fcibrarjp of t:he t:heolcgical ^eminarjp PRINCETON . NEW JERSEY PRESENTED BY Mr . Hoe^l Lawrence McQueen : BX 9 55 .R29T3^1853"T72 Ranke, Leopold von, 1795- 1886. The history of the popes, their chur-- 1 state and— BOHN'S STANDARD LIBRARY. RANKE'S HISTORY OF THE POPES. VOL. II. ■IMM T X, THE HISTORY OF THE POPES, THEIR CHURCH AND STATE, AND ESPECIALLY OF THEIR CONFLICTS WITH PROTESTANTISM IN THE SIXTEENTH & SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES, LEOPOLD RANKE. TRANSLATED BY E. FOSTER. IN THREE VOLUMES. VOL. II. WITH A GENEEAL INDEX. LONDON: HENRY G. BOHN, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN. 1853. CONTENTS OF VOL 11. BOOK VI. INTERNAL CONFLICTS, DOCTRINAL AND POLITICAL. 1589—1607. PAGTI § 1. Theory of Ecclesiastical Policy ... ... ... 3 2. Conflict of Opinions ... ... ... ... 11 3. Latter times of Sixtus V. ... ... ... 17 4. Urban VII., Gregory XIV., Innocent IX., and their Conclaves, 1590— 1591 32 5. Election and Character of Clement VIII. ... 39 6. Absolution of Henry IV. ... ... ... 40 7. Ferrara under Alfonso II. ... ... ... 60 8. Conquest of Ferrara ... ... ... ... 69 9. Commotion among the Jesuits ... ... 78 10. Political Situation of Clement VIII 97 11. Election and First Measures of Paul V. ... 106 12. Disputes with Venice ... ... ... ...110 13. Issue of the Affairs of the Jesuits ... ... 130 BOOK VII. COyNTER~Ri;i OUMATION SECOND PERIOD, 1590 1630. CHAPTER I. PROGRESS OF THE CATHOLIC RESTORATION, 1590 1617. § 1. Enterprises of Catholicism in Poland and the neighbouring territories ... ... ... 137 2. Attempt on Sweden ... ... ... ,.; 143 VI CONTENTS. PAGE 3. Designs on Russia ... ... ... ... 154 4. Internal Commotions in Poland ... ... ... 156 5. Progress of the Counter-reformation in Germany 162 6. Papal Nunciature in Switzerland ... ... ... 178 7. Regeneration of Catholicism in France ... 182 CHAPTER 11. GENERAL WAR. VICTORIES OF CATHOLICISM, 1617 — 1623. §1. Breaking out of the War .. . ... ... ... 191 " 2. Gregory XV 202 UNIVERSAL EXTENSION OP CATHOLICISM. 3. Bohemia and the Hereditary Dominions of Austria 205 4. The Empire — Transfer of the Electorate ... ... 2 1 2 5. France 217 6. The United Netherlands 221 7. Relations of Catholicism with England ... 222 8. Missions 228 CHAPTER III. § 1. Conflict of Political Relations — Further Triumphs of Catholicism 238 CHAPTER IV. MANTUAN WAR. THIRTY YEARS WAR. REVOLUTION IN THE STATE OF AFFAIRS. § 1. Mantuan Succession ... ... .. ... 258 2. Urban VIII 263 3. The Power of the Emperor Ferdinand II. in the year 1629 271 4. Negotiations with Sweden. — Electoral Diet at Ratisbon 275 5. Swedish "War. — Situation of the Pope 281 G. Restoration of the balance between the two Con- fessions ... ... ... ... ... 286 CONTENTS. Vll BOOK VIII. THE POPES ABOUT THE MIDDLE OF THE SEVENTEENTII CENTURY. LATER PERIODS. PAGE § 1. Lapse of Urbino ... ... ... ... ... 2t}4: 2. Increase of Debt in tbe States of the Church ... 299 3. Foundation of new Families ... ... ... 303 4. The War of Castro 311 5. Innocent X 321 6. Alexander VII. and Clement IX. 330 7. Elements of the Roman Population ... ... 338 8. Architectural labours of tbe Popes ... ... 344 9. Digression concerning Queen Christina of Sweden 351 10. Administration of the Roman States and Church 372 11. The Jesuits in the middle of the seventeenth century 387 12. The Jansenists 396 13. Position of the Roman Court with regard to the two parties ... ... ... ... ... 406 14. Relation of the Papal See to the Temporal power 410 15. Transition to the later periods of the Papacy ... 414 16. Louis XIV. and Innocent XI 417 17. The Spanish Succession ... ... ... 427 18. Changes in the general position of the world. — Internal Commotions. — Suppression of the Jesuits 435 19. Joseph II 452 20. The Revolution 454 21. Times of Napoleon 459 22. The Restoration 466 Index to the two volumes ; with references to the Diaries, Biographies, and other documentary illustra- tions comprised in the third ... . . ... ... 478 2 INTERNAL CONFLICTS. [1589-lGOT- tlie whole people, — tliey directed schools, controlled the efforts of learning, and governed the wliole range of literature. From the confessional they gained opportunity for surprising the secret struggles of the soul with itself, and for giving the decisive bias to all the doubtful questions arising in priA^ate life. It may perhaps be affirmed that the eager violence with which they opposed each other, the fact that each of the two great divisions found its antagonist in its own body, was precisely the cause of that comprehensive and pervading influence. And if this might be said of both parties, it was more l^articularly true of the Catholics. Among them the ideas and institutions, by which the minds of men are more imme- diately and effectually disciplined and guided, were arranged with the most jjerfect adaptation to the end proposed ; no man could now exist without a father confessor. Among Catholics, moreover, the clergy, either as associates of some order, or in any case as members of the general hierarchy, constituted a corporation, combined in the strictest subordina- tion, and acting in the most perfect unity of spirit. The head of this hierarchical body, the pope of Rome, again acquired an influence but little inferior to that which he had possessed in the eleventh and twelfth centuries ; by means of the enter- prises which he was continually undertaking for the further- ance of his religious purposes, the Roman pontiff kept the world in perpetual movement. Under these circumstances the boldest pretensions of the days of Ilildebrand were revived, — axioms that had hitherto been preserved in the arsenals of the canon law, rather as antiquities than for use, were now brought forth into full effect and activity. Our European commonwealth has, however, at no time been subjected to the dominion of pure force ; at all periods it has been imbued by the effect of thought and opinion : no enterjjrise of importance can succeed, no power can rise into universal influence, without immediately suggesting to the minds of men the ideal of a forthcoming advancement of society. From this point proceed theories : these reproduce the moral import and significance of facts, which are then presented in the light of a universal and efiectual truth, as deduced from reason or religion, and as a result arrived at by 1589-1607.3 ECCLESIASTICAL POLICY. g reflection. They thus anticipate, as it -u-cre, the completion of the event, which at the same time they most eftectually l)romote. Let us cousidei- in what manner this took place at the period of which we are treating. § 1. Theory of Ecclesiastical Polxcy. The principle of the Catholic religion is not uufrequeutly declared to have an especial connection with, and natural inclination towards, the monarchical or aristocratic forms of government. A century like the sixteenth, in which this principle displayed itself in vigorous action and full self-con- sciousness, is particularly competent to instruct us on tliis point. As the result of our examination, wo shall find that the Catholic religion did, in fact, adhere to the existing order of things in Italy and Spain ; that it further assisted the sovereign power in Germany to establish a new prepon- derance over the estates of the respective territories ; in the Netherlands it promoted the subjugation of the country, and in Upper Germany, as well as in the Walloon provinces, it was upheld by the nobles with peculiar attachment. But if wo inquire further, we shall perceive that these were not the only sympathies awakened by the Catholic religion. If we find it maintained by the patricians in Cologne, we see it supported with equal ardour by the populace in the neigh- bouring city of Treves. In the large towns of France it was in every case associated with the claims and struggles of the people. The principal consideration of Catholicism indeed Avas, where tho best support, the most eflectual resources were to be found. If the existing authorities were adverse to its influence, Catholicism was very far from sparing them, or even from acknowledging their power : it maintained the Irish nation in its hereditary ojiposition to the English government. In England itself, Catholicism laboured with its utmost force to undermine the allegiance demanded by the queen, and frequently broke out into active rebellion ; finally, its adherents in France were confirmed by their B 2 4 THEORY OF [1589-1607. religious advisers in their insurrectiou agaiust their legitimate sovereigns. The religious principle, in general, has in fact no inherent predilection for one form of government more than another. During the short jjeriod of its renovation, Catho- licism evinced the most diversified preferences : first, towards monarchy, for example, in Italy and Spain, and for the con- firmation of territorial sovereignty in Germany ; next, it lent itself in the Netherlands to the maintenance of the legally constituted aristocratic bodies, and at the close of the century it formed a decided alliance with the democratical tendency. This was the more important, because it now stood forth in the utmost plenitude of its activity, and the movements in which it took part represent the most influential political occurrences of the day. If the popes had succeeded at this juncture, they would have secured a pcrjietual predominance over the state. They advanced claims, and their adherents propounded opinions and principles, by which kingdoms and states were threatened at once with internal convulsions, and with the loss of their independence. It was the Jesuits principally who appeared on the arena for the purpose of announcing and defending opinions of this cliaracter. They first laid claim to an unlimited s»2)remacy for the church over the state. The}'- were compelled by a sort of necessity to the discus- sion of this point in England, where the queen was declared head of the church by the laws of the land. This declaration was met by the chiefs of the Catholic opposition with the most arrogant pretensions from the other side. William Allen maintained that it Y\'as not only the right, but the duty of a people, to refuse allegiance to a prince who had departed from the Catholic church, more especially when their refusal was further sanctioned by the connnands of the pope."'" '■' In the letter, Ad persecutores Anglos pro Christianis rcsponsio (1582), I remark the following passage: — "Si reges Deo et Dei populo fidem datam fregerint, vicissini populo non solum permittitur, sed etiam ab eo requiritur ut jubente Christi vicario, supremo nimirum populorum omnium pastore, ipse quoque fidem datam tali principi non servet." [If kings have violated the faith given to God and the i)eoi)le of God, the people on their part are not only permitted but enjoined, at the command of God's •^icar, who is certainly the supreme pastor of all nations, to desist, on their faide, from keeping faith with such kings.] 1. '"580-1607.] ECCLESIASTICAL POLICY. 5 Parsons declares it to be the primary condition of all power in a sovercirjn, that he should defend and cherish the Roman Catholic faith : lie is bound to this by his baptismal vows, and by his coronation-oath ; if he refuse to fulfil these conditions, it is blindness to consider him as capable of reigning ; it becomes on the contrary, the duty of his subjects, iu such a case, to expel him."'. Such opinions arc perfectly natural in these authors. They considered the exercise of religion to be the grand purpose and duty of life ; they believed the Roman Catholic religion to be the only true one ; they concluded that no authority, opposing itself to that religion, could be legitimate, and by conse(pience they make the existence of a government, and the allegiance accorded it, to depend on the application of its power for the benefit of the Roman Catholic church. This was the general tenour of the doctrines now rising into acceptance. The assertions put forward in England during the heat of dispute, were repeated by Cardinal Bellarmine from the solitude of his study, whence he sent them forth in ample treatises, and formed into an elaborate and well-connected system. He grounded his reasonings on the proposition that the pope is placed over the whole church as its guardian and chief, by the immediate agency of God himself.t He is thus endowed with the fulness of •spiritual power ; to him it is granted that he cannot err ; he judges all, and may be judged by no man; there accrues t<) him accordingly a large amount of secular authority. * Andreue Philopatri (Person!) ad Elizabethse reginae edictum re- sponsio, No. 162: — " Non tan turn licet, sed sumcna etiam juris divini necessitate ac praeccpto, imo conscientiie vinculo arctissimo et cxtremii animarum suarum perioilo ac discrimine Christianis omnibus hoc ipsum incumbit, si praestare rem possunt." No. 163 : — " Incumbit vero turn maxima . . . cun^ res jam ab ecclesia ac supremo ejus raoderatore, pontifice nimirum llomano, judicata est : ad ilium enim ex officio pertinet relifjio- nis ac divini cultus incoluinitati prospicere et Icprosos a mundis, no intici- antur secernere." [It is not only lawful, but it is even incumbent on all Christians, by the precepts of the divine law, and at the utmost jeopardy of their souls, if they can brina; it about. No. HV.) : — !5ut it is even morii imperative — when the matter has been decided by the church and its supreme director, the pope of Rome, for it appertains to him, by virtue of his office, to guard the safety of religion and divine worship, and to sepa- rate the leprous from the puiv, lest the lattfr be infected.] + Bellarminus dc cimciliorum autoritate, c. 17. [The supreme pontiff is sim]>ly and absolutely above the Universal Church, and superior to general councils ; he is thus subjected to no jurisdiction on earth.] 6 THEORY OF [1589-160T. Bellarmine does not go so far as to attribute a secular power to the pope as of divine right,* although Sixtus Y. held this opinion, and was displeased to find it abandoned ; but so much the more unhesitatingly docs the cardinal invest him indirectly with this power. He compares the secular power to the body, and the spiritual to the soul of man ; attributing to the church a dominion over the state, similar to tliat v/hich the soul exercises over the body. It is the right and the duty of the spiritual power to impose a curb on the temporal authority whenever the latter opposes an obstacle to the pur- poses of religion. It is not to be affirmed that the pope has claim to an immediate influence on the legislation of a state ;t but if a law were required for the safety of souls, and the sovereign refused to jsroclaim it, or should a law be found in- jurious to the welfare of souls, and the sovereign persisted ob- stinately in maintaining it, then the pope has indubitably the right to enact the first and annul the second. With this principle he was enabled to proceed to great lengths ; for does not the soul command even the death of the body when this becomes needful ? As a general rule, the pope certainly can not depose a prince, but should it become needful to the safety of souls, he then possesses the right of changing the government, and of transferring it from one person to another.:|: * Bellarminus de Romano pontifice, v. vi. : " Asserimus, pontificem ut pontificem, etsi non liabeat ullam meram temporalem potestatem, tamen habere in ordine ad bonum spirituale summam potestatem dis- ponendi de temporalibus rebus omnium Christianorum." [We assert that the pope, as pope, though possessing no mere temporal authority, yet, for the purposes of spiritual good, has supreme power to dispose of the temporal matters of all Christians.] t Bellarminus de Romano pontifice, v. vi. : [As regards persons, the pope cannot, as pope, ordinarily depose temporal princes, even for a just cause, in the same way that he deposes bishops, that is, as ordinary judge; yet, as supreme spiritual prince, he can change kingdoms, taking them from one ruler to bestow them on another ; if that be needful to the welfare of souls, &c., &c.] X These doctrines are, in fact, nothing more than a revival of those held in the thirteenth century. Thomas Aquinas had already employed that comparison of the soul and body which here performs so conspicuous a part : [The secular power is subordinate to the spiritual, as the body is to the soul.] In the " Tractatus de potestate summi pontificis in rebus temporalibus adversus G. Barclajum," Bellarmine brings forward more than seventy writers of different countries, who regard the power of the pope in nearly the same light as himself. 1589-1 007-3 ECCLESIASTICAL POLICY. 7 But to these assertions there lay the manifest objection, tliat the sovereign authority was also based on divine right. Or if not, then what was its origin, and wherein consisted its inherent import and sanction ? The Jesuits made no scruple of deriving the power of the prince from the people ; they blended into one system their doctrine of the papal omnipotence with their theory of the sovereignty of the people. This opinion had already been expressed more or less explicitly by Allen and Parsons, and it lay at the foundation of their tenets. Bellarmine laboured to establish it in its utmost extent. He considers that God has not bestowed the temporal power on any one man in ])ar- ticular. It follows, consequently, that he has confided it to the many. Hence the temporal authority resides with the people, and the people confide it sometimes to one, sometimes to many, but always retaining the power of altering the forms of government, of resuming the sovereignty, and of confiding it to new hands. Nor is it to be supposed that these views were peculiar to Bellarmine ; they were, in fact, the doctrines prevalent in the Jesuit schools of that period. In a manual for confessors, which was disseminated throughout the Ca- tholic world, and which had been revised by the Master of the Sacred Palace, (Magister Sacri Palatii,) the regal power is considered to be subject to the pope, not merely as regards the welfare of souls,* but also — and the assertion is made witliout ceremony — it is declared -therein, that a sovereign may be deposed by the people for tyranny or neglect of his duties ; and that another may be selected by the majority of the nation to fill his place.f Franciscus Suarez, priniarius professor of theology at Coimbra, has made it his especial ob- ject, in his. defence of the Catholic against the Anglican * Aphorismi confessariorum ex doctorum sententiis collecti, autore Emanuele Sa, nuper accurate espurgati a rev""". P. M. sacri palatii, ed. Antv. p. 480. But the author adds, as though he had said too little : " Quidam tamen juris periti putarunt summum pontificem suprema civili potestate pollere." [Some able jurists have, nevertheless, thought that the pontiff is endowed with supreme civil power.] t Ibid. p. 508 (ed. Colon, p. ;il3) : " Rex potest per rempublicam privari ob tyrannidem, et si non faciat offieium suum et cum est aliqua causa justa, et eligi potest alius a majore parte populi {see text) : quidam tamen solum tyrannidem causam putant." [Some, however, consider that tyranny is the only cause.] S THEORY OP [1589-1607. clmrch, to expound and confirm the doctrines of BoUarmine.* But it is by Mariana that this idea of the sovereignty of the people is most fully elaborated. He has a manifest predi- lection for the subject, and setting forth all the questions that can arise on its different bearings, he decides them without reserve to the advantage of the people, and the prejudice of the princely authority. He has no doubt that a prince may be deposed, nay, put to death, in the event of his actions be- coming prejudicial to religion. He pronounces on Jacques Clement, who first took counsel of divines, and then proceeded to assassinate his king, an eulogium replete with pathetic declamation. t In this he is at least entirely consistent. The fanaticism of the murderer had without doubt been inflamed by these very doctrines. For they had, indeed, been propounded in no place Avitk such furious vehemence as in France. Any thing more anti- royalist than the diatribes thundered from the pulpit by Jean Boucher, it would be impossible to find. It is in the Estates that this preacher considers the public might and ma;jesty to be deposited : to them he attributes the power to bind and to loose ; the inalienable sovereignty ; the right of jurisdiction over sceptre and realm — for in them is the origin and source of all power ; the prince proceeds from the people — not of necessity, or by compulsion, but by free choice. He adopts the views of Bellarmine as to the connexion between church and state ; and repeats the illustrative comparison of the body and soul. He declares the free choice of the people to be limited by one condition only — one thing alone is forbid- den— to select a heretic sovereign ; by doing this, the people * R. P. Franc. Suarez Granatensis, etc., defensio fidei Catholicoe et Apostolicse adversus Anglicanfe sectse errores, lib. iii., de summi pontificis supra temporales reges excellentia et potestate. It is very evident that Bellarmine's doctrine, of the right of tiie people to resume the power they liad delegated, had excited especial opposition. t Mariana de rege et regis institutione. The following expressions are found among others : " Jac. Clemens . . . cognito a theologis, quos erat sciscitatus, tyrannum jure interimi posse — cseso rege ingens sibi nomen fecit." [Jacques Clement, having ascertained from divines, whom he had consulted, that a tyrant miglit be lawfully destroyed, made to himself a mighty name by slaying the king.] J Jean Boucher, Sermons, Paris, 1594, in various places. The fol- 1589-1607.3 ECCLESIASTICAL POLICY. 9 llow extraordinary a combination of spiritual pretensions and deniocratical ideas ; of absolute freedom and complete subjection, contradictory in itself, and utterly anti-national ; but which, nevertheless, enchained the minds of men as by an inexplicable spell. The Sorbonne had, hitherto, defended the royal and na- tional privileges with the utmost constancy against the pre- tensions of the ultra-montane priesthood. But when, after the assassination of the Guises, these tenets were preached from all the pulpits; when it was proclaimed through the streets, and represented by symbols on the altars and in pro- cessions, that Henry III. had rendered himself unfit to wear the crown ; " the good burghers and inhabitants of the city," as they called themselves, sought for aid, " in the scruples of their conscience," from the theological faculty of the Univer- sity of Paris, desiring to receive from this body a valid decision in regard to the legitimacy of their opposition to their sovereign. The Sorbonne assembled accordingly on the 7th of January, 1589. Their decision is expressed as follows : — " After having heard the mature and unbiassed opinions of all the ' magistri ;' after having examined many and various arguments, taken verbally, for the most part, from the Sacred Scriptures, the canon lave, and papal ordi- nances, it has been declared by the dean of the faculty, without one dissenting voice ; — first, that the people of this realm are absolved from the oath of allegiance and fidelity given by them to King Henry ; further, that this people may combine together without scruple of conscience — may gatiier forces, arm themselves and collect money for the defence of the Roman Catholic and xVpostolic religion against the abominable enterprises of the aforesaid king."* Seventy lowing words are found, p. 194 : [The church holds dominion over the kingdoms and states of Christendom ; not to usurp direct power, as over its own temporalities ; but, without doubt, indirectly to prevent anything occurring in temporal matters that might be to the prejudice of Christ's kingdom, as was heretofore declared by the similitude of the body and soul.] And further : [The difference between the priest and the king renders this matter clear to us, the priest being of God alone, which cannot be said of the king ; for, if all kings were dead, the people could easily make themselves others ; but if there were no more priests, it would be needful that Jesus Christ should come in person to create new ones.] * Respousum facultatis theologic;e Parisicusis, printed in the Additioiis au Journal de Henry III., vol. i. p. 317. 10 ECCLESIASTICAL POLICY. [1589-1607. members of tlie faculty were assembled on tliis occasion ; of these, the younger more particularly supported the resolutions with the most eager enthusiasm.* The general assent with which these theories were greeted, is, without doubt, principally attributable to their being at that moment the real expression of the facts — of the phe- nomena then passing before the eyes of the people. In the rench troubles, an alliance had even been entered into between the ecclesiastical and popular oppositions ; each ad- vancing from its own side to a junction with the other. The citizens of Paris were confirmed and kept steady in their resistance to their lawful sovereign, by a legate from the pope. Bellarmine himself was, for a certain period, in the train of the legate. The doctrines which he had elaborated in his learned solitude, 'and which he had so successfully, and with so logical a consistency, promulgated, were now em- bodied and expressed in the event which he witnessed, and which, in some measure, he had contributed to produce. The state of things here described was further pro- moted and favoured by the fact that Spain assented to these doctrines, and that they were tolerated by a prince so jealous of his power and prerogatives as was Philip II. The Spanish monarchy was, indeed, essentially based on a combi- nation of ecclesiastical attributes. It may be gathered from many passages of Lope de Vega, that it was so understood by the nation, tbat, in their sovereign, the people loved the majesty of religion, and desired to see it represented in his person ; but, in addition to this, comes the circumstance, that Philip was allied, for the furtherance of Catholic restoration, not with the priests only, but also with the revolted people. The inhabitants of Paris reposed a more entire confidence in him than in the French princes, who were chiefs of the League. The Spanish king had, besides, a new support in the doctrines of the Jesuits. At some future time, he might have something to fear frorh this society; but they now up- * Thuanus declares the number of those present to have been sixty only ; and wiU not affirm their unanimity, although the document alluded to expressly says : " Audita omnium et singulorum magistrorum, qui ad septuaginta convenerant, deliberatione .... conclusum est nemine refra- T-ante." [The opinion of all and singular of the masters being heard, .■'■ho were of the number of seventy, it was concluded, none dissenting.] 1589-1607.3 CONFLICT of opinions. 11 held his policy by a justification at once religious and legiti- mate, from which even his consideration and dignity in Spain itself derived important advantages, and which emi- nently promoted the opening of his path to foreign enter- prises. It was to this momentary utility of the Jesuit doc- trines, rather than to their general purport and tendency, that Philip of Spain gave his attention." And is not this usually the case with regard to political tenets ? Do these tenets arise out of the facts, or are they the originators and creators of events ? Are they cherished for their own sake?, or for the utility to Avhich men believe they may be turned ? § 2. Conflict of Opinions. At no time, however, has either a power or a doctriuc, least of all a political doctrine, gained pre-eminence in Europe to the extent of obtaining an absolute and undivided sovereignty. AVe cannot indeed conceive of any, which, when compared with the ideal, and with the highest demands of the human mind, shall not appear contracted, partial, and insufficient. A firm resistance has at all times arisen against every opinion that has laboured to obtain exclusive domination, and this antagonism proceeding from the inexhaustible depths of human life in its congregated masses, has invariably called new and vigorous energies into action. Perceiving and acknowledging that no power will rise into effectual existence which does not repose on the basis of * Pedro Ribadeneira, in his book against Machiavelli, which was com- pleted and presented to the prince of Spain as early as 1595, repeated them, in a moderated form it is true, still he did repeat them : " Tratado de la religion y virtudes que deve toner el principe Christiano para govemar y conservar sus estados, contra lo que Nicolo Machiavello y los politicos d'este tiempo ensefian." Anveres, 1597. He considers princes as servants of the church, and not her judt^cs ; they are armed to punish heretics and other enemies and rebels to the church, but not to give her laws, or to expound the will of God. He repeats the comparison of body and soul. The kingdom of the earth, as St. Gregory declares, must remain subjected to the kingdom of heaven. 12 CONFLICT OF OPINIONS. [^1580-1G07. opinion, Ave may further assert that in opinion it also finds its limits ; that conflict of ideas by which great social results are elaborated, have invariably their completion also in tho regions of thought and of conviction. Thus it now happened, that the idea of a sacerdotal re- ligion, supreme over all other authority, was encountered by a mighty opposition from that national independence which is the proper expression of the secular element in society. The Germanic institution of monarchy, widely diffused among the nations of Romanic or Latin origin, and deeplv rooted among them, has never been disturbed either by the pretensions of the priesthood, or by the fiction of the sovereignty of the people, which last has in all cases been eventually proved untenable. Tho extraordinary connection into which these two prin- ciples had entered at the period we arc considering, was opposed by the doctrine of the divine right of monarchy. It was next assailed by the Protestants, who appear to have been for some time wavering, with all the zealous eager- ness of an adversary, who sees his opponent venture on a dangerous game, and attempting a path that must lead him to ruin. God alone, as the Protestants maintained, appoints princes over the human race ; he reserves to himself the office of exalting and abasing them ; of apportioning and moderating the powers they are called on to exercise. It is true that he no longer descends from heaven to point out with a visible finger the individual to whom authority shall belong, but by his eternal providence, laws and a settled order of things have been introduced into every kingdom, in accordance with which the ruler is chosen. If a prince attain tho command by virtue of these appointed regulations, his right is unques- tionable, as though God's voice had said, " This shall be your king." God did indeed of old point out to his people, Moses, the Judges, and the first Kings ; but when a fixed order had once been established, those who afterwards succeeded to the throne were equally with them the anointed of God.* * " Expliratio controversiariim qupe a nonnullis moventur ex Henrici Borbonii regis in regnuin Francis constitutione .... opus .... a Tossano Bercheto Lingonensi e Gallico in Latinum sermonem conversum."' Sedani, 1590, cap. 2. 1.589-1607.3 coxiLiCT OF opinions. 13 From these principles the Protostants deduced the couse- «jiicnce, tliat obedience is due even to unjust and culpable princes. They argued that, no man being perfect, so, if it were once permitted to depart from the ordinance of God, men would avail themselves of the slightest defects as a pre- text for their deposition of a sovereign. They maintain that ■t^ven heresy in the monarch did not suffice to absolve his ."subjects entirely from their allegiance. An imj)ious father Avas not indeed entitled to obedience fi-om his son, when his commands were in contravention of God's law ; but, on all other occasions, the son remains bound to pay him reverence and to continue in subjection. The efiect would have been of much imi)ortance, had tiie Protestants alone devised and tirmly upheld these opinions ; but they became of infinitely greater moment, from the fact tliat tliey gained acceptance ^^ith a part of the French Gatholics, or rather, that these last arrived at similar con- clusions by their own unbiassed refiections. In despite of the papal excommunication, a band of good Catholics, of no inconsiderable numl>ers, maintained their allegiance to Henry III., and, on his death, transferred it to Jlenry IV. The Jesuits failed to influence this party, which was at no loss for arguments to defend the position it had taken up, without, on that account, departing from Catholicism. . In the first instance, its members laboured to define the authority of the clergy and its relation to the secular power, from an 02)[)osite point of view to that adopted by the other side. They maintained that the spiritual kingdom is not of this >v()rld, and that tlic power of the clergy relates to spiritual tilings only; it followed that excommunication, by its very nature, affected the participation in s])iritual benefits only, and could in no case deprive a man of Iiis temporal lights. In the case of a king of Fr.uice, they further declared that he could not even be excluded from the communion of the ■church, for this was among the rights that were inalienable from '" the banner of the lilies ;" how much less allowable, then, is the attempt to deprive him of his inheritance ! And where does it stand clearly written that subjects may rebel against their king and resort to arms agjiinst him? God has appointed him ; therefore it is that he calls liimself king l)y the grace of retto. Sixtus had intended to select Monsignore Serafiuo, who was believed to hold Freuch opinions, for a mission to France. Olivarez uttered loud comj)laints and threatened to appear no more at the audience ; the pope rejjlied that he might depart in God's name. Olivarez, nevertheless, eventually prevailed, and the mission of Serafiuo was laid aside. There is an invincible force in an orthodox opinion, adhered to with unflinching steadfastness, and more especially when it is advo- witli his own hand to the effect that he would constantly lahour with all his power, spiritual and temporal, to prevent any one from becoming king of France, who was not to the entire satisfaction of his Catholic majesty]. So early as .Tan. 1590, the ambassadors say : [in his negotia- tions, the pope speaks of his designs to one in one sense, and to another in a sense totally different]. _ * Discours voritahie et notable du siege de la ville de Paris ea Van 1590, in Villeroy, Memoircs d'Eslat, torn. ii. p. 417. 30 LATTER TIMES OF SIXTUS V, [1589-1607. cated by a man of vigorous mind. Olivarez had the congre- gation which managed affairs connected with France, and which had been constituted in earlier, times, in his favour. In July, 1590, negotiations were entered into for a new alliance between Spain and the pope,* and his holiness declared that he must do something in favour of the Spaniards. But it must not be supposed that he had meanwhile aban- doned the other party. There was at the papal court, at this very moment, an agent from Lesdiguieres, one of the leaders of the Huguenots, an envoy from the Landgrave, and an emis- sary from England. The imperial ambassador was further alarmed by the approach of the Saxon envoy, whose arrival was expected, and against whose suggestions, which he greatly dreaded, he was already seeking means of defence. The intrigues of Chancellor Crell extended their effect even to Rome.f Thus did the powerful prince of the church, the sovereign who lived in the persuasion that he was invested with a direct authority over the whole earth, and who had amassed a trea- sure that might well have enabled him to perform some mighty deed, remain undecided and incapable of action when the moment for decision had arrived. Are we permitted to reproach him with this as a fault ? I fear that we should do him injustice. He had seen through the condition of things, he perceiA'ed the dangers on both sides, he suffered himself to be subjected to the influence of * The king was to furnish 20,000 foot soldiers and 3,000 cavalry ; the pope 15,000 infantry and 2,000 horse. [The ambassadors pressed the cardinals for the conclusion and signing of the treaty.] (Disp. 14 July.) The pope proposed in the congregation the question : " An electio regis Francise, vacante principe ex corpore sanguinis, spectet ad pontificem." [Wliether it belong to the pontiff to elect a king of France, failing the princes of the blood.] [Being exhorted to remain neutral, he com- mended that advice ; but declared that he could not refrain from doing something.] (Disp. 28 July.) The despatch of the 21 July says, in the meantime [Lesdiguieres had sent one of his creatures to treat with his hoUness, who talked with the same at great length], t The fact that the imperial ambassador warned the pope against Saxon insinuation cannot otherwise be explamed. [The ambassador of the emperor prays the pope to give no ear to the man who is said to have been sent by the duke of Saxony, in matters hkely to be prejudicial to his master and the house of Austria ; and this has been promised to him.] 1589-1607.] LATTER TIMES OF SIXTUS V. SI conflicting opinions. Xo crisis presented itself by wliicli lie might have been compelled to a final decision. The elementfc that were dividing the world had filled his very soul with tho confusion of their conflict, and neither could there obtain the decisive mastery. It is certain that by this irresolute state of his own spirit, he placed himself in a position wherein it was impossible that he should eftectually influence the world. On the con- trary ; he was himself re-acted on by the forces then agitating society, and this eflect was produced in a manner highly peculiar. Sixtus had succeeded in suppressing the banditti, princi- pally by establishing friendly relations with his neighbours. But since these were now interrupted — since opinions pre- vailed in Tuscany and Venice, which were altogether difierent from those held in Naples and Milan, and the pope would declare himself decidedly for neither, he became the object of suspicion, first to one and then to the other of these neigh- bours, and under favour of this state of things, the banditti once more aroused themselves to activity. It was in April, 1590, that they appeared again — in the JMaremma under Sacripanti ; in Romagna they were led by Piccolomini, and Battistella was their chief in the Canipagna of Rome. They were amply provided with money, and it is said that they were observed to disburse large numbers of Spanish doubloons. They found adherents principally among the (juelfs, and were already once more traA^ersing the country in regularly organized bands, with banners flying and military music. Nor were the papal troops by any means disposed to ofTor them battle.'' This state of things j)roduced an imme- diate eflect on all the relations of the country. The people of Bologna opposed themselves to the pope's intention of adding to the senators of their city with a boldness and inde- pendence of action long unthought of. In this condition, surrounded by so many pressing dis- quietudes, and Avithout having even attempted to announce a decision, or to adopt a resolution concerning the most im- * Di?p. 21 July: [The outlaws commit their ravages up to the very gates of Rome.] The despatches of the 17th of March, 7th and 28th of April, 12th of May, aud 2nd of June, eontaia details of thevas the habit of each pontift' to nominate a number of cp-rdinals, who gathered round his nephews and kinsmen iu I 1590-1.] URBAN VII. S3 the next conclave, maintained the family interests of the pope just deceased, formed a new power, and usually sought to rai^e one of their own party to the papal throne. It is a re- markable fact that they never succeeded, that the opposition was victorious on every occasion, and in most cases put for- ward an adversary of the last pope. I will not attempt any close investigation of this matter. We have testimonies relating to these elections that are not altogether unworthy of credit ; but it would be impossible to gain correct and clear views of the personal relations and motives really in action on these occasions : our best efforts could but result in the production of mere shadows. It must suffice that we direct attention to the principle. At the period in question, the pontifi' elected was invariably the antagonist, and never the adherent of the pope ^jreceding, he was the creature, — that is to say, of the last but one. Paul IV. was thus advanced to the papal see by the creatures of Paul III., while Pius IV. was elected by the enemies of Paul IV., and the Caraffa family. Borromeo, the nephew of Pius IV., was sufficiently disinterested to give his support to a man of the party opposed to his own, because he considered him to be the most pious and best fitted ; but he did this in the face of earnest remonstrance from the creatures of his uncle, who, as the report informs us, " could scarcely believe that they said what they said, or were doing what they did ;"* and ac- cordingly they sought to turn their compliance to account on the next occasion. They endeavoured to make this custom a fixed precedent, to give it the force of an established rule ; and the successor of Pius V. was in fact selected from the creatures of Pius IV. A similar jn-actice prevailed at the election of Sixtus V., who was elevated from among the ad- versaries of his 2>redecessor, Gregory XIII. AVc are, therefore, not to be surprised at constantly finding men of opposite characters successively occupying the papal throne. Each faction was alternately driven from its place I)y the other. In virtue of this mode of succession, the opponents of Six- tus v., especially those of his later policy, found a cheering jtrospect opened before them. Sixtus had raised his nephew to great power, and Montalto now entered the conclave with * See Appendix, No. 63. VOL. II. D 84 URBAN VII. [1590-1, a train of cardinals deroted to his interests, as numerous as any that had appeared on previous occasions. He was never- theless compelled to give way. The creatures of Gregory succeeded in electing an opponent of the late pontiff, one who had indeed been especially offended by Sixtus, and was une- quivocally attached to the Spanish interests; this was Gio- vanni Battista Castagna, Urban VII.* But they were not fortunate in their choice. Urban VII. died before he had been crowned, before he had nominated a single prelate, and when he had worn the tiara twelve days only ; the contest of election had consequently to be opened anew. It was decided by the fact that the Spaniards again took the most earnest part in its proceedings. They saw clearly the great importance of the result as regarded the affairs of France, and king Philip resolved on a step for which he was reproached in Rome as for a dangerous innovation, and which his own partizans could excuse only by alleging the dijBficult circumstances in which he was placed.t He nominated seven cardinals, from all of whom he hoped to obtain good service, and declared that he would acknowledge no candidate but these. At the head of these nominees stood the name of Madruzzi, and the Spanish cardinals instantly put forth their utmost efforts to carry the election of this their chief. But they were met by an obstinate resistance. The college refused Madruzzi because he was a German, and because it was not to be suffered that the papacy should again fall into the hands of barbarians. :j: Neither would Montalto permit any one of the remaining nominees to be chosen. He would have vainly attempted to raise one of his own adherents to the papal * Conclave di papa Urbane VII. MS. : [The proceedings of this election were directed \>j Cardinal Sforza (head of the creatures of Gregory XIII.) and the Genoese cardinals.] In a dispatch from De Maisse, ambassador of France in Venice, and which is given in F. Von Raumer's Histor. Briefen, i. p. 360, we are told that Colonna, having already placed himself in the pontifical seat, was dragged from it by Cardinal Sforza ; but this should scarcely be understood literally. t [The great interest that this Catholic king has in this election, and the heavy expenses that he has borne without assistance for the benefit of Christianity, make it incumbent on us to excuse him.] J Cardinal Morosini said : [Italy would fall a prey to barbarians, which would be a shame to all.] Conclave della sede vacante di Urbano VII. 1.590-1.] GREGORY XIV. 35 chair, but lie had at least the power of excluding the candi- dates whom he opposed. The sittings of the conclave were unusually protracted : the banditti were master.'? of the country ; intelligence of property plundered and villages burnt ■was daily brought to the city ; there was even fear of com- motions in Rome itself. There remained but one method of arriving at a conclu- sion : — this was, to select from the candidates, the one least ob- jectionable to the kinsmen of Sixtus V. In the Florentine accounts* we are told that the grand duke of Tuscany con- tributed largely to this result ; those written by the Romans ascribe it to cardinal Sforza, the leader of the Gregorian car- dinals. Retired within his cell, perhaps because he had been told that it would be for his advantage to remain silent, and suflfering at the moment from fever, lived cardinal Sfoudrato, one of the .seven. In his favour the different parties agreed, and a family alliance between the houses of Montalto and Sfondrato was at once brought into discussion. Montalto then visited the cardinal in his cell ; he found him in prayer before the crucifix, still not entirely free from fever, and in- formed him that he would be elected on the following morning. When the time arrived, Sfondi-ato was led to the chapel ■where the votes were taken, by the cardinals jMontalto and Sforza. He was duly elected, and assumed the name of Gregory XlV.f The new pontiff was a man who fasted twice every week, said mass daily, repeated the prescribed number of prayers on his knees, and then devoted an hour to his favourite author, St. Bernard ; carefully noting down such passages in the work before him as he found more particularly striking, — a man of a spirit most pure and blameless. It was however remarked, half jestingly, that as he had come into the world too early — at seven months — and had not been reared without diiliculty, so there was upon the -ivhole too little of the earthly element in his composition. Of the practices and intrigues of the Curia, ho had never been able to comprehend anything. He took it for granted that the cau.se upheld by the Spaniards was the cause of the church ; he wa.s a born subject of * Galluzzi : Storia del Granducato di Toscana, v. 99. t TasFo has celebrated this accession to the throne in an admirable can- zone, " Da gran lode immortal." D 2 36 GKEGORY XIV. Q 590-1. Philip II., and a man after liis own heart. Without any delay he declared himself decidedly in favour of the League. '■■■ " Do you," he wrote to the Parisians, " you, who have made so praiseworthy a beginning, continue to persevere; make no halt until you have attained the end of your course. Inspired by God, we have resolved to come to your assistance. First, we send you a subsidy in money, and that indeed beyond our means ; next, we despatch our nuncio, Landriano, to France, that by his efforts he may bring back all who have deserted from your banners ; and finally, we send you, though not without heavily burthening the church, our dear son and nephew Ercole Sfondrato, duke of Montemarciano, with cavalry and infantry to defend you by force of arms. Should you require yet more, we will provide you with that also.f In this letter the whole policy of Gregory XIV. is ex- pressed. It was, however, extremely effective. The explicit declaration of his intentions, the renewal of excommunication against Henry IV., by which it was accompanied, and lastly, the exhortation with which Landriano was charged to all the clergy, nobles, judicial functionaries, and the third estate, to separate themselves, under pain of heavy penalties, from Henry of Bourbon, produced a deep impression.:}: Many of the followers of Henry, who held rigidly Catholic opinions, were at length perplexed and shaken by this decisive step of the head of their church ; they declared that the church had a regular succession as well as the kingdom, and that it was no more permitted to change the religion than the dynasty. It was at this time that what was called the third party arose among the adherents of the king. This continually exhorted him to return to the Catholic faith. It remained firm in its allegiance to him on this condition, and with this expectation * Cicarella de Vita Gregorio XIV., to be found in all the later editions of Platina. t Gregory XIV. [to my well-beloved sons the councillors of the sixteen quarters of the city of Paris.] In Cayet, Chronologie novenaire, Me- uioires coll. univ., torn. Ivii. p. 62. J Even Cayet remarks this : [The party of the king was free from division until Gregory XIV. issued his monitorial bulls ; then some wished to form a third party, to consist of the rigid Catholics belonging to the royal party.] 1590-1.3 GREGORY XIV. 37 ouly, and possessed the more importance because it included the most powerful men among those immediately surroundina; the king. But results of .still higher uioiiient were to be expected fn^m the further measures announced by Gregory in the letter just quoted, and which he carried into effect without delay. He sent the Parisians 15,000 scudi every month ; he dis- patched Colonel Lusi into Switzerland to raise troops, and having solemnly committed the standard of the church to Ercole Sfondrato, as their general, in Santa Maria Mag- giore, he sent him to Milan, where his forces were to as- semble. The commissary who accompanied him, the archbishop Matteucci, Mas largely provided with money. Under these auspices, Philiji II. no longer hesitated to take earnest part in the affairs of France. His troops ad- vanced into Brittany, and at the same time possessed them- selves of Toulouse and Montpellier. On some provinces he thought he had peculiar claims, in others he was in close confederacy with the leading chiefs ; these alliances had been gradually formed by certain Capuchin friars and were kept up by their agency. He was considered in many provinces as " the sole protector of the orthodox faithful against the Huguenots," and was invited in the most pressing terms even to Paris. j\Ieanwhile the Piedmontese attacked Provence, and the papal army united with that of the League at Verdun. It was a general movement of the Spanish and Italian powers for the j)urpose of drawing France by force into those rigidly Catholic opinions prevailing in Spain and Italy. The treasures accumulated with so much effort by Pope Sixtus, and which he had so jealously guarded, were now converted to the ])rofit of Spain. After Gregory XIV. had taken from the castle of St. Angelo those sums, to the expenditure of which the late pontiff had not attached conditions, he seized those which had been most strictly tied up. He was of opinion that a more pressing necessity than now assailed the church could never occur. The decision with which these measures were entered on, the prudence of the king, the wealth of the jiontiff, and the influence exerted on France by their united dignity and au- thority, made it impossible to calculate the extent to which this two-fold ambition, temporal and spiritual, might have proccciled, and the results that might have ensued ; but in the 38 INNOCENT IX. [1590-1.] midst of tlie undertaking Gregory XIV. expired. He had possessed the papal chair only ten months and ten days, and yet had effected alterations of such vast importance. What might not have been the consequence had he retained this power during a course of years ? The loss of the pontiff was the heaviest affliction that could possibly have befallen the party of Spain and the League. It is true that the Spaniards once more carried their mea- sures through the conclave. They had again appointed seven candidates,* and one of these cardinals, Giovanni Antonio Fachinetto, Innocent IX., was elected. He also appears to have been disposed towards the interests of Spain, so far as can be judged ; it is certain that he afforded supplies to the League, and there is a letter still extant, in which he urges Alessandro Farnese to hasten the preparation of his forces, to move forward into France and relieve the city of Rouen, — movements which that general then executed with so much ability and success, t But the misfortune was, that Innocent IX. was already A^ery old and failing ; he scarcely ever left his couch ; even his audiences were given there. From the death-bed of an aged man, who was himself incapable of moving, proceeded exhortations to war, by which France — nay, all Europe — was set in commotion. Two months had scarcely elapsed from the elevation of Innocent IX. to the pontifical seat, when he also died. And thus were the conflicts of election renewed in the conclave for the fourth time. They were now the more im- portant, because these continual changes had enforced the conviction that it was most essential to choose a man of vigorous powers and with a fair chance for length of life. The decision now to be arrived at was one that must influence a considerable period of time. Thus, the proceedings of this conclave were of high and important interest for the history of the whole world. * In the Histoire des Conclaves, i. 251, it is said, that [the Spaniards wished to re-establish their reputation ;] but this is only a mis-translation. In the MS. which forms the groundwork of this book, Conclave di Innocenzio IX. (Inff. Politt.), we find, [that they might not lose the authority they had regained,] which is in strict accordance with the state of affairs. t According to Davila, Historia delle guerre civili di Francia, Innocent does not appear to have been so decidedly favourable to the League ; but the letter just cited (it is in Cayet, p. 356), removes all doubt. 1592.3 CHARACTER OF CLEMENT VIII. 39 5 5. Election and Character of Clement VIII. The prosperous course of Spanish interests in Rome during the last year, had enabled them finally to gain over Montalto himself to their party. His house had acquired possessions in the Neapolitan territory, and whilst Montalto pledged himself to oppose no further resistance to the will of the king, Philip promised in return that he would not absolutely ex- clude all the adherents of Sixtus V. They were thus to be henceforward in alliance, and the Spaniards no longer delayed to put forward the man from whose active co-operation they might hope the most effectual aid in the French war. Among all the cardinals, Santorio, holding the title of San- scvcrina, was considered the most zealous. He had sustained many conflicts with the Protestants, even when living at Naples in his youth ; and in his autobiography, still extant in MS., he describes the massacre of the Pluguenots at Paris as " the renowned day of St. Bartholomew, in the highest degree cheering to Catholics." * He had invariably advo- cated the most violent opinions, was the leading member in the congregation for the management of French affairs, and had long been the soul of the inquisition. He was in good^ health, and of tolerably vigorous years. On this man the Spaniards desired to confer the supreme spiritual dignity, — one more devoted to them they could not have found. Oiivarez had already arranged all preliminaries,t no doubt of success seemed to remain. Of fifty-two votes he had secured thirty-six, — exactly suflicient to decide the choice, for which two-thirds of the whole number were always re- quired. On the first morning after the close of the conclave, the cardinals accordingly proceeded to the formal act of elec- tion. Montalto and Madruzzi, the chiefs of the uniteVBSOLUTION OF HENRY IV. 4& liis resolution into effect. He atldeJ, that this was what his liolincss desired more than any other earthly event.* The general measures of the pojjc were of a similar cha- racter with this instruction. He adhered for the most part to the rigidly orthodox ecclesiastical party attached to Spain; not, it is true, with the fervour and devotion by which other popes had been distinguished ; if he jjosscssed these qualities, they were effectual in secret only ; it was enough for him to proceed quietly and without reproach, as the order of public affairs denuiuded, in adiiereuce to that party which had already been adopted, and which seemed to have the closest analogy with the character of his office. We nia}', never- theless, clearly perceive that he had no wish for the perfect estrangement of the opposite party ; he was careful, on the contrary, to avoid provoking it to hostilities, and by secret advances and indirect expressions inspired it with the hope of reconciliation, to take place at some future day. He con- tented the Spaniards, but their rivals were suffered to believe that his actions were not altogether uncontrolled ; that their character was indeed determined by deference to the wishes of Spain, and not by any harsher feeling. The indecision of Sixtus arose from the strife of opposite opinions contending within himself, and by which he was prevented from adopting decided measures. Clement respected both sides, and chose his line of policy with the purpose of conciliating both : his proceedings were governed by prudence and circumspection ; they resulted from extensive experience and the wish to avoid exciting enmities. But it followed necessarily that he too failed to exercise any decisive influence. The affairs of France, thus left to themselves, proceeded all the more freely towards the development of their natural im- pulses. A circumstance of primary importance was, that the chiefs of the League fell into discord among themselves. The sixteen attached themselves closely to S])ain. IVIayenne pursued the aims of his personal ambition. Tlic zeal of the sixteen became all the more fiery ; they proceeded to the most atrocious * [He (the king to be selected) ought to have the courage and other virtues required for successfully repressing and annihilating all the efforts and evil designs of tlie heretics. This is what in all the world his holiness niost exhorts and desires.] (In Cayet, 58, 350.) VOL. II. E 50 ABSOLUTION OF HENRY IV. Ql 593-4, crimes against all who "were either known or suspected to be deserters from their party; as for example, to the assassination of the president Brisson. For these things, Mayenne thought it requisite to punish them, and caused the most violent of their leaders to be executed. Favoured by these dissensions, a mode of thinking of greatly moderated character, both in politics and religion, was observed to prevail in Paris, even so early as the year 1592 : it was still Catholic, but was opposed to the course hitherto pursued by the League, and above all, to the sixteen and the Spaniards. A combination was formed, not greatly differing from that of the League itself, but with the purpose of placing all the offices of the city in the hands of moderate men holding its own opinions : this they found means to effect in great measure during the course of that year.""' Similar tendencies evinced themselves throughout the kingdom, and jjowerfully affected the results of the elections for the states ; thence it was that all the pro- posals made by the Spaniards were encountered by so effectual an opposition from that assembly. While bigoted preachers still declared every man excommunicated who did but speak of peace with the "^^ Heretic," even though he should attend the mass, the parliament was reminding its members of those essential laws of the realm which excluded foreign princes from the crown ; it was manifest that this whole party, which was called the political party, was only waiting the conversion of Henry IV. to subject itself to his rule. Wherein did the difference then consist between them and the Catholic royalists in the camp of Henry ? It consisted in this only, that the first, before professing their allegiance, desired to see a step really taken which the last believed they might venture to await ; for the Catholic royalists were also of opinion that the king must return to their church, although they did not consider his right or legitimacy to depend on his doing so. Their antipathy to the Protestants in the imme- diate circle of the king may also have caused them to insist the more earnestly on this point. The princes of the blood, the most distinguished statesmen, and the principal part of the court, were attached to that "tiers-parti," whose distinc- tive characteristic was in this demand. t * Cayet (lib. iv. torn. Iviii. p. 5) gives the propositions that were made in the first assembly. f It is thus described by Sully, v. 249. 1 593-4.3 ABSOLUTION OF HENRY IV. 51 When affairs had assumed this appearance, it became evi- dent to all, and the Protestants themselves did not deny it, tliat if Henry desired to be king he must become Catholic. We need not investigate the claim of those who assert that they gave the final impulse to that determination. The prin- cipal part was effected by the grand combination of circum- stances, the necessity of things.* In the completion of the act by which he passed over to Catholicism, Henry associated himself with that national sentiment of the French Catholics, which was represented by the " tiers-parti," and the party called the " political," and which had now the prospect of maintaining the ascendancy in France. This was in fact merely that " Catholic opposition," which had gathered round the banners of legitimacy and national in- dependence, for tlie purpose of resisting the ecclesiastical and Spanish interests. But how greatly had it now increased in power and importance ! It had without question predo- minance in the public opinion of the country ; the people throughout France declared for it, if not openly, at least in private. It now attained a firm internal support from the change of religion in the king, that prince moreover so war- like, so generous, and so successful. Thus enforced and ex- tended, this party once more appeared before the pope, and implored his recognition and blessing. What glory would he obtain, and how effectual an influence, if he would now at least declare himself without circumlocution in its favour ! And there was still so much depending on it. The prelates who had received the king into the bosom of the church had indeed done so only with the express condition that he ebould prevail on the pope to accord him absolution. t This was also eaniestly enforced by the most powerful members of the League, with whom Henry had commenced negotiations.]; Although promises are not always performed, it is yet un- questionable that the papal absolution, had it been granted at this ni( ment, would have produced important effects on the * That Henry had resolved on this in April, 1593, is proved by his letter to the grand-duke of Tuscany, dated 2Gth of that month. — Galluzzi, Istoria del Granducato, torn. v. p. IGO. t [The clergy had given him absolution, on condition that he should send to beg the approval of the pope for what they had done.] — Cayet, 58, 390. t Villeroy, Memoires. Coll. Univ. 62. 136. E 2 52 ABSOLUTION OF HENRY IV. [1593-4. course of events. Henry IV. sent one of tlie great nobles of his kingdom, the duke of Nevers, to solicit this from the pope, and a truce was agreed on while awaiting the reply. But Clement was distrustful and wary. As the hopes of a religious ambition had influenced Sixtus V., so did the fear of being deceived and involved in vexatious consequences re- strain Clement VIII. He still felt apprehensive lest Henry should, after all, return to Protestantism, as he had done once before, and declared that he should not believe the king sin- cerely attached to the Catholic church, until an angel from heaven should come and w^hisper it in his ear. Pie looked around him and found the greater part of the Curia still adverse to the French. A pamphlet still appeared from time to time, in which the assertion was reiterated, that Henry IV., being, as he was, " hajreticus relapsus," could not receive absolution, even from the pope himself. Clement did not feel courage to offer a defiance to the Spaniards, by whom this opinion was put forward and maintained.* And was not the party, thus entreating his forgiveness, still employed in re- sisting the claims of the Romish church ? " Rebels to the crown and the church," as he expressed himself, — " bastards, the children of the bondwoman and not of the wife, while the Leaguers have proved themselves the true sous."t Con- sidered from this point of view, it would without doubt have required some resolution to grant their request, and Clement could not man himself for the effort..| The duke of Nevers entered Rome with a full consciousness of his high rank, as well as of the weight attached to his mission. He expected to be received with joy, and expressed himself to that effect. The king's letter, which he had brought with him, was conceived in a similar tone. The pope thouglit it * Les intimidations qui furent faites an Pape Clement VI 11. par le due de Sessa ; not very authentic, however, and printed long since in the Memoires de M. le Due de Nevers, ii. 716, although given by Capefigue, Histoire de la Reforme, tom. viii., as something new. t Disp. 20 Ag. 1593. Relation of Henry's conversion: [The pope was but little moved by these advices, and altogether continued with his mind involved in the usual doubts and perplexities.] He told the Venetian ambassador, that Henry was and would remain " hsereticus relapsus;" and that his conversion was not to be relied on. X Relatio dictorum a Clemente VIII. papa, die 28 Dec. 1593, in Consistorio. — Mem. de Nevers, ii. 638. 1593-4.] ABSOLUTION OF HENRY IV. 53 sounded as if Henry bad not only been long a Catholic, but as though lie had come like a second Charlemagne, from a victory over the enemies of the church. Nevers was quite amazed to find himself so coldl}' received, and to .'■tee how in- different an ear was turned to his proposals. AVhen he found all his efforts fruitless, he asked the pope at length what the king should do to merit favour from his holiness. The pope replied, that there were- theologians enough in France to instruct him on that head. " But will your holiness be satisfied with what the theologians shall decide ?" To this the pope refused a rc^dy. He would not even consider the duke as ambassador from Henry, but only as Louis Gonzaga, duke of Nevers. He did not wish their conversations to be consi- dered as official communications, but simply as private dis- courses, and was not to be prevailed on to give any written decision. " Nothing remains to me," remarked Nevers to Cardinal Toledo, by whom he was informed of the pope's de- termination, '• but to lament the misfortunes that France will have to endure from the rage of the soldiery, when the war breaks forth anew." The cardinal said not a word, but he smiled. Nevers left Ifonie, and gave expression to his dis- pleasure in bitter reports.* !Men have rarely much feeling except for their own personal situation. The Roman Curia understood only what was of advantage to itself. We can find no true sympathy for the fate of France in its proceedings. It is true that we know enough of this pontiff to believe that he did not mean absolutely to repulse the adherents of Henry IV. ; least of all would he do that now, when their strength was so much greater than formerly. On the con- traiy, he assured a secret agent, that the king had only to shew himself completely Catholic, and absolution should not be wanting. It is characteristic of Clement, that while in public he so stubbornly refrained from taking any part in the return of Henry to the Catholic faith, yet, in i)rivate, * Two writing.-;, but almost entirely to the same puri)ort : " Discours de ce que fit M. de Nevers a sou voyage de Rome en ,'annee 1593," and " Discours de hi legation de M. le due de Nevers," both in the second volume of the Menioins de Nevers, before mentioned, the first almost verbatim in Cayet ; extracts in Thuanus and Davila, and lately, as if from iinknowa sources, in Capcfigue. 54 ABSOLUTION OF HENRY IV. Q 593-4. lie caused it to be intimated to the grand duke of Tuscany, that he would yet make no objection to any thing the clergy of France might decide on doing.* The grand duke was also empowered to communicate favourable expressions on the part of the pope to the chiefs of the Catholic royalists.t But, in all this, he thought only of securing himself ; and thus tlie affairs of France were left to do as they could. The truce was at an end. The sword was once more drawn — all was again depending on the fortune of war. But here the superiority of Henry became at once and decidedly manifest. To the commanders opposing him, that firmness of conviction, which had formerly secured them so strong a position, was now wholly wanting. The doctrines of the political party, the conversion of the king, and the successful progress of his fortunes, had shaken the opposition of all. One after another went over to his side, without regarding the want of the papal absolution. Vitri, the com- mandant of Meaux, who no longer received the pay of his troops from the Spaniards, was the first ; and he was followed by Orleans, Bourges, and Rouen. The most important con- sideration now was, the turn affairs would take in Paris. The political or national party had there obtained a decided preponderance. After many vicissitudes, it had gained over the first families, and had filled the most important places from its own members. The armed citizens were already commanded by men of the prevalent opinions. The Hotel de Ville was directed by the same party. The prevot des marchands and the echevins belonged to it with only one exception. Under these circumstances, no further impedi- ment could now exist to the return of the king, which took place on the 22nd of March, 1594. Henry IV. was amazed to find himself received with acclamations so joyful, by a people from whom he had so long experienced the most obstinate resistance, and thought he might justly infer that they had been previously acting under the force of a tyran- nous government ; but this was not altogether true. The spirit of the League really had been predominant over the minds of men, although another had now taken its place. The king's return was principally to be attributed to the * See Appendix, No. 65 ; Vita et Gestis Clementis VIII. t Davila, lib. xiv. p. 939. 1593-4.^ ABSOLUTION OP nENRY IV. 55 triumph of a political opinion. The Leaguers now endured persecutions similar to those they had so often inflicted. Their most influential founders and chiefs — the formidable Boucher, for example — left the city with the Spanish troops. IMore than a hundred, who were considered the most dangerous, were formally banished. All the authorities, with the whole population, took the oath of allegiance. Even the Sorbonne — whose most obstinate members, and among them the rector of the university himself, were banished — gave in its adhesion to the ruling opinions. How different were its present de- cisions from those of the year 1589. The Sorbonne now acknowledged that all power comes from God, according to the thirteenth chapter of Romans ; that whoever opposes the king, withstands God also, and subjects himself to damnation. This assembly reprobated the opinion that obedience might be lawfully refused to a king, because he was not acknow- ledged by the pope, as the suggestion of wicked and ill- advised men. The members of the university now took the oath of fidelity to Henry IV. in a body. Rector, dean, theologians, decretists, physicians, artists, monks, and conven- tuals, students and officers, all pledged themselves to shed their blood for his defence. Nay, more than that, the univer- sity instituted a campaign against the Jesuits, on the ground of this its new orthodoxy, accusing them of seditious prin- ciples ; which principles they had, in fact, but lately shared ; and reproaching them with their attachment to Spanish interests. The Jesuits defended themselves for some time with good effect ; but in that same year, a man named Jean Chastel,* who had attended their schools, made an attempt to assassinate the king, and admitted, in the course of his examination, that he had often heard the Jesuits declare that a man might lawfully slay a king who was not recon- * Juvencius, partis v. lib. xii. n. 13, gives the following description of the criminal : [The disposition of the youth was gloomy and morose, his morals were depraved, his mind was disquieted by the remembrance of crime, and of one in particular, that of having ill-treated his mother. . . . Conscience, the avenger of crimes, continued to torture his mind, bewil- dered by dread fears ; to mitigate these (quem utleniret), cither deprived of reason, or urged on by hellish fun', he formed the design of a mon- strous parricide, by which, having done service to religion and the realm, he might the better, as he madly Imagined, obtain forgiveness of his sins.] .56 ABSOLUTION OF IIEXRY IT. [1593-4. ciled to the church. This event made it impossible for the Order to oppose itself any longer to the ascendancy of the party against which they had hitherto so constantly laboured. The populace was with difficulty restrained from storming their college ; and all the members of the society were at length condemned, as seducers of youth, disturbers of the public peace, and enemies of the king and state, to quit the kingdom within fourteen days.* Thus did those opinions, which had first appeared as opposition, and had confirmed their hold, from a small and feeble commencement, gradually gain possession of Paris and the kingdom, while they drove their antagonists from the field. Changes of similar character took place in all parts of the French dominions. New sub- missions were daily made to the king's authority. He had been crowned and anointed at Chartres ; prayers were put up for him in all the pulpits ; the monastic orders acknowledged him ; he exercised those ecclesiastical prerogatives of the crown, which are of such high significance, without oppo- sition ; and herein found occasion to shew himself a good Catholic. "Wherever the ritual of the church had been de- parted from during the late troubles, he took care to re- establish it ; ■ and where it had maintained itself in exclusive possession, he solemnly confirmed to it the right of doing so. All this he did without having yet been reconciled with the pope. It had, Jiovvever, now become urgently necessary to the pontiff himself, that the means of a reconciliation should be considered.t If he had delayed longer, a schism might have been occasioned. An entirely separate church might have been established. It is true that the Spaniards still opposed themselves to this reconciliation. They maintained that Henry Avas by ne means a true convert ; that the time when a schism was most to be apprehended, was when he should have received absolution :;i; they even particularized the occasions on which * AnnuiB Literaa Societatis Jesn, 159G, p. 350. [Such is the commo- tion remaining after our late shipwreck, that we have not yet collected all our scattered goods and muniments.] t On the 5th of Nov. 1594, the Venetian ambassador iirst mentions ■finding the pope [more favourably inclined than of old] towards ths aifairs of France. X Ossat a M. de Villeroy, Rome, G Dec. 159-1.— Lettres d'Ossat, i. 53. 1503-4.3 ABSOLUTION OF IIENIIY IV. 67 it was likely to, break out.* The pope had still to exercise considerable resolution before he could pl:ico himself in oppo- sition to those whose pow-er encompassed him, and who had a large pa,rty in the Curia. It was no lii^ht thing to separate himself from opinions that were considered orthodox ; for which his predecessors had so often employed their weapons, spiritual and tcm])oral, and to which he had himself for many years given his sanction. He perceived, nevertheless, that all delay must now be injurious, and that he must ex- pect nothing more from the opposite pai'ty. He was convinced that the party now predominant in France, though in spiritual affairs opposing the rigid doctrines to a certain extent, yet displayed an obvious sympathy with the interests of Rome in temporal matters. The adverse feeling might, perhaps, be removed, when the favourable sentiment would become more available. Suffice it to say, that Clement now shewed him- self disposed to concession at the first word addressed to him. We have reports of the negotiations by the French plenipo- tentiary D'Ossat ; they are agreeable, instructive, and worth reading ; but I do not find that he had any great difficulties to overcome. It would be useless to follow the proceedings in detail ; the general state of aflairs had already determined the poj)c. The only question remaining was, whether Henry would, on his part, agree to certain demands to be made by the pontifi'. Those who were unfavourable to the proposetl reconciliation would willingly have raised these demands to the utmost, maintaining that, on this occasion, the churck required the most effi^ctual securities ; but Clement remained firm to the more moderate conditions. He required, par- ticularly, the restoration of Catholicism in Beam ; the intro- duction of the decrees issued by the Council of Trent, so far as they were compatible with the laws of the kingdom ; an exact allowance of the concordat, and the education of the heir-presumptive to the crown, the prince of Condc, in the Catholic faith. It was still A'ery desirable for Henry that he .should be reconciled with the papal see. His power was based on his conversion to Catholicism ; and this act M'ould receive its full authenticity only from the accordance of abso- lution by the pope ; for though by far the greater number gave in their adhesion, yet there A\ere still some who made * See Appendix, No. 70, section 3. 58 ABSOLUTION OF HENRY IV. Q 593-4, the want of this a pretext for their continued opposi- tion.* Henry assented to these conditions with little difficulty: he had already prepared their fulfilment in some degree of his own accord, and had it much at heart to prove himself a good Catholic. However greatly increased his power had become since the mission of Nevers, yet the letter in which he now entreated absolution from the pontiff sounds much more humble and submissive than the former. " The king," it declares,t " returns to the feet of your holiness, and beseeches you in all humility, by the bowels of our Lord Jesus Christ, that you deign to confer upon him your holy blessing and your supreme absolution." The pope was en- tirely satisfied.:!; Nothing further now remained but that the college of car- dinals should declare its assent. But Clement would not permit the question to be laid before a regularly assembled consistory, where a recurrence to resolutions adopted under a different class of circumstances might easily have occasioned undesirable results. The cardinals were invited to give their opinions to the pontiff, each in a special audience ; an expe- dient that had frequgntly been adopted before on similar occasions. Having received them all, he declared that two- thirds of the votes were favourable to the absolution. Preparations were accordingly made for the completion of * Du Perron au Roi, 6 Nov. 1595 : [It would be a superfluous dis- course here to insist on the advantage you may derive from the favour and authority of this Holy See, for, being in your hands, it may serve you as a useful instrument not only to replace and to preserve your subjects in peace and obedience, but also to prepare for you all sorts of greatness beyond your kingdom ; or at the least to keep your enemies in some fear and order, by the dread of that same authority of which they have availed themselves to trouble your states and people.] — Les Ambassades du Cardinal Du Perron, i. 27. f Requete du Roi, among the remarks of Amelot in Ossat, i. 160. X The court of Rome still considered the resolution imprudent and hazardous. Dolfino, Relatione : [The pope has found means to expedite the most serious affairs, not only well, but with the utmost celerity. For in spite of the many well-known obstacles raised before him , he bestowed his benediction on the French king, received him into the bosom of the church, and sent him a legate, when every one discouraged his doing so, under the pretext that it was not for his dignity to send one before the king had sent his ambassador to Rome ; and in this affair the authority of your signory availed no little, for so his holiness told me in regard to cer- tain services that I performed at that time in your name.] 1593-4.] ABSOLUTION OF HENRY IV. 59 the ceremony, wliich took place on the 17th of December, 1595. The pontiff's throne was erected before the church of St. Peter, the cardinals and Curia reverently surrounding their sovereign. The petition of Henry, with the conditions to which he had assented, were read aloud. The representative of the most Christian king thereupon threw himself at the feet of the pope, who, touching him lightly with a wand, thus imparted the absolution. The papal see once more appeared on this occasion in all the splendour of its ancient authority.* And this ceremony was, in fact, the manifestation of a great result effectually secured. The ruling power in France, now strong in itself and firmly seated, was again become Catliolic. Its interest consequently was to keep on good terms with the pope. A new central point for Catholicism was formed in that country, and from this a most efficient influence must inevitably proceed. When more nearly contemplated, this event is seen to offer two distinct aspects. It was not by the immediate influence of the pope, nor by victory obtained by the rigidly Catholic party, that France liad been recovered ; it was rather by the union of opinions taking a medium between the two extremes of party. This result was indeed brought about by the superior force of that body which had at first constituted the opposition. It fol- lowed that the French church assumed a position entirely different from that accorded to those of Italy, the Netherlands, or the newly established church of Germany. It submitted to the pope, but this was done with a freedom and essential independence proceeding from its origin, and the consciousness of which was never again resigned. Thus the papal see was far from having the right to consider France as a complete conquest. But the second aspect, the political side, presented the most important advantages. The lost balance of power was restored. Two great sovereignties, each jealous of the other, and both involved in continual strife and conflict, kept each other within due limits ; both were Catholic, and might eventually be guided into the same direction ; but in any case, * Ossat, who is generally very circumstantial, passes rapidly over this ceremony. [" All was done," he says, " in a manner suited to the dignity of the most Christian crown."] But this was not the general opinion. 60 FERRARA UNDER ALFONSO II. Q595-7. the pope assumed between tliem a position of far more perfect independence than his predecessors had for a long time found it possible to attain. From those fetters, hitherto thrown about him by the Spanish preponderance, he was now, to a great extent, freed. This political result was indeed brought into view only by the progress of events. It was on the lapse of Ferrara to the papal see that French influence first became again manifest in the affairs of Italy ; and this was an event which in many respects was of so great an importance to the progress oi political power in the States of the Church, that we may for a moment allow it to divert our attention, as it did that of con- temporaries, from the affairs of religion. We will begin with a retrospective glance at the duchy under the last of its princes. § 7. Ferrara under Alfonso II. It has been frequently assumed that Ferrara was in a pe- culiarly prosperous condition under the last prince of the family of Este. This is nevertheless merely an illusion, and has originated, like so many others, from antipathy to the secular dominion of Rome. Montaigne visited Ferrara under Alfonso II. He admired the broad streets of the city and its handsome palaces, but he remarked that it looked desolate and depopulated, as tra- vellers have so frequently done in our own days."' The pros- perity of the country depended on the maintenance of the dams and the regulation of the waters, but neither the dams nor the streams and canals were kept in good order. Inun- dations were not unfrequent. The Volana and Primero were suff"ered to become choked with sand, so that their navigation was totally suspended. f It would be even more erroneous to believe the subjects of * Montaigne, Voyage, i. 226—231. -{• An account of the States of the Church, about the beginning of the seventeenth century, declares that the duke had transferred the peasants, ■whose duty it was to labour on the Po, to his own pro;)erty of Mesola, so that the necessary works on the river had fallen into decay, and could not be restored. — Inft". Politt. torn. ix. 1595-7.]] FERRAKA UNDER ALFONSO II. 61 this house either free or happy. Alfonso II. enforced the claims of his exchequer with extreme severity. On the con- clusion of every contract, were it only for a loan, one-tenth of the amount fell to the duke, and he levied a tenth on every article that entered the city. He had the monopoly of salt, and burthened the trade in oil Avith a new tax. By the ad- vice of Christofano da Fiume, his commissioner of customs, he finally took the trade in flour and bread into his own hands. None might venture to procure these first necessaries of life except from the ducal officers, nor did any man dare even to lend a bowl of fiour to his neighbom-."' The nobles themselves were not permitted to hunt for more than a few days, and then were never allowed to use more than three dogs. One day six men were seen hanging in the market-place ; dead phea- sants were tied to their feet, and this was said to be in token iif their having been shot while jjoaching on the ducal pre- serves. It is obvious, then, that the writers who insist on the pros- perity and activity of Ferrara cannot mean to speak of the country or the city, but simply of the court. In those storms that convulsed the first ten years of the sixteenth century, in which so many prosperous families and mighty principalities were totally ruined, and when all Italy was shaken to its centre, the house of Este succeeded in main- tainiag its ground, and by the union of political address with stout-hearted self-defence, had managed to weather all dan- ger. Other qualities were also united to these. Who has not read of that race which, as Bojardo exj^rcsses himself, was destined to maintain all bravery, virtue, courtesy, and social gaiety alive in the world ;t or of its dwelling-place, which, as * Frizzi, Memorie per la Storia di Ferrara, torn. iv. p. 364 ; and more particularly Manolesso, Relatione di Ferrara : [Tlie duke is less beloved than his predecessors, aud that, because of the tyranny and exactions of Christofano da Fiume, called II Frisato, "the scarred" (Sfregiato), his comptroller of taxes. 11 Frisato offered to sell goods, for the benefit of the ])cople, at much lower prices than others, and yet to derive large profits for his excellency. The affair pleased Alfonso well ; but though 11 Frisato satisfies the duke by giving him the sums he expected, he does not please the people, to whom he sells things very bad in quality, and very dear as to price.] ■f Bojardo, Orlando Innamorato, ii. 22. " Da questa (stirpe) fia servato ogni valore, Ogni bontade et ogni cortesia, 62 FERRARA UNDER ALFONSO 11. [|l 595-7. Ariosto says, was adorned, not only wiiu ample royal palaces, but with fair studies also and excellent manners.* But if the house of Este had the merit of bestowing patronage on science and poetry, it has been richly rewarded. The memory of that splendour and power which so rapidly pass away, has be?n perpetuated by great authors in works that must live for ever. As matters had stood under the earlier dukes of Ferrara, so Alfonso II. sought to maintain them. His views and objects of pursuit were similar to those of his predecessors. He had not indeed to sustain the violence of conflict by which they were assailed, but being continually involved in dissensions with Florence, and not feeling very secure of the pope, who was his feudal lord, he held himself constantly in an attitude of defence. Next to Padua, Ferrara was reputed the strongest fortress in Italy. Twenty-seven thousand men were enrolled in the militia, + and Alfonso laboured to en- courage a military spirit in his people. Desiring to strengthen himself by a friendship sufficiently important to counter- balance the favour enjoyed by Tuscany at the court of Rome, he attached himself to the German emperors. He not un- frequently traversed the Alps with a splendid train, received the hand of an Austrian princess in marriage, and is reported to have used the German language. In 1566 he marched into Hungary, to the aid of the emperor against the Turks, with a body of troops fourteen thousand strong. The prosperity of literature increased greatly under his Amore, leggiadria, stato giocundo Tra quella gente fiorita nel mundo." [Be still transmitted by that favoured race Which in the world's respect doth foremost shine, Love, honour, valour, courtesy, and grace. Each gentle virtue and each art di^ane. — C. F.] * Ariosto, Orlando Furioso, xxxv. 6, " Non pur di mura e d'ampli tetti regj, Ma di bei studi e di costumi egregi." [Nw for its vealls alone and royal towers, But eke for learning fair and for the Graces' bowers. — C, F.] i" Relatione sopra la Romagna di Ferrara : [All subjects capable of bearing arms were inscribed in the lists of the militia by the military commissioner deputed for that purpose. They v.era compelled to hold themselves constantly ready to serve on foot or horseback, according to their means, and in return they enjoyed certain exemptions.] ISDij-T.] FERRARA UNDER ALFONSO II. 63 patronage. 1 do not indeed know of any country where its connection with the state has been more closely intimate. Two professors of the university, Pigna and Montecatino, were successively prime ministers of the duchy, and this without relinquishing their literary labours. It is at least certain that Pigna, while conducting the government, still delivered his lectures, and even published a book from time to time."' Battista Guarini, the author of the " Pastor Fido," was sent as ambassador to Venice, and afterwards to Poland. Even Francesco Patrizi, though engaged in the most abstruse subjects, yet speaks in high terms of the sympathy he experienced from the court. All these were of one mind ; scientific discussions were followed by proposi- tions, touching various disputed questions of love, such for example as were once handled by Tasso, who was at one period a member of the university. Sometimes the court gave theatrical representations, at others a similar entertain- ment was offered by the university ; but this theatre possessed also literary attractions, since attempts were continually made for the production of new forms, and it is to these that the perfection of the pastoral drama must be ascribed, as also the foundation of the opera. Ferrara was sometimes visited by foreign ambassadors, cardinals, and princes, more especially by those of the neighbourhood, as Mantua, Guastalla, and Urbino, — occasionally too an archduke would appear. Then the court displayed its utmost splendour ; tournaments were given, in which the nobility of the land spared no cost ; a hundred knights sometimes assembled and tilted in the court of the palace. There were also representations from some fabulous work, or legend of poetry, as the names given to them sufficiently shew, — " The Temple of Love," " The Island of Happiness," for example. t Enchanted castles were attacked, defended, and conquereJ. * Manolesso : [Signor Giovambattista Pigna is the private secretary, and through his hands all business affairs must pass. He lectures publicly on moral philosophy, and is writing the history of the house of Este ; he is a philosopher, an orator, and an excellent poet ; is well acquainted with Greek, and though labouring for his prince, transacting affairs, and writing whatever is needed, he does not neglect bis studies, but so fulfils each of his employments, that it might be thought he was occupied with that alone.] t Extracts from descriptions which appeared at the time — from the "Tempio d'Amore," for example — may be found in Muratori, Serassi, and Frizzi. C4 FERRARA UNDER ALFONSO II. Q 595-7. It was the most extraordinary union of poetry, learning, politics, and chivalry. The pomp of display became en- nobled by the spirit which inspired it, and which offered ample amends for the defects of the means employed. In the " Rime," as well as in the Epic, of Tasso, this court is jjresented in very lively colours, together with that prince (" in whom force and elevation of character shone so nobly forth, and of whom it is difficult to decide whether he is a better knight or general "), his Avife, and above all, his sisters. The elder was Lucretia, who passed but little of her time with her husband in Urbino, and for the most part resided in Ferrara, exercising no slight influence over public aflairs, though still more earnestly occupied in the promotion of literary interests, to which, and to the musical genius of the day, her pati'onage gave impulse and encouragement. It was this princess who secured the advancement of Tasso at the court of Ferrara. The younger, Leonora, held a less con- spicuous position ; she was gentle and retiring of manner, and delicate in health, but was endowed like her sister with a mind of great force.* During an earthquake, both refused to quit the palace. Leonora more particu- larly displayed a stoical indifference ; when, at length, they yielded, it had almost been too late, the roof falling in on the instant of their departure. Leonora was considered almost a saint ; the deliverance of the city from an inunda- tion was attributed to her prayers.t The homage offered to them by Tasso was in accordance with their respective characters : towards the younger, restrained and subdued, and as one who controls the expression of his thoughts ; his admiration of the elder was more unreserved ; he compared her to the full-blown fragrant rose, which maturity has deprived of no charm, &c. Other ladies adorned the courtly circle ; among them were Barbara Sanseverina and her daughter Leonora Sanvitale. Tasso has described, with in- comparable grace, the serene self-possession of the mother, and the radiant charm of youthful beauty in the daughter : no * In the year 1566 she conducted the regency in the absence of the -duke, according to Manolesso, [to the infinite satisfaction of the subjects. She has not married (he continues) nor will she marry, because of tht^ delicacy of her health ; she has nevertheless a very high spirit.] f Serassi, Vita di Torquato Tasso, p. 150. ! ij9.'j-7.'] fkrhaua under alfonso II. 65 portrait coukl place thcni more clearly before us. Then follow descriptiontj of visit.s to the rural palaces of the duke ; of the hunting parties and other amusements entered into on those occasions ; in short, of the whole course and proceeding of that brilliant life, few there are who can resist the impression which those descriptions, in their rich and musical flow, are so well calculated to produce. Yet it is not to such impressions that we must entirely surrender ourselves. The same power by which the country was maintained in so implicit an obedience did not fail to make itself felt at the court also. These scenes of poetry and enjoyment v.-ere occasionally interrupted by others of a very dilforent character : events in which the most exalted vrere as little spared as those of lower station. One of the house of Gonzaga had been murdered, and all believed the young Ercole Contrario to be guilty of the crime : it was at least known that the murderers had found refuge on one of his estates. The duke commanded that they should bo given up, and Contrario, to avoid being accused by them, caused them to be put to death himself, and sent their dead bodies only to the duke. Hcreujwn he was himself one day summoned to the court, and received au- dience on the 2nd of August, 1575. The house of Contrario was the most ancient and wealtliy of Ferrara. Ercole was its last remaining scion ; yet he had not long entered the palace before he was carried out of it a corpse. The duke said that the young man had been suddenly struck with apo- plexy while in discourse with him ; but no one believed the assertion ; traces of violence were perceived on the body; it was indeed acknowledged by the friends of tlie duke, that their lord had caused him to be put to death, but they excused this act, on the ground that he had not chosen to sully a name so illustrious by a more disgraceful death."' This was a sort of justice that kept every one in terror, — the rather, as the possessions of the family hail by this event fallen to the duke. liut it would not on the whole have been advi.