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VoL XXIIL, price 8s., cloth lettered, HISTORY OF GREECE AND MACEDONIA, from the Age of Xenophon to the absorption of Greece in the Roman Empire, including the History of Alexander the Great and his Successors. By Dr. Ltall, Dean of Canterburj', Rev. G. C. Renou.\ed, B.D., &c, &c. With Numerous Illustrations. " The dissertations are fuU, luminous, and charmingly written."— £^<;J«:(i- ing, and therefore we shall detail them at length. In the second year after the victory over the Persians at the river Granicus, Alexander having pushed his conquests into Spia, and be- CHAP. I.J ALEXANDER THE GREAT AT JERUSALEM. 3 sieged the city of T}Te, met with so vahant a resistance, that he was B.C. 332. compelled to employ not less than seven months in the siege. Whilst Arrival of occupied in reducing this important fortress, Alexander sent to demand Asia,^" the sulimission of the neighbouring provinces, and to require from the mnabitants supplies of provisions for the support of his army. The Conductor Jews alone refused compliance. Faithful to their sovereign, the king ^ ^^^^* of Persia, they would not desert him, nor break the oath of allegiance they had taken ; and accordingly they made answer to Alexander, that so long as Darius lived they were his subjects, and would ovvn no other king. The Samaritans, on the contrary, not only complied with all his ^^ of the demands, but anxious to show their attachment to Alexander, and to testify the perfect sincerity of their submission, sent a body of eight thousand men to assist him at the siege. The fidelity of the one and the disloyalty of the other, met with rewards proportionable to their conduct ; the time-ser^dng disposition of the Samaritans being subse- quently treated with contempt by Alexander, whilst under the con- trolling power of Providence, the firm faith of the Jews gained for them not less the admiration, than the protection, of the conqueror. After the taking of Tyre, Alexander marched against Jerusalem, in- Alexander's tending to punish the city for its disobedience to his commands. But JerC^fem. the same God, who, for the sake of his servant David, had shielded the holy city from the assaults of Sennacherib, did not now desert his servants, nor suffer them to receive harm in the conscientious fulfil- ment of their national faith. On the approach of Alexander, Jaddua, in obedience to a revelation from heaven, went out to meet him on an eminence at a short distance from Jenisalem, clad in his pontifical robes, attended by the priests in their proper habits, and by the people in white garments. The conqueror was coming in anger to destroy, but no sooner did he see the High-priest advancing towards him thus ac- companied, than, being struck with awe, he sahited him in the most reverend manner. While all stood amazed at this behaviour, so contrary to their Conductor expectations, Parmenio inquired of Alexander the reasons that induced ^^^ him to pay such adoration to the High-priest. To which Alexander answered, that he did not adore the priest, but the God, whose servant he was, and further added, that when he was at Dio, in Macedonia, deliberating concerning his war upon Persia, there appeared unto him in a dream a man like Jaddua, and clothed in the same habit ; who encouraged him to his expedition, with the promise that God would be his guide, and would give him the empire of the Persians ; that as soon as he saw the High-priest he recognised him to be the same that had appeared to him at Dio, and therefore in the person of the priest lie adored the God, who had thus granted him a revelation of his will. Alexander kindly embraced Jaddua, and accompanpng him to Jeni- salem, offered sacrifices to God in the Temple ; and being made acquainted by the High-priest with the prophecies of Daniel, which predicted the ovorthi'ow of the Persian empire bv a Grecian king, he B 2 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CHAP. 13. c. 332. Alexander's favour to the Jews. Ilis Ijehaviour to the Samaritans. Influence of the preceding events upon Alexander's conduct. derived from them the gi"eatest encouragement to caiTy on the wai against Darius, not doubting but th5.t he was the person described in the prophetic books. These circumstances so effectually recommended the Jews to the favour of Alexander, that when, at his departure, they petitioned him to allow them to live under their own laws, and in the free exercise ot their religion, and further to be exempted from tribute every seventh year, because their law forbade them to cultivate the soil in the veai of the sabbath, he immediately complied with their request. The Jews further implored his protection for their brethren whom he would find settled in I3abylon; and many of them, won by his kindness, enlisted as soldiers in his service, and accompanied him on his expedition. The Samaritans, envying the Jews the favour they had so unexpect- edly gained, and jealous of the distinction conferred upon them, thought by a similar line of conduct to gain as much influence with the kmg. They met him as he returned from Jerusalem in a solemn religious procession, and professing their kindred with the Hebrews, sought from him a grant of the same privileges, "which he had given to their brethren. Alexander excused himself from paying attention to their request till after his return from Egypt ; but, during his absence, a rebellion taking place in the city, in which Andromachus, the governor, perished, on his return he caused all those who were concerned in the disturbance to be put to death, and driving out the Samaritans, planted their city with Macedonians : those who survived retired to Shechem, under Mount Gerizim, which from that time became the metropolis of the Samaritan sect. The eight thousand Samaritans who had joined Alexander at Tvyg, and had been all along with him, he settled in Thebais, the remotest province of Egypt, lest their presence in Samaria should revive the mutinous spirit of their countrymen. This treatment contrasts strikingly with that which the Jews sub- sequently received, for when Alexandria was built, he settled therein many of that nation, giving them great privileges, and allowing them not only the use of their own laws and religion, but also the enjoy- ment of equal franchises and liberties with his own people, the Macedonia'-'s. It does not fall within our province to pursue the narration of Alexander's conquests, or to trace him in his rapid progress to the highest pinnacle of martial glory ; one part, however, of his character is so closely connected with the occurrences related to have taken place on his arrival at Jerusalem, that we cannot forbear stopping to direct the reader's attention to it. It has often created surprise that a man of Alexander's strength of mind, should have been guilty of such folly and weakness as to feign himself to be the son of Jupiter Amnion, and to undertake a most laborious expedition to his temple, which was situated in the midst of the deserts of Lybia, and twelve days' journey from Memphis, for no other purpose than that of procuring himself the title of son of Jupiter. CHAP. T.J OIUGlN OF THE SAMARITANS. 5 Ihe tr.'Uisactions with Jaddua, at Jerusalem, may serve to throw b. c. 332, some hght upon this part of Alexander's conduct. If A lexander -was persuaded that he was the king; of Gra?cia, prophesied by Daniel as the con(|ueror of the East, and that he was under the immediate protection of heaven, as being a man specially marked out to fulfil the destinies of the world, and if, as is probable, in conformity with the popular religion of Greece, he believed in the existence of the heroes of ancient davs, those favoured mortals who were descended from the gods ; it would appear almost a natural consequence of such a combination of circumstances acting on the mind of a heathen man, that he should believe himself to resemble Hercules and Bacchus, not only in their victories over the east, but in their descent from the thunderer of Olympus, and that, iu conformity with this belief, he should compel the priest of Amrnon publicly to declare the reality of that divine descent, of which himself had already received powerful and convincing evidence. That the Governor of the universe would by visions encou- rage a king to attempt conquests, foretel his success so plainly in the written prophecies of a foreign nation, grant him an almost universal empire, and do all this for one not most highly beloved in the courts of Heaven, was a notion that never could enter the mind of the religious men either of Greece or Rome ; and however we may ridicule Alexander's conduct, it was still that error which a man in the full career of success, of a warm and sanguine temper, and under the influence of an idolatrous religion, could hardly avoid ; an error which every event subsequent to the transactions at Jerusalem served only to confirm, and which was increased by every new success. The history of the Samaritan nation is closely connected with this Origin of tiu- period in the annals of the Jews. We will therefore pause to give an natbn!ar"i o account of its origin, and to state the leading points of the controversy Mounr^^*" '^ which has existed, respecting the date of the building of the Samaritan <^fri^iin- temple upon Mount Gerizim. Under the name of Samaritans are in- cluded all the inhabitants of the country which was possessed by thp Ten Tribes before their cajDtivity. The name is derived from Samaria, a city in that part of the land of Israel belonging to the tribe of Ephraim, which was built by Omri, king of Israel, and became the capital of the Ten Tribes. The kingdom of Israel being destroyed by Salmanaser, and the Ten Tribes carried into captivity, never more to return, the king of Assyria repeopled the country with colonists from Babylon, Cuthath, and the neighbouring districts, and afterwards learn- ing that the land was infested with lions, sent to punish the people for their gross ignorance of the true God, he gave orders for the return of some of the priests whom he had taken captive, and who were enjoined to teach the religion of the law of jMoses to the new inhabitants. A cormpt religion was thus formed, by the strange union of the Mosaic institutions with the grossest superstitions of the heathen nations. But there is reason to believe that this religion became purer in its form at the time of the return of the Two Tribes from the captivity in Babylon, B. c. 332. Hostility between the Jews and Samaritaus. ('ontroversy respect inu; (lateoF tlie temple at Gerizim. Account givenliy Jo^ephus. 6 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [cHAP. I. under Ezra and Zerubbabel ; and to this may be attributed in some measure the desire expressed by the Samaritans to ])artake the benefits of the decree of Cyrus, for the rebuilding of the Temple at Jerasalem. But Zerubbabel refused their request, as being that of persons of a different nation from the Jews, though in part professing the same re- ligion ; and thence arose the perpetual enmity which afterwards sub- sisted between the two nations, for the Samaritans, in anger, used every endeavour to prevent the building of the Tem})le and the fortifying of the city at Jerusalem, and succeeded so far as to hinder the works being completed until the government of Nehemiah. The feud between the two nations seems also to have been increased by the establishment of that part of the ecclesiastical discipline by Ezra and Nehemiah, which compelled those Jews who had intermarried with the nations forbidden in the law of Moses, to put away their wives : the enforcement of this law caused Samaria to become the place of refuge for all who were weary of the painful observances of the law, and who sought a place where they might worship the God of Abraham, and yet be free from the severities of the Mosaic discipline. We may easily conceive with what feelings of abhorrence the devout Jews, on the one hand, would regard those who had connected them- selves by marriage with those idolatrous nations whom God had so frequently commanded them to root out, as being the cause of their apostacy from his laws ; and on the other, what a desire of revenge and retaliation for the infliction of injury would arise in the minds of those whom the strict enforcement of the law by the governors of the church compelled, either to relinquish their wives, or to give up their title of descent from Abraham and the patriarchs. It was natural that the Samaritan who professed himself a Jew in religion, not less than these excommunicated Jews, should desire to have a temple like that at Jerusalem, where they might worship the God of Moses. Accord- ingly we find that one was built on Mount Gerizim, and in process of time it was held by the Samaritans in even greater veneration than that at Jerusalem. Much doulDt exists respecting the time of the building of this temple, some authors making it contemporary with the excommunication of one of the sons of Joiada, the High-priest, in consequence of his having married the daughter of Sanballat, the Horonite, which circumstance is recorded in the 27th and 28th verses of the last chapter of the Book of .Nehemiah. Others, on the contrary, following the authority of Josephus, refer the temple at Gerizim to the time of Alexander the Great. The latter seems to be the opinion most commonly received ; but the learned author of the Connection of the Old and New Testa- ment, having taken no inconsiderable pains to support the former hypothesis, we shall state the argument on both sides, as concisely as the nature of the argument will admit. Josephus relates that Sanballat being governor of Samaria, under the last Darius, and thinldng to acquire mfluence with the Jewish CHAP. I.J THE TEMPLE AT GERIZIM. 7 nation, married Lis daughter to Manasses, the brother of Jaddua, b. c. 332. who had succeeded his father Johanan in the High-priestiiood. The elders at Jerusalem, unwilling that Manasses, who had thus married a stranger, should share any part of the High-priest's authority, con- demned his marriage, and obliged him either to repudiate his wife, or to sufier excommunication. Manasses was inclined to submit to the dissolution of the marriage, rather than lose the honour of the priest- hood ; but Sanballat, anxious for the honour of his daughter, per- suaded Manasses to accept from him the authority of a High-priest at Samaria, promising him, at the same time, the succession to his authority as governor, and engaging, under permission of Darius, to build for him a temple at Mount Gerizim, like that at Jerusalem. Manasses then retired to Samaria, and it occasioned no small alarm, when it was discovered that all the priests, as well as the laity, at Jerusalem, who were similarly married to strangers, and their number was by no means inconsiderable, revolted to Manasses ; Sanballat supplying them with the means of subsistence, giving them land to cultivate, and leaving nothing undone to gratify his son-in-law. Josephus farther relates, that Sanballat, considering the invasion of Alexander, as admirably suited for the full accomplishment of his plans, revolted from Darius, and joined Alexander with eight thousand men ; and then communicating to him his wishes, both sought and obtained his permission to build the temple : that, after the arrival of Alexander at Jerusalem, nine months later, the Samaritans met him, and requested him to honour their temple with his presence. Such is the account giving by Josephus. But Prideaux contends that prjfieauvs Josephus has erred in placing the building of the temple in the reign of esaminatinn the last Darius Codomannus, and that he ought to have ascribed it to the time of Darius Nothus — that is, to the age of Nehemiah; that Josephus's account contains in itself a contradiction ; for it was abso- lutely impossible that the temple at Gerizim could be built m the time of nine months, so that Alexander should have been invited to visit it, as Josephus relates he was, by the Samaritans, immediately after his coming to Jerusalem ; especially, if it be considered, that during seven months of that time, Sanballat was at Tyre with Alexander assisting at the siege, and eight thousand of his people with him ; that since Sanballat died nine months after the commencement of the siege of Tyre, the temple designed to be built by him, could not have been built under Alexander's permission after his death, because the Samari- tans were then quite out of favour with Alexander ; being, on account of their rebellion, deprived of their city, which was given to the IMace- donians, and themselves reduced to the greatest distress. Thus much as to the internal evidence of the falsity of Josephus's account. Prideaux admits that the temple at Gerizim was iDuilt by a Sanballat, who had married his daughter to the son of a High-priest at Jerusalem, but contends that this Sanballat, is Sanballat the Horonite, whose opposition to Nehemiah's designs for the restoration of Jem- 8 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [CHAP. I. B. c. 332. salem is recorded in the historical book of Kehemiah, and that tlie person mentioned in the 28th verse of the 12th chapter, is the same with ]\Ianasses, whom Josephus relates to have been the first High- priest in the Samaritan temple. " And one of the sons of Joiada, the son of Eliashib, the High-priest, was son-in-law of Sanballat, the Horonite ; therefore I chased him from me." He gromids his proof of the identity of the Sanballat of Nehemiah, with the Sanballat of Josephus, on the similarity of their conduct ; both being enemies oi the Jews, and both having married their daughters to the son of a High- priest of the Jews. In the same manner, though Josephus places the marriage of Manasses in the High-priesthood of Jaddua, the gi'andson of Joiada, and says, that he who contracted it was the brother of Jaddua, and son of Johanan ; yet Prideaux considers in the same way the similarity of the description of Manasseh given in Josephus, with the person mentioned in the 13th chapter of the book of Nehemiah, in the 28th verse, proof of the identity of the two persons ; both being sons of a High-priest, both having married a daughter of a Sanballat, and both having been excommunicated for that offence. The learned dean's argument is certainly plausible, and entitled to its due weight. If Josephus's testimony were contradictory to any single fact mentioned in the Scripture history, it would be conclusive against the historian ; but we should always be unwilling to mistrust an historian, unless we are well assured we are justified in so doing ; and when we consider how many of the apparent contradictions con- tained in the page of history, are to be attributed to our partial know- ledge of the facts, we should rather desire to obtain a solution of the difficulty, than a plausible argument against the fact. We would therefore suggest, that the temple at Gerizim might have been pro- ceeded upon before the arrival of Alexander in Syria, and even before the permission of Darius had been gained ; and that Sanballat made this request to Alexander, as a further proof of his willing submission to his authority. It is not improbable, that, in the space of nmety years, there should have been two Sanballats, governors of Samaria, if a family of influence of that name were settled there : nor that, at a time when the marriages of Jews with heathens seems to have been a national vice, the sons of two High-priests should have been guilty of the same error ; an error, which perhaps appeared pardonable as a means of procuring public quiet by the union of the two chief families of the rival nations ; and which Manasses might have good reason to hope would escape the severe punishment inflicted as far back as the time of Nehemiah upon a similar ofience. B c. 323. ^^ learn from profane history, that the empire of Alexander was, Division of ^^ ^is death, divided amongst his generals, who at first assumed no Afe3uinS(T ^^ ot^^er title than that of governors of the provinces under Alexander, his posthumous son by Roxana, whom they had declared king jointly with Aridoeus. But this division of the government did not last long : God had foretold, by the prophet Daniel, that four kings should aiise CHAP. I.] JERUSALEM TAKEN BY PTOLEMY. 9 and divide the Macedonian empire between them ; and it accordingly b. c. 323. came to pass, that these generals, disputing with each other, kept up continual warfare, until, in tlie space of a few years, their number was reduced to fom\ — Cassander, Lysimachus, Ptolemy, and Seleucus. Cassander had Macedon and Greece ; Lysimachus, Thrace and that part of Asia vvdiich is contiguous to the Hellespont ; Ptolemy, Egypt, Libya, Arabia, Palestine, and Ccrle-Syria ; and Seleucus the rest. In the contests which took place between the Ptolemies and the successors of Seleucus, Judaea sulTered considerably. Lying between Egypt and Syria, the kings of those countries were equally desirous to attach it to their dominion ; and by its situation it became, not only the prize of the contest, but the arena upon which the combatants fought for the victory. Li the first di\dsion of Alexander's empire, Syria, Phanicia, and Judtca, were allotted to Laomedon of Mitylene ; but Fate of Ptolemy, soon percei\ang how conveniently those countries were situ- jud^a"."^ ated both for the defence of Egypt, and for any attempt he might be desirous of making upon Cyprus, resolved to make himself master of them. Ptolemy at fii'st tried to purchase of Laomedon his portion of the empire ; but not being able to prevail upon him, he determined to obtain it by force, and sent Nicanor to invade the country, who speedily conquered Laomedon, and gained for Ptolemy the entire possession of tl:e territory. The Jews alone refusing to submit to their new master, b. c. 320, Ptolemy marched into Judaea, and laid siege to Jerusalem, which he Jerusaieir; took after some time, by storming the place on a Sabbath. Josephus Ptolemy, relates that Ptolemy gained admission under pretence of doing sacrifice •n the Temple, and took the city by treachery. The learned Prideaux supposes that Josephus, in asserting that the city was thus taken, gives a false colouring to this transaction, lest he should expose his nation to the contempt of the Greeks, for so ridiculous a folly as that of not defending themselves when attacked on the Sabbath. But there is no reason for supposing that Josephus would wilfully falsify his narrative on such an accomit ; and if we examine attentively the whole passage, we shall see clearly that the Jewish historian means his reader to understand, that, had the Jews suspected Ptolemy, they would not have pelded so easily, and that their city was taken through tlieir keeping the Sabbath, in the confidence that Ptolemy would not deal treacherously towards them. " Ptolemy," says he, " took Jeru- salem bv using deceit ; for when he had come into the city, under pretence of doing sacrifice, and the Jews had forborne to oppose his entrance, not suspecting his hostile intention, and through this absence of all suspicion, as well as the sacredness of the day, were in a state of idleness and rest, he without difficulty made himself master of the city."* Undoubtedly the city was captured, because the Jews were keep- 1UV, lull ya.0 vTivoovv ToXi//.iov, xa) lia to u^vtottov xai rhv rif/Aoxv £y asyiu kxI fafvula Tvyx^'JOVTuy, aTrfvus iyxga,Tr,i 'ylnTO.t t?,s ToXiui. Anliq. 1. xii. c. i. ot supersti tion cast upon the Jews. 10 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [CH^P. I. B. C. 320. icg the Sabbath on that occasion ; but such an obsen^ance of the Sabbath, which would occasion the walls to be unmanned, and the guards released from the strictness of their discipline, would be caused by the conduct of Ptolemy, in requesting to be allowed to Imputations enter the city for the purpose of sacrificing in the Temple. And so far was Josephus from wishing to hide this transaction, that he seems rather to have gloried in the simplicity of his countrymen, and to have considered it an honourable testimony of their minds being more attentive to their duty to God, than to the preseiTation of their lives and liberties ; for in his book against Apion, in replying to the ridicule cast by Agatharchidt^s on his countrymen, for suffering their city to be taken on the Sabbath, he has this remai'kable expres- sion — " Agatharchides may call this transaction one worthy of ridi- cule, but to those who examine the subject with minds free from evil intention, that conduct will appear worthy of the highest encomiums, which has led some men constantly to regard obedience to the laws and piety to God before their own safety, or the freedom of their country." Tovro jxev KyaQap^iZ-n KarayiXujTOQ a^iov cokeC tolq ce /.tj) ynfTci hv(TfX£viiac e^erai^ovaL (j)aireTai jxeya Ka\ ttoXXwv a^ioy kyK(t)fMii)v £L Kcil aioTTtpiaq kox Trcx-pidoi avdpojTroi TiveQ vofxujy (pvXaKijv Kal ttjv irpog Qeov evaeBeiav cut Trportf^oJaiy.- — (L. i. c. 22.) He does not appear to think it worth attempting any elaborate defence of his countrymen ; for if, in his history, which was written prior to this book against Apion, he had forged the story of Ptolemy's treachery for the purpose of concealing the truth, in his subsequent work he would surely have defended his former statement, by asserting the probability of his account ; he would have expatiated upon Ptolemy's conduct, and have endeavoured to show how likely it was to deceive the Jews, and would not have rested satisfied with stating in plain terms a circumstance of which he was ashamed. The city thus captured, Ptolemy at first treated the Jews v/ith severity, and carried above a hundred thousand captives into Egypt ; but, subsequently calling to mind the fidelity with which they had always served their masters, and that a loyal but not a rebellious spirit had caused their misfortunes, he thought such persons qualified for stations of trust, and therefore, selecting from them thirty thousand for military service, he placed them as garrisons in the most important fortresses of his empire. Some of them he settled at Lybia and Cyrene, and from them were descended the Cyrenian Jews, a tribe for whom we can- not but feel interested, since to it belonged Simon the Cyrenian, who bore our Lord's cross on the way to Cah'ary, and others, who are mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles. So long as the power of the Ptolemies in Egypt enabled tliem to defend their frontiers successfully against the descendants of Seleucus, Judaea and Ca-le-Syria remained in their possession ; but as their empire declined, the kings of Syria made good their encroachments upon the territories of the kings of Egypt ; and Judaea fell with Syria under their government. The Conduct of Ptolemy to the Jews, CHAP. I.J ORIGIN OF THE GREEK SEPTuAGINT. 11 Jews, however, notwithstanding the frequent incursions made into B. C. 320. tlieir country by the contending parties, increased in commercial prosperity : they paid a regular tribute to the Ptolemies ; but the internal government of Juda?a seems to have been confided to their own rulers. The protection aftbrded to the Jews by the Egyptian princes, but especially by Ptolemy Soter, occasioned many of them to emigrate, and settle in Eg)'pt, and especially at Alexandria, where tR^pt they still continued to enjoy equal privileges with the Macedonian by jevv"!^'' colonists. By this means it pleased the Divine Providence to prepare the way for the completion of that great and important work, the ti'anslation of the Hebrew Scriptures into Greek, in that version, which, from the supposed number of the translators, has been called the Se})tuagint. The knowledge of the true God became more extended, and the Creator may indeed be said not to have left himself without witness, in that his favoured nation, who were in those days, as they are at the present time, scattered over the world, were preserved by Iiim as a distinct nation, notwithstanding the natural causes that tended to assimilate them with the various nations amongst whom they dwelt. But Egypt was not the only spot where the Jewish people found protection. When Seleucus became possessed of the b. c. 300. empire of Asia, 300 B. C, and built numerous cities in Syria, and Asia Minor, in all of them he planted Jews, and gave them equal inmiunities and privileges with the Greeks and Macedonians, and Protection especially at Antioch in Syria, where they settled in gi-eat numbers, the'jewish and became almost as great a part of the people as they were at seieud& '^ Alexandria. In the countries beyond the Euphrates, and at Babylon, tliey also existed in great numbers ; and when we consider what a principle of fidehty to their governors at that time pervaded the nation, it is most likely that they contributed very materially to the establishment of the empire of Seleucus, and his settling them so numerously in his own cities is a proof how mainly he depended upon them for assistance in the further increase, and support of it. And if we mav judge from the conduct of Antiochus the Great, the same honourable feelings of loyalty to their kings continued to exist at a still later period ; for it is related, that when the state of the country in Phrygia and Lydia was considerably disturbed by intestine commo- tions, Antiochus the Great, having experienced the great steadiness with which these eastera Jews always submitted to their governors, sent two thousand of their families from Mesopotamia and Babylonia b. C. 108. into those parts, to keep in check the seditious spirit of the former inhabitants ; and fi-om them thus transplanted from Syria and Babylon, were descended most of the Jews wliom we find scattered in great numbers ail over the Lesser Asia, at the time of the fu'st promulgation of the Gospel. We have stated that Cd-le-Syria and Palestine were continually exposed to invasions from the contending kings of Egypt and Syria. These wars were terminated by the subjection of that country to Origin of the Greek 12 niSTORY OF THE JEWS. f CHAP. I. B. c. 300. the Syrian princes. To pursue this mtricate portion of Jewish history through all its minute details, down to the final possession of Juda?a B. c. 175. by Antiochus Epiphanes, and to the war of the Maccabees, would be unproductive of any benefit : we shall therefore content ourselves with the relation of those circumstances of prominent mterest to the Jewish nation, which occurred during this period. The most im- portant event we have to record during the whole period of time from the conquest of Alexander to the birth of Christ, is the translation of the Holy Scriptures of the Old Testament into Greek, in the version septuagint. called the Septuagint. If we were to credit the history of this memorable work, as given by a person who wrote mider the name of B, c. 277. Aristeas, we should place its accomplishment in the year 277 B. c, during the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus. For the examination of the controversy respecting the origin of this translation, we must refer the reader to other authorities ; we shall here only state that a pro- bable source of this translation is the change of language which naturally took place amongst the Jews at Alexandria ; for the bulk of the common people, not preserving their knowledge of the biblical Hebrew, but using the Greek language in their intercourse with the people amongst whom they dwelt, a translation of the Law, at least, would be necessary, in order to teach them their duty by means of that language with which they were best acquainted. In the time of Ezra, when the Scriptures were read, it was customary to interpret them in the Chaldee, the people being more familiar with that dialect of the Hebrew language, in consequence of their long residence in Babylon ; and in the same manner it is highly probable that the custom of interpreting the Hebrew Scriptures into Greek might have prevailed in the synagogues at Alexandria, many years before a re- gular translation was effected. We can scarcely conceive that Ptolemy Philadelphus would have neglected to procure some copies of the religious laws of the nation, whose people formed so great a part of the inhabitants of the capital city of his empire, at a time when he was forming a collection of books fi'om all parts of the world ; and it does not appear improbable that, when the Hebrew language was one so little known to any but the Jews, the king should have ordered a translation of them to be made, with the view of making those learned men who were ignorant of the Hebrew language, acquainted with the laws of the Jews. This theory would account for all the fabulous stories of the short period of time in which the work was accomplished, which indeed would only be the labour of com- mitting to writing an interpretation which was every sabbath-day orally delivered in the spiagogues. The books of the prophets were not commonly read in the synagogues till after the time of the IMaccabees ; and we find in the Septuagint version such a dificrence in the coiTectness of the. version of the Pentateuch, and the books of the prophets, as would lead us to conclude that the translators of the Law were far better skilled in the knowledge of the Hebrew language CHAP. I.J PEHSECUTIOX OF THE JEWS AT ALEXANDRIA. ] 3 tlian those who after them translated the books of the prophets ; a b. c. 277. circumstance which tends to prove the gradual accom])lishment of the translation, against the opinions of those who think it was completed at one time. We may then, not without reason, regard the Septuagint version as a work that gradually came into existence, as the wants of the Jewish church at Alexandria required, the five books of the Law, and the book of Job, being first edited in a written translation, at a time when the Hebrew language was accurately understood, and the succeeding books being translated at later periods, and therefore liable to those imperfections which would naturally result from a less per- fect acquaintcmce with the original language. The next occurrence worthy of notice is a dreadful persecution of B. c. 217. the Jews at Alexandria, which arose in the following manner. In the TrvTri'll"" f year 217 B.C., Ptolemy Philopator waging war with Antiochus the (^J^.^;'*",'^'"'* Great for the possession of Cale-Syria, overthrew him with great loss Piiiiopator. at Raphia, a town lying between Rhinocorura and Gaza, and compelled Imn to retreat to Antioch. On the retreat of Antiochus all the cities of Palestine and Ca4e-Syria, and amongst them the city of Jerasalera sent embassies to renew their submission to Ptolemy, for having been long under the government of the Egyptians, they still retained their affection to their old masters. Ptolemy soon after made a progress through the country, and coming to Jerusalem, offered many sacrifices and oblations in the Temple ; but being desirous of admission into the inner court he would have pressed into the sanctuary, and into the Holy of Holies, where the High-priest alone was permitted to enter once in the year on the great day of expiation. This occasioned no small uproar in the city. The High-priest explained to him the sacredness of the place, and the prohibition contained in the law ; the priests and Levites assembled with the people, and implored him to desist from his purpose, but the king, persisting, came into the inner court, and was going into the Temple itself, when he was seized with so great a terror and confusion of mind, that he fell down and was carried out apparently dea:l. Recovering from his sickness, he depa'-ted from Jerasalem in gi'eat wrath, and venting forth many threatenings against the whole nation of the Jews. On his return to Alexandria he began to visit his anger against the Jews of Jerusalem upon those of Alexandria, and published a decree forbidding those to enter liis presence who did not sacrifice to the gods whom he worshipped. This decree was in effect a putting the Jewish nation out of the pro- tection of the law, for it prevented any Jews from suing for justice in the king's comt. And whereas the Jews of Alexandria ranked equally with the Macedonians, the original founders of the city, by another decree he commanded them to be enrolled in the lowest order, and at the time of enrolment to be branded with a hot iron, the impress of which was an ivy leaf, the badge of his god, Bacchus ; at the same time he allowed as many of the Jews as would l.e initiated into the heathen religion to retain their privileges, and remain in the same rank. 1-i HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [CHAP. I. B.C. 217. Of the many thousands of Jews at Alexandria there were found but tlii-ee thousand ready to forsake their God in order to secure the favom- of their king. Tlie remainder stood firm in the profession of their reli- £^ion, choosing rather to sufter the greatest evils than to apostatise from the faith. Those who submitted to the king were so abhorred by their countrymen, that they would have no communication with men who were guiltv of such great impiety, and this being inteqoreted as done in opposition ti") the royal authority, so enraged Ptolemy that he resolved to extirpate the whole nation, and commanding all the Jews in Eg}^t to be brought in chains to Alexandria, there shut up gi'eat numbers of them in the Hippodrome, (a large place without the city, where the people assembled to see horse races and other shows,) intending to destroy them with his elephants. For two days they remained confined in this place, the execution being delayed in consequence of Ptolemy's drunken carousals, which prevented his thmking of the proposed massacre till too late in each day to accomplish it. But the third day the king himself being present, the elephants were brought forth and made drunk with wine, that they might more fiercely execute his rage against the people ; but instead of attacking the Jews, they fell upon those who came to be spectators of the massacre, and destroyed many. Ptolemy considering this a divine interposition, no longer dared prosecute Iris rage against the Jews, but restored them to their privileges, and revoked the decrees he had made.* B. c. 204. In the subsequent reign of Ptolemy Epiphanes, the Jews were quite The Jews alienated in their aflections from the Egyptian princes, and willingly subject loathe Submitted themselves to the authority of Antiochus the Great, who in |rince3of i-gturn bcstowed many favours upon the nation and gave them his entire protection. To Antiochus the Great, Seleucus Philopator succeeded in the kingdom of Syria : during his reign, Simon, a Benjamite, the governor of the Temple, quarrelling with Onias the High-priest, went in revenge to Apollonius the governor of CaJe-Syria, under Seleucus, and informing him that great wealth was hoarded in the Temple of Jerusalem, advised him to seize it in behalf of the king. Heliodorus, the king's treasurer, was sent upon this information to get B.C. 176. possession of it, who came to Jerusalem, and notwithstanding the earnest supplication of the priests and people, persisted in endeavouring to fulfil the king's commands. In the second book of Maccabees, the third chapter, it is related, that the hand of God in a most miraculous manner prevented the sacrilege : for upon Heliodoras approaching the * This account is contained in the third book of the history of the Maccabees : this book being of less authority than the two first books of the Maccabees is omitted in our English translation, but it is extant in the Syriac language, and is in most of the ancient manusciipt copies of the Greek Septuagint. The name Maccabees was of later origin than the time of this persecution, but because the Jews at Alexandria sulTered in the cause of religion, as did the real Maccabees ; for this reason, these, as well as others, who endured martyrdom for the profession oi the truth, were called Maccabees by the later Jews. 198 B. c. CHAP. I.J THE JEWS AGAIN SUBJECT TO THE SYRIANS. 15 treasmy there appeared a vision of a man on horseback, who ran B c 17G against hnn and struck him to the gi'ound witli such force that he was taken up speechless, and almost without life. Heliodoms recovered and having offered sacrifice in the Temijle for his preservation returned to the king, and being asked by him whether he knew any man who ^yas fit to go again on the business to Jerusalem, he answered—" If thou hast any enemy or traitor send liim thither, and thou shalt receive him well scouiged, if he escape with liis life ; for in that place no doubt there is an especial power of God ; for He that dwelleth in heaven hath his eye on that place,. and defendeth it, and He beateth and desti-oyeth them that hurt it." ( 16 ) CIL\PTER II. ILEVIEW OF THE STATE OF RELIGION IN JUDiEA FROM TPIE TDIE 0? NEIIEMIAK TO THE TIME OF THE MACCABEES. FROM A. M. 3595, B. c. 409, to a. m. 3836, B. c. 1G8. Progress o' religion from the time of Ezra. Tlie Great Synagogue, Ri?e of tiie AYe liave HOW brought down the Jewish History to the time of ' *^^ ^^- ^\^Q Maccabees, and the government of that race of princes called the Asamonean princes. The origin of the Maccabees is so closely con- nected with the state of religion, that we must trace its varying condi- tion during the preceding centuries from the time of Nehemiah, in the year 3559. in order to form a right estimate of the circumstances which led to the establishment of the descendants of Asamoneus on the throne of Judaea. In this period of time, including, according to Prideaux, a space of 260 years from the last visit of Nehemiah to Je- rusalem, (mentioned in the sixth verse of the loth chapter of the book B.C. 292. of Nehemiah,) the death of Simon the Just, forms a distinguishing epocha. The Jews tell us that Simon was the last of the men of the Great Synagogue, consisting of 120 persons, which returned with Ezra from the captivity in Babylon, and was established for two reasons ; fu-st, for the purpose of restoring the observance of the Law according to the practice which existed before the captivity; and, secondly, to collect all the sacred books into one body, and to compose the canon of Scripture. They pretend that, after Ezra, Daniel and his three companions, Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego, held the first places in this assembly : that Simon the Just sat at the lower end, and that all these persons were contemporary ; but this is quite irreconcilable with their chronology. The Jews tell us very extraordinary things of this High-priest, Simon the Just. 1st. It is said, in the Talmud of Jerusalem, that during the whole of his pontificate, the goat azazel, the scape-goat, w^as dashed to pieces before he could fall half way down the precipice over which he was thrown ; whereas, after the death of this great man, the goat escaped into the desert, where he was caught and eaten by the Saracens ; whicli was considered as a great misfortune. 