroglyphics 
 TEHAIlKA.  Of  the  events  of  his  reign  little  else 
 is  known. 
 
 Tir'hanah.  Son  of  Caleb  ben-Hezron  by  his  con- 
 cubine Maachah  (1  Chr.  ii.  48). 
 
 Tir'ia.  Son  of  Jehaleleel  of  the  tribe  of  Judah 
 (1  Clir.  iv,  16). 
 
 Tirsha'tha  (always  written  with  the  article). 
 The  title  of  the  governor  of  J\idaea  undei'  the  Per- 
 sians, derived  by  Gesenius  from  a  Persian  loot  sig- 
 nifying "  stern,"  "  severe."  It  is  added  as  a  title 
 after  the  name  of  Nehemiah  (Neh.  viii.  9,  x.  1 
 [Heb.  2])  ;  and  occurs  also  in  three  other  places.  In 
 the  margin  of  the  kX.  (Ezr.  ii.  63;  Neh.  vii.  65, 
 X.  1 )  it  is  rendered  "  governor ;"  an  explanation 
 justified  by  Neh.  xii.  26,  where  Nehemiah  is  called 
 the  Pecliah,  which,  according  to  Gesenius,  denotes 
 the  prefect  or  governor  of  a  province  of  less  extent 
 than  a  satrapy. 
 
 Tir'zah.  The  youngest  of  the  i\\e  daughters  of 
 Zelopliehad  (Num.  xxvi.  33,  xxvii.  1,  xxxvi.  11; 
 Josh.  xvii.  3). 
 
 Tir'zah.  An  ancient  Canaanite  city,  whose  king 
 is  enumerated  amongst  the  twenty-one  ovei  thrown 
 in  the  conquest  of  the  country  (Josh.  xii.  24).  It 
 reappears  as  a  royal  city — the  residence  of  Jei-o- 
 boam  (1  K.  xiv.  17),  and  of  his  successors.  Zimri 
 was  besieged  there  by  Omri,  and  perished  in  the 
 flames  of  his  palace  (ib.  18).  Once,  and  once  only, 
 does  Tirzah  reappear,  as  the  seat  of  the  conspiracy 
 of  Menahem  ben-Gaddi  against  tlie  wretched  Shallum 
 (2  K.  XV.  14,  16).  Its  reputation  foi-  beauty  through- 
 out the  country  must  have  been  wide-spread.  It 
 is  in  this  sense  that  it  is  mentioned  in  tlie  Song  of 
 Solomon.  Eusebius  mentions  it  in  connexion  with 
 Menahem,  and  identifies  it  v/ith  a  "village  of  Sa- 
 maritans in  Batanaea."  Brocardus  places  Tliersa 
 on  a  high  mountain,  three  leagues  [leucae)  fiom 
 Samaria  to  the  east.  This  is  exactly  the  direction, 
 and  very  nearly  the  distance,  of  Telluzah,  a  place 
 in  the  mountains  noith  of  Nahlus.  The  name  may 
 very  probably  be  a  corruption  of  Tirzah. 
 
 Tish'bite,  the.  The  well-known  designation  of 
 Elijah  (1  K.  xvii.  1,  xxi.  17,  28  ;  2  K.  i.  3,  8,  ix.  36). 
 (1.)  The  name  naturally  points  to  a  place  called 
 Tishbeh,  Tishbi,  or  rather  perhaps  Tesheb,  as  the 
 residence  of  the  prophet.  Assuming  that  a  town 
 is  alluded  to,  as  Elijah's  native  pla«e,  it  is  not  ne- 
 cessary to  infer  that  it  was  itself  in  Gilead,  as  Epi- 
 phanius,  Adrichomius,  Castell,  aud  others  have  ima- 
 gined. The  commentators  and  lexicographers,  with 
 few  exceptions,  adopt  the  name  "Tishbite"  as  re- 
 ferring to  the  place  Thisbe  in  Naphtali,  which  is 
 found  in  the  LXX.  text  of  Tobit  i.  2.  The  diffi- 
 culty in  the  way  of  this  is  the  great  uncertainty  in 
 which  the  text  of  that  passage  is  involved.  Bunscn 
 suggests  in  support  of  the  reading  "  the  Tishbite 
 from  Tishbi  of  Gilead,"  that  the  place  may  have 
 been  purposely  so  described,  in  order  to  distinguish 
 it  from  the  town  of  the  same  name  in  Galilee. 
 (2.)  But  hattishbi  has  not  always  been  read  as  a 
 proper  name,  referring  to  a  place.  It  has  been 
 pointed  so  as  to  make  it  mean  "  the  stranger." 
 This  is  done  by  Michaelis. 
 
 Ti'tans.  These  children  of  Uranus  (Heaven)  and 
 Gaia  (Earth)  were,  according  to  the  earliest  Greek 
 legends,  the  vanquished  predecessors  of  the  Olym- 
 pian gods,  condemned  by  Zeus  to  dwell  in  Tartarus, 
 yet  not  without  retaining  many  relics  of  their  an- 
 cient dignity.     By   later  (Latin)   poets  they  were 
 
950  TITHE 
 
 eoiifiHinded  with  tlie  kiiulieJ  Gi/antcs.  In  2  Sam. 
 V.  18,  '22,  "  the  vallpy  of  Hephaiin  "  is  represented 
 liy  i)  «oi\4j  TcSc  Tirivoiv  instead  of  t)  KoiKas  tuv 
 yiyavrwv,  1  C'lir.  xi.  15,  xiv.  9,  l.i.  Several 
 t'luistian  fithers  inuliniKj  to  the  belief  tliat  TeiTa;/ 
 was  the  mystic  name  of  "the  beast"  indicated  in 
 i\Vv.  xiii.  18. 
 
 Tithe.  Numerous  instances  of  the  use  of  tithes 
 are  found  both  in  profane  and  also  in  Biblical  his- 
 tory, prior  to  or  independently  of  the  apix>intment 
 i^i'  the  Leviticd  tithes  under  the  Law.  In  Biblical 
 liisttiry  the  two  prominent  instances  are — 1.  Abram 
 l)resentiug  tlie  tenth  of  all  his  propert_v,  or  rather 
 of  the  sjwils  of  his  victory,  to  Melchizedek  (Gen. 
 xiv.  20  ;  Heb.  vii.  2,  6).  2  Jacob,  after  his  vision 
 at  Luz,  devoting  a  tenth  of  all  his  property  to  God 
 in  case  lie  sliould  return  home  in  safety  (Gen. 
 xxviii.  22).  The  first  enactment  of  the  Law  in 
 respect  of  tithe  is  the  declaration  that  the  tenth  of 
 all  produce,  as  well  as  of  flocks  and  cattle,  belongs 
 to  Jehovah,  and  must  be  offered  to  Him.  2.  'I'hat 
 the  tithe  was  to  be  paid  in  kind,  or,  if  redeemed, 
 with  an  addition  ot'  one-fifth  to  its  value  M-ev. 
 xxvii.  30-33).  This  tenth,  called  Tcrumotli,  is 
 ordered  to  be  assigned  to  the  Levites,  as  the  rewaid 
 of  their  service,  ancl  it  is  ordered  further,  that  they 
 are  themselves  to  dedicate  to  the  Lord  a  tenth  of 
 these  receipts,  which  is  to  be  devoted  to  the  main- 
 tenance of  the  high-priest  (Num.  xviii.  21-28). 
 This  legislation  is  modified  or  extended  ni  the  Book 
 of  Deuteronomy,  i.  e.  from  thirty-eight  to  forty 
 years  later.     Commands  are  given   to  the  i)eople, 
 
 1.  to  bring  their  tithes,  together  with  their  votive 
 and  other  offerings  and  first-fruits  to  the  chosen 
 i-entre  of  worship,  the  metropolis,  there  to  be  e;iten 
 in  festive  celebi-ation  in  company  with  their  children, 
 their  servants,  and  the   Levites  (Deut.  xii.  5-18). 
 
 2.  All  the  produce  of  the  soil  was  to  be  tithed 
 every  year,  and  these  tithes  with  the  firstlings  of 
 the  floc-k  and  herd  were  to  be  eaten  in  the  metro- 
 jKjJis.  3.  But  in  case  of  distance,  permission  is 
 given  to  convert  the  pioduce  into  money,  which  is 
 to  be  takan  to  the  appointed  place,  and  there  laid 
 out  in  the  purchase  of  food  for  a  festal  celebration, 
 in  which  the  Levite  is,  by  special  command,  to  be 
 included  (Deut.  \\\.  22-27).  4.  Then  follows  the 
 direction,  that  at  the  end  of  three  years  all  the 
 tithe  of  that  year  is  to  be  gathered  and  laid  up 
 "  within  the  gates,"  and  that  a  festival  is  to  be 
 held,  in  which  the  stranger,  the  fatherless,  and  the 
 v/idow,  together  with  the  Levite,  are  to  jwrfcike 
 (ili.  vers.  28,  29).  5.  Lastly,  it  is  ordere<l  that 
 alter  tiking  the  tithe  in  each  third  year,  "  which 
 is  the  year  of  tithing,"  an  exculpatory  declaration  is 
 to  Ije  made  by  every  Lsi-aelite,  that  he  h.-is  done  his 
 best  to  fulfil  the  divine  conunaiid  (Dent.  xxvi.  12- 
 14).  From  all  this  we  gather,  1 .  That  one-tenth 
 of  the  whole  pi-oduce  of  the  soil  was  to  be  assigne<l 
 fjr  the  maintenance  of  the  Levites.  2.  That  out 
 of  this  the  Levites  were  to  dedicjite  a  tenth  to  Goii, 
 for  the  use  of  the  high-priest.  3.  That  a  tithe,  in 
 all  probability  a  second  tithe,  was  to  be  applied  to 
 festival  pur|>oses.  4.  That  in  eveiy  thud  year, 
 either  this  festival  tithe  or  a  third  tenth  was  to  be 
 eaten  in  company  with  the  jtoor  and  the  Levites. 
 The  question  arises,  were  there  three  tithes  t;iken 
 in   this   third   year;   or   is  the  (bird  tithe  only  the 
 
 «'<■ 1   under  a  different  description  ?      It   must   be 
 
 rtllciwed  that  the  third  tithe  is  not  without  support, 
 .losephu.s  distinctly  says  that  one-tenth  was  to  lie 
 given    to   the    priests  and    Levites,  oncteutn  Wii»  I 
 
 TITUS 
 
 to  be  applied  to  feasts  in  the  metropolis,  and  that  a 
 tenth  besides,  these  was  every  thiid  year  to  b«-  given 
 to  the  poor  (comp.  Tob.  i.  7,  8).  On  the  other 
 hand,  .Maimonidcs  says  the  third  and  sixth  yeai-s' 
 second  tithe  was  shaied  between  the  ix)or  and  the 
 Levites,  •'.  e.  that  there  was  no  third  tithe.  Of 
 these  opinions,  that  which  maintains  three  sejmrate 
 and  complete  titliings  seems  improbable.  It  is 
 I>laiu  that  under  the  kings  the  tithe-system  partook 
 of  the  general  neglect  into  which  the  observance  of 
 the  Law  declined,  and  that  Ilezekiah,  among  his 
 other  reforms,  took  effectual  means  to  revive  its  use 
 (2  Chr.  xxxi.  5,  12,  19).  Similar  meiisures  were 
 tjiken  after  the  Captivity  by  Nehemiah  (Neh,  xii. 
 44),  and  in  both  these  cases  si)ecial  officei's  were 
 appointed  to  Uike  charge  of  the  stoies  and  stoi'e- 
 houses  for  the  purpose.  Vet,  notwithstanding  par- 
 tial evasion  or  omission,  the  system  itself  was  con- 
 tinued to  a  late  period  in  Jewish  history  (Heb.  vii. 
 5-8;  Slattli.  xxiii.  23;  Luke  xviii.  12). 
 
 Ti'tua  Man'lius.    [Maslils.] 
 
 Titus.  Our  materials  for  the  biograjihy  of  this 
 ('om]ianion  of  St.  Paul  must  be  drawn  entirely  from 
 the  notices  of  him  in  the  Second  Epistle  to  th.  Co- 
 rinthians, the  Galatians,  and  to  Titus  hinibclt,  com- 
 bined with  the  Second  Kpistle  to  Timothy.  He  is 
 not  mentioi^ed  in  the  Acts  at  all.  Taking  the  pi»s- 
 sages  in  the  Epistles  in  the  chrouologic;\l  order  of 
 the  events  leferred  to,  we  turn  first  to  (iid.  ii.  1, 
 3.  We  conceive  the  journey  mentioned  here  to 
 be  identical  with  that  (recorded  in  Acts  xv.)  in 
 which  Paul  and  Barnabas  went  from  Antioch  to 
 Jerusalem  to  the  conti.Mence  which  was  to  decide 
 the  question  of  the  necessity  of  circumcision  to  the 
 Gentiles.  Here  we  see  Titus  in  close  association 
 with  Paul  and  Barnabas  at  Antioch.  He  goes  with 
 them  to  Jeiusjilem.  His  circumcision  was  either 
 not  insisted  on  at  Jerusidem,  or,  if  demanded,  was 
 firmly  resisted.  He  is  very  emphatically  s})okea 
 of  as  a  Gentile,  by  which  is  most  probably  meant 
 that  both  his  jarents  were  Gentiles.  Titus  would 
 seem,  on  the  occiision  of  the  council,  to  have  been 
 specially  a  repiesentative  of  the  church  of  the  un- 
 circumcision.  It  is  to  our  purpose  to  remark  that, 
 in  the  passage  cited  above,  Titus  is  so  mentioned  as 
 apparently  to  imply  that  he  had  become  pei-sonally 
 known  to  the  Galatian  Christians.  Atler  leaving 
 (jalntia  (Acts  xviii.  23),  and  spending  a  long  time 
 at  Ejihestis  (Acts  xix.  1-xx.  1),  the  Apostle  pro- 
 ceeded to  Macedonia  by  way  of  Tro;»s.  Here  he 
 expcHtted  to  meet  Titus  (2  Cor.  ii.  13),  who  had 
 been  sent  on  a  mission  to  Corinth.  In  this  hope 
 he  was  disappointed,  but  in  Macedonia  Titus  joined 
 him  (2  Cor.  vii.  6,  7,  13-15).  Tlie  mission  to 
 Coiinth  had  reference  to  the  immoralities  i-ebuked 
 in  the  V\\>t  Epistle,  and  to  the  etlect  of  that 
 First  Epistle  on  the  offending  church.  We  learn 
 further  that  the  mission  was  so  tiir  successful  iuid 
 sijtisfiictory.  But  if  we  proceetl  further,  we  dis- 
 cern another  part  of  the  mi.siion  with  which  h« 
 was  entrustisl.  This  had  lef'eience  to  the  collection, 
 at  that  time  in  progress,  tor  the  poor  Christiiuis  of 
 Judaea  (viii.  (5).  Thus  we  are  prepjired  for  what 
 the  Apostle  now  proceeds  to  do  al'ler  his  eucountg- 
 ing  conversations  with  Titus  regarding  tlie  Co- 
 rinthian Church.  He  sends  him  back  fi-om  Mace- 
 donia to  Corinth,  in  com(«ny  with  two  other 
 trustworthy  Christians,  Ix-ariiig  thcSe<:ond  Epistle, 
 and  with  an  earnest  request  (viii.  (>,  17)  that  he 
 would  see  to  the  completion  of  the  colli-ction  (viii.  6). 
 It  has  eenerally  been  cousideretl  doubUul  who  the 
 
TITUS,  EPISTLE  TO 
 
 aSe\<f:oi  were  (1  Cor.  xvi.  11,  12)  that  took  the 
 l-'iist  Epistle  to  Corinth.  Most  probably  they  weie 
 Titus  and  liis  companion,  whoever  that  might  be, 
 who  is  mentioned  with  him  in  the  second  letter 
 (2  Cor.  xii.  18).  A  considerable  interval  now 
 elapses  before  we  come  upon  the  next  notices  of  this 
 disciple.  St.  Paul's  first  imprisonment  is  concluded, 
 and  his  last  trial  is  impen<iing.  In  the  interval 
 between  the  two,  he  and  Titus  were  together  in 
 Crete  (Tit.  i.  5).  We  see  Titus  remaining  in  the 
 island  when  St.  Paul  left  it,  and  receiving  there  a 
 letter  written  to  him  by  the  Apostle.  From  this  letter 
 we  gather  the  following  biographiaxl  details: — In 
 the  first  place  we  lejvrn  that  he  was  originally  con- 
 verted through  St.  Paul's  instrumentality  (i.  4). 
 Next  we  learn  the  various  particulars  of  the  re- 
 sponsible duties  which  he  had  to  discharge  in  Crete. 
 He  is  to  complete  what  St.  Paul  had  been  obliged 
 to  leave  unfinished  'i.  5),  and  he  is  to  organise  the 
 Church  throughout  the  island  by  appointing  pies- 
 byters  in  every  city.  Next  he  is  to  control  and 
 bridle  (ver.  11)  the  restless  and  mischievous  Ju- 
 daizers,  and  he  is  to  be  peremptory  in  so  doing 
 (ver.  13).  He  is  to  uige  the  duties  of  a  decorous 
 and  Christian  life  upon  the  women  (ii.  3-5),  some 
 of  whom  (ii.  3)  possibly  had  something  of  an  official 
 character  (vers.  3,  4).  The  notices  which  remain 
 are  more  strictly  personal.  Titus  is  to  look  for  the 
 arrival  in  Crete  of  Artemas  and  Tychicus  (iii.  12), 
 and  then  he  is  to  hasten  to  join  St.  Paul  at  Nico- 
 polis,  where  the  Apostle  is  pioposing  to  pass  the 
 winter.  Zenas  and  A  polios  are  in  Crete,  or  ex- 
 pected there;  for  Titus  is  to  send  them  on  their 
 journey,  and  supply  them  with  whatever  they  need 
 for  it  (iii.  13).  Whether  Titus  did  join  the  Apostle 
 at  Nicopolis  we  cannot  tell.  But  we  naturally 
 connect  the  mention  of  this  place  with  what  St. 
 Paul  wrote  at  no  great  interval  of  time  afterwards, 
 in  the  last  of  the  Pastoial  Epistles  (2  Tim.  iv.  10); 
 for  Dalmatia  lay  to  the  north  of  Nicopolis,  at  no 
 great  distance  from  it.  From  the  form  of  the 
 whole  sentence,  it  seems  probable  that  this  disciple 
 had  been  with  St.  Paul  in  Rome  during  his  final 
 imprisonment;  but  this  cannot  be  asserted  con- 
 fidently. The  traditional  connexion  of  Titus  with 
 Crete  is  much  more  specific  and  constant,  though 
 here  again  we  cannot  be  certain  of  the  facts.  He 
 is  said  to  have  been  permanent  bishop  in  the  island, 
 and  to  have  died  there  at  an  advanced  age.  The 
 modern  capital,  Candia,  appears  to  claim  the  honour 
 of  being  his  burial-place.  In  the  fragment  by  the 
 lawyer  Zenas,  Titus  is  called  Bishop  of  Gortyna. 
 Lastly,  the  name  of  Titus  was  the  watchword  of  the 
 Cretans  when  they  were  invaded  by  the  Venetians. 
 Titus,  Epistle  to.  There  are  no  specialties  in 
 this  Epistle  which  require  any  very  elaborate  treat- 
 ment distinct  from  the  other  Pastoral  Letters  of 
 St.  Paul.  If  those  two  were  not  genuine,  it  would 
 be  difficult  confidently  to  maintain  the  genuineness 
 of  this.  On  the  other  hand,  if  the  Epistles  to 
 Timothy  are  received  as  St.  Paul's,  there  is  not  the 
 slightest  reason  for  doubting  the  authorship  of  that 
 to  Titus.  Nothing  can  well  be  more  explicit  than 
 the  quotations  in  Irenaeus,  Clemens  Alexandrinus, 
 TertuUian,  to  say  nothing  of  earlier  allusions  in 
 Justin  Martyr,  Theophilus,  and  Clemens  Piomanus. 
 As  to  internal  features,  we  may  notice,  in  the  first 
 place,  that  the  Epistle  to  Titus  has  all  the  charac- 
 teristics of  the  other  Pastoral  Epistles.  This  tends 
 to  show  that  this  Letter  was  written  about  the 
 same  time  and  under  similar  circumstances   with 
 
 TOBIAH 
 
 951 
 
 the  other  two.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  this  Epistle 
 has  maiks  in  its  phra=ieology  and  style  which  assi- 
 milate it  to  the  general  body  of  the  Epistles  of  St. 
 Paul.  As  to  any  difficulty  arising  from  supposed 
 indications  of  advanced  hierarchical  arrangements,  it 
 is  to  be  observed  that  in  this  Epistle  -irpfafivTepos 
 and  eTricTKOTTos  are  used  as  synonymous  (i.  5,  7), 
 just  as  they  are  in  the  address  at  Miletus  about  the 
 year  58  a.d.  (Acts  xx.  17,  28).  At  the  same  time 
 this  Epistle  has  features  of  its  own,  especially  a 
 certain  tone  of  abruptness  and  severity,  which  pro- 
 bably arises  partly  out  of  the  circumstances  of  the 
 Cretan  population,  partly  out  of  the  character  of 
 Titus  himself.  Concerning  the  contents  of  this 
 Epistle,  something  has  already  been  said  in  the 
 article  on  Trrus.  No  very  exact  subdivision  is 
 either  necessary  or  possible.  As  to  the  time  and 
 place  and  other  circumstances  of  the  writing  of  this 
 Epistle,  the  following  scheme  of  filling  up  St.  Paul's 
 movements  after  his  first  imprisonment  will  satisfy 
 all  the  conditions  of  the  case : — We  may  suppose 
 him  (possibly  after  accomplishing  his  long-projected 
 visit  to  Spain)  to  have  gone  to  Ephesus,  and  taken 
 voyages  fiom  thence,  first  to  Macedonia  and  then 
 to  Crete,  during  the  fonner  to  have  written  the 
 First  Epistle  to  Timothy,  and  after  returning  from 
 the  latter  to  have  written  the  Epistle  to  Titus, 
 being  at  the  time  of  despatching  it  on  the  point  of 
 starting  for  Nicopolis,  to  which  place  he  went, 
 taking  Miletus  and  Corinth  on  the  way.  At  Nico- 
 polis we  may  conceive  him  to  have  been  finally 
 apprehended  and  taken  to  Rome,  whence  he  wrote 
 the  Second  Epistle  to  Timothy. 
 
 Ti'zite,  the.  The  designation  of  Joha,  one  of 
 the  heroes  of  David's  army  (1  Chr.  xi.  45).  It 
 occurs  nowheie  else,  and  nothing  is  known  of  the 
 place  or  family  which  it  denotes. 
 
 To 'at.  A  Kohathite  Levite,  ancestor  of  Samuel 
 and  Heman  (1  Chr.  vi.  34  [19]). 
 
 Tob-adonijah.  One  of  the  Levites  sent  by  Je- 
 hosliaphat  through  the  cities  of  Judah  to  teach  the 
 Law  to  the  people  (2  Chr.  xvii.  8). 
 
 Tob,  the  Land  of.  The  place  in  which  Jephthah 
 took  refuge  when  expelled  from  home  by  his  half- 
 biother  (Judg.  xi.  3)  ;  and  where  he  remained,  at 
 the  head  of  a  band  of  freebooters,  till  he  was  brought 
 back  by  the  sheikhs  of  Gilead  (ver.  5).  The  nar- 
 rative implies  that  the  land  of  Tob  was  not  far 
 distant  from  Gilead  :  at  the  same  time,  from  the 
 nature  of  the  case,  it  must  have  lain  out  towards 
 the  eastern  deserts.  It  is  undoubtedly  mentioned 
 again  in  2  Sam.  x.  6,  8,  as  Ishtob,  i.  e.  Man  of  Tob, 
 meaning,  according  to  a  common  Hebrew  idiom,  the 
 "  men  of  Tob."  Aftei'  an  immense  interval  it  appears 
 again,  in  the  Maccabaean  history  (1  Mace,  v,  13) 
 in  the  names  Tobie  and  Tubieni  (2  Mace.  xii.  17). 
 No  identification  of  this  ancient  district  with  any 
 modern  one  has  yet  been  attempted.  The  name 
 Tell  Dohhe,  or,  as  it  is  given  by  the  latest  explorer 
 of  those  regions.  Tell  Dibhe,  attached  to  a  ruined 
 site  at  the  south  end  of  the  Lejah,  a  few  miles  N.W. 
 of  Kenawat,  and  also  that  of  ed  Dab,  some  twelve 
 hours  east  of  the  mountain  el  Kuleih,  are  both  sug- 
 gestive of  Tob. 
 
 Tobi'ah.  1.  "  The  children  of  Tobiah  "  were  a 
 family  who  returned  v/ith  Zerubbabel,  but  were 
 unable  to  prove  their  connexion  with  Israel  (Ezr. 
 ii.  60 ;  Neh.  vii.  62).— 2.  "  Tobiah  the  slave,  the 
 Ammonite,"  played  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  ran- 
 corous opposition  made  by  Sanballat  the  Moabito 
 and  his  adherents  to  the  rebuilding  of  Jerusalem. 
 
952  TOBIAS 
 
 The  two  riicos  of  Moab  ainl  Amnion  found  in  ♦hese 
 men  lit  representatives  of  tliat  lieieJitaiy  hatred  to 
 tlie  Israelites  wliich  beojan  befoie  the  entrance  into 
 Canaan,  and  was  not  extinct  when  tlie  Hebrews 
 had  ceased  toexi.-t  asa  nation,  lint  Tobiali,  tliouijh 
 a  slave  (Neh.  ii.  10,  19),  unless  this  is  a  title  of 
 oiipiol)iiuiTi,  and  an  Ammonite,  foiincl  means  to 
 ally  himself  with  a  iivicslly  family,  and  his  son 
 Johanan  married  the  daughter  of  Mi'sliullani  the 
 son  of  Beiechi.di  (Neh.  vi.  IS).  He  himself  was 
 the  .son-ill  law  of  Shechaniah  the  .son  of  Aiah  (Neh. 
 VI..  17),  and  these  family  relations  created  for  him 
 a  strong  faction  among  the  .lews.  Kwald  conjectures 
 that  Tubiali  had  been  a  page  ("  slave ")  at  the 
 Per.sian  court,  and,  being  in  favour  there,  had  been 
 promoti.-d  to  be  satrap  of  the  Ammonites.  But  it 
 almost  seems  that  against  Tobiah  there  was  a 
 stionger  feeling  of  animosity  than  against  .Sanballat, 
 and  that  this  animosity  found  expression  in  the  epi- 
 thet "  the  slave,"  which  is  attaclied  to  his  name. 
 
 Tobi'as.  'I'iie  Greek  foim  of  the  name  ToniAll 
 or  Toiii.iAH.  1.  The  son  of  Tobit.  and  central 
 cliaiactei-  in  the  book  of  that  name.— 2.  'I'he  father 
 of  Hyrcanus,  ajiparentiy  a  man  of  great  wealth  and 
 reputation  at  Jerus;ilem  in  the  time  of  t>eleucus 
 Philopator  (cir.  B.C.  187).  In  the  high-priestly 
 .schism  wliich  hnj)peue<l  afteiwards  "  the  sons  ot' 
 Tobias"  took  a  conspicuous  part. 
 
 Tobie,  the  Places  of  (1  Mace  v.  13).  It  is  in 
 all  pioliability  identical  with  the  land  of 'fob. 
 
 Tobi'el,  tlie  father  of  Tobit  and  giandllither  of 
 Tobias  (1),  Tob.  i.  1. 
 
 Tobi'jah.  1.  One  of  the  Levites  sent  by  Jeho- 
 shapliat  to  teach  the  Law  in  the  cities  of  Judah 
 (2  Chr.  xvii.  8).— 2.  One  of  the  Captivity  in  the 
 time  of  Zechariah,  in  whose  presence  the  iiiojiliet 
 was  commanded  to  take  crowns  of  silver  and  gold 
 and  put  them  on  the  head  of  Jo.shua  the  high-piiest 
 (Zech.  vi.  10,  14).  Ivosenmiiller  conjectures  that 
 he  was  one  of  a  deputation  who  came  up  to  Jeru- 
 salem, from  the  Jews  who  still  remained  in  I'aliylon, 
 with  contributions  of  gold  and  silver  foi'  the  Temple. 
 Hut  Maurer  considers  that  the  oflerings  were  pie- 
 sented  by  Tobijah  and  his  companions. 
 
 To  "bit.  l''atl'ierofTobias(Tob.  i.  l,&c.).  [ToniT, 
 Book  or.] 
 
 To'bit,  Book  of.  The  book  is  called  simply 
 Tobit  in  the  old  M.SS.  At  a  later  time  the  opening 
 words  of  the  book  were  taken  as  a  title.  1.  Text. — 
 The  book  exists  at  piesent  in  Greek,  Latin,  Syriac, 
 and  Hebrew  texts,  which  dilfer  more  or  less  fiom 
 one  another  in  detail,  but  yet  on  the  whole  aie  so 
 far  alike  that  it  is  leasonable  to  suppose  that  all 
 were  derived  from  one  wiitten  original,  which  was 
 modified  in  the  course  of  translation  or  tianscrip- 
 tion.  The  Greek  text  is  found  in  two  distinct  re- 
 censions. The  one  is  followe<l  by  the  mass  of  the 
 MSS.  of  the  LXX.,  and  gives  the  oldest  text  which 
 rpinains.  The  other  is  only  fragmentary,  and  ma- 
 nifestly a  revision  of  the  former.  Of  tliii-,  one  piece 
 I'i.  1-ii.  2)  is  contained  in  the  Cod.  Sinaiticus 
 (=Cod.  Frid.  Augustinus),  and  another  in  three 
 later  ALSS.  The  Latin  texts  are  also  of  two  kinds. 
 The  common  (Vulgate)  text  is  due  to  Jerome,  who 
 formo<l  it  by  a  very  hasty  revision  of  the  old  Latin 
 veision  with  the  help  of  a  Chuldee  copy.  Which  wa.s 
 translated  into  Hebrew  for  hiin  by  an  n'^sistant  who 
 was  master  of  lioth  languages.  It  is  of' very  little 
 critical  value.  The  ante-Hieronymian  (Vetus  La- 
 tina'l  texts  arj  (ar  moie  valuable,  thou;^h  these 
 piTbent  conbidcruLIc  variations  anioni;  thcm.'ielves, 
 
 TOBIT,  BOOK  OP 
 
 as  generally  happens,  and  represent  the  revised  and 
 not  the  oi'iginal  (ireek  text.  The  J/ehrew  versions 
 are  of  no  great  weight.  The  Si/riuc  version  is  of  a 
 composite  character. ^2.  Historical  chamctcr. — 
 The  narrative  seems  to  have  been  received  without 
 ini|uiiy  or  disjiute  as  historically  true  till  the  rise 
 of  fiee  criticism  at  the  l.'elbrmation.  Luthei-  ex- 
 pressed doubts  as  to  its  literal  truth,  and  these 
 doubts  gradually  gained  a  wide  currency  among 
 I'ldtestint  writers,  licrtholdt  has  given  a  sum- 
 maiy  of  alleged  errors  in  detiiil,  but  the  question 
 turns  rather  upon  the  general  complexion  of  the 
 history  than  upon  minute  objections.  This,  how- 
 ever, is  t'atal  to  the  sujiposition  that  the  Ixiok  could 
 have  been  completed  shortly  after  the  fall  of  Ni- 
 neveh (ii.C.  Got);  'fob.  xiv.  15),  and  written,  in  the 
 main,  some  time  Iwtbie  ('fob.  xii.  2o).  The  whole 
 tone  of  the  narrative  besj)eaks  a  later  age;  and 
 above  all,  the  doctrine  of  good  and  evil  spirits  is 
 elaliorated  in  a  form  which  belong.s  to  a  period  con- 
 siderablv  posterior  to  the  Babylonian  Captivity 
 (Asmodeus,  iii.  8,  vi.  14,  viii.  3  ;  Raphael,  xii.  15). 
 As  the  book  stands  it  is  a  ilistinctly  didactic  nar 
 rative.  Its  point  lies  in  the  moral  lesson  which  it 
 conveys,  and  not  in  the  incidents.— 3.  Original 
 LanijUitge  and  Eevisions. — In  the  absence  of  all 
 direct  evidence,  considerable  doubt  h.is  been  felt  as 
 to  the  original  language  of  the  book.  The  su|x;rior 
 clearness,  simplicity,  and  accuiTicy  of  the  LXX.  text 
 piove  conclusively  that  this  is  nearer  the  original 
 than  any  other  text  which  is  known,  if  it  be  not,  as 
 some  have  supposed,  the  original  itself.  Indeed, 
 the  arguments  wliich  have  been  brought  ibrward 
 to  .show  that  it  is  a  tianslation  are  tar  from  con- 
 clusive. I'he  style,  again,  though  liai'sh  in  parts, 
 and  far  from  the  classiciil  standard,  is  not  more  so 
 than  some  books  which  were  undoubtedly  written 
 in  Greek  (e.  g.  the  Apocalypse);  and  there  is  little, 
 if  anything,  in  it  which  points  ceiUiinly  to  the 
 immediate  inlluence  of  an  Aramaic  text.  To  this 
 it  may  be  added  that  Origen  was  not  acquainted 
 with  any  Hebrew  original ;  an<l  the  Chaldee  copy 
 which  Jerome  used,  as  far  as  its  character  can  be 
 ascertained,  was  evidently  a  later  version  of  the 
 ^tory.  On  the  other  hand,  there  is  no  internal 
 evidence  against  the  supposition  that  the  Greek  text 
 is  a  ti-anslation.  The  various  texts  which  remain 
 have  already  been  enumerated.  Of  these,  three 
 vaiieties  may  be  distinguished  :  (1)  the  L.XX.;  (2) 
 the  revised  (ireek  text,  followed  by  the  Old  Latin 
 in  the  main,  and  by  the  Syriac  in  part ;  and  (3)  the 
 Vulgate  Latin.  The  Hebrew  versions  have  no 
 critical  value.  (!')  The  LXX.  is  followed  by  A.  V., 
 and  has  been  already  characterisal  as  the  standaini 
 to  which  the  others  are  to  be  referred.  (2)  The 
 reviseil  text  is  based  on  the  LXX.  Greek,  which  is 
 at  one  time  extendeil,  and  then  compressed,  with  a 
 view  to  greater  fulness  and  clearness.  (3)  The 
 Vulgate  text  Wiis  derival  in  part  from  a  Chaldee 
 copy  which  was  tianslated  by  word  of  mouth  into 
 Hebrew  tor  Jerome,  who  in  turn  dictated  a  Latin 
 rendering  to  a  secretary.  On  the  whole,  it  is  more 
 concise  than  the  Old  Latin  ;  but  it  contains  inter- 
 fKilations  and  changes,  many  of  which  mark  the 
 asceticism  of  a  late  age.— 4.  Date  and  place  of 
 Composition. — The  data  for  determining  the  age 
 of  the  book  and  the  place  where  it  wivs  compiled 
 are  senility.  Kichhorn  plai-es  the  author  after  the 
 time  of  I>arius  Hyst.isjiis.  Bcrtholdt  brings  the  book 
 considerably  later  than  Seleucus  Nii'ator  (cir.  B.C. 
 250-200),  and  supposes  that  it  was  written  by  a 
 
TOBIT,  BOOK  OF 
 
 Galilean  or  Baliylouian  Jew,  from  the  prominence 
 given  to  tliose  districts  in  the  narrative.  De  Wette 
 leaves  the  date  nndeterniineri,  but  argues  that  the 
 author  was  a  native  of  Palestine.  Ewald  Hxes  tlie 
 composition  in  the  fir  East,  towards  the  close  of 
 tiie  Persian  period  (cir.  350  u.C.J.  This  last  opi- 
 nion is  almost  certainly  correct.  Its  date  will  fall 
 somewhere  within  the  period  between  the  close  of 
 the  work  of  Nehemiah  and  the  invasion  of  Alex- 
 ander (cir.  B  C.  430-334).  The  contents  of  the 
 hook  furnish  also  some  clue  to  the  place  where  it 
 Wiis  written,  and  would  suggest  that  he  was  living 
 out  of  Palestine,  in  some  Persian  city,  perhaps  Ba- 
 bylon, wheie  his  countrymen  were  exposed  to  the 
 capricious  cruelty  of  heathen  governors,  and  in 
 danger  of  neglecting  the  Temple-service.  If  these 
 conjectuies  as  to  the  date  and  place  of  writing  be 
 correct,  it  follows  that  we  must  assume  the  exist- 
 ence of  a  Hebrew  or  Chaldee  original.  And  even 
 if  the  date  of  the  book  be  brought  much  lower,  to 
 the  beginning  of  the  second  century  B.C.,  it  is 
 equally  certain  that  it  must  have  been  written  in 
 some  Aramaic  dialect,  as  the  Greek  literature  ot 
 Palestine  belongs  to  a  much  later  time.  If  the 
 historical  character  of  the  narrative  is  set  aside, 
 there  is  no  trace  of  the  person  of  the  author.— 
 5.  History. — The  history  of  the  book  is  in  the 
 main  that  of  the  LXX.  version.  While  the  con- 
 tents of  the  LXX.,  as  a  whole,  were  received  as  ca- 
 nonical, the  Book  of  Tobit  was  necessarily  included 
 without  further  inquiry  among  the  books  of  Holy 
 Scripture.  There  appears  to  be  a  clear  refeience  to 
 it  in  the  Latin  version  of  the  Epistle  of  Polycarp. 
 In  a  scheme  of  the  Ophites,  Tobias  appears  among 
 the  prophets.  Clement  of  Alexandi-ia  and  Origeu 
 practically  use  the  book  as  canonical ;  but  Oriejen 
 distinctly  notices  that  neither  Tobit  nor  Judith 
 were  leceived  by  the  Jews,  and  rests  the  au- 
 thority of  Tobit  on  the  usage  of  the  Churches. 
 Even  Athanasius  when  writing  without  any  critical 
 regard  to  the  Canon  quotes  Tobit  as  Scripture ;  but 
 when  he  gives  a  formal  list  of  the  Sacred  Books,  he 
 detinitely  excludes  it  from  the  Canon.  In  the  Latin 
 Church  Tobit  found  a  much  more  decided  accept- 
 ance. Cvprian,  Hilary,  and  Lucifer,  quote  it  as 
 authoritative.  Augustine  includes  it  with  the  other 
 apocrypha  of  the  LXX.  among  "  the  books  which 
 tlie  Christian  Church  received,"  and  in  this  he  was 
 followed  by  the  mass  of  the  later  Latin  fathers. 
 Ambrose  speaks  of  the  book  as  "prophetic"  in  the 
 strongest  terms.  Jerome,  however,  followed  by 
 Ruffinus,  maintained  the  purity  of  the  Hebrew 
 Canon  of  the  0.  T.  In  modern  times  the  moral 
 excellence  of  the  book  has  been  rated  highly,  except 
 in  the  heat  of  controversy.  Luther  pronounced  it, 
 if  only  a  fi(;tion,  yet  "  a  truly  beautiful,  whole- 
 some, and  proKtable  fiction,  the  work  of  a  gifted 
 poet.  ...  A  book  useful  for  Christian  reading." 
 The  same  view  is  held  also  in  the  English  Church.— 
 G.  Religious  character. — Few  probably  can  lead  the 
 book  in  the  LXX.  te.xt  without  assenting  heartily 
 to  the  favourable  judgment  of  Luther  on  its  merits. 
 Nowhere  else  is  there  preserved  so  complete  and 
 beautiful  a  picture  of  the  domestic  life  of  the  Jews 
 after  the  Return.  There  may  be  symptoms  of  a 
 tendency  to  formal  righteousness  of  works,  but  as 
 yet  the  works  are  painted  as  springing  from  a  living 
 faith.  Of  the  special  precepts  one  (iv.  15)  contains 
 the  negative  side  of  the  golden  rule  of  conduct 
 (Matt.  vii.  12),  which  in  this  partial  fonn  is  found 
 among  the  maxims  of  Confucius.     But  it  is  chiefly 
 
 TOLAITES 
 
 953 
 
 in  the  exquisite  tenderness  of  the  portraiture  of  do- 
 mestic lite  that  the  book  excels.  Almost  every 
 family  relation  is  touched  upon  with  natural  grace 
 and  allection.  The  most  lemarkable  doctrinal  fea- 
 ture in  the  book  is  the  piominence  given  to  the 
 action  of  spirits.  Powers  of  evil  (iii.  8,  17,  vi.  7, 
 14,  17)  are  represented  as  gaining  the  means  of 
 injuring  men  by  sin,  while  they  are  driven  away 
 and  bound  by  the  exercise  of  faith  and  prayer 
 (viii.  2,  3).  On  the  other  hand  Raphael  conies 
 among  men  as  "  the  iiealer,"  and  by  the  mission  of 
 God  (iii.  17,  .xii.  18),  restores  those  whose  good 
 actions  he  has  secretly  watched  (xii.  12,  13),  and 
 "  the  reniembiance  of  whose  prayers  he  has  brought 
 before  the  Holy  One"  (xii.  12).  This  ministry  of 
 intercession  is  elsewhere  expressly  recognised  (xii. 
 15).  A  second  doctrinal  feature  of  the  book  is  the 
 firm  belief  in  a  glorious  restoration  of  the  Jewish 
 people  (xiv.  5,  xiii.  9-18).  But  the  restoration 
 contemplated  is  national,  and  not  the  work  of  a 
 universal  Saviour.  In  all  there  is  not  the  slightest 
 trace  of  the  belief  in  a  personal  Messiah. 
 
 To'chen.  A  place  mentioned  (1  Chr.  iv.  32 
 only)  amongst  the  towns  of  Simeon. 
 
 Togar'mah.  A  son  of  Gomer,  and  brother  of 
 Ashkenaz  and  Kiphath  (Gen.  x.  3).  Togarmah,  as 
 a  geographical  term,  is  connected  with  Armenia, 
 and  the  subsequent  notices  of  the  name  (Ez.  xxvii. 
 14,  xxxviii.  6)  accord  with  this  view.  The  mos- 
 decisive  statement  respecting  the  Armenians  in 
 ancient  literature  is  furnished  by  Herodotus,  who 
 says  that  they  were  Phrygian  colonists  (Herod, 
 vii.  73).  The  remark  of  Eudoxus  that  the  Arme- 
 nians resemble  the  Phrygians  in  many  lespects  in 
 language  tends  in  the  same  direction.  It  is  hardly 
 necessary  to  understand  the  statement  of  Herodotus 
 as  implying  more  than  a  common  origin  of'the  two 
 peoples.  We  should  rather  infer  that  Phrvgia  was 
 colonised  from  Armenia,  than  vice  versa.  There 
 can  be  little  doubt  but  that  the  Phrygians  were 
 once  the  dominant  race  in  the  peninsula,  and  that 
 they  spread  westward  from  the  confines  of  Armenia 
 to  the  shores  of  the  Aegaean.  The  Phrygian  lan- 
 guage is  undoubtedly  to,  be  classed  with  the  Indo- 
 European  family.  The  Armenian  language  presents 
 many  peculiarities  which  distinguish  it  from  other 
 branches  of  the  Indo-European  family;  but  in  spite 
 of  this,  however,  no  hesitation  is  felt  by  phiio- 
 logists  in  placing  it  among  the  Indo-European  lan- 
 guages. 
 
 To'llU.  An  ancestor  of  Samuel  the  prophet,  per- 
 haps the  same  as  Toah  (1  Sam.  i.  1 ;  comp.  1  Chr. 
 vi.  34). 
 
 To'l.  King  of  Hamath  on  the  Orontes,  who,  after 
 the  defeat  of  his  powerful  enemy  the  Syrian  king 
 Hadadezer  by  the  army  of  David,  sent  his  son 
 Joram,  or  Hadoiam,  to  congratulate  the  victor  and 
 do  him  homage  with  presents  of  gold  and  silver  and 
 brass  (2  Sam.  viii.  9,  10). 
 
 Tola.  1.  The  first-born  of  Issachar,  and  ancestor 
 of  the  Tolaites  (Gen.  xlvi.  13;  Num.  xxvi.  23;  1 
 Chr.  vii.  1,  2).— 2.  Judge  of  Israel  after  Abimelech 
 (Judg.  X.  1,  2).  He  is  described  as  "  the  son  ot 
 Puah,  the  son  of  Dodo,  a  man  of  Issachar."  Tola 
 judged  Israel  for  twenty-thiee  years  at  Shamir  in 
 Mount  Ephraim,  where  he  died  and  was  buried. 
 
 To'lad.  One  of  the  towns  of  Simeon  (1  Chr.  /v. 
 29).  In  the  lists  of  Joshua  the  name  is  given  ii; 
 the  fuller  form  of  El-tolad. 
 
 ToTaites,  the.  The  descendants  of  Tula  the  sou 
 I  of  Iss;ichar  (Num.  xxvi.  26). 
 
954  TOLBANES 
 
 Toltanes.     Telem,  one  of  the  portei-s  in  the 
 
 days  ot'Kzra  (1  Ksd.  ix.  '25). 
 
 Tomb.  It  lias  been  hitherto  too  mnch  the  fashion 
 to  look  to  Kgy[)t  for  the  piototyiie  of  every  foini  of 
 Jewish  ait ;  but  if  there  is  one  thin<;  in  the  Old 
 Testament  more  clear  than  another,  it  is  the  abso- 
 lute antagonism  between  the  two  peoples,  and  the 
 alihorrence  of  everything  Egyptian  that  pievailod 
 fiom  first  to  last  among  the  Jewish  people.  From 
 the  burial  of  Sarah  in  the  cave  of  Machj)elah  ((Jen. 
 xxiii.  19)  to  the  funeral  rites  piepaied  for  Dorais 
 (Acts  ix.  'dl),  there  is  no  mention  of  any  s;iroo- 
 jihagus,  or  even  coHin,  in  any  Jewish  burial.  Still 
 it-ss  were  the  rites  of  the  Jews  like  those  of  the 
 Pelasgi  or  Ktruscans.  They  weie  marked  with 
 the  same  simplicity  that  cliaracterisal  all  their  reli- 
 gious observances.  This  simplicity  of  rite  led  to 
 what  may  be  called  the  distinguishing  character- 
 istic of  Jewish  sepulchres — the  deep  locuhis — which, 
 so  tar  as  is  now  known,  is  universal  in  all  purely 
 Jewish  rock-cut  tombs,  but  hardly  known  else- 
 where. Its  form  will  be  undei^stood  by  retei'ring 
 to  the  annexed  diagram,  representing  the  forms  of 
 
 Diagrnm  of  Juvvisli  Sepulchre. 
 
 Jewish  sepulture.  In  the  apartment  marked  A, 
 there  are  twelve  such  locnli,  about  2  feet  in  width 
 by  3  feet  high.  On  the  ground-floor  these  gene- 
 rally open  on  the  level  of  the  floor ;  when  in  the 
 upper  story,  as  at  C,  on  a  ledge  or  platlbrm,  on 
 which  the  body  might  be  laid  to  be  anointed,  and 
 on  which  the  stones  might  rest  which  closed  the 
 outer  end  of  each  loculiis.  The  .shallow  loculus  is 
 shown  in  chamber  li,  but  was  apparently  only  used 
 when  sarcophagi  were  employed,  and  therefore,  so  far 
 as  we  know,  only  during  the  Graeco-Homan  period, 
 when  foreign  customs  came  to  be  adopted.  The 
 shallow  locuhis  would  have  been  singularly  inap- 
 propriate and  inconvenient,  where  an  unenilialmed 
 body  was  laid  out  to  decay — as  there  would  evi- 
 dently be  no  means  of  shutting  it  off  from  the  rest 
 of  the  catacomb.  The  deep  loculus  on  the  other 
 hand  was  as  strictly  confomiahle  with  Jewish  cu.s- 
 toins,  and  could  cisily  be  clo.sed  by  a  stone  litted  to 
 the  end  and  luted  into  the  groove  which  usually 
 exists  there.  This  fact  is  especially  interesting  as 
 it  alfords  a  .key  to  much  that  is  otherwise  hard  to 
 l)e  understood  in  ccrtiun  passages  in  the  New  Testa- 
 ment. Thus  in  John  xi.  39,  Jesus  says,  "  Take 
 away  the  stone,"  and  (ver.  40)  "  they  took  away 
 the  stone"  without  diOiculty,  apparently.  And 
 chap.  XX.  1,  the  .same  expression  is  used,  "  the  stone 
 is  taken  away."  There  is  one  catacomb — that  known 
 Mi  tlie  "  Tombs  of  the  Kings" — which  ib  closed  by 
 
 TOMB 
 
 a  stone  rolling  across  its  entrance ;   but  it  is  th« 
 only  one,  and  the  immense  amount  of  contrivance 
 and  fitting  which  it  has  required  is  sutficient  proof 
 that  such  an  arrangement  was  not  applied  to  any 
 other  of  the  numerous  rock  tombs  around   .leru- 
 sfilem,  nor  could  the  traces  of  it  have  been  obliterated 
 had  it  anywhere  existed.     Although,  therefore,  the 
 Jews   were   singularly    free   from   the   pomj>s  and 
 vanities  of  funereal  magniflcence,  they  were  at  all 
 stages  of  their  independent  existence  an  eminently 
 burying  people.—  Tombs  of  the  Patriarchs. — Turn- 
 ing from   these  considerations  to  the  more  strictly 
 historical   part  of  the  subject,  we  And  that  one  of 
 the  most  striking  events  in  the  life  of  Abraham  is 
 the  purchase  of  the  field  of  Kphron  the  Hittite  at 
 Hebron,    in   which   w:ts  the  cave  of  Machpelah,  in 
 order  that   he  might  therein   buiy  Sarah  his  wife, 
 and  that  it  might  be  a  sepulchre  for  himself  ami  his 
 children.     There  he  and  his  immediate  descendant's 
 were  laid   3700  years  ago,  and  there  they  are  be- 
 lieved to  rest  now  ;  but  no  one  in  modern  times  has 
 seen  their  remains,  or  been  allowed  to  enter  into  the 
 cave  where  they  rest.     Unfortunately  none  of  those 
 who  have  visited  Hebron  have  had  suHicient  archi- 
 tectural  knowledge  to  be  able   to  say  when    the 
 church  or  mosque  which  now  stands  above  tlie  cave 
 was  erected.     Tliough  much  more  easy  of  access,  it 
 is  almost  as  dillicult  to  ascertain  the  age  of  the 
 wall   that  encloses   the   sacred    precincts  of  theae 
 tombs.     There  is  in  fact  nothing  known  with  snlH- 
 cient  e.xactness  to  decide  the  question,  but  the  pvo- 
 babilities  certainly  tend  towards  a  Christian  or  Sara- 
 cenic origin  tor  the  whole  structure  both  internally 
 ami   externally.     From   the   time    when  Abraham 
 established   the  burying-place  of  his  family  at  He- 
 bron  till  the  time  when  David  fixed   that  of  his 
 family  in  the  city  which  bore  his  name,  the  Jewish 
 rulers  had  no  fixed  or  favourite  place  of  se)iulture. 
 Each  w;is  buried  on  his  own  property,  or  where  he 
 died,  without  much  caring  either  for  the  sanctity 
 or  convenience  of  the  place  chof^en.— Tomb  of  the 
 Kiiii/s. —  Of  the  twenty-two  kings  of  Judah  who 
 reigned  at  Jerusalem  from  1048  to  590  It.c,  eleven, 
 or  exactly  one-half,  were  buried  in  one  hypogeiim 
 in  the  "  city  of  David."     Of  all  these  it  is  merely 
 said   that  they  were  buried  in  "  the  sepulchres  of 
 their  fathers"  or  "of  the  kings"    in  the  city  of 
 Davi<l,  except  of  two — -Asa  and  Hezekiah.     Two 
 more ot' the.se  kings  (Jehoram  and  Joash)  were  huiied 
 also  in  the  city  of  David,  "  but  not  in  the  sei)ulchres 
 of  the  kings."     The  pjussiige  in  Nehemiah  iii.   16, 
 and  in  Ezekiel  xliii.  7,  9,  together  with  the  reiter- 
 ated assertion  of  the  Books  of  Kings  and  Chronicles 
 that  these  sepulchres  were  situated  in  the  city  of 
 David,  leave  no  doubt  but  that  they  were  on  Zion, 
 or  the  Eastern  Hill,  and  in  the  immediate  proximity 
 of  the  Temple.     They  were  in  fact  ceilainly  within 
 that  enclosure  now  known  as  the  "  Haram  Area;" 
 but  if  it  is  asked  on  what  exact  s[>ot,  we  must 
 pau.se  for  further  infonnation  lielbre  a  reply  cm  l)e 
 i;iven.     Up  to  the  present  time  we  have  iu)t  lieen 
 able  to  identify  one  single   sepulchral    excavation 
 about  .lernsalem   whicll  c-:\n  be  said  with  certJiinty 
 to  belong  to  a  period  anterior  to  that  of  the  Mac- 
 cabees, or,  more  c-orrectly,   to  have  been  used  for 
 burial  before  the  time  of  the  Komiuis.     The  only  im- 
 portant  hypogeum   which  is  wholly  .lewish  in  its 
 arraiii^i'ineiits,  and  may   consequently  Udong  to  an 
 earlier  or  to  any  cjioch,  is  that  known  as  the  Tombs 
 of  the  Prophets  in  the  western  linnk  of  the  Mount 
 of  Olives.     It  has  every  appearance  of  having  ori- 
 
TOMB 
 
 ginally  been  a  iiatui-;\l  cavern  ini]M-oveil  by  art,  and 
 with  an  external  gallery  some  140  feet  in  extent, 
 into  which  twenty-seven  deep  or  Jewish  loculi  open. 
 It  has  no  architectural  mouldings,  no  sarcophagi 
 or  shallow  loculi,  nothing  to  indicate  a  foreign 
 origin.— G raeco-Homan  Tombs. — Besides  the  tombs 
 above  enumerated,  there  are  around  Jerusalem,  in 
 the  Valleys  of  Hinnoni  and  Jehosh;iphat,  and  on 
 the  j)lateau  to  the  north,  a  number  of  remarkable 
 rock-cut  sepulchres,  with  more  or  less  architectural 
 decoration,  sutRcient  to  enable  us  to  ascertain  that 
 they  are  all  of  nearly  the  same  age,  and  to  assert 
 with  very  tolerable  confidence  that  the  epoch  to 
 which  they  belong  must  be  between  the  introduc- 
 tion of  Roman  influence  and  the  destruction  of  the 
 city  by  Titus.  The  excavations  in  the  Valley  of 
 Hinnom  with  Greek  inscriptions  are  comparatively 
 modern.  ]n  the  village  of  Siloam  there  is  a  mono- 
 lithic cell  of  singularly  Egyptian  aspect,  which 
 Pe  Saulcy  assumes  to  be  a  chapel  of  Solomon's 
 Egyptian  wife.  It  is  probably  of  very  much  more 
 modern  date,  and  is  more  Assyrian  than  Egyptian 
 in  character.  The  principal  remaining  architectural 
 sepulchres  may  be  divided  into  three  groups.  First, 
 those  existing  in  the  Valley  of  Jehoshaphat,  and 
 known  popularly  as  the  Tombs  of  Zechariah,  of  St. 
 James,  and  of  Absalom.  Second,  those  known  as 
 the  Tombs  of  the  Judges,  and  the  so-called  Jewish 
 tomb  about  a  mile  north  of  the  city.  Third,  that 
 known  as  the  Tombs  of  the  Kings,  about  half  a  mile 
 aorth  of  the  Damascus  Gate.  Of  the  three  first- 
 named  tombs  the  most  southern  is  known  as  that 
 ot    Zechariah,  a  popular  name  which  there  is  not 
 
 TOMB 
 
 955 
 
 So-culled  "  Tomb  of  Zechariah." 
 
 even  a  shadow  of  tradition  to  justiiy.  It  consists 
 of  a  square  solid  basement,  measuring  18  feet  6 
 inches  e.ich  way,  and  20  feet  high  to  the  top  of  the 
 cornice.  On  each  face  are  four  engaged  Ionic  columns 
 between  antae,  and  these  are  surmounted,  not  bv 
 an  Egyptian  cornice,  as  is  usually  asserted,  but  by 
 one  of  purely  Assyrian  type,  such  as  is  found  at 
 Khorsabad.  In  all  its  details  it  is  so  distinctly 
 Roman  that  it  is  impossible  to  assume  that  it  belongs 
 
 to  an  earlier  age  than  that  of  their  influence.  Above 
 the  cornice  is  a  pyramid  rising  at  rather  a  sharp 
 angle,  and  hewn  like  all  the  rest  out  of  the  solid 
 rock.  To  call  this  building  a  tomb  is  evidently  a 
 misnomer,  as  it  is  absolutely  solid — hewn  out  of 
 the  living  rock  by  cutting  a  passage  round  it.  It 
 has  no  internal  chambers,  nor  even  the  semblance 
 of  a  doorway.  The  other,  or  so-called  Tomb  of 
 Absalom,  figured  in  p.  10,  is  somewhat  larger,  the 
 base  being  about  21  feet  square  in  plan,  and  pro- 
 bably 23  or  24  to  the  top  of  the  cornice.  Like  the 
 other,  it  is  of  the  Koman  Ionic  order,  surmounted 
 by  a  cornice  of  Ionic  type;  but  between  the  pillars 
 and  the  cornice  a  frieze,  unmistakably  of  the  Ro- 
 man Doric  order,  is  introduced,  so  Roman  as  to  be 
 in  itself  quite  sufficient  to  fix  its  epoch.  It  is  by 
 no  means  clear  whether  it  had  originally  a  pyra- 
 midal top  like  its  neighbour.  Immediately  in  rear 
 of  the  monolith  we  do  find  just  such  a  sepulchral 
 cavern  as  we  should  expect.  It  is  called  the  Tomb 
 of  Jehoshaphat,  with  about  the  same  amount  of 
 discrimination  as  governed  the  nomenclature  of  the 
 others.  The  third  tomb  of  this  group,  called  that 
 of  St.  James,  is  situated  between  the  other  two, 
 and  is  of  a  very  different  character.  It  consists  of 
 a  verandah  with  two  Doric  pillars  in  antis,  which 
 may  be  characterised  as  belonging  to  a  very  late 
 Greek  order  rather  than  a  Roman  example.  Behind 
 this  screen  are  several  apartments,  which  in  another 
 locality  we  might  be  justified  in  calling  a  rock-out 
 monastery  appropriated  to  sepulchral  purposes.  In 
 the  rear  of  all  is  an  apartment,  apparently  unfinished, 
 with  three  shallow  loculi  meant  for  the  reception  of 
 sarcophagi,  and  so  indicating  a  post-Jewish  date  for 
 the  whole  or  at  least  for  that  part  of  the  excavation. 
 The  hypogeum  known  as  the  Tombs  of  the  Judges 
 is  one  of  the  most  remarkable  of  the  catacombs 
 around  Jerusalem,  containing  about  sixty  deep  loculi, 
 arranged  in  three  stories;  the  upper  stories  with 
 ledges  in  front  to  give  convenient  access,  and  to 
 support  the  stones  that  closed  them  ;  the  lower  flush 
 with  the  ground:  the  whole,  consequently,  so  essen- 
 tially Jewish  that  it  might  be  of  any  age  if  it  were 
 not  for  its  distance  from  the  town,  and  its  architec- 
 tural character.  The  latter,  as  before  stated,  is 
 identical  with  that  of  the  Tomb  of  Jehoshaphat, 
 and  has  nothing  Jewish  about  it.  ^  Tombs  of 
 Herod. — The  last  of  the  great  groups  enumerated 
 above  is  tliat  known  as  the  Tombs  of  the  Kings — 
 Kehur  es  Stdtan — or  the  Royal  Caverns,  so  called 
 because  of  their  magnificence,  and  also  because  that 
 name  is  applied  to  them  by  Josephns.  They  are 
 twice  again  mentioned  under  the  title  of  the  '•  Mo- 
 numents of  Herod."  The  architecture  exhibits  the 
 same  ill-understood  Roman  Doric  arrangements  as 
 are  found  in  all  these  tombs,  mixed  with  bunches 
 of  grapes,  which  first  apjiear  on  Macavbean  coins, 
 and  foliage  which  is  local  and  peculiar,  and,  so  far 
 as  anything  is  known  elsewhere,  might  be  of  any 
 age.  Its  connexion,  however,  with  that  of  the 
 Tombs  of  Jehoshaphat  and  the  Judges  fixes  it  to  the 
 same  epoch.  The  entrance  doorway  of  this  tomb 
 is  below  the  level  of  the  ground.  It  is  closed  by  a 
 very  curious  and  elaborate  contrivance  of  a  rolling 
 stone,  often  described,  but  very  clumsily  answering 
 its  purpose.  Within,  the  tomb  consists  of  a  vesti- 
 bule or  entrance-hall  about  20  feet  square,  from 
 which  three  other  square  apartments  open,  each 
 surrounded  by  deep  loculi.  But  perhaps  the  most 
 remarkable  peculiarity  of  the  hypogeum  is  the  sarco- 
 phagus  chamber  in   which    two   sarcophagi   were 
 
956 
 
 TONGUES,  CONFUSION  OF 
 
 and  is  now  in  the  I  ouvie.  'I'lieie  seems  no  loason 
 for  doubting  but  tlmt  all  tlie  architectural  tombs 
 of  Jfrusalem  l)elong  to  the  n<je  of  the  Romans,  like 
 everytliinjr  that  has  yet  been  found  either  at  Petm, 
 
 Facade  of  Herod's  To  nbs.      From  a  I'liotofn  aiili 
 
 found,oneof  which  was  biousrht  home  by  I)c  Saulcy,  |  Disturbing  causes  were,  however,  early  at  work  to 
 
 dissolve  this  twofold  union  of  Cdnimunity  and 
 speech.  'I'he  human  family  endejivoured  to  check 
 the  tendency  to  separation  by  the  establishment  of 
 a  great  cential  edifice,  and  a  city  which  should 
 serve  as  tlie  metropolis  of  the  whole  world.  The 
 project  was  defeated  by  the  interiwsition  of  Jehovah, 
 who  det4Tmincd  to  "confound  their  language,  so 
 that  they  might  not  understand  one  another's 
 speech."  Contemjioraneously  with,  mid  perhajxs  as 
 the  lesult  of,  this  confusion  of  tongues,  the  )>e«iple 
 weie  .scattered  abroad  fioni  thence  uj)on  the  f ice  of 
 all  the  earth,  and  the  memory  of  the  great  event 
 was  preserved  in  the  name  Babel.  Two  jwints 
 di-mand  our  attention  in  reference  to  this  narrative, 
 viz.  the  degree  to  which  the  confusion  of  tomnies 
 may  be  supposed  to  have  extended,  and  the  con- 
 iie.xion  between  the  confusion  of  tongues  and  the 
 dispersion  of  nations.  (1.)  It  is  unneces.sary  to 
 assume  that  the  judgment  inflicted  on  the  builders 
 of  Kabel  amounted  to  a  loss,  or  even  a  susjiension, 
 of  articulate  sjwech.  The  desired  object  would  be 
 i-qually  attained  by  a  miraculous  foiestalment  of 
 those  dialectiail  differences  of  language  which  are 
 constantly  in  process  of  production.  The  elements 
 of  the  one  original  language  may  have  remained, 
 but  so  disguised  by  variations  of  pronunciation, 
 and  by  the  introduction  of  new  combinations,  as 
 to  be  j>racticallyobiileratefl.  (2.)  The  confusion  of 
 tongues  and  the  dispersion  of  nations  are  spoken 
 of  in  the  Bible  as  contempoianeous  events.  'J'he 
 divergence  of  the  various  families  into  distinct 
 tribes  and  nations  ran  parallel  with  the  diveigence 
 of  speech  into  dialects  and  languages,  and  thus  the 
 10th  chapter  of  Genesis  is  posterior  in  historical 
 sequenre  to  the  events  recorded  in  the  11th  chapter. 
 —The  Mosaic  table  does  not  profess  to  describe  the 
 process  of  the  dispersion  ;  but,  assuming  that  dis- 
 persion as  a.  fait  accompli,  it  records  the  ethnic  rela- 
 tions existing  between  the  various  nations  atfecteil  by 
 it.  These  lelations  are  expressed  under  the  giii.se 
 of  a  genealogy  ;  the  ethnolipgical  character  of  the 
 document  is,  however,  clear  both  from  the  names, 
 some  of  which  are  gentilic  in  form,  as  l.udim.  .le- 
 busite,  &c.,  othei-s  geogiaphi<"il  or  local,  as  Mizraim, 
 Sidon,  &c. ;  and  again  from  tlie  formulary,  which 
 concludes  each  section  of  the  subject  "  after  their 
 families,  after  their  tongues,  in  their  countries,  and 
 in  their  nations"  (vers.  5,  20,  81).  Incidentallv, 
 the  table  is  geographical  as  well  as  ethnologiciil  ; 
 but  this  arises  out  of  the  ]>mctice  of  designating 
 nations  by  the  count  lies  they  occupy.  The  gener.il 
 ariangenient  of  the  t.alde  is  as  follows  : — The  whole 
 human  race  is  referred  liack  to  Noah's  three  sons, 
 Sliem,  Ham,  and  Japheth.  The  Shemites  are  de- 
 scribed last,  apjiarently  that  the  continuity  of  the 
 nariative  may  not  be  further  disturbeii ;  and  the 
 Hamites  stand  next  to  the  Shemites,  in  onler  to 
 show  that  these  were  more  closely  related  to  each 
 other  tliiui  to  the  Ja]ihetites.  The  identification  of 
 the  Biblical  with  the  historical  or  classical  names  of 
 nations,  is  by  no  means  an  easy  t.ask,  jarticularly 
 where  the  names  are  not  subsequently  noticed  in  the 
 Bible.  Equal  doubt  arises  where  names  admit  of 
 being  treated  .as  appellatives,  and  so  of  being  trans- 
 ferred  fiom   one  district  to  another.      1.  The  .la- 
 
 Baalbec,  Palmyra,  or  Damascus,  or  even  among  the 
 stone  cities  of  the  Hauran.— 71/m6  of  Helena  if 
 Adiahcne. — There  was  one  other  very  famous  tomb 
 at  Jerusalem,  which  cannot  be  passed  over  in  silence, 
 though  not  one  vestige  of  it  exists.  We  are  told 
 that  "  she  with  her  brother  were  buried  in  the  py- 
 lainids  which  she  had  ordered  to  be  constructed  at 
 a  dist;ince  of  three  stadia  from  Jerusjilem  "  (.loseph. 
 Ant.  XX.  4,  §.')).  This  is  confirmed  by  Pausanias 
 (viii.  16).  It  was  situated  outside  the  third  wall, 
 near  a  gate  between  the  Tower  Psephinus  and  the 
 Pioyat  Caverns  (B.  J.  v.  22,  and  v.  4,  §2).  'I'liey 
 remained  sufficiently  entire  in  the  4th  century  to 
 form  a  conspicuous  object  in  the  l.andsc.ai)e.  Since 
 the  destruction  of  the  city  by  Titus,  none  of  the 
 native  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  have  been  in  a 
 position  to  indulge  in  much  sepulchral  magnificence, 
 or  jierhaps  had  any  taste  for  this  class  of  displav  ; 
 and  we  in  consequence  find  no  rock-cut  livpogea, 
 and  no  structuival  monuments  that  arrest  attention 
 in  modern  times.  The  people,  however,  still  cling 
 to  their  ancient  cemeteries  in  the  Valley  of  Jeho- 
 slia|>hat  with  a  tenacity  singul.arly  characteristic  of 
 the  Kast. 
 
 Tongues,  Confasion  of.  The  unity  of  the  human 
 race  is  most  clearly  implied,  if  not  positively  asserted, 
 in  the  Mosaic  writings.  The  general  declaration, 
 "  So  God  created  man  in  His  own  im.agc.  .  .  .  male 
 and  female  created  He  tln-m "  (Gen.  i.  27),  is 
 limited  as  to  the  mode  in  which  the  act  was  carried 
 out,  by  the  subsequent  narrative  of  the  creation  of 
 the  protojilast  Adam  (Gen.  ii.  22).  The  author 
 of  the  Book  of  Genesis  conceived  the  unity  of  the 
 human  race  to  be  of  the  most  rigid  n.ature — not 
 simply  a  generic  unity,  nor  again  simply  a  specific 
 unify,  but  a  sjH?ci(ic  b.ased  ujjimi  a  nnnieriail  unity, 
 the  species  being  nothing  else  than  the  enlargement 
 )f  the  individual.  Unity  of  language  is  a.ssumed  by 
 the  sacred  historian  aj)])arently  as  a  corollary  of  the 
 unity  of  race.  No  explanation  is  given  of  the  origin 
 of  s|)eech,  but  its  exercise  is  evidently  regarded  as 
 
 coeval  with  tlie  creation  of  man.  Sjieech  being  i  phetite  list  contains  fourteen  names,  of  which  se^-en 
 inherent  ill  m.iri  as  aiellecting  being,  WiW  regarded  I  represent  independent,  and  the  remainder  atliliatcil 
 as  handed  down  from  father  to  son  by  the  same  I  nations,  as  follows  ; — (i.)  (Joiner,  connected  ethiii- 
 proce.ss  of  iniititioii  by  which  it  is  still  jierpctuatid.  I  eilly  with  the  Ciinmcni,  Ciinhii  {?),  and  O/mcy  ; 
 The  oiiijiual  unity  ol  .speech  was  restored  in  Noalj.  |  .-uid  geogiaiihiciUy  with  t'l-imca.     AssociaUxl  with 
 
TONGUES,  CONFUSION  OF 
 
 9o7 
 
 Goiner  are  the  three  tbllowing : — (a)  Ashken;iz. 
 (6)  Riphath.  (c)  Togarmah.  (ii.)  Magog,  the 
 Scythiatis.  (iii.)  Madai,  Media,  (iv.)  Javan,  the 
 fcmiatis,  as  a  general  appellation  for  the  Hellenic 
 race,  with  whom  are  associated  the  four  following  : 
 —(a)  Elishah.  (6)  Tarshish.  (c)  Kittim.  (d)  Do- 
 danim.  (v.)  Tubal,  (vi.)  Meshech.  (vii.)  Tiras. 
 2.  The  Hamitic  list  contains  thirty  names,  of  which 
 four  I'epresent  independent,  and  the  remainder  affi- 
 liated nations,  as  follows:  —  (i.)  Cush,  in  two 
 branches,  the  western  or  African  representing  Aethi- 
 opia,  the  Kcesh  of  the  old  Egyptian,  and  the  eastern 
 or  Asiatic  being  connected  with  the  names  of  the 
 tribe  Cossaei,  the  district  Cissia,  and  the  province 
 Susiana  or  Khuzistan.  With  Cush  are  associated  : 
 —(a)  Seba.  (6)  Havilah.  (c)  Sabtah.  (d)  Raa- 
 mah,  with  whom  are  associated : — {a?)  Sheba.  {V^) 
 Dedan.  (e)  Sabtechah.  (/)  Nimiod.  (ii.)  Miz- 
 raim,  the  two  Misrs,  i.e.  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt, 
 with  whom  the  following  seven  are  connected : — 
 (a)  Ludim.  (b)  Anamira.  (e)  Naphtuhim.  (d) 
 Pathrusini.  (e;  Casluhim.  (/)  Caphtorim.  {g) 
 Phut,  (iii.)  Canaan,  the  geographic;;!  position  of 
 which  calls  for  no  remark  in  this  place.  To  Canaan 
 belong  the  following  eleven: — (aj  Sidon,  the  well- 
 known  town  of  that  name  in  Phoeniiia.  (6)  Heth, 
 or  the  Hittites  of  Biblical  history,  (c)  The  Je- 
 busite,  of  Jebics  or  Jerusalem,  (di  The  Amorite. 
 (e)  The  Girgasite.  (/)  The  Hivite.  (g)  The 
 Aikite.  (A)  The  Sinite.  (j)  The  Arvadite.  (;) 
 The  Zemarite,  (A)  The  Hamathite.  3.  TheShem- 
 itic  list  contains  twenty-five  names,  of  which  five 
 refer  to  independent,  and  the  remainder  to  affiliated 
 tribes,  ;is  follows: — (i.)  Elam.  (ii.)  Asshur.  (iii.) 
 Arphaxad,  with  whom  are  associated  : — (a)  Salah  ; 
 Salah's  son  (a*)  Eber  ;  and  Eber's  two  sons  (a'j 
 Peleg  and  (Ifl)  Joktan,  with  the  following  thirteen 
 sons  of  Joktan,  viz.: — (a*)  Almodad.  (6*)  Sheleph, 
 'c*)  Hazarmaveth.  (d*)  Jerah.  (e'')  Hadoram. 
 (/■»)  Uzal.  (g*)  Diklah.  (A^)  Obal.  (i*)  Abi- 
 inael.  {f)  Sheba.  {k*)  Ophir.  (l*)  Havilah. 
 (m*)  Jobab.  (iv.)  Lud.  (v.)  Aram,  with  whom 
 the  following  are  associated: — (a)  Uz.  (6)  Hul. 
 (c)  Gether.  {d)  Mash.  There  is  yet  one  name 
 noticed  in  the  table,  viz.  Philistim,  which  occui's 
 in  the  Hamitic  division,  but  without  any  direct 
 assertion  of  Bnmitic  descent.  The  total  number 
 of  names  noticed  in  the  bible,  including  Philistim, 
 would  thus  amount  to  70,  which  was  raised  by 
 patristic  writers  to  72.  Before  proceeding  fuither, 
 it  would  be  well  to  discuss  a  question  materially 
 aliecting  the  historiad  value  of  the  Mosaic  table, 
 viz.  the  period  to  which  it  refers.  On  this  point 
 very  various  opinions  are  entertained.  Knobel,  con- 
 ceiving it  to  represent  the  commercial  geogi'aphy  of 
 the  Phoenicians,  assigns  it  to  about  120U  B.C.,  while 
 others  allow  it  no  higher  an  antiquity  than  the 
 period  of  the  Babylonish  Captivity.  Internal  evid- 
 ence leads  us  to  refer  it  to  the  age  of  Abraham 
 on  the  following  grounds: — (1)  The  Canaanites 
 were  as  yet  in  undisputed  possession  of  Palestine. 
 (2)  The  Philistines  had  not  concluded  their  migra- 
 tion. (.3)  Tyre  is  whoUv  unnoticed.  (4)  Various 
 places  such  as  Simyra,  Sinna,  and  Area,  are  noticed, 
 which  had  fallen  into  insignificance  in  later  times. 
 (5)  Kittim,  which  in  the  age  of  Solomon  was  under 
 Phoenician  dominion,  is  assigned  to  Japheth,  and 
 the  same  ma_v  be  said  of  Tarshish,  which  in  that 
 age  undoubtedly  referred  to  the  Phoenician  empo- 
 rium of  Tartessus,  whatever  may  have  been  its 
 raiiier  significance.     The  chief  objection  to  so  early 
 
 a  date  as  we  have  ventured  to  propose,  is  the  nolico 
 of  the  Medes  under  the  name  Madai,  The  Aryan 
 nation,  which  bears  this  name  in  history,  ajipears 
 not  to  have  reached  its  final  settlement  until  about 
 900  B.C.  But  on  the  other  hand,  the  name  Media 
 may  well  have  belonged  to  the  district  before  the 
 arrival  of  the  Aryan  Medes.  The  Mosaic  table  is 
 supplemented  by  ethnological  notices  relating  to 
 the  various  divisions  of  the  Terachite  family.  Be- 
 sides the  nations  whose  origin  is  accounted  for  in 
 the  Bible,  we  find  other  early  populations  mentioned 
 in  the  course  of  the  history  without  any  notice  of 
 their  ethnology.  As  these  fragmentary  populations 
 intermingled  with  the  Canaanites,  they  probably 
 belonged  to  the  same  stock  (comp.  Num.  .xiii.  22; 
 Judg.  i.  10).  They  may  peichance  have  belonged 
 to  an  earlier  migiation  than  the  Canaanitish,  and 
 may  have  been  subdued  by  the  later  comers  ;  but 
 this  would  not  necessitate  a  ditl'erent  origin. — Hav- 
 ing thus  surveyed  the  ethnological  statements  con- 
 tained in  the  Bible,  it  remains  for  us  to  inquire  how 
 far  they  are  based  on,  or  accod  with,  physiological 
 or  linguistic  principles.  Knobel  maintains  that  the 
 threefold  division  of  the  Mosaic  table  is  founded  on 
 the  physiological  principle  of  colour,  Shem,  Ham, 
 and  Japheth  representing  lespectively  the  red,  black, 
 and  white  complexions  pievalent  in  the  ditiierent 
 legions  of  the  then  known  world.  With  regard  to 
 the  actual  prevalence  of  the  hues,  it  is  quite  con- 
 sistent with  the  physical  character  of  the  districts 
 that  the  Hamites  of  the  south  should  be  dark,  and 
 the  Japhetites  of  the  north  fair,  and  further  that 
 the  Shemites  should  hold  an  intermediate  place  in 
 colour  as  in  geographical  position.  But  we  have  no 
 evidence  that  this  distinction  was  strongly  marked. 
 The  linguistic  difficulties  connected  with  tlie  Mosaic 
 table  are  very  considerable,  and  we  cannot  pretend 
 to  unravel  the  tangled  skein  of  conflicting  opinions 
 on  the  subject.  The  primary  difficulty  arises  out 
 of  the  Biblical  nanative  itself,  and  is  consequently 
 of  old  standing — the  difficulty,  namely,  of  account- 
 ing for  the  evident  identity  of  language  spoken  by 
 tiie  Shemitic  Terachites  and  the  Hamitic  Canaanites. 
 Modern  linguistic  research  has  rather  enhanced  than 
 removed  this  difficulty.  The  alternatives  hitherto 
 offered  as  satisfactory  solutions,  namely,  that  the 
 Terachites  adopted  the  language  of  the  Canaanites, 
 or  the  Canaanites  that  of  the  Terachites,  are  both 
 inconsistent  with  the  enlarged  area  which  the  lan- 
 guage is  found  to  cover  on  each  side.  We  have  to 
 explain  how  the  Cushites  and  other  Hamitic  tribes, 
 who  did  not  come  into  contact  with  the  Terachites, 
 acquired  the  same  general  type  of  language.  And 
 on  the  other  hand,  assuming  that  what  are  called 
 Shemitic  languages  were  really  Hamitic,  we  have 
 to  explain  the  extension  of  the  Hamitic  area  over 
 Mesopotamia  and  Assyria,  which,  according  to  the 
 table  and  the  genend  opinion  of  ethnologists,  be- 
 longed wholly  to  a  non-Hamitic  population.  A 
 further  question,  moreover,  arises  out  of  this  explan- 
 ation, viz.:  What  was  the  language  of  the  Tera- 
 chites befbie  they  tissumed  tliis  Hamitic  tongue? 
 The  real  question  at  issue  concerns  the  language  not 
 of  the  whole  Hamitic  family,  but  of  the  Canaanites 
 and  Cushites,  With  regard  to  the  former,  various 
 explanations  have  been  otl'ered — such  as  Knobel's, 
 that  they  acquired  a  Shemitic  language  from  a  prior 
 population,  represented  by  the  Ketaites,  Zuzira, 
 Zamzummim,  &c. ;  or  Bunsen's,  that  they  were  a 
 Shemitic  race  who  had  long  sojourned  in  Egypt — ■ 
 neither  of  which  is  siitisfactory.     With  regard  to 
 
958     TONGUES.  CONFUSION  OF 
 
 the  lattor,  the  only  exj)l:iii:itioii  to  be  otli-reil  is  tlia. 
 a  .loktaniJ  iimnigration  supen'ened  on  tlie  original 
 Hamitic  population,  the  result  being  a  combination 
 of  Cushitic  civilization  with  a  Shemitic  language. 
 That  the  Egyptian  language  exhibits  many  stiiking 
 points  of  resemblance  to  the  Shemitic  type  is  ac- 
 knowledged on  all  sides.  It  is  also  allowed  that 
 the  resemblances  are  of  a  valuable  character,  being 
 observable  in  the  pionouns,  numerals,  in  agglutina- 
 tive forms,  in  the  treatment  of  vowels,  and  other 
 such  points.  There  is  not,  however,  an  equal  degree 
 of  agreement  among  scholars  as  to  the  deductions 
 to  be  drawn  from  these  resemblances.  Turning 
 eastward  to  the  banks  of  the  Tigris  and  Kuphrates, 
 and  the  adjacent  countries,  we  find  ample  materials 
 for  research  in  the  inscriptions  recently  discovered,  the 
 examination  of  which  has  not  yet  yielded  undisputed 
 results.  The  Mosaic  table  places  a  Shemitic  popul- 
 ation in  Assyria  and  Elam,  and  a  Cushitic  one  in 
 Babylon.  Sulficient  evidence  is  afibided  by  lan- 
 guage that  the  basis  of  the  jxipulation  in  Assyria 
 was  Shemitic ;  and  it  is  by  no  means  improbable 
 that  the  inscriptions  belonging  more  especially  to 
 the  neighbourhood  of  Susa  may  ultimately  estiblish 
 the  fact  of  a  LShemitic  population  in  Elam.  The 
 presence  of  a  Cushitic  population  in  Babylon  is  an 
 opinion  veiy  generally  held  on  linguistic  grounds ; 
 and  a  close  identity  is  said  to  exist  between  the  old 
 P>abylonian  and  the  Mahri  language,  a  Shemitic 
 tongue  of  an  ancient  type  still  living  in  a  district 
 of  JIadramant,  in  Southern  Ar.abia.  In  addition  to 
 the  Cushitic  and  Shemitic  elements  in  the  popula- 
 tion of  Babylonia  and  the  adjacent  districts,  the 
 presence  of  a  Turanian  element  has  been  inter] ed 
 from  the  linguistic  chai-acter  of  the  early  inscrip- 
 tions. With  legard  to  Arabia,  it  may  s;ifely  be 
 asserted  that  the  Masaic  table  is  confirmed  by  modern 
 research.  The  Cushitic  element  has  left  memorials 
 of  its  presence  in  the  south  in  the  vast  ruins  of 
 Mareh  and  Sana,  as  well  as  in  the  influence  it  has 
 exerciseil  on  the  Iliimjaritio  and  Mahri  languages, 
 as  compared  with  the  Hebrew.  The  Joktanid  ele- 
 ment forms  the  basis  of  the  Arabian  population, 
 the  Shemitic  character  of  whose  language  needs 
 no  proof.  It  remains  to  be  inquired  how  far  the 
 Japhetic  stock  represents  the  linguistic  character- 
 istics of  the  In<lo-European  and  Turanian  families. 
 Adopting  the  twofold  division  of  the  former,  sug- 
 gested by  the  name  itself,  into  the  eastern  and 
 western  ;  and  subdividing  the  eastern  into  the  Indian 
 and  Iranian,  and  the  western  into  the  Celtic,  Hel- 
 lenic, lllyrian,  lUilian,  Teutonic,  Slavonian,  and 
 Lithuanian  classes,  we  are  able  to  assign  Madai 
 {Media)  and  Togarmah  (Armenia)  to  the  Iranian 
 class  ;  Javan  (Ionian)  and  Elishah  (Aeolinn')  to  the 
 Hellenic;  Gomer  conjecturally  to  the  Celtic;  and 
 Dodanim,  also  conjecturally,  to  the  lllyrian.  Ac- 
 <x)rding  to  the  old  interpreters,  Ashkenaz  represents 
 the  Teutonic  class,  while,  according  to  Knobel,  the 
 Italian  would  be  represented  by  Tarsliish,  whom  he 
 identities  with  the  Etruscans ;  the  Slavonian  by 
 Magog  ;  and  the  Lithuanian  possibly  by  Tiras.  The 
 sjime  writer  also  identifias  Kiphath  with  the  Gauls, 
 as  distind  from  the  Cymry  or  (Jomer  ;  while  Kit- 
 tim  is  referred  by  him  not  improbably  to  the 
 Carians,  who  at  one  period  were  predominant  on 
 the  islands  adjacent  to  Asia  Minor.  Tiie  evidence 
 for  these  iilentifications  varies  in  strength,  but  in 
 no  instance  approaches  to  demonstration.  Whether 
 the  Turanian  fiunily  is  fairly  represented  in  the 
 Mosaic  tiible  may  be  doubted.     Those  who  .advocate 
 
 TONGUES,  GIFT  OF 
 
 the  AJongolian  oii-^in  of  the  Scythians  would  natur- 
 ally regard  Magog  :us  the  representative  of  thia 
 family.  Tubal  and  Meshech  remain  to  be  con- 
 'idered :  Knobel  identifies  these  respectively  with 
 tne  Iberians  and  the  Ligurians. 
 
 ArrKNiJix. — Tower  of  Babel. — The  histoiy 
 of  the  confusion  of  languages  was  preserved  at 
 Babylon,  as  we  learn  by  the  testimonies  of  cla.ssical 
 and  Babylonian  authorities.  The  Talmudists  s<ay 
 that  the  true  site  of  the  Tower  of  Babel  was  at 
 Borsif,  the  Greek  Borsippa,  the  Birs  JS'imnul,  seven 
 miles  and  a  half  from  Hillah,  S.W.,  and  nearly 
 eleven  miles  from  the  northern  ruins  of  Babylon. 
 The  Babylonian  name  of  this  locality  is  liarsip  or 
 Barzipa,  which  we  explain  by  Tower  of  Tongues. 
 Borsippa  (the  Tongue  Tower)  was  formerly  a  sub- 
 urb of  Babylon.  This  building,  erecte<l  by  Nebu- 
 chadnezzar, is  the  same  that  Herodotus  describes  as 
 the  Tower  of  Jupiter  Bolus.  The  temple  consistetl 
 of  a  laige  substructure,  a  stade  (OUU  Babylonian 
 feet)  in  breadth,  and  75  feet  in  height,  over  which 
 were  built  seven  other  stages  of  25  feet  each. 
 Nebuchadnezzar  gives  notice  of  this  building  in  the 
 Borsippa  inscription,  which  contains  the  following 
 allusion  to  the  Tower  of  the  Tongues: — "  We  say 
 for  the  other,  that  is,  this  edifice,  the  house  of  the 
 Seven  Lights  of  the  Earth,  the  most  ancient  monu- 
 ment of  Borsippa:  a  former  king  built  it  (they 
 leckou  42  ages),  but  he  did  not  complete  its  head. 
 Since  a  reuutte  time  people  had  abandoned  it, 
 without  order  expressing  their  words.  Since  that 
 time,  the  earthquake  and  the  thunder  had  dis- 
 persed its  sun-dried  clay ;  the  bricks  of  the  casing 
 iuul  been  split,  and  the  earth  of  the  interior  had 
 been  scatteied  in  heajis." 
 
 Tongues,  Gift  of. — I.  rXwTra,  or  yXCxTcra,  the 
 word  employed  throughout  the  N.  T.  tor  the  gift 
 now  under  consideration,  is  used — (1.)  for  the  boilily 
 organ  of  speech;  (2.)  for  a  foreign  word,  imported 
 and  half-naturalised  in  Greek;  (o.)  in  Hellenistic 
 Greek,  for  "  sj)eech  "  or  "language."  (A).  Eich- 
 horn  and  Bardili,  and  to  some  extent  Bimsen, 
 starting  tVoin  the  Hrst,  see  in  the  so-called  gift  an 
 inarticulate  utterance.  (B).  Bleek  adopt.s  the  second 
 meaning.  He  infers  from  this  that  to  speak  in 
 tongues  was  to  use  unusual,  poetic  language.  (C). 
 The  received  traditional  view,  which  starts  from 
 the  third  meaning,  and  sees  in  the  gift  of  tongues 
 a  distinctly  linguistic  power,  is  the  more  coriect  one. 
 ^11.  Tiie  chief  pas,sages  fiom  which  we  have  to  draw 
 our  conclusion  as  to  the  nature  and  purpo.se  of  the  gift 
 in  question  are — (1.)  Mark  xvi.  17;  (2.)  Acts  ii. 
 1-13,  X.  4G,  xix.  6;  (3)  1  Cor.  xii.  xiv.— 111.  The 
 promise  of  a  new  power  coming  from  the  Divine 
 ."spirit,  giving  not  only  comfort  and  insight  into  truth, 
 but  fresh  i>owei-s  of  utterance  of  some  kind,  ai)i>ejirs 
 once  and  again  in  our  Lord's  teaching.  The  disciples 
 are  to  take  no  thought  what  they  shall  s])eak,  for  the 
 Spirit  of  their  Father  shall  speak  in  thcni  ( Matt.  x. 
 19,  20;  M.irk  xiii.  11).  The  lips  of  Galilean  pea- 
 sants arc  to  speak  t'reely  and  boldly  before  kings. 
 In  Mark  xvi.  17  we  have  a  more  di'finite  term 
 employed  :  "  They  shall  speak  with  new  tongui-s." 
 Starting,  as  above,  from  (C),  it  c-iii  haiilly  be  ques- 
 tioned tiiat  the  obvious  meaning  of  the  promise  is 
 that  the  di.sciples  siiould  .speak  in  new  langM.ages 
 which  they  had  not  learnt  as  other  men  learn 
 them.— 1\'.  The  wonder  of  the  day  of  I'enteco.st  is, 
 in  its  broad  features,  familiar  enough  to  us.  What 
 view  are  we  to  take  of  a  phenomenon  so  marvellouy 
 and  exceptional  ?     What  views  have  men  actually 
 
TONGUES,  GIFT  OP 
 
 taken?  (1.)  The  prevalent  belief  of  the  Church 
 has  been,  that  in  the  Pentecostal  gift  the  disciples 
 received  a  supernatural  knowledge  of  all  such  lan- 
 guages as  they  needed  for  their  work  as  Evangelists. 
 The  knowledge  was  permanent.  Widely  diffused  as 
 this  belief  has  been,  it  must  be  remembered  that  it 
 goes  beyond  the  data  with  which  the  N.  T.  supplies 
 us.  Each  instance  of  the  gift  recorded  in  the  Acts 
 connects  it,  not  with  the  work  of  teaching,  but  with 
 that  of  praise  and  adoration  ;  not  with  the  noi-mal 
 order  of  men's  lives,  but  with  exceptional  epochs  in 
 them.  The  speech  of  St.  Peter  which  follows,  like 
 most  other  speeches  addressed  to  a  Jerusalem  audi- 
 ence, was  spoken  apparently  in  Aramaic.  When 
 St.  Paul,  who  "  spake  with  tongues  more  than 
 all,"  was  at  Lystra,  there  is  no  mention  made  of 
 his  using  the  language  of  Lycaonia.  It  is  almost 
 implied  that  he  did  not  understand  it  (Acts  xiv. 
 11).  Not  one  word  in  the  discussion  of  spiritual 
 gifts  in  1  Cor.  xii.-xiv.  implies  that  the  gift  was 
 of  this  nature,  or  given  for  this  purpose.  Nor,  it 
 may  be  added,  within  the  limits  assigned  by  the 
 providence  of  God  to  the  working  of  the  Apostolic 
 Church,  was  such  a  gift  necessary.  Aramaic, 
 Greek,  Latin,  the  three  languages  of  the  inscription 
 on  the  cross,  were  media  of  intercourse  throughout 
 the  empire.  (2.)  Some  interpreters  have  seen  their 
 way  to  another  solution  of  the  difficulty  by  chang- 
 ing the  character  of  the  miracle.  It  lay  not  in  any 
 new  power  bestowed  on  the  speakers,  but  in  the  im- 
 pression produced  on  the  hearers.  Words  which 
 the  Galilean  disciples  uttered  in  their  own  tongue 
 were  heard  by  those  who  listened  ;is  in  their  native 
 speech.  There  ai'e,  it  is  believed,  weighty  reasons 
 against  both  the  earlier  and  later  forms  of  this 
 hypothesis.  (1.)  It  is  at  variance  with  the  distinct 
 statement  of  Acts  ii.  4,  "  They  began  to  speak  with 
 other  tongues."  (2.)  It  at  once  multiplies  the 
 miracle,  and  degrades  its  character.  Not  the  120 
 disciples,  but  the  whole  multitude  of  many  thou- 
 sands, are  in  this  case  the  subjects  of  it.  (3.)  It 
 involves  an  element  of  falsehood.  The  miracle,  on 
 this  view,  was  wrought  to  make  men  believe  what 
 was  not  actually  the  fact.  (4.)  It  is  altogether  in- 
 applicable to  the  phenomena  of  1  Cor.  xiv.  (3.) 
 Critics  of  a  negative  school  have,  as  might  be  ex- 
 pected, adopted  the  easier  course  of  rejecting  the 
 narrative  either  altogether  or  in  part.^V.  What, 
 then,  are  the  facts  actually  brought  before  us? 
 What  inferences  may  be  legitimately  diawn  from 
 them?  (1.)  The  utterance  of  words  by  the  dis- 
 ciples, in  other  languages  than  their  own  Galilean 
 Aramaic,  is  distinctly  asserted.  (2.)  The  words 
 spoken  appear  to  have  been  determined,  not  by  the 
 will  of  the  speakers,  but  by  the  S[iirit  which  "  gave 
 them  utterance."  (3.)  The  word  used,  airocpOey- 
 •ytadai,  has  in  the  LXX.  a  special  association  with 
 the  oracular  speech  of  true  or  false  prophets,  and 
 a^ipeai-s  to  imply  some  peculiar,  perhaps  musical, 
 solemn  intonation  (comp.  1  Chr.  xxv.  1  ;  Ez.  xiii. 
 9).  (4.)  The  "  tongues  ■'  were  used  as  an  instru- 
 ment, not  of  teaching  but  of  praise.  (5.)  Those 
 who  spoke  them  seemed  to  others  to  be  under  the 
 influence  of  some  strong  excitement,  "  full  of  new 
 wine."  (6.)  Questions  as  to  the  mode  of  operation 
 of  a  power  above  the  common  laws  of  bodily  or 
 mental  life  lead  us  to  a  region  where  our  words 
 should  be  "  wary  and  few."  It  must  be  remem- 
 bered, then,  that  in  all  likelihood  such  words  as 
 they  then  uttered  had  been  heard  by  the  disciples 
 before.     The  diffei'ence  was,  that,  befiDre,  the  Gali- 
 
 TONGUES,  GIFT  OF 
 
 959 
 
 lean  pt-asants  had  stood  in  that  crowd,  neither 
 heeding,  noi-  understanding,  nor  remembering  what 
 they  heard,  still  less  able  to  reproduce  it ;  now  they 
 had  thn  power  of  speaking  it  clearly  and  freely. 
 The  Kvine  work  would  in  this  case  take  the  foim 
 of  a  supernatural  exaltation  of  the  memoiy,  not  of 
 imparting  a  miraculous  knowledge  of  words  never 
 heard  before.  (7.)  The  gift  of  tongues,  the  ecstatic 
 burst  of  praise,  is  definitely  asserted  to  be  a  fulfil- 
 ment of  the  piediction  of  Joel  ii.  28.  We  are  led, 
 therefore,  to  look  for  that  which  answers  to  the 
 Gift  of  Tongues  in  the  other  element  of  prophecy 
 which  is  included  in  the  0.  T.  use  of  the  word  ; 
 and  this  is  found  in  the  ecstatic  praise,  the  burst  of 
 song  (1  Sam.  x.  5-13,  xix.  20-24;  1  Chr.  xxv.  3). 
 (8.)  The  other  instances  in  the  Acts  offer  essen- 
 tially the  same  phenomena.  By  implication  in  xiv. 
 15-19,  by  express  statement  in  x.  47,  xi.  15,  17, 
 xix.  6,  it  belongs  to  special  critical  epochs.— VI. 
 The  First  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians  supplies  fuller 
 data.  The  spiritual  gifts  are  classified  and  com- 
 pared, arranged,  apparently,  according  to  their 
 worth,  placed  under  regulation.  The  facts  which 
 may  be  gathered  are  briefly  these: — (1.)  The  phe- 
 nomena of  the  gift  of  tongues  were  not  confined  to 
 one  Church  or  section  of  a  Church.  (2.)  The  com- 
 parison of  gifts,  in  both  the  lists  given  by  St.  Paul 
 (1  Cor.  xii.  8-10,  28-30),  places  that  of  tongues, 
 and  the  interpretation  of  tongues,  lowest  in  the 
 scale.  (3.)  The  main  characteristic  of  the  "  tongue  '' 
 is  that  it  is  unintelligible.  The  man  "  speaks  mys- 
 teries," prays,  blesses,  gives  thanks,  in  the  tongue 
 (1  Cor.  xiv.  15,  16),  but  no  one  undeistands  him. 
 He  can  hardly  be  said,  indeed,  to  understand  him- 
 self. (4.)  The  peculiar  nature  of  the  gift  leads  the 
 Apostle  into  what  appears,  at  first,  a  contradiction. 
 "  Tongues  are  for  a  sign,"  not  to  believers,  but  to 
 those  who  do  not  believe  ;  yet  the  effect  on  unbe- 
 lievers is  not  that  of  attracting  but  repelling.  They 
 involve  of  necessity  a  disturbance  of  the  equilibrium 
 between  the  understanding  and  the  feelings.  There- 
 fore it  is  that,  for  those  who  believe  already,  pro- 
 phecy is  the  greater  gift.  (5.)  There  remains  the 
 question  whether  these  also  were  "  tongues  "  in  the 
 sense  of  being  languages.  The  question  is  not  one 
 for  a  dogmatic  assertion,  but  it  is  believed  that  there 
 is  a  preponderance  of  evidence  leading  us  to  look  on 
 the  phenomena  of  Pentecost  as  representative.  It 
 must  have  been  from  them  that  the  word  tongue 
 derived  its  new  and  special  meaning.  The  com- 
 panion of  St.  Paul,  and  St.  Paul  himself,  were  likely 
 to  use  the  same  word  in  the  same  sense.  The 
 "divers  kinds  of  tongues"  (1  Cor.  xii.  28),  the 
 "tongues  of  men  "  (1  Cor.  xiii.  1),  point  to  differ- 
 ences of  some  kind,  and  it  is  at  least  easier  to  con- 
 ceive of  these  as  differences  of  language  than  as 
 belonging  to  utterances  all  equally  wild  and  inar- 
 ticulate. If  we  are  to  attach  any  definite  meaning 
 to  the  "tongues  of  angels"  in  1  Cor.  xiii.  1,  it 
 must  be  by  connecting  it  with  the  words  surpassing 
 human  utteiance,  which  St.  Paul  L'jard  as  in  Para- 
 dise (2  Cor.  xii.  4),  and  these  again  with  the  great 
 Hallelujah  hymns  of  which  we  read  in  the  Apoca- 
 lypse (Rev.  xix.  1-6).  (6).  Here  also,  as  in  Acts 
 ii.,  we  have  to  think  of  some  peculiar  intonation 
 as  frequently  characterising  the  exercise  of  the 
 "  tongues."  "  The  analogies  which  suggest  them- 
 selves to  St.  Paul's  mind  are  thoae  of  the  jiipe,  the 
 harp,  the  trumpet  (1  Cor.  xiv.  7,  8).  In  the  case 
 of  one  "  singing  in  the  spirit  "  (1  Cor.  xiv.  15),  but 
 not  with  the  understanding  also,  the  stiain  of  ec- 
 
960 
 
 TONGUES,  GIFT  OF 
 
 ktiitic  nieloily  n"lll^t  have  been  all  that  the  listeners 
 could  perceive.  (7.)  Connected  with  the  "  tongues," 
 there  was  the  corresponding  power  of  inter;>retation. 
 Its  function  must  liave  been  twofold.  The  inter- 
 preter had  Hist  to  catch  the  foreign  words,  Aramaic 
 or  others,  which  had  mingled  more  or  less  largely 
 with  what  was  uttered,  and  then  to  (ind  a  meaning 
 and  au  order  in  what  seemed  at  Hist  to  be  without 
 cither.  Under  the  action  of  one  with  this  insight 
 the  wild  utterances  of  the  "tongues"  might  be- 
 come a  treasure-house  of  deep  truths.— VII.  ().) 
 Traces  of  the  gift  aie  found,  as  has  been  said,  in 
 the  Kpistles  to  the  Momans,  the  Galatians,  the 
 Ephesians.  From  the  Pastoral  Kpistles,  trom  those 
 of  St.  Peter  and  St.  John,  they  are  altogether 
 absent,  and  this  is  in  itself  significant.  (2.)  It  is 
 probable,  however,  that  the  disappearance  of  the 
 "  tongues  "  was  gradual.  There  must  have  been  a 
 time  when  "tongues"  were  still  heard,  though 
 less  frequeritly,  and  with  less  stiiking  results.  For 
 the  most  part,  however,  the  part  which  they  had 
 filled  in  the  worship  of  the  Church  was  supplied  bv 
 the  "  hymns  and  spiritual  songs  "  of  the  succeed- 
 ing age,  Af\er  this,  within  the  Church  we  lose 
 nearly  all  traces  of  them.  —  VIII.  (i.)  A  wider 
 (luestion  of  deoj)  interest  pi-esents  itsell'.  Can  we 
 find  in  the  religious  l)i^tory  of  mankind  any  facts 
 analogous  to  the  manitestation  of  the  "  tongues"? 
 'J'lie  three  characteristic  i)henomena  are,  as  has  been 
 seen,  (Ij  an  ecstatic  state  of  paitial  or  entire  un- 
 consciousness; (2)  the  utterance  ofwoids  intones 
 startling  and  impressive,  but  often  convoying  no 
 distinct  meaning ;  (3)  the  use  of  languages  which 
 the  speaker  at  other  times  was  unable  to  converse 
 in.  (ii.)  The  history  of  the  0.  T.  presents  us  with 
 some  instances  in  which  tlie  gift  of  prophecy  has 
 accompaniments  of  this  nature  (I  Sam.  xix.  24). 
 (iii.)  We  cannot  exclude  the  false  prophets  and  di- 
 viners of  Isiael  from  the  range  of  our  iucjuiry.  We 
 have  distinct  records  of  strange,  mysterious  into- 
 nations. The  ventriloquist  wizards  "  peep  and 
 mutter"  (Is.  viii.  19),  The  "voice  of  one  who 
 has  a  familiar  spirit,"  comes  low  out  of  the  ground 
 (Is.  xxix.  4).  (iv.)  The  quotation  by  St.  Paul  (1 
 Cor.  xiv.  21)  from  Is.  xxviii.  11.  With  the  phe- 
 nomena of  the  "  tongues"  ])resent  to  his  mind,  he 
 saw  in  them  the  fultilment  of  the  Pro])het's  words. 
 A  remarkable  parallel  to  the  text  thus  interpreted 
 is  found  in  Hos.  ix.  7.  (v.)  The  history  of  heathen 
 oracles  presents,  it  need  hardly  be  said,  examples  of 
 the  orgiiusfic  state,  in  which  the  wisest  of  (Jreek 
 thinkers  lecognised  the  lower  ty]ie  of  insjiiration. 
 (vi.)  More  distinct  paiallols  aie  found  in  tlie  ac- 
 counts of  the  wilder,  more  excited  sects  which 
 have,  from  time  to  time,  ai)j)cared  in  the  history 
 of  Christendom,  (vii.)  The  history  of  the  Fiencli 
 prophets  at  the  commencement  of  the  18th  century 
 presents  some  fact?  of  sjjecial  interest.  What  is 
 specially  noticeable  is,  that  the  gift  of  tongues  was 
 claimed  by  them.  It  is  remarkable  that  a  strange 
 Kcvivalist  movement  was  spreading,  nearly  at  the 
 Kime  time,  through  Silesia,  the  chief  feature  of 
 which  was  that  boys  and  girls  of  tender  age  were 
 almost  the  only  subjects  ot'  it,  and  that  they  too 
 spoke  and  prayed  with  a  wonderful  power,  (viii.) 
 The  so-calle<l  L'nknown  Tongues,  wlii<:h  manili-.sted 
 themselves  liist  in  the  west  of  S<otland,  and  after- 
 wards in  the  Caledonian  Church  in  liegent  .Square, 
 present  a  more  striking  phenomenon,  and  the  data 
 for  judging  of  its  nature  are  more  copious.  Here, 
 more  than  in  most  other  cabcs,  there  were  the  coii- 
 
 TOPHEL 
 
 I  ditions  of  long,  eager  expectation,  ri\e<l  bioodinf 
 over  one  central  thought,  the  mind  strained  to  a 
 preteinatuial  tension.  Suddenly,  now  from  one, 
 now  from  another,  chiefly  from  women,  devout  but 
 illiterate,  mysterious  sounds  were  heard.  The  man 
 over  whom  they  exercised  so  strange  a  power,  has  lefi 
 on  record  his  testimony,  that  to  him  thev  seemed  to 
 embody  a  more  than  earthly  music,  leading  to  the 
 belief  that  the  "tongues"  of  the  Apostolic  age  liad 
 been  as  the  archetypal  melody  of  which  all  the 
 Church's  chants  and  hymns  were  but  fiiint,  poor 
 echoes.  To  those  who  were  without,  on  the  other 
 hand,  they  seemed  but  an  unintelligible  gibberish,  the 
 yells  and  groans  of  madmen.  The  sj)eaker  was  com- 
 monly unable  to  interpret  what  he  uttered,  (ix.)  In 
 certain  exceptional  states  of  mind  and  body  the  powers 
 of  memory  are  known  to  receive  a  wonderful  and 
 abnormal  strength.  In  the  delirium  of  fever,  in  the 
 ecstasy  of  a  trance,  men  speak  in  their  old  age  lan- 
 guages which  they  have  never  heard  or  s|)oken  since 
 their  earliest  youth.  In  all  such  cases  the  marvellous 
 power  is  the  accompaniment  of  disease.— IX.  These 
 phenomena  have  been  brought  together  in  order  that 
 we  may  see  how  far  they  resemble,  how  far  they  ditler 
 from,  those  which  we  have  seen  reason  to  believe  con- 
 stituted the  outward  signs  of  the  Gift  of  Tongues. 
 Whatever  resemblances  there  may  be,  the  points  ot 
 did'erence  are  yet  greater.  The  phenomena  which 
 have  been  described  are,  with  hardly  an  exception, 
 morbid ;  the  precursors  or  the  consequences  of 
 clearly  recognisable  disease.  The  Gift  of  Tongues 
 was  bestowed  on  men  in  full  vigour  and  activity, 
 preceded  by  no  fienzy,  followed  by  no  exhaustion. 
 The  gift  of  the  day  of  Pentecost  was  the  starting- 
 point  of  the  long  history  of  the  Church  of  Christ, 
 the  witness,  in  its  very  form,  of  a  universal  family 
 gathered  out  of  all  nations.  It  belonged,  however, 
 to  a  critiail  epoch,  not  to  the  continuous  life  of  the 
 Church.  It  implied  a  disturbance  of  the  cHpii- 
 librium  of  man's  normal  state.  But  it  was  not 
 the  instrument  lor  building  up  the  Church. 
 
 Toparchy.  A  term  applied  in  one  pussage  of 
 the  Septuagint  (1  Alacc.  xi.  28)  to  indicate  three 
 districts  to  which  elsewhere  (x,  30,  xi.  34)  the 
 name  vofi6s  is  given.  In  all  these  jxtssages  the 
 Fnglish  Version  enqiloys  the  term  "governments." 
 The  three  "  toparchies "  in  question  were  Aphe- 
 rima,  Lydda,  and  R;imath.  The  "toparchies" 
 seem  to  have  been  of  the  nature  of  mjalihs,  and  the 
 passages  in  which  the  word  roirapxi)^  occure,  all 
 harmonize  with  the  view  of  that  t'luutionary  as  the 
 (ii/ci,  whose  duty  woidd  be  to  collect  the  taxes  and 
 administer  justice  in  all  c;\ses  atlecting  the  revenue, 
 and  who,  tor  the  pur|)ose  of  enliarcing  payment, 
 would  have  the  command  of  a  small  military  force. 
 
 Topaz  (lleb.  ;)i7t/«7i :  Kx.  xxviii,  17,  xxxix.  10; 
 V.z.  xxviii.  13 ;  Job  xxviii.  19 ;  Rev.  xxi.  20). 
 The  topaz  of  the  ancient  (ireeks  and  Romans  is 
 generally  allowed  to  be  our  chrysolite,  while  their 
 chiysolite  is  our  topaz.  The  account  which  Pliny 
 {N.  II.  xxxvii.  8)  gives  of  the  iopuzos  evidently 
 leads  to  the  (inclusion  that  that  stone  is  our  chry- 
 solite ;  "  the  topazos,"  he  sjiys,  "  is  still  held  in 
 high  estimation  for  its  iirccn  tints."  Chrysolite, 
 which  is  also  known  by  the  name  of  olivine  and 
 |icriilot,  is  a  siliaite  of  magnesia  and  iron;  it  is  so 
 sort  as  to  lose  its  polish  unless  worn  with  caie. 
 
 To'phel.  A  place  mentioned  Deut.  i.  1,  which  hae 
 been  probably  iclentitied  with  Tufiiek  on  a  wady  of 
 the  sjime  name  running  north  of  Hozra  towaids  the 
 N.W.  into  the  Ghor  and  S.t;.  corner  of  the  I>eaa  Sea. 
 