-able for any one to have opposed liimself in the slightest degree to the * Frizzi, Memorie, iv. 382. t When Tasso was not in good humour, he expresied himself in dif- VOL. II. p • 66 FERRARA UNDER ALFONSO II. [[l59a-7. sovereign will.t This court was indeed very dangerous and slippery ground. All the subtlety of Montecatino could not enable him to retain his footing to the last. The most dis- tinguished preacher in Italy was at that time Panigarola, and he had been induced to settle at Ferrara, but not without difficulty. He was suddenly banished with injurious vio- lence ; and when it was asked for what crime he thus suffered, the only one adduced was, that he had negotiated respecting promotion with some other court. Neither could the changeful, susceptible, and melancholy Tasso at length keep his ground there ; the duke seemed attached to him, felt pleasure in listening to him, and often took him to the ducal palaces in the country ; nor did he disdain to correct the descriptions of military proceedings that appear in the " Gerusalemme." But after Tasso had shown some inclina- tion to enter the service of the Medici, they were never cordially friends. The hapless poet left Ferrara; but im- pelled by an irresistible longing, he returned, and a few reproachful words, uttered in an access of melancholy, sufficed to determine the duke to hold the unfortunate man imprisoned during seven long years." We here see the whole character of the Italian principality, as it existed in the fifteenth century : based on judiciously- calculated political relations, it was absolute and unlimited in the power of its internal administration ; surrounded by splendour, closely connected with literature, and jealous even of the very appearance of power. Extraordinary aspect of human affairs ! The whole power and all the resources of a country produce a court, — the centre of the court is the prince ; finally, then, the ultimate product of all this gathered life is the self-sufficiency of the sovereign. From his position in the world, the obedience he receives, the respect accorded to him, there results only the sense of his own value, the conviction of his own importance. Alfonso II. was childless, although he had been three ferent terms from those quoted above. In a letter to the duke of Urbino, he says, [because I knew that the duke was naturally much disposed to malignity, and full of a certain overweening arrogance, which he derives from the nobility of his blood, and from the consciousness that he has of his own importance, which is in some respects certainly real], — Lettere, n 284. Opera, torn. ix. 188. * Serassi, Vita del Tasso, p. 282. 15 95-7. J FEKRARA U-NDKR ALFONSO II. 67 times married. His whole feeling is expressed in the pecu- liar mode of his conduct under these circumstances. He had two purposes to secure ; the one was, to prevent his subjects from thinking it possible that they could fall oft' from his house; the other, to retain the nomination of a successor in his own hands, and to avoid raising up a rival against himself. In September, 1589, he repaired to Loretto, where the sister of Sixtus Y., Donna Camilla, then was ; he spared neither gifts nor promises to gain her over. He hoped that she would procure him permission from the poutifi" to name any- one of his connections, whom he might prefer to be his suc- cessor ; but the negotiations had but just been effectually commenced when Sixtus V. expired. By a similar expedient — presents to the sister-in-law of the pope, and alacrity in the service of his nephew — Alfonso gained access to Gregory XIV. in the year 1591. When he perceived hope of success, he proceeded to Rome himself, for the more effectual conduct of the negotiations. The first question was, whether that bull of Pius Y., which forbade all new investiture of papal fiefs that had lapsed to the feudal lord, were applicable to Ferrara. Alfonso maintained that it was not, because Ferrara never had lapsed. But the words were too precise, and the congregation decided that the bull applied beyond all doubt to Ferrara. All that yet remained to be inquired was, whether a pope had not the power to give a special determination in a special case. This the congrega- tion did not venture to say he could not do ; but they added this condition, that the necessity must be urgent, and the utility clearly obvious.* An important step was hereby made. It is not improbable that, if expedition had been used, and a new investiture at once prepared in favour of some one person then named, the aflair might haA'e been brought to the end desired ; but Alfonso would not name his heir ; neither was he entirely agreed on this point with the * Dispaccio Donato : [When the utility and urgent necessity was most evident, which was done to facilitate the way to the Signor Duke's wishes.] Cardinal San Severina now assures us that it was he who princi- pally contributed to frustrate this design, though with great difiSculty, and amidst violent opposition ; the pope is also declared to have repented in the end of that qualification of the bull. F 2 68 FERRARA UNDER ALFONSO II. [1595-7. Sfrondi'ati, who wished him to choose the Marquis Filippo d'Este, while he preferred his nearer kinsman, Ccsare. Time passed while these things were in discussion, and Gregory also died before any thing had been concluded.* Negotiations had, meanwhile, been opened with the im- perial court likewise; for though Ferrara was a papal fief, Modena and Reggio were fiefs of the empire. The previous policy of the duke here did him good service : he was on the best terms . with the emperor's most influential minister. Wolf Rumpf. Rudolf II. accorded him the renewal of his investiture ; and even granted him a certain period of time within which he was permitted to choose whomever he might wish to appoint, as his successor. But all the more inflexible was Clement VIII., who had now become pope. It seemed to him more for the Catholic and ecclesiastical interests to retake possession of a lapsed fief than to grant it anew : it was thus too that the holy pontifi" Pius V. had decided for such cases. In the year 1592, Clement proposed in a secret consistory, that the bull of Pius should be ratified according to its original tenor, and without the addition made by Gregory XIY. In that form it was accordingly confirmed. t The term granted by the emperor had also elapsed ; and the duke was compelled to resolve on pointing out his successor. Alfonso I. had married Laura Eustachia, when he was advanced in years, and after she had borne him a son. From this son descended Don Cesare d'Este, whom, after long delay, the duke appointed his successor. But he still proceeded with the most cautious secrecy. Without the knowledge of any one person, and in a letter written with his own hand to the emperor, he completed the nomination ; but, at the same time, he entreated his majesty pressingly to let no one know what he had done ; not even the ambas- sador from Ferrara to the imperial court. He requested the emperor to express his approval in no other manner * Cronica di Ferrara, MS. of the Albani Library, also affirms tliat there was no doubt of Gregory's intention to do something for Ferrara. He left the congregation in a fit of anger, and became ill in consequence. Alfonso went to a villa of Cardinal Farnese's, [waiting the event, whether the life or death of the pope — deatli ensued — then the duke returned]. See Appendix, No. 63, section 3. t Dispaccio Donato, 27 Dec. 1592. 1507-8.]] CONQUEST OP FERRARA. 69 than by returniug the letter with the imperial signature afSxefl.'^ Alfonso desired to hold the supreme authority iu his small territories undivided to his last breath. He was resolved not to see his court turn towards the rising sun. Ce^are himself received no intimation of the favour prepared for him. He was held, on the contrary, under a more rigid rule than before ; was even restricted, in a certain sense, as to the splendour of his appearance (being forbidden to have more than three nobles in his train) ; and it was only when the duke's life was at the lowest ebb, when the physicians had resigned their last hope, that Alfonso permitted him to be summoned, and informed him of his good fortune. The testament was opened in presence of the principal inhabitants of the duchy. These persons were admonished by the minister to be true to the house of Este. The duke told Cesare that he left him the fairest dominion in the world ; strong by its military force, its population, and its allies, both in Italy and beyond her limits ; from whom he might promise himself help on all occasions. This being done, Alfonso H. expired on the same day, 27tL of October, 1597. § 8. Conquest of Ferrara. Cesare took jiossession of the imperial fiefs without opposi- tion, and receiveil homage even from that of the pope. In Ferrara Ire was robed by the magistrate in the ducal mantle, and greeted by the people as their sovereign with joyful acclamations. His predecessor had assured him of foreign aid. as well as of the native strength he would find in his new dominions. * Relatione di quello cIje e successo in Ferrara dopo la morte del Duca Alfonso (MS. Barber.) : [The duke, within the year allowed for his deci- sion, wrote a letter with his own hand to the emperor, and named Don Cesare, praying his imperial majesty earnestly, that in confirmation he would merely j)lace his signature ; that he would then seal and restore the document by means of Count Ercole Rondinelli, but not confide its im- port either to him or to any other person ; all which his hit^hness the duke did, that Don Cesare might not be inflated, and that he might not be honoured or courted as their prince by the nobility.] 70 CONQUEST OF FERRARA. Q1597-8. Cesare was very soon placed in a position to put these pro- mises to the test. Clement remained immovable in his determination to resume possession of Ferrara. So many pontiffs had already made the attempt, that he believed he should secure himself eternal renown by its accomplishment. AVhen intelligence was brought him of Alfonso's death, be declared that he was sorry the duke had left no son ; but that the church must have her own again. He would not listen to the ambassadors of Cesare, and called his taking possession, usurpation. He threatened to place him under the ban of the church, if he did not resign the duchy within fourteen days ; and to give the greater eflfect to his words, the pontiff at once prepared to take arms. A new loan was raised, and a new monte founded, that the money in the castle of St. Angelo might remain untouched.* He also despatched his nephew, Car- dinal Pietro Aldobrandino, to Ancona, with a staff of ex- perienced military commanders, for the purpose of gathering troops. Recruiting parties were sent in all directions, and the provinces were burthened with heavy contributions. Cesare also seemed at first to be full of spirit. + He declared, that he would defend his good right to the last drop of his blood, without fear that either his religion or salvation would be endangered by his doing so. Accord- ingly, the fortifications of his strongholds were repaired, the militia of the country were put under arms, a body of his troops advanced to the frontiers of the papal states ; and we find an invitation to him to appear in Romagna, where the inhabitants were dissatisfied with the papal government, and only wanted some fair occasion to overtui'n it. He had * Many aflSrm, nevertheless, that this did not happen, but Delfino de- clares, [though suffering great dearth of money, he got together an army of 22,000 foot and 3,000 horse in little more than a month, and without touching the treasure in the castle, for he desired to preserve the reputation of the church]. See Appendix, No. 70. ■^ Nicolo Contarini delle Historic Venetiane, MS., tom. i. lib i. : [Cesare in the beginning shewed himself very courageous, and wished to defend his rights, either because he did not foresee the violence of the struggle, or because the inexperienced, as they shew terror in dangers present, so are they valiant in regard to those that are remote.] The narrative of Con- tarini supplies much exact and impressive intelligeuce respecting this occurrence. I 159T-8.] CONQUEST OF FERRARA. 7J. also the good fortune to see the neighbouring Italian states taking part with him. His brother-in-law, the grand duke I> FIKST [1605-7. the degrees of ecclesiastical dignity."' He liad been vice- legate at Bologr.a, auditor of tlie Camera, vicar of the pope, and inquisitor. He had lived in close retirement, buried in his books and law-j^apers, and had taken no part in political affairs ; thence it v.-as that he had made his way without awakening personal enmities. No party considered him its opponent ; neither Aldobrandino nor Montalto, neither the French nor the Spaniards. This, then, was the quality which had secured him the tiara. But he considered that event in a totally different light. His elevation to the papacy, without any effort on his own part, without the employment of any arts or devices, ap- peared to him the direct interposition of the Holy Spirit. He felt raised above himself by this conviction. The change in his carriage and demeanour, nay, even in his countenance and the tone of his voice, was matter of astonishment, even to the court of Rome, which was yet well accustomed to metamor- phoses of every sort. But the new pontiff felt himself at thcr same time enchained and pledged to most important duties. With inflexibility similar to that with which he had observed the letter of the law in his previous offices, he now prepared to administer the supreme dignity.t Other popes had been accustomed to signalize their eleva- tion to the throne by acts of mercy ; Paul Y., on the con- trary, began his reign by passing a sentence, the remem- brance of Avhicli excites horror even to the present day. A poor author, a Cremonese by birth, named Piccinardi, impelled by some unexplained disgust, had employed himself in his solitude in composing a Life of Clement VIII., wherein he compared that pope with the Emperor Tiberius — small as was the similarity to be found between these rulers. — He had not only refrained from printing this strange work, but had kept it quite to himself, and had scarcely permitted its existence to be known. A woman, who had formerly resided in his house, gave information of the book. Paul Y. expressed himself at * Relatione di IV. Ambasciatori mandati a Roma, 15 Genn. 1605, m. V. i. e. 1606 : [His father Camillo, not choosing longer to remain at Sienna, since the city had lost her liberty, departed, and went to Rome. He had a good spirit and an acute mind ; thus he succeeded ■well in the profession of an advocate. . . . The pope does not wish to be called a Siennese, but a Roman.] •j- See Appendix, No. 76. 160.3-7.] .MKASLllEiS OF PAl'L V. 109 first very mildly on the subject, and the author .seemed to have little cause for anxiety, the rather as many important persons, and even ambassador.^, had interceded for him. lion- greatly then Avere all astonished, when Piccinardi was one 4ay beheaded on the bridge of St. Angelo ! Whatever laight be said by way of exculpation, it is certain that he had com- mitted the crime of high treason (beleidigten Majestat), for which this punishment is awarded by the law. From a pope like Paul no mercy was to be expected ; even the poor and trifling posses-^ions of the unhappy man were confiscated.* At court this pontiff' instantly renewed the regulations of the Council of Trent with respect to residence; he declared it to be a deadly sin for a bishop to remain absent from his dio- cese and still enjoy its revenues ; from this rule he did not except the cardinals, nor would he admit the holding an office in the administration as an excuse for non-residence. ]\Iany retired to their sees accordingly, others begged for some de- lay ;t but there were some who would not consent to leave Rome, and yet did not wi.sh to be accused of neglecting their duties; these, therefore, sent in the resignation of their bishoprics. But the most serious evil of Paul's early reign was the cir- cumstance that ho had derived from his studies in canon law the most exorbitant ideas concerning the importance of the papacy. The doctrines that the pope is the sole vice- gerent of Jesus Christ, that the power of the keys is intrusted to his discretion, and that he is to be reverenced in humility by all nations and princes, he desired to maintain in their most extended significance. ;{: He affirmed that he had been i-aised to that seat, not by men, but by the Divine Spirit, and with the duty impo.scd on him of guarding evory iniinunity of * The ambassadors alluded to in the preceding note relate this occurrence, adding the remark, that [it is conjectured that this pontiff will prove to be most inflexible and rigorous, and in matters of justice, most in- exorable.] See Appendix, Nos. 70 and 78. t Du Perron a Vilkroy, 17 May, KiOG: [The jiope having lately intimated his pleasure that all the cardinals wlio held bishoprics should go to them or should resign them, unless, indeed, they place coadjutors, I have thought, &c. &c.] i Relatione di IV. Ambasciatorl : [The present pope, knowing his spiritual greatness, and the implicit deference and obedience that is due to and should be paid him by all Christian nations, not excepting any monarch, however great.] 110 DISPUTES WITH VKNICE. [[1605-7. tlie church and all the prerogatives of God ; that he was bound in conscience to put forth all his strength for the deliverance of the church from usurpation and violence : he would rather risk his life to fulfil these duties than be called to account for the neglect of them when he should appear before the throne of God. With judicial severity he assumed the claims of the church to be identical with her rights, and regarded it as a point of conscience to revive and carry them out in their utmost rigour. § I "2. Disputes with Venice. From the time when the papal power had reinstated its authority in opposition to the efforts of Protestantism, and had given new life to those ideas which form the chief basis of the hierarchy, its canonical rights had likewise been all enforced with regard to the internal administration of Catholic states. While the Church subdued her opponents, her authority also received extension, as it related to her own adherents. When the bishops had been compelled to more rigid obe- dience, the monastic orders closely attached to the Curia, and all reforms completed in such a manner as should cause them at the same time to promote the supreme power of the pontiff, regular nunciaturas established their seats in all the capitals of Europe. These offices united with the authority of an em- bassy from an influential power, certain judicial rights, which secured them an essential influence over the most important relations of private life as well as of the state. Even where the Church had re-established itself in concert with the State — where both united had opposed themselves to the advancement of Protestant opinions — this circumstance soon gave rise to misunderstandings. In those days, as in our own, the Roman court was espe- cially careful to maintain all its rights and claims in Italy ; and from this cause we find the Italian States engaged in perpetual disputes with the ecclesiastical government. The old dissen- sions between the Church and these States had never been set at rest, neither in general by some decisive principle, nor yet, i 1605-7.] DISPUTES WITH VENICE. Ill in particular cases, by treaty and agreement. The pope.5 themselves differed in their views of these matters. Pius V. in- sisted most pertinaciously on all his claims, as did Gregory IV. ; at least, during the first half of his pontificate. Sixtus V. •was much more indulgent as regarded individual cases. The states and their envoys did their best to escape from all occasions of difficulty with the least possible prejudice to them- selves, and to seize on every circumstance capable of being turned to their own advantage ; nor did this method altogether fail of success. The inclinations of different popes were liable to change and pass away ; the interests of states were perma- nent, and remained ; or in any case the questions to be re- solved were thus rendered less the subjects of the canon law and of judicial interpretation, than of policy and of reciprocal demands and concessions. The mode in which Pope Paul V. viewed his claims was. however, essentially juridical ; he held the canonical regula- tions of the Decretals to be the laws of God himself. If his jjredecessors had made concessions or overlooked failures, he ascribed this, not to the inherent necessity of the case, but tc their personal negligence, and he believed himself called to the atonement of these faults. We consequently find him. soon after his accession, involved in bitter contentions with all his Italian neighbours. In Naples, the Regent Ponte, president of the royal coun- cil, had condemned an ecclesiastical notary to the galleys, for having refused to lay the evidence, in a case respecting a marriage, before the civil court, and a bookseller who had cir- culated the work of Baronius against the Sicilian monarchy, in contravention of the royal ordinance, had received a simi- lar sentence from the same person. A remonstrance (moni- toriuni) from Clement VIII., against these proceedings, had been disregarded ; Pope Paul V. pronounced a sentence of ex- communication without the delay of a moment.* The duke of Savoy had bestowed certain benefices, the right of nominating to which was claimed by the Roman court ; Genoa had prohibited societies assembling at the Jesuit colleges, because they had sought to control the elec- tions to public offices ; Lucca had made a general rule to the * Lea Ambassades du Cardinal du Perron, ii. G83 — 736. 112 BisprxKs wiTU vENici:. [^1605-7. •eftect, that no decree whatever, proceediug tVoiii the papal officers, shoukl be executed without the previous assent of tlie native magistracy ; and, finally, A-^enice had caused certain ecclesiastics, who had been guilty of heinous crimes, to be arraigned before the civil tribunals. It was precisely the universality of this opposition to the spiritual power that roused the official zeal and anger of the pope. In every case he interposed his authority with imperative commands and heavy menaces; nay, at this very moment he even extended still further the former claims of ecclesiastical supremacy. Among other things, he affirmed what had never before been heard of — that it did not belong to the temporal power to forbid the intercourse of its subjects with Protestants ; this was not the business of the State, but of the Church, and belonged exclusively to the ecclesiastical jurisdiction. The greater part of the Italian States considered these mea- sures as extravagancies, that, after more extended experience, would disappear of themselves. None wished to be the first to break with the pontiff. The grand duke of Tuscany de- clared that he had affairs on hand, by which the pope must needs be driven into a fury, but that he was trying to keej» them back for a time ; that Paul V. was a man ■ndio judgeil the world from a town of the Ecclesiastical States, where every thing was arranged according to the letter of the law,* but that all this must soon be changed ; the Spaniards would find themselves entangled, and they must be set free voluntarily, or would certainly rend the net : it was advisable that some such example should be waited for. The other states thought much in the same manner, and in the first instance they submitted. Genoa repealed her edict ; the duke of Savoy permitted the benefices in dispute to be made over to a nephew of the jDope ; and the Spaniards themselves allowed their regent to request absolution, and receive it before nume- rous witnesses. The Venetians alone, usually so prudent and accommo- dating, disdained to adopt this })olicy. It is however certain, that Venice had more serious cause * Relatione di IV. Ambasciatori : [The grand duke remembered that the pope was not used to reign as a great prince : he had governed in some city of the Church, where all was done in jiriestly fashion and with ecclesiastical rigour, but he was not cajiabie of ruling as supreme chief.] IGOj-7.] disputes with vkmce. llTf of initatiou than all the rest; aiul her case presented an exam- ple of how offeusive the encroachineuts of the Roman court might become, more especially towards a neighbouring state.* This vicinity proved in itself extremely inconvenient, par- ticularly after the Church had taken possession of Ferrara. The disputes respecting boundaries, which the republic had sometimes to settle with the dukes, were maintained with great increase of violence by the court of Rome. The Venetians were disturbed in the works they were prosecuting, at heavy cost, for regulating the waters of the Po ; and in their rights of possession as regarded the fisheries ; they could proceed in their operations only when their works were pro- tected by armed vessels, and were driven to seize on certain of the papal subjects, by way of reprisals for the confiscation of their fishing-boats by the Legate of Ferrara. . Meanwhile Paul V. also laid claim to the rights of sove- reignty over Ceneda, which the Venetians had exercised for centuries without dispute, and attempted to remove to Rome the appeals from the episcopal court, which held jurisdiction there. On this subject the exasperation was violent on both sides : the papal nuncio jiroceeded to excommunications, when the Venetian senate instantly took measures to secure that no civil injury should result to those aflfected by them. t Equally bitter were the dissensions respecting the tithes of the clergy ; the Venetians aflirmed that they had hitherto collected them without consulting the pope, nor would they now acknowledge the papal sanction to be requiijed for the levying of that impost. But it was a nmch more serious grievance that the Roman court daily increased the exemp- tions from the tax. The cardinals, who held extremely rich benefices, the Knights of jMalta, and the monasteries, were exempt from half the amount, while the mendicant orders, with all persons who were occupied abroad in the service of the Church, or could be included under any title in the pope's household ; and finally, even those to whom the Roman court * See Appendix , No. 78. t [While the dispute proceeded, it appeared, that some refused to hold intercourse with those who Lad been censured,] officers of the republic who had opposed the removal of appeals to Rome, [on which the senate, considering this likely to be injurious, first published a decree against all who should otfend such persons, and afterwards granted them annuities for life, to each according to his station.] T'OL. II. I 114 DISPUTES WITH VENICE. [1605-7. had assigned pensions payable out of the Venetian benefices, were declared exempt from the whole. It followed that the rich were not obliged to pay any thing, so that the whole burthen fell on the poor, who could not pay. The revenues of the Venetian clergy were computed to be eleven millions of ducats, but the tithes did not actually yield more than twelve thousand ducats.* In addition to all this came innumerable subjects of dispute affecting individuals rather than the state. Of these I will adduce one instance only. The prosperous condition enjoyed by the Venetian press during the early part of the sixteenth century is weU known. The republic was proud of this honourable branch of trade, but the regulations of the Curia brought it gradually to total Tuin. There was no end to the prohibition of books in Rome : first, those of the Protestants ; then all writings re- flecting on the morals of the clergy or the immunities of the church ; every book departing, in however slight a degree, from the Roman tenets, and the entire works of any author who had once incurred censure. The trade could now be carried on in books of indisputable orthodoxy only ; it was indeed somewhat revived, in a commercial point of view, by the richly-decorated missals and breviaries, for which the re- newal of Catholic opinions and tastes occasioned a very fair demand. But even this portion of the trade was now dimi- nished ; alterations and improvements in these books were imdertaken in Rome, where alone they were, in their new form, permitted to be published.! The Venetians remarked, with that angry disgust always excited when the public au- thority is perverted to the subservience of private interests, * From a declaration that was presented at Rome : [While the severity of the magistrates has been exaggerated, it is found that only twelve thousand ducats have hitherto been raised, which are not worth such outcries ; the fortune of the republic, by the grace of God, not being such as to make even a larger sum of importance.] Some ar- rangements were then made to correct this evU, but Contarini says : [Little good was produced, because the breach was already made, and the abuse was so firmly established, that removing it would have been more than difficult.] t [They had now got an idea in Rome, that they would theirselves print the m.issals and otlier books, depriving others of the power of doing so.] 1605-7.] DISPUTES ■NVITII VENICE. 115 that some of the officials appointed by the congregation of the Index, for the control of matters relating to the press, took share in the profits of the Roman printing establishments. Under these circumstances, the relations between Rome and Venice were marked by a painful restraint or by evidences of utter hatred. It is manifest that all this must have contributed largely to produce that opposition, both political and religious, by which Henry lY. was so greatly assisted in 1589. This resistance was confirmed and fostered by the victory of Henry, and by the entire development of European affairs. The dissensions ■\vith the pope himself conduced stiU further towards the gradual investment of those who represented these opinions with the conduct of public afi"airs. There were none who seemed better fitted to guard the interests of the republic against the ecclesiastical power. Leonardo Donato, the leader of the party opposed to Rome, was accordingly raised to the rank of Doge in January, 1606. All those friends by whose aid he had succeeded in the conflicts of internal parties he now admitted to a share in the management of public affairs. Whilst a pope appeared, by whom the disputed claims of his authority were overstrained with reckless zeal, the Vene- tian government passed into the hands of men, with whom opposition to the dominion of Rome had grown up with all their convictions, and had become a personal feeling ; by this they had risen to power, and they upheld the principle with all the more energy, because it served them at the same time as a means of repression and defence against their opponents within the republic. It resulted as an inevitable consequence from the nature of both these powers, that the collisions between them should daily become more hostile and more widely effective. The pope insisted not only on the surrender of the eccle- siastical malefactors, he demanded also the repeal of two laws, renewed by the Venetians a short time previously, and which forbade the alienation of real property in favour of the clergy, while they made the building of new churches contin- gent on the ajjproval of the secular authorities. He declared that he would not tolerate ordinances so directly opposed to the decrees of councils, the constitutions of his predecessorp, I 2 116 DISPUTES WITH VENICE. [[1605-7. and all the maxims of the canon law. The Venetians would not yield a hair's breadth ; they said that these were funda- mental laws of their state, handed down to them by their forefathers, who had deserved so well of Christendom, and that in the eyes of the republic they were inviolalile. The disputants did not long confine themselves to the im- mediate subject of contention ; both parties instantly brought forward other grievances. The Church considered itself wronged by the entire constitution of Venice — a republic which forbade all recourse to Rome ; which excluded, under the title of papalists, all those who by holding clerical offices were connected with the Curia, from the council of ecclesi- astical affiiirs, and which even laid the burthen of taxes on the clergy. The Venetians, on the other hand, maintained, that even these restrictions were utterly inadequate ; they demanded that their ecclesiastical benefices shoidd be con- ferred on natives of Venice only ; that their inquisition should be directed exclusively by themselves ; that every buU should be submitted to the approval of the state ; that all ecclesiastical assemblies should be presided over by a layman, and that all sending of money to Rome should be prohibited. Nor did the}'' stop even here ; from the questions imme- diately in debate, they proceeded to general jJi'inciples. The Jesuits had long since deduced from their doctrine of the power of the pope, the most important consequences in support of clerical rights, and these they now failed not to repeat with their accustomed energy and promptitude. The spirit, says Bellarmine, guides and controls the flesh, and not the contrary ; neither must the secular power exalt itself over the spiritual, to guide, to command, or to punish ; this would be a rebellion, a heathenish tyranny.'" The priesthood has its princes who govern it, not in sjjiritual things * Response of Cardinal Bellarmine to a letter without the name of its author (a pamphlet of 1606) : [Reason directs, rules, and commands the flesh, castigating it at times by fastings and vigils ; but the flesli neither directs, nor rules, nor punishes the reason : thus the spiritual power is superior to the temporal authority, and, therefore, can and ought to direct, rule, command, and punish, when the latter conducts itself ill ; but the secular power is not superior to the spiritual, and caimot direct, rule, command, or punish it, except by rendering itself guilty of rebellion and tyranny, as Gentile and heretic princes liave sometimes done.] J 605-7.] DISPUTES WITH VENICE. 117 only, but in teinj)oral matters also. It could not possibly acknowledge any particular temporal superior. No man can serve two masters. It is for the priest to judge the emperor, not the emperor the priest ; it would be absurd for the sheep to pretend to judge the shepherd.* Neither must the prince attempt to derive any revenue from ecclesiastical property. He may draAv his tribute from the laity; the priesthood aflfords him the far more important aids of prayer and sacri- fice. The clergyman is exempt from all burthens, whether on person or property : he belongs to the family of Christ. If these exemptions are not founded on any express command of holy Scripture, they are certainly based on const quences to be drawn from it, and on analogy. To the priests of the New Testament belong precisely the same rights that were conferred on the Levites in the Old Testament.t This was a doctrine which secured to that spiritual re- public, claiming so important an influence over the state, a no less comi)lete independence of any reciprocal influence over itself from the state. It was a doctrine for the establish- ment of which, no labour was spared in Rome ; innumerable arguments from Scripture were quoted ; decrees of councils were brought forward ; imperial and papal constitutions were cited ; and it was considered to be altogether beyond dispute. Wh(^ was there in Venice that might venture to oppose himself to a Bellarmine, or a Baronius ? The Venetians, nevertheless, were providey Fra Paolo and his friends M'ere chiefly foimded. They started from the principle which had been successfully contended for in France, that the sovereign power is derived immediately from God, and can be subject to no control. The pope has not even the right to inquire whether the proceed- ings of a state be sinful or not. For whither would this tend ? Was there any that might not be sinful, at least, as regarded its ultimate aim ? The pope would have to examine every thing, to interfere in all. The temporal sovereignty would, in fact, be annihilated. To this sovereignty the clergy is subjected as well as the laity. All power, says the a])Ostle, comes from God. From the obedience due to the established authorities no one is exempt any more than frqm obedience to God. The prince gives the law ; he judges every man, and demands tribute from all ; in all things the clergy owe him an obedience equal to that required from the laity."' The pope also undoubtedly possesses jurisdiction, but one that is exclusively spiritual. Did Christ exercise a temporal jurisdiction ? Neither to St. Peter, nor to his successors, could he have transferred what he did not claim for himself. In no degree therefore can the exemption of the clergy be (lerived from an original divine right ;t it depends on the ^v\\\ i. 479 ; iin observation which is the more important for those times, be- cause Mariana, for example, deduced the most extensive secular jirivileges for the clergy from those decrees of the Spanish councils ; but it must be always observed that even at that time the spiritual and temporal claims were already cither mingled together or in dispute. The old Gothic monarchy in Spain had in effect a powerful spiritual element, for old laws are gene- rally founded on a far remote condition of things. * Risposta d'un dnttore in theologia ad una lettera scrittagli sopra il breve delle censure : [All persons, therefore, both ecclesiastic and secular, are subject to the temjjoral sovereign by divine right. Let every soul be subject to the higher powers (omnis anima potcstatibus sublimioribus subdita sit); and the reason is clear, for as none is exempted from the obedi- ence due to Ciod. so none is exempted from the obedience due to the prince, because, as the apostle says, all power is from God (omnis potestas a Deo).] t Difcsa di Giovanni Marsilio a favore della risposta delle otto pro- positioni, contra la quale ha scritto rill'"", e rev"'". S^ C. Bellarmino, Venczia, IGOG. This explains the meaning of its autlior, who has ex- pressed himself somewhat obsciu-ely, in the following manner ; but thrj explanation is at least authentic, since it comes from the same side : 122 DISPUTES WITH VENICE. ^1605-7. of tbe sovereign only. The prince lias conferred property and jurisdiction on the Cliurch ; he is her protector, her general patron. On him, therefore, the nomination of the clergy depends of right ; to him also belongs the publication of bulls. The prince cannot surrender this power, even if he would. It is a trust confided to him ; he is bound in conscience to deliver it unimpaired to his successor. Thus did the claims and theory of the State oppose them- selves boldly to the claims and theory of the Churchi The tendencies of conflicting powers were expressed in opposite systems. The internal fusion of spiritual and temporal interest in the European states presents a wide domain of human action, wherein both meet and blend. The Church had long demanded this whole domain as its exclusive possession, and now renewed this claim ; the State, on the other hand, had also at times asserted a similar claim, but never before, per- haps, had it been so boldly and systematically brought for- ward as on this occasion. It was impossible that these claims could ever be legally adjusted ; and politically, their regula- tion was possible only by means of mutual concessions. When neither party would make these to the other, it must come to a trial of force. Each side had then to prove how far its strength could reach ; if a conflict were commenced for the right to obedience, nothing further remained but to shew which had the power to enforce it. On the 17th of April, 1606, the pope pronounced sentence of excommunication on the doge, senate, and government of Venice collectedly, more particularly on the consultors. This he did with all the stern forms of past ages, and with especial reference to the most omnipotent of his predecessors ; as, for example, to Innocent III. He allowed the condemned only the shortest intervals for recantation— three of eight days and one of three days, namely. After the lapse of these, all churches of the Venetian territory — those of convents and private chapels not excepted — were to be prohibited from [The author says two things : first, that the persons of ecclesiastics are not exempt from the secular power, nor yet their property, meaning thereby things to which the said power extends (that is, not to matters purely spiritual) ; the second is, that the exemption possessed by ecclesi- astics is not by divine right, but merely by hum.an law,] (p. C2). 1605-7.] DISPCTES 'SVITH VENICE. 123 performing divine service : they were laid under interdict. It was imposed on the Venetian clergy, as a duty, to pub- lish this letter of interdict before the assembled congre- gations,* and to have it fixed on the church doors. The whole body of the clergy, fi-om the patriarch to the parish priest, were enjoined to execute this command, under pain of rigorous punishments from God and man. Such was the attack; the defence did not display et^ual vigour. It was proposed in the college of Venice to enter a solemn protest, as had been done in earlier times ; but this proposal was rejected, on the ground that the sentence of the pope was in itself null and void, and had not even a show of justice. In a short proclamation, occupying only a quarto page, Leonardo Donate made known to the clergy the resolution of the republic to maintain the sovereign authority, " which acknowledges no other superior in worldly things save God alone," Her faithful clergy would of themselves perceive the nullity of the " censures" issued against them, and would continue the discharge of their functions, the cure of souls and the worship of God, without interruption. No alarm was expressed, no menaces were uttered, the proclamation was a mere expression of confidence and security. It is, however, probable that something more may have been done by verbal commun ication. + By these proceedings, the question of claim and right became at once a question of strength and of possession. Commanded by their two superiors — the pope and the republic — to give contradictory proofs of obedience, the Venetian clergy were now called on to decide to which of the two they would render that obedience. They did not hesitate ; they obeyed the republic : not a copy of the brief was fixed up.|. The delay appointed by the * [When the great assemblage of the people should be gathered together for divine service], as had been done in Ferrara with such effective results. — Letter of censure and of interdict of his holiness, our lord Pope Paul V. against the Venetians, 606. t This proclamation of the 6th of May, 1606, is printed by Rampa- zetto, the ducal printer (stampator ducale). On the title-page is seen the Evangelist St. Mark with the book of the Gospels and uplifted sword. In the senate, as Priuli tells us, they discussed [the many and ■notorious nullities] of the papal brief. X P. Sarpi, Historia particolare, lib. ii. p. 55, affirms that certain persons who had attempted to fix up the bulls had been arrested by the inhabitants themselves. 124 DISPUTES WITH VENICE. Q 605-7. pope expired ; public worship was everywhere conducted as usual. As the .secular clergy had decided, so did also the monastic orders. The only excejitiou to this was presented by the orders newly instituted, and in which tlie principle of ecclesiastical restoration was more particularly represented ; these were the Jesuits, Thea tines, and Capuchins. The Jesuits, in so far as • they were themselves concerned, were not altogether decided ; they first took counsel of their Provincial at Fer- rara, and afterAvards of their General in Rome, who referred the question to the Pope himself. Paul V. replied that they must either observe the interdict, or shake the dust from their feet and leave Ycnice. A hard decision assuredly, since they were distinctly informed that they would never be permitted to return ; but the principle of their institution allowed them no choice. Embarking in their boats, they departed from the city, and took shelter in the papal dominions." Their exam- ple influenced the other two orders.+ A middle course was nroposed by the Theatines, but the Venetians did not think it advisable ; they would suffer no division in their land, and demanded either obedience or departure. The deserted churches were easily provided with other priests, and care was taken that none should perceive a deficiency. The festival of the Corpus Christi next succeeding, was solemnized with exti'aordinary pomp, and a more than commonly numerous procession. | But it is manifest that the result Avas a complete schism. The pope was amazed ; his exaggerated pretensions were confronted by the realities of things with the most unshrink- ing boldness. Did any means exist by which these might be overcome ? Paul V. thought at times of having recourse to arms : even in the Congregations, warlike opinions had at one moment the ascendancy. Cardinal Sauli exclaimed that the Venetians should be castigated. Legates were despatched, * Juvencius, Hist. Soc. Jesu, v. ii. p. 93. t If V. Sandi continues to mention [the reformed brethren of St. Francis], that proceeds only from the fact, that the Capuchins were, in effect, reformed Franciscans, and are so called on this occasion by A. Morosini. This error of Sandi has been committed hy other writers also. J A. Maurocemis, Historia Ven. tom. iii. p. 350. 160.)-?. 3 DISPUTES -WITH VENICE. 125 and troop.s fitted out ; but in eli'ect they davjd not venture to attempt force. There would liave been cause to a2)prehend that Venice would call the Protestants to her aid, and thus throw all Italy, nay the Catholic world at large, into the inost perilous commotions. They must again betake themselves, as on former occasions, to political measures, for the adjustment of these questions touching the rights of the Church. The arrangement of these measures could not, however, be attempted on this occasion by the parties themselves ; the animosities between them were too violent ; it was confided to the mediation of the two leading powers — France and Spain. But the private interest of both would, of course, require to be considered in the matter. There was a party in each of these two kingdoms, to which the outbreak of hostilities would have been v.elcome. Among the Spaniards, this was formed by the zealous Catholics (who thereby hoped to enchain the Roman see once more to the monarchy), and the governors of the Italian provinces, whose power would be increased by war. The Spanish ambassador to Rome, Viglienua, also wished for war, thinking it would afford him opportunities for advancing liis family to high ecclesiastical dignities. In France, on the contrary, it was precisely the most zealous Protestants who desired a rupture. Sully and his adherents would have gladly seen an Italian war, because the Netherlands, just then hard pressed by Spinola, might by that means have gained time to breathe. Each of these parties oven proceeded to demonstrations of war. The king of Spain despatched a letter to the pope, with promises of aid, at least in general terms. In France the A'^enetian ambassador also received offers from men in high jiositions ; it was his opinion that he could gather an army of fifteen thousand Frenchmen in a month. This mode of thinking did not however obtain the ascendancy. Lerma and Villcroy, the leading ministers of Spain and France, desired to maintain peace. The Si»anish statesman placed his glory chiefly in the restoration of jjcace, and Villeroy belonged to the rigidly Catholic party, and would never have consented that the pope should be attacked by tlie French. ''■ The * Relatione di Pietro Priuli ritornato di Fraiicia, 4 Sett 1608, con- 126 DISPUTES "WITH VENICE. [^1605-7. princes agreed with their ministers ; Henry IV. remarked with justice, that if he drew his sword for the republic he should endanger his reputation as a good Catholic. Philip III. despatched a new declaration to the pope- — he would assist him, but certainly not without security for the return of the cost ; and even then, it must be for good and not for evil."'' All possibility of war was thus destroyed. The two powers were emulous only of contributing the most effectually to the restoration of peace, so that each might thereby the better extend and secure its own interest. For this purpose Fran- cesco di Castro, the nephew of Lerma, proceeded to Venice on the part of Spain; as did Cardinal Joyeuse on that of France. I have neither inclination nor means for a detailed account of these negotiations through the whole course of the pro- ceedings ; it will besides be sufficient if we obtain a clear perception of their most important characteristics. The first difficulty was presented by the pope, who insisted, before all things, that the Venetian laws, which had given hira so much offence, should be repealed; and he made the suspen- sion of his ecclesiastical censures to depend on their repeal. But the Venetians, also, on their part, with a certain re- publican self-complacency, were accustomed to declare theii laws sacred and inviolable. When the papal demand was tains a circumstantial account of the interest taken by the French in these transactions. Villeroy declares [this to be a most opportune and proper occasion for gaining the goodwill of the pope ; the king, assured by his ambassador to the republic, that Your Serenity (he is addressing the Venetian republic) would not put the negotiations into any other hands than his own, had the intention of employing this opportunity for gaining over the pontiff and binding him to himself.] * Francesco Priuli, Relatione di Spagna, 26 Ag. 1608 : [The constable l came to seek me at my house, and told me frequently, that the order for I assembling troops was given for no other purpose than to avoid being idle, when all the powers of the world were arming themselves ; but that they I were by no means provided with money ; he recommended peace in Italy, J and said the republic would lose nothing by being liberal in obsequious j words, to obtain in effect all that it desired. ... At the time when the duke of Lerma spoke in exaggerated terms to the English ambassador of j the forces to be gathered, they were even then writing to the pope that] his majesty had, doubtless, promised to aid him, but that this was in- 1 tended to be for good and not for evil, . . . that the commencement of wars was in the hands of men, but their conclusion was in the power of|j God alone.] See Appendix, No. 81, Section 1. I 1605-7.] DISPUTES WITH VENICE. 127 brought under discussion in January, 1607, although the college wavered, yet at last it was decidedly rejected in the senate."" The French, who had given their word to the pope, succeeded in bringing the question forward once more in March, when of the four opponents in the college, one at least withdrew his objections. After the arguments on both sides had again been fully stated in the senate, there was still, it is true, no formal or express repeal of the laws, but a decision was adopted to the eftect that " the republic would conduct itself with its accustomed piety." However obscure these words appear, the ambassador and the pope thought they discovered in them the fulfilment of their wishes. The pope then sus- pended his censures. But there immediately arose another and very unexpected difticulty; the Venetians refused to permit the return of the Jesuits, who had been excluded, after their departure, by a solemn decree. Could it however be supposed that the pope would suffer his faithful adherents, who had committed no other offence than that of an inviolable attachment to himself, to be left at such heavy disadvantage ? He sought by every possible ex- pedient to alter the resolution of the Venetians. The Jesuits had the French also on their side ; they had secured the good- will of Henry IV. on this occasion likewise by a special em- bassy, and Joyeuse took particular interest in their case ; the Venetians nevertheless remained immovable.t * Ger. Priuli, Cronica Veneta, 20 Zener. 1606 (1G07) : [After a long: discussion of eight days, and among many fluctuations of opinion, the senate determined to reply to the ambassadors of France and Spain, that the republic cannot agree to any form of suspension whatever, seeing that this case would be a perpetual precedent ; this resolution was proposed by S. Bembo and Al. Zorzi, elders of the council, and by A. Mula and S. Venier, ciders of the mainland.] Others desired to adopt a more moderate decision ; nor is it improbable that they would have carried their point, had not intelligence arrived that there was nothing to fear from the Spanish arms, in consequence of the disturbances in Naples : [A positive refusal of the suspension was then determined], by ninety- nine votes to seventy-eight, giving a majority of twenty-one. Yet Bembo himself withdrew his support from that proposal on the 9th of March ; and, on the 14th, the more moderate decision was carried, in despite of the opposition made by Zorzi, Mula, and Venier.] t Pietro Priuli, Relatione di Francia, adds to this: " Solamente I'ufficio deir ambascin.tore ritenne la dispositioue che aveva S. M*. ecci • 1518 DISPUTES WITH VENICE. \jl605-7. A very extraordinary circumstance was, that the Spaniards ^leclared themselves rather against the order than for it. The Dominican interest was predominant in Spain, and Lerma, who did not favour the Jesuits, considered it unadvisable, as a general principle, that a state should be compelled to permit the return of disobedient subjects. Francesco di Castro at first avoided all mention of the Jesuits, and at length opposed liimself directly to the intercession made for them by the French." This manifestation, although based, in fact, on the actual condition of things, Avas yet so striking, that the pope himself was startled by it, and suspecting that a deeper mystery was somewhere concealed in it, he ceased to insist that the Jesuits should be restored, t But how dearly must this resolution have cost him ! For the wake of a couple of insignificant laws he had shewn himself willing to permit the whole world to be embroiled ; yet he now abandoned his most faithful adherents to perpetual exile from a Catholic and Italian territory.;!: On the other liand, the republic consented to deliver up the two priests who had been arrested. But she still claimed the right of entering an assertion of her legal powers, of which the pope refused absolutely to hear one word. The expedient finally adopted was very •-ingular.§ The secretary of the Venetian senate conducted tata dall' efficaci instanze che furono fatte da un padre Barisoni Padoano mandato in Francia espressamente dalla sua congregatione col pensiero d'ottener di interessarsi acciocclie fussero di nuovo ricevuti. " {See text.) * Francesco Priuli, Relatione di Spagna : [The Spaniards hearing that the French insisted on the restoration of the Jesuits, wrote to Rome and to Venice, declaring that they would not enter on that subject, and to the republic, they gave as a reason, their not desiring to negotiate with the aforesaid persons, who had so gravely offended her.] t Francesco Priuli : " Venuto I'avviso dell' intiero accomodameuto, desisterono dal procurare che si trattasse di loro con la S'^. V., non solo per non aver voluto parlar di loro, ma per essersi attraversati agli gagliardi ufficj di Francesi : che fece dubitare il papa di qualche recon- dito mistero, e non vi volse insistere con che essi non sapevano che dire." {See text.) % Ger. Priuli. [This affair of the Jesuits weighed heavily on the pope ; it grieved him deeply, not indeed for their sakes, but on account of his own reputation.] , § Joyeuse speaks oi this as a condition, he says : [That if the censureR l^iO.">-7.]] niSPUTES AVITII VK.MCE. 12i» the prisoners to the palace of the French ambassador, " and (Iclivored them into his hands, out of respect," he said, " for the most Christian king, and with the previous understanding that the right of the republic to judge her own clergy should not thereby be diminished." " So I receive them," replied the ambassador, and led them before the cardinal, who was walking up and down in a gallery (loggia). "These are the prisoners," said he, " who are to be given up to the pope ;" but he did not allude to the reservation. Then the cardinal, without uttering one word, delivered them to the papal com- )nissary, who received them with a sign of the cross. But how far were the parties from liaA'ing yet arrived at a '•loar understanding : a mere external appearance of reconci- liation was their principal object. Even that was, however, not to be attained until the cen- sures had been removed and absolution granted. The A'enetiaus had, moreover, objections to make against this very absolution ; they persisted in maintaining tha-t the censure was in itself null and void ; that it had in no way \ affected them, and that they were consequently in no need of aibsolution. Joyeuse declared to them, that he could not alter the^forms of the church. Finally they came to an agreement that ^le absolution should not be conferred with the usual publicity^ Joyeuse " appeared in the cciUege, and pronounced it there, as it were, jirivately. The Venetians have always \ persuaded themselves that they escaped altogether Avithout [ absolution.* It is true that absolution was not given with all I the formalities, but given it certainly was.t , Upon the whole, it is sufficiently obvious that the points in disjmte were not arranged so entirely to the advantage of the Venetians as is commonly asserted. The laws of which the j)ope complained were suspended, the priests whose surrender he had required, were given up to are removed, the two prisoners shall be delivered up to those who shall receive them la the name of his holiness ; and though Her Serenity (Venice) declares that, she resits them for the (gratification of his most Christian majesty, yet they are, to be given up without a word said.] * Daru, at tlie dose of liis 2'Jth book, gives tl;c letter of Joyeuse, which is, beyond all doubt, the only one of imjiortance that he has adduced respecting this atlair ; but he makes certain objections to it, which ajipear to me entirely untenable. t See Appendix, No. 79. VOL. II. K 130 ISSUE OF THE AFFAIRS [[1807. liini, the absolution itself was received ; but all these conces- sions were made with the most extraordinary limitations. The Venetians proceeded as in an affair of honour. With anxious care for their reputation, they limited every concession by all possible restrictive clauses, and did their utmost to neutralize the effect of each. The pope, on his part, remained at a disadvantage also, since he had been compelled to resolve- on a concession, manifest to all, by no means honourable in its character, and which at once excited the attention of the whole world. These arrangements beiug made, the relations between Rome and Venice returned — at least in appearance — to their former course. Paul V. exclaimed to the first ambassador from the Venetians, " Let old things be put away — let all now be new." He more than once complained that Venice would not forget what he, on his side, had forgotten ; and displayed as much forbearance and mildness as any one of his prede- cessors.* Yet all that was gained amounted only to this : that new dissensions were avoided ; the essential grounds of dispute remained ; a true and mutual confidence was not indeed to be easily restored.t § 13. Issue of the Affairs of the Jesuits. The contest between the Jesuits and Dominicans was mean- while terminated in a similar manner ; that is, very imper- fectly. Clement died, as we have seen, l:)cfore he had pronounced judgment. The question was taken up by Paul V. with all the zeal by which the early part of his administration was distinguished. No fewer than seventeen meetings were held in his presence, from September, 1605, to February, 1606. He was equally disposed with his predecessor towards the old system, and to the side of the Dominicans. In October and November, 1606, meetings were even held for the purpose * Relatione di Mocenigo, 1512. The pope declared [that, for the interest of Italy, there should always be a good understanding between that see and this republic] f See Appendix, No. 81. 1607-3 ^^ "^^^ JESUITS. 131 of dccidiucr on the form iu which the Jesuit doctriuei- should be condemned. The Dominicans believed they held the vic- tory already in their hands.* But it was just at this time that the Venetian afiairs had been aiTanged in the manner we have been observing. The Jesuits had given the Eoman see a proof of attachment, whereby they greatly surpassed every other order, and for this Venice was making them pay the penalty. Under these circumstances it would have seemed cruelty in the Roman see to haA'e visited these, its most faithful servants, with a decree of condemnation. When all was prepared for that purpose, the pope paused ; for some time he suffered the affair to rest ; at length, on the 29th of August, 1667, he pub- lished a declaration, by which "disputatores" and "consultores" were dismissed to their respective homes ; the decision was to be made known in due time ; meanwhile it was the most earnest desire of his holiness that neither party should asperse or dis- parage the other. + By this decision the Jesuits, after all, derived an advantage from the losses they had sustained in Venice. It was a great gain for them that their contraverted doctrines, though cer- tainly not confirmed, were yet not rejected. They even boasted of victory ; and with the public prepossession in favour of their orthodoxy once again secured, they now pur- sued with unremitting ardour the course of doctrine to Avhich they had before attached themselves. The only question yet remaining wa.*, whether they would also succeed in pei'fectly composing their internal disquietudes. Violent fermentation still prevailed in the order. The changes made in its constitution proved insufficient, and the members of the Spanish opposition persisted in their efforts for securing their principal aim ; namely, the removal of Acquaviva. The procurators of all the provinces at length de- clared a general congregation necessary, which was a circuDj- * Serry, Historia Congregationum de Auxiliis, gives the documents respecting this matter in p. 562, and following pages : " Gratia; victrici," he says himself, "jam canebatur ' lo triumphe.' " t Coronelli, secretary of the Congregation, in Serry, p. 589 : " Tra tanto ha ordinate (S. S".) molto seriamcnte che uel trattare di queste materie hessuno ardisca di (lualificare e censnrare I'altra parte. (See icxt.) K 2 132 AFFAIRS OF THE JESUITS. [[1607. stance tliat never had occurred before. In the year 1607, tho members assembled, and effectual changes were to be once; more brought under discussion. We have already more than once alluded to the close al- liance into which the Jesuits had entered with Henry lY., and the favour accorded to them by that sovereign. He even took part in the internal disputes of the order, and was entirely on the side of Acquaviva. In a letter written expressly for the purpose, he not only assured the General of his friendly regard, but also gave the Congregation to understand his wish that no change in the constitution of the society should be proposed.* Nor did Acquaviva fail to make excellent use of so jiower- ful a protection. It was principally in the i^roviucial congregations that the opposition he encountered had its seat. He now car- ried through a law, by virtue of which, no j)roposition should in the first place be considered as adopted by a ])rovincial assembly, unless supjjorted by two-thirds of the votes ; and further, even when thus adopted, such proposition should not be admitted for discussion in the general assembly, unless a majority of the latter had previously assented to it. These regulations Avere manifestly calculated to produce extraor- dinary diminution in the authority of the pi'ovincial congre- gations. Nor was this all ; a formal sentence of condemnation was also pronounced on the enemies of the General, and the su- periors of j^rovinces received express command to proceed against the so-called disturbers of the peace. Tranquillity was thus gradually restored. The Spanish members resigned themselves to submission, and ceased to contend against the new direction taken by their order. A more pliant generation gradually arose, which was educated under the predumiua'nt influences. The General, on his side, endeavoured to requite Henry IV., by redoubled devotion, for the favours received at his hands. * Literse Cliristianissimi regis ad congregates patres, iv. Kal. Dec. 1607, in Juvencius, v. ii. lib. Lx. n. 108 : [And we exhort you to main- tain your institution in its integrity and splendour,] ICO?.] CONCLUSION". 133 Conclusion. Thus were all these coiitentioiKs ouce more allayed, and gave promise of subsiding into peace. But ii" we reflect on their progress, and their results as a Avliolo, wc perceive that the most essential changes had been 1 hereby produced in the centre and heart of the Catholic church. AVe started from that moment when the p:ipal power, en- gaged in victorious conflict, was marching forward to the jtlenitude of authority. In close alliance with the policy of Spain, it conceived the design of impelling all the Catholic; ]>owcr-s in one direction, and overwhelming those who had .'Separated from it by one great movement. Had the papacy succeeded in this purpose, it would have exalted the ecclesias- tical impulse to unlimited sovereignty ; would have bound all Catholic states in one all-embracing unity of ideas, faith, .social life, aud policy ; and would thus liave secured to itself a paramount and irresistible influence even over their domestic a Hairs. But at this jirecise momeut the most \iolent dissensions arose within its own bosom. In the matter of France, the feeling of nationality arraj'cd itself against the pretensions of the hierarchy. Even those wiio held the Catholic faith would not endure to be dependent on the ruling [trinciples of the church in every particular, nor to bo guiiled on all points by the spiritual sovereign. There wore other principles remaining — as of temporal policy, of national iiulependencc ; all Avhich opposed themselves to the designs of the pai)acy with invincible energy. Upon the whole, we may attirm that these principles obtained the vic- tory; the pope was comj)elled to acknowledge them, and the .B'n.'uch churcli even efl'ected its restoration l)y adopting them as its basis. But it followed, from this circumstance, that France again plunged herself into perpetual hostilities with the Spanish monarchy ; that two great powers, naturally prone to rivalry, aud always disposed for battle, coufrontcil each other in the centre of the Catholic world, — so little was it possible to pre- 2S4 CONCLUSION. []1607. serve unity. The circumstances of Italy were indeed of such a character, that these dissensions, and the balance of power resulting from them, produced advantages to the Roman see. Meanwhile, new theological discords also broke out. How- ever acute and precise the definitions of the Council of Trent might be, they were yet not equal to the prevention of dis- putes. Within the limits traced by these decisions there was still room for new controversies respecting the faith. The two most influential of the orders opposed each other in the lists. The two great powers even took part to a certain ex- tent in the contest ; nor had Rome the courage to pronounce a decision. In addition to these dissensions, came those regarding the limits of the ecclesiastical and secular jurisdictions ; dissensions of local origin, and with a neighbour of no very important power, but conducted in a spirit, and with an effect that raised them into universal importance.* Justly is the memory of Paolo Sarpi held in honour through all Catholic states. He it was by whom those ecclesiastical rights, which they enjoy in common, were contended for and won. The pope ^lid not find himself capable of putting him down. Conflicts thus marked between ideas and doctrines, between constitutional and absolute power, efl"ectually impeded that ecclesiastical and secular unity which the papacy desired to establish, and even threatened to subvert it entirely. The course of events made it nevertheless obvious that pa- cific and conservative ideas were once more the stronger. Internal discords were not to be prevented ; but an open struggle Avas avoided. Peace was restored and maintained between the two great powers. Italian interests had not yet advanced to a full perception of their own strength, nor to an effectual activity in employing it ; silence was imposed on the contending orders ; the difierences between Church and State were not carried to extremity. Yenice accepted the proflTered mediation. The policy of the papacy was to assume, as far as possible, a position above that of parties, and to mediate in their * [Your Serenity, exclaims P. Priuli to his government, on his return from France, may be said to have declared within what limits it shall be permitted to the pontificate to extend its authority, whether spiritual or temporal.] — Relatione di Francis, 1G08. 1607.] CONCLUSION. 135 dissfiiifions ; a purpose wliicli it still possessed sufficient authority to efl'ect. This polic}', ^vithout doubt, experieuced reaction from that which had iu part proceeded from itself, the continued ])r0" grcss, namely, of the great external movement, the advance of Catholic reformation, and the struggle v.ith Protestantism, which was still proceeding without interruption. To the further development of that struggle we must now return. 136 BOOK VII. — -^ — COUNTER REFORMATION. SECOND PERIOD, 1590—1630. I THINK I do not deceive myself, or pass beyond the pro- vince of history, in supposing that I here discover, and in seeking to indicate, one of the universal laws of social life. It is unquestionably true, that there are at all periods forces of the living mind by which the world is moved pro- foundly ; gradually prepared in the long course of bygone centuries, they arise in the fulness of time, called forth by natures of intrinsic might and vigour from the unfathomed depths of the human spirit. It is of their very essence and being that they should seek to gain possession of the world, — to over-match and subdue it. But the more perfect their success, the more extended the circle of their action, so much the more certainly do they come in contact with peculiar and independent forms of social life, which they cannot wholly subdue or absorb into their own being. Hence it happens that, being, as they ai-e, in a state of never-ceasing progress, they ex2>erience modifications in themselves. Whilst appropriating what is foreign to their own existence, they also assume a portion of its characteristics ; tendencies are then developed within them ; crises of existence, that are not unfrequently at variance with their ruling principle ; these also must, however, necessarily expand and increase with the general progress ; the object to be then secured is, that they do not obtain the predominance : for if this were permitted, all unity, and that essential principle on which it reposes, would be utterly destroyed. We have seen how violently internal contradictions and profound contrasts were in action during the restoration of 1590-1617.1 CATHOHCISIM IN POLAND. 137 tlie papacy ; still the rulin,;^ idea retained the victory ; the higher unity yet preserved its ascendancy, though not perhaps Avith all its ancient and comprehensive power, and continually pressed forward with unremitting steps, even during periods «if internal strife, from which indeed it seemed to derive increased energy for new conquests. These enterprises now solicit our attention. How far they succeeded ; the revolutions that were their consequences, and the opposition they encountered, whether from within or from without, are all questions of the utmost importance to the world in y the agency of a Catholic king that the pope was enabled to make war on them. Of all the foreign ambassadors in Poland, the papal nuncios alone jjosscssed the right of demanding audience of the king without the presence of a senator. We know what these men were ; they had prudence and address enough to cultivate and profit by the confidential intercourse thus placed within their reach. In the beginning of the eightieth year of the sixteenth century. Cardinal Bolognctto was nuncio in Poland. He complained of the severity of the climate; of the cold, to 138 CATHOLICISM IN POLAND AXD [1590-1617. Avhleh, as an Italiau, lie was doubly susceptible ; of tlie close, suiFocating air in the small lieated rooms, and of tbe whole mode of life, ^vhich was utterly uncongenial to his habits and predilections. He nevertheless accompanied King Stephen from Warsaw to Cracow, from Wilna to Lublin, — through- out the kingdom in short ; at times in rather melancholy mood, but none the less indefatigable. During the campaigns, he kept up his intercourse with the king, at least by letter, and maintained an uninterrupted connection between the interests of Rome and the royal personage. We have a circumstantial relation of his official proceedings, and from this we learn the character of his undertakings, and how far he prospered in them.*'" Above all things, he exhorted the king to appoint Catholics only to the government offices ; to permit no other form of worship than that of the Catholic church in the royal towns, and to re-establish the tithes ; measures which were adopted about the same time in other countries, and which promoted or indicated the renovation of Catholicism. But the nuncio was not wholly successful in the first instance. King Stephen thought he could not go so far ; he declared that he was not sufficiently powerful to venture it. Yet this prince was not only imbued with Catholic con- victions, he had besides an innate zeal for the interests of the church, and in many other particulars his decisions were regulated by the representations of the nuncio. It was under the immediate patronage of royalty that the Jesuit colleges in Cracow, Grodno, and Pultusk were esta- blished. The new calendar was introduced without difficulty, and the ordinances of the Council of Trent were for the most part carried into full effect. But the most important circum- stance was, the king's determination that the bishoprics should, for the future, be conferred on Catholics only.t Pro- testants had previously made their way even to those eccle- * Spannocclii, Relatione all' iU""". rev"". Cardinal Rusticucci, se- gretario di N. S. Papa Sisto V. : [Report to the most illustrious and most reverend Cardinal Rusticucci, secretary of our lord Pope Sixtus V., concerning the religious affairs of Poland, and of the measures of Cardinal Bolognetto, during four years that lie was nuncio in that province.] See Appendix, No. 61. t [The king being resolved that none should hold churches who were not of the true faith of Rome.] — Spannocchi. ] 590-161 7-3 THE NEIGHBOURING TERRITORIES. 139 Kiastical diirnities ; but tlic miiioio was now authorized to sum- mon tlieni before his tribunal, and to depose them ; a fact of all the more importance, inasmuch as that a seat and A'ote in the senate were attached to the episcopal office. It was this political efficacy of the spiritual institutions that the nuncio most especially sought to turn to account. Above all, he exhorted the bishops to be unanimous, as regarded the measures to be adopted at the diet, and these measures were prescribed by himself. With the most powerful of the Polish ecclesiastics, the archbishop of Gnesen and the bishop of Cracow, Bolognetto had formed a close personal intimacy, which was of infinite utility for the promotion of his views. Thus he succeeded, not only in awakening new zeal among the clergy, but also in at once obtaining extensive influence over temporal affairs. The English were making proposals for a commercial treaty with Poland, which promised to become very advantageous, more ])articularly for Dautzic. It was by the nuncio alone that this purpose was defeated, and principally because the English required a distinct pro- mise that they should be allowed to trade and live in peace, without being persecuted on account of their religion.* These things suffice to shew, that however moderate King Stephen might be, it was yet under him that Catholicism first acquired an essential reinstation in Poland. And this had all the more importance from the fact that the most influential party in the country, the Zamoisky fac- tion, to which by the king's favour the most important offices were generally intrusted,+ had also received a deep tinge of * Spannocchi : [This no sooner came to the ears of Bolognetto, than he went to seek Ids majesty, and with the most prevailing reasons, shewed him what an exorbitant evil it would be to make concessions by public decree to so scandalous a sect, and how it was certainly not without some hidden deception, and the hope of important consequences, that yonder pestilent woman (Elizabeth of England) desired to have the Anglican sect thus placed at liberty by public decree to exercise its worship in that kingdom, where it is but too well, known to all the world, that, in matters of religion, all sorts of people may believe whatsoever they please. By these and other most efficacious reasons. King Stephen was so fully persuaded, that he promised never to make any mention of religion in any treaty whatsoever with that queen and her merchants.] See Appendix, No. 61. t Spannocchi : [It is now said that none are admitted to the sena- torial dignity, or to the management of the revenues, but the dependants 140 CATHOLICISM IX POLAND AND [1590-1617. Catliolicisin. It was this party that ou the death of Stephen determined the conflicts of election in favour of his successor ; and the sovereign, placed by the Zamoisky faction on the Polish throne, was that Swedish prince whom Catherine Jagel- lonica had borne in prison, and who, in the midst of a Pro- testant countr}', had ever remained immoveably steadfast in the CathoIi(r faith — either from original inclination, the influence of his mother, the hope he entertained of succeeding to the crown of Poland, or, it may be, from these influences all acting together. This was Sigismund III., a prince whose modes of thought were formed in complete accordance with those Catholic im- pulses by which all Europe was at that period set in motion. Pope Clement VIII. says, in one of his instructions, that while yet a cardinal, and when legate in Poland, he had re- commended that prince to bestow all public offices in future on Catholics only. This advice had already been frequently given before, as by Paul IV., by Cardinal Hosius,* and again by Cardinal Bolognetto : there were now, for the first time, means for giving this counsel its full effect. What could not be obtained, either from Sigismund Augustus, or from Stephen, was very quickly resolved on by Sigismund III. He estab- lished it, in fact, as his j)rinciple of action, to confer promotion on none but Catholics, and Pope Clement was fully justified in ascribing the progress of Catholicism in Poland more espe- ciaDy to this regulation. The most essential attribute of the kingly power in Poland consisted in the right of conferring all dignities and appoint- ments. Every office, whether spiritual or temporal, whether great or small, was in the gift of the king, and their number was said to be nearly twenty thousand. How important must have been the consequences when Sigismund proceeded to bestow, not ecclesiastical appointments only, but all offices whatever,exclusively on Catholics ; when be resolved to accord the beneficence of Ihe state, as the Italians once expressed it, of this chancellor, to the end that what he and the king may be pleased to do, shall not receive impediment from any opposition.] * In a letter of the 14th of March, 1568, he begs the king to declare, that [in future he would confer no honours, or governments, or public offices whatever, unless it were on such as would openly confess Christ, and abjure aU perfidies, whether Lutheran. Calvinistic, or Anabaptist.] 1590-1617.] xnn neigubouiung tkrritouiks. 141 the full ri^^lit of citizcusliip, iu the higher i^euse of the word, to his co-reli,i(ioiiists only. A maii'8 promotion was all the more certain, the more he could acquire the fuA'our of the hishops and Jesuits ; the Starost, Tiudwii,'- von I\Iurtaut,a!n, be- came Waiwode of Pomerellia, principally because he pre- sented his house in Thoni to the Society of -Jesus. As a con- Mequence of this system, disputes arost> in the territories of Polish Prussia, between the cities and the nobles, and these soon assuraepe did not omit to intimate cer- tain points of view in wliicli this work might be considered. " It is without doubt," he says, " by God's most special providence that certain bishoprics should be vacant precisely at this moment ; among others, even the archiepiscojoal seat of Upsala ;'"' should the king delay for a moment to depose the Protestant bishops who may still remain in the land, yet he will infallibly, and at once, supply the vacant sees with bishops of the Catholic faith." The envoy was provided with a list of Swedish Catholics who seemed fitted for the purpose. The pope was convinced that these bishops would then im- mediately seek to procui'e Catholic priests and schoolmasters ; but he recommends that care should be taken to provide them with the means for doing so. " It would probably be possible," he thinks, " to establish -a Jesuits' college in Stockholm immediately ; but if this were not found practicable, the king will without doubt take with him into Poland as many young Swedes as he can find suitable for the purpose, and have them educated at his court, in the Catholic faith, by some of the most zealous bishops, or in the Jesuit colleges of Poland."t The principal object here, as in all other places, was to compel the clergy once more to subordination. The nuncio had meanwhile formed another project. He suggested to the Catholics yet remaining in Sweden certain grievances for which they might bring proceedings against the Protestants. The king would then assume a position above the two parties, and to every innovation that he might attempt to carry, it might thus be possible to give die appearance of a legal decision.^ He regretted only that Sigisniund had not pro- * [Understanding that the archbishopric of Upsala was vacant — for Divine providence, the better to facilitate its ovi'n service, has not per- mitted it to be filled up by the late king, during two years that it has been vacant, his majesty will have especial care to select a ('atholic archbishop.] t See Appendix, 68. No. X Ragguaglio dell' andata del re di Polonia in Suetia (MS. Rome) : [There were still some remnants of Catholicism remaining in the king- dom, and the nuncio, pursuing the plan before adopted by Cardinal Madruzzo, to strengthen the authority of the emperor, sought to con- stitute the king judge between the Catholics and Heretics of Sweden, inducing the former to complain before the king of the insolence and injurious proceedings of the latter.] 1590-1G17.]] ATTEJIPT ON SWEDEN. 145 vided himself with a more imposing force of arms, the bettor to give effect to his decrees. There is indeed no proof that the king at once adopted the views of the jioman court. To judge from his own declara- tions, he intended no more in the lirst instance than to procure immunities for the Catholics, without subverting the Pro- testant coustitution. But would he be C4i})able of restraining the powerful religious impulses by which those around him were mastered, and whose most zealous representatives made a part of his retinue ? Can it be supposed that, having reached that point, he would have been content to stop there? The Protestants would not abide the issue. The views and purposes entertained on the one side called forth an immediate and almost unconscious opjiosition from the other. Instantly after the death of John, the Swedish councillors of state, names of high renown both before and since that period, ( {yllenstiern, Bielke, Baner, Sparj-e, and Oxenstiern, assembled to acknowledge the zealously Protestant Duke Charles, one of the sons of Gus'tavus Yasa, brother of the late king and uncle of their young sovereign, as governor of the realm ; and agreed, " in the absence of his nephew, to promise him obedience in all that he should command for the maintenance of the Augsburg Confession in Sweden." AVith this purpose a council was held at tTpsala, in March, 1593. The Confession of Augsburg was there proclaimed anew ; the liturgy of King John was con- demned, and all that seemed to recal the usages of Catholicism, even in the earlier ritual, received modification ; the exorcism was retained, but in milder expressions only, and merely for the sake of its moral significance.'" A declaration v.-as draMU up, to the effect that no iieresy, whether popish or Calvinistic, would 1)0 tolerated in the kingdom. t Aiii»esult of this secret engagement. " Even before his departure," con- tinues our authority, with obvious complacency, " the king bestowed offices and dignities on those of the Catholic faith ; he caused four governors of towns, although they were heretics, to swear that they would protect the Catholics and their religion. In four places lie re-established the exercise of the Catholic religion. ^Vll these measures, though calculated jierhaps to pacify the un([uiet conscience of a bigoted prince, could not possibly fail to produce the most injurious eftects in the course of events. rt was indeed ])recisely because the Swedish estr^tes were * Relatione dello stato spirituale e politico del regno di Suezia, 1598 : [He sent some Polish senators to inform the Jesuit fathers of the state of his rircumstances, and the consequences ; then the said fathers declared, that, assuming the need and peril in which his majesty was placed, he could yield to the heretics what they sought, without offending God ; and his majesty, for his justification, would needs have a writing from the said fathers. Now, the coronation and concessions being completed, the nuncio gave all his thoughts to the discovery of some remedy for the disorder that had occurred ; and he contrived that, for the security of his conscience, his majesty should protest in writing, that he had not yielded those things of his will, but of pure force ; and he persuaded the most serene king to grant to the Catholics the same promises that he had granted to the heretics, so that, as in the case of the emperor, and as for the kingdom of Poland, he sliould be sworn to both sides (utrique jiarti). His majesty agreed, and immediately carried the said concessions into effect ; for, before his departure, he gave offices and dignities to Catholics, and permitted the exercise of the faith in four places. He also made four governors, whom he left in the kingdom, give him their oath, although they were heretics, that they would see religion and the <'athohcs protected.] 150 ATTE3IPT ON SWEDEN. £1590-1617. thus kept in continual excitement and irritation, that tliey threw themselves into so determined an opposition. The clergy reformed their schools according to the most i-igid tenour of the Lutheran doctrines, and appointed a day of solemn thanksgiving for the preservation of the true reli- gion " from the designs and intrigues of the Jesuits." In tlie year 1595, a resolution was passed in the diet of Slidercoping, that all exercise of the Catholic ritual, wheresoever the king might have established it, was again to be abolished. " We decree unanimously," declare the States, " that all sectaries, opposed to the evangelical religion, who have fixed themselves in the land, shall within six weeks be removed entirely from the kingdom :""' and this edict was enforced with the utmost rigour." The monastery of Wadstena, which had subsisted during two hundred and eleven years, and had maintained its ground in the midst of so many convulsions, vras now dis- solved and destroyed. Angermannus held a visitation of the churches, of which the severity never had been equalled. Whoever neglected to attend the evangelical church was beaten with rods ; the archbishop had several robust young students in his train, by whom this punishment was inflicted under his own superintendence. The altars of the saints were destroyed, their relics were dispersed, and the cere- monies, which in 1593 had been declared indifferent, were in many j^laces entirely abolished in the year 1597. The relative positions of Sigismund and Charles gave a character of personality to this movement. Whatever was done, proceeded in direct opposition to the well-known desires, and even to the ordinances, of the king. In every thing Duke Charles had a predominant influence. It was in contradiction to the express command of Sigismund that the duke held the diet, and all attempts of the former to interfere in the affairs of the country ^vere opposed by Charles. He caused a resolution to be passed, by virtue of which the rescripts of the king were effectual only after having been confirmed by the Swedish governmeut.t * Acta ecclesise, in conventu Sudercop. ia Eaaz, .567. t [Attempts of the most illustrious prince and lord Charles, dulce of Stidermania, against the most serene and most potent lord Sigismund III., king of Sweden and Poland ; written and published by his royal majesty's - per. But it was jirincipally in Poland Proper that they found the field of their exertions, and where, as one of the society boasts, " hundreds of learned, orthodox, and devout men of the order werti zealously employed in rooting out error and im- l^lanting Catholic piety, by schools and associations, by preach- ing and writing."* Here also they excited the accustomed enthusiasm in their followers, but it»was most unhappily combined with the inso- lence of an impetuous young nobility. The king abstained from acts of violence, but the pupils of the Jesuits did not consider themselves bound to do so. They not unfrequently celebrated Ascension-day by as- saulting those of the evangelical persuasion ; breaking into their houses, plundering and destroying their property. Woe to the Protestant whom they could seize in his house, or whom tliey even met in the streets on these occasions. The evangelical church of Cracow was attacked in the year * Argentus de rebus Societatis Jesu in regno Polonia?, 1615 : it might, however, have easily conveyed more inforrnation. I.:n0-1617.] IN POLAND. 161 1606, and in the following year the churchyard was furiously stormed; the dead being torn from their i:raves. In 1611, tiie church of the Protestants in Wilna Avas destroyed, and thoir ministers maltreated or murdered. In 1615 a book ap- peared in Posen whicli maintained that the Protestants had no right to dwell in that city. In the following year the pupils of the Jesuits destroyed the Bohemian church so completely, that they left no one stone rcnuiiuing upon another, and the Luthei*an church was burnt. The same things occurred in other places, and in some instances the Protestants were com- pelled by continual attacks to give up their churches. Nor did they long confine their assaults to the towns ; the students of Cracow proceeded to burn the churches of the neighbouring districts. In Podlachia an aged evangelical minister, named Barkow, was walking before his carriage leaning on his staff, when a Polish nobleman approaching from tlie opjiosite direc- tion, commanded his coachman to drive directly over him ; before the old man could move out of the way, he was struck down and died from the injuries he received.* But with all these efforts Protestantism could not be sup- pressed. The king was bound by a promise which he had not the power to retract. The nobles remained free in their own persons, and did not all pass over immediately to Catholicism. At times also, after ^lany judgments unfavourable to the Pro- testants had passed the courts, a favourable decree was ren- dered, and a church was restored to them. In the towns oi Polish Prussia, the Protestants yet formed the majority ; still less were the Greeks to be put down. The union of 1595 had awakened more disgust and horror than imitation, and the j^arty of the dissidents formed by Protestants and Greeks was still of great importance. The richest mercantile cities and the most warlike populations (such as the Cossacks) sup- ported and lent particular efficacy to their «lemands, and their opposition was all the more powerful, because it was constantly receiving increased assistance from their neighbours, Sweden and Russia, whom it had been found imjjossible to subdue. * Wengerscii Slavonia Reformata, p. 224, 232, 236, 244, 247, VOL. II. M 162 COUNTER-REFORMATION IN GERMANY. L1590-1617. § 5. Progress of the Counter-reformation in Germany. The principles acted on in Germany were wholly different. There, each prince held it to be his own good right to direct the religion of his territories in accordance with his personal convictions. The movement that had there commenced proceeded ac- cordingly with but little interference from the imperial au- thority, and without attracting particular attention. The ecclesiastical princes more particularly considered it their especial duty to lead back the people of their dominions to Catholicism. The pupils of the Jesuits were now appearing among them. Johann Adam von Bicken, elector of Mayence from 1601 to 1 604, was educated at the Collegium Germanicum in Rome. From the castle of Kbnigstein he once heard the hymns with which the Lutheran congregation of the place was conveying its deceased pastor to his grave. " Let them give their syna- gogue decent burial," exclaimed the prince. On the following Sunday a Jesuit mounted the pulpit, and from that time a Lutheran preacher was never more seen to enter it. The same things occurred in other places.* 'Whai Bicken left in- complete was carried zealously forward by his successor Jo- hann Schweikard. He was a man much addicted to the pleasures of the table, >but he held the reins of government with a firm hand, and displayed remarkable talent. He suc- ceeded in accomplishing the counter-reformation throughout his diocese, not excepting Eichsfeld. He sent a commission to Heiligenstadt, and within two years its members had recovered two hundred citizens to Catholicism, many of whom had grown grey in the Protestant faith. There were still some few remain- ing firm to their creed ; these persons he exhorted personally " as their father and pastor from the depths of a true heart." These were his own words, and he prevailed ; thus adjured they also conformed. It was with feelings of extreme satis- faction that he beheld a city return to Catholicism which had been entirely Protestant during forty years.i' * Serarius, Res Moguntinse, p. 973. t Wolf, Geschichte von Heiligenstadt, § C3. Between 1581 and IGOl 1590-1 Gl 7. ] COrNTER-REFORMATION IX GERMANY. 163 Ernest and Ferdinand of Cologne, both Bavarian princes, proceeded in like manner, as did the elector Lothaire, of the house of Metternich of Treves. This prince was distinguished by the soundness of his understanding and by acuteness of in- tellect. Pie possessed the talent of surmounting whatever difficulties opposed him, was prompt in the execution of justice, and vigilant in promoting the interests of his country as well as those of his family. He was affable, moreover, and not particularly rigorous, provided always the matter did not affect religion, but no Protestant would he suffer at his court.