JAN 271910 *) ^// Division li S I I 9 (o Section .4. C (^ 1 * MAR >> AMURRU THE HOME OF THE NORTHERN SEMITES A Study Showing that the Religion and Culture of Israel are Not of Babylonian Origin BY ALBERT T. CLAY, PhD, PROFESSOR OF SEMITIC PHILOLOGY AND ARCHAEOLOGY, UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA PHILADELPHIA : ®l|r ^unbag ^rljool QlimpH CUnmjmttji 1909 Copyright, 1909, by The Sunday School Times Company TO PROFESSOR EDGAR FAHS SMITH Ph.D. Sc.D. LL.D. Vice Pkcjvost of thb University of Pennsylvania BELOVED BY COLLEAGUES AND STUDENTS IN GRATEFUL APPRECIATION PREFACE These discussions are the outgrowth of The Reinicker Lectures for the year 1908, delivered at the Protestant Episcopal Theological Seminary, Alexandria, Virginia. Instead of publishing the lectures as delivered, which covered the subject, "Recent Discoveries in Bible Lands, ^' it seemed preferable to present a special phase of the sub- ject, which is here treated more fully than in the lectures. In the author's work. Light on the Old Testament from Bahel, a protest was expressed against the claims of the Pan-Babylonists that Babylonia had extensively influenced the culture of Israel. Continued researches have opened up new vistas of the subject, which confirm the contention that the Pan-Babylonists have not only greatly overestimated the influence of the Babylonian culture upon Israel, but that the Semitic Babylonians came from the land of Amurru; that is, Sjrria and Pales- tine, and that their culture was an amalgamation of what was once Amorite or West Semitic and the Sumerian which they found in the Euphrates valley. In order to make the main outlines of the subject as well as the discussions which bear directly upon the Old Testament more readable, the technical material has been confined largely to Part II, but frequent refer- ences to it are made in Part I. Instead of quoting the numbers of the pages referred to, they will Ix' found in 5 6 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES the Index. The author realizes that in a number of instances other interpretations of certain individual facts are possible. Modification of views presented must necessarily follow new discoveries as they are made ; but nevertheless the writer believes that the main conten- tions will remain undisturbed. To my colleagues, Professor J. A. Montgomery and Pro- fessor Morris Jastrow, Jr., I am deeply grateful for their generous help and encouragement during the preparation of this book. And I also extend my hearty thanks for the kind assistance rendered by my friends, Professor G. A. Barton, of Bryn Mawr ; Professor W. Max IMiiller, of Phila- delphia; Professor Arthur Ungnad, of Jena; the Rev. Dr. C. H. W. Johns, Fellow at Cambridge University; Dr. Hermann Ranke, of Berlin; Dr. Arno Poebel, of Eisenach; and Dr. William Playes Ward, of New York. To all it gives me pleasure to aclmowledge my indebted- ness and extend my warm gratitude. Let me add, in mentioning the names of these scholars, that they are in no wise responsible for the views expressed in these lectures. Albert T. Clay. University of Pennsylvania. CONTENTS PART I. PAGE Introductory Remarks 13 Creation Story 44 The Sabbath 55 Antediluvian Patriarchs 63 Deluge Story 71 Original Home of Semitic Culture 83 PART II. Amurru in the Cuneiform Inscriptions 95 Amurru in West Semitic Inscriptions 150 APPENDIX. I. Ur of the Chaldees 167 II. The Name of Jerusalem 173 III. The Name of Sargon 181 IV. The Name NIN-IB 195 V. The Name Yahweh 202 ABBREVIATIONS A. D. D. — Johns, Assyrian Deeds and Documents. A. J. S. L. — American Journal of Se7nitic Languages. A. K. G. W. — Abhandlungen der philologisch-historischen Classe der Konigl. Sdchsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften. Altbab. Priv. — Meissner, Beitrdge zum Altbabylonischen Privatrecht. Asien. — Miiller, Asien und Europa nach Altdgyptischen Denkmdlern. B. A. — Beitrdge zur Assyriologie, edited by Delitzsch and Haupt. B. E. — Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania, Vol. I, 1 and 2, Hilprecht; VI, 1, Ranke; VI, 2, Poebel; VIII, 1, Clay; IX, HUprecht and Clay; X, Clay; XIV, Clay; XV. Clay; and XX, Hilprecht. Babyloniaca. — Edited by ViroUeaud. Bezold, Catalogue. — Catalogue of the Cuneiform Tablets in the Kouyun- fik Collection. Brown, Heb. Die. — Brown, Driver and Briggs, Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament. Briinnow, List — A Classified List of Cuneiform Ideographs. C. T. — Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets, etc., in the British Museum, by King, Pinches and Thompson. Decouvertes — de Sarzec Heuzey, Decourvertes en Chaldee. Del. en Perse — Scheil, Textes Elamites Semitiques, Delegation en Perse. Ephemeris — Lidzbarski, Ephemeris fiir Semitische Epigraphik. J. B. L. — Journal of Biblical Literature. J. R. A. S. — Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. Harper, Letters — Assyrian and Babylonian Letters, Vols. I to VII. H. W. B. — Delitzsch, Assyrian Handworterbuch. Huber, Personennamen — Die Personennamen in der Keilschrift- urkunden aus der Zeit der Kdnige von Ur und Nisin. Jastrow, Rel. — Die Religion Babyloniens und Assyriens. K. — Kouyunjik Collection in Bezold' s Catalogue of the British Museum. K. A. T.^ — Die Keilinschriften und das A lie Testament, by Zimniem and Winckler. 9 10 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES K. B. — Keilinschriftliche Bihliothek. King, Chronicles — Chronicles Concerning Early Babylonian Kingt, Vols. I and II. Meissner, Ideogr. — Seltene Assyrische Ideogramme. Meissner, Supplement — Supplement zu den Assyrischen Wdrier- hiichem. Muss-Amolt, Diet. — Concise Dictionary of the Assyrian Languages. Noldeke, Festschrift — Orientalische Studien Theodor Noldeke zum siebzigsten Geburtstag. 0. L. Z. — Orientalistische Literatur-Zeitung, edited by Peiser. Prolegomena — Delitzsch, Prolegomena eines neuen Hebraisch- Aramdischen Worterbuch zum Alten Testament. P. S. B. A. — Proceedings of the Society of Biblical ArchoBology. Ranke, P. N. — Early Babylonian Personal Names, B. E., D, Vol. III. R., I., etc., or Rawlinson — The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, Vols. I to V. Rev. Ass. — Revue d'Assyriologie. R. S. — Revue Semitique. Rec. Tab. Chal. — Thureau-Dangin, Recueil de Tablettes Chaldiennes. Strassmaier, Nbk., Nbn., etc. — Babylonische Texte, Inschriften von Nabuchodonosor. Tallqvist, Namenbuch — Neubabylonisches Namenbuch zu den Ges- chdftsurkunden. V- B. — Thureau-Dangin, Die Sumerischen und Akkadischen Kon- igsinschriften — Vorderasiatische Bibliothek, 1, Ab. 1. V. S. — Vorderasiatische Schrijtdenkmaler,Yo\s.lll,Yll, etc., Ungnad. Z. A., or Zeit. fur Ass. — Zeitschrift fiir A ssTjriologie, edited by Bezold. Z. A. T. W. — Zeitschrift fiir die alttestamentUche Wissenschaft, — Z. D. M. G. — Zeitschrift der Deutschen MorgerUdndischen Gesellschafi. PART I INTRODUCTORY REMARKS The current theory of Semitic scholars concerning the origin of the Semitic Babylonians is that they came from Arabia, and that after their culture had developed in Babylonia it was carried westward into Amurru {i.e., Palestine and SyriaO generally known as the land of the Amorites. Without attempting to determine the ultimate origin of the Semites, the wiiter holds that every indi- cation, resulting from his investigations, proves that the movement of the Semites was eastward from Amurru and Aram (i.e., from the lands of the West) into Baby- lonia. In other words, the culture of the Semitic Babylonians points, if not to its origin, at least to a long development in Amurru before it was carried into Babylonia. As a matter of fact, the earliest name for Northern Babylonia in the inscriptions is Vri. Shumer or Southern Babylonia, was called Engi, and Northern Babylonia was called t)ri; i.e., Babylonia, as well as the district extending to the shore of the Mediterranean, was called Vri or Ari. The name Vri or Ari, it will be shown, is very probably derived from Amurru,the name of the West country. This shows that the name of Baby- * See Barton, Semitic Origins, chap. I, and Paton, Early History of Palestine and Syria, chaps. III-VIII. 13 14 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES Ionia, which is Cri in the earliest known period of Semitic Babylonian history, is a geographical extension of the land in the West, known as Amurru or Vri. Not only was the name of the country Amurru carried to that region, but it will also be demonstrated that the culture of the Semitic Babylonians was largely transported from the West. The Amorites in moving eastward into Babylonia carried with them not only their religion, but their traditions, such as their creation story, ante- diluvian patriarchs, deluge legend, etc. In considering the position taken by the Pan-Babylonists in Part I, concerning these and other subjects, the above state- ments, which are fully discussed in Part II, should be kept constantly in mind. A little more than a decade ago there appeared in Germany a school of critics known generally as the Pan-Babylonian or Astral-mythological School. The parallels to certain features of the Bible stories that are found in the Babylonian literature determined for the Pan-Babylonists that the origin of much of the Hebrew culture is to be found in Babylonian mythology. The work of Stucken, Astralmytherij Part I, on Abraham, published in 1896, which was followed by Part II, on Lot, in 1897, may be said to be the beginning of these efforts; although similar conceptions of the Old Testa- ment antedate this work. Professor Winckler, of Berlm, may be said to be the real founder of the school. In a series of contributions from his pen, following his Geschichte Israels, Vol. II, which was published in 1900, he has unfolded his theory INTRODUCTORY REMARKS 15 of the Universe. The world consists of heaven and earth. The heavens are subdivided into the northern heavens, the zodiac, and the heavenly ocean. The earthly part of the universe also consists of a threefold division, the heaven, the earth, and the waters beneath the earth. In this system the signs of the zodiac play the important part, for the planets as they passed through the heavens enabled the astrologers to inter- pret the will of their deities. Upon these ideas a com- plete cosmological system is worked out. The heavens, corresponding to the earth, reflect their influence upon it, with the result that everything in heaven has its counterpart on earth. The gods of heaven have dwell- ings on earth, presided over by earthly kings, who as representatives of the gods are considered their incarnations. The heavens reveal the past, present, and the future for those who could read them. What occurs on earth is only a copy of what occurred in heaven. Astrology, therefore, was the all-important test and interpreter of ancient history. All ancient nations, including Israel, practised it or were influenced by it. The periodic changes in the positions of the heavenly bodies gave rise to certain sacred numbers. These Winckler uses to show the bearing of the Babylonian astral mythology upon things Israelitish. According to his views, not only is the Israelitish cult dependent upon Babylonian originals, but also the patriarchs and other leaders of Israel, such as Joshua, Gideon, Saul, David, and others, are sun or lunar mythological personages. 16 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES Abraham and Lot are the same as the Gemini^ called by the Romans Castor and Pollux. Abraham, together with his wife, who was also his sister, are forms of Tammuz (who was a solar god) and Ishtar, the former being the brother and bridegroom of the latter. As Ishtar was the daughter of SiUj the moon- god, Abraham must be a moon-god; for he went from Ur to Haran, two places dedicated to that deity. Many circumstances of the myths concerning Abraham cor- roborate this. The 318 men who were Abraham's allies, in the fourteenth chapter of Genesis, are the 318 days of the year when the moon is visible. All Baby- lonian gods were represented by numbers. Kirjath- arba, the one center of Abraham myths, means the "city of Arba, or four." Arha must then be the moon- god which has four phases. Beersheba, "the seven wells," another center with which Abraham myths were identified, also represents the moon, because there are seven days in each phase of the moon. Isaac, who lived at Beersheba, must, therefore, also be a moon deity. The four wives of Jacob show that he also is the same. His twelve sons are the twelve months. Leah 's seven sons are the gods of the week. The twelve hundred pieces of silver which Benjamin received represent a multiple of the thirty days of the month: and the five changes of garments that he received aie the five intercalary days of the Babylonian year. In Joseph, Winckler sees a Tammuz ^ or sun-myth. His dream shows the priority of the sun. Esau identi- fied with Edom is the same, as is shown by his "redness." The stories of Moses, Joshua (who is an- INTRODUCTORY REMARKS 17 other form of Moses), Ehud, Gideon, are sun-myths. In David, Winckler finds more evidence of a solar origin tfian in all other biblical characters. Solomon and others are explained as having the same origin. The recurrence of characteristic numbers is the chief cri- terion by which these supposed facts are determined. Professor Zimmern, of Leipzig,^ also belongs to this school, but pays more attention to analogies, and to the dependence of the Hebrew stories upon Baby- lonian originals, than to the recurrence of numbers. Features of the Old Testament stories that are parallel to certain features in the Babylonian literature point, he believes, immistakably to Babylonian origin. The incorporation of the Babylonian creation story in the Old Testament shows that in Israel the writer considered Yahweh to be identical with Marduk. Later, these same elements of the Marduk cult were applied to Christ by the Christian Jews. The story of the birth of Christ has its origin in the fabled birth of Marduk. Babylonian elements are also found in the regal office of Christ, as well as in His passion. Ashurbanipal, as a "penitent expiator," gave rise to the story of His weeping over Jerusalem and His agony in the garden. His death is suggested by that of Marduk and Tammuz; and the idea of His descent into Hades comes from the goddess Ishtar 's descent. The resurrection is a repetition of Marduk and Tammuz myths, etc.^ ^ See Keilinschrifttexten und das Alte Testament. ' For a fuller statement of the views of Winckler and Zimmem, see Barton, Biblical World, 1908, pp. 436 ft. 18 AMURRU HOME OP^ NORTHERN SEMITES Dr. Alfred Jeremias, of Leipzig, by his publication, Das Alte Testament im Lichte des alien Orients, has popu- larized the views of this school, but fortunately makes his position more reasonable by admitting the possi- bility that the patriarchs may be historical personages; for example, the twelve sons of Jacob, he says, repre- ^sent the zodiacal signs, and yet it is possible that they may be historical persons. Professor Jensen, of Marburg, in a work published in 1906, of over a thousand pages, Das Gilgamesch- Epos in der Weltliteratur, finds the origin of the biblical characters of Abraham down to Christ, including John the Baptist, in this Babylonian collection of sun-myths. The Gospels he calls " Mythographs. ' ' Even references to biblical characters in the ancient monuments are explained away, or no account is taken of them. In short, the origin of what we know as Israelitish is really an adaptation by late Hebrew writers of the Babylonian sun-myths, which had been woven together into what is known as the Gilgamesh epic. In one of the pamphlets issued this year by Jensen, entitled Moses Jesus Paulus, he defends his views against his critics. His position is stated in the words: "The old Israelitish history, the history of Jesus of Nazareth, has collapsed, and the apostolic history has been exploded. Babylon has laid Babylon in ruins — a catastrophe for the Old and New Testament science, but truly not undeserved; a catastrophe for the mythol- ogy of our church and synagogue, which reaches into our present time like a beautiful ruin." INTRODUCTORY REMARKS 19 By the expression, "Babylon has laid Babylon in ruins," Prof. Jensen evidently means that the discoveries which have been used to establish the historical value of the Old Testament are now used to show that the founda- tions upon which the Christian and Jewish theology rest are borrowed from Babylonian mythology. The same phrase in question is, however, equally applicable in these lectures, for the claim is that Babylonian researches show that the contentions of the Pan-Babylonists are without foundation, and that the literature of Israel is not to be regarded as being composed of transformed Babylonian and Assyrian myths. Some of these scholars and their followers hold that only a change of names has taken place. On the one hand, all that originally belonged to Marduk is trans- ferred to Christ ; and on the other, the legends of Gilga- mesh have been adopted and adapted by the Hebrews, so that all which refers to the life of Christ — ^his passion, his death, his descent, his resurrection and his ascen- sion — are to be explained as having their origin in Baby- lonian mythology. Although these theories have been advanced by some of the foremost scholars, they need more proof before they can be seriously considered as more than conjectures similar to those that have been based on Greek and Roman mythology for centuries. The anthropomorphic character of the gods enables one to find parallels, in one form or another, for practically everything that took place in the lives of all biblical characters, even in that of the Nazarene. For example, 20 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES in Greek mythology, Tammuz, the darling of Aph- rodite, was slain; but on the third day they rejoiced at the resurrection of this lord of light — ^who also was known by the name of /ow. A more striking parallel could not be desired. Further, this name law has rightly been said to represent closely the divine name Yahweh, as it appears in the inscriptions; hence addi- tional far-reaching conjectures could be offered. As a matter of fact, Greek mythology offers far more interest- ing parallels than the Babylonian. The German savants who belong to this school have their counterparts in England and on this side of the Atlantic. The celestial light has penetrated these shores and we have seen in the past and are beginning to see more and more the reflections flare up in a modified as well as in an intensified form. The dependence of the culture of Israel upon Babylonia seems to be conceded by almost every scholar. This conception has grown steadily within the last few decades, so that the edifice which has been reared has now reached its full height, the capstone has been set, and the structure is complete. A change of names, that is all, and a Babylonian deity, Marduk or Bel, becomes Christ. The writer feels that the very height to which this creation has attained is the salutary feature of the whole effort, for the foimdation upon which it rests is of such a character that it will surely cause the entire structure to fall. It is not the purpose of this discussion to take down one stone after another and submit them INTRODUCTORY REMARKS 21 to an examination, and so endeavor to reduce the height and keep the building within proper proportions; but it is the purpose to examine carefully the very foundation stones of the structure and ascertain upon what it rests. Before discussing some of the important claims of these critics, a word may be said with reference to the Baby- lonian astral ideas and Israel. In the first place, contrary to the position taken by Winckler and his school that as- tronomy took its rise in the early period of Babylonian history, it is now maintained by Kugler,^ Jastrow,^ and others, that the period when the science of astronomy was developed in Babylonia was between the fourth and second centuries B.C., that is to say, during the period of Greek influence in the Euphrates Valley. Kugler^ dates the earliest astronomical tablet 522 B.C., although he admits that it shows evidence of being revised from an earlier tablet. While an argument e silentio is pre- carious, this absence of astronomical inscriptions of the character that is supposed to have influenced Israel is strikingly significant. More important is the fact that there is absolutely no proof for the existence of such an astral conception of the universe in the Old Testament. In fact, as far as is known to the writer, there is an utter lack of data ^ Kulturhistorische Bedeutung der Babylonischen Astronomie, p. 38 ff. ^Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, XLVII, No. 190, 1908, p. 667. ' Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel, I, p. 2. 22 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES upon which these astral theories rest.^ Surely the injunction to have nothing to do with astrology cannot be construed as countenancing it. In Deuteronomy 12 : 2-7, the law required that the man who worshiped the sun, moon, or any of the host of heaven, should be put to death. The same spirit is maintained in Deu- teronomy 4 : 15, 19. See also in w^hat contempt and ridicule the prophet (Is. 47 : 13) spoke of the astrologers, star-gazers, and monthly prognosticators, when he tells the people to let these save them from the coming disasters. That the people of Canaan, or rather of Amurru, worshiped the sun, moon and stars, and perhaps divined by them, seems to be evident from these injunctions; but the legislation against astrology in Israel surely is sufficient proof that it had not pene- trated the cult, even if some of the people were influenced by it. The same is true of liver divination, which serves as another illustration of Israel's attitude towards such practises. The requirement of the Mosaic law to destroy the so-called "caul" above the liver is a proof that in Israel divination by the liver was not sanctioned. AVe know that the Babylonians believed that by inspecting the liver of the sheep they could ascer- tain what the gods desired to communicate to them. Through the researches of Professor Jastrow,^ we have obtained an excellent understanding of this practise of the Babylonians. The Greeks, Romans, and ^ See Rogers, Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, p. 220. ' See his Religion Bahyloniens und Assyriens, II, p. 174 ff. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS 23 Etruscans also divined by the liver. To what extent the peoples of Amurru practised hepatoscopy is not known. But in the Pentateuch, in no less than ten passages a protest is implied against this kind of divination.* The ordinance provides for the burning of the "caul above the liver," which Professor Moore has shown refers to the finger-shaped appendix of the caudate lobe, although the rest of the liver was permitted to be eaten. The reason they were required to burn this part of the liver, as Professor Jastrow has suggested, is that it was a symbolical protest against the use of the liver for divination purposes. By destroying this portion, which played such an important part in hepa- toscopy, the people were warned not to divert the sacrifice into a form of divination. We reach, there- fore, the same conclusion. The cult, while recognizing the existence of such practises, cannot be said to be even tainted with them; but by its protests emphasizes the importance of holding aloof from them. And, at the same time, it cannot be said that these regulations were directed especially against Babylonian influences; because astrology and liver divination appear to have been widespread in antiquity, and doubtless were in vogue among other peoples beside those already mentioned — in all probability among the Canaanite nations. Many theories of these and other scholars have arisen and have found acceptance, on the supposition that there is no antiquity for the Hebrew culture as early ' See Ex. 29 : 13, 22 ; Lev. 3:4, 10, 15 ; 7 : 4 ; 8 : 16, 25 ; 9 : 10, 19. 24 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES as Abraham's time. The ancestors of the Hebrews are considered by many of these writers to be nomadic Arabs who came up from Arabia about the time of Abraham; not because one iota of evidence has been produced to discredit the accounts concerning the origin of the Hebrews, as preserved in the Old Testament, namely, that they came from Aram (or Aram-Naharaim), but simply because the speculations of these scholars have led them to such conclusions. And yet, contrary to what has been claimed, many discoveries that have been made in the past decades of research and investi- gation tend to show the historical value of these relics of antiquity. Let us inquire what the excavations have thus far revealed concerning this interpenetration of the Baby- lonian culture in Israel. During the past years explora- tions have been conducted principally at four sites in Palestine belonging to the early period, namely, Lachish and Gezer in the South, and Ta'annek and Megiddo in the North. On first impressions these excavations might serve the Pan-Babylonists better than anything else with arguments for the mythological character of the entire history of Israel. If we did not know that Israel actually lived in Palestine, we would scarcely have inferred it from what these excavations have revealed. However, according to the recent report of Macalister, an interesting old Hebrew calendar inscription has been found at Gezer. Macalistor placed the date of it in the sixth century B.C., but Lidzbarski thinks it is the oldest, or at all events one of the oldest, of West Semitic INTRODUCTORY REMARKS 25 inscriptions.* Unfortunately, systematic excavations in Amurru proper, i.e., the Lebanon district, have not yet been conducted. This deprives us of the proper tests for this thesis. The lack of archaeological remains is due to two important facts. Israel used a perishable material for ofdihary writing purposes; and the nation, like other pure Semitic peoples, while possessing a literature, apparently did not develop the plastic arts. We need not expect to find great creations in sculpture and architecture by the Hebrews or, in fact, by any other pure Semitic people of ancient times. The antiquities of artistic value found in Babylonia were in all proba- bility produced by foreigners, perhaps the Sumerians, who belonged to a non-Semitic race. While some work discovered in Assyria is of a comparatively high order, especially in the depicting of animals, we must bear in mind that the black-headed Sumerian was still extant in that land. When Israel was ready to build the temple, Phoenician artificers were secured. While the Phoenicians spoke a Semitic tongue, their art, which is generally acknowledged to be hybrid Egyptian, may indicate also a mixture in race. The works of art accredited to them would be sufficient proof for this conjecture. In short, the archseological remains discovered in Palestine are of such a character that, up to the present time, there is little to show that Israel developed an art — yes, even to show that such a people actually occupied the land. * See Palestine Exploration Fund, January, 1909, p. 26. 26 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES This much can be emphasized, without taking into consideration the clay tablets found in that district which will be discussed later: the excavations conducted in Palestine do not show any Babylonian influence in the early period of Israelitish history, nor in the pre- Israelitish. In the late Assyrian period, when the armies of that nation again and again overran the land, when Assyrian officials in many cases were set over cities and put into control of affairs, it is perfectly natural that traces of the Assyrians should be discovered ; especially when we know that towns were repeopled with Assyrians after the natives were carried into exile. While proofs depending upon antiquities discovered up to the present which show such an occupation are exceedingly slight, it is perfectly proper to expect, if certain cities are excavated, to hear at any time of the finding of many importations from Assyria, such as arms, utensils, seals, etc. But, as stated above, these will be found to belong to the time when Assyria was the dominant power in Western Asia. After surveying the results of the excavations con- ducted in Palestine we must, therefore, agree with Nowack, who in his review* of the work of Schumacher and Steuernagel at Tel el-Mutesselim (1908), takes issue with those who claim predominant influence of Babylonian culture in Palestine from the third mil- lennium on. He says : " It is a disturbing but irrefutable fact that until down to the fifth stratum — i.e., to the * Theol. Literaturzeitung, 1908, No. 20. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS 27 beginning of the eighth century — important Assyrian influences do not assert themselves." "It is most significant that in Megiddo not a single idol {Gotteshild) from the Assyrian-Babylonian Pantheon has been found.'' "Some proofs of Assyrian-Babylonian in- fluence are first met in the fifth and sixth stratum; while this is limited, so far as I can see, to the seals found there. "^ On the other hand, the relations with Egypt are shown by the antiquities discovered to have existed as early as the twelfth dynasty; and much evidence has been secured to prove that the Semites in Canaan were strongly influenced from that quarter. This is not surprising because of the proximity of Egypt, and, as regards Israel, because the Hebrews for centuries lived in that land; but it fails to substantiate the completely Babylonian nature of Canaanitish civili- zation in the centuries before the Exodus, or in fact at any other time. This predominance of Egyptian influence as against the Babylonian is well established in the art as repre- sented upon the seal cylinders coming from this district. Sellings excavations at Tell Ta'annek show that the Palestinians imported seal cylinders from Babylonia, but engraved upon them Egyptian hieroglyphic symbols. In the seals which came from Phoenicia, including Pales- tine and the Hauran — in other words, the Amorite land, or * See Vincent, Canaan d'aprcs V exploration recente, pp. 341, 439, and Cooke, The Religion of Ancient Palestine, p. 112 f. 28 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES the land called Amurru in these discussions — ^the Egyp- tian influence is predominant as early as the third millen- nium B.C. Such elements as the Egyptian hawk, apron, crux ansata, papyrus flower, lion sphynx, vulture, etc., are much in evidence.^ As set forth in Part II, on Amurru in the West Semitic Inscriptions, the excavations by Macalister and others in Palestine point to the fact that the dominant people in the Westland, whom we call Amorites, in the millennium preceding the time of Moses, were Semites; and further, as shown in Part II, on Amurru in the Cuneijorm Inscriptions, there are evidences which deter- mine that in the earliest known historical period the Amorite culture was already fully developed, and that it played an important role in influencing other peoples. Very appropriately, therefore, inquiry should be made whether the Egyptian inscriptions throw any light upon the question. Do they show that there was a culture in that land in the early period? If so, was it a Semitic culture? And finally, are there any evidences that this culture influenced other peoples? 'A-ma-ra or 'A-mu-ra in the Egyptian inscriptions is known as a geographical term, and refers to the Lebanon region. It may even include the coast, being a vague term for central Syria. The race of the Amorites, according to the Egyptian pictures, is Semitic, and in no ' See Ward, Cylinders and other Ancient Seals in the Library of J. Pierpont Morgan, p. 89. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS 29 way distinguished from the other inhabitants of southern and middle Syria. ^ The monuments of Egypt not only furnish ample evidence to prove that the civilization of Syria-Palestme is Semitic, and is as old as that of Egypt/ but, on the authority of Prof. W. M. Miiller, it may be stated that the beginnings of civilization in the Nile valley seem to have been extensively influenced by the Western Semites. Contrary to the views of most Semitists, who have fol- lowed the writer of the Egyptian " Prunkinschriften/' which misrepresents the Asiatics by describing them as miserable, hungry, dirty "sand wanderers," or the Sinuhe novel, which endeavors to give the impression that the people of Palestine were in a state of barbarism 2000 B.C., Prof. Miiller maintains that in the districts of arable land the people were agricultural, and had attained a fair degree of civilization. The Egyptian pictures of the nomadic or half nomadic traders and mer- cenaries coming to Egypt at that time show their skill in metal working and weaving. Remarkable weapons and handsomely decorated garments are depicted. * This I leam on the authority of Prof. W. M. Muller. The com- parison made by Prof. Sayce, Patriarchal Palestine, p. 48, with the Libyan type (which strongly resembles the Semitic type) was based on a father poor picture of "the prince of 'A-ma-ra" (L, D., 209, or Rosellini, Mon. Stor., p. 143, etc. ; also Petrie, Racial Types). Better pictures of the Amoiites, who are always represented as Semites, are to be found in Sethos I attacking "the land of Qadesh of the land of Amar" (Rosellini, Mon. Stor., p. 53; or Champollion, Monuments, p. 295); and also the picture of the prince of that city in W. M. Muller, Egyptol. Researches, II, pi. 7. 2 See Muller, Onen. Ldt. Zeit., XI, p. 403. 30 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES Already at this time a papyrus speaks of Pharaoh's messengers going to Syria with inscribed bricks tied in their loin cloths.^ This gives us an earlier date for the ase of the cuneiform script in Egypt and Western Asia. Pharaoh Pepy, about 2500 B.C., describes his Asiatic enemies as largely agricultural, and living in strongly fortified cities. It would seem that some of the walls of their cities were no less than fifty feet high.^ The adoption of Syrian loan words shows powerful influence exercised by the Semites on Egypt before 3000 B.C.^ Even prior to Menes this Semitic civilization played an important part in the development of Egyptian culture. Prof. Miiller further informs me that, according to linguistic and racial indications, in the earliest time no other than the Semite appears to have lived in the Amurru region, where he became sedentary and agricul- tural as early as the Egyptian in the Nile valley.^ In this connection a word is appropriate with refer- ence to the influence of Babylonian and Sumerian civil- ization upon Egypt. There is little doubt that the Sumerian culture will eventually be shown to have existed at a much earlier date than thus far ascertained by the excavations in Babylonia. But to call Egyptian civilization a branch of the Babylonian, or Sumerian, seems to be a statement without support. Contrary to the claims of Prof. Hommel, although it is quite likely * See Muller, Orien. Lit. ZeiL, IV, p. 8. ^ Petrie, Deshasheh, pi. 4, represents an Asiatic city stormed by Egyptians in the 5th dynasty. '^ See Muller, Orien. Lit. Zeit., X, p. 403. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS 31 that the beginnings (jf Egyptian civilization were brought from Asia, not a single Sumerian loan word has been shown to exist in Egyptian, and yet the Sumerian continued in use as late as 2000 B.C., and the Babylonian language was extensively a mixture of the Sumerian and the. Semitic. The elements of culture that migrated from Babylonia or Shumer to Egypt must have first been adopted by the Semitic inhabitants of Syria, and transmitted by them. Naturally, this forces us to regard the barbarous Syrian of this early age in another light. And it also forces us to realize that the references to Amurru in the oldest cuneiform inscriptions are indica- tions of the correctness of the contentions for the early civilization of that land. In short, all this attests the credibility of the claims made on the basis of the Pales- tinian excavations and other researches, that an ancient Semitic people, with a not inconsiderable civilization, lived in Amurru prior to the time of Abraham. It is well known that Babylonian and Sumerian rulers in the earliest known historical period — ^that is, in the third and fourth millenniums before Christ — conquered and held in subjection the land of Syria and Palestine. In this period Gudea is found importing Iraiestone, alabaster, cedars, etc., from the West, even gold from the Sinaitic peninsula. A succession of Babylonian rulers claimed suzerainty over this land until it fell into the hands of Elam. With the over- throw of that land, Amurru (Palestine and Syria) came again into the possession of Babylonia in Hammurabi 's time. Later, during the eighteenth dynasty of Egypt, it is found in the control of the Pharaohs. 32 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES The military conquest and enforced subjection of the country for such a long period resulted in the estab- lishment of the Babylonian language and script as the official tongue of the entire district controlled, as well as of other parts of Western Asia and Egypt. The ability to master this complicated and difficult system of writing, many have thought, speaks volumes for the intelligence of the civilized peoples of Western Asia. Education of scribes must have been widely spread; for the learned knew how to write this cumbersome ideographic and phonetic script of the Babylonians. We find the Hittite. the Mitanna'an, the Egyptian, the Amorite, and other peoples using it; but the Hebrews, who have handed down a literature of a very high order, purporting to deal with and to come from this period,* we are informed by critics, were micivilized or semi-barbarous nomads; not that any evidences of an archaeological or any other character have been produced in substantiation of this view, but simply because their theories demand such conclusions. Perhaps the most important argument used by scholars to show the influence of Babylonia upon Canaan has been the fact that among the tablets dis- covered at Tel el-Amarna, in Egypt, two Babylonian epics were recovered. This fact also furnished a defi- nite time when the supposcnl Babylonian influence was exerted upon Canaan. One of these myths contains * The writer is one of the small minority who believes that Hohraic (or Amoraic) litoratiiro, as well as Aramaic, has a great antiquity prior to the first millennium B.C. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS 33 what is known as the Adapa legend, and the other refers to Ereshkigal, the consort of the god Nergal, and her messenger Namtar. These, as has been inferred, were used as text-books in learning the language, as is shown by the fact that they were interpunctuated, the words being separated by marks made with ink, in order to facilitate their study. It seems the finding of these so-called Babylonian myths in Egypt offers no better proof for the influence of Babylonian ideas upon the cults of the West than the discovery of text-books in French at the present time upon one of the islands of the Pacific would show influence from France upon the cult of the inhabitants. It would, knowing certain facts, show that both lan- guages were used for diplomatic and social intercourse between nations; the former in the second millennium before Christ, and the latter in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries of the Christian era; but until it can be shown that the people of the Western lands actually adopted or assimilated Babylonian myths or religious ideas (many of which the writer holds are Western), no such far-reaching conclusions, based upon the theory that when Israel entered Canaan all these Babylonian ideas were a part of the mental possession of the people, can be maintained. Discoveries in Egypt, Phoenicia, or any other nation of the West do not show traces of this influence. These nations had cults of their own, showing a long history of development, prior to the Amarna period. Moreover, Israel, entering Canaan about that time, surely was not in a position and in a 3 34 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES frame of mind to select from the older and current beliefs what should constitute her faith. The cult of the Israelites grew up under unconscious influences quietly at work during the generations which preceded, reaching far back into the ages. It is, however, quite reasonable to suppose that the culture of Canaan had more or less influence in one way or another upon Israel. It is not improbable also that the Kenites with whom Moses sojourned, and with whom Israel came into contact, influenced the Hebrew cult, but to what extent can be determined only when we know more about their civilizations. Naturally, if it is assumed that the Babylonians were the only people who had a religion in that era in Western Asia, the theory would appear more reasonable. But, of course, this cannot be maintained. Philology and archaeology have extended our horizon, so that our conception of the civilizations of that age is that they were of a highly developed character. With the Amorites and Aramaeans in the North, the Egyptians and Arabians in the South, as well as the old Amorite culture in the land which they occupied, it seems imreasonable to assume such a wholesale dependence upon far-off Babylonian culture, simply because in certain periods Amurru was under the control of Baby- lon, or because certain literature, some of which is Western, has been preserved for us by reason of the fact that it was written upon clay, whereas most of the other nations wrote on perishable material ; and also because two practically indestructible tablets containing so- INTRODUCTORY REMARKS 35 called Babylonian myths happened to have been found in Egypt. On the contrary, as the discussion pro- ceeds, we shall see how Babylonia was invaded by West Semitic peoples who carried their culture thither. It must be acknowledged that the Hebrew, during the many ages of his history, has been peculiarly subject to the influences of his environment. A notable char- acteristic of the race is the adaptability of the people to their surroundings. But here we should also recall that Herodotus said that the Persians more easily than others adopted foreign customs. The influence of Babylonia upon the habits and life of Israel after the exile is well recognized. But even this is greatly over- estimated, for many things that are actually Aramaean have been regarded as Babylonian. Persian and Hel- lenic influences also are recognized. We must not fail to remember, however, that during these periods the nation was disorganized. But still, in the pre-exilic period we have only to read the prophets and the codes, to see how susceptible Israel apparently was to the influences at work about them, and how prone the people were to wander. We also learn that the high standard required by the codes was in many points not realized, so that pre- cept and practise were widely separated. There seems to have taken place, in many instances, what may prop- erly be called an accommodation to the actual practises of the people, which crept into Israel in spite of the efforts of the leaders to keep them out. Moreover, it would be unfair to the ancient lawgiver, and to the leaders 36 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES of Israel, if we acknowledged that the cult itself was even subject to modification as the people became acquainted with or were influenced by the practises of their environment. Gunkel holds that " as long as the Israelitic religion was in its vigor it assimilated actively this foreign material; in later times, when the religion had become relaxed in strength, it swallowed foreign elements, feathers and all.'' If this statement of the readiness of Israel to assimilate, in such a wholesale manner, the ideas of foreign peoples depends upon what has been shown to have been actually assimilated in the late period, the verdict must be, it rests upon weak premises. That Delitzsch, in his Bahel und Bihel lectures, " is right in calling Canaan at the time of the Exodus a domain of Babylonian culture," is a statement most difficult to understand in the light of the known facts. If it were true, should we not expect the chief deity of the Babylonians to figure prominently in the West? If the mfluence of the Babylonian religion upon the West were as great as is asserted by scholars, should we not expect to find in the early literature of that land, for instance, the name of Marduk, who for lialf a millennium prior to the Exodus had been the head of the Babylonian pantheon? This name was used extensively in the nomenclature, — ^the name above all names, the god that had absorbed the attri- butes and prerogatives of all other gods. Surely, if the influence was so extensive upon the West, we ought to find the name Marduk figuring prominently in the INTRODUCTORY REMARKS 37 Amarna letters, in the Ta'annek inscriptions, in the Cappadocian tablets published by Delitzsch, Sayce, and Pinches, and in the portions of the Old Testament belonging to the early period. But, with one exception in the Amarna letters, where is the name? The argu- ment e silentio is unscientific, but this silence at least is most significant. And where is the epithet of Marduk, namely, Bel, which was taken from Ellil? According to the revision of the Amarna texts by Knudtzon, the only occurrence is the questionable [B]e-[e]l-[sh]a' a[m}-m[al every character of which is in doubt. And where is the name Ellil in these letters,^ from whom the title Bel was taken, except in the name of Kadash- man-Ellil, the Babylonian ruler? Ellil is the lord of lands, to whom the rulers of the country, ancient as well as modern, did obeisance at the great Nippurian sanc- tuary, and whose name figures so prominently as an Element in personal names. Why, it can properly be asked, is the mention of this deity (who was considered by the Assyrians to be the god par excellence of the Babylonians) not found in Palestine? In the mscrip- tions of the Cassite period, Nusku is a most important deity in the nomenclature. At Nippur the name of Nusku, together with that of Ellil and NIN-IB, is used in the oath formula; but where is this deity found in the literature of Canaan of this period? The same is true of Nergal, the god of Cutha, with the exceptions of the Babylonian myth found in Egypt. Nergal's name in ^ A certain Ellil-bdni occurs in the Cappadocian tablets pub- lished by Savce, and by Pinches. 38 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES the Cassite period is also extensively used in the nomen- clature/ In a tablet found at Tell el-Amarna from Ala- shia, which is supposed to be Cyprus, a god MASH-MASH occurs, which has been read Nergal, but for which a better reading would be LUGAL Urra, "King Uru/' which is equivalent to Nergal, but which is one of the names in the inscriptions for the great solar deity of the West (see Part II). And where is NIN-LIL or Nand or Bdu or GU-LA or any other form of the goddess Ishtar found? Only in the letters from Mitanni, which is north of and in proximity to Assyria, does the name Ishtar occur. Instead, we find Ashirta or Ashratij which is the name of the goddess indigenous to the land. Among the deities in the Amarna letters, the Baby- lonian writing IB and NIN-IB are found; but, as we shall see in Part II, these are cuneiform signs which probably stood for the West Semitic Eshu and the Ba 'cd of Amurru or Mdshu. In other words, they represent deities or epithets of the solar god or gods of the land in which the letters were written, namely, Amurru. Shamash, Adad, Vru, Dagan, etc., are also found, but, as we shall see, the West is their proper habitat. In Part II it will be shown that Marduk, Nergal, and other deities are Amoritish. Then an explanation why these names are not found in the early literature of the West is in order. As we shall see in Part II, while they are West Semitic, they represent originally only » See Qay, B. E., XIV and XV. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS 39 different forms of the same name of the same solar deity of the West; and that these different writings ajose in different centers through the adoption of the cuneiform script of the Sumerians, whose scribes were the first to write upon clay for the Semites who entered the Tigro-Euphrates valley. The very absence of these names, generally speaking, is proof that the theory advanced is correct; although it is most sur- prising that sporadic occurrences of Babylonian names compounded with these elements in the names of the West, like Ellil-hdni in the Cappadocian tablets, should not be found. From this point of view, therefore, it must be acknowledged that the dependence of Canaan upon Babylonia in the period of the Exodus is grossly exaggerated. If the same claim had been made for the Hittites, more evidence would be found in the Amarna letters to substantiate it. Let me repeat, the argumen- tum e silentio is precarious, but when in the nomen- clature of Babylonia the Hittite, the Mitannsean, and other West Semitic influences are so apparent, we have every right to expect to find traces of Babylonian influence, if what scholars have claimed is more than a con- jecture. Afresh discovery may produce some of the re- quired data, but still the position taken by the Pan-Baby- lon ists cannot be maintained, for the evidence against it from many points of view is overwhelming. It has been asserted that the Babylonian rule having been extended over this land by military conquest, not only the general culture and the alien language was enforced upon the people, but also the Babylonian sys- 40 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES tern of law. Hammurabi having been suzerain over Amurru, it was quite natural to suppose that this great lawgiver established his laws there as well as in Baby- lonia, but this does not seem to have been the case. We find interesting parallels of customs practised among the patriarchs, as, for instance, the adoption of his ser- vant, Eliezer, by Abraham; Sarah's giving Hagar to her husband for wife, and the subsequent treatment of her; Rachel giving her handmaid Bilhah to Jacob for wife, etc. While there are no parallels for these practises in the Mosaic law, the existence of such Babylonian customs in the case of Abraham and his immediate clan is exactly what we should have expected; for he and his family had lived in Babylonia. It is, therefore, not necessary on account of these facts to assume that Hammurabi established his laws in Palestine. In truth, these very facts are merely interesting and impor- tant exceptions, assuring us that we have a veritable historical personage in the patriarch to deal with, and not the creation of a Hebrew fiction writer. His early life was spent in Babylonia, where he received his edu- cation. His emigration to Palestine and residence there as a shaykh among his people — a law unto himself — would not require us to suppose that he had forgotten his early training, and especially with reference to affairs of everyday life. At the same time, it would be unreason- able to suppose that the laws of Canaan were influ- enced by this petty shaykh, who we are told could gather only three hundred and eighteen men, which INTRODUCTORY REMARKS 41 included those of several allies, when he went to recover Lot. Naturally, his own tribe, perhaps for generations, was more or less influenced by this Babylonian heritage ; but contact for four or five centuries with the laws of Palestine, Egypt, and other lands gradually effaced the traces of this influence, as is evident by a comparison of Babylonian laws with the Mosaic code. There are laws in both codes which are parallel. The lex talionis is comnion to both; but this continues to exist in Oriental lands at the present time, and doubt- less will be found in other ancient Semitic codes that may be discovered. Without taking into consideration the laws arising from this barbarous law of retaliation, those which are similar can all be explained as coinci- dences which have arisen from similar conditions. Even a common origin for both cannot be proved. Not a few scholars have come to the conclusion that the points of agreement are due to independent develop- ment from the same primitive customs.^ Not only is it claimed that the people of the West adopted the language, the culture, the religion, and the laws of Babylonia, but that the literature was also absorbed as its own. The early stories in Grcnesis of the Creation, Sabbath, antediluvian patriarchs, and the Deluge have furnished the principal material for the support of this theory. Under these several heads this question will be discussed. ^ For a fuller discussion of the question as to whether the Mosaic code is dependent upon the Hammurabi, see the writer's Light on the Old Testament from Babel, p. 223 ff. 42 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES It is not my desire to attempt to minimize the influ- ences from the Tigi-o-Euphrates valley upon the culture of the neighboring nations in general, including Israel. Unquestionably such a civilization as the Sumerian, which, as far as we know, was highly developed as early as the fifth millennium B.C., and also the Assyro- Babylonian, exerted an influence upon neighboring peoples. What that influence was upon the center of the Semites from which the Semitic Babylonians came, of course, is a different question. It is well to bear in mind that while the Sumerians, on the one hand, greatly influenced the Semitic culture which was brought into the country, the Semites, on the other, had a great influence upon the Sumerians — not so much in their art as in their culture in general, for the Semite seems to have had little art worth imitating. By taking this more into accoimt it is not improbable that many of the diffi- culties brought to light by the Halevy school will find their solution, for it is evident that the Semitic hordes, as they are called, which came into Babylonia greatly influenced the culture of that land. But beyond such influences as are due to commercial relations, and perhaps the script, it does not appear that the culture of Amurru, according to all that we know from the excavations and the monuments, was modified by Babylonian forces. In short, a careful consideration of the data at our dis- posal confirms the contention that many extravagant statements have been made concerning the indebtedness of Israel and the Western Semites to Babylonia. Farther North it is apparent that the contact between INTRODUCTORY REMARKS 43 the Hittite and the Babylonian culture was closer. Whether the peoples will ultimately be shown to have had intimate relations with one another remains to be determined. Mutual influences, however, are shown by a study of the art.* The Babylonian influence upon that region is also apparent in the so-called Cappadocian tablets, as well as in the inscriptions from Mitanni. The influences from Babylonia or Shumer which found their way into Europe, doubtless, were largely transmitted through the medium of these peoples in Asia Minor .^ In fact we are justified in looking for influences, at least in orthography, among all the nations that adopted the Babylonian script for their own language. This would include a people like the Amorites, in so far as they adopted the cimeiform script for their own language. * See Ward, Cylinders and other Ancient Seals in the Library of J. Pierpont Morgan, p. 93, who finds Babylonian influences on the seal cylinders classed definitely as Hittites. This region he claims also gave in return more than one deity to the Babylonian pantheon. ^ An interesting illustration of this is the Babylonian origin of the Platonic number, 12,960,000, which has been demonstrated by Aures and Adam, and recently discussed by Hilprecht, in Babylonian Expedition, Vol. XX, pt. 1, and by Barton, "On the Babylonian Origin of Plato's Number," Journal American Oriental Society, Vol. 29, p. 210. CREATION STORY It is a widely current theory that the cosmology of the Hebrews, as reflected in Genesis 1-2 : 4a, as well as in the prophets and in the poetic productions of Israel, was borrowed from the Babylonians; or, as an eminent scholar has expressed himself, "in fact, no archaeologist questions that the biblical cosmog- ony, however altered in form and stripped of its original polytheism, is in its main outlines derived from Babylonia."* Certain scholars, however, while assigning for literary reasons all the passages in the Old Testament dealing with the so-called " Yahweh-Tehom myth,'' in their extant form, to a period as late as the exile, hold that there was a long development of the Babylonian myth on Palestine soil. Or, as another writer puts it, the Hebrew was founded upon the Babylonian soon after the invasion of Canaan.^ " Yes," says Sayce, "the elements, indeed, of the Hebrew cosmology are all Babylonian; even the creative word itself was a Baby- lonian conception, as the story of Marduk has shown us."^ Gunkel, followed by others, assumes a dependence * Driver, Commentary on Genesis, p. 30. Barton, in his article on "Tiamat, " Jour. Amer. Orien. Soc, Vol. XV, 1-27, was one of the first writers to make an extended comparison between the Creation story of the Babylonians and Genesis. See also Jastrow, Jewish Quarterly Review, 1901, p. 622. ' Rogers, Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, p. 139. ' Religions of Egypt and Babylonia, p. 395. 