2ndly. During his whole life, when, on the day of solemn expiation, the High-priest drew lots on the two goats, that which lie drew with his right hand had always the inscription, " Pray to God ;" and that which he drew with his left hand was always for the azazel, or scape- Simon the Just. CHAP. II. J SIMON THE JUST. 17 goat; whereas after his death this varied, and the High-priest some- B.C. 292. times drew the lot for the azazel with his right hand ; which was taken for an evil omen. ordly. The scarlet ribbon which was tied to the head of the goat azazel (this was not appointed in Scripture ; but, however, custom liad given it authority,) always appeared white during the pontificate of Simon the Just ; which was looked upon as a proof of the remission of the sins of the people, according to those words of Isaiah (chaj) i. v. 18), " Though your sins be as scarlet, they shall be white as snow." But after the death of Simon this also varied, and the scarlet ribbon appeared sometimes red and sometimes white. 4thly. While he lived the western lamp of the golden candlestick was always burning, but after his death it sometimes went out. othly. While he lived the fire of the altar burned clear : and after a billet or two was put on it in the morning, there was no occasion for any more wood during the whole day ; but when he was dead, the fire languished, and required a continual supply to keep it in. Gthly. While he lived, the blessings of God multiplied the two loaves of first fruits, offered on the day of Pentecost, and the twelve loaves of shew-bread set upon the golden altar in the Sanctum, and which Avere left there the whole week till the Sabbath follcjwing, when others were put there in their stead. These loaves, they say, were multiplied so, that when they were distributed to all the priests that waited in the Temple, as a kind of blessing, each had, at least, a piece as big as an olive, which was enough for his refreshment ; and some had to spare. But when he was dead, this blessing ceased, and the shares distributed among the priests were so small that the more modest returned their thanks, and the others still held out their hands. These stories can have no other foundation than the existence of KcI i2ion religion in a prosperous state mider his priesthood. The exaggeration aowirto his must be pardoned, for men even in these days are not exempt from ^^™^' the common error of describing the happiness of former ages in terms, which, as they are beyond credibility, serve no other purpose than that of testifying the existence of prosperity. The truth of the whole is probably this, that Ezra was assisted in his labours by some persons ■ who partook with him his zeal for the reformation of religion ; that the same spirit which animated them, continued for some time to influence those who succeeded them in the government of the church ; and that , Simon's known attachment to religion, and the exertions he made dm-ing his life for the preservation of right principles among his countrymen, procured for him the traditionary honour of having been one of those Vvho assisted in tlie early reformation of the Jewish church. Without lincrering upon these Jewish fables, we proceed to notice a Chaneeintiio change of some imporfcmce, which took place at Simon's death, in the goverument. ecclesiastical govornmerit at Jcmsalem. Simon the Just, and probably b. c. 2i«2. all his predecessors, had united v.-ith the High-priesthood the Presidency of the Sanhedrim or National Comicil ; but Eleazar his ]-)rothcr, who B. C. '2^)2. Divinity Schools established and the tradi*;ions of the elders taught to the people. Rise of the Sadducees. B.C.2G0. ElTects of Seliool Divinity. 18 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [CHAP. II. succeeded him in the priesthood, yielded the Presidency to Antigonus of Socho, a man of great eminence on account of his learning in the Law of jMoses, and who taught the Law to the people. He was the founder of the school of the Tannain or Misimical Doctors, by which name all the doctors of the Jewish Law are distinguished, who lived between the death of Simon and the middle of the second century after Christ, when Rabbi Judah Kakkodesh composed the Mishna. In the gospels these Doctors are called Scribes or Lawyers, and are described as those who sat in Moses' seat. This is the first notice we have of the establishment of Divinity Schools among the Jews. The men of the great synagogue only taught the Scriptm-es to the people, but the doctors who succeeded added also the Traditions of the elders, and held that they were of equal obhgation, as if both had equally been delivered from Mount Sinai. Antigonus continued in this employment for twenty -eight years, and died : another change was then effected in the constitution of the Sanhedrim and the Divinity School, by the appointment of a vice president, who taught jointly in the chief school at Jerusalem : a fact whicli shows a considerable increase in the demand made by the people at large for this sort of instruction. As might naturally be expected, the establishment of schools of Divinity, and the corraption of the Law by the introduction of Tradition, would give rise to the promulgation of a great variety of opinions. The Jews ascribe the origin of the sect of the Sadducees to the method of instruction pursued by Antigonus ; for, having in his lectures inculcated, that God is to be obeyed not for the sake of reward, but from filial love and fear only, two of his scholars, Sadoc and Baithus, took upon them to infer the non-existence of rewards after this life, and then, separating from the school of their master, taught that there was no resurrection or future state, but that all the rewards given by God were only relative to this life : thus began the sect, which from Sadoc wore called Sadducees, who differed from the followers of Epicurus only in this, that they allowed the power and the providence of God over the world, whereas, the Epicureans deny not only the doctrine of a resurrection, but that of a providential superintendence of this life. Whether this account bo true or not, of this we can have no doubt, that the establishment of a School of Divinity, wherein that noble and most excellent portion of knowledge is taught, more as a matter of science, than as a means of progress in all practical obedience and duty to God, has in the nature of things a vf ry great tendency to assist the propagation of false opinions, while men, forgetting the object to which alone their minds ought to be directed in such studies, take the principles of religion as weapons to use in combat for the prize of superiority over an antagonist in argu- ment, and are content if they gain the victory, even though it be by the sacrifice of some portion of sacred truth. We must keep in mind that, in the interval of time between the death of Simon the Just and the rise of the Maccabees, the opinions CHAP. II."| ArOSTACY OF JASON THE HIGH-PFJEST. 10 of Epicurus began to be broached in the heathen world, and it is not b. c. 260. surprising when we consider the great intercourse the Jews then had with foreign nations, that the gi'eat enemy of man should succeed in infecting J udai'a, as well as other parts of the world, with the atheistic spirit of the age. It may seem strange to some, that we should assert the existence of atheistic principles among the Jews at the time of the Kiseof rise of the Maccabees ; but we have good evidence of the fact, in the JnlSpSin conduct of Jason and Menelaus, who became High-priests at Jerusalem, ^ "''«-'»• by the supplanting of Onias a short time prior to the persecution of b. c. 175. the Jews by Antiochus; and indeed if this evidence were wanting, the Heathen-sh dreadlid sufl'erings of the Jews under Antiochus E])iphanes, would lead "'^ '"P"*^'^- any one who is acquainted with the ways of God's providence over the Jewish nation, to suspect that there existed amongst that nation such a sort of apostacy from the law of Moses, as might well bring down upon it the severity of God's avenging justice. As soon as Antiochus Epiphanes was settled in his kingdom, Jason, jason the brother of Onias the High-priest, being ambitious of the honour and uniaSS power of that office, oflered to Antiochus no less a sum than three brother, hundred and sixty talents if he would dispossess his brother, and make him High-priest in his stead. Antiochus could not resist so large a bribe, and by the advice of Jason, summoned Onias to attend him at Antioch, where he was kept in confinement till he was put to death. It was necessary to remove Onias from Jerusalem, for had he remained there, so great was the character of his virtues, and the aflection of the people towards him, that Jason's power would have been of little avail against the influence of Onias. Jason, having no hope of support from those who were attached to Onias on account of his care of religion, did all in his power to increase the strength and power of the opposite party, of those who were already attached to the customs and super- stitions of the Gentile nations. He purchased from Antiochus, at the further price of one hundred and fifty talents, a license to erect at Jerusalem a Gymnasium, or place of exercise, and an Ephebeum, or a place for training up youth in the usages of the Greeks, and at the same time procm'ed authority to make as many of the inhabitants of Jerusalem as he pleased freemen of Antioch. By these means he Encourages encouraged apostacy from the law of Moses, and induced the people from'tiL to neglect the manners of their forefathers, and conform themselves to Mosra. the customs of the heathens. The altar was neglected, and the priests themselves omitted the public worship of the Temple, to ])artake of the amusements of the Gymnasium. Not content with changing his religion, Jason changed his name also, for his name was at fii'St Jesus, but when he inclined to the Greek superstitions, he assumed that ot Jason, to show how entirely he desired to be considered no longer a Jew, but a worshipper of foreign deities. The year after his appoint- ment to the High-priesthood, the Quinquennial games were celebrated at Tyre, in honoiu: of Hercules the tutelary deity of the country. To them Jason sent some of his friends, whom he had made freemen of c 2 Infidelity existed at Jerusalem urior to .lason's priesthood. 20 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [jIIAP. II. D. c. 175. Antioch, to be spectators of the games, and to offer a donation to be expended in sacrifices to the heathen de'ty ; but those who carried the offering had so much fear of their God Jehovah remaining in them, as not 'to involve themselves in the guilt of this idolatry, and instead of giving the money for the use of the games, they presented it to the Tyrians towards the repair of their fleet. But it would be wrong to consider Jason as the sole origin of this apostacy : there must have previously existed at Jerusalem a i)arty in- clined to heathenism, or the propositions of Jason for the establish- ment of customs so contrary to the s})irit of the law of Moses, would have been rejected by the people with indignation. The change from the pm'e worship of God to the impure services of paganism is not made in an instant. Infidelity may progress with hasty steps, but its first approach must be made by the successive destruction and removal of religious impressions ; and we may be assured that whenever a public demonstration is made of its existence, it is in fact only the discovery of a fire which has been smothering for a length of time, and is at last blown into a vigorous flame by some sudden change of circumstances. But such iniquity as that of which Jason was guilty, could not remain long in prosperity : he that had so wickedly deposed his brother, was condemned in his turn to experience the ingratitude and treachery of a brother ; for in the third year of his priesthood, his brother Menelaus being sent by him to Antioch, for the purpose of conveying tribute to the king, and treating with him upon other afiairs, took advantage of tlie opportunity aflbraed him by this mission to supplant his brother in the authority he had unjustly acquired. An offer of three hundred talents more than Jason had given for the priesthood, easily persuaded Antiochus to depose Jason, and Menelaus returned to Jerusalem with the mandate of the king for his estal^lishment in that ofiice. But Jason's party was too powerful to submit at once to the authority of jMenelaus, who returned to Antioch ; and there declaring that he would onl)- adhere to the religion of the king, and the worship of the Greeks, obtained from him a sufficient force to expel Jason, and put him in quiet possession of the sui)reme power. Menelaus kept his word faithfully, and proceeded to encou- rage the prevalence of a})ostacy to the very utmost of his po'wer. His name, as well as that of his elder brother, is said to have been originally Onias ; but, following the example of his brother Jason, he changed his name to IMenelaus, in testimony of his reception of the religion of the Greeks. We may here observe, that the object that Jason and Menelaus had ill view, was not the mere honour of the ecclesiastical authority, but the temporal power which had for some ages since the time of Nehemiah been united to the office of High-priest. And the vast sums of money given by these two men as bribes to Antiochus, would plainly shew that the Jewish nation must have been at this time in the enjoyment of very considerable commercial prosperity, to allow of such large Mpnelaus supplants Jaaon. CHAP. II. ] MURDER OF ONIAS. 21 revenues being collected by the High-priest, as might renmncrate him B. c. 175. for paying so great a price for the office. And the circumstance, that the freedom of the city of Antioch was valuable enough to tempt a Jew to apostacy, is also an evidence of the existence of much com- mercial intercourse betv^^een Jerusalem and Antioch ; for to one resident at Jerusalem the freedom could only be valuable in consequence of the advantages those who possessed it obtained over their fellow-country- men, in exemption from duties and taxes. Menelaus either neglected or was unable to pay the sum he had agreed to give to Antiochus, and was summoned to appear before the king at Antioch ; but fortunate circumstances concurring to delay his appearance, he contrived in the meantime to raise the money, partly by selling the golden vessels which belonged to the Temple at Jerusalem. So daring a sacrilege caused a great mutiny amongst the people, who fell upon Lysimachus, his brother, whom Menelaus had left in charge, and slew him in the Temple. Onias, the High-priest, was still in confinement at Antioch, and hearing of the sacrilege committed by the orders of JMenelaus upon the vessels of the Temple, sent and reproved him for his conduct ; which so irritated JMenelaus, that he could not rest until he had per- suaded Andronicus, the governor of Antioch, to put Onias to death. Oniaspnt But Antiochus, on his return, avenged the death of this good man upon Andronicus, Vv'hom he commanded to be carried as a malefactor to the spot where Onias was murdered, and there to be put to death. The conduct of Menelaus continued so ungovernable, that the Jews, Tyranny or no longer able to endure his sacrilegious proceedings, sent delegates to ' Tyre, where the king then abode, to seek redress at his hands ; but Menelaus, by means of bribes, procured a friend of the king's so far to interest himself in his favour, as to persuade the king entirely to acquit Menelaus of the charge, and to put to death the persons sent from Jerusalem to complain of his behaviour. ISo manifest an injustice excited the pity of the people of the city, who took up their bodies, and interred them honourably. Such was the condition of the Jewish nation under the High-priesthood of Menelaus. Such a man, a t}rant in conduct, and an infidel in principle, could never have maintained himself in his authority, unless supported by a party of similarly depraved habits and dispositions. We might expect that the God of Moses would not long permit his people to continue in the practice of heathenish customs, and in apostacy from the strict performance of the law delivered at Mount Sinai, without punishing them in so exemplary a manner, as to convince them of their error, and teach them the value of their religion, by depriving them of the means of continuing the public exercise of it : that punishment took place in the pcrsecutii^n of the Jews by Antiochus, which we are now to describe, and which drew forth the valour and the constancy of the Maccabees. The times we are now describing were full of trouble and dismay B. c. 170. to the Jewish church ; and, as ominous appearances in the heavens portended the final destmction of Jerusalem, so also, a short time 22 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [CHAP. IT. B. 0.170. prior to tlie calamities which befel the city in the persecution of Antiochus, similar warnings were given of the approaching desolation. Ominous " About the Same time" (says the author of the second book of the at^erlJlailfn. Maccabces, in the second chapter), " Antiochus prepared for his second voyage into Egypt, and then it happened, that through all the city, for the space of almost forty days, there were seen horsemen running in the air in cloth of gold, and armed with lances like a band of soldiers, and troops of horsemen in array encountering and running one against another with shaking of shields, and multitude of pikes, and drawing of swords, and casting of darts, and glittering of golden ornaments, and harness of all sorts. Wherefore every man prayed that that apparition might tm-n to good." Antiochus being in Egypt, a false rumour arose of his death, whereupon Jason, thinking this a good opportmiity to attempt the recovery of the priesthood, of which he had been deprived by his brother Llenelaus, marched against Jerusalem with a force of a thousand men ; and being assisted by his party within, succeeded in taking the city, and driving Menelaus for shelter into the castle. In his mad rejoicing at the capture of the city, \.z committed all kinds of cruelty upon his fellow-citizens, and put to death without mercy all who fell into his power, whom he thought to be his adversaries. Antiochus Antiochus learned what had taken place; and supposing that all jtrusaieni. the Jcwish nation were in a state of revolt, marched from Egypt into Judsea to quell the rebellion ; and his anger being further kindled, by hearing that the people of Jerusalem had made great rejoicings at the news of his death, in a rage he laid siege to Jerusalem, and taking it , by force, he put to death, in the space of three days, as many as forty thousand of the inhabitants, and sold as many more as slaves. Jason had fled immediately on hearing of the march of Antiochus towards Jerusalem, and taken refuge in the country of the Ammonites ; but he was not suffered to remain there ; and being driven from place to place, first into Egypt, then into Laceda?monia, he there died in exile and misery, without a single friend to provide him with the rites of burial. The fiiry of Antiochus could not be satiated by slaughter ; he had vented his rage upon the people, but he could not rest without pollut- ing the Temple, and thereby offering insult to their God ; and in this impiety and sacrilege he found a ready guide in the wicked apostat-e PoUiitPsthe Menelaus, who conducted him into the inmost courts of the Temple, and even into the Holy of Holies. And still further, to affront the Majesty of the God of Israel, and to show his contempt of that religion which He had enjoined, he sacrificed a sow upon the altar, and boiling some part of the flesh in water, with it sprinkled the Temple, on pur- pose to pollute and defile it. He then plundered it of all its valuable utensils, amongst which were the altar of incense, the table of the shew-bread, the golden candlestick, and of all the offerings which had been made in it, to the value of eighteen hundred talents of gold ; and spoiling the city in the same way, returned to Antioch loaded with Temph CHAP. II.] ANTIOCHUS PERSECUTES THE JEWS. 23 the immense treasm-e which he had collected by pkmder both in Egypt B. c. 170. and in Judaea. Menelaus was left by him in the oflice of High-jn-iest, but separate governors were appointed over JudtL'a and Samaria. These, however, were but the beginnings of sorrows ; for two years after, Antiochus retmiiing unsuccessful from his axmpaign upon Egy]:>t, and having suffered a defeat there from the Romans, visited the whole of his anger upon the Jews, who had given him no fresh cause of offence. In his way through Palestine, he detached twenty-two Attempts to thousand men under the command of Apollonius, and sent them to dty?"^ ^''^ destroy the city of Jerusalem. Apollonius entered the city peaceably ; but on the following sabbath, at the time when all the people were assembled in the synagogues for the purpose of worshipping God, he let loose his soldiers upon them, and committed the most horrible massacre, sparing neither sex, nor age, and making the xery streets flow with blood. He then plundered the city and set it on fire, and with the ruins built a castle on the top of an eminence which com- manded the Temple, establishing in it a strong garrison, and making it the storehouse for their arms and pro\isions. At such a season the devout Jew would fly to the Temple to intercede with his God in behalf of his suffering people ; but piety and devotion were no protection, for the soldiers attacked all who came up to worship, and shed their blood even in the sanctuary. For the space of three years and a half, the time prophesied by Daniel, (in the 12th chapter, 7th verse,) in the words a time, times, and half a time, the Temple lay desolate, and the sacrifices ceased, until, as will be hereafter related, the Temple was re- covered out of the hands of the heathens by the success of Judas ilaccabeus, and dedicated anew to the worship of God. The hostility of Antiochus was not confined to the inhabitants of Persecntion Jerusalem or of Juda?a. The religion of the Jews had become his bj Antiocims. abhorrence; as Daniel says of him, he had indignation against the holy covenant ; and therefore, in order to })ut his wicked designs in execu- tion against the Jews, wherever he might find them, he published a decree, enjoining all the nations subject to him to worship his gods : thus putting the whole of Syria under the operation of the decree ; for he sought nothing less than, by compelling the whole nation to re- nounce their religion, to extinguish together with it their name and nation. It must be afflicting to every religiously-disposed person to consider how low must have been the sti\te of true religion amongst the Samaritans at this time. As soon as they perceived what persecu- Conduct of tion had befallen the Jews on account of their adhering to the ])ure Jl't^^.'"''" worship of God, they lost no time in making their peace with the king. In their petition to him, they excused themselves for their ibrraer observance of Jewish rites, on the ground that they had done so on account of some plagues which had infested their country : as was customary with them when the Jews were in affliction, they disclaimed all descent from the sons of Jacob, professing to belong to the Sidonian nation : they set forth their readiness to conform in all respects to tin.' 24: HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CHAP. II. Dreadful state of the Jewish churcli. B. c. 170. king's religion, and begged his permission to dedicate their temple on Mount Gerizim to the Grecian Jupiter. By these means they pur- chased their safety at the expense of their rehgion, and were not molested by the officers commissioned to put the king's decree into effect. Sad to relate, apostacy from the tnie God was not confined to the Samaritan nation. Many of the Jev/s sacrificed their principles of duty to motives of fear or of interest; seeking either to avoid the calamities of their country, or to secure to themselves the favour of the king. These apostate Jews proved the bitterest enemies of the faithful and persecuted Israehtes, being more cruel than even the Syrians them- selves ; a line of conduct which, if their wishes did not encourage them to pursue, a presumed necessity compelled them to adopt as a testimony to the king's officers, of the sincerity of their apostacy from the religion of their fathers. As soon as the officers of Antiochus came to Jenisalem, every observance of the law of Moses ceased, the Sabbaths were profaned, the children were forbidden to be circumcised. Search was made for copies of the law, and as many as were found were destroyed, and any sort of disobedience to the king's commands met with no milder punishment than death. The light of the Jewish church was almost extinguished, the people were left without a priest to instruct them, and they dared not read for themselves, or perform even what they knew to be commanded. The Temple of the great God of heaven and earth was polluted by the worship of that impure fiction of the devil, the sensual god, the Olympian Jupiter. On that altar, fi'om which had ascended for ages, the daily incense of those sacrifices which were typical of the one great sacrifice for the sins of mankind, the statue of the pagan god was erected, and a lesser altar built, whereon they sacrificed before the image which they had set up. We may easily judge with what cruelty they strove to propagate the tolerant religion of paganism, when we read of their taking two women who had cir- cumcised their male children, and tying the children to their necks, casting both mother and infant together, headlong from the deepest part of the Avails of the city ; at the same time, putting to death all who had taken part in the administration of the rite. During this persecution, altars, groves, and idols, were everywhere erected. The Jews were forced to eat the flesh of swine and unclean beasts ; festivals were celebrated in honour of Bacchus, in which the Jews were com- pelled to take an active and conspicuous part. Thus did God, in the wonderful dispensations of his providence, punish the Jews, by making their crimes the source and instrument of pmiishment. They had errecl in admitting the practice of heathen customs and rites, contrary to the severe injunctions of the law of Moses, and to the revelation of God's displeasure which had been made to them by the prophets. They had patiently endured the commands of heathenish priests, and had allowed, without a murmur, the most sacred office in their church to be bought and sold, and possessed by men who used the authority as CHAP. II.] SIATTATIIIAS. 25 the means of withdrawing the nation from the pure worship of Jehovah. B. c. 170. Tiiey had willingly received the privilege of bringing up their youth in Knr.-otsof Grecian customs ; they had left tlie services of the Temple to witness retribution, the sports and games of the gymnasium ; and, therefore, it pleased God to deprive them of that power of worshipping him, which they had so carelessly neglected ; and to compel them to accept, by force, the practice of those heathenish and idolati-ous services, which they had seemed so much to desire. At the time when the officers of Antiochus came to Jerusalem to Actions pf enforce his decree, there dwelt there a priest, named Mattathias, of '^^'^'^^^^"^"• the course of Joarib, an honourable man, and one Avho feared God. He had five sons, Johanan, Simon, Eleazar, Jonathan, and Judas, who was surnamed JMaccabeus. To avoid the impending persecution, he retired with his family to Modin, a city in the tribe of Dan ; thinking to remain hidden there, until the storm of desolation had passed over. But the severity of the persecution would not allow even so retired a town as Modin, to be a place of concealment for the family. One of the officers of Antiochus, named Apelles, soon arrived tliere, and immediately sunnnoning the inhabitants together, informed them of tlie ol3Ject of his mission. The example of Mattathias, he considered, would induce the people the more readily to comply with the king's commands ; and, therefore, addressing himself first to him, he en- deavoured to persuade him to submission, promising every honourable distinction that Antiochus could confer upon him and his familv. JMattathias answered, with a loud voice, " Though all the nations that are under the king's dominion obey him, and fall away every one from the religion of their fathers, and give consent to his commandments, yet will I, and my sons, and my brethren, walk in the covenant of our fathers. God forbid that we should forsake the Law and the ordi- nances : v>'e will not hearken to the king's word to go from our religion to the right hand or the left." When he had thus spoken, he saw one of the Jews presenting himself to do sacrifice at the heathen altar, as the king had com- manded, and with a holy zeal, like that of Phinehas, he fell upon the apostate and slew him ; and, together with him, the king's coni- missioner and his attendants. Afterwards collecting all his family, and exciting all to follow him who were zealous for the Law, he fled fi-om Modin, and retired to the mountains. His example was speedily followed by many, whereby the deserts of Juda}a became filled with persons who sought refuge fi'om the fuiy of the persecution. From this time began the war of the Maccabees. It was at first can*ied on by Mattathias, and after his death, which took })lace in a short time, by his son Judas, surnamed ^Maccabeus. This name is su))posed to be derived from the initial letters of the Hebrew text — I\Ii Camoka Baelim Jehovah — Who is like unto thee among the Gods, O Jehovah ; which being thus displayed on his standard, M.C.B.L, gave rise to the name Maccabee ; and hence all who fought under that standard were 26 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [CHAP. II. B.C. 168. called Maccabees, or Maccabeans; and as Judas and his brethren Ma^blS became disthigiiished as martyrs and confessors in the cause of religion, the name of Maccabees was in aftertimes applied, not only to those who assisted Judas, but also to others who in the time before these transactions, as well as subsequently, became conspicuous for their valiant resistance to persecution. i ( 27 ) CHAPTER III. THE ASAMONEAN PRINCES. Years. b. c. Judas Maccabeus ...... 3 1G3 lacbim or Alcimus, High-priest . . - 163 Jonathan 17 160 appointed High-priest . . - 153 Simon 7 143 John Hyrcanus 30 136 Aristobulus I. and Antigonus ... 1 106 Alexander Janna^us 27 105 Q. Alexandra 9 78 Hyrcanus II 3 Ji. - 69 Aristobulus II 6 Ji. - 69 Hyrcanus II. again 23 63 Antigonus 3 40 Halcs's Chroiwlogy, vol. ii. FROM A.M. 3838, B.C. 166, to A.M. 3967, P..C. 37. FROM THE 146th to THE 275Tn YEAR OF THE SELEUCIDyE, OR OF CONTRACTS. The reign of the Asamonean princes is a period ol Jewish history A. si. peculiarly interesting, extending over a space of 129 years, which 3838. terminates in the thirty-seventh year before Christ. In the establishment — of their power mider Judas, Jonathan, and Simon, "we see the reward of ^' ^' " valour exerted in defence of religion and law, and the happy eflects of family concord ; whilst from the dissensions which prevailed amongst their descendants, and paved the way for the aggrandizement of the Herods, princes may learn the useful lesson that family feuds are more to be dreaded than even the rel^ellion of subjects ; the one may for a time deprive the prince of power, the other wrests the sceptre fi-om the family for ever. The period which it is now our business to describe, abounding as General ob- it does with examples of public virtue, with incentives to patriotism, rruhis""^ and with lessons of political prudence, is more strongly pressed upon ''^"°^- our notice, on account of its close connection with the era of Cin-is- tianity ; for it was during the existence of the Asamonean i)owor, that the influence of Rome extended itself to the internal atlairs of Palestine. And he that believes the truth of i)roi)hecy, must Ijc stmck with admiration of the all-controlling power of Jehovah over the free agency of men, when he sees the Jewish nation courting protc'ction from the Roman Senate, and in the assistance ailbrded by them to the con- 28 HISTOnY OF THE JEAVS. [CIIAP. III. Origin of the Asamonean power. Conduct of MattathLv^. P. C. 166. quest of Egypt by Julius Ccpsar, even aiding the establishment of that Imperial power, l^y which eventually their Temple and city were reduced to ashes, and the pro])hccies of Christ himself most accurately fulfilled. The demoralization of a nation is not the work of a single age ; and tlierefore if we would trace the causes which produced the universal corruption of manners, the unbounded hcentiousness, and the gross Ignorance of the nature of the Mosaic covenant, which prevailed amongst the Jews at the time of our Lord's appearance, we must not confine our observations to the reign of the Herods, but we must look for the rise of these evils, if not in the early part, at least in the latter years of the Asamonean princes. The Asamonean family^ being descended from Mattathias, the son of John, the son of Simeon, the son of Asamoneus, a priest of the course of Joarib, united in their own persons the civil and ecclesiastical authority. The fame of Mattathias, the father of Judas Maccabeus, is almost eclipsed by the successful valour of his son ; but we must not forget that Mattathias laid the foundation of the authority of his descendants in that resistance to the persecutions of Antiochus, which in his ovvTI person he so fearlessly displayed. A time of persecution is always one of anarchy ; the laws of nature and of religion can never be pubhcly violated without destroying the force of all human laws, and weaken- ing those ties of duty which bind men to abstain from the conmiission of injury. The retirement, therefore, of Mattathias into the mountains of Judaea, afforded to his Ibllowers the double blessing of an escape from the fury of Antiochus, and an enjoyment of a pure administration of the Law. To this allusion is made (1 Mace. ii. 29), "Many that sought after justice and judgment went down into the wilderness to dwell there, both they and their children, and their wives and their cattle, because afflictions increased sore upon them." And we may easily conceive how powerfully the desire of preservation from private injustice would operate, in aid of a firm attachment to the law of Moses, to unite men under so wise and brave a chief as Mattathias. Li persons so circumstanced it would not be surprising to find some- thing of superstitious enthusiasm. A party of Jews, to the number of one thousand, having retired to the wilderness, were pursued by the army of Antiochus, and being overtaken on the Sabbath-clay, were so far from resisting their enemies, that they did not even take those measures of defence against attack, which the strength of their position aflbrded ; but patiently submitted to destruction, rather than to the guilt, as they conceived, of violating the sacred rest of the Sabbath. Some of the party escaping, brought intelligence of this dreadful event to IMattathias and his friends ; who considering Avhat evil consequences would ensue from this practice, determined to establish a law allowing resistance to be made on the Sabbath^ against the attack of an enemy ; 1 Joscpnus, Antiq., xii. 534. — Hudson, 2 1 Mace. ii. 40. CHAP. III.] MATTATIIIAS. 29 a mitigation of the severity of the Mosaic law, sanctioned not less by B.C. 160 motives of ])rudence, than by the dictates of nature. Mattathias soon found himself strong enough to attempt publicly the restoration of religion. The altars erected for heathen sacrifices he everywhere pulled down ; the apostates he put to death, but many took reiuge among the neighbouring nations ; he strictly enjoined the due adminis- tration of circumcision, being now able to rid the country of the officers commissioned to prevent the exercise of the rites of the Mosaic law. The extent of his success is thus . described (1 Mace. ii. 48): "So they recovered the Law out of the hand of the Gentiles, and out of the hand of kings, neither suftercd they the sinner to triumph." The good old man did not long witness the happy results of his Mattathias piety and i)atriotism. In the first year after the commencement of the ^'*^''' war he died ; having lived to witness the defeat of Antiochus's wicked designs for the destruction of the true religion, and leaving to his sons an example of courage and self-devotion, which served to animate them during the perils they were afterwards called to encounter. In 1 Mace. ii. I\Iattathias is represented addressing them on his death -bed, in His words worthy the pen of inspiration. We shall therefore insert the addrt'l^ address at full length : — " Kow when the time drew near that IMattii- thias should die, he said unto his sons, ' Isow hath pride and rebuke gotten strength, and the time of destruction, and the wrath of indig- nation. Kow, therefore, my sons, be ye zealous for the Law, and give your lives for the covenant of your fathers. Call to your remembrance what acts our fathers did in their times ; so shall ye receive great honour and an everlasting name. "\^"as not Abraham found faithlul in temptation, and it was imputed unto him for righteousness ? Joseph, in the time of his distress, kept the commandment, and was made lord of Egypt. Phinees, our father, in being zealous and fervent, ob- tained the covenant of an everlasting Priesthood. Jesus, for fulfilling the word, was made a judge in Israel. Caleb, for bearing witness for the congregation, received the heritage of tiie land. David, for being merciful, possessed the throne of an everlasting kingdom. Elias, for bemg zealous and fervent for the Law, was taken up into heaven. Amianias, Azarias, and Misael, by believing, were saved out of the flame. Daniel, for his innocency, was delivered from the mouth of the lions. And thus consider ye, throughout all ages, that none that put their trust in Him shall be overcome. Fear not, then, the words of a , sinful man ; for his glory shall be dung and worms. To-day he shall be lilted up, and to morrow he shall not be found, because he is re- tm-ned into his dust, and his thought is come to nothing. Wherefore, ye, my sons, be valiant, and show yourselves men in behalf of the Law ; for by it ye shall obtain glory. And, l^ehold, I know that your bro- ther Simon is a man of counsel, give ear unto him ahvay : he shall be a father unto you. As for Judas Maccabeus, he hath been mighty and strong even from his youth up : let him be your captain, and fight the battle of the people. Take also unto you all those that cbscr\e the B.C. 106. 30 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [CHAP. III. Law, and avenge ye the wrong of your people. Recompense fully the heathen, and take heed to the commandments of the Law.' So he blessed them, and was gathered to his fathers."^ The curious reader will find it worth while to compare with this passage the cor- responding oration of Josephus (^Ant. lib. xii. c. 6), in which the his- torian, probably considering that the references made by Mattathias to the various passages of sacred history would be less interesting to his heathen readers, has given to the oration of Mattathias a form cor- responding to that commonly used by the Greek and Roman historians : the sentiments are also less peculiarly Jewish, and might not be unsuit- able to the dying exhortations of a heathen patriot. B.C. ICG. Judas succeeds his lather. His character. His warfare. Defeats the generals of Autiochus sent agaia' t him. JUDAS MACCABEUS. On the death of his father, Judas, sm^named Maccabeus, succeeded to the chief command among his religious countrymen. In the list of the five sons of Mattathias, he is placed the third ; but Josephus expressly mentions him as the eldest son.