* To these great names must be associated that of Neithard von Thlingen, bishop of Bamberg. When he took possession of his capital, he found the whole council Protestant with the exception of two members. He had already assisted bishop Julius in Wiirtzburg, and now resolved to apply the mea- sures of that prince to Bamberg. He published his edict of reformation at Christmas, 1595. This decree commanded the reception of the Lord's Supper according to the Catholic forms, or departure from the diocese; and although it was opposed by the chapter, the nobles, and the landed proprietors; while the most pressing remonstrances were addressed to the bishop by his neighbours ; we yet find that in every following year these edicts of reformation were issued, and were for the most part carried into effect.f In lower Germany, Theodore von Fiirs- tenberg, bishop of Paderborn, proceeded in emulation of the bishop of Bamberg. In the year 1596, he threw into prison all the priests of his diocese who administered the Lord's Supper in both kinds. He thus inevitably fell into disputes with his nobles, and we find the bishop and the nobility driving off" the cattle and horses of each other. Von Fiir- stenburg at length came to an open feud with the city also ; but unhappily a turbulent demagogue here arose, who was not equal to the conspicuous part into which he had obtruded himself, and in the year 1604, Paderborn was reduced to the necessity of again doing homage to the bishop. The Jesuits' college was thereupon magnificently en- four hundred and ninety-seven converts were counted, the greater pro- portion was in 1598, which gives seventy-three. '^ Masenius, Continuatio Breweri, p. 474. t Jiick, Geschichte von Bamberg, iii. 212, 199, for example, or indeed throughout, for the work is principally relative to the anti-reformation, M 2 164 COUNTER-REFORMATION IN GERMANY. 1590-1617. dowed, and soon aftenvards an edict was pnlil itched here also which left no alternative to the people but the mass or de- parture from the diocese. By these measures Bamberg and Paderborn gradually became entirely Catholic."' The rapid and yet lasting change brought about in all these countries is in the highest degree remarkable. Is it to be inferred that Protestantism had never taken firm root in the body of the people, or must the change be ascribed to the me- thod adopted by the Jesuits ? It is certain that in zeal and prudence they left nothing to be desired. From every point whereon they obtained footing, their influence was extended in ever widening circles. They possessed the power of capti- vating the crowd, so that their churches were always the most eagerly frequented ; with the most prominent difficulties they always grappled, boldly and at once ; was there a Lutheran, confident in his biblical knowledge, and to whose judgment the neighbours paid a certain deference, this was the man whom they used every effort to win, and their practised skill in controversy generall}' secured them from defeat. They were active in works of benevolence ; they healed the sick and laboured to reconcile enemies. The converted, those with whom they had prevailed, they bound to them by the most solemn oaths ; under their banners the faithful were seen repairing to every place of pilgrimage. Men, who but a short time before were zealous Protestants, might now be seen forming jjart of tliese processions. The Jesuits had educated not only ecclesiastical, but also tempoi'al princes. At the close of the sixteenth century, their two illustrious pupils, Ferdinand II. and Maximilian I. ap- peared in public life. It is affirmed that when the young archduke Ferdinand solemnized the festival of Easter at his capital of Gratz, in the year 1596, he was the only person who received tlie sacra- ment according to the Catholic ritual, and that there were but three Catholics in the whole city.t After the death of the archduke Charles, the enterprises * Stnink, Annales Paderborn, lib. xxii. p. 720. * t Hansitz, Germania Sacra, ii. p. 712: [The number of Luther's adherents is so great, that only three followers of the faith could be found among almost all the inhabitants of Gratz.] The "almost all" (poene cunctis), certainly makes the matter again doubtful. 1590-1617.^ COINTER-KEFORMATIOX IX GERMAXV. IC)5 ill favour of Catliulieisin had not been pui'sued with energy — tho government during the minority of his successor, dis- playing no great power. The Protestants had reinstated themselves in the churches of which they had been despoiled, their schools at Griitz had recovered their etiiciency by the acquisition of new and able masters, while the nobles had chosen a committee for the more effectual resistance of all attempts that might be made to the disadvantage of Protestantism. But in defiance of these discouragements, Ferdinand imme- diately resolved on proceeding to the continuance and ultimate completion of the counter-reformation ; political and religious motives combined to produce this determination — ho declared that he also would be master in his own territories, as v.-ell as the elector of Saxony, or the elector palatine. When the danger was represented to him of an onslaught from the Turks, during a period of internal discord, he replied, that until the perfect conversion of the people was effected, tho help of God was not to be hoped for. In the year 1.597, Ferdinand proceeded by way of Loretto to Rome — to kneel at the feet of Pope Clement YIII. He then made a vow to restore Catho- licism in his hereditary dominions, exen., at the peril of his life ; the pope confirmed him in this resolve, and he at once returned home to commence the work. In September, 1508. his decrees were issued, and by these he commanded all Lutheran preachers to depart from Griitz, within fourteen days.* Grutz was the centre of Protestant doctrine and pov.er. No means were neglected that might dissuade the archduke from his purpose. Neither prayers nor warnings were loft untried, nor wore even menaces spared — but the young prince, according to the words of an historian of Carniola, was " firm as a block of marble."t In October an edict of similar character was published for Caniiola, and in December one was issued for Carinthia. And now the States became exceedingly intractable^evcn in their provincial meetings ; for the General Assembly, Fcr- * Khevcnliillsr, Annales Ferdinandei, iv. 1718. t Valvassor, Ehre des Ilerzogtluims Krain, tli. ii. buch vii. p. 4G4 : doubtless the most valuable relation of this ocriirrence : [Such a petition, mingled with warnings, found only a block of marble, which their pons could neither penetrate nor soften.] 166 couNTER-REFORJiATiox IN ger:.iaxy. [[1590-1617. dinand would no longer permit to be convened. They refused the subsidies, and the troops on the frontier betrayed symp- toms of disorder ; but the archduke declared he would rather lose all that had been conferred on him by the grace of God, than yield one step ; the danger menacing from Turkey, whose troops had already taken Canischa, and were daily advancing, compelled the States, at length, to vote the supplies, although they had not obtained a single concession. These being secured, the archduke now restrained himself no longer. In October, 1599, the Protestant church of Gratz was closed, and the evangelical service was prohibited under pain of corporal punishment, torture or death. A commission was formed, which passed through the country, accompanied by an armed force. Styria was first reformed, then Carinthia, and finally Carniola. From place to place the cry rang forth, " the reformation is coming," the churches were torn down, the preachers were exiled or imprisoned, the inhabitants were compelled to adopt the Catholic creed or to leave the country. Many were yet found, who preferred banishment to apostacy ; the little town of St. Veit, for example, saw fifty of its burghers abandon their native land,* and these exiles were compelled to pay the tenth penny, which in their condition, was no small loss. Such were the cruelties inflicted on the people, and in return for these oppressions, the archduke had the satisfac- tion of counting in the year 1603, an increase of 40,000 communicants. This was immediately followed by more extensive pro- ceedings, affecting all the Austrian territories. The emperor Rudolf had, at first, dissuaded his young cousin from the measures he contemplated, but seeing them prove successful, he proceeded to imitate them. From 1599 to 1601, we find a commission for reforms in active operation throughout Upper Austria, and in 1602-S, these ofiicials were at work in Lower Austria. t From Lintz and Steier, preachers and schoolmasters who had grown grey in the ser- vice of the gospel, were driven forth without mercy; they .felt the affliction to be a grievous one. " Now, bent by years," exclaimed the rector of Steier, " I am thrust out to * Hermann, St. Veit, in the Karntnerischen Zeitschrift, v. iii. p. 163. t Raupach, Evangel. CEstreich, i. 215. 3590-1617.] COUNTER-UEFOKMATION IN GEiniANV. 167 poverty and suffering."'-" " AVe are daily tlireatcncd with destruction," writes one of those who remained behind. " Our adversaries lie in wait for us, tliey mock us and thirst for our blood."t In Bohemia the Protestants hoped they were more effectu- ally protected by the ancient privileges of the Utraquists. In Hungary they trusted to the independence and power of the Estates. But Rudolf now seemed disposed to respect neither the one nor the other ; he had been persuaded that the old Utraquists were entirely extinct, and that the Protestants were not entitled to the enjoyment of the privileges that had been accorded to them. In the year 1602 he put forth an edict forbidding the meetings of the Moravian brethren, and com- manding that their churches should be closed. t All other Protestants felt that they were in danger of similar treatment, nor were they long left in doubt as to what they might expect. Open violence was already resorted to in Hungary. Basta and Belgiojoso, who commanded the imperial forces in that country, took the churches of Caschau and Clausenburg from the Lutherans, and with the aid of these troops the archbishoj) of Colocsa sought to force the thirteen towns of Zips to Catho- licism. To the complaints of the Hungarians, the emperor replied by the following resolution : — His majesty, who pro- foundly believes in the holy Roman faith, is desirous of extending it throughout his empire, and especially in Hungary. He hereby confirms and ratifies all decrees that have been issued in favour of that faith, from the times of St. Stephen, the apostle of Hungary. § Thus, notwithstanding his advanced age, the cautious emperor had entirely departed from his accustomed modera- tion. A similar policy was pursued by the whole body of the Catholic princes, so far as they could possibly make their power extend ; the stream of Catholic opinion was poured ever more widely over the land. Force and argument combined to * " Jam senio squalens trudor in exilium." Valentia Pnienhueber, Annalcs Styrenses, p. 326. t Hofmarius ad Lyserum, Raupach, iv. 151. X Schmidt, Neuere Geschichte der Deutsclien, iii. 260. An extract from the additions to the apology for the Bohemians of the year 1G18, * which are often omitted in the later editions. § Art. 22, anno 1604, in Ribiny, Memorabilia Augustanx Confes- sionis, i. p. 321. 168 COUJSTEU-REFORMATION IX GERJIAXY. [[1590-1G17. secure its progress ; tlie constitution of the empire supplied no means whereby to ojjpose it. On the contrary, the Catholic adherents felt themselves so powerful that they now began to interfere with the affairs of the empire, and to endanger the still remaining rights of the Protestant communities.* The constitution of the supreme tribunals also received im- portant changes, principally by the interposition of the papal nuncios, more particularly of Cardinal Madruzzi, by whom attention was first drawn to the subject. These alterations presented both opportunity and means for the aggressions anti- cipated by the Protestants. Even the imperial court (Kammergericht) had assumed a more decided tinge of Catholicism towards the beginning of the seventeenth century, and judgments had been pronounced by it in accordance with the Catholic mode of interpreting the Peace of Augsburg. Those who had suffered from these judg- ments had adopted the legal remedy of seeking revision, but with the visitations, these revisions also were suspended ; affairs accunmlated, and all remained undecided.t Under these circumstances it was that the Aulic Council (Reichshrofrath) rose into activity. This at least gave some> hope of termination to an affair, for the defeated party could not take refuge in a legal process which could never be executed ; but the Aulic Council was not only more decidedly Catholic than the Kammergericht, it was also entirely dependent on the court. "The Aulic Council," says the Florentine envoy Alidosi, " pronounces no final decision, without having first * Relatione del Nuntio Ferrero, 1606, enumerates the results that ensued : [During the last few years, a vast number of souls have been converted to our holy religion, the churches are restored, many monks have returned to their monasteries, the greater part of the ecclesiastical' ceremonies are resumed, the licentiousness of the clergy considerably moderated, and the name of the Roman pontiff' received as the ac- knowledged head of the universal church.] f Missiv und Erinnerung des Reichskammergerichts am Reichstarg, von 1G08 : In the acts of the diet at Frankfort-on-the-Maine, of which I was kindly permitted to take an examination, the Kammergericht de- clares it to be " known to the country and the empire, in what great and notable numbers the revisions of the judgments jjronounced by the said Kammergericht have accumulated since the year '86, to such an extent' that notice was given to the imperial college of more than a hundred such, and others might probably be expected daily." 1500-1611-2 COtMEK-HEFORMATION IN GERMANY. 169 imparted the judgineiit to the emperor, and his privy counci!, who sehh>m return the decree without alterations.'-" But what institutions of universal eiiect existed in the empire except those of judicial character? To these it was that the unity of the nation was attached. Yet even they were now subjected to the influence of Catholic opinions and regulated by the convenience of the court. From various quarters com- plaints had already arisen of partial judgments and arbitrary executions, when the afi;iir of Donauwerth made ol)vious to the perception of all, the great perils by which the country was menaced from this state of things. A Catholic abbot in a Protestant city, determined to cele- brate his processions more publicly and with greater solemnity than usual,t and the fact that he was interrupted and insulted by the populace was considered a sufficient pretext for thoAulic Council to warrant the infliction of a tedious and harassing pro- cess on the town itself. Mandates, citations and commissions followed in long succession, and the town was finally laid under the ban of the empire. The office of carrying this sentence into effect was entrusted to IMaximilian of Bavaria, a neighbour- ing prince of rigidly Catholic opinions. Not content with taking possession of Donauwerth, he at once invited the or- der of Jesuits to settle in the city, permitted none but the Catholic service to be performed, and proceeded in the usual manner to effect a counter-reformation. This affair was regarded b^-- a\Iaximilian himself in the light of its general import. He wrote to the pope, saying that it * Relatione del Sig. Rod. Alidosi, 1607— 1G09 : [It is true that the Aulic Council has this at least of good, that all its decisions, which are to he final, are first transmitted to the emperor or the council of state, and they frequently add to, or take from, or moderate the opinion of the said council, which being done, the decree is returned to the said council, and in that form is then made public] t The report, '• relating to the execution at Donauwerth," in the acts of the imperial diet of the 4th of February, declares (in agreement with the other relations and informations), [That all the abbot could claim by ancient custom, was the right of walking with banners lowered and furled, without song or bell, and only by a certain narrow lane under the monastery wall, till he was beyond the city and its jurisdiction, and then Duly was he to lift and unfurl his banners, or to suffer singing or music to begin ; when he had got beyond the Donauwerth ground. These re» strictions he had now broken through.] 170 C0UNTSR-REF0R3IATI0N IN GER:MANY. Q.j90-161T. jnight be considered as a test by which the decline of the Pro- testant influence could be judged. But he deceived himself if he believed that the Protestants ■would endure these things quietly. They saw clearly what they had to expect, if matters were permitted to proceed in that manner. The Jesuits had already become so bold as to deny the va- lidity of the Peace of Augsburg ; they maintained that it could not have been properly ratified without the consent of the pope ; that in any case it was valid only to the period of the Council of Trent, and must be considered as a sort of " Interim " only. And even those who acknowledged the validity of this treaty were yet of opinion that at least all property confiscated by Protestants since its conclusion ought to be restored. To the construction put on the words of the treaty by the Protestants they paid no attention. But what might not be the result when these views should be adopted by the highest tribunals of the empire, and when judgments, as already began to be the case, were pronounced and carried into effect in accordance with their principles ? When the diet assembled at Ratisbon in the year 1 608, the Protestants would proceed to no deliberation until they should receive a positive confirmation of the treaty of Augsburg.'"^ Even Saxony, which had always before been disposed to the party of the emperor, now demanded that the processes insti- tuted by the Aulic Council should be done away with, so far as they were contrary to the practice of earlier times ; that the judicial system should receive amendment ; and not only that the Treaty of Augsburg should be renewed as concluded in 1555, but that the Jesuits, by a pragmatic sanction, should be prohibited from writing against it. But the Catholics on their side were also very zealous, and were closely united. The bishop of Ratisbon had previouslj issued a circular, in which he exhorted his co-religionists ta impress upon their envoys the necessity for being unanimous * Protocollum im Correspondenzrath, 5th of April, 1608, in ine acts of the diet : [The chief consultation of the present diet has been hitherto suspended, because the states of the evangelical religion desired to have the Peace of Augsburg confirmed, while the Papist party wish to insert the clause, that all property confiscated by the evangelical states since the year '55, should be restored.] 1 590-1 G 17.] COUNTER-REFORMATION IN GERMANY. 171 in their defence of the Catholic religion ; be admouishes all to " stand together rigid and fast as a wall ; " by no means to temporise, there was now nothing to fear, since they bad staunch and zealous defenders in august and illustrious princely liouscs. If then the Catholics showed a disposition to confirm the Treaty of Augsburg, they did so with the addition of a clause to the effect " that whatever bad been done in contra- vention of the same should be annulled and restituted " — a clause which comprehended aU that the Protestants feared and which they desired to avoid. With so decided a disagreement on the principal question, it was not to be expected that unanimity of opinion should be obtained on any separate subject of discussion, or that the emperor should be accorded those subsidies which be was desiring, and greatly needed, for the war against the Turks. This consideration would seem to have made some im- pression on the emperor ; and the court seems to have resolved at one time on a fi-ank and fair compliance with the Protestant demands. Such, at least, is the inference to be drawn from a very remarkable report relating to this diet, and prepared by the papal envoy.* The emperor did not appear in person, — he was represented by the archduke Ferdinand ; neither was the nuncio himself at Ratisbon, but he had sent an Augustine monk thither in his place, Fra Felice Milensio, vicar-general of his order, who laboured with extraordinary zeal to maintain the interests of Catholicism. This Fra Milensio, from whom our report proceeds, declares that the emperor bad in fact determined to publish an edict in conformity with the wishes of the Protestants : be ascribes this resolve to the imiuediate influence of Satan, and says that it had doubtless been brought about by the agency of the emperor's chamberlains, of whom one was a Jew and the other a Heretic. t * See Appendix, No. 80. t Account of the imperial diet lield in Ratisbon, 1608, and at which, in place of the most excellent and most reverend Monsre. Antonio Gaetano, archbishop of f apua and apostolic nuncio, retained in Prague by his imperial majesty, was resident Father Felice Milensio, chief of An- gustinians, and vicar-general for the northern provinces ; [It is certain that this was contrived by tlie devil and promoted by his ministers, 172 COUNTER-REFORMATIO.V IS GERMANY. [_1590-1(',17 . Let us lieai- from himself the report he proceeds to give : — " On receiving intelligence of the edict that had arrived, and which was imparted to myself and some others, I repaired to the archduke and inquired if such a decree had really come. The archduke replied that it had. ' And does your imperial highness intend to publish it ? ' The archduke answered, ' The imperial privy council has so commanded, and you perceive yourself, reverend father, the situation in which we are placed.' Hereupon I replied,* ' Your imperial highness will not belie the piety iu which you have been educated, and with which but a short time since you A'en- tured, in defiance of so many threatening dangers, to banish all heretics from your dominions. I cannot believe that your imperial highness will sanction the loss of church property, and the confirmation of the devilish sect of Luther, or that still worse of Calvin, which must all come from this new concession.' The pious prince Listened to my words. ' But what is to be done ? ' he asked. ' I beg your imperial high - uess,' I replied, ' to bring this affair before his holiness the pope, and to take no step in it until we have his reply ; ' and the archduke did so, for he respected the commands of God more than the decrees of men." If all this occurred as described, we may readily perceive of whom were the two chamberlains of Rudolf, the one being a Jew, the other a heretic, and by those of his council, who were Hussites or worse.] * [" Let your most serene highness remember that Catholic piety in which you were born and educated, and for the sake of which, but few years since, fearing no danger, and at the peril of losing all your dominions, you banished thence all the heretics, with orders, that in a few months they should either declare themselves Catholics, or, selling- all they had, should get themselves gone out of the country ; remember, too, that in the picture painted in the church of the father capuchins at Griitz, you are represented with lance in hand, like another St. Michael, having Luther under your feet, and in the act of piercing his throat; and now, you being here in the place of the emperor, ought not to endure that the goods of the church should be lost, and that Christ's patrimony should suffer ; still less that the diabolical sect of Luther be strengthened by this concession; or, worse than all, that of Calvin, now incoi-porated with it, and which never received any kind of tolerance, from the emperor." This and more I said, and the most pious prince listened. " I entreat you," said I further, V that you suspend this business till the reply comes from the supreme pontiff;" and this he did, deferring the decrees of men that he mischt not offend against the decrees of God.] Io00-1G17.]] ^ou^•TER-RE^o^.^r.vTIo^• ].\ Germany. 173 how iinjxirtant a jtart tlii.s iiaincle.'<8 Au<,'ustiiie friar performed ill the hi.'jtory of the (jleriiian empire. At the flecisivo moment he coiitriveil to prevent the publication of a con- cession by which the Protestants would apparently have been contented In place of this, Ferdinand now promulgated an edict of interposition, which still left an opening for the introduction of the objectionable clause. On the oth of April, 1608, the Protestants assembled, and united in passing a resolution neither to receive the edict nor to yield obedience to it."" liut since the other party would also abate no portion of their demands, and since nothing was to be obtained from the emperor or his representative that might have allayed the fears of the Protestants, they adopted the extreme measure of quitting the diet. For the first time, that assembly failed to arrive at any conclusion, much less at any agreement, — it was a moment in which the u^iity of the empire was in fiict ic form recoivcd so complete a »levelo])ment, and produced such brilliant results. Malherbe apjjeared ; the first who voluntarily subjected himself to rule, and deliberately rejected all license,* and whose opinions, wholly favourable to monarchy and Catholicism, acquired increased eft'ect from the epigrammatic precision and some- what prosaic, yet, according to French ideas, ea.sy elegance with which he expressed them. Among the Germanic na- tions, the classical tendency in literature could not, at that time, obtain predominance, even ou the Catholic side ; it first ■uftectcd Latin poetry only, and even there it occasionallv wears the look of a parody, despite the distinguished talent (displayed elsev.-here) of the German Balde, in whose works this manner may be seen. Whatever Avas written in the German tongue, continued to be the pure expression of na- ture. Much less could this imitation of the antique find favour among these nations on the Protestant side. Shak- speare had placed the whole purport and spirit of the romantic before the eyes of men, in free, spontaneous, and imperishable forms. Antiquity and history were to him but as the servants of his genius. From the workshop of a German shoemaker there proceeded works — obscure — formless and unfathomable, — 3'et possessing irresistible force of attention, a German depth of feeling, and religious contemjdation of the world, such as have not their equal — unfettered productions of nature. But I will not attempt to describe the contrasts presented by these oppo.^ing worlds of intellect — to do this etfectually ■a larger share of attention should have been devoted to the writers of the Protestant side. One jjortion of the subject I may be j)ermitted to bring into more prominent notice, because this was directly influential ou the events before us. In Catholicism the monarchical tendencies were, at that period, fully predominant. Ideas of popular rights, of legi- timate opposition to princes, of the sovereignty of the people, and the legality of regicide, as they had been advocated thirty years previous, even by the most zealous Catholics, • As regards the iutelkctual character of Malherbf and his manner of writing, new and remarkable additions to the poet's biography, by Racan, jnay be found in the Meinoires, or rather Ilistoriettcs of Talleinent des Reaiix, pnblislied liy Monmertp'.e, 1834, i. p. 195. VOL. II. O 194 BREAKING OUT OF THE WAR. [^1617-2.7 were no longer suited to the time. There was now no im- portant opposition of any Catholic population against a Pro- testant sovereign ; even James I. of England was quietly tolerated, and the above-named theories no longer found application. The result was already obvious : the religious tendency became more closely attached to the dynastic prin- ciple, and that alliance was further promoted, if I do not mistake, by the fact, that the princes of the Catholic side displayed a certain force and supei'iority of personal character. This may at least be affirmed of Germany. In that country, the aged Bishop Julius of Wurzburg was still living — the first prelate who had there attempted a thorough counter- reformation. The Elector Schweikard, of Mayence, held the office of high chancellor ; that prince performed his duties' with an ability enhanced by his warm and earnest interest in them, and which restored to the office its ancient and effective influence.* Both the other Rhenish electors were resolute, active men ; by tl ir side stood the manly, sagacious, inde- fatigable Maximilian of Bavaria, an able administrator, full of enlarged and lofty political designs ; and with him the Archduke Ferdinand, invincible from the force of his faith, to which he adhered with all the fervour of a powerful spirit. Almost all were pupils of the Jesuits, who certainly possessed the faculty of awakening high impulses in the minds of their disciples ; all were reformers too, in their own manner, and had indeed contributed, by earnest labours and religious enthusiasm, to bring about the state of things then existing around them. The Protestant princes, on the contrary, were rather the heirs of other men's wcrks than founders of their own ; they were already of the second or third generation. It was only in some few of them that there could be perceived intima- tions— I know not whether of energy and strength of mind, but, without doubt, of ambition and love of movement. And, in further contradiction to the tendencies of Catho- licism, there now appeared among the Protestants an obvious * Montorio, Relatione di G^rmania, 1624 : [Of grave manners, deeply intent on the affairs of government as well spiritual as temporal, ex- tremely well disposed towards the service of this Holy See, anxious for the progress of relig'-xi, one of the first prelates of Germany.] See Appendix, No. 109. IG 17-23.] BREAKING OUT OF THE WAR, 195 iiiclinution towards republicanism, or ratlicr towards freedom for tiie aristocracy. In many places, as in France, in Poland, and in all the Austrian territories, a powerful nobility, hold- "iiin- Protestant opinions, was in open conflict -with the Catholic vTuling authorities. The result that might be attained by such % force was clearly exemplified by the republic of the Nether- lands, which was daily rising into higher prosperity. There was, without doubt, much discussion at this time in Austria, as regarded emancipation from the rule of the reigning family, and the adoption of a government similar to that of Switzer- land or the Netherlands. In the success of some such efibrt lay the only means for restoring their ancient importance to the imperial cities of Germany, and they took a lively interest in them. The internal constitution of the Huguenots was already republican, and was indeed not unmingled with elements of democracy. These last were already opposing themselves to a Protestant sovereign in the persons of the English Puritans. There still exists a little treatise oy an imperial ambassador, who was in Paris at that time, wherein the attention of the European princes is very forcibly directed towards the conmion danger menacing them from the advance of such a spirit.* The Catholic world of this period was of one mind and faith — classical and monarchical. The Protestant was divided — romantic and republican. In the year 1617, every thing already betokened the approach of a decisive conflict between them. The Catholic party appears to have felt itself the superior ; it is at all events not to be denied that it was the first to take arms. An edict was published in France on the loth of June, 1617, which had been long demanded by the Catholic clergy, but which had hitherto been constantly refused by the court, from consideration for the power possessed by the Huguenots, and in deference to their chiefs. By virtue of that decree, the property of the Church in Beam was to be restored. It Avas obtained from Luines ; that minister, altliough the Pro- * " Advis sur les causes des mouvemens de I'Europe, envoyo aux roys et princes pour la conservation de leurs royaumes et principautes, fait par Messir Al. Cunr. baron de Fridembourg, etpresente au roy tres Chrestien par le Comte do Furstemberg, anibassadeur de I'Empereur." Inserted in the Mercure Francois, torn. ix. p. 342. o 2 l96 BREAKING OUT OF THE WAR. |^1617-23. tf-stants at first relied on his protection,* having gradually attached himself to the Jesuit and papal party. Already con- fiding in this disposition of the supreme power, the populace had in various quarters risen against the Protestants ; some- times aroused to the attack hy the sound of the tocsin. The parliaments also took part against them. The Polish prince Wladislaus once more had recourse to arms, in the confident expectation that he should now ohtain possession of the throne of Moscow. An opinion prevailed that designs against Sweden were connected with this attempt, and war was immediately resumed between Poland and Sweden. t But by far the most important results were those preparing in the hereditary dominions of Austria. The archdukes had been reconciled, and were now reunited. With the great- ness of mind which that house has frequently displayed in moments of danger, a general resignation had been made to the Archduke Ferdinand of all claims that must devolve on them at the death of the Emperor Matthias, who had no chil- dren ; that prince was in fact shortly afterwards acknow- ledged as successor to the throne, in Hungary and Bohemia. This was indeed only an adjustment and compromise of personal claims ; it nevertheless involved results of important general interest. From a zealot so determined as Ferdinand, nothing less Avas to be expected than an immediate attempt to secure the absolute supremacy for his own creed in the Austrian dominions, and, this accomplished, it was to be supposed that he would then labour to turn the collective powers of those territories towards the diffusion of the Catholic faith. This was a common danger, menacing alike to all Pro- testants, not only in the hereditary dominions of Ferdinand or in Germany, but in Euroijc generally. * This appears, with other matters, from a letter of Duplesgis Momay, dated Saumur, 26th of April, 1617, "■ sur ce coup de majorite," as he calls the murder of the Maredial d'Ancre. — La Vie de Du Plessis, p. 465. t Hiiirn, Esth-L)'f-und Lettliindische Geschichte, p. 418: "The Swedes knevr that tlie king of Poland had sent his son with a great force into Russia, that he mi<>ht surprise the fortresses which had been ceded by the Muscovites to the Swedes, so that, if his attack succeeded, he might then more easily f dl upon the kingdom of Sweden ; for he was promised aid in that enterprise both by the diet of the states held in Poland, and by the house of Austria : thus all his thoughts were turned upon this matter more than upon any other thing." 1 1017-23.^ BRKATCIXG OUT OF THE "WAR. 197 It was from this cause that opposition ininiediately arose. The Protestants, who had set themselves in array against the encroachments of Catholicism, were not only prepared for re- sistance— they had couraoyola was moved to establish a society, which should devote itself especially to the conversion of the heathen, and to the reclaimin<; of heretics ; but, above all other meml)ers of that society, Francis Xavier proved himself most worthy to be called the Apostle of the newly-discovered nations. For theso •services, botii are now received into the catalogue of saint?. Churches and altars, where man ])resents his sacrifice to God, shall now be consecrated to them."" And now, proceeding in the spirit revealed in these docu- ments and represented by tliese acts, the new government took instant measures for completing the victories achieved by the Catholic arms, by labouring to secure their being followed by conversions to the Catholic faith, and for justifying as well as confirming the conquests of Catholicism, by the re-establish- ment of religion. " All our thoughts," says one of the earliest instructions of Gregory XV., •' nmst be directed towards the means of deriving the utmost possible advantage from the fortunate revulsion of afl'airs, and the victorious condition of things :" — a purpose that M-as completed with tlio most brilliant success. * UNIVERSAL EXTENSION OF CATHOLICISM. § 3. Bohemia and the Hereditary Dominums of Auslr'ta. The attention of the papal power was first directed to the rising fortunes of the Catholic faith in the i)rovinces of Austria. The subsidies hitherto paid to the emperor were doubled bv (liregory XV., who further promised him an additional gift of no inconsiderable amount,t — although, as he said, he scarcely reserved to himself sufficient to live on ; he cxiiorted him, at the pame time, to lose not a moment in following up his victory, * Bullarium, Cocquelines, v. 1.^1, 137. t From 20,000 gulden he raised the subsidy to 20,000 scudi : the gift was 200,000 scudi. He would have liked to have regiments main- tained with this money, and wished them to be jilaecd under the papal authority. 20G BOHEMIA AND THE HEKEDITAKT [_1 617-23. by earnest eflorts for the restoration of the Catholic religion.* It was only hy this restoration that he could fittingly return thanks to God for the victory. He assumes, as a first prin- ciple, that, by their rebellion, the nations had entailed on themselves the necessity of a vigorous control, and must be compelled by force to depart from their ungodly proceedings. The nuncio despatched to the emperor by Gregory XV. was that Carlo Carafi'a so well known to German history. Two reports from this nuncio still exist,t the one printed, the other in MS. ; from these we are enabled to ascertain with certainty the kind of measures adopted by Carafiji for the attainment of the objects thus pressed on his attention. In Bohemia, where his exertions were first- made, his earliest care was to secure the banishment of Protestant preachers and schoolmasters, "who were guilty of treasons and offences against the divine and human majesty." He found this no easy task ; the members of the imperial government in Prague considered it as yet too dangerous. It was not until the 13th of December, 1621 — when Mansfield had been driven out of the Upper Palatine, when all peril had ceased, and when some regiments, enrolled at the nuncio's request, had entered Prague — that these measures were ventured on ; but even then they spared the two Lutheran preachers, from deference to the Elector of Saxony. The nuncio, repre- senting a principle that acknowledges no respect of persons, would not hear of this ; he complained that the whole nation clung to these men ; that a Catholic priest could find nothing to do, and was unable to procure a subsistence. ;{: In October, 1622, he at length prevailed, and the Lutheran preachers also were banished. It appeared, for a moment, that the fears of * Instruttione al Vescovo d'Aversi, 12 Apr. 1621 : [This is no time for delays or for covert attempts.] Bucquoi, in particular, was considered at Rome to be much too deliberate : [Prompt measures would be the remedy for so many evils, if they could be hoped for from Count Bucquoi, who is otherwise a vahant captain.] f See Appendix, No. 96. X Caraffa, Ragguagho MS. : [The Catholic parish priests were driven to despair at seeing themselves deprived of all emolument by the Lutherans.] But the printed Commentarii present a more ostensible cause of dissatisfaction : ' ' Quamdiu illi hterebant, tamdiu adhuc spera- bant sectarii S. majestatem concessurum aliquando liberam focultatem " (p. 130). [As long as they persisted (in retaining their places), so long the sectarians hoped that his majesty would grant them free powers (of worship).] See Appendi.x, No. 108. 1617-23.2 DOMINIONS OF AUSTRIA. 207 the govcrniuent councillors would be justified; the Elector of Saxony issued a threatening letter, and on the most important questions displayed extremely hostile purposes. The emperor himself once told the nuncio that matters had been decided much too hastily, and it would have been better to wait a more favourable opportunity.-' The means for maintaining Ferdinand steadfast to his purpose were, nevertheless, v.'ell known and used. The old bishop of Wiirzburg represented to him that " a glorious emperor ought not to shrink before dangers, and it would be much better for him to fall into the power of men than into the hands of the living God." The emperor yielded, and Carafla had the further triumph of seeing the Elector of Saxony submit to the banishment of the preachers, and desist from his opposition. In this manner the way was prepared. To the places of the Protestant preachers succeeded Dominican, Augustine, and Carmelite friars, for as yet there was a sensible dearth of secular clergy; a whole colony of Franciscans arrived from Gnesen. The Jesuits did not sutler themselves to be vainly wished for ; when directions from the Propaganda appeared, requiring them to undertake the duties of parish priests, it was found that they had already done so.f And now the only question that could remain was, whether it miirht not be permitted that the national Utraquist ritual should be at least partially retained in the forms assigned to it by the council of Basle. The government council and the governor himself. Prince Lichtenstein, were in favour of its being retained.^ They pennitted the liord's Supper to be * Caraffa, Ragguaglio : [His majesty shewed some uneasiness, and proceeded to tell me, that there had been too much haste, and that it would have been better to drive out those preachers at some more con- venient time, as after the convention of Ratisbon. To which I replied, that his majesty had perhaps erred rather by slowness than haste ; for, if Saxony had come to the convention, which they will not admit that he intended, every one knows that he would have required from his majesty permission for the Lutheran worship, after his notions, to be continued in Prague as it had before been.] See Appendix, No. 108, Section 3. t Cordara, Historia Societatis Jesu, torn. vi. lib. vii. p. ^S. X According to the opinions hitherto prevailing, in Senkenberg, for example, Fortsetzung der Hiiberlinschen Reichshistorie, bd. xxv. j). 156, note k, we should believe the contrary of Lichtenstein ; this would, nevertheless, be wrong, as is manifest from Caraffa. The nuncio, on the contrary, received support from Plateis. 208 BoiioiiA AND Tin:: hereditary [^1617-23. soieinnized once more witli both the elements on Holy Thurs- day, in the year 1622 ; and a voice Avas already uplifted among the people, inviting that this ancient usage of their fathers should not be interrupted, and that their privilege should not be wrested from them. But by no argument could the nuncio be prevailed on to consent : he was inflexibly determined to main- tain all the views of the Curia, knowing well that the emperor would at length be brought to approve his decision. And he did in fact succeed in obtaining from him a declaration that his temporal government had not the right to interfere in religious affairs. Mass was hereupon everywhere performed in the Roman ritual exclusively in Latin, with sprinkling of holy water and invocation of saints. The sacrament under both forms was no longer to be thought of; those who ventured to defend that celebration most boldly, were thrown into prison ; and finally, the symbol of Utraquism, the great chalice with the sword, at that time still to be seen at the Thein church, and which it was thought would keep alive old recollections, was taken down. On the 6th of July, which had jireviously always been held sacred in memory of John IIuss, the churches were kept carefully closed. To this rigorous enforcement of Romanist dogmas and usages, the government lent the aid of political measures. A large part of the landed property of the country was thrown by confiscation into the hands of Catholics, and the acqui- sition of land by Protestants was rendered almost impossible.* The council was changed in all the royal cities ; no member would have been tolerated whose Catholicism was in the slight- " est degree suspected ; the rebels were pardoned on the instant of their conversion ; but the refractory — those who could not be persuaded, and refused to yield to the admonitions of the clergy — had soldiers quartered in their houses, " to the end," as the nuncio declares in express terms, " that their vexations might enlighten their understanding."t The effect produced by that combined application of force * [With regulations to the eiFect that they could not be inscribed en the registers of the kingdom : a measure of inexpressible advantage to ihe reformation during all that period.] t [To the end that their troubles should give them feeling and under- standing,] the same ttiing is also repeated in the printed work : " Cogni- tumque fuit solum vexatiouem posse Bohcmis intellectura prtebere." lGi7-23,]] DOMINIONS OP AUSTRIA. 20i) and cxliortatiou was uucxpocted, even to the nuncio. IIo was amazed at the numbers attending the cliurclies in Prague, fre- (pently not less ou Sunday mornini^fs tliau from two to tlireo thousand persons, and at their humble, devout, and to all out- ward appearance, Catholic deportment. He accounts for this by supposing that Catholic recollections had never been wholly extinguished in the country, as might be seen from the fact that ♦n'cn the consort of King Frederick had not been permitted to remove the great cross from the bridge : the real causo unquestionably was, that Protestant convictions never had in I'act penetrated the masses of the population. The conversions proceeded unremittingly ; in the year 1624, the Jesuits alono profess to have recovered sixteen thousand souls to the Catholic church.* In Tabor, where Protestantism seemed to have ex- clusive possession, fifty families passed over to the Catholic clmrcli at Easter, 1622 ; and all the remaining part of the population at Easter of the following year. In course of time Bohemia became entirely Catholic. And as matters had gone in Bohemia so did they now pro- ceed in Jloravia ; the end was indeed attained with more facility in the latter country, where Cardinal Dietrichstein, being at the same time bishop of Olmiitz and governor of the province, brought both the spiritual and temporal powers to bear with all their forces combined on the point to be gained. There was, however, one difficulty j^cculiar to that country to be overcome. The nobles would not permit themselves to be deprived of the Moravian Brethren, whoso services, vrhether .domestic or agi-icultural, were invaluable, and whose settle ■ mcuts were the most prosperous districts in the country.t * Caraffa : [A Catholic pritii of great ability was jilaced there, and afterwards missions of the Jesuit fathers were sent thither.] t Ragguaglio di Caraffa : [These being considered men of industry nnd integrity, were employed in the care of estates, houses, wine-eellars, and mills, besides which they were excellent workmen in various handi- <-rafts, and, becoming rich, they contributed a large piirt of their gains to the nobles of the j)Iaces where they dwelt ; although, for some time pre- viously, they had begun to get corru))ted, ambition and avarice creeping in among them, with some degree of luxury in their habits of life. These people have continually increased in Moravia ; because, iu addition •to tb.ose whom they win over to join tliem in tlie province and places round, they maintain a correspoudenc:e with all parts of Germany, whence iliere flock to this brotherhood all those who despair of gaining a living VOL. II. p 210 BOHEMIA AND THE HEP.EDITATIY []1617-2G. They found advocates even in the emperor's privy council ; the nuncio and the principle he represented were nevertheless victorious in this case also : nearly fifty thousand of the Mora^ vians were expatriated. In the district of Glatz, the Protestant banners had once more been led to victory by the young Count Thura, but the Poles advanced in aid of the Imperialists ; the country was then overmatched, the town also was captured, and the Catho- lic worship I'estored with the usual severities. Not less than sixty preachers were driven from the land ; they were fol- lowed by no inconsiderable portion of their people, whose property instantly was confiscated. The mass of the popula- tion returned to Catholicism.'"' Under these circumstances, the often-repeated, and as often unsuccessful attempts to restore the Catholic faith in Austria Proper, was once more renewed, and was at length followed by decided success.f First, the preachers that had been accused of rebellion were banished, and then all Protestant preachers whatever. Furnished with a small sum for their journey, the unfortunate people slowly proceeded up the Danube, followed by the taunting cry of " Where now is your strong tower ? " The emperor declared explicitly to the estates of the country, that he " reserved to himself and his posterity the absolute and undivided power of disposing all things that regarded religion." In October, 1624, a commission appeared, by which a certain time was appointed, and within this period all were required to profess themselves for themselves ; there come to them, besides, great numbers from Suabia and the Grisons, poor creatures who suffer themselves to be allured by that name of " fraternity," and by the certainty of always having bread, which they doubt of being able to gain at home and by their own labour ; so that, at times, these Moravians have amounted to 100,000.] * Kogler's Chronik von Glatz, i. 3, 92. f This had been the first thought of the emperor, even before the battle of Prague, and when Maximilian first entered the territory of Upper Austria. He enforced on the latter the necessity of displacing the preachers without delay, " that the pipers might be sent away and the dance ended." His letter is in Breier's Continuation of Wolf's Maximilian, iv. 414. In the year 1624, the Jesuits got the university of Vienna completely into their hands : [The emperor incorporated the Society with the university, making the Jesuit body one with it, and granting them the fullest power to teach the polite letters, the Latin, Greek, and Hebrew tongues, philosophy, and theology.] Monitum ad Statut. Acad. Vindob. recentiora. KoUar Annal. ii. p. 282. 1617-23. DOMIMIONS OF AUSTRIA. 211 of the Catholic faith or to depart from the land. To the nobles only was a certain degree of indulgence shewn, and that but for a short time. In Hungary these violent proceedings were not possible, though that country was also conquered. A change was never- theless brought about here also, by the force of events, the favour of government, and above all by the exertions of the Archbishop Pazraany. This prelate was gifted with extra- ordinary talent as a writer of the mother tongue : his book, entitled " Kalauz,"" full of spirit and learning, was found by his countr\Tnen to bo irresistible. He was endowed with the gift of eloquence also, and is said to have persuaded no less than fifty families to abjure Protestantism by his own personal exhortations : names such as Zrinyi, Forgacz, Erdody, Balassa, Jakusith, Homonay, and Adam Thurzo are found among them; Count Adam Zrinyi alone expelled twenty Protestant pastors, and placed Catholic priests in their stead. Under these influ- ences the political afiairs of Hungary also took an altered direction. At the diet of 1625, the Catholic and Austrian party had the majority. One of the conA-crted nobles, an Esterhazy, whom the court desired to see appointed, was nominated palatine. But we must here at once remark the difference existing between Hungary and other parts of the Austrian dominions. The conversions in Hungary were very much more voluntary than they had been in other portions of the empire. The magnates resigned no one of their rights by conforming to Catholicism ; they may rather be said to have acquired in- creased privileges. In the Austrian Bohemian territories, on the contrary, the entire force of the Estates, their energy, and their independence, had all been thrown into the forms of Pro- testantism. Their conversion was compulsory, if not in each individual case, yet certainly as a whole ; with the reinstate- ment of Catholicism, the unlimited and absolute power of the government was established there also. * Hodoegus, Igazsagra vez^rlii Kalauz. Prcsb. 1613, 1623. p 2 212 THE EMPIRE. QG17-23. § 4. The Empire — Traua/er of the Electorate. We know tliat tlie progress of Catholic rpstoration in Ger- many was much more decided than in the hereditary domi- nions of Austria. The recent events had, nevertheless, an inmieasui-able effect even there. The counter-reformation at once received an increased iiii petus. and found a new tield of action. When Maximilian had taken possession of the Upper Pala- tinate, he permitted no time to be lost before changing its religion. He divided the country into twenty stations, in which fifty Jesuits immediately commenced their labours. The churches were transferred to them by force. The exercise of the Protestant worship was universally prohibited, and in pro- portion as it became probable that the country would continue annexed to Bavaria, did the disposition of the inhabitants increase towards the Catholic religion.'"' Even the Lower Palatinate was now regarded by the con- querors as entirely their own. Maximilian even presented the library of Heidelberg to the pope.f Nay, the conquest had not yet been attempted, to say a word in passing on this subject, when the pope requested that gift from the duke by means of his nuncio at Cologne, Mon- torio ; and Maximilian promised it Avith his usual alacrity. At the first intelligence of the capture of Heidelberg, the nuncio availed himself of the right thus obtained. He had been told that the MSS. more particularl}', were of inestimable value, and forwarded an especial request to Tilly that they might be protected from injury at the plunder of the city.^: The pope then commissioned Doctor Leone AUacci, scriptor of the Vati- can, to proceed at once to Germany and take the books into his possession. Gregory XV. considered this atfair as a matter of very high consequence : he declared it to be one of the most fortunate events of his pontificate, and one that must needs be highly beneficial to the sciences as well as to the advantage of the Church and honour of the Holy See. It would also be * KropfF, Historia Societatis Jesu in Germania superiori, torn. iv. p. 271. t See Ajipendix, No. 101. 1 Relatione di iSI"'. INTontorio ritoniato iiunzio di Colonia, 1G24. The passage is given in the Appendix, Xo. 109. 1617-23.3 TRANSFER OP THE ELECTORATE. 213 A'ery glorious to the Bavarian name, he affirmed, that so })ro- cious a booty should be preserved as an eternal remembrance in tlie world's <,'reat theatre — Rome.* Here also the duke displayed his indefatigable zeal for reform. He greatly exceeded even the Spaniards, who were yet most certainly not indifferent to Catholicism.t The nuncio was enraptured at the sight of mass performed and conversions taking i)lace in Heidelberg, " whence the rule and guide of Calvinism, the notorious catechism, had proceeded." The Elector Schweikard was, meanwhile, reforming the Bergstrasse, of which he had taken possession. The Mar- grave Wilhelm was pursuing a similar course in Upper Baden, as he had expressly promised the nuncio, Caraffa, to do;}: in the event of its being adjudged to him, as it now was after long litigation, although his origin, far from being equal to so high a claim, was scarcely legitimate. Even in countries not inmiediately affected by the political events of the period, the former efforts for the restoration of Catholicism were continued with renewed zeal. In Bamberg,§ in Fulda, on the Eichsfeld, and in Paderborn, where Catholics had been twice appointed in succession to the episcopal see, these efforts were most successful ; but more particularly so in the see of jMunster, where Meppen, Vechta, Halteren, and many other districts, were rendered wholly Catholic In the year 1G24. Archbishop Ferdinand established missions in nearly all the towns, and founded a Jesuits' college in Coes- feld,(j "for the revival and recovery of the most ancient '■' [That so precious a spoil and so noble a trophy sliould be preserved as a perj)etual memorial in this theatre of the world.] — Instruttiime al Dottore Leon AUatio per andare in Germania per la libreria del Palatino. In the Appendix we will examine its authenticity. See No. 101. t Montorio : [Even in the countries occupied by the Spaniards they do not proceed to the conversion of the people with the fervour shewn by ths Duke of Bavaria in those he occupies.] X Caraffa, Germania restaurata, p. 12!). § Particularly by John George Fuchs von Dornhcim, by whom ts^-enty- three knii^hts' parishes v/ere regained to Catholicism. — Jiick, Geschichte von Bamberg, ii. 120. II A letter from one of his assistants, Joh. Drachter, dean of Didmen, has a peculiarly strange soimd : [I have lieen unwilling to refer to your illustrious lordship any great number of these brainless sheep, and liave laboured, up to the present time, rather myself to drive the whole flock in their panic and perplexity towards the right fold, into which Baltbasar 214 THE EMPIRE. [^1617-23. Catholic religion, by many treated with indifference." Even up to Halberstadt and Magdeberg we find Jesuit missionaries. In Altona they seated themselves for a certain time to learn the language, intending tlien to proceed from that place to Denmark and Norway. We see with how violent a course the doctrines of Catholi- cism were poured from Upper into Lower Germany, from the south to the north. Meanwhile attempts were made to obtain a new position for still more effectually interposing in the general affairs of the empire. Ferdinand II. had promised Maximilian of Bavaria, on the conclusion of their alliance, that in the event of success he would make over the Palatine electorate to the duke.* The principal consideration by which the Catholic party were influenced on this occasion, and the light in which they viewed this transfer, cannot possibly be questioned. The majority possessed by that party in the council of princes, had been hitherto counterbalanced by the equality of votes which the Protestants held in the electoral college ; by the transfer of the Palatinate, this restraint would be done away with for ever.t The papal court had from time immemorial been closely allied with the duchy of Bavaria, and on this occasion Poj e Gregory made the interests of Maximilian most completely his own. He caused the king of Spain to be earnestly exhorted by the very first nuncio whom he sent into that country, to do his best for the destruction of the Couut Palatine, and thus con- tribute towards the transference of the Palatinate to the house of Bavaria, reminding him that this transfer must secure the Bilderbeck and Caspar Karl have already made a leap with closed feet, and have jumped in.] Compare the documents in Niesert generally, Miinstersche Urkundensammlung, i. p. 402. * Letter of the emperor to Baltasar di Zuniga, 15 Oct. 1621, printed by Sattler, Wurtemburg Geschichte, vi. p. 162. t Instruttione a M"". Sacchetti, nuntio in Spagna, describes the restora- tion of the Palatinate to its rightful owner, as [an irreparable diminution of the credit of the late achievements, and loss to the Catholic church ; if the pope should accede lO this resolution, it would be to the unspeakable injury of the Catholic religion and the empire, which has longed for so many a year to have the fourth election also in the interest of the blood of Austria, without being able to devise any possibility of bringing it about.] 1617-23.] TRANSFER OF THE ELECTORATE. 215 imperial crown to the Catholics for ever.* The Spaniards were not easily persuaded to enter into these views. They were engaged in the most important negotiations with the king of England, and scrupled to offend him in the person of his son- in-law, the Count Palatine Frederick, to whom the electorate so indisputably belonged. But so much the more zealous was Pope Gregory. He was not satisfied with the services of the nuncio only, and in the year 1622 we find a Capuchin of great address — a certain Brother Hyacinth, who was greatly con- fided in by Maximilian, despatched with a special mission from the papal court to that of Spain.f The subject was then entered on with extreme reluctance, and all that could be gained from the king was a remark that he would rather see the electorate in the house of Bavaria than in his own. But this suflaced to Brother Hyacinth. With this declaration he ha.stened to Vienna, for the purpose of using it, to remove whatever scruples the emperor might entertain, in regard to the opinion of Spain. He was there assisted by the wonted influence of the nuncio, Carafia ; nay, the pope himself came to his aid by a special letter. " Behold," exclaimed the pon- tiflT, to the emperor, in that letter, " the gates of heaven are opened ; the heavenly hosts urge thee on to win so great a glory ; they will fight for thee in thy camp." The emperor was besides influenced by a very singular consideration, and one by which he is strikingly characterized. He had long thought of this transfer, and had expressed his ideas on the subject in a letter that had fallen into the hands of the Pro- testants, and been published by them. The emperor felt him- self to be in a measure bound by this circumstance : he thought it essential to the maintenance of his imperial dignity that he should adhere to the purpose he had formed, once its existence had become known. SulHce it to say, lie determined to pro ceed to the transfer at the next electoral diet. J , The only question now remaining was, whether the princes of the empire would also agree to this an-angement. The * Instnittione a Mons'. Sangro : he is enjoined [to instigate and en- courage his majesty, that he by no means permit the Palatine ever to rise again ; so that the electorate being in Catholic hands, the empire may be for ever secured to the Catholics.] See Appendix, No. 97. t Khevenhiller, ix. p. 1766. + Carafl'a, Germania rcstaurata, p. 120 216 THE EMPIRE. Q 617- 23. decision mainly depended on Scliwcikard, of Mayence, and that cautious prince, at least according to the nuncio Mon- torio, was in tlie first instance adverse to the measure. He is said to have declared that the war would be renewed in con- sequence, and rage with more violence than before ; that more- over, if a change must of necessity take place, the Count Palatine of Neuberg, had the more obvious jight, and could not possibly be passed over. The nuncio does not inform us by what means he at length persuaded the prince. " In th& four or five days " — these are his words — " that I passed with him at Aschaffenburg, I obtained from him the decision desired." All we can perceive in this matter is, that the most strenuous assistance was promised on the pope's part, should the war break out anew. It is certain that this acquiescence of the electoral prince of Mayence was decisive of the matter. His two llhenish col- leagues adopted his opinion. Brandenburg and Saxony con- tinued to oppose the measure ; for though Saxony was per- suaded in like manner by the archbishop of Mayence, this was not till a later period,* and the Spanish ambassador now declared himself adverse to it in express terms. f Yet, in despite of this opposition, the emperor proceeded steadily for- wards; on the 25th of February, 1620, he transferred the electorate to his victorious ally. It is true that in the first instance it was declared to be a personal possession only, and that the rights of the Palatine heirs and agnates were reserved to them unimpaired for the future. The advantage gained was, meanwhile, incalculable, even with this condition. Above all, the liomanists had secured the preponderance in the supreme council of the empire, whose assent now gave a legal sanction to every new resolution in favour of Catholicism. Maximilian clearly saw the extent of his obligation to Po])e Gregory in this aflair. " Your holiness," he writes to him, " has not only forwarded the matter, but l)y your admonitions, * INIontorio calls Scluveikard [the sole cause of the change in Saxony's opinion, whereby he was broua;ht to agree with the emperor in the matter of the transfer.] See Appendix, No. 109. f See Onate's declaration and the vehement letter of Ludovisio against restoring the electorate to a blaspheming Calvinist, in Khevenhiller, x. 67, 68. 161T-23.] FRANCE. 217 vour authority, and your zealous exertions, you have dircrtl'v' accomplished it. It is to the favour and the vigilance of your holiness that it must absolutely and entirely be attributed." " Thy letter, O son," replied Gregory XY., " has tilled our breast with a streaui of delight, grateful as heavenly manna. At length may the daughter of Zion shake the ashes from her head, and clothe herself in the garments of festivity."" § .'). Fravce. And now, at this same moment, the great change in Pro- testant ati'airs commenced in France. If we inquire to what cause the severe losses suffered by the Protestant faith in the year 1621 are to be attributed, wo lind them principally due to the dissensions existing in the party, and to the a])ostasy of the nobles. It- may A'ory pos- sibly have happened that this last was occasioned by the re- publican tendencies at that time made manifest in the Pro- testant body, and which, referring to municipal rights as well as to theological opinions, were unfavourable to the influence of the nobility. The nobles may have found it more advan- tageous to attach themselves to the king and court, than to sutler themselves to be governed Itypreachers and burgomasters. Certain it is, that as early as the year 1621, the fortresses held by Protestants were delivered up by their governors as if in emulation one of another ; each seemed to think only of how he shonhl secure the best conditions and highest reward for himself. 'J'hese things were repeated in the year 1622. Jai Force and Chatillon received the batons of marshals on de- serting their brethren in the faith ; the aged Lesdiguieres * Givr.iti, Vita di Jiiulovisio Liulovisi, ascribes thn merit ])rincipnlly to the nephew : [Many letters were written by his holiness and the cardinal, even with their own hands, full of ardour, and niost proper to persuade the emperor; and, besides that. M''. Veros))i, auditor of tr.e Rota, was sent about tliat matter, and after him. Father Ciiaeinto of Casale, a Capuchin, j By these persons the emperor was told [that the vicar of r.hrist, on tlic ])art of our Lord himself, implored and conjured him, <-ven with tears, and promised him, in return for his assent, eternal felicity and the security of his salvation] Sec Appendix, No. 9o. 218 FRANCE. [1617-23. became a Catholic,* and even commanded a division against the Protestants : this example induced many others to abjure their belief. Under these circumstances, the peace concluded in 1622 could be obtained only on the most unfavourable terms ; nay, there was not even ground for hope that its con- ditions, hard as they were, would be fulfilled.t At an earlier period, and when the Protestants were powerful, the king had often disregarded and violated his treaties with them ; was it probable that he would observe them more scrupulously now when they had lost their power ? Accordingly, all that the peace was to secure the Protestants from suffering, was in- flicted on them, in despite of its provisions and promises. The Protestant worship was in many places directly impeded. ' The reformed were forbidden to sing their psalms in the streets or in their shops. Their rights in the universities were restricted. J Fort Louis, which, according to the treaty of peace, should have been razed to the ground, was on the contrary maintained ; an attempt was made to transfer the choice of magistrates for Protestant cities to the king;§ and on the 17th April, 1622, a decree was issued appointing a commissary who should be present in aU assemblies of Pro- testants. After these great inroads on their ancient privileges had once been endured, the government proceeded to interfere in matters purely ecclesiastical ; the Huguenots were pre- vented by the commissiaries from adopting the decrees of the Synod of Dort. They no longer possessed a shadow of independence. They could no more oppose any steadfast or effectual resistance. Conversions proceeded throughout the whole of their territories. All Poitou and Languedoc were filled with the missions of the Capuchins. II The Jesuits who had formed new establish- ments in Aix, Lyons, Pan, and many other places, made the most extraordinary progress both in the cities and through the * See Memoires de Deageant, p. 190, and many other places, for valuable remarks in respect to this conversion. t Liste des gentilhomtnes d.e la religion reduits au roi, in Malingre, Histoire des derniers troubles arrives en France (p. 789). Even Rohan came to terms ; but these, as given in the Mercure de France, vii. p. 845, are, unhappily, not authentic. * Benoist, ii. 419. § Rohan, Mem. i. 3. II Instruttione all' Arcivescovo di Damiata, MS. See Appendix, No. 106. 1617-23.] FRANCE. 219 country. Their Fraternities of the Virgin attracted universal notice, and gained the utmost respect and approbation by the cares they had bestowed on the wounded during the last war.* The Franciscans also distinguished themselves ; as for ex- ample, Father Villele of Bordeaux, of whom things well- nigh incredible are related. After having brought the whole city of Foix over to his own creed, he is said to have con- verted a man more than a hundred years old, and the same who had received the first Protestant preacher from the hands of Calvin, and had conducted him into Foix. The Protestant church was torn down, and the triumphant fathers caused the expelled preacher to be followed by a trumpeter from town to town.-j- The work of conversion, in short, proceeded with irresistible force ; high and low were alike subjected to the prevailing influence ; even the learned relinquished their creed. On these last a particular efiect was produced by the argument demonstrating that the ancient church, even before the Council of Nice, had permitted the invocation of saints, had offered prayers for the souls of the departed, had established a hie- rarchy, and was in many other respects in perfect accordance with Catholic usages. We have still the reports of certain bishops remaining, from whicl^ we gather the relative numbers of each confession as fixed under these circumstances. In the diocese of Poitiers, half the inhabitants of some towns were Protestant ; as for example, those of Lusignan and St. Maixant. In others, as Chauvigny and Norti, a third; in Loudun a fourth; in Poitiers itself a twentieth only, and a still smaller proportion in the rural districts.^ In all matters relating to conversions, the bishops were in direct correspondence Avith the papal see ; they made reports of what had been done, and expressed their wishes as related to future proceedings. The nuncio was then directed to present the requests or suggestions of these pre- lates to the king, supporting them with all his influence. The bishops frequently entered into very minute details. The bishop of Vienne, for example, has found that the missionaries * Cordara, Historia Societatis Jesu, vii. 95, 118. See Appendix, No. 93. t Relatione Catliolique, inserted in the ^lercurc Francois, viii. 489. ; Relatione del Vescovo di Poitiers, 1623, MS. 220 FRANCE. [1617-2,'?. are especially inipedetl and restrained by a certain preacher in St. Marcelliu, avLo has proved himself unconquerable, and the nuncio is required to press the necessity for his removal on the court. The bishop of St. Male claims the help of the nuncio, bewailin<,' that at a certain castle of his diocese they will en- dure no introduction of the Catholic worship. The bishop of Xaintcs requests him to forward a clever converter who is pointed out by name. And on the i)art of the nuncio the bishops are sometimes enjoined to specify the causes of such impediments as they meet with, and to state explicitly what they think might be done for their removal, to the end that the nuncio may represent the matter effectually to the king.* The most intimate union was maintained between all the ecclesiastical authorities and the Propaganda, which, as we have remarked, was perhaps most efficiently active during it» earliest years; and these were again in continual communication with the pontiff himself ; earnest zeal and a vigorous activity following in the train of military successes ; a decided sym- pathy on the part of the court ; who sees its own political interests promoted by the religious changes. All these things account for the fact, that this was the period when the destruction of the Protestant faith in France was decidedly accomplished. * Instrnttione all' Arcivescovo di Damiata ; a single instance may suffice : [From the report of the bishop of Candon, it appears that he has established a mission of Jesuits in his district of Neaco, where there are many heretics ; but they must labour in vain, unless the king send effectual orders from the temporal power ; it were well you wrote to that bishop, desiring him to state the things he desires his majesty to do, for this he does not specify in his report. From the bishop of St. Malo v/c hear, that in a castle and hamlet belonging to the marquis of ]Moussaye, Calvinism only is allowed to be preached ; wherefore it would be good to remind his majesty of removing the preachers, that the bishop's mis- sionaries may labour to some purpose ; the castle and hamlet are not named, and you might write to the bishop respecting this. The bishop of Montpellier suffered from a scarcity of spiritual labourers, and as the people listen willingly to the Capuchins, it would be well to procure a mission of those fathers.] See Appendix, No. 100. 1G17-23.] THE -UNITED NETHERLANDS. 221 § 6. Th(' United Xethciianils. Xor were tliesc ailvaiices of Catholici.sni confined to such countries as Lad Catholic governments ; they became obvious at the same point of time under Protestant ruUn'S also. We are sufficiently amazed, when we read in Bentivoglio, that even in those very cities of the Netherlands, where the king of Spain had been so long and so magnanimously witli- stood, chiefiy from religious motives ; the greater ])art of the principal families had again become Catholic.'" But our asto- nishment is increased, when we learn, from a very circum- stantial report of the year 1622, the great ])rogress of Catho- licism under circumstances altogether unfavourable. The jiriests were jwrsecuted and expelled; yet their numbers in- creased. In the year l>5tl2, the first Jesuit arrived in the Netherlands; in the 3'ear 1622, the order had twenty-two members in that country. New labourers were constantly proceeding from the colleges of Cologne and Louvain ; and in the year 1622, there were two hundred and twenty secular priests employed in the provinces ; that number not by any means sufficing to the necessities of the time. According to the reix)rt in question, the number of Catholics in the diocese of Utrecht amounted to one hundred and fifty tliousaud ; in the diocese of Haarlem, to which Amsterdam belonged, it was . 1542-1623.] MISSIONS. 287 titiou was naturally aroused among the representatives of the established religion, and in Abyssinia as in Europe, the civil war assumed the character of a religious conflict. The Abuna and his monks were always on the side of the rebels. Sela Christos, the Portuguese, and the converts, on that of the emperor. Year after year battles were fought with varied consequences ; but the emperor and his party were at length victorious : their triumph was also that of Catholicism and the Jesuits. In the year 1621, Seltan-Segued decided the ancient controversies respecting the two natures in Christ, in accord- ance with the views of the Roman church. He prohibited the oflTering of prayers for the patriarch of Alexandria ; Catho- lic churches and chapels were erected in all his towns, and oven in his gardens." In 1622, after having confessed to Va.cz, he received the sacrament according to the Catholic ri- tual. The papal court had been long requested to send a Latin patriarch into the country, but had avoided doing this so long as the opinions or power of the emperor remained doubtful. That sovereign had now vanquished all his enemies, and the submission he displayed could not well be more perfect. On the 1 .9th of December, therefore, in the year 1622, Gregory XV. appointed Doctor Alfonso Mendez, a Portuguese Jesuit Avhom King Philip had proposed, to be patriarch of Ethiopia,t and when this dignitary at length arrived, the emperor solemnly tendered his obedience to the pope of Rome. Attention had meanwhile been constantly directed to the Oreek Christians resident in the Turkish empire ; the popes despatched mission after mission in that behalf. The Roman profcssio Jidei had been introduced among the jMaronites by certain Jesuits ; and in 1614 we find a Xestorian Archimandrite in Rome, where he abjured the tenets of Nestorius in the name of large numbers who had previously held those doctrines. A Jesuit mission was established in Constantinople, and by the influence of the French ambassador, it acquired a certiin de- gree of credit and stability. In the year 1621, these fathers succeeded in procuring the removal, at least for a time, of the patriarch Cyrillus Lucaris, who was disposed to the opinions of the Protestants. * Juvencius, p. 705 ; Cordara, vi. 6, ji. 320. Luc'olf calls the emperor Susneus. t .Sagripanti, Discorso della Religione (IpH' Etiopia, ?IS., from the Atti Consistoriali. 238 CONFLICT OF POLITICAL RELATIONS. Q623-28. How comprelienslve ! how unbounded was this activity labouring at one and the same moment among the Andes and through the Alps ; its pioneers were despatched at once to Scandinavia and to Thibet. In China and in England we find it warily making its approaches to the favour of the ruling powers. Yet, on this illimitable theatre, undivided, ever vigorous, and indefatigable, the strong impulse that worked in the centre, inspiriting, perhaps with a more intense and vivid force of action, every separate labourer, even to the utmost extremity of its borders. CHAPTER III. § 1. Conjlict of Political Relations — Further Triumphs of Catholicism. It is rarely by a resistance from without tliat a power in rapid progress is arrested in its career ; reverses are for the most part occasioned by internal dissensions, which if not the sole cause of decline, yet largely promote and accelerate it. Had Catholicism remained of one accord, had its adherents I^roceeded with united forces to their, aim, it is difficult to imagine how northern Germanic Europe, involved as it was to a considerable extent in the interests, and hemmed in on all points by the policy of Catholicism, could eventually have resisted its domination. But was it not inevitable that having reached this degree of power, the old elements of discord residing within Catholi- cism itself, and which, though stilled at the surface, had been constantly active at the centre, should now burst forth anew ? The distinctive peculiarity of religious progress at tWs period was that it depended in all countries on the preponde- rance of political and military power. The successes of war preceded the progress of missions. It thus followed that the latter were associated with the most important political changes, which last wore in themselves of high significance, and could not fail to cause reactions, of which the particular character could not be foreseen. Of all those changes, the most important certainly was. 1623-28.|] FURTHER TRIUMPHS OP CATHOLICISM. 239 that tlic German line of the Iiouse of Austria, ■which had hitherto been too much engrossed by the disquietudes received from its hereditary dominions to assume any great share in the politics of Europe generally, now at once attained the independence, importance, and strength of a great European ])ower. The elevation of German Austria produced the effect of awakening Spain, which had reposed in peace since the times of Philip II., but which now rose with a renewal of its old warlike spirit to the assertion of its former hopes and claims. The Spanish and German sovereigns were already brought into immediate connection, by the transactions in the s 2 2G0 MANTUAN SUCCESSION. [|1623-28. could now be convinced tliat they would not seek to confer the duchy on some member of the house of Gonzaga more devoted to themselves. We must, nevertheless, admit that the wish of the Italians to see Mantua in possession of a prince, naturally allied to France and independent of Spain, had a considerable share in causing this opinion. They would not believe that Spain would accede to a thing desired by them chiefly as being so adverse to the Spanish interest. They even persuaded the rightful line of succession to think as they did ; so that Gon- zaga thought it best to place himself in possession by whatever means presented themselves. The case may be said to have resembled that of the animal constitution, wherein some internal disease sought only an occasion — some aggrieved point — for bursting forth. In the most profound secrecy, and before the death of Vin- cenzo, the young Gonzaga Nevers,- duke de Rethel, arrived in Mantua. All here had been pre-arranged by a Mantuau minister, named Striggio, belonging to the anti-Spanish party. The old duke acknowledged the rights of his cousin without difficulty. There was still remaining a princess of the direct native line, great granddaughter of Philip II. of Spain, through his youngest daughter, who had married into the house of Savoy. With her it seemed extremely desirable that the young duke should contract a marriage. Accidental circumstances delayed the preparations, and it was not till Vincenzo had expired* that the lady was taken in the night from the convent where she had been educated, and con- ducted to the palace, where the marriage was immediately solemnized. The death of Vincenzo was then first made known. Rethel was saluted prince of Mantua, and received the ac- customed homage. An envoy from Milan was kept at a dis- tance till it was concluded, and then, not without a kind of mockery, was made acquainted with the facts. Intelligence of these proceedings arrived at the courts of Vienna and Madrid, together with that of the duke's death. It will be readily admitted that they were well calculated to exasperate and embitter these mighty sovereigns, whose * Nani, Storia Veneta 1. 7, p. 350 ; Siri, Memorie recondite, vi. 309, both relate this fact ; the last, on the authority of a letter of Sabran to the French court. 1623-28.] MANTUAN SUCCESSION. 261 |ilcasurc it was to aysume a character of religious as well as temporal majesty, to have a kinswoman married without their consent, nay, without their knowledge, and with a sort of violence ; an important fief taken into possession without the blightcst deference to the feudal sovereign ! Yet the measures adopted by the two courts were entirely different. Olivarez, proud as a Spaniard, doubly proud as the minister of so powerful a king, and always possessed by an extravagant .sense of his OAvn importance, was now far from disposed to make any advances to the duke : he resolved to mortify him, at least, nccording to his own expres.sion, if he did nothing more." It is true that the deportment of Gonzaga was mani- festly hostile : after the proofs he had given of his manner of thinking, could the important city of Montferrat, which was always considered as an outwork of Milan, be safely intrusted to his keeping? The duke of Guastalla laid claim to 3Iantua ; the duke of Savoy to Montferrat. The Spaniards now formed alliances with both : an appeal was made to arms. The duke of Savoy advanced on Montferrat from the one side, and Don Gonzalez de Cordova, governor of Milan, from the other. The French had already gained admittance into ( 'asale. Don Gonzalez now hastened to lay siege to that place. lie had the less doubt of reducing it speedily, as he confided in the understanding entered into with him by parties within tlu- walls. The emperor did not proceed so hastily. lie felt persuaded that God wouUl protect him, because lie was proceeding in the path of justice. He disapproved the conduct of the Spaniards, and caused a formal remonstrance to be sent to Don Gonzalez. But he was determined, on the other hand, to exercise his right of supreme adjudication without the least restraint, and pronounced sentence of sequestmtion against Mantua, until he should have decided to which of the several claimants the inlieritancc belonired. As the new duke of Mantua, who had * Nicoletti : "\'ita di papa Urbano, from a despatch of the nuncio Pamfiliu. [The count duke declared that, at the very least, he would mortify the duke of Nevers, for the disrespect s^hewn to the kin^, by con- cluding the marriage without first imparting it to him : but to what extent this mortification was to go, the nuncio could make no conjecture, and the less, as the reasons which had induced the pope to grant tlie dis- pensation were bitterly impugned by the count duke. J App. No. 120. 262 MANTUAN SUCCESSION. ri623-2S. entered ou his duchy, would not submit, the most severe mandates were issued against him.* Now although these measures differed in their origin and character, they yet concurred to produce the same effects. Nevers found himself threatened no less by the German line of the Austrian house, with its legal claims, than by the violent measures of the Spanish line : while seeking to elude the danger, he had drawn it down upon his head. His prospects were indeed very unpromising in the be- ginning. Although it is true that some of the Italian states considered his case very nearly as their own, and neglected no means that might persuade him to firmness in his resolution of resistance ; yet they had not in themselves resources ade- quate to the affording him effectual assistance. Richelieu also had promised that he would not suffer his cause to be lost, if he could only maintain his hold till France could come to his aid ; but the question was, when that would be. The affairs of Mantua were approaching their crisis during the siege of La Rochelle, and the moment was one of extreme peril ; before the reduction of that fortress, Richelieu could not move a step ; he dared not venture again to commence hostilities with Spain, while his doing so might give occasion for another formidable rising of the Huguenots. And there were likewise considerations of a different character, which were forced on his attention by his earlier * The intentions of the imperial court may be gathered from the report of Pallotta, June 10, 1628, given in an extract by Nicoletti. [The nuncio became daily more firmly convinced that there was a very un- friendly feeling entertained against the duke de Nevers : it was affirmed that he had shewn contempt for the king of Spain, and still more for the emperor, by concluding his marriage without their knowledge, and taking possession of his fief without investiture, — nay, even without the imperial permission (indulto) ; that he was an enemy of the house of Austria, and was in good intelligence with the French, whom he designed to aid in their invasion of Milan. Yet his imperial majesty was much inclined to peace, and to that end had issued the decree of sequestration, that he might dis- arm the Spaniards and Savoyards, wliile the pretensions of Guastalla, Savoy, Lorraine, and Spain, to the states of Mantua and Montferrat, should be under discussion. But the duke had further offended the emperor by acts of discourtesy to the commissioners, and by not admitting them into Mantua ; more than all, however, by his appeal and the pro- test that the emperor had lapsed from his rights and sovereignty over the said fiefs.] iG23-28.] URBAN viir. 263 ' xj)crience. He must on no account dare to provoke a dis- ;igreement with the zealous and rigidly Catholic party in his own country : nor could he venture to dissent from the views of the pope, or pursue a line of policy that might displease his holiness. And now once more important general interests were depending on the pope. His position, the nature of his office, all required him to use^ his utmost efiorts for the preservation of peace in the Catholic world. As an Italian prince he possessed an unquestionable influence over his neighbours. His proceedings were to be decisive, as we have seen, even of the measures of France. All depended on the question whether he would avert the bursting forth of the menacing discord, or would himself become a party in the contest. In the earlier political complexities of his pontificate, Urban YIII. had found his line of policy marked out, — its course prescribed. On this occasion his own modes of think- ing first came more completely into view, and this occurred at a moment when they were essentially to afiect the great interests of the world. § 2. Urhan VIII. Among other foreigners who attained to considerable wealth during the sixteenth century by the trade of Ancona, which was at that time in a tolerably prosperous condition, was the Florentine house of Barberini, which distinguished itself by its talents for commerce and by consequent success. A scion of that house, ]\[affeo, born at Florence in the year 1568, was taken, on the early death of his father, to Rome, where he had an uncle then residing who had risen to a certain position in the Curia. Maffeo also attached himself to the service of the Curia ; and in this career, though aided by the opulence of his family, he yet owed his promotion chiefly to the extraordinary talents he disjilayed. In every degree to which ho attained, his colleagues in oflice perceived in him a decided superiority ; but it was principally by his success in a nunciature to the court of France, the friendship and confidence of which he completely secured, that he was encouraged to entertain more 264 FKBAX viii. ([1623-28; lofty views of Lis own destiny. Ou the death of Gregory XV, the French party immediately proposed him for the pontificate. The aspect of the conclave on that occasion wa»s to a certain extent different from that of the one preceding it, inasmuch as that the last pope had reigned for a short time only. Although he had appointed a considerable number of cardinals, yet those nominated by his predecessor were equally numerous ; thus the nephew of the last pope and that of the last but one, met each other in the conclave with a nearly equal force of ad- herents. Mafieo Barberino is said to have given each party to understand that he was an opponent of the other, and it is affirmed that he thus gained the support of both — each, too, up- holding him from hatred to the other. But a still more eflTicient caut^e of his success doul)tless was, that he had always proved himself a zealous defender of the jurisdictional righft of the Roman Curia, and had thus rendered the majority of the car- dinals favourable to his own interests. Be this as it may, helped on by his own merits and by the suppoi't of others, 3Iaff"eo Barberino secured his election, and rose to the ponti- fical dignity at the vigorous age of fifty-five. The court veiy soon discovered a wide difference between the new pope and his immediate predecessors. Clement VIII. was most commonly found occupied with the works of St. Bernard ; Paul X. with the writings of the holy Justinian of Venice ; but on the table of Urban VIII. lay the newest poems, or draughts and plans of fortifications. It will generally be found that the time at which the cha- racter of a man receives its decided direction is in those first years of manhood which form the period when he begins to take an independent position in public affairs or in lite- rature. The youth of Paul V., who was born in 1552, and of Gregory XV., born in 1554, belonged to a time when the principles of Catholic restoration were pressing forwards with full unbroken vigour, and they were them- selves accordingly imbued with these principles. The first influentially active portion of Urban's life, born 1568, coin- cided, on the contrary, with that period when the papal princi- pality was opposed to Spain, — when the re-establishment of France as a Catholic jiower was one of the reigning topics of the day ; and accordingly we find that his inclinations follow by preference the direction then chosen. 1623-28.] URBAX viir. 26c'> Urban VIII. considered himself more particularly as a temporal prince. He had formed the opinion that the States of the Church should be secured by fortifications, and should render them- selves formidable by their own arms. A\''hen the marble monu- ments of his predecessors wei'O pointed out to him, he declared that those erected by himself should be of iron. He built Castelfrauco on the Bologuesc frontier, and this place was also called Fort Urbano ; although its military utility was so far from being obvious, that the people of Bologna suspected it to be raised against them rather than for their defence. In the year 1625 he began to strengthen the castle of St. Angclo in Rome, by the addition of breastworks, and immediately stored the fortress with provisions and munitions of war, as though the- enemy had been before the gates. He built the high wall that encloses the papal gardens on Monte Cavallo, without regard to the destruction thus occasioned to a magnificent relic of antiquity, situate in the Colonna gardens. He es- tablished a manufactory of arms at Tivoli.* The rooms beneath the Vatican library were used as an arsenal, the public ways were thronged with soldiers, and the seat of the supreme spiritual power of Christendom — the peaceful circuit of the Eternal City — was filled with the uproar of a camp. The pontiff considered a free port also as indispensable to a well-organized state, and Civita Vecchia was put into a state rendered proper to that purpose at great cost ; but the * A. Contarini, Rel"*' di 1635 : [With regard to arms, the popes were previously altogether unprovided, confidini^ more in the attachment of princes secured by benefits, than in warlike defences ; now the note is changed, and the present pope in particular is very earnest in the matter. He has brought a certain Ripa, of Brescia, a subject of your serenity, to Tivoli, who has, from time to time gone to entice a number of workmen from the Gardon country. This Ripa here makes a large quantity of arms, causing the rough iron to be brought from tlic Brescian territory, and he is also raising some portion of ores found in Umbria : of all these things my letters have given due notice at the proper time, but I rather think they have been passed over without much attention. The pope has prepared an arsenal for these arms under the library of the Vatican, where muskets, pikes, carbines, and pistols are stored in good order ; there are sufficient to arm twenty thousand foot soldiers, and five thousand horse, besides a good nunilier that have been sent from this same factory of Tivoli to Ferrara and Castelfranco during the late events.] App. No. 115. 266 UEBAX viii. [1623-28. result was more in accordance with tlie condition of tilings than with the views of the pope. In his new port the Bar- bary corsairs sold the booty of which they had plundered Christian ships. Such was the purpose to which the labours of the supreme pastor of Christendom became subservient. As regarded all these arrangements Pope Urban acted with absolute and uncontrolled power. He surpassed his prede- cessors, at least in the early years of his pontificate, in the unlimited exercise of his authority. If it was proposed to him to take the advice of the college, he would reply that he alone knew more and understood better than all the cardinals ]3ut together. Consistories were very seldom called, and even when they were assembled, few had courage to express their opinions freely. The congregations met in the usual manner, but no questions of importance were laid before them, and the decisions they arriv-ed at were but little regarded.* Even for the administration of the state, Urban formed no proper " consulta," as had been customary with his predecessors. His nephew, Francesco Barberino, was perfectly justified in refusing, as he did, during the first ten years of Urban's pontificate, to accept the resi^onsibility of any measure, whatever might be its nature. The foreign ambassadors considered themselves most unfor- tunate in their attempts to transact business with this pope — they could make no way with him. In giving audience he talked himself more than any other person ;t he lectured and harangued, continuing with one applicant the conversation he * [The congregations, says Aluise Contarini, are occasional!)' used, that is to cover some blunder.] App. No. 115. t Pietro Contarini : Rel"'* di 1627. [He abounds in talk on all matters, and reasons to a great extent on every subject, putting forward whatever he knows or conceives in every matter of business, and this to such a degree, that his audiences are given with double frequency, and are longer than those of his predecessors. The same thing occurs in the congregations, whenever he is present, to the great disadvantage of all who have to treat with him ; for since he takes up the greater part of the time, there is little left for others. I heard a cardinal say that he was going, not to receive audience, but to give it to the pope, since he was certain that his holiness would talk more than listen ; and it has often happened that those who have gone to him about their affairs have left without having been able to say any thing of their business, for if he once took up the discourse they had no longer opportunity for uttering one word.] See Appendix, No. 111. 