44 CREATION STORY 45 of the biblical story in Genesis, including several rem- nants in the Old Testament, upon the Babylonian; but the former was separated from the latter by a long space of time. These represent the views generally adopted by writers on the subject, namely, that it was out of this circle of influences that the beginning of Israel's conscious thinking about the work of crea- tion arose. The sole argument of value that has been advanced for the Babylonian origin is, that in purely Israelite environment it is impossible to see how it should have been supposed that the primeval ocean alone existed at the beginning, for the manner in which the world rises in the Hebraic story corresponds entirely to Baby- lonian climatic conditions, where in the winter water holds sway everywhere until the god of the spring sun appears, who parts the water and creates heaven and earth. This cosmology, it is held, must therefore have had its origin in the alluvial plains, such as those of Babylonia, and not in the land of Palestine, still less in Syria or the Arabian desert. It also involves a special deity of spring or of the morning sun, such as Marduk was, and Yahweh was not. It must be admitted that the fundamental conceptions expressed in the Hebrew story are not Palestinian in color, and that in all probability they are based upon a common inheritance. There is a Sumerian cosmology, the fun- damental idea of which is that water is the primeval element, ''for all the earth was sea." "In those days was built Eridu," which is in the region where the 46 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES Hebrews are generally regarded to have placed Eden, "out of which a river went, and from thence it was parted and became mto four heads." The biblical cosmology not only places Eden in an alluvial plain, but it recog- nizes water as the primeval element. These ideas were held also by the Egyptians, Phoenicians and others, and it is altogether reasonable to assume that the Amorites and Aramaeans had something similar. In so far, it must be admitted that the biblical story embraces cosmological conceptions similar to those found among the Sumerians and other peoples; but, as Pinches pointed out/ when he published this Sumerian legend which belongs to an in- cantation tablet, nothing is said in the fragment of a conflict between Marduk and Tiamat, the chief theme of the Babylonian legend. The Marduk-Tiamat myth, which belonged to the Library of Ashurbanipal, is a late and elaborated attempt to explain the origin of things. The chief purpose of the legend, as it has been handed down, is the glorifica- tion of the god Marduk, who, as is well known, absorbed the prerogatives and attributes of the other gods, after Hammurabi caused him to be placed at the head of the Babylonian pantheon. That is to say, it is quite apparent that the writer composed the work from existing legends.^ Professors Jastrow, Sayce,' and others recognize two different schools of thought represented in the * Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, 1891, p. 393 ff. » Cf . Jastrow, Rel. of Bah. and Ass., p. 407 ff. ' Religion of Egypt and Babylonia, p. 376. CREATION STORY 47 myth, as is shown by the attempt to harmonize two conflicting conceptions. In the chaos symbolized by Tiamat is seen the relic of a cosmology which emanated from Nippur. This, it is claimed, was adopted and combined with the cosmology of Eridu that made water the origin of all things. With the Sumerian legend, found by Rassam at Sippara, before us, which doubtless came from Eridu, it seems quite clear that the Tiamat cosmology is entirely independent of it. But, contrary to the asserted claims, it cannot be said to have emanated from Nippur. I can agree with Professor Jastrow, who, in assuming the composite character of the Babylonian Creation story, ^ sees a version underlying it which represents a conflict between Ea and Apsu. This version, which emanated from Eridu, must be viewed as the establishment of order m place of chaos. But I fail to appreciate the claim made by certain Assyriologists that there is a distinct version of the episode which originated at Nippur, in which Bel or Ellil and Tiamat are the contestants. The arguments adduced in support of the theory are by no means conclusive. The transfer to Marduk of the prerogatives of Ellil cannot be used to explain the origin of all that belongs to Marduk, for that deity had an existence with proper attributes before Ham- murabi conquered the Elamites, and was able to make him supplant the old hel mdtati, ''lord of lands.'' This transfer of titles is definitely set forth in the myth, where * See Noldeke, Festschrift, p. 971 ff. 48 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES the compiler, in his efforts to glorify Marduk, bestows upon him all the attributes which belonged to other deities, as well as Ellil. But the statement which is used to prove that Marduk supplanted Ellil in this conflict is not justified by any known facts, namely, that the description in the fourth tablet of the equip- ment of the god — ^that is, the four winds, lightning, the storm chariot, and the storm weapons — only fits Ellil of Nippur, and is totally incongruous in the case of Marduk, because one is a storm-god and the other a solar deity. The argument, I repeat, has little or no weight, for, as will be seen below, Marduk, the god of light, is also a storm-god.^ Adad, another representation of a solar deity in the West, is also the god of the winds and storms. The Sumerian Nin-Girsu is simi- larly a solar and agricultural deity. This is perfectly natural, as the sun recalls to life the slumbering powers of nature; but fertility is not only dependent upon the sun, but also upon rain. This conflict between Marduk and Tiamat, as Zim- mern^ has held, is manifestly one of light against darkness, i.e. the god of light with the god of darkness, while the Sumerian symbolizes the establishment of order out of chaos. Ellil was not a god of light, but a deity of an altogether different character. Marduk, on the other hand, is pre-eminently a solar deity; and therefore, imtil some indisputable facts are produced to show that Marduk is not the original deity of the legend, ' See Jensen, K. B., VI, p. 563. ' Encyclopcedia Bihlica, col. 73o. CREATION STORY 49 no other view should be countenanced. Further, in Part II it will be shown that Marduk (or Amar-uiuk) has been introduced into Babylonia from the West. Not only is Marduk, the god of light, an importa- tion from the West, but also Tiamat, the mythical monster who personified the sea, the god of darkness. Scholars have indeed assumed that the Hebrew Tehom, translated " deep abyss, '' was borrowed from the Baby- lonian Tiamat. The latter, in Babylonian, is written in a form slightly different from ti 'amtu or tamdu, the word for "sea," perhaps for the purpose of differentiation. This name, as far as published inscriptions are concerned, is confined to the primeval deity in the Marduk-Tiamat legend. The root to which this word, as well as tdmdu meaning " sea, " belongs does not seem to be in use in Babylonian, except in these two words. On the other hand, there are several roots in Hebrew Din, 'ntyn and D.tDH, which mean ''to make a noise, to confuse, to discomfit, to disquiet," to one of which Tehom probably belongs; though it is also possible, as De- li tzsch* maintains, that there is also a root Dnil. At the same time there are a number of derivatives, used in con- veying ideas connected with "the deep sea, the abyss, con- fusion, the primeval ocean, the depth"; in fact, there is a wealth of synonyms, belonging to the very fiber of the Hebrew language and thought. And yet scholars have held that Israel borrowed the conception from the Babylonians, who, as far as is known, simply used Prolegomena, p. 113. 4 50 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES the word tdmdu, "sesi," and also Tiamtu in this legend. The chaos seems to be a Phoenician idea also (see below).* The absence of the use of the stem in Babylonian, as above stated, considered in connection with these facts, makes the hypothesis that the Hebrews borrowed this idea from the Babylonians exceedingly precarious; in fact, it is unreasonable to assume that the Hebrew Tehom is a modification of a Babylonian pattern. The deity furthermore is surely not Sumerian, at least it has not been proved to be such. To say, therefore, that the origin of the Marduk-Tiamat myth is to be found in a Nippurian version, originally known as Ellil-Tiamat, is utterly without foundation. With our present knowledge, the only conclusion at which we can reason- ably arrive is, that this is an importation from the West. The art as represented in the seal cylinders offers a weighty argument for the comparatively late intro- duction of this myth into Assyria. A characteristic design of the Assjrian period of the first millenniuni B.C. is the conflict between the deity of order and disorder, which has incorporated certain elements from the earlier cylmders depicting the battle between Gilgamesh and wild beasts. The composite production, ^ In Pognon, Inscriptions Mandaites des coupes de Khouabir, Nos. 27, 33, the word is also found in Mandaic, which is an Aramaic dialect. The passage is X^^xnn 5<'Din K'pDUO. Pognon (p. 65) sug- gests here a scribal error and proposes K'Dnin, i.e., "black," but Professor Montgomery, who called my attention to the passage, translates "in the depth, the lower abysses." That is KDID is the same as the Hebrew Dinn. CREATION STORY 51 however, is intended generally to portray the conflict between Marduk and Tiamat, though it is important to bear in mind that the battle between Marduk and Tiamat is never represented in the early Babylonian art.^ It belongs, as far as we know, to the Assyrian period, which therefore justifies us in seeking for the origin of the myth elsewhere than in Babylonia. Such a conflict, as has been shown, is reflected in the Old Testament, where Yahweh put down a power of darkness. This, in fact, is a distinctive mark of Hebrew theology reflected throughout the Old Testament. It passed over into the New Testament, and has become the heritage of tho Christian Church in the doctrine of the fallen angels. Under the guidance of a primeval leader, certain angels did not persevere in wisdom and righteousness, but apostatized, in consequence of which the chief, together with his followers, was banished to the eternal desertion of God. Augustine, it is mterest- ing to note, mamtained that the fall of these angels took place during the age represented by the second verse of Genesis, although he does not seem to have taken into consideration the passages in Job, Isaiah and the Psalms which refer to the conflict before the creation of the heavens and the earth between Yahweh and this primeval power of darkness, under the names Rahab, Leviathan, Dragon or Tehom and the "helpers.''^ * Ward, Cylinders and Other Ancient Seals in the Library of J. Pierpont Morgan, p. 17. 'See Gunkel, Schopfung und Chaos; Clay, Light on the Old Testament from Babel, p. 69. 52 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES The Israelitish conception of Sin presupposes influence from this primeval power of darkness and its aUies. In Babylonian demonology the lillu, etimmu, utukku, and other destructive demons played an important role, but the knowledge of such a conflict between light and darkness, or between the god of light and the god of darkness, as far as is known in the literature of Baby- lonia, is confined to this myth. Similar ideas seem to prevail also in the creation story of the Phoenicians. Eusebius, who reproduces what "a certain Sanchoniathon has handed down to posterity, a very ancient author who they testify flourished before the Trojan war,"* says the Phoeni- cians believed ''that the beginning of all things was a dark and condensed windy air, or a breeze of dark air, and a chaos turbid and black as Erebus." In the Phoenician also Bdao, i.e., "emptiness,"^ figured as a wife of a>efjioivoTO-Babylonian, and the South Semitic, which is repre- sented by the Arabic and Ethiopic. ORIGINAL HOME OF SEMITIC CULTURE 85 If we account for the development of the Amorite cul- ture before the fourth or fifth millennium B.C., we are so far removed from the time the Semitic cradle rocked that until we get some glimpses into the early history of this culture before this time, or even of the Arabic before what we now know, such purely hypothetical speculations can only be taken for what they are worth. There is, however, no support for the view advanced by some scholars, that the language of Palestine (known to us as Hebraic), in the days of Abraham, was simply a dialect of Arabia; or that in Abraham's time the Ara- maeans were still a part of the Arab race. Such theories are wholly baseless and absurd in the light of fact and tradition. If in the main my contentions ai'e correct, a readjustment of the extravagant statements advanced is in order; and especially in view of what follows in Part II. The inscriptions and archaeological finds of cotempo- raneous peoples have corroborated in a remarkable manner the early history in the Old Testament of the nations of antiquity, while at the same time they have restored the historical backgroimd and an atmosphere for the patriarchal period, so that even a scientist can feel that the old Book has preserved not only trust- worthy traditions to be used in the reconstruction of the history of that period, but also the knowledge of veritable personages in the patriarchs. Nothing has been produced to show that they are not historical ; and on the other hand every increase of knowledge, gained by the spade or by the skill of the decipherer, helps to 86 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES dissolve the conclusions of those who have relegated the patriarchs to the region of myth. An interesting discovery has recently been made by Prof. Arthur Ungnad, of the name "Abram" belonging to the age when the patriarch lived.^ The fact that the name had not been found in the cuneiform literature, owing to the patriarch's sojourn in Chaldea, gave rise to many different views; for example, it was claimed that it was an idealized name created by a late Hebrew writer, and meant "The sublime father." The discovery of the name written in tliree ways, A-ha-ra-ma, A-ha-am- ra-am, and A-ha-am-ra-ma, puts this important question beyond any further discussion.^ The discovery of the divine name Yahweh in cimei- form literature also has important bearmgs on the point under discussion. Contrary to the views of those who hold the Kenite theory concerning the origin of the worship of Yahweh, or that it came from a Canaanitic Jdhu, or from the Babylonian Ea, or that it is a develop- ment from a tribal polytheism into henotheism and then into monotheism, etc., for which there is no historical proof, the Old Testament furnishes the only light on the subject, which is that the name and worship of Yahweh came from the Aramseans. And as Abraham and his descendants, as well as his ancestors, were Aramaeans,' it follows that the name and worship of Yahweh was familiar to the Aramaeans. » See Bet. zur Ass., VI, 5, p. 82. ' See also Part II. ' See Appendix on Ur of the Chaldeas. ORIGINAL HOME OF SEMITIC CULTURE 87 The investigations of Dr. William Hayes Ward* in connection with ancient seals have led him to the conviction that among the figurative expressions under which Yahweh is represented in the Old Testament, there are those which point to an Aramaean origin. This conclu- sion is evidenced by the symbolic representations under which the Aramaean deity Adad appears in ancient art. The worship of Yahweh in the Old Testament is largely identified with the moimtains; so, for example, the Syrians, in explaining their defeat to Benhadad, said concerning Israel's deity, "Their god is a god of the hills" (I Engs 20:23). The stories of Smai, Horeb, Moriah, Carmel and Par an fm-ther testify to this. Yahweh is represented also as a god of storms, thunder and lightning, as is shown by many passages in the Old Testament, particularly in the Psalms and Prophets. He is frequently regarded also as a god of battles: "Yahweh is a man of war," the god of hosts. And further, Yahweh was represented symbolically in the art as the calf or yoimg bull.^ The golden calf that Aaron made, as well as the shrines at Bethel and Dan, so vehemently denounced by Hosea and Amos, are indicative of this. The same characteristics are found in the art depict- ing the Aramaean Adad, who in the language of the prophet concerning Yahweh, "treads on the high places of the earth." He is the god of the clouds, thunder, lightning, rain, storm, deluge, etc. In Babylonian art he ^ "The Origin of the Worship of Yahwe," in the Amer. Jour, of Sem. Lang., XXV, p. 175 ff. ' American Journal of Semitic Languages, p. 181. 88 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES is represented as carrying a thunderbolt. As the god of war, he carries the bow, club and ax. When Adad is represented in his complete form, he holds in his hand a cord attached to a ring in the nose of a bull or wild ox. He is appropriately designated "the divine heavenly bull {DINGIR GUD AN-NA), the god of Amurru."^ These distinguishing marks have led Dr. Ward to remark that " he cannot help believing that he (Adad) was the pagan Yahweh before Yah weh emerged as the universal god of monotheism j^ and again, "it is not unlikely that the monotheistic worship of Yahweh originated in that of Addu.'^' Naturally there is no more proof for saying that the worship of Yahweh is derived from that of Adad, than that the worship of Adad came from that of Yahweh. Although we are better acquainted with the worship of Adad from extra biblical sources of the early period, because the deity was adopted into the Babylonian pantheon, still it would be safer perhaps to say that these characteristic marks which both deities have in common point to their Aramaean origin; and especially as the Old Testament associates Yahweh with the Aramaeans, and also because the inscriptions clearly show the same source for the worship of Adad.* » Dccouvertes, XXX, 10. ' See American Journal of Semitic Languages, XXV, p. 185. ' See Cylinders and other Ancient Oriental Seals in the Library of J. Pierpont Morgan, p. 19. * Amurru is also tlie "Lord of the Mountains," MU-LU QAR- SAG-GA GIT, i.e., be-lu sha-dl-i (sec Part II). This is further proved by the use of the ideogram KUR-CAL for Amurru, which means ''Great mountain." ORIGINAL HOME OF SEMITIC CULTURE 89 For some years certain scholars have consistently maintained that the divine name was to be found in several personal names of the Hammurabi period, as Ja^wi-ilu, etc/ Few, however, accepted this conclusion. But if the name was used prior to the age of Abram, as is inferred from the Old Testament, we should expect to find it in the early cuneiform literature, as well as the names of other Aramaean deities. This has turned out to be the case. The name of Yahweh is found on a tablet said to be from Kish, in the reign of Rim-Anum, who ruled in the latter part of the third millennium B.C. The tablet is in the ^lorgan Library Collection, and will be published by the Rev. Dr. C. H. W. Johns, Fellow of Cambridge University. It is found also in another unpublished tablet, dated in the reign of Sumu-abum of the Hammu- rabi dynasty, which is in the possession of Prof. Delitzsch, of the University of Berlin. In both the name occurs in the oath formula. The two deities usually mentioned in the oaths of the contract tablets from Kish are Zamama and Urash. In these two tablets Ja-wu-um takes the place of Urash. Urash, the god of Dilbat, is in all probability a Western deity .^ Za-am-ma (or Za-mal-mal), the god of Kish, which is another form of NIN-IB, is also a Western deity. These tablets, like those from Dilbat and Sippar, contain names of AVestern Semites, which make it See Appendix on the name Yahweh. 2 See Part II. 90 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES quite reasonable to expect such a variation as the use of the name Yahweh, if, as represented, the deity was Aramaean or West Semitic. But, as a matter of fact, the name Yahweh, when compounded with elements in proper names, is found in the early literature in connections which also point to Aramaean or Amoritish origin. It is claimed in the discussion of the name and native country of Sargon* that he was a Western Semite, perhaps an Aramaean. The name of his great-granddaughter is Lipush-Jaum. According to our present knowledge, the only conclusion at which we can arrive is that Jaum represents the name Yahweh.^ Further, the name of the First dynasty, Qali-Jaum, son of Jawum,^ also contains this element. Jawum, which at least is the exact form of the divine name, together with JJali-Jaum are foreign names, and in all probability West Semitic. In considering these different facts in connection with the name and worship of Yahweh, it seems that the Kenite, the Babylonian, the Canaanite, and all other theories must give way to that which is gathered from the Old Testament, namely, that the worship of Yahweh came from the country of the ancestors of Abram, the Aramaean. Recent discoveries thus furnish a greater antiquity for things biblical than is usually accorded to them, and point to the ancestral home of Abram, i.e., * See Appendix on the name Sargon. ' See Appendix on the name Yahweli. ' See Ranke, Personal Names, p. 114. ORIGINAL HOME OF SEMITIC CULTURE 91 Aram, which was identified closely with Amurru, instead of Babylonia, as the source of Israel's culture. It is necessary, therefore, to differ radically from even those who, like Professor Rogers, say that "the first eleven chapters of Genesis in their present form, as also in the original documents into which modern critical research has traced their origin, bear eloquent witness to Babylonia as the old home of the Hebrew people, and of their collection of sacred stories."^ But, let me add, in appreciation of what the same writer says, even when he includes those elements which he thinks were borrowed from the Babylonians: ''When all these are added up and placed together, they are small in number and insignificant in size when compared with all the length and breadth and height of Israel's literature "2 But the writer ventures to go even farther and to claim that the influence of Babylonian culture upon the peoples of Canaan was almost nil. The story of Babel in Genesis at this point becomes especially interesting; for in it we may see a reflection as handed down by the biblical writer of the movement of the Semites from the West, who made Babel a promi- nent center. "As they journeyed East they found a plain in the land of Shinar." Here these mountaineers used "brick instead of stone," to which they had been accustomed in their native land; and "bitumen" instead of "mortar." This became naturally a city ^ Rogers, Religion of Bab. and Ass., p. 219. ' Rogers, ibid., p. 226. 92 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES sacred to their chief deity, Amar, whose name the Sumerian scribes wrote in the cuneiform script, Amar-uduk. It has been asserted that the ziggurrats or towers in Babylonia were preceded by tombs of the gods in the center of fire necropoles. This may be correct, but the name ziggurrat points to a Semitic origin for the tower. Also the idea of the ziggurrat being the representation of a mountain surely originated with a people from a mountainous district. PART II AMURRU m THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS Recent investigations on the part of the writer have resulted in the conviction that most of the deities of the Semitic Babylonians, which have been recognized by scholars as original sun-gods, had their origin in the great solar deity of the Western Semites, known as Amar or Mar and Cr, which was written in the script of the West, "IDK or ^0 and IIK, or n\ also known as ti^O^. This deity, after having been transplanted to Babylonia by the Semites, appeared under different written forms in different localities, as NE-URU-GAL at Cutha, AMAR-UTUG at Babylon, etc. This is due to the fact that the Semites adopted the non-Semitic cimeiform script of the Sumerians. These Sumerian forms in time were semitized and became Nergal and Marduk, as the Sumerian EN-LIL, " Lord of the LIL,'' became Ellil and the Sumerian N IN -GAL, "Great mistress," became Nikkal, etc. With later streams of immigration coming from the West, as, for instance, in the Nisin dynasty (third millennium B.C.), the name in its original form continued to be brought into the country; but coming in when the early Sumerian forms of the Semitic names, as well as the religion, had been babylonized, they were treated as distinct deities. These, however, were not admitted at once into the 95 96 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES Babylonian pantheon of gods, but were treated for centuries as alien deities, as is shown by the fact that the determinative for deity in many cases was omitted. Naturally an important point to be determined is that these movements from the West actually took place. In a paper read before the American Oriental Society in Philadelphia (Easter week, 1907) the writer referred to the fact that at the time of the First dynasty of Babylon (2000 B.C.), the personal names show that the country was filled with foreigners, notably Western Semites; and also endeavored to show that the names of the kings of the Isin dynasty (third millennium B.C.) indicate West Semitic influence upon Babylonia, and that the capital of this dynasty doubtless was a strong- hold of that people. Before the paper appeared in print. Dr. Hermann Ranke, of Berlin, appears to have reached similar conclusions from an entirely different point of view. He called attention to a date on a tablet which he believed referred to the mvading Amorites at the time of Libit-Ishtar, a ruler of this same dynasty.* The preceding dynasty, namely, that of Ur {Urumma) was Sumerian. In the reign of Gimil-Sin we learn that the king built "the wall of the country of the West," which was called Murik Tidnum, "the wall that wards off the Tidnu." As we shall see below, Tidrm is another name for the land of Amurru. This fact points to active interference on the part of the Amorites already at this time. As is usually understood, the rulers of the pre- ' See O. L. Z., March, 1907, also Meyer, Geschichte des Alter- turns, I, § 416. AMURRU IN CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS 97 ceding dynasties were Semites, and were not indigenous to the land but came from some Semitic quarter. This the writer holds was Amurru. As is known, Amurru, the name of the land,,, occurs in the inscriptions as early as the time of Sargon, king of Akkad.^ The title of the early Sumerian rulers, LUGAL AN-UB-DA TAB-TAB-BA, and its Semitic equivalent, shar kihrat arbaHm, which being translated means "king of the four quarters,'' implies suzerainty over this land. Gudea mentions two mountains of Amurru, namely, Subsalla and Tidanu, i.e., Tidnu, by which the entire land apparently became known. The kings of the Ur and Nisin dynasties also ruled over the land. Kudur-Mahug in an inscription used the title ADDA KUR-MAR-TU,^ "suzerain of Amurru? This title, therefore, included sovereignty over the region ruled by the five kings mentioned in the four- ^ See especially Amurram(MAR-TU-am), V. B., p. 225, and Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums, § 400. ' Rawlinson, Inscriptions of Western Asia, I, p, 2, No, III. ' The fact that Kudur-Mahug, otherwise Icnown as ADDA Emutbal, called himself ADDA MARTU in the votive inscription dedicated to Nannar, has caused certain scholars to conclude that MAR-TU is not the so-called "West-land" of the shores of the Mediterranean, but is the name of a Western district of Elam, and probably another designation of Emutbal. It surely does not follow because a ruler used a different title in another inscription that the one must be synonymous with the other. Compare the change in the titles of Sargon and Dungi referred to below; or the fact that Hammurabi in some inscriptions calls himself "king of Babylon, " and in one found at Diarbekir, "king of Amurru^ Before accepting the name MAR-TU for West Elam, where a non-Semitic language was spoken, other proof must be forthcoming. 7 98 AAIURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES teenth chapter of Genesis. Later it became the pos- session of Hammurabi after his thirty-first year. In an inscription found at Diarbekir, the single title used by Hammurabi is "king of Amurru.''^ During the First d3masty of Babylon many Amorites seem to have dwelt in the vicinity of Sippar, where there was a city called Amurril. But we cannot follow Toffteen/ and those who hold the view, that the Amorites of the West emigrated from this place through pressure from Elam, and in this way the name was transferred to the West-land. This was a settlement of Amorites, like the Jewish settlement in the vicinity of Nippur during the captivity and after it, having been deported perhaps to that locality by a predecessor of Chedorlaomer (see Appendix on "Ur of the Chaldees")- This title passed down to his successors; among them Ammi-ditana is mentioned as having enjoyed it. Nebuchadrezzar I, Tiglathpileser I, Ashurnasirpal and Shalmaneser II refer to the land. Adad-nirari III conquered Khatti (Hittite land), Amurru, Tyre, Sidon and Omri (Israel). Sargon includes the Khatti in the "widely extended" land of Amurru, as well as Phoeni- cia, Philistia, Moab, Ammon and Edom. Ashurbani- pal, Nabonidus and Cyrus also refer to the land.^ In the first and second millenniums B.C., the cunei- form inscriptions lead us to believe that Amurru had become a general appellation for Syro-Palestine, a por- * See Sayce, ArchcBology of the Cuneiform Inscriptions, p, 143. * Researches in Assyrian and Babylonian Geography, p. 30. 