r.\t ' 'iff '' s I ; / FROM THE LIBRARY OF REV. LOUIS FITZGERALD BENSON. D. D, BEQUEATHED BY HIM TO THE LIBRARY OF PRINCETON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY Dlviaiaii ^CXZ. Sectfoa /OO 0^ T. and T. Clark's Publications. Just published, in demy 4, Schenkd, das Wesen d. Protest. 1845, etc., 3 vols. — H. HejW' G^esch. d. deutsch. Protest., 1852, vol. I. (the Melanchth. tendency in Cii. hist.). 6. K. Biffel, K. G. d. neust. Zeit., 2 ed., Mainz, 1847, etc., 3 vols. — Ign. Ddllinger, de Eef. im Umfange d. Luth. Bekenntn., 2 ed., Eegensb. 1852, etc., 3 vols, (both odiously ultramontane). 7. Luther s Lebcn, by Mclanchtlwn, Wittb. 1546 ; by J. Ma- thcsius (in sermons), publ. by Bust., Berl. 1841, and often; by Nic. SelnccJcer, ed. Mayer, Wittb. 1687, 4to ; by B. Hcrrn- schmidt, Halle, 1742 ; by J. G. Walrh, in the 24th vol. of Luther's works; by i^. >S'. Kcil, Lpz. 1764; by G. H. A. UJccrt, Goth. 1817, 2 vols.; by G. Pfizer, Stuttg. 1836; by C. F. G. Stang, Stuttg. 1838 ; by M. Mcurer, 2 ed., Dresd. 1852 ; by K. Jilrgcns (to 1517), Lpz. 1846, 3 vols.; by L. Weydmann, Hamb. 1850; by H. Gelzer, mit bildl. Darstell, v. G. Konig, Hamb. 1851 ; T. Konig, Luther u. s. Zeit., 3 vols., 1859. 8. C. A. Mcnzel, Neuere Gesch. d. Deutsch., Berl. 1826, etc., vols. I.-VIII. — Lcop. Banke, deutsch. Gesch. in Zeitalter d. Eef., 3 ed., Berl. 1852, 6 vols, — C. de Villers,'Essiii sur I'esprit etl'influ- ence de la ref. du 16me siecle, 5 ed.. Par. 1851. 9. H. Bidlingcr, Eef. Gesch. (to 1532), publ. by Hottingcr v. Vugeli, Frauenf 1838, 3 vols. — J. C. Filsslin, Beitr. zur Erliiutr. d. K. Eef. Hist. d. Schweizerlande, Zurich, 1751, etc., 5 vols. — J.J. Simhr, Samml. alt. u. neuer Urkd., 1757, 5 vols. — L. Maim- hourg, Hist, du Calvinisnie, I'ar. 1682. In opposition: B. Bayle, Critique generale, etc., Eottd. 1684, 2 vols. — J. Basnage, Hist, de la relig. des eglises ref., 2 ed., Haye, 1725, 2 vols. 4to. — /. J. § 2. THE WITTENBERG REFORMATION. 5 Hottinga-, Helvet. K. G., Zurich, l, etc., 5 vols. — A. Ruchai, Hist, tie la rcf. de la Suisse, Gen. 1727, etc., G vols. — J. D. Beau- sohre, Hist, de la ref. (to 1530), Beii. 1785, 3 vols.— Z. Wirz n. M. Kirchhofer, neuere helv. K. G., Zlirich, 1813, 2 vols. 10. Kostlin, Luther's Theologie, 2 vols., 1862. — ffarnack, Luther's Theologie, vol. I., 18(32. — Dorncrs History of German Protestant Theology, particularly in Germany, viewed according to its fundamental movement and in connection with the religious, moral, and intellectual life, 2 vols., Edinburgh, 1871. A. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE REFORMATIOX. § 2. COMMENCEMENT OF THE WITTENBERG REFORMATION. (1517-1519.) No historical event so clearly and plainly displays a ruling Divine Providence as the German Peformation. In its case, place, time, persons, circumstances, and relations, religious and political, all combined most wonderfully to secure for the great work a firm basis, a safe position, a healthy tendency, strict purity, powerful protection, general recognition, successful pro- gress, and permanent results. There was a lively sense of the errors of the Church, and a deep and general longing after a reformation ; and science offered it ample means to effect a reformation. The papal chair was occupied by a man so indif- ferent and indolent a.s Leo X; and one so foolhardy and shameless as Tctzcl vended indulgences. For the tender plant there was provided a protector so pious, faithful, and conscien- tious, so honoured and esteemed, as Frederick the Wise. On the imperial throne sat Charles V., sufficiently powerful and inimical to kindle the purifying fires of affliction, but too mucli involved in political troubles to render a reckless and violent suppression of the movement either prudent or possible. Besides these, there were a great many otlier persons, circumstances, and complications, all which seemed to conspire, as by design, to strengthen and advance the cause. Then finally, at the pro- per time, at the most desirable place, and amid the most favour- able circumstances, arose a genius like Luther, in M-hom was found tlie rarest combination of all the gifts and (pialities of spirit, mind, character, and will, requisite to the great work He was, moreover, providentially trained for his high mission by 6 THIRD SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. IG A.D.). the events of his life, and by being made to experience in his own soul the essential principles of the Eeformation, and to make such proof of its divine power that he felt irresistibly impelled to communicate to the world this most sacred and pre- cious experience of his life. The great work began with the nailing of ninety-five simple theses to the door of the Witten- berg cathedral, and the Leipsic disputation constituted the first prominent point in its history. 1, Znthers Early Years. — Martin Luther was born at Eisle- ben, November 10, 1483. After growing up under strict paren- tal discipline, and amidst the wants and privations of poverty, he went, in 1501, to study law at the University of Erfurt. Deeply affected by the sudden death of his friend Alexius, he entered the Augustine monastery at Erfurt in 1505. In great distress for the salvation of his soul, he sought to quiet his con- science by fastings, prayers, and penances. But his temptations ever returned with new power. An old brother in the monas- tery, one day, repeated to the distressed and almost exhausted penitent this article of the Creed : " I believe in the forgiveness of sins." It was a word of comfort to his soul. He was still more cheered by the counsel of his noble superior, John Stav- pitz, the provincial of the Augustines for Germany. He pointed out to him the way of true repentance and faith in the Saviour, who was crucified not for imaginary sins. Following his advice, Luther zealously studied the Bible, along with the writings of Augustine, and of the mystics of the Middle Ages. In 1508, Staupitz aided him in obtaining an appointment to the chair of philosophy in the University of Wittenlcrg, founded in 1502. This compelled him thoroughly to study scholastic authors. A journey to Eome, undertaken in 1510, at the request of his order, had a mighty influence upon his future course. Indig- nant at the blasphemous levity and immorality exhibited there by the clergy, and unappeased by the outward penances to which he submitted, he returned home. All the way back these words resounded in his ears : " The just shall live by faitli." It was a voice from God to his soul, and filled his troubled spirit with divme peace. After his return, Staupitz gave him no rest until he was promoted to the theological doctorate (1512), when he commenced lecturing upon theology, and also preaching in Wittenberg. Guided by the study of "Augustine, he penetrated ever more deeply into the knowledge of the Scriptures, and of their fundamental doctrine of justification by faith ; he attained daily to greater freedom from the trammels of scholastic formal- ism, and from those of medieval pantheistic mysticism, by which he liad at first allowed himself to be unduly influenced. § 2. THE WITTENBEEG KEFORMATION. Y 2. Luther s Theses. (Comp. F. G. Hoffmann, LebensLesclir. Tetzel's, 1844.— r;?wc (Cath.), Tetzel u. Luther, 1853. In reply: Kohlcr, rom. Geschiclitsverdrehung, etc., in the Luth. Ztschr., 1855, 3.— J". H. Hcnnes, Albr. v. Brandb., 1858.)— Pope Leo X. had authorized a general indulgence, avowedly to complete St. Peter's, but really to relieve his pecuniary embarrassments, and gratify his love of splendour. Germany was divided among tliree commissioners. The Elector Alhrccht. of Maycncc (a brother of the Elector of Brandenburg), who was also Archbishop of Magdeburg, liimself assumed the chief management of the conmiission for his provinces, reserving the half of the receipts for the liquidation of his own debts. Among the vendors of indulgences whom he appointed, John Tetzel, a Dominican prior, was the most scandalous. Attended by a numerous retinue, he travelled from place to place, and offered his wares with the most unexampled impudence and obtrusiv-e publicity. Thus he set up in Jutcrbock, near Witten- berg, and attracted crowds of purchasers from all directions. Luther discovered, in the confessional, the pernicious conse- quences of this disorder, and on the eve of All Saints' Day, Oct. 31, 1517, he nailed ninety-five theses (in Latin), " in explanation of the power of indulgences," on the door of the castle church in Wittenberg. Although these theses did not assail the doc- trine of indulgence itself, but merely its abuse, their decided reference to faith in Christ as the only ground of salvation in- volved the life-principle of the Pteformation. With incredible rapidity the theses were spread over Germany, and indeed over all Europe. Luther accompanied them by a sermon for the people upon " indulgences and grace." The movement met with so much favour that the friends of the old order of things were compelled to resist it. Tetzel publicly burned the theses at Jiiterbock, and with the aid of Conrad Wimpina, of Frankfort, prepared counter-theses, which he wished to discuss with Luther. A number of copies of these were bought by the Wittenberg students, and, in retaliation, burned by them ; an act of which Luther highly disapproved. John Ech, pro-chancellor in Ingol- stadt, one of the most learned theologians of his day, and a pro- fessed friend of Luther, wrote Oheliscos, in which, without naming Luther, he severely denounced the Bohemian poison. Luther rejoined in his Asteriscos. At first Leo X., in his self-security, regarded the matter as nothing more than an unimportant (puirrel among the monks, and even praised Brother Martin as a remark- able genius. Hofjstvatcns cry of heresy he did not heed, but had no objections that the Dominican Syhcster Frierias,iaa&teY sacri palatii, should controvert Luther. His book was a miser- able affair. Luther briefly and effectually refuted it. Prierias wrote a second more wretched reply, Luther's only answer to 8 THIRD SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 16 A.D.). which was its republication. Leo then enjoined silence upon liis nnskilful advocate. In May 1518, Luther addressed a liunible letter to the pope, and, in self-justification, added detailed licsolutioncs upon his theses. Both were to be sent to Leo by Staupitz. 3. Cajdaii and Miltiz (1518). — At length it was resolved, at Rome, to lay vigorous hold of the Wittenberg movement. The papal fiscal entered complaints against Luther, who was there- upon summoned to answer to the charge, in Rome, within sixty days. But, at the solicitation of the University of Wittenberg, and especially of Frederick the Wise, the pope committed the settlement of the matter to his legate, Cardinal Cajetan, at the Diet of Augsburg. Luther appeared and appealed to the Bible. But the legate wished to refute him by the testimony of the schoolmen, and, after vainly demanding an unqualified retracta- tion, arrogantly turned away. Luther made a formal appeal to the pope, and happily escaped from Augsburg. Cajetan now sought to incite Frederick the Wise (1486-1525) against the refractory monk ; but Luther's meek and cheerful confidence won the heart of the noble elector. No good was to be looked for from Rome ; hence Luther prepared in advance an appeal to a general council, which, however, the covetousness of tlie printer prematurely circulated, against the will of Luther. In Rome, the unhappy issue of the diet was charged to Cajetan's unwise obstinacy. By a papal bull, the doctrine of indulgences was carefully defined, their abuse disapproved, and the papal cham- berlain, Charles of Miltiz, a Saxon, a man of worldly adroitness, was sent, in 1519, as papal nuncio to Saxony, to confer upon the elector the sacred golden rose, and adjust the controversy. He began his work by severely condemning Tetzel, and ap- proached Luther with the most flattering kindness. Luther apologised for his violence, wrote a humble, submissive letter to the pope, and, in order to do all in his power, publicly issued an explanation of the views ascribed to him by his opponent. But, notwithstanding these concessions, he firmly adhered to the doctrine of justification by faith alone, without any merit of good works. He promised the nuncio to abstain from further controversy, provided his opponents also remained silent ; these, however, did not comply. 4. The Leipsic Disputation (1519). (Comp. ,/. K. Seide- mann, d. Lpz. disp., 1843. — C. G. Bering, de disp. Lps., 1839.) — John Eck, of Ingolstadt, who had previously exchanged controversial treatises with Luther, had engaged in a dispute with Andrew Bodenstcin von Carlstadt, a zealous adherent and col- league of Luther, a professor and preacher in Wittenberg, and Luther himself had proposed a disputation between them. This was to take place in Leipsic, in 1519. But the vain Eck not § 2. THE WITTENBERG REFORMATION. 