1G23-28.J URBAN viir. 267 had commenced with another. All were expected to listen to him, admire him, and address him with the most pro- found reverence, even when his replies were adverse to them. Other pontiffs often refused the requests presented to them, hut for some given cause — some principle, either of religion or policy. In Urban, caprice was often perceived to be the only motive for refusal ; no one would conjecture whether he ought to expect a yes or a no. The quick-sighted Venetians found out that he loved to contradict ; that he was inclined, by an almost involuntary disposition, constantly to give the contrary decision to that proposed to him. In order to gain their point, therefore, they adopted the expedient of starting objections to their own wishes ; and in seeking for arguments to oppose these, he fell of himself upon propositions to which all the per- suasion in the world would not othei-wise have obtained his assent. This is a character of mind which sometimes exhibits itself in a certain manner among men of subordinate station also, and was not unfrequently observed in those times among Spaniards and Italians. It would seem to consider a public office as a tribute due to its merit and personal importance ; and men thus constituted are fur more powerfully influenced in the administration of their duties, by their own feelings and impulses, than by the exigences of the case. Theyare not greatly dissimilar to an author, who, occupied by the consciousness of his talents, does not so much devote his thoughts to the sub- ject before him as give free course to the fancies of his caprice. And Urban himself really belonged to this class of authors ; the poems of his composition still remaining to us shew con- siderable talent and wit; but how strangely are sacred subjects handled in them ! The psalms and axioms, alike of the Old and New Testaments, are compelled to accommodate them- selves to Horatian measures. The song of praise of the aged Simeon is presented in two Sapphic strophes ! It is manifest that no characteristic of the text can remain : the matter is forced to adapt itself to a form in direct contradiction with its character, and adopted only because preferred by the author. But these talents, the brilliant appearance they cast about the person of the pope, nay, even the robust health that ho enjoyed, all contributed to increase that self-complacency with which his lofty position had of itself inspired him."' * This was remarked from the beginning. Relatione dei quattro am- 268 URBAN viii, [1623-2». I do not kuov.- any pope in whom this self-consciousness attained to so high a degree. An objection derived from ancient papal constitutions was once opposed to some design of his ; he replied that the spoken word of a living pope was worth more than the maxims of a hundred dead ones. The resolution adopted by the Roman people of never rais- ing a statue to any pope during his life was abrogated by Urban, with the declaration that " such a resolution could not apply to a pope like himself." The mode in which one of his nuncios had conducted him- self under very difficult circumstances having been repre- sented to him with praise, he remarked, that "the nuncio had but proceeded in accordance with his instructions." To such a man it was, so filled with the idea of being a mighty prince, so well disposed to France, both from his early occupation in that country and the support it had afforded him ; so self-willed, energefeic, and full of self-importance ; to such a man, that the conduct of the supreme spiritual power over Catholic Christendom was committed at this critical moment. On his decisions, — on the line of conduct that he should pursue among the Catholic powers, was now principally to depend the progress or interruption of that universal restora- tion of C-atholicism with which the world was occupied. But it had very early been remarked that this pontiff betrayed a disinclination towards the interests of Austrian kSpain.'"' Cardinal Borgia complained of his aversion and harshness as early as 1625. "The king of Spain," he said, "could not obtain the slightest concession from him, — every thing was refused to his majesty." The same prelate further maintained that Urban did not willingly terminate the affairs of the Valtelline ; he affirmed basciatori, 1624. [He loves his own opinions, and thinks highly of his rofound secrecy by the nuncio, then resident in Brussels, for the marriage of the electoral prince palatine, — not with an Austrian, but Avith a Bavarian princess."' In the complexities of the Mantuan succossion, also, Pope Urban VIII. took an equally eflicient part. The recent mai-- riage of the young princess with Rethel, on which the whole aifair depended, could not have been completed without tl'e papal dispensation. The pontifl" granted this without having consulted the nearest kinsmen of the lady — Philip of Spain and the emperor ; and it was besides prepared precisely at the moment required. All these things sufticed to render the dispositions of the pope clearly manifest : his most earnest wish was that of all the other Italian sovereignties, the seeing a prince entirely indejiendeut of Spain take possession of the Mantuan duchy. lie did not even wait until the initiative had been taken by Kichelieu. His representations to the imperial court having failed of their effect, the proceedings of Austria being indeed more and more threatening, while the siege of Casale was still jiersisted in, the pojjc turned of his own accoril to France. He caused the most urgent entreaties to be used. " The king," he said, " might send an army into the field even before * The emissary of the nuncio was a Capuchin, Francesco della Rota. Russdorf, Negotiations, i. 205, gives a particularly detailed account of these trans-actions. 270 URBAN Till. [1623-28. the reduction of La Roclielle was efiected ; an expedition for the assistance of Mantua would be quite as pleasing to God as the beleaguering of that chief bulwark of the Plugueuots. Let the king only appear at Lyons and declare himself for the free- dom of Italy, and the pope on his part would not delay to bring liis forces into action and unite himself with the king."* From this side, therefore, Richelieu had nothing now to fear if he should determine to revive that opposition to Spain which he had failed to establish three years before. But he wished to proceed with perfect security ; he was not in so much haste as the pope, and would not suffer himself to be disturbed in the siege of a place by which his ambition was fettered in it& career. But he was all the more determined when once La Rochelie had fallen. " Monsignore," he said to the papal nuncio, whom he instantly sent for, " now we will not lose another moment ;■ the king will engage in the affairs of Italy with all his power."t Thereupon, that hostility to Spain and Austria which had so often displayed itself, rose up with greater vehemence than ever. The jealousy of Italy once more called forth the ambition of France. The state of things appeared to be so urgent, that Louis XIII. would not wait for the spring, but left Paris at once, even in the midst of January (162S). He took the road to the Alps, and it was in vain that the duke of Savoy, who, as we have said, adhered to Spain, opposed his progress. The passes of his dominions, which he had caused to be barricaded, were forced at the first assault ; Susa was taken, and in the month of March he was compelled to come to terms : the Spaniards were then constrained to raise the siege of Casale.."}; Thus the two leading powers of Catholic Christendom once more stood opposed to each other in arms. Richelieu again l)roceeded to bring his boldest plans to bear against the Spanish and Austrian power. But if we compare the two periods, we perceive that he now * Extracts from Bethune's despatches of the 23rd Sept. and 8th Oct. 1628, in Siri, Memorie, vi. p. 478. t Dispaccio Bagni, 2 Nov. 1628. J Recueil de diverses relations des guerres d'ltalie, 1629-31. Bourg en Bresse, 1632. 1623-28.] VRBAN VIII. 271 held ;i far more substantial and tenable position than at the time of his enterprise in regard to the Grisons and the Palatinate. Then, the Huguenots might have seized the moment for re- newing the civil war. Nor were they completely subdued even now ; but since they had lost La Rochelle they occasioned no further disquietude : defeats and losses pursued them with- out intermission, so that they could no longer cftect even a diversion. And perhaps it was of still more importance that Richelieu now had the pope on his side. In his earlier under- taking the contest in which he was thereby involved with the policy of Rome, was perilous even to his position in France ; his present enterprise, on the contrary, had been suggested by Rome itself for the interests of the papal principality. Riche- lieu found it advisable on the whole to attach himself as closely as possible to the papacy : in the disputes between the Roman and Galilean doctrines he now adhered to the Roman and abandoned the Galilean tenets. In this state of things how momentous became the animosity of Urban VIII. to the house of Austria ! With the development of religious opinions, and the progress of Catholic restoration, were associated political changes, the principle of which continued to make itself more earnestly and deeply fblt, and now placed itself in direct opposition even to that of the church. The pope entered the lists against that very power by which the restoration and progress of Catholicism had been most zealously and most efficiently promoted. The question now was, what would be the course of this power — above all, that of Ferdinand himself, in whose hands the work of restoration principally rested — when confronted by so mighty and so threatening an opposition? § 3. The power of the Emperor Ferdinand II. in the year 1629. The emperor proceeded as though nothing had occurred. Under the circumstances prevailing, it was true that he could promise himself no kind of favour from the pope. In the most trifling matter.?, as for example in a question relating 272 THE POWER OF THE [[162!) to the abbacy of St. Maxiraian, he found his wishes opposed ; iiay, with regard to the most devout suggestions, he expe- rienced nothing but refusals, — as when he desired, among other things, that St. Stephen and tJt.Wenceslaus — the one of whom was greatly revered in Hungary, and the other in Bohemia — should be admitted into the Roman calendar. Notwithstand- ing all these disappointments, he published the edict of resti- tution in the empire on the 6th of March, 1629. This may be regarded as the final judgmeut in a great suit which had been pending for more than a ceutury. The Protestants were utterly condemned : judgmeut was given entirely in favour of the Catholics. " There remains nothing for us," declared the emperor, " but to uphold the injured party, and to send forth our commissioners that they may demand from their present unauthorized possessors the restitution of all archbishoprics, bishoprics, prelacies, monasteries, and other ecclesiastical pro- perty confiscated since the treaty of Passau. Commissions were immediately instituted, one for each circle of the empire ; these were at once in full activity, and the most indiscriminate executions began. And might not the pope at least have been appeased by this, and moved to some show of favour and friendliness ? Pope Urban considered it all as the mere ful- filment of a duty. The emperor begged to have the right of nominating, at least for the first time, to the ecclesiastical bene- fices recovered by the edict of restitution; but the pope refused him this, afiirmingthat he dared not violate the concordats, which were observed, he said, even in France.* There was a kind of mockery in this mode of refusal, since the French concordat secured to the king that very privilege now desired by the emperor. Ferdinand wished to receive permission for con- verting the recovered monasteries into colleges, more particu- larly for the Jesuits. The pope replied that the monasteries must be instantly delivered over to the bishops. Meanwhile the emperor proceeded on his way witliout re- gard to the displeasure of the pope : he considered himself as the great champion of the Catholic church. * Lettera di segreteria di stato al nunzio Pallotta li 28 Aprile, 1629. The pope appointed Pier Luigi Caraifa, his nuncio in Cologne, to Lower Saxony, [with powers for the restitution of ecclesiastical property, and resolved also to give him additional powers, to be used, if required, in dis- putes between clergy and clergy,] 162s).] EMPEROR FERDINAND IT. 273 lie caused three armies to take the tielJ at the same time. The first went to the aid of the Poles against the Swedes, and did, in fact, succeed in restoring the Polish fortunes to a certain extent. That was, however, not its only object. It was proposed by this campaign at the same time to restore Prussia to the empire and the Order (Teutonic), from whicli it liad been wrested.* Another body marched upon the Netherlands to support the Spaniards in that country. It swept across the open plains from Utrecht towards Amsterdam, and but for the accident of a surprise at AVesel, would without doubt have produced important results. A third force was meanwhile assembled at Memmingen and Lindau, for the purpose of px-oceeding into Italy and bring- ing the Mantuan aflair to a conclusion with the sword. The Swiss would by no meaus be persuaded to grant permission of passage, and it was therefore made by force. Luciensteig, Coire, and all the passes of the Grisons, even to the Lake of Como, were occupied at one moment by the Austrian troops, and this army, 35,000 strong, then poured down along the Adda and the Oglio. The duke of Mantua was once more summoned to submit, and declared in reply that he v/as under the protection of the king of France, and that negotiations must be referred to him. Meanwhile, as the Germans moved ujion Mantua and the Spaniards on Montferrat, the Frciicli likewise appeared for the second time. On this occasion, also, they gained some advantages, taking Saluzzo and Piucrolo, but in the main thev produced no effectual results ; they could not even again compel the duke of Savoy to their wishes. The Spaniards commenced the siege of Casale ; the Germans, after a short truce, invested Mantua :t their party had a decided jjrepondcrance. It could not occasion surprise if, in this state of things, * Menioires et negotiations de Rusdorf, ii. 724. Coniiti Negroinon- tano ViennsE nuper claris verbis a coiisiliariis et ministris C^a'saris dictum fuit, iniperatoreni scilicet sibi et imperio subjecturum quidquid milite suo in Borussia occuparit et ceperit : [It was lately declared to Count Schwartzenberg at Vienna in plain words, by the counsellors and ministers of the emperor, that his majesty would subject to himself and the empire whatever his arms should occupy and obtain in Prussia.] t The eleventh book of the Istoria di Pietro Giov. Capriata describes the events of this siege minutely. VOL. II. T 274 EMPEROR FERDINAND II. [^1629. recollections of tlie ancient supremacy of the emperors arose, or ttat tliey were now frequently alluded to in Vienna. " The Italians must he taught that there is still an emperor ; they must be called to a strict account." Venice had more particularly attracted to itself the hatred of the house of Austria. It was the general opinion in Vienna that when once Mantua had fallen, the territories of Venice, situate on the main-land, would no longer be able to offer re- sistance to the Austrian j^ower. They could not fail to be reduced in a few months, and his majesty would then demand restitution of the imperial fiefs. The Spanish ambassador went still further : he compared the power of Spanish Austria with that of Rome, and the power of Venice with that of Carthage ; " Aut Roma," he exclaimed, " aut Carthago de- lenda est." And the secular rights of the empire, as opposed to those of the papal see, were here also brought to recollection. Ferdinand II. was desirous of being crowned, and re- quired that the pope should come as far as Bologna or Ferrara to meet him. The pope dared neither to promise nor positively to refuse, and sought to help himself through the difficulty by a mental reservation* (reservatio mentalis). Question was made respecting the feudal rights of the empire over Urbino and Montefeltro, when the papal nuncio was told with little ceremony, that Wallenstein would obtain further information on the subject when he should descend into Italy. And this was in fact the purpose of Wallenstein. He had previously opposed the Italian war, but he now declared that, seeing the pope and his allies were seeking to destroy the power of Austria, he considered that war necessary.t He intimated , * [Although Urban once said to the ambassador SaveUi, that in case of need he would go to Bologna or Ferrara, he did not mean that to be understood as referring to what the prince of Eckenberg Lad mentioned.] f The opinion generally entertained of the pope in Vienna appears from a letter of Pallotta, dated August 10, 1628. [It has been reported here by evil-minded people, who are those desirous of war, that the state of Milan is in extremity of peril, it being certain that Pope Urban is forming vast designs, and has very hostile intentions towards the house of Avistria : that his holiness is therefore as much to be feared as the Venetians or French, his states being so near the duchy of Milan, and he being in a condition instantly to bring troops into the field. And further, the same malignant people have declared, as a thing decided on, that his holiness will in some manner contrive to have the king of France elected 1629-30.3 . NEGOTIATIONS WITH SWEDEN. 275 that it -vsas a hundrecl years since Rome was last plundered, and that it must be now much richer than it was then. Nor was France to be spared. The emperor proposed to regain the three alienated bishoprics by force of arms, his plan being, to raise Cossack troops in Poland and to send them into France : the dissensions of Louis XIII. with his brother and mother seemed to offer the desired opportunity for this expedition. The house of Austria thus assumed a position from which it continued its efforts against the Protestants with the utmost boldness ; while at the same time it kept a firm hand on the movements of the Catholic opposition, and powerfully re- strained even the pope himself. § 4. Negotiations with Sweden — Electoral Diet at Ratisbon. In earlier times, whenever a contingency of this kind had been merely foreseen, or dreaded for the remote future only, every power in Europe, still retaining independence, at once combined. It had now actually occurred. The Catholic opposition looked around for aid and sought it — not now from mere jealousy, but for defence and as a help in its utmost need — beyond the limits of Catholicism. But to what quarter could it turn ? England was fully occupied at home by the disputes between the king and his parliament; she was besides already engaged in renewed negotiations with Spain. The Netherlands were themselves overwhelmed by the enemy; — the German Protestants were either beaten or overawed bv the imperial armies. The king of Denmark had been com- pelled to conclude a disadvantageous peace. There remained none but the king of Sweden. While the Protestants had been suffering defeat in all quar- ters, Gustavus Adolphus alone had achieved victories. Ho had conquered Riga, the whole of Livonia, even to Diina- miinde, and, " as much of Lithuania, "according to the Poles king of the Romans ; in confirmation of which they afSrm, that when his holiness was nuncio in France, he promised the queen that if ever he became pope, her son, then a child, should be made king of the Romans.] T 2 275 NEGOTIATIONS AVITH SWEDEN. Q 629-30. themselves, " as lie had been pleased to take." He had then, in 1626, appeared in Prussia, principally, as he said, to look into the state of the clergy in the bishopric of Ermeland. The two chief seats of restored Catholicism in that country, Frauenburg and Braunsburg, namely, he had taken into his own possession, and had afforded a new and powerful support to the oppressed Protestants of those districts. All eyes were turned on him. " Above all men," writes Rusdorf, in the year 1624, " do I estimate this victorious hero ; I revere in him the sole protector of our cause, and the terror of our common enemy. His path of glory, which is raised far above the reach of envy, do I constantly follow Avith my prayers."* It is true, that Gustavus Adolphus had sustained some loss in a battle on the plains of Stumm, and had himself been on the point of be- coming a prisoner, but the chivalrous bravery with which he had cut his way through all opposition cast added lustre on his name, and, despite this disadvantage, he still kept the field. Towards this prince, the French now turned themselves. They first effected a truce between him and the Poles, and it is very possible that the emperor's views in regard to Prussia may have contributed to dispose the magnates, if not the king of Poland, to a more peaceful temper.t This done, they made a nearer approach to their principal purpose, that of drawing the king of Sweden into Germany ; the only pre- caution they took, was to stipulate, in the treaty, for certain regulations in favour of Catholicism ; under these conditions they declared themselves ready to support the king, who was able to bring a considerable army into the field, with cor- responding supplies in money. After some delay, Gustavus acceded to their proposals. In his instructions, he avoids all mention of religious affairs, and represents the objects of the confederacy to be the restoration of the German Estates Ut tlieir ancient rights ; the removal of the imperial troops, and * Rusdorf, Memoires, ii. 3 : " Ejus gloriam invidiee metas eluctalani, excelsam intVacti animi magnitudinem, et virtutis niagis ac magis per merita enitescentis et assurgentis invictum robur cum stupore adoro et supplici voto prosequor." (See text.) t Rusdorf, 1. i. 724 : " Polonise proceres, si unquam, vel nunc maxime pacem desiderabunt." [If ever the magnates of Poland wished for peace, they did so, for the most part of tliem, at this time.] 1629-30.]] IXECTORAL DIET AT RATISBON. 277 the security ot" coiumerco and the sea.* An agreement was • Irawn up, in which the kinir promised to tolerate the Catholic religion wherever he should find it cf-tablished, and in all affairs of religion to guide himself (.such were the forms oi tlie expression) according to the laws of the empire. Thi.i last stipulation was imperative, on account of the pope, to whom it was immediately communicated. The comple- tion of this treaty was, indeed, still retanled by certain formalities; but in the summer of 1630, it was regarded as definitively settled. + The papal nuncio in France affirmed that Venice had engaged to pay a third part of the subsidies.^ I have not been able to discover on what grounds this assertion was founded, but that Venice should make this promise was cJitirely consistent with the situation of things. But could there be a reasonable hope that Giistavns Adol- phus could alone suffice to overcome the force of the allied im- perial armies, and could conquer them single-handed in the Held ? This was not believed to be jwssible ; it therefore seemed desinible above all things, that a movement should be excited in CieiTiiany itself, which might co-operate with and aid him in his enterprise. An, and is tin; * " Tenor mandatorum quie S. R, Maj. Sueciffi clementer vult, ut consiliarius ejus. . . . Dn. Canierarius observare debeat, Upsaliw, 18 Dec. 1629." Mosers patriotisches Archiv. b. vi. p. i;53. •[■ Bagni, 18 Giugiio, 16:50. He gives the article, which is also in the compact of the 6th Jan. HY'A, with a slight variation, as follows : "Si rex aliquos progressus faciei, in captis aut deditis locis, quantum ad ea quie religionem spectant, observabit leges imperii." [If the king make a-ny progress, he shall observe the laws of the empire, as regards matters of religion, in all j, laces either taken by, or surrendered to, him.] He also shews us in what sense this was understood : [Which laws, he adds, are reported to be understood as applying to the Catholic religion and the Confession of Augsburg.] — So that the C^alvinists would have remained excluded. + Bagni, 10 Luglio, 1630. [There have arrived,] the extract pro- ceeds to say, [new letters from Ba<;ni, to tiie effect that the repu1)lic of Venice had joined the confederation of France and Sweden, with an engagement to contribute to the extent of one-third of the subsidy.] 278 NEGOTIATIONS WITH SWEDEN. []1 629-30. precursor of mighty movements. I will but mention one idea of those prevalent at the time. When the edict of resti- tution had begun to be enforced in various places, and the Jesuits already signified their determination to pay no regard even to the treaty of Augsburg, the Protestants gave it to be understood in their turn, that before matters could proceed to that length, the German empire and nations should be utterly overturned — " rather should all laws and restraints be cast away, and Germany be thrown back to the wild life of its ancient forests." In aid of all this there came discontent and dissension, which now appeared on the Catholic side. It would be difiicult to describe the commotion that ensued among the clergy on perceiving that the Jesuits proposed to con- stitute themselves possessors of the recovered monastic property. The Society of Jesus was reported to have declared that there were no Benedictines now remaining, that all had departed from the rule of their founder, and were no more capable of resuming their lost possessions. The merits of the Jesuits themselves were then brought into question by the other side, which maintained that they had performed no conversions : what seemed conversion was, as they affirmed, a mere effect of force.* Thus, even before the restitution of ecclesiastical property had taken place, it had already excited discord and contention for the right to its possession between the orders, * From the violent controversial writings, the attacks, replies, and rejoinders that appeared on this subject, it is impossible to extract the truth of the facts, but we readily gather the points in dispute. [It is perfectly true,] says the papal nuncio, in a letter written in cipher, [that the Jesuit fathers have sought, and do seek, by favour of the emperor, which could not well be greater, not only to obtain a preference over all other orders, but even to exclude all others, wherever they have any interest either political or ecclesiastical.] I find, nevertheless, that how- ever devoted the emperor then was to the Jesuits, yet in the year 1629 he was greatly disposed to make entire restitution to the older orders. Pier Luigi Caraffa, nuncio in Cologne, declares this. But at that very moment the Jesuits had already gained their point in Rome, whence an edict was published in July, 1629, to the effect [that a portion of the recovered property might be applied to the foundation of schools, endow- ments, seminaries, and colleges, as well for the Jesuit fathers, who had been the chief promoters of the decree for restitution, as of other re- ligious orders. ] The Jesuit schools would thus have extended over the whole of North Germany. 1G29-30.2 ELECTORAL DIF.T AT RATISBON. 279 and for the right to the collation between the emperor and the pope. But these ecclesiastical differences were accompanied by others of a secular character, and of far more extensive import- ance. The imperial troops were found to be an insupportable burthen to the country, their passage through a district ex- hausted the land and its inhabitants equally ; as the peasant and the burgher were maltreated by the soldier, so were the princes by the general. Wallenstein allowed himself to use the most arrogant language. The oldest allies of the emperor, the chiefs of the League, and above all Maximilian of Bavaria, were dissatisfied with the present, , and anxious about the future. While affairs were in this position, it happened that Fer- dinand assembled the Catholic electors of Ratisbon in the summer of 1630, for the purpose of procuring the election of his son as king of the Romans. It was not possible that such an occasion should pass away without the discussion of all other public affairs. The emperor clearly saw that he must concede something, and his intention was to do this in regard to some portion of the German affairs. He shewed a disposition to suspend the edict for restoring church property, in so far as it affected the territories of Brandenburg and Electoral Saxony ; was de- sirous of coming to some definitive arrangement in respect to Mecklenburg and the Palatinate, wished to conciliate Sweden, negotiations for that purpose having been already com- menced, and meanwhile to concentrate all his force upon Italy, that the Mantuan war might be brought to an end, and the pope compelled to an acknowledgment of his ecclesiastical claims." * Dispaccio Pallotta, 2 Ag. 1630, enumerates the following, as among the points that were to be deliberated upon : [1st. Wheth^ the edict for the recovery of ecclesiastical property should be suspended or carried into execution. 2nd. Whether, if it were to be executed, there should be a suspension in regard to property situate in the states of the electors of Saxony and Brandenburg ; and he was inclined to suspend it. 3rd. As regarded the benefices and other ecclesiastical possessions recovered, it was affirmed that the nomination to them was vested in the emperor. . . . 6th. The restitution of the duchy of iMecklenburg to its former possessors was discussed, as also that of the Palatinate, at least the Lower Palatinate, to the palatine, to the perpetual prejudice of the Catholic rebgion, as had been done in regard to Denmark.] 280 ELECTORAL DIET AT RATISBON. |[l 629-30. Ferdinand probably thought, that since he had to deal with German princes, he should effect more for his own purposes by concessions in German afiairs than by any other means ; but the position of things was not so simple. The spirit of opposition, as embodied in the league of the French and Italians, had made its way among the Catholic electors, and now sought to avail itself of the discontents existing in their minds for the furtherance of its own purposes. The papal nuncio, Rocoi, first appeared in Ratisbon, and how could he fail to employ every means that presented itself tor the prevention of Ferdinand's Italian and antipapal designs? The pope had exhorted him, above all things, to maintain a friendly understanding with the elector of Bavaria, and soon afterwards Rocci reports that this friendly understanding is kept up, but with the most profound secrecy.'-' He contrived to procure from the Catholic electors a declaration that they would maintain a close union with himself in all that apper- tained to ecclesiastical affairs, and would more especially up- liold the jurisdiction of the papal see, and preserve its dignity inviolate. But to give the matter a decisive turn, Father Joseph, the trusted confederate of Richelieu, came to the aid of Rocci, and the consummate craft of that Capuchin was, perhaps, never moi'c active, more efficient, or, to those initiated, more obvious, than on this occasion. His colleague in Ratisbon, Monsieur de Leon, who gave his name to the embassy, de- clared of him, that the father had in fact no soul, but in its stead were holes and quicksands, into which every one must fall who should attempt to have any dealings with him. By tlie agency of intermediaries such as these, the French and Italian opposition soon made the German allies of the emperor completely its own. For the reconciliation of the empire with Sweden, for the pacification of the Protestants, nothing was done ; and never would the jsope have consented to the suspension of the edict of restitution. On the other hand, the- electors pressed for the restoration of peace in Italy, and de- manded the dismissal of the imperial commander-in-chief, who Avas conducting himself in the fashion of an absolute dictatitr. * Dispaccio Rocci, 9 Sett. 1630 : [And this friendly understanding: proved very profitable, because Bavaria laboured heartilj' to prevent the above-mentioned subjects from being discussed in that convention.] Ifiol.] SWEDISH WAR. 281 And so irrepressible was the influence exercised, so craftily was it brou^ it not wholly devoted and bound to his person ? The em- peror even disbanded a part of it, and subjected the contribu- tions levied by the generals, and which had previously been regulated by their own discretion, to the control of the circles of the empire.* It is not to be denied that the emperor, * Adlzreitter, iii. xv. 43 : " Caesar statuit ne in posterum stipendia pro tribunorum arbitrio, sed ex circulorum praescripta moderations penderen- tnr." [The emperor decreed that in future the pay should not depend 282 SWEDISH AVAR. |[1631. ■when he dismissed his general, destroyed his army at the same time, and deprived it of its moral force. Torquato Couti, an Italian, who had formerly been in the papal service, had to offer resistance, with troops in this state, to an enemy high in courage and full of zeal. It was in the nature of things that failure should ensue; the imperial army was no longer what it had been, nothing was seen but irresolution, weakness, panic, and defeat. Ghistavus Adolphus drove it completely from the field, and established himself in firm possession on the lower Oder, It was at first believed in Upper Germany that this .was of little importance to the rest of the empire. TiUy continued his operations, in the meantime, with great composure along the Elbe. When he at length gained possession of Magdeburg; the pope considered it a great victory, and the brightest hopes were founded on this conquest. At the suggestion of Tilly, a commissary was even appointed " for the purpose of arrang- ing the affairs of the archbishopric in accordance with the laws of the Catholic church." But it was by this very measure that all the Protestant princes who had remained undecided, were determined to attach themselves to Gustavus Adolphus ; and when Tilly sought to prevent this, he did but further involve them in hostilities with the League, so that it was no longer possible to make distinction between Leaguers and Imperialists. The battle of Leipzig followed. Tilly was completely routed, and the Protestant forces poured alike over the territories of the Leaguers and the Imperialists. Wiirtzburg and Bamberg fell into the hands of the king. The Protestants of the remote north were met on the Rhine by those ancient defenders of Roman Catholicism, the troops of Spain, and there, near to Oppenheim, their skulls are seen mingled. Mayence was taken, all oppressed princes took part with the Swedish king, and the expelled Count Palatine appeared in his camp. Thus it followed, as a necessary consequence, that an en- terprise, originated or sanctioned by the Catholic opposition for political purposes, resulted in the advantage of Protest- antism. The party before overpowered and beaten down, now saw itself once more victorious. It is true that the king extended on the will of the officers, but on the regulations prescribed by the circles.] 1601.]] SITUATION OF THE POPE. 283 liis protection to the Catholics generally, as the terms of his treaty with the allies compelled him to do ; but he declared expressly, at the same time, that he was come to rescue his brethren in faith from the oppressions they were suffering for conscience sake.* He received to his especial protection the evangelical ministers living under Catholic governments, — those of Erfurt, for example ; in all quarters he caused the Augs- burg Confession to be reinstated, the exiled pastors returned to the Palatinate, and the Lutheran worship made its way through the empire once more, together with the A'ictorious army. Thus strangely perplexed was the policy of Urban VIII. In so far as Gustavus attacked and overcame the power of Austria, he was the natural ally of the pope. This was at once made manifest in the affairs of Italy ; under the in- fluence of his German losses, the emperor assented, in the year 1631, to conditions regarding the duchy of Mantua, still more unfavourable to himself than those submitted to him the year before at Ratisbon. Nay, there even existed, if not direct, yet indirect relations between the papal see and those Protestant powers now once more in battle array, and making victorious advance. " I speak of this from good authority," says Aluise Contarini, who had been first at the French court, and afterwards at that of Rome. " I was present at all the negotiations. The pope's nuncios always favoured Riche- lieu's undertakings, whether they were meant to secure his own safety, or to bring about the union of Bavaria and the league with France. When the alliance of Richelieu with Holland and the Protestant powers generally was in question, they remained silent, to save themselves from admitting that they approved it. Other popes would perhaps have found this offend their conscience; but the nuncios of Urban VIII. obtained, by such means, increased consideration and personal advantages."t Loud and bitter were the complaints of the emperor. First, the Roman court had prevailed on him to publish the edict of restitution, and then abandoned him in the war occasioned by it. The election of his son as king of the Romans, had been * Letter from the king to the town of Schweinfurt in Chemnitz, Schwedischer Krieg, Th. i. p. 231. t Aluise Contarini, Relatione di Roma, 1635. See Append!.^, No. 115, 284 SITUATION OF THE TOPE. [1631. impeded by the pope, wlio bad eucouraged the elector of Bavaria, botb by word and deed, to pursue a separate line of policy and to ally himself with France. It was in vain to ask Urban for such assistance as earlier popes had so often afforded, either of money or troops ; he even refused to utter a condemnation of the alliance of France with heretics, or to declare the present war a war of religion.* In the year 1632, we find the imperial ambassadors in Rome insisting with extreme earnestness on the last-mentioned point ; they affirmed that the declaration of his holiness might still produce the most important effects, that it was not yet altogether im- possible to drive back the king of Sweden, who had not more than thirty thousand men. The pontili' replied with cold pedantry, " With thirty thousand men Alexander conquered the world." He maintained that the war was not one of religion, that it related to matters of state only, and, besides, that the papal treasury was exhausted, and he could do nothing. The members of the Curia and the inhabitants of Rome were amazed. " Amidst the conflagration of Catholic churches and monasteries," — thus it was thoy expressed themselves, — " the pope stands cold and rigid as ice. The king of Sweden has more zeal for his Lutheranism than the holy father for the only true and saving Catholic faith." The Spaniards proceeded once more to a protestation : as Olivarez had formerly appeared before Sixtus V., so did Car- dinal Borgia now present himself to Urban YIII. for the purpose of solemnly protesting against the conduct of bis * Aluise Contarini : " Gli Alemanni si pretendono delusi dal papa, perche dopo aver egli reiteratamente persuaso 1' imperatore di ripetere dagli eretici i beni ecclesiastic} d' Alemagna eh' erano in loro mani, origine di tante guerre, resistesse 8. S'". poi alle reiterate spedizioni di card'', e d' amb". nelle assistenze di danaro, nel mandar gente e bandiere con I'esempio de' precessori, nel publicar la guerra di religidne, nell' impedire colle scomuniche gli appoggi ai medesinii heretici della Francia : anzi nel medesimo tempo ritardata 1' elettione del re de' Romani, confortato il duca di Baviera con la legu cattolica all' unione di Francia, assistendo lo medesimo di danari e di consiglio per sostenersi in corpo separato. (See text.) II papa si lagna d' esser tenuto eretico et amatore di buoni pro- gress! de' protestanti, come tal volta in effetto non li ebbe discari." [The pope complains that he is considered a heretic, and accused of de- lighting in the good progress made by Protestants ; and in fact, they are sometimes not imwelcome to him.] 1P31 ] SITUATION OF THK POPE. 285 iioliucss. The scene that followed was even more violent rhan that of the earlier occasion. While the pope gave way to ehullitions of rage, the cardinals present took part either with one party or the other, and the ambassador was obliged to content himself with delivering his protest in writing.* But the zealously Catholic party were not satisfied Avith this ; the thought immediately arose of summoning a council in opposi- tion to the pope, and was more particularly ])romote(l by Cardinal Ludovisio, nephew of the preceding pontiff.t Jiut what a lire would have been kindled by this proceeding ! The course of events was already taking a direction that left no doubt as to their nature, and which must of necessity de- termine the papal 2>olicy to a diti'erent character. Urban VIII. flattered himself for some time that the king of Sweden would form a treaty of neutrality with Bavaria, ;iiid would reinstate the ecclesiastical princx'S who had fled their territories ; but it soon became evident that all attempts to reconcile interests so directly at variance must of neces- •sity be utterly A-ain. The Swedish arms pressed onward to Bavaria ; Tilly fell, Munich was taken, and Duke Bernard iidvanced towards the 1'yrol. It was now no longer possible to doubt of what the pope and Catholicism had to exjject from the Swedes. How com- pletely was th(! state of things changed in a moment. The Catholics han Rome ; now the Swedes were aj)peariug on the Italian Itorders : and with the name of the king of the Swedes and * [III which,] says Cardinal Cecchini in his autobiograpliy, [it was con- cluded that all th(; injuries inflicted on Christendom by these present troubles, would be attributable to tlie negligence of the pope.] See Ap- pendix, No. 121. t Aluise Contarini speaks of [the ear they lent in Spain to Ludovisio's intimations and attempts to procure a council.] 2S6 RESTORATION OF A BALANCE [1635-40. Goths, borne by Gustavus Adolphus, were associated re- collections that were now revived in the minds of both jjarties.* § 6. Restoration of a Balance hetween the tico Confessions. I will not enter into the details of that struggle which for sixteen years longer extended over Germany ; let it suffice that we have made ourselves aware of the means by which the mighty advance of Catholicism, which was on the point of taking possession of Germany (unser Vaterland) for ever, was at once arrested in its course ; was opposed, when preparing to annihilate the Protestant faith at its sources, by a victorious resistance. It may be remarked generally, that Catholicism, considered as one body, was not able to support its own vic- tories ; the head of that church himself believed it imperative on him to oppose, from political motives, those very powers by whom his spiritual authority was most eflfectually defended and enlarged. It was by Catholics, acting in concert with the pope, that the yet unsubdued powers of Protestantism were called forth, and that the path was prepared for their progress. Purposes of so vast a magnitude as those formed by Gustavus Adolphus when at the climax of his prosperity, could not in- deed be carried into execution after the early death of that prince, and for the obvious cause that the successes of Pro- testantism were by no means to be attributed to its own unaided power. But neither could Catholicism, even when its forces were more closely combined — when Bavaria had again made common cause with the emperor, and when Urban VIII. once more contributed subsidies — find strength that should suffice for the overpowering of the Protestant faith. This conviction soon gained prevalence, at least in Germany, and was indeed the main cause of the treaty of Prague. The emperor sufiered his edict of restitution to drop. "While the elector of Saxony and the states in alliance with him resigned * Yet Aluise Contarini assures us, that [the opinion still prevails that his holiness regrets the death of the king of Sweden, and that he liked better, or to speak more accurately, that he feared less, to hear of pro- gress on the Protestant side than on that of the Austrians.j 163.5- iO.] BETWEEN THE TWO CONFESSIONS. 237 all thought of restoring the Protestant faith in the hereditary dominions (Erblanden). It is true that Pope Urban opposed himself to all that should be determined in opposition to the edict of restitution, and in the emperor's spiritual council he had the Jesuits, and particu- larly Father Lamormain, on his side : the latter was sufficiently extolled for that reason as " a worthy confessor — a man regardless of all temporal considerations ;""' but the majority was against him. The Capuchins, Quiroga and Valerian, with the cardinals Dietrichstein and Pazmany, maintained that, provided the Catholic religion were kept pure in the hereditary dominions, liberty of conscience might be safely granted in the empire. The peace of Prague was proclaimed from every pulpit in Vienna. The Capuchins i)oasted of their part in this " honourable and holy work ;" they instituted special solemnities for tbe occasion ; it was with difficulty that the nuncio prevented them from singing a Te Deum.f Xow Urban VIII., although in practice he had con- tributed so largely to the defeat of all the plans formed by * Lettera del Card'. Barberino al nuntio Baglione, 17 Marzo, 1635. [This being the action of a noble Christian, and the worthy confessor of a pious emperor, for he has acted more with regard to heaven than earth.] t From the correspondence of Baglioni, which is extracted in the 6th vol. of Nicoletti, as for example, 14 April, 1635, we find [Coimt Onate one day said that the king of Spain would positively have given no aid to tlie emperor, but on condition of peace with Saxony ; at which the nuncio marvelling, replied that the piety of the Catholic king required him to give those aids more abundantly, if there were no peace, and ought to be disturbed at peace with heretics, applying itself only to thoughts of universal peace among Catholic princes. FuUi replied, that so it would have happened, if the war had been for the salvation of souls, and not for the recovery of ecclesiastical wealth ; and Father Quiroga added, that the emperor had been cheated by those who had persuaded him to issue the edict of restitution, — meaning the Jesuits, who had done all for their own interest ; but the nuncio remarking that their persuasion had been from good motives. Father Quiroga became so much excited that he burst into the most intemperate, nay, exorbitant language, so that the nuncio could scarcely get in a word to reprove and stop him, that he might fall into no further excesses ; but Onate went slill further, saying, that the emperor could not avoid the peace with Saxony, because of the necessity he was in, and his inability to withstand so many enemies : and that he was not obliged to resign what belonged to his hereditary dominions, but only certain rights of the empire, which were but small, nor was it advisable that he should go forward at the risk of losing both one and the other.] 288 RESTOKATION OF A BALANCE [|l 635-40. Catholicism, yet In theory he would not relinquish any portion of his claims ; but all he effected was to place the popedom in a position removed from the living and actual interests of the world. This is rendered clearly manifest hy the instructions lie gave to his legate Ginetti, when the latter proceeded to •Cologne, at the first attempt to negotiate a general peace in the year 1636. The hands of the legate were tied, precisely in regard to all those important jioiuts on which every thing was absolutely depending. One of the most urgent necessities, for example, was the restoration of the I'alatinate ; the legate was nevertheless enjoined to ojipose the restitution of the Pala- tinate to a non-Catholic prince.* That certain concessions to Protestants in respect of ecclesiastical property were un- avoidable, was sufficiently obvious, even during the discus- sions at Prague ; this truth became afterwards yet more evident, but the legate was none the less exhorted " to especial zeal in guarding against the resignation of any jjoint that might be turned to the advantage of Protestants in the vuatter of church property." Even the conclusion of peace M'ith Protestant powers the pojje refused to sanction ; the ambassador was commanded to withhold his support from any proposal for including the Dutch in the peace, and to oppose every cession to the Swedes (the question at that time was merely one relating to a sea-port) ; " the divine mercy would certainly find means for removing that nation out of Germany." The Roman see could no longer entertain a reasonable hope of overpowering the Protestants ; yet it is a striking and im- portant fact, that its own pertinacity in adhering to claims now become utterly untenable, was the true, though involun- tary cause of making their subjugation for ever impossible, and moreover rendered itself incapable of exercising any •efficient influence on the relations of its own adherents to those of the Protestant faith. It is true that the papal court did not fail to send its am- bassadors to the congress assembled for the negotiation of peace : to Ginetti succeeded Macchiavelli, Eosetti, ami Chigi. Ginetti was reported to be very penurious, and thus to have decreased his efficiency ; Macchiavelli was said to * Siri, Mercurio, ii. p. 987. lC3.'>-40.'] BETWEEN THE TWO CONFESSIONS. 289 think ouly of obtaining rank — the (fiialification for a more important jiositiou ; Itosetti Mas not acceptable to the French. It is thus that explanation lias been attempted of the insignificance of their influence. •• The truth is, that the thing itself, the position which the pope had assumed, made ;ill eficctivc interference on the part of the legates impossible. Chigi was able and popular, yet he accomplished nothing. A peace was concluded before his eyes, precisely of the charac- ter which the i)ope had expressly condemned. The elector palatine and all the exiled princes were restored. It was so far from being possible to think of the demands set forth by the edict of restitution, that many Catholic endowments were absolutely secularized and given ujj to the Protestants. Spain resolved at length to acknowledge the independence of tliose rebels to pope and king, the Hollanders. The Swedes re- tained a considerable jiortion of the empire. Even the peace which the emperor concluded with France was such as the Curia could not approve, because it included disputations relating to 3Ietz, Toul, and Verdun, by which the rights of Rome were infringed. The papacy found itself under the melancholy necessity of protesting. The principles which it did not possess the power of making eflectual, it was at least resolved to express. But this also had been foreseen. The articles relating to ecclesiastical affairs in the peace of ^Vest- phalia, were opened by a declaration that no regard should be paid to the opposition of any jierson, be he whom he might, and whether of temporal or spiritual condition. + ]3y that peace the great conflict between Protestants and Catholics was at length brought to a decision, though to one very diflferent from that ])roposed by the edict of restitution. Catholicism still retained inmiense acquisitions, since the year 1624 was assumed as the normal period, to which the con- dition of the respective parties was to be leferred ; but the Protestants, on the other hand, obtained that indispensable equality which had so long been withheld. According to this lirinciple all the relations of the empire wen; regulated. How entirely vain had it moreover now become even to think of such enterprises as had formerly been ventured on, and had even succeeded ! * Pallavicini : Vita di Papa Alessandro VII. MS. Aiiji. No. 130. t Osnabriiokischcr Friedcnsschluss, Article v. § 1. TOL. II. U 290 RESTORATION OF A BALANCE Q 635 -40. Nay, further, the results of the contests in Germany reacted immediately on the neighbouring countries. Although the emperor had succeeded in maintaining the Catholic faith supreme in his hereditary dominions, he was nevertheless compelled to make concessions to the Protestants of Hungary; in the year 1645, he saw himself constrained to restore to them a no inconsiderable number of churches. And now, after the elevation attained by Sweden to a posi- tion of universal importance, was it possible that Poland should ever again think of renewing her old claims to that country ? Wladislaus IV. did not indeed partake the zeal of his father for conversions, and was a gracious king to the dissidents in opinion. Even in France, the Huguenots received favour from Richelieu, after they had been deprived of their political independence, and still more effectually did he support the principle of Protestantism, by continuing to wage against that predominant Catholic power, the Spanish monarchy, — a war for life or death, by which it was shaken even to its foundations. That dissension was the only one which the pope could have adjusted altogether without scruple. But while all other discords were effectually composed, this re- mained unappeased, and continued to convulse the bosom of the Catholic world. Until the peace of Westphalia, the Dutch had continually taken the most successful part in the war against Spain. This was the golden age of their power, as well as of their wealth ;, but when labouring ,.to attain to preponderance in the East, they came at once into violent contact with the progress of the Catholic missions. It was only in England that Catholicism, or at least something analogous to that faith in its outward forms, seemed at times on the point of finding admission. Ambassadors from the English court were at this time to be found in Home, and papal agents in England. The queen, to whom a sort of official recognition was accorded in Rome,* possessed an influence * Nani : Relatione di Roma, IG'^O. [Communication is held with the queen of England by the ministers. Offices and gifts of courtesy also pass ; nomination of cardinals is likewise conceded to her majesty as to other sovereigns. — Spada, Relatione della nunziatura di Francia, 1641. Count Rosetti, resident in that kingdom, attends carefully to the orders of 1635-40. J BETWEEN" THE TWO CONFESSIONS. 291 over her luisbaud which seemed likely to extend even to religion ; an approach had already been made iu many of the church ceremonies to the usages of Catholicism. But from rill these things there resulted the very reverse of what might have been expected. It can scarcely be supposed that Charles I. ever dissented in his heart from the tenets of Pro- testantism ; but even those slight approaches which he per- mitted himself to niake to the Catholic ritual were decisive of his ruin. It seemed as if the violent excitement which had produced such long-continued, unremitting, and universal conflicts in the Protestant world at large, had become con- centrated in the English Puritans. Vainly did Ireland struggle to escape from their domination, and to organize itself in the spirit of Catholicism ; the subjection of the country was but rendered the more complete by these efForts. In the aristocracy and commons of England a secular power was formed and matured, the rise of which marked a revival of Protestantism throughout Europe. By these events, limits were imposed at once and for ever to the extension of Catholicism, which has now its appointed and definite bounds : that universal conquest formerly pro- jected could never more be seriously contemplated. A direction had indeed been taken in the intellectual •levelopment of the world which rendered any such attempt impossible. The preponderance had been obtained by impulses endan- gering the higher principle of unity ; the religious element was repressed, — political views and motives ruled the world. For it was not by themselves that the Protestants were delivered. It was by the schism established in the bosom of Cathplicism that they were enabled to recover themselves. In the year 1631, we find the two great Catholic powers in league with the Protestants, — France confessedly so, Spain at least covertly. It is certain that the Spaniards had at that period formed relations of amity with the French Huguenots. But the Protestants were not more perfectly united among themselves than the Catholics. Not only did the Lutherans Card'. Barberini, the protector, which orders are full of the earnest zeal of his eminence.] See Appendix, Nos. 117, 118. U 2 292 RESTORATION OP A BALANCE |_1 635-40. and the Reformed, or Calvinists, contend with each other, — that they had done from time immemorial, — but the different sects of Calvinists, although, beyond all doubt, they had a common cause to battle for, yet proceeded to attack eacli other during this war. The naval power of the French Huguenots was broken solely by the support which their ancient allies and brethren in the faith had been induced to afford to the crown of France. Even the supreme chief of Catholicism, the pope of Rome, who had hitherto directed the attacks on the Protestants, finally placed the higher interest of the spiritual authority in abeyance, and took part against those who had laboured most zealously for the restoration of the Catholic faith ; he pro- ceeded in accordance with the views of a secular sovereignty only, and returned to that line of policy which had been abandoned from the time of Paul III. It will be remem- bered that Protestantism in the earlier half of the sixteenth century was indebted for its progress to nothing so much as to the political labours of the popes. It was to these, so far as human judgment can decide, that Protestantism now owed its deliverance and confirmed strength. And this example could not fail to produce an effect on the remaining jiowers; even German Austria, which had so long preserved itself immoveable in its orthodoxy, at length adopted a similar policy ; the position assumed by that country, after the peace of Westphalia, was based on its intimate connection with North Germany, England, and Holland. ^ If we now attempt to investigate the more remote causes of this phenomenon, we should seek them erroneously in the depression or decay of religious impulses. We must, I think, look elsewhere for the first cause and the significance of the fact. In the first place, the great spiritual contest had completed its operation on the minds of men. Christianity in earlier times had been rather a matter of implicit surrender and acquiescence, of simple acceptation, of faith undisturbed by a doubt ; it was now become an affair of conviction, — of conscious and deliberate adoption. It was a point of high moment that men had to choose between the diftcrent confessions, — that they could reject, abjure, or pass from one to tlie other. The individual man became the subject ]r;35-40.] r.ETWEEN tut. two confessions. 293 of direct apjjcal ; his freedom of judgment was called into action. Thence it foHowed that Christian ideas became more closely intertwined with and penetrated more deeply into every portion of life and thouffht. To this must be addod another momentous consideration. It is perfectly true that the prevalence of internal dis- sension disturbed the unity of the collective faith ; but, if we do not deceive ourselves, it is another law of life, that this circumstance prepared the way for a yet higher and more extended development of the human mind. In the pressure of the universal strife, religion v.as adopted ]>y the nations, after the different modifications of its dog- matic forms ; the system thus chosen had blended with and been fused into the feeling of nationality, — had become, as it were, a possession of the community of the state, or of the people. It had been won by force of arms, was maintained amidst a thousand perils, and had become i)art and parcel of the national life. Thence it has happened that the states on both sides have formed themselves into great ecclesiastico-political bodies, whose individuality was characterized on the Catholic part by the measure of their devotion to the Roman se*, and their toleration or exclusion of non-Catholics ; but still more de- cidedly on the Protestant side, where the departure from the symbolical books appealed to as tests, the mingling of the Lutheran and Calvinistic confessions, with the nearer or more remote approximation to the episcopal constitution, presented the groundworks of so many cl^ar and manifest distinctions. The first question in regard to every country is, what form of religion is predominant there ? Christianity appears under manifold aspects. However striking the contrasts presented by these, no one party can dispute with another its pos- session of that which forn)S the basis to the faith of all. These various forms are, on the contrary, guaranteed by compacts and treaties of peace, in which all have part, and which form what may be called the fundamental laws of a universal re- public. The idea of exalting one or the other confession to supremacy of dominion can never more be entertained. All must now be referred to the question, of how each state, each pco})le, may best be enabled to develop its energies, while proceeding from its own religious and political principles. On this depends the future condition of the world. 294 BOOK VIII. THE POPES ABOUT THE MIDDLE OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.— LATER PERIODS. After the attempt made by the popes to renew their dominion over the world had been finally defeated, notwith- standing its partial success, their position and the character of the interest taken in their affairs underwent a general change. It is to the relations of the Roman principality, its administration, and internal development, that our attention is now chiefly to be given. As one who descends from the lofty mountain, whence the wide and distant prospect is descried, into the valley where his view is circumscribed and held in by narrow boundaries, so do we proceed from a survey of those events affecting the his- tory of .the world at large, and in which the papacy took so important a part, to the consideration of circumstances more immediately touching the States of the Church. It was in the time of Urban VIII. that the Ecclesiastical States first attained to the completion of their territorial pos- sessions : we will begin with this event. § 1. Lapse of Urhino. ■ The duchy of Urbiuo included seven towns and nearly three hundred castles ; it possessed a productive line of sea- coast, well situated for trade, with a cheerful and salubrious mountain district rising into the Apennines. The dukes of Urbino had rendered themselves remarkable, 3570-98.3 iAPSE OP URBiNO. 295 as did tliose of Ferrara, sometime.s for their warlike acliicve- ments, sometimes for their eflorts in the cause of literature, and again for the munificence and splendour of their court." In the year 1570, Guidobaldo II. had established four house- holds, besides his own, for his consort, for the prince, and for the princesses. They were all very magnificent, were sedu- lously frequented by the nobles of the duchy, and liberally open to strangers.t According to ancient custom, all foreigners were hospitably entertained in the palace. The revenues of the country would not have sufficed to so large an expenditure, since they did not amount, even when the corn-trade of Sinigaglia was most prosperous, to more than one hundred thousand scudi; but the princes were always in the military service of some foreign power, at least nominally, and the position of the country in the middle of Italy was so fortunate, that the neighbouring states were in constant emulation of each other for their favour, which they sought to secure by acts of good-will, military grants, and large subsidies. It was a common remark in the country that the prince brought in more than he cost. It is true that attempts were made here as well as else- where to raise the imposts, but so many difficulties arose, more particularly in Urbino itself, that, partly from good-will and partly from inability to do otherwise, the government finally contented itself with its long-established revenues. The privileges and statutes of the land remained equally unim- paired. Under the protection of this house the republic of St. Marino preserved its inoffensive freedom.;}; While in all other principalities of Italy the power of the sovereign * Bernardo Tasso has conferred a magnificent eulogy on these princes in the lyth book of the Amadigi : " Vedete i cjuattro a cui il veccliio Apennino Ornera 11 petto suo di fiori e d' erba. ..." [Behold the four, for whom, with flowing vest, Old Apennine enfolds his shaggy breast.] — C. F. t Relatione di Lazzaro Mocenigo, ritornato da Guidubaldo duca d' Urbino, 1570. [He chooses to lodge all personages passing through his state, and by the end of the year the number is found to be very large.] X [It has a fancy for being a republic,] remarks a report on the state of Urbino to Pope Urban VIII., respecting San Marino, and on passing over to the States of the Church it acquired an extension of its privileges. 296 LAPSE OF UUBINO. Q 570-98. became more widely extended and more absolute, in tk& ducliy of Urbino it remained within its ancient limits. From tliis state of things it followed that the inhabitants clung to their dynasty with excessive ' attachment, and this was the more devoted, from their conviction that a union with the States of the .-Church would inevitably bring with it the entire dissolution of their long-established relations, and the loss of their ancient freedom. It thus became a matter of the utmost importance to the country that the line of the ducal house should be continued. Francesco Maria, prince of Urbino, resided for a certain time at the court of Philip II.* He there formed, as it is said, a very serious attachment to a Spanish lady, and intended to make her his wife. But his father Guidobaldo was decidedly opposed to the marriage, and resolved to have a daughter-in- law of equal birth in his house. He compelled his son to return, and give his hand to Lucrezia d'Este, princess of Ferrara. They might have seemed a tolerably well-assorted pair, the prince a man of ready address, accomplished in the use of arms, and not without acquirements in science, more especially as related to war ; the princess endowed with intelligence, majesty, and grace. The people gave themselves up to the hope that this marriage would secure the permanency of the ducal house ; the cities emulated each other in doing honour to the married pair by arches of triumph and magnificent gifts. But the misfortune was that the prince was only twenty- five years old, wliile the princess was little less than forty. * In the Amadigi he is very agreeably described, while quite a child, as " Quel piccolo fanciul, die gli occlii alzando Par che si speech! nell' avo e nel padre E r alta gloria lor quasi pensando." [A child he was, but from his upraised eyes Looked the high courage of long ancestries, As if he, ill his sire and grandsire's fame, Read the high honours of his future name.] — C. F. Mocenigo thus describes him at the period of his marriage. [He tilts gracefully, studies and understands mathematics and fortifications ; he is so ardent in his exercises, as playing at ball, or hunting on foot to accustom himself to the fatigues of war, and continues this to such an extent, as to cause fears lest they should injure his health.] 1.570-98.]] LAPSE OF IRBINO. 2.97 The father hail ovoiluokeJ this; in hU desire to palliate hi.s refusal of the Spanish iiiarriaire — which had, nevertheless, pro- duced no favorable impression at the court of Philip — by an alliance so exalted, so brilliant, and so wealthy ; but the marriage turned out worse than the Duke Guidobaldo could have imagined probable. After his death Licrezia was com- pelled to return to Ferrara ; of posterity there was no further iiope.* Wc have before described the decisive influence that Lu- crezia of Esto had on the fate — the extinction of the duchy of Ferrara. In the aflliirs of Urbino, also, we find her most unhappily implicated. Even at the time when Ferraiu wa& taken into the papal jtossession, it seemed certain that Urbino also mu."?t lapse to the Roman see ; and the rather, as in thi.s case there were no natural heirs who might have made claim to the succession. Yet the face of things once more assumed a difierent aspect. In February, 1598, Lucrezia died, and Francesco Maria was at liberty to make a second marriage. The whole duchy was overjoyed when it came to be known soon after that their good sovereign, who had ruled them through all the years of his reign with so gentle and peaceful a hand, and whom all loved, had good hope — though now somewhat advanced in life — that his race would not be ex- tinguished with his own life. Prayers and vows were made by all for the safe delivery of the new duchess. When the time had come, the nobles of the land, with the magistrates of the cities, assembled in Pesaro, where the princess was resid- ing ; and during her labour, the square before the palace, with all the adjoining streets, was fdled with people. At length the duke appeared at a window ; — "God," he exclaimed with a loud voice, " God has given us a boy ! " This intelligence was received with indescribable acclamations of delight. The cities built churches, and endowed i>ious institutions, as they had pledged themselves to do by their vows.t * Mathio Zane, Relatione del Duca d' Urbino, 1574, considers Lucrezia as even then [a lady of less than nioderato buauty, hut she adorns herself to advantage ; there is now little hope of seeing children from this marriage.] t La devoluzione a Santa Chiesa degli stati di Francesco Maria II. della Rovere, ultimo duca d' Urbino, descritta dall' ill'"^' S'" Antonio Jionati nobile Vcncziano. — Inff. PoUtt. (It has also been printed.) 298 LAPSE OF rRBiNO. [1570-98. But how deceptive are hopes that are founded on men ! The prince was brought up with great care, and displayed some talent — at least for literature. The old duke had the happiness of seeing him married to a princess of Tuscany ; he then withdrew to the retirement of Casteldurante, and re- signed the govemment to his son. But scarcely was the prince his own master, and master of the country, Avhen he was seized by the intoxication of power. The taste for theatrical amusements was just then becoming prevalent in Italy, and the young prince was all the more violently affected by it, from the circumstance of his having conceived a passion for an actress. During the day, he amused himself after the manner of Nero, in driving chariots ; in the evening he appeared himself on the stage. These excesses were foUowed by many others : the respectable citizens looked sorrowfully at each other, and scarcely knew whether to lament or rejoice, when one morning, in the year 1623, the prince, after a night of frenzied excess, was found dead in his bed. The aged Francesco Maria was then compelled to resume the government ; full of deep sorrow that he was now the last of the line of Rovere, and that his house was drawing to its end with his own life : doubly disheartened to find himself burdened with the cares of government, and utterly deprived of courage for encountering the bitter insults and injurious encroachments of the Roman see.* He was at first in fear lest the Barberini should contrive to obtain possession of the daughter left him by his son, a child of a year old ; and to remove her for ever from their attempts, he betrothed her to a prince of Tuscany, and sent her im- mediately into the neighbouring state. But another calamitous circumstance also occurred. As the emperor made claim to certain portions of the territory of Urbino, Pope Urban, desiring to secure himself, required a declaration from the duke that he held all his possessions as a fief of the papal see. Long did Francesco Maria refuse to comply with this demand ; he found such a declaration against his conscience. At length he resigned himself to the , necessity of making it ; " but from that time," says our * P. Contarini. [The duke being already much broken by years and ill-health, his mind too depressed and prostrate.] 1598-1631.] DEBT IN THE STATES OP THE CHURCH. 299 authority, " he was never cheerful again, — he felt his spirit oppressed by that act." He was soon afterwards obliged to endure that the governors of his fortresses and towns should take the oath of allegiance to the pope ; at length he resigned the government of the country, — it was in fact the best thiug he could do, — without any reservation, to the authorities appointed by the pontiff. Wearied of life, enfeebled by age, and bent with anguish of heart, after seeing all his trusted friends depart, the duke found his sole consolation in the practices of devotion. He died in the year 1631. The dukedom was instantly taken into possession of the papacy by Taddeo Barberiui, who hastened thither for that purpose. The allodial inheritance passed to Florence. The territory of Urbino was at once subjected to the system of government prevailing in other districts belonging to the church, and very soon there might be heard throughout the duchy those complaints that the government of priests inva- riably called forth.* We next proceed to examine their administration in general, and will first consider the most important of its elements, that on which all others are dependent, — the finances. § 2. Increase of debt in the States of the Church. The public expenditure was diminished and treasure was accumulated by Sixtus V. ; but at the same time he increased the taxes and the revenue, on which he founded a great mass of debt. To set rigid bounds to expenditure, and to amass money, were not things likely to be done by every man. The neces- sities of the church, moreover, as well as those of the state, became more and more urgent from year to year. Recourse was sometimes had to the treasure -locked up in the castle of * Aluise Contarini finds the inhabitants exceedingly dissatisfied in the year 1C35. [The subjects complain bitterly of the change ; they call the government of the priests a tyranny, sayine; they think of nothing but enriching and advancing themselves.] See Appendix ; No. 115. 300 INCREASE OP DEBT IN THE []l 598-1631. St. Angelo, but so rigorous were the conditions attached to its application that this could only happen on very extraor- dinary occasions. It is a remarkable fact that the Curia found it much less difficult to raise loans, than to use the money lying by in its own coffers. The popes resorted, therefore, to the former method in a manner the most reckless and precipitate. We possess authentic statements of the relation which the revenues bore to the capital of the debt and its interest during a given number of years, and these documents present a curious subject of observation. In the year 1587, the revenues amounted to 1,358,456 scudi, the debt to 7,500,000 scudi ; about one-half of the revenue, 715,913 scudi, was assigned to pay the interest of the debt. In 1592, the revenues had risen to 1,585,520 scudi, the debts to 12,242,620 scudi. The increase of the debt was already much greater than that of the revenue, — 1,088,600 scudi, that is, about two-thirds of the income, were appro- priated to the interest of the debt by saleable offices and luoghi d'l monte. '" This rate of proportions was already so critical that it must have occasioned very serious anxieties ; the Curia would gladly have proceeded to diminish the rate of interest, and it was proposed to take a million from the castle for the purpose of paying back the capital of those who should refuse to accept the reduced interest. The net revenue would by this means have been considerably augmented; but the bull of Sixtus v., and anxiety lest the treasure should be squandered, prevented measures of that kind from being adopted, and the government was compelled to continue the usual practice. It might have been expected that the acquisition of a teri'i- tory so productive as that of Ferrara, would have jiresented a corresponding alleviation of the papal difficulties ; yet this was not the case. So early as the year 1599, the interest of the debt absorbed nearly three-fourths of the entire revenue. But in the year 1605, when Paul V. commenced his admi- * Minute account of the papal finances from the first years of Cle- ment VIII., without any particular title. Bibliol. Barb. No. 1699 oiv eighty leaves. 1598-1631.] STATES OP THE CHTRCH. 301 nlstifition, the sum of 7 0,000 sc. was all that remained to the treasury of the total income, after paying the interest of the debt."* Cardinal Du Perron afilrmed that the regular income of the pontiff would not have sutRced him for half the year, although the expenditure of the palace was very moderate. It had thus become inevitable that debt should be heaped upon debt. We are enabled to ascertain from authentic sources how systematically Paul Y. availed himself of tliis means. He raised loans in November 1(J07, twice in Janu- ary 1608, again in jMarch, June, and July of the same year, and twice more in the month of September. This he continued through all the years of his government. These loans were not large, according to our mode of viewing such operations : the less weighty demands Avere met as they arose by the esta- blishment and sale of new " Luoghi di moute," in greater or smaller numbers. These monti were founded now on the cus- toms of Ancona, now on the dogana of Rome, or of some province, or again on an increase in the price of salt, or on the proceeds of the post. They were thus gradually extended to a very heavy amount : by Paul V. alone two millions were added to tlie debt in Luoghi di monte.t He would, however, have found this impracticable, had he not been aided by a circumstance of a peculiar character. Power has always attracted money. So long as the Spanish monarchy pursued its career of greatness, and extended its in- fluence over the whole world, the Genoese, who were at that time the principal cajjitalists, invested their treasures in loans to the kings of Spain ; nor were they deterred from thus disposing of their funds by the fact of their being subjected by Philip II. to various exactions and forced reductions of in- terest. But as the great movement gradually abated, as the wars ceased and the expenditure of the Sj)aniards diminished, the Genoese withdrew their money. They next turned their attention towards Rome, which had meanwhile again assumed * Per soUevare la Camera Apostolica, discorso di M. Malvasia, 1G06. [Thn interests now paid by the Apostolic See absorb nearly all the revenues, 60 that the court lives in perpetual embarrassment, finding it difiicult to provide for the ordinary and necessary expenditure ; and when any extra- ••rdinary expense is demanded, they know nut where to turn themselves.] See Appendix. No. 88. t Nota de' luoghi di monti eretti in tempo del pontificato della felice niemoria di Paolo V. ICOO— 1G18. 802 DEBT IN THE STATES OF THE CHURCH. Q1598-1631. SO powerful a position, and the treasures of Europe once more poured into the city. Under Paul Y. Rome was, perhaps, the most important money-market in Europe. The Roman luoghi di monte were resorted to with extreme avidity ; as they paid considerable interest and presented sufficient security, their price increased on certain occasions to one hundred and fifty per cent. However extensively they were augmented, therefore, the pontiff invariably found purchasers in abundance. It thus happened that the debts increased perpetually. In the beginning of the pontificate of Urban VIII. they had at- tained the amount of eighteen miUions ; the revenues also, by the system of the Roman court, continued in relation with this increase, and rose accordingly in similar proportion ; they were estimated at the beginning of Urban's administration, at 1,818,104 sc. 96 baj."'" I have not ascertained the precise sum taken from them for the payment of interest, but it must liave been by far the larger portion ; and on examining the difierent sources of revenue separately, the demands are found very frequently to exceed the income. In the year 1592, the Roman excise and customs (dogana di Roma) brought in 162,450 sc. In 1625 they produced 209,000 sc. ; but in the first of these years, 16,956 sc. had been paid into the papal treasury, while in the second, the assignments on the revenue exceeded the receipts of the same by 13,260. The monopoly of salt (salara di Roma) had increased during that period from 27,654 to 40,000 ; but in 1592, a surplus had remained of 7,482 sc. ; while in 1625 there was a deficiency of 2,321 sc. 98 baj. It will be obvious that little could be efl'ected by house- hold economy towards the due restriction of such a system as this. Still less under an administration such as that of UrbanVIII., whose political jealousy so often impelled him to raise troops and construct fortifications. It is true that Urbino was annexed to the States of the Church, but this acquisition produced but little, more espe- cially in the commencement. After the loss of the allodial domains, the revenue of Urbino amounted to no more than * Entrata et uscita della Sede Apostolica del tempo di Urbano VIII. [Revenues and expenditure of the Apostolic See, in tlie time of Urban VIII.] 1585-1643.] FOUNDATION OF NEW FAMILIES. 303 400,000 sc, au J to reduce this still further, the act of taking possession when important concessions were also made to the heirs, had occasioned a large expenditure.* In the year 1635, Urban had raised the debt to thirty millions of scudi, and to procure the funds required, he had imposed ten diflferent taxes, or had augmented older imposts. But even with all this he was far from attaining his object : circumstances occurred by Avhich he was induced to go much further ; but these we shall examine with more profit after havins: first directed our attention to another series of facts. § 3. Foundation of new Families. If Ave inquire to Avhat objects all these revenues were ap- plied, whither they all went, it is certainly undeniable that they were for the most part expended in furtherance of the universal efforts for the restoration of Catholicism. Armies, such as that sent by Gregory XIV. into France, and which his successors were compelled to maintain for some time after, necessarily cost the Roman see enormous sums ; as did the active part taken by Clement VIII. in the Turkish war, and the subsidies, such as those so often granted to the League and the house of Austria under Paul V., which Gre- gory XV. afterwards .doubled, and which were transferred, at least in part, to Maximilian of Bavaria by Urban VIII. The States of the Church also frequently required large .sums for the exigencies of some extraordinary occasion, — as, for example, the conquest of Ferrara, under Clement VIII. : the proceedings of Paul V. against Venice, and all the military preparations of^ Urban VIII. , To these were added the magnificent public buildings, raised at one time for the embellishment of the city, at another for the defence of the state, and in the construction of which CA'ery new pope laboured in emulation of his predecessors. There was, besides, a practice which obtained in the Roman court, and which contributed not a little to the accumulation of this mass of debt, while it certainly was not beneficial either * Remark of Francesco Barberini to the nuncio in Vienna, when the emperor put forward claims founded on that acquisition. . 304 FOUNDATION OF NEW FAMILIES. [|1585-1643. to Christendom, the state, or even to the city, but was solely for the advantage of the different papal families. The custom had been established, and is indeed perfectly consistent with the relation of the priesthood to a widely ex- tended family association — that the overplus of the ecclesias- tical revenues should devolve on the kindred of the several incumbents. The popes of the period now before us were prevented bv the bulls of their predecessors from investing their relations with principalities, as had been so often attempted in earlier times ; but they did not on that account dissent from the ge- neral usage of the ecclesiastical body ; on the contrary, they were only the more earnest in their efforts to secure hereditary dignity to their families by conferring on them large pos- sessions both in money and land. They were careful, while pursuing this object, to provide themselves with arguments for their own justification. They proceeded from the principle that they were bound by no vow of poverty, and having decided that they might fairly consider the surplus proceeds of the spiritiial office as their own pro- perty, they likewise inferred that they possessed the right of bestowing this superfluity on their kindred. But far more powerful than considerations of this kind was the influence of family ties, and the natural inclination of men to leave behind them some memorial that shall survive their death. The first who determined the form to which all pontills afterwards adhered, was Sixtus Y. One of his grand-nephews he raised to the rank of cardinal, intrusted him with a portion of the public business, and gave him an ecclesiastical income of 100,000 scudi ; the other he married to a daughter of the Sommaglia family, and made marquis of Montana, adding afterwards to hh domains the principality of Venafro and the countshi2> of Celano in the Neapolitan territories. The house of Peretti long maintained itself in high consideration, and the name appears repeatedly in the college of cardinals. But the Aldobrandini became far more powerful.* "Wc * Niccolo Contarini, Storia Veneta : [In conferring ecclesiastical benefices on his nephews Clement VIII. knew no bounds, and even went far beyond his predecessor, Sixtus V., by whom this door was first thrown open, and that widely.] 1585-1643.] FoiNDATioN or m;w iamilies. oOS have seen the influence exerci.scd liy Pietro Aldobrandino duriii.y- the pontificate of his uncle. In the year 15.99, he had aheady secured G0,000 scudi yearly from church property, and liow greatly must this have been afterwards augmented. The possessions he inherited from Lucrczia D'Este came most effec- tually to his aid ; he bought largely on all sides, and we find that he had funds invested in the Bank of Yonico. But how- ever extensive were the domains of Pietro, all must at length devolve on the family of his sister and her husband Giovanni Francesco Aldobrandino. This Giovau-Francesco was also richly provided for ; he was castellan of St. Angelo, governor of the Borgo, captain of the Guard, and general of the Church. His income, so early as the year 1590, was 60,000 scudi, and be often received sums of money from the pope. I find an account, by which Clement VIII. is shewn lo have bestowed on his kinsmen generally, during the thirteen years of his pon- tificate, more than a million of scudi in hard money. They became all the more wealthy from the fact that Giovau- Francesco was a clever manager. He bought the estates of Ridolfo Pio, which had previously yielded only three thousan*' scudi a year, and obtained from them an income of twelve thousand. The marriage of his daughter ]\fargareta with Rainuccio Farnese was not effected without enormous cost ; the lady brought a dowry of 400,000 scudi to her husband,'"'' Ijesides other privileges and advantages, although this con- nection did not, as we have seen, eventually prove so close anunity prevails in the city for these armed bodies, the utmost license. Men are assassinated all over the city, and nothing is more commonly to be heard than that one or the other man of note has been slain.] VOL. n. T 322 INNOCENT X. [1644-46 one of those created by Urban VIII., although strongly dis- posed to the party of Spain, and expressly objected to by the French court. On the 16th September, 1644, Cardinal Pamfili was elected. He took the name of Innocent X., in memoiy, as was believed, of Innocent VIII., in whose ponti- ficate his house had come to Rome. By the elevation of Innocent X. the policy of the Roman court once more received a change. The confederate princes, more particularly the Medici, to whom the new pope attributed his election, now obtained in- fluence over that authority, against which they were but lately in arms. The inscription relating to the Venetians, which Urban had effaced, was restored.* Nearly all those elevated in the first promotion that ensued were friends of Spain ; a new accession of strength was acquired by the whole Spanish party, which now again held the French, at least in Rome, in equal balance. The Barberini were the first to feel this revolution of things. It is no longer possible to ascertain how much of all that was laid to their charge was well founded. They were declared to have perverted justice, and to have seized benefices belonging to others ; but the chief accusation against them was that of having misappropriated the public money. The pope resolved to call the nephew of his predecessor to account for the administration of the finances during the war of Castro, t At first the Barberini believed that they could place themselves in security by means of France, and as Mazarin had risen to his eminent station, in the service, and by the assistance of their house, he did not now let them want sup- port ; they affixed the French arms to their palaces, and formally declared themselves under the protection of France. * Relatione de' quattro Ambasciatori, 1645 : [The present pontiff, in the very beginning of his government, has expressed his dissent from the opinion of his predecessor, by public demonstration registered in marble, and has restored its lustre to the glories of your excellency's ancestors.] We see from this how high a tone they took as regarded that matter. t Relatione delle cose correnti, 25 Maggio, 1646 : [The Barberini, seeing themselves utterly repudiated by the new pope, began to devise machinations in plenty, which they considered excellent ; but the pope continued to watch carefully, and insisted on having the untreasuried treasury satisfied by them.] .1644-46.] INNOCKNT X. 32-j But Pope Innocent affirmed that lie was there for the pur- pose of maintaining justice, and could not neglect to do so even though Bourbon were standing at the gates. Antonio, who was most deeply endangered, then took flight, departing in October, 1G45. Some months later, Francesco left the city, as did Taddeo, with his children. The pope caused their palaces to be seized, their offices to be distributed to others, and their luoghi di monte sequestered. The Roman people applauded him in all these proceedings. On the 20tli of February, 1646, an assembly was gathered in the Capitol : it was the most imposing that had been seen within the memory of man, from the number of persons, distinguished by their rank and titles, who took part in it. A proposal was made for entreating the pope to repeal, at least, that most oppressive of all the taxes imposed by Urban VIII. — the tax on flour. Rut the connections of the Barberini resisted this proposal, in their apprehension lest the debt founded on that impost should be paid out of their property in the event of its being repealed. Donna Anna Colonna, the wife of Taddeo Barberino, caused a memorial to be read, reminding the people of the services Urban VIll. had rendered the city, and of his zeal for the administration of justice : she declared it to be unseemly that an appeal should be made against the lawful taxes imposed by a pontiff of such high merit. The resolution was adopted nevertheless : Innocent proceeded to act upon it without delay, and the deficiency thereby occasioned was made good, as had been rightly anticipated, from the possessions of Don Taddeo.'^ In the m.eantime, and while the family of the preceding pope was thus violently assailed and persecuted, it became a question, now the most important in every pontificate, by what means the new pontifical house was to establish itseljF. It is a circumstance of some weight in the general history of the papacy, that this was no longer accomplished by precisely the same method as on earlier occasions, although the scandal caused by the court was in itself much increased and aggravated. Pope Innocent was under obligations to his sister-in-law^ Donna Ol^Tupia INIaidalchina of Yiterbo ; and more particu- * Tlie passage from the Diario of Deone will be found in the Appendix, No. 122. T 2 324 INNOCENT X. [[1644-4G. larly on account of tlie very considerable possessions that she had brought into the house of Pamlili. He accounted it, also, as a high merit in Donna Olyinpia, that she had refused to form any second alliance after the death of his brother.""" His own interest more especially was promoted by this de- termination on her part. The management of the family possessions had been long committed to her care, and it is not therefore surprising if she now obtained influence over tlie administration of the papacy. This lady soon acquired a position of the highest im- portance in the court ; it was to her that ambassadors paid their tirst A'isit ou arriving in Rome. Cardinals placed her portrait in their apartments, as is customary with the por- traits of sovereigns, and foreign courts sought to conciliate lier favour by presents. As the same path was taken by all who desired to obtain favours from the Curia, riches soon began to flow into her cofiers ; it was even reported that from all the inferior offices procured by her means she exacted a monthly contribution. In a short time she had established a great household, gave rich festivals and theatrical entertain- ments, travelled and bought estates. Her daughters were married into the most distinguished and wealthy families ; the first to one of the Ludovisi, the second to a son of the Giustiniani. For her son Don Camillo, who was of very mean capacity, she had originally thought it expedient to select the clerical profession, and intended him to assume, at least in externals, the position of Cardinal Nephew ;+ but an opportunity having presented itself for contracting a splendid marriage for him with the richest heiress in Rome, Denna Olympia Aldobrandini, who had been set at liberty by the death of her husband, he returned to the secular condition and entered into that alliance. Bv this union Don Camillo was exalted to the highest happiness he could possibly desire ; his wife was not only * Bussi, Storia di Viterbo, p. 331. Donna Olympia was at first much esteemed. The "Venetian ambassador, of the year 1645, says of her : [She is a lady of great prudence and worth ; she understands the position she holds of sister-in-law to the pope ; she enjoys the esteem and affection of his holiness, and has great influence with him.] i' All were surprised at this from the first : [1 conclude, says Deone, that this is the work of Donna Olympia, who has desired to see her son a cardinal, and prefers a son-in-law to a daughter-in-law.] I(J44-4G.3 INNOCENT X. 32.) rich, but still iu the bloom of life ; being graroful and full of intolligence, she supplied his deficiencies by her distinguished (pialifications, but she also desired to rule. Between the uiother-in-law and her daughter-in-law there was not the peace of a moment, and the house of the pope was disturbed Ity tlie contentions of two women. The newly-married pair were at first obliged to depart ; but they did not long endure to remain at a distance, and returned to the palace without the pope's consent ; the dissensions of the family then became manifest to all the world. Donna Olympia IMaidalchina appeared, for example, on a certain occasion during the car- nival, with a magnificent equipage and splendid train on the Corso ; her son and his wife were standing at a window, but when their mother's carriage appeared in sight, they turned and went away. This was remarked by every one. It became the subject of conversation to all IJome.'' The dif- ferent parties next laboured to obtain influence with these dissentient relatives. The character and disposition of Pope Innocent were un- f'nitunately better fitted for promoting and exasperating dis- putes of this kind than for appeasing them. Not that he was by any means a num of common qualities. In his earlier career, while attached to the Rota, in his office <>f nuncio, or as cardinal, he had proved himself to be diligent in action, blameless of life, and upright in principle ; this re- putation he still maintained. His industry was thought the more extraordinary, from the fact that he had completed his seventy-second year at the period of his election. It was, nevertlieloss, boastingly remarked, that " labour does not weary him ; after long exertion he is as fresh as he was liefore ; he finds jileasurc in conversing with those who seek him, and permits each person to say all that he desires to say. " The cheerful temper ami affable manners of Innocent presented a striking contrast to the proud reserve of Urban VIII. lie made it his particular concern to maintain j)eace and good order in Rome, and was ambitious of establishing security of * Diario Deouc. At another time he relates as follows, Mercordi la tarda (Ag. 1648) : [On Wednesday, in the afternoon (August, 1648), the Signora Olympia, with both her daughters, and a numerous train, passed .