'See Toffteen, ibid., p. 29. AMURRU IN CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS 99 tion of which was controlled by the Hittites; that is, the borders of Khatti seem to have been extended so that the rule embraced a considerable portion of what was once Amurru. In the time of Rameses II the Hittites, we learn, occupied the land of Amur. If, as a people, the Amorites ever dominated politically that land in an organized manner, their history belongs to the third or earlier millenniums. It is not unlikely that the order was always that of petty principalities, and that the name was generally regarded as a geo- graphical designation of the land. To Delattre^ belongs the credit for having deter- mined the Semitic reading Amurru for the Sumerian MAR-TU, instead of Afiarru. Jensen^ further substan- tiated the reading. The passage in a hymn published by Reisner,^ namely, DINGIR'-MAR-TU{-E) = ^A-mur-ru, as is known, fully and definitely corrobo- rated the reading. It would seem that very early DINGIR-MAR-TU and KUR-MAR-TU were read respectively the deity and country of the Amorites, as the transliterations, especially for the latter, i.e., Amurru, occasionally contain an additional final vowel, as if an adjectivum relationis. In the earliest inscriptions, as we have seen, MAR-TU * Proceedings of Society Biblical ArchoBology^ 1891, p. 233 ff. ' Zeitschrijt far Assyriologie, Vol. XI, p. 304, 5. ' Sumerisch-hdbylonische Hymnen, 24, Rev. II, 5, etc. * For the benefit of those who Iiave not paid attention to Semitics, it might be mentioned that what is printed in capital letters like DINGIR, in italics, is Sumerian, and what is in smaller type like iluy is Semitic Babylonian. 100 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES is the Sumcrian ideogram for the name Amurru and the question arises, Why was this combination of characters selected to represent this country? MAR, which is also frequently used as the name of the land alongside of MAR-TU,^ is doubtless, as has been suggested, a shortened form of Amar, which became Amur under the influence of the labial.^ MAR is one of the names of the sun-deity, as will be shown in the pages which follow. As a deity in personal names imdcr that form in the Assyrian period, it occurs in Mar-larimme, Mari-larim, Mar-hi'di, Mar-irrish, Mar- suri, etc.,' and also in such names as ^^D*)tD, etc., from West Semitic inscriptions discussed farther on. TU in Sumerian has the value erebu, "to enter."* MAR-TU like UD-TU (or erib shamshi), therefore, means crib Mar, " entering in of Mar'^ (or Amar, i.e., "the setting light or sun"). This, of course, shows that Mar (= Amar) meant the "sim" originally, and in all probability was the chief deity, the Shamash of the Amorites.' To the Babylonian it was also the name of the land, for Amurru was the "land of the setting »Cf. Zimmem, K. A. T.', p. 415, note 1; also TofiFteen, Ass. Bab. Geog., p. 32. MAR has also the value Amurru, "West," alongside of IM-MAR-TU, cf. Kugler, Slernkunde und Stemdienst, p. 23. ' Rawlinson, II, 35 : 19, is perhaps to be restored [MAR]-TU-u = A-ma-nim; but cf. also the following line A-ru = A-ma-rum. ' See Johns, Assyrian Deeds and Documents. * Cf. Prince, Sumerian Lexicon, p. 233. •In Job 31 : 26, IIK, "sun," is used instead of shemesh in parallelism w^ith the "moon." AMURRU IN CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS 101 sun." Here properly the Gilgamesh epic should be recalled which refers to the gate of the setting sun, as being located in the land of Amurru at the mountain Mdshu. In the earliest known inscriptions of the Sumerians and Babylonians the West Semitic Mar (or Amar) figures prominently, as is determined by the fact that the Sume- rians wrote MAR-TU for Amurru. This shows that the sun-cult of the West was well established in the earliest known period of Babylonian history, and doubtless already had had a long history of development/ This might have been inferred already from the fact that the earliest known rulers extended their conquests into the region Amurru. Besides this ideogram for the deity Amur or Amar, another sign occurs in the Neo-Baby Ionian proper names, which usually has been read ^UR, Marduk, etc. It occurs in Amar-ra-pa-% Amar-a-pa-' (per- haps the same as the previous name), Amar-na-ta-nu (son of Addu-taqummu^) and Amar-slm-al-ti (whose son, Ilu-arapa,^ also bears a West Semitic name). About one-half of the names with Amar are compounded with foreign or West Semitic elements, indicating unmistak- ably that the deity Amar belongs in the West. In The Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania (Vol. X, pp. 7 ff.), the writer showed that in the Aramaic reference notes scratched on the clay » See also Part I. ' See Tallqvist, Namenbuch. • See aay, B, E., Vol. VIII. 102 AMURKU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES tablets, the transcription ^1N, which occurs in several names, represented KUR-GAL; and that these charac- ters are to be read Amurru = Awurru (or Oru), and not Bel or Shadu-rahU as generally read. Such names as Amiirru-balia,^ Amurru-natannu,^ Amurru-nazahi,^ Amurru-shama,* containing foreign elements in connec- tion with the name of the deity Amurru, seem to substantiate the view that Amurru (or Cru as in Vru- milkv' and MilkHru,^ see below) was a foreign god. Peiser^ verified completely this identification, by showing that the name MAR-TU-erish, KUR-GAL- erish, and Amurria belonged to a single individual, the latter being a hypochoristicon with the ending m, like " Sammy " from Samu-el. In other words, we get the formula MAR-TU = KUR-GAL = Amurru = l^ii (or Jjru). Of special interest and importance is the fact that a single ideogram has the values AkkadH, Amurril and Urtu'^ Uri BUR-BUR Akkada Tidnu BUR-BUR Amurril Tilla BUR-BUR Urtu ' Strassmaicr, Nhk. 66 : 3. ' Nbk. 459 : 4. ' Nbk. 132 : 2. * Nbk. 42:5. » K. B., II, p. 90. « Amama Letters, K. B., V, 61 : 54, etc. ' Urkunden aus der Zeil der driUen hahylonisch-en Dynastie, p. VIII. "See Delitzsch, Ass. Les.\ Syl. B, 72-74, and Weissbach Miscellen, p. 29. AMURRU IN CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS 103 In another text, instead of Tidnu = Amiirru, is found Ari=Amurru} Tidnu is the name of a mountain in Amurru mentioned already in the time of Gudea (see above) .2 Tilla^ is the name of a deity, as well as the name of a land in the region called Urtu or Armenia. In other words, the usual ideogram for the country Vri or Akkad {i.e., Babylonia) stood also for the coun- tries Ari or Amurru and Urtu or Armenia. Here should be mentioned again the monument of Hammurabi, found at Diarbekir, in Southern Armenia, in which the single title used is "King of t)ru (Amurru).'^ ^ See Meissner, Ideogramme, No. 5328. 2 Cf. Vor. Bib., I, p. 70. 3 Tilla is the name not only of the land but of a deity, cf . 3u-di- ib-Til-la, Ash-tar-Tll-la and Ta-i-Til-la of my B. E., vol. XV, and A-qar-Til-la of B. E., vol. XIV; also cf. Te-Jii-ip-Til-la and Ishtar- ki-Til-la, Pinches, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1897, p. 589 ff., and Ti-mi-Til-la, Orien. Literaturzeitung , 1902, p. 245. Cf. also Me-Tilla, chief of the Hittites in the treaty of Rameses II. Additional names compounded with Tilla have been published re- cently by Ungnad (B.A., VI: 5, p. 14), I -H-ir- Til-la, Mish{1)-ki- Til-la, Shur-ki-Til-la and Shi-mi-Til-la. Others will appear in my forthcoming volume of Temple Documents. Bork rightly re- garded the first name mentioned above to be Mittannaean, cf . 0. L. Z., 1906, p. 591. This seems to be corroborated by the names which are quoted from the tablet published by Pinches. My attention has been called by Dr. A. T. Olmstead to a place Tillah, mentioned by Layard (Nineveh and Babylon, p. 41), at the junction of the East and West Tigris, which is on the direct route from Assyria to the Lake Van district. Another site Tela is mentioned by Ashurnasir- pal (I, li. 113 f.), which later was called Constantia and now Viranshehir, between Urfa and Mardin and S. E. of Diarbekir. The ruins are important, but not early. Olmstead thinks the Assyrian site of this city is to be fixed to the N. W. at the near-by mound of Tell Gauran. 104 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES An important argument for the movement of the Amorites into Babylonia is to be found in this fact, that the name of that land in the third and fourth millenniums before Christ, after the Semites had entered, is the same as the name of the country from which they came, or, in other words, the Amorite land called Amurru or Vru was geographically extended so that it included that part of the Euphrates valley occupied by the Semitic Babylonians. The fact that Akkad or Northern Babylonia is called Uri, and that Amurru is called An, raises the question whether there is a connection between Amurru and Uri or Art. We have seen that in the late period the Aramaic equivalent for Amurru which is scratched on cuneiform tablets is 'IIX. The representation of the Babylonian m by the Aramaic w, or vice versa, is well known; for example, tJ^1J2^ is written in Aramaic for Shaniash, JVD for Simanu, and pJl*)N for argamanu. Perhaps the most striking illustration of this is the transcription of the Hebrew ^^^^ by Jdmn, in Babylonian.* Naturally it is possible that the Aramaic equivalent "IIX for Amurru was pronounced by the Aramaeans Awur, although ordinarily w in such instances became a vowel letter, as 'or for 11N, " light,'' etc. In Babylonian the elision oi a. w between two vowels, after which a monopthongizing of the vowels takes place, is well ' Sec Appendix on the name Jahwch. The phonetic change of m to the semi-consonant u, ixitcr which it frequently disappears, is well known, cf. shumdti = shu(Ui, etc. This is due, of course, to the fact that the m was sounded like w. AMURRU IN CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS 105 established, cf. iniXljf from inawuji,, imtiXt from imtawut, etc/ The Babylonian Uru Hrru is doubtless the same word. The fact that D^C^'^1^^ is written Ursalimmu in cuneiform, and the West Semitic name ^'7D"11K is written Uru-miUzi, etc., make it quite probable that the name was read t)ru or Vrru. This is the way the Talmudic form NHIX, which is the late form of AmurrHj is read (see below). This being granted, it is possible to conclude that the word written Amurru and Amuru, which represents the 'Amdr of the West, was pronounced Awuru by the late Babylonians, and that this became Vru. In other words, we have the formula Amurril= Vrru or tlru. The question arises, can this be said to hold true also for the early period? In the early inscriptions there are several words written with w which have m in the later period. This rests entirely upon the reading of the character PI as having the values wa, wi, wu, and we. Formerly the sign was read with the values ma, mi, mu, me, etc. The stems or words which occur in the early period that show this change are awelu, awdtu, J^dwiru, naivdru, and a verbal form uwaeiranni. It is, therefore, main- tained that the stems originally contained w, which later became m. This necessitates the assumption that the change from w io m had already taken place in the Hammurabi period, for in the contract literature, which more clearly represents the spoken language, such names ^ Cf. Delitzsch, Assyrische Grammatik, p. 118; Ungnad, Babylon- isch assyrische Grammatik, p. 47; and Meissner, Assyrische Gram- matik, p. 51. 106 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES are found as Namratum, which is considered to belong to the stem nawdru;^ Shamash-li-wi-ir , the father of Ihgatum, written Shamash-li-me-ri,^ and A-wi-ir-tum, written A-me-ir-rum.^ In the Cassite period, with the exception of an example like A-wi-lu-tum,* these words, as far as they occur, have m. This change of consonant is in reversed order from that of the late period. Considering also that initial w of the early period, as in warad, etc., is dropped and also w is dropped between two vowels, as in Jitrtu, iji,ir from Jiawdru, and that there is practically no support from the cognate languages for the view that to is original in these stems, except the late Aramaic NIH, which it is claimed is the stem of awdtii, it seems as if the last word has not been written on the subject. Moreover, if in the late period the m of Amurru, amelii, and perhaps amatu was pronounced like w] and amelu, amdtu, and the other words contained w in the early period, it is not improbable that Amurru was also pronounced Awurru in the early period. Yet it must be admitted that the absolute proof of the identification of amilr with Uru in the early Babylonian period, as well as in the West Semitic inscriptions, has not yet been furnished. It is very inviting to suggest that perhaps this change of consonants was due to dialectical differences in the languages from the West, of which all traces are lost. > See Ungnad. B. A., VI, 5, p. 127. » See Ranke, P. N., p. 145. ' Sec Poebel, B. E.. VI, pi. 2, 4: 1, 12, 16, 22 and 8 : 14. * See Clay, -S. ^., XIV, 58 : 1. AMURRU IN CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS 107 This would obviate the necessity of assuming that the original and the later stems, nawdru and namdru, were both in use in the Hammurabi period; and this would also account for such synonyms as 'amdru and 'awdru} On this supposition the identification of the West Semitic stem from which the word "Amorite"' comes with *11K, would become reasonable. However, while the other considerations seem to support the view that the differences are dialectical, and it would throw much welcome light on the subject, it is here offered only as a plausible conjecture. The word for '' West, sunset, " etc., in the Babylonian Talmud is 'Vrya (KHW*) = AwurrU = AmurrH.^ In this connection we are reminded of the Talmudic 'tJr niN), "sunset, twilight, evening,'' and even 'Crta' (NnniN), "night,'' and the difficulty the Jews in Baby- lonia experienced in trying to imderstand how 'C'r (IIN*), which ordinarily means "light," in this connection meant "darkness" or "the West." In the Babylonian Talmud the question is asked, "Why is the West called 'Vrya? {tmM^, variant "IIN)," and the answer was because it means divine air (variant, light), meaning Palestme.^ In other words, they did not appreciate the » See Delitzsch, Prologomena, p. 28; and Halevy, in Muss-Arnolt, Assyrian Dictionary, p. 52. The fact that among the values of the cuneiform MASH, we find amdru and amtri (perhaps the same as Amir, "summit," in Hebrew) alongside of shamshu, ellu, ihhu, namaru, etc., seems to support the view of these scholars that 'amdru and 'awdru are synonyms. ' See Meissner, Supplement, p. 10. • See Jastrow, Talmudic Dictionary, p. 34. 108 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES origin of the term. While 'Vr C^IN), the name of the country, means "light," to the Semite livmg in the East, i.e.j Babylonia, it also meant "evening, darkness, West, " etc.,* because Amurru or Vru was the land of the West, or of the sunset, i.e., the land of the "going in of the sun. '' OTHER NAMES OF AMAR. The chief arguments for the view that the movement was eastward into Babylonia are to be found in the fact that the culture of the Amorites was carried into that land. This, as we have seen, shows itself in such legends as Marduk-Tiamtu, Gilgamesh, etc., but especially in the worship of the great solar deity or deities of the West by the Babylonians. Besides the names Armir or Mar and Amur, already discussed, the following variant forms of the name of this same deity, considered in connection with the theory concerning the way they arose, strengthens the thesis here maintained. ^ D'"i« of Isaiah 24 : 15, is usually translated, ''region of light," "East," of. Buhl-Gesenius, Hebrew Dictionary. It is quite natural to assume that the word niK in Palestine should mean "East," i.e., the place of the rising of the light, and especially by reason of an antithesis with tlie word "isles," which were in the West. However, as Dip is the usual word for "East," and the word in question means "West" in Aramaic, it is quite probable that the meaning is the same in Hebrew. It must be noticed that the phrase which follows, referring to the "isles of the sea," can just as well be understood as being parallel, which would require the meaning "West." AMURRU IN CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS 109 URU. A name of the solar deity of the West, as mentioned above, was Oru. This name appeared in a number of variations, due to the different characters employed in writing it. In considering them it is necessary con- stantly to bear in mind that in representmg Semitic words the Sumerian scribes employed ideograms irre- spective of their value in the Sumerian language. For example, there were a number of different signs, meaning respectively "city,'' "dwelling," "servant," etc., all of which were pronounced URU. In writing this name of the god of the Semitic hordes that came from the West, the Sumerians used these and other signs which were pronounced exactly the same as the name of the deity. In Ranke's work. Personal Names of the Hammurabi Dynasty, there are a large number of names compounded with the deity Urra, the god of Cutha, who is identified with Nergal. In the tablets of the Ur and Nisin dynas- ties, no less than fourteen different names are com- pounded with this element Urra (written NIT A, which has the value ur, see below, with the phonetic comple- ment ra)} In the name of the founder of the Isin * See Huber, Personennamen aus der Zeit der Konige von Ur und Nisin, who reads Uru-ra. Although he places the element in the list of deities, he reads ardu, and translates "servant." Cf. ibid., p. 170. Ranke, ibid., p. 208, has shown that the character NIT A also had the value ur. This element is, therefore, to be read Ur-ra, and the names are to be read Urra-bdni, "Ur is creator"; Urra-BA'TJL, "Ur has given life," etc. 110 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES dynasty, Ishhi-Urra, both elements seem to be West Semitic/ In these same texts there is also a deity Uru or C/r, written NIT A without the phonetic complement ra, and also USH.^ Here should be mentioned also the name NITA{ov GIR)-A-MU,^ which probably is to be read Ura{a)-iddin, " Vra has given, '' or Cra-apil- iddin, '' Cra gave a son, " unless MU in the early period does not have the value nadanu. This discussion throws additional light upon the king's name now generally read Warad-Sin or Arad-Sin, and identified by some with Arioch of the fourteenth chapter of Genesis. The identification is highly plausible, because Warad-Sin was the king of Larsa, which city ^ Ishbi is a Babylonianized form of a West Semitic element, cf. Ja-ash-hi-i-la, found in Ranke, Personal Names, p. 144. 132^" of 2 Samuel 21 : 16, may also represent the element. 2 Ruber, Personeniiamen, p. 57, note 1, grouped these together, and says = ardu, "servant." URU-DINGIR-RA translated Arad- Hi, "servant of god," makes sense, but something seems to be wrong with the common URU-MU (= URU-iddin), if trans- lated "a servant has given"; or URU-LIG-GA, which Ruber, feeling that ardu cannot be correct, translates "The strong URU.'' Further, such names as GAL(Amclu)-URU, "man of servant," GIR-URU, "slave of servant, " and DUMU-URU, "son of servant, " would give strange meanings if URU were translated "Ivnecht." Habcr appreciated this, and added that "In many names URU =- URU-RA seems to have been used as an equivalent for a god's name, or, he asks, is it a synonym of abdu, "servant"? Unques- tionably we have here also the name of the god Uru, and the names mean "Uru has given," "Uru is mighty," "servant of Oru" and "the son of tyru." ' Scheil, Manishtusu, T>. 5 : 2. AMURRU IN CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS 111 is identical with EUasar of the Old Testament, over which Arioch ruled. He was also a cotemporary of Amraphel/ the HammuraH of the inscriptions, and his fatlier; Kudur-Mabug, the king of Emutbal, or Elam, was king of Syria and Palestine at this particular time, which is in strict accordance with Genesis, where we learn that Elam was the suzerain power in that land. The identification is based especially upon the fact that the second element of the name can be read Aku as well as Sin, and that the first character, read Ardu, has also the dialectical value Eri, These facts, which are well known, have been accepted by a large number of scholars, but some seem to exercise more than ordinary critical caution with reference to the identification. In the first place, the name list of the Isin and Ur dynasties show that Aku or Agu was frequently used in personal names.^ Further, in these Sumerian centers it cannot be shown by phonetically written examples that the element was read Wardu or Ardu in the early period. In all probability it was read Ur or Eri. Where the element is followed by the name of a god, although another translation is possible, namely, " Cru is Aku/' we would naturally translate "servant of Aku.'' At the same time, the fact that * Since the appearance of my Light on the Old Testament from Babel, Thureau-Dangin has shown that Warad-Sin and Rim-Sin were two personages, both being sons of Kudur-Mabug. 'Soe Huber, Personennamen, p. 167; also cf. A-ku-i-lum and A-ku-Ea of the Manishtusu Obelisk. 112 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES there is an Elamite deity Eria^ must not be lost sight of; and especially as the kmg's father, Kudur-Mabug, was ruler over Emutbal, a name of or part of Elam. Moreover, it seems to me that the only conclusion at which we can arrive is, that the ruler's name was not pronounced Arad-Sin, but Uri{or EriyAku. Two other ideograms which have the reading tJru are found in names of the early period, Vri{BUR-BUR)-DA^ and Vru-DA.^ Huber^ says " Uru = the holy city, a god's name(?).'' While I question the reading dlu, "city,'' it must be recalled that there is a deity or epithet, A-li, frequently found in the names of the First dynasty, e.g., A-li-ba-ni-shu, "Ali is his creator," etc.,* and also that the name of a deity often appears as sub- stitutes for the patron deity in names. Very probably, however, we have here also the name of the deity Vru. With this understanding the above names make sense. The names of the early kings, Vru-MU-USH ^ and * See Hinke, Nebuchadrezzar I, p. 222. * See Cuneiform Texts, X, 24, 14,313, Ob. 1. ^ ORU in the latter means "city" in Sumerian. Huber, Personennamen, p. 56, reads the name Itti-ali{1), "with a city." Also Uru{URU)-MU, he reads dlu-iddin, which translated would be "the city has given." Uru(URU)-ki-bi he translates "Die Stadt spricht"; Uru{URU)-KA-GI-NA he translates "Die Stadt verstummt(?)"; Uru{URU)-NI -BA-AGA, "Seine Stadt ist Liebling;" Uru{URU)-BA-SAG-SAG = dlu-udammiq, etc. * Cf. ibid., p. 189. » See lists in Ranke, Personal Names, his B. E., vol. VI, pt. 1, and Poebel, B. E., vol. VI, pt. 2. * Perhaps mush is Semitic, cf . 'IS^ID, etc., of the Old Testa- ment. Kjng, Proceedings of Society of Biblical Archaeology, vol. XXX, 1908, p. 239. suggests the reading Ri-mu-ush. AMURRU IN CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS 113 Cru-KA-GI-NA, which would be equivalent to the Semitic IkHn-pi-Vru, "true or established is the word of Vru," receive new light.^ This reading of URU=Vru may also throw welcome light on the title of Sargon, namely, sJiar-URU, hitherto considered part of the name and read Shargani-shar-dli, and more recently Shar- Gani-sharri (see Appendix on "The Name of Sargon"). This discovery of additional forms under which the god Vru occurs by no means exhausts the occurrences of the name in the early literature, it being the purpose to give simply the various writings of the name; but from these considerations we are forced to recognize the prominence of this deity Vru in the early period. In the early Sumerian and Semitic inscriptions, therefore, the name is written UR-RA, UR-A, NIT A (more correctly UR), USH (perhaps better URU), VRU (dlu), BUR-BUR (= Uri), KUR-GAL (= Uru); URU (shuhtu), see below, and BIL-LIL, see below, all of which = Vru, Vri, Vra or Urra; and perhaps also MAR-TU {^Vru). This solar deity throughout the early period must have been recognized as foreign, because until the time of Hammurabi it did not, as Ranke^ has noted, have the determinative for god.'* Just as the scribe of the ^ For similar names, see Ranke, Personal Names. 2 If the name Uru-KA-GI-NA of the early ruler of Shirpurla contains the name Oru, it is possible also that A-KUR-GAL, of the same dynasty, contains the name or an epithet of the same deity. ^ Personal Names, p. 208. ^ There are, however, exceptions, as GAL-^UR-RA, Reissner, Urkunden, 94, I, 35. 8 114 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES Cassite documents at Nippur, as a rule, did not prefix the determinative to the names of the Cassite deities (with the exception of Shuqamuna, who had been introduced into the Babylonian pantheon) in the same way, the Sumerian scribes in the early period probably regarded this god of the Amorites as foreign. This, it seems to be evident, was done because of the religious prejudices of the scribes. And yet it must be borne in mind that such deities as Sin or Nannar in this as well as the earlier period are frequently written without the determinative. The Legend of Urra, which echoes severe conflicts waged against certain Babylonian cities by some rival power, also points to a foreign dis- trict over which the god presided. It may be of interest to add that the earliest inscribed object dedicated to the god Urra, is a vase which is in the Morgan Library Collection. It is dedicated by or for a son of Lugal-kisalsi, who belongs perhaps to the fourth millennium B. C.^ The name of the god is written DINGIR BIL-LIL, which, according to Rawlinson, IV, 5, 66a, is to be read Urra. NERGAL. Nergal, the patron deity of Cutha, is also a solar deity,^ who in the late period is the god of the burnmg heat of the sun, or the god of the all-destroying midday »See Banks, "A Va.se Inscription from Warka," American Journal of Semitic Languages, XXI, p. 63. 2 See Jensen, Kosmologie, p. 484 f.; Zimmern, K. A. T}, p. 412, and Jastrow, Rd. Bab. und Aas., p. 157. AMURRU IN CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS 115 sun. The great heat of the sun in Babylonia has a highly destructive power, which doubtless gave rise to the attributes attached to this deity when he became the god of pestilence, death and the underworld,* One of the Sumerian ideograms for the deity is NE-URU- GAL, which gave rise to the familiar Nergal. Scholars have considered this ideogram to mean " Lord of the great dwelling'' (i.e., Hades). Haupt, following Delitzsch,^ and others have thus regarded it.' In the light of these investigations, there can be little doubt that this sign URU, which ordinarily has the meaning "dwelling," was selected by the Sumerian scribes at Cutha, as mentioned above, simply because it represented the sound Cm. The last two elements of the name would then mean "great Vru. '' The name of the god is frequently found written in this abbreviated form, as U-ri-gal-la,* Urra-gal, etc. Further, the first element NE^ does not seem to mean "lord,''* but nUru, " light, "^ although it should be borne in mind that the meaning "Lord Vru/' if NE is translated ^Mord," would be parallel to "King C'm" (i.e., LVGAL-URU), another name of this deity. The name then of this Amor it e ^ See Jensen, Kosmologie, pp. 476-487. 2 American Journal of Philologij, VIII, p. 274, and Proceedings of American Oriental Society, October, 1887, XI. 'See also Zimmeru, K. A. T.\ p. 412. * Strassmaier, Nhk. 305 : 4, * In the Naram-Sin inscription found in Susa a deity NIN-N^- URU{UNU) occurs, cf. Thureau-Dangin, Vor. Bib., I, p. 168. ' The sign, however, has the value gashru ; cf . Briinnow, List. ' Cf, Meissuer, Seltene Ideogramme, No. 6920. 116 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES sun-god, when written by the Sumerian scribes at Cutha, meant ''The light of the great Oru/' or perhaps ''Lord Urugal." The deity ^LUGAL-URU has also been identified with Nergal, as above. In a passage from Rawlinson, Inscriptions of Western Asia,^ we seem to have proof that this deity is from Amurru. It reads : ^Shar-ra-pu = DINGIR LUGAL-UR-RA MAR-KI, i.e., "The deity Sharrapu (the burner) = Lugal-Urra (Lord Vru) of Amurru. "^ MARDUK. Another striking proof of the transmission is to be seen in the name of the god Marduk, whose solar charac- ter is attested by Berosus, which was first pointed out by Sayce/ After Hammurabi placed this god of light at the head of the pantheon, and made him sup- plant the other gods, his solar features were over- shadowed by the many other attributes with which he was invested, and as a consequence they were more or less lost sight of. The deity under the name Marduk is not known in the Hebrew of the early period, and with one exception, i.e., D I -Marduk, the name does not occur in the Amarna letters. This is significant, and shows, as stated (p. 36), that the supposed great influence exerted by Babylonian » V, 46c-d, 22. 