TOPHETH 
 
 Topheth,  ami  mu-e  To'phet.  It.  lay  somewheie 
 c-i\st  or  soutli-e;ist  of  Jerusalem,  for  Jeremiah  went 
 out  by  the  Sun-g;ite,  or  east-gate,  to  go  to  it  (Jer. 
 xix.  2).  It  was  iu  "  the  Valley  of  the  Son  of 
 Hinnom  "  (vii.  31),  which  is  "  by  the  entry  of  the 
 east  gate  "  Txix.  2).  Thus  it  was  not  identical  with 
 Hinnom.  It  seems  also  to  have  been  part  of  the 
 king's  gardens,  and  watered  by  Siloam,  perhaps  a 
 little  to  the  south  of  the  present  Birket  el-Hamra. 
 The  name  Tophet  occurs  only  in  the  Old  Testament 
 (2  K.  xxiii.  10;  Is.  xxx.  33;  Jer,  vii.  31,  32, 
 xix.  6,  11,  12,  13,  14).  The  New  does  not  refer 
 to  it,  nor  the  Apocrypha.  Jerome  is  the  first  who 
 notices  it;  but  we  can  see  that  by  his  time  the 
 name  had  disappeared.  Hinnom  by  old  writers, 
 western  and  eastern,  is  always  placed  east  of  the 
 city,  and  corresponds  to  what  we  call  the  "  MoLith 
 of  the  Tyiopoeon."  Tophet  has  been  variously 
 translated.  Jerome  says  latitudo  ;  others  garden  ; 
 others  drum ;  others  place  of  burning  or  burying  ; 
 others  abomination.  The  most  natural  seems  that 
 stigoested  by  the  occurience  of  the  word  in  two  con- 
 secutive verses,  in  the  one  of  which  it  is  a  tabret, 
 and  in  the  other  Tophet  (Is.  xxx.  32,  33).  The 
 Hebrew  words  are  nearly  identical  ;  and  Tophet 
 was  probably  the  king's  "music-grove"  or  garden, 
 denoting  originally  nothing  evil  or  hateful.  Cer- 
 tainly theie  is  no  proof  that  it  took  its  name  from 
 the  drums  beaten  to  drown  the  cries  of  the  burning 
 victims  that  passed  through  the  fire  to  Molech. 
 Afterwards  it  was  defiled  by  idols,  and  polluted  by 
 the  sacrifices  of  Baal  and  the  fires  of  Molech.  Then 
 it  became  the  place  of  abomination,  the  very  gate 
 or  pit  of  hell.  The  pious  kings  defiled  it,  and 
 threw  down  it^  altars  and  higli  places,  pouring  into 
 it  all  the  filth  of  the  city,  till  it  became  the  "ab- 
 horrence "  of  Jerusalem. 
 
 Tor'mah  occurs  only  in  the  margin  of  Judg.  ix. 
 31.  By  a  few  commentators  it  has  been  conjec- 
 tured that  the  word  was  originally  the  same  with 
 Arum  AH  in  ver.  41. 
 
 Tortoise  (Heb.  tsab).  The  tsdb  occui-s  only  in 
 Lev.  xi.  29,  as  the  name  of  some  unclean  animal. 
 
 TRANCE 
 
 961 
 
 Bochart  with  much  reason  refers  the  Heb.  term  to 
 the  kindred  Arabic  dhab,  "  a  large  kind  of  lizard," 
 which,  from  the  description  of  it  as  given  by  Damir, 
 appears  to  be  the  Psammosaurus  Scincus  or  Monitor 
 terretitris  of  Cuvicr. 
 Con.  L).  B, 
 
 Toil.     Toi,    king   of    Hamath    (1    Chr.    xviii. 
 
 9,  10). 
 
 Tower.  Watch-towers  or  fortified  posts  iu 
 frontier  or  exposed  situations  are  mentioned  in  Scrip- 
 ture, as  the  tower  of  Edar,  &c.  (Gen.  xxxv.  21; 
 Mic.  iv.  8;  Is.  xxi.  5,  8,  11,  &c.),  the  tower  of 
 Lebanon(  2  Sam.  viii.  6).  Remains  of  such  fortific- 
 ations may  still  be  seen,  which  probably  liave  suc- 
 ceeded to  more  ancient  structures  built  in  the  same 
 places  for  like  purposes.  Besides  these  military 
 structures,  we  lead  in  Scripture  of  towers  built  in 
 vineyards  as  an  almost  necessary  appendage  to 
 them  (Is.  V.  2  ;  Matt.  xxi.  33  ;  Mark  xii.  1).  Such 
 toweis  are  still  in  use  in  Palestine  in  vineyards, 
 especially  near  Hebron,  and  are  used  as  lodges  for 
 the  keepei's  of  the  vineyards. 
 
 Town-clerk.  The  title  ascribed  in  onr  Version 
 to  the  magistrate  at  Ephesus  who  appeased  the  mob 
 in  the  theatre  at  the  time  of  the  tumult  excited  by 
 Demetrius  and  his  fellow-craftsmen  (Acts  xix.  35). 
 The  original  service  of  this  class  of  men,  was  to 
 record  the  laws  and  decrees  of  the  state,  and  to  read 
 them  in  public.  "  On  the  subjugation  of  Asia  by 
 the  Romans,"  says  Baumstark,  "  ypafji.fj.aTfls  were 
 appointed  there  in  the  character  of  governors  of 
 single  cities  and  districts,  who  even  placed  their 
 names  on  tlie  coins  of  their  cities,  caused  the  year  to 
 be  named  from  them,  and  sometimes  were  allowed 
 to  assume  the  dignity,  or  at  least  the  name,  of  'Ap- 
 Xiepevs" 
 
 Trachoni'tis.  This  place  is  mentioned  only  once 
 in  the  Bible  (Luke  iii.  1).  Trachonitis  is,  in  all 
 probability  the  Greek  equivalent  for  the  Aiamaic 
 Argob.  From  Josephus  we  gather  that  it  lay  south 
 of  Damascus,  and  east  of  Gaulanitis,  and  that  it 
 bordered  on  Auranitisand  Batanaea.  From  Ptolemy 
 we  learn  that  it  bordered  on  Batanaea,  near  the 
 town  of  Saccaea.  In  the  Jerusalem  Gemani  it  ih 
 made  to  extend  as  far  south  as  Bostra.  From  these 
 data  we  have  no  difficulty  in  fixing  the  position  of 
 Trachonitis.  It  included  the  whole  ol'  the  modern 
 province  called  el-Lejah,  with  a  section  of  the  plain 
 southward,  and  also  a  part  of  the  western  declivities 
 of  Jebel  Hauran.  This  may  explain  Strabo's  two 
 Trachons.  The  Lejah  is  bounded  on  the  east  by 
 the  mountains  of  liatanaea  (now  Jebel  Hauran), 
 on  whose  slopes  are  the  ruins  of  Saccaea  and  Kenath ; 
 on  the  south  by  Auranitis  (now  Hauran),  in  which 
 are  the  extensive  ruins  of  Bostra ;  on  the  west  by 
 Gaulanitis  (now  Jaulan)  ;  and  on  the  north  by 
 Ituraea  (now  Jedilr)  and  Damascus. 
 
 Trance.  (1.)  In  the  only  passage  (Num.  xxiv. 
 4,  16)  in  which  this  word  occurs  in  the  English  of 
 theO.  T.  there  is,  as  the  italics  show,  no  correspond- 
 ing word  in  Hebrew.  In  the  N.  T.  we  meet  with  the 
 word  three  times  (Acts  x.  10,  xi.  5,  xxii.  17),  the 
 Vulgate  giving  "excessus"  in  the  two  former, 
 "stupor  mentis"  in  the  latter.  The  meaning  of 
 the  Greek  and  Latin  words  is  obvious  enough.  The 
 eKffraffis  is  the  state  in  which  a  man  has  passed 
 out  of  the  usual  order  of  his  life,  beyond  the  usual 
 limits  of  consciousness  and  volition.  "Excessus," 
 in  like  manner,  became,  in  ecclesiastical  writers,  a 
 synonyme  for  the  condition  of  seeming  death  to  the 
 outer  world,  which  we  speak  of  as  a  trance.  The 
 history  of  the  English  word  presents  an  interesting 
 parallel,  (2.)  Used  as  the  word  is  by  Luke,  "  the 
 physician,"  and,  in  this  special  sense,  by  him  only, 
 in  the  N.  T.,  it  would  be  interesting  to  inquire 
 what  precise  meaning  it  had  in  the  medical  termin- 
 ology of  the  time.     From  the  time  of  Hippocrates, 
 
 3  Q 
 
962 
 
 TRESPASS-OFFERING 
 
 who  uses  it  to  (inscribe  the  loss  of  conscious  porce])- 
 tion,  it  had  piobably  borne  the  connotation  which 
 it  has  hail,  with  shades  ot'meanintj  for  good  or  evil, 
 ever  since.  (3.)  We  may  compare  with  these  state- 
 ments the  more  precise  definitions  of  modern  me- 
 dical science.  There  the  ecstatic  state  appears  as 
 one  form  of  catalepsy.  In  catalepsy  pm  e  and  simple, 
 ♦.here  is  ''a  sudden  susjiension  of  thought,  of  sensi- 
 oility,  of  voluntary  motion."  In  the  ecstatic  form 
 of  catalepsy,  on  the  other  hand,  "  the  patient  is  lost 
 to  all  external  impressions,  but  wrapt  and  absorbed 
 in  some  object  of  the  imagination."  Theio  is,  for 
 the  most  part,  a  high  degree  of  mental  excitement. 
 The  patient  utters  the  most  enthusiastic  and  fei  vid 
 expressions  or  the  most  earnest  warnings.  The  <  ha- 
 racter  of  the  whole  frame  is  that  of  intense  contem- 
 plative excitement.  The  causes  of  this  state  are  to 
 be  traced  commonly  to  strong  religious  impressions. 
 (4.)  Whatever  explanation  may  be  given  of  it,  it  is 
 true  of  many,  if  not  of  most,  of  those  who  have 
 left  the  stamp  of  their  own  character  on  the  reli- 
 gious history  of  mankind,  that  they  have  been  liable 
 to  pass  at  times  into  this  abnonnal  state.  The 
 union  of  inten.-e  feeling,  strong  volition,  long-con- 
 tinued thought  ^^the  conditions  of  all  wide  and 
 lasting  influence),  aided  in  many  cases  by  the  with- 
 drawal from  the  lower  life  of  the  support  which  is 
 needed  to  maintain  a  healthy  equilibiium,  appears 
 to  have  been  more  than  the  "earthen  vessel"  will 
 bear.  The  words  which  speak  of  "  an  ecstasy  of 
 adoration"  are  often  literally  true.  (5.)  We  are 
 now  able  to  take  a  true  estimate  of  the  trances  of 
 Ribliral  history.  As  in  other  things,  so  also  here, 
 the  phenomena  are  common  to  higher  and  lower, 
 to  true  and  false  systems.  We  tuay  not  point  to 
 trances  and  ecstasies  as  proofs  of  a  true  Revelation, 
 but  still  less  may  we  think  of  them  as  at  all  incon- 
 sistent with  it.  Thus,  though  we  have  not  the 
 word,  we  have  the  thing  in  the  "  deep  sleep," 
 the  "  horror  of  great  darkness,"  that  fell  on  Abia- 
 ham  (Cen.  xv.  12).  Balaam,  as  if  overcome  by 
 the  constraining  power  of  a  Spirit  mightier  than  his 
 own,  "sees  the  vision  of  God,  falling,  but  with 
 opened  eyes  "  (Num.  xxiv.  4).  Saul,  in  like  manner, 
 when  the  wild  chant  of  the  prophets  stirred  the  old 
 depths  of  feeling,  himself  also  "  prophesied  "  and 
 '•fell  down"  (inost,  if  r.ot  all,  of  his  kinglv  cloth- 
 ing being  thrown  o(l'  in  the  ecstasy  of  the  moment) 
 "all  thatday  and  all  thatnight"  (1  Sam.  .xix.  24). 
 Something  there  was  in  Jeremiah  that  made  men 
 say  of  hiin  that  he  was  as  one  that  "  is  mad  and 
 makoth  him.self  a  prophet"  (Jcr.  xxix.  26).  In 
 Kzekiel  the  phenomena  appear  in  moie  wonderful 
 .nnd  awful  forms  [Ez.  iii.  15).  (6.)  As  other 
 elements  and  forms  of  the  prophetic  work  were  re- 
 vived in  '•  the  Apostles  and  Pi'ophets"  of  the  N.T., 
 so  also  was  this.  Though  dirtbient  in  form,  it 
 belongs  to  the  same  class  of  phenomena  as  the  UlFT 
 OF  TongUKS,  and  is  connected  with  "  visions  and 
 revelations  of  the  Lord."  In  some  cvse.s,  indeed, 
 it  is  the  chosen  channel  for  such  revelations  (.Acts 
 2.,  xi.,  xxii.  17-21 ).  Wisely  for  the  most  junt  did 
 the  Apostle  draw  a  veil  over  these  more  myste- 
 rious experiences  (2  Cor.  xii.  1-4). 
 Trespass-ofFering.  [Sin-offkiuno.] 
 Trial,  liitoim.ition  on  the  subject  of  trials  under 
 the  .Jewisli  law  will  be  found  in  the  articles  on 
 .IiiDQKS  and  Saniikdkim,  nnd  also  in  Jksus 
 Cjimsr.  A  few  remarks,  however,  may  here  be 
 mlded  on  judicial  proceedings  mentioned  in  Scrip- 
 ture,  c.six-oi.illy   fuch   as    weie    conducted    before 
 
 TRIBUTE 
 
 foreignei-s.  (1.)  The  trial  of  tmr  lord  before  Pilate 
 was,  in  a  legal  sense,  a  tiial  for  the  offence  laesne 
 majcstatis ;  one  which  would  be  punishable  with 
 death  (Luke  xxiii.  2,  38  ;  John  xix.  12,  15).  (2,) 
 The  trials  of  the  Apostles,  of  St.  Stephen,  and  of 
 St.  Paul  before  the  high-pi  ie.st,  were  conducted 
 acco\ding  to  Jewish  rules  (.Acts  iv.,  v.  27,  vi.  12, 
 xxii.  .30,  xxiii.  I).  (3.)  Thetiial,  if  it  may  be  so 
 Ciilled,  of  .'^t.  Paid  and  Silas  at  I'hilippi,  was  held 
 before  the  duumviri,  or,  as  they  aie  called  arpa- 
 Triyol,  praetors,  on  the  (rharge  of  innovation  in 
 religion  — a  crime  puni.shable  with  banishment  or 
 death  (Acts  xvi.  19,  22).  (4.)  The  interrupted 
 trial  of  St.  I'aul  befoie  the  pro-consul  Galiio, 
 was  an  attempt  made  by  the  Jews  to  esUiblish 
 a  charge  of  the  same  kind  (Acts  xviii.  12-17). 
 (5.)  The  tiials  of  St.  Paul  at  Caesarea  (Acts  xxiv., 
 XXV.,  xxvi.)  were  conducted  according  to  Roman 
 rules  of  judicature.  («.)  In  the  Hist  of  these, 
 befoie  Keiix,  we  obseive  the  employment,  by  the 
 plaintiffs,  of  a  llouian  advocate  to  plead  in  Latin. 
 (6.)  The  postponement  of  the  trial  after  St.  Paul's 
 reply,  (c.)  The  free  custody  in  which  the  ac«:used 
 was  kept,  pending  the  decision  of  the  judge  (.Acts 
 xxiv.  23-26!.  The  second  f'oimal  trial  (Actsxxv. 
 7,  8)  presents  two  new  features;  (a.)  theappesil,  ap- 
 pcllatio  or  provocatio,  to  Caesar,  by  St.  Paul  as  a 
 Roman  citizen.  The  eflect  of  the  appeal  was  to 
 remove  the  case  at  once  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
 emperor.  (6.)  The  confeience  of  the  procurator 
 with  "the  comicil  "  (Acts  xxv.  12),  the  asse.ssors, 
 who  sat  on  the  bench  with  the  praetor  as  consiliarii. 
 But  the  expiession  may  denote  the  deputies  from 
 the  Sanhedrim.  (6.)  We  have,  lastly,  the  mention 
 (Acts  xix.  38)  of  a  judicial  assembly  which  held  its 
 session  at  Ephesus. 
 
 Tribute  'Matt.  xvii.  24,  25).  (1.)  The  chief 
 Biblical  tacts  connected  with  the  payment  of  tribute 
 have  been  alrea<ly  given  under  Taxks.  A  few 
 remain  to  be  added  in  connexion  with  the  word 
 which  in  the  above  p;issage  is  thus  rendered,  inac- 
 curately enough,  in  the  A.  V.  The  iiayment  of 
 the  half-shekel  (  =  half  s<a<c/-  =  two  drachmae)  was, 
 though  resting  on  an  ancient  precedent  (Kx.  xxx. 
 13),  yet,  in  its  character  as  a  fixed  ar.nuiil  r.ate,  of 
 late  origin.  It  was  proclaimeil  according  to  Rab- 
 binic rules,  on  the  first  of  Adar,  began  to  be  col- 
 lected on  the  15th,  and  was  due,  at  latest,  on  the 
 fir.st  of  Nis.in.  It  was  ajiplied  to  defiay  the  general 
 expenses  of  the  Temple.  After  the  destruction  of 
 the  Temple  it  was  sequestrated  by  Vespasian  and 
 his  successors,  and  transferred  to  the  Temple  of  the 
 Capitoline  .lupitei-.  (2.)  The  explanation  thus  given 
 of  the  "tribute"  of  Matt.  xvii.  24,  is  beyond  all 
 doubt,  the  true  one.  To  suppose  with  Chrysostoni, 
 Augustine,  Maldonatus,  and  others,  that  it  was  the 
 same  as  the  tribute  paid  to  the  Roman  emperor 
 (Matt.  xxii.  17),  is  at  variance  with  the  distinct 
 statements  of  Josephus  and  the  Mishna,  and  takes 
 away  the  whole  signitiuance  of  our  Lord's  words. 
 It  may  le  questioned,  however,  whether  the  full 
 significance  of  those  words  is  adequately  brought 
 out  in  the  popular  intcipretation  of  them.  As  ex- 
 plained by  most  commentiifors,  they  are  simply  an 
 assertion  by  our  Lord  of  His  divine  Sonship,  lui 
 implied  rebuke  of  P.ter  for  forgetting  the  truth 
 which  he  had  so  recently  conf'es.sed.  (3.)  A  fuller 
 knowledge  of  the  facts  of  the  case  may  help  us  to 
 escajie  out  of  the  trite  routine  of  commentators, 
 and  to  rise  to  the  higher  and  broader  truth  imjilied 
 in  our  Loid's  teaching.     The  Temple-rate,  ns  above 
 
TRIBUTE-MONEY 
 
 stated,  was  of  comparatively  late  origin.  The 
 (.juestioii  whether  the  cost  of  the  morning  and  even- 
 ing sacrifice  ought  to  be  defiayed  by  sucli  a  fixed 
 compulsory  payment,  or  left  to  the  free-will  olfer- 
 ings  of  the  people,  had  been  a  contested  point 
 octween  the  Pharisees  and  Sadducees,  and  the  former 
 hail  carried  the  day  after  a  long  struggle  and  debate, 
 lasting  from  the  1st  lo  the  8th  day  of  Nisan.  We 
 have  to  remember  this  when  we  come  to  the  nar- 
 rative of  St.  Matthew.  In  a  hundred  different 
 ways,  the  teaching  of  our  Lord  had  been  in  direct 
 antagonism  to  thnt  of  the  Pharisees.  Tlie  Sanhedrim, 
 by  making  the  Temple-offeiing  a  fixed  annual  tax, 
 collecting  it  as  men  collected  tribute  to  Caesar, 
 wei'e  lowering,  not  raising  the  religious  condition 
 and  character  of  the  people.  They  were  placing 
 every  Israelite  on  the  footing  of  a  "stranger,"  not 
 on  that  of  a  "  sou."  In  proportion  to  the  degree  in 
 which  any  man  could  claim  the  title  of  a  6on  of 
 God,  in  that  proportion  was  he  "  free"  fiom  this 
 forced  exaction.  (4.)  The  interpretation  which  has 
 now  been  given  leads  us  to  see,  in  these  words,  a 
 precept  as  wide  and  far-ieaching  as  the  yet  more  me- 
 inoi  able  one,  "  Render  unto  Caesar  the  thhigs  that  be 
 Caesar's,  and  unto  God  the  things  that  be  God's." 
 Tribute-money.  [Taxes;  Tkibute.] 
 Trip'olis.  The  Greek  name  of  a  city  of  great 
 comniei'cial  impoitance,  which  served  at  one  time 
 as  a  point  of  federal  union  for  Aradus,  Sidon,  and 
 Tyie.  What  its  Phoenician  name  was  is  unknown  ; 
 but  it  seems  not  impossible  that  it  was  Kadytis. 
 and  that  this  was  really  the  place  captured  bv  Neco 
 of  which  Herodotus  speaks.  It  was  at  Tripolis 
 that,  in  the  year  351  B.C.,  the  plan  was  concocted 
 for  tiie  simultaneous  revolt  of  the  Phoenician  cities 
 and  the  Persian  dej)endencies  in  Cyprus  against  the 
 Persian  king  Ochus.  The  destruction  of  Tyre  by 
 Alexander,  like  that  of  Sidon  by  Ochus,  would 
 natui-ally  tend  rather  to  increase  than  diminish  the 
 importance  of  Tripolis  as  a  commercial  port.  When 
 Demetrius  Soter,  the  son  of  Seleucus,  succeeded  in 
 wresting  Syria  from  the  young  son  of  Antiochus 
 (B.C.  161),  he  landed  there  and  made  the  place  the 
 ba'^e  of  his  operations.  It  is  this  circumstance  to 
 which  allusion  is  made  in  the  only  passage  in  which 
 Tripolis  is  mentioned  iu  the  Bible  (2  Mace.  xiv.  1 ). 
 The  prosperity  of  the  city,  so  far  as  appears,  con- 
 tinued down  to  the  middle  of  the  6th  century  of  the 
 Chiistian  era.  The  possession  of  a  good  harbour  in 
 so  important  a  point  for -land-traffic,  doubtless  com- 
 bined with  the  richness  of  the  neighbouring  moun- 
 tains in  determining  the  original  choice  of  the  site, 
 which  seems  to  have  been  a  factory  for  the  pur- 
 poses of  trade  established  by  the  three  great  Phoe- 
 nician cities.  Each  of  these  held  a  poition  of  Tri- 
 uoiis  surrounded  by  a  fortified  wall,  like  the  Western 
 nations  at  the  Chinese  poi  ts.  The  ancient  Tripolis 
 was  finally  destroyed  by  the  Sultan  El  Mansour  in 
 the  year  1289  A.D.  ;  and  the  modern  Tarahhus  is 
 situated  a  couple  of  miles  distant  to  the  east,  and  is 
 no  longer  a  port.  El  M;ina,  which  is  pei  haps  on 
 the  site  of  the  ancient  Tripolis,  is  a  small  fishing 
 village. 
 
 Tro'as  The  city  fiom  which  St.  Paul  first 
 sailed,  in  consequence  of  a  divine  intimation,  to 
 carry  the  Gospel  from  Asia  to  Europe  (Acts  xvi. 
 8,  11).  It  is  mentioned  on  other  occasions  (Acts 
 ix.  5,  6  ;  2  Cor.  ii.  12,  13  ;  2  Tim.  iv.  13)  and 
 deserves  the  careful  attention  of  the  student  of  the 
 New  Testament.  The  full  name  of  the  city  was 
 Alexandria  Troas  (Liv.  xxxv.  42),  and  sometimes 
 
 TRUMPETS,  FEAST  OF        963 
 
 it  was  called  simply  Alexandria,  as  by  Pliny  and 
 Strabo,  sometimes  simply  Troas.  The  former  part 
 of  the  name  indicates  the  period  at  which  it  was 
 founded.  It  was  first  built  by  Antigonus,  under 
 the  name  of  Antigoneia  Tioas,  and  peopled  with 
 the  inhabitants  of  some  neighbouring  cities.  After- 
 wards it  was  embellished  by  Lysimachus,  and  named 
 Alexandreia  Tioas.  Its  situation  was  on  the  coast 
 of  Mysia,  opposite  the  S.E.  extremity  of  the  island 
 of  Tenedos.  Under  the  Romans  it  was  one  of  the 
 most  important  towns  of  the  province  of  Asia.  In 
 the  time  of  St.  Paul,  Alexandreia  Troas  was  a  co- 
 Ionia  with  the  Jus  Italicmn.  The  modern  name  is 
 Eski-StarnhouL  The  ruins  at  Eski-Stamboul  are 
 considerable.  The  walls,  which  may  represent  the 
 extent  of  the  city  in  the  Apostle's  time,  enclose  a 
 rectangular  space,  extending  above  a  mile  from  east 
 to  west,  and  neariy  a  mile  from  north  to  south. 
 That  which  possesses  most  interest  for  us  is  the 
 harbour,  which  is  still  distinctly  traceable  in  a  basin 
 about  400  feet  long  and  200  broad. 
 
 Trogyl'lium.  The  island  of  Samos  is  exactly 
 opposite  the  rocky  extremity  of  the  ridge  of  Mycale, 
 which  is  called  Trogyllium  in  the  N.  T.  (.'\cts  xx. 
 15)  and  by  Ptolemy  (v.  2).  It  is  interesting  to 
 observe  that  a  little  to  the  east  of  the  extreme  point 
 there  is  an  anchorage,  which  is  still  called  St.  Paul's 
 Fort. 
 
 Troop,  Band.  These  words  are  employed  to  rf» 
 present  the  Hebrew  woi'd  gedud,  which  has  invar- 
 riably  the  force  of'  an  irregular  force,  gathered  with 
 the  oliject  of  marauding  and  plunder. 
 
 Tropli'imus.  One  of  the  companions  of  St.  Paul. 
 From  Acts  xx.  4  we  leain  that  Tyciiicns,  like 
 Trophimus,  was  a  native  of  Asia,  and  that  the  two 
 were  among  those  companions  who  travelled  with 
 the  Apostle  in  the  course  of  the  third  missionary 
 journey,  and  during  part  of  the  route  which  he 
 took  in  returning  from  Macedonia  towards  Syria. 
 Both  he  and  Tychicus  accompanied  St.  Paul  fiom 
 Macedonia  as  far  as  Asia,  but  Tychicus  seems 
 to  have  remained  there,  while  Trophimus  pro- 
 ceeded with  the  Apostle  to  Jerusalem.  There  he 
 was  the  innocent  cause  of  the  tumult  in  which 
 St.  Paul  was  apprehended  (Acts  xxi.  27-29).  From 
 this  passage  we  learn  two  new  facts,  viz.  that 
 Trophimus  was  a  Gentile,  and  that  he  was  a  native 
 of  Ephesus.  a  considei able  interval  now  elapses, 
 during  which  we  have  no  trace  of  either  Tychicus 
 or  Trophimus;  but  in  the  last  letter  written  by  St. 
 Paul,  shortly  before  his  martyrdom,  from  Rome, 
 he  mentions  them  both  (2  Tim.  iv.  12,  20).  From 
 the  last  of  the  phrases  we  g;ither  simply  that  the 
 Apostle  had  no  long  time  before  been  in  the  Levant, 
 that  Trophimus  had  been  with  him,  and  that  he 
 had  been  left  in  infiim  health  at  Miletus.  Trophimus 
 was  probably  one  of  the  two  brethren  who,  with 
 Titus,  conveyed  the  2nd  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians 
 (2  Cor.  viii.  16-24). 
 
 Trumpet.     [Corxet.] 
 
 Trumpets,  Feast  of  (Num.  xxix.  1  ;  Lev.  xxiii. 
 24),  the  feast  of  the  new  moon,  which  fell  on  the 
 first  of  Tizri.  It  diHiered  from  the  ordinary  festivals 
 of  the  new  moon  in  several  important  particulars. 
 It  was  one  of  the  seven  days  of  Holy  Convocation. 
 Instead  of  the  mere  blowing  of  the  trumpets  of  the 
 Temple  at  the  time  of  the  offering  of  the  sacrifices, 
 it  was  "  a  day  of  blowing  of  trumpets."  In  addi- 
 tion to  the  daily  sacrifices  and  the  eleven  victims 
 offered  on  the  first  of  every  month,  there  were 
 offered  a  young  bullock,  a  ram,  and  seven  lambs  of 
 
 3  Q2 
 
964 
 
 TRYPHENA 
 
 the  fii"st  year,  with  tlio  accusfomeJ  meat  orteririEjs, 
 and  a  kid  for  a  sin  ofl'eriiig  (Num.  xxix.  1-G).  'I'lie 
 regular  monthly  oll'eriiig  was  thus  repeated,  with 
 the  exception  of  the  youni;  bullock.  Jt  has  been  con- 
 jectured that  l*s.  Ixxxi.,  one  of  the  songs  of  Asaph, 
 was  composed  expressly  for  the  Feast  of  Trumpets. 
 The  Psalm  is  used  in  the  service  for  the  day  by  the 
 •  modern  Jews.    Various  meanings  have  been  .assignal 
 
 to  the  Feast  of  Trumpets.  Maimonides  considered 
 that  its  purpose  was  to  awaken  the  people  from 
 their  sjiiritual  slumber  to  j)repare  for  the  solemn 
 humiliation  of  the  Day  of  Atonement,  whicii  fol- 
 lowed it  within  ten  days  (conip.  .loel  ii.  15).  Some 
 have  supposed  that  it  was  intended  to  introduce  the 
 seventh  or  Sabbatical  montii  of  the  year.  I'hilo 
 and  some  early  Christian  writers  regarded  it  as  a 
 memorial  of  the  giving  of  the  Law  on  Sinai.  But 
 there  seems  to  be  no  siifiicient  re;uson  to  call  in 
 question  the  common  opinion  of  .lews  and  Chris- 
 tians, that  it  was  the  festival  of  the  New  Year's 
 Day  of  the  civil  year,  the  first  of  Tizri,  the  month 
 which  commenced  the  Sabbatical  year  and  the  year 
 of  .lubilee. 
 
 Tryphena  and  Trypho'sa.  Two  Christian  wo- 
 men at  Rome,  enumerated  in  the  conclusion  of  St. 
 Paul's  letter  (Rom.  xvi.  12).  They  may  have 
 been  sisters,  but  it  is  more  likely  that  they  were 
 fellow-deaconesses.  We  know  ncjthing  more  of  these 
 two  sister-woikers  of  the  Apostolic  time.  It  is  an 
 interesting  fact  that  the  columbaria  of  "Caesar's 
 household "  in  the  Vi<jna  Codini,  near  Porta  S. 
 Sebasti'ino,  contain  the  name  Trvphena. 
 
 Tiy'phon.  A  usurper  of  the  Syrian  throne. 
 His  proper  name  was  Diodotus,  and  the  surname 
 Tryphon  was  given  to  him,  or,  according  to  Appian, 
 adopted  by  him,  after  his  accession  to  power.  He 
 was  a  native  of  Cariana.  In  the  time  of  Alexander 
 Balas  he  was  attached  to  the  court ;  but  towards  the 
 close  of  his  reign  he  seems  to  have  joined  in  the  con- 
 spiracy which  was  set  on  foot  to  transfer  the  crown 
 of  Syria  to  Ftol.  Philometor  (1  Mace.  xi.  13). 
 Afler  the  death  of  Alexander  Balas  he  took  ad- 
 vantage of  the  unpopularity  of  Demetrius  II.  to  put 
 forward  the  claims  of  Antiochus  VI.,  the  young  .son 
 of  Alexander  (1  Mace.  xi.  39;  K.c.  145).  After  a 
 time  he  obtained  the  support  of  Jonathan,  and  the 
 young  king  was  crowned  (n.c.  144).  Tryphon, 
 however,  soon  revealed  his  real  designs  on  the  king- 
 dom, and,  fearing  the  opposition  of  Jonathan,  he 
 gained  possession  of  his  person  by  treachery  (1  Mace. 
 xii.  39-50),  and  after  a  short  time  put  him  to 
 death  fl  Mace.  xiii.  23).  As  the  way  se<nned  now 
 clear,  he  murdere<l  Antiochus  and  seized  the  su- 
 preme power  (1  Mace.  xiii.  31,  32).  Demetrius 
 was  preparing  anexpetlition  against  him  (n.c.  141), 
 when  he  was  taken  prisoner  (1  Mace.  xiv.  1-3), 
 and  Tryplmn  letained  the  throne  till  .Antiochus  VII., 
 the  brother  of  Demetrius,  drove  him  to  Dora,  from 
 whicli  he  esciiped  to  Orthosia  (1  Mace.  xv.  10-14, 
 37-.39;  B.C.  139).  Not  long  af'terwai-ds,  being 
 hard  presse<I  by  Antiochus,  he  committed  suicide, 
 or,  according  to  other  accounts,  was  put  to  death 
 by  Antiochus.  Josephus  .-ulds  that  he  was  killal 
 at  Apanu-a,  the  place  which  he  made  his  he.ad- 
 ipiarti  IS. 
 
 Trypho'sa.  [Titri-iucNA  and  Tiiypmcsa.] 
 Tubal.  In  th"  ancient  ethnological  tables  of 
 Cenevis  and  1  Clir.,  Tubal  is  reckoned  with  Javan 
 and  .Meshech  .among  the  sons  of  Japheth  (den.  x. 
 2  ;  1  Chr.  i.  5).  The  three  are  again  .associated  in 
 li)«  euumcraticn  of  the  sources  of  the  wealth  of  Tyre 
 
 TURPENTINE-TREE 
 
 (V,/..  xxvii.  13).  Tubal  .and  Javan  (Is.  Ixvi.  19), 
 Meshech  and  Tubal  ( Kz.  xxxii.  26,  xxxviii.  2,  3, 
 xxxix.  1),  are  nations  of  the  north  (Ez.  xxxviii.  13, 
 xxxix.  2).  Josephus  identifies  the  descendants  ot 
 Tubal  with  the  Iberians,  that  is — not,  as  Jerome 
 would  understand  it,  Spaniards,  but — the  inhabit- 
 ants of  a  tract  of  country,  between  the  Caspian  and 
 Kuxine  Seas,  which  neaily  corresponded  to  the  mo- 
 dern Georgia.  This  a])proximates  to  the  view  of 
 Bochart,  who  makes  the  JIo.schi  and  Tibareni  re- 
 ])resent  Meshech  and  Tubal.  The  Moschi  and  Tiba- 
 reni, moreover,  are  constantly  associated,  imder  the 
 names  of  Muskai  and  Tupkii,  in  the  Assyrian  in- 
 scriptions. In  the  time  of  Sargon,  according  to 
 the  inscriptions,  Ambris,  the  son  of  Khuliya,  was 
 hereditary  chief  of  Tubal  (the  southern  slopes  of 
 Taurus).  In  former  times  the  Tibareni  were  pro- 
 bably more  imjiortant,  and  the  Moschi  and  Tibareni, 
 Meshech  and  Tubal,  may  have  l>een  names  by  which 
 powerful  hordes  of  Scythians  were  known  to  the 
 Hebrews.  But  in  history  we  only  hear  of  them  as 
 pushed  to  the  furthest  limits  of  their  ancient  settle- 
 ments, and  occupying  merely  a  stiip  of  co.-ist  along 
 the  Euxine.  The  exact  limits  of  the  territoiy  of 
 the  Tibareni  are  extremely  diflicult  to  determine. 
 Professor  Ruvlinson  conjectures  that  the  Tibareni 
 occupied  the  coast  between  Cape  Yasonn  (.Jaso- 
 nium)  and  the  River  Melaathius  [Melet  Innak), 
 but  if  we  follow  XenojAon,  we  must  place  Boon  as 
 their  western  boundary,  one  day's  march  from  Co- 
 tyora,  and  their  eastern  limit  must  be  sought  some 
 10  miles  east  of  the  Melet  Innak,  perhaps  not  far 
 from  the  modern  A/itar,  which  is  3^  hours  from 
 that  river.  In  the  time  of  Xenophon  the  Tilwireni 
 were  an  indejiendent  tribe.  Long  before  this  they 
 were  subject  to  a  numl)er  of  petty  chiefs,  which 
 was  a  princijial  element  of  their  weiikness,  and  ren- 
 dered their  subjugation  by  Assyria  more  easy.  The 
 Arabic  Version  of  Gen.  x.  2  gives  Chorasan  and 
 China  for  Meshech  and  Tubal ;  in  Eusebius  (see 
 Bochart)  they  aie  lllyria  and  Thessaly. 
 
 Tu'bal-Ca'in.  The  son  of  I.amech  the  Cainite 
 by  his  wilt'  Zillah  (Gen.  iv.  22;.  He  is  called  "a 
 furbisher  of  every  cutting  instrument  of  coj)]>er  and 
 iron."  The  Jewish  legend  of  later  times  associates 
 him  with  his  father's  song.  "  Lamech  was  hlin<l." 
 says  the  storv  as  told  by  Rashi,  "  and  Tubal-Cain 
 was  leading  him  ;  and  he  saw  Cain,  anil  he  appeared 
 to  him  like  a  wild  beast,  so  he  told  his  father  to 
 <lraw  his  bow,  and  he  slew  him.  And  when  he 
 knew  that  it  w.os  Cain  liis  ancestor  he  smote  his 
 hands  together  and  struck  his  son  between  them.  So 
 he  slew  him,  and  his  wives  witlxlraw  from  him,  and 
 he  conciliates  them."  In  this  story  Tulwl-Cain  is 
 the  "  young  man  "  of  the  song.  The  derivation  of  the 
 name  is  extremely  obscure.  Ilasse  identifies  Tub,al- 
 Cain  with  Vulcan.  Geseniiu-.  jiroposed  to  consider 
 it  a  hybi-id  won!,  compotmdeil  of  the  Pers.  tupal, 
 iron  slag,  or  scoria,  and  the  Arab,  kitin,  &  smith: 
 but  this  etymology  is  more  than  doubtful. 
 
 Tubie'ni.  The  "  Jews  called  Tubieni  "  (2  Mace, 
 xii.  17)  weie  diuibtless  the  same  who  are  elsewhere 
 mentioned  as  living  in  the  towns  of  Toubion,  which 
 aijjain  is  pr<ilialily  the  sime  with  the  Ton  of  the  Old 
 Testament. 
 
 Turpentine-tree  occm-s  only  once  (Kcclus.  xxiv. 
 IG).     The  Tfpi^tvBos  or  r^pnivBos  of  the  (Jieeks 
 
 I  is  the  I'usttwid  tcrcbint/ius,  terebinth-tree,  common 
 in  Palestine  and  the  F.ast,  supi>oseil  by  some  wi iters 
 to    represent  the  i'ld/i  of  the  Hebrew  Bible.     The 
 
 [  terebinth,   though   not   generally  .so  conspicuous  n 
 
TURTLE,  TURTLE-DOVE 
 
 tree  in  Palestine  as  some  of  the  oaks,  occasionally 
 grows  to  a  laige  size.  It  belongs  to  the  Nat.  Order 
 Anacitrdiaccae,  the  plants  of  which  order  generally 
 contain  resinous  secretions. 
 
 Turtle,  Turtle-dove  ( Heb.  to?-).  The  name  is 
 phoiK.tic,  evidently  derived  from  the  plaintive  cooing 
 ot  Ihj  bird.  The  turtle-dove  occurs  first  in  Scrip- 
 ture in  Gen.  xv.  9.  During  the  early  period  of 
 .Jewish  history,  there  is  no  evidence  of  any  other 
 bird  except  the  pigeon  having  been  domesticated, 
 and  u])  to  the  time  of  Solomon,  wlio  may,  with  the 
 peacock,  have  introduced  other  gallinaceous  birds 
 from  India,  it  was  probably  the  only  poultry  known 
 to  the  Israelites.  It  is  not  improbable  that  the 
 palm-dove  {Turtur  aegi/ptiaciis,  Temm.)  may  in 
 some  measure  have  supplied  the  sacrifices  in  the 
 wilderness,  for  it  is  found  in  amazing  numbers 
 wherever  the  palm-tree  occurs,  whether  wild  or 
 cultivated.  From  its  hi>bit  of  pairing  for  life,  and 
 its  fidelity  for  its  mate,  it  was  a  symbol  of  purity 
 and  an  appropriate  offering.  The  regular  migia- 
 tion  of  the  turtle-dove  and  its  return  in  spring  are 
 alluded  to  in  Jer.  viii.  7,  and  Cant.  ii.  11,  12.  It 
 is  from  its  plaintive  note  doubtless  that  David  in 
 Ps.  Ix.xiv.  19,  pouring  forth  his  lament  to  Hod, 
 compares  himself  to  a  turtle-dove.  In  Palestine, 
 besides  the  rock-dove  [Columba  lioia,  L.),  very 
 common  on  all  the  rocky  parts  of  the  coast  and  in 
 the  inland  ravines,  the  ringdove  (Columba  palnin- 
 bus,  L.)  frequents  all  the  wooded  districts  of  the 
 country.  The  stock-dove  (^Coluiuha  aenas,  L.)  is 
 as  generally,  but  more  sparingly  distributed.  An- 
 other species,  allied  either  to  this  or  to  Columba 
 livia,  has  been  observed  in  the  valley  of  the  Jordan, 
 pei'haps  Col.  leuconota,  Vig.  The  turtle-dove  {Tur- 
 tur auritus,  L.)  is  most  abundant,  and  in  the  valley 
 of  the  Jordan,  an  allied  species,  the  palm-dove,  oi- 
 Egyptian  turtle  {Turtur  aegyptiacus,  Temm.),  is 
 by  no  means  uncommon. 
 
 TYRE 
 
 965 
 
 Turtur  af(/t/ptt< 
 
 Ty'chicus.  A  companion  of  St.  Paul  on  some  of 
 his  journeys,  and  one  of  his  fellow-labourers  in  tlie 
 work  of  the  Gospel.  He  is  mentioned  in  five  se- 
 parate books  of  the  New  Testameut,  and  in  four 
 
 cases  explicitly,  in  the  fifth  very  probably,  he  is 
 connected  witli  the  distiict  of  Asia.  (1)  In  Acts 
 -NX.  4  he  is  expressly  called  (with  Trophimus) 
 'A(nau6s:  but  wliile  Trophimus  went  with  St.  Paul 
 to  Jerusalem  (Acts  xxi.  29),  Tychicus  was  left 
 behind  in  Asia,  probably  at  Miletus  (Acts  xx.  15, 
 38).  (2)  How  Tychicus  was  employed  in  the  in- 
 terval before  St.  Paul's  first  impiisonment  we  can- 
 not tell :  but  in  that  imprisonment  he  was  with 
 the  Apostle  again,  as  we  see  fiom  Col.  'w.  7,  8. 
 Together  with  Onesimns,  he  was  doubtless  the 
 bearer  both  of  this  letter  ami  the  following  as  well 
 to  Philemon.  (3)  The  language  concerning  Ty- 
 chicus in  Eph.  vi.  21,  22,  is  very  similar,  though 
 not  exactly  in  the  same  words.  (4)  The  next  refer- 
 ences are  in  the  Pastoral  Epistles,  the  first  in  chro- 
 nological order  being  Tit.  iii.  12.  Here  St.  Paul 
 (writing  possibly  from  Ephesus)  says  that  it  is  pro- 
 bable he  may  send  Tychicus  to  Crete,  about  the 
 time  when  he  himself  goes  to  Nicopolis.  (5)  In 
 2  Tim.  iv.  12  (written  at  Rome  during  the  second 
 imprisonment)  he  says,  "  I  am  herewith  sending 
 Tychicus  to  Ephesus."  Bj).  EUicott  suggests  that 
 this  mission  may  have  been  connected  with  the 
 canying  of  the  first  Epistle.  There  is  much  pro- 
 bability in  the  conjecture  that  Tychicus  was  one  ot" 
 the  two  "brethren"  (Trophimus  being  the  other) 
 who  were  associated  with  Titus  (2  Cor.  viii.  16-24^ 
 in  conducting  the  business  of  the  collection  for  the 
 poor  Christians  in  Judaea. 
 
 Tyran'nus.  The  name  of  a  man  in  whose  school 
 or  place  of  audience  Paul  taught  the  Gospel  for  two 
 years,  during  his  sojourn  at  Ephesus  (see  Acts 
 six.  9).  The  presumption  is  that  Tyrannus  himself 
 was  a  Greek,  and  a  public  teacher  of  philosophy  or 
 rhetoric.  Meyer  is  disposed  to  consider  that  Ty- 
 rannus was  a  Jewish  rabbi. 
 
 Tyre.  A  celebrated  commercial  city  of  antiquity, 
 situated  in  Phoenicia,  on  the  eastern  coast  of  the 
 Mediterranean  Sea,  in  latitude  33°  17'  N.  Its  He- 
 brew name  "Tzor"  signifies  a  rock;  which  well 
 agrees  with  the  site  of  Sur,  the  modern  town,  on 
 a  rocky  peninsula,  foimerly  an  island.  Palae- 
 TYRUS,  or  Old  Tyre.  Tlieie  is  no  doubt  that,  pre- 
 vious to  the  siege  of  the  city  by  Alexander  tht 
 Great,  Tyre  was  situated  on  an  island  ;  but,  accord- 
 ing to  the  tradition  of  the  inhabitants,  if  we  may 
 believe  Justin  (xi.  10),  there  was  a  city  on  the 
 mainland  before  there  was  a  city  on  the  island ;  and 
 the  tradition  receives  some  colour  from  the  name  of 
 Palaetyius,  or  Old  Tyre,  which  was  borne  in  Greek 
 times  by  a  city  on  the  continent,  30  stadia  to  the 
 south.  But  a  difficulty  arises  in  supposing  that 
 Palaetyrus  was  built  before  Tyre,  as  the  word  Tyre 
 evidently  means  "  a  rock,"  and  few  persons  who 
 have  visited  the  site  of  Palaetyrus  can  seriously 
 suppose  that  any  rock  on  the  surface  there  can  have 
 given  rise  to  the  name.  To  escape  this  difficulty, 
 Hengstenberg  makes  the  suggestion  that  Palaetyrus 
 meant  Tyre  that  formerly  existed  ;  and  that  the 
 name  was  introduced  after  the  destruction  of  the 
 greater  part  of  it  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  to  distinguish 
 it  from  that  part  of  Tyre  which  continued  to  be  in 
 existence.  Movers  suggests  that  the  original  inha- 
 bitants of  the  city  on  the  mainland  possessed  the 
 island  as  part  of  their  territory,  and  named  their 
 city  from  the  characteristic  features  of  the  island, 
 though  the  island  itself  was  not  then  inhabited. 
 This  explanation  is  possible  ;  but  other  explanations 
 are  equally  possible.  It  is  important,  however,  to 
 bear  in  muid  that  this  question  regarding  Palaetyru? 
 
96G 
 
 TYRE 
 
 is  merely  archaeological,  and  that  nothing  in  Biblical 
 history  is  affected  by  it.  Nebuchadnezzar  neces- 
 sarily besiege,!  the  portion  of  the  city  on  the  niain- 
 lar.d,  as  he  had  no  vessels  with  which  to  attack  the 
 island  ;  but  it  is  reasonablv  certain  that,  in  the  time 
 of  Isiiiah  and  Kzekiel,  the  heart  or  core  of  the  city 
 was  on  the  island.  Whether  built  before  or  later 
 than  Palaetyrus,  the  renowned  city  of  Tyre,  thoiifjii 
 it  laid  claims  to  a  very  high  antiquity  (Is.  xxiii.  7),  is 
 not  mentioned  either  in  the  Ilia!  or  in  the  Odyssey. 
 The  tribe  of  Canaaiiites  which  inhabited  the  small 
 tract  of  country  which  may  b<^  cjiUed  Phoenicia 
 Proper  was  known  by  the  generic  name  of  Sidoniaiis 
 (Judg.  xviii.  7  ;  Is.x.xiii.  2,  4,  12;  Josh.  xiii.  6  ; 
 Ez.  xxxii.  .30);  aiul  this  name  undoubtedly  included 
 Tyrians,  the  inhabitants  being  of  the  same  race, 
 nnd  the  two  cities  being  less  than  20  Knglish  miles 
 distant  from  each  other.  In  the  Bible,  Tyre  is 
 named  for  the  first  time  in  the  Book  of  Jo.shua  (xix. 
 29),  where  it  is  advertetl  to  as  a  fortified  city  (in 
 the  A.  V.  "the strong  city"),  in  reference  to  the 
 boundaries  of  the  tribe  of  Asher.  The  Israelites 
 dwelt  among  the  Sidonians  or  Plioenicians,  who 
 were  inhabitants  of  the  land  (Judg.  i.  .31,  32),  and 
 never  seem  to  have  had  any  war  with  that  intelli- 
 gent race.  Subsequently,  in  a  passage  of  Samviel 
 (2  Sam.  xxiv.  7;,  it  is  stated  that  the  enumerators 
 of  the  census  in  the  reign  of  David  went  in  pur- 
 suance of  their  mission  to  Tyre,  amongst  other 
 cities,  which  must  be  understood  as  implying,  not 
 that  Tyre  was  subject  to  David's  authority,  but 
 merely  that  a  census  was  thus  taken  of  the  Jews 
 resident  there.  But  the  first  passages  in  the  Hebrew 
 historical  writings,  or  in  ancient  history  generally, 
 which  afford  glimpses  of  the  actual  condition  of 
 Tyre,  are  in  the  Bonk  of  Samuel  (2  Sam.  v.  11), 
 in  connection  with  Hiram  king  of  Tyre  sending 
 cedar-wood  and  workmen  to  David,  for  building 
 him  a  palace;  and  subsequently  in  the  Book  of 
 Kings,  in  connection  with  the  building  of  Solomon's 
 temple.  One  point  at  this  period  is  particularly 
 worthy  of  attention.  Jn  contradistinction  from  all 
 the  other  most  celebrated  independent  commercial 
 cities  out  of  Phoenicia  in  the  ancient  and  modern 
 world.  Tyre  was  a  monarchy  and  not  a  republic. 
 Another  point  is  the  skill  in  the  mechanical  arts 
 which  .seems  to  have  been  already  attaineil  by  the 
 Tyrians.  It  is  evident  that  under  Solomon  there 
 w;is  a  close  alliance  between  the  Hebrews  and  the 
 Tyrians.  Hiram  supplied  Solomon  will)  cedar- 
 wood,  j)recious  metals,  and  workmen,  and  gave  him 
 .sailors  for  the  voyage  to  Ophir  and  India,  while  on 
 the  other  hand  Solomon  gave  Hiram  supplies  of 
 corn  and  oil,  ceded  to  him  sume  cities,  and  pcimitted 
 him  to  make  use  of  some  havens  on  the  b'ed  Sea 
 (1  K.  ix.  1 1-14,  20-28,  X.  22).  These  fViemlly  re- 
 lations survived  for  a  time  the  disastrous  secession 
 lit'  the  Ten  Tribes,  and  a  century  later  Aliab  married 
 a  daughter  of  Ktlibaal,  king  of  the  Sidonians  (1  K. 
 xvi.  31),  who,  accoriliiig  to  Menander.  was  daughter 
 of  Itiiobal,  king  of  Tyre.  When  mercantile  cujjidity 
 mduccd  the  Tvrians  and  the  neighbouring  Phoeni- 
 cians to  buv  Hcbri'W  captives  from  their  enemies 
 and  to  sell  them  a--  slaves  to  the  <j reeks  and  1/lom- 
 ites,  there  commenced  denunciations,  and,  at  first, 
 thrciits  of  retnliatir)ti  fjoel  iii.  4-8;  Amos  i.  9,  10). 
 But  the  likelili(K)d  of  the  denunciations  being  ful- 
 filled first  arose  from  tlie  progre.ssive  conquests  of 
 the  .Assyrian  nionarchs.  Aixordingly,  when  Shal- 
 maneser,  king  of  Assyria,  had  taken  the  <ify  of 
 bJamarin,  had  conquered  tlie  kingdom  of  Israel  and 
 
 TYRE 
 
 carried  its  inhabitants  into  captivity,  he  tumed  his 
 arms  against  the  Phoenician  cities.  At  this  time, 
 Tyre  had  reached  a  high  point  of  prosperity.  Shal- 
 raaneser  seems  to  have  taken  advantage  of  a  revolt 
 of  the  Cyprians ;  and  what  ensue<l  is  thus  related 
 by  Menander,  who  translated  the  archives  of  Tyre 
 into  the  Greek  language:  "  Klulaeus  reigned  36 
 ye;\rs  (over  Tyre).  Tliis  king,  upon  the  revolt  ot 
 the  Kittaeans  (Cyprians  i,  sailed  with  a  fleet  against 
 them,  and  reduced  them  to  submission.  On  the 
 other  hauil,  the  king  of  the  Assyrians  attacked  in 
 war  the  whole  of  Phoenicia,  but  soon  made  peace 
 with  all,  and  turned  back.  On  this  Sidoii  and  Ace 
 (i.  e.  Akko  or  .Acre)  and  Palaetyrus  revolted  from 
 the  Tyrians,  with  many  other  cities  which  delivered 
 themselves  up  to  the  kingof  As>yiia.  Accordingly 
 when  the  Tyrians  would  not  submit  to  him.  the 
 king  returned  and  fell  upon  them  again,  the  Phoe- 
 nicians having  furnished  him  with  GO  ships  and 
 800  rowers.  Ag.ainst  these  the  Tyiians  sailed  with 
 12  ships,  and,  dispersing  the  fleet  opposed  to  them, 
 they  took  live  hundred  men  pris-oners.  The  reputa- 
 tion of  all  the  citizens  in  Tyre  was  hence  increased. 
 Ujion  this  the  king  of  the  Assyrians,  moving  oil  his 
 army,  pl.aced  guards  at  their  river  and  a<|uediicts  to 
 prevent  the  Tyrians  from  drawing  water.  This  con- 
 tinued for  five  years,  and  still  the  Tyrians  held  out, 
 supplying  themselves  with  water  fiom  wells."  It 
 is  in  reference  to  this  siege  that  the  prop'.recy  against 
 Tyre  in  Isaiah,  chap,  xxiii.,  was  uttered.  After  the 
 siege  of  Tyre  by  Shahnaiieser  (which  mu^t  have 
 taken  place  not  long  after  721  B.C.),  Tyre  remained 
 a  powerful  state  with  its  own  kings  (Jer.  xxv.  22, 
 xxvii.  3;  Ez.  xxviii.  2-12),  lemarkable  for  its 
 wealth,  with  territory  on  the  mainland,  and  pro- 
 tected by  strong  fortifications  (Ez.  xxviii.  5,  xtvi. 
 4,  6,  8,  10,  12,  xxvii.  11  ;  Zech.  ix.  3).  Our  know- 
 ledge of  its  condition  thenceforward  until  the  siege 
 by  Nebuchadnezzar  depends  entirely  on  various 
 notices  of  it  by  the  Hebrew  prophets  ;  but  some  of 
 these  notices  are  singularly  full,  and  esjiecially,  the 
 twenty-seventh  chapter  of  Ezekiel  furnishe;  us,  on 
 some  points,  with  details  such  as  have  scarcely  come 
 down  to  us  i-especting  any  one  city  of  antiquity, 
 excepting  Rome  and  Athens.  One  point  especially 
 arrests  the  attention,  that  Tyre,  like  its  splendid 
 daughter  Carthage,  employed  mercenary  soldiers 
 (Ez.  xxvii.  10,  11).  Independently,  however,  of 
 this  fact  respecting  Tyrian  mercenary  soldiei-s, 
 iizekiel  gives  interesting  details  respecting  the  trade 
 of  Tyre.  It  a))pears  that  its  gold  came  from  .\iabia 
 by  tlie  Persian  (iulf  (v.  22),  juNt  as  in  the  time  of 
 Solomon  it  came  from  Arabia  by  the  lied  Sea.  On 
 the  other  hand,  the  silver,  iron,  lead,  and  tin  of 
 Tyre  came  from  a  very  dillVrent  quailer  of  the 
 world,  viz.  from  the  Soutli  of  Spain,  where  the 
 Phoeiiicians  had  estiiblished  their  settlement  of 
 Tai-shish,  or  Tartessus.  As  to  copper,  we  should 
 have  presumed  that  it  was  obtained  from  the  va- 
 luable mines  in  Cyprus ;  but  it  is  mentioned  here 
 in  conjunction  with  Javan,  Tubal,  and  Meshech, 
 which  points  to  the  districts  on  the  south  of  the 
 I'.lack  Sea,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  .Xrmenia,  in 
 the  southern  line  of  the  Caucasus,  between  the 
 Black  Sea  and  the  Cas|ii;ui.  The  country  whence 
 Tyre  was  supplied  witli  wheat  was  Palestine.  Tyre 
 likewi>e  obtained  from  Palestine,  oil,  iioiiey.  and 
 bahn,  but  not  wine  apparaitly,  notwithstamlinjj 
 the  abuud.mce  of  grap<'s  and  wfne  in  Jiid  di  (<ien. 
 xlix.  1 1 ).  The  wine  was  iinporteil  from  l»amascus, 
 and  WHS   called   wine   of  Helbon.      The  iiednwfu 
 
TYRE 
 
 Arabs  supplied  Tyre  with  lambs  ami  rams  aiul 
 goats.  Egypt  furnished  linen  for  sails,  and  the 
 dj'es  from  shell-fish  were  imported  from  the  Pelo- 
 ponnesus. Lastly,  fiom  Dedan  in  the  Persian  Gulf, 
 horns  of  ivory  and  ebony  weie  imported,  which 
 must  originally  have  been  obtained  from  India  (Ez. 
 xxvii.  KJ,  11,'  22,  12,  13,  17,  18,  21,  7,  15).  In 
 the  midst  of  great  prosperity  and  wealth,  which 
 was  the  natuial  result  of  such  an  extensive  trade 
 (Ez.  xxviii.  4),  Nebuchadnezzar,  at  the  head  of 
 an  army  of  the  Chaldees,  invaded  Judaea,  and  cap- 
 tured Jerusalem.  As  Tyre  was  so  near  to  Jeru- 
 salem, and  as  the  conquerors  were  a  fierce  and 
 formidable  race  (Hab.  i.  6),  it  would  naturally  be 
 supposed  that  this  event  would  have  excited  alarm 
 and  tenor  amongst  the  Tyrians.  Instead  of  this, 
 we  may  infer  from  Ezekiel's  statement  (xxvi.  2) 
 that  their  predominant  feeling  was  one  of  exulta- 
 tion. At  first  sight  this  appears  strange  and  almost 
 inconceivable  ;  but  it  is  rendered  intelligible  by  some 
 previous  events  in  Jewish  history.  Only  34  years 
 before  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  commenced  the 
 celebrated  Reformation  of  Josiah,  B.C.  622.  This 
 momentous  religious  revolution  (2  K.  xxii.,  xxiii.) 
 fully  explains  the  exultation  and  malevolence  of  the 
 Tyrians.  In  that  Reformation,  Josiah  h;id  heaped 
 insults  on  the  gods  who  were  the  objects  of  Tyrian 
 veneration  and  love.  Indeed,  he  seemed  to  have 
 endeavoured  to  exterminate  their  religion  (2  K. 
 xxiii.  20).  These  acts  must  have  been  regarded 
 by  the  Tyrians  as  a  series  of  sacrilegious  and  abo- 
 minable outrages  ;  and  we  can  scarcely  doubt  that 
 the  death  in  battle  of  Josiah  at  Megiddo,  and  the 
 subsequent  destruction  of  the  city  and  Temple  of 
 Jerusalem  were  hailed  by  them  with  triumphant 
 joy  as  instances  of  divine  retribution  in  human 
 aflairs.  This  joy,  however,  must  soon  have  given 
 way  to  other  feelings,  when  Nebuchadnezzar  in- 
 vaded Phoenicia,  and  laid  siege  to  Tyre.  That  siege 
 lasted  thii-teen  years,  and  it  is  still  a  disputed  point 
 whether  Tyre  was  actually  taken  by  Nebuchad- 
 nezzar on  this  occasion.  However  this  may  be,  it 
 is  probable  that,  on  some  terms  or  other,  Tyre  sub- 
 mitted to  the  Chaldees.  The  rule  of  Nebuchad- 
 nezzar over  Tyre,  though  real,  may  have  been  light, 
 and  in  the  nature  of  an  alliance.  During  the 
 Persian  domination  the  Tyrians  were  subject  in 
 name  to  the  Persian  king,  and  may  have  given 
 him  tribute.  With  the  re^t  of  Phoenicia,  they  had 
 submitted  to  the  Persians,  without  striking  a  blow. 
 But  their  connexion  with  the  Peisian  king  was  not 
 slavish.  They  fought  with  Persia  against  Greece, 
 and  furnished  vessels  of  war  in  the  expedition  of 
 Xerxes.  At  this  time  Tyre  seems  to  have  been 
 inferior  in  power  to  Sidon.  Towards  the  close  of 
 the  following  century,  B.C.  332,  Tyre  was  assailed 
 for  the  third  time  by  a  great  conqueror ;  and  if 
 some  uncei'tainty  hangs  over  the  siege  by  Nebu- 
 chadnezzar, the  results  of  the  siege  by  Alexander 
 were  clear  and  undeniable.  At  that  time  Tyie 
 was  situated  on  an  island  nearly  half  a  mile  fiom 
 the  mainland,  it  was  completely  surrounded  by 
 prodigious  walls,  the  loftiest  portion  of  which  on 
 the  side  fronting  the  mainland  reached  a  height 
 of  not  less  than  150  I'eet ;  and  notwithstanding 
 his  persevering  efforts,  he  could  not  have  succeeded 
 in  his  attempt,  if  the  harbour  of  Tyre  to  the  north 
 had  not  been  blockaded  by  the  Cyprians,  and  that 
 to  the  south  by  the  Phoenicians,  thus  atibrding  an 
 opportunity  to  Ale.xander  for  uniting  the  island  to 
 tlie  mainlau-i  by  an  enormous  artificial  inole.     The 
 
 TYRE 
 
 967 
 
 immediate  results  of  the  capture  by  Alexander  were 
 most  disastious  to  it,  as  its  brave  defenders  were 
 put  to  death  ;  and,  in  accordance  with  the  barbarous 
 policy  of  ancient  times,  30,000  of  its  inhabitants, 
 including  slaves,  free  females  and  free  children  were 
 sold  as  slaves.  It  gradually,  however,  lecovered 
 its  prosperity  through  the  immigration  of  fresh 
 settlers,  though  its  trade  is  said  to  have  suffered  by 
 the  vicinity  and  rivalry  of  Alexandiia.  Under  the 
 Macedonian  successors  of  Alexander,  it  shared  the 
 fortunes  of  the  ijeleucidae.  Under  the  Romans,  at 
 first  it  continued  to  enjoy  a  kind  of  freedom.  Sub- 
 sequently, however,  on  the  arrival  of  Augustus  in 
 the  East,  he  is  said  to  have  deprived  both  Tyre  and 
 Sidon  of  their  liberties  for  seditious  conduct.  Still 
 the  prosperity  of  Tyre  in  the  time  of  Augustus  was 
 undeniably  gieat.  Strabo  gives  an  account  of  it  at 
 that  period  (xvi.  2,  23),  and  speaks  of  the  great 
 wealth  which  it  derived  from  the  dyes  of  the  cele- 
 brated Tyrian  purple,  which,  as  is  well  known, 
 were  extracted  from  .shell-fish  found  on  the  coast, 
 belonging  to  a  species  of  the  genus  Murex.  The 
 accounts  of  Strabo  and  Pliny  have  a  peculiar  in- 
 terest in  this  respect,  that  they  tend  to  convey  an 
 idea  of  what  the  city  must  have  been,  when  visited 
 by  Christ  (Matt.  xv.  21;  Mark  vii.  24).  It  was 
 perhaps  more  populous  than  Jerusalem,  and  if  so, 
 it  was  undoubtedly  the  largest  city  which  he  is 
 known  to  have  visited.  From  the  time  of  Christ 
 to  the  beginning  of  the  5th  century,  there  is  no 
 reason  to  doubt  that,  as  far  as  was  compatible  with 
 the  irreparable  loss  of  independence.  Tyre  continued 
 in  uninterrupted  prosperity.  Jerome,  in  his  Com- 
 mentaries on  Ezekiel,  comes  to  the  passage  in  which 
 the  prophet  threatens  Tyre  with  the  approach  of 
 Nebuchadnezzar,  king  of  Babylon  (Ez.  xxvi.  7); 
 and  he  then,  amongst  other  points,  lefers  to  the 
 verse  in  which  the  prophet  predicts  ot  Tyre,  "Thou 
 shalt  be  built  no  more,"  saying  that  this  raises  a 
 question  as  to  how  a  city  can  be  said  not  to  be 
 built  any  more,  which  we  see  at  the  present  day 
 the  most  noble  and  the  most  beautiful  city  of  Phoe- 
 nicia. He  afterwards,  in  his  remarks  on  the  ord 
 verse  of  the  27th  chapter,  in  which  Tyre  is  called, 
 "  a  merchant  of  the  people  for  many  isles,"  says 
 that  this  continues  down  to  his  time,  so  that  com- 
 mercial dealings  of  almost  all  nations  are  carried  on 
 in  that  city.  Jerome's  Commentaries  on  Ezekiel 
 are  supposed  to  have  been  written  about  the  years 
 411-414  A.)).,  so  that  his  testimony  respecting  the 
 prosperity  of  Tyre  bears  date  almost  ])recisely  a 
 thou.sand  years  after  the  capture  of  Jerusalem  by 
 Nebuchadnezzar,.  B.C.  588.  As  to  the  passage  in 
 which  Ezekiel  states  that  Tyre  shall  be  built  no 
 more,  Jerome  says  the  meaning  is,  that  "  Tyre  will 
 be  no  more  the  Queen  of  Nations,  having  its  own 
 king,  as  was  the  case  under  Hiram  and  other  kings, 
 but  that  it  was  destined  to  be  always  subject,  either 
 to  the  Chaldeans,  or  to  the  Macedonians,  or  to  the 
 Ptolemies,  or  at  last  to  the  Romans."  When  Jerome 
 spoke  of  Tyre's  subjection  to  the  Romans,  which  had 
 then  lasted  more  than  four  hundred  years,  he  could 
 scarcely  have  anticipated  that  another  subjugation 
 of  the  country  was  reserved  for  it  fiom  a  new  con- 
 quering power,  coming  not  from  the  North,  but 
 from  the  South.  In  the  7th  century  A.D.  took 
 place  the  extraordinary  Arabian  revolution  under 
 Mahomet,  which  has  given  a  new  religion  to  so 
 many  millions  of  mankind.  In  the  years  633- 
 638  A.D.  nil  Syria  and  Palestine,  from  the  Dead 
 Sea  to  Antioch,  was  conquered  by  the  Khalif  Ou»ar. 
 
9G8 
 
 TYRE 
 
 But  even  tliis  conquest  did  not  cnuse  tlie  ovevthrow 
 of  Tyre.  Acconluigly,  at  tlie  time  of  the  Crusiides 
 Tyre  was  still  a  Hourisliiiig  city,  when  it  sui  leiidered 
 to  the  Christians  on  the  'J7th  of  June,  1144.  It 
 had  early  been  the  seat  of  a  Christian  bishopric. 
 In  fact,  at  this  period,  and  down  to  the  close  of  the 
 13th  century,  there  was  perhaps  no  city  in  the  known 
 world  which  had  stronjer  claims  than  Tyre  to  the 
 title  of  the  "  Eternal  City."  Tyre  had  been  the 
 parent  of  colonies,  which  atadistmt  period  had  en- 
 joyed a  long  life  and  had  died ;  and  it  had  survived 
 more  than  tifteen  hundred  years  its  greatest  colony, 
 Carthage.  It  havl  outlived  Egyptian  Thebes,  and 
 Babylon,  and  ancient  Jerusalem.  It  had  seen  Cirecian 
 cities  rise  and  fall.  Rome,  it  is  true,  was  still  in 
 existence  in  the  1. ' I th  century  ;  but,  in  comparison 
 with  Tyre,  Home  itself  was  of  recent  date.  At 
 length,  however,  the  evil  day  of  Tyre  undoubtedly 
 arrived.  It  had  been  more  than  a  century  and  a 
 half  in  the  hands  of  Christians,  when  in  March, 
 A.D.  1291,  the  Sult;in  of  Egypt  and  Damascus  in- 
 vested Acre,  then  known  to  Europe  by  the  name 
 of  Ftolemais,  and  took  it  by  sturm  after  a  siege  of 
 two  months.  The  result  w;is  told  in  the  beginning 
 of  the  uext  century  by  Mariims  Sauutus,  a  Vene- 
 tian, in  the  following  words  :  "  On  the  same  day 
 on  which  Ptolemais  was  taken,  the  Tyrians,  at 
 vespers,  leaving  the  city  emj)ty,  without  the  stroke 
 of  a  sword,  without  the  tumult  of  war,  embarked 
 on  board  their  vessels,  and  abandoned  the  city  to 
 be  occupied  freely  by  their  conquerors.  On  the 
 morrow  the  Saracens  entered,  no  one  attempting  to 
 prevent  them,  and  they  did  what  they  pleased." 
 This  was  the  turning-])oint  in  the  history  of  Tyre, 
 1879  yeai-s  after  the  eipture  of  Jerusalem  by  Nebu- 
 chadnezzar; and  Tyre  has  not  yet  recovered  from 
 the  blow.  Since  the  beginning  of  the  present  cen- 
 tury there  has  been  a  partial  revival  of  prospeiity. 
 But  it  has  been  visited  at  difl'erent  times  during  the 
 last  thiity  years  liy  biblical  scholars,  such  as  Pro- 
 fessor Robinson,  Dean  Stanley,  and  M.  Ernest  Renan, 
 who  all  concur  in  the  account  of  its  general  aspect 
 of  desolation.  Its  great  inferiority  to  Beyrout  for 
 receiving  vessels  suited  to  the  requiiements  of  mo- 
 dern navigation  will  always  prevent  Tyre  from  be- 
 coming again  the  most  important  commercial  city 
 on  the  Syrian  coast. '  The  question  of  whether  Tyre 
 was  actually  taken  by  Nebuchadnezzar  after  his 
 thirteen  years'  siege  has  been  keenly  discussed. 
 Gesenius,  Winer,  and  Hitzig  decide  it  i)i  the  ne- 
 gative, while  Hengstenberg  has  aigued  most  fully 
 on  the  other  side.  The  following  points  may  be 
 observed  respecting  the  supposed  Cxi]>ture  : — 1st. 
 The  evidence  of  Ezekiel,  a  contemjwrary,  .seems  to 
 bo  agamst  it.  The  obvious  inference  from  .xxix. 
 18  is  that,  however  great  the  exertions  of  the  army 
 may  have  been  in  digging  intrcnchments  or  in 
 casting  up  earthworks,  the  siege  was  unsuccessful. 
 This  is  conlirmed  by  the  following  ver.ses  (19,  20). 
 'indly.  Jo.sephirt,  who  had  access  to  historical  writ- 
 ings on  this  subject  which  have  not  re.ached  our 
 times,  neither  states  on  his  own  authority,  nor 
 quotes  any  one  else  as  stating,  that  Nebuchadnezzar 
 took  it.  ;5rdly.  The  cipture  of  Tyre  on  this  occa- 
 •ion  is  not  mentioned  by  any  (ireek  or  Roman 
 author  whose  writings  are  now  in  existence.  4thly. 
 In  the  time  of  Jerome  it  was  distinctly  stated  l)y 
 sojne  of  his  contemporaries  that  they  had  read, 
 nmiiMgst  other  histories  on  this  point,  histories  of 
 Greeks  and  I'hoenician.s,  and  especially  of  Nicolaus 
 Damasceuus,  iu  which  nothing  was  said  of  the  siege 
 
 ULAI 
 
 ot  Tyre  by  the  Chaldees :  and  Jerome,  in  noticing 
 this  tact,  does  not  quote  any  authority  of  any  kind 
 for  a  counter-statement.  On  this  view  of  the  ques- 
 tion there  would  seem  to  be  small  reason  for  be- 
 lieving that  the  city  was  actually  captured,  were 
 it  not  for  another  passage  of  Jerome  in  his  Com- 
 mentaries on  the  pas.-age  of  Ezekiel  already  quoted 
 (xxii.  18),  in  which  he  explains  that  the  meaning 
 of  Nebuchadnezzar's  having  received  no  wages  for 
 his  warfare  against  Tyre  is,  not  that  he  failed  to 
 take  the  city,  but  that  the  Tyrians  had  previously 
 removed  evervthing  j)recious  from  it  in  ships,  so 
 that  when  Nebuchadnezzar  entered  the  city  he 
 found  nothing  there.  But  contrary  to  the  most 
 natural  meaning  of  the  prophet  Ezekiel's  words 
 (xxix.  IS),  it  would  be  unsafe  to  rely  on  Jerome's 
 sole  authority  for  the  statement  that  Nebuchad- 
 nezzar and  his  army  eventually  captured  Tyre. 
 
 Ty'rus.  This  form  is  employed  in  the  A.V. 
 of  the  Books  of  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  Hosea  (Joel  has 
 "'fyre"),  Amos,  Zechariah,  2  Esdras,  Judith,  and 
 the  Maccabees,  as  follows:  Jer.  xxv.  22,  xxvii.  ;-$, 
 xlvii.  4;  Ezek.  xxvi.  2,  3,  4,  7,  15,  xxvii.  2,  3,  8, 
 32,  xxviii.  2,  12,  xxix.  18  ;  Hos.  ix.  13  ;  Am.  i.  9, 
 10;  Zech.  ix.  2,  3 ;  2  Esd.  i.  11;  Jud.  ii.  28; 
 1  Mace.  V.  15;  2  Mace.  iv.  18,  32,  44,  49. 
 
 u 
 
 U'cal.  According  to  the  received  text  of  Prov. 
 XXX.  I,  Ithiel  and  Ucal  must  be  regarded  .is  proper 
 name.s,  and  if  so,  they  must  be  the  names  of  disciples 
 or  sons  of  -Agur  the  son  of  Jakeh,  an  unknown  s;ige 
 among  the  Ilebrews.  But  there  is  great  obscurity 
 about  the  passage.  Most  translators  and  commen- 
 fcitors  regard  them  as  proper  names.  J.  D.  Mi- 
 chaelis  rendeis,  "  I  have  wearied  myself  for  God,  and 
 have  given  up  the  investigation."  applying  the  words 
 to  a  man  who  had  bewildered  himself  with  philo- 
 sophiciil  speculations  about  the  Deity,  and  had  been 
 compelled  to  give  up  the  search.  But  this  translation 
 cannot  be  admitted.  Ewald  considers  both  Ithiel  anil 
 Ucal  as  symboliad  names,  employed  by  the  poet  to 
 designate  two  classes  of  thinkers  to  whom  he 
 addresses  himself. 
 
 U'el.  One  of  the  family  of  Bani,  who  during  the 
 Cajitivitv  had  married  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  34). 
 
 TJ'knaz.  In  the  margin  of  1  Chr.  iv.  15  the 
 words  "  even  Kenaz "  in  the  text  are  rendered 
 "  Uknaz,"  as  a  projier  name. 
 
 Xna'i  is  mentioned  by  Daniel  (viii.  2,  10)  as  a 
 river  near  to  Susa,  where  he  saw  his  vision  of  the 
 ram  and  the  he-goat.  It  has  been  geneiiilly  identi- 
 fied with  the  Eulaeus  of  the  Greek  and  Roman 
 Geographers,  a  large  stream  in  the  immediate  ncigh- 
 bouihood  of  that  city.  The  Eulaeus  has  been  by  many 
 identilied  with  the  Cho;usj>es,  which  is  undoubteilly 
 the  modern  Kerkhah,  an  affluent  of  the  Tigris,  flow- 
 ing into  it  a  little  below  Knniuh.  By  others  it  has 
 been  recardeti  as  the  Knran,  a  large  river,  consider- 
 ably further  to  the  eastward,  which  cntei-sthe  A'Aor 
 Bamishir  near  Mohammcnih.  Soine  have  even 
 suggested  that  it  may  have  been  the  Shapiur  or 
 Sha'iii;  a  small  stream  which  rises  a  few  mile.-. 
 N.  \V.  of  Susa,  and  Hows  by  the  ruins  into  the 
 DizfiU  stream,  an  alHuent  of  the  Kuran.  The 
 various  notices  of  ancient  writei-s  appear  to  identify 
 the  up]>er  Eulaeus  with  the  upper  Kirkha/i,  and  the 
 lower  Eulaeus  with  the  lower  h'liran.  A  recent 
 survey  of  tlie  ground  has  suggested  a  satisfactoiy 
 
ULAM 
 
 explanation.  It  appears  that  tlie  Kerhhah  once 
 bit'ui-catcd  aiFaiFul.  about  20  miles  N.  \V.  of  Susa, 
 sending  out  a  branch  wliich  passed  cast  of  the  ruins, 
 absoibnig  into  it  the  Shapnr,  and  Howing  on  across 
 the  plain  in  a  S.  S.  E.  diiection  till  it  fell  into  the 
 Kuran  at  Ahwaz.  Thus  the  upper  A't-'/'Ma/j  and  the 
 lower  Kuran  were  in  old  times  united,  and  might 
 be  viewed  as  foi'ming  a  single  stream. 
 
 U'lam.  1.  A  descendant  of  Gilead  the  grandson  of 
 JIanasseh,  and  father  of  Bedan  (1  Chr.  vii.  17).— 2. 
 The  tirstboin  of  Eshek,  a  descendant  of  the  house 
 of  Saul  (1  Chr.  viii.  39,  40). 
 
 Uria.  An  Asherite,  head  of  a  family  in  his  tribe 
 (1  Chr.  vii.  39), 
 
 TJm'mah.  One  of  the  cities  of  the  allotment  of 
 Asher  (Josh.  xix.  30  only).  Dr.  Thomson  con- 
 jectures that  a  place  called  'Alma  in  the  highlands 
 on  the  coa.st,  about  five  miles  E.N.E.  oi' Has  en- 
 Nakhura,  may  be  identical  with  Ummah. 
 
 Unclean  Meats.  These  were  things  strangled, 
 or  dead  of  themselves,  or  through  beasts  or  birds  of 
 prey  ;  whatever  beast  did  not  both  part  the  hoof 
 and  chew  the  cud  ;  and  certain  other  smaller  ani- 
 mals rated  as  "  creeping  things  "  ;  ceitajn  classes  of 
 birds  mentioned  in  Lev.  xi.  and  Deut.  xiv.  twenty 
 or  twenty-one  in  all ;  whatever  in  the  waters  had 
 not  both  fins  and  scales  ;  whatever  winged  insect 
 had  not  besides  four  legs  the  two  hind-legs  for  leap- 
 ing ;  besides  things  offered  in  sacrifice  to  idols  ;  and 
 all  blood  or  whatever  contained  it  (save  perhaps 
 the  blood  of  fish,  as  would  apj)car  fi'om  that  only 
 of  beast  and  bird  being  forbidden,  Lev.  vii.  26), 
 and  therefore  flesh  cut  from  the  live  animal ;  as 
 also  all  fat,  at  any  rate  that  disposed  in  masses 
 among  the  intestines,  and  probably  wherever  dis- 
 cernible and  separable  among  the  flesh  (Lev.  iii.  14- 
 17,  vii.  23).  The  eating  of  blood  was  prohibited 
 even  to  "  the  sti  anger  that  sojonrncth  among  you  " 
 (Lev.  xvii.  10,  12,  13,  14).  'As  regards  blood,  the 
 prohibition  indeed  dates  from  the  declaration  to 
 Noah  against  '■  flesh  with  the  life  thereof,  which  is 
 the  blood  thereof,"  in  Gen.  ix.  4,  which  was  perhaps 
 regarded  by  Moses  as  still  binding  upon  all  Noah's 
 descendants.  Besides  these,  we  find  the  prohibition 
 twice  recurring  against "  seething  a  kid  in  its  mother's 
 milk."  The  general  distinction  of  clean  and  unclean 
 is  rightly  observed  by  Michaelis  to  have  its  parallel 
 amongst  all  nations,  there  being  universally  certain 
 creatures  regarded  as  clean,  i.  e.  fit  for  food,  and 
 the  rest  as  the  opposite  (conip.  Lev.  xi.  47).  With 
 the  greater  number  of  nations,  however,  this  is  only 
 a  traditional  usage  based  merely  perhaps  either  on 
 an  instinct  relating  to  health,  or  on  a  repugnance 
 which  is  to  be  legaided  as  an  ultimate  fact  in  itself, 
 and  of  which  no  farther  account  is  to  be  given. 
 The  same  personal  interest  taken  by  Jehovah  in  his 
 subjects,  which  is  expiessed  by  the  demand  for  a 
 ceremonially  pure  state  on  the  part  of  every 
 Israelite  as  in  covenant  with  Him,  regarded  also 
 this  particular  detail  of  that  purity,  viz.  diet.  It 
 remained  for  a  higher  Lawgiver  to  announce  that 
 "  there  is  nothing  from  without  a  man  that  enter- 
 ing into  him  can  defile  him"  (JIark  vii.  15).  It 
 is  noteworthy  that  the  practical  efl'ect  of  the  rule 
 laid  down  is  to  exclu-de  all  the  camivora  among 
 quadrupeds,  anil,  so  far  as  we  can  interpret  the 
 nomenclature,  the  raptores  among  birds.  This 
 suggests  the  question  whether  they  were  excluded 
 as  being  not  averse  to  human  carcases,  and  in  most 
 Eastern  countries  acting  as  the  servitors  of  the 
 battle-field  and  the  gibbet.     Even  swine  have  been 
 
 UNCLEAN  MEATS 
 
 9G9 
 
 known  so  to  feed  ;  and,  further,  by  their  constant 
 runcation  among  whatever  lies  on  the  ground,  sug- 
 gest impurity,  even  if  they  were  not  generally  foul 
 feeders.  Amongst  fish  those  which  were  al- 
 lowed contain  unquestionably  the  most  wholesome 
 varieties,  save  that  they  exclude  the  oyster.  The 
 exclusion  of  the  camel  and  the  hare  fioni  allowabk 
 meats  is  less  easy  to  account  tor,  save  that  the 
 former  never  was  in  common  use.  It  is  so  im- 
 possiljle  to  substitute  any  other  creature  for  the 
 camel  as  the  "  ship  of  the  desert,"  that  to  eat 
 him,  especially  where  so  many  other  creatures 
 give  meat  so  much  preferable,  would  be  the 
 worst  economy  possible  in  an  Eastem  com- 
 missariat— that  of  destroying  the  best,  or  rather 
 the  onh'  conveyance,  in  order  to  obtain  the  most 
 inditierent  food.  The  hare  was  long  supposed,  even 
 by  eminent  naturalists,  to  ruminate,  and  certainly 
 was  eaten  by  the  Egyptians.  The  horse  and  ass 
 would  be  generally  spai-ed  from  similar  reasons  to 
 those  which  exempted  the  camel.  Pract'cally  the  law 
 letl  among  the  allowed  meats  an  anij;Je  varietv,  and 
 no  inconvenience  was  likely  to  arise  from  a  pro- 
 hibition to  eat  camels,  horses,  and  asses.  But  as 
 Orientals  have  minds  sensitive  to  teaching  by  types, 
 there  can  be  little  doubt  that  such  ceremonial 
 distinctions  not  only  tended  to  keep  Jew  and  Gen- 
 tile apart,  but  were  a  peipetual  reminder  to  the 
 tbrmer  that  he  and  the  latter  were  not  on  one 
 level  before  God.  Hence,  when  that  ceremony  was 
 changed,  we  find  that  this  was  the  very  symbol 
 selected  to  instruct  St.  Peter  in  the  truth  that  God 
 was  not  a  "  respecter  of  persons."  It  was  no  mere 
 question  of  which  among  several  means  of  support- 
 ing life  a  man  chose  to  adopt,  when  the  persecutor 
 dictated  the  alternative  of  swine's  flesh  or  the  loss 
 of  lite  itself,  but  wliether  he  should  surrender  the 
 badge  and  type  of  that  privilege  by  which  Israel 
 stood  as  the  favoured  nation  before  God  (1  Mace.  i. 
 63,  64;  2  Mace.  vi.  18,  vii.  1).  The  same  feeling 
 led  to  the  exaggeration  of  the  Mosaic  regulations, 
 until  it  was  "  unlawful  for  a  man  that  was  a  Jew 
 to  keep  company  with  or  come  unto  one  of  another 
 nation  "  (Acts  x.  28)  ;  and  with  such  intensity  were 
 badges  of  distinction  cheiished,  that  the  wine,  bread, 
 oil,  cheese,  or  anything  cooked  by  a  heathen,  were 
 declared  unlawful  for  a  Jew  to  eat.  As  regards 
 things  offered  to  idols,  all  who  own  one  God  meet  on 
 common  ground  ;  but  the  Jew  viewed  the  precept 
 as  demanding  a  literal  objective  obedience,  and  had 
 a  holy  horror  of  even  an  unconscious  infraction  of 
 the  law :  hence,  as  he  could  never  know  what  had 
 received  idolatrous  consecration,  his  only  safety  lay 
 in  total  abstinence.  The  prohibition  to  "seethe  a 
 kid  in  his  mother's  milk  "  has  caused  considerable 
 difference  of  opinion  amongst  comment;;tors.  Mi- 
 chaelis thought  it  was  meant  merely  to  encourage 
 the  use  of  olive  oil  instead  of  the  milk  or  butter  of 
 an  animal,  which  we  commonly  use  in  cookery, 
 where  the  Orientals  use  the  former.  This  will  not 
 satisfy  any  mind  by  which  the  clue  of  symbolism 
 has  been  once  duly  seized.  Mercy  to  the  beast  is 
 one  of  the  uuder-currents  which  permeate  that  law. 
 To  soften  the  feelings  and  humanise  the  character 
 was  the  higher  and  more  general  aim.  The  milk 
 wa-s  the  destined  support  of  the  young  creature: 
 viewed  in  reference  to  it,  the  milk  was  its  "  life," 
 and  had  a  relative  sanctity  resembling  that  of  the 
 forbidden  blood.  The  Talmudists  took  an  extreme 
 view  of  the  precept,  as  forbidtling  generally  the 
 cooking  of  flesh  in  milk.     It  remains  to  mention 
 
970 
 
 UNCLEANNESS 
 
 the  sanitary  aspect  of  the  case.  Swine  are  said  to 
 be  peculiarly  liable  to  disease  in  their  own  bodies. 
 This  probably  means  that  they  are  more  easily  led 
 than  other  creatures  to  the  foul  feeiling  which 
 produces  it ;  and  where  the  average  heat  is  great, 
 liecom position  rapid,  and  malaria  easily  excited, 
 this  tendency  in  the  animal  is  more  mischievous 
 than  elsewhere.  The  prohibition  on  eating  fat 
 was  salubrious  in  a  region  where  skin  diseases  are 
 fiequent  and  virulent,  and  that  on  blood  had,  no 
 doubt,  a  similar  tendency.  Yet  the  beneficial 
 tendency  is  veiled  under  a  ceremonial  difference, 
 for  the  "  stranger  "  dwelling  by  the  Israelite 
 w.Ts  allowed  it,  although  the  latter  was  ibrbidden. 
 -As  regards  the  animals  allowed  for  food,  comi)ariiig 
 them  with  those  forbidden,  there  can  be  no  doubt 
 on  which  side  the  balance  of  wholesomeness  lies. 
 
 TJncleaimess.  The  distinctive  idea  attached  to 
 ceren)(>iii:il  uucleanness  among  the  Hebrews  was, 
 that  it  cut  a  person  oft'  for  the  time  from  social 
 privileges,  and  left  his  citizenship  among  (iod's 
 people  for  the  while  in  abeyance.  It  did  not 
 nierelv  require  by  law  a  certain  ritual  of  purific- 
 ation, in  oriler  to  enhance  the  imporfcuice  of  the 
 priesthood,  but  it  placed  him  wlio  had  contracted 
 an  uncleaniiess  in  a  position  of  disadvantage,  from 
 which  cei tain  ritualistic  acts  alone  could  fioe  him. 
 There  is  an  intense  reality  in  the  fact  of  the  Divine 
 Law  taking  hold  of  a  man  by  the  oidniary  in- 
 firmities of  flesh,  and  setting  its  st;mip,  as  it 
 were,  in  the  lowest  clay  of  which  he  is  moulded. 
 The  sacreduess  attadied  to  the  human  body  is 
 parallel  to  that  which  invested  the  Ark  of  the 
 t'ovenant  itself.  It  is  as  though  Jehovah  thereby 
 would  teach  them  that  the  "  very  liairs  of  tlieir 
 head  were  all  numbered"  before  him,  and  tliat 
 "in  his  book  were  all  their  members  written." 
 Thus  was  inculcated,  so  to  speak,  a  bodily  holiness. 
 Nor  were  the  Israelites  to  be  only  "  separated  from 
 otiier  people,"  but  they  were  to  be  *'  holy  unto 
 God"  (xx.  '24,  26),  "a  kingdom  of  priests,  and 
 a  liolv  nation."  Hence  a  number  of  such 
 ordinances  regarding  outward  purity,  which  in 
 Kgvpt  thpy  had  seen  useil  only  by  the  priests, 
 were  made  publicly  obligatory  on  the  Hebrew 
 nation.  The  importance  to  physiciil  wellbeing  of 
 the  injunctions  which  required  frequent  a'llution, 
 under  whatever  special  pietexts,  can  be  but  feebly 
 appreciated  in  our  cooler  and  damjier  climate. 
 Hence  the  obvious  utility  of  reinforcing,  by  the 
 sanction  of  religion,  observances  tending  in  the 
 main  to  that  healthy  state  which  is  the  only 
 solid  basis  of  comfort,  even  though  in  certain  points 
 of  detail  they  were  burdensonie.  Unclcanness,  as 
 referred  to  man,  may  be  arranged  in  three  degi-ees  ; 
 'J)  that  whiih  di'fili'd  merely  "until  even,"  and 
 was  lemovcd  bv  batliing  and  washing  the  clothes 
 at  the  end  of  it — such  were  all  contacts  with  dead 
 animals;  (2)  that  graver  sort  which  defiled  for 
 seven  days,  ami  was  removed  by  the  use  of  the 
 "  water  of  separation  " — such  were  all  dctilements 
 connected  with  the  human  corpse;  (:'>)  uucleanness 
 from  the  morbid,  puerperal,  or  menstrual  state, 
 lasting  as  long  as  that  morbid  state  lastinl ;  and 
 in  the  rasi-  of  lepro.sy  lasting  often  for  life.  As 
 the  human  pei-son  was  itself  the  seat  of  a  covenant- 
 token,  so  male  and  female  had  each  their  ceremonial 
 obligations  in  pifipoition  to  their  sexual  dillcrfuces. 
 Fnither  than  this  the  increase  of  the  nation  was 
 a  Rjieciai  [>nint  of  the  promise  to  Abi'aham  and 
 .lacob,    and    therefore    their    fecundity    as    parents 
 
 UNCLEANNESS 
 
 was  under  the  Divine  tutelage,  beyond  the  general 
 notion  of  a  cuise,  or  at  least  of  (jod's  disfavour, 
 as  implied  in  bairenness.  Theie  is  an  emphatic 
 reminder  of  human  weakness  in  the  fact  of  birth 
 and  death — man's  passage  alike  into  and  out  of  his 
 mortid  state — being  marked  with  a  stated  pollution. 
 Thus  the  birth  of  the  infant  brought  defilement  on 
 its  mother,  which  she,  except  so  far  as  neces.sarily 
 isolated  by  the  nature  of  the  circumstances,  propag- 
 ated around  her.  Nay,  the  conjugal  act  itself,  or 
 any  act  resembling  it  fvv.  16-18).  entailwl  un- 
 cleanness  for  a  day.  The  corpse,  on  the  other  hand, 
 bequeatheil  a  defilement  of  seven  days  to  all  who 
 handled  it,  to  the  "  tent  "  or  chamber  of  death, 
 and  to  sundry  things  within  it.  Nay,  contact  with 
 one  slain  in  the  field  of  battle,  or  with  even  a 
 human  bone  or  grave,  was  no  less  effectual  to 
 pollute,  than  that  with  a  corpse  dead  by  the  couree 
 of  nature  (Num.  x\x.  11-18).  This  shows  that  the 
 source  of  pollution  lay  in  the  mere  fact  of  death. 
 Tile  duration  of  defilement  caused  by  the  birth  of 
 a  female  infant,  being  double  that  due  to  a  male, 
 extending  respectively  to  eighty  and  forty  days  in 
 all  (Lev.  xii.  2-5),  may  perhaps  represent  the 
 woman's  heavier  share  in  the  first  sin  and  fii-st 
 curse  (fJen.  iii.  16;  1  Tim.  ii.  14).  For  a  man's 
 "  issue,'  besides  the  uncleanness  while  it  lasted,  a 
 proljation  of  seven  days,  including  a  washing  on 
 the  third  day,  is  piescribed.  Similar  was  the 
 peiiod  in  the  case  of  the  woman,  and  in  that  of 
 intercourse  with  a  woman  so  affected  (Lev.  xv.  13, 
 28,  24).  With  regard  to  uncleanness  aiising  from 
 the  lower  animals,  Lightfoot  remarks,  that  all 
 which  were  unclean  to  touch  when  dead  were 
 unclean  to  eat,  but  not  conversely;  and  that 
 all  which  were  unclean  to  eat  were  unclean 
 to  sacrifice,  but  not  convei-sely.  All  animals, 
 however,  if  dving  of  themselves,  or  eaten  with  the 
 blood,  were  unclean  to  eat.  The  carcass  also  of 
 any  animal  unclean  a.s  regards  diet,  however  dying, 
 defiled  whatever  per>on  it,  or  any  part  of  it,  touched. 
 All  these  defilements  were  "  until  even  "  only,  s.ive 
 the  eating  "  with  the  blood,"  the  offender  in  which 
 respect  was  to  "  be  cut  otf  "  (Lev.  xi.  xvii.  14). 
 It  should  further  be  added,  that  the  same  sentence 
 of  "  cutting  off,"  was  denounced  against  all  who 
 should  "  do  presumptuously "  in  respect  even  of 
 minor  defilements  ;  by  which  we  may  undei-stand 
 all  contempt  of  the  legal  provisions  regarding  them. 
 The  directions  in  Deut.  xxiii.  10-13,  relate  to 
 the  avoidance  of  impurities  in  the  case  of  a  host  en- 
 camped. Amongst  causes  of  <letil»MTient  should  be 
 noticed  the  fact  that  the  ashes  of  the  red  heifer, 
 burnt  whole,  which  were  mixed  with  water  and 
 became  the  standing  resoune  for  purifying  unclean- 
 ness in  the  second  degi'ee,  them>elves  became  a 
 source  of  defilement  to  all  who  were  clean,  even  as 
 of  purification  to  the  unclean,  .and  so  the  water 
 Somewhat  similarly  the  s<';ipe-goat,  who  bore  away 
 the  sins  of  the  ]>eople.  defiled  him  who  led  him  into 
 the  wililerness,  and  the  bringing  forth  and  burning 
 the  sacrifice  on  the  (iroat  Day  of  Atonement  had  a 
 similar  power.  This  lightest  form  of  uncleanness 
 was  expiateil  bv  bathing  the  lyvly  and  washing  the 
 clothes.  I'.esides  the  water  of  purification  made  as 
 aforesaid,  men  anil  women  in  their  "  issues,"  were, 
 after  seven  days,  rei-kone^l  fiom  the  cessation  of  the 
 disorder,  to  brmg  two  turtle-doves  or  young  pigeon.* 
 to  be  killed  by  the  priest-s.  The  purification  .nfter 
 childlted  is  well  known  from  the  N.  T.  All  these 
 kindb  of  uncle.inuess  dis<iuRlifie<l  for  holy  functions : 
 
UNDERGIRDINa 
 
 as  the  layman  so  affected  might  not  approach 
 the  congregation  and  the  sanctuary,  so  any 
 priest  who  incurred  defilement  must  abstain  from 
 holy  things  (Lev.  xxii.  2-8j.  For  the  special  case 
 of  the  leper,  see  Leprosy.  To  the  lemarks  there 
 made,  it  may  be  adJod  that  the  priests,  in  their 
 contact  with  the  leper  to  be  adjudged,  were  ex- 
 empted from  tiie  law  of  defilement ;  that  the  garb 
 and  treatment  of  the  leper  seem  to  be  that  of  one 
 dead  in  the  eye  of  the  Law  or  rather  a  perpetual 
 mourner  for  his  own  estate  of  death  with  "clothes 
 rent  and  head  bare."  As  regards  the  analogies 
 which  the  ceremonial  of  other  Oriental  nations 
 oflers,  it  may  be  mentioned  that  amongst  the  Arabs 
 the  touching  a  corpse  still  defiles.  Beyond  this, 
 M.  Cliardin  in  his  account  of  the  religion  of  the 
 Persians,  enters  into  particulars  which  show  a 
 singularly  close  correspondence  with  the  Levitical 
 code. 
 
 TJndergirding,  Acts  xxvii.  17.  [Ship.] 
 Unicorn  (Heh.  rSein,  reeym,  reym)  the  render- 
 ing by  the  A.  V.,  following  the  LXX.,  of  the 
 Hebrew  Iieein,  a  word  which  occurs  seven  times  in 
 the  0.  T.  as  the  name  of  some  large  wild  animal. 
 The  Reem  of  the  Hebrew  Bible,  however,  has  no- 
 thing at  all  to  do  with  the  oiie-horned  animal 
 mentioned  by  Ctesias  and  other  Greek  and  Roman 
 writers,  as  is  evident  from  Deut.  xxxiii.  17,  where, 
 in  the  blessing  of  Joseph,  it  is  said,  "  His  glory 
 is  like  the  firstling  of  his  bullock,  and  his  horns 
 are  like  the  horns  of  a  unicorn"  not,  as  the  text  of 
 the  A.  V.  renders  it  "  the  horns  of  imiconis." 
 'i'he  two  horns  of  the  BeSin  are  "  the  ten  thou- 
 sands of  Ephraim  and  the  thousands  of  iManasseh." 
 This  text  puts  a  one-horned  animal  entirely  out 
 of  the  question.  Bochart  contends  that  the  Hebi  ew 
 £eein  is  identical  with  the  Arabic  lihn,  which  is 
 usually  referred  to  the  Oryx  leucoryx,  the  white 
 antelope  of  North  Africa,  and  at  one  time  perhaps 
 an  inhabit;mt  of  Palestine.  Arnold  Boot  with 
 much  better  I'eason,  conjectures  that  some  species 
 of  Urus  or  wil.l-ox  is  the  Reem  of  the  Hebrew 
 Scriptures.  Robinson  and  Gesenius  have  little 
 doubt  that  the  butliilo  [Bitbalus  buffalus)  is  the 
 Reem  of  the  Bible.  Little  can  be  urged  in  favour 
 of  the  rhinoceros,  for  it  would  have  been  forbidden 
 to  be  sacrificed  by  the  Law  of  Moses,  whereas  the 
 RSein  is  mentioned  by  Isaiah  as  coming  down 
 with  bullocks  and  rams  to  the  Lord's  sacrifice. 
 Again,  the  skipping  of  the  young  Reem  (Ps.  xxix. 
 6)  is  scarcely  compatible  with  the  habits  of  a 
 rhinoceros.  With  regard  to  the  claims  of  the  Oryx 
 Iciicoryx,  it  must  be  observed  that  this  antelope, 
 like  the  rest  of  the  family,  is  harmless  unless 
 wounded  or  hard  pressed  by  the  hunter,  nor  is  it 
 remarkable  for  the  possession  of  any  extraordinarj' 
 strength.  Considei'ing  therefore  that  the  Reem  is 
 spoken  of  as  a  two-horned  animal  of  great  stiength 
 and  ferocity,  that  it  was  evidently  well  known  and 
 often  seen  by  the  Jews,  that  it  is  mentioned  as  an 
 animal  fit  for  sacrificial  purposes,  <and  that  it  is 
 frequently  associated  with  bulls  and  oxen,  we  think 
 there  can  be  no  doubt  that  some  species  of  wild-ox 
 is  intended.  The  allusion  in  Ps.  xcii.  10,  "  But 
 thou  shalt  lift  up,  as  a  Reeym,  my  horn,"  seems 
 to  point  to  the  mode  in  which  the  Bovidae  use 
 their  horns,  lowering  the  head  and  then  tossing  it 
 up.  But  it  is  impossible  to  determine  what 
 particular  species  of  wild-ox  is  signified.  Some 
 have  conjectured  that  the  Reem  denotes  the  wild 
 bufialo.     It   is    possible    that    soine    wild  sjiecies. 
 
 DR 
 
 971 
 
 Bubalns  arivee,  or  B.  brachyceriis,  may  have 
 existed  formerly  in  Palestine.  We  are,  how- 
 ever, more  in  favour  of  some  gigantic  Urus. 
 
 ITn'ni.  1.  One  of  the  Levite  doorkeepers  in  the 
 time  of  David  (1  Chr.  xv.  18,  20).— 2.  A  second 
 Levite  (unless  the  flimily  of  the  foregoing  be  in- 
 tended) concerned  in  the  sacied  office  after  the 
 Ketuin  from  Babylon  (Neh.  xii.  9). 
 
 TJ'phaz,  Jer.  x.  9  ;  Dan.  x.  5.  [Opiiir.] 
 Ur  occurs  in  Genesis  only,  and  is  there  mentioned 
 as  the  land  of  Haran's  nativity  (Gen.  xi.  28),  the 
 place  froin  which  Terah  and  Abraham  started  "  to 
 go  into  the  land  of  Canaan  "  (xi.  31).  It  is  called 
 in  Genesis  "  Ur  of  the  Chaldaeans  "  while  in  the 
 Acts  St.  Stephen  places  it,  by  implication,  in  Meso- 
 potamia (vii.  2,  4).  These  are  all  the  indications 
 which  Scripture  furnishes  as  to  its  locality.  One 
 tradition  identifies  Ur  with  the  modern  Orfah. 
 There  is  some  ground  for  believing  that  this  city, 
 called  by  the  Greeks  Edessa,  had  also  the  name  of 
 On  ha  as  early  as  the  time  of  Isidore  (ab.  B.C.  150). 
 According  to  Pocock  that  Ur  is  Edessa  or  Orfah  is 
 "the  unicersal  opinion  of  the  Jews;"  and  it  is 
 also  the  local  belief.  A  second  tradition,  which 
 appears  in  the  Talmud,  and  in  some  of  the  early 
 Arabian  writers,  finds  Ur  in  Warka,  the  'Opx^V  of 
 the  Greeks,  and  probably  the  Erech  of  Holy 
 Scripture.  A  third  tradition  distinguishes  Ur 
 from  Warka.  There  can  be  little  douiit  that  the 
 city  whereto  this  tradition  points  is  that  which 
 appears  by  its  bricks  to  have  been  called  Hur  by 
 the  natives,  and  which  is  now  represented  by  the 
 ruins  at  Mvgheir,  or  Umghcir,  on  the  right  bank 
 of  the  Euphrates,  nearly  opposite  to  its  junction 
 with  the  Shat-el-Hie.  An  opinion,  unsupported 
 by  any  tradition,  remains  to  be  noticed.  Bochart, 
 Calmet,  Bunsen,  and  others,  identify  "  Ur  of  the 
 Chaldees"  with  a  place  of  the  name,  mentioned  by 
 a  single  late  writer — Aramianus  Marcellinus — as 
 "  a  castle  "  existing  in  his  day  in  Eastern  Mesopo- 
 tamia, between  Hatra  and  Nisibis.  Or'  these 
 four  localities  two  are  situated  in  Upper  Mesopo- 
 tamia, between  the  Mons  Masius  and  the  Sinjar 
 range,  while  the  other  two  are  in  the  alluvial 
 tract  near  the  sea,  at  least  400  miles  further  south. 
 That  Chaldaea  was,  properly  speaking,  the  southern 
 part  of  Babylonia,  the  region  bordering  upon 
 the  Gulf,  will  be  admitted  by  all.  Those  who 
 maintain  the  northern  emplacement  of  Ur  argue, 
 that  with  the  extension  of  Chaldaean  power  the 
 name  travelled  northward,  and  became  coextensive 
 with  Mesopotamia;  but,  in  the  first  place,  there 
 is  no  proof  that  the  name  Chaldaea  was  ever 
 extended  to  the  region  above  the  Sinjar ;  and 
 secondly,  if  it  was,  the  Jews  at  any  rate  mean  by 
 Chaldaea  exclusively  the  lower  country,  and  call 
 the  upper,  Mesopotamia  or  Padan-Aram  (see  Job  i. 
 17  ;  Is.  siii.  19,  xliii.  14,  &c.).  Again  there 
 is  no  reason  to  believe  that  Babylonian  power 
 was  established  beyond  the  Sinjar  in  these 
 early  times.  Moreover,  it  is  in  the  lower 
 country  only  that  a  name  closely  correspond- 
 ing to  the  Hebrew  "l-1t<  is  found.  The  cuneiform 
 Hur  represents  "I-1X  letter  for  letter,  and  only 
 differs  from  it  in  the  greater  strength  of  the 
 aspirate.  The  argument  that  Ur  should  be  sought 
 in  the  neighbourhood  of  Arrapachitis  and  Seruj, 
 because  the  names  Arphaxad  and  Serug  occur  in 
 the  genealogy  of  Abraham  has  no  weight  till  it  is 
 shown  that  the  human  names  in  question  aiT 
 really  connected  with  the  places,  which  is  at  pre- 
 
972 
 
 UKBANE 
 
 URIAH 
 
 ..i^   r 
 
 Uuiiis  of  Temple  at  filuglieir  (Luftus). 
 
 Wilt  assumed  somewhat  bnklly.  On  the  whole 
 we  may  resjard  it  as  tolerably  certain  that  "  Ur 
 of  the  Chaldees  "  wa^  a  place  situated  in  the  real 
 Chaldaea — the  low  conntiy  near  the  Persian  Gulf. 
 The  only  question  that  remains  in  any  degree 
 doubtful  is,  whether  Warka  or  Mughcir  is  the 
 true  locality.  Traditions  attached  to  both,  but 
 perhaps  more  distinctly  to  Warka.  On  the  other 
 hand,  it  seems  ceilain  that  Warka,  the  native  name 
 of  which  was  Hurnk,  represents  the  Krcch  of  Genesis, 
 which  cannot  yiossibly  be  the  Ur  of  the  same  Book. 
 Mut;heir,  therefore,  which  bore  the  e.xact  name  of 
 '  Ur  or  Ilur,  lemains  with  the  best  claim,  and  is 
 entitled  to  be  ("at  least  provisionally)  regarded  as  the 
 city  of  Abraham.  'Uror  Mur,  now  Mutjlieir,  or  Uin- 
 ilucjheir,  "  the  bitumcned,"  or  "  the  mother  of 
 lutumen,"  is  one  of  the  most  ancient,  if  not  the 
 most  ancient,  of  the  Chaldaean  sites  hitheito 
 discovered.  It  lies  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
 Euphrates,  at  the  distance  of  about  six  miles  from 
 the  present  {ourse  of  the  stream,  nearly  opposite 
 the  point  where  the  Euphrates  receives  the  Shat- 
 el-liie  fiom  the  Tigris.  It  is  now  not  less  than 
 12.")  miles  from  the  .sea;  but  there  are  <;rounils  for 
 believinw  that  it  was  anciently  a  maritime  town. 
 The  most  remarkable  building  is  near  the  northern 
 «nd  of  the  ruins.  It  is  a  temple  of  the  true  Chal- 
 daean type.  The  bricks  of  this  building  bear  the  name 
 of  a  certain  f/z-M/iVi,  who  is  resarded  as  the  earliest 
 of  the  Cliald.aean  monumental  kings.  His  sujiposed 
 date  is  B.C.  2000,  or  a  little  eai  lier.  'Ur  was  the 
 cijiital  of  tliis  monarch.  It  ret.-iined  its  metro- 
 politan character  for  al)Ove  two  centuiies,  and  even 
 after  it  bcwmie  second  to  Baliylon,  was  agreatcity, 
 wifli  an  esprcinlly  sacred  character.  It  is  in  the 
 main  a  city  of  tombs. 
 
 Urbane.  It  would  have  been  better  if  the  word 
 had  Ix-i'n  written  UuiiAN  in  tlie  Authorised  Version. 
 l''or  unli'arned  reaiiei-s  sometimes  mistake  the  sex 
 of  this  Cliristiun  discij)le,  who  is  in  the  long  list  of 
 
 those  whom  St.  Paul  salute.s  in  wi'iting  to  Roree 
 (■Rom.  xvi.  9).  We  have  no  means  cf  knowing 
 mnie  about  him.  < 
 
 TJ'ri.  1.  The  F"ather  of  Bezaleel  one  of  tlie 
 architects  of  the  tabernacle  (E.t.  x.xxi.  2,  xxxv.  30, 
 xxxviii.  22  ;  1  Ciir.  ii.  20  ;  2  Clir.  i.  5).  He  was 
 of  the  tribe  of  .ludah,  and  grandson  of  Caleb 
 ben-Hezron.^2.  The  father  of  Geber,  Solomon's 
 commissariat  officer  in  Gilead  (1  K,  iv.  19).^ 
 3.  One  of  the  gatekeo])ers  of  the  temple  in  th« 
 time  of  Ezra  (_Ezr.  x.  24). 
 