•»long the Corso ; every one sup])osed that she was going to visit her daugliter-in-law, but she passed before th': house without looking at it.] 326 INNOCENT X. [1644-46. property, and insuring tlie safety of all liis subjects by nigbt as well as by day. ' No injustice or oppression from tbe supe- rior to the inferior, no injury of the weak by the powerful, was tolerated during the pontificate of Innocent X.'"" He also compelled the barons to pay their debts. The duke of Parma had not yet satisfied his creditors, so that the pope could not appear in Rome without having himself im- plored aloud to procure justice for the Montists; as there was, moreover, cause to believe that the bishop of Castro had lost his life at the instigation of the duke's government, it was at length resolved to take decisive steps in his afiairs also. The domains of the Farnesi were once more exposed to sale ; solicitors and civil practitioners proceeded to Castro and took possession of the town in the name of the Montists.f The duke again opposed resistance, and made a second attempt to penetrate into the States of the Church, but this time he found no auxilia- ries. Innocent X. was not feared by the Italian princes as Urban had been ; he was rather, as we have seen, their ally ; Castro was taken, its defences were demolished, and the duke was compelled to resign that district to the administration of the papal treasury, which undertook to satisfy his creditors ; be even assented to the decision which adjudged him to forfeit the whole domain if he failed to redeem the Monti Farnesi within eight years. The capital amounted to about 1,700,000 scudi, the accumulated interest to 400,000 scudi. The duke seemed in no condition to raise so large a sum ; the agreement, which was moreover again effected by Spanish mediation, was nearly equivalent to a forced renunciation, and did but escape it in name. In all these transactions. Pope Innocent displays energy, prudence, and determination ; but he laboured under one de- * Relatione di Contarini, 1648 : [He thinks only of securing the tran- quillity of the Ecclesiastical States, and more particularly of Rome ; so that every man may be at liberty to enjoy his possessions, and be equally safe by night as by day; nor will he permit the superior classes to oppress those beneath them.] t Diario Deone, 16 Giugno, 1649: [The pope is fuUy determined as regards this matter, and said to me, " We cannot pass through the streets of Rome, but we are instantly called after to the intent that we should make the duke of Parma pay what is due from him : he has not paid for seven years ; yet on this income depends the living of many widows, orphans, and pious institutions."] It is obvious that the pope's motives were not reprehensible. 1644-55.31 INNOCENT X. 327 feet wbicli made it difficult to preserve a good understanding with him, and which rendered his life bitter even to himself; he reposed unvarying confidence in no one ; good-will and dis- pleasure alternated with him according to the impression of the moment. This was experienced, among others, by the datary, Cec- chini ; after he had long enjoyed the papal favour, this officer suddenly found himself suspected, attacked, rei^roached, and finally superseded by his subordinate, that Mascambruno who was afterwards convicted of the most extraordinary forgeries. ■"'■ But perplexities of a still more painful character existed in the papal family itself, which was already sufficiently divided. After the marriage of Don Caraillo Pamfili, Innocent X. had no longer a nephew of the clerical order, a personage who had for a long time formed an essential part of the papal court and household. He once felt himself moved to take particular interest in a distant kinsman of his house who had been presented to him, and resolved to confer on this young man, Don Camillo Astalli, the dignity of cardinal-nephew. He took him into his household, gave him apartments in the palace, and intrusted him with a share in the business of the state. This elevation he caused to be publicly proclaimed by the firing of cannon from the castle St. Angelo, and by other solemnities. Yet nothing resulted from that arrangement but now mis- iniderstandings and vexations. The remainder of the papal family complained of being placed in the back-ground ; even the cardinals previously nominated by Innocent X. were dissatisfied on perceiving a new-comer preferred to themselves ;t but above all other persons. Donna Olympia Jlaidalchina was displeased ; she had commended the young Astalli, and had proposed his elevation * Vita del C. Cecchini, scritta da lui medesimo. " Scrittura contro Mons'. Mascambruno, con laquale s' intende che s' instruisca il processo che contro il medesimo si va f'abricando ;" with the still more circum- stantial report, Pro R. P. D. ]\Iascambruno, MS. Appendix, No. 121. t Diario Deone, 10 Sett. 1650 : [The rumours of the court say that the pope has lost the benefits conferred on all his creatures, who are offended by his preference of a youth without experience, to them all, which shews that he does not trust them, or thinks them unfit for the charge.] Much is said of this in a paper entitled " Osservationi sopra la futura elettione, 1652 :" [I believe that this is merely a caprice . . . the pope scarcely knowing Mons''. Astalli.] 328 INNOCENT X. [[1644-55. to the cardiualate, but she had by no means expected that his favour would go so far. In the first place, she was herself sent away. The secular nephew and his wife, who was declared by a contemporary to be " as greatly exalted above ordinary women as he was sunk beneath the level of ordinary men," gained access to the palace. But the nearly related secular nephew did not long main- tain his friendly relations with the adopted ecclesiastical ne- phew ; the elder Olympia was recalled to keep the house in order. In a very short time she had recovered all her accustomed influence."- In one of the apartments of the Villa Pamfili stand the busts of the pope and his sister-in-law ; when these are com- pared— Avhen the features of the woman, full of intelligence and firm decision, are considered, together with the mild and inexpressive countenance of the pope, it becomes at once obvious that his being governed by his sister-in-law was not only possible but inevitable. After she had regained admission to the palace, she too refused to sufter that the advantages consequent on the position of a nephew should be imparted to any other house than her own. Since Astalli would not divide his authority with her as she desired, she did not rest until he liad lost the favour of the pope, was cast down from his eminence and sent from the palace, nor until she had herself recovered her un- divided rule, and reigned absolute mistress in the house. On the other hand, Avon over by gifts, she now formed an inti- mate connection with the Barberini, who had meanwhile returned to Rome. Plow grievously nmst all these changes from disgrace to favour, and from favour to disgrace, with the continual dis- sensions among those most immediately connected with him, have oppressed and disturbed the poor old pope. Nor can the inward longings of the spirit bo stilled by the declared rupture that may seem to re-establish quiet ; the atiections that should have consoled and gladdened his age were turned into sources of grief and distress. The aged pontiff now felt * Vita dj Papa Alessandro VII. : [The crafty old woman has? mounted iu a short time from the extremity of disgrace to the height of favour,] 1644-.")J.j] INNOCENT X. 32J> moreover that be wii;^ made the instrument for gratifying a -womanly clesiro for authority and love of gain ; he disap- proved and was rendered unhappy by this state of things ; gladly would he have brought it to an end, l)ut he had not the energy and resolution required, nor did he indeed know- how to do without his sister-in-law. His pyiitificate, which ought to have been numbered among the more fortunate, since it passed without any remarkable disaster, yet acquired an evil reputation from these irregularities in the family and the palace. Innocent was himself rendered even more capri- cious, self-willed, and burthensome to himself than he had been made by nature.* To the last days of his life we find him occupied in de- spoiling and inflicting now banishments on his other relations, and in this comfortless state of things he died, Jan. 5, 1655. The corpse lay three days before any one of those con- nected with him, on whom by the usage of the court the duty of interment devolved, had given a thought to the care of it. Uonna Olympia declared that she was a poor widow, and that it was beyond her powers ; no other person considered himself under any obligation to the deceased pontifi'. Finally, a canon, who had once been in the papal service, but had been long dismissed, expended half a scudi, and caused the last honours to be rendered to his late master. But we are not to suppose that these domestic contentions were merely personal in their ultimate consequences. It is evident that the governing power of the nephews, which had exercised so complete an authority in the state, and so powerAil an influence on the church during previous pontificates, after receiving a severe shock in the latter years of Urban VIII., was now giving but slight intimations of existence and approached its fall. "'••' Pallavicini : [In the niid.-t of splendid appointments a fetid and loathsome object ... he broke into various exclamations with a sort of frenzy . . . Not a httlc feared, but by no means hived, he had some success and credit in his public affairs, but was n\ost inglorious and wretched from the continually recurring scenes either of tragedy or comedy in his domestii: Ufa.] See Ai>pendix, Nos. 129, 130. 330 ALEXANDER VII. AND CLEMENT IX. \^l655-56. § 6. Alexander VII. and Clement IX. The succeeding conclave immediately presented an unac- customed appearance. The nephews of the deceased pontiff had hitherto presented themselves, with a numerous band of devoted adherents, to dominate the new election. Innocent X. left no nephew who could hold the cardinals of his creation together, or unite them into a faction. None owed their elevation to Astalli, who had conducted the helm of state for a short time only, and had exercised no prevailing influence, nor did any of them feel bound to his interests. For the first time, during many centuries, the new cardinals entered the conclave with unlimited freedom of choice. They were recommended to unite of their own accord under one head, and are reported to have replied that every one of them had a head and feet of his own ; they were for the most part men of distinguished character and independent modes of thinking, united certainly among themselves (they were designated the flying squadron — squadrone volante),* but who would no longer be guided by the will of a nephew, and had resolved to act upon their own convictions and judgment. While Innocent X. yet lay on his death-bed, one of this " squadron," Cardinal Ottobuono, is said to have exclaimed, " This time we must seek an honest man." " If you want an honest man," replied another of the party. Cardinal Azzolino, "there stands one," — he pointed to Cardinal Chigi.t And Chigi had not only obtained the reputation of being an able man of upright intentions, but was particularly distinguished as an opponent of the abuses involved in the forms of govern- ment hitherto prevailing. But the friends he had secured were confronted by very powerful antagonists, more especially among the French. When Mazarin, driven out of France by * Pallavicini names the following as confederates : Imperiale, Omodei, Borromei, Odescalco, Pio, Aquaviva, Ottobuono, Albizi, Gualtieri, and Azzolino. The name of Squadrone was given them by the Spanish am- bassador. t [If you want a man of integrity, there is one, and he pointed to Cardinal Chigi, who stood at a distance, although in the same room.] (Pallavicini.) 1655-56.] ALEXANDER VII. AND CLEMENT IX. 331 the troubles of the Fronde, was making preparations on the German frontier, to replace himself, by force of arms, in possession of his lost power, his efforts had not been promoted by Chigi, — who was then nuncio at Cologne, — so effectively as he thought himself entitled to expect ; from that time, therefore, Mazarin had entertained a personal animosity to Chigi. It followed from this circumstance that the election cost much labour, its conflicts were ouce more protracted to a very great length ; finally, however, the new members of the conclave, the " squadrouisti," carried their point. On the 7th of April,- 1655, Fabio Chigi was elected. He took the name of Alexander VII. The new pontiff was compelled, by the very principle which had suggested his elevation, to conduct his government ou a system wholly different from that adopted by his more immediate predecessors; he seemed also to have determined on doing this. For a certain period of time he would not permit his nephews to visit Rome, and boasted that he had not suffered one penny to be turned to their advantage. His confessor, Pallaviciui, who was then writing the history of the Council of Trent, at once inserted a passage in his work, predicting everlasting fame to Alexander VII. ; and more particularly on account of this self-denial with regard to his family."' But it must always be a diflicult thing to abandon a custom ouce firmly established, and the rather because it never could have gained prevalence without possessing iu itself some quality that was commendable — some natural claim to exist- ence. There are persons iu every court who are always pre- pared to put this better aspect of a custom in the most favour- * In his Latin biography of Alexander VII. he says: [The people, •who, because of the many taxes, seemed to bear on their shoulders the families of the late pontiffs, which were laden with so much wealth, did wonderfully applaud the magnanimity of Alexander VII. ... It was an inexpressible detriment to the Holy See that benefits were so un- equally distributed, and a perpetual burthen on the people.]— Relatione de' IV. Ambasciatori, 1655 : [The self-denial with which his holiness has hitherto armed himself is heroic, excluding his brother, nephews, and all who boast relationship to him, from access to Rome; and this par- simony of favour towards his family is the more meritorious, because it is not forced on him by persuasions, but is the result of liis own freR choice.] See Appendix, Nos. 130, 132, and 135. 332 ALEXANDER VII. AND CLEMENT TX. [1655-56. ubie light, and who delight to cling firmly to ancient usage, however clearly obvious its abuses may be. It was thus gradually intimated to Alexander VII., first by one, and then by another, of those surrounding him, that it was not seemly to permit the papal kinsmen to remain in the rank of private citizens in some remote town ; nay, that it was. in fact, impossible, for that the people of Sienna were not to be restrained from paying princely honours to his house, whereby the Holy See might readily become involved in mis- understandings with Tuscany. There were other advisers who, not content Avith confirming these remarks, added fur- ther, that the pontiff would give a still better example if ho received his connections at the court, and proved that he could hold them in proper restraint, than if he kept them altogether at a distance. But the most effectual impression was unques- tionably produced by Oliva, the rector of the Jesuits' college, who directly declared that the pope would be guilty of a sin if he did not summon his nephews to his side. He maintained that the foreign ambassadors never would have so much confi- dence in a mere minister as in a near relation of the pope ; that the holy father, being thus less perfectly supplied with intelli- gence, Avould have fewer facilities for the due administration ot his office.* It scarcely required so many arguments to persuade the pope into a course towards which he could not but feel in- clined. On the 24th of Ajiril, 1656, he proposed in the Con- sistory the question, whether it seemed good to the cardinals, his brethren, that he should employ his kinsmen in the service of the papal sec. No one A'entured to spealc against the mea- sui'e, and they very soon arrived.f The brother of the pope, Don Marco, obtained the most lucrative appointments, as the superintendence of the regulations respecting corn (annona), and the administration of justice in the Borgo. His son Flavio was declared Cardinal Padrone, and was soon in possession of * Scrittare politiche, &c. : [One day Oliva took occasion to say to Father Luti (Father Liiti had been brought up with the pope, i)aid him frequent visits, and desired that the nephews should be invited), that the pope was bound, under penalty of mortal sin, to call his nephews to Rome.] He then gave his reasons as above cited. t Pallavicini : [In tlie first days after that event, the advisers of Alexander could not appear in public without subjecting themselves to bitter taunts. See Appendix, No. 132. lC.")(5-67.] ALEXANDER VII. AM) CLKMENT IX. 333 ecclesiastical revenues to the amount of 1 00,000 scudi. Another hrother of the pontifl", who had been an object of particulai* atlection to his holiness, was no longer living ; but his son, Agostino, was chosen to become the founder of a family. The richest possessions were gradually conferred on him, as for <'xaraple, the incomparable Ariccia, the principality of Far- uese, the palace in the Piazza (volonna, and niary luoghi di monte ; he was, besides, married to a Borghese.* The favours of the pontift' wex'e indeeil at length extended to more remote connections also ; among others, to the Commendatore Bichi, who occasionally appears in the Candian war, and even to the tSienncse in general. Things might thus have seemed to be returninj; entirely to their earlier condition ; but this was, nevertheless, not the case. Flavio Chigi was far from possessing an authority equal to that of Pietro Aldol)randiiio, or Scipionc Cafarelli, or Fran- <"esco Barberino, nor did he even seek to obtain it. The exer- cise of power had uo charms for him ; he rather felt disposed to envy his secular cousin, Agostino, to whom the essential enjoyments of life had been awarded with but little toil or pains on his part. Nay, Alexander YII. himself no longer ruled with an authority approaching to the absolute and unlimited power of Jiis predecessors. Even during the pontificato of I'rban VIII. a " cougrega- zione di stato" had been established, the office of which was, :ifter due - ones. All the cardinals and i)relates of the Curia pro- ceeded according to the pope's example, and each in propor- tion to his means employed the surplus of his ecclesiastical revenue for the aggrandizement of his kindred, the foundation of a new family. There were others which had attained to eminence by judicial appointments, and many were indebted for their elevation to being employed as bankers in the affairs of the Dataria. Fifteen families of Florence, eleven from Genoa, nine Portuguese, and four French, are enume- rated as having risen to more or less consideration by these means, according to their good fortune or talents ; some of them, whose reputation no longer depended on the affairs of the day, became monarchs of gold ; as for example, the Gnicciar- dini and Doni, who connected themselves, under Urban YIII., with the Giustiniani, Primi, and Pallavicini.* But even, without affairs of this kind, families of consideration were constantly repairing to Rome, not only from Urbiuo, Ilieti, and Bologna, but also from Parma and Florence. The Tloinc came from very base beginnings, not only from a notary or apothe- rary, which might be endurabU', but even iVom the ill-odoured art of tannines leather. Although I know the origin of all particularly, yet I do not write it, that I may not offend any.] * Almaden : [They have not yet passed the second generation of Roman citizenship . . . having come from Florence or Genoa about money transactions . . . such families often die in their cradles.] See Appendix, >o. i2:v 342 ELEMENTS OF THE Q 656-67. establishment of the monti and saleable offices contributed to invite many to the capital. The luoghi di monte, more particularly, were for a long time greatly sought for, espe- cially the " vacabili," which were a kind of life annuity, and therefore paid ten and a half per cent., but could, never- theless, be most commonly transferred from older to 3'ounger persons ; or even in cases where this was not done, were directly inherited, the Curia giving ita sanction to this practice without difficulty. Nor was it otherwise in regard to the saleable offices. At the death of the holder they ought to have reverted to the treasury ; therefore it was that the in- come they produced bore so high a proportion to the capital originally paid. Yet they were in fact real and simple annuities, since the holder had rarely any official duties to perform ; but even when he had such duties, a transfer could usually be effected without any great difficulty. There were many offices that had never been vacated during an entire century. The union of the public officials and montists into colleges, invested them with a sort of representative importance, and although their rights gradually became subject to grave dimi- nutions, they nevertheless always maintained an independent position. The aristocratic principle, so remarkably mingled with the system of credit and public debt which pervaded the whole state, was also favourable to these associations. Indeed foreigners sometimes found them exceedingly overbearing. Around these numerous families, so largely endowed, con- tinually pressing forward, ever becoming more -firmly estab- lished, and to whose profit came the greater part of the revenues of the church, the lower classes fixed themselves in constantly increasing numbers and a more settled position. Returns of the Roman population are still extant, and by a comparison of the different years, we find a most remark- able result exhibited, as regards the manner in which that population was formed. Not that its increase was upon the whole particularly rapid, this we are not authorized to assert. In the year 1600 the inhabitants were about 110,000 ; fifty- six years afterwards they were somewhat above 120,000, an advance by no means extraordinary; but another circum- stance here presents itself which deserves attention. At an earlier period, the population of Rome had been constantly 1656-67.3 ROMAN POPULATION. 343 fluctuating. Under Paul IV. it had decreased from 80,000 to 50,000 ; in a score or two of years it had again advanced to more than 100,000. And this resulted from the fact that the court was then formed princij.ally of unmarried men, who had no permanent abode there. But, at the time m'o are considering, the population became fixed into settled families. This began to be the case towards the end of the sixteenth century, but took place more particularly during the first half of the seventeenth. The inhabitants of Rome numbered in the year Date. Inhabitants. Families. 1600 109,729 20,019 1614 115,643 21,422 161.9 106,050 24,380 1628 115,374 24,429 1644 110,608 27,279 1653 118,882 20,081 1656 1.20,596 30,103* We perceive that the number of the inhabitants in some years exhibits a decrease, while that of the families, on the contrary, advances without interruption. During the fifty- six years we have examined, they had gained upwards of 10,000 ; a fact the more remarkable, because the total in- crease of the population is not more than the same number. The crowd of unmarried men, merely coming and going, be- came less numerous ; the mass of the population, on the contrary, acquired a stationary character. The proportion has continued the same to the present time, with the exception of slight variations, arising from the prevalence of disease at one time, and the natural tendency of population to repair the losses thus occasioned. After the return of the popes from Avignon, and on the close of the schism, the city, which had seemed on thopoint ot sinking into a mere village, extended itself around the Curia. But it was not until the papal families had risen to power and riches — until neither internal discords nor external enemies were any longer to be feared, and tlie incomes drawn from the revenues of the church or state secured a life of enjoyment * The tables whence these numbers are taken will be found in MS. in the Barberini Library. A later account, from 1702 to 181G, is given ia Cancellieri, ilel taranti«mo di Roma, p. 73. 344 ARCHITECTURAL LABOURS [[16.56-67. without the necessity for labour, that a numerous permanent population arose in the city. Its prosperity and possessions were always dependent on the importance of the church and the court, from which all wealth proceeded, whether by direct gifts or by other advantages more indirectly bestowed. All were, in fact, merely upstarts, like the pontifical families them- selves. The inliabitants already established in the city had hithert(> continually received accessions from new settlers, more par- ticularly those who crowded to the capital on the elevation of each new pontiff, from his native town or province. The form now assumed by the court caused this practice to cease. It was under the influence of that universal power and efficiency to which the Roman see had attained by the restoration of Catholicism, that the capital itself had received its essential character and magnificence : then also were those Roman lamilies founded which are flourishing to the present day. From the time when the extension of the spiritual dominion ceased, the population no longer continued to extend. It may safely be affirmed to have been a creation and product of that period. Nay, the modern city itself may be generally said to belong — so much of it in any case as still enchains the attention of the traveller — to that same period of the Catholic revolution. Lefc us advert for a moment to some of its more prominent charac- teristics. § 8. Architectural Lahours of the Popes. We have already described the magnificent architectural works completed by Sixtus V., and remarked on the views, as respected the church and religion, which prompted these labours. Ilis example was followed by Clement VIII., to whom .some of the most beautiful chapels in the churches of St. John and St. Peter are attributable. It was by him that the new residence in the Vatican was founded : the apartments now inhabited bv the pope and the secretary of state were built by Clement"' VIII. But it was more especially Paul V. who made it his ambi- 1656-67.^ OF THE POPES. 345 tion to emulate the Franciscan. " Throughout the city," says a contemporary biography of this pope, "he has levelled hills, has opened extensive prospects Avherc before were sharp corners and crooked paths ; laid out large squares, and ren- dered them still more stately by the erection of new buildings. The water that he has brought to the city is not the mere play of a pipe ; it comes rushing forth in a stream. The splendour of his palaces is rivalled by the variety of the gardens he has laid out. The interior of his private chapels irlitters all over with gold and silver ; they are not so much adorned with pre- cious stones as filled witli them. The public chajxds rise — each like a basilica — every basilica is like a temple : the temples are like mountains of marble."* It will be observed that the works of Paul were admired and eulogized, not for their beauty or symmetry, but for their gorgeousness and colossal proportions, which arc indeed their distinguishing attributes. In 8anta Maria Maggiore, ho built a chapel opposite to that erected by Sixtus V,, but far more splendid ; it i*, indeed, entirely formed of the most costly marbles. Paul V. brought the water bearing his name — the Aqua Pao- lina,to the Janiculum, from a distance of five and thirtymiles — a course still longer thau that of the Aqua Felice, brought to the city by Sixtus V. Opposite to the fountain and the JMoses of Sixtus, but distant from it and with the whole city between them — the Aqua Paolina bursts forth in four powerful streams of nearly five times the volume presented by the Aqua Felice. Few fail to visit these heights of ancient renown, the site of Porsenna's attack, but now presenting vineyards, fruit-gar- dens, and ruins only. From this point the whole city lies open to the gaze, with the country, even to the distant hills, which evening wraps in a wondrously tinted vapour as in a tmnspa- rent veil. The solitude is agreeably enlivened by the music of the rushing waters. The multitude of its fountains, and the profusion of their waters, is one of the many things by which Rome is distinguished from all other cities : the Aqua Paolina contributes most richly to this charm. The incomparable fountains of the Piazza San Pietro are filled from it ; it is conducted by the Sistine bridge to the city itself. The foun- * Vita Pauli V. compendiose scripta. MS. Barb. Sec Appendix, No. 76. 346 ARCHITECTURAL LABOURS [[1656-67. tains of the Farnese palace and many otliers, are led from the same source. Sixtns V. had erected the cupola of St. Peter's, and Paul V. undertook the general completion of the church.* This he accomplished on a scale of great magnitude, in accordance with the prevailing taste of that time. In the present day we should certainly prefer to have had the original plans of Bramante and Michael Angelo followed out ; but the work of Paul entirely satisfied the taste of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The dimensions are, without doubt, enormous : few would assert the facade to be beautiful, but all is cheerful, appro- priate, and grand. The colossal proportions of the building ; the piazza, the obelisk, and all surrounding objects, when taken as a whole, produce that impression of the gigantic which was intended to be conveyed, and which fixes itself irresistibly and indelibly upon the mind. Although the administration of the Ludovisi was but short, they have nevertheless erected an imperishable monument to themselves in the church of St. Ignatius,t and in their villa in the city. Nicolo Ludovisio possessed six palaces at one time, many of which he very richly adorned, and all of them were kept in good order. TVe find memorials of Urban VIII., not only in various churches, — St. Bibiana, St. Quirico, and St. Sebastian on the Palatine among others, — but in accordance with his peculiar inclinations, still more frequently in palaces and fortifications. After having surrounded St. Angelo with ditches and ram- parts, and after — as he boasts on one of his coins — he had fully armed, fortified, and completed this castle, he continued the defences according to a plan suggested by Cardinal Ma- culano (who was an accomplished military architect), around the Vatican and the gardens of the Belvedere, as far as the Porta Cavalleggieri. At that point other fortifications com- menced, which were intended to comprise the Lungara, the Trastevere, and the -Janiculum, and to extend to the priory on the Aventine. Porta Portuense, at least, is principally to * Magnificentia Pauli V., seu publicse utilitatis et splendoris opera a Paulo vel in urbe vel alibi instituta. MS. [The part of the temple erected at the sole cost and command of Paul, may be advantageously compared with £hose portions constructed by all previous pontiffs.] t See Appendix, No. 95. 1656-67.] OF THE POPES. 347 be attributed to Urban VIII. It was not until he had thus enclosed himself that he felt secure ; he was also careful to restore the bridge, by means of which a communication was eflected between the papal residence and the fortress of St. Angelo.'* Pope Innocent X. was likewise an assiduous builder. His works may be seen on the Capitol, the two sides of which he .sought to bring into harmony ; in the church of the Lateran, where he had the merit of proceeding in a manner less dis- cordant with the ancient forms than Avas usual at that time ; but principally on the Piazza Navona. It was observed that when Pope Innocent passed across the Piazza San Pietro, he never turned his eyes from the fountain which Paul V. had erected there.f He would gladly have emulated that pontiff and adorned his favourite piazza with one yet more beautiful. Bernini applied all the resources of his art to realize this wish. An obelisk was brought to the piazza from the Circus of Caracalla, and on it Innocent placed the arms of his houise, — buildings were taken down to improve the form of the piazza. The church of Sant' Agnete was rebuilt from the foundations, while at no great distance arose the Palazzo Pamfili, richly adorned with statues, paintings, and splendid internal decorations of all kinds. The vigna which his family possessed beyond the Vatican was converted by Pope Inno- cent into one of the most beautiful of villas ; a place comprising within itself whatever could best tend to make a country life agreeable. The modern taste for uniformity is already to be observed in the buildings of Alexander VII. He destroyed many houses for the purpose of obtaining more regularity in the streets. The Salviati palace was demolished in order to form the square of the Collegio Romano, and the Piazza Colonna, where the palace of his own family was situated, was entirely transformed by his labours, lie restored the * From the diary of Giacinto Gigli, which was unfortunately stolen from me in Rome, the most important loss my collection has sustained. Cancellieri, in p. 55, del tarantismo di Roma, has printed the passages belonging to this place from that work. t Diario Deone, 4 Luglio, 1G48. He remarks, however, imme- diately : [The fountain of Pope Paul,] there was then only one, [will not be readily surpassed, whether as to beauty or quantity of water.] See Appendix, No. 122. 348 ARCHITECTURAL LABOURS [^1656-67. Sapienza and tlie Propaganda ; but the most remarkable memorial left by this pontiff is without doubt the range of colonnades which he erected around the upper part of the Piazza San Pietro, — a colossal work of two hundred and eighty-four columns and eighty-eight pilasters. Whatever may have been objected against this building, whether at the time or later,* it is yet impossible to deny that it was con- ceived in perfect harmony with the pervading thought of the whole edifice, or that it contributes an impression of its own to that mingled sense of immensity and serene cheerfulness which the whole place is so well calculated to inspire. And thus was gradually formed that city, to which so countless a mass of strangers have since made pilgrimage. Treasures of art of every kind were at the same time accu- mulated within its walls. Numerous libraries were collected ; not only was the Vatican, with the monasteries of the Augustines, and the Dominicans, the houses of the Jesuits and Fathers of the Oratory, furnished with them, but the palaces also possessed valuable collections, one family emulat- ing another in the accumulation of printed books, and the gathering together of rare manuscripts. Not that the sciences were very zealously cultivated ; many of the Romans studied without doubt, but in a leisurely fashion, and rather with a view to the appropriation and reproduction of what was already known, than to that of making new discoveries. Among the academies that sprang up from year to year, there was one here and there which devoted its attention to the investigation of nature, but without any particular results; t but all the rest, — the Good-humoiired,X the Orderly/, the Virfjinal., * Sagredo : [The colonnades now in course of erection around the piazza, will be of an oval shape, and have four ranges of columns ; these will form three covered porticos, with three magnificent entrances, and a corridor above, which will be adorned with another range of small columns and with statues. The pope intends them to serve as a shelter for car- riages from the sun and rain.] The cost had even then attained to 900,000 scudi, which were taken from the coffers of the Fabrica di San Pietro. See Appendix, No. 133. t I refer more particularly to the Lincei, founded by Federigo Cesi in 1G03, which did not however effect much, besides the translation of Fernandez' Natural History of Mexico into Italian. — Tiraboschi, Storia della Letteratura Italiana, vrii. p. 195. + For so it is that we are to translate Umoristi, according to the accounts given by Erj-thrfflus, which will be found well arranged in Fischer, Vita Erythrsei, p. 50, 51. 1656-G7.] OF THE POPES. 349 tlie Faniastics, the Uniform, or whatever other strange titk-.s they were pleased to adopt, employed themselves m ith poetry and eloquence onl^', or with exercises of intellectual address, confined within a very narrow circle of thought, and yet con- suming energies that might have produced better results. Nor were the Roman palaces adorned by works of literature only ; works of art, belonging to both earlier and later periods ; antiquities of various character, statues, reliefs, and inscrip- tions, also embellished them. At the time we are now con- sidering, the houses of the Cesi, Giustiniaui, Strozzi, and Massimi, with the gardens of the Mattel, Avere the most cele- brated. Collections such as that of Kircher, at the Jesuits' college, were equally the object of admiration to contempo- raries. It was yet rather by curiosity, or a love of antiqua- rian lore that those collections were jirompted, than by any true sense of beauty, appreciation of form, or comprehension of the more profound relations of art or antiquity. It is remarkable that in reality men still thought and felt on those subjects as Sixtus V. hail done. The remains of an- tiquity were far from receiving that respectful care and attention which has been awarded to them in later times. What could be expected, when among other privileges of the Borghesi we find that of being exempt from all ijunishment for whatever demolition they might choose to commit ? It is difficult to believe that such things as were done in the seven- teenth century, could have been permitted. The baths of Constantino, among others, had retained a very fair degree of preservation, during the changes of so mau}-^ centuries, and it might certainly have been expected that the merits of their builder, in extending the dominion of the Christian church, might have protected them from injury, yet under Paul Y. they were demolished to the very foundations, and converted into a palace and gardens in the taste of those times, which were afterwards exchanged for the Villa Mondragonc in Frascati. ]-]ven the Temple of I'eacc which was then also in tolerably good preservation, found no favour at the hands of Paul Y. ; he conceived the strange idea of casting a colossal ."tatue of brass of the Yirgin Mary with the infant Jesus, and placing this in so elevated a position that the whole city could be overlooked by this, its j)rotectress. All that ho required for this was a pillar of extraordinary altitude, and 350 ARCHITECTURAL LABOURS. Q1656-67- he found such an one at length in the Temple of Peace. Without troubling himself to consider that it was there as part of a whole, and in keeping with all around, but that when placed to stand alone, it would be rather strange and peculiar, than beautifid or appropriate, he carried it away and loaded it with that colossus which we see it bear to the present day. If it be admitted that all the charges brought against the Barberini may not be true, it is nevertheless certain that, on the whole, their proceedi.igs were in this same spirit. Under Urban VIII., it was in actual contemplation to destroy that sole, undoubted, and unimpaired monument of republican times, the incomparable tomb of Cecilia Metella. It was to be demolished for the sake of the travertine which Bernini, the most celebrated sculptor and architect of that day, meant to use for the fountain of Trevi. The proposal was made by him to the pope, who gave permission for its execution in a brief. Already were hands laid on the tomb, when the people of Rome, who loved their antiquities, became aware of the mat- ter and opposed a violent resistance. For the second time they rescued this their most ancient possession ; it became necessary to desist from destroying it, as the only means to avoid a tumult.* All these attempts at destruction were however entirely con- sistent with the spirit prevailing. The epoch of the Catholic restoration had developed its own peculiar ideas and impulses ; these aspired to universal dominion even in art and literature. They could not comprehend, and would not even acknowledge, what was foreign to themselves, and whatever they could not subjugate they were determined to destroy. Notwithstanding all this, Rome still continued to be the metropolis of intellectual culture, unequalled in the variety of its learning and in the practice of art ; as the taste of the age comprehended and preferred it. It was still pro- ductive as regarded music ; the concerted style of the cantata was at that time arising by the side of the church style. The travellers of the day were enchanted with it. "A man must have been ill-treated by nature," exclaims Spon, who visited Rome in 1674, "who does not find his full con- * This is circumstantially related in Deone. 1 G.J 6-67. 3 QIEEX CHRISTINA OF SWEDEN. 351 tentmcnt in one or other of the branches to be studied here."^' He mentions all these branches : the libraries, where the rarest works were laid open to the student ; the concerts in churches and palaces, where the finest voices were daily to be heard ; the many collections of ancient and modern sculp- ture and painting ; the numberless stately buildings of every age ; villas, wholly covered with bas-reliefs and inscriptions, of which he alone had copied upwards of a thousand, not pre- viously copied ; the presence of so many strangers of all lands and tongues ; the beauties of nature to be enjoyed in gardens worthy to make part of paradise ; and for him who delights in the practice of piety, he adds, there is a treasure of churches, relics, and proce.ssions provided, that shall occupy him his whole life long. There is no doubt, that in other parts of Europe there was at this time an intellectual movement of grander and._^ more liberal character; but the completeness of the Roman world, its full concentration of all life within itself, the abun- j dance of its riches, the certain enjoyment, united to the feeling of security to be attained there, and the satisfaction derived J by the faithful from the uninterrupted contemplation of the objects of their reverence, all continued to exercise a powerful attraction ; appealing now to one class of motives, now to another, and occasionally acting on all so equally, that the predominant motive was no longer to be distinguished. Let us seek to bring clearly to our comprehension the power of this attraction as exhibited in the most extraordinary of its examples ; one too by which a decided reaction was produced on the court of Rome. § 9. Digression concerning Queen Christina of Sweden. We have had frequent occasion to direct our attention to Sweden. In that country, where Lutheranism had first revolutionized the whole political constitution, where the anti-reformation found both representatives and opponents in a manner so un- * Spon et Wheler, Voyage d' Italic et de Grece, i. p. 39. 352 DIGKESSrON CONCERNING QUEEN [^1644-.')4. usual, amougst personages of the highest rank ; and from which the grand and final decision of the contest then dividing and occupying the world had proceeded; in this country it was that Catholicism, under the new form it had assumed, now achieved the most unexpected of conquests ; winning over to itself the daughter of the great champion of Protestants, Christina, queen of Sweden. The mode in which this was eftected is remarkable in itself ; and it is particularly Avorthy of our observation from its relation to the subject before us. Wc will first consider the position which the young queen occupied in her own country. After the death of Gustavus Adolphus, the question was for a moment agitated in Sweden, as it had been in 1619 in Austria, in 1640 in Portugal, and in so many other places at the same period, whether the country should not free itself altogether from the kingly power, and adopt the constitution of a republic."' It is true that this proposal was rejected ; the nation paid its homage to the daughter of the deceased king, but as this was a child of six years old, and there Vvas no one of the royal house who could seize the reins of government, the authority of the state fell into the hands of a few nobles. The anti- monarchical tendencies of the time found acceptance and ap- plause in Sweden ; even the proceedings of the Long Parlia- ment in England were approved there, and still more were the Swedish sympathies excited for the movements of tlie Fronde in France, from these last being so much more de- tddedly aristocratic. " I perceive clearly," Christina herself once declared in the senate, '" that the wish is here prevailing for Sweden to become an elective monarchy, or an aristo- cracy." t I * La Vie de le Reine Christine faite par elle-meme, in Arckenholtz, M^moires pour servir a I'histoire de Christine, torn. iii. p. 41 : [I have been assured that it was deliberated in certain private assemblies whetlier the nation should not resume its liberty, having but a child at its head, of whom it would be easj" to get rid, and to constitute a republic] t A remarkable proof of this aristocratical tendency is found in the de- dsions respecting the constitution pronounced by the greater part of thd states and " good patriots" of the year 1644, which have lately come to light. — SeeGeijer.Si^hwedische Geschichte,iii.357. Of the five highestoffices of the state, none was to be filled but by the nomination of three candidates by the States, one of whom should be chosen. The grand marshal could 1644-54.3 CHRISTINA OF SWEDEN. 353 But this young princess was not disposed to suflcr the de- cline of the royal authority in her person ; she detenniaed to be queen in the full sense of the word. From the moment Avhen she entered on the government, in the year 1644, she devoted herself to jmblic affairs with an admirable zeal. Never would she absent herself from the meetings of tlie senate ; we find her suffering from fever, or are told that she had been obliged to be bled, but she was nevertheless in her place at the sittings of the senate. Nor did she neglect to prepare herself for an efficient attendance on these sittings ; state papers, many sheets in length, were carefully read through for this purpose, and their contents perfectly mas- tered. At night, before going to rest, and on first awakening in the mornings, it was her habit to meditate an the most difficult points of the (pestions under consideration.* She I)0ssessed the power of stating the matter in discussion with ability and precision, never jjermitting the side to which she was herself disposed to be perceptible. After having heard the opinions of the senators, she gave her own, which was found to be formed on good grounds, and was for the most part adopted. The foreign ambassadors were amazed at the power she had acquired over the seuate,t although she was herself never satisfied with its extent. She took a large per- sonal share in the conclusion of the peace of Westphalia, an event of universal importance. The officers of the army, and only be elected from three proposed by the house of Knights itself. A Consistoriuni politico-ecclesiasticum was demanded, with a president and assessors freely chosen by the state, &c. * Paolo Casati al Piipa Alessandro VII. sopra la regina di Suecia, MS. : [She has more tlian once assured me that she had never brought forward any measure of grave importance without having previously considered it for full two years, and that many hours of the morning after waking from the little sleep she was accustomed to take, she employed herself in con- sidering public affairs and their consequences, even when very remote.] See A)))>endix, No. 131. t Mcmoires de ce (jui est passe en Suede tirez des depesches de "M'. Chanut, i. p. 245. (1648, Fevr.) : [The power she possesses in her council is incredible, for she adds to her station of queen, much grace, credit, liberality, and the power of persuading.] In a copy of these Memoires, which appeared in 107."i, there are marginal notes in the queen's own hand. These, it is true, express the dissatisfaction of a later l)eriod, rather than exact recollection of the earlier years of her govern- ment ; but in every case the statements of Chanut are modified by them. VOL. II. 2 A 354 DIGRESSION CONCERNING QUEEN [^1644-54, even one of her own ambassadors to the congress, were not favourable to the peace ; even in Sweden there were many persons who disapproved the concessions made to the Catho- lics; especially with regard to the hereditary dominions of Austria., but the queen was not disposed to make a further appeal to fortune ; never had Sweden been so glorious or so powerful ; the pride of Christina found its gratification in confirming this state of things, and in restoring peace to Christendom. And not only did she restrain the arbitrary despotism ot the aristocracy with her utmost power, she even deprived them of all hope that they might at some future period attain ^ their object. Notwithstanding her youth, she very soon brought forward the proposal for nominating her cousin, the Count Palatine, Charles Gustavus, as successor to the crown. This was a measure which she believed the prince had never ventured to hope. It was carried through entirely by her own efforts, against the will of the senate, which would not even take it into consideration, and against the will of the States, by whom it was adopted only from deference to her wishes ; it was, in fact, altogether a thought of her own, and in defiance of all difficulties she carried it into effect. The succession was settled irrevocably.* It is doubly remarkable, that with all this zeal for business, Christina applied herself at the same time to study, with a kind of passion. Even in the years of her childhood, no portion of her time was more agreeable to her than that of her lessons. This may perhaps have proceeded partly from the melancholy character of her residence with her mother, who had resigned herself entirely to grief for the loss of her husband. The young queen looked forward daily with im- patience to the moment when she should be liberated from those gloomy chambers of mourning. But she was besides possessed of extraordinary talents, more particularly for lan- guages ; she relates that she learned most of those she was acquainted with alone and without any teacher ;t this is the * Regne de Christine jusqu'a sa resignation, in Arckenholtz, iii. 162, notes. t La Vie de Christine, ecrite par ellememe, p. 53 : [At the age of fourteen I knew all the languages, all the sciences, and all the accomplish- ments that they had attempted to teach me. Bat since that time I have 1644-54.] CHRISTINA OF SWEDEN. 355 more remarkable, because in some of them she really possessed the facility of a native. As she grew up she became more powerfully fascinated by the charms of literature. It was at this time that learning gradually freed itself from the fetters of theological controversy, and that reputations, which were universally acknowledged, began to rise above the influence of both parties. The young queen was ambitious of the society of celebrated men, whom she desired to attract around her person, aud by whose instructions she was anxious to profit. The first to appear, were certain German philologists and historians : among others, Freinsheim, at whose request she remitted the greater part of the contributions imposed on his native city of Ulm for the expenses of the war.* Next followed the Netherlanders. Isaac Vossius brought the study of the Greek writers into favour ; the queen soon made herself mistress of the most important authors of antiquity, and even the fathers of the church were not suflered to remain unknown to her. Nicolaus Heinsius boasts of having been born in the same age with this queen as the first felicity of his life ; the second, was that he had been known to her ; but the third, the most decided happiness, and that Avhich he desires all future ages to know, was, that he had been not altogether displeasing to her. Christina employed him prin- cipally to procure costly manuscripts and rare books from Italy for her library : this he did conscientiously and Avith success. The Italians began to complain that ships were laden with the spoils of their libraries, and that all their best aids to learning were carried away from them to the remotest north. t In the year 1G50 Salmasius appeared in Sweden. Christina had given him to understand that if he did not come to her she would be obliged to go to him : ho resided in her palace for a year. At length Descartes was also induced to visit her. He had the honour of meeting her in her library every morning at five o'clock, when he is declared to have heard Christina deducing his own ideas from Plato ta learned many others without the help of any master, and it is certain that I never had a master for learning either German, French, Italian, or Spanish.] See Appendix, No. 131. * Harangue panegyrique de Freinshemius a Christine, 1647, in Arck- enholtz, second appendix, p. 104. t Compare Grauert, Kbnigin Christina und ihr Hof, p. 379, 407. 2 A 2 356 DIGRESSION CONCERNING QUEEN [[1644-54. his infinite astonishment. There is no doubt that in her con- ferences with men of learning, as in her discussions with the senate, she gave proof of the most felicitous memory, with great readiness of apprehension and much penetration. " Her powers of intellect are in the highest degree remarkable," exclaimed Naude with astonishment ; " she has seen every thing, read every thing, knows every thing."'-' The queen of Sweden was, indeed, a wonderful production of nature and fortune ; — so young a woman, yet free from all vanity ; she never sought to conceal that one of her shoulders was higher than the other ; she had been told that her prin- cipal beauty was the rich profusion of her hair, yet she did not bestow upon it the most ordinary attention. To all the more minute cares of life she was wholly a stranger : utterly regardless of what appeared on her table, she never expressed disapprobation of any kind of food that was set before her, and drank nothing but water. She never acquired or under- stood any sort of womanly works, but, on the contrary, delighted to be told that at her birth she had been supposed to be a boy, and that, even in her earliest infancy, she be- trayed no terror at the firing of guns, but clapped her hands, and proved herself to be a true soldier's child. She was a very bold horse-woman ; with one foot in the stirrup, she scarcely waited to be in her saddle before she started at speed. In the chase, she would bring down her game with the first shot. She studied Tacitus and Plato, and not un- frequently expounded the meaning of those authors more clearly than philologists by profession. In despite of her youth, she was cajDable of forming a sound and independent opinion even on matters of state, and this she would then support and carry through among senators grown grey in experience of the world. She threw the fresh spirit of a native perspicuity and quickness into all her undertakings. Above all, she was profoundly sensible of the high importance she derived from her birth, and impressed with the necessity * Naude a Gassendi, 19 Oct. 1652 : [The queen, of whom I may say without flattery, that in the conferences which she frequently holds with Messieurs Bochart, Bourdelot, Du Fresne, and myself, she maintains her part better than any one of the company, and if I tell you that her genius is altogether extraordinary, I shall utter no falsehood, for she has seen every thing, she has read every thing, she knows every thing.] 1644-o4.^ CHRISTINA OF SWEDEN. 357 of <,'()veniing with licr own hand. Never did .she refer any ambassador to her minister, nor wouhl she ever permit a subject of hers to wear a foreiirn order, not choosing to endure, as she said herself, that one of her flock should be marked by the hand of a stranger. She could assume a deportment, when the occasion demanded, by which generals, who have made Germany tremble, were struck mute and confounded. Had a new war broken out, she would infallibly have placed herself at the head of the troops. Dispositions such as these, with so imperious a character, made the very thought of marrying, of resigning to another the right of ruling her personal proceedings, altogether un- endurable to her. The obligations that she might have had to fonu such an alliance for the sake of her country, she believed herself to have removed by deciding the succession. After she had been crowned, she declared that she would rather die than consent to marry." But could so forced a position be maintained ? Was there not something in it overstrained, extravagant ? Without doubt it was utterly wanting in that equipoise needful to a healthy state of existence, the tranquillity of a natural being, content with itself. It was not a real love of business that made Christina throw herself into it with so much ardour; ambition and the pride of sovereignty impelled her forwards, but she found no pleasure in it ; neither did she love her country ; she had no sympathies with its customs, its plea- sures, its constitution, whether civil or ecclesiastical, or even its past history. The ceremonies of state, the long harangues to which she was bound to listen, the official duties which compelled her to take personal share in some great ceremonial observance, were abhorrent to her ; the range of cultivation and learning within which her countrymen were content to confine themselves, appeared to her contemptible. If she had not possessed the Swedish throne from childhood, this might perhaps have seemed to her an object worthy of her ambition : but since she had been queen so long as she could remember, all those aspirations of the mind by which the des- * [I should without doubt have married,] she says further in her own biography, p. 57, [if I had not ftlt myself possessed of the strength to dispense with the pleasures of do:nestic life ;] and we may believe this assertion the more readily, as this work is a kind of confession. 258 DIGRESSION COKCERNIXG QUEEN [[1644-54. tiny of man is prepared and fashioned, took a direction es- tranged from her native land. A desire for the unknown and extraordinary began to take possession of her mind ; .fantastic ideas gained the mastery ; she was restrained by none of the ordinary considerations, nor did she set herself to resist the chance impulses of the moment, by opposing to them the force and dignity of a moral self-government suited to her position. The truth is, that Christina, though bold, high- minded, energetic, and courageous, was also extravagant, ungovernable, intentionally unfeminine, and by no means amiable. Her conduct was even unfilial, not only towards lier mother, but towards the sacred memory of her father also, which she never spared, when occasion presented itself for a biting sarcasm. It seems, indeed, as if at times she knew not what she said.* The exalted station she held could not secure her from the natural effects of so perverse a demeanour; they recoiled by necessity on herself, and content- ment with herself, attachment to her home, or love of her coimtry, became utterly impossible. It now followed that this dissatisfaction of spirit evinced itself most particularly in regard to religious matters, and the mode of manifestation was as follows. In the " Recollections " of Christina, there are references to her tutor, Dr. Johann Matthite; she dwells on his memory with especial predilection ; his simple, pure, and gentle spirit, had enchained her affections from the first moment of his attendance on her, and he was her earliest confidant even in the most trifling matters, t When it had become obvious that neither of the existing ecclesiastical parties would overcome the other, some few right-minded men at once arose in various places to advocate the expediency of uniting them. Matthioe was one of those who had conceived this purpose, and he pub- lished a book, wherein he discussed the question of forming the two Protestant churches into one body. The queen was decidedly favourable to the measure, she announced her in- tention of establishing a theological academy, which should * It is impossible to deduce any other conclusion from her conversation with her mother ; see Chanut, 365, May, 1654. t [Very capable,] she says in her autobiography, [of well instructing a child such as I was, because he possessed an uprightness, discretion, and .gentleness that made him loved and esteemed.] 1644-54.3 CHRISTIXA OF SWEDEN. 359 labour for the reconciliation of the two confessions. But the iiubridled zeal of certain inflexible Lutherans was immediately aroused in opposition, the work of 3Iatthi£E was indignantly attacked by a superintendent of Calraar, and the Estates also took part against it. The bishops called on the council of state to keep watch over the national religion, and the grand chancellor repaired to the queen with representations so pressing, as to bring tears of vexation to her eyes.'" She may now, perhaps, have believed herself to be certain that all this eagerness of zeal was not purely disinterested on the part of her Lutheiuns ; she thought they were attempting to delude her into some preconceived purpose of their own by the views of God's will that they placed before her. The representations of the Divine Being, thus forced on her, appeared to her conceptions altogether unworthy of His nature, t The prolixity of those discourses to which she was com- pelled by the national ordinances to listen, had been long most wearisome to the young queen — they now became intolerable. She frequently betrayed her impatience — moving her chair, or playing with her little dog; but the merciless preachers were but the more firmly resolved to continue their lectures, and detain her all the longer for these marks of weariness. The disposition of mind inevitably produced by these vexa- tions, which gradually estranged her from the established religion of her country, was confinned by the arrival of learned foreigners. Some of these were Catholics, others — Isaac Vos- sius for example — gave occasion for the suspicion of infidelity ; while Bourdelot, who possessed the greatest influence with her, having treated her ably and successfully in a dangerous illness, and was well fitted for a court, made a jest of every thing — national histories and religions not excepted. He was full of information, possessed extraordinary powers of entertaining, and was entirely devoid of pedantry, but was, therewithal, considered a direct Deist. * Letter from Axel Oxenstierna, 2 May, 1617, in Arckenholtz, iv. App. n. 21, but particularly one from Count Brahe, Arckenholtz, iv. p. 229. The work of Matthix is, " Idea honi ordinis in ecclesia Christi." t [I thought,] she says, in one of the notes given by Goldenblad, [that men were making thee speak according to their own wishes, and that they desired to deceive and frighten me, that they might govern me after their own pleasure.] In Arckenholtz, torn. iii. p. 209. 360 DIGRESSION CONCERNING QUKEN ^1644-54. Gradually the young princess fell into inextricable doubts. She began to think all positive religions were but inventions of men ; that an argument stated against one was equally valid against all others, and that it was, in fact, a matter of perfect indiflerence to which a man belonged. Meanwhile she did not proceed to absolute irreligiou ; there were still certain convictions M'hich she firmly retained. In the royal solitude of her throne she must have found it impos- sible to dispense with thoughts of God ; nay, she even believed that her station placed her a step nearer to the Divine Pre- sence. " Thou knowest," she exclaims, " how often I have prayed to Thee, in a language unknown to vulgar spirits, for grace to enlighten me, and have vowed to obey Thee, though I should thereby sacrifice life and fortune." This idea she soon associated with others of those peculiar to her character. " I renounced all other love," she says, " and devoted myself to this alone." But could it be, that God had left mankind without the true religion ? She was particularly impressed by a remark of Cicero to the eflfect that the true religion could be but one, and that all others must be false.* But then came the question — which was the true religion ? "We are not now to examine the arguments, or proofs, that convinced her. She repeatedly declared that she had not dis- covered any essential error of doctrine in Protestantism, but as her disinclination to that creed had sprung from an original feeling not clearly traceable to its cause, but which circum- stances had heightened to intensity, so did she now throw herself with an inclination quite as inexplicable, but with full sympathy, into the pale of Catholicism. She was nine years old when the doctrines of the Catholic church were for the first time expounded with precision in her hearing ; among other things, the fact that the unmarried state was considered meritorious in that church, was alluded to. " Ah," remarked the child, " how fine that is ! It is of that religion that I will be." For this she was gravely reprimanded, but she only persisted the more obstinately in her assertion . * Pallavicini, Vita Alessandri VII. For the passage, see the Appendix,- No. 130. 1644-54.3 CHRISTINA OP S■VVEDE^. 361 At a later period other impressions of a congenial nature ■were added. " When one is a Catholic," she would remark, " one ha:3 the consolation of believing as so many noble spirits have believed for sixteen hundred years, of belonging to a religion attested by millions of martyrs, confirmed by millions of miracles. Above all," she would add, " which has pro- duced so many admirable virgins, who have risen above the frailties of their sex, and consecrated their lives to God." The constitution of Sweden is based on the Protestant faitlu It is on this that the glory, the power, and the political posi- tion of that country are founded. This religion was imposed on the queen as a necessity, but, untouched by its spirit, and revolted by a thousand accidental circumstances, she determin- ately broke loose from its hold ; the opposite doctrines, of which she had but an obscure perception, attracted her. That the popes should be invested with infallible authority appeared to her an institution in accordance with the goodness of God ; she daily attached herself to the Catholic system with a more decided strength of purpose. It seemed as if she thus satisfied the desire for self-devotion natural to woman, and as if, in her heart, faith had sprung to existence, as does love in so many others — from an unconscious emotion w^hich must be concealed, lest it be condemned by the world, but which only becomes the more deeply rooted, and which mnkes the happiness of the womanly heart prepared to sacrifice all for its sake. It is at least certain that Christina, in seeking to approach the court of Kome, had recourse to a mysterious artifice, such as, in all other cases, are resorted to only in affairs of love or ambition ; she formed, as it were, an intrigue to become a Catholic. In this she proved herself a true woman. The first person to whom she niaD CHURCH. " 373 to twcnty-oue, instead of twenty-five years, but required that proof should be offered of annual income amounting to not less than 1,500 scudi. Whoever fulfilled these conditiona vas admitted by the Prefetto di Segnatura, and charged with the statement of two causes before the assembled Segnatura.* It was thus that he took possession, or was installed, after which he was eligible to all other oflSices : from the govern- ment of a town or district he rose to a nunciatura, or vice- legation, or was perhaps appointed to a seat in the rota, or the congregations ; then followed the cardinalate and appoint- ments to legations. Spiritual and temporal power were united in the administration even of the highest offices. When the legate arrived in any town, certain spiritual privi- leges, previously enjoyed by the bishop, were suspended ; the legate bestowed the benediction on the people in like manner with the pope. The members of the Curia were in continual alternation between sjjii'itual and temporal offices. We will first direct our attention to their temporal occupa- tions in the administration of the state. All things depended on the necessities of the government, and the demands made on the people, — that is to say, on the state of the finances. We have seen how ruinous an impulse was received by the system of loans under Urban YIII., more especially from the war of Castro ; but loans had still been effected, the luoghi di monte maiLtaiued a high price, and the popes proceeded without restraint or cessation along the beaten M'ay. Innocent X. fonnd 182,103| to be the number of the luoghi di monte, in 1644 ; in 1655 he left it amounting to 264,129^ : so that the capital which these amounts indicate, had been increased from eighteen to more than twenty-six milliouy Although he had discharged some debts of another kind with this sum, and had redeemed some few loans, there was never- theless a large increase of the general debt : the amount was computed at his death to be forty-eight millions of scudi. He had been so fortunate as to derive a surplus revenue from the taxes imposed by Urban VIII., and on this he founded the new monti. When Alexander A'll. succeeded to the government, it was * Discorso del dominio temporale e spirituale del S. Pontefice Romaao. 1664. MS. 374 ADMINISTRATION OF THE IIOMAN [[1615-90. manifest that increased taxation was impracticable. Loans had now become so much a matter of course tliat they were altogether indispensable. Alexander resolved to seek a new source of aid from the reduction of the interests. The " vacabili," which paid ten and a half per cent., stood at one hundred and fifty : these he determined to call in ; and although he paid for them at the current price, he yet gained a great advantage, the treasury generally borrowing at four per cent., so that if they were even paid off with borrowed money, yet in future the interest to be paid would be sis per cent., instead of ten and a half per cent. Thereupon Alexander conceived the idea of reducing all the " non-vacabili," bearing more than four per cent, to that rate of interest.* But as on this occasion he paid no regard to the current price, which was one hundred and sixteen, but paid to the luoghi simply the one hundred required by the strict letter of his agreement, he gained from this transaction also a very important advantage. All these amounts of interest were secured, as we have seen, upon the taxes, and it may have been the original intention of Pope Alexander to repeal the most oppressive of these imposts ; but as the earlier modes of management were persisted in, this intention was found impossible of accomplishment. A reduction in the price of salt was soon followed by an increase of the tax on flour ; the whole sum of the pontiff's gains was absorbed in the expenses of government, or by the papal family. If we compute the savings effected by the re- ductions of the interest, we shall find them amount to about 140,000 scudi, the new application of which sum, as interest, would involve an augmentation of the debt by about three millions. Nor could Clement IX. carry forward the administration * Pallavicini, Vita di Alessandro VII. : [Since no other country of Italy afforded interest so large and well secured, it had come to pass by degrees that the monti had risen in the market from 100 scudi to 116. But now the treasury, availing itself of its right, as any private individual might have done, restores the original price of 100, the immensity of the sum (he reckons it at 26,000,000) not permitting the pope to use his accustomed liberality, as he did in the monti vacabili ; indeed the rank of tlie proprietors and their riches were such as not to require this ; which would have aggravated the sufferings of the poor, on whose shoulders all the public burthens rest.] See Appendk, No. 135. 1G15-90.2 STATES AND CnURCH. 375 by auy other method than that of ucw loans ; but he soon be- held himself reduced to such an extremity that he was finally compelled to lay hands on the proceeds of the dataria, whicli had always hitherto been sj^ai'ed, and on Avhich the daily maintenance of Ijie papal court depended. With this he founded 13,200 new luoghi di monte. In the year 1670, the debts of the papal court had reached to nearly fifty-two millions of scudi. From this state of things it followed, in the first place, that however willing to grant relief, the Curia could effect none but the most inconsiderable and transient reductions of those burthens which, on an unproductive country, and one that took no share in the commercial efforts of the world, were felt to be extremely oppressive. Another complaint was that the monti were obtained by foreigners who received the interest without contributing any thing to the taxes. It was computed that 600,000 scudi were yearly sent to Genoa only, on this account. The country was thus become the debtor of a foreign people, a condition that could not be favourable to the healthy develop- ment of its powers. But a further and still more deeply important consequence was perceived to result from this system of finance. How could these holders of annuities, the moneyed interest, fail to obtain an undue influence over the state and its administration ? The great mercantile houses accordingly became possessed of a direct partici])ation in the business of the state ; — some great commercial house was always associated with the trea- surer, and here all moneys were received and paid out. The coffers of the state were, in fact, at all times in the hands of merchants, who were also farmers of the revenue and trea- surers of the provinces. AVc have seen the many offices that were saleable ; these they had the means of making their own. It required, moreover, a considerable fortune to secure advancement in the Curia. In the year 166.'>, we find the most important offices of the government held by Florentines and Genoese : the j)roceedings of the court were directed in so mercantile a spirit, that promotion gradually came to depend much less on merit than the possession of money. " A merchant with his purse in his hand," exclaims Grimap* 376 ADMINISTRATION OF THE ROMAN [^1615-90. "has always the preference in the end. The court is crowded with hirelings whose sole desire is for gain : these men feel as traders, not as statesmen, and cherish only the meanest and most sordid thoughts."-' And this was all the more important, from the fact that there was no longer any independence in the country. Bologna was the only place that now opposed any effectual resistance ; but this city occasionally persisted in disobedience- until the Curia once thought of building a citadel there. It is true that other communities sometimes offered opposition to particular demands of the court : thus, the inhabitants of Fermo once refused to suflfer the corn, which they believed to be required for their own use, to be carried out of their territory. t In Perugia the people would not consent to pay their arrears of taxes : but these commotions were easily put down by the commissaries-general of the court, who then imposed a still more rigorous system of subordination, until, in process of time, the administration of the communal pro- perty also was subjected to the disposal of the Curia. A remarkable example of the course pursued by this admiuistration is presented by the institution of the .A.nnona. The principle generally acted on through the sixteenth century being to oppose obstacles to the export of the first necessaries of life, the popes also took measures for that pur- pose, more particularly with a view to the prevention of a rise in the price of bread. The powers entrusted to the prefect of the corn-laws (prefetto dell' annona), to whom this branch of the executive was committed, were originally very closely restricted ; they were first enlarged by Gre- gory XIII. Not only was it forbidden to export the corn gathered in from the states of the church to a foreign country, * Antonio Gnuiani : [By the sale of nearly all the principal offices, the court has now become filled with traders and morcenaries ; men who ought, by their merit and suitable qualities, to be possessed of those offices remaining in the background ; and this is indeed a notable evil, — one which-lowers the credit of the Roman court for grandeur, — these mer- cenary officials having their minds occupied solely with low and mechanical objects, rather mercantile than political.] t Memoriale presentato alia Santita di N. S''^ Papa Innocentio dalli deputati della citla di Fermo per il tumulto ivi seguito alii 6 di Luglio, 1648, MS. See Bisaccioni, Historia delle Guerre Civili,.p. 271, where Fermo appears together with England, France, Poland, and Naples. 1615-90.]] STATES AND CHURCH. 377 witliout the permi.ssion of the j)refect, it was made unlawful to convey it even from one district of the states to another ; and this permission was only to be obtained when corn could be bouirht on the first of March at a certain price, — its amount bein;i2; fixed by Clement YIII. at six scudi the rubbio, and by Paul V. at fiAO and a half scudi. A special tarifl' was established for bread, and this M'as regulated by the variations in the price of corn.* But it was now found that the wants of Rome increased from year to year. The number of inhabitants became greater, while the cultivation of the Campagna was falling to decay. The decline of agriculture in the Campagna, and the ruin of that district, must be referred principally to the fii'st half of the seventeenth century, and, if I am not mistaken, may be attributed chiefly to two causes ; first, to that alienation of the smaller estates to the great families which then occurred, for the land requires the most careful cultivation, and of a kind rarely given except by the small proj>rietor, who devotes himself and his whole income to that purpose ; and secondly, to the increasing deterioration of the air. Gregory XIII. had desired to extend the cultivation of corn, and to this end had caused the low-lying lands near the sea to be cleared ot their trees and underwood. Sixtus V. was equally anxious to destroy the lurking-places of the banditti, and had stripped the hills of their forests with that view.t Neither the one nor the other could now be turned to any account ; the dele- terious quality of the air became more obvious from year to year, — its influence extended more widely and contributed to desolate the Campagna, of which the ])roduce continually decreased. The disproportion thus occaiiioned between the demand and supply induced Urban VIII. to render the superintendence more rigid, and to extend the powers of the prefect. By one of his earliest enactments (constitutionen) lie absolutely pro- hibited the exportation of corn, cattle, or oil, not only from the states generally, but from one province to another ; Ir- * In the work of Nicola ]\Iaria Nicolaj, Mcmorie, leggi et osser- vationi suUe cainpa^ne, c suU' annonc di Rorna, 180.'>, will be fouiKi (vol. ii.) the long list of papal ordinances put forth on this subject. t Relatione dello stato di Roma presente, or Ahnaden. Sec Appen- dix, No. 123. 378 ADMINISTRATION OF THE ROMAN [^1651-90. also empowered the prefect to fix the price of corn on the Gampofiore, according to the produce of each harvest, and to prescribe the weight of the bread to the bakers in a suitable proportion. By these enactments the prefect was rendered aU-powerful, nor did he long hesitate to use the authority thus conferred on him for the benefit of himself and his friends. He obtained a direct monopoly of corn, oil, meat, and all other principal necessaries of life. That the cheapness of these articles was much promoted by this state of things, we are not prepared to affirm. Even the privilege of exportation was conceded to persons favoured by the prefect ; the efiect felt by the general purchaser was principally the oppression and vexation of the trammels imposed on all buying or selling. It was immediately remarked that agriculture declined more and more.* It was at this time that complaints respecting the universal ruin of the ecclesiastical states, may be said to have com- menced ; nor have they ever ceased to be heard from those days. " In our journeys through the land," observe the Venetian ambassadors of the yesbv 1621, in whose report I find the first remarks on this subject, " we have seen great poverty among the peasantry and common people, with little comfort, not to say great privations among all other classes, — a result of the manner of government, and more particularly of the scantiness of commerce. Bologna and Ferrara derive a certain degree of splendour from their palaces and nobility ; Ancoua still retains some trafiic with Ragusa and Turkey ; but all the other towns have sunk grievously low." Towards the year 1650, an opinion was every where entertained that an ecclesiastical government was ruinous to its subjects. The inhabitants, also, already began to bewail themselves bitterly.t * Pietro Contarini, 1627 : [The pontiff having withdrawn the conces- sions made by several of liis predecessors . . . now by selling them he derives a large profit : he does not wish to have foreign corn, or too low a price for grain : agriculture is daily more and more abandoned, because of the profits being little or none that people draw from it.] See Appen- dix, No. 111. t Diario Deone, torn. iv. 1649, 21 Ag. : [It is a duty to favour the church, yet we see all that passes into her hands turns to the public injury ; as, for example, its lands soon become uninhabited, and its pos- sessions ill-cultivated, which may be seen in Ferrara, Urbino, Nepe^ 161j-y0.] STATES AND CHURCn. 379 " The imposts of the Barberiui," exclaims a contemporary uiographer, " have exhausted the country ; the avarice or Donna Olimpia has drained the court; an amelioration was hoped for from the virtues of Alexander VIL, but all Sienna has poured itself over the States of the Church, and is ex- hausting the last remnant of their strength.""" Still the country obtained no remission from the demands made on it. This administration was once compared, even by one of the cardinals, to a horse worn out by a long course, but which, spurred on afresh, makes further efforts to proceed, until he falls, utterly exhausted, by the way-side. This moment of complete exhaustion seemed now to have come. The worst spirit that can possibly possess the officials of a government had long been too clearly manifest in Rome ; each one appeared to consider the commonwealth as a something to be made subservient to his own personal advancement — often as a means for the mere gratification of avarice. With how frightful a power did corruption take possession of the land ! At the court of Innocent X. Donna Olimpia provided applicants with offices on condition of receiving from them a monthly acknowledgment in money.t And well would it have been had she been the only person who did so ! But the sister-in-law of the datary Cecchino, Donna dementia, pro- ceeded in a similar manner ; Christmas, in particular, was the great harvest-time for presents. The refusal of Don Camillo Astalli to share these gifts on one occasion with Donna Olimpia, to whom he had given hopes that he would do so, excited her most violent anger, and was the first cause of his downfall. To what frauds and forgeries did bribery conduct Mascambruno ! It was his habit to affix false summaries to the decrees that he laid before the pope, and as his holiness road only the summaries, he signed things of which he had not the slightest suspicion, and which covered the Roman court Nettuno, and all other places which have passed under the dominion of the church.] * Vita di Alcssandro VII. : " Spolpato e quasi in teschio ridotto dalle gabcUe Barberine lo stato ecclesiastico e smunta la corte dull' ingor- digia di Olimpia confidavano generoso ristoro della bonta di Alessandro." (See the text.) t See Appendi.\:, No. 12C. 380 ADMINISTRATION OF THE ROMAN Q61.5-90. "with infamy.* One cannot but feel pained and revolted when reading the remark that Don Mario, the brother of Alexander VII., became rich for this cause, among others, that the juris- diction of the Borgo was in liis hands. For, unhappily, even the administration of justice was infected with this grievous plague. "We possess a statement of the abuses which had crept into the tribunal of the Rota, and which was laid before Alexander YII. by a man who had jiractised in it during twenty-eight years.-f" He computes that there was no auditor of the Rota who did not receive presents at Christmas to the amount of iive hundred scudi. Those who could not gain access to the person of the auditor still found means to approach his rela- tions, his assistants, or his servants. And no less injurious were the effects produced by the secret injunctions and influence of the court and the great. The very judges were sometimes known to apologize to the parties for the unjust judgment pronounced, declaring that justice was restrained by force. How corrupt an administration of the laws was this ! There were four months of vacation, and even the remainder of the year was passed in a life of idleness and amusement. Judg- ments were most unduly delayed, yet, when given, presented every mark of precipitation : appeals were altogether useless. It is true that the affair was in such case transferred to other members of the court, but what could secure these last from being equally subject to the influences by which the former judge had been corrupted ? The courts of appeal were, more- over, biassed in their decisions by the judgment previously given. These were evils that extended from the supreme court of judicature to the very lowest of the tribunals, and equally * Pallavicini seeks to excuse this on the grounds that the proceedings of the dataria were written [in the French character, as has remained the custom from the time when the papal see held its court in Avignon,] and which the pope did not re'idily or willingly read. See Appendix, Nos. 125, 126. t Disordini che occorrono nel supremo tribunale della rota nella corte Romana e gli ordini con i quali si potrebbe riforinare, scrittura fatta da un avvocato da presentarsi alia S'". de N. S''*^. Alessandro VIL, MS. Rang, at Vienna, No. 23. 1615-90-3 STATES AKD CIIUUCU. 381 affected the course of justice and general government in the firovinces.* In a document which is still extant we tind these circum- stances represented by Cardinal Sacchctti, in the most earnest manner to Alexander VII. : — the oppression of the poor — who found none to help them — by the powerful ; the perversion of justice by the intrigues of cardinals, princes, and dependants of the palace ; the delay of business, which was sometimes pro- longed for years, though it might have been concluded in a few days — nay, even tens of 3'ears ; the violence and tyranny experienced by any one who ventured to appeal from an inferior official to one above him ; the executions and for- feitures imposed for the enforcement of the levies, — measures of cruelty calculated only to make the sovereign odious to his people while his servants enriched themselves. " Oppres- sions, most holy father," he exclaims, '• exceeding those inflicted on the Israelites in Egypt ! People, not conquered by the sword, but subjected to the holy see, either by their free accord, or the donations of princes, arc more inhumanly treated than the slaves in Syria or Africa. Wlio can witness these things without tears of sorrow \"-\ Such was the condition of the ecclesiastical states even as early as the middle of the seventeenth century. And now could it be reasonably expected that the adminis- tration of the church should remain free from abuses of a iijmilar kind ^ That administration depended on the court, equally with I * Disordini : [By the unjust decisions of this supreme tribunal (of the Rota), justice is corrupted in all the inferior courts, at least in the eccle- siastical states, the judges being careful to decide in accordance with the l)revious false judgment.] t Lettre du Cardinal Sacchctti ecrite peu avant sa mort au Pape Alexandre VII. en 1663, copie tirce des " -Mauuscritti della rcffina di Suezia," in Arckenholtz, JNIemoircs, torn. iv. App. No. xxxii. : a very in- structive document, corroborated by very many others ; as, for example, by a •' Scrittura sopra il governo di Roma," of the same time (Altieri Library). [The people having no more silver or copper, or linen, or furniture, to satisfy the rapacity of the commissaries, will be next obliged to sell themselves as slaves to pay tlie burthens laid on by the camera.] See Appendix, No. 145. 882 ADMINISTRATION OF THE ROMAN Q1615-00. the civil government, and received its impulse from the same spirit. It is true that certain restrictions were imposed on the Curia, with respect to this department. In France, for example, important prei-ogatives were possessed by the crown; in Germany the chapters preserved their independence ; in Italy and Spain, on the contrary, the hands of the Curia were unfettered, and its lucrative privileges were accordingly exer- cised in the most unscrupulous manner. The Roman court possessed the right of nomination to all the less important ecclesiastical employments and benefices. In Italy it appointed even to the highest. The sums that flowed into the coflers of the dataria, from Spain, are of an amount almost incredible ; their principal sources were the installation to appointments, the spolia, and the revenues of vacant benefices. Yet the Curia, considered in regard to its own body, drew still greater advantage, perhaps from its relations with the Italian states ; the richest bishoprics and abbeys, with a large number of priories, commanderies, and other benefices, went immediately to the profit of its members. And it would have been well had the evil rested there ! But to the rights, which of themselves were of very ques- tionable character, there were added the most ruinous abuses. I will mention one only — but that, indeed, was perhaps the worst. The practice was introduced, and by the middle of the nineteenth century was in full operation, that every benefice conferred by the Curia was burthened with a pension to one or other of the members of that body. This practice was expressly prohibited in Spain, and. there too, as the benefices themselves were to be conferred on natives exclusively, so pensions were to be granted only to them ; but a device was invented in Rome for evading these enactments. The pension was made out in the name of a native or natural- ised Spaniard ; but this latter bound himself by a civil contract to pay a stipulated yearly amount into some Roman bank or commercial house, for the actual recipient of the pension. In Italy these considerations and contrivances were not even required, and the bishoprics were often loaded with intolerable burtliens. In the year 1663, Monsignore de Angelis, bishop of Urbino, complained that all he had remaining to his own share from that rich bishopric, was sixty scudi yearly ; and 1615-00.] STATES AND CHURCH. 383 that he liad already sent in his resignation, which the court refused to accept. The conditions annexed to the bishoprics of Ancona and Pesaro were so oppressive, that for years tliey were left unoccupied, because none could be found to ac- cept them with those impositions. In the year 1667, twenty- eight bishops and archbishops were counted in Naples, all of whom were ejected from their offices because they did not pay the pensions imposed on them. From the bishoprics this cor- ruption descended to the parochial benefices : the richest parishes frequently yielded their incumbents but a very slender subsistence ; even the poor country curates in some places had their very fees charged M'ith burthens.* Many were so much discouraged that they resigned their cures, but in time new candidates always presented themselves ; nay, they sometimes outbade each other, vicing which should offer the Curia the largest pension. But how deplorable a state of depravity in the government do these things betray ! The least evil that could result from such a system was the entire corruption of the parochial clergy, and the utter neglect of their flocks. Much wiser had been the decision of the Protestant church in having from the first abolished all superfluities, and sub- jected itself to order and rule. It is beyond doubt that the wealth of the Catholic church,^ and the worldly rank attached to ecclesiastical dignities, in- duced the higher aristocracy to devote themselves to her service. It was even a maxim with Pope Alexander to bestow church preferment chiefly on men of good birth : he entertained the * The sarcastic Basadona (see Appendix, No. 134), remarks: [To make an end, we may fairly describe every benefice, capable of bearing a pension, as loaded like the ass of Apuleius, which, unable to bear its burthen, thought of throwing itself on the earth ; but, seeing its fallen companion immediately flayed by the carters, he held it good to support the insupportable load.] All contemporary writers agree in the descrip- tion of the evil. The practice of resigning the benefice to another while retaining a portion of the revenue, was also again introduced. Deone, Diario 7, Genn. 1645, after alluding to the archbishopric of Bologna, transferred to Albregati by Cardinal Colonna, contiimes to the effect that [by this example the door is opened for admitting the practice of transference ; and, accordingly, this morning, the transfer of the church of Ravenna by Cardinal Cai)poni to his nephew Mons'. Tungianni, is made known : he reserves a pension to himself, which at his death goes in good part to Cardinal P.imfilio.] S84 ADMINISTRATION OF TUE ROMAN [[1G15-90. extraordiuaiy idea that as earthly princes are fond of seeing themselves surrounded b}'' servants of high descent, so must it be pleasing to God that his service should be undertaken by men exalted in rank above their fellows. Yet it was certainly not by such principles that the church had raised herself in earlier ages, nor had she been restored by such in later times. The monasteries and congregations, which had contri- buted so largely to the restoration of Catholicism, were at this time suffered to fall into contempt. The papal families had little value for any person who was bound by conventual obli- gations, if it were only because men thus occupied could not be constantly paying court to themselves. Whenever there was a competition, the candidate obtaining the place was almost always of the secular clergy, even though his merits and talents were interior to those of the monastic clergy. "■ The opinion seems to prevail," says Grimani, " that the episcopal office, or the purple, would be degraded by being conferred on the brother of a convent." lie even thinks he perceives that the regular clergy no longer dare confidently to shew themselves at court, where they were frequently exposed to mockery and insult. It already began to be remarked that none but men of the lowest origin were now disposed to enter the monasteries. "Even a bankrupt shopkeeper," he exclaims, " considers himself too good to wear the cowl."