^ It is probable that though Mattathias had the chief direction of affairs, so long as he lived, yet that, during the confusion which prevailed, he was not acknowledged formally as tlie leader of the nation ; but his son Judas being publicly declared the captain of the nation, to him is therefore ascribed the honoui' of being the first of the Asamonean race of princes. In the person of Judas Maccabeus, we discern one of those extra- ordinary characters whom Providence raises up in times of emergency for the accomplishment of some imjTbrtant object. Possessed of great personal courage, and of a mind capable of resisting every impression of danger, he united witli this natural virtue, the skill and prudence of an experienced master in the art of war : his army was regularly dis- ciphned (1 Mace. iii. 5G) and divided into that large number of supe- rior and subordinate commands, which gives every advantage of unity of action, and ensm-es to each part of the army mutual support. If we examine the nature of the campaigns he carried on, we shall find them not consisting of desultory warfare against the enemy, but of deliberate schemes of resistance, put into eflect with every consideration of the advantage which a small body of men may possess over an invading army in the choice of ])lace and time of attack. During the first two years of his command, he defeated the generals of Antiochus, Apol- lonius, Seron, and Lysias, in four several engagements; and finding that his successes had served to deter the king from any immediate renewal of the contest, he led his victorious army to Jerusalem for the purpose of clearing and dedicating the Sanctuary ; a work which could not be accomplished without some difficulty, the Temple being com- manded by the fortress on Mount Acra, which was still garrisoned I 1 Mace. ii. D'j Bell. Jud., i. 9 J9. CHAP. Iir.J JUDAS MACCABEUS. 31 Dy the heathen. By his command a new altar was built to supply b. c. 160. tlie place of that which had been profaned; the Temple was liirnished i)(^.iieatt-i anew with vessels ; the candlestick, the altar of incense, the table for Tempief the shew-bread were again set in their places ; the bread was set in order, and the veils were hung up which divided the Holy of Holies from the Holy Place. On the twenty- fifth day of the month Casleu, Fenstof the very day on which three years before Antiochus had polluted the ^'^'^"^^'o"- altar with heathen sacrifices, and three years and a half subsequent to tlie desolation of the city and Temple by Apollonius, did Judas and his countrymen keep the feast of dedication with songs of joy and gladness ; the feast was kept for eight days ; and it was ordained to be observed by the congregation for ever. This festival hai)pens in the former part of our month of December. Our Saviour is related by St. John (chap, x, 22) to have honoured it with his presence ; thus testifying his compliance even with those ordinances which were of mere human authority. By Josephus this feast is called the feast of lights (Candlemas), a custom prevailing amongst the Jews of illumi- minating the doors of their houses with candles during every night of the feast. By the dedication of the Temple under Judas Maccabeus prophecv was fulfilled most accurately the prophecy given by Daniel respecting xli/r^"' tlie period of its desolation ; which he foretold should continue for tln-ee I'ui'iHed. years and a half, or in the language of the prophecy, a time, times, and ^- ^' ^^^' half a time, it being exactly, as has been related, three years and a half from the desolation of the Temple by Apollonius to the rededication of it by Judas. The hill, IMoriah, upon which tlie Temple was built, being somewhat lower than the neighbouring hill, Acra, which had been fortified by Apollonius, and was still possessed by the partisans of Antiochus, the people were much annoyed in tlieir way to the Tem- ple by the attacks of the garrison. The first care of Judas, therefore, The Temple was to surround the mountain of the Lord's house with walls and towers, f"°''^'fi"^- and to place in it a detachment of his army for the protection of those wlio came thither to worsliip. In after times, mider the Asamonean reign, the valley between IMoriah and Acra was filled up, and the height of the latter lull lowered, so that tlie buildings of the Temi)le overhmig those on Moimt Acra.' The Idumeans, being now in hostility agamst the Jews, Judas took Bethsura the precaution of fortifying Bethsma, a town situated betw^'en Jerusa- lem and Hebron, making it thereby the southern banier of the country. The exact position of tliis place is not known : its name implies that it stood on an eminence, and it is probable that it commanded one of the defiles in the south, or hill country (as St. Luke terms it) of Judor-a. B.C. 1G4. The prosperity of Judas excited the envy and hatretl of the neighbouring nations, and they formed a league for the utter extirpation of the Jewish nation. Many Jews who were sojourning amongst them they cmelly put to death ; but the design of the league was defeated by the sudden 'DeBdLJuJ.,y. 1222. B.C. 164. League against the Jews defeated by the death of Antioclius Epiphanes. Campaisni of Judas against the neighbourini; nations. His vigorous prosecution of tlie war. Simon with- draws the Jews from Galihje to dwell in Judaea. 32 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [CHAP. III. death of Antioclius. The tyrant was on his road to Babylon when news was brought him of the entire defeat of liis generals, of the re- dedication of the Temple, and the abolition of the altars of his gods.' Enraged at this fmstration of his impious designs, he hastened his joiir- nev to Judaea, vowing vengeance upon the whole nation of the Jews, and threatening to make Jerusalem their grave ; but whilst on his way thither, the stroke of death overtook him, and he died, as other perse- cutors have done, in the most di-eadful agonies of body and soul, con- scious that the hand of God was upon him, to revenge the impiety and cmelty of his attempts to destroy His chosen people. Intelhgence being brought to Judas of the confederacy formed against his countrymen by the neighboming people, he commenced a campaign against them which was crowned with wonderful success. At Acra- battene, a city of Idumea, he slew twenty thousand men. The Children of Bean, a tribe of the Edomites,^ he defeated in battle, besieged and took their fortresses, and put the garrisons to deatli ; and when some of the captives escaped by bribing the soldiers, he did not allow such violation of military discipline to pass minoticed, but publicly con\icted the guilty, and inflicted on tliem the penalty of death. Judas having also made an incm'sion into the land of the Ammonites beyond Jordan, Timotheus, the Syrian governor, collected all his forces^ against him, to avenge the insult thus offered to his province ; but he was entirely defeated, and afterwards slain at the ttiking of Gazara, whither he had fled for refuge. The nations which suiTOunded Juclrea were stmck with amazement at the victories of Judas ; and the inhal^itants of Tyre, Sidon, Ptolemais, and Gilead immediately began an active war against him. It required every exertion to enable him to withstand the enemies by whom he was encircled. He divided the Jewish armies into tlu-ee })arts : ■* with the first, he himself went to the relief of his countrymen in the land of Gilead ; the second was entrusted to Simon, for the defence of those resident in Galilee, the third division was left at home for the protection of Jerasalem and Judaea. Such determined valour met with its reward ; Judas quickly overran the country of Gilead, took several towns, and returned to Jerusalem laden with spoils. Simon was scarcely less successful in the defeat of the enemy at Galilee ; but finding the numl)er of Jews there so small as to be incapal>le of defend- ing themselves in the possession of the country, he deemed it the wisest policy to withdraw them from it, and by settling them in the land of Judaea, to restore to the population the strength it had lost during the persecution of Antioclius Epiphanes. The party which remained at home, acting in disobedience to the orders which they had received, occasioned some disasters, which threw a damp upon the general joy. Joseph and Azarias, who commanded this division, eagerly desiring to share the fame of the other generals, led forth their forces on an expe- ^ 1 2f:tcr. (}. 2 Mace. 6. 3 2 jllacc. X. 24. 2 1 Mace. 5. 2 Mace. 10. * 1 Mace. V. CHAP. III.] JUDAS MACCABEUS. 33 dition against Jamiila, a seaport town on the Mediterranean; Imt B.C. 1G4. Gorgias, the governor of that district, fell ii])on them, and defeated them Disastrous with a loss of two thousand men. This misfortune, however, did not of Jol'Jpii' prevent the fame of Judas and his brethren from extending itself to the jamnti. nations beyond the confines of Judaea. Judas was now called u]ion once more to resist the attack of his Attack of principal enemy. Lysias, the giuirdian and kinsman of Antiochus JiiiTa'a."'"^" Eupator, the son and successor of EiMj)hanes, indignant at the insult Ills countrymen had received in the successes of Maccabeus, collected an army of eighty thousand men, and eighty elephants, with which he advanced to the invasion of Judca.' The entire conquest of the country, and the plunder of the Temple, were the objects of the expedition. And here the wisdom and foresight of Judas in fortifying Defence or Bethsura was conspicuously displayed. After Lvsias had sat down before this important fortress, which checked his advance into the interioi of Judaea, a well-planned attack made by Judas not only relieved the garrison from the siege, but ended in the dispersion of the invading army. Whereupon Lysias, weary of so unprosperous a war. Peace inado made a peace with Judas, which was ratified by Antiochus. It is Antiocims. stated that on this occasion the Jewish nation was benefited by the Friendly friendly offices of Q. Memmius and T. Manlius, who were at that o"tiyHomi^n t'me ambassadors from the Romans to thecourtof Antiochus Eupator. ^"^"^■** °'"^- By this peace, the decree of Antiochus Epiphanes against ihe practice of the religion of the Jews was rescinded, and free liberty was gi^anted them to live under the dominion of their own laAvs. Under so weak a government as that of Antiochus Eupator, a treaty made by the king would have little power to check the border warfare, which the sur- rounding nations perpetually carried on against the Jews. As soon as Judascan-'es Lysias had retired to Antioch, Judas was again called out to avenge war. the murder of the Jews at Joppa and Jamnia,^ and to assist those in Gilead against Timotheus. The expedition terminated in the entire overthrow of the army of Timotheus at Raphon,^ on the river Jabbok ; and in the farther practice of the policy before adopted of withdrawing those Jews, who lived among the heathen, and settling them within the confines of Judaea. The amiy retmned from this exploit about the time of Pentecost. After the observance of the festival, Judas again made war against Gorgias and the Idumeans : the victory was achieved with difficulty and not without loss. Upon stripping the bodies g^Jncesor the dead, for the piurpose of biurial, Judas discovered that many of his supe*rst'?tion soldiers w^ore about them sucli ornaments, dechcated to the heathen jUIkl'^''^ idols,'* as had been taken amongst the spoils of wai". The death of so ^^'^'*'"' many brave men was not without reason accepted as a puinshment inflicted on them for this sin of idolatry. A collection was therefore made throughout the camp to the amount of two thousand drachma^, which was sent to Jerusalem to provide sin oilerings ; and prayers were made publicly in the camp, that their sin might not be visitod on ^ 2 Mace. ii. * 2 Mace, xi'u ' 1 Mace v. * 2 Mace. xii. [jews.] D 34 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [CHAP. Ill, B.C. IG-i. them in the destruction of the nation. Judas did not, however, stop from pushing his success to the utmost : he besieged Hebron, the capital of Idumea, and extending his march into the country of the Phihstines, pkmdered their cities, and brought back tlie spoils in Heattempts triumph to Jerusalem. This was now considered a favourable oppor- torrofAcri^ tunitv to attempt the reduction of the fort of Acra, which was still held by the Syrians, who were continually sallying out, and disturbing the peace of the city and the service of the Temple. The siege was commenced with the greatest vigour by the Jews, who employed every method of assault against the fort. Some apostate Jews, who formed part of the garrison, well aware that no mercy would be extended to them, should they be forced to yield, contrived to effect their escape, and coming with all speed to Antioch, informed the king of the danger with which the fortress was threatened. Upon the receipt of this intelligence, which foreboded the entire loss of the War resumed city of JeiTisalem, a vast army, consisting of a hundred and twenty by the king, thousaud men, with thirty-two elephants, and three hmidred chariots, was instantly put in motion for the relief of the fort.^ The king, accompanied by his guardian Lysias, marched with them in person. B.C. 163, The operations commenced with the siege of Bethsura. The fear ol losing this important post, proved a most powerful means of diverting Judas from pressing the siege of Acra : he flew to the relief ol Bethsura, and falling upon the enemy by night, slew four thousand, and effected his retreat in order. At break of day both parties pre- pared for action. Judas and his followers fought with the most determined bravery, but seeing that his army was too small effectually to resist the overpowering forces of the enemy, he withdrew from the Courage of battle, and retreated in safety to Jerusalem. In this battle Eleazar,* Eieazar. ^|^^ brother of Judas, fell a victim to his spirit of self-devotion. Per- ceiving that one of the elephants was of greater size than the rest, and covered with royal trap})ings, and concluding that the king himself was probably upon it, and might perish on the fall of the beast, he cut his way through the thickest of the fight, and creeping under the belly of the elephant, thrust in his spear and slew him ; the beast fell U})on him, and crushed him to death. The siege of Bethsura was then renewed by the Syrian army. The garrison defended themselves with valour ; but their provisions failing, they were compelled to Bethsura lost, surrender the fort, which they did upon honourable terms.^ Accord- ing to Josephus, and the calculation of Dr. Hales,** the year was a B.C. 163. Sabbatical year, which circumstance will account for the scarcity of provision, which led to the surrender of Bethsura ; and, but for the interference of Providence, would have again brought the Temple Jerusalem ^i^^dcr the power of Antiochus. For the Syrian army, marching to ^sieged, and Jerusalem from the capture of Bethsm'a, besieged the sanctuary, and when those within were almost reduced to the necessity of yielding, ' 2 Mace, siii. ^ 1 ^facc. vi. 3 Antiq. lib. xii. p. 346. * Vol. ii. p. 606. CHAP. III. J JUDAS MACCABEUS. 35 on account of the like failure of provision, they were relieved, intolli- B.C. 163. gence having been received by Lysias that Philip, whom Antiochus Epiphanes had appointed guardian of his son, had seized Antioch, and taken upon him the government of tlie empire. Lysias, therefore, found it necessary to make peace with the Jews. The conditions Thearticips were advantageous, and Antiochus swore to obsei-ve them ; but on tLrvbiated- being admitted into the sanctuary, and observing the strength of the fortifications, he ordered them to be demolished, and, having thus violated the treaty which he had made, he departed from Jemsalem. We have now to record one of those well-merited acts of retrilni- (^f>n(i"«"t tion, which iniquity even in this world so frequently suHers. Through- Meneiaus. out the whole time of the persecution by Antiochus Epiphanes down to this year, IVIenelaus, the impious apostate, had borne the title of High-priest. No account is given of his conduct or his place of residence during the war of the Maccabees : but on the last advance of Lysias against Jerusalem, he seems to have left his hiding-place,' and once more to have acted a part on the stage of public aftairs. We are told, that on this occasion, " he joined himself with the Syrians, and with the greatest dissimulation encom*aged Antiochus, not for the safeguard of the country, but because he thought to have been made governor. But the King of Kings moved Antiochus's mind against this wicked wretch ; and Lysias informed the king that this man was the cause of all the mischief, so that the king commanded to bring him unto Berrhoea, and to put him to death, as the manner is in that place. Now there was in that place a tower of fifty cubits high, flill of ashes, and it had a round instmment, which on every side hanged down in the ashes. And whosoever was condemned of sacri- lege, or had committed any other grievous crime, there did all men thrust him unto death. Such a death it happened that wicked man to die, not having so much as burial in the earth ; and that most justly : for inasmuch as he had committed many sins about the altar, whose fire and and ashes were holy, he received his death in ashes." Thus died Meneiaus, a memorable example of God's vengeance, and a remarkable instance of a wicked man meeting with his deserts from the hands of those to whom he looked for honour and distinction as the recompense of devotion to their interests. By the treaty concluded with Antiochus at the aipitulation of the Real com - Temi-)le, Judas was appointed governor of Judaea, under the king. Sp^'^SI! From this year the date of the Asamonean dynasty ought in propriety of •'"'i'"- to be reckoned : for, until the acknowledgment of the authority of Judas by the above-mentioned treaty,* we cannot consider him in any other light than as the leader of a religious insurrection ; an insurrection in which it became ever}^ lover of God and the true religion to bear his ]\art. And though it is customary to assign the commencement of the government of Judas to the first year (b. c. 166) in which the Jews fought for religion under his standard, it would be more correct to 1 2 Mace xiii 3. '^ Antiq. lib. xiv. p. 659. D 2 36 HISTORY OF THE Ji:WS. [CHAP. III. B.C. 163. follow, in this instance, the authority of Josephns, who cassigns to tliis dvnastv a duration of only a hundred and twenty-six years, ^vhich must be reckoned from B. c. 163. We have, therefore, no longer to consider Judas as a leader, whose only right to dominion is gained by the sword, but as the regularly constituted governor over the land of Juda\a. Aicimns On the death "of Menelaus, Alcimus, or Jacimus, was appointed mgiiigh- Higi^.pi-iggt^ tQ the exclusion of the rightfol successor Onias, the son of that Onias who was slain at Antioch by the instigation of his wicked Onias. thus brother Menelaus.* Onias hereupon retired in disgust to Egypt,^ not retires to' without hope of diminishing the authority of the Temple at Jerasalem. biflSsa"^ For this purpose he obtained peraiission from Ptolemy Philoraetor to Temple. build a Temple at Heliopolis, and thus two rivals existed against Jerusalem, the Temple at Gerizim, and the Temple of Onias. The Rabbinical writers reckon the number of Jews resident in Eg}^t under the Temple of Onias, at twice the niunber of those who came up from Egypt with IMoses. From them it appears that the same sacrifices, rites, and ceremonies prevailed there as in the Temple at Jerusalem, and continued to be observed until its destruction by Vespasian, a short time prior to tlie rain of that Temple itself. Alcimus To return to our histoiy. Alcimus, on account of his profligacy o'l'^noriS^ ^"*^^ attachment to the heathenish rites, was not long permitted by the the^Ssl"^ people to exercise his office ; but when Demetrius, the son of Seleucus Philopator, dispossessing Antiochus Eupator, had succeeded to the kingdom, Alcimus, desirous of recovering his authorit}', accused Judas and his friends of hostility to the king's party ; by which the king was induced to reinstate Alcimus, and sent Bacchides, the governor of Mesopotamia, with a force for that purpose. Alcimus in vain endea- B. c. 162. voured by deceitful proposals^ to entrap Judas and his followers. As many, however, as sixty Assidaeans fell into the snare ; for foolishly concluding that a priest of the house of Aaron would do them no wrong, they first were willing to enter into negotiation for peace, but Bacchides having got them in his ])Ower, put them to death. Bacchides then left the country to the care of Alcimus, having provided him with a force sufficient f^r his support. But the conduct of the High-priest did not allow Judas to yield to liim a quiet submission. Alcimus being, therefore, again expelled, made his complaint to Demetrius, whereupon the king sent Nicanor with a great army to destroy Judas. This force was twice signally defeated by the valour of Judas and his followers, and in the second action Nicanor was slain. The victory was gained on the thirtieth day of the month Adar, and a yearly festival was kept in remembrance of the deliverance. ntPTference This year is remarkable for the formation of the first treaty of Romans in alliance between the Romans and the Jews. Judas IMaccabeus seeing Juiiai."' how little dependence could be placed on the kings of Syria for the preservation of religion, and having heard of the power and influence » Antiq. lib. xii. p. 547. ^ Jos. de Bell. 7, 10, and Antiq. lib. xii. p. 547. ^ 1 Mace. vii. CHAP. III.] JUDAS MACCABEUS. 37 of the Romans, and of the conquests they had made in Africa, Greece, B.C. 162. and Asia, determined, if ])ossible, to form an alUance with them.^ He therefore sent two of his friends to Rome for this purpose, to conchide a treaty with the Senate, and to seek their interference with Demetrius in favour of the Jews. The Romans, ever ready to grant favours which reduced the power of foreign princes and increased their own, decreed that the Jews should be received into the number of their friends and alhes.^ And they wrote a letter to Demetrius, requiring him no longer to harass or disturb that nation, now taken under their protection : but before the delivery of the letter, on the return of the ambassadors, Judas was dead. He died as he had lived, in arms, fighting in deience of religion and liberty ; for Demetrius, on the defeat of Nicanor, had sent Bacchides with Alcimus a second time into Jndaa, at the head of the flower of his army. Judas had no more than three thousand men to oppose this gi'eat force f and all of these, except eight hundred, fled panic-struck at the strength and numl3er of the enemy. With this handful of men, the brave and intrepid leader ventured to engage the whole army of Demetrius. The impetuosity of his attack put the right wing of the enemy to flight, and he pursued them to a great distance ; but the left wing was still entire : it was impossible to resist the fresh attack of such superior numbers; Judas was slain, and having lost their leader, the P^?*'^^^ army fled. A truce was then concluded. Jonathan and Simon, his brothers, took up his body and buried him in the sepulchre of his fathers at INIodin ; all the faithful in Judah and Jerusalem making- great lamentation over him, and saying, " How is the valiant fallen tliat delivered Israel!" We have throughout the foregoing transactions seen Judas IMac- cabeus acting the i)art of a brave and a generous leader, living as it were in the field, and keeping up a series of warfare, almost without an interval of peace, for the space of six years. In the catalogues of High-priests in the Temple at Jerusalem, we commonly find the name of Judas inserted ; though neither in the books of IMaccabees, nor in the history of Josephus, do we find any account of his discharging Judas never tlie duties of that station. The mistake has arisen from an error com- '*'' ^ ^"*^"^' mitted by Josephus himself,* who relating the death of Alcmius, which did not take place until one year after the death of Judas, adds, that the people then gave the chief priesthood to Judas.* The historian subsequentlv, in his regular catalogue of the High-]:)riests, corrects the en-or into which he had, perhaps inadvertently, fallen ; and distinctly states, that Alcimus d\ing after having filled that office three years, no successor was appointed, and that the office was vacant for the space of seven years, when Jonathan, the brother of INIaccabeus, and his successor in the civil authority, was created High-priest. That so important an office should have been allowed to remain vacant so ^ 1 Mace. viii. ^ Justin, lib. xxxvi. c. 3. * 1 Mace. ix. * Ajiti'i. lib. xii. p. 550. * Ibid. lib. ix. 900. 38 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. FCHAP. III. B.C. 1C2. long is certainly a remarkable occurrence : it can only be accounted for under the supposition, that Judas and his brother Jonathan purposely abstained from any the least appearance of illegal usurpation of power ; and that they took upon themselves no office but such as necessity compelled them to exercise in defence of their religion and their lives. The governorship of the country seems to have been received as a boon by Judas irom Aiitiochus;' and the account which is given of the readiness with which Jonathan accepted the priesthood from the hands of Alexander Balas, clearly proves the opinion then entertained of the power possessed by the sovereign lord of the country to a])point a successor to that office. We may farther observe, that the disinterested conduct of these two brothers, in not assuming to them- selves more power than the immediate necessity of their situation required, must have contributed in a very great degree to the pre- servation of their influence amongst their comitrymen. The apostate party revives. Alcimu^in powtT. Dreadful persecution. Jonathan chosen leader. JONATHAN. The death of Judas proved a source of infinite calamity to his followers. The apostate party, no longer aw^ed into submission by his power, took advantage of this event to reinstate themselves in the possession of the country. A famine also happening at this unfavour- able juncture, aided their designs, by the revolts and disorders which want i)roduced amongst the lower orders. Alcimus and liis ])arty now reigned without opposition: every office of authority was possessed by them ; and not content with exercising the power which they had thus acquired over the administration of justice, they pro- ceeded openly to peioecute even to death as many of the follow^ers of Judas as they could get into their hands. Search was everywhere made for the Maccabeans, who w^ere brought before Bacchides, cruelly tortured, and put to death.^ There was great affliction in Israel, the like whereof was not since the time that a prophet was not seen among them, 1. e. since the death of Malachi. Bitter must have been the severity of Bacchides, since the miseries inflicted by him upon the faithful Jews surpassed those wdiich they endured under the perse- cution of Antiochus Epiphanes. Such circumstances naturally called forth a successor to Judas, in his brotlier Jonathan : the people, choosing him for their captain, and committing themselves to his guidance. Jonathan used every exertion to collect forces to oppose Bacchides ; but finding his person endangered by the diligent endea- vom'S made by Bacchides to seize him, he retired with his brother Simon to the wilderness of Thekon, and there encamped in a strong position upon the river Jordan.^ Their goods, and such property as was likely to be lost in the contest, they entrusted to the care of their brother John, that he might remove them into the country of the ' 1 Mace. X. * 1 Mace. ix. 27. Antiq. lib. xiii. p. 555. • 1 Mace. ix. CHAP. III.] JONATHAN. 39 Nabatha?ans. On his way thither John was attacked by a party of B.C. 162. Arabs of the tribe of Jambria, who slew him and carried oft" the baggage as their booty ; but this enterprise soon after converted a day of joy amongst the Jambrians mto one of mourning and sorrow ; for Jonathan and Simon having received intehigence of a grand bridal procession that was to take place on the marriage of one of the Jambrian chiefs to a daughter of a Canaanitish nolDleman, lay in ambush amongst the mountains, and, falling upon the company, slew nearly all of them, and taking with them the spoil, retmiied to the camp, having powerfully revenged the death of their brother. Tidings of this event being brought to Bacchides, he immediately marched against Jonathan and Simon, and assaulted their camp on the Sabbath- day. The Syrian governor met with a resistixnce he little expected, Bac-hidpstiia considering the sanctity attached to the Sabbath of the Jews ; for ^ejm\!!vd Jonathan exhorting his men to remember the detemiination made in ^^ Jonathan, the time of Mattathias upon this point, they valiantly resisted the attack, and slew a thousand of the enemy ; but finding their numbers unequal to the contest, they threw themselves into the river Jordan, and swimming over to the other side, escaped. Bacchides returned to Jerusalem, and gave orders for fortifying all the strong places in Juda?a, and especially the fort of Acra, at Jerusalem, which he pro- vided with all kinds of stores ; and taking the children of the chief men of the coimtry, kept them there as hostages ibr the fidelity of tlieir parents. Alcimus was still in full possession of the authority of the High- priesthood ; but it pleased God to deliver Israel from any farther trouble at the hands of this man. It happened that whilst he was giving orders for the removal of a low wall, called the Chel, which had been built for the purpose of separating tlie cornet of the women fi'om file court of the Gentiles, he was strack with the palsy and died. On Death ot tJie death of Alcimus, Bacchides retimied to Antioch, and the Jews ^ *^"""^* sufiered no foi'ther molestation from the Syrians for the space of two Bacchides years. It is probable that this blessing of jieace resulted fi'om the Judaea, interference of the Roman Senate ; and that orders had come by this ■ time to Demeti'ius, no longer to trouble the Jews, now admitted into alliance with Rome. To this circumstance we may also refer the vacancy of the High-priesthood after the death of Alcimus ; Demeti'ius xiot caring to nominate a successor, whom he could not support in the ofiice, without being liable to incm' the displeasure of the Romans, should resistance be made to tlie appointment by Jonathan and his followers. We may, therefore, now consider Juda'a for a time left entirely to his government. For two years Jonathan and his fi:iends dwelt at peace ; but at tlie Ricchidw ^^ end of this time Bacchides l^eing informed by the adverse paity, tliat Jonathan'. " all their enemies might be seized in a single night, came into Judtca for the purpose of putting such a plan into execution. The \Aot was liappily discovered by Jonathan, who seized fifty of the conspirators 40 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. fCHAP. III. B.C. ]o8. B.C. 156. B.C. 153. Benefits awanleil to .lon.iliian from the di'sigiis of Alpxamler balas. Made High priest. U.C.I 53. and put them to death. His forces not being able to cope with the armv of Baccliides, Jonathan retired to Bethbasi, in tlie wilderness, which he fortified, and in it successflilly withstood a siege. Bacchides, enraged at tliis defeat, slew those advisers who had brought liim back into Judaea, and makmg peace with Jonathan, exchanged prisoners, and swore that he would never more retm-n to molest the land. The war was now at an end. Jonathan settled in peace at Michmash, about nine miles north of Jerasalem, where he administered the laws, and pm'sued his reformation by desti-o}Tng those who had apostatized fi-om tlie true religion. In tliis year arose that famous impostor Alexander Balas, and set up his claim to the kingdom of Syria. Under the protection of the Roman Senate, he raised forces, and sailing to Ptolemais, in Palestine, seized the city and proclaimed himself king of Syria. Demetrius was therefore called upon to adopt every measure of defence in his ]X)wer. Tlie dis])utes between these two competitors j)roved of infinite advantage to Jonathan,^ both parties vying with each other in ofters to secure his co-operation. Demetrius appointed him the king's general in Judffia, and sent him letters commanding that all the hostages seized by Bacchides, should be delivered up to him. Compliance with these orders so strengtliened the force of Jonathan and the mmiber of his adherents, that all the garrisons in the country, excepting those at Betlism'a and at the fort of Acra, left their stations and tied. The apostate Jews, fearing the pmiishment that must await them if they were taken, still kept the two forts last mentioned. Jonathan now re- moved to Jerusalem, repaired and foilified the city, and rebuilt the wall round the momitain of the Temple, which Antiochus Eupator had pulled down in violation of the treaty. On the other hand, Alexander, hearing what Demetrius had done, made also a proposal to Jonathan, granting to liim the High-priesthood and the title of king's friend : he sent him also a purple robe and a crown of gold, in testimony of tliis grant. In the seventh month of this year, at the feast of tabernacles, Jonathan put on his robes as High-priest,^ after that office had been vacant seven years from the death of Alcimus. Demetrius now strove to outbid Alexander, and offered to Jonathan the following immunities and rewards : a release from tributes, customs on salt, and crown taxes ; the additions of the three government of Ophrema, Lydda, and Itamathem in Samaria, and the government of Galilee, to that of J ndica ; the freedom of the holy city ; exemption from tenths and tril>utes ; tlie restoration of all captives that had been carried out of the land of Judaea, from all parts of the kingdom of Syria, with remission of tlieir tribute, and even of their cattle ; immunity and toleration for all the Jews within the realm to celebrate their festivals, sabbaths, new moons, and solemn days, without molestation or hinderance : and in return he required an enrolment of tliirty thoasand Jews, to be paid by the cnjwn, and to serve in the garrisons and |)laces of trust, witli ^ Antiq. Mh. liii. p. 559. ^ X M^':3» x. (gam Jonathan. CHAP. III.] JONATHAN . 41 liberty to live according to tlieir own laws. He offered also the B.C. 153. seaport of Ptolemais, in Palestine, with its territory, as a free gift to IJ'iTemSiul the Temple of Jorasalem, for its necessary expenses ; and a remission \^^* of the five thousand shekels of silver, which had been annually paid out '" of the revenues of the Temple, and which Ijelonged to the officiating priests ; to make the Temple an asylum for debtors to tlie king ; and to pay the expenses of rei)airing and fortif}-ing Jemsalem and the Temple Mount out of the king's treasury. The grant is contained in tlie fii'st book of Maccabees,' and it is curious inasmuch as it demon- strates the extent of the oppressions practised by the Syrian govern- ment, and fi,irnishes a sufficient justification for Jonathan's rejection of such proposals from the insincere Demetrius, and his preference of an alliance with Alexander. In the contest between Demetrius and Alexander, the latter, sup- B.C. 150. ported by the Romans, was eventually successfiil ; and having now become master of the Syrian empire, he formed an alliance in maiTiage with Cleopatra, the daughter of Ptolemy, king of Egypt. Tlie marriage was celebrated in the city of Ptolemais. Jonathan was Jonathan invited to the wedding, and was received by Alexander with every Ptolemy. ^ mark of distinction, being clothed in purple, and admitted to the chief place among the king's friends ; and when many had come thither to make accusations against Jonathan, Alexander caused it to be pro- claimed in the city that none should speak evil of him : thus honoured, Jonathan returned to Jeiaisalem.* Demetrius, the son of that Demetrius "whom Alexander Balas had i^.C 148. dispossessed, now asserted his right to the crown of Syria. Apol- lonius, the governor of Code-Syria mider Alexander, taking })art w'ith Demetrius, fu'st attempted to reduce Jonathan, who remained firm to the interests of Alexander, and encamping at Jamnia, he challenged Jonathan to the contest. Jonathan marched from Jerusalem with ten thousand men, and took Joppa in the sight of Apollonius's army ; and then engaging wath the enemy put them to flight, and pursued them to Azotus, wliich city he burnt, together with the temple of Diana. Alexander In requital of this service, Alexander sent to Jonathan a buckle of gold, iedKerihe such as was worn only by the royal family, and gave him also the Jonathan.^ city of Ekron with its territory. Jonathan bemg now in quiet possession of Judaea, determined to B.C. 145. make every attempt to reduce the garrison in the fort of Acra, and J"".n\'',t"„,„ accordingly commenced a regular siege. Demetrius Nicator had just rphi.tir)n of succeeded to the throne of Syria. The garrison conveyed intelligence Acra. of the attack of Jonathan to the king, who forthwith came to Ptolemais, and summoned Jonathan to appear there before him.' Tills transaction well displayed the firmness and the policy of Jonatliim. He still gave fiuther orders to press the siege, 1 )Ut went to Ptolemais, taking with him many valuable presents, for he was well aware of the force such arguments possess in a debauched and I Ch. X. Y. 29. - 1 Mace. x. ^ 1 JIjcc. xi. 42 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. fciIAP. Ill, B.C. 145. licentious court. Demetrius, in return, refiised to listen to the accusation, confirmed him in the High-priest's office,' and admitted him to the number of his friends, and ratified all the offers which his father had formerly made to secure this friendsliip. The fort still holding out, Demetrius was urged to withdraw the garrison. At this time the citv of Antioch was in a stiite of tumult, and Demetrius pro- His prudence mised compliance with Jonathan's request, provided he would send Stlcsl^^'^ iiim assistance against the mutineers. Three thousand men were despatched to his aid, and by their help the Antiochians were defeated in their conspiracy against the king. The Jews phmdered the city, and retm-ned rich with spoil to their own country. But Demetrius was no sooner relieved from impending danger, than he forgot all the promises, which, in the time of his distress, he had made to Jonathan : he refused to exempt the Jews from tribute, and threatened them with Ingratitude war, uulcss the tiibute were rigorously paid. Such ingratitude ofDemetrius. alienated fi-om him the affections of the whole Jewish nation, and made them ready to assist his enemies upon the first ojDportunity that 13. c. 144. might offer. Accordingly, when Antiochus, the son of Alexander Balas, by the assistance of Tryphon, the governor of Antioch under his father, had vanquished Demetrius in battle, and had been crowned king of Syria, upon his sending an embassy to Jonathan soliciting his assistance against Demetrius, and promising the fulfilment of all the engagements which Demetrius had broken, Jonathan readily consented to the proposal, influenced, no doubt, by the gross treat- ment he had received from Demetrius. A commission Avas sent to Jonathan, empowering him to raise forces for the assistance of Antiochus. To divert him from this purpose, Demetrius invaded Galilee, but was defeated by Jonathan, who succeeded at the same time in reducing Joppa, Gaza, and Bethsura; but the citadel of Jerusalem stiil held out for Demetrius, and maintained a long siege. Treaty with On liis retiuu to Juda}a, Jonathan sent ambassadors to Rome, to renefmir"^ rcnew the ti-eaty made by Judas. They were received with honour by the Senate, completed the object of their mission, and returned : * at the same time also a league was formed with the Lacedcemonians, because, as it was said, the Jews and Laceda?monians were brethren, Jerusalem both of the stock of Abraham. A gi-eat council Avas now held at ne?t;hifouring Jerusalem, to consult about the repairing and fortifying Jerusalem fortiiS. '^"^^ other strongholds in Juda?a. It was then agreed to heighten the fortifications of Jemsalem, and at the same time to run a line of cir- cumvallation round tlie fort to cut off their supplies of provisions : by this latter measure the fort, which had been so grievous a cause of evil to the city, was eventually reduced. Jonathan employed himself in the oversight of the works at Jerusalem, whilst his brother Simon superintended the remaining fortifications in the country, so that the whole territory was now fully fortified and prepared to resist the invasion of the most powerful enemy. * Antiq. lib. xiii. p. 5G8. ^ Ibid. p. 573. 1 Mace. xii. CHAP. III.] JONATHAN. 