 Uri'ali.  1.  One  of  the  thirty  commanders  of  the 
 thirty  bands  into  which  the  Israelite  army  of  David 
 was  divided  (1  Chr.  xi.  41  ;  2  Sam.  xxiii.  39). 
 Like  others  of  David's  othcers  he  was  a  foreigner — 
 a  Hittite.  His  name,  however,  and  his  manner  of 
 s])eecli  (2  Sam.  xi.  11)  indicate  that  he  had  adopted 
 the  .lewish  religion.  He  married  Bathsheba,  a 
 woman  of  extraordinary  beauty,  the  daughter  of 
 Eliam — possibly  the  same  as  the  son  of  Ahithophel, 
 and  one  of  his  brother  oHicers  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  34),  and 
 hence,  perhaps,  Uriah's  lir.>t  aiHpiaintance  with  Bath- 
 sheba. it  may  be  inferred  from  Nathan's  parable 
 (2  Sam.  xii.  ;!  i  that  he  was  passionately  devoted  to 
 his  wile,  and  that  their  union  was  celebrated  in  Je- 
 rusalem as  one  of  peculiar  tenderness.  In  the  fii"st 
 war  with  .Amnion  he  followed  .loab  to  the  siege,  and 
 with  him  remained  encamped  in  the  open  field  'ib, 
 11).  He  returned  to  Jerusalem,  at  an  crder  from 
 the  king,  on  the  ])rctext  of  asking  news  of  the  war, — 
 really  in  the  hope  tiiat  his  return  to  his  wife  might 
 cover  the  .shame  of  his  own  criine.  The  king  met 
 with  an  unexpected  obstacle  in  the  austere,  soldier- 
 like sjiirit  which  guided  all  Uiiah's  conduct,  and 
 which  gives  us  a  high  notion  of  the  diameter  and 
 discipline  of  David's  ofTicers.  On  the  morning  of 
 the  third  day,  David  sent  him  back  to  the  camp 
 with  a  letter  containing  the  coiiimanil  to  .loab  to 
 cause  his  destruction  in  the  battle.  The  device  of 
 Joab  Wiis,  to  observe  the  part  of  the  wall  of  Rab- 
 
URIAS 
 
 bath-AmmoUj  -where  the  greatest  force  of  the 
 besieged  was  congregated,  and  thither,  as  a  kind  of 
 forlorn  liope,  to  send  Uriah.  A  sally  took  place. 
 Uriah  and  the  otficers  with  him  advanced  as  tar  as 
 the  gate  of  the  city,  and  were  there  shot  down  by 
 the  archers  on  the  wall.  Just  as  Joab  had  fore- 
 warned the  messenger,  the  king  broke  into  a  furious 
 passion  on  hearing  of  the  loss.  The  messenger,  as 
 instructed  by  Joab,  calmly  continued,  and  ended  the 
 story  with  the  words :  "  Thy  seivant  also,  Uriah  the 
 Hittite,  is  dead."  In  a  moment  David's  anger  is  ap- 
 peased. It  is  one  of  the  touching  parts  of  the  story 
 that  Uriah  falls  vuiconscioiis  of  his  wife's  dishonour. 
 —2.  High-priest  in  the  reign  of  Ahaz  (Is.  viii.  2  ;  2 
 K.  xvi.  10-16).  We  first  hear  of  him  as  a  witness  to 
 Isaiah's  prophecy  concerning  Maher-shalal-hash-baz, 
 with  Zechariah,  the  son  of  Jeberechiah.  He  is  prob- 
 ably the  same  as  Urijah  the  priest,  who  built  the  altar 
 for  Ahaz  (2  K.  xvi.  10).  If  this  be  so,  the  prophet 
 may  have  summoned  him  as  a  witness  on  account 
 of  his  position  as  high-priest,  not  on  account  of  his 
 personal  qualities  ;  though,  as  the  incident  occurred 
 at  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Ahaz,  Uriah's 
 irreligious  subserviency  may  not  yet  have  manifested 
 itself.  <.)f  the  parentage  of  Uriah  we  know  nothing. 
 He  probably  succeeded  Azariah,  who  was  high-priest 
 in  the  reign  of  Uzziah,  and  was  succeeded  by  that 
 Azai'iah  who  was  high-priest  in  the  reign  of 
 Hezekiah.  Hence  it  i.s  probable  that  he  was  son  ot 
 the  former  and  father  of  the  latter.— 3.  A  priest  of 
 the  family  of  Hakkoz,  the  head  of  the  seventh  course 
 of  priests  (Ezr.  viii.  33;   Neh.  iii.  4,  21  J. 
 
 Uri'as.  1.  Uriah,  the  husband  of  Bathsheba 
 (Matt.  i.  6).— 2.  Urijah,  3  (1  Esd.  ix.  43). 
 
 TJ'riel,  "  the  fire  of  God,"  an  angel  named  only 
 ill  2  Esdr.  iv.  1,  36,  v.  20,  x.  28. 
 
 Uriel.  1.  A  Kohathite  Levite,  son  of  Tahath 
 (1  Chr.  vi.  24  [9]).— 2.  Chief  of  the  Kohathites  in 
 the  reign  of  David  (1  Chr.  x-v.  5,  11).— 3.  Uriel  of 
 Gibeah  was  the  father  of  Maachah,or  i\Iichaiah,  the 
 favourite  wife  of  Ilehoboam,  and  mother  of  Abijah 
 (2Chr.  xiii.  2).  In  2  Chr.  xi.  20  she  is  called 
 "  Maachah  the  daughter  of  Absalom."  Kashi  gives 
 a  long  note  to  the  ell'eet  that  her  father's  name  was 
 Uriel  Abishalom. 
 
 Tlri'jah.  1.  Urijah  the  piiest  in  the  reign  of 
 Ahaz  (2  K.  xvi.  10),  probably  the  same  as  Uriah, 
 2.-2.  A  priest  of  the  family  of  Koz,  or  hak-Koz, 
 the  same  as  Uriah,  3. — 3.  One  of  the  priests  who 
 stood  at  Ezra's  right-hand  when  he  read  the  Law  to 
 the  people  (Neh.  viii.  4).— 4.  The  son  of  Shemaiah 
 of  Kirjath-jearim.  He  prophesied  in  the  days  of 
 Jehoiakim  and  the  king  sought  to  put  him  to  death  ; 
 but  he  escaped,  and  Hed  into  Egypt.  His  reti-eat 
 was  soon  discovered  :  Elnathan  and  his  men 
 brought  him  up  out  of  Egypt,  and  Jehoiakim  slew 
 him  with  the  sword,  and  cast  his  body  forth 
 among  the  graves  of  the  common  people  (Jer.  xxvi. 
 20-23). 
 
 XJrim  and  Thummim.  I.  (1.)  When  the  Jewish 
 exiles  were  met  on  their  return  from  Babylon  by  a 
 question  which  they  had  no  data  for  answering, 
 they  agreed  to  postpone  the  settlement  of  the 
 difficulty  till  there  should  rise  up  "  a  Priest  with 
 Urim  and  Thummim  "  (Ezr.  ii.  63  ;  Neh.  vii.  65). 
 The  inquiry,  what  those  Urim  and  Thummim 
 themselves  were,  seems  likely  to  wait  as  long  for  a 
 final  and  satisfying  answer.  On  every  side  we  meet 
 with  confessions  of  ignorance.  (2.)  The  starting- 
 point  of  such  an  inquiry  must  be  from  the  words 
 which  the  A.  V.  has  loft  untranslated.     (A.)  In 
 
 URIM  AND  THUMMIM 
 
 978 
 
 Urim,  Hebrew  scholars,  with  hardly  an  exception, 
 have  seen  the  plural  of  ur  (  =  light,  or  fire).  The 
 LXX.  translators,  however,  appear  to  have  liad 
 reasons  which  led  them  to  another  rendering.  The 
 literal  English  equivalent  would  of  course  be 
 "lights;"  but  the  )-enderings  in  the  LXX.  and 
 Vulg.  indicate,  at  least,  a  tiaditional  belief  among 
 the  Jews  that  the  plural  form  did  not  involve 
 numerical  plurality.  (B.)  Thummim.  Here  also 
 there  is  almost  a  consensus  as  to  the  derivation  from 
 t6m{  =  perfection,  completeness).  What  lias  been 
 said  as  to  the  plural  of  Urim  applies  here  also. 
 "Light  and  Perfection"  would  probably  be  the 
 best  English  equivalent.  The  mere  [ihrase,  as  such, 
 leaves  it  therefore  uncertain  whether  each  word  by 
 itself  denoted  many  things  of  a  given  kind,  or 
 whether  the  two  taken  together  might  be  referred 
 to  two  distinct  objects,  or  to  one  and  the  same 
 object  In  Deut.  xxxiii.  8,  we  have  separately, 
 "  Thy  Thummim  and  thy  Urim,"  the  first  order 
 being  inverted.  Urim  is  found  alone  in  Num. 
 xxvii.  21  ;  1  Sam.  xxviii.  6  ;  Thummim  never  by 
 itself,  unless  wo  find  it  in  Ps.  xvi.  .5.— II.  (1.) 
 Scriptural  Statements. — The  mysterious  words 
 meet  us  for  the  first  time,  as  if  they  needed  no 
 explanation,  in  the  description  of  the  high-priest's 
 apparel.  Over  the  Ephod  there  is  to  be  a  "  breast- 
 plate of  judgment "  of  gold,  scarlet,  purple,  and 
 fine  linen,  folded  square  and  doubled,  a  "  span  "  in 
 length  and  width.  In  it  are  to  be  .set  four  rows  of 
 precious  stones,  each  stone  with  the  name  of  a  tribe 
 of  Israel  engiaved  on  it,  that  Aaron  may  "  bear 
 them  on  his  heart."  Then  comes  a  further  order. 
 Inside  the  breastplate,  as  the  Tables  of  the  Covenant 
 were  placed  inside  the  Ark  (Ex.  xxv.  16,  xxviii.  30), 
 are  to  be  placed  "  the  Urim  and  the  Thummim," 
 the  Light  and  the  Perfection  ;  and  they,  too,  are  to 
 be  on  Aaron's  heart,  when  he  goes  in  before  the 
 Lord  (Ex.  xxviii.  15-30).  Not  a  word  describes 
 them.  They  are  mentioned  as  things  already 
 familiar  both  to  Jloses  and  the  people,  connected 
 naturally  with  the  functions  of  the  high-priest,  as 
 mediating  between  Jehovah  and  His  people.  The 
 command  is  fulfilled  (Lev.  viii.  8).  They  pass 
 from  Aaron  to  Eleazar  with  the  sacred  Ephod  and 
 other  pontificalia  (Num.  xx.  28).  They  are 
 mentioned  again  (Num.  xxvii.  21  ;  Deut.  xxxiii. 
 8,  9).  Once,  and  once  only,  are  they  mentioned 
 by  name  in  the  history  of  the  Judges  and  the 
 monarchy  (1  Sam.  .vxviii.  6).  There  is  no  longer  a 
 priest  with  Urim  and  Thummim  (Ezr.  ii.  63 ;  Neh. 
 vii.  65)  to  answer  hard  questions.  (2.)  Besides 
 these  direct  statements,  there  are  others  in  which 
 we  may,  without  violence,  trace  a  reference,  if  not 
 to  both,  at  least  to  the  Urim.  When  questions 
 precisely  of  the  nature  of  those  described  in  Num. 
 .xxvii.  21  are  asked  by  the  leader  of  the  people,  and 
 answered  by  Jehovah  (Judg.  i.  1,  xx.  18j — whcu 
 like  questions  are  asked  by  Saul  of  the  high-priest 
 Ahiah,  "  wearing  an  ephod"  (1  Sam.  xiv.  3,  18) — 
 by  David,  as  soon  as  he  has  with  him  the  presence 
 of  a  high-priest  with  his  ephod  (1  Sam.  xxiii.  2, 
 12,  XXX.  7,  8) — we  may  legitimately  infer  that  the 
 treasures  which  the  ephod  contained  were  the  con- 
 ditions and  media  of  his  answer.  (3.)  It  deserves 
 notice  before  we  pass  beyond  the  range  of  Scriptural 
 data,  that  in  some  cases  of  deflection  from  the  esta- 
 blished religious  order,  we  find  the  ephod  connected 
 not  with  the  Urim,  but  with  the  Teraphim, 
 which  in  the  days  of  Laban,  if  not  earlier,  had  bten 
 conspicuous  iu    Aramaic  worship  (Judg.  xvii.  5, 
 
974 
 
 USURY 
 
 xviii.  14,  20  ;  IIos.  iii.  4).— HI.  T/ttories— 0(  the 
 numerous  theories  that  have  been  propounded  upon 
 the  subjeL't  the  favourite  view  of  Jewish  and  of  some 
 Christian  writers  has  been,  that  tiie  Urim  and 
 Thummim  were  identical  with  the  twelve  stones 
 on  which  the  names  of  the  Tribes  of  Israel  wei'e 
 engraved,  and  the  mode  in  which  an  oracle  was 
 given  was  l>y  the  ilhiminntion,  simultaneous  or 
 Buccessive,  of  the  letters  which  were  to  make  up  the 
 answer.  But  it  seems  to  be  far  .simplest  and  most 
 \n  ap'eement  with  the  dilferent  accounts  of  in- 
 quiries made  bv  Urim  and  Thummim  (1  Sam. 
 xiv.  3,  18,  19,'xxiii.  2,  4,  9,  11,  12,  xxviii.  G; 
 Judg.  XX.  28  ;  2  Sam.  5,  2H,  &c.)  to  suppose  that 
 the  answer  was  given  simjily  by  the  Word  of  the 
 Lord  to  the  high-priest  (comp.  John  xi.  51),  when 
 he  had  inquired  of  tlie  Lord  clothed  with  the 
 ephod  anil  brea.<tplate.  Such  a  view  agrees  with 
 the  true  notion  of  the  breastpl;>te,  of  which  it  was 
 not  the  leading  characteristic  to  be  oiacular,  but 
 only  an  incidental  privilege  connected  with  its 
 fundamental  meaning.  What  that  meaning  was 
 we  learn  from  Ex.  xxviii.  30,  where  we  read 
 •'Aaron  shall  bear  the  judgment  of  the  children  of 
 Israel  upon  his  heart  before  the  Lord  continually." 
 Now  the  judicial  seiitence  is  one  by  wiiicli  any 
 one  is  either  justified  or  condemned.  In  prophetic 
 vision,  as  in  actual  Oriental  life,  the  sentence  of 
 justification  was  often  expressed  by  the  nature  of 
 the  robe  worn.  "  He  hath  clothed  me  with  the  gar- 
 ments of  salvation.  He  hath  covered  me  with  the 
 robe  of  righteousness,  as  a  bridegroom  decketh 
 himself  with  ornaments,  and  as  a  bride  adorneth 
 herself  with  her  jewels"  (Is,  Ixi.  10),  is  a  good 
 illustration  of  this  :  of.  Ixii.  3,  In  like  manner,  in 
 Rev.  iii.  5,  vii.  9,  xix.  14,  &c.,  the  white  linen 
 robe  expresses  the  righteousness  or  justification  of 
 the  saints. 
 
 Tlsury.  Information  on  the  subject  of  lending 
 and  borrowing  will  be  found  under  Loan.  It  need 
 only  be  remarked  here  that  the  practice  of  mort- 
 gaging land,  sometimes  at  exorbitant  interest,  grew 
 up  among  the  Jews  during  the  Captivity,  in  direct 
 violation  of  the  law  (Lev.  xxv.  36,  37  ;  Ez.  xviii.  8, 
 13,  17).  We  find  the  rate  reaching  1  in  100  per 
 month,  corresponding  to  the  IJoman  centesimae 
 usurne,  or  12  per  cent,  per  annum.  The  law  of 
 the  Kuran,  like  the  Jewish,  f(ubids  all  usury.  The 
 laws  of  Menu  allow  18  and  even  24  per  cent,  as  an 
 interest  rate :  but,  as  w.is  the  law  ni  Kgypt,  ac- 
 cumulated interest  was  not  to  exceed  twice  the 
 original  sum  lent.  This  Jewish  practice  was 
 annulled  by  Nehemiah. 
 
 "U'ta,  I  Esdr.  v.  30.  It  appears  to  be  a  corrup- 
 tion of  Akkl'b  (Ezr.  ii.  4,5). 
 
 Utha'i.  1.  The  .son  of  AmmihuJ,  of  the  children 
 of  I'harez,  the  sonof  Judah  (1  Chr.  ix.  4).— 2.  One 
 of  the  sons  of  Higvai,  who  returned  in  the  second 
 caravan  with  Ezra  (Ezr.  viii.  14). 
 
 Uthii.     1  Esdr.viii.  40.     [Utiiai  2. J 
 
 TJz.  1.  A  son  of  Aram  (Gen.  x.  23;  1  Chr.  i. 
 17;,  and  consequently  a  grandson  of  Shem.^2.  A 
 son  of  Nalior  by  Milcah  ((ien.  xxii.  21  ;  A.V.  Huz). 
 —8.  A  son  of  Dishan,  and  giandson  of  Seir  (Oen. 
 xxxvi.  28).— 4.  The  country  in  wiiich  Job  lived 
 (Job  i.  1).  As  the  genealogical  st.itements  of  the 
 Book  of  (ienesis  are  undoubtedlv  ethnological,  and 
 in  many  instances  also  geograjihical,  it  may  be 
 faiily  suiTTiised  that  the  coincidence  of  names  in 
 the  above  cases  is  not  accidental,  but  points  to  a 
 fusion  of  various  branches  of  the  Shcmitic  mcc  in  a 
 
 UZZA 
 
 certain  locality.  This  surmise  is  confirmed  by  the 
 circumstance  that  other  connecting  links  may  be 
 discovei'ed  between  the  same  branches.  The  ethno- 
 logical fact  embodied  in  these  coincidences  of  names 
 appears  to  be  as  follows: — Cert;iin  branches  of  the 
 Aramaic  family,  being  both  more  ancient  and 
 occupying  a  moie  nonherly  position  than  the  othere, 
 coalesced  with  branches  of  the  later  Abrahamids, 
 holding  a  somewhat  central  position  in  Mesopotamia 
 and  Palestine,  and  again  with  branches  of  the  still 
 later  Edomites  of  the  south,  after  they  had  become 
 a  distinct  race  from  the  Abrahamids.  This  con- 
 clusion would  receive  confirmation  if  the  geograph- 
 ical position  of  Uz,  as  described  in  the  Book  of  Job, 
 harmonised  with  the  probability  of  such  an  amalgam- 
 ation. As  far  as  we  can  gather,  it  by  either  east 
 or  south  east  of  Palestine  (Job  i.  3);  adj.acent  to 
 the  Sabiieans  and  tlie  Chald.ieans  (Job  i,  15,  17), 
 consequently  northward  of  the  southern  Arabians, 
 and  westward  of  the  Eu}>hrates ;  and,  lastly, 
 adjacent  to  the  Edomites  of  Mount  Seir,  who  at 
 one  period  occupied  Uz,  probably  as  conquerors 
 (Lam.  iv,  21),  and  whose  troglodyte  hal)its  are 
 probably  described  in  Job  xxx.  6,  7.  Fiora  the 
 above  data  we  infer  that  the  land  of  Uz  cor- 
 responds to  the  Anibia  Desertt  of  classical 
 geogiaphy,  at  all  events  to  so  much  of  it  as 
 lies  north  of  the  30th  parallel  of  latitude.  Whether 
 the  name  of  Uz  survived  to  classical  times  is 
 uncertain:  a  tribe  named  Aesitae  is  mentioned  by 
 Ptolemy :  this  Bochart  identifies  with  the  Uz  of 
 Scriptuie. 
 
 TJza'i.  The  father  of  Palal,  who  assisted  Nehe- 
 miah in  rebiiilding  the  city  wall  (Neh.  iii.  25). 
 
 XJ'zal.  The  sixth  son  of  Joktan  (Gen.  x.  27  ; 
 1  Chr.  i.  21),  whose  settlements  are  clearly  traced 
 in  the  ancient  name  of  San 'a,  the  capit;U  city  of  the 
 Yemen,  which  was  originally  Awzal.  It  has  dis- 
 puted the  right  to  be  the  chief  city  of  the  kingdom 
 of  Sheba  I'rom  the  earliest  ages  of  which  any 
 traditions  have  come  down  to  us.  From  its  position 
 in  the  centre  of  the  best  portion  of  that  kingdom, 
 it  must  always  have  been  an  important  city,  though 
 probably  of  less  importance  than  Scba  itself. 
 Niebuhr  says  that  it  is  a  walled  town,  situate  in 
 an  elevated  country,  in  lat.  15°  2',  and  with  a 
 stream  (after  heavy  rains)  running  through  it. 
 It  has  a  citadel  on  the  site  of  a  famous  temple. 
 The  houses  and  palaces  of  San'i  are  finer  than 
 those  of  anv  other  town  of  Arabia;  and  it  posse.sses 
 many  mosques,  public  baths,  and  caravanserais. 
 Uzal,  or  Awzal,  is  most  probably  the  same  as  the 
 Auzara,  or  Ausara  of  the  classics.  It  is  perhaps 
 leferred  to  by  Ezek.  fxxvii.  19),  translated  in  the 
 A.V.  "  Javan,  ijoini]  to  ami  fro." 
 
 Uz'za.  1.  A  Benjamite  of  the  sons  of  JChud 
 (1  Chr.  viii,  7).— 2.  Elsewhcie  called  UzZAH 
 (1  Chr.  xiii.  7,  9,  10,  11).— 3.  The  children  of 
 Uzza  were  a  family  of  Xetiiinim  who  icturn.'d  with 
 Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii",  49  ;  Neh.  vii.  51).— 4.  Properly 
 "  Uzzah."  As  the  text  now  stands,  Uzzah  is  a  de- 
 scendant of  Merari  (1  Chr.  vi.29  [!4]);  but  there 
 appears  to  be  a  gap  in  the  veisc.  Perhaps  he  is 
 the  same  as  Zina,  or  Zizah,  the  son  of  Shimei 
 M  Chr.  xxiii.  10,  11)  ;  for  these  names  evidently 
 denote  the  sj\me  person  and,  in  Hebrew  character, 
 are  not  tnilike   I'zzah. 
 
 Uz'za,  the  garden  of.  The  spot  in  which  Ma- 
 nasseh  king  ot  .ludah,  and  his  son  Amon,  were 
 both  buried  (2  K.  xxi.  18,  2ii\  It  was  the 
 garden  attache<l    to  Mannsseh's  palace    (ver.    18/. 
 
UZZAH 
 
 The  fact  of  its  mention  shows  that  it  was  not 
 wiieie  the  usual  sepulchres  of  tlie  kings  were. 
 No  clue,  however,  is  nft'orded  to  its  position.  It 
 is  ingeniously  suggested  by  Cornelius  a  Lapide, 
 that  the  garden  was  so  called  from  being  on  the 
 spot  at  which  Uzza  died  during  the  removal  of 
 the  Ark  from  Kirjath-jearim  to  Jerusalem. 
 
 TJz'zah..  One  of  the  sons  of  Abinadab,  in  whose 
 house  at  Kirjath-jearim  the  ark  rested  for  20 
 years.  Uzzah  probably  was  the  second,  and  Ahio  the 
 third.  They  both  accompanied  its  removal, 
 wlien  David  first  nndeitook  to  cany  it  to  Jeru- 
 salem. Ahio  apparently  went  before  the  new 
 c;ut  (1  Chr.  xiii.  7)  on  which  it  was  placed, 
 and  Uzzah  walked  by  the  side.  "  At  the  threshing- 
 floor  of  Nachon "  (2  Sam.  vi.  6),  or  Chidon  (I 
 Chr.  xiii.  9),  perhaps  slipping  over  the  smooth 
 rock,  the  oxen  stumbled.  Uzzah  caught  the  ark 
 to  prevent  its  falling.  He  died  immediately  by 
 its  side.  His  death  was  so  sudden  and  awful 
 that,  in  the  sacred  language  of  the  Old  Testa- 
 ment, it  is  ascribed  directly  to  the  Divine  anger. 
 The  enor  or  sin  is  not  explained. 
 
 Uz  zen-Slie'rall.  A  town  founded  or  rebuilt  by 
 Slierah,  an  Kphraimite  woman,  the  daughter  either 
 of  Ephraim  himself  or  of  Beriah.  It  is  named  only 
 in  1  Chr.  vii.  24,  in  connexion  with  the  two  Beth- 
 horons.  No  trace  of  Uzzen-Sherah  appears  to  have 
 been  yet  discovered,  unless  it  be  in  BeitSira,  which 
 is  shown  in  the  maps  of  Van  de  Velde  and  Tobler 
 as  on  the  N.  side  of  the  Woilji  Suleiman,  about 
 three  miles  S.VV.  of  Bcitur  et-talda. 
 
 TJz'zi.  1.  Son  of  Bukki,  and  father  of  Zerahiah, 
 n\  the  line  of  the  high-priests  (1  Chr.  vi.  5,  51  ; 
 Ezr.  vii.  4).  Though  Uzzi  was  the  lineal  ancestor 
 of  Zadok,  it  does  not  appear  that  he  was  ever  high- 
 priest.  He  must  have  been  contemporary  with, 
 but  rather  eailier  than,  Eh. — 2.  Son  of  Tola  the 
 son  of  Issachar  (1  Chr.  vii.  2,  a).— 3.  Son  of  Bela, 
 of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  (1  Chr.  vii.  7). — 4.  An- 
 other, or  the  same,  from  whom  descended  some 
 Benjamite  houses,  which  were  settled  at  Jerusalem 
 after  the  return  from  captivity  (1  Chr.  ix.  8).— 
 5.  k  Levite,  son  of  Bani,  and  oveiseer  of  the  Le- 
 vites  dwelling  at  Jerusalem,  in  the  time  of  Nehe- 
 miah  (Neh.  xi.  22;. — 6.  A  priest,  chief  of  the 
 father's-house  of  Jedaiah,  in  the  time  of  Joiakim 
 the  high-priest  (Neh.  xii.  19).  — 7.  One  of  the 
 jiriests  who  assisted  i»ira  in  the  dedication  of  the 
 wall  of  Jerusalem  (N'eh.  xii.  42j.  Perhaps  the 
 same  as  the  pieceding. 
 
 TJzzi'a.  One  of  David's  guard,  and  apparently 
 a  nati\e  of  .\shtaroth  beyond  Jordan  (I  Chr.  xi. 
 44). 
 
 Uzzi'ah.  1.  Uzziah  king  of  Judah.  In  some 
 passages  his  name  appears  in  the  lengthened  form 
 Azariah,  which  (iesenius  attributes  to  an  error  of 
 the  copyists.  This  is  possible,  but  there  are  other 
 instances  of  the  princes  of  Judah  changing  their 
 names  on  succeeding  to  the  throne.  After  the 
 murder  of  Amaziah,  his  son  Uzziah  was  chosen 
 by  the  people  to  occupy  the  vacant  throne  at  the 
 age  of  16;  and  for  the  greater  part  of  his  long 
 reign  of  52  yjars  he  lived  in  the  fear  of  God, 
 and  showeil  himself  a  wise,  active,  and  pious  ruler. 
 He  began  his  reign  by  a  successful  expedition  against 
 his  father's  enemies  the  Edomites,  who  had  revolted 
 from  Judah  in  Jelioram's  time,  80  years  before, 
 and  penetrated  as  far  as  the  head  of  the  Gulf  of 
 'Akaba,  whei'e  he  took  the  important  place  of  Elath 
 (2  K.  xiv.  22      2   Chr.   xxvi.    1,  &c.),      Uzziah 
 
 VALE,  VALLEY 
 
 975 
 
 waged  other  victoiious  wars  in  the  south,  especially 
 against  the  Jlehunim,  or  people  of  Maan,  and  the 
 Arabs  of  Gurhaal.  Towards  the  west,  Uzziah 
 fought  witli  equal  success  agamst  the  Philistines, 
 levelled  to  the  ground  the  walls  of  Gath,  Jabneh, 
 and  Ashdod,  and  founded  new  fortified  cities  in  the 
 Philistine  territory.  He  strengthened  the  walls  of 
 Jerusalem.  He  was  also  a  great  patron  of  agri- 
 culture. He  never  deserted  the  worship  of  the  true 
 God,  and  v-'as  much  influenced  by  Zechariah,  a 
 prophet  who  is  only  mentioned  in  connexion  with 
 him  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  5).  So  the  southern  kingdom 
 was  raised  to  a  condition  of  prosperity  which  it  had 
 not  known  since  the  death  of  Solomon.  The  end  of 
 Uzziah  was  less  prosperous  than  his  beginning. 
 Elated  with  his  splendid  career,  he  determined  to 
 burn  incense  on  the  altar  of  God,  but  was  opposed 
 by  the  high-priest  Azariah  and  eighty  others.  (See 
 Ex.  XXX.  7,  8  ;  Num.  xvi.  40,  xviii.  7.)  The  king 
 was  enraged  at  their  resistance,  and,  as  he  pressed 
 forward  with  his  censer,  was  suitdenly  smitten  with 
 leprosy.  Uzziah  was  buried  "  with  his  fathers," 
 yet  apparently  not  actually  in  the  royal  sepulchres 
 (2  Chr.  xxvi.  23).  During  his  reign  an  earthquake 
 occurred,  which,  though  not  mentioned  in  the  his- 
 torical books,  was  apparently  very  seiious  in  its 
 consequences,  for  it  is  alluded  to  as  a  chronological 
 epoch  by  Amos  (i.  1"),  and  mentioned  in  Zech.  xiv. 
 5,  as  a  convulsion  from  which  the  people  "fled." 
 Josephus  connects  it  with  Uzziah "s  sacrilegious  at- 
 tem|>t  to  ofler  incense,  but  this  is  very  unlikely. 
 It  is  to  be  observed,  with  reference  to  the  general 
 chaiacter  of  Uzziah's  reign,  that  the  writer  of  the 
 Second  Book  of  Chronicles  distinctly  states  that 
 his  lawless  attempt  to  burn  incense  was  the  only 
 e.xception  to  the  excellence  of  his  administration 
 (2  Chr.  xxvii.  2).  His  reign  lasted  from  B.C. 
 808-9  to  756-7. —2.  A  Kohathite  Levite,  and  an- 
 cestor of  Samuel  (1  Chr.  vi.  24  [9]).— 3.  A  priest 
 of  the  sons  of  Harim,  who  had  taken  a  foreign  wife 
 in  the  days  of  Ezra  (Ezr.  x.  21). — 4.  Father  of 
 Athaiah,  cir  Uthai  (Neh.  xi.  4).— 5.  Father  of  Je- 
 honathan,  one  of  David's  overseers  (1  Chr.  xxvii. 
 25'). 
 
 XJz'ziel.  1.  Fourth  son  of  Kohath,  father  of 
 Misliael,  Elzaplian  or  Elizaphan,  and  Zithri,  and 
 uncle  to  Aaron  fEx.  vi.  18,  22;  Lev.  x.  4).— 2. 
 A  Simeonite  captain,  son  of  Ishi,  in  the  days  of 
 Hezekiah  (1  Chr.  iv.  42).— 3.  Head  of  a  Benjamite 
 house,  of  the  sons  of  Bela  (1  Chr.  vii.  7).— 4.  A 
 musician,  of  the  sons  of  Heman,  in  David's  reign 
 (1  Chr.  XXV.  4). — 6.  A  Levite,  of  the  sons  of  Je- 
 duthun.  in  the  days  of  Hezekiah  (2  Chr.  xxix.  14, 
 19). — 6.  Son  of  Harhaiah,  probably  a  priest,  in  the 
 days  of  Nehemiah,  who  took  part  in  repairing  the 
 wall  (Neh.  iii.  8).  He  is  described  as  "of  the 
 goldsmiths,"  i.e.  of  those  priests  whose  hereditary 
 office  it  was  to  repair  or  make  the  sacred  vessels. 
 
 TJz'zielites,  the.  The  descendants  of  Uzziel, 
 and  one  of  the  four  a;reat  families  of  the  Kohathitcs 
 (Num.  iii.  27  ;  1  Chr.  .xxvi.  23). 
 
 V 
 
 Vajeza'tha.     One    of  the    ten    sons    of  Haman 
 
 1  whom  tlie  .lews  slew  in  Shushan  (Esth.  ix.  9i. 
 
 j      Vale,  Valley.     It  is  hardly  necessary  to  state 
 
 tliat  these  words  signify  a  hollow  sweep  of  ground 
 
 between   two  more   or  Jess  parallel  ridges  of  higli 
 
 I  land.    Vale  is  the  poetical  or  provincial  fcrm.    The 
 
97G 
 
 VANIAH 
 
 stiuctme  of  the  greater  part  of  the  Holy  I.niid  does 
 not  lend  itself  to  the  formation  of  valleys  in  our 
 sense  of  the  word.  The  abrui)t  transitions  of  its 
 crowded  rocky  hills  preclude  the  existence  of  any 
 extended  sweep  of  valley.  The  nearest  approach  is 
 found  in  the  space  between  the  mountains  of  Geri- 
 zim  and  Ebal,  which  contains  the  town  of  Xablus, 
 the  ancient  Shechem.  This,  however,  is  not  men- 
 tioned in  the  liible.  Another  is  the  "  Valley  of 
 Jezreel."  Valley  is  employed  in  the  Authorised 
 Version  to  render  five  distimt  Hebrew  words.  1. 
 'Emek.  This  ap])ears  to  ai)proach  more  nearlv  to 
 the  general  sense  of  the  Kiiglish  word  than  any 
 other.  It  is  connected  with  several  places ;  but 
 the  only  one  which  can  be  identified  with  anv  cer- 
 tainty is  the  Kmek  of  .Jezreel,  alieady  mentioned 
 as  one  of  the  nearest  approaches  to  an  English 
 valley.  2.  Gal  or  Ge.  Of  this  natural  feature 
 there  is  lortunately  one  examj^le  remaining  which 
 can  be  identiticd  with  certainty — the  deeji  hollow 
 which  encompasses  the  S.W.  and  S.  of  Jerusalem, 
 and  which  is  without  doubt  identical  with  the 
 Ge-hinnom  or  Oe-bcn-hinnom  of  the  0.  T.  This 
 identification  ajipears  to  establish  the  Go  as  a  deep 
 and  abrujit  ravine,  with  steep  sides  and  nanow 
 bottom.  3.  Nuchal.  This  is  the  word  which  exactly 
 answers  to  the  Arabic  tmdn,  and  has  been  already 
 alluded  to  in  that  connexion.  It  expresses,  as  no 
 single  English  word  can,  the  bed  of  a  stream  (often 
 wide  and  shelving,  and  like  a  "  valley  "  in  character, 
 which  in  the  rainy  season  may  be  nearly  filled  bv 
 a  foaming  torrent,  though  for' the  greater  jiart  of 
 the  year  dry),  and  the  stieam  itself,  which  after  the 
 subsidence  of  the  rains  has  shrunk  to  insigiiilicant 
 dimensions.  4.  Bik'dh.  This  term  appears  to  mean 
 rather  a  plain  than  a  valley,  wider  than  the  latter, 
 though  so  far  resembling  it  as  to  be  enclosed  by 
 mounfciins.  It  is  rendered  by  "  valley  "  in  Deut. 
 xxxiv.  .S;  Josh.  xi.  8,  17,  xii.'?;  2  Chr.  xxxv.  22; 
 Zech.  xii.  11.  5.  has-Slu-feluh.  This  is  the  only 
 case  in  which  the  employment  of  the  term  "  valley  *' 
 IS  really  unfortunate.  The  district  to  which  alone 
 the  name  has-Shefelah  is  applied  in  the  liible  has 
 no  resemblance  whatever  to  a  valley,  but  is  a  broad 
 swelling  tract  of  many  hundretl  miles  in  area,  which 
 sweeps  gently  down  from  the  mountains  of  Judah 
 to  the  Mediterranean.  It  is  rendered  "the  vale" 
 in  Deut.  i.  7  ;  Josh.  x.  40 ;  1  K.  x.  27 ;  2  Chr.  i. 
 15;  Jer.  xxxiii.  13;  and  "the  valley  "  or  "val- 
 leys "  in  Josh.  ix.  1,  xi.  2, 16,  xii.  8,  xv.  33  ;  Judg. 
 i.  0  ;  Jer.  xxxii.  44. 
 
 Vani'ah.     One  of  the  sons  of  Bani  (Kzr.  x.  36). 
 
 Vash'ni.  The  finstborn  of  Samuel  as  the  text 
 now  stands  (1  Chr.  vi.  28  [13]).  But  in  1  Sam. 
 viii.  2  the  name  of  his  firsfborn  is  Joel.  Most 
 probably  in  the  Chronicles  the  name  of  Joel  h.is 
 dropped  out.  and  "  Vashni "  is  a  corru})tion  of 
 vcslieni,  "  and  'the)  second." 
 
 Vash'ti.  The  "  queen  "  of  Ahasiierus,  who,  for 
 refusing  to  show  herself  to  the  king's  quests  at  the 
 royal  banquet,  when  sent  for  by  the  king,  was  lepu- 
 diated  and  deposed  (Esth.  i.).  Many  attempts  have 
 been  made  to  identify  her  with  historicd  j)ei-son- 
 nges;  as  by  Ussher  wth  Atossji,  the  wife  of  Darius 
 HystiLspis,  and  by  J.  Capellus  with  Parysatis,  the 
 mother  of  Ochus  ;  but  it  is  far  moie  probable  that 
 she  was  only  one  of  the  infeiior  wives,  dignified  with 
 the  title  of  queen,  whose  name  has  utterly  disap- 
 ["■aicd  from  history. 
 
 Veil.  Under  the  head  of  DiiKSS  we  have  already 
 di.>;i>obed    of  various    term.s    impioperly    rcndereJl 
 
 VERSIONS,  ANCL^NT  (AETHIOPIC^ 
 
 "  veil  "  in  the  A.  V.,  such  as  mitpacJuith  iTiuth  iii. 
 lo),  t^^dlpli  (Gen.  xxiv.  65,  xxxviii.  14,  I'J),  and 
 rdiJid  (Cant.  v.  7  ;  Is.  iii.  23).  These  have  been 
 explained  to  be  rather  shawls,  or  mantles,  which 
 might  at  j)leasure  be  drawn  over  the  face,  but 
 which  were  not  designed  for  the  special  purpose  of 
 veils.  It  remains  for  us  to  notice  the  foUowino- 
 terms  which  describe  the  veil  proper ; — ( 1.)  Maseeh, 
 used  of  the  veil  which  Moses  assumed  when  he  camt 
 down  from  the  moutit  (Ex.  xxxiv.  33-35).  (2., 
 Mispdchotli,  used  of  the  veils  which  the  false  pro- 
 phets placed  ui>on  their  heads  (Ezek.  xiii.  18,  21  ; 
 A.  V.  "  kerchiefs  ").  The  word  is  understood  by 
 Gesenius  of  cushions  or  mattresses,  but  the  etymo- 
 logy is  equally,  if  not  more,  favourable  to  the  sense  of 
 a  flowing  veil.  (3.)  lie'dlot/i,  used  of  the  light  veils 
 worn  by  females  (Is.  iii.  19;  A.  V.  "  mufflers"), 
 which  were  .so  called  from  their  rustling  motion. 
 (4.)  Tsamindk,  understood  by  the  A.  V.  of  "  locks  " 
 of  hair  (Cant.  iv.  1,  3,  vi^  7;  Is.  xlvii.  2);  but 
 the  contents  of  the  pass;>ges  in  which  it  is  used 
 favoui- the  sense  of  veil.  With  regard  to  the  use 
 of  the  veil,  it  is  importjint  to  observe  that  it  w.as 
 by  no  means  so  general  in  ancient  as  in  modern 
 times,  iluch  of  the  scrujjulousness  in  lespect  of 
 the  use  of  the  veil  dates  from  the  promulgation 
 of  the  Koran,  which  forbade  women  appearing  un- 
 veiled except  in  the  presence  of  their  nearest  rela- 
 tives. In  ancient  times,  the  veil  was  adopted  only 
 in  exceptional  cases,  either  ;\s  an  article  of  orna- 
 mental dress  (Cant.  iv.  1,  3,  vi.  7j,  or  by  betrothed 
 maidens  in  the  presence  of  their  futuie  husban<ls, 
 especially  at  the  time  of  the  wedding  (Gen.  xxiv. 
 65,  xxix.  25),  or,  lastly,  by  women  of  loose  cha- 
 racter for  purposes  of  concealment  ((>en.  xxxviii. 
 14).  Among  the  Jews  of  the  Xew  Testament  age 
 it  afipears  to  have  been  customary  for  the  women 
 to  cover  their  heads  (not  necessarily  their  faces) 
 when  engaged  in  public  worship. 
 
 Veil  of  the  Tabernacle  and  Temple.  [Ta- 
 KiCHXACi.i: ;  Tr.Mi'LK.] 
 
 Versions,  Ancient,  of  the  Old  and  New  Tes- 
 taments. In  ti eating  ot'  the  ancient  versions  that 
 have  come  down  to  us,  in  whole  or  in  part,  they 
 will  be  described  in  the  alphabetical  order  of  the 
 languages.  It  may  be  premised  that  in  most  ot 
 them  the  Old  Test,  is  not  a  version  from  the  He- 
 brew, but  merely  a  secondary  translation  from  the 
 Septuagint  in  some  one  of  its  early  forms. 
 
 AETHIOPIC  VERSION.— Christianity  was  in- 
 troiluced  into  Aethiopia  in  the  4th  century,  through 
 the  labours  of  Frumentius  and  Aedesius  of  Tyre, 
 who  had  been  made  slaves  and  sent  to  the  king. 
 Hence  arose  th"^  episcopal  see  of  Axum,  to  which 
 Frumentius  was  appointed  by  Athanasius.  The 
 Aethiopic  version  which  we  possess  is  in  the  ancient 
 dialect  of  Axum  ;  hence  some  have  asoiibed  it  to 
 the  age  of  the  earliest  missionaries  ;  but  from  the 
 general  character  of  the  version  itself,  this  is  im- 
 jirobable ;  and  the  Abyssinians  themselves  attribute 
 it  to  a  later  perioil.  The  Old  Testament,  as  well  a& 
 the  New,  was  executed  from  the  Gi-eek.  In  1513 
 I'otken  ]Mililished  the  Aethiopic  l's;ilter  at  Rome. 
 In  1548-9,  the  Aethiopic  New  Test,  was  also  printed 
 at  Rome,  editeil  l)y  three  Abyssinians.  The  Roman 
 edition  wa.s  rej)riiited  in  Walton's  I'olyglott ;  but 
 (acconling  to  I.udolf)  all  the  former  errors  were 
 retained,  and  new  ones  introduceil.  In  1826-.30,  « 
 new  edition,  formed  by  a  collation  of  MSS.,  wa& 
 publishe<l  under  the  care  of  Mr.  Thomas  I'ell  Piatt 
 (foimrily   Fellow   of  Tnnity  College.  Cambridge) 
 
VERSIONS,  ANCIENT  (ARABIC,  ARMENIAN,  EGYPTIAN) 
 
 97^ 
 
 whose  o'nject  wns  not  strictly  critical,  but  ratlier  to 
 give  to  the  Abyssinians  their  Scriptures  tor  ecclesi- 
 astical use  in  as  crood  a  form  as  he  conveniently 
 could,  consistently  with  MS.  authority.  From  the 
 notes  made  by  Mr.  Piatt  in  the  course  of  his  colla- 
 tions, it  is  evident  that  the  translation  had  been 
 variously  revised.  The  pi'obability  appears  to  be 
 that  there  was  originally  one  version  of  the  Gospels  ; 
 but  that  this  was  afterwards  revised  with  Greek 
 MSS.  of  a  dillerent  complexion  of  text;  and  that 
 succeeding  copyists  cither  adopteil  one  or  the  other 
 form  in  passages;  or  else,  by  omitting  nothing 
 from  text  or  margin,  they  formed  a  contused  com- 
 bination of  readings.  It  appeals  probable  that  all 
 the  portion  of  the  New  Test,  after  the  Gospels 
 originated  from  some  of  the  later  revisers  of  the 
 former  part;  its  paraphrastic  tone  accords  with 
 tliis  opinion.  An  examination  of  the  version  proves 
 both  that  it  was  executed  from  the  Greek,  and  also 
 that  the  translator  made  such  mistakes  that  he 
 could  hardly  have  been  a  person  to  whom  Greek 
 was  the  native  tongue.  Bode's  Latin  version  en- 
 abled critical  scholars  to  use  the  Roman  text  with 
 much  confidence.  The  Old  Test,  of  this  version, 
 made  from  the  LXX.,  has  been  subjected  apparently 
 (with  the  exception  of  the  Psalms)  to  very  little 
 critical  examination.  A  complete  edition  of  the 
 Aethiopic  Old  Test,  has  been  commenced  by  DiU- 
 mann  ;  the  first  portion  of  which  appeared  in  185o. 
 
 ARABIC  VERSIONS.— a.)  Arabic  versions  of 
 the  Old  Test.  (A.)  Made  from  the  Hebrew  text. 
 Riibbi  Saadiah  Haggaon,  the  Hebrew  commentator 
 of  the  10th  century,  translated  portions  (some  think 
 the  whole)  of  the  0.  T.  into  Arabic.  His  version 
 of  the  Pentateuch  was  printed  at  Constantinople,  in 
 1546.  The  Paris  Polyglott  contains  the  same  ver- 
 sion from  a  MS.  differina;  in  many  of  its  readings  : 
 this  was  reprinted  by  Walton.  It  seems  as  if  copy- 
 ists had  in  parts  altered  the  version  consideiubly. 
 The  version  of  Isaiah  by  Saadiah  was  piinted  by 
 Paulus,  at  Jena,  in  1791,  from  a  Bodleian  MS.; 
 the  same  library  contains  a  MS.  of  his  version  of 
 Job  and  of  the  Psalms.  Kimchi  quotes  his  version 
 of  Hosea.  The  Book  of  Joshua  in  the  Paris  and 
 Walton's  Polyglotts  is  also  from  the  Hebrew  ;  and 
 tliis  Rijdiger  states  to  be  the  foct  in  the  case  of  the 
 Polyglott  text  of  1  K.  .xii.;  2  K.  xii.  16;  and  of 
 Neh.  i.-ix.  27.  Other  portions,  translated  from 
 Hebrew  in  later  times,  do  not  require  to  be  even 
 specified  here.  (B.)  Made  from  the  Peshito  Syriac. 
 This  is  the  base  of  the  Arabic  text  contained  in  the 
 Polyglotts  of  tlie  Books  of  Judges,  Ruth,  Samuel, 
 Kings,  and  Nehemiah.  (C.)  Made  from  the  LXX. 
 The  version  in  the  Polyglotts  of  the  books  not  spe- 
 cified above.  Another  text  of  the  Psalter  in  Jus- 
 tiniani  Psalterium  Octuplum,  Genoa,  1516.— (II.) 
 Arabic  ve/sions  of  the  New  Test. — 1.  The  Roman 
 editio  princeps  of  the  four  Gospels,  1590-91.  2. 
 The  Erpenian  Arabic.  The  whole  New  Test,  edited 
 by  Erpenius,  1616,  at  Levden,  from  a  MS.  of  the 
 13th  or  14th  century.  8.  The  Arabic  of  the  Paris 
 Polyglott,  1645.  In  the  Gospels  this  follows  mostly 
 the  Roman  text ;  in  the  Epistles  a  MS.  from  Aleppo 
 was  used.  The  Arabic  in  Widton's  Polyglott  ap- 
 pears to  be  simply  taken  from  the  Paris  text.  4. 
 The  Carshuni  Arabic  text  (i.  e.  in  Syriac  letters), 
 the  Syriac  and  Arabic  New  Test.,  published  at 
 Rome,  in  1703.  For  this  a  MS.  brought  from 
 Cyprus  was  used.  Juynboll,  in  his  description  of 
 an  Arabic  Codex  at  Franeker  (1838),  threw  new 
 light  on   the   origin   of  the  Arabic    Gospels,     He 
 
 Con.  D.  B. 
 
 proves  tjiat  the  Franeker  Codes:  coincides  in  its 
 general  text  with  the  Roman  editio  princeps,  and 
 that  both  follow  the  Latin  Vulgate.  The  greater 
 agreement  of  the  Polyglott  text  with  the  Gi-eek  he 
 ascribes  to  the  intluonce  of  an  Aleppo  MS.,  wliich 
 the  Paris  editor  used.  Juynboll  then  identifies  the 
 text  of  the  Franeker  MS.  (and  of  the  Roman  edition) 
 with  the  version  made  in  the  8th  century  by  John, 
 Bishop  of  Seville.  In  the  Erpenian  Arabic  the 
 latter  part  is  a  translation  from  the  Peshito-Syriac ; 
 the  Epistles  not  found  in  that  version  and  the  Apo- 
 calypse are  said  to  be  from  the  Memphitic.  The 
 latter  part  of  the  text  in  the  Polyglotts  is  from  the 
 Greek. 
 
 ARMENIAN  VERSION.— Before  the  5th  cen- 
 tury the  Armenians  are  said  to  have  used  the  Syriac 
 alphabet ;  but  at  that  time  Miesrob  is  stated  to  have 
 invented  the  Armenian  letters.  Soon  after  this  it 
 is  said  that  translations  into  the  Armenian  language 
 commenced,  at  first  from  the  Syriac.  Miesrob,  with 
 his  compianions,  Joseph  and  Eznak,  began  a  version 
 of  the  Scriptures  with  the  Book  of  Proverbs,  and 
 complef-ed  all  the  Old  Test. ;  and  in  the  New,  they 
 used  the  Syriac  as  their  basis,  from  their  inability 
 to  obtain  any  Greek  books.  But  when,  in  the  year 
 431,  Joseph  and  Eznak  returned  from  the  council 
 of  Ephesus,  bringing  with  them  a  Greek  copy  of 
 the  Scriptures,  Isaac,  the  Armenian  Patriarch,  and 
 Miesrob,  threw  aside  what  they  had  already  done, 
 in  order  that  they  might  execute  a  version  from 
 the  Greek.  But  now  arose  the  difficulty  of  their 
 want  of  a  competent  acquaintance  with  that  lan- 
 guage :  to  remedy  this,  Eznak  and  Joseph  were  sent 
 with  Moses  Chorenensis  (who  is  himself  the  narrator 
 of  these  details)  to  study  that  language  at  Ale.x- 
 andria.  There  they  made  what  Moses  calls  their 
 third  translation.  The  first  jMinted  edition  of  the 
 Old  and  New  Testaments  in  Armenian  appeared  at 
 Amsterdam  in  1666,  under  the  care  of  a  person 
 commonly  termed  Oscan,  or  Uscan,  and  described 
 as  being  an  Armenian  bishop.  Zohrab,  in  1789, 
 published  at  Venice  an  improved  text  of  the  Arme- 
 nian New  Test. ;  and  in  1805  he  and  his  coadjutors 
 completed  an  edition  of  the  entire  Armenian  Scrip- 
 tures. The  basis  was  a  MS.  written  in  the  14th 
 century.  Dr.  Charles  Rieii  of  the  British  Museum 
 undertook  the  task  of  collating  the  Venice  text  of 
 1805  for  Tregelles,  thus  supplying  him  with  a 
 valuable  portion  of  the  materials  for  his  critical 
 editi(iii  of  the  Greek  Testament.  Some  have  spoken 
 of  this  version  as  though  it  had  been  made  from  the 
 Peshito  Syriac,  and  not  from  the  Greek  ;  the  only 
 grounds  tor  such  a  notion  can  lie  the  facts  connected 
 with  part  of  the  historv  of  its  execution. 
 CHALDEE  VERSIONS.  [Targums.] 
 EGYPTIAN  VERSIONS.— I.  The  Memphitic 
 Version.  —  The  version  thus  designated  was  for 
 a  considerable  time  the  only  Egyptian  translation 
 known  to  scholars ;  Coptic  was  then  regarded  as  a 
 sufficiently  accurate  and  definite  appellation.  But 
 when  the  fact  was  established  that  there  were  at 
 least  two  Egyptian  versions,  the  name  Coptic  was 
 found  to  be  indefinite,  and  even  unsuitable  for  the 
 translation  then  so  termed :  for  in  the  dialect  of 
 Upper  Egypt  there  was  another ;  and  it  is  from  the 
 ancient  Coptos  in  Upper  Egypt  that  the  term  Coptic 
 is  taken.  Thus  Copto-Memphitic,  or  more  simply 
 Memphitic,  is  the  better  name  for  the  version  in 
 the  dialect  of  Lower  Egypt.  When  Egyptian  trans- 
 lations were  made  we  do  not  know  :  probably  before 
 the  middle  of  the  4th  century.    When  the  attention 
 
 3  R 
 
978 
 
 of  European  schnl.ii's  was  diroiti'il  to  tlip  hiiigungp 
 and  races  of  mwleiii  Egypt,  it  was  foiiiul  that  while 
 the  native  Christians  use  only  Arabic  vernacularly, 
 vet  in  their  services  aii<l  in  thi'ir  public  reading  of 
 the  Scriptures  tliey  employ  a  Hialeot  of  the  Coptic. 
 This  is  the  vei-sion  now  termed  Memphitic.  Wilkins 
 ill  171'}  published  at  Oxford  the  tirst  Mein]iliitic 
 New  Test.,  founded  on  MSS.  in  the  IV)dleian,  and 
 roin])ared  with  some  at  Home  and  Paris.  In  1840-8 
 .Sihwartze  published  at  IWlin  an  edition  of  the 
 jMeniphitic  (iospels,  in  which  he  omploj'ed  MS.S.  in 
 the  Uoval  Library  there.  The  death  of  Schwartze 
 prevented  the  continuation  of  his  labours.  Since 
 then  Boettichor's  editions,  first  of  the  .\cts  and  then 
 of  the  Epistles,  have  appeared.  In  1848-52  a 
 magnificent  edition  of  the  Mempliitic  New  'i'ost. 
 was  published  by  the  Society  for  Promoting  Chiis- 
 ti;ui  luiowledge,  under  the  editorial  care  of  the  Itev. 
 H.  T.  I.i.'dcr  of  Cairo.  The  Oil  Testament  of  this 
 vtfi-sion  was  made  from  the  L.\X.— II.  The  TiiK- 
 BAic  Version. — The  e.xamination  of  Egyptian 
 MSS.  in  the  la.st  centiiry  .showed  that  Ijesides  the 
 Memphitic  there  }s  also  another  version  in  a  cognate 
 l'-gv])tian  dialect.  To  this  the  name  SahiiUc  was 
 applied  bv  some,  from  an  Arabic  designation  tbi" 
 U()|ier  Egypt  and  its  ancient  language.  It  is,  how- 
 ever, far  better  to  assign  to  this  veision  a  name  not 
 derived  from  the  language  of  the  Arabian  occupants 
 of  that  land  ;  thus  Copto-Thebaic  (as  style  I  by 
 Ciiorgi),  or  simply  Thebaic,  is  far  ])referable.  In 
 178.1  Mingarelli  published  a  few  portions  of  this 
 version  of  the  New  Test,  from  the  Nanian  MSS. 
 In  1789  Giorgi  edited  very  valuable  Creek  and 
 Thebaic  fragments  of  St.  .lohn's  (iospel,  which  ap- 
 ]iear  to  belong  to  the  fifth  century.  Miinter,  in 
 1787,  had  publisheil  a  fragment  of  Daniel  in  this 
 version  ;  and  in  1789  he  brought  out  jiortions  of 
 the  Epistles  to  Timothy,  tognther  with  readings 
 which  he  li.ail  collected  from  MSS.  in  other  parts 
 of  the  New  Test.  In  the  following  year  Mingarelli 
 printed  Mark  xi.  'J9-xv.  22,  from  M.'^.  A  i'evi 
 copies  oulv  seem  to  have  l>een  circulated.  Woide's 
 death  took  jdace  before  his  eilition  was  completed. 
 In  1799,  however,  it  apjx'areii  under  the  editorial 
 car.'  of  Eord. — III.  A  TiiiKH  E(iYi>TiAN'  Vick.SION. 
 — Sf)me  Egyptian  fragments  were  noticed  by  both 
 Miiuter  and  Giorgi  amongst  the  P>orgian  MSS., 
 wliic  h  in  dialect  differ  both  from  the  Memphitic  and 
 Thebaic.  These  fragments,  of  a  third  Egyptian  trans- 
 lation, were  edited  by  both  these  sc'holars  inde|)end- 
 eiitlv  in  the  same  year  f  1  789).  In  what  part  of 
 E'.;viit  this  tliird  dialect  was  used,  and  wliat  should 
 he  its  distinctive  name,  has  been  a  good  deal  dis- 
 cussed. Arabian  writers  mention  a  third  Egyptian 
 dialect  under  the  name  of  Bnshmw-ic,  and  this  has 
 by  some  been  assumed  as  the  ajjpellation  for  this 
 version.  Giorgi  sii|>posed  that  this  was  the  dialect 
 of  the  Ammonian  Oasis  ;  in  this  Miinter  agreed  with 
 him;  and  thus  they  called  the  version  the  AinirU)- 
 ninn.  The  Clmracter  and  critical  use  of  the 
 EiUipti'tn  Versio)is. — It  appears  that  the  Thebaic 
 vei-sion  may  reasonably  claim  n  higher  antiquity 
 tlian  the  Memphitic.  The  two  translations  are 
 nidnpi-ndpnt  of  each  other,  and  Inith  spriin;  fi'om 
 «irci-k  cojiies.  'fhe  Thebaic  ha,s  been  coiisidereil 
 to  be  the  olilpr  of  the  two.  The  j)rol>!ible  conclu- 
 sions soeni  to  be  these: — that  the  Thebaic  vei-sion 
 was  made  in  the  early  part  of  the  third  lentury,  for 
 the  use  of  the  common  |>eo]ile  among  the  Christians 
 in  I'pjwr  Egypt  ;  that  it  w:i8  forme<l  from  MSS. 
 Huch  n*  wci-e  Uieii  current  In  the  re'.;ions  of  l<^y|>t 
 
 VERSIONS,  ANCIENT  (GOTHIC) 
 
 which  were  distant  from  Alexandria;  that  afl*r- 
 wards  the  Memjihitic  version  was  executed  in  what 
 was  the  more  polishe<l  dialatt,  from  the  Greek  copies 
 of  Alexandria  ;  and  that  thus  in  process  of  time  the 
 Memphitic  remained  alone  in  ecclesiastical  use.  A 
 few  remarks  only  need  be  made  respecting  the  third 
 Egy[itian  vei-sion.  The  fragments  of  this  follow 
 the  Thebaic  so  closely  as  to  have  no  independent 
 character.  This  version  does  howevei'  possess  critical 
 value,  as  furnishing  evidence  in  a  small  portion  not 
 known  in  the  Thebaic. 
 
 (i(/niIC  VEKSIOX.— In  the  year  318  theGothic 
 bishop  and  translator  of  Scripture,  Ulphilas,  was 
 born.  He  succcede<l  Theophilus  as  bi>hop  of  the 
 Goths  in  348,  when  he  subscribed  a  <'onfession  re- 
 jecting the  oi-thodox  creed  of  Nicaea  ;  through  him 
 it  is  .said  that  the  Goths  in  general  adopted  Anan- 
 ism.  The  great  work  of  Ulphihis  w.as  his  vei-sion 
 of  the  Scriptures.  In  388  he  visite<l  Constantinople 
 to  defend  his  heteiodox  creed,  and  while  there  he 
 died.  In  the  latter  part  of  the  lt3th  century  the  ex- 
 istence of  a  JI.S.  of  this  version  was  known,  througn 
 Morillon  having  mentioned  that  he  had  observel 
 one  in  the  libraiy  of  the  monastery  of  Werden  on 
 the  Ruhr  in  Wes'tiihalia.  In  1648,  almost  at  the 
 conclusion  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War,  amongst  the 
 spoils  from  Prague  was  sent  to  Stockholm  a  copy  of 
 tlie  Gothic  Gospls,  known  as  the  Codex  Arijentens. 
 This  MS.  is  generally  supposed  to  be  the  same  that 
 Morillon  had  seen  at  Werden.  On  the  aMii-ation 
 of  Queen  Christina  of  Sweilen,  a  few  years  later,  it 
 disappeared.  In  IG.io  it  was  in  the  possession  of 
 Is,iac  Vossius  in  Holland.  In  1602  it  was  repur- 
 chased for  Sweden  by  Count  Magnus  Gabriel  de  la 
 Gai'die,  who  placed  it  in  the  library  of  the  Uni- 
 versity of  Upsal.  While  the  book  w.xs  in  the  hands 
 of  Vossius  a  transcript  was  made  of  its  text,  from 
 which  .Tunins,  liis  uncle,  e<lited  the  first  edition  of 
 the  Gothic  (iospds  at  Dort  in  lGt)5.  'I'he  MS.  is 
 written  on  vellum  that  was  once  purple,  in  silver 
 letters,  except  those  at  the  beginning  of  .sections, 
 which  are  golden.  The  Gospels  have  many  lacimae: 
 it  is  calculated  that  when  entire  it  consisted  of  320 
 folios  ;  there  are  now  but  188.  It  is  pretty  certain 
 that  this  beautiful  and  elaborate  MS.  must  have 
 been  written  in  the  Gth  century,  probably  in  Upper 
 Italy  when  under  the  Gothic  sovereignty.  Knittel, 
 in  i7(i2,  e<lited  from  a  Wolfi-nbiittel  palimpsest 
 some  portions  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans  in 
 (iothic,  in  which  the  Latin  stoo<I  by  the  side  of  the 
 version  of  Ulphilas.  New  light  dawne<l  on  Ulphilas 
 and  his  version  in  1817.  While  the  late  Cjirdinai 
 Mai  was  engaged  in  the  examination  of  palimpsests 
 in  the  Ambrosian  Libr!\ry  at  Milan,  of  whi(-h  he 
 was  at  tbat  time  a  libiarian.  he  notices!  ti-aces  of 
 some  Gothic  writing  umler  that  of  one  of  the  co- 
 dices. This  was  found  to  be  part  of  the  Books  ot 
 Ezra  and  Nehemiah.  In  making  further  examina- 
 tion, four  other  palimpsr.sts  were  found  which  con- 
 taineil  portions  of  the  (iothic  \'ersion.  Mai  deci- 
 phered these  MSS.  in  conjunction  with  Count  Carlo 
 Ott-ivio  Citstiglione,  .and  their  labours  roidtcl  in 
 the  recovery,  liesides  a  few  jiortions  of  the  Old  Test., 
 of  almost  the  whole  of  the  thiiteen  Epistles  of  St. 
 Paul  and  some  ]xirts  of  the  Gospel.s.  The  tnlition 
 of(iabelentz  and  Loebe  (  1S36-4."m  contains  all  that 
 ha<  been  discovere<l  of  the  Gothic  Vei-sinn.  with  a 
 Latin  transl.ation,  notes,  and  a  (Iothic  Pictionnry 
 and  Grammar.  In  18.')4  Upp-trom  published  an 
 excellent  <<<lition  of  the  text  of  the  Codex  Anjmtrta, 
 with  a  beautiful  fhc-simlle.     In  IS.'i.'i-ti  Mus&manD 
 
VERSIONS,  ANCIENT  (GREEK— SLAVONIC) 
 
 979 
 
 issued  an  excellent  sinall  edition  of  nil  the  Gothic 
 portions  of  the  Scriptines  known  to  he  extant.  'I'his 
 edition  is  said  to  be  more  correct  than  that  of  Gal)e- 
 lentz  and  Loelje.  As  an  ancient  nioniiment  oCthe 
 Gothic  language  the  vei-sion  of  Ulphilas  possesses 
 great  interest ;  as  a  version  the  use  of  which  was 
 once  extended  widely  through  Europe,  it  is  a  monu- 
 ment of  the  Christianization  of  the  Goths ;  and  as 
 a  version  /mown  to  have  been  made  in  the  4tli 
 centuiy,  and  transmitted  to  us  in  ancient  MSS.,  it 
 has  its  value  in  textual  criticism.  In  certain  pas- 
 sages it  has  been  thought  that  there  is  some  proof 
 of  the  influence  of  the  Latin  ;  but  its  Greek  origin 
 is  not  to  be  mistaken.  The  Greek  from  which  tlie 
 version  was  made  must  in  many  respects  have  been 
 what  has  been  termed  the  transition  text  of  the 
 4th  century. 
 
 GKKEK  VERSION'S  OF  THE  OLD   TESTA- 
 MENT.—  1.  Septuagint.      [See  Septuagint.] 
 
 2.  Aquila. — It  is  a  remarkable  feet  that  in  the 
 second  century  there  weie  three  versions  executed 
 of  the  Old  Testament  Scriptures  into  Greek.  The 
 first  of  these  was  made  by  Aquila,  a  native  of 
 Sinope  in  Poutus,  who  had  become  a  proselyte  to 
 Judaism.  The  Jerusalem  Talmud  describes  him  as  a 
 disciple  of  Kabbi  Akiba;  aud  this  would  place  him  in 
 some  part  of  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Hadrian  (a.d. 
 117-138).  It  is  supposed  that  his  object  was 
 to  aid  the  Jews  in  their  controversies  with  the 
 Christians.  This  is  a  probable  account  of  the 
 origin  of  liis  version.  Extreme  literality  and  an 
 occasional  polemical  bias  appear  to  be  its  chief 
 characteiistics.  It  is  mentioned  that  -Aquila  put 
 forth  a  second  edition  (i.e.  revision)  of  his  version, 
 in  which  the  Hebrew  was  yet  more  servilely  fol- 
 lowed, but  it  is  not  known  if  this  extended  to  the 
 whole,  or  only  to  three  books,  namely,  Jeremiah, 
 Ezekiel,  and  r)aniel,  of  which  there  are  fragments. 
 
 3.  TheodotiOX. — The  second  version,  of  which  we 
 have  information  as  executed  in  the  second  century, 
 is  that  of  Theodotion.  He  is  stated  to  have  been  ! 
 an  Ephesian,  and  he  seems  to  be  most  generally  de- 
 scribed as  an  Ebionite  :  if  this  is  correct,  his  work 
 was  probably  intended  for  those  semi-Christians 
 who  may  have  desired  to  use  a  version  of  their  own 
 instead  of  employing  the  LXX.  with  the  Christians, 
 or  that  of  Aquila  with  the  Jews.  But  it  may  be 
 doubted  if  the  name  of  translation  can  be  rightly 
 applied  to  the  work  of  Theodotion :  it  is  rather  a 
 revision  of  the  LXX.  with  the  Hebrew  text,  so  as 
 to  bring  some  of  the  copies  then  in  use  into  more 
 conformity  with  the  original.  The  statement  of 
 Epiphanius  that  he  made  his  translation  in  the  reign 
 of  Commodus  accords  well  with  its  having  been 
 quoted  by  Irenaeus ;  but  it  cannot  be  correct  if  it 
 as  one  of  the  translations  referred  to  by  Justin 
 Martyr  as  giving  interpretations  contrary  to  the 
 Christian  doctrine  of  the  New  Test.  In  most 
 editions  of  the  LXX.  Theodotion's  version  of  Daniel 
 is  still  substituteil  for  that  which  realh"  belongs  to 
 that  translation.  4.  Symmachus  is  stated  by  Eu- 
 sebius  and  Jerome  to  have  been  an  Ebionite:  so  too 
 in  the  Syrian  accounts  given  by  Assemani ;  Epi- 
 phanius, however,  and  others  style  him  a  Samaritan. 
 It  may  be  that  as  a  Samarit.in  he  made  this  version 
 for  some  of  that  people  who  employed  Greek,  and 
 who  had  learned  to  receive  more  than  the  Penta- 
 teuch. f>piphanius  says  that  he  lived  under  the 
 Emperor  Severus.  The  translation  which  he  pro- 
 duced was  probably  better  than  the  others  as  to 
 sense  and  general    phiaseology.      5.  The   Fifth, 
 
 Sixth,  and  Seventh  Versions. — Besides  the 
 translations  of  Aquila.  Symmachus,  and  Theodotion, 
 the  great  critical  work  of  Origen  comprised  as  to 
 portions  of  the  Old  Test,  three  other  vei-sions,  placed 
 for  comparison  with  the  LXX. ;  which,  fiom  their 
 being  anonymous,  are  only  known  as  the  fiflh,  sixth, 
 and  seventh  ;  designations  taken  from  the  places 
 which  they  respectively  occupied  in  Origen 's  co- 
 lumnar arrangement.  Eusebius  says  that  two  of 
 these  versions  were  found,  the  one  at  Jericho,  and 
 the  other  at  Nicopolis  on  the  gulf  of  Actium. 
 Epiphanius  says,  that  the  fifth  was  found  at  Jericho, 
 and  the  sixth  at  Nicopolis;  while  Jerome  speaks  of 
 the  fifth  iis  having  been  found  at  the  latter  place. 
 The  contents  of  the  fifth  version  appear  to  have 
 been  the  Pentateuch,  Psalms,  Canticles,  and  the 
 minor  prophets.  The  existing  fragments  prove  that 
 the  translator  used  the  Hebrew  original ;  but  it  is 
 also  certain  that  he  was  aided  by  the  work  of  fonner 
 translatois.  The  sixth  version  seems  to  have  been 
 just  the  same  in  its  contents  as  the  fifth  (except 
 2  Kings).  Jerome  calls  the  authors  of  the  fifth 
 and  sixth  "  Judaicos  translatores ;"  but  the  trans- 
 lator of  this  must  have  been  a  Christian  when  he 
 executed  his  work,  or  else  the  hand  ot"  a  Christian 
 reviser  must  have  meddled  with  it  before  it  was 
 employed  by  Origen.  Of  the  seventh  version  very 
 few  fragments  lemain.  It  seems  to  have  contained 
 the  Psalms  and  minor  prophets ;  and  the  tianslator 
 was  probably  a  Jew.  The  existing  fragments  of 
 these  varied  versions  are  mostly  to  be  found  in  the 
 editions  of  the  relics  of  Origen's  Hexapla,  by  Mont- 
 faucon  and  by  Bardht.  6.  The  Veneto-Greek 
 Version. — A  MS.  of  the  14th  century,  in  the 
 library  of  St.  Mark  at  Venice,  contains  a  peculiar 
 version  of  the  Pentateuch,  Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes, 
 Canticles,  Ruth,  Lamentations,  and  Daniel.  All  of 
 these  books,  except  the  Pentateuch,  were  pub- 
 lished by  Villoison  at  Strasburg  in  1784 ;  the  Penta- 
 teuch was  edited  bv  Ammon  at  Erlangen  in  1790-91. 
 It  may  be  said  briefly  that  the  translation  was  made 
 from  the  Hebrew,  although  the  present  punctuation 
 and  accentuation  is  often  not  followed,  and  the 
 translator  was  no  doubt  acquainted  with  some  other 
 Greek  versions. 
 LATIN  VERSIONS.  [Vulgate.] 
 SAMARITAN  VERSIONS.  [Samaritan  Pen- 
 tateuch.] 
 
 SLAVONIC  VERSION.  In  the  year  862  there 
 was  a  desire  expressed,  or  an  inquiry  made,  for 
 Christian  teachers  in  Moravia,  and  in  the  following 
 year  the  laboms  of  missionaries  began  amongst  them. 
 These  missionaries  were  Cyrillus  and  Methodius, 
 two  brothers  from  Thessalonica :  to  Cyrillus  is 
 ascribed  the  invention  of  the  Slavonian  alphabet, 
 and  the  commencement  of  the  translation  of  the 
 Scriptures.  He  appeal's  to  have  died  at  Rome  in 
 868,  while  Methodius  continued  for  many  years  to 
 be  the  bishop  of  the  Slavonians.  He  is  stated  to 
 have  ooDfinued  his  brother's  translation,  although 
 hoiv  much  they  themselves  actually  executed  is 
 quite  uncei'tain.  The  Old  Testament  is,  as  might 
 be  supposed,  a  version  from  the  LXX.,  but  what 
 measure  of  levision  it  may  since  have  received 
 seems  to  be  by  no  means  certain.  As  the  oldest 
 known  MS.  of  the  whole  Bible  is  of  the  year  1499, 
 it  may  reasonably  be  questioned  whether  this  version 
 ma}'  not  in  large  portions  be  comparatively  modem. 
 The  oldest  MS.  of  any  part  of  this  version  is  an 
 Evangeliarium,  in  Cyrillic  characters,  of  the  year 
 1036.     The  first  printed  portion  was  an  edition  of 
 
 3    R  2 
 
9S0  VERSIONS,  ANCIENT  (SYRIAC 
 
 the  rJosppls  in  Wallnchia,  in  l.M'i;  in  I'lTT)  tlic 
 same  jiortion  was  printei)  at  Wilna  ;  and  in  l.'iSl 
 the  whole  Bible  was  printeil  at  Ostiog  in  Volhynia. 
 The  general  text  is  such  as  wouhl  have  been  ex- 
 pected in  tiio  ninth  centnrv :  some  readings  iVom 
 the  Latin  have,  it  appears,  been  introduced  in 
 places. 
 
 SYIIIAC  VERSIONS.— I.  Ok  Tin:  Old  Testa- 
 si  i:nt.  A.  From  the  Hebrew. — In  the  early  times 
 of  Syrian  Christianity  there  was  executed  a  version 
 of  the  Old  Test^iment  fiom  the  original  Hehi-cw, 
 the  use  of  which  must  have  l)een  as  widely  ex- 
 tended .as  was  the  Christian  profession  amongst  that 
 people.  Ephraeni  the  Syrian,  in  the  latter  half  of 
 the  4th  century,  gives  abundant  ]>roof  of  its  use  in 
 general  by  his  countrymen.  When  he  calls  it  OUR 
 VKUSio;*,  it  does  not  appear  to  be  in  opposition  to 
 any  other  Syrinc  translation,  but  in  conti'ast  to  the 
 original  Ilebievv  text,  or  to  those  in  other  languages. 
 .\t  a  Intel-  period  this  Syriac  translation  was  desig- 
 nated Pcs'.ifo  (Simple).  It  is  probable  that  this 
 name  was  aj^plied  to  the  version  after  another  had 
 been  formed  from  the  llexajilai-  (ireek  text.  This 
 ti'anslatioi)  from  the  Hebrew  has  always  been  the 
 eci:lesiastical  version  of  the  Syiians.  Its  existence 
 and  use  prior  to  the  ilivisions  of  the  .Syrian  Churches 
 is  stilficiently  piovod  by  Kphracm  alone.  It  is 
 highly  impriibable  that  any  part  of  the  Syriac  ver- 
 sion is  oilier  than  the  advent  of  our  Lord  ;  those 
 who  ])laced  it  under  Abgarus,  king  of  Hdessa,  seem 
 to  have  argued  on  the  account  that  the  Syrian  people 
 then  received  Christiaiiitv.      All  thai  the  account 
 
 already  in  the  I'olyglotts.  But  we  have  now  in 
 this  country,  in  tiie  MS.  tieasures  brought  from 
 the  Nitrian  valleys,  the  means  of  far  more  ai«u- 
 rately  editing  this  version.  It  hiis  been  much 
 discussed  whether  this  tninslation  were  a  Jewish 
 or  a  Christian  work.  There  need  be  no  reason- 
 able objection  made  to  the  opinion  that  it  is  a 
 Christian  ^vork.  It  may  be  said  that  the  Syriac  in 
 fiencr.il  supports  the  Hebrew  text  that  we  have. 
 A  resembhuute  has  been  pointed  out  between  the 
 Syriac  and  the  reading  of  some  of  the  Ciialdee  Tar- 
 gums:  it'  the  'I'argum  is  the  older,  it  is  not  uidikely 
 that  the  Syriac  translator  examined  the  Targunis 
 in  diliicult  passages.  If  existing  Targums  are  more 
 recent  than  the  Syriac,  it  may  hap|)eu  that  their 
 coincidences  arise  from  the  use  of  a  common  source 
 — an  earlier  Targum.  But  there  is  another  ]K)int 
 of  inquiry  of  mure  im])oi  tance :  it  is,  how  far  ha.s 
 this  version  been  afiected  by  the  LXX.  ?  and  to 
 what  are  we  to  attril)ute  this  influence  ?  It  is 
 possible  that  the  influence  of  the  LXX.  is  partly  to 
 be  ascribed  to  copyists  and  revisers ;  while  in  |><irt 
 tliis  belonged  to  the  version  as  originally  made. 
 When  the  extensive  use  of  the  LXX.  is  remembered, 
 and  how  soon  it  was  siijx;rstitiously  imagine<l  to 
 have  been  made  by  direct  inspiration,  so  that  it  was 
 deemed  canonically  authoritative,  we  cannot  feel 
 wonder  that  readings  from  the  LXX.  should  have 
 been  from  time  to  time  introduced.  Some  compar- 
 ison with  the  Greek  is  proliable  even  bet'ore  the 
 time  of  Kphraem  ;  for,  as  to  the  Apocryjihal  books, 
 while  he  cites  some  of  them  (though  not  as  Sciij)- 
 shows  clearly  is,  that  it  was  believed  to  belong  to  |  ture),  the  .Apocrvphal  additions  to  Diuiiel  and  tlie 
 the  earliest   period   of  the  Christian   faith   among  i  Books  of  Maccabees  were  not  yet  found  in  Syriac. 
 
 them.  Ephraem,  in  the  4th  century,  not  only 
 shows  that  it  was  then  current,  but  also  gives  the 
 impression  that  this  had  even  then  been  lotifj  tlie 
 case.  For  in  his  commeiitaiies  he  gives  exi)laiia- 
 tions  of  terms  which  were  even  then  obscure.  This 
 might  have  been  from  age  :  if  so,  the  version  was 
 made  compaiatively  long  before  his  days:  or  it 
 might  be  from  its  having  been  in  a  dialect  different 
 from  that  to  which  he  was  accustomed  at  Edessa. 
 In  this  case,  then,  the  translation  was  maile  in  some 
 other  part  of  Syria.  Probably  the  origin  of  the 
 Old  Syriac  version  is  to  be  compared  with  that  of 
 the  Old  Latin  ;  and  that  it  diflered  as  much  from 
 the  polished  language  of  Edessa  as  did  the  Old 
 Latin,  made  in  the  African  Piovince,  I'rom  the  con- 
 temporary writers  of  Kome.  The  Old  Syriac  has 
 the  peculiar  value  of  being  the  first  version  from  the 
 Hebrew  original  made  tor  Christian  use.  The  prool" 
 that  this  version  was  made  from  the  Hebrew  is 
 twofohl :  we  have  the  direct  stateuients  of  Ephraem, 
 and  we  timl  the  same  thing  as  evident  from  the 
 internal  examination  of  the  version  itself.  The  first 
 printed  edition  of  this  vei-sion  was  that  which  ap- 
 peared in  the  Paris  Polycrlott  of  Le  .lay  in  1()4,");  it 
 is  siiid  that  the  editor,  (!at)riel  Sionita,  a  Maronite, 
 hail  only  an  imperfect  MS.  In  Walton's  Polvglott, 
 lO.')?,  the  Paris  text  is  reprinted,  but  with  the  addi- 
 tion of  the  Apocryphal  books  which  had  been  want- 
 
 Whoever  translated  any  of  these  books  from  the 
 Oieek,  may  O'XnWj  have  also  compared  with  it  in 
 some  places  U  •  //./oks  previously  translated  from 
 the  Hebrew.  In  the  Book  of  Psalms  this  version 
 exhibits  many  peculiarities.  Eitlier  the  translation 
 of  the  Psalter  must  be  a  work  independent  of  the 
 Peshito  in  general,  or  else  it  has  been  strangely 
 revisel  and  altered,  not  only  from  the  Greek,  but 
 also  from  liturgical  use.  It  is  stated  that.,  after 
 the  divisions  of  the  .Syrian  Church,  there  were  revi- 
 sions of  this  one  version  bv  tlie  Monophysites  and 
 by  the  Nestoi  ians.  The  A'jr/Myi/iejtsiim  recension 
 mentioned  by  Bar-Hebraeus  w;is  only  known  by 
 name  prior  to  the  investigations  of  Wiseman.  It  is 
 found  in  two  MSS.  in  the  Vaficjin,  and  was  formed 
 for  the  use  of  Monophysites.  B,  T/ic  Syriac  ver- 
 sion from  the  f/crapliir  Greek  Text. — The  only 
 Syriac  version  of  the  Old  Test,  up  to  the  (ith  cen- 
 tury was  apparently  the  IVshito.  Moses  .Aghe- 
 l.aeus,  who  lived  in  the  middle  of  the  Gth  century, 
 speaks  of  the  versions  of  the  New  Test,  and  the 
 Psalter,  "which  Polycarp  (rest  his  soul!),  the 
 Choi-episcopus,  mm.'"  in  Syriac  for  the  faithful  Xe- 
 iiaias,  the  teacher  of  Mabug,  worthy  of  the  memory 
 of  tlie  good."  It  is  said  that  the  Nestorian  patri- 
 arch,  Marabba,  A.n.  o.'i'J,  made  a  vei-sion  from  the 
 Cireek.  The  version  by  Paul  of  Tela,  a  Monophys- 
 ite,  w;»s  made  in  the  beginning  of  the  Ttli  century  ; 
 
 mg.      Ill  the  ])Uiictuation  given  in  the  Poly^lott-s,  a  !  for  its  bjisis  he  used  the  Ilexaplar  (ireek  text — that 
 
 system  was  introduced  which  was  in  part  a  pecu- 
 liarity of  (;at)riel  Sionita  himself.  Dr.  Lee  col- 
 lated for  the  text  which  he  alited  for  the  I'.ilile  So- 
 ciety six  Syriac  MSS.  of  the  Old  Test,  in  gener.d, 
 and  a  very  ancient  copy  of  the  Pi-ntateuch :  he  also 
 used  ill  pait  the  commentarie>  of  Ephraem  and  of 
 Bar-!iebraeiis.  From  these  various  .sources  he 
 constructed  his  text,    with   the  aid  of  that   (oiiud 
 
 is,  the  LXX.,  with  the  corrections  of  Origeu,  the 
 asterisks,  olieli,  &o.,  and  with  the  i-efeiences  to 
 the  other  (Jreek  versions.  The  Syro-IIexaplar  ver- 
 sion was  made  on  the  principle  of  following  the 
 Greek,  word  for  word,  as  exactly  .as  possible.  It 
 contains  the  marks  introduced  by  Origen  ;  and  the 
 rclerenccs  to  the  versions  of  Aquila,  Symmachus, 
 Theodotion,   &c.      In    f:\ct,   it   is   from  this  Syriac 
 
VERSIONS,  ANCIENT  (SYRIAC; 
 
 981 
 
 vers'un  that  we  obtain  our  most  accurate  acquaint- 
 ance with  the  results  ot"  the  critical  labours  of 
 Origeii.  It  is  tiom  a  MS.  in  the  Ambrosian  Library 
 at  Wilan  tliat  we  possess  accuiate  means  of  know- 
 ing- this  Syriac  veision.  The  IMS.  in  question  con- 
 tains the  I'salms,  Job,  Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes,  Can- 
 ticles, Wisdom,  Ecclesiasticus,  minor  prophets, 
 Jeremiah,  Baruch,  Daniel.  Ezekiel,  and  Isaiah. 
 A'orbeig  published,  at  Lund  in  1787,  the  Books  of 
 Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel,  from  a  tianscript  wliioh  he 
 had  made  of  the  ]\IS.  at  Milan.  Jn  1788  Bugati 
 published  at  Milan  the  Book  of  Daniel  ;  he  also 
 edited  the  Psalms  the  printing  of  which  liad  been 
 completed  before  his  death  in  1816  ;  it  was  pub- 
 lished in  18'20.  The  rest  of  the  contents  of  the 
 Milan  Codex  (with  the  exception  of  the  Apocryphal 
 books)  was  published  at  Berlin  in  1835,  by  JMid- 
 deldorpf,  from  the  transcript  made  by  Norbeig  ; 
 Middeldorpf  also  added  the  4th  (2nd)  Book  of  Kings 
 from  a  M.S.  at  F\iris.  Besides  these  portions  of 
 this  Syriac  version,  the  ilSS.  from  the  Nitrian 
 monasteries  now  in  the  British  Museum  would  add 
 a  good  deal  more:  amongst  those  there  are  six,  from 
 which  much  might  be  drawn,  so  that  part  of  the 
 Pentateuch  and  other  books  may  be  lecovered.  To 
 enumerate  the  .supposed  versions  is  needless.  It  is 
 only  requisite  to  mention  that  Thomas  of  Harkel 
 seems  to  have  made  a  translation  from  the  Greek 
 into  Syriac  of  some  of  the  Apocryphal  books — at 
 least,  the  subscriptions  in  certain  MSS.  state  this.— 
 II.  The  Syuiac  New  Testament  Versions. — 
 A.  The  Fcshito  Sijriac  N.  T.  It  may  stand  as  an 
 admitted  tact  that  a  version  of  the  New  Test,  in 
 Syriac  existed  in  the  2nd  century ;  and  to  this-  we 
 may  refer  the  statement  of  Eusebms  respecting 
 Hegesijipus,  that  he  "'  made  quotations  fiom  the 
 Cospel  according  to  the  Hebrews  and  the  Syriac." 
 It  seems  equally  certain  that  in  the  4th  century 
 such  a  vei'sion  was  as  well  known  of  the  New  Test. 
 as  of  the  Old.  To  the  ti'anslation  in  common  use 
 amongst  the  Syiians,  orthodox,  Monophysite,  or 
 Nestorian,  from  the  5th  century  aiid  onward,  the 
 name  of  Peshito  has  been  as  commonly  applied  in 
 the  New  Test,  as  the  Old.  Thei-e  seem  to  be  but 
 few  notices  of  the  old  Syriac  Version  in  early  writers. 
 Cosmas  Indicopleustes,  in  the  former  hall'  of  the 
 0th  century,  incidentally  informs  us  that  the  Syriac 
 translation  does  not  contain  the  Second  Epistle  of 
 Peter,  2  and  3  John,  and  Jude.  In  1552  Moses 
 of  Mardin  came  to  Rome  to  Pope  Julius  III.,  com- 
 missioned by  Ignatius  the  Jacobite  (Monophysite) 
 patriarch,  to  state  his  religious  opinions,  to  eflect 
 (it  is  said)  a  union  with  the  Romish  Chuich,  and 
 to  get  the  SijrvLC  Neiv  Test,  printed.  In  this  last 
 object  he  foiled  both  at  Rome  and  Venice.  At  Vienna 
 he  was,  however,  successful.  Widmanstadt,  the 
 chancellor  of  the  Emperor  Ferdinand  I.,  had  himself 
 learned  Syiiac  from  Theseus  Ambrosius  many  years 
 pieviously  ;  and  through  his  influence  the  emperor 
 undertook  the  charge  of  an  edition,  which  appealed 
 in  1555,  through  the  joint  labours  of  Widman- 
 stadt, Moses,  and  Postell.  In  having  only  three 
 Catholic  epistles,  this  Syriac  New  Test,  agreed  with 
 the  desciipLion  of  Cosmas ;  the  Apocalypse  was  also 
 wanting,  as  well  as  the  section  John  viii.  1-11. 
 One  of  the  principal  editions  is  that  of  Leusden  and 
 Schaaf.  The  Lexicon  which  accompanies  this  edi- 
 tion is  of  great  value.  The  late  Professor  Lee  pub- 
 lished an  edition  in  1816  in  which  he  corrected  or 
 altered  ihe  text  on  the  autnonty  of  a  few  MSS. 
 In  182S  the  edition  of  Mr.  William  Greenticld  war. 
 
 publisheil  by  Messrs.  Bagster.  This  Syriac  Version 
 has  been  variously  estimated :  some  have  thought 
 that  in  it  they  had  a  genuine  and  unaltered  monu- 
 ment of  the  second,  or  perhaps  even  of  the  first 
 century.  Others  finding  in  it  indubitable  marks  of 
 a  later  age,  were  inclined  to  deny  that  it  had  any 
 claim  to  a  very  remote  antiquity.  The  fact  is, 
 that  this  version  as  transmitted  to  us  contains 
 marks  of  antiquity,  and  also  traces  of  a  later  age. 
 The  tvi'o  tilings  are  so  blended,  that  if  either  class 
 of  phenomena  alone  were  regarded,  the  most  oppos- 
 ite opinions  might  be  formed.  The  judgment 
 formed  by  Griesbach  seems  to  be  certainly  the 
 correct  one  as  to  the  peculiarity  of  the  text  of  this 
 version:  he  says  (using  the  terms  proper  to  his 
 system  of  recensions)  ;  "  NuUi  harum  recensionum 
 Syriaca  veisio,  prout  quidem  typis  excusa  est, 
 similis,  verum  nee  ulli  prorsus  dissimilis  est.  In 
 multis  concinit  cum  Alexandiina  recensione,  in  plu- 
 ribus  cum  Occidentali,  in  nonnullis  etiam  cum 
 Constantinopolitana,  ita  tamen  ut  quae  in  banc  pos- 
 terioribus  demum  seculis  invecta  sunt,  pleraque 
 repudiet.  Diversis  ergo  temporibus  ad  Graecoi 
 codices  plane  diver  sos  iter  urn  iterumque  recognita 
 esse  videtur"  (Nov.  Test.  Proleg.  Ixxv.).  Whether 
 the  whole  of  this  version  proceeded  from  the  same 
 translator  has  been  questioned.  It  appears  pro- 
 bable that  the  New  Test,  of  the  Peshito  is  not 
 from  the  same  hand  as  the  Old.  Not  only  may 
 Michaelis  be  right  in  snpjiosing  a  peculiar  trans- 
 lator of  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  but  also 
 other  parts  may  be  from  different  hands ;  this 
 opinion  will  become  more  general  the  more  the 
 version  is  studied.  The  revisions  to  which  the 
 version  was  subjected  may  have  succeeded  in  part, 
 but  not  wholly,  in  effacing  the  indications  of  a  plur- 
 ality of  translators.  The  Acts  and  Epistles  seem 
 to  be  either  more  recent  than  the  Gospels,  though 
 far  less  revised;  or  else,  if  coeval,  far  more  cor- 
 rected by  later  Greek  MSS.  The  MSS.  of  the 
 Karkaphensian  recension  (as  it  has  been  termed) 
 of  the  Peshito  Old  Test,  contain  also  the  Nevir  with 
 a  similar  character  of  text.  The  Curetonian  Syriac 
 Gospels.—  Among  the  MSS.  brought  from  the 
 Nitrian  monasteries  in  1842,  Dr.  Cureton  noticed  a 
 copy  of  the  (Jospels,  differing  greatly  from  the  com- 
 mon text:  and  this  is  the  form  of  text  to  which  the 
 name  of  Curetonian  Syriac  has  been  rightly  applied. 
 Every  criterion  which  proves  the  common  Peshito 
 not  to  exhibit  a  text  of  extreme  antiquity,  equally 
 proves  the  early  origin  of  this.  Dr.  Cureton  con- 
 siders that  the  MS.  of  the  Gospels  is  of  the  fifth 
 century,  a  point  in  which  all  competent  judges  are 
 probably  agreed.  The  MS.  contains  Matt,  i.-viii. 
 22,  X.  31-xxiii.  25.  Mark,  the  four  last  vei'ses  only. 
 John  i.  1-42,  iii.  6-vii.  37,  xiv.  11-29;  Luke  ii. 
 48-iii.  16,  vii.  33-xv.  21,  xvii.  24-xxiv.  41.  Bar 
 Salibi,  bishop  of  Amida  in  the  12th  century, 
 says : — "  There  is  found  occasionally  a  Syriac  copy, 
 made  out  of  the  Hebrew,  which  inserts  these  three 
 kings  in  the  genealogy  ;  but  that  afterwards  it 
 speaks  oi'  fourteen  and  not  of  seventeen  generations, 
 because  fourteen  generations  has  been  substituted 
 for  seventeen  by  the  Hebrews  on  account  of  their 
 holding  to  the  septenary  number,"  &c.  It  shows 
 then  that  Bar  Salibi  knew  of  a  Syriac  text  of  the 
 Gospels  in  which  Ahaziah,  Joash,  and  Amaziah 
 were  inserted  in  Jlatt.  i.  8  ;  there  is  the  same  read- 
 ing in  the  Curetonian  Syriac:  but  this  might  have 
 been  a  coincidence.  But  in  ver.  17  the  Cm-etonian 
 text  has  in  contradiction  to  ver.  8,  fourteen  genera- 
 
982 
 
 VERSIONS,  ANCIENT  (SYRIAC— TARGUM^ 
 
 tioai  and  not  seventeen :  aiul  so  had  the  copy  nit'ii- 
 tioneil  by  I5ar  Salibi :  tlie  former  point  might  be  a 
 mere  coincideDce  ;  the  latter,  liowever,  shows  siifh 
 a  kind  of  union  in  contradiction  as  proves  the 
 identity  very  convincingly.  In  examining  the  Cure- 
 tonian  text  with  the  common  printed  I'eshito,  we 
 often  find  such  identity  of  phrase  and  rendering  as 
 to  show  that  they  are  not  wholly  independent  trans- 
 lations :  then,  again,  we  meet  with  such  variety  in 
 the  fornis  of  words,  &c.  ;is  seems  to  india\te  that 
 in  the  i'eshito  the  phraseology  had  been  revised  and 
 lelined.  But  the  gi-eat  (it  might  be  said  charac- 
 teristic) dirt'oience  between  the  Curetonian  and  the 
 I'eshito  Gospels  is  in  their  readings;  for  while  the 
 latter  cannot  in  its  present  state  be  deemed  an  un- 
 changed production  of  the  second  century,  the  ibimer 
 beai's  all  the  marks  of  extreme  antiiiuity,  even 
 though  in  places  it  may  have  sutlereil  from  the  in- 
 troduction of  readings  current  in  very  early  times. 
 A  comparison  of  the  two  not  only  shows  the  an- 
 tiquity of  the  text  of  the  Curetonian  Syriac,  but  it 
 also  atlbrds  abundant  proof  that  the  I'eshito  must 
 have  been  modernised  and  revised.  The  antiquity 
 of  the  Curetonian  text  is  also  shown  by  the  occur- 
 rence of  readings  which  were,  as  we  know,  early 
 cun-ent,  even  though  rightly  repudiated  as  erro- 
 neous: it  may  sulHce  to  refer  to  the  long  addition 
 atW  Watt.  XX.  28.  The  Curetonian  Syriac  pre- 
 sents such  a  text  as  we  might  have  concluded  would 
 be  current  in  the  second  century  :  tlie  I'eshito  has 
 many  features  which  could  not  belong  to  that  age  ; 
 unless,  indeed,  we  arc  ready  to  reject  establislied 
 facts,  and  those  of  a  very  numerous  kind  :  probably, 
 at  least,  two  thousand.  Bar  Salibi  tells  us,  wIkmi 
 speaking  of  this  vereion  of  St.  Matthew,  "  there  is 
 found  occiisionally  a  Syriac  copy  made  out  of  the 
 Hebrew ;"  we  thus  krioio  that  the  opinion  of  the 
 Syrians  themselves  in  the  I'Jth  century  was  that 
 this  translation  of  St.  Jlatthew  w;uj  not  made  from 
 the  Gieek,  but  from  the  Hebrew  original  of  the 
 Evangelist:  such,  too,  was  the  judgment  of  Dr. 
 Cureton.  The  more  tlie  vviiier.cc,  direct  and  in- 
 direct, is  weighed,  the  more  established  it  appears 
 will  be  the  judgment  that  the  Curetonian  Syriac  of 
 St.  Matthew's  Gos])el  was  translated  from  the  Apos- 
 tle's Hebrew  (Syro-Chaldaic)  original,  although 
 injured  since  by  copyists  or  revisers.— B.  T/ic 
 I'hiloxenian  Striae  Version,  and  its  revision  by 
 T/iomns  of  Harhel.  —  Philoxcnus,  or  Xenaias,  a 
 Monophysite,  Bp.  of  Hierapolis  or  Mabug  at  the 
 beginning  of  the  Gth  century,  caused  I'olyairp,  his 
 Chorepiscopus,  to  make  a  new  translation  of  the 
 New  Test,  into  Syriac.  This  was  executed  in  A.n. 
 508,  and  it  is  gcnei-ally  termed  I'hiloxenian  from 
 its  promoter.  This  version  has  not  been  trans- 
 mitted to  us  in  the  form  in  which  it  was  first 
 made;  we  only  jwssess  a  revision  of  it,  executed  by 
 Tlioniius of  Harkel  in  the  Ibllowing  centmy  (The Cos- 
 pels,  A.l).  61(>).  I''rom  the  subscrijitions  we  learn 
 that  the  text  was  revised  by  Tliomas  with  three 
 (some  copies  sjiy  tu:o)  Creek  MSS.  One  Greek 
 copy  is  similarly  mentioned  at  the  close  of  tlie  Ca- 
 tholic Kpistles.  In  describing  this  version  as  it 
 has  come  down  to  us,  the  text  is  the  hist  thing  to 
 be  consideied.  This  is  characterised  by  e.\treme 
 litenility :  the  Syriac  idiom  is  constantly  bent  to 
 suit  the  tircek,  and  everything  is  in  some  manner 
 expressed  in  the  (ireck  jfhrase  and  order.  As  to 
 the  kind  of  (Jreek  text  that  it  represents,  it  is  just 
 what  might  have  Uen  rxpecteil  in  the  t>th  century. 
 The  work  of  Th<<nwf<  in  the  text  it>elf  is  seen  in 
 
 the  introduction  oi' obeli,  by  which  passj.ges  which 
 he  rejected  were  condemnetl ;  and  of  asterisks,  with 
 which  his  insertions  were  distinguished.  His  model 
 in  all  tliis  was  the  Hexaplar  Greek  text.  It  is  i)rob- 
 able  that  the  I'liiloxenian  veision  was  veiy  literal, 
 but  that  the  slavish  adaptation  to  the  Greek  is  the 
 woik  of  Thomas.^(J.  Si/riac  Versions  of  portions 
 uanling  in  the  I'eshito. — I.  The  second  Epistle  of 
 I'eter,  the  second  and  third  of  John,  and  that  of 
 ,Iude.  The  fact  has  been  already  noticed,  that  the 
 Old  Syiiac  Version  did  not  contain  these  Epistles. 
 They  were  ])ublished  by  Pococke  in  16:50,  t'rom  a 
 MS.  in  the  Bodleian.  The  suggestion  of  iJr.  David- 
 son, that  the  text  of  Pococke  is  that  of  Philoxenus 
 before  it  was  revised  by  Thomas,  seems  most  piob- 
 aide.— II.  The  Apocalypse.  —  In  16"J7  De  l)ieu 
 edited  a  Syriac  version  of  the  Apocalypse,  from  a 
 MS.  in  the  1-eyden  Library,  written  by  one  "  Caspar 
 from  the  land  of  the  Indians,"  who  lived  in  the 
 latter  part  of  the  1  Gth  century.  A  MS.  at  Kloience, 
 also  written  by  this  Caspar,  has  a  subscription 
 stating  that  it  was  copied  in  1582  from  a  MS.  in 
 the  writing  of  Thomas  of  Harkel,  in  A,D,  G'2'2.  But 
 the  subscription  seems  to  be  of  doubtful  authority  ; 
 and  until  the  Kev.  B.  Harris  Cowper  drew  attention 
 to  1  more  ancient  copy  of  the  version,  we  might 
 weil  be  somewhat  uncertain  if  tins  were  really  an 
 ancient  work.  It  is  of  small  criticiU  value,  and  the 
 MS.  from  which  it  was  edited  is  incorrectly  written. 
 This  book,  from  the  Paris  Polyglott  and  onward, 
 has  been  ailded  to  the  I'eshito  in  this  lelation.— 
 III.  The  Syriac  Version  of  John  \V\\.  \-\\. — From 
 the  MS.  sent  by  Abp.  Ussher  to  De  Dieu,  the  latter 
 published  this  section  in  16:31.  From  De  Dieu  it 
 w:us  inserted  in  the  London  I'olyglott,  with  a  refei- 
 ence  to  Ussher's  JIS.,  and  hence  it  has  passed  with 
 the  other  editions  of  the  Peshito,  where  it  is  a  mere 
 intorjwiation.  Probably  the  version  edited  is  that 
 of  Paul  of  Tela,  the  translator  of  the  Hexaplar  Gieek 
 text  into  Syriac— D.  The  Jkhlsalkm  Syriac 
 Lkctionary. — The  MS.  in  the  Vatican  containing 
 ihii  fcnwn  yvm  pretty  /uily  dcicribed  oy  S.  E. 
 Assemani  in  1756,  in  the  Catilogue  of  the  MSS. 
 belonging  to  that  Library.  The  MS.  was  wiitten 
 in  A.l).  10;51,  in  peculiar  Syriac  writing;  the  por- 
 tions are  of  coui'se  those  for  the  dilferent  festivals, 
 some  parts  of  the  Gospels  not  being  there  at  all. 
 The  dialect  is  not  common  Syriac  ;  it  was  termeil 
 tlie  Jerusalem  Syriac,  from  its  being  su)iposed  to 
 icscmble  the  Jerusalem  Talmud  in  language  and 
 other  points.  The  grammar  is  peculiar  ;  the  forms 
 almost  Chaldce  rather  than  Syriac;  two  charactei-s 
 are  used  for  expressing  F  and  P.  For  critical  pur- 
 l)oses  this  Lectionary  has  a  far  higher  value  than  it 
 has  for  any  other :  its  readings  often  coincide  with 
 the  oldest  and  best  authorities.  In  Adier's  opinion 
 its  date  as  a  version  would  be  from  the  4th  to  the 
 6th  century  ;  but  it  can  hardly  be  sup]X)sed  that  it 
 is  of  so  early  an  age,  or  that  any  Syiians  then  could 
 have  usetl  so  corrupt  a  tiialect.  The  first  volume, 
 of  an  edition  of  this  Lectionary,  containing  the 
 Syiiac  text,  with  a  Latin  translation,  hjis  been  pub- 
 lished by  Count  Minisc;ilchi  Erizzo. 
 
 TAKtiUM,  a  Chaldee  word  of  uncertain  origin; 
 the  general  term  for  the  CHALDEE,  or,  more  ac- 
 curately. AliA.MAlC  VEUSIONS  of  the  Old  Testii- 
 ment.  The  injunction  to  "  read  the  Book  of  the 
 Law  before  all  Isi-ael  ....  the  men,  and  women, 
 and  children,  ami  the  sfnmgers,"  on  the  Foiust  ol 
 Tabernacles  of  every  Salibatical  year,  as  a  means  of 
 solemn  iiiatructiou  and  cililicatioii,  is  lint  found  id 
 
VERSIONS,  ANCIENT  (TARGUM) 
 
 983 
 
 Deut.  xxxi.  10-13.  How  far  tlie  nnliii:ince  was  ob- 
 served iri  early  times  we  have  no  means  ot"jiidgiii<j. 
 It  would  ai)pear,  however,  that  such  readings  did 
 take  place  in  the  days  of  Jeremiah.  Cert;iin  it  is 
 that  among  the  first  acts  undei taken  by  Kzra  to- 
 wards the  restoration  of  the  j)rimitive  religion  and 
 j)ublic  worship  is  reported  his  reading  "  betoie  the 
 congregation,  both  of  men  and  women "  of  the 
 returned  exiles,  "  in  the  Book  in  the  Law  of  God" 
 (Nell.  viii.  2,  8).  Aided  by  those  men  of  learning 
 and  eminence  with  whom,  according  to  tradition, 
 he  founded  that  most  important  religious  and  polit- 
 ical body  called  the  Gieat  Synagogue,  or  Men  of 
 the  Great  Assembly,  he  appears  to  have  succeeded 
 in  so  firmly  establishing  regular  and  frequent  public 
 readings  in  the  Sacred  Records,  that  later  authoii- 
 ties  almost  unanimously  trace  this  hallowed  custom 
 to  times  immemorial — nay  to  the  times  of  Woscs 
 himself.  To  these  ancient  readings  in  the  Penta- 
 teuch were  added,  in  the  coui-se  of  time,  readings  in 
 the  Prophets  (in  some  Babylonian  cities  even  in  the 
 Hagiographa),  which  were  called  Haftaroth ;  but 
 when  and  how  these  were  intioduced  is  still  matter 
 for  speculation.  If,  however,  the  primitive  reli- 
 gion was  re-established,  together  with  the  second 
 Temple,  in  more  than  its  former  vigour,  thus  en- 
 abling the  small  number  of  the  returned  exiles — 
 and  these,  according  to  tradition,  the  lowest  of  the 
 low,  the  poor  in  we;ilth,  in  knowledge,  and  in  an- 
 cestiy,  the  very  outcasts  and  refuse  of  the  nation 
 as  it  were — to  found  upon  the  ruins  of  Zion  one  of 
 the  most  imjjortant  and  lasting  spiritual  common- 
 wealths that  has  ever  been  known,  there  was  yet 
 one  thing  which  neither  authority  nor  piety,  neither 
 academy  nor  synagogue,  could  lestore  to  its  original 
 jwwer  and  glory — the  Hebrew  language.  Ere  long 
 it  was  found  necessary  to  translate  the  national 
 books,  in  order  that  the  nation  from  whose  midst 
 they  had  sprung  might  be  able  to  understand  them. 
 And  if  for  the  Alexandrine,  or  rather  the  whole 
 body  of  Hellenistic  Jews,  Greek  translations  had 
 to  be  composed,  those  who  dwelt  on  the  hallowed 
 soil  of  their  forefathers  had  to  receive  the  sacred 
 word  through  an  Aramaic  medium.  If  the  common 
 people  thus  gi-adually  had  lost  all  knowledge  of  the 
 tongue  in  which  were  wiitten  the  books  to  be  read 
 to  them,  it  naturally  followed  (in  order  "  that  they 
 might  understand  them")  that  recoui-se  must  be 
 had  to  a  translation  into  the  idiom  with  which  thev 
 were  familiar — the  Aramaic.  That  further,  since 
 a  bare  translation  could  not  in  all  cases  suffice,  it 
 was  necessary  to  add  to  the  translation  an  explana- 
 tion, more  particularly  of  the  more  dilficult  and 
 obscure  passages.  Both  translation  ;md  explanation 
 were  designated  by  the  term  Targum.  In  the  coui-se 
 of  time  there  sprang  up  a  guild,  whose  special 
 office  it  was  to  act  as  interpreters  in  both  senses 
 {Meturgenum),  while  fonnerly  the  learned  alone 
 volunteered  their  services.  These  interpreters  were 
 subjected  to  certain  bonds  and  regulations  as  to  the 
 form  and  substance  of  their  renderings.  Again, 
 certain  passages  liable  to  give  offence  to  the  multi- 
 tude are  specified,  which  may  be  read  in  the  syna-  ] 
 gogue  and  translated  ;  others,  which  may  be  lead 
 but  not  translated  ;  others,  again,  which  may 
 neither  be  read  nor  translated.  Altogether  these 
 Meturgemanim  do  not  seem  to  have  been  held  gener- 
 ally in  veiy  high  respect ;  one  of  the  reasons  being  \ 
 probably  that  they  were  paid,  and  thus  made  the 
 Torah  "  a  spade  to  dig  with  it."  A  fair  notion  of 
 uhat    was   considered   a   proj>er  Targum    may  be 
 
 gathered  tiom  the  maxim  preserved  in  the  Talmud  : 
 "  Whosoever  translates  [as  Metiirgeman]  a  verse  iu 
 its  closely  exact  form  [without  proper  regard  to  its 
 real  meaning]  is  a  liar,  and  whosoever  adds  to  it  is 
 impious  and  a  hlccplwmcr,  e.  g.,  the  literal  render- 
 ing into  Chaldee  of  the  verse,  '  They  saw  the  God 
 of  Israel'  (Ex.  xxiv.  10),  is  as  wrong  a  translation 
 as  '  They  saw  the  angel  of  God  ;'  the  proper  ren- 
 dering being,  '  They  saw  the  glory  of  the  God  of 
 Israel.'"  The  same  causes  which,  in  the  coui'se  of 
 time,  led  to  the  writing  down — after  many  centu- 
 ries of  oral  transmission — of  the  whole  body  of  the 
 Traditional  Law,  engendered  also,  and  about  the 
 same  period,  as  it  would  appear,  written  Targums : 
 for  certain  portions  of  the  Bible,  at  least.  The 
 fear  of  the  adulterations  and  mutilations  which  the 
 Divine  Word — amid  the  troubles  within  and  with- 
 out the  Conimonwcidth — must  undergo  at  the  hands 
 of  incompetent  or  impious  exponents,  broke  through 
 the  rule,  that  the  Targum  should  only  be  oral,  lest 
 it  might  acquire  undue  authority.  The  gradu:il 
 growth  of  the  Code  of  the  written  Targum,  such  as 
 now  embraces  almost  the  whole  of  the  0.  T.,  and 
 contains,  we  may  presume,  but  few  snatches  of  the 
 primitive  Targums,  is  shrouded  in  deep  obscurity. 
 Before,  however,  enteiing  into  a  more  detailed  ac- 
 count, we  must  first  dwell  for  a  short  time  on  the 
 Midrash  itself,  of  which  the  Taigum  foiins  part. 
 The  centre  of  all  mental  activity  and  religious 
 action  among  the  Jewish  community,  after  the 
 return  from  Babylon,  was  the  Scriptui-al  Canon 
 collected  by  the  Sofenm,  or  Jlen  of  the  Great 
 Synagogue.  These  formed  the  chief  authority  on 
 the  civil  and  religious  law,  and  their  authority 
 was  the  Pentateuch.  Their  office  as  expounders 
 and  commentators  of  the  Sacred  Records  was  two- 
 fold. They  had,  firstly,  to  explain  the  exact 
 meaning  of  such  prohibitions  and  ordinances  con- 
 tained in  the  Slosaic  Books  as  seemed  not  explicit 
 enough  for  the  multitude,  and  the  precise  applica- 
 tion of  which  in  former  days  had  been  forgotten 
 duiing  the  Capti\nty.  Secondly,  laws  neither  spe- 
 cially contained  nor  even  indicated  in  the  Penta- 
 teuch were  inaugurated  by  them  according  to  the 
 new  wants  of  the  times  and  the  ever-shifting  ne- 
 cessities of  the  glowing  Commonwealth.  This 
 juiidical  and  homiletical  expounding  and  inter- 
 pieting  of  Scripture  is  called  darash,  and  the  ava- 
 lanche of  Jewish  literature  which  began  silently  to 
 gather  from  the  time  of  the  return  from  the  exile 
 and  went  on  rolling  uninterruptedly,  until  about  a 
 thousand  years  after  the  destruction  of  the  second 
 Temjile,  may  be  comprised  under  the  general  name 
 Midrash — "  expounding  "  The  two  chief  branches 
 indicated  are,  Haltchah,  the  rule  by  which  to 
 go,  =  binding,  authoritative  law ;  and  HaggadaJi 
 =  saying,  legend, — fiights  of  fancy,  darting  up 
 from  the  Divine  Word.  The  Haluchah,  treating 
 more  especially  the  Pentateuch  as  the  legal  part  of 
 the  0.  T.,  bears  towaids  this  book  the  relation  of 
 an  amplified  and  annotated  Code.  The  Haggadah, 
 on  the  other  hand,  held  especial  sway  over  the  wide 
 field  of  ethical,  poetical,  prophetic;\l,  and  historical 
 elements  of  the  0.  T.,  but  was  free  even  to  inter- 
 pret its  legal  and  historiail  passages  fancifully  and 
 allegorically.  The  aim  of  the  Haggadah  being  the 
 purely  momentary  one  of  elevating,  comforting, 
 eilifying  its  audience  for  the  time  being,  it  did  not 
 pretend  to  possess  the  slightest  authority.  The 
 first  collections  of  the  Ilalachah — embracing  the 
 whole  field  of  juridico-political.  religious,  and  prao 
 
984 
 
 VERSIONS,  ANCIENT  (TARGUM. 
 
 tiuil  lilie,  botli  of  the  individual  :uid  of  the  nation: 
 the  human  and  I)ivinf  law  to  its  most  minute 
 and  uisij;nitic;ant  detiius — wure  instituted  liy  liillei, 
 Akiba,  and  Simon  li.  Gamaliel  ;  but  tlie  liiial  le- 
 dactioa  of  the  geneial  code,  Mishwi,  to  wliich 
 the  later  Toseftahs  and  Boiailhas  form  supple- 
 ments, is  due  to  Jehudah  Hannasi  in  2'Ju  A. I).  The 
 masteis  of  the  Mi>hnaic  period,  after  the  Soferim, 
 are  the  Tanuaim,  who  were  followed  by  the  Aino- 
 raim.     The  dist:ussions  and   fuither  aniplilications 
 
 no  certainty  whatever  on  this  head,  owing  to  tl;o 
 extraordinarily  corrupt  state  of  our  Targum  texts. 
 It  would  appeal',  however,  thai,  tjioadly  speaking, 
 our  present  Masoretic  test  has  been  the  one  fiwn 
 which  the  Onk.  Vereion  was,  if  not  made,  yet 
 eilited,  at  all  events.  Of  the  extraordinary  simi- 
 larity between  Oukelos  and  the  Samaiitaii  Version 
 we  have  spoken  under  Samauitan  Pextat i;l'CU. 
 —II.  TAittiUM  ON  Till;  PuoPHETS. — viz.  Joshua, 
 Judges,  .'^anuiel,  Kings,  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  Kzekiel, 
 
 of  the  Mi.-hna  by  the  latter,  form  the  Gcinara  and  the  twelve  Minor  iVophets, — ciilled  TargUM 
 (^Complement),  a  work  extiuit  in  two  redactions,  1  OF  Jonathan  1ji;n  Uzziel.  We  shall,  proba- 
 viz.  that  ot'  Palestine  or  Jerusalem  (middle  of  4th  I  bly  not  be  far  wrong  in  placing  this  Targum  some 
 
 oeiitury),  and  of  Babylon  (5th  century  A.D.),  which, 
 together  with  the  Mishna,  aie  coiiipriseil  under  the 
 name  Talmud.  Fiom  this  indispeiis;ible  digression 
 we  return  to  the  subject  nl'  Targum.  The  Taigums 
 now  extant  are  as  follows: — 1.  Tllic  T.^UGUM  OF 
 O.N'KKi.os  ON  THE  Pentai'KLTCH.  —  Oukelos  is 
 the  same  name  as  Aqiiila,  the  Greek  translator  of 
 the  0.  T.  (see  p.  979);  and  the  Targum  was  so 
 called  because  the  new  Chaldoe  \'ersioii  was  staited 
 luider  the  name  which  had  become  expressive  of  the 
 lype  and  ideal  of  a  Bibie-trauslation ;  so  that,  in 
 fact,  it  was  a  Targum  done  in  the  manner  of 
 Aiiuila: — Aqnila- Targum.  With  regard  to  the 
 date,  the  Targum  wiis  begun  to  be  committed 
 to  writing  about  the  end  of  the  2iid  century, 
 A.D.  So  far,  however,  from  its  superseding  the 
 Olid  Targum  at  once,  it  was  on  the  contrary 
 strictly  foibidden  to  read  it  in  public.  Nor  was 
 there  any  uniformity  in  the  Vereion.  Down  to 
 the  middle  of  the  2nd  century  we  find  the  mas- 
 tei;j  most  materially  diiiering  fiom  each  otlier 
 with  respect  to  tlie  Targum  of  certain  passages, 
 and  translations  quoted  not  to  be  found  in  any 
 of  our  Taigums.  We  shall  not  be  tiir  wrong  in 
 placing  the  work  of  collecting  the  dilKneut  Irag- 
 inents  with  their  variants,  and  ralncing  them  into 
 one — finally  authorised  Version — about  the  end  of 
 the  ord,  or  the  beginning  of  the  4fh  century,  and 
 in  assigning  Babylon  to  it  as  the  birthplace.  We 
 now  turn  to  the  'I'aigum  itself.  Its  language  is 
 Chaldee,  closely  ajtproaching  in  jnirity  of  idiom  to 
 that  o(  Ezra  and  Daniel.  It  follows  a  sober  and 
 deiir,  though  not  a  slavish  exegesis,  and  keeps  as 
 closely  and  minutely  to  the  text  as  is  at  all  con- 
 sistent with  its  piir]iose,  viz.,  to  be  chiefly,  and 
 above  all,  a  version  for  the  people.  Its  explanations 
 of  ditiicult  and  obscure  passages  bear  aini)le  witness 
 10  the  competence  of  those  who  gave  it  its  final 
 siiape,  and  infused  into  it  a  rare  unity.  It  avoids 
 the  legendary  character  with  which  all  the  later 
 Targunis  entwine  the  Biblical  word,  as  tar  as  ever 
 ciicunistmces  would  allow.  Only  in  the  poetical 
 piussages  it  was  compelled  to  yield — though  re- 
 luctantly— to  the  ])opular  craving  for  Haggadah  ; 
 but  even  here  it  chooses  and  selects  with  rare  tiste 
 and  tact.  In  spite  of  its  many  and  important 
 discrepancies,  the  Targum  never  for  one  moment 
 'brgets  its  aim  of  Ijeiiig  a  clear,  though  free, 
 tjanslation  for  the  people,  and  notliuig  more. 
 Wherever  it  deviates  from  the  literalness  of  the 
 te:(t,  such  a  coui-se,  in  its  case,  is  fully  justified 
 — nay,  necessitated — either  by  the  obscurity  of 
 tlie  passage,  or  the  wrong  construction  that  na- 
 turally Would  be  i)ut  upon  its  wording  by  the 
 uudtiliide.  The  explanations  given  agree  either 
 with  the  real  sense,  or  develop  the  «'urrent  tradi- 
 tjoii  sup|H),sed  to  umlerlie  it.  As  lo  thi'  Bible  Text 
 iiom   which   the   T.ugnin   was  piepaiedi   we  have 
 
 time,  although  not  long,  al'ter  Onkelos,  or  about 
 the  middle  of  the  4th  century; — the  latter  years 
 of  K.  Joseph,  who,  it  is  said,  occupied  himself 
 chieHy  with  the  Targum  when  he  had  become  blind. 
 This  Targum  may  fairly  be  described  as  holding,  in 
 |)oint  of  interpretiition  and  enlargement  of  the  text, 
 the  middle  place  between  Oukelos,  who  only  in  ex- 
 treme cases  deviates  into  paraphrase,  and  the  sub- 
 sequent Targums,  whose  connexion  with  their  texts 
 is  frequently  of  the  most  flighty  charactei'.  The 
 inter] iretatioii  of  Jonathan,  where  it  adheres  to  the 
 text,  is  mostly  very  correct  in  a  philosophical  and 
 exei^etical  sense,  closely  literal  even,  provided  the 
 meaning  of  the  original  is  easil)'  to  be  undei'stoo<l 
 by  the  people.  When,  however,  similes  are  useil, 
 uiitiimiliar  or  obscure  to  the  people,  it  unhesitat- 
 ingly dissolves  them,  and  makes  them  e:tsy  in  their 
 mouths  like  household  words,  by  adding  as  much 
 of  explanation  as  .seems  fit ;  sometimes,  it  cannot  lie 
 denied,  less  .saga('iously,  even  incoirectly,  compre- 
 henduig  the  original  meaning. — HI.  ami  IV.  Tau- 
 
 GU.M  OF  JoNATJIAN-BeN-UzZIEI.  AND  JeUUSHAL- 
 M1-TaU(JUM  on  the  PENTATEICH. — Onkelos  and 
 Jonathan  on  the  Penfciteuch  ami  Prophets,  what- 
 ever be  their  exact  date,  jilace.  authorship  and 
 editorship,  are  the  oldest  of  existing  Taigums, 
 and  belong,  in  their  jiresent  sha)ie,  to  Babylon  aiiil 
 the  Babylonian  academies  tlouiishing  between  the 
 .'5rd  and  4tli  centuries  .\M.  But  precisely  as  two 
 parallel  and  independent  developments  of  the  Oral 
 Law  have  sprung  up  in  the  Palestinian  and  Baliy- 
 loiiian  Talmuds  respectively,  so  also  recent  investig- 
 ation has  proved  to  demonstration  the  existence  of 
 two  distinct  cycles  of  Targums  on  the  Written  Law 
 — t.  e.  the  entile  body  of  the  Old  Testament.  The 
 one  first  collected,  revised,  and  edited  in  Babylon, 
 called — more  esjiecially  that  part  of  it  which  em- 
 braced the  Peiititeuch  (Onkelos) — the  Babylonian. 
 The  other,  continuing  its  oral  life,  so  to  s;iy,  down 
 to  a  much  later  period,  was  written  and  edited — 
 less  carefully,  or  rather  with  a  much  more  liiithful 
 retention  of  the  oldest  and  youngest  fancies  of  Me- 
 tiirgenianim  and  Dai-shanim — on  the  soil  of  Judaea 
 itself".  Of  this  entire  cycle,  however,  the  Pentateuch 
 and  a  few  other  books  and  fragmentary  piei'es  only 
 have  survived  entire,  while  of  most  ol'  the  otlier 
 books  of  the  Bible  a  few  detacheii  fragments  are  all 
 that  is  known,  and  this  chiefly  from  quotations. 
 .As  not  tlie  least  cause  of  the  loss  of  the  gieat  bulk 
 of  the  I'alestiniaii  Targum  may  ..Iso  lie  considered 
 the  almost  uninterrupted  mailyrdom  t«  which  tltosc 
 were  subjected  who  pivt'enwl,  under  all  cii\;um- 
 st'iiic&s,  to  live  and  die  in  the  Land  oi  Promise. 
 However  this  may  be,  the  Targum  on  the  Penta- 
 teuch has  coine  down  to  us :  and  not  in  one,  but 
 ill  two  recensions.  Moiu  surprising  still,  the  one 
 hitherto  considered  a  t'ragnieiit,  liecause  ol'  its  era- 
 bracing   poitioiis  only  of  the  individual   books,  liar. 
 