2 Cf. K. A. T}, p. 415, note I. » Trans. Soc. Bib. Arch., 1893, II, p. 246; cf. also Jensen, Kosmologie, p. 88. AMURRU IN CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS 117 culture upon the West is more or less a myth, since this deity, who was at the head of the Babylonian pantheon for more than a half millennium prior to the Amarna period, the god that Hammurabi made ^ supplant Ellil, lord of lands, and to whom was given the attributes of the other gods, is scarcely known by that name in Palestine and Syria. Hence it follows that the original name of the god, if indigenous in the West, must have been different; in which case it is reasonable to inquire whether the deity cannot be DINGIR-MARTU, the deity of Amurru, perhaps also known as Vru. In this connection the personal name U-ri-Marduk, '' Uri is Marduk," of the Cassite period, is most interesting,* but especially the formula AMAR- UTU = ^A-ma-ru.' The Sumerian scribes in Babylonia wrote the name of this deity AMAR-UTU or AMAR-UTUG, Some scholars have proposed, in order to account for the writing Marduk or Maruduk, that the second character is to be read UTUG. This is quite reasonable, for there is a sign having the value U-tu-ki, which also means the god Shamash (^UTU).' UTU may have the value ' See Clay, B. E., vol. XV, p. 45. ^Cf. Brunnow, List 11,566. This is equivalent to Avaru = niK = Cru. Cf. here also LUGAL-UDDA, quoted as an epithet of Marduk by Jensen, K. B., VI, 562. Of course, UDDA has also the value Uru. Now LUGAL-URRU is another name of Nergal (see above), in which case we have direct evidence of the connection between Nergal and Marduk. ' See Brunnow, List, No. 12,219. 118 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES utuk, for it is well known that a final G, including the vowel, in Sumerian is often apocopated.* Jensen explains AMAR-UT to mean "the son of the sun."^ This explanation, however, is based on a frag- ment of questionable value. Pinches' explains AMAR- UDUG to mean " the brightness of the day. " Hommel^ considers AMAR to mean "young wild ox," which explanation he feels is confirmed by one of the dates of Bur-Sin, where his name is written Amar-Sin.^ Sayce* explains the name as having a punning etymology, Amar-utuk, "heifer of the goblin.'' It is possible to understand how a deity like Marduk could have an epithet, "Son of Shamash;'' but it does not seem appropriate to explain the name of the patron deity of Babylon in that way. And notwithstanding * See Leander, Sumerische Lehnw drier, p. 34. 2 Cf. A'. 5., VI, p. 562. ''AMAR-UT-mar = jmru = 'Jiinges'- mdri-sJiamashu, d. i. ein 'Sonnenkind' oder 'Sonnensohn' der Cotter, aber nicht 'Sonne' schlechthin." ^ Old Testament in the Light of the Historical Inscriptions, etc., p. 54. * Sumerian Lesestiicke, p. 51. ^ It is quite evident that the names of both, the son of Dungi of the Ur dynasty, and the son of Ur-NIN-IB of the Isin, are not to be read Bur-Sin; and designated, as is usually done, Bur-Sin I, and Bur-Sin II. In every instance where the former occurs, the sign AMAR is written, cf. C.T., XXI, 24, 25, 27, and Hilprecht, B.E.,I, pt. 1, 20, 22, XX, 47 : 3, etc., whereas the latter name is written with BUR, cf. B. E., I, pt. 1, 19, and XX, 47 : 15. Moreover in B. E., XX : 47, both names appear. Until, therefore, a phonetic writing is found, althougli AMAR may be read Bur, the reading Amar-Sin for tlie former and Bur-Sin for the latter is preferable. . " Religion of Egypt and Babylonia, p. 325. AMURRU IN CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS 119 the other explanations, it does not seem out of place to offer still other conjectures. If Amar is a synonym of *11K, "light/' as has been suggested, which Pinches apparently had in mind in translating ''brightness,'' then the first element of the name could also be a synonym of NE (= nuni), which is found in NE-URU-GAL, "Light of the great tyru," and also of SIR (= nUru or napdfiu) in >S//^- (usually read BU)NE-NE, "Light or flame of the fire," the charioteer of Shamash of Sippar. In this case AMAR- UTUG would mean "Light of Utuk,'' i.e., the sun. A-ma-ru, which, as we saw above, is equivalent to Marduk, would then represent perhaps only the first element. This would mean, if correct, that in writing this name the Amorite element Amar was used in con- nection with the Sumerian UTUG or the Baby Ion- ized utuk. Another explanation is perhaps more plausible. Words were compounded in Babylonian in other than the Semitic construct relation.* Many of these com- positions doubtless arose through the influence of Sumerian writing.^ ^ See Delitzsch, Assyrische Grammatik. 2 In this connection I desire to call attention to several names of woods, stones, animals and plants, some of which may eventually be shown to be similar in formation. The name of the countr}- Amurru, being the same as the deity, among the many variations in form in which the name appears we have Amar^ Mar, Amur, Mur, Ur and Ar. Plants: A-mur-tin-nu (II R., 45, 58); A-mur-ri-qa-nu (also a sickness of the eye, cf. Arabic araq and uraq, "grain sickness"); 120 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES As is customary at the present time to designate the origin of animals, woods, etc., by mentioning the name of the country, as, for example, ''Scotch terrier/' "Italian marble,'' etc., it seems natural to postulate that the Babylonians did the same in naming foreign materials. And this being the case, Amurru should figure promi- nently in that respect, for frequently we read in the inscriptions, as early as the time of Gudea, that this land was the forest that furnished woods for their temples, and the quarry where they got certain kinds of stone. Amar-utuk may, therefore, mean "the Amorite Utuk/' i.e., "the Amorite sun-god." One other explanation seems probable and worth considering. AMAR-UTUG, being an Amorite deity, contains as its first element Amar, meaning the deity (see above). In the light of these considerations, therefore, is it not reasonable to suggest that the name means " Amar Awa-ar-ka-^r (II R., 43 : 67a and 6); Awa-ar-si-qir (ibid.); Awa-ar- sa-na-bu (Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 51), etc. Woods: Ur-lya-lu-ub {Vor. Bib., I, pp. 30, 96) seems to belong to Amurru ; Ur-karinnu (Esar- haddon, I : 20) is brought with cedar from Sidon ; Mar-eriqqu (Muss- Amolt, Die, 4148), etc. Stones: Mur-ar-na-tim (Brunnow, 12803); Mur-siparru (Brunnow, 13279); Ar-gaman, which is Phoenician dye. td:i in S>Tiac means "color, " etc. .\nimals : A-mur-sa-nu ; A-mur-si- gu (Meissner, Supplement, p. 5) ; Awa-ar-i-lum ( = Mur-babillu, Muss- Arnolt, Die, p. 90, and Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 51); Mur-nisqi (Muss-Amolt, Die, p. 584, root nasCiqu) , etc. These words, the etymology of nearly all of which is in doubt, taken from a fuller list, I simply offer in order to raise the question whether some of them at least cannot be explained as containing perhaps the element discussed, and especially as we have similar formations, as ashar-edu, perhaps arisen from the Sumerian, AMURRU IN CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS 121 is Utuk/' or the " Amar-Utuk/' like Bel-Marduk, El- Shaddai, Bir-Hadad, Yahweh-Sebaoth? This being true, the Sumerian scribes, perhaps, in this way differentiated in writing the name of the sun-god of the Semites from their own solar deity, UTU or UTUG. Moreover, even though none of these conjectures shall eventually prove to be correct, it does seem that the first element AMAR represents the name or epithet of the chief deity of the Amorites. NIN-IB. NIN-IB, who so frequently interchanges with Nergal, is also a Babylonian solar deity that was imported from the West; or, to express it differently, the name repre- sents another writing of the Amoritic sun-god/ The Aramaic equivalent which the writer published several years ago, namely, HC^I^^^, and which he consistently maintained was correctly read against the views of others, has recently been placed beyond doubt by the discovery of Professor Montgomery of the name written on an ostracon no less than five times (see Appendix). This Aramaic equivalent has received thus far about fifteen different explanations. The writer, however, feels that the one he recently offered,' namely, ntri^^ = EN-MASHTU for EN-MAR-TU, which is Sumerian for hel Amurru, " Lord of Amurru or Uru, " like LUGAL-Vru, which has practically the same ^See Clay, "The Origin and Real Name of NIN-IB," Journal of American Oriental Society, vol. XXVIII, 1907; also the Appendix on "The Name of NIN-IB.'' 122 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES meaning, has not been improved upon. There is, how- ever, another plausible explanation of this name, which may eventually be found to be correct. We have seen in Part I that the mountain Mdshu figures prominently in the Gilgamesh epic, and that it is located in the land of Amurru. We have further seen how in the name Gilga-mesh and in the names of several temples in Babylonia the element Mash or Mesh figures, and that this element in all probability is foreign. Now, as is well known, another common ideogram for NIN-IB is MASH. The first element NIN meaning ^'Lady or Mistress," and the name NIN-IB^ " Lady IB, " who was the consort of the god IB, shows that originally the deity was feminine. As there was a West Semitic deity called Mash, his consort should be called Mashtu. In Babylonian, there is a deity Mash and also his consort Mashtu. Knowing as we do that this deity, like Nin-Girsu and others, became masculinized, it is altogether reasonable to assume that even in early times the deity became EN -Mashtu, that is, " Lord Mashtu. '' This as well as the above explanation identifies the deity with the West, which is further discussed, and for which additional proofs are given in the Appendix on "The Name iV/AT-/^." URASH. The god Urash, written IB and perhaps also IB-BA,^ who was the local deity of Dilbat, is doubtless also a » See Qay, B. E., vol. XIV, p. 59. AMURRU IN CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS 123 solar deity from Ainurru. This follows from the deter- mination of NIN-IB, who was originally the consort of IB, as being Amorite. It occurs in Ehed-Urash in the Amarna letters. Now in a Punic inscription of the third century B.C. there occurs the name 5J^^J<"lDi^, which in all proba- bility is the same; compare also NtJ^HNDCO.* Urash may be a contraction of Ji^N"*lJ<, Ur-esh, i.e., Vru-Esh, like Bir-Adad or Amar-Utuk, etc. (see above). The first element in Esh-ba'al (7i^2ti^ii)j son of Saul, and Ashbel (^DSJ^N, Ia(Ti37jX)j the name of a son of Benjamin (Gen. 46 : 21), may of course be tJ'^N, "man,'' but I prefer to see in it the deity Esh, "fire-god"; compare I shunt especially in the Hammurabi period.^ IB = Urash has the value aqmu,^ perhaps " I burned, " and considering that IB is the consort of NIN-IB, a solar deity, the above explanation seems at least plausible.* SHAMASH. Shamash, whose temple was at Sippar, is naturally recognized as the great solar deity of the Babylonian Semites. At the same time, we have only to recall the fact that in the Amarna letters Shamash is the one all- ^ Cooke, North Semitic Inscriptions, p. 70, compares the root iy")K, which in Assyrian (ereshu) = *' desire, request," and the Hebrew niJ^IX; but ibid., p. 129, in discussing K^'^K^3;^, he thinks it is a deity, and compares 'Ap?7f . ' See Ranke, Personal Names. 3 See Briinnow, List No. 10481. * For another explanation of Urash see Dhorme, 0. L. Z., 1909. 124 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES important deity, so frequently named in the salutation. The Pharaoh addressed is called ''my Shamash, my god (i7f/ i.e., pluralis intensivus), my lord/' These three terms correspond to the Hebrew Yahweh, Elohim, "god," and Adonai, "lord." It is not impossible that the Egyptian sun-god Re, or the foreign impor- tation Aten was meant, who the Egyptians believed was mcarnated in the Pharaoh; but if that were true, we would expect at least a single variant, in which one or the other was referred to by that name. It is more probable that the Amorite writer meant his own sun-deity which he associated with the deity of the ^ In spite of the pronounced views of others who have differed with the explanations offered for DINGIR-DINGIR or DINGIR MESH = Elohim (D'H/X), the generic name of the god among the Hebrews and the people of the West (cf. Hilprecht, Editorial Preface to my B. E., vol. X, p. IX), I continue to maintain that this explanation offered by Barton {Proc. Amer. Orien. Soc, April, 1892) is in all probability correct. That DINGIR-MESH = Sk, in the names of the Achaemenian period, I have conclusively shown in my paper on Aramaic Endorsements in the Harper Memorial Volume (I, p. 287 ff.). Unless it can be proved that the word Elohim of the Old Testament was not in use as early as the second millennium B.C., there is every reason to expect to find it in the literature of Palestine, and especially in the Amarna letters. This being true, there are good reasons for believing that in the name Warad-DINGIR-DINGIR-MAR-TU we must recognize the generic name for ''God" used by the Western Semites; that is, instead of translating "gods of Amurru, " the writer believes that in the early period, as well as in tlie late, the scribes differentiated between ilu and bx or DTiSk. Moreover, a modification of this view might be suggested, which is that the name was probably read Warad- El-tJru. Considered in connection with llSx in the Pognon inscrip- tion, this explanation appears reasonable. AMURRU IN CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS 125 Egyptian, which he knew was also solar. Without taking mto consideration place names, such as Beth-Shemesh, etc., or perhaps names as Samson (Shimshdn) in Palestine, it must be acknowledged that the Amorites and Aramaeans used extensively the name Shamash or Shemesh for their chief deity. Not only the Amarna letters show this, but also the so-called Cappadocian tablets pubhshed by Sayce, Delitzsch and Pinches. The Sumerian chirographers, in writing the name Shamash at Sippar, used the same ideogram UTU which stood for their own solar deity, whose seat of worship was at Larsa. That the Semitic name Shamash prevailed in that city is an indication that the deity in his original habitat was known under that name. No satisfactory etymology of the name Shamash has yet been offered. The idea that it is derived from a stem ti^D^, which in Aramaic means "to minister unto, to serve,'' because in the Babylonian pantheon Shamash is the son of Nannar or Sin, and occupies a subservient position to the moon-god, does not appear plausible. The reason why the god Sin is accorded a superior rank must be due to other influences and to the fact that Shamash is foreign. The all-powerful element of the universe certainly would not represent a deity subsid- iary to the moon in his own habitat. The only reasonable explanation for the position which Shamash occupies in the pantheon, especially when we recall that most of the deities of the Semitic Babylonians are solar, is that the (noon-god cult of such cities as Ur and Haran was able to 126 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES establish its deity in the foremost position during the rule of some powerful dynasty.* Besides this Aramaic stem, which has led scholars to give the meaning " servi- tor" to Shamash, no other seems to exist from which the name can be derived. Taking this into consideration, the following is offered as a plausible conjecture. The name Mash, more than has been realized, figures prominently in the Eastern as well as in the Western Semitic cultures. Mash in the Old Testament is called one of the sons of Aram (Gen. 10 : 23). Mdshu is the mountain where the gates of the setting sun were found. This, as has been stated (p. 77), is probably to be located in Amurru and perhaps is Hermon, near Damascus (see below). This element Mash is frequently met with in the Babylonian mscriptions. It occurs in a number of temple names, for example E-UL-MASH, E-M ASH- MASH, E-MESH-LAM, etc. It is also found in the name Gilga-Mesh (see p. 78). This solar hero was associated with Erech,where a deity Mesh was worshiped.^ The name of the solar deity Lugal-Urra or Nergal is written with the signs MASH-MASH. This deity is of Western origin. The name NIN-IB, another of the chief solar deities of Babylonia, is written in cuneiform '^MASH, and is phonetically written Ma-a-shu in a * Prof. Jastrow, Rel. Bab. und Ass., II, p. 457, maintains that astrological considerations are responsible for the relative positions of Sin and Shamash. ' Cf . CoUection de Clerq, IX : ,S2. AMURRU IN CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS 127 syllabary.^ NIN-IB, while prominently worshiped in Babylonia, is also a deity of the West. In Aramaic the name is written ^\^^yi< = EN-Mashtu,'^ i.e., "Lord Mdshtu.'' Mdshtu is known in cimeiform, and is perhaps to be identified with Vashti of the Book of Esther. The gods Mdshu and Mdshtu are called the children of Sin.^ Shamash was also regarded as the offspring of Sin.^ The sign MASH, it may be mentioned also, has such values as shamshu, ellu, ihhu, amdru, namdru, etc. The deity whose habitat was found in the mountain Mash might well be called, following the Semitic usage with a relative particle, Sha-Mash, or El Shammash, i.e., "He of Mash/' or "The god of Mash." This has its parallel in Babylonian where " Man of sealing" or " of the seal," is written ^shakkanaku.^ The relative is commonly found as an element in Babylonian personal names, e.g., Sha-Addu, etc.^ It is also foimd in the West Semitic names Methu-shd-El and Mi-shd-El. Beth-sha-El (writ- ten Bayt-sha-ra) ,'' one of the frequently mentioned cities of Palestine in the Egyptian inscriptions, also seems to 1 Cf. Brunnow, List No. 1778. ' See Appendix on the name NIN-IB ' See Appendix on the name NIN-IB. * See Jastrow, Rel. of Bab. and Ass., p. 68. ^ Cf . also ^shangu "man of sacrifice," and ^shabru "man of seeing." " See Tallqvist, Neuhabylonisches Namenbuch, p. 331, and Ranke, P. N.,p. 245. If this explanation of the name Shamash should prove correct, it is not impossible that El Shaddai is a similar formation, perhaps containing the element Addu. ' See W. M. MuUer, Europa und Aden, p. 192, and Mitteilungen der vorderasiat. Gesellschaft, XII, 1907, 29. 128 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES contain the particle. It probably represents the city Bethel.^ The relative is also found in Arabic divine names, e.g., DhU'l Qalasa, Dhul Shard, etc.,^ and also in Old South Arabic names, e.g., Dhu Saindwi.^ The explanation that Shamash contains the relative would give a reason for the doubling of m in Il-Tammesh,* for, as is well known, one of the forms of the particle doubles the following consonant. As stated above, this is offered simply as a conjecture in the absence of any reasonable explanation of Shamash. A word may properly be added here with reference to the name Damascus. The fact that it is a very ancient and important city raises the question whether it is not mentioned in the early Babylonian inscriptions. It seems that Damascus must be Qi-Mash-qi which figures so prominently in the inscriptions of Gudea and Dungi. This city is usually considered to be in Arabia,^ but the scene of Dungi's operations were chiefly in Amurru. In the absence of any proof that KI or QI is Semitic, this would mean that the name of the city as known in cuneiform was or became the name of the * In Papyrus Anastasi I, -sha-cl occurs, which prompted scholars to think of Bethel instead of Bethshean. ' Wellhausen, Reste Arabischen Heidentumes, p. 42 ff. ' Baethgen, Beitrdge, p. 123 f, * Tliere are a few variant forms as Il-Tamesh, Il-Temesh, see Tallqvist, Neubabylonisches Namenbuch, p. 288. * Dclitzsch (Paradies, p. 242 f .) has, however, made it quite reasonable that the desert of Syria is referred to in Ashurbanipal's campaign as the desert of Mash. Jensen now also places Mdshu in the Lebanon district. AMURRU IN CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS 129 city. In the inscription of Gudea KA-GAL-AD-KI is the mountain of QI-MASH, which is also called the ''mountain of copper '' (BAR-SAG-URUDU-GE). Perhaps the name means " gate " (KA-GAL) " of cop- per '' (AD?) ; at least AD-JJAL means copper. This idea of a gate reminds us of the gate of the setting sun in the Gilga-Mesh epic at the mountain Mdshu; and also the passage, Zech. 6:1, where it says the four chariots passed between the two moimtains of brass. Damascus is east of Hermon and southeast of an offshoot of the Antilebanon, perhaps such a location where the idea of a gate of the setting sun, referred to in the Gilga-Mesh epic, would arise. It may be that the gate was formed by Mount Hermon and Mount Lebanon. But more important than all else is the fact that there were copper mines east of the Lebanon range in this land of Nuji^ashsM^ of the Amarna Letters. The city alongside of Mash would probably be called ''City of Mash." This identification finds support in the passage, Gen. 15:2, where Eliezer is called pt^D p, "Son of Mesheq."^ The question then arises, how shall the first part of the name be understood? The name of the city is written p^??'^, p^?")l and pb*?*!*^ in the Old Testament; Ti-jnas-qu, Sa- ra-mas-qi (for Ti-ra-mas-qi) in Egyptian; Ti-ma-ash-gi, Di-mash-qa in the Amarna letters; Di-ma-ash-qi, Di- ^ Enc. Bib., II, col. 893. 2 The words following are a gloss explaining in a later period that Mesheq is Dammesheq. The passage reads " a son of Meaheq is my family — that is Damascus — Eliezer." 9 130 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES mas-qa, Dim-mas-qa, etc., in the Assyrian inscriptions; and Dimashqu, etc., in Arabic. In view of the above explanation of Sha-Mash, and the doubling of the m^ in the name, it is possible to see here the relative particle (see above). This view finds support in the other form of the name, '^^Slia-imeri-shu? If this should prove correct, then the early name Mesheq, perhaps arisen from the cuneiform wiiting of the name Mask^, later became Dammesheq, " (city) of Mesheq." Another and more reasonable explanation is that the first element written Dar, Dum (for Dur), and even Sara m Egyptian, is equivalent to the Aramaic Der and the Babylonian dur, ''fortress," etc., which is doubtless from the Aramaic stem 11)1, "to enclose, or to sur- round," and continues in the late Aramaic dialect as ^ The r in several of the forms could have been used for the dia- aimulation of mm. ' The other form of the name in cuneiform is Sha-imeri-shu {Sha-i-me-ri-shu, III R, 2, XX), Sha-NITA-shu and Sha~NITA- MESH-shu (III R. 9, 50). These writings can be reconciled if the second sign is read amaru (Briinno-w , List, 49S3), i.e., Amar the "god," instead of imeru the "ass," and NIT A as f7ra, perhaps Mir (Brunnow, List, Xos. 954 and 955). or NITA-MESH as Miri. SHU (although in the late period another sign SHU is used) hjis the value eribu, especially in connection with sJiamshu (cf. Brunnow, List, 10828), AMAR or MIR-SHU would then be equivalent to MAR-TU, or enb shamshi, "the setting sun." Sha-AMAR-SHU would mean "The city of the setting sun," a most appropriate name for Damascus. However, the fact that this would again bring the Semitic relative into connection with a Sumerian ideogram must be recognized as an objection, unless we assume that the cuneiform script was exten- sively used in that district in the third millennium B.C., and the ideogram had early become Semitized. AMURRU IN CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS 131 dUrdj "circuit, enclosure." The name would then mean circuit or enclosure or fortress of Mesheq (or Mash), instead of " Aselstadt." This has its parallel in the name Carchemish, which has been translated "Castle of Mish;^' perhaps better, "Fortress Mash/^ The latter element is of course the name of the sim-god. ADDU OR AD AD. As is well known, Addu or Ramman in Babylonia appears as a god of rain and lightning, and in Syria, where he is indigenous, as shown by Jensen,^ Jastrow,' Zimmern,^ and others, he is recognized as a solar deity. This seems to have its parallel in Marduk* and in Nin-Girsu, the Sumerian sun-deity of Tello, who is also the god of agriculture. Naturally, the fructifi- cation and vivification of the earth is dependent upon the warmth of the sun together with the rain. Addu is associated and identified with the god of the West, i.e., Amurru. This seems to be well established;-^ cf. MAR-TU^'^IM sha ahuhe, i.e., ''Addu of the floods.'' Compare the name in the Amarna letters Amur-Adad C^IM), i.e., "Amur is Adad." Addu, as is well known, is also the god of the mountains. MAR-TU = Amurru = hel shadi, i.e., "lord of the mountain.'' KUR-GAL (= Amurru) = shadH rabU, i.e., "the great mountain." 'Z. ^1., VI, 303 ff. ' Rel. Bab. und Ass., p. 222. ^K.A. T.\p. 433. *Cf. Jensen, K. B., VI, p. 563. » Cf. Ill R., 67, Rev. c-d, 51. 132 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES In this connection we are reminded of the epithets Shaddai, Elyon and Sur (HCT, JV"?:; and mi^) of the Old Testament, as well as the conception the Syrians had of the nature of Israel's God when they said, "Yahweh is a god of the hills, ^' 1 Kings 21 : 28.^ As has been shown, there are other designations of this deity, namely, Mur, Mer, Bur, Bir, etc.^ These seem to be variations of the name Mar.^ And that being true, Bir-Hadad would mean "Mar is Hadad, " which later may have been misunderstood by the Hebrews who, perhaps influenced by the Assyrian Mar (see p. 162), considered it to be the Aramaic har, "son." Moreover, I simply desire to emphasize in this connection that this deity is indigenous in the West, and was intro- duced from that land into Babylonia. NUSKU. Nusku is also recognized as an original solar deity. The names of the ffarran Census* show that this deity was prominently worshiped in Haran under the name of Naskhii, where there was a temple devoted to him. Some hold that the deity was imported from Nippur, but exactly the reverse is more likely to be the *See Ward, "The Origin of the Worship of Yahwe," Amer. Jour. Sem. Lang., April, 1909, p. 175 ff. Also see Part I, p. 88. 'See Jastrow, Rel. Bab. und Ass., p. 146; also Hommel, Auf- sdtze, p. 220, and Zimmern, K. A. T.\ p. 445 ff. ^ Hilprecht, Assyriaca, p. 77, note 1, says Me-ir (= Mir) is identical with Bir or Mur. * See Johns, Assyrian Doomsday Book, p. 12. AMURRU IN CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS 133 case, namely, that Nusku was originally a Western deity, and that Naskhu represents the more ancient writing of the name. ISHUM. Ishum, the messenger of Nergal, is also a fire- or pest-god. This deity appears as the faithful attendant of Urra, who is the same as Nergal, and is in all proba- bility the same as the West Semitic Esh (C'X) discussed above. SARPANITUM. §arpdnitum, the consort of Marduk, is also a solar deity, and means "brightness'' or "shining.''^ There can be no question but that the name is Semitic, and is a formation in an from ^"IV. The figures of this deity on the seal cylinders. Doctor Ward thinks, are borrowed from the Syro-Hittite representations of the chief goddess of the West (see below). BU-NE-NE. Another variation of this solar deity is the charioteer or companion of Shamash, worshiped especially at Sippar, whose name is BU (or SIR)-NE-NE. SIR = niXru, and NE-NE can equal ishdti (plural), and the name can mean " Light of the great fire. '' In the late period MUR is used interchangeably with SIR-NE-NE? la. Zimmem, K. A. T.\ p. 375. 2 a. Tallqvist, Z. A., VII, p. 279. 134 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES This sign is usually read ffAR, but MUR might be preferable. An interesting variant of the name ^MUR-ibni, Dar. 395 : 20, is to be found in Dar. 396 : 18, where the same name is written ^UTU-ihni. It is not improbable that UTU is to be read BiVj which is a variant of Mer^ Mur, etc.* This explanation, if correct, would throw interesting light on the name of the hero of the Babylonian deluge story, UTU-napishtim, which name may also be read Bir-napishtim (see Part I). The associations of the god MUR, considered in connection with the possible variant readings, show that it is a solar deity. MALIK. And who will question that Malik is West Semitic or Arabic instead of Babylonian, perhaps originally only an epithet,^ but later considered to be a name ? This well known deity is prominently associated with Shamash and SIR-NE-NE at Sippar. This fact is interesting when considered in connection with the familiar name Uru-milki and Milki-Uru, found early and late in Babylonia, as well as among the Western Semites. In the Manishtusu Obelisk the name Malik-ZI-IN-SU occurs. The name of Sargon's scribe is Shunt-Malik.^ These occurrences show that the * See above and K. A. T.