43 The assistance Tryphon had given to Antiochiis was only intended B.C. H-i. to pave the way for his seizing the kingdom for himself; but so long Plots of as Jonathan remained to oppose the plot, he despaired of success. aKilmst" With the view of getting Jonathan into his power, Try})hon marched •'""*'^''^- his army against Juda?a ; but being met at Bethsan by Jonathan, with forty thousand men, he deemed it most prudent to put on the mask of friendship, pretending that he had come only to consult about their common interest, and to put Ptolemais into his hands.' Deceived by this specious conduct, Jonathan fell into the snare laid for his destraction. He was persuaded to dismiss his arm}', and accompanied ^'[^^^j^'*^ by no more than one thousand men, to proceed with Tryphon to treachery. Ptolemais, expecting that the city would be delivered to him : but as soon as he had entered it the gates were shut, his men were put to death, and himself fciken prisoner. Try})hon advanced from Ptolemais to invade Juda?a, carrying Jonathan his prisoner with him. In the meantime, Simon, having been elected by the people to succeed his brother in the chief command, met Try})hon with a gi'eat amiy. The traitor was afi'aid of engaging with Simon, and pretended that he had seized Jonathan for a debt of a hmidred talents which he owed ; but that if the debt were paid, and his two sons given up as hostages for his peaceable behaviour, then Jonathan should be released. Simon too hastily complied ; for Tryphon failed to perform his promise, and still persisted in attempting the invasion of Juda?a, being encom-aged by messages from those who were besieged in the fort of Acra : iDut Simon so constantly baffled every attempt, that at last Tryphon retired to Galaaditis, and at the city of Bascama put Jonathan to Puts him to , , ' •' * death. death. Simon hearing that his brother's body was interred at Bascama, where he was put to death, sent for his bones from that city, and buried them in the sepulchre of his father at JModin, where he afterwards erected a magnificent monument of wliite marble, of gi'cat height, which was \asible at sea, and became a mark to direct the com-se of the mariner. Josephus tells us it was remaining in his time ; and Eusebius speaks of it as existing two huncbed years after the time of Josephus. Such was the lamentable termination of one of the Observations bravest of the Asamonean princes. The profoimd policy which tranJactior. Jonathan displayed throughout his intercourse with foreign princes, might have led us to imagine, that he would have been the last man to have fallen so easily into a snare : in this instance his caution seems to have forsaken him ; the desire of possessing the valuable port of Ptolemais probably blinded him to a sense of danger, and prevented him fi'om suspecting the deceit of Tryphon. We cannot but lament that so brave a man, so skilful a general, and so gallant a defender of his country, should have perished by so ignomhiious a death ; but the brave iu ai-ms ai-e not always ^^•ise in council. ^ 1 Mace. xiii. 44 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. fCHAP. III. B.C. 143. Jud.Ti forlilitd. Simon an independent prince. Encourages loreign commerce. A era p'TH-ndcrsto Simon. The hill Acra levelled. SIMON. On the death of Jonathan, Simon succeeded to his authority both in the priesthood and in tlie government. The first measure of Simon's government was the completion of the fortificatioi^ which were erecting throughout Judcea, his attention being especially du'ected to Betiism-a, which he garrisoned and supplied plentiflilly with provisions. This extensive plan of defence, w^hich was begun m the last year of Jonathan's government, could not have been put into execution without a vast expenditm'e of labour and money. We learned before that the enclosing the hill Acra with a wall was the result of a national deliberation ; and we cannot doubt but that the expense of these great works was defrayed by taxes, le\ied for tliis ]:)urpose on the whole country. This fortifying of the strong places of Juda?a, and the circumvallation at the fort of Acra, are testimonies that the Jews now regarded the descendants of Mattathias as their lawful sovereigns ; and that they trusted that under the Roman protection they should establish their independence, and be fi-eed from the tyranny of the Syrian government. This supposition is fully confirmed by the subsequent events ; for Simon, on his accession to the throne of Judaea, obtained from Demetrius not only a confinnation of his authority, but also a release from all tributes and taxes, on condition of assisting him against Tryphon. And from this gTant tlie Jews dated the deliverance of Judsea from a foreign power ; and no longer used the era of the Seleucidce, in their instiiunents and contracts, but dated them by the yeai's of Simon and his successors.^ The government, thus regularly established, allowed the cultivation of foreigTi commerce. Simon, therefore, made Joppa the seaport of Judaea ; from which place an intercourse began to be carried on between the different towns and islands on the Mediterranean, and was continued for many ages. He then reduced some fortresses that still held out, and besieged and took Gaza f but he treated the heathen garrison mercifully, permitting them to depart the country ; the place he planted with Jews, and fortifying it, built there a house for his own residence. The heathen garrison in the fort of Acra now began to feel the effects of the measures taken for its reduction ; their provisions were exhausted, and being without possibility of relief, they at last surrendered the place, and were permitted by Simon to depart the land.« For the last twenty-six years this garrison had been the source of infinite trouble to Jerusalem. Simon, therefore, determined not only to destroy the fort, but to reduce the hill on which it stood to a level with tlie mountain of the Temple ; a work which was accomplished after three years' incessant labour. He also fortified anew the moun- tain of the Temple, and built his palace within the circuit of the wall, ' 1 MacQ. xiii. 42. * Ibid. xiv. 5. ^ |]jjj_ jiii. lorial Mmon'3 CHAP. III.] SIMON. 45 probably on the spot where the castle Antonia was afterwards B.C. 143, erected. Simon also took care to train up his son John, sumamed Hyrcanus, in the arts of government, and to cultivate the natural talents which he appeared to possess ; appointing him General of all his forces, and sending him to reside at Gazara, near Joppa. In this year a public recognition of Simon's government seems to b. c. 141. have been made by the people, in testimony of gratitude to him and p,,hiic his family for their deliverance. Judaea was now at peace, the enemy "^f being everywhere expelled. Such great blessings were considered ^''^^• worthy of some especial record : they therefore engraved on tables of brass the recital of the valiant deeds of Simon and his predecessors, together with an acknowledgment of their submission to his rule, and tliey affixed them in a conspicuous place within the borders of the Sanctuary.' At this time Simon, justly considering that it would materially strengthen his government, were his powers as High-priest and Prince of Judaea recognised by the Romans, sent an embassy for that purpose, with a present to the Senate of a massy shield of gold, weighing one thousand mina\ worth, at the lowest computation, fifty thousand pounds sterling. His ambassadors were received with every Treaty mark of respect, and the object of their mission was fully accom- with Rome, phshed. The Senate not only renewed the league, but also sentB. c. 140. letters to the neighbouring princes, commanding them to treat the Jews as their friends and allies. The Jews were again compelled to witness the perfidy of the Syrian kings, in their transactions with Antiochus Sidetes, who had married Cleopatra, the wife of Demetrius, and was now attempting to dispossess the usurper Tryphon. No princes were more ready to Treadierous court the assistance of the Jews, in times of need, than the Syrian ; Antiodius none were more peifidious in prosperity, nor more open breakers of ^' ^^^*" ^ oaths and promises which they had made.^ When this same Anti- ^'^' •'*^"^* ochus was desirous to secure the aid of Simon, he fully confimied all the previous decrees made for the freedom of the Jews ; and in pro(jf of his sincerity, he conferred on him the prerogative of coining money as an independent prince ; but no sooner was he seated on the throne of Syria, than he broke every engagement he had made, laid claim to the citadel of Jerusalem, Joppa, and Gazara, and demanded five hundred talents for tribute and damages sustained by the loss of these places. To enforce his claim, he invaded Juda?a; but his general was defeated by Judas and John, the sons of Simon, and compelled to retire from the country. This peace, however, was for from permanent, being interrupted by Munierof the treacherous murder of the venerable Simon. A dnugliter of ^.""^"iss Simon had married Ptolemy, the son of Abulas, one of his officers, and governor of the city of Jericho f and the ungrateful wretch, having concerted measures with Antiochus Sidetes for usurping the government, invited Simon, who was on a progress through the ' 1 3Iacc. xiv. 48. ^ Ibid. xv. » Ibid. xvi. 46 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CHAP. lU. B.C. 136. country with his sons Judas and Mattathias, to partake his hospitahty at a castle near Jericho. The plot succeeded, and his fother-in-law Simon, and his wife's two brothers, were murdered by him, in viola- tion of every law of nature and every feeling of honour and of duty. John was at this time at Gazara, and happily escaping those who were sent to despatch him, hastened to Jerusalem, and secured possession of the city against those who were sent by Ptolemy to seize it. Chnra<^t/^r Thus died the venerable Simon, a man who seems to have united ot Simon. j^ j^jg ^^^^^ person the virtues of courage and of mercy to an extraor- dinary degree. His conduct to the heathen garrisons, in permitting them to depart the country, is an instance of mild generosity rarely witnessed at the period of his government. Age and prosperity had probably tempered the ferocity which displayed itself in the early wars of the sons of Mattathias. It is impossible to judge between them, whether the palm of courage belongs to one more than to another. They appear to have been equally courageous, fom, and resolute ; they never avoided any danger, however great ; they neither deserted their religion nor their country under the most severe trials. The end of Judas was a soldier's death, he died in battle ; but his brothers were less fortunate, according to human judgment ; for Jonathan fell a victim to the treachery of an enemy, and Simon to the wicked ambition of one connected with him by the closest ties. JOHN HYRCANUS. B. C. 136. Hyrcanus having, as has been related, taken refuge in Jerusalem John, the from the designs of Ptolemy, his father's murderer, was elected by the s?imlmed°"' people to succccd Simon. He first performed the sacrifices required sicceedr' ^^^ h''^^ ^* his initiation into the High-priest's ofl^ice, and then marching against Ptolemy, besieged him in a fortress near Jericho. Josephus relates' that t'ne siege was carried on less vigorously, on account of the feelings of Hyrcanus on behalf of his mother and brothers ; for Ptolemy, having them in his possession, brought them upon the walls, and threatened that he would throw them down headlong, if Hyr canus persisted in the siege. The conduct of his mother is related to Heroic have been of the most heroic kind. She cried aloud from the walls the'wiie of to her son, '* not to desist from his purpose, but to pursue his revenge, unmindful of her sufferings. To endure pain," she added, " would be pleasure to her, if it terminated in the punishment of him who had destroyed those who were dearest to her." Hyrcanus could not, however, resist the impression of pity which the sight of his mother's torments occasioned. The siege was relaxed, and bemg continued languidly until the following year, which was the year of the Sabbath, it was at last raised. Ptolemy then put the mother and brothers of Hyrcanus to death, and fled to Zeno, who was tyrant ot * Antiq, lib. xiii. p. 581 Simon. CHAP. III.J JOHN HYRCANUS. 47 Philadelphia. No farther account is given of the fate of this un- B.C. 13G. grateful man. Antiochus Sidetes, in the following year, b. c. 135, invaded Juda-a, B.C. 135. and besieged Hyrcanus in Jerusalem : the year being sabbatical' Anliokus. occasioned such a scarcity of provisions, as, towards the feast of tabernacles, in the autumn, reduced the besieged to the greatest necessity.' Hyrcanus, at this time, prayed a truce for the purpose of keeping the festival ; which was not only granted by Antiochus, His but he sent also beasts, and such things as were fitting and requirc-tl '''^"^"'^^• to be offered in sacrifice. This gracious conduct gave Hyrcanus hopes that Antiochus would not be unwilling to make peace. This accordingly took place ; Hyrcanus agreeing to dismantle Jerasalem, and to pay tribute to the king for Joppa and other towns which the Jews possessed out of Judaea. The king demanded also that the fortress at Acra should be rebuilt ; but this Hyrcanus refused, and chose rather to pay the king five hundred talents. Hostao-es were delivered for the ]-)erformance of the treaty, and the siege was raised. Both Josephus and Diodorus Siculus^ concur in ascribing this peace to the clemency of Antiochus ; who resisted the persuasion of those who advised him to use the opportunity of rooting out that odious nation the Jews. Antiochus, ibur years after this event, made an expedition intoB. c. 131. Parthia, for the purpose of recovering his brother Demetrius Nicator, ^'^-rcanus who was detained there a prisoner. Hyrcanus accompanied the king -Jitop^" accompanies Antiocnus in this war, and obtained no inconsiderable share of the honour of the victories gained over the Parthians.' Antiochus, wintering there, was slain in a general rising of the inhabitants, and was succeeded by his brother Demetrius. Hyrcanus failed not to use to the utmost the opportunity which the ti'oubles, then prevailing in Syria, offered of delivering himself from obecUence to the Syrians, and of re-establishing the independence of Judeea. He seized several of the cities bordering Hyrcanus on Judix-a, in Syria, Phoenicia, and Arabia ; and so entirely did he advtntaKe of succeed in his purpose, that neither himself nor his successors were AnUocims?* ever after tributary to the kings of Syria. Hyrcanus then took Se- B. C. 130. chem, the chief seat of the Samaritans, and destroyed the temple erected by Sanballat on Mount Gerizim, after it had stood two hundred years.* He next caiTied his arms against the Idumeans, and compelled them either to embrace the Jewish religion or to leave the country : they accepted the former proposal. The Edomites were circumcised and admitted as proselytes; and so complete was their B. c. 125. incorporation into the Jewish church, that they soon became one with the nation of the Jews. Hyrcanus sent an embassy to Rome, the oliject of which was to » Antiq. lib. xiii. p. 582. * Diod. Sic. lib. 34. s Eusebius, in his Chronican, relates that this prince acquired his name of H}t- canns from conquering the Hyrcanians in this expedition. * Antiq. lib. xiii. p. 584, 48 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. B.C. 1 '>P A nibassadors sent to Uome. B.C.12G. B.C. 110. Conduct, of Hyrcanus towards the ritarisees. [chap. III. gain from the Romans an acknowledgment that the treaty which he had been compelled to make with Antiochus Sidetes M'as null and void, as being in violation of that freedom which the Romans had guaranteed to the Jews.^ The Romans readily consented, and sent ambassadors to reinstate Hyrcanus in that freedom from the dominion of the kings of Syria which he had before enjoyed.^ In return for this kindness, an embassy was sent tiie following year to testify the grati- tude of the Jewish nation to the Roman Senate, and to present a cup and shield of gold, worth fifty thousand pieces. Upon this, another decree was passed by the Senate to confirm the former. The crown of Syria was once more contested between Demetrius and Alexander Zebina, who was an impostor, the son of a broker of Alexandria, but who pretended to be the son of Alexander Balas. Demetrius dying at Tyre, his wife Cleopatra reigned over one jmrt of the kingdom, and Zebina over the rest. Zebina made alliance with Hyrcanus, who never failed, during these commotions, to advance, to the utmost of hi^ power, the interest of his family and the pros})erity of his countiy. Such circumstances indeed could not fail to increase the wealth and power of so rising a prince as Hyrcanus. We find liim accom- ]:)lishing the sulijugation of Samaria, which he utterly destroyed ; and after this victor}' making himself master of all Judeea, Galilee, and Samaria, and several other places in the adjacent countries.^ He raised the gloiy of the Asamonean princes to its greatest height, and passed the remainder of his days respected by his neighbours and free from all foreign wars.* Hyrcanus had been through life attached to the sect of the Pharisees. Josephus ' relates at some length tlie cir- cumstances under which he withdrew his favour from them, and con- ferred it upon the opposite sect the Sadducees. It is probable that he discovered among them symptoms of disaffection ; upon which he left their party, and gave encouragement to the Sadducees, by forbid- ding publicly the practice of those customs which the Pharisees had enjoined to be observed in addition to the law of Moses.^ We can hardly conceive that so good a man would have denied the resurrec- tion, as the Sadducees did in aftertimes ; and indeed the account of his proceedings against the Pharisees, in annulling their precepts, imports that he foresaw the necessity of checking the evils that would result from the observance of their traditions. The Pharisees possessed in- fluence with the lower orders, while the power of the Sadducees was confined to the wealthy. The conduct of Hyrcanus, whatever it was, served to alienate from him and from his family the affections of the Piiarisees. To that sect may be ascribed the declension, and finally 1 Antiq. lib. xiii. p. 584, and xiv. p. (>23. * Dr. Hales is of opinion that tiie decree recited by Josephus, Ant. xiv. p. 623, ed. Hud., by mistake, is said to have been granted to Hyrcanus II. and that it applies to the embassy here related. — Hales's Chronology, vol. ii. 023. ^ Antiq. lib. xiii. p. 586. * De Bell. Jud. lib. i. p. 902. ^ Antiq. lib, xiii. p. 586. ^ Ibid. CHAP. III.] JOHN HYRCANUS. 49 the ruin of their nation ; which was destroyed by their opposition, first b. c. 110. to their own princes, and afterwards to the Romans. Hyrcanus died, having reigned with honour thirty years. That he b. c. 107. was a great man as a prince, we cannot doubt, when we consider how ciiaracterof skilfully he guided the helm of state, while he raised his country to ^^^^*='*"'"* ])Ower and wealth : that he was a good man is also clear from the t)adition which Josephus ' has recorded of his being possessed of the spirit of prophecy ; and had there been anything in his character Avorthy of blame, his opposition during the last years of his life to the encroachments of the Pharisees, would have occasioned some more grievous tale to be registered against him, by a sect of such influence, than that he rejected them because a Sadducee persuaded him that an insult, ollered him by one single Pharisee, was the premeditated act of the whole part}'. Before we proceed to recount the acts of the successors of Hyrcanus, during the decline of the Asamonean power, it may not be unprofitable to some of our readers, if we direct their attention to the remarkable conse(|uences which we have, diuing the preceding history, observed to result from that extraordinary enactment of the Law of ]\Ioses, the observance of the sabbatical year. On more than one occasion, both B.C. 1^4. when Bethsura was taken by the Syrians, in the time of Judas, and observatioai when Antiochus Sidetes took Jerasalem, in the reign of Hyrcanus, we ^bbaticai have seen that those apparently imfortunate results of war might be, '^^• in a great measm-e, attributed to that scarcity of provisions which natu- rally existed during a sabbatical year ; a scarcity, indeed, not amount- ing to famine, but yet sufficient to prevent the collection of stores against a protracted siege. During the wars carried on by Judas, Jonathan, and Simon, the sabbatical year must have continually proved an impediment to warhke operations, sufficient, certainly, in the eyes of worldly men, to have justified a suspension of its observ- once. The difficulties which thence ensued seem to have been cheer- fully borne. The Maccabean princes were too zealous for the law, to permit so important a feature in it to be lightly guarded ; and in the end we find that, under the superintending providence of that God who gave this law, and promised blessings to the Jews, if they kept it, the kingdom of Judsa rose, dm-ing this period, to a higher point of splendour and power than it had attained since the division of Solo- mon's kingdom, under the two kings Rehoboam and Jeroboam. This singular institution was peculiar to the theocracy established l)y the Mosaic law ; we may consider it as a perpetual touchstone, whereby the Divine Providence tried the fidelity of the Jews. The command was one to which the divine legislator attached great importance. The pen of inspiration informs us, that the breach of it was among tlie causes which occasioned the captivity of Judah ; for it is said that, as long as the land lay desolate, namely for seventy years, it tliereby en- joyed those Sabbaths of which it had been defrauded.* » Antiq. lib. xiii. p. 586. Be Bell. Jud. lb. « 2 Cliron. c. xsxvi. t 21, [jews.] E 50 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [cHAP. UI. ARISTOBULUS. B. c. 1 06. The reign of this unfortunate prince is marked with horror. H}Tcanus was no sooner dead than his family appear to have indulged towards each other the most bitter animosities. The character of Aristobulus is presented to us in most opposite lights. His acts were those of cruelty ; and yet we find Josephus ' quoting a passage fi'om the histo- rian Timagenes, in which this prince is described as a man of equitv, and a benefactor to his country. His reign was short and miserable ; and his early death seems to have been brought about, in a great mea- sure, by the pain and anxiety which he sufl'ered. The events of the year in which he reigned are probably attributable to the intrigues of party, and to the same turbulent ambition of the Pharisees, which Aristobnius embittered the latter days of Hyrcanus. As soon as Aristobulus was tkie'^f king, seated on the throne, he put the royal diadem on his head, and assumed the title of king, being the first that bore this title since the time of the Babylonish captivity. His mother was amongst the foremost of those who disputed his sovereignty, and claimed a right to the supreme power by his father's will. Aristobulus put her in prison and starved her to death ; an act of cruelty not to be justified, even by the most ambitious and rebellious designs of a mother. Perhaps with a view of showing his own unambitious disposition, he admitted his brother Antigonus to partnership in the kingdom ; whilst, for the security of iSireaM?*^^^ his person, he put his three remaining brothers into prison. Aristo- bulus was successfiil in a war which he made upon the Itiueans ; and imitating the example of his father, he compelled them to be circum- cised, or to quit their country. Returning from this expedition, and suffering from sickness, he found no peace, where he had most reason to expect it, in his own house. The cruel death to which his mother had been condemned, acted as a scourge upon himself and his family ; a sure proof that worldly honour can seldom hope to be secured by the commission of unnatural cmelty. His queen, Salome, and the courtiers of her party, were continually exciting him to jealousy of his favourite brother, whom, upon false suspicion, he put to death. This event brought so strongly to his mind, now oppressed with sickness, the remembrance of his mother's untimely end, that his disorder rapidly increased upon him, and he died in bitter agony, lamenting his cruelty to his mother, and his folly in believing that his brotlier was false to his interests. ALEXANDER JANN^US. B. c. 105. This prince was the third son of HjTcanus. One of the first acts of his reign was the putting his next brother to death, for entertaining treasonal)le designs against him. He attempted to take Ptolemais, ' Antiq. lib. xiii. p. 590. CHAP. III.l ALEXANDER JANNiEUS. 51 and besieged it ; but Ptolemy Lathyms, who reigned in Cv-prus, canio B.C. 105. to the rehef of the city, and not only caused the siege to be raised, but subsequently invaded Judira, and would have reduced Alexander to the greatest extremity, had not Cleopatra sent an army from Egvpt to his assistance. Alexander was successful in taking Gadara, after a siege of ten months ; but being foiled in his attempts upon Amathus, a city beyond Judrea, he returned to Jemsalem in disgrace. The misfortimes which thus befel him were gratifying to the Pharisees, who, since their quarrel with his father, had become bitter enemies to the royal fomily, and to none more than to Alexander, from whom they strove, by all the means in their power, to alienate the affections of the people. Notwithstanding the considerable success which afterwards attended B.C. 95. liim in his wars, the flame of dissension at last broke out. In the eleventh year of his reign, whilst in the act of officiating as High- Civii priest at the altar, at the feast of tabernacles, he was insulted by the JnTeHils" populace, and pelted with citrons, to which violence they added the Bovemment. most opprobrious language, implying that he was descended from a slave, and unworthy of being either High-priest or king.' Alexander, enraged at this treatment, ordered his guards to fall upon the populace, and he thus occasioned the slaughter of 6,000 persons. To prevent a recurrence of the like insult, he railed in the coiurt of the priests, so as to exclude the approach of the people • and for the safety of his person, he employed a guard of 6,00u mercenaries. The Pharisees E^-ii influen •■ were doubtless the instigators of all these disturbances. Much blame phULees. attaches itself to the conduct of Alexander; but the most efficient cause of all the misery which afflicted the Jewish nation, in the civil war then begun, was their desertion of the piu^e Law of Moses, and the adoption of that coiTupt system of religion, of which the Pharisees were the authors. The people, now addicted to Pharisaic supersti- tions, were condemned to sutler, from the intrigues of that party, the evil consequences of intestine divisions, and all the miseries of civil war : so wonderful is that dispensation of Providence which, under the Jewish Law, and not less mider the Christian covenant, converts a national sin into the means of a national punishment. Alexander en- deavoured to divert the attention of the people from aflairs at home, by engaging in war, and succeeded in making the inhabitants of the lands of j\loab and Gilead tributary to him. This temporary success Alexander served for a while to abate the fiuy of the storm ; but three years after, ^v'i'oa'l^an.i being mifortunate in an expedition against the country of Gaulonitis, *^''*'* * and losing nearly all his army, on his return to Jerusalem, the Jews took advantage of his desolate situation, and openly rebelled against him. A civil war then ensued, which continued for six years ; diu-ing which, although he repeatedly defeated the forces of tlie rebels, he was utterly imable to subdue their refractory spirit. *' Wearied at length with punisliing and destroying his people, he sought an accommoda- ' Aniiq. lib. xiii. p. 596. • E 2 52 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [CHAP. III. B. c. 95. tion, and offered to grant them any reasonable conditions they chose. With one voice they desired him to cut his throat, for they could be at peace with him on no other terms ; and that, considering the great mischiefs he had done them, it were well they could be reconciled to him, even in his grave.^ They sent for succours to Demetrius Eucerus, king of Damascus, w^ho brought a powerful army to their assistance, and overtlii'ew Alexander, with the loss of all his Greek mer- cenaries, to a man, and he would have been utterly ruined, had not 6,000 of the Jews themselves, compassionating his distress, revolted B. c. 89. from the Syrians and joined him. Being a man of most undaunted spirit, and possessing great resources in himself, he continued the war with his owm people after the departure of the Syrians ; and at length he defeated them with great slaughter, and shut up the remainder in B. c. 8G. Bethome, wdiich he besieged and took the year after. On this occa- sion he was guilty of a most barbarous act of cmelty, wdiich got him the appellation of Thracidas, " the Thracian." He brought 800 of His cruelty, the prisoners to Jerusalem, and there crucified them all in one day, and put their wives and children to death before their feces, as they hung d}ang on the crosses ; whilst he, his wives, and concubines, w^ere feasting in view of the horrid scene, to glut their eyes with the spectacle ! After this, Alexander had no more disturbance ; the rebels who sur- vived, flying the country, after he had destroyed about 50,000 of them B. C. 82. in the course of the war. He then spent three years in recovermg Gives himself fortresses wdiich had revolted during the civil war, and extended his up usury. ^^Qj^q^gyj-g joeyoiid Jordan, He returned to Jerusalem victorious, and gave himself up to luxmy and drunkemiess, which brought on a quartan ague, under which he languished for three years, and at length died at the siege of Ragaba, beyond Jordan, in the country of Gera- senes. In his last moments, he advised Alexandra, his queen, to con- coal his death until the capture of the fortress, and then, on their triumphant return to Jerusalem, he recommended her to convene the heads of the Pharisees, and ofter to be guided by their counsels in the administration of the kmgdom ; and to lay his dead body before them,* and resign it wholly to their discretion, whether to treat it w4th igno- miny, in revenge for all the evils they had suffered from him, or other- wise ; adding, that if she followed this advice, she would not only procure him an honourable funeral, but security for herself and her B. c. 78. children. And the event justified the prediction : for his funeral obsequies were more splendid than those of any of his predecessors ; and Alexandra, according to his will, was quietly established in the government.^ QUEEN ALEXANDRA. B. c. 78. Alexandra, being settled on the throne, appointed Hyrcanus, her eldest son, to the office of High-priest, and gave up everything to the 1 Antiq. lib. xiii. p. 597. ^ Ibid. p. 600. ^ Ilales's Chronology, vol. ii. p. 626. yrcami'? made High- priest. CHAP. III.] QUEEN ALEXANDRA. 53 entire direction of the Pharisees : as Josephus observes, Alexandra B. C. 78. had the kingdom, and the Pharisees the power. The decree of Hyr- Alexandra canus against them was immediately revoked ; the exiles of thiir luccmL party were recalled ; and revenge was executed upon those by whose advice Alexander had put to death the 80(.) rebels. Hyrcanus, the iiyi High-priest, being a man of easy temper, did not attempt any op])0- sition to these proceedings : but at last Aristobulus, the younger brother, incensed at the persecutions still carried on by the Pharisees against all his father's former adherents, put himself at the head of the party opposed to the Pharisees, and went with them openly to remonstrate with the queen against these proceedings. The queen, touched with the statement of their sufferings, so far agreed to their demands, as to put ii^to the hands of Aristobulus and liis friends all the fortresses * except Hyrcania, Alexandrium, and IVIacha^rus ; and ill these places thev found refuge from the tyranny of the Pliarisees. Aristobulus was sent in the following year to relieve Damascus B. C 72. from the incursions of Ptolemy Mannoeus. He took possession of the city ; but employed the power thus invested in him to no other advantage than that of securing to himself the affections of the army. Tigi-anes, king of Armenia, was at this time employed in the siege of Ptolemais, which occasioned no small anxiety to the queen, lest he should invade Judoea ; but the progress of the Roman arms in Pontus and Cappadocia, warning him to provide for the defence of Armenia, JeiTisalem and Judsea were thereby relieved from the impending danger. A short time previous to the invasion of Armenia by the Romans, Alexandra died, ha^dng attained the age of seventy-three years. In the account which Josephus ^ gives of her, we read the j^erfect b. c. 60. character of an ambitious woman. " She was," says he, " destitute ciiaracicrof of the natural weakness of her sex. In her own love of rule she at ' once displa}ed the power her mind possessed in the management of afiairs, and at the same time gave proof of the folhes of mankind in the errors which they commit hi order to obtain dominion : for, utterly regardless of future consequences, if she could but obtain some present good, and counting every object inferior to the absolute pos- session of power, in the accomplishment of her desires, she paid no regard to the principles either of honour or of justice. And to such extremity did she reduce her own family, whilst she sought more than it became woman to possess, that she caused them to lose that power ■ to which she had aspired in spite of the greatest perils, committing herself to the gaiidance of those most hostile to her family, and leaving her kingdom deprived of persons able to govern its afliiirs. The })olicy she pursued when alive, after her death filled her jialace with calamity and trouble ; and vet, during her reign, she preserved the countiy in peace." 1 Antiq. hb. xiii. p. 601. * Ibid. p. 603. Hyrcanus. 54 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [CHAP. III. HYRCANUS THE SECOND. B.C. 69. The reign of this prince did not exceed three months in duration. Short reign of His younger brother Aristobulus took every advantage of the sick- ness which preceded his mother's death to get possession of the fortresses. The army was attached to him ; and the people, now weary of the lordly tyranny of the Pharisees, were ready enough to encourage a change of government. The Pharisees represented to Alexandra, whilst on her death-bed, the designs of Aristobulus, but she declined interfering in the dispute. On the death of the queen, a battle took place between the forces raised by the Pharisees in favour of Hyrcanus, and the army of Aristobulus ; after which Hyr- canus willingly resigned the High-priesthood and the kingdom, and was contented to lead a quiet life under his brother's protection. Thus, as Josephus ' relates, Aristobulus went to the palace, and Hyrcanus to the house of Aristobulus; and so ended the tyranny which for the space of nine years had been exercised by the Pharisees over the whole nation. ARISTOBULUS THE SECOND. B. c. 69. On the expulsion of Hyrcanus, his brother, Aristobulus the Second, ascended the throne. The weakness of Hyrcanus seemed little likely to disturb his reign ; but there appeared an enemy to contend with more subtle than his brother ; and the combination of circumstances abroad unhappily aided the designs which his adversary formed against him. The vices of the later Asamonean princes, their family dissensions, and, submission to the teachers of a corrupt religion, had dimmed the lustre of that glory which shone upon them during the reigns of the first five of their race. Vice, whether in the palace or in the abodes of private life, is equally destructive : it undermines alike the wealth of the private man and the stability of the throne ; and we find that, in the instance of the Asamonean family, their own wickedness and folly paved the way for the establishment of the authority of the Herods over their master's house. _. . , The disturbances which happened in Judeea at this time, and the Origin of 1 • 1 ^ ^ r ^ • r I Antipater, rcvolutiou that succecdcd, arose irom the aspmng temper oi Antipater, Herod the ^ the father of Herod the Great. This Antipater was an Idumean by- birth, but in religion a Jew, the son of Antipas, a nobleman of Idu- mea, who, under the reign of Alexander Janna^us, was appointed governor of that country, and enjoyed the esteem and i'riendship of Janna.'us and his queen Alexandra.* The young Antipater, the fatiier of Herod, being brought up in the court, contracted tiie strongest friendship with Hyrcanus, and naturally looked to his suc- » Antiq. lib. xiv. p. 607. ^ jbjd. p. 608. Great. CHAP. III.] ARISTOBULUS THE SECOND. 55 cession to the crown as the means of promoting his own aggrandize- B. c. 69. ment. The deposition of Hyrcanus frustrated all his hopes ; for he could scarcely expect safety, much less favour, from Aristobulus : he intrigues of therefore exerted himself to the utmost to repair the fortunes of Hyr- ""p*''*''" canus, and with them his own. Hyrcanus was a man of too easy a temper to be excited to exertion by the feelings of ambition. Anti- pater, therefore, found no other means of winning him to his purpose than by insinuating that danger to his life was to be apprehended from Aristobulus. In the meantime he treated with Aretas, king of Arabia Petrsea, and engaged him to furnish an army to assist Hyr- canus : many of the Jews were also ready, through his intrigues, to join in the atttempt. After much solicitation, Antipater prevailed on Hyrcanus to fly from Jemsalem, and to take refuge with Aretas ; who immediately marched an army of 50,000 men into Judaea, and being there joined by the Jews of Hyrcanus's ])arty, gave battle to Aristobulus, defeated him, and compelled him to retire into the Aretns Temple mount at Jerusalem, where he besieged him. It hap- jeru^Iem. pened that at this time Pompey was carrying on the war against b. c. 65. Tigranes and Mithridates in Armenia. A division of the Roman army, under the command of Scaurus, had been detached by Pom])ey and sent into Syria, and Scaunis was now on his march to Juda'a, when the two brothers sent to make offers to procure his assistance. Scaurus deemed it most pradent to accept those of Aristobulus, and therefore sent orders to Aretas to retire, under penalty of having war made upon him by the Romans if he refused. Aristobulus now in turn attacked Aretas and Hyrcanus, and defeated them with great slaughter. As soon as Pompey had finished his war in Armenia, he came to B. c. 64. Damascus, and reduced Cceie-Syria to a Roman province. On his return to Coele-Syria in the following year, he was met by ambas- B. c. 63. sadors, both from the Jewish nation and from the two brothers Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, beseeching him to decide the quarrel betw^een them.^ In the ensuing spring he came to Damascus ; and then directed his attention to the statements these ambassadors made to him respecting Judaea, and permitted the two brothers to ]^lead ^,'i'ifJ."J.i'y^ their cause before him. The representatives of the Jewish people, a^p^ai to alike hostile to the interests of Hyrcanus and of Aristobulus, declared their unwillingness to submit any longer to a kingly government, having always been accustomed to be subject to priests and not to kings. They acknowledged that' the two princes were of the sacer- dotal family, but that they changed the form of government for the purpose of reducing the people to slavery. Ko circumstiince could prove more strongly the real weakness of the power of the royal family than this declaration of the Jewish nation to Pompey, nor could show more plainly that Judira was prepai'ed to become an easy 1 Aiiti/. lib. xiv. p. 611. 56 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [chap. I1[. B. c. 63. Weakness of the regal power. Crafty policy of Pompey. Aretas conquered. Pompey besieges Jerusalem. acquisition to the Roman power. H\Tcanus pleaded the injustice of his younger brother, in depriving him of his authority ; to which Aristobuhis rephed, by urging the imbecihty of H}Tcanus, and his evident unfitness to hold the reins of government. The artfiil Roman did not immediately pronounce his judgment upon the merits of the cause; but perceiving that the weakness of H}Tcanus presented the fewest obstacles to the extension of the Roman conquests, he secretly determined in his favour ; but apparently left the matter undecided, until he should have leisure to come in person and settle the business at Jerusalem. The crafty intentions of Pompey did not escape the observation of Aristobulus. On his return from Damascus, he began preparations of defence — a circumstance which incensed the Roman general against him, and more fully detemiined him to depose him. It was no difficult task to overcome Aretas, and deprive Aristobulus of all hope of resistance to the Roman power from that quarter. Pompey took Petra?a, the capital city of Arabia Petra^a, and made Aretas a prisoner ; but released him on his submitting to the terms which he imposed. He then came unto Judgea, and found Aristo- bulus in the strong fortress at Alexandrium. The behaviour of Pompey was that of a man conscious of his own power, and of the weakness of his enemy. He commanded Aristobulus to come and treat with him. Several conferences took place ; at the last of which the Roman general ordered him to deliver up his fortresses, and to sign orders for the surrender of them before he quitted the camp. Aristobulus now perceived that there was no hope of obtaining any- tliing by negotiation, he therefore fled to Jerusalem, and there pre- pared to make a stand against Pompey ; but as soon as the Roman army advanced thither his courage failed, and he tried to make peace, by promising entire submission, and by paying a certain sum of money. Pompey accepted the proposal, and sent Gabinius to receive the money ; who returned, having found the gates shut, with an answer that the people would not comply with the conditions. Pompey, incensed at this treatment, marched his whole army against Jerusalem. The friends of Hyrcanus soon admitted him into the city ; but Aristobulus and his party, having possession of the moun- tain of the Temple, there sustained a siege for three months ; nor would the fortress have been taken in the end, had not Pompey per- ceived that though on the Sabbath-days the Jews resisted any assault made upon them, they did not then make any attempts to hinder the works which were carrying on. He therefore gave orders not to make any assault on the Sabbath ; but to take advantage of that time, by em})loying it in carrying forward the works, advancing the batter- ing engines, and filling up the ditches.