VERSION,  AUTHORISED  __  985 
 
 ""ti    lutenj 
 
984 
 
 VERSIONS,  ANCIENT  (TARGUM, 
 
 >n  this  hen^ 
 
 ita»- 
 
VERSION,  AUTHORISED 
 
 986 
 
 in  reality  never  been  intended  to  embrace  any 
 t'ln  ther  ))ortion,  and  we  are  thus  in  the  possession 
 of  two  Palestinian  Tai'gunis,  pre^ierved  in  their 
 oriLiinal  forms.  The  one,  which  extends  from  tlie 
 first  verse  of  Genesis  to  tlie  last  of  Deuteronomy,  is 
 known  under  the  name  of  Targum  Jonathan  (hen 
 Uzziel)  or  Pseudo-Jonathan  on  the  Pentateuch. 
 The  other,  inter|iretiiig  single  verses,  often  single 
 words  only,  is  extant  in  thu  following  proportions: 
 a  third  on  ("ienesis,  a  fourth  on  Deuteronomy,  a 
 fifth  on  Numbeis,  three-twentieths  on  Exodus,  and 
 about  one-fourteenth  on  Leviticus.  The  latter  is 
 generally  called  Targum  Jerushalmi,  or,  down  to 
 the  nth  century  (Hai  Gaon,  Chananel),  Targum 
 Ercts  Israel,  Targum  of  Jerusalem  or  of  the  land 
 of  Israel.  Not  before  the  first  half  of  this  conttn-y 
 did  the  fact  become  fully  and  incontestably  esta- 
 bhshed  that  both  Targums  were  in  reality  one — 
 that  both  were  known  down  to  the  14th  century 
 under  no  other  name  than  Targum  Jerushalmi — 
 and  that  some  forgetful  scribe  about  that  time 
 must  have  taken  the  abbreviation  ^"D — '  T.JJ 
 over  one  of  the  two  documents,  and,  instead  of 
 dissolving  it  into  Targum-Jerushalmi,  di^solved 
 it  ei'roueously  into  what  he  must  till  then  have 
 been  engaged  in  copying — viz.,  Targum-Jonathan, 
 so.  ben  Uzziel  (on  the  Prophets).  Of  the  inter- 
 mediate stage,  when  only  a  few  MSS.  had  received 
 the  new  designation,  a  curious  fact,  which  "Kzariah 
 de  Kossi  (Cod.  o7  6)  mentions,  gives  evidence. 
 "  I  saw,"  he  says,  "  two  complete  Targums  on 
 the  whole  I'entateuch,  word  for  word  alike  ;  one 
 in  Reggio,  which  was  described  in  the  margin, 
 '  Targum  of  Jonathan  b.  Uzziel ;  '  the  other  in 
 Mantua,  described  at  the  margin  as  'Taigum  Je- 
 rushalmi.' "  Yet  the  diHiculty  of  their  obvious 
 dissimilarity,  if  they  wei'e  identical,  remained  to 
 be  acxoun.ted  for.  Zunz  tries  to  solve  it  by 
 assuming  that  Pseudo-Jonatlian  is  the  original 
 Targum,  and  that  the  fragmentary  Jerushalmi  is 
 a  collection  of  variants  to  it.  Fraidiel  has  gone  a 
 step  further,  and  concludes  that  Jerushalmi  is 
 a  collection  of  emendations  and  additions  to  single 
 portions,  phrases,  and  words  of  Onkelos,  and 
 Pseudo-Jonathan  a  further  emended  and  com- 
 pleted edition  to  the  whole  Pentateuch  of  Jeru- 
 shalmi-Oukelos.  The  Jerushalmi,  in  both  its 
 recensions,  is  wi'itten  in  the  Palestinian  dialect.  It 
 is  older  than  the  Masora  and  the  conquest  of  Western 
 Asia  by  the  Arabs.  Syiia  or  Palestine  must  be  its 
 birthplace,  the  second  half  of  the  7th  century  its 
 date.  Its  chief  aim  and  purpose  is,  especially 
 in  its  second  edition,  to  form  an  entertaining  com- 
 pendium of  all  the  Halachah  and  Haggadah,  which 
 refers  to  the  Pentateuch,  and  takes  its  stand 
 upon  it.  And  in  this  lies  its  chief  use  to  us.  There 
 is  hardly  a  single  allegory,  parable,  mystic  Ai- 
 gression,  or  tale  in  it  which  is  not  found  in  the 
 other  haggadistic  writings — Mishna,  Talmud,  Me- 
 chilta,  Sifra,  Sifri,  &e.— V.  Targums  of  "Joseph 
 TIM':  Blind"  on  the  Hagioorapiia. — '-When 
 Jimathan  ben  Uzziel  began  to  paraphrase  the 
 Cethubim "  (Hagiographa),  we  read  :n  the  Tal- 
 mud, "a  mysterious  voice  was  heard  saying  : 
 It  is  enough.  Thou  hast  revealed  the  seciets 
 of  the  Piophets — why  wouldst  thou  also  reveal 
 those  of  the  Holy  Ghost  ?  "  —  It  would  thus 
 appear,  that  a  Taigum  to  these  books  (Job 
 excepted)  was  entirely  unknown  up  to  a  very  late 
 period.  Tho&e  Targums  on  the  Hagiographa  which 
 we  now  possess  have  been  attributed   vaguely   to 
 
 different  authors,  it  being  assumed  in  i,;ie  first 
 instance  that  they  were  the  work  of  one  man. 
 Popular  belief  fastened  upon  Joseph  the  Blind. 
 Yet,  if  ever  he  did  translate  the  Hagiographa, 
 certain  it  is  that  those  which  we  possess  are  not  by 
 his  or  his  disciples'  hands — that  is,  of  the  time  of 
 the  4th  oentury.  Between  him  and  our  hagio- 
 graphical  Targums,  many  centuries  must  have 
 elapsed.  Yet  we  do  not  e\'en  venture  to  assign  to 
 them  more  than  an  appioximate  round  date,  about 
 1000  A.u.  Besides  theTaigums  to  the  Pentateuch 
 and  the  Prophets  those  now  extant  range  over 
 Psalms,  Proverbs,  Job,  the  five  Megilloth,  i.e.  Song 
 of  Songs,  Ruth,  Lamentations,  Esther,  Ecclesiastes  ; 
 the  Chronicles  and  Daniel.  Ezra  and  Nehemiah 
 alone  are  left  without  a  Targum  at  present.— 
 VI.  Targum  on  the  Book  of  Chi'>onicles. — 
 This  Targum  was  unknown  up  to  a  very  recent 
 period.  In  1680  it  was  edited  for  the  first  time 
 from  an  Erfurt  MS.  by  M.  F.  Beck,  and  in 
 1715  from  a  more  complete  .is  well  as  correct 
 MS.  at  Cambridge,  by  D.  Wilkins.  The  name  of 
 Hungary  occurring  in  it,  and  its  frequent  use  of 
 the  JeiusHlem-Targum  to  the  Pentateuch,  amount- 
 ing sometimes  to  simple  copying,  show  sufficiently 
 that  its  author  is  neither  "  Jonathan  b.  Uzziel " 
 nor  "  Joseph  the  Blind,"  as  has  been  suggested. 
 But  the  language,  style,  and  the  Haggadah,  with 
 which  it  abounds,  point  to  a  late  period  and  point 
 out  Palestine  as  the  place  where  it  was  written.  Its 
 use  must  be  limited  to  philological,  historical,  and 
 geogi-aphical  studies.— VII.  The  Targum  to 
 Daniel. — It  is  for  the  first  time  that  this  Targum 
 is  here  formally  introduced  into  the  regular  rank 
 and  file  of  Targums,  although  it  has  been  known 
 for  now  more  than  Hve-and-twenty  years.  ]\luuk 
 found  it,  not  indeed  in  the  Original  Aramaic,  but 
 in  what  appears  to  him  to  be  an  extract  of  it 
 written  in  l^eisian.— VIII.  There  is  also  a  Chaldee 
 translation  extant  of  the  apociyplial  pieces  of 
 Esther. 
 
 Version,  Authorised.  I.  Wycliffe  (b. 
 L'-j24;  d.  K)84j. — (1.)  It  is  singular,  and  not 
 without  significance,  that  the  first  translation 
 from  the  Bible  connected  with  the  name  of  Wy- 
 cliffe should  have  been  that  of  part  of  the  Apo- 
 calypse. The  Last  Age  of  the  Church  (a.d. 
 1356;  translates  and  expounds  the  vision  in  which 
 the  Reformer  read  the  signs  of  his  own  times,  the 
 sins  and  the  destruction  of  "  Antichrist  and  his 
 meynee"  (=  multitude).  Shortly  after  this  he 
 completed  a  version  of  the  Gospels,  accompanied 
 by  a  commentary.  Wyclitl'e,  however,  though  the 
 chief,  was  not  the  only  labourer  in  the  cause.  An- 
 other translation  and  commentary  appear  to  have 
 been  made  about  the  same  time,  in  ignorance  of 
 Wyclifie's  work.  These  preliminary  lalxiurs  were 
 followed  up  by  a  complete  translation  of  the  N.T. 
 by  Wycliffe  himself.  The  0.  T.  was  undertaken  by 
 his  coadjutor,  Nicholas  de  Hereford,  but  was  inter- 
 rupted, and  ends  abruptly  (following  so  far  the 
 order  of  the  Vulgate)  in  the  middle  of  Baruch. 
 Many  of  the  MSN.  of  this  version  now  extant  pre- 
 sent a  ditferent  recension  of  the  text,  and  it  is  pro- 
 bable that  the  work  of  Wyclifie  and  Hereford  was 
 revised  by  Richard  Purvey,  circ.  A.D.  1388.  (2.) 
 It  need  hardly  be  said,  as  regards  the  method  of 
 the  translator,  that  the  version  was  based  entirely 
 upon  the  Vulgate.  Many  ]\1SS.  were  compared, 
 and  out  of  this  comparison,  the  true  reading  ascer- 
 tained as  far  as  jjossible.     The  next  step  was  to 
 
986 
 
 VERSION,  AUTHORISED 
 
 consult,  the  Glossa  Ordinaria,  the  comuioiit;uies  (if 
 Nichohis  de  Lyia,  and  othos,  as  to  the  meaning 
 of  any  ditiiciilt  passages.  After  this  [we  recognise 
 here,  perhajis,  a  departure  fiom  tlie  ri<;ht  order) 
 gramniai'S  were  consulted.  Tlien  came  the  actual 
 work  of  tianslating,  which  he  amied  at  niaking 
 id;omatic  rather  tlian  literal.  (3.)  The  following 
 characteiistios  may  be  noticed  as  distinguishing  this 
 version:  (1)  The  general  homeliness  of  its  style. 
 (2)  The  substitution,  in  many  cases,  of  English 
 equivalents  tor  quasi-technical  words.  (3)  The 
 extreme  literahiess  witli  which,  in  some  inst;inces, 
 even  at  tiie  cost  of  being  unintelligible,  the  Vul- 
 gate text  is  fijUowed,  as  in  '2  Cor.  i.  17-19.— 
 II.  Tykdal.  —  The  work  of  Wyclitie  stands  by 
 itself.  Whatever  power  it  exeicised  in  preparing 
 the  way  for  the  Reformation  of  the  16th  century, 
 it  had  no  perceptible  influence  on  later  transla- 
 tions. With  Tyndal  we  enter  on  a  continuous 
 succession.  He  is  the  patriarch,  in  no  remote 
 ancestry,  of  the  Authorised  Version.  More  than 
 Cranmer  or  Ridley  he  is  the  true  hero  of  the  Eng- 
 li.sh  Reformation.  "  Ere  many  years,"  he  said,  at 
 the  age  of  thirty-six  (a.d.  15'20),  he  would  cause 
 "a  boy  that  driveth  the  plough"  to  know  more 
 of  Scrijiture  than  the  great  body  of  the  clergy  then 
 knew  (Koxe,  in  Anderson's  Annals  of  Enylisk  Bible, 
 i.  36).  Whether  Tyndal  had  gained  any  know- 
 ledge of  Hebrew  before  he  left  England  in  1524- 
 may  be  uncertain.  The  fact  that  in  1530-31  he 
 published  a  translation  of  Genesis,  Deuteronomy,  and 
 •Jonah,  may  be  looked  on  as  the  Hrst-fruits  of  his 
 labours,  the  work  of  a  man  who  was  giving  this 
 proof  of  his  power  to  translate  from  the  original. 
 The  N.  T.  was,  however,  the  great  object  of  his 
 care.  First  the  Gospels  of  St.  Matthew  and  St. 
 Mark  were  published  tentatively,  then  in  1525  the 
 whole  of  the  N.  T.  was  i)riiited  in  4to.  at  Cologne 
 and  in  small  8vo.  at  Worms.  The  work  was  the 
 fruit  of  a  self-sacrificing  zeal,  and  the  zeal  was  its  own 
 reward.  In  England  it  was  received  with  denuncia- 
 tions. Tonstal,  Bishop  of  London,  preaching  at  Paul's 
 Cioss,  asserted  that  there  were  at  least  2u00  errors 
 in  it,  and  ordered  all  copies  of  it  to  be  bought  up  and 
 burnt.  An  Act  of  Parliament  (35  Hen.  Vlll.  aip.  1) 
 Ibrbade  the  use  of  all  copies  of  Tyndal's  "  false  trans- 
 lation." The  treatment  which  it  received  from  pro- 
 fessed friends  was  hardly  less  annoying.  In  the  mean 
 time  the  work  went  on.  Editions  were  printed  one 
 after  another.  The  last  appeared  in  1 535,  just  before 
 his  death.  His  heroic  life  was  brought  to  a  close 
 in  1536.  We  may  cast  one  look  on  its  sad 
 end — the  treacherous  betrayal,  the  Judas-kiss  of 
 the  false  friend,  the  imprisonment  at  Vilvordeii, 
 the  hist  prayer,  "  Lord,  open  the  King  of  Eng- 
 land's eyes."  The  work  to  which  a  life  was  thus 
 nobly  devoted  w;is  as  nobly  done.  To  Tyndal  be- 
 longs the  honour  of  having  given  the  first  example  of 
 a  translation  based  on  true  principles,  and  the  ex- 
 cellence of  later  versions  has  been  almost  in  exact 
 proportion  as  they  followed  his.  Believing  that 
 every  ])art  of  Scripture  had  one  sen.se  and  one  only, 
 the  sense  in  the  mind  ot'  the  writer  (Obedience,  p. 
 3()l),  lie  made  it  his  work,  using  all  philological 
 helps  that  were  accessible,  to  attain  that  sense. 
 Believing  that  the  duty  of  a  tmnslator  was  to  place 
 his  readers  as  nearly  as  possible  on  a  level  with 
 those  for  whom  the  books  were  originally  written, 
 he  looked  on  all  the  later  theological  associations 
 tiial  had  gathered  round  the  words  of  the  N.  T.  ;is 
 himlrauces  rather  than  heljxs,  uuJ  sought,  as  f;u°  as 
 
 possible,  to  get  rid  of  them.  All  the  exquisite  gract 
 and  simplicity  which  have  endeared  the  A.  V.  to 
 men  of  the  most  opposite  tem])ers  and  contrasteil 
 oj)iiiions — is  due  mainly  to  his  dear-sighted  truth- 
 fulness, 'fhe  desire  to  make  the  Bible  a  peo]>le's 
 book  led  him  in  one  edition  to  something  like  a 
 provincial,  rather  than  a  national  translation,  but 
 on  the  whole  it  kept  him  fiee  from  the  besetting 
 danger  of  the  time,  that  of  writing  for  scholars,  not 
 for  the  peo])le.— III.  CoVEiinALE. — (1.)  A  com- 
 plete tninslationofthe  Bible,  ditferent  fiom  Tyndal's, 
 bearing  the  name  of  Miles  Coverdale,  printed  ])id- 
 bably  at  Zurich,  appeared  in  1535.  'fhe  under- 
 taking itself,  and  the  choice  of  Coverdale  as  the 
 translator,  were  probably  due  to  Cromwell.  Tyndal's 
 controversial  treatises,  and  the  polemical  character 
 of  his  j)refaces  and  notes,  had  irritated  the  leading 
 ecclesiastics  and  embittered  the  mind  of  the  king 
 himself  against  him.  There  was  no  hojie  of  obtain- 
 ing the  king's  sanction  for  anything  that  bore  his 
 name.  But  the  idea  of  an  English  translation  bei^aii 
 to  find  favour.  The  bishops  even  began  to  think 
 of  the  thing  as  possible.  Cromwell,  it  is  jnobable, 
 thought  it  better  to  lose  no  further  time,  and  to 
 strike  while  the  iron  was  hot.  A  divine  whom  he 
 had  patronised,  though  not,  like  Tyndal,  feeling 
 himself  called  to  that  special  work,  was  willing  to 
 undertake  it.  To  him  accordingly  it  was  intrusted. 
 (2.)  The  work  which  was  thus  executed  was  done, 
 as  might  be  expectal,  in  a  very  different  fiv-hion 
 from  Tyndal's.  Of  the  two  men,  one  had  madi- 
 this  the  great  object  of  his  life,  the  other,  in  his 
 own  language,  "  sought  it  not,  neither  desire<l  it," 
 but  accepted  it  as  a  task  assigned  him.  One  pre- 
 pared himself  for  the  work  liy  long  years  of  labour 
 in  Greek  and  Hebrew.  The  (»tlier  is  content  to 
 make  a  translation  at  second  hand  "  out  of  the 
 Douche  (Luther's  German  Veision)  and  the  Latine." 
 (3.)  An  inspection  of  Coverdale's  version  serves  to 
 show  the  influence  of  the  authorities  he  followed. 
 The  proper  names  of  the  0.  T.  appear  tor  the  most 
 part  in  their  Latin  form,  Elias,  Eliseus,  Ochozias  ; 
 sometimes,  as  in  Esay  and  .leiciny,  in  that  which 
 was  familiar  in  spoken  English.  Some  jniints  ot 
 correspondence  with  Luther's  version  are  not  with- 
 out interest.  Thus  "  Cush,"  which  in  Wyclifle, 
 Tyndal,  and  the  A.  V.  is  uniformly  rendered 
 "  Ethiopia,"  is  in  Coverdale  "  Morians'  land  "  i,Ps. 
 Ixviii.  31  ;  Acts  viii.  27,  &c.),  after  the  "  Mohren- 
 lande"  of  Luther,  and  appeai-s  in  this  form  acconl- 
 iiigly  in  the  P.  B.  version  of  the  Psalms.  The 
 j)ioper  name  liiibshakeh  passes,  as  in  Luther,  into 
 the  "chief  butler"  (2  K.  xviii.  17;  Is.  xxxvi.  11). 
 "  Shiloh,"  in  the  prophecy  of  Gen.  xlix.  10,  becomes 
 "the  worthy,"  after  Luther's  "derHeld."  The 
 singular  word  "Lamia"  is  taken  from  the  Vulg. 
 (■l.)  What  has  been  stated  piactically  disposes  of 
 the  claim  which  has  sometimes  been  made  for  this 
 version  of  Coverdale's,  as  though  it  had  been  niade 
 from  the  original  text.  It  is  not  imiuobable.  how- 
 ever, that  as  time  went  on  he  adiled  to  his  know- 
 ledge. He,  at  any  rate,  continued  his  work  as  a 
 painstaking  eilitor.  Fresh  editions  of  his  Bible  were 
 published,  keeping  their  ground  in  spite  of  rivals, 
 in  1537,  15.li>,  1550,  1553.  He  was  called  in  at 
 a  still  later  period  to  assist  in  the  Geneva  vei-sion. 
 —IV.  Mattiikw. — (1.)  In  the  year  1537,  a  large 
 folio  Bible  a|>peared  as  edited  and  dedicated  to  the 
 king,  by  Thomas  Matthew.  No  one  of  that  name 
 appeal's  at  all  iirnmineiitly  in  the  religious  history  of 
 Henry  VIII.,  and  this  suggests  the  inference  lliat 
 
VERSION,  AUTHORISED 
 
 987 
 
 the  name  was  pseiuionymous,  adoi>tt'(l  to  conceal 
 the  real  translator.  Tlie  tradition  which  connects 
 this  Matthew  with  John  Rogers,  the  proto-martyr 
 of  the  Marian  jiei-secution,  is  ail  but  undisputed. 
 Matthew's  Bible  reproduces  Tyndal's  work,  in  tlie 
 N.  T.  entirely,  in  tiie  0.  T.  as  far  as  2  Chr.,  the 
 rest  being  taken  with  occasional  niodiHcations  from 
 Coverdale.  (2.)  Tlie  printing  of  the  book  was 
 begun  apparently  abroad,  and  was  cariied  on  as  fai' 
 as  the  end  of  Isaiah.  At  that  point  a  new  pagina- 
 tion begins,  and  the  names  of  the  London  printers, 
 Grafton  and  Wliitechuich,  appear.  A  copy  was 
 oi'dered,  by  royal  proclamation,  to  be  set  up  in 
 every  church,  tlie  cost  being  divided  between  the 
 clergy  and  tiie  parishioners.  This  was,  therefore, 
 the  first  Authorised  Version.  (3.)  What  has  been 
 said  of  Tyi.dal's  Vei'sion  applies,  of  course,  to  this. 
 There  are,  however,  signs  of  a  more  advanced  know- 
 ledge of  Hebrew.  All  tlie  technical  words  con- 
 nected with  the  FsaJnis,  Neginoth,  Shiggaion,  She- 
 minith,  &;c.,  are  elaborately  explained.  Ps.  ii.  is 
 printed  as  a  dialogue.  The  names  of  the  Hebrew 
 letters  aie  pi'erixed  to  the  verses  of  Lamentations. 
 Kefereuce  is  made  to  the  Chaldee  Paraphrase  (Job 
 vi.),  to  Kabbi  Abraham  (,Iob  xix.),  to  Kimchi  (Ps. 
 iii.)  A  like  range  of  knowledge  is  sliown  in  the 
 N.  T.  Strabo  is  quoted  to  show  that  the  Magi 
 were  not  kings,  Macrobius  as  testifying  to  Herod's 
 ferocity  (Matt,  ii.),  Erasmus's  Paiajihrase  on  Matt. 
 xiii.,  XV.  The  popular  identitication  of  Mary  Mag- 
 dalene with  ''the  woman  that  was  a  sinner"  is 
 discussed,  and  rejected  (Luke  x.).  I\Iore  notice- 
 able even  than  in  Tyndal  is  the  boldness  and  ful- 
 ness of  the  exegetical  notes  scattered  throughout  the 
 book.  Strong  and  earnest  in  asserting  what  he 
 looked  on  as  the  central  truths  of  the  Gospel,  there 
 was  in  Rogers  a  Luther-like  freeiiom  in  other  things 
 which  has  not  appeared  again  in  any  authorised 
 translation  or  popular  commentary.  (4.)  Li  the 
 order  of  the  books  of  the  N.  T.  Rogers  follows 
 Tyndal,  agreeing  with  the  A.  V.  as  far  as  the 
 Kpistle  to  Philemon.  This  is  followed  by  the 
 Kpistles  of  St.  John,  then  that  to  the  Hebiews,  then 
 those  of  St.  Peter,  St.  James,  and  St.  Jude.  Wood- 
 cuts, not  fieely  introduced  elsewhere,  are  prefixed 
 to  every  chapter  in  the  Revelation.— V.  Taver- 
 NER  (1539).  (1.)  The  boldness  of  the  pseudo- 
 Matthew  had,  as  has  been  said,  frightened  the  eccle- 
 si;\stical  world  from  its  propriety.  Coverdale's 
 Version  was,  however,  too  inaccurate  to  keep  its 
 ground.  It  wiis  necessary  to  find  another  editor, 
 and  the  printei-s  applied  to  Richard  Taverner.  But 
 little  is  known  of  bis  life.  The  fact  that,  though  a 
 layman,  he  had  been  chosen  as  one  of  the  canons  of 
 the  Cardinal's  College  at  Oxford  indiaites  a  reputa- 
 tion for  scholarship,  and  this  is  confirmed  by  the 
 character  of  his  translation.  (2.)  In  most  respects 
 this  may  be  described  as  an  expurgated  edition  of 
 Matthew's. — VI.  Cranmkr.  (1.)  In  the  same 
 year  as  Taverner's,  and  coming  from  the  same 
 press,  appeared  an  English  Bible,  in  a  more  stately 
 folio,  printed  with  a  moi'e  costly  type,  bearing  a 
 highei'  name  than  any  previous  edition.  The  title- 
 page  is  an  elaborate  engraving,  the  spirit  and  power 
 of  which  indicate  the  hand  of  Holbein.  A  preface, 
 in  April,  1540,  with  the  initials  T.  C,  implies  the 
 aichbishop's  sanction.  (2.)  Cranmer's  Version  pre- 
 sents, as  might  be  expected,  many  points  of  interest. 
 The  prologue  gives  a  more  complete  ideal  of  what  a 
 translation  ought  to  be  than  we  have  as  yet  seen. 
 Words  not  in  the  ori_;;iuai  aie  to  be  pi'iuted  in  a 
 
 different  type.  The  sign  *  indicates  diversity  in 
 the  Chaldee  and  Hebrew.  The  frequent  hands 
 (fl®")  in  the  margin,  in  like  manner,  show  an  in- 
 tention to  give  notes  at  the  end;  but  Mattfiew's 
 Bible  had  made  men  cautious,  and,  as  there  had  not 
 been  time  for  "  the  King's  Council  to  settle  them," 
 they  were  omitted,  and  no  help  given  to  the  reader 
 beyond  the  marginal  references.  (3.)  A  later  edi- 
 tion in  1541  presents  a  few  modifications  worth 
 noticing.  It  appears  as  "authorised"  to  be  "  used 
 aud  frequented"  in  every  church  in  the  kingdom. 
 The  introduction,  with  all  its  elaboiate  promise  of 
 a  future  perfection  disappears,  aud,  in  its  place, 
 there  is  a  long  preface  by  Cranmer.  It  was  re- 
 printed again  and  again,  and  was  the  Authorised 
 Version  of  the  English  Church  till  1568 — the  in- 
 terval of  Mary's  reign  excepted.  From  it,  accoid- 
 ingly,  were  taken  most,  if  not  all,  tlie  portions  of 
 Scripture  in  the  Prayer-books  of  1549  and  1552. 
 The  Psalms,  as  a  whole,  the  quotations  from  Scrip- 
 ture in  the  Homilies,  the  sentences  in  the  Com- 
 munion Services,  aud  some  phrases  elsewhere,  still 
 preserve  the  remembrance  of  it.— VII.  CeN'^'.VA. 
 (1.)  The  reaction  under  Mary  gave  a  check  io 
 the  whole  work,  as  far  as  England  was  concei  .led ; 
 but  the  exiles  who  Hed  to  Geneva  entered  on  it  with 
 more  vigour  than  ever.  The  Genevan  refugees — 
 among  them  Whittingham,  Goodman,  Pullain, 
 Sampson,  and  Coverdale  himself — laboured  *'  for 
 two  years  or  more,  day  and  night."  Theii-  transla- 
 tion of  the  N.  T.  was  "diligently  revised  by  the 
 most  ap])roved  Greek  examples."  The  N.  T.,  trans- 
 lated by  Whittingham,  was  printed  by  Conrad  Ba- 
 dius  in  1557,  the  whole  Bible  in  156U.  (2.)  What- 
 ever may  have  been  its  faults,  the  Geneva  Bible, 
 commonly  called  the  Breeches  Bible,  from  its  ren- 
 dering of  Gen.  iii.  7,  was  unquestionably,  for  sixty 
 years,  the  most  popular  of  all  versions.  Not  less 
 than  eighty  editions,  some  of  the  whole  Bible,  were 
 printed  between  1558  and  161 1.  Itkejit  its  ground 
 for  some  time  even  against  the  A.  V.,  and  gave 
 way,  as  it  were,  slowly  and  under  piotest.  It  was 
 the  version  specially  adopted  by  the  great  Puritan 
 party  through  the  whole  reign  of  Elizabeth,  aud 
 far  into  that  of  James.  As  might  be  expected,  it 
 was  based  on  Tyndal's  Version.  (3.)  Some  pecu- 
 liarities are  woi  thy  of  special  notice: — (1)  It  pro- 
 fesses a  desire  to  restore  the  "true  writing"  of 
 many  Hebrew  names,  and  we  meet  accordingly 
 with  forms  like  Izhak  (Isaac),  Jaacob,  and  the  like. 
 (2)  It  omits  the  name  of  St.  Paul  from  the  title  of 
 the  Epistle  to  the  Hebiews;  and,  in  a  short  Pre- 
 face, leaves  the  authorship  an  open  question.  (3) 
 It  avows  the  principle  of  putting  all  words  not  in 
 the  original  in  Italics,  (4)  It  presents,  in  a  Ca- 
 lendar prefixed  to  the  Bible,  something  like  a  declar- 
 ation of  war  against  the  established  order  of  the 
 Church's  lessons,  commemorating  Scripture  facts, 
 and  the  deaths  of  the  great  Retbrmers,  but  ignoring 
 saiiitjs'  days  altogether.  (5)  It  was  the  first  English 
 Bible  which  entirely  omitted  the  Ajiociypha.  (6) 
 The  notes  were  characteristically  Swiss,  not  only  in 
 their  theology,  but  in  their  politics.— VIII.  The 
 Bishops'  Bible. — (I.)  The  tacts  just  st^ited  will 
 account  for  the  wish  of  Archbishop  Parker,  to 
 bring  out  another  version  which  might  establish  its 
 claims  against  that  of  Geneva.  Great  preparations 
 were  made.  The  correspondence  of  Parker  with 
 his  Suffragans  presents  some  points  of  interest,  as 
 showing  how  little  agreement  there  was  as  to  tin; 
 true  theory  oi'  a  translation.     (2.)  The  bishops  thus 
 
988 
 
 VERSION,  AUTHORISED 
 
 consulted,  eight  in  number,  togetlior  witli  some 
 deans  and  piot'essors,  brought  out  the  fiuit  of  tlieir 
 labours  in  a  masnilicent  folio  (15G8  and  157'2). 
 Everything  hiul  been  done  to  niai^e  it  attractive. 
 In  some  points  it  followed  ])revious  translations, 
 and  was  avowedly  based  on  CriUinier's.  Ciaumer's 
 Prologue  was  reprinted.  The  Geneva  divi>ion  into 
 verses  was  adopted  throughout.  The  initials  of  the 
 translators  were  attached  to  the  Books  which  they 
 had  severally  undertaken.  (3.)  Of  all  the  Englisli 
 versions,  the  Bishops'  Bible  had  probably  the  least 
 success.  It  did  not  command  the  respect  of  scholars, 
 and  its  size  and  cost  weie  far  from  meeting  the 
 wants  of  the  ])eople.  It  had  however,  at  any  rate, 
 the  right  to  boast  of  some  good  Hebi'ew  scholars 
 among  the  translators ;  and,  together  with  the 
 A.  v.,  received  from  Selden  the  praise  of  being 
 "the  best  translation  in  the  world."— IX.  Kheims 
 AND  DoUAY. — The  successive  changes  in  the  Pro- 
 testuit  versions  of  the  Scriptures  were,  as  might 
 be  expected,  matter  of  triumph  to  the  controver- 
 sialists of  the  Latin  Chuich.  Some  saw  in  it  an 
 ai'gument  against  any  translation  of  Scripture  into 
 the  spoken  language  of  the  poojjle.  Othei-s  pointed 
 derisively  to  the  want  of  unity  which  these  changes 
 displayed.  There  were  some,  however,  who  took 
 the  line  which  Sir  T.  More  and  Gardiner  had  tiken 
 under  Heniy  VIII.  They  did  not  object  to  the 
 princi])le  of  an  English  translation.  They  only 
 charged  all  the  versions  hitherto  made  with  being 
 false,  corrupt,  heretical.  To  this  there  was  the 
 ready  retort,  that  they  had  done  nothing  :  that  their 
 bishops  in  the  reign  of  Heury  had  promised,  but 
 had  not  |)erlbrme(l.  It  was  felt  to  be  necessaiy 
 that  they  should  take  some  steps  which  might  enable 
 them  to  turn  the  edge  of  this  reproach,  and  the 
 English  refugees  who  were  s^ettled  at  Rheims — 
 Martin,  Allen  (afterwards  cardinal),  and  Bristow — 
 undertook  the  work.  A  t'ter  an  incubation  of  some 
 years  the  N.  T.  was  published  at  Kheims  in  1582. 
 Though  Maitin  was  competent  to  translate  from  the 
 (ireek,  it  prolesse<i  to  be  based  on  "  the  authentic 
 text  of  the  Vulgate."  Notes  were  added,  as  strongly 
 dogmatic  as  those  of  the  Geneva  liible,  and  often 
 keenly  controversial.  'J"he  woik  of  translation  was 
 completed  somewhat  later  by  the  publication  of  the 
 0.  T.  atDouay  iu  1609.— X.  Authorised  Ver- 
 sion.— (1,)  'i'he  jwsition  of  the  English  Church  in 
 relation  to  the  veisions  in  use  at  the  commencement 
 of  the  reign  of  .lames  was  hardly  satisfactory.  The 
 Bishops'  Bible  was  sanctioned  by  authoiity.  That 
 of  Geneva  had  the  strongest  hold  on  the  affections 
 of  the  people.  Scholars,  Hebrew  scholars  in  parti- 
 cular, found  grave  fault  with  both.  Among  the  de- 
 mands of  the  I'uritan  lepresentatives  at  the  Hampton 
 Court  Conferenie  in  1<)04  (l)r.  Kainolds  being  the 
 spokesman),  was  one  for  a  new,  or,  at  least,  a  re- 
 vised tianslation.  The  bishops  tieated  the  diffi- 
 culties which  they  raised  with  su])ercilious  sco'-n. 
 Cranmer's  words  .seemed  likely  to  be  fulfilled  again. 
 Had  it  been  left  to  the  bishops,  we  might  have 
 waited  for  the  A.  V.  "till  the  day  after  doon'.sday." 
 (2.)  But  the  king  was  not  forgetful  of  what  he 
 thought  likely  to  be  the  glory  of  his  reign.  The 
 work  of  organising  and  superintending  the  arrange- 
 ments for  a  new  translation  w.ts  one  specially  con- 
 genial to  him,  and  in  lOOtJ  the  task  Wiis  acconiingly 
 comnieiiccd.  The  selection  of  the  fifty-  fbiu-  scholars 
 to  whoni  it  was  intrustcil,  .seems,  on  the  whole,  to 
 have  been  a  wi>e  and  fair  one.  Andrew.s  S;u-avia, 
 Ovcrai,    Montigue,    and    Barlow,    iej)resonted    the 
 
 "  liighe)'  "  party  in  thft  Cliurch  ;  Puiinolds,  Chader- 
 ton,  and  Lively  that  of  the  Puritans.  Scholarship 
 unconnected  with  party  was  represented  by  Henry 
 Savile  ami  John  Boys.  (3.)  What  rewajd  other 
 than  that  of  tiieir  own  consciences  and  the  judgment 
 of  posterity  were  the  men  thus  chosen  to  expect  for 
 their  long  and  laborious  U»sk  ?  The  king  was  not 
 disposed  to  pay  them  out  of  his  state  revenue. 
 Theie  remained,  however,  an  ingenious  form  of 
 liberality,  which  had  the  merit  of  being  inexpen- 
 sive. A  king's  letter  was  sent  to  the  archbishops 
 and  bishops,  to  be  transmitted  by  them  to  their 
 chapters,  commending  all  the  translators  to  their 
 favourable  notice.  Tliey  weie  exhorted  to  contri- 
 bute in  all  1000  marks,  and  the  king  was  to  be 
 informed  of  each  man's  liberality.  If  any  livings 
 in  their  gift,  oi-  in  the  gift  of  private  j)ersons, 
 became  vacant,  the  king  was  to  be  informed  of  it, 
 that  he  might  nominate  some  of  the  translators  to 
 the  vacant  preferment.  Heads  of  colleges,  in  like 
 manner,  were  enjoined  to  give  fiee  board  and  lodg- 
 ing to  such  divines  as  were  summoned  from  the 
 country  to  labour  in  the  great  work.  That  the  king 
 might  tiike  his  place  as  the  director  of  the  whole, 
 a  copy  of  fifteen  instructions  was  sent  to  each  trans- 
 lator, and  a])parently  circulated  freely  into  both 
 Universities.  (4.)  The  instructions  thus  given  will 
 be  found  in  Fuller,  and  with  a  more  accurate  text 
 in  Burnet.  It  will  be  interesting  to  note  the  bear- 
 ing of  each  clause  upon  the  work  in  hand,  and  its 
 lelaiion  to  previous  versions.  (1)  The  Bishops' 
 Bible  was  to  be  followed,  and  as  little  altered  as 
 the  original  will  permit.  (2)  The  names  of  pro- 
 phets and  others  were  to  be  retained,  as  nearly  as 
 may  be  as  they  are  vulgarly  used.  (3)  The  old 
 ecclesiastical  words  to  be  kept,  (4)  When  any 
 word  hath  divers  significations,  that  to  be  kept 
 which  hath  been  most  commonly  used  by  the  most 
 eminent  fathers,  being  agreeable  to  the  propriety  of 
 the  place  and  the  analogy  of  faith.  (5)  The  divi- 
 sion of  the  chapters  to  be  altered  either  not  at  all, 
 or  ;us  little  as  possible.  (6)  No  marginal  notes  to 
 be  affixed  but  only  for  the  explanation  of  Hebiew 
 and  (ireek  words.  (7)  Such  quotations  of  places 
 to  be  marginally  set  down  as  may  .serve  for  fit 
 reference  of  one  .Scripture  to  another.  (8  and  9) 
 .State  plan  of  tran>lation.  Each  company  of  trans- 
 lators is  to  take  its  own  books ;  each  person  to 
 bring  his  own  corrections.  The  company  to  discuss 
 them,  and  having  finished  their  work,  to  send  it  on 
 to  another  company,  and  so  on.  (Id)  Provides  tor 
 (lifTerences  of  opinion  between  two  compauies  by 
 referring  them  to  a  general  meeting.  (11)  Gives 
 power,  in  cases  of  difficulty,  to  consult  .my  scholars. 
 (12)  Invites  suggestions  from  any  quarter.  (13) 
 Names  the  diivctois  of  the  work:  Andrews,  D-'aii 
 of  Westminster  ;  Barlow,  Dean  of  Chester  ;  and  the 
 Regius  Piofessors  of  Hebrew  and  Greek  at  both 
 Universities.  (14)  Names  translations  to  be  fol- 
 lowo<l  when  they  agree  more  with  the  original  than 
 the  Bishops'  Bible,  sc.  Tyndal's,  Coverdale's,  Mat- 
 thew's, Whitchurch's  (Cranmer's),  and  Geneva. 
 (15)  Authorises  Univei-sities  to  api)oint  three  or 
 four  ovei-swrs  of  the  work.  (5.)  It  is  not  known 
 that  any  of  the  convspondence  connected  with  this 
 work,  or  any  minute  of  the  meetings  for  conference 
 is  still  extant.  Nothing  is  more  striking  than  the 
 silence  with  which  the  version  that  was  to  be 
 the  inheritiuice  of  the  Engli.sh  people  for  at  iea.st 
 two  centuries  and  a  half  w:is  ushered  into  the  world. 
 '6.)  For  three  ycjus  the  work  went  on,  the  separ- 
 
VERSION,  AUTHORISED 
 
 989 
 
 ate  companies  :oitipai-!iicr  notes  as  dii-ected.  When 
 the  woik  drew  to\var(]s  its  completion  it  \v;is  necps- 
 sjiry  to  place  it  under  the  care  ot'  a  selfit  tew. 
 Two  from  ench  of  the  three  groups  were  ac(!ordii!gly 
 selected,  and  the  six  met  in  London,  to  superintend 
 the  piililication.  Now,  tor  tiie  first  time,  we  rind 
 some  more  delinite  remuneration  than  the  shadowy 
 promise  held  out  in  the  king's  letter,  ot  a  share  in 
 the  1  000  marks  which  Deans  and  Chapters  would 
 Tiot  contribute.  The  Company  of  Stationers  thought 
 it  e.\pedient  to  give  the  six  editors  thirty  pounds 
 each,  in  weekly  payments,  for  their  nine  months' 
 labour.  The  rinal  coDection,  and  the  task  of  writ- 
 ing the  arguments  of  the  several  books,  was  given 
 to  Bilson,  bishop  of  iVin('hester,  and  Dr.  Miles 
 Smith,  the  lat*jr  of  whom  also  wrote  the  Dedica- 
 tion and  Preface.  (7.)  The  version  thus  published 
 did  not  all  at  oace  supersede  those  already  in  pos- 
 session. The  fact  that  five  editions  were  published 
 in  three  years,  shows  that  tliere  was  a  good  de- 
 mand. But  the  Bishops'  Bible  probably  lemained 
 in  many  Churches,  and  the  populaiity  of  the  Ge- 
 neva Version  is  shown  by  not  less  than  thirteen 
 leprints,  in  whole,  or  in  part,  between  1611  and 
 It3l7.  It  is  not  easy  tJ  ascertain  the  impression 
 which  the  A.  V.  made  at  the  time  of  its  appear- 
 ance. Selden  says  it  is  "  the  best  of  all  transla- 
 tions as  giving  the  true  reuse  of  the  original."  (8.) 
 'i"he  highest  testimony  of  this  period  is  that  of 
 Walton.  From  the  editor  of  the  Polyglott,  the 
 few  words  "  inter  omnes  emiuet  "  meant  a  good 
 deal  (^Pref.).  With  the  reign  of  Anne  the  tide  of 
 glowing  panegyric  set  in.  It  would  be  easy  to  put 
 together  a  long  caten'i  of  praises  stretching  from 
 that  time  to  the  present.  One  memorable  excep- 
 tion must  not,  however,  be  passed  over.  Hallam 
 (Lit.  of  Europe,  iii.  ch.  2,  ad  fin.)  records  a  brief 
 but  emphatic  protest  against  the  "enthusiastic 
 praise"  which  has  been  lavished  on  this  transla- 
 tion.—XI.  Schemes  for  a  Revision. — (1.)  A 
 notice  of  the  attempts  which  have  been  made  at 
 various  times  to  bring  about  a  revision  of  the  A.  V. 
 though  necessarily  brief  and  imperfect,  may  not  be 
 without  its  use  for  future  labouiers.  The  tirst  half 
 of  the  18th  century  was  not  favourable  for  such  a 
 work.  An  almost  solitary  Essay  for  a  New  Trans- 
 lation by  H.  K.  (Ross),  1702,  attracted  little  oi-  no 
 notice.  A  Greek  Testament  with  an  English  trans- 
 lation, singularly  vulgar  and  offensive,  was  pub- 
 lished in  1729.  A  folio  New  and  literal  transla- 
 tion of  the  whole  Bible  by  Anthony  Purver,  a 
 Quaker  (1764),  was  a  more  ambitious  attempt. 
 But  it  was  far  above  the  depth  of  degradation  and 
 folly  which  was  reached  in  Harwood's  Literal 
 Translation  of  the  N.  T.  "with  freedom,  spirit, 
 and  elegance"  (1768).  (2.)  Biblical  revision  was 
 happily  not  left  entirely  in  such  hands  as  these.  A 
 translation  by  Worsley  "according  to  the  present 
 idiom  of  the  English  tongue"  (1770)  was,  at  least, 
 less  offensive.  Durell  (Preface  to  Job),  Lowth 
 (Preface  to  Isaiah),  Blayney  (Pref.  to  Jeremiah, 
 1784),  were  all  strongly  in  favour  of  a  new,  or  re- 
 vised translation.  Kennieott's  labours  in  collecting 
 MSS.  of  the  0.  T.  issued  in  his  State  of  the  present 
 Hebrew  Text  (1753,  59),  and  excited  expectations 
 that  there  might  before  long  be  something  like  a 
 basis  for  a  new  version  in  a  restored  original.  A 
 more  ambitious  scheme  w.is  started  by  the  Roman 
 Catholic  Dr.  Geddcs,  in  his  Prospectus  for  a  New 
 Translation  (1786),  He  too  like  Lowth  finds  fault 
 »  th  the  superstitious  adherence  to  the  Masoretic 
 
 text,  with  the  undiie  deference  to  lexicons,  and  dis- 
 regard of  versions  shown  by  our  translatoi's.  The 
 work  was  issued  in  parts,  according  to  the  terms  of 
 the  Prospectus,  but  did  not  get  further  than  2  Cliron. 
 in  1792,  when  the  death  of  the  translator  put  a 
 stop  to  it.  (3.)  The  revision  of  the  A.  V.,  like 
 many  other  salutary  reforms,  was  hindered  by  the 
 French  Revolution.  In  1792,  Aichbishop  Xewcome 
 had  published  an  elaborate  defence  of  such  a  scheme, 
 taking  the  same  line  as  Lowth.  Revised  transla- 
 tions of  the  N.  T.  were  published  by  Wakefield  in 
 1795,  by  Newcome  himself  in  1796,  by  Scarlett  in 
 1798.  Campbell's  version  of  the  Gospels  appeared 
 in  1788,  that  of  the  Epistles  by  Macknight  in  1795. 
 But  in  1796  the  note  of  alarm  was  sounded.  There 
 is  a  long  interval  before  the  question  again  comes 
 into  anything  like  prominence.  The  opening  of 
 the  next  campaign  was  an  article  in  the  Classical 
 Journal  (No.  36),  by  Dr.  John  Bellamy,  proposing 
 a  new  translation,  followed  soon  afterwards  by  its 
 publication  under  the  patronage  of  the  Prince  Regent 
 (1818).  The  most  masterly  of  the  manifestoes 
 against  all  change,  was  a  pamphlet  (PiCmarks  on 
 the  Critical  Principles,  &c.,  Oxford,  1820),  pub- 
 lished anonymously,  but  known  to  have  been  written 
 by  Archbishop  Laurence.  (4.)  A  correspondence 
 between  Herbert  Marsh,  bishop  of  Peterborough, 
 and  the  Rev.  H.  Walter,  in  1828,  is  the  next  link 
 in  the  chain.  Marsh  had  spoken  (Lectures  on  Bi- 
 blical Criticism,  p.  295)  with  some  contempt  of  the 
 A.  V.  as  based  on  Tyndal's,  Tyndal's  on  Luther's, 
 and  Luther's  on  llunster's  Lexicon,  which  was 
 itself  based  on  the  Vulgate.  Walter,  in  his  answer, 
 proves  what  is  plain  enough,  that  Tyndal  knew 
 i  some  Hebrew,  and  that  Luther  in  some  instances 
 followed  Rabbinical  authority  and  not  the  Vulgate  ; 
 but  the  evidence  hardly  goes  to  the  extent  of  show- 
 ing that  Tyndal's  version  of  the  0.  T.  was  entirely 
 independent  of  Luther's,  or  Luther's  of  the  Latin. 
 (5.)  The  last  five-and-twenty  years  have  seen  the 
 question  of  a  revision  from  time  to  time  gaining 
 fresh  prominence.  Dr.  Beard's,  A  Revised  English 
 Bible  the  Want  of  the  Church  (1857),  though 
 tending  to  overstate  the  defects  of  the  A.  V.,  is  yet 
 valuable  as  containing  much  information,  and  repre- 
 senting the  opinions  of  the  more  learned  Noncon- 
 formists. Far  more  important,  every  way,  both  as 
 virtually  an  authority  in  favour  of  revision,  and  as 
 contributing  largely  to  it,  are  Professor  Scholetield's 
 Hints  for  an  Impi-ovcd  Translation  of  the  N.  T. 
 (1832).  To  Bishop  Ellicott  also  belongs  the  credit 
 of  having  spoken  at  once  boldly  and  wisely  on  this 
 matter.  Dr.  Trench  {On  the  A.  V.  of  the  N.  T., 
 1858),  in  like  manner,  states  his  conviction  that 
 "a  revision  ought  to  come,"  though  as  yet,  he 
 thinks,  "  the  Greek  and  the  English  necessary  to 
 bring  it  to  a  successful  issue  are  alike  wanting." 
 The  Revision  of  the  A.  F.  by  Five  Clergymen  (Dr. 
 Barrow,  Dr.  Moberly,  Dean  Alford,  Mr.  Humphry, 
 and  Dr.  Ellicott),  represents  the  same  school  of 
 conservative  progiess.  As  yet,  this  series  includes 
 only  the  Gospel  of  St.  John,  and  the  Epistles  to  the 
 Romans  and  Corinthians.  The  publications  of 
 the  American  Bible  Union  are  signs  that  there  also 
 the  same  want  has  been  felt.  Mr.  Sharpe  (1840) 
 and  Mr.  Highton  (1862)  have  ventured  on  the 
 wider  work  of  translations  of  the  entire  N.  T.  Mr. 
 Cookesley  has  published  the  Gospel  of  St.  Matthew 
 as  Part  I.  of  a  like  undertaking.— XII.  Present 
 State  of  the  Question. — (1.)  A  few  remarks 
 on  the  chief  questions  which  must  necessarily  come 
 
990 
 
 VILLAGES 
 
 before  those  who  uncipi-take  a  revision  will  not, 
 perhaps,  be  out  of  p!:ii;e.  (2.)  The  translation  ol" 
 the  N.  T.  is  from  a  Text  confessedly  imperfect. 
 What  edition  was  used  is  a  matter  of  cnnjecture; 
 most  piobably,  one  of  those  published  with  a  Latin 
 version  by  I'eza  between  loGoand  1598,  and  ai;ree- 
 ii!^  substantially  with  the  Textiui  receptns  oi'  UJ.'l.'i. 
 It  is  clear,  on  principle,  that  no  revision  (lUjht  to 
 i<;iioie  the  resiilt:^  of  the  textual  criticism  of  the 
 ..•1st  hundred  years.  (3.)  Still  less  had  been  done 
 at  the  commencement  of  the  17th  century  for  the 
 ti'xt  of  the  0.  T.  The  .Jewish  teachers,  from  whom 
 I'rotestant  divines  derived  their  knowledge,  hail 
 tjiven  currency  to  the  belief  that  in  the  Masnretic 
 text  were  contained  the  ipsissinui  verbii  of  Revela- 
 tion, free  from  all  risks  of  error,  from  all  c^isualties 
 of  transcription.  The  mateiials  for  a  revised  text 
 are,  of  course,  scantier  th.in  with  the  N.  T.  (4.) 
 All  scholars  woitliy  of  the  name  are  now  asjreed 
 that  .as  little  change  as  ))ossilile  shoidd  be  maile  in 
 the  language  of  the  A.  V.  {h.)  The  self-imposed  law 
 of  fairness  which  led  the  A,  V.  tr-anslators  to  admit 
 as  many  English  woids  as  possible  to  the  honour  of 
 repiesenting  one  in  the  Hebrew  or  Greek  text  has, 
 as  might  be  expecteil,  marred  the  perfection  of  their 
 work.  Side  by  side  with  this  fault,  there  is  an- 
 other just  the  oi)])osite  to  it.  One  ICnglish  word 
 appears  tor  several  Greek  or  Hebrew  words,  and 
 thus  shades  of  meaning,  often  of  importance  to  the 
 right  undersbinding  of  a  passage,  are  lost  sitjht  of. 
 (').)  Grammatical  inaccuracy  must  be  noted  as  a 
 defect  pervading,  inore  or  less,  the  whole  extent  of  the 
 pi-esent  version  of  the  N.  T.  (7.)  The  field  of  the 
 0.  T.  has  been  far  less  .aileqiiately  worked  than  that  ol 
 the  N.  T.,  and  Hebrew  schnlaisliip  has  made  far  less 
 progi-ess  than  Greek.  (8.)  The <livision  into chapteis 
 and  verses  is  a  matter  that  ought  not  to  be  passed  over 
 in  any  future  revision.  ^9.)  Other  points  of  detail 
 remain  to  be  noticed  briefly:  (1)  The  chapter  head- 
 intrs  of  the  A.  V.  often  go  beyond  their  proper  pro- 
 vince. What  should  be  a  mere  table  of  contents  bi'- 
 comes  a  gloss  upon  the  text.  (2)  The  use  of  italics  in 
 printing  the  A.  V.  is  at  least  open  to  some  risks.  At 
 first  tliey  seem  an  honest  confession  on  the  part  of  the 
 translators  of  what  is  or  is  not  in  the  original.  On 
 the  other  hand,  they  tempt  to  a  loose  translation. 
 (3")  (lood  as  the  princi])le  of  marginal  references  is, 
 they  need,  accordingly,  a  careful  sifting.  (4)  Mar- 
 ginal readings,  on  the  other  hand,  indicating  varia- 
 tions in  the  text,  or  ditJercMices  in  the  judgment  of 
 translators,  might  be  piofitjibly  increaseil  in  number. 
 (  10. )  What  h.as  been  said  will  serve  to  show  at  once 
 to  what  extent  anew  revision  is  required,  and  what 
 are  the  chief  difficulties  to  be  encountered. 
 
 Villages.  It  is  evident  that  chntncr,  "  a  vil- 
 lage," lit.  an  enclosure,  a  collection  of  huts,  is 
 often  used,  especially  in  the  enumeration  of  towns 
 in  .Josh,  xiii.,  xv.,  xix.,  to  imj>ly  unwalled  suburbs 
 outside  the  walled  towns.  And  so  it  ajipears  to 
 mean  when  we  compare  Lev.  xxv.  31  with  v.  34. 
 Mijrash,  A.  V.  "  suburbs,"  i.e.  a  place  thrust  out 
 from  the  city  (see  also  (ii'n.  xli.  48 K  Arab  villages, 
 as  found  in  Arabia,  are  often  mere  collections  of 
 stone  huts,  "  long,  low,  rude  hovels,  roofed  onlv 
 with  the  stidks  of  palm-leaves,"  or  covered  for  a 
 time  with  tent-cloths,  which  are  removefl  when  the 
 tribe  change  their  quarters.  Others  are  more  solidly 
 built,  as  are  most  of  the  modem  villages  of  I'ales'- 
 tiiie,  though  in  some  the  dwellings  are  mere  mud- 
 luits.  There  is  little  in  the  O.  T.  to  enable  us 
 more    precisely    to     liliiK.    .-i    village   of    Palestine, 
 
 VINE 
 
 beyond  the  fact  that  it  was  destitute  of  wall* 
 or  external  ilett'iices.  Persian  villages  are  .•i]iokun 
 of  in  similar  terms  (  Kz.  xxxviii.  11  :  Ksth.  ix.  19). 
 liy  the  Talinudists  a  village  was  defined  as  a  plaie 
 destitute  of  a  synagogue.  The  places  to  which  in 
 the  0.  T.  the  term  chatser  is  .applied  were  mostly 
 in  the  outskirts  of  the  city.  Tlie  relation  of  de- 
 ]K>iidence  on  a  chief  town  of  a  district  ap[)ears  to  be 
 denoted  by  the  phrase  "  villages  of  Caesarea  Phi- 
 lippi"  (Mark  viii.  27). 
 
 Vine.  The  well-known  valuable  plant  ( Vitis 
 viniferd),  very  fieiiuently  referred  to  in  the  Old 
 and  New  Testaments,  and  cultivated  from  the 
 earliest  times.  'I'he  Hi-st  mention  of  this  plant 
 occurs  in  Gen.  ix.  20,  21.  The  K<ryptians  s;iy  that 
 Osiris  first  taught  men  the  use  of  the  vine.  That 
 it  was  abundantly  cultivated  in  Kgypt  is  evident 
 from  the  frequent  representations  on  the  monu- 
 ments, as  well  as  from  the  Scriptural  allusions 
 ((Jen.  xl.  9-11;  Ps.  Ixxviii.  47).  The  vines  of 
 Palestine  wore  celebrated  both  for  luxuriant  growth 
 and  for  the  immense  clusters  of  gra]ies  which  they 
 produced.  When  the  spies  were  sent  forth  to  view 
 the  promised  land,  we  are  told  that  on  their  arrival 
 at  the  valley  of  Kshcol  they  cut  down  a  branch 
 with  one  cluster  of  gi'ajws,  and  bare  it  between  two 
 on  a  statV  (Num.  xiii.  23).  Travelleis  have  fre- 
 quently testified  to  tlie  large  size  of  the  grape- 
 clusters  of  Palestine.  .*^chulz  s])eaks  of  supping  at 
 I'eitshin,  a  village  near  Ptolemais,  under  a  vine 
 whose  stem  was  about  a  loot  and  a  half  in  dia- 
 meter, and  whose  height  was  about  thirty  feet, 
 which  by  its  branches  formed  a  hut  upwards  of 
 thirty  feet  broad  and  long.  "  The  clusters  of  these 
 extraordinary  vines,"  he  adds,  "  are  so  large  that 
 they  weigh  ten  or  twelve  pounds,  ami  the  berries 
 may  be  compared  with  our  small  plums."  Ks|iecial 
 mention  is  made  in  the  Bible  of  the  vines  of  I'^shcol 
 (Num.  xiii.  24,  xxxii.  9),  of  Sibmah,  Heshbon,  and 
 Klealeh  (Is.  xvi.  8,  9,  10;  Jer.  xlviii.  32),  and 
 Engedi  (Cant.  i.  14).  Fiom  the  abundance  and  ex- 
 cellence of  the  vines,  it  may  readily  be  undei"stood 
 how  frequently  this  plant  is  the  subject  of  meta- 
 phor in  the  Holy  Scriptures.  To  dwell  under  the 
 vine  and  lig-tree  is  an  emblem  of  domestic  hap]>i- 
 ness  and  peace  (1  I\.  iv.  25  ;  Jlic.  iv.  4  ;  Ps.  cxxviii. 
 3);  the  rebellious  people  of  Israel  are  compareil 
 to  "  wild  grapes,"  "  an  empty  vine,"  "  the  de- 
 generate plant  of  a  strange  vine,"  &c.  (Is.  v.  2,  4, 
 but  see  COCKLE ;  Hos.  x.  1  ;  Jer.  ii.  21).  It  is  a 
 vine  which  our  Lord  selects  to  show  the  spiritual 
 union  which  subsists  between  Himself  and  his 
 members  (.John  xv.  I-tj).  The  ancient  Hebrews 
 probably  allowed  the  vine  to  grow  trailing  on  the 
 ground,  or  upon  suppoits.  This  latter  mode  ot 
 cultivation  appe.ars  to  be  alluded  to  by  Kzekiel 
 (xix.  11,  12).  The  vintiige  {hatdr),  which  for- 
 merly was  a  .sea.s(in  of  general  festivity,  commence<l 
 in  Septemlier.  The  towns  are  deserted,  and  the 
 people  live  among  the  vineyaixls  in  the  lodges  ami 
 tents  (comp.  .ludg.  ix.  27;  .Jer.  xxv.  30;  Is.  xvi. 
 10).  The  gnqies  were  gathered  with  .shouts  of' joy 
 by  the  "  grape-gat  he  rei-s  "  (Jer.  xxv.  30),  and  put 
 into  b;iskets  (see  Jer.  vi.  9).  They  were  then  c-ii- 
 rieil  on  the  head  and  shouldei's,  or  slung  upon  a 
 yoke,  to  the  "  wine-press."  Those  intendeil  for 
 eating  wore  ])eiha])s  ])ut  into  tiat  open  baskets  of 
 wickerwork,  as  wits  the  custom  in  Kgypt.  in 
 Palestine  at  jiresent  the  finest  grejx's,  says  Dr. 
 Ilobinson,  are  drieil  .is  raisins  {tsiinniuk),  and  the 
 juice  ol  the  lemainder,  after  having  been  truddeu 
 
VINE  OF  SODOM 
 
 und  pressed,  "  is  boiled  down  to  a  syrup  which, 
 under  the  name  of  dibs,  is  much  used  by  all  cla-sses, 
 wherever  vineyards  are  found,  as  a  condiment  with 
 their  food."  The  vineyard,  which  was  generally 
 ou  a  hill  (Is.  V.  1  ;  Jer.  xxxi.  5  ;  Amos  ix.  13),  was 
 surrounded  by  a  wall  or  hedge  in  order  to  keep  out 
 the  wild  boais  (Ps.  Ixxx.  13),  jackals,  and  foxes 
 (Num.  xxii.  24  ;  Cant.  ii.  15  ;  Neh.  iv.  3  ;  Ez.  xiii. 
 4,5;  Matt.  xxi.  33).  Within  the  vineyard  was 
 one  or  more  towers  of  stone  in  which  the  vine- 
 dressers {coreinim)  lived  (Is.  i.  8,  v.  2 ;  Matt. 
 xxi.  33).  The  press  {gatli),  and  vat  {yekeb), 
 which  was  dug  (Matt.  xxi.  33)  or  hewn  out  of 
 the  rocky  soil,  were  part  of  the  vineyard  furniture 
 (Is.  V.  2). 
 
 Vine  of  Sodom  occurs  only  in  Deut.  xxxii.  32. 
 It  is  generally  supposed  that  this  passage  alludes  to 
 the  celebrated  apples  of  Sodom,  of  which  Josephus 
 speaks,  "  which  indeed  resemble  edible  fruit  in 
 colour,  but,  on  being  plucked  by  the  hand,  are  dis- 
 solved into  smoke  and  ashes."  Some  travellers, 
 as  Maundrell,  regard  the  whole  story  as  a  fiction. 
 Pococke  supposed  the  apples  of  Sodom  to  be  pome- 
 granates. Hasselquist  seeks  to  identify  them  with 
 the  egg-shaped  fruit  of  the  Solanum  melongena 
 when  attacked  by  some  species  oi'  tenthredo,  which 
 converts  the  whole  of  the  inside  into  dust,  while 
 the  rind  remains  entire  and  keeps  its  colour. 
 Seetzen  thought  he  had  discovered  the  apples  of 
 Sodom  in  the  fruit  of  a  kind  of  cotton-tree  which 
 grew  in  the  plain  of  El  Ghor,  and  was  known  by 
 the  name  of  Adschar,  Dr.  Robinson  instantly  pro- 
 nounced in  favour  of  the  'osher  fruit  being  the 
 apples  of  Sodom.  He  identifies  it  with  the  Aecle- 
 pias  {Calotropis^  procera  of  botanists.  Mr.  Walter 
 Elliot,  in  an  article  "  on  the  Poma  Sodoinitica, 
 or  Dead-Sea  apples,"  endeavours  to  show  that  the 
 apples  in  question  are  oak-galls,  which  he  found 
 growing  plentifully  on  dwarf  oaks  {Quercus  in- 
 fectoria)  in  the  country  beyond  the  Jordan.  Dr. 
 Hooker  writes,  "  The  Vine  of  Sodom  I  always 
 thought  might  refer  to  Ciicumis  colocynthis,  which 
 is  bitter  and  powdery  inside  ;  the  term  vine  would 
 scarcely  be  given  to  any  but  a  trailing  or  other 
 plant  of  the  habit  of  a  vine."  His  remark  that  the 
 term  vine  must  refer  to  some  plant  of  the  habit  of 
 a  vine,  is  conclusive  against  the  claims  of  all  the 
 plants  hitherto  identified  with  the  Vine  of  Sodom. 
 
 Vinegar.  The  Hebrew  term  clwinets  was  ap- 
 plieil  to  a  beverage  consisting  generally  of  wine  or 
 strong  drink  turned  sour,  but  sometimes  artificially 
 made  by  an  admixture  of  barley  and  wine,  and 
 thus  lial)le  to  fermentation.  It  was  acid  even  to 
 a  proverb  (Prov.  x.  26),  and  by  itself  formed  a 
 nauseous  draught  (Ps.  Ixix.  21),  but  was  used  by 
 labourers  (Ruth  ii.  14).  Similar  to  the  choinets 
 of  the  Hebrews  was  the  acetmn  of  the  Romans — a 
 thin,  sour  wine,  consiuned  by  soldiers.  This  was 
 the  heveiage  of  which  the  Saviour  partook  in  His 
 dying  moments  (Matt,  xxvii.  48;  Mark  xv.  36; 
 John  xix.  29,  30). 
 
 Vineyards,  Plain  of  the.  This  place,  men- 
 tioned only  in  Judg.  xi.  33,  has  been  already 
 noticed  under  Abel  (5).  The  writer  has  only  to 
 call  attention  to  the  fact  that  a  ruin  bearing  the 
 name  of  Beit  el  Eenn  ("  house  of  the  vine")  was 
 encountered  by  De  Saulcy  to  the  north  of  Kcrak. 
 This  may  be  the  Ahel  ccramim  of  Jephthah,  if  the 
 Aroer  named  in  the  same  passage  is  the  place  of 
 that  name  on  the  Arnon  {W.  Mojcb).  It  is  how- 
 ever by  no  means  certain. 
 
 VOWS 
 
 991 
 
 Viol.  For  an  explanation  of  the  Hebrew  word 
 translated  "  viol,"  see  PsALTERy.  The  old  Eng- 
 lish viol,  like  the  Spanish  vigucla,  was  a  six-stringed 
 guitar.  Etymologically,  viol  is  connected  with  the 
 Dan.  Fiol  and  the  A.  S.  JiiSele,  through  the  Fr 
 viole.  Old  Fr.  vielle,  Med.  l.at.  vitella. 
 
 Viper.     [Serpe;^t.] 
 
 Voph'si,  father  of  Nahbi,  the  Naphtalite  spy 
 (Num.  xiii.  14). 
 
 Vows,  The  practice  of  making  vows  is  of  ex- 
 tremely ancient  date,  and  common  in  all  systems  of 
 religion.  The  earliest  mention  of  a  vow  is  that  of 
 Jacob  (Gen.  xxviii.  18-22,  xxxi.  13).  Vows  in 
 general  are  also  mentioned  in  the  Book  of  Job 
 (xxii.  27).  The  Law  therefore  did  not  introduce, 
 but  regulated  the  practice  of  vows.  Three  sorts 
 are  mentioned: — I.  Vows  of  devotion,  Neder ;  II. 
 Vows  of  abstinence,  Esar  or  Tsar ;  III.  Vows  of 
 destruction,  Cherem.  I.  As  to  vows  of  devotion, 
 the  following  rules  are  laid  down  : — A  man  might 
 devote  to  sacred  uses  possessions  or  persons,  but 
 not  the  firstborn  either  of  man  or  beast,  which  was 
 devoted  already  (Lev.  xxvii.  26).  a.  If  he  vowed 
 land,  he  might  either  redeem  it  or  not.  If  he  in- 
 tended to  redeem,  two  points  were  to  be  considered : 
 
 1.  the  rate  ot  redemption  (Lev.  xxvii.) ;  2.  the 
 distance,  prospectively  and  retrospectively,  from 
 the  year  of  jubilee.  The  purchaser  of  land,  in  case 
 he  devoted  and  also  wished  to  redeem  it,  was  re- 
 quired to  pay  a  redemption-price  according  to  the 
 priestly  valuation,  but  without  the  additional  fifth. 
 The  owner  who  wished  to  redeem  would  thus  be 
 required  to  pay  either  an  annual  rent  or  a  redemp- 
 tion-price answering  to  the  number  of  years  short 
 of  the  jubilee,  but  deducting  Sabbatical  years  (Lev. 
 XXV.  3,  15,  16),  and  adding  a  fifth,  or  20  per  cent, 
 in  either  case.  If  he  refused  or  was  unable  to  re- 
 deem, either  the  next  of  kin  came  forward,  as  he 
 had  liberty  to  do,  or,  if  no  redemption  was  effected, 
 the  land  became  the  property  of  the  priests  (Lev. 
 XXV.  25,  xxvii.  21  ;  Ruth  iii.  12,  iv.  1,  &c.).  In 
 the  case  of  a  house  devoted,  its  value  was  to  be 
 assessed  by  the  priest,  and  a  fifth  added  to  the  re- 
 demption-price in  case  it  was  redeemed  (Lev.  xxvii. 
 15).  h.  Animals  fit  for  sacrifice,  if  devoted,  were 
 not  to  be  redeemed  or  changed  ;  and  if  a  man  at- 
 tempted to  do  so,  he  was  required  to  bring  both  the 
 devotee  and  the  changeling  (Lev.  xxvii.  9,  10,  33). 
 c.  The  case  of  persons  devoted  stood  thus: — A  man 
 might  devote  either  himself,  his  child  (not  the  first- 
 born), or  his  slave.  If  no  redemption  took  place, 
 the  devoted  person  became  a  slave  ot  the  sanctuaiy  : 
 see  the  case  of  Absalom  (2  Sam.  xv.  8).  Otherwise 
 he  might  be  redeemed  at  a  valuation  according  to 
 age  and  ser,  on  the  scale  given  in  Lev.  xxvii.  1-7. 
 Among  general  regulations  affecting  vows,  the  fol- 
 lowing may  be  mentioned: — 1.  Vows  were  entirely 
 voluntary,  but  once  made  were  regarded  as  com- 
 pulsory (Num.  xxx.  2  ;  Deut.  xxiii.  21 ;  Eccl.  v.  4). 
 
 2.  If  persons  in  a  dependent  condition  made  vows, 
 as  (a)  an  unmarried  daughter  living  in  her  father's 
 house,  or  (6)  a  wife,  even  if  she  afterwards  became 
 a  widow,  the  vow,  if  (a)  in  the  first  case  her  father, 
 or  (b)  in  the  second,  her  husband  heard  and  dis- 
 allowed it,  w;vs  void  ;  but  if  they  heard  without 
 disallowance,  it  was  to  remain  good  (Num.  xxx, 
 3-16).  3.  Votive  offerings  aiising  fiom  the  pro- 
 duce of  any  impure  traffic  were  wholly  forbidden 
 (Deut.  xxiii.  18).— II.,  III.  For  vows  of  abstinence, 
 see  CORUAN;  and  for  vows  of  extermination.  Ana- 
 thema, and  Ezr.  X.  8  ;  Mic.  iv.  13.    It  seems  thaJ 
 
992 
 
 VULGATE,  THE 
 
 tlij  practice  of  shaviiicj  tlie  heiij  at  the  expiration 
 of  a  votive  poriod  was  not  limited  to  the  Is'azaritic 
 vow  (Acts  xviii.  18,  xxi.  24).  The  practice  of 
 vows  in  the  Christian  Church,  though  evidently 
 not  forbidden,  as  the  instance  just  quoted  serves  to 
 sliow,  does  not  come  within  the  scope  of  the  pie- 
 si'ut  article  (see  Bingham,  Antiq.  xvi.  7,  9;  and 
 Snic-i.'r,  6ii;^i)). 
 
 Vulgate,  the.  (LAri-^  Vi:r,sroN.s  of  the 
 BiHLi:.)  The  influence  which  the  Latin  Versions 
 of  the  liible  have  exei-cised  upon  Western  Christi- 
 anity is  scarcely  less  than  that  of  the  I. XX.  upon 
 the  Oreek  Churches,  lint  both  the  <!reek  and  the 
 Latin  Vulsrates  have  been  long  neglt-ctcd.  Yet  the 
 Vulgate  should  have  a  very  deep  interest  for  all  the 
 Western  Churches.  P'or  many  centuries  it  was  the 
 only  Bible  generally  used;  and,  directly  or  indi- 
 rectly, it  is  the  real  parent  of  all  the  vernacular 
 versions  of  Western  Hurope.  The  Oothic  Version 
 of  Ulphilas  alone  is  independent  of  it.  In  the  age 
 of  the  Keforniation  the  Vulgate  was  lather  the 
 guide  than  the  source  of  the  po])ular  versions.  That 
 of  l.nther  f  N.  T.  in  lo23)  was  the  most  important, 
 and  in  this  the  Vulgate  had  great  weiglit.  From 
 Luther  the  influence  of  the  Latin  passed  to  our 
 own  Authorised  Version.  But  the  claims  of  the 
 Vulgate  to  the  attention  of  scholars  rest  on  wider 
 grounds.  It  is  not  only  the  source  of  our  current 
 theological  terminology,  bat  it  is,  in  one  shape  or 
 other,  the  most  important  early  witness  to  the  text 
 and    interpretation    of   the  whole   Bible. — l.  The 
 
 OhiGIN  and  HiSTOI'.V  OV  the  NA5IE  VULCtATE. 
 
 The  name  Vuti/ute,  which  is  equivalent  to  Vulijiita 
 editio  (the  current  text  of  Holy  Scripture),  has 
 necessarily  been  used  ditlerentlv  \n  various  ages  of 
 the  Church.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  phrase 
 originally  answeied  to  the  koiv7\  eKSoais  of  the 
 (ireek  Scriptures.  In  this  sense  it  is  used  con- 
 stantly by  .lerome  in  his  Commentaries.  In  some 
 places  Jeiome  distinctly  quotes  the  Greek  text ;  but 
 generally  he  reganls  the  Old  Latin,  which  was 
 rendered  from  the  LXX.,  as  substantially  identical 
 with  it,  and  thus  introduces  Latin  quotations  under 
 the  name  of  the  L.\X.  or  I'l/Zr/a/rt  editio.  In  this 
 way  the  tiansterence  of  the  name  from  the  current 
 (ireek  text  to  the  current  Latin  text  became  easy 
 and  natural.  Yet  more :  as  the  phrase  koivt) 
 (kSoith  came  to  signify  an  uncorrected  (and  so 
 corrupt)  text,  the  .same  secondary  meaning  was 
 attached  to  vn/i/ata  cd'tio.  Thus  in  some  places 
 the  vulqata  editio  stands  in  contrast  with  the  true 
 Ilexaplaric  ti.'Xt  of  the  LXX.  This  \\»i.'.  of  the 
 pliiasc  Vnli/iifn  editio  to  describe  the  LX.\.  (and 
 the  Latin  Version  of  the  LX.X.)  was  continued  to 
 later  times.  As  a  general  rule,  the  Latin  Fathers 
 spejik  of  Jerome's  Ven^ion  as  ''our"  Version  (nodra 
 editio,  noxtri  ci>di'e.i).—\l.  TiiE  Old  Latin  Veii- 
 sio.NS. — The  history  of  the  earliest  Latin  Vei'sion 
 of  theliible  is  lost  in  comjilete  obscurity.  All  that 
 ciui  be  alliimed  with  rertjiinty  is  that  it  was  made 
 in  Africa.  During  the  (irst  two  centuries  the  ( 'hurch 
 of  liome  was  essentially  Greek.  The  same  remark 
 holds  true  of  Gaul;  but  the  Church  of  N.  Atrial 
 .seems  to  have  been  Latin-s|)eaking  from  the  first. 
 At  what  date  this  Church  was  founded  is  uncertain. 
 It  is  (loin  Tertullian  that  we  must  seek  the  earliest 
 testimony  to  the  existence  and  character  of  the  Old 
 /.atiit  (  \'i/tiis  lAttind).  On  the  first  point  the 
 evidence  of  TertI'I.I.ian,  if  candidly  examined,  is 
 decisive.  He  distinctly  re<'ognises  the  general  cur- 
 rency of  a  Latin  \'<M>.ion  of  the  N.T.,  though  not 
 
 VULGATE.  THE 
 
 necess,<irily  of  every  book  at  [iresent  included  in  tli^* 
 Canon.  This  was  characterised  by  a  ''rudeness" 
 and  "  simjjlicity  "  which  seems  to  point  to  the 
 nature  of  its  origin.  The  version  of  the  N.  T.  ap- 
 pears to  have  arisen  from  individual  and  successive 
 eflbrts;  but  it  does  not  follow  liy  any  means  that 
 numerous  versions  were  simultaneously  ('irculafed, 
 or  that  the  several  parts  of  the  version  were  made 
 indcp'Midcntly.  Kven  if  it  had  been  so,  the  ex- 
 igencies of  the  public  service  must  .soon  have 
 given  definiteness  and  substantial  unity  to  the 
 fragmentary  labours  of  individuals.  The  work  of 
 private  hands  would  necessarily  be  subject  to  re- 
 vision (or  ecclesiastic^il  use.  The  sepjirate  buoks 
 would  be  united  in  a  volume  ;  and  thus  a  standard 
 text  of  the  whole  collection  would  tie  established. 
 VV^ith  regard  to  the  0.  T.  the  case  is  less  clear.  It 
 is  probable  that  the  Jews  who  were  settled  in  N. 
 Atrial  were  confined  to  the  Greek  towns;  other- 
 wise it  might  be  supposed  that  the  Latin  Version  of 
 the  0.  T.  is  in  part  anterior  to  the  Chii-stian  era, 
 and  that  (as  in  the  ciise  of  (Jreek)  a  preparation 
 for  a  Christian  Latin  dialect  was  alieady  made  when 
 the  Gospel  was  introduced  into  Africa.  However 
 this  may  have  been,  the  substantial  similarity  of 
 the  ditlcrout  parts  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments 
 establishes  a  real  connexion  between  them,  and 
 justifies  the  belief  that  there  Wiis  one  popular 
 Latin  Version  of  the  Bible  current  in  Africa  in  the 
 last  quarter  of  the  second  century.  The  exact 
 literality  of  the  Old  Version  was  not  confined  to 
 the  most  minute  observance  of  order  and  the  accur- 
 ate reflection  of  the  words  of  the  origmal  :  in 
 many  cases  the  very  forms  of  Greek  construction 
 were  retained  in  violation  of  Latin  us;ige.  With 
 regard  to  the  African  Canon  of  the  N.  T.  the  old 
 Version  oilers  important  eviilence.  From  considera- 
 tions of  style  and  language  it  seems  ceitain  that 
 the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  .lames,  and  2  Peter, 
 did  not  form  part  of  the  original  African  Version. 
 In  the  O.  T.,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Old  Latin  erred 
 by  excess  and  not  by  defect.  After  the  transla- 
 tion once  received  a  definite  shape  in  Afric.i,  which 
 could  not  have  been  long  after  the  middle  of  the 
 second  century,  it  was  not  publicly  revised.  The 
 old  text  w.as  jealously  guarded  by  ecclesia.stieal  u.se, 
 and  was  letained  there  at  a  time  when  Jerome's 
 version  was  elsewhere  almost  universally  received. 
 In  the  0.  T.  the  version  was  made  from  the  unre- 
 vised  edition  of  the  LXX.  But  while  the  earliest 
 Latin  Version  was  preserved  generally  unchanged 
 in  N.  Africa,  it  fared  differently  in  Italy.  There 
 the  provincial  rudeness  of  the  version  was  neces- 
 sarily more  ollicnsive.  In  the  fotuth  century 
 a  definite  ecclesiastical  recension  (of  the  Gosjieis 
 at  least)  apjiears  to  have  been  made  in  N.  Italy 
 by  reference  to  the  Greek,  which  w.as  distingiiished 
 by  the  name  of  It(d<i.  The  Itda  appei\rs  to 
 have  been  made  in  some  degree  with  authority: 
 other  revisions  were  made  for  private  use,  in  which 
 such  changes  were  introduced  as  suiteil  the  taste 
 of  scribe  or  critic.  The  next  st<»ge  in  the  lieteri- 
 oration  of  the  text  was  the  intermixture  of 
 these  various  revi.-.ions.  —  III.  The  Labodhs 
 OF  Jkuome. — .M  the  close  of  the  4th  century 
 the  Latin  texts  of  the  Bible  current  in  the 
 Western  Cliurch  had  fallen  into  the  greatest  cor- 
 ruption. The  evil  was  yet  greater  in  prospe<:t 
 than  at  the  time ;  for  the  separation  of  the  f^ast 
 and  West  was  growing  imminent.  But  in  th« 
 crisis  of  danger  the  great  scholar  was  raiso<l  \\y  wliC 
 
VULGATE,  THE 
 
 probabl)'  alone  for  1500  years  jinssessed  tlie  quali- 
 iicatioiis  necessary  for  producing  au  oiiginal  version 
 of  the  Scriptures  for  the  use  of  the  Latin  Churches. 
 Jerome — Eusebius  Hieronymus — was  boin  in  329 
 A.D.  at  Stridon  in  Dalmatia,  and  died  at  Bethlehem 
 in  4'20  A.D.  After  long  and  self-denying  studies  in 
 the  East  and  West,  Jerome  went  to  Rome  A.D.  382, 
 proliably  at  the  request  of  Damasus  the  Po]ie,  to 
 assist  in  an  important  synod.  His  active  biblical 
 laboure  date  from  this  epoch,  and  in  examining 
 them  it  will  be  convenient  to  follow  the  order  of 
 time,  noticing  (1)  the  Revision  of  the  Old  Latin 
 Version  of  the  N.  T.  ;  (2)  the  Revision  of  the  Old 
 Latin  Version  (from  the  Greeiv)  of  the  0.  T. ;  (3j 
 the  New  Version  of  the  0.  T.  from  the  Hebrew. 
 (1.)  The  /Revision  of  the  Old  Latin  Ve7-sion  of 
 the  N.  T.  — Jei'ome  had  not  been  long  at  Rome 
 (a.D.  383)  when  Damasus  consulted  him  on 
 points  of  Scriptural  criticism.  Apparently  in  the 
 same  year  he  applied  to  Jeiome  for  a  revision 
 of  the  current  Latin  version  of  the  N.  T.  by  the 
 help  of  the  Greek  original.  Jerome  was  fully 
 sensible  of  the  prejudices  which  such  a  work  would 
 e.xcite  among  those  "  who  thought  that  ignorance 
 was  holiness  "  {Ep.  ad  Marc,  xxvii.),  but  the  need 
 of  it  was  urgent.  "There  were,"  he  says,  "  almost 
 as  many  forms  of  text  as  copies."  The  Gospels 
 had  naturally  suffered  most.  Jerome  therefore  ap- 
 plied himself  to  these  first.  But  his  aim  was  to 
 revise  the  Old  Latin,  and  not  to  make  a  new  version. 
 Yet  although  he  proposed  to  him.self  this  limited 
 object,  the  various  forms  of  corruption  which  had 
 been  introduced  were,  as  he  describes,  so  numerous 
 that  the  difference  of  the  Old  and  Revised  (Hiero- 
 nymian)  text  is  throughout  clear  and  striking. 
 Some  of  the  changes  which  Jerome  introduced  were 
 made  purely  on  linguistic  grounds,  but  it  is  impos- 
 sible to  ascertain  on  what  piinciple  he  pi-oceeded  in 
 this  respect.  Others  involved  questions  of  in- 
 terpretation. But  the  greater  number  consisted 
 in  the  removal  of  the  interpolations  by  which 
 the  synoptic  Gospels  especially  were  disfigured, 
 'fhe  preface  to  Damasus  speaks  only  of  a  revision 
 of  the  Gospels,  and  a  question  has  been  raised 
 whether  Jerome  really  revised  the  remaining  books 
 of  the  N.  T.  But  the  omission  is  probably  due  to 
 the  comparatively  pure  state  in  which  the  text  of 
 the  rest  of  the  N.  T.  was  preserved.  An  e.xamina- 
 tion  of  the  Vulgate  text,  with  the  quotations  of 
 ante-Hieronyraian  fathers  and  the  imperfect  evidence 
 of  MSS.,  is  itself  sufficient  to  est;ibli»h  the  reality 
 and  character  of  the  revision.  This  will  be  ap- 
 parent from  a  collation  of  a  few  chapters  taken 
 iiom  several  of  the  later  books  of  the  N.  T. ;  but 
 it  will  also  be  obvious  that  the  revision  was  hasty 
 and  imperfect.  (2.)  The  Sevision  of  the  0.  T. 
 from  the  LXX. — About  the  same  time  (cir. 
 A.D.  383)  at  which  he  was  engaged  on  the 
 revision  of  the  N.  T.,  Jerome  undertook  also 
 a  first  revision  of  the  Psalter.  This  he  made 
 by  the  help  of  the  Greek,  but  the  woik  was 
 not  very  complete  or  careful.  This  revision 
 obtained  the  name  of  the  Boman  Psalter,  pro- 
 bably because  it  was  made  for  the  use  of  the  Roman 
 Church  at  the  request  of  Damasus.  In  a  short 
 time  "  the  old  error  prevailed  over  the  new  correc- 
 tion," and  at  the  urgent  request  of  Paula  and 
 Eustochium  Jerome  commenced  a  new  and  more 
 thorough  revision  {_Gallican  Psalter).  The  exact 
 date  at  which  this  was  made  is  not  known,  but  it 
 may  be  fixed  with  great  probability  very  shortly 
 Con.  D,  B. 
 
 VULGATE,  THE 
 
 1(93 
 
 after  A.D.  387,  when  he  retired  to  Bethlehem,  and 
 certainly  before  391,  when  he  had  begun  his  new 
 tianslations  from  the  Hebrew.  In  the  new  revision 
 Jerome  attempted  to  represent  as  far  as  possible,  by 
 the  help  of  the  Greek  veisions,  the  real  reading  of 
 the  Hebrew.  This  new  edition  soon  obtained  a 
 wide  popularity.  Gregory  of  Tours  is  said  to  have 
 intjoduced  it  from  Rome  into  the  public  services  in 
 France,  and  from  this  it  obtained  the  name  of  the 
 Gallican  Psalter.  Numerous  MSS.  remain  which 
 contain  the  Latin  Psalter  in  two  or  more  forms. 
 From  the  second  (Gallican)  revision  of  the  Psalms 
 Jerome  appears  to  have  proceeded  to  a  revision 
 of  the  other  books  of  the  0.  T.,  lestoring  all,  by 
 the  help  of  the  Greek,  to  a  general  confonnity 
 with  the  Hebiew.  The  revised  texts  of  the  Psalter 
 and  Job  have  alone  been  preserved  ;  but  there  is  no 
 reason  to  doubt  that  Jerome  carried  out  his  design 
 of  revising  all  the  "  Canonical  Scriptures."  He 
 speaks  of  this  work  as  a  whole  in  several  places, 
 and  distinctly  represents  it  as  a  Latin  version  of 
 Origen's  Hexaplar  text,  if,  indeed,  the  refeience  is 
 not  to  be  confined  to  the  Psalter,  which  was  the 
 immediate  subject  of  discussion.  But  though  it 
 seems  certain  that  the  revision  was  made,  there  is 
 very  great  dilficulty  in  tracing  its  history.  (3.)  The 
 Translation  of  the  0.  T.from  the  Hebrew. — Jerome 
 commenced  the  study  of  Hebrew  when  he  was 
 already  advanced  in  middle  life  (cir.  A.D.  374). 
 His  first  teacher  had  been  a  Jewish  convert ;  but 
 aftei'wards  he  did  not  scruple  to  seek  the  instruction 
 of  Jews,  whose  services  he  secured  with  great  diffi- 
 culty and  expense,  in  some  of  his  eai-liest  critical 
 letters  he  examines  the  force  of  Hebrew  words  ;  and 
 in  A.D.  384,  he  had  been  engaged  for  some  time  in 
 comparing  the  version  of  Aquilawith  Hebrew  MSS., 
 which  a  Jew  had  succeeded  in  obtaining  for  him 
 from  the  synagogue.  After  retiring  to  Bethlehem, 
 he  appears  to  have  devoted  himself  with  lenewed 
 ardour  to  the  study  of  Hebrew,  and  he  published 
 several  works  on  the  subject  (cir.  a.d.  389).  These 
 essnys  served  as  a  prelude  to  his  New  Version, 
 which  he  now  commenced.  This  version  was  not 
 undeitaken  with  any  ecclesiastictil  sanction,  as  thf 
 revision  of  the  Gospels  was,  but  at  the  urgent  re- 
 quest of  private  friends,  or  fiom  his  own  sense  of 
 the  imperious  necessity  of  the  work.  Its  history 
 is  told  in  the  main  in  the  Prefaces  to  the  several  in- 
 stalments which  were  successively  published.  The 
 Books  of  Samuel  and  Kings  were  issued  first,  and 
 to  these  he  prefixed  the  famous  Prologus  galeatus, 
 addressed  to  Paula  and  Eustochium,  in  which  he 
 gives  an  account  of  the  Hebrew  Canon,  At  the 
 time  when  this  was  published  (cir.  a.d.  391,  392) 
 other  books  seem  to  have  been  already  translated ; 
 and  in  393  the  sixteen  prophets  were  in  circulation, 
 and  Job  had  lately  been  put  into  the  hands  of  his 
 mo.st  intimate  friends.  Indeed,  it  would  appear 
 that  already  in  392  he  had  in  some  sense  completed 
 a  version  of  the  0.  T.  ;  but  many  books  were  not 
 completed  and  published  till  some  years  afterwards. 
 The  next  books  which  he  put  into  circulation,  yet 
 with  the  piovision  that  they  should  be  confined  to 
 friends,  were  Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  which  he  trans- 
 lated at  the  request  of  Dominica  and  Rogatianus, 
 who  had  uiged  him  to  the  task  for  three  years. 
 This  was  probably  in  the  year  394,  for  in  the 
 Preface  he  alludes  to  his  intention  of  discussing  a 
 question  which  he  treats  in  Ep.  Ivii.,  written  in 
 395.  In  the  Pjeface  to  the  Chronicles,  he  alludes 
 to  the  same  Epistle  as  "  lately  written,"  and   these 
 
 3  3 
 
91)4  VULGATE,  THE 
 
 hooks  m;ij  tliPictoro  lie  set  down  to  that  year.  'I'lie 
 tliree  Books  of  Solomon  Ibl lowed  in  1598,  having 
 heen  "the  work  of  three  days"  when  he  had  just 
 recovered  from  a  severe  illness,  which  he  sufl'ere<.l 
 ill  that  year.  'I'he  Octateucli  now  alone  remained  {i.e. 
 Pentateuch,  Joshua,  Judges  and  Kutli,  and  Estlier). 
 Of  this  the  Pentateuch  was  puhlislied  first,  but  it 
 is  uncertain  in  what  year.  The  Preface,  however, 
 is  not  quoted  in  the  Apology  against  Rufinus 
 (a.D.  iQ(i),  as  those  of  all  the  otiier  books  which 
 were  then  published,  and  it  mav  therefore  be  set 
 down  to  a  later  date.  The  reniaining  books  were 
 completed  at  the  lequest  of  Eustochium,  shortlv 
 after  the  death  of  Paula,  *.i).  404.  Thus  the 
 whole  trans-lation  was  spread  over  a  period  of  about 
 fourteen  yeai-s,  from  the  sixtieth  to  the  seventy-sixth 
 year  of  Jerome's  life.  But  still  parts  of  it  were 
 finished  in  great  haste  (e.g.  the  Books  of  Solomon). 
 A  single  day  was  sutlicient  for  the  translation  of 
 Tobit ;  and  "  one  short  eti'nrt "  for  the  translation 
 
 of    Judith.  —  IV.     TlIK     IIlSTOltY    OF     .IlCROME's 
 
 Translation  to  the  Invention  of  Printing. 
 — The  critical  labours  of  Jerome  were  received, 
 as  such  labours  always  are  received  by  the  multi- 
 tude, with  a  loud  outcry  of  reproach.  He  was  ac- 
 cused of  disturbing  the  repose  of  the  Church.  ;uid 
 shaking  the  foundations  of  fjiith.  Acknowledged 
 errors,  as  he  complains,  were  looked  upon  as  hal- 
 lowed by  ancient  usage;  and  few  had  the  wisdom 
 or  candour  to  acknowledge  the  importance  of  seek- 
 ing tor  the  purest  possible  te.vt  of  Holy  Scripture. 
 Hven  Augustine  was  canied  away  by  the  pnpulai- 
 prejudice,  and  endeavoured  to  discourage  Jerome 
 from  the  task  of  a  new  translation,  which  seemeil  to 
 him  to  be  dangerous  and  almost  profane.  Jerome, 
 indeed,  did  little  to  smooth  the  way  for  the  recep- 
 tion of  his  work.  In  such  cases  time  is  the  E;reat 
 reformer,  t'lamour  baseil  upon  ignoiance  .soon  dies 
 away ;  and  the  New  translation  gr.tdually  came 
 into  use  equally  with  the  OI<i,  and  at  length  sup- 
 planted it.  In  the  5th  century  it  was  adopted  in 
 (laul  by  Kucheiius  of  Lyons,  Vincent  of  Lerins, 
 Sedulius  and  Claudianus  Mamertus ;  but  the  Old 
 Latin  was  still  retained  in  Africa  and  Britain.  In 
 the  6th  century  the  use  of  Jerome's  Version  was 
 universal  among  scholars  excejit  in  Africa,  wheie 
 the  other  still  lingered  ;  ami  at  the  close  of  it 
 Gregory  the  Great,  while  commenting  on  .Jeiome's 
 Version,  acknowledged  that  it  was  admitted  equally 
 with  the  Old  by  the  Apo.stolic  See.  But  the  Old 
 \'ersion  was  not  authoritatively  displaced,  though 
 the  custom  of  the  Koinan  Cliuich  prevailed  also  in 
 the  other  churches  of  the  Wes-t.  In  the  7th  century 
 the  traces  of  the  Old  Version  grow  rare.  In  the 
 8th  century  Bede  ^(^eaks  of  .Jerome's  Version  as 
 "  our  edition  ;"  and  from  this  time  it  is  needless  to 
 trace  its  history,  though  the  Old  Latin  was  not 
 wholly  forgotten.  Yet  throughout,  the  New  Ver- 
 sion made  its  way  williout  any  direct  ecclesiastical 
 authority.  It  was  adopted  in  the  dili'erent  Churches 
 gradually,  or  at  least  without  any  formal  command. 
 But  the  Latin  Biye  which  thus  p.issed  gradually 
 into  use  under  the  name  of  Jerome  was  a  stran^elv 
 composite  work.  The  books  of  the  0.  T.,  with  one 
 exception,  were  certainly  taken  from  his  Vei-sion 
 from  the  Hebrew ;  but  this  had  not  only  Iieen 
 variously  (orrupted,  but  wa.s  itself  in  manv  par- 
 ticulars 'especially  in  the  Pentateuch)  at  variance 
 with  his  Liter  jii.lgment.  Long  use,  however,  made 
 it  impossible  to  substitute  his  Ps.dter  from  the 
 Hebiew  lor  the    Gallican   P.s;ilter;    and   thus  this 
 
 VULGATE.  THE 
 
 book  was  retained   from  the  Old  \'ersion,  as  Jerome 
 had  corrected  it  from  the  LXX.     Of  the  Apocryphal 
 books  Jerome  hastily  revised  or  ti-anslated  two  only, 
 Judith  and   Tobit.     The   lemainder  were  retained 
 fiom    the  Old  Version   again.st  his  judgment;  and 
 the  Apocryphal    additions    to    Daniel    and  Ksther, 
 which   he   had   carefully  marked   as  apocryphal   in 
 his  own  Version,  were  treated  as  integral  parts  of 
 the  books.    In  the  N.  T.  the  only  important  addition 
 which  was  frequently  interpolated  was  the  apocry- 
 phal  Epistle  to   the  Laodiceans.     The  text  of  the 
 Gospels  Wiis  in  the  main  Jerome's  revised  edition  ; 
 that  of  the  remaining  books  his  very  incomplete 
 revision   of  the  Old  Latin.     Thus  the  present  Vul- 
 gate contains  elements  which  belong  to  every  period 
 and   form    of  the   Latin  Version — (1.)    Unrevised 
 Uidl.'Uini  VVisdojii,   hcclus.,  1,  2  Mace.,  Baruch. 
 (2.)   Old  Latin  revised  from  the  LXX.:  Psalter. 
 (3.)  Jerome's  free   translation  from  the  original 
 text:    Judith,  Tobit.      (4.)  Jerome's    trarislation 
 from  the  Origimd:  0.  T.  except  I'salter.     (5.)  Old 
 Latin   revised  from    MSS. :    Gospels.      (6.)   Old 
 Latin  cursorily   revised:   the  remainder  of  N.  T. 
 —  The   L'evision  of  Alcuin.     Meanwhile  the  text 
 of  the  different  parts  of  the  Latin  Bible  was  rapidly 
 defeiiorating.    The  simultaneous  use  of  the  Old  and 
 New  Versions  necessarily  led  to  great  corruptions 
 of  both  texts.     Mixed  texts  were  formed  according 
 to  the  taste  or  judgment  of  scribes,  and   the  con- 
 fusion was  further  increa-sed  by  the  changes  which 
 were  sometimes  introducetl  by  those  who  had  some 
 knowledge  of  Greek.     From  this  cause  scarcely  any 
 Anglo-Saxon  Vulgate  j\IS.  of  the  8th  or  9th  cen- 
 turies which  the  writer  has  e.xaminetl  is  wholly  free 
 from  an  admixture  of  old  readings.    As  early  as  the 
 (5th  century,  Ca.ssiodorus  attempted   a   partial  re- 
 vision of  the  text  fPs;dter,  Prophets,   Epistles)  by 
 a  collation  of  old   JISS.     But  piivate  labour  was 
 unable  to  check  the  growing  corruption  ;    and  in 
 the  8th  century  this  had  arrived  at  such  a  height, 
 that    it   attracted    the   attention   of  Charlemagne. 
 Charlemagne   at  once  sought   a  remedy,  and    in- 
 trusted to  Alcuin    (cir.  a.d.  802)  the  task  of  re- 
 vising the  Latin  text  for  public  use.     This  Alcuin 
 apjiears  to  have  done  simply  by  the  use  of  MSS.  of 
 the  Vulgate,  and   not  by  reference  to  the  original 
 texts.     Alcuin's  revision  pi obably  contributed  much 
 towards    preserving    a    good    Vulgate   text.      The 
 best  MSS.  of  his  recension  do  not  liiliijr  widely  from 
 the  pure  Hieniuymian  text,  and  his  authority  must 
 have  done  much  to  check  the  spread  of  the  inter- 
 polations  which    reappear  afterwards,    and   which 
 were  derived  from  the  intermixture  of  the  Old  and 
 New  Versions.     But  the  new  revision  was  giTidu» 
 ally  delbrmed,  though  later  attempts  at  correction 
 were  made  by  Lanfrunc  of  Canterbury  (a.U.  1089), 
 Card.    Nicolaus    (a.d.   1150),    and   the   Cistercian 
 Abbot  Stephanus  (cir.  A.D.    1150).      In  the   13th 
 century  Vuncctoria   were  drawn   up,  especially  in 
 Erance,  in  which  varieties  of  reading  were  discus.sed. 
 Little  more  was  done  tor  the  text  of  the  Vulgate 
 till  the    invention  of  printing ;  and  the  name   of 
 Laiiientius  Valla  (cir.  1450)  alone  deserves  mention, 
 as  of  one  who  devoted  the  highest  powers  to  the 
 crifici.sm  of  Holv  Scripture,  at  a  time  when  such 
 studies  were   little  estwmeil.— V.    Tiiic    History 
 OK  TiiK  Printed  Text. —  It  was  a   noble  omen 
 for  the   future   progress  of  printing  that  the  first 
 book  which  issued   from  the  press  was  the  Bible; 
 and    the  splendid   pages   of  the    Mazaiin   Vulgate 
 (Mainz,  Gutciibnrgand  Fu>t)  stand  ye»  unsurpassed 
 