* Since the monasteries thus lost their intrinsic importance, it can occasion no surprise that they soon began to be considered altogether superfluous ; but it is a very remarkable fact that this opinion first found expression in Rome itself, — that the ne- cessity for restricting monastic institutions was first asserted in that court. As early as the year 1649, a bull was published by Innocent X., forbidding new admissions into any of the regular orders, until the incomes of the several convents had ■been computed, and the number of persons that each could * Grimaiii further adds : [Every desire for study and all care for tlie defence of religion are entirely suppressed. That the numljer of learned and exemplary monks should diminish so rapidly, may ere long be detri- mental to the court itself, whence it is my opinion that the popes would do well to take measures for the restoration of the regular clergy to their former credit, by giving them important charges from time to time : eminent men would thus be induced again to enter the orders.] See Ap- pendix, No. 138. IGl.J-OO.^ STATES AND CHURCH. 386 maintain was determined," A bull issued on the 15tli of Octo- ber, 1 652, is still more important. In this the pope complained that there were many small convents, wherein the offices cc)uld not be duly performed, cither by day or night, nor spi- ritual exercises practised, nor seclusion jjropcrly maintained ; he declared these places to be mere receptacles for licentious- ness and crime, affirmed that their number had now increased beyond all measure, and suppressed them all at one blow, with the observation that it was necessary to separate the tares from the wheat.t The plan was very soon suggested (and again it was first proposed in Rome) of alleviating the financial necessities, even of foreign states, by the confiscation, not of separate convents only, but of entire monastic oi'ders. AVhcn Alexander VII. was requested by the Venetians, shortly after his accession, to support them in the war of Candia against the Turks, he proposed to them of himself the sup])ression of seve- ral orders in their own territories. The Venetians v.'cre averse to this plan, because these orders still aflorded a pro- vision for the poorer " nobili ;" but the pope accomplished his purpose. He maintained that the existence of these convents was rather an offence than edification to the faithful, and com- pared his mode of proceeding to that of the gardener, who re- moves all useless branches I'rom the vine, to render it more fruitful.;!; Yet it could not be asserted that among those who now received promotion, any remarkably sjjlendid talents were found. There was, on tlie contrary, a general complaint , througliout the seventeenth century, of the dearth of distin- / guished men.§ i\Icn of eminent j-.owers were, indeed, very * Our diary, 1st Jan. IG.'jO (Deor.e), describes the impression pro- duced l)y this "constitution :" [As this cause does not iifl'ect the Capuchins and other reformed orders wlio jiosscss no revenues, it is feared that the prohibition may be jierpetual; and I bcHevc it will be so, until the number of regular clergy, which is now excessive, shall be reduced to moderation, and the commonwealth be no longer oppressed by them.] t " Constitutio super extinctione ct suppressionc parvorum conven- tuum, eorumquc reductione ad statum secularem, et bonorum appli- catione, et prohibitione erigendi nova loca regularia in Italia et insulis adjacentibus." Idibus, Oct. I(i;j2. J Relatione dc' iv. Ambasciatori, ICoG. Sec Appendix, No. 129. § Grimiini : [When due regulations are neglected, all things deteriorate; . . . the court is at present barren in the higheft degree of men possessing worth or talent.] fc^ee Appendix, No. 138. VOL. II. 2 C . 386 ADMINISTRATION OF STATES AND CHURCH. [_1615-D0. frequently excluded from tlie prelacy, because they were too poor to comply with the regulations established for their ad- mission.* Advancement depended almost entirely on the favour of the papal families ; and this was only to be obtained by an excessive adulation and servility that could not be favoui'able to a free development of the nobler qualities of the intellect. This state of things affected the whole body of the clergy. It is certainly a remarkable fact, that in the most important branches of theological study, there scarcely appeared a single original Italian author, whether as regarded exposition of scripture, on whicli subject nothing was presented but re-* petitions of works belonging to the sixteenth century, or as relating to morals, — although that subject of inquiry was much cultivated elsewhere — nor even in relation to dogmatic theology. In the congregations, foreigners alone appeared on the arena in the disputations concerning the means of grace ; in those of a later period also, concerning free will and faith, Italians took but little part. After Girolamo Ja Narni, no distinguished preacher appeared even in Rome itself. In the journal before referred to, and kept by a very strict Catholic, from 1640 to 16.50, this fact is remarked with astonishment. " With the commencement of Lent," he observes, " comedies ceased to be performed in theatres and houses, beginning in the pulpits of the churches. The holy office of the preacher is employed to secure celebrity, or made subservient to the pur- poses of the flatterer. Metaphysics are brought forward, of which the speaker knows very little, and his hearers nothing whatever. In place of teaching and admonition, encomiums are pronounced, solely for the furtherance of the speaker's promotion. As regards the choice of the preacher also, every- thing now depends on connection and favour, and no longer on the merit of the man." To sum up tl;e whole, that mighty internal impulse, by which the court, church, and state, were formerly governed, and from which they had received their strictly religious cha- * Relatione di Roma sotto Clemente IX. : [Since the custom is preva- lent that high offices are conferred on the prelates only, and that the prelacy is granted to none but those who have revenues to support its dignity, the consequence has followed that really able men are for the most nart excluded.] See Appendix, No. 136. 1G15-90.] JESUITS IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 387 nic'tcr, was now extinguislied. The. Jendejicy towards resto- ration and conquest had passed away; other motives were now jiredominant, urging only to the struggle for power and pleasure. The spiritual element again received its tone from worldly impulses. And here the question naturally presents itself, what direc- tion was taken under these circumstances, by that Society, which had been so peculiarly founded on the principles of Catholic restoration : we allude to the order of Jesuits. § 11. The Jesuits in the middle of the seventeenth century. The most important change that had taken place in the constitution of the Society of Jesus, consisted in the fact that the '■ professed " members had become advanced to the posses- sion of power. Of the " professed," those who took the four vows, there were at first very few. Living apart from the colleges, and sub- sisting on alms, they had confined themselves to the exercise of spiritual authority. Appointments requiring the activity of men of the world, such as those of rectors and provincials, with the general management of the colleges, had formerly been in the hands of the coadjutors. But all this was now entirely changed. The " professcftl " themselves attained to places in the administration ; they toolv part in the revenues of the colleges and became rectors or provincials.* The most immediate consequence of this alteration was, that those severe practices of private devotion which had been maintained in their fervour, principally by the rigid .separation of the " houses of the professed," now gradually declined ; even at the first reception of a member into the society, it was no longer possible to examine with the minute- * In a collection of papers entitled " Scritture politiche, morali e satiriche sopra le massime, instituti e govenio della compagnia di Gesu " (MS. Rome), will be found a circunistantial treatise of nearly 400 page?. •' Discorso sopra la religione de' padri Gesuiti e loro niodo di governare," written between 1G81 and 1G86, apparently by a person deeply initiated, from wbich the following notices are for the most part taken. See Ap- pendix, No. 150. L' c 2 388 THE JESUITS IN THE MIDDLE [^1015-90. ness first practised, into his capacity or vocation for an ascetic life. Vitellesclii, in particular, gave admission to many who were certainly without any vocation. The highest station was the object now aimed at, the rank by which its possessors at once secured ecclesiastical dignity and secular power. But this combination was moreover shown to be highly jire- judicial in its effects generally ; formerly the coadjutors and professed had exercised superintendence over each other ; but temporal importance and spiritual claims were now united in the same persons. Men of the meanest cndov/ments consi- dered themselves of high ability, because no one now ven- tured to gainsay them. Having attained exclusive dominion, they began quietly and at their ease to enjoy those large pos- sessions which the colleges had acquired in the course of time, and to think principally of the means by which their wealth might be increased. The actual direction of business, and the duties, whether of churches or schools, were abandoned to the younger members."' Even as regarded the general of the order, the professed assumed a deportment of extreme inde- Ijendence. That the alteration was a great and essential one, is made obvious, among other things, by the characters and fortunes of the generals, the sort of men chosen as supreme rulers, and the mode in which these chiefs were treated. How different was Mutio Vitellesclii from liis predecessor, the calm, self-ruling, crafty, and inflexible Aquaviva ! Vitel- lesclii was by nature mild, indulgent, and conciliatory ; his intimates called him the angel of peace ; and he found conso- lation on his death-bed from the conviction that he had ncA'er injured any one. These were adraii"able qualities of a most amiable man, but did not suffice to fit him for the government of an order so widely extended, active, and powerful. He was unable to enforce strictness of discipline, even with regard to dress, still lcr>s could he oppose an effectual resistance to the demands of determined ambition. It was during his administration, from 1615 to 1G45, that the cliange above referred to was effected. * Discorso : [Thtre are many to make a show, but fev.- to work. The poor are not visited, the lands are not cultivated. . . . Excepting a few, mostly joung men, who attend the schools, all the others, whether pro- fessors, or procurators, or rectors, or preachers, scarcely have a particle of labour.] IG 15-90.3 OP THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 3S9 Ilis iinniediatc successors proceeded in a similar si)irit. Tincenzo Carafla (1G49) was a man of the utmost piety and humility;" he even rejected all personal attendance, and was in all respects most exemplary. Yet he could effect nothing, whether by his example or admonitions. Piccolomini (1651) was l)y nature disposed to measures of energy and decision ; licit those he now abandoned altogether, and thought only of how he might best give satisfaction to his brethren of the order. For it had already become manifest thnt an attempt at change in this respect was no longer advisable. Alcssandro Gottofredi (from January to March, 1651) would gladly have laboured to effect alterations, and strove at least to restrict the aspiring ambition that sought only its own advancement ; but the two months of his administration sufficed to make him generally hated, and his death was hailed as the deliver- ance from a tyrant. A still more decided antipathy was en- countered by the succeeding general, Goswin Nickel. Yet he could not be said to have contemplated any very deeply- searching reforms : he suffered things to proceed, upon the whole, as they had previously done ; but it was his habit to insist with extreme obstinacy on opinions once adopted, and his manners were rude and repulsive : ho did not sufficiently regard the feelings of others, and so grievously offended the self-love of many powerful members of the order, that the general congregation of 1661 adopted measures against him, such as, from the monarchical character of the institution, could scarcely have been supposed possible. They first re(iuested permission from Pope Alexander VII. to associate with their general a vicar, who should have the right of succession. The permission was readily gmntcd, tlie court even pointctl out a candidate for the ai)pointmont — that Oliva, who had first advised Alexander to call his kinsmen * Diario, Deone. 12 Giugno, 1G19 : [On Tuesday morning died the general of the Jesuits : a man of few ac(iuirenients, but of a sanctity of life rarely witnessed. With rei^ard to liis own person, he would not have a carriage in his service, nor ])iTmit himself to be treated differently from the meanest of the order, whether in food or clothing ; and as to other matters, he would have had the Jesuit fathers live as became those bound by vows of religion, not mingling in politics nor frequenting courts ; but in seeking to secure that object, he found insurmountable difficulties, and these were the cause of his death.] i/ 390 THE JESUITS IN THE MIDDLE [1615-90. around him, and the order was sufficiently compliant to elect that favourite of the palace. The only question now was, as to the mode in which the power should be transferred from the general to the vicar. The members could not prevail on themselves to pronounce the word " deposition." Wherefore, to obtain the thing, and yet evade the word, they proposed the question whether the vicar was to be invested with a cumulative power — authority held in conjunction with the general, — that is : or a primitive power, one that is held apart from him. The congregation, of course, decided for the primi- tive. They next declared expressly, and as a consequence of this decision, that the authority of the general was wholly forfeited, and was to be entirely transferred to the vicar."' Thus it came to pass that the society of which the first principle was unlimited obedience, deposed even their supreme chief, and that without the commission of any real offence on his part. It is obvious that, by this proceeding, the aristo- cratical tendencies of the period attained the decided pre- dominance, even in the order of Jesuits. Oliva was a man who loved external tranquillity and the luxuries of life, but was constantly involved in political in- trigue. He possessed a villa near Albano, where he occupied himself with the cultivation of the rarest exotics ; even when residing in the capital, he would occasionally retire to the noviciate house of St, Andrea, where he would give audience to no one. The most select delicacies only were suffered to appear on his table. He never left his residence on foot. In his house, the apartments inhabited by himself were arranged with the most refined attention to comfort : he was studious to enjoy the position that he held, the power that he had obtained ; but, certainly, this was not the man calculated to yevive the ancient spirit of the order. The socicl^y was in fact continually departing more and more widely from the jjriuciples on which it had been established. Was it not pledged to defend and uphold, above all things, * Circumstantial narration in tlie contemporary Discorso : the author concludes thus : [We going to Rome at that time, and proceeding to pay our respects (to Nickel), ... he ended by saying these words : " I find myself here entirely abandoned, and have no longer the povrcr to do any thing."] 101. 3-90.^ OF THE SEVENTEE.NTII CENTURY. 391 the interests of the Roman see, and even founded for that especial purpose ? But the intimate relations formed by the order with Fi-ance and the house of Bourbon, had so modified the sjiirit of the former, that in all the conflicts now gradually arising between that house and the Roman court, it almost invariably took part with the French." Occasional!}'-, works of Jesuit authors were condemned by the inquisition of Rome, because they defended the rights of the crown with too much vehemence. The princij^als of the French Jesuits avoided all intercourse with the papal nuncios, lest they should bring on themselves the suspicion of entertaining ultramontane opinions. Nor could the Roman see boast of any great obedience from the order at this time in other respects. In the missions more particularly, the papal enactments were almost invariably treated with total disregard. Again, it was one of the most essential jirinciples of the order, that all worldly connections should be renounced, and that each member should devote himself exclusively to his spiritual duties. The rule that all who entered the order should abandon every temporal possession had been strictly enforced in foi-mer times ; but now the act of renunciation was either delayed for a time, or was performed under certain conditions only, on the ground that the members were at all times liable to expulsion ; and, at length, the custom ob- tained of each member making a transfer of his property to the society itself, but with the clear understanding that this was in favour of the particular college to which he had attached himself, and even in such sort, that he frequently retained the management of his possessions in his own hands, though under a difl"erent title.t Nay, the members of the * Relatione della nuntiatura di Mons'. Scotti, nunzio alia IM'". del re X""*. 1639 — 1G41 : [The Jesuits, who ought to be as they formerly were, defenders of the holy see, now compromise it more frequently than any others. . . . They profess a total estrangement (from the nuntiatura), and are always fearful lest by approaching the nunzio, they should lose the favour of the royal ministers.] t Vincentii CaraffiE epistola de mediis conservandi primsevum spiritum societatis : " Definitis pro arbitrio dantis domilms .'ivc collegiis in quibus aut sedem sibi fixurus est aut jam animo tixerit ; . . . anxie agunt ut quae societati reliquerunt, ipsimet per se administrcnt." [Having had it settled in what houses or colleges they will fix their seat, or having chosen it in their own minds, . . . they labour strenuously to obtain for themselves the administration of what they have resigned to the society.] 392 THE JESUITS IN TlIU ?,!IDDLE []l 615-90^ colleges having sometimes more leisure tliau their relations, who were engaged in active life, midertook the agency of their affairs, collected their revenues, and conducted their law-suits.* Nor did this mercantile spirit long confine itself to indivi- duals ; it became manifest among the colleges, even in their corporate character. All were anxious to secure themselves in the possession of wealth, and as the large donations of earlier times had ceased, they sought to effect this by com- mercial pursuits. The Jesuits held that there was no material difference between the practice of agriculture, to which the more primitive monks had devoted themselves, and the labours of commerce, in which they were engaged. The CoUegio Romano possessed a manufactory of cloth at Macerata, and though at first they produced it only for their own use^ yet they soon proceeded to the supply of all other colleges in the provinces, and ultimately to that of the public in general, for which last purpose they attended the fairs. From the close connection existing between the different colleges there resulted a system of banking business, and the Portuguese ambassador in Rome was empowered to draw on the Jesuits of Portugal. Their commercial transactions were particularly prosperous in the colonies. The trading connections of the order extended, as it were, a net-work over both continents, having Lisbon for its central point. This was a spirit that, when onCe called into action, could not fail to affect the whole internal economy of the society. The members still retained the profession of their first essential principle, that instruction should always be given gratuitously ; but they received presents when the pupil entered, and on occasion of certain festivals, occurring at least twice in the year.t The preference was given to pupils of * Epistola Goswini Nickel de amore et studio perfectse paupertatis : " lllud intolerabile, si et lites inferant et ad tribunalia confligant et vio- lentas pecuniarum repetitiones faciant, autpalam negotiantur ad qurestum, . . . specie quidem primo aspectu etiam honesta, caritatc in consan- guiiieos, decepti." [Things have become intolerable, for they oommeni'e lawsuits and contend before the tribunals, making violent and repeated demands for money ; they also trade openly for the sake of gain, . . . deluded by what at the first view seems indeed to be upright, namely, the love of their kindred.] t Discorso : [Olierings are made at least twice a year, — at Cr.ristraas, 161j-90.] of thk seventeenth century. 393 rich families ; and it followed, as a necessary consequence, that tlie.-^e young people, conscious of a certain independence, ■would no longer endure the severity of the ancient discipline. A Jesuit, who rai.^ed his stick against a pupil, received a stab from a poniard in reply ; and a young man iu Gubbio, who thought himself too liarshly treated by the father prefetto, assassinated the latter iu return. Even in Rome, the com- motions of the -Jesuits' college were a continual theme of con- versation for the city and the palace. The masters were on one occasion imprisoned for an entire day by their pupils, and it way at length indispensable that the rector should be dis- missed, in compliance with their demands. These things may be regarded as symptoms of a general conflict between the ancient order of things and new tendencies. The latter finally prevailed. The Jesuits could no longer maintain that influence by which they had formerly governed the minds of men. Nor, indeed, was it now their purpose to subjugate the world, or to imbue it with the spirit of religion ; their own spirit had, on the contrary, succumbed before the influence of tiro world. Tlie Jesuits now laboured only to render them- selves indis}iensable to their fellow men, by Avhatcver means this might be efiected. And to secure this purpose, not only the rules of their institution, but even the doctrines of religion and the precepts of morality were modified and perverted. The office of confes- sion, by means of which they maintained so immediate an influence over the most secret recesses of social and domestic life, received a direction from these fathers which will be memorable to all times. On this subject we have nncpiestionable proof from authen- tic documents. The Jesuits have themselves exi)oundetl in nuiny elaborate works the principles by which they were | guided in confession and al)Solution, and what they recom- mended to others. Tlie.-e arc in general essentially the same that is, and on tlieir own patron saint's days, and these amount to a con- siderable suna. Then tlie money of these offerins^s, or whatever is employed for plate, pictures, tapestry, chalices, and other such valuables, all go to these same colleges. It sometimes happens that the local rectors use them indiflerently, whence arise infinite offences ; but they care little or nothing for the complaints of their own scholars.] 394 THE JESUITS IN THE MIDDLE [_1 6 15-90. "vritli those they have so frequently been accused of prescrib- ing. Let us endeavour to comprehend at least tlie leading principles from which they proceeded to make the "whole domaiiL^f jthe_confessional their own. ''^ It is manifest~~that"'in the confessional every thing must infallibly depend on the conception formed of transgression and of sin. The Jesuits define sin to be a voluntary departure from the commands of God.* But wherein, we inquire further, does this volition consist ? Their answer is, — in a clear perception and understanding of the sin, as sin, and in the perfect consent of the will.t They adopted this principle from the ambition of pro- pounding something new, and further impelled by their wish to be prepared for all the usages of common life ; with scholastic subtlety, and with a widely comprehensive con- sideration of all cases that could occur, they carried this principle out, even to its most revolting consequences. According to their doctrine, it is sufficient if we do not will the commission of sin, as sin. TVe have the better ground of hope for pardon, the less we thought of God during the com- mission of our evil deed, and the more violent the iJassion was by which we were impelled to its commission. The force of habit, nay, even a bad example, suffice to exculpate the sinner, inasmuch as they restrict the freedom of the will. How closely are the limits of transgression thus narrowed ! For certainly no man will love sin merely for its own sake. But they also Acknowledged grounds of exculpation, of a dif- ferent character. Duelling, for example, is without doubt pro- ^ Definition by Fr. Toledo : " Voluntarius recessus a regula divina." t Busembaum, Medulla theologisg moralis, lib. v. c. ii. dub. iii., ex- presses himseir thus : " Tria requiruntur ad peccatum mortale (quod gratiam et amicitiam cum Deo solvit), quorum si unum desit, fit veniale (quod ob suam levitatem gratiam et amicitiam non tollit) : 1. Ex parte inteUectus, plena advertentia et deliberatio : 2. Ex parte voluntatis, per- fectus consensus : 3. Gravitas materise." [Three things are required to constitute mortal sin (that which separates us from the grace and friendship of God), of which three, if one be wanting, the sin becomes venial (that which because of its lightness does not take from us God's grace and friendship) : 1st, On the part of the intellect, full perception and deliberation ; 2nd, On the part of the will, entire consent ; 3rd, Im- portance of the thing itself.] 1615-90.3 OP THE SEVENTEENTH CENXrRY. 395 hibiteJ by the church ; yet the Jesuits consider, that if a man Avere iu danger of being accused of cowardice because he re- fused to fight a duel, or of losing his office, or the favour of his sovereign, then he was not to be condemned though he should fight.* To take a false oath is in itself a deadly siu, but the man who only swears outwardly, say the Jesuits, without inwardly intending to do so, is not bound by his oath : he does not swear, he only jests.f These doctrines arc to be found in books that make positive profession of moderate views. But now that these times are gone by, we should profit but little by a more minute search for the still wider deviations from rectitude of a subtlety whose reasonings were subversive of all morality, and in which one teacher sought to surpass another, as in a contest for literary pre-eminence. But it cannot be denied that the most perverse tenets of certain among their doctors became extremely dangerous in connection witli another principle of the Jesuits — their doctrine of " Probability." They main- tained that in doubtful cases a man might follow an opinion of the soundness of which he was not himself convinced, provided always that the said opinion were defended by some author of repute.:|: They not only considered it allowable to be guided by the most indulgent teachers, but they even recommended that jiractice. Scruples of conscience v/ere to be disregarded ; nay, the proper method of freeing one- self from their influence vras to follow the most tolerant opinions, even though they might be less safe.§ How com- * " Privandus alioqui ob suspicionem ignavipe, dignitate, officio vel favore principis." {See text.) Busembaum, lib. iii. tract, iv. cap. i. dub. V. art. i. n. C. f " Qui exterius tantum juravit, sine animo jurandi, non obligatiir, nisi forte ratione scandali, cum non juraverit sed luserit." [He who lias but sworn externally, without swearing with his mind, is not bound, except perhaps on account of the scandal, since he has not sworn, but jested.] Lib. iii. tract, ii. cap. ii. dub. iv. n. 8. * Em. Sa. : Aphorismi Confessariorum s. v. dubium ; " Potest quis facere quod probabili ratione vel auctoritate putat licere, etiamsi opposi- tum tutius sit : sufficit autem opinio alicujus gravis autoris." [Any one may do what on probable grounds or authority he thinks lawful, although to do the contrary may be safer : but the opinion of some grave author is sufficient.] § Busembaum, lib. i. c. iii. : '' Remedia conscientias scrupulosse sunt, 1, Scrupulos contemnere ; 4, Assuefacera se ad sequendas sententias mi- 896 THE JANSEXisTS. 1^1615-90. pletely wore the profound and secret monitions of self-go- vernment and self-judgment thus lowered into a mere external act ! In the directing manuals of the Jesuits all possible con- tingencies of life are treated of, much in the method usually- adopted for systems of civil law, and appreciated according ta the degrees of their veniality. A man has but to look out the cases supposed in these bouks, and, without any con- viction on his own part, to regulate himself according to their directions, and he is then certain of absolution before God and the church ; a slight turn of the thoughts sufficed to exonerate from all guilt. The Jesviits themselves, with a certain sort of honesty, sometimes express surprise on per- ceiving how light and easy tiieir tenets render the yoke of Christ. § 12. Tlie Jayiscnists. All life must have been utterly extinct in the Catholic clmrch had not an opposition instantly arisen against doc- trines so pernicious, and against every cause producing, as well as every consequence resulting from, them. Already were the greater part of the remaining orders on bad terms with the Jesuits — the Dominicans, because of their dissent from Thomas Aquinas ; the Franciscans and Capuchins, on account of the exclusive authority which they arrogated to themselves in the missions of Asia, beyond the Ganges. They were not unfrequently assailed by the bishops, whose powers tliey restricted ; and were occasionally at- tacked by the parish priests, whoso duties they encroached upon. In the universities also — at least in those of France and the Netherlands — they frequently provoked antagonists. But all these things formed no efiective resistance, which could, indeed, arise only from a more vigorous spirit, and more profound convictions. For after all, the moral laws of the Jesuits were entirely tiores et mimis etiam certas." [The remedies for scruples are, 1st, To despise sucli scruples ; 4th, To accustom yourself to follow the mora indulgent opinions, and even when they may be less sure.] IG 15-90.3 ^^^ JANSENisTS. 3.97 consistent with their dogni.atioal tenets. In the fonner, as ill the latter, they allowed auii)le scope to the freedom of the will. It was, however, precisely against this point that tlio most important opposition ever experienced by the Jesuits as a body was directed. It arose and was developed in the following manner : — During those years when the whole theological world of the Catholic church was held in a state of incessant warfare by the controversies respecting the Means of Grace, two young men were studying at Lonvain — Cornelius Jansen of IloUaud, and Jean du Verger of Gascony, both of whom had adopted, with equally profound conviction, those more rigid doctrines which had indeed never been wholly departed from in that university, and both conceived an extreme antipathy to the Jesuits. Du Verger was the superior in rank and fortune, and took his friend with him to Bayonue. They iiere plunged themselves into a deej) and constantly repeated study of the works of St. Augustine, conceiving for the doctrines of that father of the church, in relation to grace and free will, an enthusiasm which determined the course of their whole future lives.""-' Jansenius, who became i)rofcssor in the University of Louvain, and bishop of Ypres, attached himself more par- ticularly to theoretical asceticism, as a means of reviving the spirit of these doctrines, while Du Verger, who obtained the abbacy of St. Cyrau, pursued the same object by a path equally ascetic, and more practical. Yet the book entitled "Augustinus," in which Jansenius has circumstantially and systematically expounded his couvictions, is of great value, not only because it so boldly attacks the Jesuits both in their doctrines and moral tendencies, but also because it does this throughout the work, in a manner tend- ing to restore their original vitality of thought to the doc- trines of grace, sin, and remission. Jansenius proceeds from the principle that the will of man * Synopsis vitje Jansenii, prefixed to the " Auc^ustimis :" [He tlien pro- ceeded into Gascony, v.-here, in the society of, and studious intercourse with, very learned men, he made i;reat jirogress in the comprehension of the holy f.ithers, and more particularly of St. Augustine, as is frequently testified.] 398 THE JANSENISTS. . [1615-90. is not free, being fettered and lield in bondage by the desire after earthly things. Of its own strength it is not able to raise itself from this condition ; grace must first come to the aid of the will — grace, which is not so much the forgiveness of sins, as the deliverance of the soul from the bonds of earthly desires.* And here his own peculiar views are immediately pre- sented. He considers grace to be made manifest in the higher and purer happiness obtained by the soul from heavenly things. He declares the effectual grace of the Saviour to be no other than a spiritual delight, by which the will is moved to desire and to iserform what God has decreed. It is the involuntary impulse communicated by God to the will, and by means of which man finds happiness iu good, and labours to obtain it.f He repeatedly inculcates the truth, that good is to be sought, not from fear of punishment, but from love of righteousness. And from this point he proceeds to the higher question of what is this righteousness ? He answers, — God himself. For man must not think of God as if he were a corporeal being, nor under any form whatever — not even under that of light. God must be thought of and loved as the eternal truth, — as the source whence all wisdom and truth jjroceeds, — as righteousness, not in its acceptation of a quality or attri- bute of the soul, but in its predominance as an idea, a supreme inviolable rule. The rules of our actions proceed from the eternal law ; they are a reflection from its light : whoever loves righteousness, loves God himself. J * Com. Jansenii Augustinus, torn. iii. lib. i. c. ii. : [The liberation of the will is not the forgivenncss of sin, but a certain delightful freedom from the bonds of earthly wishes ; enslaved by which, the soul is in chains, until, by a celestial sweetness infused by grace, it is borne over to the love of the supreme good.] It is thus that Pascal also understands this doctrine : [God changes the heart of man by a celestial sweetness wliich he pours over it.] Provincial Letters, x\dii. tom. iii. p. 413. t Tom. iii. lib. iv. c. i. X " Regulse vivendi et quasi lumina virtutum immutabilia et sempiterna non sunt aliud quam lex seterna, quse in ipsa Dei seterna veritate splendet, quam proinde diligendo non aliud diligit nisi ipsum Deum sou veritatem et justitiam ejus ineommutabilem, a qua promanat et ex cujus refulgentis lucis fuiget quidquid velutjustum et rectum approbamus." [The rules of living, and, as it were, the inscrutable and sempiternal lights of tlie TGI. 3-00.] THE JANSEMSrS. 30J) 3Ian dooo not become good from the fact of liis directing hU ettorts to the acquirement of any particular virtue ; it is by fixing his eyes firmly on the one unchangeable supreme good, ^vhit•ll is truth, which is God himself. Virtue is the love of God. And in this love it is that the freedom of the will consists , its inexpressible sweetness extinguishes the pleasure derived from earthly gratifications : there then ensues a voluntary and ineffably blessed necessity not to sin, but to lead a good life.* That is the true free will, — a will freed from evil and replete with good. It is to be remarked, and is worthy of admiration, that throughout this work, the development of the doctrinal views is followed out with a high degree of philosophical clearness, even in the midst of zealous and hostile polemical discussion. The essential groundwork of the book is at once moral and religious, speculative, and practical. To the mere external forms and self-seeking of the Jesuit doctrines, it opposes an upright and strict internal discipline, the ideal of an activity whose primary origin, as well as its ultimate expression, is love to God. And while Jansonius was still occupied with the prepara- tion of this work, his friend was already seeking first to shew forth in his own life the ideas on which it was founded, and then to extend their influence practically on all within his reach. St. Cyran, for so was Du Ycrger now called, had estab- lished for himself a learned and ascetic hermitage, even in the midst of Paris. By an unwearied study of the Holy Scriptures and fathers of the church, he laboured to imbue his own mind with their spirit. That peculiarity of doctrine, in which he agreed with Jansenius, immediately conducted him of necessity to the sacrament of penance. The penitential ordinances of the church did not suffice him ; he was indeed virtues, are no other than that eternal law which shines in tlie truth itself of the eternal God ; whence it follows, that loving these, a man loves no other than God himself, or his unchangeable truth and justice, from which there proceeds, and out of whose refulgence there shines, whatever we desire as just and approve as right.] * Tom. iii. lib. vii. c. ix. : [A most happy, immutable, and necessary- will not to sin, but to live rightly.] 400 THE JANSENISTS. [1615-90. heard to say that the church had been jjurer in her earlier ages, as streams are clearer near their source, but that too many of the truths of the gospel were now obscured."- His own demands, on the contrary, had the appearance of extreme rigour. To practise deep humility and long endurance, to depend wholly on God, utterly to renounce the world,t to devote everj'- thought, every effort, the whole being, to the love of God, — this alone appeared to him to be Christianity. So profound was his conception of the necessity of an inward change, that, according to his views, grace must precede re- pentance. "When it is the will of God to save a soul, the work is commenced from Avlthin ; when the heart is once •changed,, then is true repentance first experienced : all else follows. Absolution can do no more than indicate the first beam of grace. As a p>hysician must observe and be guided by the movements and internal operations of nature only, so must the physician of the soul proceed according to the workmgs of grace." He often repeats the declaration that he iiad himself passed through the whole course, — from temptation and sin, to contrition, prayer, and exaltation. There were few to whom he communicated his thoughts, and when he did so, it was with few words and the most serene tranquillity of expression ; but since his whole soul was filled with the truth of what he uttered, and as he always awaited the proper occasion and a befitting frame of mind, both in himself and others, so the impressions he produced were irre- sistible, his hearers felt themselves aftected by an involun- tary change, tears sometimes burst from their eyes before they could think of repressing them, j Many distinguished men soon attached tliemselves to his tenets and became his ope also was still possessed of a weapon. The authors of this declaration — the members of this assembly — were promoted and preferred by the king before all other can- didates for episcopal offices ; but Innocent refused to grant them spiritual iuf^titution. They might enjoy the revenues of those sees, ])ut ordination they did not receive; nor could they venture to exercise one spiritual act of the episcopate. These complications were still further perplexed by the fact that Louis XIV. at that moment resolved on that relentless extirpation of the Huguenots, but too well known, and to whicli he proceeded chiefly for the purpose of proving his own perfect orthodoxy. He believed himself to be rendering a great service to the church. It has indeed been also affirmed for their promotion and fortune, and are constantly influenced by new hopes and aspirations, so they display more complacency to the sovereiga than do the laity themselves.] 422 LOUIS XIV. AND INNOCENT XI. [1676-89. that Innocent XI.* was aware of his purpose and had ap- proved it, but this was not the fact. The Roman court would not now hear of conversious effected by armed apostles. "It was not of such methods that Christ availed himself: men must be led to the temple, not dragged into it,"t New dissensions continually arose. In the year 1687, the French ambassador entered Rome with so imjjosing a retinue, certain squadrons of cavalry forming part of it, that the right of asylum, which the ambassadors claimed at that time, not only for their palace, but also for the adjacent streets, could by no means have been easily disputed with him, although the popes had solemnly abolished the usage. With an armed force the ambassador braved the pontiff in his own capital. *•' They come with horses and chariots," said Innocent, " but we will walk in the name of the Lord." He pronounced the censures of the church on the ambassador ; and the church of St. Louis, in which the latter had attended a solemn high mass, was laid under interdict, j The king also then proceeded to extreme measures. He appealed to a general council, took possession of Avignon, and caused the nuncio to be shut up in St. Olon : it was even believed that he had formed the design of creating for Harlai, archbishop of Paris, who, if he had not suggested these pro- ceedings, had approved them, the appointment of patriarch of France. So far had matters proceeded : the French am- bassador in Rome excommunicated ; the papal nuncio in "■* Bonamici, Vita Innocentii, in Lebret, Magazin viii. p. 98 ; also Lebret's note, " Also ist es nicht zu widersprechen," &c. [Thus, it is not to be denied, &c.] t Venier, Relatione di Francia, 1689 : [In regard to the work of conversion attempted by the king, as relating to the Huguenots, his majesty was displeased at not receiving the praises he expected from the pope ; but the pope took it ill that this should have been undertaken •without his consent, and conducted with the severities so well known, declaring that missions of armed apostles were not advisable ; that this new method was not the best, since Christ had not used such for the con- version of the world ; and besides, the time seemed unsuited for winning over iieretics, when the disputes with the pope liimself were more thaa ever violently pursued.] % Legatio Marcluonis Lavardini Romam ejusque cum Romano ponti- tice dissidium, 1697, — a refutation of Lavardin, which investigates this affair with much calmness and judgment : it belongs to the series of excellent political papers called forth by the pretensions of Louis XIV. in Germany, the Netherlands, Spain, and Italy. 1C7G-89.] LOUIS XIV. and innocent xi. 423 France detuined by force ; thirty-five French bishops deprived of canonical institution; a territory of the Holy See occupied by the king : it was, in fact, the actual brcaldng out of schism ; yet did Pope Innocent refuse to yield a single step. If we ask to what he trusted for support on this occasion, we perceive that it was not to the effect of the ecclesiastical censures in Fi-ance, nor to the influence of his apostolic dig- nity, but rather, and above all, to that universal resistance which had been aroused in Europe against those enterprises of Louis XIY. that were menacing the existence of its liberties. To this general opposition the pope now also attached himself. He supported Austria in her Turkish war to the best of his ability,* and the successful issue of that conflict placed the whole party, and with it the pontiti' himself, in an altered position. It would, without doubt, be difficult to prove that Innocent was in direct alliance, as has been asserted, with "William III., and had a personal knowledge of his designs upon England ;t but it may be aflirmed, with the utmost confidence, that his minister was aware of them. The pontiff was informed merely that the prince of Orange would take the command on the Rhine, and would defend the rights of the empire as well as those of the church against Louis XIY. Towards that pur- pose he engaged to contribute considerable subsidies. But so early as the end of the year 1G87, the pope's secretary of state, Count Cassoni, had positive information that the plan of the malcontent English was to dethrone King James, and transfer the crown to the princess of Orange. But the count was not faithfully served : the French had found a traitor among his * Relatione di Roma di Giov. Lando, 1691. The subsidies are here computed at two millions of scudi. See Appendix, No. 151. t This assertion is also made in the " Memcires sur le regue de Frederic I. roi de Prusse, par le comte de Dohna," p. 78. The letters are said to have passed through the hands of Queen Christina to his father, [who caused them to be forwarded by the county of Lippe, whence one Paget took them to the Hague ;] but notwithstanding the details of this account, it must still be considered doubtful, when it is remembered that, during the whole of the period in question, Queen Christina was at variance with the pope. From all the relations to be gathered from her own correspondence, I consider it impossible that the pope should have intrusted such a secret to her, of whom he one day said, shrugging his shoulders, [She is but a woman.] There may very probably have been secret Roman despatches. 424 LOUIS XIV. AND INNOCEXT XI. Q 676-89. household. From the papers which this man had the oppor- tunity of examining in his master's most secret cabinet, the courts of France and England received the first intelligence of these plans. It was a strange complication ! At the court of Rome were combined the threads of that alliance which had for its aim and result the liberation of Protestantism from the last great danger by which it Avas threatened in western Europe, and the acquisition of the English throne to that con- fession for ever.* Admitting that Innocent XI. was not, as we have said, acquainted with the entire purpose in contem- plation, it is yet undeniable that he allied himself with an opposition arising from Protestant impulses, and sustained for the most part by Protestant resources. His resistance to the appointment of a candidate favoured by France to the arch- bishopric of Cologne, was set on foot in the interests of that opposition, and contributed largely to the breaking out of the war. The consequences of this war turned out nevertheless, as regarded France, to be exceedingly favourable for the papal principle. If the pope had promoted the interests of Protest- antism by his policy, the Protestants on their side, by main- taining the balance of Europe against the " exorbitant Power," also contributed to compel the latter into compliance with the spiritual claims of the papacy. It is true that when this result ensued. Innocent XI. was no longer in existence; but the first French ambassador who appeared in Rome after his death (10th of August, 1689) renounced the right of asylum : the deportment of the king was altered ; he restored Avignon, and entered into negotiations. And that was all the more needful, since the new pope, Alexander VIII., however widely he may have departed from * A document which is decisive in this affair has yet been but little remarked; it is the " Lettre ecrite par M. le CI. d'Etrees, ambassadeur extraord. de Louis XIV. a M. de Louvois,"18th Dec. 1687.— CEuvres de Louis XIV. torn. vi. p. 497. Tliis shews how earlj' James II. was in- formed on the subject. Norfolk, who was then in Rome incognito, instantly despatched a courier to him. Mackintosh (History of the Revolution, ii. 157) believes that James was aware of the prince's views on England early in May, 1688 ; but even on the 10th or llth of March, he remarked to the papal nuncio [that the prince's chief aim was England.] (Lettera di Mons. d'Adda, ibid. p. 346.) His misfortune was that he did not confide in himself. 1676-89.3 LOUIS xrv. and innocent xi. 425 tlie au-sterc example of his predecessor in otlier respects,* adlicred firmly to liis principles as regarded the spiritual claims of the church. Alexander proclaimed anew that the decrees of 1682t were vaiu and invalid, null and void, having no power to hind even when enforced by an oath, " Day and night," lie declares that he thought of them " with bitterness of heart, lifting his eyes to heaven with tears and sighs." After the early death of Alexander VIII., the French made all possible eftbrts to secure the choice of a pontiff dis- j)osed to measures of peace and conciliation ;X a purpose that was indeed effected by the elevation of Antonio Pignatelli, who assumed the tiara with the name of Innocent XII., on the 12th of July, 16!>1. But this pope was not by any means more inclined to cumproinisc the dignity of" the Papal See than his predecessors had been, neither did there exist any pressing motive for his doing so, since Louis XIY. was supplied with the most serious and perilous occupation by the anus of the allies. The negotiations continued for two years. Innoceiit more than once rejected the formulas proposed to him by the clergy of France, and they were, in fact, compelled at length to declare that all measures discussed and resolved on in the assembly of 1682 should be considered as not having been discussed or resolved on : " casting ourselves at the feet of your holiness, we profess our unspeakable grief for what ha;? been done."§ It was not imtil they had made this unre- * See Appendix, No. 152. Confession of Pope Alexander VIII. t " In dictis comitiis anni 1682, tarn circa extensionem juris regalite quam circa declarationeni de potestate ecclesiastica actorum ac etiani om- nium et sjngulorum mandatorum, arrestorum, confirmationum, declara- tionum, epistolarum, edictorum, decretorum quavis auctoritate sive eccle- siastica sive ctiam laicali editoruin, necnon aliorum quomodolibet prse- judicialiuni pnefatoruni in regno supradicto quandocunque et a quibusvis et ex quacunque causa et quovis modo factorum ot gestorum ac inde secu- torum quorumcunque tenores." 4th Aug. 1G90. Cocquel. ix. p. 38. X Domenico Contarini, Relatione di Roma, 1G9G: [The French gave their assistance to the election of tliis pope, because they had need of a- pontiff sufficiently placable and little-minded to be led into the modifica- tion of that bull which Alexander VIII. had issued in his dying moments, as to the proi)Ositions of the French clergy in the assembly of 1682.] Sea Ap^iendix, No. 153. § It has been affirmed, and among others, Petitot (Notice sur Port- royal, p. 210) is of opinion that this formula was invented by the Jansenists [for the purpose of throwing ridicule on the new bishops ;] 42G LOUIS XIV. AND INNOCENT XI. [^1676-89. served recantation that Innocent accorded tliem canonical institution. Under these conditions only was peace restored. Louis XIV. wrote to the pope that he retracted his edict relating to the four articles. Thus we perceive that the Roman see once more maintained its prerogatives, even though opposed by the most powerful of mouarchs. But was it not a grievous disadvantage that assertions of so decidedly hostile a character should, for a certain time, have been sanctioned by the laws and government ? The offensive articles had been proclaimed with loud and ostenta- tious publicity, as decrees of the empire ; but it was pri- vately, and in the most silent manner, that they were revoked; in the form of letters, that is, which were, moreover, the act of a few persons only, individuals who were just then in par- ticular need of favour from the Roman court. Louis XIV. suffered these forms to proceed, but no one ventured to believe that he really recalled the four articles, although the affair was sometimes regarded in that light in Rome. He would not endure at a much later period that the Roman court should refuse institution to the clergy who adhered to the four articles. He affirmed that he had only removed the obliga- tion to teach them, but that there would be manifest injustice in preventing those who desired it from acknowledging those propositions.* There is, moreover, another observation to be but, in the first place, no other formula has ever been brought forward by the opposite party ; and secondly, the above has been always acknow- ledged, at least indirectly, by the Roman writers, — by Novaes, for example, Storia de' Pontefici, torn. xi. p. 117 ; and finally, it was universally con- sidered genuine at the time, and received no contradiction even from the French court. Domenico Contarini says, " a short time after the French took in hand the affairs of the church of France, proposing various forms of declaration, a thing talked of for two years, and eventually con- cluded and adjusted by that letter, written by the bishops to the pope, and which has been circulated in all quarters." This letter is the very formula in question ; no other has ever been known. Daunou also, Essai historique sur la puissance temporelle des papes, ii. p. 196, communicates this letter as authentic. =^ The words of the king in his letter to Innocent XII., dated Ver- sailles, Sept. 14, 1693, are as follows : [I have given the orders needful to the effect that tliose things should not have force wliich were contained in my edict of the 22nd of March, 1682, relating to the declaration of the clergy of France, and to which I was compelled by past events, but that \t should cease to be observed.] In a letter of the 7th of July, 1713, 1700-14.3 THE SPANISH SUCCESSION. 427 made. It was iu nowise by any power of its own that the court of Rome had maintained its ground ; that consequence resulted solely from a great political combination ; it occurred only because France had been forced on all hands to retire Avithin closer limits. What then was to be expected, sup- posing these relations altered, and if the time should come when there was no longer any power remaining, who would protect the Roman see from its aggressors ? § 17. The Spanish Succession. The fact that the Spanish line of the house of Austria became extinct, was also an event of the utmost importance to the papacy. To the condition of rivalry constantly maintained between France and the Spanish monarchy, and by which the character of the European policy was chiefly determined, the papacy also was finally indebted for the security of its freedom and independence of action for a century and a half; the princi- ples adopted by the Spaniards had preserved the Ecclesiastical States in peace. Whatever might be the general result, there was always danger to be apprehended when an order of things to which all the usages of political existence were habitually referred, should be reduced to a state of un- certainty. But the peril became much more urgent from the fact that disputes arose with regard to the succession, which threatened to burst forth in a general war ; a war, moreover, of which Italy must be the principal battle-ground. Even the pope would with difficulty secure himself from the necessity of that we find in Artaud, Histoire du Pape Pie VII. 183G, torn. ii. p. 16, are the following words : [It has been falsely pretended to him (Clement XI.) that I have dissented from the engagement taken by the letter which I wrote to his predecessor ; for I have not compelled any man to main- tain the propositions of the clergy of France against his wish ; but I could not justly prevent my subjects from uttering and maintaining their opinions on a subject regarding which they are at liberty to adopt either one side or the other.] It is obvious, then, that Louis XIV. was not so devoted to Rome, even in his last years, as is frequently assumed. He says, de- cidedly, [I cannot admit any compromise.] 428 THE SPANISH SUCCESSION. Q700-14. declaring for one of the parties, although he could not hope to contribute any thing essential towards the success of that he should espouse. I find assertions'"' to the eflect that Innocent XII., who had become reconciled to France, had recommended Charles II. of Spain to appoint the French prince as liis successor, and that the provisions of the will, on which so much depended, had been materially influenced by this advice of the holy father. It is, at all events, certain that the policy adverse to France, which had been almost invariably pursued by the Roman see from the death of Urban VIII., was now relin- quished. That the monarchy should devolve without parti- tion on a prince belonging to a house which was at that time so pre-eminently Catholic, may perhaps have been regarded as the less decided change, the less important evil. Clement XI. (Gianfrancesco Albani, elected 16 Nov. 1700) openly approved the determination of Louis XIV. to accept the suc- cession. He sent a letter of congratulation to Philip V., and granted him subsidies raised on ecclesiastical property, pre- cisely as if no doubt prevailed with regard to his rights.t Clement XI. might be considered the very creation and true representative of the court of Rome, which he had never quitted. The affability of his manners, his literary talejnts, and irreproachable life, had secured him universal approbation and popularity.;!; He had found means to ingratiate himself w^ith the three popes, his successors, however diversified their characters, and even to make himself needful to them, and had * Morosini, Relatione di Roma, 1707 : [I will not venture to say whether the pope had hand or part in the will of Charles II., nor is it easy to ascertain the truth. I will but adduce two facts. The one is, that this secret v.'as made known in a printed manifesto in Rome, during the first months of my entry on the embassy, and while war was proceed- ing on both sides as well with arms as with papers. The other is, that the pope does not cease from bestowing public eulogies on the most Christian king for having declined the partition of the monarchy, and accepted it entire for his grandson.] See Appendix, No. 155. t Buder, Leben und Thaten Clemens XI., tom. i. p. 148. X Erizzo, Relatione di Roma, 1702 : [He appeared, in fact, to be the very delight of Rome, nor was there a royal minister or national ambas- sador in the court who did not believe Cardinal Albani altogether his own.] [So well, he adds afterwards, did he know how to feign different affections, and to vary his language to suit all comers.] 1700-14.]] THE SPANISH SCCCESSIOX. 429 risen to eminence by pi-actical and useful, but never obtrusive or unaccommodating' talents. If, as be once observed, be bad known to give good advice as cardinal, but tliat as pope be knew not bow to guide bimself, tins may imply tbat be felt himself better qualified to seize and carry forward an impulse already communicated, tban to originate and give eSect to an independent determination. As an example of this, it may be remarked, tbat in taking up tbe jurisdictional question with renewed vigour immediately after bis accession, be did no more tban follow in tbe patb previously traced by public opinion, and by tbe interests of the Curia. In like manner, be gave his trust to tbe fortune and power of tbe ^ great king," and bad no doubt but that Louis XIV. would ulti- Kiately obtain tbe victory. Tbe success of the French arms in the expedition undertaken against Vienna by Germany and Italy in tbe year 170.3, and which seemed likely to bring all to a conclusion, occasioned the pope so much satisfaction, that the Venetian ambassador assures us be found it im- possible to conceal his gladness.* But at tbat very moment fortune took a sudden turn. The German and English antagonists of Louis, with whom Inno- cent XL bad been allied, but from Avhose party Clement XI. had gradually estranged bis interests, achieved unprecedented victories : the imperial troops, conjoined with those of Prussia, poured down upon Italy. Towards a pontift", whose proceed- ings had been so equivocal, they were but little disposed to shew forbearance, and tbe old pretensions of the empire, which bad never been referred to since tbe times of Charles V., were now again renewed. AVe do not here purpose to enter into all the bitter con- tentions in which Clement XL became involved. t The imperialists at length appointed a fixed term within which be must decide on their proposals for peace : among these pro- * See Appendix, No. 154. t For example : In regard to the troops quartered in Parrea and Placcntia, where the clergy were compelled to pay their contingent of military contributions. " Accord avec les deputes du due et ile la \'\\'u- de riaisanee," 14 Dec. 1706, art. 0 : [that to alleviate the burthens of the state, all private persons, even though highly privilcjjcd, should contri- bute to tlie above sum.] To this the pope would not sr.l)mit, and tli« imperial claims were thereupon rexiewed with redoubled violence. — " Cen- tre declaration de I'empereur," in Lamberty, v. 8."). 430 THE SPANISH SUCCESSION. []1 700-14. posals tlie most important condition was his acknowledgment of the Austrian pretender to the crown of Spain. Vainlj did the pontiff look around him for assistance. He waited till the day appointed (15th January, 1709), after the lapse of which, without a final decision, the imperialists had threatened hostile invasion of his states and capital ; nay, it was not till the last hour of that day — eleven in the evening — that he at length affixed his signature. Clement had pre- viously congratulated Philip V. ; he now saw himself com- pelled to acknowledge his rival Charles III. as Catholic king.* By this event a severe blow was inflicted, not only on the authority of the papacy as supreme arbiter, bat also on the political freedom and independence of the Apostolic See ; the latter Avas, indeed, virtually despoiled of all liberty. The French ambassador left Rome, declaring that it was no longer the seat of the church. t The position of European affairs in general had indeed assumed a new aspect. It was at length by Protestant England that the ultimate destination of the Spanish and Catholic monarchy was decided. In this state of things what influence could the pope exercise over the great events of the period ?^ By the peace of Utrecht, countries which the pontifi" regarded as his fiefs, such as Sicily and Sardinia, were con- signed to new sovereigns without his advice or consent being even requested. § In the place of that infallible decision hitherto awaited from the supreme spiritual pastor, there now ruled the convenience and interests of the great powers. Misfortunes were, indeed, occasioned by these arrangements, of which the effect was more immediately and peculiarly felt by the Roman see. One of the most prominent objects of the Roman policy had ever been the acquirement and maintenance of influence over the remaining states of Italy : the Curia sought, indeed, * Tliis, which was at first kept secret, was made known by a letter of tlie Austrian ambassador to the duke of Marlborough. t Lettre du marechal Thesse au pape, 12 juillet, 1709. + See Appendix, Nos. 154 and 155. § How suspicious the conduct of 'Savoy was, we learn from Lafitau, Vie de Clement XI., torn. ii. p. 78. 1700-14.] THE SPANISH SUCCESSION. 431 to exercise an indirect sovereignty over them all whenever it was possible to do so. But at this time, not only had German Austria established herself in Italy, while in a state of almost open warfare with the pope, but even the duke of Savoy had attained to royal power and a large extension of territory, in defiance of the papal opposition. Other aflairs were regulated in a similar spirit. For the better arrangement of disputes between the house of Bourbon and that of Austria, the European powers acceded to the wish of the Spanish queen, that Parma and Placeutia should bo allotted to one of her sons. The feudal sovereignty of the pontifis over that duchy had not been called in question during two centuries, — each successive prince had received investiture and had paid tribute ; but now that this right was assuming a new importance, and that the male line of the house of Farnese was manifestly on the point of becoming extinct, no further consideration was given to the claims of the papacy. The emperor bestowed the country as a fief on an infant of Spain, and nothing remained to the pope but to issue protests, to which no one paid the slightest attention.* But the peace between the two houses was only of mo- mentary duration. In the year 1733, the Bourbons renewed their pretensions to Naples, which was at that time in the hands of Austria. The Spanish ambassador was also in- structed to ofler the palfrey and payment of tribute to the pontifl". Clement XII. would now willingly have suflered matters to remain as they were : he appointed a committee of cardinals, who decided in favour of the imperial claims ; but the fortune of war, on this occasion also, was adverse to the papal decision, — the Spanish arms obtained the victory. In a short time, Clement was compelled to grant the investiture of Naples and Sicily to that same infant whom he had seen with so much reluctance to enter on the possession of Parma. It is true that the ultimate consequence of aU these stru"-- gles was not materially different from that originally contem- plated by the court of Rome. The house of Bourbon ex- tended its rule over Spain and a great part of Italy; but * Protestatio nomine Sedis Apostolicrs emissa in conventu Cameracensi, in Rousset, Supplement au corps diplomat, de Dumont, iii. ii. i). 173. 432 THE SPANISH SUCCESSION. Q 700-1 4. under circumstances how entirely differeut had all this oc- curred from those at first designed and hoped for by the Holy See! The word by which that great contest was decided at the most critical moment had proceeded from England. It was in open contradiction to the Papal See that the Bourbons had forced their way into Italy. The separation of the provinces, which Rome had decided to avoid, was, nevertheless, accom- plished, and had filled Italy and the States of the Church with tlie ceaseless shock of hostile weapons. The secular authority of the Apostolic See was by this means annihilated even in its most immediate vicinity.* An important effect could not fail to be produced by these clianges on the controversies touching the ecclesiastical rights of Rome, which were so closely connected with her political relations. How severely had Clement XI. boon already made to feel this ! More than once was his nuncio sent out of Naples, and in Sicily, on one occasion, the whole of the clergy Avhose views were favourable to Rome, were seized in a body and sent into the States of the Church.f Throughout the Italian sovereignties an intention was made manifest to confine the gift of ecclesiastical dignities exclusively to natives of the several states.;}: Even in Spain the Nuntiatura was closed;§ and Clement XL at one time believed that he should be com- pelled to summon Alberoni, the most influential of the Span- ish ministers, before the Inquisition. These dissensions became more and more serious, the difter- ences extending from year to year. The Roman court no longer possessed within itself that power and energy required for the preservation of union even among those holding its own creed. " I cannot deny," says the Venetian ambassador Mocenigo, in the year 1737, " that there is something unnatural in the * See Appendix, Nos. 155, 156, and 157. t Buder, Leben una Tliaten Clemens XI. torn. iii. 571. t "We perceive from the remarks of Lorenzo Tiepolo, Relatione di Roma, 1712, that the imperialists in Naples as well as Milan had already formed the design of [giving the ecclesiastical benefices solel)' to natural- born subjects, — a stroke of no small detriment to the court of Rom^ if it should be brought into action.] § San Felipe, Beitrage zur Geschichte von Spanien, iii. 214. 1740-58.] THE SPANISH SUCCESSION. 433 eight of the collected body of Catholic sovereigns placing themselves in hostility to the court of Rome, and the alterca- tions are now so violent that there can be no hope of any reconciliation by which that court Avould not be injured in some vital part." AV'hether this proceed from the diffusion of more enlightened ideas, as many people think, or from a disposition to oppress the weaker party, it is certain that the sovereigns are making rapid progress towards depriving the Roman see of all its secular prerogatives." A merely superficial observation made in Rome itself at that time, sufficed to render obvious the fact that all was at stake ; that her existence depended on the immediate conclusion of peace. The memory of Benedict XIY. — Prospero Lambertinl (from 1740 to 175S) — has been held in honour, and covered Avith blessings, because he resolved on making the concessions indispensable to the security of that purpose. IIow little Benedict XIV. permitted himself to be dazzled, or rendered self-confident by the dignified elevation of his office, is well known ; he did not even abandon his good- humoured facetiousness, or forego his Bolognese witticisms, because he was pope. He would rise from his occupation, join such members of the court as were in immediate attendance, impart to them some fancy or idea that had just occurred to him, and return to his desk.f He constantly maintained himself superior to events. With a bold and comprehensive glance he made himself master of the relations in which the papal see was placed lo the powers of Europe, discerning clearly what it was possible to retain, and what must be abandoned. He was too sound a canonist, and too thoroughly a pope, to permit himself to be carried too far on the path of con cessions. There is no doubt that the most remarkable act of his pon- * Aluise Mocenigo IV. Relatione di Roma, 16 Aprile, 1737. See the Appendix, No. 162. t Relatione di F. Venier di Roma, 1744 : [The pope having ascended the throne of St. Peter, did not on that account alter his natural dis- position. He was of a temper at once cheerful and kindly, and so he remained. While still in the ranks of the prelacy he was accustomed to season his discourse with witty jests, and he continued to do so. Endowed with sincerity and openness of heart, he ever despised and avoided all those arts that have been named " Romanesque."] VOL. II. 2 F 434 THE SPANISH SUCCESSION. [1740-58 tificate was the concordat that he concluded with Spain in the year 1 753. He prevailed on himself to renounce the right of appointment to the smaller benefices of that country which the Curia still retained, though it was at that time vehe- mently contested."" But was the court to be deprived of the large sums it had hitherto received from that source without any compensation ? Was the papal authority thus at once to abandon its influence on the clergy personally ? Benedict adopted the following compromise : — of these benefices fifty- two were specified, and these were reserved for the nomina- tion of the pope, that by their means he might reward such members of the Spanish clergy as should acquire a claim to preferment by their virtues, purity of life, or learning, or by services rendered to the Roman see.t The loss in revenue sustained by the Curia was then computed, — it was found to be 34,300 scudi annually. The king therefore engaged to pay a sum, of which the interest at 3 per cent, should amount to that income. Thus did all-compensating gold attest its conciliatory influence and mediating power in the final arrange- ment, even of- these ecclesiastical difficulties. In like manner Benedict XIV. concluded with most of the other courts arrangements involving concessions. To the king of Portugal an extension was granted of the right of patronage he had previously possessed, and to the earlier spiritual privileges and distinctions acquired by his house the title of " most faithful" was added. The court of Sar- dinia, doubly dissatisfied because the concessions which it had obtained at favourable moments had been revoked under the last ]5ontificate, was appeased by the instructions, in the spirit of concordats, that were issued in the years 1741 and 1750. J In Naples, where, under the auspices of the imperial government, and by the exertions of Gaetano Argento, a school of jurisprudence had been established, which made the * See Appendix, Nos. 163 and 164. t [So that his holiness may, no less than his successors, have the means of providing for and rewarding those ecclesiastics who shall have rendered themselves deserving by probity, blamelessness of manners, distinguished learning, or services rendered to the Holy See.] These are the words of the concordat. See, among other authorities, the Report of the ^English Committee, 1816, p. 317. t Risposta alle notizie dimandate intomo alia giurisdittione ecclesiastica nello stato di S. M«\ Turino, 5 Marzo, 1816. Ibid. p. 250. 1714-73.] CHANGES IN THE WORLD. 435 disputed points of ecclesiastical law its chief study, and opposed earnest resistance to the claims of the papacy,* Benedict XIV. permitted the rights of the Curia to be ma- terially restricted, and suffered the clergy to be subjected to the pajrment of a share in the jjublic imposts. To the impe- rial court the pontiff conceded a diminution of the appointed holidays, and this was a concession that caused many remarks at the time ; for whereas Benedict had merely granted per- mission that work might be done on those days, the imperial court did not scruple to exact labour by force, and make it compulsory as a general rule. By these measures the Catholic courts were again recon- ciled to their ecclesiastical chief, and peace was once more restored. But could reasonable hope be entertained that all conten- tions were thus brought to an end ? Was it to be ex2)ected that the conflict between the State and the Church, which seems to be almost a matter of necessity in Catholicism, should be set at rest by these slight and transient promises ? It was not possible that these should suffice to maintain peace beyond the moment for which they had been adopted. Already were the excited deeps giving token that other and far more perilous storms were fast approaching. § 18. Chanycs in the general position oftheicorld — Internal commotions — Suppression of the Jesuits. Important changes had been accomplished, not only in Italy and the south of Europe, but in the political condition of the world generally. Where were now the times in which the papacy mjght entertain the hope, and not indeed without apparent grounds, of once more subjecting Europe and the world to its dominion ? Of the five great powers by which, even so early as the middle of the eighteenth century, the course of tlic world's destinies was determined, three had risen to influence who were 'not of the Catholic faith. We have alluded to the attempts made by the popes in earlier times to subdue Russia * Giannone, Storia di Napoli, vi. 337. 2 P 2 436 CHANGES IN THE WORLD. [[1714-73. and Prussia by means of Poland, and to overcome England by the forces of France and Spain. These very powers were now taking prominent part in the dominion of the world ; nay, we may even affirm, without fear of deceiving ourselves, that they had at that time obtained the preponderance over the Catholic portion of Europe. It was not that one system of doctrine had gained a triumph over the other — that the Protestant theology had prevailed over Catholicism; this was no longer the field of conflict: the change had been brought about by the action of national interests and developments, the principles of which we have noticed above. The non-Catholic states displayed a general superiority over the Catholic. The monarchical and concen- trating spirit of the Russians had overpowered the disunited factions and aristocracy of Poland. The industry, practical sense, and nautical skill of the English had obtained the supremacy, naturally resulting to those qualities, over the careless indolence of the Spaniards and the vacillating policy of the French, which was ever contingent on the accidents of their domestic affairs. The energetic organization and mili- tary discipline of Prussia had in like manner procured her the advantage over those jjrinciples of fedei-ative monarchy which were then predominant in Austria. But although the superiority obtained by these powers was in nowise of an ecclesiastical character, yet it could not fail to exercise an immediate influence on ecclesiastical affairs. This occurred in the first place, because religious parties advanced to power with the states professing their opinions ; Russia, for example, placed Greek bishops, without hesitation, in the united provinces of Poland.* The elevation of Prussia gradually restored a consciousness of independence and power to the German Protestants, such ^as they had long been de- prived of; and the more decided became the naval supremacy acquired by the Protestant government of England, so much the more did the Catholic missions necessarily fall into shade, while their efficiency, which had in earlier times been upheld and increased by political influence, became diminished pro- portionately. But more extensive causes were in action. So early as the * Rulbiere, Histoire de I'anarchie de Pologne, i. 181. 1714-73.3 INTERNAL COMMOTIONS. 437 secoiul half of the seventeenth century, when England had attached herself to the policy of France, when Russia was in a position equivalent to separation from the rest of Europe, and the Prussian monarchy of the house of Brandenburg was but just rising into importance, the Catholic powers, France, Spain, Austria, and Poland, had governed the Euro- pean world, even though divided among themselves. It appears to me that the consciousness of how greatly all this was changed, must now have forced itself on the general con- viction of the Catholic community, the proud self-confidence ius2)ired by a politico-religious existence, unrestricted by any •superior power, must now have been destroyed. The pope was now first made aware of the fact that he no longer stood at the head of the powers by whom the world was ruled. But finally, would not the question of whence this change arose, present itself? When the conquered party does not utterly despair of his own fortunes, every defeat, every loss, will necessarily occasion some internal revolution, some at- tempt at imitation of the antagonist who has evinced his superiority, — an emulation of his efforts. Thus, the strictly monarchical, military, and commercial tendencies of the non- Catholic nations now pressed themselves upon the Catholic states ; but since it could not be denied that the disadvan- tageous position into which the latter had fallen was connected with their ecclesiastical constitution, the first eftorts of the movement were directed towards that point. But here they came into contact with other powerful com- motions which had meanwhile taken ])ossession of the domain of faith and opinion within the pale of Catholicism itself. The Janscnist contentions, to the origin of which we have already given our attention, had been renewed with redoul)led vehemence in the beginning of the eighteenth century. They proceeded from men of the most exalted positions. The highest influence in the supreme ecclesiastical council of France had most commonly been divided between the king's confessor, usually a Jesuit, and the archbishop of Paris, and thence it was, that La Chaise and Harlai, who lived in the closest alliance, had directed the enteqirises of the crown against the papacy. So good an understanding did not exist between their successors, Le Tellier and Noailles. Their dis- union may have been occasioned, in the first place, by slight 438 INTERNAL COMMOTIONS. [[1714-73. differences of opinion, the more rigid adherence of the one to the -Jesuit and Molinist views, and the more tolerant inclina- tion of the other to the Jansenist ideas. Gradually, however, these differences led the way to an open rupture, and the conflict thus arising, and proceeding from the cabinet of the king, produced a schism throughout the nation. The con- fessor succeeded not only in maintaining himseK in power, and winning Louis to his side, but he also prevailed on the pope to issue the bull Unigenitus, in which the Jansenist tenets of sin, grace, justification, and the church, were con- demned, even in their most modified expression, and in some instances as their defenders considered them to be given ver- batim by St. Augustin. They were, nevertheless, denounced and anathematized even more decidedly than the five propo- sitions mentioned in our earlier allusions to the Jansenist doc- trines.* This was the final decision of these questions of faith, so long before agitated by Molina. The see of Rome, after a delay, thus prolonged, at length adopted the Jesuit tenets without reserve or ambiguity. It is cer- tain that the papacy thereby succeeded in attaching to its interests that powerful order, which from that time proved itself the most vigorous defender of ultramontane doctrines and the papal claims ; a mode of proceeding which had, as we have seen, been by no means invariable with the society, in preceding periods. The pope also succeeded in maintain- ing friendly relations with the French government, which had, indeed, contributed to eiicit the above-named decision, and by which such persons as submitted to the bull were very soon promoted, to the exclusion of all others. But these measures aroused the most powerful opposition from the adverse party ; among the learned, who were followers of St. Augustin, among the orders, who adhered to St. Thomas Aquinas, and in the parliaments, by whom a violation of the Galilean rights was discovered in every new act of the Roman * The Memoires secrets sur la bulle Unigenitus, i. p. 123, describe the •first impression produced by it. [Some affirmed that this bull was a di- rect assault on the first principles of faith and morality, others that it condemned the sentiments and expressions of the holy fathers, others that charity was therein divested of its pre-eminence and force, others that the sacred bread of the Scriptures was torn from their hands, and that those who had been newly reconciled to the church declared themselves deceived.] 171-1-73.3 INTERNAL COMMOTIONS. 439 court. And now, at length, the Jansenists stood forth as the earnest advocates of these immunities ; with ever-increasing holdness they now announced doctrines regarding the cliurch, which were entirely at variance with those of Kome on the same points, — nay, they proceeded, beneath tlie protection of a Protestant government, to carry their tenets into eftect, and established an archiepiscopal church in Utrecht, which, though Catholic in its general i^rinciples, yet maintained a complete independence of Rome, and waged incessant war Avith the ultramontane tendencies of the Jesuits.' It would anply repay the labour of him who should investigate the ftrmation, extension, and practical influence of these ooinions over the whole of Europe. In France, the Janse- nists were oppressed, persecuted, and excluded from public employments; but as usually happens, this did them no injury on essential points. A large proportion of the public de- clared in their favour during these persecutions, and they might have succeeded stiU more extensively had they not brought discredit even on their more rational tenets by their extravagant credulity and attestation of miracles. This deeply injured their cause ; yet the superior purity of their moral system, and the approximation they made to a more profound faith, secured them eutiunce into most Catholic countries. "We find traces of them in Vienna and Brussels, in Spain and Portugal," and through all Italy.t They diffused their tenets throughout Catholic Christendom, sometimes pub- licly, but more frequently in secret. There can be no doubt that this dissension among the clergy was one cause, among others, by which the way was prepared for the progress of opinions much more perilous than those here in question. The peculiar character of the influence produced on the French mmd, nay, on that of all Europe, by the exertions of Louis XIV. in the name of religion, is a phenomenon worthy of eternal remembrance, and one that will be remarkable to * Llorente, Histoire de 1' Inquisition, iii. p. 93 — 97, acquaints us with the continual occupation furnished by real or supposed Jansenists to the Inquisition under Charles III. and IV. •f For example, they were to be found very early in Naples ; so early as the year 1715 it was believed that the half of those Neapolitans who were of reflective Jiabits were Jansenists. — Kej'ssler Reisen, p. 780.. 440 INTERNAL COMMOTIONS. [l 714-75. all times. In his eager determination to root out the Pro- testant creed, and to annihilate every dissenting opinion in- truding within the pale of Catholicism, he had employed the utmost excesses of violence, had outraged the laws of God and man, directing his every effort to the production of com- plete and orthodox Catholic unity throughout his kingdom. Yet scarcely had he closed his eyes, before all was utterly changed. The spirit so forcibly repressed broke forth ir irresistible commotions. The disgust and horror awakened by the proceedings of Louis XIV. led, without doubt, directly to the formation of opinions making open war on Catholicisni, nay, on all other positive religion of whatever name. From year to year, these opinions gained internal force, and wida' extent of diffusion. The kingdoms of southern Europe wen founded on the most intimate union of Church and State. Yet it was among these that a mode of thinking was matured, by which aversion to the Church and religion was organized into a system, affecting all ideas relating to God and his creation, every principle of political and social life, and all science. A literature of opposition to all notions hitherto received was formed, by which the minds of men were irre- sistibly captivated, and subjected to indissoluble fetters. The absence of harmony between these tendencies is mani- fest ; the reforming spirit was by its very nature monarchical, but this could by no means be asserted of tlie philosophical, which very soon opposed itself to the State as well as to tho Church. The Jansenists adhered to convictions, which were indifferent, if not odious, to one party as well as to the other ; yet they contributed at first to produce the same result. They called into existence that spirit of innovation, the ex- tent of whose grasp is in exact proportion with the uncertainty of its aim, which lays bolder claim to futurity the less definite its comprehension of its own purpose, and which daily derives fresh force from the abuses existing in the common order of things. This spirit now seized the Catholic church. There is no doubt that its basis was, for the most part, either con- sciously or unconsciously, in what has been called the philo- sophy of the eighteenth century. The Jansenist theories imparted to it an ecclesiastical form and deportment ; its acti- vity was promoted by the necessities of civil governments, Tvhich pressed upon the governed, and by the opportune cha- 1714-73.3 SUPPRESSION OF THE JESUITS. 441 Tacter of erents occurring at the moment. In every country, and at all the courts, two parties were formed ; one making- war on the Curia, the accredited constitution and established doctrines of the time ; while the other laboured to maintain things as they were, and to uphold the prerogatives of the universal church. The last was more particularly represented by the Jesuits ; that order stood forth as the chief bulwark of the ultra- montane principles, and it was against them that the storm was first directed. The Jesuits were still very powerful in the eighteenth century, and, as in earlier times, their influence was chiefly attributable to the fact that they were still the confessors of princes and nobles, while they also conducted the education of youth. Their enterprises, whether religious or com- mercial, still comprehended the whole world within the scope of their views, though the former were no longer pursued with the energy of older times. They now adhered without wavering to the doctrines of ecclesiastical orthodoxy and sub- ordination ; whatever was in any manner opposed to these, whether positive unbelief, Jansenist tenets, or theories of reform, were all included by the Jesuits in one coniniou sentence of condemnation and anathema. They were first attacked in the domain of opinion and of literature ; and hero it must be admitted that to the num- bers and power of the assailants pressing round them, they opposed rather a persistent tenacity to opinions already adopted, an indirect influence with the great and a sweeping consignment of all their antagonists to perdition, than the fair ■weapons of intellectual warfare. It is almost incompre- hensible that neither the Jesuits themselves, nor any of those allied with them in modes of belief, produced one single original and efticient book in their defence, while the works of their opj)onents deluged the world, and fixed the character of public opinion. But after they had thus been once defeated on the field of doctrine, science, and intellect, they found it impossible to maintain themselves in the possession of power and influence. lu the middle of the eighteenth century, and during the 442 SUPPRESSION OF THE JESUITS. Q 714-73. conflict of these two classes of opinion, reforming ministers attained to the helm of state in almost all Catholic countries. In France Choiseul,* in Spain Wall and Squillace, in Naples Tanucci, and in Portugal Carvalho, all men who had made it the leading thought of their lives to diminish the prepon- derance of the ecclesiastical element. In their persons the opposition to the clerical ascendancy obtained representatives, and became powerful ; their position depended on their ad- herence to it ; and open hostility was all the more inevitable from the fact that the designs of these ministers were in con- tinual danger of subversion from the personal efforts of the Jesuits to counteract them, and from the influence possessed by the order on the highest circles of the several kingdoms. The first thought did not proceed to the extent of anni- hilating the Company of Jesus; it was originally intended to do no more than remove them from the respective courts, to deprive them of their influence, and if possible of their riches. To secure these objects, it was even thought probable that the Roman court would lend its aid; for the schism by which the Catholic world was divided had made itself manifest under a certain form there also. A more rigid and a more tolerant party existed in the metropolis of Catholicism likewise ; Benedict XIV., who represented the latter, had long been dissatisfied with the Jesuits, and had often loudly condemned their con- duct, more particularly in regard to the missions, t When Carvalho, in defiance of the turbulent factions dividing the Portuguese court, and in despite of the Jesuits who had earnestly sought to efiect his downfal, had made himself absolute master, not only of the powers of the state, but of the king's will, he demanded a reform of the order from the pope.|. He took the obvious course of putting * In the appendix to the M^moires of Madame du Hausset will be found an essay, " De la destruction des Jesuites en France," wherein the aversion of Choiseul to the Jesuits is attributed to the fact that the general of the order had once given him to understand in Rome that he knew what had been said at a certain supper in Paris ; but this is a story that has been repeated in various forms, and cannot be allowed much weight : the causes, doubtless, lay deeper than this would imply. t This he had done while yet in the prelacy only, and as Cardinal Lambertini. — Memoires du Pere Norbert, ii. 20. J On the Jesuit side, this conflict of factions has been described with extreme animation in a " History of the Jesuits in Portugal," translated from an Italian manuscript, by Murr. 1714-73.] SUPPRESSION OF THE JESUITS. 443 prominently forward that point in the case which was most clearly obnoxious to censure — the mercantile direction taken by the society, by which moreover he was continually im- peded in his projects for the promotion of the national com- merce. The pope did not hesitate to proceed in the matter. The worldly eagerness and assiduity of the Jesuits in their secular occupations was an abomination to the pontiff;* and at the suggestion of Carvalho, he committed the visitation of the order to Cardinal Saldanlia, a Portuguese, and personal friend of the minister. In a short time this visitor published a decree, severely reprobating the commercial pursuits of the Jesuits, and empowering the royal authorities to confiscate all merchandise belonging to those ecclesiastics. The society had, meanwhile, been attacked in France on the same account. The bankruptcy of a mercantile house in Martinique, with which Father Lavallette was in connection, and which involved a large number of ccvimercial dealers in its fall, gave occasion for those who had suffered by the failures to bring their complaints before the tribunals, and by these courts the affair was very zealously taken in hand.t Had longer life been accorded to Benedict XIV., there is reason to suppose that although he would probably not have abolished the order, he would yet have subjected it gradually to a searching and complete reform. But at the critical moment Benedict XIV. expired, and from the next conclave there proceeded as pope a man of op- posite opinions ; this was Clement XIII., who was elected on the (jth of July, 1758. Clement was pure in soul and upright of purpose ; he prayed much and fervently ; his highest ambition was to obtain the glory of canonization. At the same time he held the conviction that all the claims of the papacy were sacred and inviolable, and lamented deeply that any one of them had ever been relinquished. He was resolved that no concession should be obtained from himself; nay, he lived in the ])er- suasion that all might yet be regained, and the diminished splendour of Kome restored to its earlier glories by a steadfast and determined pertinacity.^ In the Jesuits he beheld the * See Appendix, No. 163. t Vie privee de Louis XV. iv. p. 88. X Satnmlung der merkwiirdigsten Scbriften die Aufliebung dcr Je- 444 SUPPRESSIOX OF THE JESUITS. [^1714-73. most faithful defenders of the papal see and of religion ; he approved them such as they were, and did not consider them in any need of reform. In all these modes of thinking he was confirmed by those of his immediate circle, and who shared in his devotions. We cannot affirm that Cardinal Torregiani, to whose hands the administration of the papal authority was principally con- signed, was equally influenced by spiritual considerations. He had the reputation, on the contrary, of taking a personal interest in the farming of the papal revenues, and was said to be generally fond of power for its own sake. But would not motives and purposes even of this kind be forwarded and pro- moted by the maintenance of the order in its utmost integi'ity? All the influence, all the riches, and all the authority for which the Jesuits were so profoundly detested by the jealous viceroys in America, and by the ambitious and power-seeking ministers of Europe, were finally laid by the Company of Jesus at the feet of the Roman see. Torregiani adopted their cause as his own, and by doing so he further increased the strength of his own position at court. The only man who might have been able to overthrow him, Rezzonico, nephew of the pontiflT, would have feared to do so, lest by effecting his ruin he might cause injury to the church of God.* But as matters now stood, the zeal evinced on behalf of the order could produce no other effect than that of further ex- asperating its assailants, and eventually attracting their animosity towards the Roman see itself. In Portugal the Jesuits were implicated in the judicial investigations resulting from an attempt on the life of the king.t It is difficult to ascertain clearly whether they were suiten betreffend, 1773, i. p. 211 : [Collection of the most remarkable accounts in relation to the suppression of the Jesuits.] How decidedly- public opinion was opposed to it, may be seen in Winkelmann's letters, among other places, * Caratteri di Clemente XIII. e di varj altri personaggi di Roma, MS. of the British Museum, viii. 430 : [The distrust that he (the pope) feels of himself, and the excess of humility by which he is depressed, makes him defer to the opinions of others, who are, for the most part, either incapable, interested, or ill-intentioned. The person who ought to influence him never moves.] t In the sentence given on the 12th of January, 1759, the point principally insisted on seems to be certain "legitimate suspicions" against "the perverse regular clergy of the Company of Jesus ;" of these 1714-73.]] SUPPRESSION OF THE JESUITS. 