^ At length the Romans suc- ceeded in making a breach in the wall, and assaulted the ])lace. The number of tliose who perished was reckoned at not less than 1 2,000 : * Antiq. lib. xiv. p. 614. CHAP. III.] HYRCANUS THE SECOND. 57 none were more cruel in the carnage than the Jews of Hyrcanus's b. C. 63. party. Amidst this dreadful destruction the priests still persevered in performing their duty in the Temple ; many fell by the sword at the very altars, and mingled their own blood with the blood of the sacrifices. The day on which the fortress was taken was that on captuxes it. which a solemn fast was observed, for the capture of the Temple l)y Nebuchadnezzar. The constancy and self-devotion of the priestr. failed not to meet with the admiration of Pom]:)ey. A parallel to it is scarcely to be met with in the records of history. As soon as the place surrendered, Pompey, with several of his generals, took a sur- vey of the Temple ; and, not contented with viewing the outer courts, entered into the most holy place ; which was a profanation and an Profanes the insult to their religion bitterly felt and most grievously resented by the ^™^ ^' Jews. The treasures contained in the Temple he left untouched, and gave orders ibr the continuance of the service as before ; an absti- nence which little atoned for the impiety of which he had been guilty. It has been remarked of Pompey, that up to this period of his life he experienced the greatest success in all his undertakings ; but after this Unprosperous act of profanation he never prospered, his victory at Jerusalem lieing the last he ever achieved. On the taking of Jerusalem, Pom]iey restored the High-priesthood to Hyrcanus, and made him Prince of ^^'T'^p.Hs. the country, but forbade his wearing the diadem. He then dis- priest, mantled Jerusalem, and made Juda?a tributary to the Romans ; and separating from its government all the Syrian and Phoenician cities taken by the predecessors of Hyrcanus, made Scaurus President of Syria. He then returned to Rome, carrying with him Aristobulus, his two sons, Alexander and Antigonus, and two of his daughters, to grace his triumph. HYRCANUS THE SECOND (restored). When we consider the continual interference of the Roman au- b. c. 63. thority in the internal afiairs of Juda?a, which took place after the ccnquest of Jerusalem by Pompey, and the influence which Antipater possessed over the mind of Hyrcanus, it appears evident that the restoration of Hyrcanus was purely nominal, and that the limited power possessed by the Prince of Judaea, in reality pertained to Antipater, and not to the nominal King. Whilst Pompey was on his wav to Rome, Alexander, the eldest son of Aristobulus, etlected iiis escape. In the year b. c. 57, he collected in Juda\a an army of 10,000 Jl^P^^Jjf.j. men, and seizing the fortresses of Hyrcania, Alexandrium, and i\Ia- ^^'^ -y^ chsenis, ravaged the country. Galjinius, the President of Syria, Attempts despatched Mark Antony to opjwse this attempt of Alexander, jud^a.^'*^' Antony, uniting his forces with those of Antii)ater and Hyrcanus, soon defeated Alexander, and compelled him to retire to the fortress at Alexandrium. By the mediation of his mother, Gabinius concluded B.C. 57. The policy of Gabinius, President of yjTia. EstaDlLihes five independent Sanhedrims. Administra- tion of Antipater. B. C. 56. Antipater persuades the Jews to assist the Romans B. C. 55. B. C. 54. Crassus •limdei Itmple. plunders the 58 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [CHAP. IH. a peace with him, on condition of his surrendering Alexandrium and the other fortresses, which were afterwards demohshed by her advice, lest they should aid further revolts. In order to weaken the powei" of the Jewish nation by increasing a number of independent cities near Judeca, Gabinius gave orders for the rebuilding of Samaria, Azotus, Zamnia, Scythopolis, and several other cities which, had been desti'oyed by the Asamonean princes. The government of these cities was probably constituted in the aristocratic fomi ; for soon after the taking of Alexandrium, Gabinius came to Jerusalem and altered the form of government from the monarchial to the aristocratical,' leading to Hyrcanus no other authority than that of the High-priesthood. Until this time justice had been admi- nistered throughout Juda?a by the two Sanhedrims, or courts of justice: the lesser existed in every city, and consisted of twenty-three persons ; the other, called the Greater Sanhedrim, consisted of seventy persons, and sat at Jerusalem, and to it an appeal lay from the courts beneath. This constitution naturally made Jerusalem the chief place of authority. Gabinius most effectually overthrew this superiority by establishing five supreme independent Sanhedrims, at Jerusalem, Jericho, Gadara, Amathus, and Sepphoris. By this means all power was taken from Hyrcanus and given to the nobles ; whilst, at the same time, the nation was deprived of a common centre of union. The existence of the little authority which remained to Hyrcanus and Antipater solely depending on the peiTnission of the Romans, it is not surprisuig to find Antipater endeavoinring, by every means in his power, to ingra- tiate himself with them. The Jews in Egypt were a most powerful body. In the invasion of Eg}^t by Gabinius and Mark Antony, a great part of the success which attended them was owing to the influence of Antipater, who wrote to the Jews and persuaded them to assist the invading army ; by which means Pelusium was taken, and a way opened for the ad- mission of the Romans. Two years previously, Aristobulus, escaping from Rome, had made one more attempt, by raising an army in Judaea, to recover his authority ; but being besieged in Machaerus, he w^s taken prisoner by Gabinius, and his enterprise entirely fl\iled. This year his son Alexander repeated the attempt, in the absence of Ga- binius in Egypt, and raised a force of 30,000 men, with which he ravaged the country ; but on the return of the Roman general, he was defeated near Moimt Tabor, and his whole army dispersed. Crassus succeeded Gabinius in the government of Syria. His avarice could not withstand the tempfaition to plunder the Temple at Jemsalem of its ti-easures,^ which amounted to 10,000 talents; but this sacrilege was only the prelude to his ruin, for in the following year he perished in the Parthian war, being defeated with great slaughter, and himself and his son killed near Charra in Mesopotamia. Antiq lib. xiv. p. 617. 2 Ibid. p. 618. CHAP. TII.J HYRCANUS THE SECOND. 59 The civil wars between Pompey and Coesar hastened the destmc- B. c. 49. tion of the Asamonean family. Cirsar released Aristobukis out of prison, and sent him with two legions to promote his interests in Juda?a ; but the friends of Pompey contrived to get rid of so tioul)le- some an opponent, by poisoning him on his way thither. A fate not less miserable befel his son Alexander, who had raised forces in JudjBa, expecting his father to arrive, but Pom})ey sent orders to Scipio, President of Syria, to seize him and put him to death : he was accordingly taken and brought to Antioch, and after a formal ti'ia], put to death. It would be foreign to our purpose to relate the various fortunes which attended Julius Cfesar in his road to power. We cannot, however, avoid noticing that Cffisar was considerably indebted for his release from the difficulties which surrounded him in Egypt, immediately after Pompey 's death, to the courage and prudence of Antipater the Idumean ; for, when Mithridates had been sent by Ca?sar to levy forces in Syria and Cilicia, and to come to his succour in Egypt, Antipater and Hyrcanus not only provided a con- siderable force in aid of Cfesar, but also accompanied Mithridates in B. c. 48. person. In the siege of Pelusium, Antipater was foremost in the assault of the city ; and most materially contributed, by his personal valour, to the capture of the place. And but for the presence of An- Caesar assisted tipater and Hyrcanus, the expedition of Mithridates would have been Antipater.^ entirely frustrated by the Jews of the province of Oneion, who had seized the passes, and refused him admittance ; but Antipater per- suaded them not only to permit the passage of the troops, but also to join Caesar's party. Nor did his services end here ; for in an engage- ment which took place with the army of Ptolemy, Mithridates com- manding, in conjunction with Antipater, the division of Mithridates was entirely defeated ; but Antipater, having routed the part opposed to him, came to his assistance, and at last succeeded in defeating the enemy with great slaughter. It is worthy of remark, that Caesar, the fomider of the dynasty destined by Providence to complete the over- throw of the Jewish economy, was considerably aided and forwarded on his road to power by this very nation : and the conqueror showed himself grateful to Antipater for that service ; for on his arrival in Syria, he refused to listen to the claims Antigonus, the surviving son of Aristobulus, made upon him (in consideration, no doubt, of tlie Osar death of his father and brother in Caesar's service) for his restoration Antijafer to the kingdom, and restored the supreme authority to Hyrcanus, S^wtance. abolishing the aristocratical constitution ol' Gabinius, and ajipointing b. c. 47. Antipater Procurator of Judaea, under Hyrcanus. Antipater was a man of great wisdom and foresight, and had acquired such influence in Judgea and Arabia, Syria and Palestine, as made him necessary to the Roman governors in those parts : and to none did he render more ser\ice than to Caisar, who, without his assistance, coukl never have raised that army, to which he owed his deliverance in Eg\'])t. An- |>jj^'»^' tipater had now four sons grown up, of great reputation for valour and 60 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [chap. III. B.C. 47, Herod accused by the Sanhe- drim. B. C. 44. The Jews prolec L'sesar, protected by D?ath of Ca»sar. Syria sei/pd by Cassius. wisdom : the eldest was Phasael, whom he made governor of Jeru- salem ; the second Herod, whom he appointed governor of Galilee ; the third son was Joseph, and the fourth Pheroras : he had also a daughter, Salome, a woman of an intriguing spirit, who hved to create serious disturbances in the family. The height to which Antipater had raised himself and his family, failed not to render his prosperity odious to the Jews of the aristocratic party. Herod having exerted himself with great courage against the robbers who infested his district, and put their leader to death by his own authority, and without any formal trial, several of the leading Jews laid hold of this circumstance to summon him to answer before the Sanhedrim for his conduct.^ Herod came attended by his guards, and clothed in purple, and bearing with him a menacing letter from Sextus Caesar, the President of Syria, commanding the Sanhedrim to acquit him. Awed by this behaviour, the whole assembly remained silent, when Sameas, a man of gi'eat courage and integrity, boldly stepped forward, and arraigned him both for his crime, and also for his presumption in coming thither so attended ; and he predicted that this Herod would one day destroy them all, an event which afterwards came to pass, for he put Hyrcanus, and all the members of the Sanhedrim, to death, Pollio and Sameas only excepted. At this time Hyrcanus seeing the assembly, at the instigation of Sameas, inclined to condemn Herod, adjourned the meeting : thus giving opportunity for him to make his escape to Damascus during the night. It was with difficulty that Herod was dissuaded by his father and brother from marching an army to Jerusalem, to avenge the insult he had received from the Sanhedrim. On the return of Julius Caesar from the African war, Hyrcanus sent an embassy to him, requesting his pernjission to repair and fortify Jeru- salem ; who not only granted his request, but by a decree confirmed Hyrcanus in his authority, as High-priest and Etlmarch ; remitted the tribute to be paid by the Romans during the sabbatical year ; and granted such farther privileges to the Jews, throughout the empire, that they could hardly be said to feel the weight of the Roman yoke. Josephus ^ has preserved the various decrees made by Caesar in favour of the Jews, as an argument to confirm his account of the esteem in which the Persian and Macedonian princes held his nation. " For," says he, " if some doubt the truth of what is asserted on this point, because the evidence is not to be found but in the records of our own, and some barbarous nations, they will surely think it worthy of credit, when they read what decrees the Romans made in our favour ; decrees not to be denied, but registered in the public offices, and engraved on the pillars of the Capitol." By the assassination of C«sar, which event took p]nce soon after, the Roman em])ire was thrown into the greatest confusion. Cassius, one of the conspirators, seized Syria,^ and being compelled to levy heavy contributions on the country for the support of his army, the » Antiq. lib. xiv. p. 626. « ibid. p. 628. » Ibid. p. 637. CHAP. III. J HYRCANUS THE SECOND. 61 territory of Hyrcanus was taxed at 700 talents. Anti pater made B. C. 44. every exertion to raise the sum appointed, and divided the labour of making the assessment between his two sons, Phasael and Herod, and a nobleman, attached to the interests of Hyrcanus, named Malichus. The district allotted to Malichus iailing of atlbrding the proper supply, Cassius ordered the inhabitants to be sold, and would have put Malichus to death, had not Antipater redeemed his life, by the payment of 100 talents out of the treasury of Hyrcanus. Malichus repaid this kindness by the basest ingratitude. Jealous of the au- thority of Antipater, and disdaining any longer to promote the welfare of Hyrcanus, whilst he held only the second place under Antipater the Iduinean, he plotted the entire destruction of the friend to whom he owed the preservation of his life. The treachery of Mali- Trcacher>'of chus was soon suspected by Antipater and his sons ; but on being charged with it, he so solemnly protested his innocence, that Antipater became reconciled to him. On this occasion the ungrateful villain once more owed his life to Antipater, who would not allow one of his two sons to act upon the persuasion he entertained of IVIalichus's treachery, and thus saved him from death. Malichus, however, soon Deatii of after poisoned him at a banquet given by Hyrcanus, and took posses- " ^^'^'"' sion of the government of Jerusalem. Still the crafty traitor strove to persuade Phasael and Herod of his innocence ; but to no purpose, for they procured him to be assassinated at Tyre, by the Roman gar- rison, under orders to that effect from Cassius. By the defeat of Bratus and Cassius at Philippi, the sons of Herod were deprived of their strongest support, the protection of Cassius. The faction of Mahchus rained Hyrcanus as well as Felix, the Roman governor, to their side, by representing to them how much was to be B. C. 4J feared from the overgi'own power of the sons of Antipater. Phasael, ag*|n"t>iie however, by the vigour of his proceedings, soon recovered the ascend- ^^"l°\ ancy by attacking Jerusalem, and expelling the Roman governor. The " sons of Antipater failed not to upbraid Hyrcanus with his base desertion of the 1km ily of Antipater, to whose wise administration he was in- debted for everything which he possessed ; but all dillerences between them were speedily removed by Herod's espousing Mariamne, the iifroA beautiful granddaughter of Hyrcanus.' The suppressed faction, though Mariamne. moderated, was by no means extinguished ; for they called to them Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, and under pretence of restoring him to his father's throne, raised fresh disturbances in the country: his B.C. 41 claim was supported by JMarion, king of Tyre, Fabius, governor of Damascus, and Ptolemy, prince of Chalcis, who married the daughter of Aristobulus. The next year Antony, coming to Antioch, was met by a deputation sent from the Jewish nation to accuse Phasael and Herod of usurping the government of Hyrcanus. Antony allowed them a hearing in the presence of Hyrcanus,'' and then inquiring of him whom he thought fittest to manage the government under him, 1 Antiq. lib. xiv. p. 6;;9. « Ibid. p. 624. 62 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [cHAP. III. B. C. 41. according to his recommendation, made the two brothers Tetrarchs, and committed the administration of affairs entirely to them. He also im- prisoned several of the deputies, and would have put them to death, had not Herod saved them by his intercession. The ti'oultles of Herod were not yet ended. The Parthian general Pacoras having taken Sidon and Ptolemais, was induced, by an offer of 1,000 talents and 500 Jewish women, to assist Antigonus in his claim to the throne. The forces of the two brothers were superior to the Parthians, who, finding themselves unable to accomplish their purpose by force, had recourse to treachery, and by it they succeeded. Contrary to Herod's advice, Phasael and H}Tcanus were induced to go in an embassy to the Par- thian governor, as the readiest means of obtaining peace : as soon as the governor had them in his power, he put them both in chains. Herod escaped from Jerusalem, and fled to Massada, a strong fortress on the lake Asphaltitis. The Parthians then plundered the comitry, placed Antigonus on the throne,' and giving up to him Hyrcanus and Phasael, left the country. Phasael, knowing his death to be deter- mined on, destroyed himself. Antigonus spared the life of Hyrcanus; but barbarously cut off his ears, to incapacitate him from exercising the priest's office, and then sent him m exile to Seleucia in Babylonia. IIjTcanus dethroned. Ilerod made king. B. c. 39. ANTIGONUS. B. C. 40. Under this emergency, Herod made all haste to Kome, intending to procure the assistance of Antony and the Romans to place Aristobuhis, the brother of Mariamne, on the throne. It does not appear that Herod had any other view at this time than that of governing the country under Aristobulus, as his father had done under Hyrcanus ; but Antony chose rather to place Herod on the throne, and procured a decree from the senate to that effect. Herod immediately returned to Jemsalem, and raising forces, he relieved the fortress at Massada, which Antigonus had in the meantime besieged. The next year Herod still persevered in carrying on the war against Antigonus, and after encountering him with various success, obtained a signal victory over him. Herod was assisted in this war by the Roman generals ; who, however, wasted the country so much, that in reality they more hii dered than promoted his interests. It undoubtedly was the interes- of the Romans to weaken the power of the Jewish nation ; and by de- ])arting from the line of policy which they had always followed of ])reserving the throne to lawful possessors, and giving it in this instance to Herod, who was a stranger, they caused such dissensions between the king and the people, as desti'oyed all power of opposition to them- selves, and in fact reduced Judaea to the rank of a Roman province. The following year Herod besieged Jemsalem,^ and consummated his marriage with Mariamne, in the hope of conciliating the people to his government by this aflinity to the Asamonean family. After a siege Antiq. Ah. XIV. p. 643. 2 jbid. p. 658. Assisted by the Romans, CHAP. III.J ANTIGOXUS. 63 of more than six months the city was taken : the Romans pkmdered B. c. 39. the city, and massacred the inhabitants, being instigated to this cniehy Takes Jem- by the general, S^'jius. Herod complained that the Romans would ^^™' make him king of a desert; and was forced to redeem the city by a ^'^' considerable sum of money. Antigonus surrendered himself to Sosius, and implored his mercy ; but he, despising such pusillanimity, rejected him with scorn, and calling him Antigona, sent him in chains to Antony at Antioch : who, not long after, at the solicitation of Herod, put him to death in the manner of a common malefactor. The Ro- Execution of mans had never before so treated any crowned head. They acted thus, hoping to diminish the attachment of the Jews to the Asamonean family, who, so long as Antigonus was alive, could not be brought to acknowledge Herod as their king. Such was the termination of the Kndofthe Asamonean dynasty, after it had existed 129 years from the com- dy^asty!*''^" . mencement of the authority of Judas Maccabeus ; or 12G years, if we date it more correctly, and agreeably to the chronology of Joscphus, fi'om the acknowledgment of Judas's power bv Antiochus Eupator, B.C. 163. The fortunes of tills house, says Dr. Hales, seem to be referred to in the following obscure sequel of Micah's prophecy : — Chap. V. 5. When the Assyrian shall have come into our land, Then shall be raised up against him Seven shepherds and eight princes of men. 6. And they shall waste with the sword The land of Asher, the land of Nimrod, in its coasts : Thus shall He deliver [us] from the Assyrian, When he shall have come into our land. And when he shall have trampled on our borders. The Ass}Tian here (according to the ingenious conjecture of Dr. jnterpreta- Gregory Sharpe) aptlv denotes Antiochus Epiphanes, and the succeed- p"o"phecy of ing kings of Syria, who mled in Assyria and Babylonia, and as w^ Micah. have seen, greatly oppressed the Jews. The " seven shepherds," to be raised up by the Messiah for the deliverance of his people, represent the seven ]\Iaccabees, old Mattathias, his five sons, and his grandson John Hyrcanus; who signalized themselves in the defence of their countiy, and carried the war into the enemy's land of "Asher and Nimrod ;" and the last, in particular, raised the glory of his house to the highest pitch, and derived his name Hyrcanus from his exploits in these countries. These are aptly termed " shepherds," because they were leaders of the ])eop]e, acting under the great Shepherd of Israel, and the prime " leader," Christ, noticed in the foregoing part of the prophecv. Their successors are distinguished from them by the title of " princes," because, not satisfied with the modest title of" ethnarchs," and " High-priosts," they assumed the crown as "kings," following the example of Aristobulus, the eldest son of Hyrcanus ; who, with his two brothers, Antigonus and Janna^us, Alexandra, her two sons, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus the Second, and the two sons of the latter, ^S"^ \ 64 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [CHAP. III. B.C. 37. Alexander and Antigonus, make up eight Queen Alexandra may justly be reckoned in the number ; for, as Josephus observes, " she was a woman free from the weakness of her sex, and more practised in the art of government than most men." — Holes' s Chronology, vol. ii. p. 6-J 0. If the foregoing interpretation be admitted, great importance must be attached to this prophecy of Micah ; since we shall then view it as that great link in the chain of sacred prophecy, which, by de- scribing the reign of the Asamonean princes, connects those prophecies of Daniel, which relate to the transactions of Alexander's successors prior to the rise of the Maccabees, with those more celebrated predic- tions contained in the book of Daniel, and in other prophets, which foretel the time, place, and other circumstances of the Messiah's coming. ( 65 ) CHAPTER IV. HEROD THE GREAT. FROM A. M. 4668, B. c. 46, TO A. M. 4711, B. c. 3. The course of events which led to the overthrow of the Asamonean B, c. 46. dynasty, and the accession of Herod to the throne of Jud3?a, has been ah'eady detailed. The preceding history clearly shows that we may ascribe his success to his ability in command ; which recommended him to the Romans, as a person able to protect tlie interests of their Eastern empire, by opposing the power of Jiidsea to the invasions of the Parthians.' During the nominal reign of Hyrcanus, Herod was appointed governor of Galilee. By his just and judicious government, he won the allections not only of the inhabitants, but also of Sextus Caesar, the Roman governor ; and even his enemies, when instigated by the jealousy of his own brother Phasael, could find no other ground of accusation, than general charges, that he had assumed the govern- ment, and put the chief of the robbers to death without a trial. The conduct of Herod, on this occasion, has been traced in Chapter HI. In the prophetic warning, which Sameas is related to have given to the Council before which Herod was summoned to answer for liis conduct, we discern the great expectations then formed of Herod. T'he family of Antipater had been viiiiially nominated to the sove- reignty of the country ; and in the falling condition of the Asamo- nean dynasty, it did not require any very great sagacity to foresee the probability that a prince like Herod, would be placed by the Roman senate on the tlu'one of Judcca. The fears of futinre vengeance expressed by Sameas were, in fact, complimentary to the person whom he appeared to condemn ; and even if Herod had not aspired to succeed Hyrcanus, no circumstance could have tended more to encom-age such thoughts, than that of Sameas publicly foreboding that his power would be one day greater than that of the Council and of Hyrcanus. There is reason to suspect that Sameas secretly encouraged the hopes of Herod ; for when Herod besieged Jerasalem,* Pollio and Sameas were most fonvard in advising the suiTender of the city :' and in al'tertimes, these two chiefs of the Pharisees were held by Herod in such esteem, that when many of that sect refused to take the oath of allegiance, he desisted for their sakes from enforcing compliance with his conmiand. The invasion of Judaea by the Parthians, secured to Herod the pos- B. c. 41. session of the kingdom. The Parthians had taken Jemsalem, and 1 Josephus, de Bell. Jud. lib. i c. 14, s. 4. 2 Josephus, Antiq. lib. xv. c. 1, s. 1. ^ ji^jj. nb. xv. c. 10, s. 4. [jews.] ^ CG HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [CHAP. IV. B. c. 41. placed Antigonus, the nephew of Hyrcaiins, on the throne, and carried Acpps>ion of awav H^Tcanus with them as their ]:)risoner. In this emero-ence, Herod Herod to the i"';,-, ^ ^^^^n^ throne of hastened to Kome, intending; to ask the king-dom for his brother-in-law, AristobiiliLS, the brother of Mariamne ; * but Antony was so willing to advance Herod himself, and, withal, so accessible to the influence of promises of remuneration, that a decree w^as instantly proposed to the Senate,^ im]^orting that, in consideration of the dangers which might arise from the Parthian invasion, it was expedient to make Herod king of JucWa. The Senate did not hesitate to confimi the decree ; and at the breaking up of the assembly, Antony and Augustus, placing Herod between them, and accompanied by the Consuls and magis- trates, went in solemn procession to enrol the decree in the Capitol. The day concluded with a sumptuous entertainment, given to Herod in the house of Antony. In seven days after his arrival in Rome, Herod left Italy on his return to Juda?a.^ » Antiq: lib. sir. c. 14, s. 5. 2 j)^ Bell. Jud. lib. i. c. 14, s. 4. 3 On the Chronology of the Commencement of Herod's Reign. The interval of three years, which elapsed between the decree in favour of Herod and Herod's becoming master of Jerusalem, constitutes a double epocha for the commencement of his reign. Josephus {Antiq. lib. xiv. c. 14, s. 5, edit. Hudson) states that the decree passed in the Consulship of C. Domitms Calvinus and C. Asinius Pollio, and in the 184th Olympiad. The year of this Consulship agrees with B. c. 40, U. C. 714, Varro : which is assigned as the first year of the 185th 01}Tnpiad. Usher, in Annul., corrects Josephus's text, and places the date of the decree in the 185th 01}Tnpiad ; but the correction is needless, for though the tables give B. c. 40 as Olympiad 185, 1, the Olympiad not commencing till July, the year B. C. 40 is partly in two Olympiads ; and the apparent difficulty is solved by sup- posing that the decree passed before July in that year. The date of the decree forms the first epocha. The second epocha is dated from the capture of Jerusalem by the united force of Herod and Sosius, the Roman General, B. c. 37 ; M. Agrippa and L. Caninius Callus, Consuls. The city, as Josephus states (^Antiq. lib. xv. c. 1, s. 2), was taken in a sabbatical year ; anil that the year B. C. 37 was a sabbatical year is proved by Hales. See Chronology, vol. ii. p. 606, note. Dio (lib. xlix.) differs from Josephus, and places the capture in the preceding Consulship of Appins Claudius Pulcher and C. Norbanus Flaccus. Usher reconciles Josephus with Dio by supposing that the day of the capture was January 1, B. c. 37, but that by a wrong intercalation that day fell on the 31st of December, B.C. 38, which was the last day of the last-mentioned Consulship. Josephus (lib. xiv. ad fn.) states a very remarkable circumstance, that the capture of Jerusalem by Herod took place twenty-seven years to a day after the capture by Fompey. That Pompey took Jerusalem during the Consulship of Cicero is universally admitted. Usher having placed the capture of the city on January 1, B. C. 37, and the Consulship of Cicero beginning with B. C. 63, he conjectures either that Josephus mistook the time, or that the reading fMra, kZ, iTti may be rondei-ed in the twenty-seventh year ; as uira nr^u; iif^ioa; is rendered by t-^ roir^ hfAi^a. Amidst the dilhculties with which the chronology of this period is entangled, the following arrangement appears to us liable to the fewest objections : — B. c. 64, In October of this reformed Julian year, Cicero enters on his consulship. December, Pompey takes Jerusalem. 40. Before July, Herod appointed king by the Senate. 37. In the spring, Herod begins the siege alone, and blockades the city; it being now the third year of his reign. — Consummates his marriage with Mariamne. CHAP. IV. J HEROD THE GREAT. 07 3n his arrival in Jud^a, he received so httle assistance from the B.C. 41. Roman generals, that more tlian two years elapsed before he com- menced the siege of Jerasalem. When the siege was so far advanced as to render success no longer Consum- doiibtful, Herod consmiimated his mamage with Mariamne,' tlie mlllrfagewitii daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, by a daughter of Hyr- ''^^^"^"''• canus ; hoping by this union with the royal family of tlie Asamoneans, to ensure the afiections of the Jews to his person. To pave the way for this union, he divorced his fomier wife Doris,^ the mother of his son Antipater : but if he sought the marriage at first only from motives of interest, it became aftenvards, on his part at least, an union cemented by the strongest affection : but the uncertainty of the wisest eflbrts of mere himian policy may be seen in the subsequent events of his history ; for this man'iage which seemed most conducive to his power, and which he achieved by most unjust behaviour to his foraier wife, proved to him the source of almost all the miseries wliich he endured. After a siege of six months, Jerasalem surrendered.^ The first acts b. c. 37. of Herod's government, upon taking possession of the city, were First acts of marked with cmelty and revenge, yet not without some tincture of ^"^ '*^'^"' generosity. He advanced to rank and power those persons who had espoused liis interests, and conferred the highest distinction upon Pollio and Sameas, as the reward of the counsel they had given dming the siege to deliver up the city. Of the adherents of Antigonus, forty- five persons were put to death, and the most vigilant search was made, that none should escape ; the gates of the cit\^ being guarded, and even the dead bodies searched as they were carried out, lest the living should escape by concealment among them. If we may credit Jose- phus, the cliiefs of the Roman empire sold their influence with the Senate at an enormous rate. The sagacit}^ with which Herod seized each favourable opj>ortunity of securing to himself the attachment of Augustus and of Antony, is a striking proof of his political wisdom. B. C. 37. After the marriage, Herod is joined by Sosius, and the siege is vigoi- onsly piirsued in July. — In December the city is taken, twenty-seven years after the capture by Pompey. M. Agrippa and L. Caninius Gallus, Consuls. It is further rendered probable that the city was taken in the end of. B. C. 37 rather than at the beginning ; for the year being sabbatical, the consequent want of provisions, to which Josephus ascribes in some measure the surrender, would be more felt in the autumn of a sabbatical year than at the beginning. We must, however, not omit to mention that Prideaux, in his Connect, (ad an. 3), pldoes the capture of the city in June; supposing that " the third month" men- lionjd by Josephus means the third month of the sacred year, and not as Usher supposes, the third month of the civil year, which began in September. I Antiq. lib. xiv. c. 15, s. 14. De Bell. Jud. lib. i. c. 17, s. 8. ^ De Bell. Jud. lib. i. c. 12, s. 3. -» Ibid. c. 18, s. 4. Antiq. lib. xv. c. 1. f2 68 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [chap. IV, Antigonus put to death by Antony. Hyrcanus returns to Judaea, B. c. 37. To the Roman general, Sosiiis, Hevod was indebted for the capture of Jerusalem ; but the ravages committed by his ti'oops had reduced the country to the condition of a desert : to men less politic than H^ rod, therefore, a fair excuse would have offered itself for omitting to ttstify to Antony his gratitude ; but he measured the propriety of his conduct more by what he was aware Antony would expect, than by his own apparent inabiltity to discharge the debt of obligation : he therefore stripped the palace of every ornament, he forced contributions from the wealthy, and even availed himself of the plunder of the dead,* and having converted all into money, he sent the produce to Antony at Antioch. The late king, Antigonus, was now a captive, preserved to gi-ace a Roman ti-imnph ; but Antony, understanding that the preser- vation of this prince was a bar to Herod's finn settlement on the throne, in compliance with Herod's wishes, gave orders for his death. The misfortimes of Hyrcanus were lightened by the kirdness of Phraates, the king of Parthia, who released him from captivity, and permitted him to reside amongst the Jews at Babylon. By them he was honoured both as thoir High-priest and their king : but as soon as he learned that Herod had acquired possession of Juda?a, his desire to return thither prevailed over every persuasion which the Babylonians could urge, and he committed himself without the least reserve to the protection of Herod.^ Herod's conduct towards him was outwardly of the most gracious kind ; he paid him every mark of honour, ad- mitted him to his councils, called him father, and gave him the first place at his court. Josephus attributes all this to mere hypocrisy, and, judging from the tragic termination of this prince's life, he asserts that Herod from the beginning entertained treacherous designs against Hyrcanus ;^ an account not improbable, when we consider that Hyr- canus was put to death a few years after, on very slight grounds of suspicion. Herod, on his accession, found the High-priest's office vacant. Had he respected either the law of Moses, which ordained an hereditary succession to the High-priesthood, or the prejudices of the people, he would have acted not only the better but the wiser part, and in all probability would have escaped the troubles which immediately began to ensue. The Pligh-priesthood belonged of right to his brother-in- law, Aristobuhis, the son of Alexandra, the yomig man for whom, on his flight to Rome, he at first intended to have asked the kingdom ; but upon him Herod was afraid to confer this honour, Jest the in- fluence attached to the office should prove a source of danger to him- self; he therefore sent to Babylon for one Ananelus, a man descended from the inferior families of the tribes of Levi, and made him High- priest in the room of H}Tcanus.'* The pride of Alexandra could not 1 Antiq. hb. XV. c. 1, s. 2. Be Bell. Jud. lib. i. c. 18, s. 4. 2 Antiq. lib. xv. c. 2. 3 Ue Bell. Jud. lib. i. c. 22, s. 1. A)itiq. lib. xv. c. 2. ■* Antiq. lib. xv. c. 2, s. 4. and is put to death by Herod. B. C. 36. CHAP. IV.] HEROD THE GREAT. 60 brook such an insult, and she acquainted Cleopatra with the injury : B. c. 36. through whose influence with Antony, Ananelus was deposed, and Aristobulus, now a youth of sixteen years of age, made High- priest. Not long after, Herod secretly determined to rid himself of Aristo- Murder of bulus ; and his pm-pose was hastened by the public admiration of him ^"'*'"''"^"* shown by the people at the Feast of Tabernacles :^ for he was recom- mended to their aflections not less by his royal descent, than by the extraordinary beauty of his person. The festival being ended, the king consented to share the hospitality of Alexandra at Jericho, and treacherously seized that opportunity to contrive the death of her son. The heat being excessive, the young men were amusing themselves with bathing in the numerous pools which adorned the gardens of the palace ; Herod persuaded Aristobulus to join the sport, when, under pretence of play, the attendants commissioned by Herod suflbcated him by repeated immersion. Herod was hypocrite enough to shed tears, and pretend sorrow for his death, and further tried to conceal the murder by the most magnificent display of expense at his funeral. Such vanities could ill compensate to Aiexanch-a for the loss of her son, or soothe her anger. She communicated the particulars of the transac- tion to Cleopatra, and found in her a most powerful ally. Antony was on his way to Laodicea, and by the advice of Cleopatra, he sum- moned Herod to appear and answer before him. Herod obeyed the command; but money soon soothed the pretended indignation of Antony, and Herod returned to Jenisalem having been received as a prince instead of condemned as a criminal. When Herod was smnmoned to Laodicea,* fearful of the worst, he Secret in- secretly commissioned liis uncle Joseph, in the event of his death, not rdat'/vMo to sufier Mariamne to live, and become the partner of Antony. Joseph ^''^'''™"«- was a man utterly unfitted to be intrusted with such a design ; for, in the absurd hope of comnncing Mariamne of the warmth of her hus- band's love, he foolishly comnumicated to her and to Alexandra the orders which he had received. On the return of Herod, his sister Salome, in revenge for some insult which she had received from ]\Iariamne, insinuated against her own husband, Joseph, the existence of a criminal intercourse between them. The accusation was as un- fomided as it was malicious, and Mariamne soon assuaged the WTath of Herod : but happening to reply to some expression of his affection, that his having given orders to put her to death, was no proof of love, this betrayal of his secret instructions, convinced Herod of the truth of the charge of illicit intercourse with Joseph, and it was with difficulty that he restrained himself from ordering her immediate death: Joseph, however, was instantly executed without being lieard Executioner 1 . 1 r Joseph. m his defence. Judaea seems to have recovered rapidly under the government of Herod from the effects of the war with Antigonus ; for we find the 1 Antiq. lib. xv. c. 3. 2 De Bell. Jiid. lib. i. c. 22, s. 4. Antiq. lib. iv. c. 3. 70 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [CHAP. IV. B. G. 31. new king prepared to assist Antony, both with supphes of men and money for the war, which terminated in his defeat at Actimn.^ Antony, however, dechnecl accepting his reinforcement. The fall of Antony was justly a cause of alarm to Herod :^ his friends despaired of his safety ; his attachment to the rival of Augustus was commonly known ; and his enemies rejoiced at the prospect of his ruin. We cannot -but lament, that one who could prepare himself for that inter- view with Augustus, upon which his life and fortune depended, with such admirable firmness and discretion, should have taken measures, in the event of his death, to involve others in his min. On his departure, he committed Alexandra and Mariamne to the custody of his friend, Soemus, with orders that neither of them should be permitted to survive the event of his death, lest the spirit of Alex- andra should disturb the settlement of the chief power in the hands of his children. His conduct showed a mixture of folly with cruelty ; for had Augustus punished him with dethronement or death, for his attachment to Antony, there remained not the slightest probability either that the conqueror would set a descendant of Herod on the throne, or that his family, even if supported by the whole nation, could have maintained their power for an instant against the will of Augustus. At Rhodes, Herod met Augustus, whom he addressed in the tone of a man conscious of having displayed towards his friend a fidelity which, in the judgment of all good men, was in the highest degree praiseworthy : he did not palliate his conduct, but seemed rather to lament that the assistance in money and provisions which he had afforded to his unfortunate ally was, if possible, less than his duty required. He represented that he had been prevented from joining actively in the war, but that he had done all that was in his power to advance the best interests of his friend, and that if Antony had taken his advice, and put Cleopatra aside, he might still have lived, and have been reconciled to Augustus. He proceeded then to state of himself, that from his fidelity to Antony, Augustus might judge of his general disposition to his friends ; for that such as he was to Antony, he was also to all those to whom he was bound by the ties of gratitude and affection. Such openness and generosity, se- conded by liberal presents, both to Augustus, and all who were about the person of the conqueror, obtained for Herod the safety of his person, and the security of his kingdom ; the possession of which was confirmed to him by a second decree of the Senate. He returned to Judaea with honour and success, confounding the hopes of his enemies, who beheld him as it were gaining power from each danger which appeared to threaten him. Augustus soon after passed through Judiea on his road to Egypt, and was attended by Herod, who presented him with the immense sum of 800 talents,^ and furnished him with such l^rofusion as to make men suspect that he must exhaust the strength of his kingdom. By this means, however, he gave assurance of his 1 Antiq. lib. XV. c. 5. s Ibid. c. 6. « Ibid. s. 7. B. c. 30 Interview with A ugustus. Profuse supplier to Augustus. CHAP. IV.] HEROD THE GREAT. 