VULGATE,  THE 
 
 by  the  latest  effbi  ts  of  typography.  This  work  is 
 refened  to  about  the  year  1455,  and  presents  tile 
 common  text  of  the  loth  century.  Other  editions 
 followed  in  rapid  succession.  The  first  collection 
 of  various  readings  appears  in  a  Paris  edition  of 
 1504,  and  others  followed  at  Venice  and  Lyons  in 
 loll,  1513;  but  Cardinal  Ximenes  (1502-1517) 
 was  the  first  who  seriously  revised  the  Latin  text, 
 to  which  he  assigned  the  middle  place  of  honour  in 
 his  Polyglott  between  the  Hebrew  and  Greek  texts. 
 This  was  followed  in  1528  (2nd  edition  1532)  by 
 an  edition  of  R.  Stephens.  About  the  same  time 
 various  attempts  were  made  to  correct  the  Latin 
 from  the  original  texts  (Enismus,  1516  ;  Pagniuus, 
 1518-28;  Card.  Cajetanus ;  Steuchius,  1529;  Cla- 
 riiis,  1542),  or  even  to  make  a  new  Latin  version 
 (.lo.  Campensis,  1533).  A  more  iniporUuit  edition 
 of  R.  Stephens  followed  in  1540,  in  which  he  made 
 use  of  twenty  MSS.  and  introduced  considerable 
 alterations  into  his  former  text.  In  1541  another 
 edition  was  published  by  Jo.  Beneilictus  at  Paiis, 
 which  was  based  on  the  collation  of  MSS.  and  edi- 
 tions, and  was  often  reprinted  afterwards,  Ver- 
 cellone  speaks  much  more  highly  of  the  Biblia 
 Ordinaria,  with  glosses,  &c.,  published  at  Lyons, 
 1545,  as  giving  readings  in  accordance  with  tlie 
 oldest  MSS.,  though  the  sources  from  which  they 
 are  derived  are  not  given.  —  The  Sixtine  and 
 Ckiiwntine  Vulgates.  The  first  session  of  the 
 Council  of  Trent  was  held  on  Dec.  13th,  1545. 
 After  some  preliminary  arrangements  the  Niceue 
 Creed  was  formally  pi omulgated  as  the  foundation 
 of  the  Christian  faith  on  Feb.  4th,  1546,  and  then 
 the  Council  proceeded  to  the  question  of  the  au- 
 thority, text,  and  interpretation  of  Holy  Scripture. 
 A  committee  was  appointed  to  report  upon  the  sub- 
 ject, which  held  private  meetings  from  Feb.  20th 
 to  IMarch  17th.  Considerable  varieties  of  opinion 
 existed  as  to  the  relative  value  of  the  original  and 
 Latin  texts,  and  the  final  decree  was  intended  to 
 serve  as  a  compromise.  In  affirming  the  authority 
 of  the  '  Old  Vulgate  '  it  contains  no  estimate  of  the 
 value  of  the  original  tests.  The  question  decided  is 
 simply  the  relative  merits  of  the  current  Latin 
 versions.  In  spite,  however,  of  the  comparative 
 caution  of  the  decree,  and  the  interpretation  which, 
 was  affixed  to  it  by  the  highest  authorities,  it  was 
 received  with  little  favour,  and  the  want  of  a 
 standard  text  of  the  Vulgate  practically  left  the 
 question  as  unsettled  as  before.  The  theologians 
 of  Belgium  did  something  to  meet  the  want.  In 
 1547  the  first  edition  of  Hentenius  appeared  at 
 Louvain,  which  had  very  considerable  influence  upon 
 later  copies.  It  was  b<\.sed  upon  the  collation  of 
 Latin  MSS.  and  the  Stephanie  edition  of  1540.  In 
 the  Antwei'p  Polyglott  of  1568-72  the  Vulgate  was 
 borrowed  from  the  Complutensian  ;  but  in  the  Ant- 
 werp edition  of  the  Vulgate  of  1573-4  the  text  of 
 Hentenius  was  adopted  with  copious  additions  of 
 readings  by  Lucas  Brugensis.  This  last  was  de- 
 signed as  the  preparation  and  temporary  substitute 
 for  the  Papal  edition :  indeed  it  may  be  questioned 
 whether  it  was  not  put  forth  as  the  "  correct  edition 
 required  by  the  Tridentine  decree."  But  a  Papal 
 board  was  already  engaged,  however  desultorily, 
 upon  the  work  of  revision.  In  1561  Paulus  Ma- 
 nutins  (son  of  Aldus  Manutius)  was  invited  to  Rome 
 to  supeiintend  the  printing  of  Latin  and  Greek 
 Bibles.  During  that  year  and  the  next  several 
 scholars  (with  Sirletus  at  their  head)  were  engaged 
 in  the  revision  of  the  text.     In  the  pontificate  of 
 
 VULGATE,  THE 
 
 995 
 
 Pius  V.  the  work  was  continued,  and  Sirletus  still 
 took  a  chief  part  in  it  (1569,  1570),  but  it  was 
 currently  reported  that  the  difficulties  of  publishing 
 an  authorifjitive  edition  were  insuperable.  Nothing 
 further  was  done  towards  the  revision  of  the  Vul- 
 gate under  Gregoiy  XIII.,  but  preparations  were 
 made  for  an  edition  of  the  LXX.  This  appeared  in 
 1 587,  in  the  second  year  of  the  pontificate  of  Sixtus 
 v.,  who  had  been  one  of  the  chief  promoters  of  the 
 work.  After  the  publication  of  the  LXX.,  Sixtus 
 immediately  devoted  himself  to  the  production  of 
 an  edition  of  the  Vulgate.  He  himself  revised  the 
 text,  and  when  the  work  was  printed  he  examined 
 the  sheets  with  the  utmost  care,  and  correcteil  the 
 eriors  with  his  own  hand.  The  edition  appeared  in 
 1590,  with  the  famous  constitution  Aeteniits  ille 
 (dated  March  1st,  1589)  prefixed,  in  which  Sixtus 
 artirnied  with  characterit^tic  decision  the  plenary 
 authority  of  the  edition  for  all  future  time.  He 
 further  foibade  expressly  the  publication  of  various 
 readings  in  copies  of  the  Vulgate.  It  was  also  en- 
 acted that  the  new  revision  should  be  introduced 
 into  all  missals  and  service-books ;  and  the  greater 
 excommunication  was  threatened  against  all  who  in 
 any  way  contravened  the  constitution.  During  the 
 brief  pontificate  of  Urban  VII.  nothing  could  be 
 done ;  but  the  reaction  was  not  long  delayed.  On 
 the  accession  of  Gregory  XIV.  some  went  so  far  as 
 to  propose  that  the  edition  of  Sixtus  should  be 
 absolutely  prohibited  ;  but  Bellarmin  suggested  a 
 middle  course.  He  propo>ed  that  the  erroneous 
 alterations  of  the  text  which  had  been  made  in  it 
 "  should  be  corrected  with  all  possible  speed  and 
 the  Bible  reprinted  under  the  name  of  Sixtus,  with 
 a  prefatory  note  to  the  effect  that  errors  had  crept 
 into  the  former  edition  by  tlie  carelessness  of  the 
 printers."  This  pious  fraud,  or  rather  daring  false- 
 hood, for  it  can  be  called  by  no  other  name,  found 
 favour  with  those  in  power.  A  commi-ssion  was 
 appointed  to  revise  the  Si.xtine  text,  under  the  pre- 
 sidency of  the  Cardinal  Colonna  (Columna).  At 
 first  the  commissioners  made  but  slow  progress, 
 and  it  seemed  likely  that  a  year  would  elapse  before 
 the  revision  was  completed.  The  mode  of  proceed- 
 ing was  theiefore  changed,  and  the  commission 
 moved  to  Zagorolo,  the  country-seat  of  Colonna ; 
 and,  if  we  may  believe  the  inscription  which  still 
 commemorates  the  event,  and  the  current  report  of 
 the  time,  the  work  was  completed  in  nineteen  days. 
 The  task  was  hardly  finished  when  Gregory  died 
 (Oct.  1591),  and  the  publication  of  the  revised  text 
 was  again  delayed.  His  successor.  Innocent  IX., 
 died  within  the  same  year,  and  at  the  beginning  of 
 1592  Clement  VIII.  was  raised  to  the  pojiedom. 
 Clement  intrusted  the  final  revision  of  the  text  to 
 Toletus,  and  the  whole  was  printed  by  Aldus  Ma- 
 nutius (the  grandson)  before  the  end  of  1592.  The 
 Preface,  which  is  moulded  upon  that  of  Sixtus,  was 
 written  by  Bellaimin,  and  is  favourably  distin- 
 guished from  that  of  Sixtus  by  its  temperance 
 and  even  modesty.  The  respective  merits  of  the 
 Sixtine  and  Clementine  editions  have  been  often 
 debated.  In  point  of  mechanical  accuracy,  the 
 Sixtine  seems  to  be  clearly  superior.  The  collec 
 tions  lately  published  by  Vercellone  place  in  the 
 clearest  light  the  strange  and  uncritical  mode  in 
 which  Sixtus  dealt  with  the  evidence  and  results 
 submitted  to  him.  The  recommendations  of  the 
 Sixtine  correctors  are  marked  by  singular  wisdom 
 and  critical  tact,  and  in  almost  every  ciise  where 
 Sixtus  departs  from  them  he  is  in  error.     The  Gre- 
 
 .S  S  2 
 
990 
 
 VULGATE,  THE 
 
 gorian  correctors  (whose  n-sults  are  given  in  the 
 Clementine  edition),  in  the  main  simply  restored 
 readiiigs  adopted  by  the  Sixtine  board  and  rejected 
 by  Sixtus.  In  point  of  fact  the  Clementine  edi- 
 tion eri-s  Vjy  excess  of  caution.  While  the  Cle- 
 mentine edition  was  still  recent  some  thought-;  seem 
 to  have  been  enteitained  of  revising  it.  Lucas 
 Brugensis  made  important  collections  for  this  pur- 
 pose, but  the  practical  diliiculties  were  found  to  Ijc 
 too  great,  and  the  study  of  various  readings  was 
 reserved  for  scholai-s.  In  the  ne.\t  genei-ation  use 
 and  controversy  gave  a  sanctity  to  the  authorised 
 text.  At  length,  however,  in  170G,  Martianay 
 published  a  new,  and  in  the  main  better  text, 
 chiefly  from  original  MSS.,  in  his  edition  of  Jerome, 
 ^'allal■8i  ad<led  fresh  collations  in  his  revised  issue 
 of  Martianay's  work,  but  in  both  cases  the  collations 
 are  impertect,  and  it  is  impossible  to  determine  with 
 accui-acy  on  what  MS.  authority  the  text  which  is 
 given  depends.  Sabatier,  though  proliessing  only  to 
 deal  with  the  Old  Latin,  published  important  ma- 
 teiials  for  the  ciiticism  of  Jerome's  Version,  and 
 gave  at  length  the  readings  of  Lucas  Brugensis 
 (1743;.  More  than  a  century  elapsed  before  any- 
 thing more  of  importance  was  done  for  the  text  of 
 the  Latin  vei'sion  of  the  0.  T.,  when  at  length  the 
 ii:)rtunate  discovery  of  the  original  revision  of  the 
 Sixtino  conectors  again  direr;ted  the  attention  of 
 Roman  scholars  to  thuir  authorised  t,ext.  The  fii-st- 
 Iruits  of  their  labours  are  given  in  the  volume  of 
 Vercellone  already  often  quoted,  which  has  thrown 
 more  light  upon  the  history  and  criticisin  of  the 
 Vulgate  than  any  previous  work.  The  neglect 
 of  the  Latin  text  of  the  0.  T.  is  but  a  consequence 
 of  the  general  neglect  of  the  criticism  of  the  Hebrew 
 text.  In  the  N.  T.  far  more  has  been  done  for  the 
 correction  of  the  Vulgate,  though  even  here  no 
 critical  edition  has  yet  been  published.^VI.  The 
 Critical  \'alue  of  the  Latix  Versions. 
 — In  estimating  the  critical  value  of  Jerome's 
 labours,  it  is  necessary  to  draw  a  distinction  be- 
 tween his  dili.'erent  works.  His  mode  of  proceed- 
 ing was  by  no  means  uniform  ;  and  the  import- 
 ance of  his  judgment  vaiies  with  the  object  at 
 which  he  aimed.  The  three  versions  of  the 
 Psalter  represent  conipletely  the  three  difTerent 
 methods  which  he  followed.  At  first  he  wiii 
 contented  with  a  popular  revision  of  the  cur- 
 rent text  (the  L'oman  Psalter) ;  then  he  insti- 
 tuted an  accurate  comparison  between  the  current 
 text  and  the  original  (the  Galtican  Psalter)  ;  and 
 in  the  next  place  lie  translated  independently, 
 giving  a  direct  version  of  the  original  (the  Ikbrew 
 Psalter).  Tlx'se  three  methoils  follow  one  another 
 in  chronological  order,  and  answer  to  the  wider 
 views  which  Jerome  gradually  gained  of  the  func- 
 tions of  a  biblical  scholar.  The  revision  of  the 
 .\.  T.  belongs  unfortunately  to  the  first  period. 
 When  it  wa$  made,  his  aim  was  little  more  than  to 
 remove  obvious  interjiolations  and  blunders  ;  and  in 
 doing  this  he  likewise  infroiluced  some  chansjes  of 
 expre-ssion  which  softened  the  roughness  of  the  old 
 version,  and  some  which  seemed  to  be  required  for 
 the  true  expiession  of  the  sense.  Jerome's  re- 
 vision of  the  Gospels  wa.s  far  more  complete  than 
 that  of  the  remaining  parts  of  the  N.  T.  It  is, 
 indeed,  impossible,  except  in  the  Gospels,  to  dc- 
 tei-mine.iny  substantial  dillerence  in  the  Greek  texts 
 which  are  reproscntc<i  by  the  Old  and  Hieronymian 
 Vei-sions.— VII.  The  LANOt^'AGE  of  the  Latin 
 Veiwio.-*.       Generally  it    is    neces.s;iry    to   distin- 
 
 VULGATE,  THE 
 
 guish  two  distinct  elements  both  in  the  Latin 
 Version  and  in  subse(|ucnt  writings:  (1)  Pro- 
 vincialisms and  ("2)  Graecisms.  The  fomier  are 
 chiefly  of  interest  as  illustrating  the  history  of 
 the  Latin  langu.ige  ;  the  latter  as  marking,  in 
 some  degree,  its  power  of  expansion.  (1.)  Pro- 
 viru:ialisins.  One  of  the  most  interesting  fact* 
 in  regard  to  the  language  of  the  Latin  Version  is 
 the  reappearance  in  it  of  early  forms  wiiich  are 
 found  in  Plautus  or  noted  as  aichaisms  liv  gram- 
 maiians.  These  establish  in  a  signal  manner  the 
 vitality  of  the  popular  as  distinguishe*!  from  the 
 literary  idium,  and,  from  the  great  scarcity  of 
 memoiials  of  the  Italian  dialects,  possess  a  peculiar 
 value.  In  addition  to  these  there  are  many 
 other  peculiarities  which  evidently  belong  to  the 
 African  (or  common)  dialect,  and  not  merely  to  the 
 Christian  form  of  it.  Among  the  characteristics  of 
 the  late  stage  of  a  language  must  be  reckoned  the 
 excessive  frequency  of  compounds,  especially  formed 
 with  tlie  piepositions.  (2.)  Gniecisiiis.  The  "  sim- 
 plicity "  of  the  Old  Veision  necessarily  led  to 
 the  introduction  of  very  numerous  Septuagintal  or 
 N.  T.  forms,  many  of  which  have  now  passed  into 
 common  use.  Generally  it  may  be  ob>en'ed  that 
 the  Vulgate  Latin  bears  traces  of  a  threefold  influ- 
 ence ileiived  fiom  the  original  text ;  and  the  modi- 
 fications of  form  which  are  wipable  of  being  cajried 
 back  to  tliis  source,  occur  yet  more  largely  in 
 modern  languages,  whether  in  this  case  they  are  to 
 be  relerred  to  the  phustic  power  of  the  Vulgate 
 on  the  popular  dialect,  oi',  as  is  more  likely,  we 
 must  suppose  that  the  Vulgate  has  preserved  a 
 di>tinct  record  of  powers  which  were  widely  work- 
 ing m  the  times  of  the  Empire  on  the  common 
 Latin.  These  peculiarities  are  found  in  greater 
 or  less  fiequency  throughout  the  Vulgate.  It  is 
 natural  that  they  should  be  most  abundant  and 
 striking  in  the  parts  which  have  been  preserved  least 
 changed  from  the  Old  Latin,  the  Apociypha,  the 
 Acts,  Epistles,  and  .-\iiocalypse.  Generally  it  may 
 be  said  that  the  Scri]itural  idioms  of  our  com- 
 mon language  have  come  to  us  m.iiuly  through 
 the  Latin  ;  and  in  a  wider  view  the  Vulgate  is  the 
 connecting  link  between  classical  and  modein 
 languages.  It  contains  elements  which  belong  to 
 the  earliest  stage  of  Latin,  and  exhibits  (if  often  in 
 a  rude  form)  the  flexibility  of  the  popular  dialect. 
 On  the  other  hand,  it  hius  furnished  the  sourc-e  and 
 the  model  for  a  large  portion  of  current  Latin  deriv- 
 atives. Within  a  more  limited  lange,  the  au- 
 thority of  the  Latin  Versions  is  undeniable,  though 
 its  extent  is  rarely  realised.  The  vast  power  which 
 they  have  had  in  determining  the  theological  terms 
 of  Wesfein  Christemlom  can  hardly  be  overratetl. 
 P)y  far  the  greater  part  of  the  current  doctrinal 
 temiinology  is  basetl  on  the  Vulgate,  and,  as  far 
 .IS  can  be  a.scertained,  was  originated  in  the  Latin 
 Version.  Predestination,  justijicatitm,  supereroga- 
 tion (supereroifo),  sanclijication,  sulration,  mecU- 
 aior,  rcgenenttion,  rcvciulfm,  risildtion  (met.), 
 propitiation,  first  appear  in  the  Old  Vulgate. 
 Qrace,  redemption,  electioti,  reconciliation,  satis- 
 faction, inspiration,  scripture,  were  devote<i  there 
 to  a  new  and  holy  use.  Sacrament  {fiv<TT-fipioi>) 
 and  comintmion  are  from  the  .sjuue  source ;  and 
 though  baptism  is  Greek,  it  comes  to  us  from  the 
 Latin.  It  would  be  easy  to  extend  the  list  by  the 
 addition  of  orders,  peiumcc,  contjregation,  priest. 
 But  it  can  be  seen  from  the  forms  already  brought 
 forward  that  the  Latin  Versions  have  left  their  mark 
 
VULTURE 
 
 both  \ii)oii  their  language  and  upon  oiir  tlioiiglits  ; 
 and  it"  the  right  metiiod  of  controversy  is  based 
 upon  a  clear  liistoiical  peiception  ot"  the  force  ol 
 words,  it  is  evident  that  the  study  of  the  Vulgate, 
 however  much  neglected,  can  never  be  neglected 
 witli  impunity.  It  was  the  Veision  which  alone 
 they  knew  who  handed  down  to  the  Refornieis  the 
 rich  stores  of  mediaeval  wisdom  ;  the  Version  with 
 which  the  gieatest  of  the  lleformors  were  must 
 familiar,  and  from  which  they  had  drawn  theii' 
 earliest  knowledge  of  Divine  truth. 
 
 Vulture.  The  reuderins:  in  A.  V.  of  the  Heb. 
 di'idh,  dai/ydh,  and  also  in  Job  xxviii.  7,  of  ayydh. 
 There  seems  no  doubt  but  that  the  A.  V.  trans- 
 lation is  incorrect,  and  that  the  oiiginal  woi'ds  refer 
 to  some  of  the  smaller  species  of  raptorial  birds,  as 
 kites  or  buzzards.  Dayyah  is  evidently  synony- 
 mous with  Arab,  h'dayali,  the  vernacular  for  the 
 "  kite  "  in  North  Africa,  and  without  the  epithet 
 "  red  ''  for  the  black  kite  especially.  The  Samaritan 
 and  all  other  Eastern  Versions  agree  in  rendering  it 
 "  kite."  Ayydh  is  yet  more  certainly  referable  to 
 this  bird,  which  in  other  passages  it  is  taken  to 
 lepresent.  There  are  two  very  different  species  of 
 bird  comprised  under  the  English  term  vulture  : 
 the  gritibn  {gyps  fulvus,  Sav.),  Aiab.  nesser,  Heb. 
 ties/wr ;  invariably  rendered  "  eagle  "  by  A.  V. ; 
 and  the  percnopter,  or  Egyptian  vulture  {Neophron 
 percnopterus,  Sav.),  Arab.  9-akhma;  Heb.  rdchdm  ; 
 rendered  "  gi^r-eagle  "  by  A.  V.  The  identity  of 
 the  Hebrew  and  Arabic  tenns  in  these  cases  can 
 scarcely  be  questioned.  However  degrading  the 
 substitution  of  the  ignoble  vulture  for  the  royal 
 eagle  may  at  tii'st  sight  appear  in  many  passages, 
 it  must  be  boi-ne  in  mind  that  the  grillon  is  in  all 
 its  movements  and  characteristics  a  majestic  and 
 I'oyal  bird,  the  largest  and  most  powerful  which  is 
 .seen  on  the  wing  in  Palestine,  and  far  surpassing 
 the  eagle  in  size  and  power.  Its  only  rival  in 
 these  respects  is  the  Bearded  Vulture  or  Lammer- 
 geyer.  if  we  tiike  the  Heb.  ayydh  to  refer  to  the 
 red  kite  {milvus  reyalis,  Teinni.),  and  dayydh  to  the 
 black  kite  {rnilous  ater,  Temm.),  we  shall  find  the 
 piercing  sight  of  the  former  referreii  to  by  Job  (xxviii. 
 7),  and  the  gregarious  habits  of  the  latter  by  Isaiah 
 (xxxiv.  15).  Both  species  are  inhabitants  of  Pales- 
 tine, the  red  kite  being  found  all  over  the  country, 
 as  formerly  in  England,  but  nowhere  in  great  num- 
 bers, generally  soaring  at  a  great  height  over  the 
 plains,  and  apparently  leaving  the  country  in 
 winter.  The  black  kite,  which  is  so  numerous 
 everywhere  as  to  be  gregarious,  may  be  seen  at 
 all  times  of  the  year,  hovering  over  the  villages  and 
 the  outskirts  of  towns,  on  the  look-out  for  otlal  and 
 garbage,  which  are  its  favourite  food.  There  are 
 three  species  of  vulture  known  to  mhabit  Palestine: 
 — 1.  The  Lammergeyer  (G//pae^os  6a;"6«^ws,  Cuv. J, 
 which  is  rare  everywhere,  and  only  found  in  deso- 
 late mountain  regions.  2.  The  griffon  {Gyps 
 fidviis,  Sav.),  mentioned  above,  remarkable  for  its 
 power  of  vision  and  the  great  height  at  which  it 
 soars.  Mr.  Tristram  observed  this  bird  universally 
 distributed  in  all  the  mountainous  and  rocky  dis- 
 tricts of  Palestine,  and  especially  abundant  in  the 
 south-east.  Its  favourite  breeding-places  are  be- 
 tween Jerusalem  and  Jericho,  and  all  round  the 
 Dead  Sea.  The  third  species  is  the  Egyptian  vul- 
 ture {Neophron  percnopterus,  Sav.),  often  called 
 Pharaoh's  hen,  observed  in  Palestine  by  Hassel- 
 quist  and  all  subsequent  travellers,  and  very 
 numerous  everywhere. 
 
 WAR  997 
 
 w 
 
 Wages.  The  earliest  mention  of  wages  is  of  a 
 recompence  not  in  money  but  in  kind,  to  .lacob  from 
 Laban  (Gen.  xxix.  15,  20,  xxx.  28,  x.xxi.  7,  8,  41). 
 In  Egypt,  money  payments  by  way  of  wages  were 
 in  use,  but  the  terms  cannot  now  be  asceitained 
 (Ex.  ii.  9).  The  only  mention  of  the  rate  of  wages 
 in  .Scripture  is  found  in  the  parable  of  the  house- 
 holder and  the  vineyard  (i\latt.  xx.  2),  where  the 
 labourer's  wages  are  set  at  one  denarius  per  day, 
 probably  =  72(1.,  a  rate  which  agrees  with  Tobit  v. 
 14,  wheie  a  drachma  is  mentioned  as  the  rate  per 
 day,  a  sum  whicli  may  be  fairly  taken  as  equivalent 
 to  the  denarius,  and  to  the  usual  pay  of  n  soldier 
 (ten  asses  per  diem)  in  the  later  days  of  the  Roman 
 republic  (Tac.  Ann.  i.  17;  Polyb.  vi.  39).  In 
 eailier  times  it  is  probable  that  the  rate  was  lower. 
 But  it  is  likely  that  IrLourers,  and  also  soldiers, 
 were  supplied  with  provisions.  The  law  was  very 
 strict  in  requiring  daily  payment  of  wages  (Lev.  xix. 
 13;  Dent.  xxiv.  14,  15).  The  employer  who 
 refused  to  give  his  labourers  sufficient  victuals  is 
 censured  (Job  .xxiv.  11),  and  the  iniquity  of  with- 
 holding wages  is  denounced  (Jer.  xxii.  13;  JIal.  iii. 
 5  ;   James  v.  4). 
 
 Waggon.  [Cart  and  Chariot.]  The  Oriental 
 waggon  or  arabah  is  a  vehicle  composed  of  two 
 or  tliiee  planks  fixed  on  two  solid  circular  blocks  of 
 wood,  fiom  two  to  five  feet  in  diametei-,  which 
 serve  as  wheels.  To  the  floor  are  sometimes 
 attached  wings,  which  splay  outwards  like  the  sides 
 of  a  wheelbarrow.  For  the  convej-ance  of  pas- 
 sengers, mattresses  or  clothes  are  laid  in  the  bottom, 
 and  the  vehicle  is  drawn  by  buffaloes  or  oxen. 
 The  covered  waggons  f  >r  conveying  the  materials 
 of  the  tabernacle  were  probably  constructed  on 
 Egyptian  models. 
 
 Walls.  Only  a  few  points  need  be  noticed  in 
 addition  to  what  has  been  said  elsewhere  on  wall- 
 construction,  whether  in  brick,  stone,  or  wood. 
 [Bricks;  Handicraft;  Mouter.]  1.  The  prac- 
 tice common  in  Palestine  of  c;u'rying  foundations 
 down  to  the  solid  rock,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Temple, 
 and  in  the  piesent  day  with  structures  intended  to 
 be  permanent  (Luke  vi.  48).  2.  A  feature  of 
 some  parts  of  Solomon's  buildings,  as  described  by 
 Josephus,  corresponds  remarkably  to  the  method 
 adopted  at  Nineveh  of  encrusting  or  veneering  a 
 wall  of  brick  or  stone  with  slabs  of  a  more  costly 
 material,  as  marble  or  alabaster.  3.  Another  use 
 of  walls  in  Palestine  is  to  support  mountain-roads 
 or  terraces  formed  ou  the  sides  of  hills  for  ])urposes 
 of  cultivation.  4.  The  "path  of  the  vineyards" 
 (Num.  xxii.  24)  is  a  pathway  through  vineyards, 
 with  walls  on  eai.'h  side. 
 
 Wandering  in  the  Wilderness.  [Wilder- 
 ness OF  Wandering.] 
 
 War.  The  most  important  topic  in  connexion 
 with  war  is  the  formation  of  the  army,  which  is 
 destined  to  carry  it  on.  [Army.]  Before  entering 
 on  a  war  of  aggression  the  Hebrews  sought  for  the 
 Divine  sanction  by  consulting  either  the  Uiim  and 
 Thummim  (Judg.'i.  1,  xx.  2,'"27-8  ;  1  Sam.  xiv.  37, 
 xxiii.  2,  xxviii.  6,  xxx.  8),  or  some  acknowledged 
 prophet  (1  K.  xxii.  (3;  2  Chr.  xviii.  5).  Divine 
 aid  was  furtlier  sought  in  actual  warfare  by  bring- 
 ing into  the  field  the  Ark  of  the  Covenant,  which 
 was  the  symbol  of  Jehovah  Himself  (1  Sam.  iv.  4- 
 
9 'J  8    WASHING  HANDS  AND  FEET 
 
 18,  xiv.  18).  Kormal  pioclamations  of  war  were 
 not  interchanged  between  tlie  belligei'ents.  Before 
 euterinij  the  enemy's  distiict  spies  were  sent  to 
 asceitain  the  character  of  tlie  country  and  the  pre- 
 parations of  its  inhabitants  for  resistance  (Num.  xiii. 
 17;  Josh.  il.  1;  Judg.  vii.  10;  1  Sam.  xxvi.  4). 
 When  an  engagement  was  imminent  a  sacrifice  was 
 oflered  (1  Sam.  vii.  9,  xiii.  9),  and  an  inspiriting 
 address  delivered  eitlier  by  the  commander  ( 2  Chr. 
 XX.  20)  or  by  a  piiest  (  Deut.  xx.  2).  Then  followed 
 the  battle-signal  (I  Sam.  xvii.  52;  Is.  xlii.  13; 
 .ler.  I.  42  ;  Ez.  xxi.  22  ;  Am.  i.  14;.  The  combat 
 assumed  the  form  of  a  number  of  liami-to-hand 
 contests.  Hence  theliiijh  value  attached  to  tleetness 
 of  foot  and  strength  of  arm  (2  Sam.  i.  23,  ii.  18; 
 
 1  Clir.  xii.  8).  At  tlie  same  time  various  strategic 
 devices  were  practisc<i,  such  as  the  ambuscade  (Josh, 
 viii.  2,  12  ;  Judg.  xx.  36j,  surprise  (J udg.  vii.  16), 
 or  circumvention  (2  Sam.  v.  23).  Another  mo(le 
 of  settling  the  dispute  was  by  the  selection  of 
 champions  (1  Sam.  xvii.  ;  2  Sam.  ii.  14).  who 
 were  spurred  on  to  exertion  by  the  oiler  of  high 
 reward  (1  Sam.  xvii.  2.3,  xviii.  25;  2  Sam.  xviii. 
 11  ;  1  Chr.  xi.  6).  The  contest  having  been  decided, 
 the  conquerois  were  recalled  from  the  pursuit  by 
 the  sound  of  a  trumpet  (2  Sam.  ii.  28.  xviii.  16, 
 xx.  22).  The  siege  of  a  town  or  fortress  was  con- 
 ducted in  the  following  manner  : — A  line  of  circum- 
 vallatioa  was  diawn  round  the  place  (Ez.  iv.  2  ; 
 Mic.  V.  1),  constructed  out  of  the  trees  found  in  the 
 neighbourhood  Deut.  xx.  20),  together  with  e;irth 
 and  any  other  materials  at  hand.  This  line  not 
 only  cut  od  the  besieged  from  the  .-surrounding 
 country,  but  al>o  serveil  as  a  base  of  operations  for 
 the  besiegers.  The  next  step  was  to  thiow  out  from 
 this  line  one  or  more  "  moimts  "  or  "  banks  "  in 
 the  dnection  of  the  city  (2  Sam.  xx.  15;  2  K.  xix. 
 32  ;  Is.  xxxvii.  33),  which  was  gradually  increa.sed 
 in  height  until  it  was  about  half  as  high  as  the  city 
 wall.  On  this  nioiuid  or  bank  towers  were  erected 
 (2  K.  XXV.  1  ;  Jer.  lii.  4;  Iv/..  iv.  2,  xvii.  17,  xxi. 
 22,  xxvi.  8),  whence  the  slingei's  and  archers  might 
 attack  with  ellect.  IJattering-rams  (Kz.  iv.  2,  xxi. 
 22)  weie  brouglit  up  to  the  walls  by  means  of  the 
 bank,  and  scaling-laddeis  might  also  1m;  jilaced  on 
 it.  The  treatment  of  the  con(iuered  was  extremely 
 severe  in  ancient  times.  The  bodies  of  the  soldiers 
 killed  in  action  were  plundered  (1  .Sam.  xxxi.  8  ;  2 
 Mace.  viii.  27):  the  survivors  were  either  killed  in 
 some  savage  manner  (Judg.  ix.  45  ;  2  Sam.  xii. 
 31  ;  2  Chr,  xxv.  12),  mutilated  (Judg.  i,  6  ;  1 
 Sam.  xi.  2),  or  earned  into  captivity  (Num.  xxxi. 
 26;  Deut.  xx.  14).  Sometimes  the  bulk  of  the 
 population  of  the  conr^uered  countiv  was  removed 
 to  a  distant  lociility.  The  Mosaic  law  mitigatt-d  to 
 a  certain  extent  the  severity  of  the  ancient  usages 
 towards  the  coiK|uen'd.  The  conqueroi-s  celebrateil 
 their  success  by  the  erection  of  monumenUil  stones 
 (1  Sam.  vii.  12;  2  Sam.  viii.  13),  by  hanging  up 
 trophies  in  tlieir  public  buildings  (1  .Simj.  xxi.  it, 
 ixxi.  1(1  ;  2  Iv.  xi.  10),  and  by  triumphal  songs 
 and  dances  in  which  the  whole  jiopulatiou  took 
 |).irt  [Ex.  XV.  1-21  ;  Judg.  v.  ;    1  Sam.  xviii.  6-8; 
 
 2  .Sam.  xxii.  ;  Jud.  xvi.  2-17  ;    1   Mace.  iv.  24). 
 Washing  the  Hands  and  Feet.   As  knives  and 
 
 forks  wcie  di>|pi'nMNt  with  in  citing,  it  was  absol- 
 utely ncce.siviiy  thai  the  hand,  which  was  thrust 
 into  tlie  common  dish,  should  lie  -scrupulously  cl(?an  ; 
 and  again,  as  sandals  were  inellectiial  against  the 
 dimt  and  heat  of  an  Kastern  climate,  washing  the 
 (cet  on  entering  a  house  was  an  act  both  of  rus|H.'ct 
 
 WATER  OF  JEALOUSY 
 
 to  the  compjiny  and  of  refreshment  to  the  traveller. 
 The  fonner  of  these  usjiges  was  transfbimed  by  the 
 I'haris.-»es  of  the  New  Testament  age  into  a  matter 
 of  ritual  observance  (Mark  vii.  3),  and  special  rules 
 were  laid  down  as  to  the  times  and  manner  of  its 
 performance.  Washing  the  feet  did  not  rise  to  the 
 dignity  of  a  ritual  observance,  except  in  connexion 
 with  the  services  of  the  sanctuary  (Kx.  xxx.  19,21). 
 It  held  a  high  place,  however,  among  the  rites  of 
 hospitality.  Immediately  that  a  guest  )>resented 
 himself  at  the  tent-door,  it  w:is  usual  to  otier  the 
 necessary  materials  for  washing  the  feet  (Gen.  xviii. 
 4,  xix.  2,  xxiv.  32,  xliii.  24  ;  Judg.  xix.  21).  It 
 w;is  a  yet  more  compliment;iiy  act,  betokening 
 etjually  humility  and  affection,  if  the  host  actually 
 jieifoimed  the  oHice  for  his  guest  (1  Sam.  xxv.  41 ; 
 Luke  vii.  38,  44;  John  xiii.  5-14;  1  Tim.  v.  10). 
 Such  a  token  of  hospitality  is  still  ocasionally  ex- 
 hibited in  the  East. 
 
 Watches  of  Night.  The  Jews,  like  the  Greeks 
 and  Romans,  diviilcd  tlie  night  into  military  watches 
 iuste;ul  of  hours,  each  watch  representing  the  period 
 for  which  sentinels  or  pickets  remained  on  duty. 
 The  proper  Jewish  reckoning  recogniseil  only  three 
 such  watches,  entitled  the  fir.st  or  "  beginning  of 
 the  watches"  (Lam.  ii.  19),  the  middle  watch 
 i.Iudg.  vii.  19),  and  the  morning  watch  (Ex.  xiv. 
 24;  1  .Sam.  xi.  11).  These  wouM  last  re.si)ectively 
 from  sunset  to  10  P.M.;  fiom  lu  IMVI.  to  2  A..M.; 
 and  from  2  A.. M.  to  sunrise.  Subsequently  to  the 
 esUiblishment  of  the  Komaii  supremacy,  the  number 
 of  Wiitches  was  increased  to  four,  which  were  de- 
 scribed either  according  to  their  numerical  order,  a.s 
 in  the  case  of  the  "  fourth  watch  "  (Matt.  xiv.  25), 
 or  by  the  terms  •'  even,  miilnight,  cock-crowing, 
 and  morning  "  (Mark  xiii.  35).  These  terminated 
 respectively  at  9  I'.Ji.,  midnight,   3  a.m.,  and   6 
 
 A.M. 
 
 Water  of  Jealousy.  (Num.  v.  11-31).  The 
 ritual  pi'c-crilied  coiisi>twl  in  the  husband's  bringing 
 the  woman  before  the  priest,  and  the  essential  part 
 of  it  is  unquestionably  the  oath,  to  which  the 
 "water''  was  subsidiary,  .symbolical,  and  mini- 
 sterial. With  her  he  was  to  bring  the  tenth  part 
 of  an  ephah  of  barley-meal  ius  an  otl'ering.  Per- 
 haps the  whole  is  to  be  regarded  from  a  Judicial 
 point  of  view,  and  this  "  oftering"  in  the  light  of 
 a  court-fee.  (iod  Himself  Wiis  solemnly  invoke*!  to 
 judge,  and  His  presence  recognised  by  throwing  a 
 handful  of  the  barley-meal  on  the  blazing  altir  in 
 the  coiii-se  of  the  rite.  In  the  first  instance,  how- 
 ever, the  priest  "set  her  before  the  Loi-d  "  with 
 the  offering  in  her  hand.  As  she  stood  holding  the 
 ofl'eiing,  so  the  priest stoo<l  holdintran  earthen  vessel 
 of  holy  water  mixed  with  the  dust  from  the  floor  of 
 the  sanctuary,  and  declaring  her  free  from  all  evil 
 con.sequence3  if  innocent,  solemnly  devoted  her  in 
 the  name  of  Jehovah  to  Ijc  "  a  eni-se  and  an  oath 
 among  her  people,"  if  guilty,  further  de.sciibiiig  the 
 exact  consequences  .n.scribed  to  the  operation  of  the 
 water  in  the  "  membci-s  "  which  she  hail  ''  yieMed 
 as  servants  to  uncleanness "  (vers.  21,  22,  27; 
 comp.  h'om.  vi.  19).  He  then '"  wrote  these  cui-ses 
 in  a  book,  and  blotted  them  out  with  the  bitter 
 water,"  and  having  thrown,  prol).d>ly  at  this  stage 
 of  the  piocredings,  the  hand f'u I  of  meal  on  the  altjir, 
 "  causeil  the  woman  to  drink  "  the  |K>tioii  thim 
 drugge<l,  she  moi cover  answering  to  the  words  of  his 
 imprecation,  "  Amen,  .Amen."  Jasephus  adiis,  if 
 the  suspicion  was  unfounded,  she  obtained  con- 
 cept on,   if  true,  she  died  int'aniou.sly.     It  may  b« 
 
WATER  OF  SEPARATION 
 
 supposed  that  a  husband  would  not  be  forward  to 
 publish  his  suspicions  of  his  own  injury,  unless 
 there  were  symptoms  of  a]iparent  conception,  and  a 
 risk  of  a  child  by  another  beiiiij  presented  to  him  as 
 his  own.  In  this  aise  the  woman's  natural  appre- 
 hensions regarding  her  own  gestation  would  o]perate 
 very  strongly  to  make  her  shrink  from  the  potion, 
 if  guilty.  The  custom  of  such  an  ordeal  was  prob- 
 ably traditional  in  Moses'  time,  and  by  fencing  it 
 round  with  the  wholesome  awe  inspired  by  the 
 solemnity  of  the  prescribed  ritual,  the  lawgiver 
 would  deprive  it  tc  a  great  extent  of  its  barbarous 
 tendency. 
 Water  of  Separation.  [Purification.] 
 Wave-oifering.  This  rite,  tot-sther  with  that 
 of  "  heaving  "  or  "  raising  "  the  otTering,  was  an 
 inseparable  accomi)auiment  of  peace-offerings.  In 
 such  the  right  shoulder,  considered  the  choicest 
 part  of  the  victim,  was  to  be  "  he;ived,"  and 
 viewed  as  holy  to  the  Lord,  only  eaten  therefore 
 by  the  priest ;  the  breast  was  to  be  '*  waved," 
 and  eaten  by  the  worshipper.  On  the  second 
 day  of  the  Passover  a  sheaf  of  corn,  in  the 
 green  ear,  was  to  be  waved,  accompanied  by  the 
 sacrifice  of  an  unblemished  lamb  of  the  first  year, 
 from  the  performance  of  which  ceremony  the  days 
 till  Pentecost  wei  e  to  be  counted.  When  that  feast 
 arrived,  two  loaves,  the  first-fruits  of  the  ripe  corn, 
 were  to  be  offered  with  a  buint-oflering,  a  sin-olJer- 
 ing,  and  two  lambs  of  the  first  year  for  a  peace- 
 offering.  These  likewise  weie  to  be  waved,  'i'iie 
 Scriptural  notices  of  these  rites  are  to  be  found  in 
 E.\.  xsix.  24,  28  ;  Lev.  vii.  30,  34,  viii.  27,  ix.  21, 
 X.  14,  15,  -xxiii.  10,  15,  20;  Num.  vi.  20,  xviii. 
 11,  18,  26-29,  &c.  It  seems  not  quite  certain 
 from  Ex.  xxix.  20,  27,  whether  the  waving  was 
 performed  by  the  priest  or  by  the  worshipper  with 
 the  former's  assistance.  The  Kabbinical  tradition 
 represents  it  as  done  by  the  worshipper,  the  priest 
 supporting  his  hands  from  below.  In  conjecturing 
 the  meaning  of  this  rite,  regai-d  must  be  had,  in  the 
 first  instance,  to  the  kind  of  sacrifice  to  which  it 
 belonged.  It  was  the  accompaniment  of  j)eMee- 
 offeiiugs.  These  not  only,  like  the  other  sacrifii;es, 
 acknowledcred  (lod's  greatness  and  His  right  over 
 the  creature,  but  they  witnessed  to  a  ratified  (coven- 
 ant, an  established  communion  between  God  and 
 man.  The  Rabbis  explain  the  heaving  of  the 
 shoulder  as  an  acknowledgment  that  God  has  His 
 throne  in  the  heaven,  the  waving  of  the  breast  that 
 He  is  present  in  every  quailer  of  the  e;u-th. 
 
 Way.  This  word  has  now  in  ordinary  parlance 
 so  entirely  forsaken  its  original  sense,  and  is  so 
 uniformly  employed  in  the  secondary  or  metaphor- 
 ical sense  of  a  "  custom  "  or  "  manner,"  that  it  is 
 difficult  to  remember  that  in  the  Bible  it  most 
 frequently  signifies  an  actual  road  or  track.  Our 
 translators  have  employed  it  as  the  equivalent  of  no 
 less  than  eighteen  distinct  Hebrew  terms.  But  the 
 term  which  most  frequently  occurs,  and  in  the 
 majority  of  cases  signifies  an  actual  roail,  is  derec, 
 connected  with  the  German  treten  and  the  English 
 "  tread."  It  may  be  truly  said  tliat  there  is  hardly 
 a  single  passage  in  which  this  word  occurs  which 
 would  not  be  made  clearer  and  more  real  if  "  road 
 to  "  were  substituted  for  "  way  of."  There  is  one 
 use  of  both  derec  and  6Z6s  which  must  not  be 
 passed  over,  viz.  in  the  sense  of  a  religious  course, 
 in  the  Old  Test,  this  occurs  but  rarely,  perhaps 
 twice:  namely  in  Amos  viii.  14,  and  Ps.  cxxxix.  24. 
 But  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  6805,  "  the  way," 
 
 WEEK 
 
 999 
 
 •'  the  road,"  is  the  received,  almost  technical,  term 
 for  the  new  religion  which  Paul  first  resisted  and 
 afterwards  supported. 
 
 Weapons.     [Arms.] 
 
 Weasel  [chdied)  occurs  only  in  Lev.  xi.  29,  in 
 the  list  of  unclean  animals.  According  to  the  old 
 versions  and  the  Talmud,  the  Hcb.  chdied  denotes 
 "  a  weasel ;"  but  if  the  word  is  identical  with  the 
 Arabic  chukl  and  the  Syriac  chuldo  there  is  no 
 doubt  that  "  a  mole "  is  the  animal  indicated. 
 Moles  are  common  enough  in  Palestine.  It  is  not 
 improbable  that  both  the  Talpa  europuea  and  the 
 T.  caeca,  the  blind  mole  of  which  Aristotle  speaks, 
 occur  there,  though  we  have  no  definite  information 
 on  this  point. 
 
 Weaving.  The  art  of  weaving  appears  to  lie 
 coeval  with  the  first  dawning  of  civilization.  In 
 what  country,  or  by  whom  it  was  invented,  we 
 know  not;  but  we  find  it  practised  with  great 
 skill  by  the  Egyptians  at  a  very  early  period.  The 
 "  vestures  of  fine  linen ''  such  as  Joseph  wore 
 (Gen.  xli.  42)  were  the  product  of  Egyptian  looms, 
 and  their  quaUtv,  as  attested  by  existing  specimens, 
 is  pronounced  to  be  not  inferior  to  the  finest 
 cambric  of  modem  times.  The  Israelite.s  were 
 probably  acquainted  with  the  process  before  their 
 sojourn  in  Egypt ;  but  it  was  undoubtedly  there 
 that  they  attained  the  proficiency  which  enabled 
 them  to  execute  the  hangings  of  the  Tabernacle 
 (Ex.  XXXV.  00  ;  1  Chr.  iv.  21),  and  other  artistic 
 textures.  At  a  later  period  the  Egyptians  were 
 still  famed  for  their  manufactures  of  "fine"  (i.  e. 
 hackled)  flax  and  of  chort,  rendered  in  the  A.  V. 
 '•  networks,"  but  more  probably  a  w/itte  material 
 either  of  linen  or  cotton  {Is.  xix.  9  ;  Ez.  xxvii.  7). 
 The  character  of  the  loom  and  the  process  of  weav- 
 ing can  only  be  inferred  from  incidental  notices.  The 
 Egyptian  loom  was  usually  upright,  and  the  weaver 
 stood  at  his  work.  The  cloth  was  fi.\ed  sometimes 
 at  the  top,  sometimes  at  the  bottom.  The  modern 
 Arabs  use  a  procumbent  loom,  raised  above  the 
 ground  by  short  legs.  The  Bible  does  not  notic 
 the  loom  itself,  but  spe;iks  of  the  beam  to  which  the 
 warp  was  attached  (1  Sam.  xvii.  7;  2  S-un.  xxi. 
 19) ;  and  of  the  pin  to  wnich  the  cloth  was  fixed, 
 and  on  which  it  was  rolled  (Judg.  xvi.  14).  We 
 have  also  notice  of  the  shuttle,  which  is  described 
 by  a  term  significant  of  the  act  of  weaving  (Job 
 vii.  fi) ;  the  thrum  or  threads  whiih  attached  the 
 web  to  the  beam  (Is.  xxxviii.  12,  margin);  and 
 the  web  itself  (Judg.  xvi.  14  ;  A.  V.  "  beam  "). 
 Whether  the  two  terms  in  Lev.  xiii.  48,  rendered 
 "  warp  "  and  "  woof,"  really  mean  these,  admits  of 
 doubt.  The  textures  produced  by  the  Jewish 
 I  weavers  were  very  various.  The  coarser  kinds, 
 j  such  as  tent-cloth,  sackcloth,  and  the  "hairy 
 garments"  of  the  poor  were  made  of  goat's  01 
 camel's  hair  (Ex.  xxvi.  7  ;  Matt.  iii.  4).  Wool 
 was  extensively  used  for  ordinary  clothing  (Lev. 
 xiii.  47  ;  Prov.  xxvii.  26,  xxxi.  13  ;  Ez.  xxvii.  18), 
 while  for  finer  work  flax  was  used,  varying  in 
 quality,  and  producing  the  difl'erent  textures  de- 
 scribed in  the  Bible  as  "  linen  "  and  "  fine  linen." 
 The  mixture  of  wool  and  flax  in  cloth  intended  for 
 a  garment  was  interdicted  (Lev.  xix.  19;  Deut. 
 xxii.  1 1^. 
 
 Wedding.     [Marriage.] 
 
 Week.     Whatever  controversies  exist  respecting 
 
 the  origin  of  the  week,  there  am  be  none  about  the 
 
 great  antiquity,  on   particular  occasions  at   legist, 
 
 among  the  Shemitic  races,  of  measuring  time  by  p 
 
1000 
 
 WEEKS,  FEAST  OF 
 
 periofl  of  seven  il:iys  (Geii.  viii.  10,  xxix.  27). 
 The  origin  of  this  division  of  time  is  a  matter  which 
 h;is  given  birlh  to  much  speculation.  Its  antiquity 
 is  so  great,  its  observance  so  wide-spread,  and  it 
 occupies  so  important  a  place  in  sacred  things,  that 
 it  has  been  very  generally  thrown  back  as  fai- as  the 
 creation  of  man.  The  week  and  the  Sabbath  are, 
 if  this  be  so,  as  old  as  man  himself.  A  purely 
 theolo2;icai  ground  is  thus  established  for  the  week 
 and  for  the  sacreduess  of  the  number  seven.  'I'hey 
 who  embrace  this  view  support  it  by  a  reference  to 
 the  .six  days'  creation  and  the  Divine  rest  on  the 
 seventh.  1st.  That  the  week  rests  on  a  theolog- 
 ical ground  may  be  cheerfully  acknowledged  by 
 both  sides;  i)ut  nothinsx  is  determined  by  such 
 acknowledgment  as  to  the  original  Guise  of  adopt- 
 ing this  division  of  time.  Whether  the  week  gave 
 its  sacreduess  to  tlie  number  seven,  or  whether  the 
 ascendancy  of  that  number  helped  to  determine  the 
 dimensions  of  the  week,  it  is  imiio'^sible  to  say. 
 Sndly.  The  prevalence  of  the  weekly  division  was 
 indeed  veiy  great,  but  a  nearer  approach  to  univeis- 
 alitv  is  required  to  render  it  an  aigument  for  the 
 view  in  aid  of  which  it  is  appealed  to.  It  was 
 adopted  by  all  the  Shemitic  races,  and.  in  the  later 
 period  of  their  histoiy  at  lejist,  by  the  Egyptians, 
 On  the  otiier  hand,  theie  is  no  reason  for  thiidiing 
 the  week  known  till  a  late  period  either  to  Greeks 
 or  Koniaus.  8rdly.  So  f;\r  from  the  week  being  a 
 division  of  time  without  ground  in  nature,  there 
 was  much  to  recommend  its  ado])tion.  Wheie  the 
 days  were  named  from  planetiry  deities,  as  among 
 fii-st  the  Assyrians  and  Chaldees,  and  then  tlie 
 Egyptians,  theie  of  course  each  peiiod  of  seven  days 
 would  constitute  a  whole,  and  that  whole  might 
 come  to  be  lecognised  by  nations  that  disregarded 
 or  lejected  the  practice  which  had  shfiped  and 
 deteimined  it.  Hut  further,  the  week  is  a  most 
 natural  and  nearly  an  exact  qiuidripartition  of  the 
 month,  so  that  the  quarters  of  the  moon  may  easily 
 have  suggested  it.  In  Exodus  of  course  the  week 
 comes  into  very  distinct  manifestation.  Two  of 
 the  gieat  feasts — the  Passover  and  the  Keast  of 
 Tabernacles — are  prolonged  for  seven  days  after 
 that  of  their  initiation  (Exod.  xii.  15-20,  &c. ). 
 The  division  by  seven  was  expanded  so  as  to  make 
 the  seventh  month  and  the  seventh  year  Sabbatical. 
 In  the  N.  T.  we  of  course  Hud  such  clear  lecogui- 
 tion  of  and  familiarit)'  with  the  week  as  needs 
 scarcely  be  dwelt  on.  The  Christian  Chuicli,  fiom 
 the  very  first,  was  familial'  with  the  week.  St. 
 Paul's  language  (1  Cor.  xvi.  2)  shows  this.  We 
 cannot  conclude  from  it  that  such  a  division  of  time 
 was  observed  by  the  inhabitants  of  Corinth  gener- 
 ally ;  for  they  to  whom  he  was  writing,  though 
 doubtless  the  majority  of  them  were  (jentilcs,  yet 
 knew  the  Lord's  l)ay,  and  most  piol)ably  the 
 Jewish  Sabbath.  But  though  we  can  infer  no 
 more  than  this  fiom  the  jdace  in  question,  it  is 
 clear  that  if  not  by  this  time,  yet  very  soon  after, 
 the  whole  lloman  world  had  adopted  tlic  hebdo- 
 madal division.  I>ion  Caseins  lepresents  it  as 
 coiuin.^  from  Ivjypt. 
 Weeks.  Feast  of.  [I'^^^tkcost.] 
 Weights  and  Measures.  I.  WEIGIIT.s.— 
 futri/duclion. — The  i,'<ner.d  primiple  of  the  present 
 inquiry  is  to  give  tlie  evidence  of  the  monuments 
 the  jMeference  on  ail  doubtful  points.  I'esides  this 
 general  j)riticiplc,  it  will  be  necessary  to  bear  in 
 niinil  the  following  postulates: — 1.  All  ancient 
 lircek    systems    of    weight    were    derived,    either 
 
 WEIGHTS  AND  MEASURES 
 
 directly  or  indirectly,  from  an  Eastern  source.  2. 
 All  the  older  systems  of  ancient  (Jreece  and  Persia, 
 the  Aeginetan,  the  .\ttic,  the  Babylonian,  and  the 
 Eubo'ic,  are  divisible  either  bv  6il00,  or  bv  .3600. 
 ?>.  The  HOOOth  or  3600th  part  of  the  talent  is  a 
 divisor  of  all  higher  weights  and  coins,  and  a  mul- 
 tiple of  all  lower  weights  and  coins,  except  its  two- 
 thiids.  4.  Coins  are  always  somewhat  below  the 
 standard  weight,  ti.  The  statements  of  ancient 
 writers  a-s  to  the  relation  of  dillerent  systems  are 
 to  be  taken  either  as  indicating  original  or  current 
 relation.  6.  The  statements  of  ancient  writere  are 
 to  be  taken  in  their  seemingly-obvious  sense,  or  dis- 
 carded altogether  as  incoirect  or  unintelligible.  7. 
 When  a  certain  number  of  drachms  or  other  deno- 
 minations of  one  metal  are  said  to  conespond  to  a 
 certain  number  of  drachms  or  other  denominations 
 of  another  metd,  it  must  not  be  assumed  that  the 
 system  is  the  same  in  both  c;ises.— I.  Early  Greek 
 talents. — Three  principal  systems  were  used  by  the 
 Greeks  before  the  time  of  .•\lexander,  those  of  the 
 Aeginetan,  the  Attic,  and  the  Eubo'ic  talents.  1. 
 The  Aeginetan  talent  is  stixfed  to  have  continued  60 
 minae,  and  6000  drachms.  Its  drachm  was  heavier 
 than  the  Attic,  by  which,  when  unqualified,  we 
 mean  the  drachm  of  the  full  monetary  standard, 
 weighing  about  67'o  grains  Troy.  Pollux  states  that 
 it  contained  10,000  Attic  drachms  and  luO  Attic 
 minae.  The  silver  coins  of  -Aegina,  however,  and  of 
 many  ancient  Greek  cities,  follow  a  lower  standard, 
 of  which  the  drachm  has  an  average  maximum 
 weight  of  about  96  grs.  The  drachm  obtained  from 
 the  silver  coins  of  Aegina  has  very  nearly  the  weight, 
 92'3  grs.  The  coins  of  Athens  give  a  standaixl,  67'5 
 grs.  for  the  Solonian  drachm.  An  examination  of 
 Mr.  Burgon's  weights  from  Athens,  in  the  British 
 Museum,  has,  however,  induced  us  to  infer  a  higher 
 standard  in  both  cases.  From  the  cori'ect  relation 
 of  the  weights  of  the  two  minae  given  above,  we 
 may  compute  the  drachms  of  tiie  two  talents  at 
 about  99-8  and  71*7  grs.  We  thus  obtain  the 
 following  principal  stindards  of  the  Aeginetan 
 weight,  a.  The  Macedonian  talent,  or  Aeginetan 
 of  the  writeis,  weighing  about  660,000  grs.,  con- 
 taining 60  minae  and  6u00  drachms.  6.  The 
 Commercial  talent  of  Athens,  used  *br  the  coins  of 
 Aegina,  weighing,  as  a  monetary  talent,  never  more 
 than  aljout  .^j76,i)00  grs.,  reduced  from  a  weight 
 talent  of  about  .598,8iiO,  and  divided  into  the  same 
 principal  parts  as  the  preceiling.  2.  The  Attic 
 talent,  when  simply  thus  designated,  is  the  standard 
 weight  introduced  by  Solon,  which  stood  to  the 
 older  or  Commercial  talent  in  the  relation  of  100  to 
 138^.  Its  average  maximum  weight,  as  derivetl 
 from  the  coins  of  Athens  and  the  evidence  of 
 ancient  writers,  gives  a  drachm  of  about  67"0  gi^s. ; 
 but  Mr.  Burgon's  weights  enable  us  to  raise  this 
 sum  to  71'7.  It  api^ears  that  the  Attic  talent 
 weighed  about  430,26ti  grs.  by  the  weights,  and 
 that  the  coins  give  a  talent  of  about  405,000  grs. 
 3.  The  Euboic  talent,  though  used  in  (I'reece,  is 
 also  said  to  have  been  used  in  Persia,  and  there  can 
 be  no  doubt  of  its  Ea.'-tcrn  origin.— II.  Fvreuin 
 talents  of  the  same  period,-— Two  foreign  .systems 
 of  the  same  period,  I>c>ides  the  Hebrew,  are  men- 
 tioned by  ancient  writeis,  the  Babylonian  tilent 
 and  the  Euboic,  which  IleriKlotus  relates  to  have 
 liecn  used  by  the  Persians  of  his  time  respe»-tivrly 
 for  the  weighing  of  their  silver  and  gold  paid  in 
 tribute.  1.  The  Babylonian  talent  may  be  detw- 
 mincnl  from  existing  weights  found  by  Mr.  Layard 
 
WEIGHTS  AND  MEASURES 
 
 1001 
 
 *t.  Ninevpb.  The  weicrtits  represent  a  double 
 s^'stem,  of  which  tlie  lie:ivier  talent  contained  two 
 of  the  li<rhtei-  talents.  The  heavier  talent  contained 
 GO  m^nehs.  The  maneh  was  diviiled  into  thirtieths 
 and  sixtieths.  The  lighter  talent  contained  (3(t 
 manehs.  According  to  [)r.  Hincks,  tiie  maneh  of 
 the  lighter  talent  was  divided  into  sixtieths,  and 
 the-se  again  into  thirtieths.  The  following  table 
 exhibits  our  lesults.  j 
 
 Heavier  Talent.  Grs.  troy.  | 
 
 jJj  Maneh  2(36  "4 
 
 ■2  j'i,  Maneh  532 '8 
 
 60  30      Maneh  15,984 
 
 3600  1800  60        Talent  959,040 
 
 ])aric  was  thus  the  SOOOth  part  of  the  Babylonian 
 t^dent.  It  is  nowhere  stated  how  the  Kiiboic  talent 
 was  divided,  but  if  we  sujipose  it  to  have  contained 
 50  minae,  then  the  Daric  would  have  been  the 
 sixtieth  of  the  mina,  but  if  100  niinne,  the  thiitieth. 
 in  any  case  it  would  have  been  the  30u0th  part  of 
 the  talent.  The  coinage  of  Kuboea  has  hitherto  been 
 the  great  obstacle  to  the  discoveiy  of  the  Euboic 
 talent.  Kor  the  present  we  speak  only  of  the  silver 
 couis.     The  coins  sive  the  Ibllowing  denominations. 
 
 Ofi 
 
 Lighter  Talent 
 Maneh 
 
 Maneh 
 60 
 3600 
 
 Bo 
 
 4-44 
 133-2 
 Maneh  7.992 
 
 60        Talent  479,520 
 
 m 
 
 30 
 
 1800 
 
 108000 
 
 Certain  low  subdivisions  of  the  lighter  talent  may 
 be  determined  from  smaller  weights,  in  the  British 
 5Iuseum,  fi-om  Babylonia  or  Assyria,  not  found 
 with  those  last  described.  Herodotus  speaks  of  the 
 Babylonian  talent  as  not  greatly  exceeding  the 
 Euboic,  which  has  been  computed  to  bo  equivalent 
 to  the  Commercial  Attic,  but  more  reasonably  as 
 nearly  the  same  as  the  ordinary  Attic.  Pollux 
 makes  the  Babylonian  talent  equal  to  7000  Attic 
 drachms.  We  may  therefore  suppose  that  the 
 lighter  talent  was  generally,  if  not  universally,  in 
 use  in  the  time  of  the  Persian  coins.  Herodotus 
 relates  that  the  king  of  Persia  received  the  silver 
 tribute  of  the  satrapies  according  to  the  Babylonian 
 talent,  but  the  gold,  according  to  the  Euboic.  We 
 may  therefore  infer  that  the  silvei'  coinage  of  the  Per- 
 sian monarchy  was  then  adjusted  to  the  former,  the 
 gold  coinage  to  the  lattei',  if  there  was  a  coinage  in 
 both  metals  so  early.  The  larger  silver  coins  of 
 the  Persian  monarchy,  and  those  of  the  satraps,  are 
 of  the  following  denominations  and  weights  :  — 
 
 Coins  of  Euboea. 
 Highest      Assumed  true 
 weight.  weight. 
 
 258 
 121  129 
 
 85  86 
 
 63  64-5 
 
 43  43 
 
 Coins  of  Athens. 
 Assumed  true 
 weight. 
 Tetradrachm  270 
 Didrachm        135 
 
 Drachm  67-5 
 
 Tetrobolon        45 
 
 Piece  of  three  sigli 
 Pipce  of  two  sigli 
 Siglos 
 
 Grs.  troy. 
 253  ■  5 
 169 
 
 84-5 
 
 The  only  denomination  of  which  we  know  the  name 
 is  the  siglos,  which,  as  having  the  same  type  as  the 
 Daric,  ap]ears  to  be  the  oldest  i'ersian  silver  coin. 
 It  is  the  ninetieth  part  of  the  maneh  of  the  lighter 
 talent,  and  the  5400th  of  that  tiilent.  2.  The 
 Euboic  talent,  though  bearing  a  Greek  name,  is 
 rightly  held  to  have  been  originally  an  Eiistern 
 system.  As  it  was  used  to  weigh  the  gold  sent  as 
 tribute  to  the  king  of  Persia,  we  may  infer  that  it 
 was  the  standard  of  the  Peisian  gold  money;  and 
 it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  coinage  of 
 Euboea,  was  upon  its  standard.  The  proportion  of 
 the  Euboic  talent  to  the  Babylonian  was  probably 
 as  60  to  72,  or  5  to  6.  Taking  the  Babylonian 
 maneh  at  7992  grs.  we  obtain  399,600  tor  the 
 Euboic  talent.  The  principal,  if  not  the  only, 
 Persian  gold  coin  is  the  Daric,  weighing  about  129 
 grs.  This  was  the  standard  coin,  according  to 
 which  the  silver  money  was  adjusted.  Its  double 
 in  at«tual  weight  is  found  in  the  silver  coinage,  but 
 ts  equivalent  is  wanting,  as  though  for  the  sake  of 
 distinction.  The  doable  is  the  thirtieth  of  the 
 maneh  of  the  lighter  or  monetary  Babylonian 
 talent,  of  which  the  Daric  is  the  sixtieth,  the  latter 
 being,    in   our   opinion,  a    known   division.      The 
 
 It  will  be  perceived  that  though  the  weights  of 
 all  denominations,  except  the  third  in  the  Euboic 
 list,  are  very  near  the  Attic,  the  system  of  division 
 is  evidently  different.  The  third  Euboic  denomina- 
 tion is  identical  with  the  Persian  siglos,  and  indic- 
 ates the  Persian  origin  of  the  system.  The  second 
 piece  is,  however,  identical  with  the  Daric.  The 
 relation  of  the  Persian  and  (ireek  systems  maybe 
 thus  stated  : 
 
 Persian  silver,     I'ersian  Rold,  Greek  Euboic. 
 
 Babylonian.         kubuic.          Actual  weight.  Assumed. 
 
 253-5  258 
 169 
 
 129                121  129 
 
 84-5                                      85  86 
 
 63  64-5 
 
 43  43 
 
 3.  The  talents  of  Egypt  have  hitherto  formed  a 
 most  unsatisfactory  subject.  The  gold  and  silver 
 coins  of  the  Ptolemies  follow  the  same  standard  as 
 the  silver  coins  of  the  kings  of  IMacedon  to  Philip 
 II.  inclusive,  which  are  on  the  full  Aeginetan 
 weight.  The  copper  coins  have  been  thought  to 
 follow  the  same  standard,  but  this  is  an  error.  The 
 difficulty  of  e.xplaining  the  statements  of  ancient 
 writers  as  to  the  Egyptian,  Alexandiian,  or  Ptole- 
 maic talent  or  talents,  probably  arises  from  the  use 
 of  two  systems  which  could  be  easily  conibanded,  at 
 least  in  their  lower  divisions.  4.  The  Caithaginian 
 talent  may  not  be  as  old  as  the  period  before 
 Alexander,  to  which  we  limit  our  inquiry,  yet  it 
 reaches  so  nearly  to  that  period  that  it  cannot  be 
 here  omitted.  Those  silver  coins  of  the  Carthagi- 
 nians which  do  not  follow  the  Attic  standaid  seem 
 to  be  struck  upon  the  standard  of  the  Persian  coins, 
 the  Babylonian  talent. — III.  The  Hebrew  talent  or 
 talents  and  divisions.  1.  A  talent  of  silver  is 
 mentioned  in  E.xodus,  which  contained  3000  shekels, 
 distinguished  as  "  the  holy  shekel,"  or  ''shekel  of 
 the  .sanctuary."  2.  A  gold  maneh  is  spoken  of, 
 and,  in  a  parallel  passage,  shekels  are  mentioned, 
 three  manehs  being  represented  by  300  shekels,  a 
 maneh  therefore  containing  100  shekels  of  gold. 
 3.  Joseph  us  states  that  the  Hebrew  talent  of  gold 
 contained  100  rainae  {Ant.  iii.  6,  §7).  4.  Jo- 
 sephus  states  that  the  Hebrew  mina  of  gold  was 
 equal  to  two  librae  and  a  half  {Ant.  xiv.  7,  §1). 
 Taking  the  Roman  pound  at  5050  grs.,  the  maneh 
 of  gold  would  weigh  about  12,625  grs.  5.  Epi- 
 phanius  estimates  the  Hebrew  ttilent  at  125  Ko- 
 man  pounds,  which,  at  the  v.ilue  given  above, 
 are   equal   to  about  631,250  grs.     6.    A  dilhcult 
 
1002 
 
 WEIGHTS  AND  MEASURES 
 
 passage  in  Ezekiel  seems  to  speak  of  a  inatieh  of  50 
 or  6U  shekels  I'xlv.  12).  7.  Joseplius  makes  the  gold 
 shekel  a  Daric  (Ant.  iii.  8,  §  10).  Krom  these  data 
 it  may  be  leasonably  inteiTed,  (1.)  that  the  Hebrew 
 gold  talent  contained  100  manuhs,  each  of  which 
 again  contained  100  shekels  of  gold,  and,  basing 
 the  calculation  on  the  stated  value  of  the  maneh, 
 weighed  about  l,'_'t)2.500  grs.  or,  kusing  the  calcul- 
 ation on  the  correspondence  of  the  golii  shekel  to 
 the  i:)anc,  weighed  about   1,'290,(mio  gi-s.  (129    X 
 
 We  take  the  Hebrew  to  be  the  oldest  system  ot 
 weight.  Apart  from  the  evidence  trom  its  relation 
 to  the  other  systems,  this  may  be  almost- proval  by 
 our  finding  it  to  obtain  in  Greece,  in  Phoenicia,  and 
 in  .ludaea,  as  the  oldest  Greek  and  Phoenician 
 system,  and  .is  the  .Jewish  system.  The  Hebrew 
 system  had  two  talents  for  the  precious  metds  in 
 the  relation  of  2  :  I.  The  gold  talent,  app;iiently 
 not  usi'd  elsewhere,  contained  100  manehs,  each  of 
 which   contiiined   again    100    shekels,  there    l)eing 
 
 100  X  100),  the  latter  being  pi oliably  nearer  the  thus  10,000  of  these  units,  weighing  about  182 
 true  value,  and  (2.)  that  the  silver  talent  contained  I  grs.  each,  in  the  talent.  The  silver  talent,  also 
 8000  .shekels,  and  is  probably  the  talent  spoken  of  known  as  the  Aeginetan,  contained  .'!i)u0  shekels, 
 by  E|)iphaMius  as  eipial  to  125  Roman  jiounds,  or  j  weighing  about  220  grs.  each.  Or.e  gold  talent 
 <J81,250  grs.  which  would  give  a  shekel  of  210-4  |  appears  to  have  been  e<jual  to  24  of  these.  The 
 gi-s.  Let  us  now  examine  the  .Jewish  coins.  1.  reason  for  making  the  talent  of  gold  twice  that  of 
 The  shekels  and  half-shekels  of  silver,  if  we  take  an  silver  was  probably  merely  for  the  s;ike  of  distinc- 
 average  of  the  heavier  specimens  of  the  Maocabaean  I  ticn.  The  Babylonian  talent,  like  the  Hebrew, 
 issue/give  the  weight  of  the  former  :is  about  22t)  *  consist«d  of  two  systems,  in  the  relation  of  2  to  1, 
 grs.  A  tident  of  3000  such  shekels  would  weigh  I  upon  one  standard.  It  appears  to  have  iK-en 
 about  6ii0,000  gis.  This  result  agrees  very  nearly  j  tbiined  from  the  Hebrew  by  reducing  the  number 
 with  the  weight  of  the  Uilent  given  by  Kpiphanius.  ]  of  units  from  10,000  to  7200.  The  system  was 
 2.  The  co|)per  coitis  are  generally  without  any  in-  altered  by  the  maneh  being  raised  so  as  to  contain 
 dications  of  value.  The  two  heaviest  denominations  i  120  instead  of  lOO  units,  and  the  talent  lowered  so 
 of  the  Maccabaean  issue,  howevei,  hear  the  names  '  as  to  contain  6ii  instead  of  100  manehs.  It  is 
 "half"  and   "quarter."      In  the  following  scheme  ;  possible  that  this  talent  was  originally  of  silver. 
 
 The  derivation,  from  the  lighter  Babylonian  t<ilent, 
 of  the  Euboic  talent,  is  easily  ascertained.  Their 
 relation  is  that  of  6  :  5.  The  Egyptian  talent 
 cannot  be  traced  to  any  other.  I  he  Hebrew 
 copper  tident  is  equally  obscure.  Peihaps  it  is  the 
 double  of  the  Persian  gold  talent.  The  Aeginetau 
 talent  was  the  same  as  the  lesser  or  silver  Hebrew 
 _         ,  .     ,      TT  1  11,  talent.     Its  intioduction  into  Greece  was  doubtless 
 
 Our  theory  ot  the  Hebrew  coinage  woul.l  be  as  j^^  ^  ^,^^  Phoenicians.  The  Attic  Commercial 
 tollows:-Gold.  Shekel  or  lane  (oieign)  129  ^^^  ^  degradation  of  this  talent,  and  was  itself 
 grs.     Sdver  .  -Shekel  220,  lall-shekel  1    0      Cop-  I  j.   .^,,^^.  j^  ^^  ^.^__^^  ^^^  Attic  Solonian. 
 
 iwr.  Half  (-shekel)   264,  Quarter  (-shekel)    182.        ^j    mj<;XsUK1-N  _'| 
 
 they  aie  compared  with  the  silver  coins. 
 
 CoppEU  Coins.  Silvkr  Coins. 
 
 Average     Supposed  Average        Supposed 
 
 welRlit.         weight.  weight  weight. 
 
 Half  .  285-4  250  Shekel  .  .  22u  Id. 
 Quarter  182-0  125  Half  shekel  110  Id. 
 (Si.\th).    81-8        88-8  [Third]    .     78-3 
 
 (Sixth-shekel}  88.  We  can  now  consider  the 
 weights.  The  gold  talent  contiiined  100  manehs, 
 :nid  10,00(1  shekels.  The  silver  talent  coutiiineil 
 80(>0    shekels,    6000    bekas,    and    60,000    gerahs. 
 
 The  most  important  topic  to 
 be  discussed  in  connexion  with  the  subject  of  the 
 Hebrew  measures  is  their  relative  :uid  absolute  v;ilue. 
 -Anotlier  topic,  of  secondary  importance  perhaps, 
 but  possessing  an  independent  interest  of  its  own. 
 
 riie  copper  talent  probably  conUuned  loOO  .shekels.  j^,,^,^,,j^  ^  ^^^^  prefiUorv  remarks,  vz.,  the  origin 
 I  he  '•  holy  shekel,  or  "  slieke  ot  the  .■^anctuiiry,  |  ^^.  ^^^^^  measures,  and  their  relation  to  those^of 
 IS  spoken  of  both  of  the  gold  (Lx.  xxxvni    24)  iuid    ,u,,ou„ji„      .-ountries.      We   .iivide    the    Hebrew 
 
 silver  (25;  talents  of  the  time  of  the  Kxodus.      We 
 also  read  of '' the  king's  weight"  (2  Sam.  xiv.  26) 
 
 measures  into  two  classes,  according  as  they  reler 
 to  length  or  c;ipacity,  and  subdivide  each  of  these 
 
 But  there  is  no  reiison  tor  supposing  ddlerent  ^.i,.j^,e- i„to  two,  the  tbrmer  into  measures  of  length 
 .systems  to  be  meant.  The  signihci.tions  ot  the  ;  ^j  distance,  the  latter  into  liquid  and  drv  mea- 
 names  ot  the  Hebrew  weights  must  be  here  stated,  i  ^^^.^^^  ^  Meiusures  ot  length.  (J.)  The  denomi- 
 The  talent  ciccar  meiuis  "'^i  <-•'■;■  I e,  or  "globe,  ,  „.,,j„„g  ,e,en-ing  to  length  were  derived  for  the 
 probably  "imaggregiite  sum  1  he  shekel  signifies    ^^^,^^^  ,..^,^,    ^,^^  ^,;„^    .^„,,    ,,^,„^,        ^y^    ,j,,,^. 
 
 simply  "a  weight.  The  beka  or  Imll-shekel  s.gni- ,  ^^^^i^^^^  j,,^  following  four  i.s  deriv^nl  from  this 
 lies  "a  division,  or  "half.  I  he  '  qimrter  shekel  |  s„u,,.e  ;_(„)  The  /;/s6a.  or  finger's  breadth,  men- 
 is  once  mentioned  (1  •;>"»'•  jx.  8)  Ihe  gerahsig-  ^.^^^^^  ^^^^^,  .,,  Jer.  Iii.  21.  (6)  The  tcp/i^tch,  or 
 niHes  "a  grain  or  ';  bean  -IV.  The  Instnn,  and  ^^^^^  ^^.^^^j,,^  ^,,.^  ^^^._  ._,.  .  ,  ,^_  ^.j._  ._,^  .  .^  ^.,„._ 
 relaUom  of  the    prxnctpd   mictail  tnlcts.-Dn-    i v.  5).  applied  metiiphorically  to  a  >hort  period  o^ 
 
 inipiiry  must  be  jnefiiced  by  a  list  of  the  Uileiits: 
 A.  Kastkkn  Talents, 
 
 Hebrew  K>1(1    ■    1,320,UU0 
 ll,ib.vloniiifl   (siI-UB9.040 
 
 ver; J 
 
 KtO-plluii  ....   840,000 
 
 Hebrew  cojuwr  ?   .792,000? 
 
 l'>.  Ghi:i:k  Talknts. 
 
 Aeitltiotan 6611,000 
 
 AlllrCommereial fiflS.wm 
 
 Ailic  Cfiniiienlul,  lowereil 558,9ii0 
 
 AtlicSol'.hi. Ill,  double »(iO,52U 
 
 .\ltic  Si.lcMiim.  iiidiiiuiv 4:111,260 
 
 AlticSilnnlim,  lowered lo.S.iiiio 
 
 Kutiulc    ....  ...  3X7.000  + 
 
 time  in  P.s.  xxxix.  5.     (c)  The  zercth,  or  s])an,  th 
 distiuice  between  the  extremities  of  the  thumb  iuid 
 
 Hebrew  silver  .   .  66ii,000    the  little  linger  in  the  extended  hand  (Ex.  xxviii. 
 
 Bubylonlan  lesser  ij.jjgjjp     16  ;    1    Sam.  xvii.  4  ;   Ez.  xliii.  18),  applied  gener- 
 (silver).       .  .J       '  ^^Hy  ^^  describe  any  sm;ill  measure  in  Is.  xl.  12. 
 
 I'ersiaii  gold  .  .  .  399,600  {d)  The  (im.n\ah,  ov  cubit,  the  di.stiiiu-e  from  the 
 '  elbow  to  the  extremity  of  the  middle  finger.  This 
 occurs  very  frequently  in  the  Bible  in  rekition  to 
 buildings.  In  .uldition  to  the  above  we  niiiy 
 notice: — (c)  The  (/diiicd,  lit.  a  rod,  applied  to 
 Eglou's  dirk  (.hidg.  iii.  16).  Its  length  is  uncer- 
 tain, but  it  iirobalily  fell  below  the  cubit,  with 
 which  it  is  identilied  in  the  A.  V.  (/)  The  /tdtwh, 
 or  reed,  lor  mcisuiing  buildings  on  a  large  scidc 
 
WEIGHTS  AND  MEASURES 
 
 1003 
 
 (Kz.  xl.  5-8,  xli.  8,  xlii.  IG-I',)).  Little  infonna- 
 tion  is  t'liriiished  by  tlie  Bible  itself  as  to  the  relat- 
 ive or  absolute  lengths  described  under  the  above 
 terms.  With  the  exxeption  of  the  notice  that  the 
 reed  equals  six  cubits  (Ex.  xl.  5),  we  have  no 
 intimation  that  the  measures  were  combined  in 
 anything  like  a  scale.  The  most  important  con- 
 clusion to  be  drawn  from  the  Biblical  notices  is, 
 that  the  cubit,  which  may  be  regarded  as  the 
 standard  measure,  was  of  varying  length,  and  that, 
 n  order  to  secure  accuracy,  it  was  necessary  to 
 durine  the  kind  of  cubit  intended,  the  result  being 
 that  the  other  denominations,  if  combined  in  a 
 .scale,  would  vary  in  like  ratio.  Thus  in  Deut.  iii. 
 11,  the  cubit  is  specified  to  be  "  after  the  cubit  of 
 a  man;"  in  2  Chr.  iii.  '6  "after  the  first,"  or 
 rather  "after  the  older  measure;"  and  in  Ez.  xli. 
 S,  "a  great  cubit,"  or  literally  "a  cubit  to  the 
 joint,"  which  is  further  defined  in  xl.  ft,  to  be  "  a 
 cubit  and  an  hand  breadth."  These  expressions  in- 
 volve one  of  the  most  knotty  points  of  Hebrew 
 archaeology,  viz.,  the  number  and  the  respective 
 lengths  of  the  Scriptural  cubits.  That  there  was 
 mure  than  one  cubit,  is  clear  ;  but  whether  there 
 were  three,  or  only  two,  is  not  so  clear.  It  is 
 generally  conceded  that  the  "  former  "  or  "  older  " 
 measure  of  2  Chr.  iii.  8,  was  the  Jlosaic  or  legal 
 cubit,  and  that  tlie  modern  measure,  the  existence 
 of  which  is  implieil  in  that  designation  was  some- 
 what larger.  Further,  the  cubit  "after  the  cubit 
 of  a  man  "  of  Deut.  iii.  11 ,  is  held  to  be  a  common 
 measure  in  coutradistinttion  to  the  Mosaic  one,  and 
 to  have  fallen  below  this  latter  in  point  of  length. 
 In  this  case,  we  should  have  three  cubits — the 
 common,  the  Mosaic  or  olii  measure,  and  the  new 
 measure.  We  turn  to  l<>zekiel  and  find  a  distinction 
 of  another  character,  viz.,  a  long  and  a  short  cubit. 
 Now,  it  has  been  uigod  by  many  writers,  and  we 
 think  with  good  reason,  that  Ezekiel  would  not  be 
 likely  to  ailopt  any  other  than  the  old  orthodox 
 Mosaic  standard  for  the  measurements  of  his  ideal 
 temple.  If  so,  his  long  cubit  would  be  identical 
 with  tlie  old  measure,  and  his  short  cubit  with  the 
 one  "  after  the  cubit  of  a  man,"  and  the  neio 
 measure  of  2  Chr.  iii.  3  would  represent  a  still 
 longer  cubit  than  Ezekiel's  long  one.  Other  explan- 
 ations of  the  Prophet's  language  have,  however, 
 been  ottered  :  it  has  been  sometimes  assumed  that, 
 while  living  in  Chaldea,  he  and  his  countrymen 
 had  adopted  the  long  Babylonian  cubit ;  but  in  this 
 case  his  short  cubit  could  not  have  belonged  to  the 
 same  country,  in.ismuch  as  the  difference  between 
 these  two  amounted  to  only  three  fingers  (Herod,  i. 
 178).  Again,  it  has  been  explained  that  his  short 
 cubit  was  the  onlinary  Chaldean  measure,  and  the 
 long  one  the  Mosaic  me;isure ;  but  this  is  unlikely 
 on  account  of  the  respective  lengths  of  the  Babylo- 
 nian and  the  Mosaic  cubits,  to  which  we  shall 
 hereafter  refer.  Independently  of  these  objections, 
 we  think  that  the  passages  previously  discussed 
 (Deut.  iii.  11  ;  2  Chr.  iii.  3)  imply  the  existence  of 
 three  cubits.  It  remains  to  be  inquired  whether 
 from  the  Bible  itself  we  can  extract  any  information 
 as  to  the  length  of  the  Mosaic  or  legal  cubit.  An 
 examination  of  Biblical  notices  tends  to  the  conclusion 
 that  the  cubit  of  early  times  fell  far  below  the 
 length  usually  assigned  to  it ;  but  these  notices  are 
 io  sciuity  and  ambiguous  that  this  conclusion  is  by 
 no  means  decisive.  The  earliest  and  most  reliable 
 testimony  as  to  the  length  of  the  cubit  is  supplicil 
 by  the  existing  specimens  of  old  Egyptian  measures. 
 
 Several  of  these  have  been  discovered  in  tomb.';, 
 carrying  us  back  at  all  events  to  1700  B.C.,  while 
 the  Nilometer  at  Elephantine  exhibits  the  length  of 
 the  cubit  in  the  time  of  the  Roman  emperors.  No 
 great  ditt'erence  is  exhibited  in  these  measuies,  the 
 longest  being  estimated  at  about  21  inches,  and  the 
 shortest  at  about  20^,  or  exactly  20-4729  inches. 
 They  are  divided  into  28  dibits,  and  in  this  respect 
 contrast  with  the  Mosaic  cubit,  which,  accordiiio;  to 
 liabbinical  authorities,  was  divided  into  24  digits. 
 There  is  some  difficulty  in  reconciling  this  dis- 
 crepancy with  the  almost  certain  fact  of  the  derixa- 
 tion  of  the  cubit  from  Egypt.  It  has  been  generallv 
 surmised  that  the  Euyptian  cubit  was  of  more  than 
 one  length,  and  that  the  sepulchral  measures  exhibit 
 the  shorter  as  well  as  the  longer  by  special  marks. 
 Wilkinson  denies  the  existence  of  more  than  one 
 cubit.  The  use  of  more  than  one  cubit  appears  to 
 have  also  prevailed  in  Babylon,  tor  Herodotus  states 
 that  the  "  royal  "  exceeded  the  "  moderate  "  cubit 
 by  three  digits.  The  appellation  "  royal,"  if 
 borrowed  from  the  Babylonians,  would  itself  imply 
 the  existence  of  another;  but  it  is  by  no  means 
 certain  that  this  other  was  the  "  moderate  "  cubit 
 mentioned  in  the  text.  Reverting  to  the  Hebrew 
 measures,  we  should  be  disposed  to  identify  the  new 
 measure  implied  in  2  Chr.  iii.  3  with  the  full 
 Egyptian  cubit ;  the  "  old  "  measure  and  Ezekiel's 
 cubit  with  the  lesser  one,  either  of  26  or  24  digits  ; 
 and  the  "  cubit  of  a  man  "  with  the  thinl  one  of  23 
 digits  or  which  Thenius  speaks.  In  the  Mishiia 
 the  Mosaic  cubit  is  defined  to  be  one  of  six  palms. 
 It  is  termed  the  moderate  cubit,  and  is  distinguished 
 from  a  lesser  cubit  of  five  palms  on  the  one  side, 
 and  on  the  other  side  from  a  larger  one,  consisting 
 of  six  palms  and  a  digit.  The  palm  consisted, 
 according  to  Maimonides,  of  four  digits ;  and  the 
 digit,  according  to  Arias  IMontanus,  of  four  barley- 
 corns. This  gives  144  barleycorns  as  the  length  of 
 the  cubit,  which  accords  with  the  number  assigned 
 to  the  cubitus  jitst'ts  et  mediocris  of  the  Arabians. 
 The  length  of  the  Mosaic  cubit,  as  computed  by 
 Thenius  (after  several  trials  with  the  specified 
 number  of  barleycorns  of  middling  size,  placed  side 
 by  side),  is  214-512  Paris  lines,  or  19-U515  inches. 
 It  seems  hardly  possible  to  arrive  at  any  very  exact 
 conclusion  by  this  mode  of  calculation.  The  Tal- 
 mudists  state  that  the  Mosaic  cubit  was  used  for  the 
 edifice  of  the  Tabernacle  and  Temple,  and  the  lesser 
 cubit  for  the  vessels  thereof.  This  was  jjiobably  a 
 fiction.  Taking  the  estimate  of  Thenius,  the  length 
 of  the  other  denominations  will  be  as  follows: — 
 
 Inches. 
 
 Digit 
 
 . 
 
 •7938 
 
 4 
 
 Palm 
 
 3  •  1  7.32 
 
 12 
 
 Span 
 
 9-5257 
 
 24 
 
 « 
 
 2 
 
 Cubit 
 
 19-0.-)15 
 
 144 
 
 36 
 
 12 
 
 ^      1 
 
 Reed 
 
 114-3090 
 
 Land  and  area  were  measured  either  by  the  cubit 
 (N'lim.  XXXV.  4,  5;  Ez.  xl.  27)  or  by  the  reed  (Ez. 
 .xlii.  20,  xliii.  17,  .\lv.  2,  xlviii.  20  ;  Kev.  xxi.  16). 
 Theie  is  no  indication  in  the  Bible  of  the  use  of 
 a  square  measure  by  the  Jews.  Whenever  they 
 wished  to  define  the  size  of  a  plot,  they  specified  its 
 length  and  breadth,  evon  if  it  were  a  perfect 
 s(|uare,  as  in  Ez.  xlviii.  16.  The  difficulty  of 
 defining  an  area  by  these  means  is  experienced  in 
 the  interpretation  of  Num.  xxxv.  4,  5.  (2.)  The 
 measures  of  distance  noticed  in  the  Old  Test;iinent 
 are  the  three  following: — ('*)  Tlie  tsaad,i.n-  pace 
 
1004 
 
 WEIGHTS  AND  MEASURES 
 
 (2  Sim.  vi,  13),  answering  generally  to  our  yard. 
 (i))  The  Cibratk  /iddrets,  rendered  in  the  A.  V.  "a 
 little  way  "  or  "  a  little  piece  of  ground  "  (Gen. 
 XXXV.  16,  xlviii.  7;  2  K.  v.  19).  The  expression 
 appears  to  indicate  some  definite  distance,  but  we 
 are  unable  to  state  with  precision  what  that 
 distance  was.  The  only  conclusion  to  be  drawn 
 from  tlie  Uible  is  tliat  the  cibrath  did  not  exceed 
 and  probably  equaili'd  tlie  distance  between  Brth- 
 leheni  and  iiachel's  burial-place,  which  is  traditii>n- 
 ally  identified  with  a  spot  1^  mile  north  of  the 
 town,  (c)  The  derec  i/oin,  or  malidlao  yom,  a 
 (lay's  journey,  wliicli  was  tlie  most  usual  method  of 
 calculating  distinces  in  travelling  (Gen.  xxx.  'M, 
 xxxi.  23  ;  Ex.  iii.  18,  v.  ,S,  &c.),  though  but  one 
 instance  of  it  occurs  in  tiie  New  Testament  (Luke 
 ii.  44).  The  ordinary  day's  journey  among  tiie 
 Jews  was  ;>()  miles ;  but  wlicn  tiiey  travelled  in 
 companies  only  lU  miles:  Neapolis  foimed  the  first 
 stage  out  of  .Jerusalem,  according  to  the  former, 
 .•uid  15eeroth  according  to  the  latter  computation. 
 It  is  impossible  to  assign  any  distinct  length  to  the 
 day's  journey.  In  the  Apocrypha  and  New  Testa- 
 ment we  meet  with  the  following  additional  mea- 
 sines: — (d)  The  sabbath-day's  journey,  (e)  The 
 studion,  or  "  furlong,"  a  Greek  measure  introduced 
 into  Asia  subsequently  to  Alexandei's  conquest,  and 
 hence  first  mentioned  in  the  Apocrvpha  (2  Mace, 
 xi.  5,  xii.  9,  17,  29),  and  subsequently  in  Ihe  New 
 Testament  '^Luke  xxiv.  13;  John  vi.  19,  xi.  18; 
 iiev.  xiv.  20,  xxi.  16).  Both  the  name  and  the 
 length  of  the  stade  wei-e  borrowed  fi'om  the 
 foot)-ace  course  at  Olympia.  It  equalled  600 
 (ireck  feet  (Herod,  ii.  149),  or  125  Roman  paces 
 (Flin.  ii.  23),  or  6i)tj|  feet  of  our  measui-e. 
 It  thus  falls  below  the  furlong  by  53^  feet. 
 (/)  The  Mile,  a  lioman  measure,  equalling  lOOO 
 Uomaii  paces,  8  stade.s,  and  1618  Knglish  yanis. 
 2.  Measures  of  capacity.  The  measures  of  ciipa- 
 city  for  liquids  were; — (a)  The  log  (Lev.  xiv.  10, 
 &c.),  the  name  originally  signifying  a  "  basin." 
 (.6)  The  hiri,  a  name  of  Egyi)tian  origin,  frequently 
 noticed  in  the  Bible  (Ex.  xxix.  40,  xxx.  24;  Num. 
 XV.  4,  7,  9;  Ez.  iv.  11,  kc).  (c)  The  bath,  the 
 name  meaning  "  measui'ed,"  the  largest  of  the  liquid 
 measures  (1  K.  vii.  26,  38  ;  2  Chr.  ii.  10  ;  Ezr  vii. 
 22  ;  Is.  v.  10).  We  gather  from  Josephus  (Ant.  iii. 
 8,  §3)  that  the  bath  contiiined  G  bins  (for  the  bath 
 e<pialled  72  xcs^if  or  12  c/(oes,  and  the  hin  2  choes), 
 and  t'rom  the  Itabbinists  that  the  hin  contained  12 
 logs.     The  relative  values  therefore  stand  thus: — 
 
 Lo2 
 
 12     I    Kin 
 
 72     I     6     I     Ijath 
 
 The  dry  measure  contained  the  following  denomin- 
 ations:— (a)  The  ad),  mentioned  only  in  2  K.  vi. 
 25,  the  name  meaning  liter.illy  hollo'v  or  concaic. 
 {Ii)  Til'!  onier,  mentioned  only  in  Ex.  xvi.  16-36. 
 Tlie  same  measure  is  el.-<ewheie  termed  issaron,  as 
 oeiiig  the  tenth  |«rt  of  nn  ephah  (comp.  Ex.  xvi. 
 36),  whence  in  the  A,  V.  "tenth  deal"  (Lev. 
 xiv.  10,  xxiii,  13;  Num.  xv.  4,  &c.).  The  word 
 omer  implies  n  iienp,  and  se<:oiidarily  a  sliciif.  (c) 
 'I'he  sid/i,  or  "  measure,"  this  being  the  etynio- 
 lo<;ical  meaning  of  tlie  term,  and  appropi lately 
 applied  to  it,  inasmuch  as  it  was  the  ordinary  mea- 
 sure (or  household  purposes  ((Jen.  xviii.  6;  1  .">am. 
 XXV.  18;  2  K.  vii.  1,  16).  The  (ireek  equivalent 
 occurs  in  Matt,  xiii,  33  ;  I  iike  xiii.  21.  The  seah 
 w;»s  othei wise  tciiiied  shdlli/i,  :is  being  the  tliiid 
 
 l>art  of  an  ephah  (Is.  xl.  12  ;  I's.  Ixxx.  5  i.  (d)  The 
 cjihali,  .1  word  of  Egyptian  origin,  and  of  frequent 
 recurrence  in  the  Bible  (Ex.  xvi.  36  ;  Lev.  v.  11, 
 vi.  20;  Uuth  ii.  17;  1  Sam.  i.  24,  xvii.  17;  Ez. 
 xiv.  11,  13,  14,xlvi.5,7,ll,14).  (e)  The  lethec, 
 or  "half-homer,"  literally  meaning  what  \»  poured 
 out :  it  o<'curs  only  in  Hos.  iii.  12.  (/)  The  homer, 
 meaning  heap  (Lev.  xxvii.  16;  Num.  xi.  32:  Is. 
 V.  10;  Ez.  xiv.  13).  It  is  elsewhere  termed  cor, 
 from  the  circular  vessel  in  which  it  was  measured 
 ( 1  K.  iv.  22,  V.  1 1 ;  2  Chr.  ii.  lu,  xxvii.  5  ;  Ezr.  vii. 
 22;  Ez.  xiv.  14).  The  Greek  equivalent  occurs  in 
 Luke  xvi.  7.  The  following  is  the  scale  of  relative 
 values : — 
 Cab 
 
 11 
 
 Omer 
 
 6 
 
 3i 
 
 Seah 
 
 18 
 
 10 
 
 3 
 
 Ephah 
 
 80 
 
 loo 
 
 30 
 
 100 
 
 Homer 
 
 The  ab.solute  values  of  the  liquid  and  dry  mea- 
 sures form  the  subject  of  a  single  inquiry,  inas- 
 much as  the  two  scales  have  a  measure  of  equal 
 value,  viz.,  the  bath  and  the  ephah  lEz.  xiv.  1 1) :  if 
 either  of  these  can  be  fixed,  the  conversion  of  the  other 
 denominations  into  their  respective  values  readily 
 follows.  Josephus  states  that  the  bath  equals  72 
 xestae  (Ant.  viii.  2,  §9),  th;it  the  hin  equals  2 
 Attic  choes  [Tb.  iii.  8,  §3,  9,  §4),  that  the  seah 
 equals  1^  Italiau  modii  [lb.  ix.  4,  §5),  that  tiie  cor 
 equals  lu  Attic  ihcdiiiini  {lb.  xv.  9,  §2),  and  that 
 the  issaron  or  omer  equals  7  Attic  cotj/lae  (fb. 
 iii.  6,  §6).  It  may  further  be  implied  from  Ant. 
 ix.  4,  §4,  as  compared  with  2  K.  vi.  25,  that  he 
 regarded  the  cab  as  equal  to  4  xestes.  Now,  In 
 order  to  reduce  these  statements  to  consistency,  it 
 must  be  assumed  that  in  Ant.  xv.  9,  §2,  he  has 
 confused  the  nudiianns  with  the  mctretes,  and  in 
 Ant.  iii.  6,  §6,  the  coti/le  with  the  xestes.  Such 
 errors  throw  (loul>t  on  his  other  statements,  and 
 tend  to  the  conclusion  that  Josephus  was  not  really 
 familiar  with  the  Greek  measures.  Nevertheless 
 his  testimony  must  be  taken  as  decisively  in  favour 
 of  the  identity  of  the  Hebrew  bath  with  the  Attic 
 mctretes.  A.ssuming  thai  Josephus  was  right  in  iilei.- 
 tifying  the  bath  with  the  metreles,  its  value  would 
 be,  accoriling  to  Boockh's  estimate  of  the  latter, 
 1993-95  Paris  cubic  inches,  or  87053  English 
 gallons,  but  according  to  the  estimate  of  Bei-theau 
 1985-77  i'aris  cubic  inches,  or  8-6696  Englj.sh 
 gallons.  The  Riibbinists  furnish  data  of  a  difl'ei-ent 
 kind  for  c.dculating  the  value  of  the  Hebrew  mea- 
 sures. .\s  we  are  unable  to  dei-ide  between  Jose- 
 phus and  the  Kabbini.'~ts,  we  give  a  double  estimate 
 of  tlie  various  deiKiminations,  adopting  Bertheau's 
 estimate  of  the  metrites  : — 
 
 {Joseph  US.) 
 
 (_liabl<i»itts.) 
 
 Gallons. 
 
 Ciiillons. 
 
 Homer  or 
 
 Cor 
 
 «(j-696 
 
 or 
 
 44-:!»6 
 
 ICpbab 
 
 or 
 
 Bath 
 
 8-669l> 
 
 or 
 
 4-4'i86 
 
 Si-ali  . 
 
 2-SS9.S 
 
 or 
 
 1-4762 
 
 llin    . 
 
 1-44  19 
 
 or 
 
 •"3S1 
 
 Omer 
 
 ■ii6t>9 
 
 or 
 
 •442S 
 
 Cub    . 
 
 •■it;i6 
 
 or 
 
 •346 
 
 I..og    . 
 
 ■VIM 
 
 or 
 
 ■dtilS 
 
 III  the  New  'i'cstament  we  have  notices  of  the  fol- 
 lowing foreign  measures: — (ii)  The  mrtrelh  {.]t>h\\ 
 ii.  6;  A.  V.  "firkin")  lor  liquids.  (/»)  The 
 c/wenix  (Rev.  vi.  6;  A.  V.  ''measuie"),  for  dry 
 gooiis.  (c)  The  xc.ites  npplie<l,  however,  not  to 
 the  p;irficular  measure  so  iianied  by  the  (ireeks. 
 but  to  any  small  vessel,  such  as  a  cup  (Mark  vii. 
 
WELL 
 
 4,  8  ;  A.  V.  "pot").  ((/)  The  moiUus,  similarly 
 applied  to  describe  any  vessel  of  moderate  dimen- 
 sions (Matt.  V.  15;  Mark  iv.  21;  Luke  xi.  33; 
 A.  V.  "  bushel  ")  ;  though  properly  meaning  a  Ro- 
 man measure,  amounting  to  about  a  peck.  The 
 value  of  the  Attic  metrites  has  been  already  stated 
 ',()  be  8-t569t)  gallons,  and  consequently  the  amount 
 of  liquid  in  six  stone  jars,  containing  on  the  average 
 2J  rnetretae  each,  would  exceed  110  gallons  (John 
 ii.  6).  Very  possibly,  however,  the  Greek  term 
 represents  the  Hebrew  hath,  and  it  the  bath  be 
 taken  at  the  lower  estimate  assigned  to  it,  the 
 amount  would  be  reduced  to  about  60  gallons. 
 'I'he  choenix  was  -^^  of  an  Attic  medimnus,  and  con- 
 tained nearly  a  quart. 
 
 Well.  The  special  necessity  of  a  supply  of 
 water  (Judg.  i.  15)  in  a  hot  climate  has  always 
 involved  among  Eastern  nations  questions  of  property 
 of  the  highest  importance,  and  sometimes  given  rise 
 to  serious  contention.  Thus  the  well  Beershcba  was 
 opened,  and  its  possession  attested  with  special 
 formality  by  Abraham  (Gen.  xxi.  30,  31).  The 
 Kuran  notices  abandoned  wells  as  signs  of  desertion 
 (Sur.  xxii.).  To  acquire  wells  which  they  had  not 
 themselves  dug,  was  one  of  the  marks  of  favour 
 foretold  to  the  Hebrews  on  their  entrance  into  Canaan 
 (Deut.  vi.  11).  To  possess  one  is  noticed  as  a  mark 
 of  indei)endence  (Prov.  v.  15),  and  to  abstain  from 
 the  use  of  wells  belonging  to  others,  a  disclaimer  of 
 interference  with  their  property  (Num.  xx.  17,  19, 
 xxi.  22).  Similar  rights  of  possession,  actual  and 
 hereditary,  exist  among  tlie  Arabs  of  the  present 
 day.  It  is  thus  easy  to  understand  how  wells  have 
 become  in  many  cases  links  in  the  history  and  land- 
 marks in  the  topography  both  of  Palestine  and  of 
 the   Arabian    Peninsula.     Wells    in    Palestine   are 
 
 WHEAT 
 
 lOOi 
 
 Ancient  Eg>i)tian  machine  for  raising  water,  identical  witli  the 
 ahadovf  of  the  present  day.    (Wilkinson.) 
 
 usually  excavated  fiom  the  solid  limestone  rock, 
 sometimes  with  steps  to  descend  into  them  (Gen. 
 xxiv.  IS).  The  brims  are  furnished  with  a  curb  or 
 'ow  wall  of  stone,  bearing  marks  of  high  antiquity 
 in  the  furrows  worn  by  the  ropes  used  in  drawing 
 water.  It  was  on  a  curb  of  tliis  sort  that  our  Lord 
 sat  when  He  conversed  with  the  woman  of  Samaria 
 (John  iv.  G),  and  it  was  this,  the  usual  stone  cover, 
 which  the  woman  placed  on  the  mouth  of  the  well 
 at  Bahurim  (2  Sam.  xvii.  19),  where  A.  V.  weakens 
 the  sense  by  omitting  the  article.  The  usual  me- 
 thods for  raising  water  are  the  following : — 1.  The 
 
 rope  and  bucket,  or  water-skin  (Gen.  xxiv.  14-20 : 
 John  iv.  11).  2.  The  sakiyeh,  or  Persian  wheel. 
 This  consists  of  a  vertical  wheel  furnished  with  a 
 set  of  buckets  or  earthen  jars,  attached  to  a  cord 
 passing  over  the  wheel,  which  descend  empty  and 
 return  full  as  the  wheel  revolves.  3.  A  modifica- 
 tion of  the  last  method,  by  which  a  man,  sitting 
 opposite  to  a  wheel  furnished  with  buckets,  turns  it 
 by  drawing  with  his  hands  one  set  of  spokes  pro- 
 longed beyond  its  circumference,  and  pushing  an- 
 other set  from  him  with  his  feet.  4.  A  method 
 very  common,  both  in  ancient  and  modern  Egypt, 
 is  the  shadoof,  a  simple  contrivance  consisting  of  a 
 lever  moving  on  a  pivot,  which  is  loaded  at  one  end 
 with  a  lump  of  clay  or  some  other  weight,  and  has 
 at  the  other  a  bowl  or  bucket.  Wells  are  usually 
 furnished  with  troughs  of  wood  or  stone,  into  which 
 the  water  is  emptied  for  the  use  of  persons  or  ani- 
 mals coming  to  the  wells.  Unless  machinery  is 
 used,  which  is  commonly  worked  by  men,  women 
 are  usually  the  water-carriers. 
 
 "Whale.  As  to  the  signification  of  the  Hebrew 
 terms  tan  and  tannin,  variously  rendered  in  the 
 A.  V.  by  "dragon,"  "whale,"  "serpent,''  "sea- 
 monster,"  see  Dragon.  It  remains  tor  us  in  this 
 arti(de  to  consider  the  tran.saction  recorded  in  the 
 Book  of  Jonah,  of  tha,t  prophet  having  been  swal- 
 lowed by  some  "great  fish"  which  in  Matt.  xii. 
 40  is  called  ktitos,  rendered  in  our  version  by 
 "  whale."  In  the  first  place,  it  is  necessary  to 
 observe,  that  the  Greek  word  ktjtos,  used  by  St. 
 Matthew,  is  not  restricted  in  its  meaning  to  "a 
 whale,"  or  any  Cetacean ;  like  the  Latin  cete  or 
 cetus,  it  may  denote  any  sea-monster,  either  "  a 
 whale,"  or  "a  shark,"  or  "a  seal,"  or  "  a  tunny 
 of  enormous  size."  Although  two  or  three  species 
 of  whale  are  found  in  the  Mediterranean  Sea,  yet 
 the  "  great  fish  "  that  swallowed  the  prophet,  can- 
 not properly  be  identified  with  any  Cetacean,  for, 
 although  the  Sperm  whale  {Catodon  macrocepha- 
 lus)  has  a  gullet  sufficiently  large  to  admit  the 
 body  of  a  man,  yet  it  can  hardly  be  the  fish  in- 
 tended; as  the  natural  food  of  Cetaceans  consists  of 
 small  animals,  such  as  medusae  and  Crustacea.  The 
 only  fish,  then,  capable  of  swallowing  a  man  would 
 be  a  large  Sj  ocimen  of  the  White  Shark  {Carcha- 
 nas  vulgaris),  that  dreaded  enemy  of  sailors,  and 
 the  most  voracious  of  the  family  of  Squalidae. 
 This  shark,  which  sometimes  attiiins  the  length  oi 
 thirty  feet,  is  quite  able  to  swallow  a  man  whole. 
 Ruysch  says  that  the  whole  body  of  a  man  in  armour 
 {loricatus),  has  been  found  in  the  stomach  of  a 
 white  shark  ;  and  Captain  King,  in  his  Survey  of 
 Australia,  says  he  had  caught  one  which  could  have 
 swallowed  a  man  with  the  greatest  ease.  Blumen- 
 bach  mentions  that  a  whole  horse  has  been  found  in 
 a  shark,  and  Captain  Basil  Hall  reports  the  taking  of 
 one  in  which,  besides  other  things,  he  found  the 
 whole  skin  of  a  buHalo  which  a  short  time  before 
 had  been  thrown  overboard  from  his  ship  (i.  p.  27). 
 C.  vulgaris  is  not  uncommon  in  the  Mediterranean  ; 
 it  occurs,  as  Forskal  assures  us,  in  the  Arabian 
 Gulf,  and  is  common  also  in  the  Indian  Ocean. 
 
 Wheat.  The  well-known  valuable  cereal,  cul- 
 tivated from  the  earliest  times,  and  frequently  men- 
 tioned in  the  Bible.  In  the  A.  V.  the  Heb.  words 
 bar,  daijdn,  riphoth,  aie  occasionally  translated 
 "wheat;"  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  proper 
 name  of  this  cereal,  as  distinguished  from  "  barley,' 
 "  spelt,"  &c.,  is  chittdh  (Chald.  chintin).  As  to  the 
 former  Hebrew  terms  see  under  CORN.  The  first  men- 
 
lOon 
 
 WHIRLWIND 
 
 tion  of  wheat  ocoiii's  in  (ieii.  .\xx.  14,  in  the  ncoonnt  of 
 Jacob's  sojourn  witli  I.iil)an  in  Mesoi)otaniii'..  Kevpt 
 in  am-ient  times  Wiis  celebiated  for  the  growth  of 
 \t»  wheat ;  the  hest  qualify,  according  to  i'liny 
 (Ndt.  Hist,  xviii.  7),  was  grown  in  the  'i'hehaid  ; 
 it  was  all  ))eariied,  ami  the  same  varieties,  Sir  (i. 
 Wilkinson  writes  {Anc.  Egypt,  ii.  39.  ed.  1854-), 
 "  existed  in  ancient  as  in  modern  times,  among 
 which  may  be  mentioned  the  seven-eaied  quality 
 described  in  Pharaoh's  dream"  (Cen.  xli.  22 j.  lia- 
 bylonia  was  also  noted  for  the  excellence  of  its 
 wheatand  other  cereals.  Modern  writers,  as  Ches- 
 ney  and  l.'ich,  bear  testimony  to  the  great  fertility 
 of  .Mesopotamia.  Syria  and  Palestine  p.'odiiced 
 wheat  of  tine  quality  and  in  large  quantities  (  Ps. 
 cxlvii.  14,  Ixxxi.  16,  &c.).  There  apjiear  to  lie 
 two  or  three  kinds  of  wheat  at  piesent  grown  in 
 Palestine,  the  Triticnm  vnlgare  (var.  hyhernnm), 
 the  T.  Kpelta,  and  another  variety  of  bearded  wheat 
 which  apjiears  to  be  the  same  as  the  Egyptian  kind, 
 the  T.  compositwn.  In  the  parable  of  the  sower 
 our  Lord  alludes  to  giains  of  wheat  which  in  good 
 ground  produce  a  hundred  fold  (Matt.  xiii.  8). 
 'I'he  ciminion  Tritlcuni  vulijare  will  sometimes  pro- 
 duce one  hundreii  grains  in  the  ea)-.  Wheat  is 
 reaped  towards  the  end  of  April,  in  May,  and  in 
 June,  according  to  the  differences  of  soiland  posi- 
 tion ;  it  was  sown  either  broadcast,  and  then  ploughed 
 in  or  tiampled  in  by  cattle  ( Is.  xxxii.  20),  or  in 
 rows,  if  we  rightly  understand  Is.  xxviii.  25,  which 
 seems  to  imply  that  the  seeds  were  planted  apart  in 
 order  to  insure  larger  and  fuller  ears.  'I'he  wheat 
 was  put  into  the  gioinid  in  the  winter,  and  some  time 
 after  the  barley ;  in  the  Kgyptian  plague  of  hail, 
 consequently,  the  barley  sulleied,  but  the  wheat 
 had  not  appeared,  and  so  escaped  injurv. 
 
 Whirlwind,  'f  he  Hebi-ew  terms  ' snphah  and 
 se'drdh  cojjvey  the  notion  of  a  violent  wind  or  hur- 
 riauie,  the  t'ormer  because  such  a  wind  suceps 
 auai/  every  object  it  encounters,  the  latter  because 
 the  objects  so  swept  away  are  tossed  and  agitated. 
 In  addition  to  this,  (jcsenius  gives  a  similar  sense 
 to  galgal,  in  Ps.  Ixxvii.  18  (A.  V.  "heaven"),  and 
 Kz.  X.  i:\  (A.  v.  "wheel").  It  does  not  appear 
 that  any  of  the  alxn-e  terms  express  tlie  specific 
 notion  of  a  u7itV/-wind.  The  most  violent  winds  in 
 Palestine  come  from  the  east.  The  whirlwind  is 
 frequently  used  as  a  metaphor  of  violent  and  sweep- 
 ing destruction. 
 