445 guilty or not ; but be this as it may, tliey were visited by one blow after another, and were finally driven from the kingdom with merciless violence, being transported directly to the coasts of the Ecclesiastical States. In consequence of the lawsuit above mentioned, the Jesuits of France had, meanwhile, fallen into the power of the parliament, by which they had from the first been detested. Their affairs were entered upon with the utmost clamour, all Avere sedulously made public, and the entire order was at length condemned to fulfil the engagements of Lavallette. Nor was this all : the constitution of their society was again subjected to scrutiny, and the legality of their existence generally was called into question.* The points on which the decision of this afiair turned are exceedingly remarkable and characteristic. The charges more particularly pressed against the order were two ; the persistent opposition it evinced towards the four Galilean propositions, and the unlimited powers of their general. But the first of these accusations did not present an insur- mountable obstacle. The general of the Jesuits was not opposed to the members of his order, being at least tacitly permitted to abstain from calling the four propositions iu <]uestion ; and, accordingl}', we find that in the negotiations of the French clergy in 1761, they ofiered to regulate their expo- sitions of doctrine in accordance with these very propositions. But the case was wholly diflferent with regard to the second objection. the most important are, their ambitious purpose of making themselves masters of the reins of government (§ 25) ; their arrogance previous to the criminal attempt, and their despondency after its failure (§ 2C) ; finally, and certainly a far more serious charge, their intimate connection with the chief of the accused, Mascarenhas, with whom they had formerly been at variance. Father Costa was reported to have declared that a man who should murder the king would not be guilty of even a venial sin (§ 4). But, on the other side, it has been remarked that the confessions on which these statements were founded were extorted by the rack, and that the documents relating to the trial betray marks of undue haste, and are full of informalities. In a judicial point of view, the sentence ccrtainlv never can he justified. Compare Von Olfers on the attempt to assassinate the king of Portugal, 3rd Sept. 1758. Berlin, 1839. In a letter inserted by Smith in his Memoirs of the Marquis de Pombal, i. 247, Cardinal Acci- gnoli is made to declare expressly, on his return from Portugal, " that the Jesuits were without doubtthe originators of the proposed assassination." * See Appendix, No. 150. 446 SUPPRESSION OF THE JESUITS. [^1714-73. The parliaments, a commission appointed by the king, and even the majority of the French bishops, who were assembled by Cardinal Luynes,* had' unanimously decided that the obedience which the general, resident in Rome, was em- powered to demand by the statutes of the order, was incom- patible with the laws of the kingdom, and with the general duties of the subject to his sovereign. It was not with the intention of destroying the order, but rather with the hope of saving it if possible from ruin, that the king caused proposals to be made to the general for the appointment of a vicar for France, who was to fix his residence in that country, and be pledged to render obedience to its laws.t - Had there been a man like Aquaviva at the head of the order, there is no doubt that some expedient would have been discovered — some compromise of disputed points attempted, even at this moment. But the society had at that time a most inflexible chief in the person of Lorenzo Ricci, who felt nothing but the injustice that was done to his company. The point assailed appeared to him the most important of all, whether ecclesiastically or politically. His encyclical letters are still extant, and these prove the immeasurable value he conceived the duty of obedience, in all the rigour of its inculcation by Ignatius, to possess in its relation to per- sonal discipline. But in addition to this, a suspicion was awakened in Rome that the sole object of the different king- doms was to render themselves independent of the universal government of the church ; they thought this proposal to the general of the Jesuits had some secret connection with that design. Ricci therefore replied, that so essential a change in the constitution was not within the limits of his power. Ap- plication was then made to the pope, and the answer of Clement XIII. was, that this constitution had been so dis- tinctly approved by the holy council of Trent, and confirmed by so many solemn edicts from his predecessors, that he could not venture to change it.:| They rejected every kind of * St. Priest, Chute des Jesuites, p. 54. t Letter from Praslin, 16th Jan. 1762, in Flassan, Histoire de la Diplomatie Francaise, vi. 498. The whole account is very instructive. + Narrative of the Jesuit side in Wolf, Geschichte der Jesuiten, iii, 365. This book is useful only as regards the suppression of the order. 1714-73.] SUPPRESSION OP THE JESUITS. 447 modification ; Ricci's entire mode of thought was exprej^sed in his words, " Let them be as they are, or let them be no longer." (Sint ut sunt, aut non sint.) The result was, that they ceased to be. The parliament, which had now no further obstacle in its way, declared (August 6, 1762), that the institute of the Jesuits was opposed to all authority, spiritual and temporal, ecclesiastical and civil, and was calculated with a view, first, to render them entirely inde- pendent of such authority by means, secret and open, direct and indirect ; and finally, even to favour their usurpation of the government : it therefore decreed that the order should be excluded from the kingdom, irrevocably and for ever. It is true that in a consistory the pontifl:' declared this decision to be null and void ; * but things had already proceeded to such a length that he could not venture to publish the allocu- tion in which that declaration was made. And this movement against the order now extended through all countries subject to the rule of the house of Bourbon. Charles III. of Spain became persuaded that it was one of the purposes of the Jesuits to raise his brother Don Louis to the throne in his place, t Thereupon, with that determined silence and secrecy which so frequently distinguished his proceedings, he caused every thing to be prepared; and in one and the same day, every house of the Jesuits throughout Spain was closed. In Naples and Parma this example was followed without delay. The admonitions, entreaties, and adjurations of the pope, * " Potestatetn ipsam Jesu Cbristi in terris vicario ejus unice tributam sibi temere arrogantes totius societatis compagem in Gallico regno dis- solvunt," &c. [Arrogating rashly to themselves that same power which is given by Jesus Christ to his vicar on earth only, — to dissolve the whole compact of the society in the Gallican kingdom, &c.] This docu- ment is given in Daunou, ii. 207. f Letter from the French ambassador, quoted in Lebret's History of the Bull " In coena Domini," iv. 205, from the Italian work, " Delle cagioni dell' espulsione de' Gesuiti." A Relatione al conte de Firmian, 1709, 7 Apr. (MS. in the Brera) affirms that the Jesuits had some antici- pation of what was approaching. [It was not without a powerful motive that they required of the king, but a short time before the said expulsion, a confirmation of their privileges and of their institute, a fact that has only been now made known.] They had removed their money and papers. But the advantage to the crown appeared so great to Charles III. that when the affair was successfully completed, he exclaimed that he had conquered a new world. 448 SUPPRESSION OF THE JESUITS. []1714-7o. were altogether vain. At length he tried a diflerent expedient. When the duke of Parma proceeded so far as even to forbid all recourse to the Roman tribunals, as well as all nomination of foreigners to the benefices of the duchy, the pope sum- moned courage for the publication of a " monitor! um," wherein he pronounced the ecclesiastical censures against the duke liis vassal,* and attempted once more to defend himself by retaliation. But the most disastrous consequences fol- lowed ; the duke replied in a manner that the most powerful monarchs of earlier ages would not have dared to attempt, and the whole house of Bourbon made common cause with him. Avignon, Bcnevento, and Pontecorvo were immediately occupied by their forces. But the hostility of the Bourbon courts displayed itself also in another direction. From the ])ersecution of the Jesuits, they proceeded to a direct attack on the Roman see. To whom could the pope now turn for aid ? Genoa, Modena, Venice — nay, all the Italian states — took part against him. Once more he directed his eyes towards Austria ; he wrote to the empress, Maria Theresa, that she was his only consolation on earth ; she would surely not permit that his old age should be oppressed by acts of violence. The empress replied, as Urban VIII. had once replied to the emperor Ferdinand, that the affair was one concerning state policy, not religion, and that she could not interfere without injustice. The spirit of Clement was broken. In the beginning of the year 1769, the ambassadors of the Bourbon courts appeared one after another, — first the Neapolitan, next the Spanish, and finally the French — to demand the in-evocable suppression of the whole order, t The pope called a consistory for the 3rd of February, in which he seemed to purpose taking the matter at least into consideration ; but he was not doomed to suffer so profound a humiliation. On the evening preceding the day on Avhich that consistory was to assemble, he was seized by a convulsion, in which he expired. The position held by the courts was too menacing, their influence too powerful, to permit the idea of preventing them from ruling the succeeding conclave even to present itself. * Botta, Storia d' Italia, torn. xiv. p. 147. t CoDtinuazione degli annali d' Italia di Muratori, xiv. i. p. 197. 1714-7o.3 SUPPRESSION OF THE JESUITS. 449 They could not fail to secure that the triple crown should be conferred on such a man as they required. or all the cardinals, Lorenzo Gani,'aiiclli was, without douot, the mildest and most moilerate. One of his masters had said of him in his youth, that it w-as no wonder if he loved music, seeing that every thing in his own character was harmony.* And thus he grew up in blameless companionship, retirement from the world, and solitary study, which led him more and more deeply into the mysteries of true theology. As he had turned frym Aristotle to Plato, from whom he derived a more complete satisfaction of soul, so did he pass from the school- men to the fathers of the church, and from these to the holy f^cripturos, to which he clung with all the fervour of a mind convinced of the revelation of the Word, imbibing from them that silent, pure, and calm devotion, wliich sees God in every tiling, and consecrates itself to the service of humanity. His religion was not zeal, persecution, desire of dominion, or ](olemic violence, but peace, Ijumility, and internal union. Those unceasing contentions of the papal sec with the Catho- lic governments, by which the Church was convulsed to her centre, were the object of his utter abhorrence. His modera- tion did not proceed from timidity, nor was it the result of necessity, but arose from genial kindliness of heart and firm freedom of ■will. * Aneddoti riguardanti la famiglia e I'opere di Clemente XIV. in the " Lettere cd altre Opere di Ganganelli," Firenze, 1820. As regards these short works and letters themselves, they may very possibly be inter- polated ; but in tlie main facts I believe them to be authentic, — first, because the defence of them in the " Ringraziamento dell' cditore all' alitor deir anno literario " is, on the whole, natural and satisfactory, al- ttiough previous to their publication an unjustifiable use had been made of them ; secondly, because trustworthy men — as for example. Cardinal Bernis, among others — have assured us tiiat they had seen the originals. Tlie real collector was the Florentine man of letters, Lami ; and, according to a letter of the AbOc Bcllegardc in Potter, Vie de llicci, i. p. 328, tliose v.ho possessed the originals and furnished the copies confirmed tlieir authenticity ; thirdly, because they bear tlie impress of originality, and have peculiar characteristics, which preserve their consistency in every circumstance and condition of life, such as no pretender could have fabri- cated : there is the living man to be seen in them. Least of all can these letters have proceeded from Caracciolo. One needs only to read his Vie de Clement XIV. in order to be convinced that all he says is greatly inferior to the observations of Clement XIV. Whatever of good is iu tho work reflects the spirit of Ganganelli. VOL. II. 2 G 430 SUPPRESSION OP THE JESUITS. [1714-73. Thus from the bosom of religion diere proceeded a tone of thought and character of mind that, however diflerent in, their origin from the worldly tendencies of courts, yet corroborated and coalesced with them as to certain of their effects. The election of Ganganelli was effected principally by the influence of the Bourbons, and at the immediate suggestion of the French and Spanish cardinals. He assumed the name of Clement XIV. The Roman Curia was divided, as we have remarked, like other courts, into two parties : the Zelanti, who laboured to maintain all ancient privileges in their integrity and full extent; and the Regalisti, or adherents of the crowns, who considered that the welfare of the church must be sought in a wise conciliation. In the person of Ganganelli, this last party now attained to power, and a change was effected in Rome nearly similar to that which had already occurred in all the sovereign courts. Ganganelli began by prohibiting the reading of the bull " In coena Domini." The concessions made by Benedict XIV. to the kings of Sardinia, and which the pontiffs suc- ceeding him had refused to recognize, were instantly extended by Clement XIV., who also declared, on the very day of his installation, that he would send a nuncio to Portugal. He sus- pended the operation of the " monitorium " against Parma, and then applied himself with the utmost attention to the affairs of the Jesuits. A commission of cardinals was formed, the archives of the Propaganda were examined, and the argu- ments on both sides were deliberately considered. It must be remembered that Clement XIV. was, without doubt, unfavour- ably disposed to the Jesuits; he was a Franciscan, and that order had been always at war with the Jesuits, more par- ticularly in the missions. He was, besides, attached to the doctrinal system of the Augustinians and Thomists, which was altogether opposed to that of the Comj^any of Jesus, and was, indeed, not entirely free from Jansenist opinions. In addition to all this, came those numerous subjects of accu- sation against the Jesuits, that could not be argued away. They were charged with undue interference in secular affairs ; and, as regarded their ecclesiastical conduct, were reproached with a contentious spirit, and said to quarrel both with the regular and secular clergy : they were further declared to 1714-73.] SUPPRESSION OF THE JESUITS. 4.51 sufler tlic prevalence of heathen customs in the missions, and to inculcate scandalous maxims on various subjects ; their wealth was also complained of, and the rather as it was gained by commercial pursuits. AVhcn the entire order had been at other times threatened with measures of general application, it had been frequently defended by the assertion that the institute had been approved by the council of Trent ; but when the commission examined the canon, it was found that the order had been merely alluded to by the council, and had not received either approval or confirmation. Clement XIV had no doubt but that he had power to revoke, in his.day, what one of the pontiffs preceding him had decreed in times of a different character ; and although it is true, that the decision cost him a severe struggle, and he was even led to believe that it might endanger his life, yet he felt convinced of what was repeatedly urged, namely, that the peace of the church could be restored by no other means than the subver- sion of the society. The court of Spain was most especially pressing in its demands for the abolition of the order ; the restitution of the occupied territories was not to be hoped for unless these demands were complied with. On the 21st of July, 1773, the pope pronounced his decision : " Inspired, as we trust, by the Divine Spirit ; impelled by the duty of restoring con- cord to the church ; convinced that the Society of Jesus can no longer effect those purposes for which it was founded ; and moved by other reasons of prudence and state policy, which we retain concealed in our own breast, we do extirpate and abolish the Society of Jesus, its offices, houses, and insti- tutions.* This was a decision of immeasurable importance. Firstly, in its relation to the Protestants. It was for the conflict with them that the institute was originally calculated. Even its system of doctrine was based principally on oppo- sition to that of Calvin. And this was the character which the Jesuits had renewed and confirmed even at the close of the seventeenth century, cUiring the persecutions of the Huguenots. But that conflict was now at an end ; the most * Brief, Dominus ac redemptor, Continuazione degli annali, torn. xiv. part 2, p. 107. 2 C 2 452 SUPPRESSION OF THE JESUITS. [^1714-73. determined self-delusion could no longer hope to derive any- essential eflect from its revival. The non-Catholic countries had acquired an undeniable superiority in the great political relations of the world; and the Catholic states were now rather seeking an approximation to the Protestant potentates, than hoping to draw the latter within their own pale. And herein, as I think, lay the principal and most profound reason for the suppression of the order. It was an institution con- trived for the purposes of war, and which, in a state of peace, Avas no longer in its place. Since then it would not yield a sinf.le hair's breadth of its constitution, and obstinately re- jected all reform, greatly as this was needed on other grounds also, it may be said to have pronounced sentence on itself. It is a fact of the highest moment, that the papal see could not succeed in upholding an <^rder which had been founded for the purpose of opposing the Protestants — that a pope deprived it of existence, by an act of his unbiassed will. But this event produced its first and most immediate effects on the Catholic countries. The Jesuits had been assailed and overthrown, principally because they asserted the supremacy of the Roman see, in its most rigorous acceptation; thus, when the order was abandoned by the papacy, the latter resigned its previous rigid views of ascendancy by the same act, with all the consequences those views involved. The efforts of the opposition achieved an unquestionable victory. The annihila- tion at one blow, and without the slightest preparation, of that society which had made the education of youth its chief em- ployment, and which had extended its operations over so wide a field, could not fail to convulse the world of Catholicism to its very foundations, even to that basis of society whereon the new generations are formed.* Since the outworks had been taken, a more vigorous assault of the victorious opinions on the central stronghold would inevitably follow. The com- motion increased from day to day, the defection of men's minds took a constantly widening range, and what could be expected when the general ferment had made its way, even into Austria? that empire, of which the existence and the •power were, above all others, associated with the results of Catholic efforts during the period of ecclesiastical restoration. * Montbarev, Memoires, i. p. 225. 1765-90.] JOSEPH II. 453 § 19. Joseph 11. It was the ruling principle of Joseph II. to combine all the powers of the monarchy, and to unite thcni without control in his own hand. It was thus impossible that he should approve or sanction the influence of Rome on his subjects, or be satis- fied with the conncctiou existing between them and the pon- tiffs. AVhether his immediate circle presented a majority of Jansenists or infidels,'"' — for without doubt they made common cause here also, as in the attack on the Jesuits, — may be mat- ter of question; but it is certain that the emperor waged inces- sant and exterminating war on all institutions professing a common object, and seeking to maintain the external unity of the church. Of more than two thousand monasteries, he suf- fered only seven hundred to retain their existence. Of the congregations of nuns, those of the most immediate and obvious utility alone found favour at his hands ; nay, even while sparing their existence, he forbade even these to hold inter- course with Home. lie considered papal dispensations as so much foreign merchandise, for which he would not permit money to be sent out of the country ; and openly announced himself to bo the administrator of all temporal afl'airs con- nected with the church. It soon became obvious to the successor of Gangauelli (Pius VI.), that the only means of restraining Joseph from proceeding to extreme measures, perhaps even with regard to doctrine, must now be sought in the impression he might hope to make on him in a personal interview; he therefore re- paired to Vicnnji, where it v/ould be too much to say that his mildness of manner, dignity of appearance, and grace of de- portment, were altogether without influence. Yet in all essential matters, the emperor continued his course without liesitation or resj)Oct of persons. Even the monastery wherein he had taken a solcnm farewell of tho ])ontifl", received intima- tion immediately afterwards that its supjjression was deter- * The belief of Van S\^■icten may be attributed to tiiis ; but it is ob- vious that a very decided tLiideucy to Jansenism existed iu Vienna, as we find from the life of Fessler, among other things. " Fesiler's Riickblicke auf seine Siebsigjiihrii^e Pilgerschaft, pp. 74, 78, and other passages. Compare Schlozer's Staatsanzeigen, ix. 33, p. 113. 454 JOSEPH II. [1765-90 mined on. Pius VI. beheld liimseK finally compelled to resign to the emperor the nomination to episcopal sees, even to those situated in Italy. Thus did the conflict of the temporal power with the papacy extend itself into Italy, from the Austrian side also. Leopold, who, so far as we can judge, was himself of Janse- nist opinions, reformed the church of Tuscany, without any consideration for the see of Rome ; while at no great distance from the capital of Christendom, the synod of Pistoja pro- pounded, in its decrees, a complete manifesto of union between the Jansenist and Gallican principles; and Naples, which was in close alliance with this party, by the medium of Queen. Caroline, obliterated the last remaining traces of feudal con- nection with the Roman see. On the German church, also, an indirect effect was pro- duced by the measures of the emperor ; the spiritual electors, after so long a period of friendly understanding with Rome, likewise placed themselves in opposition to her authority. The interests of sovereign princes, who desired to impede the concealed remittances of money from their dominion, were united, in their persons, with those of spiritual dignitaries, who were labouring to restore their own authority. ■'■' Accord- ing to the declaration of Ems, which was " written," says a Roman prelate, " with a pen dipped in the gaU of Paolo Sarpi," the Roman primate was, in future, to content himself with the rights accorded to him in the earliest ages of the church.f The path to the proceedings of the electoral princes had been admirably prepared by the previous labours of the German canonists, and to these were now added the efforts of other learned Jesuits, by whom the entire fabric of the Catholic church in Germany was assailed, — the political power of the hierarchy in general, no less than its civil administration in particular.:}; An eager desire for innovation had seized on men of learning as well as on tlie laity at large: * Compare the article of Coblentz, for the year 1769, in the journal " Deutsche Blatter fiir Protestanten und Katholiken." Heidelberg, 1839, Heft i. p. 39. t Bartolommeo Pacca, Memorie storiche sul di lui Soggiorno in Gerraania, p. 33. + Friedrich Carl von Moser, for example, on the government of the Ecclesiastical States in Germany, 1787. His principal proposition (p. 161) is, that " prince and bishop should again be separated." 1780-99.] THE REVOLUTION. 455 the inferior clergy opposed tlie bishops ; the bishops were at strife with the archbishops, who, in their turn, were at variance with the sovereign pontiff. In Germany, as else- where, all things gave evidence of approaching change. § 20. The Revolution. But before this purpose of change could be realized, — before the emperor Joseph had brought his reforms to completion, the most fearful of explosions burst forth from the abyss of elements that had befen fermenting in the bosom of France. It is manifest that the event by which the character ot modern times has been determined — the French revolution — was immeasurably promoted and contributed to by the antagonism of two hostile parties on every question touching religion, — by the incapacity of the dominant party to maintain itself on the field of opinion and literature, and by that general aversion which, not without having in some measure deserved it, this party had brought upon itself. The spirit of opposition, whose origin must be sought in the discords prevailing within the pale of Catholicism itself, had continually in- creased in force, and had become ever more firmly consoli- dated. Step by step it pressed constantly forwards, and during the stormy period of the year 1789 it attained to the posses- sion of power — a power which believed itself called on for the utter subversion of all established institutions and the creation of a new world. In the general overthrow, by which the most Christian monarchy was menaced, its ecclesiastical constitution was necessarily subjected to the most violent convulsions. All things concurred to the production of one and the same result, — financial embarrassment, individual interests, as those of municipalities, with indifference or hatred to the existing religion ; finally, the proposal made by a member of the su- perior clergy itself for the acknowledgment of a right in the nation, that is, in the secular power, but more particularly of the National Assembly, to dispose of ecclesiastical property. Up to this period that property had been regarded, not as the especial possession of the French church alone, but as belong- ing to the church universal, and as requiring the assent of the 456 THE KEVOLUTION. []l 789-99. sovereign pontiiTfor its alienation. But how far remote -n-ere tlie times and the ideas from which convictions of that cha- racter had originated! Now, but a short debate was entered into before the Assembly assumed itself to possess the right of legislation concerning all church lands — the power, that is, of absoJute alienation, and with an authority more unconditional than had been contemjilated by the first proposition. Neither was it possible that these measures should stop at the point thus attained. Since by the sequestration of church pro- perty, which was carried into effect without delay, the con- tinued subsistence of the establislied order of things was rendered impossible, it became needful at once to proceed t* new arrangements ; and this was eflected by the civil consti- tution of the clergy. The principle of the revolutionized state was extended to ecclesiastical affairs.* Priests were no longer to be installed as by the decisions of the Concordat, but. to be chosen by popular election, and a salary from, the government was substituted for the independence conferred by the possession of real estates. The disposition of all the dioceses was changed, the religious orders were suppressed, vows were dissolved, all connection with Rome was inter- rupted ; even the reception of a brief was now regarded as one of the most criminal offences. The attempt of a Car- thusian to maintain the sole and absolute supremacy of the Catholic religion had no other effect than that of accelerating these edicts. The whole body of the clergy was compelled to affirm its adhesion to these resolutions by a solemn oath. It is not to be denied that this order of things was com- pleted with the co-opei'ation of the French Jansenists, and the approval of those holding Jansenist opinions in other countries. They saw with pleasure, that the power of Babel, as in their hatred they called the Roman Curia, had suffered so grievous a blow, and that the clergy, at whose hands they had endured so many persecutions, was overthrown. Even their theoretical convictions were in accordance with this state of things, for they maintained that "by depriving the * This was done quite systematically, and in accordance with the tenets of the older church historians. " Tota ecclesiarum distributio ad formam imperii facta est." [The distribution of the churches is made according to the forms of the empire.] — Camus, Opinion sur le projet de constitu- tion du cierge, 31 Mui, 1790. 1789-99.3 TUE DEVOLUTION. 457 clergy of its wealth, the meiubcrs of the body were com- pelled to seek for the acquirement of real merit."* The Roman court .still flattered itself for a moment that these commotions would be arrested by an internal reaction, and the jjope neglected nothing that might tend to the pro- motion of that event. He rejected the new constitution, passed censure on the bishops who had given in their adhesion to it, laboured to confirm, by exhortations and praises, the opposition of the still numerous party which had assumed an attitude of resistance, and finally pronounced tlie ban of the church against the most influential and distinguished members of the constitutional clergy. But all these eff'orts were now vain; the revolutionary ten- dencies maintained their ground : the civil war which had been kindled principally by the fervour of religious impulse, resulted in the advantage of the innovators and their new arrangements. And well Avould it have been for the pope had the matter rested there, — had France torn from him uothing more than herself. But that general war by which the whole aspect of Euro- pean afliiirs was to be so entirely changed, had meanwhile burst forth in all its violence. "NVith that irresistible fury, compounded of enthusiasm, i-apacity, and terror, which had been dis])layed in the internal conflict, the torrent of revolutionary forces rushed beyond the French confines, and poured itself over the neighbouring countries. All that came within its influence was now brought into a state analogous to its own. Belgium, Holland, tlie Upper Kliine-Iand of Germany, where the ecclesiastical constitution liad its ])rincipal seat, — all were revolutionized ; the campaign of 179G secured the mastery of Italy to the new form of things, liovoliitionary states arose in all directions ; the j)ope was already threatened by them, not only in his territories, bi;f in his capital also. AVithout having taken what could be called an active part, * Letters from Gianni ;ind certain otlier abbes in Potter, Vie de Ricci, ii. p. 31."j. In Wolf, Geschiclite der Katholischen Kircbe unter Pius VI. there is a chapter, book vii. p. 32, on the part taken by the Jansenists in the arrangement of the new constitution ; but the subject is not very forcibly treated. 458 THE REVOLUTION. * Q 789-09. tbe pontiff Iiad yet ranged himself on the side of the Coali- tion, through using his spiritual "vreapons only ; but it was in vain that he sought to gain advantage from this neutrality.* His states were invaded, his people inqited to revolt, exorbi- tant contributions, such as he found it impracticable to raise, were imposed on him, and concessions were extorted from him to an extent never demanded from any one of his prede- cessors.t Neither were these the sum of the evils inflicted on his head. The pope was not an enemy like any other ; he had found courage, even during the war, to reprobate the Jansenist and Galilean doctrines of Pistoja by tbe bull " Auetorem fidei." The unyielding deportment he maintained, and the condemnatory briefs he had published, had produced and continued to exercise a powerful effect on the interior of France. The French, therefore, now demanded as the price of peace his revocation of these edicts, and an acknowledg- ment of their civil constitution. But to compliance with these exactions Pius VI. was not to be moved ; acquiescence would have seemed to him a departure from the very principle of the faith — an act of trea- son to his office. His reply to these proposals;!: was, that " after having implored the assistance of God, and inspired, as he believed, by the Holy Spirit, he refused to accede to those conditions." For a moment the revolutionary authorities seemed to acquiesce in this decision ; a compact was formed even with- out these concessions, but it was only for a moment. From the purpose of separating themselves from the pope, they ad- vanced to the idea of directly annihilating him. The Directory found the rule of priests in Italy incompatible with its own. At the first pretext, afforded by a mere accidental commo- * Authentische Geschichte des Franzozischen Revolutionskrieges in Italien, 1797. The pope had affirmed that religion forbade a resistance by which the shedding of blood would be occasioned. t In the Memoires historiques et philosophiques sur Pie VI. et son Pontificat, torn. ii. the losses of the Roman states are computed at 220 millions of livres. X Memoria diretta al Principe della Pace, in Tavanti, Fasti di Pio VI. tom. iii. p. 335. [His holiness was utterly amazed and shocked, per- ceiving that they were seeking to violate his conscience and lead him into an act, by means of whicli they might inflict the most fatal of injuries on religion.] I799-1815.J TIMES OF XAPOLEON. 459 tioii among the populace, Rome was invaded, and the Vatican occupied by the -French. Pius VI. entreated his enemies to let him die where he had lived : he was already eighty years old. They replied that he could die anywhere. The room he was seated in was plundered before his eyes — they deprived him of even the trifles required for his personal comfort, and drew the ring he wore from his finger : iinally, they took him to France, where he died in the month of August, 1799. It niight, in fact, have now seemed that the papal power had been brought to a final close. That spirit of enmity to the church which we perceived to take birth, and have marked rising into vigour, had now attained the degree of strength that might well embolden it to a,im at securing such a result. § 21. Times of Napoleon. But succeeding events effectually prevented the realization of any such purpose. One of the most immediate consequences of that hostility experienced by the papal see from the revolutionary govern- ments was, that the remaining ])owers of Europe, whatever might be their general dispositions towards the papacy, now took it into their protection. The death of Pius VI. occurred precisely at a time when the Coalition had again achieved the victory. It was thus rendered possible for the cardinals to assemble in the church of San Giorgio at Venice, and pro- ceed to the election of a pope (Pius VII. chosen 13 March, 1830). It is true that the revolutionary power was soon after- wards again triumphant, and obtained a decided preponde- rance even in Italy. But at this time that power itself had undergone a material change. After so many metamor- phoses, effected amidst the storms of that momentous period, it assumed a direction towards monarchy. A ruler appeared with the purpose of a new universal empire in his thoughts, and who, beholding the general destruction and ruin prevail- ing, and profiting by his experience obtained in the East, had arrived at the conclusion, which is the principal matter for 4G0 TIJIES OF NAPOLEON. Q799-1815. our present consideratiou, that to secure his eud, the unity of religion and hierarchical subordination, were the first and most essential of all the many other forms of older states, that he saw to be imperatively required. Even on the A-ery battle-field of Marengo, Xapoleon de- puted the bishop of Vercelli to enter into negotiations with the pope, in regard to the re-establishment of the Catholic church. This was a proposal in which there was doubtless much to allure and tempt, but it also involved much that was danger- ous. It was manifest that the restomtion of the Catholic church in France, and its connection with the pope could be purchased only by extraordinary concessions. To these Pius VII. resolved to submit. He assented to the alienation of church property, a loss of four hundred millions of francs in real estates, — being influenced to this, according to his own declaration, by the conviction that Ijis refusal would occa- sion new outbreaks of violence, and feeling disposed to yield on all points, where he could do so without offence to religion. He acquiesced in a new organization of the French clergy, who were to be paid and nominated solely by the govern- ment, and was content to receive the restoration of right to grant canonical institution, unrestricted by limitation of the veto, and within the same extent as that possessed by earlier popes.* There now followed what a short time before could by no means have been expected, — the restoration of Catholicism in France, and the renewed subjection of that country to ecclesias- tical authority. The pope "was transported with joy, " that the churches were purified from profanation, the altars raised anew, the banner of the cross once more unfurled, legitimate pastors set over the people, and so many souls that had strayed from the right w'ay, restored to the unity of the church, and reconciled to themselves and to God." " How many causes," he exclaimed, " for rejoicing and thankfulness !" But could it be reasonably concluded that by the concordat of 1801, a close and cordial alliance was indeed and at once * Lettera Apostolica in forma di breve, in Pistolesi, Vita di Pio VII. torn. i. p. 143, with a complete collation of the varieties exliibited in the publication of this document as it took place in France. 1799-1815.3 TIMES OF NAPOLEON. 461 effcctccl between tbc ancient spiritual power and the new revo- lutionary state ? Concessions were made on both sides ; bat in despite of these each party remained firmly adherent to its own principles. It was by the restorer of the Catholic church in France that, immediately afterwards, the most efficient aid was con- tributed towards the destruction of the German church. The complete and final ruin of that stately fabric was attributable chiefly to his agency : the transfer of its possessions and sove- reign powers to secular princes, indifferent wliether Catholic or Protestant, was efiected by his means. Inexpressible was the astonishment and confusion occasioned to the lionian court by these events. "According to the old decretals, heresy Iiad entailed the loss of property, but the church must now endure to see its own possessions parcelled out among heretics."* And meanwhile a concordat of similar spirit to that with France was also prepared for Italy. There, too, the jiontifT was called on to sanction the sale of ecclesiastical property, and resign the nomination to benefices to the temporal power; nay, tliere were so many new restrictive clauses, all for the advantage of one side, annexed to this agreement, that Pius VII. refused to publish it in the form proposed. f But it was in France itself that Napoleon most elTectually asserted the claims of the civil power in opposition to those of tlie church. He regarded the declaration of 1682 as a funda- mental law of the realm, and caused it to be exjjoundcd in the schools. He would permit no vows, and would sufier no monks. The ordinances of his civil code with relation to mar- riage were altogether at variance with the Catholic principle of the sacramental significance of that rite : the organic articles which from the very first he appended to the concordat, were constructed in a spirit essentially adverse to liome. When the pontiff, notwithstanding all these things, resolved to cross the Alps at the emperor's request, and give the spi- I'itual sanction of the holy oil to his coronation, he was influ- enced to do so by the hope lie entertained, however little this was countenanced by the aspect and conduct of France, that "= Insfnictions to a nuncio at Vienna, unfortunately without date, but probably of 1803, in Daunoii, Essai it. p. 318. t Coppi, Annali d' Italia, torn. iii. p. 120 462 TIMES OF NAPOLEON. Q 799-1 81 5. he might still effect something for the advantage of the Catho- lic church, and complete " the work he had commenced." * Pius herein relied much on the effect of personal intercourse : he took with him the letter of Louis XIV. to Innocent XII., for the purpose of convincing Napoleon that the declaration of 1682 had already been abandoned even by that sovereign. In the first remonstrance, therefore, dravi^n up in Italian, that he presented in Paris, he formally contested that declaration, and endeavoured to release the new concordat from the limita- tions of the organic articles.t Nay, his views and expecta- tions went still further : in a minutely-detailed memorial, he made manifest the exigencies of the pontificate, and enumerated the losses it had sustained during the fifty years preceding. He exhorted the emperor to follow the example of Charlemagne and restore the territories which had been occupied, to the possession of the church.;); So highly did he estimate the value of the service that he had rendered to the revolutionary monarchy ! But how completely did he find himself deceived. Even during the ceremony of the coronation, a shade of melancholy was observed to cross his countenance. Of all that he desired and contemplated he did not obtain the smallest portion, either at that time or subsequently ; nay, it was rather at this very moment that the designs of the emperor were first revealed in their whole extent. The Constituent Assembly had laboured to detach itself from the pope; the Directory had desired to annihilate him. Bona- parte's idea was to preserve his existence, but at the same time to subjugate him completely to his purposes — to make him the mere instrument of his own unlimited power. He caused proposals to be made, even at that time, to the pope, if we are rightly informed, that he should remain in France and fix his residence either at Avignon or Paris. * Allocutio habita in consistorio secreto 29 Oct. 1804. Pistolesi gives the Italian version, Vita di Pio VII. torn. i. p. 193. t Extrait du Rapport de M. Portalis, in Artaud, Pie VII. torn. ii. p. 11. t Printed in Artaud, p. 31. Compare Napoleon's letter of the 22nd July, 1807. [The pope consented to come to my coronation, an act in which I recognize a holy prelate ; but he wished me to yield the legations to him.] In Bignon, Histoire de France sous Napoleon, Deuxieme ^poque, i. p. 158. 1799-181.3.^ TIMES OP NAPOLEON. 463 To these the pontiff is said to have replied, that to pro- vide for the contingency of his being imprisoned he had executed an abdication in all due form, and had deposited that act in Palermo, beyond the reach of the French decrees. There was at that moment no place where the pope could have found effectual shelter or protection, but one that was under the dominion of the British navy. It is true that the pontiff was permitted to return to Rome, and was suffered to retain a seeming possession of his previous independence, but there instantly commenced a series of the most perplexing misunderstandings. Napoleon very soon declared without circumlocution that like his predecessors of the second and third dynasties, he was the eldest son of the church, who bore the sword for her pro- tection, and could not endure that she should remain asso- ciated with heretics or schismatics, as were the English and Russians. He was particularly desirous of being considered as the successor and representative of Charlemagne ; but the consequences that he deduced from that assumption were alto- gether different from those attached to the idea of that emperor's success by the Roman court. Napoleon assumed that the States of the Church were a gift from Charlemagne to the pope, but that from this circumstance tiie pontiff was placed under the obligation of never separating his policy from that of the empire ; he was, moreover, resolved not to suffer him to do so.* The pope was amazed at the demand that he should con- sider the antagonists of another as his own enemies ; he re- plied, '■' That he was the universal pastor, the father of all, * Schoell, Archives historiques et politiques, Paris, 1819, Las given, second and third volumes, a " Precis des contestations qui ont eu lieu entre le Saint Siege et Napoleon Bonaparte, accompagne d'un grand nombrede pieces officieUes." The correspondence, which is here communicated in its full extent, is continued from 13th Nov. 1805, to l/th May, 1808. Yet wc meet in Bignon, Histoire de France depuis la paix de Tilsit, 1838, torn. i. ch. iii. p. 125, such passages as the following : [The publications that have appeared since 1815 have but little in them besides documents of ■which the earliest date is 1808.] And again, [Up to the present time, the character of Pius VII. is not sufficiently known; he can only be appreciated perfectly by judging him according to his acts (treaties).] But, in point of fact, these "acts" were already well known. The documents given by Schoell have received but slight additions from Bignon. 464 TIMES OP NAPOLEON. [[1799-1815. tlie servant of peace, and that the very mention of such a demand inspired him with horror." It was his part to be Aaron, the prophet of God — not Ishmael, whose hand was a£:ainst every man, and every man's hand against him. But Napoleon proceeded directly forwards to his purpose ; he caused Ancona and Urhino to be occupied, and on the rejectiou of his ultimatum, wherein he claimed, among other concessions, the acknowledgment of his right to nominate one- third of the cardinals, he marched his troops on Rome. The cardinals, whom he did not find sufficiently pliable, were dis- missed ; the pope's secretary of state was twice changed ; but as all this produced no effect on Pius VIT., even his person was at length assailed ; he, too, was torn from his palace and capital. A decree of the senate (senatus-consultum) then pronounced the union of the Ecclesiastical States with 'the French empire. The temporal sovereignty was declared incompatible with the exercise of spiritual prerogatiA^es ; the pope was for the future to be formally pledged to the four Galilean principles ; he was to derive his revenues from real estates, very nearly as might a feudal vassal of the empire, while the state assumed to itself the arrangement of all expenditure as regarded the college of cardinals.* It is manifest that this was a plan by which the united powers of the church, spiritual and temporal, would have been subjected to the empire, and the entire government of tljo hierarchy placed, at least indirectly, in the hands of the emperor. But by what means would it be possible to secure what was yet, without doubt, indispensable, — that the pope could bo prevailed on to assent to this degradation ? Pius VII. Iiad availed himself of his last moments of freedom to pronounce a sentence of excommunication. He refused canonical institu- tion to the bishops appointed by the emperor ; nor was Na,poleon so absolutely master of his clergy but that he felt the consequences of this ban, first from one part of the empire, and then from another, as also, and more particTilarly, from the side of Germany. The effects of this very opposition were, however, finally made subservient to the overpowering of the pontifi's resolu- * Thibaiidcau, Histoire de la France et de Napoleon ; Empire, torn, v- p. •:2i. 1799-lyl5.3 TIMES OF NAPOLEON. 465 tloii. Its results were far more severely felt by the spiritual tiovcreign, whose sympathies were all for the internal state of the church, than by the temporal ruler, to whom even fjpiritual things were but as instruments of his power, in themselves altogether indiflerent. In Savona, to which city the pontiff had been carried, he was alone, left to his own resources, and without any adviser. By the earnest and almost extravagant representations made to him, of the distractions and perplexities occasioned to the church by his refusal of the institution, the worthy old man Avas at length prevailed on, though not without bitter grief, and after violent conflicts with himself, to resolve on the virtual renunciation of this right ; for in what other light could this act be regarded, since he was induced to consent tliat the power of granting institution should devolve on the metropolitan, in every case when he should himself defer to exercise it during a longer period than six months, for any other reason than personal unworthiness ? But he herein renounced the right which really constituted his last remaining weapon of defence. Nor was even this all that was required of him. He was hurried to Fontainebleau with an im2)atient and reckless speed, by which his physical infirmities were painfully aggravated ; and when arrived there, was assailed by repeated importu- nities, and pressed with the most urgent representations that he ought completely to restore the peace of the church. By these means he was at length effectually wrought on to com- ply ; the remaining points were finally conceded — even those most decisive, lie submitted to reside in France, and acqui- esced in the most essential provisions of that " Senatus con- sultum" before mentionei'inciple3 ; a liberal Catholic party was formed, which, taking its position here as in England, on the universal rights of man, advanced daily to pretensions of higher importance ; it first extorted concessions, liberation for example from the above-mentioned schools ; and, ultimately, when the favourable moment presented itself, entirely threw off the detested dominion, and succeeded in founding a king- dom, in which priests have once more attained to high poli- tical importance. It was by the most decidedly liberal ideas that their triumph was most effectually promoted. The low qualification by which the inferior classes both in town and country are admitted to participation in public affairs, enabled the priesthood, who readily obtain influenee over those classes, to control the elections ; by means of the elections they rule the Chambers, and by the Chaml)ers they govern the kingdom. They are to be seen on the public promenades in Brussels as in Kome ; well-fed and full of pretension, they enjoy their triumph. Neither in the one nor the other of these events, did the Roman court, so far as wc know, assume an immediate or directing part, however advantageous they have obviously proved to its authority ; but in a third, on the contrary, that of the dispute between church and state in Prussia, the papacy actively interfered. The tendencies of the Protestant civil power and of the Catholic hierarchy, which seemed in some sort to have coalesced after the restoration, but which had subsequently, and for some time, again become estranged ; now adopted the most opposite courses, and separating sy.>^tcmatically, and with full purpose, became engaged in a contest which has, with reason, attracted the attention of the world, and which involves the most important consequences. In confederacy with the two archbif-hops of the kingdom, the pope has placed 474 THE RESTORATION. []1830. himself in opposition to fiu ordinance of the king, of which the object was to regulate the family relations of the mixed population, in a religious point of view. In the midst oi Germany the pope has found willing instruments and power- ful support. An internal consolidation of Catholicism has meanwhile kept equal pace with these great results. In the ecclesiastical institution, the principle of uncon- ditional subordination to the Roman see has once more ob- tained the ascendancy. The ideas of papacy, — bishopric and priesthood, — however various the notions they have usually appeared to convey, have now become as it were fused and mingled together. The order of Jesuits, which presents itself as the most eloquent expression of the ecclesiastical restora- tion, has attained once more, not only to riches and local importance, but also to an extent of influence comprising the whole habitable world. And this silent and quiet, yet all- pervading, all-embi"acing revolution in the position of the order, has been promoted by tendencies in themselves of the most varied character ; in the first place, by the favour of those governments which desire to establish an unrestricted ecclesiastical authority ; further, and even more effectually, by the inclinations of the age towards political opposition, which has sought to obtain an auxiliary; perhaps also in some instances by a real necessity for religious aid, but more fre- quently by the calculations of a narrow and short-sighted egotism; although there are doubtless many enthusiastic spirits who have once more embraced the opinion that all which has been lost in other times may yet be regained. But if we direct our attention to the various empires of the world, we shall perceive certain evidences that this progress by no means presents prospects of so wide an extent ; nay, rather, an opposition and hostility seem already to have been called forth from the adverse powers of civil governments. In the north, on the frontiers of the dominions held by disciples of the Greek church, Catholicism has endured a loss more extensive than any it has experienced since the times of the Reformation. Two millions of United Greeks, under the guidance of their bishops, have departed from the Latin rite and returned to the Greek church, to whicli their forefathers had belonged. 1830.^ THE RESTORATION. 475 In that southern kingdom which is especially distinguished bv the title of " Catholic " — in Spain, the possessions of the clergy "' which," as the pope declares in one of his allocu- tions,* " had remained to them even under the dominion of the Infidels," hate been sequestrated, confiscated by a revo- lutionary government ; and dissensions have arisen concerning them, which will not readily be set at rest, even by a return to friendly feeling on both sides. The revolution of July in France can be regarded in no other light than as of itself involving a defeat of the rigid Catholic opinions ; it is well known that the religious zeal of Charles X. was the principal agent of his own overthrow. It is true that since that time the extended constitutional rights which are open to all, and of which all can avail themselves, liave lent sjiaco and opportunity for the extension of hierarchi- cal activity and clerical eftbrts also. But this very extension, together with tlie claim asserted by the clergy to the general control and guidance of education, have reminded the ci\'il authorities of France that their government is not only based on the rights and immunities of individuals ; but also, that the exercise of those immunities, in a spirit ojiposed to its essential principles, may prove exceedingly dangerous to itself. Rarely has the Chamber of Deputies been found to be so unani- mous, as in their resolutions against the attempted organiza^ tion of the Jesuits ; so that Rome has in fact retreated a step before them. The tact and forethought employed in the first arrange- ments, as regarded Belgium, are well known ; yet even there more liberal opinions are advancing by their own force, and are acquiring more extensive influence from year to year. An extraordinary reaction has been produced in Germany, and a heavy blow inflicted on the Roman see by its persist- ence in demanding the renewal of all institutions, on the model of the ancient Catholic orthodoxy. After hundreds o{ thousands had been invited and drawn together, for the pur- pose of paying worship to an exceedingly doubtful relic ; a slight domonslration opposed to this invitation, one made almost without any definite object, has brought to light the existence of a disposition in the middle ranks of Germany * In the consistory of the 2nd of March, 1841. 476 coNCLUsiOiV. [1830-47. towards departure from the Roman faith, to au extent of which no anticipation had been formed. And this is in direct accordance and connection with the state of things, introduced by the obstacles opposed to mixed marriages. Great exulta- tion was felt in Rome when the measures presenting these obstacles were carried into effect, but those measures were distinctly at variance with the general feeling of the nation. Among the German Protestants also, of Avhom it was repeatedly asserted that their existence as a church was in its decline, and rapidly approaching dissolution, a consciousness of their original power has been awakened, together with a sense of their community of interest. The efforts of a Catho- lic government to force the practice of Catholic ceremonies on the Protestant portion of its troops in military service, have proved this purpose to be altogether impracticable. In England, the Protestant spirit opposes itself even to the measures which the government, proceeding on the course it has believed itself called on to commence for the religious settlement of Ireland, has adopted with a view to that settle- ment ; and this it has done with a force of action which renders it questionable whether, under the altered circum- stances of the present times, measures similar to those of 1820 could still be carried by the reformed and hitherto popular parliaments. For in these as well as in other manifestations and move- ments of the age, there is an incessant conflict of restless energies, in advance and retreat, in assault and defence, in action and reaction. No moment is similar to another; varying elements unite at one instant, but to separate at the next ; to each exaggeration and excess there succeeds its con- trast ; feelings and actions, the most remote, are seen to act on each other. While on other points political considerations proceed slowly among the several kingdoms and nations, the ecclesiastical interest has this peculiarity, — that one of the mOot powerful and effective principles of the papacy possesses a great representative force, which mingles with and gives its impress to all. Even around the restored papacy, the minds of men are divided, and positions of anomalous character are assumed by the nations and states, not indeed with the character of energetic faith, characteristic of earlier times, which created and annihilated, — such potency is not 1830-47.3 CONCLUSION. 477 even now exliibiteas usual with the pontiffs, 333 ; establishes the Congregation of State, a council of car- dinals, 334 ; love of books, ib. , indift'erence to state affairs, ib. ; re- ceives Christina of Sweden, 367 ; financial measures, 374. See also Appendix, iii. Nos. 129, 130, 131, 132, 135, 136. VIII., Pope, ii. 424 ; he declares the decrees of the French convocation to be null and void, ib. , early death of, ib. Alfonso I., duke of Ferrara, ii. 68. ■ II., duke of Ferrara, arbitrary government of, ii. 61. Alkmar, brave defence of in Protestant cause, i. 443. Allatio, Leone, sent from Rome by Pope Gregory XV. to take possession of the Heidelberg hbrary, ii. 212, 213, note. See Appkxdix, iii. No. 101. Allen, William, an English Jesuit, establishes the college of Douay, i. 458; made cardinal by Sixtus V., 516; his opinions respecting alle- giance, ii. 4. Altieri, Emilio, Pope Clement X., ii. 417. See Appendix, iii. Nos. 140, 141. J Cardinal, Pauluzzo Pauluzzi, ii. 417. See Appendix, iii. Nos. 142—144. Alva, duke of, his campaign against Pope Paul IV., i. 221, 222 ; his per- sonal reverence for that pontiff, 227 ; his cruelties and rapacity in the Netherlands, 434—436 ; receives the cardinal's hat from Pius V., 286 ; is successfully opposed by the Protestants in Holland and Zealand, 443—445. Amadigi, work of Bernardo Tasso, i. 371 ; ii. 296. Amadis de Gaul, effect of this work onKgnatius Loyola, i. 136, 138; Tasso's opinion of, 371. Ambrogio, secretary to Pope Paul III., i. 183, no/e. America, Spanish, Catholicism in, i. 407 ; Catholic missions to, ii. 228, 229 ; Jesuits in, ib. ; universities in Mexico and Lima, ib. , Chris- tianity extended over by mendicant friars, 229. Anchin, Benedictine abbey of, near Douay, i. 463. Ancient buildings of Rome, i. 362 — 366. Ancients, study of their works, i. 47 ; efforts to rival them in their own languages, 48 ; and to imitate them in the vernacular tongues, ib. decline of the study, 368 ; Jesuits emulate the Protestants in its pro- motion, 415. Ancona, commerce of, i. 290, 302, 303, 328, 355 ; the inhabitants of the march of, excellent soldiers, 291 ; privileges conferred on the march bv Si.vtus v., 345. IiNDEX. 4^1 Andilly, Arnauld tl', a Jansenist, and friend of St. Cyran, ii. 400 et seq. and note. Angelis, bishop of IJrbino, complains of ecclesiastical abuses, ii. 382. Angelo, St., castle of, in Rome, i. 83, 95, 341, 352; ii. 300, 34G, et seq. , Michael, his intended monument to Pope Julias II., i. 52; his statue of Moses, i//. Angermannus, Abraham, Lutheran archbishop of Upsala, ii. 146 ; seve- rity of his ecclesiastical visitation, 150. Anglo-Saxons, their zealous Catholicism and pilgrimages to Rome, i. 11 ; send their children thither for education, ib. ; their nobles go to Rome because dying there gave them more immediate access to heaven, ib. ; Offa, king of the, establishes the tax called Peter's Pence, ib. Anjou, duke of, afterwards Henry III. of France, i. 440 et seq. Annates and tithes of the papal see, i. 43, 306, et seq. See Taxes. Anne of Austria, queen of Louis XIII., ii. 254; duke of Buckingham's supposed passion for, ib. of Denmark, wife of Augustus, elector of Saxony, i. 496 ; her strict adherence to Protestantism, 497, note. Antiquities of Rome, i. 362, 363, 364, 365 ; ii. 349 etseq. See Appen- dix, iii. Nos. 13 and 122. Antoniano, Silvio, Cardinal, i. 241, 384. Antonio del Pagliarici of Siena, i. 109. , Fra, of A^olterra, assents to the doctrines of Protestantism, i. 109. Ant\\erp, religious opinions of, i. 445 ; siege of, by the Spaniards, 472 ; terms of surrender, 473. Apollo Belvedere, the, i. 53. Aquapendeiite, scientific labours of, ii. 119. Aquaviva, Claudio, general of the Jesuits, i. 484 ; character and policy of, ii. 80 — P9, 91, 93; connection with, and devotion to, Henry IV. of France, 182. Aqueducts of Rome, i. 361 ; of Sixtus V., ib. ; of Pope Paul V. (Bor- ghese), ii. 345. Aquila, bishop of, i. 122. Arabians, their conquests, i. 9, 10 ; their scientific and literary attain- ments in the middle ages, 47 ; their mode of translation, and misdirec- tion of their literary labours, ib. Aragon, power of the house of, in Naples, i. 33. Araoz, one of the first Jesiut preachers in Valencia, i. 165. Architecture, state of, in Italy, in fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, i. 52 ; modern sacred, 377, 378. Aremberg, duke of, killed at Heiligerlee, i. 435. Argento, Gaetano, his school of jurisprudence at Naples, ii. 434. Arian kings, dominion of, in the West, i. 9. Arigone, auditor of the Rota, i. 382. Ariosto, his early intimacy with Leo X., i. 53; contrasted with Tasso, 375 ; quoted, ii. 62, 7iote. Aristocracy ascendant in Europe in seventeenth century, ii. 337. Aristotle, Arabian translators of, i. 47; followers and ojiponents of, in Italy, i. 372. VOL. II. 2 I 482 INDEX. Armada, Spanish, promoted and favoured by the pontiffs, i. 517 ; its destruction, 518. Arnauld, Antoine, the elder, his enmity to the Jesuits, ii. 403. (Robert, celebrated Jansenist, ii. 400 et seg., 403. , Antoine, his brother, Jansenist writer and controversialist, ii. 403. Angelique, abbess of Portroyal, devoted with her nuns to St. Cyran, ii. 401. Arras, bishops of, i. 462, 463 ; insurrection at, 465. Art, effect of antique, on Italy, i. 51. Assassination, Jesuit doctrines, i. 472, and note; that of Henry III,, 520 ; and William of Nassau, 572. Associations, Italian literary, i. 101 et seq. ; of Venice, 102, 103 ; of Padua, ib. Astalli, Don Camillo, made cardinal-nephew by Pope Innocent X., Ii. 327 ; his disputes with Donna Olympia Maidalchina, and consequent downfal, 328. Astolphus, king of the Lombards, refuses obedience to the authority of the emperor, i. 10 ; he menaces Rome, ib. Astrology applied by the Arabians to the practice of medicine, i. 47. Astronomy perverted by the Arabians of the fifteenth century to the dreams of astrology, i. 47 ; successfully taught by the Jesuits, 415, 416. Augier, Edmund, celebrated Jesuit orator, i. 438. Augsburg, diet of, i. 84, 431 ; confession of, 398 ; peace of, 401, 489 ; Catholic ascendancy in, 493 ; and Protestant expulsion from, 494. Augusteum, the recess for the statues of the deified emperors in the Roman Basilica, i. 6. Augustin, St., sent by Gregory the Great to the Saxons, i. 11; tenets of, 153, 254 ; u. 89, 397, et seg., 438. Augustinus, the doctrinal work of Jansenius, ii. 397 et seq. Augustus, elector of Saxony, i. 496 ; his enmity to Calvinism, 497, note. Aulic Council, the, ii. 168 ; subservience of to emperor, 169. Austria, religious affairs of, i. 399 ; ii. 164 — 176 ; Jesuits established in, i. 412 ; power and influence of the house of, 510 ; ii. 168 et seq., 271 — 275, 436 ; Empress Theresa of, 448 ; her reply to Pope Clement XIII., ib. Autos da fe, i. 163, 283. Azpilcueta, Spanish canonist, i. 383 ; liis " responsa," ib. Azzolini, Cardinal, ii. 330, 371. B. Babylon, patriarch of, ii. 236 ; acknowledgment of him as their head by the primitive Nestorian Christians, ib. ; his seat at Mosul, ib. Baden, the margrave Jacob of, a proselyte to the CathoUc faith, i. 500 ; Margrave Wilhelm of, ii. 213 ; his compulsion of Baden to Catholicism, ib. Baden-Baden, Margrave Philip of, i. 424 ; his Cathohc education, ib. Badoer, report to the Venetian senate of his Roman embassy. See Ap- pendix, iii. No. 59. INDEX. 483 Ba^lioni, Roman family of, i. 36, 40. Bajus of Louvain, his exposition of St. Augustine, ii. 89. Balde, Latin poetry of, ii. 193. Bamberg, its attachment to Lutheranism, i. 398 ct seq. ; reclaimed to the Catholic ritual, ii. 163. Bandino, P. Ant., on the prevalence of infidel opinions at the court of Pope Leo X., i. 56. Banditti, i. 300, 339 ; measures of Sixtus V. for extermination of, 340, 341 ; their reappearance, ii. 31. See Appendix, iii. No. 51. Barba, Bernardino dclla, i. 302 ; his reduction of Ancona and Penigia to the papal authority, 303, 304. Barberini, family of, ii. 307 etseq. Barberino, Maifeo, Pope Urban VIIL, ii. 263 et seq., 307 et sej, • , Francesco, Cardinal, nephew of Urban, ii. 309. ■ , Taddeo, ii. 309 et seq. , Carlo, ii. 307. Barcelona, treaty of, between Clement VH. and Charles V., i. 83, 84. Barclay, G., controversy with Bellarmine, ii. 6. Bari, dukedom of, i. 224. Bamabites, order of, founded, i. 134 ; take the form of regular clergy, ib. Baronius, Caesar, the "Annals" of, i. 369, 384; ii. 104, 117. Barozzi, i. 377 ; his canon of church architecture still held good, ib. Barriere, Jean de la, ascetic institution of, i. 502. Bartholomew's day, St., massacre on, i. 441, 442. Basciano establishes a monastery on Monte Corona, i. 130, ib. note. Basilic£e of Rome, i. 6 ; changed to Christian churches, ib. See AugUs- teum. Basle, council of, i. 27, 29, 32, 264 ; bishop of, ii. 180. Bathi, Giuliano, 1. 101 ; member of " Oratory of Divine Love," ib. Bavaria, dukes of, i. 126, 398 ; progress of Protestant opinions in, ib. ; duke of favours Catholicism, 421, 422, 423; progress of Jesuits in, 424 et seq. ; duchy occupied by the Swedes, and Munich taken, ii. 285. Beam, restoration of church lands in, ii. 195, 198, 200 ; factions of Beaumont and Grammont in, 200. Beccatello, his life of Cardinal Contarini, i. 116 n., 122 n., 127 n. Bedmar, Cardinal, Spanish minister, ii. 252 ; his distrust of France, id. Belgians in the service of Philip IL in Germany, i. 466, 467. Belgium, restored to CathoUcism, i. 472, 473, 474; new triumphs of Romanism in, ii. 472 ; progress of liberal opinions in, 475. Belgrade, city of, taken by the Turks, under the pontificate of Adrian VL, i. 70. Bellarmine, Cardinal, controversial writings of, i. 382 ; ii. 5 n., 6 n., 120 ; anecdote of, 204. Bembo, Pietro, his services rendered to the Italian language, i. 48 ; re- ceives learned fugitives in his house at Padua, 102. Benedict XIIL, Pope. See Appendix, iii. No. 158. XIV., Pope, Prospero Lambcrtini, ii. 433 et seq., 443. See a/*o Appendix, iii. No. 164. Benedictines, eminent men of that order, i. 22; conflict of Jesuits with, for restored monasteries of their order, ii. 278, ib. note. 2 I 2 484 INDEX. Benefices, appointments to, laws rielating to eluded, i. 43, 44 ; Roman ditto, ib.; German ditto, 498 ; Spanish ditto, ii. 434. Bentivoglio, Giovanni, his palace at Bologna, i. 40. ■ , Cardinal Guido, papal nuncio, ii. 44, 221, ib. note. Sec Appendix, iii. No. 68. (Intercalation.) Berne, politics and religion of, i. 460 ; its Protestant inhabitants expelled by the duke of Savoy, 511. Berni, recomposes the Orlando Innamorato of Boiardo, i. 370. Berulle, Pierre, Cardinal, his efforts to forward the French projects against England, ii. 252. Bibbiena, Cardinal, his letter to Giuliano Medici, i. 54. Biberach, the Protestant town of, with its Catholic council, i. 493. Bible, sole guide of German theologians, i. 58, 59 ; Jansenist versioa of, ii. 404 ; Italian version of, i. 102. Bishops, those of Rome assume pre-eminence, i. 7 ; their revenues, 43, 44 ; temporal power of, 119; divine right of, 261 ; prince bishops of Ger- many, 398 etseq. ; ecclesiastical electors of Germany, ii. 102, 164. Bitonto, archbishop of, at the council of Trent, i. 154. Boccaccio, bis influence on the literature of his age, i. 57. Bodeghem, Bartholomew, of Delft, his activity in the reorganization of ecclesiastical tribunals, i. 427. Bohemia, dukes of, i. 16 ; ecclesiastics in, 17 ; Jesuits in, 412 ; ii. 167 ; Utraquists and their privileges in, 167, 207, et seq. ; Frederick Count Palatine elected king of, 198 ; the country is compelled to become Catholic, 209. Bojardo, his poem of Rinaldo, i. 50 ; his Orlando quoted, ii. 61. Bologna taken possession of by Pope Julius II., i. 40 ; conference at be- tween Pope Clement VII. and emperor Charles V., 88 ; Paul III. holds a council at, 192 ; municipal independence of, 293 ; university of, 335, 346 ; school of painting in, 375 ; " Informationedi." See Appen- dix, iii. No. 84. Bolognetto, Cardinal,!. 382; papal nuncio in Poland, ii.l37; his intercourse with King Stephen, 138. Bona, queen of Poland, i. 224 ; assists Alba against the French with the funds of her duchy of Bari, ib. Bonelli, Cardinal, nephew of Pius V., i. 275. Boniface, St., the apostle of Germany, i. 11, 12. VIII., Pope, his bull of excommunication resisted by the French, i. 25, 26. Bonn, taken possession of by the Protestant Gebhard Truchsess, arch- bishop of Cologne, i. 475. Books, prohibition of under various pretences, i. 85, 161, 122 ; ii. 114. Borghese, Pope Paul V., ii. 107—132. , Scipio Caffarelli, Cardinal, nephew of Paul V., ii. 202, 305. , family of, ii. 107, 306. Borgia, Csesar, duke of Valentinois, son of Pope Alexander VI., violence and ambition of, i. 36, 37 ; his many atrocities, 38, 39 ; his duchy seized by Pope Julius II., 40 ; his treaty with Louis XII. of France, 60. 'S'ee Appendix, iii. No. 3. , Francesco, duke of Gandia, i. 165, 179. INDEX. 485 Borgia, Cardinal, ii. 2G8, 284. , Lucrezia. See Appendix, iii. No. 3. Boris, Godunow, repels the attempts of the Jesuits on the religion of Russia, ii. 155. Borromeo, Carlo; St., nephew of Pius IV., exemplary life of, i. 246, 247, 278, et seq.: is canonized, 382 ; influence of his reputation on Catholic progress, 400, 401. , Federigo, Cardinal, i. 382. Boucher, Jean, violent democratic opinions and sermons of this preacher, ii. 8, 55. Bourhon, Charles, duke of, attacks Rome May, 1527, i. 82 ; his death, ib. -, cardinal of, i. 520. family, renew theix claim to Naples, ii. 431 ; great extension of their power, 431 et seq. Bourbons, French, restoration of, ii. 466, 476. Bourdelot, physician to Christina of Sweden, ii. 356, note, 359. Boverio, his annals of the Minorites, i. 108, note. Brabant, subjugated by tlie prince of Parma, i. 472, 473 ; recommenda- tion of Peckius to the council of, ii. 201. Brahe, Count, refuses to take the crown from the head of Christina, queen of Sweden, ii. 360, ib. note. Bramante, Roman architecture of, i. 52. Brandenburg, elector of, i. 29; Lutheranism established in, 94; Joachim of, 119; Albert of, 222; margraves Joachim and Christian Ernest of, ii. 173. Breda, siege of, ii. 247. Bremen, archbishop of, his supremacy in Scandinavia, i. 18, 19 ; Henry of Sa.xe Lauenburg, archbishop of, 401, 479, 498; his death, 478. BrLxen, bishop of, i. 490. BruccioU, Italian translator of the Bible, i. 102 ; his dialogues, ib. Bruno, Giordano, 1. 372 ; condemned by the Inquisition to the stake, 373. Brunswick, progress of reformed religion in, i. 94 ; princes of, 401. Brussels submits to Philip II. i. 474. Bucer, his arguments for Protestantism at the conference of Ratisbon, i. 115, 122. Buckingham, Villiers, duke of, expedition against France, ii. 454 ; his assassination, 456. Bugenhagen, founder of Lutheranism in Denmark, i. 396. Bulls, different papal, i. 43 n., 45 n., 134 n., 151 »*., 157, 273, 275 »., 276 n., 281, 289 n., 307, '.W?,, notes, 344, 348 w. ; ii. 73, 74, 204, et passim. Buoncompagno, Ugo, Pope Gregory XIII. i. 319 — 333. Giacomo, son of Gregory XIII., i. 320, 321, 332. See Appkndii, iii. No. 45. Buonfigliolo, Rudolfo, secretary of the treasury to Gregory XIII. i. 326 ; his financial mea-sures, ib. et seq. Burgundians, principally Arians, i. 9, 11 ; Catholic subjects of, take part with the Franks, 11. Burmannus, Caspar, references to works of, i. 69 n., 70 n. Busseto, conference at between Pope Paul III. and Emperor Charles V., i. 189. 48G INDEX. c. Cabrera, history of Philip II., i. 225 n., 467 n. Ceecilia, Metella, tomb of, i. 363 ; ii. 350. Caesar, worship of, i. 4. Cajetan, Cardinal, his praises of Pope Adrian VI., i. 69. Calatagirona, general of the Franciscans, ii. 97 et seq. Calendar, reformation of, under Pope Gregory XIII., 1. 323, 324. Calvin, John, first considered a Lutheran, i. 179 ; held in high honour at Geneva, 404 ; severity of tenets, ii. 88, 90. Calvinism, in what countries prevailing, i. 403, 404 ; divisions among the professors of, ii. 192. Calvinists, particular enmity of Rome against, i. 159. Camaldoli, seclusion of the order of, i. 129. Camera ApostoHca, i. 113, 353, et jJossim. Camerino seized by Paul III., i. 18G ; conferred as a fief on Ottavio Farnese, 187 ; restored to the church, 196. Campagna, breed of horses of, i. 290 ; banditti of, 330 ; malaria pre- vailing in, ii. 377. Campanella.suifers torture, i. 372. Campeggi, Cardinal, legate to Germany, i. 84 ; his memorial to Charles V. i. 85, ib. note ; his designs against the Lutherans, 85. See Appendix, iii. No. 19. Campion, Jesuit, sent by Gregory XIII. with a secret mission to Eng- land, i. 458. Candia, war of, against the Turks, ii. 385. Canisius, Peter, a Jesuit, i. 165 ; his Catechism adopted by Catholic authorities, 416, 48?. Canon law, the, ii. Ill, 116, 435. Canonists, the German, attack the laws as interpreted by the Roman church, ii. 454. Canonization, i. 385 ; ii. 204, 205. Canossa, Antonio, put to death for conspiring against Pope Pius IV., i. 268. Capella, Bianca, grand duchess of Tuscany. See Appendix, iii. No. 124. CapeUo, Polo, Venetian ambassador to court of Rome, i. 38, note. See Appendix, iii. Nos. 3 and 5. Capistrano, Minorite friar, preaches a crusade against the Turks, i. 28. Capuchins, order of, a branch of the Franciscans, i. 130 ; their discipline, 109, 475, 501 ; in France, ii. 218. Caracci, their school of painting, i. 375. Caracciolo, Life of Paul IV., by, i. 101 n., 233 n. {see Appendix, iii. No. 29) ; Life of St. Cajetan, by, 101 n., 131 n. Caraff"a, Giovanni Pietro, Pope Paul IV., i, 101, 124, 154, 157, etseg., 213 et seq. • , Carlo, duke of Palliano, Cardinal, nephew of Paul IV., i. 218, note, 219, 228 ; his execution by order of Pope Pius IV., 246. See Appendix, iii. No. 34. ■ , marquis of Montebello, nephew of Pav.l IV., i. 220, 245. INDEX. 487. Caraffa, Carlo, i^apal nuncio in Germany, ii. 206, ib., 207 w., 209 m., 249, 250 n. P. A., legavfj to the Rhenish states. See Appendix, iii. No. 114. -, Vincent, general of the Jesuits, ii. 389, 391, note. Cariuthia, Protestantism in, i. 449 ; counter-reformation in, ii. 165- ei seq. Carlovingian dynasty favoured religious progress, i. 12. Carmelites, the, of Spain, ii. 186. Carnesecchi, religious reformer of Florence, i. 109 ; is burnt by Roman inquisition, 277. Camiola, Catholicism forced on people of, ii. 165 et seq. Carnivsd, excesses of, reproved by the preachers, i. 003. Caro, Annibal, letters of, i. 201, 7iote. Caroline, queen of Naples, ii. 453. Carpi, Cardinal, i. 188 ; his death, 254. Carranza, archbishop of Toledo, i. 282 ; condemned to death by Roman inquisition, ib. Cartes, Des, \-isits Christina of Sweden, ii. 355. Can-alho, Portuguese minister, ii. 442 ; requires the pope to reform the Jesuits, 442 et seq. Casa, Giovanni della, his poems, i. 161 ; prepares the first " Index " of prohibited books, ib. Casale, besieged by the Spaniards, ii. 261, 270. Casati, Jesuit, sent from Rome to Christina of Sweden, ii. 362, note ; his report to Pope Alexander YII. See Appendix, iii. No. 131. Casimir, Count Palatine, his ineffectual proceedings in aid of the Protest- ants, i. 470. Cassoni, Count, secretary of state under Pope Innocent XI., ii. 423. Castelvetri escapes to Germany from fear of Roman inquisition, i. 160. Castro, Francesco di, ambassador from Spain to Venice, ii. 126. , war of, under Urban VIII., ii. 314 et seq,; peace of, 320 ; taken possession of by Innocent X., 326. Catechism, Roman, Pius V. pubhshes the, i. 283 ; that of the Jesuit Canisius, 416 — 487 ; popularity of that by the Jesuit Edmund Augier, 438. Catherine of Arragon, divorce of, i. 95, 96. •i de' Medici, niece of Clement VII., betrothed to Henry II. of France, i. 90 ; her intolerance of and cruelty to the Huguenots, 438, 441 ; founds a mcnasterj- for Capuchins in Paris, 501. iSec Appendix, iii. Nos. 20,21. Catholicism, general disposition to, in the west of Europe, i. 11, 12 ; re- generation of, commences, 120 — 128 ; monastic orders contribute thereto, 128 et seq.; compared with Protestantism, 153, 154, 155; its strength renewed by Council of Trent, 264, 265, 266 ; conflicts with Protestantism, 153 et seq., 156 — 163, 2Gi et seq., 270 et seq. ; ii. 1 65 et seq. .• its beneficial effects on the arts in Italyv i- 374 et seq. : dechne of, in Germany, 397 et seq. ,- loss of its temporal possessions in that country, 401, 402; revival of spirit of, 380 et seq., 481 et seq. and prospects of there, 402, 403 ; violent attacks on Protestantism. 400 — 441 ; restoration of, in Austria, the Netherlands, &c.,419 — 450. 488 INDEX. 475 — 485, 491, 500; triumphs in France and efforts in Switzerland, 500—512; labours in Poland and Sweden, ii. 137 — 154 ; attempts on Russia, 154 — 156; regeneration of, in France, 182, 190; in South America and the East Indies, 228 — 235 ; has now received its definite limits, 291 ; estimate of its present prospects, 474, to the close. Catholics. See Catholicism, Papacy, Rome, and the names of the several popes. Cavalli, his despatches from Spain, i. 434 n., 435 n. Cavina, Ghibelline faction of, i. 298. Cecchini, Cardinal, autobiography of. See Appendix, lii. No. 121. Cehbacy, effect of, on the secular clergy, i. 129. Cerroni, Guelphic family of, divide into two hostile branches, i. 298. See Rinaldi and Ravagli. Cesi, Cardinal, treasurer of the papal states, ii. 319 ; his computation of the Roman debts of the state, ib. Federigo, academy founded by, ii. 348, ib. note. Chancery, the papal, i. 43, 113 ; buildings of, completed by Pope Julius II., 359. Chapters, privileges of, i. 262 ; policy of the pope and king of Spaia respecting the, 498 ; endowments of, transferred to Protestants, 401, 402. Charity, its relation to faith, according to Catholic divines, i. 152. Charlemagne destroys the power of the Lombard kings, i. 14 ; confirms the gift of the Exarchate to the popes, ib. .■ is crowned at Rome as emperor of the West, 15. Charles Martel, his protection and aid of Pope Boniface, i. 12. •. I. of England, visits Madrid when prince of Wales, with a view to marriage with a Spanish princess, ii. 225 ; hopes of the papacy from this projected alliance, 226 ; marries the daughter of Henrj^ IV. of France, 243 ; his reign, 255, 290, et seq. II. of Spain, ii. 428. III. of Spain, ii. 430 ; expels the Jesuits, 447. v., Emperor, claims Lombardy, i. 64 ; his alliance with Pope Leo X. for the recovery of Milan from Francis I., ib. ; his embassy to Pope Adrian VI., who had been his preceptor, 71 ; his clemency towards the Lutherans, 86, 87 ; his conference at Bologna with Clement VII., 88; his conciliatory purposes are opposed, 126, 127, note; his prepa- rations for war with the Protestant princes of Germany, 151 ; his alhance with Pope Paul III. against the Turks, 186 ; concludes a peace with Francis I. at Nice, ib. ; gives his daughter in marriage to Ottavio Farnese, 187 ; attacks the Protestant league of Smalcalde, in alliance •with Pope Paul III., 192, 404 ; publishes the •' Interim," 201 ; his victory of Muhlberg, 194; is in great danger from the German Pro- testants and their allies, 209 ; his dissensions with Pope Paul IV., 195, 201 ; despatches the duke of Alva against Rome, 221 ; adopts measures of extreme severity against the Protestants, 405. VIII. of France, i. 64 ; finds aid in his opposition to Pope Alexander VI., from the preaching of Savonarola, ib. See Savonarola. IX. of France, receives subsidies from Pope Gregory XIII., 325 ; his massacre of the Huguenots, 441. X. of France, deposed, ii. 474. INDEX. 48J Charles, archduke of Austria, favours the Jesuits, i. 449 ; disposed to tolerate the Protestants, 488, but pressed by his councillors and receiv- ing subsidies from Pope Gregory XIII., revokes his decrees in their favour, 489 et seq. — — , duke of Sudermania, son of Gustavus Vasa, ii. 145, 150, ct seq. , is accepted by the Protestants of Sweden as their sovereign, ii. 154. See Sigismund of Sweden. Chastel, Jean, attempt of to assassinate Henry IV. of France, ii. 55. Chatillon, marechal de, receives his baton of marshal on deserting the Protestant faith, ii. 217. Chieregato, Francesco, papal nuncio, i. 71 ; instructions from Pope Adrian VI., i. 71. Chieti, bishopric of, resigned by CaraflFa, i. 131. Chigi, family of, i. 307, id. note, 350 et seq. See Appexpix, iii. Nos. 132 to 136. ; Fabio, Pope Alexander VII., ii. 331 et seq. , Marco, brother of Ale.\ander VII., made governor of the Borgo, &c. &c., ii. 332. , Flavio, son of Marco, becomes " Cardinal Padrone," ii. 332, 333. 336. , Agostino, favourite nephew of Alexander VII., selected to uphold the temporal dignity of the house, ii. 333. See Appendix, iii. Nos. 134 to 136. China, Jesuits in, ii. 233 ct seq. Choiseul, due de, French minister, ii. 442, ib. note. Christ, life and teaching of, i.2,3 ; effects of Italian book," On the benefits bestowed by Christ," 104, e^ .vey., 109; Caspar Contarini on the law of, 111, 112, ib. note; Loyola's ideas of his kingly character, 137; Luther's doctrine of justification, 139 ; Molina's opinions as respect- ing justification, ii. 89 et seq. Christendom, state of, in the West, on the fall of the Roman empire, i. 9, 10 ; threatened by the Arabs, 10 ; extensive rule of the emperor Henry III. oxer, 19 ; attempts to limit the papal authority in, 30, 31 ; desolate state of the church in, 44 — 46 ; invaded by the Turks, 70, 71. Christianity in the Roman empire, i. 3 — 9 ; sacrifices to the empe- ror, 5 ; how affected by the fall of the Roman empire, 10 ; over- powered in the east by Mahometanism, 12; Protestant views of, originated in Germany, 98 ; inquisition established to sup]>ort the Roman form of, 157 ; separation of its three great forms in western Europe, 179. Christina, queen of Sweden, ii. 351 ; her talents and habits, 353 — 357 ; determination to Catholicism, 360 ; gives secret audience to Jesuits, 361 — 364 ; abdicates her throne, 306; travels through Europe, 367; makes public profession of the Catholic faith, ib. ; puts her secretary Monaldeschi to death, 368 ; contemporary opinions of this act, ib. ; fixes her residence in Rome, ib. : her mode of life there, 369 et seq. ; influence on literature and art, 370 et seq. See Appendix, iii. Nos. 130, 131. Chrodegang, rule of, i. 129. Chrysostom on idolatry, i. 5, 6. Church, early government of, i. 7 ; constitution of at Rome, 8 ; inva- 490 INDEX. sion on rights of by Lombards, 9 ; Catholics among the Franks, Bur- gundians, and Visigoths, 11 ; the Western or Romish, 15, 16 ; tempo- ral authority of Geraian and Italian bishops, 17 ; subjection of the popes to the emperors, 18 ; Henry III. liberal towards, but tenacious of his rights in, 17 — 20 ; laws of the Roman see, 42, 43, et seq. ; cor- ruption of, 44 — 46, 72, 307, et passim; the Reformation, 60 et seq. ; Adrian VI. attempts reform of, 71, 72 ; Diet of Spires decrees refor- mation of, 79, 80 ; Ferdinand of Austria grants toleration to, in Ger- many, ib. ; Reformed church established in Saxony, Hesse, &c., 72 ; government of Roman church, 92, 93 ; attempts at reconcOiation with Protestant, by reform of Roman, 110 — 128; administration of the states of, 289 — 305 ; Fathers of the church studied earnestly by John, king of Sweden, 452 ; state of, under Henry IV. of France, ii. 46 — 60; important changes in the structure of Catholic church, 133 — 135 ; peace of Westplialia decides questions between Catholic and Protestant churches, 289, 290 (see Appendix, iii. passim) ; William III.' de- fends the church, 423 ; efforts made in Catholic countries for repressing the claims of the Catholic church, 435—458. Chytrseus, on the Confession of Augsburg, i. 454 Ciaconius, his Lives of the Popes, i. 381, note. Cistercians, order of, i. 502. Civilization in fourteenth and fifteenth centuries contrasted, i. 24 — 31 ; of the early part of the sixteenth century, 46 — 56 ; promoted by art of printing and revival of learning, 47. Civita Vecchia made a free port by Urban VIII., ii. 265 et seq. Clario, Isidore, his warnings against schism, i. 109. Classical writers, renewed study of, in Italy, i. 47. Clavius Christopher, learned German, assists in the reformation of the calendar, 324, ih. note, 383. Clement VII., Giulio Medici, Pope, habits and character, i. 74 ; early services to Charles V., 75 ; takes offence at the emperor's encroach- ments, 76, 77 ; allies himself with France, 79 ; is attacked in his capital by the imperialists, 82, 83 ; returns to his alliance with Spain, 83 ; his connection with Henry VIII. of England, 95, ib. notes, 96; he abridges the liberties of Ancona, 302, 303 ; levies new taxes, 311 ; close of his pontificate loaded with cares, foreign and domestic, 97 ; buildings erected by, 344. See Appendix, iii. Nos. 11, 14, 15. ' VIII., Ippolito Aldobrandino, Pope, ii. 41 ; his family and early life, 42,44; attention to business, 45 ; grants absolution to Henry IV. of France, 46 et seq. ; acquires Ferrara by conquest from Cesare D'Este, 69 — 75 ; his proceedings in favour of the Jesuits, 95 et seq. , political position of, 97 — 106 ; restores the balance of power between France and Spain, 106. IX., Giulio Rospigliosi, Pope, refuses undue favours to his own family, ii. 335 ; retains ministers, &c. of preceding pontiff, contrary to all precedent, 336 ; his unusual moderation and liberality, ib. , state of Europe under his pontificate, 337. See Appendix, iii. No. 138. X., Emilio Altieri, Pope, ii. 417; favours the Spaniards, ib. his disputes with Louis XIV., 418. ,S'ee Appendix, iii. No. 140. XL, Giovanni Francesco Albani, Pope, ii. 423,- his purity of life, kindly manners, and talents, secure popularity, ib. ,• his capital is INDEX. 491 threatened by tlie imperialist troops, 429 ; loses Parma and Placentia, 431 ; publishes the bull Unigenitus j%ainst the Jansenists, 438. See Appendix, iii. Nos. 154, 157. Clement XII., Lorenzo Corsini, Pope, ii, 431 ; is compelled to grant investiture of Naples and Sicily to a Spanish prince, ib. XIII., Carlo Rezzonico, Pope, ii. 443 ; uprightness of his intentions, ib. ; vainly seeks to protect the Jesuits, 444, 446 ; his death, 448. XIV., Lorenzo Ganganelli, Pope, ii. 449; mild character and religious disposition, ib. ; favours Jansenist opinions, 450 ; suppresses the order of Jesuits, 451. Jacques assassinates Henry III. of France, i. 520. Clergy, the, early became a distinct class, i. 7 ; ii. 124 ; marriage of, i. 119; moneistic character given to the whole body by celibacy of, 129; condition of the Roman hierarchy, 262 — 266; secular clergy, 502 ; power of clergy generally at its height in end of sixteenth century, ii. 2; immunities of the clergy, 113, 114, et passim ; regular clergy, 124 ; Protestant clergy, 396. Cleves, William, duke of, i. 400; religious divisions in, ii, 177. Clovis, miracles contributing to his conversion, i. 11. Cluny, abbots of, i. 22 ; monastic rule of, 129. Cologne, Protestants of, i. 400, 446 ; Jesuits' college at, 411 ; archbishop of becomes Protestant, 475 ; is expelled by Duke Ernest of Bavaria, 477; by whom Catholicism is restored, 490,493; ii. 163. /See Ap- pendix, iii. No. 114. Colonna, Roman family of, i. 34, 35, 36 ; ii. 338, 339. , the prothonotary, executed by Sixtus IV., i. 35. , Marc Antonio, Roman general, i. 225, 227. > , Ascanio, .i 304 ; ii. 40. , Don Filippo, favoured by Pope Urban VIII., ii. 338, ib. note. -, Vittoria, her piety and accomplishments, 106. Commandin, mathematician, his conjectures respecting Archimedes, i. 368. Commendone, quotation from, i. 387, 388 n., 400 n. Commerce of the Roman states, i. 289, 290. See Appendix, iii. Nos. 158, 165. Commolet, Jesuit, denounces Henry IV. from the pulpit, ii. 93. Communes of the Ecclesiastical States, i. 289, 299. Communion, the, according to the Roman form, i. 143, 156 ; in both kinds, 399, 454 ; ii. 163. Como, Cardinal Gallio di, applies his wealth to ecclesiastical foundations, i. 381. -See Appendix, iii. No. 45. Composjtions, ecclesiastical, at Rome, i. Ill, 317 ; attempt to reform abuse of, by Paul III., i. 111. Conclaves, papal, i. 62, ei passim; ii. 33, 34, 106, 321, et passim. Concordats, papal, with Francis I. of France, i. 29 ; with Germany, ib. ; with Spain, ii. 434 ; with Napoleon, 465. Condu, Louis de Bourbon, Prince of, leader of the Huguenots, i. 437. , Henry I., de Bourbon, excommunicated by Sixtus V., i. 505. , Henry II., de Bourbon, his Catholic education, ii. 57. Confession, auricular, i. 148, 173 ; influence of priests obtained by means 4S2 INDEX. of, i. 173 ; ii. 2 ; " Manual of Confessors," ii. 7 ; Jesuit doctrines re- lating to, ib. ; see further, 393, 396. Confession of Augsburg, 398, 454, ei passim. Geneva, i. 403, 404. faith of the council of Trent, i. 426, 453 ; ii. 89. Confiscation of Protestant possessions, proposed by Campeggi to Charles v., i. 85, Congregations, mona-tic, of Italy, i. 128 — 135 ; of cardinals, 347, 348, et passim ; of the Jesuits, ii. 86. Congregation of state, established by Urban VIII., ii. 333. Conrad II., emperor, extent of his conquests, i. IG, 17. Conscience, Jesuit, study of cases of, i. 173. Constance, council of, i. 27. Constantine, labarum of, on coins, with monogram of Christ, i. 6. Constantinople, iconoclastic controversy of, i. 10, 13 ; emperor of, seeks the Pope's hfe, 10; patriarchs of, 15, ib. note; Jesuit mission to, ii. 237. Contarelli, datary under Gregory XIII., i. 320 ; his influence on that pontiff', ib. Contarini, Caspar, Cardinal, i. Ill ; his learning and excellence, 112 ; lays his writings before Pope Paul III., 113 ; appointed legate in Germany, 115; his efforts in the Diet for the pacification of the church, 121 et seq. ; failure of his endeavours, 127, 128 ; bis instructions from Paul III. for council of Trent, 150. See Appendix, iii. No. 18. , Giulio, bishop of Belluno, asserts views similar to the Lutheraa on doctrine of justification, at council of Trent, i. 152. ', Marco Antonio, on the papal court, i. 182, note. • — , Pietro, quoted, ii. 245 n., 266 n. See Appendix, iii. No. 111. , Nicolo, i. 70 n., 72 «., 74 n., et seq. -, Aluise,ii. 265, note, describes the court of Rome under Urban VIII. -S'ee Appendix, iii. Nos. 115, 126. -, Domenico, ii. 425, note. Conti, Natale, an author of the sixteenth century, i. 369. , Cardinal, Pope Innocent XIII. /See Appendix, iii. No. 157. Contrario, Ercole, put to death by Alfonso II., duke of Ferrara, ii. 65. Controversy, iconoclastic, i. 10, 13 ; between Jesuits and Dominicans, ii. 91, 130—132; between Jesuits and Jansenists, 397—410, 437, et seq. Cordara, Julius, history of Jesuits by. See Appendix, iii. No. 93. Cordova, Don Gonzales de, governor of Milan, ii. 261. Corniglia, Monsiguore, defender of rigid Catholicism under Gregory XIII. i. 320. Cornero, relation of. See Appendix, iii. No. 157. Corpus Christi, solemn celebration of, i. 428 ; ii. 486. Corrado, Cardinal, minister of Pope Alexander VII., i. 334. Corraro, relatione, under Alexander VII. See Appendix, iii. No. 132. Correggio, his paintings in the collection of Christina of Sweden, ii. 369. Corsini family. See Appendix, iii. No, 162. ■ library, at Rome, i. 268, note. INDEX. 493 Cortese, Gregorio, abbot of St. Giorgio at Venice, the friend of the learned and exiles, i. 102 — 3G9 ; his work on scholastic philosophy, .jG9. Cosmo de' Medici opposes the aml)itious designs of i'ope Paul III., i. 190, ib. note, 191 ; his devotion to Pius V., 277. Cossacks, the, assist in impeding Catholic designs on the north of Europe, ii. 161 ; emperor Ferdinand proposes to send them against France, 275. Cotton, Jesuit, confessor to Henry IV. of France, ii. 95. Councils of the Church. See Basle, Bologna, Constance, Pisa, Trent, &c. Courtray, arrival of Jesuits at, i. 473. Cracow, Jesuit colleges at, ii. 138 ; bishop of, 139 ; desecration of Pro- testant burial-ground at, i. 161. Creeds. See Luther, Calvin, Church, &c. Crequy, French ambassador to Rome, ii. 413 ; his disputes with the papal see, ib., et seq. See Appendix, iii. No. 132. Cross, the, assumed as religious emblem, i. 6, 364, 365. Cruciata, the. granted by Pope Leo X. to Emanuel, king of Portugal, i. 30. Crusade, the first, i. 38 : ineffectual attempt to preach one in fifteenth century, 27, 28. Crusaders, ferocity of, at Jerusalem, i. 24 ; their zeal and ardour, 27. Curia, the Roman, its revenues, abuses, reforms, &c., i. 43, 329, 380, et passim ; ii. 32, 368, ^82, et passim ; divorce sought by Henry YIIL, summoned before, i. 96. Curione, Celio Secundo, escapes to Switzerland from the Inquisition, i. 160. Customs of Rome, revenues of, i. 309; abuses of those revenues, 317, 318, et passim; reference to, ii. 319. Dandolo, his report in relation to Paul III. and Julius III. .See Appendix, iii. No. 127. Dante, Alighieri, his opinion of chivalric romance, i. 371. Dataria, papal, i. 43, 317, 498 ; ii. 375, 380. note. David, Jean, zealous Jesuit of Courtray, i. 473. Davila, historian, ii. 54, note. Debt of the Roman states, ii. 299—303. Decrees of Basle, i. 27, 32. See Trent, Pisa, &c Decretals of the popes, i. 384 ; ii. 111. Deities, national worship of, in early ages, i. 1,2. Delfino, his relation respecting Rome, i. 353. See Appendix, iii. No. 70. Delft, Wilham of Nassau murdered at, by the Jesuit student Gerard i. 472. Demetrius, the false, ii. 155. Denmark, reformation in, i. 94. Christian IV., king of, defender of Protestantism in Germany ii. 243, et seq. ,- his failure, 247. 