71 fidelity, and by being splendidly liberal in proportion to the necessity B. C 30. of the occasion, succeeded in producing that impression on the mind of Augustus which he desired. In the absence of Herod, the remembrance of the orders formerly Intrieues given to Joseph, naturally made Alexandra and Mariamne suspicious aKains^t'"^ of the king's designs towards them. They found at first a dilliculty ^l^"=^'""«- in inducing Soemus to betray the confidence which the king had reposed in him ; but the intreaties of his prisoners, the kind presents with which they flattered his pride, united to his own belief of the impossibility of Herod's safe return, by degrees undermined his fidelity, ancl he revealed the orders for their destraction, which had again been given. Herod, however, returned, and naturally expected that none would rejoice so much at the happy result of his interview with Augustus, as the wife whom he so much loved. But he found to his surprise, that neither the relation of the dangers which he had escaped, nor the honours which he had received, excited the least in- terest in her bosom. Hate and love by turns distracted him : at one moment he determined to punish her with death ; at the next his passion returned, and disarmed his intention of its cruelty. The state of Herod's mind could not be concealed from his mother and from his sister Salome, who viewed with barbarous exultation the changed temper of the king, as affording them the fairest opportmiity of re- venging upon Alexandra and Mariamne, some words which they had contemptuously spoken against the family of Herod. The moral con- duct of Mariamne was wholly irreproachable ; she was faithful and chaste, but there was somewhat haughty and severe in her natural disposition ; and in the imperious manner which she used towards her husband, she seemed to take advantage of the blindness of his love, and to forget that, though his wife, she was still subject to his power. She sometimes conducted herself with a degree of insolence towards the king, and often spoke reproachfully of his mother and his sister, thereby sowing the seeds of iiTeconcileable dissensions between herself and the female branches of Herod's family. The discord between Herod and Mariamne had continued a whole year after his return from Augiistus. It happened one day that the king, retiring to rest about noon, sought her company : she came, but instead of requiting his love with corresponding atlection, she reproached him with the murder of her father and her brother. The king naturally was indignant, but his anger might have passed away,' had not Salome seized the opi)ortu- nity which she had long sought, to excite him to severity against his wife, by suborning his cup-bearer to assert that Marianme had l)ribed him to give the king a certain potion, the nature of which, however, he knew not. Herod, anxious to learn its nature, put to the rack the eunuch most in confidence with his wife, thinking he must be aware of her intentions. Nothing, however, was discovered from the eunuch, relating to the potion ; but he said the cause of ]\Iariamne's hatred 1 Antiq. lib. XV. c. 7. 72 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. CHAP. IV Execution of Mariamne. B. c. 30. was her knowledge of the orders with which Soemus had been in- trusted. The king had such an high opinion of the fidelity of this officer, that he was persuaded that nothing but an illicit intercourse with Mariamne could have wning fi'om him the secret of his orders. Soemus was therefore ordered to instant execution ; but Herod would not condemn his wife without the appearance at least of a regular sentence : he therefore summoned his most familiar friends, and accused her of administering the potion. The result was a sentence of death ; which the tender weakness of Herod commuted into impri- B. C. 29. sonment. Salome, however, persuaded the king that the death of Mariamne was necessary to secure himself against the tumults of the populace ; and by her advice she was led away to execution. On her way to the fatal spot, she had the additional pain of seeing her own mother, under the influence of teiTor, burst forth into the midst of the crowd, and load her with reproaches for her ungratefiil conduct to her husband. How much Alexandra had excited her own daughter to behave contemptuously towards Herod was known to all ; and men beheld with pity and astonishment, the dissimulation to which the fear of partaking her daughter's punishment had driven the wretched mother. Mariamne uttered not a word, nor betrayed the slightest emotion at this desertion by her parent, but displayed in death a firmness of character which corresponded to her noble birth. Herod, however, soon felt all the miseries of a wounded conscience, increased by the remembrance of ardent love. He was often heard to call Mariamne by name, his lamentations were unrestrained, he sought for pleasure in frequent banquets, but it fled from him ; until at last he declined all regard to public business, and so forgot himself at times, as to order his servants to i'etch Mariamne, as if she were yet alive. A pestilential disorder at this time prevailed, which took off" in its ravages many of his friends. Under pretence of enjoying the amuse- ments of the chase, he retired from society, and passed his days sor- rowing in solitude. In a short time, the sufferings of his mind brought on him a fever and delirium, which baffled the skill of his physicians; who, finding all remedies ineflectual, left him to his hie. Whilst labouring under this disorder, the king resided at Samaria. That he should recover from such an illness, appeared to be impossible. Alexandra, therefore, lost no time in preparing measures to secure to herself the chief command, in the event of his death, and made pro- posals to the officers who were intrusted with the two forts in Jeni- salem, which commanded the Temple and the city, that for the sake of security under the present calamity of the king's illness, they should deliver up the charge to herself and to Herod's sons. The officers were faithful to Herod, and sent him intelligence of Alexandra's pro- posal. The result was the immediate execution of Alexandra. In process Cff time Herod recovered from his illness, and a remark- able change took place in his conduct:' he threw off the mask of 1 Aiitiq. lib. XV. c. 8. De Bell. Jud. lib. i. c. 21. Beraorse of Herod. Treason and execution of Alexandra. B. c. 28. CHAP. IV.] HEROD THE GREAT. 73 religion, and laboured zealously to remove all the prejudices of the b. c. 2G. Jews in favour of the law of Moses, by introducing among them the ?^®^"f customs of heathen nations. All his views seem to have been hence- •'"atiie^*^^* forth directed to Romanize Juda>a. He instituted quinquennial games iCbiir'ame- in honour of Augustus ; he built a theatre and an amphitheatre on a *' Jerusalem' scale of the greatest magnificence at Jemsalem. Competitors for the prizes which he proposed to those who excelled in gjmmastic exercises, came from all parts. The chariot and the horse race were contested for rewards of no inconsiderable value. The most celebrated musicians were invited to contend for victory. In the amphitheatre, he exhibited animals for the entertainment of the populace ; and, to complete the picture of a Roman festival, gladiators fought with wild beasts and with each other, to the horror of the pious Jews, who regarded such shedding of blood as a pollution of the land. But the sight of these ciiiel sports, so strange to the Jewish nation, did not excite their anger so much as the trophies which were erected in the circus, representing the nations which Augustus had subjected to the Roman power. The resemblance of the trophy to the human form, made tiiem regard these emblems as idolatrous representations of the Divinity ; and it was not until Herod had stripped the trophies of their ornaments, and shown of what material they were composed, that they were recon- ciled to their introduction into the city. The designs which the king had manifestly formed against their religion, and his violation of every custom dear to the Jews, were, however, considered by many as sure forerunners of still more dreadful e\'ils. Herod was, in name, their king, but, in deed, the enemy of tlieir country and their God. Ten men, zealous for the law, con- Plot for the spired to assassinate him in the theatre. The plan was discovered, of n'erod,"^" and the conspirators were arrested, with daggers concealed about their persons. They were not ashamed of their designs, but boldly con- B. c. 2."). fessed their intentions, and were led away to execution. Herod now understood the feelings of the people, and found it "'s "Plf^^r: I . r -n ■ r i ^ ^ . r T ■ tions for lui necessary to mcrease his lortincations lor the security oi his own personal person, and to provide against rebellions. In the city he had two '^"^ ^' fortresses, the palace and the castle of Antonia, so named in honour of Antony : he now planned the restoration of Samaria, and fortified it, probably as a balance to the strength of Jerusalem ; for he not only rebuilt it, but peopled it with inhabitants, calling it Seliaste, in honour of Augustus, and erecting a temple, which he dedicated to Cipsar. These fortresses, with many others, were built for safety ; but to increase the prosperity of his kingdom by trade, he enterfciined the gi-and design of converting the tower of Strato into a city and seaport. He formed an artificial harbour with moles, and defended it by a iiis^inaBT..ifi- breakwater, surrounding the port with a wall and towers of defence. ^wkL" Few places presented more obstacles ; l)ut the skill and the munifi- cence of Herod surmounted them all. The honour of this great work he sedidously declined ascribing to himself, and the names of Cai'sar 74 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [CHAP. IV. B. C, 25. and of Cgesar's friends were ever}^where indelibly affixed. The most conspicuous tower in the port was called Drusiiwi, in honour of Drusus, the son-in-law of Augustus ; and in the splendid temple which he dedicated to Csesar, a colossal statue of Augustus, like that of the 01}Tnpian Jove, was erected, and near it another as great as that of the Argive Juno, being a female figure, representing the city of Rome. Twelve years were occupied in these stupendous works ; but it was not in Caesarea and Sebaste alone that he flattered Augiistus. At Jerusalem he named two courts or wings of his palace Ccesarium and Agrippium. At the source of the Jordan, called Fanium, another temple arose in honom- of his benefactor. At Jericho, in the palace which he there constiaicted, the names of Csesar and Agiippa were again honourably attached to the buildings ; and, as Josephus emphati- cally states, there was not a single place in the whole country worthy such distinction wherein the name of Caesar was not conspicuous. It is, indeed, sufficiently e\adent that the policy which Herod pursued, and by which he retained a perfect sovereignty over Judaza, was that of paying the most flattering com't to AugiistLis. The forbidding character of the Jewish religion was well known to the Romans ; but Herod sought their favour by the most jjublic renunciation of every Jewish prejudice, and the adoi)tion of every custom that could do honour to his protectors. He seems studiously to have laboured to convince foreign nations that he was the king of Judea, but that he was not himself one of the despised and prejudiced race of Jews ; that he had no narrow-minded views of religion, but was ready to patronize every opinion which other nations held : to this spirit we may ascribe his contribution of money for the restoration of the Olympic games, as well as his erection of theatres and temples to heathen deities at Tyre, Sidon, Berytus, and Damascus. Josephus asserts that his bounty was experienced by innumerable cities both in Asia Minor, and also in Greece ; and that he was in many cases restrained from doing as he wished, only by the fear lest those to whom the sovereignty of the states belonged, should be jealous of the patronage which he extended to their subjects.' The simis which Herod expended in building cities and fortresses must have been immense ; but he took care to prevent the Romans from interrupting the completion of his designs, by making his dedications to Augustus, seem so many public testimo- nies of his dependence upon the emperor. In many instances, how- ever, the stmctures which he erected were monuments to the memory of those whom he loved. The city Antipatris he built as a testimony of his alFection to his father ; and dedicated to his mother's memory a magnificent castle at J(^richo, which after her was called Cy prion. The tower of Phasael and Hip])icus, in the circuit of the walls of Jerusalem, were lasting memorials of fraternal and of friendly affection ; nor was his love to the unfortunate Marianme forgotten, for the fairest tower in the walls bore her name. 1 De Bell. Jucl lib. i. c. 21, s. 12. CHAP. IV.J HEROD THE GREAT. 75 Herod was a prince, who seems to have had no rule of conduct, but v. c. 25. that arising from a sense of pohtical interest. The reasons which led o^'Ji^p'*^'"* him to undertake the stupendous work of rebuilding the Temple at Temple, Jerasalem may be traced in the accounts left us by Josephus of the state of the public mind a short time before he commencecl this great work.^ Herod's prosperity was at its height during the visit of b. c. 21. Augustus to Syria, when his sons were still at Rome, under the care of the emperor ; and when the increase of his territoiy, by the acqui- sition of the district, called the House of Zenodoms, |)roved the con- fidence which Augustus reposed in him.^ All his foreign success was gained by compliance with heathen customs. And when the indig- nation of the Jews at his conduct began to display itself in open miu-murs, Herod at first strove to suppress the feelings of the people by a most rigid and vexatious system of police, prohibiting persons from walking or conversing together ; himself, in private dress, con- descending to be the spy upon the common people, and filling the whole country witli emissaries, who were employed to watch the ex- pression of any the slightest feeling of hostility. By persecution and imprisonment he endeavoured to force men to compliance with the customs which he prescribed, and thought to ensure the obedience of the people by administering to them an oath of fidelity to his person. Many consented to the oath from private attachment to him, or from b. C. 20. fear ; but the Pharisees and the Essenes boldly refused, and Herod is said to have ceased from enforcing his orders out of respect to Pollio and ]\Ianahem, the respective leaders of these sects. When he had thus tried in vain to subdue the feelings of his countrymen, he per- ceived that it would be better to yield entirely to their prejudices ; and in proof of his good will to their religion, he undertook to rebuild b. c. 19. the Temple on the greatest scale of magnificence. In a set oration he exposed his designs to them ; but so great was their unwillingness to undertake the execution of such vast plans, as well as their su&j^icion lest the building, once begim, should remain unfinished, that Herod found himself obliged to make all his preparations for the erection of the new Temple, before he could ventm-e upon removing a single stone of the old stmcture. The construction of that part of the former building which strictly constituted the Temple, and which compre- hended" the porch, the holy place, and the holy of holies, occu]:)ied a period of not more than eighteen months ; but the porticoes and other works surrounding the Temple were not completed until the lapse of a further space of eight years. From the accounts of Josephus,^ it is evident that Herod did not leave any part of the Temi)le standing which had been erected on the return of the Jews from Babylon. The structure was entirely new, even from the foundation, and both in size and extent greatly exceeded the ancient building. And though it is said that Herod finished it in nine years and a half, it is probable 1 Antiq. lib. xv. c. 10, s. 4. « Dc Bell. Jiid. lib. i. c. 20, s. 4. 3 Antiq. lib. xv. c. 11. Dc Bell. Jud. lib. i. c. 21, s. 1. B. c. 19, B. C. 2.': famine in .ludaea. Exertions of Herod to relieve it. B. c. 14. Joint expe- dition or Herod and Agrippa. 76 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [CHAP. IV. that this piishing amounted to little more than the rude completion of the plan, the more exact adorning of the building occupying a much longer time. This appears both from John ii. 20, where we read of the disciples speaking to our Lord, " Forty and six years hath this temple been building," and also from Antiq. xx. 8, where it is related, that whilst Gessius Florus was governor of Judsea the works were completed, and eighteen thousand artificers were discharged, who had been engaged up to that time. In the thirteenth year of Herod's reign a dreadful famine visited Judaea and Syria, attended with all the misery and disease which fail not to accompany a time of dearth.^ The conduct of the king on this occasion was of the most noble description ; and had not his crimes stamped the indelible brand of tyranny upon his memory, the sacrifices which he then made would have ranked him among those kings who had been benefactors to their subjects. To supply the wants of his people, he stripped his palaces of every ornament of silver and gold, of everything, however precious its material or costly its workmanship, and loading a vessel with these spoils he sent it to Egvpt to purchase corn. Benevolence such as this could not fail to conciliate the affections of his countrymen, and to diminish the hatred which they had cherished against him for his violation of their cus- toms : the kindness which he displayed in this season of distress, for the time quite changed the temper of the multitude, who no longer judged of him by the past, but considered his present conduct as a proof of the natural mildness of his disposition. In justice to Herod, we must not omit to mention the kind assist- ance which he gave to the Jewish colonists of Asia Minor, and his successful preservation of those privileges which had in former times been extended to them. In the expedition which Agrippa made against the inhabitants of the Cimmerian Bosporus Herod bore a part ; and after the business of the campaign had been accomplished, they returned together through Asia Minor.* In Ionia they were met by a great company of Jews, who came to request from Agrippa a release from the exactions which they suffered, and a restitution of the privi- leges which had been confirmed to them by the Romans. They com- plained of injury, in that they were hindered from living under their own laws ; that they could not keep their sabbaths, being compelled on those days to attend the courts of justice ; that they were robbed of the money which they collected for the purpose of transmitting to the Temple at Jemsalem ; were forced to serve in the army, to accept public offices, and to expend in such services their sacred treasures. Herod requested the attention of Agrippa to the complaint, and ob- tained permission for Nicolaus Damascenus to plead the cause of the Jews; a task which he j^crformed so elo(|uently, that he obtained from Agrippa a full confirmation of all the privileges of which his countrymen had been deprived. ' Antiq. lib. xv. c. 9. » jbid. lib. xvi. c. 2. CHAP. IV.] HEROD THE GREAT. 77 With the exception of the events of the last two or three years of B. c. 14. his Hfe, these are nearly all the public acts of Herod. The dreadful troubles which arose from the dissensions of his family, and which certainly hastened his death, compose a tragical story, the parallel to which scarcely occurs in history. The particulars of it are related by Josephus at great length ;' we shall not, however, enter into minute details of the intrigues of female malice, but content ourselves with a brief narration of the facts, which stigmatize Herod as the mm-derer of his sons. In many respects, Herod does not appear to have been wanting in natural affection ; but when his personal interest or the maintenance of his authority appeared to clash with his love to his children, his ungovernable passions quickly overcame the dictates of nature and of justice. By Mariamne he had two sons, Alexander and History of Aristobulus, whom he treated with affection, purposing to leave his Herod? '''^ dominions as an inheritance to one or both of them. His care in send- ing them at an early age to Rome for education, and introducing them to the notice of Augustus, bears upon the face of it marks of parental fondness ; and his taking a journey to Rome to visit Augustus, and to B. c. 1 6, bring back his children to Juda}a, on the completion of their education in the Roman court, has every appearance of the pride of a father who was happy to receive his children from the hands of a prince, to whose charge they had been intrusted ; and at the same time desirous to make amends by his kindness to them for the injuries he had inflicted upon their mother. The return of the young men to Juda?a was a Saiome con- cause of great public joy ; but to Salome, and to all those who had tEem.**^*'""^ borne a part in the condemnation of Marianme, the popularity of the young princes, and their ascendancy over their father, occasioned the most painful reflections upon the past, accompanied with forebodings of certain punishment. They saw no way of escape, but in striving to alienate from them the affection of Herod ; and for this purpose they sedulously spread reports that the young men disliked their father, and regarded him in no other light than as the murderer of their mother. While they were thus employed, Herod was absent with Agri])pa in n.c. 14, Asia Minor ; and, on his return, Salome, and Pheroras, who shared in her design, communicated to the king the dangers to be ai)prehended from the revengeful temper of Mariamne's sons. Herod was exceed- ingly afflicted at this intelligence ; and, unhappily, the course which he ])ursued was such as could not fail to aggravate any feelings of resentment which Alexander and Aristobulus might actually entertain. Herod had a son, Antipater, by his first wife Doris, born before he Rise.of ascended the throne, whom he now sent for to court, thinking, by ^""^'p*^*'- paying him honour, to depress the spirit of tlie two princes. But the elevation of their half-brother was received by the other princes as a b. c. 13. direct injurv, of which they openly complained. Antipater was a man of the i)lackest disposition : he seized every opportimity to imtate Herod against the sons of IMariamne. The more they complained, 1 Antiq. lib. xvi. c. 2. De Bell. Jud. lib. i. c. 23-27. 78 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [chap. 1Y. 3. c. i; B. C. 9. Trial of Alexander and Aristo- bulus. Their execution. the more honour did the king confer upon his new favourite ; and at last, on the return of Agrippa from Asia, he committed Antipater to his charge, to convey him to Rome, and introduce him to Augustas. Antipater, whilst at Rome, wrote frequent letters to exasperate the king, and to excite in his mind fears of safety from the designs of the two brothers ; till Herod determined to take his sons with him to Rome, and there to accuse them before Caesar. Augustus conde- scended to hear the charge ; but Alexander defended liimself so elo- quently, that all the assembly, as well as Augustus, were moved with compassion ; and, by the emperor's advice, a reconciliation was efiected. Antipater was enough master of his feelings to appear as one who heartily shared in the imiversal joy. Herod and his three sons re- turned home together ; and, having received anew from Augustus the privilege of appointing his successor, he conferred on each of them the same royal honours, in the hope that, by this equality, each might be induced to conduct himself with propriety in the prospect of becoming the successor to the crown. For some time the brothers appear to have agreed together ; but Antipater was only watching an oppor- tunity to effect his malicious purposes. The family of Herod pre- sented, alternately, the appearance of union and division — of affection and disti-ust : at length the king, excited by the arts of Antipater and Salome, and no longer doubtful that his sons were plotting against him, sought and obtained permission to accuse them before a Roman Council at Berytus. There were met together on this occasion the Roman governors of Syria, the members of Herod's family, and a hundred and fifty chief persons of Syria. Before this assembly Herod accused his sons with all the vehemence of a bitter enemy ; but the whole charge in proof against the two princes did not amount to any conspiracy or malice against their father, but only consisted of some reproachful speeches which they had uttered. The princes were not allowed to answer to the accusation. Saturninus and others gave it as their opinions that the power of life and death over his sons should be confirmed to Herod, yet that their crimes did not deserve the punishment of death; but Voluranius and others, who were the majority, decreed that the princes deserved to die ; and the conse- quences of this sentence were so clearly seen, that from that moment the young men were regarded in no other light than as persons under actual sentence of death. Herod did not act immediately upon the decision of the Council ; but, after a short time, having learned what interest was taken by the ])eople in the fate of the two princes, he became fully con\anced of the guilt of his sons, and gave orders for their death. Antipater had now succeeded in removing out of the way the sons of Mariamne ; but, fearful lest Herod should live long enough to chscover the part he had taken against his brothers, he determined at once to ])lot his father's destruction. Pheroras, Herod's brother, and all the females of the family of Herod, Salome excepted, were willing to assist the CHAr. IV. 1 HEROD THE GREAT. 79 ulterior designs of this ambitious prince. The conspiracy, however, C c. 9. did not escape the notice of Salome, who watched their meetings, otTnUpater and gave constant intelligence to Herod of the dangers which sur- rounded him. It was at length resolved by the conspirators to des[)atch Herod ])y poison ; but Antipater, fearful of discovery, procured a summons from Augustus to Rome, that, being out of the way when t'he attempt should be made, ho might be the less suspected of participation in the nuu'der. Herod soon after fell sick, antl sent to Pheroras to come and see him ; but he refused, on the ground that he had vowed never more to see him while alive. The king, however, did not requite his conduct in the same manner ; for, in the last sickness with which his brother was soon attacked, Herod visited him unsent for, and at his death honoured him with a splendid funeral at Jerusalem. The death of Pheroras proved the ruin of Antipater; for the king, having been informed that he had been poisoned by his wife, set on foot the most strict investigation; and, after putting several ])ersons to the torture, discovered the plot which had been arranged for his own destruction by Antipater and Pheroras. The whole investigation of this aflair occupied a space of seven months ; but so great was the detestation of the people towards Antipater, and so carefully were the aveiuies of information watched, that he was kept in entire ignorance of all the discoveries which had taken place during his absence at Rome. In the mean time Bathyllus, one of his freedmen, arrived from Rome with letters. When put to the torture, he confessed that he brought poison for Doris, Antipater's mother, and Pheroras to use, in case the ibrmer potion should have proved ineffectual to despatch the king. Antipater himself soon returned, and reached Sebaste before he suspected that his share in the conspiracy had been discovered, and that he must j:)repare to make his defence before Varus and the Council. The accusation was first made by Herod, and proceeded in by Nicolaus His trial. Damascenus. No proofs of guilt could be stronger than those pro- duced against him. Having been condemned and thrown into prison, an embassy was despatched to Ceesar to acquaint him with the con- viction of the accused, and to request his final decision of the case. Whilst the embassy was at Rome, Herod fell sick;* and Judas and B.C. 4. ]\Iatthias, who were the chief among the teachers of the Law, in the behef that he could not recover, excited the people to throw down the golden eagle, which the king had, contrary to the laws and cus-' toms of the nation, erected over the Temple. The conspirators were seized; and Herod, though now so ill as to be unable to sit up, assembled the members of his Council. They disclaimed any ap- proval of the transaction, and recommended that the authors of it should be punished ; upon which Herod gave orders to burn alive Matthias and all who were concerned in the aflair. It is recorded that, on the night of the execution, there was an eclipse of the moon, » Dc Bell. Jwl lib. i. c. 33. 80 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [CHAP. TV. B. c. 4. a circumstance which serves to fix the date of this event. Herod's Herod?^ °^ disease soon after became more violent ; his sufferings were painful in the extreme ; attended with ulcerations in the lower parts of the body, and strong convulsions. He was recommended by his physicians to try the warm baths at Callirrhoe ; but not finding any benefit, he re- turned to Jericho. His torments, instead of moving him to repent- ance, seemed rather to excite anew the cruelty of his temper ; for, having collected together the chiefs of the Jewish nation, he shut them up in the Hippodrome at Jericho, and gave orders to Salome, as soon as he should be dead, to put them all to death ; lest, in the joy at his decease, mourners should be wanted for his funeral. In the meanwhile the ambassadors returned from Rome, and brought the permission of Ceesar for the punishment of Antipater, either by exile or by death. The pleasure which Herod derived from the success of his embassy, for the moment, revived him ; but his pains soon re- turned with such violence, that he made an attempt to commit suicide. The alarm created by the event ran through the palace, and was heard by Antipater, who, concluding that his father's death occa- sioned it, endeavoured to bribe the gaoler to permit his escape ; but the man was faithful to his trust, and communicated the proposal to Execution of the king, who immediately gave orders for his death, attaching to it a n ipa er. command to bury him in an ignoble manner at Hyrcanium. Herod then, once again, made his will, giving the kingdom of Judgea to Archelaus ; the tetrarchy of Galilee and Persea to Antipas ; Gaulo- nitis, Trachonitis, and Batanea to Philip; and the cities Jamnia, Azotus, and Phasaelis, besides very considerable sums of money, to Salome. To every one of his relations he bequeathed handsome estates and legacies, leaving them in the possession of affluent wealth ; and his legacies to Augustus and his wife Julia were worthy the acceptance of the chiefs of the Roman empire. Death of On the fifth day after the death of Antipater, Herod died, having reigned thirty-four years from the death of Antigonus, and thirty- seven from the time of his investment by the Romans. Before the report of his death was noised abroad, Salome and Alexas dismissed those who were imprisoned in the Hippodrome ; but as soon as the event was known they assembled the soldiery in the amphitheatre, and read to them the will of Herod. The troops proclaimed Arche- laus king, and rent the air with shouts of joy and prayers for his prosperous reign. riis character. Josephus (xvii. 8) thus sums up the character of Herod : "He was a man universally cruel, and of an ungovernable anger; and though he trampled justice under foot, he was ever the favourite of fortune. From a private station he rose to the throne. Beset on every side with a thousand dangers, he escaped them all, and pro- longed his life to the full boundary of old age. They who considered what befel him in the bosom of his own family pronounced him a man most miserable ; but to himself he ever seemed most prosperous, CHAP. IV.] HEROD THE GREAT. gj for of all his enemies there was not one whom he did not overcome." b. c. 3. Snch is the history of a prince, whose name is familiar to us from our childhood as the first persecutor of our blessed Lord, and the mur- derer of the infants at Bethlehem, events which will be considered in a more fitting place. The account here given of the transactions of his life will evince that if, according to the judgment of the world, he who reigns splendidly and fortimately, in spite of all the difhculties opposed to his government, be entitled to the attribute of Greatness, that appellation has not been unjustly bestowed upon Herod. LJE^rs.] ( B2 J CHAPTER V. HISTORY OF THE JEWS FROM THE DEATH OF HEROD THE GREAT TO THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM. FROM B, C. 3 TO A. D. 70. B. c. 3. The death of Herod the Great left Judasa \artiially without a governor, State of public the will of the late king requiring to be confirmed by Augustus, t'ne'death"of before Archelaus could inherit the crowTi bequeathed to him by his Herod. father/ The araiy and the com*t readily admitted the title of Archelaus to the throne, and the people at large were willing to purchase pro- mises of fiiture favours by demonstrations of present loyalty ; for a few days nothing therefore was perceived but expressions of joy. The weak hold upon the government which Archelaus possessed, pre- sented a favom'able opportunity to the friends of Judas and Matthias, and of those whom Herod had put to death for throwing down the golden eagle, to demand fi'om him the revenge of this innocent blood. The fate of Judas and Matthias was purposely made the subject of public lamentation by their friends, who assembled in the Temple at the time of the Passover, and there bewailed the death of their leaders and the ciTielty of Herod. Archelaus, well aware of the necessity of hastening speedily to Rome, was unwilling at first to attempt to repress by force the manifestation of these feelings ; but the increasing boldness of the party determined him to adopt decided measures. A centm'ion was commanded to arrest the ringleaders in the Temple, the multitude protected them against the soldiers; upon which Archelaus with his whole army smTounded the Temple, and attacked the assembled people, 3,000 of whom were put to death. A general dismay pervaded the city, and a proclamation for every one to depart from Jerusalem and to break up the feast was immediate!} obeyed. After such a proof of the severity of Archelaus, we cannot wonder at the narration of St. Matthew respecting the fears enterttiined by Joseph on his return from Egypt, " who, when he heard that Arche- laus reigned in Jud^a in the room of his father Herod, was afraid to go thither." After the Passover, Archelaus proceeded to Rome, attended by Herod Antipas and the chief members of his family.^ From motives either of fear or of jealousy the family of Herod used every exertion to defeat the pretensions of Archelaus, and to procure a gi*ant of the kingdom in favour of Antipas. The whole nation of the Jews appear at this time to have been weary of a despotic government ; for wliilst 1 Josephus, de Bell. Jud. Jib. ii. c. 1. Antiq. lib. xvii. c. 8. 2 Antiq. lib. xvii. c. 9. Dc Bell. Jud. lib. ii. c. 2. Massacre in the Temple. Matt. ii. 22. Archelaus visits Rome. CHAP. V.J herod's successors. 83 Archelaus was at Rome, an embassy arrived there from Judaea, to a. D. 3. solicit from Augustus the reduction of the kingdom to the fonn of a Roman province ; a measure which would have been very gratifying to a body of 8,000 Jews then resident at Rome, and to none inore than to all the members of Herod's family, whose desire for the advancement of Antipas arose solely out of dislike to Archelaus. The Jews accused Archelaus of assuming the royal authority without the sanction of Augustus, and urged against him his cruel and unjustifiable attack upon the people at the Passover. Augustus heard the charges which were answered on the part of Archelaus by Nicolaus Damas cenus^ (an orator whose services in the aflairs of Herod the Great have been before mentioned) ; and shortly afterwards * confirmed the appointments of Herod's will, by committing the govemmcnt of Judai-a to Archelaus, with the inferior title of Ethnarch. That of king was Appointed promised as a future reward, if he should prove himself worthy a judat^^' ^^ higher distinction. The dominions allotted to Archelaus included Judcea, Samaria, and Disfnimtion Iduma^a ; the remainder of the territories of Herod the Great were domi^^bns. fomied into two tetrarchies, that containing Galilee and Pera^a was given to Herod Antipas; the other, which comprised Batanea, Tra- chonitis, and Auranitis, to Philip, who is described by St. Luke as tetrarch of Iturea and of the region of Trachonitis. A comparative judgment of the power thus intrusted to these three princes may be fomied from their respective revenues. That of Archelaus amounted to 400 talents,^ of Herod to 200, and of Philip to 100. A palace at Ascalon, with three cities, Jamnia, Azotus, and Phasaelis, producing 60 talents yearly, became the portion of Salome, the sister of Herod the Great, the civil jurisdiction of tliese cities being reser\-ed to Archelaus. Whilst the Jewish embassy was labouring to procure the reduction Abases of of Judaea to the condition of a Roman province, their countrymen Procurator experienced some of the evils attendant upon that form of government. '^*^'"'"- In the division of the provinces of the empire, which were allotted to Augustus, and temied Provincial Imperatoiice, that of Cocle-Syria was included. In each of these im])crial provinces the officer next in rank to the governor was called the Procurator Cccsans, and \\'as charged with the entire management of the revenue. Sabinus was at this time Procurator in Coele-Syria, a man of unprincipled habits and avaricious temper, who made the duty of protecting the interests of Ca?sar a pretext for plunder, and occasioned disturbances in Jerusalem, which proceeded to an alamiing extent. On the death of Herod,* Sabinus was hastening to Jerusalem to take charge on the behalf of Aucrustus of all the late king's treasure and effects. Archelaus availed himself ^ Antiq. lib. xvii. c. 11. 2 De Bell. Jud. lib. ii. c. 6. Antiq. lib. xvii. c. 13. 8 Antiq. lib. xvii. c. 13, 14 ; 600 talents. De Bell. Jiu:l. lib. ii. c. 6 ; 400. * De Bell. Jud. lib. ii. c. 2. Antiq. lib. xvii. c. 12. g2 84 HISTOEY OF THE JEWS. A.D.3. Tumults in Jerusalem, and the rest ot Judaea. Conjecture as to 1 neudas. Punishment of the insur- gents. [chap. V. of the kind inteiposition of Varus, the Roman governor, to stop his proceedings ; but no sooner had Archelaus departed to Rome, than Sabinus went up to Jerasalem, seized the palace, and required the officers of Herod both to give an account of the treasm'es in their hands, and to surrender the strong places m their charge : to these demands compliance was universally refused, and the officers excused themselves by saying that they helcl these places more for Ciesar than for Archelaus. The foresight of Varus had fm-nished Jerasalem with one of the three legions of the pro\'ince, a force sufficient to have repressed any ordinary tumult, had not his precaution been defeated by the madness and misconduct of Sabinus, who, not content with irritating the minds of the people by publicly displaying himself attended by liis guards, attempted to obtain forcible possession of the royal treasures. At the Feast of Pentecost, when the feelings of the people were displayed in open hostility against the Roman soldiers, the Temple was forced by the tro-^ps, the porticoes were burnt, and the treasury was plundered. From its spoils Sabinus was not ashamed to appropriate to himself no less a sum than 400 talents.' These tumults in Jerusalem were the signal for universal disorder. In the anarchy which then arose, numerous robber-chieftains attached to themselves large bodies of the people, and assuming the title of kings, plundered the country around.^ It is probable that the Theudas,^ who is mentioned in the speech of Gamaliel (Acts v. 36), as having made an insm-rection and placed himself at the head of a party, in the time prior to the rise of the sect of Judas of Galilee, was one of these persons, or at least that he followed the example which they had given in the interval between these troubles and those which arose from the taxing of Cyrenius. The attack made upon the Temple by Sabinus roused the people to a vigorous resistance, and the Roman legion was in imminent danger of perishing in the palace, now besieged by the multitude, when it was rescued by the arrival of Varus with the whole army of the province. Sabinus ashamed of his conduct retired privately from the city. This decisive movement of Varus once more restored peace. Many of the conspirators were taken, and 2,000 of the most guilty were crucified."