\ p. 443 ff. 2 See Moore's article, "Molech," Enc. Bib., also Barton in Jeunsh EncyclopcBdia; and Zimmern, K. A. T}, p. 469. » 7or. Bib., I, 164^. AMURRU IN CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS 135 name was introduced into Babylonia in the early Semitic period. A study of the early history of these recognized Semitic Babylonian solar deities leads us to certain important conclusions. In the first place, we are im- pressed with the fact that nearly all the important Semitic Babylonian gods are sun-deities, and that they are not indigenous to the land. The earliest traces of the more important are synchronous with the earliest references to the Semites in Babylonia. And after we realize that there must be assumed a great antiquity for the Amorites and their culture, and finding that they, including the Aramaeans, had the same deities as the Semitic Babylonians, we can postulate, after a consideration of all that is known, that the Semitic Babylonians were originally Western Semites; and espe- cially as the elements in question, generally speaking, do not belong, as far as we know, to other early peoples. Dr. William H. Ward, the eminent authority on Babylonian seals, informs me that the sun-god is one of the most favorite themes of the Babylonian and Syrian seal cylinders. For years he has made a study of Baby- lonian and S3a'o-Hittite seals. His comparison of the forms of Babylonian gods with the forms of the Syro- Hittite deities as depicted in their art has led him to the conviction that the forms originated in the West. That is, from the art of that region were derived the representations of Marduk and Amurru (MAR'TU) at different times from the more digni- 136 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES fied god who appears in the Syro-Hittite art usually without weapons. Marduk is represented simply hold- ing his scimitar downward, while Amurru the same god is represented with one hand to his breast, holding a short rod. Sarpdnitu, the naked goddess on seals, who is the consort of Marduk, corresponds to the naked goddess on the Syro-Hittite seals, very likely the wife of Tarkhu, the chief god of the Hittites. The fourth Babylonian god in the art of the Semitic Babylonians coming from the West is Adad, who holds a thunderbolt and weapon over his head, and leads a bull (for the thunder). In the Hittite art this god, usually called Teshub, bears other weapons such as the club, axe, etc. The earlier art of the Tigro-Euphrates valley back of the time of Gudea, in the opinion of Dr. Ward, does not show traces of this influence (see also page 87). We have only to recall how very frequently the name of Amurru (fMAR-TU) occurs on the seal cylinders of the Semitic Babylonians as the patron god of the individual, and especially in contrast with the official use of the names of the gods in the inscriptions. This is reasonably explained according to the theory proposed in these discussions, namely, that the great deity known to the Amorites as AmurrUj perhaps also Vru, when brought into Babylonia received in different localities different names. That is, in these various centers, which were really independent principalities with their own guilds or schools of scribes, the Semites having probably aheady an alphabetic script, and speaking a foreign AMURRU IN CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS 137 tongue, were totally dependent at first, and perhaps for centuries, upon the Sumerian scribes of the land for everything that was written in cuneiform upon clay or stone. This involved on the part of the Sumerian scribes a determination of the form in which their per- sonal names and deities should appear; and as a result these forms in time became conventionalized, just as hundreds of other words in their vocabulary which are Sumerian. In writing the name of the solar god of the Semites, the Sumerian scribes at Sippar used the character which represented their own sun deity. The old original Semitic name Shamash prevailed, perhaps by reason of the fact that Sippar was in the early period a powerful Semitic center. This, of course, is very evident in comparison with Nippur, where the contracts in the First dynasty are still written in Sumerian, as is shown by the texts recently published by Poebel (B.E.y Vol. VI, part 2). At Babylon, the scribes did the same thing and used in writing the name of this imported sun-god their own UTU or UTUG, prefixing AMAR to distinguish this Western god from their own god. At Cutha, there seem to have been several different forms of the name of the deity, namely, Urru, "The light '^• NE-URU-GAL, "Light of the great tfru''; LUGAL-URU, "King or Lord Vru''; U~ri-gal, etc. Elsewhere the deity was written IB or Urash, i.e., "The Ainar-Esh'\1), and NIN-IB, his consort, which later was masculinized and considered to be EN-Martu, ^' the Baal Amurru/' or EN-Mashtu, "The lord Mashtu." 138 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES Naturally the attributes of this sun-god, although originally the same deity, would develop differently, due to different conditions or influences. In the later centuries, the petty principalities were brought together into political unions, and there was a grouping of the deities into a pantheon, when their original solar sig- nificance was more or less lost sight of, with the excep- tions of Shamash at Sippar. If this conclusion is not accepted, then it must be assumed either that the enter- ing Semites adopted the Sumerian UTU sun-cult of Larsa in Southern Babylonia, and modified it in accord- ance with their own ideas by giving it different names, or it must be assumed that they came from different quarters, in each one of which a solar god was wor- shiped under a different name. That is, if the theory advanced is not correct, the Semites living in Sippar came from one district, while the devotees of Marduk and those that worshiped other sun-deities came from other localities. Such conclusions naturally would in- volve us in great difficulties, and would indicate a strange development of sun worship as well as a state of affairs rather difficult to comprehend. In the light of all the facts known, it seems that the only conclu- sion at which we can arrive is that the Babylonians, generally speaking, were originally AVestern Semites, and that they brought with them their solar worship from the West. OTHER GODS:— ASHUR. The chief deity of the Assyrian pantheon also seems to be an importation from the West. The appear- AMURRU IN CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS 139 ance of the name Ashur in Assyria is found in the earliest inscriptions from that land. The fact that the name does not occur in the early Babylonian inscriptions precludes saying the deity is Babylonian. Further, the fact that the name is written A-usar, A-shir, Ashur, Ash-shur, etc., points to a foreign origin. The deity figures prominently in the Cappadocian tablets, some of which belong to the latter part of the tliird millennium B.C. It also occurs in the Amarna letters. It is found in the Old Testament til^ ^^^, The name is in the Phoenician rh\^^^^ *)DK")D;^, etc., and in the Aramaic '^'?01DN/ D^*)t^^^^, etc., and perhaps even in the name of the tribe and city Asher and Asshurim, Gen. 25 : 3, etc.^ These occurrences of the name in the inscriptions of the West point to West Semitic origin, and the association of such elements as Malik even suggests that it may be solar. When we take into consideration also the fact that other prominent Assyrian deities, such as Shamash, Amur, Adad, Urra, Dagan, etc., are Western; and that the study of the so-called Syro-Hittite art shows that the West has furnished the form of several deities for Assyria, it would seem that the Ass3a-ian culture arose through migrations from the West instead of from Babylonia.^ ^ Cf . A-shir-ma-lik and A-shur-ma-lik in the Cappadocian inscrip- tions. ^Hommel, Die vier Paradiesesflusse, p. 278, holds the deity is from the West. ' Winckler, History of Babylonia and Assyria (Craig's translation, p. 181), holds that the representations of the Assyrian physiognomy is Jewish. 140 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES While it is not improbable that the temple of Ashur in the city Ashur was founded by a Hittite ruler, as has been maintained; and that there was a brief Hittite rule over Babylonia,' the elements which made up the culture of Ass}Tia are not Hittite but Semitic. If the center from which the Semites came is Amurru, the influence of Hittite art upon the Semitic would be easy to understand, because the dominant power in Amurru at 2000 B.C. was Hittite. Assyria may have been originally a colony from Baby- lonia, but for the present this view must be regarded as entirely hypothetical. The early rulers seem to have been foreigners, for example, Irishuw? the son of Qallu,^ Igur-kapkapu, Pvdi-El* Ushpia,^ Kikia,^ etc. Latef rulers^ names are mostly compounded with the West Semitic Ashur, Adad, and Shamshi. Considering the date of the Cappadocian tablets and the fact that nearly all, although coming from different localities, contain this element, it must be admitted that the idea that those bearing these names represent Assyrian colonists, when Assyria is scarcely known in the inscriptions of the East, is exceedingly precarious. If Ashera is the consort of this deity, the fact that the ^See Ungnad, B. A., VI, 5, p. 13, and Jastrow, "Hittites in Babylonia," Revue Semitique. ^ Cf . I-ri-si-im, in the Cappadocian tablets. ' Cf. Qalili, IJalia, etc., in B.E., XV; perhaps to be associated with IJaligalbat. * CS. the biblical Pedahel and Pedaiah. » Cf. the Ca.ssite Ush-bi-Sah, B.E., XV. • Cf. Kikia, B.E., XIV, and rnirnnd, B.A., VI, 5, p. 13. AMURRU IN CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS 141 name was common in the West, and not in the East, is strikingly significant. In this she has her parallel in Antum, also apparently a Western goddess. ISHTAR. Not only do we have the West Semitic Asher in Babylonia, but Ashera the chief goddess. A great diversity of opinion seems to exist with reference to the origin of the name and cult of Ishtar. Haupt holds that the deity came from the name Ashur} Hommel sees in the Ashera of the West the origin of the name.^ Tiele^ and Muss-Arnolt* see in the name the root ashdru^ "to be gracious, bless." Barton^ holds the original habitat of the deity is Arabia, where she was called 'Athtara, and that she entered Babylonia from the South;® while Sayce^ thinks the deity belongs to the non-Semitic Babylonians, i.e., the Sumerians. All that the writer desires to say is that the name of the deity is unquestionably foreign, and that she is the same as 1 Cf. Jour. Amer. OHen. Soc, XXVIII, p. 116. But the change of X to ;? has not been satisfactorily explained. ' Aufsatze und Ahhandlungen, II, p. 20^ ' Bah. und Ass. Geschichte, p. 533. * ^ss. Dictionary, p. 118. ^ Semitic Origins, p. 103 f . " Barton thinks that originally the goddess was brought into the land from Arabia. His chief argument is that with the excep- tion of the Moabite Stone, where it is masculine, and *m;? among the Aramaeans (see Cooke, Glossary of Aram. Inscr., p. 95 f.), it has the feminine ending in the West, whereas Ishtar of the Baby- lonians and 'Athtara of the Arabs do not. ' Archceology of the Cuneiform Inscriptions, p. 338. 142 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES Ashratu/ the belit seri, as represented by the Assyrians, the Astarte of the West, and consort of Amurru;" and that it seems highly probable that the biblical Ashera is the same, which appears to be the feminine of Ashur. At Erech, the same prostitution that attended the worship of Ashtoreth in Canaan existed in the cult of Ishtar. At Bismaya, also dedicated to Ishtar, Dr. Banks informs me he found jars containing the bodies of small infants, as were found in the high places of Canaan, and indications of the same lewd practices of the Erech cult.' The question arises, were these rites introduced into Canaan from Babylonia, or vice versa? Another alternative, of course, is that there was a common source; but of this we have no knowledge. As has been said, Erech was essentially a Semitic city. The very fact that this phase of the cult did not exist generally in Babylonia and Assyria, where Ishtar was worshiped, although Herodotus speaks of it at Babylon, would speak against its origin being fixed in Babylonia; and especially as it was so thoroughly rooted in the West. ANU AND ANTUxM. ANNA, the patron deity of Erech, is generally recog- nized as a deity of the Sumerians. Although the cults * a. niniy;;, Gen. 14 : 5, also K. B., V, 142 : 10 and 237 : 21. The use of ^ is to be noted, for if it is the same name the change y to K or % to i? lias taken place. 2 Sec Jensen, Zeit. jiir Ass., XI, p. 302. ' The usual explanation is that tlie bodies represent the offering of the first-born. Another suggestion may be that perhaps they are the offspring resulting from these debased rites. AMURRU IN CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS 143 of Ann and Ishtar of Erech are clothed in a Semitic garb^ and the town is "essentially a Semitic city/' I do not wish even to suggest that ANNA might be Semitic. There are some reasons, however, for venturing the suggestion that a Semitic deity Anu was introduced into Babylonia from the West, some of whose characteristics were associated with the cult of the so-called Sumerian ANNA. Anu figures prominently in the early Assyrian inscrip- tions with other West Semitic deities, as Ashur, Shamash, Adad, Ishtar, etc. Perhaps the only name of the early period compounded with Anu (see Langdon, Index to V, B., I) is Anu-hanini, king of Lulubi. In this ruler's inscription, Anu is the first deity mentioned. Thureau- Dangin (7. B., I, p. 173) regards this inscription probably earlier than the Ur dynasty. Anu figures also in the names Gimil-Anim, Pi-sha-Ana and Idsha-Ana of the Cappadocian tablets. It is perhaps also in the deity's naxne Anammelek (2 Kings 17 : 31). Especially significant is the fact that the consort Antum is not recognized in Babylonia. It occurs in the Assyrian inscription of Agumkakrime, and in the late name A-na-at-da-la-ti (Johns, A. D. D., p. 317). It occurs in the early inscription of Anu-hanini, king of Lulubi, found at Seripul. It occurs in the old Canaanite names of towns 'Anathoth and Beth-'Anath; and perhaps is in the name 'Anath, father of Shamgar. Prof. Montgomery calls my attention also to the name of the Amori tehero 'Aner (Genesis 14 : 13), for which the Samaritain Hebrew gives the variant An-ram, perhaps 144 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES intended for Anu-ram. It is usually understood to have been carried to Egypt as early as the 18th dynasty {Asien, p. 313). In short, the absence of the consort in Babylonian literature and its occurrence in the West must be indicative of its origin. NABU. Nabu, another important Babylonian deity, who does not make his appearance very early, at least in this Semitic form, also seems to be of West Semitic origin. The deity is prominently mentioned in the West Semitic inscriptions as an element in names.* The mountain which was the place of Moses' death was dedicated to this god. Like Addu, Amurru, Dagan and other West Semitic names, Nabu is frequently found in the cuneiform inscriptions of the Neo-Babylonian period in distinctively West Semitic names, as NahH-idri', NabH-rapa'j etc., etc.^ And also when the fact is con- sidered that Marduk, Nergal, Nana, Gula, and other deities bearing names distinctively Babylonian are not found in the West Semitic nomenclature, we are led to feel that Nabu must be an importation from the West. Because of the deity's relation with fertility, Jensen^ regarded Nabu as originally a solar deity. His associa- tion or identification with Nusku would support this view. However, the evidence on this is too scant to arrive at any conclusion. ' See Lidzbarski, Nord. Sem. Epig., p. 20 ff. ' See Tallqvist. Namenhuch, and B. E., Vols. IX and X. ' Kosmologie, p. 239. AMURRU IN CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS 145 SIN. The moon-god Sin seems to be West Semitic . Nannar, at Ur (Urumma), being also a moon-god, later became identified with Sin by the Semites, but the chief habitat of the latter, as far as is known, seems to be Haran. The large number of personal names compounded with Sin, or rather Si-, found in the IJarran Census^ shows how popular the cult was in that city. Although the Assyrian scribes did not use the determinative in con- nection with this deity in the Harran Census, and instead of one of the usual ideograms for Sin wrote the name Si- (occasionally Si and Se, yet compare the variant Si ior'^Sin in Ungnad, V. S., Ill: 18), we conclude that the breathing represented a pronunciation peculiar to the district. The name was written Sin outside of Haran in Baby- lonia, Palestine, and Arabia; cf. also the "Wilderness of Sin'' and "Mt. Sinai." Notwithstanding this fact the deity may be Aramsean. In an Aramaic inscrip- tion published by Pognon^ the name of the god is written Si CO) as well as Su (ID). It is in the name ID^HD, which Pognon reads Bar-iksu.^ Without any doubt Si (^D) is here the moon-god Sin, written practically the same as in the tablets belonging to the place of his principal habitat. Perhaps also we may see the same cle- ment in the name Sisera and Sihon (N^D^D and pH^D). * Sae Johns, Ass. Doomsday Book, p. 13. ^Inscriptions Si'mitiques, p. 114. ' Grimme, O. L. Z., 1909, p. 17, considers the deity to be "Si =• Siebengottheit." 10 146 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES If the conjecture that the original form of the deity is Si\ Se, or Su,^ should prove to be correct, is it not possible to see m EN-ZU, the ideogram for Sin, the Sumerian element EN, Lord, and the Semitic Su or Si, a formation like EN-Mashtu; and on the principle that Nin-su-gir appears Nin-gir-su, EN-Su might be written Su-EN or Si-EN = Sin. Compare the name En-na-Zu-in found in a Cappadocian tablet.^ If the deity is of West Semitic origin this will account for the Babylonian form. This, let me add, is only offered as a plausible conjecture, for the n of Sin in Babylonian and the other West Semitic dialects may represent what the scribes in the Haran district intended by the breathing in Si\ DAGAN. It is quite evident that Dagan is also a West Semitic deity^ who was early introduced into Babylonia. The name of the deity, with the determinative for god, is found on the Obelisk of Manishtusu. In the 37th year of Dungi a temple is dedicated to Dagan. In the dynasty of Isin, probably West Semitic, Ishme-Dagan, one of the rulers, doubtless bears a West Semitic name. Dagan, as is well known, wa.s the god of Gaza and Ash- dod. The place name Beth-Dagan, and the name of the Canaanite, Dagan-takala, who is one of the writers * The form of the deity Zd, which is also WTitten Zt and Zd in the Legion ZH, is at least to be noted here. ' Identified as Sin by Homnicl. 'Cf. Clay, Jour. Amer. Orien. Soc, XXVIII, and Meyer, Geschichte des AUertums, p. 468. AMURRU IN CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS 147 of the Amarna letters, point to Palestine or Amurru as the original habitat of this deity. Compare also I-ti-Da-gan in the Cappadocian tablets, published by Sayce in a recent number of the Bahyloniaca. The West Semitic names found in the tablet from JJana (see Ungnad, B. A., VI, 5, p. 28) also support this view. In these tablets the deities Shamash and Dagan are found in the oath formula. The tablets said to have been found at Ed-Dcir support the views of those who have held that his worship radiated from the highlands between Palestine and Mesopotamia. LAHMU AND LAHAMU. The god Labmu and goddess Lakamu, which occur in the Marduk-Tiamat legend and in a few syllabaries and incantation texts, also appear to be Amoritish. The fact that they play no part in the pantheon indi- cates foreign origin. As has been pointed out by others, Lafi^mu probably is one of the elements in BUh-Lebem, which was the name of two cities in Palestine. Other distinctively Semitic gods may be regarded in the same way. Several of those discussed above under the heading " Other Deities/' may prove eventually to have been solar in their original habitat; but more evidence must be forthcoming before this can be deter- mined. This much can be said, they are in all probability West Semitic deities. Besides the argument based on the culture and relig- ion, the Babylonian script offers strong evidence in support of this thesis. 148 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES It is a well established fact that the northern group of Semitic languages, i.e., the Amoraic, Aramaic and Assyro-Babylonian, are more closely related to each other than they are to the languages of the southern group, namely, Arabic and Abyssinian. Inasmuch as there are so many elements that the northern cultures have in common, it seems natural to assume that they had a common origin; and the question arises which is the earlier. The Babylonian script, as is understood, is an adap- tation of the Sumerian cuneiform system for the Semitic language that was brought into the comitry; and in that script the weaker consonants or radicals are elided, or contracted, or appear as vowels. A study of the script of the Northern group makes it most difficult to understand, if the Babylonian is the older language, how the weak radicals, which had disappeared, should have been restored, and the roots correctly introduced in the alphabetic script of the Western languages. For example, it is difficult to understand how Bel, Oni and Ti'amat, or the corresponding belu, ilru and tdmdu, could be correctly introduced as ^J73, ^15^ and DlUn. Naturally some Babylonian loan words* are found in the West, but would we not expect generally to find many peculiar formations, due to this transportation and transformation. The differences in the verbal formation, and other peculiarities of the Babylonian, * More discrimination should hereafter be exercised in declaring words which the Babylonian and Hebrew liave in common to be of Babylonian origin. AMURRU IN CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS 149 due to the fact that the written language was created by Sumerian scribes or those familiar with the Sumerian writing (who constructed grammatical rules in order to use their own script for the Semitic tongue that appeared in their midst), would also show themselves prominently in the Western languages, if the influence of Babylonia had been what is claimed for it. We have seen that in the earliest known period of Semitic Babylonian history, which belongs to the age apparently not far removed from the time when the Semites entered Babylonia, Amurru was already an important factor in the affairs of nations, and that it was a land which the great world conquerors of Babylonia, both Sumerian and Semitic, took pains to subjugate. This leads to the conclusion that the culture of Amurru was at that period already old. This, as we have seen in Part I, is fully substantiated by the Egyptian inscriptions. We have also seen that in the earliest Semitic period of Babylonian history, the most important deity that we recognize as Semitic belongs to the land Amurru, and especially that this sun- deity played a most important part in the Babylonian religion and nomenclature. And we have further seen that there are reasons for asserting that nearly all the Semitic deities of early Babylonian history can be shown to be originally West Semitic, that is either Amoritish or Aramaic. Taking everything into consideration, and especially the fact that the Semites are not indigenous to Baby- lonia, it seems reasonable to postulate that they came from the West. AMURRU m WEST SEMITIC INSCRIPTIONS In the Old Testament, the only form of the name of the land known as AmurrH, generally recognized, refers to the inhabitants, and appears with the Gentilic ending, i.e., 'Amori (H^N, LXX is 'Ap.oppaio^); and in nearly every instance the word has the article. The Amorites are considered to be the descendants of the fourth son of Canaan (cf. Gen. 10 : 16 and 1 Chron. 1 : 14). They form part of the ancient inhabitants of Palestine, and yet under the name are included the Canaanites, Girgashites, Hittites, Hivites, Jebusites and Perizites, and once (Gen. 15 : 19-21) the Kenites, Kenizzites, Kadmonites and Rephaim. From the Old Testament it would seem that Amorite history reached far back into antiquity, and that the people had main- tained their identity down to the Hebrew period. As a nation, however, they had then begun to disintegrate and were losing prestige. The domination of the Hit- tites in the middle of the second millennium doubtless brought this about. But there is every indication that they were originally an extensive and powerful people, whose chief location was the mountainous region north of what we now recognize as Palestine, covering the district, it seems, as far north as the Orontes; in other words, to the Hittite land. 160 AMURRU IN WEST SEMITIC INSCRIPTIONS 151 In the Old Testament they are generally represented as a people living in the highlands. Palestine in the early period seems to have been extensively controlled by the Amorites. Macalister, in the excavations at Gezer, finds traces of a people he calls Amorites at a date which he fixes about 2500 B.C. Naturally there may be more ancient sites in the land than Gezer where the Amorites lived. After this period the occupation of the city seems to have been supplanted by the Israelites, about the middle of the second millennium. Although the Amorites had their day and ceased to be a factor as a people, they held various cities for centuries succeeding the occupation of Canaan by Israel.* As is well known, four-fifths of the letters found in Egypt at Tel el-Amarna, which represent the official and friendly correspondence in the Babylonian language of Amenophis III and IV in the fifteenth century B.C., consist of reports and communications from vassals of the Egyptian kings in Western Asia. In this great land the names of districts are practically all Semitic, as Amurru, Najirima, Amqi, Ziri-Bashani and Gar. As geographical names frequently are retained from one era to another, we realize that the inhabitants of the land prior to this age in all probability were Semitic. We reach the same conclusion when such names of the ^ For a discussion of the Amorites based upon the Old Testa- ment see W. M. Miiller, in the article "Amorites" in the Jewish EncyclopoBdia; Sayce, in Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible; or Barton, in the One Volume Dictionary, p. 271. Also Barton, ibid,, p. 110, on the " Canaanites. " 152 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES cities are taken into consideration, as $urri, ^iduna, Gubla, Qideshu, Urusalim and others, some of which at least are considered to have had a great antiquity. The predominance of Semitic personal names is so evident, in these letters that it is only necessary to mention the fact. The consideration of the names Abdi-Ashirta, his son Aziru, and others, indicates their Semitic origin. Fm-ther, it is sufficient to recall that the letters from this great region betray the fact that the native tongue of the writer is Hebraic. In other words, these letters make us acquainted with the fact that the culture of this land, which is Semitic, is of a highly developed character, indicating that, back of what we have become familiar with, there must be a long period of development covering millenniums. The names clearly indicate also that the chief deity of this region was solar, who, as we have seen above, appears under different names or epithets, as Vru, Adad, Milku, Urash, NIN-IB, Shamash, etc. The theory advanced years ago,^ that the Amorites depicted on the walls of the Egyptian temples and tombs with short and pointed beards, blue eyes and reddish hair, high forehead and rather prominent cheek bones, thin lips and straight noses, show that they physiologi- cally were Indo-EuropsGans, does not seem to have found acceptance. The monuments show that the Amorites represent in practically every instance a Semitic people (see p. 29). This would imply that in that age * Sayce, Early History of the Hebrews^ p. 42. AMURRU IN WEST SEMITIC INSCRIPTIONS 153 already the name may have been used simply from a geographical point of view. Macalister found, as the result of his two years^ diggings at Gezer in Palestine, where he discovered an Amorite high place, that the earliest aborigines were troglodytes.^ They were small in stature, being on an average an inch or two over five feet in height. A study of the partially cremated skulls and bones by Professor Alexander Macalister, of Cambridge, led to the conclusion that they represented a people of a pre- Semitic occupation of that city. Fortunately the mode of burial by the Semites at a later period was by inhu- mation. The remains show that they were taller, stronger and a larger boned race than the earlier people. They seem to have made their appearance, according to Stewart Macalister, the explorer, at about 2500 B.C. "These Semites,'' he thinks, ''had relations with Egypt as early as the Twelfth dynasty. They made or began the great megalithic high place; practised sacrifice of the first born and foundation sacrifice; had many varieties of grain for food; made pottery of the so-called early pre-Israelite type; were strongly influenced by Egypt, but much less by Babylonia. The beginning of the late Semitic period synchronizes with the settlement of the Hebrews in Canaan, but these do not seem to have had undisputed possession of Gezer, "^ The names of Amorites mentioned in the Old Testa- ment do not throw much light upon their origin. While * See Bible Side Lights from the Mounds of Gezer, p. 43. ' Lyon, Harvard Theological Reviev), 190S, p. 82. 