 Widow.  (Juder  the  Mosaic  dispensation  no  legal 
 provision  was  made  for  the  maintenance  of  widows. 
 They  were  left  dependent  partly  on  the  affection  of 
 lelations,  more  es])eci;illy  of  the  eldest  son,  whose 
 birthright,  or  extra  share  of  the  property,  imposed 
 such  a  iluty  upon  him,  and  partly  on  the  privileges 
 accortied  to  other  distiessod  classes,  such  as  a  par- 
 ticipation in  the  triennial  third  tithe  (Deut.  xiv. 
 29,  xxvi.  12),  in  leashig  (Deut.  xxiv.  19-21),  and 
 in  religious  fea.st.s  ( Deut.  xvi.  11,  14).  With  regard 
 to  the  remarriage  of  widows,  the  onlv  restriction 
 imjiosed  by  the  Mosaic  law  h.ad  reference  to  the 
 contingency  of  one  being  left  childless,  in  which 
 C3ise  the  brother  of  the  deceaswl  husband  had  a 
 right  to  marry  the  widow  (Deut.  xxv.  ,'),  G  ;  Matt, 
 xxii.  2:}-;{(().  ■  In  the  Apostolic  Church  the  widows 
 were  sustaiimi  at  the  public  expense,  the  relief 
 being  daily  administered  in  kinil,  under  the  super- 
 intendence of  ollicers  appointed  for  this  special  pur- 
 pose (Acts  vl.  l-(ij.  I'articular  dire<!tions  are  i;iven 
 by  .St.  Paid  as  to  the  class  of  persons  entitled  to 
 suih   public  maint«r.<«nce  (1  Tim.  v.  ."I- 1(5).     Oni 
 
 WILDERNESS 
 
 of  the  liody  of  such  willows  a  certain  numtjer  were 
 to  be  enrolleil,  the  qualifications  for  such  enrolment 
 being  (1.)  that  they  were  not  under  sixty  years  of 
 age;  (2.)  that  they  had  been  "the  wife  of  one 
 man,"  probably  meaning  (iiU  once  iiutrried ;  and 
 (,'l)  that  they  had  led  useful  and  charitable  lives 
 (vers.  9,  10).  The  object  of  the  enrolment  is  by 
 no  means  obvious.  If  we  were  to  form  our  opinion 
 solely  on  the  qiialitiaitions  above  exprtaaiJ,  we 
 should  conclude  that  the  enrolled  widows  formed 
 an  eccle^ias^ical  order,  having  duties  identicid  with 
 or  analogous  to  those  of  the  deaconesses  of  the  early 
 Church.  But  if  the  )i:issage  be  read  as  a  whole, 
 then  the  impression  derived  from  it  will  be  that 
 the  enrolment  was  tor  an  eleemosynary  purpo.se, 
 and  that  the  main  condition  of  enrolment  was,  as 
 before,  poveity.  But  while  we  thus  believe  that 
 the  primary  object  of  the  enrolment  w;w  simply  to 
 enforce  a  moie  methodical  administration  of  the 
 Church  funds,  it  is  easy  to  understand  how  the  order 
 of  widows  would  obtain  a  qu;isi-othcial  [wsition  in 
 the  Church.  Hence  we  find  the  term  "widow" 
 used  by  early  writers  in  an  extended  sense,  to  signify 
 the  adoption  of  the  conditions  by  which  widows, 
 enrolled  as  such,  were  bound  for  the  fiituie.  We 
 are  not  disposed  to  identify  the  widows  of  the  Bible 
 either  with  the  deaconesses  or  with  the  Trpeafiv- 
 riSes  of  the  early  Church.  The  order  of  widows 
 existed  as  a  separate  institution,  contemporaneously 
 with  these  ofhces,  apparently  for  the  same  eleemo- 
 synarv  purpose  for  which  it  was  originally  instituted. 
 '  wife.     [Makriagk.] 
 
 Wild  Beasts.     [Bkasts.] 
 
 Wilderness  of  tlie  Wandering.  With  all  the 
 material  for  fixing  the  loc;ilities  of  the  L.\odus, 
 the  evideui'e  for  many  of  them  is  so  slight  that 
 the  whole  question  is  involved  in  much  obscurity. 
 The  uncertainties  commence  from  the  very  starting- 
 point  of  the  loiite  of  the  Wandering.  It  is  im- 
 possible to  tix  the  point  at  which  in  "  the  wilder- 
 ness of  Ktham"  (Num.  xxxiii.  G,  7)  Israel,  now  a 
 nation  of  tieemen,  emerged  from  that  sea  into  which 
 they  had  passed  as  a  nation  of  slaves.  The  fact 
 that  from  "  Etham  in  the  e<lge  of  the  wilderness," 
 their  path  struck  across  the  sea  (Ex.  xiii.  20),  and 
 from  the  sea  into  the  same  wilderness  of  Ktham, 
 seems  to  indiaite  the  upper  tnd  of  the  furthest 
 tongue  of  the  Gulf  of  Suez  as  the  point  of  crossing. 
 There  seems  reason  also  to  think  that  this  gulf  had 
 then,  as  also  at  Ezion-Cieber,  a  f'uifher  extension 
 northward  than  at  present,  owing  to  the  laiul  having 
 upheaved  its  level.  [For  the  further  discussion  of 
 this  subject,  see  Ukd  Ska,  Passagio  of.]  As- 
 suming the  passage  of  the  Ued  Sea  to  have 
 been  effected  at  some  spot  N.  of  the  now  extreme 
 end  of  the  (iiilf  of  Suez,  the  Israelites  would  march 
 tiom  their  point  of  landing  a  little  to  the  K.  of  S. 
 lleio  they  were  in  the  wilderness  of  Shur,  and  in  it 
 "  went  three  days  and  found  no  water."  The  next 
 point  mentioned  is  Marah.  The  ' Ain  el- Havcara 
 has  been  thought  by  most  tiTivellei-s  since  Btu'ck- 
 hardt's  time  to  be  Marah.  On  this  hi-st  section  of 
 their  desert-march.  Dr.  Stanley  (S.  and  P.  H7)  i-e- 
 niarks,  "  There  can  be  no  dis])ute  as  to  the  geneinl 
 track  of  the  Israelites  aller  the  piLssage  [of  the  Red 
 Sea].  If  they  were  to  enter  the  mountains  at  all, 
 they  must  continue  in  the  route  of  all  travellers, 
 between  the  sea  an<l  the  table-land  of  the  Tih,  till 
 the)'  enteieil  the  low  hills  of  (1  liurundcl,  Accoixl- 
 ing  to  the  view  taken  of  the  scene  of  the  pjtssage, 
 Mar.'ih  may  either  be  at   the  '  springs  of  Mosps,'  or 
 
WILDERNESS  OF  THE  WANDERING 
 
 1007 
 
 else  at  ffawdra  or  GhurHndel."  He  adds  in  a  note, 
 Dr.  (jvaul,  however,  was  told  ...  of  a  spiing 
 near  Tih  el-Amdra,  right  (».  e.  south)  of  ffawdra, 
 so  bitter  that  neither  men  nor  camels  could  drinlc 
 of  it.  From  hence  the  road  goes  straight  to  Wady 
 Ghftriirukl.  Seetzen  inclines  to  view  favourably 
 the  identiKcation  of  el-Amdra  with  Marah.  It 
 seems  certain,  however,  that  Wadfj  Ghurundel — 
 whether  it  be  Marah,  as  Lepsius  and  (although 
 doubtfully)  Seetzen  thought,  or  Klim  as  Niebuhr, 
 Kobinson,  and  Kruse — must  have  lain  on  the  line  of 
 march,  and  almost  equally  certain  that  it  furnished 
 a  camping  station.  The  scenery  in  this  region  be- 
 comes a  succession  of  watercourses  ;  and  the  Wady 
 Tayibeh,  connected  with  Ghurundel  by  Useit,  is  so 
 named  from  the  goodly  water  and  vegetation  which 
 it  contains.  These  thiee  wadys  encompass  on  three 
 sides  the  Jehel  Hummuin  ;  the  sea,  which  it  preci- 
 pitously overhangs,  being  on  the  fourth.  To  judge 
 from  the  contiguratiou  as  given  in  the  maps,  there 
 seems  no  reason  why  all  three  should  not  have 
 combined  to  foim  Elim,  or  at  any  rate,  as  Dr. 
 Stanley  suggests,  two  of  them.  From  Elim,  the 
 next  stage  biought  the  people  again  to  the  sea. 
 This  fact,  and  the  enviable  position  in  respect  of 
 water  supply,  and  consequent  great  fertility,  en- 
 joyed by  Titr  on  the  coast,  would  make  it  seem 
 probable  that  Tur  was  the  locality  intended  ;  but 
 as  it  lies  more  than  seventy  miies,  in  a  straight 
 tine,  from  the  nearest  piobably  assignable  spot  for 
 Elim,  such  a  distance  makes  it  a  highly  improbable 
 site  for  the  next  encampment.  The  account  in  Ex. 
 xvi.  knows  nothing  of  this  encampment  by  the  sea, 
 but  brings  the  host  at  once  into  '•  the  wilderness  of 
 Sin."  The  modern  name  for  this  is  el-Kaa.  In 
 the  wilderness  of  Sin  occuired  the  first  murmuring 
 for  food,  and  the  first  fall  of  manna.  [Manna.] 
 Supposing  now  that  the  alluvial  plain,  where  it 
 first  begins  to  broaden  to  a  significant  size,  is  "  the 
 wilderness  of  Sin,"  all  further  questions,  till  we 
 come  to  Sinai,  turn  on  the  situation  assigned  to 
 Rephidim.  If,  as  seems  most  likely,  Rephidim  be 
 found  at  Feirdn  [Rephidim],  it  becomes  almost 
 certain  that  the  track  of  the  host  lay  to  the  north 
 of  Serbdl,  a  magnificent  five-peaked  mountain,  which 
 foviie  have  thought  to  be  Sinai,  and  which  becomes 
 first  visible  at  the  plain  of  Mwkhak.  [SiXAi.] 
 Feirdn  must  have  been  gained  by  some  road  sti ik- 
 ing off  from  the  sea-coast,  like  the  Wady  Mokatteh, 
 which  is  now  the  usual  route  from  Cairo  thither, 
 pej haps  by  several  parallel  or  conveiging  lines. 
 l)r.  Stanley,  who  suggests  the  road  by  the  S.  of 
 Serbdl,  through  Wady  Hebron  (Robinson,  i.  95), 
 as  also  a  possible  route  to  Sinai  {S.  and  P.  38,  4), 
 and  designates  it  "  the  southern  "  one,  omits  to 
 propose  any  altei native  station  for  Rephidim;  as 
 he  also  does  in  the  case  of  "  the  northern  "  route 
 bemg  accepted.  The  identification  of  Sinai  itself  will 
 probably  never  be  free  from  obscurity.  For  the 
 grounds  on  which  a  slight  preponderance  of  probab- 
 ility rests  in  favour  of  the  Jebcl  Musa,  see  Sinai. 
 'l"he  approach  to  Jebel  Miisa  fiom  the  W.  is  only 
 practicable  on  foot.  It  lies  through  Wo.dy  Solum 
 and  the  Nuhb  Hdwy,  "  Piiss  of  the  Wind,"  whose 
 stair  of  rock  leads  to  the  second  or  higher  stage  of 
 the  great  mountain-labyrinth.  From  the  head  of 
 this  pass  the  cliti'-tiont  of  Sinai  comes  in  sight 
 through  "a  long  continued  plain  between  two  pre- 
 cipitous mountain-ranges  of  black  and  yellow 
 granite."  This  is  the  often-mentioned  plain  er- 
 Rdheb.     Deep  gorges  enter  it  on  each  side,  and  the 
 
 convent  and  its  gai(K'ns  close  the  view.  The  ascent 
 of /(;6e/ J/«S'(,  which  contains  "  high  valleys  with 
 abundant  springs,"  is  by  a  long  flight  of  rude  steps 
 winding  thiough  crags  of  granite.— The  sojourn 
 of  the  Israelites  for  a  year  in  the  neighboui'- 
 hood  of  Mount  Sinai  was  an  eventful  one.  The 
 statements  of  the  Scriptural  narrative  which  relate 
 to  the  receiving  of  the  two  Tables,  the  Golden 
 Calf,  Moses'  vision  of  God,  and  the  visit  of  Jethro, 
 are  too  well  known  to  need  special  mention  hcie. 
 The  last  incident  mentioned  before  the  wilderness  of 
 Sinai  was  quitted  for  that  of  Faran  is  the  intended 
 departure  of  Hobab  the  Kenite,  which  it  seems  he 
 abandoned  at  Moses'  urgency.  They  now  quitted 
 the  Sinaitic  legion  for  that  of  Paran,  in  which  they 
 went  three  days  without  finding  a  permanent  en- 
 campment (Num.  i.,  ix.  15-23,  X.  13,  33,  xi.  35, 
 xii.  16).  A  glance  at  Kiepert's,  or  any  map  show- 
 ing the  region  in  detail,  will  prove  that  here  a 
 choice  of  two  main  routes  begins,  in  order  to  cross 
 the  intervening  space  between  Sinai  and  Canaan, 
 which  they  certainly  appioached  in  the  first  instance 
 on  the  southern,  and  not  on  the  eastern  side.  The 
 loads  fiom  Sinai,  and  those  from  Petra  towards 
 Gaza  and  Hebron,  all  converge  into  one  of  two 
 trunk-lines  of  route  (Robinson,  i.  147,  151,  2,  ii. 
 186).  Taberah  and  Kibroth-Hattaavah,  both  seem 
 to  belong  to  the  same  encampment  wheie  Israel 
 abode  for  at  least  a  month  (xi.  20),  being  names 
 given  to  it  from  the  two  events  which  happened 
 there.  These  stations  seem  from  Num.  x.  1 1-13, 
 33-36,  to  have  lain  in  the  wilderness  of  Paran ;  but 
 possibly  the  passage  x.  11-13  should  come  after 
 that  33-36,  and  the  "  three  days'  journey  "  of  ver. 
 33  lie  still  in  the  wilderness  of  Sinai ;  and  even 
 Taberah  and  Hazeroth,  reached  in  xi.,  xii.,  also 
 there.  Hazeroth  is  coupled  with  Dizahab,  whicli 
 last  seems  undoubtedly  the  Dahab  on  the  shore  of 
 the  gulf  of  Akabnh  (Deut.  i.).  This  makes  a  sea- 
 ward position  likely  for  Hazeioth,  which  is  prob- 
 ably el-Hudherd.  In  Hazeroth  the  people  tarried 
 seven  days,  if  not  more  (Num.  xi.  35,  xii.),  during 
 the  exclusion  of  Miriam  from  the  camp  while 
 leprous.  The  next  permanent  encampment  brought 
 them  into  the  wilderness  of  Paran,  and  here  the 
 greatest  difficulties  begin.  These  difficulties  resolve 
 themselves  into  two  main  questions.  Did  Israel 
 visit  Kadesh  once,  or  twice  ?  And  where  is  it  now 
 to  be  looked  for?  We  read  in  Num.  x.  11,  12, 
 that  "  on  the  twentieth  day  ot  the  second  month  of 
 the  second  year  ....  the  children  of  Israel  took 
 their  journeys  out  of  the  wilderness  of  Sinai,  and 
 the  cloud  rested  in  the  vilderness  of  Paran."  The 
 latter  statement  is  probably  to  be  viewed  as  made 
 by  anticipation ;  as  we  find  that,  after  quitting 
 Kibroth-Hattaavah  and  Hazeroth,  "  the  people 
 pitched  in  the  wilderness  of  Paran"  (Num.  xii. 
 16).  Here  the  grand  pause  was  made  while  the 
 spies,  "  sent,"  it  is  again  impressed  upon  us  (xiii. 
 3),  "  fiom  the  wilderness  of  Paran,"  searched  the 
 land  for  "forty  days,"  and  leturned  "to  Moses 
 and  to  Aaion,  and  to  all  the  congregation  .  .  .  unto 
 the  wilderness  of  Paran  to  Kadesh."  This  is  the 
 first  mention  of  Kadesh  in  the  narrative  of  the 
 Wanderings  (vers.  25,  26).  From  considerations  ad- 
 duced under  Kadesh,  it  seems  that  Kadesh  probably 
 means  firstly,  a  region  of  the  desert  spoken  of  as 
 having  a  relation,  sometimes  with  the  wilderness  of 
 Pa' an,  and  sometimes  with  that  of  Zin  (comp.  vers. 
 21,  26);  and  secondly,  a  distinct  city  within  that 
 desert  limit.     Now  all  the  conditions  of  the  narra- 
 
1008 
 
 WILDERNESS  OF  THE  WANDERING 
 
 tive  of  tlip  depaituip  nnd  wliini  of  tlii>  .s|)i('s,  niid 
 of  the  cdiiseqiieiit  ik'spoiKleiicy,  iinii-murins;,  ami 
 penal  seiiteme  of  \vaiideriii£r,  will  be  satisfied  by 
 sii])|>osiiig  that  the  name  "  Kadosli,"  here  means 
 ihe  rc'ijion  merely.  It  has  been  proposed  under 
 )\Al)i;sii  to  legard  part  of  the  'Arabiih,  including 
 ail  tlie  low  giound  at  the  southern  and  south- 
 western extremity  of  the  Dead  Sea,  <xs  the  wilder- 
 ness of  Zin.  Then  the  bioad  lower  north-eastern 
 plateau,  including  lioth  its  s1o))l's  as  described 
 above,  will  be  defined  as  tlie  I'aran  wilderness 
 proper.  If  we  assume  the  hii;her  superimposed 
 plateau  to  bear  tiie  name  of  "  Kadesh  "  iis  a  desert 
 district,  and  its  .south-western  mountain  wall  to  be 
 "  the  mountain  of  the  Amorites,"  then  the  Paran 
 wilderness,  so  far  its  synonymous  with  Kadesli,  will 
 mean  most  naturally  there<;ion  wlieie  that  mountain- 
 wall  from  Jtbel  Araif  cn-Sdkah  to  Jebcl  JHukhrah, 
 and  perhaji-i  thence  northward  along  the  other  side 
 of  the  angle  of  the  highest  plateau,  overhangs  the 
 lower  terrace  of  the  Ti/i,  The  spies'  return  to 
 "the  Wilderness  of  Pai'an  to  Kadesh"  means  to 
 that  i>art  of  the  lower  plateau  where  it  is  adjacent 
 to  the  higher,  and  ])robably  the  eastern  side  of  it. 
 The  expression  "  from  Kadesli-barnea  even  unto 
 (iaza,"  IS  decisive  of  an  eastern  site  for  the  former 
 (Josh.  X.  41).  Heie,  as  is  plain  both  fiom  Num. 
 xiv.  40-4.")  and  from  Deut.  i.  41-44,  followed  the 
 wayward  attempt  of  the  host  to  win  their  way,  in 
 S|)ite  of  their  sentence  of  i)rohibition,  to  the  "  liill  " 
 (Num.  .\iv.  40-45,  Deut.  i.  41-44)  or  "mountain" 
 of  the  AmalekJtes  and  Canaanites,  or  Amorites, 
 and  their  humiliating  defeat.  Here  then  the  penal 
 jiortion  of  the  wanderings  commences,  and  the  great 
 bulk  of  it,  comprising  a  period  of  nearly  thirty-eight 
 years,  passes  over  between  this  defeat  in  Num.  xiv., 
 and  the  resumption  of  local  notices  in  Num.  xx., 
 whme  ng;iin  the  names  of  "Zin"  and  "  K'adesh  " 
 are  the  first  that  meet  us.     We  gather  from  Deut. 
 
 i.  40,  that  the  greatei-  part,  peihaiis  ihe  whole,  of 
 tills  period  ol'  neai  ly  thirty-eight  years,  if  so  we 
 may  interpret  the  "many  days''  there  s|)oken  of, 
 was  passed  in  Kadesh, — the  rcj/ion,  that  is,  not  the 
 city,  liut  Num.  xx.  1  brings  us  to  a  new  ])oint  of 
 departuie.  The  people  have  grown  old,  or  rather 
 again  young,  in  their  wanderings.  Here,  then,  we 
 are  at  "  the  desert  of  Zin,  in  the  first  month,"  with 
 the  "  people  abi<iing  in  Kadesh."  liy  the  sequel, 
 "  Miriam  died  t/iere,  and  wxs  buried  there,"  a 
 more  piecise  definition  of  locality  now  seems  in- 
 tendeil  ;  which  is  further  confirmed  by  the  subse- 
 ipient  message  from  the  same  place  to  the  king  of 
 Edom,  "  Behold,  we  are  in  Kadesh,  a  city  in  the 
 uttermost  of  thy  border"  (v.  16).  This,  then, 
 must  be  supposed  to  coincide  with  the  encamp- 
 ment, recorded  ;is  taking  place  "in  the  wilderness 
 of  Zin,  wh.ch  is  Kade.sh,"  legistered  in  the  itinerary 
 (xxxiii.  30).  We  see  then  why,  in  that  register  of 
 specific  camping-spots,  there  was  no  necessity  for 
 any  previous  mention  of  "  Kadesh ;"  because  the 
 earlier  notice  in  the  narrative,  wheie  that  name 
 occurs,  introduces  it  not  as  an  individual  enuunp- 
 ment,  but  only  as  a  region,  within  which  j)er]x'tual 
 changes  of  encampment  went  on  foi'  the  greater 
 part  of  thiity-eight  years.  We  also  see  that  they 
 came  twice  to  Kadesh  the  region,  if  the  city  Kadesh 
 lay  in  it,  and  once  to  Kadesh  the  city  ;  but  once 
 only  to  Kadesh  the  region,  if  the  city  iay  without 
 it.  We  are  not  told  how  the  Israelites  came  into 
 possession  of  the  city  Kadesh,  nor  who  were  its 
 l)revious  occupants.  The  itinerary  tiikes  here  an- 
 other stride  from  Kadesh  to  Mount  Hor.  Id 
 Deuteronomy  (x.  6,  7)  we  find  a  short  list  of  names 
 of  localities,  on  comparing  which  with  the  itiner- 
 ary, we  get  some  clue  to  the  line  ol'  march  from 
 the  region  Kadesh  to  Kzion-geber  southwaids. 
 Their  order  is,  however,  slightly  chsmged,  stiiuding 
 in  the  two  passiiges  as  foUows: — 
 
 Co.NJKCTVUAL  SiTE. 
 
 («]   'Ain  Hash,  N.W.  in  the  'Arabah. 
 
 (1)  Kushciheh,  mouth  of  the  M'luly  Abu, 
 
 near  the  foot  of  .Mount  Hor. 
 
 (2)  Mm  Ghuriindel. 
 
 (3)  fVaily  el-Ghiidli/lr/idh. 
 
 (4)  Confluence  of  ll'atly  cl-Adhhth  with 
 
 el-Jerafeh. 
 
 NcM.  xxxiii.  3(i-;i5. 
 
 (a)    (Ilushnionali). 
 
 (1)  Moscroth. 
 
 (2)  Uene-.Iaakan. 
 
 (3)  llor-hagfdfad. 
 \a)  Jotbathah. 
 
 (Kbronah'l. 
 (Kzion-Kcber). 
 
 Dkut.  X.  6,  7. 
 
 (1)  Beerotb  of  the  chiUlren  of 
 
 Jaakan. 
 
 (2)  Mosera. 
 
 (3)  Gudfrodali. 
 
 (4)  Jotbath. 
 
 Now   in  Num.  xx.   14,    10,  22-29,  the  narrative 
 conducts  us  froin   Kade.sh  the   ci'///,   reached  in  or 
 shortly  before  "  the  fortieth  yeiu',"  to  Mount  Hor, 
 where  Aaron  died,  o  portion  of  xcliich  route  is  ac- 
 coi-dingly  that  given  in  Deut.  x.  6,  7  ;  whereas  the 
 ))arallel  column  from  Num.  xxxiii.  gives  substan- 
 tially the  suiitc  route  as  pursued  in   the  early  part 
 of  the  penal  wandering,  when  fulfilling  the   com- 
 mand given  in  the  region  Kadesh,  "tuin  you,  get 
 you  into  the  wilderness  by  the  way  of  the  Red  Sea" 
 (Num.  xiv.  2o  ;  Deut.   i.  40),  which  command  we 
 further  leaiii   from    Dent.  ii.  1  was  strictly  acted  I 
 on,  and  which  a  march  towards  Kziongeber  would  i 
 exactly  fulfil.     The  mountains  on  the  west  of  the' 
 'Aralnih  must  have  been  always  jwor  in  water,  and  i 
 form   a  dreary  contrast   to  the  rich  springs  of  the 
 eastern  side  in   .Mount  Seir.     From  the  clitf  front  I 
 of  this   Inst,   Mount  Hor  stands  out  prominently. 
 It  h.-w  Wn  suggested  [Hon  HAOinriAn]  that  the; 
 name    Ha-gidgad,   or   (indgodah,  may  possibly  be  j 
 relracwl  in   tiic   Wady  cl-Ghudhdf/hidh,  vhkh   h.TS 
 ^  conlluencc    with    the    Wady  el-Jcrafch.      This  | 
 
 latter  runs  into  the  'Arabah  on  the  west  side.  Jot- 
 bath,  or  Jofbatha,  is  described  a.s  "  a  land  of  rivei-s 
 of  waters  "  (Deut.  x.  7);  and  m.ay  stand  for  any 
 confluence  of  wadys  in  sufKcicnt  force  to  justify 
 that  character.  It  should  certainly  be  in  the 
 southern  portion  of  tlie '.4»-(i6aA,  or  a  little  to  the 
 west  of  the  same.  The  probabilities  of  the  whole 
 march  from  Sinai,  then,  seem  to  sUuid  as  follows: 
 thev  jiroceedtHi  towards  the  N.E.  to  the  'Ain  el- 
 //tt(it'/(?/i  (Hazeroth  ,,  and  thence  quitted  the  mari- 
 time region,  striking  directly  northwards  to  el- Ain, 
 and  thence  by  a  route  wholly  unknown,  perhaps  a 
 little  to  the  E.  of  N.  across  the  h^wer  eastern  spurs 
 of  the  el-Tth  range,  descending  the  up|ier  course  of 
 the  Wi(dy  cl-Jcmfch,  until  the  south-eastern  angle 
 of  the  hiijiier  plateau  conl'ronled  them  at  the  Jchcl 
 cl-^fuhhrllh.  Hence,  after  despatching  the  spies, 
 thev  moved  prhaps  into  the  'Arabah,  or  along  its 
 western  overhanging  hills,  to  meet  their  return. 
 Then  followed  the  dis;ustrous  attempt  at  or  near 
 M-i'<iJ/(i  (Zephafh),  .md  the  jienal  wandering  in  the 
 wilderness  of  Kadesh,  with  a  track  wholly  undeterm- 
 
WILLOWS 
 
 ined,  save  in  ine  last  half-dozen  stitions  to  Ezion- 
 geber  inclusively,  as  shown  just  above.  They  then 
 marched  on  Kadesh  the  city,  probably  up  the 
 'Arabah  by  these  same  stations,  took  it,  and  sent 
 t'lom  there  the  message  to  Edom.  The  lefusfil  with 
 which  it  was  met  forced  them  to  retrace  the  'AralxA 
 once  more,  and  meanwhile  Aaron  died.  Thus  the 
 same  stations  (Deut.  x.  6,  7)  were  passed  again, 
 with  the  slight  variation  just  noticed,  probably 
 caused  by  the  command  to  resort  to  Mount  Hor 
 which  that  death  occasioned.  Thence,  after  reaching 
 ' Ahabah,  and  turning  north-eastward,  they  passed 
 by  a  nearly  straight  line  towards  the  eastern  border 
 of  Moab.  Of  the  stations  in  the  list  fioni  Rithmah 
 to  Mithcah,  both  inclusive,  nothing  is  known.  The 
 latter,  with  the  few  preceding  it,  probably  belong 
 to  the  wilderness  of  Kadesh.  There  is  near  Elath 
 a  promontory  known  as  the  Ras  Uin  Haye,  "  the 
 mother  of  serpents,"  which  seem  to  abound  in  the 
 legion  adjacent ;  and,  if  we  may  suppose  this 
 the  scene  of  that  judgment,  the  event  would  be 
 thus  connected  with  the  line  of  march,  rounding 
 the  southern  border  of  Mount  Seir,  whence  "  turn- 
 ing northward,"  having  "  compassed  that  mountain 
 (Mount  Seir)  long  enough,"  they  "  passed  by  the 
 way  of  the  wilderness  of  Moab  ''  (v.  3,  8).  Some 
 peimaneut  encampment,  pei'haps  repiesented  by  Zal- 
 rnonah  in  Num.  xxxiii.  41,  42,  seems  here  to  have 
 l-iken  place,  to  judge  from  the  urgent  expression  of 
 Moses  to  the  people  in  Deut.  ii.  13 :  "  Now  rise  up, 
 said  1,  and  get  you  over  the  brook  Zered,"  which 
 lay  further  N.  a  little  E.,  being  probably  the  Wady 
 el-Ahsy.  [Zered.  j  The  delay  caused  by  the  plague 
 of  serpents  mav  be  the  probable  account  of  this 
 apparent  urgency,  which  would  on  this  view  have 
 taken  place  at  Zalmonah  ;  and  as  we  have  connected 
 the  scene  of  that  plague  with  the  neighbourhood 
 of  Elath,  so,  if  we  suppose  Zalmonah  to  have  lain 
 in  the  Wady  Ithiii,  which  has  its  junction  with  the 
 'Arabah  close  to  'Akabah,  the  modern  site  of  Elath, 
 this  will  harmonise  the  various  indications,  and 
 form  a  suitable  point  of  departure  for  the  last  stage 
 of  the  wandering,  which  ends  at  the  brook  Zered 
 (v.  14).  Three  stations,  Punon,  Oboth,  and  Ije- 
 Abarim,  were  passed  between  this  locality  and  the 
 brook  or  valley  of  Zered  (Num.  xxi.  10-12,  comp. 
 xxxiii.  43,  44) ;  but  the  interval  between  Ije- 
 Abarim  and  Nebo,  which  last  corresponds  probably 
 (see  Deut.  xxxiv.  1^  with  the  Pisgah  of  xxi.  20,  is 
 filled  by  two  stations  merely,  named  Dibon-gad  and 
 Almon-diblathaim,  from  whence  we  may  infer  that 
 in  these  two  only  were  permanent  halts  made.  One 
 passage  remains  in  which  several  names  of  places 
 j'et  occur  which  are  identical  with  some  herein  con- 
 sidered. The  passage  in  question  is  Deut.  i.  1, 
 where  Moses  is  said  to  have  spoken  "  on  this  side 
 Jordan  in  the  wilderness,  in  the  plain  over  against 
 the  Red  Sea,  between  Paran  and  Tophel,  and  Laban 
 and  Hazeroth  and  Dizahab."  Paran  here  is  perhaps 
 the  El  Paran  to  which  Chedorlaomer  came  in  Gen. 
 xiv.  (i,  and  probably  Tophel  is  the  well-known 
 Tufileh  to  the  N.N.E.  of  Petra;  and  similarly  the 
 lied  Sea,  "  over  against "  which  it  is  spoken  of  as 
 lying,  is  defined  by  Dizahab  on  its  coast,  and  Haze- 
 roth near  the  same.  The  introduction  of  "  Laban  " 
 is  less  clear. 
 
 Willows  (Heb.  'ambiin),  undoubtedly  the  cor- 
 rect rendering  of  the  above  Hebrew  term,  as  is 
 proved  by  the  old  versions  and  the  kindred  Arabic 
 gharab.  Willows  are  mentioned  in  Lev.  xxiii.  40  ; 
 Job  xl,  22 ;  Is.  sHv.  4  ;  Ps.  cxxxvii.  2.   With  respect 
 
 Con.  D.  B. 
 
 WINDOW 
 
 1009 
 
 to  the  tree  upon  which  the  captive  Isiaelites  hung 
 their  harps,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  weeping 
 willow  (^Salix  Babylonica)  is  intended.  This  tree 
 grows  abundantly  on  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates,  in 
 other  parts  of  Asia  as  in  Palestine.  Sprengel  seems 
 to  restrict  the  ardb  to  the  Salix  Babylonica ;  but 
 there  can  scarcely  be  a  doubt  that  the  term  is 
 generic,  and  includes  other  species  of  the  large  family 
 of  Salices,  which  is  probably  well  represented  in 
 Palestine  and  the  Bible  lands,  such  as  the  Salix 
 alba,  S.  viminalis  (osier),  S.  Aegi/ptiaca,  which 
 latter  plant  Sprengel  identifies  with  the  safsdf, 
 which  word  is  probably  the  same  as  the  Tsapk- 
 tsaphah  of  Ezekiel  (xvii.  5),  a  name  in  Arabic  for 
 "  a  willow." 
 
 Willows,  the  Brook  of  the.  A  wady  men- 
 tioned by  Isaiah  (xv.  7)  in  his  diige  over  Moab. 
 His  language  implies  that  it  was  one  of  the  bound- 
 aries of  the  country — probably,  as  Gesenius  ob- 
 serves, the  southern  one.  It  is  possibly  identical 
 with  a  wady  mentioned  by  Amos  (vi.  14)  as  the 
 then  recognised  southern  limit  of  the  northern 
 kingdom.  This  latter  appears  in  the  A.  V.,  as  "  the 
 river  of  the  wilderness."  Widely  as  they  ditfer  in 
 the  A.  v.,  the  names  are  all  but  identiad  in  the 
 original,  the  only  difference  being  that  it  is  plural 
 in  Isaiah  and  singular  in  Amos.  In  the  latter  it  is 
 ha- Arabah,  the  same  name  which  is  elsewhere  almost 
 exclusively  used  for  the  Valley  of  the  Jordan,  the 
 Ghor  of  modern  Arabs.  If  the  two  are  regarded 
 as  identical,  and  the  latter  as  the  accurate  form  of 
 the  name,  then  it  is  probable  that  the  Wody  el-Ahsy 
 is  intended.  Should,  however,  the  Nachal  ha- 
 Arabiin  be  rendered  "  the  Willow-torrent " — which 
 has  the  support  of  Gesenius  and  Pusey,  then  it  is 
 worthy  of  remark  that  the  name  Wady  Safsaf, 
 "  Willow  Wady,"  is  still  attached  to  a  part  of  the 
 main  branch  of  the  ravine  which  descends  fiom 
 Kerah  to  the  north  end  of  the  peninsula  of  the  Dead 
 Sea.  Either  of  these  positions  would  agree  with  the 
 reqiiiiements  of  either  passage. 
 
 Wills.  [See  Heir.]  Under  a  system  of  close 
 inheritance  like  that  of  the  Jews,  the  scope  for 
 bequest  in  respect  of  land  was  limited  by  the  right 
 of  redemption  and  general  re-entry  in  the  Jubilee 
 year.  But  the  law  does  not  forbid  bequests  by 
 will  of  such  limited  interest  in  land  as  was  con- 
 sistent with  those  rights.  The  case  of  houses  in 
 walled  towns  was  different,  and  there  can  be  no 
 doubt  that  they  must,  in  fact,  have  frequently  been 
 bequeathed  by  will  (Lev.  xxv.  30).  Two  instances 
 are  recoided  in  the  0.  T.  under  the  Law,  of  testa- 
 mentaiy  disposition,  (1)  eftected  in  the  case  of 
 Ahithophel  (2  Sam.  xvii.  23),  (2)  recommended  in 
 the  case  of  Hezekiah  (2  K.  xx.  1  ;   Is.  xxxviii.  1). 
 
 Wimple.  An  old  English  word  for  hood  or 
 veil,  representing  the  Hebievv  initpachath  in  Is.  iii. 
 22.  The  same  Hebrew  word  is  translated  "veil" 
 in  Ruth  iii.  Ih,  but  it  signifies  rather  a  kind  of  shawl 
 or  mantle. 
 
 Window.  The  window  of  an  Oriental  house 
 consists  generally  of  an  aperture  closed  in  with 
 lattice-work  (Eccl.  xii.  3,  h.  V.  "window;"  Hos. 
 xiii.  3,  A.  V.  "chimney;"  Cant.  ii.  9;  Judg.  v. 
 28  ;  Prov.  vii.  6,  A.  V.  "  casement").  Ghiss  has 
 been  introduced  into  Egypt  in  modern  times  as  a 
 protection  against  the  cold  of  winter,  but  lattice- 
 work is  still  the  usual,  and  with  the  poor  the  only, 
 contrivance  for  closing  the  window.  The  windows 
 generally  look  into  the  inner  court  of  the  house, 
 but  in  eveiy  house  ine  or  more  look  into  the  street. 
 
 3   T 
 
1010  WINDS 
 
 In  Ktrypt  these  outer  windows  generally  project 
 over  the  iloorway. 
 
 Winds.  That  the  Hebrews  recognised  the  ex- 
 istence ot'  four  prevailing  winds  hs  issuing,  broadly 
 speaking,  IVom  the  four  cardinal  points,  north, 
 south,  east,  and  west,  may  be  inferrei  from  their 
 custom  of  using  the  expression  "four  winds"  as 
 equivalent  to  the  "  four  quarters  "  of  the  hemi- 
 sphere (Kz.  sxxv'ii.  9  ;  Dan.  viii.  8 ;  Zech.  ii.  6  ; 
 Matt.  xxiv.  31).  The  Noitli  wind,  or,  as  it  was 
 usually  ciilled'"the  north,"  was  naturally  the 
 colde.-<t  of  the  four  (Eeolus.  xliii.  20),  and  its  pre- 
 sence is  hence  invoked  as  favourable  to  vegetation 
 in  Cant.  iv.  lij.  It  is  described  in  Prov.  xxv.  23, 
 as  bringing  rain  ;  in  this  case  we  must  understand 
 the  noith-«ve»t  wind.  The  north-west  wind  pre- 
 vails from  the  autumnal  equinox  to  the  beginning 
 of  November,  and  the  north  wind  from  .June  to  the 
 equinox.  The  East  wind  crosses  the  sandy  wastes 
 of  Arabia  Desei'ta  before  reaching  Palestine,  and  was 
 hence  termed  '"the  wind  of  the  wilderness"  (Job 
 i.  19;  Jer.  xiii.  24).  It  blows  with  violence,  and 
 is  hence  supposed  to  be  used  generally  for  any  vio- 
 lent wind  (Job  xxvii.  21,  xxxviii.  2+  ;  Ps.  xlviii.  7  ; 
 Is.  xxvii.  8  ;  Kz.  xxvii.  26).  It  is  probably  in  this 
 sense  that  it  is  used  in  Ex.  xiv.  21.  The  Greek 
 translators  appear  to  have  felt  the  difficulty  of  icn- 
 dering  kadiin  in  Gen.  xli.  6,  23,  27,  because  the 
 parching  effects  of  the  east  wind,  with  which  the 
 inhabitants  of  Palestine  are  familiar,  are  not  attri- 
 butable to  that  wind  in  Egypt.  In  Palestine  the 
 east  wind  prevails  from  February  to  June.  The 
 South  wind,  which  traverses  the  Ai-abian  peninsula 
 before  reaching  Palestine,  must,  necessarily  be  ex- 
 tremely hot  (Job  xxxvii.  17;  Luke  rii.  55).  In 
 Egypt  the  south  wind  (/ihauwseen)  prevails  in  the 
 sj)ring,  a  portion  of  whicli  in  the  months  of  April 
 and  May  is  termecl  el'khamdxeen  from  that  circum- 
 stance. The  West  and  south-west  winds  reach  Pales- 
 tine loaded  with  moisture  gathered  from  the  Medi- 
 teiTanean,  and  are  hence  expiessively  termed  by  the 
 Anibs  "the  fathers  of  the  rain."  Westerly  winds 
 prevail  in  Palestine  fi»m  November  to  February.  In 
 addition  to  the  four  regular  winds,  we  have  notice 
 in  the  Bible  of  the  local  .squalls  (Mark  iv.  37  ;  Luke 
 viii.  23),  to  which  the  Sea  of  (iennesareth  was 
 liable.  In  the  narrative  of  St.  Paul's  voyage  w 
 meet  witli  the  Greek  tenn  lips  (J\^4')  to  describe 
 the  south-west  wind  ;  the  Latin  Cants  or  Caums 
 (X^pos),  the  north-west  wind  (Acts  xxvii.  12); 
 and  eiirocli/ditn,  a  wind  of  a  very  violent  character 
 coming  from  E.N.E.  (Acts  xxvii.  14). 
 
 Wine.  The  manulactureofwiue  is  carried  back 
 in  the  Bible  to  the  age  of  Noah  (Gen.  ix.  20,  21), 
 to  whom  the  discovery  of  the  process  is  apparently, 
 though  not  explicitly,  attiibuted.  The  natural  his- 
 tory and  cultuie  of  the  vine  is  de.scribed  under  a 
 sei)arafe  head.  The  only  other  plant  whose  fi'uit 
 is  noticed  as  having  been  converted  into  wine  was 
 the  pomegranate  (Cant.  viii.  2).  In  Palestine  the 
 vinUige  takes  place  in  September,  and  is  celebrate<l 
 with  great  rejoicings.  The  ripe  fruit  was  gathered 
 in  baskets  (Jer.  vi.  9),  as  i-epresented  in  Egyptian 
 paintings,  and  was  carried  to  the  wine-press.  It 
 was  then  placed  in  the  uj)per  one  of  the  two  vats 
 or  reci'jit.ieles  of  which  the  wine-press  was  formed, 
 and  was  subjected  to  the  proceaj  of  "  tieading," 
 which  has  prevailed  in  all  ages  in  Oriental  and 
 South-Eurojiean  countries  (Neh.  xiii.  15;  Job  xxiv. 
 11  ;  Is.  xvl.  1(1;  Jer.  xxv.  30,  xlviii.  o3  ;  Am.  ix. 
 la  J  IJev.  xiz.  15).     A  ceitain  amount  of  juice  cx- 
 
 WINE 
 
 udtvl  fiom  the  ripe  fruit  fixjm  its  o>vn  pressure 
 before  the  treading  commenced.  This  appeal's  to 
 have  been  kept  separate  from  the  rest  of  the  juice, 
 and  to  have  formed  the  glcnhos  or  "■  sweet  wine  " 
 noticed  in  Acts  ii.  13.  The  "treading"  was 
 eflected  by  one  or  more  men  according  to  the  size  of 
 the  vat.  They  encouraged  one  another  by  .shouts 
 and  cries  (Is.  xvi.  9,  10;  Jer.  xxv.  30,  xlviii.  33). 
 Their  legs  and  garments  were  dyed  red  with  the 
 juice  (Gen.  xlix.  11;  is.  Ixiii.  2,  3).  The  e.\- 
 pressed  juice  escaped  by  an  ajiertuie  into  the  lower 
 vat,  or  was  at  once  collected  in  ve.ssels.  A  hand- 
 press  was  occasionally  used  in  Egvpt,  but  we  h.-we 
 no  notice  of  such  an  instrument  in  the  Bible.  As 
 to  the  subsequent  treatment  of  the  wme,  we  have 
 but  little  infi:>rmation.  Sometimes  it  was  preserved 
 in  its  unfeiTnentod  state,  and  drunk  as  must,  but 
 more  generallv  it  was  bottled  otf  after  fermentation, 
 and,  if  it  were  designed  to  be  kejit  for  some  time, 
 a  certain  amount  of  lees  was  added  to  give  it  body 
 (Is.  xxv.  6).  The  wine  consequently  required  to  be 
 "  refined  "  or  strained  previously  to  being  brought 
 to  table  (Is.  xxv.  6).  The  produce  of  the  wine- 
 press was  described  in   the  Hebi-ew   language  by  a 
 
 Egyptian  Wine-press,  from  Williinson. 
 
 variety  of  terms,  indicative  either  of  the  qualify  or 
 of  the  use  of  the  liquid.  The  most  geueial  tenn 
 for  wine  is  ynyin,  which  is  undoubtedly  connected 
 with  tlie  Gieek  oivos,  the  Latin  vinnm,  and  our 
 '■  wine."  It  lias  hitheito  been  the  cuirent  opinion 
 ■that  the  Indo-European  languages  borrowed  the 
 term  from  the  Hebrews.  The  revei-se,  however, 
 appeai-s  to  he  the  cave:  the  word  belongs  to  the 
 Indo-Euro]iean  languages,  Tirosh  is  leferred  to 
 the  loot  jjaras/i,  "to  get  possession  of,"  but  its 
 etvmological  meaning  is  not  cei-tiin.  'Asis  (Cant, 
 viii.  2  ;  Is.  xlix.  26  {  Joel  i.  5,  iii.  18  ;  Am.  ix.  13) 
 is  derived  from  a  word  signifying  "  to  tre.id,"  and 
 tliereliire  refers  to  the  method  by  whiih  the  juice 
 was  expressed  from  the  fruit.  It  would  very  jiro- 
 jierly  refer  to  new  wine  as  being  recently  trodden 
 out.  but  not  necessarily  to  unfermeiifed  wine.  Sd^e 
 is  derived  from  a  root  signifying  to  "soak"  or 
 "drink  to  excess"  (Is.  i.  22;  Has.  iv.  18;  Nab.  i. 
 10).  C'liciuer  (Deut.  xxxii.  14),  in  the  Chaldee 
 c/iamur  (Ezr.  vi.  9,  vii.  22)  and  c/iamrd  (I>an.  v. 
 I  rt'. ),  conveys  the  ni>tion  ai'  foaming  or  chullition, 
 and  may  equally  well  apply  to  the  proce-ss  of  fer- 
 mentation or  to  the  frothing  of  lirpiid  fix-shly  poured 
 out,  in  which  latter  ca.se  it  might  be  used  of  an  un- 
 feimented    liqui.l.      Mcscc   (J's.    Ix.w.  8"),    nw<ey 
 
WINE 
 
 (Cant.  vii.  2),  and  mimsdc  (Prov.  xxiii.  30  ;  Is.  Ixv. 
 11),  imply  a  mixtnie  of  wine  with  some  other  sub- 
 stance. We  may  farther  notice  shecdr,  a  generic 
 term  applied  to  all  fermented  liquors  except  wine ; 
 chomctz,  a  weak  sour  wine,  ordinarily  termed  vine- 
 gar; nshishdh,  rendered  "  flrtgon  of  wine"  in  the 
 A.  V.  (2  Sam.  xvi.  1  ;  1  Chr.  xvi.  3  ;  Cant.  ii.  5; 
 Hos.  iii.  1),  but  really  meaning  a  cake  of  pressed 
 raisins ;  and  shemdrim,  properly  meaning  the 
 "lees"  or  dregs  of  wine,  but  in  Is.  xxv.  6  trans- 
 ferred to  wine  that  had  been  kept  on  the  lees  for 
 the  purpose  of  increasing  its  body.  In  the  New 
 Testament  we  meet  with  the  following  teims :  oims, 
 answering  to  yaijin  as  the  general  designation  of 
 wine;  gleiikos,  properly  sueet  wine  (Acts  ii.  13); 
 sihera,  aGr^cised  form  of  the  Hebrew  s/iecdi-;  and 
 oxos,  vinegar.  From  the  terms  themselves  we  pass 
 on  to  an  examination  of  such  passages  as  seem  to 
 elucidate  their  meaning.  Both  yayin  and  tirosh  are 
 occasionally  connected  with  expressions  that  would 
 ajiply  properly  to  a  fruit.  It  should  be  observed, 
 however,  that  in  most,  if  not  all,  the  passages  where 
 these  and  similar  expressions  occur,  there  is  some- 
 thing to  denote  that  the  fiuit  is  regarded  not  simply 
 as  fruit,  but  as  the  raw  material  out  of  which  wine 
 is  manufactured.  The  question  whether  either  of 
 the  above  terms  ordinarily  signified  a  solid  sub- 
 stance, would  be  at  once  settled  by  a  reference  to 
 the  manner  in  which  they  were  consumed.  With 
 regard  to  yayin  we  are  not  aware  of  a  single  passage 
 which  couples  it  with  the  act  of  eating.  In  the 
 only  passage  where  the  act  of  coii&uuvuvg  <iroiA  iJviiw 
 is  noticed  (Is.  Ixii.  8,  9),  the  veib  is  shdthdh,  which 
 constantly  indicates  the  act  of  drinking.  There 
 are,  moreover,  passages  which  seem  to  imply  the 
 actual  manufacture  of  tirosh  by  the  same  process 
 by  which  wine  was  ordinarily  made  (Mic.  vi.  15  ; 
 Prov.  iii.  10  ;  Joel  ii.  24).  Lastly,  we  have  inti- 
 mations of  the  efi'ect  produced  by  an  excessive  use 
 of  yayin  and  tirosh.  To  the  former  are  attributed 
 the  "darkly  flashing  eye "  (Gen.  xlix.  12;  A.  V. 
 "red"),  the  unbridled  tongue  (Prov.  xx.  1  ;  Is. 
 xxviii.  7),  the  excitement  of  the  spirit  (Prov.  xxxi. 
 6;  Is.  V.  11  ;  Zech.  ix.  15,  x.  7),  the  enchained 
 artections  of  its  votaries  (Hos.  iv.  11),  the  perverted 
 judgment  (Prov.  xxxi.  5  ;  Is.  xxviii.  7),  the  indecent 
 exposure  (Hab.  ii.  15,  16),  and  the  sickness  result- 
 ing from  the  heat  (chemdh,  A.  V.  "bottles")  of 
 wine  (Hos.  vii.  5).  The  allusions  to  the  effects 
 of  tirosh  are  confined  to  a  single  jiassage,  but  this 
 a  most  decisive  one,  viz.,  Hos.  iv.  11,  "  Whoredom 
 and  wine  {yayin),  and  new  wine  (tirosh)  take  away 
 the  heart,"  where  tirosh  appears  as  the  climax  of 
 engrossing  influences,  in  immediate  connexion  with 
 yayin.  The  impression  produced  on  the  mind  by  a 
 general  review  of  the  above  notices  is,  that  both 
 yayin  and  tirosh  in  their  ordinary  and  popular 
 acceptation  refeired  to  fermented,  intoxicating  wine. 
 The  notices  of  fermentation  are  not  very  decisive. 
 A  certain  amount  of  fermentation  is  implied  in  the 
 distension  of  the  leather  bottles  when  new  wine  was 
 placed  in  them,  and  which  was  liable  to  burst  old 
 iDottles.  It  is  very  likely  that  new  wine  was  pre- 
 served in  the  state  of  must  by  placing  it  in  jars  or 
 bottles,  and  then  burying  it  in  the  earth.  But  we 
 should  be  inclined  to  understand  the  passages  above 
 quoted  as  referring  to  wine  drawn  otl'  before  the 
 fermentation  was  comjilete,  either  for  immediate 
 use,  or  for  the  purpose  of  forming  it  into  sweet 
 wine  after  the  manner  described  by  the  Geoponic 
 writers.     The  remaininof  terms  call  tor  but  tew  re- 
 
 WINE-PRESS 
 
 1011 
 
 marks.  There  can  be  no  question  that  asis  means 
 wnie,  and  in  this  case  it  is  observable  that  it  forms 
 pait  of  a  Divine  promise  (Joel  iii.  18;  Am.  ix.  13) 
 very  much  as  tirosh  occurs  elsewheie,  though  other 
 notices  imply  that  it  was  the  occasion  of  excess  (Is. 
 xlix.  26  ;  Joel  i.  5).  We  think  the  ))assages  quoted 
 favour  the  idea  of  strength  rather  than  sweetness 
 being  the  characteristic  of  sobe.  The  term  occ\irs 
 in  Hos.  iv.  18,  in  the  sense  of  a  debauch.  The 
 mingling  implied  in  the  term  mesek  may  have  been 
 designed  either  to  increase,  or  to  diminish  the 
 strength  of  the  wine  according  as  spices  or  wafer 
 formed  the  ingredient  that  was  added.  The  notices 
 chiefly  favour  the  former  view  ;  for  mingled  liquor 
 was  prepared  tor  high  festivals  (Prov.  ix.  2,  5), 
 and  occasions  of  excess  (Prov.  xxiii.  30  ;  Is.  v.  22). 
 At  the  same  time  strength  was  not  the  sole  object 
 sought:  the  wine  "  mingled  with  myrrh  "  given  to 
 Jesus,  was  designed  to  deaden  pain  (Mark  xv.  23), 
 and  the  spiced  pomegranate  wine  piepared  by  the 
 bride  (Cant.  viii.  2)  may  well  have  been  of  a  mild 
 character.  In  the  New  Testament  the  character  of 
 the  "  sweet  wine,"  noticed  in  Acts  ii.  13,  calls  for 
 some  little  remark.  It  could  not  be  new  wine  in 
 the  proper  sense  of  the  term,  inasmuch  as  about 
 eight  months  must  have  elapsed  between  the  vintage 
 and  the  feast  of  Pentecost.  The  explanations  of 
 the  ancient  lexicographers  rather  lead  us  to  infer 
 that  its  luscious  qualities  were  due,  not  to  its  being 
 recently  made,  but  to  its  being  produced  from  the 
 very  purest  juice  of  the  grape.  There  can  be  little 
 ,i»iuiit  ti\At  the  wiiws  of  Palestine  varied  in  quality, 
 and  were  named  after  the  localities  in  which  they 
 were  made.  The  only  wines  of  which  we  have 
 special  notice,  belonged  to  Syria :  these  were  the 
 wine  of  Helbon  (Ez.  xxvii.  18),  and  the  wine  of 
 Lebanon,  famed  ibr  its  aroma  (Hos.  xiv.  7).  With 
 regard  to  the  uses  of  wine  in  private  life  there  is 
 little  to  remark.  It  was  produced  on  occasions  of 
 ordinary  hospitality  (Gen.  xiv.  18),  and  at  festivals, 
 such  as  marriages  (John  ii.  3).  The  monuments 
 of  ancient  Egypt  furnish  abundant  evidence  that 
 the  people  of  that  country,  both  male  and  female, 
 indulged  liberally  in  the  use  of  wine.  Under  the 
 Mosaic  law  wine  formed  the  usual  drink-ofl'ering 
 that  accompanied  the  daily  sacrifice  (Ex.  xxix.  40), 
 the  presentation  of  the  first-fruits  (Lev.  xxiii.  13), 
 and  other  ofierings  (Num.  xv.  5).  Tithe  was  to 
 be  paid  of  wine  as  of  other  products.  The  priest 
 was  also  to  receive  first-fruits  of  wine,  as  of  other 
 articles  (Deut.  xviii.  4;  comp.  Ex.  xxii.  29).  The 
 use  of  wine  at  the  paschal  feast  was  not  enjoined 
 by  the  Law  ;  but  had  become  an  established  custom, 
 at  all  events  in  the  post-Babylonian  peiiod.  The 
 wine  was  mixed  with  warm  water  on  these  occa- 
 sions, as  implied  in  the  notice  of  the  warming  kettle. 
 Hence  in  the  early  Christian  Church  it  was  usual 
 to  mix  the  sacramental  wine  with  water. 
 
 Wine-press.  From  the  scanty  notices  contained 
 in  the  Bible  we  gather  that  the  wine-presses  of  the 
 Jews  consisted  of  two  receptiicles  or  vats  placed  at 
 ditferent  elevations,  in  the  upper  one  of  which  the 
 grapes  were  trodden,  while  the  lower  one  received 
 the  expressed  juice.  The  two  vats  are  mentioned 
 together  only  in  Joel  iii.  13  : — ''  The  press  [gath]  is 
 full:  the  fats  {jjekdhim)  overflow" — the  upper  vat 
 being  full  of  fruit,  the  lower  one  overflowing  with 
 the  must.  Gath  is  also  strictly  applied  to  the 
 upper  vat  in  Neh.  xiii.  1.5,  Lam.  i.  15, and  Is.  Ixiii. 
 2,  with  piirdh  in  a  parallel  sense  in  the  following 
 vei-se.     The  term  purdh,  as  used  in  Hagg.  ii.  16, 
 
 3  T  2 
 
1012  WINNOWING 
 
 probably  i-efers  to  the  iwitfiits  of  a  wine-vat,  rather 
 than  to  the  press  or  vat  itself.  The  two  vats  were 
 usually  duj;  or  hewn  out  of  the  solid  rock  (Is.  v.  2, 
 maigin;  Matt.  xxi.  33).  Ancient  wine-presses,  so 
 constructed,  are  still  to  be  seen  in  Palestine. 
 
 Winnowing.     [.AoRicrLTriu:.] 
 
 Wisdom  of  Jesus,  son  of  Sirach.    [Ecclksi- 
 
 ASnCLS.] 
 
 Wisdom,   the,  of  Solomon.     1.     Text. — The 
 Book  of  Wisdom  is  preserved  in  Greek  and   Latin 
 texts,  and    in    subsidiarv  translations  into   Syriac, 
 Arabic,  and  Armenian.     Of  these  latter,  the   Ar- 
 menian is  said  to  be  the  most  important.  The  Greek 
 text,  which  is  undoubtedly  the  orio;inal,   offers  no 
 remarkable    features.       The  chief  Greek    MSS.  in 
 which  the  book  is  contained  are  the  C(jdex  Sinniticus 
 (S),   the  Cod.  Alexandrinus  (A),  the  Cod.    VM- 
 cantis  (B),  and  the   Cod.   Ephraeini  rescr.   (C). 
 The  entire  t«xt  is  preserved  in  the  thiee   former  ; 
 in  the  latt«r,  only  considerable  fras^ments :  viii.  5- 
 xi.  10  ;  xiv.  19-xvii.  18;  xviii.  24-xix.  22.     Saba- 
 tier  used  four  Latin  MSS.  of  the  higher  class  for 
 his   edition.^2.    Contents.— 1'he   book    has    been 
 variously    divided  ;    but    it    .seems    to    fall    mo-<t 
 naturally  into  two  great  divisions:  (1)  i.-ix.  ;  (2) 
 x.-xix.     The  first  contains  the  doctrine  of  Wisdom 
 in  its  mond  and   intellectual  aspects ;  the  second, 
 the  doctrine  of  Wisdom  <is  shown  in  history.     Each 
 of  these  parts  is  again  capable  of  subdivision.      The 
 whole  argument  may  be    presented    in    a  tabular 
 form   in  the  following  shape: — I.  Ch.  i.-ix.     The 
 doctrine  of  Wisd'jm  in  its  spiritnnl,  intellectual, 
 and  moral  aspects,     (a),  i.-v.  Wisdom  the  giver 
 of  happiness  and   immortality :  The  conditions  of 
 wisdom  (i.  1-11) — Uprightnessof  thought  (1-5) — 
 Uprightness  of  word  (6-11). — The  origin  of  death 
 (i.  12-ii.  24):  Sin  (in  fact)  by  man's  free  will  (i. 
 12-16) — The  reasoning  of  the  sensualist  (ii.  1-20) 
 — Sin  (in  source)  by  the  envy  of  the  devil  (21-24). 
 — The  godly  and  wicked  in  life  (as  mortal),  (iii.  1- 
 iv.):  In  chastisements  (iii.  1-10) — In  the  results  of 
 Hfe  (iii.  U-iv.  6)— In  length  of  life  (7-20).— The 
 godly  and  wicked  after  death  (v.)  :  The  judgment  of 
 conscience  f  1-14) — The  judgment  of  God — On  the 
 godly  fl5-i6)— On  the  wicked  (17-23).—  jS).  vi.- 
 ix.  Wisdom  the  guide  of  life  : — Wisdom  the  guide 
 of  princes  ivi.  1-21) — The  responsibility  of  power 
 (1-11) — Wisdom  soon  foiu>d  ( 12-16) — Wisdom  the 
 .source  of  true  sovereignty  (17-21). — The  character 
 and  realm  of  wisdom  :  Open  to  all  (vi.  22-vii.  7) — 
 Pervading  all  creation  (vii.  8-viii.  1 ) — Swaying  all 
 life  (viii.  2-17)— Wisdom  the  gift  of  God  (viii.  17- 
 ix.)  :    Prayer   for  wisdom   (ix.).^ll.    Ch.  x.-xix. 
 T/te  d/ictrinc  of  Wisdom  in  its  historical  aspects  : — 
 (o).  Wisdom  a  power  to  save  and  chastise  :  Wisdom 
 seen  in  the  guidance  of  God's  people  from  Adam  to 
 Moses  (x.-xi.  4). — Wi.sdom  .seen  in  the  punishment 
 of  God's  enemies  (xi.  5-xii.):  The  Egyptians  (xi.  5- 
 xii.  i) — The  Can-ianites  (xii.  2-18)— The  lesson  of 
 mercy  and  judgrjent   (19-27). — (/3).    The  growth 
 of  idolatry  the  oppioBite  to  wisdom  :  The  worship  of 
 nature  (xiii.  1-9, — The  worship  of  images  (xiii.  10- 
 xiv.  13j — The  worship  of  deitied  men  (xiv.  14-21) 
 — ^The  moral  etfects  ot  idolatry  (xiv.  22-31). — (y). 
 The  contra.st  between  true  worshippers  and  idolaters 
 (xv.-xix.):  The  general   contrast  (xv.    1-17) — The 
 special    contrast    at    the     Exodus :    The  action  of 
 beasts  (xv.  18-xvi.  l.'l) — The  action  of  the  forces  of 
 nature— water,    fire  (xvi.    14-29) — The    symbolic 
 darkneus  (xvii.  xviii.  4) — The  action  of  death  (xviii. 
 5-25^ — The  powers    of    nature   chan;4ed   in    their 
 
 WISDOM 
 
 working    to   save  and    destroy  (xix.    1-21) — Con- 
 clusion  (xix.  21).— 3.   Unity  and  integritn. — The 
 book  forms  a  complete  and  haimonious  whole.    But 
 the  liistinct  treatment  of  the  subject,  theoretically 
 and  historically,  in  two   [arts,  has  given  occsision 
 from  time  to  time  for  maintaining  that  it  is   the 
 work  of  two  or  more  authors.     C.  F.  Houbigant 
 supposed  that  the  tirst  nine  chapters  were  the  work 
 of  Solomon,  and  that  the  translator  of  the  Hebrew 
 original  (i)robably)  added  the  latter  chaptei-s.   Eich- 
 horn  fixed  the  end  of  the  original  book  at  ch.  xi.  1 . 
 Nachtigal  imagined  that  he  could  trai^e  in  the  book 
 the  records  of  (so  to  speak)  an  antiphonic   "  Praise 
 of  VVisdom,"  delivered  in  three  sittings  of  the  s.icred 
 schools  by  two  comj»anies  of  doctors.    Bretschneider 
 following  out  the  simpler  hypothesis,  found   three 
 dilliirent  writings  in  the  book,  of  which   he  attri- 
 buted the  first  jiart  (i.    1-vi.  8;  to  a   Palestinian 
 Jew  of  the  time  of  Antiochus   Epiph.-  the  second 
 'vi.  9-x.)   to  a  philosophic  Alexandrine  Jew  of  the 
 time  of  our   Lord,  and  the  third  (.xii.-xix.)   to  a 
 contemporary,  but    uneducated    Jew,    who    wrote 
 under  the  influence  of  the  rudest  national  prejudices. 
 The  eleventh  chapter  w;is,  as  he  supposed,  added  by 
 the   compiler  who   biought   the  three  chief  pai"ts 
 together.     Bertholdt  fell  back  ujwn  a  modification 
 of  the  earliest  division.     He  included  chap,  i.-xii. 
 in  the  original  book,  which  he  regarded  as  essentially 
 philosophical,  while  the  later  addition  (xiii.-six.)  is, 
 in  his  judgment,  predominantly  theological.    Some, 
 however,  admitting    the  unity  of  the  book,    have 
 questioned  its  integrity.     Eichhorn   imagined  that 
 it  was    left    im{)erfect    by    its    author;    Grotius, 
 apparently,  that  it  was  mutilated  by  some  accid- 
 ent of  time ;  and  others  have  been  found,  in  later 
 times,  to  support  each  opinion.     The  idea  that  the 
 book  has  been   interpolated   by  a  Christian  hand  is 
 as  little  worthy  of  consideration  as  the  idea  that  it 
 is  incomi)lete.— 4.  Style  and  Lani/uage. — The  liters 
 aiy  character  of  the  book  is  most  remarkable  and 
 interesting.     In  the  richness  and  freedom  of  its  vo- 
 cabulai'v  it  most  closely  resembles  the  fourth  Book 
 of  Maccabees,  but  it  is  superior  to  that  fine  declam- 
 ation,  both  in  jiower  and  variety  of  diction.     No 
 existing  work   represents  perhaps  more  completely 
 the  style  of  comjKwition  which  would  be  produced 
 by  the  sophistic  schools  of  rhetoric.      It  follows  a.<i 
 a  necessary  consequence  that  the  eli'ect  of  ditfei°ent 
 parts  of  the    book    is  veiy   unequal.     The    florid 
 redundancy  and  restless  straining  after  effect,  which 
 may  be  not  unsuited   to  vivid  intellectual  pictures, 
 is  wholly  alien  from   the  i)hil()sophic  contemplation 
 of  history.     The  magnificent  description  of  Wi-sdom 
 (vii.    22— viii.    1)    must  rank  among  the  noblest 
 passages  of  human   eloquence,    and    it    would   be 
 perhaps  impossible  to  point  out  any  piece  of  equal 
 length   in  the  remains  of  classical  antiquity  more 
 pregnant    with    noble    thought,    or    more   rich   in 
 expressive  phiaseology.     The   language  of  the  Old 
 Latin  tianslation   is  also  itjself  full  of  interest.     It 
 presents,  in  great  profusion,  the  characteristic  pro- 
 vincialisms   which    elsewhere    mark    the    earliest 
 African    vei-sion    of  the    Scriptures.— 5.   OrijituU 
 Lmujwuje. — The  chaiBcteristics    of   the    language, 
 which  have  lieen  just  noticetl,  are  so  maike«l  that  no 
 doubt  could  ever   have  been  raise<l  as  to  the  origi- 
 nality of  the  Greek  text,  if  it  had  not  been  that  the 
 book  was  once  Ruppo.>ed  to  be  the  work  of  Solomon. 
 Yet  as  it  must  be  obvious,  evtn  on  a  superficial  ex- 
 amination, that  the  style  and  language  of  the  book 
 show  conclusively  that  it  could  not  have  been  the 
 
WISDOM,  THE,  OF  SOLOMON 
 
 1013 
 
 v/ork  of  Solomon,  so  it  appeals  with  equal  cer- 
 tainty tliat  the  freedom  of  tlie  Greek  diction  was 
 checked  by  no  Aiamaic  text.  But  while  the  original 
 language  of  the  book  may  be  regarded  as  certainly 
 determined  by  internal  evidence,  great  doubt  hangs 
 over  the  date  and  place  of  its  composition.— 6. 
 Doctrinal  character. — The  theological  teaching  of 
 the  book  offers,  in  many  respects,  the  nearest  ap- 
 proach to  the  language  and  doctiines  of  (Jreek 
 philosophy  which  is  found  in  any  Jewish  writing 
 up  to  the  time  of  Philo.  Tlieie  is  much  in  the 
 views  which  it  gives  of  the  world,  of  man,  and 
 of  the  Divine  Katuie,  which  springs  rather  from 
 the  combination  or  conflict  of  Hebrew  and  Greek 
 thout;ht  than  from  the  independent  development  of 
 Hebrew  thousiit  alone.  Thus,  in  speaking  of  the 
 almighty  power  of  God,  the  writer  describes  Him 
 as  '•  having  created  the  univeise  out  of  matter  with- 
 out form,"  adopting  the  very  phrase  of  the  Platon- 
 ists,  which  is  found  also  in  Philo.  Sciircely  less 
 distinctly  heathen  is  the  conception  which  is  pre- 
 sented of  the  body  as  a  mere  weight  and  clog  to  the 
 soul  (ix.  15;  contrast  2  Cor.  v.  1-4).  It  is  more 
 in  accordance  with  the  language  of  the  0.  T.  that 
 the  writer  represents  the  Spirit  of  God  as  filling 
 (i.  7)  and  inspiring  all  things  (xii.  1),  but  even 
 here  the  idea  of  "a  soul  of  the  world"  seems  to 
 influence  his  thoughts.  There  is,  on  the  other  hand, 
 no  trace  of  the  characteristic  Christian  <loctrine  of 
 a  resurrection  of  the  body.  The  identification  of 
 the  tempter  (Gen.  iii.),  directly  or  indirectly,  with 
 the  devil,  as  the  bringer  "  of  death  into  the  world  " 
 (ii.  23,  24),  is  the  most  remarkable  development  of 
 Biblical  doctrine  which  the  book  contains.  It  is  in 
 this  point  that  the  Pseudo-Solomon  differs  most 
 widely  from  Philo,  who  recognises  no  such  evil 
 power  in  the  world.  Generally,  too,  it  may  be  ob- 
 served that,  as  in  the  cognate  books,  Proverbs  and 
 licclesiastes,  there  are  fevf  tra<;es  of  the  recognition 
 of  the  sinfulness  even  of  the  wise  man  in  his 
 wisdom,  which  forms,  in  the  Psalms  and  the  Pro- 
 phets, the  basis  of  the  Christian  doctrine  of  the 
 atonement  I'j'et  comp.  xv.  2).  With  regard  to  the 
 Interpretation  of  the  0.  T.,  it  is  worthy  of  notice 
 that  a  typical  significance  is  assumed  to  underhe 
 the  historic  details  (xvi.  1,  xviii.  4,  5,  &c.).  In 
 connexion  with  the  0.  T.  Scriptures,  the  book,  as  a 
 whole,  may  be  regarded  as  carrying  on  one  step 
 further  the  great  problem  of  life  contained  in  Ecclesi- 
 astes  and  Job.— 7.  The  doctrine  of  Wisdom. — It 
 would  be  impossible  to  trace  here  in  detail  the  pro- 
 gressive development  of  the  doctrine  of  Wisdom,  as 
 a  Divine  Power  standing  in  some  sense  between  the 
 Creator  and  creation,  yet  without  some  idea  of  this 
 history  no  correct  opinion  can  be  foimed  on  the 
 position  which  the  Book  of  the  Pseudo-Solomon 
 occupies  in  Jewish  literature.  The  foundation  of 
 the  doctrine  is  to  be  found  in  the  Book  of  Proverbs, 
 where  (viii.)  Wisdom  is  represented  as  present  with 
 God  before  (viii.  22)  and  during  the  creation  of  the 
 world.  So  far  it  appears  only  as  a  principle  regul- 
 ating the  action  of  the  Creator.  By  the  personific- 
 ation of  Wisdom,  and  the  relation  of  Wisdom  to 
 men  (viii.  31),  a  prepai'ation  is  made  for  the 
 extension  of  the  doctrine.  This  appears,  after  a 
 long  interval,  ,in  Ecclesiasticus.  In  the  great 
 description  of  Wisdom  given  in  that  book  (xxiv.). 
 Wisdom  is  represented  as  a  creation  of  God  (xxiv. 
 9),  penetrating  the  whole  universe  (4-6;,  and  taking 
 up  her  special  abode  with  the  chosen  people  (8-12). 
 Her  personal  existence  and  providential  function  are 
 
 thus  distincily  brought  out.  In  the  Book  of 
 Wisdom  the  conception  gains  yet  further  complete- 
 ness. In  this,  Wisdom  is  identified  with  the  Spirit 
 of  God  (ix.  17).  By  her,  in  especial,  men  have 
 fellowship  with  God  (xii.  1).  So  also  her  working, 
 in  the  providential  history  of  God's  people,  is  tiaced 
 at  length  (x.)  ;  and  her  power  is  declared  to  reach 
 beyond  the  world  of  man  into  that  of  spirits  (vii. 
 23).  The  conception  of  Wisdom,  however  boldly 
 personified,  yet  leaves  a  wide  chasm  between  the 
 world  and  tlie  Creator.  Wisdom  answers  to  the 
 idea  of  a  spirit  vivifying  and  uniting  all  things  in 
 all  time,  as  distinguished  from  any  special  outward 
 revelation  of  the  Divine  Person.  Thus  at  the  same 
 time  that  the  doctrine  of  Wisdom  was  gradually 
 constructed,  the  correlative  doctrine  of  the  Divine 
 Word  was  also  reduced  to  a  definite  shape.  The 
 Word  {Memra),  the  Divine  expression,  as  it  was 
 understood  in  Palestine,  furnished  the  exact  comple- 
 ment to  Wisdom,  the  Divine  thought.  Broadly,  it 
 may  be  said  tliat  the  Word  properly  represented 
 the  mediative  element  in  the  action  of  God,  Wis- 
 dom the  mediative  element  of  His  omnipresence. 
 The  Book  of  the  Pseudo-Solomon,  which  gives  the 
 most  complete  view  of  Divine  wisdom,  contains 
 only  two  passages  in  which  the  Word  is  invested 
 with  the  attributes  of  personal  action  (xvi.  12, 
 xviii.  15  ;  ix.  1  is  of  different  character).  These 
 however,  are  sufficient  to  indicate  that  the  two 
 powers  were  distinguished  by  the  writer ;  and  it 
 has  been  commonly  argued  that  the  superioi'  promin- 
 ence given  in  the  book  to  the  conception  of  Wisdom 
 is  an  indication  of  a  date  anterior  to  Philo.  The 
 doctrine  of  the  Divine  wisdom  passes  by  a  trans- 
 ition, often  imperceptible,  to  that  of  human 
 wisdom,  which  is  derived  from  it.  This  embraces 
 not  only  the  whole  range  of  moral  and  spiritual 
 virtues,  but  also  the  various  branches  of  physical 
 knowledge.  In  this  aspect  the  enumeration  of  the 
 great  forms  of  natural  science  in  vii.  17-20  (viii.  8), 
 offers  a  most  instructive  subject  of  comparison  with 
 the  coiTespondiug  passages  in  1  K.  iv.  .32-34.— 
 8.  Place  and  date  of  writing. — Without  claiming 
 for  the  internal  indications  of  the  origin  of  the  book 
 a  decisive  force,  it  seems  most  reasonable  to  believe 
 on  these  grounds  that  it  was  composed  at  Alexandria 
 some  time  before  the  time  of  Philo  (cir.  120-80 
 B.C.).  Alexandria  was  the  only  place  where  Juda- 
 ism and  philosophy,  both  of  tlie  east  and  west,  Kime 
 into  natural  and  close  connexion.  It  appears  further 
 that  the  mode  in  which  Egyptian  idolatry  is  spoken 
 of,  must  be  due  in  some  degree  to  the  influence  ot 
 present  aud  living  antagonism,  and  not  to  the  con- 
 templation of  past  history.  It  may,  indeed,  be  said 
 justly,  that  the  local  colouring  of  the  latter  part  of 
 the  book  is  conclusive  as  to  the  place  of  its  compos- 
 ition. But  all  the  guesses  which  have  been  made 
 as  to  its  authorship  are  absolutely  valueless.  The 
 earliest  was  that  mentioned  by  Jerome,  which 
 assigned  it  to  Philo.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that 
 the  later  and  famous  Philo  was  intended  by  this 
 designation.  Others  have  imagined  that  the  elder 
 Philo  was  intended.  Lutterbeck  suggested  Aris- 
 tobulus.  Eichhorn,  Zeller,  Jost,  and  several  others 
 supposed  that  the  author  was  one  of  the  Thera- 
 peutae.  The  opinion  of  some  later  critics  that  the 
 book  is  of  Christian  origin,  or  even  definitely  the 
 work  of  Apollos,  is  still  more  perverse.— 9,  History. 
 The  historj'  of  the  book  is  extremely  obscure.  There 
 is  no  trace  of  the  use  of  it  before  the  Christian  era. 
 It  is  i^erhaps  more  surprising  that  Philo  does  not 
 
1014 
 
 WISE  MEN 
 
 (as  it  seems)  show  any  l;iiowle(l<;e  of  it.  On  the 
 other  hand,  it  csin  scarcely  bei!oiibte«l  that  St.  Paul, 
 it  not  other  of  tlie  Apcstolie  writers,  was  familiar 
 with  its  language,  though  he  makes  no  definite  quo- 
 tation from  it  (the  supposed  reference  in  Luke  xi. 
 49  to  VVisd.  ii.  12-14,  is  wholly  unfoumledj.  Thus 
 we  have  striking  parallels  in  Uom,  ix.  21  to  Wisd. 
 xv.  7  ;  in  liom.  ix.  22  to  Wind.  xii.  20;  la  Eph.  vi. 
 13-17  to  Wisd.  V.  17-19  (the  heavenly  armour), 
 &c.  It  may  be  questioned  whether  his  acquaint- 
 ance with  the  book  may  not  have  been  gained  rather 
 orally  than  by  direct  study.  According  to  Eusebius 
 Irenaeus  made  use  of  it  in  a  lost  work,  and  in  a 
 passage  of  his  great  work  Irenaeus  silently  adopts  a 
 characteristic  clause  from  it  (Wisd.  vi.  19).  From 
 the  time  of  Clement  of  Alpxan<lria  the  book  k  con- 
 stantly quoted  as  an  inspired  work  of  Solomon,  or 
 as  "  Scripture,"  even  by  those  Fathers  who  denied 
 its  assumed  authorship,  and  it  gained  a  place  in  the 
 Canon  (together  with  the  other  Apoci  yphal  books) 
 at  the  Council  of  Carthage,  cir.  397  a.d.  From 
 this  time  its  history  is  the  same  as  that  of  the  other 
 Apocryphal  books  np  to  the  period  of  the  Reform- 
 ation. In  the  later  times  the  various  estimates 
 which  have  been  formed  of  the  book  have  been 
 influenced  by  controversial  prejudices.  In  England, 
 like  the  rest  of  the  Apocrypha,  it  has  been  most 
 strangely  neglected,  though  it  furnishes  several 
 le.-sons  for  Chuich  Festivals.  It  seems,  indeed,  im- 
 possible to  study  the  book  disp.assionately,  and  not 
 feel  that  it  forms  one  of  the  last  links  in  the  chain 
 of  providential  connexion  between  the  Old  and  New 
 Covenants.  It  would  not  be  easy  to  find  elsewhere 
 anv  pre-Christian  view  of  religion  equally  wide. 
 
 Wise  Men.     [Magi.] 
 
 Witch,  Witchcrafts.     [Magic] 
 
 Witness.  Among  jieople  with  whom  writing  is 
 not  common,  the  evidence  of  a  transaction  is  given 
 by  some  tangible  memorial  or  significant  ceremony. 
 Abiah.am  gave  seven  ewe-lambs  to  Abimelech  as 
 an  evidence  of  his  projierty  in  the  well  of  Beer- 
 sheba.  Jacob  raised  a  heap  of  stones,  "  the  heap 
 of  witness,"  as  a  boundary-maik  between  himself 
 and  Laban(Cen.  xxi.  30,  xxxi.  4  7,  52).  Tiie  tribes 
 of  Reuben  and  Gad  raised  an  "altar"  as  a  witness 
 to  the  covenant  between  themselves  and  the  rest  of 
 the  nation  ;  Joshua  set  up  a  stone  as  an  evidentre  of 
 the  allegiance  promised  by  Israel  to  God  (Josh. 
 xxii.  10,^26,  34,  xxiv.  20,  27).  Thus  also  .symhol- 
 ic-il  usages,  in  ratificjition  of  contracts  or  completed 
 arrangements,  as  the  ceremony  of  shoe-loosing 
 (I)eut.  XXV.  9,  10;  Huth  iv.  7,  8),  the  oi.leal  pre- 
 scribed in  the  case  of  a  suspected  wife,  with  which 
 m.ay  be  compared  the  ordeal  of  the  Styx  (Num.  v, 
 17-31).  I'jut  written  evidence  was  by  no  means 
 unknown  to  the  Jews.  Divoice  was  to  be  proved 
 \Y  a  written  document  (l)eut.  xxiv.  1,  3).  In  civil 
 contracts,  at  least  in  later  times,  documentary 
 evidence  was  required  and  (uiiefully  preserved  (Is. 
 viii.  10;  Jer.  xxxii.  10-16).  On  the  whole  the 
 I.iiw  was  very  careful  to  provide  and  enforce  evid- 
 ence for  all  its  infractions  and  all  transactions 
 bearing  on  them.  Among  sj)ecial  provisions  with 
 i*Mppct  to  evidence  are  the  following: — 1.  Two 
 witnesses  at  le:ist  are  required  to  establish  any 
 charge  (Num.  xxxv.  30  ;  Dent.  xvii.  G  ;  .Julin  viii. 
 17;  2  Cor.  xiii.  1  ;  comp.  1  Tim.  v.  19).  2.  In 
 the  case  of  the  susppifcd  wife,  evidence  besides  the 
 hu.sband'.s  w.as  desired  (Num.  v.  1.3).  3.  'I'he  wit- 
 nes-s  who  withheld  the  truth  w.as  censured  (I.ev.  v. 
 1).     i.  False  witness  was  punished  with  the  i>unish- 
 
 WOOL 
 
 ment  due  to  the  ollence  which  it  sought  to  establish. 
 5.  Slanderous  re])orts  and  oHicious  witness  are 
 discoui^nged  (Ex.  xx.  IG,  xxiii.  1  ;  Lev.  xix.  10,  18. 
 &c.).  6.  The  witnesses  were  the  firet  executionei-s 
 (Deut.  xiii.  9,  xvi.  7  ;  Acts  vii.  58),  7.  In  eise 
 of  an  animal  left  in  charge  and  torn  by  wild  beasta, 
 the  keeper  wa.s  to  bring  the  carcase  in  proof  of  the 
 (act  All d  disproof  of  his  own  crmnnality  {Ex.  xxii. 
 13).  8.  According  to  Jusephus,  women  ami  slaves 
 were  not  admitted  to  bear  testimony  {Ant.  iv.  8, 
 §15).  In  the  N.T.  the  original  notion  of  a  witness 
 is  exhibited  in  the  special  form  of  one  who  attests 
 his  belief  in  the  (jos)jel  by  jiei-sonal  suHenng. 
 Hence  it  is  that  the  use  of  the  ecclesiastical  teim 
 "  Martyr"  has  arisen. 
 
 Wizard.     [Magic] 
 
 Wolf.  (Heb.  zeeh).  There  can  be  little  doubt 
 that  the  wolf  of  Palestine  is  the  common  C'inis 
 lupus,  and  that  this  is  the  animal  so  frequently 
 mentioned  in  the  Bible.  Hemprich  and  Ehrenberg 
 have  described  a  few  species,  as,  for  instance,  the 
 Cuiiis  Si/riacHs  and  the  C.  (  Viilpes)  I\iloticus,  and 
 Col.  Hamilton  Smith  mentions,  under  the  name  of 
 derhonn,  a  species  of  black  wolf,  as  occurring  in 
 Arabia  and  Southern  Syria  ;  but  nothing  definite 
 seems  to  be  known  of  this  animal.  Wolves  were 
 doubtless  far  more  common  in  Biblical  times  than 
 they  aie  now,  though  they  are  occasionally  seen  by 
 moilern  travellers. 
 
 Women.  The  jwsition  of  women  in  the  Hebrew 
 commonwealth  contrasts  favourably  with  that  which 
 in  the  present  day  is  assigned  to  them  generally  in 
 Eastern  countries.  The  most  salient  point  of  con- 
 trast in  the  usages  of  ancient  as  compared  with 
 modern  Oriental  society  was  the  large  amount  of 
 liberty  enjoyed  by  women.  Instead  of  being  im- 
 mured in  a  harem,  or  ajipearing  in  public  with  the 
 face  covered,  the  wives  and  madens  of  ancient  times 
 mingled  freely  and  openly  with  the  other  sex  in  the 
 duti&s  and  amenities  of  ordinal y  life.  Rebekah 
 travelled  on  a  camel  with  her  face  unveiled,  until 
 she  came  into  the  presence  of  her  affianced  (Gen. 
 xxiv.  64,  65).  Jacob  saluted  Rac.'hel  with  a  kiss  in 
 the  presence  of  the  shepherds  (Gen.  xxix.  11). 
 Women  played  no  inconsiderable  part  in  public 
 celebrations  (Ex.  xv.  20,  21  ;  Judg.  xi.  34).  The 
 odes  of  Deborah  (Judg.  v.)  and  of  Hannah  (1  Sam. 
 ii.  1,  &c.)  exhibit  a  degree  of  intellectual  cultivation 
 which  is  in  itself  a  pioof  of  the  position  of  the  sex 
 in  that  period.  Women  also  occiisionally  held  public 
 offices,  jiarticularly  that  of  prophetess  or  in.spired 
 teacher  (Ex.  xv.  20;  2  K.  xxii.  14;  Neh.  vi.  14; 
 Luke  ii.  36  ;  Judg.  iv.  4).  The  man.igement  oi 
 household  affairs  devolved  mainly  on  the  women. 
 The  value  of  a  virtuous  and  active  housewife  fonns 
 a  frequent  topic  in  the  Book  of  Proverbs  (xi.  16, 
 xii.  4,  xiv.  1,  xxxi.  10,  &c.).  Her  influence 
 was  of  course  proportionably  great.  The  effect  ol 
 j)olygamy  was  to  transfer  female  influence  from  the 
 wives  to  the  mother.  Polygamy  also  necessitated 
 a  separate  esf.iblishment  for  the  wives  wllectively, 
 or  for  each  individually-  Further  intomiation  on 
 the  subject  of  this  article  is  given  under  the  heads 
 Dkacon'kss,  Dukss,  Haih,  Mauuiage,  Slave, 
 Vioii,,  and  Wii«)W. 
 
 Wood.     [FoKisr.] 
 
 Wool.  Wool  was  an  article  of  the  highest  value 
 .-imoMg  the  Jews,  ;is  the  staple  material  for  the 
 manutactuie  of  clothing  (I.ev.  xiii.  47  ;  Deut.  xxii. 
 11;  Job  xxxi.  20;  Piov.  xxxi.  13;  E/..  xxxiv.  3; 
 Hos.  ii.  5).     Both  the  Hebrew  terms,  Isciimr  and 
 
WOOLLEN 
 
 <jSz,  imply  the  act  of  she:iriiicr,  the  distinction  be- 
 tween them  being  that  the  latter  refers  to  the 
 "fleece"  (Deut.  xv'iii.4;  Job  xxxi.  20).  The  im- 
 portance of  wool  is  incidentally  shown  by  the  notice 
 that  Mesha's  tribute  was  paid  in  a  certain  number 
 of  rams  "  with  the  wool  "  (2  K.  iii.  4).  The  wool 
 of  Damascus  was  highly  prized  in  the  mart  of  Tyre 
 (Ez.  xxvii.  18). 
 
 Woollen,  (Linen,  and).  Among  the  laws 
 against  unnatural  mixtures  is  found  one  to  this 
 effect:  "A  garment  of  mixtures  [^shaatnez']  shall 
 not  come  upon  thee"  (Lev.  xix.  19);  or,  as  it  is 
 expressed  in  Deut.  xxii.  11,  "  thou  slialt  not  wear 
 skaatnez,  wool  and  flax  together."  Our  version, 
 by  the  help  of  the  latter  passage,  has  lendered  the 
 strange  word  shaatnez  in  the  former,  "  of  linen  and 
 woollen  ;"  while  in  Deut.  it  is  tianslated  "  a  gar- 
 ment of  divers  sorts."  Two  things  only  appear 
 to  be  certain  about  shaatnez — that  it  is  a  foreign 
 word,  and  that  its  origin  has  not  at  present  been 
 traced.  Its  signiHcation  is  sufficiently  defined  in 
 Dent.  xxii.  11.  .lablonski  favours  the  sug^;estion 
 of Forster,  that  a  gaiment  of  linen  and  woollen  was 
 called  by  the  Egyptians  shonhies,  and  that  this 
 word  was  borrowed  by  the  Hebrews,  and  written 
 by  them  in  the  form  shaatnez.  The  reason  given 
 by  Josephus  (^4?j<.  iv.  8,  §11)  for  the  law  which 
 prohibited  the  wea)ing  a  garment  woven  of  linen 
 and  woollen  is,  that  such  weie  worn  by  the  priests 
 alone.  Spencer  conjectured  that  the  use  of  woollen 
 and  linen  inwoven  in  the  same  garment  prevailed 
 amongst  the  ancient  Zabii. 
 
 Worm.  The  representative  in  the  A.  V.  of  the 
 Hebrew  words  Sds,  liiimndh,  and  Toleah,  Tola  , 
 or  Tolaath,  occurs  in  numerous  passages  in  the 
 Bible.  The  fiist-named  term,  Sas,  occurs  only  in 
 Isa.  11.  8.  The  word  probably  denotes  some  parti- 
 cular species  of  moth,  whose  larva  is  injurious  to 
 wool.  2.  Eimmd/i  (Ex.  xvi.  20).  The  Hebrew 
 word  points  evidently  to  various  kinds  of  maggots, 
 and  the  larvae  of  insects  which  I'eed  on  putrefying 
 animal  matter,  rather  than  to  eai  thworms ;  the 
 words  nm)na/j  and  toleah  in  the  original  are  clearly 
 used  indiscriminately  to  denote  either  true  annelida, 
 or  the  larval  condition  of  various  insects.  Job  uses 
 both  Rimmah  and  Toleah  in  ch.  xxv.  6,  where  he 
 compares  the  estate  of  man  to  a  rimmdh,  and  the 
 son  of  man  to  a  idle  ah.  This  latter  word,  in  one 
 or  other  of  its  forms,  is  applied  in  Deut.  xxviii.  39 
 to  some  kinds  of  larvae  destructive  to  the  vines. 
 Various  kinds  of  insects  attack  the  vine,  amongst 
 which  one  of  the  most  destructive  is  the  Tortrix 
 vitisana,  the  little  caterpillar  of  which  eats  off  the 
 inner  parts  of  the  blossoms,  the  clusters  of  which  it 
 binds  together  by  spinning  a  web  aroiuid  them. 
 The  death  of  Herod  Agrippa  I.  was  caused  by 
 worms  (Acts  xii.  23)  :  according  to  Josephus 
 {Ant.  xix.  8),  his  death  took  place  five  days  after 
 his  d('parture  from  the  theatre.  Whether  the 
 worms  were  the  cause  or  the  result  of  the  disease 
 is  an  immaterial  question. 
 
 Wormwood  (Heb.  ladndh).  The  coiTect  trans- 
 lation of  the  Heb.  word  occurs  frequently  in  the 
 Bible,  and  generally  in  a  metaphorical  sense. 
 Kitto  (Phys.  Hist,  of  Palestine,  p.  215),  enum- 
 erates four  kinds  of  wormwood  as  found  in  Pales- 
 tine— Aj-temisia  nilotica,  A.  Judaica,  A.fruticosa, 
 and  A.  cinerea.  The  Hebiew  Ladiiah  is  doubtless 
 generic,  and  denotes  several  species  of  Artemisia. 
 
 Worshipper.  A  translation  of  the  Cireek  word 
 viooKopos,  used  once  only,   Acts  xix.   35 ;   in  tho 
 
 WRITING 
 
 lOU 
 
 margin  "  Temple-keeper."  The  neocoros  was  orig- 
 inally an  attendant  in  a  temple,  probably  intrusted 
 with  its  charge.  The  divine  honours  paid  in  latci- 
 Greek  times  to  eminent  persons  even  in  their  life- 
 time, were  imifcited  and  exaggerated  by  the  Romans 
 under  the  empire,  especially  in  Asia.  The  term 
 neocoros  became  thus  applied  to  cities  or  com- 
 munities which  undertook  the  worship  of  particular 
 emperors  even  during  their  lives.  The  first  occur- 
 rence of  the  term  in  connexion  with  Ephesus  is  on 
 coins  of  the  age  of  Nero  (  a.D.  54-68). 
 
 Wrestling.     [Games.] 
 
 Writing.  It  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  although, 
 with  respect  to  other  arts,  as  for  instance  those  of 
 music  and  metal  working,  the  Hebrews  have  as- 
 signed the  honour  of  their  discovery  to  the  heroes  of 
 a  remote  antiquity,  there  is  no  trace  or  tradition 
 whatever  of  the  origin  of  letters,  a  discovery  many 
 times  more  remarkable  and  important  than  either  of 
 these.  Throughout  the  Book  of  Genesis,  there  is 
 not  a  single  allusion,  direct  or  indirect,  either  to  the 
 practice  or  to  the  existence  of  writing.  That  the 
 Egyptians  in  the  time  of  Joseph  were  acquainted 
 with  writing  of  a  certain  kind  there  is  evidence 
 to  prove,  but  there  is  nothing  to  show  that  up  to 
 this  period  the  knowledge  extended  to  the  Hebrew 
 fcimily.  At  the  same  time  there  is  no  evidence 
 against  it.  Writing  is  first  distinctly  mentioned  in 
 Ex.  xvii.  14,  and  the  connexion  cleail)'  implies  that 
 it  was  not  then  employed  for  the  first  time,  but  was 
 so  familiar  as  to  be  used  for  historic  records.  Moses 
 is  commanded  to  preserve  the  memory  of  Amalek's 
 onslaught  in  the  desert  by  committing  it  to  writing. 
 The  tables  of  the  testimony  are  said  to  be  "  written 
 by  the  finger  of  God"  (Ex.  xxxi.  18)  on  both  sides, 
 anrl  "  the  writing  was  the  writing  of  God,  graven 
 upon  the  tables"  (Ex.  xxxii.  15).  The  engraving  ot 
 the  gems  of  the  high-priest's  breastplate  with  the 
 names  of  the  children  of  Israel  (Ex.  xxviii.  11),  and 
 the  inscription  upon  the  mitre  (Ex.  xxxix.  30)  have 
 to  do  more  with  the  art  of  the  engraver  than  of  the 
 writer,  but  both  imply  the  existence  of  alphabetic 
 characters.  The  curses  against  the  adulteress  were 
 written  by  the  priest  "  in  the  book  ;"  and  blotted 
 out  with  water  (Num.  v.  23).  This  proceeding, 
 though  principally  distinguished  by  its  symbolical 
 character,  involves  the  use  of  some  kind  of  ink,  and 
 of  a  material  on  which  the  curses  were  written 
 which  would  not  be  destroyed  by  water.  Hitherto, 
 however,  nothing  has  been  said  of  the  application  ot 
 writing  to  the  imposes  of  ordinary  life,  or  of  the 
 knowledge  of  the  art  among  the  common  people. 
 Up  to  this  jioint  such  knowledge  is  only  attributed 
 to  Moses  and  the  priests.  From  Deut.  xxiv.  1,  3, 
 however,  it  would  appear  that  it  was  extended  to 
 others.  It  is  not  absolutely  necessary  to  infer  from 
 this  that  the  art  of  writing  was  an  accomplishment 
 possessed  by  every  Hebrew  citizen,  though  there  is 
 no  mention  of  a  third  party ;  and  it  is  more  than 
 probable  that  these  "  hills  of  divorcement,"  though 
 apparently  so  informal,  were  the  work  of  pro- 
 fessional scribes.  It  was  enjoined  as  one  of  the 
 duties  of  the  king  (Deut.  xvii.  18),  that  he  should 
 transcribe  the  book  of  the  law  for  his  own  private 
 study.  If  we  examine  the  instances  in  which  writing 
 is  mentioned  in  connexion  with  individuals,  we  shall 
 iind  that  in  all  cases  the  writers  were  men  of  super- 
 ior position.  In  h.  xxix.  11,  12,  there  is  clearly 
 a  distinction  drawn  between  the  man  who  was  able 
 to  read,  and  the  man  who  was  not,  and  it  seems  a 
 natural  inference  that  the  accomplishments  of  read- 
 
1016 
 
 WRITING 
 
 ing  and  writing  were  not  widi'ly  spread  among  the 
 people,  when  we  (ind  that  they  aie  universally  attrib- 
 uted to  those  of  high  rank  or  education,  kings, 
 priests,  prophets,  and  professional  scribes.  In  the 
 name  Kirjath-Sepher  (Booktown,  .losh.  xv.  15) 
 there  is  an  indication  of  a  knowledge  of  writing 
 among  the  Phoenicians.  The  Hebrews,  then,  a 
 branch  of  the  great  Shemitic  family,  being  in  pos- 
 session of  the  art  of  writing,  according  to  their  own 
 historical  i-ecords,  at  a  very  early  period,  the  further 
 questions  arise,  what  character  they  made  use  of, 
 and  whence  they  obtained  it.  Recent  investigations 
 have  shown  that  the  square  character  is  of  com- 
 pai-atively  modern  date,  and  has  been  formed  from  a 
 more  ancient  type  by  a  gradual  process  of  develop- 
 ment. What  flien  was  this  ancient  type?  IMost 
 probably  the  Phoenician.  To  the  Phoenicians,  the 
 daring  seamen,  and  adventurous  colonisers  of  the 
 ancient  world,  tradition  assigned  the  honour  of  the 
 invention  of  letters.  Pliny  was  of  opinion  that 
 lettei-s  were  of  Assyiian  origin,  but  he  mentions  as 
 a  belief  held  by  others  that  they  were  discovered 
 among  the  Egyptians  by  Mercury,  or  that  the 
 Syrians  had  the  honour  of  the  invention.  The  last- 
 mentioned  theory  is  that  given  by  Diodonis  Siculus 
 (v.  74),  who  says  that  the  Syrians  invented  letters, 
 and  from  them  the  Phoenicians  having  learnt  them», 
 transferred  them  to  the  (Greeks.  On  the  other 
 hand,  according  to  Tacitus  (Ann.  xi.  14),  Fgypt  was 
 believed  to  be  the  source  whence  the  Phoenicians 
 got  their  knowledge.  Be  this  as  it  may,  the  voice  of 
 tradition  represents  the  Phoenicians  as  the  dissemin- 
 ators, if  not  the  inventors,  of  the  alphabet.  Whether 
 it  came  to  them  from  an  Aramaean  or  Egyptian 
 source  can  at  best  be  but  the  subject  of  conjecture. 
 It  may,  however,  be  reasonably  inferred  that  the 
 ancient  Hebiews  derived  from,  or  shared  with,  the 
 Phoenicians  the  knowledge  of  writing  and  the  use  of 
 
 WRITINO 
 
 lettei's.  The  names  of  the  Hebrew  lettere  indicate 
 that  they  must  have  been  the  invention  of  a  Shemitic 
 people,  and  that  they  were  moieover  a  pastoral  people 
 may  be  inferred  from  the  same  evidence.  If,  as  has 
 been  conjectured,  the  Phoenicians  took  the  first  idea 
 of  writing  from  the  Egyptians,  they  would  at  least 
 have  given  to  the  signs  which  they  invented  the 
 names  of  objects  with  which  they  themselves  were 
 familiar.  So  far  from  this  being  the  case  the 
 lettei's  of  the  Hebrew  alphabet  contain  no  trace 
 whatever  of  ships  or  seafaring  matters:  on  the  con- 
 trary, they  point  distinctly  to  an  inlatid  and  pas- 
 toral people.  Perhaps  all  that  am  be  interred  from 
 the  tradition  that  letters  c;\me  to  the  (ireeks  from  the 
 Phoenicians,  but  that  they  were  the  invention  of  the 
 Egyptians,  is  that  the  Egyptians  possessed  an  alph.-i- 
 bet  before  the  Phoenicians,  (iesenius  argues  for  a 
 Phoenician  oiigin  of  the  alphabet,  in  opposition  to  a 
 Babylonian  or  Aramaean,  on  the  following  grounds : — 
 1.  That  the  names  of  the  letters  are  Phoenician, 
 and  not  Syrian.  2.  It  is  not  piobable  that  the 
 Aramaic  dialect  was  tlie  language  of  the  inventors; 
 for  the  letters  ^  1  J?  i<.  which  to  them  were  cer- 
 tainly consonants,  had  become  so  weak  in  the  Ara- 
 maic that  they  could  saircely  any  longer  appear  as 
 such,  and  could  not  have  been  expressed  by  signs 
 by  an  inventor  who  spoke  a  dialect  of  this  kind. 
 3.  If  the  Phoenician  letters  are  pictorial,  as  there 
 seems  reason  to  believe,  there  is  no  model,  among 
 the  old  Babylonian  di^coveiei's  of  writing,  after 
 which  they  could  have  been  foi-med.  But  whether 
 or  not  the  Phoenicians  were  the  inventors  of  the 
 Shemitic  alphabet,  there  can  be  no  doubt  of  their 
 just  claim  to  being  its  chief  disseminators  ;  and  with 
 this  understanding  we  may  accept  the  gene;dogy  of 
 alphaoets  as  given  by  Gesenius,  and  exhibited  in 
 the  accompanying  table. 
 
 Phoenician. 
 
 I 
 
 A  no.  Greelc. 
 
 Anc.  Persian.         Numidian. 
 
 Ktriiscan.  Konian.      Later  Greek. 
 
 Unibiian.  |                         | 
 
 Oscan.  Runic?                     I 
 
 Samnite.  | 
 
 I  i              \                     I 
 Celtf-    Coptic.    Gothic.    Slavonian, 
 berian. 
 
 Anc.  Hebrew. 
 
 Samaritan 
 
 Anc.  Aramaean. 
 
 I 
 
 Palniyreno. 
 
 Ht'b.  sqiiMr« 
 cliaracter. 
 
 I      I 
 Sassanld— writing. 
 
 Estrangelo 
 and  Neslorian. 
 
 I 
 
 — Zenil. 
 I'cblvi. 
 
 Cufic 
 
 I 
 Nischi. 
 
 Pestiito. 
 
 Uigiiric,  or 
 Old  Turkish 
 
 Whatever  minor  differences  may  exist  between '  not.  (6).  In  the  inscriptions  on  Jewish  coins, 
 the  ancient  and  more  modern  Shemitic  aljilmbets,  '  (c).  In  the  Phoeuicio-Egyptian  writing,  with  thice 
 they  have  two  chief  charaitcristics  in  common: — .vowel  signs,  deciphered  by  t'aylus  on  the  mummy 
 1.  That  the)' contain  only  con.'-onants  and  the  three  bandages.  Erom  (a)  aie  deiived  (d),  the  ."^ama- 
 princ^ipal  long  vowels,  N  1  *;  the  other  vowels  ritan  character,  and  (e:,  the  Greek.  '2.  The  Hebrew- 
 i)eing  repre.senteri  by  signs  above,  below,  or  in  the  ()haldee  character  ;  to  which  belong  (a),  the  Hebiew 
 middle  of  letters,  or  being  omitted  altogether.  '2.  '  siinare  character;  (6),  the  Palmyrene,  which  has 
 That  they  aie  written  from  right  to  left.  The  ,  some  traces  of  a  cui-sive  hand  :  {e),  the  Estrangelo, 
 Ethiopic,  being  perhaps  a  non-Sheniitic  alphabet,  is   or  ancient  Syriac:   and  ((/',  the  ancient  .Vral'ic  or 
 
 an  exce])tion  to  this  itde,  a.s  is  the  cuneiform  cha 
 racter  in  which  some  Siiemitic  inscriptions  are  found. 
 The  old  Shemitic  alphabets  may  be  divided  into 
 two  principal  classes:  1.  The  Phoenician,  as  it  ex- 
 ists (rt)  in  the  inscriptions  in  Cyprus,  Malta,  Car- 
 |>entr;ts,  and  the  coins  of  I'hoenicia  and  her  colonies. 
 It  is  disfingnislicd  by  an  absence  of  vowels,  ami  by 
 
 C'ufic.  The  oldest  -Anibic  writing  (the  Himyaritic) 
 was  perhaps  the  Sijme  ;ui  the  ancient  Hebrew  or 
 Phoenit^ian. — There  are  many  arguments  which  go 
 to  show  that  the  Samaritan  chaiacfer  is  older  than 
 the  scjuare  Hebiew,  lor  which  we  must  lefer  the 
 reader  to  the  Larger  Uictionaiy.  The  often- 
 juoted  pa.ssiige,   Matt.    v.    18,   which    is   generally 
 
 lomctimm  having  the  words  divided  and  sometimes   brought  forwaitl  as  ii  proof  that  the  squai-c  cliaiuo 
 
■WRITING 
 
 tcT  must  have  been  in  existence  in  the  time  of 
 Christ,  who  mentions  lura,  or  yod,  as  the  smallest 
 letter  of  the  alphabet,  jiroves  at  least  that  the  old 
 Hebrew  or  Phoenician  character  was  no  longer  in 
 use,  but  that  the  Palmyrene  character,  or  one  very- 
 much  like  it  had  been  introduced.  It  was  probably 
 about  the  first  or  second  century  after  Christ  that 
 the  square  character  assumed  its  present  form; 
 though  in  a  question  involved  in  so  much  uncertainty 
 it  is  impossible  to  pronounce  with  great  positiveness. 
 The  Alphabet. — The  oldest  evidence  on  the  subject 
 of  the  Hebrew  alphabet  is  derived  from  the  alpha- 
 betical Psalms  and  poems  ;  Pss.  xxv.,  xxxiv.  xxxvii., 
 cxi.,  cxii.,  cxix.,  cxlv. ;  Prov.  xxxi.  10-31;  Lam. 
 i.-iv.  From  these  we  ascertain  that  the  number  of 
 the  letters  was  twenty-two,  as  at  present.  The 
 Arabic  alphabet  originally  consisted  of  the  same 
 number.  It  has  been  argued  by  many  that  the 
 alphabet  of  the  Phoenicians  at  first  consisted  only 
 of  sixteen  letters,  or  according  to  Hug  of  fifteen, 
 T>  t2.  3>  D-  Q-  ^  being  omitted.  The  legend,  as 
 told  by  Pliny  (vii.  56 j,  is  as  follows.  Cad- 
 mus brought  with  him  into  Greece  sixteen  let- 
 ters ;  at  the  time  of  the  Trojan  war  Palamedes 
 added  four  others,  0,  E,  *,  X,  and  Simonides 
 of  Melos  four  more,  Z,  H,  •*■,  CI.  Aristotle  re- 
 cognised eighteen  lettei's  of  the  original  alphabet, 
 ABrAEZIKAMNOnP2TT*,  to  which 
 0  and  X  were  added  by  Epicharmus.  But  in  the 
 oldest  story  of  Cadmus,  as  told  by  Herodotus  (v. 
 58)  and  Diodorus  (v.  24),  nothing  is  said  of  the 
 number  of  the  letters.  Recent  investigations,  how- 
 ever, have  rendered  it  probable  that  at  first  the 
 Shemitic  alphabet  consisted  of  but  sixteen  letters. 
 It  is  true  that  no  extant  monuments  illustrate  the 
 period  when  the  alphabet  was  thus  curtailed,  but 
 as  the  theory  is  based  upon  an  oiganic  arrangement 
 first  proposed  by  Lepsius,  it  may  be  briefly  noticed. 
 Dr.  Donaldson  (New  Cratylns,  p.  171,  3rd  ed.) 
 says,  "  Besides  the  mutes  and  breathings,  the  He- 
 brew alphabet,  as  it  now  stands,  has  four  sibilants, 
 T-  D.  ^'  ^-  Now,  it  is  quite  clear  that  all  these 
 four  sibilants  could  not  have  existed  in  the  oldest 
 state  of  the  alphabet.  Indeed  we  have  positive  evid- 
 ence that  the  Ephraimites  could  not  pronounce  K', 
 but  substituted  for  it  the  simpler  articulation  D 
 (Judg.  xii.  6).  We  consider  it  quite  certain,  that 
 at  the  first  there  was  only  one  sibilant,  namely  this 
 D-  or  samecli.  Finally,  to  reduce  the  Semitic  alpha- 
 bet to  its  oldest  form,  we  must  omit  caph,  which  is 
 only  a  softened  form  of  koph,  the  liquid  resh,  and 
 the  semivowel  jod,  which  are  of  more  recent  intro- 
 duction. .  .  The  remaining  16  letters  appear  in  the 
 following  order:  N.  1-  J.  %  H.  V  H.  13.  *?•  O.  3-  D.  J?. 
 Q.  p.  T\-  If  we  examine  this  order  more  ir'uutely, 
 we  shall  see  that  it  is  not  arbitrary  or  accidental, 
 but  strictly  organic,  according  to  the  Semitic  ai'ticul- 
 ation.  We  have  four  classes,  each  consisting  of 
 4  letters :  the  first  and  second  classes  consist  each 
 of  3  mutes  preceded  by  a  breathing,  the  third  of  the 
 8  liquids  and  the  sibilant,  which  perhaps  closed 
 the  oldest  alphabet  of  all,  and  the  fourth  contains 
 the  three  supernumerary  mutes  preceded  by  a 
 breathing."  The  original  16  letters  of  the  Greek 
 alphabet,  corresponding  to  those  of  the  Shemitic, 
 are  thus  given  by  Dr.  Donaldson  (^ibid.  p.  175). 
 
 N|23i|  niinto  1^0310  I  yi  spn 
 
 V.  |BrA|'E|FH0|AMN|     2     |     o|n9T 
 
 With  regard  to  the  arrangement  of  the   letters, 
 our  chief  sources  of  information  are  as  before  the 
 
 WRITING 
 
 1017 
 
 alphabetical  acrostics  in  the  Psalms  and  Lamenta- 
 tions. In  these  poems  some  irregularities  in  the 
 arrangement  of  the  alphabet  are  observable.  The 
 names  of  the  letters  are  given  in  the  LXX.  of  the 
 Lamentations  as  found  in  the  Vatican  MS.  a« 
 printed  by  Mai,  and  in  the  Codex  Friderico- August- 
 anus,  published  by  Tischendorlf.  Both  these  ancient 
 witnesses  prove  that  in  the  4th  century  after  Christ 
 the  Hebrew  letters  were  known  by  the  same  names 
 as  at  the  present  day.  The  following  are  the  letters 
 of  the  Hebrew  alphabet  in  their  present  shape,  with 
 their  names  and  the  meanings  of  these  names,  so 
 far  as  they  can  be  ascertained  with  any  degree  of 
 probability  : — 
 
 S,  Aleph.     An  ox.     In  the  old  Phoenician  forms 
 of  this  letter  can  still  be  traced  some  resem- 
 blance to  an  ox-head,  ^^  ■^.      Gr.  &K<pa. 
 3,  Beth.     A  house.     The  figure  in  the  square  cha- 
 racter corresponds  more  to  its  name,  while  th«! 
 Ethiopic   D  has  greater  resemblance  to  a  tent. 
 Gr.  firtra  (B). 
 3,  Gimel.     A  camel.     The  ancient  form  is  sup- 
 posed to  represent  the  head  and  neck  of  this 
 animal. 
 T,  Daloth.    A  door.     The  significance  of  the  name 
 is   seen    in   the   older   form    ^  ,    whence  the 
 Greek  SeAra,  A,  a  tent-door. 
 n,  He.     Without  any  probable  derivation  ;  perhaps 
 corrupted,  or  merely  a  technical  term.     The 
 corresponding  Greek  letter  is  E,  which  is  the 
 Phoenician  ^    turned  fiom  left  to  right. 
 1,  Vau.     A  hook  or  tent-peg  ;  the  same  as  the  old 
 Greek  jSaD  (  F),  the  form  of  which  resembles 
 the  Phoenician  yC- 
 t,  Zain.     Probably  =  Syr.  zaino,  a  weapon,  sword 
 (Ps.  xliv.  7).     It  appears  to  be  the  same  as 
 the  ancient  Greek  '2,du. 
 n,  Cheth.     A  fence,  enclosure.     Comp.  the  Phoeii. 
 