* Of 10,000 who surrendered in Iduma2a, the principal leaders were sent to Rome for the judgment of Augustus. Some of them were pardoned, whilst others who were of the kindred of Herod were put to death as persons who had rebelled against their king. Vams, having settled these disturbances, returned to Antioch, leaving one legion in garrison at Jerusalem. Of the acts of Archelaus, during his reign, no particulars are recorded, except his twice deposing the High-priest, and building a city called Archelais. All that we 1 De Bell. Jud. lib. ii. c. 3. Antiq. lib. xvii. c. 12. 2 De Bell. Jud. lib. ii. c. 4. Antiq. lib. xvii. c. 12. 2 Lardner's Credibility, part i. b. ii. c. vii. » De Bell. Jitd. lib. ii. c. 5. CHAP. V.J MURDER OF JOHK THE BAPTIST. 85 learn from Josephus ' and from Dion Cassius, amounts only to this, A. P. o. that having been accused by his own family and countrymen of ^*!?'*^,™,*'"^ cruelty and misgovernment, he was banished by Augustus to Vienne, in Gaul. This event is placed by Dion Cassius in the consulship of Lepidus and Arruntius, u. c. 759. A. D. 6.* A. D. C. The history of Philip and Herod Antipas, the two sons of Herod RejBTiof the Great, who shared with Archelaus in the division of their father's Tetm/ch of Idngdom, derives its sole importance from their being persons whose '^"'■'"-■^''^"'^"• names are recorded in the gospel. . Of Philip, whom we have before a.d. 33. mentioned as possessing the tetrarchy of Trachonitis, nothing more is u. C. 786, related by Josephus,^ than the fact that he governed the country for thirty-seven years, and that, dying in the twentieth year of Tiberius, he left no heirs. He w^as an amiable and just prince. His only public acts were the building of the cities Ca?sarea, Philippi, and Julias, in the latter of which he w\as buried. On his death, the government of the tetrarchy was attached to the province of Ca'le- Syria, but the collection of the revenue remained distinct. In the fote of Herod Antipas, tetrarch of Galilee,* we take a greater Reijm of interest, on account of his name being frequently mentioned in the pas/retrM-ch gospels, and his being known to us as the prince who put John the '^^ ^*'^^^- Baptist to death, and who examined and insulted our blessed Lord on the morning of his crucifixion.* The immediate cause of the murder Murder of of the Baptist, is stated by Josephus to have been the jealousy enter- ijaptJt.'^ tained by Herod of the influence which John had gained over the minds of the people, Avho seemed prepared to perforai whatever the Baptist would command. But the Evangelist ascribes his death to the anger of Herodias, who would not forgive him for opposing her unlawful marriage with Herod, the brother of her husband. Ample traces of the Baptist's authority and influence may be discerned in what is aftirmed by St. Luke (iii. 10) concerning the common pf30])le, the publicans, and even the soldiers applying to him as their spiritual ^ Antiq. lib. xvii. c. 15. * There is some difficulty in ascertaining the exact duration of Archelaus's reign, Josephus (^Antiq. lib, xvii, c. 15) mentions his being accused to Augustus in the tenth year of his reign ; and at the commencement of " his Life " relates that his father was born in the tenth year of the reign of Archelaus. But in dc Bell. JitxJ. lib. ii. c, 7, the banishment is placed in the ninth year of his reign. The difficulty- is solved by Mr. Benson, in his Treatise on the Chronology of Christ, p. 50, in the following manner : — The Book of Antiquities being written for the Jews, the Jewish method of computation is preserved in it ; according to which, the years of their kings are dated from the month Nisan, so that if an accession takes place in any month prior to Nisan, that portion of the year foims the first year of the reign. If then Archelaus came to the crown before Nisan of 4711, Jewish Period, and was banished after Nisan in 4719, Jewish Period, it would be correct, accord- ing to their computation, to say that the event took place in the tenth year of his reign. But in the Jewish War, which was written for the Romans, it is supposed that the author would follow the Roman method of dating events ; according to which, if the death of Herod took place in February 4711, the year after February 4719 would be strictly and exactly the ninth current year of Archelaus's reign. " Antiq. lib. xviii. c. 5. * Ibid. c. 6. * Ibid. 86 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [CHAP. V. A. D. 33. teacher and guide. The pubHc and the private reason might well exist together : and if Herodias demanded the head of the Baptist from motives of revenge, Herod's own feai* of the popularity of the man whom he had already imprisoned, might have induced him to fulfil his promise to Herodias, even if the presence of his lords had not made him ashamed to retract it. King This Herodias was sister of Herod Agrippa,' whom Caligula made ^ grippa. j^i^g ^£ ^j^^ tetrarchy which had belonged to Philip. Upon her brother's elevation to a throne, she used every argument to persuade her husband to seek from the emperor an equal distinction, and in compliance with her wishes he made a voyage to Rome, the object of his journey being not unknown to Agi'ippa, wdio entertaining no very friendly views towards him, sent letters beforehand to Caligula charging Herod with secret disaffection, and with holding intercourse with Artabanus the Parthian ; in confii'mation of which statement he asserted that Herod had made a gi-eat collection of military stores. Banishment The charge of being thus, though but in aj^pearance, prepared for Herod War, Hcrod could not deny ; and Cahgula, persuaded of his having had A^iT 39 ^^ ^^ intention to revolt, deprived him of his tetrarchy, and banished u c 792 ^^^ ^^ Lyons. His wife, whose ambition had thus paved the way for her husband's fall, refusing to be separated from him, became the faithful partner of his exile. From Lyons he removed into Spain, where he died.'^ Taxing of On the banishment of Archelaus, Judaea was reduced to the condi- tion of a Roman province.^ The governor of Coele-Syria, Quirinus, or (as he is called by St. Luke and by Josephus) Cyrenius, came thither in person, attended by Coponius as procm-ator ; and haAdng completed the confiscation of the estate of Archelaus, and the taxing of the people, left the procurator in charge of that portion of his pro- vince. Judaea had been for many years as tnily a part of the Roman empire as aiiy other conquered country ; but the nation did not feel this perfect dependence, until they were compelled to seek justice at the tribunal of a Roman governor, and to pay tribute and taxes directly to Caesar. The taxing of Cyrenius does not derive its sole importance from the apparent disagi'eement between St. Luke and Josephus in their account of this transaction ;"* to it may be ascribed the rise of those feelings of hatred against the authority of Caesar, which originating in religious scru})les and increased by various political circumstances, eventually produced the war which tenninated in the destruction of Sect of Judas Jerusalem. That sect now arose, the sect of Judas Gaulonites, a Gauionitcs. native of Gamala,* and an inhabitant of Galilee, to whose principles and practices Josephus ascribes the rain of his coimtry. They incul- 1 Antiq. lib. xviii. c. 8. s De Bell Jud. lib. ii. c. 9. 8 Antiq. lib. xviii. c. 1. De Bell. Jud. lib. ii. c. 8. * For a. solution of the difference here stated, see Lardner's Credibility, part i. vol. ii. b. ii. c. i. * Mtiq. lib. xviii. c. 6. Be Bell. Jud. lib. ii. c. 8. CHAP, v.] RISE OF CHRISTIANITY. 87 cated that the Roman Census was a badge of slavery ; that it was A. D. 39. disgraceful for men who had God for their Lord to })ay any tribute, or to own any human master. It is plain that the sect of Judas was a religious faction, and not merely a political party, from its being termed by Josephus the foiurth Sect, following those of the Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes. We may trace the prevalence of the opinions which they held, in the question put to oiu" Lord respecting the law- flilness of paying tribute to Caesar, and in the charge made against him of forbidding to give this tribute. That the influence of this party alone produced the rebellion of the Jews is hardly credible ; at the same time, we may easily conceive, that an opinion entertained by the common people of the sinfulness of submitting to the Roman authority would aggravate their sense of the injm-ies committed by the Roman governors, and help to forward the designs of those who from motives of personal aggrandizement fomented the revolt. With the exception of that grand and most important event, the Ri^p of rise and progress of Christianity, the consideration of which belongs to Clu'istian history, and from which we therefore purposely in this place abstain, Judaea, under the Roman procurators, presents few points worthy attention. Dm*ing the latter years of Augustus, the adminis- tration of the country was successively confided to Coponius, Marcus Ambirius, and Annius Rufus : and in the absence of any evidence to tiie ?.oTitrary, it is fair to conclude, that under their government the Jews had no reason to lament the change of their political condition. The short duration of their office, and the prospect of being speedily recalled to give an account of their administration, must have tended materially to prevent injustice and oppression ; but under the reign of Tiberius, the great length of time during which Valerius Gratus and Pontius Pilate held the office of governor, the one for eleven, the other for ten years, must have given opportunities for maladministration, thoi>gh it does not appear that Valerius Gratus abused his power. Whilst the Jews in Judsea were enjoying peace Banishment 11- 1-1 r . , 1 ^1 J. r, 1 oithe Jews under his government, then* less fortunate brethren at Rome were by from Rome. a decree of the senate forbidden the obsen-ance of their ceremonies, a. D. 19, and conmianded either to renomice their religion or to depart from the city. This severe measure was owing to the conduct of four Jews, who w^ere banished from Judaea, and undeiixDok to teach at Rome the doctrines of the IVIosaic law. A Roman lady of noble family, who had embraced Judaism, had been induced to commit to their charge offerings of pm-ple and money for the service of the Temple at Jerasalem, which they converted to their own use. Tiberius received infonxiation of this fraud, and made it a plea for the expul- sion of the Jews ; a more genuine motive probably existed in his want of troops ; for imder sanction of this decree the consuls made a levy of four thousand soldiers from amongst the Jews, and sent them to Sardinia. Many who fi-om religious scruples refused to serve in the amy were put to death. 88 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [CHAP. Y. A.D. 26. Pontius Pilate was the first of the Roman governors whose tyran- PUat? "^^^^ conduct contributed to excite disaffection in Judsea/ It had Procurator, heeu hitherto the custom for the Roman army, in compliance with the religious feelings of the Jews, to leave outside the city of Jerusalem those ensigns which bore the image of the emperor ; but when Pilate sent his troops from Caesarea to winter at Jerusalem, the standards were secretly introduced under cover of the night. This violation of the sanctity of the holy city excited the indignation of the i)eople, who flocked in crowds to Ca?sarea to intreat that the idolatrous emblems might be removed. For six days they continued in vain their supplication to Pilate ; on the seventh he suiTOunded them with soldiers, and threatened them with instant death unless they desisted from their demands. With one accord they declared themselves willing to die ; and Pilate, wondering at their courage and patience, found it expedient to comply with their requests, and to give orders for the removal of the standards from Jerusalem. Philo ^ relates a similar circumstance respecting some shields which Pilate had dedi- cated in the Temple in honour of Tiberius, and which he refused to remove, until an embassy from the Jews had obtained from the em- peror an order to that effect. Pilate seems to have taken pleasure in opposing the prejudices and violating the feelings of the Jewish nation ;^ having expended the sacred treasure of the Temple in building an aqueduct 300 stadia in length, on his return to Jerusalem he was surrounded by the people, who complained aloud of this sacrilege. Pilate foresaw that such complaints would be made, and the means which he took to repress them were consistent with his tyrannical temper. Mixing his troops in private dresses amongst the people, he suddenly gave the signal for nlL^n^ficrv, an assault. Many were killed by the hands of the soldiers, many more by the pressure of the crowd ; terror silenced complaint, and the people fled from the tribunal in dismay ."* Some tumults of a foimi- dable character having broken out in Samaria, Pilate led his troops to repress them. The Samaritans besought the protection of Vitellius, the proconsul of the province, who inquired into the causes of the disturbance, and being convinced of the misconduct of Pilate, deposed him from his office, and commanded him to appear before the an 1 death, emperor at Rome. Tiberius died before the arrival of Pilate, who A. D. 37. thus escaped the punishment due to his crime. But Eusebius* relates tliat Pilate fell into such great troubles under the emperor Caligula, that in despair he committed suicide. It is also stated that he died in banishment at Vienne, in Dauphiny ; and a tradition to this effect still exists in that neighbourhood.^ The conduct of the Roman governors was not always oppressive ; > De Bell. Jud. lib. ii. c. 9. Antiq. lib. xviii. c. 5. * Leg. ad Caium. ^ De Bell. Jud. lib. ii. c. 9. Antiq. lib. xviii. c. 4. * Antiq. lib. xviii. c. 5. » Hist. Ecclcs. lib. ii. c. 7. 6 Tillemont, Hist, des Emper. vol. i. p. 721. despotism. CHAP. V.J PERSECUTION OF THE JEWS AT ALEXANDRIA. 89 there were found amongst them not unfrequontly men, who in the A. D. 37. execution of their office united justice with kindness, and who gained a corresponding influence over the affections of the Jewish nation. The year prior to Pilate's deposition, VitelHus, the proconsul of Mildness of Syria, came to Jerusalem ; his visit was one of kindness, and he tes- '^ tified his care of the temporal condition, not less than his respect for the religious scruples of the Jews, by relieving them from some vexa- tious imposts, and restoring to the priests the custody of the robes worn at the festivals by the High-priest,* which had been from the time of Herod kept in the castle of Antonia, and came, together with that fortress, into the possession of the Romans. Nor was this the only testimony of regard which Vitellius displayed to the opinions of the nation ; for when the army was advancing to a war against Aretas, which was interrupted by the death of Tiberius, he changed the order of march, that the holy territory might not be polluted by the presence of heathen standards, and came himself to sacrifice at Jeru- salem. During the reign of Caligula, Juda?a still remained attached to the province of Syria,* and the nation began to experience the commence- ment of those calamities which were prophesied by our Lord as pre- ludes to the destruction of the city and Temple. At this period we Contention observe the rise of that spirit of contention between the Jewish and SGree£* Greek inhabitants of cities situate in Syria, in P'g}'pt, and in the east, which occasioned the destniction of thousands of the Jews. The Romans generally took part with the Greeks, and by aiding to dispos- sess the Jews of their ancient privileges, and in some cases permitting the utmost violence to be exercised, they contributed to alienate from themselves the affection of the nation in general. The Alexanckine Jews, by the connivance, and, in some respects, Persecut by the open encouragement of Flaccus, the governor,^ were subjected uria to a dreadful persecution by the Macedonian inhabitants of Alexandria. A- D. 38. For a time the heathen rabble of that great city revelled in the most lawless cruelty. The synagogues of the Jews were polluted by statues of the emperor, their houses plundered, the gi*eat body of the Jewish inhabitants forcibly thrust out of the city, and many persons put to death with every kind of torture and insult. These tumults Embass>- of occasioned that embassy to Caligula, in which Philo Juda?us bore a « " "^ chief part ; an account of which, as well as of this persecution, which he has recorded, forming, if not the most curious, certainly a very in-. stractive and interesting part of his writings. Insults on account of their religion were not confined to the Alex- Attempt to andrine Jews alone; those of Judaea soon experienced the violence of ofCaiiguia" Caligula, when his flatterers attempted to force compliance with the Temple, desires which he had expressed to be honoured as a god. Frequent disputes had taken place in Jamnia,* l^etween the Greek and Jewish 1 A7itiq. lib. xviii. c. 5, ' Philo, Lej. ad Cainm. Ibid. Flaccus. 3 Ibid. cc. 9, 10. * Ibid. Leg. ad Caium. ion at Alexan- 90 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [CHAP. V. A. D. 38. inhabitants ; and the impious vanity of Cahgula gave the former the fairest opportunity of gratifying their malice. They accordingly ei'ected an altar to the emperor ' and when the Jews destroyed it, being near to their synagogue, they maliciously informed Caligula of the proceedings, who gave orders to Petronius to erect a still greater abomination, his statue in the Temple at Jerusalem. Well aware of the resistance which the Jewish nation would make to the execution of his decree, he at the same time gave direction to Petronius to reinforce his army, by drawing to his aid one-half the troops stationed upon the Euphrates. Whilst Petronius was at Ptolemais collecting his forces, and waiting the arrival of the statue from Sidon, a body of several thousand Jews came to implore him to desist from the attempt. Alarmed by the determined spirit which they displayed, he went to Tiberias, there to observe the disposition of the people. For forty days together the Jews here continued their supplication, professing their determination to die rather than witness the pollution of the Temple. The Roman general found himself compelled to yield, and promised to write to the emperor in their behalf. Before the arrival of the letter of Petronius, Agrippa had procured, as a per- sonal favour, the reversal of the decree, and despatches had been sent with the announcement. Soon after came the letter of Petronius ; the rage of Caligula was unbounded ; in his answer he reproached him with corrupt motives in yielding to the Jews, and ordered him A. D. 41. to put himself to death. But the news of the emperor's decease reached Judaea before the despatch which contained this sentence, and tne life of Petronius was thus preserved. Early iiistory Qu the accession of the emperor Claudius, Judaea was once more, for a period of four years, restored to the dominion of a native prince, in the person of the elder Agrij^pa. Agrippa was the gi-andson of Herod the Great ; his father was Aristobulus, the son of JMariamne ; his mother Bernice, the daughter of Salome.* From his earliest childhood he resided at Rome, under the care of Bernice, where he formed an early friendship with Drusus, the son of Tiberius. As he gi'ew up, his intercourse with the court led him into habits of expense inconsistent with the slender fortune which he enjoyed during his mother's life-time, and upon her death he s}jeedily dissipated his remaining wealth in splendid entertainments, A. D. 23. and ])resents conferred to purchase favours at the court. The death of Drusus destroyed his hope of advancement at Rome, and he deter- mined to return to Juda?a. Here he married Cypros, the daughter of Phasael, a woman of very superior conduct, and devotedly attached to her husband. For some time he remained in Judsea, but disdain- ing his dependent station he once more went to Rome to try his fortunes. Being accompanied by Cypros to Alexandria, by her means he bor- » Antiq. lib. xviii. c. 9. De Bell. Jitd. lib. ii. c. 10. 2 Autiq. lib. xviii. cc. 6, 7. De Bell. Jvd. lib. ii. c. 9. CHAP. V.J KING AGRIPPA. 91 rowed a considerable sum, with which he set sail for Italy, whilst his A. D. 23. consort returned with her children to Judeea. At Rome, Agi-ippa once more renewed his intimacy with the family of Tiberius, and became the fi'equent companion of Caligula ; but some words which he one day uttered, expressive of his hope that Caligula might ascend the throne, having been commmiicated to Tiberius, he was put in prison, and there remained until the death of the emperor released him from his confinement. Caligula did not forget the sufferings of his friend. A few days He is invested after his accession he sent for him, and placing a diadem upon his head of kingf ^^^^^ gave him the tetrarchies of Philip and Lysanias, with the title of a. d. 37. king, at the same time presenting him with a golden chain equal in weight to the fetters in which he had been bound. Caligula advised him to visit Alexandria on his way to Judsea, and his arrival there occun-ed dm'ing the ti'oubles which tlie Jewish inhabitants were enduring from their Greek fellow-citizens by the connivance of Flaccus. Agrippa himself was exposed to insult, and undertook on behalf of his afflicted brethren to commmiicate to Caligula information respecting their condition ; his application, however, entirely failed of success. Agrippa did not long remain in Syria after taking possession of his A. D. 40. territory, but returned to Rome, and it was at this time that he pre- vailed upon Caligula to forbear the proposed erection of his statue. When the emperor was assassinated, Agrippa took part in the counsels of the senate, and Claudius was much indebted to him for the peaceable manner in which he came to the throne ; and in grate- ful remembrance of this assistance, he conferred upon Agrippa, in Judaea is addition to the two tetrarchies received from Caligula, the sovereignty dominions."' of Judaea and Samaria, and other districts,' which together formed a A. D. 41. kingdom of equal extent with that of Herod the Great. As a further testimony of his favour, he gave to his brother Herod the kingdom of Chalcis. Agrippa now hastened to Jerusalem, and offering sacrifices of thanksgiving in the Temple, there dedicated the golden fetters which Caligula had given him, as a monument of his former sufferings and a token of the kindness of Providence. The sovereignty of Agrippa •was purely dependent upon the court at Rome ; but with the Jews his power was supreme ; and he so used his authority as to become His universally popular, and to gain the character of a wise and beneficent ^^p"^^"'^ prince. To the Christian Church, however, he was a persecutor, and put James, the brother of John, to death. His motives for this act, and for his attempt on the life of St. Peter, are described by the sacred historian* to have been the desire of "pleasing the Jews," a statement quite in unison with the assertion of Josephus respecting the popularity of his government.^ The splendour of his court, the 1 Antiq. lib. xix. c. 5. Be Bell. Jud. lib. ii. c. 11. 2 Acts, c. xii. V. 3. " Antiq. lib. xix. c. 7, s. 92 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. A. D. 41. And death. His children. His son Agrippa. Fad us. Procurator. [chap. V. liberal presents which he made, his constant residence at Jerusalem, and his exertions to strengthen the city by enclosing the new town, Bezetha, with fortifications, all tended to procure for him the favour of the people. His reign over Judaea lasted little more than three years, though for seven he had enjoyed the title of king over the tetrarchies of Lysanias and Philip. In the account of his death there is that sort of agreement between the Christian and Jewish historian ^ which bespeaks trath in each : they both relate the place, Caesarea ; the time, the celebration of a public solemnity ; the adulation of the people in calling him a god ; and his allowing such praise to pass un- reproved. Josephus writes, that on a sudden he beheld a bird of ill omen, which he recognised as the messenger of evil, and that he was seized with the pains of that disease of which, in five days, he died. The author of the Acts of the Apostles informs us, that immediately the angel of God smote him, " because he gave not God the glory : and he was eaten of worms, and gave up the ghost." Acts xii. 23. Agrippa left one son of his own name, a young man of seventeen years of age, and three daughters, Bernice, Mariamne, and Drusilla. With the names of Drusilla and Beraice we are familiar ; the one as the companion of Agrippa, when Paul pleaded before Festus; the other as the wife of Felix, the Eoman governor. Before her marriage with Felix, Drusilla had been the wife of Azizus, king of Emesa, whom Felix persuaded her to divorce. They had one son, Agrippa, who perished in an eruption of Vesuvius, in the time of the emperor Titus. Claudius would have placed the younger Agrippa upon the throne of Juda}a, but was dissuaded from it by his friends. On the death of Herod, king of Chalcis, four years after the death of his father, Agrippa was appointed to succeed him in that kingdom ; which, in the twelfth year of Claudius, he exchanged for the tetrarchies of Philip and of Lysanias, a tenitory which Nero increased by the addi- tion of a part of Galilee.^ On the death of Agrippa the elder, Judfea thus became again a Roman province under the procurator Fadus. The only points in which the authority of the governor was rcsti'ained, appear to have been the nomination of the High-priest, the government of the Temple, and the appropriation of the sacred treasure. Herod, king of Chalcis, obtained these privileges by grant from Claudius at the death of his brother. Josephus adds,^ that this power remained with his descendants from that time until the destruction of the Temple ; an assertion in which there appears some slight mistake, since it is more probable that this power should have been continued with the younger Agrippa, and we find, in fact, that he exercised the pri\dlege of deposing the High-priest in the time of Felix and of Festus.* Fadus early rendered himself unpopular by resuming the custody 1 Antiq. lib. xix. c. 8. 2 De Bell. Jud. lib. ii. c. 12. 8 Antiq. lib. xx. c. 1. * Ibid c. 7, ss. 8, 11. CHAP, v.] ROMAN GOVERNORS OF JUD^A, 93 of the High-priest's garments, which VitelUus had restored to the A. d. people ; but, by the intercession of Agrippa, a decree was obtained 44-48. from the emperor reversing this proceeding. During the procurator- Tiberius ship of Fadus, and of his successor, Tiberius Alexander, that famine p]ocu?ator. prevailed in Juda?a which is related, Acts xi. 28, to have been foretold at Antioch by the Christian prophet Agabus.' The public distress Famine, gave rise to a very extensive system of plunder. The violence of the robbers was in some measure kept in check by Fadus, but the reli- gious impostors took advantage of this season to draw after them great multitudes.^ Amongst them was Theudas, who persuaded the Theudas. people to follow him to the Jordan, pretending that he would enable them to cross it on dry land. Fadus dispersed the assembly by his cavalry, who killed and took many prisoners, and brought the head of Theudas to Jerusalem. The sons of Judas, the Galilean, were seized by Tiberius Alexander and ciTicified, having probably renewed the endeavours of their father to excite the people to revolt. Tiberius Alexander was succeeded in the procuratorship by Cu- Cumanus, manus,^ whose misconduct occasioned much bloodshed. At the feast ^''^o^^uf^^o'- of the Passover, a Roman soldier having insulted the assembled mul- -^' ^' ' titude of worshippers, a tumult arose, which ended in the destruc- tion of 10,000 persons. On another occasion, a servant of the emperor having been robbed, Cumanus sent a party of soldiers to plunder the neighbouring villages, and to bring before him the chief inhabitants. This tyranny they might have endured, had not one of Massacre, the soldiers added a gross insult to their religion, by tearing in pieces a copy of the Law. The news of this injur}' spread around, and multitudes of Jews assembled at Ceesarea, to demand the punishment of the soldier from Ciunanus, a request which, under the di-ead of a rising revolt, he was afraid to deny, and the soldier was put to death. A sort of predatory warfare soon afterwards was waged between the Jews and Samaritans, occasioned by some Galileans being mur- dered by the latter on their way to Jerusalem. Cumanus at first aided the Samaritans, but at length he left the combatants to them- selves, and Judiiea in consequence became overrun with banditti. The A. D. 52. Samaritans at length applied for protection to Quadratus, the go- vernor of the province, who, upon investigating the gi-ounds of their complaint, and understanding that Cumanus was not less blameable than themselves, sent both the procurator and the Samaritans to Home. Claudius exiled Cumanus, and put the Samaritans to death.* His. The interest of Pallas, the freedman of Claudius, procured for his ^^^^ '™^' brother Felix the procuratorship of Juda?a. Tacitus states, that both Procurator. Cumanus and Felix were indifferent to the maintenance of civil order. He adds, that Felix being governor of Samaria whilst Cumanus was fovemor of Galilee, they encouraged the mutual inroads of the inha- » Antiq. lib. xx. c. 2, 4. 8 Ibid. c. 4. » DeBell. /«^. lib. ii. c. 12. * A^iiq. lib. xx. c. 6. De BeU. Jvd. Ub. ii. c. 13. 94 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. fCHAP. V A. D. 52. bitants, and themselves shared in the spoil.^ This account dces not agree with that of Josephus, who nowhere mentions the command of Cumanus in Gahlee, or of Fehx in Samaria. It is scarcely probable that Josephus can have committed any en-or in his narration, but it is not impossible that Tacitus may have mentioned Galilee as the seat of the government of Cumanus, intending thereby Juda?a, and that Felix might have had some subordinate command in Samaria, before he became procurator, which might have escaped the notice of Josephus. There is, however, a particularity in this account of Felix given by Tacitus, which bears the appearance of correct information. He speaks of him as sitting on the day of the trial of Cumanus amongst the judges, being placed there by Quadratus to overawe the accusers ; and he adds, that Cumanus alone was condemned for crimes which Felix, as well as Cumanus, had committed. He de- scribes the government of Felix in these powerful expressions, per omnem scevitiani et Ubidinem, jus regium servili ingenio exercuit ; ^ a character fully confinned by the history of his amours, and his employing the Sicani to put the High-priest, Jonathan, to death. The impunity which the Sicani henceforth enjoyed, increased the growth of that dreadful association.^ The country became infested with robbers, the city was full of assassins, the public mind was per- petually agitated by the appearance of religious impostors and false prophets. Against the robbers Felix directed his force, and kept them in check, having taken Eleazar, their chief. The impostors, and those whom they deceived, he frequently punished. Amongst these was an Egyptian false prophet, who collected a great assembly at the Mount of Olives ; the multitude was attacked by Felix, and five hundred persons were killed, but the Egyptian escaped; a circum- stance which illustrates the question of the Roman captain to St. Paul, '* Art not thou that Egyptian," &c. (Acts xxi. 38.) The Sicani alone remained uncontrolled; murders were perpetrated in open day by these men, who, mixing with the crowd unperceived, aimed the fatal blow at their victim. Felix had availed himself of their services, and they requited his protection by exciting the people to revolt, and by attacking the houses, and burning the villages of those who did not yield to their views. The spirit of cruelty which thus pervaded the country, at length corrupted the ministers of religion. The higher sacerdotal orders, forming themselves into a party, seized the tithes throughout the country, and left the poorer priests, with their wives and families, to perish from want. Such was the condition of Judaea when Festus became procurator ; his government lasted two years, and on his death he was succeeded by Albinus."* At his fii-st entrance upon the duties of his charge, Albinus employed his whole care to the restoration of public order, and put Miseries of Judaea. A.D. 60. Festiis, Procurator, A. D. 62 AHiinus, Procurator. 1 Annal. lib. xii. c. 54. Tillemont, Illst. dcs Emper. vol. i. p. 806, lO'/S. 2 Hist. lib. V. c. 10. 3 Antiq. lib. xx. c. 7. * Antiq. lib. XX. c. 8. De Bell Jud. lib. ii. c. 14. CHAP, v.] ROMAN GOVERNORS OF JUDJEA. 95 many Sicarii to death ; but in the end he became careless and oppres- A. D. 62. sive ; justice was bought and sold ; crimes were suffered to go un- punished ; taxes were heaped upon the people ; the formation of parties, and the establishment of petty tyrannies, was universally allowed. Much of the misconduct of Albinus is to be attributed to Ahuses^of the the influence which Ananias, the High-priest, gained over him ; and Ananias, the increase of disorder was materially owing to the surrender of some captive Sicarii, at the suggestion of Ananias, in exchange for the scribe of Eleazar, whom others of their party had carried oft" by night. Henceforward the confidence of these banditti was unbounded ; for they had learned that by capturing the friends of Ananias, and detain- ing them as hostages, they might secure the release of any of their own associates. The misconduct of Albinus was in some degree concealed, if not ^^^'^^ji^^^^. sanctioned, by the Jewish chiefs, who availed themselves of his autho- rity to establish tyrannies each within his own sphere.' Nevertheless, contrasted with Florus, who succeeded him, Albinus appears to have been just and merciful. The new procurator acted like an execu- tioner, sent to enforce the sentence of condemnation upon the whole Jewish nation. Cruel, and regardless even of the semblance of equity His and truth, he did not confine his tyranny to the oppression of indivi- "^pp^^-'^"^- duals, but he amassed wealth by the destruction of multitudes, and the spoil of whole cities. Every robber might plunder at will if Florus shared the booty. Extensive districts were reduced to the solitude of a desert ; and men left Judaea to seek in distant countries that protection which was denied to them at home. At the Passover, A.D. QQ, Cestius Gallus, the governor of Syria, coming to Jerusalem, A.D. 60. was there made acquainted with the tyranny of Florus, by the multi- tude who besought his protection. Cestius answered them witli fan- promises, but- did nothing ; and retm-ning to Antioch, was accom- panied on his way thither by Florus. Florus still continued the same line of conduct, in the hope, as Josephus states, that in the breaking out of a rebellion, his own crimes might pass unpunished. Tacitus, in speaking of the conduct of the Roman governors from the time of Felix, says, Duravit patient ia Judais usqiie ad Gessium Fhrum Procuratorem. Sub eo helium ortum ; ^ an honourable testi- mony in favour of the nation, whioli requires some qualification ; for it is impossible to read the History of Josephus without discerning, that the misgovemment of the Romans was not the only trial of the patience of the nation. What they had to endure at the hands of the go- veraors, was in itself nothing when compared with those greater evils, which were inflicted by the general demoralization of society, the entire absence of all justice, the murders of the Sicarii, and the tyranny of the higher orders. In a state of anarchy, such as we have described, it is not surprising that a rebellion should have commenced upon comparatively slight grounds, and without any definite object m i Antiq. lib. sy. c. 18. De Bell. Jud. lib. ii. c. 14. « Hist. lib. v. c. 9. A.D. 66. The Jewish war oora- menced in tumults at Caesarea. Severities of Florus at Jerusalem. 96 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [CHAP. V. view. The Jewish historian dates the breaking out of the war from some tmiiults which took pkice at Ccesarea, in the month Artemisium, (May,) of the year a. d. 66, the twelfth of Nero's, and the seven- teenth of Agi'ippa's reign. These disturbances were occasioned by the arrival of the final decree of Nero, upon an appeal which had been made to him by the Greek and Jewish inhabitants respecting the rights of citizenship. The rejection of the claims of the Jews was the signal for tmnult.^ In the contest between the two parties at Caesarea, the Jews were the aggressors, and Florus interposed to preserve order; but the Jews, as they believed, purchased his pro- tection by a present of eight talents. The tumult increasing, the Jews began to entertain serious apprehensions for their safety, and retired with the books of their Law to Narbata, a place which belonged to them, about sixty stadia distant from Caesarea. Florus had retired to Sebaste, having left the Jews and Greeks to decide their own quaiTel : but when he was reminded by the Jews who came thither, that they had good reason to demand his protection in return for the money which he had received ; he construed their removal from Caesarea to Narbata into an act of rebelhon, and put their ambassadors into prison. The inhabitants of Jerusalem beheld this t}Tanny with indig- nation ; but they remained quiet, until Florus, anxious, as it might seem, to compel them to give vent to their feelings, sent his officers to take seventeen talents from the sacred Treasury, pretending that they were required for the service of Caesar. The multitude on this occasion insulted Floras, by carrying romid a bag, and pretending to beg alms for their poor and distressed governor ; an insult which he pretended to consider of more consequence than the tumults which he still suffered to continue at Caesarea, and tlierefore brought all hLs force to Jerusalem to demand satisfaction. The chief Jews tried to appease his anger, but he refused to be satisfied, and ordered his soldiers to plunder the upper market-place, and to put to death those who resisted. The soldiers ravaged the whole city, and no less than 3, GOO persons, of every age and sex, perished on this occasion. To complete the measure of his tyranny, he violated all the laws and privileges of Rome itself, by scourging and crucifying Jews, who had been admitted to the Roman order of Imights.