494 INDEX. Deo, Johannes a, benevolent Portuguese monk, ii. 189. Dernbach, abbot of, his persecution of Protestants, i. 429, 430. Descartes, visit of, to Christina of Sweden, ii. 355. Desmond, earl of, heads Irish insurrection, i. 457. Dietrich, Wolf Von Raittenau, Romanist archbishop, i. 491, 493. Dietrichstein, Cardinal, his efforts for Catholicism, ii. 209, 287. Digby, Lord, English ambassador to Spain, ii. 225. Dillingen, university of, i. 402, 415. Dispensation, papal, abuses of, i. 43 ; censured by Contarini, 111. or indult of the emperors, i. 498. Divorce question cited before the Curia, i. 96, 318. Dogana, or customs of Ecclesiastical States, i. 309, 317, et passim. Dohna, Count, his Memoirs of Frederick the Great, ii. 423. Domenichino, his works, i. 376, 377. Dominico, St., Great Inquisitor, i. 234 ; his self-denial emulated by Loyola, 136 ; festival in honour of, 234. Dominicans, order and ascetic practices of, i. 138 ; their controversy with the Jesuits, ii. 91, 130, 132. Donato, Leonardo, Venetian ambassador to Rome, ii. 23, 24, ib. n., 25, ib. n. ; elected doge of Venice, 115 ; excommunicated by Pope Paul V.,ii. 122. Donauwerth, Protestant city, placed under the ban of the empire, and occupied by Maximilian of Bavaria, ii. I63. Doria, Genoese house of, i. 195. Dort, synod of. Huguenots forbidden to receive its decrees, ii. 218. Douay, Jesuit college at, i. 458 ; Philip II. of Spain founds university of, 463. Drama, Italian, influence of, i. 49. Drownings for religious opinions by order of the Inquisition at Venice, i. 163. Dunkirk submits to the Spaniards, i. 470. Dynasty, Merovingian, destroyed by their own crimes, i. 12. E. Early independent communities overwhelmed by Rome, i. 2. Eastern empire and cliurch, i. 7, S, 9 ; iconoclastic controversy in, 10; overthrow by Mahomet, 12 ; letter of Pope Gregory to Leo the Isau- rian, 13; Patriarchate taken from the popes by the emperors, 15; alliances formed by Pope Sixtus V. in, ii. 17. Echter, Julius, bishop of Wartzburg, i. 481 ; is at first inclined to Pro- testant opinions, ib. ,• but afterwards becomes a zealous Catholic and friend of Jesuits, 482, 483 ; ii. 194. Eck, Dr., German Catholic theologian, i. 123 — 126. Edict of Valentinian III., i. 8, note; of Spires, in 1526, 80; tolerating Protestants in Germany, 94 ; in France, 1562, 404 ; assuring them safety in France, ib. ,• of Nantes, ii. 94 ; revocation of the latter, 420, Education, early, of Britons at Rome, i. 11 ; of orphans at Venice, 133, 134 ; direction of, assumed by the Jesuits, 143, 166 ; their schools in index;. 495 Germany, 410 — 118 ; Protestant institutions of, 400, 402 ; method of Portroyal for the promotion of, ii. 404 et seq. Edward III. of England refuses tribute to Rome, and is supported by his parliament, i. '2G. VI. estabhshes Protestantism in England, i. 200. Egmont, Count, executed by the Spaniard*, i. 435. Egypt, designs of Pope Sixtus V. on, ii. 18. Eichsfeld, the elector of Mayence, restores Catholicism at, i. 428, 429. Electorate, palatine, transfer of, ii. 212 — 217. Elizabeth of England not considered firmly Protestant, i. 238, ib. note, 239 ; is repelled by Pope Paul IV'. ib. ; convenes a Protestant parlia- ment, 239, 455 ; hostility of Pope Gregory XIII. to, 324, 456 ; is excommunicated by Pius V., 440 ; her severities against the Jesuits, 513. . , princess of England and queen of Bohemia, ii. 197 et seq. Eltz, Jacob von, elector of Treves, i. 426, 427. Emancipation of Catholics in England, ii. 471 et seq. Emanuel, king of Portugal, concessions made to, by Pope Leo X., i. 30. England, early disputes of, with Rome, i. 26 ; conduct of Henry VII. re- specting the church, 30 ; dissensions between Henry VIII. and Pope Clement VII., 95, 96 ; Protestant opinions prevail in, 95 ; Henry VIII. assumes to be head of the church in, 96; Edward VI. estab- lishes Protestant faith in, 200 ; Mary persecutes Protestants in, 238, 282 ; they are re-established by Elizabeth, 239, 240 ; league of Catho- lic powers against that princess, 512 — 519 ; failure and destruction of Spanish Armada, 518 ; rebellious spirit of Catholics in, ii. 4 et seq. ,- state of Catholicism in, under James I. and Charles I., 222 — 228 ; alli- ance of Philip IV. of Spain, Louis XIII. of France, and Pope Urban VIII. against, 113 — 119 ; constitution of, 291 ; aristocratical tendendes of, 337 ; estabUshed church of, 423 ; progress of Protestant spirit in, 475. See also Appendix, iii. Nos. 61 and 100, Enkefort, datary of Pope Adrian VI., i. 73. Epernon, duke of, favourite of Henry III. of France, i. 507. Epic, remarks on, as existing in Italian literature, i. 50, 57. Erasmus, his surprise at the Pagan spirit prevalent in Rome, i. 55 ; his edition of the New Testament, 58 ; is defended against the attacks of the schoolmen by Pope Adrian VI., 70; declares the plan recom- mended to Charles V. for suppressing Protestantism impracticable, 86. Ernest, duke of Bavaria, elector and archbishop of Cologne, i. 476, 479 ; bishop of Freisingen, of Liege, of Miinster, and of Hildesheim, i. 479, ii. 163. Este, house of, i. 204 ; ii. 315. — .— Alfonso II. of, his government, ii. 60 — 69. Cesare d', heir of Alfonso, is excommunicated by Pope Clement VIII., 73 ; is expelled from his duchy, 75. Lucrezia il", her treacliery to her family, ii. 73 ; her death, and extraordinary testament, 75 e^ seq. Leonora d', lier character, ii. 64. Cardinal d', i. 204. Marquis Filippo d', ii. 68. 496 INDEX. Esterhazy, a member of that house, elected count-palatine of Hungary, ii. 211. See Appendix, iii. No. 112. Ethiopia, Pope Gregory XV. appoints Mendez, a Jesuit, patriarch of, ii. 237. Etrees, Cardinal d', ambassador extraordinary from Louis XIV,, his despatch to M. de Louvois, ii. 424, note. Eu, in Normandy, college of Jesuits at, i. 501. Eucharist, adoration of, ii. 185. See Communion. Eugenius IV., Pope, state of Rome under, i. 358 ; his tax on wine. See Appendix, iii. No. 121. Europe, civilization of, in fourteenth and ■fifteenth centuries, i. 24 ; na- tional languages of, 25 ; connection of the Reformation with political state of, 60 — 66 ; wars of Charles V. and Francis I. in, 64 — 66 ; the popes seek to establish a balance of power, ii. 106 ; religious systems of, in sixteenth century, 178, 179, 180 ; state of rehgion during the pontificate of Sixtus V., 395, 406 ; changes effected by the Reformation in certain states of, 396 et seq. ; condition, political and moral, of, at the close of the sixteenth century, ii. 1 et seq. ; outbreak of thirty years' war, 281; complicated political relations of, 238 et seq.; liberties of, in danger from Louis XIV., and consequent wars, 423 et seq. ; war of the Spanish succession, 427 et seq. ; altered state of, and internal commotions, 435 to the close. Eusebius on the successful progress of Christianity, i. 3. Exarchate bestowed on the Roman pontiffs after being wrested from the Lombai'ds, i. 14. Exercises, " spiritual," of Ignatius Loyola and his followers, 137 note, 138, ib. note et seq., 173—176, 234. Excommunication, bulls of, i. 25, 440 ; ii. 73 et seq., 123, note. Exorcism, rite of, ii. 145. Faber, Peter, one of the first companions of Loyola, i. 143, 144, note, his success at Louvain, 165. Fabrizio (Aquapendente), scientific labours of, ii. 119. Fabroni, his Life of Lorenzo de Medicis, i. 31 n., 33 n. Faenza, expulsion of the Manfredi from, i. 36 ; influence of the Jesuits at, 164 ; remarkable for its flax, 290 ; and for the bravery of its sol- diers, 291 ; political relations of, 295 et seq. ; power of the GhibeUines in, 296 ; is engaged in the war of Castro, ii. 316. Faith, confession of, subscribed by Catholic bishops, i. 265. See Profes- sio Fidei. Fano, city of, its privileges, i. 292 ; refuses to pay the tax called " Sussi- dio," 313. Parnese, Alessandro, Pope Paul III., his instructions when cardinal. See Appendix, iii. No. 15. Sec Paul III. ' , family of, i. 164, 190 et seq.; their power and influence, ii. 311 ; their debts, 313. -, Ottavio, nephew of Paul III. obtains Camerino, i. 187 ; marries Margaret, daughter of the Emperor Charles V., 189 — 191. INDEX. 497 Farnese, Pier-Luigi, son of Paul III., acquires Novara, i. 187; his harsh proceedings, 197 ; is assassinated, ib. , Cardinal, i. 201 ; his letter to the bishop of Fano, ib. note. ———, Odoardo, honours paid him at Rome, ii. 311 et seq. ; his dissensions with Pope Urban VIII., 315 ; his war with that pontiflF, 314—320. , Alessandro, great-grandson of Paul III., duke of Parma and governor of the Spanish Netherlands, i. 467 ; his talents for governing, 4G7, 472. Famesina, the splendid Roman palace adorned by Raphael for Agostino Chigi, i. 359. Fasting, obsers'ance of, i. 130, 132 ; practised by Loyola and his disciples, 138 et seq. Fea, his notices of Raphael, i. 63, note. Felibien, his History of Paris, ii. 185, note. Felix, Pope, his declaration, i. 27, note ; his election, 32. Ferando, Doctor, his opinion concerning the cause of death of Pope Leo X., i. 67, note. Ferdinand I. of Castile, his authority in ecclesiastical affairs, i. 17 ; de- mand made on him by the Emperor Henry III., ib. V. of Castile, II. of Arragon, "The Catholic,"!. 30 ; his op- position to the papal officers, ib. ; his court, 135. I. of Naples, described by Lorenzo de Medicis, i. 31, ib. note. I., the emperor, commands the forces of Charles V. in Italy, i. 79 ; grants religious freedom in Germany, 80 ; letter to, from Pope Clement VII., 90; concludes peace of Kadan, 94; his influence on the council of Trent, 256 — 265 ; his patronage of the Jesuits, 410 et seq. the archduke — afterwards Emperor Ferdinand II. — pupil and zealous patron of Jesuits, i. 490 ; ii. 104 ; resolves to restore Catho- licism throughout his dominions, 165 ; severities against Protestants, 166 et seq. ,- proceedings at the diet of Ratisbon, 1/2 ; Bohemia transfers her allegiance from him to the elector Palatine, 197 et seq. ; is elected emper,>r, 199 ; he promises the Palatinate to Maximilian of Bavaria, 214 ; fulfils the promise, 216 et Sfq. ; see also 212 et seq. ,- his power in 1629, 271 — 275 ; assists the Poles against the Swedes and the Spaniards, in the Netherlands, 273 ; sends a third army against Mantua, ib.; dismisses his general, Wallenstein, 281. the archbishop, establishes Jesuits' college in Coesfeld, ii. 213. Fermo, city and archbishopric, i. 345 ; its inhabitants refuse to permit the exportation of their corn, ii. 376. Ferrara, contentions of the churcii with, i. 89 ; duchess of, 163 ; lapse of to the see of Rome, ii. 294 — 299. See Alfonso II., Cesare d'Este, &c. Ferrari, one of the founders of the Barnabite order, i. 134. Ferrero, papal nuncio, on the state of Germany. See Appendix, iii. No. 77. Festivals of the Roman church, i. 323, 365 ; ii. 124. Feudal institutions of Italy, i. 326, 327. Feuillantines, fatal effects of thoir austere penances, ii, 185. Flano, duchy of, purchased from the house of Sforza, for the family of Pope Gregirv XV., ii. 103. Finances, pap ", i. 305, 319, 350—357 ; ii. 299—303. VOL. II. 2 K 498 INDEX. Fine arts, connected in Italy with the religion of tke country, i. 51 ; in- terruption of this connection, 52 ; its restoration, ib. ; see further, 374—380. Finland opposes Charles of Sudermania in favour of the legal sovereign. Sigismund III., ii. 151. Flaminio, M. A., Italian theologian, favouring Protestant opinions, i. 105, ib. note. Fleury, Cardind, his great talents as a statesman. See Appendix, iii. No. 162. Florence, authority of the Medici in, i. 33 (see Medici) ; patriots of, seek shelter in Venice, 102. Flour, tax on, in Rome, i. 315 ; rigid exaction of this tax in Ferrara, ii, 61 ; under Pope Alexander VII., 374. Folengo, Giovanni Battista, a Benedictine, his Protestant opinions, i. 107. Fontana, Domenico, architect to Sixtus V., i. 364 ; his architectural labours under that pontiff, 365, 366. Force, La, obtains the baton of marshal by accepting the Catholic faith, ii. 217. Forli, sovereignty of, given to his nephew by Pope Sixtus IV., i. 35; soldiers of, excellent, 291 ; Ghibelline faction powerful in, 296 ; war of Castro at, ii. 316. Foscari reports the league of Pope Clement VII. with the French, i. 79, 311. Foscarini, his extracts from Sarpi, ii. 119 ; his " Relatione di Francia," id. Foscherari, Cardinal, imprisoned on suspicion of heterodox opinions, bv Pope Paul IV., i. 234. France, reign of Charlemagne, i. 14 ; the Galilean Church, 19, 25 ; reign of Philip the Fair, 25 ; liberties secured by the pragmatic sanction, 28 ; Milanese war, 66 ; loss of French power in Italy, 83 ; alliance with Rome, 90; religious proceedings in, 125, et passim,- the reformed church, 403 ; the League, 500 — 509 ; civil wars, 519 — 523 ; restora- tion of Catholicism in, ii. 182, 190 ; national opposition to hierarchy in, 412 et seq. ; its re-establishment under Napoleon, 459 et seq. See the several kings of France, Mazarin, Richelieu, &c. Francesco Maria, duke of Urbino, ii. 296 et seq. Francis, St., founder of the order of Franciscans, his regulations, i. 130. I. of France, his concordat with Leo X., i. 29; victory over the Swiss at Marignano, 61, 62 ; loses Milan, 66 ; holds a conference at Marseilles with Pope Clement VII., 90; forms a league with the Protestant princes of Germany, 91, 92 ; labours to impede the pacifi- cation of the church, 125 ; has a friendly conference at Nice with Charles V. and Pope Paul III., 186 ; renews the war for the possession of Milan, 188 ; joins the league formed against the emperor, 199. Franciscan monks, privileges, power, and influence of, i. 44 et seq., 130 ; compelled to recantation of their tenets, 163. Franconia, progress of Protestantism in, i. 398 ; Jesuits in, 411, 481. Frankfort, Protestantism of, i. 414 ; fair of, ib. ; attempt of Jesuits in, ib. Franks, empire of, i. 9 ; papacy in union with, 10 ; Catholicism of, 11 ; Merovingian dynasty of, 12 ; Carlovingian, 13 et seq. Frederick, Elector Palatine, a zealous Protestant, elected king of Bohemia, ii. 198 ; is defeated by the imperialist forces and loses his crown, 199 ; solicitude of James I. of England for his interests, 227. INDEX. 499 Fregoso, Cardinal, archbishop of Salerno, disposed to Protestant opinions. i. 110. Freiburg, abandons the Protestant alliance, i. 460 ; invites the Jesuits, ib. ; makes a league vrith Spain, 511. Freinsheim, Johann, of Ulm, visits Christina, queen of Sweden, ii. 355. Friars, the mendicant, i. 44 ; their influence under Alexander VI., 45 : their intrigues and crimes, 45, 46. , the Franciscan and Capuchin, called the " mare magnum," i. 45, note ; their attempts at a reformation of abuses, 130 ; their rule restricted, 475. Frizzi, his " History of Ferrara," ii. 61, note. Frumento, Monsignore, his influence with Pope Gregory XIII., i. 320. Frundsberg, George, Lutheran commander of the forces marched against Clement VII., i. 81 ; his threats of violence to the pontiff, ib. ; is struck by apoplexy, 82. Fugnano, superintendent of rehgious orders under Pope Alexander VII., ii. 336. Fulda, Balthasar von Dernbach, abbot of. See Dembach. Fiirstenberg, Theodore von, restores Catholicism in Paderborn, ii. 163. Gaetani, noble Roman family of, ii. 338. Gaetano, legate from Sixtus V. to the French league, i. 521 ; is directed to establish the Inquisition in France and destroy the GaUican immuni- ties, 523, ii. 29. Gallesini, his life of SLxtus V. See Appendix, iii. No. 54. Gall, St., abbot of, zealous promoter of Catholic restoration in Switzer- land, ii. 180. Galliani, his zeal and learning. See Appendix, iii. No. 162. Gallican church commanded by Valentinian to submit to the pope, i. 8 : receives the pallium from Rome accordingly, 12 ; demands of the French clergy at council of Trent, 252, 259, 261 ; disputes in relation to the " Regale" with Louis XIV., ii. 419 ; peace restored between the French cliurch and Rome, 426 ; re-established by Napoleon, 459. See Church, Rome, Catholicism, &c. Gallo, master of the kitchen to Sixtus V., and raised by him to the car- dinalate, 348, ib. note. Galluzzi, history of Tuscany, ii. 17 n., 35 n. Gambara, Cardinal, i. 202, note. Ganganelli, Lorenzo, Pope Clement XIV. See Clement XIV. Gardie, count Magnus de la, Swedish minister, ii. 364, 365. Gaul, bishops of, commanded to be in subjection to the Roman pontiffs, i. 8—12, Gazet, ecclesiastical history, i. 463, note. Gemblours, victory of, i. 466. Geneva, the Protestant church of, i. 210, 403 ; alUance with Bern and Freiburg, i. 460 ; attacked by the duke of Savoy, i. 511. Genoa, military, political, and commercial afl"airs of, i. 200, 314 ; Doria, family of, 195. George, St., military company of, i. 291. 2k2 500 INDEX. Geraldine, Irish exile, invades Ireland by aid of Gregory XIII, i. 457 ; is killed in battle, ib. Gerard, Balthasar, murders the prince of Orange, i. 4/2. Gerberon, history of Jansenism, ii. 401. Gerdesius, his Italia Refonnata, i. 107, note. Geremia, Don, zealous Theatine and intimate of Pope Paul IV., i. 229. Germany early embraced Catholicism, i. 10 — 12 ; new empire founded by Charlemagne, 14, 15; St. Boniface sent as an apostle to, 11, 12; greatness of emperor Henry III., 18, 19 ; Henry IV. humiliated by Pope Gregory VII., 21 ; papal concessions to, in the fifteenth cen- tury, 27 ; opposition to the papacy in, 57 — 59 ; Luther's rise in, 59, 65, 79, 87, et neq. ; his outlawry, 65 (see Luther) ; demands for church reform, 72 ; Cardinal Campeggio's plan for suppressing reformation in, 84, 85 (see Appendix, iii. No. 19) ; peace of Kadan important to Protestantism in Germany, 94 ; conference of Ratisbon, 115 et seq. , war of Charles V. with Protestant princes, 152 ; German Protestants in service of Pope Paul IV., 222; first Jesuit schools in, 410 — 418; formation begins, 418 — 431 ; resistance of Protestants, 442 — 450 ; pro- gress of Catholicism, 475 — 500 ; affairs of the Palatine, ii. 198 et seq., 227 ; general war, 281 et seq. ; extension of Catholicism in Bohemia and Austria, 205 — 210; transfer of the electorate, 212 — 217; increased power of the house of Austria, 271 — 275 ; affairs of Wallenstein, 274, 2/9, 281 ; victories of Gustavus Adolphus, 282 et seq., 285 ; peace of West- phalia, 289 ; wars with Louis XIV., 429 et seq. ; emperor Joseph II., 452, 454 ; wars of Napoleon, 459 — 465. Gerohus, Prior, prediction of, i. 22. Gervaso, Pacifico di S., Capuchin prior, i. 501. Gessi, Cardinal, his instructions from Pope Paul V. See Appendix, iii. No. 79. Ghent, treaty of, i. 462 ; iconoclast tumults in, 464 ; Jesuits established in, 473, 474,475. Ghibellines, wars of, with the Guelphs, i. 36, 191 ; power of adherents to this faction, 296, 297, 329. Ghisilieri, Giovanni, his " Relatione" to Pope Gregory XIII., i. 297 n., 298 n., 299 n. See Appendix, iii. No. 47. Ghislieri, Michele, grand inquisitor, afterwards Pope Pius V., i. 269 et seq. See Appendix, iii. No. 41. Giacomo, Cardinal, influence on duke of Alva, i. 222. Giberti, Matteo, bishop and reformer, i. 278. Giberto, adviser of Pope Clement VII., i. 77 n., 79 n. ; his learning and services rendered to Pope Paul III., 101, 110. See Appendix, iii. Nos. 17, 18. Ginetti, papal ambassador, ii. 288 ; instructions to, from Pope Urban VIII., ib. Giordano Bruno, true philosophy of, i. 372 ; burnt at the stake by Ro- man Inquisition, 373. Giulio Romano, painter and architect, contrasted with Guercino, i. 392. Giunti, his life of Cardinal Ludovisio. See Appendix, iii. No. 95. Giustiniani, Paolo, i. 126; his views of monastic life, 130, ib. note. , Marino, Venetian ambassador, i. 92, 93, ib. note. , Geronimo. See Appendix, iii. No. 94. INDEX. 501 Gmiinden, Lutheran citizens of, i. 493. Gnostics, the, i. Ill, 142. Goa, a principal seat of Catholicism in India, ii. 230. Godunow, Boris, Czar of Russia, opposes Catholicism, ii. 155. Gondi, Cardinal, his mission from Henry IV. of France to Pope Clement VIII., ii. 4(i, 47. Gonsalvus, extract from his " Liber Memorialis," i. 171, note. Gonzaga, Ferrante, i. 107, ib. note, 224. , Carlo, duke de Nevers, ii. 258 et seq. , Nevers, duke de Rethel, his succession to the ducliy of Mantua, ii. 281. -, house of, Vincenzo II. duke of Mantua, 253 ; his death, 260 ; Giulia or Colonna, her beauty, i. 100. Gossellini, his life of Ferrante Gonzaga, i. 197, notes, Gosweinstein, pilgrimages to, i. 483. Goths, the western, Arians, i. 11. Gottofredi, Alessandro, general of the Jesuits, ii. 389. Gradenigo, relation of, i. 71, note; description of Rome by. See Ap- PENDix, iii. No. 12. Granvella, Cardinal, i. 189, note, 433. See Appendix, iii. Section 2. Griitz, college of, i. 323 ; Lutheran ministers banished from, by Ferdi- nand II., ii. 165. Graziani, manuscript of, relating to Pope Si.xtus V. See Appendix, iii. No. 50. Greece, obser\ations respecting, i. 284, 298. Greek church, i. 15 ; union of, with Roman, 267, 323 ; ii. 142, 158—160, 237. college, founded at Rome by Gregory XIII., i. 323. learning, revival of, in Italy, i. 47. Greeks, the modem, i. 290, 298. Gregory of Tours, i. 11. ■ the Great sends Augustine and other missionaries to the Anglo- Saxons, i. 11. II., Pope, his opposition to the Iconoclasts, i. 10, 7iote ; his letter to Leo the I saurian, 13. — VII., Pope, Hildebrand of Soano, times and cliaracter of, i. 20 ; opposes the imperial assumptions, 21, 22. XIII., Pope, Ugo Buoncompagno ; court and times of, i. 219 — 233 ; endows the Collegium Gcrmanicum, and other educa- tional institutions, and reforms the calend^-, 323 ; his hatred of England and the Protestants, 524 ; favours the Spanish Armada, ii. . his life and proceedings generally. See Appendix, iii. Nos. 44, 45, 4G, and Section 4, No. 1. XIV., Pope, Cardinal Sfondrato, ii. 35; favours the French league, 36, ilj. note; his death, 38. XV., Alessandro Ludovisio, Pope, his talents and address. ii. 202 ; patronizes the Jesuits and Capuchins, 203 ; institutes the " Propaganda Fidei," and canonizes Ignatius Loyala and Francesco Xavier, il/. ; liis letter to Charles I. when prince of Wales, 220; and that to Maximilian of Bavaria re>^pecting the transfer of the Palatinate, 217; i)roniotes Catholic missions, 231 ; his instructions to Corona See Arr-KNDix, iii. Nos. 04, 90, 97, 93, 101, 102, 104, &c. Grignan, M. de, French ambassador to Rome, i. 187 n., 188 n. Grimani, Antonio, Venetian ambassador to Rome, relation of, ii. 33. See Appendix, iii. No. 138. GrisoDS, Protestant government of, ii. 180 et seq. ; inhabitants massacred by Catholic banditti, 200 et seq. ; troops sent into, by Richelieu, 243. Gritti, Giovanni, his relation, i. 250 n., 252 n. See Appendix, iii. No. 58. Gropper, Dr. Johann, German Catholic theologian, i. 115, 411. Guarini, Battista, author of " Pastor Fido," ii. 63 ; ambassador to Venice and Poland, ib. Guastalla, the duke of, claims Mantua, ii. 261. Guelph, Italian faction of, i. 3G, 191, 297 ; powerful families of, 296, 329. See Ghibelline. Guercino, a priest and leader of banditti, executed under Pope Sixtus V., i. 341. , the paintings of, i. 377, 392. Guicciardini, Girolamo, his letter to Cosmo de Medicis, i. 189, note. Guidi, Alessandro, reforms the literary style of his day, ii. 369. Guido, Reni, his paintings, i. 376, 377. Guise, Charles, cardinal of Lorraine, i. 199, notes ; is assassinated, 519. , duke of, marches against Naples in alliance with the papal forces, i. 224 ; returns to France, 226 ; defeats the German Protestants at Auneau, 506 ; becomes master of Paris ; his great influence, 509 ; is assassinated, 519. Gunpowder Plot formed by Catholics under James I. of England, ii. 223. Gustavus Vasa, Lutheran king of Sweden, i. 396 ; sons and successors of this monarch, 452, 454 ; ii. 138—154. • Adolphus, of Sweden, victories of, ii. 283, 285 ; his early death, 286. Gyllenstiem, Swedish councillor of state, ii. 145. H. Haarlem bravely defended against the Spaniards, i. 443 ; compelled to surrender, ib. Hainault, secured by certain of its bishops from the iconoclast tumults, i. 463. Halberstadt, archbishopric of, i. 401 ; see of Magdeburg united with, ii. 248. Halle, Jesuits settle at, i. 414. Hamel, Jesuit, of Louvain, ii. 90. Hamericourt, Gerhard de, bishop of St. Omer, i. 463. Hammer, Jesuit preacher, i. 479. Harlai, archbishoi) of Paris, ii. 422, 437. Havet, Antoiue, bishop of Namur, i. 463. Heathen superstitions of Rome, Athens, &c., i. 9. Heathenism, suppression of, i. 6. Heidelberg, celebrity of its Protestant university, i. 414 : the city taken by Tilly, ii. 212 ; its library given to Pope Gregory XV., ib. ; conver- sions to Catholicism in, 213. See Appendix, iii. No. 101. INDEX. 503 Heinsius, Nicolaus, his friendship for Christina of Sweden, ii. 355. Henrietta of France, queen of Charles I., of England, ii. 243, 290. Henricjuez, Jesuit opponent of Mohna, ii. 91. Henry I. de Bourbon, prince of Conde, i. 505. II. of France, marries Catharine de Medicis, niece to Pope Cle- ment VII., i. 90. III. of France, joins the League, i. 505 ; his flight from Paris, 508 ; causes the duke and cardinal of Guise to be assassinated, 519 ; is assas- sinated himself b)' Jacques Clement, 520. IV. of France and Navarre, is excommunicated by Sixtus V., i. 505 ; he ascends the French throne a Protestant, .021 ; is persuaded to adopt the Catholic faith, and absolved by Pope Clement VIII., ii. 59 ; his life attempted by Jean Chastel, a Jesuit student, 55 ; he expels the Jesuits from his kingdom, 5G ; assists Pope Clement VIII. to conquer Ferrara, 72 ; publishes the edict of Nantes, 94 ; recalls the Jesuits, 95. ■ III., emperor of Germany, his great power, i. 19 ; seeks to rule Christendom by his influence with the pope, ib. — — IV., emperor of Germany, i. 21 ; German prinees refuse to admit his authority, ib. III. of England, less powerful than his barons, i. 22. ^—^ VII. of England, assumes the right to nominate bishops, i. 30, 518. VIII. of England, his suppression of monasteries in the early part of his reign, i. 30 ; hostility to Luther, 95 ; political differences with Rome, 9G ; seeks divorce from his queen, ib. ; separates from Rome, 97 ; assumes to be the head of the English church, ib. Heresy, persecution for, i. 150 — 1G3 ; many accused of, by their political or personal enemies, 100 ; heresy of kings absolves subjects from oath of allegiance, a Jesuit doctrine, ii. 4, 5. Heretical books. Index of those prohibited by the Inquisition, i. IGl. Heretics, pope's power to pardon, i. 158. Hermes Trismegistus, i. 373. Hermits, monkish, reforms by, i. 130; those of Montserrat, 138. Herzogenbusch, canons of, sing Te Deum for murder of William of Nassau, i. 472. Hesse, reformation in, i. 80 ; landgrave, Philip, of, 92, 115, 119 ; William IV. of, 497 ; Prince Frederick of, ii. 3G5. Hezius, secretary to Pope Adrian VI., i. 73. Hierarchy, Roman, its relation to the German emperors, i. 15 ; state of, under Pope Sixtus V., ii. 1, 2. Hieronymites, religious fraternity of, i. 57. Hilaiy, St., legend of, i. 11. Hildesheim, bishopric of, i. 479. Holland, struggles of, for independence, i. 433 — 436, 4G1 — 175 ; execu- tion of Counts Egmont and llom, 435 ; the reformed church of, 4G7 ; the war of the states general with Don John of Austria, 405 et seq. ; Belgian Protestants take shelter in, 494 ; progress of Catholicism in, ii. 221 ; power and opulence of the Dutch, 290. Horn, Count, beheaded, i. 435. Hosius, Cardinal, founds a Jesuit college, i. 451 ; his advice relating to Poland, ii. 140. ib. note. 504 INDEX. House, holy, at Loretto, ii. 18. Huguenots, the, i. 403, 404 ; reaction against, 438, 439 ; massacre of, 441 ; constitution of, ii. 195. Hund, Wiguleus, chancellor, patron of Jesuits, i. 412. Hungary, early obedience of, to Rome, i. 27 ; invaded by the Turks, 70. 284 ; the Protestants of, 85, 397 ; ii. 211 ; Jesuits in, i. 412 ; Catho- licism in, ii. 211 ; civil war in, 174 et seq. ; election of a king of. See Appendix, iii. No. 112. Huss, John, attempt to suppress the memory of, in Bohemia, ii. 208. Hyacinth, Capuchin monk and diplomatist, ii. 215. Iceland, ascendancy of Protestantism in, i. 396. Iconoclasts, the, i. 10, 13, 463. Idolatry, dechne of, i. 5, 6 ; among the Indians, ii. 229 et seq. Illuminati, the, i. 141, 142. Imbize, attempts to constitute Ghent a republic, i. 464. Imola conferred by Pope Sixtus IV. on his nephew, i. 35. Improvisatores, Latin, j)atronized by Pope Leo X., i. 48. ladex of prohibited books, first, is printed by Delia Casa, i. 161 ; one is prepared by order of Albert, duke of Bavaria, 422. Indies, East, Jesuits sent to, i. 105; ii. 230 et seq., extension of Catholicism in, 231 et seq. See Japan, Jesuits, Xavier, Ricci, Valig- nano, &c. Indulgences, sale of, i. 45 et seq. Ingoldstadt, Catholic church and university of, i. 402 ; Jesuits in, 411, 412 ; diet of, 420. Innocent III., Pope, reference to, ii. 122, VIII., Pope, Cardinal Cibo, letter of Lorenzo de' Medici to, i,. 33, note : pledges the papal tiara, 308. IX., Giovanni Antonio Fachinetto, Pope, favours the French league, ii. 38 ; his death, ib. X., Giovanni Battista Pamfili, Pope, proceeds against the Bar- berini, ii. 322 ; compels the barons to pay their debts, 326 ; pubhe buildings erected bv, 347 ; monasteries reformed by, 384. See Appen- dix, iii. Nos. 124, 'l28. XL, Benedetto Odescalchi, Pope, ii. 418 ; his uprightness of purpose, 419; dissensions with Louis XIV., 419 et seq.; his death. 424. See Appendix, iii. Nos. 146, 151. XII., Antonio Pignatelli, Pope, ii. 425; rejects the Gallican formulas, ib. ; letter to, from Louis XIV., 426, 461 ; is reconciled to France, 426. See Appendix, iii. No. 153. XIII., Pope, accounts of, by Corner and Pietro Capello. See Appendix, iii. Nos. 157, 158. Inquisition, the Spanish, i. 156; ii. 83 et seq.; a superior court of. established in Rome, i. 156 ; persecutions of, 158, 150 ; literature controlled by, 160 ; in the Netherlands, 432, 433 ; the legate Gaetano commanded by Pope Sixtus V. to establish it in France, i. 523. Inquisitors, " Compendium" of, 109 h., 162 «. INDEX. 505 Inspruck, Jesuits at, L 414. Interdict or excommunication of Henry IV. of France, ii. 13. Intsrim, the, published by Charles V. i. 201. Ireland, insurrection in, under Elizabeth, i. 324 ; Pope Gregory sends an expedition to aid the rebels, 4JG, 457 ; ultimate subjection of, ii. 291. Isis, worship of, in Egypt, i. 2. Italian language owes its purity to Bembo, i. IS. Italy, kinirdom of the Lombards, 10, 13, 16; secular dominion of popes in, 34 et seq. ; state of, in fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, 24 — 31 ; in. sixteenth, 32 et seq. ; revival of ancient literature in, 46, 47 ; of poetry, the arts, &c., under Leo X., 48, 49 ; state of literature under Sixtus V., 333 — 307 ; forfeits independence by accepting foreign intervention, 60; state of religious feeling in, under Leo X., oo ; opinions similar to those of Protestants in, 100, 110; literary and devotional societies of. 101 ; new monastic orders in, 128 — 135 ; municipal institutions of, 292, 295 ; banditti, 330, 332 ; how suppressed by Sixtus V., 339 — 342 ; administration of that pontiff, 343 et xeq. ; ii. 17 — 32; earnest care of the popes to uphold their rights spiritual and temporal, ii. 105, 288 ; administration of Urban VIII., 263, 271 ; new families of, 303, 311 ; is invaded by republican France, 458. -Seethe respective Popes, Emperor Charles V., &c., &c. *' Itinerarium Adriani," by Ortiz, i. 70 n., 73 n. Ivan Vasiljovitsch, czar of Russia, ii. 155. Jacobins, the (or Dominicans), protected by Spain, ii. 123. James I. of England, reign of, ii. 191, 197, 222—228. Janissaries, college of, founded by Sixtus IV., i. 307. Jansenius, Cornelius, professor at Louvain and bishop of Ypres, ii. 397 ; founds the sect called after him, 399 ; his doctrinal work the " Au- gustinus" displeases Pope Urban Vlil., 400. Jansenists, the followers of Jansenius, ii. 397 et seq.; bull published against them by Clement XL, 438 ; progress of their doctrines, 439. Japan, the Jesuits in, ii. 234 et seq. .• they suffer persecution and mar- tyrdom in, 235. Jaureguy, a Spaniard, attempts to assassinate William of Orange, i. 471 ; his impious vow, ib. note. Jay, Le, distinguished Jesuit, i. 171, 410. Jerusalem, Ignatius Loyola at, i. 141 ; tomb of the Redeemer at, ii. IS. Jesuits, their founder Loyola's life, i. 135 — 149 ; take effective part in the Council of Trent, 154 ; progress of their institution, 104 — 177 ; first schools of, in Germany, 410 — 418; English Jesuits, 458, 512, 513; Flemish, 105, 474 ; their proceedings in Germany, i. 477 — 500 ; ii. 207 et seq.; in France, i. 177, 437, et seq. ; are driven out of France by Henry IV., ii. 56; internal dissensions of the order, 78, 97 ; re- establishment in France, 95 ; enter into the dispute between Rome and Venice, ii. 121 ; are expelled the latter city, ib. ; and refused permission to return, 127 ; close of their controversy with the Dominicans, 130; their distant missions, 228 — 238 ; their mission to Christina of Sweden, 506 INDEX. ii. 364 ; changes in the order during seventeenth century, 387 — 396 and notes ; confessional doctrines of, 393 — 396 ; suppression of, 441 — 451. See Appendix, iii. Nos. 93 (Intercalation) 150. Jews, separation of, by their ritual, i. 3 ; their monotheism, ib. ; burnt in their synagogues by the Crusaders, 24 ; trading of, in Italian sea- ports, 290. John, St., the Jesuit Lainez expounds his gospel, i. 164. XXIII., Pope, anecdote of, i. 386, 387. of Austria, Don, his victory over the Turks at Lepanto, i. 285 ; commands under PhiUp II. in the Netherlands, 465, 466 ; Gregory XIII. designs to invade England by his means, 466 ; his administration in Flanders, 465 et seg. IV., king of Sweden, Catholic tendencies of, i. 452. Da^dd, Jesuit, of Courtray, i. 473. Joseph II., emperor, ii. 452 ; restricts the papal authority, 453 ; his in- terview with Pope Pius VI., ib. , Pere, crafty diplomatist and confidential agent of Richelieu, ii. 280. Jovius, Annalist, patronized by Pope Leo X., i. 48. Joyeuse, Henri de. Cardinal, French ambassador to Venice, ii. 126 et seq Jubilees at Rome, i. 306, 359. Juliers, religious contentions in, ii. 177 ; taken by the Spaniards, 201. Julius II., Giulio della Rovere, Pope, i. 39 ; his warlike policy, 40 ; his nepotism and love of conquest, 41, 42, 292 ; extends the secular power of the papacy, 42, 293 ; rebuilds St. Peter's, 52, 359 ; dispute of, with Louis XII., builds the Loggie, and restores the Vatican, 359 ; his financial proceedings, 292, 308. See Appendix, iii. Nos. 5, 6. III., Cardinal Monte, Pope, i. 206 ; confirms the Jesuit institute, and gives absolute authority to the general, Loyola, 169 ; takes part with Charles V. against the French, 208 ; accepts a truce with France, 209 ; retreats from pi'.blic aff'airs to his villa, 210 ; imposes new taxes, 314, 316. Justification, commotions aroused by discussion of the doctrines concern- ing, i. 103, 107, 122, 159; ii. 88 et seq. Juvencius, history of the Jesuits by, ii. 55 n., 87 n., 182 n. K. Kadan, peace of, i. 94. Kaisersheim, abbot of, brings claims against the dukes of Wirtemburg, ii. 249. Kammergericht (high imperial court), injunction to the, i. 94; its efficiency injured, 499 ; becomes attached to Catholicism, ii. 168. Kempten, abbot of, forms part of a league against Protestantism, ii. 176. Khevenhiller, " Annales Ferdinandei,'' ii. 258, ib. note. Kings, controversies respecting authority of, ii. 4 et seq. ; Jesuit doc- trines of legal deposition of, ib. ; and of regicide justifiable, ih. n., 8 n. , Catholics refuse allegiance to Protestant kings, i. 521 et seg. ; ii. 5 et seq., 8, 50, 55, 57. Konopat, family of, embraces Catholicism, ii. 141 ; injurious effects of their example, ib. INDEX. 507 KoFtcr, Franz, Jesuit professor of astronomy at Cologne, i. 415. Kostka, house of, deserts the Protestant faith, ii. 141. Labarum, the, on the coins of Constantine, i. 6. La Chaise, Jesuit, confessor to Louis XIV., ii. 437. Lsetus, Pomponius, i. 181. Lainez, companion of Loyola, i. 144 ; afterwards a distinguished Jesuit ; his influence on the council of Trent, 154 ; assists to found a Jesuit college in Venice, 1G4 ; his educational views, 410 ; is suspected by the Spanish Inquisition, ii. 88, note. Lalaing, count de, accepts command in the Netherlands under Philip II., i. 468. Lambertini, Prospero, Benedict XIV., Pope, ii. 433 et seq. See Appendix, iii. Nos. 163, 164. Lamormain, Jesuit, confessor to the Emperor Ferdinand II. of Germany, ii. 287 e( seq. Lamotte, Pardieu de, governor of Gravelioes, i. 466. Lancellotti, nuncio in Poland. See Appendix, iii. No. 99. Landi, his " Questiones Forcianos " approved, i. 291. Lando, Giovanni, Venetian ambassador to Pope Innocent XI. See Appendix, iii. No. 151. Landriano, legate from Gregory XIV. to France, ii. 36. Landsberg, treaty of, i. 496; ii. 176. Languages, national, improvement of, i. 25 ; study of an'jient, i. 47. Languedoc, Capuchins in, ii. 218. Laocoon, the, i. 53, 363 ; described by Venetian ambassadors. See Appendix, iii. No. 13. Lapland, Protestant faith in, i. 396. Lateran, palace of, built by Sixtus V., i. 367. See Appendix, iii. Nos. 49 to 62 inclusive. Latin, study of, literature by Arabians and Italians of fifteenth century, i. 47 ; gives place to modern European languages, 48 ; Jesuits teach ancient languages, 415. Lauenburg, Henry duke of, i. 401, 447 ; his death, 479. Lavalette, Jesuit, his unsuccessful commercial transactions, ii. 443. ■ Lavardin, his embassy to Rome, ii. 422, note. Law, monotheistic character of Jewish sacerdotal, i. 3. Lazari, Dionisio, on the state of Catholicism in England. See Appendix, iii. No. 100. League, the " Holy Catholic," i. 286; French league resists Henry IV. in his claims on the French crown, i. 505 ; ii. 29 ; is favoured by Pope Gregory XIV., 36; leaguers banished on accession of Henry IV., 55. Learning revived in the West, i. 47 ; cultivated in Italy, 47 et seq. Lebret's " History of the bull In coena Domini," ii. 447, note. Legates, dignity and authority of papal, i. 22, 114; ii. 48 et seq., 155 et seq., 159. Leipsic, battle of, gained by Gustavus Adolphus over the imperialist general Tilly, ii. 282. 508 INDEX. Le Maitre, distinguished Jansenist, ii. 400 el seq. Lentailteur, Jean, abbot of Anchin, endows acollege of Jesuits, i. 463, 464. Leo III., (the Isaurian) Emperor, letter to, from Pope Gregory II., i. 13. III., Pope, rescued from contending factions by Charlemjigne, i. 14. IX., Pope, holds a synod at Rheims in defiance of the French king, i. 19 ; declares the pope to be sole head of the Christian church, ib. X., Pope, Giovanni di Medici, i. 29 ; forms a concordat with Fran- cis I. of France, ib. ; makes concessions to the temporal sovereignty, 29, 30, ib. note ; promotes the intellectual tendency of his age, 48, 362 ; supports Charles V. against Francis I., 06 ; reasons for not persecuting Luther, 65 ; his death, 67 ; scepticism of his court, 55, 56 ; his finan- cial affairs, 308, 309. XL, Pope, dies immediately after his election, ii. 106. Leopold II. of Germany, reforms the church, ii. 452. , archduke of the Tyrol, ii. 240, Lepanto, victory of, i. 285. Lerma, duke of, Spanish minister, ii. 125 ei seq. Lesdiguieres, leader of Huguenots, ii. 30 ; becomes a Catholic, 217 et seq. Less, Jesuit, of Louvain, ii. 90, note. Le Tellier, distinguished Jesuit, ii. 436. Leti Gregorio, his biography of Pope Sixtus V. See Appendix, iii. No. 49. Levant, foreigners invited to Italy by trade of, i. 290. Leyden, its resistance to the Spaniards, i. 443. Lichtenstein, prince of, 207, ib. note. Liege, bishopric of, i. 479. Lilio, Luigi, his aid in the Gregorian reformation of the calendar, i. 323. Lima, university of, ii. 228. Lippomano, distinguished member of the " Oratory of Divine Love," i. 101 ; family of, 164. Lipsius, Justus, his severity in matters of faith, i. 475. Literary societies of Italy, i. 100, 102 — 110; religious character of these societies, 103 ; ii. 348 et seq., 369. Literature of Italy, i. 47, 103, et seq. Lithuania, Lutherans of, i. 451 ; Jesuits in, ib. ; ii. 160 ; victories of Gustavus Adolphus in, 283 et seq. Liverpool, earl of, his speech against Catholic Emancipation, ii. 472, ib. note. Livonia, Lutheranism established in, i. 396 ; Jesuits in, ii. 160 ; Gusta- vus Adolphus occupies, 275. Locke, John, theory of, ii. 119. See Sarpi. Llorente, History of Spanish Inquisition by, i. 142 n., 282 n. ; ii. 439 71. Loggie, founded by Pope Julius II., i. 359. Lombards, kingdom of the, i. 10, 14, 16. Lombardy, power of the Venetians in, i. 33 ; Emperor Charles V. lays claim to, 64 ; makes good that claim by force of arms, 66 ; new contest for, 75, 79 ; Pope Clement VII. makes unsuccessful attempt on, 79 — 83. London, bishop of, his letter to Lord Burleigh, i. 516, ib. note. Lope de Vega, Spanish opinions of their monarchy affirmed by, ii. 10. Lopez, a Portuguese Jew, financial agent of Pope Sixtus V., i. 355. Lorenzo de' Medici, his remark concerning Ferdinand of Naples, i. 31 ; INDEX. 509 his letter to Pope Innocent VIII., i. 33 ; reputation for wisdom, ib. his opinion of his three sons, C2. Lorenzo, St., manna of the district vahied in commerce, i. 290. Loretto raised to the rank of city by Sixtus V., i. 34G ; holy house of, ii. 18 ; gifts to, from Christina of Sweden, 3G7. Lorraine, cardinal of, appears at the council of Trei;t, i. 252, 501. , house of, i. 500. Lothaire, elector of Cologne, ii 103. manifests independence of tlie pope, i. 15. Loudun, Protestant population in, ii. 219. Louis (Ludovico) the Moor; the injuries inflicted on his country com- plnined of by Pope Paul IV., i. 210, ib. note. , St., the church of, in Rome, laid under interdict by Pope Innocent XL, li. 422. XL of France, character of his devotion, i. 28. XIL, his alliance with Ciesar Borgia, i. 60 ; calls a council at Pisa, 64. ■ XIII., fears loss of influence in Italy, ii. 239 ; engages in the Man- tuan question. 270. XIV., dissensions with Pope Innocetit XL, ii. 417 et seq. ,- his ab- solute command of the French clergy, 420 ; his cruelties to the Hu- guenots, 421 ; fixes his grandson, Philip of Anjou, on the Spanish throne, 428, ib. note ; effect of his labours for the extirpation of Pro- testantism, 439 et seq. XV., ii. 446 ; his proposal to the general of the Jesuits, ib. Loyola, Ignatius, history of, i. 135 — 149 ; his memorial against heresies, 157 ; progress after the foundation of his order, 104 — 177 ; his " spi- ritual exercises," 173 etseq. ; extent of the order at his death, 176 ; life of, by Maffei, 383, ib. note ; Thomist tenets enforced by, ii. 87 ; is canonized by Gregory XV., 203. Liibeck, bishopric of, i. 401, 454. Lucaris, Cyril, patriarch of Constantinople, suspected of Protestantism, ii. 237 ; Jesuit efforts against him, ib. Lucca, traders of, i. 290 ; upholds the rightsof its magistrates, ii. Ill etseq. Lucerne, Jesuits' college at, i. 460 ; forms an alliance with Philip of Spain in conjunction with the Forest cantons, 510 ; papal nuncios at, ii. 178—181. Ludovici, his poem of the triumph of Charlemagne and its materialist opinions, i. 56, note. Ludovisi, house of, ii. 202, 324. Ludovisio, Akssandro, Pope Gregory XV., ii. 202. , Ludovico, Cardinal, nephew and minister of the pope, ii. 202 ; his talents and character, 203 ; the great power he obtains, 307 ; his Life by Giunti. See Appe.vdix, iii. No. 95. -, Orazio, brother of the pontiff", receives lucrative appointmeuts. u. 307. -, Nicolo, acquires Venosa and Piombino, ii. 307 ; his many rich palaces, 346. Luines, de, French minister, ii. 194, 200. Lunden, archbishop of, i. 124, wo/c. Lusignan, its Protestant population, ii. 219. 510 INDEX. Luther, Martin, early visit to Italy, i. 56 : horror at irreligion of its eccle- siastics, ih. ; is first roused to opposition by the sale of indulgences, 58 ; is recommended by emperor Maximilian to the protection of the elector of Saxony, 65 ; is outlawed, ib. ; and concealed in the Wart- burg, ib. ; his renewed activity, 74 ; his dislike to all attempts at uniting the two creeds, 123, 124 ; contrast between him and Loyola, 139 ; mental sufferings of, ib. ; his doctrines, 155 ; his study of St. Augustine, ii. 402. Lutheranism increases its rigidity and exclusiveness, i. 179 ; less widely separated from the Catholic creed than Calvinism, 403. Lutherans of Sweden refuse toleration to all other creeds, ii. 145 — 150. Luti, Father, intimate and confidant of Pope Innocent X., ii. 332, note. Lutta, battle of, ii. 247. Luxembourg, duchy of, held by Don John of Austria, i. 46G. , M. de, mission of, from Henry IV. of France to Rome, ii. 25, 29, 47. Lyons, Jesuits' college in, i. 438 ; Capuchins in, 501 ; territory of Bresse acquired by, ii. 98. M. Macchiavelli, principles of, reproved, ii. 11, note; legate of Urban VIII. in Cologne, i. 288. Macedo, Antonio, a Jesuit, contributes to convert Christina of Sweden to Catholicism, ii. 361 etseq. Maculano, Cardinal, skilful architect under Pope Urban VIII., ii. 346. Madruzzi, Cardinal, i. 381; ii. 39, 168. Maestricht, treaty of, i. 468. Maffei, historian and biographer, i. 383, ib. note. See Appendix, iii. No. 62. Magdeburg, Protestant archbishop of, i. 499 ; sack of, by Tilly, ii. 282. Magius, provincial of the Jesuits in Germany, i. 486. Maggio, Father Lorenzo, Jesuit emissary to Henry IV. of France, ii. 94. Mahometanism triumphant in the East, i. 12. Maidalchina, Olympia, her influence with her brother-in-law Pope Inno- cent X. ii. 323 et seq. ; 327, 329. See Appendix, iii. No. 124. Mamoun, Caliph, i. 47. Maitre, Le, distinguished Jansenist, ii. 400. Maixant, St., Protestant population of, ii. 219. Malaspina, papal nuncio in Germany, i. 489 ; ii. 143, 147. See Ap- pendix, iii. Nos. 61, 66, 67, 73. Malatesta, family of, expelled from Rimini by Cjesar Borgia, i. 36, 40. , Roberto, leader of outlaws, i. 330. Maldonat, Jesuit, exposition of Scripture, i. 438. Malefactors, right of affording asylum to, in Rome, ii. 101 eiseq, Malherbe, style df, ii. 193. Malipiero, Alessandro, learned Venetian, ii. 16, note. Malliana, favourite residence of Leo X., i. 54, 6G. Malo, St., bishop of, his complaints to the papal nuncio, ii. 220. Malvasia, " Discorso" of. 5'ee Appendix, iii. No. 88. ManbelH, Guelphic famUy of, i. 298, 299. INDEX. 511 Manfredi expelled froui Faenza bv Pope Alexander and Caesar Borgia, i. 3C. Macerata, Jesuit tnaaufactory in, ii. 392. Manger, the holy, exhibited in Lahore during twenty days, ii. 232. Manolesso, his '" Relatione di Ferrara," ii. 63, note. Manrique, Grand Inquisitor, ii. 84 — 92. Mantica, learned member of the Rota, i. 382. Mantuan succession, war of the, ii. 259 et seq. Manutius, Aldus, professor of Greek rhetoric at Rome, i. 307. Marcellin, Protestant preacher, ii. 220. Marcello, learned Venetian, ii. 10, 7iote. Marcellus II., Marcello Cervini, Pope, i. 212. See Appendix, iii. No. 28. " , Mass of Pope," by Palestrina, i. 379- March of Ancona, the, i. 345, et passim. Marco of Padua, pious Benedictine, i. 103. Maria Theresa, her reply to Pope Clement XIII., ii. 448. Mariana, Jesuit historian, eulogizes the assassin of Henry III. of France, ii. 8, note, 86, ib. note. Marignano, battle of, between French and Swiss, i. 61. Marino, town, republic of, i. 35 ; ii. 295, ib. note. See Appendix, iii. No. 92. Maronites, Jesuits among the, ii. 237. Marot, describes the fate of the duchess of Ferrara, i. 163. Marquemont, his letters, ii. 268, note. Marriage, papal dispensations regarding, i. 72 ; of priests, 119, 252, 400 ; mixed marriages, vahdity of, ii. 159. Marseilles, attack on, in 1524, i. 77. Martel, Chai-les, protects Pope Boniface, i. 12. Martin, St., miracle of, in aid of Clevis, i. 11. Martyr, Peter. See Vermigli. Martyrs, the early Christian, i. 6. Mary I. of England persecutes Protestants, i. 238. — , princess of Orange, daughter of James I., allusion to, ii. 337. Stuart, queen of Scots, i. 239 ; is put to death by Elizabeth of Eng- land, 516, ill. note. dc' Medici, queen of Henry IV. of France, ii. 189, 190. Mascambruno, forgeries by, under Pope Innocent X., ii. 379. Mass, why ordered by Pope SLxtus for the soul of Pope Gregory XIII i. 351. Masses for the dead, i. 351. Mattei, Marchese, ceremony introduced by, ii. 340. Matthias, the Emperor, ii. 177 etseq. Matthite, Dr. Johann, preceptor to the queen of Sweden, ii. 358, ib. note, 359. Mattbieu, French Jesuit, conference of, with Pope Gregory XIII., i. 504 505. Maur, St., congregation of, ii. 188. Maurice, duke of Saxony, i. 80, 208. Mauroccnus, history of Venice by, ii. 17. Maximilian I., Emperor, protects Luther, i. 65. See Appendix, iii. No. 5. 512 INDEX. Maximilian II., Emperor, i. 405, 449 ; ii. 164. , duke of Bavaria, useful and zealous friend of Jesuits, i. 521 ; great Catholic leader, ii. 169, 214, 279, et seq. Mayence, Protestants of, i. 400 ; restored to Catholicism, ii. 162. Mayenne, duke of, leader of the French league, ii. 49. Mazarin, Cardinal, supports the Barberini, ii. 322 ; is driven from France by the Fronde, 331. Meat, taxes on in Rome, i. 315, 317. See Taxes. Mechlin, or Malines, surrendered to the duke of Parma, i. 472. Medici, house of, i. 75 ; ii. 315. . See Lorenzo de', Cosmo de', Catharine de', Giulio de', Leo X., Clement VII., Mary de', &c. See Appendix, iii. No. 20. , Giangiacomo, Marquis di Marignano, i. 242. , Ippolito, Cardinal de'. See Appendix, iii. No. 20. -, Giovanni Angelo, Pope Pius IV., i. 247. See Pius IV., Pope. See Appendix, iii. Nos. 32, 41. Medicine, the Arabians apply astrology to the study of, i. 47. Mediterranean, early communities settled on shores of, i. 1 ; Arab con- quests on, 9, 10. Meiners on the revival of letters, i. 57, note. Melancthon, his doctrines, i. 114 ; and appearance at the Conference of Ratisbon, 115—122. Memmingen, Protestant ascendancy in, i. 402. Menard, Nicolas Hugo, learned Frenchman, ii. 188. Mendez, Alfonso, Jesuit, appointed patriarch of Ethiopia by Pope Gregory XV., ii. 237. Mendicant orders, their privileges increased by Pope Sixtus IV, i. 44 ; abuses among, 130. Mendoza, Spanish ambassador to Rome, quoted, 185 n., 195, 196 «., 197 n., 198. Mengersdorf, Ernest von, bishop of Bamberg, restores Catholicism in his diocese, i. 483, 484. Mentana, marquisate of, bestowed by Pope Sextus V. on his nephew, ii, 304. Mercy, order of, ii. 188 et seq. Messenius on religious affairs in Sweden, ii. 145 n., 147 n. Messina, zeal of, for Jesuit order, i. 177. Metella, Csecilia, tomb of, threatened with destruction by Sixtus V., i. 363 ; and Urban VIII., ii. 350. Metz, city of, obtains concessions from Rome, i. 29. Mexico, Jesuit colleges and university of, ii. 228. Miani, founds charitable institutions in various cities of Italy, i. 133. Michael Angelo, works of, i. 52, 360. Micheli, Venetian ambassador, on Protestantism in France, i. 403, 404, il. note. Middle ages, intellectual character .of, i. 46 — 56. Milan, archbishops of, i. 18; ducal family of, 33. See Sforza ; wars of, 61 et seq. ; Spanish rule in, 75 et seq. ; its sufferings from war, 133 ; Inquisition in, 161, 162; Carlo Borromeo, archbishop of, 278 — 281 ; affairs of, ii. 247. Milensio, vicar-general of the Augustinians, ii, 171 ; his influence at the diet of Ratisbon, 172. See Appendix iii. No. 80. INDKX. 513 Minden. bishopric of, falls into Protestant hands, i. 401. Miuio, Marco, on the early Italian drama, i. 49 n., 54 n.; Relatione of. See Appendix, iii. No. 8. Minucci, Minuccio, papal nuncio, i. 494 — 500 ; his " Discorso." See Appendix, iii. No. 62. Miracles by St. Hilary and St. Martin, i. 11 ; superstitious belief in, 385. Mirandola, storming of, by Pope Julius II., i. 42. Missal, new one jjublished by Po})e Pius V., i. 283, 427. Missions of the Jesuits, i. 154, 104, et seq. ; 410 et seq., ii. 228—238. Mocenigo, A., i. 117, et passim; ii. IG. See Appendix, iii. Nos. 31, 125, 162, 164. , Giovanni, Relatione of. See Appendix, iii. No. 81. , Pietro, his account of the papal court under Clement X. See Appendix, iii. No. 144. Leonardo, ii. 16, note. Modena, Protestant doctrines in, i. 106. , Morone, bishop of, i. 106, 122 ; Girolamo da, and the aca- demy of, 107, 161 ; Tommaso da, 122 ; the territory of, an imperia. fief, ii. 68. Molina, Luis, Jesuit controversialist, ii. 89 et seq. Moliao, Domenico, ii. 16. Monaldeschi, executed by Christina of Sweden, ii. 368. See Appen- dix, iii. No. 130. Monasteries, confiscation of, i, 30, 31 ; suppression of, under Pope Inno- cent, 102, 384, et seq. Monastic orders, the, i. 22 ; new, 128 — 135 ; ii. 124 ; strict seclusion of, commanded by Pope Pius v., i. 270; decline of. in Germany, 399 — 403; suppression of certain, proposed by Pope Alexander VII., ii. 385. See Appendix, iii. No. 129. Monchsreit, abbot of, his claims against the dukes of Wurtemberg, ii. 249. Moncontour, battle of, i. 440. Monotheism of the Jews, i. 3. Montagna introduces Jesuitism info Tournay, i. 474. Montaigne visits Ferrara under Alfonso II., ii. 60. Montalto, Cardinal, afterwards Pope Sixtus V., 337, 338, il>. note. See Sixtus V. See Appendix, iii. Nos. 49 — 55. > , Cardinal, nephew of Pope Sixtus V., i. 349 ; ii. 33, 39, 11, et seq. ■ , city and bishopric of, i. 346 ; ii. 18. -, Michele, marquis of, i. 349. Monte, cardinal, afterwards Pojie Julius III., i. 206 — 212 , cardinal, favourite of Pope Julius 1., 211, 228, 229. Montecatino, Antonio, minister of Alfonso II. duke of Ferrara, ii. 66, 73. Monte Corona, monastery of, i. 130, il/. note, Montefeltri, Roman family of, i. 40. Montefiascone, vineyards of, i. 290. Montfort, Simon de, leader against the Albigenses, i. 24 ; his excessive cruelties, ili. I^Iontigny, leader of Walloons, takes service with Philip II. of Spain, i. 467. VOL. II. 2 I. 514 INDEX. Montmorency, constable de, letter of, i. 202, note. Montorio, favourite of Pope Paul IV., i. 230. , papal nuncio, u. 212, 216, iO. note. Montpellier, bishop of, ii. 220, note. Montserrat, hermits of, i. 138. Monzon, peace of, ii. 246. Moors, subjugation of, in Spain, i. 135. Moravia, Jesuits in, i. 415 ; inhabitant? compelled to become Catholics, ii. 209 et seq. Moravian brethren, the, i. 405 ; expelled their country, ii. 210. Morelli, house of, ii. 117. . , Ambrosio, preceptor of Paolo Sarpi, ii. 118. Morigia, one of the Barnabite founders, i. 134. Mornay, Duplessis, Protestant noble, ii. 106, note. Morone, bishop of Modena, i. 106, 122 ; liis proceedings at the Council of Trent, 256—265. See Appendix, iii. Nos. 22, 23, 39. Morosini, papal legate to France under Pope Sixtus V., i. 520, note, 521; ii. 26, 34, note. , Andrea, Venetian patron of letters, ii. 16, 17, note. ■ , Giacopo, Venetian literary associate of the society meeting under A. Morosini, ii. 16. describes the court of Pope Clement XI. See Appendix, iii. No. 155. Mortangen, starost of, patron of Jesuits, ii. 141. Moscow, city of, ii. 155. Motte, Pardieu de la, favours Catholicism, i. 466. Moulart, bishop of Arras, i. 466. Muhlberg, Charles V., victory of, at, i. 194. Miihlhausen, government of, i. 510, ib. note. Miinden, bishopric of, becomes Protestant, i. 401. Miinich, Jesuits at, i. 422 ; city captured by the Swedes, ii. 285. Municipal mstitutions, i. 292—295, 345—348. Miinster, religious state of, i. 400 ; Gebhard Truchsess in, 446, 447 ; Jesuits at, 479; ii. 213. Muratori, Italian historian, ii. 448, note. Muretus, eminent Latinist, i. 381, 383 ; his notes on the Pandects of Jus- tinian, 383. Musa, Arabian general, his boastful remark, i. 10. Music, Italian church, i. 378 ; German, 422. Mysteries, Etruscan, revived by the Romans, i. 9. Mysticism of Loyola, i. 136 — 142. Mythology, Conti's work on, i. 369. N. Nachianti, bishop of Chiozza, his assertions at the council of Trent^ i. 152. Najara, duke of, i. 135. Kamur, religious state of, i. 463. Nani, Relatione of. See Appendix, iii. No. 117. INDEX. 515 Nantes, edict of, ii. 94, 182. Naples, Ferdinand of, 1. 31 ; designs of Francis I. on, 76 ; power of Charles V. in, 33, 216; army sent against by Henry II. of France. 223 ; ecclesiastical affairs of, 281 ; the regent Ponte eicommunicated by Pope Paul V. ii. 111. Napoleon Bonaparte, times of, ii. 459 — 465. Nardi, historian, i. 102. Nares, Dr., memoirs of Burleigh, quoted, i. 238. Narni, eloquent Roman preacher, ii. 204. Nassau, house of, i. 443, 445, 471, 472. , count of, favours Protestantism, i. 475. National deities, early worship of, i. 1, 2. Nations, liberties of, ii. 12, et passim. Natural history, study of, i. 372, 374. Naudaeus, his opinion of Queen Christina, ii. 365, note. Navagero, Bernardo, Cardinal, i. 53, ib. note, 217, 218, note ; his Reli- tione. See Appendix, iii. No. 30. Nararre, king of. See Henry IV. of Franco. Negro, Girolamo, i. 71, note, 73, note. See Appendix, iii. No. 14. Nepotism of the pontiffs, i. 55, et passim. Neri, Filippo, founder of the " Oratory," i. 383 ; ii. 188. Nestorian Indian Christians, ii. 235 ; Jesmts among them, 236. Netherlands under Charles V., i. 216, 404 ; Protestants of, 405 ; cruelties of Alva in, 434, 436 ; resistance to the Spanish power in, 443 et seq. ,• seaports of, 470, 472 ; William of Nassau assassinated in, 472. Neuburg, Louis, count palatine of, i. 497^ , counts palatine of, ii. 173. Nevers. See Gongaza. Nice, conference at, between Charles v'. and Francis I., i. 186. Nicholas I., Pope, fements the loss of the Greek patriarchate, i. 15, note ; regains the allegiance of Christendom, 358. v., life of, by Georgius, i. 27, note. See Appendix, iii. No. 1. Nickel, Goswin, general of the Jesuits, ii. 389, 392, note. Nicoletti, Andrea, life of Pope Urban VIII. See Appendix, iii. No. 120. Nieuport taken, i. 470. Niort, Protestant population of, ii. 219. Noailles, archbi.shop of Paris, ii. 437. Nobile, Lorenzo and Lucio, their memorial to Pope Innocent X. See Appbndix, iii. No. 127. Nobili, Jesuit, Indian mission of, ii. 30 et seq. Nobles, power of, in seventeenth century, ii. 337 ; the Roman. See Appendix, iii. Nos. 80, 87. Norbert, memoirs of Father, ii. 442. Nordlingen, Protestant ascendancy in, i. 402. Norfolk, Lord, his warning to James II. ii. 424 n. Normandy, Protestants in, i. 403. Nuenar, Count, Protestant, i. 446, 475. Nuncios, papal, i. 22, et passim: ii. 137, 159, 119, et passim. See Appendix, iii. et passim. 2 L 2 516 INDEX. Nuns, Pius V. compels a strict seclusion of, i. 276 ; suppressed in Ger- many, the Ursuline, ii. 187 ; the Sisters of Mercy, 189. Niiremberg, Protestant schools at, i. 400. O. Oblati, order of, in Milan, i. 280. Ochino, Bernardino, a Franciscan, flies from the Inquisition to Geneva, i. 159. Odesealchi, family of, ii. 418. See Pope Innocent XI. Oettingen, convents of, i. 401 ; church property of, ib. Offa, king of the Anglo-Saxons, imposes the tax of " St. Peter's Penny," for the education of the clergy in Rome, i. 11 ; Edward III. refuses to continue its payment, 26. Offices created for sale by Pope LeoX. and other pontiffs, i. 307, 309, el passim. Olahus, archbishop of Gran, i. 412. Oliva, distinguished Jesuit, ii. 332, ib. note. See Appendix, iii. No. 189 et seq. Olivarez, Count, ambassador from Philip II. of Spain to Pope Sixtus V., ii. 27, 29, 252; his extreme haughtiness, 255, 261. Olmiitz, Jesuits' college at, i. 413. Olon, St., the papal nuncio shut up in, by Louis XIV., ii. 422. Olympia. See Maidalchina and Aldobrandina. Omer, St., bishop of, i. 463 ; Jesuits' college at, ib. and 465. Opitz, Joshua, Protestant preacher of Vienna, i. 485 ; banished by the emperor Rudolph II., i. 486. Orange, William, prince of, influence of, i. 443, 445 ; his life attempted by Jaureguy, 447 ; is murdered by Gerard, 448. Oratory, congregation of the, i. 383. Orders, religious, i. 22, 57, 128 — 135, et passim. Orfino, bishop of Fohgno, reforming visit to the churches of Rome Naples, &c., under Pope Pius V., i. 281. Orlandinus, history of Jesuits by. See Appendix, iii. No. 93. Orphans, charitable institutions for, in Venice and other Italian cities, i. 133. Orsini, family, Guelphs, i. 36 ; ii. 338, 339 ; its members put to death by Csesar Borgia, 37. , palace of, on the Campofiore, i. 360. Orsino, Camillo, cardinal and governor of Parma, i. 203, 229, 232. , Giulio, i. 225. , Latino, i. 330, , duke Virginio, i. 345. Ortiz, his " Itinerarium Adriani," quoted, i. 70 w., 73 n. Orvietano, Carlo, his memorials for the life of Pope Clement X. See Appendix, iii. No. 140. Osnaburgh, bishopric of, i. 447, 478. Ossat, D', ambassador from Henry IV. to Clement VIII., ii. 56, wofe, 57, 59, note. Ostend, port of, i. 4/0. ■>ir Otho the Great protects the pope, i. 18, 19. Ottobuono, ii. 330, 235, note. Oxenstierna, chancellor of Sweden, ii. 359, note, 371. , importance of the family, ii. 365. P. Pacheco, Cardinal, i. 229. Paderborn, Protestantism of, i. 400 ; Jesuits in, 478 et seq. Catholicism in, ii. 163. Padua, Marco of, i. 103 ; anatomical science in, 369. Paez, Jesuit, missionary to Abyssinia, ii. 236 et seq. Paganism, downfall of, i. 6. Pagi, his " Critica" quoted, i. 16. Pagliaricci, Antonio de', Protestant opinions of, 109, 155 ; his remaj'ks on the persecution prevailing, 161. Painting, Italian schools of, i. 51 et seq. Palatinate, the, adopts the Protestant faith, i. 94 ; Casimir of, marches to Cologne, 475; affairs of, 425, 402,410, 418,431; ii. 397; elector Frederick of, joins the union, ii. 173 ; is chosen king of Bohemia, 198 ; is defeated by the Imperialists, 199 ; transfer of the electorate, 212' — 217. See Appendix, iii. No. 74. Palearius, Aonius, i. 105, note. Paleotto on the council of Trent, i. 261, note; his opinion of Milan, i. 280. Palermo, zeal of, for Jesuits, i. 177. Palestrina, musical composer, i. 378 et seq. Pallavicini, Cardinal, quoted, i. 88, note, et passim; ii. 331, 334, 360, 374. S'ee Appendix, iii. Nos, 22, 130. , secretary of state under Pope Pius VI. See Appendix, iii. No. 165. Pallavicino, Genoese family of, ii. 335. Palliano, Caraffa, duke of, nephew of Pope Paul IV., i. 220, 245, 246 n. Pamfili, Giovanni Battista, Pope Innocent X. See Innocent X. , Camilio, nephew of the pontiff, ii. 324, 329, et seq. , splendid palace of, ii. 347. Pancirolo, Cardinal, ii. 333. See Appendix, iii. No. 117. Pandects, the, commentary on, i. 383. Panigarola e.xpelled from Ferrara, ii. 66. Pjuitheon, the, at Rome, i. 52. Panvinius on St. Peter's at Rome, i. 52, note. Papacy, i. 9, et passim. Paraguay, Jesuits in, ii. 229, il>. note. Paris, royal library of. See Appendix, iii. No. 63. Parma, Alessandro Farnese, duke of, governs ably in the Netherlands, i. 467. is conferred on a Spanish prince, ii. 431. Parry, ambassador from James I., of England, to the French court, ii. 222. 518 INDEX. Parsons, or Persons, English Jesuit, i, 458, 512; ii. 5, note. Pasquin ridicules Adrian VI. and the conclave, i. 69. Patriarchs, metropolitan, instituted, i. 7. Patrizi, distinguished man of letters at Ferrara, i. 373 ; ii. 63. Paul, St., his teaching at Athens, i. 3. II., Pope, life of, by Canensius, i. 55. III., Alessandro Farnese, Pope, his pontificate, i. 180 — 205 ; ii. 313. See Appendix, iii. No. 22. IV., Giovanni Pietro CarafFa, his reign, i. 213 — 241, et sej. ; ii 33. See Appendix, iii. Nos. 29, 30. IV., Life of, by Caracciolo, i. 56, 7iote. See Appendix, iii. No. 29. v., Borghese, ii. 349. See Appendix, iii. Nos. 79, 81. , Vincent de St. Paul, religious reformations and charitable institutions of, ii. 189. Pavia, charities of, i. 134. Pazmany, zealous Catholic writer, and Hungarian archbishop, ii. 211 ; Cardinal, 287. Peace, temple of, mutilated by Paul V., ii. 349, et seq. Peckius, Peter, chancellor of Brabant, ii. 201. Pekin, the Jesuits in, ii. 233. Penitenziaria, ofl5ce of penances, in Rome, i. 42, 72, 113. People, the sovereignty of, ii. 7 — 12, et seq. Pepin d'Heristal, i. 12. le Bref, protects Pope Boniface, i. 12 ; bestows the exarchate on the pontiff and his successors, i. 14. Pepoli, Giovanni, Count, strangled by order of Pope Sixtus V., i. 342. Pereira, Spanish ambassador to Christina of Sweden, ii. 361. See Ap- pendix, iii. Nos. 130, 131. Peretti, family of, ii. 304. , Felix, Pope SLxtus V., his birth and early history, i. 333 — 336 ; his pontificate, 339 — 367 ; ii. 17 — 32. See Appendix, iii. Nos. 49 — 61, inclusive. , Peretto, father of the pontiff, i. 333. , Zanetto, the Sclavonic ancestor of the pontifical house, 333 ; ii. 304. Perez, Hurtado, Jesuit rector in Olmiitz, i. 413. Peroto, favourite of Pope Alexander VI., and murdered in presence of the pontiff by Csesar Borgia, i. 38. Perron, Cardinal du, ii. 93, note. Persecution at Venice, 162 et seq ; of Protestants in England, i. 282 ; of Catholics and Jesuits by Queen Elizabeth, 512 ei seq.; in the Nether- lands, 432, 437 ; of priests and Jesuits by James I., ii. 223 ; in Poland, 160 et seq. ; in Germany, 249. Persico, Antonio, theological disputant, i. 335. Perugia seized by Pope Julius II., i. 40, 292 ; its inhabitants, 291 ; the city revolts against Pope Paul III., 304 ; refuses to pay the taxes, ii. 376. Pesaro, embassy of, from Venice to Pope Alexander VII. See Appen- dix, iii. No. 129. Pescara, Spanish general, in Italy, i. 78 ; bishopric of, ii. 383. INDKX. 519 Fescara, Marchesa di ( Vittoria Colonna) , remarkable for piety and learning, i. 106, 109, ib. note. Peter, the Apostle, his doctrines made the rule of faith, i. 8, 101. , St., cathedral of, i. 52, 363—366 ; ii. 346. Peter's pence. See OfTa. Petitot, his " Notices sur Portroyal " quoted, ii. 404, note. Petrarch, influence of, on Italian literature, i. 57. Pflug, German theologian (Catholic), i. 115, 126, 153. Pfyfter, Ludwig, founds Jesuit college at Lucerne, i. 459. Philibert, or Philip, margrave of Baden, slain at Moncontour, i. 424. Philip, sou of the above, educated a Catholic, and his margraviate com- pelled to Romanism, i. 424. ■ le Bel, of France, opposes Pope Boniface VIII., i. 25 et seq. II. of Spain, enmity of Pope Paul IV. to, i. 218 et seq. ; is dis- posed to peace with Pius IV., 259 ; admonishes Pius V., 274, 281 ; Gregory XIII. and Sixtus V. excite him to attack England, 457, 515 ; his wars in the Netherlands, 432 — 436, 461—475 ; he conquers Portugal, 469 ; excites the jealousy of Europe by threatening the general freedom, ii. 14 ; is suspicious of the Jesuits, 79, 84. III. of Spain, letter of, to Pope Paul V., ii. 125. IV. of Spain, ii. 252. V. of Spain ; war of the Spanish succession, «i. 428. Philology, study of, promoted by the Propaganda, ii. 203 et seq. Philosophy, Itsdian schools of, i. 57. 372. Piacenza. See Placentia. Piccinardi beheaded by Pope Paul V., ii. 109. Piccolomini, leader of banditti, i. 330 ; is absolved by Pope Gregory XIII., 332 ; reappears under Pope Sixtus V., ii. 31. -, general of the Jesuits, ii. 389. Pigna, minister of Ferrara, ii. 63. Pignatelli, Antonio, Pope Innocent XII., ii. 425. See Appendix, iii. No. 153. Pilgrimages, abandoned in Germany, i. 399, 400 ; are re-established with the restoration of Catholicism, 484. Pilgrims to Rome, Anglo-Saxon, i. 11 ; at the Jubilee of 1450, 27 ; to Jerusalem, 138, 144. Pimentel, Spanish ambassador to Christina of Sweden, ii. 365. Pisa, council at, demanded by Louis XII., i. 64 ; university of, 162. Pistoja, displeasure of inhabitants against their countryman Pope Clement IX., ii. 336 ; manifesto issued by, for union of Galilean and Jansenist principles, 453. Pitt, extract from his letter to George III., ii. 471, note. Pius II., Pope, ^neas Sylvius, his zeal against the Turks, i. 28 ; letter of, 29, note; finances of, 306. IV., Pope, Giovan Angelo Medici, his extraction and kindred, i. 241 et seq. ; condemns the nephews of his predecessors to death, 245; convokes the third council of Trent, 249 ; attempt to assassinate, 268 ; public buildings of, 360. See Appendix, iii. Nos. 32, 41. v., Michele Ghislieri, grand inquisitor, early history of, 269 ; his character and influence on the church and Curia, 2/0 — 274 ; cruel per- secutor of Protestants, 282, 285 ; his financial measures, 315, 316, 520 INDEX, 318; his life by Catena, 271, notes. See Appexdix, iii. Nos. 42, 43. Pius VI., Pope, conference of, at Vienna, with the Emperor Joseph II., ii. 453 ; opposes the Jansenist tenets, 457 ; firmness of conduct of, to- wards republican France, ib. ; is carried prisoner to that country, and dies there, 458. See Appendix, iii. No. 165. VII., Pope, ii. 539 ; negociates with Buonaparte for restoration of Catholic Church in France, ib. et seq. ; crowns Napoleon emperor, 461 et seq. ; his humiliations and sufferings, ib. et seq. ; is restored by the Allied Powers, 466 et seq. Plato, studied by Christina of Sweden, ii. 354 et seq. Plautus, Italian imitation of, i. 49, 53. Poetry, Italian. See Alamanni, Ariosto, Tasso, &c. Poitiers, Protestant population of, ii. 219. Poison, how employed by Pope Alexander VI., i. 39. See Appendix, iii. No. 3. Poitou, Capuchins in, ii. 218. Poland, king of, is defeated, and the kingdom divided, i. 16 ; Lutheranism in Prussian Poland, 39G ; Poland Proper adheres to PvOme, 408 ; Ste- phen Bathory, king of, ii. 138 et seq. ,- reign of Sigismund III., 140 et seq. ,- enterprises of Rome in, 14'3 et seq. ; troubles in, 156 — 161 ; wars of Gustavus Adolphus in, 275 et seq ; power of Russia in, 436. See Appendix, iii. Nos. 66, 67. Pole, Reginald, Cardinal, remarks of, i. 103, 110, ib. note; appears at the Council of Trent, 151, 155 ; is legate in England, 237, 248. Pomerania, reformed rehgion of, i. 94. PomereUia, voivodeship of, given to Mortangen for his aid of the Jesuits, ii. 141. Pomponazzo ordered to recant his opinions by the pope, i. 55, note. Ponte, the regent, excommunicated by Pope Paul V., ii. 111. Pontine Marshes, the, i. 347. Population of Rome under Leo X., i. 54, 56 ; in the seventeenth cen- tury, ii. 338—344. Porcari, insurrection of. See Appendix, iii. No. 1. Porta, Baptista, scientific labours of, ii. 119. Portroyal, adoration of the eucharist in, ii. 185 ; Jansenist fraternity in, 403 et seq. Portugal, ecclesiastical orders of knighthood, i. 30 ; Jesuits in, 165 ; is conquered by Philip II. of Spain, 469 ; discoveries of, in East and West Indies, ii. 228 et seq. ; Jesuits expelled from, 445. Possevin, Jesuit, sent to attempt the conversion of John, king of Sweden, i. 452 ; absolves the king for the death of his brother Erik XIV., 453. Poverty, monastic vow of, i. 131. Powsinsky, papal envoy, ii. 143 et seq. See Appendix, iii. No. 66. Pragmatic sanction, the, considered palladium of French liberties, i. 28. Prague, Jesuits at, i. 412 ; Catholicism in, ii. 209 ; peace of, 286, 287. Predestination, doctrine of, ii. 88 et seq. Press, restraints on, by Inquisition, i. 161 ; ii. 114. Primates, unknown in the first century of the Church, i. 7. Priuli, Francesco, quoted, ii. 126 n., 128 m. , Luigi, Venetian patron of letters, i. 102. INDEX. 521 Priuli, Pietro, quoted, ii. 125 «., 127 n. , Ger. " Cronica Veneta," ii. 12.3 «., 127 »., 128 »t. , Lorenzo, quoted, i. 291, noie. See Appendix, iii. No. 57. Profpsdo Fidei, according to the decrees of tlie Council of Trent, i. 265, 421, 45;i; ii. 237. Propaganda, the institution of, ii. 203 ef seq. ; missions of, 228—238. Protestantism, progress of, during pontificate of Paul IV., i. 236 — 241. Protestants, their "existence legalised, i. 80 ; their progress and vicissi- tudes, 65, et passim. Prussia, Lutheranism established in, i. 396. Pultusk, Jesuit College at, ii. 138. Purgatory, declaration of Alexander VI. respecting, i. 45. Puritans, the English, ii. 195, 291. a. Quedlinburg, abbey of, in Protestant hands, i. 401. Quentin, St., victory of Spain at, i. 225, 226. Quirini, Giacomo, ii. 334 «., 335 n. ,- his description of the courts of Alexander VII. and Clement IX. See Appendix, iii. No. 136. , Antonio, ii. 337 note. See Appendix, iii. No. 138. , Angelo Maria, Cardinal, quoted, i. 102, note. Quiroga, a Capuchin, resists Pope Urban VIII. in respect to the Emperor Ferdinand's edict of restitution, ii* 287, ib. note. R. Racine, ecclesiastical history of, ii. 400 «., 404, 407 n. Radstadt, inhabitants of, require the cup in the communion, i. 399. Raesfeld, the dean of, his zeal for Catholicism, i. 479. Raffaele d'Urbino, paintings of, i, 51, 53. Raittenau, Wolf Dietrich Von, archbishop of Salzburg, compels the inhabitants of his see to adoi)t the Catholic faith, i. 491 — 493. Rangoni, the papal nuncio, gives aid to the " false Demetrius," on con- dition of his embracing the Catholic faith, ii. 155, ib. note, 156. Ranzau, lleinrich. Catholic hopes of his adopting their party, i. 497. Ratisbon, conference of, i. 115 — 128; Catholicism in, 494; diets of, ii. 170 et seq., 207, 7iote. Ravagli, Guelphic family of, i. 298. Ravenna, exarchate of, bestowed on the popes, i. 14 ; Guelphs in, 296; power of the Ghibelines in, 296. Recantation, forced, i. 103. Reformation, i. 59, et passim ; ii. 278, 288, 291—293. "Regale," disputes of Louis XIV. with Pope Innocent XI. concerning the, ii. 417—427. Reggio mastered by Pope Julius II., i. 42. Regular clergy, i. 129, 134, et passim. Religion of the ancient nations, i. 1, 2. -, peace of, concluded at Augsburg, i. 401,431 ; ii. 170 et seq. 522 INDEX. Religious orders, military, i. 30 ; new monastic, 128 — 135; that of the Jesuits, 135 et seq. Rense, field of, i. 26. Republican forms of the early Christian church, i. 7. Republicanism of Rome and the Curia, i. 387 ; of the Huguenot body, ii. 195 ; spirit of, at Ghent, 464. Restoration, papal, ii. 466 — 476. Retractation of reUgious opinions compelled by the Roman Inquisition, i. 159, 163. Retz, Cardinal de, ii. 404. Reuchlin prepares the first Hebrew grammar, i. 57. Reuchlin, his history of Portroyal, ii. 400. Revelation, the Council of Trent on its sources, i. 152. Revius, his " Daventria illustrata," i. 57, note. Revolution in England, ii. 423 ; in France, 454 — 458. Rezzonico, nephew of Pope Clement XIII., disinterested and pious dis- positions of, ii. 444. Rhetius, Johann, Jesuit teacher of Cologne, i. 411. Rhine, electorates of, i. 399 et seq. ; refusal to open the, to the commerce of HoUand, ii. 199. Rhodes, capture of, by the Turks, i. 70, 71. Riario, Girolamo, nephew of Pope Sixtus IV., is made lord of Forli, i. 35. Ribadeneira, Jesuit biographer of Ignatius Loyola, i. 139 n., 146 n. See Appendix, iii. No. 93. Ricci, Jesuit missionary to China, ii. 233. — ■ — , Lorenzo, general of the Jesuits, ii. 446 ; resists the efforts of Louis XV. for the partial restriction of his order, 447 ; thereby occasions its total suppression, ib. Richardot, bishop of Arras, i. 462. Richelieu, Cardinal, ii. 242 et seq. Riga conquered by Gustavus Adolphus, ii. 275. Rimini, power of the Guelphs in, i. 296. Rinaldi, Guelphic family of, i. 298. Ripamonte, history of MUan, i. 242, 280, note. Ritual, the Latin, i. 23 ; the Roman, 280 ; new, published by Pius V., 283. Robustelli massacres the Protestant inhabitaiyts of the Grisons, ii. 200 et seq. Rocci, papal nuncio at the diet of Ratisbon, ii. 280. Rochelle, La, siege of, i. 443 ; ii. 241, 255. Rocheome, learned French Jesuit, ii. 94. Roderigo, one of the first Jesuits of Portugal, i. 165. Rodolph II., Emperor, his zeal for Catholicism, i. 485 et seq. Rohan, Francois de, letter of, i. 200, note. , Henri, duke de, leader of Huguenots, ii. 245. Rokozs, Pohsh assembly of the, ii. 158. Romagna, Pope SLstus IV., designs to confer it on his nephew, i. 34; Pope Julius II. subdues the entire province, 40, 42 ; outlaws in, under Gregory XIII., 330; they re-appear under Sixtus V., ii. 31. Rome, worship of emperors in, i. 4, 5 ; rise and extension of Christi- anity in, 5 et seq. ; invasions of the city, 9, 10 ; is stormed by Bour- INDEX. 523 bon, 82, 83 ; threatened by Alva, 226 ; its buildings, 358—367 ; ii. 344 — 351 ; Vatican and other libraries, 348 ; the city occupied by the French, ii. 458 ; is restored to Pope Pius VII., 466. See Appendix, iii. Nos. 31, 41, 44, 122, 138, &c. Romillon, Jean Baptiste, religious reformer, ii. 187. Rosary, wearing of, resumed in Germany, i. 416. Rosetti, papal ambassador, ii. 288 et seq. Rospigliosi, Cardinal Giulio, afterwards Pope Clement IX., ii. 334, 335. See Appendix, iii. Nos. 136, 137, 138. Rota, Roman court of appeal, i. 113, et passim ; ii. 380. , Francesco della, mission of, ii. 209, note. Rotta, Giovanni Battista, declared a heretic for holding Protestant opinions, i. 109, lb. note. Rouen, Jesuits in, i. 501 ; Capucliins settled at, by Catherine de Medicis, ib. Rucellai, works of, i. 49. Rudolfo, plans of, to fill the papal treasury under Gregory XIII., i. 326 et seq. Rusdorf, memoirs by, ii. 273, note. Russia, attempts of the Catholics in, ii. 154 — 156. Rusticucci, Cardinal, i. 381. Sacchetti, Cardinal, ii. 321, 381; is sent ambassador to Spain by Pope Gregory XIII., 214, ib. note. See Appendix, iii. No. 105. , his letter to Pope Alexander VII., ii. 381, ib. note. Sacchinus, History of the Jesuits by, i. 176 n. ; ii. 80 «., 83 n., 84 n. %£ Appendix, iii. No. 93. Sacraments of the Church discussed at Trent, i. 152 — 156, 257 — 266 ; disputes relating to, in Austria, ii. 207 et seq. Sadolet, bishop of Carpentras, i. 101, 104, note; is appointed cardinal, 110 ; his commentary on St. Paul, ib. note. Sagredo, Relatione di Roma, by, ii. 348, note. S'ee Appendix, iii. No. 133. St. Cyran, Du Verger, abbot of, associate of Jansenius, and founder with him of the Jansenist association, ii. 397, 399 et seq. St. Gall, abbot of, his zeal for Catholicism, ii. 180. St. Lorenzo, the manna of, i. 290. Saints, worship of, discussed in the Council of Trent, i. 261 ; invocation of, ii. 208, 363. Salamanca, university of, i. 323. Sales, Francois de, monastic institutions of, ii. 187. Salmasius visits Christina of Sweden, ii. 355. Salmeron, Jesuit, his influence at the Council of Trent, i. 154. Salt, tax on, at Rome, i. 304, 312 ; monopoly of, at Ferrara, ii. CI ; under Pope Alexander VII., 374. See Taxes. Salviati, Giacopo, influence of, under Pope Clement VII., i. 293 ; Car- dinal governs Bologna with great wisdom, 381. , palace of, destroyed by Pope Alexander VII., ii. 347. Salzburg, religious contentions in, i. 399, 491. Sac Raittenau. 524 INDEX. Sancerre, brave defence of, i. 443. Sandys, bishop, his letter to Lord Burleigh, i. 516, ib. note. Sanga, papal secretary, letter of, to Campeggio, i. 95, note. SangaUo, eminent architect under Pope Clement VII., i. 302. Sangenesino, Guido, Life of Sixtus V. See Appendix, iii. No. 53. Sangro, nuncio in Spain, his instructions. See Appendix, iii. No, 97. San Ildefonso, Jesuit college of, ii. 228. San Marcello, Cardinal, i. 124. Sannazzaro, works of, i. 49. Sanseverina Barbara, admirable description of, by Tasso, ii. 64. , Santorio, cardinal of, zealous inquisitor, i. 381, 522; his attempted election to the tiara, ii. 39 ei seq. ; his autobiography. See Appendix, iii. Nos. 63, 64. San Severino, Neapolitan monk, reputed author of " The Benefits con- ferred by Christ," i. 105. Santafiore, Count, cruel order of Pope Pius V. to, i. 285, 286. Sanuto, Marino, chronicles of, i. 36 . Saracens, conquests of, i. 9, 12. Saracini, history of Ancona by, i. 290. Sardinia, concessions made to, by Pope Clement XIV., ii. 450. Sarpi, Fra Paolo, i. 263 n. ; ii. 117 et seq., 120, ib. n. ; his opposition to the secular power of the papacy, 121 ; remarks on his history of the Council of Trent. See Appendix, iii. Section 2. Sarrazin, abbot of St. Vaast, i. 467. Satan, Jesuit ideas concerning, i. 146 ; ii. 364 ; Luther's warnings ia relation to, i. 124. Sauli, Cardinal, ii. 124. Savelli, noble Roman family of, ii. 338, ib. note. Savonarola, Geronimo, i. 64 ; influence of his doctrines, 102. Savoy, dakes of, i. 280, 405; Charles Emanuel of, attacks Geneva, 511 ; ecclesiastical and political affairs of, ii. Ill ; claim of, to Montferrat, 261. Saxe Lauenburg, Henry of, i. 401, 447; his death, 479. Saxony, reformed church in, i. 80 ; John Frederick, elector of, 194 ; Maurice of, 208 ; Augustus of, 496, 497, ib. note. See Appendix, iii. No. 74. Scandinavia, Lutheranism of, i. 395; missions in, ii. 137 — 154. See Appendix, iii. No. 68. Scepticism, prevalence of, in Rome under Pope Leo X., i. 55, 56, 100. Schall, Jesuit missionary to China, ii. 234. Sclielhorn, his work referred to, i. 105, 107. Schism in the Catholic church, i. 26. Schomberg, marshal de, his advice to Henry III. of France, ii. 19. Schwartzenburg, count de, i. 424. Schweikard, zealous Catholic reformer, ii. 194, 213. Scotland, religious contests in, i. 238 — 240. Scriptures, i. 152, 156. See Bible and Testament, New. Sculptors, Italian, i. 51 ei seq. Sebastian of Portugal, his kingdom governed by Jesuits, i. 283. Sega, Cardinal, papal nuncio to Spain, i. 456 ; legate in France, ii. 48. Seltan- Segued, emperor of Abyssinia, converted by Jesuits to Romanism, u. 237. INDEX. 525 .Septizonium of Severus at Rome, destroyed by Pope Sixtus V., i. 3G3. .Sepulchre, design of Pope Sixtus V. in relation to, ii. 18 ; Holy, Jesuit representation of the, in Lahore, ii. 232. Serijiando, general of the Augustine order, i. 153 et seq. Serra, Guelphic family of, i. 298. Severino, Dr., opinion of, concerning the death of Pope Leo X. i. G7, nofe. Sfondrato, Cardinal. See Gregory XIV. , Ercole, nephew of the pontiff, and duke of Montemarciano, is sent to aid the French league, ii. 36. •Sforza, ducal family of Milan, i. 33 ; expelled from Pesaro by Pope Alexander VL and Caesar Borgia, 36 ; duchy of Fiano bought from, for nephew of Pope Gregory XV. ii. 307. , Cardinal, i. 330 ; ii. 35. Shakespeare, influence of his writings, ii. 193. Sicily, Jesuits in, i. 177. Sienna, tendency to Protestant doctrines in, i. 109. Sigismund Augustus, king of Poland, i. 397 ; ascendancy of Protestants under, ib. ■ III., king of Poland, his zeal for Catholicism, i. 517 ; it- 140 — 161. Sikestro, St., miracles recommence in the church of, i. 385. Sin, Jesuit doctrines concerning, ii. 394 et seq. Singlin, adherent of the Jansenist St. Cyran, ii. 403. Sinigaglia, town and trade of, i. 292 ; privileges granted to, by Caesar Borgia, id. Sirleto, learned cardinal, assists in the reformation of the calendar under Pope Gregory XIII., i. 324, 381. Sirugli, Guelphic faction of, i. 329. Sisters of Mercy, order of, founded, ii. 189. Sitia, bishop of, recommends Gregory XIII. to found a Greek college in Rome, i. 323. Sixteen, league of the, in Paris, i. 507 ef scq. , ii. 49 etseq. Sixtus IV., Pope, his ambition and cruelty, i. 34 et seq. ,- his patronage of the mendicant orders, 44 ; promotion of his nephews, 34, 43; instruc- tions given by, to legates. See Appendix, iii. No. 2. Sbctus v., Felix Peretti, Pope, history and administration, i. 333 — 367 ; ii. 17 — 32 ; his various biographies. See Appendix, iii. Section 4 to No. 57 inclusive. Smalcalde, league of, i. 192, 404. Societies, literary, of Italy, i. 100, 102, 110; ii. IG, 3G9, et seq. ; devo- tional, i. 101 ; political, 103. Solms, count of, favours the reformed religion, i. 475. Soleure, Protestant league of, i. 460. Somasca, educ.itional congregation of, i. 134. Soranzo, Geronimo, Relatione di Roma by, i. 241, note, 249 ; his mission from Venice to Pope Gregory XV. See Appendix, iii. No. 35. yorl'onne, changes of opinion in, ii. 9, 55, et seq. Soriano, character of Clement Vll. by, i. 81 n., 90 n. See Appendix, iii. No. 20. Soubise, prince de. Huguenot leader, ii. 245 (I teg. 526 INDEX. Soul, of its immortality,!. 55, 154 ; Bellarmine concerning the, ii. 6. Spada, description of Rome under Urban VIII. See Appendix, iii. No. 118. Spain, Ferdinand I., king of Castile, i. 17 ; church patronage of the king, 30 ; chivalry and romance of, 78, 135 ; jealousy of the pontiffs in regard to, 209, 215 ; bishops of, at Council of Trent, 259 ; decrees of Trent promulgated in, 282 ; deteriorating policy of, ii. 436. See Charles V., Philip II., Jesuits, &c. Spangenburg, his Scriptural commentaries eagerly received by the people, i. 399. Spannocchi, relation concei'ning Poland by. See Appendix, iii. No. 61. Sparre, Swedish statesman, ii. 145. Spinola commands the Spanish forces in the Netherlands, ii. 125. Spires, diet of, i. 80 ; Jesuits in, 414. Spoleto, warlike qualities of its inhabitants, i. 291. Spon, his visit to Rome in 1674, ii. 350. Squadrone Volante, certain cardinals so called, ii. 330, ib. note. SquUlace, reforming Spanish statesman, ii. 442. State, connection between church and, ii. 3. Statues, celebrated ancient, i. 53, 363, et seq. See Appendix, iii. No. 13. Stein, Johann von, archbishop of Treves, i. 413. Stephen, apostle of Hungary, ii. 167. Stockholm, Jesuits at, i. 452 et seq. ; ii. 144. Strada, Francesco, Jesuit, i. 164. Stralendorf, Leopold von, i. 429. Strasburg, concessions made to, i. 29. Striggio, Mantuan minister, ii. 260. Strozzi, Pietro, gives aid to Pope Paul IV., i. 221. , Roman palace and artistic collections of, ii. 319. Stukeley projects an expedition to Ireland under favour of Pope Gregory XIII., i. 456. Styria, ecclesiastical revolutions in, i. 488, 490 ; ii. 165 etseq. Suabia, Jesuits in, i. 415. Suarez, Jesuit, professor at Coimbra, apologises for the regicide Jacques Clement, ii. 7, 8, ib. note. Sudermania, Charles, duke of, ii. 145 — 154, 156 — 161. Sully, duke de, ii. 125. Supremacy, the papal, i. 107 et seq. ; ii. 121 et seq. Suriano, Antonio, his Relatione. See Appendix, iii. No. 20. , Michele, Relatione di. See Appendix, iii. No. 42. Surius, history of the Saints by, i. 422. Susa taken by the French, ii. 270. Sussidio imposed by Pope Paul III. i. 313. Sweden, Lutheranism in, i. 396, 452—455 ; ii. 351 ; attempts of Catho- licism in, ii. 143 — 154, 352; victories of Gustavus Adolphus of, 275 et seq., 281 et seq.; Queen Christina of, 351—372, 381, note. See Appendix, iii. Nos. 130, 131. Swiss, the, serve in the papal armies, i. 61 ; defeated at Marignano. SI, and by the German lanzknechts under Paul IV., 225. INDEX. 527 Switzerland, persecuted Italians fly to, i. 160 ; Carlo Borromeo establishes college in Milan for Catholic cantons of, 280 ; Jesuits in, 459 ; nun- ciature in, ii. 178 — 181. iSee Geneva, Calvin, &c. Sylvius, iEneas, letter of, i. 29, note. Syria, the Druses of, ii. 17. Tabaraud, history of Pierre de Berulle by, ii. 188. Tacitus studied by Christina of Sweden, ii. 356. Tanucci, reforming Neapolitan minister, ii. 442. Tasso, Bernardo, works of, i. 370. , Torquato, his life at the court of Ferrara, ii. 66 ; his imprisonment there, ib. Taxes, papal, references to, i. 274, et passim; ii. 323. /See Appendix, iii. Nos. 6, 8, 11, 49, 84, 86, 122, 136, &:c. Telini, diary of. See Appendix, iii. No. 9. Telesius, philosophy of, i. 335, 372. Tellier, Le, a distinguished Jesuit, confessor to Louis XIV., ii. 437. Tempesti, Casimiro, biographer of Pope Sixtus V. See Appendix, iii. Section 4, I. Templars, knights, property of, inherited by Portuguese military orders, i. 30. Temple of peace dilapidated by Pope Paul V,, ii. 350 et scq. Temples, heathen, used as Christian churches, i. 6. Testament, New, Greek edition of, by Erasmus, i. 57. Theatines, order of, founded by Cardinal CarafFa, afterwards Pope Paul IV., i. 131. Theiner, defects of his work on Sweden alluded to, i. 455, note. Theodosius the Great, his edict, and its effect on Christianity, i. 8 ; Albert of Bavaria compared to, by the Jesuits, 422. Theology, systems of, ii. 87 — 91. Theresa, St., description of her rule, ii. 186. Thiene, Gaetano da, canonized, i. 101, 130, et seq. Thomas Aquinas, ii. 6 ; called the angelic doctor, 87. a Kempis, school of, i. 57. ' , St., Nestorian Christians of, in India, ii. 235 etseq. Thomists, doctrines of, ii. 87 — 91. Thiingen, Neithard Von, bishop of Bamberg, compels his diocese to adopt the Catholic faith, ii. 163. Tiepolo, Lorenzo, relation of. See Appendix, iii. No. 156. — — — , Paolo, i. 259, note, 267. See Appendix, iii. No. 41. Tillemont favours the Jansenists, ii. 404. ^ Tilly, imperialist general, ii. 212, 282. Tiraboschi cited, ii. 384, note. Tithes and rights, papal, i. 42 — 46, et passim ; ii. 5 et seq., 12 et seq., 121, et passim. Titles of nobility earnestly sought at the close of the sixteenth century, i. 369. Tivoli, Pope Urban VIII. establishes a manufactory of arms at, ii. 265. 528 INDEX. Toledo, Cardinal, appointed inquisitor, i. 157. , Francesco, a distinguished preacher, i. 320 ; ii. 63. Tolentino, bishopric of, i. 345. Toleration, refused by the Inquisition, i. 156 — 163. Tonduzzi, history of Faenza by, i. 301. Torella, Countess Lodovica, her charity, i. 134. Torregiani, Cardinal, minister of Pope Clement XIII., ii. 444 ; adopts tns cause of the Jesuits, ib. Torres, Bishop, i. 382 ; ii. 159, note ; nuncio in Poland. (See Appendix, iii. No. 98. Tortosa, cardinal of, i. 68 ; afterwards Pope Adrian VI., 69 — 74. Tosco, Cardinal, i. 384. Toulouse, Jesuits at, i. 501 et seg. Tournay, Jesuits in, i. 474. Trading habits acquired by the Jesuit fathers, ii. 392 et seq. Tradition, difference of importance attached to, by Protestants, Romanists, and Jansenists, ii. 402. Tragedy, Italian, i. 49, 53. Trajan, pillar of, how restored by Pope Sixtus V., i. 364. Trent, Council of, convened by Pope Paul III., i. 150; history of, by Paolo Sarpi. See Appendix, iii. Section 2. Treves, ecclesiastical electorate of, i. 400, 427 ; Jacob von Eltz, elector of, promotes the Catholic restoration, 428 ; archbishop of, 429 ; Catho- licism of its people, ii. 3. Tribes, early, on the Mediterranean, i. 1,2. Trinita, Count della, his conduct to Pope Pius V., i. 270 ; his reception by that pontiff, 272. Trinity, vision of Ignatius Loyola concerning, i. 141. Tropea, Teofilo di, religious severity of, i. 158. Truchsess, Cardinal Otto, zeal of, for Catholicism, i. 402, 414. , Gebhard, archbishop, elector of Cologne, i. 475 ; is expelled his diocese for Protestantism, 477. Turkey, Jesuits in, ii. 237 ; they banish the Greek patriarch from, ib. Turks take Belgrade and Rhodes, i. 71 ; invade Hungary, 81 ; ii. 99 ; suffer defeat from Austria, under Louis XIV., 423. Tuscany, the Medici in, i. 33, 34, 75, 83 ; Cosmo de' Medici receives the title of grand duke, i. 277 ; military and political affairs, ii. 105, 112. Tyrnan, Nicolas, archbishop of Gran, founds Jesuit college at, i. 412. Tyrol, Catholicism of, i. 408, 490, et seq. ; Jesuits in, 414 et seg.; Arch- duke Leopold of, ii. 240. U. Umiliati, order of, reformed by Carlo Borromeo, i. 279. Unigenitus, bull issued by Pope Clement XL, ii. 438, Universities and colleges of Italy are oppressed by the Inquisition, i. 162 ; see further, Bologna, Cologne, Dillingen, Douay, &c. Unterwalden, Melchior Lussi, landamman of, the personal friend and zealous assistant of Carlo Borromeo, i. 400. XJpsala, archbishopric of, ii. 144, ib. note, 146; council of, 145; Sigis- mund at, 147. INDEX. 529 Urban, bisbop of Laibach, confessor to the Emperor Ferdinand, i. 410 ; [intronizes the Jesuits, 411. VII., Giambattista Castagna, Pope, ii. 32 et ::eq. ; his death after ;i reign of twelve days, 34. VIII., Maffeo Barberini, ii. 20.3—271, 281—286: his court and I'amily, 307 — 311 ; his wars with the duke of Parma. 314 — 321 ; his building, ZA() et seq. See also Appendix, iii. Nos. 103, 104, 111, 112, 113, 120, 121. Urbane, fort or castelfranco, built by Pope Urban VIII., ii. 265. Urbino, attempt on, of Csesar Borgia, i. 36 ; inheritance of, 39 ; is at- tacked by Leo X., 63 ; the duchy of, lapses to the see of Rome, ii. 299. Ursuline nuns devote themselves to tlie education of young girls, ii. 187. Utraquists, a sect of Hussites in Bohemia, ii. 207 et seq. ; their symbols removed from the church, 208. Utrecht, archbishopric of, ii. 439. Valcamonica, obedience of its peasantry to Carlo Borromeo, i. 279. Valdez, Juan, reUgious tenets and influence of, at Naples, i. 104 et seq. Valentini, FUippo, his Protestant opinions, i. 160. Valentinian III., Emperor, edict of, i. 8, ib. note. Valerian, bishop of Wilna, founds a Jesuit school, i. 451 ; ii. 287. Valiere, Agostino, bishop of Milan, i. 382. Valignano, father, Jesuit missionary in Japan, ii. 235. Valle, Marchesa della, informs Pope Paul IV. that his nephews deceive him, i. 229. Vallicella, father, adviser of Pope Clement VIII., ii. 45. Valtelline, the religious affairs of, ii. 180 et seq.; political arrangement of, 240 et seq., 243, 246. See Appendix, iii. No. 111. Varano, hostile proceedings of Pope Paul III. against, i. 18G. Vasa, Gustavus, testament of, i. 396. , John, king of Sweden, failure of attempt to make him Catholic, i. 452, 455, , Charles, duke of Sudermania, supplants Sigismund III. of Sweden, and ascends the throne as Charles IX., ii. 145 — 154. Vasto, marquis of, governor of Milan, i. 189. Vatican, palace of, i. 53, 70; archives of, 88 ; printing press of, 318 ; restored and embellished by Pope JuUus, ii. 359. Vega, Lope de, Spanish dramatist, ii. 10. Veit, St., inhabitants of, demand tlie sacrament in both kinds, i. 399. Venafro, principality of, bestowed bv Pope Sixtus V. on his kinsman, ii. 304. Vendome, duke of, i. 187. Venetians excommunicated by Pope Sixtus IV., i. 34 ; deprived of tlicir dominions on the sea-coast by Julius II., 42. Venice, the resort of literary exiles, i. 102 ; charitable institutions of, 133 et seq. ,• Inquisition in. 162 e( seq. ; Jesuits in, ii. 124 et sen., 127 et seq. .- dissensions between Rome and, 87 et seq., 130 — 132 ; variour affairs relating to. See Appendix, iii. Nos. 93, 150. , VOL. II. 2 M 530 INDEX. Venier, Relatione di Roma. See Appendix, iii. No. 7l. Verden, bishopric of, i. 401. Verdun, Jesuits in, i. 501 ; Capuchins settled in, ib. Verger, Jean du. See St. Cyran. Vergerio, Bishop, i. 108. Vermigli, Peter Martyr, flies before the terrors of the Inquisition, i. 160, Verona, church of, under its bishop Giberti, i. 278. Vervins, peace of, ii. 97. Vettori, Francesco, character of Pope Adrian VI., i. 75, 7iote ; liistory of Italy by. See Appendix, iii. No. 16. Victoria, first Jesuit rector in Vienna, i. 416. Vida, Marco, improvisatore at the court of Leo X., i. 48. , Ottonel, disciple of Vergerio, i. 108. Vienna, concordat of, i. 29 ; Jesuits in, 411 ; prohibition of Protestant worship at, 485 et seq. See Rodolph II. Vieta, works of, corrected by P. Sarpi, ii. 110. Viglienna, Spanish ambassador at Rome, ii. 125. See Appendix, iii. No. 72. Villanova, Jesuit of Alcala, i. 165. Villele, father, his success in making converts to Catholicism, ii. 219. Virgin, holy house of the, at Loretto, i. 346 ; ii. 18. Visconti, assassination of, i. 242. Visitation, order of, founded by Francois di Sales, ii. 187. Vitelleschi, general of the Jesuits, ii. 388. Vitelli, Italian house of, i. 40. Vitello, Cardinal, i. 229. Viterbo, productions of, i. 290. Volterra, Fra Antonio, Protestant opinions of, i. 109. Vossius, Isaac, of Leyden, visits Christina of Sweden, ii. 355. Vulgate, the, 1. 109, 152, 156. W. Wadding, a Minorite, opposes the condemnation of Jansenius's book, ii. 407. Wall, reforming Spanish minister, ii. 442. Wald cantons, influence of Carlo Borromeo in, i. 460. Waldeck, Bernard von, uncertainty of his religious views, i. 478, note. Waldenses, the state of in 1561, i. 405. Wallenstein, imperialist general, ii. 257, 274, 279 ; is dismissed by the emperor Ferdinand, 281. Walloons, the, deserted by their generals, i. 467 et seq.; submit to Philip II., of Spain, 470. Walpurgis, St., Jesuits conduct their pupils in pilgrimage to the tomb of, i. 417. Walther, Hans von, defeats the Swiss troops of Pope Paul IV., i. 225. War, misery of Italian cities in consequence of, i. 133 et seq.; religion affected by it, 470 ; the thirty years' war, ii. 256 — 290. Wartburg, castle of, Luther concealed in, i. 65. Waller, zealous Jesuit, i. 483. INDKX. 531 Wellington, duke of, ii. 471 ; reluctantly promotes the passing of the Catholic emancipation bill, ib. \Venceslaus, St., ii. 272 ; Pope Urban VIII. refuses to place him in the Roman Cftlendav, notwithstanding the request of the Emperor Ferdinand II., ib. Werneck, Jesuits in, i. 482. • "Westphiilia, Lutheranism in, i. 400 ; Catholicism is revived in, 477 ; peace of in 1648, ii. 288. Wiborg, Lutheran bishopric founded at, i. 396. Wied, Protestant count of, i. 473. William III. and Mary, accession of, ii. 423. Wilna, bishop Valerian of, i. 451 ; church of the Protestants destroyed by the Catholics at, ii. 161. Wirteraberg, duke of, expelled by the Austrians, i. 92 ; is restored to his dominions by Philip, landgrave of Hesse, ib. , reformed faith estab- lished in, 94 ; duke of joins the Protestant union, ii. 173 eiseq. Wittenberg, Cardinal Campeggio proposes to excommunicate university of, i. 85. Wittgenstein, Count, Lutheranism of, i. 475. \\ladislaus III. of Poland, tolerant rule of, ii. 290. AVolgast, battle of, ii. 250 note. Wolsey, Cardinal, appointed papal legate, i. 30 ; his letter on reform, 95, 7tofe. Worms, diet of, i. 65. Wiirzburg, Protestants ascendant in, i. 398 ; Jesuits settle in, 414, 484 ; Julius Echter, bishop of, compels the acceptance of the Catholic faith at, 481 et seq. ,- advance of Romanism in, ii. 163, 194. Wyborg. See Wiborg. X. Xaintes, bishop of, ii. 220. Xavier, St. Francis, companion of Ignatius Loyola, i. 143 ei seq.; proceeds on a mission to the East Indies from the court of John III. of Portu- gal, 165 ; is canonized by Pope Gregory XV., 204 ; is called the apostle of India, ii. 205. , Geronimo, nephew of St. Francis, Jesuit missionary to Japan, ii. 230. Y. Ypres, Jesuits at, i. 474; Jansenius, bishop of, called the " Aug\istine of Ypres," ii. 397, note. Z. Zqccaria, founder of the Barnabites, i. 134. Zai;arola, principality of, bought from the bouse of Farnese for the family of Pope Grcfjory XV., ii. 307. Zamoiskv, chancellor of Poland, ii. 139, 157. 2 M 2 632 INDEX. Zane, Marino, learned Venetian, ii. 16. Zanetti, Guido, of Fano, persecuted for his religious opinions, i. 278 ; is given up to Pius V. by the Venetians, ib. Zebrzydowski, p?\latine of Cracow, ii. 157 et seq. Zeno, ii. 203 ; Relation from Rome. See Appendix, iii. No. 103. Zips, compelled to Catholicism by the archbishop of Colocsa, ii. 167. Zorzi, on the character of Leo X., i. 54 «., 61 n., G2 n. ; Relation of. See Appendix, iii. No. 7. Zrinyi, Count Adam, expels twenty Protestant pastors from his Hun- garian domains, ii. 211. i Zug,. canton of, i. 510. J Zulian, Relation of Rome. See Appendix, iii. No. 165. Zustinian, or Giiistiniani, Report in relation to Rome. See Appendix, iii. No. 128. Zutphen taken by the Spaniards, i. 477. DATE DUE _— .— -— ^ m^0^ % Ikk: i . - 6- ri'oi "7-0'7- h V GAYLORO PRINTED IN U S A.