 ^ ,     Cheth  is  the  Greek  ?iTa  (H). 
 t3,  Tet.     A  snake,  or  a  basket.     The  Greek  Qrira. 
 ',  Yod,     A  hand.     The  form  of  the  letter  was 
 perhaps  originally  longer,  as  in  the  Greek  I 
 (ti'Ta). 
 3,   Caph.     The  hollow  of  the  hand.     The  Greek 
 Kairira  {k)   is  the  old   Phoenician  form  (s) 
 reversed. 
 7,  Lamed.      A  cudgel    or   ox- goad.      The  Greek 
 
 Aa^jSSa  (A). 
 12,  Mem.     Water,  as  it  is  commonly  explained, 
 with  reference  to  the  Samaritan  ^  .     In  the 
 old  alphabets  it  is  'Y ,  in  which  Gesenius  sees 
 the  figure  of  a  trident,  and  so  possibly  the 
 symbol  of  the  sea.     The  Greek  fiv  coriesponds 
 to  the  old  word  ID,  "  water,"  Job  ix.  30. 
 3,  Nun.     A  fish,  in  Chaldee,  Arabic,  and  Syriac. 
 In  almost  all  Phoenician  alphabets  the  figure 
 is    y  .     The  Greek  vv  is  derived  from  it. 
 D,  Samech.     A  prop.     The  Greek   a^y/ia  is  un- 
 doubtedly derived  from  Samech,  as  its  form 
 is  from  the  Phoenician  character,  although  its 
 place  in  the  Greek  alphabet  is  occupied  by  {«. 
 y,  'Ain.     An  eye  ;  in   the  Phoenician  and  Greek 
 
 alphabets  0. 
 Q,  Pe.     A  mouth.     The  Greek  ttT. 
 V,  Tsade.     A  fish-hook  or  prong.     From  tsade  is 
 
 derived  the  Greek  (rJTa. 
 p,  Koph.     Perhaps  the  back  of  the  head.    The  old 
 Hebrew  form  (P),  inverted    <J  ,  became  the 
 
10T8  WRITING 
 
 (Jreek  K($7nro  (  S  ) ;  •'"'^l  •^•'^  *o'™  (  Q  A  whicli 
 occurs  on  the  ancient  Syiacusan  coins,  suggests 
 the  origin  of  the  Roman  Q. 
 n,  Resh.      A    he;vd.      Tlie   Phoenician    1     when 
 turned  round  became  the  Greek  P,  the  name 
 of  which,  ^w,  is  corrupted  from  Resh. 
 E>,  5A»n,  I  Compare  shen,  a  tooth,  sometimes   used 
 &       >      for  a  ja';rgei.i  promontory.     The  letters 
 B>,  Sin.  I      {^  and  b  were  i)rol)ahly  at  first  oni> 
 letter,  and  afteiwards  became  distiMguishe<l  hy 
 the  diacritic  point.      The  Greek  I?  is  derived 
 from  Sliin,  as  vv  from  Nnn. 
 n,  Tau.     A  mark  or  sign  ( l-^z.  ix.  4)  ;  probably  a 
 sign  in  the  shape  of  a  cross,  such  as  cattle  were 
 marked  with.     The  signification  corresponds  to 
 the  shapes  of  the  old  Hebrew  letter  on  coins 
 +  ,   X,  from  the  former  of  which  comes  the 
 Greek  Tav  (T). 
 Divisions    of   words. —  Hebiew    was    originally 
 written,  like  most  ancient  languages,  without  any 
 divisions  between  the  words.     The  same  is  the  case 
 with  the  Phoenician  inscriptions.    The  various  read- 
 ings in  the  LXX.  show  that,  at  the  time  this  version 
 was  made,  in  tlic  Hebrew  MSS.  which  the  translators 
 used,  the  words  were  written  in  a  continuous  series. 
 Tlie  modern  synagogue  rolls  and  the  MSS.  of  the 
 Samaritan   Pentateuch   have   no  vowel-points,    but 
 the  words  are  divided,  and  the  Samaritan  in  this 
 respect  di Hers  but  little  from  tlie  Hebrew.— Fw'(/ 
 letters,  i^'C. — In  addition  to   tlio  letters  above  de- 
 scribed,  we   find   in  all   Hebrew  MSS.  and  printed 
 books  the  foims  "],  Q.  J,  f\,  ]*,  whicli  are  the  shapes 
 assumed  by  the  letters  3,  ?0.  3.  D.  V,  when  they 
 occur  at  the  end  of  words.     Their  invention  was 
 clearly  due  to  an  endeavour  to  render  reading  moie 
 easv  by  distinguishing  one  word  from  another,  but 
 they  are  of  comparatively  modern  date.      The  final 
 nun  is  found   on   the  Palmyrene  inscriptions.     In 
 the  .\ramaeo-Kgvptian  writing  both  final  caph  and 
 final  wm  occur,  as  may  be  seen  in  the  Hlacas  frag- 
 ments given  by  Gesenius.     The  five  final  letters  are 
 mentioned  in  liereshith  Kabba  ^para.sh.  i.  fol.  1,4), 
 and  in  both  Talmuds.    The  final  mem  in  the  middle 
 of  a  word  fls.  ix.  6)  is  mentioned  in  both  Talmuds, 
 and  by  .lerome.     'i'he  similarity  of  shajie  between 
 final  mem  (D)  and  snmech  (D)  is  mdicated  by  the 
 dictum  of  i;ab  Chasda,  as  given  in  the  Babylonian 
 Talmud  {Mciiillah,  c.   1;    Sliabbath,  fol.   104,   1), 
 that  "  mem,  and  snmech,  which  were  on  the  Tables 
 (of  the  Law),  stood  liy  a  miracle."     It  was  a  trad- 
 Hion    among    the    Jews    that    the    letters   on    the 
 tables  of  stone  given  to  Moses  were  cut  through  the 
 stone,  so  as  to  be  legible  on  both  sides  ;  hence  the 
 miracle  by  which  mem  and  samcch  kept  their  place. 
 On  the  ancient  Phoenician  inscriptions,  just  as  in 
 the  Greek  uncial  MSS.,  the  letters  of  a  word  were 
 divided  at  the  end  of  a  lino  without  any  indication 
 being  given  of  such  division,  but  in  Hebrew  MSS. 
 a  twofold  course  has  been   adopted    in    this  case. 
 If  at   the   end   of  a   line    the   .scribe  found    that 
 he    had    not    space    for    the    complete    word,    he 
 either  wrote  as  many  letters  as   he  could  of  this 
 word,  but  left  them  unpointed  and  jmt  the  com- 
 plete word    in   the  next   line,   or  he   made   use  of 
 what  are  call'Hj  extended  letters,   in   order   to  fill 
 nj)  the   siipfiabundant  sjmce.     That  ithl)revi<Ui'/ns 
 were  emploved   in   the  ancient  Hebrew  writing  is 
 shown  by  the  iiiscri|)tions  on  flie  Maccjiliacan  coins. 
 The  (jredler   an<l  smnller    letters   which  occur   in 
 the  middle  of  words   (cunip.    Ps.  hxx.   16  ;  Gen, 
 
 WRITING 
 
 ii.  4),  the  suspnulcil  letters  (.ludg.  xviii.  .SO 
 Ps.  lxx.\.  14),  and  the  invcrtc<l  letters  (Num.  x.  ;-55), 
 are  transferred  from  the  .MSS.  of  the  I\liisoretes, 
 and  have  all  receiveil  at  the  hands  of  the  .lews  an 
 allegoriciil  explanation.  Numbers  were  indicated 
 either  by  letters  or  figures.  The  latter  are  (bund 
 on  Phoenician  coins,  on  the  sarcojihagus  of  Kshmun- 
 azar,  on  the  Palmyrene  inscriptions,  and  probably 
 also  in  the  .Aramaeo-Kgy])tian  writing.  On  the  other 
 hand,  letters  are  found  used  as  numerals  on  the 
 Mnccabean  coins,  and  among  the  Arabs,  and  their 
 early  adoption  for  the  same  i)urpose  .-unong  the 
 Greeks  may  have  been  ilue  to  the  Phoenicians.  It 
 is  not  too  much  to  conjecture  from  these  analogies 
 that  figures  and  letteis  representing  numbers  may 
 have  been  emjiloyed  by  the  ancient  Hebrews.  It  is 
 even  possible  that  many  discrepancies  in  numbers 
 may  be  explained  in  this  way.—  Vowel-points  and 
 diacritical  marks. — Almost  all  the  learned  Jews  of 
 the  middle  ages  maiiitaine<l  the  equal  antiquity  ot 
 the  Vowels  and  consonants,  or  at  least  the  intro- 
 duction of  the  former  by  Hzra  and  the  men  of  the 
 Great  Synagogue.  The  modern  date  of  the  vowel- 
 points  w;is  first  argued  by  Klias  I.evita,  followed 
 on  the  same  side  by  Capjielliis,  who  was  opposed 
 by  the  younger  Ijuxtorf.  "  The  dispute  about  the 
 antiquity  and  origin  of  the  Hebiew  vowels  com- 
 menced at  a  very  e<irly  date ;  for  while  Mar-Natro- 
 nai  II.,  Gaon  in  Sura  (859-8t>9),  prohibited  to 
 provide  the  copies  of  the  Law  with  vowels,  because 
 these  signs  had  not  been  communicated  on  Mount 
 .Sinai,  but  had  only  been  iiitioihuxd  by  the  sjiges 
 to  a.ssist  the  reader  ;  the  Karaites  allowed  no  scroll 
 of  the  Pentateuch  to  be  used  in  the  synagogue, 
 unless  it  was  furnished  with  vowels  and  accents, 
 because  they  considered  them  as  a  divine  revelation, 
 which,  like  the  language  and  the  letter,  was  already 
 given  to  Adam,  or  certainly  to  .Moses  "  (Dr.  Ka- 
 lisch,  Ifeb.  Gr.  ii.  G5i.  No  vowel-points  are  to 
 be  found  on  any  of  the  Jewish  coins,  or  in  the 
 Palmyrene  inscriptions,  and  they  are  wanting  in  all 
 the  relics  of  Phoenician  writing.  A  single  example 
 of  a  diacritical  mark  occurs  for  the  first  time  on 
 one  of  the  Carthaginian  insc:riptions.  The  firet 
 certain  indication  of  vowel-points  in  a  Shemitic 
 language  is  in  the  Arabic.  Three  were  introduceii 
 by  Ali,  son  of  Abu-Thalleb,  who  dieil  A. II.  40. 
 The  Sabian  writing  also  has  three  vowel-points, 
 but  its  age  is  uncertain.  Five  vowel-jwints  and 
 several  reading-marks  were  introducetl  into  the 
 .Syiiac  writing  by  Theophilus  and  .l.-icob  of  Kdessa. 
 The  present  Arabic  system  of  punctuation  orig- 
 inated with  the  introduction  of  the  Nischi  cha- 
 racter by  Ebn  Mokla,  who  diet!  a.d.  939.  On  the 
 whole,  taking  into  consideration  the  nature  and 
 analogies  of  the  kindred  Shemitic  languages,  and 
 the  Jewish  tradition  that  the  vowels  were  only 
 transmitted  orally  by  Moses,  and  were  aftei-wai-ds 
 reilucetl  to  signs  and  fixed  by  Kzra  ;uid  the  Great 
 Synagogue,  the  preponderance  of  evidence  goes  to 
 show  that  Hebrew  w;is  written  without  vowels  or 
 iliacritiail  marks  all  the  time  that  it  was  a  living 
 language.  "  According  to  a  statement  on  a  scroll 
 of  the  Law,  which  may  have  lieen  in  Susii  from  the 
 eighth  century,  Mo.ses  the  Punctator  ( Hannakdan) 
 was  the  first  who,  in  order  to  facilitate  the  reading 
 of  the  Scriptures  for  his  pupils,  added  vowels  to 
 the  con.sonants,  a  pi-actice  in  which  he  was  tbilowod 
 by  his  son  Judah,  the  ("orrei'tor  or  lleviser  (Ilara- 
 niagiah).  These  were  the  beginnings  of  a  full 
 sy.stem  of  Hebrew  jjoints,  the  completion  of  which 
 
WRITING 
 
 hiis,  by  tradition,  been  associated  witli  tlie  name 
 of  the  Karaite  Acha  of  Iralc,  livint;  in  the  first  half 
 of  the  sixth  century,  and  which  comprised  tlie 
 vowels  and  accents,  dagesh  and  rapheh,  keri  and 
 kethiv.  It  was,  from  its  local  origin,  called  the 
 Babylonian  or  Assyrian  system.  Almost  simultan- 
 eously with  these  endeavours,  the  scholars  of 
 Palestine,  especially  of  Tiberias,  worked  in  the 
 s;ime  direction,  and  heie  Rabbi  Mocha,  a  disciple 
 of  Anan  the  Karaite,  and  his  son  Moses,  fi.xed 
 pnother  system  of  vocalisation  (about  570),  dis- 
 tinguished as  that  of  Tiberias,  which  marks  still 
 more  minutely  and  accurately  the  various  shades 
 and  niceties  of  tone  and  pronunciation,  and  which 
 was  ultimately  adopted  by  all  the  Jews.  For 
 though  the  Karaites,  with  their  characteristic 
 tenacity,  and  their  antagonism  to  the  Rabbanites, 
 clung  for  some  time  to  the  older  signs,  because 
 they  had  used  them  before  their  secession  from  the 
 Talmudical  sects,  they  were  at  last,  in  937,  induced 
 to  abandon  them  in  favour  of  those  adopted  in 
 Palestine.  Now  the  Babylonian  signs,  besides 
 differing  from  those  of  Tiberi.is  in  shape,  are 
 chiefly  remarkable  by  being  almost  uniformly 
 placed  above  the  letters.  There  still  exist  some 
 manuscripts  which  exhibit  them,  and  many  more 
 would  probably  have  been  jireserved  had  not,  in 
 later  times,  the  habit  prevailed  of  substituting  in 
 old  codices  the  signs  of  Tiberias  for  those  of  Baby- 
 lonia" (Dr.  Kalisch,  Hehr.  Gram.  ii.  63,  64). 
 From  the  sixth  centuiy  downwards  the  traces  of 
 punctuation  become  more  and  more  distinct.  It 
 now  remains  to  say  a  few  words  on  the  accents. 
 The  object  of  the  accents  is  twofold.  1.  They 
 serve  to  mark  the  tone  syllable,  and  at  the  same 
 time  to  show  the  relation  of  each  word  to  the 
 sentence :  hence  they  are  called  tedinim,  as  mark- 
 ing the  sense.  2.  They  indicate  the  modulation  of 
 the  tone  according  to  which  the  Old  Testament 
 was  recited  in  the  synagogues,  and  were  hence 
 called  neginoth.  "  The  manner  of  recihition  was 
 different  for  the  Pentateuch,  the  prophets,  and  the 
 metrical  books  (Job,  the  Proverbs,  and  the  Psalms)  : 
 old  modes  of  cautillation  of  the  Pentateuch  and  the 
 prophets  (in  the  Haphtaroth)  have  been  preserved 
 in  the  German  and  Portuguese  synagogues ;  both 
 difi'er,  indeed,  considerably,  yet  manifestly  show  a 
 common  character,  and  are  almost  like  the  same 
 composition  sung  in  two  different  keys ;  while  the 
 chanting  of  the  metrical  books,  not  being  employed 
 in  the  public  worship,  has  long  been  lost "  (Kalisch, 
 p.  S-i).— Writing  materials,  4'C. — The  oldest  docu- 
 ments which  contain  the  writing  of  a  Shemitic  race 
 are  probably  the  bricks  of  Nineveh  and  Babylon 
 on  which  are  impressed  the  cuneifoim  Assyrian 
 inscriptions.  There  is,  however,  no  evidence  that 
 they  were  ever  employed  by  the  Hebrews.  Wood 
 y/as  used  upon  some  occasions  (Num.  xvii.  3),  and 
 writing  tablets  of  box-wood  are  mentioned  in 
 2  Esd.  xiv.  24.  The  "lead,"  to  which  allusion  is 
 made  in  Job  xix.  24,  is  supposed  to  have  been 
 poured  when  melted  into  the  cavities  of  the  stone 
 made  by  the  letters  of  an  inscription,  in  order  to 
 render  it  durable.  It  is  most  probable  that  the 
 ancient  as  well  as  the  most  common  material 
 which  the  Hebrews  used  for  writing  was  dressed 
 skin  in  some  foim  or  other.  We  know  that  the 
 dressing  of  skins  was  practised  by  the  Hebrews 
 (Ex.  XXV.  5;  Lev.  xiii.  48),  and  they  may  have 
 ac() aired  the  knowledge  of  the  art  from  the  Egyp- 
 tians, among  whom  it  had  attained  great  perfection, 
 
 YARN 
 
 1019 
 
 the  leathorcutters  constituting  one  of  the  principal 
 subdivisions  of  the  third  caste.  Perh.ips  the  He- 
 brews may  have  borrowed,  among  tlieir  other 
 acquirements,  the  use  of  papyrus  from  the  Egyp- 
 tians, but  of  this  we  have  no  positive  evidence. 
 In  the  Bible  the  only  allusions  to  the  use  of  papy- 
 rus are  in  2  John  12,  wl'.ere  xapxTjy  occurs, 
 which  refers  especially  to  papyrus  paper,  and 
 3  Mace.  iv.  20,  where  xaprTJpia  is  found  in  the 
 same  sense.  In  Josephus  the  trial  of  adultery  is 
 made  by  writing  the  name  of  God  on  a  skin,  and 
 the  70  men  who  were  sent  to  Ptolemy  from  Jeru- 
 salem by  the  high-priest  Eleazar,  to  translate  the 
 Law  into  Greek,  took  with  them  the  skins  on 
 which  the  Law  was  written  in  golden  characters 
 {Ant.  xii.  2,  §  10).  Herodotus,  after  telling  us 
 that  the  lonians  learnt  the  art  of  writing  from  the 
 Phoenicians,  adds  that  they  called  their  books 
 skins,  because  they  made  use  of  sheep -skins  and 
 goat-skins  when  short  of  paper.  Parchment  was 
 used  for  the  MSS.  of  the  Pentateuch  in  the  time  ot 
 Josephus,  and  the  ^(^(ipavai  of  2  Tim.  iv.  13, 
 were  skins  of  parchment.  It  was  one  of  the  pro- 
 visions in  the  Talmud  that  the  Law  should  be 
 written  on  the  skins  of  clean  animals,  tame  or 
 wild,  or  even  of  clean  birds.  The  skins  when 
 written  upon  were  formed  into  rolls  {megilloth ; 
 Ps.  xl.  8;  comp.  Is,  xxxiv.  4;  Jer.  xxxvi.  14; 
 Ez.  ii.  9  ;  Zech.  v.  1).  They  were  rolled  upon  one 
 or  two  sticks  and  fastened  with  a  thread,  the  ends 
 of  which  were  sealed  (Is.  xxix,  11;  Dan.  xii.  4; 
 Rev.  V.  1,  &c.).  The  rolls  were  generally  written 
 on  one  side  only,  except  in  Ez.  ii.  9  ;  Rev.  v.  1. 
 They  were  divided  into  columns  {deldtlwth,  lit. 
 "doors,"  A.V.  "leaves,"  Jer.  xxxvi.  23);  the 
 upper  margin  was  to  be  not  less  than  three  fingers 
 broad,  the  lower  not  less  than  four;  and  a  space  of 
 two  fingers'  breadth  was  to  be  left  between  every 
 two  columns.  The  case  in  which  the  rolls  were 
 kept  was  called  revxos  or  6r\K7\.  But  besides 
 skins,  which  were  used  for  the  more  permanent 
 kinds  of  writing,  tablets  of  wood  covered  with  wax 
 (Luke  i.  6o)  served  for  the  ordinary  purposes  of 
 life.  Several  of  these  were  fastened  together  and 
 formed  volumes.  They  were  written  upon  with 
 a  pointed  style  {'et,  Job  xix.  24),  sometimes  ot 
 iron  (Ps.  xlv.  2  ;  Jer.  viii.  8,  xvii.  1).  For  harder 
 materials  a  graver  {cheret,  Ex.  xxxii.  4;  Is.  viii,  1) 
 was  employed :  the  hard  point  was  called  tsipporen 
 (Jer.  xvii.  1).  For  parchment  or  skins  a  reed  was 
 used  (3  John  13  ;  3  Mace.  iv.  20).  The  ink,  deyo 
 (Jer.  xxxvi.  18),  literally  "black,''  like  the  Greek 
 IxiKav  (2  Cor.  iii.  3;  2  John  12;  3  John  13), 
 was  to  be  of  lamp-black  dissolved  in  gall-juice.  It 
 was  carried  in  an  inkstand  {keseih  kassoplierr), 
 which  was  suspended  at  the  girdle  (Ez.  ix.  2,  3), 
 as  is  done  at  the  present  day  in  the  East,  To 
 professional  scribes  there  are  allusions  in  Ps.  ilv. 
 1  [2]  ;  Ezr.  vii,  6;  2  Esdr.  xiv.  24. 
 
 X 
 
 Xan'thicus.    [Month.] 
 
 Yam.  The  notice  of  yarn  is  contained  in  ac 
 extremely  obscure  passage  in  1  K.  x.  28  (2  Chr.  i. 
 16).  The  Hebrew  Received  Text  is  questionablo. 
 The  probability  is  that  the  term  does  refer  to  some 
 
1020 
 
 YEAR 
 
 ciiti-opot  of  Egyptian  oommerce,  but  whether  Te- 
 koah,  as  in  tlie  LXX.,  or  Coa,  as  in  the  Vult;..  is 
 .ioubtf'ul.  (Jesenins  gives  ttie  sense  of  "  niinibor  " 
 as  applying  equally  to  the  merchants  anil  the 
 horses: — "A  bund  ot'  the  king's  merchants  bought 
 a  drove  (of  horses)  at  a  price";  but  the  verbal 
 arrangiment  in  2  Chr.  is  opposed  to  this  rendering. 
 The  sense  adopted  in  the  A.V.  is  deiived  from 
 Jewish  interpreters. 
 
 Tear,  the  highest  ordinary  division  of  time. 
 Tlu'  Hebrew  name  is  identical  with  the  root  sluiniih, 
 "he  or  it  repeated,  did  the  sec-ond  time."  The 
 meaning  is  therefore  thought  to  be  "  an  iteration," 
 by  (iesenius,  who  coinpares  the  Latin  annus,  pro- 
 perly a  circle.  The  sense  of  the  Hebrew  might 
 either  be  a  recurring  period,  or  a  circle  of  seasons, 
 or  else  a  period  circling  through  the  seasons. —1. 
 Years,  properly  so  called.  Two  years  were  known 
 to,  and  apparently  used  by,  the  Hebrews.  1.  A 
 year  of  WO  days,  containing  twelve  months  of 
 thirty  days  each,  is  indicated  by  certain  passages  in 
 the  prophetical  Scriptures.  The  time,  times,  and 
 a  half,  of  Daniel  (vii.  IT),  xii.  7),  where  "time" 
 means  "  year,"  evidently  leprcsent  the  s,ime  period 
 as  the  42  months  (Rev.  xi.  2)  and  1200  days  of 
 the  Kevelation  (xi.  3,  xii.  6),  for  :i(JO  X  3-5=  1200. 
 and  30x42  =  1260.  ']'his  year  jH-rfectly  cor- 
 responds to  the  Egyptian  Vague  year,  without  the 
 five  intercalary  days.  It  appears  to  have  been  in 
 use  in  Noah's  time,  or  at  least  in  tlie  time  of  the 
 writer  of  the  narrative  of  the  Flood,  for  in  that  nar- 
 nitive  the  interval  from  the  17th  day  of  the  2nd 
 month  to  the  17th  day  of  the  7tli  of  tlie  same  vear 
 appears  to  be  stilted  to  be  a  period  of  150  days 
 ((jlen.  vii.  11,  24,  viii.  3,  4,  comp,  13),  and,  as  the 
 1st,  2nd,  7th,  and  10th  months  of  one  year  are 
 mentioned  (viii.  13,  14,  vii.  11,  viii.  4,  5),"  the  1st 
 day  of  the  lOth  month  of  this  year  being  separated 
 from  the  1st  day  of  the  tii-st  month  of  the  next  year 
 by  an  interval  of  at  least  r)4  days  (viii.  5,  (!,  10, 
 12,  13),  we  can  only  inler  a  year  of  12  months. 
 A  year  of  300  days  is  the  ludest  known.  It  is 
 formed  of  12  spurious  lunar  months,  and  was  prob- 
 ably the  parent  of  the  lunar  year  of  354  days,  and 
 the  Vague  year  of  305.  The  Hebrew  year,  from 
 the  time  of  the  Exodus,  was  eviilently  liuiar,  though 
 in  some  manner  rendered  viitually  solar,  and  we 
 may  therefore  infer  that  the  lunar  year  is  as  old  as 
 the  date  of  the  Exodus.  As  the  Hebrew  year  was 
 not  an  Egyptian  year,  and  as  nothing  is  said  of  its 
 being  new,  save  in  its  time  of  conunencement,  it 
 was  perhaps  eailier  in  use  among  the  Israelites,  and 
 either  brought  into  Egypt  by  them  or  borrowed 
 iVom  Shemitic  settlers.  2.  the  year  used  by  the 
 Hebrews  from  the  time  of  the  Exodus  may  be  said 
 to  have  been  then  institutinl,  since  a  current  month, 
 Abib,  on  the  14th  day  of  which  the  Irst  I'iissover 
 was  kept,  was  then  made  the  first  month  of  the 
 year.  The  essential  characteristics  of  this  year  cm 
 be  clearly  detei-mined,  thougli  wc  ainnot  (ix  those 
 of  any  single  year.  It  was  essentially  solar,  for  the 
 otlerings  of  ]>roducfions  of  the  earth,  first-t'ruit.s, 
 harvest-produce,  and  ingathered  fruits,  were  fixed  to 
 certain  days  of  the  year,  two  of  which  were  in  the 
 periods  of  great  feasts,  the  third  itself  a  feast  reck- 
 oned from  one  of  the  former  days.  Uut  it  is  cer- 
 tain  that  the  months  were  lunar,  each  commencing 
 with  a  new  moon.  There  must  thoi-efore  have  been 
 some  method  of  adjustment.  The  first  point  to  Ijc 
 decide*!  is  how  the  commencement  of  each  year  wa.s 
 li.\ed.       IVobably    tlu-    Hebicws    determincti    their 
 
 YEAR 
 
 new  year's  day  by  the  observation  of  heliacal  or 
 other  star-risings  or  settings  known  to  mark  the 
 right  time  of  the  solar  year.  It  follows,  from  the 
 determination  of  tlie  proper  new  moon  oi'  the  fii-st 
 month,  whether  by  observation  of  a  stellar  pheno- 
 menon, or  of  the  forwaidness  of  the  crops,  that  the 
 method  of  intercalation  «ui  only  have  been  that  in 
 use  alter  the  Captivity,  the  addition  of  a  thirteenth 
 month  whenever  the  twelfth  ended  too  long  before 
 the  equinox  tor  the  ottering  of  the  fust-fruits  to  be 
 made  at  the  time  fixed.  The  later  .Jews  hjid  two 
 commencements  of  the  year,  whence  it  is  commonly 
 but  inaccurately  said  that  they  had  two  years,  the 
 sacred  year  and  the  civd.  We  prefer  to  speak  of 
 the  sacred  and  civil  leckonings.  The  sacred  reckon- 
 ing was  that  instituted  at  the  Exodus,  according  to 
 which  the  fiist  month  was  Abib:  by  the  civil 
 reckoning  the  first  month  was  the  seventh.  The 
 interval  between  the  two  commencements  was  thus 
 exactly  half  a  year.  It  has  Wen  supposed  that  the 
 institution  at  the  time  of  the  Extylus  was  a  change 
 of  commencement,  not  the  introiluction  of  a  new 
 year,  and  that  thenceforward  the  3'ear  had  two 
 beginnings,  respectively  at  about  the  vernal  a:id 
 the  autuuuial  equinoxes.  We  mu^t  here  notice  the 
 theoiios  of  the  derivation  of  the  Hebrew  year  from 
 the  ICgyjitiim  Vague  year.  The  Vague  year  was 
 commonly  used  by  the  Egy]itians;  and  from  it 
 only,  if  trom  an  Egyjitian  year,  is  the  Hebrew 
 likely  to  have  been  derived.  Two  theories  have 
 been  foniied  connecting  the  two  years  at  the 
 Exodus.  (1.)  Some  hold  that  At)il),  the  first 
 month  of  the  Hebrew  year  by  the  sacred  reckoning, 
 was  the  Egyptian  Epiphi.  This,  however,  is  more 
 than  doubtful.  Sujiposing  that  the  Hebrew  calen- 
 dar was  formed  by  fixing  the  Egyi)tian  Epiphi  sts 
 the  first  month,  what  would  be  the  chronological 
 result?  The  latest  date  to  which  the  Exodus  is 
 assigned  is  about  u.C.  1320.  In  the  Julian  year 
 ii.C.  1320,  the  month  Epiphi  of  the  Egyptian 
 Vague  year  commenced  May  10,  44  days  after  the 
 day  of  the  vernal  equinox,  Apiil  2,  very  near  which 
 the  Hebrew  year  must  have  begun.  Thus  at  the 
 latest  dati!  of  the  Exodus,  there  is  an  interval  of  a 
 month  anil  a  half  between  the  beginning  of  the 
 Hebrew  year  and  Ejiiphi  1.  This  interval  repres- 
 ents about  18()  yeirs,  through  which  the  \'ague 
 year  would  letrograde  in  the  .lulian  until  the 
 commencement  of  Epiphi  corresponded  to  the 
 vernal  ecpiinox,  and  no  method  can  reduce  it  below 
 loo.  (2.)  We  have  foundeil  an  argument  for  the 
 date  of  the  Exoi'.us  u]>on  another  comparison  of  the 
 Hebrew  year  and  the  Vague  year.  The  sacred 
 commencement  of  the  Hebrew  year  was  at  the  new 
 moon  about  or  next  after,  but  not  much  before,  the 
 vernal  equinox:  the  civil  commencement  must 
 usually  have  been  at  the  new  moon  nearest  the 
 Mutiuruial  e(|uinox.  At  the  earliist  date  of  the 
 l'^\odus  computed  liv  modern  chronologers,  about 
 the  middle  of'  the  17th  century  U.(\,  the  Egyptian 
 Vague  year  commenced  at  or  about  the  latter  time. 
 It  would  be  necessjiry  that  the  14th  day  of  Abib, 
 on  which  fell  the  full  moon  of  tiie  Passover  of  the 
 Exodus,  should  correspond  to  the  14th  of  Phnme- 
 iiotli,  in  a  Vague  year  conunencing  aUtut  the 
 autumnal  equinox.  A  full  moon  fell  on  the  14fh 
 of  I'hamenoth,  or  Thursday,  April  2),  n.C.  1052, 
 of  a  \'ague  year  commencing  on  the  day  of  the 
 autumnal  equinox,  Oct.  10,  It.c.  1053.  This  dale 
 of  the  Exodus,  n.C.  1652,  is  only  four  yeai-s  earlier 
 than  Haless,  li.C.  1048.— II.  Divisions  of  the  Yeiir. 
 
YOKE 
 
 — 1.  Seasotis.  Two  seasons  are  mentioned  in  the 
 Bible,  "summer"  and  "winter."  The  former 
 properly  means  the  time  of  cutting  fruits,  the 
 latter,  that  of  gatheiing  fiuits ;  they  are  therefore 
 originally  rather  summer  and  autumn  than  summer 
 and  winter.  But  that  they  siguify  ordinarily  the 
 two  grand  divisions  of  the  year,  the  warm  and  cold 
 seasons,  is  evident  fiom  their  use  for  the  whole 
 year  in  the  expression,  "summer  and  winter"  (Ps. 
 Ixxiv.  17  ;  Zech.  xiv.  8).  2.  Months.— The  He- 
 brew months,  from  the  time  of  the  Exodus,  were 
 lunar.  The  year  appears  oidinariiy  to  have  con- 
 tained twelve,  but,  when  intercalation  was  neces- 
 sary, a  thirteenth.  3.  Weeks, — The  Hebrews, 
 from  the  time  of  the  institution  of  the  Sabbath, 
 whether  at  or  belbre  the  Exodus,  reckoned  by 
 weeks.— in.  Sacred  Yairs. —  1.  The  Sabbatical  year, 
 "  the  fallow  year,"  or,  possibly,  "  year  of  lemission," 
 kept  every  seventh  year,  was  commanded  to  be 
 obseived  as  a  year  of  rest  from  the  labouis  of  agri- 
 culture and  of  remission  of  debts.  2.  The  Jubilee 
 year,  "  the  year  of  the  trumpet,"  a  like  year, 
 which  immediately  followed  every  seventh  Sabbatic- 
 al year.  It  has  been  disputed  whether  the  Jubilee 
 year  was  every  49th  or  50th ;  the  former  is  more 
 probable. 
 
 Yoke.  1.  A  well-known  implement  of  hus- 
 bandry, described  in  the  Hebrew  language  by  the 
 terms  mot,  motah,  and  '61,  the  two  former  speeiHc- 
 ally  applying  to  the  bows  of  wood  out  of  which  it 
 was  constructed,  and  the  last  to  the  application 
 (hindiwj)  of  the  article  to  the  neck  of  the  ox.  2. 
 A  pair  of  oxen,  so  termed  as  being  yoked  together 
 (1  Sam.  xi.  7;  1  K.  xis.  19,  21;.  The  Hebrew 
 term,  tzemed,  is  also  applied  to  a^ses  (Judg.  xix.  10) 
 and  mules  (2  K.  v.  17),  and  even  to  a  couple  of 
 lideis  (Is.  xxi.  7).  3.  The  term  tzemed  is  also 
 applied  to  a  certain  amount  of  land  (1  Sam.  xiv. 
 14),  equivalent  to  that  which  a  couple  of  oxen 
 could  plough  in  a  day  (Is.  v.  10;  A.V.  "acie  "), 
 corresponding  to  the  Lii\\u  jugum. 
 
 Zaan'aim,  the  Plain  of ;  or,  more  accurately, 
 "the  oak  by  Zaanaira."  '  A  tree  —  probably  a 
 sacred  tree — mentioned  as  marking  the  spot  near 
 which  Heber  the  Kenite  was  encamped  when  Sisera 
 took  refuge  in  his  tent  (Judg.  iv.  11).  Its  situa- 
 tion is  defined  as  "  near  Kedesh,"  i.  e.  Kedesh- 
 Naphtali,  the  name  of  which  still  lingers  on  the 
 high  ground,  north  of  Sofed,  and  west  of  the  Lake 
 of  e^  Huleh.  The  Targum  gives  as  the  equivalent 
 of  the  name,  mishor  agganiya,  "  the  plain  of  the 
 swamp,"  which  can  hardly  refer  to  anything  but 
 the  marsh  whicli  borders  the  lake  of  Huleh  on  the 
 north  side,  and  which  was  probably  more  extensive 
 in  the  time  of  Deborah  than  it  now  is.  On  the 
 other  hand,  Dr.  Stanley  has  pointed  out  how 
 appropriate  a  situation  for  this  memorable  tree  is 
 atforded  by  "a  green  plain  .  .  .  studded  with 
 massive  terebinths,"  which  adjoins  on  the  south  the 
 plain  containing  the  remains  of  Kedesh.  These  two 
 suggestions — of  the  ancient  Jewish  and  the  modern 
 Ciiristian  student — may  be  left  side  by  side  to 
 await  the  result  of  future  investigatiou.  The  Keri, 
 or  correction,  of  Judg.  iv.  11,  substitutes  Zaanan- 
 nim  for  Zaanaim,  and  the  same  form  is  found  in 
 •Josh.  xix.  33. 
 
 ZABUD 
 
 1021 
 
 Zaan'an.  A  place  named  by  Micah  (i.  11)  in 
 his  address  to  the  towns  of  the  Shefillah.  Zaaiian 
 is  doubtle.ss  identical  with  Zenan. 
 
 Za'avan.  A  Horite  chief,  son  of  Ezer  the  son  of 
 Seir  fOen.  xxxvi.  27  ;  1  Chr.  i.  42). 
 
 Za'bad.  1.  Son  of  Nathan,  son  of  Attai,  son  of 
 Ahlai,  Sheshan's  daughter  (1  Chr.  ii.  31-37),  and 
 hence  called  son  of  Ahlai  (1  Chr.  xi.  41).  He  Wiis 
 one  of  David's  mighty  men,  but  none  of  his  deeds 
 have  been  recorded.  The  chief  interest  connected 
 with  him  is  in  his  genealogy,  which  is  of  consider- 
 able importance  in  a  chronological  point  of  view..^ 
 2.  An  Ephiaimite,  if  tiie  text  of  1  Chr.  vii.  21  is 
 correct. ^3.  Son  of  Shimeath,  an  Ammonitess :  an 
 assassin  who,  with  Jehozabad,  slew  king  Joash,  ac- 
 cording to  2  Chr.  xxiv.  26  ;  but,  in  2  K.  xii.  21,  his 
 name  is  wiitten,  probably  more  correctly,  Jozachar. 
 ^4.  A  layman  of  Israel,  of  the  sons  of  Zattu,  who 
 put  away  his  foreign  wife  at  Ezra's  command  (Ezr. 
 X.  27).— 5.  One  of  the  descendants  of  Hashum, 
 who  had  married  a  foreign  wife  after  the  Captivity 
 (Ezr.  X.  33). ^6.  One  of  the  sons  of  Nebo,  whose 
 name  is  mentioned  under  the  same  circumstances  as 
 the  two  preceding  (Ezr.  x.  43). 
 
 Zabadai'as.     Zabad  6  (1  Esd.  ix.  35). 
 
 Zabade'ans.  An  Arab  tribe  who  were  attacked 
 and  spoiled  by  Jonathan,  on  his  way  back  to  Da- 
 mascus from  his  fruitless  pursuit  of  the  army  of 
 Demetrius  (1  Mace.  xii.  31).  Josephus  calls  them 
 Nabataeans  {Ant.  xiii.  5,  §10),  but  he  is  evidently 
 'in  error.  Nothing  certain  is  known  of  them.  Jo- 
 nathan had  pursued  the  enemy's  army  as  far  as  the 
 river  Eleutheriis  {Nahr  el  Kehir),  and  was  on  his 
 march  back  to  Damascus  when  he  attacked  and 
 plundered  the  Zabadeans.  We  must  look  for  them, 
 theielbre,  somewhere  to  the  noith-west  of  Damascus. 
 Accordingly,  on  the  road  fiom  Damascus  to  Baalbek, 
 at  a  distance  of  about  8§  hours  (26  miles)  from  the 
 foimer  place,  is  the  village  Zebddny,  standing  at 
 the  upper  end  of  a  plain  of  the  same  name,  which 
 is  the  very  centie  of  Antilibanus.  The  name  Zeh- 
 ddny  is  possibly  a  relic  of  the  ancient  tribe  of  the 
 Zabadeans. 
 
 Zabba'i.  1.  One  of  the  descendants  of  Eebai, 
 who  had  married  a  foreign  wife  in  the  days  of  Ezra 
 (Ezr.  X.  28). —2.  Father  of  Baruch,  who  assisted 
 Nehemiah  in  rebuilding  the  city  wall  (Neh.  iii.  20). 
 
 Zab'bud.  One  of  the  sons  of  Bigvai,  who  re- 
 turned in  the  second  caravan  with  Ezra(Ezr.  viii.  14). 
 
 Zabde'us.  Zebadiah  of  the  sons  of  Immer 
 (1  Esd.  i.x.  21). 
 
 Zab'di.  1.  Son  of  Zerah,  the  son  of  Judah,  and 
 ancestor  of  Achan  (Josh.  vii.  1,  17,  18).— 2.  A 
 Benjamite,  of  the  sons  of  Shimhi  (1  Chr.  viii.  19). 
 —3.  David's  officer  over  the  produce  of  the  vine- 
 yards for  the  wine-cellars  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  27). — 4.  Son 
 of  Asaph  the  minstrel  (Neh.  xi.  17)  ;  called  else- 
 where Zaccuk  (Neh.  xii.  35)  and  ZicHRi  (1  Chr. 
 ix.  15). 
 
 Zab'diel.  1.  Father  of  Jashobeam,  the  chief  of 
 David's  guard  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  2).— 2.  A  priest,  son 
 of  the  great  men,  or,  as  the  margin  gives  it,  "  Hag- 
 gedolim"  (Neh.  xi.  14).— 3.  An  Arabian  chiettaiu 
 who  put  Alexander  Balas  to  death  (1  Mace,  xi 
 17  ;  Joseph.  Ant.  xiii.  4,  §8). 
 
 Za'bud.  The  son  of  Nathan  (1  K.  iv.  5),  He 
 is  described  as  a  priest  (A.  V.  "  principal  officer  "), 
 and  as  holding  at  the  court  of  Solomon  the  confid- 
 ential post  of  ''king's  friend,"  which  had  been  occu- 
 pied by  Hushai  the  Archite  during  the  reign  of 
 David  (2  Sam.  xv.  37,  xvi.  16 ;  1  Chr.  xxvii.  33.) 
 
1022  ZABULON 
 
 Zab'nlon.  Tho  deck  I'orm  of  tlio  iinnio  7.\; 
 nil.r.N  (Miitt.  iv.  l:?,  15;  Rev.  vii.  8). 
 
 Zacca'i.  'Jlie  sons  of  Z:icc;ii,  to  the  number  of 
 7011,  n-tiiiiiol  with  Zerubbabel  (Kzr.  ii.  9 ;  Neh. 
 vii.  14;. 
 
 Zacchae'us.  The  name  of  a  tax-rollector  near 
 Jericho,  wlio  being  short  in  stature  climbed  up  into 
 a  syomoie-free,  in  order  to  obtain  a  sight  of  Jesus 
 as  He  pxssed  thiough  that  ))l;>ce.  Luke  only  has 
 related  the  incident  (xix.  l-l(t).  Zacchaeus  was  a 
 Jew,  as  may  be  inferred  t'roni  his  name  and  from 
 the  fact  that  the  Saviour  speaks  of  him  expressly  as 
 "  a  son  of  Abraham."  'J"he  term  which  designates 
 this  office  is  unusual,  but  describes  him  no  doubt 
 as  the  superintendent  of  customs  or  ti'ibute  in  the 
 district  of  Jericho,  wheie  he  lived,  as  one  having  a 
 commission  from  his  Roman  principal  {mani'eps 
 publicanus)  to  collect  the  imposts  levied  on  the  Jews 
 by  the  Romans,  and  who  in  the  execution  of  that 
 trust  ein])loyed  subalterns,  who  were  accountable 
 to  him,  as  he  in  turn  was  accountable  to  his  super- 
 ior. The  office  must  hnVk  been  a  luci-ative  one  in 
 such  a  region,  and  it  is  not  strange  that  Zacchaeus 
 is  mentioned  by  the  Evangelist  as  a  rich  man.  The 
 Saviour  spent  the  night  probably  in  the  house  of 
 Zacchaeus,  and  the  next  day  pursued  his  journey  to 
 Jerusalem.  He  was  in  the  caravan  from  Galilee, 
 which  was  going  up  thither  to  keep  the  l*a.ssover. 
 We  read  in  the  Rabbinic  writings  also  of  a  Zac- 
 chaeus who  lived  at  Jericho  at  this  same  period, 
 well  known  on  his  own  account,  and  especially  as 
 till  father  of  the  celebrated  Ii;ibbi  Jochauau  ben 
 /...ichai. 
 
 Zacche'us.  An  officer  of  Judas  JIaccabaeus 
 (•2  iMacr.  X.  19). 
 
 Zacchnr.  A  Simeonite,  of  the  family  of  Mishma 
 (1  Chr.  iv.  26). 
 
 Zac'cnr.  1.  Father  of  Shammua,  the  Reubenito 
 spy  (Num.  xiii.  4). — 2.  A  Merarite  Levite,  son  of 
 Jaaziah  (1  Chr.  x.\iv.  27).— 3.  Son  of  .Asaph,  the 
 singer  (1  Chr.  xxv.  2,  10;  Neh.  xii.  35).— 4.  The 
 son  of  Imri,  who  assisted  Neheniiah  in  rebuilding 
 the  city  wall  (Neh.  iii.  2j.— 5.  A  Levite,  or  family 
 of  Levites,  who  .signed  the  covenant  with  Nehe- 
 miah  (Neh.  x.  12).— 6.  A  Levite,  whose  son  or  de- 
 scendant Hanan  was  one  of  the  treasurers  over  the 
 treasuries  a|)))ointed  by  Nehemiah  (Neh.  xiii.  13). 
 
 Zachari'ah,  or  properly  Zecharia}!,  was  son 
 of  Jeroboam  II.,  14th  king  of  Israel,  and  the  last  of 
 the  house  of  Jehu.  'I'here  is  a  dilficulty  about  the 
 date  of  his  reign.  Mo.st  chronologei's  assume  an 
 interregnum  of  11  yeare  between  Jeroboam's  death 
 and  Zachariah's  accession,  during  which  the  king- 
 dom was  suflerinj  from  the  anarchj'  of  a  disputed 
 succession,  but  this  seems  unlikely  after  the  reign 
 of  a  resolute  ruler  like  Jeroboam,  and  does  notsf>lve 
 the  ditlerence  between  2  I\.  xiv.  17  and  xv.  1. 
 We  are  reduceil  to  suppose  that  our  present  M.SS. 
 have  here  incorrect  numbers,  to  substitute  1 5  for 
 27  in  2  K.  xv.  1,  and  to  believe  that  Jeroboam  II. 
 reigned  52  or  53  years.  lUit  whether  we  assume 
 an  interiegnum,  or  an  error  in  the  M.SS.,  we  must 
 place  Zachariah's  accession  n.C.  771-2.  His  reign 
 lasted  only  six  months.  He  was  killed  in  a  con- 
 spiracy, of  which  Shallum  was  the  head,  and  by 
 wlwch  the  prophecy  in  2  K.  x.  30  was  accom- 
 plished.— 2.  The  father  of  Abi,  or  Abijah,  Heze- 
 kiah'.-.  nii.tlicr  (2  K.  xviii.  2). 
 
 Zachari'as.  1.  Zcchariah  the  priest  in  the  reign 
 of  Josiah  I  1  Ksd.  i.  8>.— 2.  In  1  Ksd.  i.  15  Z:u-h.n- 
 ria»  occupies  the  plare  of  Heman  in  2  Chr.  xxw.  15. 
 
 ZADOK 
 
 —3.  =Si-.RAlAH  6,  and  AzAtiiAii  (1  Esd.  v.  8: 
 comp.  Kzr.  ii.  2  ;  Neh.  vii.  7).— 4.  The  jirophet 
 ZEOifARiAii  (1  Esd.  vi.  1,  vii.  3). — 5.  Zecha- 
 niAH  8  (1  Esd.  viii.  30).— 6.  Zeciiauiah  9  a 
 Esd.  viii.  37).— 7.  Zeciiariah  10  '1  Esd.  viii. 
 44),— 8.  Zeciiaiuah  11  (1  Esd.  ix.  27;  comp. 
 Ezr.  X.  2<3).— 9.  Father  of  Joseph,  a  leader  in  the 
 fiist  campaign  of  the  Maccabaean  war  (1  Mace.  v. 
 18,  56-62).— 10.  Father  of  John  the  Baptist  (Luke 
 i.  5,  &c.).— 11,  Son  of  Hanichias,  who,  our  Lord 
 says,  w:ls  slain  by  the  .lews  between  the  altar  and 
 the  temple  (Matt,  xxiii.  35  ;  Lukexi.  51).  Therehas 
 been  much  dispute  who  this  Zacharias  was.  Many 
 of  the  Greek  Fathers  have  maintained  that  the 
 father  of  John  the  Baptist  is  the  person  to  whom 
 our  Lord  alludes ;  but  there  can  be  little  or  no 
 doubt  that  the  allusion  is  to  Zechariah,  the  son  of 
 Jehoiada  (2  Chr.  .xxiv.  20,  21).  The  name  of  the 
 father  of  Zacharias  is  not  mentioned  by  St.  Luke ; 
 and  we  may  suppose  that  the  name  of  Barachias 
 crept  into  the  text  of  St.  Matthew  from  a  marginal 
 gloss,  a  confusion  having  been  made  between  Zecha- 
 riah, the  son  of  Jehoiada,  and  Zacharias,  the  son  of 
 Barachias  (Berechiah)  the  prophet. 
 
 Zach'ary.  The  prophet  Zechariah  (2  Esd.  i.  40). 
 
 Za'cher.  One  of  the  sons  of  Jehiel,  the  father 
 or  founder  of  Gibeon,  by  his  wife  Maachah  (I  Chr. 
 viii.  31). 
 
 Za'dok.  1.  Son  of  Ahitub,  and  one  of  the  two 
 chief  piiests  in  the  time  of  David,  Abiathar  lieing 
 the  other.  Zailok  was  of  the  house  of  Eleaz;»r,  the 
 .son  of  Aaron  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  3),  and  eleventh  in 
 descent  from  Aaron.  The  fii-st  mention  of  him  is 
 in  1  Chr.  xii.  28,  where  we  are  t«ld  that  he 
 joined  David  at  Hebron  after  Saul's  death  with  22 
 captains  of  his  father's  house,  and,  apparently,  with 
 900  men  (4600—3700,  vei-s.  26,  27 ).  Up  to  this 
 time,  it  may  be  concluded,  he  had  adhered  to  the 
 house  of  Saul.  But  henceforth  his  fidelity  to  David 
 was  inviolable.  When  Absalom  revolte<I,  and 
 David  tied  from  Jerusalem,  Zadok  and  all  the 
 Levites  beaiing  the  Ark  accompanied  him,  and  it 
 w;is  only  at  the  king's  express  command  that  they 
 leturned  to  Jerusalem,  and  became  the  medium  of 
 communication  between  the  king  and  Hushai  the 
 .'Vrchite  (2  Sam.  xv.,  xvii.).  When  Absalom  vrx^ 
 dead,  Zadok  and  Abiathar  were  the  persons  who 
 persuaded  the  elders  of  .ludah  to  invite  D-avid  to 
 return  (2  S;im.  xix.  11).  When  Adonijah,  iu 
 David's  old  age,  set  up  for  king,  and  had  pei-suaded 
 .loab,  and  Abiathar  the  priest,  to  join  his  party, 
 Zadok  was  unmoved,  and  was  employed  by  David 
 to  anoint  Solomon  to  be  king  in  his  room  (1  K.  i.). 
 And  for  this  fidelity  he  was  lewarded  by  Solomon, 
 who  "thrust  out  Abiathar  from  being  priest  unto 
 the  Lord,"  and  "  put  in  Zadok  the  priest  "  in  his 
 room  (1  l\.  ii.  27,  35).  From  this  time,  however, 
 we  he;ir  little  of  liim.  It  is  sjiid  in  general  terms 
 in  the  enumeration  of  Solomon's  oHicers  of  stnte 
 that  Zadok  was  the  priest  ( 1  K.  iv.  4 ;  1  Chr. 
 xxix.  22),  but  no  single  act  of  his  is  mentioneiL 
 Zadok  and  Abiathar  were  of  nearly  equal  dignity  ^^2 
 Sam.  XV.  35,  36,  xix.  1 1 ).  The  liuiies  of  the  otfice 
 weie  ilivided.  Zadok  minisferiHl  before  the  Taber- 
 nacle at  (iibeon  d  Chr.  xvi.  39),  Abiathar  had  the 
 care  of  the  Avk  at  Jerusalem.  Not,  however, 
 exclusively,  as  appears  from  1  Chr.  xv.  1 1  ;  2  Sam. 
 XV.  24,  25,  29.  Hence,  perhaps,  it  may  l>e 
 concluded  that  from  the  liiiit  there  w;is  a  tfudency 
 to  consider  the  ollicx-  of  the  priesthood  as  .somewhat 
 of  the  nature  of  a  corjwrate  ofticc.  although  some  of 
 
ZAHAM 
 
 its  functions  were  iiece.s.s,i:ily  confined  to  the  chief 
 mcmher  of  that  coiporatiou.— 2.  According  to  the 
 genealogy  of  tlie  high-pnests  in  1  Chr.  vi.  12,  there 
 was  a  second  Zadoii,  son  of  a  second  Ahitub,  son  ot 
 Amariah;  about  the  time  of  King  Ahaziali.  It  is 
 probable  that  no  such  person  as  this  second  Zadok 
 ever  existed ;  but  that  the  insertion  of  the  two 
 names  is  a  copyist's  error.— 3,  Father  of  Jerushah, 
 the  wife  of  King  Uzziah,  and  mother  of  King 
 Jotham  (2  K.  xv.  33  ;  2  Chr.  xxvii.  1)— 4.  Son  of 
 Baaua,  who  repaired  a  portion  of  the  wall  in  the 
 time  of  Mehemiah  (Neh.  iii.  4-j.  He  is  probably 
 the  same  who  is  in  the  list  of  tiiose  that  sealed  the 
 covenant  in  Neh.  x.  21,  as  in  both  cases  his  name 
 follows  that  of  Meshezabeel.— 5.  Son  of  Immer,  a 
 priest  who  repaired  a  poition  of  the  wall  over 
 against  his  own  house  (Neh.  iii.  29).— 6.  in  Neh. 
 xi.  11,  and  1  Chr.  ix.  11,  mention  is  made  iu  a 
 genealogy  of  Zadok,  the  son  of  Meiaioth,  the  son  of 
 Ahitub.  But  it  can  hardly  be  doubtful  that 
 Meraioth  is  inserted  by  the  error  of  a  copyist,  and 
 that  Zadok  the  son  of  Ahitub  is  meant. 
 
 Za'ham.  Sou  of  Rehoboam  by  Abihail,  the 
 daughter  of  Eliab  (2  Chr.  xi.  19). 
 
 Za'ir.  A  place  named.  In  2  K.  viii.  21  only,  in 
 the  account  of  Joram's  expedition  against  the 
 Edomites.  The  parallel  account  in  Chionicles  (2 
 Chr.  xxi.  9)  agrees  with  this,  except  that  the  words 
 "  to  Zair  "  are  omitted,  and  the  words  "  with  his 
 princes  "  inserted.  It  has  been  conjectured  that  the 
 latter  were  substituted  for  the  former,  either  by  the 
 error  of  a  copyist,  or  intentionally,  because  the 
 name  Zair  was  not  elsewhere  known.  Others, 
 again,  suajgest  that  Zair  is  identieil  with  Zoar.  A 
 third  conjecture  groimded  on  the  readings  of  the 
 Vulgate  (Seira)  and  the  Arabic  version  {Sa'ir),  is, 
 that  Zair  is  an  alteration  for  Seir. 
 
 Za'laph.  Father  of  Hanun,  who  assisted  in 
 rebuilding  the  city  wall  (Neh.  iii.  30j. 
 
 Zal'mon.  An  Ahohite,  one  of  David's  guard  (2 
 Sam.  xxiii.  28  i. 
 
 Zal'mon,  Mount.  A  wooded  eminence  in  the 
 immediate  neigliijourhood  of  Shechem  (Judg.  ix. 
 48).  It  is  evident  from  the  narrative  that  it  was 
 close  to  the  city.  Fnit  beyond  this  there  does  not 
 appear  to  be  the  smallest  indication  of  its  position. 
 'J'he  name  Suleimijjeh  is  attached  to  the  S.  E. 
 portion  of  Mount  Ebal ;  but  without  further  evid- 
 ence, it  is  hazardous  even  to  conjecture  that  there 
 is  any  connexion  between  this  name  and  Zalmon. 
 The  name  of  Dalmanutha  has  been  supposed  to  be  a 
 corru])tiou  of  that  of  Ziilmon. 
 
 Zal'monah.  The  name  of  a  desert-station  of  the 
 Israelites  (Num.  xxxiii,  41).  It  lies  on  the  east 
 side  of  Edom  ;  but  whether  or  not  identical  with 
 Maan,  a  k\v  miles  E.  of  Petra,  as  Ikiumer  thinks,  is 
 doubtful.  Jlore  piobably  Zalmonah  may  be  in  the 
 Wad  II  I  thin. 
 
 Zal'munna.  One  of  the  two  "  kings  "  of  Midian 
 whose  capture  and  death  by  the  hands  of  Gideon 
 himself  tbrmed  the  last  act  of  his  great  conflict  with 
 Midian  (Judg.  viii.  5-21  ;  Ps.  Ixxxiii.  11). 
 
 Zam'bis.  The  same  as  Amariah  (1  Esd.  ix.  34  ; 
 couip.  Kzr.  X.  42). 
 
 Zam'bri.  Zimri  the  Simeonite  slain  by  Phinehas 
 (1  Mace.  ii.  26;. 
 
 Za'moth  =  Zattu  (1  Esd.  ix.  28 ;  comp.  Ezr. 
 X.  '11  . 
 
 Zam'zummims.  The  Ammonite  name  for  the 
 people,  who  by  others  were  called  Kephaim  (Deut. 
 li.  20)  only.     They  are  described  as  having  origiu- 
 
 ZAPHNATH-PAANEAH 
 
 1023 
 
 ally  been  a  |X)werful  and  numeious  nation  ot 
 giants.  From  a  slight  similarity  between  the  two 
 names,  and  from  the  mention  of  the  Emim  in 
 connexion  with  each,  it  is  usually  assumed  that  the 
 Zamzummim  are  identical  with  the  Zuzim.  But 
 at  best  the  identification  is  very  conjectural. 
 
 Zano'ah.  In  the  genealogical  lists  of  the  tribe 
 of  Judah  in  1  Chron.,  .lekuthiel  is  said  to  have  been 
 the  father  of  Zanoah  (iv.  18).  Zanoah  is  the  name 
 of  a  town  of  Judah,  and  this  mention  of  Bithiah 
 piobably  points  to  some  colonisation  of  the  place  by 
 Egyptians  or  by  Israelites  directly  from  Egypt. 
 
 Zano'ah.  The  name  of  two  towns  in  the  terri- 
 tory of  Judah.  1.  in  the  Shefelah  (Josh.  xv.  84), 
 named  in  the  same  group  with  Zore;ih  and  Jarmutli. 
 It  is  possibly  ideniiatl  with  Zdnu'a,  a  site  which 
 was  pointed  out  to  Dr.  Robinson  from  Beit  Nettif, 
 and  which  in  the  maps  ot  Van  de  Velde  and  of 
 Tobler  is  placed  on  the  N.  side  of  the  Wady 
 Ismail,  2  miles  E.  of  Zareah,  and  4  miles  N.  of 
 Yarinuk.  The  name  recurs  in  its  old  connexion  in 
 the  lists  of  Nehemiah.  2.  A  town  in  the  highland 
 district,  the  mountain  proper  (Josh.  xv.  56).  It  is 
 not  impiobably  identical  with  Saiiute,  which  is 
 mentioned  by  Seetzen,  as  below  Senuia,  and  ajipears 
 to  be  about  lu  miles  S.  of  Hebion. 
 
 Zaph'nath-Paaue'ah,  a  name  given  by  Pharaoh 
 to  Josepli  ((jen.  xli.  45j.  This  name  has  been  ex- 
 plained as  Hebrew  or  Egyptian,  and  always  as  a 
 proper  name.  It  has  not  been  supposed  to  be  an 
 oriicial  title,  but  this  possibility  has  to  be  considered. 
 1.  The  l\<ibbins  interpreted  Zaphnath-paaueah  as 
 Hebrew,  in  the  sense  "  revealer  of  a  secret."  2. 
 Isidore,  though  mentioning  the  Hebrew  interpreta- 
 tion, remarks  that  the  name  should  be  Egyptian,  and 
 otiers  an  Egyptian  etymology.  "  Interpretatur  ergo 
 Zaphanath  Fhaaneca  Aegyptio  sermone  salvator 
 mundi."  3.  Modern  scholars  have  looked  to  Cop- 
 tic for  an  explanation  of  this  name,  Jablonski  and 
 others  proposing  as  the  Coptic  of  the  Egyptian  orig- 
 inal psot  em  phenech,  "  the  preservation  "  or  "  pre- 
 server of  the  age."  It  is  impossible  to  arrive  at  a 
 satisfactory  result  without  first  inquiring  when  this 
 name  was  given,  and  what  are  the  characteristics  of 
 Egyptian  titles  and  names.  The  name,  at  first 
 sight,  seems  to  be  a  proper  name,  but,  as  occurring 
 atter  the  account  of  Joseph's  appointment  and 
 honours,  may  be  a  title.  Before  comparing  Zaph- 
 nath-paaneah  and  Psonthomphanech  (LXX.)  with 
 Egyptian  names,  we  must  ascertain  the  piobable 
 I'^gyptian  equivalents  of  the  letters  of  these  forms. 
 The  probable  originals  of  the  Egyptian  name  of 
 Joseph  may  be  thus  stated  : — 
 
 V  D   J    n      D   y    3    n 
 
 2'    P     N     T         P     ^     N     KH 
 
 F 
 ^r  0  V    6   0  fi  <p      a      V  7)  X 
 
 PS  N  T       M         P  N     KH 
 
 F 
 The  second  part  of  the  name  in  the  Hebrew  is  the 
 same  as  in  the  LXX.,  altliough  in  the  latter  it  is  not 
 separate  :  we  therefoie  examine  it  first.  It  is  ident- 
 ical with  the  ancient  Egyptian  proper  name 
 P-ANKHEE,  ''the  living."  The  second  part  of 
 the  name,  thus  explained,  affords  no  clue  to  the 
 meaning  of  the  first  part.  The  LXX.  form  of  the 
 Hist  part  is  at  once  recognised  in  the  ancient  Egyp- 
 tian words  P-SENT-N,  "  the  defender"  or  "  piesei-ver 
 of"  The  word  SENT  does  not  appear  to  be  used 
 except  as  a  divine,  and,  under  the  Ptolemies,  regal 
 
1024  ZAPHON 
 
 title,  in  the   latter  cil^«  fur   SotL-r.      Tiie  Hebrew  I 
 t'oiin  seems  to  represent  a  lompoiind  name  com- 
 mencing with  2'KTKF,  or  7'Kf,  "  he  s;iys."     liut, 
 it"  the  name  commence  witli  either  of  these  woids, 
 tlie  rest  seems  inexplicable.      It  is  remarkable  that  . 
 the  last  two  consonants  are  the  same  as  in  Asenath,  | 
 the  name  of  Joseph's  wife.     It  has  been  supposed 
 that  in  both  cases  this  element  is  the  name  ot'  the 
 goddess  Neith,  Asenath   having  been  conjectureil  to 
 be  AS-NKET;  and  Zaphnath,  by  Mr.  Osbiirn,  we 
 believe    2'EK-NEET,   '-the  delight  (? ,  of  Neith." 
 Neith,  the  goddess  of  Sals,  is  not   likely  to   have 
 been  reverenced  at  Heliopolis,  the  city  of  Asenath. 
 It  is  also   improbable  that   Pharaoh   wouM    have 
 given  Joseph  a  name  connected  with  idolatiy. 
 
 Za'phon.     The   name  of  a  place  mentioned  in  , 
 the   enumeration   of  the  allotment  of   the  tribe  of 
 Gad  (Josh.  .\iii.  27).     No  name  resembling  it  has 
 yet  been  encountered. 
 
 Za'ra.     Zakah  the  son  of  Judah  (Matt.  i.  3). 
 
 Zar'aces.  Brother  of  Joacim,  or  Jehoiakim, 
 kinu'of  JuJah  (1  Esd.  i.  38). 
 
 Za'rah.  Zeraii,  the  son  of  Judah  (Gen.  xx.wiii. 
 oit.  xlvi.  12 j. 
 
 Zaraias.  1.  Zerahiah  1  (1  Ksd.  viii.  2).^ 
 2.  Zkuaiiiah  2  (1  Esd.  viii.  31).— 3.  Zeha- 
 niAii  5  '  1  Esd.  viii.  34). 
 
 Za'reah.     The  same  as  Zorah  and  Zoreah 
 
 (Neh.  .xi.  L'Q). 
 
 Za'reathites,  the.  The  inhabitants  of  Zareau 
 or  ZoUAll  ( I  ('ill',  li.  r)3). 
 
 Za'red,  The  Valley  of.  The  name  is  accurately 
 Zei;e1)    Num.  xxi.  12). 
 
 Zar'ephatll.  A  town  which  derives  its  claim  to 
 notice  fioni  having  been  the  residence  of  the  pro- 
 phet Elijah  during  the  latter  part  of  the  drought 
 (1  K.  xvii.  9,  10).  Beyond  stating  that  it  was 
 near  to,  or  dependent  on,  Zidon,  the  Bible  gives  no 
 clue  to  its  position.  Josephus  {Ant.  viii.  13,  §2) 
 says  that  it  was  "  not  far  from  Sidon  and  Tyre, 
 for  it  lies  between  them."  And  to  this  Jeiome 
 adds  ' Onoiii.  "  S<irefta")  that  it  "  lay  on  the  public 
 road,"  that  is  the  coast  road.  Both  these  conditions 
 are  implied  in  the  mention  of  it  in  the  Itineiary  of 
 Paula  by  Jerome,  and  both  are  fulfilled  in  the  si- 
 tuation of  the  modern  village  of  Surafend.  Ot  the 
 old  town  consideiable  indiciitions  remain.  One 
 gioup  of  foundations  is  on  a  headland  called  .4m 
 el-Kardarah  ;  but  the  chief  remains  are  south 
 of  this,  and  extend  for  a  mile  or  more,  with  many 
 fragments  of  columns,  slabs,  and  other  architectural 
 features.  In  the  N.  T.  Zarephath  appears  under 
 the  Greek  form  of  SaREPTA. 
 
 Zar'etan.     Zarthan  (Josh.  iii.  16). 
 
 Za'reth-Sha  har.  A  place  mentioned  only  in 
 Josh.  xiii.  19,  in  the  catalogue  of  the  towns  allotted 
 to  Keuben.  It  is  named  between  Siii.MAli  and 
 BetiU'EOR,  and  is  jiarticuiarly  specified  as  "  in 
 Mount  ha-Emek  "  (.A.  V.  "in  the  Mount  of  the 
 Valley").  From  this,  however,  no  clue  can  be 
 gained  ti>  its  position. 
 
 Zarhites,  the.  A  branch  of  the  tribe  of  Judah: 
 d.»^  .'iid'ii  tioin  Zerah  the  son  of  Jndnh  (Num.  xxvi. 
 13,  -'11;   .),,sl,.  vii.  17  ;   1  Chr.  x.wii.  11,  13). 
 
 Zart  anah.  A  i>l»ce  named  in  1  K.  iv.  12,  to 
 define  the  {Nisition  of  BEriisiiEAN.  It  is  |ios>ibly 
 'dentinal  with  Zakthan,  but  nothing  positive  can 
 Ix'  .said  on  the  point. 
 
 Zar'than.  1.  A  place  in  the  ciccar  or  circle  of 
 JordHn,  mentioned  in  connexion  with  Succoth  (1  K. 
 vii.  46).     2.  It  is  also  named,  in  the  account  of 
 
 ZEBAH 
 
 the  [lassage  of  the  Jordan  by  the  Israelites  (Josh, 
 iii.  1G\  as  delining  tiie  jiosition  of  the  city  Adam. 
 3.  A  place  with  the  similar  name  of  Zartanah.  4. 
 Finthoi',  in  Chronicles,  Zeredathah  is  substituted 
 tor  Zarthan,  and  this  again  is  not  impossibly  ident- 
 ical with  the  Zeierah,  Zererath,  or  Zererathah,  of 
 the  story  of  Gideon.  All  these  spots  agree  in 
 proximity  to  the  Jordan,  but  beyond  this  we  aie 
 absolutely  at  fault  as  to  their  position. 
 
 Zath'oe.  This  name  occurs  in  1  Esd.  viii.  32, 
 for  Zattu,  which  appears  to  have  been  omitted  in 
 the  Hebrew  text  of  Ezr.  viii.  5,  which  should  reail, 
 "  Of  the  sons  of  Zattu,  Shechaniah  the  son  of  Jaha- 
 ziel." 
 
 Zathu'i.     Zattu  (1  Esdr.  v.  12). 
 
 Zat'thu.     Elsewhere  Zattu  (Neh.  x.  14). 
 
 Zat'ta.  The  sons  of  Zattu  were  a  family  of  lay- 
 men of  Israel  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr. 
 ii.  8;   Neh.  vii.  13). 
 
 Za'van.=ZAAVAN  (1  Chr.  i.  42). 
 
 Za'za.  One  of  the  sons  of  Jonathan,  a  descend- 
 ant ol  .lerahmeel  (1  Chr.  ii.  33). 
 
 Zebadi'ah.  1.  A  Benjamite  of  the  sons  of  Be- 
 riah  (1  Chr.  viii.  15).— 2.  A  Benjamite  of  the 
 sons  of  Elpaal  (1  Chr.  viii.  17).— 3.  One  of  the 
 sons  of  Jeroham  of  (iedor  (1  Chr.  xii.  7j.— 4.  Son 
 of  Asahel  the  biother  of  Joab  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  7).— 6. 
 Son  of  Michael  of  the  sons  of  Shephatiah  (Ezr.  viii. 
 8). ^6.  A  prie.st  of  the  sons  of  Immer  who  had 
 married  a  foreign  wife  after  the  return  from  Baby- 
 lon (Ezr.  X.  20). — 7.  Third  .son  of  Meslielemiah 
 the  Korhite  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  2).— 8.  A  Levite  in  tlie 
 reign  of  Jehoshaphat  (2  Chr.  xvii.  8;.— 9.  The  son 
 of  Ishmael  and  prince  of  the  house  of  Judah  in  the 
 reigu  of  Jehoshaphat  (2  Chr.  xix.  11). 
 
 Ze'bah.  One  of  the  two  "kings"  of  Midian 
 who  appear  to  have  commanded  the  great  inviision 
 of  I'ale^tine,  and  who  finally  fell  by  the  hand  of 
 Gideon  himself.  He  is  always  coupled  with  Zal- 
 munna,  and  is  mentioned  in  Judg.  viii.  5-21  ;  I's. 
 Ixxxiii.  11.  While  Oreb  and  Zeeb,  two  of  the  in- 
 ferior leadei-s  of  the  incursion,  had  been  slain,  with 
 a  vast  number  of  their  people,  by  the  Ephraimites, 
 at  the  central  fords  of  the  Jordan,  the  two  kings 
 had  succeeded  in  making  their  escape  by  a  passjigt; 
 further  to  the  north  (probably  the  ford  near  Beth- 
 shemi),  and  thence  by  the  Wady  Yabis,  through 
 ( J  dead,  to  Karkor,  a  place  which  is  not  fixed,  but 
 which  lay  doubtless  high  up  on  the  Hauran.  Here 
 they  weie  reposing  with  15,0utJ  men,  a  meie  rem- 
 nant of  their  huge  horde,  when  Gideon  overtook 
 them.  The  name  of  Gideon  was  still  full  of  terror, 
 and  the  Bedouins  were  entirely  unpreiwred  for  his 
 attack — they  fled  in  dismay,  and  the  two  kings 
 were  taken.  Such  was  the  Third  Act  of  the  groat 
 Tragedy.  Two  moie  remain.  Fii-st  the  leturn 
 down  the  long  defiles  leading  to  the  Joi-dan.  Gi- 
 '  deon  probably  .strode  on  foot  by  the  side  of  his  ci\y- 
 j  tives.  They  passed  Penuel,  where  Jacob  had  seen 
 the  vision  of  the  face  of  (Jod  ;  they  passed  Succoth  ; 
 ]  they  crosseil  the  rapid  stream  of  the  Jordan ;  they 
 ascended  the  highlands  west  of  the  river,  and  at 
 length  reached  Ophrah,  the  native  village  of  their 
 captor.  Then  at  last  the  (piestion  which  must 
 have  been  on  Gideon's  tongue  during  the  whole 
 1  6f  the  return  found  a  vent.  "  What  manner 
 I  of  men  were  fhey  which  ye  slow  at  Tabor?" 
 !  I'p  to  this  time  the  sheikhs  may  have  Ijclieved 
 I  that  they  were  reserved  for  ran.som  ;  but  the.se 
 I  words  once  spoken  there  can  have  been  no  doubt 
 I  what    their  fate  was  to    be.      Thev  met    it    like       ^ 
 
ZEBAIM 
 
 noble  children  of  the  Desert,  without,  fear  or  weak- 
 ness. One  request  alone  they  make — that  they 
 may  die  by  the  sure  blow  of  the  hero  himself — 
 "  and  Gideon  arose  and  slew  them." 
 
 Ze'baim.  The  sons  of  Pochereth  of  hat-Tsebaim 
 are  mentioned  in  the  catalogue  of  the  families  of 
 "  Solomon's  slaves,"  who  returned  from  the  Cap- 
 tivity with  Zerubbabel  (Ezra  ii.  57  ;  Neh.  vii.  59). 
 Tlie  name  is  in  the  original  all  but  identical  with 
 tliat  of  Zecoim. 
 
 Zeb'edee.  A  fisherman  of  Galilee,  the  father  of 
 ;he  Ajiostles  James  the  Great  and  John  (Matt.  iv. 
 21),  and  the  husband  of  Salome  (Matt,  xxvii.  56; 
 Mark  .xv.  40).  He  j)robably  lived  either  at  Beth- 
 saida  or  in  its  immediate  neighbourhood.  It  has 
 been  inferred  from  the  mention  of  his  "  hired  ser- 
 vants "  (Mark  i.  20\  and  from  the  acquaintance 
 between  the  Apostle  John  una  Auxiui  the  high- 
 priest  (Johnxviii.  15)  that  the  family  of  Zebedee 
 were  in  easy  circumstances  (comp.  xix.  27),  al- 
 though not  above  manual  labour  (Matt.  iv.  21). 
 He  appears  only  once  in  the  Gospel  narrative,  namely 
 in  Matt.  iv.  21,  22;  Mark  i.  19,  20,  where  he  is 
 seen  in  his  boat  with  his  two  sons  mending  their  nets. 
 
 Zeb'ina.  One  of  the  sons  of  Ncbo,  who  had 
 taken  foreign  wives  after  the  return  from  Babylon 
 (Ezr.  X.  43). 
 
 Ze'boim.  This  word  represents  in  the  A.  V. 
 two  names  which  in  the  original  are  quite  distinct. 
 
 1.  One  of  the  five  cities  of  the  "plain"  or  circle 
 of  Jordan.  It  is  mentioned  in  Gen.  x.  19,  siv.  2, 
 8 ;  Dent.  xxix.  23 ;  and  Hos.  xi.  8,  in  each  of 
 which  j)assages  it  is  either  coupled  with  Admah,  or 
 placed  next  it  in  the  lists.  No  attempt  appears 
 to  have  been  made  to  discover  the  site  of  Zeboim, 
 till  M.  de  Saulcy  suggested  the  Talda  Sebdan,  a 
 name  which  he,  and  he  alone,  reports  as  attached 
 to  extensive  ruins  on  the  high  ground  between  the 
 Dead  Sea  and  Kerak.  In  Gen.  xiv.  2,  8,  the  name 
 is  given  more  correctly  in  the  A.  V.  Zeboiim.— 
 
 2.  The  Valley  of  Zeboim,  a  ravine  or  gorge, 
 apparently  east  of  Michmash,  mentioned  only  in 
 1  Sam.  xiii.  18.  The  load  running  from  Michmash 
 to  the  east,  is  specified  as  "  the  road  of  the  border 
 that  looketh  to  the  ra\'ine  of  Zeboim  towards  the 
 wilderness."  The  wilderness  {midhar)  is  no  doubt 
 the  district  of  uncultivated  mountain  tops  and  sides 
 which  lies  between  the  central  district  of  Benjamin 
 and  the  Jordan  Valley ;  and  here  apparently  the 
 ravine  of  Zeboim  should  be  sought.  In  that  very 
 district  there  is  a  wild  gorge,  bearing  the  name  of 
 Shuh  cd-Dubba',  "  lavine  of  the  hyena,"'  the  exact 
 equivalent  of  Ge  hat-tsebo'im. 
 
 Zeb'adah.  Daughter  of  Pedaiah  of  Rumah,  wife 
 of  Josiah  and  mother  of  king  Jehoiakim  (2  K.  xxiii. 
 36). 
 
 Ze'bul.  Chief  man  (A.  V.  "  ruler  ")  of  the  city 
 of  Shechera  at  the  time  of  the  contest  between 
 Abinielech  and  the  native  Canaanites.  His  name 
 occurs  Judg.  ix.  28,  30,  36,  38,  41. 
 
 Zeb'iilonite,  a  member  of  the  tribe  of  Zebulun. 
 Applied  only  to  Elox,  the  one  judge  produced  by 
 the  tribe  (Judg.  xii.  11,  12). 
 
 Zeb'Tilun.  The  tenth  of  the  sons  of  Jacob, 
 accoi'ding  to  the  order  in  which  their  births  are 
 enumerated  ;  the  sixth  and  last  of  Leah  (Gen.  xxx. 
 20,  xsxv.  23,  xlvi.  14  ;  1  Chv.  ii.  1).  His  birth 
 is  recoided  in  Gen.  xxx.  19,  20.  Of  the  individual 
 Zebulun  nothing  is  recorded.  The  list  of  Gen.  xlvi. 
 ascribes  to  him  three  sons,  foundeis  of  the  chief 
 iamilies   of  the   tri'je   (comp.  Num.  xxvi.  26)  at 
 
 Con.  D.  B. 
 
 ZECHAEIAH 
 
 1025 
 
 the  time  of  the  migration  to  Egypt.  During  the 
 journey  from  Egypt  to  Palestine  the  tribe  of  Zebulun 
 formed  one  of  the  first  camp,  with  Judah  and 
 Issachar  (also  sons  of  Leah),  marching  under  the 
 standard  of  Judah.  Its  numbers  at  the  census  of 
 Sinai,  were  57,000,  surpassed  only  by  Simeon,  Dan, 
 and  Judah.  At  that  of  Shittim  they  were  60,500, 
 not  having  diminished,  but  not  having  increased 
 nearly  so  much  as  might  naturally  be  exjjected. 
 The  head  of  the  tribe  at  Sinai  was  Eliab  son  of 
 Helon  (Num.  vii.  24);  at  Shiloh,  Elizaphan  son 
 of  Parnach  (lb.  xxxiv.  25).  Its  representative 
 amongst  the  spies  was  Gaddiel  son  of  Sodi  (xiii.  10). 
 Besides  what  may  be  implied  in  its  appearances  in 
 these  lists,  the  tribe  is  not  recorded  to  have  taken 
 part,  for  evil  or  good,  in  any  of  the  events  of  the 
 wandering  or  the  conquest.  Judah,  Joseph,  Ben- 
 ywiim,  had  air^niied  the  sor.tfi  and  the  centre  of  the 
 country.  To  Zebulun  fell  one  of  the  fairest  of 
 the  remaining  portions.  It  is  perhaps  impossible, 
 in  the  present  state  of  our  knowledge,  exactly  to 
 define  its  limits ;  but  the  statement  of  Josephus 
 {Ant.  V.  1,  §22)  is  probably  in  the  main  correct, 
 that  it  reached  on  the  one  side  to  the  lake  of  Gen- 
 esareth,  and  on  the  other  to  Carmel  and  the  Medi- 
 terranean. On  the  south  it  was  bounded  by  Issa- 
 char, who  lay  in  the  great  plain  or  valley  of  the 
 Kishon ;  on  the  north  it  had  Naphtali  and  Asheiv 
 The  fact  recognised  by  Josephus  that  Zebulun  ex- 
 tended to  the  Mediterranean,  though  not  mentioned 
 or  implied,  as  far  as  we  can  discern,  in  the  lists 
 of  Joshua  and  Judges,  is  alluded  to  in  the  Blessing 
 of  Jacob  (Gen.  xlix.  13).  Situated  so  far  from  the 
 centre  of  government,  Zebulun  lemains  thioughout 
 the  history,  with  one  exception,  in  the  obscurity 
 which  envelopes  the  whole  of  the  northern  tribes. 
 That  exception,  however,  is  a  remarkable  one.  The 
 conduct  of  the  tribe  during  the  struggle  with 
 Sisera,  when  they  fought  with  desperate  valour  side 
 by  side  with  their  brethren  of  Naphtali,  was  such 
 as  to  draw  down  the  especial  praise  of  Deborah, 
 who  singles  them  out  from  all  the  other  tribes 
 (Judg.  v.  18).  A  similar  repufcition  is  alluded  to 
 in  the  mention  of  the  tribe  among  those  who  at- 
 tended the  inauguration  of  David's  reign  at  Hebron 
 (1  Chr.  xii.  33).  The  same  passage,  however, 
 shows  that  they  did  not  neglect  the  arts  of  peace 
 (ver.  40).  We  are  nowhere  directly  told  that  the 
 people  of  Zebulun  were  carried  off  to  Assyria. 
 
 ZeTjliluiiites,  the.  The  members  of  the  tribe 
 of  Zebulun  (Num.  xxvi.  27  only). 
 
 Zechari'ah.  1.  The  eleventh  in  order  of  the 
 twelve  minor  prophets.  Of  his  personal  history  we 
 know  but  little.  He  is  called  in  his  prophecy 
 the  son  of  Beiechiah,  and  the  grandson  cf  Iddo, 
 whereas  in  the  Book  of  Ezra  (v.  1,  iv.  14)  he  is 
 said  to  have  been  the  son  of  Iddo.  Various  at- 
 ttnipts  have  been  made  to  reconcile  this  discrep- 
 ancy. Cyril  of  Alexandria  supposes  that  Berechiah 
 was  the  father  of  Zechariah,  according  to  the  tiesh, 
 and  that  Iddo  was  his  instructor,  and  might  1/c 
 regarded  as  his  spiritual  father.  Gesenius  and 
 Piosenmiiller  take  "  son  "  in  the  passages  in  Ezra  to 
 mean  "  grandson."  Knobel  thinks  that  the  name 
 of  Berechiah  has  crept  into  the  present  text  ot 
 Zechariah  I'lom  Isaiah  viii.  2.  It  is  suiely  more 
 natural  to  suppose,  as  the  Prophet  himself  men- 
 tions his  father's  name,  whereas  the  historical 
 Books  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  mention  only  Iddo, 
 that  Berechiah  had  died  early,  and  that  there  w:is 
 now  no  intervening  link  between  the  grandfather 
 
 3  IJ 
 
102G 
 
 ZECHARIAH 
 
 mill  the  graiiilsou.  Zei-liariali,  accordinsj  to  this 
 view,  lilce  Jeremiah  and  Ezeitiel  before  him,  was 
 priest  ius  well  as  prophet.  He  seems  to  have  en- 
 tered upon  his  office  while  yet  youni;  (Zech.  ii.  4), 
 and  must  have  been  born  in  Babylon,  whence  he 
 returneil  with  the  (irst  caravan  of  exiles  under 
 Zeiubbabel  and  Joshua.  It  was  in  the  eighth 
 month,  in  the  second  year  of  Darius,  that  he  first 
 publicly  dischargi'd  his  office.  In  this  he  acted  in 
 concert  with  Haggai.  Both  prophets  had  the  same 
 great  object  before  them  ;  both  directed  all  their 
 energies  to  the  building  of  the  Second  Temple. 
 It  is  impossible  not  to  see  of  how  great  moment, 
 under  such  circumstances,  and  for  the  discharge  of 
 the  special  duty  with  which  he  was  intrusted, 
 would  be  the  priestly  origin  of  Zechaiiali.  The 
 foundations  of  the  Temple  had  indeed  been  laid,  but 
 that  was  all  (Ezr.  v.  16).  Discouraged  by  the 
 opposition  which  they  had  encountered  at  first, 
 the  Jewish  colony  had  begun  to  build,  and  were 
 not  able  to  finish  ;  and  even  when  the  letter  came 
 from  Darius  sanctioning  the  work,  and  promising 
 his  protection,  they  sliowed  no  hearty  disposition  to 
 engage  in  it.  At  sucii  a  time,  no  more  fitting 
 instrument  could  be  found  to  rouse  the  people, 
 whose  heart  had  grown  cold,  th?.n  one  who  united 
 to  the  authority  of  the  Prophet  the  zeal  and  the 
 traditions  of  a  sacerdotal  tiunily.  Acconlinglv,  to 
 Zechariah's  influence  we  find  the  rebuilding  of  the 
 Temple  in  a  gieat  measure  ascribed.  "  And  the 
 elders  of  tiie  Jews  builded,"  it  is  said,  "  and  they 
 prospered  through  the  prophesying  of  Haggai  the 
 ))rophet,  and  Zechariah  the  son  of  Iddo"  (Ezi-.  vi. 
 14j.  Later  traditions  assume,  what  is  indeed  veiy 
 probable,  that  Zechariah  took  personally  an  active 
 part  in  pioviding  for  the  Liturgicjil  service  of  the 
 Temple.  He  and  Haggai  are  both  said  to  have 
 composed  P^alms  with  this  view.  If  the  later 
 Jewish  accounts  may  be  trusted,  Zechariah,  as  well 
 as  Haggai,  was  a  member  of  the  Great  Synagogue. 
 The  patristic  notices  of  the  Prophet  are  worth 
 nothing.  According  to  these,  he  exercised  his  pro- 
 phetic office  in  Chaldaca,  and  wrought  many  mira- 
 cles there;  returned  to  Jerusalem  at  an  advanced 
 age,  where  he  discharged  the  duties  of  the  priest- 
 hood, and  wheie  he  died  and  was  buried  by  the  side 
 of  Haggai.  The  genuine  writings  of  Zechariah 
 lielp  us  but  little  in  our  estimation  of  his  character. 
 Some  faint  traces,  however,  we  may  observe  in 
 tiiem  of  his  education  in  Babylon.  He  leans 
 avowedly  on  the  authority  of  the  older  prophets, 
 and  copies  their  expressions.  Jeremiah  especially 
 seems  to  have  been  his  tiivourite ;  and  hence  the 
 Jewish  saying,  that  "the  spirit  of  Jeremiah  dwelt 
 in  Zechariah."  But  in  what  may  be  called  the 
 peculiaiitics  of  his  prophecy,  he  ajjpioaches  more 
 nearly  to  Ezekiel  ami  Daniel.  Like  them  he  de- 
 lights in  visions;  like  tiiem  he  uses  symbols  and 
 allegories,  rather  than  the  bold  figures  and  met.a- 
 pliors  which  lend  so  much  force  and  beauty  to  the 
 writings  of  the  earlier  prophets;  like  them  he  be- 
 holds angels  ministering  b<.>forc  Jehovah,  and  fulfill- 
 ing his  behests  on  the  earth.  He  is  tlie  only  one 
 of  the  prophets  who  speaks  of  Satan.  Tliat  some 
 of  these  peculiaiitics  are  owing  to  his  (."haldaean 
 education  can  hardly  be  doubted.  Even  in  the  form 
 of  the  visions  a  careful  criticism  might  perhaps  dis- 
 cover some  traces  of  the  Piojihet's  early  training, 
 (jenerally  speaking,  Zechariah's  style  is  pure,  and 
 remarkal.'ly  I'rce  fiom  (,'iialdaisms.  As  is  common 
 with  writers  in  the  decline  of  a  language,  he  seems 
 
 ZECHARIAH 
 
 to  have  striven  to  imitate  the  purity  of  the  e-vlior 
 models ;  but  in  orthography,  and  in  the  use  of 
 some  words  and  phi-ases,  he  betrays  the  influence 
 of  a  later  age.— Con<(?n^s  of  the  Prophecy. — The 
 liook  of  Zechariah,  in  its  existing  form,  consists  of 
 three  principal  parts,  chaps,  i.-viii.,  chaps,  ix.-xi., 
 chaps,  xii.-xiv.  I.  The  first  of  these  divisions  is 
 alhnved  by  all  critics  to  be  the  genuine  work  ol 
 Zechariah  the  son  of  Iddo.  It  consists,  first,  oi'  a 
 short  introduction  or  preface,  in  which  the  prophot 
 announces  his  commission ;  then  of  a  series  of 
 visions,  descriptive  of  all  ;:hose  hopes  and  anticip- 
 ations of  which  the  building  of  the  Temple  w<is 
 the  pledge  and  sure  foundation ;  and  Hiially  of  a 
 disc'Urse,  delivered  two  years  later,  in  reply  to 
 questions  respecting  the  oljservance  of  certain 
 estiiblished  fasts.  1.  The  short  introductory  oracle 
 (c}iap.  i.  1-6)  is  a  warning  voice  from  the  past, 
 and  manifestly  rests  upon  the  former  warnings  of 
 Haggai.  2.  In  a  dream  of  the  night  there  passed 
 before  the  ej'es  of  the  prophet  a  series  of  visions 
 (chap.  i.  7-vi.  15).  These  visions  are  obscure,  and 
 accortlingly  the  prophet  asks  their  meaning.  The 
 interpretiition  is  given  by  an  angel  who  knows  the 
 mind  and  will  of  Jehovah.  (1.)  In  the  fii-st  vision 
 (chap.  i.  7-15)  the  prophet  sees,  in  a  valley  of 
 myrtles,  a  rider  upon  a  roan  hoise,  accompanie<I  by 
 others  who,  having  been  sent  forth  to  the  four 
 quarters  of  the  earth,  had  returned  with  the  tidings 
 that  the  whole  earth  was  at  rest  (with  rel'erence  to 
 Hagg.  ii.  2(J).  Hereupon  the  angel  asks  how  long 
 this  state  of  things  shall  last,  and  is  assured  that 
 the  indiii'erence  of  the  heathen  shall  cease,  and  that 
 the  Temple  shall  be  built  in  Jerusalem.  (2.) 
 The  second  vision  ''chap.  ii.  1-17,  A.  \'.  i.  l8-ii. 
 \'6)  explains  Aow  the  ])romise  of  the  first  is  to  be 
 fulfilled.  The  old  prophets,  in  foretelling  the  hap- 
 piness and  glory  of  the  times  which  should  succeed 
 the  Captivity  in  Babylon,  had  nuide  a  great  part  of 
 that  happiness  and  glory  to  consist  in  the  gathering 
 together  again  of  the  whole  dispeisetl  nation  in  the 
 land  given  to  their  fathers.  This  vision  was  de- 
 signed to  teach  that  the  expectiition  thus  raised — 
 the  return  of  the  dispersed  of  Israel — should  be  ful- 
 filled, (o.)  The  next  two  visions  (iii.,  iv.)  are  oc- 
 cupied with  the  Temple,  and  with  the  two  prin- 
 cipal persons  on  whom  the  hopes  of  the  returned 
 exiles  restetl.  The  permission  grantetl  for  the  re- 
 building of  the  I'einple  had  no  doubt  stirred  afresh 
 the  malice  and  the  animosity  of  the  enemies  of  the 
 Jews.  Joshua  the  high-priest  had  been  singleil 
 out,  it  woulil  seem,  as  the  especial  object  of  attack, 
 and  perhaps  Ibrmal  accusations  had  already  been 
 laid  against  him  before  the  Persian  court.  The 
 prophet,  in  vision,  sees  him  summoned  before  a 
 iiigher  tribun.il,  and  solemnly  acquitted,  despite  the 
 charges  of  the  Satan  or  Adversary.  This  is  done 
 with  the  forms  still  usual  in  an  eastern  court. 
 (4.)  The  last  vision  (iv.)  supposes  that  all  opi)osi- 
 tion  to  the  building  of  the  Temple  shall  be  re- 
 moved. Tliis  sees  the  completion  of  the  work. 
 The  two  iic.\t  visions  (v.  l-ll)  signify  that  the 
 land,  in  which  the  sanctuary  has  just  been  erected, 
 shall  be  purged  of  all  its  pollutions.  (5.)  First, 
 the  cuise  is  recorded  against  wickedness  in  the 
 u7iole  hvid,  V.  3.  (6.)  Next,  the  unclean  thing, 
 whether  in  the  form  of  idolatry  or  any  other 
 abomination,  shall  l>e  utie;ly  removed.  17.)  .\iid 
 now  the  night  is  waning  fast,  and  the  morning  is 
 about  to  dawn.  'Jhariots  and  horses  appt'ar,  issu- 
 ing from  betwei'U  two  oi-azeii  mountains,  the  lioi^cs 
 
ZECHARIAH 
 
 like  those  in  tiie  lirst  vision  ;  an<l  fliese  receive  their 
 several  commands  and  are  sent  forth  to  execute  the 
 will  of  .Tehovali  in  the  four  qiiaiters  of  the  earth. 
 Thus,  then,  the  cycle  of  visions  is  completed. 
 Scene  after  scene  is  unrolled  till  the  whole  glow- 
 ing picture  is  presented  to  the  eye.  All  enemies 
 crushed  ;  the  land  repeopled  and  Jerusalem  girt  as 
 with  a  wall  of  (ire;  the  temple  rebuilt,  moie  truly 
 splendid  than  of  old,  because  more  abundantly  filled 
 with  a  Divine  I'lesence  ;  the  leaders  of  the  people 
 assured  in  the  most  signal  manner  of  the  Divine 
 protection ;  all  wickedness  solemnly  sentenceil,  and 
 the  land  for  ever  purged  of  it ; — such  is  the  magni- 
 ficent panorama  of  hope  which  the  prophet  displays 
 to  his  countrvmen.  Immediately  on  these  visions 
 there  follows  a  symbolical  act.  Three  Israelites 
 had  just  retuineil  from  Babylon,  bringing  with 
 them  rich  gifts  to  Jerusalem,  ap]iarently  as  contrib- 
 utions to  the  Temple,  and  had  been  received  'i 
 the  house  of  Josiah  the  son  of  Zephaniah.  Thither 
 the  Prophet  is  commanded  to  go — whether  still  in 
 .1  draani  or  not,  is  not  very  clear — and  to  employ 
 the  silver  and  gold  of  their  oHerings  for  the  service 
 of  Jehovah.  He  is  to  make  of  them  two  crowns, 
 and  to  place  these  on  the  head  of  Joshua  the  high- 
 priest — a  sign  that  in  the  Messiah  who  should 
 build  the  Temple,  the  kingly  and  priestly  offices 
 should  be  united.  3.  From  this  time,  for  a  space 
 of  nearly  two  years,  the  Prophet's  voice  was  silent, 
 or  his  words  have  not  been  recorded.  But  in  the 
 fourth  year  of  King  Darius,  in  the  fourth  day  of 
 the  ninth  month,  there  came  a  deputation  of  Jews 
 to  his  Temple,  anxious  to  know  whether  the  fast- 
 days  which  had  been  instituted  during  the  seventy 
 years'  Captivity  were  still  to  be  observed.  It  is 
 remarkable  that  this  question  should  have  been  ad- 
 dressed to  priests  and  prophets  conjointly  in  the 
 Temple.  This  close  alliance  between  two  classes 
 hitherto  so  separate,  and  often  so  antagonistic,  was 
 one  of  the  most  hopeful  circumstances  of  the  times. 
 Still  Zechariah,  as  chief  of  the  prophets,  has  the 
 decision  of  this  question.  In  language  worthy  of 
 his  position  and  his  office,  language  which  reminds 
 us  of  one  of  the  most  striking  passages  of  his  great 
 predecessor  (Is.  Iviii.  5-7),  he  lays  down  the  same 
 principle  that  God  loves  mercy  rather  than  fiisting, 
 and  truth  and  righteousness  rather  than  sackcloth 
 and  a  sad  countenance.  Again  he  foretells,  but 
 not  now  in  vision,  the  glorious  times  that  are  near 
 at  hand  when  Jehovah  shall  dwell  in  the  midst  of 
 them,  and  Jerusalem  be  called  a  city  of  truth  (viii. 
 1-15).  Again,  he  declares  that  "  truth  and  peace" 
 (vers.  16,  19)  are  the  bulwarks  of  national  pros- 
 perity. And  he  announces,  in  obedience  tc  the 
 command  of  Jehovah,  not  only  that  the  fasts  are 
 abolished,  but  that  the  days  of  mourning  shall 
 henceforth  be  days  of  joy,  the  fasts  be  counted  for 
 festivals.  His  prophecy  concludes  with  a  predic- 
 tion that  Jerusalem  shall  be  the  centre  of  religious 
 worship  to  all  nations  of  the  earth  (viii.  16-2.Jj.— 
 II.  The  remainder  of  the  Book  consists  of  two  sec- 
 tions of  about  equal  length,  ix.-si.  and  xii.-xiv., 
 each  of  which  has  an  inscription.  1.  In  the  first 
 section  he  threatens  Damascus  and  'lie  sea-coast  of 
 Palestine  with  misfortune  ;  but  declares  that  Jeru- 
 salem shall  be  protected.  The  Jews  who  are  still 
 in  captivity  shall  return  to  their  land.  The  land 
 too  shall  be  fruitful  as  of  old  (comp.  viii.  12).  The 
 Teraj)him  and  the  false  prophets  may  indeed  have 
 spoken  lies,  but  upon  these  will  the  Lord  execute 
 judgrneut,  2nd  then  He  will  look  with  favoui'  unon 
 
 ZECHARIAH 
 
 1027 
 
 His  people  and  biing  bark  both  .ludah  and  l^plirami 
 from  their  captivity.  The  possession  of  Gilead  and 
 Lebanon  is  again  promised,  as  the  special  portion  of 
 Ephraim  ;  and  bnfh  Egypt  and  Assyria  .vhall  \>e 
 broken  and  humbled.  The  prophecy  now  takes  a 
 sudden  turn.  An  enemy  is  seen  approaching  from 
 the  north,  who  having  forced  the  narrow  passes  of 
 Lebanon,  the  great  bulwark  of  the  northern  frontier, 
 carries  desolation  into  the  country  beyond.  Here- 
 upon the  prophet  receives  a  commission  from  God 
 to  feed  his  flock,  which  God  himself  will  no  more 
 feed  because  of  their  divisions.  The  prophet  under- 
 takes the  office,  and  cuts  oft"  seveial  evil  shepherds 
 whom  his  soul  abhors  ;  but  observes  at  the  same 
 time  that  the  flock  will  not  be  obedient.  Hence  he 
 throws  np  his  office.  2.  The  Second  Section  xii.- 
 xiv.,  is  entitled  "  The  burden  of  the  word  of  Je- 
 hovah for  Israel."  But  Israel  is  here  used  of  the 
 nation  at  large,  not  of  Israel  as  distinct  from  Judah. 
 Indeed,  the  piophecy  which  follows,  concerns  Judah 
 and  Jerusalem.  In  this  the  prophet  beholds  the 
 near  approach  of  troublous  times,  when  Jerusalem 
 should  be  hard  pressed  by  enemies.  But  in  that 
 day  Jehovah  shall  come  to  save  them,  and  all  the 
 nations  which  gather  themselves  against  Jei  usalem 
 shall  be  destroyed.  At  the  same  time  the  deliver- 
 ance shall  not  be  from  outward  enemies  alone. 
 God  will  pour  out  upon  them  a  spirit  of  grace  and 
 supplications.  Then  follows  a  short  apostrophe  to 
 the  sword  of  the  enemy  to  turn  against  the  shep- 
 herds of  the  people ;  and  a  further  announcement 
 of  searching  and  purifying  judgments,  which,  how- 
 ever, it  must  be  acknowledged,  is  somewhat  abrupt. 
 Ewald's  suggestion  that  the  passage  xiii.  7-9,  is 
 here  out  of  place,  and  should  be  transposed  to  the 
 end  of  chap.  xi.  is  cei  tainly  ingenious,  and  does  not 
 seem  improbable.  The  prophecy  closes  with  a 
 grand  aixl  stiiTing  picture.  All  nations  are  ga- 
 thered together  against  Jerusalem  ;  and  seem 
 already  sure  of  their  prey.  Half  of  their  cruel 
 work  has  been  accomplished,  when  Jehovah  Him- 
 self appears  on  behalf  of  His  people.  He  goes  tbi  th 
 to  war  against  the  adversaries  of  His  people.  He 
 establishes  His  kingdom  over  all  the  earth.  All 
 nations  that  are  still  left,  shall  come  up  to  Jeru- 
 salem, as  the  great  centre  of  religious  worship,  and 
 the  city  from  that  day  forward  shall  be  a  holy 
 city.  Such  is,  briefly,  an  outline  of  the  second 
 portion  of  that  book  which  is  commonly  known  as 
 the  Prophecy  of  Zechariah.  The  next  point,  then, 
 for  our  consideration  is  this, — Is  the  book  in  its 
 pipsent  form  the  work  of  one  and  the  same  pro- 
 phet, Zechariah  the  son  of  Iddo,  who  lived  after 
 the  Babylonish  exile  l^Integritn. — Mede  was  the 
 first  to  call  this  in  question.  The  probability  that 
 the  later  chapters  from  the  9th  to  the  14th  were 
 by  some  other  prophet,  seems  first  to  have  been 
 suggested  to  him  by  the  citation  in  St.  Matthew. 
 He  says  (Epist.  xxxi.),  "  It  may  seem  the  Evan- 
 gelist would  inform  us  that  tiiose  latter  chapters 
 ascribed  to  Zachary  (namely,  9th,  lOth,  11th,  &c.), 
 are  indeed  the  prophecies  of  Jeremy ;  and  that  the 
 Jews  had  not  rightly  attributed  them."  He  rests 
 his  opinion,  partly  ou  the  authority  of  St.  Mat- 
 thew, and  partly  on  the  contents  of  the  later  chap- 
 ters, which  he  considers  require  a  date  earlier  than 
 the  exile.  Archbishop  Newcome  went  further. 
 He  insisted  on  the  great  dissimilarity  of  style  as 
 well  as  subject  between  the  earlier  and  later  chap- 
 ters. And  he  was  the  fiist  who  advocated  tlie 
 theory,    that   the   last   six    chapters   of   Znhariah 
 
 3  Q  2 
 
1028 
 
 ZECHAKIAH 
 
 ai<»  the  work  of  two  distinct  prophets.  His  Words 
 .ire:  "The  eight  lirst  cliapters  a|)pear  hy  the 
 iiitioductoiy  parts  to  be  the  propliecies  of  Zecha- 
 riah,  stand  in  connexion  with  each  other,  are  per- 
 tinent to  the  time  when  they  were  delivered,  are 
 uniform  in  style  and  manner,  and  constitute  a 
 regular  whole.  But  the  six  last  chaptei-s  are  not 
 exjiressly  assitjned  to  Zechariah  ;  are  unconnected 
 with  those  which  precetle ;  the  three  tir^t  of  them 
 are  unsuitable  in  many  parts  to  the  time  when 
 Zech;inah  lived ;  all  of  them  have  a  more  adorne<l 
 and  poetical  turn  of  composition  th:m  the  eight 
 lii-st  chapters;  and  they  manifestly  break  the  unity 
 of  the  propheticiil  book."  '•  I  conclude,"  he  con- 
 tinues, "  from  internal  marks  in  chaps,  ix.,  x.,  xi., 
 that  these  three  chaptei-s  were  written  much  earlier 
 than  the  time  of  Jeremiah  and  before  the  captivitv 
 of  the  tribes.  ,  ,  .  The  xiith,  xiiitli,  and  xivtli 
 chaptei-s  form  <i  distinct  prophecy,  and  were 
 written  after  the  death  of  Josiah ;  but.  whether 
 before  or  after  the  Captivity,  and  by  what  pro- 
 phets, is  uncertain."  A  larfje  number  of  critics 
 have  followed  Mede  and  Archbishop  Newcome  in 
 denying  the  later  date  of  the  last  six  chapters  of  the 
 Book.  Roseumiiller  argues  that  chaps,  ix.-xiv.  are  so 
 alike  in  style,  that  they  must  have  been  written  by 
 one  author.  From  the  allusion  to  the  earthquake 
 fxiv.  5,  comp.  Am.  i.  1),  he  thinks  the  author  must 
 have  lived  in  the  reign  of  Uzziah.  Davidson  supposes 
 him  to  have  been  the  Zechariah  mentioned  Is.  viii. 
 2.  Kichhorn  is  of  opinion  that  chaps,  ix.-xiv.  are 
 the  work  of  a  later  prophet  who  flourished  in  the 
 time  of  Alexander.  Others,  as  Bertholdt,  Gesenius, 
 Knobel,  Maurer,  Bunsen,  and  Ewald,  think  that 
 chaps,  ix.-xi.  (to  which  Ewald  a<lds  xiii.  7-9)  are  a 
 distinct  prophecy  from  chaps,  xii.-xiv.,  and  scpar- 
 atetl  from  tliem  by  a  considerable  interval  of  time. 
 Most  of  them  conjecture  that  the  author  was  the 
 Zechariah  mentioned  Is.  viii.  2.  There  is  the  same 
 general  agreement  among  the  last-named  critics  as 
 to  the  date  of  the  section  xii.-xiv.  They  all  assign 
 it  to  a  peiiod  immediately  previous  to  the  Babv- 
 lonish  Captivity.  Bunsen  identifies  him  with 
 Urijah  the  son  of  Shemaiah  of  Kiijath-jcarira  ( Jer. 
 xxvi.  'j!0-23).  According  to  this  hypothesis  we 
 have  the  works  of  three  difierelit  jnophets  collected 
 into  one  book,  and  passing  under  one  name: — 1. 
 Chapters  ix.-xi.,  the  book  of  Zechariah  I.,  a  con- 
 temporary of  Isaiah,  under  Ahaz,  about  736. — 
 2.  Chapters  xii.-xiv.,  author  unknown  (or  perhaps 
 Urijah,  a  contemporary  of  Jeremiah),  about  G07  or 
 600.  3.  Chapters  i.-viii.,  the  work  of  the  son  (or 
 grandson)  of  Iddo,  Haggai's  contemporary,  about 
 520-518.  We  have  then  two  distinct  theories 
 Ix'fore  us.  The  one  merely  adirms  that  the  six 
 last  chapters  of  our  present  book  are  not  from  the 
 .sjinie  author  as  the  first  eiglit.  The  other  carries 
 the  dismemberment  of  the  book  still  further,  ami 
 maintains  that  the  six  last  chapters  are  the  work  of 
 two  distinct  authoi's  who  lived  at  two  distinct  periods 
 of  .lewish  history.  The  arguments  both  for  and 
 against  the  genuineness  of  the  later  chaptei-s  are  set 
 forth  fully  in  the  larger  Dictionary,  to  which  we 
 must  refer  the  reader.— With  legard  to  the  quotation 
 in  .St.  Matthew,  there  seems  no  good  reason  for  set- 
 ting asiile  the  received  reading.  Jerome  observes,  "  1 
 read  a  short  time  since,  in  a  Hebrew  volume,  which 
 a  Hebrew  of  the  sect  of  the  Nazarenes  presented  to 
 me,  an  a])ociyphal  book  of  Jeremiah,  in  wliidi  I 
 found  the  jxissage  word  for  word,  liut  still  I  am 
 rather  inclined  to  think  that  the  quotjxtion  is  made 
 
 ZECHARIAH 
 
 from  Zechariah."  Eusebius  is  of  opinion  that  the 
 passage  thus  quoted  stood  originally  in  the  piopliecy 
 of  .Jeremiah,  but  was  either  erased  subsequently  by 
 the  malice  of  the  Jews;  or  that  the  name  of 
 Zechariah  was  substituted  for  that  of  Jeremiah 
 through  the  carelessness  of  copyists.  Augustine 
 testifies  that  the  most  ancient  Greek  copies  had  Jere- 
 miah, and  thinks  that  the  mistvke  was  originally 
 St.  Matthew's.  Some  later  writers  accounted  for 
 the  non-appearance  of  the  ])ass.age  in  Jeremiah,  by 
 the  confusion  in  theGieek  MSS.  of  his  prophecies — 
 a  confusion,  however,  it  may  be  lemarked,  which  is 
 not  contined  to  the  (ireek,  but  which  is  found  no 
 less  in  our  present  Hebrew  text.  Othei-s  again 
 suggest  that  in  the  Greek  autograph  of  Matthew, 
 ZPIOY  may  have  beeu  written,  and  that  copyists 
 may  have  taken  this  for  IPIOT.  But  theie  is  no 
 evidence  that  abbreviations  of  this  kind  weie  in  use 
 so  early.  Epiphanins  and  some  of  the  Greek  Fathers 
 seem  to  have  read  iv  toIs  irpo<priTats.  And  the 
 most  ancient  copy  of  the  Latin  \'ersion  of  the  Gos- 
 pels omits  the  name  of  Jeremiah,  and  has  merely 
 dictum  est  per  I'rophetam.  It  h;u>  been  conjectured 
 that  tnis  represents  the  original  (u'eek  raiding,  .and 
 that  some  early  annotatoi-  wiote  'Itpffiiov  on  the 
 margin,  whence  it  crei)t  into  the  text.  The  choice 
 lies  between  this  and  a  slip  of  memory  on  the  jwrt 
 of  the  Evangelist,  if  we  admit  the  integrity  of  our 
 present  Book  of  Zechariah.  At  the  same  time  it 
 must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  p.assage  as  given 
 in  St.  Matthew  does  not  represent  exactly  either 
 the  Hebrew  text  of  Zech.iriah  or  the  version  of  the 
 LXX.— 2.  Son  of  Meshelemiali,  or  Shelemiah,  a 
 Korhite,  and  keeper  of  the  north  gate  of  the  taber- 
 nacle of  the  congregation  (1  Chr.  ix.  21). ^3.  One 
 of  the  sons  of  Jehiel  (1  Chr.  ix.  37).— 4.  A  Levite 
 of  the  second  order  in  the  Temjile  band  as  arranged 
 bv  David,  appointed  to  play  "  with  psjdteries  on 
 A'lamoth"  (1  Chr.  xv.  18,  20).— 5.  One  of  the 
 princes  of  Judah  in  the  reign  of  Jehoshaphat  (2  Chr. 
 xvii.  7). ^6.  Son  of  the  high-priest  Jchoiada,  in 
 the  reign  of  Joash  king  of  Judah  (2  Chr.  xxiv. 
 20),  and  therefore  the  king's  cousin.  After  the 
 death  of  Jehoiada  Zechariah  probably  succeeded  to 
 his  ollice,  and  in  attempting  to  check  the  reaction 
 in  favour  of  idolatry  which  immediately  (bllowed, 
 he  fell  a  victim  to  a  conspiracy  formed  against 
 him  by  the  king,  and  was  stoned  in  the  court 
 of  the  Temple.  The  memory  of  this  unrighteous 
 deed  lasted  long  in  Jewish  tradition,  and  the 
 evident  hold  which  the  story  had  taken  upon 
 the  minds  of  the  people  reudei-s  it  probable  that 
 "  Zacharias  son  of  Barachias,"  who  was  slain 
 between  the  Temple  and  the  altar  (Matt,  xxiii,  35), 
 is  the  same  with  Zechariah  the  son  of  Jehoiada, 
 and  that  the  name  of  Barachias  as  his  father  crept 
 into  the  text  from  a  marginal  gloss,  the  writer  con- 
 fusing this  Zecliariah  either  with  Zechariah  the  pro- 
 phet, who  was  the  son  of  Berechiah,  or  with  another 
 Zechaiiah  the  son  of  Jeberechiah  (Is.  viii.  2).— 7. 
 A  Kohathiti"  Levite  in  the  reign  of  Josiah  (2  Chr. 
 xxxiv.  12). — 8.  The  leader  of  the  sons  of  Pharosh 
 who  returned  with  Ezra  ( Ezr.  viii.  3\— 9.  Son  of 
 Bebai  (Ezr.  viii.  11).^— 10.  One  of  the  chiefs  of  the 
 people  whom  Ezra  summoned  in  council  at  the 
 river  Ahava  (Ezr.  viii.  \6).  He  stood  at  Ezra's 
 left  hand  when  he  ex])ounded  the  Law  to  the  |>eo]ile 
 (Neh.  viii.  4).— 11.  One  of  the  family  of  Elaui, 
 who  had  married  a  foreign  wife  after  the  Captivity 
 (Ezr.  X.  2(>).— 12.  Ancestor  of  Athaiah,  or  Uthai 
 (Neh.  xi.  4). ^13.  A  Shilonitc,  di-sccndaiit  of  I'erei 
 
ZED  AD 
 
 (Neh.  xi.  5).— 14,  A  priest,  son  of  Pashur  (Neh. 
 si.  12).— 15.  Tlie  representative  of  tiie  priestly 
 family  of  Iddo  in  the  days  of  Joiakim  the  son  of 
 Jeshua  (Neh.  xii.  16).  Possibly  the  same  as  Zecha- 
 }iah  the  prophet  the  son  of  Jddo.^16.  One  of  the 
 priests,  son  of  Jonathan,  who  blew  with  the  trum- 
 pets at  the  dedication  of  the  city  wall  by  Ezra  and 
 Nehemiah  (Neh.  xii.  35,  41). — 17.  A  chief  of  the 
 Keiibenites  at  the  time  of  the  captivity  by  Tiglath- 
 Pileser  (1  Chr.  v.  7).— 18.  One  of  the  priests  who 
 accompanied  the  ark  from  the  house  of  Obed-edom 
 (1  Chr.  XV.  24).— 19.  Son  of  Isshiah,  or  Jesiah,  a 
 Kohathite  I.evite  descended  from  Uzziel  (1  Chr. 
 xxiv.  25).— 20.  Fourth  son  of  Hosah  of  the  children 
 of  Merari  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  11). — 21.  A  Manassite 
 (1  Chr.  xxvii.  21).— 22.  The  father  of  Jahaziel  (2 
 Chr.  XX.  14).^23.  One  of  the  sons  of  Jehoshaphat 
 (2  Chr.  xxi.  2).— 24.  A  prophet  in  the  reign  of 
 Uzziah,  who  appears  to  have  acted  as  the  king's 
 counsellor,  but  of  whom  nothing  is  known  (2  Chr. 
 xxvi.  5).— 25.  The  father  of  Abijah,  or  Abi,  Heze- 
 kiah's  mother  (2  Chr.  xxix.  1).— 26.  One  of  the 
 i'amily  of  Asaph  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah  (2  Chr. 
 xxix.  13). — 27.  One  of  the  rulers  of  the  Temple  in 
 the  reign  of  .losiah  (2  Chr.  xxxv.  8).— 28.  The  son 
 of  .Jeberechiah,  who  was  taken  by  the  prophet  Isaiah 
 as  one  of  the  "  fiiithful  witnesses  to  record,"  when 
 lie  wrote  concerning  Maher-shalal-ha-sh-baz  (Is.  viii. 
 2).  He  ma)'  have  been  the  Levite  of  the  .same 
 name,  who  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah  asssisted  in 
 the  purification  of  the  Temple  (2  Chr.  xxix.  13). 
 Another  conjecture  is  that  he  is  the  same  as  Zecha- 
 liah  the  father  of  Abijah,  the  queen  of  Ahaz. 
 