9 only sought to attract as much attention as possible to the pro- posed disputation, but to involve Luther in tlie controversy. For eio-ht days Eck debated with Carlstadt upon grace and free M-ill, and with powerful skill, boldness, and learning, defended IJomish semi-pelagianism. Then for fourteen days he discussed, with Luther, the pope's primacy, repentance, indulgences, and ]iurgatory, and sorely pressed him with accusations of the Hussite heresy. But Luther vigorously defended himself with Bible proofs, and became convinced that even general councils (like that of Constance) might err, and that not all Hussite doctrines are heretical. Both parties claimed the victory. Luther fol- lowed np the debate with several controversial tracts ; neither did Eck keep silent. Other combatants also entered the field. The party of Liberal German Humanists had, at first, taken but little notice of Luther's movements ; but the Leipsic disputation changed their views of the case. Luther seemed to them a second Eeuchlin, Eck as another Ortuinns Gratius. A pungent anony- mous satire, "Der abgehobelte Eck," which surpassed the Aristo- l)hanian wit of the "Epistola3 obscurorum virorum," was published early in 1520. It was succeeded by several satires by Vlric von Hutten ("Die Anschauenden," "Yadiscus, oder die romische Dreifalligkeit," etc.), whom Luther's appearance at Leipsic had anew electrified. Hutten and Sickine/en offered themselves and their entire party, soul and body, pen and sword, to the service of Luther. Though this league with the Humanists was tern- porarily needful to the Iicformation, it would have given a wholly false direction to the cause, had it not been, in due time, provi- dentially dissolved. — The Leipsic disputation likewise led to amicable relations between the Bohemian Hussites and the German reformer ; letters, gifts, and messages were exchanged between them. But, on the other hand, Duke George of Saxony, in whose castle and presence the disputation was held, became Irom that time an irreconcilable foe to Luther and his Eeforma- tion. (Comp. A. M. Schulzc, Herz. Georg. u. M. Lnther, Lpz. 1834.) 5. Fhilip Melanchthon. (Comp. Melanchthon's Life by Galle, 1840; by Matthcs, 1841; by Mcurer, 1860; by Schmidt, 1801.) — There was a man present at the Leipsic disputation who occupied a prominent place in the progress of the Eeformation. l^orn at Bretten, in the Palatinate, in 1497, Phili]) Melanchthon (ScMvartzerd) entered the University of Heidelberg in his thirteenth year. Three years later he published a CJreck gram- mar ; in liis seventeenth year he obtained tlie master's degree, and in his twenty-first (1518), at the recommendation oilxeuchlin, a relative, was appointed professor of Greek at Wittenberg. His fame soon spread over all Europe, and attracted to him thou- sands of hearers from all countries. Luther and Erasmus both 10 TIIIKD SECTION. FIRST PEUIOD (CENT. 16 A.D.). lauded liis talents, liis fine culture, and his learning, and his age ])ronounced him the Praxcptor Gcrmanice. He was an Erasmus of loftier power and nobler mien, a complementary counterpart of Luther. His entire nature breathed forth modesty, mildness, and goodness. With childlike simplicity he yielded . to the ] lower of evangelical truth, and humbly bowed to the more Ibrcible practical spirit of Luther, who on his part, however, gratefully acknowledged the goodness of God in raising up such a coadjutor for him and his cause. — IMelanchthon wrote a report of the Leipsic disputation to his friend CEcolampadius, which incidentally fell into Eck's hands. This occasioned a contro- versy between them, in which Eck's vain self-exaltation and Melanchthon's noble modesty were equally manifest. His first participation in the new movement was in February 1521, in tlie form of an apology for Luther, issued under an assumed name. § 3. THE PERIOD OF LUTHER'S EARLIEST CONFLICTS AND STRAITS. (1520, 1521.) The Leipsic disputation led Luther to assume an essentially freer standpoint. He was made to see tliat he could not stop half-way; that his great principle of justification' by faith was wholly incompatible with the hierarchical system of the papacy and its fundamental doctrines. But along with his violence and subjective one-sidedness, which he displayed in this period of his earliest conflicts and straits (1520, 1521), he still possessed sufficient considerateness to hold fast to the spiritual character of his reformatory labours, and to reject the carnal aid offered by Ulric von Hutten and his warlike associates, how- ever thankfully he acknowledged their ardent sympathy. The position he then occupied, as well as the full height of his sub- jectivism at that time, are set forth in two papers written during the first half of the year 1520 : " An kaiserliche Majestiit und den christl. Adel deutscher Nation von des christlichen Standes Besserung " (in which he razed the three breastworks behind which the papacy had intrenched itself,— the supremacy of the pope over all temporal powers, its exclusive authority to inter- pret the Bible, and its sole right to convoke councils,— and ])roposed measures for the radical improvement and reconstruc- tion of the German Church), and " De captivitate Babylonica ecclesiae," the main subject of which was the doctrine of the sacraments. He admits only three (baptism, repentance, and § o. lutiier's conflicts and straits. 11 the Supper), and rejects the comviunio suh una, transubstantia- tion, and the idea of a sacrifice in the mass. Some of liis works, of a more edifying character, also belong to this period, as the exposition of Galatians, tlie manual on Confession, the sermon on Good Works, etc. The papal bull of excommunication incited him to more violent words and acts, and with heroic boldness he hastened to Worms, to render an account of his doings before the emperor and diet. Tlie papal ban was followed by the imperial proscription. But, as an exile in Wartburg, he escaped from the hands of his foes and — his friends. 1. The Romish Bull of Excommunication (1520).— To reap the fruits of his imaginary victory, Ech had gone back to Eome, and returned triumphantly as a papal nuncio with a bull dated June 15, 1520, in which Luther was pronounced a heretic, Ids writings ordered to be burned, and he threatened with the ban unless he appeared in Rome within sixty days. Miltiz made new attempts to compromise matters, which, of course, were unsuccessful, although Lutlier, to show his good intentions, gave them consi- deration, and proposed a basis of compromise in his tract, " Von der Freiheit eines Christenmenschen," in which he shunned con- troversy as much as possilJe. He accompanied this paper with a letter to the pope, in which, with all its sincere expressions of humility, and reverence for the person of the pope, whom he represented as dwelling in the midst of a most abominable Romish Sodom and Gomorrah,' like a sheep among wolves, or like Daniel in the lions' den, there was no trace of repentance or retractation. It was easy to foresee, however, that neither paper would suit the taste of the Romish court. Meanwhile, Eck came with the bull itself. After its publication, Luther opened his assault upon it with three writings (" Von den neuen Eckischen Ikillen und Lligen," "Contra execrabilem Antichristi buUam," " Assertio omnium articulorura per bullam Leonis X. novissimam damna- torum"), and renewed his appeal to a general council, which he had carefully prepared two years before. In Saxony, Eck's bull only excited derision, but in Lyons, Mayence, Cologne, etc., Luther's writings were really burned. Then Luther took the boldest step of his life. Attended by a large concourse of doctors and students, invited by a placard, he burned the bull with the papal decretals on Dec. 10, 1520, at 9 a.m. This was an ab- solute divorce from the pope and Romish Church. He had thus rendered all retreat impossible. Hutten shouted appro- bation, and proclaimed in German rhymes a full catalogue of the sins of the Romish curia. 2. Erasmus (1520). (Comp. W. Chlchus, Erasm. u. Luth in the Hist, theol. Ztschr., 1845, 2.— JV. E. Ehcrhardi, Warum blieb 12 THIKD SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 16 A.D.). Erasm. Kath., ibid. 1839, 3.) — Thus far Erasmus kept on good terms with Luther; they cherished mutual respect and esteem. However diverse their positive tendencies, they agreed in oppos- ing scholasticism and monasticism. Erasmus rejoiced in the del'eat of an obnoxious monasticism, and persistently rejected all solicitations to write against Luther ; neither did he care, as he confessed, to feel the rasp of Luther's wrath. When the papal bull appeared, he decidedly disapproved of it, and even expressed doubts as to its genuineness. As the oracle of his day, his opinion of the whole matter was often asked. He said the papal decision itself was not to be condemned, but its manner and form. He desired an arbitration of learned and pious men, with three princes (the German emperor, and the kings of England and Hungary), to whose decision Luther should submit. Frederick the Wise also (before Luther liad taken his boldest step) had consulted Erasmus, who then said that Luther had made two mistakes — he had touched the pontiffs crown and the monks' bellies ; he also regretted Luther's want of moderation and con- siderateness. Tlie elector heard these declarations of Erasmus not without approbation. The proposal to submit the case to an arbitration also had its influence upon -subsequent public measures against Luther. 3. The Emj}eror Charles T. (1519-21).— The Emperor Maxi- milian died Jan. 12, 1519. The Elector of Saxony, the regent of the empire, declined his election in favour of Charles I., the young King of Spain, Maximilian's grandson, who was crowned at Aix-la-Chapelle on Oct. 23. All hopes centred in the young emperor. It was expected that he would place himself at the liead of the religious and national movement in Germany. But Charles, who was a stranger to the impulses of the German spirit, and did not even understand the language, had interests which he was not disposed to subordinate to GJerman politics. The German crown was but an integral part of his power; its interests had to subserve the general interests of the empire, on whose domain the sun never set. He considered the religious agitation in Germany important, but not so much in its religious as in its political aspect. It furnished him with the desired means of keeping the pope in check, and of compelling him to favour his interests. Charles demanded two things of the pope for the suppression of the religious movement in Germany : iirst, that he should renounce French alliances, and league with the emperor against France; secondly, the cassation of the previously issued papal breve, which ordered a reconstruction of the Spanish Inquisition— a main prop of absolute monarchy in Spain. Leo X. yielded to both demands, and thus the hopes of the Germans, that Charles would at length rid the nation of the ignominious Koman yoke, were frustrated. The compact between § 3. lutuek's conflicts and straits. 13 the emperor and pope was concluded on iMay 8, 1521. — Charles opened his first diet at Worms on Jan. 28, 1521. In February a papal brief arrived, urgently admonishing the emperor legally to enforce the bull against Luther. During a tournament Charles summoned the princes to his quarters, communicated the brief to them, and submitted an edict, couched in strong terms, enjoin- ing the execution of the bull. He desired them at once to give their assent. But he met with unexpected opposition. The States demanded that Luther should be summoned to Worms, under an imperial safe-conduct, to answer the charges made against him. They could not consider his assaults upon Eomish abuses a crime, since they themselves had drawn up an indict- ment of 101 gravamina against Eome, which they intended laying before the Diet. Still they declared themselves ready to subscribe the edict, if Luther would not retract in regard to points of doctrinal dispute. Earnestly as the papal legate Alexander protested against a temporal diet affording a heretic the opportunity of a trial, the opinion of the Estates prevailed. An imperial herald was despatched to Wittenberg to summon Luther to Worms under an imperial safe-conduct. Before his arrival, the confessor of the emperor, Glaino, a Franciscan, who was by no means a blind devotee of the Eomish chair, sought to effect an amicable settlement of the affair. He thought if Luther would but retract the most offensive of his books, such as that of the Babylonian captivity of the Church, and acknow- ledge the decrees of Constance, the whole case might be dis- missed. He first laid this proposition before the Elector of Saxony, and after failing with him, sought Francis von Sickingcn in the castle of Ebern. He embraced the plan, and invited Luther to a conference in his castle. But Luther did not trust Glapio, and declined the invitation. 4. Luther at the Diet of Worms (1521). (Comp. Boye, Luth. zu W;, 2 ed., 1^24:.—Zimmer, Luth. zu W., 1^11.— Putzochmann, 1860.) — In the meantime Luther had not been idle at Witten- berg. He preached twice daily, delivered lectures, wrote books and letters, had conferences, and contended with opponents, especially with Jerome Emscr in Leipsic, with M'hom he became involved in a long and odious correspondence in regard to his memorial addressed to the German nobles. The imperial herald found him in the midst of tliese various labours. He dropped everything, and obeyed the citation with courage and confidence. The fears of his friends in Wittenberg, the admonitions to return which were addressed to him on his way, he discarded with Christian heroism, in his usual vigorous manner. His journey resembled a triumphal march. He reached Worms on April 14, amidst a dense mass of people, attended by his theo- logical friends, Justus Jonas and Nicholas Amsdorf, and the 14 THIRD sp:ction. first period (cent. 16 A.D.), legal counsellor Jerome Schvrf. Soon after his arrival, on April 17, he was cited before the Diet. He acknowledged the books laid before him as his own ; in regard to the required retractation, he obtained time for consideration until the follow- ing day. In his subsequent declaration, he divided his books into tliree classes (those setting forth positive doctrines, con- troversial writings against the papacy and pajml doctrines, and those directed against private persons), and gave his reasons at length for refusing to recall any of them. A direct answer was demanded. He gave this by saying that he would not and couhl not retract, unless it could be shown from Scripture, or by other clear proofs, that he was in error, and concluded witli the words : " Hier stehe ich, ich kann nicht anders, Gott lielfe mir ! Amen." He had won the hearts of many German knights and princes, but had not favourably impressed the emperor. Still, Charles spurned the suggestion to withdraw the promised safe-conduct from the heretic. Well-meant attempts urging him still to retract, Luther met witli the words of Gamaliel (Acts v. 38, 39), and, on April 26, left Worms without hindrance. On May 26, after some of the princes (including the Elector of Saxony) had gone away, the papal legate succeeded, by various secret machinations, in having the imperial decree, couched in the severest terms, pronounced against Luther and all his adherents, and falsely antedated May 8 {the Edict of Worms). Ikit Luther had been safely concealed. 