154 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES some are called Amorites, that term may have been used very early in the sense that it was in later biblical times, when all the peoples were included under that general name (see above), Mamre, Eshcol and Aner (Anram). Og and Sihon^ are mentioned as Amorites. In Joshua 10 : 3, Hoham^ of Hebron, Piram of Jarmuth, Japhia of Lachish, and Debir of Eglon are mentioned as Amorite kings. These names, which can be derived from Semitic stems, throw light upon the situation. The name of Adoni-Zedek, the king of Jerusalem, who associated himself with the others, contams well recognized Semitic elements. The same is true of Malki-Zedek, king of Salem (perhaps Jerusalem, see Appendix), of an early period. It is unfortunate that we do not have more names of persons m the Old Testament who can be identified immistakably as Amorites. It is certain, however, that a large percentage of Old Testament names of the early period in Palestine are Semitic, the same as the names in the Amarna letters, which represent the inhabitants of Canaan prior to the entrance of Israel. We have, there- fore, every indication that not only the language of the land was what is called Hebraic, but the names and religious cult indicate at least that most of the inhabitants were Semitic. ^ piT'D perhaps contains the element "D, i-e., moon-god Sin; see above. ' Hoham is found in Minsean, cf . Dmn = Haujiam ; cf . Hommel, Ancient Hebrew Tradition, \i. 221 I. Japhia is perhaps found in the Minaean j;D''Sx = Il-yapi'a; cf. Hommel, Ancient Hebrew Tradition, p. 248 f. AMURRU IN WEST SEMITIC INSCRIPTIONS 155 The Old Testament supplies us with only scanty ethnological data concerning the Amorites; but if Macalister is correct in his statement that the pre- Israelitish Amorites who occupied Gezer were ethnologic- ally Semitic, we have one very important fact established. Although we know that Aryans or perhaps Turanians were also there, we may conclude that most of the people who lived in that great region, which geographically was called Amurru, from a very early period not only spoke a Semitic language, but in the early period were Semites, and that the land was at a very early time an important center of Semitic culture. The people from Amurru who appear in the Baby- lonian tablets generally bear Semitic names. The re- ligion of Amurru that found its way into the Euphrates valley, as we have tried to show, is Semitic. In short, everything points to the fact that the dominant people in the Westland were Semites in the millenniums pre- cedmg the Amarna or biblical age. This being true, and bearing in mind that the solar worship of the Babylonian Semites goes back to Amurru, we should find many traces of the worship in that land in which it was indigenous. Inasmuch as the Amorites figure so prominently in the early period in Palestine, it is reasonable to expect to find in the Old Testament traces of the worship of the chief deity of this people whose name is written Amurru^^ * In South Arabian there is a name that seems to be compounded with this element, ^DJoSn, king of Saba, cf . Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, II, p. 387. 156 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES Vru, etc., as well as *)1>{ in the ^\ramaic of Babylonia. In tliis connection a most interesting passage is to be found in Job 31 : 26, where in parallelism with " moon, " *T)X instead of Shemesh, "sun," is found. The name of the deity seems to be found in ni5<, ^7^^^, ^nn^^, r^n^^ and niXns:^. The element 'Vr is usually trans- lated "light, flame, or fiery." The Septuagint shows that 'O'r, not the common ^Or, "light," is meant. These names, therefore, are to be explained: "My i/rw," or simply ''Vru'' (with a kose suffix); ^'Vru is God, " " Oru is Jahweh, " like Vri-Marduh and Vru- milki, see above; and "Shaddai is Vru,'' cf. *12i^m!^ and ^"TtJ'^Di^, both ^1^ and *Dy being also equivalents to the names of deities. Before considering other occur- rences of the names in the Old Testament, let us inquire whether it occurs in the Amarna letters. Many of the letters found at Amarna having been written in the fifteenth century B.C., in Amurru, and referring to the land, it is natural to expect to find in them both the name of the country and of the god, Amurru or Vru. Amurru, as the name of the land, has long ago been recognized, but not the deity. The god, however, is also found hi the Amarna letters, in the name MilMru. In these epistles we find a Milki-ili and an Ili-milki. A parallel formation compounded with Vru would be Milkuru, with which Vru-milki of the Sennacherib inscription may be compared. This same name, written Mil-ki-U-ri, belongs to a slave in an Assyrian document, dated in the reign of Sargon.* »Cf. X. 5., IV, p. 112. AMURRU IN WEST SEMITIC INSCRIPTIONS 157 Perhaps the same name is to be seen in Vru{MAR'TU)- Ma-lik in a contract published by Poebel/ dated in the First dynasty of Babylon.^ Malik may mean "coun- sellor, " but is the way the name of the deity is written. If so tiru in these names seems to represent the deity Amurru. This explanation also throws light on another name, 1*?0*1J^, found in a Phoenician inscription at Byblus, belonging to the fourth or fifth century B.C. Lidz- barski^ translated the first element "light." Cooke* compared it with '7^<^1^{ and Urumilki, and trans- lated "Fire of Milk." The comparison with ")\y, however, is correct, but the name is the familiar one mentioned above and means " Oru is Milk. " This defective writing enables us to suggest at least that ^'^KIK, the name of a son of Gad, may be translated " Vru is my God." '^J^HK, usually translated "hearth of El" or "Uoness of El," a name applied to Jerusalem, may also contain the element. For a discussion of " The name Jerusalem, " which contains Vru, see Appendix. Before the recently published texts of Pognon, Inscriptions Semitiques, reached my hands. Professor Montgomery^ kindly called my attention to the opening lines of the new Zakir inscription, which reads: "The stele which Zakir of Hamath and La'ash dedicated to » Bab. Exp., Vol. VI, pt. 2. ' For other formations with milku, cf. K.A T}, p. 471. • N ordsemitische Epigraphik, 210. * North Semitic Inscriptions, p. 20. •See Montgomery, Biblical World, February, 1909, p. 158. 158 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES El-Ur (*)l'7K)." He suggested for comparison with the deity the name of the antediluvian Babylonian king according to Berosus, namely, "AXwpo Del. en Perse, I, p. 16, u. 3. ' Rec. de trav., Vol. XXVII, pp. 176 f. ' Del. en Perse, X, p. 4. * Del. en Perse, X, pp. 4 f. ' Cf. Reciieil de Tablettes Chaldeennes, No. 83. • Renue Semitique, 1908, pp. 377 ff. ' 0. L. Z., 1908, pp. 313 f. THE NAME OF SARGON 183 god/' found on an undated tablet which he assigns to the time of Naram-Sin. The Sharru-GI of the text published by Gautier and Scheil he placed hi the Kish dynasty, preceding the Akkad dynasty, andj proposed that we have the following order of rulers of Kish: Shar-ru-GIj Manishtusu, Uru-mu-ush; and of Akkad, Shar-Gani-sharri and Naram-Sin. King* also considers Sharru-GI of the new stele, published by Gautier and Scheil, to be a still earlier king of Kish, using two texts to prove his point. In one, however, which was published by Scheil,^ the only trace of the name is the last character GI{^) at the end of the first line; which reading the author acknowl- edges to be doubtful. The other inscription quoted is also of a king of Kish found at Tello, of which the only part of the name that is preserved is the first sign, namely, Sharru. King, therefore, proposes the reading Sharru-GI (i.e., a deity GI), instead of Sharru-Unu, and considers that this king of Kish is not to be identi- fied with Shar-Gani-sharri, the father of Naram-Sin, king of Akkad. In order to explain why in the late Assyrian and Babylonian tradition Sargon was called king of Agade or Akkad, and the father of Naram- Sin, he says, "It is clear, therefore, that the name of Sargon, king of Kish, has been borrowed for the king of Akkad, whose real name, Shar-Gani-sharri, has dis- appeared. " In short Scheil's order is: Sharru-ukin, king of 1 Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archceology, XXX, p. 240. ^ Del. en Perse, I, p. 4. 184 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES Akkad, is followed by Nardm-Sin, his son, and later by a certain Shar-gani-sharri. Thureau-Dangin and King make Shami-GI a king of Kish, and Shar-Gani-sharri, followed by his son Nardm-Sin, kings of Akkad. It is not improbable that there was another king of this era by the name of Sargon, who belonged to the dynasty of Kish, but it must be recognized that the theory advanced is exceedingly precarious, because concerning the one inscription it should be said that other rulers' names begin with LUGAL; and concern- ing the other inscription, the GI is so uncertain that Scheil, although when he originally published the translation of the text^ read (T^(?), later^^ he did not even suggest that much. Until, therefore, more evi- dence is forthcoming that there was a Sharru-GI of the Kish dynasty, the theory that the so-called Sharri-Gani- sharri, the father of Naram-Sin, was credited with the achievements of the still greater predecessor, and that the confusion is to be accounted for because both were great conquerors of the same age, and that both belonged to the Semitic wave of domination and restored the Sippar temple, and because their names are not dis- similar (with which the writer differs, see below), must for the present be considered as rather question- able. The names used by Dhorme' to prove that URU m these names following LUGAL is to be read ri are * Del. en Perse, II, p. 4, note. ' Saison de Fmdlles h Sippar, p. 96. 3 O. L. Z., 1907, p. 230. THE NAME OF SARGON 185 Bi-in-ga-ni'Shar-ri (otherwise known as Bingani-shar- dli), U-hi-in-shar-ri from the Manishtusu Obelisk, and I-skir-shdr-ri} The latter name is not to be regarded as a parallel writing, inasmuch as the si^ used is shoTj sdr. In the other names, as well as every occur- rence of the name Shargani-LUGAL-URUj the charac- ter in question is LUGAL. Some of those who have accepted this reading see in the second element the name of a god Gani, by reason of the names Ga-ni-i-li and Ilu-Ga-ni which are found on the Manishtusu Obelisk. King^ compares Sharru-GI sharru with Shar-Gani-sharri. He says there is no proof for the reading ukin or kenu for GI at the time of the kingdom of Kish, and suggests that GI as well as Gani may be a deity. This name would then mean " The king is GL '' If sharri is part of the name, then it cannot be the supposed " Sargon, king of Kish, " since the comparison is not possible. But how can the new read- ings of the names Shar-Gani-sharri and Bin-Gani-sharri be translated? Dhorme^ changes U-hi-in-shar {LUGAL)- ri{URU) into Uhil-sharri, and traiislates "Mon roi a apporte.'^ Shargani-shar-URU he reads Shir-ga-ni- shar-rij and translates "Sois juste, 6 Gani, mon roi." Bingani-shar-URU he changes to Bi-il-ga-nishar-ri, and translates "Apporte, 6 Gani, mon roi.'' Such formations and names, with similar meanings, are, however, unknown in Babylonian nomenclature. » Cf. Rec. de Tab. Chal, 127, Rev. IV, 3. 2 P. S. B. A., 1908, p. 242. « Jhid.y p. 231. 186 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES Not only is the formation and meaning peculiar, but where in this period, or in any other, does the charac- ter LUGAL regularly have a phonetic complement n or ru? Or, if it is considered to be a phonogram, where in this age or in any other does LUGAL regularly have the phonetic value shar. When the scribe in the Manishtusu Obelisk wrote the name Sargon phonetic- ally we find Shdr-ni-GI; cf. also Shdr-ru-i-li, Shdr-ru- dUri, etc. In the brick inscription of Naram-Sin, published by Scheil,^ Shdr-ru is twice written.^ This must be regarded not only as a serious objection to the reading, but proof that it is incorrect; for it could not be inferred that on such monuments as the Obelisk or the votive objects of Sargon, found at Nippur and Tello, or in the date formulas, or in the so-called name Bin-Gani-sharri, etc., we would expect such graphical expediencies or, as the Germans say, "Spie- lereien."^ For these and other reasons we are, there- *Del en Perse, II, PI. 13 : 1. 2 Cf. also Shdr-la-ak, king of KutH^ Vor. Bib., I, p. 225; Shdr-ri- ish-ta-qal, Rev. Ass., PI. VIII, 1897; as well as all the names com- pounded with Shdr-rum in Ranke, Personal Names. ^ What has been said concerning LUGAL also applies to the Hammurabi Code, e.g., I-lu LUGAL URU, III : 16, can scarcely be translated "god of kings" or "god of king." The original translation, "the divine city king, " seems to be more reasonable, but perhaps not final. There is one passage, however, that seems to support the reading in the Hammurabi period. Dr. Poebel has called attention to it (cf. Z. A., XXI, p. 228). In King's Letters, Vol. II. No. 58, Col. II : 37, LUGAL LUGAL E-NE-IR is found. In text No. 57 of the same volume the Semitic translation of this text reads : sharru in LUGAL-URU. THE NAME OF SARGON 187 fore, compelled to return to the reading LUGAL URU, instead of shar-ri or sharri{-ri) ; and the question arises whether the combination of characters be read Shargani- shar-dli, shargani shar ali, or Shar-gani LUGAL URU? In the light of what follows, if LUGAL URU is considered to be a title, it seems to me there is no diffi- culty whatever in identifying the traditional Sharru- kenu with the father of Naram-Sin, hitherto known as Shar-ga-ni-shar-dli and Shar-Gani-sharri; and at the same time all other difficulties vanish. In other words, the Sharru-GI of the stele published by Gautier and Scheil is the same ruler who is mentioned as bestow- ing the patesiship of Tello upon Naram-Sin in the texts published by Thureau-Dangin, and was the father of Naram-Sin. The well-known tradition of Sargon in the chronicles and omen texts, as well as in the cylinder of Nabonidus, in which his name is written Sharru-Mnu, show us: 1, that he was not of royal descent, having been reared by Akki the irrigator;^ 2, that he was followed by Naram-Sin, who was his son; 3, that he was king of Akkad; 4, that he conquered Amurru; 5, and that he conquered Elam. 1. The inscription of Shargani shar URU, as well as the dating of tablets in his reign, show that he does not claim royal ancestry, being the son of a commoner, Dati-Ellil; 2, that Naram-Sin was king of this dynasty, * A-bi ul i-di of the legend does not mean that he did not know his father's name, but like the personal name refers to a posthumous ■child. 188 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES and m all probability the son and successor of Shargani, especially by reason of the fact that Dr. Haynes found that the pavement laid in the temple at Nippur by Naram-Sin consisted of bricks intermingled with those of Shargani, as well as the fact that both by their inscrip- tions tell us that they were devotees of the Shamash temple at Sippar, both had the same scribe, namely, Lugal-usum-gal, patesi of Shirpurla, and because of the hullce, referred to below, which were found at Tello; 3, that he also was king of Akkad; 4, that he conquered Amurru]^ 5, and that he conquered Elam.^ The recently published inscription of Shar-ni-GI by ScheiP shows that he too ruled over Shirpurla, and that he made Naram-Sin patesi of that city. Unless it is assumed, with King, that this is another Sargon — but then we must add, who was succeeded by another Naram-Sin, and that both ruled Shirpurla, as did Shar- gani and his son — we must recognize a most peculiar combination of coincidences. At Bismya, Banks found brick-stamps of "Naram- Sin, builder of the Temple of Nana,'' and also hullce which contained the seal impression of Shargani sJmr URU. The brick-stamps are of the same general character as those found at Nippur belonging to Naram- Sin. It seems to me that inasmuch as we know that Sharru-GI appointed Naram-Sin as patesi of Shirpurla, and that the bullae of SJmrgani shar URU, addressed to > Cf. Thureau-Dangin, V. B., I, p. 225. 2 Cf. ibid., p. 225. » Cf. Del. en Perse, X, pp. 4 f. THE NAME OF SARGON 189 Naram-Sin, have been found there, and having no other trace of a ruler Naram-Sin, we must conclude that the phonetic writing Shar-ga-ni represents the name written ideographically Sharru-kenu{GI) , and that they belong to the same person. Scholars are practically all agreed that Sargon was a Semite. His inscriptions, as well as others belonging to the dynasty, point to the fact that it was Semitic. If a god Gani is to be recognized in his name, and that of his grandson, "the element" Shar and Bin would offer no difficulty. But if the supposed god Gani does not exist in these names, Shargdn might be a formation on dn from a root :intr, with which, as has been done, we can compare the name of the early Hebrew patriarch Serug (written with tT), but especially with the name of the city Sarugi in the garran Census (Johns, Deeds and Documents, p. 72). The scribes, who wrote the name in cuneiform, could write it in two ways; that is, phonetically as they heard it, namely, Shar-ga-ni, and ideographically, by using ideograms which represent approximately at least the pronuncia- tion of the name, irrespective of the meaning, namely, Shar(ru) {i.e., LUGAL) and GI = kenu; and yet perhaps not without consideration of the meaning, namely, "the true king,'' especially if the scribes had any desire of pleasing their sovereign who was a usurper. In the Assyrian period, the king who adopted this name of the illustrious ruler of early Babylonian history doubtless had in mind the meaning which the ideo- graphic writing conveyed, namely, "the true" or ''legiti- mate king." 190 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES There remains to be considered the usual LUGAL URU which follows Shargani, Bingani, and also the name Uhin of the Manishtusu Obelisk. The original explanation that it was a title, "city king/' does not seem unreasonable, and much can be said in its favor. Even if LUGAL URU is to be explained otherwise in the Sargonic period, it is not unlikely that the title in some periods means "king of the city." In the light of these investigations, however, and in connection with the reading for this sign when it refers to the deity of the West-land, as we have seen above, I would like to propose another possible explanation, namely, that Uru here means the country, and that the name and title Shargani shar Uru means "Sargon, king of t)ri. " By this title was recognized the " suzer- ainty of Vri/' which in the Sumerian mscriptions wa^ written KI-BUR-BUR = Ki-Vri, "Land Uru,^' and later in Babylonia, Akkad or MAR-TU (see below). This land Uri extended from what was known as Engi (Shumer) to the shores of the Mediterranean (see above in Part II). The fact does not seem to be ordinarily appreciated that some of the earliest rulers known by their records show that they extended their conquests over this part of Western Asia. In fact in the few inscriptions that have come down to us tliis stands out prominently. These expeditions were not raids for the purpose of plundering, but were for conquest, and were equal in extent, in the way of holding the lands in subjection, with those of the later periods. The omen texts, which had been re-edited in the late period, THE NAME OF SARGON 191 credit Sargon with the title shar kibrat arha'im, i.e., "king of the four quarters/'^ although there is no verification of this fact in the inscriptions of Sargon thus far published. How is this to be explained? The inscriptions thus far known doubtless belong to the early part of his reign when he had conquered only MARTU, which gave him the title "king of tfri" {shar Vri); but in later years, by reason of certain additional conquests, he was able to assume the title which embraced a quasi-worldwide dominion; or he may have preferred the less pretentious title, even after he had accomplished this work. This can be inferred from what is written in the omen texts found in Ashurbanipal's library, which mention Elam in the East and Subartu in the North, as well as other important lands, as having been invaded. The chron- icles of early kings^ referring to Sargon say: "After- wards in his old age all the lands revolted against him . . . . afterwards he attacked the land Subartu in his might," etc. They also state :^ "Sargon, who marched against the country of the West, and conquered the country of the West, his hand subdued the [four] quarters." We have a parallel case in the reign of Dungi, where in the later years of his rule he conquered the ''four quarters" and handed down to his successor the title, exactly as did Sargon (see below). This title, namely, "King of the four quarters," 1 Cf. King, Chronicles, II, p. 27. 2 Cf. King, Chronicles, II, p. 6. 3 Ibid., p. 27. 192 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERX SEMITES Naram-Sin inherited. In other words, the title of Naram-Sin, as well as that of Sargon in the omen text^ i.e. J shar kihrat arba'im, was a terminus technicus, imply- ing virtually a sovereignty which extended north, east, south and west of the center of the empire, which in the case of Sargon was Akkad (A-GA-DE), i.e., the city Akkad as the capital. The omen texts show that the four quarters referred to were Amurru, Subartu, Elam and Accad (which doubtless included Engi). Bingani, the son of Naram-Sin, did not, as far as we know, enjoy the title "King of the four quarters." One or more of the countries may in his day have regained independence. The title which he alone could boast of was " King of Vri. " Lugal-zaggisi and Enshag- kushanna used the title lugal kalamma, "king of the world, " the " dominion which extended from the lower sea of the Tigris and Euphrates {i.e., the Persian Gulf) as far as the upper sea" {i.e., the Mediterranean). Ur-Engur only used the title "King of Engi and Ori." In other words he was king over Shumer, i.e., Southern Babylonia, and also the Ori region, which extended from Shumer to the Mediterranean sea. His numerous references to Amurru and its products alone would imply that he reigned in that land. Dungi used the same title; but in several of his inscriptions he called liimself lugal an-ub-da tah-tab-ba, which is the Sumerian for shar kibrat arbaim, " king of the four quarters." In the dates of the latter half of his reign we learn that he made notable conquests. These doubt- less enabled him to use the all important and compre- THE NAME OF SARGON 193 hensive title. This was enjoyed also by his successors, Amar-Sin, Gimil-Sin, and Ihi-Sin, the other three kings of the Ur dynasty. The kings of the Isin dynasty, as I have shown/ were in all probability foreigners who overthrew the preceding dynasty; and in doing so evidently lost control of Elam, or some important territory, for Libit-Ishtar, Ishme-Dagan, Ur-NINIB, Bur-Sin and Sin-mdgir, as well as Gungunu and Sin- iddinam, only used the title "King of Engi and (7n." Eri-Aku and Rim-Aku (Sin) also used this title. Kudur- Mahug, their father, in several inscriptions is known as Adda Emuthal, " Suzerain of Emutbal, " but in another he called himself also Adda Martu, "Suzerain of Vri.'' JJammurabi, after his overthrow of Rim-Aku, as well as of Elam, became the possessor of this title, namely, "Suzerain of Vri.'' We find him using the title "King of Engi and VrV and "King of the four quarters" in the same inscription. In this connection should be mentioned the statue of JJammurabi found at Diarbekir {i.e., in Urartu), which contains the single title "King of [7n" (MAR-TU), the same as used by Sargon. We recognize, therefore, three general titles besides those used in connection with the individual state or city kingdom, namely, shar t)ri, "King of Vri," lugal Ki-Engi Ki-Vri, "King of Shumer and Akkad" {i.e., Engi and Vri), and shar kihrat arhaHm (which is the same as the Sumerian an-uh-da tah-tab-ha), and lugal kalamma. ^ Cf. Proceedings of the American Oriental Society; cf. also Ranke, O. L. Z., Vol. 28, p. 135. 13 194 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES Some time after the foregoing was written and in shape for the printer, I found (February 7, 1909) in the Library Collection of Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan, of New York City, a fragment of a tablet of Sargon, which had just been shipped from England by Dr. C. H. W. Johns. Following is the transHteration of the fragment : A-na-ku Sha-ru-ki-in na-ra-am ^Ishtar mu-te-li-ik ki-ib-ra-a-at ir-hi-ti-in . . mi{T)-tu-ru-ru This perhaps is to be translated as follows : " I Sargon beloved of Ishtar a ruler(?) of the four quarters" {i.e., the kingdom of the four quarters) " The special value of this fragment is the confir- mation of the view above advanced in connection with the name and titles of Sargon. Naturally, it is possible to assume that it was issued by another Sargon, who was "king of the four quarters," but, as mentioned above, the existence of such must first be proved. The frag- ment shows that the full name of the king was SJmrukin; and further, that in this tablet he no longer calls himself "khig of VrV' (shar Vru), but speaks of his kingdom as the kihrat irbitin,^ wliich substantiates the view that after he had conquered the territory embraced in the title "King of the four quarters," he was in a position to assume it, and to hand on to his son Naram-Sin. ^ Nunnation instead of mimmation. IV. THE NAME NINIB In publishing the Archives of the Murashtl Sons of Nippur, in 1904, the writer found a large number of documents which contained short reference notes, called in legal parlance "endorsements." These reference notes were scratched or written with ink on the tablet in the Aramaic language for the benefit of the archive keeper/ On several of these tablets were found names which were compounded with the name of the deity NIN-IB, e.g., NINIB-iddina. But instead of finding anything like what had been proposed, namely, Adar, Nindar, Ninrag, Nin-Urash and Nisroch, there was written in each instance ^ti^1-3^^. Before finding an additional tablet which contained the Ai^amaic equiv- alent, there seemed to be some doubt whether the middle character should be read 1 or ), although preference was given to the latter. Another example, however, was found which confirmed the preferred reading. The result of the discovery of this Aramaic equivalent, instead of solving the problem, seemed to make the obscurity which surrounded the pronunciation ^ See Clay, Babylonian Expedition, Vol. X, pp. 5 f . ; Light on the Old Testament from Babel, p. 394, and "Aramaic Endorsements on the Documents of the Murashii Sons," Harper Memorial Volume, I, pp. 289 f., and "The Origin and Real Name of NIN-IB, " J. A, O. S., 1907. 195 196 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES still denser. The writer at the same time had several theories in mind with reference to the vocalization and meaning of the characters, but none were published, as they did not seem sufficiently satisfactory. Some of these, however, have been published by others.^ ^ The interesting collection of views on the .\ramaic equiva- lent and the interpretations of it which follow shows how diver- sified has been the understanding of scholars. Professor Hilprecht, in his editorial preface to my Murashu texts (i.e., B. E., Vol. X), as well as in an article in The Sunday School Times, September 25, 1904, took exception to my reading and read two characters differ- ently, i.e., nu^'^JX. In explaining the name he proposed com- parison with NIN-SHAH, "Lord of the Boar" = the Syriac Jliy"lKJ, and regarded it identical with the biblical Nisroch, in whose temple at Nineveh Sennacherib worshiped. The Syriac form, however, is nKJ (cf. Jastrow, Rel. Bab. iind Ass., Vol. I, p. 451), which of course makes the comparison impossible. Further, the final character of the Aramaic of NIN-IB is not n but n» as I had maintained, and which has since been proved correct. Tlie reading of "^ instead of 1 inspired a series of other readings which follow. Professor Zimmern, as quoted by Professor Hilprecht in TJie Sunday School Times (September 25, 1904), read hlprsht = btl pirishti, "Lord of decision." Professor Prince, in the Journal of Biblical Literature (vol. 1905, p. 55), followed in reading Enu reshtu, "The chief lord." Dr. Pinches, about the same time, in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (January, 1905), read En- resheth = Enu reshtu, "The primaeval lord." Professor Johns, Expository Times (December, 1904), p. 141, read Urashtu, and on p. 141, ibid., Arashtu. Professor Sayce, in the same journal (Decem- ber, 1904), regarded it as equivalent to tlie Assyrian In-arishti, "Lord of the mitre," the Sumorian for Nin-Urash. In the Revue Scmitique (1905, p. 93), Professor Halevy offered the reading En napishti, "Lord of life," or preferably En-nawashti = En- nammnshti, "seigneur de tout ce qui est dou6 de vie de mouvement, de toute creature anim6e." Later (cf. ibid., p. 180), the same scholar offered two other explanations: en-rislmti, "seigneur de THE NAME NIN-IB 197 Besides Jensen and Halevy, of those who have pub- lished their views, Lidzbarski is the only scholar who accepted my reading.