 Zedad'.  One  of  the  landmarks  on  the  north 
 border  of  the  land  of  Israel,  as  promised  by  Moses 
 (Num.  xxxiv.  8)  and  as  restored  by  Ezekiel  (xlvii. 
 15).  A  place  named  Sudud  exists  to  the  east  of 
 the  northern  extremity  of  the  chain  of  Antilibanus, 
 about  50  miles  E.N.E.  of  Baalbec,  and  35  S.S.E. 
 of  Hums.  It  is  possible  that  this  may  ultimately 
 turn  out  to  be  identicjil  with  Zedad. 
 
 ZedecM'as.  Zedekiau  king  of  Judah  (1  Esd. 
 i.  4(3 1. 
 
 Zedeki'ah.  1.  The  last  king  of  Judah  and 
 Jerusalem.  He  was  the  son  of  Josiah  by  his  wile 
 Hamutal,  and  therefore  own  brother  to  Jehoahaz 
 (2  K.  xxiv.  18;  comp.  xxiii.  31).  His  original 
 name  had  been  Mattaniah,  which  was  changed  to 
 Zedekiah  by  Nebucliadnezzar,  when  he  c<nried  off 
 his  nephew  Jehoiachim  to  Babylon,  and  lelt  him  on 
 the  throne  of  Jerusalem.  Zedekiah  was  but  twenty- 
 one  j'ears  old  when  he  was  thus  placed  in  charge  of 
 an  impoverislied  kingdom,  and  a  city  which,  though 
 still  strong  in  its  natural  and  artiticial  impregna- 
 bility, was  bereft  of  wellnigh  all  its  defenders. 
 His  history  is  contained  in  a  sho]t  sketch  of  the 
 events  of  his  reign  given  in  2  K.  xxiv.  17-xxv.  7, 
 and  with  some  trifling  variations,  in  Jer.  xxxix.  1-7, 
 lii.  1-11,  together  with  the  still  shorter  summary 
 in  2  Chr.  xxxvi.  10,  &c. ;  and  also  in  Jer,  xxi. 
 xxiv.  xxvii.  xxviii.  xxix.  xxxii.  xxxiii.  xxxiv.  x.xxvii. 
 xxxviii.  and  Ez.  xvi.  11-21.  To  these  it  is  indis- 
 jiensable  to  add  the  narrative  of  Jose]ihus  {Ant,  x. 
 7,  1-8,  §2).  From  these  it  is  evident  that  Zedekiah 
 was  a  man  not  so  much  bad  at  heait  as  weak  in 
 will.  It  is  evident  from  Jer.  xxvii.  and  xxviii.  that 
 the  earlier  portion  of  Zedekiah 's  reign  was  marked 
 by  an  agitation  thi'oughout  the  whole  of  fc-yria 
 against  the  Babylonian  yoke.  Jerusalem  seems  to 
 have  taken  the  lead,  since  in  the  fourth  year  of 
 Zedekiah's  reign  we  find  ambassadors  from  all  the 
 
 ZEDEKIAH 
 
 1020 
 
 neighbouring  kingdoms — Tyre,  Sidon,  Edom,  and 
 Moab — at  his  court,  to  consult  as  to  the  steps  to  be 
 taken.  'I'his  happened  either  during  the  king's 
 absence  or  immediately  after  his  return  from  Baby- 
 lon, whither  he  went  on  some  errand,  the  nature  of 
 which  is  not  named,  but  which  may  have  been  an 
 attempt  to  blind  the  eyes  of  Nebuchadnezzar  to  his 
 contemplated  revolt  (Jer.  li.  59).  The  first  act  of 
 overt  lebellion  of  which  any  record  survives  was 
 the  formation  of  an  alliance  with  Egypt,  of  itself 
 equivalent  to  a  declaration  of  enmity  with  Babylon. 
 As  a  natural  consequence  it  brought  on  Jerusalem 
 an  immediate  invasion  of  the  Chaldeans.  The  men- 
 tion of  this  event  in  the  Bible,  though  sure,  is  ex- 
 tremely slight,  and  occurs  only  in  Jer.  xxxvii.  5-11, 
 xxxiv.  21,  and  Ez,  xvii.  15-20  ;  but  Josephus  (x.  7, 
 §3)  relates  it  more  fully,  and  gives  the  date  of  its 
 occurrence,  namely  the  eighth  year  of  Zedekiah. 
 It  appears  that  Nebuchadnezzar,  being  made  aware 
 of  Zedekiah's  defection,  either  by  the  non-payment 
 of  the  tribute  or  by  other  means,  at  once  sent  an 
 army  to  ravage  Judaea.  This  was  done,  and  the 
 whole  country  reduced,  except  Jerusalem  and  two 
 strong  places  in  the  western  plain,  Lachish  and 
 Azekah,  which  still  h<?ld  out  (Jer.  xxxiv.  7). 
 — In  the  mean  time  Pharaoh  had  moved  to  the 
 assistance  of  his  ally.  On  hearing  of  his  approach 
 the  Chaldeans  at  once  I'aised  the  siege  and  advanced  to 
 meet  him.  The  nobles  seized  the  moment  of  respite 
 to  reassert  their  power  over  the  king.  How  long 
 the  Bal'yionians  were  absent  from  Jerusalem  we 
 are  not  told.  All  we  certainly  know  is  tiiat  on  the 
 tentii  day  of  the  tenth  month  of  Zedekiah's  ninth 
 year  the  Chaldeans  were  again  before  the  ■  walls 
 (Jer.  lii,  4).  From  this  time  forward  the  siege 
 progressed  slowly  but  surely  to  its  consummation, 
 with  the  accompaniment  of  both  famine  and  pesti- 
 lence (Joseph.).  Zedekiah  again  interfered  to  pre- 
 serve the  life  of  Jeremiah  tiom  the  vengeance  of 
 the  princes  (xxxviii,  7-13),  and  then  occurred  the 
 interview  between  the  king  and  the  prophet,  which 
 affords  so  good  a  clue  to  the  condition  of  abject  de- 
 pendence into  which  a  long  course  of  opposition  had 
 brought  the  weak-minded  monarch.  While  the 
 king  was  hesitating  the  end  was  rapidly  coming 
 nearer.  The  city  was  indeed  reduced  to  the  last 
 extremity.  The  tire  of  the  besiegers  had  through- 
 out been  verj'  destructive  (Joseph.),  but  it  w;is 
 now  aided  by  a  severe  famine.  The  bread  had  for 
 long  been  consumed  (Jei.  xxxviii,  9),  and  all  the 
 terrible  expedients  had  been  ti-ied  to  which  the 
 wretched  iniiabitants  of  a  besieged  town  are  forced 
 to  resort  in  such  cases.  At  last,  after  sixteen 
 droadl'ul  months,  the  catastrophe  arrived.  It  was 
 on  the  ninth  day  of  the  fouith  month,  about  the 
 middle  of  July,  at  midnight,  as  Josephus  with  care- 
 ful minuteness  informs  us,  that  the  breach  in  those 
 stout  and  venerable  walls  was  effected.  The  moon, 
 nine  days  old,  had  gone  down  below  the  hills  whicli 
 Ibim  the  western  edge  of  the  basin  of  Jerusalem, 
 or  was  at  any  rate  too  low  to  illuminate  the  uttei- 
 darkness  which  reigns  in  the  narrow  lanes  of  an 
 eastern  town,  where  the  inhabitants  retire  early  to 
 rest,  and  where  there  are  but  few  windows  to  emit 
 light  from  the  interior  of  the  houses.  The  wretched 
 remnants  of  the  army,  starved  and  exhausted,  had 
 left  the  walls,  and  there  was  nothing  to  oppose  the 
 entrance  of  the  Chaldeans.  Passing  in  thiough  the 
 breach,  they  made  their  way,  as  their  custom  was, 
 to  the  centre  of  the  city,  and  for  the  first  time 
 the  Temple  was  entered  by  a  hostile  force.     The 
 
1030 
 
 ZEEB 
 
 alaim  quickly  spraij  tluough  the  !>lee|iing  city, 
 aiiil  ZeJekiaii,  collectiiu;  liis  wives  aiiiJ  chililreii 
 (jose|>li.),  and  sunouiiJing  hiinseif  with  the  li-w 
 soliliers  who  had  survived  the  accidents  ot"  the 
 siege,  made  his  way  out  of  the  city  at  tlie  opjwsite 
 end  to  that  at  which  tiie  Assyrians  had  entered,  bv 
 a  street  whicli  lan  between  two  wails,  and  issued 
 at  a  gate  above  the  loyal  gardens  and  the  Kountiiii 
 of  Siloum.  Thence  he  took  the  road  towards  the 
 Jonian.  On  the  way  they  were  met  and  recognised 
 by  some  of  the  Jews  who  had  foimeily  deseited  to 
 tlie  Ohaldeans.  15y  them  the  intelligence  was  com- 
 niiinicated,  and,  as  soon  as  the  dawn  of  day  per- 
 mitted it,  swilt  i>uisuit  was  made.  The  king's 
 jiarty  were  overtaken  near  Jericho,  when  just 
 within  sight  of  the  river.  A  (iew  of  the  penple 
 only  remained  round  the  person  of  the  king.  The 
 rest  fled  in  all  directions,  so  that  he  was  easily 
 taken.  Nebuchadnezzar  was  then  at  Hiblah,  at 
 the  upjvr  end  of  the  valley  of  Lebanon,  some  .'jj 
 miles  beyond  Baiilbec,  and  therefore  about  ten  days' 
 journey  from  Jerusalem.  'J'hither  Zedekiah  and 
 his  sons  were  despatched.  Nebuchadnezzar,  with  a 
 leHnement  of  cruelty  characteristic  of  those  cruel 
 times,  ordered  his  sons  to  be  killed  before  him,  and 
 lastly  his  own  eyes  to  be  thrust  put.  He  was  then 
 loaded  with  brazen  fetters,  and  at  a  later  period 
 taken  to  IJabylon,  where  he  die.!.— 2.  Son  of  Che- 
 naanah,  a  prophet  at  the  coui't  of  Aiiab,  head,  or, 
 if  not  head,  virtual  leader  of  the  college.  He  aj*- 
 jieai-s  but  once,  viz.,  as  spokesman  when  the  j)io- 
 phets  aie  consulted  by  Aliab  on  the  result  ot  his 
 proposed  expedition  to  l'aimoth-(ji lead  (1  K.  xxii. ; 
 '2  Chr.  xviii.).  Zedekiah  had  prepared  himself  for 
 the  interview  with  a  pair  of  iron  horns  after  the 
 symbolic  custom  of  the  prophets  (comp.  Jer.  xiii. 
 xix.),  the  horns  of  the  7-cein,  or  buffalo,  which  was 
 the  recognised  eniblem  of  the  tribe  of  E]ihraini 
 (Deut.  xxxiii.  17).  With  these,  in  the  interval  before 
 Miwiiah's  arrival,  he  illustrated  the  manner  in 
 which  Ahab  should  drive  the  Syrians  before  him. 
 When  Micaiah  appealed  and  had  delivered  his  pro- 
 phecy, Zedekiah  sprang  forward  and  struck  him  a 
 blow  on  the  face,  accompanying  it  by  a  taunting 
 sneer.  l'"or  this  he  is  threatened  by  Miuiiah  in 
 terms  which  are  hardly  intelligible  to  us,  but 
 which  evidently  allude  to  some  [lei-soiial  danger  to 
 Zedekiah.  Josephus  i elates  that  after  Miaiiah  had 
 spoken,  Zedekiah  again  came  forward,  and  de- 
 nounced him  as  false  on  the  ground  that  his  pro- 
 I)hecy  contradicted  the  prediction  of  Elijah,  that 
 Ahab's  blood  should  be  licked  up  by  dogs  in  tiie 
 lield  of  Naboth  of  Jezreel ;  and  as  a  further  proof 
 that  he  was  an  iinpostoi-,  he  struck  him,  daring 
 him  to  do  what  Iddo,  in  somewhat  similar  circum- 
 stiinces,  had  done  to  Jeroboam — viz.,  wither  his 
 tiand.  As  to  the  question  of  what  Zedekiah  and 
 his  followeiTi  were,  whether  j)r(>])hets  of  Jehovah  or 
 of  some  fal.se  deity,  it  seems  hardly  ])ossible  to  enter- 
 lain  any  doubt. ^3.  The  son  of  Maasciah,  a  liilse 
 prophet  in  Babylon  (Jer.  xxix.  21,  22),  He  was 
 denounred  in  the  letter  of  Jeremiah  for  having, 
 with  .Xhab  the  son  of  Kolaiah,  buoyed  up  the  |ieople 
 with  false  hoiie.s,  and  for  protane  and  flagitious 
 conduct.  Their  names  were  to  become  a  bywoiil, 
 and  tlieir  lenible  fate  a  warning.— 4.  The  .son  of 
 llaiianiali,  one  of  the  piinc^s  of  Judah  in  the  time 
 of  Jeivmiuh  (Jer.  xxxvi.  12). 
 
 Z66b.  One  of'  the  two  "princes''  of  Midian  in 
 thi!  gieiit  invasion  of  Israel,  lie  is  always  naine<l 
 •vilh  OULli  (Jtidg.  vii.  2.>,  viii.  .1 ;  Ts.  Ix.vxiii.  1 1  >. 
 
 ZEMARITE 
 
 Zeeb  and  Oieb  weie  slain,  jirobably  in  crossing  tin; 
 .lordan  at  a  foitl  further  down  the  liver.  Zeeb, 
 the  wolf,  w.is  brought  to  bay  in  a  winepress  which 
 in  later  times  bore  his  name — the  "  winepress  of 
 Zeeb." 
 
 Ze'lah.  One  of  the  cities  in  the  allotment  of 
 Benjamin  (Josh,  xviii.  2Sj.  Its  place  in  the  list  b 
 between  Taralah  and  ha-Elej)!!.  None  of  these 
 places  have,  however,  been  yet  discovered.  The 
 interest  of  Zelah  resides  in  the  (act  that  it  con- 
 tained the  family  tomb  of  Kish  the  father  of  Saul 
 (2  Sam.  xxi.  14.) 
 
 Zel'Cik.  An  Ammonite,  one  of  David's  guaitl  (2 
 Sam.  xxiii.  M  ;   1  Chr.  xi.  IJ9). 
 
 Zeloph'ehad.  Son  of  Hepher,  son  of  Gilead. 
 son  of  Machir,  son  of  Manasseli  (Josh.  xvii.  3). 
 He  was  ajipareiitly  the  second  son  of  his  father 
 HejAer  (1  Chr.  vii.  15).  Zeloi)hehad  came  out  of 
 Kgypt  with  Moses,  but  died  in  the  wilderness,  as  did 
 the  whole  of  that  generation  (Num.  xiv.  3'),  xxvii. 
 3).  On  his  death  without  male  lieii's,  his  five 
 daughters,  just  after  the  second  numbering  in  the 
 wildernes.s,  came  before  Moses  and  Hleazar  to  claim 
 the  inheritance  of  their  father  in  the  tribe  of 
 Manasseh.  The  claim  was  admitted  by  Divine 
 direction  (Num.  xxvi.  33,  xxvii.  1-11). 
 
 Zelo'tes.  The  ejiithet  given  to  the  Apostle 
 Simon  to  distinguish  him  from  Simon  Peter  (Luke 
 vi.  15 1  [Canaamti:  ;  Simon  5.] 
 
 Zel'zah.  A  place  named  once  only  (1  Sam.  x. 
 2),  iis  on  the  boundary  of  Benjamin,  close  to  Richel's 
 sepulchre.  No  acceptiible  identification  of  Zelzah 
 has  been  proijosal.  It  is  usually  considered  as  ideu- 
 tic;d  with  Zelah,  the  home  of  Kish  luid  Saul,  and 
 that  again  with  Beit-jala.  But  this  is  not  tenable  ; 
 at  any  rate  there  is  nothing  to  support  it. 
 
 Zemara'im.  One  of  the  towns  of  the  allotment 
 of  Benjamin  (Josh,  xviii.  22).  it  is  named  be- 
 tween Beth-ha-Aiabah  and  Bethel,  and  tlierefore 
 we  should  exi)ect  to  find  Zemaraim  either  in  the 
 valley  or  in  some  position  on  its  western  edge, 
 between  it  and  Bethel.  In  the  former  ciise  a  trace 
 of  the  name  may  remain  in  C/iiirbct  el-Szomra  or 
 es-Suiiirah,  about  4  miles  north  of  Jericho.  In  the 
 latter  case  Zemaraim  may  be  connected,  or  identii^l, 
 with  Mount  Zkmauaim,  which  must  have  been 
 in  the  highland  district.  In  either  event  Zemaraiir. 
 may  have  derived  it<  name  from  the  ancient  tribe 
 of  the  Zemarim  or  Zi'inariles. 
 
 Zemara'im,  Momit.  An  eminence  mentioned 
 in  2  Chr.  xiii.  4  only.  It  was  "  in  Mount 
 Kphraim,"  that  is  to  siiy  within  the  general  district 
 of  the  highlands  of  that  gieal  tril*.  It  appeal's  to 
 have  been  close  to  the  scene  of  the  engagement 
 mentioned  in  the  narrative,  which  again  may  b« 
 infeiTed  to  have  been  south  of  Bethel  and  Kphraim 
 (ver.  19).  Whether  Mount  Zemaraim  is  identii-al 
 with,  or  related  to,  the  i>lace  of  the  same  name 
 mentioneil  in  the  pi-eceding  article,  cannot  be  ascer- 
 tained. 
 
 Zem'arite,  the.  One  of  the  Hamite  triU's  who, 
 in  the  gi-iie.ilo-ical  table  of  Cieii.  x.  (ver.  18)  and 
 1  Chron.  i,  (^ver.  IG),  are  represeiitetl  as  "sons  of 
 Canaan."  Nothing  is  certainly  known  of  this  ancient 
 tribe.  The  old  iiiterpretei-s  (Jerusalem  Targuin, 
 Arabic  Version,  Sic.)  jilace  them  at  Kme.ssii,  the  mo- 
 dern Iliiiiis.  Michaelis  proposes  to  loi-ate  them  at 
 Smiira  (the  Simyra  of  the  classical  geognipheii;), 
 which  name  is  mentioned  by  Shaw  as  attached  t*>  a 
 site  of  ruins  near  Arlut,  on  the  west  roiusl  of  Syria, 
 l<)  or  11  luiles  above  Tripoli.     On  tiie  new  Froiidi 
 
ZEMIRA 
 
 map  of  the  Lebanon  it  ;i])])ears  as  Kohhct  own 
 Shouiura,  and  lies  between  Arka  and  the  Mediter- 
 ranean. Beyond,  liowever,  the  resemblance  in  the 
 names,  and  the  proximity  of  iJxoc?  and  Arka,  there 
 is  nothing  to  prove  that  Sumra  or  Shoumra  have 
 any  connexion  with  the  Tsemarites  of  the  ancient 
 rt^rords. 
 
 Zem'ira.  One  of  the  sons  of  Becher  the  son  of 
 Benjamin  (1  Chr.  vii.  8). 
 
 Zenan'.  One  of  the  towns  in  the  allotment  of 
 Jiidah,  situated  iu  the  district  of  the  Shefelah 
 (Josh.  XV.  37).  It  is  probably  identical  with 
 Zaanan.  Schwarz  (103)  proposes  to  identify  it 
 with  "  the  village  Zau-abra,  situated  2J  English 
 miles  S.E.  of  Mareshah."  By  this  he  doubtless  in- 
 tends the  place  which  in  the  lists  of  liobinson  is 
 ciilled  es-Senabirah.  But  this  identification  is  more 
 than  doubtful. 
 
 Ze'nas,  a  believer,  and,  as  may  be  inferred  from 
 the  context,  a  preacher  of  the  Gospel,  who  is  men- 
 tioned in  'fit.  iii.  13  in  connexion  with  Apollos. 
 He  is  further  described  as  "  the  lawyer."  It  is 
 impossible  to  determine  whether  Zenas  was  a  Roman 
 jurisconsult  or  a  Jewish  doctor.  Grotius  thinks 
 that  he  was  a  Greek  who  had  studied  Roman  law. 
 The  N.  T.  usage  of  vofjuKSs  leads  rather  to  the 
 otiier  inference. 
 
 Zephani'ah..  1,  The  pedigree  of  Zephaniah,  ch. 
 i.  1,  is  traced  to  his  fourth  ancestor,  Hezekiali:  sup- 
 posed by  A  ben  Ezra  to  be  the  celebrated  king  of  that 
 name.  Analysis.  Chap.  i.  The  utter  desolation  of 
 Judaea  is  predicted  as  a  jiidgment  for  idolatry,  and 
 neglect  of  the  Lord,  the  luxury  of  the  princes,  and  the 
 violence  and  deceit  of  their  dependents  (3-9).  The 
 piosperity,  security,  and  insolence  of  the  people  is 
 contrasted  with  the  horrors  of  the  day  of  wrath 
 (10-18).  Ch.  ii.,  a  call  to  repentance  (1-3),  witli 
 prediction  of  the  ruin  of  the  cities  of  the  Philistines, 
 and  the  restoration  of  the  house  of  Judah  after  the 
 visitation  (4-7).  Other  enemies  of  Judah,  Moab, 
 Amnion,  are  threatened  with  perpetual  destruction 
 (8-15).  Ch.  iii.  The  prophet  addresses  Jerusalem, 
 which  he  reproves  sharply  for  vice  and  disobedience 
 (1-7).  He  then  concludes  with  a  series  of  promises 
 (8-20).  The  chief  characteristics  of  this  book  are 
 the  unity  and  haimony  of  the  composition,  the 
 grace,  eneigy,  and  dignity  of  its  style,  and  the 
 rapid  and  eflective  alternations  of  threats  and  pro- 
 mises. The  general  tone  of  the  last  portion  is 
 Jlessianic,  but  without  any  specific  reference  to  the 
 Pei-son  of  our  Lord.  The  date  of  the  book  is  given 
 in  the  inscription  ;  vix.  the  reign  of  Josiah,  from 
 64-2  to  611  u.c.  It  is  most  probable,  moreover, 
 that  the  prophecy  was  delivered  before  the  18th 
 vear  of  Josiah. — 3.  A  Kohathite  Levite,  ancestor 
 of  Samuel  and  Heman  ( 1  Chr.  vi.  36  [21]).— 3.  The 
 son  of  llaaseiah  (Jer.  xxi.  1),  and  sagan  or  second 
 priest  iu  the  reign  of  Zedekiah.  He  succeeded  Je- 
 hoiada  (Jer.  xxix.  2.5,  26),  and  was  probably  a  ruler 
 of  tlie  Temple,  who.-e  oHice  it  was  among  others  to 
 punish  pretenders  to  the  gift  of  piophecy.  In  this 
 capacity  he  was  appealed  to  by  Shemaiah  the  Ne- 
 helamite  to  punish  Jeremiah  (Jer.  xxix.  29).  Twice 
 was  he  sent  from  Zedekiah  to  inquire  of  Jeremiah 
 the  issue  of  the  siege  of  the  city  by  the  Chaldeans 
 (Jer.  xxi.  1),  and  to  implore  him  to  intercede  for 
 the  people  (Jer.  xxxvii.  3).  On  the  capture  of  Je- 
 rtisalem  he  w;ui  taken  and  slain  at  Riblah  (Jer.  Iii. 
 24,  27  ;  2  Iv.  xxv.  18,  21).— 4.  Father  of  Josiah  2 
 'Zech.  vi.  10),  and  of  Hen,  according  to  the  read- 
 ing of  the  received  te.\t  of  Zech.  vi.  14. 
 
 ZERAH 
 
 1031 
 
 Zephath'.  The  earlier  name  (Judg.  i.  17)  of  a 
 Canaanite  town,  which  aft«r  its  aipture  and  de- 
 struction was  called  by  the  Israelites  Hokmah. 
 Two  identificitions  have  been  proposed  for  Zephath  : 
 that  of  Dr.  Robinson  with  the  well-known  Pass 
 es-Sufd,  by  which  the  ascent  is  made  from  the  bor- 
 ders of  the  A^-abah  to  the  higher  level  of  the  "  South 
 country,"  and  that  of  Mr.  Rowlands  with  Sebata, 
 2J  hours  beyond  Khalasa,  on  the  road  to  Suez,  and 
 \  of  an  hour  north  ot'Hohebeh  ov  Ruheibeh.  On  the 
 ideutifiavtion  of  Mr.  Rowlands  some  doubt  is  thrown 
 by  the  want  of  certainty  as  to  tlie  name. 
 
 Zs'phathah,  the  Valley  of.  The  spot  in  which 
 Asa  joined  battle  with  Zeiah  the  Ethiopian  (2  Chr. 
 xiv.  10  only).  It  was  "  at  "  or  rather  "  belonging 
 to"  Mareshah.  This  would  seem  to  exclude  the 
 possibility  of  its  being,  as  suggested  by  Dr.  Robinson, 
 at  Tell  es-Sqfieh,  which  is  not  less  than  8  miles  from 
 Marash,  the  modern  representative  of  Maresliah. 
 
 Ze'phi,  1  Chr.  i.  36.     [Zepho.] 
 
 Ze'pho.  A  sou  of  Eliphaz  son  of  Esau  (Gen. 
 xsxvi.  11),  and  one  of  the  "  dukes,"  or  phylarchs, 
 of  the  Edomites  (ver.  15).  Iu  1  Chr.  i.  36  he  is 
 called  Zephi. 
 
 Zeph'on.  Ziphion  the  son  of  Gad  (Num.  xxvi. 
 15),  and  ancestor  of  the  family  of  the  Zephonites. 
 
 Zeph'onites,  the.  A  branch  of  the  tribe  of 
 Gad,  descended  from  Zephon  or  Ziphion  (Num. 
 xxvi.  15). 
 
 Zer.  One  of  the  fortified  towns  of  the  allotment 
 of  Naphtali  (Josh.  xix.  35  only),  probably  in  the 
 neighbourhood  of  the  S.W.  side  of  the  Lake  of  Gen- 
 nesareth  ;  but  no  similar  name  appears  to  have  been 
 yet  discovered  in  the  neiglibourhocd  of  Tiberias. 
 
 Ze'rah.  A  sou  of  Reuel  sou  of  Esau  (Gen.  xxxvi. 
 lo ;  1  Chr.  i.  37),  and  one  of  the  "  dukes,"  or  phy- 
 laiclis,  of  the  Edomites  (Gen.  xxxvi.  17). 
 
 Ze'rah,  less  projjerly,  Zaraii.  Twin  son  with 
 his  elder  brother  Pharez  of  Juilah  and  Tamar  (Gen. 
 xxxviii.  30;  1  Chr.  ii.  6;  Matt.  i.  3).  His  de- 
 scendants were  called  Zarhites,  Ezrahites,  and 
 Izrahites  (Num.  xxvi.  20;  1  K.  iv.  31;  1  Chr. 
 xxvii.  8,  11).— 2.  Son  of  Simeon  (1  Chr.  iv.  24), 
 called  ZoHAii  in  Gen.  xlvi.  10. — 3.  A  Gershonite 
 Levite,  son  of  Iddo  or  Adaiah  (1  Chr.  vi.  21,  41 
 [Heb.  vi.  26]  ^— 4.  'I'he  Ethiopian  or  Cushite,  an 
 invader  of  Judah,  defeated  by  Asa.  1.  In  its  form 
 the  name  is  identical  with  the  Hebrew  proper  name 
 above.  It  has  Ijeen  supposed  to  represent  the  Egyj>- 
 tian  USARKEN,  possibly  pronounced  USARCHEN, 
 a  name  almost  certainly  of  Semitic  origin.  2.  The 
 war  between  ksa  and  Zerah  appears  to  have  taken 
 place  soon  after  the  10th,  and  shoitly  before  the 
 15th,  year  of  Asa,  probably  late  in  the  14th.  it 
 therefore  occurred  in  about  the  same  year  of 
 Usarken  II.,  fourth  king  of  the  xxiind  dynasty, 
 who  began  to  reign  about  the  same  time  as  the 
 king  of  Judah.  Asa's  reign,  as  fer  as  the  14th  year 
 inclusive,  was  B.C.  cir.  953-940,  or,  if  Blanasseh's 
 reign  be  reckoned  of  35  years,  933-920.  3.  The 
 first  ten  years  of  Asa's  reign  weie  undisturbed  by 
 war.  Then  Asa  took  counsel  with  his  subjects,  and 
 walled  and  fortified  the  cities  of  Judah.  He  also 
 mainUiiued  an  army  of  580,000  men,  300,000 
 spearmen  of  Judah,  and  280,000  archers  of  Ben- 
 jamin (2  Chr.  xiv.  1-8).  At  length,  probably  in 
 the  14th  3'ear  of  Asa,  the  anticipated  danger  came. 
 Zerah,  the  Ethiopian,  with  a  mighty  army  of  a  mil- 
 lion, invaded  the  kingdom,  and  advanced  unopposed 
 in  the  field  as  fai-  ;is  Mareshah.  The  invading  army 
 had  swarmed  across  the  border  and  devoured  the 
 
1032  ZERAHIAH 
 
 Philisfine  fields  before  Asa  could  march  to  meet  it. 
 "  III  the  Valle)- of  Zephathah  atMareshah,"  tlie  two 
 armies  met.  We  cannot  peii'ecti}'  determine  the 
 site  of  the  battle.  From  the  pra_ver  of  Asa  we  may 
 jiidk^e  that,  wlien  he  came  upon  the  invadinj;  army, 
 he  saw  its  hiigeness,  and  so  that,  as  he  descended 
 through  a  valley,  it  lay  spread  out  beneath  him. 
 The  Kgyptian  monnments  enable  us  to  picture  the 
 general  disposition  of  Zerah's  army.  The  chariots 
 foimed  the  first  coi-ps  in  a  single  or  double  line ; 
 behind  them,  massed  in  jihalanxes,  were  heavy- 
 armed  troops;  probably  on  the  flanks  stood  arrliers 
 and  horsemen  in  lighter  fbimations.  No  doubt  the 
 Ethiopian,  confident  in  his  numbers,  disdained  to 
 attack  the  Hebrews  or  clear  the  heights,  but  waited 
 in  the  broad  valley,  or  the  plain.  Asa's  prayer 
 before  the  battle  is  full  of  the  noble  faith  of  the  age 
 of  the  Judges,  The  chariots,  broken  by  the  chaige 
 and  with  horses  made  unmanageable  by  flights  of 
 arrows,  must  have  been  forced  back  upon  the 
 cumbrous  host  behind.  "So  the  LORD  smote  the 
 Ethiopians  before  Asa,  and  before  Judah  ;  and  the 
 Kthiojiinns  fled.  And  Asa  and  the  people  that 
 [weie]  with  him  pursued  them  unto  Gerar  :  and 
 [or  "  for  "J  the  Etiiiopians  were  overthrown,  that 
 they  could  not  recover  themselves."  So  complete 
 was  the  overthrow,  that  the  Hebrews  could  capture 
 and  spoil  the  cities  around  Geiah,  which  must  have 
 been  in  alliance  with  Zerah.  The  after  years  of  Asa 
 were  troubled  with  wars  (ver.  9)  ;  but  they  were 
 with  Baasha  (1  K.  xv.  IG,  32).  Zerah  and  his  people 
 had  been  too  signally  crushed  to  attack  him  again. 
 4.  The  identification  of  Zei-ah  lias  occasioned  some 
 difference  of  opinion.  He  has  been  thought  to  have 
 been  a  Cusliite  of  Arabia,  or  a  Ciishito  of  Ethio])ia 
 .above  Egypt.  But  lately  it  has  been  supposed  that 
 Zerah  is  the  Hebrew  name  of  Usaiken  I.,  second  king 
 of  the  Kgyptian  xxiiiid  dynasty  ;  or  perhaps  more 
 probably  Usarken  Jl.,  his  second  successor.  The 
 composition  of  the  army  of  Zei'ah,  of  Cushim  and 
 I.ubim  (2  Chr.  xvi.  8),  closely  resembles  that  of 
 Shisliak,  of  Lubim,  Sukkiim,  and  Cushim  (xii.  3): 
 both  armies  also  had  chariots  and  hoi'semen  (xvi.  8, 
 xii.  3).  The  Cushim  might  have  been  of  an  Asiatic 
 Cush,  but  the  Lubim  can  oidy  have  been  Africans. 
 The  aimy,  therefore,  must  have  been  of  a  king  of 
 Egypt,  or  Ethiopia  above  Egypt.  The  uncer- 
 tainty is  remove<l  by  our  finding  that  the  kings  of 
 the  xxiind  dynasty  employed  mercenaries  of  the 
 MASHUVVASHA,  a  Libyan  tribe,  which  ajiparently 
 supplied  the  most  imi)orlant  part  of  thoii'  hiied  force. 
 'I'liat  the  aimy  was  of  an  Egyptian  king  theicfbre 
 cannot  be  doubti^L  As  to  the  identification  of 
 Zerah  with  an  Usarken,  we  speak  diffidently.  The 
 name  Usjirkeii  has  been  thought  to  be  .Sargon,  in 
 which  case  it  is  unlikely,  but  not  impossible,  that 
 another  Hebrew  or  Shemitic  name  should  have 
 Iteen  adopted  to  represent  the  I'^gyptian  form.  On 
 the  other  haii<i,  flie  kings  of  the  xxiind  dynastv 
 were  of  a  warlike  fiimily,  and  their  sons  constantly 
 lii'ld  military  commands.  It  is  unlikely  that  an 
 important  aimy  would  have  been  intrusted  to  any 
 but  ;i  king  or  prince.  Usaiken  is  less  remote  from 
 Zeiah  than  seems  at  first  sight,  and,  according  to  our 
 '•oniputalion,  Zerah  might  have  been  Usai-keu  H., 
 but  arcoKJiu'^  to  I)r.  Hincks's,  Usarken  I. 
 
 Zerahi'ah.  A  priest,  son  of  Uzzi,  and  ancestor 
 of  Ezra  the  Scribe  (\  ("hr.  vi.  0,  r,l  [Hob.  v.  32, 
 vi.  3(;]  ;  Kzr.  vii.  4). ^2.  Father  of  Elihoenai  of 
 thHfoiisof  Pahath  Moah  ( K/.r.  viii.  4). 
 
 Zer'ed.     'i'he  name  of"  c  brook  or  valley  running 
 
 ZERUBBABEL 
 
 into  the  Dead  Sea  near  its  .S.E.  comer,  wliich 
 Dr.  b'obinson  with  some  probability  suggests  .as 
 identical  with  the  Wadij  el-Ahsij.  It  lay  between 
 Moab  and  Kdom,  and  is  the  limit  of  the  proper  term 
 of  the  Israelites'  wandering  TDeut.  ii.  14 ).  Laborde, 
 arguing  from  the  distance,  thinks  that  the  source  of 
 the  Wad>i  Glmrundel  in  the  Arabah  is  the  site. 
 The  Wad<i  cl-Afis;/  forms  the  boundary  between  the 
 districts  of  Jehd  and  Kerch. 
 
 Zer'eda.  The  native  place,  according  to  the 
 present  Hebrew  text,  of  Jeroboam.  It  occui-s  in 
 1  K.  xi.  2G  only.  The  LXX.  (in  the  Vatican 
 Codex)  for  Zereda  substitute  Sareira.  In  the  long 
 addition  to  the  history  of  Jeroboam  which  these 
 translators  insert  between  1  K.  xii.  24  and  25  of 
 the  Hebrew  text,  Sareira  is  frequently  mentioned. 
 It  there  appears  as  the  town  which  Jeroboam  forti- 
 fied for  Solomon  in  Mount  Ejihraim  ;  thither  he  re- 
 pairs on  his  return  from  Egy])t ;  there  he  assembles 
 the  tribe  of  Ejihiaim,  and  there  he  builds  a  fortress. 
 The  LXX.  further  make  it  the  residence  of  Jero- 
 boam at  the  time  of  the  death  of  his  child,  and  they 
 substitute  it  for  Tirzah  three  times  over.  Zeredali 
 has  been  supposed  to  be  identical  with  ZKRiiDA- 
 TiiAii  (2  Chr.  iv.  17)  and  Zautiian'  or  Zau- 
 TANAir.  But  the  two  last  were  in  the  valley  of 
 the  Jordan,  while  Zerc<iah  was,  according  to  the 
 repeated  statement  of  the  LXX.  on  Mount  Ephraim. 
 
 Zere'dathah.  Named  (in  2  Chr.  iv.  17  only) 
 in  s]X'cifying  the  situation  of  the  foundries  for  the 
 brass-work  of  Solomon's  Teniiile.  In  the  parallel 
 passat'e  in  1  K.  vii.  46  Zautiian  occupies  the  place 
 of  Zeredathah. 
 
 Zer'erath.  A  place  named  only  in  Judg.  vii. 
 22,  in  describing  the  flight  of  the  Midianite  host 
 before  Gideon.  It  is  natural  to  jiiesunie  that  Ze- 
 reratli  is  the  same  name  as  Zeredathah.  They  both 
 a])pear  to  have  been  in  the  Jordan  valley.  It  is 
 also  dilTicult  not  to  suppose  that  Zererath  is  the 
 same  jilace  with  the  Sarira  which  the  LXX.  present 
 as  the  equivalent  of  Zereda  and  of  'I'irzah. 
 
 Zer'esh.  The  wife  of  Haman  the  Agagitc  (Estli. 
 V.  lu,  14,  vi.  13). 
 
 Zer'eth.  Son  of  Ashur  the  founder  of  Tckoa, 
 by  his  wife  Helah  (1  Chr.  iv.  7). 
 
 Ze'ri.  One  of  the  sons  of  Jodutlran  in  the  reigii 
 of  David  (1  Chr.  xxv.  3). 
 
 Zer'or.  A  Benjamite,  ancestor  of  Kish  the  father 
 of  Saul  { 1  Sam.  ix.  1). 
 
 Zer'nah.  'I'he  mother  of  Jeroboam  the  son  of 
 Xebat  ( I  K.  xi.  26). 
 
 Zerub'babel.  The  head  of  a  tribe  of  Juilah  at 
 the  time  of  the  leturii  from  the  Babylonish  Ca))- 
 tivity  in  the  first  year  of  Cyrus.  His  exact  parent- 
 age is  a  little  obscure,  from  his  being  always  called 
 tiie  son  of  Shealtiel  (Ezr.  iii.  2,  8,  v.' 2,  &c.  ;  Hagg. 
 i.  1,  12,  14,  &<•.),  ;ind  ajipearing  as  such  in  thi; 
 genealogies  (Matt.  i.  12;  Luke  iii.  27),  where.^s  in 
 1  Chr.  iii.  19,  he  is  represented  as  the  son  of  Pe- 
 daiah,  Shealtiel  or  Salathiel's  brother,  and  conse- 
 quently as  Salathiel's  nc])hew.  Probably  the  genea- 
 logy in  1  Chr.  exhibits  his  true  parentage,  and  he 
 siicceeilfd  his  uncle  .as  heail  of  the  house  of  Judah. 
 The  history  of  Zerubbabel  in  the  Scriptures  is  as 
 follows: — In  the  first  year  of  t^yrus  he  was  living 
 at  Bjibylon,  and  wa.stlie  recognised  prince  (>f  Judaii 
 in  the  Cajjtivily,  what  in  lat<'r  times  was  called  "  the 
 Prince  of  the  Captivity,"  or  "the  Prime."  On 
 the  issuini;  of  Cyrus's  rjcciee  he  immediately  availed 
 himself  of  it,  and  placed  himself  at  the  head  of 
 tlios<'  of  his  cuniitryineii  "  whose  sjiirit  t!oil  had 
 
ZERUBBABEL 
 
 raised  to  go  up  to  build  tlie  House  of  the  Lord 
 which  is  in  Jerusalem.'"  It  is  probable  that  he 
 Wiis  in  the  king  of  Babylon's  service,  both  from  his 
 having;,  like  Daniel  and  the  three  children,  received 
 a  Chaldee  name  [Sheshbazzar],  and  from  his  re- 
 ceiving from  Cyrus  the  office  of  governor  of  Judaea. 
 On  arriving  at  Jerusalem,  Zerubbabcl's  first  care 
 was  to  build  tlie  altar  on  its  old  site,  and  to  restore 
 the  daily  sacrifice.  But  his  great  work,  which  he 
 set  about  immediately,  was  the  rebuilding  of  the 
 'I'emple.  In  the  second  month  of  the  second  year 
 of  their  retain,  the  foundation  was  laid  with  all 
 the  pomp  which  they  could  command.  But  there 
 Vi'ere  many  hindrances  and  delays  to  be  encounteied 
 before  the  work  was  finished.  The  Samaritans  or 
 Cutheans  put  in  a  claim  to  join  with  the  Jews  in 
 rebuilding  the  Temple ;  and  when  Zerubbabel  and 
 his  comjianions  refused  to  admit  them  into  partner- 
 ship they  tried  to  hinder  them  from  building,  and 
 hired  counsellors  to  frustrate  their  purpose.  Thej- 
 were  successful  in  putting  a  stop  to  the  work  during 
 the  seven  remaining  years  of  the  reign  of  Cyrus, 
 and  through  the  eiglit  years  of  Cambyses  and 
 Smerdis.  Nor  does  Zerublsabel  appear  quite  blame- 
 less for  this  long  delay.  The  difficulties  in  the  way 
 of  building  the  Temple  were  not  such  as  need  have 
 stopped  the  work  ;  and  during  this  long  suspension 
 of  sixteen  years  Zerubbabc-l  and  the  rest  of  the 
 people  had  been  busy  in  building  costly  houses  for 
 themselves.  But  in  the  second  year  of  Daiius  light 
 dawned  upon  the  darkness  of  the  colony  from  Ba- 
 bylon. In  that  year — it  was  the  most  memorable 
 event  in  Zerubbabel's  life — the  spirit  of  prophecy 
 suddenly  blazed  up  with  a  most  brilliant  light 
 amongst  the  returned  captives.  Their  words  fell 
 like  sparks  upon  tinder.  In  a  moment  Zerubbabel, 
 roused  from  his  apathy,  threw  his  whole  strength 
 into  the  work,  zealously  seconded  by  Jeshua  and  all 
 the  people.  Undeterred  by  a  fresh  attempt  of  their 
 enemies  to  hinder  the  progress  of  the  building,  they 
 went  on  with  the  work  even  while  a  reference  was 
 being  made  to  Darius ;  and  when,  after  the  original 
 decree  of  Cyrus  had  been  found  at  Ecbatana.  a 
 most  gracious  and  favourable  decree  was  issued  by 
 Darius,  enjoining  Tatnai  and  Shetharboznai  to  assist 
 the  Jews  with  whatsoever  they  had  need  of  at  the 
 king's  expense,  the  work  advanced  so  rapidly  tliat 
 on  the  third  day  of  the  month  Adar,  in  the  si.xth 
 year  of  Darius,  the  Temple  was  finished,  and  was 
 forthwith  dedicated  with  much  pomp  and  rejoicing. 
 The  only  other  works  of  Zerubbabel  wliich  we 
 learn  from  the  Scripture  historv  are  the  restoration 
 of  the  courses  of  priests  and  Levites,  and  of  the 
 provision  for  their  maintenance,  according  to  the 
 institution  of  David  (Ezr.  vi.  18  ;  Neh.  xii.  47)  ; 
 the  registei'ing  the  returned  captives  according  to 
 their  genealogies  (Neh.  vii.  5) ;  and  the  keeping  of 
 a  Passover  in  the  seventh  year  of  Darius,  with 
 which  last  event  ends  all  that  we  know  of  the  life 
 of  Zerubbabel  theson  of  Shealtiel.  The  ajwcryphal 
 history  of  Zerubbabel,  which,  as  usual,  Josephus 
 follows,  may  be  summed  up  in  a  few  words.  The 
 story  told  in  1  Esdr.  iii.-vii.  is,  that  on  the  occasion 
 of  a  great  feast  made  by  Darius  on  his  accession, 
 three  young  men  of  his  body-guard  had  a  contest 
 who  should  write  the  wisest  sentence.  That  one 
 of  the  three  (Zerubbabel)  writing  "  Women  ai-e 
 strongest,  but  above  all  things  Truth  beareth  away 
 the  victory,"  and  afterwards  defending  his  sentence 
 with  much  eloiiuence,  was  declaied  by  acclamation 
 to  be  the  wisest,  and  claimed  for  his  reward,  at  the 
 
 ZICHRI 
 
 1033 
 
 king's  hand,  that  the  king  should  perform  his  vovf 
 which  he  had  vowed  to  rebuild  Jerusalem  and  the 
 Temple.  Upon  which  the  king  gave  him  letters  to 
 all  his  treasurers  and  governors  on  the  other  side 
 the  river,  with  grants  of  money  and  exemption 
 from  taxes,  and  sent  him  to  rebuild  .lerusalem  and 
 the  Temple,  accompanied  by  the  families  of  which 
 the  list  is  given  in  Ezr.  ii.,  Neh.  vii. ;  and  then 
 follows,  in  utter  confusion,  the  history  of  Zerub- 
 babel as  given  in  Scripture.  Josephus  has  al-'O 
 another  story  (^Ant.  xi.  4,  §9)  which  is  not  found 
 in  1  Esdr.,  of  Zorobabel  going  on  an  embassy  to 
 Darius.  It  only  lemains  to  notice  Zerubbabel's 
 place  in  the  genealogy  of  Christ.  It  has  already 
 been  observed  that  in  the  genealogies  Matt.  i.  12, 
 and  Luke  iii.  27,  he  is  represented  as  son  of  Sala- 
 thiel,  though  the  Book  of  Chronicles  tells  us  he  was 
 the  son  of  Pedainh,  and  nephew  of  Salathiel.  It  is 
 of  more  moment  to  remark  that,  while  St.  Matthew 
 deduces  his  line  from  Jechonias  and  Solomon,  St, 
 Lul<e  deduces  it  through  Neri  and  Nathan.  Zerub- 
 babel was  the  legal  successor  and  heir  of  Jeconiah's 
 royal  estate,  the  grandson  of  Neri,  and  the  lineal 
 descendant  of  Nathan  the  son  of  David,  in  the 
 N.  T.  the  name  appears  in  the  (5reek  form,  of 
 Zorobabel. 
 
 Zeru'iah.  A  woman  who,  as  long  as  the  Jewish 
 records  are  read,  will  be  known  as  the  mother  of 
 the  three  leading  heroes  of  David's  army — Abishai, 
 Joab,  and  Asahel — the  "  sons  of  Zeruiah."  She  and 
 Abigail  are  specified  in  1  Chr.  ii.  13-17  as  "sisters 
 of  tlie  sons  of  Jesse"  (v.  16).  The  expression  is  in 
 itself  enough  to  I'aise  a  suspicion  that  she  was  not  a 
 daughter  of  Jesse,  a  suspicion  which  is  corroborated 
 by  the  statement  of  2  Sarn.  xvii.  25,  that  Abigail 
 was  the  daughter  of  Nahash.  [Nauasii.]  Of 
 Zeruiah's  husband  there  is  no  mention  in  the  Bible. 
 
 Ze'tham.  The  son  of  Laadan,  a  Gershouite 
 Levite  (1  Chr.  xxiii.  8). 
 
 Ze'than.  A  Benjamite  of  the  sons  of  Bilhan 
 (1  Chr.  vii.  10). 
 
 Ze'thar.  One  of  the  seven  eunuchs  of  Ahasuerus 
 (Esth.  i.  10). 
 
 Zi'a.  One  of  the  Gadites  who  dwelt  in  Bashan 
 (1  Chr.  v.  13). 
 
 Zi'ba.  A  person  who  plays  a  prominent  part, 
 though  with  no  credit  to  liiuiself,  in  one  of  the 
 episodes  of  David's  history  (2  Sam.  ix.  2-12,  xvi. 
 1-4,  xix.  17,  29).     [Mephibosheth.] 
 
 Zib'ia.  A  Benjamite,  apparently  the  son  of 
 Shaharaim  by  his  wife  Hodesh  (1  Chr.  viii.  9). 
 
 Zib'iah.  A  native  of  Beersheba,  and  mother  of 
 king  Joash  (2  K.  xii.  1  ;  2  Chr.  xiv.  1). 
 
 Zib'eon.  Father  of  Anah,  whose  daugliter  Aho- 
 libamah  was  Esau's  wife  (Gen.  xxxvi.  2).  Althi-'Ui;h 
 called  a  Hivite,  he  is  probably  the  same  as  Ziljeon 
 the  son  of  Seir  the  Horite  (vers.  20,  24,  29  ;  1  Chi-, 
 i.  38,  40). 
 
 Zich'ri.  1.  Son  of  Izhar  the  son  of  Kohath 
 (Ex.  VI.  21).— 2.  A  Benjamite  of  the  sons  of  Shimhi 
 (1  Chr.  viii.  19).— 3.  A  Benjamite  of  the  sons  of 
 Shashak  (1  Chr.  viii.  23).— 4,  A  Benjamite  of  the 
 sons  of  Jeroham  (1  Chr.  viii.  27).— 5.  Son  of 
 Asaph,  elsewhere  called  Zabdi  and  Zaccur  (1  Chr. 
 ix.  15).— 6.  A  descendant  of  Eliezer  the  son  of 
 Moses  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  25). — 7.  The  father  of  Eliezei , 
 the  chief  of  the  Reubenites  in  the  reign  of  David 
 (1  Chr.  xxvii.  16).— 8.  Of  the  tribe  of  Judah, 
 father  of  Amasiah  (2  Chr.  xvii.  16). -^9.  Father 
 of  Elishaphat,  one  of  the  conspirators  with  Je- 
 hoiada  (2  Chr.  .\xiii.  1).^10.  An  E]ihraiinite  hern 
 
lo:54 
 
 ZIDDIM 
 
 iu  llif  iiivaiiiiii,'  aiiiiy  of  IVkah  the  son  of  Keinaliah 
 ('2  Chr.  xxviii.  7 ,. — 11.   Fatlu-r  or  ancostor  of  JOEL 
 
 14  (Neh.  xi.  9).— 12.  A  piicst  of  the  family  of 
 Abijah,  iii  the  days  of  Joiakim  the  sou  of  Jesliua 
 '^Neh.  xii.  17). 
 
 Zid'dim.  One  of  the  foitilieJ  towns  of  tlie  al- 
 lotment of  Naphtali  (Josli.  .\ix.  35).  The  trans- 
 lators of  the  \'at.  LXX.  apix^ir  to  have  loail  the 
 word  in  the  original  "  the  Tyrians,"  while  those  of 
 the  Feshito-Syi  iac,  on  the  other  hand,  read  it  :is 
 "  Zidon."  The  .lerusilem  Talmud  is  probably 
 nearer  the  mark  in  identifying  liat-Tsiddim  with 
 Kefr  Chittai,  which  Sclnvarz  (182)  with  much 
 probability  takes  to  be  the  present  Ilatiiii,  a  lew 
 mill's  west  of  Tiberias. 
 
 Zidki'jah.  A  priest,  or  family  of  priests,  wlio 
 sigiKtl  the  covenant  with  Nehemiiih  (Neh.  x.  1). 
 
 Zi'don  oi  Si'don.  Gen.  x.  19,  15;  Josh.  xi.  8, 
 xix.  •J8;  Judg.  i.  31,  xviii.  28;  Joel  iii.  4  (iv.  4); 
 Is.  xxiii.  2,  4,  12;  Jer.  xxv.  22,  xxvii.  3;  Kz. 
 xxviii.  21,  22;  Zech.  ix.  2;  Matt.  xi.  21,  22,  xv. 
 21  ;  Luke  vi.  17,  x.  13,  14  ;  Mark  iii.  8,  vii.  24, 
 31. — An  ancient  and  wealtliy  city  of  Phoenicia,  on 
 the  eastern  coast  of  the  Mediterranean  Sea,  in  lati- 
 tude 30°  34'  05"  N.,  less  than  twenty  Knglisli 
 miles  to  the  north  of  Tyre.  Its  Hebrew  name, 
 Tsldotv,  signifies  '•  Kishing,"  or  "  Fishery  "  (see 
 (iesenius,  s.  v.).     Its  modern  name  ia  Saida.     It 
 
 15  situate  in  the  narrow  plain  between  the  Lebanon 
 and  the  sea.  From  a  Biblical  point  of  view,  this 
 lity  is  inferior  in  interest  to  its  neighbour  Tyre, 
 with  which  its  name  is  so  often  associated.  If  we 
 could  believe  Justin  (xviii.  3l,  there  would  be  no 
 .lonbt  that  Zidon  was  of  gieater  antiiiuity  than 
 'i'yre,  as  he  says  that  the  inhabitants  of  Sidon, 
 when  their  city  had  been  leduceJ  by  the  kuig  of 
 A.s'-Jilon,  founded  Tyre  the  year  before  tiie  capture 
 of  Tioy.  In  contradiition  of  this  statement,  it  has 
 been  further  insisted  on,  that  the  relation  between 
 a  colony  and  the  mother-city  among  the  I'hoein- 
 cians  was  >acied,  and  that  as  the  Tvrians  never 
 acknowledged  this  relation  towards  Ziiion,  the  su])- 
 posed  connexion  between  Tyre  and  Zidon  is  morally 
 in)|iossible.  This  is  a  very  strong  ])oint.  Cei- 
 tainly,  there  is  otherwise  nothing  ini]>robable  in 
 Zidonians  having  founded  Tyre,  as  the  Tyrians  are 
 called  Zidonians,  but  the  Zidonians  are  never  calleii 
 Tyiians.  And  at  any  rate  this  circumstiuice  tends 
 to  show  that  in  early  times  Zidon  was  the  most 
 intluential  of  the  two  cities.  This  is  shadowed 
 forth  in  the  Hook  of  Genesis  by  the  stiitement  that 
 Zidon  was  the  first-born  of  Canaan  (Gen.  x.  15), 
 and  is  implied  in  the  name  of  "Gj-eat  Zidon,"  or 
 "  the  Metro]iolis  Zidon,"  which  is  twice  given  to  it 
 ill  Joshua  (xi.  8,  xix.  28).  It  is  confirmed,  like- 
 wise, by  Sidoiiians  being  used  as  the  generic  name 
 of  the  Phoenicians,  or  Can:u-inites  (Josh,  x^iii.  G  ; 
 .ludg.  xviii.  7);  and  by  the  reason  assigned  (or 
 there  lieing  uo  deliverer  to  Laish  when  its  jKsice- 
 alile  inhabitants  were  massacred,  that  "it  was  fur 
 ['ruin  /Hon  ;"  whereas,  if  Tyre  hail  been  then  of 
 ejjual  importance,  it  woulil  have  been  moie  natural 
 to  mentiiiii  Tyie,  which  protessiHl  substantially  the 
 i>ame  religinn,  and  was  almost  twenty  miles  nearer 
 (Judg.  xviii.  28).  From  the  time  of  Solomon  to 
 the  invasion  of  .Nebuchadnezzar  Zidon  is  not  often 
 directly  nu-ntione<l  in  the  Bible,  an<l  it  appears  to 
 have  been  subordinate  to  Tyie.  When  the  (Hiople 
 called  "  Ziilonians"  i.s  nifiitionol,  it  sometimes  seems 
 that  the  I'hoeiiicians  of  the  phtin  of  Zidnii  are  meiint 
 (IK.  v.  t;,  xvi.  31    xi.   1,  5,  33;  2  K.  xxiii.  13). 
 
 ZIDON 
 
 There  is  no  doubt,  however,  that  Zidon  itself,  the 
 city  properly  so  called,  Wiis  threatened  by  .loel  (id- 
 4)  and  Jeremiah  (xxvii.  3).  Still,  all  that  is  known 
 res|)ecting  it  during  the  epoch  is  very  s&inty, 
 amounting  to  scarcely  more  than  that  one  of  its 
 sources  of  gain  was  tiade  in  slaves,  in  which  the  in- 
 habitants did  not  shrink  Irom  selling  inhal>itants  of 
 Palestine;  that  the  city  was  governed  by  kings 
 (Jer.  .\xvii.  3  and  xxv.  22);  that,  ])ievious  to  the 
 invasion  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  it  had  furnished  ma- 
 riners to  Tyre  (Ez.  xxvii.  8);  that,  at  one  )ieriod 
 it  w.is  subject,  in  some  sense  or  othtrr,  to  'J'yre  ; 
 and  that,  when  Shalmaneser  king  of  Assyria  invaded 
 Phoenicia,  Zidon  seized  the  opportunity  to  revolt. 
 During  the  I'ei'sian  domination,  Zidon  seems  to 
 have  attained  its  highest  point  of  ])ros])erity  ;  and 
 it  is  recoided  that,  towards  the  close  of  that  ])ciioil, 
 it  I'ar  excelled  all  other  Phoenician  cities  in  we-alth 
 and  importiince.  If  is  very  j)robable  that  the  long 
 siege  of  Tyre  by  Nebnchadnezzai-  had  tended  not 
 only  to  weaken  and  imjx)veri.^h  Tyre,  but  likewise 
 to  enrich  Zidon  at  the  expense  of  'I'yre.  In  the 
 expedition  ol'  Xerxes  against  Grei-ce,  the  Sidoniaus 
 were  highly  favoured,  and  were  a  ])re-eminently 
 impoi  tant  element  of  his  naval  jiower.  The  pro- 
 sperity of  Sidon  was  suddenly  cut  short  by  an 
 unsnccessfnl  revolt  agjiinst  Persia,  which  led  to  one 
 of  the  must  disastrous  catastrophes  recorded  in 
 histoiy.  The  principal  circumstances  were  these. 
 While  the  Persians  were  making  pieparations  in 
 Phoenicia  to  put  down  the  revolt  in  tgypt,  some 
 Persian  satrajis  and  generals  behaved  op]nessively 
 and  insolently  to  Siiionians  in  the  Sidonian  division  of 
 the  city  of  TrijK>lis.  On  this  the  Sidonian  i)eo|)le  pro- 
 Ji'i-tei]  a  levolf  ;  and  having  first  concerted  arrange- 
 ments with  other  Phoenician  cities, and  madea  treaty 
 with  Nectanebus,  thev  put  their  designs  into  e.xecu- 
 fion.  But  their  King  Tenne*  proved  a  traitor  to 
 their  cause — and  in  j^iei  formance  of'  a  com|iiict  with 
 Ochus,  he  betrayed  into  the  king's  j>ower  one  hun- 
 dred of  the  most  distinguished  citizens  of  Sidon, 
 who  weie  all  shot  to  death  with  javelins.  Five 
 hundred  other  citizens,  who  went  out  to  the  king 
 with  ensigns  of  supplication,  shared  the  s;mie  fate; 
 and  by  concert  between  Tcnnes  and  Mentor,  the 
 Persian  troojis  were  admitted  within  the  gates,  ami 
 occu]>ied  the  city  walls.  The  Sidoniaus,  befoie  the 
 arrival  of  Ochus,  had  burnt  their  vessels  to  ])reveiit 
 any  one's  le.iving  the  town  ;  and  when  they  saw 
 themselves  surrounded  by  the  Pei-sian  troops,  they 
 adopted  the  desperate  resolution  of  shutting  theiii- 
 ^elves  uj)  with  their  families,  and  setting  fire  e:ich 
 man  to  his  own  house  (n.C.  35P.  Forty  thou- 
 sand pei>ons  aresjiid  to  have  perisheil  in  the  tiaines. 
 After  this  clismal  ti-a<;edy,  Sidon  gradually  itTovered 
 from  the  blow.  The  liaftle  of  Issus  was  fought 
 about  eightci'ii  years  afterwards  (li.C.  333"),  and 
 then  the  inhabit.ints  of  the  ivstored  city  ojH'iied 
 their  g-ates  to  Alexander  of  their  own  ao-ord,  from 
 hatred,  as  is  expressly  stated,  of  Darius  and  the  I'er- 
 sians.  The  impolicy,  as  well  :us  the  crmdty  o( 
 Ochus  in  his  mode  of  dealing  with  the  revolt  ot 
 Sidon  now  became  apparent ;  fin-  the  Siilonian  fleet 
 in  joining  Alexander  was  an  essential  element  of 
 his  success  against  Tvre.  From  this  time  Sidon, 
 Ijeing  de]M'ndenl  on  the  fortunes  of  war  in  the  con- 
 tests between  the  succe.ssoi-s  of  Alexander,  ce.-\ses  to 
 play  any  important  politii'al  jtut  in  historv.  If 
 liec.ime,  however,  again  a  flouli^lling  town.  Stralio. 
 ill  his  account  of  Phoenicia,  Siiys  of  Tyre  and  Sidon. 
 '■  Bolh  were  illustrious  and  splendid  formerly,  attd 
 
ZIDONIANS 
 
 twv;  but  which  should  be  ciiHl-iI  the  caiiltal  of 
 Flioenicia,  is  a  matter  of  (li>i>iite  between  the  iuhab- 
 itaiits"  (xvi.  p.  756).  He  adds  that  it  is  situated 
 on  the  mainland,  on  a  fine  naturally-formed  har- 
 bour. He  speaks  of  the  inhabitants  as  cultivating 
 the  sciences  of  aiitiimetic  and  astrononiv  ;  and  says 
 that  the  best  ojiportunities  were  atlbrded  in  Sidon 
 for  acquiring  a  knowledge  of  these  and  of  all  other 
 branches  of  philosophy.  He  adds,  that  in  his  time, 
 there  were  distinguished  philosopheis,  natives  of 
 Sidon,  as  Boethus,  with  whom  he  studied  the  phi- 
 loso)iiiy  of  Aristotle,  and  his  brother  Diodotus.  It 
 is  to  be  observed  that  both  these  names  were 
 Greek  ;  and  it  is  to  be  presumed  that  in  Strabo's 
 time,  Greek  was  tlie  language  of  the  educated 
 classes  at  least,  both  in  Tyre  and  Sidon.  This  is 
 neai'ly  all  that  is  kmiwn  of  the  state  of  Sidon  when 
 it  was  visited  by  Christ.  It  is  about  Hfty  miles 
 distant  from  Nazareth,  and  is  the  most  northern 
 city  which  is  uicutioned  in  connexion  with  his  jour- 
 neys. Tlieie  is  no  Biblical  reason  for  following 
 minutely  the  rest  of  the  history  of  the  place.  It 
 shared  generally  the  fortunes  of  Tyre,  with  the 
 exception  that  it  was  several  times  taken  and  re- 
 taken during  the  wars  of  the  Crusades,  and  suffered 
 accordingly  more  than  Tyre  previous  to  the  fatal 
 year  1291  B.C.  Since  that  time  it  never  seems  to 
 have  fallen  quite  so  low  as  Tyre. 
 
 Zidon'ians.  'I'he  inhabitants  of  Zidon.  They 
 weie  among  the  nations  of  Canaan  left  to  practise 
 the  Israelites  in  the  ail  of  war  (Judg.  iii.  3),  and 
 colonies  of  them  appear  to  have  spiead  up  into  the 
 hill  coiuitiy  from  Lebanon  to  Misrephoth-maim 
 (Josh.  xiii.  4,  6),  whence  in  later  times  they  hewed 
 cedar-trees  tljr  David  and  Solomon  (1  Chr.  xxii.  4). 
 They  oppressed  the  Israelites  on  their  first  entiance 
 nito  the  country  (Judg.  x.  12),  and  appear  to  have 
 lived  a  luxurious,  reckless  lile  (Judg.  xviii.  7) ; 
 they  were  skilful  in  hewing  timber  (1  K.  v.  6), 
 and  were  emjdoyed  for  this  purpose  by  Solomon. 
 They  weie  idolaters,  and  worsliijiped  Ashtoreth  as 
 their  tutelary  goddess  (1  K.  xi.  5,  33  ;  2  K.  xxiii. 
 13),  as  well  as  the  sun-god  Baal,  from  whom  their 
 king  was  named  (1  K.  xvi.  31).  The  term  Zidon- 
 ians  among  the  Hebrews  apjiears  to  have  been 
 ixtended  in  meaning  as  that  of  Phoenicians  among 
 the  Greeks. 
 
 Zif.     (1  K.  vi.  37.)     [Month.] 
 
 Zllia.  1.  The  children  of  Ziha  were  a  family 
 of  Nethinini  who  leturned  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr. 
 ii.43;  Neh,  vii.  46),— 2.  Chief  of  the  Nethinim  in 
 Ophel  (Neh.  xi.  21).  The  name  is  probably  that 
 of  a  family,  and  so  identical  with  the  preceding. 
 
 Zik'lag,  A  place  which  possesses  a  sjiecial  in- 
 terest fioin  its  having  been  the  residence  and  the 
 private  property  of  David.  It  is  first  mentioned  in 
 the  catalogue  of  the  towns  of  Judah  in  Josh.  xv. 
 It  next  occuis,  in  the  same  connexion,  amongst  the 
 j)laces  which  were  allotted  out  of  the  territoiy  of 
 Judah  to  Simeon  (xix.  5).  We  next  encounter  it 
 in  the  jiosse^aion  of  the  I'hilistines  (1  Sam.xxvii.  6), 
 when  it  was,  at  David's  request,  bestowed  ujwu 
 him  by  .Achish  king  of  Gath.  He  resideil  there  lor  a 
 year  and  (bur  months  (ibid.  7 ;  I  Sam.  xxxi.  14,  26  ; 
 1  Chr.  xii.  1,  20).  It  was  there  he  received  the 
 news  of  Saul's  death  (2  Sam.  i.  1,  iv,  10).  He 
 then  relinquished  it  for  Hebion  (ii.  1).  Ziklag  is 
 finally  mentioned  as  being  reinhabited  by  the  people 
 of  Judah  after  their  return  from  the  Captivity  (Neh. 
 xi.  28).  The  situation  of  the  town  is  difiicult  to 
 deterniiuc,  notwithstanding  so  many  notices.     On 
 
 ZIMRI  1035 
 
 tlie  one  hand,  that  it  was  in  "  the  south  "  seenin 
 certani.  On  the  other  hand,  this  is  dilllcult  to 
 reconcile  with  its  connexion  with  the  Philistines, 
 and  with  the  fact — which  Ibllows  from  the  narrative 
 of  1  Sam.  XXX.  (see  9,  10,  21) — that  it  was  north 
 of  the  Brook  Besor.  On  the  whole,  the  only  con- 
 clusion seems  to  be  that  Ziklag  was  in  the  south  or 
 Negeb  country,  with  a  portion  of  which  the  Phili.-,- 
 tines  had  a  connexion  which  may  have  lasted  from 
 the  time  of  their  residence  there  in  the  days  ot 
 Abraham  and  Isaac.  Ziklag  does  not  appear  to 
 have  been  known  to  Eusebms  and  Jerome,  or  to  any 
 of  the  older  travellers.  Mv.  Rowlands  was  told  of 
 "  an  ancient  site  called  Asloodg,  or  Kasloodg,  with 
 some  ancient  walls,"  three  hours  east  of  Sebat;i, 
 which  again  was  two  hours  and  a  half  south  of 
 Khalasa.  This  he  consideis  as  identical  with  Ziklag. 
 The  identiriuxtion  is  suppoited  by  Mr.  Wilton 
 (Ncjeb,  209)  ;  but  it  is  impossible  at  present  to 
 do  nioie  than  name  it. 
 
 Zil'lali.  One  of  the  two  wives  of  Lamech  the 
 Cainite,  to  whom  he  addressed  his  song  (Gen.  iv. 
 19,  22,  23).  She  was  the  mother  of  Tubal-Cain 
 and  Naamah. 
 
 Zil'pah.  A  Syrian  given  by  Laban  to  his 
 daughter  Leah  as  an  attendant  (Gen.  xxix.  24),  and 
 by  Leah  to  Jacob  as  a  concubine.  She  was  the 
 mother  of  Gad  and  Asher  (Gen.  xxx.  9-13,  xxxv. 
 26,  xxxvii.  2,  xlvi.  18). 
 
 Ziltlia'i.  1.  A  Benjamite,  of  the  sons  of  Shimhi 
 (1  Clu-.  viii.  20).  —  2.  One  of  the  captains  ot 
 thousands  of  Manasseh  who  deserted  to  David  at 
 Ziklag  (1  Chr.  xi'i.  20). 
 
 Zim'mah.  1.  A  Gershouite  Levite,  son  of  Ja- 
 hath  ( 1  Chr.  vi.  20).— 2.  Another  Gershouite,  sou 
 of  Shimei  (1  Chi-,  vi.  42);  possibly  the  same  as 
 the  preceding. — 3.  Father  or  micestor  of  Joah,  a 
 Gershouite  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah  (2  Chr.  xxi.v 
 12).  At  a  much  earlier  period  we  find  the  s;imc 
 collocation  of  names,  Zimmah  and  Joah  as  father 
 and  son  (1  Chr.  vi.  2u).  Unless  these  names  are 
 the  names  of  families  and  not  of  individuals,  their 
 recurrence  is  a  little  remarkable. 
 
 Zim'ran.  The  eldest  son  of  Keturah  (Gen.  xxv. 
 2  ;  1  Chr,  i.  32).  His  descendants  are  not  men- 
 tioned, nor  is  any  hint  given  that  he  was  the 
 founder  of  a  tribe.  Some  would  identify  Zimian 
 with  tlie  Zimri  of  Jer.  xxv.  25,  but  these  lay  too 
 far  to  the  north.  The  Greek  tbi-m  of  the  name,  as 
 tijund  in  the  LXX.,  has  suggested  a  comparison 
 with  Za^pdfj.,  the  chief  city  of  the  Cinaedocolpitae, 
 who  dwelt  on  the  Red  Sea,  west  of  Jlecca.  But 
 this  is  extremely  doubtful.  Hitzig  and  Leugeike 
 propose  to  connect  the  name  Zimran  with  Zimiris, 
 a  district  of  Ethiopia  mentioned  by  Pliny  (xxxvi. 
 25);  but  Grotius,  with  more  plausibility,  finds  a 
 trace  of  it  in  the  Zamereni,  a  tribe  of  the  interior 
 of  A  labia. 
 
 Zim'ri.  1.  The  son  ofSalu,  a  Simeouite  chief- 
 tain, slain  by  Phiuehas  with  the  Midianitish  princess 
 Cozbi  (Num.  xxv.  14).— 2.  Fifth  sovereign  of  the 
 separate  kingdom  of  Israel,  of  which  he  occupied 
 the  throne  for  the  brief  period  of  seven  days  in  the 
 year  U.C.  930  or  929.  Originally  in  command  of 
 half  the  chariots  in  the  royal  anny,  he  gamed  the 
 crown  by  the  murder  of  king  Elah  son  of  Baasha. 
 But  the  army  which  at  that  time  was  besieginw  the 
 Philistine  town  of  Gibbethon,  when  thev  heard  of 
 Elah's  murder,  proclaimed  their  general  Oniri  kiui;. 
 He  immediately  marched  against  Tirzah,  and  took 
 the  citv.     Zimri  letrcated  into  the  innermost  i>art 
 
1036 
 
 ZIN 
 
 of  the  late  king's  palace,  set  it  on  firo  ami  perished 
 in  the  ruins  (1  K.  xvi.  9-20).— 3.  One  of  the  five 
 sons  of  Zerali  the  son  of  Judah  (1  (Jhr.  ii.  >i).— 
 4.  Son  of  Jehoadah  and  descendant  of  S;iul  (1  Chr. 
 viii.  3ti,  ix.  42).— 5.  An  obscure  name,  mentioned 
 (Jer.  XXV.  25)  in  probable  connexion  with  Dedan, 
 Tenia,  liuz,  Aiabia,  tiie  "  mingled  peoi)le."  No- 
 thing further  is  known  respectnig  Ziuiii,  but  it 
 maj'  possibly  be  the  si»rae  as,  or  derived  from, 
 ZiMKAN,  which  see. 
 
 Zin.  The  name  given  to  a  portion  of  the  desert 
 tract  between  tlie  Dead  Sea,  Ghor,  and  Arabah  on 
 the  E.,  and  the  genend  plateau  of  the  Tih  which 
 stret<:hes  westward.  The  country  in  question  con- 
 sists of  two  or  three  successive  terraces  of  mountain 
 converging  to  sin  acute  angle  at  the  Dead  Sea's 
 southern  verge,  towards  which  also  they  siojie. 
 Here  the  di-ainag©  fimis  its  chief  vent  by  the  Wacly 
 cl-Fihreh  into  the  (Jhor,  the  remaining  watei-s  I'un- 
 ning  by  smaller  channels  into  the  Arabah,  and  ultim- 
 ately by  the  Wadi/  cl-Jcib  al>o  to  tiie  (Jlior. 
 Judging  from  natural  features,  it  is  likely  that  the 
 portion  between,  and  drained  by  these  wadys,  is  tlio 
 region  in  question  ;  but  where  it  ended  westward 
 is  quite  uncert^iin.  Kadesh  lay  in  it,  or  on  this 
 unknown  boundary,  and  here  also  Idumea  was  con- 
 terminous with  Judah  ;  since  Kadesh  was  a  city  in 
 the  bordei-  of  Edom  (see  Kadksu;  Num.  xiii.  21, 
 XX.  1,  xxvii.  14,  xx.xiii.  36,  xxxiv.  3;  Josh.  xv.  1). 
 
 Zi'na.  ZiZAH  the  second  son  of  Shimei  (1  Chr. 
 xxiii.  10,  comp.  11)  the  Gershonite. 
 
 Zi'on.     [JKriusALEM,  p.  391.] 
 
 Zi'or.  A  town  in  theinountiin  district  of  Judah 
 (Josh.  XV.  54,  only).  It  belongs  to  the  same  group 
 with  Hebron.  By  Eusebius  and  Jerome  it  is  sjioken 
 of  as  a  village  between  Aelia  (Jerusalem)  and 
 Eleutherojiolis  (^Beit  jibrin)  in  the  tribe  of  Judah. 
 A  small  village  named  Sair  lies  on  the  road  be- 
 tween Ti'lain  and  Hebron,  about  six  miles  north- 
 east ol  the  latter,  which,  but  for  its  distance  from 
 Hebron,  might  be  adopted  as  idL'uticnl  with  Zior. 
 
 Ziph.  The  name  borne  by  two  towns  in  the 
 tenitory  of  .ludah.  1.  In  the  south;  named  be- 
 tween Ithnan  and  Telem  (Josh.  xv.  24).  It  does 
 not  appear  again  in  the  lii^tory,  nor  has  anv  trace 
 of  it  been  met  with. ^2.  In  the  highland  district; 
 named  between  Carmel  and  Juttah  (Josh.  xv.  55). 
 The  place  is  immortalised  by  its  connexion  with 
 David  (1  Sam.  xxiii.  14.  15,  24,  xxvi.  2).  These 
 ])a.ssages  show,  that  at  that  time  it  had  near  it  a 
 wilderness  {i.e.  a  waste  pasture-gi'ound)  and  a 
 wood.  The  latter  has  disa]ipeared,  but  tlie  foi-mer 
 lemains.  The  name  of  Z'lf  is  found  about  three 
 miles  S.  of  Hebron,  attached  to  a  rounded  hill  of 
 some  100  feet  in  height,  which  is  called  Tell  Zif. 
 About  the  same  distance  still  further  S.  is  Ktinitul 
 (Cannel),  and  between  them  a  short  distance  to  the 
 W.  of  the  road  is  Yutti  (Juttah).  "Zib"  is 
 mentioned  in  the  Onoimislicon  as  8  miles  east  of 
 Hebron,  "the  village,"  adds  Jerome,  "in  which 
 David  liid  is  still  shown."  This  can  l>ardly  bo  the 
 sjwt  referred  to. 
 
 Ziph.     Son  of  Jehaleleel  (1  Chr.  iv.  10). 
 
 Ziph'ah.  .Another  son  of  Jehaleleel  (K'hr.  iv.  10). 
 
 Ziphims,  the.  The  iidiabjt.ant.s  cf  Zii'ii  2.  In 
 this  form  tin.'  name  is  tiunid  in  the  A.V.  only  in  the 
 title  of  I's.  liv.  In  the  nai'iative  it  occurs  in  the 
 more  usual  form  of 
 
 Zi'phites,  the,  I  Sam.  xxiii.  19;  xxvi.  1. 
 
 Ziph'ion.  Son  of  Gad  (Gen.  xlvi.  10) ;  else- 
 where called  ZkI'IIO.n. 
 
 ZOAl 
 
 Ziph'ron.  A  point  in  the  north  boundary  of  the 
 Promised  Land  as  sin-cified  by  Moses  (Num.  xxxiv. 
 9).  It  occurs  between  Ze<lad  and  Hats;ir-Enan.  If 
 Zciiad  is  Su'Jiid,  and  Hatsar-Eiian  A'iim^em.  as  i« 
 not  impossible,  then  Ziphron  must  be  looked  for 
 somewhere  between  the  two.  At  present  no  name 
 at  all  suitable  has  been  discovered  in  this  direction. 
 
 Zip'por.  Father  of  Balak  king  of  Moab.  His 
 name  occurs  only  in  the  expression  "  son  of  Zii)por" 
 (Num.  xxii.  2,4,  10,  10,  xxiii.  18  ;  Josh.  *xiv. 
 9;  Judg.  xi.  25).  Whether  he  was  the  "former 
 king  of  Moab"  alluded  to  in  Num.  xxi.  20,  we  are 
 not  told,  nor  do  we  know  that  he  himself  ever  reigned. 
 
 Zip'porah.  Daughter  of  Ueuel  or  Jelhro,  the 
 priest  of  Midian,  wile  of  Moses,  and  mother  of  his 
 two  .sons  Gershom  and  Eliezer  (Ex.  ii.  21,  iv.  25, 
 xviii.  2  ;  comp.  0).  The  only  incident  recoixled  in 
 her  life  is  that  of  the  circumcision  of  Gei-shom  (iv, 
 24-26).  It  has  been  suggested  that  Zipporah  was 
 the  Cushite  (A.V.  "Ethiopian")  wife  who  fur- 
 nished Miriam  and  Aaron  with  the  pretext  for  their 
 attack  on  Moses  (Num.  xii.  I,  &c.).  The  chief 
 ground  lijr  this  appears  to  be  that  in  a  pi>ss;»ge  of 
 Habakkuk  (lii.  7)  the  names  of  Cushau  and  Jlidian 
 are  mentioned  together.  'I"he  most  probable  sug- 
 gestion ajipears  to  be  that  of  Ewald,  namely  that 
 the  Cushite  was  a  second  wile,  or  a  concubine 
 tiiken  by  Moses  during  the  march  through  the 
 wilderness. 
 
 Zith  ri.  Properly  "  Sithri ;"  one  of  the  sons 
 of  Uzzlel,  the  sou  of  Kohath  (Ex.  vi.  22).  In  Ex. 
 vi.  21,  "  Zithri  "  should  be  "  Zichri,"  as  in  A.V. 
 of  Kill. 
 
 Ziz,  the  Cliff  of.  The  ])ass  by  which  the  hoi-de 
 of  Moabites,  .Ammonites,  and  Melmnim,  made  their 
 way  up  from  the  shores  ol'  the  Dead  Sea  to  the 
 wilderness  of  Judah  near  Tekoa  (2  Chr.  xx.  16 
 only ;  comp.  20).  There  c;ui  be  very  little  doubt 
 that  it  was  the  pass  of  ..^m  Jiily — "  the  very  same 
 loute,"  as  Dr.  Kobinsoii  remarks,  "which  is  taken 
 by  the  Arabs  in  their  maiauding  expeditions  at  the 
 })resent  day."  The  veiy  name  may  perhaps  be 
 still  traceiible  in  el  Husasah. 
 
 Zi'za.  1.  Son  of  Shiphi  a  chief  of  the  Siraeon- 
 ites  in  the  leign  of  Hezokiah  (1  Chr.  iv.  37).— 2. 
 Son  of  Rehoboam  by  Miuichah  the  granddaughter  of 
 Absalom  (2  Chr.  xi.  20). 
 
 Zi'zah.  A  Gershonite  Levite,  second  son  of 
 Shimei  (1  Chr.  xxiii.  11)  ;  called  ZiNA  in  ver.  10. 
 
 Zo'an,  an  ancient  city  of  lower  Egypt,  near  the 
 eastern  border.  Its  Shemitic  name  indicates  a 
 place  of  dej)arture  from  a  country.  The  Egv|itiaii 
 name  HA-A\VAU,  or  rA-A\V.\i;,  Avaris,  means 
 '•  ihe  abode  ''  or  "  liousc  "  of  "  going  out  "  or  "  de- 
 ]>arture."  Zoan,  or  Tanis,  is  situate  in  N.  lat.  Sl'^, 
 E.  long.  31°  55',  on  the  east  bank  of  the  canal 
 which  was  formerly  the  Tanitic  branch.  Anciently 
 a  rich  plain  extended  due  e.xst  as  tar  as  Pclusium, 
 about  thirty  miles  distaiii,  gradually  narrowing 
 towards  the  e;i.st,  .so  that  in  a  south-e;usterly  direc- 
 tion from  Tanis  it  Wijs  not  more  than  half  thi> 
 breadth.  Of  old  it  was  a  lich  marsh-land,  watenti 
 by  i'our  of  the  seven  branches  of  the  Nile,  the  Path- 
 niitii:,  Mendesian,  Tmntic,  and  Pelusiac,  and  .swept 
 by  the  rool  breezes  of  tlie  Mediterranean.  Tanis, 
 while  Egyi>t  was  ruleii  by  native  kings,  was  the 
 chief  town  of  this  teiritory,  and  an  imixirtant  post 
 towards  the  eastern  frontier.  It  was  rebuilt  by 
 S;\latis  the  first  of  the  shepheixl  kings,  the  motive 
 of  Sal.'itis  was  not  to  overawe  I'-gypt  but  to  keep 
 out  the  .As.syriuns.     The  |H)sitioii  of  Tani.s  explains 
 
ZOAR 
 
 the  case.  Like  the  other  principal  cities  of  this 
 tract,  Pelusium,  Bubastis,  and  Heliopolis,  it  lay  on 
 the  east  bunk  ot'  the  river,  towards  Syria.  But 
 'I'anis,  though  doubtless  fortified  partly  with  the 
 object  of  repellins;  an  invader,  was  too  far  inland 
 to  be  the  frontier-fortress.  Manetho  explicitly 
 states  Avaris  to  have  been  older  than  the  time 
 of  the  Shepherds  ;  but  there  are  re;isons  forquestion- 
 Tag  his  accurac}''  in  this  matter.  The  name  is 
 if  lore  likely  to  be  of  foreign  than  of  Egyptian 
 origin,  for  Zoan  distinctly  indicates  the  place  of 
 departure  of  a  migratory  people,  whereas  Avaris 
 has  the  simple  signification  "abode  of  departure." 
 A  remarkable  passage  in  the  Book  of  Numbers,  not 
 hitherto  explained,  "  Now  Hebron  was  built  seven 
 years  before  Zoan  in  Egypt"  (xiii.  22),  seems  to 
 determine  the  question.  Hebron  was  already  built 
 in  Abraham's  time,  and  the  Shepherd-invasion  may 
 be  dated  about  the  same  period.  Whether  some 
 older  village  or  city  weie  succeeded  by  Avaris  mat- 
 ters little:  its  history  begins  ia  the  reign  of  Salatis. 
 What  the  Egyptian  records  tell  us  of  this  city  may 
 be  bn'efly  stated.  Apepee,  probably  Apophis  of  the 
 xvth  dynasty,  a  Shepherd-king  who  reigned  shortly 
 before  the  xviiith  dynasty,  built  a  temple  hei'e  to 
 Set,  the  Egyptian  Baal,  and  woishipped  no  other 
 god.  According  to  Manetho,  the  Shepherds,  aftei- 
 51 1  years  of  rule,  were  expelled  from  all  Egypt  and 
 shut  up  in  Avaris,  whence  they  were  allowed  to 
 depart  by  capitulation  about  B.C.  1500.  Rameses 
 n.  embellished  the  great  temple  of  Tanis,  and  was 
 followed  by  his  son  Menptah.  We  believe  that  the 
 Pharaoh  of  Joseph  as  well  as  the  oppressors  were 
 Shepherds,  the  former  ruling  at  Memphis  and  Zoan, 
 the  latter  probably  at  Zoan  only.  Zoan  is  men- 
 tioned in  connexion  with  the  Plagues  in  such  a 
 manner  as  to  leave  no  doubt  that  it  is  the  city 
 spoken  of  in  the  narrative  in  Exodus  as  that  where 
 I'haraoh  dwelt  (Ps.  Ixxviii.  42,  43).  After  the 
 fall  of  the  empire,  the  first  dynasty  is  the  xxist, 
 called  by  Manetho  that  of  Tauites.  Its  history  is 
 obscure.  The  xxiiird  dynasty  is  called  Tanite,  and 
 its  last  king  is  probably  Sethos,  the  contemporary  of 
 Tirhakah,  mentioned  by  Herodotus.  At  this  time 
 Tanis  once  more  appears  in  sacred  history  ( Is.  xxx.  4). 
 As  mentioned  with  the  frontier-town  Tahpanhes, 
 Tanis  is  not  necessarily  the  capital.  But  the  same 
 prophet  perhaps  more  distinctly  points  to  a  Tanite 
 line(xix.  13).  ThedoomofZion. is  foretold  by  Ezekiel 
 "  I  will  set  fire  in  Zoan  "  (xxx.  14),  where  it  occurs 
 among  the  cities  to  be  taken  by  Nebuchadnezzar. 
 
 Zo'ar.  One  of  the  most  ancient  cities  of  the  land 
 of  Canaan.  Its  original  name  was  Bela  (Gen. 
 xiv.  2,  8).  It  was  in  intimate  connexion  with  the 
 cities  of  the  "  plain  of  Jordan  " — Sodom,  Gomorrah, 
 Admah,  and  Zeboiini  (see  also  xiii.  10;  but  nut 
 X.  19).  In  the  general  destruction  of  the  cities  of 
 the  plain,  Zoar  was  spaied  to  afford  shelter  to  Lot 
 (xix.  22,  23,  30).  It  is  mentioned  in  the  account 
 of  the  death  of  Moses  as  one  of  the  landmaiks 
 which  bounded  his  view  from  Pisgah  (Deut.  xxxiv.  3;, 
 and  it  appears  to  have  been  known  in  the  time  both 
 of  Isaiah  (xv.  5)  and  Jeremiah  (xlviii.  34).  These 
 are  all  the  notices  of  Zoar  contained  in  the  Bible. 
 1.  It  was  situated  in  the  same  district  with  the 
 four  cities  already  mentioned,  viz.  in  the  "  plain  " 
 or  "circle"  "  of  the  Jordan,"  and  the  narrative  of 
 Gen.  xix.  evidently  implies  that  it  was  very  near  to 
 Sodom  (ver.  15,  23,  27).  The  definite  position  of 
 Sodom  is,  and  probably  will  always  be,  a  mystery, 
 but  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  plain  of  the 
 
 ZOAR 
 
 1037 
 
 Jonlan  was  at  the  north  of  the  Dead  Sea,  and  that  the 
 cities  of  the  plain  niu>t  theielbre  have  been  situated 
 theie  instead  of  at  the  southern  end  of  the  lake,  as 
 it  is  generally  taken  for  granted  they  were.  The 
 grounds  for  this  conclusion  are  as  follows; — 
 {a.)  The  northern  and  larger  portion  of  the  lake 
 has  undoubtedly  existed  in,  or  veiy  nearly  in,  its 
 present  tbrm  since  a  date  long  anterior  to  the  age 
 of  Abraham.  The  Jordan  therefore  at  that  date 
 discharged  itself  into  the  lake  pretty  nearly  where 
 it  does  now,  and  thus  the  "  plain  of  the  Jordan," 
 unless  unconnected  with  the  river,  must  have  lain 
 on  the  north  of  the  Dead  Sea.  (6.)  The  plain  was 
 within  view  of  the  spot  from  which  Abraham  and 
 Lot  took  their  survey  of  the  country  (Gen.  xiii.  1-13). 
 Now  the  lower  part  of  the  course  of  the  Jordan  is 
 plainly  visible  from  the  hills  east  of  Beithi.  On 
 the  other  hand,  the  southern  half  of  the  Dead  Sea 
 is  not  only  too  far  off  to  be  discerned,  but  is 
 actually  shut  out  from  view  by  intervening  heights, 
 (c.)  In  the  account  of  the  view  of  Moses  from 
 Pisgah  the  ciccar  is  moi'e  strictly  defined  as  "  the 
 ciccar  of  the  plain  of  Jericho "  (A.  V.  "  plain  of 
 the  valley  of  Jericho  "),  and  Zoar  is  mentioned  in 
 immediate  connexion  with  it.  Now  no  person  who 
 knows  the  spot  from  actual  acquaintance  or  from 
 study  of  the  topography  can  believe  that  the  "  plain 
 of  Jericho  "  can  have  been  extended  to  the  southern 
 end  of  the  Dead  Sea.  These  considerations  appear 
 to  render  it  highly  probable  that  the  Zoar  of  the 
 Pentateuch  was  to  the  north  of  the  Dead  Sea,  not 
 far  from  its  northern  end,  in  the  general  parallel  of 
 Jericho.  That  it  was  on  the  east  side  of  the 
 valley  seems  to  be  implied  in  the  fact  that  the 
 descendants  of  Lot,  the  Jloabites  and  Ammonites, 
 are  in  possession  of  that  country  as  their  original 
 seat  when  they  first  appear  in  the  sacred  history. 
 
 2.  The  passages  in  Isaiah  and  Jeremiah  in  which 
 Zoar  is  mentioned  give   no  clue  to   its  situation. 
 
 3.  So  much  for  the  Zoar  of  the  Bible.  When 
 however  we  examine  the  notices  of  the  place  in  the 
 post-biblical  sources  we  find  a  considerable  difl'er- 
 ence.  In  these  its  position  is  indicated  with  more  or 
 less  precision,  as  at  the  S.E.  end  of  the  Dead  Sea. 
 Thus  Josephus  says  that  it  retained  its  name  to  his 
 day  [Ant.  i.  11,  §4),  that  it  was  at  the  further  end 
 of  the  Asphaltic  Lake,  in  Arabia — by  which  he 
 means  the  country  lying  S.E.  of  the  lake,  whose 
 capital  was  Petra.  The  notices  of  Eusebius  are  to 
 the  same  teuour.  To  these  notices  of  Eusebius  St. 
 Jeiome  adds  little  or  nothing.  In  more  modern 
 times  Zoar  is  mentioned  by  the  Crusading  his- 
 torians. Fulcher  states  that  "having  encircled 
 the  southern  part  of  the  lake  on  the  road  from 
 Hebron  to  Petra,  we  found  there  a  large  village 
 which  was  said  to  be  Segor,  in  a  charming  situa- 
 tion, and  abounding  with  dates.  Here  we  began  to 
 enter  the  mountains  of  Arabia."  The  natuial 
 inference  from  the  description  of  Fulcher  is,  that 
 Segor  lay  in  the  Wady  Kerak,  the  ordinary  road, 
 then  and  now,  from  the  south  of  the  Dead  Sea  to 
 the  eastern  highlands.  The  conjecture  of  Irby  and 
 Mangles  (June  1,  and  see  May  9),  that  the  extens- 
 ive ruins  which  they  found  in  the  lower  part  of 
 this  Wady  were  those  of  Zoar,  is  therefore  prob- 
 ably accurate.  The  name  Bra' a  or  Dera'ah,  which 
 they,  Poole  and  Burckhardt  (July  15),  give  to  the 
 valley,  may  even  without  violence  be  accepted  as  a 
 corru|)tion  of  Zoar.  4.  To  the  statements  of  the 
 mediaeval  travellers  just  quoted  there  are  at  least 
 two   remarkable  exceptions.     (1.)  Brocardus  (cir. 
 
i(i:J8 
 
 ZOBA 
 
 A.n.  1290),  the  autlior  of  the  Dcscri/iiio  Tcrrac 
 Sanctue,  states  (cap.  vii.)  that  "  five  leagues 
 (leucae)  to  the  south  of  Jericho  is  the  city  of 
 Segor,  situated  beneath  the  mountain  of  EngaiMi, 
 l)et\vpen  which  mountain  and  the  Dead  Sea  is  the 
 statue  o(  salt."  (2.)  The  statement  of  Thietmar 
 (a.d.  1217)  is  even  inore  singular.  After  visiting 
 Jericho  and  Gilgal  he  arrives  at  the  "  fords  of 
 Jordan  "'  (xi.  20),  where  Israel  crossed  and  where 
 Chiist  was  baptised,  and  where  then,  as  now, 
 the  pilgrims  bathed  (22).  Crossing  this  ford  (315) 
 he  arrives  at  "  the  field  and  the  spot  where 
 the  Lord  overthrew  Sodom  and  '"iomorra."  After 
 a  description  of  the  lake  come  the  following 
 words  : — "  On  the  shore  of  this  lake,  about  a 
 mile  {ad  miliare)  from  the  spot  at  which  the 
 l,or<l  was  baptised  is  the  statue  of  s;dt  into  which 
 Lot's  wife  was  turned"  (47).  "Hence  I  came 
 from  the  lake  of  Sodom  and  Gomorra,  and  arrived 
 at  Segor,  where  Lot  took  refuge  after  the  over- 
 throw of  Sodom  ;  which  is  now  cdled  in  the 
 Syrian  tongue  Zora,  but  in  Latin  the  city  of  palms." 
 It  seems  almost  certain  from  his  description  that 
 the  site  of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah,  the  pillar  of  salt, 
 and  Zoar,  were  all  seen  by  him  on  the  east  of  the 
 Dead  Soa — the  two  first  at  its  north-east  end.  5. 
 But  putting  aside  the  accounts  of  Brocardus  and 
 Thietinar,  as  exceptions  to  the  ordinary  mediaeval 
 belief  which  placed  Zoar  at  the  Wndi/ cd  Draa, 
 how  can  tliat  belief  be  reconciled  with  the  inference 
 <lrawn  above  from  the  statements  of  the  Pentateuch? 
 It  agrees  with  those  sfcifements  in  one  particular 
 only,  the  position  of  the  place  on  the  eastein  side 
 of  the  lake.  In  everything  eNe  it  disagi-ees  not  only 
 with  the  Pentateuch,  but  with  the  locality  ordin- 
 arily assigned  to  Sodom.  This  lias  led  M.  de 
 .Saulcy  to  place  Zoar  in  the  Wculi/  Zmccirnli,  the 
 pass  lea<ling  tVom  Hebron  to  the  Dead  Sea.  But  the 
 names  Zuweirah  and  Zoar  are  not  nearly  so  similar 
 m  the  originals  as  they  are  in  their  western  forms. 
 
 Zo'ba,  or  Zo'bah,  is  the  name  of  a  portion  of 
 Syriii,  which  formed  a  separate  kingdom  in  the 
 time  of  the  Jewish  monarchs,  Saul,  David,  ami  Solo- 
 mon. It  isdillicult  to  fix  it.s  exact  position  and  limits  ; 
 but  there  seem  to  bo  grounds  tor  regarding  it  as 
 lying  chiefly  eastward  of  Coele-Syria,  and  extending 
 thence  north-east  and  east,  towards,  if  not  even  to, 
 the  F^iphrates.  We  fust  hear  of  Zobah  in  the 
 time  of  Saul,  when  we  find  it  mentioned  as  a  separ- 
 ate country,  governed  a)iparently  by  a  number  of 
 kings  who  owned  no  ('ommon  head  or  chief  (1  Sam. 
 xiv.  47).  Some  forty  years  later  than  this,  we 
 finil  Zobah  under  a  single  ruler,  Hadadezer,  son  of 
 Iteliob.  He  had  wars  with  Toi,  king  of  Hamath 
 (2  Sam.  viii.  10),  and  held  various  petty  Syrian 
 princes  as  vassals  under  his  yoke  (2  Siim.  .\.  19). 
 David  (2  Sam.  viii.  .'?)  attacked  Hadadezer  in  the 
 early  part  of  his  reign,  defeateil  his  army,  and  took 
 from  him  a  thousand  chariots,  seven  hundred 
 (seven  thousand,  1  Chr.  xviii.  4)  hoi-semen,  and 
 20, Quo  footmen.  Hadadezer's  allies,  the  Syrians  of 
 l>amascus,  were  defeated  in  a  groat  battle.  The 
 wealth  of  Zobah  is  very  apparent  in  the  narrative 
 of  this  campaign.  It  is  not  clear  whether  the 
 Syrians  of  Zobah  submitted  and  became  tributary 
 on  this  occasion,  or  whether,  although  defeated, 
 they  were  able  to  maintain  their  independence.  At 
 any  rate  a  few  years  later,  they  were  again  in  arms 
 against  David.  The  war  was  provoked  by  the 
 Ammonite*,  who  hiretl  the  services  of  the  Syrians  of 
 Zobali.     The  allies  were  defeati^l  in  a  great  battle 
 
 ZORAH 
 
 by  Joab,  who  engaged  tlie  Syrians  in  pGi>:;n 
 (2  .Sam.  x.  9).  Hadiule/er,  upon  this,  made  a  l.^st 
 effort  (1  Cl)r.  xix.  lt>).  A  Kaltle  was  fought  near 
 Helam,  where  the  Syrians  of  Zobah  and  their  new 
 allies  were  ilel'eate<l  with  great  slaughter.  Zi>bah, 
 however,  though  sulKlued,  continued  to  cjinse 
 trouble  to  the  Jewish  kings.  A  man  of  Zobah, 
 Kezon,  son  of  Kliadah,  made  himself  m.aster  of 
 Damascus,  where  he  proveii  a  fierce  adversary  to 
 Israel  all  through  the  reign  of  Solomon  (1  K.  xi. 
 23-2.')).  Solomon  also  was,  it  would  seem, 
 engage<l  in  a  war  with  Zobali  itself '2  Chr.  viii.  3"). 
 This  is  the  last  that  we  hear  of  Zobah  in  Scripture. 
 The  name,  however,  is  found  at  a  later  date  in  the 
 Inscriptions  of  Assyria,  where  the  kingdom  of 
 Zobah  seems  to  intervene  i)etwcen  Haraatli  and 
 Damascus. 
 
 Zo'bebah.  Son  of  Coz,  of  the  tribe  of  Judah 
 (1  Chr.  iv.  8). 
 
 Zo  bar.  1.  Father  of  Ephron  the  Hittite  (Gen. 
 xxiii.  8,  XXV.  9).— 2.  One  of  the  sons  of  Simeon 
 (<;en.  xlvi.  10;  Ex.  vi.  15);  called  Zeuau  in 
 1  Chr   iv.  24. 
 
 Zohel'eth,  the  Stone.  This  was  "  by  En 
 PiOgL'l  "  (I  K.  i.  9);  and  therel'ore,  if  En  Rc^el  be 
 the  modern  Um-cd-Deraj,  this  stone,  "  where 
 Adonijah  slew  sheep  and  oxen,"  was  in  all  like- 
 lihood not  fur  from  the  well  of  the  Virgin.  The 
 Targumists  translate  it  "the  rolling  stone;"  and 
 Pashi  alRrms  that  it  was  a  large  stone  on  which 
 the  young  men  tiieii  their  strength  in  attemi)ting 
 to  roll  it.  Others  make  it  "  the  serpent  stone." 
 Others  connect  it  with  running  water;  but  there 
 is  nothing  strained  in  making  it  "  the  stone  of  the 
 i.-x)m\\.\\i"  {Mazchelali),  from  its  proximity  to  the 
 great  rock-conduit  or  conduits  that  poureil  into 
 Si  loam. 
 
 Zo'heth.  Son  of  Ishi  of  the  tribe  of  Judah 
 (1  Chr.  IV.  20). 
 
 Zo'pbab.  Son  of  Helem,  or  Hotham,  the  son  of 
 Heber,  an  .\.--herite  (I  il\w.  vii.  35,  30^. 
 
 Zopha'i.  A  Kohathite  Levite,  son  of  Elkanah 
 and  ancestor  of  Samuel  (1  Chr.  vi.  2G  [11]).  In 
 vcr.  35  he  is  calle<l  Zl'I'H. 
 
 Zo'phar.  One  of  the  three  friends  of  Job  (Job 
 ii.  11,  xi.  1,  XX.  1.  xlii.  9V 
 
 Zo'pMm,  the  Field  of.  A  spot  on  or  near  the 
 top  of  I'isgah,  lioin  wiiich  Balaam  had  his  second 
 view  of  the  encampment  of  Israel  iNum.  xxiii.  14). 
 If  the  word  sadch  (rendered  "  field ")  may  bo 
 taken  in  its  usual  sense,  then  the  "  field  of 
 Zophim"  was  a  cultivated  spot  high  up  on  the  top 
 of  the  range  of  I'isgah.  But  that  word  is  the 
 almost  invariable  term  for  a  portion  of 'the  upper 
 district  of  lloab.  The  position  of  the  field  of 
 Zoi>him  is  not  defined.  May  it  not  bo  the  same 
 place  which   later   in   the  history  is  mentioned  as 
 
 AllZPAII-MOAl!? 
 
 Zo'rah.  One  of  the  towns  in  the  allotment 
 of  the  tiibe  of  Dan  (Josh.  xix.  41).  It  is  previ- 
 ously mentioned  (xv.  33)  in  the  wita'ogue  of  Judah, 
 among  the  places  in  the  district  of  the  Shefflah 
 (A.  \.  ZoRKAii).  In  both  lists  it  is  in  imme<liate 
 proximity  to  EsiiTAOi,.  Zoiah  w.as  the  residence 
 of  Maiioah  and  the  native  jilace  of  Samson.  Zoiah 
 is  mentioned  amongst  the  j)laces  fortifieil  by  Rcho- 
 boam  (2  Chr.  xi,  10).  In  the  Ononuviticon  it  is 
 mentioned  as  lying  some  10  miles  noith  of  Eh'u- 
 tlieropolis  nn  the  road  to  Nicopolis.  By  the  .Jewish 
 traveller  ha|>-Paiclii,  it  is  specifie<l  as  three  hours 
 S.iC.  of  Lyild.     These  notii-es  agree  in  diicctioii  — 
 
ZORATHITES 
 
 rhoiioh  in  neitlier  is  the  distance  nearly  sutlicioiit — 
 with  the  moilein  village  of  Sur'nh,  which  has  been 
 visited  by  Dr.  Kobinson  and  Tobler.  it  lies  just 
 below  the  brow  of  a  sharp-pointed  conical  hill,  at 
 the  shoulder  of  the  ranges  which  there  meet  and 
 foitn  the  north  side  of  the  Wady  Ghurdb.  the 
 northernmost  of  the  two  branches  which  unite  just 
 below  Sur'nh,  and  form  the  great  Wady  Siimr. 
 In  the  A.  V.  the  name  appears  also  as  Zauicah 
 and  ZOREAII. 
 
 Zo'rathites,  the,  i.  e.  the  people  of  Zoraii, 
 mentioned  in  I  Chv.  iv.  2  as  descended  from 
 ohobal. 
 
 Zo'reah.  Another  foim  (Josh.  xv.  33)  of  the 
 name  usually  given  in  the  A.  V.  as  ZoRAII. 
 
 Zo'rites,  the,  aie  named  in  the  genealogies  of 
 Judah  (1  Chr.  ii.  54)  apparently  amongst  the  de- 
 si'cndants  of  Salma  and  near  connexions  of  Joab. 
 
 Zorob'abel.  1  Esd.  iv.  13  ;  v.  5-70  ;  vi.2-29  ; 
 Kcclus.  xlix.    11;   Matt,  i.   12,  13;  Luke  iii.  27. 
 
 [Zi:RUBnAP.EL.] 
 
 Zu'ar.  Father  of  Nethaneel  the  chief  of  the  ti  ibe 
 of  Issachar  at  the  time  of  the  Exodus  (Num.  i.  8, 
 ii.  .5,  vii.  18,  23,  X.  15V 
 
 Zuph,  the  land  of.  A  district  at  which  Saul 
 and  his  servant  arrived  after  passing  through  those 
 of  Shalisha,  of  Shalim,  and  of  the  Benjamites 
 (1  Sam.  ix.  5  only).  It  evidently  contained  the 
 citv  in  which  they  encounteied  Samuel  (ver.  6), 
 and  that  again  was  certainly  not  far  from  the 
 "  tomb  of  Kachel."  The  only  trace  of  the  name  of 
 Zuph  in  modern  Palestine,  in  any  suitable  locality, 
 is  to  ba  found   in  Soha,  a  well-known  place  about 
 
 ZUZIMS 
 
 ion;> 
 
 seven  miles  due  west  of  Jerusalem,  and  five  miler. 
 south-west  of  Nehy  Sainiril.  l'>ut  this  is  at  the 
 best  no  move  than  conjecture,  and  unless  the  land 
 of  Zuph  extended  a  good  distance  east  of  Soha,  the 
 city  in  which  the  meeting  with  Samuel  took  place 
 could  hardly  be  sutficiently  near  to  Ilaohel's  sn. 
 pulchre. 
 
 Zuph.  A  Kohathite  Levite,  ancestor  of  Elkaiiah 
 and  bamuel  (1  Sam.  i.  1  ;  1  Chr.  vi,  35  [2(1]). 
 In  1  Chr.  vi.  20  he  is  called  ZoriiAi. 
 
 Zur.  1.  Father  of  Cozbi  (Num.  xxv.  15),  and 
 one  of  the  five  princes  of  Midian  who  were  slain  by 
 the  Israelites  when  Balaam  fell  (Num.  xxxi.  8).— 
 2.  Son  of  Jehiel  the  foiuider  of  Gibeon  (1  Chr.  viii. 
 30,  ix.  3G). 
 
 Zu'riel.  Son  of  Abihail,  and  chief  of  the  Mern- 
 rite  Levites  at  the  time  of  the  Exodus  (Num.  iii. 
 
 Zurishadda'i.  Father  of  Shelumiel,  the  chief 
 of  the  tribe  of  Simeon  at  the  time  of  the  Exodus 
 (Num.  i.  6,  ii.  12,  vii.  36,  41,  x.  19). 
 
 Zu'zims,  the.  The  name  of  an  ancient  people 
 who  lying  in  the  path  of  Chedorlaomer  and  his 
 allies  were  attacked  and  overthrown  by  them  (Gen. 
 XIV.  5  only).  Of  the  etymology  or  signification  of 
 the  name  nothing  is  known.  Hardly  more  ascer- 
 tainable is  the  situation  which  the  Zuzim  occupied. 
 There  is  some  plausibility  in  the  suggestion  of 
 Ewald.  that  the  Zuzim  inh.ibited  the  country  of 
 the  Ammonites,  and  were  identical  with  the  Zain- 
 zummim,  who  are  known  to  have  been  exterm.- 
 inated  and  succeeded  in  their  land  by  the  Am« 
 monites. 
 
 THE  .1':ND. 
 
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