5. The Warthnrg Exile (1521-22). (Comp. C. KdMer, Luth. auf d. Wartb., 1798, 4to.)— By the provident arrange- ment of the elector, two masked knights, with some servants, had surrounded Luther's carriage in a forest near Eisenach, seized Luther, and, with seeming violence, borne him off to the Wartburg, where, dressed in the garb of a knight and known as Knight George, he was directed quietly to await further developments. It was generally supposed that he was dead. P>ut wlien Cardinal Albert, of Mayence (as Archb. of Magdeburg), reopened the sale of indulgences in Halle, he soon discovered, to his terror, that the bold monk was still living. At the elector's request, he indeed kept back his tract, " Wider den Abgott von Halle," for the time, but in a letter addressed to the cardinal, peremptorily recjuired him to cease the traffic within fourteen days. The archbisliop succumbed, and wrote a mild apologetic answer. Luther also gave more public proof that he still lived, and was not inclined to keep silent, or change his course, by writings of an instructive or destructive character. He com- pleted his exposition of the Magnificat, sent forth the first part of his Church-postils, wrote "Wider den Missbrauch der Messen,"' " Von den geistlichen und Klostei'gellibden," etc. Nevertheless, he was greatly dissatisfied with the elector's precaution, by § 3. luther's conflicts and straits. 15 which, at such a time, he was withdrawn from active life. He would rather "burn on glowing coals than rot in such inaction." ]>ut this very involuntary exile rescued him and the lleformation from a ruinous downfall. Apart from the dangers to which the imperial sentence exposed him, and which might have compelled him to seek refuG:e with an Ulric von Hutten and his associates, which would have made the Reformation degenerate into a revolution, — apart from this, the compulsory detention in the Wartburg was advantageous and important to Luther and his cause in many respects. One advantage of it was, that men thus learned to distinguish Luther's work from his person ; but a still greater advantage was that which accrued to Luther him- self from this exile. His past life had exposed him to the danger of attempting to carry on the work by violent, stormy measures, rather than by considerate and positive means. The leisure of the Wartburg compelled him quietly and earnestly to examine himself and his labours, which he could not do amid the contlicts and perplexities of his public life ; and the fanati- cism of the Wittenberg iconoclasts and prophets of Zwickau, which he could now observe and judge of calmly and without prejudice, showed him, as in a warning mirror, whither he too, and his work, might have been hurried. His theological know- ledge, also, had not acquired that ripeness, circumspection, and clearness which he needed to carry on his work, for he was still largely involved in subjectivism. At the Wartburg, however, he could turn from his work of demolition to that of building up, and by tlie undisturbed study of the Holy Scriptures, extend, purify, and strengthen his religious views. It was of special importance, also, that at the Wartburg he formed, and partly (in regard to the New Testament) executed, the plan of translatim/ the ivhole Bible into German. His exile, likewise, by restraining his violent temper, and by the inward temptations and contlicts he then experienced, served to humble him, to strengthen his religious character, and to purge and sanctify his entire nature. § 4 DEGENERACY AND PURIFICATION OF THE KEFORM.\.TION IN WITTENBERG, (1522-25.) During Luther's absence, the lleformation had progressed in Wittenberg only too rapidly, and soon strayed into the wildest fanaticisms. But Luther hastened to the scene, obtained control of the movement, and soon brought it back to prudent evangelical measures. The fanatics fled from Wittenberg, but only to carry on their revolutionary disorders elsewhere. At the same time, however, danger threatened from other directions. The religious movement started by Lutlier happened to be sim- 16 THIRD SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. IG A.D.). ultaneous with a twofold political agitation, — the conflict of the (rernian knights with tlie princes, and the insurrection of the German peasants against the nobility. The Eeformation was in danger of being mixed up with these political movements, and of sharing their fate. But Luther stood firm as a rock against all temptations, and the dangers passed by. 1. The Wittenberg Fanaticism (1522). (Comp. ErWcam, (xesch. d. protest. Secten im Zeitalter d. Eef., 1848. — Hast, Gesch, Wiedertaufer von ihrer Entst. zu Zwickau bis zu ihr. Sturze in Miinst., 1835.) — An Augustine monk, Gabriel Didy- mus, preached in the Church of St. Augustine in glowing terms against vows and private masses. Thirteen of his Order left it together in consequence of his preaching. Two neigli- bouring priests married. Carlstadt wrote against celibacy, and followed their example. At a monastery of the Order in Witten- berg, it was resolved to abolish mendicancy and the mass. But this was not all. Didymus, and still more Carlstadt, so inflamed the people and students, that under their guidance they perpe- trated the grossest violence. Public worship was wantonly dis- turbed, under the pretence of exterminating the "idolatry" of the mass ; images were cast out of the churches ; altars were broken down ; and some desired wliolly to abolish the clergy and theological learning. A fanatical spirit began to show itself simultaneously in Zwickau. At the head of the movement were two weavers, Mcholas Storch and Thomas Marx, and a literary character, Marcus Stuhner, who pretended to divine revelations, whilst Thomas Munzcr proclaimed the new gospel from the pulpit with glowing eloquence. Ilestrained in their operations by energetic civil interference, the Zwickau prophets went abroad. Miinzer went to Prague ; Storch, Marx, and Stiibner to Wittenberg. There they proclaimed their revelations, and zealously denounced infant baptism as an institution of Satan. The disorder in Wittenberg daily increased. The enemies of the Peformation rejoiced ; Melanchthon was at his wits' end ; the elector was tlmnderstruck. Luther could endure it no longer. Against the elector's express command he left the Wartburg, May ;>, 1522, wrote a heroic letter to the electors, availed himself of his knightly incognito at an inn in Jena, calmly indulging in cheerful fellowship {John Kessler), and soon after appeared publicly in Wittenberg. For a whole week he preached night and day against the fanatics, and soon became master of the storm. The Zwickau agitators left Wittenberg ; Carlstadt remained, but kept qui(;t for a few years. Luther and Melanch- thon laboured stedfastly to lay a positive basis for the Eeforma- tion : Melanchthon had already made a beginning in Dec. 1521, § 4. DEGENERACY, ETC. OF THE REFORMATION. 17 by publishing his " Loci communes rerum theologicarum." In 1522 Luther also published, against the wish of his modest friend, JNlelanchthon's " Annotationes in epist. Pauli ad Rom. et Cor." The same year Luther's translation of the New Testament appeared, besides many defensive and offensive reformatory writings. 2. Francis of SicJcingen (1522-23). (Comp. iMiinch, Fr. v. Sick., 1827, 2 vols.) — It was primarily a private feud, like those of the Middle Ages, which led Francis of Sickingen, with a con- siderable force, to invade the domain of the Elector and Arch- bishop of Treves. But prospective interests of quite a different character were connected witli it, and incited the whole body of knights to take part with Sickingen. Sickingen's opponent was a prelate, and an avowed foe of the Eeformation ; he was also a prince of the empire. Sickingen assailed him in both capacities, and invoked co-operation in the name of religion and political liberty. The knights, v/ho thoroughly disliked the state of public affairs, and were dissatisfied with the imperial government and the court, with princes and prelates, joined him in great numbers. Sickingen eagerly desired to have Luther in the league, but Luther could not be moved. Sickingen's enterprise proved unfortunate. The Elector of the Palatinate and the young Landgrave of Hesse hastened to the assistance of tlieir princely neighbour. The knights were singly put down, and Sickingen died of a mortal wound immediately after the storming of Ebernburg (May 1523). The power of the knights was completely broken. The Eeformation thus lost a brave and vigorous protector, but escaped destruction. 3. Andrew Bodenstein von Carlstadt (1524-25). (Comp. Max Gohel, Andr. Bodst. v. Karlst., in the Stud. u. Krit., 1841.— C. F. Jdgcr, Andr. Bodst. v. Karlst., 185(3. — //. W. Erhkam, I. c. p. 174, etc.) — Even after the suppression of the Wittenberg fanati- cism, Carlstadt adhered to his revolutionary tendencies, and M-ith difhculty remained quiet for two years. In 1524 he left Wittenberg and went to Orlamiinde. There he violently de- nounced Luther's popery, again assailed the images, and began to advocate his view of the Lord's Supper, in which he wholly rejected the doctrine of the real presence (§ 13, 1). To check the disorder Luther went to Jena, by direction of the elector, and there preached in Carlstadt's presence against the iconoclasts and sacramentarians. Carlstadt was greatly enraged. During a visit to Orlamiinde, Lutlier was greeted with curses and stones. The elector now commanded Carlstadt to quit the country. He first went to Strassburg, and tried to gain Martin Bucer and Wolfgang Capito to his side. Luther addressed a warning to the Christians of Strassburg, who endeavoured to reconcile the two. Carlstadt next went to Basel, and issued still more violent II. c 18 THIRD SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 16 A.D.). tracts against Luther's " stupid and shallow literal theology." Luther rejoined earnestly, thoroughly, and severely in his "Wider den himnilischen Propheten von den Bildern und Sacrament" (1525). Carlstadt meanwhile had drawn the Swiss reformers into his disputes, and they kept up the controversy with Luther. He himself became implicated in the Peasants' War; then, through Luther's mediation, obtained permission to return to Saxony, retracted his errors, but soon again revived his old agitations ; and, after wandering from jDlace to place, became professor and preacher at Basel, where he died of the plague (1541), 4. Thomas Milnzer (1523-24). (Comp. Ph. MelancMhon, Hist. Th. Miintzer's; in Luther's Works by Walch, XVI. — Strohel, Leb., Schriften, u. Lehren Th. Miintzer's, 1795. — Scidemann, Th. M., 1M2.—Kdhler, Th. M.u. s. Genossen, 1846, 3 vols.) — In Wittenberg fanaticism had, happily, been subdued. But a great portion of Germany began to ferment with a kindred but more general and dangerous agitation. The prophets driven from Wittenberg had not been idle, and persons of a still more fanatical and factious spirit strove to uproot all order in Church and State. Their leader was Thomas Miinzcr. After his expulsion from Zwickau he had gone to Bohemia, and became an apostle of the Taborite doctrines. In 1523 he returned to Saxony, and took u]3 his abode in Allstddt. There he gained many adherents. The Wittenberg Peformation was as vehe- mently reviled as the papacy. Not the letter of the Holy Scriptures, but the spirit should be made tlie principle of this reformation ; not only all ecclesiastical, but all civil institutions should be abolished and reconstructed. The doctrine of the evangelical liberty of Christians was grossly abused, the sacra- ments despised, infant baptism reviled, and all importance attached to the so-called baptism of the Spirit. Princes should be driven away, the foes of the gospel be extirpated with the sword, and all possessions be held in common. When Luther wrote a letter to the church at Miihlhausen, warning it against these fanatical measures, IMlinzer became furious, and issued a libellous reply, entitled, " Hochverursachte Schutzrede und Antwort gegen das geistlose sanftlebende Fleisch zu Witten- berg," in whicli he heaped upon Luther the most vulgar revilings, and sneered at his " lionigsussen Christum," and " gedichtetes Evangelium." Soon afterwards he was ordered by the elector to leave Saxony (1524). He went to the Upper Ehine districts, where he Ibund a luxuriant soil for his factious schemes. 5. The Teasants' War (1525). (Comp. Sartorius, Berk 1795. —Oechsle, Heilbr. 1830.— BurJchardt, Lpz. 1832, 2 \ols.— Bauer, Ulm, 1836.— ir. Bensen, Erlg. 184.0.— Zwimerma7in. 2 ed., Stuttg. 1856.— Wachs7nuth,Li)z. 1834.— Jorg (Cath.), Deutschl. § 4. DEGENERACY, ETC. OF THE REFORMATION. 