^ In an article on " The Origin and Real Name of NIN-IB/' which appeared in the Trans- actions of the American Oriental Society, Vol. XXVIII, p. 135, the writer, holding that the middle character is unmistakably 1, not 1, proposed the formula HJi^l^K = En-mashtu = En-martu = Bdal-Amurru (see below). Since this publication appeared, Hrozny^ read the char- acters In-nummashtu = nammashshu from numushda. In the early spring of last year a potsherd from Nippur, which had been classified as a fragment of a Hebrew bowl, proved in the skillful hands of my col- league, Professor Montgomery, to be an ostracon, on which the name is written in Aramaic no less than five times.^ It put the reading of the Aramaic beyond cavil, showing that my own from the very first was correct. The explanation that I have advanced, namely, that the Aramaic ilSJ^I^i^ for NIN-IB was a reproduction of the Sumerian EN-MAR-TU, the lord par excellence of the West-land, does not seem to me to have been I'all^gresse, " and en-arishti, "seigneur du vetement princier nomme arishtu." Professor Jensen {Gilgamesh Epos, p. 87) read and inter- preted the character enwusht = namushtu = namurtu, with which he compared the biblical Nimrod. Three other explanations were sent me in private communications: Irrishtu, the feminine of Irri- shu, "farmer"; en erishti, "Lord of decision," and an identification with the Persian word for the planet Saturn, nivishti livAd, "the prescience of god," or nuwashtan, "to go far away." » Cf. Ephemens, Vol. II, p. 203. * Revue Semitique, July, 1908. » See Jour, Amer. Or. Soc, 1908, p. 204. 198 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES improved upon. For the change of r to sh, compare martum (TUR-SAL) = mashtum, "daughter" (Jensen, Z. A., IV, p. 436), shipishti for shipirti in the Murashil Documents; the Neo-Baby Ionian personal name Mash- tuku, written Martuku in the Cassite period; also the deity Ashka'iti = ArkaHti, and the article by Jensen, Z. A,, VII, p. 179. For an exact parallel to the EN- MARTU = Bel-Amurru cf. EN-KAS = Bel-Uarran, in the name index of Johns, Deeds and Documents, and Doomsday Book) but especially DINGIR-MAR-TU, "the deity of Amurru/' In arguing for an Amorrte origin of NIN-IB, or, better expressed, that it represented a deity of Amurru, as others had done,^ reference was mad(^ to the West Semitic name Ahdi-NIN-IB, the city ^^NIN-IB according to the collation of Knudtzon,^ and the name of a place or temple in or near Jerusalem (i.e., in the district of the city) called Bit-NIN-IB} In the same paper it was suggested that NIN-IB was originally the chief goddess Ba'alat Amurru, which perhaps was Ashtarti; and that at some center in Baby- lonia, probably Dilbat, the deity appeared as the consort of IB, who later was known as Urash. In other words, the theory is that the god of the West, when introduced at a certain center in Babylonia, was written by the Sumcrian chirographers IB, which conveyed to them 'Cf. B. A., IV, p. 114. « Cf. K. B., V. THE NAME NIN-IB 199 the idea represented by the Western solar deity;' and his consort's name, probably Ashtarti, was written NIN-IB.^ Later, as was the case in so many instances when NIN-IB became masculinized,^ in certain quarters the deity was regarded as the "Lord" par excellence of Amurru, i.e., Ba'al Amurru, when the Sumerian equivalent EN-MAR-TU, "Lord Amurru,'' was intro- duced. And this Sumerian form, like EN-LIL, was handed down into later times, as the Aramaic form of the name shows. Of course, it is not necessary to waste space in showing how EN-MAR-TU, like EN-LIL, could pass into Babylonian as Enwashtu and Ellil, and be reproduced in Aramaic as nj^**)^N and 77^^. Another theory concerning the reading and under- standing of the name by the help of the Aramaic now becomes more plausible. In discussing the name Gilga-Mesh it became apparent that the name is West Semitic, written in Sumerian, and that it perhaps con- tains the name of the mountain god Mash, which is to be identified with Mash (C'D) of Genesis 10 : 23. It was further shown that in Nineveh there was a temple E-M ASH-MASH, which is written E-MISH- 1 It is interesting to note that Zimmern (K. A. T.^, p. 411), in discussing Bit-NIN-IB of Jerusalem, as against Haupt (Joshua, Poly. Bib., p. 54), who says that NIN-IB represents Yahweh, assumes among the other possibilities that it may be a designation of a native deity, Shamash or El. 2 It is not improbable that N IN -MAR, the name of the deity in Girsu, of whom Ur-Nina, Dungi and others were patrons, represents the same god; cf. also the personal name Ur-^NIN-MAR^ (F. B., I, pt. 1, p. 148, No. 21). ' Cf, Barton, Semitic Origins. 200 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES MISH in the {Jammurabi Code; and also that the temple of the West Semitic Nergal at Cutha is called E-MISH-LAM, and that the temple at Agade is called E-UL-MASH. The element was also shown to be in the names Di-Mash-qi, Karke-Mish, etc. (see Part II). In Bezold's Catalogue of the Kouyunjik Collection,^ and in Briinnow's Classified List, No. 1778, the following formula is found: Ma-ash \ MASH \ ma-a-shu \ ^NIN-IB This considered in connection with the ideogram MASH, which was commonly used in wiiting the name of the deity, becomes especially interesting. Then also in Bezold's Catalogue^ the following is written: ^Ma-a-shu u ^Ma-ash-tum mdre Sin. "The god Mdshu and Mdshtum children of *Sm. " Mdshtu, therefore, was originally the feminine of Mash. NIN-IB originally was feminine and later became masculinized (see above). In a group of gods given in connection with their consorts in Harper's Letters,^ NIN-IB follows NIN-IB as if his counterpart,* which very likely is due to the fact that at that time the god and his consort bore one and the same name. This change in sex naturally points to a misunderstand- ing at some time. NIN-IB therefore could be regarded » K., 7790, , p. 875. ' It is of course not impossible that NIN-IB is a mistake for Gula. *K., 6:«5, p. 81. * Vol. IV. No. 358. THE NAME NIN-IB 201 as equivalent to Mdshtu. EN-Mashtu, i.e., EN, " lord, " and Mdshtu, the god[dess], may have arisen in such a center as Nippur, where the deity became one of the patron gods of the city ; that is, after the feminine Mdshtu had become masculinized the deity was called "Lord Mdshtu," like LUGAL-Urra, "King or Lord Vra,'' etc. This explanation I now regard preferable, but it is to be noted that both identify the deity with the West. V. THE NAME YAHWEH With the discovery of the name Yahweh in the cuneiform literature, exclusive of proper names, under the form Jdwu{m) (see page 89), the question arises whether it throws any light on the ancient pronunciation of the divine name. Before the discovery of the Aramaic papyri at Assuan, certain scholars claimed that Yahweh is identi- cal with the Canaanitic deity Jahu, which they said is found in Ja-u-j^a-zi, Ja-u-hi--di, etc. Since the discov- ery of the Assuan papyri,^ in which ^TV occurs for the divine name, it seems that scholars generally have adopted the reading JahH. This conclusion, however, cannot be maintained. In a former work I endeavored to show^ that the divine name of the pre-Christian period was practically identical with the pronunciation which Theodoret informs us he obtained from the Samaritans, namely 7a,Se, which is also found in a Samaritan letter in Arabic to de Sacy,^ namely, Jahwa or Jahwe, and the pronunciation which has been accepted for years, namely Jahweh, This, as has been claimed, is preserved ' See Sachau, Aramaische Papj/rusurkiinden, p. 25. "Die Juden in Elephantin nannten ihrcn Gott nicht mri"' sondem JH'', wofiirich nach Vorgang dcr Assyrer die Aiissprache Jcihd annehme." ' Ldght on the Old Testament from Babel, p. 247f . ' See Montgomery, Journal of Biblical Literature, XXV, 1906, p. 50. 202 THE NAME YAHWEH 203 in Jcma (Ja-a-ma),^ an element in Jewish names in the Neo-Baby Ionian period' and in Jdwu(m) on the tablet in the Morgan Library Collection (see p. 89), and on one in the possession of Professor Delitzsch, which came from the same source. The chief objection to the pronunciation JdhH is to be found in the writing tl)il\ the Old Testament form of the name, w^hich also occurs on the Moabite stone. Can it be said that the Hebrew writers in Israel and Moab did not know how to write the divine name? What does the additional final letter mean? Did they add it to obscure the pronunciation? Or, did the Jews pronounce the name one way in Palestine, and another way in Egypt, and still another way in Babylonia? The writer maintains that niH^, )il\ as well as Jdvm (Jdwi and Jdwa), all represent the same pronunciation; and, as above, that this pronunciation is preserved in the Greek 7a/3£, in the Arabic Jahwe, and in the accepted modern transcription Jahwe or Jahweh. As the first element in personal names, Yahweh occurs in the Assyrian historical inscriptions as Ja-u, in Ja-u-]}azi and Ja-u-hi^di; and in the Neo-Babylonian period as Ja-fj^u-u, Ja-a-hu-u and Ja-a-]m in Ja-Jiu-u- natannu, etc' Perhaps also it is to be found in Ja-ii- ^ See Clay, Ldght on the Old Testament from, Babel, p. 248. 2 Pinches, Proc. Soc. Bib. Arch., XV, 13ff., was the first to call attention to these names. ' See Clay, B. E., Vol. X, p. 19, and Light on the Old Testament from Babel, p. 241 f. 204 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES hdni of the Cassite period/ and in Jaum-El of the Ham- murabi period (see below). As the second element in personal names it occurs in Ashirat-Ja-wi in the Hamnmrabi period of V. S, VII 157 :7, and in Aki-Ja-mi (Ja-wi) of theTa'annek tablet; and in the Assyrian historical inscriptions as Ja-a-u and Ja-u in Qazaqi- Ja-a-u, etc., in the Gezer tablet in Natan-Ja-u, also in the Neo-Babylonian tablets as Ja- a-ma (Jdwa), in Natannu-Ja-a-ma, etc.^ It is not im- probable that it occurs also in other forms, as in Qa-an- ni-ja, etc., which, owing to their uncertainty, are not included in the discussions.^ Assuming that Jdwu{m) of the early period, the only form known where in cuneiform it is not compounded with other elements, represents the divine name, it can be shown that the same pronunciation also represents the element when written in the Hebrew script. The form lil^ as the first element, when reproduced in cuneiform in the Assyrian period, became Ja-u, where the h between the two vowels was elided; and m the Neo-Babylonian period it became Ja-lj^u-u, Ja-a-Ji^u and Ja-a-lifU-u, where the h is represented by the Babylonian fi. The explanation of the Massoretic IH^ usually offered is the one proposed by the late Professor Franz Delitzsch,* namely: IH* = 111^ = in\ It seems to me 1 See aay, B. E., Vol. XV, p. 32. ' See Light on the Old Testament, p. 244. ' On these, see Jiustrow, Journal of Biblical Literature, XIV» 108 ff.. and Daiches. Zcit. fiir Ass., XXU. p. 125 flF. *SecZ.A. W., n, 173 f.; 280 fT. THE NAME YAHWEH 205 that the origin of the form ')n\ is to be found in )r}l which was the full name; and that Jahwu-natan became Jahu-natan or Jaho-natan. The consonant w followed by a homogeneous vowel, owing to the secondary accent falling on the syllable, quiesced, like 0)'p'!_ = 0)p\ The element appearing in the second place is not so difficult to explain. Prof. Franz Delitzsch claimed that )ni = ^^^ which became ^^ It appears to me that the formula should be ^lll! = ^lil!, which became HJ, the final consonant being syncopated. The ending Jau in the Assyrian period can be said to reproduce *)»7!; that is, the u may have been soimded like the semiconsonant w. The element is also represented in the Neo-Babylonian Jdwa. The identification of Jdwa made originally by Pinches was accepted by other scholars, who seemed to think that Jdwa represented the full name. Prof. Jastrow^ took the view that Jdma was an emphatic affirmative. In opposing the writer's view on the subject Prof. Hilprecht accepted^ that of Prof. Jastrow; but the latter has since abandoned the explanation by reason of the many examples in the Murashu texts. In the first place it has been conclusively shown that Jdma^ is the divine name. Concerning the form of the writing, two possible explanations seem plausible. The first would follow those who hold that it represents the 1 Journal of Biblical Literature, XIII, p. 101 ff., Z.A., X, p. 222 f., andZ..l.r.Tf., XVI,p. Iff. 2 See Editorial Preface to my B.E., X, p. xv, also Daiches, Z.A., XXII, p. 128 ff. 3 Clay, Ldght on the Old Testament, p. 242 f . 206 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES imcontractcd name, in wliich case, however, a reason must be given why it is not apocopated, inasmuch as the element in Hebrew names is always shortened. This is also shown by the Septuagint. My o\mi suggestion^ is that the Babylonian scribes recognized the element as the name of the Hebrew god, and that in their schools they were taught to write the full name of the deity when it appeared as the second element m names. The name, therefore, was not written as they heard it, but, as they treated their own Babylonian names, according to fixed rules. When we consider that Hebrew names compounded with Jd.ma occur more frequently in the Murashu documents than Babylonian names com- pounded with their own prominent deities, such as Addu, Bau, Ea, etc., we can readily understand that this could be an adopted orthography. Of the twenty-five or more different names compounded with Jama, some of which occur very often, there is not a single variation from the form Ja-a-ma; and in every instance it is without the determinative for deity. An illustration of such an adopted writing is to be seen in AX-MESH or ilu^^ which represents the West Semitic '^N.^ Another and perfectly reasonable theory is that either the final vowel of Jdma was not pronounced distinctly, but as a light overhanging vowel like Jdiv^; or it was not pronounced at all, like Jdw. In other words, Jdwa or Jdw(a) stands for the apocopated form of the divine name Jdhwu. This apocopation or shortening ' Light on the Old Testnment, p. 247. 'See Clay, Old Testament and Semitic Studies, I, p. 316. THE NAME YAHWEH 207 of the final vowel was due to the emphasis being placed on the first syllable of the divine name, e.g., Natan- Jdhwu became Natan-Jahw{u). Such an explanation also accounts for the change to n^, so commonly found in the Old Testament, and in the Assuan papyri, the final w being apocopated. It should be added that the Massoretic pointing, while possible according to phonetic laws, is not supported by the Septuagint, which usually transliterates this ending ta?. It would appear, therefore, that T^^^\^ as well as IH* were pronounced Jahwu{e,a) ; and that this pronuncia- tion was in use as early as the Hammurabi period. Furthermore, Yahweh being probably of Aramsean origin, IH^ may be the Aramsean form of the name, inasmuch as the Assuan papyri are written in Aramaic. These conclusions necessitate the reconsideration of such names as Ja--wi-ilu ^ and Ja-wi-ilu, which Sayce, Delitzsch and others have regarded as containing the divine name. These names, as is well known, can also be read Ja'pi-El. In addition to the fact that there is not a single instance in the Hebrew literature where the name Yahweh remained unchanged when appearing as a first element in proper names, the West Semitic name Ja-pa-El,^ also of the Hammurabi period, makes it quite reasonable that the reading should be Ja'pi or Japi instead of Ja'wi or Jaioi; and that the stem of the element is probably rrDH, "to cover." The name could » Cf. C.T., VIII, 20, 314:3, and VIII, 34, 544 : 4; and Ranke, B.E., VI, 1, 17:38. 2 Ungnad, V. S., 5, VIII, 10 : 39. 2U8 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES be translated, as has been stated, "God has covered, protected/' On the other hand, the name Ja-u-um-El, belongmg to the early period, probably represents the divine name, because the element appears in the short- ened form exactly as found in later periods.* 1 Light on the Old Testament, p. 237. INDEX A-ba-ra-ma, 86, 170 Abdi-Ashirta, 152 Abdi-NINIB, 198 Abel-Be th-Maacah, 60 Abram, 89, 90 Abraham, 14, 40, 58, 85 Adad, 38, 48, 87, 88, 131 Adad-nirari III, 98 Adad-Teshup, 79 Adam, 43 Ada-pa, 64 Addu-taqummu, 101 Adoni-Zedek, 154 Agade, 79, 192 A-gar-Til-la, 103 Aelian, 78 Ahi-Jdwi, 206 Akkad, 97, 192 Aku, 111 A-KUR-GAL, 113 Alap, 64 Alaporus, 63, 64, 158 Alap-Uru, 64 Alashia, 38 Alexander Polyhistor, 66 A-li-ba-ni-shu, 112 Almelon, 63 Al-NashJm-milki, 158 Aloros, 63 Al-Si\ 158 Amal, 65 ylmar, 95, 116 A-ma-ra, 28, 29 Amar-a-pa, 101 Amar-na-ta-nu, 101 Amar-ra-pa, 101 Amar-sha-al-ti, 101 Amar-Sin, 118, 193 A-ma-ru, 107, 117, 119 Amar-uduk, 92, 95, 120 14 Amegalarus, 63 amelu, 64 Amel-Aruru, 65 Amcl-Sin, 66 Amel-Uru, 65 A-me-ir-rum , 106 Amemphsinus, 63 'awir, 107 'amm, 107 Arnmenon, 63 Ammi-ditana, 98 Ammon, 98 Amqi, 151 Amraphel, 111 Amur, 100 A-ww-ra, 28, 97 A-mur-Ashur, 161 Amur-fiaiia, 102 Amur-ilu, 161 A-mur-Ishtar, 161 Amwrra, 97 A-mur-ri-qa-nu, 119 Amwrrw, 101, passim Amurru-natannu, 102 Amurru-nazabi, 102 Amurru-shama, 102 A-mwr-sa-nw, 120 A-mur-Shamash, 161 A-mur-si-gu, 120 A-mur-tin-nu, 119 Anammelek, 143 A-na-at-da-la-ti, 143 'Anath, 143 'Anathoth, 143 Aner, 143 AN-MESH, 208 An-ram, 143 Antum, 142 Aww, 142 Anu-banini, 143 209 210 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES A nu-ram, 144 Apsu, 47.53 Arabia, 24, 77, 83 Arad-vSin, 110 Arallii, 77 Aram, 24 Aram- Damascus, 179 Ararat, 75 Ardata, 67 Arfa-Kesed, 170 Arga7nan, 104, 120 .In, 13, 104 Arpad, 180 Arpadda(u). 180 Artaxerxes I, 68 Aruru, 64 Ashbel. 123 Asher, 65 Ashera, 140 Ashirat-Jawi, 206 Ashirta, 38 A-shir-ma-lik, 139 Ashtarti, 198, 199 Ash-tar-Til-la, 103 Ashur, 138 Ashurbanipal, 17, 46, 53, 54, 59, 60,98 Astrology, 15 Athtara, 141 Augustine, 51 Aures, 43 Aurus, 69 Awa-ar-i-lum, 120 Awa-ar-ka-sir, 120 Awa-ar-sa-na-bu, 120 Awa-ar-si-qir, 120 awdtu, 105 awHu, 105 AwU-Ishtar, 171 A-wi-lu-tim, 106 A-uH-ir-tum, 106 Aziru, 152 lin'al, 38 Hal)el, 91 Habvlon, 142 Baothgen, F., 128 Banks, E. J., 114, 142, 188 Bar-iksu, 145 Barsip, 174 Barton, George A., 13, 17, 43, 44, 83, 114, 124, 141, 151, 169, 199 Bau, 38 Bayt-sha-ra, 127 Beirut, 70 Bel, 20, 37, 47, 102 Bel-Uarran, 198 Benhadad, 87 Berosus, 63. 68, 170 BHh-'Anath, 143 Beth-Dagan, 146 Bethel, 128 Beth-Lehem, 147 BHh-sha-El, 127 Bethshean, 128 Beth-Shemcsh, 125 Bethuel, 172 Bezold, r^arl, 200 Bi-in-ga-nl-shnr-ri, 185 Bilga-Mish, 79 BIL-LIL, 113, 114 Bilaqqu, 79 Bir-Adad, 123 Bir-Hadad, 132 Bir-napishtim, 80, 134 Bir-napishtifn-iisur, 80 Bismava. 142 Bit-NiN-IB, 198 BU-Yakin, 170 Bork, F., 103 Brockelmann, (\arl, 84 Brown, F'rancis, 163, 164 Brijnnow. Rudolph, 115, 117, 120. 123. 200 Bulil, Frail/. 163 BU{S1R)-SE-NE, 119, 133 BUR-BUR, 102, 113 BUR-BUR-DA, 112 Bur-Sin, 118. 193 Buzur-KUR-GAL, 82 Buzar-Oni, 82 Byblos, 157 Cain, 65 Cappadocian tablets, 37, 39, 43 INDEX 211 Garmel, 87 ChampoUion, 29 Chedorlaomer, 98 Constantia, 103 Cooke, G. A., 27, 123. 157, 160, 178 Cory, 52 Craig, J. Alexander, 139 Cutha, 115 Cyrus, 38, 98 Dagan, 38, 146 Daiches, Samuel, 206, 207 Damascus, 126, 128, 130 Darius II, 68 Dati-Ellil, 67, 187 David, 17 Da{v)onus, 63 Delattre, A. J., 99 Delitzsch, Franz, 206, 207 Delitzsch, Friedricli, 36, 37, 49, 57, 71, 80, 89, 105, 107, 119, 120, 125, 128, 161, 205, 209 Der, 130 de Sacy, 204 Dhorme, P., 123, 184, 185 Dhu'l galasa, 128 Dhu'l Shara, 128 Diarbekir, 97, 98, 103, 193 Dilbat, 198 Dillmann, A., 72, 167 DI-Marduk, 116 Di-mash-qi, 79, 129, 200 Dim-mas-qa, 130 Driver, S. R., 44, 162 DUMU-URU, 110 Dungi, 97, 118, 128, 192 dUr, 130 Ea, 47, 53 Ea-bdni, 81 Ebed-Urash, 123 Ed-Deir, 147 Edom, 98 Edoranchus, 63, 69 Egyptian, 32 Ehud, 17 Elam, 97 El-Elyon, 158 Eliezer, 40, 129 Ellil, 37, 47, 48, 56. 95, 117 Ellil-bani, 39 ellu, 107 Elohim, 124 El-Shaddai, 127, 158 Elul, 57, 59 El-Ur, 64, 158 E-MASH-MASH, 78, 126, 199 E-MISH-MISH, 78 E-MISH-LAM, 78 Emutbal, 97 Engi, 13 EN-GI-DU, 81 EN-KI-DU, 81 EN-MAR-TU, 121 EN-Mdshtu, 121, 122 En-me-dur-an-ki, 66 En-na-Zu-in, 146 Enoch, 66, 69 Enosh, 64 Enshagkushanna, 192 Envdshtu, 199 Erebus, 52 Erech, 76, 78, 126, 142 Ereshkigal, 33 Eri, 177 Eria, 112 Eri-Aku, 193 Eridu, 45, 47, 53 Esh-ba'al, 123 Eshu, 38 Ethiopic language, 83 etimmu, 51 Etruscans, 23 Ezekiel, 163 E-UL-MASH, 71, 126 E-UL-LAM, 78 Eupolemus, 168 Eusebius, 52 Galilee, 60 GAL-UR-RA, 113 gamdru, 56 Gar, 151 Gautier, 182, 183 gemini, 16 212 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES Gezer, 24 Gideon, 17 Gilead. 60 Gilgaraesh, 50. 73. 74, 76, 77, 79,81, 122, 126, 129 Gimil-Anim, 143 Gimil-Sin, 96, 193 GIR-URU, 110 GISH-BIL-GA , 79 GfSH-BIL-GA-MISH, 78 GISII-TU-MASII, 78 Gray, G. B., 164 Greeks, 22 Griinme. H., 145, 158 Gubla, 152 Gudoa, 31, 97, 103, 120, 128, 130, 180, 193 Gula, 38, 200 Gungunu, 193 Gunkel, H., 36, 44, 51, 55, 71, 72, 73 Hagar, 40 Halevy. J., 42, 107, 182, 197 iialia, 140 Jialiqalbat, 140 Uali-Jaum, 90 Ualili, 140 Uallu, 140 Hamatli, 157 Hammurabi. 40, 41, 46, 59. 78, 79, 89, 97, 98, 107, HI. 116, 117, 186, 193 Uarui, 147 IJa-an-ni-ia, 206 Haran, 16 Haran O'nsus, 145 Harper, R. F.. 124, 180, 200 Ha.stings, James, 151, 162. 167 Ilmihun, 154 ILuipt. Paul, 80, 115, 141, 176, 199 ^ iwiru, 105 Haynes, J. H., 188 Hazor, (M) Hebron. 154 Helm, J.. 56 Hermon. 126 Herodotus, 35, 142 Hilprecht, H. V., 43, 78. 118, 124, 132, 159, 181, 207 Hinke, W. J., 112 hirtu, 106 Hittite. 32 Hoham, 154 Hommel, F., 30, 63, 65, 66, 77, 78,80,84, 118, 139, 141, 154, 161, 178, 179, 181 Horeb. 87 Hrozny, F., 197 Huber, P. E., 109, 110, 111, 112 gu-di-ib-Til-la, 103 IB, 38 ibbu, 107 Ibgatum, 106 Ibi-Sin, 193 Igur-kapkapu, 140 ihir, 106 Ijon, 60 Ikdn-pi-f)'ru, 113 ill, 124 Il-Tehiri-abi, 158 Il-yapVa, 154 Ilu-nrapa, 101 IM-MAR-TU, 100 imtilt, 105 iniih, 105 I-n-ir-Til-la, 103 'Ir-Mardiik, 176 'Ir-Nahash, 176 'Ir-Shemesh, 176 Irushalim, 176 Ishbi-Urru, 110 I-shir-shar-ri, 185 Ishme-Dagan, 146, 193 Ishtar, 16. aS. 141 Uhtar-ki-Til-kL, 103 Ishum, 133 \s'm dynasty. 96 I-ti-Da-gan, 147 Jabni-El, 178 Jacob. 18 Jahil, S6 Ja-l^u-u, 205 INDEX 213 Jahweh, 104 Jdma, 104, 206 Janoah, 60 Ja'pi-El, 209 Jarmuth, 154 Joseph-el, 178 Jastrow, Jr., Morris, 21, 22, 23, 26, 27, 31, 44, 46, 47, 71, 74, 80, 107, 114, 132,206, 207 Ja-ash-hi-i-la, 110 Ja-u-ba-ni, 206 Ja-u-Ua-zi, 204 Jaum, 90 Ja-u-um-El, 210 Jaw, 20 Ja'wi-ilu, 89 Ja-wu-um, 89, 90, 204 Jensen, Peter, 18, 19, 48, 55, 77, 78, 80, 99, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 128, 131, 142, 197, 198 Jeremias, A., 18, 63, 64, 65, 79,80 Jezreel, 178 Johns, C. H. W., 58, 59, 60, 89, 100, 145, 158, 159, 160, 172, 189, 194, 198 Jonah, 53 Joppa, 53 Kadashman-Enlil, 37 KA-GAL-AD-KI, 129 Karke-Mish, 200 Kedesh, 60 Kenites, 34, 90 Kesed, 170 Khatti, 98 KI-BUR-BUR, 190 Kikia, 140 King, L. W., 112, 183, 184, 186, 191 Kiryatharba, 16 Kish, 89 Kittel, Rudolph, 167, 172 Knudtzon, J. A.. 37 Kudur-Mabug, 11, 97, 193 Kugler, Franz, 21 KUR-GAL, 88, 102 KUR-GAL-eHsh, 102 KUR-MAR-TU, 99 La'ash, 157 Laban, 172 ^ Lachish, 24 LaUdmu, 53, 147 La^mu, 147 Lamech, 66 Langdon, Stephen, 143 Larsa, 110, 138 Layard, Henry, 103 Leander, Pontus, 118 Libit-Ishtar, 96, 193 Lidzbarski, Mark, 24, 144, 155, 157, 158, 159, 160, 178, 197 lillu, 52 LinuJi-libbi-Ellil, 56 Linufi-libbi-ildni , 56 Lipush-Jaum, 90 Little Zab, 75 Lot, 14 Lugal-kisalsi, 114 LUGAL-Urra, 38, 116, 201 Lugal-zaggisi, 192 Lyon, D. G., 153 Macalister, Alexander, 153 Macalister, Stewart, 24, 28, 153, 155 Malik, 134 Malik-ZI-NI-SU, 134 Malki-Zedek, 154 Manishtusu, 146 Mar, 95, 100 Mar-bVdi, 100 Marches van, 57, 59 Mardin, 103 Marduk, 20, 36, 37, 38, 44, 45, 46, 48, 49, 57, 95, 101, 116, 118 Mar-eriqqu, 120 Mar-irrish, 100 MAR-KI, 116 Mar-larimme, 100 Mar-pa-da-ai, 180 Mar-suri, 100 MAR-TU, 77, 97, 99, 100. 113 MAR-TU-Crish, 102 Martuku, 198 MASH, 78. 107. 199 214 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES MASH-MASH, 38 Mashtuhu, 198 Mdshtum, 198. 200, 201 M^ifihu, 38, 10, 126, 128, 200 Megiddo, 24, 27 Mrinhold, J., 56 Meissner, Bruno, 81, 103, 105, 107, 115, 173, 179 Mcnant, J., 181 Menes, 30 MESH, 78 Mesheq, 129, 131 Methu-Salah, 66 MetM-sha-El 66, 127 Me-Tilla, 103 Meyer, Ediiard, 54, 96, 97 Mil-ki-U-ri, 134, 156 Milkani, 102 Mi-f^ha-El 127 MISH, 78 Mish(?)-ki-Til-la, 103 Mitanni, 32, 38, 43 Moab, 98 Montgomery, James A., 50, 121, 157, 162, 197, 204 Moore, G. A., 23, 134 Morgan Library Collection , 28,43, 51, 73,80, 88, 89, 114, 194, 205 Moriah, 87 Mosaic ('ode, 41 Moses, 17 Mt. Nisir, 75 Mt. Siriai, 145 Muqavyar, 167, 168 Miillef, D. H., 180 M.iller, W. Max, 29, 30, 127, 157 MuHk-Tidnum, 90 }.I ur-(ir-na-tim , 1 20 Mur-hahillu, 120 MUR-ihni, 134 Mur-nisqi, 120 Miir-siparru, 120 Muss-Amolt, W., 79, 80, 107, 112, 120, 141 Mutu-sha-Irkhu, 66 Nabonidus, 98 Nabil, 144 NabiX-idri, 144 N abd-napiahtlm-usur , 80 Nabu-rapa, 144 Naliar'ru, 172 Na^iri, 172 Na^rimn, 151 namnru, 107 Namratum, 106 Namtar, 33 Nand, 38 Nannar, 97, 169 Naphtali, 60 Naram-Sin, 115 Nashhi, 132 nawdru, 105 Nebuchadrezzar, 68, 98 Nergal, 33, 37, 38, 114, 115, 117, 121, 126, 133 NE-URU-GAL, 95, 115, 119 Nielsen, 60 Nikkal, 95 NIN-GAL, 95 Nin-gir-su, 146 Nin-Girtiu, 48, 131 NIN-IB, 37, 38, 89, 121. 126, 178 NIN-IB-iddina, 195 NIN-NE-URU(UNU), 115 NIN-MAR, 199 Ninrag, 195 Nippur, 47 Nisin, 97 Nisin dynasty, 95 Nisroch, 195' NIT A, 113 Noah, 76 Noldeke, Theodore, 47 Nowack, W.. 26 nv-ufi, 55. 76. 80 Nufuishshi, 129 Nui-libbi-iirtni, 56 Niifi-iMftishtiin, 80 7inmush(la, 197 Nushku, 37. 132 Og, 154 Ohnstead, A. Omri, 98 T., 103 INDEX 215 Oppert, J., 181 Oros, 69 Otiartes, 64 pa-la-qu, 79 Paran, 87 Paton, L. B., 13 Pedaiah, 140 Pedahel, 140 Peiser, Felix, 102 Pepy, 30 Per, 80 Petrie, F., 29, 30 Philistia, 98 Phoenicia, 98 Pinches, T. G., 37, 46. 54, 78, 103, 110, 119, 125, 161, 167, 176, 181, 205, 207 Pir, 80 Piram, 154 Pir-napishtim, 80 Poebel, Arno, 78, 81, 106, 112. 137, 157, 173, 181 Pognon, H., 50, 64, 124, 145, 157, 162 Prince, J. D., 100 Pudi-El, 140 qamar, 170 Qenan, 65 Qideshu, 152 QI-MASH, 129 Qi-Mash-qi, 128 Rameses II, 99, 103 Ranke, Hermann, 54, 79, 90, 96, 106, 109, 110, 112, 113. 123, 127, 161, 173, 186, 193, 209 Reissner, J., 99, 113 Rim-Aku, 193 Rim-Anum, 89 Rim-Sin, 64, 111 Rogers, R. W., 22, 55, 71, 91 Rosellini, 29 Sabbath, 55, 60, 61 Sachau, Eduard, 204 Salem, 154 Samaria, 60 Samu-el, 102 Samson, 125 Sanchoniathan, 52 Sarah, 40 Sargon, 90, 97, 181 Sarpanitu, 57, 133, 136 Sarugi, 189 Sayce, A. H., 29, 37, 44, 46, 55, 63, 66, 76, 89, 125, 141, 146, 147, 151, 152, 161, 181 Scheil, P. v., 73, 80, 110, 182, 183, 184, 186, 188 Schrader, E., 80 Schumacher, 26 Sha-Addu, 127 shahattum, 56 shabath, 61 Sha-imeri-shu, 130 Shalmaneser II, 98 Sha-Mash, 79, 127 Shamash. 38, 78, 80, 81, 82, 100, 104, 107, 118, 123, 125 Shamash-li-me-ri, 106 Shamash-li-wi-ir,^ 106 Shamash-napishtbn, 80 Sha-NITA-shu, 130 sha-vat-tum, 55 SHAR-GA-NI-LUGAL-URU, 181 Shargani-shar-d li, 131 Shar-Gani-sharri, 113, 182 Shar-la-ak, 186 Sharrapu, 116 Shar-ri-ish-ta-qal, 186 Sharukin, 194 Shi-mi-Til-la, 103 Shinar, 91 Shum-Malik, 134 Shumer, 13 Shuqamuna, 114 Shur-ki-Til-la, 103 Sidon, 98 Siduna, 152 Siegfried, C. 162 Sihon, 145. 154 Simmiu, 104 216 AMURRU HOME OF NORTHERN SEMITES Sin, 16. 145. 200 Sinai, 87 Sin-magir, 193 Sin-iddinam, 192 Sinuhe novel. 29 Sippar, 47, 98, 173 Sisera, 145 §it, 80 ^it-napishtim, 80 Steuernagel, C,, 26 Strassmaior, J. N.. 14. 80. 102, 105. 159, 162, 168 Stubo. R., 162 Subsalla, 97 Sumu-abum, 89 $UR, 101 Ta'annek, 24. 27, 37 Ta-i-Til-la, 103 tabah, 76 TallqvTst. K. L., 101, 127, 128, 133, 144 Talmud, 68 Tammuz, 16, 20 Tarkhu. 136 Tehom. 49, 50 Te-hi-ip-TU-la, 103 Tola, 103 TeU-Deilam. 170 Toll el-Amarna, 32, 38 Toll ol-Mutesselim. 26 Toruli. 168 Thuroau-Dangin, F., Ill, 115, 143, 180, 181, 182, 184, 187, 188 Ti'amat, 46. 48. 148 ti'amtu, 49. 50, 53 Tidnnu, 97 Tidnu, 96, 102, 103 Tirlo, ('. P.. 141. 181 TiKlaDipilosor I. 60. 98 Tilla, 102. 103 Tillah. 103 Til-Nahiri, 172 Ti-mn-fish-fji, 129 Ti-mi-Til-la, 103 Ti-rn-mas-fji , 129 TofTteen, O. A., 98 TripolLs, 76 Tyre. 98 Ubar-Tulu, 66 U-bi-in-shar-ri, 185 UD, 80 UD-UUL-GAL, 58 UD-TU, 100 ummanu, 65 Um-napishtim, 80 Ungnad, Arthur, 81, 84, 86. 105, 106. 140, 145, 147, 170, 209 Ur, 16, 95 UR-A, 113 Urartu, 75 Uras'h, 89, 122 Ur-billum, 180 Ur djTiasty, 96, 97 Ur-Engur, 192 Urfa, 103, 167, 170 Ur-ha-lu-ub, 120 t)ri, 13, 102, 192 Uri(oT Eri)-Aku, 112 U-ri-gal-la, 115 Ur-karinnu, 120 Ur-Kasdim, 170 U-ri-Marduk, 117 Ur-NIN-IB, 118, 193 Ur-NIN-MAR, 199 Ur-Pad, ISO Urra, 109. 113. 114 Urra-b&ni, 109 Urra-BA-TIL, 109 Urra-gal, 82, 115 ?^m/, 105 Ursalimmu, 105, 175, 180 ^r^u, 102 ^m, 38, 7S. 109 Unt-Az, 180 Uru(URU)-BA.SAG-SAG, 112 URU-DINGIR-RA, 110 ORU-KA-GI-SA, 112, 113 ffru{URU)-ki-bi, 112 IJRU-LIG-GA, 110 ORU-milki, 102, 105. 134 Urumma, 167 URir-MU, 110 Uru-MU-USH, 112 INDEX 217 Uru{URU)-NI-BA-AGA, 112 URU-RA, 110 U-ru-sa-lim, 152, 175 Urya, 107 USH, 110, 113 Ush-hi-Sak, 140 Ushpia, 140 C/r, 80 U-ta-na-ish-tim, 81 Ut-napishtim, 67, 77, 80 U-tu-ki, 117 UTU-napishtim, 134 Vashti, 127 Vincent, 27 Viranshehir, 103 Ward, W. H., 28, 43, 57, 87, 8? 132, 135, 136 Warad'Sin, 110 Weilhausen, J., 128 Winckler, H., 14, 16, 17, 21, 68, 139 Xisuthrus, 64 Yahweh, 45, 51, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90 Yahweh-jireh, 178 Yahweh-nissi, 178 Yahweh-Sebaoth, 121 Yahweh-shalom, 178 Zakir, 64, 158 Zamama, 89 Zimmern, H., 17, 48, 56, 63, 64, 65,72,79,80,81,89, 100, 114, 115, 131, 133, 134, 198, 199 Ziri-Bashani. 151 Date Due F 3 '41 .^ -4' — — ' - — >.. #=3S« mr m^ mmmmt. ' ^