^ Bernice, the sister of Agrippa, entreated Floras to spare the people from the violence of the soldiers, whose attack she herself only escaj^ed by flying for refuge to the palace ; but he tm-ned a deaf ear to her remonstrance and prayers. The priests, alai-med at the prospect of rebellion, endea- voured to persuade the people to submission ; but the sedition was too far gone to be repressed, and when it was evidently the intention of Floras to plunder the Temple, the people perceiving his pui-pose broke down the porticoes which connected it with the castle of Antonia. Floras thus foiled in his purpose, left one cohort in Jerasalera to » De BclL Jvd. lib. ii. c. 14. s Ibid. c. 15. CHAP, v.] REBELLION IN JUD^A. 97 assist the priests in maintaining order, and returned to Caesarea. A. d. 66, Cestius Gallus, the governor of Syria, being informed of tiiese dis- mea^ures^of turbances, despatched one of his generals, NeapoHtanus, in company Agrippa. with Agrippa, to Jerasalem, to ascertain the real state of atlairs. Here Agrippa remained after the departure of Neapolitanus, and ex- erted all his influence to put a stop to the rebellion. Florus was not without some pretext for seizing the sacred treasure ; for when Agrippa reminded the people of their refusal to pay the tribute which was due, and amounted to forty talents, and of their violent conduct in pulling down the porticoes, they instantly began to repair the damage and to collect the tribute for payment. Thus far Agrippa succeeded ; but when he began to recommend submission to Florus until another governor should be appointed, the flame of sedition which lie quits had been smothered burst forth in an attack of the })opuIace upon ^^"*'* '^'"" himself, and compelled his hasty abandonment of the city. The sedition now began to display a more decided character. The occupation of the castle IMasada, and the destruction of the Roman garrison, together with the refusal to ofter any more sacrifices in the Temple in behalf of the Romans, amounted to an open declaration of war.' In this latter proceeding they adopted the advice of Eleazar, Rise of the son of Ananus the High-priest, a young man of bold and daring ^^^azar, temper, who became the first leader of the rebellion. These trans- actions were, however, in accordance with the feelings of but one party in the city. The nobles applied to Florus and Agrippa for aid ; the former purposely took no notice of their request, but Agrippa aided them with a force of 3,000 men. The party which sought lor peace was in possession of the Upper City : the Lower City and Temple were entirely in the hands of the rebels, who by continued attacks upon the king's troops, endeavoured to weary out their patience, and to force them to retire ; until at length, in the month of August, they suc- ceeded in taking the castle of Antonia, and put the garrison to death. A new chief arose to give fresh vigom- to the siege of the Upper City, in the person of Manahem the son of Judas the Galilean ; and by his and assistance, the king's troops were forced to surrender, whilst the -^^*"^'^^"^- Romans shut themselves up in the three towers, Phasael, Herod, and Mariamne. The pride and craelty of Manahem became soon insup- portable, and both he and his friends were put to death, the people willingly assisting Eleazar to remove his rival. The Roman garrison soon surrendered to Eleazar, under a solemn promise of safety ; a promise which he impiously violated, profaning the sabbath-day by putting all his prisoners to death, with the exception of Metilius their commander, who saved his life by consenting to be circumcised. The blood of these Romans was providentially revenged upon the Jewish nation, by a Massacre at massacre of 20,000 Jews at Ca?sarea,^ which took place on the very same day and hoiu" on which this crime was perpetrated at Jerasalem. Not one Jew remaned in that city, the few that escaped the slaughter 1 Be Bell. Jud. lib. ii. c. 17. ^ jtij. c. 18. [jEwg.] II 98 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. f"CHAP. V. Massacre at Alexandria. Cestms advances to Jerusalem. Success of the -lev's. A. D. 6(j. being sent by Floras to serve in the galleys. This enormity drove the \vhole nation into a state of desjieration ; they rushed forth upon the neighbouring Syrian cities with fire and sword; and the Syrians in return avenged the inroad by putting to death not only every one that was outwardly a Jew, but all whom they suspected of being Jews in aflection. Antioch, Sidon, and A]")amea, were the only cities wherein anarchy and plunder did not prevail. As at Antioch so perhaps at Sidon and Apamea, the number of Christian converts might have proved, under Providence, a defence from this dreadfiil storm. The vengeance thus inflicted on the nation, extended also to Alexandria, where 50,000 Jews were put to death at this time by the Roman soldiers. A short time before the Feast of Tal^emacles, Cestins collected his troops, in number alwut 20,000, and having first delivered Galilee from the inroads of the rebels, advanced from Caesarca towards Jeni- salem, and encamped at Gabao, fifty stadia distant from Jerusalem. A vigorous assault upon the city would have at once put an end to the war ; but Florus bribed the officers of Cestius to encourage delay, and give the Jews time to prepare for resistance. The same secret in- fluence occasioned Cestius to break up the siege, which he had ])ros- perously begun, and to commence his retreat from Jerusalem at the very time when the seditious despaired of further resistance. In the pass at Bethoron the intervention of night alone preserved the Roman army from being destroyed by the Jews, who pursued them with unceasing alacrity ; Cestius reached Antipatris, having lost 5,000 men, with all his stores, in the retreat ; whilst the rebels returned in triumph to Jerasalem, having experienced very little loss. This defeat took A. D. 66. place on the 18th of the month Dius (November). Many of the chief Jews availed themselves of this opportunity to retire from the city ; and it is probable, that at this time the Christians withdrew to Pella, a city beyond the Jordan. The traditionary account preserved by Eusebius' places this event at a period ])rior to the war ; tliat is, probal)ly, prior to the campaigns of Vespasianus, which terminated in the destruction of the city. On the defeat of Cestius,^ the Jews commenced their first regular preparations for war. The city was committed to the care of Joseph, the son of Gorion, and A nanus the High-priest. Idumn?a and Pera>a, with other districts and cities, were given in charge to various leaders. Josephus, the historian, was invested with the government of the whole of Galilee ; and has left us very full particulars of his own conduct, of his care in the administration of justice, in fortifying the cities, and organizing an army for the defence of the country ; and making every allowance for the personal vanity of the historian, he appears to have been admirably suited to the ofiice thus intrusted to him. The despatches from Cestius, which announced his defeat, and » Eist. Eccles. lib. iii. c. 5. ^ j)^ j^^^n j^^^ ub. ii. c. 20. Preparations for regular CHAP, v.] WAR WITH THE ROMANS. 99 attributed the whole misfortune to Florus, reached the Emperor Nero A. D. 66. in Achaia,' who without delay appointed Vespasianus to conduct the ^^''^fntedlo war in Judaea. Vespasianus proceeded to Antioch, where he found conduct the Agrippa waiting his arrival, whilst his son Titus went to Alexandria, and thence brought two legions to reinforce the army of the pro- vince. The army assembled during the winter at Ptolemais, and con- ^^ jy^ (37^ sisted of more than four Roman legions, which with the auxiliaries furnished by Agrippa and other native princes, amounted together to above 60,000 men. In the spring of A. D. 67, Vespasianus commenced his operations,^ Josephus and occupied the remainder of the year in the reduction of Galilee, prisoner. The chief feature of the campaign was the siege of Jotapata, which Josephus defended for forty-seven days, and in which 40,000 persons perished. Josephus being taken prisoner, was treated with respect, and by degrees contrived to ingTatiate himself with Vesj^asianus and Titus. 30,000 of the inhabitants of Tarichea, a city taken in the autumn by Titus, were sold as slaves. Giscala, amongst other places was also taken, a city which gave name to John of Giscala,^ who John of escaping from the siege took refuge in Jerusalem, and was preserved ^^'^^^• to be one of the chief scourges by which Providence inflicted vengeance upon that devoted city. The success of the Romans threw every city in Judaea into con- tending factions ;* each family was divided, as its members advocated peace or war. Universal discord reigned. Robberies increased ; the whole country was pillaged ; and the devastation thus produced could not have been exceeded even by the invasion of the Roman army. In Jerusalem, Jolin of Giscala was most conspicuous in urging resistance His influence to the Romans, and ]:)roclaiming that the city was impregnable. The ^"^ •'^^'^^^'"• robbers, who had hitherto wasted the country, gradually introduced themselves into Jerusalem ; and being received by the people as allies, at length assumed the mastery, putting to death those who opposed them, appointing High-priests, and exercising the most absolute tyranny. The people rose against them, and had nearly subdued these Zealots (for so the robbers now called themselves, pretending the most perfect devotion to the cause of religion), when the treachery of John of Giscala turned the scale in their favour.* Having under- taken to negotiate a surrender of those who kei)t i:)OSsession of the Temple, instead of forwarding the purport of his mission, he took the opportimity of intimating to them that assistance might be procm-ed from Idumjea. The Idumseans were accordingly informed that the party under A nanus, and the priests who were opposed to the Zealots, were meditating the surrender of the city to the Romans, upon which they instantly assembled to the number of 20,000 men, and came with all speed to Jerusalem. Ananus closed the gates ; but during the night the Zealots, under the cover which a violent storm afibrded, » De Bell. Jud. lib. iii. c. 1. ^ Ibid. c. 6, 7. * Ibid. Ub. iv. c. 2. * Ibid. c. 3. 5 Ibid. h2 A.D. 67. Murder of the nobles. A.D. 68. 100 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [CHAP. V. came forth from the Temple and admitted the Iduma?ans. The guards of Ananus, to the number of 8,000, were put to death. Ananus and 12,000 of the nobles were afterwards taken and slain. The Idumaeans were soon undeceived,' and convinced how fallacious was the charge of treachery, which had induced them to commit these cruelties, and becoming ashamed of their conduct, thev returned home; whilst the Zealots, now left to themselves, ceased not the work of destruction, killing every man of rank or property, and allowing poverty alone to be a defence from injury. Such was the state of afiairs in Jerusalem at the commencement of the following year, a.d. 68, the Zealots being divided into two parties (one of them headed by John of Giscala), were united in no other purpose but that of plunder. Vespasianus still delayed the commence- ment of the siege ; a line of conduct which increased the sufferings of the Jews, by lengthening the period of the tvranny which they endured under the dominion of the Zealots. The Roman army was employed in subduing Pera^a, and had nearly gained possession of the whole surrounding country, when intelligence arriving of the death of Nero,^ the war was immediately suspended. A gi'acious interval of repent- ance was thus allowed to the nation, an interval of which they took no account, but by their crimes heaped still greater vengeance upon themselves. Simon, the son of Gioras, appeared at this time as a leader of banditti. Iduma?a was the chief scene of his plunder ; but his whole purpose was the possession of Jerusalem. Wherever he led his followers, he left behind him a desolation like that of the locust. Surrounded by havoc and slaughter, he happened to approach the g^tes of Jerusalem at a time when the rapine and insatiable lust of the soldiers of John of Giscala, had prepared the people to look for protection to any power which might prove stronger than that pos- sessed by the Zealots ; whilst the disputes which had arisen between the Idumaean and the otlier Zealots, having induced the former to combine with the people, there was little difficulty in admitting A.D. 69. Simon into the city. Simon was received with acclamations as a deliverer, and in the month of Xanthicus (March) of the year 69, became master of Jerusalem. In July, Vespasianus was proclaimed emperor at Alexandria, and before the fifteenth of that month the whole of Syria had invested him with the Imperial purple ; whereupon going to Rome, he leil Titus to pursue the war in Juda:a. During this year the Roman army remained inactive; but a war, more dreadlul than any which the Romans could have waged, was carried on within the city. Eleazar, the son of Ananus, who had obtained considerable intiuence amongst the Zealots^ previous to the arrival of John of Giscala, unwilling any longer to submit to his authority, conspired with his friends, and took possession of the inner court of the Temple. Three ])arties » De Bell. Jud. lib. iv. c. 5. ^ jn^^ c. 9. ^ Ibid. lib. v. c. 1. Patise in the campaign. Simon, son of fiioras. Vespa-sianus proclaimed emperor. CHAP, v.] SIEGE OF JERUSALEM BY TITUS. 101 within its walls disputed the possession of Jerusalem. Eleazar, with A. D. 69. a garrison of 2,500 followers, held the Temple ; the Upper City was J^Hfons the station of Simon's force, which amounted to 15,000 men ; in the ^^.iti'i"the Lower City John of Giscala kept his post with 6,000 Zealots. Betvveen these factions an unceasing warfare was waged ; every place, whether within or without the Temple, was polluted with blood. The people alternately a prey to each, could hardly refrain from pray- ing earnestly for the arrival of the Romans. In the midst of the horrors Avhich prevailed, the private charities of life lost all their influence : death was so common an event, that no man took pains to bury the body of his dearest friend ; as not knowing whether himself should survive the succeeding hour. The sacrifices of the Temple were however continued ; and the leaders of the factions still promised protection to those Jews and foreigners who brought victims to be oilered to the Most High ; but those who trasted to this promise, as well as the priests themselves, were often killed by stones and weapons, hurled into the Temple from the Ujiper City, and mingled their V>lood with that of the victim upon the altar. Early in the spring, Titus came from Alexandria to Ca^sarea, and Titus a short time before the Passover, his army, which consisted of about the siege or 60,000 men from difterent points, directed its march towards Jem- ^"^^79 salem. Josephus, the historian, and Tiberius Alexander, a former governor of Egypt, were in attendance upon Titus.' The line of march passed tm'ough Samaria to Gibeah of Saul, a place distant thirty stadia from Jerusalem ; the army here encamped, wliilst Titus went forward with 600 horse to take a view of the city, to which he advanced so near as narrowly to escape from an ambush which the Jews had laid. On the following day the army encamped at Scopus, a place seven stadia distant, on a plain rising towards the north, from which there was a view of the whole extent of the Temple and city. Two legions took post at Scopus itself; a third, three stacha in the rear ; the fourth, which advanced from Jericho, was stationed on the Mount of Olives, which lies on the east of Jerusalem, and is separated from it by the deep valley of Cedron. The city was at this time crowded with inhabitants, who had assembled from all parts to cele- brate the Passover ; the whole nation being thus collected as within a prison, to undergo the Di\dne judgment. The large assembly of the Jews which thronged to the feast from so many distant and diflerent countries, might give rise to the belief expressed by Dion Cassius (lib. Ixvi.), that the rebels received reinforce- ments from the parts beyond the Euphrates ; and that many kings of the Barbarians sent troops to defencl the city. It was certainly one of the charges brought by Titus against them to justify his attack, that they had sent embassies to their brethren beyond the Euphrates to demand assistance.' Josephus has given a very detailed description of Jemsalem and of 1 De Bell. Jud. lib. v. c. 11. « Ibid. lib. vi «• fi s. 2. A. D. 70. Description of the fortiti cations. Struggles of the Jewish factions. The two outer walls captured. 102 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [CHAP. V. its fortifications ; at the same time we must lament, that neither the measm-ements nor the bearings of the ditlerent places are sufficiently detailed to enable us to lay down with certainty any plan of the city. The north appears to have been the part most on a level with the surrounding country, and on that side Titus carried on the siege as Pompev had done before him. In circuit the walls of the city ex- tended thirty-three stadia, and towards the north-west presented a triple line of fortification. Upon the outer wall, which was added by Agrippa to protect the new city, called Bezetha, there stood ninety towers ; the whole height of the wall being twenty -five cubits ; the middle wall had fourteen towers, the interior and most ancient sixty ; on the outer wall at the north-west angle stood the tower Psephina, seventy cubits high, and of an octagonal form ; and opposite to it in the inner wall, the three splendid towei's built by Herod, called Hip- picus, Phasael, and Mariamne. Jerusalem was a place both by nature and art of no ordinary strength. In the spot which Titus selected for his first attack, the outer wall was somewhat lower than elsew^here;^ and that part of the city being but thinly inhabited, they had neglected to form a junction betw^een the first and second wall, so that no obstacle presented itself to the subsequent attack of the third and inner wall. The Jews ^vere well prepared to meet their enemies, by their obstinate resolution, by the despair of safety, and by that bigoted attachment to their Temple and country, in the rain of which they would rather perish than survive ; and although throughout the siege a party existed within the city desirous to submit to the Romans, yet in the time of actual contest not one was found to act the part of a traitor. The factions of Elcazar and John of Giscala had now united, and occuj^ied the Temple, which they had obtained by stratagem, and the Lower City. Simon had the command in the Upper City. For some time after the actual commencement of the siege, the combats between these two factions still continued ; nor was it until the batter- ing rams of Titus were brought to bear upon the outer wall, that the nearness of the danger united them against the common enemy. The Jews defended the outer walls for fifteen days, being successful in an early sally, and having partially burned the works of their besiegers ; but on the 7th of Artemisium (May) they withdrew, leaving to the Romans possession of the northern part of the city.^ Titus pitched his tent within the wall, in a place called the Assyrian Camp, and renewed the siege by an attack upon the second wall ; in five days more he won this also, and occupied the included portion of the city with 1,000 men f neither the houses were burned, nor were any prisoners put to death, for he still hoped by a show of clemency to induce a surrender. The besieged interpreted this conduct as if he despaired of taking the city by force ; so that the merciful behaviour of the Romans only increased the obstinacy of the resistance opposed I De Bell. Jiul. bid. lib. v. c. 6. ^ ^^^ c. 7. » Ibid. c. 8. CHAP, v.] SIEGE OF JERUSALEM BY TITUS. 103 to them. A second sally drove the besiegers for three days from a. d. 70. their last acquired post ; but on the fourth the Jews were finally repulsed, and compelled to remain within the inner wall.* During the five following davs all active operations were discontinued, while the army was furnished with fresh supplies, and Titus reviewed his ti'oops in the sight of the besieged : the splendour of their equipment, and the discipline and order which the Roman forces displayed, threw a consternation over the leaders of the sedition : but they knew that they had gone too far to be allowed to purchase safety for themselves by submission ; and death in war was preferable either to captivity or to the sword of the executioner. Thus, as Josephus observes, was the will of Providence fulfilled, that together with the leaders of the faction the whole State should perish. Still anxious to preserve the city, Titus sent Josephus to address Mission of the Jews upon the wall, and persuade them to desist from a ho])eless "'^*'^'^'^- defence : his arguments had no eiiect upon the chiefs of the sedition, but many of the common people were induced to desert to the Romans, being kindly received by them, and permitted to pass whithersoever they desired. Against these deserters, John and Simon kept strict watch, and put to death all whom they suspected.^ Famine with all its liorrors Famine, now began to appear, and with it the fury of the factions proportionally increased. When corn ceased to be openly sold, the robbers searched private houses : if they were disappointed in finding food, the inhaljit- ants were tortured on suspicion of having it concealed ; if food was found they were punished for having kept it privately to themselves. For a measure of wheat the rich man sold valuable possessions ; for a handful of barley the poor man parted with all that yet remained to him. Families hid themselves while they partook their scanty meal, in hopes to eat it undisturbed by robbers ; the table was no longer set, but each man snatched from the hearth his half-baked cakes, or devoured in silence unground and undressed corn.^ Every moral feeling was extinct ; the wife admitted not her husband to share her food ; the son suffered his father to perish ; mothers snatched the bread from their children's lips. Some wandered out at night to collect herbs, who on their return were robbed of what thev had gained at the peril of their lives. Such were the sutlerings of the poor, whilst the rich were taken before Simon and John, and i-lun- dered and put to death. These chiefs, still at discord with each other, were in union onl}' in committing crimes.'' The number of persons wlio now deserted Avas so considerable, that Crucifixic.n -ji Titus gave orders that they should be considered prisoners, and cruci- '^^=**~^'^=*- fied in sight of the city ; by this severity hoping to hasten the sur- render. No less than five hundred were taken in a single day ; the crucifixions continued until wood was wanting for the instruments of punishment, and no space was left whereon to erect them. The 1 De Bell. Jud. lib. v. c. 9. * Ibid. c. 10. 8 Ibid. * Ibid. c. 11. 104 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [CHAP. Y. A. D. 70. Roman soldiers made sport of this cruelty, by hanging up their victims in grotesque postures ; and thus, unknowingly, requited upon the nation their cniel derision of our Lord's sutlerings. Titus finding that this course of severity was ineffectual, contented himself with striking off the hands of the deserters and sending them back. At the end of seventeen days, between the 1 2th and 29th of Arte- misium (iMay), the Roman army had completed four batteries. Those erected against Antonia was speedily overthrown by the mines which Simon had constructed ; for the besieged had learned by experience to ■practise every art of defence. The remaining works were also destroyed by fire in a sally, and it was not without difficulty that the Romans cepelled the fierceness of this attack, and drove the Jews once more within. It was e^ddent that the defence would be protracted to the last extremity ;' in order therefore to prevent escape, and to hasten the inroads of famine, by cutting off" every supply of provision fi-om liVneo?"^ without, Titus commenced the stupendous work of carrying a line circumvaiia- of circumvallation around the entire city. Three days' labour, and the tiie city. united exertions of every officer and man in the whole Roman army sufficed for the completion of a mound thirty-nine stadia in length, and the erection at intervals of thirteen forts or redoubts, which measured in circuit ten additional stadia. The famine now raged with the utmost fury, and death in its most terrible shapes wasted the wretched population. At first the corpses were biuied at the public charge, but the numbers increased so much, that eventually they were thrown over the walls into the deep hollows which surrounded the city. When Titus beheld this fearful sight, he lifted up his hands to heaven, and called God to witness that he was not the guilty author of such dreadful deeds. The number of dead bodies caiTied out at one single gate amounted to 110,000;* and it was calculated that alto- gether not less than 600,000 of the lower orders were thus disposed of, besides those richer persons who were buried in the city in private houses.* Many still escaped from the city, but the greater part of these died miserably ; some from intemperate eating, others by the hands of the soldiers, who ripped up the captives in search for the gold and precious stones which they were believed to have swallowed. In this way 2000 perished in a single night ; and in defiance of the ])rohibition of Titus this cruelty continued to be practised, chiefly by the Arabian and Syrian auxiliaries. It was during this period of horror that an abomination was perpetrated, so repugnant to the strongest feelings of our nature, that were it not for the indisputable evidence of Josephus, who had ample opportunities of knowing the fact, and no temptation to falsify it, we should reject it altogether as a fable.* A mother deliberately destro}'ed her infant child, and having prepared it as food, offered it to the robbers who were attracted by its savour. Her name was Mary the daughter of Eleazar. ' De Bell. Jud. lib. v. c. 12. « ibid. c. 13. *Ibid. c. 12. •» Ibid. lib. vi. c. 3. CHAP, v.] DESTRUCTION OF THE TEMPLE. 105 The leaders of the sedition supphed their followers by the plunder A. D. 70. of the people.' To cruelty, John now added the guilt of sacrilege, melting down the vessels of gold which were used in the service of the Temple, and distributing the wine and oil which the priests had religiously preserved for the purposes of sacrifice. In July, Titus reduced the castle of Antonia. The works which were brought to bear Reduction of upon it occupied no less than three weeks in their construction ; a task Antonk.*^ *^' of no inconsiderable difficulty, since no timber for that purpose was found within the distance of twelve miles. The famine W'as so severe, that at last the daily sacrifice ceased ;^ and Titus wisely considering that this must be a favourable opportunity for negotiation, gave orders to Josephus to make the attempt, but with no better success than heretofore. At this period many of the nobles, and the high-priests, Joseph and Jesus, contrived to escape ; Titus received them kindly, and upon a circulation of a report W' ithin the city that those persons had perished, he showed them to the people on the wall, as an assurance of the safety wdiich they might yet enjoy. In an assault upon the Temple, from W' hich he was repulsed, Titus succeeded in destropng some part of its porticoes, the remainder were throw^n down by the Jews themselves. On the 8th day of Lois (August), Titus finding that the labour of the battering rams for six days incessantly had produced no impression upon the walls of the Temple, and wearied with the obstinate resistance of the besieged, determined to set fire to the gates. For a day and night the work of The Temple destruction was thus continued,^ when orders were given to the soldiers ^^^ °^ ^*^' to extinguish the flames, and to prepare a way for the assault. A severe contest took place between the contending parties, which at last terminated in the Jews being driven into the inner Temple, and leaving the outer court in possession of the Romans. The preservation of the Temple was most anxiously desired by Titus; and every possible exertion was made by the troops to extinguish the fires which were still burning. Whilst thus employed they were again attacked by a sally of the besieged. Amid the confusion, a soldier seized a brand, and throwing it in at an open window, set fire to one of the chambers. Titus was alarmed by the cry which the Jews within raised when they beheld the flames, and advanced w4th the great body of his troops ; his most urgent commands were to extinguish the flames, but the soldiers, fiirious with the prospect of victory, pre- tending to misunderstand the orders, and excited each other to extend tlie fire. A dreadllil scene of slaughter ensued, chiefly of multitudes of unarmed persons who had fled for refuge to the inner court and altar, confiding in the predictions of numerous false jiroj^hets, who were suborned by the leaders of the sedition to assure them of the cer- tainty of a miraculous deliverance. The flames had i)enetrated only to and the exterior chambers ; and Titus, accompanied by his generals, entered destroyed, into the Holy place, and there beheld all the glory of this far-famed » De Beli.Jud. lib. v. c. 13. * Ibid. lib. vi. c. 2. ^ Ibid. c. 4. Prodigies related by Josepims. ] 06 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [CHAP. V. A.D. 70. House of God. The sight only served to hicrease his regret at the destruction which was raging ; and he again endeavoured to enforce his orders, but in vain. The soldiers wilfully disobeyed, and Titus and his officers were compelled to quit the building. Bv a remark- able coincidence, it happened that this conflagration of the Temple took place on the 1 5th day of Lois, the same day and month in which the Temple of Solomon had been burnt by Nebuchadnezzar. Josephus dates the burning of the Temple by Titus in the second 3-ear of Ves- pasianus, 11)30 years, 7 months, and 15 days after its foundation by Solomon ; and 539 years, 45 days, after the foundation by Haggai, in the second year of the reign of Cyrus.' Josephus has related many prodigies (the occurrence of which it is plain that he himself believed) foretelling the destruction of the city. For a whole year a comet, resembling in shape a sword, stood over the city. Before the war broke out, on the eighth day of Xanthicus, at the Feast of Unleavened Bread, at the ninth hour of the night, a light as bright as that of day shone round the altar. A heifer led to be sacrificed brought forth a lamb in the Temple. The eastern gate, which required twenty men to close it, was seen to open of its own accord at the sixth hour of the night. A few days after that festival, before sunset, chariots and troops in armour were seen carried in the clouds ; and at the Feast of Pentecost, at night, a voice was heard in the Temple, saying, '' Let us remove hence." Four years before the war, during the Feast of Tabernacles, Jesus, the son of Ananus, began to cry in the Temple, " A voice from the east ; a voice from the west ; a voice from the four winds ; a voice against Jerusalem and the Temple ; a voice against the bridegrooms and the brides ; a voice against the whole people !" He was scourged by the magistrates ; but at every stripe he uttered, " Woe to Jerusalem !" For seven years and five montlis he continued the same mournful cry ; at length during the siege he went upon the wall, and there crying with the loudest voice, " Woe, woe once more to the city, to the Temple, and to the people !" he added, " Woe, woe to myself also !" at which instant he was killed by a stone from one of tlie Roman engines. The siege of Jerusalem did not terminate with the destruction of the Temple. The terms which Titus again offered to Simon and John were again refused. For themselves they had no expectation of mercy from the Romans, and they trusted at the last to effect their escape by the subteiTaneous passages within the city. The besiegers soon took the Lower City, which fell a prey to the flames ; but the U})per City and Palace required to be regularly besieged. On the 20th day of Lois (August)'^ the \vorks were begun, and they were finished in eighteen days. The Idumirans had made an offer to surrender to Titus, and sent five of their officers for that purpose ; but their design being discovered, Simon put their chiefs to death, and doubled the vigilance of the guards to prevent the escape of so large a body : the » De Bell. Jud. lib. vi. c. 5 « Ibid. c. 8. Defence of the Upper City. CHAP, v.] DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM. 107 multitude, though deprived of their leaders, still retained their purpose, A. D. 70. and with some loss deserted to Titus. Great numbers of the captives were sold at a cheap rate, and 40,000 were reserved for Ca?sar, who suffered them to depart as they pleased. On the 7th day of Gorpia^us it is stormed (September), the battering-rams were brought against the walls ; but ""^ '"'^^"^'^ the attack was no longer repulsed with the same vigour as before ; and the leaders of the sedition beholding themselves now deserted by all who had before proved faithful, began to fear the result. With little difficulty the Romans found themselves masters of the walls : the people fled to Acra ; and the tyrants by a strange infatuation, instead of throwing themselves into the impregnable fortresses, formed by the three towers Hippicus, Phasael, and IMariamne, escaped to the subterraneous pas- sages. The slaughter of the multitude continued till evening, until the soldiers were weary of killing. Titus had given orders that none should be put to death, but such as were found in arms ; but the soldiers spared only those who were fit to be sold as captives. At night the city was set on fire, and the next day still beheld Jerusalem enveloped in flames. Those who survived this work of devastation were collected in the rained circuit of the Temple, and divided into lots at the will of their concjuerors ; some were sent to work in the mines of Egypt, others were condemned to be exhibited as gladiators in the cities of the Empire ; and happy were the 11,000 who perished in the Temple from want of food, whilst this dreadful sentence was passing upon their less fortunate countrymen. Hunger at last compelled John of Giscala, together with his friends, to leave their secret hiding-places, and surrender themselves to Titus. He was condemned to perpetual imprisonment. Simon had retired with his most faithful foltowers to a cavern, in which provisions had been collected, and where they hoped by mining to be able to find an opening into the country, and thus escape ; but their progress was tardy, and the provisions began to fail. When Simon saw no hope of escape, he dressed himself in a white timic and a purple robe, and suddenly presented himself in the midst of the ruins of the Temple. The Roman soldiers were astonished at this strange appearance ; Simon beckoned them to approach him, and desired them to call Terentius Ruflis, the governor, to whom he suiTendered himself. Being reserved by Titus to grace his Triumph at Rome, he was on that occasion put to death. After the capture of Jerasalem, the three forts of Herodium, Machsems, and Masada, still remained in the possession of the Jewish rebels, and Titus left the reduction of them to his generals. Before he finally ciuitted Syria, he returned to Jerusalem to survey the ruins ; amongst which great treasures still continued to repay the labour of the Roman ti-oops in making excavations. The sight of such devas- tation, contrasted with the remembrance of the ancient splendour of the city, deprived Titus of all the gratification which so gi'cat a victory might otherwise have conferred : the fame of conquest obtained by the 108 HISTORY OF THE JEWS. [CHAP. V. A. D. 70. infliction of such misery, could not be a subject of exultation to a man who had any compassion for the sufferings of mankind. The whole T;ie city city and Temple was levelled to the ground, with the exception of the tbe^sround. three towers, which were left standing as a monument of its former greatness, and a part of the western wall, which served to protect the garrison ; but even these scanty relics had perished in the time of Hadrian ; thus fulfilling that remarkable pro])hecy of our blessed Lord, " that not one stone should be left upon another." The whole number of Jews who perished in Judoea, and in the neighbouring comitries during this war, is estimated at one million and a half. INDEX. Agra, attempted reduction of the fort by- Judas, B.C. 164, 34. , by Jonathan, B. c. 145, 41. , it surrenders to Simon, 44. , the hill levelled, B. c. 143, 44. Agrippa, 86. , his early history, 90. , invested with the title of king ; his popularity, 91. , his death, (A. D. 41), 92. , his children, 92. Albinus, Procurator, A.D. 62, 94. Alcimus made High-priest 5 deposed, but reinstated by Bacchides, 06. in power, 38. , his death, 39. Alexander the Great, anival in Asia, B. C. 3i?-2 ; progress to Jerusalem, and conduct, 3. , his favour to the Jews ; behaviour to the Samaritans ; reasons for his desiring the title of the " Son of Jupiter," 4. , his empire ; results to the Jews of its division, 8. Alexander Balas, the Impostor, claims upon Syria, 40. • acknowledges the services of Jonathan, 41. Jannaeus, 51. , dissensions under; conquers Moab and Gilead, 51 ■ , given up to luxury ; death and funeral, B. C. 78, 52. Sebina, impostor, B.C. 126, 48. (eldest son of Aristobulus), tries to recover Juda;a, 63. Alexandra (Queen), B. c. 78, 52. , her character, 53. , execution (see Herod), 72. Alexandria, persecution of the Jews, 89 , massacre of the Jews, 98. Ananus, 97. Antigonus placed on the throne, 62 ; exe- cution by Anthony, 63. A itiochns the Great ; Jews' willing su mission, 14. Antiochus Epiphanes settled in his king- dom, 19. takes Jerusalem ; pollutes the Temple, B.C. 170, 22. attempts to destroy the city ; persecutes the Jews, 23. -, by his death the anti-Jewish league defeated, 3^ Antiochus Eupator, king of Syria, 33. -, peace made, 33. , resumes the war. B.C. 163, 34. Antiochus Sidetes, treachery towards Jonathan, 45. war and death, 47. Antipas (Herod), Tetrarch of Galilee, 85. , his death, 86. Antipater (father of Herod the Great), origin, 54. , intrigues, 55. , requited by Cassar, 59. persuades the Jews to assist the Romans, 58. -, his family, 59. , his death ; jealousy against his sons, 61. Antipater (son of Herod the Great by Doris), his rise, 77. , conspiracy of; trial, 79. — , execution, 80. Antipatris, retreat of Cestius, 98. Antonia, Castle of, taken, 105. Antony puts to death Antigonus, 68. Apostate party revives, 38. Arabs, John slain by a party of, 39. Archelaus appointed Ethnarch, 83. , banishment of, 85. Aretas, King of Arabia Petraa, besieges Jerusalem, 55. is conquered and taken prisoner by Pompey, 56. Aristobulus assumes the title of King ; conquers the Itureans, 50. Aristobulus II., appeals to Pompey, 55. , murder of, 69. Asamonean dynasty, rise, 27 ; end, 63. power, origui, 28. 110 IXDEX. Atheistic principles in Judjpa, 19. Augustus, interview with Herod ; sup- plied by Herod (see Herod), 70. Bacchides, the Syrian general, 36. , repulsed by Jonathan, retires fromJudea; plots against Jonathan, 39. Bethsura, defence, 33 ; and loss, 34. Caligula, statue erected, 89. Candlemas, 31. Cassius seizes Syria, 60. Ca}sar assisted in Egypt, requites Anti- pater, 50, - assassinated, 60. Caesarea, Jewish tumults, 96. , massacre of the Jews, 97. Cestius, advance and retreat, 98. Church (Jewish), dreadful state, 24. Christianity rises in Judaea, 87. Crassus plunders the Temple, 58. Cumanus, Procurator, banished, 93. Cyrenius's general tax, 86. Damascus, march of Pompey, 55. Daniel, prophecy fulfilled, 31. Dedication, feast of, 31. Demetrius asserts his right to the crown of Syria, 41. Deserters crucified, 103. Divine retribution, and effects, 26. Divinity schools, and results, 18. Ecclesiastic government, changes, 17. Edomites, proselytes, 47. Egypt frequented by the Jews, 11. Eleazar (brother of Judas), courageous action, 34. (the Zealot), rise of, 97. Eucerus (Demetrius), king of Damascus, succours the Gileadites, 52. Fadus, Procurator, 92, Florus, Procurator, his oppressions, 95. , severities at Jerusalem, 96. Gabinius establishes independent Sanhe- drims, 58. Galiloe, Jews removed thence to dwell ill Juda;a, 32. Gerizim (Mount), temple on, 5. , controversy as to the date of building, 6. Herod accused by the Sanhedrim, 60. espouses Mariamne, 61. Herod made king ; assisted by the Ro- mans, 62. Herod takes Jerusalem, 63. reign, 66. consummates his mamage with ^Mariamne ; first acts of his reign, 68. executes Mariamne ; his remorse ; executes Alexandra, 72. introduces heathen customs ; pub- lic games at Jerusalem, 73. , plot for his assassination, 73. , precautions for his safety, 73. , magnificent works, 73. rebuilds the Temple, 75. , his exertions to relieve the fa- mine ; joint expedition with Agrippa, 76. , the sons of Herod, 77. , sickness, death, and character, 80. Hyrcanus subdues Samaria; his conduct to the Pharisees, 48. , death, and character, 49. (eldest son of Alexandra), made High-priest, and short reign of; resigns, 54. restored ; put to death, 68. Infidelity at Jerusalem prior to Jason's priesthood, 20. Jaddua's priesthood, 2. Jason's priesthood, supplanted by Mene- laus, 20. Jerusalem taken by Ptolemy, 9. , articles of capitulation vio- lated by Antiochus, 35. , tumults, 84. , three factions in it, 101. , ominous appearances, 22. besieged by Titus, 101. , fortifications, 102. , outward walls captured, 102. , famine there, 103. stormed and captured, 107. levelled to the ground, 108. Jewish history ; its defects, and their causes, 1. Jewish preparations for war, 98. Jews and Samaritans, hostility between, 6. banished from Pome, 87. and Greeks, contention between, 89. John, son of Simon, 46. the Baptist murdered, 85. of Giscala, 99. Jonathan, brother of Judas, chosen leader, 3S. — is High-priest, 40. honoured by Ptolemy, 41. INDEX. Ill Jonathan, his prudence and policy, 42 ; murdered by Tryphon, 43. Joseph, disastrous enterprise of, 32. Josephus taken, 99 ; his mission, 103. Joshua murdered, 2. Judas Gaulonitis, 86. Judas (Maccabeus), his campaign, 32. -, idolatrous superstition of his sol- diers, 33. , real commencement of his reign, 35 , Roman interference in his behalf, 3G. , his death, 37. • , incorrectly styled High Priest, 37. Judaea, subject to the Syrian Princes, 14. , its state, 3. , severe famine, 76. , is fortified, 44. Lysias attacks Judaea, 33. Maccabeus, origin of the name, 25. Maccabasus (Judas), succeeds his father ; character (stv Judas), 30. Malichus, his treachery, 61. Manahem (Zealot) rises into note, 97. Mariamne (see Herod). Massacre at Jerusalem 93. Mattathias' conduct, 28. , his death-bed address, 29. Menelaus supplants Jason, 20. , tyrannical acts, 21. Micah, prophecy of, 63. Miseries of Judaja, 94. Nehemiah, the age succeeding, pros- perous, 2. Kobles murdered, 100. Onias put to death, 21. Persecution of the Jews (see Antiochus). Pharisees, their evil influence, 51. Philip, tetrarch of Trachonitis, 85. Philo-Judajus' embassy to Rome, 89. Pompey besieges Jerusalem ; his policy, 56. proftines the temple ; becomes unprosperous, 57. Pontius Pilate's despotism and death, 88. Prodigies related by Josephus, 106. Ptolemy Philopater persecutes the Jews, 13. Religion in Juda?a reviewed, 16. Rome, ambassadors despatched, 48. Romans, Jonathan's treaty with the, 42. assist Herod, 62. Roman interference (see " Judas.") Romans, by Antipater's persuasion, aie assisted by the Jews, 58. Sabbatical year, observations on, 49. Sabinus the Procurator's abuses, 83. Sadducees, rise of, 18. Salome, intrigues, 71. against Herod's sont^, 77. Saniariians and Jew,s relative conduct, 3. their origin, 5. Seleucus protects the Jews, 11. Septuagint, its origin, 12. Sidetes (see Antiochus). Simon the Just, Jewish account of him, 16. , an independent prince, encourages commerce (see A era), 44. — ■■ , his acts and public memorial ; treaty renewed at Rome ; ia murdered, 45. , heroic conduct of his wife, 46. '-, son of Gioras (Zealot), 100. 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