19 in d. Revolutionsepoclie 1522-25, Freib. 1851.) — For tliirty years the peasantry of the empire had been restive under oppressive political exactions. Twice already (1502 and 1514) had conspiracies (called " Bundschuh," from their signal) been formed and quelled. They now seized upon Luther's ideas of Christian liberty, and drew their own inferences from them ; and when Miinzer began to operate among them with his agitating and fanatical sermons, their perverted views tended more and more to decided communism. As early as August 1524, an insurrection of peasants broke out in the Black Forest, but it was speedily ynit down. But in the beginning of 1525 fresh disturbances arose, and assumed a much more dangerous character. The peasants reduced their demands to twelve articles, and compelled princes, nobles, and prelates to concede them. All Franconia and Swabia soon joined the movement, and even many cities made common cause with the insurgents. Still IMiinzer was not satisfied with the result. The twelve articles were too temperate for him, and the compacts concluded with the nobility and clergy were not at all to his mind. Eeturning to Thuringia, he took up his abode in Muhlhausen, endeavoured to stir up fanaticism in the entire country, and organized a general insurrection. Thousands were murdered with unmerciful cruelty ; all the monasteries, castles, and courts were attacked and destroyed. Boldly as Luther had assailed the existing ecclesiastical powers, he just as firmly maintained civil authority, and preached that the gospel secured spiritual liberty, hut did not subvert civil government and social insti- tutions. He did indeed sympathize with the peasants in their extreme oppressions, and whilst their demands were limited to the twelve articles he hoped the movement might be controlled by the power of the gospel. The insurgents had declared that if any of their twelve articles could be proved inconsistent with the word of God they would yield. "\Vhen IMiinzer began his disturbances in Thuringia, Luther himself visited the towns most in danger, and admonished them to quietness and subordi- nation. He was recalled to Wittenberg by the death of the Elector Frederick (who departed in peace May 5, 1525). From Wittenberg Luther then addressed his "Ermahnung zum Frieden auf die 12 Artikel der Bauerschaft in Schwaben," in whicli he appealed earnestly to the consciences of the princes as well as the peasants. But as the factious malcontents still gained greater ascendency, and cruelties were multiplied, he gave vent to his ire in the book entitled, " Wider die riiuberischen und morderisclien Bauern." In it he warmly called upon the princes to put down the Satanic rebellion by violent and effectual measures. Philip of Hesscn was the firsfc to respond. He^was joined by the new Elector of Saxony, John the Constant (1525- 20 THIRD SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 16 A.D.). 32), the brother of Frederick, and soon after by George of Sao:miy and Henry of Brunswick. On May 15, 1525, the rebels were annihilated at Frankenhausen, after a stubborn resistance. IMiinzer was captured and beheaded. In Southern Germany also the princes everywhere almost simultaneously obtained the mastery over the insurrection. A hundred thousand people perished in this war, and the most flourishing districts were laid utterly waste. § 5. LUTIIEIl'S FEUDS WITH HENRY VIII. AND ^VITH ERASMUS. (1523-26.) Comp. Chlclns, I. c. § 3, 2. — Jul. MiXller, Luther, de predest. et lib. arbitr. doctr., 1832, 4to. Henry VIII. of England, originally destined for the priest- hood, always retained a partiality for theological studies, and was ambitious to be thought a learned theologian. This led him to enter the arena of controversy in defence of the Eomish doctrine of the seven sacraments against Luther's " Babylonian Captivity of the Church." In his book he treated the swain's son with the greatest contempt. Lutlier paid him back in his own coin, and dealt with his crowned antagonist as though he were an Emser or an Eck (1523). Henry, indeed, obtained what he sought ; the pope conferred vipon him the honorary title of Defensor Fidel. But Luther's plain dealing extinguished all desire to prosecute the controversy. He complained to the elector, who consolingly referred him to a general council. But this affair bore heavily upon the relation between Erasmus and Luther, who had thus far continued upon tolerably pleasant terms with each other. Erasmus, who was under obligations to Henry for many favours, became bitterly enraged against Luther for his unsparing severity. Hitherto he had declined all solici- tations to write against Luther, so that many papists charged him with collusion with the heretic, and others said he was afraid of Luther's pen. All this incited him at length to come out against the reformer. He diligently studied Luther's writings, after obtaining papal permission to do so, and seized upon a doctrine in discussing wliich he would not be required to defend Eomish errors, but which he was least qualified to comprehend. 1. ^Luther's personal experience, associated with his study of Paul's Epistles and the writings of St. Augustine, had served to § 5. Luther's feuds with henry viii., etc. 21 convince liira tliat man was incapable of doing good, and there- fore not free, and that he could obtain salvation only through the free grace of God, without any personal merit. This per- suasion in his case, as in Augustine's, had led him to embrace the doctrine of absohite predestination. Melanchthon also had avowed the same view in the first edition of his " Loci communes." It was upon this doctrine Erasimts seized in his " Aiccrpi(if] de libero arbitrio," denouncing it as dangerous and unscriptural, and setting forth in opposition to it his own semi-pelagianism (1524). After the lapse of a year, Luther replied in the work, " De servo arbitrio " (in German by Justus Jonas, " Das der freie Wille nichts sei "), exhibiting the power and confidence of personal conviction. Erasmus rejoined in his " Hyperaspistes diatribes adv. Lutheri servum arbitrium " (1526), in which he gave fuU vent to his passion, but without adding aught to the argument, wherefore Luther paid no further attention to his attack. 2. Among the most violent opponents and abusive vilifiers of Luther and his cause was the satirist, Thomas Murner, a Franciscan monk of Strassburg, subsequently of Lucerne (died about 1536). First of all he issued a perverted translation of Luther's " Babylonian Captivity" (1520). To this he added slanderous productions : " Ain new Lied von dem Undergang des christl. Glaubens ; " " Von dem Babstenthume wyder Dr. M, L. ; " " An den Adel tiitscher Nation, das sye den christl. Glauben beschirmen wyder den Zerstorer des Glaubens Christi, M. Luther, einen Verfiehrer der einfeltigen Christen," and many others of the sort. He also translated the book of Henry VIIL concerning the seven sacraments, and defended Henry in a tract entitled, " Ob der Konig uss Engellant ein Liigner sei oder der Luther." His principal satire against Luther is " Von dem grossen Lutherischen Narren, wie ihn Dr. Murner beschworen hat 1522." It is the most important satirical production ever written against the Iteformation. The author, it is true, does not take up the real nature of the Reformation ; indeed, he could not appreciate it ; but its revolutionary, fanatical, and rhetorical element, which then already followed at its heels, is chastised with uncouth but vigorous severity, and with the keenest wit (new ed. by H. Kurtz, Zurich, 1848). — Luther allowed the rude satirical reviler to pass unrebuked ; but popular wit poured down upon him a very flood of scornful satires and lacerating lampoons. 3. The "Onus ecclesia" of Bishop Bcrthold of Chicm-scv, published anonymously at Landshut, 1524, bore remarkable Catholic testimony in favour of the Eeformation. vVppealing to the Apocalypse, he unsparingly depicts the corruptions of the Church, and argues for the necessity of a thorough reformation, if the Church shall be saved from utter ruin. He does not wish 22 THIRD SECTIOX, FIKST TEKIOD (CENT. IC A.D.). the reformation to Ije effected in the manner of Luther, whom lie reproaches as the leader of a sect, a perverter of the Scrip- tures, and a seditious person, although he approves of Luther's views concerning indulgences ; but he desires the work to pro- ceed from within the Church, and by its own proper organs. His book is the more remarkable since the same author pub- lished a"Teutsche Theologey " four years later (Munich, 1528 ; republished by AV. lieithmeier, Munich, 1852), in which he attempts to ignore and conceal the corruptions of the Catholic Church (§ 19, G), although it still contains traces of his previous views, especially concerning indulgences. (Comp. Dr. Schtvarz, of Jena, in Galzer's Protest. Monatsbliitt., I. 210, etc.) s^ (). DEVELOPMENT OF THE WORK OF THE REFORMAITON IN THE EMPIRE. (1522-26.) At the Diet of Worms, Charles V., to secure his election, had been compelled to assent to the establishment of an imiyerial regency of the estates at Niirnberg, which exercised supreme authority during his absence in Spain. Although the Archduke Perdinaud, the emperor's brother and vicegerent, presided over this board of regents, a decided majority of its members soon became favourable to the new religious movement, andfurthered it. Protected by the highest authority of the empire, and even in league with it, the Reformation found for a time no obstacles to its spread, and really made rapid progress. The Niirnberg regency, indeed, soon succumbed to the united efforts of its political opponents, among whom were many friends of the evangelical cause ; but these only the more energetically sus- tained, by their personal zeal, the interests of the Pieformation, which had lost an important support in the downfall of tlie regency. And their exertions were so effectual that measures were vigorously urged for disposing finally of the whole matter, favourably to the Eeformation, by a general national assembly of the German states, independent of the pope and council. But, in opposition to this, the papal legate, Campegius, induced the Catholic estates to form a league at Ptegensburg (1524) for the maintenance of the Edict of Worms ; against this movement the evangelical party did not form their defensive league of Torgau until 1526. The general national assembly was pre- vented by the strict prohibition of the emperor, and thus the hoped-for union was not effected. But the decision of the Diet of Spires (1526) gave all the estates the right of managing the § G. THE REFORMATION IN THE EJIPIRE. 23 religions affairs of their respective districts according to their own judgment. 1. The Diet of Nurnherg (1522-23). — The regency of the empire opened its first diet towards the close of 1522. Pope Hadrian VI. was represented in it by his legate, Chieregati. Leo X. had died in December 1521. Hadrian (1522-23), the son of a Utrecht mechanic, after having been a professor at Louvain, tutor of Charles, Bishop of Tortosa, and grand inqui- sitor of Aragon, succeeded Leo X. He was a pious and learned Dominican, firm in his principles, zealous for the Thomist ortho- doxy, anti-hierarchical in his opinions, and he deeply lamented the secularization and corruptions of the Church. He ascended the papal chair with the determined purpose of restoring the purity of the Bride of Christ, yet of sinniltaneously suppressing the Lutheran heresy. At Niirnberg his legate handed in a papal brief, which admitted and deplored the fallen condition of the Church, and promised a thorough reformation, but likewise earnestly insisted upon the execution of the papal ban and the Edict of Worms. A committee of the regency, selected for the purpose, submitted to the Diet an opinion upon the overtures of the pope, in which they urged the immediate convocation of a general council in some German city, at which the temporal estates should likewise be represented, and liberty guaranteed to utter evangelical sentiments ; but they declared the execution of the Edict of Worms to be impracticable, mainly on account of the admitted corruptions of the Church. Until the opening of the council, all controversy should be shunned, and the word of God preached according to its true Christian evangelical sense. The estates, who on their part had submitted a new paper, containing 100 complaints against the Eoman court, adopted the report of the committee, with some slight modi- fications, us the decree of the empire. 2. Spread of Evangelical Doctrines (1522-24).— The monastic orders furnished the most energetic heralds of the Reformation. Their moral condition had become so corrupt, that purer spirits among them could no longer endure the foul odours of dissolu- tion. All such, glad to catch a breath of the new life, sprang forth everywhere as the zealous evangelists of the purified doc- trine. Foremost among them were the Augustine mojiJcs, almost to a man. This order likewise enjoys tlie honour of having fur- nished the first martyr to the evangelical cause (§ 8, 1). The order regarded Luther's honour and reproach as its own. _ Tlie Franciscans came next, by no means so generally, but with all the greater power and energy on the part of those who tore loose from their traditions. A spirit of opposition to seculariza- tion and moral corruptions had constantly, from the earliest 24 THIRD SECTION. FIRST TEKIOD (CENT. 16 A.D.). times, exliibiied itself. In numerous cases this opposition had degenerated into fanaticism (vol. I. § 98, 4). Now it assumed a true form. Tlie two distinguished preachers, Ehcrlin of Gihnz- hurg and Henry of Kettenhach ; the Hamburg reformer, Stephen Kempen ; the fiery Lamhert, the reformer of Hessen ; Luther's friend, Myconius, and many others, had been Franciscans. But all the other orders yielded their contingents to the martial hosts of the gospel, not excepting the Dominicans, to whom the Strass- burg reformer, Martin Bucer, belonged. Ambrose Blaurer, the Wiirtemberg reformer, was a Benedictine; Urbanus Eliegius, once a pupil of Eck, was a Carmelite ; Bugcnhagen, in Pomer- ania, was a Prsemonstrant ; Otto Brunsfels, a Carthusian, etc. The secular clergy also, in many instances, took part. At least one of the German bishops, Polenz of Samland, at once openly joined the movement, preached the gospel even from the pulpits of Konigsberg, and appointed men of like views to the parishes of his diocese. Other bishops, as those of Augsburg, Basel, Bam- berg, and Merseburg, participated in the movement, or at least laid no hindrances in its way. The inferior secular clergy, how- ever, furnished multitudes of advocates. In the pulpits of all the larger, and even in many of the smaller towns of Germany, Luther's sentiments were preached with the approbation of the magistrates; and where this was prohibited, the doctrines were proclaimed in the market-place and in the field. When clergy- men were wanting to do this, mechanics and knights, even women and virgins, became missionaries. A distinguished lady, Agnes (Argula) of Stanfen, married to Grumbaeh, having been urged to recant by a young magister, challenged the whole University of Ingolstadt to discuss the doctrines with her upon the basis of the Scriptures. — Wittenberg was, and remained, the heart and centre of the entire movement — the gathering-place of all who were persecuted and banished for conscience' sake — the nursery and fountain of new advocates of the cause. _ 3. The Diet of Nurnlerg (1524).— On Jan. 14, 1524, a new diet was opened at Niirnberg. Its first business was the con- tinuance of the regency of the empire. As that had become decidedly favourable to the Eeformation, the question of its existence seemed to involve that of the continued existence of the Eeformation. Among its chief supporters were the arch- Catholic Ferdinand, who hoped through it to obtain the Pioman crown ; the Elector of Mayence, the author of the traffic in indul- gences (who favoured the regency because he hated its foes) ; the Elector of Saxony, who was really its originator ; and the house of the Brandenburg princes. But the opposite party was stronger. It included the Swabian League, the princes of Treves, the Pala- tmate, and Hessen, who had triumphed over Sickingen, and the states of the empire, who, though agreeing with the reformatory § 6. THE KEFORMATION IN THE EMPIRE. 25 views of the regency, were inimical to it on account of its fiscal measures and projects. The opposition acquired a new confede- rate in the papal legate Campeggio. ILuh'ian VI. died in 1523, and was succeeded by Clement VII. (1523-34), an illegitimate son of Julian de Medici. Clement was, in all respects, the reverse of his predecessor. A skilful politician, yet regardless of religious interests, he was exceedingly zealous to raise to its highest pitch the temporal power of his chair. Campeggio was the man for his purpose. — The opposition triumphed, the regency fell, and even Ferdinand, after long resistance, consented to its dissolution. A new regency was organized, which was but a shadow of the old one, for it had neither power, influence, nor independence. Thus the Eeformation lost a second important prop, and the legate, confident of success, insisted upon the execution of the Edict of Worms. Then the evangelical party combined all their powers, especially the cities, and once more secured a majority. The states had, indeed, to acknowledge the legal authority of the edict; they also promised to maintain it, with the clause " as far as possible." But, at the same time, they insisted upon the calling of a council in the sense of the Diet of the pre- ceding year, and resolved to hold a national asscmhhj at Spires, in November of the current year, which should be exclusively devoted to the careful consideration and disposal of religious and ecclesiastical affairs. Meanwhile, as the preceding Diet had enjoined, the gospel and the word of God should be preached in all simplicity. 4. The Convention of Regensburg (1524). — Whilst the theo- logians and diplomatists of the evangelically-inclined states of the empire were zealously engaged in preparing for the Diet of Spires, a meeting of the adherents of the old order of things was held at Begensburg (June and July 1524). In direct violation of the unity of the empire, partisan resolutions, with reference to religious and ecclesiastical questions, were there adopted, which, according to tlie decision of the Niirnberg Diet, were to be discussed and acted upon by all the states at Spires. This was tlie work of the legate Campeggio. In the maintenance of the Edict of Worms, he was joined, in Eegensburg, by the Arch- duke Ferdinand, the Bavarian dukes, the Archbishop of Salz- burg, and most of the bishops of Southern Germany. Luther's books were once more prohibited, and all subjects were strictly forbidden to visit the University of Wittenberg. Some external abuses were corrected; ecclesiastical imposts were alleviated; the number of festivals diminished ; the four Latin Church fathers, Ambrose, Jerome, Augustine, and Gregory, were declared stan- dard authorities in matters of faith and doctrine, and public worship was to be conducted in the ancient form. The unity of the empire, thus rent asunder, could never again be restored. — 26 TIIIKD SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. IG A.D.). Simultaneously the emperor was wrought upon by appeals from Eome. The imperial and papal policy were still identical in interest. Both the Diets of Niirnberg, with their national tenden- cies, were offensive to the emperor; so that, as early as the end of July, an imperial proclamation was issued, calling the states to an account for their course, and prohibiting the contemplated national assembly, as a crimen Icesce majestatis, on pain of tlie l)an and double ban. The states obeyed, the assembly \vas abandoned, and with it all hopes of a peaceable and organic development of Germany, as a united political power, vanished. 5. The Evangelical States (1524). — The evangelical states still persisted in maintaining their position as constituents of unity of the empire. Several princes also, who had hitherto been indif- ferent or neutral, now became more decided in favour of the evangelical cause. This was the case, first of all, with the young Landgrave Philip of Hessen, who was led, by a conversation with Melanchthon, to devote the whole strength of his youthful energy to the service of the Eeformation. The Margrave Casimir of Brandenhurg, Duke Ernest of Luneburg, the Elector of the Palatinate, and Frederick I. of Denmark (as Duke of Schles- wig and Holstein), in their several countries also promoted the cause with more or less energy and decision. The ejected Duke JJlric of Wurtemherg was also gained over, and his subjects, groaning under the Austrian oppressions, were already desiring his return. Albert of Prussia, the grand-master of the Teu- tonic Order, returned from the Diet of Niirnberg (where he had frequented Osiandcrs preaching) with doubts as to the consis- tency of his office with the word of God ; and during a visit to Wittenberg did not take it amiss when Luther advised him to dissolve the order, to marry, and to raise Prussia to a hereditary duchy. — But the cities took the most decided measures. At two large municipal diets, in Spires and Ulm (1524), it was resolved that the clergy should be sustained in preaching the pure gospel, and that they should mutually aid each other in self-defence against any attempt to execute the Edict of Worms. 6. The Torgcvu Alliance (1526). — The friends and foes of the Eeformation had unitedly opposed the insurrection of the peasants, and with equal zeal (§ 4, 5). Their religious diversities had thereupon displayed themselves all the more decidedly. In July 1525, Duke George had a conference at Dessau with several Catholic princes, and soon afterwards he ordered two citizens of Leipsic, with whom Lutheran books had been found, to be executed. The Elector of Saxony also made Casimir of Brandenburg promise, at Saalfield, that he would adhere to the word of God under all circumstances; and in the castle of Grimmenstein (subsequently called Friedenstein), Hessen and the electorate of Saxony pledged themselves to stand by each § G. THE REFORMATION IN THE EMPIRE. 27 other as one man in matters affecting the gospeL A diet con- vened at Augsburg in December 1525, could conclude nothing definitely for want of a quorum. A new diet was called at Spires, and all the princes required to be personally present. It seemed that it would bring matters to a point. Both parties zealously prepared for it. Duke George and several Catholic princes met at Halle and Leipsic. They agreed to send one of their number {Henry of BriinsivicIS) to the emperor in Spain. He arrived most opportunely. Not long before the emperor liad concluded the peace of Madrid (Jan. 1526) with the King of France, whom he had captured in the battle of Pavia (1525). Francis I. had agreed to everything, because he did not intend to fulfil any of the conditions proposed ; among the rest, also pro- mised to make common cause against the heretics. Charles believed that his hands were now free, and was resolved, before doing anything else, to exterminate the German heresy. Henry of Brunswick brought back a document from Charles, in which he strenuously avowed his purpose. But before its arrival the landgrave and elector had met at Torgau (Feb. 1526), and entered into an alliance to sustain each other in defence of the gospel in Saxony. Philip undertook to induce the estates of Upper Germany to join the league ; but he effected little, most of them dreading the emperor. The elector succeeded better in his mission to the states of Lower Germany. On the 9th of June, the princes of electoral Saxony, Liineburg, Grubenhagen, Anhalt, and Mansfeld, met in Magdeburg, and all signed the Torgau league. The city of Magdeburg also, which had in 1524 cast off the jurisdiction of its archbishop, Albert of Mayence, and made the Lutheran Confession predominant, was admitted into the alliance. 7. TJie Diet of Spires (1526).— The Diet convened on June 26, 1526. The evangelical princes were of good cheer. On their escutcheons was inscribed, " Verbum Dei manet in ceternum." In spite of the opposition of the prelates, three committees (one of the electors, one of tlie princes, and one of the states) were appointed to deliberate upon the best means of correcting abuses. Of their three reports, that of the princes insisted upon a rule which should be equally binding on both parties, and thus, with all the existing diversity of evangelical views (Scriptura scrip- turce interpres), possessed a conciliatory character {e.g. the com- munio sub mux was left free, and tlie seven sacraments were retained). This report was received for further consideration. But just as the debates, the issue of which could be foreseen, were about to begin, the imperial commissaries submitted an imperial order, commanding that no resolution should by any means be passed which proposed a change of any of the old customs in doctrine or worship, and that provision should be 28 THIRD SECTION. FIliST PERIOD (CENT. 16 A.D.). made for ultimate execution of the Edict of Worms. iVt first this produced general consternation among the evangelical mem- bers of the Diet, and many wished at once to leave, as nothing could be effected. On calmer reflection, however, it was noted how far back the order dated, for it was known at Spires that since its date the political circumstances of the emperor had greatly changed. For some time there had been serious mis- understandings between Charles and the pope. Francis I. had been released of his oath by the pope, and informed the emperor that lie would observe none of the conditions of the peace of jMadrid. Francis I., the pope, and all the Italian princes had formed a league at Cognac, to which Henry VIII. of England also gave his assent. All Western Europe was leagued together to break the preponderance of power which the Spanish-Bur- gundy house had gained at Pavia, and the duped emperor found himself in a most difficult position. Could he still hold the views expressed in his instructions ? It was probable that at Ferdinand's request the commissaries had kept back the paper until the cause of Catholicism seemed lost in the Diet, and the prelates urged them to present it. Thus at least their strange conduct was intrepreted by the evangelical party. Their first panic over, the states resolved to send an embassy to the emperor. But before they had started Charles anticipated their desires. In a letter to his brother he communicated a plan, prepared by his privy council, for the abrogation of the penalties of the Edict of Worms, and the adjustment of religious differences by a council. (But he advised his brother to delay the formal abrogation of the edict, lest the Catholic princes should be too much provoked.) At the same time, he asked for aid against his foes in Italy. But as neither the repeal nor execution of the edict seemed advisable, nothing remained but to allow each state to do as seemed best in the respective territories. The Diet therefore decreed that " each state should act, in matters relating to the Edict of Worms, so as to be able to render a good account to God and the emperor." This was the birthday and legitimization of the territorial constitutions. § 7. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE NATIONAL EVANGELICAL CHURCHES. (1526-29.) It was now not only the privilege, but the duty, of the states to arrange ecclesiastical affairs within their territories according to their best judgment. The next succeeding three years, there- fore, form the period of the founding and organization of the evan- gelical state churches. Electoral Saxony set a good example. In imitation of her ecclesiastical constitution, the Churches of § 7. THE NATIONAL EVANGELICAL CHURCHES. 20 Hessen, Fraiicoiiia, Liiueburg, East Friesland, Schleswig and Holstein, Silesia, Prussia, and a number of cities of Lower Germany, were organized. 1. Organization of the Church in the Electorate of Saxony (1528-29). (Comp. Ritcher, Die ev. Kirchenordungen d. 16 Jahrh., 1840, vol. I.) — Luther advised the elector to order a thorough church-visitation of his entire country, in order thus to gain accurate information of its ecclesiastical condition. To this end Melanchthon drafted " Instructions of theVisitors to the Clergy in the Electorate of Saxony," which Luther published early in 1528. In these the ministers were directed what and how to preach and teach. The instructions were moderate, but positive in tone. Controversy with the papacy was not encour- aged. Reforms in worship were to be made with extreme forbearance. To guard against an abuse of the doctrine of justification by faith alone, the necessity of preaching the law, and the freedom of the Jmman will in matters of worldly righteousness {fustitia civilis), was recognised. This modifica- tion of strict Lutheran doctrines exposed Melanchthon to the assault of some zealous adherents of Luther (especially Amsdorf and John Agricola). But Luther reconciled these difficulties. Thereupon instructions for the visitors themselves were pre- pared, in accordance with wliich they performed their circuit in 1528-29. The entire territory was divided among four com- missions, consisting of secular and clerical members. To Luther the electorate was assigned ; to Melanchthon, another district. Ignorant or otherwise unfit clergymen were removed, but pro- vided for. A large number of abuses were corrected; preachers and teachers of schools were carefully instructed how to discharge their duties most efficiently, and their future supervision was entrusted to superintendents, to whom also matrimonial questions were referred. Those who adhered to the old order, and would not accept of improvements, were " commended to God," but not disturbed; vacated benefices were protected against avarice, and applied to the improvement of churches and schools ; those not yet vacated were obliged to contribute their portion to the same objects. Various measures were also adopted for the erection of hospitals, the relief of the poor, and the founding of schools. The constitution of the Church of Saxony, which resulted from this visitation, became the model for the organi- zation of the other evangelical state churches. The gloomy experience which Luther thus acquired of the incredible ignorance of the people and their teachers, led him to ^jrepare his two catechisms (1529). 2. Orrjauization of the Church in Hessen (1526-28). (Comp. DcnharcL Gesch. d. Entw. d. Christenth. in d. hess. Landera 30 THIRD SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 16 A.D.). his zur Theilung, 1847. — Martin, Naohr. v. d. Syn zu Homberg, 1804.— /iac/i, Gesch. d. kurliess. Kirchenverf, 1832. — Credner, Philipp's hess. K. 0., 1852. — Bauvi, Franz Lambert v. Avignon, 1840. — Ilasscncajjip, Leben v. F. Lambert, 1860.) — As early as Oct. 1526, the Landgrave Philip of Ilessen had convened the temporal and spiritual states of his territory at Homhcrg, for consultation in regard to ecclesiastical reforms. A reactionary attempt of the Catholic party quailed before the fiery eloquence of the Franciscan, Francis Lamhert of Avignon. He was a most remarkable man, and had been awakened by reading Luther's works in his convent at Avignon. Not fully convinced, he started for Wittenberg, stopped on the way at Zurich, and engaged in a public disputation (1522) against Zwingli's reforms. Converted by his opponent, he left Zurich, passed through Luther's school at Wittenberg, and then, at Melanchthon's re- commendation, went to Hessen. Lambert's spirit ruled the synod. An organization of the Church was drafted according to Lam- bert's ideal of a communion of saints, on a democratic basis, and with a strict church discipline, to be administered by the congregations themselves. But the inadequacy of this Homberg scheme was soon demonstrated, and in 1528 the Hessian Church adopted the principles of the Saxon Church visitation. The confiscated benefices were appropriated to the foundation of the University o^ Marburg (1527), as the second nursery of reformed theology, Lambert becoming one of its first professors. 3. Organization of other German State Churches (1528- 30). (Comp. W. Lohe, Erinner. aus d. Ptefgesch. v. Franken, 1847.— Z. Wallis, Abr. d. Eefgesch., Liineb. 1832.)— Margrave George of Franconian Brandenburg, after the death of his brother Casimir, organized the Church of his territory, at the Diet of Anspach (1528), upon the model of that in Saxony. Under the direction of its excellent recorder, Lazarus Spengler, Nilrnherg united with George in introducing the organization adopted. The same was done in Lilneburg, at the JDiet of Scharneleck (1527). Ulric of Dornum took the matter into his own hands in East Frieslancl, the ruler of the country not venturing to introduce a reformation of the Church there. In Schlcswig and Hohlein, the prelates made no opposition, and the civil govern- ment favoured the change. In Silesia, both the princes of Liegnitz, Podiebrad's grandsons, and JMargrave George of Bran- denburg, who had estates there, cheerfully granted the request of the people for an evangelical constitution. In Breslau, the Keformation had long been predominant; and even the archduke, who, as king of Bohemia, possessed feudal supremacy over Silesia, found himself obliged to allow his states there the same rights which the Diet of Spires had granted to the imperial states. In Prussia, the grand-master Albert of Brandenburg (the brother § 7. THE NATIONAL EVANGELICAL CHURCHES. 31 of the Margraves Casiinir and George) had, with the approval of the Polish crown, become hereditary duke (1525), and gave to his duchy, with the cordial co-operation of both his bishops, a thorouglily evangelical constitution. 4. The Reformation in the Cities of Lower Germany (1524-31). — In the cities of Lower Germany there prevailed, even before the rise of the Eeformation, a powerful eftbrt to effect emancipa- tion from episcopal and aristocratic rule. Hence their inhabi- tants for the most part embraced the Eeformation with open arms. A characteristic feature of the work there is the surpris- ingly potent influence of Lutheran psalms and hymns. The Eeformation Nvas introduced into Magdehurg as early as 1524, and the Church there was organized by Nieli. Amsdorf, whom Luther sent thither. From 1525, Martin Scultetus preached and laboured there with great success. lu 1526 the city joined the Torgau alliance. In Brunsioick, at the close of a Catholic controversial sermon (1526), the congregation began to sing, "Ach Gott vom Himmel sieli darein." In 1528 Bngenliagcn went over from Wittenberg and organized the Church. In Gosslar, Eimhcclc, Gottingen, Rostock, Ilamhiirg, etc., the en- thusiasm of the people for Lutheran hymns and doctrines carried the council with them, whether they would or no. In Bremen, as early as 1525, all the churches but the cathedral were in the hands of Lutheran preachers ; in 1527 the monasteries were converted into schools and hospitals, and the cathedral, with its grounds, taken from the Catholics. Still more violent excitement attended the introduction of the Eeformation into Liibech (1529- 31). Until then the nobility, council, and clergy had suppressed all reformatory movements, and expelled the evangelical preachers. But financial embarrassments compelled the council (1529) to ask the citizens for extraordinary levies. They appointed a committee of sixty-four citizens, who constrained the council to yield one condition after another. The expelled preachers were to be recalled, the Catholic priests to be removed, the monas- teries to be converted into hospitals and schools, and, finally, Bugenhagen was called in to frame a Lutheran constitution for the Church. § 8. MAIITYRS OF THE EVANGELICAL FAITH. (1521-1529.) Comp. Volkert u. Brock, d. h. Miirtyrer d. evang, K., 1845. — Gohel, Gesch. d. chr. Lebens in d. rhein. westph. Iv., 1849, vol. I. — Rudelhach, chr. Biogr., vol. I. The lands of the Eeformation were early enriched by the blood of martyrs. Persecutions were begun soon after the issue ot the Edict of Worms by some Catholic princes, Duke George of 32 THIRD SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 16 A.D.), Saxony taking the lead. He imprisoned, scourged, and banished Luther's adherents, and in 1521 had a bookseller who sold Luther's M'orks beheaded (comp. § 6,6). Persecution raged most, however, in the Low Countries, the hereditary territories of the emperor not connected with the German empire (where really the first martyr's blood was shed, 1523), but also in the Austrian domains, in Bavaria, and in the territory of the Swabian League, especially after the conclusion of the Regensburg confederacy (1524). The Peasants' War (1525) added fuel to the persecu- tions. Under pretence of punishing the insurgents, the execu- tioners of the Eegensburg confederates went through the land, and, along with the guilty, put to death many who were innocent of every crime but adherence to the gospel. The decision of the Diet of Spires fanned the flames (1526). The more cheerfully the evangelical states, on the strength of that decision, pro- ceeded to organize evangelical churches in their territories, so much the moj-e zealously did the foes of the innovations inflict upon their evangelical subjects the most cruel persecutions. The forgeries of Pack consequently revived and increased the spirit of persecution. In 1 527-28 a church- visitation was insti- tuted in Austria similar to that in Saxony, but for the purpose of detecting and punishing heretics. In Bavaria, the public roads were guarded to prevent preachers from going abroad into other countries ; those caught were first fined, then drowned or burned in large numbers. 1. The first martyrs were two young Augustine monks at Antwerp, Henry Voes and JoJm Esch, whose heroic sufferings (1523) Luther celebrated in a beautiful liymn (" Ein neues Lied wir heben an "). Their example was followed by Lampcrt Thorn, the prior of the monastery, who was suffocated in prison. The same year George Buchfiihrer was burnt in Hungary, and during the next year a large number of scaffolds and stakes were erected for Protestants in Austria, Bavaria, and Swabia. The most notaltle of these was Caspar Tauhcr, who was beheaded and burnt in Vienna. Instead of the recantation he was expected to announce, he bore powerful testimony from the pulpit in favour of evangelical truth. Among later martyrs, Leonard Kdser (Kaiser) holds a distinguished place. Impelled by filial love to visit his dying father in Passau, he perished there at the stake, with joyful courage, x\ug. 16, 1527. A few months previously, George Carpentarins, an ecclesiastic, had obtaiiied the honour in Munich. — The Swabian League, after the recess of Spires, revived § 9. luther's private and public life. 33 its cruel executions against all who held evangelical views, under an order for the extermination of Anabaptists. In 1527 the Bishop of (Jonstance had John Ilug/ln (lleuglin) hurned alive, as an opposer of the Holy Mother Church. The Elector of Mayence summoned the cathedral preacher of Halle, Georgf Winkler, to Aschaffenburg, for having administered the Com- munion under both forms. Winkler vindicated himself, and was acipiitted, but was murdered on his way home. This led Luther to M'rite his " Trostungen an die Christen zu Halle uber den Tod ihres Predigers." — Tn (Jul ague, on Sept. 28, 1529, Adolf Clarenbach and Peter Fli/steden were honoured witli martyrdom, and the joy and stedfastness of their faith shone amid the flames. — In Northern Germany no blood was shed, l)ut Duke Ceorge drove those who confessed tlie evangelical faith out of the land with scourges. The Elector Joachim of Brand enhurg and his states resolved, 1 527, zealously to maintain old doctrines and customs. Nevertheless, the gospel took continually deeper root in his territory ; and his own wife, Elizabeth, secretly read and admired Luther's writings, and in her private chamber even received the Lord's Su[)per according to the Lutheran mode. P>ut she was betrayed, and tlie elector raged and threatened to imprison tlie offender. Disguised as a peasant, she fled to her relative the Elector of Saxony. {;} 9. h'tiikk's pkivatk .\nl) public likk. (1523-1529.) ("omp. W. F. iralr/i, warh. Gesch. d. Frau Kath. v. Pora, 1751.— IF. Beste, Kath. v. P., 1843.— i^. G. Hoffmann, Luther als (latte u. Vater, 1845. — Apologetisches iiber Luthers Tisch- reden in d. Ztschr. fiir Protestantism, vol. 1 1. Luther and the prior, the last of its inhabitants, did not leave the monastery until December 1524. In duly 1525 he married Catherine von Bora, of the monastery of Nimptsch. Although Luther was often prostrated by sickness, almost overwhelmed with business, and kept constantly sensible of the uncertainty of his life by the threats of enemies against it, he still preserved a cheerful disposition, and spent many happy hours in the circle of his friends, joining them in simple repasts, in singing, music, religious conversation, and harndess, though often pungent and lively jokes (comp. his " Table-Talk," subsequently collected by Aurifaber). At the same time he cheered and aided by his counsel and elTorts all who were in straits. Py his unremitting literary labours, by personal intercourse with students and strangers who flocked to Wittenberg, and bv extensive corres- II. n 34 THIRD SFX'TION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. IG A.D.). pondence, he acquired and retained an extraordinary influence upon the spread and firmer establishment of the Eeformation. ])y his translation^^ and expositions of the Scriptiires, by his sermons and didactic writings, his evangelical views spread among all classes of people. German hymns proved a mighty lever of the Eeformation. By them a pure knowledge and cheerful confession of the truth were planted deeply in the heart of the nation. By translating and reconstructing older hymns, and by composing new ones of unsurpassed excellence, which he furnished at the same time with remarkably vigorous and beautiful tunes, Luther laid the basis of the incomparably rich and glorious hymnological treasury of the German evan- gelical Church. He laboured also with special diligence for the improvement of instruction in the churches and schools; urged the establishment of new schools, both for the higher and ordi- nary branches of education, and insisted upon the importance of })hilological studies for the Church of pure gospel, 1. The first collection of spiritual hymns and psalms ap- peared in 1524, with a preface by Luther. In the reformation of the cultus, Luther proceeded cautiously and with forbearance. In 1523 he issued his " Deutsches Taufbiichlein," and his " Weise, christliche Messe zu halten und zum Tische Gottes zu gehen," in which all allusions to a sacrifice were avoided, and the communio suh utraque was maintained. In 1524 he sent forth his tract, " Vom Greuel der Stillmesse," in which he directly assailed the canon of the mass, the central point of the Eomish system. Finally, in 1526 he published his " Deutsche Messe und Ordnung des Gottesdienstes," which was introduced into most of the churches of electoral Saxony. The system of education was especially improved by his impressive tract, "An die Btirger- meister und Eatlisherren aller Stiidte Deutschlands, dass sie christliche Schulen aufrichten und halten sollen." Besides his controversy with Erasmus and Carlstadt, against j\Iiinzer and the insurgent peasants, as well as against the sacramentarians of the Upper Countries (comp. § 131), he had during this period his dispute with Cochlccms, whose abusive assault Luther parried with his tract, " Wider den gewappneten j\Iann Cochliius, ein Bescheid vom Glauben und Werken" (1523). A papal bull canonizing Jiishop Bcnno of Meissen (died 1106) called forth Luther's tract, " Wider den neuen Abgott und alten Teufel, so zu Meissen soil erhoben werden" (1524). In reply to a soldier who had doubts concerning the lawfulness of his profession, he wrote the small volume, " Ob Kriegsleute auch in seligem Stande sein konnen " (1526) ; and for sport had some copies § 10. KEFOKMATION IN GEKMAN SWITZERLAND. 35 struck off without the author's name, or tliat of the place of publication, and sent to Duke George. At the persistent request of Christian II. of Denmark, he wrote a very humble letter to Henry VIII., which called forth from England an extremely malignant and opprobrious answer. He quieted the triumphant outcry of his foes that he had recanted by his tract, " Wider des Konigs von P]ngland Liisterschrift" (1527), in M'hich he again dis- played the confident tone and fearlessness of his polemics. He fared no better in an equally humble attempt to reconcile Duke CJeorge, to which he was persuaded (1526). He continued to work untiringly at the translation of the Scriptures. The first edition of the entire Bible was published in 1534, by Hans Lufft, Wittenberg. i:j 10. THE REFORMATION IN GERMAN SWITZERLAND. (1519-31.) Whilst Luther's reformation in Germany spread more widely every day, and became purer, stronger, and more fully organized, a similar movement was started in the adjacent country of (Ger- man) Switzerland. Indeed, its first symptoms were of earlier date (1516) ; but it did not make decided or comprehensive pro- gress until two years after Luther came forward. The differently constituted peculiarities of its first and chief leader, and the politico-democratic current in which it moved, imparted to it a tendency differing from the Lutheran reform in various respects. Most strongly did the opposition between them appear in the doctrine of the Lord's Supper (§ 11). As the Swiss view of this doctrine found favour in the cities of Upper Germany, the division spread into the Reformed Church of Germany, and, in spite of common interests and perils, hindered their common ])rogress and co-operation (§ 13, 14). 1. Ulric Ztvimjli. (Comp. Zwingli's Leben von 0,sir. J/?/fo;ii?;5, r.as. 1536; Hess, Ziirich, 1818; Botermnnd, Bremen, 1818; Schuler, Ziirich, 1818; Hottingcr, Ziirich, 1843; Roder, St. (xall, 1854. [Especially R. Christoffel, transl. Edin. 1858.]— Zwingli's Works : Gualter, Tig. 1581, 4 vols. ; Schuler v. Schul- thess, 1829, etc., 8 vols., royal 8vo ; Usteri u. Vogelin, 1819, 2 vols.) — Zwingli, born in Wildhaus, in the Toggenburg, on Jan. 1 , 1484, a pupil of the learned humanist, Thomas Wyttenbach, in Basel, arose as a reformer in German Switzerland almost simul- taneously with Luther. Unlike Luther, he was not led to greater purity and freedom of religious knowledge by any inward experience, but by classical culture, and a scientific study of the sacred Scriptures. After serving the parish of Glarus as pastor 36 THIRD SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. IG A.D.). for ten years, he received charge of that at Einsiedeln in 1516. The miraculous virtues attril)uted to an image of Mary there attracted crowds of pilgrims. This led Zvvingli to preach against supprstitious reliance on good works. But he took a much more decided stand after Jan. 1, 1519, as a public preacher in Zurich, where he lirst learned of Luther's movements, and defended his course against Eome. But from the beginning Zwingli's refor- matory measures diverged from those of Luther. He aimed at being not only a religious but political reformer. For several years he had strenuously endeavoured to abolish the practice of hiring Swiss youth as mercenary soldiers to foreign powers. He maintained the struggle with this evil during his wliole life. His political opponents, the oligarchy, who were anxious to retain this source of revenue, were consequently also liis religious enemies, as, reversely, the democracy supported him. A still more fundamental difterence was, that Zwingli had been trained for his reformatory work, not by convictions of sin or spiritual struggles, but by classical studies. Justification by faith, there- fore, was by no means so central and vital a matter in his life and labours as in Luther's case. He began his work as a refor- mer not so much with the purification of doctrine as the life- blood of all churchliness, but with external improvements in worshi]:), ordei-, and manners. Of the two anti-Itomish reforma- tory principles {material, in opposition to Eomish work-right- eousness : justification by faith ; — formal, in opposition to an unqualified adherence to all the traditions of the Romish ( .'iiurch : the sole authority of the Holy Scriptures), the Wittnihcrfi refor- mation gave most prominence to the material, the Zurich refor- mation to the formal principle. The former rejected only such things as were irreconcilable with the Scriptures; the latter every- thing not expressly taught by them. The former proceeded cautiously and forbearingiy in changing forms of worship and external customs; the latter was destructive, impetuous, and violent. Luther retained images, altars, the ornaments of churches, and the sacerdotal character of public worship, simph' jnnining off its unevangelical excrescences and deformities ; Zwingli rejected all, unconditionally, as idolatry, and even abolished organs and bells. Despite the one-sided prominence given by Zwingli to liis formal principle, he often did violence to the Scriptures ; for he api)roached them externally, and explained them according to his subjective judgment, and called Luther's real submission to them servitude to their letter. Luther acknowledged no operation of the Spirit excepting through the word and the sacraments ; Zvvingli severed the infiuence of the Spirit from these instruments, and held that he could operate immediately upon the heart. He regarded the sacraments as only counnemorative signs. In the doctrine of the person of Christ 5; 10. REFORMATION IN GERMAN SWITZERLAND. 37 he verged towards Nestorianism, by denying tliat the human nature of Christ partieipated in the divine attributes. For him justification by the merits of Christ ahjne was less of positive tlian of negative (in opposition to Romish work-righteousness) importance, for in original sin he saw only a moral disease, which of itself did not constitute sin ; and his views of the essence of virtue were so superficial, that lie ranked even heathen like Socrates and Cato, without further qualifications, in the communion of saints. Along with this, his speculations led him to adopt 2i fatalistic predestination, which deprives the will of uKjral freedom, as over against divine providence. — Luther was riglit in snl)se([uently saying to Zwingli, " Ihr habt einen andern deist, denn wir." — Comp. ZeUrr, das theol. Sys- tem Zwinglis, 1853. — Siyimrt, Ulr. Zw. der Char. sr. Theol. niit bes. Klicks. auf Pic. v. ]\Iirandola, 1855. — Sporri, Zwinglis Studien, 1866. 2. The Reformation in Zurich (1519-25). (Comp. Hess, Urspr. (iang, etc., der durch Zw. in Z. bewirkt. Ref., 1820. — Festalozzi, Leo Juda, 18G0.) — In Switzerland also a seller of indulgences, Bernard Sa/nj^-stin, prosecuted his scandalous busi- ness. At Zwingli's instigation, the gates of Zurich were closed against him. Soon afterwards (1520) the council granted tlie l)riests and preachers of tlie city and territory the privilege of preaching according to the Scriptures of the Old and New Tes- taments alone. All this took place under the eyes of two papal nuncios then in Zurich, and yet it went unpunished, tor the Roman court was tlien too intent upon procuring troops for a papal army, designed for the conquest of ]\rilan. Neverthe- less, a large annuity was offered to Zwingli if he would cease to preach against the pope. He rejected tlie offer, and went for- ward on his reformatory course. Under the continued forbear- ance of Rome, the new views took deeper root. During Lent 1522, the people of Zurich unscrupulously ate meat and eggs. Then first did the bishop (of Constance) adopt corrective mea- sures; the opponents of reform in the city and council also roused themselves. At this time Francis Lambert of Avignon (§ 7, 2) came to Zurich. He preached against the innovations,^ liad a public debate with Zwingli in July, and declared himself vanquished and convinced. Zwingli's opponents had I'cckoned confidently upon Lambert's eloquence and dialectic skill. The unexpected result of the disputation produced the greater effect. The council changed the permission to preach the pure gospel into a command to do so. Against this the adherents of Rome protested. A public disputation was therefore appointed in Feb. 1523. John Faher, a former friend of Zwingli, Vuit who had totally changed his views after a visit to Rome, and had been made vicar-general of the Bishop of Constance, undertook the 38 THIRD SECTION. FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 16 A.D.). defence of old doctrines and customs against Zwingii. Having let himself be drawn into the Scriptural argument, he was defeated. The clergy now began to marry, and the monasteries were forsaken. Violent assaults were made upon the mass, and the worship of images and saints. The council resolved to have the question concerning images decided by another disputation, in Oct. 1.52."'>. Leo Juda, pastor of St. Peter's in Zurich, dis- cussed the worship of images ; Zwiiujli, the mass ; and they met with scarcely any opposition. At Whitsuntide 1524, the council ordered all images to be removed from the churches, the frescoes to be cut out, and the walls to be painted white. The playing of organs and ringing of bells were likewise to be abolished, because they were connected witli superstitions. A new, jnirely scrip- tural formula of baptism was introduced ; and, finally, the mass abolished (1525). At Easter 1525, Zwingii administered a love- feast, at which the bread was carried about in wooden trays, and the wine was drunk from wooden cups. Thus he thought he had restored the Lord's Supper to its apostolic Christian simplicity • 3. The Beformation in Basel (1520-25). (Comp. Glcolampads Leben, by Grynceus, Bas. 1535. — Hess, 1793. — Hcrzog, 1843, 2 vols. — K. B. Hagenbach, 2 vols., translated in Clark's Foreign Theological Library, 1 879.— ^wre/Jm-^, die Ref in T5asel,1818.)— Wolfgang Fabricius Cajnto (Kopflin) and Caspar Heclio early began to preach the gospel in Basel. But before they could lay a firm foundation, they obeyed a call to Mayence (1520), and soon afterwards went to Strassburg. Their work was carried on with zeal and success by William Eoublin. He preached against the mass, purgatory, and the worship of images, often to 4000 hearers. At Corpus Christi, instead of relics, which he ridiculed as dead men's bones, he carried a Bible before him. He was banished, and subseijuently joined the Anabaptists. A new epoch for Basel opened witli 1523. John Haiissehein or CEcol- ampadius of Weinsberg, in Franconia (Zwingli's Melanchthon), preached in Basel as early as 1516. Then he accepted a call to the cathedral in Augsburg, but in the course of a year withdrew to a monastery of St. Bridget in Augsburg. There he studied Luther's writings, and being persecuted for this, he took refuge in the castle of Sickingen, where he officiated for a season as chaplain. After Sickingen's overthrow, he fled to Basel (1523), became preacher at St. Martin's, and professor in the university. A circle of young men, awakened by him, soon gathered around him, and energetically sustained him in his reformatory labours. They baptized in German, administered the eucharist in both forms, and were untiring in their preaching. In 1524 the council gave all monks and nuns liberty to quit the monastery. Williaw Ford, of Dauphine, a refugee from France, whom CEcolampadius kindly received, remained several months in Basel (1524), and § 10. KEFORMATION IN GEK.MAN SWITZERLAND. 39 rendered iiii})ortant service in fnrtliering the Eeforniation. In February he had a public disputation with the opponents of the cause. Tlie university and bishop had forbidden it, but the council was only the more intent upon it. Its result gave a mighty impulse to the Preformation. 4. The Reformation in other Cantons (1520-25). (Cump. Stierlein, die Eef. in Bern, 1827.— Fischer, d. Kef. in Bern, 1827. — Kuhn, die lieformatoren Berns, 1828. — Kirchhofer, B. Haller's Leben, 1828.— Pestalozzi, Haller's Leben, 18G1.— Griineisen, Nicl. INIanuel, Leb. u. Wirk. eines Malers, Dichters, Kriegers, Staatsm. u. Kef., 1837.)— From 1518, Berchtold Haller of Kothweil, in Swabia, with Francis Kolh and Sclast. Meyer, laboured in Bern as political and religious reformers, in har- mony with Zwingli. As an auxiliary to their preaching, Nicholas Mwnuel, poet and painter, wrote and issued satirical plays for the carnival (" Der Todtenfresser," 1522; "Die Krankheit der Messe," 152G,etc.). In 1523 the council authorized the monks and nuns to leave the monastery ; some left and mariied. The opposite party called upon John Heim, a Dominican, to defend their cause in the city (1524). A violent controversy arose between him and the Franciscan, Sebastian Meyer, and the council expelled both from the city. Thus Haller alone remained. But he was vigilant, and the cause progressed. In Milhlhausen, where Ulric v. Hutten had found refuge in his last days, the council issued an ordinance (1524) which gave free course to the Keformation. In Bid also it was admitted without restriction. In Eastern Switzerland, St. Gall distinguished itself for zeal in the cause, under the lead of its burgomaster, Vadian. John Kessler (§ 4, 1) preached the gospel in the corporation hall of Sattlerschurz, and B(dth. Huhmeicr from the pulpit. Hubmeier afterwards fell over to the Anabaptists. In Schajhai/sen, the Catholics put forward Erasmus Bitter in a disputation with the Keformed preacher, Sehast. Hofmeister. Kitter acknowledged his defeat, and thenceforth co-operated with Hofmeister. In Valais, Thomas Plater, the original and learned ropemaker (afterwards rector of the high school of Burg), was active in pre- l)aring the way for the Keformation. In Appenzel and Glarus also, as well as in the confederate cantons, the cause everywhere progressed. In the interior, on the contrary, the nobility, cling- ing to their pensions, resisted ; the mountain people also, whose idea of religion consisted of pilgrimages, images, and saints, per- sistently opposed all innovations. Lucerne, at the head of the primitive cantons, and Freihurg in the west, were the chief bulwarks of popery in Switzerland. _ .^ . 5. Anahaptist Disorders.— A\i\\ong\\ the reformers in Swit- zerland carried their operations to great extremes, a multitude of fanatical ultraists sprang up, who thought that fur too little 40 THIRD SECTION. FIRST TKRIOD (OENT. 16 A.D.). was done. Among them, also, Anahaptism was the symbol of those fanatical, spiritualistic, communistic movements which first overran Zwickau. Their chief leaders in Switzerland were Zeivis Hetzer, Conrad Grchel, Felix Manz, Baltli. Huhmcie/r, and i^tcphen Stohr. They began their disorders in Zoltikou, near Zurich. Hubmeier, on Easter-eve (1525), held a covmcil of Anabaptists at Waklsliut. The district of Basel, where Thomas ]\runzer had been uprooting the soil, now arose in open clamours against the city. In .St. Gall alone there were 800 Anabaptists. At Zwingli's urgent advice, Zurich adopted thorough measures against them. Many were banished, some were drowned. Bern, Basel, and St. Gall followed this example. 6. The Disjjufafion- at Jhden (152G). — At the public assem- blies, the anti-reform jiarty of the oligarchs, wliose spirit of opposition was sustained by fear of losing their annuities, Mas still predominant. John Faber of Constance was the soul of the party. Zurich was repeatedly required to aljstain from the innovations. At the assembly of 1525 it declared itself ready to comply, as soon as they were refuted by the Scrip- tures. The oligarchs could not evade the demands for a dispu- tation, but in spite of all protests they appointed it in the strictly Catholic Baden. The contestants, and representatives of the cantons, and bisliops, met there in May 1526. Faber again stood at tlie head of the papists, but wisely committed the defence to Erk of Ingolstadt, who had offered his services. Op- posed to him M-ere Haller of Bern and (Frolai/ipadius of Basel. The Befornied party was treated most shamefully, whilst every honour and advantage was shown the Catholics. Y.ck, it was said, bathed in Baden, but in wine. Zwingii was not there ; the council of Zurich had forbidden his going ; but Thomas Plater sent him a daily account of the proceedings. Eck's theses were discussed one l)y one; tliis took eight days. Eck's boisterous- ness drowned CEcolampadius' weak voice ; but tlie calm self- possession of the latter had an imposing effect. At the close, Thmaas Murner (§ 5, 2), the monk of Lucerne, arose and read ibrty abusive articles against Zwingii. (Ecolampadius and ten of his friends persevered to the end in rejecting Eck's theses ; all the rest subscribed them. The assembly pronounced the reformers heretics, and called upon the respective cantons to banish them. 7. The Disputation at Bern (1528). (Comp. S. Fischer, Gesch. d. Disp. zu. Bern, 1^2^.)— Bern and BaM'l were highly offended at the indignity done to their deputies at Baden. "The democratic element, which was on the side of the reformers, was increasing in strength. Bern grew weary of the distraction. A solemn disputation was therefore instituted, to which deputies M-ere invited from all parts, who should decide the matter. It {;} 10. REFORMATION IN GERMAN SWITZERLAND. 41 took [)lacu on January 7-27, 1528. Zwiiigli was present. On the Catholic side there were no competent debaters, and they were completely defeated. Every trace of Catholicism, in worshij) and discipline, was then exterminated. Tlie various institutions and monasteries were secularized ; preachers made oath of office to the civil rulers. Some violent measures attended the abolition of images. The valuable organ in the Church of St. Vincent Avas stamped to pieces under the rough heels of the iconoclasts. The political reformation progressed simultaneously with that of religion, and all annual stipends were recalled. 8. Comjjlcte Triirniph of the Keformation in Basel, St. Gall, and Srhaffhauscn (1529). — The burgomaster, Vadian, brought back tidings of the triumphant issue of the Bern disputation to St. Gall. This was the death-blow to the Catholic party. As early as 1528, though not without some iconoclastic excesses, the Eeformation gained sole sway. — In Basel the council was divided, hence its measures were partial and wavering. On C.ood Friday, some citizens (without the knowledge of (Ecolam- padius) destroyed the images in St. Martin's Church. They were imprisoned for it. But an insurrection of the citizens compelled the council to release them, and to grant the Reformed the unconditional use of several churches, from which, of course, all images were removed. In December 1528, the guilds presented a petition, couched in the most moderate terms, for the entire abolition of " idolatry." The Catholic party took up arms ; the Eeformed followed their example ; a civil war threatened. The (,'ouncil succeeded in quelling the disturbance by appointing another public disputation, after which the whole matter was to be decided by a vote of the citizens. But the Catholic minority ])rotested so energetically against this, that the council again had recourse to half-way measures. The dissatisfaction of the Eeformed exploded in a fearful destruction of images on Shrove Tuesday 1529. Great piles of broken images and altars \vere burnt. The strictly Catholic members of the council lied, and the rest had to yield to the will of the burghers. Erasmus also (vol. I. § 120, 3) escaped. — In Schafhaueen likewise dissen- sions prevailed until 1529. But the course of things in Bern and Basel hastened the victory of the new measures. Here the drama ended very cheerily with a double marriage. The abbot of All-Saints married a nun, and Erasmus Eitter married a sister of the abbot. The images were removed witliout a tumult, and tlie mass abolished. 9. n^ First Peace of Cajjpcl (1529).— The Catholic party had retained the ascendency in tlie live primitive cantons. They were as unwilling to lose the annuities and the right of engaging in foreign military service as to give up the mass and saints, and sanguinarily punished every attempt to smuggle the new 42 THIRD SECTION, FIRST PERIOD (CENT. 16 A.D.). doctrine into their territories. But they wished to have their ineasures carried out in all the allied bailiwicks. Zurich and Bern resolved no longer to endure this. As, moreover, Unter- walden had, under these circumstances, been guilty of publicly violating the peace of the confederacy, and was sustained by the other four cantons, the burgher cities threathened serious ven- geance against this infraction. The forest cities turned to Austria, the old hereditary foe of Swiss liberty, and in the beginning of 1529 concluded a formal treaty with King Ferdi- nand at Insbriick, pledging reciprocal aid in matters of faith. Emboldened by this treaty, they increased their persecutions of the Iteformed, nailed the escutcheons of the burgher cities to the gallows, and burned alive a Zurich preacher, Jacob Keyser, whom they took on the highway in neutral territory. Then the Zurichers broke out. With their decided preponderance they might easily have put down the five cantons, and thus have opened all Switzerland to the Eeformation ; and Zwingli urged this course. But Bern was jealous of Zurich's growing power, and even many Zurichers, fearing war, were inclined to negotiate for peace with their confederated brethren. This led to the First Peace of Ccqypel, Nov. 16, 1529. The five cantons gave up the deed of confederation with Austria, which the mediators immediately tore in pieces. They agreed to pay the costs of the war, and conceded that in the bailiwicks each congregation should_ decide by vote upon matters of faith. In regard to preaching the gospel, it was agreed that neither party would disturb the faith of the other. The matter of foreign pensions was adroitly evaded. Thus much was gained, but less than Zwingli desired. On the basis of this peace, Thurgovia, Baden, Schaffhausen, Solothurn, Neuenburg, Toggenburg, etc. did away with the mass, images, and altars. 10. The Second Peace of GapiKl (1531).— Even after the peace the five cantons continued stubborn in excluding and persecuting the Eeformed, and formed a new alliance with Austria. At the Diet, by the old laws of confederacy, they still had the preponderance ; a fact which stood in glaring contrast with the actually much greater preponderance of the burgher cities. Zurich tlierefore insisted upon a reorganization of the confederacy. On the otlier hand, the forest cantons treated the Reformed with great cruelty. Then Zurich decided forthwith to seize arms ; but Bern carried a decree to punish the forest cantons by cutting off all intercourse with them. This measure, however, totally failed. It excited in those cantons the greatest indignation and anger, not against their stubborn rulers, as the Bernese hoped, but against tlieir unmerciful oppressors, so that the people only clung the more closely to their governments. At the Diet of Lucerne, the five cantons resolved (Sept. 1531) § 11. THE SACRAMENTARIAN CONTKOVEKSY. 43 to save themselves from perishing with hunger hy immediately renewing the war. By carefully guarding the borders, they kept their resolution and preparation so secret that no tidings thereof reached the burgher cities. These, conscious of their greater strength, were therefore wholly unprepared, when suddenly (Oct. 9) an army of 8000 men, breathing vengeance, invaded the territory of Zurich. Zurich hastily collected a force of 2000 men, which met the foe at Cappel, Oct. 11, and was well-nigh annihilated. Zicingli vms among the slain. His body was quartered, burned, and his ashes scattered to the winds. Zurich and Bern soon brought to the field an army of 20,000 men ; but the courage and audacity of the enemy had increased, whilst the defeat of Cappel had robbed the Eeformed of confidence and hope. They attacked the enemy, intrenched at Baar, near the Zug mountain, but were repulsed with great loss. The season was against them, and, what was worse, they were disheartened. Hence, when the forest cantons reassumed the offensive, the other party submitted to the scandalous >